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[Illustration: MELANCHTHON.]




  THE LIFE
  OF
  PHILIP MELANCHTHON.

  BY
  CHARLES FREDERICK LEDDERHOSE.

  Translated from the German,
  BY THE
  REV. G. F. KROTEL,
  PASTOR OF TRINITY LUTHERAN CHURCH, LANCASTER, PA.

  PHILADELPHIA:
  LINDSAY & BLAKISTON.
  1855.


  Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1854, by
  LINDSAY & BLAKISTON,
  in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for
  the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.




NOTICE.


By an oversight on the part of the pressman whose duty it is to revise
the sheets on the press in my Printing Office, the following pages of
this work (The Life of Melanchthon), are transposed, 56, 57, 58, 59, and
60. This error makes the book appear at first sight to be incomplete,
the reader, however, will find all the pages, as above, but transposed.
The error was not discovered until the whole edition of the work was
bound, and largely distributed, consequently too late to be corrected in
any other way than by this notice.

                                           C. SHERMAN, Printer,
                                    for LINDSAY & BLAKISTON, Publishers.

PHILADELPHIA, NOV. 30, 1854.




AUTHOR'S PREFACE.


Luther occupies so great, unrivalled, and apostolical a position among
the Reformers, that we should not feel surprised to see his life and
labors presented to the evangelical community again and again. Although
we are far from encouraging an idolatrous worship of the man, we believe
we are acting in the spirit of the word of God, when we encourage men to
follow his faith. But we should act very ungratefully if, on account of
this Prince in Israel, we should lose sight of the other distinguished
men of God in the days of the Reformation. And among these, PHILIP
MELANCHTHON occupies the highest place. The age in which he lived called
him the Teacher of the German people, because he exerted a powerful
influence upon the scientific and Christian culture of Germany. And we
too may give him the same name, for his writings continue to exert a
great influence, and justly claim our consideration. To show that this
is indeed true, that he is still calculated to be the teacher of the
German people, especially of the evangelical community, is the object
of this Biography. As this volume was prepared for the general reader,
all learned discussions were necessarily avoided. It does not enter into
critical investigations, but faithfully appropriates known facts, in
order to present them to the reader in an intelligible manner. A candid
examination must decide how far the author has succeeded in
accomplishing this object. It is the first attempt of the kind, for the
Life of Melanchthon has not been written often; and when it was written,
it was not treated in a popular manner.

It was therefore the principal aim of the author of the present volume
to present a truthful picture of the faith and the life of the Reformer.
The man who wrote the Augsburg Confession, and its Apology, Confessions
which, after three hundred years, are still a stumbling-block to some,
but also an encouragement and consolation to many; a man who,
notwithstanding all his scientific attainments, in which he no doubt
excelled the great majority in our own day, yet held fast to the
fundamental principles of Christianity, to the manifestation of God in
the Flesh, to the Redemption, to Justification by Faith, in life and in
the hour of death,--undoubtedly deserves to be introduced from the past
into the present, in order to preach salvation in Christ to the present
generation.

If Melanchthon's godly walk and conversation should be instrumental in
leading him who is a stranger to salvation in Christ, to seek this; if
it should serve to comfort and strengthen others, then may that word of
the Scriptures be remembered: "_The memory of the just is blessed_;" and
may every one gratefully rejoice, with the Reformer, in that glorious
promise: "_And they that be wise shall shine as the brightness of the
firmament; and they that turn many to righteousness, as the stars for
ever and ever._"

Ardently desiring that this volume may be useful and profitable unto
salvation to very many, we suffer it to go forth upon its way.

St. G.   On the first Sunday in Advent, 1846.

                                                                 L.




TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.


Melanchthon has been called the most amiable, the purest, and most
learned of the celebrated men of the sixteenth century. The
distinguished Erasmus confesses, that he was a _general favorite_, that
honest and candid men were fond of him, and _even his adversaries cannot
hate him_. And he has succeeded in securing the affections of posterity,
and, more than any other one of the valiant champions of the
Reformation, is the general favorite of all evangelical Christians, and
still seems to stand as the gentle mediator between the two great
divisions of the Protestant Church formed at that time, claimed and
loved by both.

Yet, notwithstanding all this, we venture to say, that a very large
proportion of Protestant readers know no more of the life of this lovely
man of God, than that which is interwoven with the life of Luther. His
life has not been written for the people even by his own countrymen, and
our author presents us with the first attempt of this kind. In our own
language we have but one Life of Melanchthon, the one written by Dr.
Cox, the first American edition of which, from the second London
edition, is now lying before us, bearing the date 1835. Admirable as
this work has been acknowledged to be, we believe the work of
Ledderhose to be still more calculated for general reading. Our author
assures us that it was "his principal aim to present a truthful picture
of the faith and the life of the Reformer;" and it is this constant
exhibition of his inner life, even in his own words, which is calculated
to edify as well as instruct. Besides this, many incidents in his own
life, and interesting events and questions after the death of Luther,
omitted or briefly mentioned in Dr. Cox's work, will be found here. A
number of facts, mentioned by Cox and others, have been added by the
translator, and will be found in the notes scattered through the volume.
The style is very simple and popular, and this simplicity and frequent
quaintness of expression, especially in the numerous extracts from
letters and declarations of faith, rendered the work of translation more
difficult, especially as it seemed necessary and desirable to retain the
homeliness of the German as much as possible.

Believing that this portraiture of the life of Melanchthon cannot offend
the feelings of any Protestant Christian, but that it is calculated to
afford instruction and edification to the old and young, the translator
humbly trusts, that it may not only make Lutherans, but many other
evangelical Christians, better acquainted with the "faith and life" of
the faithful friend of Luther, and distinguished author of the Augsburg
Confession.

                                                                G. F. K.

LANCASTER, November, 1854.




CONTENTS.


                                                              Page

AUTHOR'S PREFACE                                                 3

TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE                                             7

CHAPTER I.

  His Youth                                                     13

CHAPTER II.

  The University                                                21

CHAPTER III.

  His Debut in Wittenberg, and at the Leipzig Disputation       29

CHAPTER IV.

  Building and Fighting                                         35

CHAPTER V.

  Melanchthon without Luther                                    41

CHAPTER VI.

  Labors, Recreation, and Trouble                               51

CHAPTER VII.

  The War of the Peasants                                       59

CHAPTER VIII.

  His Labors for the Church and Schools                         67

CHAPTER IX.

  The Diet of Spire                                             75

CHAPTER X.

  The Conference at Marburg                                     81

CHAPTER XI.

  The Diet of Augsburg                                          89

CHAPTER XII.

  The Position of the Evangelical Party after the Diet
    of Augsburg                                                117

CHAPTER XIII.

  The Kings of France and England, and Melanchthon             123

CHAPTER XIV.

  The Wittenberg Form of Concord                               131

CHAPTER XV.

  Recreation and Trouble                                       139

CHAPTER XVI.

  The Convention at Smalkald                                   147

CHAPTER XVII.

  Conflicts in the Evangelical Camp                            153

CHAPTER XVIII.

  The Assembly of the Princes at Frankfort, and the
    Victories of the Reformation                               159

CHAPTER XIX.

  Help in a Dangerous Illness                                  167

CHAPTER XX.

  Worms and Ratisbon                                           177

CHAPTER XXI.

  Progress of the Reformation                                  194

CHAPTER XXII.

  The School of Tribulation                                    200

CHAPTER XXIII.

  Worms and Ratisbon again                                     205

CHAPTER XXIV.

  Luther Dies, and Melanchthon Mourns                          211

CHAPTER XXV.

  War and the Misery of War                                    221

CHAPTER XXVI.

  Restoration of the University of Wittenberg                  229

CHAPTER XXVII.

  The Diet of Augsburg and its Interim                         236

CHAPTER XXVIII.

  How the Interim fared in the Electorate of Saxony            244

CHAPTER XXIX.

  Disputes about the Leipzig Interim                           254

CHAPTER XXX.

  The Conflict with Osiander                                   263

CHAPTER XXXI.

  The Changed Attitude of the Elector Maurice                  270

CHAPTER XXXII.

  Doctrinal Controversies, and Attempts to bring about
    a Union                                                    278

CHAPTER XXXIII.

  The Religious Conference at Worms                            297

CHAPTER XXXIV.

  The Last Years of his Life, real Years of Sorrow             307

CHAPTER XXXV.

  His Domestic Life                                            322

CHAPTER XXXVI.

  Something more of Melanchthon's Merits                       335

CHAPTER XXXVII.

  He Dies                                                      339




Life of Melanchthon.




CHAPTER I.

HIS YOUTH.


In a hilly part of the Kraichgau lies the city of BRETTEN. In former
times it belonged to the Electors of the Palatinate, and in the year
1504 defended itself bravely against Duke Ulrich of Wuertemberg, and also
manifested a brave loyalty to its hereditary sovereign in the war of the
peasants. It is now included in the Grand-Duchy of Baden. It has
acquired an imperishable name, because a great man, PHILIP MELANCHTHON,
was born in it. We will begin by hearing what an old account relates of
his ancestors and parents, his birth and youth.

"In the days of the Count Palatine PHILIP, Elector on the Rhine, there
lived in Heidelberg, before the mountain, a worthy, pious man, named
CLAUS SCHWARTZERD. With Elizabeth, his wife, he begat two sons, HANS and
GEORGE, and from their youth up trained them in the fear of God, and the
practice of every virtue. The Count Palatine Philip took so great a
liking to GEORGE, who was a very active and ingenious lad, and
discharged every duty most diligently, that he took him to Court, and
permitted him to examine a number of professions, in order by this
means to satisfy himself what his inclinations were, and what might be
made of him. When the boy, therefore, took delight in armor, the Elector
placed him in charge of a master in Amberg. He learned the trade so
rapidly that every one was astonished, and the journeymen became so
hostile to him, that one of them on a certain occasion burned him with
hot lead in so dangerous a manner that his life was despaired of, and he
was only saved by Divine mercy, and very faithful nursing." By order of
the Elector he was then sent to an armorer in Nuremberg. Here also he
made rapid advances. "For the boy was so ingenious, that, as we commonly
say, his hands could imitate whatever his eyes saw. He could forge as
neatly as if it had been done with a file." In a few years he was able
to make everything needful for the tournament. The Elector again took
him to Court, and appointed him an armorer or armor-bearer. He became so
celebrated, that even foreign potentates courted him. Even the German
Emperor MAXIMILIAN had his armor made by him. For a very skilful suit of
armor, the Emperor presented him with a family coat of arms,
representing a lion sitting upon a shield and helmet, holding tongs and
a hammer in his paws. George's son, our Philip, never made use of this
coat of arms, his own representing the serpent upon the cross, alluding
to the well-known typical event in the wilderness. When George was
thirty years old, the Elector thought of having him married. A
well-known citizen of Bretten, HANS REUTER, "a very fine, sensible man,
who had even studied," enjoying great respect, having served as Mayor of
the place for several years, had a daughter called BARBARA. "She was a
virtuous and well-bred maiden. By the providence of Almighty God, and
the negotiations of the Elector, she was promised to him in marriage,
and they were married in Spire, in the presence of many knights, who
appeared to do honor to his espousals." The ancient account goes on to
say: "The married couple continued to love and esteem each other, for
the said GEORGE SCHWARTZERD was a just, pious, God-fearing man, serving
God earnestly, praying diligently, and observing his hours of prayer as
strictly as any priest, permitting nothing to hinder him from the
discharge of this duty, so that he would arise in the night, fall upon
his knees, and pray with earnestness. No one ever heard him utter a
profane word, or saw him intoxicated, or even heard of anything of the
kind of him to the day of his death." He did not concern himself
especially with laying up this world's goods, and he was never seen in
the courts to carry on lawsuits. His wife, besides her piety, and
domestic, frugal spirit, exercised benevolence towards the poor and
afflicted. The familiar saying was often upon her lips: "Alms do not
impoverish," and the lines also--

  Whoever wishes to consume more
  Than his plough can support,
  Will at last come to ruin,
  And die upon the gallows.

After living childless for four years, a son was born to them on the
16th of February, 1497, on the Thursday after the first Sunday in Lent,
who, in baptism, received the name of PHILIP. "Thus does God bless this
pious and godly man with the gift of such a child, which afterwards
became a blessing to the whole land, yea, many lands, and the whole of
Christendom, and will remain so to the end of the world." Their marriage
was further blessed by the birth of another son and three daughters.

PHILIP, and his brother GEORGE, four years younger than himself,
attended the town-school of Bretten, to acquire the rudiments of human
learning. But because a malignant disease was raging at that time, and
their teacher himself was confined with it, their careful grandfather
Reuter removed the boys from school, fearing lest they too might be
attacked, and provided a private tutor for them in his own house. His
name was JOHN UNGER. A little grandson, John Reuter, enjoyed these
instructions together with the two boys. Unger was an excellent teacher,
who laboured to give his pupils a thorough education. He took especial
pains in his Latin instructions. Melanchthon, who was "a master in that
language," in after years could not sufficiently praise the teacher of
his youth. He says of him: "He loved me as a son, and I loved him as a
father." Unger was afterwards made court chaplain of the Margrave Philip
of Baden, and continued to preach the gospel faithfully in Pforzheim to
a very advanced age. "When their grandfather observed the diligence of
the boys, he bought them a Missal, in order that they might become
familiar with the hymns of the church, whilst pursuing their other
studies; and he required of them to take their places in the choir on
all holy days. About this time the great Bachanti (so called roving
scholars) roved through the country. When one of these came to Bretten,
his grandfather would set Philip to dispute with him. It was a rare
thing to find one who was a match for him. This pleased the old man, and
he took special delight in these contests. The boy too became bolder,
and more fond of study. And his grandfather took care to provide books
and other things, so that the boy might not be hindered."

The extraordinary gifts of little Philip manifested themselves at an
early period. He was possessed of a quick perception, a retentive
memory, and great acuteness. He was continually engaged in asking
questions during school hours, and afterwards, he would seek out his
friends, in order to converse more about what he had learned. It was
impossible not to love the boy, for he was peculiarly amiable and
modest. His talkativeness found a great obstacle in his stammering
tongue, which, however, he endeavoured to surmount. It is said of him,
that in early life he could be very easily irritated; but he would
sometimes apply to himself the saying: "He cuts and stabs, and yet hurts
nobody."

His grandfather was particularly attached to Philip, and it is to be
regretted that the worthy man was so soon to leave the land of his
pilgrimage, which happened in the year 1507. As Philip's father was
frequently taken away from home by his many engagements, he was obliged
to intrust the education of his children to his wife and her father. We
are told "he enjoined it upon his father-in-law, Hans Reuter, to look to
his children, so that they might be sent to school regularly, and might
learn something profitable." In his travels he came to Manheim, in
Neuburg, in 1504. His sovereign had summoned him thither, in order that
he might be nearer him in preparing and forwarding ordnance in the
Bavarian war. Here, however, he found an incurable disease. The wells
from which he drank were poisoned. As the life of this man was of great
value to the prince, he left no efforts untried to save him, but all
proved in vain. It is true he lived for four years after this, but in a
very helpless condition. About the very time when grandfather Reuter
died, Schwartzerd was also lying upon his death-bed. Three days before
his death, he expressed himself to the following effect: "These three
things I will also leave my little children when I die--that they are in
the bosom of the true Christian Church, that they are one in HIM, and
united among each other, and heirs of eternal life." When he felt the
approach of death, he called for Philip, then ten years old, commended
him to God, and exhorted him to fear God. Dying, he said, "I have
experienced many changes in the world, but greater ones are coming. My
prayer is, that God may rule you in them. I counsel thee, my son, to
fear God, and live honestly." These words were treasured in the boy's
memory as long as he lived. In order that he might not behold the death
of his father, he was sent to Spire. He was naturally very
tender-hearted, and the communication of his father's illness deeply
moved him. He says: "Like all children, I had never yet thought of
sickness and death, nor had I ever seen a sick person or a corpse. When
my mother, therefore, told me,--'Your father is ill,' I was obliged to
ask what that imported. But she had scarcely given me an idea of it,
when I was overwhelmed with grief." On the 27th of October, of the same
year in which his grandfather Reuter died, his father also finished his
course, in the forty-ninth year of his age. But a very important outward
change for the boy was brought about by these two deaths. The three
boys, who had hitherto enjoyed Unger's instructions, were removed, in
the autumn of this year, to the Latin school in the city of Pforzheim,
in Baden. Their mother had a relative, named ELIZABETH, a sister of the
well-known distinguished scholar REUCHLIN,[1] residing in Pforzheim. The
boys lodged in her house.

The able Rector, GEORGE SIMLER, and JOHN HILDENBRAND, were their
teachers. The Latin language was then the principal study, and the great
object to be reached was, that the pupils should be able to speak it.
The Greek language was still a very rare accomplishment. Simler, who had
some knowledge of it, only introduced it to the notice of his ablest
pupils. It was Philip Schwartzerd's good fortune to be one of this
number, and he used the opportunity with great profit to himself. Of
Simler, he somewhere says: "He first unlocked the meaning of the Greek
and Latin Poets to me, and introduced me to a purer philosophy." He met
with this teacher again in the University at Tuebingen. In Pforzheim he
was fortunate enough to become better acquainted with the celebrated
JOHN REUCHLIN, who then resided in Wuertemberg, as President of the
Swabian Court of the Confederates. Reuchlin took great delight in the
talented boy, gave him his paternal regard, called him his son, and
presented him with beautiful and useful books. On a certain occasion he
also gave him his chestnut- Doctor's hat, and placed it on the
boy's head. "All this greatly pleased Philip, and he so advanced in his
studies, that he was soon promoted to a place among the largest and
oldest pupils." Reuchlin also gave young Schwartzerd the name of
MELANCHTHON,[2] which is the Greek word for his own name, (black earth).
It was then a very general custom to change German names into Greek.
After the year 1531, he did not write his name Melanchthon, but
MELANTHON, most likely because this is more easily pronounced.

But it is time to notice the internal development of the boy. As the
parents lived in the fear of God, this was also aimed at in the
education of their children. Philip soon exhibited a great love for the
public services of the house of God. He was especially delighted with
the histories of the holy men of the Christian Church. Of these he heard
much, both in the church and at home. Had the Gospel been opened to him
at that time, he would doubtless have received it joyfully. However, he
admits the use of the Legends of the saints in the words: "It was a part
of our domestic discipline rather to employ the boys with these matters,
than to permit them to run about the streets, or engage in wild noise."
As a matter of course, such food, as the Church then profferred, could
not satisfy an inquiring mind like that of Philip. The law, as it was
then exclusively employed by the Catholic Church, was barely able to
plow up the soil of the heart. But when it is yet considered, in
addition to this, that the laws of God occupied the background behind
the frequently ridiculous laws of the Church, it is matter for surprise
that so many spiritual wants were yet felt, as we find to be the case
with young Melanchthon. But his mind at this time was still principally
directed to the acquisition of learning, of which he had already
gathered an unusually large store in Pforzheim, by the instructions of
Simler, and the encouragement of the deeply-learned Reuchlin.




CHAPTER II.

THE UNIVERSITY.


When he had spent two years in the town-school of Pforzheim, he had
improved himself so much that he wrote down his own thoughts, both in
the Latin and Greek languages, with facility. He already composed neat
verses in these strange languages. Thus it came to pass, that, although
he was but thirteen years old, he could already enter the University of
HEIDELBERG. His acquirements were of a superior character. He was
received as a student on the 13th of October, 1509. In Heidelberg it was
his good fortune to become an inmate of the house of a distinguished
scholar, Dr. PALLAS SPENGEL. Although Pallas held fast to the
established order of things in religious matters, he was not opposed to
anything better. Melanchthon rejoiced in after life that he had enjoyed
the intercourse of this aged, and, in his own way, pious professor. He
was instructed in the elements of astronomy by Dr. Caesarius, and praised
him in the following words: "I acknowledge that I owe particular esteem
and gratitude to him as my teacher." But he principally devoted himself
to the ancient languages, and that with such zeal, that his knowledge of
them increased more and more, and the learned boy became generally known
in Heidelberg. On a certain occasion the teacher had proposed a very
difficult question, and asked, "Where will I find a Grecian?" The
students cried out with one voice: "Melanchthon! Melanchthon!" He was
generally called "the Grecian."[3] At another time a teacher was
suddenly seized with illness during the hour of instruction. He did not
stop the lecture, however, but without delay said: "Philip, let your
fellow-students proceed, and do you occupy my place." His quiet and
decorous conduct procured him the distinction of instructing the sons of
the Count Louis of Lowenstein. The Counts became so attached to him,
that they maintained a friendly correspondence with him in after years.
On the 10th of June, 1511, he was already honoured with the degree of
BACHELOR OF ARTS. Although he spent many happy hours in Heidelberg, in
the society of learned men and talented youths, yet did the place no
longer satisfy him.

This was partly owing to the fact, that the University did not number
such men among its instructors, under whom he could make any further
great progress, and partly also to the climate of Heidelberg, which did
not agree with him. He was annually troubled with fever in the Spring,
which enfeebled him very much, so that his anxious mother strongly
wished for a change of residence. To this was added, that he was seeking
the degree following the Baccalaureate, that of MASTER OF ARTS. His
instructors, however, considered themselves bound to deny this request,
"because he was too young, and of too childish an appearance." This
occasioned great pain to the young man, and made his departure still
more desirable. In after life, it is true, he formed a correct judgment
of the refusal of his youthful request: "It is often very good for
young persons if their wishes are not all gratified. This I experienced
at Heidelberg."

In the autumn of the year 1512 we find Melanchthon upon the road to the
University of Tuebingen. It had not long before been founded by Duke
EVERARD with the beard, a man who was ever anxious for the welfare of
his country.

Tuebingen had at that time already a good reputation. That which
Melanchthon considered the most important, employed his labors also in
this nursery of science. The Greeks and Romans were his favorites, yet
not in a one-sided manner; for he was also attracted by mathematics and
astronomy, to which he was encouraged by the distinguished Professor
STOeFFLER. When he was therefore engaged in reading the Greek writer
Hesiod, with his friend HAUSSCHEIN, who became so well known and useful
in the Reformation under the name of OECOLAMPADIUS, he could obtain an
explanation of those passages which referred to astronomy, from STOeFFLER
alone. He also made himself acquainted with jurisprudence and medicine.
He gathered a mass of information, which in a young man of his age can
really be called extraordinary. But divinity attracted him above all
other things. This did not flow from the unrefreshing spirit which then
pervaded this science. The old beaten track of the middle ages was still
pursued in all the universities. Altogether neglecting the Bible, the
only fountain of true Christianity, men were merely concerned with the
teachings of the Church. These were empty, fruitless subtleties, in
which a sincerely seeking soul could find no nourishment. He heard
LEMPUS, the most distinguished Professor in this field, who, when
explaining transubstantiation to his hearers, could write it down with
chalk upon the board, to make it more intelligible. Melanchthon read
the writings of WILLIAM OCCAM, an old scholastic, with great zeal. But
the curious structure erected by the Catholic church by its system of
doctrine could not attract him any longer, when he had become the owner
of a Bible. His beloved cousin REUCHLIN had presented him with one. He
loved the holy volume more than every thing else, as he became better
acquainted with its precious contents. As Reuchlin diligently read the
Holy Book, and took it with him upon his journeys, so now did
Melanchthon. He carried it with him in his bosom, and could not part
with it; "he read it carefully day and night." Here he found
explanations, which no professor in Tuebingen, and no priest in the
church were able to give him. How disgusted he must have been, to hear
priests upon the pulpits discourse upon a passage of the Greek
Philosopher Aristotle, or to listen to another who was laboring to
prove, that the wooden shoe of the Franciscans was made of the tree of
the knowledge of Good and Evil in Paradise! Whenever therefore he went
to church, he carried his Bible with him. During the progress of the
ceremonies, and while the people were reading in the prescribed
prayer-books, he was wrapt up in the reading of his Bible. Some
evil-disposed persons took offence at this, and endeavored to render him
suspected.

It is impossible to show in Melanchthon's case, as it can be done in
that of Luther, and other great men of Christ's church, how he arrived
at the knowledge of the Truth, and an experience of the Grace of God.
This saving change in him seems to have been brought about _gradually_.
Beyond doubt it was closely connected with the reading and deeper
searching of the Holy Scriptures. His acquaintance with Reuchlin was
also propitious. Melanchthon frequently journeyed to the not far distant
city of Stuttgart, where Reuchlin then resided. The latter also came to
Tuebingen, and did not think it beneath him to occupy the room and eat
the fare of his youthful friend. Here they conversed much of the corrupt
condition of the church. But the time was near when mere conversation
should be changed to open testimony.

At that time great darkness reigned in Cologne. The Theologians, as well
as the Dominican Monks of that place, had demanded that all Jewish
writings should be burned. When the Emperor called upon Reuchlin for his
opinion in this matter, he defended most of these writings. This enraged
the people of Cologne, who were led by the baptized Jew PFEFFERKORN and
the inquisitor HOCHSTRATEN. They appealed to the Pope. It gave Reuchlin
much trouble, and caused much correspondence to and fro. Melanchthon
also became involved in the matter, together with a large number of the
most distinguished men, who entered the lists in Reuchlin's defence, and
were obliged to bear the name of contempt, REUCHLINISTS. We here already
meet the well-known knight, ULRICH VON HUTTEN, who wielded a sharp pen,
as well as the brave and noble FRANCIS VON SICKINGEN with the knightly
sword.

Before this time, January 25, 1514, consequently in the 17th year of his
life, Melanchthon, as the first among eleven candidates, received the
degree of MASTER OF ARTS, and the privilege of delivering lectures. He
lectured principally on Virgil, Terence, Cicero and Livy, and at once
exhibited his great talents as a teacher. The students listened to him
with pleasure, and soon many distinguished young men gathered around
him. But he not only gained applause in his chair in the University; he
also began to appear as an author. As early as the year 1516, ERASMUS of
Rotterdam, one of the most learned men of that time, gave him the
warmest eulogium in the words: "My God, what promising hopes does Philip
Melanchthon give us, who, yet a youth, yes almost a boy, deserves equal
esteem for his knowledge of both languages! What sagacity in argument,
what purity of expression, what a rare and comprehensive knowledge, what
extensive reading, what a delicacy and elegance of mind does he not
display!"[4]

A man of such mind and acquirements, and who, besides all this, bore a
deeper knowledge within, could no longer remain in his confined position
in Tuebingen. The Lord of the Church had selected a different theatre for
his labors and struggles. When, by the advice of Reuchlin, he had
declined a call to the bigoted University of Ingolstadt, another
extensive and richly blessed field of labor was thrown open to him. The
Elector FREDERICK of Saxony, who has very properly been called the WISE,
in the spring of the year 1518, wrote to Reuchlin from Augsburg, where
he was attending the Diet, requesting him to propose to him a teacher of
the Greek, and one of the Hebrew language, for his University at
WITTENBERG. Wittenberg had already acquired a great reputation, not only
in Germany, but throughout Europe, on account of the mighty and bold
step which an Augustinian Monk, MARTIN LUTHER, had taken about half a
year before. Who has not heard of the 95 Theses, nailed by that monk on
the church door at Wittenberg, on the 31st of October, 1517, against the
doctrine of indulgences, and other matters connected with it, and which
circulated so rapidly, that it seemed almost, in the language of a
contemporary, as if the angels had served as footposts? All better
disposed minds, to which class Reuchlin also belonged, joyfully welcomed
the appearance of the intrepid monk of Wittenberg. When, therefore, the
request of the Elector, to seek out two professors, was made to
Reuchlin, he could not propose a more able and suitable man to Frederick
the Wise than his own relative Melanchthon. He had received the youthful
master's permission to do this. The Elector was highly pleased,
especially as Tuebingen had already supplied him with several able men.
Testimony concerning Melanchthon, such as that given by Reuchlin, could
not but produce the most favorable impression. He says: "Among the
Germans I know of no one who excels him, except Erasmus of Rotterdam,
and he is an Hollander."

As Duke ULRICH felt the loss he was about to sustain, he endeavored to
retain him. An old narrative gives us the following account: "In the
meantime, Duke Ulrich, of Wuertemberg, who wished to keep Philip in his
own land, sent CONRAD VON SICKINGEN, who was then his servant, to master
Philip's mother, to inform her, that if her son wished to enter the
priesthood, he could apply to his Grace. Then he would also provide him
with a good benefice, on account of his sainted father's faithful
services. However, Philip had no inclination to become a priest, but
intended to comply with the invitation of the Elector of Saxony, and to
serve his Grace the Elector and the University, which also eventually
came to pass."

Reuchlin dismissed his young friend in a parental manner with these
beautiful words: "'Get thee out of thy country, and from thy kindred,
and from thy father's house, unto a land that I will show thee: and I
will make of thee a great nation, and I will bless thee, and make thy
name great; and thou shalt be a blessing.' Gen. xii. 1, 2. This the
Spirit tells me, and this hope do I entertain of thee, my Philip, my
work and my comfort! Go, then, with a cheerful and happy courage!" Thus
blessed and consecrated by his old friend, whom he was not to behold
again in this world, he bid adieu to him and all his friends. He also
paid a parting visit to the beloved ones in Bretten. His teacher,
SIMLER, who was professor of the Greek language in Tuebingen, remarked
on the day of Melanchthon's departure: "The entire city ought to mourn
the departure of this Melanchthon, and all those now residing in
Tuebingen have not even advanced far enough in their studies fully to
appreciate how much they had lost by the removal of this great man." In
August, Melanchthon is on his way. He made some valuable acquaintances.
In Augsburg he was admitted to an audience with the Elector, and became
acquainted with his chaplain and secretary, SPALATIN, "and they remained
together until the close of the Diet." The celebrated statesman,
PIRKHEIMER, in Nuremberg, a patron of Melanchthon, also received a visit
from the young professor. On the 20th of August he reached Leipzig. Here
the University honored him with an entertainment. He here declined a
call to Ingolstadt, as well as one from Leipzig. He remained true to his
promise. On the 25th of August, 1518, he arrived in his new field of
labor, Wittenberg, to the joy of all, and his reception was a festive
one.




CHAPTER III.

HIS DEBUT IN WITTENBERG, AND THE LEIPZIG DISPUTATION.


Four days after his arrival, the 22 years old professor delivered the
Introductory to his Lectures. The lecture-room was entirely filled. His
exterior did not promise much. A small, insignificant form, with a timid
gait, entered the desk, but the lofty brow, and his large blue eyes,
indicated the mighty mind which tabernacled in this unseemly and frail
vessel. But when he commenced his Latin address, which treated of the
improvement of studies, unfolding the deepest thoughts in the most
chaste language, and resting so entirely upon the word of God, all were
filled with joy.

Luther, who was also present, was full of enthusiasm; for he felt at
once how much the University and the good cause of the Reformation had
gained in the possession of a man so learned, and with so deep an
insight into truth. He therefore, full of joy, wrote to his beloved
friend Spalatin as early as August 31: "Philip delivered a very learned
and chaste address on the fourth day after his arrival, and that too
with such applause and admiration on every side, that you need not
trouble yourself further in commending him to us. We must look away from
his exterior appearance; we rejoice in his gifts, at the same time that
we are amazed at them; and we heartily thank our gracious prince, as
well as your own assistance. It is now especially important that you
recommend him most earnestly to our prince. I by no means desire a
different teacher of Greek, as long as he remains with us. There is but
one thing I fear, namely, that his delicate constitution will not be
able to endure the manner of life in this region. I also learn that he
has been called with too small a salary, so that the Leipzigers already
boast and hope that they shall soon be able to draw him away from us;
for they already courted him before he came to us. I, and many others
with me, suspect that Dr. Pfeffinger has, according to his usual custom,
been endeavoring to save the Elector's purse too much in this matter.
Therefore, my dear Spalatin, to speak freely, that is, with my best
friend: I pray you, look to it, that you do not despise his person and
age. This man is deserving of all honor; for I do not wish us and the
University to do so uncourteous a thing, and give envious persons
occasion to speak evil of us." Two days after this, he again commends
him to Spalatin most earnestly: "I would most heartily commend to you
Philip, the great Grecian, the thorough scholar, and most amiable man.
His lecture-room is crowded with hearers. It is owing to him,
principally, that all theologians, the first, middle, and lowest class,
are studying Greek." And thus Luther also expressed himself towards
other friends. But the more they learned to know each other, so much the
more also did their mutual esteem and affection increase. When
Melanchthon, at a certain time, wrote to his paternal friend Reuchlin,
and requested Luther to add a letter also, he complied with great
cheerfulness; for Reuchlin was not only one of the first champions
against Papal darkness, but it was also owing to him that Melanchthon
adorned Wittenberg. In his letter he called Melanchthon a wonderful man,
"in whom everything is almost supernatural; and yet he is the friend and
confidant of my heart." But Reuchlin could not comprehend the rapid
progress of the Reformation any more than Erasmus, and latterly had
become cooler towards Melanchthon, no doubt because he had taken a too
zealous and active part in the work of the reformation of the church.

As Luther's whole heart was soon devoted to Melanchthon, so also did the
young professor admire the chosen instrument of God. He soon discovered
that a turning point had been reached in the history of the Christian
church, and that Luther, partly because of his humility, and also his
powerful apostolical faith, was the man chosen by the Head of the Church
to bring about this blessed revolution. But an opportunity should soon
be afforded the ingenious youth to step upon the battle-field of the
Reformation himself, and to fight the good fight at Luther's side. The
cause of the Gospel, proclaimed trumpet-tongued in Wittenberg, had
awakened a mighty sympathy. They soon became convinced in Rome that this
was not an ordinary dispute among Monks, whether the cowls should be
peaked or round, and matters like these. Although the frivolous
Medicean, Pope Leo X., regarded the matter very lightly in the
beginning, its progress soon taught him to take a different view.
Writings, conceived in the true Roman spirit, and dipped in blood, were
sent forth. But all was unavailing. Despotic commands, such as had been
hurled against Luther in Augsburg by the proud CAJETAN, were powerless.
At first the lion in the Vatican roared, then he fawned. All knew the
Papal nuncio MILTIZ, who could speak sweetly, and if this would not
suffice, could even shed tears. An agreement was entered into between
him and Luther, who in the beginning still entertained a high esteem for
the Pope's supremacy, in Altenburg, in the year 1519, in which he
promised silence, provided his opponents would remain silent also. But
even in the midst of these negotiations, a zealous Romanist brought
about an unexpected outbreak of the fire that slumbered beneath the
ashes. This was the well-known Dr. JOHN ECK, Chancellor of the
University of Ingolstadt, a man ever inclined to noise and disputes. He
had already attacked Professor ANDREW CARLSTADT, in Wittenberg, in the
year 1516. At a later period he challenged him to a public discussion,
although he had his eye fixed upon Luther more than him. As the choice
of the place and the time of the discussion were left to Dr. Eck, he
fixed upon Leipzig. It was to be opened on the 27th of June, 1519.

Eck arrived in Leipzig betimes, where he was delighted at being seen and
admired. On the 24th of June the Wittenbergers also arrived. Many other
learned men and students were present, besides the two champions,
Carlstadt and Luther. Philip Melanchthon rode at Luther's side in a
carriage. A crowd of persons, abbots, counts, knights, the learned and
unlearned, such as Leipzig had not seen for a long time, were gathered
together. It does not belong to our purpose to describe at length the
history of the discussion at Leipzig. It occupied three weeks. First of
all, Eck disputed with Carlstadt about Free-will, then with Luther about
the Pope's supremacy, purgatory, indulgences, penance, absolution, and
satisfaction. The contest often became very hot. Even if Carlstadt did
not defend his good cause with the greatest skill, Eck found his match
in Luther, who placed himself in the citadel of the word of God, and
went forth unconquered from the battle. However, Melanchthon did not
merely sit by as an idle hearer. It is said that he now and then mingled
in the contest, and supported his two friends with a few observations.
Upon this, Eck addressed him in a harsh tone: "Be silent, Philip; mind
your own business, and do not disturb me!"

Melanchthon, who had inwardly taken a lively interest in the discussion,
left Leipzig, together with his Wittenberg friends, richly blessed and
strengthened for his whole life.[5] But he was now to enter into a
dispute with Eck himself. For he had written a letter to his beloved
friend Oecolampadius, who regarded the bold stand of Luther and his
friends with approbation, in which he related the events of the
disputation, and exposed several weak points in Eck's arguments. But,
although he did this, he praised Eck's "excellent natural gifts." Of
course it can be easily seen where Melanchthon's heart was. He thus
spoke of Luther in this letter: "I must admire the clear head, learning,
and eloquence, and heartily love the sincere and truly Christian heart
of Luther, whom I have known intimately for a long time." This letter
was printed, and was seen by Eck, who felt himself so much aggrieved by
it, that he printed a very rude reply as early as the 25th of July, in
Leipzig. He treats the teacher of languages--Philippus--"who understands
Greek and Latin so well," in a most contemptuous manner, as if he had
assumed the right of pronouncing judgment in a matter which he did not
understand, and endeavors to refute Melanchthon's letter by sixteen
brief remarks. At one time he calls him "the bold little man," then
again "the Wittenbergian teacher of languages, who fared like the
shoemaker who wanted to know more than his last," and then again "the
literalist," and "little language man." Once he addresses him in the
words: "Thou dusty schoolmaster!" The whole letter is conceived in this
spirit: but he was mistaken in Melanchthon. In the month of August he
sent forth from "the celebrated Saxon city Wittenberg," a defence
against John Eck, in which he does not use similar language. He declares
in this "that he has been driven to this, more by a holy anxiety and
zeal for the Holy Scriptures than by any enmity." He declares, in the
most decided manner, "that it is ungodly to wrest the Scriptures
according to human will and inclinations." He now refutes Eck's
principal objections in the clearest manner, and advises him "to suffer
the cause to strive rather than abusive language." "We owe this," he
says, "to love, which, as truly as I hope to have a merciful God, I from
my heart do not wish to grieve or offend."

Luther was much displeased with Eck's conduct. He expresses this in a
letter to Spalatin, dated August 15th: "I again come to speak of Philip,
whom no Eck can bring me to hate, and whose testimony in my favour I
always esteem higher than anything else. The judgment and opinion of
this single man is of more value to me than that of many thousand
worthless Ecks, and I would not be ashamed, although I am a Master of
Arts, of Philosophy, and Theology, and am adorned almost with all the
titles of Eck, to leave my own opinion, if this Grammarian could not
agree with it. I have often done this, and do it still, because of the
divine gift which God has deposited in this frail vessel (although it
seems contemptible to Eck,) with a bountiful blessing. Philip I do not
praise, he is a creature of God, and nothing."

But Eck did not consider it advisable to contend further with the
champions of Wittenberg, who were also supported by other worthy men. He
was silent, and as he perhaps thought that other weapons were needful in
such a case, perhaps like those employed against Huss and Jerome a
hundred years before, he journeyed to Rome, and sought shelter beneath
the thunders of excommunication from the Papal Chair.




CHAPTER IV.

BUILDING AND FIGHTING.


It has happened sometimes in the Church of Christ, that the kingdom of
God has been built up, whilst the builders were obliged to carry the
sword against the enemies in one hand. This was the case at Wittenberg
at that time. By Luther's side we find Melanchthon engaged in this
double labor. We have already heard with what joy his introductory
lecture was listened to. He continued to gain more applause from day to
day. Students from all parts of Germany, yea of Europe, were found in
his lecture-room. In the year 1520, Spalatin saw about 600 students,
whereas the whole number of students had formerly not exceeded 200.
Luther's European reputation, of course, also contributed much towards
the prosperity of the University. HEERBRAND, in his oration to his
memory, relates that Melanchthon had as many as 2000 pupils and hearers,
among whom were princes, counts, barons, and other noblemen. Whilst
Reuchlin and Erasmus labored more by their writings, Melanchthon
attracted both by his lectures and his solid writings. To this was
added, that, whilst Reuchlin and Erasmus from day to day grew cooler
towards the great movement proceeding from Wittenberg, Melanchthon
attached himself to it in the most decided manner, and powerfully aided
it by his mind, acquirements, and great name. He, therefore, did not
only lecture on the Greek poet Homer, and other writers of antiquity,
but also treated the writings of the New Testament. His industry was
extraordinary. In addition to the regular labors of his station, he for
a time also acted as professor of the Hebrew. For this purpose, however,
it was necessary that he should first of all make himself thoroughly
acquainted with this language. Luther wrote to Spalatin, January, 1519:
"Our Philip is now busy with the Hebrew; the faithfulness and industry
of the man are too great, so that he hardly permits himself to enjoy any
leisure." He could generally be found busily engaged in his study at two
o'clock in the morning. The amount of labor accomplished by him in a
short time is almost incredible. But to his well-trained mind, his quick
perception, and his unwearied industry, was added the blessing of God,
which indeed was most needful, and which he sought with all his heart.
When the Elector heard of his extraordinary industry, he feared lest the
worthy professor might ruin his health, and himself wrote to him that he
should take care of himself. He says in this letter: "We must make
provision for the body, and if you look upon the other words of Paul as
true, regard this in the same way, and believe that we ought to obey
it." Melanchthon was particularly engaged with the epistles of Paul.
With unusual clearness he comprehended the deeply evangelical truths
which this Apostle of Justification by Faith had been permitted to see
and express so clearly.

Luther was not ashamed to appear among the hearers of the youthful
professor, when he explained the Epistles to the Romans and Corinthians.
Yea, he even considered it worth while to communicate these lessons of
the lecture-room to the great public of Christendom. As Melanchthon's
modesty induced him to retain such productions in his desk, Luther
secretly published his explanations of the Epistles to the Romans and
Corinthians, and prefixed an introduction, addressed to Melanchthon, in
which he jocosely remarks: "It is I who publish your writings and
expositions. I send you to yourself. If you are not pleased with
yourself, well and good; let it suffice that we are pleased with you. If
I have transgressed in this matter, it is your own fault. Why did you
not publish yourself, for which I so often entreated, prayed, and
commanded you? Let this be my excuse, that I shall be called, and will
be, your thief, whether you are angry or whether you laugh." Further on
he says: "But to those whom you so fear that they will be displeased and
dissatisfied with it, I will say: 'Dear Sirs, do better yourselves.' I
proclaim it publicly before the world, that no one has approached nearer
to, and hit upon Paul's meaning, better than yourself."

Melanchthon now published a series of volumes upon books of Scripture.
He saw very well that the fountain of divine truth and wisdom, which had
been obstructed so long, must again begin to flow. And he contributed an
honest share towards the diffusion of Scripture truth. His books and
minor publications on the books of the Bible were greatly applauded, and
met with a rapid sale, so that repeated editions were called for. And
even yet they deserve not only to be read, but studied by all who
devote themselves to the discovery of truth. When Luther, at a later
period, prefaced and recommended Melanchthon's exposition of the Epistle
to the Colossians, to which he had given great attention, he speaks thus
of himself and Melanchthon: "I have been born to war and fight with
factions and devils, therefore my books are stormy and warlike. I must
root out the stumps and stocks, cut away the thorns and hedges, fill up
the ditches, and am the rough forester, to break a path, and make things
ready. But master Philip walks gently and silently, tills and plants,
sows and waters with pleasure, as God has gifted him richly." Thus did
Melanchthon write and teach, and mightily build up the kingdom of God.
About this time he published a work, which is doubtless not only one of
the best of his productions, but also inclined many hearts towards the
Reformation.

It is the work LOCI COMMUNES, _the principal articles of Christian
doctrine_, as they were afterwards called. We have already heard that
Melanchthon devoted himself especially to the writings of Paul. He
gathered together all the principal truths of this apostle, and
presented them to his hearers. These were so highly pleased with the
production, that they had it published. As Melanchthon, however,
discovered many imperfections in it, he published it himself in 1521,
corrected and enlarged. This volume, which may be called the first
system of religion in the evangelical church, was everywhere greeted in
the most friendly manner. Luther was quite delighted with it, and once
said of it, that it was not only worthy of immortality, but even to be
admitted into the canon of Scripture. In his table-talk he expressed the
following opinion of it: "Whoever wishes to become a theologian now,
enjoys great advantages; for first of all, he has the Bible, which is so
clear, that he can read it without difficulty. Then let him read in
addition the Loci Communes Philippi; let him read them diligently and
well, that he may impress them upon his mind. If he has these two
things, he is a theologian, from whom neither the devil nor heretics
shall be able to take away anything. To him the whole field of theology
lies open, so that he is able to read anything he pleases after that
with edification."

Melanchthon issued improved editions of the work from time to time.
Seldom has a book met with so extensive a demand. We can form an
estimate of its value from this fact alone. But it was also totally
different from the old trash which Melanchthon had become acquainted
with in Tuebingen. It followed the pure dictates of the Bible, and was
thoroughly practical. Here the doctrines of sin, of the law and the
Gospel, of Justification, of Faith and Good Works, were developed in a
convincing manner, as they had been brought to light after a long
midnight, by Luther himself. With this work he stood entirely upon the
Bible, and on this account it was so refreshing to friends and annoying
to enemies. In September, 1519, he was made a Bachelor of Divinity on
account of his great learning. He would never accept a higher degree,
and always remained a Magister (Master.) But Luther said of him: "It is
true he is but a poor Master, but also a Doctor above all Doctors."

Whilst this worthy man was laying the foundation for the building of the
renewed church, he also bore in his other hand the sword of the Spirit
to drive away the foe. We have already heard how he smote Dr. Eck with
it. As early as the year 1520, a publication filled with poison and gall
appeared against Luther in Rome. It bore the following title: "To the
Princes and People of Germany against Martin Luther, the Defamer of
German Glory." The author had chosen the fictitious name THOMAS
RHODINUS. The Leipzigers, especially the wicked JEROME EMSER, rejoiced
in this libel, and soon reprinted it, in order to injure the cause of
the Reformation. But now Melanchthon entered the lists in February of
the year 1521. He wrote a defence of the greatly slandered Luther, under
the fictitious name of DIDYMUS FAVENTINUS. He remarks in this: "Judge
for yourselves, whether those are seeking the welfare and glory of the
Fatherland indeed, who accuse that man, who has delivered our Fatherland
from Romish frauds; who has ventured all alone to root out the errors
which existed for centuries; who has again brought to light Christian
doctrines which were almost buried by the wicked laws of the Popes, and
the foolish subtleties of the schools. For this praise is given him by
all the learned, and not only by me." In this decided tone spoke
Melanchthon, and declared that everything which opposed the Gospel must
fall, no matter how ancient it may be. After explaining the manner in
which the Pope had gained supremacy in Germany, he called upon the
princes to defend the Church against the power of Antichrist. The battle
grew more exciting, and Melanchthon took a bolder position, although he
was a man who might truly, with reference to his inward disposition, be
called a child of peace. Towards the close of the year 1520, principally
by Luther's advice, he had married a daughter of Mayor CRAPP, of
Wittenberg. But of this we shall speak further hereafter.




CHAPTER V.

MELANCHTHON WITHOUT LUTHER.


As early as the summer of 1520, the Pope, upon Eck's instigation, issued
a severe bull against Luther, in which forty-one propositions from his
various writings were condemned, and he himself was threatened with
excommunication if he should not recant. But the hero was of good
courage, for he was suffering for the best cause. Eck triumphed, but the
Wittenberger was not to be intimidated, and wrote the well-known severe
work "Against the Bull of Antichrist," and even took the bold step, on
the 10th of December, 1520, to cast this bull, together with the canon
law and other papal writings, into the fire, before the Elster gate, in
the presence of many students and doctors. Thus did he powerfully
separate himself from the Roman Church and the Pope. All who preferred
the better way were thus driven to decision. Melanchthon was not wanting
among these better ones, as he proved by his vindication of Luther.

In the meantime, CHARLES V. had become Emperor of Germany. The papal
nuncios urged him to execute the bull. But this youthful monarch
proceeded leisurely. He summoned a Diet to Worms, where, among other
matters, the difficulties of the Church might also be decided. Although
the Papal legates endeavored to prevent Luther's summons to the Diet,
they could not succeed. When parting from Melanchthon, he said: "If I
should return no more, and my enemies should murder me at Worms, as may
very easily be the case, I conjure you, dear brother, not to neglect
teaching and abiding by the truth. In the meantime, labor also for me,
because I am not able to be here. You can do better than I can.
Therefore it will not be a great loss, provided you remain. The Lord
still finds a learned champion in you." It is well known to all with
what joyful faith Luther received the summons, and with what bold words
he expressed himself in regard to it. Luther's journey to Worms, and his
demeanor before the Emperor and the States of the Empire, are among the
most glorious events of his own history, and of the Reformation in
general.

Faith, like that exhibited by him at this time, is not often found in
Israel. "Here I stand, I cannot do otherwise; God help me! Amen!" These
were Luther's words; he remained faithful, and God helped him. He was
removed until March, 1522, for it is known that the care of the Elector
had sheltered him from the malice of his enemies in the silent Wartburg.

During this time, Wittenberg truly seemed to be fatherless, for
Melanchthon was no Luther. And yet the burden of the Reformation rested
upon the shoulders of this young man. But, notwithstanding the papal
bulls, and in spite of the Edict of Worms, which appeared May 26, 1521,
and spoke in the papal spirit, he was not afraid to stand in the gap. He
published the acts of the Diet of Worms, and sided with the proscribed
Luther. Every where his assistance was required, so also to give his
advice in supplying the professorial chairs in the University. During
this time, AUROGALLUS, teacher of the Hebrew, and JUSTUS JONAS, in the
capacity of provost and professor of Theology, arrived in Wittenberg.
During the same year, Melanchthon published a severe work against the
Theologians of Paris. These had severely condemned Luther and his
writings. Against these he wrote his defence of Dr. M. Luther, "against
the raging judgment of the Paris Divines." It is one of his most cutting
productions. He begins thus: "Behold, Christian reader, what monstrous
beasts of Theologians this part of the earth, Europe, gives birth to!"
He expresses himself unwilling to believe that this production has
emanated from Paris, because so furious a spirit breathes in it. The
common people believe that Christian doctrine dwells in the high school
as in its own palace. But he will disregard the distinguished
personages, and the high rank of the University, and says: "In our
common Christianity, Christ's voice alone shall rule. Whoever does not
hear this, does not belong to Christ." The Universities of Cologne and
Loewen had also condemned Luther's writings, but they had not acted as
_crazily_ as the Parisians. He, therefore, found himself obliged to
believe that the saying of those in the olden time was not altogether
without foundation: "That the French have no brains." They called Luther
a heretic because he did not agree with the Universities, the holy
fathers, and the councils. But here Melanchthon plants himself upon the
basis of the Bible, and declares this alone can be infallible, and adds:
"What new articles of Faith do magistri nostri of Paris wish to add to
this? Perhaps their own gross ones!" In this biting manner he proceeds,
and in a clear, lively manner, thoroughly refutes the assertions of the
Parisians. He proves the Scriptures to be the only fountain of knowledge
in the most triumphant manner, and then proceeds to show that Luther is
standing upon the Bible, and yet does not contradict the Fathers.
Luther's defender proves that he is on Augustine's side in the
doctrines of Free-will and of Grace, and then goes on to show that the
Parisians themselves are opposed to the Fathers. He concludes thus: "I
wished to guard you in these things, Christian reader, in order that you
may not be prejudiced against Luther by the reputation of the
Sorbonne,[6] the wisdom of which you have been able to see in one or two
points. From those which I have exposed to you, you may easily guess the
rest--for the Sorbonne is the Sorbonne. It will be easier for you to
find Christ among the carpenters than among these people."

So bravely did Melanchthon speak, and yet the position he occupied
alone, during Luther's absence, depressed him so much that he felt the
need of consolation. When Luther had reached the Wartburg, Melanchthon
discovered it, and full of joy wrote to WENZESLAUS LINK: "Our dearest
father is alive!" He wishes to fold him in his arms very soon, and says:
"Everything is going on well in the University, except that we are
deprived of our father Doctor Martinus."

At another time he wrote: "Our Elijah is not yet with us, but we wait
and hope for him. What more shall I say? My longing for him tortures me
grievously!" Luther reprimanded him about this, and wrote thus: "Even
though I should be lost, the Gospel will lose nothing by that; for in
that you now excel me, and follow Elijah as an Elisha with a double
portion of the spirit, which may the Lord Jesus bestow upon you in his
mercy! Amen." Already on the 12th of May, 1521, a letter of comfort
arrived from PATMOS, as Luther called the Wartburg. He says in it: "And
what are you doing, my Philip? Do you pray for me, that this my
involuntary concealment may redound to the greater glory of God?" In
conclusion, he says: "Here I sit, and all day long place before me the
picture of the Church, and lament my insensibility that I am not
drenched in tears, and with my eyes, as with fountains of tears, weep
for the slain of my people. But there is no one who will arise and
cleave to the Lord, or oppose himself as a wall for the house of Israel,
in these latter days of his wrath. Yes, Kingdom of the Pope, thou art
worthy of this latter time! God be merciful unto us! Do you then, as a
servant of the word, stand in the midst, and guard the walls and gates
of Jerusalem, until they come upon you also. You understand your calling
and your gifts. I pray for you before all other things, if, (as I do not
doubt,) my prayer availeth anything. Do you likewise. Let us bear our
burden together. We stand alone in the battle. After me, they will fall
upon thee."

Melanchthon needed such encouragement in his present position; for as it
has often been, so was it now in Wittenberg, that enemies are less
dangerous than friends. With all his storming, Luther yet proceeded
calmly. It was his primary object to lay on every side the deep
foundation of Justification by Grace through Faith; and he thought less
of the finishing of the building. He permitted all those things to
remain which did not flatly contradict the word of God. But his friends
in Wittenberg did not think so soberly and prudently. They wished to
overturn the structure of the Roman Church by rapid assault, and to
erect something entirely new. Every particle of the Romish leaven was
to be exterminated from the public worship of God.

First of all, Luther's fellow-conventuals, the Augustinian monks of
Wittenberg, led by the preacher GABRIEL ZWILLING, appeared with a
resolution to omit the daily private mass, and to distribute the
Sacrament in both kinds. When the Elector heard of this, he inquired at
once into the particulars of the matter, and appointed a commission, to
which Melanchthon belonged, to investigate the whole matter. The report
of this commission was decidedly in favor of those who encouraged these
innovations. After exhibiting the antiscriptural character of the mass,
and the denial of the cup to the laity, and saying: "It is certain that
the abuse of the mass is one of the greatest and most abominable abuses
in the world," they pray the Elector to take hold of the matter
earnestly, and speedily to abolish the abuse of the masses in his own
dominions, and not to care if he should be abused as a Bohemian or
heretic. It is impossible to avoid reviling. They appeal to the
Elector's conscience, and reminded him of the great day of reckoning.
But it also gave liberty to conscience, if any one wished to celebrate
mass alone. But the Elector was not satisfied with this opinion. As he
generally preferred to act prudently, he considered the step of the
Augustinians too hasty. He thought that the opinion of so few persons
could not be decisive, and he also clearly foresaw the consequences,
should the overthrow of private masses put an end to the legacies for
this purpose. He communicated these views to the Commission in writing,
through Dr. BAYER. They returned an excellent reply, full of a joyful
faith, which we regret not to be able to print entire. The reply said:
"Although we are the smallest party, the truth of the divine word, which
is above all angels and creatures, because it is clearly revealed in
the Gospel and in the apostle Paul, shall not therefore be despised. For
the smallest party ever received and preached the truth, and so it will
remain to the end of the world." It concludes thus: "Let no one be
offended because this matter will cause great offence. For Christ, as it
is written, came into the world, and was given to those who believe in
him and his word, that they might improve themselves in him, to obtain
eternal life. But to those who do not receive him and his word, he has
been given and set for a stumbling-block, that they may die for ever."
Luther also, in his work "Of the Abuse of the Mass," expressed himself
in favor of the omission of private masses. The Elector now permitted
the matter to take its own course. The movement, which had commenced in
the Augustinian cloister in Wittenberg, communicated itself likewise to
those in Meissen and Thuringia. In the month of December of this year a
provincial assembly of Augustinians from different quarters was
convened. Their resolutions contemplated the abolition of secret masses,
cloistral confinement, and other antiscriptural customs. At this time
appeared Luther's publication "Concerning Priestly and Monastic Vows,"
which gave the movement scriptural progress. When a minister, BERNHARDI,
called Feldkirch, relinquished his celibacy, and defended this step,
Melanchthon was not afraid to step forward to defend the severely
assaulted man, and to renounce a doctrine which the Bible terms a
doctrine of devils, and is yet held fast by the Papal Chair with the
utmost tenacity.

But other events occurred in Wittenberg, which might have done the
greatest injury to the good cause of the Reformation, had not the Lord
of the Church watched over it. A fanatical spirit had arisen in the city
of ZWICKAU. Among other things he rejected Infant Baptism, and boasted
of the possession of supernatural revelations. At Christmas, three of
these fanatics came to Wittenberg. These were two cloth-weavers named
NICHOLAS STORCH and THOMAS MARX, the third being MARCUS STUeBNER, who
claimed to belong to the learned. In Wittenberg, the private teacher,
MARTIN CELLARIUS, joined them. They also met with Melanchthon, who had
even received the chief spokesman, Stuebner, into his house. He did not
possess that deep insight into human nature which distinguished Luther.
He, therefore, did not at once declare himself opposed to this perverted
movement. December 27, 1521, he gave notice of this to the Elector, and
says: "I have conversed with them myself, and they declare most
wonderful things concerning themselves, viz., that God with a loud voice
sent them forth to teach, that they enjoy most intimate conversations
with God, behold future events, and that they are, in short, prophetic
and apostolical men. I cannot describe how all this moves me. That
spirits possess them, seems to be established by many reasons,
concerning which no one can easily form an opinion but Martinus,
(Luther.) If the Gospel and the honor and peace of the Church are in any
danger, it is absolutely necessary that these people should have an
interview with Martinus, especially as they appeal to him. I would not
write anything to your Electoral Grace about this matter, did not the
importance of the matter require that steps should be taken in time. For
it is needful for us to be on our guard, lest the devil entrap us."
Spalatin relates that the Elector expressed himself about this matter
very humbly in these words: "This is a very important matter, which I,
as a layman, do not understand. Now, God has bestowed considerable
possessions upon me and my brother. If I understood these matters, I
would rather take a staff in my hands and fly, than act knowingly
against God." However, the Elector summoned Melanchthon and Amsdorf to
PRETTIN.

There HAUBOLD VON EINSIEDEL and Spalatin questioned them further
concerning these matters. They expressed themselves to the same effect
as Melanchthon had done in his report. Again Luther's judgment was
solicited. In a letter of Luther's, called forth by Melanchthon, he
judged very correctly of the spirits of Zwickau. He requires letter and
seal for their public ministry. As to their spirit, it would only be
necessary to inquire, whether they had experienced spiritual conflicts
and divine birth, death and hell. He proceeds to express himself in a
very decided manner in reference to Infant Baptism, and concludes thus:
"I have all along expected that the devil would create this ulcer, but
it was not to be done by the <DW7>s. He desires to bring about this
great schism among us and ours, but Christ will soon trample him beneath
our feet. But these fanatics had already gained adherents. Among them
was the well-known Dr. KARLSTADT,[7] a man of a legal, unsettled mind,
who, with all his boasting of liberty, knew nothing of true evangelical
liberty. He commenced a sad work in Wittenberg. Many students joined
him. They abolished private masses, burned the images, destroyed the
altars, abolished auricular confession, dropped the hymns and ceremonies
of the Church, went to communion without previous confession, and did
many other things of a similar character. Without applying to the
constituted authorities, without caring for those who were offended at
their course, they carried everything before them by storm, appealing to
their liberty, the first commandment, and the Holy Ghost, which they
possessed. Whoever did not side with them was denounced as an heretic.

This was too much for the youthful professor, the burden was too great,
and he longed for the faith and strength of that man, who, under these
circumstances could not endure to remain longer in his Patmos. Luther
addressed a capital letter to the Wittenbergians, in which he most
clearly points out to them the true point of view from which Karlstadt's
innovation was to be examined. But Melanchthon ardently desired Luther's
return to Wittenberg. His return was absolutely necessary too, yet the
Elector would not hear of it. At last, on the 7th of March, 1522, Luther
escaped from the Wartburg. Two letters, addressed to the Elector, and
which really display an apostolical strength of faith, paved and
prepared the way. He was received with acclamations in Wittenberg, and
when he now began, from the first Sunday in Lent until the Sunday
Reminiscere, to preach eight sermons against these innovations, in a
convincing, winning manner, all rejoiced, and the turbulent waves again
grew calm.

Gabriel was convinced, but Karlstadt remained hardened. But the fanatics
again gathered together secretly, and endeavored to spread themselves.
The desire was expressed that Luther might have an interview with them.
Although reluctantly, he at last resolved to hear MARCUS, one of their
leaders. Melanchthon was present at the interview. Marcus was
accompanied by the impetuous Cellarius, and several others. When Luther
pointed out to them, that their pretensions were not founded upon the
Holy Scriptures, but were really the inventions of over-curious minds,
or perhaps even foolish and hurtful inspirations of a deceitful spirit,
Cellarius behaved like a mad-man. They departed with curses, but Luther
calmly said: "That God, whom I worship and serve, will know right well
how to restrain your gods, so that none of these things will come to
pass."

We may well conceive how relieved Melanchthon must have felt, when the
proper man of the Reformation again stood in the breach.




CHAPTER VI.

LABORS, RECREATION, AND TROUBLE.


The Gospel gained greater and greater victories. The preaching of the
truth found open doors in Denmark and Sweden, in Transylvania and
Hungary, in Silesia and France. As the spirit of primitive Christianity
in Germany went forth from Wittenberg through the various provinces, so
also did ZWINGLI, and Melanchthon's friend and fellow-student,
OECOLAMPADIUS, labor in Switzerland with blessed results. A new time was
coming, and its spring had already dawned. Perhaps no other means
contributed so much to the promotion of the Reformation as the
translation of the Bible, which we owe to Luther's master hand. In the
Wartburg he completed the translation of the New Testament, with a
spirit which to this day has not been excelled. But he was not ashamed
to make use of the assistance and advice of his friends in this work.[8]
Among these friends, Melanchthon was the principal one, who, indeed,
excelled Luther in learning. Melanchthon took very great pains to
discover the true meaning of the passages, for which his assistance had
been solicited. If any expression remained dark, he could apply for an
explanation to the physician, STURTZ, in Erfurt, to Spalatin, and other
friends. We have before heard that he applied himself to the Hebrew
language. The knowledge of this language was very serviceable to him in
the translation of the Old Testament. The Book of Job particularly
called forth the efforts of the Wittenbergians. Luther somewhere speaks
of it in a letter: "M. Philip, Aurogallus, and I, are laboring so
carefully in Job that sometimes we could scarcely complete three lines
in four days. But Melanchthon labored with especial energy in his own
field of labor. He saw the importance of a classical education, and
labored very zealously for its extension. But, although he mightily
promoted the ancient languages, his heart was yet in the Holy
Scriptures. This is proved by his explanations of several books of the
Old and New Testaments, which appeared in 1523.

But his numerous uninterrupted labors were beginning to undermine his
health. He was particularly troubled with sleeplessness about this time.
Recreation was indispensable for him, and his friends also earnestly
advised him to it. When Luther went to Worms, he was not permitted to
refresh himself by a visit to his home. He now wished to pay this visit.
One of his friends and colleagues, NESEN, intended to make a trip to
Frankfort. It seemed best to join him, and from thence to visit his
beloved native city, Bretten, and to see the dear relatives residing
there. Luther, to whom he communicated his intentions, approved of them,
relieved him of all scruples and doubts, and dismissed him with these
pleasant words: "Go, dear brother Philip, in the name of God. Even our
Lord Jesus did not always preach and teach, but also journeyed, and
visited his relatives and friends. All I ask of you is, that you return
to us soon! I will include you in my prayers day and night. And now
depart!"

On the 16th of April, 1524, he departed, with a very pleasant caravan of
friends. NESEN, who taught History, Geography and the Languages, in
Wittenberg; Philip's fellow-boarder, FRANCIS BURKHARD, of Weimar, who
afterwards became Chancellor in Saxony; JOHN SILBERBORNER, of Worms; and
his dearest friend in all the world, with whom he became acquainted
during the Leipzig disputation, JOACHIM CAMERARIUS, were his
fellow-travellers. They rode upon horses, which were none of the best;
but most likely these gentlemen were not among the best of riders. Their
way led them through Leipzig. There a most worthy man, PETER SCHADE,
called MOSELLANUS, who had expressed himself much in favor of the
Reformation, was breathing his last. They visited him, and bade him
farewell in this world. Thence they went to the city of Fulda. CROTUS
RUBIANUS and ADAM KRAFT rejoiced in the arrival of the beloved Saxons,
and entertained them most hospitably. Here the travellers heard of the
death of the Knight ULRICH VON HUTTEN, who died upon an island in the
Lake of Zurich. It is well known with what ardor this champion joined
the Reformation. Neither Luther nor Melanchthon, however, could approve
of everything in the conduct of the clever freebooter; for he was not
inspired with the pure, evangelical spirit.

Nesen remained in Frankfort; but Melanchthon and his remaining
companions, after a short stay, hastened to the end of their journey. It
is said that when he first beheld his beloved native city in the
distance, overcome with joy, he dismounted, and falling upon his knees,
exclaimed: "Oh! my native soil! I thank thee, Lord, that I have been
permitted to see it again!" And now they went to Bretten, to his
mother's house. How she rejoiced to behold her son again! She had in the
meantime ceased to be a widow, and had married a widower named
Christopher Kolbe. It seems she had remained a good Catholic; and
perhaps had no other fault to find with her Philip, but that he had
taken too decided and zealous a part in the Reformation. Now there was
opportunity to speak of these things; and the son did not neglect to
instruct his mother as to the object and extent of the Reformation. But
she seems to have remained steadfast in her old persuasion.

The mother knew very well that her son had gained a great name. She
could see this with her own eyes during his stay in Bretten. CAMPEGIUS,
at that time the Papal legate in Germany, was then in Heidelberg on
account of a great hunt. We can well conceive how anxious he must have
felt to detach Melanchthon from Luther; and he must have thought it
worth while to make an attempt to bring about this desirable result. He
had a very shrewd secretary, named NAUSEA, who was sent upon this
difficult and important errand. When he arrived in Bretton, he
immediately repaired to Melanchthon, in order to introduce the matter.
He seconded his appeal with the best inducements, but he did not find a
reed that could be swayed to and fro by the wind. The Wittenberg
Professor declared, in a firm and decided manner: "If I discover
anything to be true, I hold it fast, and maintain it without any regard
to the consequence of any mortal, without any regard to advantages,
honor, or gain. I shall never forsake those who were the first to bring
better things to light. But in the same manner I shall also continue to
prove true to myself, that I shall teach and defend the truth without
quarrelling or abuse. I therefore advise every one who earnestly desires
peace and unity, to do all he can to heal those wounds which can no
longer be concealed, and to restrain the mad rage of those who are
constantly tearing them open again!" He added a small essay on the
principal points of the Lutheran doctrine, in which he particularly gave
prominence to the difference between divine and human righteousness, and
that they were only striving against work-holiness.

Nausea returned to Heidelberg, without having effected his object; but
Melanchthon received another visit, from three professors of the
University. These did not come to alienate him from _that_ cause, which
was the cause of God. On the contrary, they presented him with a richly
ornamented goblet, as an acknowledgment of his meritorious services, for
which he returned his cordial thanks in a letter.

Whilst Melanchthon was spending most agreeable days in Bretten, his
travelling-companions sojourned in Basle. ERASMUS of Rotterdam resided
in this city, and by his great reputation also attracted these
Wittenbergians. This will be the proper place to say something of the
relations existing between this renowned scholar and Melanchthon. It was
Erasmus who, at a very early period, recognized and admired
Melanchthon's talents and great acquirements. Melanchthon had taken this
great man, who exerted such an influence upon the restoration of the
sciences, for his model. But Erasmus was a man who preferred standing on
neutral ground, and considered the Reformation commenced by Luther, and
supported by Melanchthon's learning, as by far too extravagant. He was
very fond of the honor of this world, which prevents so many learned men
from arriving at a knowledge of the truth. Although he, therefore, at
first expressed his approbation of the work in Wittenberg, he gradually
became more and more opposed to it. He manifested his hostility
particularly in his work "ON FREE WILL." He shows in this, like all
persons who do not consult the word of God, and a deep inward
experience, that the great corruption of this world of sin, and the
indescribable riches of divine grace, were both mysteries to him. He
also expressed his views more fully in a letter to his friend at
Wittenberg, on the 6th of September, 1524; and did not forget to state
that he could not agree on all points with Melanchthon's book, Loci
Communes, in which he had, however, found much that was excellent.
Nothing else could have been expected, for Melanchthon had most
decidedly expressed the doctrine of the renewed Church. He could,
therefore, neither be satisfied with Erasmus' publication against
Luther, nor with his letter to himself.

It is well known to every one acquainted with these disputes, that
Erasmus had found a powerful opponent in Luther, by means of his work
"Of the Bond Will," which is one of the ablest and most powerful
productions of the Reformer. The gulf between these two men became wider
and wider. All mediation was impossible.

In a letter to Erasmus, in answer to the one already referred to,
Melanchthon expressed his decided adherence to Luther's doctrine, and
declared that if the Bible should teach differently, he would gladly
adopt it. He took Luther's side, and defended him against Erasmus'
attacks upon his character. But Erasmus adhered to his own opinions, and
especially censured Luther's violence. He was particularly displeased
with this violence in Luther's polemic treatise against himself. This
relation to the great man in Rotterdam caused Melanchthon much trouble.
It was one of the many sorrows which afflicted him.

But we have thus already returned to Wittenberg, and we must first see
what happened to Melanchthon on his return. It was difficult to part
from Bretten, for his mother did not wish him to depart so soon. It
seemed to her, as we often feel when bidding farewell, that she was then
beholding him for the last time. But at last, with his companions who
had returned from Basle, he tore himself away from his home. Not far
from Frankfort he met with a singular adventure. The young Landgrave
PHILIP of Hesse, who had early exhibited a warm interest in the progress
of the Reformation, was travelling with his retainers to Heidelberg. He
had, no doubt, heard that Melanchthon was on the road. He sees a company
of travellers approaching, and he feels that Melanchthon must be among
them. He rode towards them, and asked for him. When Melanchthon
discovered himself, and was about to dismount in token of respect, the
Landgrave prevented him, and requested him to change his route, and to
remain with him over night, because he would like to have many matters
explained to him. He bade him entertain no fear, but be of good courage.
Melanchthon assured the Landgrave that he was not afraid, and that he
was a very unimportant person besides. The prince replied: "But,
nevertheless, Cardinal Campegius would be not a little rejoiced if you
were to be delivered into his hands." On the condition that, after his
return to Wittenberg, he would prepare a written statement concerning
these innovations in religion and send it to the Landgrave, he permitted
him to continue his journey, and gave him the promise of a safe conduct
through the Hessian dominion. This writing was really prepared, and bore
the title: "An Epitome of the renewed Christian doctrine, addressed to
his most serene highness the Landgrave of Hesse." The journey was safely
completed, but he soon experienced great sorrow in Wittenberg. His
beloved travelling companion, Nesen, wished to cross the Elbe in a
fisherman's boat, as he had often done before; but upon the present
occasion, it was July 5th, the boat struck against the trunk of a tree,
was capsized, and Nesen was drowned. Besides this, his beloved
Camerarius, who was daily more endeared to him, removed from Wittenberg.
He felt very lonely and forsaken, and in this frame of mind wrote to
Camerarius: "I sit at home like a lame cobbler."




CHAPTER VII.

THE WAR OF THE PEASANTS


The hopes raised by the proposed plans for reform, by the new Pope
Hadrian VI., were not realized. How often have men been deceived in
their hopes, when they looked towards the city on the seven hills! The
Diet in Nuremberg opened in a threatening manner, for the Pope and the
Emperor insisted on severe measures, and the execution of the Edict of
Worms. But it came to pass here, as the Elector Frederick the Wise is
said to have remarked before the Diet: "In heaven it has been resolved
far otherwise than in Nuremberg!" Already in the year 1523, death
summoned Hadrian from the scene. True to the proverb, "The Pope does not
die," another one, Clemens VII., of the same spirit as all the rest,
ascended the throne. He insisted upon the execution of the Edict of
Worms, and caused this opinion to be proclaimed during the Diet at
Nuremberg, which had been opened again. The Emperor made the same demand
by his ambassador. But all these violent measures were defeated by the
action of the princes, who said "that they would do what they could."
The more the Gospel began to penetrate to every quarter, to find good
soil and to strike deep root, so much more the hostility of the
Catholics increased. Persecutions arose, and martyrs began to bleed for
the Lord's cause. Melanchthon took an especially deep interest in the
terrible martyrdom of Henry von Zuetphen, who was burned at the stake
towards the end of the year 1524.[9]

The _war of the Peasants_, which commenced in Swabia as early as 1524,
but took a new and dangerous turn in the beginning of 1525, still more
increased the hate of the enemies of the pure Gospel, and gave them a
plausible excuse forcibly to exterminate these ecclesiastical novelties
and the innovators themselves. As when fire has been placed in the
different quarters of a city, and it breaks out on every side, so that
the inhabitants do not know where to begin to extinguish it, so was it
in the peasants' war. Almost everywhere the peasants arose and
threatened death and destruction to the authorities and existing laws.
Nothing is more easy than, with preconceived opinions, either to
proclaim this war a noble struggle for freedom, or, on the other hand,
to trample under foot the just sighs of the deeply injured peasants. It
is well known that no event in the days of the Reformation was more
welcome to its enemies than this desperate and bloody rebellion of the
peasants. They at once proclaimed this war to be a legitimate fruit of
the new doctrine. It cannot be denied that this opinion has some
appearance of truth, but then only if we look at the mere surface of
things, and carry an evil-disposed heart within us. The peasants
themselves have partly given occasion for this opinion, because in the
well-known "twelve articles of the peasants," they mingled spiritual and
temporal demands together. It is, however, not our purpose to give a
history of the peasants' war, which still awaits a _true_
representation, even if it were carried out in the shortest outlines. We
are here but to consider how the Reformers, particularly Melanchthon,
demeaned themselves in this critical event.

In Melanchthon's home, the palatinate, this extravagant spirit had also
seized the peasants. There too they rose up on every side, however
little reason for it they might have had, under the reign of the Elector
LOUIS of the palatinate. This prince wrote to Melanchthon, whom he
esteemed very highly, requesting him to come to Heidelberg to assist him
by his counsels in this dangerous affair. He says of Melanchthon: "You
who were born and raised in the palatinate are more learned and
experienced in the Scriptures than others, celebrated, and doubtless
favorable to peace and justice." If it was impossible for him to come,
he should send his advice and opinion, "according to divine and truly
evangelical Scripture" to him in writing. On this account Melanchthon
wrote his "Pamphlet against the articles of the peasantry." As Luther's
writings in regard to the war of the peasants have frequently given
offence, because he stood firmly by the word of God, which demands
obedience towards the authorities, so did it also fare with Melanchthon.
He too, like Luther, must submit to be called a Court-theologian. But
their theology was drawn from the word of God, and redounded to the
glory of God, let the enemies to the right and left say to the
contrary--whatever they please. The peasants declared they would submit
themselves to the word of God. This Melanchthon seized upon. He wishes
to present to them "the Gospel, and the true Christian doctrine; for no
doubt there are many among the masses who sin from ignorance; who, it is
to be hoped, if they are properly instructed, will forsake such wicked
practices, and consider the Judgment of God, their own souls, and their
poor wives and children. But many are so wanton, and blinded by the
devil, that they do not desire, and cannot abide peace." After having
spoken of Faith and Love, he proceeds to obedience to government, and
says: "Whereas this article is even despised by those who call
themselves evangelical, we will hold before them the Gospel and the Word
of God, in which they may see how desperately they are fighting against
God under the pretext of the Gospel."

The beginning of the 13th chapter of the Epistle to the Romans will ever
be the principal direction in this matter. Melanchthon, too, refers to
it, and fully and convincingly explains this passage to every one whose
passions have not blinded and disordered his senses. He proceeds to say:
"From all this we therefore conclude, that, because the Gospel demands
obedience to government, and forbids rebellion, although princes may do
evil; and also further requires that we endure wrong, they act against
the Gospel, inasmuch as they arise against the government, and use force
and violence against them. And they prove themselves liars in this, that
they write they desire to live in accordance with the Gospel, and yet
thus openly act against God, so that it is easy to observe that the
devil is instigating them, desiring to destroy their bodies and souls.
For the end may be whatever it will, such wickedness will be punished at
last."

Melanchthon now proceeds to consider each of the twelve articles
separately. In the _first_ article he proves, that the government is
bound to have the Gospel preached. But if a government, possessed by
Satan, will not permit it, we ought not to raise a tumult, for God has
forbidden it. Each one is to profess his faith, and suffer, if the
government be hostile. "It is not possible to be a Christian, and lay
the cross upon the shoulders of others; you must bear it yourself." In
the _second_ article "Of Tithes," he takes the side of right, and
refutes the misapplied scriptural passages of the peasants. In the
article "On Vassalage," he also defends the established order of things,
and proves that the passages quoted by the peasants had no reference to
bodily, but to spiritual freedom. "Therefore," he says, "the expectation
of the peasants has no pretext. Yes, it would be better if so wild and
unruly a nation, like the German, had less liberty than they really
possess."--"Our authorities indulge the people in all wantonness, and
only require money of them, but keep them under no restraint, which
causes great disorders!"

He then reviews the remaining articles, of the chase, forests, services,
taxes, penalties, &c. Of the right of heriot, a tax, he says that the
government ought to abolish it, and remember the poor orphans. He
concludes his pamphlet with very earnest words to the princes and
peasants. To the former he says, they should humble themselves, because
they had transgressed in many ways. "For God has always, from the
beginning, overturned governments, when their wantonness became too
great." He advises them to abolish the abuse of the mass, the celibacy
of the clergy, and to appropriate the possessions of convents for useful
purposes, especially for schools. Thus, should the princes lend a
friendly hand, there should be some hope that words might answer a good
purpose; but should this clemency be unavailing, the princes should
strengthen themselves to treat the rebels as murderers. Melanchthon, who
completed this pamphlet before the conclusion of the war of the
peasants, added an appendix as soon as he heard that the peasants had
been put down on every side. Now, the amiable man is merely a herald of
peace and clemency. In this appendix he says: "As God has now given the
victory, and the murderous rabble, which would not have peace, has been
punished according to the laws of God, the princes should further be
very careful that no harm befall the innocent, and also show mercy to
the poor people, some of whom sinned through fear, others through
folly." He points them to the example of David, who punished at the
proper time, but at another also showed mercy, and concludes his
excellent production in the following words--worthy of being taken to
heart: "The Government should also look to it, that the word of God
might be preached in the proper way, and that those customs of the
church which oppose the word of God, be changed. Then God would grant
them peace and prosperity in their government, as he did to Hezekiah and
other pious monarchs, who put away the old abuses in the services of
religion. For he declares, 1 Sam. ii. 30: 'For them that honor me, I
will honor, and they that despise me shall be lightly esteemed.'" Not
all the victorious princes regarded this truly Christian word, but
punished and oppressed the peasants most severely, whilst they laid the
blame of the rebellion upon the gospel thus recommended. But the Elector
Frederick the Wise did not act thus. The peasants had also risen in
rebellion in his dominions. THOMAS MUeNZER, one of the most crazed and
preposterous of beings, stood at their head. He endeavored to screen
himself behind divine revelations, for all his violence against the
government. When the rebellion was increasing, the Elector was confined
by illness. These events moved him deeply; but in a letter to his
brother, Duke John, he thus expressed himself: "It is God's sending and
work, and God grant a happy conclusion." Again, he says: "Perhaps
occasion has been given the poor people, particularly by prohibiting
the word of God. Thus the poor are oppressed in many ways by us secular
and spiritual authorities. God avert his anger from us!" This was
Frederick's opinion, and his brother fully coincided in it. The Lord
also gave the victory to the princes in Saxony and Thuringia.
Melanchthon has described this rebellion in its beginning and close. He
thus begins his narrative: "After Dr. Martin Luther had preached several
years, and had taught the pure and true gospel, the devil sowed his seed
by its side, raised many false and hurtful preachers, in order that the
gospel might again be darkened and suppressed, and much blood might also
be shed. For Christ himself has given the devil this name, and has thus
painted him, that he was a murderer from the beginning, and will cause
murders to the end of the world."

Before the termination of the war, the Elector fell asleep on the 5th of
May, 1525, in a truly Christian manner, so that his physician said: "He
was a child of peace, and died peacefully." As it was desirable to
prevent all superstitious customs at the funeral of the Elector, Luther
and Melanchthon were requested to give their opinion. They did so; and
the funeral ceremonies were conducted in this manner. Not only did
Luther preach his celebrated funeral sermon, but Melanchthon also
delivered a Latin oration in the church, which shows how well he was
able to appreciate a prince of Frederick's character. He spoke of the
excellent qualities of the deceased, and his love for the word of God,
and concluded thus: "I pray that God in his mercy may receive into his
own keeping the soul of Frederick! May he also bless the administration
of the government by his brother, protect our country in these unhappy
times, and grant you all that affection for public peace, that you may
reverence your princes with all fidelity and conscientiousness,
according to the command of God."

Melanchthon sustained a great loss in the death of this exalted patron;
but JOHN THE CONSTANT, who now held the reins of government, bore the
same affection in his heart towards the chosen instruments of the
Reformation.

He even took a more decided stand than his brother, as we shall see
hereafter. Melanchthon feared that the wheels of the machine would be
interfered with too much. The slow, prudent conduct of the Elector,
which he had extolled in his address, pleased him very well. To his
fears in this respect another event was added during this year, which
incited their enemies to increased slanders. This was Luther's sudden
marriage in June, 1525, to CATHARINE VON BORA, who had been a nun.
Luther took this step, standing upon the word of God, and in defiance of
his enemies. But there seemed to be no end to the noise; yet
Melanchthon, who had declared himself in favor of the marriage of the
clergy, could not but approve of the marriage. Yet he would have
prevented it during this period of ferment, had it been in his power to
do so. But when Luther began to be concerned himself, Melanchthon became
his comforter.[10]




CHAPTER VIII.

HIS LABORS FOR THE CHURCH AND SCHOOLS.


Although Melanchthon's professional activity was principally directed to
the education of good teachers and pastors for the schools and churches,
yet the confidence enjoyed by him, and his splendid reputation, which
bore his name far beyond the confines of Saxony, soon afforded him an
opportunity to exert a very salutary influence in the erection of new,
and improvement of established schools. Even before he had, together
with Luther, arranged the school in Eisleben, and also one in Magdeburg,
of which CRUCIGER was Rector, he was invited to Nuremberg, by JEROME
BAUMGARTNER, towards the close of the year 1524, in order to establish a
Gymnasium,[11] and to act as its Rector. But nothing could induce him to
leave Wittenberg. He therefore declined the offer of an appointment in
Nuremberg, although he had the establishment of this institution of
learning much at heart. One year after the invitation to visit
Nuremberg, he undertook the journey with his friend Camerarius. This
celebrated imperial city, which was then called "the eye of Germany,"
attracted him on many accounts; for it had an eye open to the Gospel,
and numbered among its inhabitants many of the most distinguished minds,
with whom Melanchthon was intimately connected. Among these were
Pirkheimer, Baumgartner, Lazarus Spengler, Ebner and Nuetzel. He entered
Nuremberg on the 12th of November, 1525. He communicated his views in
regard to the arrangement of the school, and proposed able men as
teachers. Camerarius, his beloved friend, was appointed Rector of the
school. Other men also accepted the call extended to them. In the
following year we find Melanchthon, true to his promise, in Nuremberg
again. He formally opened this learned institution with a Latin address,
May 23, 1526. In this address he uttered weighty words concerning the
necessity and utility of the sciences. He concluded with the appropriate
prayer: "I pray Christ that he may assist your important work by his
grace, and that he may accompany your intentions and the diligence of
those who shall study here, with his blessing." Among his friends in
Nuremberg, he also numbered the celebrated painter, ALBERT DUeRER, whose
heart was also with the work of the Reformation. He spent a few very
pleasant days with him and the rest of his friends, but returned to
Wittenberg in June. Important business awaited him there, but in the
middle of July he was seized with a severe illness, and his physician
considered his recovery doubtful; but the Lord could not spare him yet.

In the beginning of the year 1526, he was formally appointed to deliver
lectures on Theology, although he remonstrated against it. His salary
was increased to 200 florins. But the most important duty in which he
was engaged at that time was in participating in the visitation of the
schools and churches in Saxony. It may well be imagined that these were
in a miserable condition. The Apostolic doctrine, which was proclaimed
in Wittenberg with Apostolical power, had not found an entrance
everywhere. In some of the schools and churches they still
pertinaciously adhered to the beaten path. In other quarters it was
patchwork, a new patch upon an old garment. There was one case of a
minister who preached the gospel in his principal church, but read mass
in the under-parochial church where they required a different practice.
The confusion in doctrine, church customs, and church treasuries was
truly deplorable. Luther did not complain without reason: "Help, dear
Lord, what frequent distress have I seen, because the common people,
particularly in villages, know nothing at all of Christian doctrine, and
it is but too true that many ministers are unskilful and unfit to teach.
And yet all are called Christians, are baptized, and enjoy the holy
sacraments, and do not even know the Lord's Prayer, or the Creed, or
the Ten Commandments, and live on like the brutes...."

Luther had taken this distress to heart long before, and had earnestly
appealed to Court, to institute a Visitation of all the schools and
churches in the land. The Elector John, who was greatly concerned for
the spread of the truth, ordered such a visitation. It took place in
1527, and was a real work of necessity, but at the same time full of
blessings. Different commissions were appointed for different parts of
the country. Melanchthon was ordered to visit Thuringia, accompanied by
Jerome Schurff, Erasmus of Haugwitz, and John of Planitz. Great indeed
was the spiritual distress discovered by them! Melanchthon often went
out and wept, as he writes himself: "What can be offered in
justification, that these poor people have hitherto been left in such
great ignorance and stupidity? My heart bleeds when I regard this
misery. Often when we have completed the visitation of a place, I go to
one side and pour forth my distress in tears. And who would not mourn to
see the faculties of man so utterly neglected, and that his soul, which
is able to learn and grasp so much, does not even know anything of its
Creator and Lord." However, the Elector's instructions to the visitors
enjoined it upon them to proceed in the most lenient manner. They obeyed
strictly, and no doubt accomplished more in this way than if they had
fallen upon everything in the stormy spirit of a Karlstadt.

Melanchthon was also commissioned to prepare an _Instruction_ for the
ministers in the Electorate of Saxony. This called forth a little volume
with the title, "Instruction of the Members of the Visitation to the
Pastors in the Electorate of Saxony." It was handed to Luther for
inspection, who was entirely satisfied with it, and therefore made but
few alterations. He added a Preface to the book, in which he explained
the necessity of the Visitation. This volume may be called the first
Confession of Faith of the Lutheran Church, and on this account already
deserves to be better known. As might be expected from Melanchthon, it
is conceived in a spirit of great moderation, and, whilst it gives
prominence to the principal doctrines of the true Church, treats the
opposite opinions with great forbearance. Let us select a few passages
from this book of Instruction. The _first_ chapter treats "_Of
Doctrine_." It says: "But how many now only speak of the forgiveness of
sins, and nothing or very little of repentance, and yet there is no
forgiveness of sin without repentance; and forgiveness of sins cannot be
understood without repentance. And when we preach forgiveness of sins
without repentance, it will come to pass that the people will believe
that they have already obtained forgiveness of sins, and will thereby
become secure and careless. Therefore we have instructed and exhorted
Pastors that, according to their duty, they should preach the _whole_
Gospel, and not one part without the other." In the article "_Of the Ten
Commandments_," he requires that the people might be brought to a
knowledge of their sins, by an exhibition of the law and of their sins,
and proceeds thus: "Besides this, it will be profitable to preach of
faith, in this manner, that whosoever feels pain and sorrow for sin
should believe that his sins are forgiven him, not because of any merit
of his own, but for Christ's sake." But the instruction always reverts
to this, that faith is nothing without repentance. "Where there is no
repentance there is a painted faith." After having thus given prominence
to the two first parts of the Christian life, he proceeds: "The third
part of the Christian life is to do good works, such as chastity, to
love our neighbor, to help him, not to lie nor cheat, not to steal, not
to murder, not to be revengeful, not to take vengeance into his own
hands, &c. He then enters upon a consideration of the Ten Commandments.
In treating the second commandment, he requires "_the true Christian
prayer_." This section fully treats of the manner in which we ought to
pray, and renounces all abuses. "Whatever it may be, we are to seek help
_from God alone_." The fourth commandment is treated at length, and
proceeds to show how children should treat parents, and parents their
children, and particularly how subjects should conduct themselves
towards the government. An entire section is devoted to the
consideration of _Tribulations_, as a part of good works. They are to be
careful to teach that all tribulations come from God, but also, that God
is to be called upon in the midst of them. In considering the _Sacrament
of Baptism_, the lawfulness of Infant Baptism is proved from its
antitype, circumcision. They should perform the ceremony in the German
language, in order that those present might understand its meaning.
Here, too, they are directed to repentance and faith. _Of the Sacrament
of the body and blood of Christ_, it teaches, "That in the bread is the
true body of Christ, and in the wine the true blood of Christ," and
mentions two of the principal passages of the Bible. The miracle is not
wrought by the merits of the priest, but because Christ has so ordered
it, that his body is present wherever men commune. They should teach in
the most decided manner that _both_ kinds, bread and wine, should be
distributed; yet no one, who, because of the weakness and fear of his
conscience, could not receive both kinds, should be forced to receive
both. Under such circumstances the Pastor should offer but _one_. It
treats fully "_Of true Christian Repentance_." Added to this, is the
section, "_Of true Christian Confession_." It says: "Papal Confession,
namely, to rehearse all our sins, is not commanded, for it is impossible
to do it."

Yet, every one going to communion should be previously examined by the
pastor. The article "_Of true Christian Satisfaction for Sin_," shows
that Christ alone has made satisfaction for our sin. In the chapter "_Of
human Church Regulations_," the pastors are exhorted to insist upon the
principal matters in their sermons. Sundays and festival-days are to be
observed. Yea, they even suffer Apostles' and Saints' days to remain.
But on the latter they are to permit labor. But it is not their
intention hereby to establish or commend the invocations and
intercessions of the saints, for Christ _alone_ is the mediator who
intercedes for us. Matters relating to marriage are also briefly
considered. Of _free will_ it says, that we are able to perform worldly
piety and good works by our own strength, given us and preserved for
this purpose by God. This is the righteousness of the flesh. But they
also teach--"Man by his own power cannot purify his heart, and produce
divine gifts, such as true repentance from sin, a true and unfeigned
fear of God, true faith, cordial love, chastity, an absence of revenge,
true patience, earnest prayer, freedom from covetousness, &c."
_Concerning Christian Liberty_, the errors of the vulgar are set aside,
and liberty in Christ exhibited. We are also freed from the ceremonies
of the Old Testament. The _Turks_ are not forgotten, and it also
mentions how the _daily exercise in church_ is to be conducted. Would
that it were so still in our churches! _Concerning true Christian
Excommunication_, they teach that it is to be employed against those
persons who live in open vices, after they have been admonished several
times. They are not to be permitted to come to the Lord's Supper; but
they are not prevented from hearing preaching. Overseers, called
Superintendents, selected from the pastors, were appointed in particular
districts. Besides this, this instruction of the visitation devotes a
full chapter to schools.

The Commissions of Visitation labored in this mild, conciliatory, and
truly scriptural spirit, and that, too, with blessed results. The
Catholics pretended to find a creeping back, as Luther calls it, in this
book of instruction, and began to rejoice aloud.[12] When the little
volume appeared publicly in 1528, and also during the previous years
when a Latin sketch of it had been printed, different opinions were
expressed concerning it. But the most singular attack upon the book was
made by one of the evangelical party. A former friend of Melanchthon,
JOHN AGRICOLA, rector in Eisleben, considered it unscriptural, and
leading to the papacy, if repentance was derived from the law, and not
from the gospel. This dispute made so much noise, that the Elector
considered himself obliged to arrange a meeting in Torgau, between
Agricola, on the one side, and Melanchthon, Luther, and Bugenhagen, on
the other. It was held in November, 1527. Agricola could easily be
refuted from the Scriptures; however, he was a man obstinately wedded
to his own opinion, who, as it is well known, stirred up this very
matter ten years after, in the most violent manner, at which time he
made use of the most daring expressions, such as "Moses deserves the
gallows." But this Antinomian spirit, which was manifested by the
ultra-evangelical party from time to time, was refuted by Luther in the
most powerful and conclusive manner. Melanchthon refers to this, and
refutes it in a number of writings.

In the summer of 1527, the university was removed to Jena, because the
plague had broken out in Wittenberg. When Melanchthon had finished his
first visitation tour, he continued to lecture in Jena, and wrote
against the Anabaptists, who were also carrying on their sectarianism in
various parts of Saxony. In the autumn of 1528, he made his second
visitation tour into Thuringia, together with Myconius and Menius.




CHAPTER IX.

THE DIET OF SPIRE.


It is reasonable to suppose that the Pope could not have been satisfied
with the great activity of the evangelical party, and the constantly
increasing and noble spread of the gospel. He had but too many adherents
in Germany, who were filled with the most violent rage against the
Evangelical party. DUKE GEORGE of Saxony, who had been frequently
attacked by Luther, especially breathed vengeance. He had in his service
a counsellor, named OTTO VON PACK. It is a mystery to the present day,
how this man came to reveal a pretended secret to the son-in-law of the
Duke, the well-known Landgrave, Philip of Hesse, according to which the
Catholic princes had formed a league against the evangelical states. He
succeeded in presenting the matter in so plausible a manner, that
Philip, who was already inclined to fight, believed it necessary to form
a counter-league. Even the Elector John, who was otherwise more sober
and calm, was of the same opinion. The Landgrave was not satisfied with
mere words, but marched to the frontier with his troops; but the Elector
was prudent enough to ask the opinions of his theologians, among whom
Melanchthon was included.

Their advice was quite temperate. Although they were highly incensed at
this Catholic league, they would hear nothing of an attack. How much
Melanchthon was inclined to a scriptural peace, is shown in a letter
addressed by him to the Elector on the 18th of May, 1528: "To have a
good conscience, and to enjoy the friendship of God, is surely the best
consolation in all afflictions. But if we should begin by seizing the
sword, and commence a war with an evil conscience, we would have lost
this consolation. Great sorrow and cares induce me to write this. God
knows that I do not value my own life so highly, but I am only thinking
how much dishonor might be brought upon the holy Gospel, should your
Electoral Grace begin to war, without previously making use of all means
and ways to preserve the peace, which indeed ought to be done." The
Elector was of the same opinion, but the Landgrave stood prepared to
fight. But when he wrote to his father-in-law, Duke George, he declared
the whole matter to be "an unfounded lying report." Although the
evangelical party could hardly believe this assertion, and perhaps had
reason for it, they were, nevertheless, obliged to put an end to all
further preparations.

Two years before, in the year 1526, a Diet had been held in Spire, which
had taken a turn favorable to the evangelical party. Although the
Catholics demanded that the wicked Edict of Worms should be executed,
they nevertheless did not succeed. The States were divided, and the
Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave Philip were about to leave the Diet,
when King Ferdinand and the Elector of Treves acted as mediators, and
declared that a Christian free council should be held in a year, in
order to settle these religious difficulties. During this time each one
should remain quiet and peaceful. The princes promised to act as they
wished to answer for it before God and the Emperor, or in their own
words: "During the meantime, until a council shall be held, each State
is so to treat its subjects, in reference to the Edict of Worms, as they
hope to answer for it before God and the Emperor." After this, the whole
matter remained as it was before, and there was great reason for
gratitude to God that such a result had been reached.

There was nothing to be dreaded on the part of the Emperor at this time,
for he was engaged in open war with the Pope; he had not yet been
reconciled to the king of France, and the Turks were advancing
victoriously. It would have been highly imprudent to arouse the
hostility of a part of the German princes at this time. But that which
he had avoided by the prudence which always characterized his conduct
throughout life, was earnestly sought by the Catholic States, who had
denied the existence of a league against the Evangelical party. Their
hearts were full of anger. The Emperor had summoned another Diet to
Spire, to meet on February 1st, 1529. The Imperial proclamation did not
promise as favorable a result as had been brought about by the last Diet
of Spire. As the Elector well knew what hostility prevailed against
Luther, he did not take him along with him, but chose the more peaceful
Melanchthon. They arrived at Spire on the 13th of March, 1529. The
general hatred was now directed against him. The prospect was a gloomy
one. Melanchthon had not the strong faith of Luther, by which he could
have _believed_ the clouds away--he rather increased their number by his
anxiety. The Imperial proposition, in reference to religious matters,
did not speak favorably of the innovations. It regrets that "such
wicked, grievous, troublesome and destructive doctrines and errors have
arisen in our holy faith, and are daily spread abroad more and more."
His Imperial majesty, by his Imperial absolute power, annuls the
resolution of the previous Diet, which had indeed been a very flexible
one. This was not a good beginning. The Catholics triumphed, and
succeeded in passing a final decree of the States of the Empire
assembled in Diet, which was very unfavorable to the Evangelical party.
For this final decree insisted upon the execution of the Edict of the
Diet of Worms. The mass should be retained, and all innovations in the
Church be stopped.

The Elector requested Luther and Melanchthon to give their opinion
concerning this decree. They express themselves decidedly opposed to
assenting to the decree, but drop the Anabaptists and Sacramentarians,
who were as unpopular in the electoral dominions as elsewhere. This
opinion no doubt exercised an influence upon the Evangelical States.
Melanchthon's spirits were deeply affected during the progress of these
negotiations. He expressed his sorrow in his letters. On the 15th of
March he wrote to Camerarius that it could easily be seen on every side
that the Evangelical party is hated, as well as what they intend to do.
"You know," he continues, "that I observe many defects among our
friends, but their object here is not to correct our faults, but to
suppress the best of causes. But I hope that Christ will prevent this,
and frustrate the counsels of those people who desire war." So he also
entreated his friend Myconius: "I exhort thee to pray Christ that he
would regard us in mercy, and protect us. For here we are objects of
scorn to the proud spirits, and of derision to the rich."

A very bad state of feeling prevailed in Spire. Faber preached: "The
Turks are better than the Lutherans, for they fast, and these do not."
He even went so far as to say, that if he had his choice, he would
rather throw away the Bible, than the ancient errors of the church.
Camerarius exhorted Melanchthon to cast his cares upon God. He replied,
"If I had no cares, I should not cry unto God. But whereas piety
conquers cares by prayers, it cannot be altogether rid of them. By
cares, therefore, am I driven to prayer, and prayer drives away my
cares."

Verbal and written objections to the final decree were unavailing.
Finally, the Evangelical party, and Melanchthon with them, saw
themselves compelled to take the step which has become so celebrated in
the history of the Reformation. On the 15th of April, 1529, they entered
a formal _Protest_ and _Appeal_ against the decree of the diet. Even
though the Catholics afterwards called them _Protestants_, by way of
derision, the despised ones could regard that name as an honorable
title.[13] And at this time, more than ever, should we abide by this
name, as an honorable distinction of the Evangelical Church, because the
old assumptions are again endeavoring to gain an influence; and even in
the bosom of the Evangelical Church, there is enough against which we
must protest.

The Emperor received the Protest in a very ungracious manner. A
threatening imperial reply arrived from Barcelona, dated July 12, 1529,
in which he expresses his disapprobation of the Protest, and concludes
thus: "If you should continue to appear disobedient after this our
gracious warning, we would no longer hesitate, but would and should be
obliged to punish you, in order to maintain proper obedience in the Holy
Empire." We may well imagine how such language was calculated to trouble
Melanchthon.

During this season of troubles, he made a brief visit to Bretten, to see
his mother. He saw her for the last time, for she completed her earthly
pilgrimage on the 6th of June, 1529.[14]




CHAPTER X.

THE CONFERENCE AT MARBURG.


While the Catholics were filled with the most violent enmity against the
evangelical party, and dark clouds were gathering over the heads of the
Protestants, because of the decided expression of the emperor's will, it
was a matter for the very deepest regret that a deep gulf was opened in
the midst of the evangelical party, which grew wider and wider in the
course of time. This was the rupture between the Lutherans and the
Reformed, to use the names familiar now. We have already become
acquainted with the restless, stormy spirit of Dr. Carlstadt, whom
Melanchthon called the wicked A B C, on account of the initials of the
three names, Andrew Bodenstein Carlstadt. Among other errors, he also
denied the bodily presence of Christ in the sacrament, and explained the
words of institution in so forced a manner, that Luther was doubtful
whether he should consider him in earnest, or think that God had
hardened and blinded him. Luther simply adhered to the words of Christ,
however much, as he confesses himself, he was spurred by his reason to
deviate from the words. "But I am a prisoner," he says, "and cannot
escape; the text is too powerful, and will not permit its meaning to be
changed by words." Melanchthon also strictly held, that the body and
blood of Christ are truly and essentially present in the Lord's Supper.

Because Carlstadt would not return to Wittenberg, he was obliged to
leave the country. But soon after he solicited Luther's intercession,
who willingly complied. He returned to Saxony in the year 1525. Luther
baptized his son, and his wife and Melanchthon acted as sponsors. But in
the year 1527, Luther already expressed himself unfavorably of the man,
who still adhered to his ridiculous explanation of the words of the
Lord's Supper. Carlstadt now left Saxony, and in 1528 came to Basle,
where he was appointed preacher and professor. He soon disappeared in
the back-ground, when another, ULRICH ZWINGLI, the Swiss reformer,
appeared with his unsatisfactory exposition of the words of the supper,
according to which the words "This _is_ my body," were said to mean
"This _signifies_ my body." Although he labored with great success in
Switzerland, he yet bore some resemblance to Dr. Carlstadt, in his
stormy proceedings, for he destroyed the images, bells, organs, and the
like. Zwingli took Carlstadt's side against Luther. John Oecolampadius,
professor and pastor in Basle, and a friend of Melanchthon's youth,
united with him in the same unsatisfactory view of the Lord's Supper.

Luther was greatly grieved at these innovations, and attacked them with
terrible earnestness. He called the Swiss _Sacramentarians_. We shall
not introduce those matters, which more properly belong to the Life of
Luther. Adhering to his declaration: "Thus it is written," he laid
powerful blows upon the Sacramentarians, who replied in equally violent
and biting publications. Although Melanchthon had not mingled in the
strife up to the present time, he yet stood on Luther's side. He too
felt himself bound by the express words of the Bible. Even from Spire,
as early as the year 1529, he had written to his otherwise dearly
beloved friend Oecolampadius concerning this matter: "It is very painful
to me that discord should have arisen in this matter, ordained by Christ
himself to establish an indissoluble love. Never has anxiety for any
matter disturbed my heart more than my anxiety in this. And I have not
only myself considered what might be said for and against this matter,
but I have also examined the opinions of the ancients. For I should not
like to stand up as the author or defender of any new dogma in the
Church. After having thus weighed what seemed to be best established on
both sides, I will express my sentiments, with your permission, but I
cannot agree with your opinion." He then reviews the objections of
opponents. One of these objections was, that the _absent_ body of Christ
could not be present. In answer to this he says: "I know that there is a
promise of Christ; 'I am with you alway, even unto the end of the
world;' and other ones similar to this, in which it is not necessary to
separate his humanity from his divinity; and therefore I am of the
opinion that this sacrament is a testimony of the true presence.... That
opinion, that Christ has taken possession of a part of heaven in such a
manner that he is shut up in it as in a prison, is one altogether
unworthy of a Christian." Such an important question should not be
judged by the rules of geometry, but by the word of God. He also says,
that the most distinguished Fathers of the Church explain the sacrament
like those of the Evangelical party. In the conclusion of his letter he
yet presents a variety of considerations. "I observe," he says, "that
your cause relies upon the assistance of the understanding and
subtleties, and that you are not only employing public but secret arts
also, to attract attention; and I doubt whether these will further your
cause more than public ones. I am well aware of your own modesty;
therefore I consider it necessary to remind you to reflect, that even
shrewd and prudent persons may sometimes fall, and it is particularly
dangerous to rely upon our own reason in spiritual matters." Melanchthon
gave up all thoughts of a conference concerning this matter.

However, this plan, entertained by another individual also, was soon to
be realized. The Landgrave PHILIP of Hesse saw what incalculable
mischief would follow a division of the Germans and the Swiss. He
regarded the matter from a political point of view, because a party,
divided in itself, could not accomplish that which it might do when
united. But he also appreciated the religious aspect of the question. It
was soon discovered to which side he leaned in this dispute. Be this as
it may, the Landgrave considered it advisable to arrange a conference at
Marburg between the Germans and the Swiss. Although the doctrine of the
Lord's Supper was the principal point of difference, there were yet
besides this a number of other differences. Although Melanchthon had
suggested the idea of such a conference to Oecolampadius, he now
dissuaded from it, when the Landgrave wished such an one to take place.
With Luther he believed that the conference would not be productive of
good.

But finally both parties consented. The day after Michaelmas, the
Wittenbergians, Luther, Melanchthon and Jonas, arrived in Marburg, after
Zwingli, Oecolampadius, Bucer and Hedio, had already arrived. Andrew
Osiander, of Nuremberg, Brenz of Hall, and Stephen Agricola of Augsburg,
arrived after this. Jonas cannot sufficiently extol the gracious,
friendly, even princely reception, they met with. Although it had at
first been arranged that they should lodge in the city, the Landgrave
now received them into his palace. Jonas remarks: "This has been done in
these forests, not only in honor of learning, but of the true God and
Christ, whom we preach. Would to God that everything might be decided
to the honor of Christ!"

Melanchthon reported the proceedings of the conference to the Elector
John of Saxony, and likewise to Duke Henry of Saxony. We follow his
narrative, which gives us a clear view of this important meeting. At
first, Luther conversed with Oecolampadius alone, and Melanchthon with
Zwingli. It was stated that Zwingli was accused of teaching that
Original Sin was not sin, and that Baptism did not secure to children
forgiveness of Original Sin. That he declared concerning the Lord's
Supper, that the body and blood of Christ are not truly in the
sacrament. He is also said to teach that the Holy Ghost is not given
through the Word and Sacrament, but without the word and sacrament.
Further, it is asserted, that some do not teach correctly of the
Divinity of Christ, and also spoke awkwardly of Justification before
God. That they did not insist enough upon the doctrine of Faith. Zwingli
hereupon declared that he always believed, and did still believe, that
Christ is true God and man. That it is not his fault if others have
taught improperly. They disputed a long time concerning original sin,
and the means by which the Holy Ghost is communicated. Zwingli yielded
this point.

On the 2d of October, the following day, they began the principal battle
on the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper. The Landgrave and his chief
counsellors attended this discussion. They disputed two days on this
point of difference. Zwingli and Oecolampadius steadily maintained: 1.
That Christ taught a spiritual eating of his body in John vi., and
therefore we should only understand a spiritual eating in the Sacrament.
2. That a body cannot be present in many places at one and the same
time. Christ possesses a true body, and is in heaven; therefore, he
could not be in the Sacrament at the same time. Here they made a number
of awkward assertions; _e. g._, God does not present such unintelligible
matters to us, outward participation is useless. 3. Oecolampadius
introduced quotations from Augustine, that Sacraments are mere signs,
signifying something, even as the serpent in the wilderness signifies
something. He thought it sufficient to be satisfied with a spiritual
participation. Luther replied as the principal speaker. Concerning John
vi., he declared that, although Christ is there speaking of spiritual
eating, yet this is not opposed to bodily eating. He, too, taught a
spiritual eating, but in the words of the institution an outward eating
is ordained. The opposite party then referred to the words: "The flesh
profiteth nothing." It was replied to them, that, as Christ above speaks
of his flesh as giving life, the words quoted by them could not refer to
his own flesh, but to our own carnal being and thoughts. But if we wish
to explain it of Christ's flesh, we cannot draw any other conclusion
from it than this, that the flesh of Christ, when received without
faith, profiteth nothing. To the _second_ objection they replied, that
our reason should not judge God's power and glory, whether one body is
able to be present in many places or not. Melanchthon relates that their
opponents steadfastly adhered to this objection. They said that even
wicked priests could perform this great miracle. It was replied to them,
that we ought not to regard the worthiness of the priests, but the
commandment of God. Upon this they dropped their objection. To the
_third_ objection, in which Oecolampadius declared "the Sacraments are
signs, and therefore we ought to grant that they signify something;
therefore we ought to acknowledge in the Lord's Supper that the body of
the Lord is only _signified_, and not present," the other side replied,
that we ought not to explain them in a manner different from that in
which Christ had explained them. That the Sacraments are signs, should
be understood thus, that they signify promises connected with them.
Thus, the Lord's Supper signifies that the death of Christ has obtained
satisfaction for our sins, and gives us the assurance of the forgiveness
of sin. From this it does not follow as a matter of necessity that
Christ's body is not present. Zwingli and Oecolampadius quoted many
passages from the Fathers in corroboration of their views. Their
opponents also presented many clear declarations of the Church Fathers
to the Landgrave in writing, from which it appeared that the ancient
Church taught the true presence of the body and blood of Christ in the
Lord's Supper.

Such was the result of the conference at Marburg. Both parties adhered
to their own opinions. The Swiss asked to be regarded as brethren.
Luther refused, and declared this to be an evidence that they did not
value their own cause very highly. Although they were satisfied with
Luther's doctrines on all other points, they adhered to their own
opinion of the Lord's Supper. It is true Melanchthon expresses a hope
that they might change their opinion in this matter at some future day,
but this hope was never realized.

The Conference lasted three days. Melanchthon had feared that their
opponents would be far more violent, and expressed himself well
satisfied with them in this respect. The Landgrave was also deeply
interested in this discussion. It is said that he made the remark: "Now
he would rather believe the simple words of Christ than the subtle
thoughts of men." Although this conference effected some good in
correcting many misapprehensions and errors, as well as for a while
putting an end to the violent polemical writings, yet no union had been
brought about in the matter of the Lord's Supper. The schism remained,
and grew more incurable in future days. Meetings were again held in
Rotach, Schwabach, Smalkald, and in Nuremberg, in the beginning of the
year 1530, in order to bring about a union with the upper Germans. But
they would not forsake their opinion, and the Elector, who believed
Luther's doctrine, could not induce himself to enter into a league with
his opponents. Besides this, the latter were so far removed from the
Catholics in the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, that it was not to be
hoped that they would be received when united. However, the Landgrave,
whose purpose to unite the Reformed, especially the four upper German
cities, with the Lutherans, had so far been frustrated, did not
relinquish all hope of final success. He made repeated efforts. Thus a
meeting was held in Schwabach in October, 1529. Luther had prepared
seventeen articles, one of which expressed the true presence of the body
and blood of Christ in the Sacrament. But they could not unite here, nor
in the Conferences at Smalkald in November, and Nuremberg, in January,
1530.

Thus, while the Catholics were banded together to inflict deadly blows
upon the Protestants, these were separated into two parties; and if we
add the sects, into a number of parties. But now every eye was directed
to the Diet of Augsburg, at which the cause of the Protestants was to be
considered again. All were in anxious expectation to see what the
Emperor would do. And on this occasion it was reserved for Melanchthon
to produce a work which should not only excite attention in Augsburg,
but which decided and secured the lawful position of the Evangelical
Church. However, Melanchthon was not in the most joyous frame of mind
at this time. He thus expresses this in a letter to Camerarius: "Not a
day passes in which I do not wish that I might leave this world."




CHAPTER XI.

THE DIET OF AUGSBURG.


The Turks, who had advanced victoriously as far as Vienna, met with so
determined a resistance at the hands of the brave hero PHILIP of the
Palatinate, that they were obliged to retreat. Thus the danger which
threatened the Emperor from the East was lessened. He had resumed
peaceful relations with King FRANCIS of France, and was also reconciled
to the Pope, and had been crowned by him. He now had abundant
opportunity to attend to the religious difficulties, and, as he hoped,
to bring them to a happy conclusion. It is very true that Pope Clemens
would hear nothing of it, when he informed him that it would be
necessary to hold a general council, and that he intended to summon a
Diet on this account. Clemens, in his reply, declared, that religious
difficulties must be brought before the Bishop of Rome, and that he in
every case had a right to convene a General Council. He demanded power
of arms to suppress the dissatisfaction reigning in Germany, and said:
"There is no other way for you but to restore peace by your arms." Of
course Charles would not agree to this. He insisted upon a Diet, and
said: "We must hear both sides, and then pronounce sentence, not
according to our tyrannical pleasure, but according to the law and
doctrine given us by God."

On the 21st of January, 1530, the necessary imperial documents were
dispatched from Bologna to Germany, fixing the meeting of the Diet for
the 8th of April, in Augsburg. Besides deliberating concerning
assistance against the Turks, they would also consider "what might be
done and resolved in reference to the errors and schism in our holy
faith and the Christian religion." The imperial proclamation was couched
in very mild terms, yet the Evangelical party entertained unfounded
fears that the Emperor would now assume a more hostile attitude. The
Landgrave Philip of Hesse even considered it dangerous to attend the
Diet. We are already acquainted with this man, who was not at all
disinclined to divide the Gordian knot with the sword. But the Elector
John was of a different opinion, and besides this, consulted his
Theologians in this important matter. They expressed themselves most
decidedly against an armed resistance. Luther gave his opinion to the
Elector as early as the 6th of March. Melanchthon added a preface. On
the 14th of March an electoral decree was sent to Luther, Jonas,
Bugenhagen, and Melanchthon, which called upon them to prepare a list of
the principal points of difference in matters of Faith, and the customs
of the Church, so that it might be known how far they might go at the
approaching Diet. They selected the 17 so called articles of Torgau,
which were formerly called the articles of Schwabach, and had been
prepared by Luther. They constitute the basis of the Augsburg
Confession. On March 21, the Theologians were commanded to meet the
Elector in Torgau. Here in Torgau, these Theologians assembled in the
parsonage, and presented this matter to God, with prayers and sighs.

On one occasion, Melanchthon arose, sad and weary, having been called
out by a messenger. When he had dismissed the messenger, he retired to
his room. Here he found the wives and children of the Pastor, and his
two chaplains. Some of these children were being suckled, whilst others
were being examined in the Catechism and Prayer. When Master Philip saw
this, he stood still for a little while, looking on and listening with
great surprise as the little children are praying with stammering
tongues, and he thinks of the words of the Psalmist: "Out of the mouths
of babes and sucklings thou hast perfected praise." He is especially
moved by beholding the wife of one of the chaplains suckling one child,
and at the same time cutting turnips for her husband's dinner, whilst
another child is repeating its prayers to her. When Philip saw this, he
exclaimed: "Oh! what a holy and God-pleasing work!" He goes in again to
the Theologians, joyous and comforted. Dr. Luther asked him how he came
to enter so pleasantly, after having gone out in such sadness. Then
Melanchthon replied: "My clear Sirs, let us not be so faint-hearted, for
I have just now seen those who shall fight for us, who protect us, and
who are and shall remain invincible in all violence." Dr. Luther
inquired who these mighty heroes were? Philip replied: "The wives and
little children of our Pastor and his chaplains, whose prayer is now
heard, and which God will not leave unanswered, even as our faithful God
and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ has not despised this their prayer
up to the present time." This filled the Theologians with great joy, so
that they remained firmly in the truth, and bore witness of the same.
And the result proved that faith and prayer will always gain the
victory. The Elector was pleased with these articles, and commissioned
Melanchthon to arrange them in a proper manner, and also to write an
introduction to them.

On the third of April, the Elector, accompanied by a numerous retinue,
and the Theologians, commenced his journey. They proceeded very slowly,
by way of Eisenberg, Weimar, and Coburg. Here they rested several days,
for Melanchthon was already preparing the articles which were to be
delivered at Augsburg. But Luther, who was particularly hated by their
opponents, was left behind in Coburg, where he took up his quarters in
the castle, having for his companion a very worthy man, VEIT DIETRICH,
of Nuremberg. April 21st or 22d, the Elector resumes his journey, and
Agricola has taken Luther's place. In Nuremberg they halted but a single
day. Melanchthon made use of these moments to report the latest news to
Luther, and thus concludes: "Christ preserve you, pray for us all!" On
the 2d of May, the Elector and his retinue arrived in Augsburg. None of
the princes had yet arrived. As they were obliged to wait some time for
the coming of the Emperor, Melanchthon, who was at all times fond of
correcting his productions, had ample time to improve the Confession. On
the 4th of May, he wrote to Luther concerning this matter, and says: "I
have given the introduction to our Confession a more elegant turn than
it had as I wrote it in Coburg. But I will shortly bring it to you, or,
if the Elector will not permit this, send it you." He was already able
to send the Confession to Luther on the 11th of May; but he now called
it an _Apology_, because at the same time it should also be a defence of
the Evangelical faith. It was his intention to prove in this that the
doctrine of the Evangelical party did not at all depart from the
Christian Church. He writes: "We send our Apology to you, although it is
rather a Confession. For the Emperor has no time to listen to long
disputations. But I have, nevertheless, mentioned whatever I considered
to be particularly useful and appropriate. On this account I have
included nearly every article of faith, because Eck has published quite
devilish blasphemies against us. I wished to present an antidote to
this. You will judge of the entire work according to your own mind."
Melanchthon and the Elector, who added a letter to the Confession,
inquired of Luther what ought to be done, in case the Emperor should
prohibit the Evangelical party from preaching. Luther returned
Melanchthon's manuscript to the Elector, with these words: "I have read
Mr. Philip's Apology. I like it well enough. I know of nothing to
improve or alter in it, besides that would not be suitable, for I cannot
walk so meekly and so silently. May Christ our Lord grant that this may
produce much and great fruit, even as we hope and pray. Amen." In reply
to the question concerning preaching, he declared his opinion, that
"they ought to yield to the Emperor, if previous humble remonstrance has
been made, because the city is his." As the Emperor still delayed,
Melanchthon again took the file in hand, in order to give greater
perfection to the Confession of Faith. He wrote to Luther on the 22d of
May: "I daily alter many things in the Apology. I have taken out the
article 'On vows,' because it was by far too short and meagre, and have
put a fuller one in its place. I am now arranging the article on the
'Power of the Keys.'" He prepared the Latin, as well as the German text.
When the document was completed, it was also communicated to the
ambassadors of the free cities. These were so well pleased with it, that
the resolution that it should be signed in the name of all the
Evangelical States was passed at once. However, the Theologians of the
various States met together to discuss the different articles of the
Confession. They particularly discussed the little word "_really_," in
Article 10, which treats of the Sacrament of the body and blood of
Christ. For this was opposed by some in the most determined manner.

While they were thus deliberating, the emperor was still delaying his
coming, and they were thus kept in the greatest suspense. It was
reported that the notorious Cajetan was accompanying the Emperor as the
legate of the Pope. Melanchthon says of him: "He is a foolish and
insolent man, with whom you cannot do anything." But this report, as so
many others circulated at this time, was not corroborated. The Elector
had sent JOHN VON DOLTZIG to the imperial court, who returned with the
order that all preaching in Augsburg should be stopped. We already know
what Luther thought of this. Melanchthon entertained the same opinion.
But the Elector, and his chancellor BRUeCK, were unwilling to obey this
prohibition, and protested against it. At last, the Emperor decided that
no preacher, no matter who he might be, should be permitted to preach in
Augsburg, without being appointed to do so by the Emperor himself. When
the Lutherans in Augsburg were likewise deliberating what they should
do, if they should be forbidden to eat meat on certain days, if
spiritual jurisdiction should be demanded again, and they should desire
to re-establish convents, and the like, Melanchthon delivered his
written opinion to the Elector. He was in favor of yielding, but opposed
the re-establishment of convents.

The conduct of the Landgrave Philip, of Hesse, grieved him exceedingly;
for he was very anxious to bring about a union between the Lutherans and
the Swiss. For this purpose, he had previously brought about the
Conference at Marburg, without, however, accomplishing his purpose in
the doctrine of the Lord's Supper. He still entertained thoughts of a
union. On this account, Melanchthon wrote to Luther, May 22: "I entreat
you most earnestly to write to the Landgrave, and to exhort him, that he
should not burden his conscience by defending any false doctrine." In
addition to this, Melanchthon and Brenz also addressed a letter to the
Landgrave, and justified themselves for not being able to unite with the
Zwinglians. The Landgrave replied in very temperate language, insisting
upon treating the Zwinglians as brethren, without, however, being able
to shake the opinions of the two theologians. The Catholics knew very
well that such divisions had arisen in the Evangelical camp. It will
always remain a subject of regret that no union could be brought about.
Melanchthon and Brenz declared: "We have such articles, of which, by the
grace of God, we are certain, and are able to suffer for them with a
good conscience, which is indeed a source of great comfort in every
danger; but we cannot be certain of the Zwinglian doctrine, as it is
called, for we have no clear word of God for it."

Relying upon the word of God, they could indeed calmly await coming
events. At last the Emperor, who had delayed so long, arrived in
Augsburg. He made his public entrance on the 15th of June. Not Cajetan,
but the smoother Campegius, accompanied the Emperor, as the Pope's
legate. We may well suppose that this public entrance was very
magnificent. The following day was the festival of Corpus Christi. As
the evangelical princes could not conscientiously take a part in this
festival, which celebrated a doctrine which they rejected most
decidedly, they took no part in the procession. They declared to the
Emperor, who insisted upon their attendance: "They could not
conscientiously before God, comply with this demand, because this
procession was made a species of worship." The princes at first
expressed themselves in the most decided manner, against the Emperor's
demand that the preaching should be stopped. The Margrave George even
said, before the Emperor: "Rather than deny my God and his Gospel, I
would kneel down here before your Imperial Majesty, and have my head cut
off." The Emperor replied, in his defective German, "Not head off, not
head off." However, as the Emperor had prohibited preaching to both
parties, and had reserved the right to appoint preachers for himself,
the Lutherans could not complain any longer, especially as their
theologians advised peaceful measures. The day preceding the opening of
the Diet, Melanchthon wrote to his friend Camerarius, that the
Confession would be more moderate than the ungodliness of their enemies
deserved. He had only insisted upon the principal matters, and restored
spiritual jurisdiction entirely to the bishops. That many, indeed, were
dissatisfied with this; but that he would be willing to accept even more
stringent conditions, if peace might be attained by these means. He
continues: "After Mercurinus is dead, there is no one of any consequence
at Court, who is inclined to peace. He had gained over a Spanish
secretary, who promised well, and had already spoken to the Emperor and
Campegius; but all lies in the hands of God. Pray to Christ that he may
grant peace. Not only are we forbidden to preach, but our adversaries
also. However, the Emperor, by his imperial power, will appoint a
preacher who shall only read the mere text of the gospel and Epistle. In
this you may observe the wonderful wisdom of the courtiers." Concerning
the prospects of the Diet, Luther thus strikingly expresses himself
towards Agricola: "Truly, you are not merely to contend with men in
Augsburg, but with the gates of Hell." And again: "The Lord Jesus, who
has sent you all thither to be his witnesses and servants, and for whose
sake you expose your necks, be with you, and testify unto you by his
Spirit, that you may know with certainty, and may not doubt, that you
are his witnesses. This faith will strengthen and comfort you, for you
are the ambassadors of a great King. These are true words. Amen." Such
courageous faith should have filled all the Lutherans, and Melanchthon
in particular.

At last, on the 20th of June, the Diet was opened by the celebration of
Mass, by the Archbishop of Mentz. The Papal orator, Pimpinelli, made the
address. Afterwards they proceeded to the town-hall, where the Imperial
demands were proclaimed, first against the Turks, then in matters of
religion. In reference to the last point, the Emperor expressed his
regret that the previous Imperial resolutions had not been carried out.
Nevertheless, the States should express their sentiments in matters of
religion in Latin and German declarations. Melanchthon, filled with
excessive alarm, believed this important matter might be brought to a
favorable conclusion by private efforts. It was not a good plan;
however, he adopted it. Among the retainers of the Emperor was a
secretary named ALPHONSUS WALDESIUS. This Spaniard seems to have been a
shrewd man. He entered into communication with Melanchthon, and revealed
his views of the Lutherans as they were regarded in Spain. It was
thought there that they did not believe in a God, or the Holy Trinity,
or Christ, or Mary; so that the people of Spain thought they could not
serve God better than by killing a Lutheran. Melanchthon replied
somewhat to the following effect: "The Lutheran cause is not so tedious
and awkward as it may have been represented to his Imperial Majesty; and
that the principal difficulty was concerning the articles, of the two
forms in the Sacrament, of priests and monks, marriage and the mass;
because the Lutherans considered solitary masses sinful. If these
articles should be conceded, he believed that ways and means might be
found to settle all the rest." Soon after he was informed by the
Imperial secretary that the Emperor was pleased to hear this, and had
commanded that he should make a very brief statement of the Lutheran
articles, and deliver it to him. The Emperor also believed that it would
be most advisable to settle the matter quietly; for public trials and
quarrelsome disputations were only productive of ill-will, and not of
unity.

Melanchthon expressed himself ready to reflect upon this subject; but
neither the Elector nor Chancellor Brueck would permit the matter to be
disposed of in this way. He was merely permitted to show the Confession,
which, as Melanchthon wrote to Camerarius, the Secretary Waldesius found
"entirely too bitter for the opponents to endure it."

As they could not and would not take the by-way of silence, the Emperor
suddenly, on the 22d of June, appointed Friday, June 24th, for the
delivery of the Evangelical Confession. This short time greatly
perplexed the Lutherans, because Melanchthon still wished to make
further corrections, and the Introduction also was wanting. In order
that this might be in the proper form, Chancellor Brueck assisted him.
The Theologians, (there were twelve present,) assembled to deliberate.
Nine princes and cities signed the German copy of the Confession; and
because they had no further time to spare, they took Melanchthon's
manuscript as the Latin copy. The 24th of June arrived, but it being too
late, the reading of the Confession could only take place on the
following day, Saturday, June 25, 1530.

This day, which has become one of the most important in the History of
the Evangelical Church, came at last. Spalatin says: "One of the
greatest deeds ever accomplished in the world has been done this day."
The Emperor and his brother Ferdinand, Princes and States of the Empire,
and distinguished Ecclesiastics, were there assembled, to listen to the
reading of the Confession of Faith. The Saxon Chancellor read the German
Confession so loudly and distinctly, that it was not only heard in the
hall, but also in the court, where a great multitude was assembled. It
contained two parts, the first including all the doctrines of Faith, the
other the disputed articles. On account of our limited space, we shall
but briefly touch upon the different articles, as every one, especially
every Lutheran, should be most intimately acquainted with the Confession
of his Church. We have more need of it at this time than formerly, for
the ancient errors arise with renewed vigor, and may easily shake one
who is uncertain in his belief.

_First_--1. Stands the Confession of the Holy Trinity, of God the
Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. 2. How we become pious and righteous before
God. 3. How all men are born with Original Sin. 4. What Original Sin is.
5. How we attain God's Grace. 6. How preaching is necessary towards
Justification. 7. How Faith must produce good fruits and works. 8. What
the general Christian Church is. 9. That the Sacraments are efficacious,
even when administered by wicked priests. 10. Of Baptism, against the
Anabaptists. 11. Of the Holy Sacrament of the true body and blood of
Christ in the Sacrament of the Altar. 12. Of Repentance. 13. That the
Sacraments are such consoling tokens, with which we are assured and may
be certain that God, for Christ's sake, will be gracious, kind and
merciful to us, and do us good in time and eternity. 14. Of the Teachers
of the Church. 15. Of Ceremonies, that those are to be observed for the
sake of peace, which can be observed without sin, but they are not to be
observed in order to attain salvation. 16. Of human laws and order. 17.
That Christ will come at the last day, to judge the quick and the dead,
to give everlasting life and joy to believers, and to condemn the devil
and the wicked. 18. Of Free Will, that we have a free will to be pious
outwardly, but not before God. 19. That sin comes from the perverted
will of the devil and wicked men. 20. Of Faith and Good Works, that this
is true Faith, that we are heartily assured of every good, Grace and
help from God, for Christ's sake, and that Faith without Works, such as
God has commanded, is dead. And 21. Of the Adoration of Saints, that we
should expect all good from God, as the saints did, and that we should
imitate their faith and love, but call upon God alone.

Then, in the _second_ part, follow the disputed articles: first, 22. Of
the two kinds in Sacrament, why we distribute them to all. 23. Of mass,
how it is observed among us, and why we have rejected secret masses. 24.
Of priests, and the marriage of monks and nuns. 25. Of cloister vows.
26. Of difference of meats. 27. Of confession. 28. Of the power of the
Bishops, and the difference between the spiritual and temporal sword.
These twenty-eight articles are discussed in a clear, simple,
scriptural, and peaceful manner. No ingenuous mind could withhold its
approbation from them. It is impossible to say what impression they made
upon the Emperor. It is well known that he was not very well acquainted
with the German language. Besides this, he no doubt had previously also
decided upon the course he would take. When the two copies were being
handed to his secretary, he graciously took them into his own hands. He
gave the German copy to the Archbishop of Mentz, and kept the Latin one
for himself, and caused it to be translated into Italian and French for
himself. He intimated to the Lutherans, that he would consider the
matter further, but expected that they would not print the Confession.
However, their opponents soon circulated defective copies, so that the
Lutherans were forced to publish the correct Confession.

Luther was regularly informed of the progress of events. He indeed was
deeply interested, and secretly, by the help of God's hand, ruled the
Diet. As Moses prayed, and had his sinking arms supported during the
battle between the Israelites and their enemies, so Luther prayed in his
castle of Coburg. He who sitteth in the heavens alone knows what
influence he exerted. It would have been well for Melanchthon had he
possessed such strong faith, and such a mighty spirit of prayer. But he
looked too much to men, their power and their craftiness. And for this
he was rewarded by complaints and sighs, but he did not conceal his
sorrows from his paternal friend in Coburg. Through this, Luther opened
the depth and power of his faith, and permitted the flame to spread even
to Augsburg, that Melanchthon's heart might be encouraged. His precious
letters should be read at length in the history of his own life; here we
can only communicate extracts. June 26th, he wrote: "I heartily hate
your great care, which, as you write, weakens you. That it increases so
greatly in your heart, is not owing to the greatness of our cause, but
is the fault of our great unbelief. Why do you thus unceasingly trouble
yourself? If our cause is wrong, let us recant; but if it is right, why
do we make God a liar in such great promises, because he bids us be of
good cheer and satisfied? You are troubled thus by your philosophy, and
not by your theology. The same also greatly vexes your friend Joachim;
just as if you could accomplish anything by your useless cares. What
more can the devil do than to kill us?" On the same day, Melanchthon
sent a dejected letter to Coburg: "We are here constantly in the
greatest trouble, and shed tears continually, which has been aggravated
by still greater distress to-day, when we read M. Veit's letters, in
which he informs us that you are so highly displeased with us that you
would not even read our letters. My dear father, I do not wish to
increase my sorrow by many words, but would only ask you to consider
where and in what great danger we now are, having no other comfort but
your own encouragement. The sophists and monks are running daily, and
making every effort to excite the Emperor against us." He prays that
Luther would read and answer his letters. On the following day already,
June 27th, another letter from the afflicted one followed this. He says:
"At no time have we stood in greater need of your advice and
encouragement than at this time, as we have followed you, as our head,
in the most dangerous cause up to the present time. Therefore, I also
pray, for the sake of the honor of the Gospel, that you would take our
part. Christ permitted himself to be awakened in the vessel when it was
in danger. Now, truly, we are in still greater danger here, in which
nothing worse could happen to us all than if you should forsake us." He
also said: "I have written to you before, that you should inform me, if
necessary, how much we may yield to our adversaries." On the 29th of
June an answer arrived from Coburg, in which, among other things, we
read this: "I have received your Apology, and I am wondering what you
mean, that you desire to know what and how much we may yield to the
<DW7>s? According to my opinion, too much is already conceded to them
in the Apology. If they will not accept this, I do not know what I could
yield further, unless I see their arguments and clearer Scripture than I
have seen hitherto." He expressed himself most decidedly against being
called "head," by Philip: "I wish to have no name, wish not to command,
and do not wish to be called Author. You are troubled about the
beginning and end of this matter, because you cannot understand it. But
I say so much: If you could understand it, I should not like to have
anything to do with the matter, much less would I be a head or beginner.
God has set it in a place which you can neither reach by your rhetoric
nor by your philosophy. That place is called Faith, in which are all
things that we cannot see or understand. Whoever wishes to make these
things visible, open, and comprehensible, as you do, will get sorrow and
weeping for his pains, even as you have against our will." As he was
closing the letter, he reflected that Melanchthon might think he had
received little in reply to his question, what and how much should be
conceded to their opponents. On this account he added this: "You have
not asked sufficiently, and have not clearly stated what you think they
will ask of us. I am ready, as I have always written to you, to yield up
everything to them, if they will only leave the Gospel free. But
whatever opposes the Gospel I cannot allow. What other answer can I
give?" From such an apostolical faith, several other letters flowed to
the friends in Augsburg, and particularly to Melanchthon, who truly
needed such a mode of address more and more.

After the Confession had been presented to the Emperor, different
opinions were held by their enemies as to the course that must now be
pursued. Faber, Campegius, and others of like stamp who endeavored to
influence the Emperor, insisted upon the execution of the Edict of
Worms. Others wished the Confession to be examined by impartial men,
whilst others again demanded a written refutation of the Confession. The
last opinion prevailed. But at the same time it was also declared that
the Emperor should decide in this matter, in default of which the whole
should be postponed until the calling of a General Council. In regard to
this latter point, Luther wrote to Melanchthon on the 9th of July: "You
see that our cause is now in the same position as it was with me in
Worms, namely, that they require us to accept the Emperor as Judge. Thus
does the devil ever fiddle upon one string, and the old conjurer has
nothing he can oppose to Christ but this single helpless weapon."
Notwithstanding all these exhortations, Melanchthon was still anxiously
engaged in finding a middle path. Thus he considered it advisable to
write to Cardinal Campegius, in order to lead to thoughts of peace. He
did not reflect that this man, although of a smooth exterior, was
nevertheless a viper, swollen with venom. The crafty Roman endeavored to
instil the most odious thoughts into the mind of the Emperor. This evil,
he remarked, could be cured. The Emperor should unite himself with the
well-meaning princes, and change the sentiments of the others by
promises or threats. But what is to be done if they remain obstinate? We
have the right to destroy these poisonous plants with fire and sword.
If we have gained the mastery over them, we can appoint holy
inquisitors, the University of Wittenberg can be excommunicated, the
books of the heretics can be burned, and the like. It was needful to
strike a decisive blow in the beginning.

With such a man, Melanchthon, of course without knowing his true
character, entered into negotiations. After an humble letter, Campegius
sent for the writer. Let us hear Veit Winsheim, Melanchthon's friend and
eulogist, relate the particulars of the interview: "The day after, when
the whole company was assembled, Philip was summoned, who enters with a
firm mind. He saw himself surrounded by a circle of serpents and devils,
and like the prophet Jonah, shaken alone in the belly of the whale.
Campegius is importunate, and flourishes the terrible lightnings of his
highly enraged and cruel Jupiter, the others vehemently threaten the
poor and small flock of the helpless sheep of Christ with the power and
force of so many kingdoms. It was enough to terrify even a strong and
courageous man. But when Philip was asked whether they would yield, he
replied: "We cannot yield nor forsake the truth. But we pray for God's
and Christ's sake that our adversaries will not think hardly of us, and
will dispute with us, as they are able, _i. e._, will yield that to us
which we cannot forsake with a good conscience." When Campegius heard
this, he shrieked: "I cannot, I cannot, because the key does not err."
To this thundering, although Philip stood, as it were, in the midst of
lions, wolves, and bears, who could have torn him in pieces without
punishment, yet having a great and glorious spirit in a little body, he
now boldly replied: "We commend our cause to the Lord God. If God be for
us, who can be against us? And finally, come what will, we must abide
by our fortune or misfortune."

Melanchthon had frequent interviews with the cardinal after this,
especially, as the Protestant princes believed, that they might
accomplish some good in this way. It is true, some have maintained, that
Melanchthon was willing to agree to a base accommodation; but this
cannot be proved. However, this much is certain, that all mediations
were ineffectual. How true is Luther's word in a letter to Melanchthon,
on the 13th of July: "I should think, dear master Philip, that you have
by this time sufficiently learned by your own experience, that Christ
and Belial cannot be united by any means whatever, and that no unity in
religion is to be thought of."

While this was transpiring, the Catholic theologians were busily engaged
with the task laid upon them by the Emperor, in refuting the Confession
of the Protestants. He had recommended moderation to them, when the
first draught had exhibited too great a violence. The Catholic
theologians who were preparing the refutation, were Eck, Faber, Wimpina,
Cochlaeus, and others. The last one composed it. What good thing could be
expected of these men? Melanchthon therefore remarks, in a letter to
Camerarius: "I hear that their refutation is finished, and will make its
appearance in two or three days. It is said that the Emperor will order
all things to remain as they were, until these disputes shall be
examined in a Council. This is to be the end of the deliberations. And
if this decree is not tempered, you may easily conceive what troubles
will be the consequence." At last, after having awaited it for a long
time, the princes and electors were summoned, on the 3d of August, to
hear the _Confutation_ of the Augsburg Confession. This document follows
the same order as the Confession. It first treats of doctrines in 21
articles, and afterwards of abuses, in 7 articles. Although it
acknowledged many things in doctrine, as agreeing with the Catholic
church, it did not depart in the slightest degree from Roman principles,
and strictly adhered to the abuses. In the article on Original Sin, it
did not acknowledge the prevailing corruption; and in the article of
Good Works, it maintained that the good works which are performed by the
help of Divine grace, are meritorious. It also refuses to allow that
faith alone justifies. In the article on Repentance, it insists upon
satisfaction which man is to pay, whilst the Confession excludes all
human satisfaction. The Confutation likewise finds fault with the
Lutherans, because they deny that we can by our works earn forgiveness
of sins, and also because they reject the adoration of the saints. It is
not willing to grant the cup to the laity, and defends this position
with the most absurd reasons. It adheres to the celibacy of the priests
and monks, and maintains the mass, with all its antiscriptural
characteristics. In short, it will not cast aside any abuses. The
Emperor really regarded this untenable production as a refutation of the
Confession of the Protestants; and gave these to understand that it was
his will that they should compromise matters with the other Christian
states, and should not separate themselves from the general Christian
church. If this should not take place, which the Emperor did not expect,
he should act as it became him, as the guardian and protector of the
Holy Christian church, and as a true Christian Emperor. Melanchthon
speaks of this in a letter to Luther, August 6th: "This was the sum and
substance of it, which, although it seemed very harsh, yet, as the
Confutation was executed in a very childish manner, our friends became
quite cheerful after it was read; for this Confutation is the paragon of
all the childish and foolish writings of Faber. In speaking of the two
kinds, he referred to the history of the sons of Eli, that they would
ask the priests for a piece of bread, and proved from this that laymen
should only receive the bread. The mass has been defended by
particularly bald and lame tricks." The Princes requested a copy of the
Confutation after it had been read, but could not obtain it. Even if the
Emperor had now been inclined to act severely, a quarrel arose in the
midst of the Catholic camp, because they could not agree among
themselves in regard to the steps that should now be taken.

At last, the views of the more moderate prevailed, that a delegation
should be appointed by both sides, in order to effect a compromise. On
the 6th of August, several Catholic princes and bishops assembled to
agree upon the points of convention. On the following day, the Elector
JOACHIM, of Brandenburg, informed the Lutherans that they should drop
their erroneous views, and no longer separate themselves from the
Catholic Church. Even if there were some abuses, they might be done away
with by the assistance of the Pope. And now ensued answers and replies
in great number. The Lutherans would not entertain the yielding
propositions of Melanchthon, who believed that unity in doctrine might
be secured, and only wished to insist upon the two kinds--marriage of
the priests, and the Evangelical mass. The Evangelical states declared
that they did not intend to retreat from the word of God, although they
were inclined to maintain peace and harmony. Philip, the Landgrave of
Hesse, was not at all satisfied with this course of things. He was
opposed to yielding in the slightest degree, and said to his
counsellors, in a letter dated August 24th: "If the <DW7>s wish to
remain sitting in their devil's roses, and will not permit the pure
preaching of the truth of the gospel, nor freedom of marriage, nor the
Sacraments according to Christ's institution, why then you shall not
yield one hair's-breadth. Much less still are we to allow the
jurisdiction of the bishops, because they do not permit the gospel to be
preached nor practised in their dominions." And because he hated the
yielding of Melanchthon, he added: "Stop the game of that subtle
philosopher, Philip!"

Such were the sentiments of the Landgrave, and therefore he could no
longer contain himself in Augsburg, but suddenly and unexpectedly to
all, left the city August 6. This excited great attention; however, the
proposed plan to bring about an accommodation by means of a committee of
fourteen persons, including the Evangelical Theologians Melanchthon,
Brenz, and Schnepf, and the Catholics Eck, Wimpina, and Cochlaeus, was
not prevented by it. They met together from the 16th of August until the
21st. On motion of Chancellor VEHUS of Baden, the Augsburg Confession
was examined, article after article. They agreed in many articles, but
in Justification Eck would not admit that we are justified by faith
alone, for that would make rude, wicked, and impious men. Love justifies
more than Faith. Because he did not like the word _sola_, which means
"alone," he perpetrated the wretched witticism: "Let us for the present
send the soles to the cobbler." However, he found Melanchthon a man who
stood immovable in the main point. Whenever the two Theologians grew
somewhat passionate, the princes present entreated them to maintain
peace.

Although they agreed in many points of doctrine, there were others, such
as Justification, Repentance, &c., in which they could not agree; and
when they came to the abuses, their opponents would not allow the two
kinds, the marriage of priests and the mass. There were in all 14 points
on which they could not unite. On August 22, Melanchthon wrote to
Luther: "Yesterday we finished the Conference, or rather dispute, before
the Commissioners." After having referred to the opposition to
Justification, satisfaction, the merit of good works, and the two kinds
in the Sacrament, he thus concludes: "I do not know where this will end;
for, although peace is also necessary to our enemies, yet it seems to me
that some do not consider what great danger there will be, if this
matter ends in war. We proposed very reasonable conditions; we have
given authority and jurisdiction to the Bishops, and have promised that
we would re-establish the usual ceremonies. I do not know what we shall
accomplish by it. Pray to Christ to preserve us."

Luther was not satisfied with these compromises, and among other things
replied thus: "Summa Summarum, I do not like it at all that you are
endeavoring to treat of Unity of doctrine, because this is entirely
impossible, unless the Pope is willing to abolish the entire papacy. It
would have been sufficient for us to have shown the reasons of our
faith, and to have demanded peace. But how can we hope to convert them
to the truth?" And concluded thus: "Why do we not perceive that all they
are attempting is mere deception and fraud? For you are not able to say
that their acts are prompted by the Holy Ghost; for they have neither
Repentance, Faith, nor the fear of God. But may the Lord, who began this
matter, finish his work in you; to him I heartily commend you."

On the 24th of August, a sub-committee met, in which only Melanchthon
and Eck were to meet each other. But upon this occasion Melanchthon took
a bolder and more decided stand, and wrote to Luther on the following
day: "Our mildness only makes these proud fellows more stubborn. I
cannot tell you how they triumph. If I were attending to these matters
on my account, and not in the name of the prince, I would by no means
endure this insolence. But now I must endure all, because of the common
danger of princes and subjects. The spirits of our friends are at times
depressed, and again unseasonably brave. However, I trust we shall do
nothing against the Gospel." He also sent two other letters, in which he
spoke of the mass, which the <DW7>s demanded. Luther replied that they
could not consent, and says in his letter of August 28, "Would to God
that I might soon see you again, whether you had departed secretly or
publicly. You have even done more than enough. And now it is time for
the Lord to act in the matter, and he will do it. Be of good cheer, and
trust in him." And further on: "You have confessed Christ; you have
offered peace; you have been obedient to the Emperor; you have patiently
borne much contempt; have been overwhelmed with shame and abuse; and
have not returned evil for evil. Summa, you have managed this holy work
in a proper manner, as it became saints. Rejoice in the Lord, and be
joyous, ye righteous. You have been sad and afflicted long enough in
this world; look up, and lift up your heads; I promise heaven to you, as
faithful members of Christ. What greater honor do you desire? Is it so
small a matter to serve the Lord Jesus faithfully, and to have proved
yourselves faithful members of Christ? Far be it from us, that the Grace
of Christ should be so lightly esteemed by you. I await your return with
great anxiety, so that I may wipe away your sweat after this."

All these efforts, as might have been foreseen, did not effect peace,
so that the committee adjourned August 30, and Melanchthon wrote to
Luther September 1: "Three days ago we brought our Conference to a
conclusion. We would not accept the proposed terms of Union on the
subjects of the one kind in the Sacrament, of the Canon of Private
Masses, and also of the Celibacy of the Priesthood. Now the matter has
again been laid before the Emperor, and I do not know what will be done.
Let us only pray God that he may influence the heart of the Emperor to
maintain peace, which we need so much, and not we alone, but all
Germany. You cannot believe how the Nurembergers and others hate me on
account of the restoration of Jurisdiction to the Bishops. In this
manner do our friends merely contend for power, and not for the Gospel.
A certain friend wrote: If the Pope had bribed me with never so much
money, I could not have invented a better plan to restore the papal
supremacy than the one we have taken appears to the people. Yet I have
not, up to this time, dropped or given up a single article of doctrine."

Although Melanchthon did really not give up a single doctrinal point, he
was yet justly to be blamed for wishing to restore jurisdiction to the
Bishops. How soon would they have suppressed the true doctrine! Jerome
Baumgaertner, otherwise a friend of Melanchthon, expresses himself very
strongly in regard to him: "Philippus has become more childish than a
child;" and calls upon Spengler: "You will do your part, and write to
Dr. Martin Luther, that he, as the one by whom God first again revealed
his word to the world, should put a stop to Philip's course, and should
warn the pious princes, and especially his own sovereign, against him,
and exhort them to be steadfast. For no man has done more harm to the
Gospel during this Diet, up to the present day, than Philip." This
judgment is indeed too severe; and Baumgaertner, at a later period,
himself repented of having formed so severe a judgment. It is true,
also, that Melanchthon did not only defend Episcopal jurisdiction during
the Diet of Augsburg, but has also expressed his approbation of it in a
number of places. He did this for the sake of order in the Church.

September 7.--The Emperor summoned the Evangelical States to appear
before him. His answer, given by the Elector of the Palatinate,
Frederick, was an ungracious one. He had heard with displeasure that
they disagreed with others in the principal articles. He would speak
with the Pope in regard to a General Council, yet on the condition that
they would, in the mean time, adhere to the Catholic Church. But the
Protestants now behaved like true Protestants, by declaring that they
would abide by the word of God. The more moderate Catholics, at the head
of whom were the Baron of Truchsess, and Vehus, the Chancellor of Baden,
once more made efforts to bring about an accommodation, but without
success. There were thirteen articles on which they could not unite.
These were delivered to the mediators just mentioned. The _first_ treats
of justification through grace by faith in Christ; the _second_, that
works indeed are necessary, but do not earn grace. The _third_ declares
that the enumeration of particular sins is not needful in confession;
the _fourth_, that repentance is necessary, but that our sins are not
forgiven on this account, but on account of our faith, by which we
believe the Gospel; the _fifth_, declares the ecclesiastical exercises
of penance unnecessary for the remission of punishment; and the _sixth_
declares that uniform human ordinances are not, but unity in doctrine
and sacrament are needful to constitute a true unity. The _seventh_
rejects the self-elected service of God, by which men wish to earn his
grace, and which has been established without God's command. The
_eighth_ declares monastic vows, which men consider meritorious, opposed
to the Gospel. The _ninth_ permits the observance of such rules of the
Church as may be kept without sin, but not as if they were needful to
salvation. The _tenth_ declares the invocation of saints to be a very
dangerous practice, and one greatly diminishing the glory of Christ. The
_eleventh_ declares that the denial of the cup is opposed to Scripture;
and the _twelfth_, that the prohibition of marriage to priests is also
unscriptural. The _thirteenth_ and last article maintains that the mass
is not a work with which to earn grace, but that grace is offered in the
Lord's Supper, and faith obtains it.

After all attempts to bring about an agreement had been made, the
Emperor summoned the States on the 22d of September, in order to present
to them the final decree of the Diet. He declared their positions
thoroughly refuted by the holy Gospels and other writings, but would
give time for further deliberation on the contested points until the
15th of April of the following year. During this time they should not
print or sell anything new in matters of faith, should not draw over any
one to join their sect, should not oppress those yet holding to the old
Christian faith and practice, and unite with him in opposing the
Sacramentarians and Anabaptists. He would endeavor to bring about that a
General Council would be summoned in six months. The Protestants
replied, by Chancellor Brueck, that they considered their Confession to
be founded on the word of God, and that it was divine truth, so that
they trusted to abide by it in the day of judgment. At the same time,
Brueck also presented a written defence, which the Emperor, however,
would not accept. This was the well-known _Apology_ of the Augsburg
Confession, in its rough draft. Melanchthon had been preparing it for
some time, with the assistance of several theologians. But as he only
received a copy of the Catholic Confutation towards the close of the
Diet, he laid this sketch aside, and prepared one of his ablest works,
the _Apology of the Augsburg Confession_, which has justly been enrolled
among the number of the Confessions of the Lutheran Church. He did not,
however, complete it until the following year. The Protestants prayed
for a more gracious discharge, but the Emperor adhered firmly to the
decree. On this account, the Elector of Saxony, together with
Melanchthon and the other theologians, departed from Augsburg September
23d, leaving a few counsellors to hear the general final decree of the
Diet.

When Luther heard of the departure of the Elector, he was much rejoiced,
and congratulated the prince: "I am heartily rejoiced that your
Electoral Grace has, by God's grace, escaped from the hell at Augsburg.
And although human displeasure, and its god the devil, may look sour, we
still entertain the hope that God's grace, which hath begun with us,
will remain more strongly with us in time to come." The Elector passed
through Nuremberg to Coburg, where Luther was expecting him with the
greatest anxiety. On the road to Wittenberg, the theologians stopped in
ALTENBURG, to visit Spalatin. Melanchthon, who was constantly revolving
his Apology of the Augsburg Confession in his mind, wrote even while
partaking of his meals. But Luther snatched the pen from his hand, and
said: "We can serve God, not only by labor, but also by rest; therefore,
too, has he given us the third commandment, and ordained the Sabbath."
At last they arrived in Wittenberg. How Melanchthon rejoiced! To his
friend Silberborner, who had asked him for an account of the Diet of
Augsburg, he now wrote a detailed letter, in which he expressed himself
favorably of the Emperor, _e. g._: "Without referring to other matters,
he has with great condescension heard our side in this matter of
religion, in which he had been excited against us by the many wonderful
arts of our enemies." "The remaining history of the Diet constitutes a
lengthy tragedy." He now briefly describes the course of events, and
says: "The remotest posterity will bear testimony, that our intentions
were pious and conscientious, and that we exerted ourselves honestly to
clear up the doctrine of the Catholic Church, and to promote the glory
of Christ. This truly is the reasonable service of God, with which he is
pleased above all things: To teach and practise the word of God in its
purity. Even should we be overwhelmed by unfair means, our writings will
undoubtedly transmit to posterity a picture of our opponents, who, while
they excite princes against us, under the pretext of serving the honor
of Christ, neither care for the temple of the Church, nor for the
doctrine of the Gospel, nor for the Glorification of the name of Christ.
However, the whole matter is in the hand of God. Therefore will we pray
to God that, for Christ's sake, he would put mild means in the hands of
our rulers, and that he may not suffer the pure doctrines of the Gospel
to perish."

On the 19th of November, the final general decree of the Diet was
published. It was very severe, for it condemned everything taught by the
Lutherans in opposition to the Roman Church; it confounds them with the
Anabaptists, and commands that all innovations in doctrine and practice
shall be abolished, and the former state of things re-established. The
Protestants did not sign it. Thus a division between the Catholic and
Evangelical states was fully accomplished.




CHAPTER XII.

THE POSITION OF THE EVANGELICAL PARTY AFTER THE DIET OF AUGSBURG.


The severe decree of the Diet, which even threatened violence, was at
least productive of this good result, that it united the Evangelical
party more closely. Whereas the theologians, especially Melanchthon, had
formerly dissuaded from resistance to the Emperor, matters now took a
very different turn. In view of the threatening attitude of the
Catholics, the theologians perceived very well that it was necessary to
be prepared for defence; and Melanchthon wrote to Camerarius, January
1st, 1531, that they were seldom asked the question now, whether it was
right to wage war, and that they did not dissuade from preparation. "For
there may be many needful and just causes for defence." One of these
causes was the threatening language of the decree of the Diet of
Augsburg. The election of the Emperor's brother FERDINAND, as King of
Rome, which was strongly urged and accomplished by the Emperor, was
another threatening event,[15] although Melanchthon defended it in a
special opinion, delivered December 12, 1530. He referred to similar
cases in former times. During the month of December of this year, the
Evangelical states united more closely, and formed a league, March 29,
1531. Both Conferences were held in SMALKALD. The confederates declared
that they had united "for the honor of Almighty God, and the better
growth and prosperity of divine free doctrines, and to gain and maintain
a Christian and harmonious peace," yet "only for mutual defence and
preservation." This league, therefore, neither contemplated an attack,
nor war. The Emperor, who was obliged to have his eyes directed to more
than one point, and particularly against the Turks, whose Sultan,
SOLYMAN, had already declared that he would soon be master of Hungary,
and the whole of Germany, considered it most advisable to conciliate,
under existing circumstances. The Electors of the Palatinate and of
Mentz, acted as mediators.

While Melanchthon had before this time been filled with the most anxious
apprehensions, so that he feared the worst, he now said in a letter to
Camerarius, when he heard of this mediation: "May God regard the sighs
and tears of the distressed among us, and grant us peace!" This wish
seemed about to be fulfilled, when the Emperor in Nuremberg made
preparations for a Religious Peace. Melanchthon, Luther, and other
Theologians, expressed their approbation in a written opinion.

On July 23, 1532, the so-called _Religious Peace of Nuremberg_ was
actually agreed to, according to which no State was to give offence to
any other, on account of Religion or other matters, until the meeting of
a Council, soon to be held; and "that each was to treat the other with
true friendship and Christian love." At last a period of rest seemed to
have been granted to Melanchthon, that child of peace; but it was not to
continue very long. For it was no slight pang to his heart to be called
with Luther to Schweinitz, to the death-bed of the Elector JOHN. The
Elector had gone thither to hunt. On the 15th of August he was suddenly
attacked by such a severe pain in his head, that he soon lost the power
of speech, and remained motionless, and deprived of all sense and
feeling, for 28 hours. On Friday, these two men of God, accompanied by
Dr. Augustin Schurff, appeared by his bedside; the Elector raised both
hands and dropped them again, and breathed his last. On the following
Sunday the body of the pious Elector was deposited by the side of that
of his brother Frederick. Melanchthon had, in a very touching manner,
invited the University to attend the funeral. He said in this letter:
"that the departed manifested a truly paternal affection towards his
subjects." After Luther's consoling funeral sermon, Melanchthon spoke of
the excellent traits of the sainted one in Latin. In his letters,
written at this time, he expresses the most cordial wishes in regard to
the successor of the departed one, the Elector JOHN FREDERICK. We have
heard of this son, that he trod in the footsteps of his father. He was a
man full of zeal for the cause of the Kingdom of God, and, as we shall
learn hereafter, honored by the Lord to endure contempt, the robbing of
his Electorate, and fetters, for the sake of the Gospel. But he at this
time already found opportunity to show the strength of his faith. The
Religious Peace of Nuremberg seemed lenient, and even favorable to the
Protestants, compared with the final decree of the Diet of Augsburg. It
was but too soon apparent that the Catholic States, who had very
unwillingly yielded to these concessions, were not pleased with it. For
at the Diet of Ratisbon, which was held soon after the Nuremberg
Religious Peace, they already wished to grant less to the Evangelical
party. Notwithstanding all the assurances of peace, the Emperor
entertained no good intentions towards them. He only postponed matters
on account of the perplexing circumstances by which he was surrounded.
They were again referred to a general, free, Christian Council, which,
according to the announcement, should be held in half a year.

It appears, that in the following year, 1533, Pope Clemens VII. actually
took steps towards assembling a Council. For in June he sent a legate,
accompanied by an Imperial orator, to the Elector, who then resided in
Weimar. Although the Papal Nuncio spoke of a free, general Council, he
at the same time took away all liberty with the other hand, by demanding
in advance that all should submit to the resolutions of the Council. On
the following day the Elector returned a truly Christian and princely
answer. He expressed his joy at this offer, but remarked that he could
only give a reply after the next meeting in Smalkald. In conclusion, he
confessed that his contemporaries and successors should learn: "That his
Electoral Grace had not hitherto regarded, and with the help of God
would not in all the future days of his life regard anything as being
more valuable and worthy of his love, than the pure, saving and blessed
word of God, and the true and proper worship of God." The Elector now
gathered the opinions of his Theologians, who indeed advised the
acceptance of the offer of a Council, but under this condition that no
pledge of obedience should be required in advance. In the middle of
June, Melanchthon declared himself to the following purpose: "The Pope
says, that he would hold a Council, such as have been held in the Church
before. Now Councils at the present time are not conducted as the
ancient Councils were. For in the ancient Councils they judged according
to the word of God." This advice was not forgotten by the Elector, who,
together with Duke Ernest and the Landgrave Philip, delivered an answer
to the Nuncio of the Pope and Emperor on the 30th of June, 1533. Of
course the Pope, who was merely dissembling, suffered the matter to
remain as it was.

While the Evangelical party was held in an attitude of suspense, they
could still cultivate and spread the cause of the Lord. It increased in
popularity, and spread more and more. The Reformers, and Melanchthon
particularly, did not omit to labor in their official capacity and by
their writings. The Apology of the Augsburg Confession, already
mentioned, is one of Philip's master-pieces; and as one of the
Confessions of our Church, deserves to be studied and taken to heart. He
concludes its Preface in the following words: "We have, thanks be unto
God! the testimony of many distinguished, honest, sincere, and pious
persons, who heartily thank God for his unspeakable gifts and mercies,
that they have received far more correct, certain and clearer
instruction in the most needful portions of the entire Scriptures, as
well as consolation for their consciences, than is to be found in all
the books of our adversaries. Therefore, should this discovered, clear
truth be trodden under the feet of men, we commend our cause to Christ
and God in heaven, who is the Father of widows and orphans, and the
Judge of all the forsaken; he, we know with certainty, will consider
this matter, and judge righteously; and thou, Lord Jesus, it is thy holy
Gospel, it is thy cause: wilt thou regard so many troubled hearts and
consciences, thy churches and little flocks, which suffer terror and
distress from the devil, and also preserve and establish thy truth?
Bring to nought all hypocrisy and lies, and thus give peace and unity,
that thy honor may advance, and thy kingdom may flourish and increase
without ceasing against the gates of hell."

In September, 1532, he published a new edition of his explanation of the
Epistle to the Romans. It is a matter of great surprise that he
dedicated this volume to Archbishop Albert of Mentz, who had not gained
much honor in the matter of indulgences. This man is reported to have
trampled the book beneath his feet, and to have said: "The man is
possessed by St. Valentine." But it is well known that he sent a very
costly present to the scholar at Wittenberg, for which Melanchthon, who
regarded it as sincere, returned his most friendly thanks January 5th,
1533. He enjoyed so great a reputation as a scholar, that even the
Archbishop of Mentz, who wished to be considered a patron of the arts
and sciences, saw himself compelled to do honor to Melanchthon. His
distinguished reputation elicited repeated invitations from abroad. It
was, no doubt, not a very difficult matter for him to decline a call to
Poland, in the year 1534; but it must have been difficult when Duke
Ulrich of Wuertemberg, who had been banished from his dukedom for a long
time, but had now regained it by the help of the landgrave Philip of
Hesse, invited Melanchthon to reform the University of Tuebingen
according to the principles of the Reformation. But his attachment to
Saxony, and his field of labor there, was so great, that he declined
this call from Wuertemberg. The Elector was so highly pleased with this,
that he himself wrote a letter to his Professor, praising him for his
fidelity, and assuring him of his favor.




CHAPTER XIII.

THE KINGS OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND, AND MELANCHTHON.


The reigning King of France, FRANCIS I., as well as King HENRY VIII., of
England, were little pleased with the victorious advances of the
Emperor. Francis had waged war against him some years before this, but
was completely vanquished, and taken prisoner, at the battle of Pavia,
1525. He was, indeed, liberated upon certain conditions, after one year
of captivity; but inveterate enmity remained, for Francis had suffered
great losses. It was to be expected that such a man would unite with the
enemies of the Emperor at the first good opportunity. He recognized an
ally in the League of Smalkald, which was daily assuming a more decided
form. But the principles of this League were quite different, for it
aimed principally to secure spiritual rights, while the King of France
was merely prompted by ambition.

But the Reformation had also penetrated into France, and he may have
thought that it would be expedient to do something in reference to
ecclesiastical matters. He was persuaded to this by his minister,
William Bellay, his brother John Bellay, Bishop of Paris, and
particularly also by John Sturm, of Strasburg, who was favorably
disposed towards the Reformation. These men endeavored to gain over the
King for the cause of the Reformation, and recommended the amiable
Melanchthon to him, who was already known to him, and also highly
esteemed by Queen Margaret of Navarre.[16] When the King sent an
ambassador, Barnabas Voraeus Fossa, to Germany, in 1534, in order to
unite with the Evangelical States, Bellay, the minister, requested the
man of peace, Melanchthon, to state, in a written opinion, in what way a
union might be brought about between the divided parties. He complied
with this request, and on the first of August sent a very conciliatory
opinion to the minister, in which he gave prominence to eight articles.
In the _first_, he grants outward power to the Pope and the Bishops,
provided "they do not abuse their power to suppress the true doctrine."
In the _second_, that it would be easy to agree about _non-essentials_,
such as meats, holidays, dress of the priests, and similar ceremonies,
provided there would be uniformity in doctrine. In the _third_, he
expresses himself in favor of retaining _Confession_, but without the
superstitious enumeration of sins. In the _fourth_, he treats of
_Justification_. It is now generally conceded that faith in Christ is
necessary. It is necessary to insist upon it, that a man is justified by
faith. In the _fifth_, he speaks of the _Mass_. This is an almost
inextricable knot. He declares himself opposed to secret masses, and
demands both kinds in the Sacrament. In the _sixth_, he speaks of the
_Invocation of Saints_. This is opposed to Scripture. Yet he proposes
the following form, after the pattern of ancient forms in the Church:
"Grant, O God, that they may be assisted by the prayers of the Saints."
In the _seventh_, he says of _Convents_, that it is not necessary
utterly to destroy them, but that it was rather to be preferred that
they should become schools, as they formerly were. Yet no one ought to
be detained in a convent against his will. In reference to the
_Celibacy_ of the clergy, he says, in the _eighth_, that the Pope ought
to abolish it. They might select unmarried men for the highest
dignities. It would be possible to come to an agreement on all the
articles, with the exception of the one on the Mass. After adding: "Let
us beseech Christ, that he would in mercy regard and lead back to a
cordial true unity, the Church for which he prayed and suffered," he
says, that he had only written these things, in order that learned men
might jointly deliberate upon such important matters.

It was a long time before anything was heard of the effect of this
Opinion. However, at last, in the month of March, 1535, JOHN STURM broke
this silence in a manner not very agreeable to the friends of the
Reformation. The king was highly incensed against the friends of these
novelties, who seemed to him to check a too rapid advance. He even
permitted his rage to lead him to burn several of them.[17] Very little
could be hoped for the kingdom of God, from a man of this character.
However, Sturm strongly urged Melanchthon to come to France, because the
king reposed the greatest confidence in him, and called himself his
pupil. On the 22d of April, Melanchthon wrote a suppliant letter to
Bishop Bellay, that he would exert his influence to arrest the
persecution. In his reply to Sturm, on May 4th, he said that he had
never found it more difficult to decide in any matter, than in reference
to this journey to France. "But you must not think that I am restrained
by domestic ties, or that I fear any danger. For nothing human is so
important in my eyes, that I would not prefer the honor of Christ, the
salvation of so many of the righteous, and the peace of the Church, to
it. But I am thinking of, and exceedingly troubled by this _one_
apprehension, that I am doubtful whether I would indeed accomplish any
good by going." At the close of the letter, he advises that the king, if
he desired to do anything for the honor of Christ, and the peace of the
Church, should be earnestly entreated to convene a council, in order to
discuss the affairs of the Church. He would attend this, provided he
could obtain the permission of his sovereign. But what happened? What,
indeed, he did not think of in the remotest degree. The king addressed
him in a most friendly letter, on June 23. The French Ambassador
delivered this letter in person, which closes in the following manner:
"Your coming will give me great pleasure, whether you come as a private
individual, or in the name of the Evangelical states." At the same time
Bellay, who had been made a Cardinal in the meantime, and Sturm, pressed
him to come, and gave him the strongest assurances of a happy result.
The latter concluded his lengthy letter in the following manner: "I
exhort, yea, I conjure you, in the name of Christ, not to neglect this
opportunity to further the best of causes among men." Towards the end of
the month of July, Melanchthon left Wittenberg on account of the
appearance of the plague, and with some other teachers resided in JENA,
until the middle of February. When he had received such a pressing
invitation to come to France, and also a safe-conduct, he proceeded to
Torgau, where the Elector was sojourning at the time, and in writing
applied for leave of absence for two or three months. Luther also
seconded Master Philip's application, by a most earnest petition. He
said: "May it please your Grace to permit M. Philip to venture for these
three months, trusting to the grace of God. Who knows what it may please
God to do, whose thoughts are at all times higher and better than our
own? As for myself, too, it would pain me that so many pious hearts, who
so anxiously call, and certainly expect M. Philip, should be
disappointed, and might also be led to entertain evil thoughts
concerning us." But the Elector was of a different opinion. He
understood King Francis' relation to the Emperor at this time, far too
well, to be anxious unnecessarily to excite the suspicions of the latter
against himself. He therefore refused the request of his petitioner.
Perhaps he also entertained the opinion, not altogether without
foundation too, that Melanchthon might yield too much, "which would
displease many, and do great harm to the Gospel." He said to Dr. Brueck,
in the most positive manner: "We are determined, once for all, that
Philip shall not go with our permission and good will, even if we
should, in consequence, lose his services altogether."

When Melanchthon, therefore, applied again for leave, a severe decree
of the Elector was handed to him, in which he was told that he should
not, as a good subject, have meddled in this matter, without the
knowledge of the Elector. No good, but rather evil, was to be expected
from such a journey. "But if, over and above all these considerations,
you think that you cannot omit this journey conscientiously, we must in
such a case suffer you to take your own way, and to gratify your own
will; and it remains for you to decide what you will do under these
circumstances." The Elector also sent a letter of apology to King
Francis, stating why he could not, under present circumstances, permit
Philip to go. But at some future time, if Philip's services could be
dispensed with, and the present difficulties and apprehensions should
cease, he would permit him to visit France.

On the 28th of August, Melanchthon himself wrote to King Francis,
expressing his regrets that he was not permitted to visit France at this
time, and praying the King most earnestly not to suffer himself to be
led, by the severe judgments and writings of some persons, to destroy
things that were really good and useful for the Church. He also excused
himself in letters to BELLAY the Minister, and to JOHN STURM, and
expressed himself in rather strong terms in regard to the Elector. To
Camerarius, to whom he was in the habit of opening his whole heart, he
wrote, August 31, that he feared that the prince had been estranged from
him by the efforts of evil-minded persons; and in a letter to Spalatin,
he said: "His most serene Highness prevents me from taking a journey to
France. And besides this, he gave me a very severe reply, although I am
willing to stay at home, and take no delight in these French
Conferences." This caused him great sorrow for several weeks, until he
met the Elector in October, and saw that he was as friendly towards him
as ever. He was also more and more convinced in his own mind that his
journey to France would not have accomplished the good he expected.
Francis was a politician, and he merely regarded religion as a means to
gratify his ambition. For when the Sorbonne in Paris pronounced
Melanchthon's opinion heretical, he fully agreed with this sentence.

Thus this matter terminated. The case of Henry VIII. of England was a
similar one. He is well known on account of his attack upon Luther, for
which the Pope gave him the title of "A Defender of the Faith." It is
also well known what a scandalous, adulterous life he led. It was such a
marriage matter which at this time separated him from Rome, and brought
him nearer to the Evangelical States. He wished to be divorced from his
wife CATHARINE, who was an aunt of the Emperor Charles. As the Pope
would not comply with his request, Henry renounced all allegiance to the
Pope, and proclaimed himself the Supreme Bishop of the Church of
England. This happened in the year 1534. We learn from a letter to
Camerarius, that during this year Henry had invited Melanchthon twice to
come to England. The King was anxious to settle his matrimonial matters,
and to enter into a union with the Evangelical States. He therefore sent
a special envoy, ANTHONY BARNES, who came to Wittenberg March 11, 1535,
to enter into a negotiation. Melanchthon, who believed that he could and
should embrace this opportunity to recommend and promote the truth,
wrote to the King two days after this, in which he most earnestly
commends the cause of the Gospel to him. He even dedicated the second
edition of his _Loci Communes_ to the King, in a most winning letter.
Henry esteemed this honor highly, and sent him 200 gold florins, with a
very gracious letter, in which he calls Melanchthon his "dearest
friend," and signs himself: "Your friend Henry, King." In September we
again find Dr. Barnes in Wittenberg. In the matter of divorce he had not
found the Wittenbergians favorably disposed. But now he also came to
negotiate concerning doctrine, and to ask leave of absence for
Melanchthon, that he might visit England. The Elector, whose sagacity in
this matter cannot be denied, understood very well that Henry was merely
anxious to unite with the Evangelical party from impure motives,
particularly his matrimonial matters; and therefore in his letter to the
English envoy gave his permission to hold a Religious Conference, but
did not permit Melanchthon to go to England, because he could not spare
this Professor, owing to the breaking out of the plague in Wittenberg,
by which the Professors had been dispersed. In December, the religious
negotiations were commenced with the utmost zeal. Besides Barnes, Bishop
Fox, and Archdeacon Heyth or Hethe, had also arrived. These negotiations
were carried on in Wittenberg. On this account Melanchthon, who then
resided at Jena, was obliged to go to Wittenberg, January 15, 1536. The
marriage difficulty continued to occupy the foreground, but the
Wittenbergians would not accommodate themselves to the views of the
Englishmen. As to doctrine, the articles of the mass and the marriage of
priests continued to be _the_ points on which they could not agree.
February 11th, Melanchthon returned to Wittenberg. The negotiations were
continued until the end of April, without arriving at any definite
result. But gradually all hopes of an Evangelical change of doctrine and
worship in England disappeared, and Melanchthon entirely relinquished
his desire to visit England, as he says to Camerarius in a letter, June
9: "I am perfectly freed from my anxiety about that English journey."




CHAPTER XIV.

THE WITTENBERG FORM OF CONCORD.


We have already mentioned that the division of the Evangelical party, in
the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, was not beneficial to the good cause
of the Reformation. On this account, the Landgrave Philip of Hesse had
made an earnest effort to bring about a union between the Germans and
the Swiss in Marburg. He did not relinquish his hope of such a union,
and made efforts to effect it at the Diet of Augsburg. One of the ablest
divines of this period was the preacher and professor, MARTIN BUCER of
Strasburg, born in Schlettstadt in Alsace, in the year 1491, and gained
over to the side of the Gospel in the year 1518, by means of Luther's
Discussion in Heidelberg. This man made it the task of his life to bring
about a union in the doctrine of the Sacrament. For this purpose he had
visited Luther in Coburg as early as 1530, and had found him inclined to
union. Soon after, he published a confession of the four upper German
cities, Augsburg, Constance, Lindau, and Memmingen, in which he closely
approximated the Lutheran doctrine of the Lord's Supper. Luther and
Melanchthon were highly pleased with this, and the latter wrote to
Bucer, January 22d, 1531, that he would write to him, although he was
troubled by a fever at the time. "I saw the grounds of your union, and
greatly rejoiced that you admit a presence of the body of Christ with
the soul. But I do not see why you are so strongly opposed to admit a
presence with the sign also." Luther expressed himself to the same
purpose, and was very much surprised that Bucer represented Zwingli and
Oecolampadius as holding the same view. He, therefore, expressed himself
in favor of a postponement of the Form of Concord, although he confessed
that he would rather lose his life thrice, if this dispute could be
settled. It seems that Bucer said in several places that the differences
which had hitherto prevented a union were mere trifles. Luther,
therefore, in a letter to the town council of Augsburg in 1533, declared
that he did not agree with the ministers there, who only presented mere
bread and wine to the people. In a letter of the year 1534, "To a good
friend concerning his book of secret masses," he expressly declares: "I
believe, and do not doubt, that in the Lord's Supper, under the form of
bread is the true body of Christ given for us to the cross; under the
form of wine is the true blood of Christ shed for us, and that this body
and blood of the Son of God, Jesus Christ, is not only received by the
holy and worthy, but that sinners and unworthy persons truly receive it
in a bodily manner." But Bucer did not give up his efforts to bring
about a union on this account, and especially endeavored to gain over
Melanchthon, who, in a letter of October 10th, 1533, assures him of his
love, and promises to use his utmost endeavors to bring about such a
union. In September, 1534, the indefatigable Bucer published a Form of
Concord. On the 16th of September, Melanchthon wrote to Erhard Schnepf
and the Landgrave Philip, who was deeply interested in this matter, that
he had spoken of this Form with Luther that very day; and that he was
satisfied with it, provided Bucer believed what his words expressed. For
Bucer confesses that, in the reception of the bread and wine, Christ is
truly and essentially present. Melanchthon adds, "I would not require
more." He relied much upon the Landgrave in this matter, exhorted him to
act promptly, and added concerning himself: "All that I am able to do,
in order to bring about a Christian unity, I am willing to do with all
my heart, and know of no more agreeable task in the world. May God add
his blessing!" The Landgrave was now anxious that Bucer and Melanchthon
should meet in Cassel. Luther agreed to this, although he did not
entertain great expectations of the result of such a meeting, and gave
written instructions to Melanchthon, pointing out the basis upon which a
union might be established. This document contains seven propositions:
one of which demands, that it should not be said that they had not
understood each other before; and another, that no middle meaning should
be invented, as if, for instance, the opponents should say the true body
of Christ is present, and the Lutherans should say that nothing is eaten
but the bread. Luther said in this matter: "God is my witness, that if
it were possible, I would gladly give my body and blood to put away this
disunion." He here expressed himself in a very conciliatory and
tolerating manner towards those who entertained different views of the
Lord's Supper, and concluded with a decided confession concerning the
Lord's Supper, that the body of Christ is truly eaten in and with the
bread. Melanchthon also at this time expressed his views of this
important doctrine to the Landgrave, and in it declares: "That the body
and blood of Christ, that is, Christ essentially, and not figuratively,
are truly in the bread and wine. But here we must cast aside those
thoughts which our reason proposes, such as, _how_ does Christ ascend
and descend, conceal himself in the bread, and is in no other place."

About the 12th of December, Melanchthon travelled to Cassel, to
negotiate a Form of Concord with Bucer. Bucer had a short time before
met with several ministers from upper Germany, in Constance, who fully
coincided in his views of the Lord's Supper. The Landgrave took a deep
interest in the matter, and treated the Wittenberg envoy in the most
friendly manner. Here Bucer, with the upper Germans, expressed his
opinion to the following effect:--"That we receive the body of Christ
essentially and truly when we receive the Sacrament, and that bread and
wine are signs, with which, when they are dispensed and received, the
body of Christ is given and received at the same time." He further said,
"that the body and the bread are thus united, not by a mingling of their
essence, but as a Sacrament, and that which is given together with the
Sacrament." With a doctrine thus approximating, together with the
declaration, that the opposite side would abide by the Augsburg
Confession and its Apology, Melanchthon returned from Cassel January
9th, 1535. Luther was highly pleased with it, so that he remarked: "As
for my own person, I do not know how I could reject such a Form of
Concord." Yet he advised that this Concord should not be finally
arranged at once, but that it would be best to wait a while longer,
because these differences were so great and wide-spread. We must notice
here that Melanchthon returned in favor of Bucer's views. He shows this
very distinctly in a letter to Camerarius; and in a letter to Brenz, who
was opposed to a Concord, he remarked, that they were not treating with
persons who denied the Trinity and other articles. With such he would
have nothing to do, but would look upon them as persons who ought to be
condemned. He confesses the true presence to him, yet with a leaning
towards Bucer, and remarks that uniformity could be brought about.
Letters arrived from every side, declaring how gladly all would unite
with the Wittenbergers in the Lord's Supper. So also did they write from
Augsburg, to whom Luther wrote: "If this Form of Concord is established,
I will sing with tears of joy: Lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart
in peace. For I will leave peace in the Church, that is, the glory of
God, the punishment of the devil, and vengeance upon all enemies and
adversaries." Such encouraging letters also came from Strasburg, Ulm,
and Esslingen, which filled Luther with great joy. He remarked to the
Strasburgers, that it would also be necessary to interest the princes
and cities in this matter. As to the time, it would scarcely be possible
to hold the conference before next Easter. The Elector would be
requested to appoint the place of meeting. He also expressed his cordial
wishes to the preacher, Shelling, in Strasburg, towards the close of
December: "I have received your letter with pleasure, and assure you
that I am just as anxious for the Concord as I observe you to be. Let
Him bear witness whom no one can deceive. Therefore pray God, as we also
do, that this union, which, thanks to God, is prospering better and
better, may at last be fully established. May God not be merciful to me,
if anything is wanting on my part, or if I lay difficulties in the way;
so anxious am I that peace should be restored to the Church before my
death." Melanchthon had written to the ministers in Augsburg: "I would
willingly endanger my life to promote this Concord, and I trust that the
way is already prepared for it. May Christ rule and guide the designs of
the godly." Thus the two leaders were warmly in favor of the Form of
Concord. The place was also appointed, the Elector selecting EISENACH.
But all at once, Melanchthon began to fear that greater divisions might
be brought about by this conference, as he writes to the Landgrave of
Hesse in April: "Now I have all the time feared, if this should be held
at this time, that some rigorous individuals might attend, and thus more
disunion and offence than improvement would be the consequence." He then
goes on to say that no negotiations should be undertaken without the
presence of the Landgrave and the other princes and States, and that, on
the whole, too great haste should be avoided. His concern may have been
caused by an epistle sent forth at this time by Zwingli and
Oecolampadius, which could not promote unity. This was prefaced too by a
letter of Bucer, who praised these men on account of their orthodoxy. On
this account Melanchthon was so anxious, and feared that it would only
increase discord. "This disease," he wrote to Veit Dietrich on the 15th
of May, "cannot be healed suddenly. But I beseech God in mercy to look
upon the Church, and to deliver it from all offences."

Notwithstanding all this, the Conference was held. But because Luther
suffered great bodily pain at this time, and could not go to Eisenach,
he proposed Grimma, which was nearer. Melanchthon was already on the way
thither, when Bucer, with his friends Capito and Wohlfahrt, called
Lycosthenes, arrived in Wittenberg, May 21, 1536.

Luther was not greatly pleased with their coming, for he had read the
epistle already mentioned, and thought that the opposite party were not
seeking a sincere union. However, this does not seem to have been the
case, for on the road to Wittenberg they had visited FREDERICK MYCONIUS
at Gotha, who soon led them to converse on the Lord's Supper, and found
them inclined to unite with the Wittenbergers upon a proper basis. This
he relates in a detailed narrative of the proceedings of the
Convention. MENIUS also had understood this to be the case, and they
both informed Luther and Melanchthon of it. Early on the 22d of May,
Bucer and Capito visited Luther, but the convention did not begin until
three o'clock in the afternoon. One side was represented by Luther,
Pomeranus, Jonas, Cruciger, Melanchthon, Menius, Myconius, Weller, and
Rorarius; the other merely by Bucer and Capito. Bucer opened the meeting
by a lengthy address, in which he particularly expressed his joy on
account of this Conference, and stated that this was now the fourth year
that he had been laboring to bring about a union. Luther replied, and
expressed his disapprobation of the epistle of Zwingli and
Oecolampadius, prefaced by a letter from Bucer, which did not at all
agree with this union. He believed it would be better to leave matters
as they were, than to make this business, which is already bad enough, a
hundred times worse by a fictitious form of concord. This of course
greatly perplexed Bucer; but in a long speech he again declared that
there was no deception in the case, but that the Upper Germans had fully
expressed their sentiments, and that the said epistle had been printed
against his will, yea, even against his express injunctions; and that
his own letter had been written to others during the previous year, and
had not been intended for publication. Luther now, in his reply,
demanded that they should, _first_ of all, publicly recant their
previous opinion as incorrect; and _secondly_, that they would
henceforth teach in unison with the Wittenbergers. He began to explain
this doctrine at length; but, during this address, he became so feeble,
that he was obliged to desist. They did not resume the conference until
three o'clock in the afternoon of the next day. Luther insisted upon the
two points referred to yesterday, and requested an answer from them.
Bucer consented to recant, and confessed in his own name and that of the
Swiss, that the bread in the Lord's Supper is truly the body of Christ,
and that the wine is truly the blood of Christ; and that the body and
blood of Christ, namely, the natural, essential body, are received, not
only by the heart, but with the mouth of those who receive it, if
worthily, unto salvation, but if unworthily, unto damnation. His friends
also, upon Luther's inquiry, expressed themselves to be of the same
opinion, and earnestly requested that they might be received in a
brotherly manner into such a union, as members of Christ. This was done,
and Luther, as Myconius says, assured them of it "with great fervor and
joy, which was visible also in his eyes and entire countenance."

The same narrator proceeds to say, that it made so great an impression
upon the whole assembly, that "Capito and Bucer began to weep, and we,
on both sides, thanked God with clasped hands and devout gestures."
Melanchthon, who was known to be peculiarly skilful in preparing a Form
of Concord, was commissioned to draw it up, which he cheerfully did. On
the 29th of May, this Form was signed by both parties. In the _first_
article it declares, that there are two things in the holy sacrament, a
heavenly and earthly; and that the body and blood of Christ are really
and essentially present with the bread and wine, and are thus presented
and received. In the _second_ article they reject the Romish doctrine of
transubstantiation; and in the _third_, they declare that "the body and
blood of Christ are also truly presented to the unworthy," but unto
condemnation. They had also agreed in regard to Baptism and Absolution.

Thus was the concord established with the gracious assistance of God. It
caused great joy among the Lutherans in every quarter, and declarations
of approbation were sent to Wittenberg from many sides, and even the
Swiss partially acceded to it. All were of course not satisfied; for
instance, Amsdorf, who was not at all pleased with the Form of Concord.
But Melanchthon rejoiced most of all; for he now discovered that the
fears which had troubled him so much were groundless. He from henceforth
continued to abide by the Wittenberg Form of Concord.




CHAPTER XV.

RECREATION AND TROUBLE.


After the completion of this work, Melanchthon felt desirous of carrying
out a plan of a journey for recreation, which he had formed a long time
before. Whither did he wish to go? To no other place but his home. He
therefore, on the 17th of July, 1536, addressed a petition to the
Elector: "I would, in all humility, inform your Electoral Grace, that
there are some matters in which my poor children are also concerned,
which I ought to settle with my brother, and which cannot be done
through other persons, or by letter. In addition to this, Magister
Camerarius, who is now dangerously ill, has expressed a strong desire to
see me. I would therefore humbly pray your Grace to grant me, and
Magister Milichius,[18] whose father has earnestly entreated him to
visit him, leave of absence to visit our homes for about five weeks."
Already on the following day, he and Milichius received a gracious
permission from the Elector, and also at the same time permission to
make use of a one-horse carriage belonging to the Elector.

But when he was about to depart, important difficulties arose, which
made it necessary to postpone his intended journey. Pope PAUL III., who
had ascended the Papal chair at the death of Clement VII., seemed to be
in earnest about summoning a General Council of the Church. The Emperor
had held the opinion since 1530, that a General Council must be held, if
harmony was to be restored to Germany. But Pope Clement was never in
earnest in the matter; and even the Papal Nuncio, PAUL VERGERIUS, seems
only to have gone to Wittenberg in order to deceive. But now it had a
different appearance. Pope Paul had already published a bull, June 2d,
1536, calling a Council to meet at Mantua, on the 23d of May, of the
following year. But it offered no hopeful prospect, for it said, among
other things: "Not only to exterminate all heresy and error from the
vineyard of the Lord, and to improve the morals of the Christian Church
by such holy and wholesome medicine, but also to effect a general peace
and unity among all Christian believers, and to reconquer our kingdom
and lands by a general crusade against the Unbelievers." It proceeds in
the same tone. The Lutherans could not greatly rejoice in a Council
which was to accomplish such things. It was generally reported at this
time, that a Papal Nuncio would come to Saxony; and it was of importance
to know how he was to be received. We may easily understand that the
Elector was not disposed to meet him in the most friendly manner.
However, he requested the opinions of the divines and jurists in
Wittenberg. They replied that it would only be possible to consent to a
Council, under certain conditions. Let us hear what principles were
expressed in Melanchthon's opinion. He thought that it would be best, if
the Council could be prevented, for the Pope evidently had no other
intention than to condemn the Protestants. That they had a perfect right
to protest against the Council, but as they had continually appealed to
such an one, it would now bring "disgrace" upon the Protestants, if they
should fly from it. Neither he, nor the other Wittenbergers, would
permit the Pope to be judge in this General Council of the Church.
However, the Elector differed altogether from the temperate views
expressed in these opinions. He held, that the Council summoned by the
Pope was neither a free nor general one, and that it ought not to be
attended to; he even thought that an opposition Council should be
called, in which nothing should be transacted "but what is founded in
divine and holy Scripture, and drawn up in accordance with it."

While matters were in this state, Melanchthon began his journey August
23, with Professor MILICH, who wished to visit his home, Freiburg in the
Brisgau. They passed through Frankfort and Bretten, to Tuebingen, where
his most faithful friend Camerarius had received an appointment a year
before. We may easily imagine what a cordial reception he met with here.
From Tuebingen he wrote to Milich: "By God's grace, Joachim is now quite
well. Oh, that it might be of long duration! I was received in the most
friendly manner." He remained three weeks in Tuebingen, and could
scarcely separate himself from Camerarius, and therefore remarks in a
letter, that he would rather be with his Joachim than anywhere else.
"But I do not see how I can separate myself from those with whom I have
hitherto associated." He thus again declined the renewed invitation of
Duke Ulrich of Wurtemberg, to accept a professorship there. The learned
from every quarter came to Tuebingen, to see and to converse with
Melanchthon. When these were assembled at a dinner upon a certain
occasion, in the house of Phrygio, Melanchthon asked the preacher ZELL,
of Strasburg, what he thought of the Lord's Supper? He honestly replied:
"When God the Lord permitted me to arrive at a knowledge of his holy
Gospel, I never believed, taught, and preached otherwise in regard to
the Lord's Supper, but that the true body and the true blood of Jesus
Christ, my Saviour, are offered to all those who receive and partake of
the Lord's Supper. But as for believing that I must receive the body and
blood in the Lord's Supper, _substantialiter_, _essentialiter_,
_realiter_, _naturaliter_, _praesentialiter_, _localiter_,
_corporaliter_, _transubstantialiter_, _quantitative_, _qualitative_,
_ubiqualiter_, _carnaliter_, I believe the devil has brought these words
from hell. Christ simply said, 'This is my body, this is my blood.'"
Melanchthon replied, in a pleasant manner: "You have given a correct
answer." On the 14th of October, he went to Nuertingen, and there
consulted with the Duke about the arrangement of the University. From
this place he wrote an encouraging letter to the professors of the
University, in which he assures them that the Duke entertained the
kindest feelings towards the University, and looked upon it as one of
the most important institutions of the state.

The Duke commissioned Melanchthon to write to Brenz at Hall, to induce
him to accept a professorship in the University. Melanchthon discharged
this honorable duty on the 17th of October. He entreated Brenz in the
most earnest manner, in the name of the Duke, to accept of the
appointment at least for _one_ year, until a suitable person could be
found. Yea, he conjured him for the sake of Christ and the good of the
Church, and said that he would go himself, if the Elector of Saxony
would suffer him to go for a time. "But," he adds, "I cannot preach, and
therefore would be of little use in such a situation." Brenz actually
accepted the call, and received the permission of his government for
this purpose. The Duke dismissed Melanchthon in the most friendly
manner, and presented him with one hundred gold florins. He journeyed
through Goeppingen and Ellwangen to Nuremberg, where a circle of devoted
friends resided, such as Baumgaertner, Ebner, Dietrich, Roting, Osiander,
and others. A dispute concerning Private Confession was carried on here
at this time. Andrew Osiander was involved in it. He adhered to this
ancient and established custom of the Church, whilst others maintained
that forgiveness of sins was to be sought in preaching, in the general
Confession, and in the Sacrament. Osiander granted that forgiveness was
also granted in preaching, but did not wish the servant of Christ
immediately to say: I absolve thee from thy sins, without knowing who
should be bound and who absolved. He feared confusion, because the
wicked man might thus falsely comfort himself with absolution; and he
called this absolution juggling. Against this last, Melanchthon declared
himself in writing and verbally, for he understood very well that
absolution "is effectual to those who receive it with true faith, and
comfort themselves with it,"--"although others are present to whom the
absolution does not apply. These, however, are reminded and excluded by
the condition of repentance." It was, however, also his opinion that
efforts should be made to re-establish Private Confession more and more
in future. At the same time he modestly suggests that others also "who
have more knowledge," should give their opinion in this matter. From
Nuremberg he wrote to Camerarius, and revealed his troubles in regard to
these disputes: "Oh that this evil might be remedied! I am oppressed and
consumed by private and public cares. Therefore I so earnestly long for
your company, with whom I somewhat refreshed myself. I am most painfully
troubled about these disputes, by which, as is very evident, Churches
and States are rent. Therefore we will withdraw from all such disputes,
and devote all our zeal to the education of youth, and to form their
judgment, so that, as much as possible, we may provide for posterity. I
shall exert myself more and more to instil moderate and useful
principles into the minds of the young, and to restrain them from such
foolish disputes."

While he was thus pouring forth his sorrows, he himself was threatened
with a great trial in Wittenberg. A preacher named Conrad Cordatus, of
Niemegk, a zealous adherent of Luther, had been present at a lecture,
delivered by Cruciger towards the end of July, 1536. In this, Cruciger
expressed the opinion that in the article of Justification, good works
are the condition, without which we cannot be saved. Cordatus was
greatly and properly shocked at this, for such a form of expression was
totally opposed to the doctrine of the Lutheran Church. In the following
month he wrote to Cruciger, to call him to account, on account of this
wrong doctrine. The professor did not reply. Cordatus wrote again,
threatening that he would not be silent until he should hear a
recantation of this heresy. If this should not be done, he would apply
to the theological faculty for a decision. He also said that there were
many trifling Theologians in Wittenberg, who would rather read and hear
the dead Erasmus than the living Luther. Now Cruciger replied, and
defended his views. On the 17th of September, Cordatus came to
Wittenberg, and visited Cruciger. He here heard that what he had read
concerning the Gospel of John was the work of Melanchthon, who, as
Ratzeberger relates, in a manner composed their lectures for the
professors. "For no labor was distasteful to Philip, and he served every
one cheerfully." The next day Cordatus went to Luther, and presented the
whole matter to him. Luther replied: "You are not the first to inform me
of this. Michael Stiefel and Amsdorf have already asked me about it." It
is not known how much more was spoken and resolved, although it seems
that Luther labored to suppress the difficulty. Melanchthon's journey of
recreation was not a little embittered, for he received the news of this
occurrence in Wittenberg. Even while yet upon the road he found it
necessary to write to Luther, Bugenhagen, Jonas, and Cruciger, in which
he at length justifies his manner of teaching. He says: "I never wished,
and in this particular point of dispute, I have never taught anything
else but what you all together unite in teaching." He declared that many
had fallen into the opinion, especially on account of this
proposition--"We are justified by faith alone," that we are justified by
the new life, or the gifts communicated to us.

Hence arose the question: If we are only acceptable by Grace, wherefore
is the new life required? Although he highly praised good works, he yet
distinctly states that they are neither the price nor the merit of
eternal life. He prayed for Christ's sake that they should be convinced
concerning him; that he had taught thus with the best intentions, and
not on account of stubbornness of opinion. He had never wished to hold
opinions different from their own, and if they wished to make him
suspected and estranged, he would rather remove far away from them.
Cordatus already circulated the report that Melanchthon would return to
Wittenberg no more. But on the 5th of November, a few days after his
letter, he arrived, and almost the first thing he did was to write a
friendly and conciliatory letter to his accuser, in which he reminds him
of old friendship, and says that he should have spoken to him first of
all, if he found anything reprehensible in him. He concludes thus: "This
cause, in which we are engaged, is not our own, but Christ's, whose
glory I truly desire to serve." Cordatus had raised considerable
excitement, which spread even to the Court of the Elector. Towards the
end of December, Cordatus referred the decision of this matter to Jonas,
then Rector of the University, who had already besought him to desist
from the accusation. Another event, however, put a stop to this
disagreeable matter for the present.




CHAPTER XVI.

THE CONVENTION AT SMALKALD.


We have before referred to the proceedings instituted by the Elector,
when he received notice that Pope Paul III. was about to convene a
Council at Mantua. The Evangelical States appointed a meeting at
Smalkald, February 7, 1537, in order to deliberate whether they should
accept the invitation to attend the Papal diet or not. The Elector, at
the same time, as Luther informs us, commissioned him "to arrange
articles of our doctrine, in order to see if it should come to this,
what and how much we could and would yield to the <DW7>s, and which we
finally intend to adhere to." This led to the so-called "_Smalkald
Articles_," which were very properly adopted among the Confessional
writings of the Lutheran Church. When he had completed this work, the
Theologians from abroad, Amsdorf, Agricola, and Spalatin, met with
Luther and Melanchthon in Wittenberg, in order to discuss these articles
before they should be delivered at the meeting at Smalkald. This
document contains three parts. The _first_ relates to the doctrines of
the _Divine Majesty_, in which both parties were agreed. The _second_
part treats of the articles "which refer to the office and work of Jesus
Christ, or our Salvation." 1. It speaks of Justification by Faith alone.
"From this article," it declares, "we cannot move or let anything fall,
if heaven and earth should fall." 2. They treat of the Mass and
Invocation of Saints. 3. Of charitable foundations and convents. And 4.
Of the Papacy. The _third_ part included the doctrines of Sin, of the
Law, Repentance, of the erroneous repentance of the <DW7>s, of the
Gospel, of Baptism, of the Sacrament of the Altar, of the Keys, of
Confession, of Excommunication, of Ordination and Vocation, of the
Marriage of the Priests, of the Church, of Justification and good works,
of Monastic Vows, and Human Ordinances. Luther says, "These are the
articles to which I must and will adhere until I die, if it pleases God;
and I know of nothing in them that I can alter or yield. But if any one
wishes to yield anything, let him do it upon his conscience."

These articles, which are composed with a truly Lutheran vigor, were
highly approved of by the Theologians. They subscribed them in
Wittenberg. Melanchthon also signed them, and added these remarks: "I,
Philip Melanchthon, also consider the above articles right and
Christian. But concerning the Pope, I hold, that his superiority over
the Bishops, which he otherwise possesses, should also be conceded by
us, jure humano, (according to human right,) on account of the peace and
unity of those Christians who now yield obedience to him, and may do so
in time to come." Luther had disputed this _human right_ of the Pope, in
the article on the Papacy; and surely not without good reason. For a
Pope, as he was now presupposed by Melanchthon, had never existed in any
place. If he accepted the Gospel, he was no longer Pope; he could not
longer be Pope. It was clearly an erroneous yielding to the powers on
the opposing side, and must be explained by Melanchthon's timidity, as
is manifested in his letter to Veit Dietrich, January 20: "When I think
of the Convention, and of the terrible conflicts, which, I believe,
will arise there, I shudder all over my body." The Elector was highly
pleased with Luther's articles, and did not agree with Melanchthon's
view of the Pope; for he saw very well that they would by this expose
themselves to future suppression and extermination.

Towards the end of January, Luther, Melanchthon, and Bugenhagen,
departed for Smalkald, although Melanchthon's health was seriously
affected. They passed through Torgau, Altenburg, and Weimar. In the
latter city, Luther preached before the retinue of the Papal Nuncio. He
was not afraid to complain that the kings and bishops hated the
Evangelical party more than the Turks. On the 7th of February they
arrived at Smalkald, and eight days after this the Convention was
opened. But they had not been here long, when Luther became very ill
with violent pains of the stone. Immediately every attention was paid by
the physicians of the princes, but in vain. Luther begged Melanchthon to
send for Dr. Sturz, of Erfurt, in whom he reposed great confidence.
Philip wrote to him: "I beseech you to come at once, and do not fail,
when such a man is in danger." He took Luther's illness much to heart,
which he manifested in all his letters at this time. He wrote to Jonas,
"Let us pray to God earnestly, that he would preserve him, and restore
him to health." Luther did not wish to remain in Smalkald any longer,
and had himself conveyed away. When he was riding out of the gate of the
city, he turned to the friends who were escorting him, with these words:
"God fill you with hatred against the Pope!" This legacy to those
remaining behind was faithfully taken to heart by them.

The object of this meeting of Smalkald was, as Melanchthon stated in a
letter to Jonas, partly thoroughly to discuss doctrine, in order to
promote uniformity in all the churches, and partly also to deliberate
to which articles they would adhere to the last, and in which they might
yield should any hope of peace appear. This, too, was the Elector's
plan, but it did not succeed, particularly as far as _yielding_ was
concerned, because the more determined Theologians were altogether
opposed to it. They entertained the opinion, which was no doubt correct,
that to yield would be explained as inconstancy both by friends and
foes, and the Emperor would only press them more urgently because they
seemed to fly. Even a closer comparison of doctrine did not become
popular, doubtless because they feared that if disunion should arise,
the League would be broken. Luther's illness and departure also
interfered with the deliberations. The Theologians, together with Bucer
and Blaurer, who represented the upper Germans, as well as the princes,
continued to adhere to the Augsburg Confession and the Apology. They
also subscribed the Smalkald articles.

Melanchthon wrote to Jonas, that, in order they might not be idle, and
play the part of dumb persons, they had received orders to write
something in regard to the power of the Roman Chief-Priest. He applied
himself to this task, and confesses himself that it was sharper than he
generally wrote. He still entertained the opinion that the Council
should not be rejected unconditionally, and did not wish to dispute the
Pope's right to call such an one, even if he should not be considered
judge. Those who were more determined, granted that some of the reasons
of Melanchthon were acute and true, but they were not expedient; for
even if they should promise an attendance of the Evangelical party in
this Council, their opponents would interpret this as a submission to
the right of Papal decision. He himself could not deny that his views
were somewhat dangerous, and finally yielded to the majority; but it
drew forth sighs and complaints, which he poured into the heart of his
friend Camerarius. But he also confesses that the lawfulness of the good
cause affords great consolation, let the consequences be what they will.

The Imperial Ambassador, HELD, a decided enemy of the Evangelical party,
was to receive their answer. They informed him that they could not
approve of the Council of Mantua, and therefore begged the Emperor to
provide a free Council. Held made many objections, and promised that the
Emperor would see to it, that everything should be lawfully decided in
the General Council. However, the Evangelical states were not satisfied
with such general declarations. They delivered a written statement,
prepared by Melanchthon, both to him and the Papal Nuncio, Bishop Vorst
of Aix, in which they justify themselves for declining to meet with the
Council. He proved in a thorough manner, that there was no divine right
constituting the Pope the head of the Christian Church, and that he
consequently deserved no obedience. He also disputed the power of the
bishops, because it was merely founded upon human regulations. The
princes and divines assembled in Smalkald were so highly pleased with
this work, that they subscribed it with joy. During this meeting, the
Theologians present felt themselves urged to recommend a proper
appropriation of the possessions of the Church to the princes. They said
in their address: "May your electoral and princely highnesses, for God's
sake, take this great want to heart, and exhort the states that the
possessions of churches and convents be principally retained for and
applied to the support of churches and schools, which will be for the
glory of God, and the good of the people, and will also prevent their
dissipation, which would injure the Church, government, and country."
The princes received this address in a very gracious manner, and the
Landgrave of Hesse declared that in this thing help must be given by
deeds, and not merely by words.

Thus the Convention was brought to a close, and Melanchthon rejoiced to
be able to go home again. On the 14th of March he returned with Luther,
who had recovered again, and whom he found on the way to Wittenberg. He
could not thank God sufficiently that his friend Luther was well again,
and in all his letters he calls upon his friends to thank the Lord for
this. On the 16th of March he wrote to Agricola: "I was seized by a
peculiar sorrow when I saw Luther's danger. I was moved to it by the
loss of the Church, but also by my love for this man, and my admiration
of his distinguished and heroic virtues. I could not but be greatly
troubled at the danger of such a man. Therefore, I heartily thank God
and our Lord Jesus Christ, that he has looked upon our tears and sighs,
and has restored Luther to health." In another letter he calls upon
Spalatin, not only to be thankful for this, but also to pray God "that
he would preserve such a teacher for his Church for a long time."




CHAPTER XVII.

CONFLICTS IN THE EVANGELICAL CAMP.


On the day after his arrival in Wittenberg he wrote to Veit Dietrich:
"Wittenberg, by the grace of God, is still quiet;" and as late as the
14th of April he wrote: "There is still peace here, and Christ grant
that it may endure for a long time." He little thought that conflicts,
which should trouble him greatly, would soon break out in this camp. The
dispute which had arisen, certainly not without Melanchthon's fault, was
interrupted for a while by the convention at Smalkald, but it was not
yet to be brought to a conclusion. On the 14th of April, Cordatus
addressed a letter to Melanchthon, in which he accuses him of making
Cruciger's cause his own, and also complains that unworthy motives were
imputed to him. It is true, Melanchthon had made this cause his own, and
could not well do otherwise. He had invited Cordatus to an interview, by
a man named Ungarus; but he did not come, because, as he himself
confesses in the letter already mentioned, he was too much excited
against Melanchthon, and particularly because Melanchthon had before
that only spoken jestingly of the whole matter, and his present
earnestness was altogether unexpected." He also addressed a letter to
Dr. Jonas, then Rector of the University, in which he prays that
Cruciger should be compelled publicly to recant the error he had
publicly proclaimed. That he could not now desist, in his own name, from
that which he had begun in the name of Christ. Jonas replied in a very
haughty manner, and accused him of seeking notoriety, because he was
disgusted with his obscurity and little church, and advises him to obey,
and to tame his violent disposition. But this merely served to call
forth stronger letters from Cordatus to Jonas and Melanchthon, in which
he threatened that he would apply to the whole Theological faculty. At
the same time he also gave notice of this matter to Chancellor Brueck,
and said: "I cannot endure that so great a crowd at Wittenberg oppose
the blessed doctrine of the pious man Luther, who is indeed the only
Doctor of these things, and that too, God knows, without just cause."
And besides, that Melanchthon had written to him yesterday: "I have of
my own accord altered many things in my little volume, and I rejoice
that I made these alterations." Melanchthon, in a letter to Bucer, April
23d, complained most bitterly of Cordatus, and insisted upon his
proposition, that new obedience is necessary to eternal life. In this
too, as in a letter to Dietrich, he spoke of retiring from Wittenberg if
he should see that the conduct of Cordatus met with approbation.

This dispute at last attracted the attention of the Elector, who
directed an inquiry to Luther and Bugenhagen, May 5th, through the
Chancellor, whether it was true that Master Philip, Dr. Cruciger, and
many masters and students, entertained different opinions from Luther
and Pomeranus in some doctrines. The Inquiry referred to several points,
especially to _Justification_, concerning which, Cruciger is said, by
Melanchthon's direction, to have taught publicly a year ago that we are
not justified before God by faith alone, "but that works were also
necessary, for they are _causa sine qua non_," (the condition, without
which we cannot be saved.) The Inquiry also referred to another point,
according to which men might securely, and without burdening their
consciences, receive the Sacrament in _one_ kind. There is also said to
be a difference in reference to "free will."

The Elector especially censured Melanchthon for arbitrarily altering the
Augsburg Confession, which was not a private, but a public Confession.
The people, too, were highly displeased with this. He required an answer
to this and several other points. He would rather suffer the University,
which had prospered under Melanchthon, to decrease, than endure such
divisions. Luther did not say anything about this to Melanchthon. When a
certain Peter Ravus was made a Doctor, on the 4th of June, Luther led to
the discussion of the doctrine of the necessity of good works, and
rejected the formula that good works are necessary to salvation.
Cruciger, who yielded at last, wrote a lengthy account of this to
Dietrich. Cordatus was silent after this public discussion, in which
Melanchthon's formula had been defeated; and Master Philip himself began
to retract, no doubt because he saw that his formula might be promotive
of work-righteousness. He simply wished to insist upon the doctrine that
sanctification must necessarily follow from justification. He should not
therefore have adhered so obstinately to his formula in the beginning.

The "Inquiry" of the Elector referred to an opinion, that under certain
circumstances, one kind of the sacrament might also be distributed.
Melanchthon had thus advised the preacher JACOB SHENK, of Freiberg, who
had asked his opinion whether he should not introduce both kinds of the
sacrament into his congregation, even against the will of the
authorities. This answer, which regarded the circumstances of the case,
and wished to prevent rebellion against tyrannical princes, had been
given without any consultation with Luther. Shenk sent Melanchthon's
letter to the Elector's court at Weimar. When Melanchthon heard of this,
he was greatly incensed. On the 16th of July he wrote to Brenz that he
was here contending with a Hydra. As soon as he was done with one, many
others arise. Another slanderer of Freiberg had complained of him to the
Elector. He now refers to the cause which had induced this friend and
former hearer to take this step. On the 11th of October he wrote to
Camerarius, that the prince was present himself. For he had sent his
Chancellor to speak with Luther concerning this matter. The result of
this interview was, that Luther expressed his surprise that Melanchthon
still entertained such fancies; and, on the whole, he thought that
Melanchthon did not think much of the sacrament, and was almost of
Zwingli's opinion. Yet he was not able to say how he felt at heart, and
did not wish that so distinguished a man should separate from them and
their University. But if he should adhere to the opinion expressed to
Shenk, why everything else must yield to the truth. If for the sake of
peace, we are to permit _one_ kind, we should also be obliged to yield
to tyrants, if they wished us to teach that works justify us. "I think,"
said the Chancellor, "that it would do no harm if Dr. Martinus would
proceed, and speak earnestly and cordially with Philip. There is a chain
in these matters which connects something. May the Almighty overrule it
for good."

October 13, Melanchthon wrote to Dietrich: "Yesterday I understood that
several articles should be presented to me to subscribe, but I am not
certain of anything, because everything is kept secret. Not only are all
who are considered my friends excluded from these interviews and
deliberations, but also all those who do not seem to be full of the
proper heat and violence. I earnestly hope that, if they are displeased
with me, they will produce their complaints openly and without
concealment. I have to-day prepared a defence."

He completed this, and met all the accusations against him, not only in
regard to the Lord's Suppers but also in regard to those other points in
which he had somewhat changed his views. The day on which he was to make
his defence was already appointed, but Luther's illness prevented the
meeting. Besides this, Shenk went over to Agricola, who, as is well
known, held the erroneous doctrine that the law is no longer to be
taught in the Christian Church. On this account no further notice was
taken of him.

The year 1538 also brought him fresh troubles. In the summer Melanchthon
had indeed been honored by being made Rector of the University, but he
was soon to experience the unpleasant part of his office. A young Master
SIMON LEMNIUS, a Grison, had published a small volume of satirical
poems, in which he not only ridiculed several citizens of Wittenberg,
but also the most worthy Professors, among them even Luther and
Melanchthon. He even made satirical allusions to the Elector's Court. On
the other hand, he praised Archbishop ALBERT of Mentz, who indeed
deserved so little praise. This part displeased Luther more than all the
rest; and he expressed his displeasure, "because this lampooner praises
that miserable town-clerk of Halle, (pardon the expression,) Bishop
Albert, and thus makes a saint of the devil." As many were already
prejudiced against Melanchthon, he was suspected of secretly having
countenanced the satirical poems of Lemnius. For, among other things, it
was also the duty of the Rector of the University to keep a watchful
eye upon the various publications.

It was certainly a fault that Melanchthon had overlooked this; however,
he did everything he could to rectify it. He forbade the satirist to
leave the city; and when he fled, and did not appear after having been
summoned twice, he was expelled. However, his enemies were not satisfied
yet, and Melanchthon believed it necessary to send a written
justification of his conduct to the Elector. He proves that he could not
have known anything of this lampoon, because he and his wife are also
attacked in two places in the most virulent manner. He had not seen a
page of the book until it was handed to him, and then he scarcely looked
into it, regarding it as an abject petition addressed to the Bishop of
Mentz; but when he had examined it more carefully, he had forbidden the
author to leave the city. As he had fled, and did not appear to answer
the summons, he had been expelled from the University as a traitor and
calumniator. Melanchthon thus concludes: "This is indeed the truth, for
by God's grace, unfaithfulness and falsehood shall never be laid to my
charge." When it was said that his son-in-law Sabinus knew something of
it, he added to his report: "I do not know what my son-in-law knew of,
or did in this matter, for he has caused me enough sorrow in other
matters, which I must labor to mend." This settled the whole matter. But
these repeated attacks grieved Melanchthon exceedingly, as appears from
various letters to his friends. He once wrote to Camerarius, that he
felt in Wittenberg as if he was tied to Mount Caucasus. The continual,
bitter sorrows which had been weighing upon his mind for years, and his
daily anxieties, were preying upon him so much, that he feared he would
not live much longer.




CHAPTER XVIII.

THE ASSEMBLY OF THE PRINCES AT FRANKFORT, AND THE VICTORIES OF THE
REFORMATION.


The Catholics and Protestants assumed a more hostile attitude towards
each other; but the Electors of Brandenburg and the Palatinate
interposed, and finally succeeded in bringing about a meeting of the
princes, in Frankfort-on-the-Main, at the beginning of the year 1539. On
the 31st of January, Melanchthon also went thither. From Weimar he wrote
to Jonas, that there was some hope of peace, for the princes manifested
their readiness to bring it about. The Emperor and King Ferdinand had
likewise sent ambassadors. They were not regarded much before they had
presented their offers as to the conditions of peace. But when the
Imperial orator requested the mediators already mentioned to make
propositions for peace, according to their judgment, a star of hope
seemed to arise. The Count Palatine and the Margrave hereupon demanded a
form of agreement from the Protestants, in order to learn what they
still missed in the Nuremberg Religious Peace. The Protestants complied
with this request; they demanded that not only the states of the present
time, but also those who should receive the Gospel in the future, should
receive full liberty, and especially also that the proceedings of the
Imperial chamber of justice should be stopped. Thus matters stood March
4th, as Melanchthon wrote to Jonas; but the ambassadors were stubborn,
and would by no means consent to the proposed conditions of peace. He
wrote to the prince of Anhalt: "May God incline their minds to the love
of peace!" But this did not happen; on the contrary, the Imperial
ambassador overwhelmed the Protestants with accusations, although the
mediators seemed more inclined to terms. Melanchthon wrote to BRENZ "The
matter has almost come to that point, that, as the Emperor said, the
time for arms, and not for deliberations, seems to have arrived. Yet,
although I tremble when I think what a very serious matter this is, I am
sometimes surprised that our friends, who are so greatly irritated, do
not break forth more violently."

They could not effect an agreement. Thus time passed on, and
Melanchthon, in the meantime, wrote three discourses in the German
language. The _first_ treated of the right of defence, if they should be
attacked by their enemies; the _second_ showed that upright persons
could not take up arms against the Protestants; and the _third_, that
all the godly must assist them. Some disputed the right of waging war
against the Emperor. Two years ago the Wittenbergers had declared the
lawfulness of this step, maintaining that the Gospel did not oppose
natural rights or public laws. All hopes of an agreement diminished more
and more, and he was obliged to write to Camerarius, on April 5th: "We
have here been weaving the veil of Penelope. If we have rejected one
form of peace, another is laid before us, which merely differs from the
preceding one in words, but not in sense. Some maintain that they are
treacherously procrastinating this matter, but this has not frightened
us as yet. I hope that the Empire may remain undisturbed, although no
fair conditions could yet be obtained from the Imperial orator. He
demands that we should not receive any new confederates. This shameful
condition is introduced again and again, with new sophistries, although
it has been rejected repeatedly. In this you have the entire history of
the Convention. In the beginning, I disputed concerning a number of
points; but when the Imperial ambassador made such unreasonable demands,
I ceased; and if no truce is made, we shall publish the reasons which
induced us to reject those demands." For this purpose he had prepared
his three German discourses. Luther understood the state of things very
well when he wrote; that one party wished an open door for the Gospel,
and the other locked it; and the matter was now so, that Christ and
Belial must be united, or one must yield to the other.

As the King of England still intended to enter into a league with the
Protestants, and had therefore sent his ambassador, CHRISTOPHER MOUAT,
to the Convention at Smalkald, Melanchthon again addressed a letter to
him. In his letter, dated April 1st, he most earnestly urges the King,
that, as he had already reformed some abuses in the Church, he should
also abolish all remaining Roman ungodliness. At the same time, Louis
von Baumbach and Francis Burckard, vice-chancellor of the Electorate of
Saxony, departed from Frankfort to England. These messengers were
received by the King in a very friendly manner, but they could not
induce Henry to reform the Church according to the principles of the
Gospel. When Henry demanded again that Melanchthon should be sent over,
it was not done, for they saw very well that the King was not serious in
this matter. He had also received Melanchthon's letter in a very
ungracious manner. Henry was an obstinate man, who pretended to be a
Theologian himself. How ridiculous this his boasted learning was, is
apparent, for instance, in the argument he advances for the necessity of
good works. He argued, because evil works merit everlasting wrath, it
follows that good works merit everlasting bliss. At the request of the
Elector and the Landgrave, Melanchthon also addressed a letter to King
Francis of France, in order to explain the character of the League of
Smalkald to him. This was brought about, not for bad ends, but simply to
defend the Gospel. He thus concludes this letter: "It is much to be
desired that the greatest monarchs will prevent a suppression of the
truth by unjust means." At last the Convention of the Princes at
Frankfort adjourned. On the 19th of April they agreed on a truce of
fifteen months, and also a religious discussion, to be held in
Nuremberg, August 1st. "We thank God," Melanchthon writes from Saalfeld
April 23d, "that no one is permitted to begin war, and that the peace of
Nuremberg has again been established and renewed. But this was only
gained by great exertions."

He was now to have a more agreeable experience than he had been
accustomed to for the past few years. On the 17th of April, Duke GEORGE
of Saxony, this decided enemy of the Gospel, departed this life. It is
true, it is said that he passed from this world with full faith in the
Lord Jesus Christ. He had already, in the beginning of this year,
expressed a wish that a reformation of his dominions should be
undertaken. But he wished a Reformation like that of King Henry of
England. He did not wish the Scriptures to decide, but rather the
traditions of the first eight centuries. However, Melanchthon, together
with Chancellor Brueck and Bucer, had gone to Leipzig in the beginning of
January, in order to negotiate with GEORGE VON CARLOWITZ, and GEORGE
WIZEL, who, after having become a Protestant, had returned into the
bosom of the Catholic Church. These negotiations, however, were soon
brought to a conclusion, because the principles of the two parties were
entirely opposed to each other. But now, after the accession of the
Duke's brother HENRY, the Reformation was accomplished easily and
rapidly, for he was a friend of Evangelical truth. It was, indeed, a
blessing that death had carried off Duke George so suddenly, for, as
Melanchthon relates in a letter to Camerarius, he intended to exclude
his brother and the other heirs, and to bequeath his dominions to King
Ferdinand. But it is evident in this case also, that God's thoughts are
often different from, and always better than the thoughts of men. The
new Duke had an interview with the Elector, concerning the Reformation
of his dukedom, on the 5th of May. May 22d, Melanchthon, Luther, and
Jonas went to Leipzig, where Myconius and Cruciger were already, in
order to reform the Church and University according to the Gospel. On
the 28th of May, they published their opinion in regard to the
Reformation of the University, in which they declared that "all
government is bound before God to abolish and forbid false doctrine and
false worship." All preaching, discussions, reading, distribution of the
Sacrament, and all their ceremonies, were to be forbidden to the monks,
because they continued to practise, and would not forsake their
blasphemy. The Theologians of the University should be required "to
receive this doctrine, or, if they should be unwilling to do this, that
they should not be allowed to lecture, dispute, or preach. Also, that it
was highly necessary to introduce Christian doctrine into the schools
and churches at the same time." In addition to this, they proposed
Amsdorf, Dr. Hess of Breslau, or Alexander Alesius and Ziegler, as
teachers of the Hebrew language. That it would also be necessary to
increase the salaries, for twenty florins would no longer suffice in
these times, especially as the professors were married. The abundance
of the convents should be taken from them, and provision made for poor
students of Theology, because "the rich do not become pastors and
preachers, for alas! they are ashamed of this high service of God."

On Pentecost the Evangelical form of worship was introduced in Leipzig,
and Luther preached a powerful sermon. On the 30th of May we already
find our friend Melanchthon busily engaged in Wittenberg. But his eyes
were still bent upon Leipzig, where his two dear friends Myconius and
Cruciger had to contend with the powers of darkness. He comforted and
encouraged them in a letter dated June 6: "I pray God and our Lord Jesus
Christ to be with and to preserve you in your conflicts and dangers. For
I have no doubt that you have there become acquainted with the
pharisaical, yea diabolical venom of the enemies of the Gospel. But you
know that your labor will redound to the honor of Christ, and you also
know how much the Empire would be benefited by the reunion of these
countries. Therefore patiently endure labor and danger in so important a
cause." "We look for your letters with fearful anxiety, and pray you to
write more frequently. Here, by the Grace of God, we have peace, only we
have almost too much to do."

On the 24th of June he wrote to Duke ALBERT of Prussia: "According to
the latest news we learn, that by the hand of God, the Gospel has had a
good and flourishing beginning in the dominions of Duke Henry of Saxony,
as well as in Leipzig and other places. May our Lord Jesus Christ grant
his Grace to it! In Leipzig they have begun to administer the sacrament
in the true way, and they are also abolishing secret masses." A few days
before, Myconius and Cruciger had a severe conflict with the Dominicans.
The disputation lasted eight hours. After this the University renounced
the Roman Church. Many were, however, not at all satisfied with this
Reformation, which was especially opposed by John von Maltitz, Bishop of
Meissen. He sent a memorial to the Duke, which was either composed by
Pflug or Witzel, and asked that the reformation of the defects of the
Church should be left to him. The Duke sent it to the Elector, who
required an opinion from his Theologians in regard to it. Melanchthon is
the author of this opinion. Although this _Meissen Book_, as the
Bishop's memorial was called, had taken up some portions of the true
doctrine, in order to be more acceptable, yet on the whole it adhered to
hereditary teachings, and found fault with the Protestants.

As Melanchthon, Luther, and Jonas, appealed to the Holy Scriptures, they
could easily refute the Bishop's book. They therefore declare: "That
they announce to the priests that they would not receive or approve of
their book; and that they did not consider it calculated to effect the
Reformation and Improvement of the Church, nor to bring about a
Christian agreement."

As Melanchthon had been so active in the Reformation of the Church and
University in Leipzig, he was now commissioned to visit the Churches in
the Duke's possessions in Thuringia, and also some cities in Meissen. He
discharged this duty, and found a most lamentable state of things. We
will extract some parts of his report. Of the minister at Weissensee he
says, that he was unlearned, frivolous, and led a scandalous life; that
the people asked for a good Pastor, and displayed an affection for the
Gospel. Of the minister of Danstadt he says, that he was a highly
vicious person, and should be deposed at once. The two preachers of
Sangerhaus, although they had adopted the new doctrine, were accused of
adultery. The minister in Freiburg is a venomous blasphemer, sent
thither by Eck, and ought to be deposed forthwith. He also proposed
persons for these vacant places. Myconius should be lent for a time to
Annaberg. He thus discharged his duty in the region which he had been
appointed to visit, in a most earnest and conscientious manner. He also
enjoyed the great satisfaction of hearing that his dearest friend in the
world, Joachim Camerarius, had been called to a Professorship in
Leipzig, in 1541.

He had not long completed his labors in the dominions of the Duke, when
he received a call from the Elector of Brandenburg, JOACHIM II., to come
to Berlin, in order to give his advice in regard to the introduction of
the Reformation in that country.

We have already seen that the Elector had acted as mediator in the
assembly of the princes at Frankfort; so he also wished to introduce a
Church discipline of this character, which was strongly tainted with
Catholicism, although he wished the preaching of the Gospel to remain
free. Melanchthon, who met the Elector about the 12th of October,
induced him to change his Church discipline after the pattern of that of
Nuremberg, although it still retained much that was Catholic. He wrote
to Dietrich, that private masses were abolished, that the priests were
permitted to marry, that the invocation of saints was abolished, that
the preaching of the pure doctrine was enjoined, and that the Lord's
Supper was distributed in both kinds.




CHAPTER XIX.

HELP IN A DANGEROUS ILLNESS.


When he returned, he found the plague raging in Wittenberg. It had
carried off his dear friend and brother-in-law, the jurist SEBALD
MUeNSTERER, together with his wife. He received their children into his
own house; but he himself felt seriously indisposed, and entertained
earnest thoughts of death. On the 26th of October, he wrote to his
beloved Dietrich in Nuremberg, that he was now standing in one of the
climacterical years of human life, the forty-second year, which had
proved the year of death to many; that his strength had failed, partly
because of the sorrows of the soul, and partly on account of his
excessive labors. He continues thus: "Although I might wish to live
somewhat longer, on account of my children, and also on account of my
books, yet I shall follow God with resignation, whenever it pleases him
to call me away from this place. I am very glad that you so kindly offer
your assistance to my son (Philip, then 14 years old), and I commend him
to you; for he will need the kindness of his friends, when I am gone.
His moral character is good, but I cannot praise his temperament; and I
also believe that he does not possess sufficient talent to study."

Although many fled on account of the plague, he was determined to remain
in Wittenberg. "I will bear the present cross, as I have borne many
other things; God will put an end to it." At that time, when he was
very weak, and suffering much from sleeplessness, he made his will,
from which we here present a few extracts, showing his truly Christian
disposition. He began by declaring, that after the manner of the
fathers, he wished to prepare his will, as a Confession for his friends
and children, in order that they might abide by it at all times. "And
first of all do I return thanks to God, the Father of our Lord Jesus
Christ, who was crucified for us, the Creator of all things, that he has
called me to repentance and the knowledge of the Gospel, and beseech
him, for the sake of his Son, whom he has given as a sacrifice for us,
that he would forgive my sins, accept of, and justify me, hear me, and
deliver me from eternal death, as I also confidently trust he will do.
For he has commanded us to believe it; and it is a sin to think our sins
greater than the death of the Son of God. I prefer him before my sins.
But I pray that God would strengthen these beginnings of faith, by the
Holy Ghost, for the sake of his Son, our mediator. I am indeed troubled
concerning my own sins, and the offences of others; but I consider the
death of the Son of God greater, so that Grace is mightier than sin." He
then proceeds to confess his belief in the Apostles' and Nicene Creed,
and the entire system of doctrine which he had so unequivocally declared
in his _Loci Communes_, and the Epistle to the Romans. He warns his
children against the Roman Church, which in many articles teaches the
most corrupt doctrine. "I therefore beg my children to obey me in this,
on account of the divine commandment, that they do not connect
themselves with the <DW7>s." He also particularly warns them against
those frivolous persons who should deny the doctrines of the Son of God,
and of the Holy Ghost, among whom he especially mentions Servetus. He
also defends himself against the suspicions of those who have said that
he leaned to the side of the enemy; he calls God to witness that he
never wished to do so. He never wished to spread any new doctrine, but
adhered to that doctrine which had been brought to light in these latter
days, by Dr. Martin Luther. He therefore thanks this man of God,
"firstly, because I have learned the Gospel from him; and secondly, on
account of his particular kindness towards me, which he has manifested
in many acts of kindness; and I wish that he may be always revered as a
father by the members of my family." Then he also gratefully mentions
the Elector, Chancellor Brueck, his brother George, in Bretten,
Camerarius, and a number of other friends. "I beseech them all kindly to
forgive all my faults, if I have in any respect offended any of them; I
never wished to offend any one wilfully." But the Lord still needed him
for important labors; his health gradually returned, and he could again
attend to his numerous duties. He published one of his best writings,
"On the Soul," about this time. Towards the close of this year, 1539,
Bucer came to Wittenberg on account of a certain matter, which became a
source of much bodily and mental distress to Melanchthon.

The Landgrave, PHILIP of Hesse, had commissioned Bucer to solicit the
opinions of the Wittenberg Theologians in a peculiar and very delicate
matter. It did not refer to the general affairs of the Church, but a
private, domestic affair of the Landgrave. For various reasons his
affections had become alienated from his wife, and he believed that it
would be better for him to form a new matrimonial connection than fall
into sins of the flesh. Bucer brought an elaborate treatise with him,
which justified this double marriage of the Landgrave, and now only
wished that Luther and Melanchthon should also signify their approval
of this step. The two Theologians delivered a "secret Confessor's
advice," on the 10th of December, in which they show that God originally
permitted man to have but one wife, and that this law, although God bore
with its violation in the Old Covenant, was restored in the New
Testament. But an exception should be made in the present case of
necessity, in order to avoid greater evils; yet without making it
public, so that the enemies of the Gospel could not cry out that the
Protestants were like the Anabaptists, who took many wives at once.[19]
With this wished-for advice, Bucer departed; and after the Landgrave had
also obtained a formal consent from his wife to form a second marriage,
he was secretly married to Lady Margaret von der Saale, on the 3d of
March, 1540, at Rothenburg on the Fulda. Melanchthon, who was at the
time in Smalkald attending a convention, was also invited, without being
informed particularly of the character of the occasion. He was much
offended because he was thus obliged to be present at the wedding, and
never forgot this treatment of the Landgrave. But even upon the present
occasion he exhorted him to take better care of pastors and the teachers
of the schools, to avoid the vices of fornication and adultery, and to
remember David's punishment; also, to keep this second marriage secret,
and not permit it to be spoken of publicly.

We have but now mentioned that Melanchthon was in Smalkald. He had gone
thither on the 18th of February, 1540. It was proposed to discuss the
Religious Convention here, which had been called to Spire. The
Theologians had already, in obedience to the Elector's orders, delivered
their opinion, "whether the Evangelical princes should enter into a
worldly peace with the Bishops, and whether they could yield anything to
them in matters of religion." This document was signed by the
Theologians on the first of March. It discussed doctrine, needful
external matters, and external indifferent matters, (adiaphora.) In the
_first_ article of doctrine, it does not depart from the Confession, and
will not yield anything. The _second_ article enumerates among external
needful matters, the abolition of private masses, of the canon of the
mass, of monastic vows, of the celibacy of the priesthood, of the
Invocation of saints, of all magical ceremonies, as, for instance,
herbs, consecration of bells, &c., and required the restoration of the
Holy Sacrament of the Lord's Supper. In this article also it does not
yield anything. The _third_ article speaks of external indifferent
matters, of the power of the Bishops, ordination, reading, singing,
holidays, and other ceremonies, and of possessions. They expressed the
opinion that if Princes and Bishops would accept doctrine and the
needful points, arrangements might be made with them in reference to the
last point. Envoys were sent from Smalkald to the Emperor, who was in
Belgium at this time, to present the peaceful sentiments of the
Protestants to him, and to pray him not to begin war. They returned with
the most peaceful prospects, for the Emperor expressed his intention to
institute further deliberations in regard to the harmony of the
Churches. After Melanchthon had prepared another opinion, concerning the
erroneous doctrines of Sebastian Franck and Caspar Schwenkfeldt, which
was also signed by the Theologians, the Convention adjourned April 15th.
Melanchthon returned by way of Erfurt, and on the 4th of May wrote to
Dietrich that the Emperor did not as yet manifest any hostility,
although he had not promised a certain peace. He, on this occasion,
related that the Count-palatine Frederick had conversed with the Emperor
in Spain, and had advised him to follow more moderate counsels. The
Emperor promised him he would do so. He had not been long in Wittenberg,
when he heard that the Emperor was willing to hold a convention at
Spire. After having written a letter to the Emperor in Torgau, whither
he had been called by the Elector, he departed in the beginning of June
to attend this convention, which, according to the last orders, was to
be held, not in Spire, but in Hagenau, in Alsatia. It is not to be
wondered at, that he should have felt very unwell when he departed from
Wittenberg, after so many exertions, and recent recovery from a severe
illness. Before he departed, he deposited his last will with Cruciger. A
large concourse of students and masters escorted him, and when he was
crossing the bridge over the Elbe, he said: "We have lived upon Synods,
and now we shall die there." With such thoughts of death he departed,
and reached Weimar. Here he was obliged to remain for some time, because
he was not sure whether he should go to Hagenau. Luther, at least, had
written to the Elector beseeching him to see to it, "That each and every
one of the delegates should be earnestly commanded, that they could not
and should not depart from that which has now finally been harmoniously
agreed upon at Smalkald."

Melanchthon, however, was the person whose yielding temper was most
objected to. He was at this time filled with indescribable dread,
because a report reached his ears that the Landgrave intended to publish
the secret advice of the Wittenbergers. He saw very well that its
publication would not only place him in a very doubtful position, but
would also greatly injure the cause of the Gospel. His sorrows almost
consumed him, and he therefore wrote to Luther for consolation and
support in this matter. He faithfully responded to this call. But this
consolation did not help him, and he became seriously ill. But let us
hear the account of old Ratzeberger: "As it now also became known that
the Landgrave had, besides his first wife, also married Lady von der
Saale, and it was apparent that this deed would bring great disgrace and
injury to the Gospel, Master Philip took it very much to heart. For he
saw, if he went to Hagenau, that this would give the Lutherans a very
severe blow. He was particularly grieved by this, because he had always
looked upon this Landgrave, who had caused this great offence, with
particular affection and hope. However, some assert, that he fell into
this distress because he approved of this improper conduct of the
Landgrave through the persuasions of his Court Chaplain, Dionysius, with
which the court was afterwards highly displeased. He therefore became
very sick at Weimar, more on account of sorrow and melancholy than
anything else. His strength failed rapidly, and certain death seemed to
be his only prospect. When he was thus seriously and dangerously ill,
the Elector sent for Luther, who rode day and night from Wittenberg, in
order to see Philip before his death. When he arrived, he to his sorrow
found him as he had already heard. His eyes were already dim, his reason
was gone, he could not speak nor hear, and his countenance was loose and
fallen; having, as Luther said, a Hippocratical countenance. He
recognized no one, and could neither eat nor drink. When Luther,
unrecognized, looked upon him, he was greatly shocked, and said to his
companion, God forbid! how has the devil abused this instrument! and
immediately turned to the window and earnestly prayed to God. Then,
Luther said, God our Lord was obliged to listen to me. For I cast my
burden before his door, and besieged his ear with all his promises that
he would hear prayer, which I could remember in the Bible, so that he
was obliged to hear me, if I was to trust his promises.

He then took Philip by the hand, and said, "Be of good cheer, Philip,
you will not die! Although God has reason enough to take away life, yet
he hath no pleasure in the death of the sinner, but that he should
return from his ways and live. If God again called and received the
greatest sinners who ever lived upon this earth, namely, Adam and Eve,
he will not cast out thee, my Philip, nor suffer thee to perish in sins
and sorrow. Therefore, do not give way to despondency, and do not murder
yourself, but trust in the Lord, who is able to kill and make alive,
wound and bind, scourge and heal again. For Luther fully understood the
troubles of his heart and conscience. When he had thus held and
addressed him, Philip began to draw his breath again, but could not say
anything for a long time. He then turned his face towards Luther, and
began to entreat him for God's sake not to detain him any longer; that
he was now upon a good journey, and that he should suffer him to
proceed, for nothing better could happen to him. Luther replied: "By no
means, Philip; you must serve the Lord still longer." Philip became more
and more animated, and Luther immediately ordered them to prepare some
food, and took it to him himself. But Philip refused to taste it. Luther
forced him, and said: "Do you hear, Philip! you must eat, or I shall
excommunicate you. He was prevailed upon by such language, so that he
began to eat a little, and thus gradually regained strength."

Melanchthon himself said of Luther: "If he had not come I should have
died." The Elector also, who deeply sympathized with his sorrows and
illness, comforted him in the most friendly manner: "Although it
belongeth to God alone, according to his good pleasure, to bestow or
take away courage and comfort, yet you on your part must not fail to lay
aside and forget the causes of your trouble, which, thanks to God! are
not so great in our estimation, that they should afflict you so deeply.
We doubt not but that Almighty God will soon restore your cheerfulness,
and with it your health."

The Elector then requests him, as soon as he should be able to move, to
come to Eisenach, with Luther and Jonas, because he needed them; for
letters and reports were constantly arriving from Hagenau. He gradually
recovered, and, although it was with difficulty, he was able to leave
for Eisenach on the 7th of July. On the 10th of July, Luther wrote
concerning him to Wittenberg: "Master Philip has been restored to life,
as it were from the grave; he looks sickly, yet lively, jests and lives
with us, and eats and drinks in his own room and at table."

Melanchthon himself wrote to Bugenhagen from Eisenach: "I thank you
heartily, best and dearest pastor, that you have comforted me in so
Christian a manner, while I was absent, and visited with terrible
afflictions in body and spirit, and that at home you assisted my wife by
your counsels. I still feel my disease, although it has abated somewhat.
If I should remain alive, I will be able to say that I have been
restored from death to life, by the power of God. This is the testimony
of all who were with me. Oh! that I might thank God rightly, and live
for his glory! I commend myself, and the Church of Christ, to your
prayers. I hope that he also (the Landgrave), who has brought me into
this great trouble, warned by my example, and the writings of our
friends, will be more modest, and not publicly defend a scandalous
affair. I have heard that he promised to listen to the counsels of our
friends." In Eisenach, the Saxon and Hessian Theologians conferred
concerning the double-marriage of the Landgrave. The Hessian
Theologians, among them the court-chaplain, Dionysius Melander, wished
the permission to publish the second marriage, to be granted to their
Prince. An old account relates, that upon this Luther attacked them in
so severe a manner, "that the water ran down their cheeks." The
Wittenbergers insisted that this marriage should be concealed, like the
secrets of the Confessional. On the 24th of July, Melanchthon himself
wrote to the Landgrave, exhorting him to cover the matter, and not to
give cause for its public discussion. He should prevent this, "not only
on account of the evil reports and the offence, but also because it is
no easy matter to defend this business plausibly." The Landgrave took
this to heart, and for a long time bore the disgrace he so richly
deserved. But when he sent forth a pamphlet, written by Bucer, yet
without his name, which endeavored to justify his conduct, Melanchthon
published a very severe reply to it.

At the close of July, he returned to Wittenberg.




CHAPTER XX.

WORMS AND RATISBON.


The Convention at Hagenau was not successful. The Chancellor of Treves
here made a proposition, in the name of the Catholics, July 6th, 1540,
that the points already disposed of in Augsburg, in 1530, should not be
considered now, but they should merely discuss those on which they could
not agree there. The Protestants would not agree to this, and declared
"that they could not recollect that any agreement in disputed matters
had been reached in the Diet held at Augsburg." Finally, they obtained
sight of a writing of Dr. Eck's, who had compared the articles agreed
upon, and they sent it to the Elector with the remark: "Your Grace will
be able to see from this, in what a childish and improper manner they
have prepared these." The Convention adjourned without having come to an
actual Religious Conference. This was now to be held in Worms, on the
28th of October of the same year. The Emperor was exceedingly anxious
for a union; but before the meeting was opened, the Elector requested
the opinions of his Theologians. In this they resolved not to
acknowledge the precedence or judicial power of the Pope in the Council,
and also to reject those articles marked by Eck as agreed upon. The
Elector positively enjoined upon his ambassadors, by no means to depart
from the meaning or the words of the Augsburg Confession. Whenever
Melanchthon, in his letters, referred to the coming religious
conference, he always expressed the wish: "Oh! that God would incline
the hearts of the princes to magnify his glory, and to seek wholesome
peace!"

On the 18th of October, he set out with Cruciger. In Leipzig they took
along with them the professors SHEUBEL, and ANDREW FRANCK, called
Camicianus; and in Eisenach, JUSTUS MENIUS, selected instead of
Myconius. In Gotha he prepared the Protestation, in which he showed "how
the Protestants should act in the present Conference, and whether the
spiritual ambassador is to be acknowledged as judge in disputed
questions." On the 31st of October they reached Worms; and November 2d,
he already wrote to Camerarius about the "shameless hypocrites," Eck,
Cochlaeus, Nausea, Mensinger, and others, who had been appointed to
attend this Conference in behalf of the Catholics. "These men will
pronounce sentence upon our heads, although they do not understand our
cause, and are burning with hatred, and have stained their hearts and
hands with the blood of the godly. But if an opportunity should present
itself to explain our affairs, I shall with God's help endeavor to
unfold those useful views which we contend for, clearly, truly, and
without perversion. This I can do so much better, because I have ceased
to regard the will of the princes, and on this account have an easier
conscience than I had before." And to Dietrich he wrote: "Even if
Spanish and French gentlemen were standing before the gates, I would not
approve of these double-tongued articles." He adhered steadfastly to
this resolution. But the Convention was not opened for a long time,
owing to the delay of the Imperial Commissioner, GRANVELLA, "of whom it
is said, that he is at present the heart of the Emperor Charles,"
although the Papal Nuncio, a brother of the well-known Cardinal
Campegius, had arrived at the proper time.

He formed the centre, around whom the enemy gathered to discuss their
plans. More and more enemies arrived in Worms, in order that they might
command a respectable position on account of their numbers. "But God,
the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, will protect us, whom do you also
call upon to preserve and rule his Church,"--thus Melanchthon wrote to
Jonas. The Protestants entertained the hope that Granvella "would exert
himself to obtain peace, even if no union or agreement could be
effected." Melanchthon at this time did not visit any of the decided
enemies; however, he went to a few of those who wished to be considered
somewhat moderate. He wrote to Dietrich: "These wish to persuade me to
consider the whole difference a mere contention about words. I answered,
as Aristides said to Themistocles, that Athens would not have peace
until they both should be drowned in the sea; so we also, on both sides,
deserved the severest punishment if we were confusing the Church by a
mere contention about words." At last the Imperial Envoy Granvella
arrived, November 22d, and opened the session on the 25th with an
address, in which he entreated the States with tears to come to an
agreement, and conjured them to "unite again the rent mantle of Christ,
and think of your name as Christians which you received in Holy Baptism,
and also of your own highly-renowned German nation." They disputed a
long time as to the manner in which the religious discussion should be
conducted. The Catholics would have preferred settling the matter as
rapidly as possible without entering upon a regular discussion, although
the final decree of Hagenau, and also the Imperial Proclamation,
demanded that the separate articles of the Augsburg Confession and its
Apology should be debated in a friendly and Christian manner, but not
so as to be obligatory.

While these useless negotiations were carried on, Melanchthon was
surprised by a visit from Camerarius on the 9th of December. This was an
excellent opportunity for interchange of thought and friendly
conversations. When Camerarius returned, Melanchthon sent a letter to
the physician FUCHS, in Tuebingen, by him: "I have been restored from
death to life so short a time, that I still bear about the remains of my
sickness and sufferings. I am heartily obliged to Joachim, that he
wished to alleviate these by his visit."

When Eck had prepared a form of agreement on the articles of Original
Sin and Justification, concerning which there was a great difference of
opinion, the Catholics were anxious that it should be brought to vote.
Eck must have considered his form a very excellent one, for he in
various places made use of the ridiculous expression, that they could
not obtain a better one from Calcutta in India. The Catholics were not
at all pleased when even the envoys of the Palatinate, of Brandenburg,
and Juelich would not accept of this. Melanchthon wrote to Luther: "These
acknowledged, in a modest but determined manner, that they approved of
our opinions, as included and explained in the Confession and Apology."
In a memorial addressed to Granvella by Melanchthon, the Protestants
demanded that the matter should be discussed in a calm and Christian
manner in the public assembly, and rejected the secret movements of
their opponents, who merely wished ambiguous and entangling articles
subscribed. On December 22d he also addressed a private letter to
Granvella, in which he lays before him the necessity of a public
discussion, and says: "The Church will be benefited if we establish a
pure and useful doctrine. I am conscious of my own weakness; yet as far
as I am concerned, I do not fear the judgment of honorable and learned
men, nor moderate counsels." After long debates, it was at last agreed
upon that Eck and Melanchthon should debate the matter in the presence
of all. At last, January 14th, 1541, they began the debate, in the
presence of the Imperial envoy Granvella. Melanchthon published an
account of this discussion, which lasted but four days. We will present
parts of this, to show that notwithstanding all his love of peace, he
also adhered steadfastly to the truth.

An old account, speaking of his and Eck's speeches, says that they
compared with each other like the song of a nightingale with that of a
raven. They first discussed Original Sin. Eck opened the debate, and at
once asserted the Augsburg Confession and Apology handed to him had been
altered in many articles, and did not agree with the former ones. It was
certainly an arbitrary act on the part of Melanchthon, to make
alterations in those documents, which had acquired a public character.
But he explained that his alterations did not affect the substance, but
merely the form of expression, which was "milder and clearer" now. Eck
was not at all willing to grant this, especially when he regarded the
tenth article, on the Lord's Supper. However, he proceeded, passing over
the first article, because both sides agreed in this, and came to the
second article, of _Original Sin_. He was not willing to admit that it
was really Sin, but it is merely a want of hereditary righteousness, not
of remaining gifts; and the evil lust, which remains after Baptism,
cannot be properly called Sin. Melanchthon says: "Eck has at last
admitted that the evil inclination, which remains in the saints, is a
fault, opposed to God's commandment; but the word sin he wished to be
confined to unforgiven sins." Eck had disputed in the same way in
Augsburg. But secretly he had said here and there that the views of the
opposite side were really true. Melanchthon writes: "What a crime
against his convictions, that he should defend such a thing! But I trust
that he has been refuted in a sufficiently clear manner."

Granvella listened very attentively, and it is said of him, that he
declared he would faithfully report everything to his Sovereign, and
also what he thought of the cause of the Protestants, which was not as
foolish as their opponents represented it to be. They disputed on
Original Sin for four days, and at last Eck proposed a form of agreement
which did not oppose the Augsburg Confession. They were now about to
proceed to discuss the article of Righteousness, or Justification, for
which Melanchthon was very anxious; but on January 18, an Imperial
decree was published to the assembly, which postponed this Religious
Conference to the diet soon to be held in Ratisbon. Thus they left Worms
again, and were obliged to confess that their journey had been entirely
unsuccessful.

All were now eagerly waiting for the diet. Melanchthon, in a letter,
says: "God grant Grace, that something profitable for the Churches and
the general peace may be accomplished at this diet." Yet he looked
forward to this diet with a troubled heart, not because he feared a
religious discussion with the enemy, but rather because he did not
approve of the plans of the Evangelical princes, particularly those of
the Landgrave Philip. Concerning the latter he expressed himself in the
very strongest terms. Luther had entreated the Elector to excuse Philip
from this journey; but the Elector could not grant this request, because
he needed able men at this diet; yet he also trusted confidently that
as he "intended to abide faithfully to the end in the truth revealed,
and the pure doctrine of the divine word," so also would all the other
allies in the faith present at this diet "steadfastly adhere to that
which becometh the honor of God, and the extension of his saving word."
The Elector, deeply interested in the preservation of pure doctrine,
gave explicit directions to his counsellors how they were to act in
Ratisbon. He particularly regarded Melanchthon with a watchful eye. He
was ordered to reside with the counsellors of the Elector. If any person
wished to converse with him there, it should be done in the presence of
the counsellors. "And altogether Philip should take heed not to go out
too much, but rather remain in his lodgings and with the counsellors,
even as he himself will best know how he ought to act."

He departed, with Cruciger, on the 14th of March. From Leipzig he wrote
home: "May God bless and overrule this journey and all our acts, that
they may be undertaken for the honor of God, the growth of the Gospel,
the welfare of the Church, and the peace of the Empire." March 16, in
the evening, he reached Altenburg, and there united with the other
delegates. But on the Bavarian frontier he met with a misfortune, for
the carriage was overturned, and he strained the wrist of his right hand
so seriously that he could not use it; and it was thought for some time
that it was broken. He not only arrived in Ratisbon in great pain, but
could not use his hand for a considerable time. He dictated his letters
to Cruciger, whom he therefore called his "other self." On the 4th of
April, he for the first time, and with great difficulty, wrote to Eber
in Wittenberg, and expresses the wish that God might make him a useful
instrument in the Church. On the following day the diet was opened by
the Emperor himself. He expressed his wish to restore harmony, and
thought the best way to accomplish this would be to appoint honorable
and peaceable persons, who should discuss the contested articles of
religion, and endeavor to bring about a compromise. They should then
make a report, and finally consult with the Papal nuncio CONTARINI, whom
the Emperor called a friend of peace. Melanchthon wrote to Dietrich:
"This is a dangerous business, and therefore our friends have been
disputing for two days among themselves. The more determined of them
will only agree to a continuation of the discussion of Worms, but others
are willing to permit the Emperor to try this new way." The opinion of
the latter was at last given to the Emperor as the decision of the
Protestants. He appointed Pflug, Eck, and Groper, of the Catholics; and
Melanchthon, Bucer, and Pistorius, of the Protestants, to discuss the
articles.[20]

The Count Palatine Frederick, and Granvella, were to officiate as
moderators during this discussion; and some other persons were also
appointed to attend as hearers and witnesses. Burkard, in a letter to
chancellor Brueck, thus judges the different speakers at this Conference:
"What hope of the spread of truth can be entertained, when they take the
drunken Eck for such important matters, who values wine more than all
religion? Julius (Pflug) is altogether dependent upon the Pope; the
third, Groper, is a worthy, modest, and not unlearned man, but he will
be overcome by the noise on the one side, and by craftiness on the
other, and perhaps he will also introduce his own peculiar opinions,
which do not altogether agree with the truth of the Gospel. I have
confidence in all our Theologians here present, and am convinced that
they will not forsake the truth."

Before the debate began, the Emperor summoned them into his presence,
and exhorted them, in a very condescending manner, that they should
transact this matter in a friendly manner, and not lose sight of the
glory of God, and the general welfare. The Catholics now wished that
they would begin with the disputed articles, the Lord's Supper, the
power of the Church, the pope, masses, secret masses, monastic vows,
celibacy of priests, and the one kind in the Sacrament, and then pass
over to the articles of Justification, of merit, and of good works. By
this we can easily see, that at the outset they were anxious to
frustrate the discussion. But when the discussion was about to begin, on
April 27th, the Emperor presented a book, which contained an attempt to
reconcile these articles, with the direction "that the persons selected
should examine it, and correct whatever was opposed to Holy Scripture,
but suffer everything Christian to remain." This book was afterwards
called the _Ratisbon book_, and also the _Ratisbon Interim_, and was
known to the Wittenbergers before. For the Margrave JOACHIM, of
Brandenburg, had already sent it to Luther, that he might give his
opinion, as early as February 4th. Luther said of it: "These people (the
authors of the book), whoever they are, mean very well, but their
propositions are impossible, and such as the Pope, Cardinals, Bishops,
and Prebendaries, can never agree to.... Besides this, it contains many
points which our side will not and cannot adopt. The best thing to be
done, would be to appoint pious and learned men to judge what and where
is God's word." The author of the book was not known with certainty;
some looked upon Wizel as the author, others, Groper. Melanchthon
believed that Groper had prepared it, with the help of a young Imperial
Counsellor, Gerhard Volcruck, and also Bucer's; that he had presented it
to Capito, and then sent it to the Landgrave Philip, and the Elector of
Brandenburg. By the last it had been sent to Luther. The book contained
23 articles, which were treated in such a manner that they could be
called half-Catholic, and half-Protestant. Thus it came to pass as
Luther had said, that it neither gave satisfaction to the Catholics nor
to the Protestants. But as the Emperor valued it highly, and wished it
to be made the basis of their deliberations, this was done, "although I
was much afraid," says Melanchthon, "that this book would cause no
little strife." They passed over the first articles, of creation, the
perfect state of man before the fall, of free will, of the origin of
sin, and of original sin, without any difficulty. Now they came to the
article on _Justification_. This was not at all satisfactory to either
party, and therefore they substituted another. Eck had proposed a
formula, but Melanchthon objected to it. They disputed about it for
several days, and at last agreed to a formula, concerning which the
Saxon counsellors wrote to the Elector, that in the main it was not
opposed to the Augsburg Confession and the Apology, "and that the words
employed were sufficiently clear, so that it could not be perverted to a
misunderstanding." The counsellors highly commended the firmness of
their Theologians, and Melanchthon in particular. They relate to the
Elector, that Melanchthon had expressed himself before all the
Theologians and Granvella, to the following effect: "that he would
rather die than yield anything against his conscience and the truth, for
it would bring about his death, for he could not reconcile it to his
conscience." But the Elector was by no means pleased with the formula of
agreement in regard to justification, which they had sent to him; for he
thought that their opponents wished "either entirely to cast aside, or
at least obscure, the doctrine that we are saved by faith alone." He
therefore laid this formula before Dr. Luther and Pomeranus, who could
not but say that it might easily lead to a misunderstanding. He
therefore, May 13th, informed his counsellors that he could not possibly
agree to it. However, Luther entreated the Elector "not to write too
severe a letter to Melanchthon and his friends, lest he should again
trouble himself to death. For they have still retained our beloved
Confession, and have adhered steadfastly to this, even if every thing
else should fail." The Elector, who had intended to go to Ratisbon
himself, now remained at home, and sent Amsdorf, a man who strictly
adhered to the Confession, in his place. He and the Duke of Pomerania
arrived in Ratisbon on the 13th of May.

The next point to be discussed, was the article of the _Church_. It was
very easy to predict that this would be an apple of discord, for the
Ratisbon book maintained that there must be a power in the Church to
interpret the Bible, and that private individuals did not enjoy this
power; also, that no private individual has the right to oppose the
majority. Much contention ensued, in which Granvella himself mingled,
and said to Melanchthon, he should read the article more carefully.
Melanchthon replied, "that he had read it frequently, and even in
Wittenberg; but they should know that he could not, and would not
approve of it. For if the power referred to by them, was to be given to
the Councils, many errors of former Councils must be sanctioned, and
posterity would also be grievously burdened thereby." Melanchthon was
so determined that they could not agree, and they were obliged to pass
on to other articles. The book next spoke of the doctrine of the
Sacraments. Melanchthon consented to retain _Confirmation_, although all
abuses connected with it should be abolished, the Catechism studied
diligently, and "true and earnest prayer" connected with it.

When the article on the _Lord's Supper_ was made the order of the day,
it caused a violent debate, which lasted for eight days. The Catholics
presented a formula declaring transubstantiation, and maintained all the
abuses which had crept into the Roman Church on account of this false
doctrine. Melanchthon had before given the warning in vain, that Eck
ought not to be permitted to indulge in his bullying and abusing,
otherwise "he might kindle a fire which he would not be able to
extinguish."[21] The Protestants referred to the gross abuses attending
the carrying about and adoration of the Sacrament, and also spoke of the
ridiculous case which had already been discussed by the Catholics in
their own writings, what a mouse was eating when she gnaws the
consecrated bread. The Protestants adhered to the doctrine of the Bible
and of the ancient Church, that the Sacraments are only Sacraments when
they are used, and not so when they are not used. It was during this
contest, manfully waged by the Protestants, that, as Melanchthon tells
us, "Eck became sick, having become too excited, perhaps, and drinking
so excessively afterwards, that a fever followed." The articles on
_Confession_ and _Satisfaction_ again led to violent discussions,
because Groper insisted upon the enumeration of particular sins. He
thought, as the Church had the right of binding and loosing, this was a
court of justice, where it was necessary for the Judge to hear the case;
and because in Confession, satisfaction was imposed to heal the wounds,
the priest ought to know beforehand whether the injury is great or
small. Melanchthon disproved these propositions, and proposed a milder
article. Granvella was greatly displeased at this, and said "many evil
words" to Melanchthon. "So that," he relates himself, "the next day, at
the beginning of the debate, I complained, and said if it was intended
that I should not express my opinions, I would stay away in future." The
Envoy excused himself, and pacified him. The article concerning the
order of _Church Government_, and the power of the Bishops, again
brought about a sharp conflict. When he observed that it had been
prepared in a very sly manner, "I became very impatient, and opposed the
entire article," he reports himself. They simply wished to retain the
entire Papacy. Melanchthon was here obliged not only to battle against
the Catholics, but also with Bucer and the Hessian chancellor. Granvella
assured him, that if he would not accept this article, he would prevent
the entire work of Reformation. Even the Elector Joachim sent a deputy
to him, to urge him to accept this article. Melanchthon says: "I gave
him a very short answer." They then considered the articles on the
Invocation of Saints, Masses, One kind, Celibacy, and Monastic Life.
Melanchthon remarks: "Although there was much opposition, we presented
counter-articles to all these." Because he adhered to the truth, which
he had discovered and confessed in a determined manner, prompted partly
by his own conscience and the exhortations of the Elector and his
counsellors, he was declared to be a stubborn person, and he was even
accused to the Emperor. The latter expressed himself very unfavorably in
regard to him to the Landgrave Philip. He was particularly accused of
being governed by Luther, and also led by the French ambassador. Under
these circumstances, Melanchthon believed it necessary to defend himself
before the Emperor against these unjust accusations. He addressed a
letter to him, of which we shall communicate some parts. He declares in
the most positive manner that he had no instructions from Luther, and
was not at all connected with the French ambassador, and that his
Elector had only given the general direction, that they should not
depart from the truth. "This is a direction which must be deeply
engraven upon every heart, without the orders of an Elector." Further on
he says: "I have always acted according to my own convictions, and have
never contended about useless things." He then proceeds to speak of
Councils, and of Auricular Confession, showing their want of foundation;
and also, that he had sought peace. "However, even moderation must have
its bounds. That Truth, which the Son of God revealed to us from the
bosom of the Father, should shine in the Church. And I wish your
Imperial Majesty could see into my heart, so that you might judge
truthfully what my endeavors in regard to these disputes have been for
many years. A true, scripturally developed, and sure doctrine, and one
that will be beneficial to the Church, must be found." He concludes this
letter, so faithful to the Confession, in the following manner: "I know
that our doctrine is the doctrine of the true Catholic Church, and I
believe that many wise men confess the same. But these believe that we
have gone farther in the abolition of abuses than was necessary. They
wish to retain a species of adoration of the saints, private masses, and
the like. Therefore they wish us to take a step backwards, and to
approve the first germs of these abuses. As I am not able to do this, I
again urgently pray for my dismissal." The Elector rejoiced at this
firmness, and therefore wrote to his counsellors: "We have with great
satisfaction heard that Magister Philip proves himself firm and faithful
in this business, and hope that Almighty God will graciously sustain him
in this course."

On the 16th of May the religious discussion was brought to a close; and
May 31, the Protestants presented a memorial to the Emperor, in which
they refer to nine articles in particular, which they could not accept
on any consideration. They treated of the Church, the Sacrament, the
enumeration of particular sins in Confession, of Satisfaction, of the
Unity of the Church and Ordination, of the Saints, the Mass, Secret
Masses, and the Celibacy of the Priesthood. We may easily understand
that the Emperor, who was very desirous of a union, was not at all
satisfied with such a conclusion. As he believed that very much depended
upon Luther in this matter, he even sent a deputation to him. It was
composed of Prince JOHN of Anhalt, MATTHIAS VON SCHULENBURG, and
ALEXANDER ALESIUS. They arrived in Wittenberg on the 7th of June, and
conferred with him a few days. But they did not find a hearing here; for
Luther's motto was the word, once expressed in a letter to the Elector:
"It is impossible to reconcile Christ and the serpent." They therefore
returned to Ratisbon without effecting their purpose. Melanchthon
expressed himself in a very decided and clear manner in regard to the
Ratisbon book, in an address to the States. He says of the _rejected_
articles: "I will not accept one of them, nor patch at them any more."
Of the _omitted_ articles, to which Confirmation and Extreme Unction
belong, he said: "We would not contend much about these, if we could
agree in other points." He then speaks of the articles which were looked
upon as _agreed upon_, while they were nevertheless not _agreed_ upon.
He here had many objections to make to the book in reference to
Justification, the state of Grace, Sin, and the like. He concludes his
opinion in these beautiful words: "I cannot and will not accept this
book, and pray God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, that he would
grant good counsels and help to us all, and that he would guard and rule
his Church, which he has redeemed by his Son unto eternal life, and
which he still wonderfully preserves. However, in order that each and
every one may know what I believe, I wish to declare by this, that I
hold the doctrine of our Church, as it is contained in our Confession
and Apology, and that, with the help of God, I intend to abide by it. I
also thank God that he has again illuminated his Church, and would not
wish to give any occasion to darken the pure doctrine again." But the
Catholics rejected the book also; Eck called it an insipid book, and
expressed himself against it in the most decided manner.

Now the final decree of the Diet was to be issued. The Protestants
previously, however, presented their declaration, prepared by
Melanchthon, who, at the Emperor's request, also delivered an opinion
concerning the Reformation, on the 18th of July. He was willing to
grant temporal power to the Bishops, an opinion which he expressed at
different times, without considering what dangers this must necessarily
cause. At last, on the 29th of July, the recess of the Diet took place.
The religious difficulties were postponed, to be decided at a Council
soon to be held, or postponed to the next diet, in case no Council
should be convened within 15 months. The Peace of Nuremberg was to be
observed until that time.

On the 30th of July, Melanchthon departed from Ratisbon. He did not go
by way of Nuremberg, although he had been invited thither in the most
urgent manner, but came to Leipzig, where he zealously labored to have
his beloved friend Camerarius called to the University. He thus speaks
of his friend in a letter to Duke HENRY: "He is peaceable, modest, and
sincere, and so learned in Philosophy and Eloquence, that he is excelled
by few in foreign and German lands." In consequence of this the Duke
called him.

When, to the great sorrow of the Protestants, Duke Henry was gathered
unto his fathers, the young Duke MAURICE entered upon the government
with the most promising prospects. During his reign Camerarius came to
Leipzig, and thus into the vicinity of his friend Melanchthon.




CHAPTER XXI.

PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION.


While the Protestants were enjoying a period of rest, because the
Emperor was busily occupied with the Turks and the pirates of Algiers,
the work of the Reformation advanced more and more. And where it could
not be done peacefully, the power of the princes was now and then
employed. In the beginning of the year 1541, the Bishop of
Naumburg-Zeitz had died, and the Chapter elected the well-known Julius
von Pflug, Bishop. When the Elector John Frederick heard of this, he
pronounced the election invalid, not only because the citizens in that
region had long since been friends of the Gospel, but also because the
right of protectorship of the Bishopric belonged to him. He proceeded
upon the almost unbounded right of sovereignty--even over the Church,
and we cannot expect anything else from him, but that he would appoint a
decidedly Evangelical Bishop to this important see. He asked the advice
of his Theologians, who, in their opinion, likewise took for granted,
that the right of electing the Bishop belonged to him. They advised him
to elect a Christian man, and at the same time one who was descended
from a princely family.

The Chapter, which was ordered to proceed to another election, refused
to do so; so that the Elector found himself compelled to interfere by
force of arms, notwithstanding the threats of the Emperor. On the first
of November, the Wittenbergers prepared an Opinion in regard to the
election of the Bishop, in which they express a wish that the chapter of
Naumburg might be preserved, because encouragement to study was thus
given to the nobility, although the chapter itself must be improved and
reformed in a Christian manner. If the chapter wished to elect another
man, it ought not to be "a young fellow," but a man "who has an
affection for Christian doctrine, and proper exercises in the Church,
and would altogether set a good example." They propose Prince GEORGE VON
ANHALT, who is especially recommended by Melanchthon, who gives him this
testimony, that "he rightly understands the doctrine of the Gospel, is
pious, and would care for the interests of the Church." Against the
opinion prevailing in regard to the prince, that he merely wished to do
things by halves, Melanchthon declared that, on the contrary, the prince
wished no patch-work in doctrine, and would not listen to any articles,
in Ratisbon, which could be twisted. The Licentiate Amsdorf, however,
Superintendent of Magdeburg, could not be prevailed upon to accept a
bishopric. The Opinion generally demands a thorough Reformation, a
pious, reasonable preacher, "who would not preach the Church empty,"
abolition of the mass, and good schools. The Bishop and the Canons
should not grant any power to the Bishop; and the noblemen who should be
elected Canons, should not merely be hunters and idle persons, but able
men. Even if the Chapter should retain the right of election, the
Elector should nevertheless retain his power, to see to it that proper
persons would be elected, and improper ones rejected. But, as before
remarked, the Chapter would not proceed to another election; and
another Opinion adjudged the right to the Elector, under these
circumstances, to nominate a proper person for the see, to the nobility
and the senators of the cities, "in order that the churches and country
might be supplied." The Elector placed great confidence in Amsdorf, and
succeeded in having him elected Bishop. On the 10th of January, he was
installed into his office in the presence of Melanchthon, who had been
appointed to reform the churches and schools in the See. From this time,
this region enjoyed the blessed influences of the Gospel.

A Reformation was also to be brought about in the Electorate of COLOGNE.
The present Elector, and Archbishop HERMAN, Count of WIED, was a friend
of the Evangelical doctrine, and had for several years been actively
engaged in improving Church matters. It is true that he was counselled
by Groper, with whom we became acquainted at the Diet of Ratisbon. But
now he wished to make further advances, with the assistance of
Melanchthon and Bucer. Bucer had come to Bonn at the close of the year
1542, in order to begin the Reformation. In January, 1543, the
Archbishop sent Magister ERDMANN to Wittenberg, to invite Melanchthon to
Bonn for the same purpose. The Landgrave Philip also urged him to go
thither. He replied to him, that it was to be feared that the Chapter of
the Archbishop would not yield, and that the Pope would urge them to
elect another Bishop. That he was willing to venture his body and life
for such a pious old prince. "But such a work requires men who are able
to preach, and so to present the truth to the people, that they may be
encouraged, and not deterred by the opposition of the other side." He
also excused himself on account of his numerous duties in the
University, and thought that even if the Elector desired a true change,
yet those in power only labored to bring about a Reformation, in which
the adoration of the saints, and daily masses, might still find a place.
On the 12th of March, Bucer wrote a very pressing letter to induce him
to come, as his labors could be completed in 10 or 12 days. But he did
not go. In April, Father Medmann again appeared in Wittenberg in behalf
of the aged Elector, in order to induce him to come. He sent him with a
letter to his own Elector and lord, in which he declared that he had no
inclination to go, but also added: "I will obey whatever your Electoral
Grace may order in this matter." The Elector, "because this is a godly
and Christian work," at once gave him leave of absence for six or seven
weeks. He also allowed him one hundred gold florins, and two troopers as
an escort.

On the 17th of April he departed, accompanied by JUSTUS JONAS, the son
of the Rector, and JEROME SCHREIBER, and reached Bonn, where the
Archbishop resided, on the 4th of May. He writes to some one, that two
plans of reformation had been proposed; one, which was simple and pure,
prepared by Bucer; the other, by Groper, who endeavored to excuse and
establish abuses, as we may suppose from the book of Ratisbon. What
strange sights met his eyes here! He writes to Camerarius: "You could
not look without tears upon the ruin of the churches here, in which
crowds of people still daily run to the images of the Saints. This is
the main thing of religion, in the eyes of the ignorant multitude." He
wrote the same to Bugenhagen, and especially referred to the deplorable
ignorance of the clergy. And yet Groper, in his own way, wished to hold
fast this state of things. The aged Archbishop, of whom Melanchthon says
that he has the best intentions, "confesses that an improvement is
necessary, and protests that he wishes a true and thorough reformation,
and that he is not afraid of dangers." He therefore placed more
confidence in Bucer than in Groper. Although the nobility and the cities
expressed themselves favorable to such a reformation, they were opposed
by Cologne and the Chapter. The Landgrave informed the Archbishop that
he and the other allies would come to his assistance, should it be
necessary. Pistorius assisted Bucer.

Melanchthon writes to Luther of both these men, that their preaching was
largely attended, and that they taught pure and correct doctrine. He
superintended their labors, and wrote to Cruciger, May 23d, that the
entire work was almost completed, and that he would extricate himself as
soon as possible. A short time before this, he also sent a little letter
to his son Philip, which we cannot bear to omit here: "Although I have
public cares enough, I yet also bear the domestic ones about with me.
These you should lighten by your diligence and obedience, especially as
you know with how much love we have raised and cared for you. I
therefore admonish you, that you walk in the fear of God, and strive,
first of all, to please God, the eternal Judge, and then also good men,
and that you will show greater diligence and care in this for my sake.
Heartily obey your mother, whom you could already support by your age
and virtue."

It was already known at Rome what they were doing in Cologne. The Pope,
therefore, sent an admonition to that city, of which Melanchthon writes:
"He buries Christ, and promises a change of affairs." But the Archbishop
did not permit this to terrify him. When the plan or book of the
Reformation was finished, it was read to him, in the presence of the
dean of the cathedral, Count von Stolberg, and other counsellors. Six
days were spent in reading and discussing it. The Bible, translated by
Luther, was lying before them. The Elector himself looked for the
passages referred to. He approved of the book, and it was also
unanimously adopted by the chamber of deputies. But the Chapter and
Clergy of Cologne, led by Groper, were most decidedly opposed to it. And
at the same time the superstitious populace was excited against it, and
their opposition was considerably increased by a lampoon written by a
Carmelite monk named Billig.

Towards the end of July, Melanchthon departed, and passed through
Frankfort, where he closed a dispute concerning some customs in the
Lord's Supper; and also through Weimar, where the Court wished to see
him, and arrived in Wittenberg on the 15th of August. It is true he had
been absent for a longer time than had been allowed by the Elector. So
much more did the professors and students rejoice who had gone to meet
and escort him into the city. A few days afterwards he wrote to
Dietrich: "The Reformation of the Church is, by the grace of God,
progressing very finely in the territory of Cologne;" and to Matthesius:
"The Reformation is already introduced into several cities, and pious
and learned preachers teach faithfully and purely. We will pray God that
he would suffer the light of his truth to shine far and wide, and also
preserve it." Great as his hopes of a prosperous progress of the
Reformation in the Electorate of Cologne were, he was obliged to
relinquish them to a considerable degree, when he heard that the
refractory Chapter had accused the aged Archbishop before the Pope and
the Emperor. Finally the old man was deposed from his office, and the
work of Reformation, which had thus been commenced, was extinguished.




CHAPTER XXII.

THE SCHOOL OF TRIBULATION.


We have learned before that Melanchthon was compelled to pass through
much tribulation. But the year 1544 is particularly marked in this
respect. Domestic afflictions are certainly among the bitterest we are
called upon to bear, and such he amply experienced. His favorite
daughter, ANNA, had formed an unhappy marriage with the poet SABINUS,
who was a frivolous debauchee, and wished to be divorced from her.
However, the Lord separated them by the death of Anna, in 1547. We shall
speak of this again. His son Philip also gave him much trouble. While he
was yet a student of law, about nineteen years old, he was betrothed to
a young woman of Leipzig, without the knowledge of his parents. This
grieved his father exceedingly.

But he was still more troubled on account of his relations with Luther,
with whom he was at variance at this time. This was caused by
Melanchthon's changed views of the doctrine of the Lord's Supper. We
have remarked before that it was an arbitrary act on his part, and one
which has done much harm, to alter the Augsburg Confession. For it was
not his private work, but a public Confession. He altered this document
in the editions of 1533 and 1535, but it was not until the year 1540
that he published a greatly changed edition. An old account says that
Luther found fault with him on this account, and said to him: "Philip,
you are not acting rightly in altering the Augsburg Confession so often,
for it is not your book, but the book of the Church." These alterations
particularly referred to the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, with which
Eck had reproached him at Worms.

He expressed this article in such a manner that the Catholics and the
Reformed could include their views. This may have been satisfactory
enough to the Reformed, but the Lutherans were highly displeased. Luther
adhered to the bodily eating and drinking of the body and blood, as he
had taught from the beginning. Although he had not laid so great a
stress upon this point for the last few years, he now asserted it again.
There were some faithful adherents of the Gospel in Venice, who were
compelled to endure great oppression. They applied to Luther, and
complained of their afflictions, and spoke particularly also of the
spread of the Swiss views of the Lord's Supper. Luther replied, that he
had only formed a concord with the Upper Germans, but would have nothing
to do with the Swiss, particularly those of Zurich. They are indeed
learned, but intoxicated men, who merely eat common bread in the Lord's
Supper. They should beware of false prophets, and adhere strictly to the
doctrine of the connection of the body and blood of Christ with the
bread and wine, even if many should think of a transubstantiation. When
Melanchthon heard of this letter, he was much grieved, for he thought
that Luther had conceded transubstantiation, which, however, was not the
case. But the flame only began to break forth somewhat in the year 1544.
During this year the Reformation book of Cologne was brought to
Wittenberg. When Luther came to the article on the Lord's Supper, he
would not read any further, and wrote to Chancellor Brueck, who had sent
it for his inspection, by the order of the Elector: "The book does not
only tolerate, but encourages the fanatics, and is far more favorable to
_their_ doctrine than our own. If I am to read the whole of it, our
gracious Master must allow me further time, until my displeasure has
abated. Otherwise I do not wish to look at it. And besides this, as the
Bishop shows, it is altogether too long and too great nonsense, so that
I can well perceive that chatterer, Bucer, in it." It is true that Bucer
had prepared the book, but not without Melanchthon's approbation.

Luther had said, in the spring of this year, that he did not suspect
Melanchthon in the least. But when he visited Amsdorf during the summer,
and was in the habit of thundering against the Sacramentarians, in the
pulpit and elsewhere, Melanchthon feared the worst, and wrote both to
Bucer, and to Bullinger in Zurich, that Luther had never treated this
matter more violently than at present, and that, on the whole, there was
little hope of peace. At last Luther published his "Short Confession"
concerning the Lord's Supper, which is one of his ablest productions.
However strongly he attacked the Swiss in this, nothing was said of
Bucer and Melanchthon, the latter of whom had feared an attack. About
this time, as Melanchthon himself states in a letter to Myconius,
October 10th, 1544, he had a conversation with Luther, in which he
assured him that he had always granted a union of Christ with the bread
and wine; so that if bread and wine are taken, Christ is truly present,
and makes us his members. He believes that Luther was satisfied with
this; but if not, he would be obliged to think of removing from
Wittenberg, which he had been advised to do, and for which he had many
and weighty reasons. However, after some time, a better state of feeling
seemed to be established, so that Melanchthon could reply to Chancellor
Brueck's inquiries, "that there was nothing of importance:" and Brueck
wrote to the Elector, "I cannot learn anything from Philip, but that he
and Martin are very good friends. May the Almighty add his blessing to
it!"

But Luther's Short Confession had called forth a violent refutation from
Bullinger, and it was again feared that Luther would make another
attack, especially upon Melanchthon, who was a correspondent of
Bullinger. The Elector heard of it, and directed his Chancellor to
pacify Luther, and to request him not to attack Melanchthon, "which, if
it should take place, would cause us a great deal of sorrow." If
Philippus adhered to those of Zurich or others, Luther should admonish
him in a Christian and paternal manner, and that would certainly be
effectual. Their ancient friendship was gradually restored, whether by a
conversation with Melanchthon or in some other way, is not known. That
Luther was not induced to depart from the true doctrine by the attacks
from Zurich, is evident in a letter, addressed by him to a friend, not
long before his death, from which we merely extract these words: "I am
satisfied with this blessedness of the Psalm, 'Blessed is the man that
walketh not in the counsel of the Sacramentarians, nor standeth in the
way of the Zwinglians, nor sitteth in the seat of the Zurichers. Here
you have my opinion.'"

So many sorrows resting upon Melanchthon injuriously affected his body
and spirit. He was seized by another illness in July, 1544. He wrote to
Veit Dietrich, July 1: "Dearest Veit, while I am writing this, I am
suffering severely from an affection of the spleen, which has been
caused by the afflictions which have weighed upon me for the last two
months; and if my spleen ulcerates, I shall lose my life." His dear
friend Camerarius, who had heard of this illness, hastened to
Wittenberg, to see and comfort him. On the 6th of July, the sufferer was
able to write to Myconius: "Although my health is not yet established,
(for the disease of the stone is added to my other afflictions, and in
two days I have passed three stones with great pain,) yet I attend to my
scholastic labors, to which God has called me, and I pray for the civil
government."

He at this time also received the sad tidings that one of his best
friends, the celebrated JEROME BAUMGARTNER, of Nuremberg, had been
captured by the robber-knight, ALBERT VON ROSENBERG, when he was
returning from the Diet of Spire. We cannot deny ourselves the pleasure
to communicate some parts of the letter of consolation, addressed to
Baumgaertner's wife by Melanchthon: "We pray God that he will not permit
you to sink in this great distress, but would by his Holy Spirit grant
you comfort and strength, as he has often promised that he is a God who
dwelleth with the sorrowful, as I have often experienced in no slight
afflictions. And may you particularly console yourself with these three
considerations: _first_, that what our Saviour said is certainly true,
that all our hairs are numbered by God; that is, that God regards and
preserves us, although we may be in danger. Therefore, even as he
preserved Daniel among the lions, so he will also comfort and preserve
your lord in the midst of the robbers who have captured him. In the
_second_ place, that this also is certainly true, that the Divine
Majesty has promised, and pledged itself, to be with the troubled and
terrified who call upon him, as it is written in the 37th chapter of the
Prophet Isaiah. Therefore you should not doubt that the Eternal God is
with your lord and you, and will strengthen and save you from this great
distress. In the _third place_, it is certain that it is God's will
that we should acknowledge him by calling upon him, and that he will
manifest his presence by those gifts for which we pray, as he has said,
'Call upon me in the day of trouble; I will deliver thee, and thou shalt
glorify me.' Therefore you should not doubt that God will hear you, and
the many Christians who are praying that the Lord would restore your
husband to you with joy. May the Eternal God, the Father of our Lord
Jesus Christ, do this for his own glory, and at all times comfort and
protect you and your husband. Amen."

He wrote this on the 9th July, 1544; but, with many other sympathizing
friends, was obliged to wait an entire year, until the prisoner regained
his liberty, and could return to his family.




CHAPTER XXIII.

WORMS AND RATISBON AGAIN.


When the just-mentioned Baumgaertner attended the Diet of Spire, in 1544,
as the deputy from Nuremberg, the Emperor demanded the assistance of the
states of the Empire against the Turks, who were giving his brother
Ferdinand much trouble in Hungary. The Protestants took advantage of
this opportunity, and before all demanded a fixed peace, and equal
rights with the Catholics. The Emperor made many promises, and appointed
a new diet to be held at Worms. He would have a Plan of Reformation
prepared by learned and peaceable men, and the Protestants should also
present their plans. In the meantime there should be a general peace,
and no party persecute the other because of religion. Law-suits and
proscriptions, on account of religion, should be abolished. These were
pleasing prospects for the Protestants, but did not last very long; for
the Emperor now made peace with the king of France, and did not find any
difficulty in using force of arms in Germany, as he had long ago
intended. The Pope also summoned a General Council of the Church, to
meet in Trent in the spring of 1545, so that it was easy to see that the
affairs of the Church would be disposed of there, and not at the Diet.
Melanchthon says, in a letter written January 11th, 1545, to Duke
Albert, of Prussia: "The hope was entertained that the Emperor would
call a National Synod, or would cause religion to be further discussed;
but the Pope could not bear this. On this account the Council has been
summoned for the 8th of April. Yesterday I received a letter from Worms,
showing the violent feelings of the Emperor."

However, the Elector caused a writing to be prepared for the Diet,
called "The Reformation of Wittenberg," composed by Melanchthon. The
Theologians of Wittenberg sent this work to the Elector, together with a
letter, in which they say: "We have with due submission placed together
our humble opinion, and have shown by what we intend to abide to the
last." The work itself was divided into five parts, treating of the pure
doctrine, the true use of the sacraments, of the ministry, of the
maintenance of proper discipline, of the support of needful studies and
schools, and also adds one article concerning bodily protection and
support. It was a mild and simple confession of the truth. At the same
time, they also delivered an opinion in regard to one of Bucer's works,
which had been sent to them for this purpose by the Elector. Bucer had
proposed that at the Diet, the Evangelical states should unite in a
complaint against the Pope, and refuse to acknowledge that he is the
regular ecclesiastical power; and therefore they should labor to bring
about a general reformation. But, as it was generally said that the
Emperor and the King of France intended to bring about the General
Council, those at Wittenberg had good reason for declaring that the
Emperor would reject such proposals on the part of the States. They
should only wait until the meeting of the Council, for it would propose
articles which would enable well-meaning men to see the folly of the
Pope and bishops. They did not, therefore, agree with the Opinion of
Strasburg, and the Elector was perfectly satisfied with their judgment,
for he said: "If the states on our side should accuse the Pope and his
adherents before the Emperor, they would by this acknowledge his Majesty
to be a judge in this matter."

The result would be bad, for the Emperor was greatly influenced by the
Spanish bishops and priests, "and we have not been able to permit or
approve of men being judges of the word of God." He also thought it
would be best simply to abide by the Augsburg Confession, "for in it
nothing is withheld from the Pope and his party," and there is no
complaint made. But although he considered the work of his Theologians
too mild, the chancellor defended it in a lengthy report of the 20th of
January, in which he proves that it agrees fully with the Augsburg
Confession and Apology, "which have, by the grace of God, accomplished
much good." "God willing, this Reformation will do the same, and will
serve to destroy and to disgrace the venomous priests before the world,
and his Imperial Majesty also. And your Grace will observe that Martin
and the rest agree fully with him in this." To the wish expressed by the
Elector, that Luther should write something against the Pope, the
prudent chancellor replied: "May it please your Electoral Grace to spare
Martin, until we see that the Papal Council still carries on this
villany. Then it will be necessary for him to use the axe valiantly, for
which he has been gifted by God's grace with a more valiant spirit than
other men." This axe Luther not long after wielded with destructive
force, in his publication called, "The Papacy at Rome, founded by the
Devil." The Landgrave of Hesse did not find much to object to in the
Wittenberg Reformation.

But at the Diet of Worms, which began at the end of March, it was not
brought into notice at all, the Protestants themselves not insisting
upon its delivery. The Emperor's great object at the Diet of Worms was
to induce the Protestants to send delegates to the Council of Trent,
which was to be actually convened during the same year. This, however,
they refused to do in the most decided manner. He then appointed another
Diet, to be held in Ratisbon, January 6th, 1546, at which a religious
discussion should take place. They saw very plainly that the Emperor
contemplated violent measures, and therefore the Protestants met at the
end of the year 1545, in order to renew the League of Smalkald. The
Theologians of Wittenberg also advised this League, and said: "We pray
that Almighty God may incline the princes and rulers to a cordial,
lasting, and inseparable union." But this union was the very thing that
was wanting. They resolved to accept the religious discussion at
Ratisbon, but to protest against the Council of Trent, which began at
last on the 7th of January, 1546. Melanchthon drew up a memorial to this
effect.

As the Protestants had declared that they would send representatives to
the discussion at Ratisbon, it was now necessary to elect these
delegates. We may suppose that the Court of the Elector had fixed upon
Melanchthon, who had given such repeated evidences of his capability.
But Luther appealed to the Elector with the words, "As it will be a
useless and ineffectual council, of which we can hope nothing, Philip,
who is indeed very ill, should be spared." In order to prevent
Melanchthon's journey to Ratisbon, he even went to Brueck, and explained
the state of things to him. Of Melanchthon, he said: "He is a faithful
man, who fears or shuns no one, and besides this he is weak and sick. He
had no little difficulty in getting him home alive from Mansfeld, for he
would not eat or drink. If we should lose this man from the University,
it is likely that half the University would leave on his account. He
would not advise, but most faithfully dissuade them from sending him."
They should send Dr. Zoch and Dr. Maior, who was at least more learned
than the Emperor's ass. Cruciger also begged that he should be excused
from this discussion and journey. "However, if I knew," said the
chancellor in his report, "that Melanchthon would not be excused from
the disagreeable affairs at Mansfeld, I would rather advise and urge
that he should be sent to Ratisbon. And Philip himself said that he
would rather do the last than the first." The Elector yielded, but first
summoned Melanchthon to Torgau, in order to consult with him about the
discussion at Ratisbon. He here, on the 11th of January, published an
Opinion, in which he said that it is not known whether the Emperor will
again present one of Groper's books, or whether the Augsburg Confession
would be discussed, article upon article. The Emperor was accompanied by
a Spanish ecclesiastic, called MALVENDA. Melanchthon thought that _he_
would not fail to oppose the article on Justification. If they desired
to destroy the whole discussion, it would be most useful to begin with
this article, which is now known and highly esteemed throughout Germany,
and among all the godly. This would soon bring matters to a close, and
the Protestants could then publish a protest, that the opposite party
would not be convinced, and that it would evidently be entirely useless
to carry on further negotiations.

The two persons pointed out by Luther, GEORGE MAIOR and LAURENTIUS ZOCH,
were now chosen to attend the religious discussion at Ratisbon. It is
said that when Maior once more visited Luther before his departure, he
found upon the door of Luther's study the following words in Latin: "Our
professors must be examined concerning the Lord's Supper." Maior asked
him: "Venerable Father, what is the meaning of these words?" Luther
replied: "They mean just what you read, and as they say; and when you
return home again, and I too, an examination must be held, to which you
as well as others shall be called." But when Maior in the most decided
manner declared his adherence to the true doctrine of the sacrament,
Luther spoke at length of this matter, and exhorted him to confess the
same in the Church, in schools, and in private conversations, and by
these means strengthen the brethren, lead his friends into the right way
again, and oppose the wanton spirits. He who has the true Confession
cannot stand in one stable with heretics, nor give fair words to the
devil and his knaves. A teacher who says nothing against errors is worse
than an open fanatic. He either lies under one cover with the enemies,
or he is a doubter and weathervane, who is merely waiting to see whether
Christ or the devil will gain the victory; or he is altogether in a
state of uncertainty, and is not worthy to be called a disciple, much
less teacher."

Thus Luther spake, and Maior thanked him for it. How steadfastly Luther
adhered to the truth, which he had recognized in regard to the important
article of the Sacrament, may be inferred from this, if it were not
known long before. Yet we also know that he was at this time on the most
friendly terms with Melanchthon, whom he twice took along with him to
Eisleben. Philip was often found at his table, and there was nothing but
friendship between them. But in a few days this friendship was to
receive a wound which this world could not heal. I do not refer to any
change of doctrine, but to Luther's death, which to Melanchthon's great
sorrow occurred very unexpectedly at Eisleben.




CHAPTER XXIV.

LUTHER DIES, AND MELANCHTHON MOURNS.


Melanchthon saw him, his dearly beloved father, for the last time, on
the 23d of January, 1546, on which day Luther with his three sons
departed for Eisleben, there to assist in settling the difficulties
between the Counts of Mansfeld. It is not a part of our design to
describe the particulars of Luther's journey, his labors in Eisleben,
his short illness, and his blessed death. Melanchthon wrote to Jonas,
(and doubtless sent the letter along with him,) that the angel of the
covenant might accompany the Doctor, and assist him in his efforts to
restore a lasting and beneficial harmony between the Counts of
Mansfeld; and adds, that he was prevented from accompanying him by
indisposition. He was at that time suffering from constipation, which he
attributed to the stone. And on the 31st of January he wrote to Luther
himself that his wife had been greatly troubled about him and the boys,
because they had heard that the river Saale was very much swollen. "Now
we pray," he adds, "the everlasting God, and Father of our Lord Jesus
Christ, that he would bring you all back again in health, when you have
been successful in restoring harmony among the Counts of Mansfeld. By
God's grace, we are here in the enjoyment of peace; God grant that it
may last for a long time." He received the most hearty greetings from
Eisleben. On the 18th of February, on which day Luther had already made
his happy departure from this world, Melanchthon yet wrote to him. We
will here present the beginning of this letter: "To the venerable man,
Dr. Martin Luther, distinguished by learning, virtue, and wisdom, the
restorer of the true doctrine of the Gospel, his dearest father! Revered
Doctor, and dearest Father! I thank you that you have written to me so
often and kindly. And we now pray God, the eternal Father of our Lord
Jesus Christ, that he would lead you all safely home." This prayer was
not to be heard, or rather it was to be heard in a far higher sense. On
the following day, February 19, he already received the sad tidings of
the departure of his dear father, from Jonas. At 9 o'clock he was to
lecture on the Epistle to the Romans, but his sorrow would not permit
him to do so, and he said to the assembled students: "Beloved, pious
young men!--you know that I proposed to explain to you the Epistle to
the Romans, according to the simple and natural meaning of the words,
because in this is contained the true doctrine of the Son of God, which
God in special mercy has also revealed to us, in this our day, through
our venerable father and dear teacher, Doctor Martin Luther. But I have
this day received so sad a letter, which troubles and afflicts, and
discourages me so much, that I doubt whether I shall be able in future
to discharge the duties of my office in the University. What this is I
will now relate to you, especially as other persons have also advised me
to do so, and especially that you may know how it came to pass, so that
you may not relate it differently from what is true, or may not believe
other persons who may circulate false reports in regard to the matter,
as is generally the case.

"On Wednesday, February 7, shortly before supper, Dr. Martinus was
attacked by his usual affection, a pain in the pit of the stomach, with
which he was several times afflicted here. This returned after supper,
and as it did not cease, he went into his chamber, and laid himself down
for about two hours, until the pains had become much worse. He then
called Doctor Jonas, who slept in the same room, and asked him to
request Ambrosius, the tutor of his sons, to make a fire in the room. He
then went in, and was soon surrounded by Count Mansfeld and his lady,
and many others, whose names, on account of haste, are not mentioned in
this letter. On the morning of Feb. 18, before four o'clock in the
morning, he commended himself to God in this prayer: 'My dear heavenly
Father, eternal, merciful God! Thou hast revealed unto me thy beloved
Son, our Lord Jesus Christ; him have I taught and confessed, him I love
and honor as my dear Saviour and Redeemer, whom the wicked persecute,
despise, and revile. Take my soul to thyself!' He then thrice repeated
the words: 'Into thy hands I commend my spirit, thou hast redeemed me,
O God of Truth!' and then said: 'God so loved the world, that he gave
his only begotten Son, that whosoever believeth in him should not
perish, but have everlasting life.' This prayer he repeated several
times, and was thus taken by God into the everlasting school, and
eternal joy, where he is now enjoying fellowship with God the Father,
Son, and Holy Ghost, together with all prophets and apostles. Alas! the
Chariot of Israel is gone, which ruled the Church in this last age of
the world. For assuredly this doctrine of forgiveness of sin, and of
faith in the Son of God, was not invented by the wisdom of man, but was
revealed by God through this man, as we ourselves have also seen that he
was awakened by God. Therefore let us willingly remember him, and love
the doctrine which he proclaimed; let us also live more discreetly and
moderately, and consider what great troubles and changes will follow the
departure of this man. I beseech thee, O Son of God and Immanuel, who
wast crucified for us, and didst rise again, to rule and protect thy
Church. Amen."

Thus Melanchthon spoke and prayed, with tears and with a troubled heart.
His hearers were so deeply affected, that it seemed, as Selnecker says,
as if the very walls were weeping, for all manifested their sorrow by
sobbing aloud. On the 19th of February, he inquired of Jonas on what day
they would arrive in Wittenberg with the corpse. In this letter, he also
expresses his great sorrow on account of the death of this beloved man:
"We are greatly troubled at the loss of such a teacher and leader, not
only on account of the University, but also because of the Church
Universal of the whole world, which he led by his counsels, doctrine,
reputation, and the power of the Holy Ghost. Especially are we troubled
when we think of the dangers and storms which will come, since he has
been called away from his post.... But let us call upon our Lord Jesus
Christ, who has said, I will not leave you comfortless, that he may
continue to guide and preserve his Church, and let us thank him for the
benefits he has conferred upon us through Dr. Luther, and let us hold
Luther in grateful remembrance." On the same day, he also informed
Amsdorf of this calamity, and concluded thus: "Although I have no doubt
that many worthy persons everywhere will grieve most sincerely, I yet
know that your grief will be still greater, because he had no older and
dearer friend than you, and you loved him as a father. You have
therefore a great personal reason for your sorrow. But to this must also
be added public reasons, for after his death we seem to be threatened by
many other evils; but I pray and conjure you, for God's sake, that you
would encourage yourself with the divine consolations afforded us in the
Gospel, and that you would remember us and the Church."

About noon on the 22d of February, Luther's remains arrived at the
Elster gate of Wittenberg, and amidst the ringing of all the bells, and
the escort of a vast, deeply-moved multitude, were solemnly conveyed to
the Electoral church, where the Elector had assigned him a
resting-place. Melanchthon also walked in the procession; and after
Bugenhagen had, with many tears, preached an affecting funeral sermon,
Melanchthon also ascended the pulpit, and delivered a Latin address, the
substance of which we propose to relate.

"Although my own great sorrow almost forbids me to speak in this great
sorrow of all pious hearts, and of the Church of Christ, yet, as I am to
say something to this Christian assembly, I will not, after the manner
of the heathen, merely praise the departed one, but would rather remind
this honorable assembly of the great, wonderful, and divine guidance of
the Church, and of the many dangers with which it must always contend,
in order that Christians might learn so much better what should grieve
them most, what they should seek and ask of God, more than anything
else." Thus he commenced, and then spoke of _the office_ which Luther
had filled in the Church.

He mentions particularly what he had done in respect to doctrine, how he
had taught true repentance, justification by faith alone, the difference
between the law and the Gospel, and true good works; how he had
translated the Holy Scriptures, "in such a clear and plain manner," into
the German language, and had also written other useful books.
"Therefore, there can be no doubt but that pious Christian hearts will
for ever continue to praise and glorify the divine blessings, which he
has given to his Church by the hands of this Doctor Luther. They will
first of all praise and thank God for it; but after that, also confess
that they have been greatly benefited by the faithful labors of this
worthy man in his writings and preaching, and that they owe him thanks
for all this." He now speaks of it, that many reproached Doctor Luther
"on account of being too severe and rough in his writings." He would
reply to this, in the words of Erasmus: "God has also given a severe and
rough physician to the world, which in this latter time has been filled
with grievous plagues and defects." But he is truly blamed too much. "He
always faithfully and diligently defended the true faith, and always
maintained a good, sincere, and undefiled conscience. And every one who
knew him well, and had much intercourse with him, must confess that he
was a very kind-hearted man; and when among others, was always friendly,
amiable, and gracious in his conversation, and by no means insolent,
stormy, obstinate, or quarrelsome. And yet withal, there was an
earnestness and bravery in his words and gestures, which should be found
in such a man. In short, he had a heart, faithful and without guile,
words gracious and friendly, and, as St. Paul requires of the Christian,
'whatsoever things are true, whatsoever things are honest, whatsoever
things are just, whatsoever things are pure, whatsoever things are
lovely, whatsoever things are of good report.' Therefore, it is evident
that the severity which he manifested in his writings against the
enemies of the pure doctrine, did not proceed from a quarrelsome or
wicked spirit, but rather from his great earnestness and zeal for the
truth. This testimony must be given by us, and many pious persons, who
saw and knew him intimately." He then proceeds to say: "No unchaste act
or any other vice was ever discovered in him, no word leading to tumult
or rebellion was ever heard from his lips, but he always exhorted men to
reconciliation and peace; he never mingled other things with matters of
religion, and never made use of any intrigues to strengthen his own
power or that of his friends."... "I myself have often heard him pray
with many tears for the whole Church. For he daily took time to repeat a
few Psalms, with which he mingled his prayers to God, with sighs and
tears, and often, in his daily conversation, expressed his displeasure
against those who, because of their indolence or business, pretend that
it is sufficient to call upon God with a brief ejaculation."... "We have
likewise frequently seen, when great and important debates in regard to
sudden and dangerous emergencies arose, that he always exhibited great
courage and manliness; for he was not easily terrified, and did not lose
confidence on account of threats, or dangers, or terror. For he trusted
to this sure foundation, as upon an immovable rock, even upon the help
and support of God, and permitted nothing to take this faith and
confidence from his heart. Besides this, he possessed so great and keen
an understanding, that he could tell before all others what should be
advised and done in intricate, dark, and difficult affairs and disputes.
That so worthy a man, gifted with such a mind, of sound learning, and
tried and experienced by long practice, gifted with many lofty,
Christian, and peculiar virtues, chosen by God to raise up the Church;
one, too, who loved us with all his heart as a father; that such a man
should have been called away, and has departed from this life, and from
our midst and association, even from the foremost place of all, is
surely enough to call forth our sorrow and distress. For we are now like
poor, wretched, forsaken orphans, who have lost an affectionate and
excellent father. However, as we ought to obey God, and resign ourselves
to his will, we should for ever cherish the memory of this our beloved
father, and never suffer it to be effaced from our hearts." The speaker
then proceeded to describe the pleasant lot which had fallen to the
sainted one in heaven, after having found that for which he had wished
for a long time. "We ought not to doubt that this our dear father, Dr.
Luther, is present with God, in external happiness." It is God's will
that we should always remember his virtues, and the blessings bestowed
upon us through him. We should faithfully discharge this debt of
gratitude towards him, and should acknowledge that he was a precious,
noble, useful, and blessed instrument in God's hands; and we should
study his doctrine diligently, and preserve it faithfully. We should
also regard his virtues as an example to be imitated by us; such as his
piety, faith, earnest and fervent prayer, fidelity and diligence in
office, chastity and modesty, prudence, anxiety to avoid everything
which might cause tumults and other offences, and a constant pleasure
and desire to learn more and more.

Thus Melanchthon spoke with a sorrowful heart. He felt more than all how
much he had lost in Luther, who might well be compared to the sturdy
oak, against which this timid man could often lean. He expressed his
sorrow in every direction, as his letters at this time prove. And his
way was gradually becoming lonely, for his dearest friends were dying,
as for instance Spalatin; and the departure of another, his beloved
Myconius, who had once before been snatched from the bonds of death by
the faith and prayer of Luther, was also near at hand. Myconius was
suffering with bronchitis, and it was evident that he would soon rest
from his labors. It was at this time that Melanchthon addressed two
letters to him, which we present on account of their consolatory
contents. On the 1st of March, 1546, he wrote: "I most earnestly wish
that God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, might again restore your
bodily strength, so that you might serve the Church longer, and
superintend the studies of your sons. But if God, my Frederick, has
resolved to call you away, oh! then consider into what an assembly you
shall be admitted; to God, and his Son given for us, to the patriarchs,
prophets and apostles. You will see and converse with those who shall
proclaim the glory of God to you without deceitful arts. I seek their
intercourse with such ardent desire, that I am often sorrowful that I am
obliged to sojourn longer in this earthly prison, especially as I am
constantly contending with great sufferings and dangers. Rather would I
be torn in pieces than unite with those deceivers who are at present
endeavoring to consummate false unions. And yet you know that I am
constantly called to attend these artful proceedings. Therefore I
beseech you to commend the Church and me to God!" And on March 4, he
wrote: "Dearest Frederick! The gracious word of the Son of God has
frequently comforted me in great afflictions: '_Neither shall any man
pluck them out of my hand._' We will not seek any other explanation of
the sheep, than that given us by Christ, who calls those his sheep who
hear and love the Gospel. We are such, without doubt. Therefore, in all
the dangers of this life and of death, we should entertain the confiding
assurance that the watchman and defender, our shepherd, the Son of God,
is with us always. Since Luther has been called away from this mortal
state of existence, I have, besides my sorrow, additional cares and
labors."

On the 7th of April, Myconius died, to the great sorrow of Melanchthon,
who thus expresses it in a letter to Jonas: "Frederick Myconius, after
contending with his disease for a long time, has at last been called
away from this mortal life. You see that the righteous are gathered in,
that they may not behold the approaching calamities, which may God
lessen, as we pray." These calamities were nearer at hand than he
thought.




CHAPTER XXV.

WAR AND THE MISERY OF WAR.


While Luther's death was not only deeply moving Wittenberg and Saxony,
but all the friends of the Gospel elsewhere, the religious discussion of
Ratisbon, which had been commenced on the 27th of January, was in full
operation, but not in a very encouraging manner. For the Spanish
Ecclesiastic, MALVENDA, proved himself to be a proud and obstinate
priest. He had proposed nine propositions in regard to the article on
Justification, which were composed in such a way that it was altogether
impossible for the Protestants to accept them. The latter, therefore,
declared in a protest, that they intended to abide by the Augsburg
Confession, and regarded this as the true Catholic and Christian
doctrine. The Theologians of Wittenberg were of the same opinion; and,
in a letter to the Elector of the 5th of March, declared: "Dr. Martinus
has left a valuable jewel behind him, even the true meaning of Christian
doctrine, which we wish to transmit, undefiled, to our posterity. May
God grant us his Grace and Holy Spirit for this purpose!" But on the
banks of the Danube, that is, in Ratisbon, the Imperial party would have
nothing to do with this pure doctrine, and laid every difficulty in the
way of the Protestants. Indeed, it appeared more and more, that the
whole discussion was a mock-fight, and that the Emperor was determined
to cut the Gordian knot with his sword. He indeed did not wish this to
be made known, for he was a deceitful man, who well knew how to conceal
his thoughts. But the Elector saw through his disguise, and ordered his
Theologians to retire from the discussion at Ratisbon. They returned in
the beginning of April.

Melanchthon about this time prepared an opinion in the name of the
Theologians, in which resistance against the Emperor is declared to be a
duty: "If it is true that the Emperor intends to fall upon these States
on account of religion, then it is doubtless right that these States
should earnestly protect themselves and their subjects, with the help of
God." When the Emperor, therefore, came to Ratisbon, and had opened the
diet on the 5th of June, the Protestants were forced to ask him the
reason of his warlike preparations.

He distinctly told them "that, as he was unable to restore peace in
Germany by mild measures, he was obliged to proceed against the
disobedient with the power of the Empire." The Pope united with him, and
published this treaty, in which he openly speaks of the extermination of
heretics. Melanchthon wrote about this to Amsdorf, on June 25th: "It is
certain that the Emperor Charles is preparing to wage a terrible war
against the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave. Already large armies
are gathered in the neighborhood of Guelders, and troops, to be
supported by the Pope, are expected from Italy. Charles does not conceal
that he intends to wage war against the Duke of Saxony; for he called
together the deputies of the cities in Ratisbon, and exhorted them not
to assist the Duke of Saxony. But the cities nobly and firmly declared
that they would not forsake their ally in the hour of danger. So much of
the beginning of the war. But as God protected the house of the widow
of Zarephath, so I pray that God would protect our princes, who govern
justly, and do many good services to the churches and the studies of
religion." As the treaty between the Pope and the Emperor was published,
the Protestants opposed it in a public address, in which they asserted
that the Emperor had been instigated to this war by the Roman
Antichrist, in order to suppress religion, and German liberty. On the
other hand, the Emperor gave as a reason the disobedience of the
princes, which was particularly shown in their invasion of the rights of
the bishops and founders, in the expulsion of the monks, and also
because they detained the Duke of Brunswick in custody. The Pope ordered
public prayers for the extermination of heretics, but the Protestants
made all possible preparations to resist the Emperor.

Melanchthon published Luther's excellent little book, "A Warning to my
beloved Germans," and added an encouraging introduction, in which he
says: "Let all who fear God in Germany, now seriously consider and
remember what they owe to God in these terrible warlike preparations.
For now that it is known that the Pope is lending such great aid in
money and soldiers to carry on this war, there can be no doubt that it
is his principal aim to exterminate the true doctrine, which is now
preached in our churches, and to re-establish and secure forever his own
idolatry and errors, by shedding of blood, murder, the lasting
destruction of the German nation, and by dismembering all the Electoral
and princely families." He encourages resistance, and adds: "I am
surprised that wise men have suffered themselves to be induced to begin
this war. But it is not only the work of men, the devil's rage, and
desire to bring about greater destruction and misery in Christendom....
But I pray all God-fearing men earnestly to beseech God to protect his
Church, in which the true doctrine is preached, and also every Christian
government. Besides this, all such should remember that every one is in
duty bound to aid in preserving the true Christian doctrine, according
to his position and means. For this we live, and we cannot do a better
work in this life."

The Imperial ban of the Empire against the Elector and the Landgrave,
the two leaders of the league of Smalkald, made its appearance on the
20th of July. Besides this, Duke Maurice of Saxony, who was full of
ambition, betrayed the cause of his relative, the Elector, and the cause
of the Protestants in general. He went over to the Emperor's side. But
before the Emperor had gathered his troops, the Protestants were already
standing on the banks of the Danube, in the month of July, with an army
of 40,000 men, prepared to strike. But they did not make a good use of
their favorable position, for they could at this time have brought the
war to an end by one decisive blow. The experienced commander of the
Upper Germans, SEBASTIAN SCHAeRTLIN, wished to fall upon the Emperor, who
with a few hundred men was then in Ratisbon, and compel him to make
peace. But his plan was defeated by the scruples of the leaders of the
League, until the Emperor had received reinforcements, and was now able
to assume an offensive attitude. He soon became master of the Danube,
and entered Swabia. When the leaders of the League now proposed terms of
peace, he ordered them to surrender at discretion. Here they also
learned that Duke Maurice had united with the Emperor, and therefore the
two leaders of the League resolved to return to their own dominions, in
order to protect them, especially as Maurice had already entered the
Electoral dominions, and was capturing one city after the other. The
Emperor had also promised the Electoral dignity to Duke Maurice. When
the princes retreated, with the intention, it is true, of meeting the
Emperor the following spring with a stronger force, they placed the game
entirely in his hands. He conquered, and laid under contribution, the
various confederate cities in Southern Germany; and on the Rhine,
humbled the aged Duke Ulrich, of Wuertemberg, and deprived the aged
Archbishop of Cologne of his princely dignity. He had thus covered his
rear in Swabia and on the Rhine, and was now able, without much
difficulty, to shift the war into the dominions of the two leaders of
the Confederation.

While the Emperor was proceeding thus in Southern Germany, and on the
Rhine, the Elector, John Frederick, entered Thuringia with 2000 men, and
soon swept away the armies of Duke Maurice. He even entered his
dominions, and conquered the whole land, with the exception of Leipzig.
At Altenberg, he was opposed by Maurice and his ally, the Margrave
Albert, of Brandenburg, but in vain. For the Margrave was taken
prisoner, and Maurice evacuated the country. Thus John Frederick stood
as a victor upon the banks of the Elbe, but without taking advantage of
his victory.

We may easily suppose that the University and schools could not prosper
much in these warlike times. When the troops of Duke Maurice were
advancing, it was thought advisable in Wittenberg to dissolve the
University. The Margrave Joachim offered a retreat to Melanchthon. Many
fled to Magdeburg, but Melanchthon selected Zerbst, when the troops of
Maurice threatened Wittenberg. We may conceive the feelings of
Melanchthon's heart, when aged sires, women, and children, were thus
compelled to flee, in mid-winter, in a snow-storm. He was received in a
hospitable manner at Zerbst, and at the same time also received
invitations from Brunswick and Nuremberg. But, while everything looked
so gloomy, the sky assumed a bright appearance at the return of the
Elector, who had so expeditiously cleared his dominions of hostile
troops. Melanchthon, too, returned to Wittenberg, now freed from the
siege, but only for a few days, as matters were still in a state of
insecurity and uncertainty. He returned to Zerbst, and was destined soon
to experience greater calamities than ever before. But, although he was
greatly afflicted, he comforted himself with the word of God. He at this
time wrote to Camerarius: "Let us be assured that God will preserve the
seed of his Church and of the truth, as he has so repeatedly promised in
his divine word, and let us not doubt that God has our welfare at heart,
even if the world should be destroyed." In the beginning of February,
1547, he again returned to Wittenberg for a few days, and thence wrote
to the Elector to make peace, but without effecting anything.

While Melanchthon was deeply afflicted by the death of his beloved
daughter ANNA, who had been married to Sabinus, and died on the 26th of
February, in the flower of life, he was also to behold calamities
falling upon the dominions of his prince from every quarter. The Emperor
had arisen with the determination to subdue John Frederick. He united
with his brother Ferdinand and Duke Maurice, at Egra, and advanced into
the Electoral dominions with 27,000 men, while the Elector had rapidly
retreated to Wittenberg, which was well fortified. But he was overtaken
by the Imperial cavalry. A battle was fought at Muehlberg, April 24. The
pious Elector was at the time attending divine worship, and thought
that he ought to remain until the close; he was overtaken on the heath
of Lochau, and after a brave resistance on his part, was made prisoner.
The Emperor received him in a very ungracious manner, and ordered him,
together with the captive Duke Ernest of Brunswick-Lueneburg, to be
conveyed to the camp. Intoxicated by his victory, he even went so far as
to pronounce sentence of death upon the Elector, against all the
prerogatives of princes. But the Elector received the announcement with
the greatest tranquillity. However, he did not venture to execute the
sentence, and changed it to imprisonment for life. As the Elector
steadily rejected the resolutions of the Council of Trent, he was
declared to have forfeited his lands and electoral dignity, and the
traitor Maurice was entrusted with the Electorate. When Melanchthon, who
was then at Zerbst, heard of the defeat of the Elector, he was deeply
moved, and thus expresses his troubles in a letter written to Caspar
Cruciger, on the 1st of May: "Dearest Caspar, if I were able to weep as
many tears as the Elbe rolls deep waters by you and our walls, I could
not weep out my sorrow on account of the defeat and imprisonment of our
prince, who truly loved the Church and Justice. Many important
considerations increase my distress. I deeply commiserate the prisoner.
I foresee a change of doctrine, and a new confusion of the Churches.
Then, what an ornament is destroyed in the dispersion of our school? and
we too are torn asunder. Truly, if it were possible for one to consider,
I would rather die in your society, and before your altars, than wander
about in this state of exile, in which my strength is daily decreasing."
As the Spanish and Italian soldiers made great havoc, and especially
mal-treated women and maidens, he did not consider Zerbst a safe
retreat any longer. He, therefore, removed with his family to Magdeburg.
He here met Luther's widow, who was about to depart to Denmark, where
she had found a noble patron in the king. He accompanied her to
Brunswick, where she remained for some time, and he went to Nordhausen.
A faithful friend, Mayor MEIENBERG, resided here, with whom he had
carried on a cordial correspondence. He had written to him on Ascension
day, shortly before his arrival in Nordhausen: "I write this letter on a
happy day, in which the Ascension of the Son of God is publicly
commemorated, and which was beheld in former days by many of the Church
with their own eyes. And I thought of the sweet words of comfort which
are read on this day. But the Son of God still sitteth at the right hand
of the Eternal Father, and bestows his gifts upon the children of men.
Therefore, if we call upon him, he will also grant us gifts, and protect
and preserve his Church." And this trust, which he reposed in the Lord
of the Church, was not put to shame.

He dropped the plan he had formed, of visiting his home, and also
declined a call to the University of Tuebingen, which he received at this
time; for his heart was wedded to Wittenberg, which had become his
second home. He wrote to a friend on the 5th of June: "The University of
Tuebingen has called me. But in my bosom and inmost feelings I feel a
great affection for our little nest on the Elbe, and towards the friends
residing there, and in the neighborhood, so that it would give me the
greatest pain to part from them. Therefore I shall soon return to the
Elbe again."




CHAPTER XXVI.

RESTORATION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF WITTENBERG.


His desire to return to Wittenberg was to be gratified sooner than he
expected. In the beginning of June, he was informed by his countryman,
the Imperial secretary OBERNBURG, that Duke Maurice had become Elector,
and intended to restore the University of Wittenberg; and by a letter
from Cruciger, the former instructors were called upon to return.
Already, on the 8th of June, Melanchthon signified his intention of
going to Wittenberg or Dessau, in order to consult with his friends in
regard to this matter. A portion of the dominions of the Elector had
been left to his sons, including Weimar, Jena, Eisenach, Gotha, and
other places; and it seems the father was anxious that a new institution
should be founded in Jena. This wish of the Elector, who was deeply
interested in the cause of the Gospel, was worthy of all commendation;
for the treachery of Duke Maurice did not permit the hope that
Wittenberg would again become a nursery of the pure doctrine. It must,
therefore, have been a very desirable object with the young dukes, to
secure the former teachers of Wittenberg, particularly Melanchthon, for
the new school. The elder Duke therefore requested Melanchthon not to
remove from those parts. He immediately replied from Nordhausen, June
9th, 1547: "Although the parents of your Grace, as well as your Grace,
and your brothers, and all your faithful subjects, are plunged at
present into the deepest sorrow which can come upon us in this world of
trouble, yet we ought not to forget that God seeth all these things, and
if we call upon him with all the heart, will lessen our misery, and show
mercy, although we must endure chastisement for a season. I thank your
Grace most humbly that you have been graciously pleased to invite me to
stay near you; and if I could serve your Electoral Grace in an humble
position as a teacher, I would rather serve your Grace in poverty, than
in riches in other quarters, although I have been invited to several
places. But I will not leave your dominions without the knowledge of
your Grace. I intend soon also to pay another visit to Wittenberg." At
the same time, he also received a letter from his friends at Wittenberg,
urging him to come thither. In a letter to a friend there, he says: "I
love the University as my home, for I have there lived in the greatest
intimacy with learned and honorable colleagues, and we have together
endeavored to spread abroad the doctrine of the most needful things,
with moderate zeal. The son of the imprisoned prince has merely
requested me not to leave his dominions, without previously informing
him of my intention to do so; and if I could find a little place, even
in an humble school in his dominions, I would be inclined to serve him.
For I am not thinking of a brilliant position, but of my grave." He now
for the first time learned that it was intended to establish an
institution of learning at Jena; and he therefore wrote to the dukes
that he would come to Weimar, "in order to hear further what your wishes
may be, and also to communicate my own simple and humble opinion." From
a number of letters written at this time, for instance, from one written
to Augustin Schurff, on the 13th of July, it is evident that he had no
other intention but to settle where he might live and labor together
with his old friends and colleagues. He said: "I will regard the place
of their residence as my native land." However, he went to Weimar, in
order to consult with the dukes and Chancellor Brueck. Here, it seems,
they intended to gain over Melanchthon for Jena, without, however,
appointing his friends. This did not please him. Without expressing his
sentiments fully, he proposed to retire to Zerbst, in order to consult
with Schurff, Eber, and some other friends. But in Merseburg, he, on the
18th of July, received letters from George of Anhalt, and Cruciger,
summoning him to Leipzig. Duke Maurice was there at the time, and wished
to see the Wittenberg Theologians, especially Melanchthon, who
immediately departed for Leipzig. Bugenhagen refers to this in the
following manner: "There Master Philip came to us, on account of which
we greatly rejoiced, and thanked God. My most gracious lord (Maurice),
entertained us splendidly in his own inn, paid all our expenses, and
honored us with various gifts, and presents of money; he also received
us in person, in a very gracious manner, and publicly declared before
us, and all the Superintendents, that he would never permit himself to
be led back to those Papal errors, which oppose the word of God, and the
blessed Gospel of Jesus Christ. Therefore we should continue to teach
the pure Gospel of Jesus Christ, and to condemn such abuses, together
with all other fanaticism and error. His Electoral Grace also enjoined
it upon us, that we should call the professors of the University of
Wittenberg together again, resume our lectures, and to call the
Consistory of the Church." Ratzeberger relates that the Elector
presented a velvet cap, filled with dollars, to Dr. Pommer and Master
Philip, and assured all of his favor.

The Elector Maurice had before this been exhorted to restore the
University, and he had now returned a gracious answer. Melanchthon
rejoiced that he was able to return to Wittenberg again. On the 25th of
June, he departed thither, accompanied by Bugenhagen, Cruciger, and
Eber; after having declined the invitation to remain as professor in
Leipzig. He wrote to Camerarius: "I do not know how long I shall remain
here." And to Weinlaub: "The deliberations in regard to the restoration
of the University are still very uncertain, for, as you may imagine,
many difficulties stand in the way." And to Aurifaber, August 4th: "You
are familiar with the old accounts, with what great difficulty cities
were restored after their destruction. How often was the rebuilding of
Jerusalem hindered, after the return of the Israelites from Chaldea! And
yet the temple was finally restored. Thus will our University perhaps be
restored again, although it be done slowly; I trust that it may be
accomplished by the help of God." The prince gave the best assurances
that he would secure a new income; and this was very necessary, for the
University owned very little real-estate. Melanchthon was actually
living at his own expense;[22] and, as he remarked in the last of the
letters above, the restoration was progressing very slowly. But
notwithstanding all this, he declined repeated offers from Koenigsberg,
Frankfort-on-the-Oder, &c., so firmly was he rooted in Wittenberg. He
wrote to Meienburg: "Verily, if this University is not restored, a state
of barbarism will fall upon the churches, which may God prevent!" On the
12th of August, he went with Eber to Dresden, in order to consult with
Chancellor Cummerstadt about the income of the University, without,
however, receiving any definite promises. His family were still in
Nordhausen, whither he went to pay them a visit in October. He was
accompanied by his son-in-law Sabinus, who, in compliance with
Melanchthon's wishes, had brought his daughters to the house of their
grand-parents, to be raised by them. At last, in the middle of October,
the University was restored, and the family could again remove to the
old home.

By thus remaining in Wittenberg, in the service of the perfidious Duke
Maurice, Melanchthon was much reproached by the friends of the
unfortunate prisoner, and his sons, who were establishing a University
in Jena. And it will remain a question, whether it would not have been
more honorable in him to have retired to Jena. However, we must hear the
reasons which induced him to pursue this course. He justified this step,
in various letters addressed to his friends. He wrote to the Pastor
AQUILA, in Saalfeld, August 29th: "As there seemed some prospect of the
restoration of our University, and my colleagues earnestly conjured me
to return, I was persuaded to do so by considering the name of the
University, my connection with my colleagues, and the desertion and
affliction of this Church, towards which many nations formerly directed
their eyes. It seemed a mark of the special mercy of God that our city
was not utterly destroyed, and I would regard it as a greater mercy
still, if our University should be re-established. Although I know that
many speak ill of me on account of this my return, I yet do not reply,
but merely pray that my grief may be forgiven me. Ennius says a
melancholy mind is always in error. In my great sadness I therefore
longed too earnestly for my old friends, with whom I labored so long in
one and the same excellent work. I also hoped too much in these insecure
times, when I believed in the possibility of the restoration of the
University, the certainty of which is not yet apparent. At all event, I
did not seek carnal pleasures or treasures. I live here like a stranger
at my own expense, in constant sorrow and prayer, and no day passes over
my head without tears." As many friends of the Gospel entertained the
suspicion that the truth would now be departed from in Wittenberg,
Melanchthon declared in a letter to Aquila: "When those, of whom you
write, say that the preachers of this place have deserted the truth,
they do great injury to this Church, which is already sufficiently
distressed. By God's grace, the voice of the Gospel now resounds as
unanimously in the city of Wittenberg as it did before the war. And
almost every week, ministers of the Gospel are publicly ordained, and
sent into the neighboring districts. It was but this week that six pious
and learned men were sent forth, all of whom declare, even as formerly,
that they will preach the pure Gospel to their hearers. And they are
likewise examined, as in former times. The facts of the case prove that
we have not changed our minds in regard to doctrine. We also offer up
public and private prayers for the imprisoned prince. We do not hear
any one speak ill of our prince, and the authorities of this city would
not permit anything of the kind. Therefore, I beseech you, do not
believe those who slander us, or the Church here; I hope that God
himself will confute them, and deliver us from their envenomed tongues.
I myself honor the imprisoned prince with devout reverence, and daily
commend him to God with tears and supplications, and pray God to deliver
and guide him. As this is true, I am amazed at the levity of the
slanderer who accuses me of the cruelty of preventing prayer for the
prince. But I will beseech God, that he would protect his Church
everywhere, and that he would also deliver us from such slanders in this
our great distress."

Melanchthon thus openly expresses himself in regard to his position at
that time, and we are warranted in believing that these were the honest
and sincere sentiments of his heart. But still more difficult relations
arose, in which his Christian character was to be tried in the severest
manner. The following chapters will show how he demeaned himself in
these.




CHAPTER XXVII.

THE DIET OF AUGSBURG AND ITS INTERIM.


The Emperor Charles, proud of his victories, would not be satisfied
until he also succeeded in securing the second leader of the League of
Smalkald, the Landgrave Philip of Hesse. For this purpose he also
employed Duke Maurice, which was especially disgraceful, because he was
the son-in-law of the Landgrave. Maurice did not believe that the
Emperor would capture the Landgrave treacherously, in order to lead him
behind his victorious chariot, as he did with Duke John Frederick. The
Landgrave yielded to persuasion, and upon his knees asked the Emperor's
pardon; yet, notwithstanding all assurances to the contrary, he was
seized and made a close prisoner. Thus the League of Smalkald was
destroyed, and the Emperor found himself the mighty monarch of all he
surveyed.

In the meantime, the Council of Trent had published several articles of
religion, which were opposed to the acknowledged Evangelical truth; and
the Pope had now also removed it from Trent to Italian soil, to Bologna,
in order to have it completely in his power. This displeased the
Emperor, who did not like to see the Pope assuming too powerful and
prominent a position. On the 1st September, 1547, he had opened another
diet at Augsburg, towards which many looked with great anxiety. Not only
the Ecclesiastical Electors, but also the Protestant princes were
induced, by his influence, to declare that they would submit to the
Council, provided it should be removed back again to Trent, and the
articles of religion would be reconsidered. John Frederick alone opposed
this; while the Pope did the same on the other side, because he could
not bear to see the growing power of the Emperor. But Charles had for
years learned at least so much, that it would be utterly impossible to
introduce into Germany a reformation such as the Papacy desired; and
because he wished to hold all the reins, not only of the worldly, but
also of the spiritual government, in his own hands, he proposed to
undertake the Reformation of the German Church himself. He had
entertained this project for a long time, as he also manifested by the
Ratisbon book, and now he believed he could carry out his plans, almost
without any opposition, as the German States were prostrate at his feet.
He therefore proposed to these to appoint a number of able men to meet
and deliberate for the present, upon a form of doctrine and discipline
for the Church. In January, 1548, Duke Maurice had demanded the opinion
of the Theologians of Wittenberg, in regard to this matter. On the 26th
of January, they replied: "We see that it is intended to form an
interim, which many States, who are now one with us in doctrine, will
not receive, which will cause new and great wars. Therefore, we need the
Grace of God and good counsel in this matter, which we dread very much.
It would be burdensome besides, to afflict our Churches by new changes;
and it would be Christian and beneficial to suffer them to remain in
their present condition." As the Elector had summoned them to Augsburg,
they declared they would hold themselves in readiness. In regard to the
Council, which was to be continued in Trent, Melanchthon expressed
himself to the following purpose: "I believe, that if we agree to
holding it, we are also bound to obey its decrees. But as various
articles are false and opposed to divine truth, I cannot advise their
adoption, and thus burden my conscience. But if the Emperor should
insist upon a General Council, the other side should also be heard. The
Emperor should be urged to permit an accommodation in Germany, as had
been advised in Spire. And both sides should present written opinions."

It is highly gratifying that Melanchthon behaved so valiantly in this
matter. And this must be valued still more highly, when we remember that
the Emperor had twice already demanded his delivery. But the Emperor had
already formed his plans. It is very likely that the Elector JOACHIM
II., of Brandenburg, presented a writing to him, which, like the
notorious book of Ratisbon, endeavored to bring about an agreement
between the Catholics and Protestants. There is very little doubt of the
fact, that the Elector's Chaplain, John Agricola, had composed a
considerable portion of this book. When he entered his carriage in
Berlin, he is said to have remarked that he was now going to Augsburg as
the Reformer of Germany, and everywhere praised this performance
exceedingly. The Emperor placed this document in the hands of the two
Catholic Theologians, Julius von Pflug and Helding, that, in connection
with Agricola, they might revise it in such a manner that it might be
introduced into Germany as a temporary form of doctrine and discipline
of the Church. It is generally called the _Augsburg Interim_, that is to
say, the Augsburg "in the mean time." Agricola was so highly pleased
with it, that he could not praise and magnify its advantages too much.
It granted the cup, marriage of the priests, and the possession of
confiscated church property to the Protestants; and while it
approximated their doctrine of the Church, the mass, and justification,
it demanded that the rights of the Bishops, the seven Sacraments,
transubstantiation, the invocation of saints, fasting, and ceremonies,
should be retained. When Duke Maurice had received the book, he sent it
to Melanchthon, who, from Altenburg, gave his opinion as follows: "It
resembles the Ratisbon book, some articles being more stringent, others
more moderate. What it says of the power of the Bishops needs
limitation. It speaks in a very weak manner of faith and grace, although
much better than the Council of Trent." Of the Pope and the Bishops, he
says: "If the Pope has the true doctrine, we ought to obey him; but if
he has not the true doctrine, our obedience must end." He expresses
himself in a very decided manner against some points in the articles on
the Sacraments, auricular confession, marriage, the mass, and invocation
of saints, and says: "Finally, I am not willing to burden my conscience
with this book, for the following reason: If the rulers would insist
that the Pastors should adhere to this to the very letter, it would
cause great persecution, sorrow, and offences, which would have such an
injurious influence upon many persons, that they would not believe in
any form of religion after it."

After a more thorough examination of the Interim, he published a still
more decided and definite opinion from Klosterzelle, whither he had
gone, because the Emperor had again demanded his delivery or exile. He
pronounces a severer judgment in regard to the "deceitful article of
faith and love." "In reality, this is its true meaning: faith is a mere
preparation for justification, then cometh love, by which man is
justified. That is as much as to say: man is just because of his own
works and virtues, so that this light is taken away; man is just and
accepted by God, for the sake of the Lord Jesus Christ, through faith."
"Thus man is led away from Christ to depend upon himself, and thus loses
the comfort he should find in the Son of God." He adds: "I pray that
these things may be well considered, for they concern the glory of God
and the harmony of all the Churches." And again: "If they wish to make a
tolerable, Christian Interim, they ought doubtless to make a difference
between those matters which are right and needful, and those which are
unnecessary, wrong, and, besides this, impossible. Why do they wish to
desolate the Churches on account of the needless and false masses for
souls, invocations of the saints, &c.?" For although the Interim
admitted that the mass is no sacrifice for sin, and does not purchase
forgiveness of sins, yet it still retained these four errors: the
_first_, that the priest offers the Son of God as a sacrifice in the
mass; the _second_, that by this the people obtain the merits of Christ;
the _third_, that departed saints are to be invoked; and the _fourth_,
that this sacrifice is beneficial to the dead. "These are all terrible
lies, and therefore these articles should not be agreed to."

Thus did Melanchthon express himself, and the other Theologians,
Cruciger, Maior, and Pfeffinger, agreed with him. The Elector Maurice
had not been pleased with the Interim from the beginning, and declared
that he would not undertake anything of the kind without consulting his
people. When he had, therefore, read Melanchthon's views, he demanded a
full and dispassionate opinion from the Theologians. They went to Celle,
and prepared one. On the 14th of April they sent it to the Elector,
accompanied by a modest, yet determined letter. They again rejected the
articles of justification, private masses, masses for souls, and the
canons, while they agreed to confirmation, extreme unction, the power of
the Bishops, private absolution without auricular confession, and
several festivals and ceremonies, provided that work-holiness and the
invocation of saints be abolished. Melanchthon wrote to Camerarius on
the following day: "As long as I live I shall act as I did yesterday,
and speak the same things, no matter where I shall be." "I have this
consolation, that whatsoever cometh from God shall not perish. And I
would not wish that our opinions should pass down to posterity if they
are not of God."

He wrote a letter of justification to Minister VON CARLOWITZ on the 28th
of April, which gained him the ill-will of many of Luther's friends. We
shall communicate some portion of it: "When the prince has formed his
resolutions, I shall not make any disturbance, although I may not
approve of many things in them, but will either remain silent or go
away, or bear whatever arises. I have also formerly borne an almost
unbecoming servitude when Luther suffered himself to be led more by his
nature, which was inclined to fight, than by his dignity, and the
general welfare. And I know that we must silently and modestly bear and
cover many defects in the affairs of State, even as we must bear the
evil effects of a storm. But you tell me that I am not merely required
to be _silent_, but to approve of the Interim." He proceeds to show the
minister that he is by no means quarrelsome, but had always been
moderate and advising peace, so that the very persons who now appear in
Augsburg as peacemakers, had calumniated him at court on account of his
moderation. "And afterwards others, for almost twenty years, called me
frost and ice; others again, that I agreed with the enemy. I recollect
even, that one accused me of striving after a Cardinal's hat." But that
notwithstanding all this, he had adhered to essentials in doctrine,
cutting off all useless questions. He did not wish a change of doctrine,
or the expulsion of worthy men, and that he could only think of it with
the greatest sorrow. He now discusses the separate articles of the
Augsburg book, how much he would yield, and what he would adhere to.
But, if he should be regarded an obstinate fool, because he did not
agree to all the articles, he would bear it, and imitate those who had
preferred the truth to life in far less important things than these." We
can easily discover his love of peace in all this, but also that he was
determined not to yield in important points. While many of the more
decided Protestants misinterpreted his constant yielding, he drew upon
himself the highest displeasure of the Emperor, who again wished his
expulsion, but without gaining his purpose. Melanchthon about this time
wrote to JEROME WELLER: "In the consciousness of having desired what is
right, we shall bear all that may fall upon us. For, in obedience to the
divine commandment, we have sought the truth, which was indeed buried in
thick darkness, and we have brought many good things to the light of
day. Therefore let us also hope that God will hear our groans. We have
experienced the uncertainty of the help of man."

But the Interim did not only displease the Protestants, but the Catholic
Electors and Bishops declared in Augsburg that they would adhere to the
old state of things, but would not object to it if his Imperial Majesty
would bring back the apostates to the right way.

When Melanchthon had returned to Wittenberg, he, by request, prepared an
opinion concerning the demand of the Bishops, that their jurisdiction
should be restored to them; in which he plainly declares, that it was
impossible to enter into an agreement with the persecutors; "and even if
we would patch at it, it would be a peace like that between wolves and
sheep." "But as for myself, I declare that we have just and needful
reasons for avoiding their false doctrine and abuses. For this is God's
eternal and unchangeable commandment: Flee Idolatry."... That the
Bishops say of the Augsburg Confession, that it was never lived up to, I
do not understand whom or what they mean. But it is certain that in the
Churches of Saxony, and as far as Denmark, nothing more or different has
been adopted than the doctrine contained in said "Augsburg Confession."
The Interim was finally read to the States in the middle of May. The
Catholics were not pressed to adopt it, but the Protestants were
required to adhere to it until the Council should have published its
decrees. Thus the Emperor succeeded in carrying out his own wishes; the
Elector of Brandenburg signed it unconditionally, but Maurice only under
certain conditions. The Margraves WOLFGANG, and JOHN VON CUSTRIN, and
the prisoner JOHN FREDERICK, refused to sign, as faithful witnesses of
the truth, who would not permit it to be tampered with. The Protestant
cities raised a general opposition to it; the cities of southern Germany
alone yielded to force, as threats and abuse were employed against them.
About 400 ministers of the Gospel in these cities remained faithful to
the truth, and were banished. The cities of northern and eastern Germany
greatly distinguished themselves by their resistance, especially
Magdeburg, which now called itself the chancery of God. The Protestants
could with great justice say of the Interim:

  "Blest is the man, who can put trust in God,
  And does not consent to the Interim,
  For it is but a rogue in disguise."[23]




CHAPTER XXVIII.

HOW THE INTERIM FARED IN THE ELECTORATE OF SAXONY.


We have already heard that the Elector Maurice only signed the Interim
conditionally. Partly because he did not approve of many things in it,
and partly also because he did not think it possible to enforce it in
his dominions, where the Reformation had taken such deep root, he
presented a protest at Augsburg, in which he explained that he could not
at once force the Interim upon his people; it would be necessary first
to consult the Chambers; but whatever he could do with God and a good
conscience he would diligently do, so that he should not be found
wanting. In the month of June he returned to his dominions, and demanded
a full opinion from his Theologians at Wittenberg. It was composed by
Melanchthon, and was already the fourth which the miserable Augsburg
Interim had called forth. With a bold faith he declares in the
beginning: "Although war and destruction are threatened, we ought to
esteem the commandment of God greater, that is, we should not deny the
truth of the Gospel which has become known to us. Besides this, the
doctrine of the Son of God and forgiveness of sins is a particular
counsel of God, which He, in infinite mercy, has revealed, and wishes
that all men should help to sustain this doctrine, in order that they
may call upon him aright, and obtain salvation. Now we know, from many
examples, that from Adam's time the devil has tried many arts, again and
again, to extinguish or to darken this doctrine. In the third place, it
should also be considered what great offence it would cause in our
Churches, if false doctrine and idolatry should be publicly introduced
into them again. For many pious persons would fall into great distress,
and the true worship of God would be hindered." After the opinion has
declared that the Theologians would heartily wish to see and enjoy
peace, it yet demands that Saxony should not be troubled with the
Augsburg Interim. "For it will certainly not be received in many
countries and cities." They would review it, and openly and honestly
confess the truth it contained, but condemn its errors. The Theologians
particularly objected to the article on Justification, and said: "We
cannot advise any one to agree with the book in this point." They also
rejected the article which treated of the Church and Bishops, and then
entered upon an examination of the various articles on the Sacraments,
confirmation, extreme unction, repentance, confession, &c., and pointed
out every defect, and confessed in conclusion:--"And whereas we have
recently received notice that the preface of the work prohibits every
one from preaching, teaching, or writing against the Interim, it is
necessary, with all humility, to make this declaration: That we shall
not change the true doctrine, as it has hitherto been preached in our
churches, for no creature has the right to change divine truth, and no
one is permitted to deny truth when known to him." This lengthy opinion
was signed by Bugenhagen, Pfeffinger, Cruciger, Major, Melanchthon, and
Froeshel, and delivered into the Elector's hands.

On the 2d of July he received his Chambers, together with several
Theologians, one of whom was Melanchthon, in the city of Meissen. In his
address to the Chambers, the Elector reviewed the entire course of
things, and concluded by saying, that they should prove themselves
disposed to assist the Emperor in whatever may be promotive of Christian
harmony, quiet, peace, and unity, and can be done with the approbation
of God and a good conscience." On the 4th of July, Melanchthon wrote to
Maienburg: "It has been resolved to address a most reverent letter to
the Emperor, beseeching him not to urge the errors of this document upon
our Church. I therefore entertain the hope that the Churches of these
countries will not suffer any change." He wrote in a still more decided
manner to Paul Eber, that those were greatly in error who believed that
the dissensions in the Church could be removed by ambiguous efforts to
bring about an agreement, because an irreconcilable war exists between
the devil and the Son of God, even as it is written: "I will put enmity
between the serpent and the seed of the woman." He thus concludes this
letter: "But I beseech the Son of God, that he would rule and support
our minds in confessing and explaining the truth!" The Elector had
presented the Augsburg Interim to the Chambers, together with the
intimation that they should take the advice of the Theologians. This was
done. Melanchthon immediately began the work, and particularly treated
of the articles on justification and good works, which were the most
rotten in the Interim, and on which so much, it may even be said _all_,
depended. He, on the whole, considered it most advisable to pray the
Emperor to exempt Saxony from the Interim. The Theologians communicated
these views to the Chambers: "This is our opinion, we should prefer
above all if these churches could remain as they now are. For a change
would produce great trouble and offence." The Chambers agreed to this
proposition, and besought the Elector to write to the Emperor to that
effect. But Maurice, who was bound by the Emperor's kindness towards
himself, declared that he could not thus utterly reject the
Interim--that they ought to yield in indifferent matters; but that he
would postpone the matter to the next meeting of the Chambers.

The adoption of the Interim was particularly urged by the Elector
JOACHIM of Brandenburg, or rather by the author, his Court Chaplain
Agricola, who entertained a very high opinion of it, and on his return
from Augsburg endeavored to persuade AQUILA of Saalfeld to agree to it.
But he came to the wrong person, who said of the Interim, "that in the
beginning it showed the sheep's clothing, but afterwards the ravening
wolf."

When Agricola exclaimed against Melanchthon's Opinion: "Away with
Philippus; he writes nothing but lies in his book, the Opinion. Fie upon
you! there is not a word in it but they are ashamed of." Aquila
answered: "Let us not abuse our teachers, but highly honor them; Master
Philip Melanchthon will be able to defend himself." Then Eisleben, (for
Agricola was also known by this name,) replied: "I will summon Philip to
come to me, and will read the text to him; for the land must be utterly
ruined if they oppose the Interim." Aquila replied: "If the devastation
of countries is the fruit of the Interim, it would be better if it had
never been born." Agricola was indeed obliged to hear much of such
misery, but in Saxony the Interim made no progress at all. Melanchthon
also hoped that the people of Saxony would give a brilliant
evidence of their constancy, as he at this time expressed himself
very decidedly in his letters to various friends. The Margrave JOHN of
Brandenburg-Cuestrin, who did not at all agree with the Elector JOACHIM,
in regard to the Interim, and who by not subscribing it in Augsburg had
incurred the displeasure of the Emperor, demanded an opinion from
Melanchthon. He replied on the 31st of July, that godly and sensible
ministers could not adopt it, because it was false in the article on
justification: "As regards my own person, by God's grace I will not
approve of this book, called Interim, for which I have very important
reasons; and I shall commend my poor life to God, whether I be
imprisoned or banished." But, as to what counsel should be given to
rulers, many things might be said. There are points in this book which
no prince, who understands the truth, could receive under any
circumstances. As many cities would not approve of it, it would be best
not to hasten with a reply. Perhaps the Emperor would be satisfied if a
prince should offer to maintain uniformity in non-essentials, and would
besides declare what he could and what he could not adopt. But if a
government adopts the Interim, it also pledges itself to persecute
innocent pastors. Whether rulers are to defend themselves? To this he
replies: "As the father of the family is bound, as far as he is able, to
protect his wife and children, if a murderer should break into his
house, so are rulers bound, as far as they can, to protect their
churches and innocent subjects! Whoever wishes to confess the truth,
should commend himself to God, and remember that it is written: the
hairs of your head are all numbered." Thus did he always advise.
Although he may have recommended compliance in indifferent matters, he
never advised any one to submit to a change of doctrine.

We have already heard that Maurice had postponed the final decision in
regard to the Interim, to the next meeting of the Chambers. But before
this meeting in Torgau, he thought it advisable to enter into
negotiations with the two Bishops of his dominions, Pflug of Naumburg,
and Maltitz of Meissen, in order to yield everything to the Emperor
which could be yielded in accordance with the pure doctrine and
conscience. On the 23d of August, prince George of Anhalt and Forster,
and Melanchthon with Eber, instead of Cruciger, who was ill, met the two
Bishops in Conference in Pegau. The Elector, proceeding from the
principle that we must give to God the things that are God's, and to
Caesar the things that are Caesar's, said, that he expected that they
would not be "obstinate" in those matters which might be granted without
detracting from the honor of God, or offending conscience. Of course
this conference adjourned after a few days, without having accomplished
anything, for the two Bishops would not agree to any change of the
Interim. On the 30th of August, Melanchthon returned to Wittenberg by
way of Leipzig, to behold the approaching end of one of his dearest
friends, Caspar Cruciger, who died on the 16th of November. The sick
man, shortly before his death, had a heavy and alarming dream. He said
to Froeshel: "Oh, what a terrible and cruel disputation I held in my
dream to-day." When he asked to hear the particulars, he replied: "I
cannot tell. They wished to persuade me, and to absolve me in regard to
it, that it would be all right, and do me no harm, but I protested
against it." Froeshel began to comfort him, and Cruciger wished to
receive absolution of his sins. When he had heard it, he began to pray
fervently for the church, and with his hands clasped together, he
frequently repeated these words: "Father, sanctify them by thy truth,
thy word is truth; grant that they may be one in us." Froeshel endeavored
to comfort him by a somewhat longer address, to which the dying man
replied "Amen!" in a soft tone, and soon after fell asleep in the Lord.
We may imagine the greatness of Melanchthon's sorrow, when he received
the sad news at the meeting of the Chambers at Celle. He wrote to
Dietrich in Nuremberg, that God had at last called Caspar to the
heavenly university. Although no one was more distressed at this death
than he himself, because they had been most intimate friends, he yet
congratulated him upon this happy journey, because he was thereby
removed from many sad scenes.

The Chambers had met in Torgau, on the 18th of October. Already on the
first day of the session, five knights and two Electoral chancellors, no
doubt at the instigation of the Elector, arose and presented a document,
in which they explained what they thought of the Augsburg Interim, and
what they believed might be yielded. They also at the same time
admonished the Theologians to yield in indifferent matters, and thus to
save the country from great afflictions. Their proposition leaned
towards the Interim, and wished to reintroduce the Catholic state of
things, which had been abolished by the Reformation. On the 20th of
October, Melanchthon departed from Torgau, deeply distressed at the
plans of the Electoral Court, as he himself writes to the prince of
Anhalt. In this letter of October 24th, he says that he would not
countenance troublesome alterations of doctrine, and would rather suffer
banishment or death. He believes that the Emperor's favor could be
secured by introducing confirmation, excommunication, and foolish
fasting. But wherefore also the mass? He saw very well that they did not
merely wish to reconcile the Emperor, but also to introduce private
masses. "If they wish this, I wish they would acknowledge it at once,
for I know that I cannot prescribe laws to them; but those could depart
who would not be satisfied with such a change of the churches." As late
as November 14th, he wrote to Maienburg, that he had indeed always
replied with moderation, but that he would never consent to a change of
doctrine, and of the mass. This he was now to prove when he came to
CELLE, with Bugenhagen and Maior, November 16th. The Superintendents
LAUTERBACH, of Pirna, and WELLER, of Freiberg, and also Camerarius, of
Leipzig, were present. They were requested to revise the Liturgy, which
had been prepared in the days of Duke Henry, of Saxony, approved by
Luther, and printed in the year 1539, and had been used in the territory
of Misnia up to the present time; but these changes were to be made in
the spirit of the Interim. The Theologians declared, on the 18th of
November, that God, who knows the hearts of all men, knows that we do
not contend in an inconsiderate, wilful, or obstinate spirit, but are
really anxious for peace; but that they could not accept false doctrine
and idolatrous ceremonies.

Upon this the deputies, without the assistance of the clergy, placed
together all the articles. This document is called the _Recess of
Celle_. It was to be laid before the next meeting of the Chambers. But
previously to this, the Electors Maurice and Joachim met in Jueterbock on
the 16th of December, and signed this Recess. The Chambers met in
Leipzig on the 21st of December, to which Maurice had summoned all the
deputies of his dominions. The Theologians present were the Prince of
Anhalt, Melanchthon, Gresser, of Dresden, Pfeffinger and Camerarius, of
Leipzig. The Elector presented the Recess of Celle, and called upon the
Chambers to be obedient in everything which duty to God and conscience
would permit them to yield. "That will be your own greatest advantage,
and also for the peace and quiet of our dominions." The Interim of Celle
contained the pure doctrine of the Evangelical Church, and merely wished
to adopt such usages and ceremonies from the Catholic Church as were
indifferent or non-essential. The Interim which was prepared here in
Leipzig, with a reference to previous forms of agreement, is called the
_Leipzig Interim_. They did not dispute about the fall of man; and in
regard to _Justification_, they had already come to terms at Pegau. They
declared in this part that man is not justified by works, but by mercy,
gratuitously, without our merit, so that the glory may redound to
Christ, and not to man. But yet man is not a block; he is drawn in such
a manner that his own will also co-operates. Of _Good Works_, they
taught that God indeed accepts men for Christ's sake, but that
nevertheless good works are very needful. They said of them, that they
must be in us, and are needful to salvation. Melanchthon had composed
these articles, while the remaining ones were prepared by the Elector's
counsellors. Of the _Church_, they said that we must receive what she
teaches, "as she shall not and cannot command anything opposed to the
Holy Scriptures." All other ministers of the Church should be subject
and obedient to the bishops, who discharge their office according to the
commandment of God, and use it for edification, and not for destruction.
_Baptism_ is to be administered with exorcism, the presence and
confession of Christian sponsors, and other ancient, Christian
ceremonies; and so likewise _Confirmation_. _Repentance_, _Confession_,
and _Absolution_, are to be taught, and no one admitted to the most holy
sacrament of the body and blood, without confession and absolution.
_Extreme Unction_ might be practised according to the customs of the
Apostles, yet without any superstition and misapprehension. The
ministers of the Church should be earnestly and diligently examined
prior to _ordination_. The _Mass_ should be celebrated in future with
ringing of bells, lights, and vessels, singing, appropriate dress, and
other ceremonies. It also referred to further particulars as to the
manner of celebrating mass. The pictures of the passion of Christ and
the saints may be present to remind us of them, but are not to receive
any divine honor. The _hymns_ are also introduced again. The days of
Corpus Christi and the festivals of the holy virgin are to be added to
the other festival days. _Abstaining from meat_ on Saturday and Friday,
and in Lent, is introduced as an outward observance. The ministers of
the Church are to _dress_ differently from the laity.

The Chambers accepted this Interim, only expressing their scruples in
regard to Ordination, Confirmation, Anointing (Chrism) the festival of
Corpus Christi, and the Mass. They were assured in regard to this by a
declaration from the Theologians, December 28th, and the Elector also
gave assurances. On the 6th of January, 1549, Melanchthon returned to
Wittenberg, and on the same day wrote to Maienburg: "The Leipzig
negotiations effect no change in the Church, because the contention in
regard to the mass and the canon is postponed until further
negotiations. Yet I wish that some things had been prepared
differently."




CHAPTER XXIX.

DISPUTES ABOUT THE LEIPZIG INTERIM.


The more decided and strict adherents of Luther, who had before found so
much fault with Melanchthon, now exhibited particular enmity towards
him. He was bitterly reproached on account of his compliance. But we now
enter upon a part of the history of his life, and of the evangelical
Church, which is not of a very refreshing character. But this too should
not be wanting, and will exhibit Melanchthon to us in such a light that
we cannot refuse our sympathy, and even acknowledgment to the goodness
of his heart, although we may regret the want of an energy like
Luther's. These disputes mainly arose from the Interim. In the month of
January, the Theologians of Berlin made inquiries of those at Wittenberg
concerning the Interim. Agricola had boasted very much of it in the
pulpit, and said that now the door of all Europe was opened to the
Gospel. They wished to know now whether they comprehended among these
"indifferent things," all that had been customary in the Papacy, such as
holy water, salt, herbs, palms, consecration of unleavened bread,
processions with flags and torches, unction at baptisms and sick-beds,
the laying of the cross in passion-week, &c. They therefore asked for a
copy of the agreement of Jueterbock, and, on the whole, a fuller
explanation of these indifferent things, or _Adiaphora_, as they are
called. They also asked for further explanations in regard to extreme
unction. They replied by Bugenhagen and Melanchthon, on the 11th of
January. They were not able to send the articles of Jueterbock, because
they had not been present at the secret conference, and did not possess
a copy of them. They did not enumerate the consecration of oil and salt
among indifferent things, and had always rejected this and other
matters. They exhorted those of Berlin to adhere to the Church
discipline formerly given by the Elector. They also added this
much-disputed sentence: "As such great devastations are occurring in
other places, we believe that it is better to endure a hard servitude,
if it can only be done without impiety, than to separate ourselves from
the Churches." Questions and answers, however, did not everywhere pass
off as well as in this instance. The excitement increased among the more
determined friends of truth, when the Interim was about to be
introduced; and the prince of Anhalt had considerably revised and
altered the Liturgy, which had been introduced by Duke Henry. Several
conferences were held, and Melanchthon was again actively engaged. On
the 13th of April he was present at a meeting of the Chambers at Torgau,
where the Interim was to be read. He here communicated the fact, that an
adherent of Flacius, most likely Deacon Schultz of Torgau, had accused
the Theologians of an intention to lead the people back again to Popery.
He at the same time presented a defence to the Chambers, in which he
showed that it would be necessary to yield somewhat in indifferent
matters, if the main things in doctrine and the Sacrament were
sustained. But that they had also yielded somewhat, because they had
been seeking to bring about uniformity in doctrine and ceremonies. But
this could not be looked upon as strengthening the Papacy. Their
opponents declared, indeed, that fear had driven them to compliance,
but to this they would reply: "We ought not to be condemned for being so
fearful as to yield indifferent to needful things, and that we are thus
fearful, not for our sakes, but the good of the people, children, and
the entire government." Luther himself had frequently advised
compromises in indifferent matters. That they had not introduced any new
ceremonies. He defends himself most powerfully against the objection,
that they were introducing idolatry, and thus concludes: "This is indeed
a new form of Popery, that these violent persons wish to force every one
to hold the same opinions as themselves, and fearfully condemn every one
who does not at once agree with them."

The ministers of Hamburg also addressed a long epistle to the
Wittenbergers, in which they condemn the principle expressed by them in
their reply to those of Berlin, that it would be better to endure a hard
servitude in indifferent things, than to leave the churches on their
account. They thought that too many things were comprehended under this
term, and wished the Theologians of Wittenberg to explain what they
meant by indifferent things. Melanchthon replied in a very friendly
manner, on the 16th of April. He begins thus: "We are pleased if you
admonish and correct us in the spirit of love; for this is a very
necessary duty in friendship, and much more in affairs of the church.
But yet, we entreat you that you would judge us leniently, according to
your wisdom, reputation, and benevolence; and that you would not condemn
old friends who have labored much for more than twenty years, and have
endured, and do still endure, the greatest conflicts, as we are
furiously persecuted by certain other persons, with many false
accusations. We therefore do not reply to them, lest hatred and discord
might be still more inflamed, in these sorrowful times." He declares
that, by the grace of God, the same Gospel is still preached in
Wittenberg, as in Hamburg. They would never permit any alterations in
doctrine, and in the Lord's Supper, because these were the eternal
counsels of God. They had far more to contend with than those who abused
them. They did not consent to anything in customs and ceremonies which
contradict the word of God. He further declares that by indifferent
things, or Adiaphora, they did not understand magical consecrations,
adoration of images, nor carrying about of the consecrated bread and the
like, which they rejected by their words and writings, yea, not even the
ridiculous stuff which occurs at funerals. Among the Adiaphora, they
counted those things which the ancient Church already possessed, such as
festivals, public readings, confession and absolution before the Lord's
Supper, examination at confirmation, ordination to the ministerial
office, and the like. He also defends the principle that it would be
better to endure a servitude not opposed to the word of God, than to
leave the Church; and he also thinks they should rather have been
comforted than condemned, inasmuch as they still adhered to the true
foundation. In conclusion, he urges unity. But the Wittenbergers, and
Melanchthon, who was looked upon as their leader, were to endure still
severer conflicts. We, in passing, will merely refer to the two pastors,
ZWILLING and SCHULTZ, in Torgau, who preferred to be deposed from their
ministry, rather than wear the white surplice, and called those who wore
it, traitors and idolators. Melanchthon regarded these manifestations
with great regret, and in his sorrow wrote to the Prince of Anhalt: "I
would rather go into exile, than contend continually with such obstinate
men."

But Melanchthon's principal opponent at this time, and also afterwards,
was MATTHIAS FLACIUS, who indeed embittered his life in an indescribable
manner. He was born of respectable parents in Albona, in Illyria, in the
year 1520; and after the death of his father, went to Milan and Venice,
to prosecute his studies. When a youth, he already loved the Bible, and
intended to enter a cloister, to serve God better. But a pious monk, who
afterwards suffered martyrdom for the Gospel's sake, dissuaded him from
this step, and revealed to him how the Gospel, which had been darkened
by the Papacy, had again been brought to light by Luther. This at once
kindled a fire in the heart of the inflammable young man. Against the
wishes of his relatives, and supplied with a very slender purse, he set
out for Germany, and in the year 1539 arrived at Basle. He here found a
really paternal friend in the well-known reformer, SIMON GRYNAEUS. He
made rapid progress in the study of divinity, both at this place, and
also in Tuebingen, whither he went the following year. However, he felt
himself drawn to Wittenberg, the mother-city of the Reformation. Here he
enjoyed the good fortune, so often longed for, to hear Luther and
Melanchthon; and he also enjoyed many benefits, especially at the hands
of the latter. In Wittenberg, he for three years passed through severe
inward conflicts, for he could not believe divine grace, and deeply felt
the wrath of God abiding upon him. Bugenhagen brought the
greatly-distressed young man to Dr. Luther, who, as is well known, had
been made a powerful comforter by his own deep experience; and it seems
that from that time, light began to arise in his troubled heart. In the
year 1544, he was already professor of the Hebrew language in
Wittenberg, and taught with great success. At his marriage in the year
following, he rejoiced to see Dr. Luther present at the wedding. He was
greatly attached to the reformer, and with him hated everything that
savored of Popery. However, he evidently proceeded much further in this
respect than Luther, who was willing to suffer wholesome customs to
remain, even though they came from the Catholic Church. On this account,
Flacius regarded the Interim with the greatest displeasure; and spoke
with Eber, Maior, Pomeranus, and particularly Melanchthon, that they
should zealously oppose it by word and deed. But when he saw that they
would not consent, but rather, as we know already, accepted the Interim
of Leipzig, he published various severe writings against the Interim and
its defenders, yet without mentioning his name. And as the Interim
succeeded notwithstanding all this, and was about to be introduced into
Wittenberg, he resolved rather to leave Wittenberg than see this change.
He removed to Magdeburg, where various persons, among them Amsdorf, who
had been expelled from his bishopric, who were all highly incensed at
the compliance of the Wittenbergers, had taken up their residence.

The most violent publications were sent forth from this Chancery of God,
as Magdeburg was called. They gave various insulting names to their
opponents at Wittenberg, such as knaves, Samaritans, and Baalites; but
Melanchthon was the principal mark of their attacks, because they blamed
him especially for the introduction of the Interim. In a letter to
MOLLER, he thus temperately expresses his sentiments in regard to the
Interim: "I often advised that no innovations should be made now, for
the people would at once cry out that we were destroying the Gospel, or
at least beginning to do so. But the courts exclaimed that it would be
necessary to yield somewhat to the Emperor, so that he would not send
his armies into these parts, and suppress the Church, as he did in
Swabia. But although I am not able to say whether we shall appease the
Emperor by the re-introduction of a few indifferent ceremonies, yet the
courtiers declare that such will be the case, and exhort us not to
expose the fatherland and the Church to devastation, on account of these
non-essential matters. We therefore contend for essential matters, for
purity of doctrine, and the form of the Lord's Supper, so that the Papal
mass may not be introduced again, as it was done amid the groans of all
the godly, in Swabia. But I have never contended about holidays, the
order of hymns, and similar matters; and I do not believe that such
contention could be reconciled with the moderation needful in the
present troubled state of the Church. But when some are opposed to all
order, and all laws, it really seems far too uncivilized to me. I have
many years ago wished that our churches might introduce a few
ceremonies. A similarity in such matters, conduces to unity. Of course,
there must be moderation in all such things. We do not make the least
alterations in doctrine or essentials. But transubstantiation is the
fountain of all the misery in which we find ourselves at the present
time, and which awaits the Church in future. This has added strength to
the Papal mass, concerning which we shall again hear the most severe
commands of the Emperor at the next diet. You know that I have treated
all other questions of dispute in a manner calculated to remove all
doubts from the mind of every pious man, who judges leniently; but in
regard to the question of transubstantiation, I have always been very
short, owing to the slanderous judgments of some of our own side."

The men at Magdeburg, and Flacius particularly, would not be silent; but
Melanchthon did not reply. He speaks of this in a letter to
BAUMGARTNER: "I have not yet answered our neighbors in the city of
Parthenope, (Magdeburg,) because the facts themselves refute them; and
what a conflagration would be caused, if we should reply!" He was
induced to remain silent by his love of peace, and perhaps he also hoped
that Flacius, owing to his extravagant views, would not secure many
adherents. But in this he was mistaken; and he says himself, in a letter
written September 20th, to Pastor LAUTERBACH of Pirna: "If they do not
stop challenging us, I shall answer them. In the meantime I will refute
this outcry by other useful writings. We see how the devil is spurring
on unruly spirits, to create greater confusion. We will therefore call
upon the Son of God, our Lord Jesus Christ, to direct us." At last,
October 1st, 1549, he replied to the attacks of Flacius. In answer to
his reproach that doctrines were changed, and abolished ceremonies were
being reintroduced, Melanchthon gives the unequivocal reply, that he
confessed all that he had recorded in his book, _Loci Communes_, in
which was found the doctrine of the Augsburg Confession of the year
1530. As far as the _change of customs_ was concerned, he was free to
confess that he had advised the Franconians and others not to leave the
churches on account of this servitude, provided it could be borne
without impiety. "But when Flacius maintains that I have said the church
ought by no means to be left, even if all the old abuses were to be
introduced again, I pronounce this to be a palpable lie." He also
particularly complains of this, that his opponent made use of
expressions which had been uttered in private conversations and in jest.
He concludes in a conciliatory manner, by saying that he had not taken
up the pen on his own account, but for the sake of those who were
injured by the writings of Flacius. "They should satisfy themselves
that they adhered to the true foundation faithfully in these churches,
namely, the pure Gospel, all the articles of faith, and the use of the
Sacraments without any perversion. And it is certain that the Son of God
is present in such services, and hears the prayers of such an assembly."

In November he was summoned to Dresden on account of this affair. The
Court of the Elector seems to have been at this time disturbed by the
publications of Magdeburg. But let us hear what Melanchthon says of it,
in a letter to the Prince of Anhalt: "They were deliberating at Court
about a modest reply and refutation of the slanderous accusations of our
neighbors. However, I advised them not to publish it; for it is very
evident that such publications do not cure and pacify slanderous
persons, but rather tend to irritate them more. And Pythagoras has said,
we ought not to extinguish a fire by the sword. The newest publication
of Magdeburg, in which they show very plainly that they thirst after my
blood, was not yet known at court. I often think of departing: may God
direct me! The end will show what kind of spirit rules those who are
troubling our already sufficiently troubled churches still more."

These disputes still went on, and Flacius published Melanchthon's
letters which had been written with great timidity during the Diet of
Augsburg. These were accompanied by biting original notes from the hand
of Flacius. Melanchthon said of him, in a letter written in January,
1550: "I believe that honorable men detest his poison. For he does not
contend for a principal point of doctrine, but publishes books filled
with slanders and lies, by which he wishes to gain these two points: to
render me detested by the people, and even to rouse those against me who
still regard me with friendly eyes. But God, the searcher of hearts,
will protect me against this slanderer."




CHAPTER XXX.

THE CONFLICT WITH OSIANDER.


We can briefly pass over a conflict which arose in Hamburg, concerning
the object of Christ's descent into hell. The superintendent, AEPINUS, of
that place, had expressed the opinion that Christ's descent into hell
was the last stage of his humiliation, and that he there suffered the
pains of hell for us. The Wittenbergers, at the head of whom we are
always to regard Melanchthon, declared in an opinion that the descent
into hell represented Christ's victory over hell and the devil, and
counted it, as it indeed is, one of the stages of his exaltation. But,
although the contending parties were not entirely satisfied, yet this
conflict did not produce such results as that excited by OSIANDER, in
regard to the doctrine of Justification, which may be called the heart's
blood of the Evangelical Church. Andrew Osiander, or Hosenmann, or
Hosen-Enderlein, was born of poor parents in Gunzenhausen, December
19th, 1498. He contended with great poverty in the school and
University; but, by his talents, he soon acquired great knowledge, yet
not equal to that of the learned Wittenberg Professor. Melanchthon
always recognized his talents and other excellent gifts, so that he was
anxious to draw him to Wittenberg to occupy the chair of Cruciger, when
Osiander no longer wished to remain as Pastor in Nuremberg, on account
of the Interim. Duke Albert of Prussia had once heard Osiander preach in
Nuremberg, and had been gained over to the side of the Gospel by that
sermon. The Duke always remembered this gratefully, and was rejoiced
that he was now able to call him as first professor of Divinity, to the
new University of Koenigsberg, in 1544. In his very first disputation,
held April, 1549, he spoke of _Justification_, but in such a way, that
it was very evident that he did not stand upon the ground of the
Evangelical, but rather of the Catholic Church. He explained
_Justification_ as meaning "to make just," and concluded that man
becomes just before God by means of the righteousness or holiness
communicated to him. He also entirely separated repentance from faith.
When Melanchthon at first heard indistinct rumors of this Koenigsburg
dispute, he regarded it as a mere battle of words; but he came to a very
different conclusion when he received further particulars. On the 12th
of August he wrote to Camerarius concerning Osiander, that he denied all
imputation. And to a friend in Pomerania: "I do not believe that
Osiander's controversy is a mere dispute about words, but he differs
from our Church in a very important matter, and darkens our only
consolation in true conflicts, or rather destroys it, by teaching us to
rely upon essential righteousness, and does not lead us to the promise
which offers us mercy by the obedience of the Mediator." Osiander
continued to express his views more boldly, and was much displeased with
those who were constantly appealing to Melanchthon. He said that they
should no longer offend him by the stupid words: "Our preceptor
Philippus teaches differently!" The confusion in Koenigsberg increased.
He now also published his work: "A Confession concerning the only
mediator Jesus Christ, and Justification." In this he maintains that the
Redemption, by the death of Christ, has been bestowed upon all men. By
Justification, man is not only _declared to be righteous_, but he is
_made righteous_, inasmuch as the essential righteousness of God is
communicated to him through faith in Jesus Christ. He disregarded the
human nature of Christ entirely, and laid all stress upon his divinity,
the righteousness of which enters the heart. He thus continued to adhere
to his Catholic doctrine of Justification.

On the 1st of May, 1551, Melanchthon wrote a friendly letter to
Osiander, in which he assures him of his high esteem, and says: "You are
greatly mistaken if you suspect me of entertaining different feelings."
He at the same time also, in a supplement, added a few propositions for
serious examination. But at last, when the views of Osiander seemed to
be spreading more and more, he in January, 1552, published his
well-known work: "Reply to the work of Mr. Andrew Osiander concerning
the justification of man." As this work presents the pure doctrine of
the Evangelical Church concerning justification, in a clear and calm
manner, and at the same time also displays the amiable character of
Melanchthon, it will not be amiss to present some extracts. He says in
the beginning, that he rejoiced that others had also expressed their
views in regard to this article; however, he would likewise speak,
having been called upon to do so, by many distinguished and other
persons. He would express his opinions in a clear and simple manner, in
order that those who have been filled with trouble and sorrow by this
dispute, may see upon what it rests, and what will be for the comfort of
their souls. He had never intended to depart from Luther's views in this
very important article. "As for the slanderous attacks of Osiander, in
which he does me wrong, I will leave these to God, who knoweth the
hearts of all men, and who is our judge. I have always loved and
honored him, as every one knows, and I truly wonder whence all this
bitterness proceeds.... I know that all my writings are too
insignificant and weak, and therefore I have always submitted them to
the judgment of our Church." He then proceeds to speak of the _Grace of
God_ and the _free gifts_, according to Romans v., and says, _Grace_ is
the forgiveness of Sin, and acceptance of our person with God; but the
_gift_ is the divine presence in us, by which we are renewed, and find
comfort and the beginning of life everlasting. These two, Grace and
Gift, we have by the merits of Christ; and this is not gained by our
works, but is alone obtained by our faith in the Lord Jesus Christ. This
faith must ever continue, receive and retain both Grace and Gift, for
the sake of the Mediator Christ, even though Regeneration has been
commenced. It is like this, when John says, that _Grace_ and _Truth_
came through the Lord Jesus Christ. Faith reposes all its confidence in
the entire Lord Christ, God and man, even as the same Lord Christ God
and man is Mediator and Redeemer according to both natures. For although
the human nature alone felt wounds and sufferings, yet the whole Christ
is Mediator and Redeemer. For this suffering would not have been the
price, if the Redeemer were not God at the same time. They had at all
times confessed that we must all undergo a change.

Melanchthon refutes Osiander's objection, by which he asserted that
nothing had hitherto been said in our churches of the indwelling of God
in us. He then proceeds and says, that a distinction must be made
between the righteousness of the saints after the resurrection, and of
the saints during this life. Although God dwells in the saints, yet our
nature abounds with great impurity, and sinful defects and desires. Here
it was needful for the saints to have comfort, and to know how they
have forgiveness of Sins and Grace. All this is proved by passages of
Scripture. He says that a principal passage is recorded in Rom. iii.
"Being justified freely by his grace, through the redemption that is in
Christ Jesus: whom God hath set forth to be a propitiation through faith
in his blood." This all refers to the merits of Christ, and cannot be
referred to the essential righteousness of the Father, the Son, and the
Holy Ghost. He adds several other clear passages, which all speak of the
merit of Christ. (Rom. 5, 1 John 1, Hebrews 10, Isaiah 53.) Here there
is reference to Christ's merit alone, which we apply by faith. And this
was preached also from the beginning, by the prophets. Osiander is
mistaken, when he says: "I call that _righteousness_ which makes us do
right. Here there is no mention of a forgiveness of sins." To this we
reply: "We call the Lord Christ _righteousness_, by whom we have
forgiveness of sins, a merciful God, and besides, the presence of God
within us." In this sense must we regard the Mediator Jesus Christ, God
and man, and hide ourselves in his wounds. Osiander confounds cause and
effect. If he objects that this doctrine was calculated to fill men with
a false security, they would reply: "We must teach the truth, give God
the honor due to him, rebuke sin, and comfort troubled hearts with true
comfort, although our hearers are not all alike." He is surprised that
Osiander rejects this proposition: "Faith is a reliance upon mercy which
is promised us for the Mediator's sake." "There must be a difference
between the faith which the devils have, and this faith which accepts
the promise, and by which the heart obtains comfort and joy." In
conclusion, he remarks, that he had written all this in haste, and had
passed by many other points, in order to avoid greater disputes. But he
did not thus avoid them; for Osiander is said to have remarked, when he
read Melanchthon's confession, that "he would so bleed Melanchthon, that
his blood should flow throughout Germany." He subsequently published two
works, one of which was called "Bleeding of Mr. Philip," and the other
"Refutation of the groundless and useless answer of Philip Melanchthon."
These contained slanders after the manner of Flacius. He not only
attacked Melanchthon, but also the other teachers of Wittenberg, in the
most violent manner. He particularly reproached them for not ordaining
or declaring any one a Master or Doctor, unless he solemnly promised to
teach in accordance with the three Confessions of Faith of the ancient
Church, and also the Augsburg Confession. Melanchthon, in his reply,
acknowledged this to be the case; but also that it had been introduced
twenty years before by Luther, Bugenhagen, and Jonas, and was not only
useful but necessary. But while the conflict was thus waged in the most
violent manner, Osiander died, very unexpectedly, on the 17th of
October, 1552. When Melanchthon received the tidings of his death, he
wrote to Veit Winsheim: "As you see, he had a short pilgrimage. Oh that
he had made a better use of it! Why was he so enraged against us? Merely
because we maintain that we must build upon the merits of Christ, and
not upon our new life. This was the principal point of the whole
controversy."

Although the principal person was thus removed from the arena, yet the
conflict did not cease, because his son-in-law FUNCK exerted a great
influence upon the aged Duke Albert. But when these errors of Osiander
found adherents and champions in Germany, particularly in Nuremberg,
they were finally condemned by the Church. They are still haunting
various places, and find champions in the pulpit and the lecture-room.
It is nothing less than the spirit of Osiander, to disregard too much
the sufferings and death of Christ, that is, his humanity in general,
and to look to the exalted one almost exclusively, and to place the
sinner's justification before God more in the righteousness and
holiness, which are communicated to him from thence. As Osiander had
given prominence to the divine nature of Christ in his office as
Mediator, another teacher of Koenigsberg fell into the opposite error,
and wished the humanity of Christ to be regarded alone in the work of
Redemption and Justification. This was FRANCIS STANKAR, born in Mantua
in Italy, who had left his native land for the love of the Gospel. He
had formerly been teaching Hebrew in Krakau, and from thence came to
Koenigsberg. He here quarreled with Osiander, and resigned his office.

When Melanchthon was asked in regard to his opinion of Stankar's views,
he declared that Christ is Mediator according to both natures, for not
only suffering and death, but also victory and intercession were
necessary attributes of a Mediator. He also published a full opinion in
reference to this, in the year 1553. Besides these, one LAUTERWALD of
Hungary, also departed from the doctrine of Justification. He went to
greater lengths than Osiander, for he taught that Repentance and new
obedience were necessary to obtain the Grace of God.

But we will leave these disputes here, to look upon the state of affairs
in the German Empire.




CHAPTER XXXI.

THE CHANGED ATTITUDE OF THE ELECTOR MAURICE.


Pope Paul III., who had caused the Emperor Charles much trouble, died,
and was succeeded in February, 1550, by Julius III., who owed his
elevation to the Papal chair to the Emperor, and therefore also proved
to be more accommodating. His very first step was to transfer the
Council back again from Bologna to Trent. The Council of the Church was
to be continued there on May 1st, 1551. When the Emperor opened a new
Diet at Augsburg, July 26th, 1550, he requested the States to send
delegates to the Council. At the request of the Elector, Melanchthon had
written an Opinion, in which he urged the propriety of requesting the
Emperor to call a Council in Germany; further, that the Pope should not
be Judge, but subject himself to the Council. Besides this, the articles
already adopted in Trent should be reconsidered, and these resolutions
should not depend altogether upon the hostile Archbishops, Bishops, and
Prelates, but the Evangelical side should also be heard, and assist in
passing resolutions in accordance with the divine Scriptures. But it
mattered not whether the Council was called that of Trent or not, if the
decrees were only "godly." The Opinion also demands a safe conduct to
and from the place of meeting of the Council. Maurice, by his ambassador
in Augsburg, declared himself in the spirit of this Opinion. The
Emperor made the very best promises that the States should find a safe
conduct and hearing. After this, the Elector summoned Melanchthon,
Bugenhagen, and Camerarius to Dresden in February, 1551, in order to
hear their opinions in regard to the Council, and the men who should be
sent to attend it. It appears that Melanchthon prepared his Opinion in
Dresden. It again required that the articles should first of all be
considered over again. That it should be stated, that they did not
demand any other doctrine than that adhered to in the Churches of
Misnia. This would be found in the Augsburg Confession, or in the
Liturgy of the Elector of Brandenburg. The Prince ought to abide by
this. They were not yet united in Dresden, but Melanchthon soon after
received orders to prepare a new confession of faith. In May he retired
to Dessau for a few days, in order to prepare this. He set out with this
view, that it should be so prepared, that the doctrine of the Church
might be plainly learned from it, and that it should be delivered in the
name of the Clergy, and not of the Princes. This is the so-called _Saxon
Confession_, which is merely a repetition of the Augsburg Confession. He
communicated a rough draft to the Court, and afterwards added some
points in regard to Ordination, Examinations, and Church Visitations.
This Confession throughout breathes a determined spirit, and does not
endeavor to bring about an agreement with opposing doctrines. It was
signed by the envoy of the Margrave John, by many Saxon pastors, and
afterwards also by the deputies of Mansfeld, Strasburg, Pomerania, and
Anspach. But not a word more was said of the journey of the Saxon Clergy
to Trent: the whole matter seemed to have been put to rest. In the
meantime, the Elector Maurice had received orders to subdue the stubborn
city of Magdeburg; he accepted the Imperial commission, and the city
defended itself in the powerful siege with great heroism. All
Protestants anxiously regarded the fate of Magdeburg. Germany began to
feel the oppressions of the Emperor, and especially of his Spanish
troops, more and more from day to day. Not only Protestants, but also
Catholics, were highly incensed; especially, too, because the captive
Landgrave, Philip, was treated in the most unworthy manner. The
Protestants were greatly excited against Maurice, for they regarded him
as the betrayer of his relative, John Frederick, his own father-in-law,
and the German cause, and also as a denier of the Gospel. And now, to
crown all, he permitted himself to be employed against faithful
Magdeburg. Maurice felt this, and as he had for some time been
dissatisfied with the course of the Emperor, he resolved to separate
himself from him. In the midst of his victory over the brave Margrave
John von Cuestrin, who had come to the assistance of Magdeburg, he, as
some one says, "went over to the Opinion of the conquered." He entered
into a secret league with several Protestant princes, and promised to
confess the Augsburg Confession again, and to risk his land and people
in defence of this and German liberty. While he was negotiating with
France to obtain money, and promised the King various German cities, he
continued the siege of Magdeburg to conceal his real purpose. When
France entered into an agreement with him, he offered pardon and
religious protection to the city of Magdeburg, and also received their
oath of allegiance.

At this time, and also for the purpose of deceiving the Emperor,
Melanchthon and Maior received orders to depart for Trent. In Nuremburg
they should expect further orders. But they did not find any particular
directions how they should act; nothing was said of the manner of their
journey, of their expenses, or an escort.

Melanchthon wrote to the Electoral Chancellor, MORDEISEN, on the 13th of
December, 1551: "I was surprised at this unexpected order. But as I do
not wish to appear disobedient, I will depart for Leipzig to-morrow, and
thence to you at Dresden, to learn further what you wish me to do,
although I shall not be able to make this journey without danger at the
present time, owing to my sorrows and bodily feebleness." He immediately
carried out this proposed plan of his journey. He did not receive more
light from the communications of the Electoral counsellors. However, he
began to understand the Elector's object, and from Misnia he wrote to
Eber: "Although many find fault with our journey, and I would rather
enjoy the society and countenances of my family and friends, yet I obey,
whether they are urging this matter at Court in earnest, or to deceive;
so that it may not appear that we, as has frequently been said, wish to
avoid a public meeting, either from fear or wantonness." But when he
heard that the Elector intended to unite with France in opposing the
Emperor, he was much concerned, and thus expresses it in a letter to
Maurice himself, January, 1552: "It is indeed to be deplored that the
Emperor does not release the Landgrave; but a union with France is
unadvisable, as it cannot be depended upon. To unite with such persons,
who were only anxious for disturbances, is sad and discreditable.
Besides this, your Grace knows that the Emperor is the constituted
authority, and that God generally observes his law, to overthrow those
who oppose authorities. The advice given by some, to take advantage of
the Emperor before he would fall upon us with the execution of the
Council, was not an argument in favor of war and tumult."

But the Elector seemed really to be in earnest in regard to his
representation in the Council, and personally addressed a letter to the
Synod of Trent, in which he names SARCERIUS, PACAEUS, and Melanchthon, as
his deputies. From Leipzig, Melanchthon wrote to Wittenberg, requesting
those who boarded with his family to seek another place: "For I have a
long and dangerous journey before me, which the Son of God may direct,
as I heartily pray he would do. But as the time of my return is
uncertain, I did not wish to burden my family with too many cares." He
also bade his hearers an affectionate farewell: "I conjure you to unite
your prayers with the sighs of all the godly, that the Son of God may be
pleased to lessen the chastisements which threaten us." And again:
"Therefore take notice of the divine wrath, and pray that God, in his
wrath, would not forget mercy, for the sake of his Son. And in order
that the prayer may be more fervent, let your walk become Christian, and
your hearts be awakened to repentance, according to the word of the
Lord: 'Turn ye unto me, and I will turn unto you.'" After saying that
the Church was dear to the Lord, he closes thus: "May you comfort
yourselves with this consolation, which in public and private dangers
shows the haven in which Christian hearts find rest; and in the
meantime, may you be happy!"

He departed on the 14th of January; and on the 22d of the same month, he
and his companions, to whom his son-in-law PEUCER had joined himself,
reached Nuremberg. But it began to be more evident that these envoys
were merely journeying to Trent in order to deceive. Tidings were
brought from every quarter, that the Elector was assuming a hostile
attitude against the Emperor. The envoys remained in Nuremberg without
any further instructions, and Melanchthon preferred remaining here, to
going to Trent for the purpose of engaging in fruitless disputations. At
last, when no further directions came, he resolved to return, and
arrived in Wittenberg on the 20th of March.

In the meantime, Maurice had given information to the Saxon and Hessian
Chambers, that it was intended to deliver the imprisoned princes; and
soon his armies, and those of William of Hesse, and the Margrave Albert,
departed from Culmbach, and united. While they were entering Augsburg,
the King of France seized Metz, and called himself the defender of
German liberty. The Emperor, who was at that time at Innsbruck, had not
the remotest idea of treachery until he read the declaration of the
confederate princes, circulated throughout Germany, in which, not
without reason, too, they accused him of suppressing the freedom of the
German Empire. As he was without troops and money, and was suffering
from his old complaint, the gout, he attempted to escape to the
Netherlands; but Maurice had already seized the narrow pass of
Ehrenberg, so that the Emperor was compelled to return to Innsbruck.
When Maurice saw that the Emperor was about to receive aid from various
quarters, he resolved to storm the pass, and to seize the Emperor in
Innsbruck. But during the night, Charles fled over the Tyrol to Villach,
in Carinthia. The day before, he had announced liberty to his captive,
John Frederick, under this condition, that he would voluntarily follow
the Imperial Court for a short time longer. Full of joy, the liberated
prince sang a spiritual song of thanksgiving, and followed the Emperor.
But the Council of Trent had been scattered like chaff before the wind,
for they thought that Maurice was coming to disperse them. King
Ferdinand, who had always been a better friend of the Germans than his
brother, acted the part of mediator.

A meeting was held in Passau, where the well-known _Treaty of Passau_
was agreed upon, on the 2d of August, 1552. In this treaty, so important
to the Protestants, perfect religious freedom is secured to them, and
they are to receive equal civil rights at the next diet; those who were
banished received pardon, and the Landgrave Philip was restored to
liberty. At first the Emperor would not consent to the treaty, but
finally yielded to the earnest representations of his brother Ferdinand.
The oppressions hitherto experienced in Germany now ceased; the exiled
ministers returned, and the Interim had reached its well-deserved end.
John Frederick and the Landgrave Philip were at liberty again. When the
latter, who had endured many afflictions, had returned to his dominions,
he immediately entered a church in Cassel, and for a long time remained
before the altar engaged in prayer. John Frederick, by his steadfast
faithfulness and unwavering faith, had extorted the unwilling respect of
the Emperor; while Maurice had lost it to a considerable degree. When
some one from Saxony welcomed John Frederick in Nuremberg, he said: "Go
and tell it in your home that I come without arms, and that I do not
intend to cause a civil warfare, and shall rather lose the remaining
portion of my dominions than bring desolation upon the Fatherland."

Melanchthon wrote to MOLLER: "You know, that by the grace of God, Duke
John Frederick of Saxony is with his wife and children in Thuringia.
This return without arms is far more glorious than a bloody victory.
Posterity too will enrol this example among the testimonies that God
hears the prayers of the godly, and softens our afflictions even in this
world."

When the old defender of the Faith returned to his own country, he was
everywhere welcomed in the most joyful and affecting manner. From
Wittenberg too, a letter of congratulation, written by Melanchthon, was
sent to their old patron. They express their joy in this: "First of all,
that God has sustained your Grace in strength of body and soul, in
Christian comfort and fidelity in your hours of trouble, and that he has
thus adorned you with many virtues, even as Daniel was preserved among
the lions. And then also for this praiseworthy and joyful deliverance."
The letter also refers to the blessings this deliverance will bring upon
the church, and closes thus: "We pray with all humility, that your Grace
may be and continue to be our most gracious Lord. For it has always
been, and is still our intention, with God's grace, to maintain unity in
Christian doctrine with the churches of these lands, although we have
been sorely tried, and great confusion ensued, from which, however, God
delivered us; and we are still engaged in great, heavy, and highly
important matters."

John Frederick expressed his thanks in a very friendly reply. He says:
"It is indeed true, that God in mercy has laid upon us a great and
wearisome affliction, on account of our sins. But as his Omnipotent
power, by the assistance of his Holy Spirit, has maintained us
wonderfully in the true confession of his saving word, and has also
preserved our health, so also has his Almighty power graciously freed us
from captivity, and restored us to our own dominions again." He
expresses his regrets that there had been so many disputes and changes
in the church during this time, and says, that if they had adhered to
Luther's doctrine, "no alteration by mere human wisdom would have been
undertaken or permitted."

Melanchthon also expressed his joy at the return of their prince in a
very hearty Preface to the fourth volume of Luther's works. He says:
"What greater privilege can be bestowed upon any man, than this grace,
to spend his life for the glory of God, and the welfare of many of his
fellow-men? This ornament is infinitely to be preferred above all bloody
victories and triumphs. May your Highness continue to enjoy health and
happiness!"




CHAPTER XXXII.

DOCTRINAL CONTROVERSIES, AND ATTEMPTS TO BRING ABOUT A UNION.


We must here revert to a conflict commenced at a former period against
Melanchthon by Cordatus. We did not conceal the fact that his formula
that good works are the condition without which we cannot be saved, was
a bold venture, which could easily be misinterpreted. When he used the
form of expression in the Leipzig Interim, that good works are necessary
to salvation, it was expressed indeed in a milder form, but still
admitted a bad interpretation.

It so came to pass that the aged Amsdorf published a work in 1551, in
which he accuses GEORGE MAIOR, Melanchthon's friend, in the most severe
manner, because he had adulterated the doctrine of Justification, by his
proposition that good works are necessary to salvation. Maior did not
owe him an answer long; he confessed his adherence to the Evangelical
doctrine of Justification, but at the same time adhered to his opinion
that good works are necessary to salvation, because no one could obtain
salvation by evil works, or without good works. But now Maior was
attacked from every side, and found it impossible to retain his position
as General Superintendent at Mansfeld any longer. His opinion was not
opposed to the doctrine of justification, for he said that good works
were necessary to salvation, because they must necessarily be produced
by faith, and because all men were obliged to obey God. But the opposite
side proved to him, that the formula made use of by him might easily
lead to misinterpretation, and should not be used, even if it were only
on account of the Catholics. Melanchthon, of whom we know that he did
not approve of a form which might easily be misconstrued, advised Maior
to desist from further disputes, for, he said, you are merely adding
fire to the flames. Maior was called to a professorship in Wittenberg in
the autumn of the year 1552. Instead of following Melanchthon's advice,
and abstaining from his formula for the sake of peace, he continued to
defend it. Melanchthon himself did not employ this formula any more, and
at a later period expressed himself against it in a very decided manner;
although he remarks in another place, that against the Antinomians we
should always maintain that the beginning of new obedience is necessary,
because it is a divine and unchangeable arrangement, that a rational
being must obey God. However, the most extravagant opponents did not
suffer themselves to be pacified by all these things. Amsdorf was so
involved in these contradictions, that he published a work, during
Melanchthon's lifetime, with this title: "That the Proposition, Good
works are injurious to salvation, is a true, just, and Christian
proposition, taught and preached by the saints Paul and Luther." If the
champions had adhered to the word of God and the Confession of the
Church, and had acted towards each other in a friendly spirit, intent
upon the honor of God and the discovery of the truth, they would not
have gone astray in this manner.

Such a spirit should also have been manifested in the so-called
_Synergistic_ controversy, which caused Melanchthon great trouble. It is
certain that he was most decidedly opposed to the doctrines of the
ancient heretic PELAGIUS; for he adhered to the truth expressed in the
word of God, that the powers of man are so much corrupted by original
sin, that he must first be awakened by the Holy Ghost before he is able
to make a beginning, and that he also needs the Holy Ghost as he
progresses. He teaches that the powers of human nature are greatly
affected, end unfitted to do good, and he represents the merits of
Christ as the only foundation of salvation. At the close of his life, in
reply to the Bavarian articles, he declares in the most positive manner:
"Sin and death cannot be removed by the free will of man, and man's will
cannot begin inward obedience without the Son of God, without the
Gospel, and without the Holy Ghost." Therefore, it cannot be assured or
proved that he was a _Synergist_, _i. e._, that he taught that in the
work of repentance, the natural will of man performs one part, and grace
the other. He was fully convinced that the grace of God alone
accomplishes what is good in us, and that the will of man merely
receives. The will of man could thus be active to a certain extent, but
could not produce the new life. The actual Synergistic controversy did
not arise until after the Leipzig Interim. In this, Melanchthon had said
that in the work of repentance, man was not passive like a block or a
statue. Flacius had repeatedly directed attention to this expression;
but it was Amsdorf who agitated this controversy towards the close of
Melanchthon's life. But we will not enter upon a consideration of this,
because the controversies concerning the freedom of the human will did
not develop themselves until after the death of our Reformer.

As such differences and disputes arose on every side in the Evangelical
Church, to its own injury and the joy of the Catholics, several princes,
especially Maurice and the Landgrave of Saxony, thought it necessary to
bring about a meeting of the Theologians, in order that these
controversies might be settled. The Osiandrian difficulties were to be
disposed of first, as they shook the very foundation of the Evangelical
Church. The meeting was to be held in Erfurt, June, 1553; but
Melanchthon did not expect any good from this, and freely declared his
opinion that such conferences produced no good effects, as Gregory of
Nazianzen had declared, "that he had not seen any Synods in his own day
which did not cause greater dissension than existed before." He also
said that there was no Theologian now who was able to restrain the
others, as Luther had done in former days. That they ought to adhere to
the Confession, on account of the Diet which should soon assemble. If
the Emperor should insist upon the Interim, they should explain to him
why they could not accept it. The Landgrave also entertained the same
views.

This plan, which had been projected by Maurice, was postponed by a
terrible disaster which fell upon him. The Margrave Albert continued to
disturb the public peace by predatory excursions, which were especially
directed against the monasteries of Franconia. Maurice therefore united
with King Ferdinand, and Duke Henry, of Brunswick, to suppress this
disturber. But when Albert heard of this design, he endeavored to
anticipate them, and fell upon Lower Saxony. On the 9th of July, 1553, a
battle was fought at Sievershausen. Maurice was victorious, but paid
dearly for it, for he received a gun-shot wound in the battle, which
caused his death two days afterwards. His last words were, "God will
come!" He was succeeded by his brother AUGUSTUS, who restored the
Misnian Lands in Thuringia and Franconia to the aged John Frederick. He
was a sincere man, devotedly attached to Evangelical truth, and enjoying
the full confidence of his subjects. Already, in the month of August, he
came to Wittenberg, and Melanchthon rejoiced to hear the most
encouraging promises from his own lips.

He confirmed the foundations which had been assigned for the support of
the University by his brother Maurice. He also earnestly wished that the
Theologians, who were not affording a very edifying and commendable
example by their continued disputes, might become reconciled among
themselves. This wish was shared by the pious Duke CHRISTOPHER, of
Wurtemberg; and he proposed a conference of the ministers at Weimar, in
order that they might discuss these points of difference. It was agreed
upon to hold a Synod at Naumburg. We have already heard that Melanchthon
dreaded such a conference, because he believed it would only make
matters worse. On the 17th of April, he wrote to a friend: "The Court
orders us to go to Naumburg, whither, as they write to us, the Swabian
and Hessian pastors will also come. Although they have been warned by so
many examples, that synods and hypocritical unions are productive of
great evils, yet they have ordered us to hold synods again." However, he
also wrote to Maienburg, May 11th: "Although the Synod of Naumburg,
which I always objected to, will meet, I must nevertheless attend it."
He went, accompanied by Forster and Camerarius, and reached Naumburg May
20th, 1554. The Hessian delegates, and the well-known Sleidanus, of
Strasburg, arrived on the following day, and Pacaeus and Salmuth, of
Leipzig, on the 23d of May.

Although Melanchthon at first entertained the greatest fears, because he
expected those two violent champions, Gallus and Flacius, whom he called
the two sons of Polyphemus, he now wrote to his son-in-law Peucer, as
early as May 23d: "To-day we shall, with the help of God, deliberate in
a friendly manner, and I hope that no disputes will arise among us. We
shall not expect any other Theologians, if they do not arrive here
within three days." The princes wished the Theologians to agree upon the
answer to be given to the Emperor, at the next Diet. In a declaration,
prepared by Melanchthon, the Theologians frankly say: "If his Imperial
Majesty should wish us to adopt again the Papal doctrine, which we
condemn, and the Interim also, we shall, by the grace of God, clearly
and positively refuse to do so."

They continued to say, that Protestants should abide by the Confession
delivered in Augsburg in 1530, because it contains "the only eternal
agreement of the divine Scriptures, and the true catholic Church of
Christ." Also, that the confession of Brentius, and that of Saxony,
fully coincided with this. The Theologians also expressed themselves
against the errors of SCHWENKFELD and OSIANDER. Schwenkfeld, like all
fanatics of ancient and modern days, disregarded the written word of
God, and thought that God revealed himself to man without this. He also
showed his perversion by other objections, which he raised against the
Evangelical Church. They therefore say: "Therefore we unanimously reject
the before-mentioned errors, and all the lies of Schwenkfeld." One of
the greatest errors of Osiander is his declaration, "that man is not
just on account of the obedience of Christ, but on account of the Deity
if it dwells in man." They maintain the Evangelical doctrine against
these Osiandrian heresies, in a very conclusive manner. In speaking of
_Ceremonies_, they insist upon unity in doctrine and in the sacraments.
They reject the mass without communicants. They allow private
confession, "but no one is to be burdened by an enumeration of his
sins." They wish holidays to be observed, and require uniformity in
this. They oppose the reintroduction of Latin hymns, of the garments
used in the mass, of vestments, and other ceremonies, "because it would
give rise to new dissensions and ruptures." The authorities, and
sensible Pastors, would know how to make a distinction between
essentials and non-essentials, and how to avoid all offence. Attention
should be paid to studies, ordination, consistories, and visitations,
all which matters had formerly been disregarded by the Bishops. As the
Bishops are persecutors of the pure doctrine, ordination cannot possibly
be given into their hands. The authorities are bound to see to it, that
the pure doctrine is preached in the churches, and that the consistories
would discharge their duties, in punishing vice and maintaining
discipline and harmony. Melanchthon was highly pleased with the harmony
among the Theologians at Naumburg; yet he did not conceal the fact from
himself, that his opponents would also raise a great outcry against the
resolutions of Naumburg. The Theologians of Wurtemberg had only
proceeded as far as Erfurt, for they had been expected for several days
in Naumburg, but in vain. On the 28th of May, Melanchthon wrote to
STRIGEL: "If the Swabians do not arrive to-day, as I believe they will
not, we shall adjourn to-morrow, God willing." He returned to
Wittenberg, as he had stated. Duke Christopher, however, was highly
pleased with the resolutions of Naumburg.

During Melanchthon's stay in Dresden, February, 1555, where he was
giving his opinion in regard to a visitation of the churches, the diet
of Augsburg had been opened on the 5th of February. The Emperor had
become completely disgusted with German affairs, particularly since the
revolt of Maurice, and he now left the direction of this diet, promised
in the treaty of Passau, to his brother Ferdinand. This diet witnessed
many disputes, especially urged by the Pope's nuncio. But fortunately
Pope Julius III. died about this time, and the nuncio was obliged to
return to Rome. Now one principal difficulty was removed, and they at
last, in the month of September, 1555, agreed upon the _Religious peace
of Augsburg_, which was highly advantageous to the Protestants. For they
not only obtained liberty of conscience in religion, but full civil
equality with the Catholics, and remained in the possession of the
ecclesiastical property which had been confiscated. But one unjust
resolution was also carried, that if a Catholic sovereign should wish to
become a Protestant at any future time, he should not indeed be
personally molested on this account, but should forfeit his office and
rank. Although the Protestants yielded very reluctantly, the decrees of
the diet were of the utmost value to them, for they secured a lasting
peace, and they no longer needed to care for the condemnations of a
General Council. Melanchthon wrote: "I look upon the peaceful conclusion
of the Diet of Augsburg as one of the favors of God, and we must beseech
the Son of God to continue to guide us in future."

While the Evangelical Church was thus celebrating outward triumphs, and
securing a firm position for herself, enemies were raging in her own
bosom, who undoubtedly retarded her development. They were contending
about a doctrine which is as plainly founded in the word of God, as it
is of great comfort to the heart. It is the doctrine that not only the
earthly elements of bread and wine, but also the true body and blood of
Christ are distributed in the holy sacrament of the Lord's Supper. As a
middle path between the doctrine of Transubstantiation on the one hand,
and the one-sided doctrine of the Reformed, that we receive nothing but
bread and wine in memory of the Lord, on the other, it was objectionable
to the Catholics and the Reformed. Luther has triumphantly vindicated
this consoling doctrine in his writings.

But now there arose another man with a doctrine somewhat different,
which was adopted by many. This was the sagacious, learned, and pious
JOHN CALVIN, who was born in the year 1509. The Lutherans had hitherto
regarded him as belonging to their own party, especially since he had
been teaching with Bucer and Capito in Strasburg. When he had returned
to Geneva in 1541, from which city he had been banished before, and had
there built up the Evangelical Church with great zeal, he wrote a
Confession in regard to the Lord's Supper, in the year 1549. The
Zurichers had formerly suspected him of being a Lutheran, but now all
their doubts vanished, and they could call him their own, and harmony
was completely restored between German and French Switzerland. But that
which produced harmony in Switzerland caused dissensions in Germany,
although not immediately. Here they had enough to dispute in regard to
the so-called indifferent things, (Adiaphora,) and the heresies of
Osiander.

In the year 1552, a pastor in Hamburg, named JOACHIM WESTPHAL,
published a work in which he proved that the Reformed had given no less
than eight-and-twenty explanations of the words of institution in the
Lord's Supper, from the time of Zwingli to that of Calvin. In the
following year he published a work against Calvin, entitled: "The true
faith in regard to the Lord's Supper." This publication began to arouse
the zeal of the Lutherans against Calvin and his friends, which was
still more inflamed by one JOHN VON LASCO, who, together with a band of
French and Dutch Protestants, had been banished from England by that
severe Romanist, Queen MARY. He had confessed himself a follower of
Calvin, and therefore could not find a resting-place for himself and his
friends, either in Denmark or Germany. They were denounced from the
pulpits in every quarter. Calvin now published a work defending them and
his doctrine. He declared that, according to his doctrine, the Lord's
Supper was no empty ceremony, even though he did not believe in a
participation of the body and blood of Christ, in and under the bread
and wine. Westphal and JOHN TIMANN, pastor in Bremen, arrayed themselves
against Calvin; who, assisted by Bullinger of Zurich, and Lasco, soon
published a refutation. Most of the cities of Lower Saxony sided with
Westphal. The fire spread on every side, and Schnepf of Jena, Alber in
Mecklenburg, and Eitzen in Hamburg, attacked Calvin in the most violent
manner, who finally maintained an utter silence.

Calvin represented his own doctrine as a mediation between the Lutherans
and the Reformed. It did not teach an imaginary, but a real
participation of the body and blood of Christ, yet not with the mouth,
and it also opposes the view of an Omnipresence of Christ according to
his human nature. The fulness of the Godhead has entered into the body
of Christ, and from this body the Lord fills his people spiritually,
with a secret and mysterious power of life, whenever they receive the
bread and wine. This participation only refers to believers, although it
is also offered to unbelievers. So Calvin regarded the matter; but what
did Melanchthon say to all this? He did not express himself positively
in regard to either side, doubtless because he did not wish to pour
fresh oil into the fire. Yet he was provoked and driven to a decided
declaration of his sentiments by both sides. Gallus and Westphal
published a collection of declarations taken from his former writings,
by which they proved him to be on their side, and that he had at least
not thought as the Sacramentarians did, as long as Luther was alive.
Calvin also endeavored to lead him to declare himself, by stating that
he understood the Augsburg Confession precisely as it was understood by
its author, and that in this matter he could as little be separated from
Philippus as from his own heart. We may admit, without hesitation, that
Melanchthon agreed more with Calvin than with the stricter teachers of
the Lutheran Church; but he did not wish to begin a conflict while he
was the subject of a government which strictly adhered to Luther's
doctrine. He wrote to HARDENBERG in the beginning of 1556, that if his
life should be spared he would reply in a place where the courts could
not hinder him; and to his friend MORDEISEN at the Saxon court, who
reproached him on account of his bashfulness, he wrote: "I am certain
that your court will not suffer a defence of the truth in this article."
He therefore continued to adhere to the method of teaching he had
pursued hitherto. He always spoke of a presence of Christ in the Lord's
Supper, but never of a bodily presence of his body and blood.

Some of the princes now again, as on former occasions, thought of
bringing about a reconciliation between the contending parties. As we
have already heard, Duke CHRISTOPHER of Wurtemberg was the most
prominent among them, for he made repeated attempts to induce the
princes and Theologians to hold a meeting, where the points of
difference might be discussed, and harmony restored. But his advances
met no response, if we except the aged Elector of the Palatinate,
FREDERICK. "I also wish," Melanchthon writes, "that learned and
well-meaning men might negotiate in peace concerning certain contested
points."

It appeared that the Theologians of Weimar were particularly opposed to
any union or compromise. These held a separate meeting in Weimar,
January, 1556, in which they declared that they would not unite with
those of Wittenberg, until they would pledge themselves unequivocally to
the Augsburg Confession, and would drop all Zwinglianism and Synergism.
They would faithfully abide by Luther's doctrine concerning the Lord's
Supper and free will.

Amsdorf, Schnepf, Strigel, Stolz, Aurifaber, and delegates from the
Palatinate and Wurtemberg, attended this meeting. Melanchthon called
this Synod the _Flacian Synod_, because he well knew that Flacius
exerted a great influence upon it. He expresses his regrets in regard to
this, in a letter to Camerarius, February 7th: "This sad dissension
troubles me so much, that I wish to leave this world; and I see that I
am not far distant from my journey's end."

But something occurred in the summer of the year 1556, which he perhaps
expected least of all. Flacius endeavored to bring about a
reconciliation with his former teacher. He was at that time residing in
Magdeburg, and had prepared a few "mild propositions to bring about a
godly, needful, and peaceful reconciliation between the Theologians of
Wittenberg and Leipzig, and others who have written against them," which
he had sent to Paul Eber, that he might deliver them to Melanchthon. In
the eleventh article he said, "If any persons shall teach and spread
errors which are injurious to religion and conscience, either publicly
or secretly, we will avoid such as a curse, and will not acknowledge
them as brethren, or receive them into fellowship, until they have
condemned and publicly renounced their errors. For such wounds in the
church cannot be healed or endured silently." It was principally owing
to this article that Eber did not present these propositions.

About this time the French scholar, HUBERT LANGUENTIUS, who had long
been one of Melanchthon's most intimate friends, arrived in Magdeburg.
They were anxious to employ him as mediator. An interview with
Melanchthon should take place in the little town of Coswig, and Flacius
promised to employ mild and peaceful expressions. Although Melanchthon
at first intended to accept the offer, he was afterwards induced to
change his opinion, and, on the 15th of July, wrote to his friend
Languentius: "I have for a long time been anxious for a conference with
pious and learned men, for the glory of God and the general good; but
what would be the use of an interview with such unlearned, raging, and
malicious persons as Stolz, Gallus, and Aurifaber." "A sweet friendship
and intimacy subsisted between Flacius and myself in former days, and I
should like to discuss the whole system of doctrine with him. But he has
circulated matters about me which I never uttered, and which never
entered into my thoughts. Therefore, I fear treacherous intentions in
all this. Oh! that he would act towards me with the same sincerity with
which I should wish to approach him! But not one of my friends is
willing to be present at such an interview, and they do not consider it
advisable for me to meet him alone. I am not concerned if others are
pleased to seek power and influence. The Son of God will judge the life
and sentiments of every one, and he knows that I am only anxious to
glorify the truth, to add to God's honor, and to promote the good of the
Church." On the 21st of July, Flacius expressed his regrets concerning
this reply in a letter to Languentius, and even wrote to Melanchthon,
justifying himself, and assuring him that he had no reason to complain
of him. Melanchthon replied on the 4th of September: "You recapitulate
your kindnesses towards me, and state that you did not publish a letter
written to Taupolus. I never wrote a syllable to him. In Augsburg, I
paid a visit to this Venetian ambassador, at the request of the Elector,
and spoke with him of the cause of the Reformation. I do not recollect
all the words of that conversation. For I did not think then that I
would be called to an account after the expiration of twenty-six years."
Others had concocted a letter from this, with which Roerer had already
reproached him, and which had been sent by the Margrave John. "You have
also published the Leipzig Interim in a mutilated manner, and with
notes. What induced you to attack an old friend, who loved you
sincerely, with such weapons? I ought not to be reproached with what I
never did; I am willing to confess all I have done. When the Augsburg
Interim appeared, and reached our country, I at first advised that the
churches should not be disturbed by any alterations whatever." He goes
on to say, that he had many disputes with the courtiers, until the
Elector declared that he did not wish a change of doctrine, but only
uniformity in outward ceremonies on festival days, in lections, and
dress. "This the people afterwards called Adiaphora. I knew that the
smallest changes would displease the people. But as doctrine was
untouched, I wished our friends rather to be willing to endure this
servitude, than to relinquish the service of the Gospel, and I confess
that I also gave this counsel to the Franconians. This I have done, but
I never changed the doctrine of the Confession. After this, you began to
enter your protest, but I yielded, and did not dispute. You are
perfectly welcome to bear off the victory, for I yield, and do not
contend about these ceremonies: and wish, with all my heart, that a
pleasant harmony might prevail throughout the Churches. I also
acknowledge that I erred in this matter, and pray God to forgive me that
I did not fly far away from those treacherous deliberations. I shall
refute all with which you and Gallus unjustly reproach me." In regard to
Maior's proposition, that good works are necessary to salvation, he had
exhorted him to explain his meaning, and to drop this form of
expression. That he himself did not use this expression, and merely
opposed the Antinomians by declaring: "New obedience is necessary,
because it is a necessary law that the creature should obey the Creator.
I do not believe that we really oppose each other in this question." In
regard to the propositions for peace, he believed it would be best if
they should be prepared by impartial judges. There must be _one_
confession in doctrine, "and as we do not contend about ceremonies, but
rather confess that we yield in these, do not any longer accuse us, and
do not heap false charges upon us. Let us unite, with mutual good will,
and by one confession, against the fearful fury of the enemies of the
Son of God, who is not only blasphemed by the <DW7>s, but also by many
others." But Flacius was not satisfied with this answer, and believed
that it was necessary to have the matter decided by umpires.

On the 17th of January, 1557, the Superintendents Curtius of Luebeck,
Paul von Eitzen of Hamburg, Moerlin of Brunswick, and Hennig of Lueneburg,
met in Magdeburg, and pledged themselves to adhere to a confession which
had been published in the year 1550, against the Interim, and which bore
the title: "Confession, Instruction, and Admonition of the pastors and
preachers of the Christian congregations of Magdeburg." Flacius, and his
friends Wigand, Judex, and Baumgaertner, remained in the little town of
Coswig, which was not far off, and exhorted the Superintendents, who had
proceeded to Wittenberg with terms of agreement, that they should take a
determined stand. On the morning of the 21st of January, the
negotiations were begun in Melanchthon's residence. He addressed them in
the most cordial manner, and assured them that he was desirous of peace,
and had therefore remained silent. "I take a box on the ears, and still
remain silent, while Flacius and Gallus do not stop their abuses." He
agreed to accept the umpires, and Moerlin presented eight articles to
him, which had been prepared at Brunswick, with this condition, that
either side shall have the privilege to add to or take away from them
what they pleased. The eight articles were as follows: 1. Unity of
doctrine is to be restored, in accordance with the Augsburg Confession
and the Smalkald articles. 2. All opposing errors of the <DW7>s,
Interimists, Anabaptists, and Sacramentarians, were to be rejected. 3.
All corruptions, and especially that concerning the necessity of good
works to salvation, in the article on Justification, which oppose true
apostolical doctrine and the Augsburg Confession, were to be put away
and condemned. 4. The Saxon Churches are not able to depart from the
Confession which they published during the last persecution. 5. No
agreement in ceremonies should be entered into with the <DW7>s until
they agree with us in doctrine, and cease to persecute the true
doctrine. 6. In the time of persecution a sincere Confession should be
made, and no servitude opposed to Christian liberty should be permitted.
7. We also, in a most Christian manner, beseech our teacher to testify,
by a public writing, that his views in regard to indifferent matters,
and the necessity of good works to salvation, agree with the Confessions
of our Churches; and 8. If one of the parties should be suspected of
secretly adhering to some errors, an explanation should be required."

Melanchthon was at first highly displeased with these articles, but on
the following day he replied as follows: "For thirty years I have
labored not a little in these churches, in teaching, developing truths,
in daily judgments, conferences, and in treacherous conflicts. And it
would have been very becoming in you to spare and pity me. But now, that
which the worthy Jacob Sturm prophesied to me has come to pass; for when
he, together with some other friends, accompanied me a part of the way
when I left Ratisbon, and I said to him, that we would not see each
other again in this world, he replied: 'We shall still come to you some
day to crucify you.' Articles are laid before me, in which I am not only
required to strangle myself, but very many of my friends. You spare
Flacius. You know yourselves what intimate friendship subsisted between
some of you and myself. And on this account, I am so much the more
surprised to see you treat me so harshly. If I do not agree to your
articles, you will excite your party against me; but if I do agree,
many in our churches will complain of me that I have given them cause
for offence. There is, consequently, danger on both sides, and it would
have been better to negotiate with many concerning this." He agreed to
the first two articles; but to the third he wished to add, that,
although new obedience is needful according to the law of God, and
Christ did not suffer in order that we should abide in sin and death,
yet the expression, good works are necessary to salvation, should not be
employed. His writings were opened to the eyes of the whole world. "I
accept the fourth, fifth, and sixth articles, although they accuse us
very much, as I would rather receive a blow than oppose harmony. As far
as the seventh article is concerned, there is no necessity for a new
publication, for every one is able to learn from my writings what I
think of indifferent things." He concluded by entreating them not to
oppose him at once, and that they should follow their own judgment
rather than Flacius. Flacius was not satisfied with this reply, which
was brought to Coswig by the mediators, and they returned to Wittenberg
with several additions to the articles.

Melanchthon thanked them for their trouble, and said that he hoped they
had now learned to know him as a man inclined to peace. "I shall, with
God's help, abide by the general Confession of these churches, and shall
not sow discord. I have always honored you as pious teachers of the
Church, and I love you with all my heart. I replied to the articles you
laid before me, so that I might not appear anxious to fly from the
light, and unwilling to bring about harmony. And this shall be my last
answer. If you are not satisfied with it, I appeal to the judgment of
the Church." He adhered to his previous declaration, merely in other
words. The mediators departed, without having effected their object; but
Flacius would not yield. This conflict between Melanchthon and Flacius
had also attracted the attention of Duke JOHN ALBERT, of Mecklenburg;
and he felt himself called upon to attempt to bring about a
reconciliation. He therefore sent VENETUS, of Rostock, and his
counsellor, MYLIUS, to Wittenberg, with proposals of peace. These
proposals were composed in the spirit of those of Magdeburg. When the
envoys arrived in Wittenberg, about February 20th, they did not meet
Philip, who was then on a journey to Dessau and Leipzig. When he had
returned, heard their wishes, and saw the proposals, he replied very
briefly, that Flacius entertained many errors; that the prince was
ungracious; they sought to ruin him (Melanchthon); and that he would not
condemn any of those who had been present at the debates concerning
indifferent things, who are now dead. He expressed himself to this
effect, and promised to present his reply on the following day. He
retained the propositions, and examined them carefully.

On the following day he came, accompanied by his son-in-law Peucer. His
answer was a very short one; and when the envoys requested him to
prepare better propositions, he refused to do so, in a passionate
manner, and said: "If you wish to crush me, do so; for this is the
general lot of peace-makers. I commend myself to God." And Peucer also
added: "You shall not in future trouble my father-in-law any more with
such disputes." And with this they were dismissed. The envoys returned
to Magdeburg, without having gained their purpose, in order to consult
with Flacius and Wigand. Flacius was called to Jena in April, 1557,
where the Gymnasium had been raised into an University.




CHAPTER XXXIII.

THE RELIGIOUS CONFERENCE AT WORMS.


In the spring of 1557, he would have had an excellent opportunity to get
rid of the Flacians, for the Elector of the Palatinate called him to the
University of Heidelberg. "However, I have not yet come to any
conclusion in regard to my removal," he wrote to Languentius from
Leipzig, "because I must first learn the sentiments of the Court." He
wrote to Camerarius: "I wrote this letter on the 31st of March, on which
day, 420 years after Christ, Jerome died in his 91st year, in the town
of Bethlehem, whither he had fled from the rage of his intriguing
enemies. I would already have fled to those solitudes, if I had no
family." But the Court would not permit him to go, and he remained. He
was very much afraid of a journey to Denmark, whither the Elector wished
to take him, because the king intended to assemble a number of
Theologians, to discuss the sacramental controversy. Some one had told
his father, 60 years before, that Philip would be shipwrecked on the
Baltic Sea, and this sea he was now to cross. But no doubt he also
dreaded a Conference where the subject of the Lord's Supper was to be
discussed. A pastor of that place had spilt some wine, of which
Melanchthon sarcastically remarked, "What a misfortune!" However, this
journey was not undertaken; but another took its place. He wrote to
Camerarius: "The Court would now prefer it, if I should go to the Rhine.
But we shall remain here until new letters from Court order us to go,
which is not at all disagreeable to me, because I look upon my stay here
as a blessing." At last the orders arrived. He bade his hearers farewell
on the 14th of August, in the following words: "I will not deliver any
lectures to-day, because many poor students ask for letters of
recommendation about the time of our departure. But I beseech the Son of
God, our Lord Jesus Christ, who has said, 'I am the vine, ye are the
branches,' that he would guide us. And I also conjure you, for the
Lord's sake, to commend yourselves and us to him in devout prayers, and
that you may become an ornament of the Church by your becoming conduct."

Accompanied by his son-in-law Peucer, by Eber, and several others, he
departed for Worms. They travelled by way of Schulpforte and Erfurt, to
Frankfort. They arrived there on the 26th of August, and here learned,
to their great sorrow, that Schnepf, Strigel, Stoessel, and the
Counsellor Monner, of Weimar, were earnestly engaged in Worms, in urging
a condemnation of all the errors which had been introduced. They
intended this for Melanchthon particularly. He at this time wrote to
Camerarius: "Many sorrows are troubling me, partly the cruelty of my
foes, and also the misfortunes of my son, who, although he is still
alive, is suffering great bodily and mental debility." On the 28th of
August, they arrived in Worms. The Theologians were filled with joy when
they again beheld the countenance of the aged and venerable Melanchthon.
One of his enemies, the before-mentioned Monner, thus wrote to Flacius
about this: "All our Theologians here received him in the most honorable
manner, and adore him almost like a deity. When we came out of Church
three days ago, all greeted him as their instructor, but I stood aloof.
When he saw me, he said, rather coldly, 'Doctor!' and slightly touched
my hand. He immediately turned away from me, and departed to his
lodgings, accompanied by a large number of persons. I and Martin Stoessel
immediately went to our own. His heart seems to be entirely estranged
from me. But I do not care the least for this, and I believe that we
should not seek the friendship of persons who pollute the pure doctrine,
yea, I rather believe we should fly from them, in obedience to the
passage: 'If there come any unto you, and bring not this doctrine,
receive him not into your house, neither bid him God speed.'"

This Basilius Monner, together with his Weimarian friends, endeavored to
persuade the Theologians to condemn Adiaphorism, Maiorism, Osiandrism,
and Zwinglianism, before the opening of the Religious Conference. "For,"
as Eber wrote, "these, in their judgment, are the only heresies in
Europe which ought to be destroyed root and branch." Flacius, by his
letters, also incited his Weimarian friends to insist upon this. Besides
this, their instructions required the same. On the 5th of September, the
Theologians of the Augsburg Confession met, for the first time, in the
town-hall. Here Monner rose up, and declared that their instructions
enjoined it upon him and his colleagues to insist, first of all, upon a
condemnation of errors, so that they could then oppose the <DW7>s even
as one man. Schnepf also arose, and declared that if this should not be
done, they would not have anything further to do with the Conference.
But let us hear what Melanchthon says of this, in a letter to Prince
Joachim, of Anhalt, of September 6th: "The first act was an accusation
against myself, taken almost word for word from the libels of Flacius,
and brought forward by Schnepf. I briefly replied to them, that we all
agreed in doctrine, because we all adopted the Augsburg Confession,
together with its Apology, and Luther's Confession, which he wrote prior
to the Council of Mantua. I also spoke a little of my views, that I
believed it would be better to retain the order of festivals, and other
usages, which were not sinful in themselves, than to leave the churches;
I appealed to the opinions of the other persons who were present, and
added, that it would give me very great pleasure if I would be entirely
excluded from the deliberations of this Conference. The envoys of the
princes fully agreed with me, and admonished the accusers to lay their
private disputes to one side, and to unite in a general deliberation how
the enemy should be refuted. This was done yesterday. I do not know, as
yet, what my accusers propose to do further. I bear these calumnies with
equanimity. I wrote the Confession and the Apology, which they
constantly quote; and now they are debating how they shall get rid of
their author. However, I trust that, with God's help, I have been able
to be of some use to students. I would much rather always engage in this
work, than quarrel in such conferences, in which I have witnessed and
experienced many deplorable conflicts."

The majority insisted upon leaving particular condemnations for the
present, until the articles referred to should come up during the
regular course of debate. The protestation of the Weimarians was not
entered upon the minutes, but they succeeded in having it received as
their personal conviction, by the envoys of the princes. JULIUS VON
PFLUG was elected President of the Conference, and called the speakers
of both sides together on the 11th of September, to open the discussion.
Melanchthon wrote: "According to the custom of orators, he spoke of the
evils produced by discord, in his address. Sidonius replied, and I
succeeded him. I mentioned some reasons why we were obliged to differ
from our opponents. Our friends are all one in their Confession. The
Weimarians, and they alone, had demanded some condemnations."

But soon violent contentions arose, especially in regard to the source
of knowledge. The Catholics insisted upon the continual agreement of the
Church, but the Protestants would not suffer any other authority than
the Bible and the most ancient confessions. Original Sin elicited a
still more excited debate. The cunning Bishop Sidonius of Merseburg made
these contentions a desirable excuse for breaking up the conference. He
knew the two Protestant parties, and imitated those, as Melanchthon
says, who wish to drive the bees from their hives: smoke is blown in for
this purpose. "So they are seeking plans to divide us, and to break up
the conference. I have observed all along that our opponents neither
desire the truth nor union." This was written to Matthesius, September
29th.

On the 2d of October, he made the following report to the Elector
Augustus: "By the grace of God, our side made a very good beginning. But
afterwards the cunning <DW7>s insisted upon knowing whether we were all
of one and the same opinion. I replied repeatedly in the public
assemblies, that we all agreed in the Confession. But now the Weimarians
presented their condemnations, and because they saw that they could not
keep pace with the other Protestants, they departed in the beginning of
October, declaring that they had been excluded from the Conference. The
other Theologians wished to continue, while the Catholics rejoiced at
this rupture, and said that they did not know who were the true
adherents of the Augsburg Confession. The President Pflug postponed the
sessions until the King should decide the matter." He wrote to
Matthesius, October 3d: "I very much doubt whether this debate, which
has been commenced between us and our opponents, will be continued.
Everything seems to be arranged in such a manner on both sides, that the
whole matter will be brought to a conclusion. I earnestly long for the
society of my family, and would rather repeat prayers with my beloved
sons and daughters than continue to contend with these venomous
sophists. However, I shall not leave here until we are officially
dismissed."

While Melanchthon was thus expressing so great a desire to behold his
family, a change was about to take place in his house at Wittenberg,
which caused him great sorrow and many bitter tears. His wife was taken
ill on the 27th of September. She had a presentiment of her approaching
end, received the Lord's Supper, and as she was now confined to her bed,
prayed to God that he might grant her patience. And this her prayer was
heard. Not a word of impatience passed her lips, and it was easy to see
that she was perfectly prepared to die. An old account says: "In such
obedience to God, and with frequent prayer to the Son of God, she fell
asleep in Christ; and so peacefully, that those present could scarcely
perceive the moment of her death." She died at three o'clock in the
morning of the 11th of October. At the time of her death, Melanchthon
was in Heidelberg, whither he had been called by the Elector Otto Henry,
in order to assist Micyllus in improving the University of that place.
He spent some very happy days here, as he was not only receiving
honorable attentions from the Prince and the learned, but also enjoyed
the opportunity of embracing his beloved brother George. And now his
friend Camerarius also arrived. He saw his happiness, but had come to
disturb it; for he had been commissioned by the University of
Wittenberg to bear the sad tidings to Melanchthon. While they were
walking in the garden of the Elector on the following morning,
Camerarius discharged this melancholy duty. Melanchthon heard him
calmly, raised his eyes to heaven, and exclaimed: "Fare thee well, I
will soon follow thee!" And he then began to speak of the troubles of
the Church, and the troubled times that were to be expected; but his
sorrow for the loss of his wife would still return. He wrote an
affectionate letter to his nephew Sigismund, who was staying at
Wittenberg at the time, in which he expresses his anguish at the
departure of his beloved wife, and calls upon him to act the part of a
father in his family. To the letter of sympathy from the University,
which Camerarius had brought, he replied on the 31st of October: "That
he was seeking all possible grounds for consolation; but notwithstanding
all this, my love to her and her daughters always comes upon me again
with such force that I am almost overcome." He returns his hearty thanks
for the attentions of the University, and closes thus: "If I am to live
any longer, I would not wish to live in any place but with you, whose
virtues, sincerity, and faithfulness I value so highly. And I also love
our well-deserving University, which God has hitherto protected against
wicked attacks and the rage of cunning men. I call upon him to guide and
protect it for ever."

He returned to Worms, and remained through the greater part of November,
without being particularly engaged. He wrote to Hardenberg on the 14th
of November that he had very little to write about, "because, after our
colleagues departed, leaving their condemnations behind them, our
enemies felt themselves obliged to embrace this opportunity for
breaking off the conferences. On this account there are no meetings at
the present time. You no doubt hear that the whole of Saxony is
celebrating triumphs, because of the beautiful condemnations which
emanate from the judgment-seat of Amsdorf. I pray God to deliver me from
those sophists." He also wrote to his friend Mordeisen: "If you will
permit me to live in another place, I shall reply truly and effectually
to those ignorant intriguers, and for the good of the church. If the
discussion of doctrine is to be continued, I hope that a truly Christian
harmony will prevail among our colleagues who are still present."

During this time, and at the instance of the Elector Frederick and Duke
Christopher, he prepared a formula, in which he shows himself to be very
yielding. He in this expresses himself against the fanatics, Servetus,
Schwenkfeld, and the Anabaptists, in the strongest terms. In the article
on justification he adhered to the word "_alone_," in retaining the
proposition: "That we are justified before God by Faith _alone_." Faith
must always be founded upon the merits of the Mediator. Against the
Antinomians, (enemies of the law,) he insists upon the proposition: "New
obedience is necessary, because the rational creature must obey God." He
rejects the proposition that good works are necessary unto salvation,
because this implied merit, and obscures the consolation of the Gospel;
and he only retains the expression: "Good works are necessary, because
man owes obedience according to the commandment of God." He adheres to
the Augsburg Confession and the Apology, in the doctrine of the _Lord's
Supper_. He rejects transubstantiation, and the local inclusion of the
body and the blood, which was unknown to the ancients; he also rejects
Zwinglianism, which merely recognizes signs, and says, that "Christ is
truly and essentially present, making us members of his body, applying
his grace to us, and will prove himself powerful in us." In regard to
_indifferent things_, he appeals to the Confessions, and does not wish
to see the churches, who have the Gospel, disturbed by any new changes.
But if others discover other misdeeds under this name, we will leave it
to the decision of a Synod.

This form of agreement met with the approbation of the Theologians; the
Wirtembergers being the only ones who made some objections on account of
Osiander's position in the doctrine of Justification. Melanchthon was in
the meantime awaiting the royal decision as to the Conference, in order
to discuss the various points at the proper place. At last Ferdinand
decided that the Conference, already commenced, should be continued. The
Catholics now urged the recall of the Saxon Theologians, which was
opposed by the others. Therefore the President adjourned the Conference,
with the intention that it should be continued at the next diet.
Melanchthon and his friends presented a declaration, in which they
stated that they were not to blame in this matter, and were true
adherents of the Augsburg Confession. This declaration was prepared on
the 1st of December. On the 6th of December, he departed with his
companions, filled with the saddest feelings, which he thus expresses in
a letter to Hardenberg, December 26th: "Although many friends, prudent
men on the banks of the Rhine, dissuaded me from returning to the Elbe,
I have nevertheless returned; perhaps it is my destiny, and perhaps it
is because I must bestow the little I possess upon my heirs, after the
death of my wife. But I expect a new banishment.... As soon as the
times become more propitious, I have resolved to consult with you,
unless I am forced to leave before that time. Perhaps death will soon
conduct me to a more peaceful church.... And truly! I feel an earnest
longing for the wisdom of that heavenly school, and hope for that, when
we shall see those things we particularly desire to understand, with our
own eyes. My enemies have already circulated the report that they will
drive me out of entire Germany. They believe that they have so much
power. If it pleases God, I am willing not only to leave Germany, but
even this life."

The Conference therefore did not terminate well. The strict Lutherans
blamed Melanchthon and his adherents for this, and called them "holy
Pharisees;" the moderate Protestants charged the breaking up of the
Conference upon the Catholics; while the Catholics, full of delight at
the misfortunes of their enemies, labored to convince the whole world of
the state of discord in the Protestant camp, and showed that it must of
necessity come to this.




CHAPTER XXXIV.

THE LAST YEARS OF HIS LIFE REAL YEARS OF SORROW.


The hostility existing between the stricter and more moderate Lutherans
for the few last years, increased more and more, notwithstanding all
efforts to the contrary, made by the well-known Duke Christopher, the
Elector of the Palatinate, and the Landgrave of Hesse. When the Elector
Augustus, the Elector Joachim II., and Duke Henry of Brunswick, met in
Leipzig, February, 1558, to consult as to the plan of transferring the
Imperial Crown to King Ferdinand at the next Convention at Frankfort,
they also spoke of the divisions in the Evangelical Church. Melanchthon
received an invitation, during the month of February, to come to
Dresden, in order to present his views in regard to this subject. He
began to write a declaration, "but sorrow interrupted this work," he
says. He thus writes to prince Joachim of Anhalt, in reference to the
occasion of this work: "The Elector of the Palatinate and the Duke of
Wurtemberg, have frequently requested our Churches to hold a Synod. When
asked concerning this, I replied, that it would not be possible to call
a Synod, until the princes had agreed, not only upon resolutions, but
also upon their Confession, and had discussed this matter with believing
and learned men. I therefore received orders to prepare an opinion
concerning certain controverted points, and to forward it, as soon as
possible, to the banks of the Main. I shall send or bring this document
as soon as possible, for I am anxious to hear your Highness's opinion in
regard to these propositions which I have written down."

At last this document was completed, and appeared by the title: "Opinion
delivered by Philip Melanchthon, concerning a Synod of all the Electors,
Princes and States, adhering to the Augsburg Confession." He declares in
the beginning of this, that he would like to hear the judgment of
Christian princes and men; and that he did not dread a Synod on account
of Flacius and his party. Although they condemned him, he was satisfied,
and had no desire of being with them, because they did not seek the
glory of God. It would not be necessary to convene a Synod on account of
the outcry raised by Flacius; "for I have maintained silence hitherto,
and am prepared to remove from this country, if it is desired. I refer
to this, in order that no one may think I am dissuading from the holding
of this Synod, because I fear that I might be condemned or banished."

He says further: "Several Electors and Princes wish all the adherents of
the Confession to hold a General Synod. Now I have always entertained
the opinion that no such Synod should be called, until all the Electors
and Princes are perfectly agreed, not only upon what they intend to
propose, but what they finally intend to resolve and abide by." Unless
this should be done, it would only end in greater dissensions. In regard
to images in the churches, and the abjuration by other persons in
baptism, it would be well to exercise patience in these customs. In
regard to _Free will_, a very important point of dispute, he maintained
the following:--It is not right to assert that man is like a block, and
remains passive both in evil and in good works, even if it is said that
the will is passive in good works. "It is indeed true, that God performs
much wonderful illumination, and great deeds in conversion, and in the
entire life of the saints, which the human will merely receives; but
nevertheless we must teach that we must regard the word of God in all
our afflictions, in order that we may strengthen ourselves by this, and
at the same time pray God for help. For God works by his word. Man is
not to rest in unbelief, and to think that he will wait, that he will be
drawn to God against his own will, by some strange Anabaptist vision and
miracle."

He appeals to Luther, and denies the "poisonous" conclusion, as if by
this man obtained some merits. It would be well to hear the opinion of
sensible persons in a Synod in regard to this matter. We are already
familiar with his opinion of Osiander's doctrine, in which he properly
makes a distinction between Justification and Sanctification; he
expresses his belief that uniformity might easily be restored in this
matter. In the _third_ article, of the _Sacrament of the body and blood
of Christ_, he speaks of transubstantiation as idolatry, and regrets
that Protestants too entertain such or similar views, "just as an ass of
Erfurt wrote to me lately, that the little pieces which fall upon the
ground are also the body of Christ, and should be worshipped." He
rejects the doctrine of the Bremen ministers, that the bread is the
essential body of Christ, and the wine the essential blood of Christ;
and the opinion of Westphal in Hamburg, that the body of Christ is
present everywhere, in stone and in wood. He fears that a Synod might
produce great divisions; yet he expresses his views as follows: _First_,
nothing is sacrament except the instituted use. This had already greatly
disturbed Eck in Ratisbon, so that he became drunk and quite unwell. He
then confesses that the Son of God is thus truly and essentially
present; that when we participate of the Lord's Supper, he gives us his
body and blood with the bread and wine. He rejects Zwingli's doctrine,
that it is a mere outward sign, and that Christ is not essentially
present. He proceeds to protest against the proposition: "Good works are
necessary to salvation;" and also against the Antinomians, concerning
which points we have already referred to his views.

We are also familiar with his views of the Adiaphora, or indifferent
things. He offers to accept the decision of a Synod in this, "whether it
affects me gently or ungently." In the article on _Matrimonial_ matters,
he speaks of _Consistories_, and advises that these be arranged like
those in Electoral Saxony, where these form and execute decisions. He
once more requests a serious consideration whether a Synod should be
held, "because we have reason to fear that it will cause still greater
divisions." But if it should be resolved upon to assemble one, the
opinions of all the learned should be listened to in a friendly
conference, and if they agree, resolutions should be passed and
subscribed. But in case of disagreement, the opinion of all should be
heard, and the resolutions passed according to the truth, "let it please
or displease whom it will."

At the Convention at Frankfort, held in the beginning of March, 1558,
Ferdinand the First received the crown of the German Empire. He pledged
himself to preserve religious and civil peace, "continually and firmly."
His brother, the Emperor Charles V., had retired to a small residence by
the side of the convent of St. Just, belonging to the monks of the Order
of St. Jerome, near to Placentia, in Spain, in the month of September,
1556. He lived here for two years, engaged in earnest meditations upon
the vanity of all earthly things, and in the expiation of his sins. It
is said that he regretted not having acted more severely against the
Protestants; and he died in September, 1558, praying for the unity of
the Church. In Frankfort, whither other princes had also been invited,
besides the Protestant Electors, it was resolved to restore harmony
between the contending parties in the Evangelical Church. This was to be
promoted by a treatise prepared by Melanchthon, which has become known
as the _Recess of Frankfort_. There were four principal points of
dispute. The _first_ referred to justification, and makes a distinction
between justification and sanctification. "This consolation is
continually to be remembered in this life, that a man is just, that is,
pleasing to God, and a recipient of forgiveness of sins, not on account
of newness (the new life), but by faith in Christ, and his merits alone,
through mercy, for the sake of the Lord Jesus Christ." The _second_
article speaks of the proposition, good works are necessary to
salvation. Although it is true that _the new obedience_ of the justified
is necessary, according to the commandment of God, yet it ought not to
be said that it is necessary _to salvation_, because the doctrine of
grace would be obscured by this. The _third_ article, of _the true
sacrament of the body and blood of the Lord Jesus Christ_, declares its
agreement with the Augsburg Confession, namely, "that the Lord Jesus
Christ is truly, in a living manner, and essentially present in this his
ordinance of the Lord's Supper; that he has also given his body and
blood to be received by us Christians, with the bread and wine thus
ordained by him, and that he bears testimony by this, that we are his
members, that he appropriates himself and his promise to us, and works
within us." The _fourth_ article, of _Adiaphora_, _or indifferent
ceremonies in the Church_, declares that these may be observed or
neglected; and if the true Christian doctrine of the holy Gospel is
preached in a proper manner, these ceremonies may be retained without
injury to the cause of truth. But if the true Christian doctrine of the
holy Gospel should be polluted or persecuted, then not only the
indifferent, but also other ceremonies, are injurious. The Recess
expresses its agreement with the Augsburg Confession in the strongest
terms, "that nothing opposed to said true Confession should be permitted
to be taught, preached, or introduced among the people, in the churches,
schools, and throughout the land."

On the 18th of March, the Recess was subscribed by the three Electors,
Otto Henry, Augustus, and Joachim, by the Count Palatine, Wolfgang von
Veldenz, Duke Christopher, and the Landgrave Philip. It was also finally
resolved that they would request the other Evangelical states to
subscribe it."

Melanchthon at this time expressed his convictions to Matthesius, that
the Weimarians would certainly object to it; and the event proved that
his supposition was correct. The Recess was violently opposed, not only
by the Weimarians, but by all strict Lutherans. Flacius called the
Recess, "The Samaritan Interim;" and the aged Amsdorf prepared a
refutation, at the request of Duke John Frederick of Saxony; and it was
also proposed to hold a meeting in Magdeburg in May, in opposition to
the meeting at Frankfort. Saxony was very anxious to bring it about, but
in vain. Melanchthon was greatly distressed at this new dispute, and in
his letters at this time, frequently expresses his desire to be relieved
from this miserable state of existence. On one occasion he said: "I am
so over-burdened with labors that I expect my end daily, and yet my
enemies are anxious to drive me away before that." He was also greatly
grieved at the death of his old friend, the faithful Bugenhagen, who
died peacefully on the 20th of April; although he rejoiced to see
another friend, Paul Eber, appointed Pastor in his place. He wrote a
letter of consolation to one of his friends, Conrad Nessen, who was sick
at the time, in which he says: "My breast is filled with a strong mucus,
which threatens me with death, and admonishes me frequently to think of
my sick friends, and of my own death. We know with certainty that God
gives life, and strengthens the powers of our body, as long as it is his
will that we should serve the general welfare in this sorrowful battle
of life. I pray to him with all my heart that he would stand by and help
you and me, and ease our illness, as long as it pleases him to retain us
in this life; and I pray him, that for the sake of his Son, the Lord
Jesus Christ, he would lead us into the sweet communion of the heavenly
Church, and grant us the enjoyment of his light and wisdom, whenever he
shall be pleased to deliver us from this prison. Let us look unto that
fountain of light and wisdom, and bear our present sufferings with less
sorrow, in the hope and expectation of that better life." He also wrote
to the Landgrave of Hesse: "My enemies have declared that they would
make Germany too narrow for me, although I do not know what has filled
them with this Cain-like bitterness against me, which induces them to
drive me into strange lands. Your electoral highness, and many sensible
men in Germany, are well acquainted with my peculiar labors,
afflictions, and sentiments. If it pleases God, I am perfectly willing,
not only to leave this country, but even this life, for I have remained
thus long for the benefit of this school. If I must go, I am perfectly
ready and willing, even as I expect death daily."

The Refutation of the Frankfort Recess, already mentioned as prepared by
the Weimarians, was sent to the Elector Augustus by the Dukes of Saxony.
Melanchthon received it, and now prepared his "Reply to the Weimarian
Document." He passes over the calumnies in it, for the sake of peace;
and does not agree with them, that it is altogether improper for civil
rulers to set up articles of religion; he would rather rejoice at this,
and call upon others to be thankful "that they thus distinctly confess
their adherence to the true doctrine, and seek unity among themselves."
He refutes the various attacks upon the articles of justification and
good works, of the Lord's Supper, and of the Adiaphora. As the
_Synergistic_ dispute, of which we have already spoken, was also drawn
in, and the Theologians of Jena intended it all as an attack upon the
aged Melanchthon, although their assaults were ostensibly directed
against Pfeffinger of Leipzig, the gulf was widened, and the animosity
continued to increase. Both sides sent forth the most bitter
publications. In Thuringia they even proceeded from mere words to deeds.
For when the Dukes of Saxony had published their _Confutation_ in the
beginning of the year 1559, in which all heresies, that also concerning
free will, were condemned, Victorinus Strigel, and the Pastor Andrew
Hugel of Jena, refused to submit to it. They were both seized and taken
to the castle of Leuchtenburg. Melanchthon thus writes to a friend in
regard to this: "During the night succeeding the joyous festival of
Easter, the aged Pastor Andrew, together with Victorinus, were seized at
Jena, and carried to the neighboring castle of Leuchtenburg, in which is
the prison for robbers. The piety and moderation of these men had
gained them a distinguished reputation. But Flacius is burning with rage
against us. He proves this by thus ill-treating these men, who, although
they are not connected with us, are yet displeased with the harsh
measures employed against us. The Elector sent this Confutation to
Wittenberg, that an Opinion might be given in regard to it. "It is only
with great pain that I am able to read those subtleties and tricks,"
Melanchthon writes to Cracovius; "but I shall freely express my opinions
to the Prince, and shall entreat him graciously to dismiss me, if he is
better pleased with this venomous fabrication." His _Opinion_ is dated
on the 9th of March, and speaks in very plain terms. Its principal
objection against the Weimarian Confutation is this: that it does not
recognize their (the Wittenbergers) efforts against the blasphemers of
the Son of God--such as Servetus and Campanus, Schwenkfeld, and the
Antinomians. "The Weimarian book does not say a word of this,
(particularly of the Antinomians,) for there are many in many places who
are filled with this heresy, who consider themselves holy, although they
continue to live in sin against their own conscience." The Confutation
also speaks of old and _new_ Zwinglians, without mentioning whom they
refer to by the term _new_. Now they wish to be looked upon as the most
zealous devourers of the Pope, and yet they dare not say a word about
that grossest of all idolatries, that there can be no Sacrament except
according to the instituted form." He rejects the proposition, as he had
done before, that the body of Christ is present everywhere, in wood and
stone, and says: "I abide by the formula presented to the Elector, and
it is certainly true that the Lord Jesus Christ is essentially present
in his ordinance, but not present as wood and stone are present. He
gives us comfort, and bestows his body and blood upon us." "In regard to
_Free will_, it is very evident that their principal attacks are against
me, Philip." He rejects the doctrine that all works, good and evil,
_must_ be done as they are, and asserts that man, even before
regeneration, has a free will to maintain external propriety of conduct.
And if this liberty still partially belongs to our sinful nature, how
much more shall this be the case after regeneration, "when we obtain
help by the influence of the Holy Ghost!" "We regard the word of God as
the beginning, which word condemns sin, and at the same time offers
forgiveness and mercy for the Lord's sake. We maintain that a man must
regard the preaching of both the law and the Gospel; and if he comforts
himself with the Gospel, and finds comfort in true sorrow, it is certain
that God sends his Holy Spirit into his heart, who continues to operate
there, and a conflict continues throughout life, in order that faith may
become stronger." This rule must remain: "Grace precedes, the will
accompanies it, God draws no man but him who is willing." He also
proceeds to speak of Osiander, Stancarus, of the proposition "Good works
are necessary to salvation," and particularly also of the Adiaphora, in
the manner repeatedly referred to on previous occasions. In regard to
ceremonies, he says that the two Dukes of Saxony had formerly come to
the same conclusion, and that the present condemnation applied to their
resolutions as well as "_our own_." The Landgrave fully concurred in
this Opinion, and sent it to Duke John Frederick, who remarked, that
Melanchthon had not been mentioned once in the Confutation, and that he
exemplified the old saying: "Whoever is hit cries out." However, the
Duke was prevailed upon to release the prisoners. In August, 1560,
Flacius and Strigel held a discussion, in which Flacius unintentionally
so far forgot himself, that he maintained that Original Sin was the
substance of human nature. He was greatly persecuted and distressed on
account of this proposition. He died at Frankfort on the 11th of March,
1575, uttering these words: "Jesus Christ, thou Son of God, have mercy
upon me!"

The pure Gospel had also penetrated into Bavaria, and had found many
friends there; so that the Chamber of Deputies of the Duchy petitioned
Duke Albert in the year 1556, that he should permit the pure preaching
of the Gospel, and the use of the cup to the laity. But the Duke, whom
Melanchthon calls a man of mind and wisdom, would not listen to it, for
he had given himself up to the influence of the Jesuits. They finally
succeeded in securing the suppression and banishment of all the friends
of the Gospel. In order to ferret out all heresy, they prepared
thirty-one articles for the use of the Inquisition. Whoever was not able
to reply to these in a satisfactory manner should be punished and
banished. These articles were published in September, 1558, and
Melanchthon saw them during the same month. In the month of May of the
following year, he published his "Answers against the wicked Articles of
the Bavarian Inquisition." This publication is one of the most important
of his works, because it may be called his last Confession--his
spiritual swan's song, (dying strain). Of these Bavarian articles, he
says: "Whosoever reads these idolatrous articles, which have been
prepared by a dishonorable raving monk of Bavaria, let him not be
deceived by the appearance of the Church, but remember that we should
not blaspheme acknowledged truth, and that blasphemers of acknowledged
truth and murderers of the members of Christ are not the Church of God."
He not only deals thus with the thirty-one Articles, but also with
those Articles which had created dissensions in the Protestant Church.
We are already acquainted with his views, according to which, appealing
to Luther, he maintains that in the work of conversion grace precedes,
and the human will follows; as Chrysostomus says: "God draweth, but only
him who is willing." Yet, at the same time, he also admitted that God so
operated in all his saints, that their will remained in a passive
condition. He also refutes Servetus and the Anabaptists, and confessed
the orthodox doctrine of the union of the two natures in Christ.

He was also destined to behold a violent dispute in regard to the Lord's
Supper, which arose in his native land, the Palatinate. A certain
TILEMANN HESSHUSS, who was born at Wesel in the year 1526, and had been
a pupil of Melanchthon, had, upon his recommendation, been called to
Heidelberg in 1558, as professor and general superintendent. A dispute
arose between him and a certain Deacon, WILLIAM KLEBITZ, of that place.
Klebitz leaned towards Calvinism. The Elector Frederick III., who had
succeeded Otto Henry in 1559, admonished Hesshusius to express himself
in regard to the Lord's Supper, in accordance with the Augsburg
Confession. Hesshusius declared that he would look upon all who did not
teach that the body of Christ is _in_ the bread, as Zwinglians. He
excommunicated Klebitz from the pulpit, and even attempted to snatch the
cup from his hand at the altar. The Elector upon this deposed both of
them, and sent his secretary ZEISLER to Wittenberg to obtain
Melanchthon's advice. He replied on the 1st of November, and begins in
the following manner: "This answer is not a difficult but a dangerous
one. Yet I will say, what I am able to say in regard to this dispute,
praying the Son of God that he may direct your counsels, and bring this
matter to a happy conclusion." He approves of the proceeding of the
Elector in ordering both sides to remain silent, and deposing them, and
wishing them to use the apostle Paul's formula: "The bread which we
break, is it not the communion of the body of Christ." The apostle does
not say that the substance of the bread is changed, as the <DW7>s
maintain; nor that the bread is the essential body of Christ, as those
of Bremen say; nor that the bread is the true body of Christ, as
Hesshuss says; but communion: that is, that by which a union with the
body of Christ is effected." He declares again, as he had often done
before, that he believed in a presence of Christ, "not on account of the
bread, but on account of man." Christ makes us to be his members, and
hereby testifies that he will make our bodies alive. Thus the ancients
expressed themselves in regard to the Lord's Supper. It cannot be proved
that he wished to open the door for the introduction of Calvin's
doctrine into the Palatinate by this.

It is well known from the history of the Church in the Palatinate, that
the Elector Frederick banished the Lutheran and introduced the Reformed
doctrine into the Palatinate, and at times made use of very harsh
measures to effect this. This grieved the aged Brenz so much, that
although he had hitherto maintained friendly relations with Melanchthon,
he made efforts to convene a Synod at Stuttgart. Here it was agreed to
make the doctrine that Christ's body is everywhere present, which is
called the doctrine of the _Ubiquity_, the Confession of the Church of
Wurtemberg. This gave great offence to Melanchthon; and disputes
concerning the Lord's Supper arose on every side. The princes,
especially the Landgrave, were anxious to hold a General Synod, of which
Melanchthon did not expect any good results, and he therefore
endeavored to dissuade them from it, in an opinion published December
18th, 1559, in which he says: "The name _Synod_ is a beautiful one, and
Christian Synods, like those of the apostles, should be convened for the
settlement of disputes. But these Synods have frequently been the cause
of great and cruel disorders; and it is about as great a risk to call
one as to make war. Therefore, it would be well if the Electors and
Princes would not be too precipitate, and unadvisedly begin so dangerous
a work. I do not say this for my own advantage; for, although my enemies
and their adherents condemn me, as they have persecuted and slandered
me, I nevertheless rejoice that I am at last separated from such
hypocrites, who encourage idolatry and murder; and, as long as God
grants life and reason to me, I am determined, by God's help, to adhere
to that form of doctrine which I prepared forty years ago, in the
beginning of the visitation, for the benefit of youth, notwithstanding
great persecution; and I commend our churches and authorities, and
myself, to our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God." He adds, in
conclusion: "Finally, as union is not to be expected in such a Synod, it
is not advisable to assemble one; and as the meeting of the Electors and
Princes is to be held for the purpose of deliberating in regard to the
Synod, I, as an humble individual, think that this meeting should also
be omitted. For the princes would be urged continually, until they would
yield something to please others, and in the end it would give rise to
dissatisfaction."

While he was thus remonstrating against the holding of a General Synod,
the Elector of the Palatinate, the Duke of Wuertemberg, and the
Landgrave, insisted upon summoning one, and their envoys endeavored to
secure the assent of the Elector Augustus to this plan. Melanchthon
writes: "I do not know what good this plan will effect, while parties
are so greatly opposed to each other." He was also greatly distressed at
this time, on account of the persecutions endured by his friend
HARDEBERG, in Bremen, because of the Lord's Supper. Hesshuss, expelled
from Heidelberg, came to Bremen, but declared that he could not accept
the situation offered to him, until Hardeberg would adopt different
views. He proposed a discussion, against which Melanchthon remonstrated
in the strongest terms. But when he found that it was nevertheless to
take place, he resolved to go to Bremen himself, in order to assist his
friend. But Hardeberg would not enter into the discussion, and was
deposed in February, 1561. But Melanchthon did not live to see this. He
saw heavy thunder-clouds rising around him on every side, animosities
were becoming more and more bitter from day to day, and the inmost life
of the Evangelical Church seemed to be destroyed. It is not at all to be
wondered at, that he began to long more and more earnestly for the
eternal world, surrounded as he was by such gloomy prospects. He
therefore says, in a letter to Baumgaertner, of Nuremberg, a few weeks
before his death: "I am consumed by my longing for the heavenly
fatherland; and if I should be obliged to live much longer in this
misery, I would wish to get farther away from this barbarity." This wish
was soon to be gratified, and we are now approaching his departure; but
will first of all briefly view his domestic life, and his manifold
meritorious services.




CHAPTER XXXV.

HIS DOMESTIC LIFE.


If we wish to become better acquainted with a great man like
Melanchthon, we must follow him from his public into his domestic life.
Here his inner life is revealed to the eyes of an observer.

We have already heard that, principally by Luther's encouragement, he
married a daughter of Mayor CRAPP, of Wittenberg, on the 26th of
November, 1520. His wife, CATHARINE, was of the same age as himself.
Shortly after his marriage, he was able to write of her to a friend,
that she deserved a better husband than himself. It was therefore to be
expected that their union would be a happy one, and so it was. They
regarded each other with the greatest affection, and thought and felt in
harmony. If one, for instance, bestowed anything upon the poor, it
filled the other with joy.[24] Frequent attacks of illness disturbed,
or we should rather say promoted, their happiness. He was greatly
troubled with the stone; and she suffered from the same disease, and
also an affection of the liver. It is therefore not to be wondered at,
that the oft-repeated illness of his wife filled Melanchthon with the
deepest compassion, and that he often freely expressed his sorrows in
his letters. She bore the cross to her own gain, and greatly longed to
leave this vale of tears. She endured her sufferings patiently, and
found her principal comfort in the book of Psalms, which has so often
proved itself a lasting blessing to many souls. Frequently did she utter
the prayer in Psalm lxxi, 18: "Now also, when I am old and grey-headed,
O God, forsake me not." Camerarius, who was intimately acquainted with
her, bears the following testimony: "She was a very pious woman, who
loved her husband devotedly; an industrious and active mother of her
family, liberal and benevolent towards all, and so careful for the
interests of the poor, that she did not only lose sight of her ability
and strength in the distribution of her charities, but even interceded
for them among her friends, with the greatest earnestness, and even
impetuosity. She led a spotless life, and was so anxious to cultivate a
pious and honorable character, that she did not concern herself about
expensive entertainments, or costly dress."

Their union was blessed by the birth of four children, two sons and two
daughters; ANNA, PHILIP, GEORGE, and MAGDALEN. His daughter Anna was
born in 1524. Melanchthon was a great friend of children, and regarded
his own with the deepest affection. He was particularly devoted to his
Anna. At a certain time, this little child entered the room, and found
its father weeping. It approached him, and with its little apron wiped
away his tears. He says of this: "This proof of her love made a deep
impression upon my heart." He did not dream, at that time, that the fate
of this daughter should cause him to shed many bitter tears in future.
At another time, one of his daughters absented herself from home for a
long time. When Melanchthon saw her, he asked her, in a jesting way,
what she would say to her mother, who would no doubt give her a severe
scolding. The child replied, in its simplicity, "Nothing." He was highly
pleased with this reply, and he often afterwards made use of it, when
attacked by his enemies.

Adami relates: "Upon a certain time a Frenchman paid him a visit. He
found Philippus in the nursery, where he was rocking the cradle with one
hand while he held a book in the other. When he observed the surprise of
his guest, Philip praised the duties of family life, and the gratitude
of children towards God in such a manner, that the stranger departed
greatly instructed." He felt happy and at home in the nursery and in the
family circle, which he called "the little church." His son George, who
was born November 25th, 1527, died when he was two years old. He was
very much attached to this child, which already displayed extraordinary
intellectual gifts. Great indeed, therefore, was his sorrow, when the
Lord took it away. He speaks of it in several of his letters. Luther
even calls upon Jonas to pray for him that the Lord would comfort him.
Luther wrote to Jonas on the 17th of August: "On last Sunday the Lord
took away our Philip's son George. You can easily imagine how very
difficult it is for us to console this tender-hearted and most sensitive
man. The death of his son has filled him with extraordinary sorrow, for
he has not experienced this before. You know how very important the
preservation of his life and health is to us all; we all suffer and
sorrow with him."

At the close of the month Luther again wrote to Jonas: "Philippus is
still grieving. We all sympathize with him, as a man of his worth richly
deserves it. Oh! that all those proud Timons were humbled by crosses
like this, who are so proud of their own wisdom, that they do not know
how much this man, sinful and feeble though he be, is exalted above
many, yea, thousands like Jerome, Hilary, and Macarius, who are
altogether unworthy to unloose the shoes' latchets of my Philippus."

The eldest son bore his father's name, and was born on the 13th of
January, 1525. This boy suffered very much in his earlier years, so that
his father entertained very little hope of raising him. But
notwithstanding all this, he lived to the great age of eighty years. He
did not possess the talents which so greatly distinguished his father.
When very old, he wrote in an album: "I have a desire to depart, and to
be with Christ. Philippus Melanchthon, August 9th, 1603."

GEORGE SABINUS was born at Brandenburg, April 23d, 1508. In his 15th
year he had come to Wittenberg to pursue his studies. Melanchthon became
acquainted with him, and loved him on account of his extraordinary
talents. He was particularly distinguished for his poetical talents.
When Anna,[25] Melanchthon's favorite, was 16 years old, she was married
to this Sabinus, with the consent of her parents. This occurred in the
year 1536. In the year 1538, the Elector Joachim of Brandenburg called
Sabinus to Frankfort on the Oder, as professor of polite literature.
Being an exceedingly vain and ambitious man, he looked upon this
situation as too humble, and longed for one more honorable. Such an one
seemed to be opened to him, when the Duke of Prussia established a
University at Koenigsberg.

Melanchthon wrote to Camerarius in the Spring of 1544: "Sabinus intends
to leave the academy (at Frankfort) because he finds it very difficult
to satisfy the demands of so many learned judges. He is looking for
hiding-places where he will be able to rule, and from whence he may be
introduced to courtly life. This, you must know, is the substance of his
plans. Perhaps we may add to this, that he is desirous of removing my
daughter farther away from my observation; but I endeavor to be calm."

We may easily conceive that the modest, gentle Anna, could not live
happily in such a union. She complained to her parents, for Sabinus was
also a spendthrift in addition to all this. By the recommendation of
Camerarius, Sabinus was appointed the first Rector of the University of
Koenigsberg, on the 17th of August, 1544. Before removing to this place,
Anna and her children remained for some time in the house of her parents
at Wittenberg. Melanchthon's love towards his daughter and her children
was now renewed and increased, especially as he saw the prospects that
awaited them. He wrote to Camerarius: "This journey of my daughter fills
me with constant sorrow. But I pray that the Lord may regard our tears.
Could you but see how amiably my daughter has deported herself while at
home; she is quiet, modest, gentle, very conciliatory, and of a prudent
mind."

But she was not destined to remain in this school of suffering for a
very long time; for, as we have already heard, the Lord removed her in
March, 1547. This was the severest affliction that Melanchthon ever
endured. From Zerbst he wrote to his friend Paul Eber in Wittenberg: "I
send you a narrative of my daughter's death, which, whenever I read it,
or even but think of it, so increases my parental sorrow, that I fear it
will injure my health. I cannot banish the sight of my weeping daughter
from my eyes, who, when she was asked what she would like to say to her
parents, replied: "I think of several things, which fill me with
anguish." Camerarius says, that she appeared as a corpse to her father
in a dream, in the very night in which she died. Melanchthon wrote to
him that his daughter had gently passed out of this life, giving
striking evidences of her love towards God, her husband, and children.

It soon appeared that the love which Melanchthon had borne towards his
departed daughter was now transferred to her children. He therefore
wrote to Sabinus: "I wish our friendship to be a lasting one, and am
determined to cherish it faithfully. I shall look upon your children as
my own, and they are indeed my own. I do not love them less than I loved
their mother. Many know how fondly I loved my daughter; and this love
has not been extinguished by her death, but continues to be nourished by
sorrow and ardent desire. And as I know how much she loved her children,
I believe that I must transfer her affections to myself." Great indeed
was his joy when Sabinus, during his journey to Wittenberg in the autumn
of 1547, left behind him three daughters and a son. These grand-children
were the greatest recreation of the grand-parents. He would sometimes
even speak of these children before his hearers.

His youngest daughter Magdalen, born July 18th, 1533, was married to
Doctor CASPAR PEUCER, when she was but 19 years of age. After
Melanchthon's death, Peucer became the first professor of the University
of Wittenberg, and physician in ordinary to the Elector of Saxony. Their
union was richly blessed with children. He endured many persecutions
afterwards, because he and some of his colleagues secretly approved of
the doctrines of Calvin, on which account they were called
_Cryptocalvinists_. He was compelled to languish in a prison for twelve
years. During this time his wife died. One morning he dreamed that he
was tolling the bell for a funeral. The rope broke in his hand, and
awaking, he cried out: "The rope is broken, and we are free." In the
very same moment the door of his cell was opened, and he was liberated.
Grief took such possession of his heart, that he was frequently observed
weeping during public worship in Zerbst, whither he had retired.

His servant JOHN has likewise been very properly counted a member of
Melanchthon's family. This John was a Swabian, who for thirty-four years
served him with great fidelity and honesty, managed all his household
affairs, and trained and instructed his children. Melanchthon
entertained the highest respect for him, and frequently wrote to him,
when absent on a journey. This man must have had a truly Christian
understanding and heart. When Veit Dietrich upon a certain occasion sent
some sermons upon the struggles of the soul of the Son of God to
Melanchthon, he replied that he had not read them yet, but intended to
read them attentively, and then continues: "My servant, who reads such
books with great delight, praises them very much."

When he died, Melanchthon publicly announced his death, and spoke of him
in the most touching manner. We will repeat it: "My servant John, born
on the Neckar, lived with me four-and-thirty years. He served God with
true piety, and towards men he was just, truthful, and obliging. He was
chaste, and a friend of chastity. He devoted his mornings to the reading
of the Scriptures and prayer, then to the training and instruction of my
little sons and daughters, and then to household affairs. He accompanied
us in all our times of exile, in time of war and pestilence, and
witnessed my life, labors, and afflictions. And time never produced any
change in him towards us." This is an honorable testimony for
Melanchthon, even as Eliezer was an honor to Abraham.

We must also notice Melanchthon's personal appearance, his manner of
life, and devotional exercises. There was nothing striking in his
appearance. He was small and thin, yet of good proportions; his chest
was broad, and his neck somewhat long. His face was very expressive, his
forehead was high, and his blue eyes were full of beauty, intelligence,
and gentleness. He was very animated in conversation. The amount of work
performed by this man is really amazing, when we remember that he
enjoyed but few healthy days in the whole period of his life. He was
frequently troubled with sleeplessness; at other times, he was severely
afflicted with the stone; and besides this, he was also subject to
affections of the bowels. He had accustomed himself to very strict
habits of life.[26] He could be found in his study at 2 or 3 o'clock in
the morning, both in summer and winter. During the day, he read three or
four lectures, attended to the conferences of the professors, and after
that labored until supper-time. After this, he retired about 9 o'clock.
He would not open any letters in the evening, in order that his sleep
might not be disturbed by anxiety. As his friends on the Rhine made him
frequent presents of wine, he was in the habit of drinking a glass
before supper.

His habits were extremely regular. He generally took one simple meal a
day, and never more than two. As he was frequently invited to
entertainments at Wittenberg, and other places, he could not at all
times strictly adhere to this manner of life. He was not fond of
luxuries, but preferred soups, fish, vegetables, and eggs. He was fond
of conversing at table; and a man of his acquirements, who had conversed
with princes, statesmen, and other celebrated persons, was never at a
loss for a topic. He was fond of cheerfulness and pleasant jests; but
his fervent piety diffused a pleasing and blessed light over his whole
walk and conversation. He began every duty in the name of God, and as in
his presence. The word of the Apostle Paul, "In him we live, and move,
and have our being," was ever present to his mind. He was frequently
heard exclaiming, "May our Lord God help us, and be merciful unto us!"
When he arose from his bed in the morning, he addressed the triune God
in the following brief form of prayer: "Almighty, Eternal God, Father of
our Lord Jesus Christ, Creator of heaven and earth, and man, together
with thy Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, thy word and image, and with thy
Holy Spirit, have mercy upon us, and forgive us our sins for thy Son's
sake, whom thou hast made our Mediator according to thy wonderful
counsels, and do thou guide and sanctify us by thy Holy Spirit, which
was poured out upon the Apostles. Grant that we may truly know and
praise thee throughout all eternity!"

After prayer he read a portion of the Bible, and then looked into the
almanac, in order to remind himself of the time of the ecclesiastical
year, and of the men of God, whose name-days were there recorded. It was
only after he had thus sanctified himself by the word of God and prayer,
that he began his labors, or wrote the most urgent letters. He always
dined regularly at a fixed hour, and here not only a blessing was asked,
but the Apostle's Creed was also repeated. He entertained a very high
regard for this Creed, and was in the habit of repeating it three times
every day. He thus speaks of it in some of his writings: "There are many
reasons why we should accustom ourselves to a daily repetition of the
Creed. Godly and pious men are in the habit of repeating it at least
three times every day. Dr. Jerome Schurff, a wise and learned man, when
he found that death was approaching, repeated it almost every hour, and
that, too, with such fervency of spirit, that all could see how much he
was encouraged and strengthened by this Confession." He also laid great
stress upon the Lord's Prayer, the Psalms, and the Ten Commandments; and
frequently exhorted his students to accustom themselves to repeat them.

This piety, which he constantly recommended to others, and practised in
his domestic life, also animated all the labors of his calling. He
regarded his lecture room, in which so many hearers assembled anxious to
hear their master, as if it were his Church. He somewhere makes the
remark: "Above the entrance of many old churches, we read the
inscription, 'My house shall be called a house of prayer,' sculptured in
the stone. This inscription should also be placed upon schools, for they
are a part of the public worship of God; we there teach and learn the
truth, and must unite prayer with it all." In another place he says:
"We occupy this position in the name of God, in order that we may
preserve and disseminate that truth which gives salvation to the human
race; and God demands diligence both on the part of teachers and pupils.
We must enter the school with the same feelings with which we enter the
temple, namely, that we desire to learn and communicate divine things.
If any man enters the school merely to acquire a portion of knowledge,
which he may use for gain or empty ambition, let such an one remember
that he is desecrating the holiest temple of science."

It was his constant aim to do everything for the glory of God, and to be
"a useful instrument of the church." And if this was the case in all his
efforts to educate youth, how much more was it the case when the church
itself was concerned! He was not one of those with whom Christianity and
affection for the church is something so internal that it never
manifests itself. He approved of the use of particular forms of prayer.
He says: "We are not to despise the verbal prayer, which helps to arouse
us. Dr. Jerome Schurff very properly observes: Christ says, when ye
pray, _say_: Our Father, which art in heaven. Therefore it is not
sufficient to pray in the spirit, but if it is possible we must also
utter words by which the devotional feelings of our hearts are
increased." In his prayers he steadfastly relied upon the promises of
God, and doubtless frequently rejoiced in having found that which he
sought. He loved the house of God, and was a faithful attendant at the
public worship of God. HEERBRAND of Tuebingen, in his Eulogy, bears this
honorable testimony: "He was anxious to frequent public worship, not
only to set a good example to others, but because he knew that the Holy
Spirit exercised his power through the word of God, and that the Son of
God was present, so that his faith might be strengthened, and the spirit
of prayer be enkindled in the congregations of the saints; even as he
constantly prayed with inexpressible sighs, and offered up prayers and
supplications for the church and himself. We, who knew him, are all able
to testify in regard to this."

He once remarked to his hearers: "You are not to act in so brutish and
impertinent a manner as to think it does not matter even if I do not go
to church, for it is nothing but Popery and superstition. No, but it is
barbarism to neglect these privileges. There is no more beautiful sight
than orderly and holy assemblies, in which men are instructed of God,
and where they unite in prayer and thanksgiving. We have here a type of
eternal life, where we shall sit in the presence of God and his Son, and
hear the Son of God instructing us in reference to the greatest
wonders."

In another place he says: "You must connect yourselves with the church,
and maintain the public worship of God. You know how frequently the
Psalmist prayed: "One thing have I desired of the Lord, that will I seek
after; that I may dwell in the house of the Lord all the days of my
life." O Lord, let me live where there is a church, however small. Just
as I once related of my little daughter, who said: "Koenigsberg is a very
nice place too, for there they go to church just like here." She saw how
glorious these assemblies are. He also in another place expresses his
sentiments in regard to this matter in a very decided manner: "We love
the united devotions of the house of God. Those who do not come to
church, but accustom themselves to walking about, feasting, and other
abominations, while the godly are assembled to hear the word of God,
will degenerate more and more. They will become swine, lewd fellows, and
devils. In my house at Tuebingen, in which Dr. Jerome Schurff had also
resided, this ancient verse was written upon the walls: "To go to church
delayeth not, to give alms impoverisheth not, and unjust wealth
remaineth not."

We have heard before, that it was his opinion that the public worship of
God should not be entirely devoid of all ceremonies. But the ceremonies
should not be opposed to the Scriptures. He did not approve of depriving
the churches of their ornaments and pictures. However, we are already
sufficiently acquainted with his sentiments in these respects.

It is very remarkable that he attached such great importance to dreams,
and the position of the stars. He dreamed a great deal, and in his
letters frequently speaks of the stars; and whenever comets made their
appearance he looked upon them as signs of evil times, and troubled
himself exceedingly. He also relates instances of the influence exerted
upon the lives of men by good and evil spirits, from which it appears
that he looked upon such influences as very powerful.




CHAPTER XXXVI.

SOMETHING MORE OF MELANCHTHON'S MERITS.


The reader has had sufficient evidence in the life of our Reformer, that
he was indeed a learned man, and performed most valuable services in the
church and school. He labored especially to combine science with the
work of the Reformation, and to render the study of the Greek and Latin
writers serviceable to the cause of Christianity. And he proved very
satisfactorily, that these studies can be attended to without
sacrificing true Christianity. Of course, there is a very great
difference between him and those scholars of our own day, who diffuse a
knowledge of heathen authors apart from true Christianity. While the
latter are training up a generation which is filled with heathen ideas,
and but too often lives a heathenish life, Melanchthon trained pupils
who also possessed a thorough knowledge of the ancient languages, but at
the same time loved Christian truth. This "_Teacher of Germany_," as he
was called, would still be able to show the teachers of our modern
youth, that extensive attainments, and true, living Christianity, are
not necessarily opposed to each other, but may be brought to harmonize
with each other in the most beautiful manner. How earnestly he labored
to instil a thorough knowledge into the minds of his pupils, is manifest
from his own words: "To neglect the young in our schools is just like
taking the Spring out of the year. They indeed take away the Spring
from the year who permit the schools to decline, because religion cannot
be maintained without them. And a terrible darkness will fall upon
society, if the study of the sciences should be neglected."

As he himself had attained solid knowledge in his youth, he was also
anxious that his pupils should be well grounded in the various branches
of knowledge. He was therefore not ashamed to instruct young men in the
rudiments of the dead languages. For this purpose he wrote a Greek and a
Latin grammar, which were used in the schools until the beginning of the
last century. He was instrumental in securing cheap editions of the
Greek and Roman authors. But he did not confine himself entirely to the
study of languages; he also devoted himself to other branches of
knowledge, particularly History. He was very anxious to direct greater
attention to German History. A number of excellent scholars were
prepared under Melanchthon's superintendence, one of whom, Valentine
Friedland, called TROTZENDORF, became very distinguished.

We will not enter into the consideration of his services in Philosophy,
the promotion of Eloquence, Ethics, Psychology, Natural Philosophy, and
Astronomy, but shall merely say a few words more of the influence he
exerted upon true _Theology_.

He was mainly instrumental in introducing the knowledge of the Greek
language among the Protestants, and also in encouraging them to study
the Hebrew, because he saw that a knowledge of the original languages
was absolutely essential in order to understand the Holy Scriptures
properly. Besides this, as we have heard before, he wrote critical
expositions of most of the books of the Bible. His Latin comments upon
the Gospel lessons appointed to be read in the Churches, were delivered
before the Hungarians, who did not understand the German language.
CHRISTOPHER PEZEL informs us of their origin: "When the University was
re-established after the war of Smalkald, Philip Melanchthon began to
explain the Gospels for Sundays and festival days, in his own house, for
the sake of a number of Hungarians, who were not able to understand the
German sermons in the churches. As a large number of other persons also
began to attend these lectures or sermons, in which he explained the
principal truths of his text in a familiar conversational manner, he was
obliged to hold them in the public Lecture-Room. As he was very skilful
in instructing youth, and thoroughly supplied with every kind of
learning, he was careful to suit his explanations to the capacities of
his hearers, the greater part of whom were young men, and many of them
boys."

These lectures were very numerously attended. He was in the habit of
beginning to explain the separate verses according to their literal
meaning. He then proceeded to inquire whether his explanation agreed
with the context, and then went on to develop the doctrines of faith. He
laid great stress upon this analogy of Scripture truths. And this alone,
which the ungodly commentators of later times did not recognize, throws
a full light upon exposition. We are already sufficiently well
acquainted with his system of doctrine. Although, as we have seen, he
yielded in some points in an improper manner, he nevertheless adhered to
the substance of divine truth. The Augsburg Confession was his
Confession. Whenever therefore any one attacked the fundamental
doctrines of Christianity, as they are represented in the confessions of
the first centuries, he would become very much excited, and thought that
such persons ought to be punished. Therefore he decidedly approved of
the burning of MICHAEL SERVETUS, who rejected and blasphemed the
doctrine of the Trinity. He acted in the spirit of the Old Testament,
and forgot, that although such persons cannot be regarded as members of
the Christian church, they must be borne with patiently.

He was also in favor of using the strongest measures against the
Anabaptists, and other fanatics and heretics. Although he did not look
upon this in the light of the New Testament, his view rested in a warm
zeal for the purity of the Christian Church, which he looked upon as of
the utmost importance. It is true, the objection might be raised here
that he himself should not have been so inconstant in many doctrines.
But this was very agreeable to many in his own days, who became his
followers. He thus became the leader of a party, no doubt against his
own will. His followers were afterwards called _Philippists_. It does
not belong to our task to write the history of this party, and to
present its sad destiny. There are still some divines who esteem
Melanchthon's faults as his highest perfections, and look upon him as a
man far in advance of his own time, or in other words, as a man who
occupies their own position. But if these extollers of Melanchthon would
take the trouble to examine his writings, and the additional trouble to
compare their own amount of faith with that of the Master of Wittenberg,
it would not only result to their own disadvantage, but it would be
apparent that they are not even worthy to loosen the latchets of his
shoes. For the fundamental doctrines of the Divinity of Christ, of the
Atonement, Justification by Faith, and the like, were so fully
established in his view, that he would not suffer the least doubt in
regard to them. How steadfastly he adhered to them, and how faithfully
he relied upon his Saviour, is proved by his last illness and
death-bed, which no doubt may be regarded as among the most edifying
upon record, and which we therefore propose to describe at length.




CHAPTER XXXVII.

HE DIES.


A cloud of the noblest champions and witnesses of God had already
departed to that place where we rest after the battle, and where the
confessor receives the reward of grace. Melanchthon had long before this
desired to lay aside his arms, and to celebrate a Sabbath, in which he
might sing the new song to him that sitteth upon the throne, with his
friends Luther, Cruciger, Veit Dietrich, Sturm, Bucer, Bugenhagen, and
all the company of the saints made perfect. He had also expressed this
longing towards the eternal home in many of his letters. The most
ancient account, that of the University, says in regard to this: "When
he had now become worn out, and weary of this life, he prepared himself
for death for several years; even as he wrote concerning himself, that
he was tired of this life, and was therefore directing his thoughts to
another world, and towards his beloved Lord Jesus Christ. That he had
done as much as he could in this life, and would leave the rest with
God. He comforted himself with the reflection that he had always meant
well, and his conscience did not accuse him on this account. And with
this clear conscience, he trusted to go "into the presence of his Lord
Jesus, with God's help, no matter what an ungrateful world might say
about it." Whenever his opponents attacked him at this time, he would
say: "Let them write until they are satisfied, and do whatever they
please, I shall not trouble them much longer. But I, with God's help,
will continue to teach diligently, and present a simple exposition of
truth to the young, as long as I live, and will pray God to grant me a
joyful departure." To this mental weariness, bodily infirmities were
added. He began to experience great difficulty in writing letters, which
he had done with much ease formerly; and his eyes, too, grew weaker.

On the 30th of March, 1560, he departed for Leipzig, in order to examine
the stipendiaries of the Elector. After he had finished his labors, he
left Leipzig on the 4th of April. His journey affected him very
unfavorably, for the air was inclement and cold, and they were riding
against a cutting north wind. He said, even while in the carriage, "that
he had not felt the coldness so much during the whole winter, as he did
now." He was able to sleep very little during the night from the 7th to
the 8th of April; towards morning he was affected with fever,
accompanied by a cough and shortness of breath, and his eyes appeared so
sunken, that his friends were terrified. But notwithstanding all this,
he roused himself from his couch to attend to his duties, but found
himself so much exhausted by his efforts, that he was repeatedly obliged
to totter to his couch, to refresh himself. During this day, he yet
wrote a short letter to Moller, and apologized for its brevity on
account of the severe pain he was suffering. His son-in-law, Doctor
Peucer, thought that the affection of the stone, with which his
father-in-law had suffered severely before, was again making its
appearance, and had a bath and warm poultices prepared for him.

After wishing him good night, the invalid said: "If it is the will of
God that I shall die, I am heartily willing to die, and I only pray God
to grant me a joyful dismission." He felt that death was approaching;
and as he was fond of reading and interpreting the stars, he observed
intimations of his death in the planets. He rose shortly before 8
o'clock, in order to deliver his usual lecture. His friends, Esrom
(Ruediger) and Sturm, in vain endeavored to dissuade him from doing so.
He said, "I will lecture for a half hour, and then use a bath." But when
he was about to set his foot upon a little stool which he used when he
washed his hands, he became so weak that he was not able to lift up the
other foot, so that he almost fell back. Upon this he said, "I shall go
out like a lamp." He went to the lecture-room, accompanied by his two
friends; but it was not yet 8 o'clock, and but few students were
present. He then remarked: "What is the use of our being here?" On the
way back to his house, he said to his companions: "If I could reach
Koenigsberg, I might become better." When he reached the house, he felt
somewhat better, and his friends did not venture to give notice that the
lecture would be omitted. Esrom departed, in order to seal the letter in
which he had communicated Melanchthon's illness to Camerarius.

At 9 o'clock, he again went out to deliver his lecture. It only lasted a
quarter of an hour. He spoke of the _ransom_ of Christ, which he offered
as Mediator, not silver and gold, but his precious blood, by which he
fulfilled the law, and satisfied justice. He spoke with his usual
animation. Upon his return home, he took a bath. He took but very little
food, and then slept soundly for three hours. At supper, he spoke
distinctly, but feebly. On the following night the fever returned, and
Peucer found that he had been mistaken as to his disease.

On the 9th and 10th of April, Melanchthon was lively and cheerful; and
at a meeting of the faculty, spoke very earnestly against the parties
among the students. In the afternoon, he corrected several funeral
orations in honor of Duke Philip, of Pomerania, who died on the 24th of
February, and said: "I am now only engaged upon funeral matters. This
worthy Prince of Pomerania was also named Philip. Perhaps I shall be the
next Philip, from the common herd, who shall follow this pious prince."
On the same day he delivered a very animated lecture upon Christ's
prayer (John xvii.), and also made preparations to read a meditation
suitable to the festival of Good Friday, in the morning at 6 o'clock
(April 12th). It was based upon the 53d chapter of the Prophet Isaiah.
In this he remarks: "Our diligence and valor is also needed." He had
indeed spent a bad night, but this did not deter him. When he was told
that in the evening they had seen clouds resembling bound rods, he spoke
very earnestly of the judgments of God. "The people," he said, "are
becoming secure, and care for no warnings; and whenever this is the
case, punishment is not far off. May God Almighty be gracious unto us,
whom we heartily pray to remember mercy in the midst of his wrath." The
following night he enjoyed good rest, and slept very quietly. He awoke
whilst he was singing an old hymn, which, when a boy, he had frequently
sung in Church: "With desire have I desired to eat this passover with
you before I suffer." He wrote an Easter Meditation on the great
Sabbath, the day before Easter, and carried it to the printing-office
himself. He then went to church, confessed his sins, received
absolution, and together with others, in true faith received the body
and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ with thanksgiving and fervent prayer.
In the afternoon at 2 o'clock, he went to look after his manuscript in
the printing-office. This was his last walk in the street.

At 4 o'clock in the afternoon, his dear friend Camerarius, of Leipzig,
who had been informed of his friend's precarious condition, through
Peucer, entered the house, and found his friend Melanchthon upon the
lowest step of the stairway that led to his study, resting his head upon
his hand. He arose and welcomed him, and they continued to converse for
some time. At 5 o'clock, he expressed a wish to go to bed, for a severe
chill had come upon him. He did not eat anything. He could not sleep
during the night after Easter; the heat of the fever was rapidly
consuming his strength; but notwithstanding all this, he could not be
persuaded to omit his customary annual Easter Meditation. He had already
put on his coat to go out. But the good man was so feeble that he was
barely able to stand. Some one had informed the students that the Master
would not lecture, upon which they all departed. When his son Philip
came in to inform his father that there were no auditors there, his
father replied, in a tone of displeasure, "So you have told them to go
away." But when his son apologized, he said, in a milder tone, "To whom
shall I lecture, if there is no one present?" He then took off his coat.
He proceeded to write several letters, while Camerarius remained with
him, and the rest went to church. The excellent and pious prince
Joachim, of Anhalt, who had heard of his illness, sent him a moor-hen,
and several partridges. He partook of some of these, and also of some
Hungarian plums. He also drank some Rhenish wine, and remarked that he
liked it. He also conversed very pleasantly with his friends.

When he arose from the table, he went up into his room and rested for a
while upon his couch. He had also commenced writing a letter to Prussia,
which he now continued, without however finishing it. He was not able to
write any more; he rested, and thought of his deceased friend, Dr.
Pommer.[27] He said, "Doctor Pommer, that good, and now sainted man,
died of nothing but old age;" and continued: "no one ought to wish to
live so long that his age and feebleness would render him altogether
useless to men."

On one of the following days, he prayed to God in a very fervent manner,
in the hearing of many persons, that he would graciously remove him from
this life, if he was not to serve the Church and Christian youth any
longer." And God heard this prayer, which he repeated several times.

During the night he slept tolerably well. When he arose, therefore, he
continued to write. However, his friends persuaded him not to lecture on
this day, (Easter Monday.) Before going to table, he said: "If it is
God's will, I am willing to die. I have a desire to depart, and to be
with Christ." He then spoke of the original Greek word in the New
Testament, which does not properly signify to _depart_, but "to journey
or prepare for a journey." He also recollected a remark made by the
worthy and pious Dr. Milichius: "It might be that a person would be very
anxious to leave this life; but at the same time, no man could earnestly
think of death, without shuddering." Melanchthon coincided with this,
and said: "The great misery and troubles of life are not able to give a
man joy in the hour of death. Something more is needful before a man can
feel this." He retired to his bed, and rested for about three hours.
When he had risen at one time, and Camerarius and Peucer were again
placing him upon his couch, he began to sink under their hands. But they
restored him by rubbing him. He spent a very restless night; his cough
was quite troublesome, and he slept little. This was the fifth attack of
the fever. He remarked that at Weimar, Doctor Sturtz had applied a
cardiac of corals, which relieved him, and that he had thought of the
word of the prophet in his sleep: "I shall not die, but live, and
declare the works of the Lord." He requested them to apply corals in the
present instance, and they did so.

In the morning of the 16th of April, at 4 o'clock, he was heard praying
very earnestly. After his prayer he completed the letter to Prussia. On
this day Camerarius wished to go home, intending to return at a more
convenient time. All entertained hopes that the fever would leave him
after the seventh attack. As Melanchthon had not eaten anything the day
before, a meal was prepared earlier than usual, in order that he and his
friend might eat together. Before going down, they sat on a bench
surrounded by some other friends. And now Melanchthon quite unexpectedly
said to Camerarius, as if giving him his blessing: "My dear Dr. Joachim,
we have been joined in the bonds of friendship about forty years, and we
have loved each other with a sincere and disinterested affection. We
have been teachers of youth and faithful colleagues, each in his proper
place, and I hope to God that our labors have not been useless, but have
done much good. If it is God's will that I must die, we will perpetuate
our unalterable friendship in the world to come." They then both sat
down to table. Melanchthon then turned to Camerarius's son-in-law,
ESROM, whose wife had died a year and a half before, and said: "I to-day
dreamed of your wife, as if I had seen her die." He said of this pious
and virtuous woman, that he heard her remark: "I know that God will not
forsake me." "I can never forget that word," he said. When something was
said of the hurtful doctrine of doubt, he said to Esrom: "Your sainted
wife did not speak so." He also referred again to the hymn, which he
sung in his sleep three days ago, and said that it sounded so sweetly.
He ate and drank very little, and grew weaker and weaker. He expressed a
wish to retire to his room, and tried to go to sleep. Camerarius felt
very anxious in regard to him, and determined not to depart that day.
The sick man fell asleep, lying upon his back, with his eyes half-open.

He was the very picture of a corpse. His friends were filled with fear,
and tears filled their eyes as they gazed upon him. The servants wept
and cried aloud, as if their master were already dead. But it had not
come to this yet; and when he turned upon his side in his sleep, his
countenance assumed a more natural appearance, and he slept soundly. He
awoke after three hours, and said that he had slept exceedingly well.
Cheerfulness and animation seemed to return. During this day, a Danish
Theologian, on his way to his own country, entered his room. Melanchthon
was very much pleased with the visit of this gentleman, and gave him
several books, which had been printed at Wittenberg, in order that he
might present them to the King of Denmark. The invalid requested him to
apologize for him to the king, because he had not written; that he was
prevented by illness; however, God willing, he hoped to write soon, and
faithfully and humbly to thank his majesty for all his gracious favors.
He also prayed that the king and his entire kingdom might continue to
enjoy happiness and prosperity.

He was so refreshed by his sleep, that he wrote letters, walked through
his room and the house, and was more cheerful and animated than during
the whole time of his illness. All began to entertain a hope of his
recovery. At the supper-table, he was very cheerful. When the
conversation turned upon those men who had brought discord into the
Church, and still continued to foment it, he was greatly moved, and with
unusual passion remarked: "They are knaves, and will remain knaves, and
God will yet make it manifest that they are knaves." He remained at
table until about 8 o'clock. It was the last meal he ever received in
the lower part of his house. His sleep was refreshing. In his sleep his
spirit was impressed with the words of the Apostle Paul, "If God be for
us, who can be against us?"

On the following day, April 17th, he sealed the letter to Prussia, wrote
something upon some small pamphlets, and sent them to his friends, and
a few of them to the Duke. When he felt some fatigue, and the fever was
about attacking him again, Camerarius came to bid him farewell. Philip
said: "The Son of God, who sitteth at the right hand of his heavenly
Father, and giveth gifts to men, preserve you and yours, and all of us.
Give my warmest regards to your dear wife!" This was the last interview
of these affectionate friends. Camerarius mounted his horse before
Melanchthon's door, and went to Leipzig to attend to some important
matters, intending to return afterwards. Prince Joachim, of Anhalt, on
the same day sent one of his attendants to inquire in regard to the good
man's health. Melanchthon conversed with him in a very friendly manner,
and expressed his affection towards the prince in such moving blessings
and wishes for his welfare, that every eye was filled with tears.
Several letters also arrived from Switzerland, which spoke of the
prospects of a General Council, which the Pope intended to convene. He
said: "It is far better for me to die, than to be obliged to attend this
Council." For every one could easily imagine what shameful dissensions
would arise there, even on the side of the Protestants. At 8 o'clock,
the fever made its appearance for the sixth time. To some one standing
at his bedside, he remarked: "I was to-night thinking of the foolish
dispute that some pretend, that Christ was not afraid of death. But he
understood what it is to die, far better than we do, or can do.
Therefore he no doubt was more afraid of death than we are." He also
said, "How does the will of the Lord Jesus Christ agree with the will of
his Heavenly Father, when he was afraid of death!" But he did not give
any further intimation of his views in regard to this. He again spoke of
Esrom's wife: "What a fine young woman your beloved wife was! She had a
strong constitution, too; and yet she died very easily, and had a
disease very much like mine. For she had pains in her left side, and I
have them too. But the great weakness of my body is owing to other
causes, which I do not understand." And shortly before retiring, he
said: "If this is not death, it is indeed a very severe scourge." A
large map hung near his bed, which he regarded very attentively. He
turned round, and with a smile remarked: "Virdungus once foretold to me,
by astrology, that I would be shipwrecked upon the ocean, and now I am
not far from it." He had reference to the painted ocean upon the map.
When the heat of the fever came upon him, and he was about to uncover
his extremities, a feeling of modesty led him to say to those who were
surrounding his bed: "What are you standing here for? Can't you go
home?" This frightened many so much that they retired, and fewer persons
were present during that day. At 2 o'clock, the fever left him; it had
not been as severe as before. He rose, and took some food, but his
stomach would not retain it. He again retired, and slept until 5
o'clock. He was lying all night in his chamber, his slumbers being very
slight and restless. His friends feared that the returning fever would
consume his remaining strength. Philip himself said, "The end is not far
distant;" and prayed, "O Lord, make an end!"

On the 18th of April he rose early in the morning at 4 o'clock, and was
conveyed down into his study. He requested them to remove the sofa,
which felt uncomfortable, and to put up his travelling-bed. When he was
taken down, he said: "This is called a travelling-bed; suppose I should
be obliged to travel in it?" While the physicians became convinced, from
a number of signs, that he would not recover, he felt it himself, and
said, "he was perfectly satisfied, if it was God's will." At 8 o'clock,
pastor Paul Eber, and several other persons, entered the room, and
approached the death-bed. Melanchthon frequently repeated that he had
subjected his own will to the will of God, and that life and death were
altogether in his hands. He would be perfectly satisfied with whatever
he should do; and he also remarked, "by the blessing of God I have no
particular anxieties now; for although my daughter's children, whom I
tenderly love, are now passing before my eyes, I comfort myself with the
thought that they are in the hands of pious and godly parents, whom I
love also. They will be solicitous for their welfare, and carefully
train them, as I have done hitherto, and God will also add his blessing.
But I feel for the common calamities, and am greatly troubled because a
cavilling and perverse world acts so wilfully, and troubles the Holy
Christian Church so shamefully. However, let them do whatever they
please, through the goodness of God our doctrine is correct and clear
for all that." He then said to some persons present, "You are young, and
have received sufficient talents through the goodness of God; but see to
it that you use them aright. May Almighty God preserve you, and give you
strength and wisdom, that you may be of service to him and his Church."

When, on the same day, he saw one of his granddaughters, Peucer's eldest
child, passing before his bed, he called her to him, and said: "Dear
daughter, I have loved you most affectionately: see that you reverence
your parents, and always obey them, and fear God, who will never forsake
you. May God Almighty protect you, and give you his blessing. Amen!"

He also spoke in the same friendly manner to the other children, who
were younger, and exhorted them to pray and to be pious. To his
daughter he said: "Dear daughter, God has given you a pious husband.
Love, honor, and obey him. And raise your children in the fear of God,
and God will be with you, and will not forsake you." He spoke like one
who was taking leave.

Camerarius was written to on the following day, and informed that he
must make haste, if he wished to find his Philip alive. But it was
impossible for him to arrive before the death of his friend. At 8
o'clock on the 18th of April he had some food prepared for himself, and
partook of a little broth, and a few slices of lemon. Soon after he
asked his son-in-law, "What hopes he entertained in regard to him, and
that he should not hide anything from him." Peucer replied: "God is your
life, and the length of the days of your life. But as you request me to
tell the whole truth, there is indeed very little hope, as far as I am
able to judge from natural causes, for you are very weak, and your
weakness is increasing every moment." Upon this he said: "Yes, I feel my
weakness, and understand what it imports very well. I have commended the
whole matter to God, whom I pray to deal mercifully with me!"

He had before commenced his will, which opened with a short declaration
of all the articles of his doctrine and faith. He now ordered them to
look for it, in order that he might finish it. But it could not be
found, and it was supposed some one had stolen it. At 2 o'clock he
seated himself at his desk, to write another. We will insert a part of
what he wrote: "In the year 1560, on the eighteenth day of April, I have
written this will in my sickness, briefly in reference to the humble
possessions which God has bestowed upon me. I have twice before written
the confession of my faith, and gratitude to God and our Lord Jesus
Christ, but this has been lost. But I wish my answer to the Bavarian
articles to be looked upon as my confession against the <DW7>s,
Anabaptists, the followers of Flacius, and others like them."

He then expressed his wishes in regard to the division of his property
among his heirs; but his weakness prevented him from concluding it,
which he intended to do on the following day, but it was never done. He
was in full possession of all his mental faculties, and remained so to
the end. As he felt no pain in his head at all, some supposed that he
would die very painfully. He also conversed with his son-in-law in
regard to the affairs of the University, what subjects should be taught
there, and also pointed out his successor. At three o'clock, he
expressed a wish to retire to his room again. He slept soundly until
six. In the meantime, letters had arrived from Frankfort, in which his
friends informed him how terribly the pious were being persecuted in
France. He said: "Well, I am weak, and do not feel well; but all my
sickness does not pain me as much as the great misery of the holy
Christian Church, which arises from the unnecessary separation,
wickedness, and wilfulness, of those who have departed from us without
cause; and these mad people are not able to stop, but must still go on
and make this misery worse than it is; for they do not spare any one.
But you will see that God will punish this wantonness, and we shall be
punished along with them. However, our punishment shall be that which a
father inflicts. But they shall be compelled to suffer severer
punishment. I deeply commiserate the poor people who are so wretchedly
deceived." He continued to utter his complaints thus for a long time,
and it affected him very much. His friends also read other letters to
him, of more cheering character. Thus the conversation was turned into
a different channel, he thought of several friends and acquaintances,
and even uttered a few words in jest. His friends conversed with him
until about eight o'clock, and entertained the best hopes in regard to
his condition. Before retiring to rest, he ate a few preserved cherries,
and drank a little wine, to strengthen himself for sleep.

It was his last night, for the _19th of April_ was the day of his death.
His sleep was very much disturbed. At two o'clock at night, he rose in
the bed, and said to the physician who was present, that he had slept
very little. He had again thought of the word of Paul, "If God be for
us, who can be against us?" He thought of the misery and troubles of the
Church with great sorrow; and his complaints were finally changed into
fervent prayers for the whole Christian Church. He spoke with his
son-in-law until about three o'clock, and was then led into his study.
After walking up and down for some time, he laid himself upon his
travelling-bed, and fell asleep, breathing very easily. When he awoke
about 6 o'clock, he requested his son-in-law to cut off his hair. This
was done. He had three clean linen shirts brought to him, which he put
on, one over the other, as he had been in the habit of doing for years,
in order to keep his body warm. He also placed a clean night-cap upon
his head, for he was in the habit of always wearing one at home; and he
remarked that he had learned this of the celebrated Dr. Reuchlin. In
this manner he adorned himself for his departure. Soon after, the
minister of Torgau, together with his chaplain, Fisher, and the
physician Kentman, of Torgau, came to pay a visit to the sick man. He
conversed with these friends for about half an hour. He said that he did
not feel particularly troubled on account of himself, but that he
deeply felt the sad condition of the Church; for men were exciting
wanton and useless controversies, dividing the Church, and darkening the
truth of the pure doctrine by violence. But that he also had the
consolation to know, that by the grace of God, the true doctrine is
rightly explained in our churches; and thus concluded: "If I die, I
shall escape coming misfortunes, and shall be torn away from this
unhappy, sophistical, and strange year of nature."

He began to pray with tears, and to commend the Church to the Son of
God, our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. When the three friends were
about to depart, he invited them to dinner. They accepted the
invitation; but one of them received word that his daughter was taken
ill. They then came to bid him farewell; and the invalid exhorted them
to pray for the churches and schools, and said: "I know very well that
you do so. The Almighty God be with you!" This was at 7 o'clock, and he
was exceedingly weak.

In the meantime his pastor, several deacons, professors, and other
persons came in. Eight o'clock was the hour when the fever was expected;
his strength decreased perceptibly, and at last he fainted. His friends
restored him, and he slept quietly for a little while. When he awoke, he
began to repeat his customary prayer. He spoke with a very feeble voice,
yet every word could be heard. He prayed: "O Almighty, Eternal, living
and true God, Creator of heaven, and earth, and men, together with thy
co-eternal Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, who was crucified for us and
raised from the dead, and thy living, pure, and true holy Spirit; thou
wise, good, faithful, gracious and just God; thou voluntary, pure, and
faithful Saviour, who givest life and law, thou hast said: 'I have no
pleasure in the death of the sinner, but rather that he should return
unto me and live;' and who hast also said, 'Call upon me in the day of
trouble, and I will deliver thee.' I confess myself a poor sinner before
thee, who is burdened with many sins; for I have offended against thy
holy commandments in many ways, and I mourn from my heart that I have
offended thee, and pray thee, for the sake of thy dear Son, our Lord and
Saviour Jesus Christ, who was nailed to the cross for our sakes, and was
raised again from the dead, that thou wouldst have mercy upon me,
forgive me my sins, and justify me by and for the sake of the Lord Jesus
Christ, who is thy eternal word and image, whom thou didst deliver as a
sacrifice, mediator, Redeemer, and Saviour, led by thy wonderful and
indescribable counsels, and inscrutable wisdom and mercy. And I also
pray thee to sanctify me by thy holy, living, pure, and true Spirit, so
that I may truly acknowledge, and firmly believe, obey, thank, fear, and
invoke thee, behold thy gracious countenance with joy throughout all
eternity, and for ever serve thee, the Almighty, true God, Creator of
heaven and earth, and men, the everlasting Father of our Lord Jesus
Christ, and also Jesus Christ, thy dear Son, thine eternal word and
image, and thy Holy Spirit, the true, pure, and living Comforter. In
thee have I hoped, O Lord: let me never be confounded: in thy
righteousness deliver me. Make me righteous, and bring me unto eternal
life; thou hast redeemed me, O thou God of faithfulness and truth. Keep
and rule our churches and government, and this school. Bestow a salutary
peace and government upon them. Rule and protect our princes and
government; gather and preserve an everlasting Christian Church unto
thyself in these lands. Sanctify and unite it by thy Holy Spirit, that
it may be one in thee, in the true knowledge and worship of thy dear
Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, by and through him, thy eternal Son, our
Lord Jesus Christ, who for our sakes was nailed to the cross, and raised
again from the dead. Almighty, eternal Son of God, thou faithful Lord
and Saviour Jesus Christ, who art the eternal word and image of the
eternal Father, our Mediator and Saviour, crucified for us and raised
again, I give thee most hearty thanks that thou didst assume our human
nature, and art ordained my Redeemer, that in the flesh thou didst
suffer, and arise from the dead, and now intercedest for me, I beseech
thee regard and have mercy upon me, for I am lonely and poor; increase
the light of faith in me, by thy Holy Spirit, bear with me in my
weakness, rule, protect, and sanctify me; in thee, O Lord, have I hoped;
let me never be confounded. Almighty, Holy Spirit, true, pure, and
living Comforter, illuminate, rule, and sanctify me, strengthen faith in
my heart and in my soul, give me true consolation, preserve and rule me,
that I may dwell in the house of the Lord all the days of my life, that
I may behold the beauty of the Lord, and may be and remain for ever a
holy temple of the Lord, and praise God for ever with a joyful spirit in
that eternal heavenly Church and Congregation."

Thus he prayed. This prayer must have exhausted him very much, for he
leaned back upon his bed, and slumbered for some time. But suddenly he
opened his eyes, and said to Peucer: "I have been in the power of death,
but the Lord has graciously delivered me." He repeated this several
times, and as it could only be explained by supposing that he had passed
through some severe internal conflict, Magister JOHN STURIO said to him:
"There is now no condemnation to them that are in Christ Jesus."
Melanchthon soon added: "Christ is made to us wisdom, righteousness,
sanctification, and redemption, in order that, as it is written, "Let
him that glorieth, glory in the Lord." He also frequently repeated the
words: "Oh Lord, have mercy upon me!" His pulse was gone, his hands and
feet became cold, his breathing short, his eyes, temples, and the pit of
his neck fell in, and his strength was failing very rapidly. It was easy
to see that the hour of his departure was near. He was asked whether he
did not wish to eat something. When he signified his willingness, they
made him a soup of Hamburg beer. He ate about three spoonsful, and
remarked: "What a very good soup this is!" He did not eat or drink
anything more after this, but requested them to raise him up, because he
wished to finish his will. But when he found that he was too weak, he
said: "Oh God, that I should be seized so unexpectedly." He laid his
hands before him, and sat for a little while, and then laid himself
down. The heat of the fever was still so strong, that he left his feet
uncovered, although they were extremely cold. He was able to turn about
in his bed without assistance. About 1 o'clock he fainted again. Being
restored by rubbing, he said, "Ah, what are you doing?" While he was
thus lying perfectly still, the Pastor thought it proper to read some
portions of the Old and New Testaments to him. He, and the two Deacons,
Froeshel and Sturio, now alternately read the 24th, 25th, and 26th
Psalms, the 53d chapter of Isaiah, the 14th, 15th, 16th, and 17th
chapters of John, Romans v., and several other chapters and verses of
Paul and the prophets. When they were done and silent, the dying man
said, in a loud and distinct voice: "I perpetually bear in mind the word
of John of the Son of God, my Lord Jesus Christ: The World knew him
not;--but as many as received him, to them gave he power to become the
sons of God, even to them that believe on his name." He then continued
to pray silently; his lips were moving, but no one understood what he
was saying. Those professors, whose duty it was to lecture in the
afternoon, gave notice of the postponement of their lectures, in which
they stated the reason, and called upon the students to unite their
prayers with their own. A great excitement arose among the students and
citizens, and all were filled with sorrow. All were anxiously awaiting
the end.

Within, the dying man was lying in the struggle of death, his eyes half
open, and his body very restless. He did not speak, unless a question
was put to him, although he was fully conscious. His son-in-law asked
him whether he wished to have anything. "Nothing but heaven," he
replied, "and therefore do not ask me such questions any more."

About 3 o'clock in the afternoon, when his head had slipped from the
pillow, and he was lying in an uncomfortable position, they attempted to
raise him and alter his position, when he fainted again. He was soon
restored. "Ah, what are you doing?" he said, "why do you disturb my
sweet repose? let me rest unto the end, for it will not last very long."

As they saw that his end was approaching, several persons united in
prayer to God that he would be pleased soon to grant him a blessed
dismission. The Pastor began to pray in a very consoling manner, and all
in the room fell upon their knees, and united in prayer with him. Those
passages of Scripture which he was known to have regarded with peculiar
interest, were now repeated, such as, "Let not your heart be troubled;"
so also, John 15, 16, 17, also 10: "Whoever loves me, will keep my
commandments." "My sheep hear my voice." Also, Rom. viii., "If God be
for us, who can be against us?"

Several persons, who had not taken any food throughout the day, now
went to table, but soon returned. It was in the evening at 6 o'clock,
and the dying man was lying still, when Froeshel arose, and pronounced
the benediction upon him: "The Lord bless thee and keep thee! The Lord
make his face to shine on thee, and be gracious unto thee! The Lord lift
up his countenance on thee, and give thee peace!" Veit WINSHEIM, Doctor
of Medicine, and Professor of Greek, repeated the words of the Psalm to
him: "Into thy hands I commend my spirit; O Lord, thou hast delivered
me, thou righteous and faithful God!" He asked him whether he heard him?
The dying man replied, "_Yes!_" loud enough to be heard by all. It was
his last word upon the earth.

Froehshel now repeated the Creed, the Lord's prayer, and the words "Lord
Jesus Christ, into thy hands I commend my spirit!" he repeated several
times. When he repeated them for the third time, Melanchthon moved his
lips as if he was praying. More than twenty persons were gazing upon the
dying man. Without the slightest motion, this worthy man gently fell
asleep in the evening, at 7 o'clock, in the very same hour in which he
first beheld the light of this world, 63 years and 63 days before. In
the midst of prayer he celebrated his return home, as the old account
says, "to his beloved Lord Jesus Christ, whom he always praised with his
heart and mouth. With him he no doubt now enjoys everlasting happiness
and glory, together with all the elect. May our Lord Jesus Christ, the
Son of God, help us all to enjoy the same, and may he grant us all a
happy end, and joyous dismission, whenever it shall please him to call
us away. Amen."

      *       *       *       *       *

Winsheim, who delivered his funeral oration, said: "Failing gradually,
he ceased to breathe almost without feeling death, and lay like one who
is asleep; his face was not distorted, and his features were not
changed, as is generally the case with the dead." When the beloved
teacher had thus closed his eyes, the tidings of this event spread
rapidly through the city. The students, greatly distressed, came to the
house in great numbers. It was very easy to see how much they had loved
him. The University soon informed the Elector of this sad event. The
body was laid out in the study during the same evening. On the morning
of the 20th of April, the artist, LUCAS KRANACH, painted his portrait.
All were anxious to behold the beloved body, and permission was given to
all during that and the following day.

No one looked upon the beloved countenance, without tears. Some touched
his head; others took his hand, and pressed it. Many kissed him, with
many tears. The citizens brought their children to look upon him, so
that they might be able to say, in future times, what kind of man he
was. His body was placed in a leaden coffin, and this again in one of
wood, and with other papers, the following was also placed in it: "In
this coffin, PHILIP MELANCHTHON was buried, who was a professor of the
Holy Scriptures, and the good arts, for 42 years. He was an excellent,
learned, pleasant, sensible, sincere, pious, and holy man; patient and
benevolent towards the poor, the most faithful and diligent assistant of
the sainted and revered Doctor Martin Luther, in explaining and
establishing the pure doctrine of the divine word, which had been
darkened by the fraud of the Roman Popes, the juggling of the monks, and
a great number of abuses. He also prepared the _Augsburg Confession_,
which was delivered to the Emperor Charles V., in 1530, after the
purification and exposition of the true doctrine had begun in 1517, and
a change had also taken place in these churches. And he continued to
defend the truth of the heavenly doctrine for 30 years, upon public
diets, and privately, as is proved by his writings, which have been
published to the world." After this follows a short account of the
events of his life, from his birth to his death.

The funeral took place on the 21st of April. Joachim Camerarius, and DR.
MORCH, of Leipzig, arrived at nine o'clock in the morning. His great
grief would not suffer him to look upon the body of his beloved friend
once more. The procession set out in the afternoon. The students came
first, and were followed by the body, borne by the professors of
philosophy, who were dressed in long black funeral robes. After them
came the relatives, the other professors, the city council, strange
noblemen and others, students and citizens. The coffin was first taken
to the parish church, where it was set down before the altar, on the
very spot where Melanchthon had been in the habit of kneeling when
priests were ordained. A psalm and several other hymns, were sung here.
The Pastor, Paul Eber, then mounted the pulpit, and preached the funeral
sermon, from the words in 1 Thess. iv. From the parish Church, the
procession moved towards the Electoral Church. There the body was
deposited by the side of Luther's grave. Veit Winsheim mounted a pulpit
which had been erected near it, and delivered an excellent and moving
Latin address. He closed it in the following words: "He has left us, and
all his, the churches of these dominions, and the University, in a
painful state of anxiety. At the very time when we are tossed about by
the ocean-storms, we have lost our pilot, at the very time when we need
him most, and could spare him less than ever before. But it is not
difficult to understand what God means by taking such men from the
world, in order that they may not see the coming distresses. I do not
wish to be a prophet of misfortunes; but let us cultivate repentance and
patience, so that we may either escape from the wrath of God, or that we
may be able to bear his paternal chastisement, if it be necessary. For
the death of such men should incite us to piety, to repentance, and more
fervent prayer; and also to preserve the inheritance left us by these
two men, Luther and Melanchthon; namely, the pure doctrines of truth,
with the greatest prudence, diligence, and fidelity. For this is not the
time for security and sleep, but for watchfulness. We have all seen what
came to pass after Luther's death; let every one reflect for himself,
what things are to be expected now." After this, the body was deposited
in its resting-place, by the side of Luther. The whole community
assisted at these funeral solemnities. There was such a concourse of
persons of every condition and age, that Wittenberg had never seen one
to exceed it. All were deeply moved, and many tears were shed.[28]

A small plate of metal, in the floor, still marks Melanchthon's
resting-place, while another on the wall presents his portrait, and
eulogizes the great and ever to be remembered reformer and teacher, not
only of Germany, but of entire evangelical Christendom.

The Wittenberg account closes with the following prayer, with which we,
too, shall end our narrative:

"And we hereby earnestly and heartily beseech God, that he will be
pleased to gather and preserve an everlasting Christian Church among us,
and in these lands, and the entire human race, through his dear Son, our
Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ; and that he will also preserve us against
factions and schisms, and grant us courage and strength to oppose them
confidently and successfully. And as human strength and wisdom are too
weak to accomplish this, we beseech the Eternal Son of God, that he
would abundantly pour out his Holy Spirit by his word, in our hearts and
those of all believers, so that we may obtain knowledge and wisdom, and
be ruled and guided in all things, in order that his holy Divine name
may be praised and glorified by us and the whole Christian Church, here
in this world, and forever in the world to come. Amen."


THE END.




FOOTNOTES:

[1] This learned scholar, known to the learned by the name of CAPNIO,
was a native of Pforzheim, and successively a teacher of languages at
Basle and at Orleans. He was the restorer of letters in Germany, and the
author of several treatises on Philosophy.

[2] He wrote a humorous piece in the form of a comedy, which he
dedicated to Reuchlin, to show the sense he entertained of his truly
parental kindness, and engaged his schoolfellows to perform it in his
presence. It was upon this occasion that he gave him the name of
Melanchthon.

[3] His proficiency in the Greek was so remarkable, that even at this
early age he composed RUDIMENTS of the language, which were afterwards
published.

[4] Erasmus also wrote to Oecolampadius, "Of Melanchthon I have already
the highest opinion, and cherish the most magnificent hopes: so much so,
that I am persuaded Christ designs this youth to excel us all: _he will
totally eclipse Erasmus!_" In a letter to Julius Pflug, he says: "He not
only excels in learning and eloquence, but by a certain fatality is a
_general favorite_. Honest and candid men are fond of him, _and even his
adversaries cannot hate him_!"

[5] It may be mentioned here, that John Agricola, of Eisleben, who was
engaged on the Lutheran side, afterwards became an opponent of the
Reformation; and John Poliander, the amanuensis of Eck, attached himself
to Luther at the close of the disputation, and afterwards preached the
Gospel in Prussia.--_Seckendorf. Hist. Luther_, Book I., page 230.

[6] This term applied to the faculty of Theology at Paris. The College
of the University in which they assembled was called the house of the
Sorbonne, which was first erected and endowed in the year 1250, by a
wealthy favorite of St. Louis, whose name was Robert de Sorbonne. This
Theological faculty enjoyed the highest repute at that time.

[7] Karlstadt was heard to say, that "he wished to be as great a man and
as much thought of as Luther;" for which he was properly reproved by
Melanchthon, who reminded him, "that such language could only proceed
from a spirit of emulation, envy, and pride."--_Seckendorf._

[8] Luther's principal assistants in this work were Philip Melanchthon,
Caspar Cruciger, Justus Jonas, John Bugenhagen, or Pomeranus, and
Matthew Aurogallus;--the corrector of the press was George
Rorarius.--_Seckendorf._

We are also told in Adams, that Bugenhagen constantly kept the
anniversary of the day on which this work was finished, with a select
party of friends at his own house. This social meeting was called "The
festival of the translation of the Scriptures."

[9] Henry von Zuetphen preached the gospel in Ditmars, a county of
Holstein. He was seized by the enraged priests, and after having been
beaten and stabbed, and covered with more than twenty wounds, was cast
into the fire. He suffered martyrdom with most heroic calmness. Luther
published the history of this martyr.--_Seckendorf._

[10] Melanchthon addressed the following apologetic letter to
Camerarius: "As some unfounded reports will probably reach you,
respecting the marriage of Luther, I think it proper to inform you of
the true state of the case, and to give my opinion. On the 13th of June,
Luther, to our great surprise, and without saying a word to his friends,
married Catharine de Bora, and only invited Pomeranus, Lucca the
painter, and Apellus the lawyer, to supper in the evening, celebrating
the espousals in the customary manner. Some perhaps may be astonished
that he should have married at this unfavorable juncture of public
affairs, so deeply afflictive to every good man, and thus appear to be
unaffected and careless about the distressing events which have occurred
amongst us; even though his own reputation suffers at a moment when
Germany most requires his talents and influence. This, however, is my
view of the subject: Luther is a man who has nothing of the unsocial
misanthropist about him; but you know his habits, and I need say no more
on this head. Surely it is no wonderful thing that his great and
benevolent soul should be influenced by the gentle affections,
especially as there is nothing reprehensible or criminal in it. He is in
fact by nature fitted for the married state; and it is pronounced
honorable in the sacred Scriptures. I saw that his change of situation
produced some degree of perturbation and gloom of mind, and I have done
my utmost to cheer him; for I cannot condemn him as having committed a
fault, or fallen into sin, though I grant God has recorded many sins
which some of his ancient saints committed, in order that we might be
stimulated to repose our confidence, not in men, however dignified and
distinguished, but in his word alone. I have in possession the most
decisive evidences of his piety and love to God, so that the malicious
reproaches heaped upon Luther are nothing else than the inventions of
scurrilous sycophants, who want employment for a slanderous tongue, &c.
&c.--_Mel. Epistles. Cox._

[11] In Germany, the higher schools, intended to give immediate
preparation for the universities, are termed gymnasia.--_Brande._

[12] Melanchthon discloses a secret to Camerarius: "I am applied to from
Bohemia to desert the Reformed cause, and promised any remuneration from
King Ferdinand. Indeed, my defection is publicly reported as a fact,
because in the little book written for the Reformed Churches, I have
shown an increased degree of moderation; and yet you perceive I have
really inserted nothing different from what Luther constantly affirms.
But because I have employed no asperity of language, these very acute
men judge that I necessarily differ from Luther.--_Mel. Epist. Cox._

[13] The first who thus acquired the honorable appellation of
_Protestants_, were John, Elector of Saxony, George, Elector of
Brandenburg, Ernest and Francis, Dukes of Luneburg, Philip, Landgrave of
Hesse, and Wolfgang, Prince of Anhalt. They were seconded by thirteen or
fourteen imperial cities.

[14] During a conversation at this time, his mother mentioned the manner
in which she was accustomed to attend to her devotions, and the form she
generally used, which was free from the prevailing superstitions. "But
what," said she, "am I to believe amidst so many different opinions of
the present day?" "Go on," replied Melanchthon, "believe and pray as you
now do, and have done before, and do not disturb yourself about the
disputes and controversies of the time."--_Adam. in Cox._

[15] The election of Ferdinand as King of Rome, was regarded as an
artful proceeding of his brother, the Emperor, for the purpose of
rendering the imperial crown hereditary in his family, and consequently,
subversive of the liberties of the empire.--_Cox._

[16] Maimbourg relates, that Queen Margaret of Navarre, sister of
Francis I., united with other illustrious females attached to the Court,
who cherished sentiments favorable to the Reformation, to request that
he might be invited for the purpose of consultation on existing disputes
in religion. The Queen frequently spoke of him to her brother as a man
of exalted piety, profound learning, and singular eloquence.--_Cox._

[17] Some Parisians, who had imbibed the principles of Protestantism,
indiscreetly posted up hand-bills in several of the public places, and
on the gates of the Louvre, containing reflections on the doctrines,
rites, and clergy of the Church of Rome. The king, being highly incensed
at these proceedings, issued a general order against heretics, and
appointed a solemn procession. The holy host was carried through the
city, the king walked with his feet bare, and his head uncovered,
attended by the queen, the princes of the blood, and all his courtiers.
Six Lutherans were publicly condemned by the parliament to be burnt; a
decree which was executed with the most shocking barbarity before the
procession was finished, and others were sought after with the most
eager diligence.--_Sleid. Dupin. Belcar. in Cox._

[18] Milichius was a physician, to whom he was particularly attached on
account of his professional skill, devoted friendship, and literary
taste. He was a native of Freiburg, and for a series of years led a
useful and eminent course of public life at Wittenberg.--_Cam. Life of
Mel. in Cox._

[19] Those who wish to know more of this strange event, which has so
often been used as an argument against the Wittenberg Reformers, will
find a complete and excellent examination of it in Dr. John Bachman's
"Defence of Luther and the Reformation against the charges of John
Bellinger, M. D., and others." Page 153.

[20] Melanchthon wrote an enigma upon the names of these persons,
playing upon the German words Pflug (plow), Eck (harrow), Groper
(digging), &c. As this could not retain its meaning in a translation, we
have omitted it from the text.--T.

[21] Eck, during the heat of disputation, made use of some puzzling
sophism, at which Melanchthon paused to revolve the statement in his
mind, and at length replied: "I will give you an answer to-morrow."
"Oh," said his antagonist, "there is no merit or honor in that, if you
cannot answer me immediately." To which he replied in these memorable
words: "My good Doctor, I am not seeking my own glory in this business,
but truth; I say then, God willing, you shall have an answer
to-morrow."--(_Adam. Lives of Germ. Theolog. Cox._)

[22] Melanchthon's disinterestedness is evident from a letter written in
former years by Luther to the Elector. He mentions Melanchthon's
hesitation to accept an increase of his salary to the amount of an
hundred florins, and his wish to continue his Greek lectures without any
remuneration, so that the ordinary stipend might be devoted to augment
the revenue of the University. "But," says Luther, "he has sustained the
greatest share of academical labor for upwards of twenty years past, and
surely he has the greatest right to enjoy in quiet some of the profits.
He has been a kind of general servant to the whole institution, and
well merits the bounty of your highness. The whole Christian world
is his debtor, and, blessed be God, the Popish fraternity are more
afraid of him and his scholars, than all the learned besides put
together."--_Seckendorf. Cox._

[23] Agricola was liberally rewarded by the Emperor and by Ferdinand;
and Sidonius obtained the Bishopric of Merseburg. This furnished
occasion for a common joke upon them, "that they only defended the
Popish chrism and oil as necessary to salvation, that they might come
off the better greased themselves."--_Sleidan, in Cox._

[24] Their house was crowded with a constant succession of comers and
goers, of every age, sex, and condition; some pressing in to receive,
and others departing well-stored from this ample repository of kindness
and bounty. It formed a part of their domestic regulations, never to
refuse an applicant.... Camerarius has stated, that on several occasions
when his pecuniary resources have been exhausted, he would contrive to
supply the necessitous by privately taking cups, or other vessels
appropriated to domestic use, to a trader to sell, even at a very low
rate. He received many presents of gold and silver coin. These he would
often give to the first person who, from avarice or curiosity, might be
induced to ask for them, simply from a disposition to oblige.

[25] Anna was handsome, accomplished, and of a very literary turn.
Luther, in one of his letters, calls her "the elegant daughter of
Philip."--_Cox._

[26] He always estimated _time_ as a most precious possession. It is
said of him, that when he made an appointment, he expected not only the
day or the hour, but the _minute_ to be fixed, that time might not be
squandered away in the vacuity or idleness of suspense.--_Cox._

[27] John Bugenhagen, Pomeranus, or Pommer, was one of the most
remarkable men of the age, and may be justly ranked with Luther and
Melanchthon, with whom he cherished a long and close friendship, and to
whom he was in many respects little inferior. Originally he was a
schoolmaster at Treptow in Pomerania; and when he first saw the
"Babylonish Captivity" by Luther, exclaimed, "The author of this book is
the most pestilent heretic that ever infested the Church of Christ." But
after examining it more seriously, and with an inquisitive mind, it
produced so entire a change of sentiment, that he said, "The whole world
is blind, and this man alone sees the truth." When he was chosen to be
minister of the great Church at Wittenberg, he not only did not aim at
this elevation, but was almost dragged by force out of his obscurity to
possess it, and assiduously devoted himself to the duties of this
eminent station during thirty-six years. He expired in peace, at the
advanced age of seventy-three."--_Cox._

[28] His well-known friend and pupil, John Matthesius, wrote an epitaph
in verse, which the author says he proposes to lay upon the godly man's
grave as a lovely flower. Despairing of being able to give it to the
reader in a good translation, we have omitted it in the text, and
propose to give it as well as we can in simple prose: "A honey-flower,
sprung from _black earth_ (alluding to the name Melanchthon, or
Schwartzerd), worthy of the crown of honor and praise, withered by the
intense heat, lies at rest here. Many grateful little bees sipped and
made honey from it, for the comfort and instruction of Christendom; and
therefore many churches and schools are filled with sorrow. This little
flower has satisfied many insects and wild birds with its perfume and
precious nectar. God has done much good by it in the Church, school,
house, and government, and now all its labors and dangers are at an end.
Neither caterpillars, bees, horse-flies, wasps, nor nettles, burdock,
thistle, or cockle, could destroy this sweet little flower; and it
continued to praise God, and to instruct men at all hours. Many a spider
crept over it, many poisonous reptiles pierced it; but yet it lives, and
slumbers in this shrine, and its work will never be forgotten. God now
wipes away its tears, and refreshes it with the dew of heaven. Its
little leaves give out a pleasant perfume, and in a short time it will
live again. When the bones and skin of faithful teachers shall blossom
like the green herb, then its faith, patience, and industry, will
receive praise, thanksgiving, and honor. Whosoever, therefore, performs
a pilgrimage to this shrine, let him drop a longing tear, and sigh with
us from the depths of his heart, for God is pleased with a grateful
heart and mouth. Lord Christ, come and show thy glory, which is prepared
for this little flower. Help thy church in all her distresses, by thy
intercessions, and bloody wounds. Preserve all thy little bees, and the
leaves of this little flower, in thine own cypress shrine, for they are
the witnesses of thy name. Thy word, and the writings of good men, avail
against murder and the poison of Satan, teach, comfort, refresh, and
warn every one; but an evil book is the cause of all misery."







End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Life of Philip Melanchthon, by
Karl Friedrich Ledderhose

*** 