TESTAMENT TIMES***


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THE LITERATURE AND HISTORY OF NEW TESTAMENT TIMES


PART I:

The Historical Background of
Christianity

The Early History of
Christianity

by

JOHN GRESHAM MACHEN







Philadelphia, Pa.
The Presbyterian Board Of Publication and Sabbath School Work




CONTENTS


                                                          PAGE

  Introduction                                               3

  LESSON

   1. The New Testament                                      5

   2. The Roman Background of Christianity                  10

   3. The Greek Background of Christianity                  15

   4. The Jewish Background of Christianity:
            I. Palestinian Judaism                          21

   5. The Jewish Background of Christianity:
            II. The Judaism of the Dispersion               26

   6. The Messiah                                           31

   7. The Book of The Acts                                  36

   8. The Cross and the Resurrection the Foundation of
            Apostolic Preaching                             41

   9. The Beginnings of the Christian Church                46

  10. The First Persecution                                 51

  11. The First Gentile Converts                            56

  12. The Conversion of Paul                                60

  13. The Church at Antioch                                 67

  14. The Gospel to the Gentiles                            75

  15. The Council at Jerusalem                              81

  16. The Gospel Carried Into Europe                        86

  17. Encouragement for Recent Converts                     92

  18. The Conflict with the Judaizers                       97

  19. Problems of a Gentile Church                         103

  20. The Apostle and His Ministry                         109

  21. The Gospel of Salvation                              115

  22. Paul's Journey to Rome                               120

  23. The Supremacy of Christ                              124

  24. The Church of Christ                                 129

  25. Christ and His Followers                             133

  26. Training New Leaders                                 138

  27. A Presentation of Jesus to Jewish Christians         147

  28. A Graphic Sketch of the Life of Jesus                154

  29. A Greek Historian's Account of Jesus                 158

  30. The Testimony of the Beloved Disciple                165

  31. The Jesus of the Gospels                             174

  32. A Document of the Jerusalem Church                   178

  33. Jesus the Fulfillment of the Old Testament           184

  34. Christian Fortitude                                  189

  35. The Christian's Attitude Toward Error and Immorality 194

  36. The Life of the Children of God                      198

  37. The Messages of the Living Christ                    203

  38. A Vision of the Final Triumph                        209

  39. Review                                               213

  40. The Church and the World                             219

  41. The Christian Message                                225

  42. The Word and the Sacraments                          231

  43. Prayer                                               238

  44. The Congregation                                     244

  45. The Relief of the Needy                              249

  46. Organizing for Service                               255

  47. A Mission for the World                              261

  48. The Christian Ideal of Personal Morality             266

  49. Christianity and Human Relationships                 271

  50. The Christian Use of the Intellect                   277

  51. The Christian Hope and the Present Possession        282

  52. Retrospect: the First Christian Century              287


            Copyright, 1915, by John Gresham Machen




INTRODUCTION


The general purpose of this course of lessons has been set forth in
the introduction to the Student's Text Book. There is a tendency
in the modern Church to neglect the study of Bible history. Such
neglect will inevitably result in a loss of power. The gospel is a
record of something that has happened, and uncertainty about the
gospel is fatal weakness. Furthermore the historical study of the
apostolic age--that age when divine revelation established the
great principles of the Church's life--is the best corrective for
a thousand vagaries. Much can be learned from modern pedagogy; but
after all what is absolutely fundamental, both for teacher and for
student, is an orderly acquaintance with the Bible facts.

The Teacher's Manual, therefore, is intended not merely to offer
suggestions as to methods of teaching, but primarily to supplement
the teacher's knowledge. A teacher who knows only what he actually
imparts to the class is inevitably dull. The true teacher brings
forth out of his treasure things new and old.

The sections in the Teacher's Manual, since they are intended to
be supplementary, should not be read until after careful attention
has been paid to the corresponding sections in the Student's Text
Book. Moreover, both sections together are of course in themselves
insufficient. They should be supplemented by other reading.
Suggestions about reading have been put at the end of every lesson.
Here, however, a few general remarks may be made.

Davis' "Dictionary of the Bible" and Purves' "Christianity in the
Apostolic Age," which have been recommended even to the student,
will be to the teacher almost invaluable. The earnest teacher
will also desire to refer to good commentaries on The Acts. The
commentaries which have been mentioned in connection with the
individual lessons are based upon the English Bible; but every
teacher who has any knowledge of Greek, however slight, should use,
instead, the commentary of Knowling, in "The Expositor's Greek
Testament." For the life of Paul, Lewin's "Life and Epistles of St.
Paul" and the similar book of Conybeare and Howson are still very
valuable for their vivid and extended descriptions of the scenes of
the missionary journeys. A similar service is rendered, in more
up-to-date form, by the various works of Ramsay. Stalker's "Life of
St. Paul" is a good handbook. M'Clymont's "New Testament and Its
Writers" contains instructive, though very brief, introductions
to all of the New Testament books. Hastings' "Dictionary of the
Bible" and "Dictionary of Christ and the Gospels" number among
their contributors many writers of many opinions. They are rich in
references to the vast literature of modern Biblical discussion.

The writer of this course has derived information from many
quarters. Definite acknowledgment of indebtedness, since no
originality is claimed, may be regarded as unnecessary. It is a
pleasure, however, to render special thanks to Rev. Professor
William Park Armstrong, D. D., of Princeton Theological Seminary,
whose wise counsel has been of incalculable assistance at many
points.

The actual presentation of the lessons will, of course, vary
according to the needs of the classes and the preferences of the
teachers. The Student's Text Book may often provide a convenient
order of presentation. That book is intended not merely to be read,
but also to be studied. It is to be regarded as a sort of outline of
the course.

The "topics for study" are intended to serve a double purpose. In
the first place, they will test the student's knowledge of the
lesson material; in the second place, they will afford encouragement
to special investigation. Individual topics may often be assigned
for thorough treatment to individual students, while the class as a
whole may use all the topics as guides to a general knowledge.

Personal interest in the individual students is of the utmost
importance. Instruction has a tenfold value when it is backed by
friendship. The relation of the students to the Church should
be a matter of especial concern. If any member of the class has
not confessed his faith in Christ, the study of this year offers
abundant opportunity for a word in season. Our study reveals the
Church as a divine institution. Shall we then stand aloof?

In this course the teacher has the opportunity of introducing
young people of maturing minds to the historical study of the New
Testament. There could be no more inspiring task. Carried about with
every wind of doctrine, the Church is sadly in need of an assured
anchorage. That anchorage should be sought in history. Ignorance is
weak; sound knowledge, sought with prayer, and blessed by the Spirit
of God, will lead to a more stalwart and more intelligent faith.




LESSON I

THE NEW TESTAMENT


This is an introductory lesson. It should be used, first of all, to
answer intelligent general questions about the New Testament. Some
of these questions will be discussed briefly under Sections 1 to 3,
below.

The historical study of the New Testament, based upon a study of
the circumstances under which the individual books were written,
will probably be new to many of the students. The new point of view
should be used to awaken interest. The climax of the lesson should,
however, be a presentation of the unity of the New Testament as the
very Word of God to us. Historical study should be made--and can be
made--subservient to reverent and thankful obedience.


1. THE ORIGIN AND MEANING OF THE NAME

The English word "testament" comes from a Latin word. The equivalent
Greek word is hard to translate. As used in the Greek Bible it may
mean either "covenant" or "testament." Usually it should probably be
translated "covenant."

The phrase "new covenant" occurs about five times in the New
Testament. In none of these passages does the phrase refer to the
"New Testament" in our sense. It designates a new relationship into
which men have been received with God. The old covenant was made,
through the mediatorship of Moses, with the Hebrew nation; the new
covenant, hinted at in prophecy, Jer. 31:31, and instituted by the
Lord Jesus, I Cor. 11:25, was made with all those, of every tribe
and tongue and people and nation, who should through faith accept
the salvation offered by Christ. Those who believe become, like
Israel of old, God's chosen people, and enter into the warmth and
joy of the divine communion. The names "old and new covenants,"
then, were applied first to these two special relationships into
which God entered with men. Afterwards the names were applied to the
books in which the conditions of those relationships were set forth.
Perhaps it would have been better if we had started to say "New
Covenant" where we now say "New Testament." At any rate the idea
alluded to in the name is the inspiring idea, realized in Christ,
of an alliance with God. The New Testament is the divine treaty by
the terms of which God has received us rebels and enemies into peace
with himself.


2. ONE BOOK, OR A COLLECTION OF BOOKS?

In the first place, the New Testament may be treated in every
respect as a single book. That course is adopted by many of the most
devoted lovers of the Bible. By them the Bible is treated simply
as a textbook of religion. Passages are quoted indiscriminately
from all parts of it, without much regard to the context. The wide
differences of form and of spirit among the various books are
ignored. The historical implications of the books are of course
accepted as true, but practically they are left quite unassimilated.

Now let us be quite plain about one thing. The men who use the Bible
in this way are right in the main point. They treat the Bible as the
guide of life for time and for eternity. And if by the use of the
Bible we can come into communion with God, we can afford to miss a
good many other things. Nevertheless, the Bible is as a matter of
fact not a mere textbook of religion, and if we treat it as such we
miss much of its richness. If the Bible were merely a systematic
treatise, it would be far easier to interpret. The interpreter
would be spared a great deal of trouble, but the burden would be
heaped upon the preacher. As it is, the Bible is itself a preacher,
because it is in such close contact with the actual experience of
men of flesh and blood. Its general teachings are given us in large
measure only through the medium of history, through the medium
of example. In order to arrive at the general truths, therefore,
intellectual labor is often necessary. God has made things harder
for the intellect that he may strike home the more surely to the
heart. If Paul had written a systematic theology, the New Testament
way of salvation might in some ways have been plainer than it is.
It would have been plain to the intellect, but it would have needed
interpretation to the heart. Conviction can be wrought only by
the immediate impact of personal life. The theology of Paul, of
itself, might be a dead thing; the religious experience of Paul,
interwoven with his theology, and bared before us in the epistles,
is irresistible.

In the second place, the historical form of the Bible may be
considered at the expense of its spiritual content. The Bible may
be treated simply as a storybook. Such a method of treatment is
exceedingly common to-day. "The Bible as literature" is its slogan.
This treatment has simply missed the main point altogether. It
is incomparably inferior to that treatment which takes the Bible
as a mere textbook of religion. The Bible as an addition to the
world's history or the world's literature has, indeed, considerable
educational value. But it does not give eternal life.

A third method is possible, and that third method is right. The
historical and literary form of the Bible is recognized to the full.
But it is regarded not as an end in itself, but as a means to an
end. Historical study is necessary not only to establish to the
modern man the saving facts of the gospel, but also to do justice
to the dramatic narrative form in which God has revealed to us his
eternal will.

It is nearer the truth, then, to say that the New Testament is
a single book than to say that it is a collection of books. Its
parts differ widely among themselves, in authorship, in date, in
circumstances, in aim. Those differences must be studied carefully,
if the full meaning is to be obtained. But widely as the New
Testament writings differ among themselves, they differ yet far more
widely from all other books. They presented themselves originally to
the Church with a divine authority, which is foreign to the ordinary
writings of men. That authority has been confirmed through the
Christian centuries. Those who have submitted their lives to the New
Testament have never been confounded. The New Testament has been to
them the voice of God.


3. THE FOUR DIVISIONS OF THE NEW TESTAMENT

(1) THE GOSPELS.--Christianity is based upon historical facts.
Attempts, it is true, are often made to separate it from history.
But they are bound to result in failure. Give up history, and
you can retain some things. But you can never retain a gospel.
For "gospel" means "good news," and "good news" means tidings,
information derived from the witness of others. In other words, it
means history. The question whether religion can be independent of
history is really just the old question whether we need a gospel.
The gospel is news that something has happened--something that
puts a different face upon life. What that something is is told
us in Matthew, Mark, Luke and John. It is the life and death and
resurrection of Jesus Christ.

(2) THE BOOK OF THE ACTS.--The Book of The Acts is a history of the
extension of Christianity from Jerusalem out into the Gentile world.
It represents that extension as guided by the Spirit of God, and
thus exhibits the divine warrant for the acceptance of us Gentiles,
and for the development of the Christian Church. It provides the
outline of apostolic history without which we could not understand
the other New Testament books, especially the epistles of Paul. It
illustrates to the full what has been said above about the value of
the historical form in which the Bible teaching is presented. By
reading this vivid narrative we obtain an impression of the power of
the Holy Spirit which no systematic treatise could give.

(3) THE EPISTLES.--The Epistles of the New Testament are not just
literature put in an epistolary form, but real letters. It is true
that the addresses of some of them are very broad, for example,
those of James and of I Peter; and that some of them contain no
specific address at all, for example, Hebrews and I John. But the
great majority of them, at least, were written under very special
circumstances and intended to be read first by very definite people.

The chief letter-writer of the New Testament was the apostle Paul.
To a certain extent he used the forms of letter-writing of his time,
just as everyone to-day begins a letter with "Dear Sir." Within the
last twenty years a great number of Greek private letters, dating
from about the time of Paul, have been discovered in Egypt, where
they have been preserved by the dry climate. It is interesting to
compare them with the letters of Paul. There are some striking
similarities in language; for both these letter-writers and Paul
used the natural language of daily life rather than the extremely
artificial language of the literature of that period. To a certain
extent, also, Paul used the same epistolary forms. The differences,
however, are even more instructive than the resemblances. It is
true, the Pauline epistles are not literary treatises, but real
letters. But on the other hand they are not ordinary private letters
intended to be read and thrown away, like the letters that have
been discovered in Egypt. Most of them were intended to be read
originally in churches. It is natural, then, that they should have
been written in a loftier style than is to be found in mere business
communications and the like. And if Paul uses the epistolary forms
of his time he uses them in an entirely new way. Even the mere
openings of the epistles are made the vehicle of Christian truth.
"Grace to you and peace from God our Father and the Lord Jesus
Christ"--there is nothing like that in contemporary letter-writing.
The openings of the Pauline epistles form an interesting study.
They are varied with wonderful skill to suit the varied character
and subject matter of the letters that follow. Paul is never merely
formal.

The letters of Paul differ widely among themselves. The Epistle
to the Romans is almost a systematic exposition of the plan of
salvation. Philemon is concerned with a little personal matter
between Paul and one of his converts. But even where Paul is most
theological he is personal, and even where he is most personal, he
is faithful to his theology. Theology in him is never separate from
experience, and experience never separate from theology. Even petty
problems he settles always in the light of eternal principles. Hence
his letters, though the specific circumstances that gave rise to
them are past and gone, will never be antiquated.

(4) THE APOCALYPSE.--The Christian life is a life of hope. Inwardly
we are free, but our freedom is not yet fully realized. We are in
danger of losing our hope in the trials or in the mere humdrum of
life. To keep it alive, the Apocalypse opens a glorious vision of
the future. The vision is presented in symbolical language. It is
not intended to help in any calculation of the times and seasons.
But it shows us the Lamb upon the throne--and that is enough.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": articles on
"Bible," "Canon of the New Testament," "Covenant," "New Testament,"
and "Testament."




LESSON II

THE ROMAN BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY


Christianity is not a human product. It is not to be explained by
what preceded it on the earth. It is a new beginning in history, an
immediate exercise of the divine power.

But though Christianity was not produced by men, it operates upon
men, and upon men subject to all the ordinary conditions of earthly
life. Primitive Christianity, then, which we shall study this year,
cannot be understood fully without an examination of the historical
conditions under which it arose.

In the class, the lesson should probably be approached through
the New Testament examples of the general principles which are
outlined in the lesson helps. Examples will be found in the passages
assigned in the Student's Text Book, and others should be sought for
elsewhere.


1. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE EMPIRE

By the middle of the first century before Christ the power of the
Roman republic extended around the Mediterranean Sea. Victories
abroad, however, were accompanied by serious troubles at home. The
increase of wealth and the importation of slave labor had produced
unfortunate social conditions. The realm had become too large
to be administered adequately by the old republican government.
Individuals sometimes obtained practical control of affairs, and
the state was torn by civil wars. Finally, in 49 B. C., Julius
Caesar entered Rome at the head of an army, and Roman liberty was at
an end. After the assassination of Caesar in 44 B. C., there was a
succession of civil wars, and then, by the victory of Actium in 31
B. C., Octavius, who later assumed the name of Augustus, became sole
ruler. Augustus died in A. D. 14.

Subsequent emperors during the first century were: Tiberius (A. D.
14-37), Caligula (A. D. 37-41), Claudius (A. D. 41-54), Nero (A.
D. 54-68), Galba, Otho and Vitellius (A. D. 69), Vespasian (A. D.
69-79), Titus (A. D. 79-81), Domitian (A. D. 81-96), Nerva (A. D.
96-98), Trajan (A. D. 98-117).


2. ROMAN ADMINISTRATION UNDER THE EMPIRE

The general advantages of the Roman imperial government have been
considered in the Student's Text Book. It will here be advisable
to consider one or two features a little more in detail. Much of
what follows can be illustrated from the New Testament; for the
acquaintance of New Testament writers, especially of Luke, with
Roman administration is not only accurate but also minute. The
students should be encouraged to seek New Testament illustrations
for themselves.

(1) THE PROVINCES.--The provinces of the empire are to be
distinguished from the territories of subject kings or princes.
The latter were quite subservient to Rome, but were given more
independence of administration. A good example of such a subject
king, theoretically an ally, but in reality a vassal, was Herod the
Great, who ruled over all Palestine till 4 B. C.

The provinces themselves were divided into two great
classes--imperial provinces and senatorial provinces.

The imperial provinces were under the immediate control of the
emperor. They were governed by "legates," who had no regular term of
office, but served at the emperor's pleasure. The imperial provinces
were those in which, on account of unsettled conditions, or for the
defense of the empire, large bodies of troops had to be maintained.
Thus, by keeping the appointment of the legates exclusively in
his own hands, the emperor retained the direct control of the
all-important power of the army. A good example of an imperial
province is the great province of Syria, with capital at Antioch.
Palestine was more or less under the supervision of the Syrian
legate.

Districts different from the great imperial provinces, but, like
them, under the immediate control of the emperor, were governed by
"procurators." Judea, from A. D. 6 to A. D. 41, and from A. D. 44
on, is an example.

The senatorial provinces were governed by "proconsuls," chosen by
lot from among the members of the Senate. The proconsuls served for
only one year. Even over these provinces and their governors the
emperor retained the fullest supervisory authority. The senatorial
provinces composed the central and more settled portions of the
empire, where large standing armies would not be needed. Examples
are Achaia, with capital at Corinth, and Cyprus with capital at
Paphos. Proconsuls of both of these provinces are mentioned in the
New Testament by name.

(2) LOCAL GOVERNMENT.--The Romans did not attempt to introduce
perfect uniformity throughout the empire. The original Greek unit of
political life was the city, and Greek cities were scattered over
the east before the Roman conquest. With regard to local affairs,
many of the cities retained a certain amount of independence. It
is interesting to observe the local peculiarities of the cities
described in The Acts.

In addition to the Greek cities, many of which were more or less
"free" in local affairs, many "Roman colonies" had been established
here and there throughout the empire. The original colonists were
often veterans of the Roman armies. Of course the populations soon
came to be mixed, but Roman traditions were cultivated in the
colonies more than elsewhere. A number of the cities of The Acts
were colonies, and one, Philippi, is expressly declared to be such.
Acts 16:12. In that city the Roman character of the magistrates
appears clearly from the Lucan narrative. There were "praetors" and
"lictors."

(3) ROMAN CITIZENSHIP.--Before New Testament times Roman citizenship
had been extended to all Italy. Italy, therefore, was not a province
or group of provinces, but was regarded as a part of Rome. Outside
of Italy Roman citizenship was a valuable special privilege. It
raised a man above the mass of the provincial population. Some of
the advantages of it appear clearly in the New Testament narrative.
Because Paul was a Roman citizen he was legally exempt from the most
degrading forms of punishment, and had a right to appeal to the
court of the emperor. Roman citizenship was sometimes acquired by
money, but Paul inherited it from his father.


3. ROMAN RELIGION

Under the empire, Rome was possessed of a state religion. The
ancient gods of the republic were retained. There were great
divinities like Jupiter and Mars, and there were numberless private
divinities of individual households. The ancient religion had,
indeed, undergone modifications. New divinities in plenty had been
received. But the reception of the new did not involve abolition
of the old. On the contrary, the gods of other peoples could be
accepted just because they were regarded as nothing but the Roman
gods under different names. Thus, long before the Christian era,
there had been a thoroughgoing identification of the gods of Greece
with the gods of Rome. The Greek Zeus, for example, was identified
with the Roman Jupiter; the Greek Ares with the Roman Mars. The gods
of countries other than Greece were also received, though, as far as
the city of Rome was concerned, with some conservatism.

In the Roman world, religion was a national affair. Worship of the
national gods was not only piety, but also patriotism. Patriotism
and religion were inseparably connected. Support of the gods of
Rome, even where personal faith in them had been undermined, was
considered to be the duty of every loyal citizen.

The political aspect of Roman religion appears most clearly in the
worship of the Roman emperors. This remarkable development appears
from the beginning of the empire. Augustus, indeed, refused to
receive divine honors, at least in the west. But in the east even he
was worshiped, and as time went on the reluctance of the emperors
disappeared. Some of the worst of the emperors were most insistent
upon their own divinity.

Perhaps the first impulse of the modern man is to regard the Caesar
cult simply as a particularly despicable form of flattery. In
reality it was more than that. It was not established by imperial
edict. It was not dictated primarily by servile fear. The Greek
inhabitants of the empire really regarded Augustus as their saviour.
And so he was, as far as any man could be. He saved them from the
miseries of civil war, and from the rapacity of the degenerate
republic; he gave them peace and happiness. And they responded by
regarding him as a god.

To them it was natural. To them it was nothing new. Alexander the
Great had been regarded as a god long before the Christian era. His
successors in Syria and in Egypt had also received divine honors.
To the genuine Romans, the thing did not come so easy. The Caesar
cult, at least at first, was not developed in the west. But even the
Romans could worship the emperor's "genius" or spirit, and from that
to the actual worship of the emperor was but a step. Essential to
the whole process of deification, both in Rome and in the east, was
the close connection in ancient thinking between deity and humanity,
and between religion and the state. If patriotism is religion, then
the king is a god.

The Caesar cult was the most palpable incorporation of the state
religion. Worship of the emperor, therefore, might well be the
test of loyalty to Rome. It could be practiced by skeptics and
philosophers. It could be practiced by the devotees of all
religions--save two. Jews and Christians alone could not bow at the
emperor's shrine, for their God was a God who could brook no rival.
He was not merely the greatest among many. He was the only Lord,
Maker of heaven and earth.


4. THE ROMAN EMPIRE AND SUBSEQUENT HISTORY

Between Christianity and the Roman state, with its official
religion, a life-and-death struggle was inevitable. But in the
providence of God it was delayed. The empire was used not to crush
Christianity but to open the world before it.

But was the empire really identical with the world? It seemed so
to the Romans and to the Greeks. To them the empire was the world.
And they were right. Not, of course, in a literal sense. In the
first century after Christ, vast civilizations--for example the
civilization of China--were already in existence. There were great
peoples of whom the Romans had never heard. But Roman arrogance
has at last been vindicated. For Rome was in reality the key to
subsequent history. Rome was the parent of Europe, and Europe
is moving the world. Even China is at last being opened to the
civilization of Rome. The Romans were right. He who could master
Rome would be master, one day, of the world.

It has been a long process. But God's plans are sure. Christianity
appeared at the one time when the world was open before it. By the
power of the divine Spirit it conquered the empire. The empire
dominated its barbarian conquerors. The barbarians are the parents
of modern civilization. Modern civilization is invading the earth's
remotest bounds. China, at last, is within our ken. Realms long
closed have at last been opened. Another great opportunity! An
opportunity for greed and selfishness! An opportunity for a dismal
skepticism! And an opportunity for the Church of God!

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible": Adeney,
article on "Caesar"; Gwatkin, articles on "Roman Empire," and "Rome."
Hastings, "Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics": Iverach, article
on "Caesarism." Westcott, "The Two Empires," in "The Epistles of St.
John," pp. 250-282. Ramsay, "The Cities of St. Paul," pp. 48-81.




LESSON III

THE GREEK BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY


The purpose of the present lesson is to make the student feel that
the gospel was from the beginning a real gospel in a real world. If
we isolate the early preaching from its environment, we make it seem
like an unreal thing. Study of New Testament times makes the New
Testament itself become a more living, a more interesting book.

In the Student's Text Book an outline of the Hellenistic age has
been provided. It has been supplemented below by illustrative
material. But in the class the lesson can probably be best
approached from the side of the New Testament itself. In what
languages is the Bible written? How did the New Testament come to
be written in Greek? What other languages are mentioned in the New
Testament? What light do these passages shed upon the linguistic
conditions of the time? What is the attitude of the apostles toward
Greek thought? Is that attitude altogether unfavorable, or did the
early missionaries ever lay hold upon the higher aspirations of
their Gentile hearers (Athens)? Where did the missionaries come into
contact with heathen superstition? (Several fine examples in The
Acts). What was the moral condition of the Greco-Roman world? How
was the Hellenistic age like our own? Why did God send our Lord just
in the first century? What was the social condition of the early
Christians? Do you think that was an advantage or a disadvantage?
What men of higher position are mentioned in the New Testament?
Questions like these will serve to relate the general expositions
in the lesson helps to the New Testament itself. The lesson helps
are intended to provide merely the presuppositions necessary for
intelligent study. God working for real men in a real world--that is
the subject of the lesson.


1. THE HELLENISTIC AGE

The Greek world culture which prevailed after the conquest of
Alexander was widely different from the Greek life of the classical
period. The earlier period is called the "Hellenic" period, the
later period is designated as "Hellenistic." When Greek thought
made itself master of the world, it became mingled with numberless
foreign elements. The mixture appears most clearly, perhaps, in
the sphere of religion. Polytheism was capable of indefinite
expansion. New gods could easily be identified with the old, or else
be received along with them without a conflict. The religion of
the Greco-Roman world is therefore different from that of ancient
Greece. It is a curious mixture of the most diverse beliefs.
Nevertheless, the whole deserves to be called Hellenistic, because
even the most strikingly non-Grecian elements were usually subjected
more or less to the subtle molding of the Greek spirit.

The Hellenistic age used to be despised, but among modern scholars
it is coming into its own. Its literary products are admittedly
inferior to the glories of the earlier age, but even in literature
its achievements are not to be despised, and in other spheres it is
supreme. Notably in mathematics and in natural science it was the
golden age. Euclid, the geometrician, lived three centuries before
Christ.

The learning of the Hellenistic age was centered in Alexandria in
Egypt, a city which had been founded by Alexander the Great. Athens
had, perhaps, ceased to possess the primacy. That fact is typical
of the time. Greek culture had ceased to belong to Greece in the
narrower sense. It had become a possession of the world. The great
library of Alexandria was a sign of the times. The Hellenistic age
was an age of widespread learning.

When Rome became master of the eastern world, conditions were not
fundamentally changed. Rome merely hastened a process that was
already at work. Already the nations had been brought together by
the spread of Greek culture; Roman law merely added the additional
bond of political unity. The Roman legions were missionaries of an
all-pervading Hellenism.

The Greco-Roman world was astonishingly modern. It was modern in its
cosmopolitanism. In our own time the nations have again been brought
together. The external agencies for their welding are far more
perfect to-day than they were under the empire. Even the Roman roads
would be but a poor substitute for the railroad and the telegraph
and the steamship. But on the other hand we lack the bond of a
common language. In some ways the civilized world was even more of a
unit in the first century than it is to-day.

The cosmopolitanism of the Roman Empire was a God-given opportunity
for the Church. In a cosmopolitan age, if a man has something
to say, he will not lack for an audience. His message will be
understood in one place as well as in another. The lesson is obvious
for the Church of to-day. Again God has opened the world before us.
If we have a message, in God's name let us proclaim it while yet
there is time.


2. THE GREEK BIBLE

The Church originated in Palestine. The first missionaries were
native Jews. Yet even they had been affected by the cosmopolitanism
of the time. Even they could use Greek, in addition to their native
language. And Paul, the greatest of the missionaries, though a Jew,
was a citizen of a Greek city. The Church from the beginning was
able to speak to the larger world.

One difficulty might possibly have arisen. The Christian mission
was not carried on merely by the oral word. From the beginning
Christianity was a religion with a Book. And that Book was not
Greek. On the contrary it was intensely un-Grecian. The Old
Testament is intolerant of heathen ideas. It is deeply rooted in the
life of the chosen people. How could a Hebrew book be used in the
Greek world?

The difficulty might have been serious. But in the providence of
God it had been overcome. The Old Testament was a Hebrew book, but
before the Christian era it had been translated into Greek. From the
beginning Christianity was provided with a Greek Bible. It is always
difficult to make a new translation of the Bible. Every missionary
knows that. The introduction of a new translation takes time. It
was fortunate, then, that a Greek-speaking Church had a Greek Bible
ready to hand.

Everything was prepared for the gospel. God's time had come. Roman
rule had brought peace. Greek culture had produced unity of speech.
There was a Greek world, there were Greek-speaking missionaries, and
there was a Greek Bible. In the first century, the salvation that
was of the Jews could become a salvation for the whole world.


3. THE PAPYRI

The world in which the gospel was proclaimed is deserving of careful
study. How shall it be investigated?

The most obvious way is to study the literature of the period.
Until recent years that was almost the only way. But that method
is partial at best. For literature is after all but an imperfect
measure of any age. The society that is found in books is an
idealized society, or at any rate it is the society of the great.
The plain man is unrecorded. His deeds are not deemed worthy of a
place in history.

Within the last thirty years, however, the plain people of the
ancient world have come remarkably into view. They are revealed to
us in the "non-literary papyri."

"Papyri" are pieces of papyrus. Papyrus was the common writing
material of antiquity up to about A. D. 300, when vellum, or
parchment, came into general use. Unfortunately papyrus, which was
made from the pith of the papyrus plant, is not a very durable
substance, so that ancient papyri have been preserved until
modern times only under exceptionally favorable conditions. These
conditions are found in Egypt, where the dry climate has kept the
papyrus from disintegration.

In Egypt, within the last thirty years, have been discovered large
numbers of papyrus sheets with Greek writing. Of these the "literary
papyri" contain simply parts of books. They differ from other copies
of the works in question only in that they are usually older than
the vellum manuscripts. The "non-literary papyri," on the other
hand, are unique. They are private documents of all sorts--receipts,
petitions, wills, contracts, census returns, and most interesting
of all, private letters. It was usually not intended that these
documents should be preserved. They were simply thrown away upon
rubbish heaps or used as wrappings of mummies. They have been
preserved only by chance.

The non-literary papyri are important first of all in the study
of language. They exhibit the language of everyday life, as
distinguished from the language of literature. The language of
literature always differs more or less from the language used on
the street, and the difference was particularly wide in the Greek
of the Hellenistic period. The books of the time were modeled to a
considerable extent upon the ancient classics, but the actual spoken
language had been changing. Hence the literary language had become
exceedingly artificial.

Up to within the last few years, the literary language alone could
be studied. The books of the period were preserved, but the language
of daily life was gone. Now, however, the papyri supply what was
lacking. In them there is no attempt at style. They are composed in
the language which was employed in the ordinary affairs of life and
preserve the actual spoken language of every day.

At this point a remarkable fact must be noticed. The language of
the New Testament is more like the language of the non-literary
papyri than it is like the language of contemporary literature.
The papyri indicate, therefore, that the New Testament is composed
in the natural living language of the time rather than according
to the canons of an artificial rhetoric. The artlessness of the
New Testament has sometimes been regarded as a reproach. Instead,
it is a cause for rejoicing. The simplicity of the gospel would
only be concealed by niceties of style. The greatness of the New
Testament is independent of literary art. It would be a mistake,
however, to suppose that the New Testament, because it is composed
in the language of the people, is characterized by anything like
cheapness or vulgarity. On the contrary its simplicity is the noble
simplicity of truth. In the New Testament the spoken language of the
Greco-Roman world, in all its living freshness, becomes a worthy
vehicle for the sublimest thoughts.

The non-literary papyri, then, reproduce for us the spoken language
of the time as distinguished from the artificial language of
literature. But that does not exhaust their importance. They afford
a knowledge not only of language, but also of life. Through them
ordinary people are revealed in the ordinary relations of every day.
In them, the ancient world has been made to live again.

A few examples (see the book of Professor Milligan mentioned at
the end of the lesson) will serve to indicate the character of the
papyrus letters.

The following boy's letter (of the second or the third century after
Christ) is written in very bad grammar, but is for that reason all
the more lifelike. (The translation is taken from Grenfell and Hunt,
"Oxyrhynchus Papyri," Part i., p. 186.)

"Theon to his father Theon, greeting. It was a fine thing of you
not to take me with you to the city! If you won't take me with you
to Alexandria I won't write you a letter or speak to you or say
good-by to you; and if you go to Alexandria I won't take your hand
nor ever greet you again. That is what will happen if you won't take
me. Mother said to Archalaus, 'It quite upsets him to be left behind
(?).' It was good of you to send me presents ... on the 12th, the
day you sailed. Send me a lyre, I implore you. If you don't, I won't
eat, I won't drink; there now!"

The following invitation to dinner, of the second century after
Christ, throws light upon I Corinthians (the translation taken from
Professor Milligan):

"Antonius, son of Ptolemaeus, invites you to dine with him at the
table of the lord Serapis in the house of Claudius Serapion on the
16th at 9 o'clock."

"The lord Serapis" is a god. Even an ordinary dinner party seems
thus to be regarded as the table of Serapis. Under such conditions
the Christian life must have been hard to lead. No wonder the
Corinthian Christians had to ask Paul questions. Even the ordinary
affairs of life were intimately connected with a false religion.
What should the attitude of the Christians be? Where should they
draw the line in associating with their heathen friends?


4. A REAL GOSPEL IN A REAL WORLD

The people that are introduced to us so intimately in the papyri
are probably very fair representatives of the people among whom the
gospel was first proclaimed. In that cosmopolitan age the society
of Egyptian towns was probably not so very different from that of
Corinth. The people of the papyri are not the great men of the time;
they are just plain folk. But the early Christians were also usually
not of exalted social position, though there were exceptions. "Not
many wise after the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble" were
called. I Cor. 1:26. Many of the early Christians were slaves, many
were humble tradesmen. The same classes appear in the papyri. In the
papyri we are introduced into the private lives of the men to whom
the gospel was proclaimed. Seeing, but unseen, hidden as by a magic
cap, we watch them in their most intimate affairs. And we come away
with a new feeling of the reality of early Christian history. These
men were not so very different from ourselves. They were real men
and women, living in a real world. And they needed a real gospel.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible," extra volume:
Ramsay, article on "Religion of Greece," pp. 109-156, especially
pp. 135-156. Milligan, "Selections from the Greek Papyri," (with
translations). Deissmann, "The Philology of the Greek Bible," pp.
1-63, 144-147. Ramsay, "The Cities of St. Paul," pp. 1-47. Browning,
"Cleon," (vol. iv, pp. 115-122 of the Riverside Edition.)




LESSON IV

THE JEWISH BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY

I. PALESTINIAN JUDAISM


1. SOURCES

The New Testament is one of the chief sources of information about
the Palestinian Judaism of the first century. Other important
sources are the works of Josephus, a first-century Jewish historian,
and the Mishna. The Mishna is a collection of Jewish interpretations
of the Mosaic law. In its written form it is thought to have been
produced at the end of the second century, but it contains a mass of
earlier material which had been preserved by oral tradition.


2. OUTLINE OF JEWISH HISTORY

After the conclusion of the Old Testament period the Jewish nation
had undergone important changes. If, therefore, the Judaism of the
first century is to be understood, the student must have in mind at
least a bare outline of the history between the Testaments.

Old Testament history closes with the rebuilding of the walls of
Jerusalem and the reorganization of the national life which took
place under Ezra and Nehemiah in the fifth century before Christ.
At that time Judah, or "Judea," was the only part of Palestine
which was occupied by the Jews, and they occupied it only as
vassals--though with independence in internal affairs--of the kings
of Persia.

The Persian dominion continued for over a century. Then, in the
latter part of the fourth century before Christ, Judea was conquered
by Alexander the Great. For some hundred years after the death of
Alexander, the country was a bone of contention between the kings of
Egypt and the kings of Syria--that is, between the Ptolemies and the
Seleucids. At the beginning of the second century before Christ the
king of Syria won a permanent victory.

Under the Ptolemies and at first under the Seleucids, as well
as under the Persians, the Jews enjoyed a considerable measure
of independence in the management of their own affairs. Their
religion, in particular, was left quite unmolested. But the
assimilation which was not being accomplished by force was being
accomplished by peaceful influences. The all-pervasive Greek culture
of the period was making itself felt in Palestine as well as
elsewhere. Judea seemed to be in danger of being Hellenized.

Under the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes of Syria (175-164 B. C.),
however, the policy of toleration was suddenly interrupted.
Antiochus tried to stamp out the Jewish religion by force. The
result was a heroic uprising led by Mattathias and his sons, who
are called the Maccabees. The tyranny of Antiochus had caused a
mighty popular reaction against the Hellenizing party among the
Jews. Devotion to the religion of Israel with exclusion of foreign
influences was ever afterwards the dominant tendency in Jewish
history.

The Maccabees were at first wonderfully successful against
overwhelming odds; and when the opposing forces seemed at last to
have become too powerful, internal conflicts at the Syrian court
gave the Jewish patriots that independence which they could probably
not otherwise have maintained. Rulers belonging to the Maccabean
dynasty governed the Jewish nation for about a hundred years, during
most of which period they were independent. Their territory at first
embraced only Judea, but was gradually enlarged over the other parts
of Palestine. Galilee, which--since the destruction of the northern
Israelitish kingdom centuries before--had become predominantly
Gentile, was Judaized under Aristobulus I in 104-103 B. C. Before
the time of Christ it had become thoroughly Jewish.

Unfortunately the worldly power of the Maccabees had brought
worldliness of spirit. The first revolt had been undertaken from a
lofty religious motive, in order to maintain the worship of Jehovah.
As the years went on, the Maccabean rulers became increasingly
engrossed in the extension of political power. Allying themselves
with the aristocratic party among the Jews, they came to favor the
extension of those Greek influences--though not in the sphere of
religion--which at first they had opposed. Under Queen Alexandra
(76-67 B. C.) it is true, there was a reaction. The strictly Jewish,
anti-Hellenistic party again became dominant. But under Alexandra's
successors there was civil strife, and the all-conquering Romans
found the country an easy prey. Pompey took possession of Jerusalem
in 63 B. C.

The years that followed saw the gradual rise of the family of
Herod the Great, who, as vassal of the Romans, became king of all
Palestine in 37 B. C. and ruled until 4 B. C. Herod was an Idumaean,
not a genuine Jew. Idumaea, however, the country to the south of
Judah, had been Judaized some time before. Herod was at heart a
Hellenist. He built Greek theaters and amphitheaters not only in the
numerous Greek cities in or near Palestine, but also in Jerusalem
itself. Nevertheless he was wise enough to support the Jewish
religion and generally to respect the customs of the people. His
magnificent rebuilding of the temple was probably intended chiefly
to win popular favor.

At Herod's death, his territory was divided among his sons.
Archelaus was given Judea, Antipas--the "Herod" of Jesus' public
ministry--received Galilee and Perea, with the title of "Tetrarch,"
and Philip received certain territories to the east of Galilee.
Archelaus was banished in A. D. 6, Antipas was banished in A. D.
39, and Philip died in A. D. 33. After the banishment of Archelaus,
Judea was administered by Roman procurators till A. D. 41, when all
Palestine was given to Herod Agrippa I. Acts 12:1-4,18-23. After A.
D. 44, procurators were again in control.

The misgovernment of the procurators led to the great revolt in A.
D. 66. After four years of war, Jerusalem was taken by the Roman
army in A. D. 70. The temple was destroyed, and the offering of
sacrifices ceased. The destruction of the temple marks an epoch in
Jewish history. Henceforth the national center was gone.

There was another uprising in A. D. 132-135, but that was the last.
A Gentile city was erected on the ruins of Jerusalem, and for a
considerable time at least the Jews were forbidden even to enter its
precincts.


3. ADMINISTRATION AND PARTIES

After the return from the Exile, the priests occupied a position
of leadership. The high priest, whose office was hereditary, was
practically head of the Jewish state. With him was associated a
council, composed of members of the priestly aristocracy. This state
of affairs prevailed during the Persian and Greek periods. Under the
Maccabees the power of the high priest reached its highest point.
For after a time the Maccabean rulers themselves assumed the title
of high priest, and still later the title of king. The high priest,
then, under the Maccabees, was also king. Under Herod the Great, on
the contrary, the high priesthood sank to its lowest ebb. Herod made
and unmade high priests at pleasure.

The council associated with the high priest was, under Alexandra,
opened to the members of the strict anti-Hellenistic party. At the
time of Christ it included both Pharisees and Sadducees.

These parties became distinct at the time of the Maccabees. The
Sadducees--the origin of the name is not altogether clear--were
the aristocratic party, hospitable to Greek culture. The Pharisees
were the strict Jewish party, devoted to the law, and opposed to
foreign influences. The name "Pharisee" means "separated." The
Pharisees were "separated" from the mass of the people by a stricter
observance of the Mosaic law. At first the Pharisees supported the
Maccabean leaders; for the Maccabean revolt was in the interests
of the Jewish religion. But when the Maccabees became engrossed in
worldly politics and susceptible to Greek influences the Pharisees
opposed them. At the time of Christ the essential characteristics of
the parties remained unchanged.


4. LANGUAGE

Some centuries before Christ, Hebrew had ceased to be the ordinary
language of Palestine. As the language of the Old Testament it
continued to be studied. Old Testament passages in Hebrew were
read in the synagogue. Hebrew was used also to some extent as the
language of learned discussion. But for all ordinary purposes its
place had been taken by Aramaic, a language of the Semitic family
closely related to Hebrew. At the time of Christ Aramaic was the
spoken language of the Palestinian Jews. Even in the synagogues,
the Old Testament passages, after having been read in Hebrew,
were translated orally into the language which the people could
understand.

But, since the time of Alexander the Great, another language had
made its way into Palestine along with Aramaic. This was the Greek.
The kingdoms into which Alexander's empire was divided were Greek
kingdoms. Two of them, Syria and Egypt, bore rule alternately over
Palestine. With the Greek government came Greek culture and the
Greek language. Then, under Antiochus Epiphanes, there was a mighty
reaction. Thereafter religion, at least, was kept altogether free
from Greek influences.

In other spheres, however, under the Maccabean kings and still more
under the Romans, Greek culture effected an entrance. At the time
of Christ there were typical Greek cities not only to the east of
the Jordan in Decapolis, where magnificent ruins even to-day attest
the ancient Greco-Roman civilization, and not only along the coast
of the Mediterranean, but even within the confines of Palestine
proper. With some truth Palestine in the first century may be called
a bilingual country. Greek and Aramaic were both in use.

Aramaic was the language of the mass of the people. Many, no doubt,
could speak no other language. But if a man desired to make his way
in the world in any public capacity or in trade he would be obliged
to learn the cosmopolitan language of the time. No doubt very many
could speak both languages.

Jesus and his apostles belonged to those circles which were least
affected by the encroachments of Greek civilization. The whole
atmosphere of the Gospels is as un-Greek as could be imagined. As is
proved by the presence of Aramaic words even in our Greek Gospels,
Aramaic was undoubtedly the language in which the gospel was
originally proclaimed. Aramaic was the language of Jesus' boyhood
home, and Aramaic was the language of his intercourse with the
disciples and of his public preaching.

It is perfectly possible, however, that even Jesus may have used
Greek upon rare occasions, for example in conversation with Pilate,
the Roman procurator. His disciples, after the resurrection,
found themselves at the head of a Greek-speaking community. The
early Church in Jerusalem was composed not only of "Hebrews," but
also of "Grecians," or Hellenists. Acts 6:1. The Hellenists were
Greek-speaking Jews of the dispersion who were sojourning more or
less permanently in the holy city. The apostles seem to have entered
upon their new functions without difficulty. Some knowledge of
Greek, no doubt, all of them brought with them from their Galilean
homes, and their knowledge would be increased through practice. It
is not surprising then that several of the original apostles and two
of the brothers of Jesus were the authors of Greek books of the New
Testament.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Riggs, "A History of the Jewish People," especially
pp. 105-116, 143-153, 215-231. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible":
articles on "Council," "Pharisees," "Sadducees," "Synagogue,"
"School," "Scribe," "Aramaic," and "Hebrew." The outline of Jewish
history and institutions which is provided in the lesson helps for
this lesson and the following is dependent especially upon the large
German work of Schuerer.




LESSON V

THE JEWISH BACKGROUND OF CHRISTIANITY

II. THE JUDAISM OF THE DISPERSION


The presentation of the lesson in class may be begun somewhat in
the manner suggested in the Student's Text Book. The student should
be made to appreciate the practical problem of a missionary in a
new city. Various solutions of the problem may be adopted. The
missionary may simply engage in conversation with individuals in the
street, or he may hire a room and advertise his preaching. In any
case the securing of an audience is usually no easy matter. It is
difficult to know how to begin.

The case might naturally have been the same with Paul and his
companions when, for example, after the journey up from Perga they
arrived at Pisidian Antioch. Complete strangers were perhaps not
much better received in those days than they are now. How could
the missionaries get a hearing for their message? In some cases,
they might simply take their stand in the market place and talk
to the passers-by. Paul tried that method in Athens. It might do
when nothing better offered. But fortunately there was usually a
far better opportunity. The synagogue offered an audience. What is
more, it offered just exactly the most promising audience that could
possibly have been secured.

The scene in the synagogue at Pisidian Antioch is typical of what
happened again and again. The student should be made to appreciate
the remarkable liberality and informality of the synagogue customs.
There seem to have been no set preachers. Any Jew who really had a
message could be heard. He needed only to go in and sit down. Acts
13:14. Paul and Barnabas had no difficulty in making their fitness
known. "Brethren," said the rulers of the synagogue, "if ye have any
word of exhortation for the people, say on." Acts 13:15. They had a
word of exhortation indeed. "Jesus is the Messiah for whom you are
waiting. He has died for your sins. He has risen from the dead, and
is now alive to save you." It was a powerful word, and it bore fruit.

The native Jews, it is true, soon came out in opposition. The
reasons for their opposition are not far to seek. Jealousy was an
important factor. Christianity was evidently too radical a thing
to be simply a sect of Judaism. If allowed to continue, it would
destroy the prerogatives of Israel. It could not be controlled. Its
success was too great. On that next Sabbath in Pisidian Antioch,
"almost the whole city was gathered together to hear the word of
God." The Jewish mission had never had a success like that. "When
the Jews saw the multitudes, they were filled with jealousy."
Christianity had taken away the heritage of Israel.

In one way the Jewish opposition displayed genuine insight into the
situation. Christianity was really destined to be a fatal rival to
the older Judaism. What took place on a small scale at Antioch was
repeated on the larger stage of history. When the Christian mission
began, Judaism was a successful missionary religion. Soon afterwards
it had withdrawn hopelessly into its age-long isolation. Various
causes contributed to this result. The destruction of the national
life in Palestine and the increasing influence of the strict
rabbinical schools both had an important part. But at least one
factor in the process was the competition of the Christian Church.
Christianity offered the world everything that Judaism could offer,
and more. It offered the knowledge of the one God, and the lofty
morality, and the authoritative Book. In addition, it offered a way
of redemption--and the men of that time were preeminently seekers
after redemption--through the sacrifice of Christ. It offered all
these things, moreover, without requiring any relinquishment of
purely national characteristics. Christianity did not demand union
with any one race. It had a gospel for the world.

No wonder, then, that those who had been attracted by Judaism now
became adherents of Christianity. The Jews were filled with envy.
It was natural from their point of view, but it was a sad mistake.
Had they themselves accepted the gospel, the gospel would have been
to their glory. How glorious was the mission of Israel! A blessing
to the whole world! Far better than any narrow particularism! But
they were not willing to accept the message. Nevertheless, despite
their opposition, the Church should not forget the debt which she
owes to Israel. The dispersion was like the Judaism of Palestine.
In both cases the men themselves were opposed to the gospel. But in
both cases they had preserved the deposit of divine truth. Judaism,
despite itself, opened the way for the Christian Church.

One service which the dispersion rendered to Christianity has been
illustrated by the scene at Pisidian Antioch. That service was the
providing of an audience. Another service was the assurance of
legal protection. This may be illustrated by another incident in
The Acts--the appeal to Gallio. Acts 18:12-17. There the opposition
of the Jews appears in all its bitterness. No doubt that opposition
was a serious hindrance to the work of the Church. Just because
Christianity was regarded as a Jewish sect, the Christians were
subject to persecution by the Jewish authorities. But persecutions
by the Jews, annoying though they were, were far less serious than
opposition on the part of the Roman authorities. And the latter was,
at first, conspicuously absent. Gallio's decision is a fair example
of the general attitude of the Roman magistrates. Christianity, as
a Jewish sect, was allowed to go its way. Judaism, despite itself,
afforded the Church legal protection.

Beginning with these two striking scenes, the teacher may proceed to
the more general presentation of the lesson. In what follows, the
outline of the Student's Text Book will be supplemented at one or
two points.


1. THE CAUSES AND EXTENT OF THE DISPERSION

Deportations of Jews to foreign countries took place at various
times. The most famous of those deportations was carried out by
Nebuchadnezzar after his conquest of Judah, about 600 B. C. Many
of Nebuchadnezzar's captives did not join in the return under the
Persian monarchy, but remained permanently in the east and formed
the nucleus of the large Jewish population of Mesopotamia. When
Pompey conquered Palestine in the first century before Christ, he
carried many Jews as slaves to Rome. Afterwards they were liberated,
and formed a large Jewish colony at the capital of the empire. These
are merely examples. Part of the dispersion was due to forcible
exile.

Other causes have been mentioned in the Student's Text Book. It
is a question, however, whether all of these causes combined
are sufficient to account for the extraordinary growth of the
dispersion. Schuerer believes that the vastness of the Jewish
population presupposes the merging of large bodies of proselytes
into the Jewish people. He also believes, however, that these
thoroughgoing conversions were less numerous in New Testament times
than they had been before.

Harnack calculates that at the time of the death of Augustus there
were from four million to four and a half million Jews in the Roman
Empire, including about seven hundred thousand in Palestine, and
that, if that estimate be correct, then the Jews formed perhaps
some seven per cent of the total population. Of course, Harnack is
himself the first to admit that such calculations are exceedingly
uncertain. But so much at least is clear--the Jews in the first
century were surprisingly numerous.


2. THE SEPTUAGINT TRANSLATION AND THE LANGUAGE OF THE NEW TESTAMENT

The name "Septuagint," derived from the Latin word for "seventy,"
has been applied to the Alexandrian translation of the Old Testament
in reference to an ancient story about its origin. According to
this story, the translation was made by seventy-two men summoned
from Jerusalem by Ptolemy Philadelphus, king of Egypt, in order to
add the Jewish law to the royal library at Alexandria. The story
is certainly not true in details, and is probably not even correct
in representing the translation as destined primarily for the
royal library. More probably the translation was intended for the
Greek-speaking Jews of Egypt.

The Septuagint is a translation of the Hebrew Old Testament into
the Greek world language of the period, and into the popular,
spoken form of that language, not into the literary form. The
translation differs widely in character in the different books,
for many different translators had a part in it. Some of the books
are translated with such slavish literalness as to be almost
unintelligible to a Greek. Everywhere, indeed, the influence of the
Hebrew original makes itself felt to some degree. Hebrew idioms are
often copied in the translation instead of being remolded according
to the peculiarities of the Greek language.

The Septuagint exerted an important influence upon the language of
the New Testament. The Septuagint was the Greek Bible of the New
Testament writers, and the influence of a Bible upon language is
very strong. A good example is afforded by the influence of the King
James Version upon the whole development of modern English. It is
not surprising, therefore, that as the Septuagint was influenced by
Hebrew, so the language of the New Testament also displays a Semitic
coloring. That coloring was induced partly by the Septuagint, but
it was also induced in other ways. Part of the New Testament, for
example the words of Jesus, goes back ultimately to an Aramaic
original. All the New Testament writers except one were Jews,
and had spoken Aramaic as well as Greek. No wonder, then, that
their Greek was influenced by the Semitic languages. This Semitic
influence upon the language of the New Testament is not so great as
was formerly supposed, but it cannot be ignored. The New Testament
is written in the natural, non-literary form of the Greek world
language. That is the main thing to be said. But upon this base is
superposed an appreciable influence of Hebrew and Aramaic.

The importance of the Septuagint for the early Christian mission was
inestimable. Every pioneer missionary knows how difficult it is to
create the vocabulary necessary to express new religious ideas. In
the case of the earliest Christian mission, that labor had already
been done. It had been done by the Jews of Alexandria. By the
Septuagint, the great ideas of the Old Testament--and upon these
ideas Christianity was based--had already been put into a Greek
form. The Christian Church needed only to develop what had been
begun. The Church made good use of her opportunity. The influence of
the Septuagint upon the religious vocabulary of the New Testament
writers was profound. The Septuagint had provided a vocabulary which
was understood already by great masses of people--by the Jews of the
dispersion and by the hosts of the "God-worshipers" who attended
the synagogues. Naturally the Christian missionaries used the words
which people could understand.


3. CONCLUSION

The Judaism of the dispersion was a wonderful preparation for the
gospel. Israel ought to be regarded with gratitude and sympathy. But
the ultimate object of gratitude is God.

The Church was founded in a time of opportunity. The Roman
Government had brought peace. The Greek language had welded the
nations together. The dispersion of the Jews had prepared the way.
These things did not come by chance. The nations were instruments in
the hand of God. But instruments for what? A mighty, age-long plan!
Centuries of preparation! At last the Saviour came. But did he come
for naught? Or is he Saviour of you and me?

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Edersheim (revised by White), "History of the
Jewish Nation," pp. 45-79. "The Jewish Encyclopedia": Reinach,
article on "Diaspora." Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible": Schuerer,
article on "Diaspora," extra volume, pp. 91-109.




LESSON VI

THE MESSIAH


The teaching of this lesson may be begun with Acts 2:17-21. Surely
the outpouring of the Spirit on the day of Pentecost was something
new. Yet even that was explained by a reference to prophecy. And the
reference is of remarkable aptness and beauty.

The Pentecostal speech of Peter is full of the appeal to prophecy.
Primarily, indeed, the claims of Jesus are supported by the direct
testimony to his resurrection. Without the facts, of course appeal
to prophecy would have been useless; for it was just the wonderful
correspondence of the facts with the prophecies that could induce
belief. Along with the direct testimony to the facts went the appeal
to prophecy. The promised king of David's line at last has come.
Acts 2:30; II Sam. 7:12,13; Ps. 89:3,4; 132:11. And David's son
is David's Lord--David's Lord and ours. Acts 2:34,35; Ps. 110:1;
compare Matt. 22:41-46.


1. THE NEW TESTAMENT APPEAL TO PROPHECY

This speech of Peter is typical of the preaching of the early
Church. The appeal to prophecy was absolutely central in the
presentation of the gospel. Proof of that fact does not need to be
sought. It is written plain on the pages of the New Testament. Old
Testament prophecy was found to apply not merely to one side of
the work of Christ, but to all sides. Israel had looked not merely
for a king, but also for a prophet and a priest. Peter, after his
first arrest, for example, could appeal to the notable prophecy of
Deuteronomy: "A prophet shall the Lord God raise up unto you from
among your brethren, like unto me." Acts 3:22; Deut. 18:15,19. The
author of Hebrews could appeal to the priest after the order of
Melchizedek, Heb. 5:6; Ps. 110:4, and to the symbolic sacrifices of
the temple which found their fulfillment on Calvary.

The appeal to prophecy extended even to those things which were
most distinctive of the Christian message. "I delivered unto you
first of all," says Paul, "that which also I received: that Christ
died for our sins according to the scriptures; and that he was
buried; and that he hath been raised on the third day according to
the scriptures." I Cor. 15:3,4. Here the death and the resurrection
of Christ are both declared to be according to the Scriptures. That
means that they were the subject of prophecy. But the death and the
resurrection of Christ were the fundamental elements of the gospel.
The gospel, then, in the form of prophecy, is to be found in the Old
Testament.

What Old Testament passages has Paul here in mind? With regard
to the death for our sins, the fifty-third chapter of Isaiah
was probably in his mind. That passage was being read by the
Ethiopian when Philip met him, and Philip made the passage a
basis for preaching about Jesus. Acts 8:27-35. With regard to the
resurrection, it is natural to think of Ps. 16:10. Paul himself
quoted that passage in his speech at Pisidian Antioch. Acts 13:34-37.

The appeal to prophecy did not begin with the apostles. It was
initiated by Jesus himself. "To-day," said Jesus at Nazareth after
the reading of Isa. 61:1,2, "hath this scripture been fulfilled
in your ears." A large claim! No wonder they found it difficult
to accept. When John the Baptist asked, "Art thou he that cometh,
or look we for another?" it was to "the works of the Christ" that
Jesus appealed. Matt. 11:2-6; Isa. 35:5,6; 61:1. These are merely
examples. Throughout, Jesus represented himself and his kingdom as
the fulfillment of the ancient promise. "O foolish men," he said to
the disciples on the way to Emmaus, "and slow of heart to believe
in all that the prophets have spoken! Behooved it not the Christ to
suffer these things, and to enter into his glory? And beginning from
Moses and from all the prophets, he interpreted to them in all the
scriptures the things concerning himself." Luke 24:25-27.


2. THE MESSIANIC HOPE A PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL

When the gospel was preached to pure Gentiles, a great deal of
preliminary labor had to be done. Under what title should the
claims of the Saviour be presented? "Christ" to the Gentiles was
almost meaningless, till explained. "Son of God" was open to sad
misconception. There were "sons of God" in Greek mythology, but they
were not what the early Christians meant to show that Jesus was.
These difficulties were overcome, and speedily. Gentile Christians
were imbued with a lofty and adequate conception of the Lord. The
labor was great, but it was gloriously accomplished.

In this labor, however, the missionaries were assisted by the
synagogues of the Jews. In the synagogues, "Christ" was no new term,
and no new conception. In the synagogues, one proposition needed
first to be proved, "This Jesus ... is the Christ." Acts 17:3. If
that were proved, then the rest would follow. The Jews knew that
the Messiah was Lord and Master. Identify Jesus with him, and all
the lofty claims of Jesus would be substantiated. How the identity
was established may be observed in the speech of Peter on the day
of Pentecost, or in the speech of Paul at Pisidian Antioch. Acts
13:16-43.

It will be remembered that the synagogues attracted not merely Jews
but also Gentiles. The Gentile "God-fearers," as well as the Jews,
were acquainted with the Messianic hope. Even the Gentile mission,
therefore, was prepared for by the prophets of Israel.


3. THE PERMANENT VALUE OF PROPHECY

The appeal to prophecy, however, was not merely valuable to
the early Church. It is of abiding worth. It represents Jesus
as the culmination of a divine purpose. The hope of Israel was
in itself a proof of revelation, because it was so unlike the
religious conceptions of other nations. The covenant people, the
righteous king, the living God, the world-wide mission--that is
the glory of Israel. The promise is itself a proof. But still
more the fulfillment. The fulfillment was an unfolding. Wonderful
correspondence in detail--and far more wonderful the correspondence
of the whole! The promise was manifold. Sometimes the Messiah is
in the foreground. Sometimes he is out of sight. Sometimes there
is a human king, sometimes Jehovah himself coming to judgment;
sometimes a kingdom, sometimes a new covenant in the heart;
sometimes a fruitful Canaan, sometimes a new heaven and a new
earth. But manifold though the promise, Christ is the fulfillment
of it all. "How many soever be the promises of God," in Christ is
the yea. II Cor. 1:20. There is the wonder. In Christ the apparent
contradictions of the promise become glorious unity, in Christ the
deeper mysteries of the promise are revealed. Christ the keystone
of the arch! Christ the culmination of a divine plan! That is the
witness of the prophets. It is a witness worth having.


4. THE MESSIANIC HOPE OF LATER JUDAISM

After the close of the Old Testament, the promise did not die.
It was preserved in the Scriptures. It continued to be the life
of the Jewish nation. But it was not only preserved. It was also
interpreted. Some of the interpretation was false, but much of it
was true. The Jewish interpretation of the Old Testament promise is
worthy of attention. What did the Jews of the first century mean by
the Messiah, and what did they mean by the Messianic age?

In the first place, they retained the hope of a king of David's
line--a human king who should conquer the enemies of Israel. When
it was held in a one-sided form this was a dangerous hope. It led
logically to materialistic conceptions of the kingdom of God and to
political unrest. It led to the effort of the Jews to take Jesus
by force and make him a king. John 6:15. It led to the quarrel of
the disciples about the chief places in the kingdom. Matt. 18:1-4;
Mark 9:33-35; Luke 9:46,47. This conception of the Messiah had to be
corrected by Jesus. "My kingdom is not of this world." John 18:36.

Yet even where the Messiah was conceived of as an earthly ruler,
the spiritual hope was by no means always and altogether lost. The
"Psalms of Solomon," for example, Pharisaic psalms of the first
century before Christ, though they look for an earthly ruler,
picture him as one who shall rule in righteousness. "And a righteous
king and taught of God is he that reigneth over them; And there
shall be no iniquity in his days in their midst, for all shall be
holy and their king is the Lord Messiah" (Ps. Sol. xvii, 35, 36. See
Ryle and James, "Psalms of the Pharisees," especially pp. 137-147).
No iniquity in the days of the Messiah! That is true understanding
of the Old Testament, even joined with the political ideal.

In the second place, however, the Messianic age is sometimes in
later Judaism conceived of as purely supernatural. The Messiah is
not an earthly ruler, merely helped by God, but himself a heavenly
being, a preexistent "Son of Man," judge of all the earth. The
Messianic age is ushered in not by human warfare, but by a mighty
catastrophic act of God. Not a liberated Canaan is here the ideal,
but a new heaven and a new earth.

This transcendental, supernaturalistic form of the Messianic hope
appears in the "Book of Enoch" and other "apocalypses." Its details
are fantastic, but it was by no means altogether wrong. In many
respects it was a correct interpretation of the divine promise.
The new heavens and the new earth are derived from Isa. 65:17. The
doctrine of the two ages was accepted by Jesus and by Paul--for
example Matt. 12:32; Gal. 1:4; Eph. 1:21. The heavenly "Son of Man"
goes back to Dan. 7:13,14. The Book of Enoch was not altogether
wrong. Its use of the title "Son of Man" prepared for the title
which Jesus used.

Finally, the Messianic hope was held in a pure and lofty form by
the "poor of the land"--simple folk like those who appear in the
first two chapters of Luke. In the hymns of Mary and Zacharias and
Simeon, purely political and materialistic conceptions are in the
background, and the speculations of the apocalypses do not appear.
The highest elements of prophecy are made prominent. "For mine eyes
have seen thy salvation, which thou hast prepared before the face of
all peoples; a light for revelation to the Gentiles, and the glory
of thy people Israel." Luke 2:30-32. In those circles, the hope of
Israel burned still and pure.

Later Judaism thus preserved the manifoldness of prophecy. There was
exaggeration and there was one-sidedness; but in Judaism as a whole
the promise was preserved. One element at most was forgotten--the
suffering servant and his sacrificial death. The death of the
Messiah was no easy conception. The disciples had difficulty with
it. When Peter heard of it, he took Jesus, and began to rebuke him.
Matt. 16:22. The lesson was not easy, but it had to be learned. And
it was worth learning. The cross is the heart of the gospel.

Thus in Jesus nothing was left out, except what was false. The
whole promise was preserved. The revealer of God, the ruler of the
kingdom, the great high priest, the human deliverer, the divine
Lord--these are the elements of the promise. They find their union
in Christ. Leave one out, and the promise is mutilated. Such
mutilation is popular to-day. The whole Christ seems too wonderful.
But the Church can be satisfied with nothing less.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Beecher, "The Prophets and the Promise," pp.
173-420.




LESSON VII

THE BOOK OF THE ACTS


The teaching of the lesson may be begun with some very simple
questions. If rightly put, they will open up a fresh way of
looking at a New Testament book. The way will thus be prepared for
considering the deeper elements of the lesson. If interest can be
aroused in the book itself, the contents of the book, in the lessons
which follow, will be studied with much livelier attention.


1. AUTHORSHIP

Who wrote the book of The Acts? How do you know? The former question
will probably be answered without difficulty, but the latter may
reveal difference of opinion. Many of the students will know that
The Acts was written by the same man as the Gospel of Luke. But that
does not settle the question. How do you know that Luke was written
by Luke? The name does not occur in the Gospel itself. The title,
"According to Luke," was probably added later. So, in order to
determine the authorship both of Luke and of The Acts, recourse must
be had to Christian tradition.

Fortunately, however, tradition in this case is quite unimpeachable.

In the first place, although the author of The Acts is not named in
the book, yet the book is not an anonymous work. Undoubtedly the
name of the author was known from the beginning. For the book is
dedicated to an individual, Theophilus. Evidently Theophilus knew
who the author was. Information about the author could thus be had
from the start. If, therefore, Luke did not really write The Acts,
some one has removed the name of the true author and substituted
"Luke" in place of it. That is an exceedingly unlikely supposition.

In the second place, it is evident quite independently of any
tradition that the book was written by an eyewitness of part of
Paul's missionary journeys. This fact appears from the so-called
"we-sections" of the book. In certain portions of the narrative
the author uses the first person instead of the third. Of this
peculiarity there is only one satisfactory explanation. The author
uses the first person when he is describing the experiences in which
he himself had a part. When, for example, the author says, not,
"They made a straight course to Samothrace," but "We made a straight
course," Acts 16:11, he means that he was present on that voyage.
This natural supposition is confirmed by the character of the
"we-sections." These sections are full of such a wealth of artless
detail that no one but an eyewitness could possibly have written
them.

The only possible way of avoiding the conclusion that a companion
of Paul wrote the book of The Acts is to maintain that although
such a man wrote the "we-sections" some one else wrote the rest of
the book. But that is unlikely in the extreme. If a later author
had been simply using as a source a diary of a companion of Paul,
he would surely either have told us he was quoting, or else have
changed the first person to the third. By leaving the third person
in he would simply have been producing nonsense. Everyone knew who
the author of the book was. The book is dedicated to a definite
man. The author evidently could not have palmed himself off as
a companion of Paul even if he would. And if he desired to do
it, he would not have chosen this remarkable way of doing it. Of
course if he had been a mere thoughtless compiler he might have
copied his source with such slavish exactness as to leave the "we"
in without noticing that in the completed work it would produce
nonsense. But he was most assuredly not a mere compiler. If he used
sources, he did not use them that way. The book shows a remarkable
unity of style. Modern research has demonstrated that fact beyond
peradventure. There is a remarkable similarity of style between the
"we-sections" and the rest of the book. Only one hypothesis, then,
does justice to the facts. The author of the "we-sections" was also
the author of the whole book. When he comes to those parts of the
narrative in which he himself had a part, he says very naturally
"we," instead of "they."

The book of The Acts, then, was written by a companion of Paul. That
fact stands firm, even apart from any tradition. And that is the
really important fact. If the book was written by an eyewitness, the
particular name of the eyewitness is comparatively unimportant. But
the tradition as to the name is without doubt correct. There is not
the slightest reason for calling it in question. What the book of
The Acts itself says about its author fits exactly what Paul says
about Luke.


2. DATE

The authorship of The Acts is certain. The date, however, is not so
clear. The book was written by Luke. But when was it written? The
latter question cannot be answered with perfect precision. At least,
however, since the book was written by Luke, it must have been
written during the lifetime of a companion of Paul. A. D. 100, for
example, would be too late, and A. D. 90 would be unlikely. A good
deal can be said for putting the date at about A. D. 63. This early
date would explain the abrupt ending of the book.

One of the most curious things about The Acts is that the narrative
is suddenly broken off just at the most interesting point. The
trial of Paul is narrated at very great length, but we are not
told how it came out. The final decision, the climax of the whole
long narrative, is just at hand; but with regard to it we are
left altogether in suspense. Was Paul released? Was he condemned
and executed? The author does not say. His silence requires an
explanation.

The simplest explanation would be that Luke wrote his book at the
very point of time where the narrative is broken off. Of course he
could not tell us any more if nothing more had happened. He brought
his narrative right up to date. Nothing more was possible.

It is true, other explanations may be proposed.

(a) It has been suggested, for example, that The Acts closes so
abruptly because the author was saving something for another work.
As The Acts is the continuation of the Gospel of Luke, so a third
work, it is said, was planned as the continuation of The Acts. But
even so, it seems rather strange that the author should not have
given at least a hint of the outcome of that trial in order to take
the edge off our curiosity. He has done something like that at the
conclusion of his Gospel; why not also at the conclusion of The Acts?

(b) But perhaps the ending is not so abrupt as it looks. The
author's purpose, it is said, was not to write a biography of Paul,
but to show how the gospel spread from Jerusalem to Rome. When
Rome was reached, then the narrative was broken off. Biographical
details--even the most interesting details about the most
interesting character--were ruthlessly excluded. The plan of the
book had been accomplished. For this explanation there is much to be
said. But the trouble with it is that especially in the latter part
of the book the author as a matter of fact does show considerable
interest in biographical details. The trial and shipwreck of Paul
are narrated with a fullness which is quite out of proportion to
the rest of the history. After such a full account of the trial, it
remains rather strange that the author has said not a word about the
outcome.

Either of these last two explanations is perfectly possible.
Possibly The Acts was written as late as A. D. 80. But the early
date at least explains the peculiar ending best of all.


3. SOURCES

Where did Luke get the materials for his work? Did he use written
sources as well as oral information? The question has been discussed
at very great length, but without much uniformity in the results. If
he used written sources, at least he used them skillfully, placing
upon them the imprint of his own style. The book possesses genuine
unity.

The really important fact about the sources of the book of The
Acts is a negative fact. Whatever the sources were, the Pauline
epistles were not among them. Compare the passages where Paul and
Luke narrate the same events--for example Gal., chs. 1, 2, with
the corresponding passages in The Acts--and it becomes evident
that the two narratives are entirely independent. Luke did not use
the Pauline epistles in writing his book. That is an exceedingly
significant fact. It shows that The Acts is an independent witness.
What is more, it strengthens materially the argument for the early
date of The Acts. The Pauline epistles at a very early time began
to be collected and used generally in the Church. In A. D. 100,
for example, they would certainly have been used by anyone who was
writing an account of Paul's life. Since, therefore, the book of The
Acts does not use them, that book must have been written earlier,
and probably very much earlier. Even in A. D. 80, it would perhaps
have been strange that the epistles should not have been used.


4. PURPOSE

The proper purpose of a historian is to tell the truth. And Luke
was a genuine historian. His own account of his method, Luke 1:1-4,
shows that he knew the meaning of historical research, and the
character of his books bears this out. Luke did not permit any
desire of putting Christianity in a good light, or of defending one
kind of Christianity against another, to interfere with the primary
duty of truthfulness.

That does not mean, however, that the book of The Acts is like some
modern university dissertations--written simply and solely in order
to say some new thing, whether interesting or no. No great historian
goes to work that way. Of course Luke had an interest in his subject
matter. Of course he was convinced that Christianity was a great
thing, and was full of enthusiasm in narrating its history. In that
he was perfectly right. Christianity really was a great thing. The
best celebration of its greatness was a narration of the facts.
Christian faith is based on fact. Luke wrote, not only in the Gospel
but also in The Acts, in order that his readers might know the
certainty concerning the things wherein they were instructed. Luke
1:4.


5. LITERARY CHARACTERISTICS

The author of The Acts was well acquainted with the Old Testament.
He was able to catch the spirit of the primitive Palestinian church.
His books exhibit the influence of the Semitic languages. But he
was also capable of a Greek style which would have passed muster
in the schools of rhetoric. Luke 1:1-4, for example, is a typical
Greek sentence. Evidently Luke could move with ease in the larger
Greek world of his time. His references to political and social
conditions are extraordinarily exact. His narrative is never lacking
in local color. He knows the proper titles of the local officials,
and the peculiar quality of the local superstitions. His account
of the shipwreck is a mine of information about the seafaring of
antiquity. Evidently he was a keen observer, and a true traveler
of a cosmopolitan age. His narrative is characterized by a certain
delightful urbanity--an urbanity, however, which is deepened and
ennobled by profound convictions.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Warfield, "Acts, Timothy, Titus and Philemon," in
"The Temple Bible," pp. i-xxvii. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible":
Purves, article on "Acts of the Apostles." Purves, "Christianity
in the Apostolic Age," pp. 1-8. M'Clymont, "The New Testament and
Its Writers," in "The Guild Text Books," pp. 41-46. Hastings,
"Dictionary of the Bible": Headlam, article on "Acts of the
Apostles."




LESSON VIII

THE CROSS AND THE RESURRECTION THE FOUNDATION OF APOSTOLIC PREACHING


1. THE RESURRECTION A FACT OF HISTORY

Which of the books of the New Testament contain the evidence for
the resurrection of Jesus? That question will serve to begin the
teaching of the lesson. In answer to it, the students will probably
mention the four Gospels. To the Gospels, however, should be added
especially the First Epistle to the Corinthians.

The passage in First Corinthians is deserving of very careful
attention. For, unlike the Gospels, that epistle can be dated to
within a year or so. It was written only about twenty-five years
after the crucifixion. Even though possibly some of the Gospels
were written still earlier, the precision with which the epistle
can be dated makes its witness particularly valuable. Furthermore,
the author of the epistle is well known. No one doubts that First
Corinthians was written by Paul, and Paul is the best-known man of
apostolic times. Evidently his witness to the facts is of the utmost
value.

Paul himself was a direct witness of the resurrection. He saw the
risen Lord. I Cor. 9:1; 15:8. In I Cor. 15:1-8, however, he does not
content himself with his own witness, but reproduces the testimony
of others in an extended list. That testimony had come to Paul by
ordinary word of mouth. "I delivered unto you first of all," says
Paul, "that which also I received." In what follows there is a list
of the appearances of the risen Christ. "He appeared to Cephas;
then to the twelve; then he appeared to above five hundred brethren
at once, of whom the greater part remain until now, but some are
fallen asleep; then he appeared to James; then to all the apostles;
and last of all, as to the child untimely born, he appeared to me
also." Evidently these appearances are not conceived of merely as
"visions," but as events in the external world. The mention of the
burial, v. 4, is a plain hint that what Peter and the rest saw was
the body of Jesus raised from the tomb.

That view of the matter is amply confirmed in the Gospels and in
the book of The Acts. In the Gospels, we are told that the tomb was
found empty on the morning of the third day after the crucifixion.
It was found empty by some women and by Peter and John. Since the
tomb was empty, the body which appeared to the disciples had some
connection with the body which had been taken down from the cross.
Furthermore, the Gospels and The Acts make the bodily character of
the appearances abundantly plain. Jesus did not merely appear to the
disciples at a distance. He walked with them on the road to Emmaus.
He broke bread with them. He came into the very midst of them when
they were assembled in a room. Thomas could even touch his hands
and his side. These are merely examples. Clearly the testimony
of the disciples is testimony not to mere spiritual experiences,
but to the bodily presence of the Lord. It may be admitted that
the body was a glorified body. After his resurrection Jesus was
freed from the limitations of his earthly life. Nevertheless, he
was not merely a "spirit." Luke 24:39. There was some real, though
mysterious, connection between the glorified body and the body that
had been laid in the tomb. The New Testament attests not merely the
immortality of Jesus, but his resurrection.

The resurrection, in these days, is hard to accept. For it is a
miracle. Against any miracle there is a tremendous presumption. In
this case, however, the presumption has been overcome. It has been
overcome by the character of Jesus. It is in the highest degree
unlikely that an ordinary man should rise from the dead; but it
is not unlikely that Jesus should have risen. The resurrection is
unique. But so is the life of Jesus of Nazareth. The two wonders
support one another. Explain away the testimony to the resurrection,
and your task is not done. You must also explain away that sinless
life. If Jesus rose from the dead he had a unique experience. But
that is to be expected. For Jesus himself was unlike any other of
the children of men. There are mysteries in his life that have never
been explained.

The resurrection of Jesus is a well-attested fact of history. The
proof of it is cumulative. Any one of the proofs might be regarded
as insufficient when taken alone, but when taken together they are
overpowering. The sinless, unearthly character of Jesus separates
him from the rest of men, so that probabilities which apply to
others do not apply to him. His mysterious self-consciousness
involves so lofty a claim, that if he was not divine he was
a megalomaniac--he whose calmness and strength have left an
impression which the centuries have done nothing to efface! The
specific testimonies to the empty tomb and to the plain bodily
appearances of the risen Lord are independent and varied. Finally,
unless the resurrection be a fact, the very origin of the Christian
Church becomes an insoluble mystery. The resurrection alone can
explain the sudden transformation of a company of weak, discouraged
men into the conquerors of the world.

The resurrection of Jesus is a fact of history. It is not an
aspiration of the heart. It comes ultimately through the testimony
of the senses. The apostles came forward with a piece of plain
information. They were witnesses to a fact in the external world.
That fact has put a new face upon life. It is good news of salvation.


2. THE RESURRECTION CONFIRMED BY EXPERIENCE

The resurrection is a fact of history. Accept it as true, and you
can have hope for time and for eternity. At this point, however,
some men experience a difficulty. How can the acceptance of a
historical fact satisfy the longing of our souls? Must we stake our
salvation upon the intricacies of historical research? Surely some
more immediate certitude is required.

The objection would be valid if history stood alone. But history
does not stand alone. It has suffered from a false isolation.
A Christian certitude that is founded solely upon history is
insufficient. History is necessary, but not sufficient. We need
history, but we need something else as well.

A historical conviction of the resurrection of Jesus is not the end
of faith, but only the beginning. If faith stops there, it will
never stand the fires of criticism. We are told that Jesus lives. So
much is a matter of testimony, a matter of history. If we believe
the witness, then we can have hope. But the religious problem of our
lives has not yet been solved. Jesus lives. But what good is it to
us? If he lives, we need to find him. We need to find him, and we
can find him. We accept the message of the resurrection enough to
make trial of it. And making trial of it, we find that it is true.
Jesus is found to be alive, for he makes answer to our prayer, and
heals us. We never could have come to him unless we had accepted
the historical evidence for the resurrection. But starting with
that historical belief we went on to the blessed experience of
salvation. Christian experience cannot do without history. But it
adds to history that directness, that immediateness, that simplicity
of conviction, which delivers us from fear. We began with history.
But we went on to experience. "Now we believe, not because of thy
speaking: for we have heard for ourselves, and know that this is
indeed the Saviour of the world."


3. THE DEATH

Jesus is alive. If we find him, he will heal us. But how shall we
find him? In the New Testament we receive instruction.

In the New Testament a strange fact stares us in the face. The New
Testament seems far more concerned with the death of Jesus than
with the details of his life. Learned men have tried in vain to
explain that curious fact. In elaborate treatises they have sought
the explanation. But it is really very simple. The New Testament
emphasizes the death of Jesus because that is what Jesus did for
us--or rather, coming after his perfect obedience to the law, it is
the culmination of what he did for us. In the account of Jesus' life
we are told what Jesus did for others. That account is absolutely
necessary. Without it we should never have been interested in Jesus
at all. But it is to us a means to an end, not an end in itself.
We read in the Gospel what Jesus did for others. For one he placed
his fingers in the ears and said, "Be opened"; to another he said,
"Arise, take up thy bed, and walk"; to another, "Thy sins are
forgiven." These things are what Jesus did for others. But what has
he done for us? The answer of the New Testament is plain. For us he
does not say, "Arise and walk." For us--he died. That mysterious
thing which was wrought on Calvary--that was his work for us. The
cross of Christ is a mystery. In the presence of it theology walks
after all with but trembling, halting footsteps. Learning will never
unlock its meaning. But to the penitent sinner, though mysterious,
though full of baffling riddles, it is plain enough. On the cross
Jesus dealt with our sin. Our dreadful guilt, the condemnation of
God's law--it is wiped out by an act of grace. It seemed inseparable
from us. It was a burden no earthly friend could bear. But Christ
is Master of the innermost secrets of the moral world. He has
accomplished the impossible, he has borne our sins.

By the cross he has healed us. But through whom does he apply the
healing touch? Through no one, save his Spirit. For he is here
himself. If we are seekers for him, then this day our search is
over.

The death of Christ, in the modern Church, is often subordinated.
Exclusive emphasis is laid upon the holy example and teaching of the
Galilean prophet. The modern theologians would be right if there
were no such thing as sin. If there were no such thing as guilt, and
if there were no such thing as a dreadful enslaving power of evil,
then a noble ideal might be sufficient. But to talk about an ideal
to a man under the thralldom of sin is a cruel mockery.

Sin may indeed be glossed over. Let us make the best of our
condition, we are told, let us do the best we can, let us simply
trust in the all-conquering love of God. Dangerous advice! By it a
certain superficial joy of life may be induced. But the joy rests
upon an insecure foundation. It is dangerous to be happy on the
brink of the abyss. Permanent joy can come only when sin has been
faced honestly, and destroyed. It has been destroyed by the death
and resurrection of our Lord Jesus Christ.

It is true that God is loving. He has manifested his love, however,
better than by complacency toward sin. He has manifested it by the
gracious gift of a Saviour.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Denney, "The Death of Christ." Orr, "The
Resurrection of Jesus." Crawford, "The Doctrine of Holy Scripture
Respecting the Atonement."




LESSON IX

THE BEGINNINGS OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH


The author of The Acts has given a wonderful picture of the early
days of the Christian Church. The teacher should endeavor to present
the picture before the mental vision of the class. History should
not be studied merely as a dry record of events. The events should
be seen as well as understood. They can be seen by what is called
the historical imagination. The term "imagination" often contains a
suggestion of unreality. But that is a secondary use of the word.
"Imagination" means "picturing." You can make a picture of what
really happened as well as of what happened only in fiction. The
historical imagination is a very important faculty in the student of
the New Testament. In many persons it is almost wholly lacking. But
fortunately it may be acquired.

In the lessons that follow, great stress should be laid upon
the simple memorizing of the course of events. Advanced study,
or topical study, is useless unless it is based upon an orderly
acquaintance with the contents of The Acts. History comes
first--then the interpretation of the history.

The dominant note in the early chapters of The Acts is the note of
joy. After the three dark days of discouragement, after the quiet
period of waiting, the life of the Church suddenly bursts forth with
power. Everything is fresh and new. Difficulties and dangers have
not yet emerged. Even persecution is lacking. The Church enjoys
favor with the people. Thousands are converted in a day.


1. THE GIFT OF TONGUES

The gift of tongues, as it was exercised on the day of Pentecost, is
not altogether an isolated phenomenon. It appears also elsewhere in
The Acts, Acts 10:46; 19:6, though it may be doubted whether in all
three cases it assumed exactly the same form. In the First Epistle
to the Corinthians, Paul discusses the gift at considerable length.
I Cor., ch. 14. It is interesting to compare that passage with the
passage in the second chapter of The Acts.

There are a number of resemblances between the two. Both Paul
and Luke represent the gift of tongues as a supernatural thing,
a special endowment from the Spirit of God. Both Paul and Luke,
furthermore, represent the gift as an ecstatic, temporary expression
of spiritual exultation rather than as a faculty intended to be
practically useful in the work of the Church. On the other hand,
there are such marked differences between the two accounts as to
make it evident that the gift as it was manifested at Pentecost was
very considerably different from that which was exercised in the
church at Corinth.

The speaking with tongues as Paul describes it was a kind of
ejaculation, expressive of the religious life of the speaker, but
incomprehensible to others. In order, therefore, to make the gift
edifying to the congregation at large there had to be some one
else present who was in possession of another gift, the gift of
interpretation. The speaking with tongues at Pentecost, however,
was a miraculous use of various languages. Some have supposed
that Luke is describing rather a new language, which possessed
the supernatural quality of being understood by men of various
nationalities. The most natural interpretation of the passage,
however, is that which has just been suggested. The disciples,
filled with the Spirit, spoke some in one language and some in
another, or perhaps the same individuals used different languages at
successive moments. The outsiders received various impressions of
the strange phenomenon. Some, mocking, declared that the disciples
were drunk. These, we may suppose, were men who came into contact
with those disciples who were speaking some language known only
to another group among the hearers. The general impression seems
to have been wonder at the miraculous gift. The gift of tongues
provided an opportunity for the first Christian preaching. In just
this form it was perhaps never repeated. It was a unique gift
provided for an absolutely unique occasion.


2. THE SPEECHES

Ancient historians often put imaginary speeches into the mouths
of their characters. The speeches were intended to represent not
what was actually said but what might have been said under the
circumstances. This procedure of the historians was not intended
to deceive the readers. It was merely a literary form, a method of
vivid description.

Luke, however, seems not to have allowed himself even the license
which was regarded as allowable by the best historians of antiquity.
The speeches in The Acts are apparently either verbatim reports of
what was actually said, or else summaries based upon trustworthy
tradition. If they had been composed freely by the historian himself
their characteristic differences and their perfect adaptation to
different occasions would be difficult to explain.

The speeches of Peter and of the earliest disciples, in particular,
are very different from those of Paul. They contain a number of
features which occur either not at all or only rarely in the rest
of the New Testament. The designation of Jesus as "the Servant,"
for example, a designation taken from the latter part of Isaiah, is
characteristic of these speeches. Another characteristic designation
of Jesus is "Prince" or "Prince of life." Acts 3:15; 5:31. In
general, the representation of Jesus in the early chapters of The
Acts is just what might have been expected under the circumstances.
At the beginning of the Church's life, everything is simple and easy
of comprehension even by outsiders. The apostles represented Jesus
first as a man approved of God by the miracles which he had wrought.
To have delivered up such a man to death was itself a grievous sin.
But that was not all. This Jesus who was crucified had been raised
from the dead; and both in his death and in his resurrection he
had fulfilled the Messianic predictions of the ancient prophets.
He was then nothing less than the Christ. Now, too, his period of
humiliation was over. He had been given the full powers of Lordship.
From him had come the wonder-working Spirit. It will be observed
that these speeches, though they begin with what is simplest and
easiest of acceptance by an outsider, really contain, at least in
germ, the full doctrine of the divine Christ.


3. THE CONVERTS

The body of disciples who were assembled before the day of Pentecost
consisted of only about one hundred and twenty persons. Acts 1:15.
After the notable sermon of Peter, which was spoken in explanation
of the gift of tongues, three thousand were converted. A little
later the Church possessed five thousand men. Acts 4:4.

The outward sign of conversion was baptism. "Repent ye," said Peter,
"and be baptized every one of you in the name of Jesus Christ unto
the remission of your sins; and ye shall receive the gift of the
Holy Spirit." Baptism was not altogether new. It had been practiced
not only among converts to Judaism, but especially by John the
Baptist. Christian baptism, however, is sharply distinguished from
the baptism of John. Mark 1:7,8; Acts 18:25; 19:1-6. Both were
expressive of repentance. But Christian baptism was connected
specifically with Jesus, and also with the bestowal of the Spirit.

Baptism was "in the name of Jesus Christ," or "into the name of the
Lord Jesus." It was the sacrament by which the convert signified
his cleansing from sin and his entrance into that peculiarly close
relation to Christ which is of the essence of Christian experience.
In itself, of course, the rite of baptism is useless. But when
accompanied by faith it is a means of real blessing. Baptism, like
the other Christian sacrament, the Lord's Supper, was instituted
by Christ himself. Matt. 28:19. In The Acts the full trinitarian
formula of baptism is not given. "In the name of Jesus Christ" is
sufficient to designate the sacrament.


4. JOY AND FEAR

The mysterious power that was working among the disciples was
beneficent. It accomplished miracles of healing. As in the case
of Jesus himself so now among his disciples the Spirit of God was
manifested in the expulsion of demons. Matt. 12:28; Acts 5:16. The
Spirit was manifested also in the healing of disease.

One cure, in particular, is narrated with a wealth of vivid detail.
The healing of the lame man led to the opposition of the Sanhedrin.
It led also to favor among the people. All the people ran together
in Solomon's porch greatly wondering. Acts 3:11. Peter and John took
no credit for what they had done. They attributed the miracle solely
to the power of Jesus. It was the same Jesus against whom the crowd
had shouted, "Crucify him, crucify him," only a few weeks before.
Surely a reason for remorse rather than joy! But God is gracious.
Through Jesus, the crucified One, salvation was offered even to the
murderers. Repentance was followed by rejoicing. The envy of the
Sanhedrin was held in check. A notable miracle had been wrought.

That miracle was not isolated. Many signs and wonders were wrought
by the hands of the apostles. The people even "carried out the
sick into the streets, and laid them on beds and couches, that, as
Peter came by, at the least his shadow might overshadow some one of
them." Acts 5:12-15. Perhaps we are to understand that that method
of seeking cure was actually successful. Certainly it was an unusual
method. But God adopts unusual methods at unusual times. He adapts
his mercy to the needs of men.

The general impression left by the early chapters of The Acts is an
impression of light and gladness. There is opposition, but it is
powerless against triumphant joy. One incident, however, introduces
a discordant note. It is the incident of Ananias and Sapphira.

The early Church was animated by a spirit of self-sacrifice. Many of
the disciples sold their possessions and devoted the price to the
common good. One of those who did so was Joseph Barnabas, who was to
be prominent in the subsequent history.

A certain man, Ananias, however, and Sapphira his wife, after they
had sold their possession kept back part of the price. In itself
that was not necessarily wrong. Their sin was the sin of deception.
They pretended to have given all, though they had really given only
a part. A more destructive sin could scarcely have been imagined.
They had lied unto the Holy Spirit. Such conduct would bring
contempt upon the Church. Ananias and Sapphira discovered that God
cannot be trifled with. And the judgment wrought upon them inspired
fear in all who heard.

It is well that this incident has been recorded. It prevents a
one-sided impression of the Church's life. The power that animated
the Church was beneficent. But it was also terrible and mysterious
and holy. In the presence of it there was joy. But that joy was
akin to fear. "It is a fearful thing to fall into the hands of the
living God." The lesson is of permanent value. The Spirit of God
must be received with joy. But not with a common joy. Not with the
joy of familiarity. But rather with the wondering, trembling joy of
adoration.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp.
21-46. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": articles on "Weeks, Feast
of" and "Temple." "The Cambridge Bible for Schools": Lumby, "The
Acts of the Apostles," 1880, pp. 1-61. "The Bible Commentary," vol.
ii: Cook, "The Acts of the Apostles," pp. 351-386. Ellicott, "A
New Testament Commentary for English Readers," vol. ii: Plumptre,
"The Acts of the Apostles," pp. 1-28. Rackham, "The Acts of the
Apostles," pp. 1-69. These commentaries will be designated hereafter
by the names of the authors only.




LESSON X

THE FIRST PERSECUTION


The persecution which arose in connection with Stephen marks a
turning point in the history of the Church. Up to that time, the
disciples had been content, for the most part, with laboring in
Jerusalem. Now they were forced out into a broader field. One result
of the persecution was the geographical extension of the Church.

Another result was perhaps even more important. The extension
caused by persecution was not merely geographical; it was also,
perhaps, intellectual and spiritual. The Church was really from the
beginning in possession of a new religious principle, but at first
that principle was not fully understood. Persecution probably helped
to reveal the hidden riches. The Pharisees were keener than the
disciples themselves. Hostility sharpened the vision. The disciples
themselves were still content to share in the established forms
of Jewish worship; but the Pharisees saw that they were really
advocates of a new principle. Christianity, unless it were checked,
would supersede Judaism. The Pharisees were right. Jealous fear
detected what ancestral piety had concealed.

The hostility of the Jews perhaps helped to open the eyes of the
Church. No doubt, a development was already at work. Persecution
was the result as well as the cause of the new freedom. Stephen
was persecuted possibly just because his preaching went beyond
that of Peter. With or without persecution, the Church would have
transcended the bounds of the older Judaism. It contained a germ of
new life which was certain to bear fruit. But persecution hastened
the process. It scattered the Church abroad, and it revealed the
revolutionary character of the Church's life.

With the coming of Jesus a new era had begun. Judaism had before
been separate from the Gentile world. That separation had been due
not to racial prejudice, but to a divine ordinance. It had served
a useful purpose. Jewish particularism should never be despised;
it should be treated with piety and gratitude. It had preserved
the precious deposit of truth in the midst of heathenism. But its
function, though useful, was temporary. It was a preparation for
Christ. Before Christ it was a help; after Christ it became a
hindrance.

Persecution was not the beginning of the new freedom. Freedom was
based upon the words of Jesus. It had become plainer again, perhaps,
in the teaching of Stephen. Furthermore, if freedom was not begun by
the persecution, it was also not completed by it. The emancipation
of the Church from Judaism was a slow process. The unfolding of that
process is narrated in The Acts. Even after the Church was scattered
abroad through Judea and Samaria, much remained to be done.
Cornelius, Antioch, Paul were still in the future. Nevertheless,
the death of Stephen was an important event. It was by no means the
whole of the process; but it marks an epoch.

The gradual rise of persecution should be traced in class--first
the fruitless arrest of Peter and John and their bold defiance;
then the arrest of the apostles, the miraculous escape, the
preaching in the temple, the re-arrest, the counsel of Gamaliel,
the scourging; then the preaching of Stephen and the hostility of
the Pharisees. The opposition of the Sadducees was comparatively
without significance. The Sadducees were not Jews at heart. They
might persecute the Church just because the Church was patriotically
Jewish. But the Pharisees were really representative of the existing
Judaism. Pharisaic persecution meant the hostility of the nation.
And it implied the independence of the Church. If the disciples were
nothing but Jews, why did the Jews persecute them?

In what follows, a few details will be discussed.


1. THEUDAS AND JUDAS

Judas the Galilean, mentioned by Gamaliel, Acts 5:37, appears also
in Josephus. His insurrection occurred at the time of the great
enrollment under Quirinius, the Syrian legate. This enrollment was
different from that which brought Joseph and Mary to Bethlehem at
the time of the birth of Jesus. Luke 2:2-5. That former enrollment
occurred before the death of Herod the Great in 4 B. C. Luke 1:5;
Matt. 2:1. The enrollment to which Gamaliel referred was carried out
after the deposition of Archelaus in A. D. 6.

With regard to Judas all is clear. But Theudas is known only from
Acts 5:36. The Theudas who is mentioned in Josephus is different,
for his insurrection did not occur till about A. D. 44, after
the time of Gamaliel's speech. Gamaliel was referring to some
insurrection of an earlier period. The name Theudas was common, and
so were tumults and insurrections.


2. THE SEVEN

It has been questioned whether the seven men who were appointed to
assist the apostles were "deacons." The title is not applied to
them. The narrative does, indeed, imply that they were to "serve
tables," Acts 6:2, and the Greek word here translated "serve" is the
verb from which the Greek noun meaning "deacon" is derived; but the
same word is also used for the "ministry [or service] of the word"
in which the apostles were to continue. V. 4. The special technical
use of the word "deacon" appears in the New Testament only in Phil.
1:1; I Tim. 3:8,12. Compare Rom. 16:1.

Nevertheless, though the word itself does not occur in our passage,
it is perhaps not incorrect to say that the seven were "deacons."
Their functions were practically those of the diaconate; their
appointment, at any rate, shows that the apostles recognized the
need of some such office in the Church. It is not quite clear what
is meant by the expression, to "serve tables." The reference is
either to tables for food, or else to the money tables of a banker.
If the former interpretation be correct, then the deacons were to
attend especially to the management of the common meals. Even then,
however, the expression probably refers indirectly to the general
administration of charity, a prominent part of the service being
mentioned simply as typical of the whole.


3. THE SYNAGOGUES

The Greek word translated "Libertines" in Acts 6:9 comes from the
Latin word for "freedmen." The freedmen here mentioned were probably
descendants of Jews taken by Pompey as slaves to Rome. The Jewish
opponents of Stephen therefore included Romans, men of eastern and
middle north Africa, and men of eastern and western Asia Minor.
These foreign Jews, when they settled in Jerusalem, had their own
synagogues. It is doubtful how many synagogues are mentioned in our
passage. Luke may mean that each of the five groups had a separate
synagogue, or he may be grouping the men of Cilicia and Asia in one
synagogue. The wording of the Greek perhaps rather favors the view
that only two synagogues are mentioned--one consisting of Libertines
and men of Cyrene and Alexandria, and the other consisting of
Cilicians and Asians.


4. THE SPEECH OF STEPHEN

In defending himself, Stephen gave a summary of Hebrew history. At
first sight, that summary might seem to have little bearing upon the
specific charges that had been made. But the history which Stephen
recited was a history of Israel. "You are destroying the divine
privileges of Israel"--that was the charge. "No," said Stephen,
"history shows that the true privileges of Israel are the promises
of divine deliverance. To them law and temple are subordinate. From
Abraham on there was a promise of deliverance from Egypt. After
that deliverance another deliverance was promised. It is the one
which was wrought by Jesus. Moses, God's instrument in the first
deliverance, was rejected by his contemporaries. Jesus, the greater
Deliverer, was rejected by you. We disciples of Jesus are the true
Israelites, for we, unlike you, honor the promises of God."

Other interpretations of the speech have been proposed. For example,
some find the main thought of the speech to be this: "The wanderings
of the patriarchs and the long period of time which elapsed before
the building of the temple show that true and acceptable worship of
God is not limited to any particular place." At any rate, the speech
requires study--and repays it.

What was said in the last lesson about the speeches of The Acts
in general applies fully to the speech of Stephen. The very
difficulties of the speech, as well as its other peculiarities, help
to show that it represents a genuine tradition of what, in a unique
situation, was actually said.


5. MARTYRDOM

The word "martyr" is simply the Greek word for "witness." That
is the word which is translated "witness" in Acts 1:8. "Ye shall
receive power, when the Holy Spirit is come upon you: and ye shall
be my witnesses both in Jerusalem, and in all Judaea and Samaria,
and unto the uttermost part of the earth." There, of course, there
is no special reference to dying for the sake of Christ. It is
primarily the ordinary verbal testimony which is meant. The special
meaning "martyr" is not often attached to the Greek word in the New
Testament. Probably even in Acts 22:20, where the word is applied to
Stephen, it is to be translated "witness" rather than "martyr."

Martyrdom, then, is only one kind of witnessing. But it is a very
important kind. Men will not die for what they do not believe. When
Stephen sank beneath the stones of his enemies he was preaching a
powerful sermon. The very fact of his death was a witness to Christ.
The manner of it was still more significant. Stephen, crying in the
hour of death, "Lord Jesus, receive my spirit," Stephen dying with
words of forgiveness on his lips, "Lord, lay not this sin to their
charge," was a witness indeed.

The Church can never do without that kind of witnessing. True,
it may not now often appear as actual martyrdom. But bravery is
needed as much as ever--bravery in business, men who will not say,
"Business is business," but will do what is right even in the face
of failure; bravery in politics, men to whom righteousness is
more than a pose; bravery in social life, men and women who will
sacrifice convention every time to principle, who, for example,
will maintain the Christian Sabbath in the face of ridicule. Modern
life affords plenty of opportunities for cowardice, plenty of
opportunities for denying the faith through fear of men. It also
affords opportunities for bravery. You can still show whether you
are of the stuff that Stephen was made of--above all, you can show
whether you are possessed by the same Spirit and are a servant of
the same Lord.


6. THE RESULT OF THE PERSECUTION

The persecution resulted only in the spread of the gospel. Gamaliel
was right. It was useless to fight against God. The disciples were
in possession of an invincible power, and they knew it from the very
beginning. When Peter and John returned from their first arrest,
the disciples responded in a noble prayer. Acts 4:24-30. Herod
and Pontius Pilate, with the Gentiles and the peoples of Israel,
gathered together against Jesus, had accomplished only what God's
hand and God's counsel foreordained to come to pass. So it would be
also with the enemies of the Church. When the disciples had prayed,
"the place was shaken wherein they were gathered together; and they
were all filled with the Holy Spirit, and they spake the word of God
with boldness." The answer to that prayer was prophetic of the whole
history of the Church.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age,"
pp. 40-42, 47-55. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": articles on
"Gamaliel," "Theudas," "Judas" (6), "Deacon"; Purves, article on
"Stephen." Ramsay, "Pictures of the Apostolic Church," pp. 44-65.
Rackham, pp. 69-111. Lumby, pp. 61-97. Plumptre, pp. 28-47. Cook,
pp. 386-406.




LESSON XI

THE FIRST GENTILE CONVERTS


This lesson treats of a number of steps in the extension of the
gospel. The beginning is the purely Jewish Church that is described
in the first chapters of The Acts; the goal is the Gentile
Christianity of Paul. Gentile Christianity was not produced all at
once. The extension of the gospel to Gentiles was a gradual process.
The present lesson is concerned only with the early stages. The
teacher should present the lesson in such a way as to emphasize the
main feature of the narrative. The main feature is the central place
assigned to the Holy Spirit. Though the extension of the gospel to
the Gentiles was a process, that process was due not to mere natural
development, but to the gracious leading of God.

As was observed in Lesson X, Stephen perhaps introduced into the
Church a more independent attitude toward the existing Judaism.
There is no reason, indeed, to suppose that he thought either of
preaching to Gentiles or of forsaking the ceremonial law. But
possibly he did venture to exhibit the temporary and provisional
character of the temple worship as compared with the promises of
God. Indirectly, therefore, though certainly not directly, Stephen
opened the way for the Gentile mission.

The persecution was another step in the process. It scattered the
Jews abroad into regions where Gentiles were more numerous than in
Jerusalem, and served perhaps also to reveal to the Church itself
its incompatibility with Pharisaic Judaism.

The evangelization of Samaria was another important step. Though the
Samaritans were only half Gentiles, they were particularly detested
by the Jews. In preaching to them, the disciples were overcoming
Jewish scruples, and thus were moving in the direction of a real
Gentile mission. The baptizing of the Ethiopian may have been
another step in the process.

The most important event, however, was the conversion of Cornelius
and his household. Here the issue was clearly raised. Cornelius did
not, like the Ethiopian, depart at once after baptism to a distant
home. His reception into the Church was a matter of public knowledge.

Luke was well aware of the importance of the story about Cornelius.
That appears from the minuteness with which the story is narrated.
After it has been completed once, it is repeated, at very
considerable length, as a part of Peter's defense at Jerusalem. The
effect is as though this incident were heavily underscored.

The importance of the Cornelius incident appears also in the
fact that it gave rise to criticism. Apparently this was the
first serious criticism which the gradually widening mission had
encountered within the Church. There is no suggestion of such
criticism in the case of the preaching in Samaria. But now a much
more radical step had been taken. Peter had eaten with uncircumcised
men. Acts 11:3. A more serious violation of Jewish particularism
could hardly have been imagined.

In defense, Peter appealed simply to the manifest authorization
which he had received from God. That authorization had appeared
first of all in the visions which Peter and Cornelius had received,
with other direct manifestations of the divine will, and also more
particularly in the bestowal of the Spirit. If the Spirit was given
to uncircumcised Gentiles, then circumcision was no longer necessary
to membership in the Church. In the narrative about Cornelius, there
is a remarkable heaping up of supernatural guidance. Vision is
added to vision, revelation to revelation. The reason is plain. A
decisive step was being taken. If taken by human initiative, it was
open to criticism. The separateness of Israel from other nations was
a divine ordinance. Since it had been instituted by God, it could
be abrogated only by him. True, Jesus had said, "Make disciples of
all the nations." Matt. 28:19. But the how and the when had been
left undecided. Were the Gentiles to become Jews in order to become
Christians, and was the Gentile mission to begin at once? Those were
grave questions. They could not be decided without divine guidance.
That guidance was given in the case of Cornelius.

Peter's defense was readily accepted. "And when they heard these
things, they held their peace, and glorified God, saying, Then to
the Gentiles also hath God granted repentance unto life." The active
opposition to the Gentile mission did not arise until later. But how
could that opposition arise at all? Since God had spoken so clearly,
who could deny to the Gentiles a free entrance into the Church?
After the case of Cornelius, how could any possible question arise?

As a matter of fact--though it may seem strange--the acceptance of
Cornelius did not at first determine the policy of the Church. That
incident remained, indeed, stored up in memory. It was appealed to
years afterwards by Peter himself, in order to support the Gentile
Christianity of Paul. Acts 15:7-9,14. But so far as the practice
of the Jewish Church was concerned, the Cornelius incident seems
to have remained for a time without effect. The bestowal of the
Spirit upon Cornelius and his friends was regarded, apparently, as
a special dispensation which fixed no precedent. Before engaging in
further preaching to Gentiles, the Church was waiting, perhaps, for
manifestations of the divine will as palpable as those which had
been given to Peter and to Cornelius.

This attitude is rather surprising. It must be remembered,
however, that for the present the Church was fully engrossed in
work for Jews. Undoubtedly, a Gentile work was to come, and the
Cornelius incident, as well as what Jesus had said, was regarded
as prophetic of it, Acts 11:18; but the time and the manner
of its institution were still undetermined. Were the Gentile
converts generally--whatever might be the special dispensation for
Cornelius--to be required to submit to circumcision and become
members of the chosen people? This and other questions had not yet
even been faced. Engrossed for the present in the Jewish mission,
the Church could leave these questions to the future guidance of God.

In what follows, a number of special points will be briefly
discussed.


1. PHILIP

After the baptism of the Ethiopian, "the Spirit of the Lord caught
away Philip; and the eunuch saw him no more, for he went on his way
rejoicing. But Philip was found at Azotus: and passing through he
preached the gospel to all the cities, till he came to Caesarea." The
meaning of these words is not perfectly plain. Are we to understand
that Philip was carried away to Azotus by a miracle, or is nothing
more intended than a sudden departure under the impulsion of the
Spirit? The latter interpretation is not at all impossible. What
has been emphasised in the whole narrative is the strangeness, the
unaccountableness of Philip's movements. This appears particularly
in the sudden separation from the eunuch. The eunuch expected
further conference with Philip but suddenly Philip rushed off, as
though snatched away by a higher power. All through this incident,
there is something strangely sudden and unexpected about Philip's
movements. Human deliberation evidently had no part in his actions.
He was under the immediate impulsion of the Spirit.

The narrative leaves Philip at Caesarea, and there he appears years
afterwards, at the time of Paul's last journey to Jerusalem. Acts
21:8,9. Luke was at that time one of the company, and may have
received directly from Philip the materials for the narrative in the
eighth chapter of The Acts. Philip appears in Christian tradition,
but there is some confusion between Philip the evangelist and Philip
the apostle.


2. SIMON MAGUS

Simon the sorcerer, or "Simon Magus," is an interesting figure.
He has laid hold of the fancy of Christendom. From his name--with
reference to Acts 8:18,19--the word "simony" has been coined to
designate the sin of buying or selling any sort of spiritual
advantage. Simon is very prominent in Christian tradition, where he
is regarded as the fountainhead of all heresy.


3. CORNELIUS

Cornelius was a "centurion," or captain of a company in the Roman
army consisting of about one hundred men. The "Italian band" to
which he belonged was apparently a "cohort," composed of soldiers
from Italy. Cornelius was stationed at Caesarea, the residence of the
procurators of Judea. With the favorable description of his attitude
to the Jews and to the Jewish religion, Acts 10:2, should be
compared what Luke, in his Gospel, records about another centurion.
Luke 7:4,5. These are sympathetic pictures of the "God-fearing"
adherents of Judaism, who formed so important a class at the time of
the first Christian preaching.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age,"
pp. 59-67, 91-98. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": articles on
"Samaria," "Samaritan," "Philip" (7), "Simon" (9), "Caesarea,"
"Cornelius." Ramsay, "Pictures of the Apostolic Church," pp. 66-104.
Rackham, pp. 111-124, 141-163. Lumby, pp. 97-108, 122-142. Plumptre,
pp. 47-55, 63-73. Cook, pp. 407-413, 419-430.




LESSON XII

THE CONVERSION OF PAUL


Christianity a supernatural thing and a gift of God's grace--that is
the real theme of the lesson. The theme is brought home by means of
an example, the example of the apostle Paul.

The religious experience of Paul is the most striking phenomenon
in the history of the human spirit. It really requires no defense.
Give it sympathetic attention, and it is irresistible. How was it
produced? The answer of Paul himself, at least, is plain. According
to Paul, his whole religious life was due, not to any natural
development, but to an act of the risen Christ. That is the argument
of the first chapter of Galatians. He was advancing in Judaism, he
says, beyond his contemporaries. He was laying waste the Church.
And then suddenly, when it was least to be expected, without the
influence of men, simply by God's good pleasure, Christ was revealed
to him, and all was changed. The suddenness, the miraculousness of
the change is the very point of the passage. Upon that marvelous act
of God Paul bases the whole of his life work.

Shall Paul's explanation of his life be accepted? It can be accepted
only by the recognition of Jesus Christ, who was crucified, as a
living person. In an age of doubt, that recognition is not always
easy. But if it be refused, then the whole of Pauline Christianity
is based upon an illusion. That alternative may well seem to be
monstrous. The eighth chapter of Romans has a self-evidencing power.
It has transformed the world. It has entered into the very fiber of
the human spirit. But it crumbles to pieces if the appearance on
the road to Damascus was nothing but a delusive vision. Let us not
deceive ourselves. The religious experience of Paul and the whole
of our evangelical piety are based upon the historical fact of the
resurrection. But if so, then the resurrection stands firm. For the
full glory of Pauline Christianity becomes a witness to it. The
writer of the epistle to the Romans must be believed. But it is that
writer who says, "Last of all ... he appeared to me also."

The wonder of the conversion can be felt only through an exercise
of the historical imagination. Imagine the surroundings of Paul's
early life in Tarsus, live over again with him the years in
Jerusalem, enter with him into his prospects of a conventional
Jewish career and into his schemes for the destruction of the
Church--and then only can you appreciate with him the catastrophic
wonder of Christ's grace. There was no reason for the conversion of
Paul. Everything pointed the other way. But Christ chose to make of
the persecutor an apostle, and the life of Paul was the result. It
was a divine, inexplicable act of grace--grace to Paul and grace
to us who are Paul's debtors. God's mercies are often thus. They
are not of human devising. They enter into human life when they are
least expected, with a sudden blaze of heavenly glory.

In the review of Paul's early life various questions emerge. They
must at least be faced, if not answered, if the lesson is to be
vividly presented.


1. PAUL AT TARSUS

In the first place, what was the extent of the Greek influence
which was exerted upon Paul at Tarsus? The question cannot be
answered with certainty, and widely differing views are held. It is
altogether unlikely, however, that the boy attended anything like
an ordinary Gentile school. The Jewish strictness of the family
precludes that supposition, and it is not required by the character
of Paul's preaching and writing. It is true that he occasionally
quotes a Greek poet. I Cor. 15:33; Titus 1:12; Acts 17:28. It is
true again that some passages in Paul's letters are rhetorical--for
example, I Cor. 1:18-25; ch. 13--and that rhetoric formed an
important part of Greek training in the first century. But Paul's
rhetoric is the rhetoric of nature rather than of art. Exalted
by his theme he falls unconsciously into a splendid rhythm of
utterance. Such rhetoric could not be learned in school. Finally, it
is true that Paul's vocabulary is thought to exhibit some striking
similarities to that of Stoic writers. But even if that similarity
indicates acquaintance on the part of Paul with the Stoic teaching,
such acquaintance need not have been attained through a study of
books.

However, the importance of Paul's Greek environment, if it must
not be exaggerated, must on the other hand not be ignored. In the
first place, Paul is a consummate master of the Greek language.
He must have acquired it in childhood, and indeed in Tarsus could
hardly have failed to do so. In the second place, he was acquainted
with the religious beliefs and practices of the Greco-Roman world.
The speech at Athens, Acts 17:22-31, shows how he made use of
such knowledge for his preaching. In all probability the first
impressions were made upon him at Tarsus. Finally, from his home in
Tarsus Paul derived that intimate knowledge of the political and
social relationships of the men of his day which, coupled with a
native delicacy of perception and fineness of feeling, resulted in
the exquisite tact which he exhibited in his missionary and pastoral
labors. The Tarsian Jew of the dispersion was a gentleman of the
Roman Empire.

That Aramaic, as well as Greek, was spoken by the family of Paul is
made probable by Phil. 3:5 and II Cor. 11:22. The word "Hebrew" in
these passages probably refers especially to the use of the Aramaic
("Hebrew") language, as in Acts 6:1, where the "Hebrews" in the
Jerusalem church are contrasted with the "Grecian Jews." "A Hebrew
of Hebrews," therefore, probably means "an Aramaic-speaking Jew and
descended from Aramaic-speaking Jews." In Acts 21:40; 22:2 it is
expressly recorded that Paul made a speech in Aramaic ("Hebrew"),
and in Acts 26:14 it is said that Christ spoke to him in the same
language. Conceivably, of course, he might have learned that
language during his student days in Jerusalem. But the passages just
referred to make it probable that it was rather the language of his
earliest home. From childhood Paul knew both Aramaic and Greek.


2. THE INNER LIFE OF PAUL THE RABBI

The most interesting question about Paul's life at Jerusalem
concerns the condition of his inner life before the conversion. Paul
the Pharisee is an interesting study. What were this man's thoughts
and feelings and desires before the grace of Christ made him the
greatest of Christian missionaries?

The best way to answer this question would be to ask Paul himself.
One passage in the Pauline epistles has been regarded as an answer
to the question. That passage is Rom. 7:14-25. There Paul describes
the struggle of the man who knows the law of God and desires to
accomplish it, but finds the flesh too strong for him. If Paul is
there referring to his pre-Christian life, then the passage gives
a vivid picture of his fruitless struggle as a Pharisee to fulfill
the law. Many interpreters, however, refer the passage not to the
pre-Christian life but to the Christian life. Even in the Christian
life the struggle goes on against sin. And even if Paul is referring
to the pre-Christian life, he is perhaps depicting it rather as it
really was than as he then thought it was. The passage probably does
not mean that before he became a Christian Paul was fully conscious
of the fruitlessness of his endeavor to attain righteousness by the
law. Afterwards he saw that his endeavor was fruitless, but it is
doubtful how clearly he saw it at the time.

It would, indeed, be a mistake to suppose that Paul as a Pharisee
was perfectly happy. No man is happy who is trying to earn
salvation by his works. In his heart of hearts Paul must have
known that his fulfillment of the law was woefully defective.
But such discontentment would naturally lead him only farther on
in the same old path. If his obedience was defective, let it be
mended by increasing zeal! The more earnest Paul was about his law
righteousness, the more discontented he became with his attainments,
so much the more zealous did he become as a persecutor.

Some have supposed that Paul was gradually getting nearer to
Christianity before Christ appeared to him--that the Damascus
experience only completed a process that had already begun. There
were various things, it is said, which might lead the earnest
Pharisee to consider Christianity favorably. In the first place,
there was the manifest impossibility of law righteousness. Paul had
tried to keep the law and had failed. What if the Christians were
right about salvation by faith? In the second place, there were
the Old Testament prophecies about a suffering servant of Jehovah.
Isa., ch. 53. If they referred to the Messiah, then the cross might
be explained, as the Christians explained it, as a sacrifice for
others. The stumblingblock of a crucified Messiah would thus be
removed. In the third place, there was the noble life and death of
the Christian martyrs.

These arguments are not so weighty as they seem. Paul's
dissatisfaction with his fulfillment of the law, as has already
been observed, might lead to a more zealous effort to fulfill the
law as well as to a relinquishment of the law. There seems to be
no clear evidence that the pre-Christian Jews ever contemplated a
death of the Messiah like the death of Jesus. On the contrary the
current expectation of the Messiah was diametrically opposed to
any such thing. And admiration of the Christian martyrs is perhaps
too modern and too Christian to be attributed to the Pharisee.
The fundamental trouble with this whole argument is that it proves
merely that the Pharisee Paul ought to have been favorably impressed
with Christianity. So he ought, but as a matter of fact he was not
so impressed, and we have the strongest kind of evidence to prove
that he was not. The book of The Acts says so, and Paul says so
just as clearly in his letters. The very fact that when he was
converted he was on a persecuting expedition, more ambitious than
any that had been attempted before, shows that he was certainly
not thinking favorably of Christianity. Was he considering the
possibility that Christianity might be true? Was he trying to stifle
his own inward uncertainty by the very madness of his zeal? Then,
in persecuting the Church, he was going against his conscience. But
in I Tim. 1:13 he distinctly says that his persecuting was done
ignorantly in unbelief, and his attitude is the same in his other
epistles. If in persecuting the Church he was acting contrary to
better conviction, then that fact would have constituted the chief
element in his guilt; yet in the passages where he speaks with the
deepest contrition of his persecution, that particularly heinous sin
is never mentioned. Evidently, whatever was his guilt, at least he
did not have to reproach himself with the black sin of persecuting
Christ's followers in the face of even a half conviction.

Accordingly, the words of Christ to Paul at the time of the
conversion, "It is hard for thee to kick against the goad," Acts
26:14, do not mean that Paul had been resisting an inward voice of
conscience in not accepting Christ before, but rather that Christ's
will for Paul was really resistless even though Paul had not known
it at all. Christ's loving plan would be carried out in the end.
Paul was destined to be the apostle to the Gentiles. For him to try
to be anything else was as useless and as painful as it is for the
ox to kick against the goad. Christ will have his way.

Thus before his conversion Paul was moving away from Christianity
rather than toward it. Of course, in emphasizing the suddenness of
the conversion, exaggerations must be avoided. It is absurd, for
example, to suppose that Paul knew nothing at all about Jesus before
the Damascus event. Of course he knew about him. Even if he had been
indifferent, he could hardly have failed to hear the story of the
Galilean prophet; and as a matter of fact he was not indifferent
but intensely interested, though by way of opposition. These things
were not done in a corner. Paul was in Jerusalem before and after
the crucifixion, if not at the very time itself. The main facts in
the life of Jesus were known to friend and foe alike. Thus when in
the first chapter of Galatians Paul declares that he received his
gospel not through any human agency but directly from Christ, he
cannot mean that the risen Christ imparted to him the facts in the
earthly life of Jesus. It never occurred to Paul to regard the bare
facts as a "gospel." He had the facts by ordinary word of mouth from
the eyewitnesses. What he received from the risen Christ was a new
interpretation of the facts. He had known the facts before. But they
had filled him with hatred. He had known about Jesus. But the more
he had known about him, the more he had hated him. And then Christ
himself appeared to him! It might naturally have been an appearance
in wrath, a thunderstroke of the just vengeance of the Messiah.
Probably that was Paul's first thought when he heard the words, "I
am Jesus whom thou persecutest." But such was not the Lord's will.
The purpose of the Damascus wonder was not destruction but divine
fellowship and world-wide service.


3. PAUL'S EXPERIENCE AND OURS

In one sense, the experience of Paul is the experience of every
Christian. Not, of course, in form. It is a great mistake to
demand of every man that he shall be able, like Paul, to give day
and hour of his conversion. Many men, it is true, still have such
a definite experience. It is not pathological. It may result in
glorious Christian lives. But it is not universal, and it should
not be induced by tactless methods. The children of Christian homes
often seem to grow up into the love of Christ. When they decide
to unite themselves definitely with the Church, the decision need
not necessarily come with anguish of soul. It may be simply the
culmination of a God-encircled childhood, a recognition of what
God has already done rather than the acquisition of something new.
But after all, these differences are merely in the manner of God's
working. In essence, true Christian experience is always the same,
and in essence it is always like the experience of Paul. It is no
mere means of making better citizens, but an end in itself. It is no
product of man's effort, but a divine gift. Whatever be the manner
of its coming, it is a heavenly vision. Christ still lives in the
midst of glory. And still he appears to sinful men--though not now
to the bodily eye--drawing them out of sin and misery and bondage
to a transitory world into communion with the holy and eternal God.

The result of Paul's vision was service. How far his destination as
apostle to the Gentiles was made known to him at once is perhaps
uncertain. It depends partly upon the interpretation of Acts
26:14-18. Are those words intended to be part of what was spoken at
the very time of the conversion? There is no insuperable objection
to that view. At any rate, no matter how much or how little was
revealed at once, the real purpose of Christ in calling him was
clearly that he should be the leader of the Gentile mission. Gal.
1:16. He was saved in order that he might save others. It is so
normally with every Christian. Every one of us is given not only
salvation, but also labor. In that labor we can use every bit of
preparation that is ours, even if it was acquired before we became
Christians. Paul, the apostle, used his Greek training as well as
his knowledge of the Old Testament. We can use whatever talents we
possess. The Christian life is not a life of idleness. It is like
the life of the world in being full of labor. But it differs from
that life in that its labor is always worth while. Connection with
heaven does not mean idle contemplation, but a vantage ground of
power. You cannot move the world without a place to stand.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp.
68-85. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": article on "Damascus."
Ramsay, "Pictures of the Apostolic Church," pp. 113-120; "St. Paul
the Traveller and the Roman Citizen," pp. 29-39; "The Cities of
St. Paul," pp. 85-244 (on Tarsus). Conybeare and Howson, "The Life
and Epistles of St. Paul," chs. ii and iii. Lewin, "The Life and
Epistles of St. Paul," chs. i and iv. Stalker, "The Life of St.
Paul," pp. 1-42. Rackham, pp. 124-135, 421-424, 462-470. Lumby, pp.
108-116, 302-307, 344-349. Plumptre, pp. 55-61, 150-152, 165-167.
Cook, pp. 413-417, 498-500, 516-519.




LESSON XIII

THE CHURCH AT ANTIOCH


Christianity originated in an obscure corner of the Roman Empire, in
the midst of a very peculiar people. At first, it was entirely out
of relation to the larger life of the time. The atmosphere of the
Gospels is as un-Greek as could be imagined; the very conception of
Messiahship is distinctively Jewish.

Yet this Jewish sect soon entered upon the conquest of the empire,
and the Jewish Messiah became the Saviour of the world. Starting
from Jerusalem, the new sect spread within a few decades almost
to the remotest corners of the civilized world. This remarkable
extension was not the work of any one man or group of men. It seemed
rather to be due to some mysterious power of growth, operating in
many directions and in many ways. In this manifold extension of the
gospel, however, the central event of to-day's lesson stands out
with special clearness. Christianity began as a Jewish movement,
quite incongruous with the larger life of the empire. What would be
the result of its first real contact with the culture of the time?
This question was answered at Antioch.

At Antioch, the principles of the Gentile mission had to be
established once for all--those principles which have governed the
entire subsequent history of the Church. The extension of the gospel
to the Gentiles was not a mere overcoming of racial prejudice,
for the separateness of Israel had been of divine appointment; it
involved rather the recognition that a new dispensation had begun.
Primitive Christianity was not governed merely by considerations of
practical expediency; it sought justification for every new step
in the guidance of the Spirit and in the fundamental principles of
the gospel. The development of those fundamental principles was
necessary in order to show that Christianity was really more than
a Jewish sect. Then as always, religion without theology would
have been a weak and flabby thing. Christianity is not merely an
instrument for the improving of social conditions, but rather an
answer to the fundamental questions of the soul. It can never do
without thinking, and Christian thinking is theology.

Fortunately the church at Antioch did not long remain without a
theologian. Its theologian was Paul. Paul was not the founder of the
church at Antioch; but the theology of Paul was what gave to that
church its really fundamental importance in the history of the world.

The lesson for to-day is of extraordinary richness and variety.
Much can be learned, for example, from the characters of the story.
Barnabas, with his generous recognition of the great man who was
soon to overshadow him; those obscure men of Cyprus and Cyrene, not
even mentioned by name, whose work at Antioch was one of the great
turning points of history; Agabus, the prophet, and the charitable
brethren of Antioch; Rhoda, the serving girl, and the prayerful
assembly in the house of the mother of Mark--every one of these
teaches some special lesson. One lesson, moreover, may be learned
from them all--God is the real leader of the Church, and true
disciples, though different in character and in attainments, are all
sharers in a mighty work.

In what follows, an attempt will be made to throw light upon a few
of the historical questions which are suggested by the narrative in
The Acts, and to picture as vividly as possible the scene of these
stirring events.


1. THE ACTS AND THE PAULINE EPISTLES

The differences between the narrative in The Acts and the account
which Paul gives of the same events have caused considerable
difficulty. This very difficulty, however, is by no means an unmixed
evil; for it shows at least that Luke was entirely independent of
the Epistles. If he had employed the Epistles in the composition
of his book he would surely have avoided even the appearance of
contradicting them. The divergences between The Acts and the Pauline
Epistles, therefore, can only mean that Luke did not use the
Epistles when he wrote; and since the Epistles came to be generally
used at a very early time, The Acts cannot have been written at so
late a date as is often supposed. But if the book was written at an
early time, then there is every probability that the information
which it contains is derived from trustworthy sources.

Thus the very divergences between The Acts and the Pauline Epistles,
unless indeed they should amount to positive contradictions,
strengthen the argument for the early date and high historical
value of the Lucan work. The independence of The Acts is supported
also by the complete absence of striking verbal similarity between
the narrative in The Acts and the corresponding passages in the
Epistles. Even where the details of the two accounts are similar,
the words are different. The few unimportant coincidences in
language are altogether insufficient to overthrow this general
impression of independence.

The most natural supposition, therefore, is that in The Acts and in
the Epistles we have two independent and trustworthy accounts of the
same events. This supposition is really borne out by the details of
the two narratives. There are differences, but the differences are
only what is to be expected in two narratives which were written
from entirely different points of view and in complete independence
of one another. Contradictions have been detected only by pressing
unduly the language of one source or the other. Thus, in reading The
Acts alone, one might suppose that Paul spent the whole time between
his conversion and his first visit to Jerusalem in Damascus, and
that this period was less than three years; but these suppositions
are only inferences. Apparently Luke was not aware of the journey to
Arabia; but an incomplete narrative is not necessarily inaccurate.
Again, in the account of that first visit to Jerusalem, the reader
of The Acts might naturally suppose that more than one of the Twelve
was present, that the main purpose of the journey was rather to
engage in preaching than to make the acquaintance of Peter, and
that the visit lasted longer than fifteen days; and on the other
hand, the reader of Galatians might perhaps suppose that instead
of preaching in Jerusalem Paul remained, while there, in strict
retirement. Again, however, these suppositions would be inferences;
and the falsity of them simply shows how cautious the historian
should be in reading between the lines of a narrative. Finally, the
differences between Paul and Luke are overbalanced by the striking
and undesigned agreements.

In Galatians, Paul does not mention the visit which he and Barnabas
made in Jerusalem at the time of the famine. This conclusion has
been avoided by those scholars who with Ramsay identify the "famine
visit" with the visit mentioned in Gal. 2:1-10. The more usual view,
however, is that Gal. 2:1-10 is to be regarded as parallel, not with
Acts 11:30; 12:25, but with Acts 15:1-30. The second visit mentioned
by Paul is thus identified with the third visit mentioned by Luke.
Paul did not mention the famine visit because, as was probably
admitted even by his opponents in Galatia, the apostles at the time
of that visit were all out of the city, so that there was no chance
of a meeting with them. The subject under discussion in Galatians
was not Paul's life in general, but the relation between Paul and
the original apostles.


2. THE PREACHING TO "GREEKS"

In Acts 11:20, the best manuscripts read "spake unto the Hellenists"
instead of "spake unto the Greeks." The word "Hellenist" usually
means "Grecian Jew." Here, however, if this word is to be read, it
must refer not to Jews, but to Gentiles; for the contrast with the
preaching to Jews that is mentioned just before, is the very point
of the verse. Perhaps at this point the manuscripts which read
"Greeks" (that is, "Gentiles") are correct. In either case, the
meaning is fixed by the context. These Jews of Cyprus and Cyrene,
when they arrived at Antioch certainly began to preach regularly to
Gentiles.


3. PETER'S ESCAPE FROM PRISON

In Acts 12:1-24, Luke brings the account of affairs in Jerusalem up
to the time which has already been reached in the narrative about
Antioch. The journey of Barnabas and Paul to Jerusalem, Acts 11:30;
12:25, supplied the connecting link. While the church at Antioch was
progressing in the manner described in Acts 11:19-30, a persecution
had been carried on in Jerusalem by Herod Agrippa I. The escape of
Peter is narrated in an extraordinarily lifelike way. Evidently
Luke was in possession of first-hand information. The vividness of
the narrative is very significant. It shows that the unmistakable
trustworthiness of The Acts extends even to those happenings which
were most clearly miraculous. The supernatural cannot be eliminated
from apostolic history.


4. ANTIOCH

Antioch on the Orontes was founded by Seleucus Nicator, the first
monarch of the Seleucid dynasty, and under his successors it
remained the capital of the Syrian kingdom. When that kingdom was
conquered by the Romans, the political importance of Antioch did
not suffer. Antioch became under the Romans not only the capital of
the province Syria but also the residence of the emperors and high
officials when they were in the east. It may be regarded as a sort
of eastern capital of the empire.

The political importance of Antioch was no greater than its
commercial importance. Situated near the northeastern corner of the
Mediterranean Sea, where the Mediterranean coast is nearer to the
Euphrates than at any other point, where the Orontes valley provided
easy communication with the east and the Syrian gates with the west,
with a magnificent artificial harbor at Seleucia, about twenty miles
distant, Antioch naturally became the great meeting point for the
trade of east and west. It is not surprising that Antioch was the
third city of the empire--after Rome and Alexandria.

The city was built on a plain between the Orontes on the north
and the precipitous <DW72>s of Mount Silpius on the south. A great
wall extended over the rugged heights of the mountain and around
the city. A magnificent street led through the city from east to
west. The buildings were of extraordinary magnificence. Perhaps as
magnificent as the city itself was the famous Daphne, a neighboring
shrine and pleasure resort, well-known for its gilded vice.

The dominant language of Antioch, from the beginning, had been
Greek. The Seleucids prided themselves on the Greek culture of
their court, and Roman rule introduced no essential change. Of
course, along with the Greek language and Greek culture went a
large admixture of eastern blood and eastern custom. Like the other
great cities of the empire, Antioch was a meeting place of various
peoples, a typical cosmopolitan center of a world-wide empire. The
Jewish population, of course, was numerous.

Such was the seat of the apostolic missionary church. Almost lost
at first in the seething life of the great city, that church was
destined to outlive all the magnificence that surrounded it. A new
seed had been implanted in the ancient world, and God would give the
increase.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age,"
pp. 85-90, 98-110. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": articles on
"Agabus," "Antioch," "Arabia," "Aretas," "Barnabas," "Herod" (3).
Ramsay, "St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen," pp. 40-69;
"Pictures of the Apostolic Church," pp. 121-128. Lewin, "The Life
and Epistles of St. Paul," chs. v, vi and vii. Conybeare and Howson,
"The Life and Epistles of St. Paul," ch. iv. Stalker, "The Life of
St. Paul," pp. 44-63. Lumby, pp. 116-122, 142-155, 307-309. Cook,
pp. 416-418, 430-433, 500, 501. Plumptre, pp. 60-62, 73-79, 152.
Rackham, pp. 136-141, 163-184.




Part II:

Christianity Established Among
the Gentiles

The Principles and Practice
of the Gospel




LESSON XIV

THE GOSPEL TO THE GENTILES


It was a dramatic moment when Paul and Barnabas, with their helper,
set sail from Seleucia, on the waters of the Mediterranean. Behind
them lay Syria and Palestine and the history of the chosen people;
in front of them was the west. The religion of Israel had emerged
from its age-long seclusion; it had entered at last upon the
conquest of the world.

The message that crossed the strait to Cyprus was destined to be
carried over broader seas. A mighty enterprise was begun. It was an
audacious thought! The missionaries might well have been overpowered
by what lay before them--by the power of a world empire, by the
prestige of a brilliant civilization. How insignificant were their
own weapons! Would they ever even gain a hearing? But though the
enterprise was begun in weakness it was begun in faith. At their
departure from Antioch the missionaries were "committed to the grace
of God."

The account of this first missionary journey is one of the most
fascinating passages in The Acts. The interest never flags; incident
follows incident in wonderful variety. In reading this narrative,
we are transplanted into the midst of the ancient world, we come
to breathe the very atmosphere of that cosmopolitan age. In the
lesson of to-day the teacher has an unusual opportunity. If he uses
it well, he may cause the Bible story to live again. Absolutely
essential to that end is the judicious use of a map--preferably
something larger than the small sketch map of the Text Book. A
travel narrative without a map is a hopeless jumble. The map is an
aid both to memory and to imagination. Tracing the route of the
missionaries on the map, the teacher should endeavor to call up the
scenes through which they passed. The student should be made to see
the waters of the Mediterranean, with the hills of Cyprus beyond,
the interminable stretches of the Roman roads, the lofty mountains
of the Taurus, the perils of rivers and the perils of robbers, the
teeming population of the countless cities--and through it all the
simple missionaries of the cross, almost unnoticed amid the turmoil
of the busy world, but rich in the possession of a world-conquering
gospel and resistless through the power of the living God.


1. THE PROPHETS AND TEACHERS

Both prophecy and teaching were gifts of the Spirit. I Cor.
12:28-31. Prophecy was immediate revelation of the divine plan or
of the divine will; teaching, apparently, was logical development
of the truth already given. Which of the men who are mentioned in
Acts 13:1 were prophets and which were teachers is not clear. If any
division is intended it is probably between the first three and the
last two. For this grouping there is perhaps some slight indication
in the connectives that are used in the Greek, but the matter is not
certain. Perhaps all five of the men were possessed of both gifts.

Lucius was perhaps one of the founders of the church, for he
came from Cyrene. Compare Acts 11:20. Manaen is an interesting
figure. He is called "foster-brother" of Herod the tetrarch. The
word translated "foster-brother" is apparently sometimes used in
a derived sense, to designate simply an intimate associate of a
prince. If that be the meaning here, then at least one member of the
church at Antioch was a man of some social standing. In Antioch,
as in Corinth, probably "not many wise after the flesh, not many
mighty, not many noble" were called, I Cor. 1:26; but in Antioch as
in Corinth there were exceptions. The Herod who is here meant is
Herod Antipas, the "Herod" of the Gospels.


2. ELYMAS

When the Jewish sorcerer is first mentioned he is called
Bar-Jesus--that is, "son of Jesus," Jesus being a common Jewish
name. Then, a little below, the same man is called "Elymas the
sorcerer," and the explanation is added, "for so is his name by
interpretation." Apparently the new name Elymas is introduced
without explanation, and then the Greek word for "sorcerer" is
introduced as a translation of that. The word Elymas is variously
derived from an Arabic word meaning "wise," or an Aramaic word
meaning "strong." In either case the Greek word, "magos," for which
our English Bible has "sorcerer," is a fair equivalent. That Greek
word is the word that appears also in Matt. 2:1,7,16, where the
English Bible has "Wise-men"; and words derived from the same root
are used to describe Simon of Samaria in Acts 8:9,11. The word
could designate men of different character. Some "magi" might be
regarded as students of natural science; in others, superstition and
charlatanism were dominant.


3. SAUL AND PAUL

At Acts 13:9 Luke introduces the name "Paul"--"Saul, who is also
called Paul." Previously the narrative always uses the Jewish name
"Saul"; after this "Paul" appears with equal regularity, except in
the accounts of the conversion, where in three verses a special,
entirely un-Greek form of "Saul" is used. Acts 22:7,13; 26:14. Since
in our passage in the original the name of the proconsul, Paulus, is
exactly like the name of the apostle, some have supposed that Paul
assumed a new name in honor of his distinguished convert. That is
altogether unlikely. More probable is the suggestion that although
Paul had both names from the beginning, Luke is led to introduce the
name Paul at just this point because of the coincidence with the
name of the proconsul. Even this supposition, however, is extremely
doubtful. Probably the Roman name, which Paul uses invariably in
his letters, is introduced at this point simply because here for
the first time Paul comes prominently forward in a distinctly Roman
environment.


4. PAUL AND BARNABAS

Connected with this variation in name is the reversal in the
relation between Paul and Barnabas. Previously Barnabas has been
given the priority; but immediately after the incident at Paphos the
missionaries are designated as "Paul and his company," Acts 13:13,
and thereafter when the two are mentioned together, Paul, except at
Acts 14:12,14; 15:12,25, appears first. In the presence of the Roman
proconsul, Paul's Roman citizenship perhaps caused him to take the
lead; and then inherent superiority made his leadership permanent.


5. THE RETURN OF JOHN MARK

The reasons for John Mark's return from Perga to Jerusalem can
only be surmised. Perhaps he was simply unwilling, for some reason
sufficient to him but insufficient to Paul, to undertake the
hardships of the journey into the interior. Certainly it was an
adventurous journey. Paul was not always an easy man to follow.

The severity of Paul's judgment of Mark was not necessarily so great
as has sometimes been supposed. One purpose of the second journey
was to revisit the churches of the first journey. Acts 15:36.
Whether for good or for bad reasons, Mark, as a matter of fact,
had not been with the missionaries on a large part of that first
journey, and was, therefore, unknown to many of the churches. For
this reason, perhaps as much as on account of moral objections, Paul
considered Mark an unsuitable helper. In his later epistles Paul
speaks of Mark in the most cordial way. Col. 4:10; Philem. 24; II
Tim. 4:11. In the last passage, he even says that Mark was useful to
him for ministering--exactly what he had not been at the beginning
of the second missionary journey.


6. HARDSHIPS AND PERSECUTIONS

It is evident from II Cor. 11:23-27 that Luke has recorded only a
small fraction of the hardships which Paul endured as a missionary
of the cross. The tendency to lay exaggerated stress upon martyrdom
and suffering, which runs riot in the later legends of the saints,
is in The Acts conspicuous by its absence. Of the trials which are
vouched for by the unimpeachable testimony of Paul himself, only
a few may be identified in the Lucan narrative. It is natural,
however, to suppose that some of the "perils of rivers" and "perils
of robbers" were encountered on the journey through the defiles of
the Taurus mountains from Perga to Pisidian Antioch, and the one
stoning which Paul mentions is clearly to be identified with the
adventure at Lystra. In II Tim. 3:11 Paul mentions the persecutions
at Antioch, Iconium and Lystra.


7. GEOGRAPHY OF THE FIRST JOURNEY

The first missionary journey led the missionaries into three Roman
provinces: Cyprus, Pamphylia and Galatia. The name "Galatia" had
originally designated a district in the north central part of Asia
Minor, which had been colonized by certain Celtic tribes several
centuries before Christ. By the Romans, however, other districts
were added to this original Galatia, and in 25 B. C. the whole
complex was organized into an imperial province under the name
Galatia. In the first century after Christ, therefore, the name
Galatia could be used in two distinct senses. In the first place, in
the earlier, popular sense, it could designate Galatia proper. In
the second place, in the later, official sense, it could designate
the whole Roman province, which included not only Galatia proper,
but also parts of a number of other districts, including Phrygia and
Lycaonia. Of the cities visited on the first missionary journey,
Pisidian Antioch--which was called "Pisidian" because it was near
Pisidia--and Iconium were in Phrygia, and Lystra and Derbe in
Lycaonia; but all four were included in the province of Galatia.
Many scholars suppose that the churches in these cities were the
churches which Paul addresses in the Epistle to the Galatians. That
view is called the "South Galatian theory." Others--adherents of
the "North Galatian theory"--suppose that the epistle is addressed
to churches in Galatia proper, in the northern part of the Roman
province, which were founded on the second missionary journey. This
question will be noticed again in connection with the epistle.


8. TIME OF THE FIRST JOURNEY

Luke gives very little indication of the amount of time which was
consumed on this first journey. The hasty reader probably estimates
the time too low, since only a few incidents are narrated. The
rapidity of the narrative should not be misinterpreted as indicating
cursoriness of the labor. The passage through Cyprus, Acts 13:6, was
probably accompanied by evangelizing; the extension of the gospel
through the whole region of Antioch, v. 49, must have occupied
more than a few days; the stay at Iconium is designated as "long
time," Acts 14:3; the change of attitude on the part of the Lystran
populace, v. 19, was probably not absolutely sudden; not only Lystra
and Derbe but also the surrounding country were evangelized, v.
6; and finally the missionaries could hardly have returned to the
cities from which they had been driven out, v. 21, unless the heat
of persecution had been allowed to cool. Perhaps a full year would
not be too high an estimate of the time that was occupied by the
journey, and still higher estimates are by no means excluded.


9. THE SCENE AT LYSTRA

The account of the incident at Lystra is one of those inimitable
bits of narrative which imprint upon The Acts the indisputable
stamp of historicity. Lystra, though a Roman colony, lay somewhat
off the beaten track of culture and of trade; hence the extreme
superstition of the populace is what might be expected. It may seem
rather strange that Paul and Barnabas should have been identified
with great gods of Olympus rather than with lesser divinities or
spirits, but who can place a limit upon the superstition of an
uncultured people of the ancient world? The identification may
have been rendered easier by the legend of Philemon and Baucis,
which has been preserved for us by Ovid, the Latin poet. According
to that legend, Zeus and Hermes appeared, once upon a time, in
human form in Phrygia, the same general region in which Lystra was
situated. Zeus and Hermes are the gods with whom Barnabas and Paul
were identified; the English Bible simply substitutes for these
Greek names the names of the corresponding Roman deities. The temple
of Zeus-before-the-city and the preparations for sacrifices are
described in a most lifelike way, in full accord with what is known
of ancient religion. We find ourselves here in a somewhat different
atmosphere from that which prevails in most of the scenes described
in The Acts. It is a pagan atmosphere, and an atmosphere of ruder
superstition than that which prevailed in the great cities. The
"speech of Lycaonia," v. 11, is an especially characteristic touch.
Apparently the all-pervading Greek was understood at Lystra even by
the populace; but in the excitement of their superstition they fell
very naturally into their native language.

As in the case of Peter's release from prison, so in this incident,
wonderful lifelikeness of description is coupled with a miracle. The
scene at Lystra is unintelligible without the miraculous healing of
the lame man, with which it begins. It is impossible, in The Acts as
well as in the Gospels, to separate the miraculous from the rest of
the narrative. The evident truthfulness of the story applies to the
supernatural elements as well as to the rest. The early Christian
mission is evidently real; but it is just as evidently supernatural.
It moved through the varied scenes of the real world, but it was not
limited by the world. It was animated by a mysterious, superhuman
power.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp.
111-122. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": articles on "Cyprus,"
"Antioch" (2), "Iconium," "Lystra," "Derbe," "Galatia." Hastings,
"Dictionary of the Bible": Muir, article on "Cyprus"; Massie,
article on "Bar-Jesus"; Headlam, article on "Paulus, Sergius";
Ramsay, articles on "Antioch in Pisidia," "Iconium," "Lystra,"
"Derbe," "Galatia." Ramsay, "St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman
Citizen," pp. 64-129; "The Cities of St. Paul," pp. 247-419;
"Pictures of the Apostolic Church," pp. 129-153. Lewin, "The Life
and Epistles of St. Paul," chapter viii. Conybeare and Howson, "The
Life and Epistles of St. Paul," chapters v and vi. Stalker, "The
Life of St. Paul," pp. 65-71. Lumby, pp. 155-183. Cook, pp. 437-451.
Plumptre, pp. 79-93. Rackham, pp. 194-238.




LESSON XV

THE COUNCIL AT JERUSALEM


The lesson for to-day deals with one of the most important events in
apostolic history. At the Jerusalem council the principles of the
Gentile mission and of the entire life of the Church were brought
to clear expression. If the original apostles had agreed with the
Judaizers against Paul, the whole history of the Church would have
been different. There would even have been room to doubt whether
Paul was really a disciple of Jesus; for if he was, how could he
come to differ so radically from those whom Jesus had taught? As a
matter of fact, however, these dire consequences were avoided. When
the issue was made between Paul and the Judaizers, the original
apostles decided whole-heartedly for Paul. The unity of the Church
was preserved. God was guiding the deliberations of the council.


1. THE ACTS AND GALATIANS

The treatment of to-day's lesson in the Student's Text Book is
based upon the assumption that Gal. 2:1-10 is an account of the
same visit of Paul to Jerusalem as the visit which is described in
Acts 15:1-29. That assumption is not universally accepted. Some
scholars identify the event of Gal. 2:1-10, not with the Apostolic
Council of Acts 15:1-29, but with the "famine visit" of Acts 11:30;
12:25. Indeed, some maintain that the Epistle to the Galatians not
only contains no account of the Apostolic Council, but was actually
written before the council was held--say at Antioch, soon after the
first missionary journey. Of course this early dating of Galatians
can be adopted only in connection with the "South Galatian theory";
for according to the "North Galatian theory" the churches addressed
in the epistle were not founded until after the council, namely at
the time of Acts 16:6.

Undoubtedly the identification of Gal. 2:1-10 with Acts 11:30;
12:25, avoids some difficulties. If Gal. 2:1-10 be identified
with Acts 15:1-29, then Paul in Galatians has passed over the
famine visit without mention. Furthermore there are considerable
differences between Gal. 2:1-10 and Acts 15:1-29. For example, if
Paul is referring to the Apostolic Council, why has he not mentioned
the apostolic decree of Acts 15:23-29? These difficulties, however,
are not insuperable, and there are counter difficulties against the
identification of Gal. 2:1-10 with the famine visit.

One such difficulty is connected with chronology. Paul says
that his first visit to Jerusalem took place three years after
his conversion, Gal. 1:18, and--according to the most natural
interpretation of Gal. 2:1--that the visit of Gal. 2:1-10 took place
fourteen years after the first visit. The conversion then occurred
seventeen years before the time of Gal. 2:1-10. But if Gal. 2:1-10
describes the famine visit, then the time of Gal. 2:1-10 could not
have been after about A. D. 46. Counting back seventeen years from
A. D. 46 we should get A. D. 29 as the date of the conversion, which
is, of course, too early.

This reasoning, it must be admitted, is not quite conclusive. The
ancients had an inclusive method of reckoning time. According to
this method three years after 1914 would be 1916. Hence, fourteen
plus three might be only what we should call about fifteen years,
instead of seventeen. Furthermore, Paul may mean in Gal. 2:1 that
his conference with the apostles took place fourteen years after the
conversion rather than fourteen years after the first visit.

The identification of Gal. 2:1-10 with the famine visit is not
impossible. But on the whole the usual view, which identifies the
event of Gal. 2:1-10 with the meeting at the time of the Apostolic
Council of Acts 15:1-29, must be regarded as more probable. The
Apostolic Council probably took place roughly at about A. D. 49. The
conversion of Paul then should probably be put at about A. D. 32-34.


2. THE JUDAIZERS

Conceivably the question about the freedom of the Gentiles from the
law might have arisen at an earlier time; for Gentiles had already
been received into the Church before the first missionary journey.
As a matter of fact, indeed, some objection had been raised to the
reception of Cornelius. But that objection had easily been silenced
by an appeal to the immediate guidance of God. Perhaps the case of
Cornelius could be regarded as exceptional; and a similar reflection
might possibly have been applied to the Gentile Christians at
Antioch. There seemed to be no danger, at any rate, that the
predominantly Jewish character of the Church would be lost. Now,
however, after a regular Gentile mission had been carried on with
signal success, the situation was materially altered. Evidently the
influx of Gentile converts, if allowed to go on unhindered, would
change the whole character of the Church. Christianity would appear
altogether as a new dispensation: the prerogatives of Israel would
be gone. The question of Gentile Christianity had existed before,
but after the first missionary journey it became acute.

Perhaps, however, there was also another reason why the battle
had not been fought out at an earlier time. It looks very much as
though this bitter opposition to the Gentile mission had arisen only
through the appearance of a new element in the Jerusalem church.
Were these extreme legalists, who objected to the work of Paul and
Barnabas--were these men present in the Church from the beginning?
The question is more than doubtful. It is more probable that these
legalists came into the Church during the period of prosperity
which followed upon the persecution of Stephen and was only briefly
interrupted by the persecution under Herod Agrippa I.

These Jewish Christian opponents of the Gentile mission--these
"Judaizers"--must be examined with some care. They are described not
only by Luke in The Acts but by Paul himself in Galatians. According
to The Acts, some of them at least had belonged to the sect of the
Pharisees before they had become Christians. Acts 15:5.

The activity of the Judaizers is described by Luke in complete
independence of the account given by Paul. As usual, Luke contents
himself with a record of external fact, while Paul uncovers the
deeper motives of the Judaizers' actions. Yet the facts as reported
by Luke fully justify the harsh words which Paul employs. According
to Paul, these Judaizers were "false brethren privily brought in,
who came in privily to spy out our liberty which we have in Christ
Jesus, that they might bring us into bondage." Gal. 2:4. By calling
them "false brethren" Paul means simply that they had not really
grasped the fundamental principle of the gospel--the principle
of justification by faith. They were still trying to earn their
salvation by their works instead of receiving it as a gift of God.
At heart they were still Jews rather than Christians. They came in
privily into places where they did not belong--perhaps Paul means
especially into the church at Antioch--in order to spy out Christian
liberty. Gal. 2:4. Compare Acts 15:1.

The rise of this Judaizing party is easy to understand. In
some respects the Judaizers were simply following the line of
least resistance. By upholding the Mosaic law they would escape
persecution and even obtain honor. We have seen that it was the
Jews who instigated the early persecutions of the Church. Such
persecutions would be avoided by the Judaizers, for they could
say to their non-Christian countrymen: "We are engaged simply in
one form of the world-wide Jewish mission. We are requiring our
converts to keep the Mosaic law and unite themselves definitely
with the people of Israel. Every convert that we gain is a convert
to Judaism. The cross of Christ that we proclaim is supplementary
to the law, not subversive of it. We deserve therefore from the
Jews not persecution but honor." Compare what Paul says about the
Judaizers in Galatia. Gal. 6:12,13.


3. THE APOSTOLIC DECREE

At first sight it seems rather strange that Paul in Galatians does
not mention the apostolic decree. Some have supposed that his words
even exclude any decree of that sort. In Gal. 2:6 Paul says that
the pillars of the Jerusalem church "imparted nothing" to him. Yet
according to The Acts they imparted to him this decree. The decree,
moreover, seems to have a direct bearing upon the question that
Paul was discussing in Galatians; for it involved the imposition of
a part of the ceremonial law upon Gentile Christians. How then, if
the decree really was passed as Luke says it was, could it have been
left unmentioned by Paul?

There are various ways of overcoming the difficulty. In the first
place it is not perfectly certain that any of the prohibitions
contained in the decree are ceremonial in character. Three of
them are probably ceremonial if the text of most manuscripts of
The Acts is correct. Most manuscripts read, at Acts 15:29: "That
ye abstain from things sacrificed to idols, and from blood, and
from things strangled, and from fornication; from which if ye keep
yourselves, it shall be well with you." Here "things offered to
idols" apparently describes not idolatrous worship, but food which
had been dedicated to idols; and "blood" describes meat used for
food without previous removal of the blood. This meaning of "blood"
is apparently fixed by the addition of "things strangled." Since
"things strangled" evidently refers to food, probably the two
preceding expressions refer to food also. According to the great
mass of our witnesses to the text, therefore, the apostolic decree
contains a food law. A few witnesses, however, omit all reference
to things strangled, not only at Acts 15:29 but also at v. 20 and
at ch. 21:25. If this text be original, then it is possible to
interpret the prohibitions as simply moral and not at all ceremonial
in character. "Things offered to idols" may be interpreted simply
of idolatry, and "blood" of murder. But if the prohibitions are
prohibitions of immorality, then they cannot be said to have
"imparted" anything to Paul; for of course he was as much opposed to
immorality as anyone.

However, the more familiar form of the text is probably correct.
The witnesses that omit the word "strangled" are those that attest
the so-called "Western Text" of The Acts. This Western Text differs
rather strikingly from the more familiar text in many places. The
question as to how far the Western Text of The Acts is correct is a
hotly debated question. On the whole, however, the Western readings
are usually at any rate to be discredited.

In the second place, the difficulty about the decree may be overcome
by regarding Gal. 2:1-10 as parallel not with Acts 15:1-29 but with
Acts 11:30; 12:25. This solution has already been discussed.

In the third place, the difficulty may be overcome by that
interpretation of the decree which is proposed in the Student's Text
Book. The decree was not an addition to Paul's gospel. It was not
imposed upon the Gentile Christians as though a part of the law were
necessary to salvation. On the contrary it was simply an attempt
to solve the practical problems of certain mixed churches--not
the Pauline churches in general, but churches which stood in an
especially close relation to Jerusalem. This interpretation of the
decree is favored by the difficult verse, Acts 15:21. What James
there means is probably that the Gentile Christians should avoid
those things which would give the most serious offense to hearers of
the law.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp.
125-166. Lightfoot, "Saint Paul's Epistle to the Galatians," pp.
123-128 ("The later visit of St. Paul to Jerusalem"), 292-374 ("St.
Paul and the Three"). Ramsay, "St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman
Citizen," pp. 48-60, 152-175. Lewin, "The Life and Epistles of St.
Paul," ch. ix. Conybeare and Howson, "The Life and Epistles of St.
Paul," ch. vii. Stalker, "The Life of St. Paul," pp. 108-118. Lumby,
pp. 185-200. Cook, pp. 451-458. Plumptre, pp. 93-101. Rackham, pp.
238-259, 263-270.




LESSON XVI

THE GOSPEL CARRIED INTO EUROPE


From the rich store of to-day's lesson only a few points can be
selected for special comment.


1. TITUS AND TIMOTHY

At Lystra, Paul had Timothy circumcised. Acts 16:3. This action
has been considered strange in view of the attitude which Paul had
previously assumed. At Jerusalem, only a short time before, he had
absolutely refused to permit the circumcision of Titus. Evidently,
too, he had regarded the matter as of fundamental importance. Had
Titus been circumcised, the freedom of the Gentile Christians would
have been seriously endangered.

The presence of Titus at the Apostolic Council is mentioned only by
Paul in Galatians. It is not mentioned in The Acts. Indeed, Titus
does not appear in The Acts at all, though in the epistles he is
rather prominent. This fact, however, really requires no further
explanation than that the history of Luke is not intended to be
exhaustive. The restraint exercised by the author of The Acts has
already been observed, for example, in a comparison of the long list
of hardships in II Cor. 11:23-27 with what Luke actually narrates.
The helpers of Paul whom Luke mentions are usually those who
traveled with him. Titus was sent by Paul on at least one important
mission, II Cor. 7:13,14, but was apparently not his companion on
the missionary journeys. Luke does not concern himself very much
with the internal affairs of the churches, and it is in this field
that Titus is especially prominent in the epistles. With regard
to the presence of Titus in Jerusalem, the different purposes of
the narratives in Galatians and in The Acts must be borne in mind.
The non-circumcision of Titus, so strongly emphasized by Paul, was
merely preliminary to the public action of the church in which Luke
was interested. Luke has thought it sufficient to include Titus
under the "certain other" of the Antioch Christians who went up with
Paul and Barnabas to Jerusalem.

The different policy which Paul adopted in the case of Timothy, as
compared with his policy about Titus, is amply explained by the wide
differences in the situation.

In the first place, when Titus was at Jerusalem, the matter of
Gentile freedom was in dispute, whereas when Timothy was circumcised
the question had already been settled by a formal pronouncement of
the Jerusalem church. After Paul had won the victory of principle,
he could afford to make concessions where no principle was involved.
Timothy was recognized as a full member of the Church even before
his circumcision. Circumcision was merely intended to make him a
more efficient helper in work among the Jews.

In the second place--and this is even more important--Timothy
was a half-Jew. It is perhaps doubtful whether Paul under any
circumstances would have authorized the circumcision of a pure
Gentile like Titus. But Timothy's mother was Jewish. It must always
be borne in mind that Paul did not demand the relinquishment of
the law on the part of Jews; and Timothy's parentage gave him at
least the right of regarding himself as a Jew. If he had chosen to
follow his Gentile father, the Jews could have regarded him as a
renegade. His usefulness in the synagogues would have been lost.
Obviously the circumcision of such a man involved nothing more than
the maintenance of ancestral custom on the part of Jews. Where no
principle was involved, Paul was the most concessive of men. See
especially I Cor. 9:19-23. The final relinquishment of the law on
the part of Jews was rightly left to the future guidance of God.


2. THE ROUTE THROUGH ASIA MINOR

The difficulty of tracing the route of the missionaries beyond
Lystra is due largely to the difficulty of Acts 16:6. A literal
translation of the decisive words in that verse would be either
"the Phrygian and Galatian country" or "Phrygia and the Galatian
country." According to the advocates of the "South Galatian theory,"
"the Galatian country" here refers not to Galatia proper but to
the southern part of the Roman province Galatia. "The Phrygian
and Galatian country" then perhaps means "The Phrygo-Galatic
country," or "that part of Phrygia which is in the Roman province
Galatia." The reference then is to Iconium, Pisidian Antioch and
the surrounding country--after the missionaries had passed through
the Lycaonian part of the province Galatia (Derbe and Lystra) they
traversed the Phrygian part of the province. The chief objection
to all such interpretations is found in the latter part of the
verse: "having been forbidden of the Holy Spirit to speak the word
in Asia." It looks as though the reason why they passed through
"the Phrygian and Galatian country" was that they were forbidden to
preach in Asia. But South Galatia was directly on the way to Asia.
The impossibility of preaching in Asia could therefore hardly have
been the reason for passing through south Galatia.

Apparently, therefore, the disputed phrase refers rather to some
region which is not on the way to Asia. This requirement is
satisfied if Galatia proper is meant--the country in the northern
part of the Roman province Galatia. When they got to Pisidian
Antioch, it would have been natural for them to proceed into the
western part of Asia Minor, into "Asia." That they were forbidden
to do. Hence they turned north, and went through Phrygia into
Galatia proper. When they got to the border country between Mysia
and Galatia proper, they tried to continue their journey north into
Bithynia, but were prevented by the Spirit. Then they turned west,
and passing through Mysia without preaching arrived at last at the
coast, at Troas.

Nothing is said here about preaching in Galatia proper. But in Acts
18:23, in connection with the third missionary journey, it is said
that when Paul passed through "the Galatian country and Phrygia" he
established the disciples. There could not have been disciples in
the "Galatian country," unless there had been preaching there on the
previous journey. On the "North Galatian" theory, therefore, the
founding of the Galatian churches to which the epistle is directed
is to be placed at Acts 16:6, and the second visit to them, which
seems to be presupposed by the epistle, is to be put at Acts 18:23.
If it seems strange that Luke does not mention the founding of these
churches, the hurried character of this section of the narrative
must be borne in mind. Furthermore, the epistle seems to imply
that the founding of the churches was rather incidental than an
original purpose of the journey; for in Gal. 4:13 Paul says that
it was because of an infirmity of the flesh that he preached the
gospel in Galatia the former time. Apparently he had been hurrying
through the country without stopping, but being detained by illness
used his enforced leisure to preach to the inhabitants. It is not
impossible to understand how Luke came to omit mention of such
incidental preaching. On the second missionary journey attention is
concentrated on Macedonia and Greece.


3. THE MOVEMENTS OF SILAS AND TIMOTHY

When Paul went to Athens, Silas and Timothy remained behind in
Macedonia. Acts 17:14. They were directed to join Paul again as soon
as possible. V. 15. In Acts 18:1,5 they are said to have joined him
at Corinth. The narrative in The Acts must here be supplemented by
the First Epistle to the Thessalonians. What Luke says is perfectly
true, but his narrative is not complete. According to the most
natural interpretation of I Thess. 3:1-5, Timothy was with Paul in
Athens, and from there was sent to Thessalonica. The entire course
of events was perhaps as follows: Silas and Timothy both joined
Paul quickly at Athens according to directions. They were then sent
away again--Timothy to Thessalonica, and Silas to some other place
in Macedonia. Then, after the execution of their commissions, they
finally joined Paul again at Corinth. Acts 18:5; I Thess. 3:6. Soon
afterwards, all three missionaries were associated in the address of
First Thessalonians.


4. PAUL AT ATHENS

In Athens Paul preached as usual in the synagogue to Jews and
"God-fearers"; but he also adopted another and more unusual
method--he simply took his stand without introduction in the
market place, and spoke to those who chanced by. This method was
characteristically Greek; it reminds us of the days of Socrates.

In the market place, Paul encountered certain of the Epicurean
and Stoic philosophers. Both of these schools of philosophy had
originated almost three hundred years before Christ, and both were
prominent in the New Testament period. In their tenets they were
very different. The Stoics were pantheists. They conceived of the
world as a sort of great living being of which God is the soul. The
world does not exist apart from God and God does not exist apart
from the world. Such pantheism is far removed from the Christian
belief in the living God, Maker of heaven and earth; but as against
polytheism, pantheism and theism have something in common. Paul in
his speech was able to start from this common ground. In ethics, the
Stoics were perhaps nearer to Christianity than in metaphysics. The
highest good they conceived to be a life that is led in accordance
with reason--that reason which is the determining principle of the
world. The passions must be conquered, pleasure is worthless, the
wise man is independent of external conditions. Such an ethic worked
itself out in practice in many admirable virtues--in some conception
of the universal brotherhood of mankind, in charity, in heroic
self-denial. But it lacked the warmth and glow of Christian love,
and it lacked the living God.

The Epicureans were materialists. The world, for them, was a
vast mechanism. They believed in the gods, but conceived of them
as altogether without influence upon human affairs. Indeed, the
deliverance of man from the fear of the gods was one of the purposes
of the Epicurean philosophy. The Epicureans were interested chiefly
in ethics. Pleasure, according to them, is the highest good. It
need not be the pleasure of the senses; indeed Epicurus, at least,
the founder of the school, insisted upon a calm life undisturbed by
violent passions. Nevertheless it will readily be seen how little
such a philosophy had in common with Christianity.

The conditions under which Paul made his speech cannot be determined
with certainty. The difficulty arises from the ambiguity of
"Areopagus." "Areopagus" means "Mars' hill." But the term was also
applied to the court which held at least some of its meetings on
the hill. Which meaning is intended here? Did Paul speak before
the court, or did he speak on Mars' hill merely to those who were
interested? On the whole, it is improbable at any rate that he was
subjected to a formal trial.

The speech of Paul at Athens is one of the three important speeches
of Paul, exclusive of his speeches in defense of himself at
Jerusalem and at Caesarea, which have been recorded in The Acts.
These speeches are well chosen. One of them is a speech to Jews,
Acts 13:16-41; one a speech to Gentiles, Acts 17:22-31; and the
third a speech to Christians, Acts 20:18-35. Together they afford
a very good idea of Paul's method as a missionary and as a pastor.
As is to be expected, they differ strikingly from one another. Paul
was large enough to comprehend the wonderful richness of Christian
truth. His gospel was always the same, but he was able to adapt the
presentation of it to the character of his hearers.

At Athens, an altar inscribed TO AN UNKNOWN GOD provided a starting
point. The existence of such an altar is not at all surprising,
although only altars to "unknown gods" (plural instead of singular)
are attested elsewhere. Perhaps the inscription on this altar
indicated simply that the builder of the altar did not know to which
of the numberless gods he should offer thanks for a benefit that he
had received, or to which he should address a prayer to ward off
calamity. Under a polytheistic religion, where every department of
life had its own god, it was sometimes difficult to pick out the
right god to pray to for any particular purpose. Such an altar was
at any rate an expression of ignorance, and that ignorance served as
a starting point for Paul. "You are afraid that you have neglected
the proper god in this case," says Paul in effect. "Yes, indeed,
you have. You have neglected a very important god indeed, you have
neglected the one true God, who made the world and all things
therein."

In what follows, Paul appeals to the truth contained in Stoic
pantheism. His words are of peculiar interest at the present day,
when pantheism is rampant even within the Church. There is a great
truth in pantheism. It emphasizes the immanence of God. But the
truth of pantheism is contained also in theism. The theist, as well
as the pantheist, believes that God is not far from every one of us,
and that in him we live and move and have our being. The theist, as
well as the pantheist, can say, "Closer is he than breathing, and
nearer than hands and feet." The theist accepts all the truth of
pantheism, but avoids the error. God is present in the world--not
one sparrow "shall fall on the ground without your Father"--but
he is not limited to the world. He is not just another name for
the totality of things, but an awful, mysterious, holy, free and
sovereign Person. He is present in the world, but also Master of the
world.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp.
177-197. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": articles on "Troas,"
"Philippi," "Thessalonica," "Athens," "Areopagus," "Stoics,"
"Epicureans," "Corinth," "Gallio," "Silas." Ramsay, "St. Paul the
Traveller and the Roman Citizen," pp. 175-261; "Pictures of the
Apostolic Church," pp. 197-239. Lewin, "The Life and Epistles of
St. Paul," chs. x, xi, and xii. Conybeare and Howson, "The Life
and Epistles of St. Paul," chs. viii, ix, x, xi, and xii. Stalker,
"The Life of St. Paul," pp. 71-81. Lumby, pp. 200-239. Cook, pp.
458-476. Plumptre, pp. 101-124. Rackham, pp. 260-263, 271-331. For
information about the recently discovered Gallio inscription, see
"The Princeton Theological Review," vol. ix, 1911, pp. 290-298:
Armstrong, "Epigraphical Note."




LESSON XVII

ENCOURAGEMENT FOR RECENT CONVERTS


The Pauline Epistles fall naturally into four groups: (1) the
epistles of the second missionary journey (First and Second
Thessalonians); (2) the epistles of the third missionary journey
(Galatians, First and Second Corinthians and Romans); (3) the
epistles of the first imprisonment (Colossians and Philemon,
Ephesians and Philippians); (4) the epistles written after the
period covered by The Acts (First Timothy, Titus and Second Timothy).

Each of these groups has its own characteristics. The first group
is characterized by simplicity of subject matter, and by a special
interest in the second coming of Christ. The second group is
concerned especially with the doctrines of sin and grace. The third
group displays a special interest in the person of Christ and in
the Church. The fourth group deals with organization, and with the
maintenance of sound instruction.


1. SIMPLICITY OF THE THESSALONIAN EPISTLES

The reason for the peculiarities of First and Second Thessalonians
has often been sought in the early date of these epistles. On the
second missionary journey, it is said, Paul had not yet developed
the great doctrines which appear at later periods of his life. This
explanation may perhaps contain an element of truth. Undoubtedly
there was some progress in Paul's thinking. Not everything was
revealed to him at once. The chief cause, however, for the
simplicity of the Thessalonian epistles is not the early date but
the peculiar occasion of these epistles. Paul is here imparting
his first written instruction to an infant church. Naturally he
must feed these recent converts with milk. The simplicity of the
letters is due not to immaturity in Paul but to immaturity in the
Thessalonian church. After all, at the time when the Thessalonian
epistles were written, the major part of Paul's Christian
life--including the decisive conflict with the Judaizers at Antioch
and Jerusalem--lay already in the past.

At any rate the simplicity of the Thessalonian epistles must not be
exaggerated. In these letters the great Pauline doctrines, though
not discussed at length, are everywhere presupposed. There is the
same lofty conception of Christ as in the other epistles, the same
emphasis upon his resurrection, the same doctrine of salvation
through his death. I Thess. 1:10; 5:9,10.


2. THE SECOND COMING OF CHRIST

Undoubtedly the second advent, with the events which are immediately
to precede it, occupies a central position in the Thessalonian
epistles. A few words of explanation, therefore, may here be in
order.

Evidently the expectation of Christ's coming was a fundamental part
of Paul's belief, and had a fundamental place in his preaching. "Ye
turned unto God from idols, to serve a living and true God, and to
wait for his Son from heaven"--these words show clearly how the hope
of Christ's appearing was instilled in the converts from the very
beginning. I Thess. 1:9,10. To serve the living God and to wait for
his Son--that is the sum and substance of the Christian life. All
through the epistles the thought of the Parousia--the "presence" or
"coming"--of Christ appears as a master motive. I Thess. 2:19; 3:13;
4:13 to 5:11,23,24; II Thess. 1:5 to 2:12.

This emphasis upon the second coming of Christ is explained if Paul
expected Christ to come in the near future. The imminence of the
Parousia for Paul appears to be indicated by I Thess. 4:15: "For
this we say unto you by the word of the Lord, that we that are
alive, that are left unto the coming of the Lord, shall in no wise
precede them that are fallen asleep." This verse is often thought to
indicate that Paul confidently expected before his death to witness
the coming of the Lord. Apparently he classes himself with those who
"are left unto the coming of the Lord" as over against those who
will suffer death. In the later epistles, it is further said, Paul
held a very different view. From Second Corinthians on, he faced
ever more definitely the thought of death. II Cor. 5:1,8; Phil.
1:20-26. A comparison of I Cor. 15:51 with II Cor. 5:1,8 is thought
to indicate that the deadly peril which Paul incurred between the
writing of the two Corinthian epistles, II Cor. 1:8,9, had weakened
his expectation of living until Christ should come. After he had
once despaired of life, he could hardly expect with such perfect
confidence to escape the experience of death. The possibility of
death was too strong to be left completely out of sight.

Plausible as such a view is, it can be held only with certain
reservations.

In the first place, we must not exaggerate the nearness of the
Parousia according to Paul, even in the earliest period; for in II
Thess. 2:1-12 the Thessalonians are reminded of certain events that
must occur before Christ would come. The expression of the former
epistle, I Thess. 5:2, that the day of the Lord would come as a
thief in the night, was to be taken as a warning to unbelievers to
repent while there was yet time, not as a ground for neglecting
ordinary provision for the future. In Second Thessalonians Paul
finds it necessary to calm the overstrained expectations of the
Thessalonian Christians.

Furthermore, it is not only in the earlier epistles that expressions
occur which seem to suggest that the Parousia is near. Rom. 13:11;
Phil. 4:5. And then it is evident from II Cor. 11:23-29 and from
I Cor. 15:30-32 that Paul had undergone dangers before the one
mentioned in II Cor. 1:8,9, so that there is no reason to suppose
that that one event caused any sudden change in his expectations.

Lastly, in I Cor. 6:14 Paul says that "God both raised the Lord, and
will raise up us through his power." If that refers to the literal
resurrection, then here Paul classes himself among those who are to
die; for if he lived to the Parousia, then there would be no need
for him to be raised up.

It is therefore very doubtful whether we can put any very definite
change in the apostle's expectations as to his living or dying
between First Corinthians and Second Corinthians. A gradual
development in his feeling about the matter there no doubt was.
During the early part of his life his mind dwelt less upon the
prospect of death than it did after perils of all kinds had made
that prospect more and more imminent. But at no time did the
apostle regard the privilege of living until the Parousia as a
certainty to be put at all in the same category with the Christian
hope itself. Especially the passage in First Thessalonians can
be rightly interpreted only in the light of the historical
occasion for it. Until certain members of the church had died, the
Thessalonian Christians had never faced the possibility of dying
before the second coming of Christ. Hence they were troubled. Would
the brethren who had fallen asleep miss the benefits of Christ's
kingdom? Paul writes to reassure them. He does not contradict their
hope of living till the coming of Christ, for God had not revealed
to him that that hope would not be realized. But he tells them
that, supposing that hope to be justified, even then they will have
no advantage over their dead brethren. He classes himself with those
who were still alive and might therefore live till Christ should
come, as over against those who were already dead and could not
therefore live till Christ should come.

Certain passages in the epistles of Paul, which are not confined to
any one period of his life, seem to show that at any rate he did
not exclude the very real possibility that Christ might come in
the near future. At any rate, however, such an expectation of the
early coming of Christ was just as far removed as possible from the
expectations of fanatical chiliasts. It did not lead Paul to forget
that the times and the seasons are entirely in the hand of God. It
had no appreciable effect upon his ethics, except to make it more
intense, more fully governed by the thought of the judgment seat of
Christ. It did not prevent him from laying far-reaching plans, it
did not prevent his developing a great philosophy of future history
in Rom., chs. 9 to 11. How far he was from falling into the error he
combated in Second Thessalonians! Despite his view of the temporary
character of the things that are seen, how sane and healthy was his
way of dealing with practical problems! He did his duty, and left
the details of the future to God. Hence it is hard to discover what
Paul thought as to how soon Christ would come--naturally so, for
Paul did not try to discover it himself.


3. THE PERSONS ASSOCIATED IN THE ADDRESS

Almost always other persons are associated with Paul in the
addresses of the epistles. With regard to the meaning of this
custom, extreme views should be avoided. On the one hand, these
persons--usually, at any rate--had no share in the actual
composition of the epistles. The epistles bear the imprint of one
striking personality. On the other hand, association in the address
means something more than that the persons so named sent greetings;
for mere greetings are placed at the end. The truth lies between
the two extremes. Probably the persons associated with Paul in the
address were made acquainted at least in general with the contents
of the epistles, and desired to express their agreement with what
was said. In the Thessalonian epistles Silas and Timothy, who had
had a part in the founding of the Thessalonian church, appear very
appropriately in the address.

A question related to that of the persons associated in the
addresses is the question of the so-called "epistolary plural."
The epistolary plural was analogous to our "editorial we" it was
a usage by which the writer of a letter could substitute "we" for
"I" in referring to himself alone. In many passages in the letters
of Paul it is exceedingly difficult to tell whether a plural is
merely epistolary, or whether it has some special significance. For
example, whom, if anyone, is Paul including with himself in the "we"
of I Thess. 3:1? In particular, the question often is whether, when
Paul says "we," he is thinking of the persons who were associated
with him in the address of the epistle. On the whole it seems
impossible to deny that Paul sometimes uses the epistolary plural,
though his use of it is probably not so extensive as has often been
supposed.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp.
197-203. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves (supplemented),
article on "Thessalonians, Epistles to the." Hastings, "Dictionary
of the Bible": Lock, articles on "Thessalonians, First Epistle to
the" and "Thessalonians, Second Epistle to the." M'Clymont, "The
New Testament and Its Writers," pp. 47-57. Ramsay, "Pictures of the
Apostolic Church," pp. 240-246. Stalker, "The Life of St. Paul," pp.
85-107. Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary for English Readers,"
vol. iii, pp. 125-170: Mason, "The Epistles of Paul the Apostle to
the Thessalonians." "The Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges":
Findlay, "The Epistles to the Thessalonians." Zahn, "Introduction
to the New Testament," vol. i, pp. 152-164, 203-255. Milligan, "St.
Paul's Epistles to the Thessalonians." The two last-named works are
intended primarily for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but
can also be used by others.




LESSON XVIII

THE CONFLICT WITH THE JUDAIZERS


1. APOLLOS

Before the arrival of Paul at Ephesus an important event had
taken place in that city--the meeting of Aquila and Priscilla
with Apollos. Apollos was a Jew of Alexandrian descent. He had
already received instruction about Jesus--perhaps in his native
city. Of all the great cities of the Roman Empire Alexandria alone
was approximately as near to Jerusalem as was Syrian Antioch. The
founding of the church at Alexandria is obscure, but undoubtedly it
took place at a very early time. At a later period Alexandria was
of the utmost importance as the center of Christian learning, as
it had been already the center of the learning of the pagan world.
Until instructed by Aquila and Priscilla, Apollos had known only
the baptism of John the Baptist. Apparently one important thing
that he had lacked was an acquaintance with the peculiar Christian
manifestation of the Holy Spirit. He seems to have been trained
in Greek rhetoric, whether the word translated "eloquent" in Acts
18:24 means "eloquent" or "learned." Apollos did not remain long
in Ephesus, but went to Corinth, where, as can be learned from
First Corinthians as well as from The Acts, his work was of great
importance.


2. GALATIANS A POLEMIC

After studying first the Thessalonian epistles and then Galatians
in succession the student should be able to form some conception
of the variety among the epistles of Paul. Certainly there could
be no sharper contrast. First and Second Thessalonians are simple,
affectionate letters written to a youthful church; Galatians is
one of the most passionate bits of polemic in the whole Bible. We
ought to honor Paul for his anger. A lesser man might have taken a
calmer view of the situation. After all, it might have been said,
the observance of Jewish fasts and feasts was not a serious matter;
even circumcision, though useless, could do no great harm. But Paul
penetrated below the surface. He detected the great principles that
were at stake. The Judaizers were disannulling the grace of God.


3. THE ADDRESS. GAL. 1:1-5

The addresses of the Pauline epistles are never merely formal. Paul
does not wait for the beginning of the letter proper in order to say
what he has in mind. Even the epistolary forms are suffused with the
deepest religious feeling.

The opening of the present letter is anticipatory of what is to
follow. Dividing the opening into three parts--the nominative (name
and title of the writer), the dative (name of those to whom the
letter is addressed), and the greeting--it will be observed that
every one of these parts has its peculiarity as compared with the
other Pauline epistles.

The peculiarity of the nominative is the remarkable addition
beginning with "not from men," which is a summary of the first
great division of the epistle, Paul's defense against the personal
attack of his opponents. Since the Epistle to the Galatians is
polemic from beginning to end, it is not surprising that the very
first word after the bare name and title of the author is "not."
Paul cannot mention his title "apostle"--in the addresses of First
and Second Thessalonians he had not thought it necessary to mention
it at all--without thinking of the way in which in Galatia it was
misrepresented. "My apostleship," he says, "came not only from
Christ, but directly from Christ."

The peculiarity of the dative is its brevity--not "beloved of God,
called to be saints," or the like, but just the bare and formal "to
the churches of Galatia." The situation was not one which called for
pleasant words!

The greeting is the least varied part in the addresses of the
Pauline epistles. The long addition to the greeting in Galatians is
absolutely unique. It is a summary of the second and central main
division of the epistle, Paul's defense of his gospel. "Christ has
died to free you. The Judaizers in bringing you into bondage are
making of none effect the grace of Christ, manifested on the cross."
That is the very core of the letter. In all of the Pauline epistles
there is scarcely a passage more characteristic of the man than the
first five verses of Galatians. An ordinary writer would have been
merely formal in the address. Not so Paul!

The exultant supernaturalism of the address should be noticed.
This supernaturalism appears, in the first place, in the sphere of
external history--"God the Father, who raised him from the dead."
Pauline Christianity is based upon the miracle of the resurrection.
Supernaturalism appears also, however, in the sphere of Christian
experience--"who gave himself for our sins, that he might deliver
us out of this present evil world." Christianity is no mere easy
development of the old life, no mere improvement of the life, but a
new life in a new world. In both spheres, supernaturalism is being
denied in the modern Church. Pauline Christianity is very different
from much that is called Christianity to-day.

Finally, this passage will serve to exhibit Paul's lofty view
of the person of Christ. "Neither through man," says Paul, "but
through Jesus Christ." Jesus Christ is here distinguished sharply
from men and placed clearly on the side of God. What is more, even
the Judaizers evidently accepted fundamentally the same view. Paul
said, "Not by man, but by Jesus Christ"; the Judaizers said, "Not by
Jesus Christ, but by man." But if so, then the Judaizers, no less
than Paul, distinguished Jesus sharply from ordinary humanity. About
other things there was debate, but about the person of Christ Paul
appears in harmony even with his opponents. Evidently the original
apostles had given the Judaizers on this point no slightest excuse
for differing from Paul. The heavenly Christ of Paul was also the
Christ of those who had walked and talked with Jesus of Nazareth.
They had seen Jesus subject to all the petty limitations of human
life. Yet they thought him divine! Could they have been deceived?


4. THE PURPOSE OF THE EPISTLE. GAL. 1:6-10

The thanksgiving for the Christian state of the readers, which
appears in practically every other of the Pauline epistles, is here
conspicuous by its absence. Here it would have been a mockery. The
Galatians were on the point of giving up the gospel. There was just
a chance of saving them. The letter was written in a desperate
crisis. Pray God it might not be too late! No time here for words of
thanks!

In vs. 6-10, Paul simply states the purpose of the letter in a few
uncompromising words: "You are falling away from the gospel and I am
writing to stop you."


5. PAUL'S DEFENSE OF HIS APOSTOLIC AUTHORITY. GAL. 1:11 to 2:21

After stating, Gal. 1:11,12, the thesis that is to be proved in this
section, Paul defends his independent apostolic authority by three
main arguments.

In the first place, vs. 13-24, he was already launched upon his
work as apostle to the Gentiles before he had even come into any
effective contact with the original apostles. Before his conversion,
he had been an active persecutor. His conversion was wrought,
not, like an ordinary conversion, through human agency, but by an
immediate act of Christ. After his conversion it was three years
before he saw any of the apostles. Then he saw only Peter (and
James) and that not long enough to become, as his opponents said, a
disciple of these leaders.

In the second place, Gal. 2:1-10, when he finally did hold a
conference with the original apostles, they themselves, the very
authorities to whom the Judaizers appealed, recognized that his
authority was quite independent of theirs, and, like theirs, of
directly divine origin.

In the third place, Gal. 2:11-21, so independent was his authority
that on one occasion he could even rebuke the chief of the original
apostles himself. What Paul said at that time to Peter happened to
be exactly what he wanted to say, in the epistle, to the Galatians.
This section, therefore, forms a transition to the second main
division of the epistle. It has sometimes been thought surprising
that Paul does not say how Peter took his rebuke. The conclusion has
even been drawn that if Peter had acknowledged his error Paul would
have been sure to say so. Such reasoning ignores the character of
this section. In reporting the substance of what he said to Peter,
Paul has laid bare the very depths of his own life. To return, after
such a passage, to the incident at Antioch would have been pedantic
and unnecessary. Long before the end of the second chapter Paul
has forgotten all about Peter, all about Antioch, and all about
the whole of his past history. He is thinking only of the grace of
Christ, and how some men are trampling it under foot. O foolish
Galatians, to desert so great a salvation!


6. PAUL'S DEFENSE OF HIS GOSPEL. GAL. 3:1 to 5:12

Salvation cannot be earned by human effort, but must be received
simply as a free gift: Christ has died to save us from the curse of
the law: to submit again to the yoke of bondage is disloyalty to
him--that is the great thesis that Paul sets out to prove.

He proves it first by an argument from experience. Gal. 3:1-5. You
received the Holy Spirit, in palpable manifestation, before you ever
saw the Judaizers, before you ever thought of keeping the Mosaic
law. You received the Spirit by faith alone. How then can you now
think that the law is necessary? Surely there can be nothing higher
than the Spirit.

In the second place, there is an argument from Scripture. Not those
who depend upon the works of the law, but those who believe, have
the benefit of the covenant made with Abraham. Vs. 6-22.

In the third place, by the use of various figures, Paul contrasts
the former bondage with the present freedom. Gal. 3:23 to 4:7. The
life under the law was a period of restraint like that of childhood,
preliminary to faith in Christ. The law was intended to produce the
consciousness of sin, in order that the resultant hopelessness might
lead men to accept the Saviour. Vs. 23-25. But now all Christians
alike, both Jews and Gentiles, are sons of God in Christ, and
therefore heirs of the promise made to Abraham. Vs. 26-29. Being
sons of God, with all the glorious freedom of sonship, with the
Spirit crying, "Abba, Father," in the heart, how can we think of
returning to the miserable bondage of an external and legalistic
religion? Gal. 4:1-11.

In the fourth place, Paul turns away from argument to make a
personal appeal. Vs. 12-20. What has become of your devotion to me?
Surely I have not become your enemy just because I tell you the
truth. The Judaizers are estranging you from me. Listen to me, my
spiritual children, even though I can speak to you only through the
cold medium of a letter!

In the fifth place, Paul, in his perplexity, bethinks himself of
one more argument. It is an argument that would appeal especially
to those who were impressed by the Judaizers' method of using the
Old Testament, but it also has permanent validity. The fundamental
principle, says Paul, for which I am arguing, the principle of
grace, can be illustrated from the story of Ishmael and Isaac.
Ishmael had every prospect of being the heir of Abraham. It seemed
impossible for the aged Abraham to have another son. Nature was on
Ishmael's side. But nature was overruled. So it is to-day. As far as
nature is concerned, the Jews are the heirs of Abraham--they have
all the outward marks of sonship. But God has willed otherwise.
He has chosen to give the inheritance to the heirs according to
promise. The principle of the divine choice, operative on a small
scale in the acceptance of Isaac, is operative now on a large scale
in the acceptance of the Gentile church.

Finally, Paul concludes the central section of the epistle by
emphasizing the gravity of the crisis. Gal. 5:1-12. Do not be
deceived. Circumcision as the Judaizers advocate it is no innocent
thing; it means the acceptance of a law religion. You must choose
either the law or grace; you cannot have both.


7. THE RESULTS OF PAUL'S GOSPEL. GAL. 5:13 to 6:10

In this third main division of the epistle Paul exhibits the
practical working of faith. Paul's gospel is more powerful than the
teaching of the Judaizers. Try to keep the law in your own strength
and you will fail, for the flesh is too strong. But the Spirit is
stronger than the flesh, and the Spirit is received by faith.


8. CONCLUSION. GAL. 6:11-18

This concluding section, if not the whole epistle, was written
with Paul's own hand. V. 11. In his other letters Paul dictated
everything but a brief closing salutation.

In the closing section, Paul lays the alternative once more before
his readers. The Judaizers have worldly aims, they boast of worldly
advantages; but the true Christian boasts of nothing but the cross.
Christianity, as here portrayed, is not the gentle, easy-going
doctrine that is being mistaken for it to-day. It is no light thing
to say, "The world hath been crucified unto me, and I unto the
world." But the result is a new creature!

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp.
203-213. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": article on "Ephesus";
Purves, articles on "Galatia" and "Galatians, Epistle to the"
(supplemented). Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible": Ramsay, article
on "Ephesus"; Dods, article on "Galatians, Epistle to the." Ramsay,
"St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen," pp. 262-282;
"Pictures of the Apostolic Church," pp. 247-269, 293-300. Lewin,
"The Life and Epistles of St. Paul," chs. xii, xiii. Conybeare and
Howson, "The Life and Epistles of St. Paul," chs. xii, xiii, xiv, xv
and xvi. Stalker, "The Life of St. Paul," pp. 82-84, 108-118. Lumby,
pp. 239-266. Cook, pp. 476-485. Plumptre, pp. 124-136. Rackham, pp.
331-370. M'Clymont, "The New Testament and Its Writers," pp. 70-76.
Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary for English Readers," vol.
ii, pp. 419-468: Sanday, "The Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the
Galatians." "The Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges": Perowne,
"The Epistle to the Galatians." Zahn, "Introduction to the New
Testament," vol. i, pp. 164-202. Lightfoot, "Saint Paul's Epistle
to the Galatians." The two last-named works are intended primarily
for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by
others.




LESSON XIX

PROBLEMS OF A GENTILE CHURCH


Christianity, according to Paul, is an escape from the world. Gal.
1:4. All human distinctions are comparatively unimportant. "There
can be neither Jew nor Greek, there can be neither bond nor free,
there can be no male and female." Gal. 3:28. Such a doctrine might
seem logically to lead to fanaticism. If the Christian is already a
citizen of heaven, may he not be indifferent to the conditions of
life upon this earth? Such a conclusion was altogether avoided by
Paul. In First Corinthians Paul is revealed as the most practical of
men. All human distinctions are subordinate and secondary--and yet
these distinctions are carefully observed. Paul was a man of heroic
faith, but he was also possessed of admirable tact.

It is not that the one side of Paul's nature limited the other;
it is not that common sense acted as a check to transcendental
religion. On the contrary, the two things seemed to be in perfect
harmony. Just because Paul was inwardly so entirely free from the
world, he was also so wise in dealing with worldly affairs. The
secret of this harmony was consecration. Human relationships, when
consecrated to God, are not destroyed, but ennobled. They cease,
indeed, to be an end in themselves, but they become a means to
Christian service. The Christian man has no right to be indifferent
to the world. If he is, he is no true son of the God who made the
world, and sent the Lord to save it. The Christian, like the man of
the world, is profoundly interested in the conditions of life on
this earth. Only, unlike the man of the world, he is not helpless
and perplexed in the presence of those conditions; but from his
vantage ground of heavenly power, he shapes them to the divine will.
He is interested in the world, but he is interested in it, not as
its servant, but as its master.

So in First Corinthians Paul lays hold of certain perplexing
practical problems with the sure grasp of one who is called to rule
and not to serve. Everything that he touches he lifts to a higher
plane. In his hands even the simplest things of life receive a
heavenly significance.

The problems that are discussed in First Corinthians stood in a
special relation to the environment of the Corinthian church. Most
of them were due to the threatened intrusions of Greek paganism.
They are closely analogous, however, to the problems which we have
to solve to-day. Paganism and worldliness are not dead. The Church
still stands in the midst of a hostile environment. We can still use
the teaching of Paul. That teaching will now be examined in a few of
its important details.


1. THE PARTIES

Paul mentions four parties that had been formed in the Corinthian
church--a Paul-party, an Apollos-party, a Cephas-party and a
Christ-party. These parties do not seem to have been separated
from one another by any serious doctrinal differences, and it
is impossible to determine their characteristics in detail. In
the section where the party spirit is discussed, Paul blames the
Corinthians for intellectual pride. This fault has often been
connected with the Apollos-party. Apollos was an Alexandrian, and
probably had an Alexandrian Greek training. He might therefore have
unconsciously evoked among some members of the Corinthian church an
excessive admiration for his more pretentious style of preaching,
which might have caused them to despise the simpler manner of Paul.
Even this much, however, is little more than surmise. At any rate,
Apollos should not be blamed for the faults of those who misused his
name. He is praised unstintedly by Paul, who was even desirous that
he should return at once to Corinth. I Cor. 16:12. Paul blames the
Paul-party just as much as any of the other three.

The Peter-party was composed of admirers of Peter, who had either
come to Corinth from the scene of Peter's labors elsewhere, or
simply had known of Peter by hearsay. It is unlikely that Peter
himself had been in Corinth, for if he had Paul would probably have
let the fact appear in First or Second Corinthians. The Christ-party
is rather puzzling. A comparison with the false teachers who are
combated in Second Corinthians has led some scholars to suppose that
it was a Judaizing party, which emphasized a personal acquaintance
with the earthly Jesus as a necessary qualification of apostleship.
In that case, however, Paul would probably have singled out the
Christ-party for special attack. More probably these were simply men
who, in proud opposition to the adherents of Paul, of Apollos and
of Cephas, emphasized their own independence of any leader other
than Christ. Of course, the watchword, "I am of Christ," if used in
a better spirit, would have been altogether praiseworthy, and indeed
Paul desires all the parties to unite in it. I Cor. 3:21-23.

Perhaps it is a mistake to attribute to these parties anything like
stability. On the whole, the passage gives the impression that it is
not the individual parties that Paul is condemning, but the party
spirit. That party spirit was manifested by watchwords like those
which are enumerated in I Cor. 1:12, but that that enumeration was
meant to be complete, does not appear. The whole effort to determine
the characteristics of the individual parties--an effort which has
absorbed the attention of many scholars--should perhaps be abandoned.

Paul's treatment of the party spirit exhibits his greatness not
only as an administrator, but also as a writer. The subject was
certainly not inspiring; yet under Paul's touch it becomes luminous
with heavenly glory. The contrast of human wisdom with the message
of the cross, I Cor. 1:18-31, where a splendid rhythm of language
matches the sublimity of the thought, the wonderful description of
the freedom and power of the man who possesses the Spirit of God,
the grand climax of the third chapter, "For all things are yours;
whether Paul, or Apollos, or Cephas, or the world, or life, or
death, or things present, or things to come; all are yours; and ye
are Christ's; and Christ is God's"--these are among the passages
that can never be forgotten.


2. THINGS SACRIFICED TO IDOLS

The question of meats offered to idols, which Paul discusses in I
Cor. 8:1 to 11:1, was exceedingly intricate. To it Paul applies
several great principles. In the first place, there is the principle
of Christian freedom. The Christian has been delivered from
enslaving superstitions. Idols have no power; they cannot impart
any harmful character to the good things which God has provided
for the sustenance of man. In the second place, however, there is
the principle of loyalty. The fact that idols are nothing does not
render idol-worship morally indifferent. On the contrary, idolatry
is always sinful. If the eating of certain kinds of food under
certain conditions involves participation in idolatry then it is
disloyalty to the one true God. The joint operation of the two
principles of freedom and of loyalty seems to lead in Paul's mind
to the following practical conclusion:--The Christian may eat the
meat that has been offered to idols if it is simply put on sale in
the market place or set before him at an ordinary meal; but he must
not take part with the heathen in specifically religious feasts. The
whole question, however, is further viewed in the light of a third
principle--the principle of Christian love. Even things that are in
themselves innocent must be given up if a brother by them is led
into conduct which for him is sin. Christ has died for that weaker
brother; surely the Christian, then, may not destroy him. Thus
love, even more than loyalty, limits freedom--but it is a blessed
limitation. The principles here applied by Paul to the question of
the Corinthian Christians will solve many a problem of the modern
Church.


3. SPIRITUAL GIFTS

The principle of Christian love, with the related principle of
toleration, is applied also to another set of problems, the problems
with regard to the exercise of spiritual gifts. The passage in which
Paul discusses these problems, aside from its spiritual and moral
teaching, is of singular historical interest. It affords a unique
picture of the devotional meetings of an apostolic church. The
characteristic of these meetings was the enthusiasm which prevailed
in them. Paul is not at all desirous of dampening that enthusiasm.
On the contrary the gifts in question were in his judgment really
bestowed by the Holy Spirit. Even the gift of tongues, which Paul
limits in its operation, is in his judgment of genuine value.
Indeed, he himself had exercised it even more than the other
Christians. I Cor. 14:18. This last fact should correct any unworthy
impression which we might have formed with regard to the gift. If
speaking with tongues was practiced by Paul, then it was no mere
unhealthy emotionalism. We are to-day unable to understand it fully,
but in the apostolic Church it was a real expression of Christian
experience.

Paul desires, not to dampen the enthusiasm of the Corinthian church,
but merely to eliminate certain harmful by-products of that which
was in itself altogether excellent. The first principle which he
applies is the principle of toleration. There is room in the Church
for many different kinds of workers. "There are diversities of
gifts, but the same Spirit." The principle is often neglected in the
modern Church. Toleration, indeed, is on everyone's lips; but it
is not the kind of toleration that Paul means. It is often nothing
more than indifference to the great verities of the faith. Such
toleration would have met with nothing but an anathema from Paul.
The toleration that Paul is commending is a toleration, not with
regard to matters of doctrine, but with regard to methods of work.
Such toleration is often sadly lacking. Some advocates of missions
think that almost every Christian who stays at home is a coward;
some good, conservative elders, on the other hand, have little
interest in what passes the bounds of their own congregation. Some
Christians of reserved habits are shocked at the popular methods
of the evangelists; some evangelists are loud in their ignorant
denunciation of the Christian scholar. In other words, many very
devout Christians of the present day act as though they had never
read the twelfth chapter of First Corinthians.

The principle of toleration, however, culminates in the principle of
love. If there must be a choice between the exercise of different
gifts, then the choice should be in favor of those gifts which are
most profitable to other men. Finally, even the highest spiritual
gifts are not independent of reason. I Cor. 14:32,33. That is a
far-reaching principle. Some modern Christians seem to think that an
appeal to the inward voice of the Spirit excuses them from listening
to reasonable counsel. Such is not the teaching of Paul.


4. THE RESURRECTION

The error which is combated in the fifteenth chapter of the epistle
could hardly have been a denial, in general, of continued existence
after death, but was rather a denial of the resurrection of the body
as over against the Greek doctrine of the immortality of the soul.
In reply, Paul appeals to the resurrection of Jesus. The appeal
would seem to be futile unless Paul means that the resurrection of
Jesus was a bodily resurrection. If the appearances of Jesus were no
more than incorporeal manifestations of his spirit, then obviously
the believer in a mere immortality of the soul remained unrefuted.
In this chapter there is an advance over the simple teaching of
First Thessalonians. Here the character of the resurrection body
comes into view. The resurrection body will have a real connection
with the old body--otherwise there would be no resurrection--but the
weakness of the old body will be done away. There is continuity, but
also transformation.


5. INCIDENTAL INFORMATION ABOUT JESUS

Certain passages in First Corinthians, which are introduced only in
an incidental way, as illustrations of the principles which are
being applied, are of inestimable historical value. These passages
include not only the great autobiographical passage in the ninth
chapter, where Paul illustrates from his own life the limitation
of the principle of freedom by the principle of love, but also two
all-important passages which refer to the life of Christ.

It is generally admitted that First Corinthians was written at about
A. D. 55. The eleventh chapter of the epistle gives an account of
the institution of the Lord's Supper, in which Jesus teaches the
sacrificial significance of his death; and the fifteenth chapter
gives a list of the appearances of Jesus after his resurrection. The
information contained in these passages was not invented by Paul;
indeed he distinctly says that it was "received." In A. D. 55, then,
not only Paul, but also the Church generally believed that Jesus'
death, according to his own teaching, was sacrificial, and appealed
in support of his resurrection to a wealth of competent testimony.
But from whom had Paul "received" these things? Hardly from
anyone except those who had been Christians before him--in other
words, from the Palestinian church. We have here an irremovable
confirmation of the Gospel view of Jesus. First Corinthians is a
historical document of absolutely priceless value.

The incidental character of these historical passages is especially
noteworthy. It shows that Paul knew far more about Jesus than he
found occasion in the epistles to tell. If he had told more, no
doubt the Gospel picture of Jesus would have received confirmation
throughout.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp.
213-221. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": article on "Apollos";
Purves and Davis, article on "Corinthians, Epistles to the."
Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible": Robertson, article on
"Corinthians, First Epistle to the." M'Clymont, "The New Testament
and Its Writers," pp. 58-64. Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary
for English Readers," vol. ii, pp. 281-356: Shore, "The First
Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Corinthians." "The Cambridge
Bible for Schools": Lias, "The First Epistle to the Corinthians."
Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. i, pp. 256-306.
"The International Critical Commentary": Robertson and Plummer, "A
Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the First Epistle of St. Paul
to the Corinthians." The two last-named works presuppose a knowledge
of Greek.




LESSON XX

THE APOSTLE AND HIS MINISTRY


1. ADDRESS AND THANKSGIVING. II Cor. 1:1-11

In First Corinthians the obscure Sosthenes is found to be associated
with Paul in the address of the epistle; in Second Corinthians it
is Timothy, one of the best-known of the helpers of Paul. Even if
that mission of Timothy to Corinth which is mentioned in First
Corinthians had resulted in failure, Timothy's usefulness in the
church was not permanently affected.

After the address, comes, as is usual in the Pauline Epistles,
an expression of thanksgiving to God. This time, however, it is
not thanksgiving for the Christian state of the readers, but
thanksgiving for Paul's own escape from danger. The absence of
thanksgiving for the readers does not mean here, as in the case of
Galatians, that there was nothing to be thankful for in the church
that is being addressed, for the whole first section of the letter
is suffused with a spirit of thankfulness for the Corinthians'
return to their true allegiance; it means rather simply that the
thought of the deadly personal danger, and of the remarkable escape,
were for the moment in the forefront of Paul's thought. Even that
personal matter, however, was used by Paul to fortify his readers
against similar trials, and especially to strengthen still further
the bonds of sympathy which had at last been restored between him
and them.

What this danger was from which Paul had just escaped cannot be
determined. It is as much a puzzle as the fighting with beasts
at Ephesus, which Paul mentions in I Cor. 15:32. Neither one nor
the other can very well be identified with the trouble caused by
Demetrius the silversmith, Acts 19:23-41, for there Paul does not
seem to have been in deadly danger. Some suppose that the fighting
with beasts is literally meant; that Paul was actually exposed to
the wild beasts in the arena and escaped only in some remarkable
way. It should be observed that Paul does not say, with regard to
the danger mentioned in Second Corinthians, that it occurred in
Ephesus, but only that it occurred in Asia. The expression, "weighed
down," in II Cor. 1:8 perhaps points to some form of illness rather
than to persecution.


2. THE APOSTLE AND THE MINISTRY OF RECONCILIATION. II Cor. 1:12 to
7:16

Immediately after the thanksgiving for his escape from death,
Paul begins the defense of his ministry. After the suspense of
the previous days, he feels the need of reviewing the methods
and motives of his labor among the Corinthians, in order that
the last vestige of suspicion may be removed. This he does in an
unrestrained, cordial sort of way, which reveals the deepest secrets
of his heart, and culminates here and there in grand expositions of
the very essence of the gospel.

First, in just a passing word, ch. 1:13,14, he defends his letters
against that charge of obscurity or concealment which is hinted at
elsewhere in the epistle. Compare ch. 4:1-4; 11:6.

Next, he defends himself against the charge of fickleness in
his journey plans. At some time, probably during or after the
unsuccessful visit alluded to in ch. 2:1, Paul had formed the plan
of returning to Corinth by the direct route. This plan he had not
carried out, and his abandonment of it apparently confirmed the
impression of weakness which had been left by the unsuccessful
visit. "He is very bold in letters," said his opponents, "but when
he is here he is weak, and now he is afraid to return." It was a
petty criticism, and a lesser man might have answered it in a petty
way. But Paul was able to lift the whole discussion to a loftier
plane. His answer to the criticism was very simple--the reason
why he had not returned to Corinth at once was that he did not
want to return again in grief and in severity; for the sake of the
Corinthians themselves he wanted to give them time to repent, before
the final and fatal issue should be raised. Characteristically,
however, Paul does not content himself with this simple answer;
indeed he does not even begin with it. A specific explanation of the
change in his plans would have refuted the criticism immediately
under consideration, but Paul felt the need of doing far more than
that. What he desired to do was to make not only this criticism,
but all similar criticisms, impossible. This he does by the fine
reference to the positive character of his gospel. "You say that I
am uncertain in my plans, that I say yes and no in one breath. Well,
the gospel that I preached, at any rate, was no such uncertain thing
as that. My gospel was a great 'Yes' to all the promises of God."
Such a method of refutation lifts the reader far above all petty
criticisms to the great things of Paul's gospel.

Yet this reference to great principles is no mere excuse to avoid
the simple question at issue. On the contrary, Paul is perfectly
frank about the reason why he had not gone to Corinth as he had
intended. It was out of love to the Corinthian church, and this had
also prompted the writing of a severe letter. Here, ch. 2:5-11,
Paul refers to the offender whose case had been made a test at
the time of the recent painful visit. This offender was probably
different from the incestuous person who is so sternly dealt with
in I Cor. 5:1-5. His offense is thought by many to have been
some personal insult to Paul, II Cor. 2:5, but this is not quite
certain. At any rate, whatever his original offence, Paul's demand
for his punishment had become a test of the loyalty of the church.
At first the demand had been refused, but now the majority of the
congregation has agreed and the man himself is deeply repentant, so
that Paul is only afraid lest severity may go too far. It is hardly
worth while saying that the character of Paul was entirely free from
vindictiveness. When the discipline of the Church would permit it,
Paul was the first to propose counsels of mercy.

The reference to the epistles of commendation which had been used
by Paul's opponents in Corinth, ch. 3:1, has been made the basis of
far-reaching conclusions about the whole history of the apostolic
age. From whom could the opponents have received their letters of
introduction? Only, it is said, from Palestine, and probably from
the original apostles. This conclusion is hasty, to say the least.
It should be noticed that not only letters to the Corinthian church
but also letters from the church are apparently in mind. V. 1. If,
then, the Corinthian church had been asked to supply these false
teachers with letters of commendation, perhaps the other churches
that had supplied them with letters were no nearer to Jerusalem than
Corinth was.

The mention of these letters of commendation introduces one of the
grandest passages in the New Testament. "I," says Paul, by way of
transition, "do not need any letters of commendation. My work is
sufficient commendation. What I have accomplished in the hearts of
men is an epistle written by the Spirit of God." Then follows the
magnificent exposition of the ministry of the new covenant. That
ministry is first contrasted with the old dispensation, perhaps
with reference to an excessive valuation, by the opponents, of a
continued Judaism in the Church. The old covenant was glorious,
but how much more glorious is the new! The old was a ministry of
condemnation, but the new is a ministry of justification. The old
was a ministry of an external law, the new is a ministry of the
life-giving power of the Spirit of God. There is no reason any
longer for concealment. The Spirit brings freedom and openness and
light.

This treasure is held indeed in earthen vessels. The recent danger
that Paul has passed through, as well as the overpowering hardships
of his life, make him painfully conscious of human weakness. But
that weakness is blessed which in all the fuller glory reveals the
all-conquering power of God. The Christian need never despair, for
by the eye of faith he can detect those unseen things which are
eternal. The present body may be dissolved, but the resurrection
body will be ready. Indeed, even if the Christian by death is
separated for a time altogether from the body, he need not fear. To
be absent from the body is to be present with the Lord.

The climax of the whole glorious passage is the brief exposition
of the ministry of reconciliation which begins with ch. 5:11. Here
we are introduced to the secret of the remarkable life which is
revealed in Second Corinthians and in the other epistles of Paul.
Reconciliation with God through the death of Christ in our behalf
and in our stead, consequent freedom from sin and from the world, a
new and glorious life under the favor of God--these are the things
that Paul experienced in his own life, these are the things that he
preached to others, regardless of all hardship and criticism, and
these are the things, now and always, which contain the real springs
of the Church's power.

After an uncompromising warning against impurity and worldliness,
delivered from the lofty vantage ground that has just been reached,
the apostle gives expression once more to the joy that he has
received from the good news which Titus brought him; and then
proceeds to an entirely different matter.


3. THE COLLECTION. II Cor., chs. 8, 9

Two whole chapters of the epistle are devoted to the collection
for the Jerusalem church. The history of this matter, so far as it
can be traced, is briefly as follows: At the time of the Jerusalem
council, the pillars of the Jerusalem church had requested Paul to
remember the Jerusalem poor. At the time when First Corinthians was
written, Paul had already started a collection for this purpose
in the churches of Galatia, and in First Corinthians he asks the
Corinthians to take part. I Cor. 16:1-4. In Second Corinthians
he announces that the churches of Macedonia have contributed
bountifully, II Cor. 8:1-5, and urges the continuance of the
collection in Corinth. Finally, in the Epistle to the Romans, which
was written from Corinth only a short time after Second Corinthians,
he mentions the collection in Macedonia and Achaia, announces his
intention of journeying to Jerusalem with the gifts, and asks the
Roman Christians to pray that the ministration may be acceptable to
the Jerusalem church. Rom. 15:25-27,31,32.

With his customary foresight, Paul made careful provision for
the administration of the gifts, in order to avoid all possible
misunderstanding or suspicion. For example, the churches are to
choose delegates to carry their bounty to Jerusalem. I Cor. 16:3.
Possibly the delegates are to be identified with the persons who are
named in Acts 20:4. Luke does not mention the collection, but it is
alluded to in Acts 24:17.

Paul's treatment of the collection in II Cor., chs. 8, 9, was not
only adapted to accomplish its immediate purpose, but also has been
of high value to the Christian Church. These chapters have assured
to the right use of wealth a place of real dignity among the forms
of Christian service.


4. THE OPPONENTS. II Cor., chs. 10 to 13

The striking change of tone at ch. 10:1 is amply explained by the
change of subject. In the first part of the epistle, Paul has been
thinking of the return of the majority of the congregation to their
allegiance; now he turns to deal with the false teachers who have
been causing all the trouble. It is still necessary to meet their
attacks and remove every vestige of influence which they may still
have retained over the church. Their attack upon Paul was of a
peculiarly mean and unworthy character; the indignation which Paul
displays in these chapters was fully justified.

The opponents were certainly Jews, and prided themselves on the
fact. Ch. 11:22. But it does not appear with certainty that they
were Judaizers. If they were intending to come forward with any
demand of circumcision or of observance of the Mosaic law, such
demand was still kept in the background. Indeed, there is no
indication that the doctrine that they preached was different in
important respects from that of Paul. In particular, there is no
indication that they advocated a different view about Jesus. One
verse, ch. 11:4, has, indeed, been regarded as such an indication,
but only by an exceedingly doubtful interpretation. Probably the
other Jesus whom the opponents preached existed only in their own
claim. They said merely, "Paul has kept something back," v. 6,
margin; ch. 4:3; "we alone can give you adequate information; we
alone can proclaim the true Jesus, the true Spirit and the true
gospel." In reality, however, they had nothing new to offer. Paul
had made the whole gospel known.

It is further not even quite clear that the opponents laid stress
upon a personal acquaintance with the earthly Jesus, and so played
the original apostles off against Paul. The expression "chiefest
apostles," ch. 11:5, is clearly nothing more than an ironical
designation of the false teachers themselves. It is true, the false
teachers claimed to belong in a special sense to Christ, ch 10:7,
and to be in a special sense "ministers of Christ." Ch. 11:23. But
it is not at all clear--despite ch. 5:16--that the connection which
they claimed to have with Christ was that of personal acquaintance,
either directly or through their authorities, with the earthly
Jesus. Finally, these false teachers cannot with any certainty be
connected with the Christ-party of First Corinthians.

The chief value of the last four chapters of the epistle is the
wealth of autobiographical material which they contain. Against the
insidious personal attacks of the opponents, Paul was obliged to
speak of certain personal matters about which he might otherwise
have been silent. Had he been silent, the Church would have been the
loser. To know the inner life of the apostle Paul is to know Christ;
for Paul was in Christ and Christ was in Paul. What could compensate
us for the loss of II Cor. 12:7-10? Through these words the bodily
weakness of Paul has forever been made profitable for the strength
of the Church.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp.
221-225. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves and Davis, article
on "Corinthians, Epistles to the." Hastings, "Dictionary of the
Bible": Robertson, article on "Corinthians, Second Epistle to the."
M'Clymont, "The New Testament and Its Writers," pp. 65-69. Beet,
"A Commentary on St. Paul's Epistles to the Corinthians," seventh
edition, pp. 1-20, 317-542. Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary
for English Readers," vol. ii, pp. 357-417: Plumptre, "The Second
Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Corinthians." "The Cambridge
Bible for Schools": Lias, "The Second Epistle to the Corinthians."
Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. i, pp. 307-351. The
last-named work presupposes a knowledge of Greek.




LESSON XXI

THE GOSPEL OF SALVATION


The Epistle to the Romans, though it is not merely a systematic
treatise, is more systematic than any other of the Pauline Epistles.
Unlike the epistles that preceded it, it was written in a period of
comparative quiet between two great stages in the apostle's work.
Not unnaturally, therefore, it contains something like a summary of
Paul's teaching. The summary, however, does not embrace the whole
of the Pauline theology, but only one important department of it.
The nature of God, for example, and the person of Christ, are not
discussed in the Epistle to the Romans. Of course Paul held very
definite views upon these subjects, and these views are presupposed
on every page of the epistle--especially the loftiest possible
conception of the person of Christ lies at the background of this
entire account of Christ's work--but such presuppositions do not
in this epistle receive an elaborate exposition. The real subject
of the first eight chapters of Romans is not theology in general,
but simply the way of salvation. How can man be saved--that is the
question which Paul answers in this epistle.

Obviously the question is of the utmost practical importance.
The Epistle to the Romans is absolutely fundamental for the
establishment of Christian faith. This estimate, which was formerly
a matter of course, has in recent years unfortunately fallen into
disrepute. The Epistle to the Romans, after all, it is said, is
concerned with theology, whereas what we need is simple faith. We
must return from Romans to the Gospels, from Paul to Christ. The
words of Jesus, recorded in the Gospels, are thus emphasized to the
prejudice of the teaching of the apostle.

This tendency should be resisted with the utmost firmness. It
is striking at the very vitals of the Church's life. After all,
Jesus came, as has been well said, not to say something, but to do
something. His words are very precious, we could never do without
them; but after all they are subsidiary to his deeds. His life
and death and resurrection--these are the things that wrought
salvation for men. And these great saving acts could not be fully
explained till after they had been done. For an explanation of them,
therefore, we must turn not only to the Gospels but also to the
epistles, not only to Jesus but also to Paul. Paul was in a special
sense our apostle; like us, he had never known the earthly Jesus.
Just for that reason, through the divine revelation that was granted
him, he could guide all subsequent generations to the risen Christ.
The Epistle to the Romans, more fully perhaps than any other book,
points out the meaning of the death and resurrection of Christ. It
does not, indeed, solve all mysteries; but it reveals enough to
enable us to believe.


1. THE EDICT OF CLAUDIUS

The edict of Claudius which expelled the Jews from Rome was
certainly not permanently effective; indeed there are some
indications that it was modified almost as soon as it was issued.
But although it did not keep the Jews out of Rome, it may at least
have hastened the separation between Judaism and Christianity.
If the conflict between the two, as a conflict within Judaism,
had given rise to the hostile edict, then, as has plausibly been
suggested, the separation might be in the interests of both parties.
If the church were kept separate from the synagogue, the Jews would
be protected from dangerous disorders and from the opposition
which would be encountered by a new and illegal religion, and the
Christians, on the other hand, would be protected from the Claudian
edict against the Jews.


2. ADDRESS, THANKSGIVING AND SUBJECT. Rom. 1:1-17

The address of the Epistle to the Romans is remarkable for the long
addition which is made to the name of the author. Paul was writing
to a church which he had never seen. His excuse for writing was to
be found only in the gospel with which he had been intrusted. At the
very start, therefore, he places his gospel in the foreground. Here,
however, it is rather the great presupposition of the gospel which
is in mind--Jesus Christ in his double nature. One who has been
commissioned to preach to the Gentiles the gospel of such a Christ
may certainly address a letter to Rome.

In connection with the customary thanksgiving, Paul mentions his
long-cherished desire of visiting the Roman Christians. He desires
to impart unto them some spiritual gift--no, he says, rather he
desires to receive from them as well as to give. The correction is
characteristic of Paul. Some men would have felt no need of making
it. As a matter of fact, Paul was fully in a position to impart
spiritual gifts. But he was afraid his readers might feel hurt--as
though the apostle thought they could make no return for the benefit
which the visit would bring them. It is an exquisite bit of fine
discernment and delicate courtesy. But like all true courtesy, it
was based on fact. Paul was really not a man to decline help and
comfort from even the humblest of the brethren.

In vs. 16, 17, the theme of the epistle is announced--the gospel
the power of God unto salvation, the gospel which reveals a
righteousness of God that is received by faith. The meaning of "a
righteousness of God" has been much disputed. Some think that it
refers to the righteousness which is an attribute of God. More
probably, however, it is to be interpreted in the light of ch. 10:3;
Phil. 3:9. It then refers to that right relation of man to God which
God himself produces. There are two ways of receiving a sentence
of acquittal from God the Judge. One is by keeping the law of God
perfectly. The other is by receiving through faith the righteousness
of Christ. The former is impossible because of sin. The latter
has been made possible by the gift of Christ. As sinners, we are
subject to the punishment of death. But that punishment has been
paid for us by Christ. We therefore go free; we can start fresh,
with the consciousness of God's favor. We are "justified"--that
is, "pronounced righteous"--not because we are free from sin, but
because by his grace God looks not upon us but upon Christ. We have
been pronounced righteous, but not on account of our own works. We
possess not our own righteousness but "a righteousness of God."

This righteousness of God is received by faith. Faith is not a work,
it is simply the willingness to receive. Christ has promised by
his death to bring us to God. We may not understand it all, but is
Christ to be believed? Study the Gospel picture of him, and you will
be convinced that he is.

Justification by faith, then, means being pronounced righteous by
God, although we are sinners. It might seem to be a very dangerous
doctrine. If we are pronounced righteous whether we are really
righteous or not, then may we not go on with impunity in sin? Such
reasoning ignores the results of justification. Faith brings more
than forgiveness. It brings a new life. In the new life sin has
no place. The Christian has broken forever with his old slavery.
Though perfection has not yet been attained in practice, it has
been attained in principle, and by the power of the Spirit all sin
will finally be removed. The Christian cannot compromise with sin.
Salvation is not only from the guilt of sin, but also from the
power of it. The sixth chapter of Romans leaves no room for moral
laxness.


3. ROMANS AND GALATIANS

It is interesting to compare Romans with Galatians. The subject of
the two epistles is the same. Both are concerned with salvation
by faith alone, apart from the works of the law. In many passages
the two are parallel. The fuller exposition in Romans is often
the best commentary upon the briefer statements of Galatians. For
example, the words: "What then is the law? It was added because
of transgressions"--very obscure as they stand in Galatians--are
explained by Rom. 5:20; ch. 7. In tone, however, the two epistles
are widely different. Galatians is written in view of one definite
attack upon the gospel; Romans is a general exposition summing up
the results of the conflict. When Paul wrote Galatians he was in the
thick of the battle; at the time of Romans he had fought his way
through to the heights.

The Epistle to the Romans, however, is no cold, purely logical
treatise. Theology here is interwoven with experience. No exposition
can do justice to this wonderful letter. To read about it is
sometimes dull; but to read it is life.


4. THE PAULINE PHILOSOPHY OF HISTORY. Rom., chs. 9 to 11

Chapters 9 to 11 of this epistle are interesting in a great many
ways. They are interesting, for example, in their tremendous
conception of the mystery of the divine will. The ninth chapter of
Romans is a good corrective for any carelessness in our attitude
toward God. After all, God is a mystery. How little we know of his
eternal plan! We must ever tremble before him. Yet it is such a God
who has invited us, through Christ, to hold communion with himself.
There is the true wonder of the gospel--that it brings us into
fellowship, not with a God of our own devising, not with one who
is a Father and nothing else, but with the awful, holy, mysterious
Maker and Ruler of all things. The joy of the believer is the
deepest of all joys. It is a joy that is akin to holy fear.

These chapters are also interesting because they attest the
attachment of Paul to the Jewish people. Where is there a nobler
expression of patriotism than Rom. 9:1-5? Exclusive attention to the
polemic passages where Paul is defending the Gentile mission and
denying the efficacy of the Mosaic law, have produced in the minds
of some scholars a one-sided view of Paul's attitude toward Israel.
Paul did not advocate the destruction of the identity of his
people. He believed that even the natural Israel had a part to play
on the stage of history. These chapters of Romans, together with
some other passages in the epistles, such as I Cor. 9:20, confirm
what the Book of The Acts tells us about Paul's willingness, when no
principle was involved, to conform to Jewish custom.


5. INTEGRITY OF THE EPISTLE

The genuineness of the Epistle to the Romans is undoubted, but its
"integrity" has been questioned. The epistle was certainly written
by Paul, but was it all, as we now have it, originally part of one
letter? By many scholars the greater part of the sixteenth chapter
is supposed to have originally formed part of an epistle of Paul
written not to Rome but to Ephesus. The chief argument for this
hypothesis is derived from the long list of names in ch. 16:3-15.
Could Paul have had so many personal acquaintances in a church which
he had never visited? The argument is not conclusive. Just because
Paul could not appeal in his letter to any personal acquaintance
with the Roman church as a whole, it would be natural for him to
mention at least all the individuals in the church with whom he
stood in any sort of special relation. Furthermore, the frequency
of travel in the Roman Empire must be borne in mind. Many persons
whom Paul had met on his travels would naturally find their way to
the capital. Finally, Aquila and Priscilla, though they had recently
lived in Ephesus, I Cor. 16:19, may easily have resumed their former
residence in Rome. Acts 18:2; Rom. 16:3-5.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp.
226-231. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves, (supplemented)
article on "Romans, Epistle to the." Hastings, "Dictionary of the
Bible": Robertson, article on "Romans, Epistle to the." M'Clymont,
"The New Testament and Its Writers," pp. 77-82. Gifford, "The
Epistle of St. Paul to the Romans." Ellicott, "A New Testament
Commentary for English Readers," vol. ii, pp. 193-280: Sanday, "The
Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Romans." "The Cambridge Bible for
Schools": Moule, "The Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Romans."
"The International Critical Commentary": Sanday and Headlam, "A
Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans."
Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. i, pp. 352-438. The
two last-named works presuppose a knowledge of Greek.




LESSON XXII

PAUL'S JOURNEY TO ROME


The material of this lesson is so extensive that only the barest
summary can be attempted in the class. The great features of the
narrative should be made to stand out clear--the bitter opposition
of the Jews, the favorable attitude of the Roman authorities, the
journey to Rome. Before the lesson is over the student should have
a deeper impression of the character of Paul--his perfect ease
and tactfulness in the various relations of life, his unswerving
boldness where the gospel was concerned, his inexplicable
power. Finally, the peculiar quality of the narrative should be
appreciated. These chapters contain the two longer "we-sections" of
The Acts.


1. THE JOURNEY TO TROAS

At first Paul had intended to sail direct from Corinth to Syria, but
a plot of the Jews caused him to change his plan. Acts 20:3. It has
been suggested that the ship upon which he was intending to sail may
have carried non-Christian Jews, going to the approaching feast in
Jerusalem, v. 16, who could have done him harm upon the voyage. By
choosing the route through Macedonia he averted the immediate danger.

The use of the first person plural begins again at Acts 20:5. It
was broken off at ch. 16:17. Luke had parted from Paul at Philippi
on the second missionary journey; and it is at Philippi that he now
appears again. The following journeys, in which Luke himself took
part, are narrated with the utmost vividness and minuteness. The
narrative amounts practically to a diary--in some sections every day
is accounted for.

The departure from Philippi took place "after the days of unleavened
bread," that is, after the passover week. Acts 20:6. From the
account of the subsequent journey it is not quite possible to tell
whether Paul actually succeeded in carrying out his plan of being in
Jerusalem at Pentecost. Pentecost, it will be remembered, came fifty
days after the beginning of the passover week.


2. TROAS

The description of the last evening at Troas, when Paul prolonged
his discourse in the lighted room, is one of the inimitably vivid
scenes of The Acts. Probably we are to understand that Eutychus, who
fell down from a window in the third story, was really killed and
not merely stunned. Verse 10 might seem to indicate that he was only
stunned, but the last words of v. 9 point rather to actual, and not
merely apparent, death. The miracle is paralleled by the raising of
Dorcas by Peter. Acts 9:36-42.


3. THE ELDERS OF EPHESUS

When Paul told the elders that they would see his face "no more," or
perhaps rather "no longer," Acts 20:25,38, he did not necessarily
mean that he would certainly never return to Ephesus. For a period
of years, at any rate, he was intending to transfer his labors
to the west; his return to Ephesus, therefore, was at all events
uncertain. His long activity at Ephesus, which had occupied the
better part of the past three years, was for the present at an end.
From the Pastoral Epistles it appears that as a matter of fact Paul
did visit Ephesus again after his release from the first Roman
imprisonment.


4. ARRIVAL IN PALESTINE

At Tyre and at Caesarea, Paul received warnings against visiting
Jerusalem. These warnings came through the Spirit, Acts 21:4,11, but
not in the sense that the Holy Spirit commanded Paul not to go. The
meaning is that the Spirit warned him of the dangers that were to
befall him. In meeting these dangers bravely he was acting in full
accordance with the divine will.

At Acts 21:18 the use of the first person plural ceases, because
Luke had no immediate part in the events that followed. It is
natural to suppose, however, that he remained in Palestine, for he
joined Paul again in Caesarea, at the beginning of the journey to
Rome. For the events of Paul's imprisonment in Jerusalem and in
Caesarea he had first-hand information.

The vow in which Paul took part at the request of James was at least
similar to the Nazirite vow described in Num. 6:1-21. Not all the
details of such vows are perfectly clear. Paul himself, on his own
account, had assumed a similar vow on his second missionary journey,
Acts 18:18--unless indeed, as is grammatically possible, the words
in that passage refer to Aquila rather than to Paul.

It was not true, as the Christians of Judea had been led to
think, that Paul taught the Jewish Christians of the dispersion
to forsake the law of Moses, though he was insistent that the
Gentile Christians must not adopt that law. It was not even true
that he himself had altogether given up keeping the law, though
the exigencies of his Gentile work required him to give it up very
often, and though he regarded himself as inwardly free from the
law. His willingness to take part in a Jewish vow in Jerusalem is
therefore not surprising. His action on this occasion was fully
justified by the principles of his conduct as described in I
Cor. 9:20,21. The keeping of the law was not for Paul a means of
obtaining salvation. Salvation was a free gift of God, through the
death of Christ. But for the present the general relinquishment of
the law and abandonment of the distinctive customs of Judaism on
the part of Jewish Christians was not required. Paul was willing to
leave that question to the future guidance of God.

It is somewhat surprising that the Book of The Acts mentions the
great collection for the Jerusalem church only incidentally, in the
report of a speech of Paul. Acts 24:17. The interest of Luke in this
part of the narrative is absorbed in the relations between Paul
and the non-Christian Jews and the Roman authorities. The internal
affairs of the Church are left for the most part out of account. The
Acts and the Pauline Epistles, here as so often, must be allowed to
supplement each other. Luke gives a vivid picture of the external
events, and a clear view of the relations of Christianity to the
outside world; while Paul affords us a deeper insight, in some
respects at least, into the inward development of the Church's life.


5. PAUL BEFORE AGRIPPA

The famous reply of Agrippa to Paul, Acts 26:28, is exceedingly
difficult to translate and to interpret. The translation in the
Revised Version is by no means certainly correct. The words may
mean, "A little more of this persuasion will make me a Christian!"
or else, "You seem to think that the little persuasion you have used
is sufficient to make me a Christian." In any case, the sentence
displays a certain perplexity on the part of the king. He certainly
does not mean that he is on the point of accepting Christianity--his
words have a half-ironical tone--but on the other hand his interest
is aroused. The same thing is probably to be said for Festus. He
said, "Paul, thou art mad; thy much learning is turning thee mad,"
but he said it with a loud voice as though he were agitated. There
was something uncanny about this prisoner!


6. THE ACCESSION OF FESTUS

The dates of many events in the apostolic age have usually been
fixed by counting from the accession of Festus. Unfortunately,
however, that event itself cannot be dated with certainty. Some put
it as late as A. D. 61, others as early as A. D. 55. If the date
A. D. 60 be provisionally adopted, then Paul's arrest in Jerusalem
occurred in A. D. 58, and his arrival in Rome in A. D. 61. The
conclusion of the narrative in The Acts would then fall in the year
A. D. 63. It will be remembered that the proconsulship of Gallio
now affords an additional starting point for a chronology of the
apostolic age.


7. LATER HISTORY OF THE JERUSALEM CHURCH

After the meeting between Paul and James, which is narrated in
Acts 21:17-26, the Jerusalem church, at least so far as any direct
narrative is concerned, disappears from the pages of the New
Testament. It will be observed that in the account of Paul's last
visit, only James, the brother of the Lord, and "the elders" are
mentioned as representatives of the church. Possibly some of the
twelve apostles may be included under the term "elders," but it is
also perfectly possible that the apostles were all out of the city.

James, the brother of the Lord, continued to be the head of the
Jerusalem church until he was martyred--in A. D. 62, or, as others
suppose, in A. D. 66. Before the war which culminated in the capture
of Jerusalem in A. D. 70, the Christians of the city fled to Pella
beyond the Jordan. From that time, on, though the Christians
returned after the war, Jewish Christianity was quite uninfluential.
The supremacy of the Jerusalem church was gone. But that church had
already rendered a priceless service. It had laid the foundations
of Christendom. It had sent forth the first missionaries. And it
had preserved the record of Jesus' life. The Synoptic Gospels, in
substance at least, are a product of the Jerusalem church.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp.
160-166, 231-239. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": articles on
the many persons and places mentioned in the narrative, especially
"Felix," "Festus," and "Herod" (4). Ramsay, "St. Paul the Traveller
and the Roman Citizen," pp. 283-362; "Pictures of the Apostolic
Church," pp. 270-285, 310-364. Lewin, "The Life and Epistles of St.
Paul," vol. ii, chs. ii, iii, iv, v, and vi. Conybeare and Howson,
"The Life and Epistles of St. Paul," chs. xx, xxi, xxii, xxiii,
xxiv and xxv. Stalker, "The Life of St. Paul," pp. 121-133. Lumby,
pp. 266-380. Cook, pp. 485-534. Plumptre, pp. 136-184. Rackham, pp.
370-513.




LESSON XXIII

THE SUPREMACY OF CHRIST


1. THE EPISTLES OF THE THIRD GROUP

With the lesson for to-day, we are introduced to the third group
among the epistles of Paul. The epistles of the second group, which
were written during the third missionary journey, are concerned
with the problem of sin and salvation; the epistles of the third
group are interesting especially for their teaching about the
person of Christ and about the Church. A period of about three or
four years separates the last epistle of the second group from the
first epistle of the third. Most of this interval had been spent
by Paul in captivity. Undoubtedly, during this period of enforced
leisure, there had been development in Paul's thinking, but it
is very difficult to determine exactly wherein that development
consisted. The differences of the third group of epistles from the
second are due to the difference in the readers at least as much as
to a difference in Paul himself. It is hard to say just how much of
Colossians and Ephesians Paul would have been incapable of writing
during the third missionary journey.

At any rate, the epistles of the captivity differ from those of the
former group in being for the most part quieter in tone. During
the third journey Paul had had to continue the great battles of
his career against various forms of Judaizing error. Christianity
at one time seemed to be in danger of being reduced to a mere
form of Judaism; the free grace of God was being deserted for a
law religion; faith was being deserted for works. In Galatia, the
question of principle had been uppermost; in Corinth, the personal
attack upon Paul. Everywhere, moreover, the gospel of salvation by
faith was exposed to misconception. Pagan license was threatening to
creep into the Church. Unless it could be kept out, the legalists
would have some apparent show of reason on their side. Taking it
all in all, it had been a hard battle. But it had been gloriously
fought, and it had been won. Now Paul was able to turn his attention
to new fields of labor and to new problems.


2. THE CHRISTOLOGY OF COLOSSIANS

The Epistle to the Colossians is peculiarly "Christological." More
fully and more expressly than in any other of his letters Paul here
develops his view about the person of Christ. Even here, however,
this teaching is incidental; it was simply Paul's way of refuting
certain errors that had crept into the Colossian church. Except for
those errors Paul would perhaps never have written at length, as
he does in Col. 1:14-23, about the relation of Christ to God and
to the world. Yet in that case his own views would have been the
same, and they would have been just as fundamental to his whole
religious life. In the epistles, which are written to Christians,
Paul takes many things for granted. Some of the things which are
most fundamental appear only incidentally. Just because they were
fundamental, just because they were accepted by everyone, they did
not need to be discussed at length.

So it is especially with the person of Christ. From the first
epistle to the last, Paul presupposes essentially the same view
of that great subject. Practically everything that he says in
Colossians could have been inferred from scattered hints in the
earlier epistles. From the beginning Paul regarded Jesus Christ
as a man, who had a real human life and died a real death on the
cross. From the beginning, on the other hand, he separated Christ
sharply from men and placed him clearly on the side of God. From
the beginning, in other words, he attributed to him a double
nature--Jesus Christ was always in Paul's thinking both God and man.
Finally, the preexistence of Christ, which is so strongly emphasized
in Colossians, is clearly implied in such passages as Gal. 4:4; and
his activity in creation appears, according to the best-attested
text, in I Cor. 8:6.

Nevertheless, the more systematic exposition in Colossians is of
the utmost value. It serves to summarize and explain the scattered
implications of the earlier epistles. Christ according to Paul is,
in the first place, "the image of the invisible God." Col. 1:15.
He is the supreme Revealer of God, a Revealer, however, not merely
by words but by his own nature. If you want to know what God is,
look upon Christ! In the second place, he is "the firstborn of all
creation." Of itself that phrase might be misconstrued. It might be
thought to mean that Christ was the first being that God created.
Any such interpretation, however, is clearly excluded by the three
following verses. There Paul has himself provided an explanation
of his puzzling phrase. "The firstborn of all creation" means that
Christ, himself uncreated, existed before all created things; he was
prior to all things, and, as befits an only son, he possesses all
things. Indeed he himself was active in the creation of all things,
not only the world, and men, but also those angelic powers--"thrones
or dominions or principalities or powers"--upon whom the errorists
in Colossae were inclined to lay too much emphasis. He was the
instrument of God the Father in creation. And he was also the end of
creation. The world exists not for its own sake, but for the sake
of Christ. Especially is he the Head of the Church. His headship
is declared by his being the first to rise from the dead into that
glorious life into which he will finally bring all his disciples. In
a word, the entire "fulness" of the divine nature dwells in Christ.
That word "fulness" was much misused in the "Gnostic" speculations
of the second century. It is barely possible that the word had
already been employed in the incipient Gnosticism of the Colossian
errorists. If so, Paul by his repeated use of the word in Colossians
and Ephesians, is bringing his readers back to a healthier and
simpler and grander conception.


3. THE PERSON OF CHRIST AND THE WORK OF CHRIST

In Col. 1:20-23, Paul bases upon the preceding exposition of the
nature of Christ a noble description of Christ's work. The work
which has been intrusted to Christ is nothing less than that of
reconciling the creation unto God. Through sin, an enmity had been
set up between God and the work of his hands. That enmity applies
primarily of course to the sinful persons themselves. They are
under God's wrath and curse. Sin is not a trifle. It cannot simply
be treated as though it had never been. If God be righteous, then
there is such a thing as a moral order. The wrath of God rests upon
the sinner. But by the sacrifice of Christ, that enmity has been
wiped out. Christ has paid the awful penalty of sin. Christ has
brought the sinner again near to God. The enmity and the following
reconciliation concern primarily the men who have sinned. But they
also apply to the whole world. The ground has been cursed for man's
sake. The end of the reconciliation will be a new heaven and a new
earth. The groaning and travailing of the creation will one day have
an end. Compare Rom. 8:18-25.

This brief description of the work of Christ in Col. 1:20-22;
2:10-15, can be richly paralleled in the earlier epistles. What now
needs to be emphasized is that the Pauline view of Christ's work
depends absolutely upon the Pauline view of Christ's person. All
through the epistles of Paul the life and death and resurrection
are represented as events of a cosmic significance. But they can
have such significance only if Christ is the kind of being that is
described in the Epistle to the Colossians. The glorious account
of salvation, which runs all through the epistles and forms the
especial subject of the second group, is unintelligible if Christ
were merely an inspired prophet or merely the greatest of created
things. It becomes intelligible only if Christ is "the image of
the invisible God, the firstborn of all creation." The mysterious
Christology of Colossians lies at the very heart of Christian faith.


4. THE EPISTLE TO PHILEMON

The Epistle to the Colossians, though addressed to a church that
Paul had never visited, is full of warm-hearted affection. Paul
could hardly have been cold and formal if he had tried. He was a man
of great breadth of sympathy. Hence he was able to enter with the
deepest interest into the problems of the Colossian Christians--to
rejoice at their faith and love, to lament their faults, and to
labor with whole-souled devotion for their spiritual profit.

The simple, unconstrained affection of Paul's nature, however, had
freer scope in the delightful little letter to Philemon. Philemon
apparently was a convert of Paul himself. Philem. 19. He was not
a man with whom Paul had to be on his guard. Paul is perfectly
confident that Philemon will fully understand the motives of his
action and of his letter.

The letter is addressed to Philemon primarily, but also to Apphia
and to Archippus and to the church in Philemon's house. We are
here introduced into a Christian household of the apostolic age.
Apphia was probably Philemon's wife and Archippus perhaps his son.
Evidently Archippus held some sort of office in the Colossian
church. "Say to Archippus," says Paul in a strangely emphatic way,
at the very end of the Epistle to the Colossians, "Take heed to the
ministry which thou hast received in the Lord, that thou fulfill
it." We should like to know what the ministry was which Archippus
had received. At any rate, we hope that he fulfilled it. It was a
solemn warning which he received--a warning which might well have
made him tremble. We also may well take the warning to heart. Our
task of imparting Bible truth is no light responsibility. To us
also the warning comes, "Take heed to the ministry which thou hast
received in the Lord, that thou fulfill it."

The letter is addressed not only to Philemon and his family, but
also to the "church" which met in his house. This "church" was a
part of the Colossian congregation. In the early days, when it was
difficult to secure meeting places, well-to-do Christians frequently
offered the hospitality of their own homes. A certain Nympha or
Nymphas--the name varies in the manuscripts--performed this service
in Laodicea, Col. 4:15, Aquila and Priscilla in Corinth, I Cor.
16:19, and also Gaius in the same city. Rom. 16:23.

The Epistle to Philemon exhibits that perfection of courtesy and
delicacy of feeling which has been observed again and again in
Paul. A man of coarser feeling might have kept Onesimus with him
until receiving the response of Philemon. In that case no doubt
Philemon would have replied not only that Onesimus was forgiven,
but that Paul might retain the benefit of his services. But Paul
saw clearly that that would have made Philemon's goodness seem to
be of necessity and not of free will. Philem. 14. There was only
one really fine, honorable, high-toned way of dealing with the
situation, and that was the way which Paul adopted.

The letter is informal and affectionate. There is even apparently a
little delicate play on the name Onesimus, which means "helpful."
Once Onesimus belied his name, but now he has become helpful again.
Philem. 11. In v. 20, also, where Paul says, "Let me have joy
of thee," he uses a word which comes from the same root as that
which appears in the name of the slave. Nevertheless, despite all
informality, Paul has succeeded, here as always, in lifting the
matter to a lofty plane. Paul was a man who ennobled everything that
he touched.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp.
241-246. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible," articles on "Colossae,"
"Hierapolis" and "Laodicea": Purves, articles on "Colossians,
Epistle to the" and "Philemon" (supplemented). Hastings, "Dictionary
of the Bible": Ramsay, articles on "Colossae," "Hierapolis," and
"Laodicea"; Murray, article on "Colossians, Epistle to the";
Bernard, articles on "Philemon," and "Philemon, Epistle to."
M'Clymont, "The New Testament and Its Writers," pp. 91-98. Ellicott,
"A New Testament Commentary for English Readers," vol. iii: Barry,
"The Epistles of Paul the Apostle to the Ephesians, Philippians, and
Colossians," pp. 1-8, 96-124; "The Epistle of Paul to Philemon," pp.
265-274. "The Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges": Moule, "The
Epistles to the Colossians and to Philemon." Zahn, "Introduction to
the New Testament," vol. i, pp. 439-479. Lightfoot, "Saint Paul's
Epistles to the Colossians and to Philemon." The two last-named
works are intended primarily for those who have some knowledge of
Greek, but can also be used by others.




LESSON XXIV

THE CHURCH OF CHRIST


The special effort in the lessons of the second quarter has been
to produce some lively impression of the wonderful variety among
the letters of Paul. That variety is due largely to the variety in
the occasions of the letters. Just because Paul entered with such
sympathy into the varying circumstances of his many churches, the
letters of Paul reflect the wonderful manifoldness of life.

Nevertheless, it is also an advantage that at least one letter is
largely independent of any special circumstances whatever. This is
the case with the epistle which is to be studied to-day. The Epistle
to the Ephesians is addressed to a definite group of churches, but
that group is addressed not with regard to its own special problems,
but simply as representative of Gentile Christianity in general. For
once Paul allows his thoughts to flow unchecked by the particular
needs of his readers.


1. STYLE OF EPHESIANS

The purpose of Ephesians, therefore, is quite different from the
purpose of any other of the Pauline Epistles. To the difference in
purpose corresponds a difference in style. The style of Ephesians is
characterized especially by long sentences, heaped full of an almost
bewildering wealth of thought. This characteristic had appeared
to some extent even in the earliest epistles--compare II Thess.
1:3-10--but in Ephesians it becomes more pronounced. Ephesians
1:3-14, for example, is only one sentence, but it is a world in
itself. Apparently in this epistle Paul has allowed his mind and
heart to roam unchecked over the whole realm of the divine economy.
This freedom might conceivably be thought to involve a sacrifice of
logical symmetry and of euphonic grace, but at any rate it possesses
a certain beauty and value of its own. Ephesians may lack the
splendid rhythm of the first chapter of First Corinthians or the
eighth chapter of Romans, but on the other hand these tremendous
periods, with their heaping-up of majestic phrases, serve admirably
to express the bewilderment of the soul in the presence of divine
wonders. Human language is inadequate to do full justice to the
grace of God. In Ephesians, we see an inspired apostle striving
to give utterance in human language to things which in their full
reality are unspeakable.


2. COLOSSIANS AND EPHESIANS

The Epistle to the Ephesians is strikingly similar to the Epistle
to the Colossians, not only in thought, but also in many details of
language. Another case of striking similarity between two epistles
of Paul was encountered in First and Second Thessalonians. There
the two similar letters were written both to the same church,
though at no very great interval of time. The similarity was due
to the desire which Paul felt of reiterating, with some additions
and explanations, the teaching of his former letter. In the case
of Ephesians and Colossians the similarity is even more easily
explained. These two epistles were written to different churches at
the same time. What more natural than that the same thoughts and to
some extent the same words should appear in both? Only, the teaching
which in Colossians is directed against a definite form of error is
in Ephesians reproduced in freer, more general form. The relation
between the two epistles is somewhat like that which exists between
Galatians and Romans. In Galatians, the doctrine of salvation by
faith appears in conflict with the opposing error; in Romans, the
same doctrine finds expression, but this time in quieter, more
systematic development, after the conflict is over. The similarity
between Galatians and Romans is, however, not so close as that
between Colossians and Ephesians--partly because the contrast of
spirit is not so striking in the latter case, Colossians being far
less bitterly polemic than Galatians; and more particularly because
a considerable interval separates Romans from Galatians, whereas
Colossians and Ephesians were dispatched by the same messenger.


3. THE ADDRESS OF EPHESIANS. EPH. 1:1,2

In the Student's Text Book, it has been shown that the words "at
Ephesus" in the first verse may perhaps be no part of what Paul
wrote, but a later addition. It cannot be claimed, however, that the
problem of the address has been completely solved. Without the words
"at Ephesus," the address becomes very difficult. "To the saints
that are and the faithful in Christ Jesus" hardly seems to make
sense. The Greek words might be construed perfectly well to mean,
"To the saints who are also faithful in Christ Jesus," but that is
a rather unusual expression. The suggestion has been made that in
the first copies of the epistle a blank space was left after "the
saints that are," to be filled in with the names of the particular
churches of the group which is addressed. Every church among the
group would thus receive a copy with its own name inserted. The
hypothesis is not altogether satisfactory. Probably we shall simply
have to admit that there is an unsolved problem here.


4. THANKSGIVING FOR THE PLAN OF SALVATION. EPH. 1:3-14

Before the customary thanksgiving for the Christian state of the
readers, Paul inserts here, in accordance with the nature of this
epistle, a general thanksgiving for the whole Church, which is
applied especially to the readers only at the very end. The passage
contains a wonderful summary of the whole of salvation, but it
begins with the plan of God and it closes with the glory of God.
God is the beginning and end of all things. His mysterious decree
is the cause of our being chosen for salvation, and his own glory
is the ultimate object in view. Men are often rebellious against
such a God-centered view of things. Predestination is an unpopular
doctrine. But it was at any rate the doctrine of Paul, and it lay
at the roots of his experience. It is sometimes hard for us to
write God so large in our thoughts. Because we think of him merely
as a somewhat greater man, we are inclined to reject the doctrine
which attributes all things to the workings of his will and to the
furtherance of his glory. If, however, we could think of him, not
only as a person, but also as an infinite, eternal and holy person,
then we should murmur no longer, but should, with Paul, burst forth
in praise of the inscrutable wonder of his grace. The glory of a
merciful God has involved for its full unfolding the salvation of
guilty sinners. God's glory finds its full expression only when he
is revealed as the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ.


5. THANKSGIVING AND PRAYER FOR THE READERS. EPH. 1:15 to 2:10

Beginning with thanksgiving for the present faith and love of the
readers, Paul passes at once to a prayer that they may be given
understanding to appreciate the wonderful salvation which has
been celebrated in the preceding section, especially the mighty
Saviour who has been bestowed upon the Church. Then the greatness
of the present salvation, not only of Gentiles, but also of Jews,
is celebrated by a contrast with the previous condition of sin and
misery. The blessed change has been due, not to anything in man, but
simply and solely to the grace of God, received by faith.


6. RECEPTION OF THE GENTILES. EPH. 2:11-22

Here the contrast between past and present is applied especially to
the Gentiles. Formerly they were excluded from the people of God.
But now by the death of Christ the "middle wall of partition" has
been broken down. Gentiles and Jews have now a common access to the
Father.


7. THE MINISTRY OF PAUL. EPH., ch. 3

This reception of the Gentiles is the work that has been intrusted
especially to Paul. It is a glorious ministry, far too great for
human strength. It can be fulfilled only through the grace of God.
The full mystery of God's grace, concealed for many generations, has
at last been revealed. The first half of the epistle is fittingly
closed by a doxology.


8. LIFE IN THE CHURCH. EPH., chs. 4 to 6

This section may be called the practical part of the epistle. It
exhibits the results in holy living which proceed from the glorious
gospel which has just been proclaimed. Even in the "practical"
part, however, the great doctrines of God's grace are so constantly
finding renewed expression that it is difficult to separate one part
from the other. Paul never separated moral precepts from the great
truths which give them force. Let the readers live like citizens of
the commonwealth of God, and members of the body of Christ!

Naturally, in this part of the epistle the unity of the
Church--which is perhaps the central theme of the whole--is
especially emphasized. The first half of the fourth chapter, for
example, is a magnificent hymn to Christian unity. Even in the midst
of the directions for the various relationships of life the great
theme of Christ and the Church, under the figure of husband and
wife, is brought again into view.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp.
246-249. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves and Davis, article
on "Ephesians, Epistle to the." Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible":
Lock, article on "Ephesians, Epistle to." M'Clymont, "The New
Testament and Its Writers," pp. 99-103. Ellicott, "A New Testament
Commentary for English Readers," vol. iii: Barry, "The Epistles of
Paul the Apostle to the Ephesians, Philippians, and Colossians,"
pp. 9-60. "The Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges": Moule,
"The Epistle to the Ephesians." Zahn, "Introduction to the New
Testament," vol. i, pp. 479-522. Robinson, "St. Paul's Epistle to
the Ephesians." The two last-named works are intended primarily for
those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by
others.




LESSON XXV

CHRIST AND HIS FOLLOWERS


The Epistle to the Philippians is the only one of the letters of
Paul which is addressed to an approved church with whom he stood
on terms of untroubled intimacy and affection. In Galatians and
both the Corinthian epistles, serious errors in the churches
addressed, as well as unscrupulous personal criticism, lend a
tone of bitterness to the apostle's words; Romans, Colossians
and perhaps "Ephesians" are addressed to churches which he had
never seen. In some ways the little letter to Philemon is very
similar to Philippians. Both Philippians and Philemon display the
same perfect confidence in the readers, the same perfection of
courtesy, the same tone of untroubled cordiality. But Philemon is
addressed primarily to an individual, and Philippians to a church;
Philemon confines itself almost exclusively to one little personal
matter, while Philippians discusses a variety of topics. Among the
letters addressed to churches, perhaps the First Epistle to the
Thessalonians is more similar to Philippians, at least in tone, than
is any of the others. Like Philippians it is animated by a deep
satisfaction with the readers, and a certain pleasing simplicity
of manner. But here again of course there are wide differences.
First Thessalonians is addressed to an infant church, which has
just passed through its first trial, and needs the most elementary
instruction; in Philippians Paul is writing to old friends, to
a church which for ten years has endured bravely the hardships
incident to the Christian profession, and has shared in fullest
sympathy the joys and sorrows of the apostle's life.

During the ten years, moreover, which have elapsed between First
Thessalonians and Philippians, there has been a change in the
apostle himself, as well as in his readers. Those years of conflict
and labor and meditation and suffering have borne fruit in the
apostle's own thinking. His gospel was the same from the beginning,
but the expression of it has become richer and maturer and nobler
with the advancing years. Philippians is a wonderful letter.
Simplicity and profundity are here combined. This simple letter of
thanks, with its delicate courtesy and tactful admonition, has
engaged the profoundest study of the theologians, and touched the
grandest chords of the Christian heart.


1. THE ADDRESS. Phil. 1:1,2

The address of Philippians is remarkable because of the mention of
bishops and deacons, which occurs in this way in no other of the
Pauline Epistles. Possibly, as has been suggested, these officers
are here mentioned because they had had a special part in sending
the gifts of the church. It is important to observe that there was
a plurality of bishops in the Philippian church. At a later time,
when the "bishops" were exalted above the other presbyters, there
was only one bishop in every church. In The Acts and in the Pauline
Epistles, "bishop" and "presbyter" appear plainly as nothing more
than two names for exactly the same office.

It should be noticed that the title "apostle," which appears at the
beginning of all the other Pauline Epistles addressed to churches,
except First and Second Thessalonians, the two earliest, is lacking
in the address of Philippians. Perhaps in writing to such a devoted
church Paul considered it unnecessary to mention his apostleship
as he had regularly done in his epistles since the denial of it in
Galatia. On account of the peculiar nature of the Philippian church,
the Epistle to the Philippians partakes somewhat of the informality
and intimacy of such a letter as that to Philemon, where the title
is also lacking in the address.

Very naturally Timothy is associated with Paul in the address of
the epistle, for he had been one of Paul's companions in founding
the Philippian church. At what time Timothy had come to Rome we do
not know. His name appears also in the address of Colossians and of
Philemon. Luke, although he had journeyed with Paul to Rome, and was
in Rome at the time when Colossians and Philemon were written, Col.
4:14; Philem. 24, was apparently absent at the time of Philippians;
for since he, like Timothy, had assisted in founding the Philippian
church, and perhaps had even remained in Philippi for years after
the departure of the others, he would probably have been associated
in the address, or at least would have sent greetings, if he had
been at hand.


2. THE THANKSGIVING. Phil. 1:3-11

As might have been expected, the thanksgiving for the Christian
state of the readers is in this epistle of unusual cordiality. In
the mention of their "fellowship in furtherance of the gospel from
the first day until now," there is perhaps a delicate allusion to
the material assistance which they had sent him from time to time
and especially a little while before the writing of the letter;
but such material assistance was for Paul of course not the only,
or even the principal, manifestation of their fellowship. Here as
often, the thanksgiving runs over into a prayer--and this time it is
a prayer of singular beauty and depth.


3. PROGRESS OF AFFAIRS IN ROME. Phil. 1:12-30

In this section, Paul hastens to relieve the minds of his readers
about the course of events in Rome. Even his bonds, and the jealousy
of certain preachers, have resulted only in the furtherance of the
gospel. With regard to the outcome of his trial, there is every
reason to be hopeful. For his part he would prefer to depart and to
be with Christ, but there is still work for him to do. And whether
he is present or absent, let the Philippians give him joy by living
in a manner worthy of the gospel, and by being steadfast in the
persecutions which are bound to come to them as well as to him.
It is a high privilege not only to believe in Christ, but also to
suffer for him.


4. EXHORTATION TO UNITY. Phil. 2:1-18

With the utmost earnestness, Paul here appeals to his readers to
keep their Christian life free from selfishness and quarreling. The
stupendous "Christological" passage of the epistle, vs. 5-11, which
has given rise to endless discussion, is introduced merely in an
incidental way, in order to strengthen the apostle's exhortation. So
it is frequently in the letters of Paul. The apostle was always able
to make the profoundest verities of the faith immediately effective
in conduct. Theology in Paul was never divorced from practice.
The converse of the proposition, however, is also true. If Paul's
theology did not exist apart from practice, neither did his practice
exist apart from theology. It is the latter proposition which needs
to be emphasized to-day. Modern liberalism has sometimes endeavored
to reproduce Paul's religion apart from his theology; but the effort
has resulted in failure.

The example of Christ which Paul holds up before his readers
is briefly as follows: Originally Christ not only existed in
the form of God--that is, was in full possession of the divine
attributes--but also lived in glory, in a way befitting deity.
Instead, however, of keeping hold of this heavenly glory, he humbled
himself by becoming man. He laid aside, not indeed his divine
attributes, but the enjoyment of his divine glory. He who was Lord
of all took the form of a servant like other men. And even more. His
obedience extended even to death, and to the shameful death of the
cross. But after humiliation came exaltation. God gave to him a name
that is above every name. At the name of Jesus every knee shall bow,
in earth and in heaven, to the glory of God the Father.


5. THE MISSION OF TIMOTHY AND OF EPAPHRODITUS. Phil. 2:19-30

The personal appeal with which the preceding section closed leads
Paul to speak of the plans which he has for the comfort and help of
the readers. Timothy will be sent as soon as the issue of Paul's
trial is definitely in view; Epaphroditus will return to Philippi at
once.


6. WARNING AGAINST OPPONENTS. Phil., ch. 3

The men who are rebuked in very vigorous language in the former
part of this section evidently placed an excessive emphasis upon
circumcision and connection with the people of Israel. Perhaps also
they were advocates of a law righteousness. V. 9. The most obvious
suggestion is that they were Judaizers like those in Galatia, or
at least like the opponents of Paul in Corinth. Paul's account
in vs. 4-6 of the Jewish advantages, fully equal to those of his
opponents, which he counts as nothing in view of the superior
advantages of faith in Christ, is strikingly similar to II Cor.
11:21,22. If, however, Paul is here referring to Judaizers, it
looks as though they were at least as cautious as the opponents in
Corinth about presenting the claims of the law. At any rate, the
danger of a legalistic propaganda either in Philippi or in Rome does
not seem to be very seriously in view. Apparently the acute stage
of the Judaistic controversy is over. It is possible that Paul is
referring to Jews rather than Jewish Christians. We must remember
that Judaism in the first century was still an active missionary
religion. A Jewish propaganda, with stress upon circumcision and law
righteousness, might conceivably become, even in Philippi, where the
Jews seem not to have been numerous, a serious danger, if not to the
stability, at least to the rapid extension, of the Christian Church.

Finally, it is uncertain whether "the enemies of the cross of
Christ," Phil. 3:18, are the same as those who are combated in the
former part of the section.

Fortunately these various uncertainties do not affect the lofty
teaching of this part of the epistle. Whoever the opponents were,
what Paul says in opposition to them is the thing of real value.
In the wonderfully terse, complete, vigorous description of the
Christian salvation and of the Christian life which Paul gives in
ch. 3:7-14,20,21, the long years of the Judaistic controversy have
borne glorious fruit. The final, eternal truth of God, in classic
statement, has at last emerged triumphant from the conflict.


7. EXHORTATION, ACKNOWLEDGMENT, GREETINGS AND BENEDICTION. Phil.,
ch. 4

The principal contents of this section have been discussed in the
Student's Text Book. First Paul applies the general exhortation to
unity, Phil. 2:1-11, to the case of Euodia and Syntyche, and adds
certain other brief exhortations. The "true yokefellow" of ch. 4:3
probably refers to Epaphroditus, the bearer of the epistle. Then,
in a characteristically delicate and worthy manner, he acknowledges
the gift of the Philippians. Next, in just a word, he transmits,
along with his own, the greetings of his immediate companions, and
of the Roman church in general, especially of those members who were
connected, as slaves or officials, with the immediate service of the
emperor. Finally, with a brief benediction, the epistle closes.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp.
249-251. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves (edited) article
on "Philippians." Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible": Gibb, article
on "Philippians, Epistle to the." M'Clymont, "The New Testament and
Its Writers," pp. 83-90. Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary for
English Readers", vol. iii: Barry, "The Epistles of Paul the Apostle
to the Ephesians, Philippians, and Colossians," pp. 61-90. "The
Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges": Moule, "The Epistle to
the Philippians." Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. i,
pp. 522-564. Lightfoot, "Saint Paul's Epistle to the Philippians."
The two last-named works are intended primarily for those who have
some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others.




LESSON XXVI

TRAINING NEW LEADERS


The emphasis which the Pastoral Epistles lay upon sound instruction
and upon orderly government is sometimes looked upon with distaste.
Orthodoxy and organization are thought to be destructive of
religious fervor. In the New Testament, however, the two aspects
of the Church's life appear side by side. In the New Testament,
enthusiasm and sanity are united. And the New Testament is right.
Religion is a concern of every individual soul--the final decision
must be made by every man in the immediate presence of his God--but
normally no man can do without association with his fellows.
The Church is a great permanent community. It is not merely an
aggregation, but an institution. To break away from its restraints
may be attractive, it may produce a certain temporary impression of
zeal and new life; but in the long run the old way is usually best.

The Pastoral Epistles, however, are sometimes thought to indicate
an unfortunate change in Paul himself as well as in the Church.
Some students would prefer to know only the Paul of Galatians and
Corinthians and Romans. This judgment is one-sided. The Pastorals
do not contradict, but supplement, the earlier letters. The earlier
period, no doubt, is the more inspiring; there is nothing in the
Pastoral Epistles like the first few chapters of First Corinthians,
or the fifth chapter of Second Corinthians, or the eighth chapter
of Romans. These passages are overpowering in the intensity of
their eloquence; the later letters are soberer, graver, more
matter-of-fact. These latter qualities, however, are much needed
in the Church. The Church needs enthusiasm; but she also needs
gravity and sanity. Her function is not merely evangelistic; it
is also conservative and educational. In both functions Paul was
a leader. The quiet gravity of the Pastoral Epistles supplements
the glories of Galatians and Romans. Only when these last epistles
are added to the others can the many-sided greatness of Paul be
fully appreciated. Exaggerations, moreover, should be avoided. The
soberness of the Pastorals is not commonplace. Back of the details
of organization, back of the concern for sound instruction, there
can be detected throughout the glow of the Pauline gospel. The
Pastoral Epistles, like the other letters of Paul, are a perennial
fountain of Christian life.

The Second Epistle to Timothy was clearly the last of the extant
epistles of Paul; but the order of First Timothy and Titus cannot be
certainly determined. The difficulty of reconstructing the history
implied by the Pastoral Epistles reveals anew the supreme value of
The Acts. After the conclusion of the Lucan narrative the historian
is almost helpless. From about A. D. 63 on into the second century,
the history of the Church is shrouded in profound darkness, with
gleams of light only here and there.


1. THE FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY

At the time when First Timothy was written, Paul had recently made a
journey to Macedonia. I Tim. 1:3. Perhaps he had gone thither from
Ephesus, though the words do not make that perfectly clear. At any
rate, he had directed Timothy to remain in Ephesus, where he hoped
to join him before long. In case of delay, however, he writes the
epistle. Chs. 3:14,15; 4:13.

On a previous occasion, perhaps by word of mouth when he had been
in Ephesus, he had warned Timothy to put a stop to certain false
teaching in the Church, and the warning is now reiterated in the
epistle. The exact nature of this teaching is somewhat difficult
to determine. Apparently it had been concerned with the Jewish
law. Ch. 1:7-11. Compare Titus 1:10,14. Like the false teaching at
Colossae, it seems not to have been directly subversive of the truth
of the gospel. At least, however, it diverted attention from the
great things of the faith to useless questionings. I Tim. 6:4. The
myths and endless genealogies, ch. 1:4, compare 4:7, were perhaps
elaborations of the Old Testament history. Whether the ascetic
tendency which is combated in ch. 4:3,8, is connected with this same
teaching, is not certain, but is on the whole perhaps probable.

The first reference to the false teaching, ch. 1:3-10, leads Paul
to speak of the norm by which it could be combated. Vs. 11-20. That
norm was the gospel with which he had been intrusted. The bestowal
of the gospel had changed him from a blasphemer and persecutor
into an apostle. The gospel had been bestowed purely by the free
grace of Christ, and its content was the salvation which Christ
offers. A doxology to God, v. 17, is natural whenever that gospel
is mentioned. That gospel will overcome all error, and if attended
to diligently will prevent disasters like that which has befallen
Hymenaeus and Alexander.

In the second chapter, Paul insists upon gravity and order in
the public worship of the Church. In the prayers which are to be
offered, the civil authority is not to be forgotten, even though it
be non-Christian. The sympathies of the Christian must be broad. God
desires all men to come to a knowledge of the truth.

The highest regular officers of the Church are in the third chapter
called "bishops." It is abundantly evident, however--especially from
Titus 1:5,7--that "bishop" is only another name for "presbyter" or
"elder." At a later time the term "bishop" was applied to an officer
who had the supreme oversight over a church and to whom the elders
were subject. These conditions did not prevail at the time of the
Pastoral Epistles. At first sight, indeed, it might seem as though
Timothy and Titus themselves were "bishops" in the later sense of
the word. But this also is false. Timothy and Titus do not appear
at all as officers of individual congregations. They had oversight
over a plurality of churches, and evidently their authority was
special and temporary. They did not fill an office which was
intended to become permanent in the Church, but were simply special
representatives of the apostle. As the apostles had no successors,
so no man after the apostolic age had a right to assume the
functions of Timothy and Titus.

The fourth chapter calls attention to the revelation of the Holy
Spirit, probably through the lips of Christian prophets, that in the
future there would appear apostates from the faith. The errorists
who are combated in vs. 7-10 are apparently to be regarded as
forerunners, still within the Church, of the more open apostasy
which is one day to follow.

The institution of the "widows," which is discussed in the fifth
chapter, is to us somewhat obscure. Evidently those who were
accounted "widows," being helpless, were entitled to support by the
church. The necessity of sound teaching, with emphasis upon the
really fundamental things of the faith, is again insisted upon; and
certain false teachers are accused of practicing or inculcating
piety as a means of worldly gain. Ch. 6:3-10. The last warning
of the epistle characteristically concerns vain babblings and
oppositions of a so-called knowledge. Probably these errors are
connected in some way with those which are combated in the first
section of the epistle. In the final words, "Grace be with you," the
"you" in the Greek, according to the best attestation, is plural;
and in the corresponding passages at the end of Titus and of Second
Timothy, it is certainly plural. This may furnish an indication--to
be added to more general considerations--that the Pastoral Epistles
were intended not merely for those to whom they are formally
addressed, but also to the churches under their care.


2. THE EPISTLE TO TITUS

The address of the Epistle to Titus is noteworthy for the long
addition to the title of the author, which is to be compared with
the similar addition in Romans.

At the time when the epistle was written, Paul had recently been
with Titus in Crete. Paul had not labored on that island before
the first Roman imprisonment. His journeys in the east between
the two imprisonments therefore involved something more than the
revisitation of former fields. The reason why Titus was left behind
in Crete was somewhat similar to the reason why Timothy, according
to First Timothy, was told to remain in Ephesus. Titus was to
give attention to organization, and to the maintenance of sound
instruction.

Like Timothy, Titus is given the power of establishing presbyters,
and of establishing them not merely in one church but in various
churches. The function of the presbyter was that of "bishop" or
"overseer." Titus 1:5-7. In vs. 9-16, the close connection of
organization with sound doctrine becomes particularly apparent. One
important function of the presbyters was to counteract the errors
which were springing up. The account of the errorists in Crete is
perhaps in some respects clearer than that which is given of the
related phenomenon in Ephesus. The false teachers were animated
by a love of gain. V. 11. Some of them were Jews or proselytes.
V. 10. They had a fondness for Jewish fables. Apparently, also,
they tried to atone for a lack of real inward purity by an outward
asceticism. Vs. 15, 16. They were concerned with vain questionings
and genealogies and legal disputes. These last are perhaps to be
regarded as casuistic discussions like those which play such a large
part in Jewish tradition.

The Epistle to Titus is somewhat richer than First Timothy in
personal details. After Titus has been relieved in Crete by Artemas
or Tychicus, who may soon be sent, he is to join Paul in Nicopolis.
Tychicus, it will be remembered, had served as Paul's messenger
during the first imprisonment. He was the bearer of Colossians
and Ephesians. The Nicopolis where Paul is intending to pass the
approaching winter, is probably the chief of the many cities of that
name, the Nicopolis in Epirus. Zenas, a lawyer otherwise unknown,
and the well-known Apollos, who appears so prominently in The
Acts and in First Corinthians, are to be furnished in Crete with
everything that they need for their further journey.


3. THE SECOND EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY

The First Epistle to Timothy and the Epistle to Titus are in many
respects strikingly similar. A certain strong family resemblance
extends also to Second Timothy. Evidently all three of the Pastoral
Epistles belong to the same general period of Paul's life, and were
intended to subserve similar purposes. Second Timothy, however, as
compared with the other two, exhibits some marked peculiarities.

The personal element, in particular, is in this letter much
more prominent. Second Timothy contains a wealth of interesting
biographical details about Timothy, about Paul, and about a very
considerable number of other persons. Some of these last are known
only from this epistle; others have been brought to our attention
again and again.

In Second Timothy Paul appears as a prisoner, no doubt at Rome.
This time there seems to be little hope of his release. Apparently
his imprisonment is not of long standing. Only recently he has been
at Corinth and at Miletus. II Tim. 4:20. He speaks in one place of
his first defense. V. 16. Some suppose that this is a reminiscence
of the trial which had taken place years before, during the first
imprisonment. More probably it refers to some preliminary hearing
which had only recently been held. Paul is oppressed with a sense
of loneliness, even more than during the first imprisonment. There
was no one to stand by him at his first hearing. For one reason
or another, his intimate associates have been scattered--some of
them, no doubt, for good and sufficient reasons, but Demas, at any
rate, out of an unworthy love of the world. Luke, fortunately, is
still with him; and Timothy, with Mark, is urged to come before
the winter. Vs. 11, 21. Mark seems to have changed since he turned
back from the work at Perga. At the beginning he was rebuked for
desertion; but now at the end he is one of the few faithful ones.

It is not quite clear where Timothy was when the letter was
addressed to him. The greeting to Priscilla and Aquila might seem
to point to Ephesus. They had lived there before; perhaps they
returned thither after a residence in Rome. Rom. 16:3. If Timothy
was in Ephesus, then Tychicus, who was sent thither, II Tim. 4:12,
was probably expected to linger by the way; otherwise his sending
would be no news to the reader of the letter. Something is to be
said, perhaps, for the view that Timothy was not at Ephesus, but
perhaps at Lystra, his original home.

The Second Epistle to Timothy contains warnings against false
teaching similar to those which appear in First Timothy and Titus.
But the characteristic feature of the letter is to be found in
the references to the apostle's own life. Even the warnings
and admonitions are brought into relation to these. Paul does
not hesitate to point to himself as an example for his beloved
followers. He does so, without a touch of vain glory, in the
simple consciousness of a divine commission. Second Timothy is
a letter of farewell, in which reminiscence and exhortation are
characteristically blended. It is a farewell from the apostle,
primarily for Timothy, though he is expecting to see Timothy again,
but also for all of the Pauline churches. The letter has taken
deep hold of every generation in the history of the Church. The
fitting end of a life of true service, the calm facing of death,
the certainty of heavenly communion with the Lord--these are the
things above all others that have been learned from the last of the
epistles of Paul.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age,"
pp. 252-261. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves, articles
on "Timothy" and "Titus." M'Clymont, "The New Testament and Its
Writers," pp. 104-115. Lewin, "The Life and Epistles of St. Paul,"
vol. ii, chs. vii, viii, ix, x and xi. Conybeare and Howson, "The
Life and Epistles of St. Paul," ch. xxvii. Stalker, "The Life of St.
Paul," pp. 133-136. Warfield, "Acts, Timothy, Titus and Philemon,"
in "The Temple Bible," pp. xxvii-xliii. Ellicott, "A New Testament
Commentary for English Readers," vol. iii, pp. 171-264: Spence, "The
Pastoral Epistles of St. Paul." "The Cambridge Bible for Schools and
Colleges": Humphreys, "The Epistles to Timothy and Titus." Zahn,
"Introduction to the New Testament," vol. ii, pp. 1-133. The last
named work is intended primarily for those who have some knowledge
of Greek, but can also be used by others.




PART III:

The Presentation and Defense of
Christianity




LESSON XXVII

A PRESENTATION OF JESUS TO JEWISH CHRISTIANS

The Gospel According to Matthew


The Gospel of Matthew is probably, as has been said, the most
important book that was ever written. Its importance is due to the
information which it contains about Jesus Christ. More fully perhaps
than any other one book, the Gospel of Matthew has preserved the
knowledge of Jesus.

Whatever be the future of the Church, the life of Jesus will now
always remain the central fact of history. Even the secondary
influence of Jesus is incalculable; even if none were left to own
him as Lord and Master, still he would remain incomparably the most
influential man that has ever lived. As a matter of fact, however,
such a condition has never existed and never will exist. From the
very beginning the life of Jesus made itself felt through those who
accepted him, to the exclusion of all others, as the supreme Lord of
their lives. If Jesus had been regarded merely as a quiet teacher
of ethics, the Gospel of Matthew never would have been written, and
probably the very name of Jesus would have perished. The wonderful
influence of Jesus, which has transformed the world from darkness to
light, which alone gives promise of a final reign of righteousness,
has been exerted through the instrumentality, not of admirers, but
of disciples. Jesus has been a Teacher only because he has been a
Master.

To make Jesus Master in the lives of men was the purpose of the
Gospel of Matthew, and it is the purpose of our study of the book.
The Gospel was not written with merely scientific interest; it was
not written merely to preserve certain gems from the lips of an
inspired teacher. The ultimate purpose of the book was to make men
fall at Jesus' feet with the words, "My Lord and my God." Such a
purpose is not inconsistent with the most scrupulous truthfulness.
Adoration of Jesus can be induced best of all, not by fanciful
elaboration, but by sober fact. In the case of Jesus, truth was more
glorious by far than the boldest fiction.

To make Jesus Lord and Saviour is the purpose of our work as
teachers. That purpose cannot be attained by exhortation or by
threatening, but only by impartation of knowledge. To know Jesus is
to trust him and adore him. Many readers of the Gospels never attain
to the true knowledge. Their failure is due to various causes--to
moral laxness, to preconceived opinions, to spiritual dullness.
One obstacle, however, is of a simpler kind. One thing that stands
in the way of a real understanding of the Gospels is the habit
of piecemeal reading. We read the Gospels bit by bit instead of
allowing the whole to make its impression. We do not see the wood
for the trees. Jesus is concealed from us by his individual acts.
The Gospels should be read as well as studied--read rapidly, like
an ordinary book, preferably in some rational form of printing
where verse numbers and all editorial matters are relegated to the
margin and the lines stretch across the page. These things may seem
to be trivialities, and certainly they are not essential. What is
essential--not in place of detailed study, but in addition to it--is
a rapid reading of the Gospels, by which, through the exclusion of
all non-essentials, the mysterious, holy person of Jesus is brought
simply and freshly before the wondering soul. Not to know about
Jesus, but to know him, is the prime object of our study. To know
about him is a valuable part of education; but to know him is life
eternal.


1. MEANING OF "GOSPEL"

The Greek word for "gospel" means "good news." Nowhere in the New
Testament, however, is that word applied to a book. There is no
reference in the New Testament to a "Gospel" of Matthew or of Mark
or of Luke or of John. In the New Testament the word "gospel" has a
more general reference. It designates the "good news" which lies at
the basis of Christian preaching, however that news may be known.
Christianity is based upon "a piece of information." The subject of
that information is the life and death and resurrection of Jesus
Christ. Without Christ we should have been hopeless, but Christ has
saved us. Information about what he has done for us, however that
information be conveyed, is the gospel.

This broad use of the word "gospel" appears even in the titles
"Gospel according to Matthew," "Gospel according to Mark," "Gospel
according to Luke," and "Gospel according to John," which are not
due to the original authors of the books. "Gospel according to
Matthew" did not originally mean the same thing as "Gospel of
Matthew." It did not mean the Gospel which Matthew produced, but the
one Gospel of Jesus Christ as Matthew narrated it. Matthew, Mark,
Luke and John produced simply four accounts of the same thing. That
common subject of the four accounts is the gospel, the good news, of
what Jesus Christ has done for his followers.

At a very early time, however, books which had the gospel as their
subject came themselves to be designated as "Gospels." The usage is
convenient, and will be freely adopted in these textbooks. We may
speak indiscriminately of the "Gospel according to Matthew" and of
the "Gospel of Matthew."


2. AUTHORSHIP OF THE FIRST GOSPEL

=(1) Not Indicated in the Gospel Itself.=--The Gospel of Matthew
should be sharply distinguished from those books which themselves
make definite claims as to their authorship. The Epistle to the
Romans, for example, claims to have been written by the apostle
Paul. If it was not written by Paul, it is a forgery. The book of
The Acts, also, though it does not mention the name of the author,
claims at least--through the use of the first person plural--to have
been written by some companion of the apostle Paul. Even the Gospel
of John, as we shall see, really affords clear indications about
its own authorship. The Gospel of Matthew, on the other hand, lays
no claim to any particular authorship. We might believe that it was
written by some other person than Matthew and yet be perfectly loyal
to the book itself. The self-witness of the book is confined merely
to a claim of truthfulness. If we believe that the record which the
book contains is true, then we might, in perfect loyalty to the
Gospel, believe that it was written by some one like Luke or Mark,
outside of the company of the apostles. Such a view, however, would
display an unreasonable distrust of Christian tradition.

=(2) Papias on the First Gospel.=--The earliest extant information
about the authorship of the First Gospel is to be found in a
fragment which Eusebius, the church historian of the fourth century,
has preserved from a lost work of Papias. Papias was bishop of
Hierapolis in Asia Minor in the former half of the second century.

The fragment from Papias, which is found in Eusebius, Church
History, iii, 39, 16, may be translated as follows:

"Matthew accordingly wrote [or compiled] the oracles in the Hebrew
dialect, and everyone translated them as he was able."

It seems pretty evident that Papias is here referring to the First
Gospel. Some, indeed, have supposed that he means by "the oracles"
a writing composed almost exclusively of sayings of Jesus, which
formed merely one of the sources of our First Gospel. This view is
probably incorrect. Papias could designate the Gospel of Matthew
as "the oracles" either because of the large place which sayings
of Jesus have in this Gospel, as compared, for example, with the
Gospel of Mark, or else because the whole Gospel, both speeches
and narrative, was of divine, oracular authority. The view that
"according to Matthew" in the ancient title and in Christian
tradition means not that Matthew wrote the book, but that it is
based in some way ultimately on his authority, is opposed by the
analogy of Mark. As we shall see, the Gospel of Mark, in early
tradition, was referred ultimately to the authority of Peter; if,
therefore, "according to" was used in the sense indicated above, the
Second Gospel would have been called the Gospel "according to Peter"
instead of the Gospel "according to Mark."

The testimony of Papias involves two principal assertions: in the
first place, that Matthew wrote the First Gospel; and in the second
place, that he wrote it in the "Hebrew" language.

The former assertion, which is supported by a striking consensus of
early writers, has already been considered. The latter is much more
puzzling.


3. WAS THE FIRST GOSPEL ORIGINALLY ARAMAIC?

=(1) Meaning of "Hebrew."=--By "the Hebrew dialect," Papias no doubt
means Aramaic rather than what we call Hebrew. The term "Hebrew"
was applied to both of the two closely related languages. Compare
Acts 21:40. It is exceedingly unlikely that a Gospel would have been
written in Hebrew; for before the time of Christ that had ceased to
be the living language of Palestine. What Papias asserts, then, is
that Matthew wrote in Aramaic.

=(2) "Everyone Translated Them as He Was Able."=--Papias asserts
further that everyone translated the oracles as he was able. These
words may be interpreted in various ways. Perhaps they mean that
every man who used the original of Matthew had to translate it for
himself; or perhaps that the Gospel was translated orally in the
churches, as the Jews translated the Hebrew Old Testament into
Aramaic in the synagogues; or perhaps that a number of written
translations of the Gospel were made. At any rate Papias seems to
imply that the condition which he here describes had come to an end
when he wrote. Some one Greek form of the Gospel had gained general
acceptance; the time when everyone translated as he was able was at
an end.

(3) Value of the Tradition.--The tradition of an Aramaic original
of Matthew is not preserved merely by Papias, but appears in a
considerable number of early writers. How far the other writers
are independent of Papias is a disputed question. The tradition
may be variously estimated. Some have supposed that it is entirely
correct--that our Greek Gospel of Matthew is a translation, by
Matthew himself or by some one else, of an Aramaic work: others
have supposed that the tradition is altogether false--for example,
that an Aramaic translation of the Greek Gospel was mistaken for an
original from which the Greek Gospel had been translated: others
hold intermediate views--for example, that one of the sources of
our Greek Gospel was written in Aramaic. An important objection to
the view that there was an Aramaic original of Matthew is that the
Greek Gospel looks more like an original Greek work than like a
translation. The tradition of the Aramaic Matthew places before us
one of the unsolved problems of New Testament criticism.

One thing is certain--the language of the Gospel of Matthew, like
that of the other Gospels, has a strong Aramaic coloring. This,
however, does not require the hypothesis that our Matthew was
translated from an Aramaic original. Undoubtedly, however our
Greek Matthew was written, there was a time in the early days of
the Church when the tradition of the life of Christ was carried
on chiefly or wholly in the Aramaic language. The words of Jesus,
at any rate, as they appear in our Gospels, have at some time or
other undergone translation; for Jesus taught in Aramaic. The
Aramaic coloring of the Gospels is one of the evidences of their
trustworthiness. Though written in Greek, they are evidently rooted
deep in the original Palestinian soil.


4. DATE

The date of the Gospel cannot be determined with accuracy. Some
indication, however, is afforded by the assertion of Irenaeus, of the
latter part of the second century, that Matthew published his Gospel
while Peter and Paul were preaching at Rome. Even if this assertion
should prove not to be absolutely correct, it would exhibit an early
tradition for the years between about A. D. 60 and 70 as the date of
the Gospel. This tradition is confirmed by the widespread view among
early writers that Matthew was written before Mark; for Mark is now
generally admitted to have been written before the destruction
of Jerusalem in A. D. 70. There is really no serious objection to
the traditional dating of Matthew. It was probably written in the
sixties of the first century, and probably, as tradition says, in
Palestine.

There are traces of the use of the Gospel in writers of the early
half of the second century. On the other hand, there is no clear
indication that it was used by any New Testament writer. The absence
of citations from our Gospels in the epistles of Paul would tend to
indicate that in the very earliest period the gospel tradition was
carried on by word of mouth rather than by books.


5. THE APOSTLE MATTHEW

In the four lists of the apostles, Matt. 10:2-4; Mark 3:16-19; Luke
6:13-16; Acts 1:13, Matthew is designated by the bare name, except
in his own Gospel, where he appears as "Matthew the publican." In
Matt. 9:9, his call is narrated. In the parallel passages in Mark
and Luke, Mark 2:14; Luke 5:27,28, the name of the publican who was
called is given only as "Levi." Without the Gospel of Matthew we
should not have been able to identify Levi and Matthew. Evidently
the apostle had two names, as was the case with so many others
of the persons mentioned in the New Testament. After his call,
Matthew made a great feast for Jesus. Luke 5:29; compare Mark
2:15. Matthew himself, alone among the Synoptists, does not even
make it perfectly clear that it was he in whose house Jesus sat at
meat. The peculiarities of the First Gospel in what is said about
Matthew become significant when the authorship is known. Of course
of themselves they would be quite insufficient to indicate who the
author was. The assertion by early writers that Matthew wrote the
Gospel, was based not upon indications in the Gospel itself, but
upon independent tradition.


6. "THE BOOK OF THE GENERATION OF JESUS CHRIST"

The first verse of the Gospel is evidently based upon the formula,
occurring for the first time at Gen. 5:1, which marks off the
divisions of the book of Genesis. It is most naturally regarded as
a heading for the genealogy that follows in Matt. 1:2-17. There
is only one objection to that view. In Genesis "the book of the
generations of Adam," or "the generations of Shem" or the like,
introduces an account, not of ancestors of the persons in question,
but of their descendants. In Matt. 1:2-17, on the contrary, we have
an account not of descendants of Jesus, but of ancestors. This
objection has led some scholars to regard Matt. 1:1 as the title
not of the genealogy but of the whole Gospel. The title would then
represent Jesus as the beginning of a new race, or of a new period
in the history of humanity.

This interpretation is unnecessarily subtle. It should rather be
admitted that there is a difference between the phrase in Genesis
and that in Matthew. The difference is very natural. In the case of
Abraham the descendants were in view; in the case of the Messiah,
the ancestors. Adam and Noah and Abraham were bearers of a promise;
Christ was the culmination. Genesis looks forward; Matthew looks
back. The difference in the use of the phrase is natural and
significant.

The title, with the whole genealogy, is significant of what is to
follow. At the very start, the ruling thought of Matthew's Gospel
finds expression. Jesus is son of David, and son of Abraham; he is
the culmination of the divine promise.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age,"
pp. 270-272, 290-293. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves
(supplemented), articles on "Gospel" and "Matthew." M'Clymont,
"The New Testament and Its Writers," pp. 1-20. Stevens and Burton,
"A Harmony of the Gospels." Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary
for English Readers," vol. i: Plumptre, "The Gospel According to
St. Matthew, St. Mark, and St. Luke," pp. xli-xliii, 1-186. Zahn,
"Introduction to the New Testament," vol. ii, pp. 367-427, 506-601.
The last-named work is intended primarily for those who have some
knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others.




LESSON XXVIII

A GRAPHIC SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF JESUS

The Gospel According to Mark


The Gospel of Mark contains scarcely any material which is not also
contained in one or both of the other two Synoptic Gospels. The
loss of Mark would not diminish appreciably the number of facts
that we know about Jesus. Nevertheless, the Second Gospel is of the
utmost importance; for although it narrates for the most part only
the same facts as are also narrated elsewhere, it narrates them in
a different way. Indeed the very brevity of the Gospel adds to its
special value. A picture is sometimes the more impressive by being
limited in extent. Read the Gospel of Mark, not piecemeal but as a
whole, and you obtain an impression of Jesus which can be obtained
from no other book.


1. THE TRADITION

=(1) Papias on Mark.=--As in the case of Matthew, so in that of Mark
it is Papias of Hierapolis who provides the earliest information
about the production of the Gospel. Again also the words of Papias
are quoted by Eusebius (Church History, iii, 39, 15). The passage
from Papias is as follows:

"This also the presbyter said: 'Mark, on the one hand, being
an interpreter of Peter, wrote accurately as many things as he
remembered, yet not in order, the things which were either said
or done by the Lord.' For neither did he hear the Lord nor did
he follow him, but afterwards, as I said, he followed Peter, who
carried on his teaching as need required but not as though he were
making an ordered account of the oracles of the Lord; so that Mark
committed no fault when he wrote some things as he had remembered
them. For he had one care--that he should not leave out anything
of the things that he had heard, or represent anything among them
falsely."

=(2) Antiquity of the Papian Tradition.=--It will be observed
that Papias is here represented as quoting from "the presbyter."
Probably, however, it is only the first sentence that is quoted; the
rest seems to be an explanation by Papias himself. By "presbyter,"
or "elder," Papias means not an officer in the Church, but a man of
an older generation. The tradition is therefore very ancient. Papias
himself lived in the former half of the second century; a man of a
still older generation would probably have acquired his information
about Mark well before A. D. 100. Such information is not to be
lightly rejected.

(3) Mark an Interpreter of Peter.--According to the presbyter, Mark
was an "interpreter" of Peter. If the word be taken strictly it
means that Mark translated the words of Peter from one language into
another--probably from Aramaic into Greek. On the whole, however, it
is not probable, in view of linguistic conditions in Palestine and
in the Church, that Peter would be unable to speak Greek. Perhaps,
then, the sentence means that Mark was merely the mediator, in a
general sense, of Peter's preaching. He presented the teaching
of Peter to those who had not had the opportunity of hearing it
themselves. Perhaps the meaning is that he had done so formerly by
word of mouth. Perhaps, however, it is rather the Gospel itself that
is referred to. By writing the Gospel Mark became an interpreter or
mediator of the preaching of Peter.

At any rate, whatever meaning be given to the word "interpreter,"
the general sense of the sentence--especially when taken in
connection with the following explanation by Papias is fairly clear.
Mark derived the information for his Gospel not from personal
acquaintance with the earthly Jesus, but from association with Peter.

(4) Mark Not Written "In Order."--The presbyter said further that
although Mark wrote accurately what he heard from Peter, he did not
succeed in giving "in order" an account of the things that Jesus
did and said. Evidently the historical incompleteness, the lack of
uninterrupted sequence, of the Gospel of Mark is here in view.

But by what standard is the Gospel judged? It can hardly be by
the standard of Matthew, for Matthew pays even less attention to
temporal sequence than Mark does. The order in Luke also is by no
means in all respects more strictly chronological than that in Mark.
Only one standard satisfies the requirements of the presbyter's
words--the standard provided by the teaching of John. John was the
great leader of the Church of Asia Minor. His teaching naturally
formed the standard of authority in that region. Perhaps at the time
when the presbyter expressed his judgment on Mark the Gospel of
John had already been written, so that one Gospel could be compared
with the other; perhaps, however, it was merely the oral teaching
of John, afterwards embodied in the Gospel, which afforded the
basis of comparison. The Gospel of John alone provides something
like a chronological framework of the public ministry of Jesus:
John alone mentions the early Judean ministry; John alone narrates
the successive visits of Jesus to the feasts in Jerusalem. If, as
is possible, "the presbyter" of Papias was none other than John
himself, then of course the whole matter becomes especially plain.
John knew that there were important omissions in the Gospel of Mark;
he probably observed, for example, that that Gospel if taken alone
might readily create the impression that the ministry of Jesus
lasted only one year instead of three or four. No doubt he corrected
this impression in his oral teaching; certainly he corrects it in
his Gospel. In commending the Gospel of Mark, John would naturally
call attention to its chronological incompleteness.


2. THE HEADING

Like the Gospel of Matthew, the Gospel of Mark opens not with a
sentence, but with a heading. As in the former case, however, the
exact reference of the heading is uncertain. "The beginning of the
gospel of Jesus Christ" may, in the first place, mean merely, "Here
begins the gospel of Jesus Christ." "The gospel of Jesus Christ"
would then be simply the story about Christ that is narrated in the
book that follows.

In the second place, the phrase may be taken as a description of
the contents of the book. The whole of Jesus' life would then be
described as the beginning of that proclamation of the gospel which
was afterwards continued by the apostles and by the Church.

In the third place, the phrase may be merely a heading for the
section that immediately follows, for Mark 1:2-8, or for vs. 2-13.
In this case the preaching of John the Baptist, with or without the
baptism of Jesus, the descent of the Spirit, and the temptation,
would be described as the beginning of, as preliminary to, the
proclamation of the gospel, which is mentioned in vs. 14, 15.

Perhaps the first interpretation is to be preferred as being the
simplest, though it must be admitted that the phrase is a little
puzzling.


3. MARK THE MISSIONARY GOSPEL

It is significant that the Gospel of Mark begins not with the birth
and infancy of Jesus, but with the ministry of John the Baptist
and the subsequent preaching of Jesus in Galilee. Mark seems to
be following with great exactness the scheme of early apostolic
preaching as it is laid down in Acts 10:37-43. Apparently Mark is
preeminently the missionary Gospel; it contains only those things
which had a place in the first preaching to unbelievers. That does
not mean that the things which Mark omits are necessarily less
important than the things which it contains. Mark gives a summary,
not exactly of the most important things about Jesus, but rather of
the things which unbelievers or recent converts could most easily
understand. Hence the omission of the mystery of the birth, of the
profound teaching of the early Judean ministry, of the intimate
instructions to the disciples. These things are of fundamental
importance. But they can best be understood only after one has first
acquired a thorough grasp of the public ministry, and of the death
and resurrection.

The Second Gospel, judged by purely formal standards, cannot
be called exactly a beautiful book. It lacks the rhythm of Old
Testament poetry, and the grace of the Gospel of Luke. But its
rough, vigorous naturalness conveys a message of compelling power.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves (edited)
article on "Mark." M'Clymont, "The New Testament and Its Writers,"
pp. 21-26. Stevens and Burton, "A Harmony of the Gospels." Ellicott,
"A New Testament Commentary for English Readers," vol. i: Plumptre,
"The Gospel according to St. Matthew, St. Mark, and St. Luke," pp.
187-234. "The Cambridge Bible for Schools": Maclear, "The Gospel
according to St. Mark." Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament,"
vol. ii, pp. 427-506, 601-617. The last-named work is intended
primarily for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also
be used by others.




LESSON XXIX

A GREEK HISTORIAN'S ACCOUNT OF JESUS

The Gospel According to Luke


The purpose of the Gospel of Luke was, the author says in his
prologue, that Theophilus might know the certainty concerning
the things wherein he had been instructed. These words involve
recognition of a fundamental need of the Church, which is to-day
often ignored. After interest in Christianity has been aroused,
after faith has been awakened, the Christian feels the need of a
deeper intellectual grounding of the faith that is in him. This
feeling is perfectly legitimate; it should not be stifled; the
expression of it should not be treated necessarily as sinful doubt.

The treatment of these natural questionings is one of the most
important problems that faces the teachers of the present course. We
are dealing with young men and women of maturing minds, many of whom
can no longer be satisfied with the unthinking faith of childhood.
If Christianity is to remain permanently a force in their lives it
must be related to their entire intellectual equipment; it must be
exhibited as a reasonable thing, which is consistent with a sane and
healthy view of the world. In other words, we are dealing with the
problem of religious doubt, which is almost an inevitable stage in
the development of intelligent Christians of the present day.

Undoubtedly the problem is often very unwisely handled. By hearing
every natural expression of their doubt unmercifully decried as
rebellion against the Word of God, many intelligent young people
are being driven into hopeless estrangement from the Church. It is
useless to try to bully people into faith. Instead, we ought to
learn the method of the Third Gospel.

Very possibly Luke was facing the very same problem that is before
us teachers to-day--very possibly Theophilus, to whom the Gospel
and The Acts were dedicated, was a young man who had grown up in
the Church and could now no longer be satisfied with the vague and
unsystematic instruction that had been given him in childhood. At
any rate, whether he was a young man grown up in the Church, or
a recent convert, or merely a Gentile interested in Christianity,
he was a person of intellectual interests, and those interests are
treated by the evangelist not with contempt but with the utmost
sympathy. The Gospel was written in order that Theophilus might
"know the certainty" of those things wherein he had been instructed.

That might be regarded as the motto for the entire course of study
which we have undertaken this year. It should be our aim to lay
before young people of the Church the certainty of the things
wherein they have been instructed--to enable them to substitute
for the unreasoning faith of childhood the profound convictions of
full-grown men and women. Moreover, exactly like the author of the
Third Gospel, we are endeavoring to accomplish this aim, not by
argument, but by an orderly presentation of "those matters which
have been fulfilled among us." A simple historical presentation of
the facts upon which Christianity is founded is the surest safeguard
of Christian faith.


1. THE PROLOGUE

Alone among the Synoptists Luke gives his readers some direct
information about the methods of his work. Luke 1:1-4; Acts 1:1,2.
This information, which was barely touched upon in the Student's
Text Book, must here be considered somewhat more in detail.

=(1) Luke Not an Eyewitness from the Beginning.=--From the prologue
to the Gospel, Luke 1:1-4, it appears, in the first place, that Luke
was not an eyewitness of the events that he narrates--at least he
was not an eyewitness "from the beginning."

=(2) His Predecessors.=--In the second place, it appears that he
had had predecessors in his task of writing an account of early
Christian history. Apparently, however, none of these previous works
were produced by an apostle or by an eyewitness of the earthly
ministry of Jesus. The previous writers, like Luke himself, were
dependent upon the testimony of the eyewitnesses. The Gospel of
Matthew, therefore, since it was written by an apostle, was not one
of the works to which reference is made. This conclusion is amply
confirmed by a comparison of Matthew with Luke. Evidently, at least,
the two are entirely independent. If Luke refers to the First Gospel
in the prologue, at any rate he made no use of it.

=(3) Was Mark One of the Predecessors?=--The Gospel of Mark, on
the contrary, answers to the description of the previous works.
It was written not by an eyewitness, but by one who listened to
eyewitnesses. Perhaps, therefore, it was one of the many works to
which Luke refers. If so, it may well have been used by Luke in
the preparation of his own Gospel. This supposition is by no means
excluded by a comparison of the two books. As a matter of fact, the
great majority of modern scholars suppose that the writer of the
Third Gospel made use of the Gospel of Mark. All that can here be
asserted is that this view, though not required by what Luke says in
his prologue, is perfectly consistent with it.

=(4) Luke's Attitude Toward the Predecessors.=--It should be
observed that Luke attaches no blame whatever to the efforts of
his forerunners. When he says that they had "taken in hand" or
"attempted" to write accounts of certain things, he does not imply
in the slightest that their attempts had been unsuccessful. He means
simply to justify his own procedure by a reference to what had
already been done. "My effort at writing an account of the origin
of Christianity," he says in effect, "is no strange, unheard-of
thing. I have had many predecessors." Such a reference to the work
of predecessors was in antiquity a common literary form. At the
very beginning of his work, Luke displays the effects of his Greek
literary training.

Of course, however, although Luke attaches no blame to his
predecessors, he would not have undertaken a new work if he had
thought that the old satisfied all needs. Evidently he hoped to
accomplish by his own book something that his predecessors had not
accomplished or had accomplished only in part.

=(5) The Subject of the Gospel.=--Finally, therefore, Luke informs
his readers what his own peculiar methods and purposes were. The
main subject of the Gospel is not described with any definiteness in
Luke 1:1-4, but it appears in the retrospect at the beginning of the
second work. There the subject of the Gospel is designated as "all
that Jesus began both to do and to teach, until the day in which he
was received up, after that he had given commandment through the
Holy Spirit unto the apostles whom he had chosen." Acts 1:1,2. The
subject of the Gospel, in other words, was the earthly life of Jesus.

=(6) Completeness of the Narrative.=--In treating this subject, Luke
had striven, he says, Luke 1:3, first of all for completeness. In
his investigations he had followed all things from the beginning.
This feature appears plainly in the Gospel. Instead of beginning as
Mark does, with the public ministry of Jesus, Luke first gives an
account of the birth and infancy, and not content with that, he
goes back even to events preceding the birth not only of Jesus, but
also of his forerunner.

=(7) Accuracy.=--In the second place, Luke says that he had striven
after accuracy. Here again the Gospel justifies the claim of its
author. The effort after precision may be seen perhaps especially in
such a passage as Luke 3:1,2, where there is an elaborate dating of
the beginning of John the Baptist's ministry.

=(8) Orderly Arrangement.=--The effort at orderly arrangement,
which forms a third part of the claim which the author makes,
was, especially in the Gospel, limited by the material that was
at hand. Evidently in Palestine in the early period, the memory
of the earthly ministry of Jesus was preserved not in a connected
narrative, but in isolated anecdotes. It was impossible, therefore,
even for a historian like Luke to maintain a chronological
arrangement throughout; where chronological arrangement was
impossible he was obliged to be satisfied with an arrangement
according to logical affinities. This logical method of arrangement,
however, is not resorted to by Luke so much as by Matthew; and for
considerable sections of his narrative he was able to gratify his
historian's desire for recounting events in the order in which they
happened.

=(9) Luke a Historian.=--Detailed examination of the prologue should
not be allowed to obscure the outstanding fact that the sum of what
Luke here attests is a genuine historical aim and method in the
composition of his work. Of course, history in Luke's mind did not
exist for its own sake. The Gospel of Luke is not a mere scientific
dissertation. On the contrary, the history which is narrated was
to the author a thing of supreme value. But it was valuable only
because it was true. There is not the slightest evidence that
Luke was a bad historian because he was a good Christian. On the
contrary, he was a Christian just because he was a historian. In
the case of Jesus, knowledge of the real facts is the surest way to
adoration.

=(10) Is Luke 1:1-4 a Prologue to both the Gospel and The
Acts?=--The first four verses of the Gospel of Luke may be taken as
a prologue either to the Gospel alone or else to the entire work,
including both the Gospel and The Acts. The latter view, since the
subject is described in v. 1 only in very broad terms, is not to
be rashly rejected. No doubt, however, in the prologue Luke was
thinking especially of the former part of the work--the part for
which he was dependent altogether upon the testimony of others. The
first verses of The Acts link the two parts close together. Their
connection has been obscured by the traditional arrangement of our
New Testament books. But that arrangement is altogether advisable.
The former part of the Lucan work certainly belongs among the
Gospels; and of the Gospels the Gospel of John must certainly be
placed last, as being supplementary to the others.


2. TYPICAL PASSAGES

The characteristics of the Gospel of Luke may perhaps be presented
more vividly than by the general description in the Student's Text
Book, by an examination of a few typical passages. The two such
passages which we shall choose somewhat at random, are the narrative
of the birth and infancy in Luke 1:5 to 2:52, and the parable of the
Prodigal Son. Ch. 15:11-32. Both of these are without any parallel
in the other Gospels. Matthew provides an infancy narrative, but it
is concerned for the most part with events different from those that
appear in Luke.

=(1) The Narrative of the Birth and Infancy.=--It has often been
observed that the characteristic Greek sentence of the prologue,
Luke 1:1-4, is immediately followed by the most strongly Hebraistic
passage in the New Testament. The Semitic style of Luke 1:5 to 2:52
becomes explicable only if Luke was here making use of Palestinian
sources, either oral or written. This conclusion is confirmed by
the whole spirit and substance of the narrative. In this narrative
as clearly as anywhere else in the New Testament we find ourselves
transplanted to Palestinian soil.

The early date of the narrative is as evident as its Jewish
Christian and Palestinian character. There is here no reference
to concrete events in the later history of the Church. Messianic
prophecy appears in its Old Testament form uncolored by the details
of the fulfillment. Evidently this narrative is no product of the
Church's fancy, but genuine history told in the very forms of speech
which were natural to those who participated in it.

The first two chapters of Luke are in spirit really a bit of the Old
Testament continued to the very threshold of the New. These chapters
contain the poetry of the New Testament, which has taken deep hold
of the heart and fancy of the Church.

In this section of his Gospel, Luke shows himself to be a genuine
historian. A biographer is not satisfied with narrating the public
life of his hero, but prefaces to his work some account of the
family, and of the birth and childhood. So our understanding of the
ministry of Jesus becomes far deeper when we know that he grew up
among the simple, devout folk who are described in the first two
chapters of Luke. The picture of Mary in these chapters, painted
with an exquisite delicacy of touch, throws a flood of light upon
the earthly life of the Son of Man.

Beauty of detail, however, must not be allowed to obscure the
central fact. The culmination of the narrative, undoubtedly, is
to be found in the stupendous mystery of Luke 1:34,35. Far from
being an excrescence in the narrative, as it has sometimes been
represented in an age of rampant naturalism, the supernatural
conception of Jesus is the very keystone of the arch. In this
central fact, Matthew and Luke, totally independent as they are, are
perfectly agreed. By this fact Jesus is represented, more clearly
perhaps than by anything else, as not a product of the world but a
Saviour come from without.

=(2) The Prodigal Son.=--The parable of the Prodigal Son, simple
though it is, has often been sadly misinterpreted. It has been
thought to mean, for example, that God pardons sin on the basis
simply of human repentance without the necessity of the divine
sacrifice. All such interpretations are wide of the mark. The
parable is not meant to teach how God pardons sin, but only the fact
that he does pardon it with joy, and that we ought to share in his
joy.

Misinterpretation of the parable has come from the ignoring of its
occasion. The key to the interpretation is given in Luke 15:1,2.
Jesus was receiving publicans and sinners. Instead of rejoicing at
the salvation of these poor, degraded sons of Abraham, the Pharisees
murmured. In rebuke, Jesus spoke three parables. One of them,
the parable of the Lost Sheep, is reported also by Matthew, ch.
18:12-14; but the last two, the parables of the Lost Coin and of the
Prodigal Son, appear only in Luke.

The teaching of all three of these parables is exactly the same. The
imagery varies, but the application is constant. That application
may be expressed very simply: "God rejoices at the salvation of a
sinner; if, therefore, you are really sons of God, you will rejoice
too." In the parable of the Prodigal Son, however, the application
is forced home more poignantly than in either of the other two. In
that parable alone among the three, the Pharisees could see--in the
elder brother--a direct representation of themselves.

The incident of the elder brother, sometimes regarded as a mere
detail, really introduces the main point of the parable. Everything
else leads up to that. The wonderful description of the joy of the
father at the prodigal's home-coming is all intended as a contrast
to the churlish jealousy of the brother. The elder brother was as
far as possible from sharing in the father's joy. That showed that
he was no true son. Though he lived under the father's roof, he
had no real inward share in the father's life. So it was with the
Pharisees. They lived in the Father's house; they were, as we should
say, members of the Church. But when salvation, in the person of
Jesus, had at last come to the poor, sinful outcasts of the people,
the Pharisees drew aside. God rejoiced when the publicans crowded in
to Jesus; but the Pharisees held back. That showed that after all
they were not, as they thought, true sons of God. If they had been,
they would have shared God's feeling.

It should be noticed that the parable ends with an invitation. The
elder brother is not harshly rebuked by the father, but tenderly
urged to come in still. Will the invitation be accepted? The
question is not answered; and there lies the crowning beauty of the
parable. The Pharisees are still given a chance. Will they still
share the joy of God at the return of his lost children? They must
answer the question for themselves.

And we, too, have the same question to answer. If we are really
children of God, then we shall not despise the outcasts and the
sinners, but shall rejoice with him at their salvation. The parable
is characteristic of the Gospel of Luke. Of course, Luke did not
compose it. Nothing in the Gospels bears more indisputably the
marks of Jesus' teaching. But from the rich store of Palestinian
tradition Luke sought out those things which displayed sympathy for
the downtrodden and the sick and the sinful. It was an inestimable
service to the Church. Shall we heed the message? God rejoices at
the salvation of a sinner. Shall we be sharers in his holy joy?

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves (edited),
article on "Luke." M'Clymont, "The New Testament and Its Writers,"
pp. 27-32. Stevens and Burton, "A Harmony of the Gospels." Ellicott,
"A New Testament Commentary for English Readers," vol. i: Plumptre,
"The Gospel According to St. Matthew, St. Mark, and St. Luke," pp.
235-365. Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. iii, pp.
1-173. The last-named work is intended primarily for those who have
some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others.




LESSON XXX

THE TESTIMONY OF THE BELOVED DISCIPLE

The Gospel According to John


1. THE EVANGELIST A WITNESS

The author of the Fourth Gospel was a great man. He was great,
however, not as a philosopher or as a religious genius, but as
an apostle; not as the originator of great ideas, but as one who
received the teaching of another. He was great, not as one who
created a profound theology, but as one who could understand the
Lord Jesus Christ. The "Johannine theology" is the theology not of
John but of Jesus. So at least John himself represents it. He claims
to be not a theologian, but a witness. The value of his book depends
upon the truth of his witnessing. If the Johannine picture of Christ
is the creation of the author's genius, it commands admiration; but
only if it is a true picture of the historic Jesus can it offer
eternal life.

Is the Jesus of the Fourth Gospel fiction or fact, a splendid
product of religious genius or a living Saviour?

Few questions have caused profounder agitation in the modern Church.
The question cannot be separated from the question of authorship.
Clearly if the book was written by an intimate friend of Jesus, its
witness must be true. Who wrote the Fourth Gospel? This question is
of vital importance.


2. THE TRADITION

At the close of the second century--the earliest period from
which any really abundant Christian literature outside of the New
Testament has been preserved--the tradition about the authorship
of the Gospel was practically unanimous. Even the one small and
uninfluential sect that disagreed practically supports the common
view, for its denial was evidently based upon objections to
the contents of the Gospel and not at all upon any independent
information.

=(1) Irenaeus and Polycarp.=--Of the three important writers of
the close of the second century, all of whom attest the Johannine
authorship of the Gospel, Irenaeus deserves special mention. Irenaeus
spent his early life in Asia Minor, but afterwards became the
leader of the Church in Gaul. Before he left Asia Minor he had
some very interesting associations. One of them was with Polycarp,
bishop of Smyrna, who was martyred in A. D. 155. Polycarp would be
an important figure merely on account of the early period in which
he lived; but what makes his testimony supremely valuable is his
personal association with John. Irenaeus himself in his early youth,
before he had left Asia Minor, had heard Polycarp discoursing about
the things he had heard John say. Polycarp, then, was a personal
disciple of John, and Irenaeus was a personal disciple of Polycarp.
Only one link, therefore, separated Irenaeus from John. Moreover,
since Irenaeus in his youth had lived in Asia Minor, the very place
of John's residence, it is natural to believe that what he heard
Polycarp say about John could be supplemented in other ways.

Now beyond any reasonable doubt whatever, Irenaeus supposed that
the John of whom he had heard Polycarp speak was none other than
John the apostle, the son of Zebedee. If that supposition was
correct, then the connection between Irenaeus and the apostle John
was exceedingly close; and when Irenaeus exhibits an absolutely
unwavering belief that the Fourth Gospel was written by the apostle,
it is very unlikely that he was mistaken. He had known one of the
personal disciples of John; he himself had lived in Asia Minor
where John had been the well-known leader of the Church, and where
the Fourth Gospel, no matter who wrote it, was almost certainly
produced. When, therefore, he asserts, not as something new, but
as a thing which he had known from the beginning, that the Fourth
Gospel was written by the apostle John, surely he must be believed.

This conclusion has been avoided by the hypothesis that the John
about whom Polycarp spoke was not really, as Irenaeus supposed, John
the son of Zebedee, but another John, a certain John the presbyter,
who was not one of the twelve apostles at all. The unnaturalness
of such an hypothesis appears on the surface. Could a native of
Asia Minor who had repeatedly heard Polycarp speak about the John
in question, and who had many other opportunities for acquainting
himself with the traditions of the church in Asia Minor--could such
a man, together with all his contemporaries, have come to labor
under so egregious a misapprehension?

=(2) Other Attestation.=--The testimony of Irenaeus to the Fourth
Gospel is of particular importance, on account of Irenaeus'
connection with Polycarp. But it is only one detail in a remarkable
consensus. When the most widely separated portions of the Church
before the close of the second century all agreed that the Fourth
Gospel was written by John the son of Zebedee, their common belief
could not have been of recent origin. Earlier writers, moreover, by
their use of the Gospel attest at least its early date.


3. THE TESTIMONY OF THE GOSPEL ITSELF

The tradition which attributes the Fourth Gospel to John the son of
Zebedee is confirmed by the testimony of the Gospel itself. Although
the book does not mention the name of its author it clearly implies
who he was.

=(1) Indirectness of the Testimony.=--This testimony of the Gospel
itself is all the more valuable because it is indirect. If the name
John had been mentioned at the beginning, then it might conceivably
be supposed that an unknown author had desired to gain a hearing for
his work by putting it falsely under the name of a great apostle.
As it is, the inference that the author claims to be John the son
of Zebedee, though certain, does not force itself upon the careless
reader. A forger would not thus, by the indirectness of his claim,
have deprived himself of the benefits of his forgery.

The testimony of the Gospel to its author must now be considered.

=(2) The Author an Eyewitness.=--In the first place, almost at
the very beginning, we observe that the author claims to be an
eyewitness of the life of Jesus. "We beheld his glory," he says in
John 1:14. By beholding the glory of Christ he evidently does not
mean merely that experience of Christ's power which is possessed
by every Christian. On the contrary, the glory of Christ, as it is
intended by the evangelist, is fully explained by such passages as
ch. 2:11. The miracles of Jesus--palpable, visible events in the
external world--are clearly included in what is meant. It will be
observed that in ch. 1:14 it is very specifically the incarnate
Christ that is spoken of. The evangelist is describing the condition
of things after "the Word became flesh." Evidently, therefore, it
was the earthly life of Jesus which the evangelist claims to have
"beheld."

This conclusion is confirmed by I John 1:1-4. Scarcely anyone doubts
that the First Epistle of John was written by the man who wrote
the Gospel. When, therefore, the author of the epistle speaks of
"that which we have heard, that which we have seen with our eyes,
that which we beheld, and our hands handled, concerning the Word
of life," evidently these words have significance for the Gospel
also. The author fairly heaps up expressions to show, beyond all
possibility of misunderstanding, that he had come into actual
physical contact with the earthly Jesus.

=(3) The Unnamed Disciple of John 1:35-42.=--The author of the
Fourth Gospel, then, clearly claims to be an eyewitness of the
earthly life of Christ. Further indications identify him with a
particular one among the eyewitnesses. In John 1:35-42, an unnamed
disciple of Jesus is mentioned. "One of the two," it is said in v.
40, "that heard John speak, and followed him, was Andrew, Simon
Peter's brother." Who was the other? There is some reason for
thinking that he was one of the two sons of Zebedee. But the matter
will become clearer as we proceed.

Another question is why this disciple is not mentioned by name. The
Fourth Gospel is not chary of names. Why, then, is the disciple who
appears so prominently along with Andrew and Simon not mentioned
by name? Only one plausible explanation suggests itself--the
explanation that the unnamed disciple was the author of the Gospel,
who, through a feeling common in the literature of antiquity, as
well as of our own time, did not like to mention his own name in
the course of his narrative. We have already observed that the
author claims to be an eyewitness of the life of Christ. John 1:14.
When, therefore, near the beginning of the narrative a disciple of
Jesus is introduced, rather mysteriously, without a name, when,
furthermore, events in which this disciple was immediately concerned
are narrated with unusual vividness and wealth of detail, vs. 35-42,
the conclusion becomes very natural that this unnamed disciple is
none other than the author himself.

=(4) The Beloved Disciple.=--This conclusion, it must be admitted,
so far as this first passage is concerned, is nothing more than a
likely guess. But by other passages it is rendered almost certain.

In John 13:21-25, a disciple is mentioned as leaning on Jesus'
breast and as being one whom Jesus loved. This disciple is not
named. But who was he? Evidently he was one of the twelve apostles,
for only the apostles were present at the Supper which is described
in chs. 13 to 17. The disciple "whom Jesus loved," however, was not
only among the Twelve; he was evidently among the innermost circle
of the Twelve. Such an innermost circle appears clearly in the
Synoptic Gospels. It was composed of Peter and James and John. The
beloved disciple was probably one of these three; and since he is
clearly distinguished from Peter, ch. 13:24, he was either James or
John.

The introduction of an unnamed disciple, which seemed significant
even in John 1:35-42, becomes yet far more significant in the
present passage. In the account of the Last Supper, a considerable
number of the disciples are named--Peter, Judas Iscariot, Thomas,
Philip, Judas not Iscariot--yet the disciple who is introduced with
especial emphasis, whose very position at table is described with a
wealth of detail far greater than is displayed in the case of any
of the others, is designated merely as "one of his disciples, whom
Jesus loved." The strange omission of this disciple's name can be
explained only if he was the author of the book. Clearly the painter
has here introduced a modest portrait of himself in the midst of his
great picture.

Passing by John 18:15,16, where "the other disciple" is probably
the author, and ch. 19:26,27, where the repetition of the strange
designation, "the disciple ... whom he [Jesus] loved," confirms the
impressions derived from ch. 13:21-25, we discover another important
indication in ch. 19:35. "And he that hath seen hath borne witness,
and his witness is true: and he knoweth that he saith true, that ye
also may believe." "He that hath seen" can scarcely refer to anyone
other than the beloved disciple who was mentioned just before as
standing by the cross. In the present verse, this beloved disciple
is represented as the one who is now speaking. The identification
of the beloved disciple with the author of the Gospel, which was
implied before, here becomes explicit.

In John 20:1-10, "the other disciple whom Jesus loved" is of course
the same as the one who appears in ch. 13:21-25; 19:26,27,35.

=(5) Testimony of the Appendix.=--In John 21:7,20-23, the beloved
disciple appears again, and in v. 24 he is identified, in so many
words, with the writer of the Gospel. In this verse the first person
plural is used; other persons seem to be associated with the author
in commending the Gospel to the attention of the Church. This
phenomenon is explained if the twenty-first chapter be regarded as
a sort of appendix, perhaps added at the request of a circle of
friends. It will be observed that ch. 20:30,31 forms a fit ending to
the book; what follows therefore appears the more like an appendix,
though it was certainly written by the author's own hand and
published before his death along with the rest of the book.

=(6) Why Are John and James Not Mentioned by Name?=--The conclusion
of our investigation is that the author of the Fourth Gospel
indicates clearly that he was either one or the other of the two
sons of Zebedee. This conclusion is confirmed by the curious
circumstance that neither one of these men is mentioned in the
Gospel by name. How did they come to be omitted? They were in the
very innermost circle of Jesus' disciples; many apostles far less
prominent than they are named frequently on the pages of the
Gospel. There can be only one solution of the problem: one at least
of these men is, as a matter of fact, introduced in the Gospel as
the beloved disciple, and the reason why he is introduced in such a
curiously anonymous way and why his brother also is not named, is
that the author felt a natural delicacy about introducing his own
and his brother's name into a narrative of the Lord's life.

One statement that has just been made requires qualification: it is
not quite true that the sons of Zebedee are not designated by name
in the Gospel. They are not indeed called by their individual names,
but in ch. 21:2, they are designated by the name of their father.
Possibly this slight difference of usage between chapter 21 and the
rest of the Gospel has something to do with the fact that chapter 21
seems to be an appendix.

=(7) The Author Was Not James, but John.=--The author of the Fourth
Gospel, then, identifies himself with one or the other of the sons
of Zebedee. As to which one of the two is meant there cannot be the
slightest doubt. James the son of Zebedee was martyred in A. D. 44.
Acts 12:2. There is abundant evidence that the Fourth Gospel was not
written so early as that; and John 21:20-23 apparently implies that
the author lived to a considerable age. Evidently, therefore, it is
John and not James with whom the author identifies himself.

=(8) Is the Gospel's Own Testimony True?=--Thus the singularly
strong tradition which attributes the Fourth Gospel to John the
son of Zebedee is supported by the independent testimony of the
book itself. Conceivably, of course, that testimony might be false.
But it is very hard to believe that it is. It is very hard to
believe that the author of this wonderful book, who despite all
the profundity of his ideas exalts in a very special manner the
importance of simple testimony based upon the senses, John 19:35; I
John 1:1-4, has in a manner far subtler and more heinous than if he
had simply put a false name at the beginning palmed himself off as
an eyewitness of the Saviour's life. Many learned men have found it
possible to accept such a view; but the simple reader of the Gospel
will always be inclined to dissent. The author of this book has
narrated many things hard to be believed. But there are still found
those who accept his solemn testimony; there are still found those
in whom the purpose of the book is achieved, who through this Gospel
believe that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God, and believing have
life in his name. John 20:31.


4. TRADITIONAL TIME AND PLACE AND PLAN

The tradition about the Fourth Gospel is not confined to the bare
fact of Johannine authorship; it has preserved certain other very
interesting information.

(=1=) =The Ephesian Residence.=--For example, tradition represents
the Fourth Gospel as written after the other three Gospels and at
Ephesus. The evidence for the Ephesian residence of the apostle John
is singularly abundant and weighty; and the contrary evidence which
has been thought to attest an early death of John is exceedingly
weak. At first, John, like the others of the original apostles,
remained in Palestine. He appears in Jerusalem a little before A.
D. 50 at the Apostolic Council. Gal. 2:9. At some subsequent time,
perhaps at the outbreak of the Jewish war in A. D. 66, he journeyed
to Asia Minor and there for many years was the revered head of the
Church. He lived indeed until the reign of Trajan, which began in A.
D. 98.

(=2=) =The Gospel of John Supplementary to the Synoptic
Gospels.=--According to tradition, the Gospel of John was not
only written after the Synoptic Gospels, but was intended to be
supplementary to them. This information is amply confirmed by
the Gospel itself. Evidently John presupposes on the part of his
readers a knowledge of the Synoptic account. This explains his
peculiar choice of material--for example, his omission of most of
the Galilean ministry, and of such events as the baptism and the
institution of the Lord's Supper. It explains also, for example, a
verse like John 3:24: "For John was not yet cast into prison." The
Synoptic Gospels begin their account of the ministry of Jesus with
what happened after the imprisonment of John the Baptist. Mark 1:14.
Readers of Mark might even receive the impression that Jesus had
not begun his teaching till after that time. John corrects any such
impression in ch. 3:24.

If, then, the Gospel of John is intended not to compete with the
Synoptic Gospels, but to supplement them, in what direction does the
supplementing move? What is it that John adds to what had already
been told? Here, again, tradition affords us useful hints.

Eusebius, in the early part of the fourth century, writes as follows
(Church History, iii, 24, 7-13, translated by McGiffert, in "Nicene
and Post-Nicene Fathers," second series, vol. i, p. 153):

"And when Mark and Luke had already published their Gospels, they
say that John, who had employed all his time in proclaiming the
Gospel orally, finally proceeded to write for the following reason.
The three Gospels already mentioned [Matthew, Mark and Luke] having
come into the hands of all and into his own too, they say that he
accepted them and bore witness to their truthfulness; but that
there was lacking in them an account of the deeds done by Christ
at the beginning of his ministry. And this indeed is true. For
it is evident that the three evangelists recorded only the deeds
done by the Saviour for one year after the imprisonment of John
the Baptist, and indicated this in the beginning of their account.
For Matthew, after the forty days' fast and the temptation which
followed it, indicates the chronology of his work when he says: 'Now
when he heard that John was delivered up he withdrew from Judea into
Galilee.' Mark likewise says: 'Now after that John was delivered up
Jesus came into Galilee.' And Luke, before commencing his account
of the deeds of Jesus, similarly marks the time, when he says that
Herod, 'adding to all the evil deeds which he had done, shut up
John in prison.' They say, therefore, that the apostle John, being
asked to do it for this reason, gave in his Gospel an account of the
period which had been omitted by the earlier evangelists, and of
the deeds done by the Saviour during that period; that is, of those
which were done before the imprisonment of the Baptist. And this is
indicated by him, they say, in the following words: 'This beginning
of miracles did Jesus'; and again when he refers to the Baptist, in
the midst of the deeds of Jesus, as still baptizing in Aenon near
Salim; where he states the matter clearly in the words: 'For John
was not yet cast into prison.' John accordingly, in his Gospel,
records the deeds of Christ which were performed before the Baptist
was cast into prison, but the other three evangelists mention the
events which happened after that time. One who understands this can
no longer think that the Gospels are at variance with one another,
inasmuch as the Gospel according to John contains the first acts
of Christ, while the others give an account of the latter part of
his life. And the genealogy of our Saviour according to the flesh
John quite naturally omitted, because it had been already given by
Matthew and Luke, and began with the doctrine of his divinity, which
had, as it were, been reserved for him, as their superior, by the
divine Spirit."

According to Eusebius, then, John intended to treat the time before
the imprisonment of the Baptist as the Synoptists treated the time
after that event. We have already noted the element of truth in this
observation. Of course it is not the only observation that needs to
be made. Much of what John narrates occurred after the imprisonment
of the Baptist.

According to Clement of Alexandria, of the close of the second
century, who here reports what had been said by his predecessors in
Alexandria, John, seeing that "bodily" matters had been treated by
the Synoptists, supplemented their work by writing a "spiritual"
Gospel. In this testimony also there is no doubt an element of
truth. It is true that the Fourth Gospel reproduces certain profound
elements in the teaching of Jesus which in the earlier Gospels
appear only incidentally.

The oral tradition which forms the chief basis of the Synoptic
Gospels was rooted deep in the earliest missionary activity of the
Church. Especially, perhaps, in the Gospel of Mark, but also in
Matthew and Luke, we have for the most part those facts about Jesus
and those elements of his teaching which could appeal at once to
simple-minded believers or to outsiders. The Gospel of John, on the
other hand, drawing, like the others, from the rich store of Jesus'
teaching and Jesus' person, has revealed yet deeper mysteries. In
this profound book, we have the recollections of a beloved disciple,
at first understood only imperfectly by the apostle himself, but
rendered ever clearer by advancing experience, and firmly fixed by
being often repeated in the author's oral instruction of the Church.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible," article on "John"
(7): Purves, article on "John, Gospel according to St." M'Clymont,
"The New Testament and Its Writers," pp. 33-40. Stevens and Burton,
"A Harmony of the Gospels." Westcott, "The Gospel according to St.
John: The Authorized Version with Introduction and Notes." "The
Cambridge Bible for Schools": Plummer, "The Gospel According to St.
John." Browning, "A Death in the Desert" (vol. iv, pp. 191-206 of
the Riverside Edition). Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament,"
vol. iii, pp. 174-355. The last-named work is intended primarily
for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by
others.




LESSON XXXI

THE JESUS OF THE GOSPELS


It is possible to speak of "the Jesus of the Gospels" only if the
Gospels are in essential agreement. If the features of the four
portraits are so different that they never could have been united
really in the same person, then there is no such thing as a Jesus of
the Gospels, but only a Jesus of Matthew and a Jesus of Mark and a
Jesus of Luke and a Jesus of John.


1. AGREEMENT AMONG THE SYNOPTISTS

Among the Synoptic Gospels, at any rate, no such difference exists.
Though every one of these Gospels possesses its own characteristics,
the peculiarities are almost negligible in comparison with the
underlying unity. There is certainly such a thing as "the Synoptic
Jesus." His words and deeds are narrated in each of the Gospels in a
different selection and in a different style, but the characteristic
features are everywhere the same.


2. THE SYNOPTISTS AND JOHN

With regard to the Fourth Gospel, the matter is not quite so
plain. The contrast between the Synoptists and John has already
been noticed. It forces itself upon even the most casual reader.
Difference, however, is not necessarily contradiction. It may be
due to a difference in the point of view. Both the Synoptists and
John give a true picture of Jesus; the same features appear very
different when viewed from different angles.


3. DIVINITY AND HUMANITY

At any rate, if there is a contradiction between the first three
Gospels and the Gospel of John, the contradiction is by no means
easy to formulate. It cannot be said, for example, simply that the
Synoptists present a human Jesus and John a divine Jesus. Whatever
the differences among the four Gospels, all four agree at least in
two essential features. All four present Jesus, in the first place
as a man, and in the second place as something more than a man.

(=1=) =Humanity in the Synoptists.=--The former feature is perhaps
especially clear in the Synoptists. According to the first three
Gospels, Jesus led a genuine human life from birth to death. As
a child he grew not only in stature, but also in wisdom. He was
subject to human parents and to the requirements of the Jewish law.
Even after the inauguration of his ministry the human conditions of
his life were not superseded. He was even tempted like other men.
He grew weary and slept. He suffered hunger and thirst. He could
rejoice and he could suffer sorrow. He prayed, like other men, and
worshiped God. He needed strengthening both for body and for mind.
No mere semblance of a human life is here presented, but a genuine
man of flesh and blood.

(=2=) =Humanity in John.=--But if the Jesus of the Synoptists is
a true man, how is it with the Jesus of John? Does the Fourth
Gospel present merely a heavenly being who walked through the world
untouched and unruffled by the sin and misery and weakness that
surrounded him? Only a very superficial reading can produce such
an impression. The Fourth Gospel indeed lays a supreme emphasis
upon the majesty of Jesus, upon his "glory" as it was manifested in
works of power and attested by God himself. But side by side with
these features of the narrative, as though to prevent a possible
misunderstanding, the author presents the humanity of Jesus with
drastic touches that can scarcely be paralleled in the Synoptists
themselves. It is John who speaks of the weariness of Jesus at the
well of Samaria, ch. 4:6; of the human affection which he felt for
Lazarus and Martha and Mary, ch. 11:3,5,36, and for an individual
among the disciples, ch. 13:23; of his weeping, ch. 11:35; and
indignant groaning, v. 38; and of his deadly thirst. Ch. 19:28. As
clearly as the other evangelists John presents Jesus as a man.

(=3=) =Divinity in John.=--In the second place, all four Gospels, if
they present Jesus as a man, also present him as something far more
than a man. With regard to the Gospel of John, of course the matter
is unmistakable. The very first verse reads: "In the beginning was
the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God." Jesus
according to John was plainly no product of the world, but God come
in the flesh. John 1:14. The teaching of Jesus himself, as it is
reported in the Fourth Gospel, is concerned with the relation of
perfect unity that exists between the Father and the Son.

(=4=) =Divinity in the Synoptists.=--In the Synoptists the
supernatural character of Jesus is somewhat less on the surface.
His teaching, as the Synoptists report it, is largely concerned not
directly with his own person, but with the kingdom that he came to
found. Even his Messiahship is often kept in the background; the
demons are often commanded not to reveal it.

A closer examination, however, reveals the essential unity between
the Synoptists and John. If the supernatural character of Jesus
appears in the Synoptists less plainly on the surface, it is really
no less pervasive at the center. It does not so often form the
subject of direct exposition, but it is everywhere presupposed. The
doing by Jesus of what only God can do, Mark 2:5,7; the sovereign
way in which he legislates for the kingdom of God, Matt. 5:17-48;
his unearthly holiness and complete lack of any consciousness of
sin; the boundlessness of his demand for obedience, Luke 9:57-62;
his expected freedom from limitations of time and place, Matt.
28:20; the absolutely central place which he claims for himself
as ruler and judge; the substantiation of all his lofty claims
by wonderful power over the forces of nature--these are only
indications chosen almost at random of what is really plain upon
every page of the Synoptic Gospels, that the Jesus who is there
described is no mere human figure but a divine Saviour of the world.
The invitation of Matt. 11:28-30, which is typical of the Synoptic
teaching, would have been absurd on the lips of anyone but the Son
of God.

Moreover, the divine nature of Jesus is not merely implied in the
Synoptic Gospels; there are times when it even becomes explicit.
The relation of perfect mutual knowledge that exists between Jesus
and the Father, Matt. 11:27, reveals a perfect unity of nature. The
Jesus of the Synoptists, as well as the Jesus of John, might say, "I
and the Father are one."


4. THE MANNER OF JESUS' TEACHING

The Synoptic Gospels, therefore, imply everywhere exactly the same
Jesus who is more expressly presented in the Gospel of John. If,
then, there is a contradiction between the Synoptists and John,
it can be concerned only with the manner of Jesus' teaching. The
Synoptists as well as John present Jesus as a supernatural person,
it is said, but unlike John they represent him as keeping his own
person in the background.

Even here, however, maturer consideration shows that the difference
does not amount to anything like contradiction. May not the same
person have spoken the discourses of the Fourth Gospel and also
those of the Synoptists? It must be remembered that the ministry
of Jesus was varied, and that the first three evangelists confine
themselves almost exclusively to one phase of it. In the public
Galilean ministry, which the Synoptists describe, it was necessary
for Jesus to keep even his Messiahship for a time in the background.
Publication of it, owing to the false political conception which
the Jews had of the Messiah's work, would have been fatal to Jesus'
plan. Here, as so often, the Fourth Gospel explains the other
three. After the feeding of the five thousand, John tells us, the
crowd wanted to take Jesus by force and make him a king. John 6:15.
Popularity was dangerous. Jesus could not proclaim himself publicly
as the Messiah, until by explaining the spiritual nature of the
kingdom he had prepared the people for the kind of Messiah which it
was his mission to be.

Of course, it is difficult for us to understand at every point just
why Jesus acted as he did. All that we are now maintaining is that
the considerations just adduced, and others like them, show that it
is perfectly conceivable that Jesus, before his intimate disciples
and in Jerusalem and at a special crisis, John, ch. 6, adopted
a method of teaching which in the greater part of the Galilean
ministry he considered out of place. There is room in a true
narrative of Jesus' life both for the Synoptists and for John.


5. THE COMPREHENSIVENESS OF JESUS

Jesus was many-sided. He was Lawgiver, he was Teacher, he was
Healer, he was Ruler, he was Saviour. He was man and he was God. The
Gospels have presented him in the richness of his mysterious person.
Modern historians are less comprehensive. They have been offended
at the manifoldness of the Gospel picture. They have endeavored to
reduce Jesus to the level of what they can comprehend. But their
effort has been a failure. After the supposed contradictions have
been removed, greater contradictions remain; and the resulting
figure is at any rate too small to account for the origin of
Christianity. The partial Jesus of modern criticism, despite his
comparative littleness, is a monstrosity; the comprehensive Jesus of
the Gospels, though mysterious, is a self-evidencing and life-giving
fact.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves, article
on "Jesus Christ." Warfield, "The Lord of Glory," pp. 125-173.
Robertson, "Epochs in the Life of Jesus." Stalker, "The Life of
Jesus Christ." Denney, "Jesus and the Gospel." Andrews, "The Life of
Our Lord."




LESSON XXXII

A DOCUMENT OF THE JERUSALEM CHURCH

The Epistle of James


1. THE CHRISTIANITY OF JAMES

The Epistle of James has been called the least Christian book in
the New Testament. Superficially this judgment is true. The name of
Jesus occurs only twice in the epistle, James 1:1; 2:1, and there
is no specific reference to his life and death and resurrection. A
close examination, however, reverses the first impression.

(=1=) =James and the Synoptic Discourses.=--In the first place,
the ethical teaching of James is permeated by the spirit of Jesus.
Even the form of the epistle displays a marked affinity for the
discourses of the Synoptic Gospels, and the affinity in content is
even more apparent. Many striking parallels could be cited; but
what is more convincing than such details is the indefinable spirit
of the whole. The way in which James treats the covetousness, the
pride, the heartlessness, the formalism, the pettiness and the
meanness of his readers, is strikingly similar to the way in which
his Master dealt with the Pharisees. James does not indeed actually
cite the words of Jesus; but the absence of citations makes the
underlying similarity all the more significant. The writer of this
epistle did not live at a time when the knowledge of the words of
Jesus was derived from books; rather he had himself listened to the
Master--even though he was not at first a disciple--and was living
in a community where the impression of Jesus' teaching and Jesus'
person was still fresh in the memory of those who had known him on
earth.

(=2=) =James and Christian Doctrine.=--In the second place,
moreover, the Christianity of James is religious as well as ethical.
Of course it could not be like the teaching of Jesus if it were
merely ethical; for everything that Jesus taught even about the
simplest matters of human conduct was determined by the thought
of the heavenly Father and by the significance of his own person.
But by the religious character of the Epistle of James even more
than this is meant. Like all the writers of the New Testament
James was well aware of the saving significance of Jesus' death
and resurrection. For him as well as for the others, Jesus was
Lord, ch. 1:1, and a Lord who was possessed of a heavenly glory.
Ch. 2:1. James, as well as the others, was waiting for the second
coming of Christ. Ch. 5:8. He does not directly refer to the saving
events that form the substance of Christian faith; but he takes
them everywhere for granted. The word of truth through which the
disciples have been formed by God, ch. 1:18, the implanted word,
v. 21, that needs ever to be received anew, can hardly be anything
else than the apostolic gospel as it was proclaimed in the earliest
speeches of Peter which are recorded in The Acts, and as it found
its rich unfolding in the teaching of Paul. Just because that gospel
in our epistle is presupposed, it does not need to be expounded
in detail. The men to whom James was writing were not lacking in
orthodoxy. If they had been, he would have set them right, and we
should have had another exposition of the gospel. As a matter of
fact their fault was in practice, not in theory; and it is in the
sphere of practice that they are met by James. The epistle would
be insufficient if it stood alone. It does not lay the foundation
of Christian faith. But it shows how, upon that foundation, may be
built not the wood, hay and stubble of a wordy orthodoxy, but the
gold and silver and precious stones of an honest Christian life.

This epistle, then, might be misleading if taken by itself; but it
becomes salutary if it is understood in its historical connections.
Far from disparaging Christian doctrine--as the modern Church is
tempted to suppose--it builds upon doctrine. In that it agrees with
the whole of the Bible. Christianity, as has been finely said, is
a life only because it is a doctrine. Only the great saving events
of the gospel have rendered possible a life like that which is
described in the Epistle of James. And where the gospel is really
accepted with heart as well as mind, that life of love will always
follow.


2. DATE AND AUTHENTICITY OF THE EPISTLE

The view which will be held about the date of the Epistle of James
will depend very largely upon the interpretation of the passage
about faith and works. James 2:14-26. In that passage, some of the
same terms appear as are prominent in connection with the great
Judaistic controversy in which Paul was engaged from the time of
the Apostolic Council to the time of the third missionary journey.
Three views have been held with regard to the date of the Epistle
of James. The epistle may be regarded as written (1) before the
Judaistic controversy arose, (2) during that controversy or while it
was still fresh in men's minds, or (3) long after the controversy
had been settled.

(=1=) =The Intermediate Date.=--The second of these three views may
be eliminated first. This intermediate view has the advantage of
placing the epistle within the lifetime of James. It can treat the
epistle as authentic. It has furthermore the advantage of explaining
the coincidences between James 2:14-26 and Rom., ch. 4. For if the
epistle was written at the very close of the lifetime of James--say
about A. D. 62, or, following Hegesippus, A. D. 66--the author may
have become acquainted with the Epistle to the Romans.

But the difficulties of this view far overbalance the advantages.
If James was writing with Galatians and Romans before him, then
apparently in ch. 2:24 he intends to contradict those epistles. As
a matter of fact, however, as is shown in the Student's Text Book,
he does not really contradict them, but is in perfect harmony with
them. He has therefore gone out of his way in order to introduce a
formal contradiction of the great apostle to the Gentiles although
there is no real contradiction of meaning at all! What could he
possibly gain by such useless trouble-making? If James really wanted
to combat Paul's doctrine of justification by faith, he would have
done so very differently; and if he did not want to combat it, he
would certainly not have uselessly created the appearance of doing
so.

Perhaps, however, James 2:14-26 is a refutation not of Paul but of
a misunderstanding of Paul. This also is very improbable. If the
passage was a refutation not of Paul but of a misunderstanding of
Paul, why did James not say so? Why did he not distinguish Paul
clearly from his misinterpreters? Instead he has indulged uselessly
in a formal contradiction of Paul, and has in refutation of a
misunderstanding of Paul not even used the abundant materials which
Paul himself could offer! And where was such a misunderstanding of
Paul possible in Jewish Christian circles of A. D. 62?

What makes every form of this intermediate dating impossible is the
total absence from the epistle of any reference to the question of
the conditions upon which Gentiles were to be received into the
Church. In A. D. 62 this question had recently been the subject of
bitter controversy. At that time no one could have touched upon the
closely related topic of faith and works as James does and yet have
ignored so completely the controversial question.

Evidently, therefore, the epistle was written either before the
Judaistic controversy arose or else long after it was over.

(=2=) =The Late Date.=--The latter view makes the epistle a
pseudonymous work--it assumes that an unknown author has here tried
to enhance the influence of his work by putting it under the
name of the first head of the Jerusalem church. This is of itself
sufficient to refute the late dating. For the procedure of the
supposed falsifier is quite incomprehensible. He has chosen James as
the alleged author only because of the lofty position which James
held, and yet he has designated him in the first verse merely as a
simple Christian! The procedure of real forgers is very different.

There are also, however, other objections to the late dating.
Would any writer in the second century, when the authority of Paul
was well established, have ventured to introduce such an apparent
contradiction of Paul as appears in James 2:24? In a writer of A.
D. 150 we should have had formal agreement with Paul and material
disagreement; in the Epistle of James we have formal disagreement
and material harmony. Apparent contradiction of expression combined
with perfect unity of thought is a sure sign of independence. The
Epistle of James has made no use of the epistles of Paul.

Against this conclusion may be urged only the coincidence that
James and Paul both use the example of Abraham, and cite the same
verse, Gen. 15:6, with regard to him. But it must be remembered
that to every Jew Abraham offered the most obvious example in all
the Scriptures. It is possible, too, that the faith and works of
Abraham had in pre-Christian Jewish circles already been the subject
of controversy. Furthermore, James does not confine himself to
Abraham, but introduces Rahab also, who is not mentioned by Paul.
The coincidence between Paul and James is quite insufficient to
overbalance the clear evidence of independence.

(=3=) =The Early Date.=--Only one hypothesis, then, suits the facts.
The Epistle of James was clearly written before the Judaistic
controversy became acute at the time of the Apostolic Council. In
the second chapter of the epistle, James has used the same terms
that became prominent in that controversy, but he has used them in
refuting a practical, not a theoretical, error--an error that is
related only indirectly to the great subject of Galatians and Romans.


3. UNDERLYING UNITY OF THE EPISTLE

At first sight the Epistle of James seems to possess very little
unity. Topic follows topic often with little apparent connection.
But the connection between the individual sections is closer than
appears at first; and the epistle as a whole possesses at least a
perfect unity of spirit.

(=1=) =Reality in Religion.=--The ruling tone of the epistle,
which may be detected beneath all the varying exhortations, is a
certain manly honesty, a certain fierce hatred of all sham and cant
and humbug and meanness. James is a stern advocate of a practical
religion.

(=2=) =Supremacy of Religion.=--It must be noticed, however, that
the religion of this writer is none the less religious because it is
practical. James is no advocate of a "gospel of street-cleaning." On
the contrary he insists with characteristic vehemence upon personal
piety. The same writer who has been regarded as emphasizing works at
the expense of faith, who might be hailed as a leader of those who
would make religion terminate upon man rather than God, who might
be thought to disparage everything but "social service"--this same
writer is one of the most earnest advocates of prayer. James 1:5-8;
4:2,3; 5:14-18. This apostle of works, this supposed disparager
of faith, is almost bitter in his denunciation of unbelief! Ch.
1:6-8. God, not man, according to James, is the author of every
perfect gift. V. 17. Prayer is the remedy both for bodily and for
spiritual ills. Ch. 5:14-18. James lends no countenance to the
modern disparagement of religious devotion. The same uncompromising
severity with which he lashes an inactive religion is also applied
just as mercilessly to an irreligious activity. Ch. 4:13-15. James
does not attack religion in the interests of reality; he attacks
unreality in the interests of religion.


4. CONTENTS OF THE EPISTLE

The opening of the epistle, like that of the letters contained in
Acts 15:23-29; 23:26-30, is constructed according to the regular
Greek form.

After the opening, James speaks first of trials or temptations.
Rightly used they will lead to perfection. If, however, there
is still imperfection, it can be removed by prayer to God. The
imperfection which is here especially in view is an imperfection
in wisdom. Apparently the readers, like the Pharisees, had laid
an excessive stress upon knowledge. The true wisdom, says James,
can be obtained not by human pride, as the readers seem to think,
but only by prayer. Prayer, however, must be in faith--there must
be no wavering in it. Pride, indeed, is altogether blameworthy.
If there is to be boasting, it should certainly be not in earthly
wealth but in those spiritual blessings which often reverse earthly
distinctions. Returning to the subject of temptations, James insists
that in their evil they do not come from God, but from the depths
of man's own desires. From God comes no evil thing, but every
perfect gift; and in the gospel God has bestowed upon us his richest
blessing.

That gospel must be received with all diligence. It will exclude
wrath and insincerity. True religion consists not merely in hearing
but in doing; good examples of the exercise of it are the visitation
of the fatherless and widows and the preservation of one's own
personal purity of life.

Faith in Christ, James continues in similar vein, excludes all undue
respect of persons. Indeed God in his choice of those who should
be saved has especially favored the poor. The rich as a class are
rather the oppressors of the Christians. Surely then the Christians
should not favor rich men for selfish reasons. The law of love will
exclude all such unworthy conduct.

That law of love requires an active life. Faith, if it be true
faith, leads to works. Away with a miserable faith that is expressed
only in words!

Words, indeed, are dangerous. The tongue is a prolific source of
harm. Evil speech reveals the deep-seated corruption of the heart.
The readers must be careful, therefore, about seeking the work of a
teacher. The true wisdom, which fits a man to teach, is not of man's
acquiring, but comes from God.

Quarreling--which was produced especially by the inordinate ambition
among the readers to pose as teachers--must be counteracted by
submission to God.

The constant thought of God excludes all pride in human planning.
Especially the rich must reflect upon the transitoriness of earthly
possessions and above all must be sure that their wealth is honestly
gained.

Finally, patient waiting for the Lord, the example of the Old
Testament saints, and the earnest practice of prayer will make
effective all the exhortations of the epistle.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp.
123-138. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Warfield, articles on
"James" and "James, Epistle of." M'Clymont, "The New Testament and
Its Writers," pp. 123-129. Knowling, "The Epistle of St. James."
"The Cambridge Bible for Schools": Plumptre, "The General Epistle of
St. James." Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. i, pp.
73-151. The last-named work is intended primarily for those who have
some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others.




LESSON XXXIII

JESUS THE FULFILLMENT OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

The Epistle to the Hebrews


1. PAUL NOT THE AUTHOR

(=1=) =The Tradition.=--At Alexandria in the latter part of the
second century Paul was thought to be the author of the Epistle
to the Hebrews; but in North Africa a little later Tertullian
attributed the epistle to Barnabas, and in other portions of the
Church the Pauline authorship was certainly not accepted. In the
west, the Pauline authorship was long denied and the inclusion of
the epistle in the New Testament resisted. At last the Alexandrian
view won universal acceptance. The Epistle to the Hebrews became an
accepted part of the New Testament, and was attributed to Paul.

Clement of Alexandria, who had apparently received the tradition of
Pauline authorship from Pantaenus, his predecessor, himself declares
that Hebrews was written by Paul in the "Hebrew" (Aramaic) language,
and was translated by Luke into Greek. The notion of a translation
by Luke was based upon no genuine historical tradition--Hebrews
is certainly an original Greek work--but was simply an hypothesis
constructed to explain the peculiarities of the epistle on the
supposition that it was a work of Paul.

(=2=) =The Value of the Tradition.=--The tradition of Pauline
authorship is clearly very weak. If Paul had been the author,
it is hard to see why the memory of the fact should have been
lost so generally in the Church. No one in the early period had
any objection to the epistle; on the contrary it was very highly
regarded. If, then, it had really been written by Paul, the Pauline
authorship would have been accepted everywhere with avidity. The
negative testimony of the Roman church is particularly significant.
The epistle was quoted by Clement of Rome at about A. D. 95; yet
at Rome as elsewhere in the West the epistle seems never in the
early period to have been regarded as Pauline. In other words, just
where acquaintance with the epistle can be traced farthest back,
the denial of Pauline authorship seems to have been most insistent.
If Clement of Rome had regarded Paul as the author, the history of
Roman opinion about the epistle would have been very different.

On the other hand, on the supposition that there was originally no
tradition of Pauline authorship, the subsequent prevalence of such
a tradition is easily explained. It was due simply to the evident
apostolic authority of the epistle itself. From the start, Hebrews
was felt to be an authoritative work. Being authoritative, it would
be collected along with other authoritative works. Since it was
an epistle, and exhibited a certain Pauline quality of spirit and
subject, it would naturally be associated with the other works of
the greatest letter writer of the apostolic age. Being thus included
in a collection of the Pauline Epistles, and being regarded as of
apostolic authority, what was more natural than to attribute it
to the apostle Paul? Such, very possibly, was the origin of the
Alexandrian tradition.

This tradition did not win immediate acceptance, because the rest
of the Church was still aware that the epistle was not written by
Paul. What led to the final conquest of the Pauline tradition was
simply the character of the book itself. The question of Pauline
authorship, in the case of this book, became connected with the
question of apostolic authority. The Church had to choose between
rejecting the book altogether, and accepting it as Pauline. When
she finally adopted the latter alternative, undoubtedly she chose
the lesser error. It was an error to regard the epistle as the work
of Paul; but it would have been a far greater error to exclude
it from the New Testament. As a matter of fact, though the book
was not written by Paul, it was written, if not by one of the
other apostles, at least by an "apostolic man" like Mark or Luke.
Scarcely any book of the New Testament bears clearer marks of true
apostolicity.

(=3=) =Internal Evidence.=--The argument against Pauline
authorship which is derived from tradition is strongly supported
by the contents of the epistle itself. In the first place, it is
exceedingly doubtful whether Paul could have spoken of himself as
having had the Christian salvation confirmed to him by those who had
heard the Lord. Heb. 2:3. Knowledge of the earthly life of Jesus
was indeed conveyed to Paul by ordinary word of mouth from the
eyewitnesses; but the gospel itself, as he insists with vehemence
in Galatians, was revealed to him directly by Christ. In the second
place, the style of the epistle is very different from that of Paul,
being, as we shall see, far more carefully wrought. In the third
place, the thoughts developed in Hebrews, though undoubtedly they
are in perfect harmony with the Pauline Epistles, are by no means
characteristically Pauline. It is a little hard to understand,
for example, how Paul could have written at such length about the
law without speaking of justification by faith or the reception
of Gentiles into the Church. This last argument, however, must
not be exaggerated. Undoubtedly Paul would have agreed heartily
to everything that Hebrews contains. Paul and the author of this
epistle have developed merely somewhat different sides of the same
great truth.


2. WHO WAS THE AUTHOR?

If Paul did not write the Epistle to the Hebrews, who did write it?
Prodigious labor has been expended upon this question, but with
very little result. In ancient times, Barnabas, Luke and Clement of
Rome, were each regarded as the author. Of these three views the
first is most probable; the second is exceedingly unlikely; and
the last is clearly impossible. Whoever wrote the epistle, Clement
certainly did not. The letter which we possess from his pen is
immeasurably inferior to the apostolic writings to which Hebrews
certainly belongs. Clement was a humble reader of Hebrews, not the
author of it. Luther was inclined to regard Apollos as the possible
author of Hebrews; and of all the many suggestions that have been
made, this is perhaps the best. Undoubtedly the circumstances
and training of Apollos were in a number of respects like those
which might naturally be attributed to the author of the epistle.
Apollos was closely associated with Paul, and perhaps at a later
time with others of the apostles, just as might be expected of the
author of an apostolic work such as Hebrews. On the other hand,
like the author of the epistle, he was not an eyewitness of the
life of Jesus. Compare Heb. 2:4. Like the author of the epistle he
was no doubt acquainted with Timothy. Compare ch. 13:23. He was
an "eloquent" or "learned" man, Acts 18:24, who might well have
produced the splendid rhetoric of the epistle. He was a Jew and
mighty in the Scriptures, as was also the author of Hebrews. He
was a native of Alexandria, the university city of the period, and
the seat of a large Jewish community, where just that combination
of Greek rhetorical training with Scriptural knowledge which is
exhibited in the epistle is most naturally to be sought.

These indications, however, can merely show that Apollos might
conceivably have written the epistle; they do not show that he did
write it. The authorship of this powerful work will always remain
uncertain. How little we know, after all, of the abounding life of
the apostolic Church!


3. WHERE WERE THE READERS?

In the Student's Text Book, it has been shown that the readers
of the epistle were probably members of some rather narrowly
circumscribed community. Where this community was is by no means
clear. The one indication of place which the epistle contains
is ambiguous. In ch. 13:24 it is said, "They of Italy salute
you." These words may mean that the author is in Italy and sends
greetings from the Christians of that country, or they may mean that
the author is outside of Italy and sends greetings from Italian
Christians who happened to be with him. In the latter case, probably
the readers were in Italy; for otherwise they would have no special
interest in the Italian Christians. All that we can say is then that
the epistle was probably written either from Italy or to Italy. If
it was written from Italy, then since the readers were Jews, it is
natural to seek them in Palestine. The Palestinian Christians were
"Hebrews" in the narrower, linguistic sense of the word, as well as
in the broader, national sense. The ancient heading of the epistle
thus comes to its full rights. On the other hand the Palestinian
hypothesis faces some rather grave difficulties. If the readers are
to be sought in Italy, then perhaps they formed a Jewish Christian
community in Rome or in some other Italian city. The question cannot
be settled with any certainty. The destination of the epistle is an
even greater riddle than the authorship.


4. WHEN WAS THE EPISTLE WRITTEN?

The Epistle to the Hebrews was certainly written before A. D. 95,
for at about that time it was quoted by Clement of Rome. The mention
of Timothy in ch. 13:23 perhaps does not carry us much farther, for
Timothy, who was a grown man at about A. D. 50, Acts 16:1-3, may
have lived till the end of the first century. The epistle, however,
does not bear any of the marks of late origin. The question of date
is closely connected with the question whether in the epistle the
temple at Jerusalem is regarded as still standing. This question
cannot be settled with certainty. But on the whole the continuance
of the Levitical ceremonies seems to be assumed in the epistle,
and at any rate there is no clear reference to their cessation.
Probably therefore the Epistle to the Hebrews was written before the
destruction of Jerusalem in A. D. 70.


5. HEBREWS A LITERARY WORK

The Epistle to the Hebrews is a product of conscious literary art.
The rhetoric of Paul is unconscious; even such passages as the
first few chapters of First Corinthians or the eighth chapter of
Romans may have been composed with the utmost rapidity. The author
of Hebrews probably went differently to work. Such sentences as
Heb. 1:1-4, even in an inspired writer, can only be the result of
diligent labor. By long practice the writer of Hebrews had acquired
that feeling for rhythm and balance of phrase, that facility in
the construction of smooth-flowing periods, which give to his
epistle its distinctive quality among the New Testament books.
Greek rhetoric of the Hellenistic age, freed from its hollow
artificiality, is here laid under contribution for the Saviour's
praise.

The presence of such a book in the New Testament is highly salutary.
Devout Christians in their enthusiasm for the simplicity of the
gospel are sometimes in danger of becoming one-sided. They are
sometimes inclined to confuse simplicity with ugliness, and then to
prize ugliness for its own sake. It is perfectly true that the value
of the gospel is quite independent of aesthetic niceties, and that
the language of the New Testament is for the most part very simple.
But it is not true that the simplicity of the New Testament has
anything in common with the bad taste of some modern phraseology, or
that eloquence is of itself evil. The Epistle to the Hebrews shows
by a noble example that there is such a thing as Christian art. The
majestic sentences of this ancient masterpiece, with their exquisite
clearness and liturgic rhythm and uplifting power, have contributed
inestimably to the Christian conception of the Saviour. The art of
Hebrews is not art for art's sake, but art for the sake of Christ.
Literary perfection is here combined with profound genuineness and
apostolic fervor; art is here ennobled by consecration.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age," pp.
164, 165, 265-267, 286-289. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible":
Purves, article on "Hebrews, Epistle to the." M'Clymont, "The New
Testament and Its Writers," pp. 116-122. Ellicott, "A New Testament
Commentary for English Readers," vol. iii, pp. 275-348: Moulton,
"The Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Hebrews." Westcott, "The
Epistle to the Hebrews." Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament,"
vol. ii, pp. 293-366. The two last-named works are intended
primarily for those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also
be used by others.




LESSON XXXIV

CHRISTIAN FORTITUDE

The First Epistle of Peter


1. SEPARATION FROM THE WORLD

The First Epistle of Peter is the epistle of separateness. The
modern Church is in grave danger of forgetting the distinctiveness
of her gospel and the glorious isolation of her position. She is
too often content to be merely one factor in civilization, a means
of improving the world instead of the instrument in creating a new
world.

The first readers of the epistle were subject to a similar danger,
though it arose from a somewhat different cause. To-day we are no
longer subject to persecution; but the danger is fundamentally
the same. The world's friendship may be even more disastrous than
the world's hatred. The readers of First Peter were tempted to
relinquish what was distinctive in their faith in order to avoid
the hostility of their heathen neighbors; we are tempted to do the
same thing because the superficial respectability of modern life
has put a gloss of polite convention over the profound differences
that divide the inner lives of men. We, as well as the first readers
of the epistle, need to be told that this world is lost in sin,
that the blood of Christ has ransomed an elect race from the city
of destruction, that the high privileges of the Christian calling
demand spotless purity and unswerving courage.

(=1=) =The Character of the Persecution.=--The character of the
persecution to which the readers of the epistle were subjected
cannot be determined with perfect clearness. It is not even certain
that the Christian profession in itself was regarded officially as
a crime. Apparently charges of positive misconduct were needed to
give countenance to the persecutors. I Peter 2:12. The Christians
needed to be warned that there is no heroism in suffering if the
suffering is the just punishment of misdeeds. Chs. 2:20; 4:15. What
particular charges were brought against the Christians it is of
course difficult to determine. Perhaps they were sometimes charged
with gross crimes such as murder or theft. But a more frequent
accusation was probably "hatred of the human race," or the like. The
Christians were thought to be busybodies. In setting the world to
rights they seemed to meddle in other people's affairs. In claiming
to be citizens of a heavenly kingdom, they seemed indifferent or
hostile to earthly relationships. As subjects of the emperor and of
his representatives, the Christians were thought to be disloyal; as
slaves, they seemed disobedient.

(=2=) =Duties of Earthly Life.=--In view of these accusations,
Peter urges his readers to avoid all improper employment of their
Christian freedom. Christian freedom does not mean license;
Christian independence does not mean indifference. There is no
reason why a good Christian should be a bad citizen, even of a
heathen state, ch. 2:13-17, or an unprofitable servant, even of
a harsh master, vs. 18-25, or a quarrelsome wife, even of an
unconverted husband. Ch. 3:1-6. On the contrary, Christians must
approve themselves not only in the spiritual realm, but also in the
ordinary relationships of this life.

(=3=) =Application to Modern Conditions.=--Here again the lesson is
important for the present day. Now as always fervent realization of
the transcendent glory of Christianity tends sometimes to result
in depreciation of ordinary duties. Men of exceptional piety
sometimes seem to feel that civilization is unworthy of their
attention, even if it is not actually a work of Satan. Of all such
vagaries the First Epistle of Peter is the best corrective. Truth
is here admirably guarded against the error that lurks at its root.
The very epistle that emphasizes the separateness of the Church
from the world, that teaches Christian people to look down upon
earthly affairs from the vantage ground of heaven, is just the
epistle that inculcates sober and diligent conduct in the various
relationships of earthly life. In the effort at a higher morality,
the simple, humble virtues that even the world appreciates should
not be neglected; piety should involve no loss of common sense. Now
as always the Christian should be ready to give a reason for the
faith that is in him; now as always he should be able to refute
the slanders of the world; now as always he should commend his
Christianity by his good citizenship. Only so will the example of
Christ be fully followed. Jesus was in possession of a transcendent
message; but he lived the life of a normal man. The Christian, too,
is a man with a divine mission; but like his Master he must exercise
his mission in the turmoil of life. He must not be a spoilsport at
feasts; his is no desert role like John the Baptist's. Christianity
has a mission from without; but its mission is fulfilled in loving
contact with the world of men.

(=4=) =The Christian's Defense.=--The Christians who suffered
persecution should first of all, according to Peter, defend
themselves to the very best of their ability. They should do their
best to remove dishonor from the name of Christ. They should show
the baselessness of the accusations which are brought against
them. Then, if they still suffer, it will be clearly suffering for
Christ's sake. Such suffering is glorious. It is a test from which
faith emerges strong and sure, ch. 1:7; it is true conformity to the
example of Christ. Chs. 2:21-24; 3:18; 4:1,13.


2. THE DATE OF THE PERSECUTIONS

From the persecutions presupposed in First Peter no very certain
conclusion can be drawn with regard to the date of the epistle.
A late date has sometimes been inferred from such passages as I
Peter 4:16. Christians were not punished as Christians, it is said,
until the beginning of the second century, and especially no such
persecution was carried out in the early period throughout the whole
empire. Ch. 5:9.

This argument breaks down at a number of points. In the first
place, as has already been observed, it is by no means clear that
First Peter presupposes a persecution of the Christians simply as
Christians. Apparently special charges of immorality were still in
the foreground, though these charges were often mere pretexts in
order to secure the punishment of members of the hated sect.

In the second place, it is not clear exactly when Christians first
began to be punished as "Christians" by the Roman authorities.
Undoubtedly the legal basis for such persecution was present as
soon as Christianity began to be regarded as separate from Judaism.
Judaism had a legal status; Christianity, strictly speaking, had
none.


3. DEPENDENCE AND ORIGINALITY

First Peter is clearly dependent upon a number of the Pauline
Epistles, and apparently also upon the Epistle of James. The
dependence, however, is by no means slavish; the epistle possesses
marked characteristics of its own. As compared with Paul, for
example, First Peter is somewhat simpler both in thought and in
expression. No mere imitator, but a genuine personality, speaks to
us from the noble simplicity of these pages.


4. COMPARISON WITH THE SPEECHES OF PETER

It is interesting to compare this epistle with the early
speeches of Peter that are recorded in The Acts. Part of the
difference--similarities also have been pointed out--no doubt,
was due to the difference in the persons addressed. In those early
speeches, Peter was preaching to unconverted Jews, and had to
content himself with a few outstanding facts. In the epistle, he
was addressing Christians, before whom he could lay bare the deep
things of the faith. Nevertheless, the passing years had brought a
change in Peter himself. Upon him as upon everyone else the mighty
influence of Paul made itself felt; and even the revelation which
came directly to him was progressive. The essence of the gospel
was present from the beginning; but the rich unfolding of it which
appears in First Peter was the product of long years spent in an
ever-widening service.


5. THE STYLE OF THE EPISTLE

The style of First Peter, though not at all rhetorical, like that
of Hebrews, is smooth and graceful. It has often been considered
strange that a fisherman of Galilee should have been so proficient
in Greek. But probably we have an exaggerated notion of the poverty
and roughness of the first disciples of Jesus. Undoubtedly they had
not enjoyed a rabbinical education; in the technical Jewish sense
they were "unlearned and ignorant men." Acts 4:13. Nevertheless,
they clearly did not belong at all to the lowest of the population;
Peter in particular seems to have been possessed of considerable
property. Furthermore, it must be remembered that Greek culture
in the first century was making itself felt very extensively in
Galilee. No doubt Peter could use Greek even before he left Galilee,
and in the course of his later life his linguistic attainments must
have been very greatly improved. It is by no means impossible that
he wrote First Peter entirely without assistance.


6. SILVANUS

In order, however, to account for the linguistic excellence of this
epistle, and in particular for the striking difference between it
and Second Peter, a rather attractive hypothesis has been proposed.
In I Peter 5:12, Peter says: "By Silvanus, our faithful brother, as
I account him, I have written unto you briefly." Undoubtedly these
words may designate Silvanus merely as the messenger who carried
the letter to its destination. Compare Acts 15:23. It is also
possible, however, that Peter meant to say that Silvanus had written
the letter under his direction. In that case the thought would be
due altogether to Peter; but the form, to some extent at least,
would be the work of Silvanus. The hypothesis, of course, is only
plausible, not necessary. There are other ways of accounting for the
peculiarities of the epistle.

In all probability, the Silvanus of First Peter is the same as
the Silvanus of the Pauline Epistles and the Silas of The Acts.
If so, his association with Peter is altogether natural; he was
originally a member of the Jerusalem church. If, in accordance with
the hypothesis which has just been mentioned, Silvanus was really
concerned in the composition of the epistle, the choice of such a
man for the task was, as has been pointed out by the chief advocate
of the hypothesis, exceedingly wise. Silvanus, who had been a
companion of Paul and his associate in founding many of the churches
of Asia Minor, would be just the man who could find the right tone
in writing to the churches to which the epistle is addressed.


7. MARK

The appearance of Mark in I Peter 5:13 confirms the strong tradition
which makes Mark a disciple of Peter and associates him with Peter
in the production of the Second Gospel. The only two individuals
whom Peter mentions in his First Epistle were both natives of
Jerusalem, and both, during part of their lives, companions of
Paul. The unity of the apostolic Church was preserved not only by a
unity of spirit, but also by the changing associations of Christian
workers.


8. FORTITUDE IN THE MODERN CHURCH

The First Epistle of Peter has a varied message to the Church of
to-day. Even in its exhortations to bravery and steadfastness it is
very much needed. We are not subject to persecution by the state,
but still there are a thousand circumstances of life in which we
need to humble ourselves under the mighty hand of God, casting all
our anxiety upon him, because he careth for us. Ch. 5:6,7.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age,"
pp. 267, 275-282. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Warfield
(supplemented), article on "Peter." M'Clymont, "The New Testament
and Its Writers," pp. 130-136. Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary
for English Readers," vol. iii, pp. 385-436: Mason, "The First
Epistle of St. Peter." Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament,"
vol. ii, pp. 134-194. The last-named work is intended primarily for
those who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by
others.




LESSON XXXV

THE CHRISTIAN'S ATTITUDE TOWARD ERROR AND IMMORALITY

The Second Epistle of Peter and the Epistle of Jude


1. AUTHENTICITY

The Second Epistle of Peter and the Epistle of Jude are among
the least known and most seriously questioned parts of the New
Testament. Even in ancient times their authenticity was disputed; in
the third and fourth centuries there were some at least who desired
to exclude them from the New Testament. These ancient doubts have
been continued in the modern Church. By very many scholars of the
present day, Second Peter and Jude are assigned to second-century
writers who falsely assumed the names of an apostle and of a brother
of the Lord.

Against such views as these, a number of arguments might be
employed. But the strongest argument of all is provided by
the self-witness of the epistles themselves. Second Peter, in
particular, not only lays claim to apostolic authorship in the
address, but is written throughout in the name of an apostle. Either
it was really written by an apostle or else it was a deliberate
fraud. The latter alternative is excluded by the epistle itself.
Second Peter does not look at all like a pseudonymous work, but is
a weighty bit of writing, full of the sincerest moral earnestness.
Both Second Peter and Jude ring true, with the genuine apostolic
note.


2. SECOND PETER AND FIRST PETER

Resemblances have often been pointed out among all three divisions
of the New Testament material attributed to Peter. Second Peter has
been shown to resemble not only First Peter, but also the speeches
of Peter as they are reported in The Acts. Such similarities of
course point to a common authorship. It cannot be denied, however,
that differences stand side by side with the similarities. In the
comparison of the epistles with the speeches, such differences are
of course not surprising. The total difference of subject and the
wide interval of time provide an amply sufficient explanation. But
how is it with the difference between Second Peter and First Peter?

(=1=) =Difference of Purpose and Subject.=--In the first place, the
difference may be partly explained by the difference of purpose and
subject. First Peter is a presentation of the glories of the faith
in order to encourage Christians under trial and make them feel
their separateness from the world; Second Peter is a solemn warning
against dangerous perverters of the life of the Church.

(=2=) =Difference of Time.=--In the second place, a considerable
interval of time may separate the two epistles. Here we find
ourselves on uncertain ground. On the whole it is perhaps better to
put the epistles near together at the close of Peter's life.

(=3=) =Work of Silvanus.=--In the third place, recourse may be had
to the hypothesis, mentioned in the last lesson, which attributes a
considerable share in the composition of First Peter to Silvanus.

(=4=) =Conclusion.=--Finally, there may be still further
possibilities of explanation which cannot now be detected. The
differences of style and of thought between the two epistles of
Peter are far from sufficient to show diversity of authorship, and
it must be remembered that similarities are to be balanced against
the differences.


3. VALUE OF SECOND PETER AND JUDE

Although Second Peter and Jude are not so familiar as most of the
New Testament, yet even these two brief epistles have entered deep
into the mind and heart of the Church.

(=1=) =Expressive Phrases.=--Even the inimitably expressive phrases
and sentences that have been derived from the epistles have produced
no small enrichment of Christian life. The "exceeding great and
precious promises," and the "partakers of the divine nature" of II
Peter 1:4, the chain of virtues in vs. 5-7, the "make your calling
and election sure" of v. 10, the "sure word of prophecy" of v. 19,
the description of inspired prophecy in vs. 20, 21--"no prophecy of
the scripture is of any private interpretation. For the prophecy
came not in old time by the will of man: but holy men of God spake
as they were moved by the Holy Ghost"--the "vexed his righteous
soul" of ch. 2:8, the "railing accusation" of v. 11; Jude 9, the
"stir up your pure minds by way of remembrance" of II Peter 3:1,
the "not willing that any should perish, but that all should come
to repentance" of v. 9, the "faith which was once delivered unto
the saints" of Jude 3, the magnificent doxology of vs. 24, 25--a
review of these passages as they appear in the King James Version
will bring some realization of the profound influence which even the
most obscure books of the New Testament have exerted both upon the
English language and upon the character of Christian men.

The influence of Second Peter and Jude, however, is not merely
the influence of isolated phrases. The epistles as a whole have a
distinctive message for the Church. That message is twofold. It
embraces in the first place an emphasis upon authority, and in the
second place an insistence upon holiness.

(=2= =)The Emphasis Upon Authority.=--The adversaries who are
combated in Second Peter and Jude were impatient of restraint.
Apparently they distinguished themselves, as possessing the Spirit,
from the ordinary Christians, as being merely "natural." Jude 5, 19;
II Peter 2:12. They appealed to their own deeper insight, instead of
listening to what apostles and prophets had to say. In reply, Peter
and Jude insisted upon the authority of the Old Testament prophets,
and upon the authority of the apostles, which was ultimately the
authority of Christ. See especially II Peter 3:2.

A similar insistence upon authority is greatly needed to-day.
Again men are inclined to appeal to an inward light as justifying
freedom from ancient restraints; the Christian consciousness is
being exalted above the Bible. At such a time, renewed attention
to Second Peter and Jude would be salutary. False notions are rife
to-day with regard to apostolic authority. They can be corrected
by our epistles. Peter as well as Paul exerts his authority not in
an official or coldly ecclesiastical way, but with an inimitable
brotherliness. The authority of the apostles is the authority of
good news. Subjection to such authority is perfect freedom.

The authority which Peter and Jude urge upon their readers is a
double authority--in the first place the authority of the Old
Testament, and in the second place the authority of Christ exerted
through the apostles. For us, however, the two become one. The
apostles, like the Old Testament prophets, speak to us only through
the Bible. We need to learn the lesson. A return to the Bible is the
deepest need of the modern Church. It would mean a return to God.

(=3=) =Insistence Upon Holiness.=--The second characteristic of
Second Peter and Jude is the insistence upon holiness. Religion
is by no means always connected with goodness. In the Greco-Roman
world, the two were often entirely separate. Many pagan cults
contained no ethical element whatever. The danger was therefore very
great that Christianity might be treated in the same way. The early
Christians needed to be admonished ever and again that their God was
a God of righteousness, that no unclean thing could stand in his
presence.

Insistence upon holiness is in itself no peculiarity of Second
Peter and Jude. It runs all through the New Testament. But in these
epistles it is directed more definitely perhaps than anywhere else
against the opposite error. The opponents of Peter and Jude did
not merely drift into immorality; they defended it on theoretical
grounds. They were making a deliberate effort to reduce Christianity
to the level of a non-ethical religion. Such theoretical defense of
immorality appears, indeed, in a number of places in the apostolic
Church. A certain party in Corinth, for example, made a wrong
use of Christian freedom. But what is more or less incidental in
First Corinthians forms the main subject of Second Peter and Jude.
Christianity is here insisting upon its thoroughly ethical character.

At first sight the message might seem obsolete to-day. We always
associate religion with morality; we can hardly understand how the
two ever could have been separated. It is to be feared, however,
that the danger is not altogether past. In our thoughts we preserve
the ethical character of Christianity. But how is it with our lives?
How is it with our religious observances? Are we not constantly in
danger of making religion a mere cult, a mere emotional excitement,
a mere means of gaining earthly or heavenly advantages, a mere
effort to bribe God by our worship? The danger is always with us.
We need always to remind ourselves that Christian faith must work
itself out in holy living.

Peter in his second epistle has provided us with one important means
to that end. It is the thought of Christ's coming. There can be no
laxness in moral effort if we remember the judgment seat of Christ.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age,"
pp. 267-270, 282-285. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Warfield
(supplemented), article on "Jude." M'Clymont, "The New Testament and
Its Writers," pp. 137-143. Ellicott, "A New Testament Commentary
for English Readers," vol. iii, pp. 437-463, 505-519: Plummer,
"The Second Epistle of St. Peter" and "The Epistle of St. Jude."
Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. ii, pp. 194-293.
The last-named work is intended primarily for those who have some
knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others.




LESSON XXXVI

THE LIFE OF THE CHILDREN OF GOD

The Epistles of John


1. AUTHORSHIP OF THE FIRST EPISTLE

The First Epistle of John does not contain the name of its author.
According to tradition, however, it was written by the apostle
John, and tradition is here supported by the characteristics of the
epistle itself. The author of the epistle was evidently the same as
the author of the Fourth Gospel. The marked similarity in style can
be explained in no other way. Even the careless reader observes that
the style of the Fourth Gospel is very peculiar. Short sentences are
joined to one another with the utmost simplicity; the vocabulary is
limited, but contains expressions of extraordinary richness; the
total effect is singularly powerful. These same characteristics,
though they are so peculiar, appear also in the epistle. There is
the same simplicity of sentence structure, the same use of such
terms as "life" and "light" and "love," the same indescribable
spirit and tone. Yet the epistle is no slavish imitation of the
Gospel--differences stand side by side with the similarities. These
two works are evidently related, not as model and copy, but as
living productions of the same remarkable personality.


2. TESTIMONY OF AN EYEWITNESS

As in the Gospel, so also in the epistle the author presents himself
clearly as an eyewitness of the life of Jesus, I John 1:1-3; 4:14;
as in the Gospel he lays stress upon simple testimony. Even those
things which have just been noticed as characteristic of his style
are connected ultimately with the teaching of Jesus. In both Gospel
and epistle, the beloved disciple has reproduced what he heard
in Galilee and in Judea, though in both he has made the memory a
living, spiritual fact.


3. DESTINATION AND DATE

The First Epistle of John is perhaps scarcely to be called an
epistle at all. Practically all the characteristics of a letter are
missing. There is no address; there is no greeting at the close;
there are no personal details. The readers are indeed referred to
in the second person; but preachers as well as letter-writers say,
"you." First John is a sort of general address written probably to
some extended group of churches.

These churches are probably to be sought in Asia Minor. Throughout
the epistle the readers are addressed in a fatherly tone. See, for
example, ch. 2:1. Evidently the writer was well known as a sort of
patriarch throughout an extended region. Such conditions prevailed
in Asia Minor after the apostle John had begun to reside at Ephesus.
Trustworthy tradition as well as the New Testament informs us of a
period in the apostle's life when he had outlived all or most of
the other apostles and was revered as the head of the Asian church.
At some time within this period--probably nearer the end than the
beginning--the First Epistle of John was written.


4. THE FALSE TEACHERS

The form of error against which the epistle is directed becomes
clearest, perhaps in ch. 4:2,3. The false teachers had denied that
Jesus Christ was come in the flesh. This may be interpreted in
several different ways.

(=1=) =Docetism.=--In the first place, John may mean that the
opponents simply denied the reality of the earthly life of Jesus.
Such a form of error is by no means unknown in the history of the
Church. It is called "Docetism." According to Docetism the Son of
God did not really live a human life--with human sufferings and a
human death--but only appeared to do so.

(=2=) =Cerinthus.=--In the second place, the meaning of the passage
may be that the opponents denied the unity of the person of Jesus
Christ. Compare ch. 2:22. Some persons in the early Church supposed
that there were two separate persons in the figure that is described
in the Gospels. A heavenly being, the Christ, it was thought, united
himself with the man Jesus at the time when the dove descended after
the baptism. Matt. 3:16,17. Such was the view of Cerinthus, who is
declared by tradition to have been an opponent of the apostle John
at Ephesus. It has been suggested, therefore, that it was actually
Cerinthus, with his disciples, who is combated in the First Epistle
of John.

(=3=) =Denial of the Incarnation.=--Both Cerinthus and the Docetists
denied the reality of the incarnation--both denied that the Son of
God actually assumed a human nature and lived a complete human life.
According to Cerinthus and others like him, the Christ stood only
in somewhat loose relation to the man Jesus. He was united with him
only late in life, he left him before the crucifixion. On this view,
it was not the Christ who lay in the manger at Bethlehem, it was not
the Christ who suffered on the cross. Cerinthus, like the Docetists,
kept the Son of God out of any close relation to the world and to us.

(=4=) =John's Reply.=--Against some such view as one of these, John
was concerned to establish the reality of the incarnation--the truth
that "the Word became flesh." In the Gospel, that truth underlies
the whole of the narrative; in the First Epistle it is directly
defended against the opposing error. It is defended first of all
by an appeal to what the writer had seen and heard. "We knew Jesus
in Palestine," says John in effect, "and we can testify that Jesus
himself was none other than the Christ, the Son of God." I John,
1:1-4.

(=5=) =John, the Opponents, and Cerinthus.=--The false teachers who
are combated in the epistle had apparently withdrawn from the Church
and formed a separate sect. I John 2:19. Their separateness of mind
and heart and life had found expression in open schism. Whether
they are to be identified with disciples of Cerinthus is at least
doubtful. False speculation about the person of Christ no doubt
assumed many forms in the closing years of the first century.


5. CONNECTION BETWEEN THE SECOND AND THE THIRD EPISTLE

In III John 9, the apostle tells Gaius that he had written "somewhat
unto the church." This letter to the church may have been written
at some previous time. It is also possible, however, that it was
written together with the letter to Gaius. The Greek word for
"I wrote" admits of that interpretation. If that interpretation
be correct, then John perhaps means to say that although he has
written a letter to the church he could not in that letter urge
the hospitable reception of the missionaries. For the present, the
influence of Diotrephes was too strong. The letter to the church had
to be concerned with other matters.

If this view of the letter mentioned in III John 9 be adopted, then
the Second Epistle of John corresponds to the description. The
Second Epistle is addressed to a church, and it is written with
some reserve. If "certain" of the children of "the elect lady"
were walking in truth, II John 4, the inference is that others
were conducting themselves very differently. Evidently there was
danger of false teaching among the readers. Hospitality to men like
Demetrius and his companions could hardly be expected of such a
church. If hospitality should be practiced, it was only too likely
to be hospitality to men of a very different stamp. Vs. 10, 11.

Possibly, therefore, the Second Epistle of John is actually the
letter that is referred to in III John 9, a letter to the church
of which Gaius was a member. This hypothesis is supported by
the striking formal similarity of the two letters. They are of
almost exactly the same length; the openings and especially the
conclusions, II John 12, 13; III John 13, 14, are couched in almost
exactly the same terms. They look very much like twin epistles,
written on two sheets of papyrus of the same size.

Of course the hypothesis is by no means certain. Perhaps the
letter referred to in III John 9 was a previous letter bespeaking
hospitality, which had failed of its effect. When the apostle saw,
from the answer or lack of answer to the previous letter, that the
church was ill disposed, he had recourse to an individual member of
it. Even in this case, however, it remains probable that our two
epistles were written at about the same time.


6. VALUE OF THE SHORTER EPISTLES

These last two epistles of John do not deserve the neglect which
they have sometimes suffered. Despite their brevity--they are the
shortest books of the New Testament--they are instructive in a
number of ways.

(=1=) =Historical.=--It is exceedingly interesting, for example,
to compare them with the private letters of the same period which
have recently been discovered in Egypt--see Lesson III, Teacher's
Manual, in this course. In form, the opening of the Third Epistle
is very much in the manner of the papyrus letters. Compare, for
example, with III John 1-4 the following opening of a letter of the
second century after Christ: "Apion to Epimachus his father and lord
heartiest greetings. First of all I pray that you are in health and
continually prosper and fare well with my sister and daughter and
my brother. I thank the lord Serapis...." (The translation is that
of Professor Milligan. See p. 20 of Teacher's Manual, Part I, of
this course.) The differences, however, are even more instructive
than the resemblances. What was said in Lesson I about the epistles
of Paul applies in full measure to the epistles of John. Even the
epistolary forms are here modified so as to be the vehicle of a new
message and a new spirit.

Furthermore, the two epistles, especially Third John, cast a flood
of light upon the internal development of the Church. In one
respect indeed the historical significance of the Third Epistle has
sometimes been exaggerated. It is not true that we have here the
emergence of the monarchical episcopate--that is, the preeminence
of one presbyter, called a "bishop," over his brother presbyters.
Diotrephes does not appear clearly as a bishop. At about A. D. 110
in the epistles of Ignatius the episcopate is very prominent; but
Third John belongs to an earlier period.

Nevertheless, this concrete picture of the internal affairs of
a late first-century church is absolutely unique. The period is
very obscure; these few brief lines illumine it more than pages of
narrative. The traveling preachers of Third John are particularly
interesting. Similar missionaries appear also in the "Didache," a
sort of church manual which may probably be dated in the early part
of the second century. In that later period, however, care had to be
taken lest the hospitality of the churches should be abused. "But
let every apostle," says the writer--the word "apostle" is used in
a very broad sense to designate wandering preachers--"who comes to
you be received as the Lord. He shall remain, however, no more than
one day, or if necessary two. If he remains three days he is a false
prophet." Such precautions, we may be sure, were not needed in the
case of Demetrius and his companions.

(=2=) =Practical.=--Despite its individual address and private
character, the Third Epistle of John is not an ordinary private
letter. Like all the books of the New Testament, it has a message
for the entire Church. The devout reader rises from the perusal of
it with a more steadfast devotion to the truth and a warmer glow of
Christian love.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age,"
pp. 272-274, 294-308. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves
(supplemented), article on "John, Epistles of." M'Clymont, "The New
Testament and Its Writers," pp. 144-149. Ellicott, "A New Testament
Commentary for English Readers," vol. iii, pp. 467-502: Sinclair,
"The Epistles of St. John." Westcott, "The Epistles of St. John."
Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. iii, pp. 355-384.
The two last-named works are intended primarily for those who have
some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others.




LESSON XXXVII

THE MESSAGES OF THE LIVING CHRIST

The Book of Revelation (First Lesson)


1. THE APOCALYPSE AND THE GOSPEL OF JOHN

In the Student's Text Book it was maintained that the Apocalypse was
written by John the son of Zebedee. The strongest objection to this
view is to be found in the striking difference of language and style
which exists between the Apocalypse on the one side and the Gospel
and Epistles of John on the other. The style of the Apocalypse is
extraordinarily rough; in it the most elementary laws of Greek
grammar are sometimes disregarded. Such peculiarities appear
scarcely at all in the Gospel; the language of the Gospel, though
simple, is perfectly grammatical.

This observation has led many scholars to decide that the Gospel and
the Apocalypse never could have been written by the same person;
the argument, indeed, was advanced as early as the third century by
Dionysius of Alexandria. Those who thus deny the unity of authorship
do not all reject either one book or the other as authoritative;
some suppose that the John whose name appears in the Apocalypse,
though not the same as John the son of Zebedee, was a genuine
prophet.

The evidence, however, for attributing all the Johannine books to
the son of Zebedee is exceedingly strong. If the Apocalypse is to
be attributed to some one else, tradition is very seriously at
fault, and it is also very difficult to see how another John could
have introduced himself to the churches of Asia Minor in the way
that the author does at the beginning and end of the book without
distinguishing himself from the greater man of the same name who
was residing at Ephesus at the very same time. The Apocalypse
must therefore be assigned to the son of Zebedee unless there is
absolutely unimpeachable evidence to the contrary.

Such evidence is not really forthcoming. The difference of style
between the Apocalypse and the Fourth Gospel is capable of
explanation.

(=1=) =Possible Difference of Date.=--In the first place, it might
be explained by a wide difference of date. If the Apocalypse was
written at about A. D. 68, then an interval of some twenty-five
years or more separates it from the Gospel. Such an interval would
allow plenty of time for the style of the author to change. When the
Galilean fisherman first left his home in Palestine, his command
of the Greek language might conceivably be slight; whereas after a
long residence in Asia Minor, as leader of a group of Greek-speaking
churches, the roughness of his style would be removed. Hence the
un-Greek, strongly Hebraistic usages of the Apocalypse would in the
Gospel naturally give place to a correct, though simple style.

This hypothesis, however, is beset with serious difficulties. It
is difficult to suppose that the Apocalypse was written before the
closing decade of the first century. Some passages, it is true, have
been strongly urged in favor of the early date. Particularly the
reference to the seven kings in Rev. 17:10 has been thought by many
excellent scholars to be decisive. The reference to the seven hills
in the preceding verse seems to show that the "beast" represents
Rome; the seven kings therefore naturally represent Roman emperors.
The fifth emperor, beginning with Augustus, was Nero. If at the time
when the book was written five were fallen, one was and the other
was not yet come, v. 10, the book must apparently have been written
under Nero's successor. His successor, Galba, reigned only a few
months: the book was therefore written in A. D. 68 or 69. Or if the
very brief reigns of Galba, Otho and Vitellius be not counted, then
the book was written between A. D. 69 and 79, during the reign of
Vespasian.

The passage remains, however, so obscure that it is very doubtful
whether any one interpretation of it should be allowed to
overbalance the evidence for the later date. Such evidence is
abundant. Most weighty of all, perhaps, is the strong tradition
which places the Apocalypse in the closing years of Domitian. It
is hard to believe that that tradition is seriously at fault. The
condition of the Church, moreover, as it is presupposed in the book,
is more naturally to be sought at A. D. 95 than twenty-five years
earlier. The persecution, for example, which the writer describes,
seems far more like the persecution under Domitian than it is like
the outbreak which was occasioned by the cruelty of Nero.

=(2) The Difference of Subject.=--If the later date be accepted,
then the Gospel and the Apocalypse were written in the same period
of the apostle's life, and the difference of style cannot be
explained by a difference of date. Another explanation, however, is
sufficient. The difference between the two books may be explained
by the total difference of subject. The Gospel is a narrative of
Jesus' life, written with abundant opportunity for reflection; the
Apocalypse is a record of wonderful visions, where stylistic nicety
would have marred the immediateness of the revelation. The very
roughness of the Apocalypse is valuable as expressing the character
of the book. In the Gospel, John brought to bear all his power of
reflection and of expression; in the Apocalypse, he wrote in haste
under the overpowering influence of a transcendent experience.

The grammatical irregularities of the Apocalypse, moreover, often
create the impression that they are intentional. They belonged,
apparently, to an apocalyptic style which to a certain extent had
already been formed; they were felt to be suited to the peculiar
character of the work.

Finally, it must not be forgotten that side by side with the
differences of style there are some remarkable similarities. The
underlying unity of thought and expression points to unity of
authorship.


2. CHARACTERISTICS OF THE APOCALYPSE

(=1=) =A Record of Visions.=--In what has just been said, the
dominant peculiarity of the Apocalypse has already been indicated.
The Apocalypse is no careful literary composition, pieced together
from previous works of a similar character. On the contrary, it is a
record of genuine revelations. Before writing, the seer was "in the
Spirit."

(=2=) =Influence of the Old Testament.=--Nevertheless, although
the Apocalypse is a record of visions, and was written consciously
under the impulsion of the Spirit, it is by no means uninfluenced
by previous works. To a degree that is perhaps not paralleled by
any other New Testament book, the Apocalypse is suffused with the
language and with the imagery of the Old Testament. Though there is
not a single formal quotation, the Old Testament Scriptures have
influenced almost every sentence of the book. Particularly the books
of Ezekiel and Daniel, which, like the Apocalypse, are composed
largely of the records of visions, have supplied much of the imagery
of the New Testament work.

This wide-spread influence of the Old Testament upon the Apocalypse
is by no means surprising. The Apocalypse is based upon direct
revelation, but direct revelation is not necessarily out of relation
to everything else. On the contrary, it uses the language which its
recipients can understand; and part of the language of the apostle
John was the phraseology and imagery of the Old Testament.

It has already been hinted that works very similar in form to the
Apocalypse are to be found in the Old Testament. This apocalyptic
form was continued in a number of Jewish works written after the
conclusion of the Old Testament canon. Superficially these works
bear considerable resemblance to the New Testament Apocalypse;
but closer examination reveals profound differences. The Jewish
apocalypses appeared under assumed names--the most important of
them under the name of Enoch--while John is so firmly convinced of
having received genuine revelation that he requires no such spurious
authority for his work. The similarity between our Apocalypse and
its extra-canonical Jewish predecessors and contemporaries is a
similarity at most of form; in spirit and content the difference is
incalculable. Unlike these other works, the Apocalypse is a genuine
prophecy.


3. THE MESSAGES TO THE SEVEN CHURCHES

The so-called letters to the seven churches were never intended to
be circulated separately. From the beginning the letters formed part
of the Apocalypse, which was addressed to all seven of the churches.
From the beginning, therefore, each of the letters was intended to
be read not only by the church whose name it bears, but also by all
the others. The seven churches, moreover, are representative of the
Church at large.

Nevertheless, despite the universal purpose of the letters, they
are very concrete in the information that they provide about the
churches in Asia Minor. Like the Second and Third Epistles of John
they illumine an exceedingly obscure period in the history of
Christianity.

(=1=) =The "Angels" of the Churches.=--Some details in the letters,
it is true, are to us obscure. What, for example, is meant by the
"angels" of the churches to which the several letters are addressed?
The Greek word translated "angel" may also mean simply "messenger."
Conceivably, it might designate merely a congregational officer.
Many have supposed that it designates a bishop. In the epistles
of Ignatius, which were written not very many years after the
Apocalypse, the term "bishop" is applied to an officer who had
supreme authority over a congregation including the presbyters. The
appearance of these "angels" or "messengers" in the Apocalypse has
been urged as proof that John as well as Ignatius recognized the
institution of the episcopacy.

Surely, however, the matter is more than doubtful. The Greek word
used, whether it be translated "angel" or "messenger," is a very
strange designation of a bishop. Moreover, in the rest of the
Johannine literature there is no recognition of the episcopacy. In
the Third Epistle of John, for example, even if Diotrephes had set
himself up as a bishop--which is itself exceedingly doubtful--his
claim is certainly not accepted by the apostle.

On the whole, it seems better to regard the "angels" to which the
seven letters of the Apocalypse are addressed merely as ideal
representatives of the churches--representatives conceived of
perhaps as guardian angels. Compare Matt. 18:10.

(=2=) =The Nicolaitans.=--Another puzzling question concerns the
"Nicolaitans" who appear in several of the letters. The name itself
is obscure. By tradition it is connected with that Nicolaus of
Antioch who was one of the seven men appointed in the early days of
the Jerusalem church to attend to the administration of charity.
Acts 6:5. The tradition may possibly be correct. If it is correct,
then Nicolaus, in his later life, had not justified the confidence
originally reposed in him.

At the first mention of the Nicolaitans, in the letter to Ephesus,
Rev. 2:6, nothing whatever is said about their tenets. Their error,
however, was not merely theoretical, but practical, for it was their
"works" that the Lord is represented as hating. In the letter to
Pergamum, the Nicolaitans are probably meant in v. 14. Like Balaam,
they enticed the people of God to idolatry and impurity. The form
which their idolatry took was the eating of meats offered to idols.
The question of meats offered to idols was no simple matter. In the
First Epistle to the Corinthians Paul had permitted the eating of
such meats under certain circumstances, but had sternly forbidden it
wherever it involved real or supposed participation in idolatrous
worship. The form in which it was favored by the Nicolaitans
evidently fell under the latter category. In a time of persecution,
the temptation to guilty compromise with heathenism must have been
insidious; and also the low morality of the Asian cities threatened
ever and again to drag Christian people back into the impure life of
the world.

In the letter to Thyatira, also, "the woman Jezebel" is apparently
to be connected with the same sect, for the practical faults in
Thyatira and in Pergamum were identical. Jezebel, the Phoenician
wife of Ahab, was, like Balaam, a striking Old Testament example
of one who led Israel into sin. It is significant that the woman
Jezebel in Thyatira called herself a prophetess. Rev. 2:20. This
circumstance seems to indicate that the Nicolaitans had excused
their moral laxness by an appeal to special revelations. The
impression is confirmed by v. 24. Apparently the Nicolaitans had
boasted of their knowledge of the "deep things," and had despised
the simple Christians who contented themselves with a holy life. At
any rate, whatever particular justification the Nicolaitans advanced
for their immoral life, they could not deceive the all-searching eye
of Christ. Their "deep things" were deep things, not of God, but of
Satan!

Who is meant by "the woman Jezebel"? Some interpreters, who suppose
that the "angel" of the church was the bishop, regard Jezebel as
a designation of the bishop's wife. This whole interpretation is,
however, beset with serious difficulty. Perhaps "the woman Jezebel"
does not refer to an individual at all, but is simply a figurative
designation of the Nicolaitan sect. The description of the coming
retribution in vs. 21-23 seems to be highly figurative.

It will be observed that the sin of the churches at Pergamum
and Thyatira was not limited to those who actually accepted the
Nicolaitan teaching. Even to endure the presence of the guilty
sect was the object of the Lord's rebuke. Toward the works of the
Nicolaitans only hatred was in place. Rev. 2:6. That is a solemn
lesson for modern indifferentism. Tolerance is good; but there are
times when it is a deadly sin.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Purves, "Christianity in the Apostolic Age,"
pp. 274, 308-312. Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": Purves
(supplemented), article on "Revelation." M'Clymont, "The New
Testament and Its Writers," pp. 150-155. Milligan, "Lectures on the
Apocalypse" and "Discussions on the Apocalypse." Ellicott, "A New
Testament Commentary for English Readers," vol. iii, pp. 523-641:
Carpenter, "The Revelation of St. John." Ramsay, "The Letters to
the Seven Churches of Asia." Plumptre, "A Popular Exposition of the
Epistles to the Seven Churches of Asia." Swete, "The Apocalypse of
St. John." Zahn, "Introduction to the New Testament," vol. iii, pp.
384-449. The two last-named works are intended primarily for those
who have some knowledge of Greek, but can also be used by others.




LESSON XXXVIII

A VISION OF THE FINAL TRIUMPH

The Book of Revelation (Second Lesson)


1. THE INTERPRETATIONS OF THE APOCALYPSE

The interpretations of the Apocalypse may be divided into four
classes.

(=1=) =Unfulfilled Prophecies.=--According to one method of
interpretation, the prophecies of the book are all unfulfilled. In
the last days there will be a mighty revival of evil like that which
is symbolized by the dragon and the beast and the false prophet,
there will be plagues and woes like those which are described in
connection with the seals and the trumpets and the bowls, and there
will be a triumph of God's people and an eternal blessedness of the
new Jerusalem. This interpretation would place the Apocalypse out of
analogy with the other prophecies of the Bible. Prophecy is seldom
out of all connection with the immediate present. Even where the
prophetic vision reaches to the very end of time, the fulfillment
or the preparation for the fulfillment is usually represented as
beginning at once. In the Apocalypse, as in other prophecy, there is
evident reference to the circumstances of the original readers.

(=2=) =Contemporary Events.=--A second method of interpretation goes
to an opposite extreme. By this method the prophecies of the book
are thought to be concerned merely with events of the writer's own
age. "The beast" is the Roman Empire; "Babylon" is the city of Rome;
the author expected the destruction of both to take place within
a few years' time. In its thoroughgoing form this interpretation
also is to be rejected. It degrades the Apocalypse to the level of
a mistaken prediction, and reduces the self-evidencing glories of
the book to trivialities. Evidently the outlook of the seer was
far broader and far more spiritual than it is represented by the
advocates of this interpretation.

(=3=) =The Whole History of the Church.=--By a third method of
interpretation, the first two methods are combined. The book is
written distinctly in view of conditions of the first century, its
predictions concern partly the immediate future; but there is also
an outlook upon remoter ages. By this interpretation the prophecies
are held to provide an epitome of the whole of history from the
first coming of Christ to his second coming.

(=4=) =Mixture of Discordant Traditions.=--A fourth method of
interpretation, which has become influential in very recent years,
abandons all hope of discovering a unitary message in the book, and
proceeds to divide it into its component parts. The analysis was
carried on first by literary criticism. An older work of the time
of Nero was supposed to have been revised at a later period; or
non-Christian Jewish works were supposed to have been incorporated
in the present work by a Christian compiler. This sort of literary
criticism has in the last few years given place sometimes to a
subtler method. Investigation is now directed to the materials of
which the book is composed, whether those materials were embodied
in previous literary works or only in previous traditions. The
ultimate source of much of the material is found in Babylonia or
other eastern countries; this material is thought to be not always
in accord with the context into which in our Apocalypse it has been
introduced.

This method must emphatically be rejected. It contains, indeed,
an element of truth. Undoubtedly the Apocalypse makes use of
already-existing materials. But these materials are, for the most
part at least, of genuinely Hebrew origin; and they have been
thoroughly assimilated for the purposes of the present prophecy.
The Apocalypse is not a compilation full of contradictions, but a
unitary work, with one great message for the Church.

(=5=) =Wrong Use of the Third Method.=--Of these four methods of
interpretation the third has been adopted in the Student's Text
Book. The prophecies of the Apocalypse concern the entire history of
the Church. Undoubtedly this interpretation is subject to abuse. It
has been employed in the interests of special controversy, as when
the Protestants saw in the scarlet woman a representation of papal
Rome.

(=6=) =Principles, Not Individual Facts.=--All such abuses may be
avoided, however, if the interpreter will remember that the book
deals with great principles, rather than with individual facts. The
beast is neither the Roman Catholic Church, nor the religion of
Mohammed, nor the Turkish Empire. Undoubtedly it expressed itself in
some phases of each of those institutions. But no one of them can be
identified with it outright. The beast of the Apocalypse is nothing
less than the blatant, godless power of worldly empire, however that
power may be manifested. At the time of John it was manifested
especially in the empire of Rome. Even Rome, however, cannot be
identified with the beast entirely without qualification. Even Rome
had its beneficent side. John as well as Paul, even in the fire
of persecution, might have expressed the thought of Rom. 13:1-7.
Peter also wrote in the midst of persecution; yet Peter could say,
"Be subject to every ordinance of man for the Lord's sake: whether
to the king, as supreme; or unto governors, as sent by him for
vengeance on evil-doers and for praise to them that do well." I
Peter 2:13,14.

The other side of Rome's power, it is true, was prominent at the
close of the first century. More systematically than before,
Rome had begun to persecute the Church of God. By the demand of
emperor-worship she had tried to put her stamp upon the followers of
Jesus. Through her priesthood she had endeavored to lead men astray.
In these things she was a manifestation of the beast. As such she
was execrated and resisted to the death by every loyal Christian.
There could be no hope of compromise. Hope lay rather in the power
of God. God would give the just reward; God would give the final
victory. Such was the message of the Apocalypse.

The message is of perennial value. The beast is not yet dead. His
methods are different, but still he oppresses the Church. Wherever
his power is felt--whether in ruthless oppression or impious warfare
or degrading superstition--there the prophecy of John is a comfort
and an inspiration to the people of God.

Undoubtedly this method of interpretation, which detects in the book
principles rather than individual facts, involves a reduction in the
amount of direct information which the Apocalypse may be thought to
give. A detailed account, whether of the progress of the Church, or
of the final catastrophe, is by this interpretation no longer found
in the book.


2. THE THOUSAND YEARS

At one point at least, this conclusion has been regarded by many
devout Christians as involving a serious loss. That point is
concerned with the thousand years of Rev. 20:1-8. According to the
interpretation that has just been advocated, the thousand years are
merely a symbol for the time of the present Christian dispensation,
and the rule which the saints are represented as bearing with
Christ probably refers to the condition of the blessed dead up to
the final resurrection. To many devout readers of the Bible this
interpretation seems to be an impoverishment of the prophet's
words. In reality, they maintain, the passage predicts a return of
Jesus to earth before the final judgment, and a long period of his
blessed sway.

Undoubtedly this more literal interpretation of the millennium seems
at first sight to be required by certain phrases of the passage.
But the highly figurative character of apocalyptic language must
always be borne in mind. Numbers, in the Apocalypse, are usually
symbolic; so it may be with the thousand years. During the present
dispensation Satan is in one sense bound, and in another sense he
is free. In principle he has been conquered; but in the sphere of
worldly power he continues to work his wrathful will.


3. THE CHRISTIAN HOPE

One thing at least is clear. No interpretation of the Apocalypse is
correct if it fails to do justice to the hope of Christ's return.
If the figurative interpretation weakens our expectation of that
dread meeting with the Lord, then it is untrue to the mind of the
Spirit. There are difficulties connected with the idea of a literal
millennium; but such difficulties are inconsiderable in comparison
with those that result from any rationalizing, any explaining away,
of the universal Christian hope. The Apocalypse, according to any
right interpretation, is a vision of final triumph.

That triumph is a triumph of Christ. Back of all the lurid imagery
of the book, back of the battles and the woes, and back of the
glories of God's people, stands the figure of the Saviour. With him
the book began, and with him, too, it ends. He is the same who lived
the life of mercy and of glory on earth, the same who died for our
sins on the cross. To the Lamb all power is given--all power in
heaven and on earth. By him all enemies are conquered; by him the
whole earth will be judged. To those who bear the mark of the beast
he is an Avenger; to his Church he is an ever-living Saviour.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--The reading suggested under Lesson XXXVII is
intended for both of the lessons on the Apocalypse.




LESSON XXXIX

REVIEW


This review lesson is fully as important as any other lesson of
the first three quarters. Without reviewing, the study of history
is unproductive; only a review can make of the facts a permanent
possession. The story of the apostolic age, as it is narrated in the
work of Luke, is really very simple; it becomes confusing only when
it is imperfectly mastered. A little time spent in turning over the
pages of the Lucan narrative, or even of the Student's Text Book,
will accomplish wonders.


1. UNANSWERED QUESTIONS

The New Testament account of the apostolic age is indeed only
fragmentary. Many questions must be left unanswered. Of the original
twelve apostles only Peter and the sons of Zebedee and Judas
Iscariot receive in The Acts anything more than a bare mention; and
even the most prominent of these disappears after the fifteenth
chapter. What did Paul do in Arabia and in Tarsus? What was the
origin of the great church at Alexandria? Who founded the church
at Rome? These questions, and many like them, must forever remain
unanswered.

If, moreover, even the period covered by The Acts is obscure, far
deeper is the darkness after the guiding hand of Luke has been
withdrawn. For the death of the apostle Paul, there is only a meager
tradition; the latter years of Peter are even more obscure. For the
important period between the release of Paul after his first Roman
imprisonment and the death of the apostle John at about the end of
the first century, anything like a connected narrative is quite
impossible.


2. THE NERONIAN PERSECUTION

A few facts, however, may still be established. The Roman historian
Tacitus tells of a persecution of the Christians at Rome at the
time of the burning of the city in A. D. 64. The emperor Nero,
suspected of starting the fire, sought to remove suspicion from
himself by accusing the Christians. The latter had already become
unpopular because of their peculiar ways, and were thought to be
guilty of abominable crimes; but the cruelty of Nero almost exceeded
the wishes of the populace. The Christians were put to death under
horrible tortures. Many were burned, and their burning bodies served
as torches to illumine the emperor's gardens.

The beheading of Paul has often been brought into connection with
this persecution, but more probably it occurred a few years later.
Paul had been released from his first imprisonment, and his second
imprisonment, at the time of the Neronian outbreak, had not yet
begun.

The extent of the Neronian persecution cannot be determined with
certainty. Probably, however, although there was no systematic
persecution throughout the empire, the provinces would not be
altogether unaffected by what was happening at Rome. The causes of
popular and official disfavor were always present; it required only
a slight occasion to bring them actively into play.


3. THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM

Even more important than the Roman persecution of A. D. 64 was the
destruction of Jerusalem in A. D. 70. At the outbreak of the war
which culminated in that catastrophe, the Jerusalem Christians took
refuge in Pella, east of the Jordan; Jerusalem ceased to be the
center of the Christian Church. After the war, the Jerusalem church
never regained its old position of leadership; and specifically
Jewish Christianity, suffering by the destruction of the national
Jewish life, ceased to be influential in Christian history.


4. THE PROGRESS OF THE GOSPEL

From the years between the destruction of Jerusalem and the closing
years of the century, scarcely any definite incidents can be
enumerated. Undoubtedly the missionary activity of the Church was
continuing; the gospel was making rapid progress in its conquest of
the empire. In this missionary activity probably many of the twelve
apostles were engaged; but details of their work are narrated for
the most part only in late tradition.


5. JOHN AT EPHESUS

At some time--whether before or after A. D. 70 is uncertain--the
apostle John went to Ephesus, and there became the leader of
the Asian church. Detailed information about his position and
the churches under his care is provided not only in trustworthy
tradition--especially that which comes through Irenaeus from
Polycarp, the hearer of John--but also in the writings of John
himself. The two shorter epistles of John, though each embraces
only a small page, are extraordinarily rich in information about
congregational matters, and even more instructive are the seven
messages of the Apocalypse. By means of the latter the moral
condition of the church in Asia Minor is characterized with a
vividness that is scarcely to be paralleled for any other period of
the apostolic age.


6. THE PERSECUTION UNDER DOMITIAN

During the latter part of the residence of John in Asia Minor there
was an important event in the history of the Church. This was the
outbreak of the persecution under Domitian--a persecution which
apparently exceeded in extent, if not in severity, every persecution
that had preceded it. Under Domitian the Roman authorities became
definitely hostile; apostasy from Christ was apparently demanded
systematically of the Christians--apostasy from Christ and adhesion
to the imperial cult. The latter, in the Apocalypse, is represented
as an example of the mark of "the beast"; the Roman Empire, as would
have been unnatural in the days of Paul, appears in that book as an
incorporation of Satanic power. The long conflict between the Church
and the empire had at last begun. Which side would be victorious? In
the Apocalypse the answer is plain. The Lord himself was fighting
for his Church!


7. THE NEW TESTAMENT GOSPEL

Our knowledge of the apostolic age, though fragmentary, is
sufficient--sufficient not indeed for a complete history, but for
the requirements of Christian faith. The information provided in the
New Testament makes up in quality for what it lacks in quantity. Its
extraordinary vividness and concreteness possesses a self-evidencing
value. The life of the apostle Paul--revealed with unmistakable
fidelity--is itself a sufficient bulwark against historical
skepticism; it involves inevitably the supernatural Christ. The
gospel is no aspiration in the hearts of dreamers; it is a real
entrance of divine power into the troubled battle field of human
history. God was working in the apostolic Church, God is speaking in
the New Testament--there is the summation of our study.




PART IV:

The Apostolic Church and the
Church of To-Day




LESSON XL

THE CHURCH AND THE WORLD


The apostolic Church, as was observed in the Student's Text Book,
found itself from the beginning in the midst of an environment more
or less actively hostile. If we had been in Jerusalem at about the
year 30, we should have observed a small group of disciples of
Jesus, outwardly conforming to Jewish customs, but inwardly quite
different from their countrymen. In Corinth and in other pagan
cities of the Greco-Roman world, the contrast between the Church and
its environment was even more striking; these cities were sunk in
superstition and vice; the Church was leading, in the eyes of the
world, a very peculiar life.

The presence of a common enemy led in the apostolic age to a closer
union among the Christians themselves, and so it will always be.
When Christian people realize the power of the enemy against whom
they are all fighting, then they will have no time to fight among
themselves. The Christian life is a warfare against sin--sin in
a thousand deadly forms. In such a warfare, if we are to be good
soldiers, we must all stand shoulder to shoulder.

The apostolic Church was waging an audacious warfare against the
intrenched forces of heathenism and sin. Fortunately it had a
Leader; and by that Leader alone it won the victory. The Leader was
Christ. The primary relation of the soldier is the relation to the
commander; the relation of the individual soldiers to one another
is dependent upon that. So we shall study to-day the lordship
of Christ; by that study, the work of the whole quarter will be
introduced.


1. TERMS DESCRIPTIVE OF DISCIPLESHIP

The lordship of Christ may profitably be studied by an examination
of some of the various names which in the New Testament are applied
to the Church and its individual members. The individual titles
should be studied first. After all, the Church exists for the
individual believer rather than the individual believer for the
Church. The primary relation is the relation between Christ and
the individual soul. Brotherhood comes only through the union of
individuals with a common Lord.

(=1=) "=Christians.="--Probably the first title that occurs to us
to-day to designate the individual members of the Church is the
title "Christian"; yet as a matter of fact that title appears only
three times in the New Testament, and then only as it was taken from
the lips of unbelievers. In accordance with the explicit testimony
of Acts 11:26, the name was given for the first time at Antioch;
it had no place, therefore, in the early Jerusalem church. A
moment's thought will reveal the reason. The name "Christians" would
have meant to a Jew adherents of the "Christ," or the "Messiah."
Obviously no Jew would have applied such a name specifically to the
disciples of Jesus; for all the Jews, in one sense or another, were
adherents of the Messiah. The Jews were adherents of him by way of
anticipation; the disciples thought he had already appeared; but all
earnest Jews alike would have rejoiced to be called by his name.

Evidently the name was applied in Antioch by the pagan population.
The Church had become so clearly separate from Judaism that a
separate name for it was required. The name "Christian" suggested
itself very naturally. "Jesus Christ" was forever on the lips of
these strange enthusiasts! "The Christ" was indeed also spoken of
by the Jews, but only careful observers would necessarily be aware
of the fact. The Messianic hope was an internal concern of the
synagogues, with which outsiders would usually have little to do.
The new sect, on the other hand, brought the title "Christ" out from
its seclusion; "Christ" to these enthusiasts was something more than
a title, it was becoming almost a proper name; like "Jesus," it
was a designation of the Founder of the sect, and accordingly the
adjective derived from it could be used to designate the sect itself.

In Acts 26:28, the name appears as used by Agrippa; in I Peter
4:16, also, it is evidently taken from the lips of the opponents
of the faith. The Christians, however, Peter implies, need not be
ashamed of the name which has been fastened upon them. Rather let
them strive to be worthy of it! It is the highest honor to be called
by the name of Christ; and if they are true "Christians," their
confession will redound to the glory of God.

In modern times, the name is often misapplied; the use of it is
broadened and weakened. Nations are declared to be Christian
although only a very small percentage of their citizens really
deserve the name; teaching is called Christian though it is
only similar in some respects to the teaching of Christ. Such a
use of terms should be avoided wherever possible; the original
poignancy of the designation should be restored. Properly speaking,
"Christian" means not "like Christ" but "subject to Christ." A
Christian is not one who admires Christ or is impressed with
Christ's teaching or tries to imitate Christ, but one to whom Christ
is Saviour and Lord.

Are we willing to be known as "Christians" in that sense? At the
time of First Peter, it would have been a serious question; an
affirmative answer would have meant persecution and perhaps death.
But it is also a serious question to-day. Confession of Christ
involves solemn responsibilities; dishonor to the "Christian" means
dishonor to Christ; the unworthy servant is a dishonor to his
Master. But let us not fear; Christ is Helper as well as Lord.

(=2=) "=Disciples.="--The earliest designation of the followers of
Jesus was "disciples" or "learners"; during the earthly ministry
perhaps scarcely any other designation was commonly used. Jesus
appeared at first as a teacher; the form of his work was somewhat
like that of other teachers of the Jews. Nevertheless, although he
was a teacher from the beginning, he was also from the beginning
something more. He had not only authority, but also power; he was
not only Teacher, but also Saviour. His followers were not merely
instructed, but were received into fellowship; and that fellowship
made of them new men. "Disciples" in the Gospels is more than
"learners" or "students"; it is a fine, warm, rich word; the Teacher
was also Friend and Lord.

The same term was continued in the early Palestinian Church, and the
resurrection had brought an incalculable enrichment of its meaning.
The "disciples" were not merely those who remembered the words of
Jesus, but those who had been redeemed by his blood and were living
now in the power of his Holy Spirit. If we use the term, let it be
in the same lofty sense. Let us be learners, indeed; let us hear the
words of Jesus, as they are recorded in the Gospels; but let us hear
them not from a dead teacher, but ever anew from the living Lord.

(=3=) "=Saints.="--A third designation is "saints." This term is
used as a title of the Christians in Acts 9:13,32,41; 26:10, and
frequently in the epistles of Paul and in the Apocalypse. Its use
in the New Testament is very different from some uses of it that
appeared at a later time. The Roman Catholics, for example, employ
the term as a title of honor for a number of persons carefully
limited by the Church; Protestants often designate by it persons
of exceptional purity or goodness. In the New Testament, on the
contrary, the title "saints" is clearly applied to all Christians.

In the original Greek the word is exactly the same as a word meaning
"holy"; it is simply the adjective "holy" used as a noun. "Saints,"
therefore, really means "holy persons." Unfortunately, however, the
word "holy," as well as the word "saint" has undergone modifications
of usage. "Holy," in the Bible, is not simply another word for
"good" or "righteous," but expresses a somewhat different idea. It
has the idea of "sacred" or "separate"--separate from the world. God
is holy not merely because he is good, but because he is separate.
Undoubtedly his goodness is one attribute--perhaps the chief
attribute--that constitutes the separateness; but other attributes
also have their place. His omnipotence and his infinitude, as well
as his goodness, make him "holy."

The word "holy" or "saint" as applied to Christians has
fundamentally the same meaning. Believers are "holy" because they
are in communion with the holy God and therefore separate from the
world. Undoubtedly the most obvious element in their separateness
is their goodness; the moral implications of the term "holy" are
sometimes so prominent that the specific meaning of the word seems
obscured. But that specific meaning is probably never altogether
lost. Christians are called "saints" because they are citizens, not
of the present evil world, but of a heavenly kingdom.

The familiar word, thus interpreted, has a startling lesson for the
modern Church. Can modern Christians be called "saints," in the
New Testament sense? Are we really separate from the world? Are we
really "a chosen generation, a royal priesthood, an holy nation,
a peculiar people" (A. V.)? Do we really feel ourselves to be
strangers and pilgrims in the earth? Or are we rather salt that has
lost its savor? Have we become merged in the life of the world?

(=4=) "=Brethren.="--A fourth designation is concerned, not with
the relation of the believer to Christ or to the world, but with
the relation of believers among themselves. That designation
is "brethren." It is a very simple word; it requires little
explanation; the rich meaning of it will be unfolded in the whole of
this quarter's study.

(=5=) "=Church.="--After studying the New Testament terms that
denote the disciples of Jesus individually, it will now be well to
turn for a moment to the chief designation of the body of disciples
considered as a unit. That designation is "church," or in the Greek
form, "ecclesia."

The word "ecclesia" is in itself a very simple term indeed. It
is derived from the verb "call" and the preposition "out." An
"ecclesia" is a body of persons called out from their houses to a
common meeting place, in short it is simply an "assembly," and an
assembly of any kind. This simple use of the word is found in Acts
19:32,39,41; the Greek word which is there translated "assembly" is
exactly the same word as that which is elsewhere translated "church."

Even before New Testament times, however, the word had begun to
be used in a special, religious sense. Here, as so often, the
Septuagint translation of the Old Testament prepared the way for New
Testament usage. In the Septuagint the word "ecclesia" was used to
denote the solemn assembly of the people of Israel. That assembly
was of course religious as well as political; for Israel was a
theocratic nation. Hence it was no abrupt transition from previous
usage when the New Testament writers selected the word "ecclesia" to
denote the Christian congregation.

In the New Testament, the word is used in various ways. In the
first place, it designates the body of Christians who lived in
any particular place. So, for example, the epistles of Paul are
addressed to individual "churches." In the second place, however,
the word designates the whole body of Christians throughout the
world. This usage is prominent in the Epistle to the Ephesians,
but it also appears even in the Gospels, in the memorable words of
Jesus at Caesarea Philippi. Matt. 16:18. It is a wonderfully grand
conception which is thus disclosed by the familiar word. "The
Church" is a chosen people, ruled by the Lord himself, a mighty
army, engaged, not in earthly warfare, but in a spiritual campaign
of salvation and love.

(=6=) "=The Kingdom of God.="--One further conception requires at
least a word. What is meant by "the kingdom of God"? This conception
is evidently related to the conception of "the Church," but the
two are not identical. The kingdom of God is simply that place or
that condition where God rules. As the kingdom of Caesar was the
territory over which Caesar held sway, so the kingdom of God is the
realm where God's will is done. In one sense, of course, the kingdom
of God embraces the whole universe, for nothing is beyond the reach
of God's power. But in the New Testament the term is used in a far
deeper sense; it is used to denote the realm where God's will is
done, not of necessity, but by willing submission. Wherever human
hearts and wills are in true accord with the will of God, there the
"kingdom" has come.

In one sense the kingdom of God belongs to the future age. It is
never realized fully upon earth; there is here always some lurking
trace of sinful resistance. Nevertheless, in the New Testament the
kingdom is by no means always represented as future. Though it has
not yet been fully realized, it is already present in principle; it
is present especially in the Church. The Church gives clear, though
imperfect, expression to the idea of the kingdom; the Church is a
people whose ruler is God.

Entrance into the Church is not to be obtained by human effort; it
is the free gift of God through the Lord Jesus Christ. No other gift
is so glorious. If we are members of that chosen people, we need
fear nothing in heaven or on earth.


2. PRACTICAL CONCLUSIONS

Two lessons should be conveyed by our study of to-day: in the first
place the lesson of separateness, and in the second place the lesson
of unity. Neither can be truly learned without the other. There can
be no true Christian unity if individual members of the Christian
body make common cause with the unbelieving world. A knowledge
of the common enemy will draw us all into closer fellowship.
That fellowship need not necessarily be expressed in a common
organization; but it will be expressed at least in a common service.
Separateness from the world will not mean leaving the world to its
fate; the Christian salvation will be offered freely to all. But
the gravity of the choice should never, by any false urbanity, be
disguised. It is no light difference whether a man is within the
people of God or without; there is a definite line of demarcation,
and the passing of it means the transition from death into life.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": articles on
"Church," "Disciple," "Christian." Hastings, "Dictionary of
the Bible": Gayford, article on "Church." Hort, "The Christian
Ecclesia." Charteris, "The Church of Christ." Westcott, "The
Two Empires: The Church and the World," in "The Epistles of St.
John," pp. 250-282. "The Epistle to Diognetus," introduction and
translation in Lightfoot, "The Apostolic Fathers," pp. 487-489,
501-511. Erdman, "Coming to the Communion."




LESSON XLI

THE CHRISTIAN MESSAGE


1. A PHILOSOPHY, OR A TESTIMONY?

In the Student's Text Book the Christian message has been
represented as primarily a piece of good news, a story of something
that happened. That representation does not pass unchallenged
to-day. Many suppose that the message of the apostles was concerned
simply with reflection upon eternal truths. For centuries, it is
said in effect, men had been reflecting upon the problems of God and
the world and sin; what the apostles did in Jerusalem and elsewhere
was simply to provide better instruction on these great themes;
Jesus had taught men that God is a Father, the apostles simply
continued his teaching.

Such a view, of course, can be held only by rejecting or distorting
the testimony of the New Testament. If the book of The Acts is
correct, if Paul is correct, then the preaching that founded the
apostolic Church was not better instruction about old facts, but
information about a new fact. Before Jesus came, the world was
lost under sin; but Jesus lived and died and rose again, and gave
salvation to all who would receive. According to the New Testament,
Jesus did not come to tell men that they were God's children; he
came to make them God's children. John 1:12; Gal. 4:3-5. Without
him they were under God's wrath and curse; but by faith in him, by
acceptance of his sacrifice of himself for them, by receiving from
his Spirit the power to believe, they could call God Father. On the
day of Pentecost Jesus was presented as more than a Teacher; he was
presented as a Saviour.


2. THE EFFECTS OF THE MESSAGE

=(1) In the Apostolic Age.=--The effects of that presentation have
been considered briefly in the Student's Text Book, and what was
said there might easily be supplemented. The conversion of the three
thousand was only a beginning. The new spirit of the Christian
community, the brotherly love and holy joy of the disciples, indeed
everything that will be treated in the lessons of the quarter,
were the result of a simple piece of news. By the wise men of the
world--then as now--the message was despised, but "the foolishness
of God is wiser than men; and the weakness of God is stronger than
men." I Cor. 1:25.

This lesson offers a singular opportunity to the teacher. The
Christian message in the apostolic Church was a message of power.
The story of its progress is full of dramatic vigor; it appeals
even to the non-Christian historian. The story of the apostolic age
is full of surprises--the sudden transformation of bitter Jewish
enemies into humble disciples; the triumphant spread of the faith
when everything seemed opposed; the establishment of Christian
churches in the very centers of pagan vice; the astonishingly
rapid preparation for the conquest of the empire; and all this
accomplished not by worldly wisdom, but by simple men who only had a
bit of news--a bit of news, and God!

=(2) In the History of the Church.=--The triumphs of the gospel,
however, were not confined to the age of the apostles. The apostolic
age was prophetic of the Christian centuries. There were many
days of darkness; but the Church always emerged again triumphant.
So it will be to-day. God has not deserted his people; he will
attest his truth with the power of his Spirit; there is no room
for discouragement. One thing, however, should be remembered; the
victories of the Church are victories, not of brilliant preachers,
not of human wisdom or human goodness, but of the cross of Christ.
Under that banner all true conquests move.


3. THE PRESENTATION OF THE MESSAGE

The Christian message was presented in the apostolic Church in many
different ways. The gospel was everywhere essentially the same,
but the presentation of it was adapted to the needs of particular
hearers, and the understanding of it became ever more complete under
the illumination of the Holy Spirit. It is interesting to collect
the various types of missionary speeches that are found in the New
Testament.

=(1) The Missionary Preaching of the Jerusalem Church.=--The early
chapters of The Acts preserve a number of speeches that were
addressed to Jews. As might have been expected, these speeches
are intended primarily to prove the Messiahship of Jesus. If that
could be proved, then--among the Jews--the rest would follow. The
Messiahship was proved first by an appeal to the Scriptures, and
second by the fact of the resurrection. Even the death of Jesus on
the cross, which was to the Jews a stumblingblock, was predicted by
the prophets, and so served to prove that Jesus was the promised
One. The resurrection was also predicted; and the resurrection was
established first by the simple testimony of eyewitnesses and second
by the wonderful works of the living Christ.

These early speeches contain only a little of the full truth of
the gospel. In them, for example, the significance of the death
of Christ as an atonement for sin is not fully explained. Such
omissions were due no doubt to two causes.

(a) Limitations Due to the Hearers.--In the first place, the
peculiar needs of the hearers had to be considered. The hearers were
Jews; to them the death of the Messiah was an unheard-of paradox;
to them the cross was a stumblingblock. Before the inner meaning of
the crucifixion could be explained, obviously the objections derived
from it needed to be overcome. The first task of the missionaries
was to show that Jesus, although he had been crucified, was the
Messiah. That was done by an appeal to prophecy and to the plain
fact of the resurrection. After conviction had thus been produced,
it would be time enough to show that what was at first regarded as a
stumblingblock was really the supreme act of divine grace.

(b) Limitations Due to an Early Stage of Revelation.--The omissions
in the early speeches were due, however, not merely to the peculiar
needs of the hearers, but also to limitations in the knowledge
of the apostles. Christian truth was not all revealed at once;
undoubtedly the full explanation of the cross, the full exposition
of the atonement, was revealed only when the disciples could bear
it. Such is the divine method, even in revelation. The disciples
were brought gradually, by the gracious leading of the Holy Spirit,
into ever richer knowledge of the truth.

(c) The Significance of the Cross.--Nevertheless, the meagerness
of the early teaching must not be exaggerated. In the very first
missionary speech of Peter, Jesus was represented as "delivered
up by the determinate counsel and foreknowledge of God." Acts
2:23. What happened "by the determinate counsel ... of God" was
no meaningless chance; the crucifixion was not a victory of evil
over God, it must have had some beneficent purpose. Furthermore,
Jesus himself had explained what that purpose was. He had spoken
of giving his life a ransom for many, Mark 10:45; still more
plainly, on the last solemn passover evening, he had represented
his death as sacrificial. These words were certainly not forgotten
in the Jerusalem church; they were called to mind in the repeated
celebration of the Lord's Supper, and must have formed the subject
of meditation. The Jerusalem Christians knew that Jesus' death was a
death on their behalf.

(d) The Lordship of Jesus.--The lordship of Jesus, moreover, was
fully recognized from the very beginning. The risen Christ had
ascended into glory, and had poured forth his mighty Spirit. The
believer was no mere learner of the words of a dead teacher; he was
called into communion with a Lord and Saviour. Such communion meant
nothing less than an entirely new life, in which sin could have
no rightful place. It was a life of conflict, but also a life of
hope. The Saviour would come again in like manner as he had gone.
The spiritual victory, already won, would be perfected by a final
victory in every realm.

=(2) The Missionary Preaching of Paul.=--The gospel of the early
preachers was a glorious message. It was a piece of glad tidings,
such as the world had never known. Yet even greater things were in
store; even more wondrous mysteries were to be revealed. They were
revealed especially through the instrumentality of the apostle Paul.
The gospel had been preached from the beginning, but much of its
deeper meaning was reserved for Paul.

(a) Truth and Error.--In the teaching of Paul, truth became plainer
by being contrasted with error. The original apostles had really
been trusting in the atonement of Christ for salvation; but now
that trust became plainer and more explicit by being contrasted
with works of the law. The original apostles had really grasped the
inner significance of Jesus as the fulfillment of the Old Testament;
but now that significance became still plainer by the contrast with
Pharisaic legality. Now at length the death and resurrection were
represented sharply and clearly as great representative acts in
which the believer shares through faith. The original apostles were
not overwhelmed and confused by the new revelation; they recognized
the grace of God. Their perfect agreement with Paul exhibited the
unity of the apostolic gospel.

Scarcely anything would be more interesting than a full collection
of the missionary speeches of Paul. Such a collection, however, has
not been preserved. The writings that we possess from the hand of
Paul are not missionary addresses, but letters written to those who
were already Christians. We should not, however, complain of the
providence of God. God has not thought good to give us everything,
but what he has given us is enough.

(b) Information Provided by The Acts.--The book of The Acts,
in the first place, affords valuable information. The author
was interested, indeed, chiefly in beginnings. The examples of
Paul's missionary preaching which Luke has preserved, are perhaps
preliminary to evangelism, rather than evangelism itself. The
speech at Pisidian Antioch shows how Paul proved the Messiahship
of Jesus. In winning the Jews, that proof was the first step. The
Pauline gospel indeed appears, but it appears only at the very
end of the speech. The speech at Athens is still more clearly of
preliminary character. Monotheism needed to be established before
the gospel of Christ could be understood. Despite their necessary
limitations however, these speeches are instructive. They show, in
the first place, that Paul adapted his preaching to the needs of his
hearers. He did not preach the same sermon mechanically to all. He
sought really to win men over, he began with what his hearers could
understand. They show, in the second place, that all preliminary
matters were kept strictly subordinate. These matters were not made
an end in themselves, as is often the case in the modern Church, but
were merely a means to an end. No matter where he began, Paul always
proceeded quickly to the center of the gospel. Both at Pisidian
Antioch and at Athens, he hastened on to the resurrection.

(c) Information Provided by the Epistles.--The Pauline Epistles, in
the second place, though they are addressed to Christians, really
afford sufficient information, at least in outline, about the
missionary preaching of Paul. Incidental references are sufficient
to show at least that the cross and the resurrection were the center
and core of it. The Thessalonians, for example, under the preaching
of Paul, "turned unto God from idols, to serve a living and true
God, and to wait for his Son from heaven, whom he raised from the
dead, even Jesus, who delivereth us from the wrath to come." This
little passage is worth pages of exposition. Preaching to Gentiles
is here reviewed in epitome, though of course not with studied
symmetry and completeness. The knowledge of the one true God formed
of course, for Gentiles, the starting point for all the rest, but
from that starting point the preacher at once proceeded to tell of
the work of Christ. Just as illuminating are passages like I Cor.
2:2; Gal. 3:1. In Corinth Paul knew nothing save "Jesus Christ,
and him crucified"; in Galatia the story of the cross was made so
plain that it was as though Jesus Christ crucified were held up
before the eyes of the Galatians on a great picture or placard.
The famous passage in First Corinthians, ch. 15:1-8, is, however,
perhaps clearest of all. At the very beginning Paul had spoken of
the death of Christ and the resurrection. The death, moreover, was
not presented as a mere inspiring story of a holy martyrdom, but
as a death "for our sins"; and the resurrection was supported not
primarily by an inward experience, but by simple testimony.

Apostolic preaching was everywhere essentially the same. The
apostles never began, like many modern preachers, with exhortation;
though they proceeded to exhortation, they always began with facts.
What was always fundamental was the simple story of the life and
death and resurrection of Jesus Christ. Jesus Christ crucified and
risen was the subject of the good news that conquered the world.
When will the modern Church take up the message with new power? We
do not know. The times are in God's hand. But when the blessed day
comes, it will be a day of victory.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Bunyan, "The Pilgrim's Progress." Warfield, "The
Saviour of the World," and "The Power of God Unto Salvation" (the
latter in "The Presbyterian Pulpit"). Hodge, "The Way of Life."




LESSON XLII

THE WORD AND THE SACRAMENTS


This lesson and the two following are intended primarily to
encourage in the student the diligent use of "the means of grace."
The wise teacher will keep the practical purpose steadily in view.
That practical purpose may now be examined a little more in detail.
Why should the example of the apostolic Church be followed in the
matter of Bible-reading, of the sacraments, of prayer, of Christian
meetings? What was God's purpose in providing these simple exercises
of the Christian life--what benefit do we receive from them? Perhaps
the briefest and simplest answer is that we receive from them what
is often known as "reality" in religion.


1. REALITY IN RELIGION

Many Christians are puzzled by the lack of the sense of "reality"
in their Christian life. They have believed in Christ, but often
he seems far from them. It is not so much that positive doubts
have arisen, though certainly the lack of fervency gives doubt its
opportunity. Rather is it an inexplicable dulling of the spiritual
eye. The gospel still seems wonderful to the intellect, but to the
heart it has somehow lost its power.

=(1) The Need of Diligence.=--This condition is due very often to
a neglect of "the means of grace," which we shall study in this
lesson and the two lessons following. It is a great mistake to
suppose that the spiritual life is altogether beyond our control.
Undoubtedly it is instituted only by an immediate exercise of
the divine power, independent of the human will; undoubtedly the
maintenance of it would be impossible without the assistance of the
Holy Spirit. Nevertheless, in that work of maintenance, we have a
very definite part. Many Christians suppose that any performance
of religious exercises merely for duty's sake, without immediate
spiritual profit, is a mere form. This supposition is erroneous.
Not performance of religious exercises without spiritual profit,
but performance of them without the desire of spiritual profit, is
formalism. The appointed means of grace must continue to be used
even when no immediate benefit can be discerned. In the reading of
the Bible, in prayer, in public worship, the Christian should first
of all do his duty. The result may safely be left to God.

=(2) The Danger of Neglect.=--Without such attention to duty, the
Christian life becomes merely a matter of inclination. In times of
great spiritual distress we call upon God for comfort and help;
but in the long, level weeks of comparative prosperity we think we
can do without him. Such thoughts are the height of folly. God is
not our servant, he is not one who can safely be left out of our
thoughts except when we think we especially need him. If we neglect
God in time of prosperity, we may call in vain when adversity comes.

=(3) The Reward of Duty.=--The religious life is not merely a matter
of inclination; it must be diligently fostered. Such attention
to duty, however, will never be merely drudgery. It may begin
with drudgery, and it may become drudgery again at times, but if
persisted in, it will be an ever-widening avenue of joy and power.


2. THE STUDY OF THE BIBLE

The reading of the Bible is such a simple thing, and so obviously
necessary to the Christian life, that it requires comparatively
little discussion. Despite its indispensableness, however, it is
being sadly neglected to-day. Our fathers learned the Bible with
a thoroughness which to-day is almost unknown. The change is full
of danger. A Bible-reading Church is possessed of power; without
the Bible the Church loses its identity altogether and sinks back
into the life of the world. The process, unfortunately, has gone to
considerable lengths. How may it now be checked?

=(1) The Study Should Be Made Interesting.=--Something, no doubt,
may be done by making the study of the Bible more interesting.
Certainly the Bible does not yield in interest to any other branch
of knowledge. The Bible does not merely present spiritual truth; it
presents it in a wonderfully rich and varied way. If the study of
the Bible is stupid, the fault lies not in the subject matter, but
in the student or in the teacher.

=(2) The Motive of Duty.=--Nevertheless, a mere appeal to the
interest of the students is entirely insufficient. After all,
there is no royal road to learning--not to Biblical learning any
more than to the learning of the world. Solid education can never
be attained without hard work; education that is easy is pretty
sure to be worthless. Especially at the beginning the chief appeal
in education must be to a sense of duty. So it is in the case
of the Bible. The Bible is the word of God; obviously it may not
be neglected. Let us study it, then, primarily because the study
of it is an obvious duty. As a matter of fact the duty will soon
become a pleasure, but let not that be the motive. Let us read
the Bible regularly and persistently, in entire independence of
changing impulse. That is the kind of study that is blessed of God.
Superficial study, determined by mere inclination, may at first
sight seem just as good. But when adversity or temptation comes,
then the difference appears. It is the difference between a house
built upon the sand and a house built upon the rock. The two houses
look alike, but when the rains descend and the floods come, one
falls and the other stands. The Christian whose knowledge of the
Bible is obtained by old-fashioned, patient study, never interrupted
by changing inclination, has dug deep and founded his house upon the
rock.

=(3) The Example of the Apostolic Church.=--The example of the
apostolic Church in the matter of the means of grace is especially
significant. In the apostolic age, it might have seemed as though
these simple exercises might be dispensed with. What need of
regularly appointed forms when the Holy Spirit was so immediately
manifested? Yet as a matter of fact all of the essential forms
of Christian custom were present from the beginning. Regularity
and diligence were cherished even in the first exuberance of the
Jerusalem church. Enthusiasm of spiritual life did not lead to
the despising of ordinary helps; the early disciples "continued
stedfastly," "day by day," "with one accord in the temple, and
breaking bread at home, they took their food with gladness and
singleness of heart." Acts 2:46.

The use which the apostolic Church made of the Bible might seem
to some modern men particularly surprising. A book religion, men
say, is a stagnant religion; living faith is independent of dead
documents; it is only when the early enthusiasm is lost that
belief becomes crystallized in submission to venerable authority.
This sort of religious philosophy shatters on the plain facts of
the apostolic age. Admittedly that was an age of freshness and
independence. There never has been such an outburst of religious
enthusiasm as that which planted the faith in Jerusalem and carried
it like wildfire throughout the civilized world. Yet another fact
is equally plain--this wonderful enthusiasm was coupled with the
utmost reverence for a book. Nothing could exceed the unquestioning
submission which the early Christians paid to the Old Testament
Scriptures. The exuberance of apostolic Christianity was intertwined
with a book religion!

The explanation, of course, is simple. Submission to a human book
means stagnation; but genuine submission to the Word of God means
always what it meant in the apostolic age--heroism and victory and
life.


3. BAPTISM

=(1) Baptism and Circumcision.=--The sacrament of baptism had its
truest predecessor in circumcision, the Old Testament sign of union
with the covenant people. Baptism as well as circumcision is a sign
of the covenant, though the varied symbolism marks the advance of
the new covenant over the old.

=(2) Christian Baptism and the Baptism of John.=--In form, moreover,
and to a considerable extent also in meaning, Christian baptism
in the early Church was prepared for by the baptism of John the
Baptist, which had even been continued by the disciples of Jesus
during Jesus' earthly ministry. John 4:1,2. Both the baptism of John
and Christian baptism symbolized cleansing from sin. Compare Acts
2:38 with Matt. 3:6,11.

Christian baptism, however, differed from every rite that had
preceded it by its definite reference to Christ, and by its definite
connection with a new manifestation of the Holy Spirit.

=(3) Baptism "Into Christ."=--In the apostolic writings, baptism
is sometimes spoken of as a baptism "into Christ." Gal. 3:27; Rom.
6:3. The meaning of this phrase has often been obscured both in
translation and in interpretation. The phrase "into Christ" in this
connection means something more than "with reference to Christ";
it means rather "into a position within Christ." The Christian,
according to a common Pauline expression, is "in Christ"; he is in
such close union with Christ that the life of Christ might almost be
described as the atmosphere which he breathes. To be baptized "into
Christ" means to come by baptism into this state of blessed union
with the Saviour.

=(4) Baptism and Faith.=--At this point, however, a serious
question arises. How can baptism be described as the means by which
the Christian comes into union with Christ, when at other times
salvation is declared to be by faith? One solution of the difficulty
would be simply to say that baptism and faith are both necessary--a
man must believe if he is to be saved, but he must also be baptized.
Clearly, however, this view does not represent the meaning of the
New Testament. The passages where faith alone is represented as
the condition of salvation are too strong; especially the vigorous
contrast which Paul sets up between faith and works prevents
any inclusion of such a work as baptism along with faith as an
additional condition of acceptance with God. The true solution is
that baptism is related to faith, or rather to the regenerative work
of the Holy Spirit, as the sign is related to the thing signified.
Baptism represents the work of the Spirit; it is a means which the
Spirit uses. If it stood alone, it would be a meaningless form, but
when it is representative of spiritual facts it becomes a channel of
divine grace.


4. THE LORD'S SUPPER

The celebration of the Lord's Supper in the Jerusalem church was
probably connected in some way with "the breaking of bread," which
is mentioned in Acts 2:42. Every common meal was an expression of
Christian communion, but the solemn words of Christ at the Last
Supper could not have been forgotten. Here, as so often, the book of
The Acts affords little information about the internal affairs of
the Church.

Fortunately, Paul, in the First Epistle to the Corinthians, is far
more explicit, and inferences can be drawn from him with regard
even to Jerusalem. Paul represents the Lord's Supper, not as an
innovation, but as something that had been given to the Corinthians
as a matter of course, at the very beginning of their Christian
lives; evidently the sacrament was celebrated universally in the
churches; Paul had "received" the account of the institution of the
Supper from the Lord through the first Christians.

In Corinth, as was also probably the case in the early days in
Jerusalem, the Supper was celebrated in connection with the common
meals of the Christian community. Certain abuses had arisen; the
rich brought food and drink with them and feasted luxuriously in
the presence of their poorer brethren; the spiritual significance
of the Supper was profaned. Against such abuses Paul enunciates the
great principle that the Supper does not work a magical benefit; if
partaken of irreverently it brings condemnation rather than blessing.

In I Cor. 10:14-22, the Lord's Supper appears as a warning against
participation in heathen feasts. The pagan fellow citizens of the
Corinthian Christians, by their religious feasts, held communion
with idols; the Christians cannot remain with them and at the same
time commune with Christ. A man must take his choice--either
Christ or idols; he must choose either the Lord's Supper or heathen
feasts. Here the Lord's Supper appears especially as a sign of
communion with Christ, as in ch. 11:26 it appears especially as a
commemoration of his death. These two aspects of the Supper, and
their intimate connection with each other, should now be explained a
little more in detail.

=(1) A Representation of the Death of Christ.=--The Lord's Supper,
as is observed in the Student's Text Book, is representative of
the death of Christ on our behalf. In many passages of the New
Testament, the significance of that death is explained in words;
in the Lord's Supper it is represented in visible form. The Lord's
Supper is related to the story of the gospel, as the picture or the
acted representation is related to ordinary discourse. In the broken
bread and poured-out wine we not only apprehend with the mind, but
actually see the broken body and shed blood of the Lord. Of course
that does not mean, as the Roman Catholic Church teaches, that the
bread and wine are actually by a miracle, at every celebration of
the Supper, changed into the body and blood of Christ, but only
that they represent them. The very simplicity of the sacrament
should have guarded against misinterpretation. An actual image of
the dying Saviour might lead to idolatry, or to an overemphasis
upon the details of the scene on Calvary; the simple representation
that Christ ordained is enough to be vivid, without being enough to
become misleading.

=(2) A Representation of Our Union with Christ.=--The Supper
represents the death of Christ not as a mere drama, remote from us,
but as a death on our behalf. In the Supper we do not merely witness
the breaking of the bread and the pouring out of the wine; we
partake of the bread and wine ourselves. Plainly the symbolism means
that we who are disciples of Christ do not merely admire the holy
self-sacrifice of Christ, but rather receive the benefits of it. We
feed upon the body and blood of Christ in the high spiritual sense
that by faith we obtain from Christ's death pardon for our sins and
a fresh start in the full favor of God. These benefits we obtain not
by our own efforts, but by a free gift. It was Christ himself who
broke the bread and poured out the wine on the last evening before
the crucifixion; it is also Christ who, through his minister, at
every celebration of the sacrament, is represented as offering to us
his body and blood.

The Lord's Supper, therefore, is not merely a commemoration of an
event in the past; it is also the symbol of a present fact. It
symbolizes the blessed communion of believers with one another and
with Christ.


5. THE SACRAMENTS MORE THAN A PROCLAMATION OF THE GOSPEL

So far we have considered the sacraments merely as one means of
proclaiming the gospel. The Bible proclaims the gospel in words;
the sacraments proclaim it in pictures. Even if that were all, the
sacraments would be of great value. By these symbolic actions the
gospel message attains a new vividness and definiteness.

As a matter of fact, however, baptism and the Lord's Supper are more
than peculiar ways of making a vivid presentation of the gospel.
They were instituted especially by Christ, and the Holy Spirit has
connected with them a special blessing. The Spirit can use what
means he will, and he has chosen to use these. In the Lord's Supper,
for example, the Lord is really present in the midst of his people.
He is not present, indeed, in "a corporal and carnal manner"; but
his spiritual presence is a blessed fact.

The sacraments, therefore, should not be neglected. In themselves,
when unaccompanied by faith, they are valueless; and they are not
necessary for salvation. Ordinarily, however, they are a chosen
means of blessing. When God wills, other means can take their place,
but under all ordinary circumstances they are used. Certainly they
should not be neglected without adequate cause. They have been
provided by God, and God is wiser than men.

The Lord's Supper should be received with solemnity; but sometimes
young Christians have perhaps an exaggerated dread of it. The error
of the Corinthian Christians should indeed be carefully avoided;
wanton carelessness in the solemn act will of course bring the
condemnation of God. But the Supper does not demand perfection,
even in faith; on the contrary it is intended to help to remove
imperfection. The Lord's Supper is not a dangerous bit of magic,
where any little mistake might break the charm. Let us partake of it
with a simple prayer, and leave the results to the goodness of God.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": article on
"Lord's Supper"; Purves, article on "Baptism." W. W. Moore, "The
Indispensable Book." Candlish, "The Christian Sacraments" (In
"Handbooks for Bible Classes," edited by Dods and Whyte). Lilley,
"The Lord's Supper."




LESSON XLIII

PRAYER


1. THE ANSWERER OF PRAYER

The prayers of the apostolic age reveal with startling clearness the
apostolic conception of God; and one chief reason why our prayers
fall short of the apostolic standard is that our idea of God is
different.

=(1) God Is a Person.=--In the first place, true prayer always
conceives of God as a Person; whereas much of modern religious
thinking conceives of him as only another name for the world. Human
life, it is said, is a part of the life of God; every man, to
some degree, is divine. Such a philosophy makes prayer logically
impossible. It is impossible for us to speak to an impersonal
world-force of which we ourselves are merely an expression; the
personal distinction between man and God is absolutely essential to
prayer.

The transcendence of God as over against the world is grandly
expressed in the prayer of the Jerusalem church, which was studied
in the Student's Text Book; the Jerusalem Christians addressed God
as the Lord who made "the heaven and the earth and the sea, and all
that in them is." Acts 4:24. God, in other words, is not another
name for the world, but Creator of the world. He is indeed present
in the world; not a single thing that happens is independent of him;
the world would not continue for a moment without God's sustaining
hand. But that means, not that God is identical with the world, but
that he is Master of it. God pervades all things; he is present
everywhere; but he is also free.

That conception pervades all the prayers of the apostolic Church;
in all of them man comes to God as one person to another. God is
free; God can do what he will; through Christ he is our Father. He
is not bound by his own works; he is independent of nature; he will
overrule all things for the good of his children. Such is the God
that can answer prayer.

=(2) God Is an Infinite and Holy Person.=--If, however, the prayers
of the apostolic age conceive of God as a Person, they also conceive
of him as very different from men. Here, also, they provide a
salutary example for the modern Church. Many devout Christians of
to-day, in avoiding the error which has just been described, in
thinking of God plainly as a person, are inclined to fall into the
opposite mistake. In their clear realization of God as a person
they think of him as a person exactly like ourselves. They regard
the difference between God and man as a difference of degree
rather than a difference of kind; they think of God as merely a
greater man in the sky. The result of such thinking is disastrous
for prayer. Prayer, to be sure, is here not absolutely destroyed;
communion with God remains possible; but such communion is degraded.
Communion loses that sense of mystery and awe which properly belongs
to it. Man becomes too familiar with God; God takes merely the
leading place in a circle of friends; religion descends to the
plane of other relationships. Prayer to such a God is apt to become
irreverent. If our prayers are to lift us fully into the presence of
God they must never lie on the same plane with the communion that we
enjoy with our fellow men, but must be filled with a profound sense
of God's majesty and power.

The danger of permitting prayer, on account of its very privilege,
to become a commonplace thing is one that threatens us all. It may
be overcome, however, in the first place, by the contemplation of
nature. "The heavens declare the glory of God; and the firmament
showeth his handiwork"--and it is a terrible, mysterious God that
they reveal. The stupendous vastness of the universe and the
baffling mystery of the surrounding infinity oppress the thoughtful
mind with a profound sense of insignificance. And God is the Maker
and Ruler of it all, the One in whom all the mystery finds its
explanation! Such is the employment of nature in the prayer of the
Jerusalem church. Acts 4:24.

All the prayers of the apostolic Church illustrate the principle
which is now being emphasized. There is never anything trite or
vulgar about the prayers that are contained in the New Testament;
they are all characterized by a wonderful dignity and reverence.

If the infinity and omnipotence of God should prevent any
irreverence in our prayers, the thought of his holiness is perhaps
even more overwhelming. We are full of impurity. Who can stand
before the white light of God's awful judgment throne?

=(3) God Is a Gracious Person.=--Nevertheless, despite the majesty
and holiness of God, he invites us into his presence. It is a
stupendous wonder. No reasoning could have shown it to be probable;
only ignorance can regard it as a matter of course. If God were
only a somewhat greater man, there would have been comparatively
little mystery in prayer; but communion with the infinite and
eternal and holy One, the unfathomed cause of all things, is
the wonder of wonders. It is a wonder of God's grace. It is too
wonderful to be true; yet it has become true in Christ. True prayer
brings us not before some God of our own devising, before whom
we could stand in our own merit without fear, but into the dread
presence of Jehovah. Let us not hesitate to go; God has called us;
he loves us as a Father, far more than we can ever love him. Prayer
is full of joy; the joy is so great that it is akin to fear.


2. THE INFLUENCE OF JESUS' TEACHING UPON THE PRAYERS OF THE
APOSTOLIC CHURCH

In studying the prayers of the apostolic age, it must always be
remembered that they stood upon the foundation of Jesus' example and
precept.

=(1) The Example of Jesus.=--With all his power and holiness Jesus
was not above asking for strength to perform his gracious work;
after that long, wearying day in Capernaum he "departed into a
desert place, and there prayed." Mark 1:35. In the hour of agony in
Gethsemane, he prayed a truly human, though holy, prayer: "Abba,
Father, all things are possible unto thee; remove this cup from me:
howbeit not what I will, but what thou wilt." Ch. 14:36. Prayer,
moreover, was not something which Jesus reserved for himself;
clearly it was a privilege which he extended to all his disciples.
In the prayer that he taught his disciples, he summed up all that
our prayer should be. Matt. 6:9-15.

=(2) God as Father.=--One thing in particular was derived by the
apostolic Church from Jesus--the conception of God as Father. This
conception appears in the epistles of Paul as a matter of course;
evidently it was firmly established among the readers; it no longer
required defense or explanation. Yet it had not lost, through long
repetition, one whit of its freshness; in Paul it is never a mere
phrase, but always a profound spiritual fact.

Obviously this idea of the fatherhood of God was of particular
importance for prayer. It taught the disciples "to draw near to God
with all holy reverence and confidence, as children to a father,
able and ready to help" them. A characteristic way of addressing God
even in the Gentile churches of Paul was "Abba, Father." Gal. 4:6;
Rom. 8:15. The Aramaic word "Abba" is sufficient to show that this
hallowed usage was based ultimately upon the teaching and example of
Jesus; the word was the very one that Jesus had used both in his own
prayers, for example in Gethsemane, Mark 14:36, and in the "Lord's
Prayer" which he taught to his disciples.

=(3) The Right of Sonship.=--What needs to be observed especially,
however, is that the right of addressing God as "our Father" was
not in the apostolic Church extended to all men. Certainly no
justification for such an extension could have been found in the
teaching of Jesus; it was not the unbelieving multitude, but his own
disciples, to whom Jesus taught the Lord's Prayer. Matt. 5:1; 6:9;
Luke 11:1, 2. Paul is even more explicit; the cry "Abba, Father" was
to him a proof that a great change had taken place, that those who
had been formerly under bondage to the world had now become sons
of God. This change Paul represents especially under the figure of
adoption, Gal. 4:5; men have to be adopted by God before they can
call God Father; and adoption is accomplished only by the work of
Christ. Vs. 4,5.

=(4) The Intercession of the Spirit.=--The cry, "Abba, Father" can
never be uttered by sinful man alone, but only by the power of
Christ's Spirit. The prayers even of the redeemed are faulty. But
the Holy Spirit takes up their cry. "And in like manner the Spirit
also helpeth our infirmity: for we know not how to pray as we ought;
but the Spirit himself maketh intercession for us with groanings
which cannot be uttered; and he that searcheth the hearts knoweth
what is the mind of the Spirit, because he maketh intercession for
the saints according to the will of God." Rom. 8:26, 27.

There lies the true ground of confidence in prayer. Prayer does not
derive its efficacy from any merit of its own, but only from the
goodness of God. Let us not worry too much as to whether our prayers
are good or bad; let them only be simple and sincere; God knows our
weakness; his Spirit will make intercession for us far better than
we can intercede for ourselves.


3. PUBLIC PRAYERS OF THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH

The few individual prayers that have been preserved from the
apostolic age are for the most part prayers of a more or less public
character. The spontaneous outpourings of the hearts of individual
saints before God would usually not be put into writing; the full
secrets of the prayer closet are known to God alone.

=(1) Spontaneity and Sincerity.=--Nevertheless, the public character
of the prayers of the New Testament does not mean that they are cold
and formal. On the contrary, at a time when set liturgies had not
yet been formed, public prayer possessed all the spontaneity of more
private devotions; the thought of the listening congregation or of a
circle of readers did not bring any hampering restraint. There is a
sterling sincerity about all the prayers or fragments of prayers in
the New Testament.

=(2) Dignity.=--The spontaneity and sincerity of the prayers,
however, did not involve any sacrifice of dignity. The prayer of
the Jerusalem congregation, Acts 4:24-30, is a marvel of exalted
speech; its employment of Scripture phrase is an admirable example
for public prayers of all ages. That prayer received a glorious
answer; indeed the true prayer of the congregation never remains
unheard. Christ's promise is always fulfilled; where two or three
are gathered together in his name there is he in the midst of them.

In the epistles, there is to be found here and there what may be
called, if not the beginning of liturgy, at any rate material of
which a magnificent liturgy can be formed. The benediction of Heb.
13:20,21, for example, is characterized by a splendid rhythm as well
as by true evangelical fervor. Such a prayer lifts the hearts of the
congregation up into the presence of God. There is use for beauty,
even in prayer; and the truest beauty is to be found in the prayers
of the Bible.


4. PRIVATE PRAYERS OF THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH

The apostolic guidance in prayer extends even to those private
prayers which no one hears except God. In this field, the epistles
of Paul are of special value. More fully than any other one man of
the apostolic age, Paul has revealed the very secrets of Christian
experience; and that experience is rooted in prayer. A glance at
the beginnings and endings of the epistles will be sufficient to
show how fundamental prayer was in Paul's life; news of the churches
was never received without issuing at once in thanksgiving or in
intercession, and Paul desires, not merely the good wishes, but the
prayers, of his beloved converts. Paul practiced what he preached
when he urged the Thessalonian Christians to "pray without ceasing."
I Thess. 5:17. Compare chs. 1:3; 2:13; Rom. 1:9; II Tim. 1:3.
Evidently, moreover, he regarded prayer as something far more than
an incidental expression of the Christian life; he believed in its
real efficacy with the Ruler of the world.


5. "MY POWER IS MADE PERFECT IN WEAKNESS"

One passage, particularly, will repay special study. In II Cor.
12:8,9, we have information about the most intimate, the most
personal of the prayers of Paul. The apostle had been afflicted with
a persistent illness; it had apparently hampered him in his work,
and caused him acute distress. In his trouble he called upon the
Lord; and by that prayer Paul's affliction has been made to redound
to the lasting instruction and encouragement of the Church.

=(1) Prayer Concerning Physical Ills.=--In the first place, the
prayer concerns not spiritual matters, or the needs of the Church
at large, but a simple affair of the physical life. As life is
constituted here on earth, we are intimately connected with the
physical world; the body is necessary to the soul. But God is Master
of earth as well as of heaven; even the simplest needs of life may
be laid before him in prayer. To teach us that, we have here the
example of Paul, as well as the precept of the Saviour himself.

=(2) The Answer.=--In the second place, the prayer was answered, and
answered in a very instructive way. The illness was not removed;
but it was made an instrument of blessing. The purpose of it was
revealed: "My power," said Christ, "is made perfect in weakness."
Physical suffering is worth while if it leads to heroism and faith.
Such is often the Lord's will. He himself trod the path of suffering
before us, and in his case as in ours, the path led to glory.

=(3) The Prayer Addressed to Christ.=--In the third place, this
prayer was addressed, not to God the Father, but to Christ.
Compare Acts 7:59,60. Without doubt "the Lord" in II Cor. 12:8,
as practically always in the Pauline Epistles, refers to Christ.
Usually, in the New Testament, prayer is addressed, through Christ,
to God the Father; but there is no reason why it should not be
addressed to the Son. The Son as well as the Father is a living
Person; and the Son as well as the Father is God. It is well that
we have apostolic examples for prayer addressed directly to the
Saviour. Christ, to Paul, was no mere instrument in salvation,
that had served its purpose and was then removed; he was alive and
sovereign, and the relation to him was a relation of love. In a time
of acute physical distress, Paul turned to the Saviour. Three times
he called, and then the answer came. The answer will always come in
the Lord's way, not in ours; but the Lord's way is always best.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible": Bernard,
article on "Prayer" (III). Thomas, "The Prayers of St. Paul."




LESSON XLIV

THE CONGREGATION


1. CONGREGATIONAL MEETINGS IN PALESTINE

In studying the congregational meetings of the apostolic churches
it must be remembered that the Christian community in Jerusalem
continued for many years its participation in the worship of temple
and synagogue. Specially Christian meetings, therefore, were at
first not the sole expression of the collective worship of the
Jerusalem Christians. Nevertheless, such meetings were undoubtedly
held, even from the beginning. From the days when the one hundred
and twenty brethren were gathered together before Pentecost, the
Church was not without some outward expression of its distinctive
life.

=(1) As Indicated in The Acts.=--The circumstances of such early
meetings of the congregation are, however, obscure. The very
considerable numbers of the converts, Acts 2:41,47; 4:4; 5:14, would
perhaps sometimes make it difficult to gather the whole congregation
together in one place; if, however, that were done, it would perhaps
be usually in some part of the temple area. There seem to have been
general meetings--for example, Acts 15:1-29--but it is perhaps not
necessary to suppose that they included every individual member of
the Jerusalem church.

Certainly, however, no members of that first Christian community
neglected the assembling of themselves together. Evidently the sense
of brotherhood was strongly developed, and evidently it expressed
itself not only in the regular relief of the needy, Acts 6:1, but
also in meetings for instruction and worship and prayer. Ch. 2:42;
4:23-31. These meetings were only outward indications of a wonderful
unity of mind and heart. Ch. 4:32. The cause of that unity was the
common possession of the Spirit of God.

As might have been expected in a book which is interested chiefly
in the outward extension of the kingdom, the book of The Acts
gives us little detailed information about the conduct of these
earliest Christian meetings. Probably, however, the example of the
Jewish synagogue made itself strongly felt. There was no violent
break with Judaism; a new spirit was infused into ancient forms.
The resemblance between the synagogue service and even the fully
developed Christian meetings of to-day was noted in connection with
Lesson IV.

=(2) As Indicated in the Epistle of James.=--The Epistle of James
perhaps helps somewhat to supply the need of detailed information.
That epistle, as was observed in Lesson XXXII, was written by the
head of the Jerusalem Church, and probably to Jewish Christians
before A.D. 49. Apparently, therefore, we have in James 2:1-6 some
welcome information about Christian assemblies, if not in Jerusalem,
at least in other Jewish Christian churches. In v. 2, the word
"synagogue" is applied to the meeting which is described, but that
word in Greek means simply "gathering together"--almost the same
word is used in Heb. 10:25. The use of the word by James shows
simply that at that early time "synagogue" had not become purely a
technical designation of a non-Christian Jewish assembly.

So interpreted, the passage in James indicates--what might indeed
have been expected--that the early Christian meetings were not
always perfect. A Pharisaical habit of respect of persons and desire
for the chief seats had crept even into the Church. If similar
faults appear in modern times, we should not despair, but should
fight against them in the spirit of James.


2. CONGREGATIONAL MEETINGS IN THE PAULINE CHURCHES

With regard to the Pauline churches information about the conduct
of religious services is far more abundant than it is with regard
to the churches of Palestine; for we have here the inestimable
assistance of the Pauline Epistles. The First Epistle to the
Corinthians, especially, is a mine of information; but much can also
be learned elsewhere.

=(1) The Place of Meeting.=--From The Acts it appears that Paul
regularly began his work in any city by preaching in the Jewish
synagogue, but that the opposition of the Jews soon made it
necessary to find another meeting place. Often, a private house,
belonging to one of the converts, served the purpose. Rom. 16:23;
I Cor. 16:19; Col. 4:15; Philem. 2. Sometimes there seem to
have been a number of such house-churches in the same city; yet
common meetings of all the Christians of the city seem also to
be presupposed. In Ephesus Paul used for his evangelistic work
a building or a room belonging to a certain Tyrannus, who was
probably a rhetorician. The erection of buildings especially for
Christian use belongs of course to a considerably later time.

=(2) The Time of Meeting.=--The frequency of the meetings does not
appear, and may well have varied according to circumstances. There
is some indication, however, that the first day of the week, the
present Sunday, was especially singled out for religious services. I
Cor. 16:2; Acts 20:7. The same day is apparently called "the Lord's
day" in Rev. 1:10.

=(3) Temporary Gifts of the Spirit.=--In the actual conduct of the
meetings, some features appear which are not to be observed in the
modern Church. A number of the gifts discussed in I Cor., chs. 12 to
14--for example, miracles, speaking with tongues, the interpretation
of tongues, and prophecy in the strict sense--have become extinct.
The cessation of them need cause no wonder; the apostolic age was
a time of beginnings, when the Church was being established by the
immediate exercise of the power of God; it is no wonder that at
such a time the Spirit manifested himself as he did not in later
generations. There is a fundamental difference between the apostolic
age and all subsequent periods in the history of the Church.

Nevertheless, all the essential features of our modern church
services were present from the earliest time about which we have
detailed information. The example of the apostles is here very
explicit.

=(4) Scripture-Reading.=--In the first place, the Pauline churches
certainly practiced the reading of the Bible. That would be proved
sufficiently by the evident familiarity of the Christians with the
Old Testament Scriptures; for in those days such familiarity would
undoubtedly be received in large measure by having the Bible read
aloud. The example of the synagogue would also have its influence.
It must be remembered that some even of the Gentile converts were
familiar with the synagogue service before they became Christians.
But there is also the explicit testimony of I Thess. 5:27, Col.
4:16. There the reading of Pauline Epistles is specifically
enjoined. The Apocalypse also was clearly intended to be read aloud.
Rev. 1:3; 22:18.

=(5) Preaching.=--In the second place, there was preaching. No doubt
this part of the service often took a somewhat different form from
that which it assumes to-day. Prophecy, for example, was a kind of
preaching which has been discontinued. The exercise of the gift of
"teaching" perhaps corresponded more closely to the sermons of the
present day; certainly an exposition of the Scripture passages read
would have been according to the analogy of the Jewish synagogue. At
any rate, in some form or other, there was certainly instruction in
the Scriptures and in the gospel, and exhortation based upon that
instruction.

=(6) Prayer.=--In the third place, there was prayer; directions for
public prayer are given at some length in I Tim., ch. 2; and there
are indications that prayer was practiced also in the meetings of
the Corinthian church. See for example, I Cor. 11:4,5.

=(7) Singing.=--In the fourth place, there was probably singing,
though the direct information about this part of the service is
slight. See, for example, I Cor. 14:26. Certainly no elaborate
argument is necessary in order to exhibit the Scripture warrant for
singing in the worship of God. Psalms were sung in Old Testament
times to an instrumental accompaniment, and there is no evidence
that the customs of the Church were changed in this respect under
the new dispensation. Indeed, if singing is an expression of joy, it
would seem to be especially in place after the fulfillment of the
promises has come.


3. PAUL'S DIRECTIONS FOR CONGREGATIONAL MEETINGS

Two features balance each other in Paul's directions for the public
worship of the Corinthian church.

=(1) The Principle of Freedom.=--In the first place he is in full
sympathy with the freedom and informality that prevailed. There seem
to have been no set speakers in Corinth; every man spoke as the
spirit gave him utterance; the service must have been characterized
by great variety. This variety, Paul says, is not disturbing,
because it finds its higher unity in the Holy Spirit. "There are
diversities of gifts, but the same Spirit." I Cor. 12:4.

=(2) The Principle of Dignity.=--In the second place, however,
Paul has a strong sense of dignity. The enthusiastic expression of
religious feeling must not degenerate into anything like a senseless
orgy; spiritual gifts, however exalted, are not independent of
reason. "The spirits of the prophets are subject to the prophets;
for God is not a God of confusion, but of peace." I Cor. 14:32,33.
"Let all things be done decently and in order." V. 40.

Dignity was to be preserved, moreover, not merely in the ordering of
the service itself, but also in the dress and behavior of those who
took part. So much at least is clear in the difficult passage, ch.
11:2-16. Apparently the full equality which was granted to women in
the Christian life led the women of the Corinthian congregation to
give a kind of expression to their freedom which at least at that
time was not seemly. Paul detected the danger and guarded against
it. The lesson always needs to be learned. However dignity may be
preserved in detail, in any particular country and at any particular
time, the principle itself should always be borne in mind exactly as
Paul enunciated it.

At a later period in the apostolic age, the sense of dignity seems
to have found expression in a quieter sort of religious service than
that which prevailed at the time of First Corinthians. The First
Epistle to Timothy lays great stress upon sobriety and gravity in
various departments of the life of the Church.

=(3) The Principle of Love.=--These two principles--the principle
of freedom and the principle of dignity--are kept each in its own
proper place only when they are submitted to the governance of a
higher principle. That higher principle is love. The ultimate aim of
congregational meetings, according to Paul, is not the benefit of
the individual, but the edification of the whole body, and of the
stranger who may come in. The man who has the principle of Christian
love in his heart, as it is grandly described in I Cor., ch. 13,
will never push himself forward in the congregation in such a way as
to display his own spiritual gifts at the expense of others. On the
other hand, he will not be inclined to check the operations of the
Spirit; it is the Spirit alone who can convert the stranger, it is
the Spirit alone who can build up Christian people in the life of
faith and hope and love.

The principle of love is often neglected in the modern Church.
People say they will not go to church because they get nothing out
of it. No doubt they are mistaken; no doubt if they did go, the
benefit would appear clearly in the long run in their own lives.
But at any rate they have ignored the highest motive altogether. We
should go to church not only to obtain benefit for ourselves, but
also, and especially, to benefit our brethren by joining with them
in worship, in prayer and in instruction.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible"; Gayford,
article on "Church"; Adeney, article on "Worship (in N.T.)."
Charteris, "The Church of Christ," pp. 44-90.




LESSON XLV

THE RELIEF OF THE NEEDY


In the Student's Text Book, special emphasis was laid upon the
relief of the needy as it was practiced in the Jerusalem church.
Here it may be well to supplement what was there said by a somewhat
more detailed treatment of the great collection that was undertaken
by Paul. The exposition will serve to illustrate the apostolic
principles of Christian giving.


1. THE PAULINE COLLECTION ACCORDING TO FIRST CORINTHIANS

=(1) The Beginning in Galatia and in Corinth.=--Writing from Ephesus
during his long stay in that city, Acts 19:1 to 20:1, Paul tells
the Corinthians that he had already given directions about the
collection to the churches of Galatia, I Cor. 16:1; he had probably
done so either during the second visit to Galatia, Acts 18:23, or
by letter after his arrival at Ephesus. Now, at any rate, he asks
the Corinthians--very simply and briefly, and evidently presupposing
previous information on the part of his readers--to prosecute the
collection during his absence in order that when he should arrive at
Corinth everything might be ready.

_(2) Laying in Store on the First Day of the Week._--The manner in
which the collection was to be managed is exceedingly interesting.
"Upon the first day of the week," Paul says, "let each one of you
lay by him in store, as he may prosper." I Cor. 16:2. Apparently
no permanent church treasury was used for the reception of the
gifts, every man was to save his own money at home, very much as
private collection barrels are used to-day. The laying up of the
money, however, was to take place on the first day of the week; we
have here probably an early trace of the Christian Sabbath. Perhaps
we may conclude that the act of giving was regarded as a part of
religious worship. Such a conclusion is at any rate in thorough
harmony with all that Paul says about the collection. Some people
seem to feel that the taking of an offering rather mars the dignity
of a church service. In reality it has that effect only if it is
executed in the wrong spirit. Christian giving is treated by Paul as
a legitimate part of the worship of God.

=(3) The Delegates of the Corinthian Church.=--When Paul should
arrive at Corinth, he was to receive the collection and either
send or take it to Jerusalem by the help of delegates whom the
Corinthians themselves should choose. The purpose of choosing these
delegates appears more plainly in Second Corinthians.


2. THE PAULINE COLLECTION ACCORDING TO SECOND CORINTHIANS

=(1) The Situation.=--After the writing of the First Epistle to the
Corinthians, there had followed a period of serious estrangement
between Paul and the Corinthian church. Naturally enough the
collection suffered during this period, as did other Christian
activities. At the time of Second Corinthians, perhaps about a year
after the first letter had been written, Paul was obliged to remind
his readers that although they had begun the work the year before,
much remained still to be done. II Cor. 8:10; 9:2. Nevertheless,
Titus, during his recent visit to Corinth, when the repentance
of the church had become manifest, had apparently been able to
take the matter again in hand. Such seems to be the most probable
interpretation of ch. 8:6; 12:18. If Titus did take up the matter on
the very visit when the rebellion against Paul had been only with
difficulty quelled, that is a striking indication of the importance
which Paul and his associates attributed to the collection. It
was not a matter that could wait until some convenient season; it
had to be taken in hand vigorously, even perhaps at the risk of
misunderstanding and suspicion, the very moment when Paul's relation
to the church became again tolerably good.

=(2) Courtesy of Paul.=--Like all of Paul's management of money
matters, his treatment of the collection is characterized by
admirable delicacy and tact. Instead of berating the Corinthians
roundly for their delinquency, as so many modern organizers would
have done, he seeks to win them over by worthier methods. He points,
indeed, to the example of the Macedonian Christians, in order to
fire the zeal of the Corinthians; the poverty of the Macedonian
churches had not stood in the way of their liberality; they had
given up to their power and indeed beyond their power; they had
given, not of compulsion, but willingly, dedicating themselves as
well as their goods to the Lord. II Cor. 8:1-5. But the Corinthians
are allowed to draw their own conclusion; Paul does not force it
upon them. He does not press the matter home brutally; he does not
put the Corinthians to shame by expressly pointing out how much
more generously the poorer Macedonian Christians had contributed
than they. Indeed he gives his readers full credit; he courteously
calls their attention to the fact that it was they who had made the
beginning, v. 10, and that he had been able to boast of them to the
Macedonians, so that their zeal had stirred up their Macedonian
brethren. Ch. 9:1,2. He appeals especially to the pride that they
ought to feel in the boasting which Paul had ventured upon in their
behalf; Paul had boasted to the Macedonians that Achaia had been
prepared for a year; how sad an end it would be to such boasting if
Macedonians should go to Corinth with Paul and should find that the
collection was not ready after all! Paul urges the Corinthians not
to leave any part of the work until after his arrival; if they do,
they will put both him and themselves to shame. Vs. 1-5.

With equal delicacy Paul hints that the achievements of the
Corinthians in other directions ought to be supplemented by this
grace of giving. The Corinthians, according to the first epistle,
had been very proud of their power of "utterance" and their
"knowledge"; to these Paul can now add--after the loyalty of the
church has finally been established--earnestness and love, II Cor.
8:6-8; but all these excellences will be incomplete unless there
is also liberality. The Christian life must express itself in the
simpler graces, if the more conspicuous activities are to be of
genuine value.

=(3) No Unfair Burdens to Be Borne.=--The delicacy of Paul's
treatment of the matter is observed also in II Cor. 8:10-15; he
is careful to explain that the Corinthians are not asked to lay
unfair burdens upon themselves. There should be an equality among
Christians; it is now time for the Corinthians to give rather than
to receive, but if circumstances should change they might count on
the aid of their brethren. Furthermore, no one should be discouraged
if he can give only a little; "if the readiness is there, it is
acceptable according as a man hath, not according as he hath not."

=(4) Cheerful Giving.=--Paul urges his readers, indeed, to be
bountiful. "He that soweth sparingly shall reap also sparingly;
and he that soweth bountifully shall reap also bountifully." II
Cor. 9:6. But this bountifulness was to be secured, not by pressing
out the last cent, but by promoting real cheerfulness in giving.
"Let each man do according as he hath purposed in his heart: not
grudgingly, or of necessity: for God loveth a cheerful giver." The
Pauline method is wisest in the end. Men can seldom be bullied into
liberality; they will give liberally only when giving becomes, not a
mere duty, but a joy. Cheerfulness in giving, moreover, possesses a
value of its own, quite aside from the amount of the gift; it is a
true expression of Christian communion.

=(5) The Unity of the Church.=--Probably Paul desired to accomplish
by the collection something even more important than the relief of
the Jerusalem poor. Many Palestinian Christians--not only extreme
Judaizers, but also apparently considerable numbers among the rank
and file--had been suspicious of the Gentile mission. Acts 21:20,21.
Such suspicions would be allayed by deeds more effectively than by
words; a generous offering for the poor of the Jerusalem church
would show that Jews and Gentiles were really united in the bonds of
Christian love. II Cor. 9:12-14.

=(6) The Glory of God.=--Ultimately, however, the purpose of the
collection, as of all other Christian activities, is to be found,
according to Paul, in God. "For the ministration of this service
not only filleth up the measure of the wants of the saints, but
aboundeth also through many thanksgivings unto God." The unity of
the Church, inspiring though it is, is desired, not for its own
sake, but for the sake of the glory of God. By the simple means of
the collection, Paul hopes to present a united Church--united in
thanksgiving and in love--as some poor, human return to him who has
granted us all the "unspeakable gift" of salvation through his Son.

=(7) Sound Business Methods.=--The arrangements which Paul made for
the administration of the gifts are as instructive in their way as
are the lofty principles that he applied. In order to avoid base
suspicions, II Cor. 8:20; 12:16-18, he determined that delegates
approved by the Corinthians themselves should carry the gifts to
Jerusalem, I Cor. 16:3,4, and secured for the prosecution of the
work in Corinth men who had the full indorsement of the churches.
II Cor. 8:16-24. The lesson is worth learning. It will not do to be
careless about the money matters of the Church; it will not do to
say that the Church is above suspicion. Like Paul, "we take thought
for things honorable, not only in the sight of the Lord, but also
in the sight of men." In other words, we must be not only honorable
in managing the money affairs of the Church, but also demonstrably
honorable. To that end sound business methods should always be used.
The accounts of the Church should be audited, not with less care,
but if anything with more care, than those of ordinary business
enterprises.


3. THE PAULINE COLLECTION ACCORDING TO ROMANS

In the Epistle to the Romans, written from Corinth a little after
the time of Second Corinthians, Paul speaks of the collection
again. Rom. 15:22-29,31. He is on the point of going with the
gifts to Jerusalem, and asks the Roman Christians to pray that
the ministration of the Gentiles may be "acceptable to the
saints." There is no reason to suppose that such prayers were
unanswered; Paul was cordially received by the Jerusalem Christians,
Acts 21:17-26; the trouble which caused his arrest came from
non-Christian Jews.


4. TO WHOM WAS RELIEF EXTENDED?

=(1) Breadth of Christian Sympathy.=--The relief of the needy
in the apostolic Church, as it has been studied in the present
lesson, concerned, not outsiders, but Christian brethren. This fact
certainly does not mean that the early Christians were narrow in
their sympathies; they had received from Jesus the command to love
their enemies, and the command was reiterated by the apostles. Rom.
12:20. They were commanded, furthermore, to "work that which is good
toward all men." Gal. 6:10.

=(2) Special Attention to Christian Brethren.=--There were reasons,
however, why such good works should be directed "especially toward
them that are of the household of the faith."

(a) The Special Rights of Brethren.--In the first place, there was
a general reason, which applies to all ages. Though the Church has
a duty to all men, it has a special duty to its own members; for
Christian people to allow their brethren to starve is as unnatural
as for a father to neglect a son, or a husband a wife. Community in
the faith does create a special bond, which should make itself felt
in all departments of life.

It should be observed that in the matter of the collection Paul
takes altogether for granted the right of the poor saints to the
support of the Church. He does not think it worth while to go into
details about the suffering of the Jerusalem poor; he does not
attempt to play upon the sympathies of his readers; he does not
patronizingly represent the recipients of the bounty as paupers.
Indeed, the Jerusalem Christians, he tells the Romans, though they
are receiving material aid, are not really debtors, but rather
creditors. "If the Gentiles have been made partakers of their
spiritual things, they owe it to them also to minister unto them in
carnal things." Rom. 15:27. This attitude toward poorer Christians
is worthy of all emulation. Aid to the brethren is not "charity," in
the degraded sense which that fine word has unfortunately assumed,
but a solemn and yet joyful duty. It should never be undertaken in
a patronizing spirit, but in a spirit of love that multiplies the
value of the gift.

(b) Avoidance of Idleness in the Church.--On the other hand,
however, the apostolic Church did not encourage begging or
pauperism. What the special reason was for the poverty of the
Jerusalem church we do not know. Perhaps many of the Jerusalem
Christians had been obliged to leave their homes in Galilee and in
the Dispersion. At any rate, we may assume that the poverty of the
church was not due to idleness. In the Thessalonian epistles Paul
takes occasion to warn his converts against an idle life; they are
to do their own business and work with their hands; "if any will
not work, neither let him eat." I Thess. 4:10-12; II Thess. 3:6-15.
Certainly Paul was the best example of such diligence; despite his
wonderful gifts and lofty duties he had made himself independent by
manual labor. In the First Epistle to Timothy, moreover, particular
precautions are taken against allowing the bounty of the Church to
be abused. I Tim. 5:3-16. The treatment of the poor in the apostolic
Church exhibits everywhere an admirable combination of common sense
with lofty idealism.

(c) Conditions in the Apostolic Church and Conditions To-day.--If
the gifts of the apostolic Church were devoted chiefly to Christian
brethren rather than to outsiders, that is no justification for such
limitation to-day. In the apostolic age there were special reasons
why the Church could not often deal extensively with the material
needs of the world at large. The Church was exceedingly poor; many
of the converts probably suffered serious losses by the very fact
of their being Christians; under such conditions the first duty
was obviously at home. Conditions to-day are widely different.
The Church has become wealthy; she is well able to extend her
ministrations far and wide. Only by unlimited breadth of service
will she really be true to the example of Jesus and of his first
disciples; only by universal helpfulness will she be true to her
great commission.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Uhlhorn, "Christian Charity in the Ancient Church."
Brace, "Gesta Christi," pp. 93-105. Charteris, "The Church of
Christ," pp. 91-129.




LESSON XLVI

ORGANIZING FOR SERVICE


Whatever the organization of a body of Christians may be, the body
itself is a true branch of the Church if it consists of those who
believe in Christ. Nevertheless, if the Church is to be more than an
aggregation of individuals, if it is not only to be something, but
also to do something, it requires some sort of organization. This
fundamental need was clearly recognized in the apostolic age; and
it was met by certain provisions which we believe ought still to be
followed. These provisions, however, do not amount to anything like
an elaborate constitution; they do not hinder adaptation to changing
conditions.


1. ELDERS ACCORDING TO THE PASTORAL EPISTLES

In the Pastoral Epistles, which afford more detailed information
about organization than is to be found anywhere else in the New
Testament, the government of the local church is seen to be
intrusted to a body of "elders," with whom "deacons" are associated.
No one of the elders, so far as can be detected, possessed authority
at all different in kind from the authority of the others; all had
the function of ruling; all were "overseers" or "bishops" of the
church.

The functions of the elders are not described in detail; but
evidently they had a general oversight over the affairs of the
congregation. That is the meaning of the word "bishop" as it is
applied to them. Some of them at least also labored "in the word and
in teaching," but all seem to have been alike in their function of
bearing rule.


2. ELDERS ACCORDING TO THE PRESBYTERIAN FORM OF GOVERNMENT

The similarity of such an arrangement to our own Presbyterian
form of government is plain. Our churches also are governed not
by an individual, but by a body of "elders" who are equal to
one another in authority. Changing conditions have of course
introduced elaboration of the simple apostolic model. Thus the
teaching function, for example, which in apostolic times was perhaps
exercised more or less informally by those of the elders who
possessed the gifts for it, is now naturally assigned for the most
part to men who have received a special training. These "teaching
elders" in our church are the ministers. Conditions have become so
complex that men of special training, who devote their whole time
to the work of the Church, are imperatively required. The pastors
and teachers, Eph. 4:11, even in the apostolic Church, seem to have
formed a fairly definite group. This class of gifts is exercised
to-day especially by the ministers, though similar functions should
also be exercised by other members of the Church.


3. HOW WERE ELDERS TO BE CHOSEN?

With regard to the government of the apostolic Church a number of
interesting questions can never be definitely answered. For example,
how were the elders to be chosen?

=(1) Sometimes Appointed by the Apostles.=--Such passages as Acts
14:23; Titus 1:5, do not settle the question. According to the
former passage, elders were appointed in the churches of southern
Galatia by Paul and Barnabas. But it must be remembered that the
authority of the apostles was peculiar and temporary. Because the
apostles had power to appoint elders it does not follow that any
individuals at a later time would possess a similar power. The
situation, at the time of the first Christian mission, was peculiar;
small bodies of Christians had just been rescued from heathenism;
at first they would need a kind of guidance which could afterwards
safely be withdrawn. According to Titus 1:5, Titus was to appoint
elders in the churches of Crete. But clearly Titus, like Timothy,
was merely a special and temporary representative of the apostle
Paul; for Titus to appoint elders, under the definite direction of
Paul, was no more significant than for Paul to appoint them himself.

=(2) The Right of Congregational Election.=--On the whole, it may
be confidently maintained that the Presbyterian method of choosing
elders--namely the method of election by the whole congregation--is
more in accordance with the spirit of apostolic precedent than
any other method that has been proposed. Throughout the apostolic
Church, the congregation was evidently given a very large place in
all departments of the Christian life. The Jerusalem congregation,
for example, had a decisive voice in choosing the very first
Church officers who are known to have been added to the apostles.
Acts 6:2-6. In Thessalonica and in Corinth the whole congregation
was active in the matter of church discipline. II Thess. 3:14,15;
I Cor. 5:3-5; II Cor. 2:6. The whole congregation was also invited
to choose delegates for carrying the gifts of the Corinthian church
to Jerusalem. I Cor. 16:3. These are merely examples. It must be
remembered, moreover, that the authority of the congregation in the
apostolic age was limited by the authority of the apostles, which
was special and temporary; when the apostles should be removed, the
congregational functions would be increased. Yet even the apostles
were exceedingly careful not to destroy the liberties of the rank
and file. Nowhere in the apostolic Church were the ordinary church
members treated as though they were without rights and without
responsibilities. Indeed, even when the apostles appointed elders,
they may have previously ascertained the preferences of the people.


4. THE APOSTOLIC PRECEDENT AND DEPARTURES FROM IT

The presbyterial form of church government--that is, government
by a body of elders--which is found in the apostolic age, differs
strikingly from certain later developments. In several particulars,
at least, principles have become prevalent which are at variance
with the apostolic model.

=(1) The Monarchical Episcopate.=--The first particular concerns the
relation of the church officers to one another. In the apostolic
Church, as we have observed, there was a parity among the elders;
the local congregation was governed, not by an individual, but by a
body. As early, however, as the first part of the second century,
a change had taken place, at least in many of the churches. The
supreme authority had come to be held by an individual, called
"bishop"; all other officers were clearly subordinate to him; the
government of the local congregation was no longer presbyterial, but
monarchical; the so-called "monarchical episcopate" had been formed.

This state of affairs appears clearly in the epistles of Ignatius,
which were written a short time before A. D. 117. But all attempts
to find traces of the monarchical episcopate in the apostolic age
have resulted in failure. The Greek word _episcopos_, which is
translated in the English Bible--rather misleadingly, perhaps--by
"bishop," is applied, not to a special officer standing above the
elders, but simply to the elders themselves. "Elder" designates
the office; _episcopos_ designates one function of the office. The
latter word could hardly have been used in this general way if it
had already acquired its technical significance.

The efforts which have been made to discover references to the
office of bishop in the apostolic age are unconvincing. It is
exceedingly doubtful whether the "angels" of the seven churches
to which messages are sent in the Apocalypse are to be regarded
as church officers; and even if they were church officers it is
by no means clear that they exercised the functions of bishops.
Undoubtedly Timothy and Titus appear in the Pastoral Epistles with
functions similar in many respects to those of bishops, but it is
also clear that they exercised those functions, not as officers
of the Church who might have successors, but merely as temporary
representatives of the apostle Paul.

=(2) The Priesthood of the Clergy.=--An even more important
divergence from apostolic conditions concerns the functions of the
church officers. According to a theory which has become widely
prevalent, certain officers of the Church are to be regarded
as "priests"--that is, they are mediators between God and man.
Curiously enough the English word "priest," is nothing but another
form of the word "presbyter," which means "elder"; "presbyter" is
only "priest" "writ large." In actual usage, however, "priest" means
vastly more than "presbyter"; it designates a man who represents
men to God and mediates God's actions to men. So understood, the
term is never applied in the New Testament to church officers as
such. According to the New Testament, the only priest (in the
strict sense) under the new dispensation is Christ; Christ is the
only mediator between God and man, I Tim. 2:5; the high-priesthood
of Christ is elaborated in the Epistle to the Hebrews. In another
sense, indeed, all believers are priests, I Peter 2:5,9; Rev. 1:6;
5:10; 20:6; all have the right of direct access to God; all are
devoted to a holy service. The idea of a special priesthood in
the Christian Church is strikingly at variance with the apostolic
teaching.

=(3) Apostolic Succession.=--Another point of variance concerns the
manner in which the officers of the Church should receive their
authority. By a theory prevalent in the Church of England and in
the Protestant Episcopal Church in America as well as in the Greek
and Roman Catholic Churches, the authority of the clergy has been
received through an unbroken line of transmission from the apostles;
the immediate successors of the apostles received the right of
handing down the commission to others, and so on through the
centuries; without an ordination derived in this way no one can be a
ruler in the true Church; and without submission to such regularly
ordained rulers no body of persons can constitute a branch of the
true Church. This theory places a tremendous power in the hands of
a definite body of persons whose moral qualifications for wielding
that power are often more than doubtful. Surely so stupendous
a claim can be made good only by the clear pronouncement of a
recognized authority.

Such a pronouncement is not to be found in the New Testament. There
is not the slightest evidence to show that the apostles provided for
a transmission of their authority through a succession of persons.
On the contrary, their authority seems to have been special and
temporary, like the miraculous powers with which they were endowed.
The regular church officers who were appointed in the apostolic age
evidently possessed no apostolic authority; however chosen, they
were essentially representatives of the congregation. A true branch
of the Church could exist, at least in theory, without any officers
at all, wherever true believers were together; the Church did not
depend upon the officers, but the officers upon the Church.


5. RELATIONS OF THE CONGREGATIONS TO ONE ANOTHER

So far, the organization of the apostolic Church has been considered
only in so far as it concerned the individual congregation; a word
must now be said about the relation of the congregations to one
another.

That relation, in the apostolic age, was undoubtedly very close.
The Pauline Epistles, in particular, give an impression of active
intercourse among the churches. The Thessalonian Christians "became
an ensample to all that believe in Macedonia and in Achaia"; the
story of their conversion became known "in every place." I Thess.
1:7-10. In the matter of the collection, Macedonia stirred up
Achaia, and Achaia Macedonia. II Cor. 8:1-6; 9:1-4. The faith of
the Roman Christians was "proclaimed throughout the whole world."
Rom. 1:8. Judea heard of the missionary labors of Paul, Gal.
1:21-24; fellowship between Jews and Gentiles was maintained by the
collection for the Jerusalem saints. Evidently the apostolic Church
was animated by a strong sense of unity.

This feeling of unity was maintained especially by the
instrumentality of the apostles, who, with their helpers, traveled
from one congregation to another, and exerted a unifying authority
over all. Certainly there was nothing like a universal Church
council; Christian fellowship was maintained in a thoroughly
informal way. In order that such fellowship should be permanent,
however, there would obviously be an increasing need for some
sort of official union among the congregations. When the apostles
passed away, their place would have to be taken by representative
assemblies; increasing complexity of life brought increasing
need of organization. The representative assemblies of our own
Church, therefore, meet an obvious need; and both in their free,
representative character and in their unifying purpose it may fairly
be claimed that they are true to the spirit of the apostolic age.


6. PRINCIPLES

The apostolic precedent with regard to organization should always be
followed in spirit as well as in form. Three principles, especially,
are to be observed in the Church organization of the apostolic age.
In the first place, there was considerable freedom in details. No
Christian who had gifts of any kind was ordinarily prevented from
exercising them. In the second place, there was respect for the
constituted authority, whatever it might be. Such respect, moreover,
was not blind devotion to a ruling class, but the respect which
is ennobled by love. Finally, in Church organization, as in all
the affairs of life, what was regarded as really essential was the
presence of the Holy Spirit. When Timothy laid his hands upon a new
elder, the act signified the bestowal of, or the prayer for, divine
favor. This last lesson, especially, needs to be learned to-day.
Without the grace of God, the best of Church organizations is mere
machinery without power.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Davis, "Dictionary of the Bible": articles on
"Elder," "Deacon," "Deaconess," "Laying on of Hands." Hastings,
"Dictionary of the Bible": Gayford, article on "Church"; Gwatkin,
article on "Church Government in the Apostolic Age." Lightfoot,
"The Christian Ministry," in "Saint Paul's Epistle to the
Philippians," pp. 181-269, and in "Dissertations on the Apostolic
Age," pp. 135-238. Charteris, "The Church of Christ," pp. 1-43,
130-170, 205-239. Falconer, "From Apostle to Priest." MacPherson,
"Presbyterianism" (in "Handbooks for Bible Classes").




LESSON XLVII

A MISSION FOR THE WORLD


1. JUDAISM AND CHRISTIANITY

In teaching the lesson in class, it might be well simply to review
the principal steps in the geographical extension of the apostolic
Church. This geographical advance, however, was made possible only
by an advance in principles which should not be ignored. The really
great step in the early Christian mission was not the progress from
Jerusalem to Antioch, or from Antioch to Asia Minor and to Greece,
but the progress from a national to a universal religion. Judaism,
despite its missionary activity, always identified the Church more
or less closely with the nation; it was a distinctly national
religion. Full union with it meant the abandonment of one's own
racial and national relationships.

=(1) Limitations of Judaism.=--The national character of Judaism
was an insurmountable hindrance to the Jewish mission. Despite the
hindrance, it is true, Judaism achieved important conquests; it won
many adherents throughout the Greco-Roman world. These missionary
achievements undoubtedly form an eloquent testimony to the power of
Israel's faith; despite those features of Jewish custom which were
repulsive to the Gentile mind, the belief in the one true God and
the lofty ethical ideal of the Old Testament Scriptures possessed
an irresistible attraction for many earnest souls. Nevertheless, so
long as Jewish monotheism and Jewish ethics were centered altogether
in the life of a very peculiar people, they could never really
succeed in winning the nations of the world.

=(2) Apparent Identity of Judaism and Christianity.=--At first it
looked as though Christianity were to share in the limitation; it
looked as though the disciples of Jesus formed merely a Jewish sect.
Undoubtedly they would bring the Jewish people to a loftier faith
and to a purer life; they would themselves become better and nobler
Jews; but Jews they would apparently always remain.

=(3) The Great Transition.=--Before many years had passed, however,
the limitation was gloriously transcended. Christianity was no
longer bound to Judaism. It became a religion for the world, within
whose capacious borders there was room for every nation and every
race. How was the transition accomplished?

It was not accomplished by any contemptuous repudiation of the
age-long exclusiveness of Israel. Such repudiation would have
involved the discrediting of the Old Testament, and to the Old
Testament the Church was intensely loyal. Jewish particularism had
been ordered of God; the Scriptures were full of warnings against
any mingling of the chosen people with its neighbors. Jehovah had
made of Israel a people alone; he had planted it in an inaccessible
hill country, remote from the great currents of the world's thought
and life; he had preserved its separateness even amid the changing
fortunes of captivity and war. Salvation was to be found only in
Israel; Israel was the chosen people.

The Church never abandoned this view of Israelitish history. Yet
for herself she transcended the particularism that it involved. She
did so in a very simple way--merely by recognizing that a new era
had begun. In the old era, particularism had a rightful place; it
was no mere prejudice, but a divine ordinance. But now, in the age
of the Messiah, particularism had given place to universalism; the
religion of Israel had become a religion of the world. What had
formerly been right had now become wrong; God himself had ushered in
a new and more glorious dispensation. Particularism, in the divine
economy, had served a temporary, though beneficent, purpose; God had
separated Israel from the world in order that the precious deposit
of Israel's faith, pure of all heathen alloy, might finally be given
freely to all.

The recognition of this wonderful new dispensation of God was
accomplished in two ways.


2. THE DIVINE GUIDANCE

In the first place, it was accomplished by the direct command of
the Holy Spirit. The first preaching to Gentiles was undertaken
not because the missionaries understood why it should be done, but
simply because God commanded.

=(1) Philip.=--For example, when Philip preached to the
Ethiopian--who was not in the strictest sense a member of the
Jewish people--he was acting not in accordance with any reflection
of his own--a desert road was a very unlikely place for missionary
service--but under the plain and palpable guidance of the Spirit.
What is emphasized in the whole narrative is the strange,
unaccountable character of Philip's movements; evidently his actions
at such a time were not open to criticism; what Philip did God did;
if Philip preached to an outsider, such preaching was God's will.
Acts 8:26-40.

=(2) Cornelius.=--In the case of the conversion of Cornelius and
his friends, Acts 10:1 to 11:18, the divine warrant was just as
plain. Both Cornelius and Peter acted altogether in accordance with
God's guidance. On the housetop, Peter's scruples were unmistakably
overcome. "What God hath cleansed," he was told, "make not thou
common." Peter did not fully comprehend the strange command that he
should eat what the law forbade, and it was not explained to him;
but at least the command was a command of God, and must certainly
be obeyed. The meaning of the vision became clear when Cornelius'
house was entered; a Gentile had evidently been granted the offer
of the gospel. God was no respecter of persons. Finally the Holy
Spirit fell on all the Gentiles who heard the message; they spake
with tongues as the disciples had done at the first. That was the
crowning manifestation of God's will. There was no reason to wait
for circumcision or union with the people of Israel. "Can any man
forbid the water," said Peter, "that these should not be baptized,
who have received the Holy Spirit as well as we?" Acts 10:47. All
opposition was broken down; only one conclusion was possible; the
Jerusalem Christians "glorified God, saying, Then to the Gentiles
also hath God granted repentance unto life." Acts 11:18.

=(3) The Grace of God in the Gentile Mission.=--Scarcely less
palpable was the divine guidance in the subsequent developments of
the Gentile mission. After the momentous step of certain unnamed
Jews of Cyprus and Cyrene, who founded the church at Antioch,
Barnabas had no difficulty in recognizing the grace of God. Acts
11:23. Not suspicion, but only gladness, was in place. When Paul and
Barnabas returned from the first Gentile mission, they could report
to the Antioch church that God had plainly "opened a door of faith
unto the Gentiles." Ch. 14:27. If God had opened, who could close?
At the apostolic council, in the very face of bitter opposition, the
same great argument was used. The missionaries simply "rehearsed
all things that God had done with them," ch. 15:4, especially "what
signs and wonders God had wrought among the Gentiles through them."
V. 12. There was only one thing to be done; the Gentile mission
must be accepted with gladness as a gift of God; he that wrought
for Peter unto the apostleship of the circumcision wrought for Paul
also unto the Gentiles, Gal. 2:8; James and Peter and John could
recognize, both in the Gentile mission and in the inner life of the
chief missionary, the plainest possible manifestation of the grace
of God. V. 9.


3. REASONS FOR GENTILE FREEDOM

The Church transcended the bounds of Judaism, then, primarily
because of a direct command of God. Such commands must be obeyed
whether they are understood or not. As a matter of fact, however,
God did not leave the matter in such an unsatisfactory state; he
revealed not only his will, but also the reason for it; he showed
not only that the Gentiles must be received into the Church, but
also why they must be received. The essence of the gospel had
demanded Gentile freedom from the beginning; the justification of
that freedom at the bar of reason, therefore, brought a clearer
understanding of the gospel itself.

Two contrasts, at least, enabled the Church to explain the reason
why the Gentiles could be saved without becoming Jews. The first was
the contrast between faith and works, between grace and the law; the
second was the contrast between the type and the thing typified. The
former was revealed especially to Paul; the latter to the author of
Hebrews.

=(1) The Law and Grace.=--Salvation through Christ, according to
Paul, is an absolutely free gift. It cannot be earned; it must
simply be received. In other words, it comes not by works, but by
faith. The law of God, on the other hand, of which the Mosaic law
was the clearest embodiment, offers a different means of obtaining
God's favor. It simply presents a series of commandments, and
offers salvation on condition that they be obeyed. But the trouble
is, the commandments, since the fall, cannot be obeyed; everyone
has incurred deadly guilt through his disobedience; the power of
the flesh is too strong. At that point, however, God intervened.
He offered Christ as a sacrifice for sin that all believers might
have a fresh start; and he bestowed the Spirit of the living Christ
that all might have strength to lead a new life. But Christ will do
everything or nothing. A man must take his choice. There are only
two ways of obtaining salvation--the perfect keeping of the law, or
the simple, unconditional acceptance of what Christ has done. The
first is excluded because of sin; the second has become a glorious
reality in the Church.

If, however, salvation is through the free gift of Christ, then the
law religion has been superseded. All those features of the law
which were intended to make the law palpable, as a set of external
rules, are abrogated. The Christian, indeed, performs the will of
God--in the deepest sense Christianity only confirms the law--but
he performs it, not by slavish obedience to a complex of external
commandments, but by willing submission to the Spirit of God.

Of course, the religion of the Old Testament was not, according
to Paul, purely a law religion; on the contrary Paul quotes the
Old Testament in support of faith. But there was a law element in
the Old Testament; and the law served merely a temporary, though
beneficent, purpose. It was intended to deepen the sense of sin and
hopelessness, in order that finally salvation might be sought not in
man's way but in God's. The new order at length has come; in Christ
we are free men, and should never return to the former bondage.
The middle wall of partition has been done away; the ordinances of
the law no longer separate Jew and Gentile; all alike have access
through one Saviour unto God, all alike receive power through the
Holy Spirit to live a life of holiness and love.

=(2) The Type and the Fulfillment.=--The contrast which was worked
out in the Epistle to the Hebrews was especially a contrast between
the sign and the thing signified. The ceremonial law, which had
separated Jew from Gentile, was intended to point forward to Christ;
and now that the fulfillment has come, what further need is there of
the old types and symbols? Christ is the great High Priest; by him
all alike can enter into the holy place.

=(3) The Meaning of the Gospel.=--The transition from Jewish
Christianity, with all the difficulties of that transition, led
finally to a deeper understanding of the gospel. It showed once for
all that the salvation of the Christians is a free gift. "Just as
I am, without one plea but that thy blood was shed for me"--these
words are a good summary of the result of the Judaistic controversy.
The transition showed, furthermore, what had really been felt from
the beginning, that Christ was the one and all-sufficient Lord.
When he was present, no other priest, and no other sacrifice was
required. That is the truly missionary gospel--the gospel that will
finally conquer the world.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Orr, "Neglected Factors in the Study of the Early
Progress of Christianity" and "The Early Church." George Smith,
"Short History of Christian Missions" (in "Handbooks for Bible
Classes").




LESSON XLVIII

THE CHRISTIAN IDEAL OF PERSONAL MORALITY


In treating the lesson for to-day, the teacher will be embarrassed
by the wealth of his material. It is important, therefore, that
the chief purpose of the lesson should not be lost amid a mass of
details. That chief purpose is the presentation of Christianity as
something that has a very definite and immediate bearing upon daily
life. Christianity is first of all a piece of good news, a record
of something that has happened; but the effect of it, if it be
sincerely received, is always manifest in holy living.


1. THE EXAMPLE OF JESUS

In the Student's Text Book, little attempt was made at detailed
analysis of the apostolic ideal. The defect should be supplied by
careful attention to the "Topics for Study," and also, if possible,
by the treatment of the lesson in class. First of all, however,
it should be observed how naturally the apostolic presentation of
the ideal grows out of the teaching of Jesus. The advance which
revelation made after the close of Jesus' earthly ministry concerned
the fuller explanation of the means by which the moral ideal is to
be attained rather than additional exposition of the ideal itself.
That does not mean that the apostles did no more, in the field of
ethics, than quote the words of Jesus; indeed there seem to be
surprisingly few direct quotations of the words of Jesus in the
apostolic writings; the ethical teaching of the apostolic Church was
no mere mechanical repetition of words, but a profound application
of principles. Nevertheless the teaching of Jesus was absolutely
fundamental; without an examination of it, the moral life of the
apostolic Church cannot be fully understood.

=(1) The Inexorableness of the Law.=--Jesus had insisted, for
example, upon the inexorableness of the law of God. To the keeping
of God's commandments everything else must be sacrificed. "If thy
right eye causeth thee to stumble, pluck it out, and cast it from
thee: for it is profitable for thee that one of thy members should
perish, and not thy whole body be cast into hell." Matt. 5:29. In
this respect the apostles were true disciples of their Master. The
Christian, they insisted, must be absolutely ruthless; he must be
willing to sacrifice everything he has for moral purity.

This ruthlessness, however, this thoroughgoing devotion to moral
purity, did not mean in the teaching of Jesus, any more than in
that of the apostles, that under ordinary conditions the Christian
ought to withdraw from the simple pleasures that the world offers.
Jesus himself took his place freely at feasts; so far was he from
leading a stern, ascetic life that his enemies could even accuse
him of being a winebibber and a friend of publicans and sinners.
The fidelity with which the apostles followed this part of their
Master's example has been pointed out in the Student's Text Book.
The enjoyable things of the earth are not evil in themselves; they
are to be received with thanksgiving as gifts of the heavenly
Father, and then dedicated to his service.

=(2) The Morality of the Heart.=--Furthermore, Jesus, as well as his
apostles, emphasized the inwardness of the moral law. Here again the
apostolic Church was faithful to Jesus' teaching. The seat of sin
was placed by the apostles in the very center of a man's life; the
flesh and the Spirit wage their warfare in the battle field of the
heart. See, for example, Gal. 5:16-24.


2. CONTRASTS

The sharp difference between the Christian life and the life of the
world was set forth in the apostolic teaching by means of various
contrasts.

=(1) Death and Life.=--In the first place, there was the contrast
between death and life. The man of the world, according to the
apostles, is not merely ill; he is morally and spiritually dead.
Col. 2:13; Eph. 2:1,5. There is no hope for him in his old
existence; that existence is merely a death in life. But God is One
who can raise the dead; and as he raised Jesus from the tomb on the
third day, so he raises those who belong to Jesus from the deadness
of their sins; he implants in them a new life in which they can
bring forth fruits unto God. A moral miracle, according to the New
Testament, stands at the beginning of Christian experience. That
miracle was called by Jesus himself, as well as by the apostles,
a new birth or "regeneration." It is no work of man; only God can
raise the dead. See John 1:13; 3:1-21; I John 2:29; I Peter 1:3,23.

=(2) Darkness and Light.=--The contrast between darkness and light,
also, was common to the teaching of Jesus and that of his apostles.
It appears particularly in the Gospel of John, but there are also
clear traces of it in the Synoptists, Matt. 5:14-16; the righteous
are "the sons of the light." Luke 16:8. In the writings of the
apostles the contrast appears in many forms. "Ye are all sons of
light," said Paul, "and sons of the day: we are not of the night,
nor of darkness; so then let us not sleep, as do the rest, but let
us watch and be sober." I Thess. 5:5,6. "Ye were once darkness, but
are now light in the Lord: walk as children of light." Eph. 5:8. God
has called us "out of darkness into his marvellous light." I Peter
2:9. The contrast serves admirably to represent the honesty and
openness and cleanness of the true Christian life.

=(3) Flesh and Spirit.=--An even more important contrast is the
contrast of flesh and Spirit, which is expounded especially by Paul.
"Flesh" in this connection means something more than the bodily
side of human nature; it means human nature as a whole, so far as
it is not subjected to God. "Spirit" also means something more than
might be supposed on a superficial examination. It does not mean the
spiritual, as distinguished from the material, side of human nature;
but the Holy Spirit, the Spirit of God. The warfare, therefore,
between the flesh and the Spirit, which is mentioned so often in the
Pauline Epistles, is a warfare between sin and God.

The flesh, according to Paul, is a mighty power, which is too strong
for the human will. It is impossible for the natural man to keep
the law of God. "I know," says Paul, "that in me, that is, in my
flesh, dwelleth no good thing: for to will is present with me, but
to do that which is good is not.... I find then the law, that, to
me who would do good, evil is present. For I delight in the law of
God after the inward man: but I see a different law in my members,
warring against the law of my mind, and bringing me into captivity
under the law of sin which is in my members." Rom. 7:18,21-23. In
this recognition of the power of sin in human life, Paul has laid
his finger upon one of the deepest facts in human experience.

The way of escape, however, has been provided; sin has been
conquered in two aspects.

It has been conquered, in the first place, in its guilt. Without
that conquest, everything else would be useless. The dreadful
subjection to the power of sin, which becomes so abundantly plain in
evil habit, was itself a punishment for sin; before the effect can
be destroyed, the guilt which caused it must be removed. It has been
removed by the sacrifice of Christ. Christ has died for us, the
Just for the unjust; through his death we have a fresh start, in the
favor of God, with the guilty past wiped out.

Sin has been conquered, in the second place, in its power. Together
with the very implanting of faith in our hearts, the Holy Spirit has
given us a new life, a new power, by which we can perform the works
of God. A mighty warfare, indeed, is yet before us; but it is fought
with the Spirit's help, and by the Spirit it will finally be won.

=(4) The Old Man and the New.=--As the contrast between the flesh
and the Spirit was concerned with the causes of the Christian's
escape from sin, so the contrast now to be considered is concerned
with the effects of that escape. The Christian, according to Paul,
has become a new man in Christ; the old man has been destroyed.
The Gentiles, he says, are darkened in their understanding, and
alienated from God. Eph. 4:17-19. "But ye did not so learn Christ;
if so be that ye heard him, and were taught in him, even as truth
is in Jesus: that ye put away, as concerning your former manner of
life, the old man, that waxeth corrupt after the lusts of deceit;
and that ye be renewed in the spirit of your mind, and put on the
new man, that after God hath been created in righteousness and
holiness of truth." Vs. 20-24. Compare Col. 3:5-11. This putting
on of the new man is included in what Paul elsewhere calls putting
on Christ. Gal. 3:27; Rom. 13:14. The true Christian has clothed
himself with Christ; the lineaments of the old sinful nature have
been transformed into the blessed features of the Master; look upon
the Christian, and what you see is Christ! This change has been
wrought by Christ himself; "it is no longer I that live," says Paul,
"but Christ liveth in me"; Christ finds expression in the life of
the Christian. It is noteworthy, however, that the "putting on" of
Christ, which in Gal. 3:27 is represented as an accomplished fact,
is in Rom. 13:14 inculcated as a duty. It has been accomplished
already in principle--in his sacrificial death, Christ has already
taken our place in the sight of God--but the practical realization
of it in conduct is the lifelong task which every earnest disciple,
aided by the Holy Spirit, must prosecute with might and main.


3. THE NEW MAN

Details in the character of the "new man," as they are revealed in
the apostolic writings, can here be treated only very briefly.

=(1) Honesty.=--Certainly the Christian, according to the apostles,
must be honest. Honesty is the foundation of the virtues; without
it everything else is based upon the sand. Nothing could exceed
the fine scorn which the New Testament heaps upon anything like
hypocrisy or deceit. The Epistle of James, in particular, is a plea
for profound reality in all departments of life. Away with all
deceit! The Christian life is to be lived in the full blaze of God's
sunlight.

Many hours could be occupied in the class with the applications
of honesty under modern conditions. Student life, for example, is
full of temptations to dishonesty. To say nothing of out-and-out
cheating, there are a hundred ways in which the fine edge of honor
can be blunted. In business life, also, temptations are many; and
indeed no one can really escape the test. The apostolic example
deserves to be borne in mind; Christian honesty ought to be more
than the honesty of the world.

=(2) Purity.=--In the second place, the apostolic Church presents
an ideal of purity, purity in thought as well as in word and deed.
The ideal must have seemed strange to the degraded populations of
Corinth and Ephesus; but it is also sadly needed to-day. Let us not
deceive ourselves. He who would hold fellowship with Christ must put
away impurity; Christ is the holy One. Purity, however, is to be
attained not by unaided human effort, but by the help of the Spirit
of God. The Holy Spirit, if he be admitted to the heart, will purge
it of unclean thoughts.

=(3) Patience and Bravery.=--In the third place, patience and
humility are prominent in the Christian ideal. These virtues are
coupled, however, with the most vigorous bravery. There is nothing
weak or sickly or sentimental about the Christian character. "Watch
ye, stand fast in the faith, quit you like men, be strong." I Cor.
16:13.

=(4) Love.=--The summation of the Christian ideal is love. Love,
however, is more than a benevolent desire. It includes purity and
heroism as well as helpfulness. In order to love in the Christian
sense, one must attain "unto a fullgrown man, unto the measure of
the stature of the fulness of Christ." Eph. 4:13.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible": Strong,
article on "Ethics" (II). Kilpatrick, "Christian Character." Bruce,
"The Formation of Christian Character." Luthardt, "Apologetic
Lectures on the Moral Truths of Christianity."




LESSON XLIX

CHRISTIANITY AND HUMAN RELATIONSHIPS


1. THE PROBLEM

Two apparently contradictory features appear in the life of
the apostolic Church. In the first place, there was an intense
other-worldliness; the Christians were regarded as citizens of a
heavenly kingdom. In the second place, there was careful attention
to the various relationships of the present life; no man was excused
from homely duty. The two sides of the picture appear in the
sharpest colors in the life of the apostle Paul. No one emphasized
more strongly than he the independence of the Christian life with
reference to the world; all Christians, whether their worldly
station be high or low, are alike in the sight of God; the Church
operates with entirely new standards of value. Yet on the other
hand, in his actual dealing with the affairs of this world Paul
observed the most delicate tact; and in all history it is difficult
to find a man with profounder natural affections. Where is there,
for example, a more passionate expression of patriotic feeling
than that which is to be found in Rom. 9:3? "I could wish that I
myself were anathema from Christ for my brethren's sake, my kinsmen
according to the flesh."

On the one hand, then, the apostolic Church regarded all earthly
distinctions as temporary and secondary, and yet on the other hand
those same distinctions were very carefully observed. The apparent
contradiction brings before us the great question of the attitude
of Christianity toward human relationships. This question may be
answered in one of three ways.


2. THE WORLDLY SOLUTION

In the first place, there is the worldly answer. The Christian finds
himself in a world where his time and his thoughts seem to be fully
occupied by what lies near at hand. The existence of God may not be
denied, but practically, in the stress of more obvious duties, God
is left out of account.

=(1) "Practical Christianity."=--In its crude form, of course,
where it involves mere engrossment in selfish pleasure, this answer
to our question hardly needs refutation. Obviously the Christian
cannot devote himself to worldly enjoyment; a cardinal virtue of
the Christian is self-denial. Worldliness in the Church, however,
may be taken in a wider sense; it has often assumed very alluring
forms. At the present day, for example, it often represents itself
as the only true, the only "practical" kind of Christianity. It is
often said that true religion is identical with social service,
that the service of one's fellow men is always worship of God. This
assertion involves a depreciation of "dogma" in the interests of
"practical" Christianity; it makes no difference, it is said, what a
man believes, provided only he engages in the improvement of living
conditions and the promotion of fairer laws.

=(2) This World Is Not All.=--This tendency in the Church really
makes religion a thing of this world only. Undoubtedly, much good
is being accomplished by social workers who have given up belief
in historic Christianity; but it is good that does not go to the
root of the matter. Suppose we have improved conditions on this
earth, suppose more men have healthy employment and an abundance of
worldly goods. Even so the thought of death cannot be banished. Is
the totality of man's happiness limited to a brief span of life; are
we after all but creatures of a day? Or is there an eternal life
beyond the grave, with infinite possibilities of good or evil? Jesus
and his apostles and the whole of the apostolic Church adopted the
latter alternative.

=(3) The Secularization of Religion.=--We lay our finger here upon
one of the points where the modern Church is in danger of departing
most fundamentally from the apostolic model. Religion is in serious
danger of being secularized; that is, of being regarded as concerned
merely with this life. The only corrective is the recovery of the
old conception of God. God is not merely another name for the
highest aspirations of men, he is not merely the summation of
the social forces which are working for human betterment. On the
contrary, he is a living Person, working in the world, but also
eternally independent of it. You can work for the worldly benefit
of your fellow men without coming into any saving contact with God;
it does make a vast difference what you believe; it makes all the
difference between death and life.

=(4) The Teaching of Jesus and of the Apostles.=--Only one-sided
reading of the New Testament can find support for the opposite view.
Jesus said, "Inasmuch as ye did it unto one of these my brethren,
even these least, ye did it unto me," Matt. 25:40; but the same
Jesus also said, "If any man cometh unto me, and hateth not his
own father, and mother, and wife, and children, and brethren, and
sisters, yea, and his own life also, he cannot be my disciple."
Luke 14:26. The giving of a cup of cold water, which receives the
blessing of Jesus, is done for "one of these little ones ... in the
name of a disciple." Matt. 10:42. Evidently the good works of the
Christian are not independent of the attitude of the doer toward
Jesus and toward God; Jesus regards the personal relation between
himself and his disciples as one which takes precedence of even
the holiest of earthly ties. Far more convincing, however, than
any citation of definite passages is the whole spirit of the New
Testament teaching; evidently both Jesus and his early disciples had
their lives determined by the thought of the living, personal God,
holy and mysterious and independent of the world. Social service
exists for the sake of God, not God for the sake of social service.
The reversal of this relationship is one of the most distressing
tendencies of the present day; a study of the apostolic Church may
bring a return to sanity and humility.


3. THE ASCETIC SOLUTION

The second answer to our question is the answer of ascetics of many
different kinds. According to this answer, the relationship of the
Christian to God on the one hand, and his relationship to his fellow
men on the other, are in competition. Consequently, in order to
strengthen the former, the latter must be broken off. In its extreme
form, this way of thinking leads to the hermit ideal, to the belief
that the less a man has to do with his fellow men the more he has to
do with God. Such conceptions are not always so uninfluential as we
are inclined to think, even in our Protestant churches. Monasticism
is not indeed consistently carried out, but it is often present in
spirit and in principle. Some excellent Christians seem to feel that
whole-hearted, natural interest in earthly friends is disloyalty to
Christ, that all men must be treated alike, that admission of one
man into the depths of the heart more fully than another is contrary
to the universality of the gospel. By such men, individuals are
not treated as persons, with a value of their own, but merely as
opportunities for Christian service.

=(1) This Solution Defeats Its Own End.=--It is evident, in the
first place, that such an attitude defeats its own aim. Evidently
the power of a Christian worker depends partly at least upon his
interest in individuals. It will not do, for example, for the
teachers in this course to let their students say, "The teacher
loves Christ supremely, but he has no interest in me." Evidently
the power of influencing our fellow men is largely increased by
an intimate personal relationship; if we are to serve Christ by
bringing men to his feet, then we ought not to dissolve but rather
to strengthen the bonds of simple affection which unite us to our
human friends.

=(2) This Solution Is Opposed to Apostolic Example.=--The example of
the apostolic Church points in the same direction; we have already
noticed the intensity of natural affection which was displayed even
by a man so thoroughly and heroically devoted to Christian service
as was the apostle Paul. This example might well be supplemented,
and supplemented most emphatically of all by the example which lies
at the basis of all of the apostolic Church--the example of Jesus
himself. If any man might have been aloof from his fellow men, it
was Jesus, yet as a matter of fact, he plainly had his earthly
friends.


4. THE TRUE SOLUTION

The true solution of the problem is found in consecration. Human
relationships are not to be made the sole aim of life; neither
are they to be destroyed; but they are to be consecrated to the
service of God. Love for God under normal conditions comes into no
competition with love for man, because God takes a place in the life
which can never be filled by any human friend; by lopping off human
friendships we are not devoting ourselves more fully to God, but
merely becoming less efficient servants of him.


5. CHRISTIANITY AND SOCIAL SERVICE

Consecration of human relationships to God does not involve any
depreciation of what is known to-day as "social service." On the
contrary it gives to social service its necessary basis and motive
power. Only when God is remembered is there an eternal outlook in
the betterment of human lives; the improvement of social conditions,
which gives the souls of men a fair chance instead of keeping them
stunted and balked by poverty and disease, is seen by him who
believes in a future life and a final judgment and heaven and hell
to have value not only for time, but also for eternity, not only for
man, but also for the infinite God.

=(1) Society or the Individual?=--It is sometimes regarded as a
reproach that old-fashioned, evangelical Christianity makes its
first appeal to the individual. The success of certain evangelists
has occasioned considerable surprise in some quarters. Everyone
knows, it is said, that the "social gospel" is the really effective
modern agency; yet some evangelists with only the very crudest
possible social program are accomplishing important and beneficent
results! The lesson may well be learned, and it should never be
forgotten. Despite the importance of social reforms, the first
purpose of true Christian evangelism is to bring the individual man
clearly and consciously into the presence of his God. Without that,
all else is of but temporary value; the human race is composed of
individual souls; the best of social edifices will crumble if all
the materials are faulty.

=(2) Every Man Should First Correct His Own Faults.=--The true
attitude of the Christian toward social institutions can be learned
clearly from the example of the apostolic Church. The first lesson
that the early Christians learned when they faced the ordinary
duties of life was to make the best of the institutions that were
already existing. There was nothing directly revolutionary about
the apostolic teaching. Sharp rebuke, indeed, was directed against
the covetousness of the rich. But the significant fact is that such
denunciations of wealthy men were addressed to the wealthy men
themselves and not to the poor. In the apostolic Church, every man
was made to know his own faults, not the faults of other people.
The rich were rebuked for their covetousness and selfishness; but
the poor were commanded, with just as much vehemence, to labor for
their own support. "If any will not work," said Paul, "neither let
him eat." II Thess. 3:10. In short, apostolic Christianity sought
to remove the evils of an unequal distribution of wealth, not by a
violent uprising of the poor against the rich, but by changing the
hearts of the rich men themselves. Modern reform movements are often
very different; but it cannot be said that the apostolic method is
altogether antiquated.

=(3) The Ennobling of Existing Institutions.=--Certainly the
apostolic method has been extraordinarily successful; it has
accomplished far more than could have been accomplished by a violent
reform movement. A good example is afforded by the institution of
slavery. Here, if anywhere, we might seem to have an institution
which was contrary to the gospel. Yet Paul sent back a runaway
slave to his master, and evidently without the slightest hesitation
or compunction. That action was a consistent carrying out of the
principle that a Christian man, instead of seeking an immediate
change in his social position, was first of all to learn to make
the best of whatever position was his already. "Let each man abide
in that calling wherein he was called. Wast thou called being
a bondservant? care not for it: nay, even if thou canst become
free, use it rather. For he that was called in the Lord being a
bondservant, is the Lord's freedman: likewise he that was called
being free, is Christ's bondservant. Ye were bought with a price;
become not bondservants of men. Brethren, let each man, wherein he
was called, therein abide with God." I Cor. 7:20-24. The freedom of
the Christian, in other words, is entirely independent of freedom
in this world; a slave can be just as free in the higher, spiritual
sense as his earthly master. In this way the position of the slave
was ennobled; evidently the relation of Onesimus to Philemon was
expected to afford both slave and master genuine opportunity for
the development of Christian character and for the performance of
Christian service.

=(4) The Substitution of Good Institutions for Bad.=--In the long
run, however, such conceptions were bound to exert a pervasive
influence even upon earthly institutions. If Philemon really adopted
the Christian attitude toward one who was now "more than a servant,
a brother beloved" in Christ, then in the course of time he would
naturally desire to make even the outward relationship conform more
perfectly to the inward spiritual fact. The final result would
naturally be emancipation; and such was the actual process in the
history of the Church. Slavery, moreover, is only an example; a host
of other imperfect social institutions have similarly been modified
or removed. What a world of progress, for example, is contained in
Gal. 3:28: "There can be neither Jew nor Greek, there can be neither
bond nor free, there can be no male and female; for ye are all one
man in Christ Jesus." Not battles and revolutions, the taking of
cities and the pulling down of empires, are the really great events
of history, but rather the enunciation of great principles such as
this. "Ye are all one man in Christ Jesus"--these words with others
like them have moved armies like puppets, and will finally transform
the face of the world.

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--R. E. Thompson, "De Civitate Dei. The Divine Order
of Human Society." Clow, "Christ in the Social Order." Cunningham,
"Christianity and Social Questions." Schmidt, "The Social Results of
Early Christianity."




LESSON L

THE CHRISTIAN USE OF THE INTELLECT


1. THE PROBLEM OF CHRISTIANITY AND CULTURE

The last two lessons have emphasized the duty of consecration. The
enjoyment of simple, physical blessings, the opportunities afforded
by earthly relationships, are all to be devoted to the service of
God. Exactly the same principle must be applied in the lesson for
to-day. If physical health and strength and the companionship of
human friends may be made useful in the Christian life, surely
the same thing is true of intellectual gifts. The most powerful
thing that a man possesses is the power of his mind. Brute force
is comparatively useless; the really great achievements of modern
times have been accomplished by the intellect. If the principle of
consecration is true at all--if it be true that God desires, not the
destruction of human powers, but the proper use of them--then surely
the principle must be applied in the intellectual sphere.

The field should not be limited too narrowly; with the purely
logical and acquisitive faculties of the mind should be included the
imagination and the sense of beauty. In a word, we have to do to-day
with the relation between "culture" and Christianity. For the modern
Church there is no greater problem. A mighty civilization has been
built up in recent years, which to a considerable extent is out of
relation to the gospel. Great intellectual forces which are rampant
in the world are grievously perplexing the Church. The situation
calls for earnest intellectual effort on the part of Christians.
Modern culture must either be refuted as evil, or else be made
helpful to the gospel. So great a power cannot safely be ignored.

=(1) The Obscurantist Solution.=--Some men in the Church are
inclined to choose a simple way out of the difficulty; they are
inclined to reject the whole of modern culture as either evil
or worthless; this wisdom of the world, they maintain, must be
deserted for the divine "foolishness" of the gospel. Undoubtedly
such a view contains an element of truth, but in its entirety it is
impracticable. The achievements of modern culture are being made
useful for the spread of the gospel by the very advocates of the
view now in question; these achievements, therefore, cannot be
altogether the work of Satan. It is inconsistent to use the printing
press, the railroad, the telegraph in the propagation of our gospel
and at the same time denounce as evil those activities of the human
mind by which these inventions were produced. Indeed, much of modern
culture, far from being hostile to Christianity, has really been
produced by Christianity. Such Christian elements should not be
destroyed; the wheat should not be rooted up with the tares.

=(2) The Worldly Solution.=--If, however, the Christian man is in
danger of adopting a negative attitude toward modern culture, of
withdrawing from the world into a sort of unhealthy, modernized,
intellectual monastery, the opposite danger is even more serious.
The most serious danger is the danger of being so much engrossed
in the wonderful achievements of modern science that the gospel is
altogether forgotten.

=(3) The True Solution.=--The true solution is consecration. Modern
culture is a stumblingblock when it is regarded as an end in itself,
but when it is used as a means to the service of God it becomes a
blessing. Undoubtedly much of modern thinking is hostile to the
gospel. Such hostile elements should be refuted and destroyed; the
rest should be made subservient; but nothing should be neglected.
Modern culture is a mighty force; it is either helpful to the gospel
or else it is a deadly enemy of the gospel. For making it helpful
neither wholesale denunciation nor wholesale acceptance is in
place; careful discrimination is required, and such discrimination
requires intellectual effort. There lies a supreme duty of the
modern Church. Patient study should not be abandoned to the men of
the world; men who have really received the blessed experience of
the love of God in Christ must seek to bring that experience to
bear upon the culture of the modern world, in order that Christ
may rule, not only in all nations, but also in every department of
human life. The Church must seek to conquer not only every man, but
also the whole of man. Such intellectual effort is really necessary
even to the external advancement of the kingdom. Men cannot be
convinced of the truth of Christianity so long as the whole of their
thinking is dominated by ideas which make acceptance of the gospel
logically impossible; false ideas are the greatest obstacles to the
reception of the gospel. And false ideas cannot be destroyed without
intellectual effort.

Such effort is indeed of itself insufficient. No man was ever argued
into Christianity; the renewing of the Holy Spirit is the really
decisive thing. But the Spirit works when and how he will, and he
chooses to employ the intellectual activities of Christian people in
order to prepare for his gracious coming.


2. THE APOSTOLIC EXAMPLE

Abundant support for what has just been said may be discovered in
the history of the apostolic Church. Paul's speech at Athens, for
example, shows how the Christian preacher exhibited the connection
between the gospel and the religious aspirations of the time. This
line of thought, it is true, was merely preliminary; the main thing
with which the apostles were concerned was the presentation and
explanation of the gospel itself. Such presentation and explanation,
however, certainly required intellectual effort; and the effort was
not avoided. The epistles of Paul are full of profound thinking;
only superficiality can ignore the apostolic use of the intellect.

=(1) Christianity Based Upon Facts.=--The fundamental reason why
this intellectual activity was so prominent in the apostolic age
is that the apostles thought of Christianity as based upon facts.
Modern Christians sometimes cherish a different notion. A false
antithesis is now sometimes set up between belief and practice;
Christianity, it is said, is not a doctrine, but a life. In reality,
Christianity is not only a doctrine, but neither is it only a life;
it is both. It is, as has been well said, a life because it is a
doctrine. What is characteristic of Christianity is not so much that
it holds up a lofty ethical ideal as that it provides the power by
which the ideal is to be realized. That power proceeds from the
great facts upon which Christian belief is founded, especially the
blessed facts of Christ's atoning death and triumphant resurrection.
Where belief in these facts has been lost, the Christian life may
seem to proceed for a time as before, but it proceeds only as a
locomotive runs after the steam has been shut off; the momentum
is soon lost. If, however, Christianity is based upon facts, it
cannot do without the use of the mind; whatever may be said of
mere emotions, facts cannot be received without employment of
the reason. Christian faith is indeed more than intellectual; it
involves rejoicing in the heart and acceptance by the will, but the
intellectual element in it can never be removed. We cannot trust
in Christ, in the Christian sense, unless we are convinced that he
lived a holy life when he was on earth, that he claimed justly to be
divine, that he died on the cross, and that he rose again from the
dead.

=(2) Christianity Involves Theology.=--Furthermore, Christian faith
involves not only a bare acceptance of these facts, it involves also
some explanation of them. That explanation can never be complete;
the gospel contains mysteries in the presence of which only
wondering reverence is in place; but some explanation there must be.
It is quite useless, for example, to know merely that a holy man,
Jesus, died on the cross; it is even useless to know that the Son
of God came to earth and died in that way. The death of Christ has
meaning for us only because it was a death for our sins; the story
of the cross becomes a gospel only when the blessed meaning of it
is explained. The explanation of that meaning forms the subject of
a large part of the New Testament. The apostolic Church had none of
our modern aversion to theology.

It is time for us to return to the apostolic example. Mere bustling
philanthropy will never conquer the world. The real springs of
the Church's power lie in an inward, spiritual realm; they can be
reached only by genuine meditation. The eighth chapter of Romans
has been neglected long enough; neglect of it is bringing deadly
weakness. Instead of adapting her message to the changing fashions
of the time, the Church should seek to understand the message
itself. The effort will not be easy; in a "practical" age, honest
thinking is hard. But the results will be plain. Power lies in the
deep things of God.

=(3) The Duty of Every Man.=--The great intellectual duty of the
modern Church is not confined to a few men of scholarly tastes. On
the contrary, the simplest Christian may have his part; what is
needed first of all is common sense. By an unhealthy sentimentalism,
old-fashioned study has been discredited. If God is speaking in the
Bible, surely the logical thing for us to do is to hear. Yet modern
Christians are strangely neglectful of this simple duty. Bible study
is regarded as of less importance than social service; improvement
of earthly conditions is preferred to acquaintance with God's Word.
The evil may easily be corrected, and it may be corrected first
of all by the old-fashioned reading of the Bible. That requires
intellectual effort--there is no use in turning the pages if the
mind is elsewhere--but the effort can be made by the plain man as
well as by the scholar. Simple acquaintance with the Bible facts by
the rank and file of the Church will accomplish as much as anything
else toward meeting the arguments of opponents. By learning what
Christianity is, we shall be able, almost unconsciously, to refute
what can be said against it.


3. THE PRACTICE OF THE TRUTH

This intellectual effort, however, should never be separated from
practice. The best way to fix truth in the mind is to practice it
in life. If our study teaches us that God is holy, let us hate sin
as God hates it. If we learn that God is loving, let us love our
fellow men as God loves them. If the Bible tells us of the salvation
offered by Christ, let us accept it with a holy joy, and live in the
power of it day by day. That is the true "practical Christianity", a
Christianity that is based solidly upon facts. Conduct goes hand in
hand with doctrine; love is the sister of truth.


4. GOD THE SOURCE OF TRUTH

The ultimate Source of all truth, as of all love, is God. The
knowledge for which we are pleading can never result in pride,
for it is a knowledge that God gives, and a knowledge consecrated
at every point to God's service. Presumptuous reliance upon human
wisdom comes from knowledge that ignores part of the facts; true
science leads to humility. If we accept all other facts, but ignore
the supreme fact of God's love in Jesus Christ, then of course our
knowledge will be one-sided. It may succeed in producing creature
comforts; it may improve the external conditions of life upon this
earth; it may afford purely intellectual pleasure; but it will never
reveal the really important things. This one-sided knowledge is what
Paul was speaking of in I Cor. 1:21 when he said that "the world
through its wisdom knew not God." The true wisdom takes account of
the "foolishness" of God's message, and finds that that foolishness
is wiser than men. The true wisdom of the gospel is revealed only
through the Holy Spirit; only the Spirit of God can reveal the
things of God. Without the Spirit, the human mind becomes hopeless
in dismal error; it is the Spirit of truth who sheds the true light
over our path.

    "O grant us light, that we may know
      The wisdom Thou alone canst give;
     That truth may guide where'er we go,
      And virtue bless where'er we live."

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Patton, "A Summary of Christian Doctrine." Greene,
"Christian Doctrine." A. A. Hodge, "Outlines of Theology" and
"Popular Lectures on Theological Themes."




LESSON LI

THE CHRISTIAN HOPE AND THE PRESENT POSSESSION


A type of religious effort has become prevalent to-day which is
directed chiefly to the present life; the improvement of worldly
conditions is often regarded as the chief end of man. All such
tendencies are strikingly at variance with apostolic Christianity.
The apostolic Church was intensely other-worldly. The chief gift
that the apostles offered was not a better and more comfortable life
in this world, but an entrance into heaven.


1. THE END OF THE WORLD

Only the great outlines of the events connected with the end
of the world are revealed in the New Testament. Minute details
cannot be discovered except by an excessively literal method of
interpretation, which is not really in accord with the meaning of
the apostolic writers. Some have supposed, for example, that there
are to be two resurrections, first a resurrection of the Christian
dead and long afterwards a resurrection of other men; expectation
of a thousand-year reign of Christ upon earth has been widely
prevalent. Such beliefs are not to be lightly rejected, since they
are based upon an interpretation of certain New Testament passages
which is not altogether devoid of plausibility; but on the whole
they are at least doubtful in view of other passages, and especially
in view of the true nature of prophecy. God has revealed, not
details to satisfy our curiosity, but certain basal facts which
should determine our lives.

Those basal facts, connected with the end of the world, are a second
coming of Christ, a resurrection of the dead, a final judgment, an
eternity of punishment for the wicked and of blessing for those who
have trusted in Christ. It is not maintained that these facts stand
absolutely alone; certainly they are fully explained, at least in
their spiritual significance; but the devout Bible-reader should be
cautious about his interpretation of details.


2. FEAR AND JOY

The practical effect of the apostolic teaching about the end of
the world should be a combination of earnestness with joy. A man
who lives under the expectation of meeting Christ as Judge will
desert the worldly standard of values for a higher standard. He
will rate happiness and worldly splendor lower, in order to place
the supreme emphasis upon goodness. The difference between evil and
good, between sin and holiness, is not a trifle, not a thing of
merely relative importance, as many men regard it; it enters deep
into the constitution of the universe, it is the question of really
eternal moment. Again and again, in the New Testament, the thought
of Christ's coming and of the judgment which he will hold is made
the supreme motive to a pure and holy life. The apostolic example
may well be borne in mind. When we are tempted to commit a mean or
dishonest or unclean act, when unholy thoughts crowd in upon us like
a noisome flood, we cannot do better than think of the day when we
shall stand in the presence of the pure and holy Judge.

On the other hand, the thought of Christ's coming is to the believer
the source of inexpressible joy. Christ has saved us from a terrible
abyss. Our joy in salvation is in proportion to our dread of the
destruction from which we have been saved. To the truly penitent
man, the thought of the righteous God is full of terror. God
is holy; we would sometimes endeavor vainly to shrink from his
presence. Yet such a God has stretched out his hand to save--there
is the wonder of the gospel--and if we trust in the Saviour the last
great day need cause no fear. We are lost in sin, but God looks
not upon us but upon him who died to save us. "Salvation" to the
apostolic Church meant "rescue," rescue from the just and awful
judgment of God.


3. THE INTERMEDIATE STATE

The time of that judgment has not been revealed, but so far as any
offer of repentance is concerned the time comes to every man at
death. One question of detail cannot altogether be ignored. What did
the apostles teach about the condition of the believer between death
and the final resurrection? Upon this subject, the New Testament
says very little, but it becomes clear at least that the believer,
even when absent from the body, is to be present with the Lord,
II Cor. 5:8, and that to die is to be with Christ. Phil. 1:23. On
the whole, no better statement of the apostolic teaching about the
"intermediate state" can be formulated than that which is contained
in the Shorter Catechism: "The souls of believers are at their death
made perfect in holiness, and do immediately pass into glory; and
their bodies, being still united to Christ, do rest in their graves,
till the resurrection." The hope of an immediate entrance into bliss
at the time of death should not be allowed, however, to obscure the
importance of the resurrection. The resurrection of the body will be
necessary to "the full enjoying of God to all eternity."


4. THE FINAL BLESSEDNESS

That enjoying of God is no mere selfish pleasure; it means first
of all a triumph of holiness. Every last vestige of evil will
be removed. No taint of sin will separate the redeemed creature
from his God. Service will be free and joyous. The consummation,
moreover, will concern not merely individuals, but the race; no mere
expectation of the personal immortality of individuals begins to do
justice to the apostolic teaching. The ultimate end, indeed, is not
our own enjoyment, but the glory of God. Some carnal, materialistic
conceptions of the future age would really remove God from his own
heaven, but such is not the teaching of the New Testament. God will
be all and in all; only in his glory is to be found the true glory
of a redeemed race. The power of loving God is the highest joy that
heaven contains.


5. THE DISPENSATION OF THE SPIRIT

The present age, according to the New Testament, is a time of
waiting and striving; it is related to the future glory as a
battle is related to the subsequent victory. Satisfaction with the
present life, even as it is led by the best of Christians, would
to the apostles have been abhorrent; the Christian is still far
from perfect. A prime condition of progress is a divine discontent.
Jesus pronounced a blessing upon them that "hunger and thirst
after righteousness." Eternal things to us are unseen; they can be
discovered only by the eye of faith; we long for a time when hope
will be supplanted by sight. Nevertheless, there is no room for
despondency; the blessed time is surely coming.

Its coming is rendered certain by the presence, here and now, of the
Holy Spirit. The Spirit may be relied upon to prepare us, both in
soul and in body, for the glory of heaven.

=(1) The Spirit in the Old Testament and in the Life of Jesus.=--The
Spirit of God was mentioned even in the Old Testament. At the
beginning he "moved upon the face of the waters," Gen. 1:2; he
was the source of the mighty deeds of heroes and of the prophets'
inspired words. In the life and teaching of Jesus, however, the
Spirit was far more fully revealed than he had ever been revealed
before. He was the source of Jesus' human nature, Matt. 1:18, 20;
Luke 1:35; he descended upon the newly proclaimed Messiah, Matt.
3:16, and was operative in all the earthly ministry of the Lord.

=(2) The Spirit in the Church.=--For the disciples, however, the
full glory of the Spirit's presence was manifested only after
Jesus himself had been taken up into heaven; the present age,
from Pentecost to the second coming of the Lord, is peculiarly
the dispensation of the Holy Spirit. Discontent with the Church's
imperfections and dismay at her many adversaries should never cause
us to lose confidence in the work that is being done by the Spirit
of God. It was expedient that Jesus should go away; through the
other "Comforter" whom he has sent, he manifests himself even more
gloriously than he did to the disciples in Galilee.

=(3) The Nature of the Spirit.=--The apostles never discuss the
nature of the Holy Spirit in any thoroughly systematic way. But two
great facts are really presupposed in the whole New Testament. In
the first place, the Holy Spirit is God, and in the second place he
is a person distinct from the Father and from the Son. The divinity
of the Spirit appears, for example, in I Cor. 2:11. The point of
that verse is that the Spirit is as closely related to God as the
human spirit is to a man. "For who among men knoweth the things of
a man, save the spirit of the man, which is in him? even so the
things of God none knoweth, save the Spirit of God." The distinct
personality of the Spirit appears with special clearness in Rom.
8:26, 27. There the Spirit is represented as making intercession
with him "that searcheth the hearts"; the one who intercedes is
personally distinct from him before whom he makes intercession.
Even more convincing, perhaps, is the great promise of Christ in
John 14:16, 17, 26; 15:26; 16:7-15, where the other "Comforter" is
spoken of in clearly personal terms and is distinguished both from
the Father and from the Son. Personal distinctness, however, is
not inconsistent with a perfect unity of nature. What the Spirit
does the Son and the Father do; when the other Comforter comes to
the Church, Christ himself comes. The doctrine of the "Trinity" is
a profound mystery, but its mysteriousness is no obstacle to the
acceptance of its truth. Mystery in the depths of God's nature is
surely to be expected. This mystery, taught by the pen of inspired
writers, has brought salvation and peace into the lives of men.
Distinctly Trinitarian passages, such as Matt. 28:19; II Cor. 13:14,
are merely the summation of the New Testament teaching about God,
and that teaching has worked itself out in unspeakable blessing in
the life of the Church.

=(4) The Work of the Spirit.=--A complete summary of the belief of
the apostolic Church about the work of the Holy Spirit would be
impossible in one brief lesson. The Christian life is begun by the
Spirit, and continued by his beneficent power. Conversion, according
to Jesus and his apostles, is only the manward aspect of a profound
change in the depths of the soul. That change is "regeneration," a
new birth. Christian experience is no mere improvement of existing
conditions, but the entrance of something entirely new. Man is not
merely sick in trespasses and sins, but "dead"; only a new birth
will bring life. That new birth is a mysterious, creative act of the
Spirit of God. John 3:3-8.

But the Spirit does not leave those whom he has regenerated to
walk alone; he dwells in them and enables them to overcome sin.
The motive of his work is love. He is no blind force, but a loving
Person; the Christian can enjoy a real communion with him as with
the Father and the Son. In the presence of the Spirit we have
communion with God; the Persons of the Godhead are united in a
manner far beyond all human analogies. There is no imperfect medium
separating us from the divine presence; by the gracious work of the
Holy Spirit we come into vital contact with the living God.

The Spirit is the ground and cause of Christian freedom. "Where the
Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty." II Cor. 3:17. "For as
many as are led by the Spirit of God, these are sons of God. For ye
received not the spirit of bondage again unto fear; but ye received
the spirit of adoption, whereby we cry, Abba, Father." Rom. 8:14,
15. This liberty that the Spirit brings is, however, not a liberty
to sin; it is liberation from sin. The body of the Christian is a
temple of the Holy Spirit; in that temple only purity is in place.
The inward power of the Holy Spirit in the heart is more powerful
than the law; if a man yields to that power he will overcome the
flesh; the law of God is fulfilled by those "who walk not after the
flesh, but after the Spirit."

       *       *       *       *       *

IN THE LIBRARY.--Vos, "The Teaching of Jesus Concerning the Kingdom
of God and the Church." Crane, "The Teaching of Jesus Concerning the
Holy Spirit." Swete, "The Holy Spirit in the New Testament." Thomas,
"The Holy Spirit of God."




LESSON LII

RETROSPECT: THE FIRST CHRISTIAN CENTURY


The apostolic example can be applied intelligently to the problems
of our time only if there be some understanding of the intervening
centuries. We are connected with the apostolic Church by an unbroken
succession. A study of Church history would help us to apply the New
Testament teaching to our own age.

The Christian writings which have been preserved from the early
part of the second century show a marked decline from the spiritual
level of the apostles. Evidently the special inspiration which had
made the New Testament a guide for all ages had been withdrawn. Yet
the Spirit of God continued to lead the Church. Even in the darkest
periods of Church history God did not forget his people.

Only scanty Christian writings have been preserved from the first
three-quarters of the second century; the extant works of the
so-called "Apostolic Fathers" and of the "Apologists" are of limited
extent. About the close of the century, however, the record becomes
more complete. Clement of Alexandria, Irenaeus of Asia Minor and
Gaul, and Tertullian of North Africa, give a varied picture of
the Christian life of the time. The Church had gained rapidly in
influence since the conclusion of the apostolic age; persecutions
had not succeeded in checking her advance. Finally, under
Constantine, in the first part of the fourth century, Christianity
became the favored religion of the Roman Empire.

About the same time, in A.D. 325, the first ecumenical council, at
Nicaea, undertook the work of formulating the belief of the Church.
The creeds which were adopted at the great ancient councils are
accepted to-day in all parts of Christendom. During the same general
period, the power of the bishop of Rome was gradually increased
until it culminated in the papacy.

After the conquest of the western part of the Roman Empire in
the fifth century, Christianity was accepted by the barbarian
conquerors, and during the dark ages that followed the Church
preserved the light of learning and piety until a better day should
dawn. During the middle ages, though there was for the most part
little originality in Christian thinking, great scholars and
theologians formed striking exceptions to the general condition.
The political power of the papacy became enormous, but was hindered
by the personal weakness and immorality of many of the popes.
The degraded moral and spiritual condition of the Church was
counteracted here and there by the establishment of monastic orders,
whose purpose at the beginning was good, by the writings of certain
mystics, and by the work of the three "pre-reformers," Wyclif in
England, Huss in Bohemia and Savonarola in Italy.

A genuine advance, however, did not come until the Reformation
of the fifteenth century, when Luther in Germany and Zwingli in
Switzerland, almost at the same time and at first independently,
became the leaders in a mighty protest. A little later Calvin
carried out the principles of the Reformation in a comprehensive
theological system, and by the power of his intellect and the
fervency of his piety exerted an enormous influence throughout the
world. The Reformation was distinctly a religious movement, though
it had been prepared for by that revival of learning which is called
the Renaissance. The work of Luther was a rediscovery of Paul. Not
the performance of a set of external acts prescribed by the Church,
but, as Paul taught, the grace of God received by faith alone, is,
according to Luther, the means of salvation.

The Reformation brought about a counter-reformation in the Roman
Catholic Church, and the western European world was finally divided
between the two great branches of Christendom. After a period of
controversy and wars between Protestants and Catholics, the Church
was called upon to fight a great battle against unbelief. That
battle, begun in its modern form about the middle of the eighteenth
century, continues unabated until the present day. We are living in
a time of intellectual changes. To maintain the truth of the gospel
at such a time and to present it faithfully and intelligently to
the modern world is the supreme task of the Church. The task to
some extent has been accomplished; and the missionary movement of
the nineteenth and twentieth centuries attests the vitality of the
ancient faith. God has not deserted his Church. There are enemies
without and within, compromise will surely bring disaster; but the
gospel of Christ has not lost its power. This is not the first time
of discouragement in the history of the Church. The darkest hour has
always been followed by the dawn. Who can tell what God has now in
store?




      *      *      *      *      *      *




Transcriber's note:

Minor typographical errors have been corrected without note.

Irregularities and inconsistencies in the text have been retained
as printed.



***