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[Illustration:

  La Fayette
  [FROM THE PORTRAIT GALLERY OF EMINENT MEN AND WOMEN.]
]




                                  THE
                           LIFE OF LA FAYETTE

                                -------

                THE KNIGHT OF LIBERTY IN TWO WORLDS AND
                             TWO CENTURIES.

                                   BY

                           LYDIA HOYT FARMER,


       AUTHOR OF “THE BOYS’ BOOK OF FAMOUS RULERS,” “GIRLS’ BOOK
           OF FAMOUS QUEENS,” “A STORY BOOK OF SCIENCE,” “THE
                   PRINCE OF THE FLAMING STAR,” ETC.

[Illustration]

                               NEW YORK:
                        THOMAS Y. CROWELL & CO.,
                            13 ASTOR PLACE.

------------------------------------------------------------------------








                              _Copyright_,

                       BY THOMAS Y. CROWELL & CO.

                                 1888.








    ----------------------------------------------------------------

               TYPOGRAPHY BY J. S. CUSHING & CO., BOSTON.

------------------------------------------------------------------------




                               DEDICATED

                                   TO

                             =My Husband=.




                                PREFACE.


THE life of the General Marquis de La Fayette is intimately connected
with the two most important epochs in the history of both France and
America. His name binds together these nations by indissoluble bonds of
sympathy; and Washington and La Fayette will forever be found side by
side in the annals of history.

As a large portion of the material presented in this volume has been
gathered from French works never before translated and which are now out
of print, and also from original files of newspapers, and various
manuscripts written by members of the La Fayette family, a more complete
life of General La Fayette is here offered than has before appeared,
either in this country or in Europe.

                                                           THE AUTHOR.




                               CONTENTS.

                                -------


  CHAPTER                                                          PAGE

       I. LA FAYETTE’S EARLY LIFE                                     1

      II. HIS ARRIVAL IN AMERICA.—BATTLE OF BRANDYWINE               18

     III. SCENES OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION                          58

      IV. LA FAYETTE’S DIPLOMATIC MEASURES IN FRANCE AND             99
            SPAIN, IN BEHALF OF AMERICA

       V. LA FAYETTE ELECTED A MEMBER OF THE NOTABLES               127

      VI. LA FAYETTE’S EFFORTS IN DEFENCE OF KING AND               158
            CONSTITUTION

     VII. VIRGINIE LA FAYETTE’S ACCOUNT OF HER FATHER’S             191
            AND MOTHER’S IMPRISONMENT

    VIII. DREADFUL SCENES OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION                  216

      IX. LA FAYETTE LIBERATED FROM THE PRISON AT OLMÜTZ            258

       X. LA FAYETTE PRESENTED TO THE PREMIER CONSUL                288

      XI. LA FAYETTE’S VISIT TO AMERICA                             315

     XII. ENTHUSIASTIC RECEPTION OF THE MARQUIS IN THE              339
            UNITED STATES

    XIII. LA FAYETTE ELECTED TO THE CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES             365

     XIV. REVOLUTION OF 1830                                        397

      XV. LA FAYETTE’S CHARACTER AND FAMILY LIFE                    427




                         LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.


                                -------

                                                                    PAGE

 PORTRAIT OF LA FAYETTE                                   _Frontispiece_
 BIRTHPLACE OF LA FAYETTE                                              6
 BARON DE KALB                                                        10
 LOUIS XVI.                                                           12
 MARIE ANTOINETTE                                                     14
 WASHINGTON                                                           24
 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN                                                    26
 COUNT DE ROCHAMBEAU                                                  74
 LORD CORNWALLIS                                                      82
 COUNT DE GRASSE                                                      92
 LA FAYETTE’S ROOM AT MOUNT VERNON                                   110
 FREDERICK II.                                                       114
 ASSEMBLY OF THE NOTABLES                                            132
 “GO AND TELL YOUR MASTER”                                           140
 THE CROWD ARM THEMSELVES AT THE INVALIDES                           142
 VIEW OF THE BASTILE                                                 144
 THE CROWD SHOUT, “TO VERSAILLES!”                                   148
 THE KING COMES TO THE HOTEL DE VILLE                                158
 KEY OF THE BASTILE                                                  160
 FESTIVAL IN THE CHAMPS DE MARS                                      164
 THE KING ACCEPTING THE CONSTITUTION                                 172
 THE MOB INVADE THE TUILERIES                                        180
 PRINCESS ELIZABETH                                                  182
 FREDERICK WILLIAM II., KING OF PRUSSIA                              186
 FRANCIS I., EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA                                      186
 RETURN OF THE ROYAL FAMILY TO PARIS                                 194
 BEFORE THE REVOLUTIONARY TRIBUNAL                                   210
 SENTENCED TO THE GUILLOTINE                                         220
 MADAME DE STAËL                                                     240
 EXECUTION OF LOUIS XVI.                                             250
 ALEXANDER HAMILTON                                                  262
 DIRECTEUR SIEYÈS                                                    266
 NAPOLEON                                                            268
 JOSEPH BONAPARTE                                                    292
 CHARLES JAMES FOX                                                   296
 GENERAL JACKSON                                                     332
 BUST OF LA FAYETTE                                                  380
 LOUIS PHILIPPE                                                      398
 ENTRANCE TO CHÂTEAU LA GRANGE                                       431
 CHÂTEAU LA GRANGE                                                   433
 CORPORAL OF THE PRISON AT OLMÜTZ                                    436
 VASE PRESENTED BY MIDSHIPMEN OF THE “BRANDYWINE”                    437
 CANE PRESENTED BY COMMODORE TAYLOR                                  438
 CLOCK BELONGING TO LA FAYETTE                                       438
 SEALS BELONGING TO LA FAYETTE                                       439
 ROMAN STANDARD PRESENTED BY CITY OF LYONS                           439
 MEDAL PRESENTED BY ELECTORS OF MEAUX                                440
 RING GIVEN BY GRANDSON OF WASHINGTON                                440
 WASHINGTON’S DECORATION OF THE CINCINNATI                           441
 PIN PRESENTED BY FRANKLIN’S GRANDDAUGHTER                           442
 RING CONTAINING HAIR AND PORTRAIT OF JEREMY BENTHAM                 442
 CRYSTAL BOX CONTAINING MEMENTOS OF RIÉGO                            442
 ROUND WOODEN BOX                                                    443
 SWORD PRESENTED BY NINTH REGIMENT ARTILLERY                         444
 SWORD PRESENTED BY CONGRESS                                         443
 VASE PRESENTED BY THE NATIONAL GUARD                                449
 LA FAYETTE’S DEATH CHAMBER                                          470
 LA FAYETTE’S TOMB                                                   472




                        THE LIFE OF LA FAYETTE.




                               CHAPTER I.

Liberty’s Knight—_L’Homme des Deux Mondes_—Ancestry of La Fayette—His
  Birth and Early Years—Youthful Enthusiasm—College Life—Introduction
  to the French Court—Vast Inheritance—A Page to the Queen—Member of
  the _Mousquetaires du Roi_—Promoted a Commissioned Officer—Personal
  Appearance—Early Marriage—His Wife’s Family—Stationed at Metz—News
  of the American Revolution—Influence on La Fayette—His
  Resolve—Opposition—Visit to London—Return to Paris—Secret
  Preparations—Sovereign Displeasure—Hasty Flight—Aboard the
  _Victory_—Letters to his Wife.

             “The love of liberty with life is given,
         And life itself the inferior gift of Heaven.”—DRYDEN.

                    “For Freedom’s battle once begun,
                Bequeath’d by bleeding sire to son,
                Though baffled oft, is ever won.”—BYRON.


LA FAYETTE was not only the Knight of Liberty in two worlds and in two
centuries, but was also the champion of law and order. Other men have
fought for freedom; but few men in history have so truly and broadly
comprehended the indissoluble tie which must ever bind liberty to law,
if the shackles of oppression be unloosed, and the equal rights of men
become the watchwords of national peace and prosperity.

The battle of Minden, in 1758, was fought, and a young and valiant
French marquis sacrificed his life upon that battle-field. He
was the first Marquis de La Fayette. At that time his son,
Marie-Jean-Paul-Roch-Yves-Gilbert de Motier La Fayette, lay in his
cradle, an infant of seven months old. The warlike mantle of the father
fell upon the son. But gentler spirits than _Stern War_ hovered over his
pillow. _Gleaming-eyed Liberty_ said, “I will make him my champion”; and
_mild-eyed Law_ bent over the cradle and smoothed the baby brow,
murmuring, “I will make him love peace and order.” Thus War, Liberty,
and Law christened the fatherless child, and to the long list of titled
names which already weighted his infant forehead, they added yet
another, of nobler rank than all; for they placed there, in letters of
glowing light, the unrivalled title, _Knight of Liberty_.

The name of La Fayette was distinguished as far back as the fourteenth
century. “The founder of the family was a Marshal de La Fayette, who
defeated the English at the battle of Baugé shortly before the time of
Jeanne d’Arc,—a success which raised the hopes of the Dauphin, who
afterwards recovered the French throne.

“In the seventeenth century two noble and illustrious women bore the
ancient name. One of these ladies was Louise de La Fayette, maid of
honor to Queen Anne of Austria, whose son, Louis XIII., fell so deeply
in love with the young lady that he proposed to establish her in his
country house at Versailles, a royal shooting-box built before the time
of the great château. Alarmed at the infatuation of the king, and seeing
no way of resisting the royal commands save by devoting herself to
Heaven, Louise de La Fayette retired to the Convent of the Visitation,
and at once took the vows. She died at the age of fifty, as _Mère
Angélique_, abbess of Chaillot, a convent she had founded.

“Her brother, Count La Fayette, married, in 1655, Marie Madeline Pioche
de la Vergne, an intimate friend of Madame de Sévigné, and authoress of
the ‘Princesse de Clèves,’ a classical romance of the old school, still
read by lovers of the literature of the Renaissance.

“The wife of the renowned General La Fayette, whom he married in 1774,
when he was sixteen and she a year younger, was Marie Adrienne
Françoise, second daughter of the Duke d’Ayen, and granddaughter of
Maréschal de Noailles. After three years of happy married life, he left
her shortly before the birth of their second child, to hasten to the aid
of the American colonies. The infant born during her father’s absence
became Madame Charles de Latour-Maubourg.”

In 1881, in the Paris _Figaro_ appeared the following account of the
descendants of General La Fayette: “His only son, George Washington La
Fayette, married, in 1802, Mademoiselle Desture de Thacy, and had five
children. The eldest, Oscar, died in 1881. His wife, a relative of M. de
Pusy, one of the prisoners at Olmütz, had died after one year of married
life, and he never married again. The second son, Edmond, the present
head of the house, is now sixty-two, and a bachelor.

“The daughters are Madame Adolphe Périer (her husband was a nephew of
Casimir Périer), Madame Bureaux de Pusy, and Madame Gustave de Beaumont.
Mesdames Pusy and Beaumont are still living. The former has a son, an
officer of merit, and two daughters. M. Paul de Beaumont, son of Madame
Gustave de Beaumont, was a cabinet minister under M. Daufaure. Madame
Périer left daughters, one of whom married M. de Sahune.

“Madame Charles de Latour-Maubourg, who was born whilst her father,
General La Fayette, was serving in America, had two daughters, Madame de
Brigode and Madame de Perron. General Perron, husband of the latter
lady, was a Piedmontese, and a president of the Council of Ministers in
Piedmont. He was killed at the battle of Novara.

“La Fayette’s other daughter, Madame de Lasteyrie, was named Virginie.
She was the comfort and staff of her father’s age. She married, in 1800,
the Marquis Louis de Lasteyrie, who served with the army for some years,
but being wounded, retired to the Château of La Grange, between
Fontainbleau and Paris,—a place which became the happy home of the
entire La Fayette family. There lived the general and the family of
Charles de Latour-Maubourg; and thither, too, after a time, came George
Washington La Fayette and his children.

“The Marquis de Lasteyrie, who died before General La Fayette, left four
children. Of these are Madame Charles de Rémusat, whose husband is the
son of the distinguished lady whose ‘Memoirs’ have been recently given
to the world; and Madame de Corcelle, wife of a former ambassador to
Rome. M. Jules de Lasteyrie, the only son, was made a senator. He
married a lady of the English branch of the House of Rohan-Chabot. His
only son holds an office at present at Abbeville. The third and youngest
daughter of the Marquis de Lasteyrie married M. d’Assailly, and is
mother of two sons: one, councillor-general of the Deux-Sèvres; the
other, a captain of Chasseurs.

“The connections of the La Fayette family are distinguished and
numerous. Through the De Grammonts, they are allied to the Count de
Merode, senator from the Department of the Doubs; to his brother, who
held high office under Pius IX.; and to Anna, Countess of Montalembert.
The family of Ségur is also related to the La Fayette family.”

Beranger called La Fayette “_L’Homme des deux mondes_” (the man of two
worlds), and he might also have added, the man of two centuries. Europe
and America have both united to do him homage, and the glorious
independence which he aided in securing in one century, he lived to
behold in the next, realizing greater permanency and prosperity than
even his fondest dreams had dared to hope for.

The American Republic held him in grateful remembrance as a
_Revolutionary Hero_; while France venerated his memory as the Friend
and Protector of the People. High on the lists of chivalry the name of
La Fayette glows with undying lustre; but as the defender of the
oppressed and the protector of the weak, he is the _People’s Hero_.

While his remains were being carried to the tomb, surrounded by an
escort of the National Guard, a poor man, with tattered clothing and
tottering steps, endeavored to press his way through the crowd and place
himself in the funeral procession directly behind the bier. One of the
Guard, obstructing his passage, said to him, “You see that none but the
family are admitted here.”

“We all belong to his family,” replied the old man, with a voice choked
with emotion and eyes full of tears; “we all belong to his family, for
he loved us all as his children.”

Immediately the ranks of the National Guard fell reverently backward,
and a way was quickly opened for the old peasant, and he walked to the
cemetery directly behind the remains of him whose self-sacrificing
devotion had won for him this beautiful testimony of love and honor; and
in the name of humanity and brotherly kindness, this old
man—unconsciously—laid upon the tomb of La Fayette the most precious
memorial which could be offered to his memory.

In the Château of Chavaniac, in the province of Auvergne, the Marquis de
La Fayette was born and passed the first seven or eight years of his
life. He was so frail a child that for some years the indications were
strong that he would enjoy only a brief career. Being fatherless, his
education was the care of his mother, who faithfully performed her
sacred duties.

A faint tinge of health began gradually to glow in his cheeks, his
attenuated frame showed some signs of vigor, and the presage of an early
death became less foreboding. While his body had been so frail, however,
his mind had made rapid progress.

To a friend he said in after years: “You ask me at what period I first
experienced my ardent love for liberty and glory. I recollect no time of
life anterior to my enthusiasm for anecdotes of glorious deeds, and to
my projects of travelling over the world to acquire fame. At eight years
of age my heart beat when I heard of a wolf that had done some injury,
and caused still more alarm in our neighborhood, and the hope of meeting
it was the object of all my walks. When I arrived at college, nothing
ever interrupted my studies except my ardent wish to study without
restraint. I never deserved to be chastised, but, in spite of my usual
gentleness, it would have been dangerous to attempt to do so. I
recollect with pleasure that, when I was to describe in rhetoric a
perfect courser, I sacrificed the hope of obtaining a prize, and
described the one which, on perceiving the whip, threw his rider.

“Republican anecdotes always delighted me, and when my new connections
wished to obtain for me a place at court, I did not hesitate displeasing
them to preserve my independence.”

[Illustration: CHÂTEAU OF CHAVANIAC.—LAFAYETTE’S BIRTHPLACE.]

At the age of twelve years La Fayette was entered at the college of
Louis le Grand, in Paris, where he zealously pursued his studies. In
Latin and Greek classics he became especially proficient. Owing to his
high rank his literary pursuits were subject to frequent interruptions,
for he early gained the attention of royalty, and the gay French court
was very alluring to a youth passionately fond of brilliant society.
However, his love for study and his enthusiasm for the military calling
prevented his becoming a courtier. By the death of his mother in 1770,
and of his grandfather a short time after, he became possessed of great
wealth, which, being entirely at his own control, surrounded him with a
crowd of fawning flatterers. At the age of fifteen he became a page to
Queen Marie Antoinette, and was enrolled a member of the _Mousquetaires
du Roi_, the body-guard of the king, which was composed solely of the
descendants of the most highly titled families in France. Through the
influence of the queen, he was promoted to the rank of a commissioned
officer in this corps. Speaking of which, he said “that his military
services only interrupted his studies on review days.”

At the age of sixteen La Fayette was married to the Comtesse de
Noailles, daughter of the Duke d’Ayen. Madame de La Fayette herself
gives the following account of her somewhat strange wooing.

“I was scarcely twelve years old, when M. de La Fayette was proposed to
my mother for one of us. He himself was only fourteen. His extreme
youth, no parents to guide him,—having lost all his near relatives, and
having no one in whom he could repose confidence,—a large fortune
already in his possession, which my mother looked upon as a dangerous
gift—all these considerations made her at first refuse him,
notwithstanding the good opinion she had acquired of his personal
qualities. She persisted several months in her refusal; but my father
was not discouraged, and as one of his friends observed to him that my
mother had gone too far ever to change her mind, he did justice to her
straightforwardness in the midst of his anger against her. ‘You do not
know Madame d’Ayen,’ he said; ‘however far she may have gone, you will
see that she will give way like a child if you prove to her that she is
in the wrong; but, on the other hand, she will never yield if she does
not see her mistake.’

“Accordingly, when she was told that her daughter would not leave her
during the first years of her marriage, and that it would only be
celebrated at the end of two years, after M. de La Fayette had finished
his education, she accepted him whom she cherished ever after as the
most tenderly beloved son, whom she valued from the first moment that
she became acquainted with him, and who alone could have sustained the
strength of my heart after having lost her.

“It was some time after my mother’s consent that I was spoken to of M.
de La Fayette, towards whom I was already attracted by feeble
forerunners of that deep and tender affection which every day has united
us more and more in the midst of all the vicissitudes of this life, in
the midst of the blessings and misfortunes which have filled it for the
last twenty-four years.

“With what pleasures I learned that, for more than a year, my mother had
looked upon him and loved him as a son! She told me all the good she had
heard with regard to him, all she thought of him herself, and I saw that
he already felt for her that filial affection which was to be the
blessing of my life. She tried to calm my poor weak brain, which was
over-excited by the importance of the coming event. She taught me to
pray—she prayed herself—for the blessings of Heaven on my future
happiness. As I had the happiness of remaining with her, my only
feelings were those of deep emotion. I was then fourteen and a half.”

La Fayette’s wife brought to him a fortune, which, together with his own
inheritance, gave him a yearly revenue of $37,500.

The young marquis is thus described at this time: “He was then a
handsome young man, of commanding figure and pleasing features,
notwithstanding his deep red hair. His forehead, though receding, was
fine; his eyes clear hazel, and his mouth and chin delicately formed,
exhibiting beauty rather than strength. The expression of his
countenance was strongly indicative of a generous and gallant spirit,
with an air of conscious greatness.

“His manners were frank and amiable, his movements light and graceful.
Formed, both by nature and education, to be the ornament of a court, and
already distinguished by his varied and attractive qualities in the
circle of his noble acquaintance, his free principles were neither
withered by the sunshine of royalty, nor weakened by flattery and
temptation. He dressed in a costume then worn by a gentleman who
affected not the extreme of fashion, nor the reverse. His bearing was
elegant, full of vivacity, and his conversational powers were of a high
order, and their activity varied much with his moods, sometimes mild and
winning, and again ardent and enthusiastic.”

In the summer of 1776 La Fayette, as an officer of the French army, was
stationed on military duty in the citadel of Metz. At this time he was
little over eighteen years of age. Through the Duke of Gloucester, a
brother of the king of England, La Fayette first learned of the
struggles in America. The Duke of Gloucester had been exiled from the
court of Great Britain on account of his impolitic marriage, and was
then at Metz. The duke was constantly receiving reports of the American
struggle for independence, and he openly described the plans of the
British ministry to crush this uprising of the colonists. La Fayette’s
fiery ardor in the cause of liberty was quickened at the news of the
oppressed Americans, fighting with such vast odds against them, bravely
defying the most powerful nation on the globe.

La Fayette immediately resigned his position at Metz, and hastened to
Paris, determined to devote his life and fortune to the aid of the
courageous band of patriots who had just declared their independence.

Knowing the opposition he would meet from family, friends, and the
government, he made his preparations with the greatest secrecy, not even
revealing his intentions to his wife, to whom he was most devoted. His
heaven-born principles of liberty could no longer be kept in check by
inaction, and he was ready to sacrifice every personal interest in life
to the cause of oppressed humanity.

After having partially completed his arrangements, La Fayette disclosed
his scheme to his relative the Count de Broglie. The count was bitterly
opposed to the undertaking, and pictured to La Fayette all the
difficulties and dangers of the enterprise. “Your uncle perished in the
wars in Italy,” said he; “your father fell in the battle of Minden; and
now I will not be accessory to the ruin of the only remaining branch of
the family.”

[Illustration: De Kalb]

But nothing could quench the ardor of the dauntless La Fayette. He found
in the Baron de Kalb a kindred sympathy, and through the baron, the
Marquis de La Fayette was introduced to Mr. Silas Deane, who had been
sent by the American Congress to negotiate with the French government.
La Fayette made known to Mr. Deane his generous desire to offer his
personal services in the American war. Whereupon Mr. Deane gave to him
the following paper:—

“The desire which the Marquis de La Fayette shows of serving among the
troops of the United States of North America, and the interest which he
takes in the justice of their cause, makes him wish to distinguish
himself in this war, and to render himself as useful as he possibly can.
But not thinking that he can obtain leave of his family to pass the seas
and to serve in a foreign country till he can go as a general officer, I
have thought that I could not better serve my country and those who have
entrusted me, than by granting to him, in the name of the very honorable
Congress, the rank of major-general, which I beg the states to confirm
and ratify to him, and to deliver him the commission to hold and take
rank from this day with the general officers of the same degree.

“His high birth, his alliances, the great dignities which his family
hold at this court, his considerable estates in this realm, his personal
merit, his reputation, his disinterestedness, and above all, his zeal
for the liberty of our provinces, are such as to induce me alone to
promise him the rank of major-general in the name of the United States.
In witness of which I have signed these presents this 7th day of
December, 1776.

                                                        “SILAS DEANE.”

“The secrecy,” says La Fayette, “with which this negotiation and my
preparations were made, appears almost a miracle; family, friends,
ministers, French spies, and English spies, all were kept completely in
the dark as to my intentions.”

But just at this time news of disastrous defeats in the Revolutionary
army reached France. The bells of London rang out joyful peals at this
welcome intelligence; but many sympathizing hearts in Paris saddened at
this dire misfortune to the little band fighting for their rightful
independence. The court of Versailles had not yet openly espoused the
American cause, and now Louis XVI. and others, friendly to the
Americans, waited for more encouraging prospects before lending their
aid. But not so the liberty-loving La Fayette. He was never so great as
when in the midst of the most stupendous difficulties, and he was never
so true and faithful and staunch in his patriotic principles, as when
the cause to which he was attached hung trembling betwixt victory and
defeat. Discouragements but nerved him to new ardor; obstacles but
strengthened his determination to overcome every barrier in the way of
his successful progress. His was truly a soul and nature most eminently
fitted for the important part he was called upon to take in the struggle
for liberty and freedom.

At this time affairs in the new world were in a most desperate
condition. The battle of Brooklyn had been fought, resulting in the
total rout of the continental forces, and the evacuation of Long Island.
New York, after an heroic resistance, had been given up to the British.
General Howe was master of Forts Washington and Lee. General Washington,
with the remnants of the army, with tattered uniforms and scanty food,
was retreating before the foe. The country was in despair. Dark indeed
were the clouds which threw their shadows over sorrowful homes and the
suffering patriots of the struggling nation.

[Illustration: LOUIS XVI.]

Even the American commissioners at Paris were paralyzed by this dreadful
blow. They dared not urge the French further in the behalf of their
stricken country, which seemed doomed to defeat. They even counselled La
Fayette to abandon his project of enlisting in their cause, representing
to him that their affairs were now so desperate that they could not
offer him a passage to America, nor any assurance of success should he
venture to go. But La Fayette’s love of liberty was not dependent upon
success or defeat. His principles were as unflinching in disaster as
when crowned with victory; and to La Fayette’s courage America in a
large measure owes her ultimate success. Study the history of those
times, and then try to answer the question, What would have been the
result of the American Revolution, without the aid of La Fayette?

To the discouraged commissioners, La Fayette made this noble reply:—

“I thank you for your frankness, but now is precisely the moment to
serve your cause; the more people are discouraged, the greater utility
will result from my departure. Until now you have only seen my ardor in
your cause, but that may not prove at present wholly useless. If you
cannot furnish me with a vessel, I will purchase one and freight it at
my own expense, to convey your despatches and my person to the shores of
America.”

With unflagging labor La Fayette now occupied himself in carrying out
his promised plan. From his own estates he raised the money necessary
for the expedition, and prepared to purchase and equip a vessel. King
Louis, owing to the recent reverses in America, began to distrust the
expediency of an open alliance. La Fayette, being suspected of favoring
the American cause, was constantly watched by French and English spies.
To escape the knowledge of his family and the royal surveillance, the
ship was purchased through La Fayette’s friend, Mr. Duboismartin, who
warmly sympathized with his liberal principles. In the midst of these
preparations La Fayette was sent by the French government on a
diplomatic mission to London. Lest he should excite suspicion by
refusal, La Fayette departed for England with his associate, the Prince
de Poix. On reaching London, it was a significant fact that before La
Fayette paid his respects to the British court, he sought an interview
with Bancroft, _the American_.

La Fayette was received at the English court with every mark of
distinguished honor, but court flatteries were little now to his taste.
He was yearning to return to Paris, to continue his preparations for his
chivalrous project.

“At the end of three weeks,” he writes, “when it became necessary for me
to return home, while refusing to accompany my uncle, the ambassador, to
court, I confided to him my strong desire to take a trip to Paris. He
suggested that he should say that I was ill during my absence. I should
not have made use of this stratagem myself, but did not object to his
doing so.”

Hastening back to Paris, he continued his secret preparations. Without
making known his return to any of his friends, with the exception of
those interested in his plans, La Fayette set out for Bordeaux, where a
ship was being equipped for him. But information regarding his
mysterious manœuvres was now communicated to the court of Versailles,
and led to an order for his arrest. La Fayette, being warned, departed
to Passage, a Spanish port, intending to embark for America from there.
He now openly avowed his intentions, and declared that nothing should
induce him to relinquish his plans.

[Illustration: MARIE ANTOINETTE.]

But now his firmness was put to the severest test. Letters arrived from
his family, containing the bitterest reproaches. He was even accused of
want of parental care and gross neglect of his wife and home. This was
indeed hard to bear. La Fayette was deeply in love with his winsome and
affectionate wife. But with an unselfishness which amounted to the
sublimity of heroism, his young wife restrained her tears, lest he
should be blamed, and bravely determined to bear the parting
uncomplainingly. Such a heroine as she afterwards proved herself to be
made her a truly worthy companion for her hero-husband.

Letters came, also, under kingly authority, forbidding his embarkation
for America, threatening severe displeasure in case of disobedience.
Sovereign displeasure, La Fayette was well aware, meant liability to the
confiscation of all his property, and public disgrace. Feigning
obedience, La Fayette returned to Bordeaux, and wrote to the ministry,
requesting permission to carry out his plans, representing the benefits
which France would derive by the wresting of this coveted land from
proud England. But the king was not prepared to excite the wrath of his
powerful neighbor, and no reply was sent directly to La Fayette, though
he was made to understand, through friends, that his petition had been
refused.

He shortly afterwards received orders to proceed to Marseilles, and join
himself to the Duke d’Ayen, who was going into Italy. La Fayette now
determined to brave all hazards. He accordingly departed ostensibly for
Marseilles, but soon changed his route and went directly to Passage, and
there embarked on his gallant ship _Victory_, and unfurled the sails,
pointing the prow of his vessel towards the land of liberty. As soon as
it was ascertained that La Fayette had gone, despatches were sent to
arrest him at the West Indies. But La Fayette, suspecting this, ordered
his captain to steer directly for America.

His wearisome voyage lasted for two months. Seasickness added its
discomforts to the anxieties, regrets, and aspiring longings which made
keen warfare in his saddened heart. Would his wife forgive him for this
seeming desertion? Would his country renounce him? Would his unselfish
and magnanimous sacrifice avail in the cause of liberty, which was the
ruling passion of his life? Weak with sickness and tempest-tossed, he
addressed to his wife these pathetic letters:—

                                “On board the _Victory_, May 30, 1777.

“... How many fears and anxieties enhance the keen anguish I feel at
being separated from all that I love most fondly in the world! How have
you borne my second departure? Have you loved me less? Have you pardoned
me? Have you reflected that, at all events, I must equally have been
parted from you—wandering about in Italy, dragging on an inglorious
life, surrounded by the persons most opposed to my projects and to my
manner of thinking? All these reflections did not prevent me from
experiencing the most bitter grief when the moment arrived for quitting
my native shores. Your sorrow, and that of my friends, all rushed upon
my thoughts; and my heart was torn by a thousand painful feelings. I
could not, at that instant, find any excuse for my own conduct. If you
could know all that I have suffered, and the melancholy days that I have
passed while thus flying from all that I love best in the world! Must I
join to this affliction the grief of hearing that you do not pardon me?
I should, in truth, my love, be too unhappy.”

Again he writes:—

                                      “On board the _Victory_, June 7.

“I am still floating upon this dreary plain, the most wearisome of all
human habitations. To console myself a little I think of you and of my
friends. I think of the pleasure of seeing you again. How delightful
will be the moment of my arrival! I shall hasten to surprise and embrace
you. I shall, perhaps, find you with your children. To think, only, of
that happy moment is an inexpressible pleasure to me—do not fancy that
it is distant; although the time of my absence will appear, I confess,
very long to me, yet we shall meet sooner than you can expect. While
defending the liberty which I adore, I shall enjoy perfect freedom
myself; I but offer my services to that interesting Republic from
motives of the purest kind, unmixed with ambition or private views; her
happiness and my glory are my only incentives to the task. I hope, that
for my sake, you will become a good American, for that feeling is worthy
of every noble heart. The happiness of America is intimately connected
with the happiness of all mankind. She will become the safe and
respected asylum of virtue, integrity, toleration, equality, and
tranquil happiness.”




                              CHAPTER II.

Arrival in America—Letter to his Wife from Charleston—La Fayette’s First
  Impressions of America—Letter from Petersburg—Arrival in
  Philadelphia—Chilling Reception by Congress—La Fayette’s Magnanimous
  Offer—Resolution passed by Congress—The First Meeting between
  Liberty’s Knight and the “Man of the Age”—Washington’s Kindly
  Reception of the Young Marquis—Letter from Franklin to Washington
  regarding La Fayette—Battle of Brandywine—La Fayette wounded—Letter to
  his Wife from Philadelphia—La Fayette in the Care of the Moravian
  Society—Letter to his Wife—La Fayette’s Home Life described by his
  Daughter Virginie—La Fayette again in the Field—The Battle of
  Gloucester—Congress commissions the Marquis to the Command of a
  Division—Winter Quarters at Valley Forge—Letter from La Fayette to his
  Father-in-law, the Duke d’Ayen—His Impressions regarding American
  Affairs—A Treacherous Intrigue against Washington—La Fayette’s Manly
  Letter to him—Washington’s Noble Reply—The New Board of War—La Fayette
  appointed to the Command of the Expedition into Canada—His Letter to
  Washington from Albany—Expedition to Canada abandoned—La Fayette’s
  Return to Valley Forge—Sir William Howe outwitted by the Young
  Marquis—La Fayette’s Influence in the Army—Death of La Fayette’s
  Little Daughter—His Touching Letter to his Wife.

              “When Freedom from her mountain height
                Unfurled her standard to the air,
              She tore the azure robe of night
                And set the stars of glory there.”—DRAKE.


ON the 14th of June, 1777, La Fayette landed at Winyau Bay, about sixty
miles northeast from Charleston. Nature had clothed herself in her
loveliest garb to welcome the knight of liberty who had sacrificed
wealth and luxury and the gay life of courts, to unsheathe his sword in
this new land in defence of freedom.

It was midnight under the soft June skies. The stars glowed in
benediction, and the moon shed a calm radiance over the scene. As the
canoe conveyed the travellers up the picturesque bay, the wooded land
beyond seemed to stretch out its leafy hands of welcome, and the air was
perfumed with the delicious fragrance of innumerable flowers. Such was
America’s greeting to her brave defender.

Of this, let La Fayette’s own letters speak. Back to the love of his
heart, the wife whose constant devotion was his guiding star, fly
quickly his thoughts, on the swift wings of affection, and he hastens to
pen these lines:—

                                                             “JUNE 19.

“I landed at Charleston, after having sailed for several days along a
coast swarming with hostile vessels. On my arrival here every one told
me that my ship would undoubtedly be taken, because two English frigates
had blockaded the harbor. I even sent, both by land and by sea, orders
to the captain to put the men on shore, and burn the vessels, if he had
still the power of doing so. _Eh bien!_ by a most extraordinary piece of
good fortune, a sudden gale of wind having blown away the frigates for a
short time, my vessel arrived at noonday, without having encountered
friend or foe. At Charleston I have met General Howe, a general officer
now engaged in service. The governor of the state is expected this
evening from the country. All the persons with whom I wished to be
acquainted have shown me the greatest attention and politeness—not
European politeness merely. I can only feel gratitude for the reception
tendered me, although I have not yet thought proper to enter into any
details respecting my future prospects and arrangements. I wish to see
the Congress first. I hope to set out in two days for Philadelphia,
which is a land journey of more than two hundred and fifty leagues. We
shall divide into small parties. I have already purchased horses and
light carriages for this purpose.

“I shall now speak to you, my love, about the country and its
inhabitants, who are as agreeable as my enthusiasm led me to imagine.
Simplicity of manner, kindness of heart, love of country and of liberty,
and a delightful state of equality are universal. The richest and the
poorest men are completely on a level; and, although there are some
immense fortunes in this country, I may challenge any one to point out
the slightest difference in their respective manner toward each other. I
first saw and judged of a country life at Major Huger’s house. I am at
present in this city, where I notice a resemblance to English customs,
except that I find more simplicity here than in England.

“Charleston is one of the best built, handsomest, and most agreeable
cities that I have ever seen. The American women are very pretty, and
have great simplicity of character. The extreme neatness of their
appearance is truly delightful. Cleanliness is everywhere even more
studiously regarded here than in England. What gave me most pleasure is
to see how completely the citizens are all brethren of one family. In
America there appear to be none poor, and none even who can be called
peasants. Each citizen has some property, and all citizens have the same
rights as the richest individual or landed proprietor in the country.
The inns are very different from those in Europe; the host and hostess
sit at table with you, and do the honors of a comfortable meal, and when
you depart you pay your bill without being obliged to fee attendants. If
you dislike going to inns, you always find country houses, in which you
will be received as a good American, with the same attention that you
expect to find at a friend’s house in Europe.

“My own reception has been peculiarly agreeable. To have been merely my
travelling companion suffices to secure the kindest welcome. I have just
passed five hours at a large dinner, given in compliment to me by an
individual of this town. Generals Howe and Moultrie, and several
officers of my suite, were present. We drank each other’s health, and
endeavored to talk English, which I am beginning to speak a little. I
shall pay a visit to-morrow, with these gentlemen, to the governor of
the state, and make the last arrangements for my departure. The next day
the commanding officer here will take me to see the town and its
environs, and I shall then set out to join the army.

“From the agreeable life I lead in this country, from the sympathy which
makes me feel as much at ease with the inhabitants as if I had known
them twenty years, the similarity between their manner of thinking and
my own, my love of glory and liberty, you might imagine that I am very
happy; but you are not with me, my dearest love; my friends are not with
me; and there is no happiness for me when far away from you and them. I
often ask you if you still love, but I put that question still more
often to myself, and my heart ever answers yes. I trust that my heart
does not deceive me. I am inexpressibly anxious to hear from you, and
hope to find some letters at Philadelphia. My only fear is lest the
privateer which was to bring them to me may have been captured on her
way. Although I can easily imagine that I have excited the special
displeasure of the English, by taking the liberty of coming hither in
spite of them and landing before their very face, yet I must confess
that we shall be even more than on a par if they succeed in catching
that vessel, the object of my fondest hopes, by which I am expecting to
receive your letters.

“I entreat you to send me both long and frequent letters. You are not
sufficiently conscious of the joy with which I shall receive them.
Embrace, most tenderly, my Henriette; may I add, embrace our children!
The father of those poor children is a wanderer, but he is,
nevertheless, a good, honest man, a good father, warmly attached to his
family, and a good husband also, for he loves his wife most tenderly.
The night is far advanced, the heat intense, and I am devoured by
mosquitoes; but the best countries, as you perceive, have their
inconveniences. Adieu, my love, adieu.”

Again La Fayette writes to his wife from Petersburg, Va., July 17,
1777:—

“I am now eight days’ journey from Philadelphia, in the beautiful state
of Virginia. All fatigue is over, and I fear that my martial labors will
be very light if it be true that General Howe has left New York, to go I
know not whither. But all the accounts I receive are so uncertain that I
cannot form any fixed opinion until I reach my destination.

“You must have learned the particulars of the beginning of my journey.
You know that I set out in a brilliant manner, in a carriage, and I must
now tell you that we are all on horseback,—having broken the carriage
according to my usual praiseworthy custom,—and I expect soon to write to
you that we have arrived on foot. The journey is somewhat fatiguing;
but, although several of my comrades have suffered a great deal, I have
scarcely, myself, been conscious of fatigue. The captain, who takes
charge of this letter, will perhaps pay you a visit. I beg you, in that
case, to receive him with great kindness.

“The farther I advance to the north, the better pleased I am with the
country and its inhabitants. There is no attention or kindness that I do
not receive, although many scarcely know who I am. But I will write all
this to you more in detail from Philadelphia.”

As soon as La Fayette arrived in Philadelphia, he presented himself
before Congress, then in session. The moment was inauspicious. Mr. Deane
had given so many foreigners the same promises, that Congress found
itself in a very embarrassing situation. Many of these foreigners were
brave men, and true, who had come to America with philanthropic motives,
but others were mere adventurers, and Congress therefore received the
young Marquis de La Fayette with coldness and indifference, which he
illy deserved, and which in the light of after events proved a
mortifying mistake. La Fayette laid his stipulations with Mr. Deane
before Congress, but, with surprise and chagrin, he was informed by the
chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs that there was little hope
that his request would be granted.

Imagine the feelings of the noble young marquis of nineteen. He had
sacrificed home, family, friends, and fortune, to give his aid to this
struggling nation, and his immense personal sacrifices were thus
insultingly thrown into his face. What blindness in Congress! What
heroic magnanimity in La Fayette! Pride and patriotism battled in his
sensitive soul. But unselfish patriotism conquered, and never does he
appear more truly great than at this moment. Seizing a pen, he writes to
Congress this brief but immortal note:—

“After the sacrifices I have made, I have a right to exact two favors:
one is, to serve at my _own expense_; the other is, to serve as a
_volunteer_.”

Astonished at such unprecedented generosity, and conscious of their
mistake in classing the young marquis with other foreigners, who were
actuated by selfish avarice and love of adventure, Congress accordingly
passed the following preamble and resolution on the 31st of July, 1777:—

“_Whereas_, the Marquis de La Fayette, out of his great zeal in the
cause of liberty in which the United States are engaged, has left his
family and connections, and, at his own expense, come over to offer his
service to the United States, without pension or particular allowance,
and is anxious to risk his life in our cause;

“_Resolved_, That his services be accepted, and that in consideration of
his zeal, illustrious family and connections, he have the rank and
commission of a Major-General in the army of the United States.”

La Fayette’s first meeting with Washington was at a dinner party in
Philadelphia, on the 1st of August. The commander-in-chief looked with
sympathy upon the noble young hero, and their hearts were quickly united
in a bond of friendship which ignored diversity of age, country, and
experience, for they mutually recognized a self-sacrificing devotion to
the sacred and sublime cause of human liberty.

[Illustration: G o. Washington]

“When the company were about to separate, Washington took La Fayette
aside, spoke to him very kindly, complimented him on the noble spirit he
had shown, and the sacrifices he had made in favor of the American
cause, and then told him that he should be pleased if he would make the
headquarters of the commander-in-chief his home, establish himself there
whenever he thought proper, and consider himself at all times as one of
his family; adding in a tone of pleasantry, that he could not promise
him the luxuries of a court, or even the conveniences which his former
habits might have rendered essential to comfort; but since he had become
an American soldier he would doubtless contrive to accommodate himself
to the character he had assumed, and submit with a good grace to the
customs, manners, and privations of the republican army.”

Little was the bold spirit of La Fayette dismayed at the prospect of
difficulties and privations. His soul could not be confined by
hardships, dangers, or even defeats. He eagerly accepted the invitation
of Washington, and well repaid his kindly courtesy. It was about this
time that the following letter was written from Paris by Franklin to
Washington:—

“SIR: The Marquis de La Fayette, a young nobleman of great expectations
and exceedingly beloved here, is by this time probably with you. By some
misapprehension in his contract with the merchants of Bordeaux he was
prevented from using the produce of the cargo he carried over, and so
was left without a supply of money. His friends here have sent him over
about £500 sterling, and have proposed sending him more; but on
reflection, knowing the extreme generosity of his disposition, and
fearing that some of his necessitous and artful countrymen may impose on
his goodness, they wish to put his money into the hands of some discreet
friend, who may supply him from time to time, and by that means knowing
his expenses, may take occasion to advise him if necessary, from too
much imposition.

“They accordingly have desired us to name such a person to them. We have
not been able to think of one so capable and so suitable from the
influence of situation to perform that kind office as General
Washington, under whose eye the gentleman will probably be.

“We beg, therefore, in his behalf, what his friends out of respect would
not take the liberty of asking, that Your Excellency would be pleased to
furnish him with what money he may want in moderation, and take his
drafts payable to us for sums paid him, which we shall receive here, and
apply to the public service.

“We also join with his family in their earnest request that you would
favor him with your counsels, which you may be assured will be an act of
benevolence gratefully remembered and acknowledged by a number of very
worthy persons here who have interested themselves extremely in the
welfare of that amiable young nobleman.

“With the greatest respect we have the honor to be, Sir, Your
Excellency’s.”

The commission which La Fayette had received from Congress was, as yet,
only an honorary one, conferring upon him no real command. La Fayette
was now with Washington at his headquarters. He was yearning for active
duties, and impatient to prove by personal exploits his zeal in the
cause of liberty. Washington wrote to Congress regarding La Fayette’s
position, but received the unsatisfactory reply, “that the commission
given to the Marquis de La Fayette was only honorary, and that he could
not yet receive an appointment.” Again did the generous spirit of the
young hero meet only a cold rebuff in answer to his warm offers of
personal service. He determined now to win his position by his own
actions, and the opportunity was not long in arriving.

[Illustration: Benj. Franklin]

On the 11th of September, 1777, was fought the battle of Brandywine.
“The British fleet under Sir William Howe, whose movements along the
American coast at one time seeming to threaten Philadelphia, and at
another appearing to meditate an attack upon Charleston, had caused much
apprehension and doubt, had, at last, entered the Chesapeake; and,
having proceeded up the Elk River as far as it was safely navigable,
landed the forces at the ferry on the 25th of August. The determination
of an assault upon Philadelphia was no longer questionable. The day
before Sir William Howe landed, General Washington, to inspire the
citizens with confidence, paraded his troops through the streets of
Philadelphia, and then proceeded boldly to the Brandywine. The popular
clamor, favored by the voice of Congress, demanded a battle, and
Washington determined to risk one, though he greatly apprehended that he
could not successfully compete with the strength of the battalions
marching against him. But a battle, though disastrous, would be less
injurious than to suffer the enemy to advance to Philadelphia without
opposition.

“Washington, having halted for a few days on the banks of the Brandywine
to refresh his troops, and get a better knowledge of the face of the
country and the plans of the enemy, sent forward two divisions under
Green and Stephens, who proceeded nearer to the head of the Elk, and
encamped behind White Clay Creek. Three miles farther on, at Iron Hill,
was stationed General Maxwell, at the head of an effective corps of
light infantry, formed from a regiment of Morgan’s riflemen, which had
been detached to the northern army.

“Posting the cavalry along the lines, Washington, with the main body,
crossed the Brandywine, and took up his position behind Red Clay Creek,
on the road which Sir William Howe would have to traverse on his march
to Philadelphia. La Fayette was with him, and watched with the liveliest
interest the preparations for the approaching contest. These were made
with consummate adroitness and prudence; but Sir William Howe was no
common foe; and the direction which he seemed contemplating for his
vastly superior force decided Washington that a change of his own
position was necessary. A council of war was held on the night of the
9th of September, when it was determined to retire behind the
Brandywine, and meet the enemy near Chadd’s Ford, from the heights which
ranged along upon the opposite side of the river.

“On the morning of the 11th of September, soon after daybreak, La
Fayette sprang to his feet at the intelligence that the whole British
army was in motion, and advancing towards them on the direct road
leading over Chadd’s Ford. General Maxwell had been advantageously
stationed, so that he could command this road from the hills, on the
south side of the river; and the first action accordingly began with
him.

“The foe advanced in two magnificent columns, the right commanded by
General Knyphausen, and the left by Lord Cornwallis. The plan of Howe
was, that Knyphausen’s division should occupy the attention of the
Americans, by making repeated feints of attempting the passage of the
ford, while Cornwallis should make a long sweep up the river, and cross
it at Birmingham. Knyphausen accordingly advanced with his column, and
speedily dislodging General Maxwell from his post, forced him to cross
over, though with but little loss. A furious cannonading was instantly
begun, and other demonstrations made, which indicated the intention of
the British immediately to attempt the passage of the ford. The day was
occupied in preventing this, till eleven o’clock in the morning, when
the movement of Cornwallis was first announced to Washington. A smile of
delight played upon his countenance, and he immediately determined upon
one of those bold but judicious plans for which he was remarkable.

“Placing himself at the head of the centre and left wing of the army, he
resolved to cross the river in person, and overwhelm Knyphausen before
Cornwallis could be summoned back to his aid. His ranks were already
formed for the passage, and his troops had answered to the proposition
with deafening shouts, when a messenger arrived with the intelligence
that Cornwallis had only made a feint of crossing the fords above, and
was now actually bringing his division down the southern side of the
river, to re-unite with Knyphausen. The tidings were agony to
Washington; though, false, they came in a form which constrained him to
believe them true, and his bold project was accordingly abandoned. His
troops were impatient for the encounter, but for two hours he could only
give them quiet directions, while he endeavored, in distressing
suspense, to gain some clew to the movements of the enemy on the
opposite side.

“At about two o’clock in the afternoon his uncertainty was removed, when
certain intelligence reached him, that Lord Cornwallis, after having
made a circuit of nearly seventeen miles, had forded the river above its
forks, and, accompanied by Sir William Howe, was advancing upon him.
Close action was immediately prepared for, and all along the American
lines ran the accents of welcome for the conflict. The three divisions
which formed the right wing, under Generals Sullivan, Stirling, and
Stephens, were detached, and, moving up the Brandywine, fronted the
British column marching down the river. Selecting an advantageous piece
of ground near Birmingham, with the river on their left, and, having
both flanks covered by a thick wood, they hastily formed and awaited the
attack.

“La Fayette, who had kept by the side of Washington during these scenes,
and marked them with absorbing interest, soon saw that the divisions
designed to meet Cornwallis were to receive most of the heavy blows of
that day’s battle, and petitioned and obtained permission to join them.
A burst of enthusiasm greeted his arrival, as he threw himself into the
midst of the troops, eagerly awaiting the approach of the foe. The
opportunity which he sought was not wanting long. The host was visible,
sweeping in grand and imposing array over the plain before them. When he
saw the enemy, Lord Cornwallis formed in the finest order, and hastening
forward, his first line opened a brisk fire of musketry and artillery
upon them. It was about half-past four when the battle began. The
Americans returned the fire with great injury, but the impetuosity with
which the English and Hessian troops threw themselves upon their ranks
was more than they could withstand.

“For a time both parties fought with unparalleled bravery, and the
carnage was terrible. For some time it was a doubtful struggle, but the
fiery emulation which stimulated the English and the Hessians at last
compelled the Americans to give way before them.

“The right wing first yielded, then the left, while the central
division, where La Fayette was bravely fighting, was the last to breast
the storm, which now, concentrating its strength, spent its fury upon
those devoted ranks. Firm as a rock, they bore themselves proudly
against the tide of victory, which rolled in fearfully upon them. By a
skilful manœuvre, Cornwallis had managed to separate them from the
two wings, when defeat became inevitable. The whole fire of the enemy
was united against them, and the confusion became extreme. The troops at
first wavered, then rallied, then wavered again, and at last fell into a
disorderly retreat. It was in vain that La Fayette endeavored to check
them; defying danger, he stood almost single-handed against the
on-coming host, and endeavored to reanimate his flying comrades by his
own example. It was all fruitless. A ball struck him, and as he fell,
those remaining on the field gave way.

“Gimat, aide-de-camp to the Marquis, assisted his master in getting upon
a horse, and, though the blood was flowing profusely from his wound, La
Fayette reluctantly turned and joined the fugitives. General Washington
at this moment arrived with fresh troops upon the field. Greene’s
divisions had marched four miles _in forty-two minutes_, but were too
late to avert the disasters of the day. La Fayette, as soon as he saw
Washington, started to join him, but loss of blood obliged him to stop
and have his wound bandaged. While submitting to this a band of soldiers
came upon him so suddenly that he had barely time to remount for flight,
escaping, as by a miracle, the shower of bullets which whistled around
his form.

“A general rout was the order of the day. The road to Chester was
crowded with the retreating. Knyphausen had forced the passage of
Chadd’s Ford, notwithstanding the obstinate resistance of Generals Wayne
and Maxwell, who had been left to defend it. Washington found that all
that could be done was to stay the pursuit. So successful were his
efforts, and those of General Greene, that, as night approached, Sir
William Howe called in his troops and gave over the chase. La Fayette
was unwearied in his endeavors to save the army. Forgetting himself, his
wound, and everything but this one object, he exerted himself to the
utmost amid the darkness and dreadful confusion of that night, to
restore order among the fleeing and despairing soldiery. At Chester
Bridge, twelve miles from the scene of battle, he was in part
successful.”

The generals and the commander-in-chief arrived, and La Fayette, at last
fainting from loss of blood and fatigue, was borne away to receive the
attention which his situation demanded. The next day he wrote to his
wife as follows:—

                                            “PHILADELPHIA, Sept. 12th.

“I must begin by telling you that I am perfectly well, because I must
end by telling you that we fought seriously last night, and that we were
not the stronger party on the field of battle. Our Americans, after
having stood their ground for some time, ended at length by being
routed. While endeavoring to rally them, the English honored me with a
musket ball, which slightly wounded me in the leg; but it is a trifle,
my dearest love: the ball touched neither bone nor nerve, and I have
escaped with the obligation of lying upon my back for some time, which
puts me much out of humor. I hope you will feel no anxiety. This event
ought, on the contrary, rather to reassure you, since I am incapacitated
from appearing on the field for some time. I have resolved to take great
care of myself; be convinced of this, my love. This affair will, I fear,
be attended with bad consequences for America, but we will endeavor, if
possible, to repair the evil. You must have received many letters from
me, unless the English be as ill-disposed towards my epistles as towards
my legs. I have not yet received one letter, and I am most impatient to
hear from you. It is dreadful to be reduced to hold no communication
except by letter with a person whom one loves as I love you, and as I
shall ever love you, until I draw my latest breath. I have not missed a
single opportunity, not even the most indirect one, of writing to you.
Do the same on your part, my dearest life, if you love me. Adieu; I am
forbidden to write longer.”

After the battle of Brandywine Congress adjourned to Bristol, as
Philadelphia was thought to be in danger; and La Fayette was carried to
Bethlehem and placed in the care of the Moravian Society until his wound
should be healed. In October he thus wrote to his wife:—

“I wrote to you, my dearest love, the 12th of September; the twelfth was
the day after the eleventh, and I have a little tale to relate to you
concerning that eleventh day. To render my action more meritorious, I
might tell you that prudent reflections induced me to remain for some
weeks in bed, safe sheltered from all danger; but I must acknowledge
that I was encouraged to take this measure by a slight wound which I met
with, I know not how, for I did not, in truth, expose myself to peril.
It was the first conflict at which I had been present; so you see how
very rare engagements are. It will be the last of this campaign, or, in
all probability, at least, the last great battle; and if anything should
occur, you see that I could not myself be present.

“My first occupation was to write you the day after that affair; I told
you that it was a mere trifle, and I was right; all I fear is, that you
may not have received my letter.

“As General Howe is giving, meanwhile, rather pompous details of his
American exploits to the king his master, if he should write that I am
wounded, he may also write that I am killed, which would not cost him
anything; but I hope that my friends, and you especially, will not give
faith to the reports of those persons who last year dared to publish
that General Washington and all the general officers of his army, being
in a boat together, had been upset, and every individual drowned. But
let us speak about the wound: it is only a flesh wound, and has touched
neither bone nor nerve. The surgeons are astonished at the rapidity with
which it heals; they are in an ecstasy of joy each time they dress it,
and pretend it is the finest thing in the world. For my part, I think it
most disagreeable, painful, and wearisome; but tastes often differ. If a
man, however, wished to be wounded for his amusement only, he should
come and examine how I have been struck, that he might be struck
precisely in the same manner. This, my dearest love, is what I pompously
style my wound, to give myself airs and render myself interesting.

“I must now give you your lesson as wife of an American general officer.
They will say to you, ‘They have been beaten’; you must answer, ‘That is
true; but when two armies of _equal number_ meet in the field, old
soldiers have naturally the advantage over new ones; they have, besides,
had the pleasure of killing a great many of the enemy, many more than
they have lost!’ They will afterwards add, ‘All this is very well; but
Philadelphia is taken, the capital of America, the rampart of liberty!’
You must politely answer: ‘You are all great fools! Philadelphia is a
poor, forlorn town, exposed on every side, the harbor of which was
already closed; though the residence of Congress lent it—I know not
why—some degree of celebrity.’ This is the famous city which, be it
added, we shall, sooner or later, make them yield back to us. If they
continue to persecute you with questions, you may send them about their
business in terms which the Vicomte de Noailles will teach you, for I
cannot lose time by talking to you of politics.

“Be perfectly at ease about my wound; all the faculty in America are
engaged in my service. I have a friend who has spoken to them in such a
manner that I am certain of being well attended to. That friend is
General Washington. This excellent man, whose talents and virtues I
admired, and whom I have learned to revere as I know him better, has now
become my intimate friend. His affectionate interest in me instantly won
my heart. I am established in his house, and we live together like two
attached brothers, with mutual confidence and cordiality. This
friendship renders me as happy as I can possibly be in this country.
When he sent his best surgeon to me, he told him to take charge of me as
if I were his son, because he loved me with the same affection. Having
heard that I wished to rejoin the army too soon, he wrote me a letter
full of tenderness, in which he requested me to attend to the perfect
restoration of my health. I give you these details, my dearest love,
that you may feel quite certain of the care which is taken of me. Among
the French officers who have all expressed the warmest interest in me,
M. de Gimat, my aide-de-camp, has followed me about like my shadow, both
before and since the battle, and has given me every possible proof of
attachment. You may thus feel quite secure on this account, both for the
present and the future.

“I am at present in the solitude of Bethlehem, which the Abbé Raynal has
described so minutely. This establishment is a very interesting one; the
fraternity lead an agreeable and very tranquil life—but we will talk
over all this on my return. I intend to weary those I love, yourself, of
course, in the first place, by the relation of my adventures, for you
know that I was always a great chatterbox.

“You must become a prattler also, my love, and say many things for me to
Henriette—my poor little Henriette! embrace her a thousand times; talk
of me to her, but do not tell her all I deserve to suffer: my punishment
will be, not to be recognized by her on my arrival; that is the penance
Henriette will impose upon me.”

In the life of Madame de La Fayette, written by her daughter, Madame de
Lasteyrie, this touching account is given of La Fayette’s wife at this
time.

“In the month of April, 1777, my father carried out his plan of going to
America. It is easy to judge of my mother’s grief on receiving tidings
so new, so unexpected, and so terrible. In addition to all she was
herself suffering; she had the pain of witnessing my grandfather’s
anger. ‘The French ladies,’ Lord Stomont, the English ambassador, wrote
to his government, ‘blame M. de La Fayette’s family, for having tried to
stop him in so noble an enterprise. If the Duc d’Ayen,’ one of them
said, ‘crosses such a son-in-law in such an attempt, he must not hope to
find husbands for his other daughters.’

“My mother felt that the more she excited pity, the more my father would
be censured. All her endeavors were then to conceal the tortures of her
heart, preferring to be thought childish or indifferent to bringing down
greater blame on his behavior. My mother found much comfort in the
kindness shown to her by my grandmother, whose noble mind made her
appreciate each detail of her son-in-law’s conduct.

“It was with truly maternal tenderness that she broke to her daughter
the different accounts of my father’s departure, of his arrest, of his
return to Bordeaux, and of his ultimate embarkation at the Port du
Passage in Spain.

“The first accounts of my father’s arrival in America reached my mother
a month after the birth of my sister Anastasie. His charming letters,
the accounts of his deeds, the success he had already achieved, caused
her a delight mingled with apprehensions for the dangers of war. The
news of my father having been wounded at the battle of Brandywine
reached my mother’s ears, but still more alarming reports were hidden
from her.”

After being wounded at Brandywine, La Fayette heard of the birth of his
second daughter, Anastasie. He thus tenderly wrote to his adored wife:—

“How happy your safety has made me. Dearest heart, I must speak of it
all through my letter, for I can think of nothing else. What rapture to
embrace you all,—the mother and the two little girls,—to make them
intercede with you for their truant father.”

Concerning this first visit of La Fayette to America Madame de La
Fayette herself thus writes:—

“M. de La Fayette executed in April the scheme he had been forming for
six months past, of going to serve the cause of independence in America.
I loved him tenderly. On hearing the news of his departure, my father
and all the family fell into a state of violent anger. My mother,
dreading these emotions for me, on account of the state of health I was
in, alarmed at the dangers her dearly beloved son had gone to seek so
far, having herself, less than anybody in the world, the thirst of
ambition and of worldly glory or a taste for enterprise, appreciated,
nevertheless, M. de La Fayette’s conduct as it was appreciated two years
later by the rest of the world. Totally casting aside all care with
regard to the immense expense of such an enterprise, she found, from the
first moment, in the manner in which it had been prepared, a motive for
distinguishing it from what is termed _une folie de jeune homme_. His
sorrow on leaving his wife and those who were dear to him convinced her
that she need not fear for the happiness of my life save in proportion
to her fears for his. It was she who gave me the cruel news of his
departure, and, with that generous tenderness which was peculiar to her,
she tried to comfort me by finding the means of serving M. de La
Fayette.

“At that time my mother’s youngest sister married M. de Ségur, one of M.
de La Fayette’s friends. My mother devoted to her all the moments she
could dispose of, but I was still the continual object of her
solicitude. She saw how much good she did me by showing her affection
for M. de La Fayette. Whenever M. de La Fayette’s touching letters
reached us, I could see how thoroughly she believed in his tenderness
for me. At the end of two months my dear Anastasie was born. It seemed
as if I already foresaw what a gift God was bestowing on me; from the
first moment of her birth I felt that in the midst of the greatest
trials I was still capable of joy. My child received her grandmother’s
blessing, and was carried by her to the baptismal font.

“The first news from M. de La Fayette arrived on the first of August,
one month after Anastasie’s birth. The comfort it gave me was fully
shared. My mother was indefatigable in her efforts to obtain some
accounts of him, to send him news from us, and to make herself useful to
him though separated by so great a distance. The few details which
reached us respecting his arrival, and the favorable impression he had
made on the public mind in America, did not surprise my mother, but
renewed her courage and made her still more thankful to Providence who
was so visibly protecting and guiding him. But shortly afterwards we
heard that M. de La Fayette had been wounded at the battle of
Brandywine. I need not say what were my mother’s feelings on hearing
such intelligence. She succeeded in keeping from me the report of his
death, which was spread about at that time, and to prevent false news
from reaching my ear; she first took me to her father’s place in
Burgundy, and then sent my sister and me on a visit to the Comtesse
Auguste de La Marck, at Raismes. The Comte de La Marck was Mirabeau’s
friend.

“During the winter of 1778 my mother turned all her efforts towards
obtaining intelligence from America. We heard occasionally from M. de La
Fayette. The alliance between France and the United States caused my
mother great satisfaction; I had never seen her take such interest in
any political event.”

Thus tenderly this young wife of eighteen was shielded by her mother’s
care during this trying absence of the young husband whom she so adored.
Regarding the unusual and ideal love existing between La Fayette and his
devoted wife in their early married life, their daughter Virginie,
afterwards the Marquise de Lasteyrie, thus writes:—

“I do not think it is possible to have an idea of my mother’s way of
loving. It was peculiar to herself. Her affection for my father
predominated over every other feeling without diminishing any. It might
be said she felt for him the most passionate attachment, if that
expression was in harmony with the exquisite delicacy which kept her
from any sort of jealousy, or, at least, from any of those evil impulses
generally attendant upon that feeling. Neither had she ever a moment of
_exigence_. Not only was it impossible for my father ever to perceive a
wish that could be unwelcome to him, but, even in the depth of her
heart, never did there lurk a bitter feeling. She was fourteen and a
half when she married. At that time her mind was violently agitated by
religious doubts. Notwithstanding the very tender feeling which drew her
towards my father, she was much troubled by the thought of the solemn
engagement she was taking at so early an age. All she felt appeared to
her beyond her strength, and she placed herself under the protection of
God, to whom in the midst of her disquietudes she never ceased to look
for support.

“My mother’s grief at my father’s departure to join his regiment made
her feel how deeply she was attached to him. She did not leave her
paternal home. In consequence of the extreme youth of both my parents,
for my father was but sixteen years of age, it had been agreed that they
should pass several years at the Hôtel de Noailles, the town residence
of my mother’s family.

“The following winter was very gay. My mother as well as her sister
frequently went both to the play and to balls. She enjoyed all these
pleasures with the liveliness of her age and disposition. Nevertheless,
I do not think she ever allowed herself to join in any before it had
been proved to her that she was conscientiously obliged to partake in
them. Never, even in her earliest youth, did she allow herself to taste
a single worldly amusement without being actuated by motives of duty
superior to those which forbade them. She did not join in them without
reflection, but, once decided, she would enjoy herself thoroughly and
without scruple. It is worthy of remark that the religious doubts which
tortured her should not have made her less timorous on this point. On
the contrary, she was incessantly applying for the grace of God in order
to learn the fulness of truth. He granted her prayers; her mind ceased
to be troubled. She made her first communion that same year, on the
first Sunday after Easter, and gave herself up to God, in whom she
continued to trust so faithfully amidst all the vicissitudes of life.
Shortly afterwards, her first child, little Henriette, was born.”

Before La Fayette’s wound, received at Brandywine, was sufficiently
healed to permit him to wear a boot, he was so impatient to enter into
active service, that he offered himself again as a volunteer, and joined
an expedition which was then fitting out under General Greene, to
operate in New Jersey. Preparations were made to give battle to Lord
Cornwallis; but that officer having received large re-enforcements,
General Greene, though greatly disappointed, deemed it inexpedient to
dare an attack. But young La Fayette could not consent to retire without
attempting to strike a blow. He was accordingly placed at the head of a
small company, for reconnoitring, and authorized to make an attack if he
thought it advisable. While he was examining the enemy’s position, his
little band came suddenly upon a picket of four hundred Hessians. La
Fayette’s company numbered only three hundred men; but he led them
gallantly to the attack, and the Hessians were soon flying before them.
La Fayette followed, and the Hessians meeting re-enforcements, turned to
meet their brave pursuers. Great as the odds were against him, La
Fayette and his valiant band boldly met the enemy, and again put them to
flight, pursuing them until dark; they returned to camp with only five
men wounded and one dead. Such was the battle of Gloucester.

This heroic action so impressed Congress with the bravery of La Fayette,
that they promptly responded to Washington’s renewed request in behalf
of the young marquis; and on the 1st of December, 1777, the following
resolution was passed:—

“_Resolved_, That General Washington be informed it is highly agreeable
to Congress that the Marquis de La Fayette be appointed to the command
of a division in the continental army.”

Three days after, La Fayette was publicly invested with his rank, and
placed over the division of Virginia troops, lately lead by General
Stephens.

The campaign of 1777 was now drawing to its close. Sir William Howe,
having recalled Lord Cornwallis, endeavored to force Washington from his
position; but though there were several skirmishes, in which La Fayette
distinguished himself, Washington would not be decoyed by his crafty
foe, and Howe marched back to Philadelphia without having effected a
battle.

The Revolutionary army now went into winter quarters at Valley Forge. La
Fayette thus describes the condition of their troops at this time:—

“The unfortunate soldiers were in want of everything; they had neither
coats, hats, shirts, nor shoes; their feet and legs froze until they
became black, and it was often necessary to amputate them. From want of
money they could not obtain either provisions or any means of transport.
The colonels were often reduced to two rations, and sometimes to one.
The army frequently remained whole days without provisions, and the
patient endurance of both soldiers and officers was a miracle, which
each moment served to renew. But the sight of their misery prevented new
engagements; it was almost impossible to levy recruits; it was easy to
desert into the interior of the country. The sacred fires of liberty
were not extinguished, it is true, and the majority of the citizens
detested British tyranny, but the triumph of the North (Gates’ defeat of
Burgoyne) and the tranquillity of the South had lulled to sleep
two-thirds of the continent.”

La Fayette endured with uncomplaining patience the greatest privations.
He adopted the American dress, habits, and food. He allowed himself to
fare no better than his comrades in war; and though his entire life
heretofore had been spent in ease and luxury, he repined not at cold and
scanty provisions, but rather gloried in his personal sacrifices. He
thus writes from Valley Forge to his father-in-law, the Duke d’Ayen, in
France:—

“The loss of Philadelphia is far from being so important as it is
conceived to be in Europe. If the difference of circumstances, of
countries, and of proportions between the two armies were not duly
considered, the success of General Gates would appear surprising when
compared with the events which have occurred with us, taking into
account the superiority of General Washington over General Gates. Our
general is a man formed, in truth, for this revolution, which could not
have been accomplished without him. I see him more intimately than any
other man, and I see that he is worthy of the adoration of his country.
His tender friendship for me and his complete confidence in me relating
to all political and military subjects, great as well as small, enable
me to judge of all the interests he has to conciliate, and all the
difficulties he has to conquer.

“I admire each day more fully the excellence of his character and the
kindness of his heart. Some foreigners are displeased at not having been
employed, although it did not depend on him to employ them; others,
whose ambitious projects he would not serve, and some intriguing jealous
men, have endeavored to injure his reputation; but his name will be
revered in every age by all true lovers of liberty and humanity.
Although I may appear to be eulogizing my friend, I believe that the
part he makes me act gives me the right of avowing publicly how much I
admire and respect him.

“America is most impatiently expecting us to declare for her, and France
will one day, I trust, determine to humble the pride of England. This
thought, and the measures which America appears determined to pursue,
give me great hopes for the glorious establishment of her independence.
We are not, I confess, as strong as I expected; but we are strong enough
to fight, and we shall do so, I think, with some degree of success. With
the assistance of France we shall gain the cause that I cherish, because
it is the cause of justice; because it honors humanity; because it is
important to my country; and because my American friends and myself are
deeply engaged in it. The approaching campaign will be an interesting
one. It is said that the English are sending against us some
Hanoverians; some time ago they threatened us with what was far
worse,—the arrival of some Russians. A slight menace from France would
lessen the number of these re-enforcements. The more I see of the
English, the more thoroughly convinced I am that it is necessary to
speak to them in a loud tone.

“After having wearied you with public affairs, you must not expect to
escape without being wearied also with my private affairs. It is
impossible to be more agreeably situated in a foreign country than I am.
I have only feelings of pleasure to express, and I have each day more
reason to be satisfied with the conduct of Congress towards me, although
my military occupations have allowed me to become personally acquainted
with but few of its members. Those I do know have especially loaded me
with marks of kindness and attention. The new president, Mr. Laurens,
one of the most respectable men of America, is my particular friend. As
to the army, I have had the happiness of obtaining the friendship of
every individual; not one opportunity is lost of giving me proofs of it.

“I passed the whole summer without receiving a division, which you know
had been my previous intention; I passed all that time at General
Washington’s house, where I felt as if I were with a friend of twenty
years’ standing. Since my return from Jersey, he has desired me to
choose among several brigades the division which may please me best. I
have chosen one entirely composed of Virginians. It is weak in point of
numbers at present, just in proportion, however, to the weakness of the
whole army, and almost in a state of nakedness; but I am promised cloth,
of which I shall make clothes, and recruits, of which soldiers must be
made, about the same period; but unfortunately the latter is the more
difficult task, even for more skilful men than I.

“The task I am performing here, if I have acquired sufficient experience
to perform it well, will improve exceedingly my future knowledge. The
major-general replaces the lieutenant-general and the field-marshal in
their most important functions, and I should have the power of employing
to advantage both my talents and experience, if Providence and my
extreme youth allowed me to boast of possessing either. I read, I study,
I examine, I listen, I reflect; and the result of all is the endeavor to
form an opinion into which I infuse as much common sense as possible. I
will not talk much for fear of saying foolish things; I will still less
risk acting much, for fear of doing foolish things; for I am not
disposed to abuse the confidence which the Americans have so kindly
placed in me. Such is the plan of conduct which I have followed until
now, and which I shall continue to follow; but when some plans occur to
me which I believe may become useful when properly rectified, I hasten
to impart them to a great judge, who is good enough to say he is pleased
with them.

“On the other hand, when my heart tells me that a favorable opportunity
offers, I cannot refuse myself the pleasure of participating in the
peril; but I do not think that the vanity of success ought to make us
risk the safety of an army, or of any portion of it, which may not be
formed or calculated for the offensive. If I could make an axiom with
the certainty of not saying a foolish thing, I should venture to add
that whatever may be our force, we must content ourselves with a
completely defensive plan, with the exception, however, of the moment
when we may be forced to action, because I think I have perceived that
the English troops are more astonished by a brisk attack than by a firm
resistance.

“This letter will be given you by the celebrated Adams, whose name must
undoubtedly be known to you. As I have never allowed myself to quit the
army, I have never seen him. He wished that I should give him letters of
introduction to France, especially to yourself. May I hope that you will
have the goodness to receive him kindly, and even to give him some
information respecting the present state of affairs? I fancied that you
would not be sorry to converse with a man whose merit is so universally
acknowledged. He desires ardently to succeed in obtaining the esteem of
our nation. One of his friends himself told me this.”

About this time a base and treacherous intrigue was formed against
Washington. General Gates’ victory over Burgoyne covered his name with a
blaze of glory, and censurers of Washington’s prudent policies were not
slow in suggesting that Horatio Gates was entitled to the honor of
receiving the post of commander-in-chief; and there were not wanting
ambitious partisans and disloyal spirits to swell the ranks of the
plotting discontents. Treachery and falsehood now joined their crafty
hands in fellowship, and together working their machinations, they
strove by base insinuations to break down the influence of Washington,
and even endeavored to enlist the true-hearted La Fayette in favor of
their vile schemes. But the friendship of the young marquis could not be
weakened by any artful plot, nor could his firm alliance be shaken by
any promises of rank or power.

It was at this time that he sent to Washington this manly and
appreciative letter:—

“MY DEAR GENERAL: I went yesterday morning to headquarters, with an
intention of speaking to your excellency, but you were too busy, and I
shall inform you in this letter what I wished to say.

“I don’t need to tell you that I am sorry for all that has happened for
some time past. My sorrow is a necessary consequence of my most tender
and respectful friendship for you, which affection is as true and candid
as the other sentiments of my heart, and much stronger than so new an
acquaintance seems to admit; but another reason to be concerned in the
present circumstances is the result of my ardent and perhaps
enthusiastic wishes for the happiness and liberty of this country. I see
plainly that America can defend herself if proper measures are taken,
and now I begin to fear lest she should be lost by herself and her own
sons.

“When I was in Europe, I thought that here almost every man was a lover
of liberty, and would rather die free than live a slave. You can
conceive of my astonishment when I saw that Toryism was as openly
professed as Whiggism itself; however, at that time I believed that all
good Americans were united together; that the confidence of Congress in
you was unbounded. Then I entertained the belief that America would be
independent in case she should not lose you. Take away for an instant
that modest diffidence of yourself (which, pardon my freedom, my dear
General, is sometimes too great, and I wish you could know as well as
myself what difference there is between you and every other man), you
would see very plainly that, if you were lost for America, there is
nobody who could hold the army and the revolution six months. There are
open discussions in Congress; parties who hate one another as much as
the common enemy; stupid men, who, without knowing a single word about
war, undertake to judge you, to make ridiculous comparisons. They are
infatuated with Gates, without thinking of the different circumstances,
and believe that attacking is the only thing necessary to conquer. These
ideas are entertained by some jealous men, and perhaps secret friends to
the British government, who want to push you, in a moment of ill-humor,
to some rash enterprise upon the lines, and against a much stronger
army. I should not take the liberty of mentioning these particulars if I
had not received a letter about this matter from a young, good-natured
gentleman at York, whom Conway has ruined by his cunning, but who
entertains the greatest respect for you.”

La Fayette then recounts the efforts which the enemies of Washington had
made to win his allegiance from the commander-in-chief, and closes by
reiterating his tender and profound respect.

Washington, in replying to this letter, thanks La Fayette for the “fresh
proof of friendship and attachment which it gave him,” and in conclusion
writes: “But we must not, in so great a contest, expect to meet nothing
but sunshine. I have no doubt that everything happens for the best, that
we shall triumph over all our misfortunes, and, in the end, be
happy,—when, my dear Marquis, if you will give me your company in
Virginia, we will laugh at our past difficulties and the folly of
others, and I will endeavor, by every civility in my power, to show you
how much, and how sincerely, I am your affectionate and obedient
servant.”

A new board of war had been instituted by Congress, designed to have a
general control of military affairs. Of this board Gates was made
president, and his influence was given in favor of measures contrary to
the views of Washington. As La Fayette could neither be persuaded nor
bribed to be false to Washington, the conspirators conceived a new plan.
An expedition into Canada was proposed, and Congress went so far as to
make a resolution regarding said expedition, and give all control of the
same into the hands of the Board of War. This was the opportunity wished
for by Washington’s enemies. Without consulting Washington, La Fayette
was informed that he was appointed to the command of this expedition,
and ordered to report at Albany, where the troops were to rendezvous.
The instructions given him were of the vaguest kind, and, as
after-events proved, intended to mislead him. Washington having advised
La Fayette to accept the commission, the marquis departed, taking with
him his countryman, the Baron de Kalb, as second in command. As
authority for these statements, we would refer to the “Mémoires et
Manuscrits” of La Fayette, published by his family in Paris, in 1837, in
which La Fayette himself declares these facts, and where the following
letter appears. A note is also added by his son, which says: “He wrote
to Congress that he could not accept the command only upon the condition
that he should remain subordinate to General Washington, and should be
considered as an officer despatched by him, to whom he should address
his letters, of which those received at the bureau of war should be but
duplicates. These demands, and all others which he had made, were
granted.” The result of this expedition may be learned by the
accompanying letter from La Fayette to Washington.

In previous letters, which we will not quote, the marquis entered into
minute details regarding the entire expedition, from the time of his
departure until his arrival at Albany, enumerating the many strange and
suspicious circumstances which came to his knowledge. He then sums up
the situation in the following letter:—

“MY DEAR GENERAL: I have an opportunity of writing to your Excellency,
which I will not miss by any means, even should I be afraid of becoming
tedious and troublesome; but if they have sent me far from you, I don’t
know for what purpose, at least I must make some little use of my pen,
to prevent all communication from being cut off between your Excellency
and myself. I have written lately to you my distressing, ridiculous,
foolish, and indeed nameless situation. I am sent with great noise, at
the head of an army, for doing great things; the whole continent, France
and Europe herself, and what is the worst, the British army, are in
great expectations. How far they will be deceived, how far we shall be
ridiculed, you may judge by the candid account you have got of the state
of affairs.

“There are things, I dare say, in which I am deceived; a certain colonel
is not here for nothing; one other gentleman became very popular before
I came to this place: Arnold himself is very fond of him. Every side on
which I turn to look I am sure a cloud is drawn before my eyes; but
there are points I cannot be deceived upon. The want of money, the
dissatisfaction among the soldiers, the disinclination of every one
(except the Canadians, who thereby would stay at home) for this
expedition, are as conspicuous as possible. I am sure I shall become
very ridiculous and be laughed at. _My expedition_ will be as famous as
the _secret expedition_ against Rhode Island. I confess, my dear
General, that I find myself of very sensitive feelings whenever my
reputation and glory are concerned in anything. It is very hard indeed
that such a part of my happiness, without which I cannot live, should
depend upon schemes which I never knew of but when there was no time to
put them into execution. I assure you, my most dear and respected
friend, that I am more unhappy than I ever was.

“My desire for doing something was such that I have thought of doing
it by surprise, with a detachment, but this seems to me rash and quite
impossible. I should be very happy if you were here to give me some
advice, but I have nobody to consult with. They have sent to me more
than twenty French officers, but I do not know what to do with them. I
beg you will acquaint me with the line of conduct you advise me to
follow on every point. I am at a loss how to act, and indeed I do not
know what I am here for myself. However, as being the highest officer
(after General Arnold) who has desired me to take the command, I think
it is my duty to guard the affairs of this part of America as well as
I can. Though General Gates holds the title and power of
commander-in-chief of the Northern Department, as two hundred thousand
dollars have arrived, I have taken upon myself to pay the most
important of the debts we are involved in. I am about sending
provisions to Fort Schuyler; and will go and see the fort. I will try
to get some clothes for the troops, and buy some articles for the next
campaign. I have directed some money to be borrowed upon my credit to
satisfy the soldiers, who are much discontented. In all I endeavor to
do for the best, though I have no particular authority or
instructions. I will come as near as I can to General Gates’
intentions, but I anxiously desire to get an answer to my letters.

“I fancy (between us) that the actual scheme is to have me out of this
part of the continent, and General Conway in chief command under the
immediate direction of General Gates. How they will bring it about I do
not know, but you may be sure something of that kind will appear. You
are nearer than myself, and every honest man in Congress is your friend;
therefore you can foresee and prevent, if possible, the evil, a hundred
times better than I can. I would only give the idea to your Excellency.

“Will you be so good as to present my respects to your lady? With the
most tender affection and highest respect I have the honor to be, etc.”

Deeply sympathizing with the trying position of the high-spirited young
marquis, Washington used his influence to have him recalled; but in such
manner as should honor his fidelity and exonerate his name from any
blame. His kind efforts in behalf of La Fayette were successful, and on
the second of March the Board of War was directed “to instruct the
Marquis de La Fayette to suspend for the present the intended invasion,
and at the same time inform him that Congress entertained a high sense
of his prudence, activity, and zeal; and that they were fully persuaded
nothing has or would have been wanting on his part, or on the part of
the officers who accompanied him, to give the expedition the utmost
possible effect.”

La Fayette accordingly returned to Valley Forge, and rejoined
Washington. How inexpressibly comforting to the harassed heart of
Washington must have been the faithfulness of this young knight, who
laid his sword and fortune at the feet of his adopted father, before
whose character and virtue he bowed with devotion and stanch loyalty.

On the 19th of May, 1778, Sir William Howe, then commanding the British
troops occupying Philadelphia, planned to give the fair Tory ladies a
delightful surprise. Valley Forge was about twenty miles from
Philadelphia, and already Washington had begun several manœuvres in
the opening campaign. La Fayette had been detached with a picked company
of two thousand men, and ordered to cross the Schuylkill, and take up
his post as an advance guard of the army. In accordance with these
instructions, the marquis had stationed himself at Barren Hill, about
midway between Valley Forge and Philadelphia. This interesting piece of
news soon reached Sir William Howe, and he thereupon determined to
entrap the marquis, and exhibit him at a banquet which he had ordered to
be prepared, and to which he had invited his lady friends, promising
that they should upon that occasion behold the captured marquis, whose
fame, fortune, youth, and chivalry had long engaged their attention and
excited their deepest curiosity, and caused them eagerly to desire a
sight of this young nobleman.

But Sir William Howe and his fair Tory friends reckoned without their
host. Though the marquis was scarcely twenty-one, he was not so easily
outwitted by even such a military tactician as the renowned British
commander. He also heard of this fine plan to entrap him, and determined
by a hazardous and brilliant manœuvre to elude his foe. There was but
one method practicable, but it required great daring and cunning. La
Fayette was convinced that he must recross the river. To attempt this
seemed destruction; but his inventive wit and quick planning came to his
rescue. He would feign an attack, himself lead a portion of his band
boldly against the British general, who had been stationed by Howe to
guard the ford. This he did, meanwhile ordering the remainder of his men
to cross the river under cover of this stratagem. The plan was entirely
successful. The British, imagining that La Fayette’s whole division was
coming against them, halted and prepared for battle. This delay was La
Fayette’s opportunity; perceiving that part of his troops had crossed
the river, according to directions, he slowly withdrew his own forces,
and ere his enemies were aware, his entire band had arrived on the other
side of the river; and when the British reached Barren Hill, La
Fayette’s late camp, their intended prey had escaped and were marching
towards Valley Forge.

“Finding the bird flown, the English returned to Philadelphia, spent
with fatigue and ashamed of having done nothing. The ladies did not see
M. de La Fayette, and General Howe himself arrived too late for supper.”

General Washington had watched through a glass the imminent peril which
threatened the marquis; and when he clasped him in his arms, his heart
was stirred, and his eyes glistened with deep feeling. Loud acclamations
saluted the gallant band of soldiers, and their young leader became only
second in their hearts to Washington. From that moment the influence of
La Fayette was unlimited. His youth made his exploit all the more
remarkable, and his courage won their profoundest admiration.

M. Chastellux, in his work entitled “Journey from Newport to
Philadelphia,” thus wrote of La Fayette’s influence in the army: “We
availed ourselves of the cessation of the rain to accompany his
Excellency [General Washington] to the camp of the marquis [General La
Fayette]. We found all his troops ranged in line of battle on the
heights to the left, and himself at their head, expressing both by his
deportment and physiognomy that he preferred seeing me there to
receiving me at his estate in Auvergne. The confidence and attachment of
his troops are most precious in his eyes; for he looks upon that species
of wealth as one of which he cannot be deprived. But what I find still
more flattering to a young man of his age, is the influence which he has
acquired in political as well as in military circles. I have no fear of
being contradicted when I assert that mere letters from him have often
had more influence in some of the states of the Union than the strongest
invitations on the part of the Congress. On seeing him it is difficult
to determine which is the more surprising circumstance, that a young man
should have already given so many proofs of talent, or that a man so
proved should still leave so much room for hope. Happy will his country
be if she knows how to avail herself of his aid; and happier still,
should that aid become superfluous to her!”

But just as the welcome words of commendation from his beloved chief
fell upon the ear of La Fayette, sad tidings were wafted to him from
over the sea. The darling little Henriette, who had not yet learned to
lisp her father’s name when he parted with her, but since then had tried
with baby prattle to tell her love for her _cher papa_, had been
stricken down; the infant tongue had been silenced, the wondering eyes
closed, and the devoted father must wait until he too passed beyond
life’s river, to be recognized by his much-loved Henriette.

With sorrowful heart he pens these touching lines to his idolized wife:—

“What a dreadful thing is absence! I never experienced before all the
horrors of separation. My own deep sorrow is aggravated by the feeling
that I am not able to share and sympathize in your anguish. The length
of time that elapsed before I heard of this event also increased my
misery. Consider, my love, what a dreadful thing it must be to weep for
what I have lost, and tremble for what remains. The distance between
Europe and America appears to me more enormous than ever. The loss of
our poor child is almost constantly in my thoughts. This sad news
followed almost immediately that of the treaty; and while my heart was
torn by grief, I was obliged to receive and take part in expressions of
public joy.

“If the unfortunate news had reached me sooner, I should have set out
immediately to rejoin you; but the account of the treaty, which we
received the first of May, prevented me from leaving this country. The
opening campaign does not allow me to retire. I have always been
perfectly convinced that by serving the cause of humanity and that of
America I serve also the interests of France.

“Embrace a million times our little Anastasie; alas! she is all that we
have left. I feel that my divided tenderness is now concentrated upon
her. Take the best care of her. Adieu!”




                              CHAPTER III.

Battle of Monmouth—General Lee’s Seeming Treachery—Washington on the
  Field—La Fayette’s Coolness in the Face of Danger—An Incident of the
  Battle—Arrival of the French Fleet—La Fayette’s Sagacity in
  Negotiations—Resolution of Congress commending him—Letter from the
  President of Congress—La Fayette’s Reply—La Fayette’s Letter to
  Washington—Washington’s Affectionate Answer—La Fayette solicits Leave
  of Absence to return to France—Washington’s Letter to Congress—La
  Fayette’s Letter to the President of Congress—Congress grants the
  Request—La Fayette’s Illness—Anxiety regarding him displayed by
  Washington and the Army—His Recovery—A Visitor describes his
  Appearance—Letter to Washington from on Board the _Alliance_—Dangers
  at Sea—La Fayette’s Arrival in France—Virginie La Fayette describes
  the Joy occasioned by the Return of her Father—La Fayette’s Letter to
  President Laurens—Sword presented to La Fayette by Congress—La
  Fayette’s Efforts in France in Behalf of America—La Fayette returns to
  America—His Note to Washington announcing his Arrival—His Reception in
  Boston—Congress renders Thanks to the Young Marquis—Discouragements in
  the Army—Treachery of Benedict Arnold—La Fayette’s Letter regarding
  the Plot—La Fayette’s Letter to his Wife—Appointed to the Command of
  the Virginia Troops—Discouraging Difficulties—La Fayette’s Undaunted
  Perseverance—His Politic Measures—La Fayette describes his Position to
  Washington—La Fayette’s Refusal to hold Communication with
  Arnold—Washington’s Commendation—Lord Cornwallis assumes Command of
  the English Army—His Contempt for the Youthful Marquis—His Opinion
  concerning the “Boy”—The Despised “Boy’s” Unexpected Stratagem—Brisk
  Skirmish—La Fayette’s Commendation of General Wayne—The Marquis
  outwits Cornwallis by Means of a Spy—La Fayette’s Letter to
  Washington—Arrival of the French Fleet—Cornwallis Entrapped—Loyalty of
  La Fayette—Arrival of Washington and Rochambeau—Siege of
  Yorktown—Capitulation of the English—Surrender of Cornwallis—Public
  Rejoicing—Letter from La Fayette to M. de Maurepas—Also to M. de
  Vergennes—La Fayette’s Letter to his Wife—His Return to
  France—Virginie La Fayette describes the Home Picture—Letter to
  Washington from La Fayette.

                       “Liberty’s in every blow!
                        Let us do or die.”—BURNS.


ON Sunday, the 28th of June, 1778, the battle of Monmouth was fought.
General Lee, who commanded the troops first in action, with seeming
treachery ordered a retreat; and though La Fayette endeavored to stem
the tide of defeat, a total rout seemed certain, when Washington rode
upon the field, and seeing his orders had been disobeyed, he accosted
Lee with cutting severity, and gave instant commands to turn about.
“_Long live Washington!_” rang the shout along the ranks, and the white
charger, bearing the chieftain, was looked upon as a herald of victory.
The irresistible genius of that quiet man turned back the tide of war,
and forced the British to retreat, and night alone prevented the
Americans from pushing on to a further attack. Everywhere had La Fayette
been seen encouraging his men. Where the greatest danger was, there was
always his place. With the utmost coolness he gave orders or obeyed the
directions of his chief. Colonel Willet, who had volunteered as an aide
to General Scott, who commanded the infantry, says that in the hottest
of the fight he saw La Fayette ride up, and in a voice cool, steady, and
slow, and with as much deliberation as if nothing exciting prevailed,
said: “General, the enemy is making an attempt to cut off our right
wing—march to its assistance with all your force.” So saying, he
galloped off, being exceedingly well mounted, though plainly dressed.

An officer under the immediate command of La Fayette said of him at this
battle: “I have been charmed with the blooming gallantry and sagacity of
the Marquis de La Fayette, who appears to be possessed of every
requisite to constitute a great general.”

In the “Historical Anecdotes of the Reign of Louis XVI.,” an incident of
this battle is related as follows:—

“During the American war a general officer in the service of the United
States advanced with a score of men, under the English batteries, to
reconnoitre their position.

“His aide-de-camp, struck by a ball, fell at his side, while the
officers and orderly dragoons fled precipitately. The general, though
under the fire of the cannon, approached the wounded man to see whether
he had any signs of life remaining, or whether any assistance could be
afforded him. Finding the wound had been mortal, he turned his eyes away
with emotion, and slowly rejoined the group which had gotten out of the
reach of the pieces. This instance of courage and humanity took place at
the battle of Monmouth. General Clinton, who commanded the English
troops, knew that the Marquis de La Fayette usually rode a white horse;
and it was upon a white horse that the general officer who retired so
slowly was mounted. Sir Henry Clinton, therefore, commanded the gunners
not to fire. This noble forbearance probably saved General La Fayette’s
life. At that time he was but twenty-two years of age.”

During the summer of 1778 an expedition against Newport, then held by
the British, was planned. A French fleet under Count d’Estaing had
arrived. The plan was to move against Newport by land and sea. When all
was arranged, the Count d’Estaing for some reason changed his purpose,
and the expedition was necessarily abandoned. In the negotiations La
Fayette displayed much zeal, and hearing that the American army was
flying before the enemy, he immediately started for the scene, and by
his intrepid courage turned the tide of pursuit, and brought back the
troops without the loss of a man. This brave conduct of La Fayette met
with universal commendation, and in his honor Congress passed the
following resolution:—

“_Resolved_, That Mr. President be requested to inform the Marquis de La
Fayette that Congress have a due sense of the sacrifice he made of his
personal feelings in undertaking a journey to Boston, with a view of
promoting the interests of these states, at a time when an occasion was
daily expected of his acquiring glory in the field, and that his
gallantry in going on to Rhode Island, when the greatest part of the
army had retreated, and his good conduct in bringing off the pickets and
out-sentinels, deserve their particular approbation.”

Mr. Laurens, who was then President of Congress, accompanied this
resolution with the following letter:—

                                        “PHILADELPHIA, Sept. 13, 1778.

“SIR: I experience a high degree of satisfaction in fulfilling the
instructions embraced in the enclosed act of Congress of the ninth
instant, which expresses the sentiments of the representatives of the
United States of America, relative to your excellent conduct during the
expedition recently undertaken against Rhode Island. Receive, Sir, this
testimonial on the part of Congress as a tribute of the respect and
gratitude offered to you by a free people.

“I have the honor to be with very great respect and esteem, Sir, your
obedient and most humble servant,

                                           “HENRY LAURENS, President.”

To these communications La Fayette replied:—

                                                “CAMP, Sept. 23, 1778.

“Sir: I have just received the letter of the 13th instant with which you
have favored me, and in which you communicate the honor which Congress
has been pleased to confer by the adoption of its flattering resolution.
Whatever sentiments of pride may be reasonably excited by such marks of
approbation, I am not the less sensible of the feelings of gratitude,
nor of the satisfaction of believing that my efforts have, in some
measure, been considered as useful to a cause in which my heart is so
deeply interested. Have the goodness, Sir, to present to Congress my
unfeigned and humble thanks, springing from the bottom of my heart, and
accompanied with the assurances of my sincere and perfect attachment, as
the only homage worthy of being offered to the representatives of a free
people.

“From the moment that I first heard the name of America, I loved her;
from the moment that I learned her struggles for liberty, I was inflamed
with the desire of shedding my blood in her cause; and the moments that
may be expended in her service, whenever they may occur, or in whatever
part of the world I may be, shall be considered as the happiest of my
existence. I feel more ardently than ever the desire of deserving the
obliging sentiments with which I am honored by the United States and by
their representatives, and the flattering confidence which they have
been pleased to repose in me has filled my heart with the liveliest
gratitude and most lasting affection.”

La Fayette’s youthful enthusiasm and his love of his country were both
so intense that his first impulse was to resent any national slight as a
personal affront.

La Fayette wanted to send a challenge, in 1778, to Lord Carlisle, an
English commissioner, who, in a letter to the American Congress, had in
his opinion used a phrase insulting to France. Washington at once wrote
to him disapproving the challenge.

“The generous spirit of chivalry,” he said, “when banished from the rest
of the world has taken refuge, my dear friend, in the highly wrought
feelings of your nation. But you cannot do anything if the other party
will not second you; and though these feelings may have been suitable to
the times to which they belonged, it is to be feared that in our day
your adversary, taking shelter behind modern opinions and his public
character, may even slightly ridicule so old-fashioned a virtue.
Besides, even supposing his lordship should accept your challenge,
experience has proved that chance, far more than bravery or justice,
decides in such affairs. I therefore should be very unwilling to risk,
on this occasion, a life which ought to be reserved for greater things.
I trust that his Excellency, Admiral the Count d’Estaing, will agree
with me in this opinion, and that so soon as he can part with you, he
will send you to headquarters, where I shall be truly glad to welcome
you.”

The English commissioner, as Washington had anticipated, declined the
challenge upon public grounds, adding: “In my opinion such national
disputes may be best settled by the fleets under Admiral Byron and the
Count d’Estaing.”

About this time La Fayette wrote from his camp to Washington, as
follows:—

“Give me joy, my dear General: I intend to have your picture. Mr.
Hancock has promised me a copy of the one he has in Boston. He gave one
to Count d’Estaing, and I never saw a man so glad at possessing his
sweetheart’s picture as the admiral was to receive yours.”

To these fond words Washington thus replied:—

“The sentiments of affection and attachment which breathe so
conspicuously in all your letters to me are at once pleasing and
honorable, and afford me abundant cause to rejoice at the happiness of
my acquaintance with you. Your love of liberty, the just sense you
entertain of this valuable blessing, and your noble and disinterested
exertions in the cause of it, added to the innate goodness of your
heart, conspire to render you dear to me; and I think myself happy in
being linked with you in bonds of the strictest friendship.

“The ardent zeal which you have displayed during the whole course of the
campaign to the eastward, and your endeavors to cherish harmony among
the officers of the allied powers, and to dispel those unfavorable
impressions which had begun to take place in the minds of the
unthinking, from misfortunes which the utmost stretch of human foresight
could not avert, deserved, and now receive, my particular and warmest
thanks.

“Could I have conceived that my picture had been an object of your
wishes, or in the smallest degree worthy of your attention, I should,
while Mr. Peale was in camp at Valley Forge, have got him to take the
best portrait of me he could, and presented it to you; but I really had
not so good an opinion of my own worth as to suppose that such a
compliment would not have been considered as a greater instance of my
vanity, than means of your gratification; and therefore, when you
requested me to sit to Monsieur Lanfang, I thought it was only to obtain
the outlines and a few shades of my features, to have some prints struck
from.”

Reports now reached La Fayette that the French ministry were planning an
attack upon England; whereupon he wrote to the Duke d’Ayen:—

“I should consider myself as almost dishonored if I were not present at
such a moment. I should feel so much regret and shame, that I should be
tempted to drown or hang myself, according to the English mode. My
greatest happiness would be to drive them from this country, and then to
repair to England, serving under your command.”

Feeling that his presence was now required in France, and that he could
there best serve America, La Fayette solicited from Congress a leave of
absence, that he might return to his own country. General Washington
sent the following letter to the President of Congress by La Fayette:—

                                          “HEADQUARTERS, Oct. 6, 1778.

“SIR: This letter will be presented to you by Major-General La Fayette.
The generous motives which formerly induced him to cross the ocean, and
serve in the armies of the United States are known to Congress. The same
praiseworthy reasons now urge him to return to his native country, which
under the existing circumstances has a claim to his services.

“However anxious he was to fulfil the duty which he owes to his king and
country, that powerful consideration could not induce him to leave this
continent while the fate of the campaign remains undecided. He is,
therefore, determined to remain until the termination of the present
campaign, and takes advantage of the present cessation from hostilities
to communicate his designs to Congress, so that the necessary
arrangements may be made at a convenient season, while he is at hand, if
occasion should offer, to distinguish himself in the army.

“At the same time, the marquis, being desirous of preserving his
connection with this country, and hoping that he may enjoy opportunities
of being useful to it as an American officer, only solicits leave of
absence, for the purpose of embracing the views which have been already
suggested. The pain which it costs me to separate from an officer who
possesses all the military fire of youth, with a rare maturity of
judgment, would lead me, if the choice depended on my wishes, to place
his absence on the footing which he proposes. I shall always esteem it a
pleasure to be able to give those testimonials of his service to which
they are entitled, from the bravery and conduct which have distinguished
him on every occasion; and I do not doubt that Congress will, in a
proper manner, express how sensibly they appreciate his merits and how
much they regret his departure. I have the honor to be, etc.,

                                                  “GEORGE WASHINGTON.”

La Fayette proceeded to Philadelphia, bearing this letter from
Washington. Having arrived there, he at once addressed the following
letter to the President of Congress:—

                                         “PHILADELPHIA, Oct. 13, 1778.

“SIR: However attentive I ought to be not to employ the precious moments
of Congress in the consideration of private affairs, I beg leave, with
that confidence which naturally springs from affection and gratitude, to
unfold to them the circumstances in which I am at present situated. It
is impossible to speak more appropriately of the sentiments which attach
me to my own country than in the presence of citizens who have done so
much for their own. So long as I have had the power of regulating my own
actions, it has been my pride and pleasure to fight beneath the banners
of America in the defence of a cause which I may dare more particularly
to call _ours_, as I have shed my blood in its support.

“Now, Sir, that France is engaged in war, I am urged, both by duty and
patriotism, to present myself before my sovereign, to know in what
manner he may be pleased to employ my services. The most pleasing
service that I can render will be that which enables me to serve the
common cause among those whose friendships I have had the happiness to
obtain, and in whose fortunes I participated when your prospects were
less bright than they now are. This motive, together with others which
Congress will appreciate, induce me to request permission to return to
my own country in the ensuing winter. So long as a hope remained of an
active campaign, I never indulged the idea of leaving the army, but the
present state of peace and inaction leads me to prefer to Congress this
petition. If it should be pleased to grant my request, the arrangements
for my departure shall be taken in such a manner that the result of the
campaign shall be known before they are put into execution. I enclose a
letter from his Excellency, General Washington, consenting to the leave
of absence which I wish to obtain. I flatter myself that you will
consider me as a soldier on leave of absence, ardently wishing to rejoin
his colors as well as his beloved comrades. If, when I return to the
midst of my fellow-citizens, it is believed that I can, in any manner,
promote the prosperity of America, if my most strenuous exertions can
promise any useful results, I trust, Sir, that I shall always be
considered as the man who has the prosperity of the United States most
at heart, and who entertains for their representatives the most perfect
love and esteem. I have the honor to be, etc.,

                                                         “LA FAYETTE.”

Congress readily granted this request, and after directing that a letter
should be written to La Fayette thanking him for his disinterested zeal
and the services which he had rendered to the United States, Congress
passed the resolution that: “The Minister Plenipotentiary of the United
States of America at the court of Versailles be directed to cause an
elegant sword, with proper devices, to be made and presented in the name
of the United States to the Marquis de La Fayette.”

While La Fayette was making his preparations to return to France, he was
stricken down by a violent fever which for a time threatened to be
fatal. The entire army displayed the most intense interest regarding his
state, and great was the joy when the physicians at length announced
that the marquis would recover. General Washington visited him daily at
Fishkill, where he was taken sick, and paid him every kind and tender
attention in his power. During La Fayette’s convalescence a gentleman
visited him, who thus describes his appearance at that time:—

“By the request of Colonel Gibson I waited on the Marquis de La Fayette.
The Colonel furnished me with a letter of introduction, and his
compliments, with inquiries respecting the Marquis’ health. I was
received by this nobleman in a polite and affable manner. He is just
recovering from a fever, and is in his chair of convalescence. He is
nearly six feet high, large, but not corpulent, being not more than
twenty-two years of age. He is not very elegant in his form, his
shoulders being broad and high, nor is there a perfect symmetry in his
features; his forehead is remarkably high, his nose large and long,
eyebrows prominent and projecting over a fine animated hazel eye. His
countenance is interesting and impressive. He converses in broken
English, and displays the manners and address of an accomplished
gentleman.”

A vessel called the _Alliance_ had been furnished La Fayette for his
voyage to France. On January 11, 1779, he penned these farewell lines to
Washington, written on board the _Alliance_:—

“Farewell, my dear General. I hope your French friend will ever be dear
to you. I hope I shall soon see you again, and tell you myself with what
emotion I now leave the coast you inhabit, and with what affection and
respect I am forever, my dear General, your respectful and sincere
friend,

                                                          LA FAYETTE.”

But notwithstanding the face of the young marquis was thus set homeward,
it was not all smooth sailing. Terrible storms tossed the little vessel
to and fro, and for a time it seemed as though the huge waves would
engulf the frigate. The main top-mast was blown away, the vessel rolled
upon the heavy swells, apparently at the mercy of the tempest, while the
dashing billows broke over the dismantled craft, which was soon half
filled with water, and seemed doomed to destruction.

But the darkness of the stormy night was followed by the radiance of a
calm and lovely morning. The golden sunshine flooded the surface of the
ocean, and the _Alliance_ sailed safely on her homeward way. But storms
were not the only dangers which beset the path of La Fayette. A mutinous
plot was formed among the sailors, and only the promptness and energy of
the marquis, in ordering the arrest of thirty-one of the mutineers, and
placing them in irons, so awed the others that tranquillity was secured.

With what inexpressible eagerness La Fayette must have turned to watch
the first glimpse of his beloved land—that land where dwelt his idolized
wife and little babe whose eyes had never yet rested on its father’s
face.

His fame had gone before him, and his name was known and spoken with
pride and honor in every city and hamlet of his native country. La
Fayette landed at Brest in February.

His daughter thus describes her mother’s ecstasy at this longed-for
meeting:—

“The intensity of my mother’s joy was beyond all expression.

“This happiness was soon disturbed by fresh alarms which prevented her
enjoying in peace my father’s return. A projected invasion of England
detained him a long time on the coast. During his stay in France he was
continually employed in preparing fresh enterprises. My mother’s health
was shaken at once by past anxieties and by the dread of future dangers.
On the 24th of December, 1779, my brother was born.”

This brother of Virginie La Fayette was named George Washington La
Fayette, in honor of his father’s revered friend. The expedition against
England was, however, abandoned; and La Fayette turned his attention to
forwarding the interests of America, by soliciting for her army
assistance in men, money, and clothing. So earnest was his zeal that he
offered to pledge his entire fortune in the cause of the Republic. He
wrote as follows to President Laurens:—

“The affairs of America I shall ever look upon as my first business
while I am in Europe. Any confidence from the king and ministers, any
popularity I may have among my own countrymen, any means in my power,
shall be, to the best of my skill, and to the end of my life, exerted in
behalf of an interest I have so much at heart. If Congress believe that
my influence may serve them in any way, I beg they will direct such
orders to me, that I may the more certainly and properly employ the
knowledge which I have of this court and country for obtaining a success
in which my heart is so much interested.

“The flattering affection with which Congress and the American nation
are pleased to honor me, makes me very desirous of letting them know—if
I dare speak so frankly—how I enjoyed my private position. Happy in the
sight of my friends and family, after I was by your attentive kindness
safely brought again to my native shore, I met with such an honorable
reception, and such kind sentiments as far exceeded any wishes I could
have conceived. I am indebted for that inexpressible satisfaction which
the good will of my countrymen towards me affords to my heart, to their
ardent love for America, to the cause of freedom and its defenders,
their new allies, and to the idea which they entertain, that I have had
the happiness to serve the United States. To these motives, Sir, and to
the letter Congress was pleased to write on my account, I owe the many
favors the king has conferred upon me. Without delay I was appointed to
the command of his own regiment of dragoons, and everything he could
have done, everything I could have wished, I have received on account of
your kind recommendations.”

The sword which Congress had voted should be presented to him was
finished in August. It was of very elegant workmanship. Among other
elaborate designs with which it was ornamented were representations of
the battle of Gloucester, the retreat of Barren Hill, the battle of
Monmouth, and the retreat of Rhode Island. The sword was presented to
the Marquis de La Fayette by a grandson of Dr. Franklin, accompanied by
a letter written by Benjamin Franklin, in which he said, “By the help of
the exquisite artists France affords, I find it easy to express
everything but the _sense we have of your worth and our obligations to
you_.”

So enthusiastic were La Fayette’s efforts in behalf of America, and such
was his perseverance, that the prime minister of France exclaimed in
astonishment, “He would unfurnish the palace of Versailles to clothe the
American army!” to which La Fayette, eagerly responded, “_I would!_”

At length La Fayette received the welcome tidings that the king and
ministry had at last acceded to his repeated requests; and he was
instructed “to proceed immediately to join General Washington, and to
communicate to him the secret that the king, willing to give the United
States a new proof of his affection and of his interest in their
security, is resolved to send to their aid, at the opening of the
spring, six vessels of the line and six thousand regular troops of
infantry.”

On the 19th of March, 1780, La Fayette sailed from France to bear to
America this joyful news; and at the entrance of Boston harbor he wrote
these words of greeting to Washington, and despatched them by a
messenger to announce his arrival:—

“Here I am, my dear General, and in the midst of the joy I feel in
finding myself again one of your loving soldiers, I take but the time to
tell you that I came from France on board a frigate which the king gave
me for my passage. I have affairs of the utmost importance, which I
should at first communicate to you alone. In case my letter finds you
anywhere this side of Philadelphia, I beg you will wait for me, and do
assure you a great public good may be derived from it. To-morrow we go
up to the town, and the day after I shall set off in my usual way to
join my beloved and respected friend and general.”

When La Fayette landed in Boston he was received with marked attention.
The day was given up to public rejoicing; bells were rung, cannon
boomed, and the shouts of the cheering multitude, mingled with the
strains of martial music, as America paid homage to her adopted son. But
these public honors, gratifying as they were, could not detain the
faithful young hero, whose first desire was to clasp to his heart the
form of his adopted father and to look into the face of his beloved
general. Perhaps nowhere else in history is another instance of such
peculiar love and lasting friendship as was displayed by La Fayette and
Washington. The young knight bowed at the feet of his chief, regarding
him as something almost more than mortal in the perfection of his
character and the attraction of his nature; while the general, upon
whose shoulders rested the responsibility of a nation, felt his heart
lightened and his soul comforted by the sympathy and appreciation of
this self-sacrificing young marquis.

Congress was not tardy now in rendering appropriate thanks to the young
marquis, and passed a resolution in his honor. But Congress was not so
ready to come to the help of the suffering American army. Washington
again made an appeal in their behalf. “For the troops to be without
clothing at any time,” he wrote, “is highly injurious to the service and
distressing to our feelings; but the want will be more peculiarly
mortifying when they come to act with those of our allies.”

La Fayette, as usual, started a relief fund from his private purse,
offering the ladies of Philadelphia, who were making donations in aid of
the suffering troops, one hundred guineas in the name of Madame La
Fayette.

Amid innumerable discouragements Washington prepared for the coming
campaign. It was not until July that the long-expected French fleet
arrived, and then only part of the promised assistance. Five thousand
five hundred men were sent, leaving two thousand, with all the arms,
munitions of war, and clothing promised to La Fayette, to follow later.
The intention of the American army had been to unite with the French
allies in an attack upon New York. But the second part of the French
fleet was blockaded in the port of Brest by a British squadron, thus
disconcerting all the plans of the allies. The immediate attack upon New
York was accordingly abandoned.

It was in September of this year, 1780, that the treachery of Benedict
Arnold was consummated. Washington had, at the earnest solicitation of
La Fayette, left the camp to meet with Count de Rochambeau, the leader
of the French forces, and the Chevalier de Ternay, the admiral of the
French fleet. This important interview had been arranged to take place
at Hartford, Conn. It was during the absence of Washington that the
traitor Arnold carried into execution his infamous plot. La Fayette thus
describes his discovery of the nefarious deed, in a letter to the
Chevalier de la Luzerne:—

“When I parted from you yesterday, Sir, to come and breakfast here with
General Arnold, we were far from foreseeing the event which I am now
going to relate to you. You will shudder at the danger to which we were
exposed; you will admire the miraculous chain of unexpected events and
singular chances which have saved us; but you will be still more
astonished when you learn by what instrument this conspiracy has been
formed. West Point was sold,—_and sold by Arnold_,—the same man who
formerly acquired glory by rendering such immense services to his
country. He had lately entered in a horrible compact with the enemy and
but for the accident which brought us here at a certain hour, but for
the combination of chances that threw the adjutant-general of the
British army into the hands of some peasants, beyond the limits of our
stations, at West Point and on the North River, they would both at
present, in all probability, be in the possession of the enemy.

[Illustration: ROCHAMBEAU]

“When we set out yesterday for Fishkill, we were preceded by one of my
aides-de-camp and one of General Washington’s [Colonels Hamilton and
McHenry], who found General Arnold and his wife at breakfast, and sat
down at the table with them. While they were together, two letters were
given to Arnold, which apprised him of the arrest of the spy. He ordered
a horse to be saddled, went into his wife’s room to tell her he was
ruined, and desired his aide-de-camp to inform General Washington that
he was going to West Point, and would return in the course of an hour.

“On our arrival here we crossed the river and went to examine the works.
You may conceive our astonishment when we learned, on our return, that
the arrested spy was Major André, adjutant-general of the English army;
and when among his papers were discovered the copy of an important
council of war, the state of the garrison and works, and observations
upon various means of attack and defence, the whole in Arnold’s own
handwriting.

“The adjutant-general wrote also to the general avowing his name and
situation. Orders were sent to arrest Arnold; but he escaped in a boat,
got on board the English frigate, the _Vulture_, and as no person
suspected his flight, he was not stopped at any post. Colonel Hamilton,
who had gone in pursuit of him, received soon after, by a flag of truce,
a letter from Arnold to the general, in which he entered into details to
justify his treachery, and a letter from the English commander,
Robertson, who, in a very insolent manner, demanded that the
adjutant-general should be delivered up to them, as he had only acted
with the permission of General Arnold.”

La Fayette was one of the fourteen generals who tried Major André, and
who were forced to the painful decision that the interests of America
demanded that he should suffer the extreme penalty of the law, as a spy,
which was death by hanging. Washington would have been glad to exchange
André for the traitor Arnold, that to him might be meted out his just
deserts; but Sir Henry Clinton would not give up Arnold, though he made
efforts to save André. Arnold’s villany was afterwards rewarded by the
commission of brigadier-general in the British army, and he was placed
at the head of some English troops then ravaging the southern part of
Virginia. His malignant spirit gloated in acts of atrocious cruelty, and
he allowed his men to pillage and destroy, sparing neither old nor
young, neither women nor children.

La Fayette now entered upon a series of marches, manœuvres,
skirmishes, and strategic expeditions, which ended at last in the
capture of Lord Cornwallis at Yorktown: this was largely due to La
Fayette’s successive masterly stratagems and skilful plans. It has been
said of La Fayette, that his name was never tarnished by a single
military blunder. Others have displayed equal courage in the face of
dangers, and calmness on the field of battle, but his military genius
consisted in a tact and skill in extricating an army from apparently
insurmountable perils that would have baffled veteran generals well
versed in the stratagems of war.

But the untiring soldier was none the less a tender father and devoted
husband; in the midst of preparations for the coming campaign he
snatches a moment to write thus fondly to his “dearest heart”:—

“The Americans continue to testify for me the greatest kindness. There
is no proof of affection which I do not receive each day from the army
and nation. I experience for the American officers and soldiers that
friendship which arises from having shared with them for a length of
time dangers, sufferings, and both good and evil fortune. We began by
struggling together, for our affairs have often been at the lowest
possible ebb. It is gratifying to me to crown this work with them by
giving the European troops a high idea of the soldiers who have been
allied with us. To all these motives of interest for the cause and the
army are joined my sentiments of regard for General Washington.

“Embrace our children a thousand and a thousand times for me. Their
father, although a wanderer, is not less tender, nor less constantly
occupied with them, and not less happy at receiving news from them. My
heart dwells with peculiar delight on the moment when those dear
children will be presented to me by you, and when we can embrace and
caress them together.”

Having sent this loving message across the sea, the young knight-errant
entered upon another campaign in defence of liberty. Sir Henry Clinton
had sent out two thousand men under General Phillips to re-enforce
Arnold in Virginia. Learning this, Washington despatched La Fayette to
Virginia, to take command of the troops there collecting, and to
prevent, if possible, any junction of Phillips with Cornwallis. The
marquis was only too eager for active duty, and took up his line of
march with the troops previously under his charge, for Baltimore. But
these northern soldiers soon began to express their dissatisfaction with
such an expedition. They were without tents, shoes, hats, and, as the
marquis said, “in a state of shocking nakedness”; and they refused to
continue this unlooked-for march. To render his condition still more
distressing, La Fayette was informed by the Board of War that they were
utterly unable to render his troops any aid.

La Fayette’s nature seemed rather to be nerved by obstacles to greater
strength and superior judgment than weakened and discouraged. A
perplexing dilemma was often his greatest opportunity. Washington could
not aid him, the Board of War announced themselves powerless; and La
Fayette was left to face his overwhelming perplexities alone.

He boldly issued an order to his troops, in which he sympathized with
their hardships, and frankly told them that he was about to enter upon
an enterprise, of great difficulty and danger, and expressed his
confidence that his soldiers would join him in the hazardous expedition.
But if any should be unwilling to accompany him, he assured them that a
free permit would be given them to join their corps in the North, and
that by applying to him, they could be saved from the crime and disgrace
of desertion. Not a man after that left the heroic band, and a lame
sergeant hired a place in a cart that he might keep up with the army.

Arriving at Baltimore, La Fayette borrowed upon his personal credit ten
thousand dollars, which he immediately appropriated to supplying the
needs of his soldiers. He wrote to General Greene thus:—

“As our brave and excellent men are shockingly destitute of linen, I
have borrowed, from the merchants of Baltimore a sum on my credit which
will amount to to about two thousand pounds, and will procure hats,
shoes, blankets, and a pair of linen overalls to each man. I hope to set
the Baltimore ladies at work upon the shirts, which will be sent after
me, and the overalls will be made by our tailors. I will use my
influence to have the money added to the loan which the French court
have made to the United States, and in case I cannot succeed, bind
myself to the merchants for payment, with interest, in two years.”

Most willingly did the ladies of Baltimore give their aid in preparing
garments for the troops, and La Fayette proceeded with his division
towards Virginia. Phillips and Arnold had separated their forces for a
time, that they might better carry on their work of pillaging; but in
April they reunited their divisions, and planned an attack upon
Richmond.

But the vigilant marquis was before them; marching with great celerity,
he entered and took possession of the city, and was there joined by
Baron Steuben, with his corps of regular troops, and by General Nelson,
with a band of Virginia militia. The chagrin of the British was intense
when they discovered that they had been outwitted by La Fayette and that
he had gained this important post.

La Fayette thus describes to Washington his position at this time:—

“When General Phillips retreated from Richmond, his project was to stop
at Williamsburg, there to collect contributions which he had imposed.
This induced me to take a position between Pamunkey and Chickahominy
rivers, which equally covered Richmond and some other interesting parts
of the state, and from where I detached General Nelson with some militia
towards Williamsburg. Having got as low down as that place, General
Phillips seemed to discover an intention to make a landing, but upon
advices received by a vessel from Portsmouth, the enemy weighed anchor,
and, with all the sail they could crowd, hastened up the river.

“This intelligence made me apprehensive that the enemy intended to
manœuvre me out of Richmond, where I returned immediately, and again
collected our small force. Intelligence was the same day received that
Lord Cornwallis—who, I had been assured, had embarked at Wilmington—was
marching through North Carolina. This was confirmed by the landing of
General Phillips at Brandon, south side of James River.

“Apprehending that both armies would meet at a central point, I marched
towards Petersburg, and intended to have established a communication
over Appomattox and James rivers; but on the 9th General Phillips took
possession of Petersburg, a place where, his right flank being covered
by James River, his front by Appomattox, on which the brigades had been
destroyed in the first part of the invasion, and his left not being open
to assault except by a long circuit through fords that at this season
are very uncertain, I could not—even with an equal force—have got any
chance of fighting him unless I had given up this side of James River
and the country from which re-enforcements are expected. It being the
enemy’s choice to force us to an action, while their own position
insured them against our enterprises, I thought it proper to shift this
situation, and marched the greater part of our troops to this place
[Welton], about ten miles below Richmond. Letters from General Nash,
General Jones, and General Sumner are positive as to the arrival of
Colonel Tarleton, and announce that of Lord Cornwallis at Halifax.

“Having received a request from North Carolina for ammunition, I made a
detachment of five hundred men, under General Muhlenburg, to escort
twenty thousand cartridges over Appomattox, and, to divert the enemy’s
attention, Colonel Gimat, with his battalion and four field-pieces,
commanded their position from this side of the river. I hope our
ammunition will arrive safely, as before General Muhlenburg returned he
put it in a safe road with proper directions. On the 13th General
Phillips died, and the command devolved upon General Arnold. General
Wayne’s detachment has not yet been heard from. Before he arrives it
becomes very dangerous to risk an engagement where—as the British armies
are vastly superior to us—we shall certainly be beaten, and by the loss
of arms, the dispersion of militia, and the difficulty of a junction
with General Wayne, we may lose a less dangerous chance of resistance.”

La Fayette, meanwhile, endeavored to strengthen his forces, and so
disciplined his troops that they became prepared to act with the
greatest efficiency and celerity at a moment’s notice. It was at this
time that La Fayette received a letter from Arnold, in continuance of a
correspondence which the marquis had opened with Phillips previous to
his death, regarding an exchange of prisoners. When the letter from the
infamous traitor was brought to him by a messenger, La Fayette refused
to touch the document, while he assured the bearer that he would hold no
communication whatever with its author, adding, “In case any other
English officer should honor him with a letter, he would always be happy
to give the officers every testimony of esteem.”

General Washington warmly commended this action, and wrote to La
Fayette: “Your conduct upon every occasion meets my approbation, but in
none more than in your refusing to hold correspondence with Arnold.”

Lord Cornwallis now assumed chief command of the English army. On the
24th of May Cornwallis crossed the James River, at the head of all his
troops, and made his first direct advance upon La Fayette. The marquis
had retreated to Richmond, and thus writes to Washington: “Were I
anyways equal to the enemy, I should be extremely happy; but I am not
strong enough even to get beaten. The government in this state has no
energy, and the laws have no force; but I hope the present Assembly will
put matters on a better footing. I had a great deal of trouble to put
things in a tolerable train; our expenses were enormous, and yet we can
get nothing. Arrangements for the present would seem to put on a better
face but for this superiority of the enemy, who will chase us wherever
they please. They can overrun the country, and, until the Pennsylvanians
arrive, we are next to nothing in point of opposition to so large a
force. This country begins to be as familiar to me as Tappan and Bergen.
Our soldiers are hitherto very healthy. I have turned doctor, and
regulate their diet.”

The English looked with exultation and disdain upon their apparently
weak foe, and Lord Cornwallis wrote with confidence, “_The boy cannot
escape me!_” But the despised “boy” was of a more heroic and
irresistible nature than the proud general imagined, and would yet give
him a most perplexing chase, and at length catch his boastful foe in so
cunning a trap that all the English hosts could not deliver him; and
this same “boy” should stand by and witness his surrender.

[Illustration: Cornwallis]

For some time a sort of military game of “hide-and-seek” was kept up by
Lord Cornwallis and La Fayette. It was Cornwallis’ plan to entrap him;
it was La Fayette’s plan to elude him. The marquis moved his division
with such unexpected celerity, that when the English general thought
that he had him securely hedged in at any particular point, he would
straightway find, to his chagrin, that his antagonist was miles away,
sometimes before him, sometimes behind him, now on this side, then on
that, and on one occasion, in order to guard some valuable stores at
Albemarle Old Court House, La Fayette passed his foe in the night; and
while Cornwallis supposed that he had so disposed of his force that the
enemy must be entrapped, and smiled to himself at the easy manner in
which the prey would fall into his hands in the morning, as all the
roads to Albemarle Court House had been carefully guarded, the marquis
played his own little strategic game, and when the day dawned, the proud
English lord, with deep mortification, received tidings that his
adversary was already before him, on the direct road to Albemarle, and
his English lordship had been baffled in securing either the coveted
stores or the more coveted American army.

On the 6th of July occurred a brisk skirmish between the opposing
forces. The British army were crossing the James River, on the march
from Williamsburg to Portsmouth. La Fayette, thinking that the larger
part of the troops had already crossed, ordered an attack to be made
upon what he supposed to be the rear-guard. This time he had indeed
fallen into one of Lord Cornwallis’ traps. In order to deceive the
Americans, only a small detachment had been sent forward, and when it
was attacked by the force under General Wayne, known as “Mad Antony,”
the little band of Americans found themselves facing the entire English
force. La Fayette, who was stationed at a short distance with the main
army, rightly conjectured, from the very heavy firing, that more than a
rear-guard were engaged, and sent assistance to Wayne, with orders to
fall back. So swift had been the attack and so sudden the retreat, that
Cornwallis suspected a snare, and did not follow up his triumph.

General Wayne thus described the attack: “This was a severe conflict.
Our field officers were generally dismounted by having their horses
killed or wounded under them. I will not condole with the marquis for
the loss of two of his as he was frequently requested to keep at a
greater distance. His natural bravery rendered him deaf to admonition.”

General Wayne’s conduct was thus praised by La Fayette: “It is enough
for the glory of General Wayne and the officers and men he commanded to
have attacked the whole British army with a reconnoitring party only,
close to their encampment, and by this severe skirmish hastened their
retreat over the river.”

Active warfare was now for a time suspended. Cornwallis was intrenched
at Portsmouth, and La Fayette occupied himself in watching his enemy
with untiring vigilance. The marquis succeeded in having his own servant
hired by Cornwallis as a spy, and by this means, as the man was always
true to his first master, La Fayette was enabled to keep well posted
concerning all the movements in the opposing encampment.

To General Washington La Fayette thus writes:—

“I am an entire stranger to everything that passes out of Virginia, and
Virginia operations being for the present in a state of languor, I have
more time to think of my solitude. In a word, my dear General, I am
homesick, and if I cannot go to headquarters, wish, at least, to hear
from thence. I am anxious to know your opinion concerning the Virginia
campaign. That the subjugation of this state was the great object of the
ministry is an indisputable fact. I think your diversion has been of
more use to the state than my manœuvres, but the latter have been
much directed by political views. So long as my lord wished for an
action, not one gun has been fired; but the moment he declined it, we
began skirmishing, though I took care never to commit the army. His
naval superiority, his superiority of horse, of regulars, his thousand
advantages over us, are such that I am lucky to have come off safe. I
had an eye upon European negotiations, and made it a point to give his
lordship the disgrace of a retreat.

“From every account, it appears that a part of the army will embark. The
light infantry, the guards, the 80th Regiment, and Queen’s Rangers are,
it is said, destined for New York. Lord Cornwallis, I am told, is much
disappointed in his hopes of command. Should he go to England, we are, I
think, to rejoice for it. He is a cold and active man,—two dangerous
qualities in this southern war.

“The clothing you long ago sent to the light infantry has not yet
arrived. I have been obliged to send for it, and expect it in a few
days. These three battalions are the best troops that ever took the
field. My confidence in them is unbounded. They are far superior to any
British troops, and none will ever venture to meet them in equal
numbers. What a pity these men are not employed along with the French
grenadiers; they would do eternal honor to our arms! But their presence
here, I must confess, has saved this state, and, indeed, the southern
part of the continent.”

Hearing that the expected French fleet was to arrive in Chesapeake Bay,
instead of New York harbor, the contemplated attack upon New York was
abandoned by Washington, and Virginia was chosen as the scene of action.
Washington accordingly prepared for a southern movement with great
prudence and secrecy. Count de Rochambeau was in favor of the
expedition, and readily assented to join Washington’s forces with the
French under his command. For a time Washington did not dare to make
known his plans to La Fayette, lest his despatches should fall into the
hands of the enemy; but he requested La Fayette to remain in Virginia,
adding, “You will not regret this, especially when I tell you that, from
the change of circumstances with which the removal of part of the
enemy’s forces from Virginia to New York will be attended, it is more
than probable we shall also entirely change our plan of operations.”

This hint was sufficient for the keen-witted marquis, who answered: “I
am of the opinion, with you, that I had better remain in Virginia. I
have pretty well understood you, my dear General, but should be happy to
have more minute details, which, I am aware, cannot be intrusted to
letters.”

La Fayette also wrote to his wife: “It was not prudent in the general to
confide to me such a command. If I had been unfortunate, the public
would have called that partiality an error of judgment.”

But Washington well knew the character and capacity of the young
marquis, and trusted him probably more than his older and more
experienced generals. La Fayette had already proved that his courage
would never lead him to make rash ventures, but when hazardous
enterprises were necessary, no danger could unnerve him, and no
unexpected dilemma could confuse him.

On the 30th of August the French fleet under Count de Grasse arrived.
The Marquis de Saint-Simon landed with three thousand men, and La
Fayette joined his force to them and took up a strong position at
Williamsburg. Washington having completely outwitted General Clinton, by
feigning an intended attack on New York, had started on the 19th of
August, with the entire American army, and, crossing the Hudson, they
began their march to Virginia.

In announcing their departure to La Fayette, Washington wrote to the
marquis, enjoining upon him the closest watchfulness, lest the enemy
should escape his vigilance, adding: “As it will be of great importance
towards the success of our present enterprise that the enemy, on the
arrival of the fleet, should not have it in their power to effect
retreat, I cannot omit to repeat to you my most earnest wish that the
land and naval forces which you will have with you may so combine their
operations that the British army may not be able to escape. The
particular mode of doing this I shall not, at this distance, attempt to
dictate. Your own knowledge of the country, from your long continuance
in it, and the various and extensive movements which you have made, have
given you great opportunities for observation, of which I am persuaded
your military genius and judgment will lead you to make the best
improvement. You will, my dear Marquis, keep me constantly advised of
every important event respecting the enemy or yourself.”

Cornwallis, who had taken his position at York and Gloucester, where he
had been actively engaged in erecting heavy fortifications, now suddenly
found himself completely surrounded by his foes, being blockaded by sea
and land, with hardly a possibility of escape. He sent an urgent request
to Sir Henry Clinton for succor, and finding, after having carefully
reconnoitred La Fayette’s position at Williamsburg, that any attempt to
pass it and retreat to the South would be useless, he awaited with
impatience his expected re-enforcements.

La Layette’s loyalty to Washington and his faithful obedience was at
this time severely tried. As the Count de Grasse had permission to serve
on the American coast only until the middle of October, and as he and
the Marquis St. Simon were anxious to distinguish themselves, they urged
La Fayette to make an immediate attack upon the enemy, without awaiting
the arrival of Washington and the Count de Rochambeau. “It is right,”
they argued, “that you who have had all the difficulties of this
campaign should now be rewarded with the glory of its successful
termination.” They represented that the incomplete state of the
fortifications of Cornwallis made his defeat sure, as he could not
resist a sudden attack. These were powerful reasons to the young and
impulsive marquis; but his loyalty and better judgment prevailed, and he
resisted all appeals to commence the attack, and waited in patience the
arrival of Washington and Rochambeau.

On the 14th of September Washington and Rochambeau arrived at
Williamsburg, and La Fayette was rejoiced to behold the consummation of
one of his fondest wishes, which was to see Washington at the head of
the united French and American armies. Plans were immediately completed
for the siege of Yorktown. Washington highly approved of all the
measures adopted by La Fayette, and a brilliant success seemed certain.

But a new difficulty unexpectedly arose, which was only removed by the
persuasive influence of La Fayette. Information reached the French
admiral that the British fleet in New York had received important
additions, and he thereupon determined to sail directly against the
English fleet. Washington perceived that if they were deserted by the
French fleet, their victory over Cornwallis might be very uncertain. He
accordingly wrote a letter to Count de Grasse, and sent it by La
Fayette, urging the marquis to use his personal influence to prevent
this calamity. La Fayette realized the crisis of affairs, and
successfully appealed to the count; and the French fleet therefore
remained to aid the American army.

The troops from the North having arrived on the 28th, the entire army,
moving forward in four columns, halted about twelve miles in front of
the enemy, and the famous siege of Yorktown was begun.

The investment was complete. Cornwallis looked out in vain for any
chance to escape. The Americans gradually surrounded the town with
earthworks, redoubts, and trenches, and on the night of the 6th of
October a trench seven hundred feet was commenced within six hundred
yards of the British lines. So silently was this work done by the French
and Americans that the garrison was entirely unaware of it until
daylight, by which time the embankments were so high as to shield the
men from the enemy’s fire. Batteries and redoubts were speedily erected,
and such an unrelenting cannonading was kept up against the garrison
that they were forced to withdraw their cannon from the embrasures; and
most of their batteries were torn in pieces. On the night of the 11th,
Washington opened his second parallel within three hundred yards of the
lines. This, like the former, was begun noiselessly and was not
discovered by Cornwallis until the next morning. There were two redoubts
of the English that seriously interfered with the work of the besiegers,
by a constant fire. Washington determined to attack them. La Fayette was
appointed to lead the Americans, who should attack one of the redoubts,
and the Baron de Viomesnil led a band of Frenchmen against the other.

The baron had once remarked to La Fayette that he thought the French
method of attack superior to that of the Americans. La Fayette answered,
“We are but young soldiers, and we have but one sort of tactics on such
occasions, which is to discharge our muskets and push on straight with
our bayonets.”

Both leaders were now to carry out their preconceived military tactics.
La Fayette made an impetuous attack and captured the redoubt, and still
hearing firing from the other, he sent his aide-de-camp to the baron,
inquiring if he should send him assistance. Viomesnil answered, “Tell
the marquis that I am not yet master of my redoubt, but that I shall be
in less than five minutes.” He kept his word, and before that time had
passed, he entered his captured redoubt in perfect military order. Both
had been equally successful; but La Fayette was ahead as to time, and
the baron, in following strict military rule, was forced to expose his
men to a terrible fire from the enemy. The bravery with which this
difficult onset was made was highly gratifying to Washington; and he
complimented both officers in the orders for the succeeding day. The
captured redoubts were included in the second parallel, and soon some
howitzers were mounted upon them, and their destructive fire was turned
upon the besieged.

Cornwallis now determined to make a bold effort, and he sent out
Lieutenant-Colonel Abercrombie at the head of eight hundred chosen men
to make a desperate sortie against two batteries of the besieging enemy.
So valiant was their charge that they gained possession and spiked four
guns, but they were repelled by the Chevalier de Chastellux, and forced
to retire. The condition of Cornwallis was now desperate. His ordnance
had been dismounted by the terrible firing of the Americans, his walls
were crumbling, and nearly all his defences were razed. He resolved to
try one more daring design. This was to cross over in the night to
Gloucester Point, with such of his troops as were not disabled, and
endeavor by forced marches to join the army in New York. The attempt was
made, and one division passed over unperceived by the Americans, but a
violent storm suddenly arose and drifted the boats down the river, and
the plan was abandoned.

On the morning of the 17th Lord Cornwallis opened negotiations and
offered to capitulate. On the 19th formal articles of surrender were
signed, and Cornwallis and his army were made prisoners of war. “The
Americans and French took possession at noon of two bastions, and the
garrison defiled between the armies at two o’clock P.M., with drums
beating, carrying their arms, which they afterwards piled, with twenty
pair of colors. Lord Cornwallis feigned sickness, to avoid surrendering
before his soldiers, and General O’Hara accordingly appeared at the head
of the garrison. ‘When he came up,’ says Rochambeau, ‘he presented his
sword to me. I pointed to General Washington, who was opposite me, at
the head of the American army, and told him that the French army being
auxiliaries on the continent, it was the American general who was to
signify his orders to him.’ As the result of this capitulation 8000
prisoners, of whom 7000 were regular troops and 1000 sailors; 214 pieces
of cannon, of which 75 were brass; and 22 pair of colors, passed into
the hands of the allies. The men, artillery, arms, military chest, and
public stores of every denomination were surrendered to Washington, the
ships and seamen to the Count de Grasse.”[2]

-----

Footnote 2:

  “Mémoires et Manuscrits.”

-----

Lord Cornwallis sent a messenger to La Fayette, “to tell the marquis
that, after having made this long campaign against him, he wished to
give him a private account of the reasons which had led him to
surrender.” The next day La Fayette went to see him. “I know,” said the
English general, “your humanity to prisoners, and I recommend my poor
army to you.”

“You know, my lord,” replied La Fayette, “the Americans have always been
humane towards imprisoned armies.”

Thus did La Fayette refuse even to accept a compliment which seemed to
separate him from his American comrades in arms.

The bells in every town and hamlet throughout the country rang out the
joyful news of this great victory. Bonfires blazed on every hill-top.
Congress repaired in solemn procession to the Dutch Lutheran church, to
return thanks to God for this providential deliverance. The names of
Washington and La Fayette, Rochambeau and De Grasse, resounded
throughout the world. The commander-in-chief ordered that suitable
religious services should be held in camp in honor of that Divine
Providence who had vouchsafed to them this great blessing.

[Illustration: Lt G {en} de Grasse]

On the 20th of October, 1781, La Fayette thus wrote to M. de Maurepas:—

                                                     “CAMP, near York.

“The tragedy is over; the piece is played, Monsieur le Comte, and the
fifth act comes to an end.

“I had a little torture during the first, but at last my heart
experiences a lively joy, and it gives me not a little pleasure to
congratulate you upon the happy success of our campaign.

“I cannot give you the details, Monsieur le Comte, which I intrust to
Lauzun, to whom I wish much happiness in crossing the ocean, which he
will traverse with the corps of the legion of Tarleton.

“M. de Rochambeau brings to you the account relative to the army which
he commands; but if the honor of having commanded for so long a time the
division of M. de Saint-Simon gives me the right to speak of my
obligations to that general and to his troops, this duty will give me
infinite delight.

“Will you kindly, Monsieur le Comte, present my homage to Madame la
Comtesse de Maurepas and to Madame de Flamarens, and accept the
assurance of my affection, of my remembrances, and of my respect.”

From the same place La Fayette wrote also to M. de Vergennes, as
follows:—

“Receive my congratulations, Monsieur le Comte, upon the fortunate turn
which has at last come to politics. M. de Lauzun will give you all the
details. I am happy that our campaign of Virginia has been so well
finished; and my respect for the ability of Lord Cornwallis renders his
capture all the more precious to me. After this attempt what English
general will come to place himself at the head to conquer America?

“Their Southern manœuvres have not ended more happily than those in
the North, and the affair of General Burgoyne has been repeated.

“Adieu, Monsieur le Comte; the time which I have for writing is so brief
that I will only add the assurance of respect and of tender attachment.”

From on board the _Ville de Paris_, in the Chesapeake Bay, La Fayette
thus writes to his wife:—

                                                        OCT. 22, 1781.

“Behold the last instant, my dear heart, in which it is possible for me
to write you. M. de Lauzun is about to join the frigate and depart for
Europe. Some business with the admiral affords me the pleasure of giving
to you the latest news of the past two days.

“That which has occurred regarding public events will be detailed by M.
de Lauzun. The end of this campaign is truly brilliant for the allied
armies. There has been in our movements a rare harmony, and I should
have been much disappointed had I not the satisfaction of this happy
ending of my campaign in Virginia.

“You are aware of all the difficulties that the superiority and the
talents of Lord Cornwallis have occasioned us; the advantage which we
had following the recovery of the territory lost, and which ended in the
position which we forced Lord Cornwallis to take; it was at that moment
that everybody rushed in upon him.

“I count amongst my many pleasant experiences the time when the division
of M. de Saint-Simon was reunited to my army; and, also, when I
alternately commanded the three adjutant-generals with the troops under
their order. I pity Lord Cornwallis, of whom I have the most exalted
opinion. He wished to test such estimation, and after the capitulation
gave me the pleasure of returning the incivility of Charleston. I do not
purpose to carry vengeance any further.

“My health is excellent. I have not received any injury during my
operations. Present my most tender homage to Madame d’Ayen, to M. le
Maréchal de Noailles; a thousand compliments to all my sisters, to
l’Abbé Fayon, to M. de Margelay.

“I embrace a thousand and a thousand times our dear children. Adieu!
adieu!”

Washington desired to follow up the advantages which the Americans had
gained, by an expedition against Charleston; but as De Grasse had prior
orders from his sovereign, preventing his remaining longer in America,
the project was abandoned, and the American army retired into winter
quarters.

Again La Fayette sought permission from Congress to visit his native
land, and after receiving the highest testimonials from Washington and
Congress, and also from the king and ministry of France, he sailed from
Boston in the frigate _Alliance_, on the 22d of December, 1781.

The greatest enthusiasm was excited by La Fayette’s arrival in France.
Royal _salons_ courted his presence, and high-born dames and gallant
cavaliers vied to do him homage. Even sovereigns deigned to note with
especial honor his return. Madame de La Fayette was present at a grand
fête at the Hôtel de Ville, in celebration of the Dauphin’s birth, when
the news was proclaimed that La Fayette, the conqueror of Cornwallis,
had just arrived; and, sympathizing with the impatient joy of the fond
wife, the queen herself ordered her carriage and accompanied Madame de
La Fayette to the Hôtel de Noailles, where La Fayette had just alighted.

The joy of the reunion between La Fayette and his family is more
fittingly told in the words of his daughter Virginie than by another.

Speaking of her father’s second visit to America, she says:—

“My father left France once more for America, where the war still
continued. The grief which my mother felt was still greater than at his
first departure. Her attachment had been increased both by her anxieties
on his account and by the enchanting moments she had spent with him. She
was then nineteen. Her impressions had become stronger and deeper; a
more intimate and serious confidence had associated her riper intellect
with my father’s opinions and designs: her mind was with him as well as
her heart.

“Nevertheless, what she suffered during the campaign of Virginia
surpassed all she had yet endured. As the English papers, which alone
brought any news, always depicted the situation as desperate, the most
disastrous reports came to her knowledge; but she had the courage to
hide them from her mother, and endeavored to bear all her sufferings
alone.

“The brilliant conclusion of that campaign which had been conducted by
my father, and had ended by the capture of Lord Cornwallis, caused her a
happiness which had been purchased by prolonged sufferings. My father
arrived unexpectedly in Paris on the 21st of January, 1782. The joy of
seeing him again, returned with so much glory out of so many dangers,
and the fascination of his presence, were intensely felt by my mother.
So overpowering were her feelings that for several months she felt ready
to faint every time he left the room. She was alarmed at the vehemence
of her passion, fearing that she could not always conceal it from my
father, and that it might become annoying to him, and she therefore
endeavored to restrain it for his sake only.”

This touching little scene of an ideal love-life is a charming picture
in La Fayette’s history. Scarcely anywhere in history can be found the
record of two souls in such perfect harmony of thought and feeling as
the Marquis and Marquise de La Fayette. To the end their life was
unmarred by the least discord or misunderstanding. The world crowned him
with honor; and he laid at her feet his diadem of glory, and felt
himself rewarded by her tender smile of approving love.

It is fitting that we should here quote a few lines from a letter
written to Washington by La Fayette, in October, 1782, announcing the
birth of this same Virginie, who afterwards became such a faithful
narrator of the beautiful life of the Marquis and Marquise de La
Fayette. The marquis says:—

“MY DEAR GENERAL: Since the arrival of Colonel Gimat not one line from
you has come to me; this afflicts me intensely, because when I have not
the pleasure of being with you it is absolutely necessary for me that I
should receive letters from you.

“This will be handed to you by General Dupontail and Colonel Gouvion,
who return to America. I wish I could do the same; but you know that I
am detained here by the American plenipotentiaries, in the hope of
serving our cause, which is always to me the principal object.

“General Dupontail will give you the public news; I have communicated
those of a more secret nature to the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, and I
have requested him to transmit my letter to your Excellency. You will be
able to form your opinion upon the situation of affairs; but although
their progress does not permit me (on account of the reasons which I
have already explained) to leave this country at the present time, my
personal opinion is, that a victory is necessary before a general peace
can be brought to a conclusion.

“I have charged Colonel Gouvion to say to you those things which had
better not be written, relative to my projects.

“Madame La Fayette desires me to present to you, also to Madame
Washington, her respects and affectionate regards. She has a little
daughter, just arrived; and though the infant is somewhat delicate, I
hope that she will grow up strong. I have taken the liberty of giving to
her the name of _Virginie_.

“I beseech you, my dear General, to present my respects to Madame
Washington, and my affectionate compliments to the family. I hope that
my conduct, guided by the motives of seeking the greatest public good,
and for American interests, will receive from you that approbation which
I prefer to that from all the rest of the world. Adieu, my dear
General!”




                              CHAPTER IV.

Preparations in France in Behalf of America—Peace Negotiations—La
  Fayette’s Unselfish Loyalty—His Diplomatic Measures at the Court of
  Spain—News of the Treaty of Peace in America—Washington’s Letter of
  Commendation to La Fayette—La Fayette’s Efforts in the Interests of
  American Commerce—Secures Exemption of Duties on Oil—Washington’s
  Invitation from Mount Vernon—La Fayette’s Return to America—Memorable
  Visit to Mount Vernon—Triumphal Reception of the Nation’s Guest—His
  Ovation at Boston—Congress tenders La Fayette a Farewell—Last Parting
  between Washington and La Fayette—Act of the Maryland Assembly to
  naturalize the Marquis de La Fayette—His Return to France—La Fayette’s
  Visit to Frederick the Great—His Description of the Prussian
  Warrior—Memorable Dinner at Sans Souci—La Fayette’s Sympathies for the
  Oppressed African Race—His Letter to Washington on the Subject of
  Slavery—La Fayette’s Philanthropic Example at Cayenne—Washington’s
  comments upon the Same—La Fayette’s Efforts in Behalf of Persecuted
  French Protestants—Madame Washington’s Housewifely Gift to Madame La
  Fayette—Comments upon the French Alliance, and the Character of
  General La Fayette, by Hon. Chauncey M. Depew.

“On the light of Liberty you saw arise the light of Peace, like

                          ‘another morn,
                           Risen on mid-noon’;

and the sky on which you closed your eye was cloudless.”

                                                      —DANIEL WEBSTER.


LA FAYETTE in France was not unmindful of the interests of America.
Largely through his influence a grand armament was put in preparation by
France and Spain, to encounter the British power in the West Indies and
North America. Sixty vessels and twenty-four thousand men assembled at
Cadiz. La Fayette was appointed chief of the staff of both armies. These
vast preparations were looked upon by England with alarm, and quickened
their negotiations with the United States for arranging a peace.

At this time La Fayette wrote the following letter to Washington, dated
at Brest, December, 1782, and marked “_Tout-à-fait confidentielle_”:—

“MY DEAR GENERAL: My preceding letters have apprised you that though the
politicians speak much of peace, an expedition is about to take place,
of which the command has been given to Count d’Estaing. I will add that,
having been solicited to take part in it, I have accepted willingly,
thinking it was the only means in the world of succeeding in that which
you have charged me to obtain.

“Colonel Gouvion ought to be with you, and I refer, my dear General, to
that letter which I have sent to you by him; also to some notes which I
have written in cipher. _Les Antilles_ are the first object. Spain will
come after. We have nine ships of the line to send by the first
favorable wind. Your Excellency knows that the Count d’Estaing has gone
to Spain. We have the maritime superiority. Will you prepare your
propositions and your projects relative to New York, Charleston,
Penobscot, and the New World? A French vessel will be sent to America,
and from there, by your orders, to the West Indies.

“I will write you by the next opportunity. I have the honor of sending
to you, with this, a copy of a letter to Congress. I hope that you can
say that you are satisfied with my conduct. In truth, my dear General,
it is necessary to my happiness that you should think thus. When you are
absent, I strive to do that which seems to me that you would have
counselled if you had been present. I love you too much to be for a
moment satisfied unless I can think that you approve my conduct.

“They talk much of the peace. I think, _entre nous_, that the greatest
difficulty will come from the Spaniards, and, moreover, I believe that
the enemies are not sincere.

“They have piled up disputes and artifices _à propos_ to the question of
the American limits, and thus it rests. My opinion is, that at the
bottom of their hearts they are determined, if they can, to attempt to
bring about some turn of their affairs in the next campaign. God grant
that we shall be able to make a vigorous effort, particularly as regards
New York.

“I arrived here but yesterday morning, and am much occupied with the
affairs of the service.”

On the 20th of January, 1783, the final treaty was signed. La Fayette
was then at Cadiz preparing to sail to America, bearing the news of the
glad tidings of peace, when an occurrence took place which revealed the
unselfishness of his ambition, and the loyalty of his love for America.
Mr. Carmichael, who had been appointed by Congress _Chargé d’Affaires_
to the court of Madrid, was not received by the king of Spain in his
diplomatic relation, although that monarch had signed the treaty
acknowledging the independence of the States. In this emergency, Mr.
Carmichael wrote to La Fayette, seeking his aid. The marquis generously
determined to deprive himself of the great pleasure of announcing to
Washington the joyful news of the treaty; and he therefore sent a letter
to the President of Congress, communicating the tidings of peace, while
he himself hastened to Madrid to negotiate in behalf of the honor of
America; and he obtained from the king the full recognition of the
American ambassador in his official character.

The following is the memorable letter of La Fayette to Congress,
announcing the treaty of peace:—

                                      “_To the President of Congress._
                                               “CADIZ, Feb. 5, 1783.

“SIR: With such celerity as I can despatch a ship, I hope to inform
Congress of the news of a general peace. Moreover, such are my
sentiments under these circumstances that I cannot delay to present my
felicitations. These sentiments one can judge of better through a
knowledge of my heart, which, by means of such expressions, can only
feebly render its emotions.

“I remember our former times with pleasure and with pride. Our present
situation renders me happy. I behold in the future a tempting prospect.

“The preceding letters have made known to Congress how, until now, I had
the intention of leaving France. I have been detained by some
despatches. I refer to my letter of the 3d for a fuller explanation of
my conduct.

“Now the noble struggle is ended. I rejoice in the benefits of peace.
There are here anchored nine ships of the line, with twenty thousand
men, with whom the Count d’Estaing was about to join the combined forces
of the West Indies, and which would have co-operated with our American
army. It had even been arranged that while the Count d’Estaing was
employed elsewhere, I should enter the St. Lawrence at the head of a
French corps. For that which concerns myself, I have no regrets; but
independent of personal considerations, you know that I have always
longed for the addition of Canada to the United States.

“I promised myself to return to America after the peace. Notwithstanding
the pain of being detained, it is necessary to defer this voyage. Any
sacrifice will not be counted by me for the accomplishment of my duties;
and since it has pleased Congress to order that their ministers should
consult with me, my first interest is to merit their confidence.

“From my letter to M. Livingston, one can form an opinion of our
situation in Spain. They have demanded my aid, and I have given it. They
desire my services, and instead of departing for America I will go to
Madrid, which is so far from my plan; but I believe that it will be
better for me to go there during the residence of Mr. Jay in Paris; so
that nothing shall hinder me, unless Congress honors me with their
orders. I shall embark in the coming June, because I am very eager to
behold again the American shores.

“To-day our noble cause has triumphed; our independence is firmly
established; and American virtue has obtained its recompense. I hope no
efforts will be neglected to strengthen the federal union.

“May the states be always strongly united in a manner to defy European
intrigues! Upon such union will repose their importance and their
happiness. This is the first wish of a heart most truly American, and
which cannot refrain from expressing these words.

“I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, etc.”

After divers negotiations attempted from the commencement of the year
1782, the preliminaries of a peace between France and England were
signed at Versailles, on the 20th of January, 1783, by M. de Vergennes
and Mr. Fitz-Herbert, plenipotentiary of his British Majesty. These
preliminaries were converted into a definite treaty of peace the 3d of
September, 1783. It was signed, for France, by M. de Vergennes; for
Spain, by the Count d’Aranda; and for England, by the Duke of
Manchester. The final treaty between Great Britain and the United States
was signed at Paris, Jan. 20, 1783, by Mr. David Hartly, on the one
side, and by Messrs. John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and John Jay, on the
other side. This sitting had also concluded at Paris the peculiar treaty
between Great Britain and the _états-généraux_ of Holland.

We cannot refrain from quoting also a portion of the delightful letter
written to Washington by La Fayette, of the same date as the above
communication, addressed to Congress.

“MY DEAR GENERAL: If you were such a man as Cæsar, or as the king of
Prussia, I should have been much grieved for you to behold the grand
tragedy terminated, in which you have played so great a rôle. But I
congratulate myself with my dear general over this peace which has
accomplished all our wishes.

“Recall to your mind our times at Valley Forge, and let the remembrance
of those past dangers and afflictions add greater joy to the happiness
of our present situation. What sentiments of pride and satisfaction I
feel in pondering upon the circumstances which determined my engagement
in the cause of America! As for you, my dear General, one can truly say
that it is all your work; such must be the sentiments of your good and
virtuous heart, in this happy moment which establishes and which crowns
the revolution which you have made.

“I feel that every one will envy the happiness of my descendants, as
they cherish and honor your name. To have had one of their ancestors
amongst your soldiers, to know that he had the happy fortune to be the
friend of your heart, will be an eternal honor in which they will glory;
and I shall bequeath to the eldest amongst them, down to the latest of
my posterity, the favor which you have been willing to confer upon my
son George.

“I was intending to go to America with the news of the peace. You know
me too well, my dear General, not to judge of the pleasure which I felt
in advance, at the hope of embracing you and being reunited to my
companions in arms. Nothing could please me so much as that delightful
prospect; but I have been suddenly forced to change the execution of my
favorite plan, and as I have had at last the happiness of receiving a
letter from you, I know that you will approve of my prolonging my
absence, for political motives.

“A copy both of my letter to Congress and that which I have written
officially to M. Livingston, requesting that they may be communicated to
you, will inform you more fully of the reasons which press me to depart
for Madrid. After that, I shall go to Paris, and in the month of June
embark for America. Happy, ten-times happy shall I be to embrace my dear
general, my father, my best friend, whom I cherish with an affection and
respect which I feel so deeply that I know it is impossible to express
it!

“You will see by my letter to Congress that independently of the plans
which had been proposed to you, and for which were united immense forces
by sea and land, it had at length been decided that I should enter into
Canada. I have had the hope of embracing you at Montreal, when I was to
have been joined by a detachment of the army. The necessity of some
diversion secured for us the consent of Spain; but these projects have
vanished, and we ought to console ourselves in thinking of the happiness
of that part of the continent to which you have given deliverance.

“I am impatient, my dear General, to hear from you, and to inform you of
myself, for which purpose I send my servant by this vessel, and for whom
I have arranged that he be landed on the coast of Maryland. I hope to
receive your reply before leaving France, and I shall be then where I
wish to go. If you are at home, I will direct my way toward the
Chesapeake Bay.

“You cannot, my dear General, employ your influence more wisely than to
persuade the American people to strengthen the federal ties. This is a
task which appeals to your heart, and I consider this result as
necessary. Be assured that the European politicians will be disposed to
create a division amongst the states. This is the time when the powers
of Congress ought to be fixed, their possible limits determined, and the
Articles of Confederation revised. This work, which should interest all
the friends of America, is the last test; this is wanting to the
perfection of the temple of Liberty.

“And the army, my dear General! What is to be its future? I hope that
the country will be grateful. If it is otherwise, I shall be very
unhappy. Our part of the army, will they remain united? If not, I hope
that we shall not lose our noble titles as officers and soldiers of the
American army; and that in a time of danger we can be recalled from all
corners of the world, and reunited for the defence of a country which
has been so heroically saved.

“I am anxious to know the measures which will be taken. Truly, I count
upon your kindness to write me a very detailed letter, not only in the
public interests, but also because I have the desire to be informed of
all that which concerns you personally.

“Adieu! adieu, my dear General! If the Spaniards had common sense, I
should have been spared this wretched journey to Madrid, but I am called
there by a duty to America.

“Let us return, at present, to our own affairs; for I will urge you to
return to France with me. The best way to arrange it will be for Madame
Washington to accompany you. She will render Madame de La Fayette and
myself perfectly happy. I pray your Excellency to offer my compliments
to Tilghman, to George, to all the staff. Remember me to all my friends
in the army. Have the kindness to speak of me to your respected mother.
I wish her happiness, with all my soul. Adieu, yet once more, my dear
General, with all the sentiments, etc.”

La Fayette’s letter, bearing its weighty message, was sent in a
fast-sailing vessel appropriately named _The Triumph_. This ship arrived
in Philadelphia on the 23d of March, 1783, bringing to Congress the
intelligence of the treaty of peace. Testimonials in honor of La Fayette
were passed by Congress, and Washington wrote to him these words of
commendation:—

“It is easier for you to conceive, than for me to express, the
sensibility of my heart at the communication of your letter of the 5th
of February, from Cadiz. It is to these communications we are indebted
for the only account yet received of a general pacification. My mind,
upon the receipt of this intelligence, was instantly assailed by a
thousand ideas, all of them contending for pre-eminence; but, believe
me, my dear friend, none could supplant or ever will eradicate that
gratitude which has arisen from a lively sense of the conduct of your
nation, and to my obligations to many of its illustrious characters (of
whom, without flattery, I place you at the head), and from my admiration
of your august sovereign, who, at the same time that he stands confessed
the father of his own people, and the defender of American rights, has
given the most exalted example of moderation in treating with his
enemies.

“The armament which was preparing at Cadiz, and in which you were to
have acted a distinguished part, would have carried such conviction with
it, that it is not to be wondered at that Great Britain should have been
impressed with the force of such reasoning. To this cause, I am
persuaded, the peace is to be ascribed. Your going to Madrid from
thence, instead of coming immediately to this country, is another
instance, my dear Marquis, of your zeal for the American cause, and lays
a fresh claim to the gratitude of her sons, who will at all times
receive you with open arms.”

American independence having been secured, La Fayette now interested
himself in advancing the commercial influence of America in France. The
whale fishery was an important American industry; and La Fayette, by
persevering efforts, secured a total exemption of duties on sixteen
thousand quintals of oil, to be furnished by merchants of Boston to the
contractor-general for lighting the cities of Paris and Versailles.
Regarding this he modestly wrote: “I worked very hard to bring even as
much as this about, and am happy at having at last obtained a point
which may be agreeable to New England and the people of Boston. I wish
they may, at large, know I did not neglect their affairs; and although
this is a kind of private bargain, yet as it amounts to a value of about
eight hundred thousand French livres, and government has been prevailed
upon to take off all duties, it must be considered a matter of no little
importance.”

From the quiet retreat of Mount Vernon, Washington wrote to the marquis,
and renewed his previous invitation to visit him when peace should have
been accomplished. The weary warrior thus pictures his retired life:—

“At length I have become a private citizen on the banks of the Potomac;
and under the shadow of my own vine and fig-tree, free from the bustle
of the camp and the busy scenes of public life, I am solacing myself
with those tranquil enjoyments of which the soldier, who is ever in
pursuit of fame; the statesman, whose watchful days and sleepless nights
are spent in devising schemes to promote the welfare of his own, perhaps
the ruin of other countries (as if this globe was insufficient for us
all); and the courtier, who is always watching the countenance of his
prince, in the hope of catching a gracious smile, can have very little
conception. I have not only retired from all public employments, but am
retiring within myself, and shall be able to view the solitary walk and
tread the paths of private life with heart-felt satisfaction. Envious of
none, I am determined to be pleased with all; and this, my dear friend,
being the order of my march, I will move gently down the stream of life
until I sleep with my fathers.”

Again La Fayette turned his face toward the New Land of Liberty. He
arrived in New York in August, 1784, where he was received with
distinguished honors, and his journey to Philadelphia and Baltimore was
a succession of triumphs. Bells echoed from mountain-peak to hill-top,
cannon boomed their thunders of welcome, and old Revolutionary soldiers
gathered around their honored comrade with admiring respect. But he
hastened to the alluring heights of Mount Vernon, where his beloved
chief and general impatiently awaited his arrival. Twelve days of
delight he spent with Washington in that picturesque retreat.

Triumph after triumph yet awaited the nation’s guest, the now
illustrious but still youthful Marquis de La Fayette; loved better in
America as the valiant major-general than as the gentleman of rank. But
amid all the cities that strove to do him honor, Boston, this time,
outstripped them all. His ovation there occurred on the anniversary of
the surrender of Cornwallis, and the governor of the state, the
president the Senate, and the speaker of the House of Representatives
assembled in the great hall where thousands awaited to do him honor. The
apartment was brilliantly and appropriately ornamented, and emblems of
the thirteen states of the Union floated from arch and pillar. After
dinner thirteen patriotic toasts were drunk, followed each by thirteen
guns stationed in the square without. As the name of Washington was
spoken, and La Fayette arose to reply, a curtain behind the marquis was
mysteriously lifted, revealing a noble portrait of the great general
encircled with laurels and decorated with the entwined flags of America
and France. La Fayette, surprised and moved, regarded those loved
features with evident emotion, and his silent admiration was at length
broken by a voice exclaiming, “_Long live Washington!_” And the cry was
quickly taken up, and from all the people rose a shout of vociferous
applause, “_Long live Washington!_”

[Illustration: LAFAYETTE’S ROOM AT MOUNT VERNON.]

Congress, then assembled at Trenton, tendered a farewell to their
illustrious guest; and to the courtly greeting of Mr. Jay, chairman of
the committee appointed to wait upon him, La Fayette made this fitting
reply:—

“_May this immense temple of Freedom ever stand a lesson to oppressors,
an example to the oppressed, and a sanctuary for the rights of mankind!_
and may these happy United States attain that complete splendor and
prosperity which will illustrate the blessings of their government, and
for ages to come rejoice the departed souls of its founders!”

And the echoes of La Fayette’s words come still rolling down the years,
“May this temple of Freedom stand!”

La Fayette’s parting from Washington was most tender and affecting. As
the old general pressed to his heart the youthful form of his beloved
and adopted son, tears filled his eyes, and La Fayette, too, looked
through dim mists, and both were proud to show their mutual love.

With a prophetic presentiment that they should never meet again,
Washington afterwards wrote to La Fayette these touching words:—

“In the moment of our separation, and every hour since, I have felt all
that love, respect, and attachment for you, with which length of years,
close connection, and your merits have inspired me. I often asked
myself, as our carriages separated, whether that was the last sight I
should ever have of you; and though I wished to say no, my fears
answered yes! I called to mind the days of my youth, and found that they
had fled to return no more; that I was now descending the hill I had
been fifty years climbing, and that, though I was blessed with a good
constitution, I was of a short-lived family, and might soon expect to be
entombed in the mansion of my fathers. These thoughts darkened the
shades and gave a gloom to the picture, and, consequently, to my
prospect of seeing you again.”

And truly this was their last meeting and their last parting on this
earth. When, in after years, La Fayette again visited America,
Washington slept under the sod at Mount Vernon, and the sorrowful
marquis could only satisfy his affectionate remembrance of that ideal
friendship by dropping his silent tears upon the tomb of his adopted
father.

The following act to naturalize Major-General the Marquis de La Fayette
and his heirs male forever was passed November session, 1784, by the
Assembly of Maryland:—

“_Whereas_, the General Assembly of Maryland anxious to perpetuate a
name dear to the state, and to recognize the Marquis de La Fayette as
one of its citizens, who, at the age of nineteen, left his native
country, and risked his life in the late revolution; who, on his joining
the American army, after being appointed by Congress to the rank of
major-general, disinterestedly refused the usual reward of command, and
sought only to deserve, what he attained, the character of patriot and
soldier; who, when appointed to conduct an incursion into Canada, called
forth, by his prudence and extraordinary discretion, the approbation of
Congress; who, at the head of an army in Virginia baffled the
manœuvres of a distinguished general, and excited the admiration of
the oldest commanders; who early attracted the notice and obtained the
friendship of the illustrious General Washington; and who labored and
succeeded in raising the honor and name of the United States of America:
Therefore,

“_Be it enacted by the General Assembly of Maryland_, That the Marquis
de La Fayette and his heirs male forever shall be, and they, and each of
them, are hereby deemed, adjudged, and taken to be natural-born citizens
of this state, and shall henceforth be entitled to all the immunities,
rights, and privileges of natural-born citizens thereof, they and every
one of them, conforming to the constitution and laws of this state, in
the enjoyment and exercise of such immunities, rights, and privileges.”

A similar act was also passed by the legislature of Virginia.

La Fayette returned to Paris in January, 1785. During this year the
marquis visited the courts of many of the German princes, and was
everywhere received with marked distinction. But the fawning of
courtiers could not move La Fayette from his declared position as an
upholder of freedom. Even old Frederick the Great was forced to
acknowledge the power of the impulsive champion of liberty. La Fayette
was invited by the admiring tyrant to Sans Souci, and the Prussian
monarch treated him with distinguished consideration. Many were their
warm discussions upon liberty and the American Revolution, the success
of which made even the haughty old king tremble on his tottering throne.

In one of these conversations Frederick declared that the American
Republic would not last. “She will return to the good old system by and
by,” said he; to which La Fayette, with earnestness, replied: “Never,
Sire; never! Neither monarchy nor aristocracy can ever exist in America.
Do you believe that I went to America to obtain military reputation? It
was for liberty I went there. He who loves liberty can only remain quiet
after having established it in his own country.”

To which the old tyrant grimly and sarcastically answered: “Sir, I knew
a young man, who, after having visited countries where liberty and
equality reigned, conceived the idea of establishing the same system in
his own country. Do you know what happened to him?”

“No, Sire.”

“He was hanged,” said the old monarch, with a meaning smile.

When La Fayette took his leave of the Prussian warrior, Frederick
presented to the marquis his miniature set in diamonds, as a token of
his admiring regard. In La Fayette’s “Memoirs” he thus sketches
Frederick the Great as he appeared at the time of this visit:—

“I have been to Potsdam,” says the marquis, “to pay my court to the
king; and though I had heard much of his appearance, I was not fully
prepared to see him dressed in an old, ragged, dirty uniform, all
covered with Spanish snuff, his head leaning over one shoulder, and his
fingers almost dislocated with gout. But what surprised me most was the
fire, and occasionally the softness, in his eyes—the handsomest eyes I
have ever seen; so that his face can be as charming when he is pleased
as it can be stern and threatening at the head of his army. I was in
Silesia when he reviewed thirty-one battalions and seventy-five
squadrons—thirty thousand men in all, seventy-five hundred of them being
cavalry.

“It is with the greatest pleasure that I viewed the Prussian army!
nothing can be compared to the beauty of the troops,—to the discipline
which rules in all the ranks, to the simplicity and uniformity of their
movements. It is a perfectly regular machine, wound up these forty
years, and which has not suffered from other changes than those which
could render it more simple and more swift. All the situations which one
can suppose in a war, all the movements which ought to be introduced,
have been, by constant habit, so inculcated in their heads, that all
these operations are made almost mechanically.

“If the resources of France, the vivacity of her soldiers, the
intelligence of her officers, the national ambition, the delicate
sensibilities which they are known to possess, had been applied to a
system as well carried out, we should have been then as much ahead of
the Prussians as our army is at this moment inferior to theirs; and that
is much to say.

[Illustration: FREDERICK II.]

“I have seen also the Austrians, but not all assembled. Their general
system of economy should be more admired than the manœuvres of their
troops. Their method is not simple; our regiments are better than
theirs, and such advantage as they could have in line over us, we could
with a little practice surpass them. I really believe that there is no
need for more instructions of details in some of our best regiments than
in those of the Prussians; but their manœuvres are infinitely
preferable to ours.

“In a week I dined with the Prussian king, his dinner lasting three
hours. The conversation was confined to the Duke of York, the king,
myself, and two or three others, so that I had plenty of opportunity to
listen to him, and to admire the vivacity of his wit and the charm of
his graciousness.

“At last I almost forgot he was a despot, selfish and severe. Lord
Cornwallis was there. The king placed him next me at table, and on his
other hand he had the son of the king of England; then he asked a
thousand questions on American affairs.”

This was surely a strange combination of circumstances and of guests;
but just this sort of ironical environments would delight the sarcastic
soul of the cunning old warrior.

La Fayette had an equally strange experience in America. During his
campaign in Virginia, in an action in which he was in command, General
Phillips was killed, and this general had been the officer who had
commanded the enemy’s troops at Minden when the father of La Fayette was
slain.

La Fayette met Cornwallis again in 1801, when the English lord came over
to Paris to negotiate a general peace.

American independence having been secured, La Fayette’s sympathies were
aroused in behalf of the oppressed African race. His soul abhorred
injustice of any sort, and when he met a wrong he always endeavored to
aid in righting it.

He did not content himself with æsthetically expressing his sympathy,
but his enthusiasm always led him to action. Whatsoever he did he
entered into with his whole might, and where there was wrong and
oppression, he felt himself called upon to devote his energies, his
position, and his purse in the cause of the oppressed. So greatly was he
moved in behalf of the <DW64> slaves, that he wrote to Washington soon
after the American war as follows:—

“Permit me, my dear General, now that you are about to enjoy some
repose, to propose a plan for elevating the African race. Let us unite
in purchasing a small estate where we may try the experiment of freeing
the <DW64>s, and use them only as tenants. Such an example as yours
would render the practice general; and if we should succeed in America,
I will cheerfully devote a part of my time to render the plan
fashionable in the West Indies. If it be a wild scheme, I would rather
be mad in that way than be thought wise on the other tack.” Although
Washington, Adams, Franklin, Jefferson, Madison, Patrick Henry, and
others cordially sympathized with him, nothing definite was done except
by the indefatigable La Fayette himself. Not waiting for others, he
purchased a plantation in Cayenne, upon which were a large number of
slaves, and in order to prepare them for gradual emancipation, he began
to fit them for their freedom by a thorough course of education.

Regarding this philanthropic act of La Fayette, his daughter Virginie
writes:—

“An earnest wish to contribute to all that was good, and a horror for
all injustice, were prominent features in my mother’s character. It was,
therefore, with deep satisfaction that she witnessed my father’s efforts
in favor of the abolition of the slave trade. He purchased a plantation
at Cayenne, La Belle Gabrielle, in order to give the example of gradual
emancipation. Every just and liberal idea found a place in my mother’s
heart, and her active zeal made her seek ardently for every means of
putting them into immediate execution. My father entrusted her with all
the details of this undertaking, in which the desire of teaching the
<DW64>s of that plantation the first principles of religion and of
morals was united with the wish she shared with my father of making them
worthy of liberty. Her charity was excited by the hope of teaching the
blacks to know and love God, and of proving to the free-thinkers who
sympathized with the <DW64>s that the success of their undertaking would
be in great part due to religion. The events of the Revolution have not
allowed us to see these hopes realized, but we have at least had the
satisfaction of hearing that the <DW64>s of La Belle Gabrielle did not
commit the atrocities which were perpetrated in other places.”

Regarding this philanthropic plan of La Fayette’s for the uplifting of
the <DW64>s, Washington thus wrote to him in 1786: “Your late purchase
in Cayenne, with a view of emancipating your slaves, is a generous and
noble proof of your humanity. Would to God a like spirit might diffuse
itself generally into the minds of the people of this country! But I
despair of seeing it. Some petitions were presented to the Virginia
Assembly at its last session for the abolition of slavery, but they
could scarcely obtain a hearing. To set the slaves afloat at once would,
I really believe, be productive of much inconvenience and mischief; but
by degrees it certainly might, and assuredly ought, to be effected, and
that, too, by legislative authority.”

La Fayette also interested himself at this time in behalf of the
persecuted French Protestants. Though himself belonging to the Romish
Church, he was neither bigoted nor intolerant, and hated the tyranny of
priests as bitterly as the tyranny of kings.

In the midst of the sterner subjects regarding war and politics, which
form so large a part of the correspondence between Washington and La
Fayette, it may be pleasing to note the following homely little incident
which brings both men in somewhat closer relationship with lesser
mortals whose lives are made up of petty details and home affairs. In
the “Mémoires et Manuscrits” of La Fayette, a work published by his
family, in Paris, in 1837, and which has never been entirely translated
into English, only scattered letters having been from time to time
culled therefrom, for the various sketches given regarding the life of
La Fayette, we have noticed much valuable and interesting information
not elsewhere to be found.

Among the correspondence of General La Fayette many letters from
Washington were collected, several of which were quoted in their proper
chronological order, and of the date of June, 1786, we find the
following little note, which is interesting, as it takes us into the
home-circle at Mount Vernon, and shows us the goodly housewife in the
person of Lady Washington, and the kindly host rather than the stately
general in this picture of Washington. The note reads as follows:—

“MY DEAR MARQUIS: You will be astonished to see so ancient a date upon
the letter which I send you, if I did not say to you that the ship which
was to have carried this letter has since returned. Nothing new has
occurred since then, and I would not give you the weariness of a second
epistle, if I had not forgotten to say to you that Madam Washington
sends to Madame de La Fayette a cask of ham. I know not if these are
better, or even as good, as those in France, but these are of our own
making, and you know that the ladies of Virginia pride themselves upon
the excellence of their ham, and we remember that it was a dish much to
your taste. She has therefore desired that I offer them to you. I had
wished to send with them a barrel of old brandy peaches, but I have not
been able to procure enough of good quality to be placed by the side of
your luscious wines, and so I send them not. After all, these two gifts
would be more proper to offer as a ration after a long march in the rain
than to figure upon your table in Paris.”

The Honorable Chauncey M. Depew, in his memorial address, delivered at
the unveiling of the Statue of Liberty in New York Harbor, the gift of
France to America, thus ably comments upon the French alliance, and the
character of General La Fayette:—

“The French alliance, which enabled us to win our independence, is the
romance of history. It overcame improbabilities impossible in fiction,
and its results surpass the dreams of imagination. The most despotic of
kings, surrounded by the most exclusive of feudal aristocracies, sending
fleets and armies officered by the scions of the proudest of nobilities
to fight for subjects in revolt and the liberties of the common people,
is a paradox beyond the power of mere human energy to have wrought or
solved. The march of this mediæval chivalry across our states,
respecting persons and property as soldiers never had before, never
taking an apple or touching a fence-rail without permission and payment,
treating the ragged Continentals as if they were knights in armor and of
noble ancestry, captivating our grandmothers by their gallantry, and our
grandfathers by their courage, remains unequalled in the poetry of war.
It is the most magnificent tribute in history to the volcanic force of
ideas and the dynamitic power of truth, though the crust of the globe
imprison them. In the same ignorance and fearlessness with which a
savage plays about a powder magazine with a torch, the Bourbon king and
his court, buttressed by the consent of centuries and the unquestioned
possession of every power to the state, sought relief from cloying
pleasures and vigor for enervated minds in permitting and encouraging
the loftiest genius and the most impassioned eloquence of the time to
discuss the rights and liberties of man. With the orator the themes were
theories which fired only his imagination, and with the courtiers they
were pastimes or jests. Neither speakers nor listeners saw any
application of these ennobling sentiments to the common mass and
grovelling herd whose industries they squandered in riot and debauch,
and whose bodies they hurled against battlement and battery to gratify
ambition or caprice. But these revelations illuminated many an ingenuous
soul among the young aristocracy, and with distorted rays penetrated the
Cimmerian darkness which enveloped the people. They bore fruit in the
heart and mind of one youth, to whom America owes much, and France
everything,—the Marquis de La Fayette. As the centuries roll by, and in
the fulness of time the rays of Liberty’s torch are the beacon lights of
the world, the central niches in the earth’s Pantheon of Freedom will be
filled by the figures of Washington and La Fayette.

“It is idle now to speculate whether our fathers could have succeeded
without the French alliance. The struggle would have been indefinitely
prolonged and probably compromised. But the alliance secured our
triumph, and La Fayette secured the alliance. The fabled argosies of
ancient, and the armadas and fleets of modern, times were commonplace
voyages compared with the mission enshrined in this inspired boy. He who
stood before the Continental Congress and said, ‘I wish to serve you as
a volunteer, and without pay,’ and at twenty took his place with Gates,
and Green, and Lincoln as major-generals in the Continental army. As a
member of Washington’s military family, sharing with that incomparable
man his board, and bed, and blanket, La Fayette won his first and
greatest distinction in receiving from the American chief a friendship
which was closer than that bestowed upon any other of his compatriots,
and which ended only in death. The great commander saw in the reckless
daring with which he carried his wound to rally the flying troops at
Brandywine, the steady nerve with which he held the column wavering
under a faithless general at Monmouth, the wisdom and caution with which
he manœuvred inferior forces in the face of the enemy, his
willingness to share every privation of the illy-clad and starving
soldiery, and to pledge his fortune and credit to relieve their
privations, a commander upon whom he could rely, a patriot he could
trust, a man he could love.

“The surrender of Burgoyne at Saratoga was the first decisive event of
the war. It defeated the British plan to divide the country by a chain
of forts up the Hudson and conquer it in detail. It inspired hope at
home and confidence abroad. It seconded the passionate appeals of La
Fayette and the marvellous diplomacy of Benjamin Franklin; it overcame
the prudent counsels of Necker, warning the king against this
experiment; and won the treaty of alliance between the old Monarchy and
the young Republic. La Fayette now saw that his mission was in France.
He said, ‘I can help the cause more at home than here.’ and asked for
leave of absence. Congress voted him a sword and presented it with a
resolution of gratitude, and he returned, bearing this letter from that
convention of patriots to his king, ‘We recommend this young nobleman to
your Majesty’s notice, as one whom we know to be wise in council,
gallant in the field, and patient under the hardships of war.’ It was a
certificate which Marlborough might have coveted, and Gustavus might
have worn as the proudest of his decorations. But though king and court
vied with each other in doing him honor, though he was welcomed as no
Frenchman had ever been by triumphal processions in the cities and fêtes
in villages, by addresses and popular applause, he reckoned them of
value only in the power they gave him to procure aid for Liberty’s fight
in America. ‘France is now committed to war,’ he argued, ‘and her
enemy’s weak point for attack is in America. Send there your money and
men.’ And he returned with the army of Rochambeau and the fleet of De
Grasse.

“‘It is fortunate,’ said De Maurepas, the prime minister, ‘that La
Fayette did not want to strip Versailles of its furniture for his dear
Americans, for nobody could withstand his ardor.’ None too soon did this
assistance arrive, for Washington’s letter to the American commissioners
in Paris passed it on the way, in which he made this urgent appeal: ‘If
France delays a timely and powerful aid in the critical posture of our
affairs, it will avail us nothing should she attempt it hereafter. We
are at this hour suspended in the balance. In a word, we are at the end
of our tether, and now or never deliverance must come.’ General
Washington saw in the allied forces now at his disposal that the triumph
of independence was assured. The long, dark night of doubt and despair
was illuminated by the dawn of a hope. The material was at hand to carry
out the comprehensive plans so long matured, so long deferred, so
patiently kept. That majestic dignity which had never bent to adversity,
that lofty and awe-inspiring reserve which presented an impenetrable
barrier to familiarity, either in council or at the festive board, so
dissolved in the welcome of these decisive visitors that the delighted
French and the astounded American soldiers saw Washington for the first
and only time in his life express his happiness with all the joyous
effervescence of hilarious youth.

“The flower of the young aristocracy of France, in their brilliant
uniforms, and the farmers and frontiersmen of America, in their faded
continentals, bound by a common baptism of blood, became brothers in the
knighthood of liberty. With emulous eagerness to be in at the death,
while they shared the glory, they stormed the redoubts at Yorktown, and
compelled the surrender of Cornwallis and army. While this practically
ended the war, it strengthened the alliance and cemented the friendship
between the two great peoples. The mutual confidence and chivalric
courtesy which characterized their relations has no like example in
international comity. When an officer from General Carlton, the British
commander-in-chief, came to headquarters with an offer of peace and
independence, if the Americans would renounce the French alliance,
Washington refused to receive him; Congress spurned Carlton’s secretary
bearing a like message; and the states, led by Maryland, denounced all
who entertained propositions of peace which were not approved by France
as public enemies. And peace with independence meant prosperity and
happiness to a people in the very depths of poverty and despair. France,
on the other hand, though sorely pressed for money, said, in the
romantic spirit which permeated this wonderful union: ‘Of the 27,000,000
livres we have loaned you, we forgive you 9,000,000 as a gift of
friendship, and when with years there comes prosperity, you can pay the
balance without interest.’

“With the fall of Yorktown La Fayette felt that he could do more for
peace and independence in the diplomacy of Europe than in the war in
America. His arrival in France shook the continent. Though one of the
most practical and self-poised of men, his romantic career in the New
World had captivated courts and peoples. In the formidable league which
he had quickly formed with Spain and France, England saw humiliation and
defeat, and made a treaty of peace by which she recognized the
independence of the Republic of the United States.

“The fight for liberty in America was won. Its future here was
threatened with but one danger,—the slavery of the <DW64>. The soul of La
Fayette, purified by battle and suffering, saw the inconsistency and the
peril, and he returned to this country to plead with state legislatures
and with Congress for the liberation of what he termed ‘my brethren, the
blacks.’ But now the hundred years’ war for liberty in France was to
begin. America was its inspiration, La Fayette its apostle, and the
returning French army its emissaries. Beneath the trees by day and in
the halls at night, at Mount Vernon, La Fayette gathered from Washington
the gospel of freedom. It was to sustain and guide him in after years
against the temptations of power and the despair of the dungeon. He
carried the lessons and the grand example through all the trials and
tribulations of his desperate struggle and partial victory for the
enfranchisement of his country. From the ship, on departing, he wrote to
his great chief, whom he was never to see again, this touching good by:
‘You are the most beloved of all the friends I ever had or shall have
anywhere. I regret that I cannot have the inexpressible pleasure of
embracing you in my own house, and welcoming you in a family where your
name is adored. Everything that admiration, respect, gratitude,
friendship, and filial love can inspire is combined in my affectionate
heart to devote me most tenderly to you. In your friendship I find a
delight which no words can express.’ His farewell to Congress was a
trumpet blast which resounded round a world then bound in the chains of
despotism and caste. Every government on the continent was an absolute
monarchy, and no language can describe the poverty and wretchedness of
the people. Taxes levied without law exhausted their property; they were
arrested without warrant, and rotted in the Bastile without trial, and
they were shot as game, and tortured without redress, at the caprice or
pleasure of their feudal lords. Into court and camp this message came
like the handwriting on the wall at Belshazzar’s feast. Hear his words:
‘May this immense temple of freedom ever stand a lesson to oppressors,
an example to the oppressed, a sanctuary for the rights of mankind, and
may these happy United States attain that complete splendor and
prosperity which will illustrate the blessings of their government, and
for ages to come rejoice the departed souls of its founders.’ Well might
Louis the Sixteenth, more far-sighted than his ministers, exclaim,
‘After fourteen hundred years of power the old monarchy is doomed.’”




                               CHAPTER V.

The French Revolution approaching—Ominous Signs—The Price of
  Bread—Causes back of the Famine—Influence of the American
  Revolution—Reckless Extravagance of the French Courts—Public Finances
  in a State of Chaotic Ruin—Maurepas, Turgot, de Clugny, Necker, and
  Calonne—Convocation of the Notables—La Fayette chosen a Member—The
  Direful Financial Chasm—The Notables confronted by the Dreadful
  Deficit—La Fayette upholds the People’s Rights—His Letter
  to Washington upon Public Affairs—Washington writes of
  American Prosperity—La Fayette demands the Convocation of the
  States-General—The Notables aghast at Such Audacity—Louis obliged to
  yield to Popular Clamor—Convocation of the States-General—La Fayette
  chosen a Deputy—The _Tiers État_—Their Demands—Their Reception—Their
  Resolve—Defiance of the _Tiers État_—La Fayette joins the National
  Assembly—His Famous Declaration of Rights—A Riotous Mob—Storming of
  the Bastile—La Fayette assumes Command of the National Guards—His
  Ideas of Liberty Subservient to Law and Order—His Difficult
  Position—Execution of Foulon—La Fayette’s Resignation—Appeal of the
  National Guards—La Fayette resumes Command—Awful Juggernaut of the
  Revolution—_A Versailles!_—Carlyle’s Description—King Louis and Marie
  Antoinette at the Mercy of the Mob—La Fayette rescues them—_Le Roi à
  Paris_—Versailles deserted.

“What is liberty without wisdom and without virtue? It is the greatest
of all possible evils; for it is folly, vice, and madness, without
tuition or restraint.”—BURKE.


PARIS ran red with blood. The ghastly knife of the guillotine fell
incessantly. The terrible tocsin sounded forth its ominous knell under
the black midnight sky, and clanged its harsh and horrid discords in the
midst of the summer’s stillness, and the glowing brightness of midday.
Why were these demons of chaotic riot let loose upon the doomed city?
Why had men, and even women, become like wild beasts, thirsting only for
blood? Ah! there had gone forth unheeded another wail, before the
_awful_ cry of _Blood! Blood! Blood!_ rang through the land. From the
homes of twenty-five millions of people had ascended the pitiful appeal
for _Bread! Bread! Bread!_ And they had been answered only by the
exasperating spectacle of gorgeous banquets, spread in the splendid
_salons_ of Versailles, where the weak-minded king and the selfish,
shortsighted nobles surfeited themselves with luxuries, while the people
died of starvation unheeded.

“What is the price of bread?” asked a stranger of a workingman’s wife.
“Three francs twelve sous the quartern,” was the answer. “The price is
fixed at twelve sous, but it is not to be had. My husband is obliged to
pass a whole day at the door of the baker. He loses his wages of three
francs; so that the bread comes to three francs twelve sous the
quartern.”

But soon it rises to fourteen sous. “A brisk business is doing on the
bridges, in the open places, where men passing with a loaf of bread
under their arms re-sell it to the workmen for twenty sous.”

“We want powder for our wigs,” Jean Jacques Rousseau had said; “that is
the reason of the poor wanting bread.”

“And the reproach touches the hearts of actresses and fashionable
ladies; they discard powder, or use as little as possible: the
starch-makers are ordered to employ barley instead of wheat; the pupils
of the college Louis le Grand resolve to eat rice, and to offer
twenty-eight sacks of wheat. The king forbids the playing of the
fountains at the fêtes, in order to turn the water to the Versailles
mills; but it is of no use: the associates of the grain monopoly, the
makers of the vile Famine Pact, cause a fictitious scarcity by having
the markets pillaged, the mills burned, the corn thrown into the river
by a band of ruffians. Poor Louis is astonished, and begins to doubt
whether he is really king of France.” But there were other causes back
of the famine which led to the volcanic outburst of the French
Revolution. For long years the terrible mine had been preparing beneath
the French monarchy, and at length exploded with awful destruction and
blood-curdling horrors.

The dazzling glory of the gorgeous Louis XVI., with all its power and
grandeur, was reared over a sleeping volcano, destined to shock the
continent of Europe, when at length its slow fires should unite their
direful forces for the last mighty eruption.

The glorious success of the American Revolution inspired suffering
people in all lands with a clearer hope of future freedom. Regarding its
effect upon France a writer says:—

“It is difficult to suppose that so many thousand officers and soldiers
had visited America, and fought in behalf of her rights, without being
imbued with something of a kindred spirit. There they beheld a new and
happy nation, among whom the pride of birth and the distinctions of rank
were alike unknown; there they for the first time saw virtue and talents
and courage rewarded; there they viewed with surprise a sovereign people
fighting, not for a master, but themselves, and haranguing,
deliberating, dispensing justice, and administering the laws, by
representatives of their own free choice. On their return the contrast
was odious and intolerable; they beheld family preferred to merit,
influence to justice, wealth to worth; they began to examine into a
constitution in which the monarch, whom they were now accustomed to
consider as only the first magistrate, was everything, and the people,
the fountain of all power, merely ciphers; and they may well be supposed
to have wished, and even languished, for a change.

“In fine, the people being left entirely destitute of redress or
protection, the royal authority paramount and unbounded; the laws venal,
the peasantry oppressed; agriculture in a languishing state, commerce
considered as degrading; the public revenues farmed out to greedy
financiers; the public money consumed by a court wallowing in luxury;
and every institution at variance with justice, policy, and reason,—a
change became inevitable in the ordinary course of human events; and,
like all sudden alterations in corrupt states, was accompanied with the
temporary evils and crimes that made many good men look back on the
ancient despotism with a sigh.

“But it was not, however, the influence of the officers and soldiers
fresh from the field of American liberty which gave the most fatal blow
to the dynasty of the Bourbons. The wanton and reckless extravagance of
past courts, culminating in the splendid lustre of _Le Grand Monarque_,
whose dazzling genius and rod of iron won shouts of enthusiastic
admiration, even amid the groans of oppression, but whose gorgeous state
could be maintained only at the expense of his people’s degradation and
bondage, followed by the disreputable court of the despicable Louis XV.,
had brought the public finances to a condition of chaotic ruin. The
annual deficit amounted to millions; and when poor, weak, good-natured
Louis XVI. ascended the throne, it was even then tottering upon the edge
of the awful abyss, which soon engulfed king and nation in its black and
baleful horrors.... When the fearful gulf became visible to Louis XVI.
and his cabinet, they looked around despairingly for some means of
escape. Maurepas, Turgot, M. de Clugny, and Necker have each tried to
stay the coming of the direful doom, but each and all have failed. And
now M. de Calonne becomes comptroller-general. Now surely the royal
inmates of the Œil-de-Bœuf may breathe more freely. Obstacles seem
for a while to flee away before this incomparable comptroller-general.”

“I fear this is a matter of difficulty,” said her Majesty, Queen Marie
Antoinette.—“Madame,” replied the comptroller, “if it is but difficult,
it is done; if it is impossible, it shall be done.” Truly most admirable
was such an all-conquering comptroller-general!

But deficits will not be removed by promises, however prodigal of wind
and words, and royal deficits of millions form too wide an abyss for
even this boastful comptroller to bridge.

“If we cannot cross this yawning gulf at a leap, what shall we do?” ask
king and nobles of their pet Calonne. “We must hold a _Convocation of
the Notables_,” replies the intrepid comptroller-general.

And so the Assembly of the Notables was convened by royal proclamation,
and on the 22d of February, 1787, La Fayette, who had been chosen a
member from his province, took his seat with his associates in this
memorable gathering.

And now the dreadful secret must be revealed; these titled notables must
be conducted to the edge of this terrifying precipice, and made to gaze
into the black depths of the financial chasm. Consternation blanches the
cheeks of these assembled lords; but the courage of La Fayette is not
extinguished, nor his love of liberty impaired, nor his bold spirit
benumbed by evils however monstrous, or difficulties however defiant. To
right the wrong is ever his aim, and to remove the root of error is
always his persevering endeavor. Back of the ruinous deficit of millions
is a still deeper abyss of evil, into which the brave soul of La Fayette
courageously gazes; and though startled at the infamous disclosures of
corruption, injustice, bitter abuses, and shameful oppressions, he is
not appalled, but in the face of king and nobles he rises chivalrously
as the people’s champion, and demands redress. Though a brother of the
king is president of this council, though he must protest against both
monarch and court, with dignified firmness he fearlessly exclaims: “I
repeat with renewed confidence the remark that the millions which are
dissipated are collected by taxation, and that taxation can only be
justified by the real wants of the state; that the millions abandoned to
peculation or avarice are the fruits of the labor, the tears, and
perhaps the blood of the people, and that the computation of unfortunate
individuals, which has been made for the purpose of realizing sums so
heedlessly squandered, affords a frightful subject of consideration for
the justice and goodness which, we feel convinced, are the natural
sentiments of his Majesty.”

But La Fayette stood alone as the upholder of the people’s rights; the
principles of liberty which he thus boldly declared were received with
horrified amazement by the old aristocracy, and the heart of the weak
monarch was filled with strange foreboding. Before the Assembly closed
its session, the heroic words of La Fayette had begun to work their
brave mission. Threats of danger reached his ears; but his eye did not
quail; he was not awed into silence. His enemies proposed to the king
that he should be sent to the Bastile; but their menaces were only
received with a smile by La Fayette, who dauntlessly continued his
efforts in behalf of the down-trodden people.

[Illustration: ASSEMBLY OF THE NOTABLES.]

The following letter from La Fayette to Washington will give a clearer
insight regarding the opinions of the marquis upon public affairs:—

                                                 “PARIS, May 25, 1788.

“MY DEAR GENERAL: In the midst of our internal troubles it is a great
consolation for me to enjoy the assured prosperity of my adopted
country, because the news from America gives me the hope that the
constitution will be accepted. Permit me once more, my dear General, to
beseech you not to refuse the presidency. The constitution, such as is
proposed, responds to many desires; but I fear there are, regarding it,
certain passages which will not be completed without danger, if the
United States have not the happiness of possessing their guardian angel,
who will appreciate the advantages and disadvantages of each clause, and
will be aware, before re-entering his quiet retreat, how to determine
with precision the degree of force which it is indispensable to give the
government, and to limit those powers which one might abuse; in short,
to indicate that which remains to be done, in order to attain that
perfection to which the new constitution is nearer than that of any
other form of government, past or present.

“The affairs of France are reaching a crisis, of which the good results
are most uncertain, as the people in general have no inclination to come
to extremities. _Mourir pour la liberté_ is not the motto upon this side
of the Atlantic; as all the classes are more or less dependent, as the
rich love their repose, at the same time that the poor are enervated by
misery and ignorance, we have but one resource: it is to reason with
them, and to inspire the nation with a sort of passive discontent, or
non-obedience which will fatigue the levity and baffle the plans of
government.

“The Parliaments, in spite of their inefficiency, have been the
necessary champions to move. You will see by the publications—because I
have sent you all which have appeared—that the king has raised
pretensions, and that the courts of justice are established upon
principles so contradictory, that one can scarcely believe that these
assertions have been declared in the same country and in the same age.
Affairs cannot remain thus; the government has employed the force of
arms against the disarmed and expelled magistrates. And the people, say
you?—The people, my dear General, have been so benumbed that it has made
me sick, and medicines have been necessary to cool my blood. That which
has greatly increased my indignation is a bench of justice where the
king has created a plenary court composed of judges, of peers, and of
courtiers, without a single real representative of the people, and the
impudence of the ministers who have dared to say that all the taxes and
loans will be registered.

“Thanks to God, we have prevailed against them, and I begin to hope for
a constitution. The magistrates have refused to sit in the plenary
courts. The thirty-eight peers, of whom a small number have some sense
and some courage, will not obey. Some of them, such as my friend La
Rochefoucauld, conduct themselves nobly; the others follow at a
distance. The Parliaments have unanimously protested, and made an appeal
to the nation. The greater part of the inferior courts represent the new
_régime_. Discontent is displayed everywhere, and in several provinces
has not been repressed. The clergy who find themselves assembled at this
time make remonstrances; the advocates refuse to plead; the government
is embarrassed, and begins to resort to apologies; the governors in some
cities have been pelted by stones and mud.

“In the midst of these troubles and of this anarchy the friends of
liberty fortify themselves daily, close the ear to all negotiations, and
declare that they will have a National Assembly or nothing.

“Such, my dear General, is our present situation. For my part, I shall
be satisfied to think that, after a little, I shall be in an assembly of
the representatives of the French nation, or at Mount Vernon.

“I am so absorbed by these affairs that I will say little to you upon
European politics. My disapprobation of the projects of the
administration, and the small attempts I have made against it, have
forced me to discontinue to see the archbishop; but I become more united
to him and to the keeper of the seals, the more I have made clear my
indignation against the infernal plan. I am well pleased that the decree
regarding America was passed before these troubles, and I occupy myself,
through other ministers, in endeavoring to suppress totally the duties
upon oil and whalebone, so that the French and American negotiations
will be placed upon a basis of equality, even under the revenue
premiums, and that without obliging the fishermen to leave the coasts of
their country. If we become reunited, it will be necessary to consider
immediately the commerce with the West Indies.

“I am happy that we have here M. Jefferson for an ambassador; his
talents, his virtues, his excellent character, all constitute a great
statesman, a zealous citizen, and a precious friend.

“I pray you, my dear General, to receive my tender homages, etc.”

Regarding Washington’s feelings in view of accepting the presidency, the
following lines to La Fayette upon that subject will not be without
interest. They were written in answer to La Fayette’s ardently expressed
hopes that his revered commander-in-chief would not refuse the important
office which the needs of his country forced upon him. The letter was
written in 1788.

“I have but a few things, nothing new, except to respond to the opinion
which you have already expressed. You think that it will be expedient to
accept the office of which you speak; your sentiments are more in
accordance with those of my other friends than with mine.

“In truth, the difficulties appear to me to multiply and increase in
approaching the period when in accordance with the general belief it
will be necessary to give a definite response. In case the circumstances
should in some sort force upon me my acceptance, be assured, my dear
sir, that I accept the burden with sincere reluctance and with great
self-distrust—that which will probably be little credited by the world.

“If I know well the bottom of my heart, the conviction that I fulfil a
duty will alone determine me to resume an active part in public affairs;
at that time I shall endeavor to form a plan of conduct, and at the risk
of losing my past reputation and my present popularity; I will work
without respite to remove my fellow-citizens from the difficult
situation where they find themselves, in need of credit; and to
establish a system of politics which, if it will be followed, will
insure their future power and prosperity.

“I believe I perceive a ray of light illuminating the way which leads to
that end. The present state of affairs and the tendency of public
opinion give me the hope that there will result union, honesty,
industry, and frugality—those four pillars of public felicity.”

But this encouraging picture of American affairs was offset by direful
scenes in France.

Feeling that justice demanded that if the people were to be taxed they
should be represented, La Fayette offered to the Assembly a memorial for
the king, in which he entreated his Majesty to convoke a _National_
Assembly, which might accomplish the regeneration of France.

“What, sir!” exclaimed the President of the Council, starting from his
seat in astonishment; “do you ask for the convocation of the
States-General?”

“Yes, my lord, and even more than that,” was La Fayette’s dauntless
reply.

“You wish me then to write and announce to the king that the Marquis de
La Fayette moves to convoke the States-General?”

“Yes, my lord,” calmly answered the marquis.

This daring proposition appalled the Notables, but was hailed with
shouts of acclamation by the public. The States-General was first
convoked by Philippe le Bel, in 1303, and had only rarely assembled
since that time. The despotic governments looked upon this institution
with abhorrence, for in it the common people were represented. It was
composed of the three estates of the kingdom,—the nobles, the clergy,
and _tiers état_, or common people,—and Louis and his court were
determined if possible to avoid this dreaded Assembly. But the shout
rang out from every quarter of France, in answer to the clarion bugle
note which La Fayette had so bravely sounded even in the very midst of
the enemy’s camp. “Give us the States-General!” From the Alps and the
Pyrenees, the shores of the Mediterranean, and the borders of the
Channel, was re-echoed the wild cry, “Give us the States-General!” And
Louis, unable to resist the raging tempest of popular opinion, yielded
to their demand, and the States-General was by royal edict convened on
the 5th of May, 1789.

La Fayette was chosen a deputy by the nobility of Auvergne. To say “let
States-General be” was easy; to say in what manner they shall be is not
so easy. “How to shape the States-General? There is a problem. Each body
corporate, each privileged, each organized class, has secret hopes of
its own in that matter, and also secret misgivings of its own; for,
behold, this monstrous twenty-million class, hitherto the dumb sheep
which these others had to agree about the manner of shearing, is now
also arising with hopes! It has ceased or is ceasing to be dumb; it
speaks through pamphlets, or at least brays and growls behind them, in
unison, increasing wonderfully their volume of sound. _What is the third
estate? What has it hitherto been in our form of government? Nothing.
What does it want? To become something._” These are questions and
answers which must now be met. The Assembly was opened with great pomp.
A solemn procession in which king, nobles, clergy, and the _tiers état_
all repaired in grand state to Notre Dame, paraded through the streets,
and formed a splendid spectacle which was greeted by the people with
joyous demonstrations and loud acclamations.

At the first meeting of the Assembly, the three orders convened in
separate departments. Here arose the first difficulty. The nobles and
the clergy were unwilling to meet with the representatives of the common
people, and the _tiers état_ were determined to maintain their contested
rights. La Fayette advocated the cause of the _tiers état_ in the
assembly of the nobles, but the aristocracy would not yield, and at the
end of five weeks the States-General as a united body was still
inactive. At length the _tiers état_ resolved upon momentous action.
They formed themselves into a legislative body, under the name of the
National Assembly, and declared their intention to accomplish political
reform. The king and nobles received this unexpected news with
consternation. La Fayette warmly urged a union between the departments,
but the king and aristocracy refused. Louis then determined to awe these
rebellious subjects to submission. He ordered the doors of the hall
where the _tiers état_ usually met to be closed and guarded. When the
members gathered and found their usual place of meeting denied them,
they proceeded to another, and thereupon issued their defiant demand,—_A
Constitution for the French People_; and they solemnly declared with
oath, in view of the indignity which had been offered to them by the
crown, “never to separate, and to assemble whenever circumstances should
require, till the constitution of the kingdom should be established and
founded on a solid basis.”

At length, on the 23d of June, the king and nobles assembled in the hall
formerly occupied by the _tiers état_, and after some delay the doors
were opened to that body, and the king reproached them for taking the
title of National Assembly, and bade them renounce it, and also
commanded that the Assembly should immediately separate. The king then
left the hall, followed by the nobles and part of the clergy. But
scarcely had the sound of the footsteps of royalty died away ere a man
arose in the Assembly. It was Mirabeau. With eyes flashing like stars
from the gloomy shadows of his pock-marked, disfigured countenance, he
exclaimed:—

“What means this insulting dictation? this threatening display of arms?
this flagrant violation of the national temple? Who is it that dictates
to you the way in which you shall be happy? He who acts by your
commission. Who is it that gives you imperious laws? He who acts by your
commission,—the minister, who by your appointment is vested with the
execution of the laws,—of laws which we only have a right to make.

“To us, twenty-five millions of people are looking to guard from further
desecration the sacred ark of liberty, to release them from the
burdensome yoke which has so long crushed them, and to give them back
their own inalienable right to peace, liberty, and happiness. Gentlemen,
an attempt is made to destroy the freedom of your deliberations. The
iron chain of despotic proscription is laid upon you. A military force
surrounds your Assembly. Where are the enemies of France? Is Catiline at
our gates? Gentlemen! I demand that, clothing yourself in your dignity
and your legislative authority, you remain firm in the sacredness of
your oath, which does not permit us to separate till we have framed a
constitution—till we have given a _Magna Charta_ to France.”

Then as the grand master of ceremonies again reminded the Assembly of
the commands of the king, Mirabeau exclaimed, “Go and tell your master
that we are here by the order of the people, and that we shall depart
only at the point of the bayonet.”

[Illustration: “GO AND TELL YOUR MASTER THAT WE ARE HERE BY THE ORDER OF
THE PEOPLE.”]

La Fayette, with the forty-seven who had stood by his side in declaring
the expediency of uniting with the commons, now left the nobility, and
took his seat in the National Assembly. The king and aristocracy,
finding at length that their resistance was useless, submitted to the
popular demand, and on the 27th of June the three orders met together
and commenced their united deliberations.

La Fayette was closely observed by all parties. He spoke often in the
Assembly, and always on the side of freedom. On the 11th of July he
brought forward his famous Declaration of Rights; which after a long and
stormy debate, during which it was warmly supported by the republicans,
and denounced by the adherents of despotism, was adopted; and the name
of La Fayette, “THE PEOPLE’S FRIEND!” was on every lip and enshrined in
every heart throughout the kingdom.

This renowned Declaration of Rights reads as follows:—

“Nature has made all men free and equal; the distinctions which are
necessary for social order are founded alone on the public good.

“Man is born with inalienable and imprescriptible rights, such as the
unshackled liberty of opinion, the care of his honor and life, the right
of property, the complete control over his person, his industry, and all
his faculties; the free expression of his opinion in every possible
manner; the worship of the Almighty; and resistance against oppression.

“The exercise of natural rights has no other limits than those which are
necessary to secure their enjoyment to every member of society.

“No man can be made subject to laws which he has not sanctioned, either
himself, or through his representatives, and which have not been
properly promulgated and legally executed.

“The principle of all sovereignty rests in the people. No body or
individual can possess any authority which does not expressly emanate
from the nation.

“The sole end of all government is the public good. That good demands
that the legislative, executive, and judicial powers should be distinct
and defined, and that their organization should secure the free
representation of the citizens, the responsibility of their deputies,
and the impartiality of the judges.

“The laws ought to be clear, precise, and uniform in their operation
toward every class of citizens.

“Subsidies ought to be liberally granted and the taxes proportionally
distributed.

“And as the introduction of abuses and the rights of succeeding
generations will require the revisions of all human institutions, the
nation ought to possess the power, in certain cases, to summon an
extraordinary assembly of deputies, whose sole object shall be to
examine and correct, if it be necessary, the faults of the
constitution.”

On the 14th of July a riotous crowd march to the Invalides, and having
armed themselves with the twenty-eight thousand muskets found there, and
dragging twenty cannon, they proceed to storm the Bastile. After five
hours the Bastile is taken by the people, and the Revolution, which
might perhaps have been stayed by different measures on the part of the
government, is henceforth destined to work out its direful doings.

[Illustration: THE CROWD ARM THEMSELVES FROM THE INVALIDES.]

The National Guard, composed of citizens rather than mercenary soldiers,
was now formed, and La Fayette was entrusted with the command. The key
of the demolished Bastile was given to him, as the most worthy person to
receive this memorial of past oppression. La Fayette was now looked up
to by the people as their defender, and the masses gave him warm but
fickle homage. Toulongeon says of him: “La Fayette, whose name and
reputation acquired in America were associated with liberty itself, was
at the head of the Parisian National Guard. He enjoyed at once that
entire confidence and public esteem which are due to great qualities.
The faculty of raising the spirits, or rather of infusing fresh courage
into the heart, was natural to him. His external appearance was youthful
and bold, which is always pleasing to the multitude. His manners were
simple, popular, and engaging. He possessed everything which is wanting
to commence and terminate a revolution,—the brilliant qualities of
military activity and the calm confidence of courage in times of public
commotion. La Fayette was equal to everything, if everything had been
done fairly and openly; but he was unacquainted with the dark and narrow
road of intrigue.”

La Fayette’s idea of liberty was always accompanied with a firm belief
in law and order; it was not the liberty of unbridled license. When he
first upheld the Revolution in France, it was with the same spirit with
which he had aided the American Revolution, contending only for liberty
and order; and when, during the Reign of Terror, riot and license held
the reins of power, then La Fayette was to be found not in sympathy with
this wild, reckless turmoil, but always standing by the recognized
government, though that government were even a monarchy, and risking his
own life to save those royal lives, who so poorly repaid his generous
and chivalrous devotion as even to turn with contemptuous coldness
toward him who had sacrificed his own popularity to save them from
destruction.

At the head of the National Guard La Fayette had a most difficult task
to perform during those days of riotous commotion. His sympathies were
with the oppressed people; his duty was to maintain public order; his
loyalty made him true to his king. When the unfortunate minister Foulon
was seized by the mob and dragged before the Assembly, where the rioters
clamored loudly for his death, La Fayette thus appealed to the furious
crowd:—

“I am known to you all; you have appointed me your commander,—a station
which, while it confers honor, imposes upon me the duty of speaking to
you with that liberty and candor which form the basis of my character.
You wish, without a trial, to put to death the man who is before you;
such an act of injustice would dishonor you; it would disgrace me; and
were I weak enough to permit it, it would blast all the efforts which I
have made in favor of liberty. I will not permit it. I am far from
desiring to save him, if he be guilty; I only wish that the orders of
the Assembly should be carried into execution, and that this man be
conducted to prison, to be judged by a legal tribunal. I wish the law to
be respected; law, without which there can be no liberty; law, without
whose aid I would never have contributed to the revolution of the New
World, and without which I will not contribute to the revolution which
is preparing here. What I advance in favor of the forms of law ought not
to be interpreted in favor of M. Foulon. But the greater the presumption
of his guilt is, the more important is it that the usual formalities
should be observed in his case, so as to render his punishment more
striking, and by legal examinations, to discover his accomplices. I
therefore command that he be conducted to the prison of L’Abbaye St.
Germain.”

[Illustration: VIEW OF THE BASTILE.]

These remarks were hailed with applause by those within hearing of them;
but at this moment a fresh mob broke into the Assembly, and set up a
furious yell for vengeance; and notwithstanding the loud intercessions
of La Fayette, deaf to everything but their wild fury, the rioters
seized the hated Foulon, and rushing forth, hanged him to a lamp post in
front of the Hôtel de Ville.

Liberty and law may both be spoken almost synonymously with the name of
La Fayette. His abhorrence of such lawless acts of vengeance was as
strong as his zeal for freedom. Horrified at the lawlessness of the
populace, and feeling that his honor was thereby jeopardized, La Fayette
determined to resign his office as commander-in-chief of the National
Guard, which he did in the following letter addressed to the mayor of
Paris:—

“SIR: Summoned by the confidence of its citizens to the military command
of the capital, I have uniformly declared that in the present state of
affairs it was necessary, to be useful, that confidence should be full
and universal. I have steadily declared to the people that, although
devoted to their interest to my last breath, yet I was incapable of
purchasing their favor by unjustly yielding to their wishes. You are
aware, sir, that one of the individuals who perished yesterday was
placed under a guard, and that the other was under the escort of our
troops, both being sentenced by the civil power to undergo a regular
trial. Such were the proper means to satisfy justice, to discover their
accomplices, and to fulfil the solemn engagements of every citizen
toward the National Assembly and the king.

“The people would not hearken to my advice; and the moment when the
confidence which they promised, and reposed in me, is lost, it becomes
my duty, as I have before stated, to abandon a post in which I can no
longer be useful. I am, with respect,

                                                         “LA FAYETTE.”

The news of La Fayette’s resignation spread consternation throughout the
city. The National Guard flocked around him to beseech him to retain his
position as their commander. The mayor and council waited upon him at
midnight, to solicit him to withdraw his resignation. But La Fayette
calmly declined, and the next day appeared before the Assembly to state
his reasons for so doing, in the following dignified and courteous
terms:—

“Gentlemen, I come to acknowledge the last testimonies of your kindness
with all the warmth of a heart whose first desire, after that of serving
the people, is to be loved by them, and to express my astonishment at
the importance they deign to attach to an individual, in a free country,
where nothing should be of real importance except law. If my conduct on
this occasion could be regulated by my sentiments of gratitude and
affection, I should only reply to the regrets with which you and the
National Guard had honored me by yielding obedience to your entreaties;
but, as I was guided by no feeling of private interest when I formed
that resolution, so also, in the midst of the various causes for
agitation that surround us, I cannot allow myself to be governed by my
private affections.

“Gentlemen, when I received such touching proofs of affection, too much
was done for me and too little for the _law_. I am convinced how well my
comrades love _me_, but I am still ignorant to what degree they cherish
the principles on which liberty is founded. Deign to make known to the
National Guard this sincere avowal of my sentiments. To command them, it
is necessary that I should feel certain that they unanimously believe
that the fate of the constitution depends upon the execution of law, the
only sovereign of a free people; that individual liberty, the security
of each man’s home, religious liberty, and respect for legitimate
authority, are duties as sacred to them as to myself. We require not
only courage and vigilance, but unanimity, in these principles; and I
thought, and still think, that the constitution will be better served by
my resignation, on the grounds I have given, than by my acquiescence in
the request with which you have deigned to honor me.”

The National Guards were already assembled, impatiently awaiting La
Fayette’s answer; and upon receiving this decision, they immediately
passed the following resolution:—

“The National Assembly has decreed that the public forces should be
obedient, and a portion of the Parisian army has shown itself
essentially disobedient. General La Fayette has only ceased to command
that army because they have ceased to obey law. He requires a complete
submission to the law, not a servile attachment to his person. Let the
battalions assemble. Let each citizen-soldier swear on his word and
honor to obey the law. Let those who refuse be excluded from the
National Guards. Let the wish of the army, thus regenerated, be carried
to General La Fayette, and he will conceive it his duty to resume
command.”

After some hesitation La Fayette resolved to resume his command, and
withdrew his resignation. His desires were only for the public good.
When urged by the municipality of Paris to accept some remuneration for
his services, he unselfishly replied:—

“My private fortune secures me from want. It has outlasted two
revolutions; and should it survive a third, through the complaisance of
the people, it shall belong to them alone.”

Mirabeau said of La Fayette: “There is one man in the state who, from
his position, is exposed to the hazard of all events; to whom successes
can offer no compensation for reverses; and who is, in some manner,
answerable for the repose, we may even say the safety, of the
public,—and that man is La Fayette.”

But La Fayette was not superhuman. His arm could not turn backward the
awful Juggernaut of the oncoming revolution. The corruption and
oppression of past centuries could not be wiped out by the untarnished
purity of life and principles of this self-sacrificing Knight of
Liberty. And beneath the bloody wheels of the huge Juggernaut of
license,—law, liberty, and La Fayette were all to be ruthlessly
sacrificed.

The sword of Damocles hung suspended over the head of the unfortunate
king, and the throne was tottering, soon to be engulfed in hopeless
ruin.

On the morning of the 5th of October, a woman, frenzied with hunger,
rushed into a guard-house, and seizing a drum, ran with it along the
streets, accompanying her wild beating with the frantic cry of “Bread!
bread!” As the crowd increases, every voice takes up the shrill shriek
for bread, until at last the mad chorus changes to a furious clamor, and
the words “To Versailles!” “_A Versailles!_“ ring out in hoarse yells
from street to street, and the alarm bell sounds the direful tocsin
which sends a knell of despair to every listener’s heart.

The news of the riot reaches La Fayette, and he says: “As soon as the
tidings reached me, I instantly perceived that, whatever might be the
consequence of this movement, the public safety required that I should
take part in it, and after having received from the Hôtel de Ville an
order and two commissaries, I hastily provided for the security of
Paris, and took the road to Versailles, at the head of several
battalions.”

[Illustration: THE CROWD SHOUT, “TO VERSAILLES.”]

Alarmed lest the Guard themselves might be induced to join in the
revolt, he halted on the way and made every one renew his oath of
fidelity to the king and obedience to the law. A description of this
momentous march is nowhere so quaintly and so graphically told as by
Carlyle, who, in spite of certain sarcasms, seems to appreciate La
Fayette’s difficult position, and surely it would seem as though only
the grim irony of fate could have placed this Knight of Liberty in the
midst of such lawless rioters: and yet, throughout all these trying
circumstances, La Fayette is not once inconsistent to his avowed
principles; and whether he sympathizes with the people’s wrongs, or
endeavors to shield his king from their furious attacks, he is ever true
to his principles of right and honor.

And so we will let Carlyle take La Fayette to Versailles in his own
inimitable way.

“The Three Hundred have assembled; all the Committees are in activity;
Lafayette is dictating despatches for Versailles, when a deputation of
the Centre Grenadiers introduces itself to him. The deputation makes
military obeisance; and thus speaks, not without a kind of thought in
it: ‘_Mon Général_, we are deputed by the six companies of Grenadiers.
We do not think you a traitor, but we think the government betrays you;
it is time that this end. We cannot turn our bayonets against women
crying to us for bread. The people are miserable; the source of the
mischief is at Versailles; we must go seek the king, and bring him to
Paris. We must exterminate [_exterminer_] the _Regiment de Flandre_ and
the _Gardes-du-Corps_, who have dared to trample on the National
Cockade.

“‘If the king be too weak to wear his crown, let him lay it down. You
will crown his son; you will name a Council of Regency, and all will go
better.’

“Reproachful astonishment paints itself on the face of La Fayette,
speaks itself from his eloquent chivalrous lips in vain. ‘My General, we
would shed the last drop of our blood for you, but the root of the
mischief is at Versailles; we must go and bring the king to Paris; all
the people wish it’ (_tout le peuple le veut_).

“My General descends to the outer staircase, and harangues once more in
vain. ‘To Versailles! To Versailles!’ Mayor Bailly, sent for through
floods of Sansculottism, attempts academic oratory from his gilt
state-coach, realizes nothing but infinite hoarse cries of, ‘Bread! To
Versailles!’ and gladly shrinks within doors. La Fayette mounts the
white charger; and again harangues and reharangues, with eloquence, with
firmness, indignant demonstration, with all things but persuasion.

“‘_To Versailles! To Versailles!_’ so lasts it hour after hour, for the
space of half a day.

“The great Scipio-Americanus can do nothing; not so much as escape.
‘_Morbleu, mon Général!_’ cry the Grenadiers, serrying their ranks as
the white charger makes a motion that way; ‘you will not leave us, you
will abide with us!’ A perilous juncture; Mayor Bailly and the
Municipals sit quaking within doors; My General is prisoner without; the
Place de Grève, with its thirty thousand regulars, its whole irregular,
Saint Antoine and Saint Marceau, is one minatory mass of clear or rusty
steel; all hearts set, with a moody fixedness, on one object. Moody,
fixed are all hearts: tranquil is no heart, if it be not that of the
white charger, who paws there with arched neck, composedly champing his
bit, as if no world, with its Dynasties and Eras, were now rushing down.
The drizzly day bends westward; the cry is still, ‘To Versailles!’

“Nay, now, borne from afar, come quite sinister cries; hoarse,
reverberating in long-drawn hollow murmurs, with syllables too like
those of ‘_Lanterne!_’ Or else, irregular Sansculottism may be marching
off, of itself, with pikes; nay, with cannon. The inflexible Scipio does
at length, by aide-de-camp, ask of the Municipals whether or not he may
go. A letter is handed out to him, over armed heads; sixty thousand
faces flash fixedly on his; there is stillness, and no bosom breathes
till he has read. By Heaven, he grows suddenly pale! Do the Municipals
permit? ‘Permit, and even order,’ since he can no other. Clangor of
approval rends the welkin. To your ranks, then; let us march!

“It is, as we compute, towards three in the afternoon. Indignant
National Guards may dine for once from their haversacks; dined or
undined, they march with one heart. Paris flings up her windows, ‘claps
hands,’ as the Avengers with their shrilling drums and shalms tramp by;
she will then sit pensive, apprehensive, and pass rather a sleepless
night.

“On the white charger, La Fayette, in the slowest possible manner, going
and coming, and eloquently haranguing among the ranks, rolls onward with
his thirty thousand. Saint Antoine, with pike and cannon, has preceded
him; a mixed multitude of all and of no arms hovers on his flanks and
skirts; the country once more pauses agape: _Paris marche sur nous_.

“Towards midnight lights flare on the hill; La Fayette’s lights! The
roll of his drums come up the Avenue de Versailles. With peace or with
war? Patience, friends! With neither. La Fayette is come, but not yet
the catastrophe.

“He has halted and harangued so often on the march; spent nine hours on
four leagues of road. At Montreuil, close on Versailles, the whole host
had to pause, and, with uplifted right hand in the murk of night, to
these pouring skies, swear solemnly to respect the king’s dwelling, to
be faithful to king and National Assembly. Rage is driven down out of
sight by the laggard march; the thirst of vengeance slaked in weariness
and soaking clothes. Flandre is again drawn out under arms; but Flandre
grown so patriotic, now needs no ‘exterminating.’ The wayworn battalions
halt in the Avenue; they have, for the present, no wish so pressing as
that of shelter and rest.

“Anxious sits President Mounier; anxious the Château. There is a message
coming from the Château, that M. Mounier would please to return thither
with a fresh deputation swiftly, and so at least _unite_ our two
anxieties. Anxious Mounier does of himself send, meanwhile, to appraise
the general that his Majesty has been so gracious as to grant us the
acceptance pure and simple. The general, with a small advance column,
makes answer in passing, speaks vaguely some smooth words to the
National President, glances only with the eye at that so mixtiform
National Assembly, then fares forward towards the Château. There are
with him two Paris Municipals; they were chosen from the three hundred
for that errand. He gets admittance through the locked and padlocked
gates, through sentries and ushers, to the royal halls.

“The court, male and female, crowds on his passage to read their doom on
his face, which exhibits, say historians, a ‘mixture of sorrow, of
fervor and valor,’ singular to behold. The king, with Monsieur, with
ministers and marshals, is waiting to receive him. He ‘is come,’ in his
highflown chivalrous way, ‘to offer his head for the safety of his
Majesty’s.’ The two Municipals state the wish of Paris; four things of
quite pacific tenor. First, that the honor of guarding his sacred person
be conferred on patriot National Guards, say the Centre Grenadiers, who
as _Gardes Françaises_ were wont to have that privilege. Second, that
provisions be got if possible. Third, that the prisons, all crowded with
political delinquents, may have judges sent them. Fourth, _that it would
please his Majesty to come and live in Paris_. To all which four wishes,
except the fourth, his Majesty answers readily Yes; or indeed may almost
say that he has already answered it. To the fourth he can answer only
Yes or No, would so gladly answer Yes _and_ No! But in any case, are not
their dispositions, thank Heaven, so entirely pacific? There is time for
deliberation. The brunt of the danger seems past.

“La Fayette and D’Estaing settle the watches; Centre Grenadiers are to
take the guard-room, they of old occupied as _Gardes Françaises_; for
indeed the _Gardes-de-Corps_, its late ill-advised occupants, are gone
mostly to Rambouillet. That is the order of _this_ night; sufficient for
the night is the evil thereof. Whereupon La Fayette and the two
Municipals, with highflown chivalry take their leave.

“So brief has the interview been, Mounier and his deputation were not
yet got up. So brief and satisfactory, a stone is rolled from every
heart. The fair palace dames publicly declare that this La Fayette,
detestable though he be, is their saviour for once. Even the ancient
vinaigrous _Tantes_ admit it; the king’s aunts, ancient _Graille_ and
Sisterhood, known to us of old. Queen Marie Antoinette has been heard
often to say the like.

“Towards three in the morning all things are settled; the watches set,
the Centre Grenadiers put into their old guard-room, and harangued; the
Swiss and few remaining body-guard harangued. The wayworn Paris
battalions, consigned to the hospitality of Versailles, lie dormant in
spare beds, spare barracks, coffee-houses, empty churches.

“The troublous day has brawled itself to rest; no lives yet lost but
that of one war-horse. Insurrectionary Chaos lies slumbering round the
palace like ocean round a diving-bell,—no crevice yet disclosing itself.
Deep sleep has fallen promiscuously on the high and on the low,
suspending most things, even wrath and famine. Darkness covers the
earth. But, far on the northeast, Paris flings up her great yellow gleam
far into the wet, black night. For all is illuminated there, as in the
old July nights; the streets deserted, for alarm of war; the municipals
all wakeful; patrols hailing with their hoarse _Who goes?_

“La Fayette, in the Hôtel de Nôailles, not far from the Château, having
now finished haranguing, sits with his officers, consulting. At five
o’clock the unanimous best counsel is, that a man so tossed and toiled
for twenty-four hours and more, fling himself on a bed and seek some
rest....

“The dull dawn of a new morning, drizzly and chill, had but broken over
Versailles. Rascality is in the Grand Court.... Barricading serves not;
fly fast, ye body-guards: rabid Insurrection, like the hell-bound chase,
uproaring at your heels.... ‘Save the Queen!’ Tremble not, women, but
haste, for, lo! another voice shouts far through the outermost door,
‘Save the Queen!’ It is brave Miomandre’s voice that shouts this second
warning. He has stormed across imminent death to do it; fronts imminent
death, having done it....

“Trembling maids-of-honor hastily wrap the queen, not in robes of state.
She flies for her life across the _Œil-de-Bœuf_, against the main
door of which, too, Insurrection batters. She is in the king’s
apartment, in the king’s arms; she clasps her children amid a faithful
few. The imperial-hearted bursts into mother’s tears: ‘O my friends,
save me and my children’ (_O mes amis, sauvez-moi et mes enfants!_). The
battering of insurrectionary axes clangs audible across the
_Œil-de-Bœuf_. What an hour!...

“Now, too, La Fayette, suddenly aroused, not from sleep (for his eyes
had not yet closed), arrives, with passionate eloquence, with prompt
military word of command. National Guards, suddenly roused by sound of
trumpet and alarm drum, are all arriving. The death-melly ceases; the
first sky-lambent blaze of insurrection is got damped down; it burns
now, if unextinguished, yet flameless, as charred coals do, and not
extinguishable. The king’s apartments are safe. Ministers, officials,
and even some loyal national deputies are assembling round their
Majesties. Now, too, is witnessed the touching last flicker of
etiquette, which sinks not here in the Cimmerian world-wreckage without
a sign! as the house cricket might still chirp in the pealing of a trump
of doom. ‘Monsieur,’ said some master of ceremonies, as La Fayette, in
these fearful moments, was rushing towards the inner royal apartments,
‘_Monsieur, le roi vous accorde les grandes entrees_’ (Monsieur, the
king grants you the grand entries)—not finding it convenient to refuse
them.

“However, the Paris National Guard, wholly under arms, has cleared the
Palace, and even occupies the nearer external spaces, extruding
miscellaneous patriotism, for the most part, into the grand court, or
even into the forecourt. The body-guards, you can observe, have now of a
verity hoisted the national cockade, for they step forward to the
windows or balconies, hat aloft in hand, on each hat a huge tricolor,
and fling over their bandoleers in sign of surrender, and shout, _Vive
la nation!_ To which how can the generous heart respond but with, _Vive
le roi! vivent les gardes-du-corps!_ His Majesty himself has appeared
with La Fayette on the balcony, and again appears. _Vive le roi!_ greets
him. Her Majesty, too, on demand, shows herself, though there is peril
in it. ‘Should I die,’ she said, ‘I will do it.’ She stands there alone,
her hands serenely crossed on her breast. Such serenity of heroism has
its effect. La Fayette, with ready wit, in his highflown, chivalrous
way, takes that fair, queenly hand and, reverently kneeling, kisses it;
thereupon the people do shout, _Vive la reine!_

“So that all, and the queen herself, nay, the very captain of the
body-guards, have grown national! The very captain of the body-guards
steps out now with La Fayette. On the hat of the repentant man is an
enormous tricolor, large as a soup platter or sunflower, visible to the
utmost forecourt. He takes the national oath with a loud voice,
elevating his hat; at which sight all the army raise their bonnets on
their bayonets, with shouts. Sweet is reconciliation to the heart of
man. La Fayette has sworn Flandre; he swears the remaining body-guards
down in the Marble Court; the people clasp them in their arms: O my
brothers, why would ye force us to slay you? Behold, there is joy over
you, as over returning prodigal sons! The poor body-guards, now national
and tricolor, exchange bonnets, exchange arms; there shall be peace and
fraternity. And still, ‘_Vive le roi!_’ and also, ‘_Le roi à Paris!_’

[Illustration: THE KING COMES TO THE HÔTEL DE VILLE.]

“Yes, _the king to Paris_; what else? Ministers may consult, and
national deputies wag their heads; but there is now no other
possibility. You have forced him to go willingly. ‘At one o’clock!’ La
Fayette gives audible assurance to that purpose; and universal
insurrection, with immeasurable shout and a discharge of all the
firearms, clear and rusty, great and small, that it has, returns him
acceptance. What a sound! heard for leagues! a doom-peal! That sound,
too, rolls away into the silence of ages. And the Château of Versailles
stands ever since vacant, hushed, still, its spacious courts grass
grown, responsive to the hoe of the weeder. Times and generations roll
on, in their confused gulf-current, and buildings, like builders, have
their destiny.”




                              CHAPTER VI.

The King and Queen in Paris—La Fayette’s Letter to Washington—Presents
  him with the Key of the Bastile—The Constitution growing under the
  Hands of the Assembly—The Memorable 14th of July—Grand Festival of
  Federation in the Champ de Mars—Taking the Oath—Carlyle’s
  Description—La Fayette the Cynosure of All Eyes—He declines to accept
  Permanent Command—Farewell Words of the Deputies of the National
  Guard—Vacillating Paris and Vacillating Louis—La Fayette’s Letter to
  Washington—La Fayette’s Efforts in Defence of King and
  Constitution—The Queen gives Audience to the Marquis—The Flight of
  Royalty—La Fayette’s Danger—His Unflinching Courage—He declines the
  Throne—Royalty captured—La Fayette the Real Head of the
  Government—Supremacy of the Jacobins—Mob in the Champ de Mars—Louis
  accepts the Constitution—Resignation of La Fayette—War declared—La
  Fayette resumes Command—His Stirring Proclamation to his
  Soldiers—Letters to Washington—Plots of La Fayette’s Enemies—His
  Fearless Letter to the Assembly—Mob at the Tuileries—La Fayette
  appears in Paris—His Jacobin Foes—Blind Prejudice of the King and
  Queen—His Efforts in their Behalf ungratefully refused—The Reign of
  Terror—Decree of Accusation—La Fayette’s Forced Flight—His Letter to
  his Wife—Taken Prisoner by the Austrians—La Fayette and his
  Fellow-Prisoners given over to the Prussians—His Loathsome
  Dungeon—Transferred to Olmütz—Further Tortures—Attempt at Escape.

           “License they mean when they cry liberty.”—MILTON.


THE outburst for the time being is quelled. The king and queen have been
brought by the surging mob to the gates of their royal residence in
Paris. As they enter the portals, the mob cries, “Now we will have
bread! we have with us the _baker, and the baker’s wife, and the baker’s
son_!” and poor Louis falsely imagines that peace has come.

As the year of 1790 dawned, La Fayette hoped that the light of liberty
was rising. He realized that France was not ready yet for a republic,
but a constitutional monarchy might unite king and people.

In March, 1790, La Fayette writes thus to Washington:—

“MY DEAR GENERAL: I have learned with much pain that you have not
received any of my letters. I hope, however, that you have not suspected
me of being guilty of negligence.

“It is difficult in the midst of our troubles to be informed in time of
good occasions; but this time it is by M. Cayne, who departs for London,
that I confide the care of making known to you news concerning me.

“Our revolution proceeds on its march as well as it is possible with a
nation who receives all at once its liberties, and is therefore liable
to confound them with license. The Assembly has more hatred against the
ancient system than experience to organize the new constitutional
government. The ministers regret their ancient power, and dare not avail
themselves of that which they have; in short, as all which existed has
been destroyed, and replaced by institutions still very incomplete,
there is ample material for criticisms and calumnies.

“Add to this that we are attacked by two sets of enemies,—the
aristocrats, who aspire to a counter-revolution, and the factions, who
wish to destroy all authority, perhaps even to attempt the life of
members of the royal family. These two parties foment these troubles.

“After having said all this, my dear General, I will say to you with the
same frankness, that we have made admirable and almost incredible
destruction of all abuses and all prejudices; all that which was not
useful to a people, and all that pertained not to them, have been cut
off, which, in consideration of the topographical situation, moral and
political, of France, we have performed more changes in ten months than
the most presumptuous patriots could have hoped for, and the reports of
our anarchy and our internal troubles have been much exaggerated.

“After all, this revolution, where one only desires to find (as at one
time in America) a little more energy in the government, will extend and
establish liberty; it will be made to flourish in the whole world, and
we can wait tranquilly through some years until a convention corrects
the faults which could not be perceived at present by men scarcely
escaped the yoke of aristocracy and despotism.

“You know that the Assembly has adjourned all discussion upon the West
Indies, leaving all things in their natural state. The ports remain thus
open to American commerce. It was impossible, under present
circumstances, to take a definite resolution. The next legislature will
form its decision according to the demands of the colonies, which have
been invited to present them, and particularly regarding their
subsistence.

“Permit me, my dear General, to offer you a painting representing the
Bastile, such as it was some days after I had given the order to destroy
it. I give to you also the principal key of that fortress of despotism.
It is a tribute which I owe to you, as a son to my adopted father, as an
aide-de-camp to my general, as a missionary of liberty to his patriarch.

“Adieu, my beloved General; offer my tender respects to Madame
Washington; speak of my affectionate regard to George, Hamilton, Knox,
Harrison, Humphrey,—all my friends. I am with tenderness and respect,

                                “Your affectionate and filial friend.”

[Illustration: KEY OF THE BASTILE.]

But La Fayette’s fond hopes regarding the dawning of liberty in his
cherished land were doomed to speedy and terrible disappointment.

The constitution was growing under the hands of the Assembly; the
executive and legislative and judicial departments were carefully
examined and established upon a better model. Vacillating Louis,
assenting and dissenting to every proposition, was at length partially
pledged to a freer constitution. Then came the 14th of July and the
grand festival in the Champ de Mars. King, queen, and court, churchmen
and soldiers, nuns and countesses, nobles and peasants, all were to
participate in this national ceremony. Four days before the celebration
the different deputations met in the Hotel de Ville to choose a
president for the federation. La Fayette was hailed President by
universal acclamation. He wished to decline the honor, but the Assembly
refused to excuse him. And still another honor awaited him. By a special
act of the Assembly the king had been appointed, for the day of the
ceremony, supreme commander of the National Guard. This office he
delegated to La Fayette, who thus became high constable of all the armed
men in the kingdom.

On the 13th of July the Confederates, with La Fayette at their head,
repaired to the National Assembly to pay their homage to the monarch and
to that body. La Fayette thus addressed the members: “You well knew the
necessities of France and the will of Frenchmen when you destroyed the
gothic fabric of our government and laws, and respected only their
monarchical principle; Europe then discovered that a good king could be
the protector of a free, as he had been the ground of comfort to an
oppressed, people. The rights of man are declared, the sovereignty of
the people acknowledged, their power is representative, and the bases of
public order are established. Hasten, then, to give energy to the power
of the state. The people owe to you the glory of a new constitution, but
they require and expect that peace and tranquillity which cannot exist
without a firm and effectual organization of the government. We,
gentlemen, devoted to the revolution and united in the name of liberty,
the guarantees alike of individual and common rights and safety,—we,
called by the most imperative duty from all parts of the kingdom,
founding our confidence on your wisdom and our hopes on your
services,—we will bear without hesitation to the altar of the country
the oath which you may dictate to its soldiers. Yes, gentlemen, our arms
shall be stretched forth together, and, at the same instant, our
brothers from all parts of France shall utter the oath which will unite
them together. May the solemnity of that great day be the signal of the
conciliation of parties, of the oblivion of resentments, and of the
establishment of public peace and happiness. And fear not that this holy
enthusiasm will hurry us beyond the proper and prescribed limits of
public order. Under the protection of the law, the standard of liberty
shall never become the rallying point of license and disorder.
Gentlemen, we swear to you to respect the law which it is our duty to
defend, swear by our honor as free men, and Frenchmen do not promise in
vain.”

To King Louis, La Fayette then addressed these loyal words: “Sire, in
the course of those memorable events which have restored to the nation
its imprescriptible rights, and during which the energy of the people
and the virtues of their king have produced such illustrious examples
for the contemplation of the world, we love to hail, in the person of
your Majesty, the most illustrious of all titles,—chief of the French,
and king of a free people. Enjoy, Sire, the recompense of your virtues,
and let that pure homage which despotism could not command be the glory
and reward of a citizen-king. The National Guards of France swear to
your Majesty an obedience which shall know no other limits than those of
the law, and a love which shall only terminate with their existence.”

Let Carlyle again describe the scene on that memorable 14th of July.

“In spite of plotting aristocrats, lazy, hired spademen, and almost of
destiny itself, for there had been much rain, the Champ de Mars is
fairly ready. The morning comes, cold for a July one; but such a
festival would make Greenland smile. Through every inlet of that
national amphitheatre—for it is a league in circuit, cut with openings
at due intervals—floods in the living throng, covering without tumult,
space after space. Two hundred thousand patriotic men, and, twice as
good, one hundred thousand patriotic women, all decked and glorified, as
one can fancy, sit waiting in the Champ de Mars.

“What a picture, that circle of bright-dyed life, spread up there on its
thirty-seated <DW72>, leaning, one would say, on the thick umbrage of
those avenue trees, for the stems of them are hidden by the height; and
all beyond it mere greenness of the summer earth, with the gleam of
waters, or white sparklings of stone edifices. On remotest steeple and
invisible village belfry stand men with spy-glasses. On the heights of
Chaillot are many-, undulating groups. Round, and far on, over
all the circling heights that embosom Paris it is as one more or less
peopled amphitheatre, which the eye grows dim with measuring. Nay;
heights have cannon, and a floating battery of cannon is on the Seine.
When eye fails, ear shall serve. And all France, properly, is but one
amphitheatre; for in paved town and unpaved hamlet men walk, listening,
till the muffled thunder sounds audibly on their horizon, that they,
too, may begin swearing and firing.

“But now to streams of music come confederates enough, for they have
assembled on the Boulevard St. Antoine, and come marching through the
city with their eighty-three department banners and blessings, not loud
but deep; comes National Assembly, and takes seat under its canopy;
comes Royalty, and takes seat on a throne beside it; and La Fayette, on
a white charger, is here, and all the civic functionaries; and the
confederates form dances till their strictly military evolutions and
manœuvres can begin.

“Task not the pen of mortal to describe them; truant imagination droops,
declares that it is not worth while. There is wheeling and sweeping to
slow, to quick, to double-quick time. Sieur Motier, or Generalissimo La
Fayette—for they are one and the same, and he, as general of France in
the king’s stead, for twenty-four hours—must step forth with that
sublime, chivalrous gait of his, solemnly ascend the steps of
Fatherland’s altar, in sight of heaven and of scarcely breathing earth,
and pronounce the oath: to king, to law, to nation, in his own name and
that of armed France; whereat there is waving of banners and sufficient
acclaim.

[Illustration: GRAND FESTIVAL IN THE CHAMPS DE MARS.]

“The National Assembly must swear, standing in its place; the king
himself, audibly. The king swears; and now be the welkin split with
vivats; let citizens, enfranchised, embrace; armed confederates clang
their arms; and, above all, let that floating battery speak. It has
spoken, to the four corners of France! From eminence to eminence bursts
the thunder, faint heard, loud repeated. From Arras to Avignon, from
Metz to Bayonne, over Orleans and Blois, it rolls in cannon recitative.
Puy bellows of it amid his granite mountains; Pau, where is the shell
cradle of great Henri. At far Marseilles, one can think the ruddy
evening witnesses it; over the deep blue Mediterranean waters, the
castle of If, ruddy-tinted, darts forth from every cannon’s mouth its
tongue of fire; and all the people shout, ‘Yes, France is free!’
Glorious France, that has burst out so into universal sound and smoke,
and attained the Phrygian cap of Liberty.”

It is not king, or queen, but La Fayette, who is this day the cynosure
of all eyes, as he ascends the altar and takes the prescribed oath. His
noble nature is neither paralyzed by difficulties nor weakened by
popular applause. For the people’s love he is grateful, but to gain that
approbation he would not relinquish one iota of his principle. Neither
does any rank or power tempt him to seek his personal aggrandizement.
When urged by the deputation at this time, that he should accept the
permanent command of the military force of the realm he unselfishly
refused, accompanying his declination with these disinterested words:—

“Let not ambition take possession of you; love the friends of the
people, but reserve blind submission for the law, and enthusiasm for
liberty. Pardon this advice, gentlemen; you have given me the glorious
right to offer it, when, by loading me with every species of favor which
one of your brothers could receive from you, my heart, amidst its
delightful emotions, cannot repress a feeling of fear.”

That the confederates fully appreciated the noble motives which actuated
his decision in this matter is revealed by their farewell words to him:—

“The deputies of the National Guard of France retire with the regret of
not being able to nominate you their chief. They respect the
constitutional law, though it checks, at this moment, the impulse of
their hearts. A circumstance which must cover you with immortal glory
is, that you, yourself, promoted the law; that you, yourself, prescribed
bounds to our gratitude.”

Paris and Louis were too vacillating and unstable to allow any permanent
peace, or permit France to enjoy any prolonged prosperity. Before the
1st of August the solemn oath which had been taken on the Champ de Mars
was forgotten by both king and people. The same contentions were again
fanning the flames of a still more ominous conflagration.

On the 26th of August, 1790, La Fayette thus writes to General
Washington:—

“We are disturbed with revolts among the regiments; and, as I am
constantly attacked on both sides by the aristocratic and the factious
parties, I do not know to which of the two we owe these insurrections.
Our safeguard against them is the National Guard. There are more than a
million of armed citizens, among them patriotic legions, and my
influence with them is as great as if I had accepted the chief command.
I have lately lost some of my favor with the mob, and displeased the
frantic lovers of licentiousness, as I am bent on establishing a legal
subordination. But the nation at large is very thankful to me for it. It
is not out of the heads of aristocrats to make a counter-revolution.
Nay, they do what they can with all the crowned heads of Europe, who
hate us. But I think their plans will either be abandoned or
unsuccessful. I am rather more concerned at a division that rages in the
popular party. The club of the Jacobins and that of ’89, as it is
called, have divided the friends of liberty, who accuse each other; the
Jacobins being taxed with a disorderly extravagance, and ’89 with a
tincture of ministerialism and ambition. I am endeavoring to bring about
a reconciliation.”

“To defend the king and the constitution” was La Fayette’s unswerving
purpose. There had been a time when he had hoped that France might
become a republic like the United States; but as he carefully watched
successive events he became convinced that the nation was not prepared
for such a change, and henceforth he decided in favor of a
constitutional and limited monarchy; and notwithstanding the king’s
exasperating blindness, in regarding La Fayette as his enemy rather than
his defender, and the queen’s open enmity, La Fayette enacted faithfully
and consistently the double and difficult rôle of upholding the rights
of royalty at the same time that he was defending the sacred rights of
the people.

Madame Campan says in her “Memoirs of Marie Antoinette”:—

“The queen gave frequent audiences to M. de La Fayette. One day, when he
was in her inner closet, his aides-de-camp, who waited for him, were
walking up and down the great room where the persons in attendance
remained. Some imprudent young women were thoughtless enough to say,
with the intention of being overheard by those officers, that it was
very alarming to see the queen alone with a rebel and a _brigand_. I was
hurt at such indiscretion, which always produced bad effects, and I
imposed silence on them. One of them persisted in the appellation
_brigand_. I told her that, as to rebel, M. de La Fayette well deserved
the name, but that the title of leader of a party was given by history
to every man commanding forty thousand men, a capital, and forty leagues
of country; that kings had frequently treated with such leaders, and if
it was convenient to the queen to do the same, it remained only for us
to be silent and respect her actions. On the morrow the queen, with a
serious air, but with the greatest kindness, asked what I had said
respecting M. de La Fayette on the preceding day, adding that she had
been assured I had enjoined her women silence, because they did not like
him, and that I had taken his part. I repeated to the Queen what had
passed, word for word. She condescended to tell me that I had done
perfectly right.”

As La Fayette was the commander of the National Guard, and as Louis and
Marie Antoinette had been brought forcibly to Paris, and were in some
sense under the _surveillance_ of La Fayette and his Guard, they were
unable to perceive that he was their best friend, and they at length
determined to fly from their enforced restraint in Paris. The plan was
made and executed.

“And so the royalty of France is actually fled? This precious night, the
shortest of the year, it flies and drives! But in Paris, at six in the
morning, when some patriot deputy, warned by a billet, awoke La Fayette
and they went to the Tuileries? Imagination may paint, but words cannot,
the surprise of La Fayette, or with what bewilderment helpless Gouvion
rolled glassy Argus’ eyes, discerning now that his false chambermaid had
told true!”

A new danger now assailed La Fayette. The infuriated mob, apprised that
the king had escaped, laid the blame upon his keeper. “Down with La
Fayette!” “Away with the traitor!” are the cries which meet his ear, as
he boldly faces the vast throngs of excited Parisians who crowd around
the Hôtel de Ville. With folded arms and calm dignity, he stood before
the riotous mob. With unflinching courage he surveyed that surging mass
in silence for a moment; then, when he spoke, it was neither to excuse
nor defend himself. His thoughts, as ever, were not for himself; only
for the interests of the people. Casting his piercing glance over the
multitude he exclaimed, in clarion tones, in which there was no
quavering of fear or hesitation in their clear ring:—

“If you call this event a misfortune, what name would you give to a
counter-revolution, which would deprive you of your liberty?”

Filled with admiration for his courage, and inspired with the emotion of
applause, which, in the fickle fancy of the French so quickly follows
its opposite, wrath, the vast multitude rent the air with one deafening
shout: “Let us make La Fayette our king!”

But the loyal Knight of Liberty instantly replied, with stern
disapprobation:—

“I thought that you professed a better opinion of me. What have I done
that you do not believe me fit for something better?”

And the admiring people, recognizing his magnanimous unselfishness,
shouted with wild enthusiasm:—

“LONG LIVE THE GENERAL!”

Meanwhile, in the National Assembly, it was announced that La Fayette
was in danger from the mob, at the Hôtel de Ville. A deputation was sent
to him, offering an escort, to protect him from the violence of the
people. To whom La Fayette courteously replied: “I will order an escort
for you, as a mark of respect; but, for myself, I shall return alone. I
have never been in more perfect safety than at this moment, though the
streets are filled with the people.”

Prompt means were taken for the arrest of the royal fugitives.

“By first or by second principles, much is promptly decided: ministers
are sent for; instructed how to continue their functions; La Fayette is
examined, and Gouvion, who gives a most helpless account—the best he
can.... La Fayette’s aide-de-camp, Romœuf, riding _à franc etrier_,
on that old herb-merchant’s route, quickened during the last stages, has
got to Varennes, where the ten thousand now furiously demand, with fury
of panic terror, that royalty shall forthwith return Paris-ward, that
there be not infinite bloodshed.... So then our grand royalist plot, of
flight to Metz, has executed itself. On Monday night royalty went; on
Saturday evening it returns; so much, within one short week, has royalty
accomplished for itself.”

A decree was passed by the Assembly, suspending Louis from his kingly
functions, as it was contended that by his flight he had voluntarily
abdicated the throne; and a guard was placed over the king, queen, and
Dauphin.

La Fayette, as commander-in-chief of the National Guards, was in reality
the head of the government in France. Though Louis was his captive, he
endeavored by every attention of respect to make him feel his restraint
as little as possible.

The Jacobins had now gained the supremacy in France. They contended that
the people should elect a ruler instead of Louis, whom they declared had
relinquished his rights. The Assembly were not yet prepared for this
step, and they resolved to restore Louis to power.

A decree was therefore issued by the Assembly, removing the ban from
Louis, and declaring that he was not culpable for his recent journey.
This decree raised a storm of opposition. The day after the bill was
passed, a vast mob assembled in the Champ de Mars, to protest against
this unpopular measure.

Quickly the crowd raised a riotous tumult, and again La Fayette, _the
Patriot_, stood in their midst. But this time his voice could not be
heard on account of their wild clamors, which filled the air and were
echoed from surrounding streets. When his words of command were
partially understood, their frenzy had reached too high a pitch to be
quelled; threats were muttered against him, and even a musket was fired
at his breast. But his fearless spirit was resolved to put down this
dangerous insurrection, and he was determined not to leave the spot
until his efforts had been successful. By his nerve, and quick plans as
speedily executed, the rioters were at length forced to give way, but
not until blood had been shed, for which his enemies called him to an
account.

Appreciating the necessity for a firmer government, the Assembly
completed its constitution, and it was submitted to Louis for his
acceptance. Poor vacillating Louis was ill-pleased with this same
constitution, but the past had taught him that it was safest to submit;
and thereupon he repaired to the Assembly and accepted the constitution,
and on the 30th of September it was declared that the Constituent
Assembly had terminated its sittings. This Assembly had been in
existence three years, and had enacted 1309 laws and decrees.

A few days afterwards La Fayette resigned his office as
commander-in-chief of the National Guard, deeming that his country no
longer required his public services, and desiring intensely to retire to
his private estates and enjoy the delights of a quiet life. He sent the
following letter to his late comrades in arms:—

“To serve you until this day, gentlemen, was a duty imposed upon me by
the sentiments which have animated my whole life. To resign now, without
reserve, to my country, all the power and influence she gave me for the
purpose of defending her during recent convulsions,—is a duty which I
owe to my well-known resolutions, and it amply satisfies the only sort
of ambition I possess.”

The Guard could not part with him without renewed expressions of
admiration for their idol. Finding that they could not move him, by
their persuasions, to withdraw his resignation, they forged a sword from
the bolts of the Bastile, and presented it to him, with profound marks
of their esteem and affection. The municipality of Paris voted him a
medal, and ordered a complimentary inscription to be placed upon the
bust of La Fayette, which had been presented by Virginia to the city of
Paris twelve years before.

“Now that his Majesty has accepted the constitution, to the sound of
cannon-salvoes, who would not hope? La Fayette has moved for an amnesty,
for universal forgiving and forgetting of revolutionary faults; and now
surely the glorious revolution, cleared of its rubbish, is complete....
Welcome, surely, to all right hearts, is La Fayette’s chivalrous
amnesty. The National Constituent Assembly declares that it has finished
its mission; so, amid glitter of illuminated streets and Champs Elysées,
and crackle of fireworks, and glad deray, has the first National
Assembly vanished.... La Fayette, for his part, will lay down the
command. He retires, Cincinnatus-like, to his hearth and farm, but soon
leaves them again.”

[Illustration: THE KING ACCEPTING THE CONSTITUTION.]

But the king and court seem blindly destined to bring about their own
destruction. The Royalists, far from distinguishing between such men as
La Fayette, Robespierre, and Pétion, strengthened the hands of the two
last, thinking by those means to weaken the former. The court, incited
by the queen, treated La Fayette with a blindfold hatred, by opposing
Pétion to him at every turn. When the honest, well-meaning soldier was
about to be elected mayor of Paris, Marie Antoinette, through her
machinations, caused the nomination of Pétion, who employed his exalted
position in overturning the throne and the constitution. But not only
was France at the mercy of the factions within, but foreign hosts
threatened them without.

La Fayette’s quiet life of repose was soon disturbed. Startling rumors
reached Paris that a large army was preparing for an invasion. Quick to
respond to his country’s call, La Fayette relinquished his coveted
delights of rest and reunion with his family, and accepted the command
of one of the three armies which France was raising to meet the
advancing foe.

At this time La Fayette issued the following stirring proclamation to
his army:—

“SOLDIERS OF OUR COUNTRY!

“The legislative corps and the king, in the name of the French people,
have declared war. Since the country, by constitutional means and by her
will, calls us to defend her, what citizen can refuse to her his arm?

“At this moment, when we leaders take again the oath which was
pronounced by the nation and army upon the altar of the Federation, I
come to explain my intentions, and to recall to you my principles.

“Convinced by the experience of a life devoted to Liberty, that she can
only be preserved in the midst of citizens submissive to the laws, as
she can only be defended by disciplined troops, I have served the people
without cajoling them, and in my constant struggle against license and
anarchy I have incurred the honorable hatred of the ambitious, and of
all factions.

“To-day that the army awaits me, it is not with a pernicious
complaisance, but with an inflexible discipline, and with a rigorous
fulfilment of duty, that I will justify the affection which they accord
to me, and the esteem which they owe me.

“But since I control free men by the imperious will of a chief, it is
necessary that we all feel—general, officers, and soldiers—that in this
coming war it is a combat to the death between our principles and the
pretensions of despots. We must work for the rights of each citizen and
the safety of all. We must work for the constitution which we have sworn
by, and for the sacred cause of liberty and equality. In short, we must
work for the National Sovereignty, by which only we shall be able to
resist any such combination of force and danger as there may be; and
without which, not only will the French people, but humanity itself, be
betrayed.

“Soldiers of Liberty! it is not sufficient for merit to be brave; be
patient, indefatigable. Your general ought to plan and order; you, to
obey. Be generous! respect a disarmed enemy. Those troops which always
grant quarter, and will never receive it, will be invincible. Let us be
disinterested, so that the shameful idea of pillage will never soil the
nobility of our motives. Let us be humane; it will make every one admire
our sentiments and bless our laws.

“Resolve ye, with your general, that we shall see Liberty triumph, or
that we shall not survive her.

“Soldiers of the Constitution! fear not that she ceases to watch you
when you fight for her. Fear not when you go to defend your country,
that these internal dissensions shall trouble your firesides. Without
doubt the legislative corps and the king will intimately unite in the
decisive moment to insure the empire and the law, every one, and their
property will be respected. Civil and religious liberty will not be
profaned; the peaceable citizen will be protected, whatever may be his
opinions; the culpable will be punished, whatever may be his pretences.

“All parties will be dispelled, and the constitution alone will rule;
and upon the rebels who have attacked with open voice, and upon the
traitors, who have perverted it by their vile passions, will be meted
out such judgment as shall make them fear it inwardly and respect it
outwardly.

“Yes, we will have the reward of our labor and of our blood. Let us all
attest with confidence,—both the representatives elected by the people
who have sworn to transact only the duties of the constitution, as we
its dangers; and the hereditary representative, the citizen-king, whom
the constitution has firmly established upon the throne; and all the
other depositories of authority to whom the constitution has delegated
power,—let them all believe that the execution of that authority is a
duty which the constitution has laid upon them, as obedience is demanded
from those who must submit to them; and that any one transgresses the
laws in not making them to be obeyed, as they were placed in office that
the laws might be defended.

“Let us also affirm, all ye National Guard, that the constitution, newly
born, shall find us united for its establishment, and that the
constitution, in peril, will always find us ready to defend it; for
patriotism renders even glorious the calumnies which we may have to
endure in support of the constitution.

“As for us, furnished with the arms which liberty has consecrated, and
with the declaration of rights, let us march towards our enemies!”

The central army was assigned to La Fayette, with his headquarters at
Metz. War was declared against Austria on the 20th of April, and on the
24th La Fayette was ordered to collect his regiments and report at Metz
by the 1st of May. This required such marvellous celerity that his
enemies hoped he would fail to accomplish it, but on the appointed day
La Fayette was at the post assigned, awaiting further orders. From his
camp at Metz La Fayette wrote thus to Washington:—

“This is a very different date from that which had announced to you my
return to the sweets of private life, a situation hitherto not very
familiar to me, but which, after fifteen revolutionary years, I had
become quite fit to enjoy. I have given you an account of the quiet and
rural mode of living I had adopted in the mountains where I was born,
having there a good house and a _late_ manor, now unlorded into a large
farm, with an English overseer for my instruction. For as I have
relinquished my title of nobility, I manage my estate as a simple
country gentleman. I felt myself very happy among my neighbors, no more
vassals to me nor anybody, and had given to my wife and rising family
the only quiet weeks they had enjoyed for a long time, when the threats
and mad preparations of the refugees, and, still more, the countenance
they had obtained in the dominions of our neighbors, induced the
National Assembly and the king to adopt a more rigorous system than had
hitherto been the case.

“I had declined every public employment that had been offered by the
people, and, still more, had I refused consent to my being appointed to
any military command; but when I saw our liberties and constitution were
seriously threatened, and my services could be usefully employed in
fighting for our old cause, I could no longer resist the wishes of my
countrymen; and as soon as the king’s express reached my farm, I set out
for Paris; from thence to this place; and I do not think it
uninteresting to you, my dear General, to add, that I was everywhere on
the road affectionately welcomed.”

Again La Fayette writes to Washington, in March, 1792, from Paris,
whither he had been recalled from Metz by political affairs:—

“MY DEAR GENERAL: I have been called from the army to the capital for a
conference between two other generals, the ministers, and myself; and I
am at present about to return to my post. The coalition of the
continental powers concerning that which touches our affairs, is
certain, and will not be broken by the death of the Emperor Leopold II.
But as regards the preparations for their continental war, it is yet
doubtful whether our neighbors will dare approach in order to extinguish
a flame so contagious as that of liberty.

“The danger for us is in the state of anarchy which arises from the
ignorance of the people, from the immense numbers of non-proprietors,
and from the habitual mistrust regarding every kind of measure of the
government. The difficulties are augmented by the discontents and the
distinguished aristocrats, because these two parties unite in
counteracting our ideas of public order.

“Do not believe, however, my dear General, the exaggerated accounts
which you will receive, especially those which come from England.
Liberty and equality will be preserved in France, that is certain; but
if they succumb, you may know well that I will not have survived them.
Yon can be assured, however, that we go forth to meet this painful
present situation, by an honorable defence, and for the amelioration of
our internal affairs.

“We have not had time to prove just at what point our constitution can
bring to us a good government. We know only that it is established upon
the rights of the people, destroys nearly all abuses, changes French
vassalage into national dignity; in short, it renders to men the
enjoyment of their faculties, which nature has given to them, and which
society assures to them.

“Permit me, my dear General, to present to you alone an observation
upon the last choice of an American ambassador. I am a personal friend
of Gouverneur Morris, and I have always been, as an individual,
content with him; but the aristocratic principles, and even
counter-revolutionary ones which he has professed, render him scarcely
the proper person to represent the only nation of which the government
resembles ours, since both of them are founded upon the plan of a
democratic representation. I will add, that as France finds herself
surrounded by enemies, it would seem that America ought to desire to
conform herself to the changes in our government.

“I speak not only of those which democratic principles can hasten and
introduce, but of those new projects of the aristocracy, such as the
re-establishment of a nobility, the creation of a chamber of peers, and
other political blasphemies of that kind, which, so far as we are able,
we shall not have realized in France.

“I have desired that we should establish an elective senate, a more
independent judiciary corps, and a more energetic administration; but it
is necessary that the people should be taught to know the advantages of
a firm government before knowing how to reconcile it with their ideas of
liberty, and to distinguish it from those arbitrary systems which it has
overthrown.

“You see, my dear General, I am not an enthusiast regarding all the
clauses of our constitution, though I love those principles which
resemble those of the United States; as to the exception of an
hereditary president of executive power, I believe it conforms to our
circumstances at present.

“But I hate all that resembles despotism and the aristocracy, and I
cannot relinquish the desire that these principles, American and French,
should be in the heart and upon the lips of the ambassador of the United
States in France. I make these reflections in case only that some
arrangements conformable to the wishes of Gouverneur Morris can in the
sequel be made.

“Permit me to add here the tribute of praise which I owe to M. Short for
the sentiments which he has expressed, and for all the esteem which he
has inspired in this country, I desire that you should personally
recognize it.

“There are changes in the ministry preparing. The king has chosen his
council from the most violent portion of the popular party, that is to
say, from the club of the Jacobins, a kind of Jesuitical institution
more likely to make deserters from our cause than to attract to us
followers. These new ministers, however, are not suspected of being able
to have a chance of re-establishing order. They discuss that which they
should apply to themselves. The Assembly is little enlightened; they
value too highly popular applause. The king in his daily conduct from
time to time acts very well. After all, the thing will go on, and the
success of the revolution cannot be placed in doubt.

“My command extends upon the frontiers from Givet to Bitche. I have
sixty thousand men, and this number will be increased by young men who
will come from all parts of the empire to complete the regiments. The
voluntary recruits are animated by a spirit most patriotic. I go to make
an entrenched camp with thirty thousand men, and with a detached corps
of four to five thousand; the remainder of the troops will occupy strong
places. The armies of the Maréchaux Luckner and Rochambeau are inferior
to mine, because we have sent several regiments south; but in case of
war we can gather respectable forces.

“If we have yet some reasons for discontent, we can, however, hope to
attain our just cause. License, under the mask of patriotism, is our
greatest evil, because it menaces property, tranquillity, and even
liberty.

“Adieu, my dear General; think sometimes of your respectful, tender, and
filial friend.”

But La Fayette’s confidence in his countrymen was repaid by ingratitude;
and he was yet to learn that few men were actuated by his unselfish
loyalty and stern integrity.

[Illustration: THE MOB INVADE THE TUILERIES.]

His enemies now plotted his ruin. A treacherous plan was laid to draw
off his expected re-enforcements, so that when he reached Givet, he
would find himself at the mercy of the advancing foe. This disgraceful
scheme was put into execution, and La Fayette, finding himself exposed
to overwhelming dangers, wisely retreated to his former post to await
further developments. But soon the direful rumors from Paris filled his
patriotic heart with more painful concern than his own perilous
position. “Would that he had trusted me!” exclaimed magnanimous La
Fayette, as courier after courier brought news of the woes thickening
around the helpless, weak king. In a letter to the Assembly, La Fayette
boldly declared war against the defiant Jacobins, who were fast
clutching the reins of government, or, rather, planning a
counter-revolution, which should give up the city and the nation to the
diabolical power of a wild anarchy and unbridled license. It was this
memorable letter in which he said: “Can you dissemble even to yourselves
that a faction—and to avoid all vague demonstrations, the _Jacobin
faction_—have caused all these disorders? It is that society which I
boldly denounce; organized in its affiliated societies like a separate
empire in the metropolis, and blindly governed by some ambitious
leaders, this society forms a totally distinct corporation in the midst
of the French nation, whose power it usurps by tyrannizing over its
representatives and constituted authorities. Let the royal authority be
untouched, for it is guaranteed by the constitution; let it be
independent, for its independence is one of the springs of our liberty;
let the king be revered, for he is invested with the majesty of the
nation; let him choose a ministry which wears the chain of no faction;
and if traitors exist, let them perish under the sword of the law.”

No other man in France would have dared to write such a letter; and this
brave letter lost him his popularity, for the masses were imbued with
the influence of the Jacobins. This party now took an oath to destroy
the fearless marquis who had thus laid bare their base designs. They
harangued the mob, and persuaded them to believe that Louis and La
Fayette were leagued against them. It required little to inflame the
excited people. Twenty thousand men from the lowest ranks paraded the
streets, and with wild shouts of “_Down with the king! to the
Tuileries!_” they swept onward to the palace, and with yells of
execration they trampled down the guard and burst into the very
apartment of the king. Louis for once was roused and played the part of
a man. His calmness awed the mob; and the Assembly sending a deputation
to his relief, the multitude were persuaded to retire.

This news was wafted quickly to La Fayette; and on the 28th of June he
appeared in Paris. He left the army, and came alone as a simple citizen,
and, visiting the Assembly, he boldly met their charge against him,
which was that he had made an attempt at dictation; and he was there to
answer this slander, and to demand reparation for the indignity to which
the king had been subjected. He ended his speech with the words, “Such
are the representations submitted to the Assembly by a citizen whose
love for liberty, at least, will not be disputed.”

But the Jacobin leaders had now the upper hand in the Assembly; and they
declared him guilty of treason. And when the chivalrous and true-hearted
La Fayette waited upon the king, for whom he had risked his reputation
and his life, “he was insulted by the courtiers, coolly received by the
king, and the queen expressly forbade any one to give him the slightest
support. His efforts at rallying around him the National Guard, in order
to march upon the Jacobins and make them prisoners, proved equally
fruitless. He returned full of grief, but not utterly discouraged, to
the army, whence he continued to offer his services to the king; but all
his offers were rejected. ‘The best counsel I can give M. de La
Fayette,’ answered the king, ‘is to serve as a scarecrow to the factions
in following his profession as a general.’”

[Illustration: PRINCESS ELIZABETH.]

The Princess Elizabeth, more clear-sighted than Louis XVI. and Marie
Antoinette, advised that the royal family should throw themselves with
confidence into the protection of the only man who could save the king
and deliver his family from the awful dangers which threatened them. But
the imprudent queen is reported to have replied, “It is better to perish
than to be saved by La Fayette and the Constitutionals.”

Thus was this noble-spirited man rewarded by those whom he had risked
his life to try to save.

The awful Reign of Terror came remorselessly striding on in its
resistless march of death. La Fayette made one more attempt to save the
perverse and blinded king and queen. A plan was formed for removing the
royal family from Paris, and placing them under the protection of the
army of which La Fayette had command; but the haughty Marie Antoinette
replied, “No; we have once owed our lives to La Fayette; but I should
not wish it to be the case a second time.” Thus was their last chance of
escape refused, and the Reign of Terror soon numbered them among its
victims.

And the diabolical Reign of Terror also laid its ghastly hand upon the
freedom of the Knight of Liberty, and against his illustrious name wrote
this infamous “_Decree of Accusation_”:—

                                    “NATIONAL ASSEMBLY, Aug. 17, 1792.

“I. It appears to this Assembly that there is just ground for accusation
against M. de La Fayette, heretofore commander of the army of the North.

“II. The executive power shall, in the most expeditious manner possible,
carry the present decree into execution; and all constituted
authorities, all citizens, and all soldiers are hereby enjoined, by
every means in their power, to secure his person.

“III. The Assembly forbids the army of the North any longer to
acknowledge him as a general, or to obey his orders; and strictly
enjoins that no person whatsoever shall furnish anything to the troops,
or pay any money for their use, but by the orders of M. Dumouriez.”

This decree was widely circulated throughout the army. Against such a
hydra-headed demon of persecution it was useless to attempt to contend.
La Fayette’s only safety lay in flight. For his king and his country he
had sacrificed all that was dear to him in life; and this was his
thankless reward.

At this time La Fayette thus wrote to his wife:—

“I make no apology to you or my children for having ruined my family; no
one among you would wish to owe fortune to conduct contrary to my
conscience.” Surely the actions of his heroic wife and brave children
fully confirmed his exalted opinion of them.

After taking every necessary precaution for the safety of his army, La
Fayette and his three friends, Messieurs Latour-Maubourg, Bureaux de
Pusy, and Alexandre Lameth, with a little party of twenty-three exiles,
departed from France and turned their faces towards the Netherlands.
Reaching Rochefort, La Fayette and his friends endeavored to obtain
passports. But La Fayette was quickly recognized, and the commandant
instantly despatched a messenger to the Austrian general at Namur, with
the startling intelligence that he held in safe-keeping the illustrious
La Fayette, one of the bravest generals of France. The Austrian general,
Moitelle, could scarcely credit this astounding piece of good fortune.
“What!” exclaimed he, “La Fayette? _La Fayette?_” Turning to one
officer, he cried, “Run instantly and inform the Duke of Bourbon of it”;
to another the order was given, “Set out this moment and carry this news
to his Royal Highness at Brussels”; and sending others here and there to
spread the wonderful intelligence: before many hours the news had been
despatched to half the princes and generals in Europe, that the
illustrious La Fayette was a captive in the hands of the allies. The
prisoners were conducted to Namur, then to Nivelles, and afterwards to
Luxembourg, where an attempt was made to assassinate La Fayette by some
of the French refugees. The Austrians finally decided that La Fayette
and his three companions should be given over into the power of the
Prussians. The captives were accordingly closely guarded and hurried to
Wessel. Here they were separated and thrown into different cells. The
many shameful indignities which they suffered and the hardships of their
cruel prison life soon prostrated La Fayette, and he became dangerously
ill, and for a time his life was despaired of. No mitigation of his
confinement was, however, allowed him. Once the king of Prussia offered
him aid if he would assist in the plans forming against France. La
Fayette received this base message with indignant scorn, and bade the
officer return and inform his master “that he was still _La Fayette_.”

The king, foiled in his attempt to weaken the stanch loyalty of the
heroic marquis, who would not swerve one hair‘s-breadth from his
conscientious principles, even for the longed-for boon of liberty,
determined to wreak his mortified pride by inflicting further cruelties
upon the helpless captives, whom, though he could not bribe to dishonor,
he might still torture to death.

The monarch resolved to gratify his malignity by removing them to still
more dismal and unhealthy dungeons. Whereupon, the prisoners were
conducted to Magdebourg; and as they were thrown into the loathsome
vaults of that prison, they were informed that they should never again
behold the light of day. Here they existed, desolate and despairing, for
a year. Frederic William occasionally sent to learn if their sufferings
were sufficiently intense to satisfy his fiendish cruelty, and then
devised new torments. La Fayette dared not send letters to his wife,
fearing that his writing would be recognized, and accordingly addressed
them to a friend in England, hoping that his family would in some manner
receive them. He thus describes his situation:—

“Imagine an opening made under the rampart of the citadel, and
surrounded with a strong high palisade; through this, after opening four
doors, each armed with chains, bars, and padlocks, they come, not
without some difficulty and noise, to my cell, three paces wide, five
and a half long. The wall is mouldy on the side of the ditch, and the
front one admits light, but not sunshine, through a little grated
window. Add to this two sentinels, whose eyes penetrate into this lower
region, but who are kept outside the palisade, lest they should speak;
other watchers not belonging to the guard; and all the walls, ramparts,
ditches, guards, within and without the citadel of Magdebourg, and you
will think that the foreign powers neglect nothing to keep us within
their dominions.

“The noisy opening of the four doors is repeated every morning to admit
my servant; at dinner, that I may eat in the presence of the commandant
of the citadel and of the guard; and at night, to take my servant to his
prison. After having shut upon me all the doors, the commandant carries
off the keys to the room where, since our arrival, the king has ordered
him to sleep.

“I have books, the white leaves of which are taken out, but no news, no
newspapers, no communications,—neither pen, ink, paper, nor pencil. It
is a wonder that I possess this sheet, and I am writing with a
toothpick. My health fails daily.... The account I have given you may
serve for my companions, whose treatment is the same.”

[Illustration]

                 FRED‘K WILLIAM II.     FRANCIS I.
                  KING OF PRUSSIA.  EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA.

At length, despairing of making La Fayette yield by any cruelties,
however barbarous, the Prussian king, fearing that the peace which he
was concluding with France would require the surrender of La Fayette, he
determined to transfer him, with Maubourg and De Pusy, to the Austrians.

Olmütz was selected by their new jailers, and the prisoners were
accordingly carried thither.

Though placed within the same castle, and occupying cells in the same
corridor, the friends were as completely guarded against all intercourse
with each other, and all knowledge of each other’s condition, as if an
ocean or a continent separated them. As they entered their cells, it was
declared to each of them, “that they would never come out of them alive;
that they would never see anything but what was enclosed within the four
walls of their respective cells; that they would hold no communication
with the outer world, nor receive any kind of information of persons or
things there; that their jailers were even prohibited from pronouncing
their names; that in the prison reports and government despatches they
would be referred to only by the number of their cells; that they would
never be suffered to learn anything of the situation of their families,
or even to know of each other’s existence; and that, as such a situation
of hopeless confinement would naturally incite to suicide, knives and
forks, and all other instruments by which they might do violence to
themselves, would be thenceforth withheld from them.”

Such were Austria’s improvements upon the cruelties of Prussia.

In a dark and loathsome dungeon, the walls of which were twelve feet
thick, and guarded by doors of wood and iron, covered with bolts and
bars, the only air admitted into the cell coming through a loophole in
the wall, beneath which was a ditch of stagnant water whose poisonous
effluvium stifled the suffering victim on a bed of rotten straw filled
with vermin, by the side of which stood a worm-eaten table and broken
chair, lay the sick and tortured La Fayette, whose keen anxieties
regarding the fate of his adored wife and children were added to the
bodily torments which his enemies inflicted upon him. Again he became
ill. His physician represented to the authorities that fresh air was
absolutely necessary; three times the brutal answer was sent, “He is not
yet sick enough.” At length, however, he was allowed a daily walk of a
few moments under the eye of his jailer.

The news of the imprisonment of La Fayette had been received with
profound sorrow throughout the world. Many efforts had been put forth in
his behalf from time to time. While La Fayette was at Magdebourg, the
American minister in France took upon himself the responsibility of
directing the banker of the United States, at Hamburgh, to advance ten
thousand florins, which were sent to La Fayette, and was the means of
procuring for him many needed comforts. This act was afterwards ratified
by Congress under the head of military compensation.

The imprisonment of his loyal and devoted young friend caused the warm
heart of Washington the deepest anguish, but, as the president of a
neutral nation, his public acts were governed by caution; though his
personal influence as a man in behalf of his friend was strong in
endeavoring to secure the release of the marquis. To Mr. Pinckney, then
in Europe, he thus wrote:—

“I need hardly mention how much my sensibility has been hurt by the
treatment this gentleman has met with, or how anxious I am to see him
liberated therefrom; but what course to pursue as most likely and proper
to aid the measure is not quite so easy to decide on. As President of
the United States, there must not be a commitment of the government by
any interference of mine; and it is no easy matter in a transaction of
this nature for a public character to assume the garb of a private
citizen in a case that does not relate to himself. Yet such is my wish
to contribute my mite to accomplish that desirable object, that I have
no objection to its being known to the imperial ambassador in London,
who, if he think proper, may communicate it to his court, that this
event is an ardent wish of the people of the United States, to which I
sincerely add mine. The time, the manner, and even the measure itself, I
leave to your discretion; as circumstances, and every matter which
concerns this gentleman, are better known on that than they are on this
side of the Atlantic.”

At length a young German physician, Dr. J. Erick Bollman, filled with
admiration for the illustrious and persecuted La Fayette, although he
had never seen him, nevertheless enthusiastically espoused his cause,
and determined to attempt the liberation of the marquis. Meeting at
Vienna Francis Kinlock Huger, the son of Colonel Huger, of South
Carolina, at whose house La Fayette was first received when he landed in
America, the two young men resolved to attempt at all risks to
themselves his release. They were so far successful, that by their aid
La Fayette eluded his jailers, while out for exercise, and mounted a
horse provided by his friends, and succeeded in reaching Sternberg, but
was there again arrested and carried back to endure still greater
tortures in his loathsome prison at Olmütz. His two devoted friends were
also captured and obliged to suffer imprisonment for six months, as a
punishment for their unselfish deed; while La Fayette was informed by
his cruel tormentors that his zealous friends were to be executed for
their attempt in his behalf.




                              CHAPTER VII.

Writings of Virginie La Fayette—Her Account of the Approach of the
  Revolution—Her Narrative of her Father’s Part in the Terrible
  Tragedy—Her Mother’s Anxieties—Dangers of the La Fayette Family—Arrest
  of Madame La Fayette—Her Heroic Courage—News of the Imprisonment of
  General La Fayette—Letter of Madame La Fayette to M. Roland—Madame La
  Fayette released on Parole—Her Letter to the King of Prussia—M. Roland
  secures Madame La Fayette’s Release from Parole—Madame La Fayette
  rearrested—Brave Conduct of her Daughter Anastasie—Madame La Fayette
  imprisoned at Brioude—Her Kind Attentions to her Fellow-prisoners—Her
  Jailer bribed to allow the Visits of her Children—The Arrest of Madame
  La Fayette’s Sister, Mother, and Grandmother—Madame La Fayette removed
  to Paris—Ineffectual Efforts in her Behalf—The Mother, Sister, and
  Grandmother of Madame La Fayette perish upon the Scaffold—Madame La
  Fayette’s Pathetic Description of their Dreadful Doom.

             “Why, headstrong liberty is lash’d with woe,
              There’s nothing situate under heaven’s eye,
              But hath his bound in earth, in sea, in sky.”
                                          —SHAKESPEARE.


LEAVING La Fayette for a time in his gloomy prison at Olmütz, we will
turn once again to the writings of Virginie La Fayette (Madame de
Lasteyrie) for the home picture of La Fayette’s history during the
memorable French Revolution. She says:—

“The Revolution had for a long time back been gradually approaching. The
States-General were convoked and met in the month of May, 1789. After
the 14th of July father was elected commander-in-chief of the National
Guard of Paris. His whole existence was bound up with the events of that
period. You may imagine the cruel anxiety in which my mother passed the
three first years of the Revolution. She was free from all prejudice;
besides, she had long shared my father’s principles, which would in any
case have been her own; she approved, she admired his conduct; she was
the partner of all his views, and was supported in the midst of her
moral sufferings by the thought that he was working to obtain the
triumph of right. The first misfortunes of the Revolution filled her
soul with such bitterness that she was insensible to the natural
feelings of _amour-propre_, which my father’s conduct would otherwise
have called forth. Her only satisfaction was to see him often sacrifice
his popularity to oppose any disorderly or arbitrary act. She had
adopted liberal opinions, and professed them openly, but she possessed
that feminine tact, the shades of which it would be impossible to
delineate, and was thereby prevented from being what was then called a
_femme de parti_. Her disposition led her not to fear the censure of
certain _coteries_, but she shuddered when she thought of the
incalculable consequences of the events which were taking place, and she
was incessantly praying for the mercy of God, whilst she fulfilled all
the requirements of her arduous life.

“She accepted the requests, which were made to her by each of the sixty
districts of Paris, to collect subscriptions at the blessing of their
banners and at other patriotic ceremonies. My father kept open house.
She did the honors in a manner which charmed her numerous guests; but
what she suffered in the depths of her heart can only be understood by
those who have heard her talk of those times.

“She beheld my father at the head of a revolution, the issue of which it
was impossible to foresee. Each calamity, each disturbance, was looked
upon by her without the slightest illusion as to the success of her own
cause. She was, however, supported by my father’s principles, and so
convinced of the good it was in his power to do, and of the evil it was
in his power to avert, that she bore with incredible fortitude the
continual perils to which he was exposed. Never, has she often told us,
did she see him leave the house during that period without thinking that
she was bidding him adieu for the last time. Although no one could be
more terrified than she was when those whom she loved were in danger,
still, during that time she was superior to her usual self, devoted in
common with my father to the hope of preventing crime.

“The various events of the Revolution, the dangers incurred by my
father, the manner in which he supported every principle of justice and
of liberty against all parties, form the history of my mother’s
anxieties and consolations during two years and a half. You have read in
the history of the Revolution that considerable uproar was raised on the
Monday of Passion Week, 1791, to prevent the king from going to Saint
Cloud, where he wished to receive the sacrament from the hands of
priests who had not taken the oath to support the constitution. The king
did not put this plan into execution, notwithstanding the endeavors of
my father, who entreated Louis XVI. to persist in his intention, which
he undertook to have executed. The king refused.

“My father, displeased with the National Guard, who had but feebly
supported him in presence of the populace, and with the king’s weakness,
which rendered it impossible to retrieve the faults committed on that
day, thought fit to resign the command of the National Guard of Paris,
and to avoid all entreaties, he quitted his own house. My mother
remained at home, transported with joy at the resolution he had taken,
and was charged by him to receive in his stead the municipality and the
sixty battalions who came to implore him to resume his command. She
replied to each individual in the words which my father himself would
have dictated, carefully marking by her demeanor the distinction she
made between the most respectable _chefs de bataillon_, and those who,
like Santerre, had necessitated by their misconduct my father’s
resignation, and who that day all united in taking the same step and
repeating the same protestations. My mother, perplexed as she was in
performing so difficult a task, was overjoyed at the thought that my
father had returned to private life. This satisfaction lasted four days.
Having thus marked his displeasure at disorders which he had not been
able to prevent, my father yielded to the general entreaties. He resumed
his command, and my mother her trials and anxieties.

“On the 21st of June of the same year, 1791, the king left Paris
secretly, but was soon brought back from Varennes, where he had been
arrested. In no other circumstance of my father’s life did my mother so
much admire him as in the one which I am now relating. She beheld him,
on the one hand, relinquishing all his republican tendencies to join in
the wish of the majority; on the other hand, amidst the difficulties in
which he was placed by his position, taking every responsibility,
bearing all censure so as to insure the safety of the royal family, and
spare them, as much as was in his power, every painful detail. My mother
hastened to the Tuileries so soon as the queen began to receive, and
before the constitution had been accepted. She found herself there the
only woman connected with the _patriote_ party, for she believed as my
father did, that politics at such a moment ought not to rule personal
intercourse.

[Illustration: RETURN OF THE ROYAL FAMILY TO PARIS.]

“The Jacobins raised on the 17th of July a considerable outbreak. The
_brigands_ commenced by murdering two men. Martial law was proclaimed.
It is difficult to form an idea of my mother’s mortal anguish while my
father was in the Champ de Mars, exposed to the rage of an infuriated
multitude, which dispersed crying out that my mother must be put to
death and her head carried to meet him. I remember the fearful cries we
heard, I remember the alarm of everybody in the house, and above all my
mother’s joy at the thought that the _brigands_ who were coming to
attack her were no longer surrounding my father in the Champ de Mars.
While embracing us with tears of joy, she took every necessary
precaution against the approaching danger with the greatest calmness,
and above all with the greatest relief of mind. The guard had been
doubled, and was drawn up before the house, but the _brigands_ were very
near entering my mother’s apartment by the garden looking upon the Place
du Palais-Bourbon, and were already climbing the low wall which
protected us, when a body of cavalry passed on the Place and dispersed
them.

“The constitution having been accepted by the king, the Constituent
Assembly ended its sittings, and was replaced by the Legislative
Assembly. My father gave up the command of the National Guard, and set
out for Auvergne with my mother in the beginning of October. The journey
was long, for they were often obliged to stop in order to acknowledge
the marks of sympathy they received on the way. We followed in another
carriage, and my brother joined us shortly afterwards.

“This interval of repose was of short duration. My father was appointed
to the command of one of the three armies which were formed at that
time. He left Chavaniac in December, 1791. This departure, the
expectation of an approaching war, the dread of fresh disturbances, all
contributed to renew my mother’s distress: those who might have shared
her feelings had left her. My grandmother, and, soon after, my aunt de
Noailles were obliged to return to Paris. She bade them a farewell which
she was far from supposing was to be the last.

“War was declared in the month of March, 1792. It began by several
skirmishes with my father’s army, in one of which M. de Gouvion, who had
been major-general of the National Guard, was killed. My mother was
filled with terror and harassed by fearful forebodings. The disturbances
at home added to her dismay.

“My father’s letter to the Legislative Assembly, written from the camp
of Maubenge, on June 16, 1792, against the Jacobins, and his appearance
at the bar to support it, mingled with these anxieties the satisfaction
she was accustomed to find in all his actions. But one can well
understand how much she must have suffered at such a distance, on seeing
him exposed to so many and such various dangers. He invited her to go
and join him; but in those times of public commotion she feared that if
she accepted his proposal, he might be accused of wishing to put his
family in safety: she was also afraid of impeding his movements, which
depended on so many uncertain events. After having thought it over
several days, she decided upon sacrificing herself and remaining at
Chavaniac.

“Shortly after the noble resolution my mother had taken of remaining at
Chavaniac, she received intelligence of the insurrection of the 10th of
August. She heard almost at the same time that my grandfather, the Duc
d’Ayen, who had been defending the king at the Tuileries, and my uncle,
M. de Grammont, who had been sought for amongst the dead, had both
escaped the dangers of that dreadful day. The newspapers gave details of
my father’s resistance at Sédan. But it was soon evident that all was
useless, and nothing could be compared to the anguish of my mother’s
heart during the days which followed. The public papers were full of
sanguinary decrees which were submitted to everywhere except in the
district under my father’s command. A price was set on his head,
promises were made at the bar of the Assembly to bring him back, dead or
alive. At length, on the 24th of August, she received a letter from her
sister, Madame de Noailles, telling her that my father was out of
France. My mother’s joy was equal to her despair on the preceding days.

“We were in daily expectation of the house being pillaged. My mother
provided for everything, burnt or concealed her papers; then, in
consequence of the alarming intelligence she received, she resolved to
place her children in safety. A priest _assermenté_[1] came to offer her
a place of refuge amidst the mountains. M. Frestel took my brother there
during the night. The same evening she sent us to Langeac, a small town
about two leagues from Chavaniac, and thus having made every
arrangement, she calmly awaited coming events. She remained with my
aunt, whom it would have been impossible to persuade to leave the place.

-----

Footnote 1:

  _Prêtre assermenté_, one who accepted the Constitution.

-----

“Nevertheless, some days afterwards, calmer feelings having prevailed
around her, my mother thought it might be useful for her to go to
Brioude, the chief town of the district. There she received from many
people proofs of the most lively interest; but she refused the marks of
sympathy proffered by several _aristocrates_ ladies, declaring she would
take as an insult any token of esteem which could not be shared with my
father, and which would tend to separate her cause from his.

“By a decree of the ‘district,’ the seals were affixed on the house. My
mother herself had caused this measure to be taken, so as to command
respect from the _brigands_, who were every day expected. The word
_émigré_ was not inscribed in the official report, and the respect shown
by the two commissaries led her to hope that she had nothing to dread,
at least on the part of the administration. She therefore yielded to the
earnest entreaties of her daughters, and allowed them to return to
Chavaniac. We found her in possession of two letters from my father,
written after his departure from France. These letters cheered her
greatly. Although she flattered herself that he would soon be released,
she was nevertheless much agitated by the news of his arrest.

“On the 10th of September, 1792, at eight o’clock in the morning, the
house was invested by a party of armed men. A commissary presented my
mother with an order from the Committee of Public Safety, giving
directions for her to be sent to Paris with her children. This order was
enclosed in a letter from M. Roland, charging him with the execution of
this decree. At that very moment my sister entered the room. She had
managed to escape from our governess so as to take away all means of
hiding her and separating her from my mother.

“My mother did not show the least alarm. She wished to put herself as
soon as possible under the protection of those authorities who could
give her effectual aid. She had the horses harnessed immediately, and
while the preparations for departure were being made, her writing-desk
was opened, and my father’s letters seized.

“‘You will see in them, sir,’ said my mother to the commissary, ‘that if
there had been tribunals in France, M. de La Fayette would have
submitted to them, certain as he was that not an action of his life
could criminate him in the eyes of real patriots.’

“‘Nowadays, madam,’ he answered, ‘public opinion is the only tribunal.’

“During that time the soldiers were exploring the house. One of them, on
seeing the old family pictures, said to the housekeeper, who was nearly
blind from old age:—

“‘Who are these? some grand _aristocrates_, no doubt?’

“‘Good people who are no more,’ she answered. ‘If they were still alive,
things would not be going on as badly as they are now.’

“The soldiers contented themselves with running their bayonets through
several pictures. My mother slipped away to give orders for my
concealment. Then, with my sister, who would not leave her for a minute,
and my aunt, then seventy-three years of age, they departed, followed by
their servants, who hoped to make themselves useful by mixing with the
soldiers.

“The journey was most trying. They spent the night at Fix. The next
morning, on arriving at Le Puy, my mother requested to be immediately
conducted to the ‘Département.’ ‘I respect orders coming from the
administration,’ she said to the commissary, ‘as much as I detest those
coming from elsewhere.’

“The entrance into the town was perilous; a few days previously a
prisoner had been massacred on his way through the suburbs. My mother
said to my sister, ‘If your father knew you were here, how anxious he
would be; but at the same time what pleasure your conduct would give
him.’

“The prisoners arrived without injury, although several stones were
thrown into the carriage. They alighted at the ‘Département,’ the
members of which had been immediately convoked. As soon as the sitting
began, my mother said that she placed herself with confidence under the
protection of the ‘Département,’ because in it she beheld the authority
of the people, which she always respected wherever it could be found.

“‘You receive, Messieurs,’ she added, ‘your orders from M. Roland or
from whomsoever you please. As for me, I only choose to receive them
from you, and I give myself up as your prisoner.’

“She then requested my father’s letters should be copied before they
were sent to Paris, observing that falsehoods were often brought before
the Assembly; she asked leave to read these letters aloud. Some one
having expressed the fear that doing so might be painful to her. ‘On the
contrary,’ she replied, ‘I find support and comfort in the feelings they
contain.’ She was listened to at first with interest, then with deep
emotion.

“After having read the letters and looked over the copies, she begged
not to leave the house of the ‘Département’ as long as she remained at
Le Puy. She exposed the injustice of her detention, how useless and
perilous a journey to Paris would be, and concluded by saying that if
they persisted in keeping her as a hostage, she would be much obliged to
the ‘Département,’ were she allowed to make Chavaniac her prison, and in
that case she offered her parole not to leave it. It was decided in the
next sitting that the ‘Département’ should present her request to the
minister. While awaiting the reply, the prisoners were to inhabit the
building belonging to the administration.

“While in prison, my mother received touching marks of sympathy. She was
often watched by friendly National Guards, who would ask to be employed
on that duty in order to prevent its being entrusted to evil-disposed
keepers. She sometimes received accounts of my brother, who still
remained in the same place of refuge; and of me, for she had thought fit
to have me also concealed at a few leagues from Chavaniac.

“At this time public affairs were most inauspicious. All honest
officials took favorable opportunities for resigning, and were replaced
by Jacobins. We learnt that my father, instead of being set free, had
been delivered up by the coalition to the king of Prussia, and was on
his way to Spandau. The impression produced on my mother by this news
was dreadful. She was in despair at having given her parole to stay at
Chavaniac; for notwithstanding the impossibility of leaving France, she
could not bear the thoughts of pledging her word to give up seeking
every means of rejoining my father.

“M. Roland’s answer came at the end of September. He allowed my mother
to return to Chavaniac, a prisoner on parole, under the responsibility
of the ‘administration.’ My mother thus received the permission she had
asked for at the precise moment when she was struck with dismay by the
situation my father was in, and by the dangers he was running now at the
hands of foreign powers, as lately at those of the revolutionists at
home.

“The ‘Département’ decided that the _commune_ would each day supply six
men to guard my mother, who went to the assembly-room immediately on
hearing of this resolution.

“‘I here declare, gentlemen,’ she said, ‘that I will not give the parole
I offered if guards are to be placed at my door.

“‘Choose between these two securities. I cannot be offended by your not
trusting me, for my husband has given still better proofs of his
patriotism than I have of my honesty; but you will allow me to believe
in my own integrity, and not to add bayonets to my parole.’

“It was decided that no guard should be set, and that the municipality
would every fortnight report my mother’s presence at Chavaniac. My
mother, on learning that M. Roland had expressed his disapprobation of
the massacres of September, and that he alone could free her from the
engagement she had contracted decided, notwithstanding her reluctance,
on writing to him the following letter:—

“‘SIR: I can only attribute to a kind feeling the change you have
brought about in my situation. You have spared me the dangers of a too
perilous journey, and consented that my place of retirement should be my
prison. But any prison whatever has become insupportable to me since I
learnt that my husband has been transferred from town to town by the
enemies of France, who were conducting him to Spandau. However repugnant
to my feelings it may be to owe anything to men who have shown
themselves the enemies and accusers of him whom I revere and love as I
ought to do, it is in all the frankness of my heart that I vow eternal
gratitude to whoever will enable me to join my husband, by taking all
responsibility from the ‘administration,’ and by giving me back my
parole, if in the event of France becoming more free it were possible to
travel without danger.

“‘It is on my knees, if necessary, that I implore this favor; imagine by
that the state I am in.

                                               “‘NOAILLES LA FAYETTE.’

“M. Roland thus answered:—

“‘I have put, madam, your touching request under the eyes of the
committee. I must nevertheless observe that it would seem to me
imprudent for a person bearing your name to travel through France, on
account of the unpleasant impression which is at the present moment
attached to it. But circumstances may alter. I advise you to wait, and I
shall be the first to seize a favorable opportunity.’

“My mother answered him immediately as follows:—

“‘I return you thanks, sir, for the ray of hope with which you have
brightened my heart, so long unaccustomed to that feeling. Nothing can
add to what I owe to my parole and to the _administrateurs_ who rely
upon it. No degree of misfortune could ever make me think of breaking my
word, but your letter renders that duty a little more supportable, and I
already begin to feel something of that gratitude I promised you if,
delivered through your hands, I were restored to the object of my
affections, and to the happiness of offering him some consolation.

                                               “‘NOAILLES LA FAYETTE.’

“Three months had elapsed since we had heard anything about my father.
The public papers had announced his transfer to Wessel instead of
Spandau: since then they had been silent. My mother wrote an unsealed
letter to the Duke of Brunswick, entreating the generalissimo of the
allied troops to send her some news of her husband through the French
army.

“She also wrote thus to the king of Prussia:—

“‘SIR: Your Majesty’s well-known integrity admits of M. de La Fayette’s
wife addressing herself to you without forgetting what she owes to her
husband’s character. I have always hoped, sir, that Your Majesty would
respect virtue wherever it was to be found, and thereby give to Europe a
glorious example. It is now five long, dreadful months since I last
heard anything of M. de La Fayette, so I cannot plead his cause. But it
seems to me that both his enemies and myself speak eloquently in his
favor: they by their crimes, I by the violence of my despair. They prove
his virtue, and how much he is feared by the wicked; I show how worthy
he is of being loved. They make it a necessity for Your Majesty’s glory
not to have an object of persecution in common with them. Shall I myself
be fortunate enough to give you the occasion of restoring me to life by
delivering him?

“‘Allow me, sir, to indulge in that hope as in the one of soon owing to
you this deep debt of gratitude.

                                               “‘NOAILLES LA FAYETTE.’

“In December M. Roland obtained from the committee the repeal of the
order for my mother’s arrest. She was still under the surveillance to
which the _ci-devant_ nobles were subjected, and could not leave the
department without express permission. But she was disengaged from her
promise, and she was not discouraged. Pecuniary interests also detained
my mother in France, not on her own account nor on that of her children,
but because she looked upon it as a sacred duty before leaving the
country to see the rights of my father’s creditors acknowledged.

“The events of the 31st of May, which assured the triumph of the
terrorist party, brought no alteration at first in our situation, but
took from us all hopes for the future.

“Towards the middle of June my mother received, through the minister of
the United States, two letters from my father, written from the dungeon
of Magdebourg. The anxiety they occasioned with respect to my father’s
health marred the joy we felt in receiving them....

“At that period of the Revolution, many _émigrés’_ wives thought it
necessary, for the preservation of their children’s fortune and for
their personal safety, to obtain a divorce. My mother esteemed and even
respected the virtue of several persons who thought themselves obliged
to take this step. But as for herself, the scruples of her conscience
would not have allowed her to save her life by feigning an act contrary
to Christian law, even when no one could be deceived. However, another
motive influenced her, though this one would have sufficed. Her love for
my father made her find pleasure in all that was a remembrance of him.
Whilst many pious and tender wives sought for safety in a pretended
divorce, never did she address a request to any administration whatever,
or present a petition, without feeling satisfaction in beginning
everything she wrote by these words: ‘_La Femme La Fayette_.’

“On the 21st of _Brumaire_ [Nov. 12] my mother received the intelligence
that she was to be arrested on the following day. She kept this news
from us till the next morning. The hours passed away in cruel
expectation. M. Granchier, commissary of the Revolutionary Committee,
arrived at the château in the evening of the same day, with a detachment
of the National Guard of Paulhaguet. We all collected in my mother’s
room, where the order of the Committee for her arrest was read aloud.
She presented the certificate of civism given her by the _commune_. M.
Granchier answered that it was too old, and that it was of no use, not
having been countersigned by the Committee.

“‘Citoyen,’ my sister then asked, ‘are daughters prevented from
following their mother?’

“‘Yes, mademoiselle,’ answered the commissary.

“She insisted, adding that, being sixteen, she was included in the law.
He seemed moved, but changed the subject. My mother kept up everybody’s
courage. She tried to persuade us that the separation would not be a
long one.

“The jail at Brioude was already full. The newly arrived prisoners were,
nevertheless, crammed into it. My mother found herself in the midst of
all the ladies of the nobility, with whom she had had no intercourse
since the Revolution. At first they were impertinent, but they soon
shared in the admiration my mother inspired in all those who approached
her. The society of the prison was divided into _coteries_, which
cordially hated each other; but for my mother every one professed
attachment.

“My mother soon became aware that she could do nothing for her
deliverance, and that, to escape greater misfortunes, her best plan was
to avoid attracting attention. One day she ventured to suggest the
necessity of giving more air to a sick woman confined in a small room
with eleven other people. This brought down on her a volley of abuse
impossible to describe. My mother was happy to find place in a room
which served as a passageway, and where three _bourgeoises_ of Brioude
were already established. By these persons she was received in a very
touching manner.

“The news my mother received at that time from Paris caused her most
painful agitation. My grandmother and my aunt de Noailles were put under
arrest in their own house, at the Hôtel de Noailles. We had occasional
opportunities of communicating with my mother. We used to send her clean
linen every week. The list was sewn on the parcel, and each time we
wrote on the back of the page, which nobody ever thought of unsewing.
She would answer us in the same way. But this mode of correspondence was
not safe enough to be employed in giving any other details than those
concerning our health.

“The innkeeper’s daughter, a child of thirteen, sometimes managed, when
carrying the prisoners’ dinner, to approach my mother. Blows, abuse of
language, all was indifferent to that courageous girl, so that she could
succeed in beholding my mother, and in letting us know that she was in
good health.

“In the course of January [1794] we found out that it was not impossible
to bribe the jailer and to gain admission into the prison. M. Frestel
(my brother’s tutor) undertook the negotiation, which was not without
danger. He succeeded. It was settled that he would take one of us every
fortnight to Brioude. My sister was the first to go. She started on
horseback in the night, remained the whole of the following day with the
good _aubergiste_, who was devoted to us, and spent the night with my
mother. But when daylight came, they were obliged to tear themselves
from each other. My sister brought back joy in the midst of us with the
details of this happy meeting. We had, each in our turn, the same
satisfaction.

“My mother’s health bore up as well as her fortitude. She was the
comfort of those who surrounded her, ever seeking to be of service to
her companions. Thinking she might be useful to some infirm women, she
proposed to them to have their meals with her. She contrived to persuade
them that they were contributing to the common expense, when nearly all
the cost fell upon herself. She also cooked for them. The prison life
was most wearisome. The room in which she slept with five or six people
was only separated by a screen from the public passage.

“My mother soon became plunged in the deepest affliction. She learned
that my grandmother, my aunt, and the Maréchale de Noailles, my
grandfather’s mother, had been transferred to the Luxembourg.

“Towards the end of May the order to convey my mother to the prison of
La Force, in Paris, reached Brioude. You may fancy our despair when we
received our mother’s letter. The messenger had been delayed, and it was
to be feared that she was no longer at Brioude. M. Frestel set off
immediately. He was bearer of all the small jewelry possessed by the
members of the household, who had given them to be sold in order to
avoid my mother being conveyed in a cart from brigade to brigade.

“On arriving at Brioude, M. Frestel obtained a delay of twenty-four
hours. We soon joined him at the prison. We found my mother in a room by
herself, but fetters were placed near the pallet upon which she had
thrown herself to seek a little repose. The violence of my sister’s
despair was fearful to witness. Owing to M. Frestel’s entreaties, she
obtained leave from my mother to follow her, and to accompany him in
order to implore the aid of the American minister. She remained only a
short time at the prison, and left us to go to Le Puy for the purpose of
obtaining a permit to travel out of the department. She was to join my
mother on the way.

“My brother and I remained in the horrible room in which my mother was
confined. We all three offered up our prayers to God. At twelve o’clock
M. Gissaguer entered the room and said it was time to depart. My mother
gave her last instructions to George and to myself, and made us promise
to seek and to seize upon every means of joining my father. She grieved
at seeing us undergo so young such cruel misfortunes.

“My sister passed that day at Le Puy. In spite of innumerable obstacles
she succeeded in seeing the _citoyen_ Guyardin. She conjured him to have
an inquiry made with respect to my mother’s conduct and to forward it to
Paris. He did not move, remained seated at his bureau, and continued
writing, while she was addressing him in the most urgent manner. He
refused to read a letter from my mother handed to him by Anastasie,
saying that he could not trouble himself about a prisoner who was
summoned to Paris, and adding most vulgar jokes to his refusal. My
unfortunate sister left the room in a most violent state of despair and
indignation. The cruel Guyardin did not grant her the necessary
permission to travel out of the department and to follow my mother’s
carriage, and my poor sister, in despair, was obliged to let M. Frestel
set off without her.

“My mother arrived in Paris on the 19th of _Prairial_, three days before
the decree of the 22d, which organized _une terreur dans la Terreur_. At
that time no less than sixty people were daily falling victims of the
Revolutionary Tribunal. All seemed to forebode approaching death to my
mother. You may fancy the anguish of mind in which we spent the two
months which followed my mother’s departure for Paris. We were daily
expecting to hear of the greatest misfortune which could befall us.
Towards that time the château of Chavaniac and the furniture were sold.

“The peasants of the _commune_ brought us with hearty good will all that
was necessary for our subsistence. Every day it was reported that my
aunt and my sister were to be sent to the prison of Brioude, whilst my
brother and myself were to be taken to the hospital. As for my mother,
the life she was leading at La Petite Force was dreadful. At the end of
a fortnight my mother was transferred to Le Plesis. This building,
formerly a college where my father had been educated, had been turned
into a prison.

“Since the law of the 22d of _Prairial_, the Revolutionary Tribunal sent
each day sixty persons to the scaffold. One of the buildings of Le
Plesis served as a depot to the Conciergerie, so every morning twenty
prisoners could be seen departing for the guillotine. ‘The thought of
soon being one of the victims,’ my mother wrote, ‘makes one endure such
a sight with more firmness.’ Twice she fancied that she was being called
to take her place amongst the victims.

“My mother passed forty days at La Force and Le Plesis, expecting death
at every moment. In the midst of the tumult caused by the revolution of
the 10th _Thermidor_, it was for a moment believed that fresh massacres
would take place in the prisons; but soon afterward the news of
Robespierre’s death reached the captives, and it became known to them
that the executions of the Revolutionary Tribunal had ceased. My
mother’s first thought was to send to the Luxembourg. The jailer’s
answer revealed to her the fearful truth. My grandmother, with my aunt
de Noailles and the Maréchale de Noailles had been sent to the scaffold
on the 4th _Thermidor_: the three generations perished together. How can
I give you an idea of my mother’s despair? ‘Return thanks to God,’ she
wrote to us later, ‘for having preserved my strength, my life, my
reason; do not regret that you were far from me. God kept me from
revolting against Him, but for a long time I could not have borne the
slightest appearance of human comfort.’”

[Illustration: BEFORE THE REVOLUTIONARY TRIBUNAL.]

Madame La Fayette in her “Life of the Duchesse d’Ayen” gives the
following interesting though painful particulars regarding the execution
of her mother, grandmother, and sister:—

“My mother and my sister were put under arrest in the first days of
October, but allowed to remain well guarded at the Hôtel de Noailles. A
month later I myself was taken as a prisoner to Brioude, and it became
still more difficult to correspond.

“Persecutions went on increasing. One day the _detenus_ had to answer
questions on their actions and on their thoughts. My mother and my
sister were prepared, and answered those who questioned them with their
usual tact and straightforwardness. The inventory of all that was in
their possession was drawn up. My mother, fearing she might be made to
swear that she had concealed nothing, had hung to her side, in the shape
of a watch chain, all the diamonds which were left her. They were not
taken; she sold them that same day to a jeweller, who gave her
immediately the money she required to pay the small debts which were
owing, but she never received the full amount of what was due her, the
jeweller having been beheaded on the following day.

“Nothing in the world was now left them, save some few trifles of my
sister’s, which were sold, and what belonged to M. Grellet (tutor to my
sister’s children), who had given them all he possessed. This extreme
poverty and all its consequences are hardly worth mentioning in the
midst of so many other and greater trials. Each day brought some new
misfortune or some fresh disaster. My father not being able to obtain
satisfactory certificates of residence, was obliged to leave his family
and return to Switzerland, where he had been living for some time for
his health. My father’s men of business had all been arrested. It was
soon the turn of the members of ‘Parlement,’ and M. de Saron, my
mother’s brother-in-law, was executed on Easter Sunday, 1794.

“For some time past even women had not been spared. Yet my mother and my
sister were far from thinking that their personal safety was threatened;
their hearts were, however, prepared, and they had asked M. Carrichon if
he would have the courage to accompany them to the foot of the scaffold.

“At last, in the month of May, they were ordered to quit the Hôtel de
Noailles; and, after having been led through Paris from prison door to
prison door, they were at last conducted with the Maréchale de Noailles
(my father’s mother) to the Luxembourg. On arriving there my mother’s
courage did not fail her, and she was much calmer than she had been for
a long time past.

“The care my grandmother required occupied them incessantly.
Notwithstanding all the misfortunes which were falling on her at once,
my mother forgot none of those who were dear to her. It was M. Grellet
who broke to her the news of my arrival in the prisons of Paris; she
cruelly felt this fresh misfortune, and succeeded in sending me prudent
advice.

“At last, after having seen falling around her nearly all the victims
who had been heaped into the same prison, as well as those who were
dearest to her, she was summoned with her mother-in-law and daughter to
the Conciergerie, that is to say, to death. They arrived at the
Conciergerie worn out with fatigue. M. Grellet had repaired to a café
next to the gate, and succeeded in exchanging a few words with my
sister.

“Deprived of everything, they had barely sufficient money to obtain a
glass of currant water. The persons who shared their cell prepared a
single miserable bed for the three prisoners. My mother was dejected,
and could not yet believe that so great a crime was possible. She
stretched herself on the pallet, and entreated my sister to lie down by
her side.

“Madame de Noailles refused to lie down, saying that she had too short a
time to live for it to be worth while to take that trouble. Her mother
passed part of the night in trying to persuade her to do so. ‘Think,’
she said, ‘of what we shall have to go through to-morrow.’

“‘Ah, mamma!’ my sister answered, ‘what need have we to rest on the eve
of eternity?’

“She asked for a prayer-book and a light, by which she was enabled to
read. She prayed during the whole night. She interrupted herself
occasionally to attend to her grandmother, who slept for several hours
at different intervals, and who, each time she woke, would read over and
over again her _acte d’accusation_, repeating to herself:—

“‘No; I cannot be condemned for a conspiracy which I have never heard
of; I shall defend my cause before the judges in such a manner that they
will be obliged to acquit me.’ She thought of her dress, and feared that
it might be tumbled; she settled her cap, and could not believe that,
for her, that day was to be the last.

“The next morning, my mother, somewhat rested, saw more clearly the doom
which awaited her, showed great courage, spoke tenderly of her
grandchildren, and begged of the prisoners who were present to take
charge of her watch for them. ‘It is the last thing I can send them,’
she said. She took some chocolate with the Madames de Boufflers
(relations of M. de La Fayette), and was afterwards summoned to the
horrible tribunal. I have been told that my sister, whilst dressing my
mother, seemed still to find happiness in attending upon her. She was
heard to say, ‘Courage, mamma, it is only one hour more!’

“My sister, the Vicomtesse de Noailles, entreated the prisoners to send
to her children an empty pocket-book, a portrait, and some hair. But she
was told that such a mission would endanger the persons who occupied the
room. The name of her sister, Madame de La Fayette, was pronounced in
that fearful abode. She imposed silence for fear of putting me in
danger. She made no attempt to seek repose. Her eyes remained opened to
contemplate that heaven into which she was about to enter. Her face
reflected the serenity of her soul. The idea of immortality supported
her courage. Never was so much calm witnessed in such a place. But she
would forget everything to be of use to her mother and grandmother.

“Nine o’clock struck. The _Huissiers_ carried off their victims; tears
were shed by those who had only known them for twelve hours. The mothers
made some arrangements for the event of an acquittal. But my sister, who
did not doubt of the doom which awaited them, thanked Madame Lavet (one
of their fellow-prisoners), with that charming manner which was in her a
gift of nature, expressed all her gratitude for her kind attentions, and
added, ‘_Votre figure est heureuse; vous ne périrez pas_.’

“M. Grellet, who the day before had been confined in a cell for three
hours on account of the interest he had evinced for the prisoners,
having been released as by a miracle, repaired to M. Carrichon. This
good priest, as well as M. Brun, obtained from Heaven strength enough to
follow the prisoners on the way from the Conciergerie to the scaffold;
there my sister recognized M. Carrichon, and, with a presence of mind
sublime at such a moment, she pointed him out to my mother, who appeared
agitated, but who collected all her courage, and received fresh strength
by the grace of absolution. From that moment till the last, her thoughts
were no longer on earthly things; and during the three-quarters of an
hour she had to wait at the foot of the scaffold, she did not cease to
pray with fervor and resignation. MM. Brun and Carrichon remained till
all was over. I feel that the thought of following in footsteps so dear
would have taken from the horror of so awful an end.

“_Je renonce à rien exprimer, parce que ce que je sens est
inexprimable._”




                             CHAPTER VIII.

Dreadful Scenes of the French Revolution—M. Carrichon’s Account of the
  Last Days of the Maréchale de Noailles, the Duchesse d’Ayen, and the
  Vicomtesse de Noailles—They are sent to the Luxembourg—Are taken
  before the Revolutionary Tribunal—Their Condemnation—Heroism of the
  Young Vicomtesse de Noailles—The Insulting Mob—The Protecting Thunder
  Storm—Their Last Prayers—Arrival at the Scaffold—Their Impressive
  Appearance—Their Unflinching Courage—Their Heavenly Resignation—The
  Last Farewell—Execution of the aged Maréchale de Noailles—The Duchesse
  d’Ayen upon the Scaffold—Angelic Appearance of the Vicomtesse de
  Noailles—The Last End—Virginie La Fayette’s Narrative—Her Brother,
  George Washington La Fayette, sent to America—Letter from Madame La
  Fayette to Washington—Madame La Fayette and her Daughters obtain
  Permission to share the Captivity of the General—Their Arrival at
  Olmütz—The Pathetic Meeting—Letter from Madame La Fayette—Virginie
  describes their Prison Life—Letter from Madame La Fayette to the
  Emperor—Her Illness—Ignominious Offer of Liberty—La Fayette declines
  to accept the Shameful Conditions—General Bonaparte opens their Prison
  Doors—La Fayette’s Letter to Napoleon—Letter from Madame de
  Staël—Efforts in Behalf of La Fayette in England and America—La
  Fayette’s Letter to Joseph Masclet—Madame La Fayette’s Letter to
  Washington—Washington’s Letter to the Emperor of Germany in Behalf of
  the Marquis—General Latour-Maubourg describes Prison Life at Olmütz—La
  Fayette’s Unconquered Spirit—Washington’s Letter to him at the Time of
  his Release—La Fayette’s Letter to Masclet.

       “O Liberty! Liberty! how many crimes are committed in thy
       name!”—MADAME ROLAND.


THE dreadful scenes of the French Revolution send a chill of horror to
our souls as we read of them, but we realize with more painful clearness
the direful deeds of those bloody days when some eye-witness of those
awful, heart-rending times pictures for us some individual doom and some
particular scene. The following narrative of the death of Mesdames
d’Ayen and de Noailles by M. Carrichon, priest of the congregation of
the Oratory, will give a most vivid idea of the sufferings of these
women, who, with Madame de La Fayette, must be classed amongst the most
illustrious heroines of the French Revolution.

“The Maréchale de Noailles, the Duchesse d’Ayen, her daughter-in-law,
and the Vicomtesse de Noailles, her granddaughter, were detained
prisoners in their own house from November, 1793, till April, 1794. The
first I only knew by sight, but was well acquainted with the two others,
whom I generally visited once a week.

“Terror and crime were increasing together; victims were becoming more
numerous. One day, as the ladies were exhorting each other to prepare
for death, I said to them, as by foresight: ‘If you go to the scaffold,
and if God gives me strength to do so, I shall accompany you.’

“They took me at my word, and eagerly exclaimed: ‘Will you promise to do
so?’ For one moment I hesitated; ‘Yes,’ I replied, ‘and so that you may
easily recognize me, I will wear a dark blue coat and a red waistcoat.’
After that they often reminded me of my promise.

“In the month of April, 1794, during Easter week, they were all three
conveyed to the Luxembourg. I had frequent accounts of them through M.
Grellet, whose delicate attentions and zealous services were of such
service both to them and to their children. I was often reminded of my
promise.

“On the 27th of June, on a Monday or a Friday, he came to beg of me to
fulfil the engagement I had taken with the Maréchal de Mouchy and his
wife.

“I went to the Palais de Justice, and succeeded in entering the court. I
stood very near, with my eyes fixed upon them during a quarter of an
hour. M. and Madame de Mouchy, whom I had only seen once at their own
house, and whom I knew better than they knew me, could not distinguish
me in the crowd. God inspired me, and with His help I did all I could
for them. The Maréchal was singularly edifying, and prayed aloud with
all his heart.

“The day before, on leaving the Luxembourg, he had said to those who had
given him marks of sympathy: ‘At seventeen years of age I entered the
breach for my king; at seventy-seven I mount the scaffold for my God; my
friends, I am not to be pitied.’

“I avoid details which would become interminable. That day I thought it
useless to go as far as the guillotine; besides, my courage failed me.
This was ominous for the fulfilment of the promise I had made to their
relations, who were thrown into the deepest affliction by this
catastrophe. They had all been confined in the same prison, and had thus
been of great comfort to each other.

“I could say much about the numerous and dismal processions which
preceded or followed that of the 27th, and which were happy or miserable
according to the state of mind of those who composed them; sad they
always were, even when every exterior sign denoted resignation, and
promised a Christian death; but truly heart-rending when the doomed
victims had none of these feelings, and seemed about to pass from the
sufferings of this world to those of the next.

“On the 22d of July, 1794, on a Tuesday, between eight and ten o’clock
in the morning, I was just going out. I heard a knock. I opened the door
and saw the Noailles children with their tutor, M. Grellet. The children
were cheerful, as is usually the case at that age, but under their
merriment was concealed a sadness of heart caused by their recent losses
and by their fears for the future. The tutor looked sad, careworn, pale,
and haggard. ‘Let us go to your study,’ he said, ‘and leave the children
in this room.’ We did so. He threw himself on a chair. ‘All is over, my
friend,’ he said; ‘the ladies are before the Revolutionary Tribunal. I
summon you to keep your word. I shall take the boys to Vincennes to see
little Euphémie [their sister]. While in the wood I shall prepare these
unfortunate children for their terrible loss.’

“Although I had long been prepared for this news, I was greatly shocked.
The frightful situation of the parents, of the children, of their worthy
tutor, that youthful mirth so soon to be followed by such misery, poor
little Euphémie, then only four years old,—all these thoughts rushed
upon my mind. But I soon recovered myself, and after a few questions and
answers full of mournful details, I said to M. Grellet, ‘You must go
now, and I must change my dress. What a task I have before me! pray that
God may give me strength to accomplish it.’

“We rose, and found the children innocently amusing themselves, looking
gay and happy. The sight of them, the thought of their unconsciousness
of what they were so soon to learn, and of the interview which would
follow with their little sister, rendered the contrast more striking,
and almost broke my heart.

“Left alone after their departure, I felt terrified and exhausted. ‘My
God, have pity on them and on me!’ I exclaimed. I changed my clothes and
went to two or three places. With a heavy load on my heart, I turned my
steps towards the Palais de Justice, between one and two o’clock in the
afternoon. I tried to get in, but found it impossible. I made inquiries
of a person who had just left the tribunal. I still doubted the truth of
the news which had been told me. But the answer destroyed all illusion
and all hope; I could doubt no longer.

“Once more I went on my way and turned my steps towards the Faubourg
Saint-Antoine. What thoughts, what agitation, what secret terrors
distracted my poor brain! I opened my heart to a friend whom I could
trust, and who, speaking to me in God’s name, strengthened my courage.
At his house I took some coffee, which seemed to relieve my head.

“Thoughtful and irresolute, I slowly retraced my steps towards the
Palais de Justice, dreading to get there, and hoping not to find those
whom I was seeking. I arrived before five o’clock. There were no signs
of departure. Sick at heart, I ascended the steps of the Sainte
Chapelle; then I walked into the _grande salle_, and wandered about. I
sat down, I rose again, but spoke to no one. From time to time I cast a
melancholy glance towards the courtyard, to see if there were any signs
of departure.

“My constant thought was that in two hours, perhaps in one, they would
be no more. I cannot say how overwhelmed I was by that idea, which has
affected me through life on all such occasions, and they have only been
too frequent. While a prey to these mournful feelings, never did an hour
appear to me so long or so short as the one which elapsed between five
and six o’clock on that day. Conflicting thoughts were incessantly
crossing my mind, which made me suddenly pass from the illusions of vain
hope to fears, alas! too well founded.

[Illustration: SENTENCED TO THE GUILLOTINE.]

“At last I saw, by a movement in the crowd, that the prison door was on
the point of being opened. I went down and placed myself near the outer
gate, as for the previous fortnight it had become impossible to enter
the prison yard. The first cart was filled with prisoners, and came
towards me. It was occupied by eight ladies, whose demeanor was most
admirable. Of these, seven were unknown to me. The last, who was very
near me, was the Maréchale de Noailles. A transient ray of hope crossed
my mind when I saw that her daughter-in-law and her granddaughter were
not with her; but alas! they were in the second cart.

“Madame de Noailles was in white; she did not appear more than
twenty-four years of age; Madame d’Ayen, who looked about forty, wore a
dress striped blue and white. Six men got in after them. I was pleased
to see the respectful distance at which the two first placed themselves
so as to leave more liberty to the ladies. They were scarcely seated
when the mother became the object of that tender solicitude for which
her daughter was well known.

“I heard it said near me, ‘Look at that young one! how anxious she
seems! See how she is speaking to the other one!’ For my part I felt as
if I heard all they were saying: ‘Mamma, he is not there.’ ‘Look again.’
‘Nothing escapes me; I assure you, mamma, he is not there.’

“They had evidently forgotten that I had sent them word that it would be
impossible for me to gain admittance into the prison yard. The first
cart stopped before me during at least a quarter of an hour. It moved
on; the second followed. I approached the ladies; they did not see me. I
went again into the Palais de Justice, and then a long way round, and
stood at the entrance of the Pont-au-Change, in a prominent place.
Madame de Noailles cast her eyes around her; she passed and did not see
me. I followed the carts over the bridge, and thus kept near the ladies,
though separated from them by the crowd. Madame de Noailles, still
looking for me, did not perceive me. Madame d’Ayen’s anxiety became
visible on her countenance. Her daughter watched the crowd with
increasing attention, but in vain. I felt tempted to turn back. ‘Have I
not done all that I could?’ I inwardly exclaimed. ‘Everywhere the crowd
will be greater; it is useless to go any farther.’ I was on the point of
giving up the attempt.

“Suddenly the sky became overclouded; thunder was heard in the distance;
I made a fresh effort. A short cut brought me, before the arrival of the
carts, to the Rue Saint-Antoine, nearly opposite the too famous Force.
At that moment the storm broke forth. The wind blew violently; flashes
of lightning and claps of thunder followed in rapid succession; the rain
poured down in torrents. I took shelter at a shop door. The spot is
always present to my memory, and I have never passed it by since without
emotion. In one moment the street was cleared; the crowd had taken
refuge in the shops and gateways. There was less order in the
procession, both the escort and the carts having quickened their pace.
They were close to the Petit Saint-Antoine, and I was still undecided.
The first cart passed. By a precipitous and involuntary movement I
quitted the shop door, rushed towards the second cart, and found myself
close to the ladies. Madame de Noailles perceived me, and smiling,
seemed to say, ‘There you are at last? How happy we are to see you! How
we have looked for you! Mamma, there he is.’ Madame d’Ayen appeared to
revive. As for myself, all irresolution vanished from my mind. By the
grace of God I felt possessed of extraordinary courage. Soaked with rain
and perspiration, I continued to walk by them. On the steps of the
church of Saint-Louis I met a friend, who, filled with respect and
attachment for the ladies, was endeavoring to give them the same
assistance. His countenance, his attitude, showed what he felt. I placed
my hand on his shoulder, and shuddering, said, ‘Good evening, my dear
friend.’

“The storm was at its height. The wind blew tempestuously, and greatly
annoyed the ladies in the first cart, more especially the Maréchale de
Noailles. With her hands tied behind her, with no support for her back,
she tottered on the wretched plank upon which she was placed. Her large
cap fell back and exposed to view some gray hairs. Immediately a number
of people who were gathered there notwithstanding the rain, having
recognized her, she became the sole object of their attention. They
added by their insults to the sufferings she was enduring so patiently.
‘There she is,’ they cried, ‘that Maréchale who used to go about with so
many attendants, driving in such fine coaches; there she is in the cart
just like the others.’ The shouts continued, the sky became darker, the
rain fell heavier still. We were close to the cross-road preceding the
Faubourg Saint-Antoine. I went forward, examined the spot, and said to
myself, ‘This is the place for granting them what they so much long
for.’

“The cart was going slower. I turned towards the ladies and made a sign
which Madame de Noailles understood perfectly. ‘Mamma, M. Carrichon is
going to give us absolution,’ she evidently whispered. They piously
bowed their heads with a look of repentance, contrition, and hope. Then
I lifted up my hand, and without uncovering my head, pronounced the form
of absolution and the words which follow it very distinctly and with
supernatural attention. Never shall I forget the expression of their
faces. From that moment the storm abated, the rain diminished, and
seemed only to have fallen for the furtherance of our wishes. I offered
up my thanks to God, and so did, I am sure, these pious women. Their
exterior appearance spoke contentment, security, and joy.

“As we advanced through the ‘Faubourg,’ the rain having ceased, a
curious multitude again lined the two sides of the street, insulting the
ladies in the first cart, but above all the Maréchale. Nothing was said
to the others. I sometimes walked by the side of the carts and sometimes
preceded them.

“At last we reached the fatal spot. I cannot describe what I felt. What
a moment! what a separation! what an affliction for the children,
husbands, sisters, relations, and friends who are to survive those
beloved ones in this valley of tears! There they are before me full of
health, and in one moment I shall see them no more. What anguish! yet
not without deep consolation at beholding them so resigned.

“We came in sight of the scaffold. The carts stopped, and were
immediately surrounded by the soldiers. A ring of numerous spectators
was soon formed, most of whom were laughing and amusing themselves at
the horrible sight. It was dreadful to be amongst them!

“While the executioners and his two assistants were helping the
prisoners out of the first cart, Madame de Noailles’ eyes sought for me
in the crowd. She caught sight of me. What a wonderful expression there
was in her face! Sometimes raised towards heaven, sometimes lowered
towards earth, her eyes so animated, so gentle, so expressive, so
heavenly, were often fixed on me in a manner which would have attracted
notice if those around me had had time for observation. I pulled my hat
over my eyes, without taking them off her. I felt as if I could hear her
say: ‘Our sacrifice is accomplished! we have the firm and comforting
hope that a merciful God is calling us to Him. How many dear to us we
leave behind! but we shall forget no one. Farewell to them and thanks to
you! Jesus Christ who died for us is our strength; may we die in Him!
Farewell! May we all meet again in heaven!’

“It is impossible to give an idea of the animation and fervor of those
signs, the eloquence of which was so touching that the bystanders
exclaimed: ‘Oh, that young woman, how happy she seems! how she looks up
to heaven! how she is praying! But what is the use of it all?’ And then,
on second thoughts, ‘Oh, the rascals! the bigots!’

“The mother and daughter took a last farewell of each other and
descended from the cart. As for me, the outer world disappeared for a
moment. At once broken-hearted and comforted, I could only return thanks
to God for not having waited for this moment to give them absolution,
or, which would have been still worse, delayed it till they had ascended
the scaffold. We could not have joined in prayer while I gave and they
received this great blessing as we had been enabled to do in the most
favorable circumstances possible at such a time. I left the spot where I
was standing and went over to the other side while the victims were
getting out. I found myself opposite the wooden steps which led to the
scaffold. An old man, tall and straight, with white hair and a
good-natured countenance, was leaning against it. I was told he was a
_fermier-general_. Near him stood a very edifying lady whom I did not
know. Then came the Maréchale de Noailles exactly opposite me, dressed
in black, for she was still in mourning for her husband. She was sitting
on a block of wood or stone which happened to be there, her large eyes
fixed with a vacant look. I had not omitted to do for her what I had
done for so many, and in particular for the Maréchal and Maréchale de
Mouchy. All the others were drawn up in two lines looking towards the
Faubourg Saint-Antoine.

“From where I stood I could only perceive Madame d’Ayen, whose attitude
and countenance expressed the most sublime, unaffected, and devout
resignation. She seemed only occupied with the sacrifice she was about
to make to God through the merits of the Saviour, his divine Son. She
looked as she was wont to do when she had the happiness of approaching
the altar for holy communion. I shall never forget the impression she
made on me at that moment. It is often in my thoughts. God grant that I
may profit by it!

The Maréchale de Noailles was the third person who ascended the
scaffold. The upper part of her dress had to be cut away in order to
uncover her throat. I was impatient to leave the place, but yet I wished
to drink the cup of bitterness to the dregs and to keep my promise, as
God was giving me strength to do so, even in the midst of my shuddering
horror. Six ladies followed; Madame d’Ayen was the tenth. How happy she
seemed to die before her daughter! The executioner tore off her cap. As
it was fastened with a pin which he had forgotten to remove, he pulled
her hair violently; and the pain he caused was visible on her
countenance.

“The mother disappeared; the daughter took her place. What a sight to
behold that young creature, all in white, looking still younger than she
really was, like a gentle lamb going to the slaughter! I fancied I was
witnessing the martyrdom of one of the young virgins or holy women whom
we read of in the history of the Church. What had happened to the mother
also happened to her; the same pain in the removal of the cap; then the
same composure and the same death. Oh, the abundant crimson stream that
gushed from the head and neck! ‘How happy she is now!’ I thought, as the
body was thrown into the frightful coffin.

“It would appear that Madame de Noailles, as well as her mother, had
exhorted her fellow-victims, and amongst them a young man whom she heard
blaspheming. As she was ascending the scaffold, she turned towards him
and said, ‘_En grâce, Monsieur, dites, “Pardon.”_’

“May Almighty God in his mercy bestow on the members of that family all
the blessings which I ask and entreat them to ask for mine! May we all
be saved with those who have gone before us to that happy dwelling where
revolutions are unknown; to that abode which, according to the words of
Saint Augustine, has Truth for its king, Charity for its law, and will
endure for Eternity.”

Once more we return to the account of Virginie La Fayette, Marquise de
Lasteyrie:—

“For some time after the 10th of _Thermidor_, the prisoners still
considered themselves as being between life and death. The massacres had
ceased; but they might be renewed. My mother received frequent visits
from M. Carrichon, the holy priest who had accompanied my grandmother
and my aunt to the foot of the scaffold, who had given them absolution,
and had witnessed their sacrifice. You can imagine all she felt on
hearing the admirable details he gave her of the last moments of those
angelic women.

“Meanwhile, the endeavors to obtain my mother’s release were incessant.
The American minister continued indefatigable in his exertions. At last
the members of the Committee gave an order for her release.

“My mother’s first care was to go and thank M. Monroe for all he had
done in her behalf.

“It was six days after she had left prison that George joined my mother,
who had sent for him. My mother longed to see my sister and me, but she
would not leave Paris before having obtained for my brother a passport
for America. Knowing that my father’s wish would be to send him to the
United States, she did not hesitate to make the sacrifice of separating
herself from George. M. Frestel was to accompany him. My mother wrote
the following letter to General Washington:—

“‘SIR: I send you my son. It is with the deepest and most sincere
confidence that I put my dear child under the protection of the United
States, which he has ever been accustomed to look upon as his second
country, and which I myself have always considered as being our future
home under the special protection of their President, with whose
feelings towards his father I am well acquainted.

“‘My wish is that my son should lead a very secluded life in America,
that he should resume his studies, interrupted by three years of
misfortunes, and that, far from the land where so many events are taking
place which might either dishearten or revolt him, he may become fit to
fulfil the duties of a citizen of the United States, whose feelings and
whose principles will always agree with those of a French citizen.

“‘I shall not say anything here of my own position, nor of the one which
interests me still more than mine. I rely upon the bearer of this letter
to interpret the feelings of my heart, too sorrowful to express any
others but those of the gratitude I owe to MM. Monroe, Skypwith, and
Mountflorence, for their kindness and their useful endeavors in my
behalf.

“‘I beg M. Washington will accept the assurance, etc.

                                               “‘NOAILLES LA FAYETTE.’

“It can easily be imagined how cruelly my mother suffered on separating
herself from her son, and on sending him, at fourteen, alone, amongst
strangers, two thousand leagues off. But such would have been my
father’s wish, and she found strength in that thought.

“My mother, after bidding farewell to George, had nothing more to keep
her in Paris. She started for Auvergne. We went to meet her. You may
fancy the ecstasy of our joy on seeing her. At last my mother’s passport
was granted. She had provided for everything. All her actions, all her
thoughts since my father’s departure had tended to find the means of
joining him. It was after many difficulties and anxieties that we
arrived at Vienna. The old Prince de Rosemberg, grand chamberlain, was
moved by her appeal, and obtained for her an audience of the emperor,
unknown to his ministers. We accompanied her. She was received with
politeness, and simply asked permission to share my father’s captivity.
The emperor answered: ‘I grant it to you; as for his liberty, that would
be impossible; my hands are tied.’ To the expression of her gratitude
for the favor she had just obtained, my mother added that the wives of
my father’s friends imprisoned with him at Olmütz would envy her
happiness. He replied: ‘They have only to act like you. I shall do the
same for them.’ My mother said that she had heard of several vexations
in use in the Prussian prisons, and she begged the emperor to allow her
to address herself directly to him for the requests she might have to
make. He answered: ‘I consent. But you will find M. de La Layette well
fed and well treated. I hope you will do me justice. Your presence will
give him fresh satisfaction. Anyhow, you will be pleased with the
commanding officer. In jail the prisoners are only distinguished by
their numbers, but as for your husband, his name is well known.’

“My mother left the audience-chamber, in an ecstasy of joy. She was
obliged to pass a week more in Vienna, to hasten the despatch of the
order which was to give her admittance into the prison. At last, after
many delays, the order for admitting my mother into the prison of Olmütz
was delivered to her by Ferraris, minister of war. He told her at the
same time that he thought it his duty to advise her to reflect on the
course she was taking, to warn her that she would be most uncomfortable,
and that the prison life she was going to lead might have serious
consequences for her and for her daughters. My mother did not even
listen to him, and we set off immediately.

“We arrived on the second day after our departure, at eleven o’clock in
the morning. Never shall I forget the moment when the post-boy pointed
out to us in the distance the steeples of Olmütz. My mother’s emotion is
still present to my mind. She was for some time choked with tears, but,
as soon as she recovered the power of speech, she blessed God by these
words of Tobit’s prayer:—

“‘Blessed be God that liveth forever, and blessed be His kingdom, for He
doth scourge and hath mercy; He leadeth down to hell, and bringeth up
again; neither is there any that can avoid His hand. Confess Him before
the Gentiles, ye children of Israel: for He hath scattered us among
them. There declare his greatness, and extol Him before all the living;
for He is our Lord, and He is the God our Father forever. And He will
scourge us for our iniquities, and will have mercy again, and will
gather us out of all nations, among whom He has scattered us. Therefore
see what He will do with you, and confess Him with your whole mouth, and
praise the Lord of might, and extol the everlasting King. Let my soul
bless God the great King.’

“We drove to the house of the commander of the town. He sent the officer
in charge of the prison to conduct us. After having been admitted
through the first door, which was locked on the guard itself, we
arrived, by passing through several long passages, to the two padlocked
doors of my father’s room. My father had not been informed of our
arrival. Three years of captivity, the last of which had been passed in
complete solitude,—for, since the attempt at escape, he had not even
seen his servant,—continual anxiety with respect to all the objects of
his affection, sufferings of every kind, had deeply impaired his health;
he was fearfully altered. My mother was struck with the change, but
nothing could diminish the rapture of her joy, save the bitterness of
her irreparable losses. My father, after the first moment of happiness
caused by this unexpected meeting, dared not make any inquiries. He knew
there had been a reign of terror in France, but he had not learned the
names of the victims. The day passed without his venturing to ask any
question; my mother had not courage enough to break the subject herself.
It was only in the evening, after we had been locked in an adjoining but
separate room, which had been assigned to my sister and myself, that she
told my father that her grandmother, her mother, and her sister had
perished on the scaffold.”

Madame La Fayette wrote thus to her aunt, when reunited to her husband:—

“Thanks to your good advice, dear aunt, I have attained my wishes. If I
had been known, I could never have entered the Austrian dominions; and
if I had not kept very quiet at Vienna until M. de Rosemberg had
arranged my audience, I should never have succeeded. The emperor very
politely granted us permission to be imprisoned with M. de La Fayette,
and said at the same time that the affair was very complicated, and did
not depend on him alone; but he assured us he should be well treated,
and that our presence _serait un agrément de plus_.... Fancy the
feelings of M. de La Fayette, who for eighteen months had not been
permitted to learn even if we existed, and who had seen no one but his
jailers, when, without any preparation, we entered his room....

“Would you like to know the sort of life we lead here? At eight o’clock
the jailers call us to breakfast, after which I am locked up with my
little girls till midday. We all dine together, and the turnkey comes in
twice, to take away the dishes, and to bring in supper. We are all
together until eight o’clock, when they carry off my little girls to
their cage. The keys of their room are always delivered to the
commandant, and they are locked in with all sorts of absurd precautions.
We three pay for our food out of my money. We have more than we can eat,
but inexpressibly dirty.... It is a great blessing to us both that the
children keep well in this unwholesome place. My own health is not very
good ... but nothing to make me uneasy. Of course you feel that nothing
could induce us to leave M. de La Fayette. His health is really improved
since our arrival. His terrible emaciation and pallor are the same,
though both his keepers and himself assure me that they are nothing like
what they were a year ago. But no one can go through four years of such
captivity with impunity. I have not been able to see his
fellow-captives, Messieurs de Maubourg and de Pusy, nor even to hear
their voices; from the age one of their late keepers supposed them to be
they must have grown terribly older.”

“You know the details of our captivity at Olmütz,” writes Virginie; “my
mother shared in all its hardships. We had not the slightest intercourse
with the outside. The doors were only opened for the officer’s visit at
meal time. We were refused a woman for household work. On entering the
prison we were asked for our purses, and three silver forks found in our
luggage were seized. The use of a knife and fork was refused us, and we
were obliged, during the whole time, to eat with our fingers. My mother
applied to the authorities on all these subjects, but all her requests
were refused.

“My mother deeply felt the grief of being unable to alleviate the
sufferings of her companions in captivity. But as for herself, no words
could express her happiness. You can only imagine it by remembering what
was the ruling passion of her life from the age of fourteen, and how
much she had gone through from frequent separations and incessant labors
which had so constantly called my father from his home, as from the
great dangers to which he had been exposed. She had passed three
horrible years almost without a hope of ever seeing him again. At last
she possessed that happiness which, during all her life, she had been
longing for; each day she beheld the influence of her presence on my
father’s health, and the solace she afforded him; she was surprised at
feeling so happy, and reproached herself for being satisfied with her
situation while my father was still a prisoner. She was allowed now and
then to write, under the eyes of the officer on duty, short unsealed
letters to the banker, who remitted the money necessary for our food.
Permission to write to her son was refused, in order that no
intelligence from the prison of Olmütz should reach the United States.
It was with a toothpick and a small piece of India ink that she wrote my
grandmother’s life on the margins of the engravings of a volume of
Buffon.

“As might have been expected, my mother’s health had suffered much.
Never did she show more meritorious submission to my father’s wishes
than when she determined to write to the emperor for permission to go
and consult the doctors at Vienna. At the end of seven weeks the
commander of Olmütz came to intimate a verbal refusal to leave the
prison unless she gave up all hopes of returning. He asked at the same
time for a written answer. It was as follows:—

“‘The commander of Olmütz having declared to me that, on my request to
go for a week to Vienna in order to consult the doctors, his Imperial
Majesty does not permit me under any pretence whatever to go to Vienna,
and only allows me to leave this prison on condition never to enter it
again, I have the honor here to renew my answer. It was my duty towards
my family and friends to try and obtain the advice necessary for my
health, but they well know that I cannot accept the conditions offered
to me. I cannot forget that while we were both on the eve of perishing,
I through the tyranny of Robespierre, M. de La Fayette through the
physical and moral sufferings of his captivity, I was neither allowed to
receive any accounts of him, nor to let him know that his children and I
were still alive. I shall not expose myself to the horrors of another
separation.

“‘Therefore, whatever may be the state of my health, or the hardships of
this abode for my daughters, we shall all three take advantage of his
Imperial Majesty’s goodness in allowing us to share this captivity in
all its details.

                                                 NOAILLES LA FAYETTE.’

“My mother’s illness made rapid progress. The doctor was only allowed to
see her a moment during the officer’s visit. Being ignorant of the
French language he could not understand her, but would express in Latin
his fears to my father. This state lasted eleven months, during which no
alleviation of the prison treatment was obtained. She had not even an
armchair. Her sufferings did not in the least impair her spirits. Seeing
her always serene, always enjoying my father’s company, and the
consolations she had brought with her, we were all less anxious than we
ought to have been.

“My sister supplied the place of outdoor workmen; she even made shoes
for my father. But her principal occupation was to write under his
dictation on the margins of a book. My mother attended to my education,
and used to read with me; but the margins of a book, the toothpicks, and
the bit of India ink were things too precious for my use. In the evening
my father used to read aloud to us: I still remember the pleasure of
those moments.

“In the interior of the prison we had established a correspondence with
our companions in captivity, with the help of the soldiers, whom we
bribed by the pleasure of a good meal. Of a night, through our double
bars, we used to lower, at the end of a string, a parcel with part of
our supper, to the sentry on duty under our windows, who would pass the
packet in the same manner to MM. de Maubourg and de Pusy, who occupied
separate parts of the prison.

“In the month of July, 1797, the Marquis de Chasteler, Austrian general,
was sent by the emperor to Olmütz, in order to offer their liberty to
the prisoners on condition that they would promise never again to appear
in his dominions. The day they received this proposal they heard that
the French government, who insisted on their deliverance, had declared
at the same time that they could not return to France. Notwithstanding
this proof of ill-will, the three friends, who had been allowed to meet
a moment in order to consult together on their decision, refused to make
any agreement which did not preserve entire the rights of their country
on their persons; this restriction caused the prison doors to be closed
on them again.”

The following was La Fayette’s declaration in answer to the offer of
liberty upon conditions which he considered too ignoble to comply with:—

                                               “OLMÜTZ, July 25, 1797.

“The commission with which the Marquis de Chasteler is entrusted appears
to me to reduce itself to three points: First, His Imperial Majesty
wishes to have a statement of our situation at Olmütz. I am disposed to
present no complaint to him. Several details will be found in my wife’s
letters transmitted or sent back by the Austrian government, and should
his Imperial Majesty not consider it sufficient to re-peruse the
instructions sent from Vienna in his name, I will willingly furnish the
Marquis de Chasteler with all the information he may desire.

“Secondly, His Majesty the emperor wishes to be assured that immediately
after my liberation I shall set out for America. That intention I have
often expressed, but as an answer would, under present circumstances,
appear like an acknowledgment of the right to impose on me such a
condition, I think it inexpedient to comply with the demand.

“Thirdly, His Majesty the emperor and king has done me the honor to
announce to me that, as the principles which I profess are incompatible
with the safety to the Austrian government, he cannot consent to my
return to his states without his special permission. There are certain
duties, the fulfilment of which I cannot decline; I have some towards
the United States; I have others towards France,—I cannot under any
circumstances shrink from the performance of those which I owe to my
country. With this reservation I can assure General the Marquis de
Chasteler of my fixed determination never to set foot in any state
subject to his Imperial Majesty the King of Bohemia and Hungary.

                                                         “LA FAYETTE.”

Regarding this brave action of the Marquis de La Fayette, who had been
languishing for five years in his loathsome prison, but who would not
purchase liberty at the sacrifice of one iota of his avowed rights and
principles, his daughter Virginie says:—

“My mother fully appreciated this noble conduct. In the midst of her
sufferings she would willingly have paid with many months of captivity
the pleasure caused her by my father’s declaration in answer to the
proposals made by the Austrian government. Two months elapsed before we
received any new communication. At last General Bonaparte and General
Clarke, the French plenipotentiaries, required that the prisoners of
Olmütz should be delivered without further delay.

“After many difficulties, the order was forwarded to open the gates of
the citadel to the prisoners of Olmütz. We set off for Hamburg on the
19th of September, 1797. Five years and one month had elapsed since my
father’s arrest, and twenty-three months since we had joined him. At
Dresden, Leipsic, Halle, and Hamburg our journey was a prolonged
triumph. Crowds thronged to see my father and his companions.”

Immediately upon his release from prison La Fayette’s first care was to
thank M. de Talleyrand, and to write the following letter to General
Bonaparte:—

                                               “HAMBURG, Oct. 6, 1797.

“CITOYEN GÉNÉRAL: The prisoners of Olmütz, happy to owe their
deliverance to your irresistible arms, had, during their captivity,
rejoiced at the thought that their liberty and their life were attached
to the victories of the republic and to your personal glory. It is with
the utmost satisfaction that they now do homage to their liberator. We
should have liked, _Citoyen Général_, to have offered to you in person
the expression of these feelings, to have witnessed with our own eyes
the scenes of so many victories, the army which has won them, and the
general who has placed our resurrection amongst the miracles he has
accomplished. But you know that the journey to Hamburg has not been left
to our choice. From the place where we took leave of our jailers we
address our thanks to their victor.

“In the solitary retreat on the Danish territory of Holstein, where we
shall try to recover our health, we shall unite our patriotic wishes for
the republic with the most lively interest in the illustrious general to
whom we are still more attached on account of the services he has
rendered to the cause of liberty and to our country than for the special
obligation we rejoice in owing to him, and which the deepest gratitude
has forever engraved in our hearts.

                  “_Salut et respect_,
                                   “LA FAYETTE,
                                   “LA TOUR-MAUBOURG,
                                   “BUREAUX DE PUSY.”

Among the letters which greatly gratified La Fayette upon his liberation
was the following from Madame de Staël, addressed to him when it was
announced that he was to be delivered.

                                                       “JUNE 20, 1797.

“I hope this letter will reach you. I should like to be one of the first
to tell you of the feelings of indignation, grief, hope, fear, anxiety,
discouragement, with which your fate has filled, during these last five
years, the hearts of all those who love you. I do not know whether it is
possible to make these cruel recollections bearable to you;
nevertheless, I may say, that, while calumny was destroying every
reputation, while faction, unable to triumph over the cause, was
attacking every individual, your misfortunes have preserved your glory;
and if your health can be restored to you, you come out whole from a
tomb where your name has acquired fresh lustre.

“Come directly to France; there is no other country for you. You will
find that republic which your opinions led you to wish for when your
conscience bound you to royalty. You will find it illustrated by victory
and free from the crimes which stained its origin. You will uphold that
republic, because without it no liberty can exist in France, and
because, as a hero and as a martyr, you are so united with freedom that
I pronounce your name and the name of liberty at the same moment to
express what I wish for the honor and welfare of France.

“Come to France; there you will find devoted friends; and let me hope
that my constant care for your welfare and my useless efforts to serve
you may entitle me to a small place in your thoughts.”

[Illustration:

  MADAME DE STAËL.
  [FROM THE PORTRAIT GALLERY OF EMINENT MEN AND WOMEN.]
]

During La Fayette’s long imprisonment many persons in England, France,
and America interested themselves in efforts in his behalf. Of these one
of the most indefatigable was Joseph Masclet, a man of rare merits.
During the Reign of Terror he went to England to save his life. He was
not personally acquainted with La Fayette, having never even seen him at
that time, but he warmly sympathized with his principles and admired his
sterling virtues. He constantly wrote against the detention of La
Fayette, and published numerous articles in the Hamburg journals upon
the subject, using the _nom-de-plume_ of “Eleutheros,” the Greek for
freeman. It was in vain that the Austrian cabinet took every measure to
discover “Eleutheros,” though several emissaries were sent to London to
find the unknown person who thus dared to brave the anger of the
Austrian government. Masclet was supported in England in these
philanthropic efforts in behalf of La Fayette and his companions in
misfortune, Generals Latour-Maubourg and Bureaux de Pusy, who were
imprisoned with him in Olmütz, by Fox, Wilberforce, Sheridan, and at
their head General Fitzpatrick and General Tarleton, who had fought
against La Fayette in Virginia; but these now all united to plead with
the Pitt ministry and the calumniators of La Fayette. In December, 1796,
General Fitzpatrick made that eloquent speech in the English House of
Commons, in behalf of the prisoners at Olmütz, which produced great
sensation in Europe, which ended as follows:—

“That an humble address be presented to his Majesty, that it appears to
this House that the detention of Generals La Fayette, Bureaux de Pusy,
and Latour-Maubourg, in the prison of his Majesty’s ally, the emperor of
Germany, is highly injurious to his Imperial Majesty and to the common
cause of all the allies; and humbly implore his Majesty to intercede in
such manner as to his wisdom shall seem proper for the deliverance of
these unfortunate persons.”

The friendship between La Fayette and Masclet continued strong until the
death of the latter. Immediately upon La Fayette’s release from Olmütz,
he addressed the following letter to the faithful “Eleutheros,” who had
been untiring in his efforts in his behalf.

                                     “WITMOLD, 9th _Brumaire_, year 6.

“How is it possible, my dear friend, that since the period of our
deliverance you have not yet received the homage of my gratitude, and
the expression of my sincere friendship? M—— must have explained to you
that my delay in writing could have proceeded only from the hope of
enjoying a happiness still greater. I am far from renouncing that
happiness; I have need of it more than ever, and I demand it from you
with the feeling of confidence which you have given me a right to
express. I am not apprehensive of abusing that right, and it is
gratifying to me to use it. I forbear to speak of my obligations towards
you, my dear friend; the question relates to more than my own liberty
and my own life, since my wife, my daughters, my two friends, and our
faithful domestics have been restored along with me. How many other
obligations to which my heart is incessantly alive should I not still
have to recapitulate, were I to endeavor to portray my gratitude! but it
is inexpressible—inexhaustible—like your friendship, and I should feel
delighted to thank you by pressing you to my heart.

“You have had news of our deliverance, of our journey, of our health;
that of my wife in particular is so bad that we have been forced to stop
in the nearest place of safety. To have embarked even for a short voyage
would have caused great injury to some of our party. Travelling by land,
after the first eight days, would have been uncertain, and my wife would
have been unable to bear it without undergoing a degree of fatigue that
would have been dangerous in her exhausted situation. We therefore
propose to settle for some time in a very isolated retreat between Kiel
and Ploën. That territory is subject to the king of Denmark, and his
connection with the Republic will, I trust, prevent him from molesting
French citizens whose principles may be displeasing to him, but whose
only occupation will consist in the care of their health, and who,
unfortunately, in their present position, can serve liberty only by
their wishes.

“You have doubtless been made acquainted with my opinion on the events
of the 18th _Fructidor_, and I am aware that my opinion on that subject
is not yours. Perhaps mine is influenced by my profound contempt for the
counter-revolutionists, and by some regret at not having gone out at a
moment when liberty of opinion and a bad tone of society would, it is
said, have authorized a republican declaration. But I cannot deceive
myself as to the nature of the measures that have been taken; as to the
constitution that has been sworn, and which, by the way, is infinitely
better than that which I was to have defended; as to the personal
characters of several of the proscribed parties; as to the declaration
of rights, which, waiving all considerations of an author’s self-love,
shall always form the rule of my opinions and conduct; finally, as to
the principle, in which I have been confirmed by experience, that
Liberty can, and ought to be, assisted only by means worthy of her. If I
deceive myself in my disapprobation of some of the present measures, the
fault is not mine; I have been enabled to form a judgment on them only
by means of some apologies and public papers; and in frankly laying
before you the sentiments of the most republican heart that ever
existed, I most ardently desire to hear from you the reasons which have
induced so sincere and so enlightened a patriot as yourself to form a
different opinion.

“Our first act of liberty at Hamburg was an act of respect to the
representative of the Republic, an account of which he must have
forwarded to the government. We have written to Bonaparte in the midst
of his triumphs, and to Clarke in the midst of his reverses, for both
have considerable claims upon our gratitude. But as it appears to us
that the official tribute ought to be addressed to the minister of
foreign relations, the first organ of the government in taking steps
which have released us from captivity and death, we have written to
Talleyrand, as the natural depository of our acknowledgments, as the
individual to whom we owe an account of our existence in a foreign
country, and as joining to his ministerial claims that which he
possesses upon our personal gratitude. We trust that by these three
steps taken by us at Hamburg, in Italy, and at Paris, we have fulfilled
all suitable duties and formalities. The pleasure of our deliverance is
augmented beyond measure by the idea that we owe it to the triumphs of
the Republic, to the kind feelings of our fellow-citizens, and to the
zeal of our best friends, among whom you are acquainted with one whose
abilities are as superior as his heart is excellent, one for whom I feel
the most affectionate regard, whom I ardently long to embrace, to whom I
have a thousand things to say, and a thousand questions to put, and whom
I shall cordially cherish till my latest breath.

                                                         “LA FAYETTE.”

In 1792 Madame La Fayette had written to Washington in behalf of her
husband, as follows: “While he suffers this inconceivable persecution
from the enemies without, the faction which reigns within keeps me a
hostage at one hundred and twenty leagues from the capital. Judge, then,
at what distance I am from him. In this abyss of misery, the idea of
owing to the United States and to Washington the life and liberty of M.
de La Fayette kindles a ray of hope in my heart. I hope everything from
the goodness of the people with whom he has set an example of that
liberty of which he is now made the victim. And shall I dare speak what
I hope? I would ask of them, through you, for an envoy, who shall go to
reclaim him in the name of the republic of the United States,
wheresoever he may be found, and who shall be authorized to make, with
the power in whose charge he may be placed, all necessary engagements
for his relief, and for taking him to the United States, even if he is
there to be guarded as a captive. I hope my request is not a rash one.
Accept the homage of the sentiments which have dictated this letter, as
well as that of attachment and tender respect.”

Trying as it was for Washington to refuse this request in his public
capacity, as he felt he could not make an official demand which might
involve his country in embarrassments; he did all that he could as a
private individual in his friend’s behalf, and to the emperor of Germany
he thus wrote:—

“It will readily occur to your Majesty that occasions may sometimes
exist, on which official considerations would constrain the chief of a
nation to be silent and passive, in relation even to objects which
affect his sensibility and claim his interposition as a man. Finding
myself precisely in this situation at present, I take the liberty of
writing this private letter to your Majesty, being persuaded that my
motives will also be my apology for it.

“In common with the people of this country, I retain a strong and
cordial sense of the services rendered to them by the Marquis de La
Fayette, and my friendship for him has been constant and sincere. It is
natural, therefore, that I should sympathize with him and his family in
their misfortunes, and endeavor to mitigate the calamities which they
experience; among which, his present confinement is not the least
distressing.

“I forbear to enlarge upon this delicate subject. Permit me only to
submit to your Majesty’s consideration whether his long imprisonment and
the confiscation of his estates, and the indigence and dispersion of his
family, and the painful anxieties incident to all these circumstances,
do not form an assemblage of sufferings which recommend him to the
mediation of humanity! Allow me, sir, on this occasion to be its organ,
and to entreat that he may be permitted to come to this country on such
conditions and under such restrictions as your Majesty may think it
expedient to prescribe.

“As it is a maxim with me not to ask what, under similar circumstances,
I would not grant, your Majesty will do me the justice to believe that
this request appears to me to correspond to those great principles of
magnanimity and wisdom which form the basis of sound policy and durable
glory.

“May the Almighty and Merciful Sovereign of the universe keep your
Majesty under his protection and guidance.”

To Gouverneur Morris, who had superseded Mr. Monroe as minister to
France, Madame de Staël wrote urgently in behalf of La Fayette. She says
in one of her letters to Mr. Morris:—

“You are travelling through Germany, and, whether on a public mission or
not, you have influence, for they are not so stupid as not to consult a
man like you. Open the prison doors of M. de La Fayette. Pay the debt of
your country. What greater service can any one render to his native land
than to discharge her obligations of gratitude? Is there any severer
calamity than that which has befallen La Fayette? Does any more glaring
injustice attract the attention of Europe?”

Mr. Morris not only spared no sacrifice for the marquis, but aided his
suffering family, and was chiefly instrumental in securing the
liberation of Madame La Fayette. But for five long years Prussia and
Austria defended their infamous conduct by declaring “that La Fayette’s
freedom was incompatible with the safety of the present governments of
Europe.”

General Latour-Maubourg, in a letter written during their imprisonment
at Olmütz, thus graphically describes their prison life:—

“Do not suppose that I have made a mistake in lodging the domestic from
Paris in two chambers which are large, handsome, and the best in the
enclosure, whilst General and Madame La Fayette have but two small
cells, their daughters but a narrow kennel, with a single wretched bed;
and whilst Pusy and myself, in addition to the common inconveniences,
have those attached to the neighborhood of the guard-house and
out-houses, the dampness of which is such, that the wall touching them
is covered with saltpetre. The genius of the imperial administration has
thought of everything that can render our seclusion complete, and harass
us in the slightest matters.

“The waters with which we are surrounded furnish, in addition to a
multitude of flies that are extremely troublesome, frequent fogs, which
occasion dangerous fevers, and to which the town of Olmütz owes its
reputation for unwholesomeness.

“Besides, the gutters passing beneath our windows always emit an
insufferable stench, and exhale a mephitic vapor that is absolutely
pestilential. Our prisons, without excepting even that of the ladies,
are furnished with a sorry bed without curtains, two deal tables, two
chairs, a range of wooden pegs, a wardrobe, and a stove which is lighted
from the outside.

“Hitherto, you perceive that we have had none of the conveniences
promised by the emperor to Madame La Fayette. It is probably a great
honor to be his Majesty’s guest, particularly in a prison: but the thing
is really no laughing matter. The breakfast is of chocolate, or coffee
with milk, at the prisoner’s option, and both are execrable, as you may
well imagine when you are informed that they are made by a _vivandière_,
in a small kitchen, into which the soldiers from the barracks enter at
pleasure, and where their whole time is spent in smoking. It thus
happens that everything eaten by us is impregnated with a strong savor
of tobacco, and we are even fortunate when we do not find large pieces
of that weed in what is given to us. Our dinner is served up in deep
earthenware dishes; and with regard to cleanliness, as everything comes
from the kitchen of the same _vivandière_, whose execrable ragouts,
rancid butter, and spices I might forgive, were she herself less dirty.
To fill up the measure of disgust, everything—meat, soup, vegetables,
fricassees—must be eaten with a pewter spoon, without knife or fork, and
had we not brought napkins along with us, some fragment of which still
remain, the sleeves of our coats must have served for that purpose. Two
pint jugs are brought to us full, one of coarse, flat, red wine, the
other of dirty water, and we must drink out of both, because, as it was
explained to me, ‘the emperor chooses it.’ You will conceive, the
disgust inspired by these jugs, when I add that when removed from our
chambers they are placed in the windows of the corridor, where they are
exposed to insects, dust, tobacco smoke, and what is still worse, left
for the use of the soldiers, who drink out of them and perform their
ablutions in them. They are cleaned only at stated periods, at the
beginning and in the middle of each month, with a wisp of straw.

“From these details you will perceive that, as a relief from our
vexations, which are the more annoying as they have not even the
semblance of necessity; and to diminish the tedious length of the days,
we have no other resource than reading. In Silesia we had been allowed
the use of paper, pen, and ink; but at the mention of this our jailers
were greatly astonished, and bestowed contemptuous epithets on the want
of intelligence displayed by the Prussians in tormenting their victims.
We were deprived even of the letters which we had received from our
relatives and friends, and were informed that we were separated from the
rest of the world, that we must forget our own names, and recollect only
our numbers, by which only we were to be known, and that we should never
hear each other spoken of.

“You ask how we dressed? Like beggars; that is to say, in rags, since
our worn-out clothes have not been replaced. La Fayette, however, wanted
breeches, and I have been informed that a tailor was ordered, without
taking his measure, to make a large pair of trousers for him, and a
waistcoat of coarse serge, at the same time informing him that cloth was
too dear for him. I believe that the garment alluded to was purposely
made in such a manner as to prevent him from wearing it, and that Madame
La Fayette supplied the deficiency by purchasing cloth on some pretext
or other. In the articles of shoes and stockings he is strangely
provided, for those he wears Mademoiselle Anastasie was obliged to make
with her own fair hands, out of the stuff of an old coat. For my own
part, I wear a waistcoat and nankeen trousers made at Nivelle, nearly
five years ago, and you may therefore judge of the state of maturity at
which they have arrived. Were I to make my appearance in the street, any
charitable soul would offer me alms. Three months ago, however, I was
supplied with new shoes; the old ones had been soled thirteen times, and
for the new ones I was indebted merely to the obstinacy of the cobbler
who found it utterly impossible to perform the operation for the
fourteenth time. Whilst my shoes were being made I was obliged to remain
in bed.”

Notwithstanding La Fayette’s many privations and persecutions during his
long imprisonment, his moral courage remained unimpaired. He had been
languishing for five years in a state between life and death. He had
lost all his hair, and had several times been attacked by dangerous
fevers bred by the dampness and infectious air of his dungeon. In the
midst of his many misfortunes his coolness and presence of mind never
for an instant deserted him. After his attempt to escape, having been
recaptured and brought back to Olmütz, he was at first confined in a
large apartment, but was soon afterwards commanded by an officer to pass
into an adjoining room.

“For what purpose?” asked La Fayette.

“That your irons may be put on,” replied the officer.

“Your emperor has not given you such an order,” boldly exclaimed the
illustrious prisoner; “beware of doing more than he requires, and of
displeasing him by exceeding his orders through an ill-timed zeal.”

The officer, impressed with the truth and courage of this remark,
insisted no further, and La Fayette was thus spared from being obliged
to endure the humiliating torture of being ironed during the remainder
of his imprisonment. Neither did his great sufferings break his spirit.
One day the officer on guard, beholding La Fayette at his meal, and
seeing that he was forced to eat with his fingers, asked him if that
mode was entirely new to him.

“Oh no!” replied La Fayette, with cool irony; “I have seen it employed
in America, amongst the Iroquois.”

When La Fayette was first released from his prison at Olmütz, he found
that he had come back to a changed world. The king, queen, court,
Assembly, and constitution, all were gone! The awful Reign of Terror
which swept over his country had left many empty places among his
friends, and the France which met his ardent gaze was greatly different
from that upon which his longing eyes turned as he had been obliged to
depart from her coasts in haste and with baffled hopes.

[Illustration: EXECUTION OF LOUIS XVI.]

Writing to a friend who had cautioned him against freely expressing his
opinions, lest he might find himself in further trouble, La Fayette
boldly answered: “I risk nothing in speaking as I think, because I would
not and could not be employed by any party except according to my own
ideas. The result is that, except on some very great occasion of serving
the liberty of my country after my own fashion, my political life is
ended. To my friends I shall be full of life, and to the public a sort
of picture in a museum or book in a library. Those who know my views and
wishes must be convinced that the services I should wish to render to my
country are of a nature to be combined with the mode of living which
suits my position, my wife, all my family, and myself; that is to say,
with a quiet philosopher’s establishment on a good farm,—far enough from
the capital not to be interfered with in my solitude, and to see only
intimate friends.”

Immediately upon the release of La Fayette, Washington addressed to him
the following letter from Mount Vernon, dated Oct. 8, 1797:—

“This letter will be presented to you, I hope, by your young son, well
worthy of having such parents as yourself and your amiable wife.

“I could say to you much better than I can express it here all that I
have felt for your sufferings; concerning my efforts for your release,
the measures which I adopted, although without success, to facilitate
your deliverance from an unjust and cruel captivity; and my joy at last
in beholding its termination.

“I desire to congratulate you, and be assured that no one could offer it
with an affection more profound and sincere. Each action of your life
gives me a right to rejoice at the liberty which you have received, and
also at the restoration of security in your country; and if the
possession of these blessings cannot entirely compensate for the trials
which you have endured, they will mitigate, at least, the painful
remembrance.

“The conduct of your son since he landed upon American soil has been
most exemplary, from all accounts, and has procured for him the
affection and the confidence of all who have had the pleasure of knowing
him. His filial affection, his ardent desire to embrace his parents and
his sisters in the first moment of their deliverance, have not permitted
him to await here more authentic news; and as nothing has been heard
which should influence him to suspend this resolution, I have not
refused my assent to his departure, that he might fly to the arms of
those who are so dear to him, because, according to last accounts, he
ought, in truth, to find them in Paris.

“M. Frestel has been a devoted guardian to George; a father could not
have watched with greater care over his cherished son; and he merits in
a high degree all that can be said of his virtues, his good judgment,
and his prudence. Your son and he carry with them the wishes and the
regrets of our family and of all who know them.

“At all times be assured you have held a high place in the affections of
this country. I will not tax your time to speak to you of that which
regards me personally, except to say to you that I have once again
retired to my own fireside, where I will remain, forming wishes for the
prosperity of the United States, after having labored for years for the
establishment of their independence, of their constitution, and of their
laws. Those wishes will constantly have for their object also the
welfare of all mankind, as long as the little day of my life upon the
earth shall be continued. I have said adieu to public affairs, and I
desire to withdraw entirely from politics. But M. Frestel and George
will report me more fully upon this point. Although they have always
avoided taking any part in our discussions, they have not been
inattentive spectators of that which has passed before their eyes. They
will give you a general idea of our situation, and of those parties who,
in my opinion, have troubled the peace and tranquillity.

“If your remembrances or your circumstances shall bring you on a visit
to America, accompanied by your wife and daughters, not one of its
inhabitants will receive you with more cordiality and tenderness than
Madame Washington and myself. Our hearts are full of affection and
admiration for you and them.”

At the time of La Fayette’s release from Olmütz he wrote to Masclet the
following letter regarding the military career of his son, George
Washington La Fayette, which is interesting as revealing some of the
peculiar circumstances which surrounded the family at that time, and
also La Fayette’s impressions regarding the state of France:—

“Talleyrand and you imagine that had George been in the army, the
Directors, in replying to Brune, would have made a formal exception in
my favor; not more so, perhaps, than the Convention made in favor of the
father of Moreau, on the day when the latter took the fort of l’Ecluse.
But even supposing that the uniform worn by all the young aristocrats
who seek to connect themselves with the Republic had produced such an
effect upon the government, you will observe that my son could not have
returned in time to follow Bonaparte, unless I had made excessive haste
to send him; and when my deliverer was apprehensive of compromising
himself by replying to my letters, when he was himself said to be
threatened with an act of accusation, it would have been imprudent to
send to him the son of a man to whose _treasons_ the Directory and the
President of the Council of Five Hundred had recently called public
attention. Since that period you have not regretted the wars of
Switzerland for him. Had he been attached to Championnet, he would
probably have been associated in a criminal trial; had he served with
Joubert, he would have been disgraced, and would perhaps have
participated in the extreme disgust which that general cannot refrain
from expressing; whereas at present he is free and full of ardor, and we
may examine the question of his entrance into the service, which has
become much more tempting, to use his own expression, since we have
undergone reverses.

“The fact is, that George, who is a republican patriot,—and I have met
with few such in my lifetime,—has, besides, a passion for the military
profession, for which I think him adapted, as he possesses a sound and
calm judgment, a just perception, a strong local memory, and will be
equally beloved by his superiors, his comrades, and his subordinates. I
love him with too much tenderness to make any distinction between his
desires and mine; and I am too great an enemy of oppression of every
description to place restraint on the wishes of a beloved son nearly
twenty years of age. I could joyfully see him covered with honorable
scars; but beyond that supposition I have not the courage to contemplate
existence.

“Other objections, however, present themselves to my mind. I do not call
them insurmountable, for I admit that the opposite opinion is plausible;
and it is only because it appears indisputable to you that I endeavor to
reduce it to its just value. Let us, in the first place, lay aside your
comparison with my journey to America, whither I proceeded to oppose the
despotism of a government which had violated fewer natural and social
rights, from the foundation of the colonies to the Declaration of
Independence, than the Directory daily violates amongst those who have
been subjugated to its power. We must not be led away by the flattering
sounds of republic and liberty. Algiers, Venice, and Rome under
Tiberius, caused the first name to be heard; and as for the second, do
you think that the young patricians who demanded of Sylla the honor to
introduce Roman liberty into Asia had more energy than he who said to
his governor, ‘Why is not this man killed who disposes of the life and
property of his fellow-citizens?’—‘The reason is that nobody ventures
upon the deed.’—‘Then give me a sword, and I will kill him.’ That
individual, as you know, was Cato.

“It is no doubt gratifying to serve an ungrateful country either in
one’s own person or in that of a son; but, in this instance, ingratitude
can hardly be said to exist, since benevolence reappears with liberty;
it is a proscription by the oppressive faction of the country, which is
at present prolonged by an arbitrary government, till the return of
liberty; and for the constant enemy of despotism, it is not
indispensable to serve the despotic pentarchy of France. There are also
particular inconveniences in my son’s case. You know that in organized
countries—in England, for instance—activity of service seems to imply
the approbation of the governing party; but without admitting that
difficulty, imagine George at the table of a leader, drinking, three
months hence, to the fortunate day of the 10th of August, which was the
signal for the assassination of our friends, or ordering one of my
accomplices to be shot!

“If, at least, some return to liberal ideas should become manifest,—if I
could perceive the _avant-coureurs_ of a national and legal
government,—the inexpressible desire which I feel for such a blessing
would induce me to welcome with avidity the smallest drop of liberty
that might fall from heaven. I cordially detest the ancient powers; I
ardently wish that the new doctrine may be established upon a firm
basis; this coalition is composed of my implacable enemies. I entertain
no personal hostility towards the present government; I have even
obligations to some of them; and the persecution which I have suffered
is too honorable to me for its avowed motives to suffer me to be shocked
at it.

“You know that I love my country, and that its welfare, in whatever
quarter it might originate, would give me the highest gratification:
consequently no bitterness can enter into the severity of my objections,
which I would instantly waive, were liberty, or even the dawn of
liberty, again perceptible in France; but I have felt desirous of
explaining to you, my dear friend, what has hitherto prevented me from
yielding to the natural ardor of my son, and what has struck himself in
hearing my remarks on the subject.

“At the same time I admit that the opposite opinion, even under existing
circumstances, has considerable weight. France, whether free or not, is
still our country, and there are more germs of liberty in her democratic
organization than could enter into the counter-revolution. Her
adversaries are the decided enemies of our purest principles, and have
taken up arms only to accomplish her utter destruction. If it appears
unsuitable that, when Europe is divided into two bands, a young man of
nineteen years of age should be found in neither, it is evident that the
place of a patriot—of my son—can only be under our national standards.
The late reverses have imparted a more defensive character to our wars,
and a leader incapable of acts of pillage has just been appointed to the
army of Italy; in a word, if it be permitted, or let us even say, if it
be a duty to hesitate, there are many reasons at this moment for the
adoption of your advice.”

At a later period La Fayette wrote to the same friend to inform him of
his son’s departure for Italy:—

“I heartily thank you, my dear Masclet, for your congratulations on the
wished-for appointment. The new-made officer is hastening to the field,
and hopes to embrace you to-morrow, before his and your departure. Sure
it is, the standard of the rights of men is not on the side against
which he is going to fight. May they be in France the reward of victory!

“With sanguine expectations I am waiting for news from Italy. Bonaparte
will conquer. Our situation in Germany is glorious indeed; a brilliant
campaign and an honorable peace are, I think, to be depended upon.
Adieu, my dear Masclet.

                                                         “LA FAYETTE.”




                              CHAPTER IX.

La Fayette arrives at Witmold—Return of his Son from America—Madame La
  Fayette’s Journey to Paris—La Fayette’s Letter to her—His Letter to
  the Directory—Madame La Fayette appeals to Directeur Sieyès—18th
  _Brumaire_—La Fayette returns to France—His Letter to Napoleon
  announcing his Arrival—The _Premier Consul_ is Displeased—Madame La
  Fayette’s Visit to Napoleon—Virginie describes her Mother’s Last
  Sickness and Death—La Fayette’s Love for his Wife—His Tender Letters
  narrating Touching Scenes at her Death-Bed.

                 “Give me again my hollow tree,
                  A crust of bread, and liberty.”—POPE.


REGARDING the few short years remaining in the heroic and unselfish life
of Madame La Fayette, her daughter Virginie and her husband are her best
biographers. After their release from Olmütz Virginie La Fayette thus
writes:—

“At last, on the 10th of October, 1797, we arrived at Witmold. From my
aunt De Tessé, who owned this property of Witmold, we received the most
tender reception. Here my mother recovered her strength, and found
repose of body and mind. My father found his friends. He was fond of
Madame de Tessé, and had with her on every point complete community of
opinions. His political life had met with her constant approbation, and
you may fancy what charm five years of silence at Olmütz added to Madame
de Tessé’s lively, animated, and _piquante_ conversation.

“Shortly afterwards my brother arrived from Mount Vernon. Under General
Washington’s paternal care he had become a man. My mother was happy, and
so were her children. My sister often met at that time Charles de
Latour-Maubourg, the younger brother of my father’s friend. Anastasie
was captivated by his handsome countenance, and the noble feelings he
expressed. Their wedding, celebrated at Madame de Tessé’s, was a fresh
link between two families whose old friendship had been sealed by
misfortune.

“The course of my mother’s convalescence was disturbed by the imperious
necessity of returning to France, where she was summoned by family
business. She alone could follow up the affairs of the family, for she
alone could return to France, as her name was on none of the lists of
proscription or _suspicion_.”

During this absence of Madame La Fayette her husband thus wrote to her
from Vianen, near Utrecht. Young La Fayette had joined the French army
in Holland. It was rather a singular fact that while the father, the
illustrious upholder of the liberties of his country, was unable to
enter his native land, his son was fighting her battles. While not
allowed to return to France, the thoughts of La Fayette turned
yearningly toward America, and he thus expressed his desires to his wife
in a letter written to her at that time:—

“Yesterday and to-day George and I have been planning a farm for you,
either in the beautiful valley of the Shenandoah, in the state of
Virginia, not far from Federal City and even Mount Vernon, or in the
lovely fields of New England, within reach of the town of Boston, for
which you know my fancy. I do not conceal from myself, dear Adrienne,
the fact that I, who complain of the serfs of Holstein as a sad
surrounding for a friend of liberty, should find <DW64> slaves in the
valley of the Shenandoah; for if in the northern states there is
equality for all, in the southern it exists only for the whites. It is
true that, with our ideas of Cayenne, we might console ourselves
somewhat. I should, however, prefer New England, and at the same time I
feel all the reasons which ought to draw us near Mount Vernon and the
seat of government. But we only want the first dollar to buy our farm
with.”

Notwithstanding the painful anxieties which filled his mind, consequent
upon his own uncertain position, La Fayette was ever keenly alive to the
interests of others, especially of his friends. The following letter was
written by him during his own exile, to the Directory, in behalf of his
friends who had been his companions in prison:—

“CITIZEN DIRECTORS: Permit a citizen who owes his liberation to the
government of his country now to avail himself of that obligation to
demand of you an act of justice. I am not about to speak of myself; and
though my heart and my reason equally remind me of my rights, I
appreciate the circumstances which keep me still at a distance from my
country; but in offering up my prayers for her liberty, her glory, and
her happiness I purpose to speak to you of the few officers who, on an
occasion, the responsibility of which belongs to me alone, thought
themselves obliged to accompany their general and were made prisoners by
the enemy. Their patriotism, which has been tried from the beginning of
the Revolution, has been preserved in all its ardor and purity, and the
Republic cannot have more faithful defenders.

                                             “Salutation and respect,
                                                         “LA FAYETTE.”

While General La Fayette was at Witmold, just after his release, he
received the following letter from the illustrious Alexander Hamilton,
who, six years after, fell in the fatal duel with Aaron Burr:—

                                            “NEW YORK, April 28, 1798.

“I have been most happy, my dear Marquis, to receive at last a letter
from you. It confirms that which I had already learned of your
disposition; that though your engagements have not permitted you to
follow the fortunes of the French Republic, you have never ceased to be
attached to it. I frankly avow that my sentiments on that point differ
from yours. The execution of the king and the massacres of September
have cured all my sympathy for the French Revolution. I have never
believed that one could make France a republic, and I am convinced that
this attempt, so long as it shall be prolonged, can only bring
misfortune.

“Amidst the sad results of this revolution, I regret extremely the
discussions which have arisen between our countries, and which seem to
menace a complete rupture. It will be useless to retrace the causes of
the actual state. I will only say that the project of alliance with
Great Britain, of which we have been accused, we have not been a party
to, although our adversaries have believed it useful to their views to
report such an opinion in France.

“I give you this assurance upon the strength of our ancient friendship.
The future will prove that my assertion is true. The basis of the
politics of the party to which I belong is to avoid all intimate or
exclusive relations with any foreign power.

“But, leaving politics, the rest of my letter will be consecrated to
assuring you that my friendship for you will survive all revolutions and
all vicissitudes. No one more than myself realizes how much cause our
country has to love you, to desire your happiness, and to wish to
contribute thereto. As I feel so sensitively for you, I hope that I
shall never show it to you in an equivocal manner.

“In the actual state of our relations with France, I cannot press you to
come here, and until a radical change shall operate in France I shall be
grieved to learn that you have returned there. If a prolongation of this
evil order of things shall be continued in your country, and shall make
you wish to seek elsewhere a permanent asylum, you can be assured of
finding in America a reception tender and cordial. The only thing in
which all our parties accord is in the affection which they equally feel
towards yourself.”

The difficulties alluded to by Hamilton between the United States and
France, which almost resulted in open warfare, were caused by false
rumors of an alliance between Great Britain and the United States,
occasioned by England’s endeavors to draw neutral America into
hostilities with France, regarding the liberty of commerce. To this
letter La Fayette sent the following reply:—

                                              “WITMOLD, Aug. 12, 1798.

“Your letter of the 28th of April caused me much happiness, my dear
Hamilton. You speak to me with a touching friendship of the warm
reception which awaits me in America, but you cannot, you say, press me
to hasten my departure under actual circumstances. Truly, my dear
friend, it is much against my desires that I have been forced to defer
it for so long a time. Immediately upon my deliverance I had wished to
embark; but it was impossible for my wife, in the state of her health,
to set sail, and I could not resolve to leave her. I have been waiting
until the moment when she could undertake a journey to France, necessary
to our affairs. I wait news from her. Would that I also might receive
that which shall give me the hope of a reconciliation between the United
States and the French government.

[Illustration: A Hamilton]

“You know that if my attachment to my native country has not been
altered, the measures of her governors are repugnant in general to my
sentiments; and in spite of the obligations which I am under to some of
them for my deliverance, I cannot be considered as their personal
friend. You know, also, that the independence, the dignity, the
prosperity of the United States are more dear to me than to any one; my
opinion ought, then, to have some weight with you. For I believe, be
assured, as far as I can judge, at this distance where I am, in the best
intentions which the Directory have in this respect.

“Under this supposition, my dear friend, at a moment when no one power
of continental Europe can resist the French Republic, I believe it
conformable to honor and to the interests of the United States to come
half way toward a reconciliation. Never, and much less since your
declarations, would I be so unjust towards any one of my best friends as
to suppose that the spirit of party prejudices, or private grievances,
could, under such grave circumstances, influence their conduct. Let
America, so far as she has been wronged, maintain her dignity and her
rights; but if an ancient alliance, which no one could pretend to regret
or improve, can bring itself to her remembrance, I have confidence that
the two parties which divide the countries will re-unite to effect a
reconciliation.

“Since you have spoken to me of the difference of our opinions upon the
European revolution, I would return to the time when, following that
which I have often predicted, I found myself engaged in the struggle; up
to August, then, in spite of the offers of a powerful faction, I
believed it to be my duty to resist or to die in remaining always
faithful to my constitutional oath.

“The passionate love of liberty which took me to America disposed me
naturally to adopt a democratic and republican system. Afterwards, moved
by all the dangers of royalty and of an English aristocracy, I
remembered also the faults of our previous experiences. I concluded that
the science of a social organization had not been sufficiently studied,
and I desired that it should have a universal trial. The first
principles, however, appeared to me indubitable. The fundamental
doctrines of the rights of the man and the citizen, reduced to what I
believed to be necessary and sufficient, were proclaimed by me; and
after the national triumph of July 14, 1789, a civil militia was
instituted, to measure itself against the permanent armies of Europe.

“Very soon after, all ancient abuses, all hereditary pretensions
disappeared. However, an hereditary president of executive power had
been established in the royal family, and that decision was so conformed
to the will of the people, to the opinions of their representatives, and
to other circumstances, that in the month of June, 1791, almost an
entire majority of our constitutional assembly, heretofore discontented,
thought better to replace upon the throne a constitutional king, than to
complete the establishment of a republican government. The extent of the
English prerogative was judged inadmissible, particularly on account of
our military situation. If one believes that a constitutional monarchy,
such as ours, might be modified so that it might gradually arrive at the
adoption of a government entirely elective, such an inconvenience would
be less grievous than that of usurpations upon the rights of the
national sovereignty, or upon the liberty of citizens. It was after this
manner of viewing affairs, that in the midst of popular outrages, the
intrigues of factions, and the machinations of foreigners, a
constitution was freely discussed and adopted by the nation. It had
faults, truly, but it contained nothing contrary to the rights of men,
and it included means, lawful and easy, for ameliorations.

“It is against this constitution that the old governments have united;
it is to them, as well as to the Jacobins, that we must attribute our
ruin. Until then, the excesses so often unpunished had not been
official. When anarchy and the assassin had put down the honest patriot,
the kings had the satisfaction of seeing extinguished all desire of
imitation in Europe.

“Their hopes of conquest, however, were disappointed. The National
Guard, dismissed from the interior, ran to the frontiers and fought with
an irresistible force for national independence. During three years the
Republic had been in France but a name tarnished by an extravagant and
sanguinary tyranny. To these misfortunes succeeded the establishment of
a constitution which was violated on the 18th _Fructidor_.

“I do not pretend that France at present enjoys liberty; but though the
first constitution and that of the year III., preferable on many
accounts (in particular by the establishment of two Chambers), cannot be
considered by me but as secondary objects compared to the importance of
the fundamental doctrine, I am persuaded that liberty can be
consolidated in France and in other countries, upon the basis of an
elective government, sooner than upon that of hereditary presidents.
This opinion is not only the result of my republican inclinations; it
comes also from the situation of men and of things. It has been even
adopted by many unpatriotic monarchists who found that the resurrection
of the French monarchy when it became a question of determining the
powers of the king, caused more trouble than it had advantages.

“How in this situation have I not recognized with joy the American
principles of my old friend, that it would be impolitic to re-establish
an hereditary magistracy, the destruction of which had been illegal, but
for which I had never desired immortality. Wherefore, shall I not hope
that the elective governments, with differences of form and similarity
of principle, could be so combined as to assure the establishment of a
true liberty? Is it then indispensable to be free to have a king? Will
that obligation necessarily be attached to a vast territory and people?
I do not think so. And so far as the experiment has been tried I have
found that it would be better to follow the American principles than for
us to take the English method.

“But this is talking too much of politics, my dear Hamilton. I have not
the pretension to believe that, upon such a subject, friends who have
formed a strong opinion can persuade the one or the other. I have wished
only to show you the motives for my conduct.

“I thank you very tenderly for the earnest and affectionate manner in
which you have expressed the good wishes of America in my favor, and
your own feelings. I appreciate deeply my obligations towards that
well-beloved country and shall always be ready to give my life for her
prosperity. I am happy and proud of the sentiments which her virtuous
and constant citizens have preserved, of those of my more intimate
companions—of yours, particularly, my dear Hamilton. I hope that you are
assured that our ancient friendship has not suffered in my heart the
least diminution, and that from the first instant when our fraternal
union was formed, until the last moment of my life, I shall be always
your most devotedly attached friend.”

[Illustration: DIRECTEUR SIÉYÈS.]

But we will again let Virginie tell the story of her father’s return to
France.

“France was far from being in a quiet state. During the whole summer
the country was greatly agitated. The terrorist party was once more
gaining alarming strength. On different points great advantages had
been obtained by the troops of the Coalition. An English army had
disembarked at the Helder. Terrified at all that was said in Paris, my
mother trembled at the thought of seeing fresh barriers arising
between my father and herself. Owing to the good will of the Batavian
government he was allowed to remain in Holland, notwithstanding
General Brune’s injunctions to the contrary. But if my father could
not depend on the protection of the French armies, what would happen
if those of the Coalition marched into Holland, bringing with them the
counter-revolution? My mother, in her anxiety, resolved to go to the
Directeur Sieyès, then chief of the party opposed to the Jacobins. She
told him of the dangers to which my father was exposed, and warned him
that if the foreign armies were victorious, he would take refuge on
the French territory.

“Sieyès answered that it would be imprudent for him to return to France,
and that he would be safer in the states of the king of Prussia. ‘Who
kept him a prisoner!’ answered my mother. ‘M. de La Fayette would
prefer, if necessary, a prison in France, but he has more confidence in
his fellow-countrymen.’

“All was in this alarming uncertainty when the revolution of the 18th
_Brumaire_ took place, and changed the face of affairs. With that just
appreciation of things which never forsook her, my mother at once deemed
it necessary that, without loss of time, and without asking anybody’s
permission, my father should return to France at the very moment when
justice was proclaimed. She wished him to return ere time had brought
the slightest change, and without any other authorization than the
liberal intentions then proclaimed by the new government. She obtained a
passport for him under an assumed name, and M. Alexandre Romœuf, one
of his former aides-de-camp, brought it to him. My mother was accustomed
to foresee my father’s intentions, to judge with marvellous tact what it
was best for him to do: she would guess his wishes. He, on his side, had
entire confidence in her opinion. Therefore, without any further delay,
he started immediately and arrived in Paris.”

But La Fayette did not sneak into France like a culprit; he knew his
course had been above reproach, and he boldly announced his arrival to
Napoleon in the following manly note:—

“From the day when the prisoners of Olmütz owed their liberty to you, to
this, when the liberty of my country lays me under still greater
obligations to you, I have thought that the continuance of my
proscription was not expedient for the government or for myself.
Accordingly I am now in Paris. Before going into the country, where I
shall meet my family,—before even seeing my friends here,—I delay not a
moment to address myself to you; not that I doubt that I am in my
appropriate place wherever the Republic is founded upon a worthy basis,
but because both my duty and my feelings prompt me to bear to you in
person the expression of my gratitude.”

[Illustration: NAPOLEON.]

Bonaparte was taken completely by surprise. The “man of the people” had
outgeneralled the “conqueror of Italy.”

Though he could not outwardly express his dissatisfaction, his
displeasure was made very evident. Virginie La Fayette says:—

“The Premier Consul received this news with a very bad grace. He would
have wished my father to remain in Holland, and to solicit like
everybody else permission to enter France. The ministers declared that
my father must return to Utrecht, there to wait till his name should be
effaced from the list of _émigrés_. Those of our friends who approached
the Premier Consul assured us that nobody dared for the present say a
word to him on the subject. My mother went to see him and was graciously
received. She explained to General Bonaparte my father’s peculiar
situation, and the effect his return would produce on the mind of every
honest patriot. The general was struck with the nobleness, prudence, and
tact of her language. ‘I am charmed, Madame,’ he said, ‘to make your
acquaintance; _vous avez beaucoup d’esprit, mais vous n’entendez pas les
affaires_.’ Nevertheless, it was decided that my father should remain
openly in France without asking for any permission, and that he should
go to the country, there to remain during the legal term of his
proscription.

“My sister and her husband arrived from Holland. My brother had already
joined my father, and we established ourselves first at Fontenay, then
at La Grange, one of my grandmother’s estates which had fallen to my
mother.

“One of the objects my father had in view on re-entering France was to
facilitate the return of his companions in exile. Many difficulties were
to be conquered. This task was entrusted to my mother. She was obliged
to go constantly to Paris in order to plead the cause of those faithful
friends. She succeeded; there is not one amongst them, I believe, who
does not owe his radiation to her personal exertions.

“The remainder of this precious life was consecrated to us. Repose would
have best suited my father even under Bonaparte’s consular magistracy,
but under Napoleon’s imperial despotism honor prescribed retirement. The
dearest wish of my mother’s heart was to lead a private life. If, after
so many fatigues and sufferings, quiet had not been necessary, the
possibility of peacefully consecrating herself to the affections which
filled her soul, to the one especially which surpassed them all, was the
only happiness she could desire. She felt too deeply, too passionately,
I may say, the emotions of family life to wish for any other. Neither
the grandeur of her former position, nor even the lustre of her
misfortunes, had given birth in her mind to that restless pride which
cannot bear to return to a homely life. Though her devoted courage had
arisen above the greatest trials, still the feelings and easy duties of
an obscure destiny would have sufficed to satisfy her heart. Love filled
her whole being.

“God permitted her to enjoy, during the last years of her life, greater
happiness than she had ever ventured to hope for. My mother’s health was
greatly impaired, but her natural and simple courage acted as a charm to
deceive us. We beheld her always serene and tender, taking the liveliest
part in the happiness caused by the birth of her three eldest
grandchildren. She bore with gentle fortitude the anxieties of which my
brother and my husband were the objects during the campaigns of 1805 and
1806. She heard with joy of George’s good fortune when he saved his
general’s life at the battle of Eylau. The peace which followed brought
on for her a period of unmingled happiness. At the end of the spring of
1807, it seemed that God had accomplished all my mother’s desires in
this world. A few days after the return of my brother and of my husband,
in August, my mother was taken with violent pains and strong fever. On
the 11th of October she heard mass for the last time in the chapel of La
Grange. The disorder attacked her brain in a most fearful manner. My
mother’s delirium was peculiar and entirely in keeping with her
character; she was completely absorbed by her affection for those she
loved; in her wanderings she would mistake herself on our situations,
never on our characters: she knew us to the last. One day she called my
sister to her and said: ‘Have you an idea of what maternal feeling is?
Are you like me? Do you know all its joys? Is there anything sweeter,
deeper, stronger? Do you feel, like me, the want of loving and of being
loved?’

“Her love for God and for my father occupied almost exclusively her last
moments. What she was for my father in the midst of this delirium is not
to be conceived. The effect his presence produced on her, the choice of
the words she used to express her love, with more confidence than she
had ever shown before; how, with complete incoherence in her ideas, she
followed up interests which, though imaginary, were in keeping with her
character and her opinions; the charm with which she spoke to him of God
and of religion,—all this cannot be expressed by words, and such a
delirium could only be hers. ‘God owed her the reward,’ M. de Grammont
said to my father, ‘of permitting her thus to reveal to you the depth of
her tenderness.’

“In the midst of this delirium she repeated three times over Tobit’s
prayer, the same she had recited on seeing the towers of Olmütz. We lost
her on Christmas night, at twelve o’clock, in the year 1807. It was at
the foot of our Saviour’s cradle that our sacrifice was accomplished. In
the morning she had bestowed her blessing on each of us. Her last words
were, ‘I do not suffer.’ She also said to us, ‘May the peace of the Lord
be with you.’ And to my father, ‘I am entirely yours’ (_Je suis toute à
vous_).”

M. Jules Cloquet says in his recollections of La Fayette:—

“La Fayette had a high regard for the domestic virtues, which he
considered the basis of society and the only certain and pure source of
public prosperity. He even wished to introduce them into politics; and
his public life was in this respect a picture of his private life. He
always spoke with respect and tenderness of both his parents, whom he
lost almost in his infancy. In his children he cherished the memory of
their mother (Mademoiselle de Noailles), whom he had loved most
tenderly, and whose name he never mentioned but with visible emotion.
One day during his last illness I surprised him kissing her portrait,
which he always wore suspended to his neck, in a small gold medallion.
Around the portrait were the words, ‘_Je suis à vous_,’ and on the back
was engraved this short and touching inscription, ‘_Je vous fus donc une
douce campagne: eh bien! bénissez moi_’ (I was then a gentle companion
to you! So then give me your blessing!).

“I have since been informed that regularly every morning La Fayette sent
out his valet Bastien, shut himself up in his room, and taking the
portrait in both hands, looked at it earnestly, pressed it to his lips,
and remained silently contemplating it for about a quarter of an hour.
Nothing was more disagreeable to him than to be disturbed during this
daily homage to the memory of his virtuous partner.” His grief for her
loss may be judged of from the two following letters written by him at
the time of this overwhelming affliction:—

“I was certain, my dear Masclet, that you would tenderly regret the
adorable woman whom you were pleased to celebrate before you were
personally acquainted with her, and to cherish from the period when she
was herself able to express to you her grateful friendship. It would be
ungrateful in me to entertain a doubt of your participation in my grief;
but although such a doubt was far from my thoughts, I have derived a
melancholy gratification from the renewed assurance of your feelings,
and for that assurance I thank you most cordially. I willingly admit
that under great misfortunes I have felt myself superior to the
situation in which my friends had the kindness to sympathize, but at
present I have neither the power nor the wish to struggle against the
calamity which has befallen me, or rather to surmount the deep
affliction which I shall carry with me to the grave. It will be mingled
with the sweetest recollections of the thirty-four years during which I
was bound by the tenderest ties that perhaps ever existed, and with the
thought of her last moments, in which she heaped upon me such proofs of
her incomparable affection. I cannot describe the happiness which in the
midst of so many vicissitudes and troubles I have constantly derived
from the tender, noble, and generous feeling ever associated with the
interests which gave animation to my existence. Assure Madame Masclet of
my attachment and gratitude. You know my friendship for you, my dear
Masclet, and that I am yours most cordially,

                                                          LA FAYETTE.”

Letter from M. de La Fayette to M. de Latour-Maubourg, on the death of
Madame de La Fayette:—

                                                       “JANUARY, 1808.

“I have not yet written to you, my dear friend, from the depth of misery
in which I am plunged. You have already heard of the angelic end of that
incomparable woman. I feel I must again speak of it to you. My grieved
heart loves to open itself to the most constant, the dearest confidant
of all its thoughts. As yet you have always found me stronger than
circumstance, but now this event is stronger than me. Never shall I
recover from it.

“During the thirty-four years of an union in which her tenderness, her
goodness, the elevation of her mind, charmed, adorned, honored my life,
I felt myself so used to all that she was to me, that I could not
distinguish it from my own existence. She was fourteen, and I was
sixteen, when her heart occupied itself with everything that could
interest me. I knew I loved her, I knew I needed her; but it is only now
that I can distinguish what is left of me for the remainder of a life
which I had thought was to have been entirely devoted to worldly
matters.

“The foreboding of her loss had before never crossed my mind until I
received a note from Madame de Tessé as I was leaving Chavaniac with
George. I was struck to the heart. On arriving in Paris after a rapid
journey, we found her very ill; there was a slight improvement the next
day, which I attributed to the pleasure of seeing us; but soon
afterwards her head was affected. She said to Madame de Simiane, ‘I was
going to have a malignant fever, but I shall be well attended to, and
shall get the better of it.’

“It was not a malignant fever; but unhappily it was something still
worse. One day only Corvisart had great hopes. Our dear invalid was
already beginning to wander when her confessor came to see her. In the
evening she told me: ‘If I go to another dwelling, you know how much I
shall think of you there. Although I shall leave you with reluctance,
the sacrifice of my life would be little if it could insure your eternal
happiness.’

“The day she received the sacrament she was anxious to see me near her.
Delirium came on afterwards; you never saw anything so extraordinary and
so touching. Imagine, my dear friend, a mind completely disordered,
thinking itself in Egypt, in Syria, amongst the events of the reign of
Athalie, which Celestine’s lessons had left in her imagination,
strangely blending every idea that was not from the heart; in short, the
most constant delirium, and withal that kindness which always seeks for
something pleasing to say. There was also a refinement in the way she
expressed herself, a loftiness of thought which astonished every one.
But what was admirable above all was that tenderness of heart which she
was incessantly showing to her six children, to her sister, to her aunt,
to M. de Tessé: she thought she was with them at Memphis; for, by a
miracle of feeling, her mind was never invariably fixed but where I was
concerned. It seemed as if that impression was too deep to be
obliterated, was stronger than sickness, stronger than death itself.
Life had already fled; feeling, warmth, existence, all had taken refuge
in the hand which pressed mine. Perhaps she did even yield to her
affection and her tenderness more completely than if she had had the
full possession of her faculties.

“Do not imagine that the dear angel was alarmed at the thought of a
future world. Her religion was all love and confidence; the fear of hell
never came near her mind. She did not believe in it for beings good,
sincere, and virtuous, whatever their opinions might be. ‘I do not know
what will happen at the moment of their death,’ she would say; ‘but God
will enlighten them.’

“However, had her mind been clear, she would have thought of what she
called her _péchés_, though she did not believe in any other divine
punishment than that of being deprived of the sight of the Supreme
Being.

“And how often have you heard me joking her about her _aimables
hérésies_. Who knows whether the fear of increasing my regret would not
have partly restrained the outpouring of her feelings, in the same
manner as when, during our married life, her utter unselfishness
prevented her from yielding to what was most impassioned in her nature?
‘There was a period,’ she said a few months ago, ‘when, after one of
your returns from America, I felt myself so forcibly attracted to you
that I thought I should faint every time you came into the room. I was
possessed with the fear of annoying you, and tried to moderate my
feelings. You can scarcely be dissatisfied with what remains.’

“‘What gratitude I owe to God,’ she would repeat during her illness,
‘that such passionate feelings should have been a duty. How happy I have
been!’ she said the day of her death. ‘What a lot to be your wife!’ And
when I spoke to her of my tenderness, she answered in a touching tone:
‘Is it true? Is it indeed true? How good you are! Repeat it again; it
does me so much good to hear you. If you do not find yourself
sufficiently loved, lay the fault upon God; He has not given me more
faculties than that I love you,’ she said, in the midst of her delirium,
‘Christianly, humanly, passionately.’

“When she was pitied for her sufferings, the fear of exaggerating them
to herself and to others would come upon her. One day as I was watching
her with a look of pity, ‘Oh! I am overpaid,’ she said, ‘by that kind
look.’

“She often begged of me to remain in the room, because my presence
calmed her. Sometimes, however, she would ask me to go and attend to my
business; and when I answered that I had nothing else to do than to take
care of her, ‘How good you are,’ she would exclaim with her feeble
though _pénétrante_ voice; ‘you are too kind; you spoil me; I do not
deserve all that; I am too happy!’

“Her delirium was intense. It bore principally on the reign of Athalie,
on the family of Jacob, in which she liked to persuade herself that I
was tenderly beloved, on the contentions of Israel and Judah. ‘Would it
not be strange,’ she said, ‘if, being your wife, I were obliged to
sacrifice myself for a king?’

“She was in fear of troubles, of proscriptions, and prepared herself to
meet them with the fortitude which characterized her in real dangers.
She thought there was to be a persecution against Christians, and
reckoned upon me to protect the oppressed. ‘It appears to me,’ she said,
‘that the world is beginning over again; nothing but fresh experiments.
Why are not all things going on according to your wishes?’ All these
thoughts were confused in her head; she believed we were in Egypt and
Syria.

“We thought once her ravings had ceased. ‘Am I not mad?’ she exclaimed.
‘Come nearer; tell me if I have lost my reason.’ I answered that I
should be very sorry to take for absurdities all the kind things she had
said to me. ‘Have I said anything kind? But I have also said many silly
things; have we not acted the tragedy of Athalie? What! I am married to
the sincerest of men, and I cannot know the truth. It is still your
kindness; you want to spare my head. Do speak; I am resigned to the
disgrace of being mad.’

“We succeeded at length in calming her. I told her she was valued and
loved. ‘Ah!’ she answered, ‘I do not care to be valued, so long as I am
loved.’ Another time she said: ‘Fancy what a state my poor head is in;
what an odd thing it is that I cannot remember whether Virginie and M.
de Lasteyrie are betrothed or united. Help me to collect my thoughts.’

“Sometimes we could hear her praying in her bed. She made her daughters
read prayers to her. There was something heavenly in the manner she
twice repeated Tobit’s prayers applicable to her state, the same she had
recited to her daughters on seeing the steeples of Olmütz for the first
time.

“I approached her. ‘It is from the book of Tobit,’ she said: ‘I sing
badly; that is why I recite it.’ Another time she composed a most
beautiful prayer which lasted full an hour.

“One day I was speaking to her of her angelic gentleness. ‘Yes,’ she
said; ‘God has made me gentle; though my gentleness is not like yours; I
have not such high pretensions. You are so strong as well as so gentle,
and you are very good to me.’

“‘It is you who are good,’ I answered, ‘and generous above all. Do you
remember my first departure for America? Everybody against me, and you
hiding your tears at M. de Ségur’s marriage. You tried not to appear in
grief, for fear of bringing down more blame upon me.’ ‘True,’ she said,
‘it was rather nice for a child. But how kind of you to remember so far
back!’

“She spoke very sensibly of her daughters’ happiness, of the good and
noble character of her sons-in-law. ‘Nevertheless, I have not been able
to make them as happy as I am. It would have required all God’s power to
have brought about that again.’

“It is not to boast, my dear friend, that I tell you all this, although
one might well be proud of it, but I find comfort in repeating to you
and to myself how tender and how happy she was.

“How happy she would have been this winter—all her children near her,
the war finished for George and Louis, the birth of Virginie’s child,
and, I may add, after an illness which, owing to our past fears, would
have made her doubly dear to us. Had she not to the last, the kindness
of thinking of my amusements at La Grange, of my farm, of all that was
of daily interest to me! When I spoke to her of returning home: ‘Ah!’
she said, ‘that would be too delicious. My God, my God!’ she exclaimed,
‘six more poor years of La Grange!’ She wanted to return there with me,
and begged of me to start before her. I entreated her to allow me to
stay, and asked her to rest a little. She promised to do her best; and
as she became calmer, ‘Well,’ she said, ‘remain, wait a little; I shall
go quietly to sleep.’

“The disordered state of her brain did not prevent her having misgivings
as to her approaching end. The night which preceded the last I heard her
saying to her nurse, ‘Do not leave me; tell me when I am to die.’ At my
approach her fears subsided; but when I spoke to her of recovery, of
returning to La Grange: ‘Oh no! I am going to die. Have you any cause of
complaint against me?’

“‘For what, my dear? you have always been so good and so loving!’

“‘Have I, then, been a gentle companion to you?’

“‘Yes; assuredly.’

“‘Well, then, give me your blessing.’

“On all these last evenings, when she thought I was going to leave her,
she would ask for my blessing.

“I spoke to her of the happiness of our union; of my tenderness. She
took pleasure in hearing me repeat the assurance of my love. ‘Promise
me,’ she said, ‘to preserve that affection forever. Promise me.’

“You may well believe that I promised.

“‘Are you satisfied with your children?’ she added.

“I told her how completely they satisfied me.

“‘They are very good,’ she said; ‘support them with all your love for
me.’

“Then delirium coming on again, ‘How do you think they feel with respect
to the house of Jacob?’

“I assured her that they entered into all her feelings.

“‘Ah!’ she replied, ‘my feelings are very moderate, except those I have
for you.’

“Twice only her excitement became intense. It was then the wanderings of
maternal love. One day George, to prevent her speaking too much, had for
several hours kept away from her room. When he came in again, she
evidently thought he had just returned from the army. The wildness of
her joy on seeing him made her heart beat in a fearful manner. Another
time she fell into an ecstasy of joy at the thought of an anniversary
dear to our hearts—of the day when, twenty-eight years before, she had
given me George. That anniversary was the day of her death.

“One cannot admire sufficiently the meekness, the patience, the
unchanging kindness of that angelic woman during this long and cruel
malady. In her delirium, which lasted a whole month, she was always
thinking of us and fearing to weary her friends. ‘I am very
troublesome,’ she would often say; ‘my children,’ she one day added,
‘must make up their mind to have a silly mother since you are willing to
have such a silly wife.’ But never the slightest sign of impatience nor
of ill humor. Even when it was most repugnant to her to drink anything,
a word from me or from her children, or, in our absence, the idea that
the nurse might be blamed, sufficed to decide her; and up to the last,
each service was acknowledged by a kind word, a motion of the head or of
the hand.

“‘Never,’ the doctor said, ‘have I seen in the course of a long practice
anything to be compared to that adorable disposition and to delirium so
extraordinary. No, never have I seen anything which could give me the
idea that human perfection could go so far.’

“A few moments before she breathed her last she murmured to us that she
was not suffering. ‘No doubt she does not suffer,’ exclaimed the nurse;
‘she is an angel.’

“It was very remarkable to what a degree her wanderings corresponded
with the different shades of her affection. When I was concerned, her
judgment was always sound. Though placing us all in the most fantastic
situations, her mind was never at fault with respect to my principles
and feelings. She would exclaim, ‘Decide; you are leader; it is our
happy lot to obey you.’ One day I was attempting to calm her; she gayly
repeated this verse:—

           “‘A vos sages conseils, Seigneur, je m’abandonne.’

“With respect to our children,—I speak of all six,—whom she always
recognized and welcomed, whom she always spoke to in the kindest and
most loving manner, and whose various characters and dispositions ever
remained clearly present to her mind, there was still something less
lucid in her thoughts than with regard to me. As for her grandchildren,
she spoke of them several times to me with charming details; but more
frequently her ideas were confused with respect to their number, their
sex, and even to the existence of the two last. She was most
affectionate throughout to her sister, Madame de Montagu; she frequently
inquired from us both how my mother was, fancying we had seen her
lately. We shuddered on hearing her calmly say on the morning of her
death, ‘To-day I shall see my mother.’

“The last day she told me, ‘When you see Madame de Simiane, give her my
love.’ Thus her heart was all life when her poor limbs were already
numbed by approaching death.

“I have already told you without any particulars that she had received
the sacraments. I was present during the ceremony, which was more
painful to us than to herself, for she had already taken the sacrament
in her bed a short time previously.

“The next day, before she became quite speechless, Madame de Montagu and
my daughters, fearing that my presence might prevent her from praying at
her ease, asked me to leave them. My first impulse was to refuse their
request, however tenderly and timidly made; I had a passionate desire to
occupy her thoughts exclusively. However, I repressed my feelings, and
gave up my place to her sister. I was scarcely gone when she called me
back. So soon as I got nearer, she again took my hand in hers, saying,
‘_Je suis toute à vous_.’ These were her last words.

“It has been said that she had often lectured me. That was not her way;
she frequently expressed, in the course of her delirium, the idea that
she would go to heaven. She told me several times, ‘This life is short
and full of troubles; let us unite in God and depart together for
eternity.’ She wished us all, and me in particular, the peace of the
Lord. Such is the manner in which that dear angel expressed herself
during her illness, as well as in the will she had made a few years ago,
and which is a model of refinement, of elevation of mind, and of
eloquence from the heart.

“It seems as if, by dwelling on these details, I was trying to defer
that last period, when, on seeing the doctor giving up all hopes of her
recovery, and only thinking of prolonging life, we felt that for her
there was to be no to-morrow. Until then we had only appeared before her
two or three at a time; but that day, as she seemed to be seeking for
us, we saw no harm in admitting all the members of the family, who
seated themselves in a semi-circle before her, so that she could see
every one. ‘What a pleasant sight!’ she said, while looking on us with
complacency.

“She called for her daughters in turn, and had a charming word for each
of them. She gave them each her blessing. I feel confident that she was
happy during that morning. And how could the last moments be otherwise
than calm for her whose piety, far from being troubled by terrors and
scruples, never ceased to be all the time of her illness, before and
during her delirium, all love and gratitude for the blessings, to use
her own words, which God had bestowed and was still bestowing on her?
for her who, notwithstanding the state of her brain, never lost a single
joy which a heart such as hers could feel? Her delirium even became less
confused. Instead of asking Madame de Montagu how my mother was, she
told her, ‘I look upon you as having succeeded to her.’

“No doubt she felt that the last moment was approaching, when, after
having told me in so touching a manner: ‘Have you been happy with me?
Are you kind enough to love me? Well, then, give me your blessing.’ and
when I answered: ‘You love me also, you will give me your blessing’; she
gave me hers for the first and last time in a solemn and loving manner.
Then her six children, each in turn, kissed her hand and face. She
looked at them with inexpressible tenderness.

“Still more surely had she the idea of her approaching end, when,
fearing a convulsion, as I believe, she made me a sign to step back;
and, as I remained near her, she laid my hand on her eyes with a look of
tender gratitude, thus giving me to understand what was the last duty
she expected from me.

“We felt during these hours of gentle agony a struggle between the want
of expressing our love, which she enjoyed so much, and the belief that
these emotions wore out the little that was left in her of life. I kept
in my words with nearly as much care as I repressed my sobs, when the
touching expression of her eyes, a few scarcely uttered words, tore from
my lips the expression of the feelings with which my heart was bursting.
She revived, and found strength to exclaim: ‘Is it then true you have
loved me? How happy I am! Kiss me.’ She raised her poor arms, which were
almost lifeless, with wonderful animation. She passed one round my neck,
and drawing my head towards hers, she pressed me to her heart,
repeating: ‘What a blessing! how happy I am to be yours!’ Until her
right hand became motionless, she carried mine successively to her lips
and to her heart. My left hand did not leave hers, and as long as she
breathed, I could feel that pressure, which seemed still to mean, ‘_Je
suis toute à vous_.’

“We all surrounded her bed, which had been drawn into the middle of the
room. She motioned to her sister to sit down by her. Her three daughters
were continually applying hot towels to her hands and arms to preserve
the last remnant of warmth. We knelt down, following the slow motion of
her breath. There was no appearance of pain, the benevolent smile was
playing upon her lips, my hand was still within hers; and thus this
angel of goodness and love breathed her last. We bathed with tears the
lifeless remains of that adorable being. I felt myself dragged away by
M. de Mun and M. de Tracy, and so bade my last farewell to her, and to
all happiness on earth....

“On Monday that angelic woman was borne to the spot near which repose
her grandmother, her mother, and her sister, amongst sixteen hundred
other victims....

“We found in her writing-book a letter to me written in 1785, several
injunctions made in 1792, and an official will of 1804. This memorandum,
which was only a rough copy, was nevertheless a masterpiece of
tenderness, of refinement, and of heart-felt eloquence. It speaks of
religion with simple and touching sublimity.

“I love, my dear friend, to confide to your bosom all these
recollections of the past; for what else now remains, save
recollections, of that adorable woman to whom I have owed during
thirty-four years an ever-enduring and unclouded happiness? She was
attached to me, I may say, by the most ardent feelings; yet never did I
perceive in her the slightest shade of selfishness, of displeasure, or
of jealousy. If I look back to the days of our youth, how many
unexampled proofs of delicacy and generosity come across my mind! She
was associated heart and soul with all my political wishes and opinions,
and Madame de Tessé might well say that her devotion was a mixture of
the catechism and the _declaration des droits_. I must again refer to an
expression of her aunt’s, who said to me yesterday, ‘I never could have
believed that it was possible to be so fanatic of your opinions, and at
the same time so devoid of party spirit.’

“You know as well as I do all she was, and all she did during the
Revolution. It is not for having come to Olmütz, as Charles Fox so
elegantly expressed it, on the wings of duty and of love, that I mean to
praise her now; it is for having remained in France until she had
secured, so far as lay in her power, the material comforts of my aunt
and the rights of my creditors; it is for having had the courage to send
George to America. What noble imprudence to remain, the only woman in
France endangered by the name she bore, but who always refused to change
it!

“Each of her petitions and declarations began by these words: _La femme
La Fayette_. Indulgent as she was with respect to calumny and party
hatred, never did she allow, even at the foot of the scaffold, a
reflection upon me to pass without protesting against it. She had
prepared herself to speak in that spirit before the tribunal, and we
have all seen how good, simple, and easy in common life was that
lofty-minded and courageous woman. Her piety was also of a peculiar
nature. I may say that during thirty-four years I never once experienced
from it the slightest shadow of inconvenience. No affectation in her
religious practices, which were always subordinate to my convenience. I
have had the satisfaction of seeing the least pious of my friends as
well received, as much esteemed, and their virtues as fully acknowledged
by her as if there had been no difference of religious opinions between
her and them. Never did she express to me anything but hope, even
conviction, that upon mature reflection, with the uprightness of heart
she knew I possessed, I should end by being convinced. The
recommendations which she has left me are in the same spirit, entreating
me to read, for the love of her, several books which I shall examine
again with the most solemn attention. She used to call religion
sovereign liberty, to make me appreciate it more, and often repeated
with pleasure these words of Abbé Fauchet: ‘Jesus Christ, my only
master’ (_Jésus Christ, mon seul maître_).

“This letter would never come to an end, my dear friend, if I gave way
to the feelings which inspire it. I shall only add that that angelic
woman has, at least, been surrounded with love and regret well worthy of
her....

“Adieu, my dear friend; with your help I have borne sorrows great and
hard to endure, to which the name of misfortune might have been given
until the greatest of all misfortunes had been experienced. But, though
absorbed in the deepest grief, though given up to one thought, one
devotion not of this world, though still more than ever I feel the want
to believe that all does not die with us, I still appreciate the
pleasures of friendship—and what a friendship is yours, my dear
Maubourg!

“I embrace you in her name, in my own, in the name of all you have been
to me since we have known each other.

                                               “Adieu, my dear friend,
                                                         “LA FAYETTE.”




                               CHAPTER X.

La Fayette presented to the Premier Consul—His Interview with
  Napoleon—La Fayette declines the Office of Senator, and the Post of
  Ambassador to the United States—La Fayette meets Lord
  Cornwallis—Interview with Napoleon—La Fayette’s Fearless Loyalty to
  his Principles—La Fayette and Joseph Bonaparte—La Fayette refuses to
  vote for the Decree declaring Napoleon First Consul for Life—His
  Letter to Napoleon, explaining his Reasons—La Fayette’s Comments upon
  his Opposition to Bonaparte—Klopstock’s Dying Message to the
  Marquis—Madame de Staël’s Letter from Rome—La Fayette’s Meeting with
  Charles Fox—La Fayette in Jury—President Jefferson offers to him the
  Governorship of Louisiana—La Fayette declines—The Emperor Napoleon’s
  Remarks regarding La Fayette—Joseph Bonaparte offers to the Marquis a
  Seat in the House of Peers—La Fayette declines—Prince Joseph offers
  the Grand Cordon—La Fayette courteously declines the Honor—He is
  chosen a Member of the Chamber of Deputies—La Fayette appointed by the
  Assembly to meet the Allied Generals, after the Overthrow at
  Waterloo—Lord Stewart’s Ignominious Proposal—La Fayette’s Indignant
  Reply—Louis XVIII. again on the Throne—La Fayette retires to La
  Grange—Descriptions of his Home Life—His Charming Château—His
  Prosperous Farm—His Model Family—La Fayette again chosen a Member of
  the Chamber of Deputies—The Charge of Treason—La Fayette’s Fearless
  Declaration—His Speech in the Chamber—Upon Governmental
  Expenses—Public Instruction—Examination of the Ancient Régime—La
  Fayette refuses to claim the Title of Marquis since the Decree
  abolishing Orders of Nobility.

           “This is true Liberty: when freeborn men,
            Having to advise the public, may speak free;
            Which he who can and will deserves high praise;
            Who neither can nor will may hold his peace.
            What can be juster in a state than this?”—MILTON.


THE account of the death of Madame La Fayette, which occurred in 1807,
has taken us a few years beyond the time we had reached in the history
of La Fayette’s political career, and we return to the period of his
return to France after his long imprisonment. Shortly after this, La
Fayette received the painful intelligence of the death of General
Washington. He had fondly cherished the hope of again visiting his
adored friend at Mt. Vernon, and perhaps taking his wife and family to
behold his illustrious American general. The marquis immediately wrote a
letter of condolence and sympathy to the family of Washington, and
received from them a pair of pistols which General Washington had left
to La Fayette in his will.

In 1800 La Fayette and Maubourg were presented to the First Consul at
the Tuileries. Napoleon received them with great politeness, and amidst
their expressions of personal gratitude to Bonaparte, they added many
compliments regarding his Italian campaign. Napoleon sometimes discussed
with La Fayette American matters and affairs in Europe.

Napoleon, speaking to La Fayette of his campaigns in America, once
remarked, “The highest interests of the whole world were there decided
by the skirmishes of patrols.”

One day Bonaparte said to him, “You must have found the French much
_cooled_ on the subject of liberty?”

“Yes,” replied La Fayette; “but they are in a state to receive it.”

“They are disgusted,” answered the First Consul. “Your Parisians—for
instance, the shop-keepers—oh, they want no more of it!”

“I did not use the expression lightly, General,” said La Fayette; “I am
not ignorant of the effect of the follies and crimes which have defiled
the name of liberty; but the French are perhaps more than ever in a
state to receive it. It is for you to give it; from you they await it.”

Napoleon proffered to La Fayette the office of senator, but it was
declined. The post of ambassador to the United States was then offered
him, but as he felt himself almost a citizen of America, he was not
willing to go there in such capacity as should force him to watch her
with a jealous eye in order to uphold the rights of his own country.

Concerning this offer La Fayette wrote to Masclet: “I shall not go to
America, my dear Masclet, at least not in a diplomatic capacity. I am
far from abandoning the idea of making private and patriotic visits to
the United States, and to my fellow-citizens of the New World, but at
present I am much more intent upon farming than upon embassies. It seems
to me that were I to arrive in America in any other costume than an
American uniform, I should be as embarrassed with my appearance as a
savage in breeches.”

In 1802 La Fayette met at a dinner party Lord Cornwallis, the newly
appointed British minister to France. During their conversation
Cornwallis asked La Fayette’s opinion regarding Napoleon’s
administration, as to whether it was consistent with his ideas of
liberty. La Fayette boldly replied that it was not. Spies were not long
in carrying this daring answer to Bonaparte. Napoleon was displeased;
and when next he met La Fayette, he said, “Lord Cornwallis claims that
you are not yet corrected.”

“Of what?” asked La Fayette—“of my love of liberty? What should disgust
me with that? The extravagances and crimes of terrorist tyranny have
only served to make me hate more heartily every arbitrary régime, and
attach myself more strongly to my principles.”

“But you have spoken to him of our affairs,” said the Consul, with
evident displeasure.

“No one is further than myself,” replied La Fayette, “from seeking a
foreign ambassador to censure what is passing in my own country; but if
he ask me if this is liberty, I must answer No.”

“I must say to you, General La Fayette,” said Bonaparte,—“and I perceive
it with pain,—that, by your manner of speaking of the acts of the
government, you give its enemies the weight of your name.”

“What more can I do?” was the fearless reply. “I live in the country in
retirement; I avoid, as far as I can, occasions of speaking of public
affairs; but when any one demands of me if your administration of the
government is conformable to my ideas of liberty, I shall say that it is
not. I wish to be prudent, but I cannot be false.”

“But are you not convinced,” replied he, “that in the state in which I
found France I was forced to irregular measures?”

“That is not the question,” he answered. “I speak neither of the time,
nor of this or that act; it is the tendency—yes, General, it is the
tendency of affairs—which pains me and disturbs me.”

“As to the rest,” Napoleon then replied, “I have spoken to you as the
chief of the government; and in that capacity I complain of you. But as
a private individual I ought to be content, because, in all which has
been told me concerning you, I have perceived that in spite of your
severity upon the acts of government, there has always been on your part
personal good will for me.”

“You are right,” he answered. “A free government with you at its head—I
should have nothing more to desire.”

One day La Fayette dined at the house of Madame de Staël, with Joseph
Bonaparte and some members of that ephemeral opposition, whom Napoleon
had not expelled.

“You are dissatisfied,” Joseph said to him, in the midst of the
conversation. “You are not with us; but permit me to say to you that you
are no more with these gentlemen. They desire a rotation of directors
who differ in their striking of the shoulder. To-day it is one man;
to-morrow it will be another; in place of that, if we have a régime
conformed to your principles, you would be pleased that my brother
should remain chief.”

When La Fayette was asked to vote for the decree declaring Napoleon
First Consul for life, he replied:—

“I cannot vote for such a magistracy until public liberty has been
sufficiently guaranteed. Then I will give my vote to Napoleon
Bonaparte.”

[Illustration: JOSEPH BONAPARTE.]

La Fayette addressed to the First Consul the following letter at this
time:—

                                             “LA GRANGE, May 20, 1802.

“GENERAL: When a man filled with the gratitude which he owes you, and
too much alive to glory not to admire yours, has placed restrictions on
his suffrage, those restrictions will be so much the less suspected when
it is known that none more than himself would delight to see you chief
magistrate for life of a free republic. The 18th _Brumaire_ saved
France, and I felt that I was recalled by the liberal professions to
which you have attached your honor. We afterwards beheld in the consular
power that restorative dictatorship, which, under the auspices of your
genius, has achieved such great things—less great, however, than will be
the restoration to liberty. It is impossible that you, General, the
first in that order of men (whom, to quote and compare, would require me
to retrace every page of history) can wish that such a revolution, so
many victories, so much blood and miseries, should produce to the world
and to ourselves no other results than an arbitrary system. The French
people know their rights too well to have entirely forgotten them. But
perhaps they are better able to recover them now with advantage than in
the heat of effervescence; and you, by the power of your character and
the public confidence; by the superiority of your talents, your
situation, and your fortune, may, by re-establishing liberty, subdue our
dangers and calm our inquietudes. I have no other than patriotic and
personal motives in wishing for you, as the climax of our glory, a
permanent magistrative post; but it is in unity with my principles, my
engagements, the actions of my whole life, to ascertain, before I vote,
that liberty is established on a basis worthy of the nation and of you.
I hope you will now acknowledge, General, as you have already had
occasion to do, that to firmness in my political opinions are joined my
sincere sentiments of my obligations to you.”

This memorable letter was never answered.

La Fayette, in his “Mémoires,” thus comments upon his opposition to
Napoleon: “It appears that Bonaparte had for a long time preserved his
good-will towards me; and even after my letter, when one had declared
before him, that there had not been any opposition to the Consulate for
life, except from the Jacobin votes:—

“‘No,’ said he, ‘there were the enthusiasts for liberty: La Fayette, for
example.’

“M. de Vaines, a member of the Cabinet Council, to whom he addressed his
remark, observed that without doubt, I had believed it to be my duty to
vote according to my principles, because no one could doubt of my
personal attachment to Bonaparte.

“‘Really,’ replied he, ‘he ought to be content with the government.’

“The blame of this rupture has often been laid entirely to my charge;
but his resolution and his character left me no hope of being useful. As
he advanced farther in his fatal course, the rupture was more
inevitable. If any one has the desire of tracing for himself the good
will of my feelings towards Bonaparte, he has only to search through my
correspondence with my friends. It suffices that these letters, written
at different times, free me from all reproach of ambition or caprice.

“The foreigners who most desired to see me in office, were not tardy in
feeling that I was right. But I will never despair of liberty.

“‘The character of General La Fayette,’ said Klopstock, a little while
after my release from Olmütz, ‘prevents him from well knowing his
nation; how could he believe them capable of possessing free
institutions?’

“His judgment was an error, which the excesses of the Jacobins had but
too far scattered. Later, one of his friends, who was also mine, wrote
to me thus: ‘Klopstock died with his old attachment for you. We had
together a long conversation regarding you, when I made to him my last,
visit; he approved of you, and besought me that I should write to you,
and salute you most cordially for him. I present to you this last
homage, coming, so to speak, from the other world.’

“I was also touched, without doubt, to read in a letter written from
Rome (by Madame de Staël): ‘I shall hope always for the human race as
long as you exist. I address you this sentiment from the sublime
Capitol, and the benedictions of its shades come to you through my
voice.’

“To multiply such citations, and to repeat the most flattering opinions
from Europe and America, I should have the appearance of giving way to a
vanity from which it is easy to defend one’s self after one has acted
amidst great circumstances; and particularly, after one has been the
butt of some enthusiasm, one feels that there is nothing but a true
esteem which is worthy of regard. I have myself said elsewhere, ‘There
is, then, some good in my retirement, since it publishes and maintains
the idea that liberty is not abandoned without exception and without
hope.’”

La Fayette thus describes his meeting with Charles Fox:—

“The Peace d’Amiens brought over a great number of Englishmen. ‘They are
all malecontents,’ observed the ambassador Livingston; ‘some have
expected to find France wild; they have found her flourishing: the
others hoped to see here traces of liberty; all are disappointed.’ I was
at Chavaniac when Charles Fox and General Fitzpatrick arrived in Paris.
They wished to send for me, as I was one of the principal objects of
their visit. I hastened to join them. M. and Madame Fox, Fitzpatrick,
MM. John and Trotter, passed several days at La Grange. I met at Paris
the Lords Holland and Lauderdale, the new Duke of Bedford, M. Adair, and
M. Erskine, whom I pressed in vain to write regarding the jury of
England and of France. ‘The first years of the Revolution,’ said they,
‘we had great hopes; but the excesses have ruined the good cause.’

“One day Fox, with his amiable goodness of heart, said to me in the
presence of my son, that I should not be too much affected by an
unavoidable delay. ‘Liberty will return,’ said he, ‘but not for us; for
George, perhaps, and surely for his children.’”

About this time La Fayette met with a severe injury, caused by a fall
upon the ice. His hip-bone was broken, and the accident was followed by
a long and painful illness.

In 1803 President Jefferson offered to appoint La Fayette governor of
the newly acquired territory of Louisiana. The land allotted to La
Fayette as a former major-general in the American army was selected from
the fertile fields of that territory. But notwithstanding La Fayette’s
love for America, he felt constrained to remain in France, and therefore
declined the kindly proffered honor.

After Napoleon had been crowned emperor, he is reported to have said to
his Council, one day: “Gentlemen, I know your devotion to the power of
the throne. Every one in France is corrected; I was thinking of the only
man who is not,—La Fayette. He has never retreated from his line. You
see him quiet; but I tell you he is quite ready to begin again.”

[Illustration: CHARLES FOX.]

During the brief reign of Louis XVIII. and the banishment of Napoleon to
Elba, La Fayette appeared only once at court. When the sudden return of
Bonaparte startled the world, and the trembling King Louis saw his power
depart, one of the king’s minister’s exclaimed: “All is lost! There is
no endurance, no indignity, to which the king would not submit, to
retain his throne.”

“What!” said another; “even La Fayette?”

“Yes,” replied the first; “even La Fayette himself.”

When Napoleon again resumed the reins of power and re-established an
hereditary peerage, La Fayette was pressed to take his seat by Joseph
Bonaparte, who had been sent to the marquis by Napoleon; but La
Fayette’s reply to the offered honor was consistent with all his former
actions.

“Should I ever again appear on the scene of public life, _it can only be
as the representative of the people_.”

Regarding the efforts of Joseph Bonaparte in his behalf, La Fayette
says: “I was preparing to return to Chavaniac in September, 1804, when
my relative and friend, Ségur, Grand Master of Ceremonies, wrote to me
that Joseph Bonaparte had charged him with a message for me.

“‘The Prince Joseph,’ said he to me, at Paris, some time afterwards,
‘wishes to attribute your retirement to a sentiment of the philosopher;
but he observes with pain and disquietude that his brother regards it as
a state of hostility. The friendship of Prince Joseph for you, presses
you to place a limit to this situation. He regretted that you have not
wished to be a senator. He asked only your name. You would not have to
leave La Grange. His idea to-day is still less exceptional. There is a
question of your being one of the dignitaries of the Legion of Honor; in
short, said he, your military record in America and Europe is such as
gives this thing but the consequence adapted to your retirement, which
in refusing will have a hostile effect. But before going farther, he
wished to be assured that you will not refuse it.’

“I began to reply, but Ségur besought me to reflect, and the following
is what I repeated the next day: ‘I am greatly touched by the good will
of Prince Joseph; but he will permit me to observe to him that in my
singular position, the Grand Cordon, although I am well pleased that he
should offer it, would seem to me to be ridiculous, admitting even that
it were the accompaniment of an office. But it follows that I am to be
nothing, and in being that, it follows so much the more, as this is
nothing more than the chivalry of an order of things contrary to my
principles; I cannot therefore accept it. The qualification given to my
retirement is strange when one compares the imperial power to my little
influence; but if it is indispensable that I should be something, I
should be less repugnant to the Senate; where, however, my opinions
would oblige me to incur, on the other hand, a more just title of
reproach than the emperor gives to me. I demand, then, that the
friendship of his brother should remove from me all these conditions.’

“My response was well carried. ‘For the present,’ said Prince Joseph,
‘when I know the intentions of M. de La Fayette, I will profit by the
occasions to serve him, but in accordance with his opinions.’”

Having thus declined the peerage, La Fayette being warmly urged by the
inhabitants of his district, accepted the appointment as their
representative to the elective body, instituted to sit in connection
with the Peers. As a member of the Chamber of Deputies, he continued to
maintain and uphold his liberal principles with fearless eloquence
whenever occasion demanded it. After the overthrow at Waterloo, La
Fayette stipulated in the Assembly that the liberty and life of Napoleon
should be guaranteed by the nation, and endeavored to obtain for him two
frigates to conduct Bonaparte safely to the United States; but it was
too late. La Fayette was sent by the Assembly to meet the victorious
generals, and prevent, if possible, their coming to Paris, by proposing
terms of capitulation. Lord Stewart said to La Fayette: “I must inform
you, sir, that there can be no peace with the allied powers, unless you
deliver up Bonaparte to us.” “I am surprised,” replied La Fayette, with
calm dignity and suppressed scorn, “that to propose so base an act to
the French nation, you address yourself by choice to a prisoner of
Olmütz.”

Louis XVIII. was again forced upon the French people by the allies,
contrary to the wishes of both the nation and La Fayette; and the
marquis accordingly once again retired to La Grange. Here he received
his many friends and visitors with the most stately and yet warm-hearted
cordiality, blending the courtesy of the gentleman of noble family with
the sincerity and frankness of the man of the people.

An English lady who enjoyed the pleasure of being a guest at La Grange
in 1818 thus pictures the life there:—

“Charming days, more charming evenings, flow on in a perpetual stream of
enjoyment here. In the mornings Madame George La Fayette, the Countess
Lasteyrie, and the Countess Maubourg are busy with the children, and do
not appear. The visitors amuse themselves or are with the general,
unless his occupations prevent. Then comes a walk or drive—sometimes a
long excursion. After dinner at four o’clock, conversation; in the
evening, music or talking. Before breakfast I find all the young people
at their easels, painting from models in the anteroom; then they go to
their music (there are three pianos, and a music-master and an English
governess live in the house); then they all turn out into the beautiful
park for two hours, and then resume their studies for two hours more.
But I never saw such happy children; they live without restraint, and
except while at their lessons, are always with the grown people. If the
little ones are noisy, they are sent into the anteroom; but their
gentleness and good conduct are astonishing, considering, too, that
eleven of the twelve are always with us.” All of La Fayette’s children
continued to make their home with him until the time of his death; and
his grandchildren were a constant source of delight to him.

Another delightful description of the home life at La Grange is given by
Lady Morgan, who visited France about this time. She says:—

“General La Fayette has not appeared in Paris since the return of the
Bourbon dynasty to France. And I should have left that country without
having seen one of its greatest ornaments, had not a flattering
invitation from the Château La Grange enabled me to gratify a wish, long
and devoutly cherished, of knowing, or at least of beholding, its
illustrious master. Introduced by proxy to the family of La Fayette, by
the young and amiable Princess Charlotte de B——, we undertook our
journey to La Grange with the same pleasure as the pilgrim takes his
first unwearied steps to the shrine of sainted excellence.

“In the midst of a fertile and luxuriant wilderness, rising above
prolific orchards and antiquated woods, appeared the five towers of La
Grange, tinged with the golden rays of the setting sun. Through the
branches of the trees appeared the pretty village of Aubepierre, once,
perhaps, the dependency of the castle, and clustering near the
protection of its walls. A remoter view of the village of D’Hieres, with
its gleaming river and romantic valley, was caught and lost alternately
in the serpentine mazes of the rugged road; which, accommodated to the
grouping of the trees, wound amidst branches laden with ripening fruit,
till its rudeness suddenly subsided in the velvet lawn that immediately
surrounded the castle. The deep moat, the drawbridge, the ivied tower
and arched portals, opening into the square court, had a feudal and
picturesque character; and combined with the reserved tints and fine
repose of evening, associated with that exaltation of feeling which
belonged to the moment, preceding a first interview with those on whom
the mind has long dwelt with admiration or interest.

“We found General La Fayette surrounded by his patriarchal family—his
excellent son and daughter-in-law, his two daughters (the sharers of his
dungeon in Olmütz) and their husbands, eleven grandchildren, and a
venerable granduncle, the ex-grand prior of Malta, with hair as white as
snow, and his cross and his order worn as proudly as when he had issued
forth at the head of his pious troops against the ‘paynim foe,’ or
Christian enemy.

“Such was the group that received us in the _salon_ of La Grange; such
was the close-knit circle that made our breakfast and our dinner party,
accompanied us in our delightful rambles through the grounds and woods
of La Grange, and constantly presented the most perfect unity of family
interests, habits, tastes, and affections.

“We naturally expect to find strong traces of time in the form of those
with whose names and deeds we have been long acquainted, of those who
had obtained the suffrages of the world, almost before we had entered
it. But, on the person of La Fayette, time has left no impression; not a
wrinkle furrows the ample brow; and his unbent and noble figure is still
as upright, bold, and vigorous as the mind that informs it. Grace,
strength, and dignity still distinguish the fine person of this
extraordinary man; who, though more than forty years before the world,
engaged in scenes of strange and eventful conflict, does not yet appear
to have reached his climacteric.

“Bustling and active in his farm, graceful and elegant in his _salon_,
it is difficult to trace, in one of the most successful agriculturists,
and one of the most perfectly fine gentlemen that France has produced, a
warrior and a legislator. The patriot, however, is always discernible.

“In the full possession of every faculty and talent he ever possessed,
the memory of M. La Fayette has all the tenacity of unworn youthful
recollections; and, besides these, high views of all that is most
elevated in the mind’s conception. His conversation is brilliantly
enriched with anecdotes of all that is celebrated, in character and
event, for the last fifty years. He still talks with unwearied delight
of his short visit to England, to his friend Mr. Fox, and dwelt on the
witchery of the late Duchess of Devonshire with almost boyish
enthusiasm. He speaks and writes English with the same elegance he does
his native tongue. He has made himself master of all that is best worth
knowing in English literature and philosophy.

“I observed that his library contained many of our most eminent authors
upon all subjects. His elegant and well-chosen collection of books
occupies the highest apartments in one of the towers of the château;
and, like the study of Montaigne, hangs over the farm-yard of the
philosophical agriculturist. ‘It frequently happens,’ said M. La
Fayette, as we were looking out of the window at some flocks which were
moving beneath, ‘it frequently happens that my merinos and my hay carts
dispute my attention with your Hume or our own Voltaire.’

“He spoke with great pleasure of the visit paid him at La Grange some
years ago by Mr. Fox and General Fitzpatrick. He took me out, the
morning after my arrival, to show me a tower richly covered with ivy.
‘It was Mr. Fox,’ he said, ‘who planted that ivy! I have taught my
children to venerate it.’

“The Château La Grange does not, however, want other points of
interest.... Founded by Louis Le Gros, and occupied by the Princes of
Lorraine, the mark of a cannon-ball is still visible in one of its
towers, which penetrated the masonry, when attacked by Maréchal Turenne.
Here in the plain, but spacious, _salon-à-manger_, the peasantry of the
neighborhood and the domestics of the castle assemble every Sunday
evening in winter to dance to the violin of the _concierge_, and are
regaled with cakes and _eau sucrée_. The general is usually, and his
family are always, present at these rustic balls. The young people
occasionally dance among the tenantry, and set the example of the new
steps, freshly imported by their Paris dancing-master.

“In the summer this patriarchal reunion takes place in the park, where a
space is cleared for the purpose, shaded by the lofty trees which
encircle it. A thousand times, in contemplating La Fayette, in the midst
of his charming family, the last years of the life of the Chancellor de
l’Hopital recurred to me, ... he whom the _naïve_ Brantome likens to
Cato! and who, loving liberty as he hated faction, retired from a court
unworthy of his virtues, to his little domain of Vignay, which he
cultivated himself.”

In 1819 La Fayette was again chosen a member of the Chamber of Deputies.
His many stirring and eloquent speeches in favor of liberty, and his
fearless denunciations of despotic tyranny, aroused the fear and hatred
of Louis XVIII. In 1823 the king ordered his solicitor-general to accuse
La Fayette of treason. The charge was made publicly in the Chamber of
Deputies, and for a moment was received with profound silence. Then La
Fayette slowly rose from his seat, and with calm and commanding dignity
took his stand upon the tribune. With folded arms he surveyed the
assembly with unquailing eye; and then he spoke: “In spite of my
habitual indifference to party accusations and animosities, I still
think myself bound to say a single word upon this occasion. During the
whole course of a life entirely devoted to liberty, I have constantly
been an object of attack to the enemies of that cause; under whatever
form, despotic, aristocratic, or anarchic, they have endeavored to
combat it. I do not complain, then, because I observe some affectation
in the use of the word ‘proved,’ which the solicitor-general has
employed against me; but I join my honored friends in demanding a public
inquiry, within the walls of this chamber, and in the face of the
nation. Then, I and my adversaries, to whatever rank they belong, may
declare, without reserve, all that we have mutually had to reproach each
other with for the last thirty years.”

His accusers recoiled from such a daring, and to them condemnatory,
challenge, and La Fayette was acquitted; but the government, by
intrigues and bribery, defeated his re-election.

The following speech of La Fayette, delivered in the Chamber of Deputies
in 1821, and published in the _New York American_, of July, that same
year, will give some idea of the fearless eloquence of the marquis,
which dauntless frankness so incensed the corrupt court and enraged the
Bourbon king.

The _New York American_ thus comments upon the speech:—

“We have allotted a considerable portion of our paper to-day to a speech
of General La Fayette, delivered last month in the French Chamber of
Deputies; and, in doing so, we shall gratify, as we hope, that deep
feeling of interest with which every act of that ‘soldier of America,’
as he proudly calls himself, is looked upon by his fellow-citizens of
the United States. It will be seen that, true to his early principles,
this veteran friend of freedom still maintains the doctrines to which
this country owes its existence and glory, and which, shackled and
fettered indeed, but still prevailing, he has the high honor of having
transplanted, sheltered, and under all changes adhered to in France. It
has, indeed, been truly and beautifully said of La Fayette that he was
among those who took an active part in the French Revolution, perhaps
the only one ‘who had nothing to ask of oblivion.’ Pure and
disinterested in his views and in his conduct, the public good has ever
been his object and his sole aim; and the blessings of this great
nation, in whose favor he early drew his noble sword, and the respect of
every lover of liberty in every clime, bear testimony to the consistency
of a life which, midst every variety of changes and perils, has never
been sullied by meanness nor dishonored by crime.”

GENERAL LA FAYETTE’S SPEECH.

During the discussions on the budget on the 4th of June, which, in
making appropriations for the expenditures of the country, laid open to
remark all the various interests of France, M. La Fayette, having been
called on to speak, presented himself at the tribune, and, after the
lively expressions of interest which his presence there excited in the
Chamber had subsided, spoke as follows:—

“The general discussion of the budget gives us the right of making some
summary remarks upon each of its provisions. The public debt, however
contracted, is sacred. I regret, in common with others, its recent
increase; but without recriminations here, as the errors of the first
restoration, which produced the 20th March, or as to the fatal landing
which came to mingle itself with the progress of a more salutary and
less turbulent resistance, or as to the conditions of the last treaty of
peace, stipulated exclusively between the powers at war with France and
the august ally of those powers, I will confine myself to drawing from
the past an important lesson for the future, which is, that it would
have cost, as I said at the time, much less to expel the coalition of
foreigners than to treat with it; and that, if ever such a state of
things should recur, and that, following the example of Napoleon and the
provisional government, the rulers of France should hesitate to call out
the people _en masse_, it would be alike the duty and the safety of that
people themselves to leap to their arms, and combining with one accord
the million arms of her warlike generation and devoted youth, to bury
beneath them, as she might do, the violators of her independence.

“The civil list has been voted for the whole duration of this reign; but
when, in consequence of encroachments and dilapidations forty million
francs of personal revenue for the monarch and his family begin to be
considered as insufficient, it is allowable to look at—I will not say
that country of ten millions of inhabitants, where the salary of the
chief magistrate is not equal to that of a French minister, but at the
monarchical, aristocratic, and expensive government of England; where,
nevertheless, the provision for the princes is smaller than in France;
and where more than half the civil list is employed in paying the
diplomatic corps, ministers, and judges; where the sum for which the
king is not bound to account does not exceed a million and a half of
francs.... Whatever may have been the losses and the pressure caused by
a just defence against the aggressions of European cabinets, and which
the ambition of a conqueror provoked, it must be owned, by more than one
act of perfidy on the part of those courts, has since immeasurably
increased; the enormous amount of the pension list arises from other
causes. These are to be found in the rapid succession of the different
governments in France, each anxious to create vacancies in favor of its
friends; and, above all, in the recent irruption of a crowd of
pretenders, all claiming rewards for having, either in will or in deed,
in foreign pay or in domestic insurrections, on the highways or in
obscure idleness, and even beneath the imperial liveries, manifested or
dissembled their opposition to those governments which, each flattered
in its turn, are now all called illegitimate. It is thus, that by
deviations and apostasies from a revolution of liberty and equality, we
have finished by seeing Europe during some years inundated with two
complete assortments of dynasties,—nobility and privileged classes....

“I come now, gentlemen, to the second part of our expenses, the
contingent part of the budget; but before remarking upon its items
separately, I would ask how we can conscientiously support, by voting
the ways and means, a government so scandalously expensive, and of which
the system is hostile to the rights and to the wishes of almost all
those who contribute to its support; and who, doubtless, only pay these
contributions with a view to be honestly served, and by those who will
study the national interest. It is to be hoped that this year the
special application of every sum to the object for which it was voted
will be closely scrutinized, as is the case in other countries....

“My unwillingness to vote for the expenses of foreign affairs arises
from the conviction that our diplomacy at present is an absurdity. In
truth, gentlemen, the system, the agents, the language, all appear to me
foreign to regenerated France; she is again subjected to doctrines that
she had branded, to powers she had so often conquered, to habits
contracted among her enemies, to obligations for which, on her own
account at least, she has no cause to blush. In the meanwhile, Europe,
aroused by us thirty years ago to liberty, checked indeed since, as it
must be confessed, by the view of our excesses and the abuse of our
victories, has resumed, and will preserve, notwithstanding recent
misfortunes, that great march of civilization, at the head of which our
French place is marked, a place in which the eyes of all people who are
free, or aspiring to become so, should not seek us in vain.

“Well, gentlemen, in this division of Europe between two banners,—on the
one side, despotism and aristocracy; on the other, liberty and
equality,—that liberty and equality which we first proclaimed
there,—where do we find the _soi-disant_ organs of France? exempt, it is
true, and I am happy to acknowledge it, from a hostile co-operation, in
the aggression of the satellites of Troppau and Laybach, whom a success
of little duration, as I hope, will only render more odious; they are
also entitled to our thanks for not having insulted France by any
positive participation in those recent declarations of the three powers,
which, in order not to offend the majority in this house, I will only
characterize by repeating my ardent wishes, the wishes of my life, for
the emancipation of the people, the independence of nations, and the
morality and dignity of the true social order. We have, nevertheless,
seen the agents of the French government, in their subaltern
participation in the first deliberation of these congresses, not even to
raise themselves to the level, so easily attained, of liberality evinced
by the British diplomatists....

“Such are not the doctrines of France. I speak not now of my personal
incredulity of the doctrine of the divine right of kings; but I recall
to you that already, long before ’89, the era of the European
revolution, when we SOLDIERS OF AMERICA felt honored by the name of
_rebels_ and insurgents then lavished upon us, all in virtue of social
order by the English government, Louis XVI. and his ministers had
expressly recognized the sovereignty of the United States, founded as it
was upon the principles of their immortal declaration of independence.

“These principles, since received into the bosom of the constituent
assembly, proclaimed in a degree, sworn to by the king and his august
brother amidst the greatest of our patriotic solemnities, have been
since acknowledged, even in the usurpations of the imperial
despotism,—they were since repeated from this tribune as a protecting
truth by the friends of the charter and the royal throne on the 19th of
March, 1815, for then it was not said that the charter was the
counter-revolution; and, indeed, in order to ascertain the share due to
the revolution of the rights recognized by the charter, that share which
has so often been denied, it would suffice to read again an august
proclamation, dated from Verona in July, 1795. These principles,
professed at this day among that people who are our natural allies,
outweigh all the exploded pretensions which we have since renewed, the
moment that a noble effort of the nations subjected by our arms had
forced their old governments in spite of themselves to recover the
independence which they had so completely, so servilely, so
affectionately alienated for the benefit of their conqueror; to whom, in
a recent note from Troppau, they have preserved the noblest title he
ever bore, in calling him the _soldier of the Revolution_.

“In truth, gentlemen, the crimes and misfortunes which we deplore are no
more the Revolution than the Saint Bartholomew was religion, or those
you would call monarchical, the eighteen thousand judicial murders of
the Duke of Alva....

“I will only make one remark as to the public instruction. The
constitution of ’91 said, ‘There shall be organized a system of public
instruction open to all citizens, gratuitous with respect to the
indispensable parts of education, and widely disseminated.’ Your
committee, on the contrary, exalting themselves to the height of the
emperor of Austria’s address to the professors at Laybach, look upon
gratuitous instruction as a _social disorder_, and are particularly
desirous to suppress the amount destined for the encouragement of
elementary instruction, principally because it serves to favor the
Lancasterian system, which your committee does not think will harmonize
with the spirit of our institutions. Now, gentlemen, the Lancasterian
system is, since the invention of printing, the greatest step which has
been made for the extension of prompt, easy, and popular instruction....

“The expenses of the navy department are enormous. The navy of the
United States has already been cited to you; that navy, whose flag,
since its establishment and during two spirited wars against the flag of
Britain, has never once failed with equal, and often with inferior,
force, to gain the advantage. The provisions, the pay,—everything there,
as has been observed to you,—are higher than with us. Its cruisers
amounted lately to two ships of the line, nine frigates and fifteen
smaller vessels, protecting a commerce of more than 1,200,000 tons,
without including the fisheries or the coasting trade. The expenses of
their navy department were fixed last session at two and one-half
millions of dollars, and half a million more to build new vessels,
making sixteen millions of francs, calculated, indeed, for twelve
vessels of the line and twenty frigates, etc. But what a difference
between this sum and fifty millions of francs, which are said to be
insufficient for our navy!...

“I shall not consider it as a departure from the question under
discussion as to the general administration of the kingdom, if, by a
rapid examination of the ancient régime, I shall endeavor to furnish an
answer to the wishes and regrets of which it still seems the object. It
was from the destruction of this régime that we saw disappear that
corporation of clergy which, exercising all sorts of influences and
refusing all share in the common burdens, increased continually and
never alienated its immense riches, but divided them among themselves;
which, rendering the law an accomplice in vows too frequently forced,
covering France with monastic orders devoted to a foreign head,
collected contributions both in the garb of wealth and mendicity; and
which, in its secular organization, formed so considerable a portion of
the idle and unproductive class that the daily ministers of the altar
were the most insignificant portion of what was called the first order
of the state.

“We saw disappear that corporation of sovereign courts where the
privilege of judging was venal of right, and, in fact, hereditary in the
nobility; when feudal judges, chosen and revocable by their _seigneurs_,
presided; when the diversity of codes and the laws of arrests made you
lose before one tribunal the cause you had gained before another.

“We saw disappear that financial corporation oppressing France beyond
endurance, and by leases, whose monstrous government exceeded in expense
and profit the receipts of the royal treasury, whose immense code, now
here recorded, formed an occult science which its agents alone had the
right or the means of interpreting, and which, in rewarding perjury and
informers, exercised over all unprotected men a boundless and
remorseless tyranny.

“We saw disappear those distinctions of provinces, _French_,
_conquered_, _foreign_, etc., each surrounded with a double row of
custom-house officers and smugglers, from whose intestine war the
prisons, the galleys, and the gibbet were recruited at the will of the
stipendiaries of him who _farmed the revenue_, and those other
distinctions of noble or common property; when the parks and gardens of
the rich paid nothing, while the land and the person of the poor man
were taxed in proportion to his industry; when the tax upon the peasant
and upon his freehold recalled to nineteen-twentieths of the citizens
that their degradation was not only territorial, but individual and
personal.

“By its destruction, that constitutional equality was consecrated which
makes the general good the only foundation of distinctions acknowledged
by law. The privileged class lost the right of distributing among
themselves exclusive privileges, and of treating with contempt all other
classes of their fellow-citizens. No Frenchman was now excluded from
office because he might not come of noble blood; or degraded, if noble,
by the exercise of a useful profession....

“What more is there to regret? Is it the scheme of taxation, regulated
by the king at the will of a minister of finance, whom I myself have
seen changed twelve times in fourteen years, and which taxation was
distributed arbitrarily among the provinces, and even among the
contributors?...

“Is it the capitation tax, established in 1702, to achieve the peace,
and never afterwards repealed? The two-twentieths diminished on the
contributions of the powerful and made heavier on those of the poor; the
land tax, of which the basis was in Auvergne, nine sous out of twenty,
and amounting sometimes to fourteen, on _account of the vast increase of
privileged persons created by traffic in places_? Finally, is it the
odious duties on consumption, more odious than the_ droits réunis_ of
Napoleon? Is it the criminal jurisprudence, when the accused could
neither see his family, his friends, his country, nor the documents by
which he was to be tried?... When the verdict, obscurely obtained, might
be aggravated at the pleasure of the judges by torture? for the torture
preparatory to the examination had been alone abolished....”

The _New York American_, of April, 1824, relates the following: “Our La
Fayette has, it seems, given fresh offence lately to the
ultra-royalists, which the following translation will explain. He had
been summoned as a witness on a trial; the crier being ordered to call
over the witnesses, the following scene occurred:—

“_Crier._ The Marquis de La Fayette.

“_Mr. La Fayette._ I beg to observe to the court, that in the list of
witnesses I am named by a title which, since the decree of the
Constituent Assembly in 1791 (the decree abolishing orders of nobility),
I have ceased to bear.

“_President of the Tribunal._ Crier, call Mr. La Fayette.

“This simple declaration has drawn down on the veteran all the wrath of
the ultra presses; and he has been seriously accused of having in making
it, violated the charter or constitution. This notable instrument, it
seems, sets forth ‘that the ancient nobility resume their rights’; and
because the soldier of liberty refuses to be confounded in title with
the thousand little _marquises_ about the court, he is charged with an
offence against the constitution of his country. The servile flatterers
of power, whether wielded by the self-made Corsican or the son of St.
Louis, may well rail at an example of consistency which shames their
rapid and oft-repeated tergiversations.

“It may be interesting to many to add, that on his examination in giving
his name and age, as is usual in French trials, General La Fayette
states himself to be sixty-six years old.

“We regretted at the time to observe in the resolutions passed by
Congress, that our early friend was mentioned by his title, and we see
the more reason to regret it now, as it will furnish an occasion for the
taunts of the French press, as contrasted with the declaration above
stated.”




                              CHAPTER XI.

La Fayette and his Son sail for America—Ruse of the French Police—La
  Fayette’s arrival in America—His Reception in New York—Meeting his Old
  Companions in Arms—Various Cities visited—Public Dinner at
  Westchester—Reception at Albany—Address of the Mayor—The General’s
  Reply—La Fayette received by Congress—Welcome by Mr. Clay—La Fayette’s
  Fitting Answer—An Incident—M. Levasseur recounts their Visit to
  Ex-President Monroe—La Fayette visits General Jackson—The Renowned
  Pistols—La Fayette’s Interesting Comments—Old Hickory’s Enthusiastic
  Declaration—Scene at the Tomb of Washington—La Fayette pays Homage to
  the Ashes of the Illustrious Dead—Dinner given by Congress in Honor of
  La Fayette—Visit of a Committee from Both Houses—Act of Congress
  concerning him—Address of the Committee—General La Fayette’s Reply.

          “Yes; to this thought I hold with firm persistence;
             The last result of wisdom stamps it true;
           He only earns his freedom and existence
             Who daily conquers them anew.”—GOETHE.


ON the 12th of July, 1824, La Fayette, accompanied by his son, George
Washington, and his private secretary, M. Levasseur, set sail from Havre
for his last visit to America. When the fact became known that La
Fayette contemplated this journey, the French police immediately
endeavored to spy out his motives for so doing, to discover if they had
any political significance.

This incident is taken from a French paper:—

“As soon as it was known that M. de La Fayette was going to the United
States, M. Delavau became anxious to find out what preparations he was
making for his departure, and everything that passed in his hotel. For
this purpose a list of subscribers for the relief of an old officer was
forged, and to it were attached the names of Messrs. Ternaux, Lafitte,
Benjamin Constant, and other deputies. A police officer named Placi was
employed on this occasion; and he called at the house of M. de La
Fayette, and saw M. Levasseur, his secretary, who questioned him with
great caution; and from the awkward answers of the policeman discovered
the trick. M. Levasseur told him that M. de La Fayette was not within at
that moment, and if he would return in half an hour he would be sure of
meeting the general, who, no doubt, would afford him every assistance in
his power. The policeman, confident of the success of his visit,
returned many thanks, and promised to come back at the appointed time.

“M. Levasseur ordered a servant to follow him, and he was traced to a
house where other police agents were assembled; and they were heard
congratulating each other upon the capital breakfast which they could
eat the next morning at the expense of General La Fayette. The policeman
returned in half an hour, and was introduced to M. de La Fayette, who
received him in the kindest manner, and addressed him thus:—

“‘Well, sir, what are you?’

“‘I am, sir,’ said the policeman, ‘an old officer, who has been greatly
persecuted.’

“‘Probably,’ said the general, ‘you belong to M. Delavau’s regiment?’

“‘No,’ said Placi.

“‘Well,’ continued the general, ‘as you will not tell the truth, I will
try and force you to do so.’

“The general, then addressing himself to his secretary, told him to
order up the servants and direct them to tie the policeman in a chaise,
and carry him to his château in the country and burn him. They obeyed
the general’s orders, and fastened Placi with cords in the post-chaise;
but soon as he saw it was no joke (not being able to move hand or foot),
he begged to be allowed to speak a few words to the general; and on
being brought before him, threw himself upon his knees, and asked for
pardon, and at the same time delivering up the paper which he had
received as instructions. M. de La Fayette granted him his liberty, and
transmitted the instructions, with a letter to M. Delavau, which the
latter (of course, through modesty) has not thought proper to publish in
the newspapers.”

The following account of the arrival of La Fayette in America is taken
from the files of the _Niles Register_, a newspaper published in
Baltimore at that time. The date is August, 1824.

“It is with feelings of the utmost pleasure we announce the arrival of
this distinguished soldier and patriot of the Revolution. He came a
passenger in the _Cadmus_ from Havre, accompanied by his son, George
Washington La Fayette, and arrived at the quarantine ground, near New
York, on the 15th inst. He landed from the _Cadmus_ at an early hour in
the morning, and repaired to the dwelling of the Vice-President on
Staten Island.

“Immediately on his arrival being known, he was waited on by a committee
of the corporation of New York and a great number of distinguished
citizens. He is in excellent health, full of conversation, and rejoiced
beyond measure in having his foot upon American ground. On the following
day he was conducted to the city, amidst every demonstration of joy that
a grateful people could bestow, reflecting the highest credit on the
patriotic citizens of New York, and a just tribute to the veteran whose
blood and treasure so essentially contributed to the enjoyment of our
present blessings.”

The following interesting particulars are extracted from the New York
_Commercial Advertiser_:—

“The committee, having chartered the steamship _Robert Fulton_ and the
steamboats _Chancellor Livingston_, _Oliver Ellsworth_, _Henry Eckford_,
_Connecticut_, _Bellona_, _Olive Branch_, _Nautilus_, etc., they were
all superbly dressed with flags and streamers of every nation, and
directed to meet and form an aquatic escort between the south part of
the Battery and Governor’s Island, and thence proceed in order to Staten
Island. The squadron, bearing six thousand of our fellow-citizens,
majestically took its course toward Staten Island, there to take on
board our long-expected and honored guest. At one o’clock the fleet
arrived at Staten Island, and in a few minutes a landau was seen
approaching the hotel near the ferry. The general, the Vice-President,
and ex-governor Ogden of New Jersey having alighted, a procession was
formed, and the venerable stranger, supported by these gentlemen,
followed by all the officers of the island and a crowd of citizens,
passed through a triumphal arch, round which was tastefully entwined the
French and American colors. He was here met by the committee of the
common council, who conducted him on board the _Chancellor_. On entering
this splendid vessel, the marines paid him military honors. He was now
introduced to the committees from most of our honored associations and
the general officers representing the infantry. The West Point band all
this time were playing, ‘See! the conquering hero comes,’ ‘_Ou peut on
être mieux_,’ ‘Hail Columbia,’ and the ‘Marseillaise Hymn.’

“The steamship now fired a salute, and the whole squadron got under way
for the city. Decidedly the most interesting sight was the reception of
the general by his old companions in arms, Colonel Marinus Willet, now
in his eighty-fifth year, General Van Cortland, General Clarkson, and
other Revolutionary worthies. He knew and remembered them all. It was a
reunion of a long-separated family.

“After the ceremony of embracing and congratulations were over, he sat
down alongside of Colonel Willet, who grew young again and fought all
his battles over. ‘Do you remember,’ said he, ‘at the battle of Monmouth
I was a volunteer aid to General Scott? I saw you in the heat of battle.
You were but a boy; but you were a serious and sedate lad.’ ‘Aye, aye; I
remember well. And on the Mohawk I sent you fifty Indians; and you wrote
that they set up such a yell that they frightened the British horse, and
they ran one way and the Indians another.’ No person who witnessed this
interview will ever forget it; many an honest tear was shed on the
occasion.

“La Fayette landed amidst the cheers and acclamations of 30,000 people,
who filled the Castle, Battery, and surrounding grounds within sight.
After partaking of some refreshment, the whole cavalcade moved in the
direction of the City Hall. The general rode uncovered, and received the
unceasing shouts and the congratulations of 50,000 freemen, with tears
and smiles, which bespoke how deeply he felt the pride and glory of the
occasion.

“After the ceremonies of presentation at the City Hall, he was conducted
to his lodgings at the City Hotel; and he had the extraordinary
condescension and good feeling to come out and shake hands with six or
seven hundred American youths, the future conservators of his fame. This
circumstance has planted in the minds of these little ones the strongest
affection for the man, which will go with them through life and endure
till its close.

“Such is a faint outline of the proceedings of a day which shines
proudly in the annals of our country; proceedings which were more
brilliant than any that have ever been witnessed in America, and which
will rarely, if ever, be equalled.”

Deputations from various cities called upon La Fayette: among them was a
deputation from the corporation of Baltimore, to whose greeting La
Fayette replied in expressive terms. “Ah, Baltimore!” he exclaimed;
“well do I recollect Baltimore, and with feelings of peculiar gratitude;
for to the merchants of Baltimore, and particularly to the ladies of
Baltimore, I was indebted for assistance which enabled me to open the
Virginia campaign. Without them, I do not know what I could have done.”

General La Fayette visited the following places during his triumphal
journey through America, between the time of his arrival in August,
1824, and his departure in September, 1825, being received everywhere
with the warmest enthusiasm and honored with the most distinguished
attentions. At New York, Boston, Providence, Philadelphia, Baltimore,
Washington,—and, in fact, everywhere,—he was honored with such ovations
as the country had never before witnessed. We can only name the various
cities which were honored by his presence, and a few incidents which
occurred. After his reception at New York, he visited successively the
following places: Providence, Boston; then returned to New York; and
having been again received by crowds of people whose desire to behold
him was unabated, he attended a splendid civic FÊTE at Castle Garden,
and then proceeded to visit West Point, Newburg, Poughkeepsie, Clermont,
Catskill, Hudson, Albany, Troy, Jersey City, Newark, Elizabethtown, New
Brunswick, Princeton, Trenton, Morrisville, Philadelphia, Wilmington,
Frenchtown, Baltimore, Washington, Alexandria, Yorktown, Williamsburg,
Norfolk, Richmond, Fredericksburg, Monticello, Charlottesville,
Annapolis, from whence he returned to Washington and Baltimore.

The _Magazine of American History_ of December, 1887, quotes the
following description, taken from the New York _Evening Post_ of 1824,
regarding the brilliant _fête_ given at Castle Garden on the 14th of
September, 1824, in honor of the nation’s guest, General La Fayette:—

“We hazard nothing in saying it was the most magnificent _fête_ given
under cover in the world. It was a festival that realizes all that we
read of in the Persian tales or Arabian Nights, which dazzled the eye
and bewildered the imagination, and which produced so many powerful
combinations by magnificent preparations as to set description almost at
defiance. We never saw ladies more brilliantly dressed; everything that
fashion and elegance could devise was used on the occasion. Their
head-dresses were principally of flowers, with ornamented combs, and
some with plumes of ostrich feathers. White and black lace dresses over
satin were mostly worn, with a profusion of steel ornaments, and neck
chains of gold and silver, suspended to which were beautiful gold and
silver badge medals bearing a likeness of La Fayette, manufactured for
the occasion. The gentlemen had suspended from the button-holes of their
coats a similar likeness, and with the ladies, had the same stamped on
their gloves. A belt or sash with the likeness of the general, and
entwined with a chaplet of roses, also formed part of the dress of the
ladies.

“Foreigners who were present admitted that they had never seen anything
equal to this _fête_ in the several countries from which they came, the
blaze of light and beauty, the decorations of the military officers, the
combination of rich colors which met the eye at every glance, the
brilliant circle of fashion in the galleries,—everything in the range of
sight being inexpressibly beautiful, and doing great credit and honor to
the managers and all engaged in this novel spectacle. The guests
numbered several thousands; but there was abundant room for the dancing,
which commenced at an early hour and was kept up until about three
o’clock in the morning.”

At a public dinner given to General La Fayette at Westchester, Dr.
Darlington, late member of Congress from that district, offered the
following classic toast:—

“THE FIELDS OF BRANDYWINE! ... irrigated on the _Cadmean_ system of
agriculture, with the blood of revolutionary patriots ... the teeming
harvest must ever be _independent freemen_.”

The _Niles Register_, of Baltimore, gives the following interesting
descriptions of the reception of La Fayette at Albany, and the memorable
public welcome given him by Congress:—

“On alighting at the capitol, the general was conducted to the senate
chamber, where he was received by the mayor and the members of the
corporation. He was addressed by the mayor of Albany, as follows:—

“‘Your visit in this country is received with universal and heart-felt
joy. Your claims upon the gratitude and friendship of this nation arise
from your heroic devotion to its freedom, and your uniform assertion of
the rights of man. The progress of time has attested the purity of your
character and the lustre of your heroism, and the whole course of your
life has evinced those exalted virtues which were first displayed in
favor of the independence and liberty of America.

“‘In the hour of difficulty and peril, when America, without allies,
without credit, with an enfeebled government, and with scanty means of
resistance, confiding in the justice of her cause, and the protection of
Heaven, was combating for her liberties against a nation powerful in
resources and all the materials of war, when our prospects of success
were considered by many more than doubtful, if not desperate, you
devoted all your energies and all your means to our defence; and, after
witnessing our triumphant success, your life has been consecrated to the
vindication of the liberties of the Old World.

“‘When Franklin, the wisest man of the age, pronounced you the most
distinguished person he ever knew; when Washington, the illustrious hero
of the New World, honored you with friendship the most sincere, and with
confidence the most unlimited, they evinced their just discernment of
character, and foresaw the further display of faculties and virtues
which would identify your name with liberty, and demonstrate your
well-founded claims to the gratitude, the love, and the admiration of
mankind.

“‘The few surviving statesmen and soldiers of the Revolution have
gathered around you as a friend and a brother; the generation that has
risen up since your departure cherish the same feelings; and those that
will appear in the successive future ages will hail you as the
benefactor of America and the hero of liberty. In every heart you have a
friend, and your eulogium is pronounced by every tongue. I salute you as
an illustrious benefactor of our country; and I supplicate the blessings
of Heaven on a life sanctified in the sublime cause of heroic virtue and
disinterested benevolence.’”

To which the general returned the following reply:—

“SIR: The enjoyments of my visit to the beautiful country and happy
shores of the North River cannot but be highly enhanced by the
affectionate reception and the civic testimonies of esteem which are
conferred upon me in this city, and the manner in which you are pleased
to express sentiments so gratifying to my heart. Not half a century has
elapsed since this place, ancient, but small, was my headquarters, on
the frontiers of an extensive wilderness, since, as commander in the
northern department, I had to receive the oath of renunciation to a
royal distant government, of allegiance to the more legitimate
sovereignty of the people of the United States.

“Now, sir, Albany, become a considerable city, is the central seat of
the authorities of the state of New York. Those wildernesses rank among
the most populous and best cultivated parts of the Union. The rising
generation has, in two glorious wars, and still more so in her admirable
institutions, asserted an indisputable superiority over the proud
pretender to a control upon her.

“To these happy recollections, sir, you have the goodness to add
remembrances of my early admission among the sons and soldiers of
America, of friendships the most honorable and dear to me. I will not
attempt to express the feelings that crowd on my mind, and shall only
beg you, sir, and the gentlemen of the corporation to accept the tribute
of my respectful and devoted gratitude.”

The reception of La Fayette by Congress, in the Hall of Representatives,
was peculiarly flattering and gratifying.

“At an early hour the galleries began to fill with spectators; and soon
after eleven o’clock, many ladies entered the hall and took possession
of the sofas and seats which were appropriated for their reception. The
doors were afterwards thrown open, and the Senate entered in procession
and took seats on the right side of the chair.

“At one o’clock, George Washington La Fayette and Colonel Levasseur, the
general’s secretary, entered the house, and took their seats on one of
the sofas by the side of the Secretary of State.

“In a few moments General La Fayette entered the house, supported on his
right by Mr. Mitchell, the chairman of the select committee, and on his
left by Mr. Livingston, and followed by the committee. The speaker and
members then arose, and the procession advanced towards the centre of
the house. Mr. Mitchell introduced La Fayette in the following words:—

“‘MR. SPEAKER: The select committee, appointed for that purpose, have
the honor to introduce General La Fayette to the House of
Representatives.’

“The general was then conducted to the sofa placed for his reception,
when the speaker, Mr. Clay, addressed him in the following words:—

“‘GENERAL: The House of Representatives of the United States, impelled
alike by its own feelings and by those of the whole American people,
could not have assigned to me a more gratifying duty than that of
presenting to you cordial congratulations upon the occasion of your
recent arrival in the United States, in compliance with the wishes of
Congress; and to assure you of the very high satisfaction which your
presence affords on this early theatre of your glory and renown.
Although but few of the members who compose this body shared with you in
the war of our Revolution, all have, from impartial history, or from
faithful tradition, a knowledge of the perils, the sufferings, and the
sacrifices which you voluntarily encountered, and the signal services,
in America and in Europe, which you performed for an infant, a distant,
and an alien people; and all feel and own the very great extent of the
obligations under which you have placed our country. But the relations
in which you have ever stood to the United States, interesting and
important as they have been, do not constitute the only motive of the
respect and admiration which the House of Representatives entertain for
you. Your consistency of character, your uniform devotion to regulated
liberty, in all the vicissitudes of a long and arduous life, also
commands its admiration. During all the recent convulsions of Europe,
amidst, as after the dispersion of every political storm, the people of
the United States have beheld you, true to your old principles, firm and
erect, cheering and animating, with your well-known voice, the votaries
of liberty, its faithful and fearless champion, ready to shed the last
drop of that blood which here you so freely and nobly spilt in the same
holy cause.

“‘The vain wish has been sometimes indulged that Providence would allow
the patriot after death to return to his country and to contemplate the
intermediate changes which had taken place,—to view the forests felled,
the cities built, the mountains levelled, the canals cut, the highways
constructed, the progress of the arts, the advancement of learning, and
the increase of population. General, your present visit to the United
States is a realization of the consoling object of that wish. You are in
the midst of posterity. Everywhere you must have been struck with the
great changes, physical and moral, which have occurred since you left
us. Even this very city, bearing a venerated name, alike endeared to you
and to us, has since emerged from the forest which then covered its
site. In one respect you behold us unaltered, and this is in the
sentiment of continued devotion to liberty, and of ardent affection and
profound gratitude to your departed friend, the father of his country,
and to you, and to your illustrious associates in the field and the
cabinet, for the multiplied blessings which surround us, and for the
very privilege of addressing you which I now exercise. This sentiment,
now fondly cherished by more than ten millions of people, will be
transmitted, with unabated vigor, down the tide of time through the
countless millions who are destined to inhabit the continent to the
latest posterity.’

“While the speaker was addressing him, General La Fayette was very
visibly affected. At the close of the address he seated himself for a
moment to regain composure, and then rose, and in tones made thrilling
by intense feeling, he made the following reply:—

“‘MR. SPEAKER, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: While the
people of the United States and their honorable representatives in
Congress have deigned to make a choice of me, one of the American
veterans, to signify in his person their esteem for our joint services
and their attachment to the principles for which we have had the honor
to fight and bleed, I am proud and happy to share those extraordinary
favors with my dear Revolutionary companions; yet it would be, on my
part, uncandid and ungrateful not to acknowledge my personal share in
those testimonies of kindness, as they excite in my breast emotions
which no words are adequate to express.

“‘My obligations to the United States, sir, far exceed any merit I might
claim; they date from the time when I had the happiness to be adopted as
a young soldier a favored son of America; they have been continued to me
during almost a half-century of constant affection and confidence; and
now, sir, thanks to your most gratifying invitation, I find myself
greeted by a series of welcomes, one hour of which would more than
compensate for the public exertions and sufferings of a whole life.

“‘The approbation of the American people and their representatives for
my conduct during the vicissitudes of the European revolution is the
highest reward I could receive. Well may I _stand firm and erect_, when
in their names, and by you, Mr. Speaker, I am declared to have in every
instance been faithful to those American principles of liberty,
equality, and true social order, the devotion to which, as it has been
from my earliest youth, so it shall continue to be to my latest breath.

“‘You have been pleased, Mr. Speaker, to allude to the peculiar felicity
of my situation, when, after so long an absence, I am called to witness
the immense improvements, the admirable communications, the prodigious
creations, of which we find an example in this city, whose name itself
is a venerated palladium. In a word, all the grandeur and prosperity of
those happy United States, who, at the same time they nobly secure the
complete assertion of American independence, reflect on every part of
the world the light of a far superior civilization.

“‘What better pledge can be given of a persevering national love of
liberty, when those blessings are evidently the result of a virtuous
resistance to oppression, and institutions founded on the rights of men
and the republican principle of self-government?

“‘No, Mr. Speaker, posterity has not begun for me, since, in the sons of
my companions and friends I find the same public feelings, and, permit
me to add, the same feelings in my behalf which I have had the happiness
to experience in their fathers.

“‘Sir, I have been allowed, forty years ago, before a committee of a
congress of thirteen states, to express the fond wishes of an American
heart; on this day I have the honor and enjoy the delight to
congratulate the representatives of the Union, so vastly enlarged, on
the realization of those wishes, even beyond every human expectation,
and upon the almost infinite prospects we can with certainty anticipate;
permit me, Mr. Speaker, and gentlemen of the House of Representatives,
to join to the expression of those sentiments a tribute of my lively
gratitude, affectionate devotion, and profound respect.’

“Both the address of the speaker of the House, and the reply of General
La Fayette, were listened to with the most intense and admiring
attention. As soon as the general had concluded his reply, Mr. Mitchell
moved that the House should adjourn. After the adjournment, the speaker
left his chair, and advancing to General La Fayette, offered his
personal congratulations, while shaking him warmly by the hand. The
members of the House were then introduced individually to their honored
guest, by the speaker, and after some time spent in receiving and
shaking hands with those who pressed forward to claim the honor of thus
welcoming personally the distinguished guest of the nation, General La
Fayette retired, bearing with him the admiring devotion and profoundest
love of the people of his adopted country.”

Regarding an incident which occurred during La Fayette’s last journey in
America, the _Niles Register_ says:—

“To preserve, in some small degree, an account of the _feelings_ which
the arrival of our venerable friend has elicited, we have noticed a few
of the exhibitions of it that have taken place, but every narrative of
them falls far short of the reality of what has happened. The people are
wild with joy, and the gratitude and love of all persons, of every age,
sex, and condition, seems hardly to be restrained within the bounds of
propriety—as if it would cause many to forget what was due to themselves
and the general, whom they delight to honor. At one place they failed so
far in self-respect as to contend with _horses_ for the privilege of
drawing the Revolutionary chief in his carriage! It is hoped that the
general will not be thus _insulted_ again—for insulted he must be, when
he sees the sovereigns of this great and glorious country aiming at the
most magnificent destinies, converted into asses or other beasts of
burden. It is his desire to be treated like a _man_, not as a titled
knave or brainless dandy. Let him be hugged to the heart of all who can
approach him, so far as not to endanger his health, and incur the risk
of ‘killing him with kindness’—let the trumpet to the cannon speak, the
cannon to the heavens, and the ardent prayers of free millions ascend to
the throne of the Omnipotent, that blessings may be heaped upon him;
but, in all this, let us remember that we are _men_ like unto himself
and _republicans_.”

Among the many interesting incidents of La Fayette’s tour in America
given by his secretary, M. Levasseur, in a work entitled “La Fayette in
America,” we have space for only three or four. M. Levasseur thus
recounts an incident of their visit to Ex-President Monroe:—

“General La Fayette was daily making preparations for his return to
Europe, but before leaving the soil of America he was anxious to revisit
some of his old friends in Virginia, and especially he desired to see
him who, as chief magistrate, had received him at the seat of
government, and who, now retired to private life, continued in
cultivating his moderate patrimonial estate, to give his fellow-citizens
an example of every virtue. The general mentioned his wish to President
Adams, who immediately offered to accompany him in the visit, saying
that ‘he would gladly avail himself of such an occasion to go and offer
to his predecessor his tribute of respect and attachment.’

“On the 6th of August, accordingly, we started for Oak-hill, the
residence of Mr. Monroe, thirty-seven miles from Washington. Mr. Adams
took the general in his carriage, together with George La Fayette and
one of his friends; I followed in a tilbury with a son of the President,
and thus, without suite or escort, we left the city.

“At the bridge over the Potomac we stopped to pay toll—the
toll-gatherer, after counting the number of persons and horses, received
from the President the sum required and we went on; scarcely, however,
had we proceeded a few steps when we heard behind us a voice, saying,
‘Mr. President, Mr. President, you have paid me a shilling short!’ and
immediately the toll-gatherer came running up with the money in his
hand, explaining how the mistake arose. The President heard him
attentively, went over the calculation with him, and finding that the
man was right, put his hand out to pay him, when all at once the
toll-gatherer recognized General La Fayette in the carriage, and
forthwith insisted upon returning the amount of his toll, saying, ‘All
bridges and all gates are free to the Guest of the Nation.’

“Mr. Adams, however, observed that on this occasion the general was not
travelling officially nor as the Guest of the Nation, but simply as an
individual and a friend of the President, which character gave him no
title to exemption. This reasoning struck the toll-gatherer as just: he
took the money and withdrew. Thus during the whole course of his travels
in the United States the general was once only subject to the customary
tolls, and that was precisely on the occasion when he was accompanied by
the chief magistrate of the nation—a circumstance which in any other
country would probably have insured him the privilege of exemption.”

Regarding this incident a writer remarks:—

“We do not know how this simple narrative may strike others, but to us
it affords a more remarkable illustration of the simplicity and real
equality resulting from our institutions than the most elaborate
argument could do.”

M. Levasseur also thus relates the visit of La Fayette to General
Jackson at the Hermitage:—

“At one o’clock we embarked with a numerous company to go to dine with
General Jackson, residing at the distance of some miles up the river. We
there found many ladies and neighboring farmers who had been invited by
Mrs. Jackson to come and take part in the _fête_ she had prepared.

“The first thing that struck me on arriving at the residence of General
Jackson was the simplicity of his habitation. Still a little governed by
my European habits, I demanded if this could really be the dwelling of
the most popular man in the United States; of him whom the country
proclaimed one of its most illustrious defenders; and in fine, of him
who, by the will of the people, had been on the point of arriving at the
supreme magistracy!

“General Jackson showed us, in all their details, his garden and his
farm, which appeared to be cultivated with the greatest intelligence. We
remarked everywhere the greatest order and the most perfect prosperity,
and might readily have believed ourselves with one of the richest and
most skilful farmers of Germany.

[Illustration: Andrew Jackson]

“On re-entering the house, some friends of General Jackson, who probably
had not seen him for a long time, begged him to show them the arms that
he had received after the last war. He yielded with a good grace to
their request, and caused to be placed on the table a sabre, a sword,
and a pair of pistols. The sword was presented to him by Congress, and
the sabre, I believe, by the body of the army who fought under his
orders at New Orleans. These two arms of American manufacture are
remarkable for the elegance of the workmanship, and yet more for the
honorable inscriptions with which they are covered. But it was
particularly to the pistols that the general wished to draw our
attention. He presented them to General La Fayette, and asked if he
recollected them. The latter, after some moments of attentive
examination, answered that he did remember them to be those which he had
offered in 1778 to his paternal friend Washington, and that he
experienced sincere satisfaction in now finding them in the hands of a
man so worthy of such an inheritance. At these words the countenance of
Old Hickory was suffused with a modest blush, and his eyes sparkled as
in the days of victory.

“‘Yes,’ said he, ‘I believe myself worthy of it’ (pressing at the same
time to his bosom his pistols and the hands of La Fayette), ‘if not for
what I have done, at least for what I desire to do for my country.’

“All the citizens applauded this noble confidence of the patriot-hero,
and felt convinced that the arms of Washington could not be in better
hands than those of Jackson.”

But the most impressive scene pictured by M. Levasseur is the following
description of La Fayette’s visit to the tomb of Washington:—

“Leaving Washington and descending the Potomac, after a voyage of two
hours, the guns of Fort Washington announced that we were approaching
the last abode of the Father of his Country. At this solemn signal, to
which the military band accompanying us responded by plaintive strains,
we went on deck, and the venerable soil of Mount Vernon was before us;
at this view an involuntary and spontaneous movement made us kneel. We
landed in boats and trod upon the ground so often worn by the feet of
Washington. A carriage received General La Fayette, and the other
visitors silently ascended the precipitous path which conducted to the
solitary habitation of Mount Vernon.

“Three nephews of General Washington took La Fayette, his son, and
myself, to conduct us to the tomb of their uncle; our numerous
companions remained in the house; in a few minutes after, the cannon of
the fort, thundering anew, announced that LA FAYETTE rendered homage to
the ashes of WASHINGTON. Simple and modest as he was during life, the
tomb of the citizen-hero is scarcely perceived amid the sombre cypresses
by which it is surrounded. A vault slightly elevated and sodded over, a
wooden door without inscriptions, some withered and some green garlands,
indicate to the traveller who visits this spot the place where rest in
peace the puissant arms which broke the chains of his country. As we
approached, the door was opened, La Fayette descended alone into the
vault, and a few minutes after re-appeared with his eyes overflowing
with tears. He took his son and me by the hand and led us into the tomb,
where by a sign he indicated the coffin of his paternal friend,
alongside of which was that of his companion in life, united to him in
the grave. We knelt reverently near his coffin, which we respectfully
saluted with our lips, and rising, threw ourselves into the arms of La
Fayette, and mingled our tears with his.”

On the 1st of January, 1825, a dinner was given to General La Fayette by
the members of both houses of Congress. The scene is thus described by
one of the Washington papers:—

“At half-past four o’clock the front rooms of Williamson’s buildings,
now occupied by private families, were thrown open for the company,
having been politely tendered for that purpose. In about half an hour
afterwards the President of the United States entered the room
accompanied by his secretaries. At half-past five General La Fayette
arrived attended by his son, Mr. George Washington La Fayette, and his
secretary, M. Levasseur; and at six o’clock the company (which,
including the invited guests, amounted to about two hundred) sat down to
dinner. Mr. Gaillard, the president _pro tem._ of the Senate, and Mr.
Clay, the speaker of the House of Representatives, presided. On the
right of Mr. Gaillard sat the President of the United States, and on his
left General La Fayette, _supported by his Revolutionary brethren_. On
the right of Mr. Clay sat the Secretary of State, and on his left the
Secretary of War.

“The hall was adorned with pictures and flags arranged with elegance and
taste. The flags from the war and navy departments were obtained for the
occasion, and contributed to revive in the mind associations dear to the
heart of every American.”

Among many toasts we can only mention the one to the memory of
Washington, and the following to La Fayette:—

“General La Fayette, the great apostle of rational liberty. Unawed by
the frowns of tyranny, uninfluenced by the blandishments of wealth, and
unseduced by popular applause; the same in the castle of Olmütz, as in
the active scenes of his labor and height of his renown.”

After this toast was drunk, General La Fayette rose and thus responded:—

“GENTLEMEN OF BOTH HOUSES: I want words to express the respectful,
grateful sense I have of all the favors and kindnesses you are pleased
to confer upon me. I hope you will do justice to the warm feelings of an
American heart, and I beg leave to propose the following toast:—

“_Perpetual union among the United States—it has saved us in our time of
danger—it will save the world._”

This toast was received with the wildest enthusiasm, and after many
others in behalf of the army, navy, people of America, free press, etc.,
the distinguished guests withdrew.

On the first day of January, 1825, a joint committee of both Houses
waited upon General La Fayette, and presented to him a copy of the
following act of Congress concerning him:—

“_Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States of America, in Congress assembled_:—

“That in consideration of the services and sacrifices of General La
Fayette in the War of the Revolution, the Secretary of the Treasury be,
and he is hereby, authorized to pay to him the sum of two hundred
thousand dollars, out of any money in the treasury not otherwise
appropriated.

“SEC. 2. _And be it further enacted_, That there be granted to the said
General La Fayette and his heirs one township of land; to be laid out
and located under the authority of the President, on any of the
unappropriated lands of the United States.

                                        “H. CLAY,
                               “Speaker of the House of Representatives.
                                      “JOHN GAILLARD,
                               “President of the Senate, _pro tempore_.

“Washington: Approved Dec. 28, 1824.
       “JAMES MONROE.”

The address of the committee was as follows:—

“GENERAL: We are a committee of the Senate and House of Representatives
charged with the office of informing you of the passage of an act, a
copy of which we now present. You will perceive from this act, sir, that
the two Houses of Congress, aware of the large pecuniary as well as
other sacrifices which your long and arduous devotion to the cause of
freedom has cost you, have deemed it their privilege to reimburse a
portion of them, as having been incurred in part on account of the
United States. The principles which have marked your character will not
permit you to oppose any objection to the discharge of so much of the
national obligation to you as admits of it. We are directed to express
to you the confidence as well as request of the two Houses of Congress
that you will, by an acquiescence in their wishes in this respect, add
another to the many signal proofs you have afforded of your esteem for a
people whose esteem for you can never cease until they have ceased to
prize the liberty they enjoy, and to venerate the virtues by which it
was acquired. We have only to subjoin an expression of our gratification
in being the organs of this communication, and of the distinguished
personal respect with which we are,

“Your obedient servants,

             “S. SMITH,            )
             “ROBERT Y. HAYNE,     )    Committee of the
             “D. BOULIGNY,         )        Senate.

             “W. S. ARCHER,        )    Committee of the
             “ S. VAN RENSSELAER   }        House of
             “PHILIP S. MARKLY,    )    Representatives.

Washington, Jan. 1, 1825.”

To this address of the committee the general returned the following
answer:—

                                            “WASHINGTON, Jan. 1, 1825.

“GENTLEMEN OF THE COMMITTEE OF BOTH HOUSES OF CONGRESS:—

“The immense and unexpected gift which, in addition to former and
considerable bounties, it has pleased Congress to confer upon me calls
for the warmest acknowledgments of an old American soldier and adopted
son of the United States, two titles dearer to my heart than all the
treasures in the world.

“However proud I am of every sort of obligation received from the people
of the United States, and their representatives in Congress, the large
extent of this benefaction might have created in my mind feelings of
hesitation, not inconsistent, I hope, with those of the most grateful
reverence. But the so very kind resolutions of both Houses delivered by
you, gentlemen, in terms of equal kindness, precludes all other
sentiments except those of the lively and profound gratitude, of which,
in respectfully accepting the munificent favor, I have the honor to beg
you will be the organs.

“Permit me, also, gentlemen, to join a tender of my affectionate
personal thanks to the expression of the highest respect, with which I
have the honor to be, your obedient servant,

                                                         “LA FAYETTE.”




                              CHAPTER XII.

Interesting Ceremony at Washington—Letter to Liberator Bolivar—Bolivar’s
  Reply—Comments of the _Niles Register_ upon the Departure of the
  Nation’s Guest—Description of the Farewell Ceremonies—Parting Address
  of President Adams—General La Fayette’s Impressive Reply—Parting
  Scenes—The General escorted to the Potomac—Military Review—La Fayette
  embarks on a Steamer—Parting Salute—The Fleet pauses at Mount
  Vernon—La Fayette’s Last View of Washington’s Tomb—La Fayette
  transferred to the _Brandywine_—Farewell in the Captain’s
  Cabin—Comments of the Press upon La Fayette’s Memorable Visit—A
  Belfast Journal—The Vermont _North Star_—A French Author’s Address to
  the Youth of France—A Letter from Paris—La Fayette’s Reception at
  Havre—Gift presented to the General by the Midshipmen of the
  _Brandywine_—La Fayette’s Words of Thanks—Reception of General La
  Fayette at La Grange—The Edinburgh _Observer_ Comments upon the Visit
  of La Fayette to America.

                “’Tis liberty alone that gives the flower
              Of fleeting life its lustre and perfume;
              And we are weeds without it.”—COWPER.


“AN interesting ceremony took place at Washington a day or two before
the departure of the Nation’s Guest. This was the presentation to the
representative of the Columbian Republic certain presents to be
forwarded by him to Bolivar, the Liberator. The presents consisted of a
medal of gold presented to Lady Washington by the city of Williamsburg,
in honor of her illustrious husband, and also a portrait of General
Washington, inclosing in the back of the picture a lock of the
patriarch’s hair. These gifts were presented by George Washington P.
Custis, by the honored hands of the last of the generals of the army of
North American independence—General La Fayette. The following is a
translation of the letter written by General La Fayette to the
president, Liberator Bolivar, which, together with a letter from George
Washington Custis, accompanied the gifts.”

“PRESIDENT LIBERATOR: My religious and filial devotion to the memory of
General Washington could not be better appreciated in his family than by
the honorable charge now bestowed upon me. While I recognize the perfect
likeness of the portrait, I am happy to think that among all existing
characters, and all those recorded in history, General Bolivar is the
one to whom my paternal friend would have preferred to offer it. What
shall I say more to the great citizen whom South America has hailed by
the name of liberator, a name confirmed by both worlds, and who,
possessing an influence equal to his disinterestedness, carries in his
heart the love of liberty, without any exception, and of the republic,
without any alloy? However, I feel authorized by the public and recent
testimonies of your kindness and esteem to present you with the personal
congratulation of a veteran of our common cause, who, on the eve of his
departure for another hemisphere, shall follow with his best wishes the
glorious complement of your labors, and that solemn congress at Panama
where will be consolidated and completed all the principles and all the
interests of American independence, freedom, and policy.

“Accept, President Liberator, the homage of my deep and respectful
attachment.

                                                         “LA FAYETTE.”

To which letter La Fayette subsequently received the following reply:—

                                                “LIMA, March 16, 1826.

“GENERAL: For the first time I behold the characters traced by the hand
of the benefactor of the New World. I owe that happiness to Colonel
Mesh, who has just handed me your honorable of the 13th October last.

“It is with inexpressible pleasure that I learned from the public papers
that you had had the goodness to honor me with a treasure from Mount
Vernon. The likeness of Washington, and one of the monuments of his
glory, are, it is said, to be presented to me by you in the name of the
illustrious citizen’s eldest son of liberty in the New World. How shall
I express the value which my heart attaches to a testimony of esteem so
glorious for me? The family of Mount Vernon honor me beyond my hopes;
for Washington, from the hands of La Fayette, is the most sublime
recompense that man could desire.

“Washington was the courageous protector of social reform, and you, sir,
you are the heroic citizen, the champion of liberty, who served America
with the one hand, and the Old World with the other. What mortal could
suppose himself worthy of the honor with which you deign to overwhelm
me? Hence my confusion is in proportion with the extent of gratitude,
which I offer to you with the respect and veneration which every man
owes to the Nestor of liberty.

“I am, with the greatest consideration, your respectful admirer,

                                                            “BOLIVAR.”

The _Niles Register_ of September 3, 1825, says:—

“General La Fayette will commence his return voyage to Europe, by
proceeding to the new and splendid frigate _Brandywine_, on the 8th
inst., which now lies in the Potomac; and millions of wishes will be
offered up that he may have prosperous gales and pleasant weather, and a
happy meeting with his friends, a long life of serenity and peace, and a
triumphant exit from this world to that which is to come. Highly favored
man—who hast thyself seen and felt all that grateful posterity can
confer for imperishable deeds of virtue, farewell!—and, if so it shall
yet be that the evening of thy days and thy night of death are passed in
this land of the free, every house will be open to receive thee, or
every heart be engaged to invoke eternal blessings upon thee.”

From the same paper, dated September 10, we quote the following:—

“La Fayette has departed. He left Washington on Wednesday last in the
steamboat _Mount Vernon_, and in due season reached the new frigate
_Brandywine_ lying at the mouth of the Potomac, which was also visited
by the steamboat _Constitution_, from Baltimore, with a large party of
gentlemen. All was done that could be done to honor the Nation’s Guest,
and the people were not less zealous to show their affection for him on
the day of his departure, than to press about him on that of his arrival
among us more than a year ago. For some time past he had made his home
with the President, from whom and all else he received every civility
and kindness that it was possible, by those who loved him the more the
better they knew him, to bestow upon him. We shall give some of the
particulars of the ceremonies and proceedings that took place on the
interesting occasion. The parting in the grand hall of the President’s
house filled with citizens and officers, on Wednesday last, is described
as one of the most sublime and affecting scenes that can be imagined.
The President’s address to him is a composition worthy of the occasion;
he delivered it with great emotion, yet with much dignity; but hardly
one was present who did not feel the tears moistening his eyes or
trickling down his cheeks, and many will be in like manner affected even
when they _read_ it. La Fayette’s reply is also eloquent and abounds
with feeling. The silence of the grave prevailed while either was
speaking. When the latter had ended he gave vent to his tears with
embraces, and all partook of his emotions.

“The last three weeks which the Nation’s Guest spent in our happy land
were exceedingly well appropriated. After witnessing the magnificent
ceremony at Boston on the anniversary of the battle of Bunker Hill, he
leisurely returned to the city of Washington, visiting many of his
personal friends on the way, and reviewing the battle-field at
Brandywine.

“From the city of Washington he made delightful excursions into
Virginia, in which it happened that three out of all the Presidents
which we have had yet, reside as citizens.

“The last days of his visit were properly spent by La Fayette in the
nation’s house, on the invitation of its present possessor, the chief
magistrate of the United States. Mr. Adams was in his early youth a
favorite with the general, having much personal communication with him;
and of his disposition and ability to represent the hospitality and
feeling of the millions of free people over whose affairs he presides
there could not be a doubt. La Fayette was at home in the national
house, in the city of Washington, and in the heart of a family which
offered every inducement that can operate on the human mind to make him
comfortable: this was his abode till the moment of his departure to
embark in the _Brandywine_, named in compliment to him, and peculiarly
fitted for his accommodation—her ‘giddy mast’ bearing the stripes and
the stars, her bosom to contain the person of our guest; a man of whom
it may be said, ‘take him all in all, we ne’er shall look upon his like
again,’ unless he shall again visit our shores; one who was the same,
great and good, in prosperity and adversity—grateful for kind offices,
forgiving of injuries, zealous to confer benefits, modest when on the
pinnacle of human glory, dignified and collected in the proud presence
of kings. But I must not proceed—if, after Mr. Adams’ display of
eloquence and power, he who commands words and they obey him, honestly
confessed ‘a want of language to give utterance to his feelings’—who
among us may attempt it? I shall, therefore, proceed to notice some of
the things which happened at the departure of La Fayette, with this
simple remark, that if there is any American who can read, unmoved, Mr.
Adams’ valedictory address to him, or the reply of the general to that
address, I would not possess that man’s heart for his fortune though he
were a Crœsus.

“The 7th inst. was the day appointed for his departure. The civil and
military authorities and the whole people of Washington had prepared to
honor it. The banks were closed and all business suspended, and nothing
else engaged attention except the ceremonies prescribed for the
occasion.

“At about twelve o’clock the authorities of Washington, Georgetown, and
Alexandria, the principal officers of the general government, civil,
military, and naval, some members of Congress, and other respectable
strangers were assembled in the President’s house to take leave of La
Fayette. He entered the great hall in silence, leaning on the marshal of
the district and on the arm of one of the President’s sons. Mr. Adams
then with much dignity, but with evident emotion, addressed him in the
following terms:—

”_Address of the President of the United States to General La Fayette,
  on taking leave of him at his departure on the 7th of September,
  1825._

“‘GENERAL LA FAYETTE: It has been the good fortune of many of my
distinguished fellow-citizens, during the course of the year now
elapsed, upon your arrival at their respective places of abode, to greet
you with the welcome of the nation. The less pleasing task now devolves
upon me, of bidding you, in the name of the nation, adieu.

“‘It were no longer seasonable, and would be superfluous, to
recapitulate the remarkable incidents of your early life—incidents which
associated your name, fortunes, and reputation in imperishable
connection with the independence and history of the North American
Union.

“‘The part which you performed at that important juncture was marked
with characters so peculiar, that, realizing the fairest fable of
antiquity, its parallel could scarcely be found in the _authentic_
records of human history.

“‘You deliberately and perseveringly preferred toil, danger, the
endurance of every hardship, and the privation of every comfort, in
defence of a holy cause, to inglorious ease, and the allurements of
rank, affluence, and unrestrained youth, at the most splendid and
fascinating court of Europe.

“‘That this choice was not less wise than magnanimous, the sanction of
half a century, and the gratulations of unnumbered voices, all unable to
express the gratitude of the heart with which your visit to this
hemisphere has been welcomed, afford ample demonstration.

“‘When the contest of Freedom, to which you had repaired as a voluntary
champion, had closed, by the complete triumph of her cause in this
country of your adoption, you returned to fulfil the duties of the
philanthropist and patriot in the land of your nativity. There, in a
consistent and undeviating career of forty years, you have maintained,
through every vicissitude of alternate success and disappointment, the
same glorious cause to which the first years of your active life had
been devoted,—the improvement of the moral and political condition of
man.

“‘Throughout that long succession of time, the people of the United
States, for whom and with whom you had fought the battles of liberty,
have been living in the full possession of its fruits—one of the
happiest among the family of nations. Spreading in population; enlarging
in territory; acting and suffering according to the condition of their
nature; and laying the foundations of the greatest, and, we humbly hope,
the most beneficent power that ever regulated the concerns of man upon
earth.

“‘In the lapse of forty years, the generation of men with whom you
co-operated in the conflict of arms has nearly passed away. Of the
general officers of the American army in that war, you alone survive; of
the sages who guided our councils; of the warriors who met the foe in
the field or upon the wave, with the exception of a few, to whom unusual
length of days has been allotted by Heaven, all now sleep with their
fathers. A succeeding, and even a third, generation have arisen to take
their places; and their children’s children, while rising up to call
them blessed, have been taught by them, as well as admonished by their
own constant enjoyment of freedom, to include in every benison upon
their fathers, the name of him who came from afar, with them, and in
their cause to conquer or to fall.

“‘The universal prevalence of these sentiments was signally manifested
by a resolution of Congress, representing the whole people, and all the
states of this Union, requesting the President of the United States to
communicate to you the assurances of grateful and affectionate
attachment of this government and people, and desiring that a national
ship might be employed at your convenience, for your passage to the
borders of our country.

“‘The invitation was transmitted to you by my venerable predecessor;
himself bound to you by the strongest ties of personal friendship;
himself one of those whom the highest honors of his country had rewarded
for blood early shed in her cause, and for a long life of devotion to
her welfare. By him the services of a national ship were placed at your
disposal. Your delicacy preferred a more private conveyance, and a full
year has elapsed since you landed upon our shores. It were scarcely an
exaggeration to say that it has been to the people of the Union a year
of uninterrupted festivity and enjoyment, inspired by your presence. You
have traversed the twenty-four states of this great confederacy. You
have been received with rapture by the survivors of your earliest
companions in arms. You have been hailed as a long-absent parent by
their children, the men and women of the present age; and a rising
generation, the hope of future time, in numbers surpassing the whole
population of that day when you fought at the head, and by the side of
their forefathers, have vied with the scanty remnants of that hour of
trial, in acclamations of joy at beholding the face of him whom they
feel to be the common benefactor of all. You have heard the mingled
voices of the past, the present, and the future age, joining in one
universal chorus of delight at your approach; and the shouts of unbidden
thousands, which greeted your landing on the soil of freedom, have
followed every step of your way, and still resound, like the rushing of
many waters, from every corner of our land.

“‘You are now about to return to the country of your birth, of your
ancestors, of your posterity. The executive government of the Union,
stimulated by the same feeling which had prompted the Congress to the
designation of a national ship for your accommodation in coming hither,
has destined the first service of a frigate recently launched at the
metropolis, to the less welcome but equally distinguished trust, of
conveying you home. The name of the ship has added one more memorial to
distant regions and to future ages, of a stream already memorable at
once in the story of your sufferings and of our independence.

“‘The ship is now prepared for your reception, and equipped for sea.
From the moment of her departure, the prayers of millions will ascend to
Heaven, that her passage may be prosperous, and your return to the bosom
of your family as propitious to your happiness as your visit to this
scene of your youthful glory has been to that of the American people.

“‘Go, then, our beloved friend; return to the land of brilliant genius,
of generous sentiment, of heroic valor; to that beautiful France, the
nursing mother of the twelfth Louis, and the fourth Henry; to the native
soil of Bayard and Coligni, of Turenne and Catinat, of Fénélon and
d’Aguesseau. In that illustrious catalogue of names which she claims as
of her children, and with honest pride holds up to the admiration of
other nations, the name of La Fayette has already for centuries been
enrolled. And it shall henceforth burnish into brighter fame; for if, in
after days, a Frenchman shall be called to indicate the character of his
nation by that of one individual during the age in which we live, the
blood of lofty patriotism shall mantle in his cheek, the fire of
conscious virtue shall sparkle in his eye, and he shall pronounce the
name of LA FAYETTE. Yet we, too, and our children, in life and after
death, shall claim you for our own. You are ours by that more than
patriotic self-devotion with which you flew to the aid of our fathers at
the crisis of their fate.

“‘Ours by that long series of years in which you have cherished us in
your regard. Ours by that unshaken sentiment of gratitude for your
services which is a precious portion of our inheritance. Ours by that
tie of love, stronger than death, which has linked your name for the
endless ages of time, with the name of Washington.

“‘At the painful moment of parting from you, we take comfort in the
thought, that wherever you may be, to the last pulsation of your heart,
our country will be ever present to your affections; and a cheering
consolation assures us that we are not called to sorrow most of all,
that we shall see your face no more. We shall indulge the pleasing
anticipation of beholding our friend again. In the meantime, speaking in
the name of the whole people of the United States, and at a loss only
for language to give utterance to that feeling of attachment with which
the heart of the nation beats as the heart of one man—I bid you a
reluctant and affectionate farewell.’

“To which General La Fayette made the following answer:—

“‘Amidst all my obligations to the general government, and particularly
to you, sir, its respected chief magistrate, I have most thankfully to
acknowledge the opportunity given me, at this solemn and painful moment,
to present the people of the United States with a parting tribute of
profound, inexpressible gratitude.

“‘To have been, in the infant and critical days of these states, adopted
by them as a favorite son, to have participated in the toils and perils
of our unspotted struggle for independence, freedom, and equal rights,
and in the foundation of the American era of a new social order, which
has already pervaded this, and must for the dignity and happiness of
mankind successfully pervade every part of the other hemisphere, to have
received at every stage of the Revolution, and during forty years after
that period, from the people of the United States and their
representatives at home and abroad, continual marks of their confidence
and kindness, has been the pride, the encouragement, the support of a
long and eventful life.

“‘But how could I find words to acknowledge that series of welcomes,
those unbounded and universal displays of public affection, which have
marked each step, each hour, of a twelve months’ progress through the
twenty-four states, and which, while they overwhelm my heart with
grateful delight, have most satisfactorily evinced the concurrence of
the people in the kind testimonies, in the immense favors bestowed on me
by the several branches of their representatives, in every part and at
the central seat of the confederacy.

“‘Yet gratifications still higher awaited me: in the wonders of creation
and improvement that have met my enchanted eye; in the unparalleled and
self-felt happiness of the people, in their rapid prosperity and insured
security, public and private, in a practice of good order,—the appendage
of true freedom,—and a national good sense,—the final arbiter of all
difficulties,—I have had proudly to recognize a result of the republican
principles for which we have fought, and a glorious demonstration to the
most timid and prejudiced minds of the superiority, over degrading
aristocracy or despotism, of popular institutions founded on the plain
rights of man, and where the local rights of every section are preserved
under a constitutional bond of union. The cherishing of that union
between the states, as it has been the farewell entreaty of our great
paternal Washington, and will ever have the dying prayer of every
American patriot, so it has become the sacred pledge of the emancipation
of the world, an object in which I am happy to observe that the American
people, while they give the animating example of successful free
institutions in return for an evil entailed upon them by Europe, and of
which a liberal and enlightened sense is everywhere more and more
generally felt, show themselves every day more anxiously interested.

“‘And now, sir, how can I do justice to my deep and lively feelings for
the assurances, most peculiarly valued, of your esteem and friendship;
for your so very kind references to old times, to my beloved associates,
to the vicissitudes of my life; for your affecting picture of the
blessings poured by the several generations of the American people on
the remaining days of a delighted veteran; for your affectionate remarks
on this sad hour of separation, on the country of my birth, full, I can
say, of American sympathies; on the hope so necessary to me of my seeing
again the country that has deigned, near a half-century ago, to call me
hers? I shall content myself, refraining from superfluous repetitions,
at once, before you, sir, and this respected circle, to proclaim my
cordial confirmation of every one of the sentiments which I have had
daily opportunities publicly to utter; from the time when your venerable
predecessor, my old brother in arms and friend, transmitted to me the
honorable invitation of Congress; to this day, when you, my dear sir,
whose friendly connection with me dates from your earliest youth, are
going to consign me to the protection, across the Atlantic, of the
heroic national flag, on board the splendid ship, the name of which has
been not the least flattering and kind among the numberless favors
conferred upon me.

“‘God bless you, sir, and all who surround us. God bless the American
people, each of their states, and the federal government. Accept this
patriotic farewell of an overflowing heart; such will be its last throb
when it ceases to beat.’”

“As the last sentence was pronounced,” says the _National
Intelligencer_, “the general advanced, and, while the tears poured over
his venerable cheeks, again took the President in his arms. He retired a
few paces, but, overcome by his feelings, again returned, and uttering
in broken accents, ‘God bless you!’ fell once more on the neck of Mr.
Adams. It was a scene at once solemn and moving, as the sighs and
stealing tears of many who witnessed it bore testimony. Having recovered
his self-possession, the general stretched out his hands, and was, in a
moment, surrounded by the greetings of the whole assembly, who pressed
upon him, each eager to seize, perhaps for the last time, that beloved
hand which was opened so freely for our aid, when aid was so precious,
and which grasped, with firm and undeviating hold, the steel which so
bravely helped to achieve our deliverance. The expression which now
beamed from the face of this exalted man was of the finest and most
touching kind. The hero was lost in the father and the friend: dignity
melted into subdued affection, and the friend of Washington seemed to
linger with a mournful delight among the sons of his adopted country. A
considerable period was then occupied in conversing with various
individuals, while refreshments were presented to the company. The
moment of departure at length arrived, and having once more pressed the
hand of Mr. Adams, he entered the barouche accompanied by the
secretaries of state, of the treasury, and of the navy.”

Another writer says:—

“The parting being over, the carriage of the general, preceded by the
cavalry, the marine corps, and Captain Edwards’ rifle corps, and
followed by the carriages containing the corporate authorities of the
cities, of the district, and numerous military and high civil officers
of the government, moved forward, followed by the remaining military
companies. In taking up the escort the whole column moved through the
court in front of the President’s mansion, and paid him the passing
salute as he stood in front to receive it. The whole scene—the peals of
artillery, the animating sound of numerous military bands, the presence
of the vast concourse of people, and the occasion that assembled
them—altogether produced emotions not easily described, but which every
American will readily conceive.

“On reaching the bank of the Potomac, near where the _Mount Vernon_
steam vessel was in waiting, all the carriages in the procession, except
the general’s, wheeled off, and the citizens in them assembled on foot
around that of the general. The whole military body then passed him in
review, as he stood in the barouche of the President, attended by the
secretaries of state, of the treasury, and of the navy. After the
review, the general proceeded to the steam vessel, under a salute of
artillery, surrounded by as many citizens, all eager to catch the last
look, as could press on the large wharf; and at four o’clock, this great
and good and extraordinary man trod for the last time the soil of
America, followed by the blessings of every patriotic heart that lives
on it.

“As the vessel moved off, and for a short time after, the deepest
silence was observed by the whole of the vast multitude that lined the
shore. The feeling that pervaded them was that of children bidding a
final farewell to a venerated parent. The crowd remained gazing after
the retiring vessel, until she had passed Greenleaf’s Point, where
another salute repeated the valedictory sounds of respect, and these
again were, not long after, echoed by the heavy guns of Fort Washington,
and reminded us of the rapidity with which this benefactor and friend of
our country was borne from it.

“The general was accompanied to the _Brandywine_ by the Secretary of the
Navy, the mayors of the three cities of the district, the
commander-in-chief of the army, the generals of the militia of the
district, Commodore Bainbridge, Mr. Custis, of Arlington, and several
other gentlemen.”

The trip to the _Brandywine_, and the ceremonies on board of the frigate
on the reception of the general, are thus described by one of the
passengers in the steamboat _Mount Vernon_:—

“The moment of separation arrived. The _Mount Vernon_ received her
venerable freight, and the general, from the midst of the suite, whom
the government had detailed as an escort of honor, waved his hand and
bowed to the thousands who thronged the shores, an affectionate adieu.

“Under the discharge of artillery, and the fervent benedictions of the
vast assemblage who still lingered and looked, when they no longer
spoke, a last farewell, the _Mount Vernon_ proceeded on her way.

“On passing Alexandria, the wharves and shipping were crowded with
citizens and neighbors, all business was suspended, and the ‘hum of men’
was hushed in the respectful silence which pervaded this ‘parting hour.’
The general, uncovered, took the station which would place him nearest
to his friends, where he could best give and best receive the salute of
mutual attachment and esteem. So abstracted from ordinary considerations
were the minds of all parties, that the steersman neared the town till
the general became enveloped in the smoke of the cannon, which, however
appropriate to enemies, were nearer than is usual to friends. The boat,
after passing, returned, and repassed the town, again and again
producing the most enthusiastic expressions of affectionate farewell.
The ramparts of Fort Washington paid their honors, as the mansion, the
groves, and the tomb of Mount Vernon opened to view. The progress of the
little fleet was arrested, that the last of the generals might pay his
pious homage and filial duty to the tomb of the paternal chief.

“La Fayette arose—the wonders which he had performed for a man of his
age, in successfully accomplishing labors enough to have tested his
meridian vigor, whose animation rather resembles the spring than the
winter of life, now seemed unequal to the task he was about to
perform,—to take a last look at the grave of Washington! He advanced to
the effort: a silence the most impressive reigned around, till the
strains of sweet and plaintive music completed the grandeur and sacred
solemnity of the scene. All hearts beat in unison with the throbbings of
the veteran’s bosom, as he looked, and that for the last time, on the
sepulchre which contains the ashes of the first of men. He spoke not,
but appeared absorbed in the mighty recollections which the place and
the occasion inspired.

“After this noble scene, the fleet resumed its course, and, after a
voyage of safety and expedition, anchored near the _Brandywine_ the
ensuing morning. The general was received in the commodore’s barge, and
repaired, through very inclement weather, to the gallant bark which is
to bear him to his other home. He was placed on the deck of the ship by
an ornamented chair, rigged for the special purpose, and under a salute
from the main battery—the music of the band, and the greetings of the
commodore, his officers, and many guests, who were assembled for this
interesting event; but above all, by the warm embrace of the
Revolutionary worthies, who had repaired to the ship to take another
farewell of their beloved associate of the heroic time. After a
sumptuous collation served in the captain’s cabin, and a number of
feeling and appropriate toasts, among which was the following by La
Fayette:—

“‘The national flag of the United States; ever the pledge of glory; on
this day the rendezvous of friendship’; and by Mr. Custis, of
Arlington:—

“‘The _Brandywine_, which bears to his native land the last of the
generals of the army of American independence, and the great apostle of
the rights of mankind.—May the winds of Heaven not visit her course too
roughly, but with kindest breath swell the bosom of her sails, and the
guardian genius that protects the just and good, be an ever-watchful
Palinurus to guide her helm.’ After which Colonel Bentalou, of
Baltimore, offered the following toast:—

“‘The memory of General Washington—the military father and beloved
friend of our nation’s guest.’

“This toast was drunk standing, and the final moment of separation
having arrived, the last adieus were spoken.

“The barges of the ship bore the sorrowing guests to their respective
vessels, while the thunders of the superb _Brandywine_ told to the
echoes around the adieu to La Fayette.”

The day had been boisterous and rainy, but just as the affecting scene
had closed, the sun burst forth in all his glory, as a propitious omen.

The editor of the _Irishman_, a journal conducted at Belfast, in the
issue of September, 1825, in commenting upon the proceedings at
Washington on the occasion of the farewell to La Fayette, says:—

“We this day give our readers one of the most interesting scenes which
can be laid before the human mind,—the departure and farewell address of
the greatest republic the world ever saw, to that veteran hero, whose
sword was one of the first in the field to assert her freedom. The
address of Mr. Adams is a chaste and beautiful composition,—a triumphant
recapitulation of the glories of liberty,—and the reply of the old
soldier is characterized by all the fire of youth and wisdom of age. The
_Irishman_ feels no small pleasure in being the first journal to give
these immortal productions to the people of Ireland.”

The _North Star_, printed at Danville, Vermont, says, regarding La
Fayette’s last act in America:—

“We are informed that General La Fayette has addressed a letter to
General Fletcher, from on board the _Brandywine_, on the subject of the
imprisonment of General William Barton, and inclosed a draft, with a
request that the sum for which General Barton was confined should be
paid. That request has been complied with, and General Barton was
informed that he was no longer a prisoner. With what emotions of
surprise and gratitude this intelligence was received by the valiant
captor of Prescott can be better imagined than described. The scene was
rendered more interesting by the peculiarly delicate manner in which the
business was conducted and the fact announced by General Fletcher. All
participated in the satisfaction which was expressed, that General
Barton was at liberty to return to his family, after a separation of
more than thirteen years.”

Mr. Kerate, a French author of a work entitled “Divine Worship,” taking
our reception of La Fayette as his standard, addresses the French youth,
and thus urges their ambition to fly to the succor of the Greeks:—

“A man is at this moment traversing the continent of North America. The
whole population crowds around him; from the sources of the rivers, from
the recesses of the forests, they flock to see him; the maidens of the
banks of the Ohio crown him with flowers; the youths desire to behold
him, to touch his garments; the old men to press his hand before they
lose him. These marks of respect will be transmitted from generation to
generation; they will become family documents. At his approach the
magistrates make room to receive him among them; his presence diffuses
joy in the cities; he brings glory to the tombs of the brave; it might
be thought that they had waited for him to begin their immortality; he
himself is loaded with benedictions and honors. What, then, has he done?
Is he a prince or a potentate? No! With the means at the command of a
private man he assisted an oppressed nation. Young Frenchmen! this is
the picture you should have before your eyes; it is worthy of you.”

A letter from Paris, dated Sept. 7th, and published in one of the London
papers, says:—

“Our ministers are under a good deal of embarrassment in regard to the
manner of receiving La Fayette, who, according to the accounts brought
by the _Edward Bonaffe_, must soon arrive. The moment our ministers
heard that the general was coming in the frigate _Brandywine_, they
despatched orders to the authorities at Havre, to prevent any kind of
meeting and every mark of honor which might be attempted to be bestowed
upon him. On the other hand, the most respectable of the merchants and
other inhabitants have resolved to express their esteem for his
character by every means in their power. The military commandant is a
violent royalist, but the mayor is a good-natured, moderate man, who
wishes to avoid every sort of tyrannical measures. The American frigate
is another subject of embarrassment. It is usual, when a frigate enters
the port, for her to salute the batteries with fifteen guns, but this
salute must be returned by an equal number. Now, our government are
afraid that, if they reply to the American salute, the people will think
they are expending powder in honor of La Fayette; but if they do not
agree to return, they will be obliged to let the frigate enter without
saluting, for they well know that the American captain will not burn a
match without an assurance of reciprocity.”

The editor of the _Niles Register_ adds:—

“The writer of the letter justly estimates the fact. Morris and his crew
would rather fight the largest and the best-fitted frigate that ever
belonged to France, than fire a salute but with the belief that it would
be returned, gun for gun. The stripes and stars may be hauled down by a
conqueror, but shall not be disgraced.”

The _Niles Register_ for November says:—

“La Fayette was received at Havre with the greatest enthusiasm. It does
not appear that the government had taken any measures to prevent a
favorable greeting of him. The _Brandywine_ saluted the forts, which
returned an equal number of guns. On the day of his disembarkation, the
general proceeded to his country-seat, accompanied for two leagues by a
numerous cavalcade, consisting of young men of the principal families of
Havre and its neighborhood.”

When General La Fayette was about to leave the frigate _Brandywine_, on
her arrival at Havre, a farewell address was presented to him by the
midshipmen attached to the ship. To this flattering attention General La
Fayette thus verbally replied:—

“MY DEAR YOUNG FRIENDS: I am unable to express my feelings towards you.
Before I had the pleasure of your acquaintance I considered it an honor
to belong to the United States navy: since then my knowledge of you as
individuals has added to my admiration of the chivalry of your
profession, and rendered sanguine my expectations of its future
achievements. Your country has reason to be proud of you; I part from
you with regret: but should your duties or inclinations bring you again
to France, remember that La Grange is the home of every American.
Farewell!”

The Paris _Constitutionnel_ of the 20th December, 1825, contained a
circumstantial account of the reception of La Fayette at La Grange,
after his return from his visit to America. The neighboring villages
united in a public festival in his honor, notwithstanding strong efforts
on the part of the municipal authorities to prevent rejoicing of any
kind.

The following is a translation of one of the addresses delivered to the
general by deputations, together with one of his answers.

_Address_: “At length we again behold you, grown younger from the
atmosphere of liberty which you have been breathing, and the spectacle
of the happiness of a powerful and grateful people, which you have
contemplated with delight. Like the Americans, we could wish to describe
to you our love, pleasure, and admiration; but these sentiments,
agitating too strongly our hearts, deprive us of the power of so doing.”

To which the general replied:—

“The affecting welcome which awaited me here, and the fresh testimonials
of attachment which you lavish upon me to-day, fill up the measure of my
joy in finding myself in the bosom of my family and in the midst of you,
my dear friends and neighbors. During my journeys over the free and
prosperous territories of the United States it was sweet to me to think
that the voices of that excellent and admirable people would resound
even as far as your abodes, and that you would enjoy them for me.

“The enemies of the people’s cause have cast it as a reproach upon me
that, in expressing my sentiments at the American meetings, I thought
also of you. They were right to believe this; and, in fact, at the sight
of the wonders of the public prosperity and private happiness which, in
that immense country, are the fruits of liberty, equality, legal and
national order, it would have been difficult for me to forget the wish I
had ever cherished, that my French countrymen should exercise the same
rights and obtain the same felicity.

“You see me now restored to my retreat of La Grange, which is dear to me
on so many accounts; and to those agricultural employments of which you
know me to be so fond, and which, for a long series of years, I shared
with you, my neighbors, and the greater part of the friends who surround
me. Your regard, fully reciprocated on my part, causes them to be more
and more prized. Accept, I pray you, my thanks for the fine festival
that you have prepared for me, and that fills my heart with delight and
gratitude.”

More than six thousand persons were present at this joyous commemoration
of the return of him whom they called the _American Nation’s Guest_. The
dancing was continued throughout the night, and the air was filled with
cries of “Long live La Fayette!” “Long live the friend of the people!”
On the following day the general received a number of distinguished
visitors from Paris.

The Edinburgh _Observer_ thus comments upon this memorable visit of La
Fayette to America:—

“After a residence of nearly twelve months in the United States, General
La Fayette has at last returned to Europe. Hitherto we have, somehow,
abstained from saying a single word on the extraordinary spectacles by
which his visit has been throughout distinguished. We have, like all
mankind, been struck mute, as it were, by each successive gushing out of
the spontaneous and unpurchased homage of ten millions of free people.
We have stood by, in almost stupid wonder, while so many more than
classic triumphs, so much higher than classic feelings, were performing
and bursting around us, hardly knowing, indeed, whether we had to deal
with the honest excitement of a real and gallant people, or were cheated
by the solemn phantasies of a race of Bedlamites. It was not, in fact,
till after the blinding pageant had passed away that we could bring
ourselves to talk soberly either of its fitness or its reality. At last,
however, the question does rush upon our minds: Why have all these
things been? How is it that for twelve long months we have heard of
nothing but processions, feastings, and jubilees, among a people
pre-eminent among all men for thrift, jealousy, and stubbornness? What
can this or any man have done, to turn upon himself the rejoicing lustre
of so many millions of eyes, to call down blessings from so incalculable
a host of uplifted hands, and to feel the honors and gratitude of a
mighty people wafted to his bosom as by the voice of a single man? What
is it, in fact, that has swayed the hearts of these stout republicans
throughout the twenty-four communities, that has hurried, all along that
vast line, every woman from her distaff, and every infant from its
cradle, to shout, on the steps of a total stranger to their blood, and
has now melted so many jarring interests into one general prayer of
regret, thankfulness, and safety? This is not anything like a venal
sycophancy to dignity or riches or descent; it is not the conventual
homage of one great authority to another, nor can it be placed even
among the reasonable but frigid trophies of a mere general merit. It is
too stupendous, too immediate, too much akin to the burning ardor of
children to a parent. It is a portion of the unbounded gratitude of a
gallant people to the _founder of their freedom_. It is no mere
temporary return of any present benefit, but a part of the perpetual
worship owing to an author of their political existence. It is the
homage of America to the Nestor of the Revolution. Her early warriors
are now no more. Her Franklins and Washingtons have long since sunk, one
after another, amid the tears of their people, into an illustrious tomb.
One commander alone remains who fought at Flat-Bush, at Brandywine, and
at Yorktown. What wonder, then, that the honors, and almost the merits,
of the extinguished mighty should seem to concentrate around their sole
surviving fellow? Generation after generation has sundered him from
everything in America that could excite rivalry and add a sting to
passion. He left them in a feverish and bloody infancy; he has returned
in their peaceful and majestic manhood. He left them worn, divided, and
impoverished; he has found them strong, unanimous, and rich. He has come
to see the grain quietly waving over the fields of slaughter; to find
their once vacant harbors crowded with a gallant navy; their unsheltered
beaches secured by impregnable works; their swampy forests swarming with
a gay and growing population. And he can say, what no living leader can
say with him, ‘This is partly my work; in the heart of a corrupted state
I digested the manual of freedom; hemmed round by the blandishments of
luxury, I preserved the spirit of independence; I forsook the court for
the sword; I adopted danger for ease; and here are my rewards!’ It was
the younger Scaliger, we believe, who would have preferred the honor of
writing a single ode of Horace, to the empire of Germany, and he was
right. But what are the honors of all the odes of all the Horaces that
ever lived, to this pride of a patriot’s bosom, to the outbursting of a
nation’s gratitude? After all, there is much more in these things than
the merit or the praise of any one person, or any one set of persons. It
is not man individually, but man collectively, that is here chiefly
concerned. These rewards and these deservings are, in fact, the
recognition by Nature of her own nobility. They form the evidence which
she bears to the eternity of her own character; they are the proud
effusions of her thankfulness to the power which impressed that
character upon her.”




                             CHAPTER XIII.

Charles X.—La Fayette again elected to the Assembly—His Speech upon
  the Disposition of the Budget of 1826—The Public Debt—The Civil
  List—Capital Punishment—Trials by Jury—A Pressing Political
  Question—The Possible Position of France—Expedition into
  Spain—Freedom of Worship—Separation of Church and State—National
  Instruction—Internal Administration of France—Examination of the War
  Department—The French Navy—Banquet to General La Fayette by the
  Young Men of Auvergne—La Fayette’s Letter to the Son of De Witt
  Clinton—La Fayette’s Letter of Thanks to the Bookbinders of
  Baltimore, upon the Reception of a Gift—Also his Letter to the
  Bookbinders of the Same City—The Artist David presents to Congress
  his Bust of General La Fayette—Description of the Bust—La Fayette a
  Great-Grandfather—Address of General La Fayette at a Fourth of July
  Dinner in Paris—Speech of La Fayette in the Chamber of Deputies—His
  Comments on England—Greece—Russia—Portugal—National Law—Algiers—La
  Fayette’s Remarks on the Holy Alliance—His Tour through the French
  Provinces—Comments of the London Press—Letter from Paris—Journal of
  Commerce of Lyons—La Fayette’s Reception at Lyons—Excursion on the
  River Saone—Banquet on the Borders of the Rhone, at the Salon
  Gayet—La Fayette’s Response to the Toast—This Triumphal Journey
  occasions Chagrin among the Enemies of French Liberty—Their Spite
  upon some Officials—The People of the Commune commend the Deposed
  Mayor and Deputy Mayor of Vizelle—Testimonials in their Honor.

                               “Boundless intemperance
               In nature is a tyranny; it hath been
               Th’ untimely emptying of the happy throne,
               And fall of many kings.”—SHAKESPEARE.


THE death of Louis XVIII. placed Charles X. on the throne of France, But
nothing was to be hoped from him. He was a more tenacious upholder of
the old tyrannical régime than his brother; indeed, he himself declared,
“La Fayette and I are the only two men in France who have remained
perfectly firm in their principles through the Revolution.” That was
probably true; but _his_ principles were far removed from those of the
liberty-loving La Fayette.

La Fayette was again elected to the Assembly in 1827, and his
declarations were as fearless, and his liberal measures as unpopular
with the government as ever. As an illustration of La Fayette’s views
upon public affairs at that time, we quote the following speech of the
marquis, on the subject of the final disposition of the budget of 1826,
pronounced at the sitting of the Chamber of Deputies, of the 23d of
June, 1828.

“GENTLEMEN: When in compliance with the rules of this house, I announced
my intention of addressing you on the concerns of a preceding year, I
had not heard the reading of the report of your committee, which I
consider a true model of that kind of labor; but such is my conviction
that the state of public accounts for former years affords useful data
to the discussion of a future budget, I will indulge a few remarks in
addition to what has already been said on the subject.

“I beg leave in the first place to call your attention to the state of
our social organization, for I am undoubtedly one of those who cannot
forget that, by the revolution of ’89, a long series of oppressions,
arising not only out of hereditary, sacerdotal, and judiciary privileges
and institutions, but also from the prostitution of our commercial,
agricultural, and domestic interests, have been erased from the codes of
France. The seeds of improvement and public welfare, disseminated
through almost every class of our countrymen, notwithstanding the
baneful influence of persecutions, miseries, and despotisms, have at
last been brought to maturity. The return of peace cannot fail to have
promoted their development, and the enjoyment of public liberty promises
successful and abundant harvest. But whilst nations advance, governments
retrograde; and let us consider, gentlemen, what is our present
situation.

“A redundant luxuriance of ministerial bounties, resting upon factitious
administrations, which themselves are founded upon nothing; a multitude
of offices created for the sake of emolument, and emoluments for the
sake of patronage; every section of France sacrificed to a system of
concentration, of which our metropolis, prosperous in so many other
respects, presents those deplorable contrasts which our honorable
colleague, Mr. Charles Dupin, has lately introduced to your notice; the
precious lights of academies, of public lectures and learned schools,
above all, of the polytechnic school, dazzling the eyes of a population,
who, as some have just observed, are still denied the means of learning
the first elements of reading, and in the midst of whom it is yet made a
question whether it is proper that the people should be able to read; in
a word, an unexampled host of generals, staff officers, privileged
bodies, foreign corps, but few soldiers and a nation, formerly one
entire army, who for a long time conquered all Europe combined against
her independence, but now disorganized and disarmed, as if a conquered
people: with this state of things, can it be believed, gentlemen, that a
few trifling amendments of committees, and some oratorical criticisms,
will be adequate to the thorough reform of a social existence that might
be called the inverse ratio of constitutional order!

“There is no bitterness in my observations, gentlemen; they are dictated
by the conscience of a simple individual, and in the interest of those
who, in undertaking to manage the affairs of a mighty nation, should at
least use their endeavor to persuade the people that if they themselves
had the power of managing their own concerns, they would not exercise it
to greater advantage.

“The public debt, enormously increased for the last fifteen years, the
civil list, the crown revenue, the pensions of the royal family, are not
within the limits of our control. Every debt is sacred, but some are yet
in suspense. For example, whilst all the European powers were largely
indemnified according to their pretensions (English claims even to three
times the amount allowed to French creditors), had the United States
shown some hostile feelings towards us, or had they merely asserted
their claims in concert with the other powers, their demands would have
been immediately liquidated. But they have never yet been adjusted,
because that nation would not join the enemies of France, who were then
to be found in her bosom, notwithstanding what has sometimes been said
at this tribune to the contrary.

“With regard to the civil list, gentlemen, it might perhaps be
desirable, both for its proper management and the personal comfort of
the king, that the appropriations not included within the king’s
personal expenses should have been granted under the forms of
accountability adopted in the civil list of England.

“The appropriation for the criminal judiciary department furnishes me
another opportunity of again proffering my warmest wishes for the
abolition of capital punishment, which the uncertainty of human
comprehension renders so alarming, and which must particularly appall
those generations who have so irretrievably suffered from the furies of
parties; and also for the abolishment of branding, called for on all
sides. May the minister at the head of the judiciary department affix
his name to these two salutary measures!

“One of my honorable friends has adverted to the gratuitous magistracy
of English justices of the peace. I do not envy this pretended benefit
of our neighbors, and it is my opinion that those great proprietors are
not the most proper persons to exercise a sovereign jurisdiction over
all the petty offences committed within their department; but I
cheerfully concur in the unanimous voice for restoring the principle of
temporary election in justices of the peace.

“Nothing can be more gratifying to my feelings than to have heard, on
the last discussion on trials by jury, the pledge that the propriety of
extending the benefit of this institution to the transgressions of the
press will be taken into consideration at the next session.

“I cannot withhold my assent to the observations of the report on the
whole of ministerial budgets. I had myself said at this tribune in 1819,
‘It would be highly beneficial that every ministry should inquire, with
all conscientious severity, into what is necessary to the due
performance of their duties, and should propose in all remaining
details, terms as generous and complete as they please, for the security
and comforts of those actually in office, provided that ministers should
be divested of all parasitical service, and children brought up to a
more profitable labor than the industry of obtaining situations, which
is so detrimental to every kind of industry, and to the independence of
a vast number of citizens.’ The specification,—I mean the
application,—which can never be too minute, of every appropriation to
every item of expenditure, has already made some progress; but how
profuse those specifications, beyond which there is ministerial
exertion, when compared with English budgets, of which I now hold in my
hand three departments,—the artillery, war, and navy; and yet this is
not _a cheap government_, to use an expression that has so often been
charged upon me, and which I am so unwilling to deny.

“The minister for foreign affairs has opened his career under the most
critical circumstances; his official duties will be dictated by the
loyalty of his personal character. The great political question is now,
to decide whether this government will continue to follow the track of
old diplomatic traditions, or whether, divested of all foreign influence
and reminiscence, it will boldly assume the rank it behooves us to take
at the head of European civilization; a post which, in my opinion, has
always remained vacant, notwithstanding appearances contradicted by
facts; a stand to which no foreign power any longer dares lay any claim.
From that exalted station, France may and ought to resist coalitions in
which none of her interests are involved. For my own part, I should have
expected more satisfactory explanations and details before giving my
assent to the late loan of eighty millions, but none would more readily
consent to the measures necessary for the liberty and independence of
Greece; to enable her by assistance to defend herself; to erect a
barrier against the ambition of other powers; to abolish the ignominious
sale of fellow-beings, and rescue from slavery all those wretched
victims of whom our interference has hitherto been inadequate to their
deliverance; and in this I should foresee the advantage of our
commercial relations, which, in spite of narrow prejudices, will always
find a benefit in extending to other people the blessings and comforts
of education and liberty.

“France, so long accustomed to triumph over the most formidable
coalitions, wonders at finding herself encumbered under petty
manœuvres, the mysteries of which she cannot unravel.

“I will not mention our unfortunate and criminal expedition into Spain,
nor the cruel lessons given to despotism, oppression, and aristocracy in
the peninsula, the various and beautiful provinces of which are, I hope,
destined to a better fate. But I must beg leave to call your attention
to our enormous and foolish error with regard to the new American
states.... What blindness, gentlemen, what complacency, can induce us
obstinately to withhold our assent to the recognition of the South
American republics, in return for insult, ingratitude, and bankruptcy?
The British government itself, it is true, although under the direction
of an illustrious minister, hesitated a while before adopting that step;
but it no sooner saw the immense advantages accruing to the United
States, from the priority of that recognition, and a timely official
declaration of protection and sympathy, than it hastened to associate
itself in the honor and profit of their new relations. After long
expectations, gentlemen, France is still reduced to those half-way
measures that create mistrust and discontent, whilst it is a well-known
fact that French productions and manufactures find a better market in
that extensive territory than those of all other nations.

“Whilst the freedom of worship is guaranteed by the charter, and its
equality sanctioned by our new morals and habits, it is unnecessary to
remark that, even under the ancient régime, Catholic affairs never
formed a special branch of the ministry. Amidst the attacks of the
pretended supporters of the altar, I will also deprecate that cold
fanaticism which endeavors to represent Christianity, an institution
originally founded on social equality, as hostile to the rights and
opinions of the people thus calling, as it were, for a sort of
retaliating animadversion against opinions and practices that are
totally distinct from worldly ambition. I will seek for the solution of
that inextricable dilemma of the duty of the priest, considered both as
speaking in the name of Heaven, and as a pay officer of state; but where
shall I find it but in that country where religious freedom is more
generally prevalent than in France, where the ministers of religion are
more respected, and sectarians live in peace; in that government where
no rights and regulations can give umbrage, but where, being altogether
foreign to and distinct from all civil institutions and form of
government, religious societies are formed without restraint and choose
their own ministers.

“The separation of the ecclesiastical department from the ministry of
public instruction, I consider as much an act of piety as of sound
judgment. But too much has yet been left to the infringements of the
Catholic clergy. It is not only a religion of the state, but also a very
prevailing one still to be found in those ordinances which ought to have
secluded its special dogmas within the walls of the church, and confined
its distinction of creeds to the circle of private families.

“National instruction, gentlemen, and especially elementary education,
that main-spring of public reason, of practical morality, of public
peace and comfort, is at present the first want of the French
population, as it is the first duty of government. You all know,
gentlemen, how this duty is to be discharged. Methods of instruction
have heretofore been protected in an inverse ratio to their being
perfect and easy. Neither your paltry vote of 50,000 francs, nor 500,000
francs, can be adequate to the redemption of that most important of all
social obligations. Under a competent and legal system of public
instruction, I would consider five millions as the most desirable
appropriation of a budget.

“Many statesmen appear to have forgotten,—some perhaps have never been
aware,—that by the law of the 3d _Brumaire_, year IV., France was
provided with the best system of instruction that ever existed in any
country. It could not be consistent with that power which severed from
the institute the class of moral and political sciences. Napoleon
created the university, the monopoly and exigencies of which wounded the
feelings of private families and displeased the true friends of liberty,
but which was afterwards indebted to the invasion of Jesuitism, a
privilege of another kind, for the credit of being looked upon as a
liberal institution. In order to satisfy all parties it would be
necessary, at the next session, to offer a plan for the organization of
public instruction, wherein all the national duties of teaching should
be strictly laid down, and all individual liberties respected; but every
plan of education, particularly in its elementary bearings, would
require the co-operation of true civil administrations.

“Why is it, gentlemen, that in utter contempt of the most solemn
pledges, we have preserved for fourteen years the whole imperial
structure of the internal administration in France? those factitious
municipalities, those unsettled councils, those despotic and turbulent
prefectures and sub-prefectures, which have never been amended except
for successively adding to their inconveniences, attributions, and
appointments? When shall we see every section manage its own concerns,
provide for all its own exigencies, and retain within its territory that
portion of the taxes that we are afterwards compelled to send back to
it? Is this idea unknown in France? But the constituent assembly,
whatever has been said to the contrary at this tribune, had not only
proclaimed useful and true doctrines; it had also organized a system of
administration elected by the citizens, and was abolished only by the
consulate and by the empire. Is it replete with such great difficulties?
But when in 1815, Napoleon, in a fit of liberalism, restored the
municipalities in accordance with the law of ’91, elections were made
with remarkable celerity and moderation. The only embarrassment that
could arise would be in the government, if instead of abiding by the
dictates of eternal truth and of contemporary reason, it found it
necessary to combine principle with exception, right with privilege,
thereby perplexing and deluding the purest intentions.

“I will follow the report of the committee in the examination of the war
department, merely with the view to support the proposition of placing
in the civil list the payment of the king’s military household. You have
also heard on this subject the excellent discourse, to which my
honorable friend, General Gerard, has given all the weight of his
experience and of his glory. The minister of war, in offering
observations that will be made the subject of future deliberations, has
just expressed his desire of completing our system of defence. Here,
gentlemen, we naturally bring back to our memory the urgent call
recently made by the ministry upon our patriotism to obtain the means
necessary to a preserving policy, a respectable military strength, a
guarantee of public tranquillity, a national dignity; and to an union of
the people with the government. The minister had before represented the
nation rising in a body at the voice of their king. I will not attempt,
gentlemen, the solution of the problem; the knot has been untied by a
celebrated writer whose authority is daily referred to.

“The stationary National Guard, says an ordinance of the king, dated
March, 1815, comprising a mass of three millions of landed and
industrious proprietors, constitutes a local force extended on every
point....

“From this formidable mass, whose dearest interests attach them to the
soil, may be formed voluntary corps constituting movable columns....

“Thus the nation, fighting on every point with the army, either in the
line or as auxiliaries, will prove that a great people cannot
unwillingly be brought under the yoke that they have once shaken off.

“Gentlemen, I will only remind the government that eight years ago, in
the session of 1820, the ministers then acknowledged that they had been
in possession, for eight months, of the project of a law drawn up by a
special commission, and you all know how it has hitherto resulted.

“The glory of the French navy has resounded in every heart. The name of
Navarino has been proclaimed with an unanimous concert by the throne and
in the chamber, as it had been echoed by the whole nation; the brave
Admiral de Rigny is perfectly secure against the censure of a recall.
The infamous traffic of human flesh has been partly suppressed, but it
is not yet totally extinct. With an entire confidence in the sentiments
of the minister of marine on these important questions, I submit to his
wisdom the idea of placing the slave trade on the same footing as
piracy, as the law of the United States has given the example, since
followed by England. With regard to the management of our colonies,
gentlemen, there is so much to say that I could not briefly enter on the
subject. I will merely remark that the system of colonization of the
ancients is, in any opinion, much preferable to that of modern times.

“In the law under consideration the minister of finance has undoubtedly
surpassed all his colleagues; but when a thorough discussion is about
taking place, I do not feel sufficient confidence to anticipate the
opinions that you will hear from colleagues more learned and more
skilful than myself. I should even consider myself worthy of reproach,
had I not made it a duty to offer some of my ideas, but especially to
call at this tribune for more effectual social reforms than can possibly
be achieved by way of amendments.”

La Fayette was constantly the recipient of attention and distinguished
honors, both in America and in France. The young men of Auvergne gave
him a splendid banquet on the 23d of June, 1828. The old general’s toast
was: “To the assembled young men of the three departments of Auvergne,
and to our dear mountains; the volcanoes of these are extinct, but the
sacred fire of liberty will never be extinguished among them.”

The marquis never forgot any of his friends, especially his American
comrades, and his affection for the fathers was continued to the sons,
as the subjoined letter to Charles A. Clinton, written to him by La
Fayette upon receiving the news of the death of his father, De Witt
Clinton, will demonstrate.

                                               “PARIS, March 30, 1828.

“MY DEAR SIR: Your personal and friendly attentions to me make you a
natural organ of the melancholy and affectionate feeling which I wish to
be conveyed to the family of your lamented father. I regret the mournful
and unexpected event as an immense loss to the public, and a great
personal cause of grief to me. Bound as I was to the memory of my two
beloved Revolutionary companions, your grandfather and grand-uncle, I
had found a peculiar gratification in the eminent talents and services
of their son and nephew, and in his kind and liberal correspondence,
until personal and grateful acquaintance had impressed me with all the
feelings of a more intimate friendship. I beg you to be to your
afflicted family the interpreter of my deep sympathies, and to believe
me forever

                                          “Your most sincere friend,
                                                         “LA FAYETTE.”

At the celebration of the commencement of the Ohio and Baltimore
Railroad, which occurred on the 4th of July, 1828, a pair of handsome
morocco slippers, and a pair of beautiful white satin shoes were made
by the cordwainers during the procession. The morocco slippers were
presented to the venerable Carroll, on the ground; and the white satin
shoes were subsequently transmitted to General La Fayette, together
with the badges worn by the association. This compliment received the
following reply:—

                                            “LAGRANGE, Sept. 11, 1828.

“GENTLEMEN: With affectionate feelings of pleasure, I have received
your kind letter, the badge bearing a likeness of our matchless
Washington, and of my excellent friend, the surviving signer of
independence, the ensigns of your association as they were worn by
your worthy president, and an elegant pair of ladies’ white satin
slippers, which were manufactured in the procession. For those
gratifying marks of your remembrance and friendship, I beg you to
accept my most grateful thanks. The anniversary of American
independence, the commencement of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad,
have been happy associations. So I have seen, as it were, the
commencement of your city in the first years of the Revolutionary
struggle, of which this very day is one of the (1777) anniversaries,
that of the battle of Brandywine; and it has been lately to me a
matter of proud delight to witness the immense progress of Baltimore,
a great and rapid increase of which we may now more than ever
anticipate. Its happy effects upon every sort of trade and industry
cannot be doubted, and I offer you the cordial congratulation and good
wishes of your sincere and obliged friend,

                                                         “LA FAYETTE.”

The general also transmitted the following to the book-binders of the
city, and to the editors of the _American_:—

                                            “LAGRANGE, Sept. 11, 1828.

                 “_To the book-binders of Baltimore._

“GENTLEMEN: With a lively sense of gratitude, I have received your
kind letter, and a copy of the apron and badge which on the late
celebration, doubly dear to an American heart, were worn by the
book-binders of Baltimore. Testimonies of your remembrance and
affection are at all times highly gratifying to me, nor could they
prove more welcome than on this momentous occasion, when the
anniversary day of independence is hailed in common with the
commencement of one of its most promising results, amidst the immense
progress of every kind that has taken place since it has first been my
happy lot to be admitted as a soldier of the United States, and
particularly as a citizen of Maryland. I am proud to have been enabled
to show specimens of American book-binding which every day excite
European admiration. I beg you, gentlemen, to accept the respectful
acknowledgments and affectionate good wishes of a veteran who would
have been happy, in the procession, to have followed his venerable
friend, the surviving signer of the glorious declaration; and to have
expressed to you, on that great day, the sentiments of his deep
gratitude and warm attachment.

                                                          LA FAYETTE.”

“After other business during the second session of the twentieth
Congress the Vice-President communicated a letter from the President
of the United States, transmitting one received from Monsieur David,
the artist, member of the Institute of France, professor of the School
of Painting at Paris, and member of the Legion of Honor, who presents
to Congress the bust of General La Fayette, which has been received
with it.”

The following is a translated copy of the letter:—

                                               “PARIS, Sept. 11, 1828.

“TO THE PRESIDENT: I have made a bust of La Fayette, and would
willingly raise a statue to his honor—not for himself, because he has
no need of it, but for ourselves, who approve in so lively a manner
the desire of expressing to him the affectionate regard and admiration
with which we are inspired. The youth of the French nation is filled
with admiration for the virtues of the youth and the old age of him
whose likeness I send you.

“They envy the glory that was acquired upon the American soil, by the
side of the immortal Washington, and the defence of your noble rights.

“They envy that glory which has been acquired on the soil of France,
in the midst of the troubles of Paris and of Versailles, where, in
breasting the storm, he wanted courage as little in the struggles of
debate as he did in contending with the sword. They envy the glory
which covers the brow whitened by age, but still sparkling with the
fire of liberty and of patriotism.

“It is in the name of this youthful feeling of the French nation,
ambitious to imitate everything generous and great, that I offer you a
work upon which my hands have been employed for some time and with
great care.

“I could wish that it was more worthy of the subject—more worthy of
the place which I am desirous to see it occupy. Yes, sir, I could wish
that the bust of our brave general, of our illustrious deputy, should
be elevated on a pedestal in the audience chamber of Congress, near
the monument erected to Washington himself; that the son be placed by
the side of the father, or, if you please, that the two brothers in
arms, the two companions in victory, the friends of order and of law,
may be no more separated in our estimation than they were in their
devotion to the cause of liberty and in the hour of peril.

“La Fayette is one of the ties that unite the two worlds. He visited
the new one to remain there for a few months, and to salute once more
your sacred land of justice and equality, and has returned to us after
having partaken of your feasts and received the honor and the
benediction of your nation.

“I hasten to render my homage in return—I present you with his image.
It will be a memento that the original may often recall to the
National Assembly those eternal principles upon which the independence
of the state reposes, and which are the foundation of their safety.

“I am, with profound respect, Mr. President, your very humble and
obedient servant,

                                                     “DAVID,

                            “Member of the Institute of France, and
                              professor in the School of Painting;
                              member of the Legion of Honor.”

[Illustration]

The following is a description of the bust as given in the _National
Intelligencer_:—

“The bust is of a fine white marble, and is the work of P. J. David,
of D’Angers, in France.

“It is of a size larger than the life, and exhibits a fine likeness of
that distinguished apostle of liberty. On the front is ‘_Au général La
Fayette_,’ and the name and residence of the artist, with the year
(1828) of its execution. On the left side is an inscription, indented
in the stone, in the following words: ‘La Fayette’s speech in the
House of Representatives, Dec. 10, 1824.—What better pledge can be
given of a persevering national love of liberty, when these blessings
are evidently the results of a virtuous resistance of oppression, and
institutions founded on the rights of man, and the republican opinion
of self-government?’

“On the right side is the following:—

“‘La Fayette’s last words in his answer to the President’s farewell
speech, Washington, Sept. 7, 1825: God bless you, sir, and all who
surround us. God bless the American people, and each of their states,
and the federal government. Accept this patriotic farewell of an
overflowing heart; and such will be its last throb when it ceases to
beat.’”

The _New York American_ of December, 1828, says:—

“A letter from General La Fayette, of December 29, from Lagrange,
tells us—and as he belongs to the nation, we may repeat—that Madame
Perier (the eldest daughter of Mr. George La Fayette) has just made
him a _great-grandfather_. The same letter says, ‘I expect to be in
town in a few days, and enjoy the agreeable American society which has
convened there from the several parts of the Union. It will be
something like a Washington winter.’”

The following is the substance of General La Fayette’s address at the
Fourth of July dinner in Paris, in 1829:—

“The health of their venerable guest, General La Fayette, having been
given, the general in returning thanks, stated the pleasure which he
felt in celebrating this anniversary, which enabled him, as it were,
again to breathe the American atmosphere. He spoke with high
gratification of their associating him with the principles for which
he had struggled under the illustrious and well-beloved Washington.
The independence of the United States began a new era of political
civilization, which will finally extend over the whole world, and
which is founded on the natural rights of mankind. He was proud to own
that the first declaration of those rights bore the indelible imprint
of its American origin. He referred in eloquent terms to the delight
with which all generous minds had hailed the recent triumph in Great
Britain over religious intolerance, and earnestly advised the
Americans in consolidating their constitution not to listen to
European suggestions, nor admit any exotic materials. He concluded by
giving a toast to ‘National Legitimacy,’ which, while it choked and
destroyed the weeds of privilege, nourished the roots of natural and
solid right.”

In 1829 General La Fayette came into possession of a large property
under the indemnity law, being the fortune of his own and his wife’s
family, of which the Revolution had deprived them.

We will quote from one more speech of La Fayette, in the French
Chamber of Deputies, on the 9th of July, 1829. The question under
discussion was the accordance of an eventual credit of fifty-two
millions of francs.

“Gentlemen,” said La Fayette, “though I have voted against approving
the budget of expenses, in the hope that its refusal would prove a
prompt and efficacious means of obtaining those institutions and
economies which France has for so long a time expected, yet I feel
disposed to vote in favor of the credits demanded, provided the
chamber receives those explanations which it stands so much in need
of. I do not see in the great quarrel of the east, as regards
ourselves, anything beyond our importance as an intermediate power in
what is called the balance of Europe; only two classes, the oppressors
and the oppressed; in the demarkation of states, nothing but their
natural limits; in the well-being of a people, nothing but the
advantage of all; and in the policy of France, nothing but a liberal
and independent part to act. You know, gentlemen, that great and
powerful alliance which would enslave and brutalize the human family.
It covers the peninsula with blood, oppresses Italy, and throws other
states into disorder. Vienna is its metropolis, and in spite of other
pretensions, Don Miguel is its ideal type.

“England has pretended to favor the world with another beacon, whose
light is sometimes extinguished, and at other times shines but to
decoy; upon this point inquire of Italy, of Spain, and of Portugal. It
is for France then, gentlemen, which finds herself more in accord with
our ideas of the new civilization, to place herself at the head of
that civilization; in that consists her glory and her interest; there,
too, in case of need, will be found her ambition; and there, also, the
dignity and the safety of her government. But to perform that noble
task it is necessary that the government resolve no longer to fear
either a representative or an armed nation, and that abandoning its
former relations, it may be able to say to foreign powers, ‘Next to
God, it is to the people of France that I am indebted for being
elevated above your influence and beyond your pretensions.’

“I will confine myself, gentlemen, to a few remarks on the grounds to
which our attention has been invited by the application made for the
credits now under consideration.

“Some of my honorable friends have spoken harshly of the expedition to
the Morea; they have even thought that it was in no degree whatever
entitled to public approbation; but I have so ardently desired some
kind of interference, particularly French interposition, in behalf of
Greece, that I cannot join them in their criticisms, and as to our
portion of that generosity which was manifested in the relief
afforded, without speaking of Russia, whose motives are obvious, it
would be sufficient to advert to two discourses from the throne, in
one of which the battle of Navarino is called by Charles X.
_glorious_, while from George IV. it received the appellation of
_untoward_, to prevent us from confounding the shades of the two
interests in the cause of Greece, and to mark the distinction between
the cannonading at Terceira and the hospitality at Brest. The last
protocol, however, from London has humbled my pride and diminished my
expectations.

“Why, gentlemen, have the Greeks taken up arms? why have they endured
so many calamities? why have they so freely shed their blood? It was
to free themselves from paying tribute to the Turks; to build up again
their ancient country; and to enjoy in their own way the blessings of
self-government. But now, gentlemen, the protocol brings into fresh
existence the odious tribute; the greatest part of Greece is shut out
from Greece, and to govern the small portion which remains it is
proposed to look, I know not where, or for whom, but for some foreign
prince, a hospodar, a mongrel of the East and of the West, in whom the
Greeks will only behold a vassal of the Porte, and for whom they must
pay an additional tribute.

“All this, gentlemen, may be very agreeable to Russia, which dreams
already of new subjects there; and to England, which has always feared
that in that country she would find rivals in the coasting trade; but
not to France, whose interest it is to have there a friendly and
powerful nation, a barrier against the conquering and commercial
ambition of other powers. Upon that topic it is that we look for
explanations. The government of Italy is enslaved by the influence of
Austria. Italy, were she free, would be our friend. Spain, whose
methods of justice consist in strangling by turns the patriots and the
Carlists, will never, in truth, be our ally until she again becomes
constitutional.

“As to Portugal, it is in vain that the English government has lately
sought to balance the mock sovereignty of the cortés of Miguel against
those institutions which the British ambassador, let it be said, by
the by, had imported for it from Brazil.

“Gentlemen, the partisans of national laws cannot accept this
concession; there is no legitimacy there where nothing can be found
but a despotic violation of all rights, social as well as natural.
Besides, we do not know in what manner these pretended cortés have
been formed, and how the deputies, who were not of Miguel’s choice,
were rejected. Let us hope, gentlemen, that public indignation, and
the stupid attacks which have been lately made on the flags of other
nations, will soon put an end to this infamous usurpation, and that in
the mean time France will ever protest against the horrid expedient
which would deliver up a young and innocent victim to the brutality of
Don Miguel. I will not deny, gentlemen, that there have been troubles
in South America and in Mexico, and that perhaps they yet exist there.
Their troubles, however, have been exaggerated. I attribute them
principally to two causes: to the threats, the impotent threats, of
Spain, which lead to the permanence of disproportioned armies and the
agitation of their leaders; the other cause is to be found in European
intriguers, who persevere in obstinately attempting to introduce their
old institutions into these new states. Put a period to the two
causes, and the tranquillity of commerce will be immediately restored.

“The minister of commerce observed a few days since that there was
nothing in common between diplomatic relations and commercial
interests in these countries. I have, however, in my possession a
_Mexican Gazette_, containing a decree by which the productions of
states that shall not have recognized the republic in the course of
the present year shall be subjected to an additional duty, whilst
those which shall send, during the year 1829, diplomatic agents to
that country, shall be treated more favorably. It is time, gentlemen,
that the government should at length yield to the commercial views of
France.

“As regards Algiers, I will leave that question to one of my honorable
friends, who is better acquainted with it than myself; but I cannot
forbear referring to a more serious attack on the national honor than
that of the dey of Algiers throwing his fan. I allude to what has
passed lately relative to the expulsion of Galloti. The delivering up
of an alien for political causes has been unanimously reprobated in
every age and by every country. Eminent jurisconsults have assured me
that the laws of our country have been violated by the expulsion of
that individual. I am willing, however, to admit that there has been,
on the part of French agents, error and precipitancy, and
consequently, as I doubt not, repentance. There has, however, been
deception somewhere, and violence has been offered to the honor of
France. Highway robbery and judgments in this case have been referred
to; but are you ignorant of what judgments are, or of what they may be
under absolute governments?

“Suppose, for example, Don Miguel were to say: ‘Behold the man who has
in the palace of the king assassinated, with his own hand, the Marquis
of Loulé, the best friend of my father! Give him up to me that I may
punish him for the crime.’ Would the accusation be believed?

“In a word, gentlemen, the honor of France has been outraged; justice
must be done; Galloti must be demanded; the demand must be enforced;
he must be restored to the soil of France, and the national honor must
in some way receive signal reparation.

“I will conclude, gentlemen, by observing that the explanations which
the discussions may produce shall decide my vote.”

At a sitting of the Chamber of Deputies General La Fayette made the
following remarks on the “Holy Alliance”:—

“There was a vast and powerful league which desired to command and
brutalize the human species. It has oppressed Italy, devastated the
peninsula, and had disturbed other states. Its chief seat is Vienna,
and Don Miguel its ideal type. England has pretended to set up another
system, but it was only to lure states to their ruin. It was the
business of France to place herself at the head of civilization—her
glory, her interest, and her ambition to require it; but to fulfil
this noble destiny it was necessary that the government should
determine not to fear either a nation represented or a nation armed,
and, renouncing all connections, it should say to foreign powers,
‘After God, it is to the French people that I am indebted for being
placed above your influence and beyond your pretensions.’”

During 1829 General La Fayette made a tour through some of the French
provinces, and his reception by the people appears to have rivalled
the enthusiasm displayed in his honor in the United States. One London
paper says:—

“Never was a king so feasted and treated as this venerable remnant of
the Revolution has been. In every quarter he has been received with
shouts of triumph and congratulatory addresses, which, while they have
been complimentary to him, have generally, also, been made the vehicle
for strong philippics against the new order of things. From Grenoble
to Lyons the road was thronged by continual crowds of people who came
to testify their regard for the principles which had guided his
political conduct, and the esteem which they entertained towards
himself personally.” g The _Times_ observes: “The old general, from
his early services in the cause of liberty,—from his immense
sacrifices for his country,—from his intrepid consistency of character
during a political career of forty years, during which the world
turned around him or changed its principles several times, while he
remained unchanged, is deservedly an object of great esteem and
admiration. But why is he brought forward, or why does he make himself
prominent on this occasion, type as he is of the Revolution? And why,
when he does appear, is he so enthusiastically received? For no other
reason but because the king has made choice of what is considered a
counter-revolutionary cabinet, and because the people are desirous of
evincing their adherence to the free institutions which they think at
present threatened, by testifying their grateful admiration for one of
the founders and champions of their freedom. Every shout of applause
thus uttered for General La Fayette is a shout of defiance against the
ministers; and every libation poured to his health is a kind offering
to the memory of past struggles for liberty. The repetition of such
scenes would have been thought impossible about two months ago.”

The following description of General La Fayette’s reception at Lyons
is taken from an extract of a letter dated Paris, Sept. 16, 1829:—

“General La Fayette has paid a visit this summer to his birthplace in
Auvergne, and has been received on his passage in a manner worthy of
his noble virtues, public as well as private. From his arrival at
Chavaniac until his entry at Lyons, in every town and village through
which he passed, he has witnessed the spontaneous homage of the
patriotism of their inhabitants. The population of villages far
distant from the road he travelled precipitated themselves before him
on his passage, and the inhabitants of the cities through which he
passed presented themselves _en masse_ to welcome him within their
walls. In spite of the orders sent by the ministry at Paris to the
departmental authorities, to endeavor to suppress as much as was in
their power the preparations made to receive the general, his
triumphal march since he left La Grange, from the borders of the river
Manche, to the foot of the Alps, has no other example in history,
excepting his visit to the United States. Escorted from city to city
by large cavalcades of horsemen, through arches of triumph prepared
for the occasion on the high roads, saluted continually with
enthusiasm by assembled multitudes, the thoughts of the veteran
defender of liberty were often diverted to his brilliant reception in
a distant hemisphere, whose liberties are as dear to him as those of
his native country.”

The _Précurseur_ and _Journal of Commerce_ of Lyons says:—

“The general arrived from Vienne on Friday, the 4th of September,
escorted by one hundred and fifty horsemen. His arrival had been
impatiently expected by the inhabitants of Lyons, and on reaching St.
Synphoria, the deputation named to receive him were found waiting with
a large cavalcade of horsemen and carriages, and a numerous assemblage
of people who accompanied him to Lyons. At St. Synphoria the general
descended from his carriage and was addressed by M. Prunelle,
president of the deputation, who welcomed him on the part of the
inhabitants of Lyons to this city; to which the general replied, in
retracing the kindness with which he had been received at his last
visit to that city before the Revolution in 1789, and expressing his
gratitude for the flattering manner in which he was again received. He
then ascended into an open barouche drawn by four horses, and
conducted by two postilions, which were placed at his disposition by
the deputation, and the procession proceeded to Lyons in the following
order:—

“1st. A detachment of 400 horsemen, composed of young men from Vienne
and Lyons.

“2d. The carriage with the deputation from the latter city.

“3d. The barouche containing the general, Mr. George La Fayette, and
the president, M. Prunelle, surrounded by a cohort of citizens on
foot.

“4th. The private carriages of the general, containing the Misses La
Fayette, Mr. Adolphe Perrier, Mr. Bradford, United States consul, and
the Count de Lasteyrie.

“5th. The carriages of the committee of arrangements.

“A line of private carriages then followed, and so great were they in
number, that on the arrival of the head of the procession at the
bridge Charles X. at Lyons, the last of the carriages had but just
reached the extremity of the long Faubourg de la Gullotière, nearly
two miles distant. The spectacle which presented itself on the entry
of the general into the city was of the most magnificent description.
An immense population, estimated at 70,000 persons, lined the bridge
and streets through which the _cortège_ moved, and the reiterated
cries of ‘_Vive La Fayette_,’ and continued manifestation of public
joy, which filled the air during his passage to the Hôtel du Nord,
where a suite of apartments had been prepared for him, were gratifying
proofs on the part of the enthusiastic population of Lyons, of the
love and admiration for the noble character and patriotism of their
illustrious guest. In the evening after his arrival an orchestra of
one hundred and twenty musicians serenaded under his windows, and the
hotel was surrounded until a late hour by crowds of the curious,
anxious to behold the countenance of the prisoner of Olmütz and the
ardent defender of the liberties of France.

“On the following day a splendid excursion on the river Saone,
composed of about thirty boats of various descriptions, elegantly
decorated, and some of them bearing the banners of France and of the
United States, was prepared for the general, who embarked with his
suite at twelve o’clock, greeted by the cheers of the immense
assemblage of people who lined the borders of the river. On the
arrival of the procession at the Isle Barbe, a salute was fired from
the château of the island, whence, after a short stay, the general
returned to Lyons in time to attend the dinner offered him and Mr.
George La Fayette by the different lodges of freemasons of that city.

“On Monday the 7th inst. the grand banquet given in honor of the
general took place at the magnificent salon Gayet, situated on the
borders of the Rhone. The rooms were elegantly dressed with festoons,
and at one end were seen the portraits of Washington and Franklin, and
the bust of the distinguished guest crowned with a wreath of laurels.
On his arrival at four o’clock, he was received with unanimous and
reiterated cries of ‘_Vive La Fayette!_’ Five hundred of the
inhabitants of Lyons, the _élite_ of that city, sat down to a
sumptuous dinner prepared for the occasion, at which presided M.
Prunelle, assisted by thirty members of the committee of arrangements.

“At the dessert the following toasts were given:—

“1. By the president—The King of France.

“2. ‘General La Fayette—other warriors have been victorious in battle,
and other orators have pronounced eloquent discourses; but none have
equalled him in civic virtues.’

“General La Fayette then rose and said:—

“‘You have been witnesses, gentlemen, of the marks of affection and
confidence with which the population of Lyons has deigned to receive
me within their walls; you yourselves have participated in that kind
reception in a manner so flattering, and I am surrounded at this
patriotic banquet by objects of such interesting associations, that it
would be superfluous, and above all impossible, to express to you my
feelings at this moment; the remainder of my life, gentlemen, will be
consecrated to them. I am proud and happy that my visit here has
furnished another occasion to your city to express its constant hatred
of oppression, its love for true liberty, and its determination to
resist every attempt of the incorrigible _contre-revolution_.’ The
general then spoke of the privileges granted to the people by the
constitution; their rights of being tried by jury, and of elections,
and of the censorship of the press; and after having paid a just
tribute to the noble and patriotic attitude that the National Guard of
Lyons took at the important epoch of 1815, he took occasion to examine
the position of the Polignac ministry, and the violent measures which
it threatens against the liberties of France. ‘We are menaced,’ said
he, ‘by hostile projects; but how will they be effected? Will they
succeed by means of the Chamber of Deputies? My honorable friend and
colleague, M. Couderc, now at my side, and every one of my colleagues
who are now seated at this banquet, will attest that in the moment of
danger the Chamber of Deputies will show itself faithful to patriotism
and honor. Is it proposed to dissolve the Chamber? If so, it will then
be the business of the electors of France, who certainly will return
only deputies worthy of themselves and of the nation.

“‘Is it contemplated to vitiate the elections by more ordinances, and
thus exercise illegal power? Let the partisans of such measures
remember that the force of every government exists only in the arms
and in the purses of the individuals composing the nation. The French
nation knows its rights, and knows, likewise, how to defend them. Let
us hope, however, gentlemen, that the plots against the liberties of
the people are merely visionary, and, in the mean time, accept from me
the following toast:—

“‘The department of the Rhone, and the city of Lyons—the ancient
metropolis of industry, and the courageous enemy of oppression. May
its liberty, its dignity, and its prosperity be solidly founded on the
full enjoyment of those social and natural rights which it has ever
defended.’”

One hundred thousand copies of a pamphlet, containing an account of La
Fayette’s late triumphal journey were published.

But this triumphal journey occasioned much chagrin among the enemies
of French liberty, and the government, already growing more and more
hostile to friends of liberty, took petty spite upon some of their
officials, as the following will show.

The Paris _Constitutional_ announced that “the minister of the
interior has deposed the mayor and deputy-mayor of Vizille from their
functions: the former, for having _congratulated_ General La Fayette,
upon his arrival in that town; and the latter, for having appeared on
horseback when he entered.”

Another French paper says:—

“We stated yesterday the deposition of a mayor for having joined in
the honors to La Fayette. We now add the proceedings to which this
intended disgrace gave rise. ‘The intelligence of this event,’ says
the _Précurseur_ of Lyons, ‘inspired the inhabitants of the commune
with the greatest indignation, not being able to conceive why peaceful
citizens may not, without crime, honor one of the worthiest public men
of the nation. The whole population assembled spontaneously in the
public square; there each one expressed his regrets, and recalled with
delight the useful and honorable acts of the displaced magistrates.
Thence they proceeded to the office of the mayor, where these
functionaries still were, and there Mr. Romain Peyron thus spoke, in
the name of his fellow-citizens:—

“‘MR. MAYOR AND MR. DEPUTY: The inhabitants of this commune have
learned with the greatest pain that, by a decree of the minister of
the interior, you were deprived of the functions you have discharged
with so much zeal, and in which you have so justly acquired the
confidence and esteem of those whom you had to serve. The motives
which have afforded the new ministry a pretext for this act are too
honorable to be made a cause for complaint! You are, gentlemen, the
first citizens stripped of their official functions _for having taken
part in the honors paid to General La Fayette_! Let us not envy the
enemies of the public liberties this poor satisfaction while all
France is still echoing with the acclamations which everywhere burst
forth upon the passage of this great citizen, and especially in the
second city of the kingdom!

“‘The general who was the object of this enthusiasm will live in
history, in spite of the _calumnies of party men_! The people will
always recollect that he was, at that time, the zealous defender of
legal liberty, which, among us, includes attachment to constitutional
monarchy; that, on the 5th and 6th of October, he twice saved the
lives of the royal family; that, previously to the 10th of August, he
sacrificed his popularity in order to snatch Louis XVI. from the
dangers that threatened him; and that, proscribed for his energetic
protest at the bar of the Legislative Assembly, and arrested in a
neutral country, he expiated, in the dungeons of Austria, the crime of
having always faithfully observed the line of duty!

“‘You, gentlemen, you too, fulfilled a duty, in not separating
yourselves from all these under your care, in those imposing
circumstances when the presence of our magistrates, as the organs of
our unanimous sentiments, added a new value to their manifestation,
and ensured tranquillity and good order in the midst of our
rejoicings.

“‘Receive, therefore, the expression of our thanks and of our
regret.’”

These testimonies of the esteem of their fellow-citizens abundantly
compensated for the vengeance of the ministers.

The prefect of the department, having designated M. Buscaillon as
provisional mayor, that respectable old man answered, “that M. Finant
having been removed by the minister of the interior for having taken
part in the honors paid to General La Fayette, he was bound to declare
that he himself had done the same thing, together with all the other
inhabitants of the commune, and that he could not, therefore, trouble
the minister to do justice upon another in similar error.”

M. Buscaillon will long be remembered for his noble refusal of a place
dishonored by so gross intolerance.




                              CHAPTER XIV.

The Revolution of 1830—Proclamation to the French People—From the
  _Journal du Commerce_, Paris—Proclamation of Louis Philippe—La
  Fayette’s Official Announcement to the Municipality of Paris—Order
  of the Day issued by General La Fayette—Details of the
  Revolution—Charles X. driven from the Throne—The Deputies, escorted
  by the National Guards, offer the Throne to the Duke of Orleans—The
  Duke’s Reply—He is made Citizen King—Changes in the Charter—La
  Fayette’s Speech in the Chamber—Letters by La Fayette concerning
  this Political Upheaval—His Opinions regarding French Affairs—Review
  in the Champ de Mars—Order of the Day to the National Guards—La
  Fayette’s Account of the Revolution—La Fayette’s Personal Influence
  in France—Compliments of the London Press regarding him—La Fayette
  speaks on Capital Punishment in the Chamber—Letter from Paris
  regarding La Fayette’s Popularity—Encomiums in his Honor—Letter from
  Count de Lasteyrie—Incident of the Revolution—Resignation of La
  Fayette—Comments of the National Gazette—La Fayette’s Speech on the
  Slave Trade—His Remarks concerning the National Guard—La Fayette
  sums up the Results obtained by the Revolution of 1830—The Victory
  Popular—The Dynasty of Right Divine expelled—National Sovereignty
  declared—National Guard established—Liberty of the Press
  secured—Trial by Jury applied—New Electoral Law—Elective
  Administrations—La Fayette receives a Deputation from
  Philadelphia—Address of the American Minister—La Fayette’s Courteous
  and Patriotic Reply.

        “Hereditary bondsmen! Know ye not,
         Who would be free, themselves must strike the blow?”
                                                       —BYRON.


DURING the Revolution of 1830, in France, the following proclamations
were issued to the French people:—

                            “PROCLAMATION.

  “_Addressed to the French by the deputies of departments assembled
                              at Paris._

“FRENCHMEN! France is free. Absolute power raised its standard; the
heroic population of Paris has overthrown it. Paris, attacked, has
made the sacred cause triumph by arms,—which had triumphed in vain in
the elections. A power which usurped our rights and disturbed our
repose, threatened at once liberty and order. We return to the
possession of order and liberty. There is no more fear for acquired
rights; no more barrier between us and the rights which we still need.
A government which may without delay secure to us these advantages is
now the first want of our country. Frenchmen, those of your deputies
who are already at Paris, have assembled, and till the Chambers can
regularly intervene, they have invited a Frenchman who has never
fought but for France—the Duke of Orleans—to exercise the function of
lieutenant-general of the kingdom. This is, in their opinion, the
surest means promptly to accomplish by peace the success of the most
legitimate defence.

“The Duke of Orleans is devoted to the national and constitutional
cause. He has always defended its interests and professed its
principles. He will respect our rights, for he will derive his own
from us. We shall secure to ourselves by laws all the guarantees
necessary to liberty strong and durable.”

[Illustration: LOUIS PHILIPPE.]

From the _Journal du Commerce_, Paris, July 31, noon:—

“INHABITANTS OF PARIS: The deputies of France, at this moment
assembled at Paris, have expressed to me the desire that I should
repair to this capital to exercise the functions of lieutenant-general
of the kingdom.

“I have not hesitated to come and share your dangers, to place myself
in the midst of your heroic population, and exert all my efforts to
preserve you from the calamities of civil war and anarchy.

“_On returning to the city of Paris, I wore with pride those glorious
colors which you have resumed, and which I, myself, long wore._

“The Chambers are going to assemble; they will consider the means of
securing the reign of the laws, and the maintenance of the nation.

“The Constitution will henceforth be a reality.

                                           “LOUIS PHILIPPE D’ORLEANS.”

              “_Municipal Commission of Paris, July 31._

“INHABITANTS OF PARIS! Charles X. has ceased to reign over France. Not
being able to forget the origin of his authority, he has always
considered himself the enemy of our country, and of its liberties,
which he could not understand. After having clandestinely attacked our
institutions by all the means which fraud and hypocrisy gave him, he
resolved, when he thought himself strong enough, to destroy them
openly; to drown them in the blood of the French. Some five days have
sufficed to annihilate his corrupted government, which has been only a
permanent conspiracy against the liberty and prosperity of France. The
nation alone is standing adorned with those national colors which it
has conquered with its blood. It will have a government and laws
worthy of itself.”

                   “_Staff of the National Guard._

                             [OFFICIAL.]

                “_Sent to the Municipality of Paris._

“General La Fayette announces to the mayors and members of the
different arrondissements, that he has accepted the command-in-chief
of the National Guard, which has been offered to him by the voice of
the public, and which has been unanimously conferred upon him by the
deputies now assembled at the house of M. Lafitte. He invites the
mayor and municipal committees of each arrondissement to send an
officer to receive the orders of the general at the Hôtel de Ville, to
which he is now proceeding, and to wait for him there.

“By order of GENERAL LA FAYETTE, member of the constitutional
municipal committee of Paris.

                                 “LAFITTE,          LOBAU,
                                 “CASSIMIR PERRIER, ODIER.”
                                 “GEN. GERARD,

                             “PROCLAMATION.

“FELLOW-CITIZENS: You have, by an unanimous acclamation, elected me your
general. I shall prove myself worthy of the choice of the Parisian
National Guard. We fight for our laws and our liberties.

“Fellow-Citizens, our triumph is certain. I beseech you to obey the
orders of the chiefs that will be given you, and that cordially. The
troops of the line have already given way. The guards are ready to do
the same. The traitors who have excited the civil war, and who thought
to massacre the people with impunity, will soon be forced to account
before the tribunals, for their violation of the laws and their
sanguinary plots.

                                    “Signed at general quarters,
                                               “Le général du Bourg,
                                                         “LA FAYETTE.”

The following order of the day was issued by General La Fayette, on
accepting the command of the National Guard:—

                                                              “AUG. 2.

“During the glorious crisis in which the Parisian energy has
re-conquered our rights, everything still remains provisional; there is
nothing definitive but the sovereignty of those national rights, and the
eternal remembrance of the glorious work of the people; but amidst the
various powers instituted through the necessity of our situation, the
reorganization of the National Guard is a most necessary defence for the
public order, and one which is highly called for. The opinion of the
prince exercising the high station of lieutenant-general of the kingdom,
is that I should, for the present, take that command. In 1790 I refused
to accept such an offer, made to me by 3,000,000 of my comrades, as that
office would have been a permanent one, and might one day have become a
very dangerous one. Now that circumstances are altered, I think it my
duty, in order to serve liberty and my country, to accept the station of
general commandant of the National Guard of France.

                                                         “LA FAYETTE.”

The _Niles Register_, published at Baltimore, thus writes at this time
concerning the Revolution of 1830:—

“The details are long and exceedingly interesting. Charles has abdicated
the throne of France, as well as his son, in favor of the Duke of
Bordeaux, his grandson; but the French have now so little regard for the
‘divine rights’ of the Bourbons, as to refuse having a _baby_ for their
king; and it is highly probable that the Duke of Orleans will be
invested with the sovereignty, according to the charter, with, perhaps,
some small modifications. Our old friend, La Fayette, has so far
fulfilled his best hopes, in preserving much respect for order amidst
the bustling events that have lately happened in Paris, and his
coadjutors seem entitled to the highest praise for the firmness and
discretion with which they have acted; but the _people_ have earned even
more glory by their moderation, if it be possible, than by their valor.
The result is wonderful indeed. A complete revolution effected in less
than ten days, and extending all over France, and the people settled
down into their usual avocations in peace! the tri- flag floats
everywhere in the breeze; the Marseillaise Hymn is sung in the theatres;
liberty is regained, and licentiousness has not followed in its train!

“In August the deputies proceeded in a body and on foot, escorted by the
National Guard, to the Palais Royal, to offer the throne, which they had
declared vacant, to the Duke of Orleans. To the declaration of the
Chamber, read by M. Lafitte, in the presence of the Duke of Orleans, he
thus replied:—

“‘I receive, with profound emotion, the declaration you present to me. I
look upon it as the expression of the national will, and it appears to
me in harmony with the principles I have professed all my life. Filled
with recollections which always have induced me to wish that it might
never be my destiny to ascend a throne, exempt from ambition, and
accustomed to the peaceful life which I have led in the midst of my
family, I cannot conceal from you all the emotions which agitate my
heart on this most important occasion; but there is one that overmasters
them all, and that is love of my country. I feel what it requires of me,
and I will do it.’

“After this reply, delivered with much emotion, General La Fayette
taking the arm of the Duke of Orleans, said in a loud voice:—

“‘This is such a prince as I desired.’

“The peers speedily followed the deputies, and waited upon the ‘citizen
king,’ as they called him.

“The deputies having declared the throne vacant by the flight of the
king and his family, proceeded to make certain alterations in the
constitution, which, having passed through all necessary forms, and been
accepted also by the Duke of Orleans, he took the oaths as king of
France, on the 9th of August, and was proclaimed accordingly.”

Charles X., at different periods of his reign, having, for the purpose
of obtaining a majority in the House of Peers, created many new peers,
the following proposition was submitted to the Chamber of Deputies by M.
Berard:—

“All nominations and creations of peers made under the reign of Charles
X. are declared void and of none effect. The 27th article of the charter
(giving the king power to create peers) shall be subjected to a new
discussion in the sittings of 1831.”

These propositions being before the house, General La Fayette having
ascended the tribune, amidst the most profound silence, thus spoke:—

“In mounting this tribune for the purpose of expressing an opinion
opposed to that of many friends of liberty, I am not yielding to a
momentary impulsion, nor am I courting popularity, which I never
preferred to my duty. (Cheers.) The republican principles which I have
professed throughout my life, and under all governments, do not prevent
me from being the defender of a constitutional throne raised by the
people. The same sentiments animate me under the present circumstances,
when it is judged desirable to raise to a constitutional throne, the
prince lieutenant-general, and I am bound to avow that this choice the
more perfectly fulfils my wishes the more I become acquainted with him.
(Cheers.) I do not partake in the opinion entertained by many of my
fellow-citizens as to an hereditary peerage. (Hear! hear!) A disciple of
the American school, I have always conceived it to be necessary that the
legislative body should be divided into two chambers, differently
constituted; but I have never been able to comprehend how people could
be hereditary legislators and judges. I have always thought that the
introduction of aristocracy into public institutions was mixing them
with a bad ingredient. It is, therefore, with great pleasure that I find
you occupied with a project that meets the sentiments I have professed
throughout my life, and which I only now repeat. My conscience forced me
to make this repetition, and declare that I hope shortly to see the
hereditary peerage suppressed. My fellow-citizens will do me the justice
to acknowledge that if I have always been the upholder of liberty, I
have at the same time been the supporter of public order.”

General La Fayette was everywhere received as a kind father. He had many
able coadjutors in the great work performed, especially Lafitte and
Gerard.

The total number killed in Paris during the three days’ fighting in this
revolution of 1830 was about eight thousand. La Fayette and his son
devoted themselves with great kindness to the wounded, encouraging the
surgeons and personally bestowing attentions and favors upon the
sufferers.

The following letters written by La Fayette to various friends at this
time will give a clear and concise idea of his opinions regarding this
political upheaval in France.

The first two were addressed by La Fayette to General Bernard of
Washington; the last, to a gentlemen in New York.

                                                “PARIS, Sept. 8, 1830.

“MY DEAR GENERAL: Abundance of news must have reached you through the
periodical papers. Nevertheless, I think it will be pleasing to you to
receive some written details. You will have received some publications
relating to our memorable week. You will also have read an account of
the review by the king in the Champ de Mars, for the distribution of our
tri- flags to the National Guard. The ceremony was as splendid as
that of the federation of 1790. We had five hundred thousand spectators,
and every one was struck with the celerity with which in less than three
weeks we have organized nearly fifty thousand men of National
Guard—armed, equipped, and filing off like veteran troops. The king
handed successively to the general commander-in-chief the forty-eight
tri- flags, each surmounted with a cock in lieu of the old
imperial eagle, with this motto, ‘Liberty—Public Order—Days of 27th,
28th, 29th, July, 1830.’ The commander-in-chief took himself the new
oath, and had it administered to the National Guard. The colors were
entrusted to flag-bearers selected from among the mechanics who had
distinguished themselves in fighting in the barricades. The National
Guard are organizing throughout France. We have already fourteen
thousand men for the two arrondissements only of St. Denis and Seaux.

“I send to you the order of the day which I addressed to the National
Guard of the kingdom. Next week a law will be proposed for the final
organization of the French National Guard. All the citizens will compose
the stationary guard; the young men the movable National Guard. From
seven to eight hundred thousand fighting men will thus form good corps
of reserve.

“You know that some disturbances have taken place in Belgium; they will
end, I think, by the separation of that country from Holland, under the
same sovereign. We have not interfered except to signify that we shall
not suffer that any foreign army should exercise any right of
interference, leaving the nations to manage their own affairs according
to their will, but not willing that other governments shall interfere to
oppress our neighbors.

“I send you the exact account of what has taken place in the Chamber
relative to South America and Mexico. You will see that I took care to
mark the order of the recognitions already made, and to give to our dear
United States the share which belongs to them.

“Our republican throne has been recognized immediately by the English
government, and will soon, I hope, be recognized by the other powers.
You will readily suppose that I did not say that _this was the best of
republics_. I do not think so; and the constitution of the United States
appears to me far preferable. But I believe we have done for the best in
the present circumstances; and have prepared under a popular throne all
republican institutions. There are not in France patriots more sincere
and enlightened than the king and his son. I knew them but little
before, but they have inspired me with the greatest friendship and
confidence; and this sentiment is reciprocal.

“This, my dear general, is the point at which we have arrived. I do not
mention to you some slight disturbances or errors among the mechanics.
There is not in all this any ill intention, and reasoning alone has been
sufficient to persuade them. After all, most of these slight disorders
of which our adversaries have made so much have been instigated by
disguised enemies; and there have been no real troubles but at Nismes;
and the zeal of the neighboring National Guard and that of the line,
under the tri- flag, soon repressed them.

“Receive the new assurances of my old and constant friendship.

                                                          LA FAYETTE.”

                           “ORDER OF THE DAY.

           “_To the National Guards of the Kingdom of France,
                            Sept. 1, 1830._

“The general commanding-in-chief the National Guard of the kingdom,
called by the confidence of the people to the head of the public forces
in the glorious days of our late revolution, has thought it his duty,
notwithstanding his refusal in 1790, to accept under the new state of
things the important command conferred on him by the confidence of a
patriot monarch, himself placed by the wishes of his fellow-citizens on
the constitutional throne of the king of the French. But in
consideration of the importance and multiplicity of his duties, the
general commander-in-chief must necessarily rely (of which he has,
indeed, the happy certainty) on the patriotism, upon the zeal, and, he
may be permitted to add, the personal affection of his brothers in arms
throughout the vast extent of our brave and free country of France.

“After forty years of memorable vicissitudes the old tri- flag of
’89, the flag of the national sovereignty, of liberty, and of public
order, has just been gloriously, generously, and forever re-established;
around this standard has rallied, with a spontaneous movement, and will
soon be legally organized, all France in arms.

“The French people, profiting by the lessons of experience, by the
progress of light and civic intelligence, and appreciating the glory and
benefits of our political storms, casting off all that deprived their
first impulses of their purity, feel much the more necessity for general
and personal security, now that the happy division of property and the
advancement of industry render it more and more necessary. Filled with
respect and good will for the rights of other nations, and their bosoms
glowing with ardor for all the rights, without distinction, of
individual, civil and religious liberty, they cannot but maintain with
firmness, and if it be necessary defend with energy, their own rights of
independence, liberty, of legal order, the laws to which they have
consented, and the popular throne which they have founded.

“It is the National Guard to whom these great duties are particularly
confided; and as no foreign influence can prevail against the French
nation, proud as she is of her retrospections, of her strength, and of
the great and virtuous example she has just presented to the world,
holding in her hands the sacred arms of liberty; so neither can any
domestic intrigue, any of those temptations to disorder which the odious
tactics of our adversaries formerly rendered so oppressive, now triumph
over the spirit of wisdom, moderation, and at the same time of energy
and persevering patriotism, which now characterize France as it is, and
which was so admirably evinced by her brave men during _the three great
days_.

“The general commander-in-chief, ready at all times to assist his
fellow-soldiers with all the efforts of his devotion and of his personal
independence, communicates to them this day some provisionary
instructions through the medium of the inspector-general, whose long
experience has greatly aided his labors.

“There will be no delay by the government in the presentation of a law
for the final organization of the National Guard. It will have for its
basis the law of ’91, and especially the vital principle of election by
the citizens; but this is only an additional motive for forwarding at
present with all our zeal the spontaneous movement which does honor and
gives strength to France, and which presents her such as she ought to be
to her friends, and, in case of need, to her enemies.

                                                         “LA FAYETTE.”

                                                “PARIS, Aug. 17, 1830.

“How much I should wish to be with you, my dear general, to rejoice
together in the result of this last glorious and virtuous revolution.
The people alone have achieved the whole; they have shown themselves as
great in the victory as daring and intrepid in the struggle. Bodies of
courageous mechanics were led by young students, and chiefly by pupils
of the Polytechnique School, who were far more admirable than I can
express.

“Our losses, during these three bloody days, have been great; those of
our adversaries have been considerable. No sooner was a regiment engaged
in the streets to carry off the barricades than new ones were thrown up
in the rear. The attacks on the Louvre, Tuileries, and Hôtel de Ville
were made with incredible valor. Levasseur was severely wounded, but we
shall save him. I was, on the morning of the third day, established in
the Hôtel de Ville, which had been taken and retaken; and the tricolored
flag was waving over our heads. The king having halted at Rambouillet
with ten or twelve thousand men, I ordered from fifteen to twenty
thousand Parisians to march against him; the enemy retreated. Afterwards
the Count d’Artois and family reached the port of embarkation, under the
escort of our commissaries, without receiving the least insult during
their journey through the French territory.

“The National Guard is organizing throughout France. The king we have
elected is patriotic and popular. I would not say, as has been reported,
that this is the best of republics, but I do say that it is a very
republican monarchy, susceptible of improvement.

“Adieu, my dear general. I love you, and embrace you, with all my heart.

                                                         “LA FAYETTE.”

The following letter was written by La Fayette to a friend in New York:—

“We might have declared a pure republic; but not without a great
division of opinion, nor without danger both internal and external. And
therefore the republicans generously preferred uniting themselves to the
moderate monarchists (perhaps the majority of the nation), on condition
that it should be a _republican_ monarchy. The Duke of Orleans was
chosen by the Chamber of Deputies in the name of the people, who seem
well satisfied; and having recognized the principle that he derives his
title from the will of the people, Louis Philippe reascends a popular
throne.

“I did not say, as some newspapers related it, ‘that this was the best
of republics.’ I declared, on the contrary, my doctrines, which are of
the American school; but I perceive that, under all the circumstances,
this is the best thing to be done; and from what I have since seen of
the new king and his family, I am confirmed in the opinion that we have
done right.

“We have now entered a progressive career of legislation, which will
lead to a very liberal state of things.

“Thus the cause of the people—the liberty of Europe—has made in three
days an immense stride, and this new revolution has sustained a
character for disinterestedness, grandeur of soul, and generosity, which
places what are called the lowest orders of the people in the first rank
of French society. France is now her own sovereign, and every day
confirms her title.

                                                         “LA FAYETTE.”

The following are extracts of a letter of the Parisian correspondent of
the London _Morning Chronicle_. Its date is the 8th of August.

“I think we shall have peace! But believe me, that question depends on
the voice of one man—and that man is General La Fayette. If, on Friday
night, when twelve thousand of the bravest and most intelligent of the
youths of Paris marched down to the Chamber of Deputies to demand that
there should be no hereditary peerage, and, in fact, no Chamber of
Peers; if, I say, at that moment General La Fayette had said to those
brave young men, ‘Yes, my friends, we will have a republic,’ before
twenty-four hours France would have been declared a republic by the
people. I do not say by the peers—by the deputies—by the bankers—by the
rich merchants, or men of property; but I do say, by the people. And
even yesterday if, in the Chamber of Deputies, when La Fayette rose to
address the house, when there was the silence of death, and when each
one dared not to breathe till they heard some words from the republican
hero—if then La Fayette had said, ‘Gentlemen, I protest against your
proceedings. France shall have a charter—but shall not have a king,’
France would have had no king, and France would have maintained her
position though millions should have been slain. It is to General La
Fayette that the Duke of Orleans owes the crown, which to-morrow will be
placed upon his head. The Royalists and Ultra-royalists were prepared,
to a man, to support the Republican party.”

Another correspondent of the London papers pays La Fayette the following
compliment:—

“Amidst various admirable plans and measures, I must direct your
attention above all to a proposition of abolishing the punishment of
death. La Fayette gave a distinguishing proof of the real nature of his
spirit by seconding, in a time of revolution, the abolishment of this
penalty. He is no dealer in men’s lives—no hunter after blood. He saved
Louis XVI. from the fury of a mob, Charles X. from destruction, the
state from anarchy; and now he would even protect from ignominious death
the authors of those fatal ordinances which have produced the shedding
of so much blood, and left so many to mourn over the loss of husband,
father, and friend. France is erecting to La Fayette a splendid
monument: but posterity will do more; our grandchildren will call him
the saviour of the liberties of France.”

In the Chamber of Deputies, on the 21st of August, a proposition being
submitted to abolish the punishment of death (on which no decision had
been made), General La Fayette rose and said:—

“I conceive, differing with my honorable colleague, that the abolition
of the penalty of death is a principle, or rather a sentiment, that
ought to be at once examined. It is no new idea that is now laid before
you—the abolition of this penalty has been called for at every period;
it was demanded by some highly respectable members of the Constituent
Assembly, by Adrian Duport; it was demanded by the father of our
honorable friend, the author of the commentary on Montesquieu. How
deeply have we all to regret that it had not been abolished ages back!
It is in the present day loudly called for in the United States of
America. From this, gentlemen, you will perceive that many have formed a
decided opinion upon the subject. For my own part, I shall demand the
abolition of the penalty of death until I am convinced that human
judgment is infallible. What frightful use of this penalty was made
during our former revolution. The reflection fills my soul with horror!
No man, I believe, ever made use of it during those disastrous times,
without afterwards wishing it were possible he could redeem with his own
blood the condemnations in which he had joined. But our present
revolution has a character of generosity as well as of patriotism, and
it would adorn its commencement were we to consummate this act of
humanity. I, therefore, vote for its being taken into consideration.”

Extract of a letter from Paris, dated Aug. 10, to the editor of the
Boston _Sentinel_:—

“General La Fayette can now be ranked with Washington without
exaggeration. His late conduct has capped the climax of his glory. Few
people at present realize the degree to which he is entitled to our
admiration. When, on the first day of the contest, I was told that he
had come to Paris from La Grange to accept the dangerous post of leader
of the armed people, I could hardly credit the news. Who could then have
divined the issue? And had it not proved successful, think of the
terrible consequence to the old veteran. To escape to America with his
life was the utmost he could have hoped in such an event. But he not
only accepted the command, but did not fear to appear on horseback in
military dress, in various parts of Paris, in prosecution of his arduous
undertaking.

“But his fearless devotion to the cause of liberty constitutes the
smallest part of his claim to our admiration. It is his magnanimity, his
wonderful disinterestedness, and the purity of his patriotism that rank
him with Washington. It must be recollected that he is an avowed
republican, that he has always desired a republic for France. And yet
the new king, Louis Philippe, is indebted to him personally for his
crown. Yes, I am confident of this extraordinary fact. It is not
generally known that a republic would certainly have been established,
of which La Fayette might have been at the head, had it not been for his
noble and disinterested preference of his country to himself. But he
reflected that a republic, at this crisis, would be at the risk of
foreign or civil war, or both. He was not afraid of either. He knew that
he and the people could maintain a republic against both foreign and
domestic foes.

“But he knew, also, that the Duke of Orleans would make a ‘republican
king,’ and at the same time not endanger the public tranquillity. The
magnanimous La Fayette then did not hesitate to give the duke his
support, without which he never could have reigned. This I gather, not
from newspapers, but from the state of the public mind expressed in
innumerable ways, and particularly when the people came so near stopping
the deliberations of the Chamber of Deputies the other day, and when
nobody could calm them but La Fayette. People now cry about the streets
medals of La Fayette, _père des Français_.”

                  _From the London Morning Chronicle._

“In answer to a communication as to the light in which the French people
would view the subscriptions for the sufferers at Paris, the following
letter has been received:—

                                      “‘NATIONAL GUARD OF PARIS.
                                      “‘HÔTEL DE VILLE, Aug. 10, 1830.

“‘DEAR SIR: We have had a conference with General La Fayette on the
subject of your letter, and beg you will communicate its results to the
free men of England.

“‘We think that the cause of liberty would be essentially served if a
deputation were named at a general meeting in London to present to
General La Fayette, as commander of the National Guard, the
subscriptions for the wounded of the sufferers, and at the same time to
be the bearer of an address to the inhabitants of Paris, on the late
events. We think it would be a noble occasion for each to give evidence
to the other of their love of freedom and peace, and of their mutual
esteem and friendship. It would be a step—a great step—towards the union
of two cultivated nations; it would be a glorious example to the rest;
it would be to supersede the holy alliance of kings by the holier
alliance of the people.

“‘After the arrival of this deputation in Paris, a deputation would be
named here to be the bearers of an address to the inhabitants of London,
thanking them for their friendly exertions, and expressive of our hope
for the establishment of the extension of liberty and good government.

“‘These, my dear Bowring, are the suggestions which we respectfully
submit to the consideration of our kind friends. These we desire to be
known in England, and to the world. This is a happy moment. Let us
profit by it for the universal cause of man.

“‘An order of the day is at this moment being published, announcing to
the people of Paris what the people of London are doing in their favor.
All hearts are united in this good work. The Americans, too, are coming
forward.

“‘Now then, zealously for the good cause! and let us place the charters
of liberty beyond the race of tyrants.

                                               “‘Yours wholly,
                                               “‘COUNT DE LASTEYRIE.’”

A Paris paper says:—

“A great many women took an active part in the combats in Paris, and
several distinguished themselves by feats of extraordinary courage. A
young and pretty girl, nineteen years of age, who, during the three
days, appeared in front of the combatants armed with a musket, acquired
such an ascendency over the citizens that they regarded her almost as
their captain. Intrepid on the field of battle, she lavished her kind
attentions on the wounded when the firing had ceased. So much heroism,
devotion, and humanity excited the enthusiasm of all who witnessed it.
On Saturday night this young girl was borne in triumph through the
streets of Paris. A great crowd accompanied her, shouting cries of joy.
In one hand she held a sword, and in the other the tricolored flag.
Lighted torches shed a brilliancy on this gay _cortège_.”

The _Niles Register_, February, 1831, thus describes the resignation of
La Fayette:—

“The sitting of the Chamber of Deputies on the 27th of December, 1830,
was numerously attended in consequence of the extraordinary degree of
interest excited by recent occurrences. The Chamber was proceeding to
the discussion of the law relative to the National Guard when La Fayette
entered, and was received with universal applause, upwards of one
hundred members going up to him and shaking his hand. The general then
went to the president, and after a short conversation with him,
addressed the Chamber as follows:—

“‘In a neighboring nation it is the custom when a citizen retires from a
distinguished office, for him to come before his fellow-citizens and
explain the cause, and I am sure the Chamber will grant me the same
favor. I have always considered that the post of commander-in-chief of
the National Guard of France was incompatible with a constitutional
monarchy, except under circumstances of the most absolute necessity. It
was this conviction that led me in 1790, when 3,000,000 of National
Guards wished to elect me their commander at the federation by 14,000
deputies, to apply to the Constituent Assembly, and urge them to issue a
decree in opposition to this desire.

“‘Such still was my opinion when the lieutenant-general of the kingdom,
who has since become our king, wished me to accept the same appointment,
and I felt myself bound to accept it, but always retaining the intention
of laying it down as soon as I was satisfied that it was no longer
necessary for me to continue to hold it; earlier if peace remained
unbroken, but at a later period had war ensued. The declared opinion of
the Chamber has hastened the period, and out of respect for it I have
not waited till the law was submitted to the other branches of the
state.

“‘It is merely a matter of date; but I should be deeply hurt if any one
imagined—and no one who has been acquainted with me during the last
fifty-four years of my life can believe—that my conduct has been
dictated by any personal feeling. I will go further, and say that this
opinion of the Chamber has afforded me an opportunity. The high
authority with which I was invested has given umbrage which you,
gentlemen, must have heard of; and this umbrage has even been felt in
certain diplomatic circles. The cause is now at an end, and I have no
other honor than that of being one of your colleagues.

“‘One word more, gentlemen: I should not have given in my resignation,
which the king has accepted with all that goodness he has ever shown
toward me, before the crisis we have now happily gotten over was at an
end. At this time my conscientious love of public order is satisfied,
but I cannot say the same of my conscientious love of liberty. We must
all recollect the programme announced at the Hôtel de Ville,—a popular
throne supported by republican institutions. It was accepted, but we
have not all put the same construction upon it: it has not always been
interpreted by the councils of the king in the same sense in which it
was understood by me, who am more impatient than others that it should
be realized; and whatever may have been my personal independence in all
situations I feel myself at the present moment more at my ease in
discussing my opinions with you.

“‘For the rest, there are points upon which we shall always be in
accord: we shall ever be united against our enemies, whether at home or
from abroad. I still think that in the measures taken in the revolution
of July we not only did that which we verily believed was for the best,
but that we did all that was possible to be done. I am the more
convinced of this since I have become intimately acquainted with the
personage we have placed on the throne. On throwing off my uniform I
have not changed my motto, “Liberty, Public Order.”

“‘Besides, how many legal means we have of expressing our thoughts and
making our wishes known; for there is the tribune of this Chamber, and
for every citizen there is the press which has rendered the country so
many services; and then there is the peaceable mode of petitions. Having
thus yielded to my desire of laying all my sentiments before you, I
trust I shall still and ever retain your esteem and friendship.’”

“With what feelings,” says the _National Gazette_, “must the government
of Austria view the present situation of La Fayette, whom it so long
held as a malefactor in a dungeon! It is stated of Franklin that when he
signed at Paris the treaty of alliance between the United Colonies and
France, he put on the same coat which he wore when he was grossly
insulted by Widderburn and the lords of the Privy Council in London. If
La Fayette has retained the suit in which he escaped from Olmütz, he
might resume it by the side of Philip when the Austrian ambassador has
his first audience of the _citizen king_.”

_Niles Register_, November, 1830, quotes the following speech of La
Fayette in the French Chamber of Deputies:—

“At a recent sitting of the Chamber, General La Fayette made the
following remarks relative to the suppression of the slave trade. Our
readers will see that on this, as on all other occasions, he was careful
to render justice to the United States, whose character or institutions
he omits no proper opportunity of holding up to respect and admiration.
The annunciation of the minister of the marine is important as to
destroying the distinction of color.

“GENERAL LA FAYETTE. ‘I feel always ready to unite in whatever tends to
alleviate the unfortunate condition of the ancient and unhappy colony of
St. Domingo; but after the debate which has just occupied our attention
the Chamber will not be disappointed if I pass over the present question
to the situation of the colonies which are still in our possession. I
regret very much that, at the time of the Constituent Assembly, the
resolutions were not persisted in, which united the free people of color
with the other colonists, in declaring them entitled to the same rights.
I also wish that the slave trade had been rigorously interdicted, and
that a law for the gradual abolition of slavery had prevented the
misfortunes occasioned by a sudden and imprudent emancipation. And,
since, have we not had sufficient reason to lament this consular and
imperial system, which sent our best troops to perish in the sad
expedition to St. Domingo, and which caused the double outrage of
re-establishing slavery and the slave trade at a time when none but
French capital was engaged in this infamous traffic? Now, gentlemen,
after so many sacrifices and misfortunes, we find ourselves behind with
many other nations, at least in the suppression of the slave trade.

“The United States first, the English immediately afterwards, have
assimilated it with piracy, the only means of repressing it, whilst the
guilty can obtain pecuniary indemnification from those who employ them,
who, for example, send ships to St. Thomas to carry on the direct trade
for slaves. It is to avoid consuming time with special propositions and
reference to the offices, that I entreat the minister of marine, who is
present (and of whose favorable intentions in this respect I am well
aware), to communicate to us, decidedly, the determination of government
on this subject, and on the condition of the free men of color in our
colonies.’”

“THE MINISTER OF MARINE. ‘I have the honor of stating to the Chamber
that I agree entirely in the justice and humanity of the sentiments
manifested by the illustrious general who has just descended from the
tribune. The government proposes to present to the Chamber a law which
will condemn all those to the penalties of piracy, who engage for the
future in this infamous trade for human beings. It must be acknowledged
that the trade has diminished, though, in spite of the precautions taken
by government, it still exists in a great degree. The penalties enacted
against piracy can alone suppress it entirely. Something may, at this
time, however, be mentioned honorable to France, which is, that of all
the European nations who have a maritime commerce, she is least of all
given to this odious traffic. As to the fate of the free people of the
colonies, the government acknowledges that free men can no longer exist
in different conditions; thus the legislation which will be presented to
you will give you an opportunity of consecrating this principle, that
all free men, of whatever class or color they may be, are equal in the
eyes of the law.’”

The Chamber ordered the petition to be referred to the ministers of
finance and foreign affairs.

At the sitting of the Chamber of Deputies, on the 14th of December,
1830, speaking of certain propositions concerning the National Guard, La
Fayette said:—

“I decline to enter into the question of cantons and communes. But if I
am asked if you are now to discuss whether all France shall be armed, I
answer, the question is already decided; the people did not wait in
1789, or in 1830, to deliberate, but marched against the enemy
[sensation]; we must, therefore, prepare for war, as the best means of
securing peace. We cannot hope to make all Europe in love with our
institutions; there are those who still look with a jaundiced eye upon
the accession of a citizen king to our throne.

“The revolution of Belgium, the eldest daughter of one great week, may
yet excite uneasiness. At this moment you see Poland [Hear, hear!] ready
to rival, in zeal and patriotism, the friends of liberty, not only in
France, but in all other countries [fresh movements]. Poland [Hear,
hear!] is, perhaps, upon the point of repairing the shame of the last
year of Louis XV., and the immense fault which Napoleon committed when
he neglected the occasion of restoring that fine country, after the
three divisions which had destroyed it [loud acclamations from the
left].

“We have announced our rule to be that we will not allow other powers to
interfere, not only in our affairs, but in the affairs of other
countries. Suppose foreign powers should think proper to seize upon
Belgium, or to assist Holland; could we look on in cold blood? Certainly
not [loud cheers]. The same thing may happen on the side of Poland.
Suppose Austria, prevailed upon by Prussia, or for any selfish purpose
of her own, was to make herself a party to the quarrel in Russian
Poland—” [violent murmurs and marks of disapprobation. Several voices,
“This supposition is unreasonable.”].

M. La Fayette (turning towards General Sebastian). “I speak in the
presence of the minister of foreign affairs, who knows that the
supposition is very natural. Why not, then, place ourselves in the
fittest posture for defence?” [cheers].

La Fayette thus sums up the results obtained by the Revolution of 1830,
in a paper found among his manuscripts:—

“The victory having been entirely popular, it has baffled the
combinations of the liberal aristocracy as much as those of the
aristocratic nobility and of foreign countries.

“The dynasty of right divine has been expelled; the national sovereignty
has been not only recognized, but exercised, more clearly than it had
ever been in Europe, because, in the English Revolution of 1788, there
were applied again in England the principles of legitimacy. William III.
was elected because he was son-in-law of James II. and to avoid breaking
the line of succession: the acts were signed William and Mary.

“In the French Revolution of ’89, the national sovereignty found itself
declared in the right, but in fact had preserved the line legitimate, in
the person of Louis XVI. To-day the crown has been given in the name of
the people, and accepted as such by Louis Philippe, who is called thus
because he had in his family six predecessors of that name. He was not
saluted king only after he had signed and sworn to the conditions
imposed upon him, in the name of the people, and ratified by the
unhesitating assent of the population of Paris and of the departments.

“The National Guard have been re-established in an original institution;
arms have been given to all Frenchmen; the officers have been chosen by
the citizens, very much the same as in the United States they are
nominated by the executive power. It is certainly a militia, the most
universal and the most democratic which has ever existed.

“The liberty of the press has been rendered complete by the suppression
of obstacles which yet existed, because one can regard as already
decreed those proposed resolutions relative to printers, to libraries,
and to securities.

“The trial by jury has been applied not only to the press, but also to
other political misdemeanors, with immense advantage, and one will hear
soon of applying the jury to other questions.

“The absurdities relative to double voting have been suppressed by the
nomination of definite presidents and provisionary bureaux, by executive
power. The age required for the electors has been reduced from thirty
years to twenty-five, and for those eligible, from forty to thirty. It
is conceded in advance that the new electoral law will lower the census
as much for the electors as for those eligible, unless even that should
be entirely suppressed.

“The succession to the Chamber of Peers has received a blow from which
it cannot recover itself.

“The tri- flag is re-established throughout all France, and
carries into all foreign countries the love and the example of liberty.

“The municipalities, the councils of departments, chosen by the old
government from amongst the enemies of liberty, have been replaced by
elective administrations, and established as a sort of republican and
administrative federation. Behold then, in spite of hesitations,
obstacles, and delays, we have advanced thus far at present! It remains
to know what we have to do, for a complete revolution.

“1. To lower as much as we can the census of the new electoral law; even
to introduce there, if possible, such amendments as shall tend to give
an indirect participation of the representation of the people to those
who are not admitted by election.

“2. To render the administration, communal and departmental, as popular
as we can, increasing their importance and diminishing that of the
prefects who have not been commissioned by the executive power.

“3. That each Chamber of Deputies should find itself reorganized into a
large party by more than one hundred resignations, which will give to
each side a force of nearly one hundred voices; and as it will be at
present impossible to dissolve the Chamber before the end of the
session, as certain laws pertaining to the National Guard necessitate
the continuation of the actual session, it is desirable that the next
session should give to us a new Chamber; since the new law, though
imperfect, will necessarily be very much preferable to the actual law.

“There will surely be a great diminishing of the civil list, and of the
reforms appertaining to the budget. As to the rest, those of the budget
can be modified at each session. It is necessary to demand the reform of
the penal code.”

La Fayette here leaves this paper unfinished, but enough is given to
form an opinion of his ideas of political reform.

The following is from _Galigani’s Messenger_:—

“A deputation of gentlemen from Philadelphia have been received at the
Hôtel de Ville by the prefect of the Seine. The Americans presented an
address expressive of the admiration entertained by the inhabitants of
Philadelphia for the noble conduct of the Parisians during the glorious
days of July. The deputation was introduced by General La Fayette. In
the evening a grand dinner was given in honor of the occasion, at which
Mr. Rives, the American minister, returned thanks for a toast of ‘the
United States and the health of President Jackson’; in this speech Mr.
Rives addressed the company as follows:—

“‘Permit me, gentlemen, to thank you for the honor you have done my
country,—an honor, it may, at least, claim to merit by its cordial
sentiments for France. It was my good fortune, gentlemen, to be an
eye-witness of your glorious revolution of July, and to see, with
unbounded admiration, how a population—brave and generous—can be
forbearing after having been subjected to the most terrific trials; and
what moderation it can exercise in the midst of a victory purchased by
so many noble sacrifices. But it was not necessary to have been a
personal witness of your revolution to admire and appreciate it. At the
distance of more than a thousand leagues beyond the Atlantic Ocean it
has been felt and appreciated in all its noble grandeur.

“‘The three memorable days have been hailed by every people as the
triumph of human liberty; but with us, they have given rise to the same
rejoicings as our national victories; we have celebrated your 29th July,
as we celebrate our own 4th of July, with illuminations, processions,
salutes, and all the demonstrations of patriotic exultation. This is a
proof that the ties which formerly connected the two nations in a
glorious alliance, still retain all their moral force; the evidence of a
sympathy and fidelity to ancient recollections, which, I hope, will
insure their cordial union under the auspices of an enlightened and
upright king, whose constitutional throne and noble character present
the best of guarantees at the same time for his own people and for
foreign powers. I have the honor to propose a toast, which emanates from
the bottom of all American hearts—“The king of the French, and the
French nation.”’”

We cannot resist adding an extract from the animated speech of General
La Fayette upon this occasion:—

“Here I find, happily mingled together, all the recollections—all the
sentiments and feelings of my life. I am surrounded by the grandsons of
my early American companions, the sons of my comrades of ’89, and my new
brethren in arms of 1830. In this Hôtel de Ville, twice the cradle of
the freedom of Europe, have this day been presented the resolutions of
the city of Philadelphia—of that city where, on the 4th of July, 1776,
was proclaimed the declaration of independence, the date of a new era of
liberty for the two worlds—of a liberty that, for the first time, was
founded upon the genuine rights of the human race.

“Five years ago, at the commemoration of a great anniversary at Boston,
on proposing as a toast, ‘The emancipation of the American hemisphere,’
which had been effected in the course of half a century, I prophesied
that before the next fiftieth anniversary came round, the toast would
be, ‘The emancipation of Europe.’ May this prediction be verified! A
disciple of the American school, as you all well know,—and were I
capable of forgetting it, there are many who would remind me of it,—it
is most natural that I should drink to the memory of my teacher—my
adopted father: I propose to you, ‘The memory of Washington.’”




                              CHAPTER XV.

La Fayette’s Personal Appearance—His Health—His Sight—Expression of his
  Countenance—His Temperate Habits—His Dress—His Economy of Time—La
  Fayette’s Home at La Grange—The Estate—The Grounds—The Terraced
  Lawns—Brilliant Flowers—The Ivy planted by Charles Fox—The Château—La
  Fayette’s Apartments—Numerous Mementos and Curiosities—Cannon of the
  Revolution of 1830—A Famous Cockatoo—The Small Chapel—The Trophy of
  Flags—Memorable Paintings—Interesting Engravings—American Declaration
  of Independence—Farewell Address of President Washington—The
  Illustrious Trio—The American Gallery—Private Apartments of La
  Fayette—Many Memorials—La Fayette’s Epaulettes—Interesting Uniforms—La
  Fayette’s Library—Famous American Folio—Seals, Banners, Civic Crowns,
  and other Mementos—Souvenirs of General Washington—His
  Glasses—Umbrella—Ring—Decoration of Cincinnati—Franklin’s Cane and
  Pin—Sad Mementos of Ríego—A Curious Box—American Relics—The Sword of
  Honor presented to General La Fayette by Congress—Full Description of
  this Sword—Monumental Vase presented by the National Guard of
  France—La Fayette’s Museum—Indian Curiosities—Benevolence of the La
  Fayette Family—La Fayette’s Character—His Moral and Intellectual
  Faculties—His Beau Ideal of Life—His Conscience—His Moral
  Integrity—His Love of Truth—His Patriotism—His Generosity—His
  Ambition—His Estimate of Reputation and Glory—His Equitable
  Disposition—His Rule of Conduct—His Physical Endurance—His
  Frankness—His Conversation—His Speeches—Comments upon his English
  Composition—His Style—His Letters—His Handwriting—His Ideas of Liberty
  and Equality—His Abhorrence of Violent Measures—His Undaunted
  Courage—His Ideas of Education—His Opinions regarding Labor—His
  Recognition of Liberty of Conscience—His Efforts in Behalf of the
  African Race—His Abhorrence of Slavery—His Efforts regarding Prison
  Reforms—His Horror of Capital Punishment—His Opinions in Questions of
  Morals, Jurisprudence, Policy, and Public Economy—Comments on his
  Character from the Encyclopædia Britannica—La Fayette’s Influence in
  France—Interesting Interview with La Fayette—His Occupations in
  Paris—His Last Sickness—His Death—His Grave.

“He is the freeman whom the truth makes free, And all are slaves
besides.”—COWPER.


“LA FAYETTE was tall and well proportioned. He was decidedly inclined to
stoutness, though not to obesity. His head was large; his face oval and
regular; his forehead lofty and open; his eyes, which were full of
goodness and intelligence, were large and prominent, of a grayish blue,
and surmounted with light and well-arched, but not bushy eyebrows; his
nose was aquiline; his mouth, which was habitually embellished with a
natural smile, was seldom opened except to utter kind and gracious
expressions; his complexion was clear; his cheeks were slightly ,
and, at the age of seventy-seven, not a single wrinkle furrowed his
countenance, the ordinary expression of which was that of candor and
frankness.

“Gifted with a strong and vigorous constitution, which was not developed
till late in life, and which was enfeebled neither by the vicissitudes
of a career passed amidst political convulsions, nor by the sufferings
and privations which he underwent during his captivity, La Fayette,
notwithstanding his advanced age, enjoyed his intellectual faculties to
their full extent, and was rendered by his moral energy superior to
circumstances which bow down or crush the generality of mankind.

“During the latter years of his life his health was good, or at most
troubled at but rare intervals by slight indispositions, or by transient
fits of gout....

“La Fayette’s sight was excellent; but of late his hearing had lost
something of its delicacy, and the circumstance was the more perceptible
whenever he felt indisposed. His perceptions, both morally and
physically speaking, were keen, and he usually gave free vent to the
manifestations of his agreeable impressions. Those of a contrary nature
his strength of mind enabled him to support, or at least to dissemble,
in order that he might spare his friends the knowledge of his
sufferings.

“His physiognomy, which was habitually calm, gave a faithful reflection
of the movements of his soul, and at times assumed much expression,
though it was less under the influence of his sensations than of his
sentiments. According to the circumstances in which he was placed, joy,
hope, pity or gratitude, tenderness or severity, were by turns
predominant in his eyes and in every feature of his countenance.

“His deportment was noble and dignified, but his gait, since the year
1803, was rather constrained, in consequence of the accident of a broken
thigh, which compelled him to lean on his cane when walking, and
prevented him from sitting down with ease and quickness, on account of a
stiffness in the hip joint. His other movements were easy and natural,
and though he had but little suppleness in his fingers, his gestures
were graceful, and rarely abrupt, even in the moments when his
conversation was most animated. The tone of his voice was naturally
serious, soft, and agreeable, or strong and sonorous, according to the
circumstances under which he spoke. When the subject of conversation was
gay, he laughed heartily, but even the excess of his mirth was never
displayed in sudden and violent bursts of laughter.

“He dined at home as often as possible, and his frugal meal invariably
consisted of a little fish and the wing of a chicken; he drank nothing
but water. I have not the least doubt that his sobriety and temperance,
and the regularity of his regimen, greatly contributed to exempt him
from the infirmities of old age.

“La Fayette’s dress was always extremely simple, and free from
everything like pretension. He usually wore a long gray or dark-
great-coat, a round hat, pantaloons, and gaiters, as represented in the
full-length portrait executed some years ago by M. Scheffer, and which
resembles him in every respect.

“He was remarkably clean and neat in his person, even to minuteness, and
for this reason his _valet de chambre_, Bastien, who had been long in
his service, and never quitted him, became at last indispensable for his
comfort....

“During his latter years, La Fayette led an agreeable and regular
existence, every instant of his time having its stated occupation. His
moments of recreation were spent with his family, or amongst a circle of
intimate friends, on whom he bestowed the hours not devoted to his
legislative labors or to his numerous correspondents. He ever regarded
time as a gift of which the best use was to be made, and, according to
his own expression, ‘he was not at liberty to lose it himself, and still
less to occasion the loss of it to others.’ If he was not always exact
to the hour of appointment given or accepted by him, the multiplicity of
his engagements and his preoccupation of mind were the cause of the
delay; but in important cases his punctuality was praiseworthy.

“He never indulged in any of those social games to which people have
recourse by way of amusement, or to kill time, as the phrase is
generally used. He was fond of the country, and, when not detained in
Paris by business, usually retired to La Grange, where his existence was
altogether patriarchal.”

[Illustration: Entrance to Château La Grange]

M. Cloquet in his quaint book of Recollections of La Fayette, gives a
full and interesting description of La Fayette’s home at La Grange, of
the grounds, château, La Fayette’s library, museum, and many curiosities
gathered there. As Cloquet was his family surgeon and warm personal
friend for years, as well as a frequent visitor to the La Fayette
estate, and was also present at the death-bed of the illustrious
general, his account may be deemed authentic. From his long and detailed
description, covering more than one hundred pages, the following
prominent features are here culled.

The estate of La Grange is situated thirteen leagues east of Paris. The
château stands in the centre of a farm containing eight hundred French
acres. The roads leading to the château cross the property, and are well
laid out and carefully kept in order. The entrance into the park is
through a wide, handsome avenue bordered with apple-trees. This avenue,
turning to the left, passes by the farm and an old chapel, and crossing
a plantation of chestnut-trees, extends for some distance through a
grove of dark-green ornamental trees until it reaches the château. The
drawbridge, which formerly existed over the moat, has been replaced by a
stone bridge with parapets. The entrance is by a large door composed of
two arches, the one having on the sides two deep excavations which
received a portion of the woodwork and the chains of the old bridge, the
other forming the real door. On either side of the door rises a
substantial stone tower, in which narrow windows are pierced. The walls
to the level of the tiled roof, by which they are surmounted, are
covered with moss and tufted ivy, between the foliage of which may be
seen the outline of the casement of the towers. The ivy was planted by
the celebrated Charles Fox, during his stay at La Grange with General
Fitzpatrick, after the Peace of Amiens. The court, through which is the
entrance, has the form of an irregular square, and is light and
spacious, and looks out upon the beautiful park on which it opens.

The following view of the château was furnished by General Carbonel, and
represents part of the park, lawn, and residence. The château has two
stories besides the ground floor. The walls are covered on the outside
with ivy, Virginia jasmins, etc., and the entire dwelling is surrounded
with fine trees and enormous weeping willows, which gracefully bend
their branches towards the waters of the moat, which is from thirty to
forty feet in breadth and seven feet in depth. The moat has been filled
up on one side of the château, leaving a level passage to the lawn. The
waters of the moat are clear and limpid, being fed by a stream that runs
from one of the ponds of the farm, and fine fish are kept in it. On the
outside it is surrounded with terraced <DW72>s of green sward enamelled
with brilliant flowers.

[Illustration: Château La Grange]

On the ground floor of the château, and communicating with the
vestibule, are a small chapel, a large dining-room, and further on, the
kitchens. A wide stone staircase, well lighted, leads to the two
reception-rooms, to the La Fayette museum, and to the corridors which
conduct to the other apartments of the family, and to those reserved for
friends.

La Fayette’s apartments on the second floor consist of an ante-chamber,
a bedroom, and a library, the windows of which look out upon the park,
and command a view of the farm beyond. At the entrance of the vestibule
are two small pieces of cannon, which the Parisians at the period of the
Revolution of 1830 had mounted upon coach-wheels to attack the troops of
Charles X. The conquerors afterwards presented them to La Fayette. Near
the cannons a white cockatoo reposes on his perch. This fine bird was
presented to the general by his friend Benjamin Constant because the
cockatoo had always shown a marked preference for La Fayette, and
welcomed his coming with joy, while to M. Constant’s other guests the
bird was quite indifferent. The small chapel, opening on the vestibule,
is now hung with black and devoted to the exclusive use of the family.
The altar is adorned with an ivory crucifix and with silver candelabra.
Two tablets on the wall contain Scripture quotations and passages from
the Book of Tobias.

On the wall of the vestibule, facing the great door of the salon, may be
seen a trophy of flags, artistically grouped, and recalling historical
events. Amongst them are flags belonging to the old Paris National Guard
of 1789, also tri- flags borne in the Revolution of 1830,
together with several American and Polish flags. In one of the large
reception-rooms are marble busts of Monroe and Quincy Adams, Presidents
of the United States. Over the door is a painting representing the Port
of Passage in Spain, where La Fayette first embarked for America. The
_Victory_ is shown just setting sail from the harbor. To the right and
left of the door are two other fine paintings. One represents the French
Federation in the Champ de Mars; the other, the storming of the Bastile.
The latter painting was exhibited in the Louvre in 1790. La Fayette was
examining it there with much enthusiasm, and exclaimed to his friend
beside him, while gazing upon the stirring scene with ardent admiration,
“Whoever becomes the possessor of that picture will be a happy man!” The
artist, Robert, was at that moment standing behind La Fayette, and
hearing the remark he advanced and said, “General, be happy; that
picture is yours.”

On the wall to the right of this reception-room hang beautiful
engravings of the American Declaration of Independence and the Farewell
Address of President Washington.

One of the most interesting ornaments in this room is a marble bust of
La Fayette, sculptured by the artist David, and placed on a small
pedestal between the portraits of Washington and Franklin. The flag of
the American frigate, the _Brandywine_, shades the portraits of these
three friends, seemingly uniting their memories by its azure folds,
while its silver stars float above their heads. Washington, La Fayette,
and Franklin form an illustrious trio of immortal names. The second
reception-room may be called the American Gallery. On one side stands a
handsome bronze bust of Washington by the artist David. Above this bust
hang the portraits of John Adams, and Quincy Adams, both Presidents of
the United States. Upon the opposite wall are placed portraits of
Presidents Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, and Jackson.

[Illustration: Corporal of the Prison at Olmütz]

[Illustration: Vase presented by Midshipmen of the Brandywine]

A small staircase leads to the private apartments of La Fayette. Near
the entrance door is placed a portrait of the corporal of the prison of
Olmütz, made from a sketch drawn by La Fayette’s daughter Anastasie
during their imprisonment. She is said to have made the sketch upon her
thumb-nail to avoid the notice of their jailers. The hangings in La
Fayette’s bed-chamber are of yellow silk, the furniture is simple, and
the walls of the room are covered with family portraits and engravings.
On one side of the chimney hangs a large miniature of Mr. F. K. Huger,
the son of Major Huger of South Carolina, who may be called La Fayette’s
deliverer, on account of his bold attempt to secure his release from the
prison of Olmütz. The portrait is surrounded with a gold frame of
exquisite workmanship and inclosed in a box of massive gold. It was
presented to La Fayette in 1825 by the city of Charleston. Above the bed
is a painting representing a group of American officers, together with
La Fayette and General Rochambeau, at the siege of Yorktown. Upon a
chest of drawers is placed a silver vase presented to La Fayette by the
midshipmen of the _Brandywine_ frigate. Among numerous decorations on
the vase, consisting of vine leaves, river gods, and acanthus leaves,
the American eagle is carved on one side grasping in one of his talons a
bundle of javelins, and in the other an olive-branch: above him floats a
cloud spangled with stars. Upon the base of the vase are three
bas-reliefs representing the Capitol at Washington, La Fayette’s visit
to the tomb of Washington, and the arrival of the _Brandywine_ at Havre.

Near the vase is a box containing the silver epaulettes, embroidered
with three stars, which La Fayette wore as Commander-in-chief of the
National Guard.

[Illustration: Seal and Clock belonging to La Fayette]

[Illustration: Roman Standard presented by City of Lyons]

Beside the chimney stands the cane usually carried by La Fayette. It was
the gift of Commodore Taylor. The head is a stag’s horn, with a gold
plate upon the side, with the name of the giver and receiver. In the
presses of the bed-chamber are preserved the general’s clothes. Amongst
them is a complete uniform of the Warsaw National Guard, presented by
the Poles; also a blue cloth suit, given to him by the Americans of
Carolina. The cloth of the coat and the massive gold buttons are of
Carolina manufacture. On the buttons is the head of Washington.

[Illustration: Ring given by Grandson of Washington]

La Fayette’s library contains numerous paintings, in the cameo style,
representing Washington, Franklin, and many others. There are many fine
works of German and English history, and various other valuable books. A
special place is reserved for American works. The most remarkable among
these is a superb manuscript folio, presented to La Fayette by the city
of New York. It contains the acts and deliberations of that city,
together with a narrative of the events which relate to La Fayette’s
visit there. It is adorned with artistic pen drawings. The volume is
richly bound, and to preserve it from injury is inclosed in a mahogany
box with lock and key.

[Illustration: Seal]

The furniture of this room is of mahogany, with the exception of two
chairs, the cushions of which were embroidered by Madame La Fayette. In
the table drawer are two seals; one bears La Fayette’s monogram; the
other, the head of Washington, surrounded by rays. Among the other
mementos in this room is a Roman standard, presented to General La
Fayette by the city of Lyons. This trophy is ornamented with a crown of
oak leaves, surmounted by the Gallic cock, inclosing a large shield, on
one side of which is represented the self-devoted Curtius, precipitating
himself into the gulf, the flames of which already envelop his horse’s
breast, and on the other side of the shield is a lion, which had been
adopted as the arms of that city.

Another interesting relic is a civic crown of silver, presented to La
Fayette by the town of Grenoble. Near it is a handsome medal presented
by the electors of Meaux. Upon one side is a striking likeness of La
Fayette, together with the memorable dates, 1789 and 1830. On the other
side, a civic crown forms a frame for the words of dedication.

[Illustration: Medal Presented by Electors of Meaux]

[Illustration: Ring Given by Grandson of Washington]

There are a number of quaint souvenirs of General Washington, which were
highly prized by La Fayette. One is an ivory-handled pair of glasses
mounted in silver, constantly used by Washington; also a long-handled
parasol, with an ivory top, which was generally attached to the horse’s
saddle when Washington travelled. There is also a piece of tapestry
embroidered by Mrs. Washington, which was presented to La Fayette by her
granddaughter. Here may be seen, too, the ring given to the marquis at
Mount Vernon during his last visit to America, by the grandson of Mrs.
Washington, in the name of the family. The chestnut hair in the middle
of the ring is Washington’s; the white hair on each side, that of his
wife. Around the hair are the words, “Pater Patriæ“; on the sides,
“Mount Vernon”; and behind, the following inscription:—

                              LA FAYETTE.
                                 1777.
                      PRO. NOVI. ORBIS. LIBERTATE.
                          DECERTABAT. JUVENIS.
                           STABILITAM. SENEX.
                                INVENIT.
                                 1824.

[Illustration]

One of the most interesting among the Washington souvenirs is the
Decoration of the Cincinnati, worn by Washington. The Society of the
Cincinnati, recognizing the assistance which America had received from
France, sent the decoration of the order to the Counts d’Estaing, de
Grasse, de Barras, de Rochambeau, and to La Fayette. Washington had been
president of the order. The decoration, of enamelled gold, is framed in
a laurel crown, sustained by two cornucopiæ, interwoven together, from
which issues fruit, and which are themselves suspended to the ribbon by
an oblong ring, formed by two tresses attached together. The American
eagle, with extended wings, occupies the middle of the crown, and bears
a shield on each side. On one of the shields may be seen Cincinnatus
leaning on his plough, and receiving the Roman deputies, who present him
with the sword of the dictator. Around it are these words, written in
letters of gold on a sky-blue ground: “OMNIA. RELINQUIT. SERVARE.
REMPU.”

[Illustration: Pin presented by Franklin’s Granddaughter]

On the other shield Cincinnatus is represented as resuming his
agricultural labors, and guiding a plough. At a little distance is his
cottage. This scene is illumined by the sun, and around are the words:
“SOCI. CIN. RUM. INST. A.D. 1783. VIRT. PRAE.”

The figures of the shields are of dead gold, the ground of green, and
the background of carnation enamel. The decoration is attached to a
sky-blue watered silk ribbon, edged with a white piping, in token of the
alliance between France and America, and held together by a gold clasp.
The ribbon used by Washington is much worn. On the morocco leather box
which encloses the decoration, are the words, “Washington’s Cincinnati
Badge.”

[Illustration: Crystal Box containing Mementos of Riégo]

[Illustration: Ring containing Hair and Portrait of Jeremy Bentham]

Here may also be seen a cane, formerly used by Franklin, which was given
to La Fayette on his last visit to America. Also a pin, presented to La
Fayette by Franklin’s granddaughter. This contains the hair, and
presents Franklin’s monogram. Near it is a ring containing the hair and
portrait of the celebrated English writer, Jeremy Bentham. In a crystal
box, mounted in gold, and closed with a small padlock, lie two sad
mementos of the unfortunate Riégo, who perished on the scaffold. Just
before the terrible end he untied his black silk cravat and sent it,
with a lock of his hair, to his wife. Madame Riégo afterwards divided
these sacred relics with La Fayette. Through the clear crystal the
memorable souvenirs may be reverently examined.

Another curiosity is a round wooden box. The lid is divided into four
parts formed of different woods. The walnut wood is from the last tree
of the forest of Penn, cut down in 1818, opposite to the Hall of
Independence. The elm wood is from the treaty tree. The oak is from the
first bridge constructed on the Dock Creek. The mahogany is from the
house of Christopher Columbus.

[Illustration: Round Wooden Box]

There is also another interesting American relic, in the shape of a
cane, upon which is carved a portrait of La Fayette. During La Fayette’s
last visit to America an old captain sought him out in Nashville, and
with tears in his eyes, embraced him, saying: “I have had two happy days
in my existence—that on which I landed with you at Charleston, in 1777,
and this day. I have seen and embraced you. I now desire to live no
longer. I have nothing but this cane, on which you see your portrait; I
request you to accept it, and to keep it in memory of one of your old
soldiers and companions in arms.”

Another handsome souvenir is a sword presented to La Fayette by the New
York militia. Also a sword of ivory and gold, presented to La Fayette by
Colonel Muir in the name of the ninth regiment of artillery of New York.

[Illustration: Sword presented by the 9th Regt. of Artillery of New
York.]

But the memento of the greatest importance in the collection is probably
the sword of honor presented to La Fayette by Congress, and transmitted
to him by Franklin, through his grandson. We have mentioned this sword
previously, but did not describe it. This weapon is a _chef d’œuvre_
of art. During the Reign of Terror, Madame La Fayette, fearing it would
be seized, ordered the sword to be buried. It remained concealed for
many years and was thus saved.

When George La Fayette returned from America, while his father was still
in exile, he disinterred this famous weapon, but found the blade had
been completely destroyed by rust. George was able to preserve only the
handle and the mounting, which he conveyed secretly to his father in
Holland, running great risks thereby, as it was very dangerous to take
gold out of France in those unsettled times. On La Fayette’s return to
France, he conceived the happy idea of adjusting to this handle, the
blade of the sword presented to him by the National Guard of Paris. This
blade was manufactured from the iron bolts and bars of the Bastile, and
presents some allegorical subjects connected with the destruction of
that renowned fortress.

[Illustration: Sword presented by the American Congress.]

The sword as it now appears is thus described. “The knob of the handle
presents, on one side, a shield with La Fayette’s arms—a marquis’s
coronet surmounted by a streamer—on which is inscribed the motto, ‘CUR
NON.’ On the other side is a medallion representing the first quarter of
the moon, whose rays are shed over the sea, and the land of the American
continent, which is perceived on the horizon. The coasts of France form
the foreground of the scene, surmounted by a floating band, on which are
read the words: ‘CRESCAM UT PROSIM,’—an allusion to the rising liberty
and the subsequent prosperity of America. In the centre of the handle,
on each side, are two oblong medallions: the first represents La
Fayette, who has drawn the sword, and overthrown the English lion at his
feet. The general is on the point of despatching him, but he pauses,
extends his hand, and seems inclined to spare his life. On the other
medallion America is represented as having just broken her fetters. She
is portrayed under the form and features of a young woman, half-clad,
seated under a military tent. In one hand she holds her broken chains,
and with the other she presents a laurel branch to La Fayette.

“Above and below the two preceding medallions are military emblems of
arms, and two crowns of laurel which encircle the handle. On the sides
of the guard are other trophies of arms; and on one of them are the
words: ‘FROM THE AMERICAN CONGRESS TO MARQUIS LA FAYETTE, 1779.’

“The curved parts of the guard are carved on both sides, and represent
on their medallions four memorable events of the American war in which
La Fayette was distinguished by his prudence or his courage. They are
‘THE BATTLE OF GLOUCESTER IN THE JERSEYS,’ ‘THE RETREAT OF BARREN HILL,’
‘THE BATTLE OF MONMOUTH,’ ‘THE RETREAT OF RHODE ISLAND.’

“The blade of the sword is flat and double-edged. On one side is a
medallion damaskeened in gold, and suspended by chains of the same
metal, which stand out admirably on the azure ground of the steel. It
represents the taking of the Bastile. The populace of Paris, placed in
the foreground of the scene, lay siege to the fortress, the ramparts of
which give way under the repeated cannonade. The besieged make a
vigorous resistance from the summit of the towers, and Fame flies
through the air, announcing by sound of trumpet the first year of
liberty. Beneath the medallion are two lighted flambeaux, from the
centre of which issue the supporters of a bell put in motion to sound
the tocsin. These flambeaux are joined by a crosspiece supporting a
drapery, on which may be read, ‘THE REVIVAL OF LIBERTY.’

“On the other side of the blade may be observed four medallions, also
supported by chains tastefully arranged. In two of these medallions the
polished steel of the blade is bare; in a third is seen a prisoner
breaking the fetters which had been attached to his hands and feet, and
quitting the stake to which he had been bound; the fourth represents the
column of liberty erected on the ruins of the Bastile, and rising above
the other buildings, which are perceived on the sides. Beneath the
latter medallion is represented the head of Medusa, and on each side are
two fires, the flames of which melt the chains interwoven together, and
supporting and uniting these different objects. On the drapery, at the
bottom, are engraved the words, ‘YEAR IV. OF LIBERTY.’

[Illustration: Vase presented by the National Guard]

“The mounting of the scabbard is of gold, and carved. On one side is
perceived a large oval medallion, which represents Fame borne on the
clouds. The goddess crosses the ocean, preceding the vessel which
conveys La Fayette back to France, and which is perceived in the
horizon. In one hand she holds the crown awarded to La Fayette by
America, and in the other, the trumpet with which she announces his
exploits to France, as indicated by the three _fleurs-de-lis_
embroidered on the banner of the instrument. On the other side is an
irregular shield encircled with a laurel branch, intended to receive La
Fayette’s monogram.”

But we must not overlook one most impressive object in the general’s
library. This is the magnificent monumental vase presented by the
National Guard of France to La Fayette. It was commenced in 1831, but
owing to some delay, it was not finished until 1835, at which time the
illustrious La Fayette had passed beyond all earthly honors and human
homage. It was accordingly presented in the name of the National Guard
of France to George Washington La Fayette, who received the precious
deposit in memory of his adored father, as a holy memento and noble
inheritance, and reverently placed it in the general’s library, by the
side of the other sacred relics consecrated to his memory.

“The vase, which is of silver gilt, and the stand, in the form of a
votive altar and of the same metal, is about four feet high. The handles
are formed of two strong vine-stalks, attached at one end to the edges
of the neck, and supported at the other by two lions’ heads. The neck is
enriched with a civic crown, and the bottom of the vase is ornamented
with leaves of aquatic plants, separated by stems of the sugar-cane and
coffee-tree. On one of the sides of the vase, the genius of the fine
arts and the genius of industry, surrounded with their attributes,
support a drapery, on which may be read,

                                ‘FRANCE
                        TO GENERAL LA FAYETTE.’

“On the other side, surrounded with a glory, is the date 1830. The
pedestal is square, with splayed-off corners, and is decorated with four
statues and four bas-reliefs, which may be regarded as so many
masterpieces of taste and historical illustration. The statues, which
represent Liberty, Equality, Force, and Wisdom, are placed upright on a
projecting ledge prepared to receive them. Liberty is represented under
the form of a young woman in full drapery, and with a Phrygian cap on
her head. In one hand she holds the national flag, and in the other, the
sword to defend it, whilst she tramples under foot a set of broken
chains. Equality is represented by a goddess holding in her right hand
the levelling-plane, while she leans with her left upon a table of laws,
thus presenting the symbol of constitutional equality. Force is
represented by a female in the prime of life. Her head is covered, and
she is partly clothed with a lion’s skin, which falls on her back and
her left shoulder. She leans on a bundle of rods, to indicate that her
strength depends on union. Wisdom is represented under the form of a
young female of severe aspect; her drapery is tasteful, and her head is
covered with the helmet of Minerva. Her calm and grave attitude
indicates reflection.

“The four sides of the altar are ornamented with as many bas-reliefs,
well chosen, and representing the following events connected with the
life of La Fayette. The first bas-relief represents the capitulation of
Lord Cornwallis. La Fayette, with the generals and the respective staffs
of the French and American army, receives General O’Hara, as he delivers
the sword of Cornwallis to Washington. The second bas-relief represents
La Fayette taking the civic oath to the French Federation, July 14,
1790.

“The third bas-relief represents the visit of the Duke of Orleans,
lieutenant-general of the kingdom, to the Hôtel de Ville, July 31, 1830.

“The fourth bas-relief represents the distribution of the standards to
the National Guard at Paris, Aug. 29, 1830.”

The room which now serves for the museum was formerly the entrance to
the apartment of Madame La Fayette. After her death, La Fayette ordered
the door of communication to be walled up, so that the room could only
be entered by himself through a back door. On stated days the marquis
repaired thither, either alone or with his children, to pay sad homage
to the memory of her who was enshrined in their hearts with an undying
affection.

The museum is filled with numerous objects, such as models of machines,
etc., many stuffed birds and reptiles, shells and minerals, together
with a quantity of weapons of all kinds, and numberless Indian
curiosities collected by La Fayette during his several visits to
America.

The inmates of La Grange were illustrious for their many deeds of
benevolence. Their poorer neighbors were constantly aided by the general
and his children. In times of special sickness among the poor, large
sums were expended by La Fayette and his family in their behalf. Many
charming fêtes were held at the Château, and La Fayette was always the
centre of a brilliant circle. The venerable marquis was a model host.
His guests enjoyed freedom without restraint, and the most delightful
entertainment without officiousness. His children and grandchildren seem
to have inherited many of his fine traits of mind and character; and
there are few instances given in history of such a perfect home-life as
was witnessed at La Grange, especially before the removal of her who was
the centre of all its sunshine and the guiding star of her illustrious
husband.

The character of La Fayette was singularly lofty, and he was strongly
attracted towards all that was good, great, noble, or generous in human
nature. His moral and intellectual faculties were keen, his reason was
solid, and his judgment was sure. He was not led into impracticable
theories by too ardent an imagination, and his enthusiasms were always
based upon his conscience and his reason.

His views of morality and politics were very comprehensive, but his
_beau ideal_ of life was always held within the bounds of possibility,
and governed by the claims of usefulness, justice, and honor. He was
great even in small circumstances, for he lifted the little to a place
of importance by the exact attention he bestowed upon it. He judged
mankind by his own exalted nature, and his illusions regarding them
arose from the impossibility of such an upright mind as he possessed
being capable of perceiving or believing that others were so far beneath
the high motives which governed his own thoughts and actions. “His
conscience was his guiding star, his courage the pilot that led him safe
through the storm by which France was overwhelmed, and his progress
through that grand epoch was marked by patriotism, civic courage, and a
series of advantageous reforms and liberal institutions, with which he
assisted to ameliorate the condition of France.”

La Fayette passed untainted through an age of corruption, and was proof
against the seductive excesses of the court of Louis XV., and retained
his moral integrity in the midst of the temptations and the terrible
whirlwinds of political storms which raged with relentless fury during
the reign of the unfortunate Louis XVI. To his early avowed principles
of liberty and patriotism he was ever true as the needle to the magnet.
No emoluments could bribe him to advocate a wrong principle; no terrors
could deter him from stanchly and fearlessly upholding what his
conscience acknowledged to be the cause of truth and liberty.

“La Fayette loved truth above all things, and rejected all that could
change or corrupt its nature. Like Epaminondas, he would not have
suffered himself, even in joke, to utter the slightest falsehood. He was
the mirror of truth, even in the midst of political parties, whose
condemnation he pronounced by presenting to them the hideous image of
their passions. He thus offended without convincing them, and the
mirror, being declared deceitful, was destined to be broken.” He was
heard to say: “The court would have accepted me had I been an
aristocrat, and the Jacobins, had I been a Jacobin; but, as I wished to
side with neither, both united against me.”

The following incident is related, illustrative of La Fayette’s
generosity:—

“On the occasion of his last visit to America, General La Fayette having
learned that the family of his old aide-de-camp, Colonel Neville, was in
difficulties, before he embarked for France drew a bill of exchange in
their favor, on the President of the United States, for the sum of four
thousand dollars, and addressed it to the children of M. Neville. It may
be easily conceived that the latter declined making use of it; but they
keep it as a precious document which reflects equal honor on the memory
of their father and on the noble generosity of La Fayette.”

La Fayette’s ambition was not a selfish desire to rise above others, to
achieve personal fame; but to do good, by the performance of noble
actions and important services in behalf of humanity. He thus defines
his own impulses in a letter to the Bailli de Ploën: “An irresistible
passion that would induce me to believe in innate ideas and the truth of
prophecy, has decided my career. I have always loved liberty with the
enthusiasm which actuates the religious man, with the passion of a
lover, and with the conviction of a geometrician. On leaving college,
where nothing had displeased me more than a state of dependence, I
viewed the greatness and the littleness of the court with contempt, the
frivolities of society with pity, the minute pedantry of the army with
disgust, and oppression of every sort with indignation. The attraction
of the American Revolution drew me suddenly to my proper place; I felt
myself tranquil only when sailing between the continent whose powers I
had braved, and the place where, although our arrival and our ultimate
success were problematical, I could, at the age of nineteen, take refuge
in the alternative of conquering or perishing in the cause to which I
had devoted myself.”

La Fayette valued reputation and prized glory, but was indifferent to
the personal power resulting from them. Being asked who, in his opinion,
was the greatest man of his age, he replied: “In my idea, General
Washington is the greatest man; for I look upon him as the most
virtuous.”

M. Cloquet says of La Fayette’s equitable disposition:—

“I doubt if La Fayette was ever in a passion; at least I have no
recollection of having seen him lose his temper, even under
circumstances that might have occasioned or excused one of those violent
movements of the soul which few men are able to master. When any
circumstance annoyed him, he became taciturn, his forehead and eyebrows
slightly contracted, and a shade of sadness was visible on his
countenance; but these moments of uneasiness rather than of ill humor
were not of long duration, and his features soon recovered their
serenity. One day one of his friends had uttered, from the tribune of
the Lower Chamber, certain opinions which he repelled as utterly at
variance with his principles. The only phrase in which he expressed his
dissatisfaction was, ‘Well, well, he lacks common sense.’ These words he
pronounced in a firm tone of voice, though evidently with much emotion.”

That which was right was always the rule of La Fayette’s conduct; the
inspirations of his heart and the voice of his conscience regulated his
life. “_Fais ce que dois, advienne que pourra_” was his motto. His moral
faculties exercised complete control over his physical powers; it was
said of him, “He was an intelligence served by organs.” His calmness was
only increased by an increase of danger, and the most imminent peril
seemed but to inspire him with redoubled courage.

His surgeon, M. Cloquet, gives this instance of his marvellous powers of
physical endurance:—

“During his last illness he acquainted us with the nature of the medical
treatment which he had undergone in 1803 for a fracture of the thigh,
occasioned by a fall on a slippery pavement. Deschamp and Boyer, whose
memory I respect, and whom I am proud to have had for my masters, were
summoned in their professional capacity to his assistance. The fractured
limb was inclosed in a machine which kept it in a constant state of
tension; and, as La Fayette had promised those skilful surgeons to
support the pain with patience as long as they might judge it necessary
for his cure, he uttered not a single complaint for the fifteen or
twenty days during which the apparatus was applied. When it was removed,
the surgeons were unable to conceal the annoyance they felt at the
effect produced by the bandages. Deschamp turned pale; Boyer was
stupefied; the upper bandages had, by their pressure, cut deeply into
the muscles of the inside of the thigh, and laid bare the femoral
artery: the action of the lower ones had been less violent, but they had
produced a mortification of the skin at the back part of the foot and
laid bare the tendons of the toes. In consequence of La Fayette’s
stoical fortitude, the vigilance of his surgeons was completely at
fault. Deep scars bore evidence of the truth of one of his observations
to us, uttered, however, in confidence, through an apprehension of
injuring, not the interests, but the memory of two individuals for whom
he felt gratitude, although their exertions on his behalf had been
unsuccessful. A length of time elapsed before he recovered from the
lamentable consequences which resulted from his medical treatment, and
which were followed by an almost complete anchylosis and lameness of the
hip-joint.”

La Fayette’s frankness of nature was proverbial. An intimate friend of
the family, Madame Dupaty, said of him:—

“To appreciate his frankness you must have known him as thoroughly as we
did. He was too honest not to leave his keys always in the locks, even
in politics.”

La Fayette’s conversation was graceful, easy, full of good humor, and
peculiarly charming, without descending to frivolity. He was quick at
repartee, and apt in uttering _bon mots_, as the following incidents
will illustrate:—

“When he was arrested by the Austrians in 1792, an aide-de-camp of
Prince de ——, the enemy’s general, came to him, on behalf of his
superior, to demand the money of the army which he had been obliged to
leave. La Fayette, astonished at the demand, laughed heartily; and when
the aide-de-camp advised him to take the matter more seriously, ‘How can
I help laughing?’ said he; ‘for all that I can understand of your demand
is, that had your prince been in my place he would have run away with
the military chest.’ The aide-de-camp had nothing to say in reply, took
leave of the prisoner, and departed as he came.”

When he joined the nobles of Brittany, in 1788, in their movement
against the government, the queen impatiently asked him why he, who was
from Auvergne, meddled with the affairs of the Bretons. “I am a Breton,
Madam,” replied La Fayette, “just as your Majesty is of the house of
Hapsburg.”

As La Fayette’s mother was from Brittany, so the queen was descended
from the house of Hapsburg by the female line.

None of the speeches pronounced by La Fayette in the Chamber of Deputies
were prepared. His extempore addresses were eloquent, dignified, and
clear. His language was persuasive and pleasing, and his speeches were
intelligible to all classes, on account of their simplicity and the
directness of their appeal.

A friend of La Fayette one day overheard the conversation of several
French artisans, who were discussing in the street the merits of the
articles in a newspaper they were reading, and after criticising with
warmth many of the writers, the leader exclaimed, “Come, this man La
Fayette at least speaks French: we can understand what he wishes to
say.”

The English language was as familiar to La Fayette as the French, and he
wrote both with great facility. His style was simple, concise, and
clear-cut, forceful and elevated; his ideas were well defined, his
principles and opinions decided and frankly avowed. Regarding the
English correspondence of La Fayette with his friend Masclet, an
Englishman thus comments:—

“La Fayette has happily avoided the two principal dangers to which the
majority of those who attempt to write in a foreign language are
exposed. His style is as free from servile imitation as from grammatical
errors or faults of idiom: in a word, it is peculiar to himself; it
displays the man, though under another costume. It is simple without
meanness, concise without obscurity, dignified without affectation; and
often contains those happy turns of expression which infuse such a charm
into letters written in French. Scarcely ever does it contain one of
those little particles which betray the foreign origin of the writer.
His letters, it is true, present some inversions not authorized perhaps
by modern custom, but by no means at variance with the genius of the
language. On the contrary, they establish a sort of link between the
writer and the old English authors. Such inversions are admirable for
their delicacy and _naïveté_; without shocking the ear, or proving
injurious to clearness of expression, they arrest the attention of the
reader, deck themselves, as it were, in the smile resulting from his
agreeable surprise, and prevent monotony of style. La Fayette writes
English with much facility. His letters present no trace of painful
effort or labored composition. He seems never to hesitate in his choice
of a suitable word or turn of expression, though he sometimes forgets
that the English language can with difficulty bend to that nervous and
even elliptic concision of which a skilful French writer often avails
himself with so much advantage. This forgetfulness occasionally gives an
appearance of roughness and even abruptness to La Fayette’s style.

“His letters are irreproachable, as presenting a faithful picture of his
mind; in reading them we feel irresistibly inclined to love the writer;
and perhaps in this respect they are inferior to nothing ever composed
by him in his own language. Amongst the English, and others who speak
that language, such expressions as are employed to depict different
degrees of friendship are certainly less numerous and less graceful than
amongst the French; but, on the other hand, such expressions have been
less frequently subject to the encroachments of gallantry or exaggerated
politeness, and are consequently more candid and sincere. In the mouth
of such a man as La Fayette, it will be readily imagined that all these
qualities acquire new force.”

La Fayette’s handwriting was more legible in English than in French. His
characters were small and well formed. Though he never made rough
copies, his letters rarely presented erasures. A writer says of the
value of his letters:—

“It is almost superfluous to say how La Fayette’s letters were received
by those to whom they were addressed. It was enough to present them to
meet with unlimited support, protection, and devotedness. The name of
the writer was a species of talisman which opened every door; and it
might have been said that to such as received his letters, a spark was
communicated from his soul, and a desire to imitate his virtues. Some
years ago one of my friends, who was abroad, showed a letter from La
Fayette to a distinguished personage entrusted with the confidence of an
absolute sovereign. At sight of the letter, the powerful functionary
seemed electrified, rose from his seat in token of respect, and
entreated my friend as a special favor to give him a fragment of the
precious correspondence.”

La Fayette always gave precedence to his duty rather than his personal
interests. To the Bailli de Ploën he wrote: “So many stupid remarks have
been uttered by party spirit, that it may not be out of place here to
assert that no private affection has ever diverted me from my public
duty. In the course of three years of power I encouraged none to speak
well of me; I prevented none from speaking ill; and to explain my
conduct with regard to the notorious characters of the Revolution, it
will be sufficient to verify their writings, speeches, and actions at
the same period.”

Regarding his own ideas of liberty and equality, he wrote to the same
friend: “For my part, as I feel persuaded that the human race was
created to enjoy freedom, and as I have been born to promote the cause
of liberty, I neither can nor will shrink from the participation which
it has been my fate to take in this great event; wherever I have been
able, and especially in my own country, I concurred on principle in all
the enterprises undertaken against an illegitimate power which it was
necessary to destroy, and I now declare to you that in 1787 and 1788 the
resistance of the privileged classes—of the leaders of the
aristocracy—had as much of the true character of faction as any other
insurrection that I have since witnessed.”

La Fayette could never be persuaded to use violent measures in upholding
even a good cause when such an expedient was not absolutely necessary.
At one time during the Revolution, Mirabeau having recommended some very
violent plans to La Fayette, urging that they were excusable for the
execution of certain projects, La Fayette indignantly exclaimed, “M. de
Mirabeau, it is impossible for an honest man to employ such means.”

“An honest man!” replied Mirabeau. “Ah! M. de La Fayette, it seems you
wish to be a _Grandison Cromwell_: you will see to what that
amalgamation will lead you.”

Wherever the voice of duty called La Fayette, no danger could make him
flinch, no fear of insult could deter. During the days of October, 1789,
when the palace of Versailles was filled with the raging, bloodthirsty
mob, La Fayette hastened to an apartment where the crowd was the
thickest, and calmly entered, and crossed the _Salon_ without
attendants. “There goes Cromwell!” cried one. Turning to the speaker, La
Fayette replied with dignity, “Cromwell would not have entered here
ALONE!” Notwithstanding the difference of opinion between La Fayette and
Napoleon, whenever it appeared to La Fayette that his services could be
of use to the best interests of his country, he was ever ready to
sacrifice all personal feeling. Before the battle of Marengo, La Fayette
addressed a letter to a friend, instructing him to deliver the
communication to Napoleon, in case the battle of Marengo should be lost.
In this letter La Fayette offered his services to Bonaparte, in defence
of the independence of France. As the battle was won, the epistle was
not delivered; but Napoleon was informed of the step which La Fayette
contemplated taking in case of defeat. One day, while surrounded by his
staff of officers, Bonaparte expressed his admiration of the patriotism
of the man with whom he differed in opinion, and added, “Which of you,
gentlemen, could have done better?”

La Fayette always recollected with pride and with pleasure the services
rendered to France by the National Guard, and he thus wrote of them:—

“The Revolution had armed France; it was urgent to bestow on her an
organization, and to that end the observations which I had made in
America and in several parts of Europe were directed. The National Guard
was instituted; this was the sole armed force which could maintain
internal order without favoring military despotism, and by means of
which foreign aggression could be repelled, whilst the ancient
governments were reduced to the inability of defending themselves
against us, unless they imitated us; or against their subjects, if they
ventured to follow our example.”

La Fayette was a warm advocate in favor of educating the masses; he
often said, “that a good education, physical, moral, and intellectual,
was in his opinion the best inheritance that parents could transmit to
their children; and he considered it to be their duty to make every
sacrifice to insure to their offspring this imperishable advantage,
which could not but in time prove conducive to their happiness and that
of others.” He expressed to his physician his astonishment that in
colleges young people were forced to study the course of different
rivers in India or Mexico, whilst no pains were taken to impart to them
a knowledge of themselves, by giving them some notions of their own
organizations and the exercise of their functions. He was desirous that
great pains should be taken with the moral and political education of
the people, thus insuring their being well-informed and good citizens.
He contended that education was calculated to purify the manners of a
nation, and contribute to its happiness. And in proof of his own
opinions, La Fayette himself might well have been cited as a type of a
perfectly civilized being, whom civilization has improved instead of
deteriorating; for he had avoided all its vices, and followed only with
undeviating step the path traced by virtue and true liberty. He declared
that every member of a well-constituted society should receive an
education that might point out to him the path which he ought to pursue
between his duties and his rights; and that such an education would
prove much more effectual for the prevention than the law was for the
repression of disorder.

La Fayette considered that labor was the first duty of man living in a
social state, as it was only by labor that one’s debt to society could
be repaid. He countenanced amusements when they were pure and healthful,
and considered them a necessary relaxation from bodily or mental
occupations.

La Fayette recognized liberty of conscience and was tolerant of all
religious beliefs. “If it be a crime,” he declared, “to have preferred
civil and religious liberty extended equally to all men and all
countries, none is more guilty than myself.”

When La Fayette had been proscribed in 1792, the National Convention
confiscated all his property, and ordered his <DW64>s at Cayenne to be
sold, in spite of the remonstrances of La Fayette, who declared that the
<DW64>s had been purchased only to receive their liberty after they had
been prepared to exercise it by proper education, and not to be again
sold as slaves. At a later period all the <DW64>s of the French colonies
were declared free by a decree of the National Convention. It is
interesting to note in connection with this effort of La Fayette to
bring about the abolition of slavery, that during his last visit to
America he visited a free school of young Africans in New York, which
had been founded and instituted by the society for the emancipation of
the <DW64>s. This incident is related of his visit to this school. A
young <DW64> approached La Fayette and said to him, with much emotion:
“You see, General, these hundreds of poor African children who appear
before you; here they share the benefits of education with the children
of the whites: like them, they learn to cherish the recollection of the
services which you have rendered to America, and they also revere in you
an ardent friend to the emancipation of their race.”

La Fayette was very desirous of instituting prison reforms in France,
but he was no advocate for the complete seclusion of prisoners.
“Solitary confinement,” said he, “is a punishment which to be judged of
must have been endured.” Surely he spoke from a bitter experience, for
he had suffered its terrible tortures for one year. Capital punishment
was held in horror by La Fayette, and he constantly raised his voice
against such penalty, especially in matters of political misdemeanors.
And no wonder that he shrank in loathing abhorrence from the bloody
guillotine, after his experience of the awful Reign of Terror.

M. Cloquet says in his recollections of La Fayette, regarding his
opinions on different subjects:—

“He was familiar with all questions of morals, jurisprudence, policy,
and public economy, and he could have treated them all _ex professo_. I
have frequently heard him speak of the resources of France and other
states; of the relations which people and governments should have to
each other; of constitutions, legitimacy, property; of commerce,
industry, agriculture; of the art of war, the progress of civilization,
the happiness of nations and individuals; and other questions which he
treated in the most lucid manner, and which he solved with his natural
good sense and simplicity.”

The Encyclopædia Britannica thus sums up the characteristics of La
Fayette:—

“His life was beset with inconceivable responsibility and perils, for he
was ever the minister of humanity and order among a frenzied people who
had come to regard order and humanity as phases of treason. He rescued
the queen from the murderous hands of the populace, not to speak of
multitudes of humbler victims who had been devoted to death. He risked
his life in many unsuccessful attempts to rescue others. He was obliged
to witness the butchery of Foulon, and the reeking heart of Berthier
torn from his lifeless body and held up in triumph before him. Disgusted
with enormities which he was powerless to prevent and could not
countenance, he resigned his commission; but so impossible was it to
replace him that he was induced to resume it.

“In the Constituent Assembly, of which he was a member, his influence
was always felt in favor of republican principles, for the abolition of
arbitrary imprisonment, for religious tolerance, for popular
representation, for the establishment of trial by jury, for the gradual
emancipation of slaves, for the freedom of the press, for the abolition
of titles of nobility, and the suppression of privileged orders.

“Few men have owed more of their success and usefulness in the world to
their family rank than La Fayette, and still fewer have abused it less.
He never achieved distinction in the field, and his political career
proved him to be incapable of ruling a great national movement; but he
had strong convictions which always impelled him to study the interests
of humanity, and a pertinacity in maintaining them, which, in all the
marvellous vicissitudes of his singularly eventful life, secured him a
very unusual measure of public respect.

“No citizen of a foreign country has ever had so many and such warm
admirers in America, nor does any statesman in France appear to have
ever possessed uninterruptedly for so many years so large a measure of
popular influence and respect. He had what Jefferson called a ‘canine
appetite’ for popularity and fame, but in him the appetite only seemed
to make him more anxious to merit the fame which he enjoyed. He was
brave even to rashness; his life was one of constant personal peril, and
yet he never shrank from any danger or responsibility if he saw the way
open to spare life or suffering, to protect the defenceless, to sustain
the law and preserve order.”

Hon. Chauncey Depew thus concisely comments upon La Fayette’s influence
in France:—

“While the principles of the American Devolution were fermenting in
France, La Fayette, the hero and favorite of the hour, was an honored
guest at royal tables and royal camps. The proud Spaniard and the Great
Frederick of Germany alike welcomed him, and everywhere he announced his
faith in government founded on the American idea. The financial crisis
in the affairs of King Louis on the one hand, and the rising tide of the
popular passion on the other, compelled the summons of the Assembly of
Notables at Versailles. All the great officers of state, the
aristocracy, the titled clergy, the royal princes, were there, but no
representative of the people. La Fayette spoke for them, and, fearless
of the efforts of the brother of the king to put him down, he demanded
religious toleration, equal taxes, just and equal administration of the
laws, and the reduction of royal expenditures to fixed and reasonable
limits. This overturned the whole feudal fabric which had been in course
of construction for a thousand years. To make effectual and permanent
this tremendous stride toward the American experiment, he paralyzed the
court and cabinet by the call for a national assembly—an assembly of the
people. Through that assembly he carried a declaration of rights,
founded upon the natural liberties of man, a concession of popular
privilege never before secured in the modern history of Europe; and,
going as far as he believed the times would admit toward his idea of an
American republic, he builded upon the ruins of absolutism a
constitutional monarchy.

“But French democracy had not been trained and educated in the schools
of the Puritan or the colonist. Ages of tyranny, of suppression,
repression, and torture had developed the tiger and dwarfed the man.
Democracy had not learned the first rudiments of liberty,—self-restraint
and self-government. It beheaded king and queen; it drenched the land
with the blood of the noblest and best; in its indiscriminate frenzy and
madness it spared neither age nor sex, virtue nor merit, and drove its
benefactor, because he denounced its excesses and tried to stem them,
into exile and the dungeon of Olmütz. Thus ended in the horrors of the
French Revolution La Fayette’s first fight for liberty at home. After
five years of untold sufferings, spurning release at the price of his
allegiance to monarchy, holding with sublime faith, amidst the most
disheartening and discouraging surroundings, to the principles of
freedom for all, he was released by the sword of Napoleon Bonaparte, to
find that the untamed ferocity of the Revolution had been trained to the
service of the most brilliant, captivating, and resistless of military
despotisms by the mighty genius of the great Dictator. He only was
neither dazzled nor dismayed, and when he had rejected every offer of
recognition and honor, Napoleon said: ‘La Fayette alone in France holds
fast to his original ideas of liberty. Though tranquil now, he will
reappear if occasion offers.’ Against the first consulate of Bonaparte
he voted, ‘No, unless with guaranties of freedom.’ When Europe lay
helpless at the feet of the conqueror, and, in the frenzy of military
glory, France neither saw nor felt the chains he was forging upon her,
La Fayette, from his retirement of La Grange, plead with the Emperor for
republican principles, holding up to him the retributions always meted
out to tyrants, and the pure, undying fame of the immortal few who
patriotically decide, when upon them alone rests the awful verdict,
whether they shall be the enslavers or the saviors of their country.

“The sun of Austerlitz set in blood at Waterloo. The swords of allied
kings placed the Bourbon once more on the throne of France. In the
popular tempest of July, the nation rose against the intolerable tyranny
of the king, and, calling upon this unfaltering friend of liberty, said
with one voice: ‘You alone can save France from despotism on the one
hand, and the orgies of the Jacobin mob on the other; take absolute
power; be marshal, general, dictator if you will.’ But in assuming
command of the National Guard, the old soldier and patriot answered,
amidst the hail of shot and shell, ‘Liberty shall triumph, or we all
perish together.’ He dethroned and drove out Charles X., and France,
contented with any destiny he might accord to her, with unquestioning
faith left her future in his hands. He knew that the French people were
not yet ready to take and faithfully keep American liberty. He believed
that in the school of constitutional government they would rapidly
learn, and, in the fulness of time adopt its principles, and he gave
them a king who was the popular choice, and surrounded him with the
restraints of charter and an assembly of the people.”

M. Francis Hervé, editor of Madame Tussaud’s “Memoirs of the French
Revolution,” gives the following account of an interview with La
Fayette:—

“During an interesting conversation which took place at the apartments
of the editor at Paris, a few months prior to the death of La Fayette,
respecting the different forms of government, he observed that the
approaches of liberty ought always to be very gradual, and not conferred
at once upon those who had lived in a state of slavery under an
arbitrary power, and without the benefit of education; which opinion was
founded upon the long experience of a life which had been ever devoted
to that subject. Although bent with age, the same philanthropy and
energetic love of freedom glowed within him as that which characterized
his youth, but tempered with maturer judgment; hence, when the
Revolution of the three days took place, and he was called upon as the
arbiter of France respecting her government, he decided for monarchy,
with liberal institutions; but observed that, although a pledge was
given for the promotion of the latter, yet it had never been redeemed;
and he sighed as he made that declaration.”

La Fayette passed his winters in Paris, and at all seasons of the year,
when he was a member of the Chamber of Deputies, he resided in the city
during the sessions. He there occupied a suite of apartments in a large
hotel No. 6 Rue d’Anjou, St. Honoré.

La Fayette’s occupations in Paris were extremely numerous. Besides his
duties as a deputy, which he performed with scrupulous exactness, he was
obliged to attend public meetings, committees, relief societies, boards
of instruction, and constant social engagements. Notwithstanding his
multifarious avocations he found time to devote to his domestic affairs
and to his personal study. He was fond of society, and was a delightful
and brilliant conversationalist.

A political duel which terminated in the death of M. Dulong, one of La
Fayette’s fellow-deputies, was a severe blow to the marquis.
Notwithstanding his age, La Fayette followed the body of his friend to
the grave on foot, and when he returned home he was soon taken violently
ill. Measures were taken which gave him partial relief, but he never
entirely rallied from this attack. His health became so much improved,
however, that he was allowed to receive the visits of his friends, who
showed their sympathy and regard by the most constant attentions.

[Illustration: La Fayette’s Death Chamber.]

But having been exposed to a severe thunder-storm, La Fayette returned
home wet and exhausted, and was obliged again to take to his bed. His
symptoms from time to time became more alarming, but in every interval
of comparative freedom from the severity of his sufferings he was
cheerful and hopeful. One morning, upon the arrival of his physician, La
Fayette greeted him with a smile, and exclaimed: “The _Swiss Gazette_
has just killed me, and yet you knew nothing of the matter! Nay, more:
that I might die in due form, the celebrated Doctor ——, whom I hardly
know, has been consulted.” He then handed the paper to the surgeon,
saying, “After that, believe the public journals if you can.” The family
of La Fayette were desirous of having a consultation of physicians about
his case; but upon consulting him, he said: “To what purpose? Have I not
entire confidence in you, and can any addition be made to the care which
you take of me, and to the interest which you feel in my welfare?”

One of his physicians replied: “We think we have done what is best in
your case; but were there only a single remedy that might escape us, it
is our duty to seek it. We wish to restore you as soon as possible to
health, for we are responsible for your situation towards your family,
your friends, and the French nation, of whom you are the father.”

“Yes, their father,” answered La Fayette, with a meaning smile, “on
condition that they never follow a syllable of my advice.”

But his days upon earth were numbered. The valiant Knight of Liberty
must forever sheathe his brave sword, and the clarion tones of his
faithful voice would never again be heard in defence of the rights of
his fellow-men. His last years were passed in peace crowned with the
undying lustre of well-merited fame, and his self-sacrificing devotion
in the cause of truth and liberty received its just remuneration in the
adoring love of the people of two continents, united by his patriotic
zeal in a brotherhood sworn to defend the glorious rights of freedom and
humanity. Few men have been so universally idolized and so universally
respected. His glory did not blaze with the dazzling brilliancy of
Napoleon’s fame, nor can it be said to have equalled that of Washington;
but in some respects his career is unparalleled in history; and as the
champion of human liberty, irrespective of any clime and any color,
unbiassed by any influence of rank, or wealth, or power; true as the
magnet to the pole, in his stanch adherence to his avowed principles, La
Fayette stands alone in the annals of the world as the chivalrous Knight
of Liberty, wearing the colors of the goddess of freedom and waving his
sword in dauntless defiance against the despotisms of the nations.

On the 20th of May, 1834, as the first blush of dawn was seen in the
east, and the black curtains of the night were lifted, and the promise
of a new day glowed in the distant horizon; as the birds chanted their
morning matins of praise, and the earth, thrilled by the touch of
nature, awoke to renewed beauty,—the vail which shrouds the unknown
beyond was parted by unseen fingers, and the soul of La Fayette was
wafted by ministering spirits into the presence of the Almighty Monarch
of heaven and earth, whose Word had gone forth to all the world, “Thou
shalt love thy neighbor as thyself.”

In the quiet Picpus Cemetery, in France, in a small enclosure, the green
grass is growing over the headless trunks of more than one thousand
illustrious victims guillotined at the Barrière du Trône, during the
Reign of Terror, and thrown together in this common grave, called the
_Cimetière des Guillotinés_. Near by this memorable spot is La Fayette’s
tomb, and by his side sleeps his heroic wife. No grand monument rears
its stately head over their remains; nor is it needed. In letters of
gold are inscribed upon the black marble tablet, which marks the last
resting-place of Liberty’s Knight, the appropriate motto: “REQUIESCAT IN
PACE.”

As the blackness of the marble is illumined by the gleaming letters of
golden light, pronouncing a benediction upon the illustrious sleeper
beneath, they become the symbol of the shining example of his
self-sacrificing life, consecrated to the holy endeavor of dispelling
the black shadows of oppression, that Liberty’s luminous light might
flood the world with refulgent splendor.

LA FAYETTE! LIBERTY! and LAW! are the three shining words written upon
the page of history by this heroic life.

[Illustration: LAFAYETTE’S TOMB.]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

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                             Transcriber’s Note

    French diacritical marks were largely absent, and, with a few
    exceptions, noted below, have not been added.

    On p. 379, the paragraph beginning “After other business...”,
    appears in quotation marks, but it seems to be in the author’s
    voice. The punctuation is, however, retained here.

    Several words occur only once, with a non-standard spelling, by 21st
    century standards: villany (p. 76), malecontents (p. 295), vail (p.
    472). They are retained as printed.

    Errors deemed most likely to be the printer’s have been corrected,
    and are noted here. The references are to the page and line in the
    original. The following issues should be noted, along with the
    resolutions.

  24.6     and con[s]cious of their mistake               Inserted.

  120.30   the Cimmerian darkness which envel[l]oped the  Removed.
           people

  154.17   in the H[o/ô]tel de Nôailles                   Replaced.

  155.24   _le roi vous accord[s/e] les grandes entrees_  Replaced.

  187.12   [“]Though placed within the same castle        Removed.

  189.32   to attempt at all risks to themselves his      _sic_:
           release                                        missing word

  195.25   [“]The constitution having been accepted       Added.

  202.14   could free her from the engag[e]ment           Inserted.

  284.1    you will give me your blessing[”/’]            Replaced.

  373.32   manage its own concerns[,] provide for         Inserted.

  378.10   your sincere and obliged friend,[”]            Removed.

  416.10   The general then went to[ to] the president    Removed.

  446.15   she presents a laurel branch to La Fayett[t]e. Removed.





End of Project Gutenberg's The Life of La Fayette, by Lydia Hoyt Farmer

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