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Transcriber's note: Obvious printer errors have been repaired, but
spelling has not been standardized. Likely spelling errors in the
French poems have not been corrected, as the consulted sources
have the same.

Some Roman numerals, followed by superscript representing ancient units
of weight used in the godsmith's trade, have been marked in curly
brackets:

   {m} stands for marc
   {o} stands for once
   {e} stands for estelin

Letters written with a straight line above are marked [=x].

Number "83" was somehow left out in the (French) Inventory of
Margaret's possessions.





    ROMANTIC HISTORY

    _General Editor_: MARTIN HUME, M.A.

    THE FIRST GOVERNESS OF
    THE NETHERLANDS




  [Illustration: MARGARET OF AUSTRIA
  FROM THE WINDOW IN THE CHAPEL OF THE VIRGIN IN THE CHURCH OF BROU
  (ABOUT 1528)]




    THE FIRST GOVERNESS
    OF THE NETHERLANDS
    MARGARET OF AUSTRIA

    BY
    ELEANOR E. TREMAYNE

    WITH TWENTY ILLUSTRATIONS

    NEW YORK: G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS
    LONDON: METHUEN & CO.
    1908




CONTENTS


    CHAP.                                                       PAGE

    INTRODUCTION, vii

       I. QUEEN OF FRANCE,                                         1

      II. PRINCESS OF ASTURIAS,                                   16

    III. DUCHESS OF SAVOY,                                        32

     IV. THE BUILDING OF BROU,                                    50

      V. REGENT OF THE NETHERLANDS,                               67

     VI. THE LEAGUE OF CAMBRAY,                                   86

    VII. MARGARET'S CORRESPONDENCE,                               98

   VIII. A LOVE AFFAIR,                                          119

     IX. CHARLES DECLARED OF AGE,                                141

      X. DEATH OF MAXIMILIAN,                                    158

     XI. REVOLT OF THE DUKE OF BOURBON,                          183

    XII. CAPTURE OF FRANCIS I.,                                  208

    XIII. THE LADIES' PEACE,                                     242

     XIV. THE MISSION ENDED,                                     268

      XV. THE CHURCH OF BROU, 294


    INVENTAIRE DES TABLEAUX, LIVRES, JOYAUX, ET
      MEUBLES DE MARGUERITE D'AUTRICHE,                          305

    LIST OF PICTURES FROM MARGARET'S COLLECTION
      SENT TO BROU (1533)                                        328

    CATALOGUE OF MANUSCRIPTS IN MARGARET OF
      AUSTRIA'S LIBRARY AT MALINES,                              330

    A FEW LETTERS FROM MAXIMILIAN I. TO MARGARET,
      AND FROM MARGARET TO VARIOUS PERSONS,                      335

    INDEX, 343




LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS


    MARGARET OF AUSTRIA,                              _Frontispiece_
      From the Window in the Chapel of the Virgin
      in the Church of Brou (about 1528).

    PHILIPPE LE BEL AND HIS SISTER MARGARET OF
      AUSTRIA,                                    _To face page_  12
      Panel in the Imperial Museum, Vienna.
      _Photograph by J. Loewy._)

    TOMB OF DON JOHN, PRINCE OF ASTURIAS, ONLY SON
      OF FERDINAND AND ISABELLA, AVILA,                           29
      (_Photograph by J. Lacoste._)

    GHENT, SHOWING THE OLD BELFRY AND CHURCH OF
      ST. JOHN, WHERE CHARLES V. WAS BAPTIZED,                    32
      (_Photograph by Deloeul._)

    MEDAL STRUCK AT BOURG TO COMMEMORATE MARGARET
      OF AUSTRIA'S MARRIAGE WITH PHILIBERT,
      DUKE OF SAVOY,                                              40
      British Museum Collection.

    TOMB OF PHILIBERT LE BEAU, DUKE OF SAVOY,                     45
      In the Church of Brou.
      (_Photograph by Neurdein freres._)

    PHILIPPE LE BEL,                                              64
      From the Painting in the Louvre (Flemish School)
      (_Photograph by Neurdein freres._)

    CHARLES V. AND HIS TWO SISTERS, ELEANOR AND
      ISABEL,                                                     69
      Painted in 1502 (Margaret's Collection),
      now in the Imperial Museum, Vienna.
      (_Photograph by J. Loewy._)

    ELEANOR OF AUSTRIA AS A CHILD,                                74
      From the Painting by Mabuse in the possession
      of M. Charles Leon Cardou, Brussels.
      (_Photograph by G. Van Oest & Co._)

    MARGARET OF AUSTRIA IN WIDOW'S DRESS,                         95
      From the Painting by Bernard van Orley in the possession
      of Dr. Carvallo, Paris.
    (_Photograph by the Art Reproduction Co._)

    CHARLES V.,                                                  154
      From the Painting in the Louvre (Flemish School).
      (_Photograph by Neurdein freres._)

    THE EMPEROR MAXIMILIAN I. AND HIS FAMILY,                    165
      From the Painting by Bernhard Strigel in the Imperial
      Museum, Vienna.
      (_Photograph by J. Loewy._)

    FRANCIS I.,                                                  211
      From a Painting in the Louvre (French School).
      (_Photograph by Neurdein freres._)

    THE CHILDREN OF CHRISTIAN II. AND ISABEL OF DENMARK--IN
      MOURNING DRESS FOR THEIR MOTHER,                           234
      From the Painting by Mabuse at Hampton Court Palace.
      (_Photograph by W. A. Mansell & Co._)

    CARVED WOODEN MANTELPIECE IN THE PALAIS DE
      JUSTICE, BRUGES, ERECTED TO COMMEMORATE THE
      PEACE OF CAMBRAY,                                          264
      (_Photograph by Neurdein freres._)

    INTERIOR OF COURTYARD IN MARGARET'S PALACE AT
      MALINES, NOW THE PALAIS DE JUSTICE,                        273
      (_Photograph by Deloeul._)

    JOHN ARNOLFINI OF LUCCA, AND HIS WIFE JOAN,                  278
      From the Painting by John van Eyck in the National
      Gallery.

    LEGEND OF 'NOTRE DAME DU SABLON,'                            284
      From the Tapestry in the Musee du Cinquantenaire,
      Brussels. It contains portraits of Margaret and her
      Nephews and Nieces.
      (_Photograph by Deloeul._)

    TOMB OF MARGARET OF AUSTRIA,       _To face page_            298
      In the Church of Brou.
      (_Photograph by Neurdein freres._)

    MARGARET OF AUSTRIA SITTING AT A TABLE WITH AN
      OPEN BOOK ADORING THE VIRGIN AND CHILD,                    317
      From a Diptych in the possession of M. Lescarts, Mons
    (Margaret's Collection).
    (_Photograph by G. Van Oest & Co._)




INTRODUCTION


Three of the craftiest royal rogues in Christendom strove hard to
cozen and outwit each other in the last years of the fifteenth and the
earlier years of the sixteenth century. No betrayal was too false, no
trick too undignified, no hypocrisy too contemptible for Ferdinand of
Aragon, Maximilian of Austria, and Henry Tudor if unfair advantage
could be gained by them; and the details of their diplomacy convey to
modern students less an impression of serious State negotiations than
of the paltry dodges of three hucksters with a strong sense of humour.
Of the three, Ferdinand excelled in unscrupulous falsity, Maximilian
in bluff effrontery, and Henry VII. in close-fisted cunning: they were
all equal in their cynical disregard for the happiness of their own
children, whom they sought to use as instruments of their policy, and
fate finally overreached them all. And yet by a strange chance,
amongst the offspring of these three clever tricksters were some of
the noblest characters of the age. John, Prince of Castile, and
Arthur, Prince of Wales, both died too young to have proved their full
worth, but they were beloved beyond the ordinary run of princes, and
were unquestionably gentle, high-minded, and good; Katharine of Aragon
stands for ever as an exalted type of steadfast faith and worthy
womanhood, unscathed in surroundings and temptations of unequalled
difficulty; and Margaret of Austria, as this book will show, was not
only a great ruler but a cultured poet, a patron of art, a lover of
children, a faithful wife, a pious widow, and, above all, a woman full
of sweet feminine charm.

In an age when princesses of the great royal houses were from their
infancy regarded as matrimonial pledges for the maintenance of
international treaties, few were promised or sought so frequently as
Margaret; for an alliance with her meant the support of the Empire and
the States of Burgundy, whilst her two rich dowries from earlier
marriages made her as desirable from a financial point of view as she
was personally and politically. But with her second widowhood in her
youthful prime came to her a distaste for further experiments in a
field where, as she said, so much unhappiness had befallen her, and of
political marriages she would have no more. Her one real love affair,
to which reference will be made presently, is pathetic as showing the
sad fate of such an exalted princess, who, being a true woman and in
love with a gallant man, yet had to stifle the yearnings of her heart
for a happy marriage, and fulfil the duty imposed upon her by the
grandeur of her destiny.

There was little of love, indeed, in most of the matrimonial proposals
made to her, though for two short periods she was an affectionate
wife. From the time when as a proud little maiden of twelve, conscious
of the slight put upon her, she was repudiated by the man whom she had
looked upon as her future husband as long as she could remember, and
was sent away from the country of which she had been taught she was to
be the Queen, until her body was borne in state to the sumptuous fane
which her piety had raised, but which she had never seen, Margaret of
Austria knew that a princess of the imperial house must be a statesman
first and a woman afterwards, at whatever sacrifice of her personal
happiness.

In the great plot of Ferdinand, King of Aragon, to shut France in by a
close ring of rivals, and so to stay her march eastward along the
Mediterranean to the detriment of the little realm of his fathers, the
first open move was made by the triumphant negotiations with
Maximilian, King of the Romans, and future Emperor, for the marriage
of Ferdinand's only son, John, the first heir of all Spain, to
Maximilian's only daughter, Margaret; and that of Maximilian's only
son, Philip, sovereign by right of his mother of the rich duchies of
Burgundy, to Ferdinand's second daughter, Joanna. The matches were
cleverly conceived, for in the ordinary course of events they seemed
to ensure that a band of close kinsmen, all descended from the King of
Aragon, should rule over Flanders, the Franche Comte, Burgundy, the
Empire, Spain, and Sicily, all banded together to prevent the
expansion of France on any side, whilst the alliance which the
marriages represented gave to Ferdinand the support of the Emperor as
suzerain of Lombardy against the French pretensions in Italy
generally, and especially in Naples, upon which the covetous eyes of
the Aragonese were already firmly fixed. The marriage of Ferdinand's
youngest daughter, Katharine, to the heir of England, at a somewhat
later period, was another link in the chain which was intended to bind
France, and give to Ferdinand a free hand in the Mediterranean.

To Maximilian the marriages of his children with those of Ferdinand
was also an advantage, since the only two enemies that the Empire and
Burgundy had to fear, namely, France and the Turk, might always be
diverted, when necessary, by the action of Aragon in the
Mediterranean. Henry Tudor's interest in joining the combination
against France is equally easy of explanation. He was a parvenu,
anxious for the recognition of the legitimate sovereigns; and
especially to secure that of Burgundy, which, under the influence of
Margaret of York, the widowed Duchess of Burgundy, had hitherto
supported and sheltered the pretenders to his throne. But from the
very first each of the three clever players distrusted the others
because he knew that he himself intended to cheat if he could, and
throughout the whole series of transactions sharp practice is the
gentlest term that can be applied to the action of the high
contracting parties.

The young people who were used by their parents as pieces on the
political chessboard were, of course, innocent, except the Archduke
Philip, who, as soon as he was able to take an independent hand in the
game, outdid his seniors in depravity; and, as usually happens in the
world, it was the innocent--Joanna the Mad, Katharine of Aragon, and
Margaret of Austria--who had to suffer the unhappiness caused by the
ambition and unscrupulousness of others. Of the three, Margaret was by
far the most fortunate, because she was stronger-minded and abler than
her sisters-in-law, and, after her early inexperienced youth, she was
worldly wise enough to look after her own interests. But even her life
was full of pathos and sacrifice, nobly and cheerfully borne, and of
heavy responsibility assumed serenely for the sake of the nephew whom
she reared so worthily and served so well.

Mrs. Tremayne in the pages of this book has dwelt fully upon the busy
later years of Margaret's life, drawing her information from many
sources, in some cases not previously utilised, and there is little
more to be told of these years than is here set forth. But it happens
that since this book was in print a series of hitherto unknown
documents of the highest interest have been printed for the first time
in Spanish by the Duke of Berwick and Alba, which throw many
sidelights upon Margaret's early widowhood, and upon her share in the
intrigues by which her brother, Philip, endeavoured to deprive his
father-in-law, Ferdinand, of the regency of Castile, after the death
of Isabella the Catholic. It is fair to say that, although on one or
two occasions Ferdinand's agents complained that Margaret favoured her
brother as against his unhappy, distraught wife, which, if true, was
quite natural, she generally appears throughout the documents in
question as a kindly, gentle mediatress, endeavouring to reconcile the
bitter feud that ended so tragically, and to safeguard the children
whom she loved and cared for tenderly when their father's death and
their mother's madness left them doubly orphaned.

The Fuensalida correspondence, to which reference has been made, opens
at the end of 1495, when the treaty for alliance and the double
marriages of Philip and Joanna, and John and Margaret, had just been
signed, and the instructions given by Ferdinand to the new ambassador,
Fuensalida, whom he sent to Germany to keep Maximilian up to the mark,
even thus early show the profound distrust which underlay the
ostensibly cordial alliance upon which double marriages were to set
the seal. 'What you have to do,' run the instructions, 'is to take
care to maintain the King of the Romans in his good will to carry
through these marriages... and to strive to get him to give in the
Milanese such aid and support as may be needed, declaring war against
the King of France, as we have done for his sake.'

Ferdinand knew that the surest pledge he could have of Maximilian's
effective co-operation would be the presence of Margaret in Spain,
especially if he could manage to get her into his possession before
his own daughter Joanna was sent to Flanders. 'If it be managed
without inconvenience we should like Madame Margaret to come hither as
soon as the betrothal is effected, before the Infanta our daughter
goes; immediately if the weather will permit.... It may be done as
follows. If at the time of the formal betrothal there are any ships
there belonging to our subjects, sufficient to bring the Archduchess
safely, the weather being fair, Rojas (_i.e._ Ferdinand's envoy in
Flanders) may take all such vessels at such freight as he can, to be
paid on their arrival here in Spain, and bring her in the fleet with
God's grace. Her coming thus would be safer, for she would arrive
before the affair was publicly known, and if it can be done you will
not delay for the Archduchess's trousseau, ornaments, and household
baggage, which can be sent afterwards.' But, continues the King of
Aragon, if it cannot be done, Joanna shall be sent in a Spanish fleet,
and Margaret can embark in it on its return to Spain. The careful
Ferdinand remarks in his instructions that he intended to send with
his daughter only eight ladies and the other attendants strictly
necessary, and although Maximilian was not to be told this in as many
words, he was to be persuaded to limit his daughter's household to
accompany her to Spain to the smallest possible proportions.

But Maximilian, who was as wary as Ferdinand, had no notion of
allowing his daughter to be sent to Spain before the Spanish Infanta
arrived in Flanders, and it was early in March of the year 1497 before
Margaret first set her foot on Spanish soil at Santander. Seven months
afterwards fate dealt its first crushing blow upon Ferdinand's plans,
and the bride, not yet eighteen, found herself a widow. She had become
greatly beloved in Spain, and Ferdinand and Isabel, especially the
latter, in the midst of their own grief, cherished the daughter-in-law
who might yet, they hoped, give them an heir to the crowns of Spain.
Ferdinand, in conveying (in December 1497) the news of his son's death
to his ambassador for the information of Maximilian, wrote: 'Tell him
that our distress has prevented us from sending him the news earlier,
and that our grief is increased by considerations for Princess
Margaret, although she tries very hard, as befits her, to bear her
trouble gently and wisely; and we try our best to console and please
her, endeavouring to make her forget her loss. Her pregnancy, thanks
be to God, goes on well, and we hope in His mercy that the result will
be a reparation and consolation for our trouble. We do, and will, take
as much care of the Princess as we would of her husband if he were
alive, and she will always fill the same place as he did in our
hearts.'

When this hope had fled, and Ferdinand and Isabella proclaimed their
eldest daughter, the Queen of Portugal, as their heir, Maximilian took
the matter very philosophically, as well he might, for it brought much
nearer the probability which Ferdinand had, as he thought, so cleverly
guarded against, that the House of Hapsburg might rule over the
greatest empire that had existed since the days of Alexander, and poor
little Aragon be swamped by its sovereign's larger interests. Margaret
had written to tell her father the dolorous news of her child's
still-birth, and Maximilian contented himself with sending a message
by his secretary to the Spanish ambassador, saying that although such
an event naturally caused him some sorrow, he, bearing in mind that it
was sent by God, for some good purpose of His own, accepted it without
complaint, and thanked the Almighty for all things. Bearing in mind,
moreover, that since Prince John himself had died, nothing that
happened could increase his grief, for his heart had no room for more
sorrow, he had decided to make no demonstration of mourning for the
present calamity, and not to suffer any to be made by others.

Margaret appears to have been really grateful to Isabella the Catholic
for her goodness to her in her trouble, for she wrote to her father in
February 1498, that the Queen had never left her, and had been so kind
that, considering the danger she, Margaret, had been in, she would
have died but for solicitude of Isabella. When Maximilian told this to
Fuensalida, the ambassador, of course by Ferdinand's orders, said it
was painful to speak yet of Margaret's remarriage, but as she was
young it was but natural that she would marry again. 'There is no
prince in Christendom whom she could marry,' replied Maximilian. 'The
King of Naples has no son of marriageable age; the King of England has
already betrothed his son to the daughter of the Catholic sovereigns;
the King of Scotland is a poor thing; the Duke of York (_i.e._ Perkin
Warbeck) is married, and not at liberty; the King of Hungary has a
wife already; the King of Poland is a nobody; so that there is no fit
husband for her. It is true that the King of France is talking of
repudiating his wife (_i.e._ Anne of Brittany), and marrying her to
Monsieur Louis with great dowries and states, whilst he keeps
Brittany, since he has lost hope of having children by her, and he
wants to marry my daughter Margaret. But I will not consent to this on
any account, nor would my daughter, for she has a great objection to
go to France. Besides, I know for a fact that the King of France
caused something to be given to her to bring on her miscarriage, and
tried to poison King Ferdinand as well; so that there is nothing to be
said about my daughter's marriage yet awhile.'

We may be quite sure that this hint that a French alliance was
possible for Margaret was intended to remind Ferdinand that he must be
careful not to offend his ally, and the ambassador urged very
earnestly in the name of his master that Margaret might be allowed to
stay in Spain until her remarriage was arranged: 'because whilst she
was with the King and Queen the King of France would be unable to work
his will with her, as he would have no opportunity of dealing in the
matter, he being on bad terms with the King and Queen; besides which
they would, in any case, refuse to listen to anything so shameful. But
if, on the other hand, the Princess (Margaret) were in any of these
States (_i.e._ Germany), the King of France might be able to push the
matter more warmly. Besides,' continued the ambassador, 'surely it
would be best to avoid the risk of bringing the Princess home by sea,
and the heavy expense that you (_i.e._ Maximilian) would have to incur
in fitting out a fleet for the purpose.' To all this, and much more to
the same effect, Maximilian replied but doubtfully. He knew full well
that whilst Ferdinand held so valuable a pledge as Margaret in his
hands he could always extort from his ally, her father, whatever he
thought fit, and Maximilian, with the matrimonial value of his
daughter in view, especially as the Spaniards knew that he was already
in full negotiation for peace with France over Ferdinand's head, could
only repeat that he must have his daughter back soon, though for the
moment the question was dropped.

When some months afterwards, in August 1498, Maximilian had made a
separate peace with France, much to Ferdinand's indignation, he
determined to bring Margaret home at any cost. Why, asked Fuensalida
of Maximilian, was he sending so important and unexpected an embassy
to Spain? 'I am sending for my daughter,' replied the King of the
Romans. 'If your Majesty means to bring her home at once,' exclaimed
the ambassador, 'you ought to have sent notice to my King and Queen,
and not bring away so great a princess as she is thus suddenly. In any
case she could not come until December.' 'I cannot wait so long as
that,' replied Maximilian. 'But,' objected the ambassador, 'she cannot
come before. It will take until September for your ambassadors to
reach Spain, and all October will be spent in getting ships ready, and
then another month for the Princess to join them, and perhaps even
two months; and then the season of the year will be unfit for any one
to go to sea, and the King and Queen will not like to expose the
Princess to such danger. Besides,' continued he, always ready to
appeal to Maximilian's parsimony, 'if your Majesty had given due
notice to my King and Queen you might have saved a great deal of
money, for they would have fitted out a fleet in which the Princess
might have come with all honour and safety; and even now, if your
Majesty will wait until March, I will do my best to arrange it in this
way, and you will not have to spend half so much money.'

But Maximilian knew the value of his daughter in his hands, and
replied roughly that he would not wait. He would have her safe home,
he said, before he began war again. 'If I send a single carrack from
Genoa, and the King and Queen give her a convoy of four barks, she
will come safe enough.' In vain the ambassador urged that corsairs and
Frenchmen could not be trusted, and that it was a slight for such a
princess to be sent home in so unceremonious a fashion. Maximilian was
obstinate; he would have his daughter Margaret home at once, no matter
at what risk. To add to his eagerness news came from Margaret herself,
brought by special messengers of her household, who had much to say of
the changed demeanour of the Spaniards, now that Maximilian had made a
separate peace. Fuensalida did his best by underhand means,
frightening the German ambassadors of the sea-voyage from Genoa to
Spain and back in the winter, and of the dreadful corsairs who
infested the Mediterranean, until they at last, really alarmed, begged
Maximilian in Fuensalida's presence to let them have a very big
carrack for their greater safety. Better send them by way of Flanders,
interposed the artful Fuensalida, knowing the long delay which such a
voyage would entail; but Maximilian angrily told him that he would do
nothing of the sort.

So effectually had the Spaniard frightened the landsmen ambassadors of
the sea that they themselves threw every possible obstacle in their
master's way, and told Fuensalida that, even though King Maximilian
ordered them to go and fetch the Princess Margaret before Christmas,
they would not do so. Come what might, they said, they would not put
to sea before Easter. They were not allowed, however, to delay quite
so long as that, for Maximilian was determined to have his daughter
out of the hands of Ferdinand, who he feared was making terms for
himself by offering her in marriage to the new King of France, Louis
XII. In writing to Margaret in September, her father, referring to his
and her own desire that she should return to Flanders or Germany, says
that 'no importunity nor pressure of any sort will move him from his
resolve to bring her back at once,' and he urges her to insist upon
her departure without loss of time.

Fortunately now, especially for the timid German ambassadors, the road
overland through France was open, and Margaret travelled in comfort
and safety to her home in Flanders early in 1499, to see Spain no
more. Thither, too, went soon afterwards the Spanish ambassador
Fuensalida, accredited especially to the Archduke Philip and his
Spanish wife Joanna, whose conduct was already profoundly grieving
Ferdinand and Isabella; and from Flanders the ambassador was to
proceed to England and pin Henry VII. down irrevocably to the marriage
of his son Arthur with Katharine. Already Ferdinand more than
suspected that Maximilian was playing him false, and forming a league
against him by negotiating Margaret's marriage with Arthur, Prince of
Wales, already betrothed more than once to the Spanish princess.
Fuensalida's mission was a delicate one; for Margaret's Flemish
household had come back from Spain full of complaints, and the Court
of Flanders was sharply divided by the partisans of Spain and Burgundy
respectively, of the Archduchess Joanna and her dissolute husband,
Philip. Margaret was to be conciliated as much as possible, and kept
in the Spanish interest. 'You will visit our daughter the Princess
Margaret,' wrote Ferdinand and Isabella to their envoy, 'and say that
we beseech her to let us know how she is after her long journey; for
we desire her health and welfare as that of our own daughter. For the
love we bear her we will do everything in our power most willingly to
aid and forward her settlement.' The envoy was also urged to
counteract the efforts of those who wished to make bad blood between
Flanders and Spain, and especially to enlist Margaret in favour of
poor Joanna, her sister-in-law.

Fuensalida followed hard on the heels of Henry VII. from St. Omer and
Calais to London, endeavouring by every means to discover how much
truth there was in the assertion that an arrangement had been
concluded to throw over Katharine of Aragon and marry the Prince of
Wales to Margaret as a result of the mysterious foregathering of the
King of England with the Archduke Philip. The story of Fuensalida's
successful though turbulent mission to England is told elsewhere;[1]
but on his return to Flanders he found Margaret in the deepest anxiety
with regard to her own affairs. Neither she nor Maximilian desired to
forward by her marriage in England the anti-Spanish combination of
England, France, and Flanders which Philip was planning; her dowry
from Spain was, as was natural with Ferdinand for a pay-master, in
arrear; and the coming voyage to Spain of Philip and Joanna at the
urgent summons of Ferdinand and Isabella, who hoped to win over the
Archduke, if possible, from his alliance with their enemies, was a
subject of the deepest concern to Margaret.

  [1] _The Wives of Henry VIII._, by the present writer.

When Fuensalida first saw Margaret on his return to Brussels from
England, in August 1500, she welcomed him eagerly in the belief that
he brought some special message to her from Spain. He told her that
his mission was simply one of affection towards her, and she made no
attempt to hide her disappointment. The cause of her anxiety was soon
apparent. Fuensalida reported in the same letter that the bastard of
Savoy had been to see her secretly, and that she and her father,
Maximilian, had looked with favour upon the proposal of the Duke of
Savoy to marry her. Such a marriage was, of course, a blow, as it was
intended to be, against her brother Philip's anti-Spanish projects,
because not only did it leave Katharine of Aragon's marriage with the
Prince of Wales undisturbed, but it secured Savoy to the imperial and
Aragonese interests against France, which was of the highest
importance as touching the French designs upon Italy. Her marriage in
Savoy, moreover, was opposed strongly by Philip for another reason,
namely, that he would, in case it was effected, be obliged to hand to
his sister the domains belonging to Burgundy which had been bequeathed
to her by her mother; and in order to frustrate it Philip brought
forward the recently widowed King of Portugal as a fit husband for
Margaret, which would have secured her residence in a distant country,
and his continued occupation of her Burgundian inheritance.

Successive deaths had now made Philip and Joanna heirs of Spain, as
well as of Burgundy, Flanders, and the Empire; the Archduke was
already betrothing his infant son, Charles, the future King of
Castile, to a French princess, and his open negotiations for the
formation of a league against Ferdinand to assert Joanna's right to
assume the crown of Castile on the death of her mother Isabella, who
was in failing health, had fairly frightened Ferdinand, who knew not
whom to trust; for Castilians generally disliked him, and were
ready to acclaim Joanna and her foreign husband on the first
opportunity--Joanna herself was unstable, violently jealous of her
husband, and with strange notions as regarded religion. She would not
go to Spain alone, and Philip was determined not to go except on his
own terms, and at his own time, and Margaret, living in close contact
with the inharmonious pair, struggled bravely to reconcile the
clashing interests that surrounded her.

There was a talk of leaving her regent of Flanders in the absence of
her brother in Spain, and against this Ferdinand's agents were
instructed to work secretly; although Margaret lost no opportunity of
professing to the ambassador her attachment to Spanish interests. From
several remarks in Fuensalida's letters to Ferdinand it is, however,
evident that her desire was less to rule Flanders than to enjoy the
care of the infants whom her brother and sister-in-law were to leave
behind. But even this natural desire was opposed by the Spaniards;
apparently because the Princess was looked upon as being too ready to
follow her brother's lead. Writing in March 1501 of Philip's dissolute
life and his disaffection towards Spain, Fuensalida says: 'I am loath
to say how much Madam Margaret's good-nature encourages this, for she
simply follows her brother's fancies in all things.'

But the departure of Margaret from Flanders in August 1501 for her
marriage with the Duke of Savoy put an end for a time to her
pretensions to take charge of her brother's children; and when she
returned as a young widow early in 1505, the issue between Ferdinand
and his undutiful son-in-law was joined, for Isabella the Catholic was
dead, and Philip in right of his wife was arrogantly claiming, not
only the crown of Castile, but the entire control of its policy
against the wish of the great Queen just dead, whose last hours were
embittered by the dread that her beloved, her sacred, Castile, would
be ruled by a foreigner of doubtful orthodoxy. Philip was abetted in
his revolt against Ferdinand by the Castilian officers attached to him
who were jealous of Aragon, Don Juan Manuel, the principal Spanish
diplomatist of his time, being their leader and Philip's prime
adviser. As soon as Margaret arrived in her brother's Court both
factions tried to gain her. 'My lady,' Don Juan Manuel is represented
to have said to her on one occasion (June 1505), 'I shall be able to
serve you quite as effectively as Antonio de Fonseca when I am in
Castile and Treasurer-General'; and at this time, when Philip and his
friends were anticipating the rich booty they would gain in Castile,
whither they were bound to take possession of mad Joanna's
inheritance, Margaret was beset with offers of reward if she would
throw in her influence against King Ferdinand.

It is abundantly clear that she grieved at the unhappy state of
affairs. Ferdinand and his wife had been good to her in Spain, and
easy-going as she may have been, she must have seen her brother's
unworthiness and his bad treatment of Joanna; and yet it was neither
prudent nor natural that she should oppose Philip violently.
Fuensalida saw her in Bois le Duc in June 1505, whilst she was on her
way to Bourg, and discussed matters with her. 'She told me that she
had talked to her brother, and had asked him whether he would allow
her to mediate between him and your Highness (Ferdinand), and he had
answered, "No, you are still marriageable, and so is he, and I will
not have any such third person interposing between us." She told me
that her father and brother have made her swear that she will not
entertain any marriage without their consent. She really believes that
those who are around her brother have turned his head, and will not
let him make terms with your Highness.... She bids me tell your
Highness that she will continue to be as obedient a daughter to you as
she was when she was with you in Spain; and that she is going to her
own home now for no other reason than that she cannot bear to see in
silence the things that are going on, whereas if she spoke of them or
protested against them, evil would come of it. She prefers, therefore,
to go away, so that she may not witness them personally; for she sees
quite plainly that the destruction of her brother's and her father's
house will ensue. She prays your Highness to make use of her services
in any way you please, and she will do for you all that a good
daughter may. "Why not speak to Queen Joanna?" I said. "Because they
will not let me," she answered. I am told that Don Juan Manuel said to
her (Margaret), what is the use of your going to speak to a stone? You
might just as well speak to a stone as to the Queen.'

Margaret herself was determined not to be drawn into the shameful
intrigue by which her brother sought to supplant his wife and her
father in order to rule Castile himself and for his own pleasure; but
it is evident that no stone was left unturned to gain her, directly or
indirectly, by Don Juan Manuel and his friends. One of Margaret's
officers was a certain Monsieur Louis, to whom Manuel offered, 'that
if he would prevail upon his mistress to follow in all things the
wishes of King Philip, her brother, he would get the King to give to
Louis from the revenues of Castile an income equal to the highest
officer of his household. Louis, he said, knew Castile: let him look
about and choose any office or place he liked, and it should be
granted to him. Louis succumbed to this temptation; but the Duchess
(Margaret) heard of it, and never consented to speak to him again,
although he had been her most trusted servant.'

Through this wretched business, which ended in the triumph of
Ferdinand by the untimely death, probably by poison, of Philip in
Spain, and the lifelong incarceration of crazy Joanna, Margaret is the
only person who stands forth pure and unselfish. In the summer of
1505, when Philip and Joanna were about to start on their voyage to
Spain, Margaret set out for her own castle of Pont d'Ain, full of her
projects for building Brou; but just as she reached the frontier of
her brother's dominions she was stopped by the news that her little
nephew, Charles, was suffering from fever, and she determined to
retrace her steps to see the children again, and bid farewell once
more to unhappy Joanna.

From her quiet retreat in Bresse Margaret was summoned, on the death
of her brother, to rule the States, and care for the children whom he
had left behind, bereft of a mother's care by the lunacy of Joanna.
How nobly and self-sacrificingly she fulfilled her trust this book to
some extent will tell; but of all the sacrifices she made in her wise
and gentle life none was greater than the renunciation of her love,
perhaps the only love she ever experienced, for the handsome
Englishman who appears to have treated her so shabbily. For Charles
Brandon, though his King's first favourite and brother-in-law, hardly
played the game of love very fairly with Margaret. Kneeling at her
feet in sweet dalliance after the banquet at Tournai, he drew from her
finger, as lovers will, a ring, and placed it upon his own hand. In
gentle chiding she told him in French, and then in Flemish so like
English that he understood, that he was a thief. But soon she became
alarmed when she saw he meant to keep it for a pledge; for it was well
known and might compromise her; and she prayed him to restore it. 'But
he understood me not,' and only the intervention of Henry the King,
and a promise of a bracelet of hers in exchange, made Charles Brandon
give up his capture. But not for long; for again on his knees before
the Princess at Lille soon afterwards, he took the ring a second time,
and all the entreaties of the lady were unavailing to obtain its
restoration, though a ring of far greater value was given to her in
exchange, with all sorts of imprudent, perhaps not more than
half-serious, promises on both sides never to marry without the
consent of the other. Margaret, as she pathetically says, had never
any intention of marrying at all, so unhappy had she been in her
previous marriages: but at all events she hid Brandon's ring in her
bosom, unseen by the world, and cherished the secret of her little
love passage. Not so King Henry's flamboyant favourite, who made no
concealment of his conquest, and vaunted the possession of the jewel,
though faithful Margaret could not believe it of him: 'for I esteem
him much a man of virtue and wise.'

The sad little romance presents Margaret as a dignified great lady,
who for one short space allowed herself to be simply a trustful woman
in love, only to find that to such as she duty must be paramount over
the promptings of the heart, and that a wooer, though he may be a
duke, is not always a gentleman. Thenceforward, for many years,
Margaret's life was that of a wise Vice-Regent for the Emperor whom
she had reared from his childhood; until death relieved her from the
task to which she devoted the best of her life. She died in harness,
defrauded of an old age of refined leisure, to which she had looked
forward, deprived even of a sight of the splendid church which is her
own worthy tomb and monument; but it was perhaps most fitting that she
should fall in the plenitude of her powers, leaving her beloved nephew
the undisputed sovereign of the greatest dominion in the world, at
peace with all Christendom, thanks largely to her efforts; and that
she should go down to posterity remembered mainly as the first and
noblest of the women of her imperial race who bore the title of
Governess of the Netherlands.

    MARTIN HUME




THE FIRST GOVERNESS OF THE NETHERLANDS

MARGARET OF AUSTRIA




CHAPTER I

QUEEN OF FRANCE


In the year 1491 an interview took place in the little town of Baugy
in Poitou, between a youth of twenty-one and a girl of twelve. The
fate of more than one kingdom was involved in this farewell meeting
between two playfellows who had been companions and friends for nearly
nine years. The youth had tears in his eyes as he hesitatingly made
his excuses and unfolded his plan. He told his fair-haired companion
that though he loved her with all his heart, yet he had made up his
mind to send her back to her father, who had often expressed the wish
to have her with him. The little maiden listened to her youthful
husband's repudiation of his marriage vows with calm dignity, but when
he continued to make excuses for his conduct she stopped him, saying
with much spirit, 'that by reason of her youth, those who had counted
on her fortune could never say or suspect that this had come upon her
through any fault of her own.' The slight thus inflicted, the girl
never forgot; and when years later she became Governess of the
Netherlands, France knew no greater enemy than Margaret of Austria,
former Queen of France.

Margaret was born at Brussels[2] on January 10th, 1480, and baptized
in Saint Gudule. Her godparents were Philippe de Ravenstein, Jean de
Chalons, Prince of Orange, and Margaret of York, sister of Edward IV.,
King of England, third wife of Charles the Bold.

  [2] Not Ghent, as some historians say.

Margaret was the only daughter of the Archduke Maximilian, afterwards
King of the Romans, and Emperor of Germany, by Mary of Burgundy, only
daughter and heiress of Charles, Duke of Burgundy, surnamed the Bold.

When Margaret was barely two years old her mother died from the
effects of a fall from a horse at the age of twenty-five, leaving two
children, Philip (born 22nd July 1478) and Margaret. The Flemish
States, discontented with Maximilian's rule, claimed their ancient
right to educate his children, but in accordance with the terms of a
treaty of peace signed at Arras between Louis XI. and the Archduke in
the year 1483, Margaret was betrothed to the Dauphin Charles,
afterwards Charles VIII., and was sent to France to be brought up and
educated with the French princes. On the 2nd of June 1483, at the age
of three, she made her entry into Paris amidst transports of joy, at
the conclusion of the peace of which her presence was the pledge. 'And
in honour of my said lady Margaret, who from henceforth was called
Dauphine, the streets were decorated, and many people rejoiced.'[3]
Louis XI. did not appear at these fetes; he contented himself with
secretly rejoicing over the successful issue of his cunning policy, an
issue which would mean, as he foresaw, the downfall of the powerful
house of Burgundy.

  [3] _Mer des Histoires_, Liv. III.

Margaret's dowry was a large one, consisting of Burgundy, the county
of Artois, and the territories of Macon, Salins, Bar-sur-Seine, and
Noyers. The ceremony of betrothal took place at Amboise with great
pomp in presence of a numerous gathering assembled in the public
square.

Charles, aged twelve, declared that he consented to take the
three-year-old Margaret as his wife. The religious ceremony was
performed the same day in the lower church of the castle, in presence
of the lords and ladies of Beaujeu, of the Sire de la Tremouille, the
Counts of Dunois, d'Albret, and many deputies from the provincial
towns. The Dauphin, clothed in a robe of white damask lined with black
velvet, married the little princess, and placed a ring upon her tiny
finger. A mass was said, and a sermon preached by the Abbe of Saint
Bertain, who compared this marriage to that of King Ahasuerus and
Queen Esther; after which the Dauphin thanked all those who were
present.

Two months later Louis XI. died (30th August 1483), leaving his
kingdom to his son Charles, and appointing his favourite daughter,
Anne de Beaujeu, as Regent. From the time of Louis' death Margaret was
treated as queen, and given the honours due to her rank. Her childhood
passed peacefully at Amboise, where she became the pet and plaything
of her youthful husband, and of his cousin Louis, Duke of Orleans. It
would be interesting to know the story of Margaret's life during the
nine or ten years she was under the guardianship of Anne de Beaujeu.
Charles's mother, the poor Queen Charlotte of Savoy, died soon after
her eldest son's marriage, leaving the education of the young couple
to the Regent Anne, whose vigorous intellect was not satisfied with
ruling the kingdom of France for her brother. She read a great deal,
early fathers, philosophers, moralists and poets, and selected
romances for the young people under her charge. Her library contained
three hundred and fourteen volumes, some of which are noted in the
catalogue as being covered with red velvet, and ornamented with
clasps, bosses, and corner pieces of metal.

If it is true that the first years of life, early education and
precepts, influence the rest of existence, then Margaret must have had
a very careful bringing up at the French Court, to judge from the
marked talents, wisdom, and prudence she displayed in later years.
Amongst her companions at the castle of Amboise we find Louise of
Savoy, her senior by three years. Louise (the mother of Francis I.)
was the daughter of the Sieur de Bresse and Margaret of Bourbon, and
sister of Philibert II., Duke of Savoy, Margaret's future husband.
Louise was a niece of Anne de Beaujeu's, and appears to have been
treated as a poor relation, 'only receiving eighty francs at the New
Year with which to buy herself a crimson satin dress for state
occasions.' Anne's sickly little daughter, Susan, must also have been
one of Margaret's younger playfellows.

The Lady of Beaujeu was devoted to hunting, and she hunted, we are
told, 'coldly and methodically, with her own eyes examining the trail,
and giving the word to hark forward, setting off with her hounds, and
skilfully handling her hunting-spear. She probably encouraged this
sport amongst her young companions, for we learn in after years that
Margaret was a great huntress, and very proud of her stuffed wolves'
heads.' Unhappily, no detailed account exists of Margaret's childhood
in France, but from what we know of her life at Amboise she seems to
have been a bright and lively child, with a marvellously fair
complexion, golden hair and soft brown eyes, making many friends, with
a gift for repartee and a strong sense of humour, which probably
helped her to bear the many sorrows of her later life.

Years after, when Louis of Orleans was King of France, he refers in
his letters to Margaret to their happy youth at Amboise when 'she was
the second person he loved best in the world; that he desires above
all things to embrace his cousin, his vassal, his first mistress, to
remind her of their childish games, and after having made her blush by
his compliments, to swear eternal love for her.'

In 1488 Francis II., Duke of Brittany, died, leaving only two
daughters, Anne and Isabel. The latter did not long survive her
father, but dying in August 1491 at the age of twelve, left her sister
Anne sole possessor of the important duchy of Brittany. As early as
1480 Duke Francis had tried to arrange a marriage between his daughter
Anne, or failing her, her younger sister Isabel, and the eldest son of
Edward IV., King of England, but these plans were frustrated by the
young prince's murder in the Tower of London.

Negotiations were then begun for an alliance with Maximilian, Duke of
Austria, but were postponed owing to the princess's extreme youth.
Amongst foreign alliances this seemed the most advantageous, although
it offered no guarantee for the independence and maintenance of
Brittany's nationality. The best way to ensure this independence would
have been to marry Anne to one of the nobles of her own country chosen
from amongst those who had pretensions to the ducal crown. These were
three in number: John of Chalons, Prince of Orange, a son of one of
Duke Francis II.'s sisters; John, Viscount de Rohan, who had married
Mary, daughter of Duke Francis I., who claimed to be the direct
descendant of Conan Meriadec, first King of Brittany; and Alain
d'Albret, husband of a great-granddaughter of Joan the Lame. When
Francis II. died, only the last of these three was a widower, and he
was an unsuitable husband for a princess of thirteen, being more than
forty-five years of age, and the father of eight children.

The Lords of her Council advised the young duchess to marry Maximilian
of Austria, King of the Romans, and Anne, who was just entering her
fourteenth year, agreed to this union. The preliminary negotiations
for the marriage were arranged with the greatest secrecy in March
1490. Maximilian sent the Count of Nassau, Marshal Polhain, Jacques de
Codebault, his secretary, and his steward, Louppian, to Brittany to
negotiate matters, and arrange the betrothal. A few days after, so
secretly that the day is not known, this ceremony took place according
to German custom. In order to make the marriage indissoluble, says
Legendre, and to give it the appearance of a consummated marriage, the
Count of Nassau (others say it was the handsome Polhain, Maximilian's
favourite), who had married Anne in his master's name, put his leg
bared to the knee into the bride's bed in presence of the lords and
ladies who were nominated as witnesses. When the details of this
ceremony were divulged they caused great derision amongst the Bretons
and French, who ridiculed a custom so different from their own. This
marriage was a flagrant violation of the last treaty with France, for
Charles VIII., whose ward the young duchess was, had not been
consulted. As soon as he received information of the fact, he sent his
troops into Brittany, and penetrated farther and farther into that
country, and Nantes was taken almost without a struggle by Alain
d'Albret. In the first days of the year 1491 Charles VIII.,
accompanied by the Count of Dunois, Louis, Duke of Orleans, and the
Lady of Beaujeu, joined his army in Brittany. The king held his Court
at Nantes, and did his utmost to insinuate himself into the good
graces of the inhabitants.

Anne, at the head of a small army under her tutor, the Marshal de
Rieux, vainly tried to struggle against the French invaders. After
many skirmishes, de Rieux obliged the French to retire to lower
Brittany, until he received reinforcements from England. Anne showed a
courage beyond her years and worthy of better success. She took refuge
at last in the town of Rennes with her uncle the Prince of Orange,
Marshal Polhain, and several faithful nobles, having only 14,000 men
to defend her, principally English archers, Germans, and Spaniards,
sent by her husband, the King of the Romans.

In 1491 the French laid siege to the town. Charles gradually drew his
lines closer and closer; lack of food and money began to be felt in
the beleaguered city. Charles offered the duchess 100,000 crowns a
year if she would renounce the Government of Brittany, and choose any
dwelling-place she pleased except the towns of Rennes and Nantes; he
also suggested the choice of three husbands, either Louis of
Luxembourg, the Duke of Nemours, or the Count of Angouleme.

Anne replied that she was married to the King of the Romans, and that
if he refused to have her, she still would consider herself his wife,
and would never be the wife of another. Should Maximilian die, and
she be in a position to remarry, she would only marry a king or the
son of a king.

Charles, convinced of her obstinacy, then tried to induce her garrison
to desert. Being chiefly mercenary troops they succumbed to persistent
bribery, and marched out of the town, leaving it free for him to
enter. After taking possession he made a new proposition to the
duchess, namely, to renounce for ever all rights to the duchy of
Brittany excepting an allowance of L100,000 a year, and retire to the
King of the Romans, whom she looked upon as her husband.

Towards the end of the siege of Rennes, Anne's youngest sister,
Isabel, died in the town on the 24th August 1491. By her death in her
twelfth year Anne was left sole heiress of the largest duchy in
Europe. This was too attractive a bait for Charles's ambition, and he
made up his mind to break his marriage with his old playfellow
Margaret, and to do all in his power to make Anne accept him as her
husband.

It is no wonder that the young Duchess of Brittany or rather her
advisers were in no hurry to reply to Charles's last monstrous
proposition. After waiting some time he again tried a new plan, and,
partly by threats and partly by promises, persuaded her advisers to
work on their young mistress's mind in such a way as to bring her to
think more kindly of him. Her uncle, Prince of Orange, Marshal de
Rieux, Montauban, Chancellor of Brittany, and her governess, Frances
of Dinan, talked so much on the subject, that by degrees they got her
slightly to change her mind. It was no wonder that Anne felt a great
repugnance for Charles, who for three years had carried on war against
her, ruining her lands, and under pretext of being her lawful
protector trying to take her prisoner. For several days her
councillors, won over by Charles, endeavoured to bring her to reason,
without success; but at last her governess had recourse to her
confessor, who persuaded her that God and the Church ordained that she
should make this sacrifice for the sake of peace and the good of her
country.

Charles, under pretence of a pilgrimage, went with all his Court to
the chapel of Our Lady situated near the gates of Rennes. After
performing his religious duties he suddenly entered the town,
accompanied by his sister, Anne de Beaujeu, Count Dunois, and a
hundred men-at-arms and fifty archers of the guard. The next day he
paid a visit to the young duchess, and had a long interview with her.
Three days later their betrothal was celebrated in the chapel of Our
Lady in presence of the Duke of Orleans, Count Dunois, and Anne de
Beaujeu on one side; the Chancellor of Brittany, the Prince of Orange,
and several nobles devoted to the duchess on the other.

Marshal Wolfgang de Polhain, instructed by Maximilian to betroth Anne
to his master, heard a rumour of this hasty alliance. He questioned
the French and Breton nobles, but they refused to give him an answer.
A few days later he was invited to the marriage ceremony which had
been arranged to take place in the castle of Langeais in Touraine.
Polhain refused to attend, and hastened to Malines to give Maximilian
an account of these proceedings.

This sudden marriage caused great astonishment throughout Europe. How
could people believe that the young duchess, then in her fourteenth
year, and well able to understand the importance of her acts, had
consented to marry a king who for years had made war against her and
despoiled her of her heritage! Besides it was well known that since
the Treaty of Arras in 1483 Charles had been affianced to Maximilian's
daughter, Margaret of Austria.

The rumour got about that the Duchess Anne had been forced into the
marriage. The Pope believed this, and in granting the dispensation
which was only asked for after the marriage had taken place, he
formally announced that he would only confirm this union if it could
be proved that it had not been brought about by force. Anne herself
undertook to refute this calumny by declaring before an ecclesiastical
commission that she had suffered no violence, and that she had gone to
Langeais of her own free will to marry Charles.

In the marriage contract a clause was inserted to the effect that
should Anne survive Charles, without children, she could only remarry
with his successor. Thus was the duchy of Brittany secured to the
crown of France, and the king's ambitious scheme realised to
Margaret's mortification.

Mezerai tells us that 'a double dispensation was necessary, first to
annul Charles's marriage with Margaret, and secondly to free Anne from
her contract with Maximilian. The marriages not having been
consummated, the Court of Rome did not make any great difficulty.'

When Maximilian heard that his affianced bride had become the wife of
Charles VIII., and that his daughter was about to be returned to him
despoiled of her title of Queen of France, he made all the Courts of
Europe ring with his complaints. War began again and lasted for two
years. In 1493 peace was restored by the Treaty of Senlis, concluded
between Charles and Maximilian. The King of the Romans renounced the
title of Duke of Brittany, and was put in possession of the whole
duchy of Burgundy as well as the Franche Comte, and Artois, which had
been included in Margaret's dowry.

If we are to believe Pasquier, Margaret had a foreboding of her
misfortune before these events took place. One day whilst walking in
the garden at Amboise, her ladies and gentlemen noticed that she
seemed very melancholy, and one of them asked her the reason. She
replied that she had had a strange dream, which she could not forget,
for she believed it boded ill. In her dream she thought she was in a
large park, and saw a marguerite (daisy) which she was told to watch;
whilst she gazed at the flower, a donkey came and tried to eat it; she
kept him off as long as she could, but at last he seized and devoured
it. This troubled her so much that she woke with a start, and the
dream still weighed upon her mind.

No one then anticipated what ultimately happened, but afterwards this
quaint dream was looked upon as a forecast of Margaret's broken
marriage. Curiously enough her dismissal had been provided for by
Louis XI. at the time of the Treaty of Arras, as the following clause
in the treaty will show. 'If it should happen (which God forbid) that
my said Lady Margaret being of age, my said Lord the Dauphin should
not proceed to the perfect consummation of the said marriage, or that
the said marriage should be broken by the king, Monseigneur the
Dauphin, or others on their part, during the minority of the young
lady or after; in which case, my said lady shall be sent at the
king's expense or at that of my said Lord the Dauphin, back to my said
Lord the Duke her father, or the Duke Philip her brother, frankly and
fully discharged of all bonds of marriage and all other obligations,
to one of the good towns in the territories of Brabant, Flanders, or
Hainault, to a safe place acknowledging obedience to the said Dukes.'

But Margaret remained in France for two years after Charles's marriage
with Anne of Brittany, which took place on December 6th, 1491.
Neglected by her father, and kept as a sort of hostage until the Peace
of Senlis was signed, she passed her time in seclusion. 'When the king
had restored peace to Brittany, he returned to France, and gave orders
that Madam Margaret of Flanders should retire to the castle of Melun
on the river Seine, and take with her the Princess of Tarente'; here
she remained for more than a year. An interesting letter written by
Margaret to Anne de Beaujeu from Melun has fortunately been preserved.
In it she requests that her cousin might not be taken away from her,
although the king has ordered her to leave, and mentioning that Madame
de Molitart has told her that she is to be better treated than
formerly:--[4]

   'Madame ma bonne tante, il faut bien que je me plaigne a vous
   comme a celle en qui j'ay mon esperance, de ma cousine que l'on
   m'a voulu oster, qui est tout le passe-temps que j'ay, et quand
   je l'auray perdue je ne scay plus que je feray. Parquoi je vous
   prie que veuillez tenir la main pour moy qu'elle ne me soit
   ostee, car plus grand deplaisir ne me scauroit-on faire.
   Lachault est venu qui a apporte lettres adressantes a madite
   cousine, par lesquelles le Roy lui escrivoit qu'elle s'en
   allast; toutefois je ne l'ay pas voulu souffrir, jusques a ce
   que vous en eusse advertie, en esperant que m'y seriez en aide,
   comme j'ay en cela et en autre chose ma parfaite fiance, vous
   priant, Madame ma bonne tante, que quelque part que je soye ne
   parte point de vostre bonne grace, car toujours en aurai-je
   besoin, a laquelle bien fort me veut recommander. Madame de
   Molitart m'a dit que voulais que je sois mieux traitee que je ne
   fus oncques, qui est une chose qui m'a fort rejouie, puisque
   avez encore souvenance de moy, vous disant adieu, Madame ma
   bonne tante, que je prie qu'il vous doint le plus aime de vos
   desirs. Escrit a Melun, le dix-septieme jour de Mars. Vostre
   bonne humble et leable niece Marguerite.

     '_A Madame ma bonne tante._'

  [4] Quoted by Denis Godefroi in his _Life of Charles VIII._

  [Illustration: PHILIPPE LE BEL AND HIS SISTER MARGARET OF AUSTRIA
  (PANEL)
    PHILIPPE AGED 16 MARGARET AGED 14
    IMPERIAL MUSEUM, VIENNA]


Jean le Maire relates that the autumn of 1491 was very cold and the
grapes did not ripen. One day when Margaret was at table she
overheard the gentlemen of her suite discussing this fact, and with
a play on the words remarked sadly that it was not surprising if the
vines (_sarments de vigne_) were green this year, as vows
(_serments_) were of no value (referring to the king's broken word).

Before Margaret left France she was made to swear on the Cross and
the Gospels that she would renounce for ever all pretensions to her
marriage with Charles. At last she set out on her long journey back
to Flanders. Charles took care that she was treated with every
respect. Anne of Brittany showed her great sympathy, and tried by
all means in her power to make Margaret forget her mortification. At
the moment of departure Anne ordered Jeanne de Jambes, her most
skilful maid of honour, to make an embroidered coif to offer the
princess, as well as some gold ornaments, the whole valued at the
large sum of L450.[5]

  [5] 'A Jehanne de Jambes, dame de Beaumont, damoiselle de lad.
  dame, la somme de deux cent cinquante livres tournoys, a elle
  ordonnee par icelle dame pour la recompenser d'une bordure
  d'habillement de teste et autres bagues d'or pesans pareille
  somme de quatres cent cinquante livres tournoys que icelle dame a
  de luy prinses des le moys de may derrenier passe, pour envoyer a
  Madame Margaret d'Autriche, obmys a compter au roole dud. moys.
  Laquelle somme, etc.' (_Argenter de la Reine. Arch. Imp._)

The French nobles who had been attached to Margaret's person for
nearly twelve years accompanied her on her journey. The little
princess was calm, but she bore a grudge against France which she
never forgot, and which is noticeable in all her later dealings with
her first husband's kingdom. When she passed through the town of Arras
the citizens cried, 'Noel, Noel,' a French cry that annoyed Margaret;
she called back to them, 'Do not cry Noel, but long live Burgundy!'

Thus she was escorted to St. Quentin, from thence to Cambray,
Valenciennes, and finally to Malines, where she was received by her
brother Philip and by Margaret of York, the widow of her grandfather,
Charles the Bold. 'When she alighted from her litter near a mill by a
small stream which divided the royal and archducal dwelling, she
thanked the said lords and ladies who had brought and accompanied her,
begging them all to recommend her very humbly to the king their
master, bearing no ill-will because of his separation from her,
believing that marriages ought to be voluntary.'

However, Margaret always showed great regard for Anne of Brittany, and
even more so when the queen married Louis XII. The documents of the
period abound in exchange of civilities between the princesses. Thus
ended Margaret's first matrimonial adventure. Her former husband did
not long survive his marriage with Anne, but died almost suddenly in
April 1498, and left no children. His widow fulfilled the clause in
her marriage contract, and married his successor, who ascended the
throne as Louis XII.




CHAPTER II

PRINCESS OF ASTURIAS


Charles VIII. was hardly free from his sister's tutelage when he
dreamt of conquering the kingdom of Naples, which he claimed as heir
to the house of Anjou. An embassy which he received from Ludovico
Sforza, afterwards Duke of Milan, made him the more determined to
carry out this project.

By the Treaty of Barcelona (January 1493) Charles had agreed to
restore to Ferdinand of Aragon the counties of Roussillon and Cerdagne
in return for Ferdinand's assurance that he would leave him a free
hand in Italy and elsewhere, and would not form matrimonial alliances
with the houses of England, Austria, or Naples; but when, in 1494,
Charles informed Ferdinand of his intentions against Naples, and
claimed his aid in accordance with the treaty, the King of Aragon
pretended to be shocked and surprised, and quietly set to work to
circumvent his plans and to side with his enemies.

On the 10th of July 1494 the Duke of Orleans crossed the Alps with the
advance guard of the French army. Charles soon followed, and was
received with great honour by Ludovico Sforza and the Duke of Ferrara.
After crossing Italy in triumph, he arrived at Naples without having
broken a single lance, and made a solemn entry into the town, whilst
the King of Naples, abandoned by his subjects and betrayed by his
generals, fled to Sicily.

But in the midst of his triumphs Charles learned, through the
historian Commines, his ambassador in Venice, of the perfidy of his
allies and of the new league that was formed against him by Henry VII.
of England, Ferdinand of Aragon, Maximilian (recently elected emperor
after the death of his father), the Pope Alexander VI., the Republic
of Venice, and the Duke of Milan. All these confederates combined in a
common interest to drive the French out of Italy, and to attack France
from different sides at the same time.

'The ambitious schemes of Charles VIII. established a community of
interests among the great European states, such as had never before
existed, or at least been understood; and the intimate relations thus
introduced naturally led to intermarriages between the principal
powers, who until this period seemed to have been severed almost as
far asunder as if oceans had rolled between them.... It was while
Charles VIII. was wasting his time at Naples that the marriages were
arranged between the royal houses of Spain and Austria, by which the
weight of these great powers was thrown into the same scale, and the
balance of Europe unsettled for the greater part of the following
century.

'The Treaty of Venice provided that Prince John, the heir of the
Spanish monarchies, then in his eighteenth year, should be united with
the Princess Margaret, daughter of the Emperor Maximilian, and that
the Archduke Philip, his son and heir, and sovereign of the Low
Countries in his mother's right, should marry Joanna, second daughter
of Ferdinand and Isabella. No dowry was to be required with either
princess.'[6]

  [6] Prescott, _Ferdinand and Isabella_.

The conditions of this double marriage were drawn up by Francisco de
Rojas, sent to Flanders by Ferdinand and Isabella for this purpose.
The proposals were agreed to by both sides, and it was arranged that
the fleet which brought Joanna of Castile to Flanders should carry
Margaret of Austria to Spain.

The following amusing anecdote is from Zurita, and mentioned in A. R.
Villa's _Life of Dona Juana la Loca_. Francisco de Rojas, who was
chosen by Isabella to marry Margaret by proxy, was presented with a
brocade garment by Antonio de Valle on his arrival in Flanders, and
was told that he must see that he was tidy at the ceremony of
betrothal, as according to the German custom he would have to undress
as far as his doublet and hose. This he promised to do, but when he
came to remove his coat, it was seen that his shirt protruded from his
hose at the back. This carelessness caused him to be much teased by
the courtiers, who with difficulty concealed their smiles at the time.

By the end of the summer in 1496 a fleet, consisting of one hundred
and thirty vessels, large and small, strongly manned and thoroughly
equipped, was got ready for sea in the ports of Guipuzcoa and Biscay.
The whole was placed under the command of Don Fadrique Enriquez,
Admiral of Castile, who carried with him a splendid array of chivalry.
A more gallant and beautiful Armada never before quitted the shores of
Spain. The Infanta Joanna, attended by a numerous suite, embarked
towards the end of August at the port of Laredo, on the eastern
borders of Asturias, where she bade farewell to her mother, Queen
Isabella, who travelled through Spain to take leave of her
seventeen-year-old daughter. On August the 20th the queen wrote to
Doctor de Puebla (Ferdinand's envoy in England) from Laredo to inform
him that the fleet that was taking her daughter to Flanders, and
bringing the Infanta Margaret to Spain, was to sail the next day. 'If
they should enter an English port, she hopes that they will be treated
in England as though they were the daughters of Henry VII.
himself.'[7] The queen also addressed a letter to the King of England
begging for the same favours. A navy of fifteen thousand armed men was
needed to escort the bride to Flanders and bring back Prince John's
betrothed to Spain. For two nights after the embarkation Isabella
slept on the ship with her daughter, and when at last the fleet sailed
on August 22nd, she turned her back on the sea, and rode with a heavy
heart back to Burgos.

  [7] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. i.

The weather soon after Joanna's departure became extremely
tempestuous, and the poor princess had a terrible voyage; her fleet
was driven into Portland, and one of the largest ships came into
collision and foundered. But this was not the end of her troubles, for
on the Flemish coast another great ship was wrecked, with most of her
household, trousseau, and jewels. Several vessels were lost, and many
of her attendants perished from the hardships they had to endure,
amongst them the old Bishop of Jaen, who had accompanied her to give
state and dignity to her suite. Eventually the whole fleet arrived at
Ramua, sorely disabled and needing a long delay for refitting before
it could return to Spain.[8] Soon after her arrival in Flanders her
marriage with the Archduke Philip was celebrated with much pomp at
Lille. At a tournament given in her honour at Brussels, three knights
wearing her colours entered the lists and fought against three of
Margaret's knights; the latter were dressed in white, and wore
'marguerites' embroidered as their badge. Philip neglected and
ill-treated his wife's countrymen to the extent of allowing nine
thousand of the men on the fleet at Antwerp to die from cold and
privation, without trying to help them; his young wife's Spanish
household were unpaid, and even the income settled upon her by Philip
was withheld, on the pretext that Ferdinand had not fulfilled his part
of the bargain agreed upon in the marriage settlements.

  [8] Martin Hume, _Queens of Old Spain_.

The fleet was detained until the following winter to carry the
destined bride of the young Prince of Asturias to Spain. Margaret was
now in her eighteenth year, and already distinguished for those
intellectual qualities which made her later one of the most remarkable
women of her time. She must have been a lovely girl, tall and fair,
with masses of waving golden hair, a brilliant complexion, soft brown
eyes, and a rather long narrow face, with the full under-lip so
peculiar to the house of Austria. It is no wonder that Prince John
fell in love with her, or that his parents welcomed her with
admiration. In the spring of 1497 Margaret left Flushing and started
on her long journey to Spain. She had an even worse voyage than her
sister-in-law. A fearful storm arose, and her vessel was nearly
wrecked. When the tempest had somewhat subsided, she and her
companions amused themselves with each writing her own epitaph.
Margaret composed the following well-known distich, which she bound to
her arm for identification, and jokingly said might be engraved on
her tomb, in case her body should be washed ashore:--

    'Cy gist Margot la gentil' Damoiselle,
    Qu' ha deux marys et encor est pucelle.'

Fortunately this witty epitaph was not needed. The fleet passed the
English Channel in the beginning of February, and was compelled
through stress of weather to take refuge in the harbour of
Southampton. On February the 3rd Henry VII. wrote the following letter
to the Princess Margaret:--

   'Most illustrious and most excellent Princess, our dearest and
   most beloved cousin,--With all our heart we send to greet you,
   and to recommend ourself. We have received through the most
   renowned, most prudent, and most discreet ambassador of our most
   beloved cousins the King and Queen of Spain, at our Court, the
   letters of the admiral and ambassador of the said King and
   Queen, who accompany your Excellence. By them we are informed
   that your Highness, enjoying the best of health, has entered
   with your whole fleet and suite our harbour of Southampton. Our
   subjects of that neighbourhood had already communicated to us
   the arrival of your Highness. As soon as we heard of it, we sent
   our well-beloved and trustworthy vassals and servants, the
   seneschal of our palace, and Sir Charles Somerset, our captain
   and guardian of our body, and also a doctor _utriusque juris_,
   and keeper of our Privy Seal, to see, visit, and consult you in
   our name, and to tell you how agreeable and delightful to us was
   the arrival of your Excellence in our dominions, especially as
   it has pleased God to give you and your company (to whom we
   recommend ourself likewise) good health and cheerful spirits.
   Our servants are to place at your disposal our person, our
   realm, and all that is to be found in it. They are to provide
   you with whatever you wish, and serve and obey you as ourself.
   You will more fully learn our intentions from them and from the
   letters of the Spanish ambassador who resides at our Court.'

The following is in the king's handwriting:--

   'Dearest and most beloved cousin,--Desirous the more to assure
   your Excellence that your visit to us and to our realm is so
   agreeable and delightful to us, that the arrival of our own
   daughter could not give us greater joy, we write this portion of
   our letter with our own hand, in order to be able the better to
   express to you that you are very welcome, and that you may more
   perfectly understand our good wishes. We most earnestly entreat
   and beseech your Highness, from the bottom of our heart, to be
   as cheerful as though you were with the dearest and most beloved
   King and Queen of Spain, our cousins, and that you will stay in
   whatever part of our realms as cheerfully and without fear as
   though you were in Spain. In all and everything you want, do not
   spare us and our realms, for you will render us a great and most
   acceptable service by accepting anything from us.--Palace,
   Westminster, 3rd February.'[9]

  [9] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. i.

The king then begs her to stay at Southampton, and even offers to pay
her a visit there:--

   'Most illustrious and most excellent Princess, our most noble
   and most beloved cousin,--We have received to-day the letter of
   the 2nd instant, which your Highness has written from the
   harbour of Southampton, and are much pleased with it. We are
   also very glad to learn the good news contained in your letter
   and the letter of the illustrious ambassador, whom our dearest
   cousins, the King and Queen of Spain, your most pious parents,
   have ordered to accompany you. He informs us of your prosperity
   and good success. We, on our part, have sent to inform you of
   our inviolable friendship, and to tell you how agreeable in
   every respect your arrival in our harbour has been to us. On
   Friday we sent you our servants and domestics, with injunctions
   to serve you in the same way as they serve ourselves; and a
   short time after they had left we wrote to your Excellence a
   letter with our own hand, to give you a hearty welcome in our
   harbour. We beseech you to have a cheerful face and a glad
   heart, to be happy and enjoy yourself as safely as though you
   were our own daughter, or had already reached the dominions of
   our said cousins the King and Queen of Spain, your pious
   parents. We pray your Highness, with all our heart, to dispose
   of us and of everything that is to be found in our realms, and
   to spare us in nothing, even if the thing is not to be had in
   our dominions, and to order any service which we are able to
   execute. For, by doing so, you will bestow on us a signal and
   most acceptable favour. As we hear that the wind is contrary to
   the continuation of your voyage, wishing that your Highness
   would repose and rest, our advice is, that you take lodgings in
   our said town of Southampton, and remain there until the wind
   becomes favourable and the weather clears up. We believe that
   the movement and the roaring of the sea is disagreeable to your
   Highness and to the ladies who accompany you. If you accept our
   proposal, and remain so long in our said town of Southampton
   that we can be informed of it, and have time to go and to see
   you before your departure, we certainly will go and pay your
   Highness a visit. In a personal communication we could best open
   our mind to you, and tell you how much we are delighted that you
   have safely arrived in our port, and how glad we are that the
   (friendship) with you and our dearest cousins the King and Queen
   of Spain, your most benign parents, is increasing from day to
   day. We desire to communicate to you in the best manner our
   news, and to hear from you of your welfare. May your Highness be
   as well and as happy as we wish.--From our Palace of
   Westminster.... February.'[10]

  [10] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. i.


We have no account of Margaret's accepting Henry's invitation, or of
their meeting at this time. After these various adventures the
princess at length arrived safely at the port of Santander in the
early days of March 1497. An ambassador was sent to meet her with a
train of one hundred and twenty mules laden with plate and tapestries.
The young Prince of Asturias, accompanied by the king his father,
hastened towards the north to meet his bride, whom they met at Reynosa
and escorted to Burgos. When Margaret saw her future husband and the
king approach, she attempted to kiss the latter's hands, which he
tried to prevent her from doing, but she persevered, and kissed the
king's hands as well as those of her future husband. On her arrival at
Burgos she was received with the greatest marks of pleasure and
satisfaction by the queen and the whole Court. Preparations were at
once made for solemnising the marriage after the expiration of Lent,
in a style of magnificence never before witnessed. The wedding
ceremony took place on Palm Sunday, the 3rd of April, and was
performed by the Archbishop of Toledo in the presence of the grandees
and principal nobility of Castile, the foreign ambassadors and
delegates from Aragon. Among these latter were the magistrates of the
principal cities, wearing their municipal insignia and crimson robes
of office, who seem to have had quite as important parts assigned by
their democratic communities as any of the nobility or gentry. The
wedding was followed by a brilliant succession of fetes, tourneys,
tilts of reeds, and other warlike spectacles, in which the matchless
chivalry of Spain poured into the lists to display their prowess in
the presence of their future queen. The chronicles of the day remark
on the striking contrast exhibited at these entertainments between the
gay and familiar manners of Margaret and her Flemish nobles, and the
pomp and stately ceremonial of the Castilian Court, to which the
Austrian princess, brought up as she had been at the Court of France,
could never be wholly reconciled. The following quaint passage is from
Abarca's _Reyes de Aragon_:--'And although they left the princess all
her servants, freedom in behaviour and diversions, she was warned that
in the ceremonial affairs she was not to treat the royal personages
and grandees with the familiarity and openness usual with the houses
of Austria, Burgundy, and France, but with the gravity and measured
dignity of the kings and realms of Spain.'

An inventory of the rich plate and jewels presented to Margaret on the
day of her marriage is to be found in the sixth volume of memoirs of
the Spanish Academy of History. The plate and jewels are said to be
'of such value and perfect workmanship that the like was never seen.'

Nothing seemed wanting to the happiness of the young bride and
bridegroom, and that summer they made a kind of triumphal progress
through the great cities of the land. The marriage of the
heir-apparent could not have been celebrated at a happier time. It
took place in the midst of negotiations for a general peace, to which
the nation looked for repose after so many years of uninterrupted war.
The Court of the Spanish sovereigns was at the height of its
splendour; Ferdinand and Isabella seemed to have reached the zenith of
their ambitious dreams, when death stepped in, and destroyed their
fondest hopes.

Seven months after Prince John's marriage, his sister, Isabella, was
united to the King of Portugal. The wedding took place at the frontier
town of Valencia de Alcantara, in the presence of the Catholic
sovereigns, without pomp or parade of any kind.

While they were detained there, an express messenger brought tidings
of the dangerous illness of their son, the Prince of Asturias. Prince
John, accompanied by his youthful bride, had been on his way to his
sister's wedding when he fell a victim to a malignant fever at
Salamanca. The symptoms speedily assumed an alarming character. The
prince's constitution, naturally delicate, sunk under the violence of
the attack; and when his father, who came with all possible speed to
Salamanca, arrived there, no hopes were entertained of his recovery.

Ferdinand, however, tried to cheer his son with hopes he did not feel
himself; but the young prince told him that it was too late to be
deceived; that he was prepared to die, and that all he now desired was
that his parents might feel the same resignation to the divine will
which he experienced himself. Ferdinand took fresh courage from the
heroic example of his son, whose forebodings were unhappily too soon
realised. The doctors fearing to alarm Margaret, who was expecting
shortly to become a mother, had kept from her the serious state of her
husband's health as long as possible. Knowing that he was ill, she was
anxious to go on a pilgrimage to pray for his recovery. 'When at last
she was allowed to enter his room on the 4th October 1497 she was
shocked to see the change which a few days had wrought in him. Her
dying husband bade her farewell in a broken voice, recommending their
unborn child to her tender care. Margaret pressed her lips to his, but
when she found them already cold, overcome by emotion, she had to be
carried half-dead from the room.' Bowed down with grief, she did not
recover from the shock of her sudden bereavement, and soon after her
husband's death, gave birth to a still-born child.[11]

  [11] 'Je me tais de son mal d'enfant, duquel elle travailla douze
  jours et douze nuicts entieres, sans intermission et sans pouvoir
  prendre refection de manger ni de dormir.'--Jean le Maire,
  _Couronne Margaritique_.

This double tragedy is pathetically described by the historian, Peter
Martyr, who draws an affecting picture of the anguish of the young
widow, and the bereaved parents. 'Thus was laid low the hope of all
Spain.' 'Never was there a death which occasioned such deep and
general lamentation throughout the land.' Ferdinand, fearful of the
effect which the sudden news of this calamity might have on the queen,
caused letters to be sent at brief intervals, containing accounts of
the gradual decline of the prince's health, so as to prepare her for
the inevitable stroke. Isabella, however, received the fatal tidings
in a spirit of humble resignation, saying, 'The Lord hath given and
the Lord hath taken away, blessed be his name!'[12]

  [12] Prescott.

Another historian relates that Ferdinand, fearing that the sudden news
of John's death would kill Isabella with grief, caused her to be told
that it was her husband, Ferdinand himself, that had died, so that
when he presented himself before her, the--as he supposed--lesser
grief of her son's death should be mitigated by seeing that her
husband was alive. The experiment does not appear to have been very
successful, as Isabella was profoundly affected when she heard the
truth. (Florez, _Reinas Catolicas_.) The blow was one from which she
never recovered. John was her only son, her 'angel' from the time of
his birth, and the dearest wish of her heart had been the unification
of Spain under him and his descendants.[13] Every honour which
affection could devise was paid to Prince John's memory. The Court, to
testify its unwonted grief, put on sackcloth instead of white serge
usually worn as mourning. All offices, public and private, were closed
for forty days; and every one dressed in black. The nobles and wealthy
people draped their mules with black cloth down to the knees, showing
only their eyes, and black flags were suspended from the walls and
gates of the cities. Such extraordinary signs of public sorrow show in
what regard the young prince was held. Peter Martyr, his tutor, is
unbounded in his admiration of his royal pupil's character, whose
brilliant promise and intellectual and moral excellence untimely
death, and that of his infant child.

  [13] Martin Hume, _Queens of Old Spain_.

Prince John's funeral was celebrated on a magnificent scale, and his
body laid in the Dominican Monastery of Saint Thomas at Avila, which
had been erected by his parents. A few years later his treasurer, Juan
Velasquez, caused a beautiful monument to be raised to his memory, and
himself added a short but pathetic epitaph. This tomb is the
masterpiece of Micer Domenico of Florence, and resembles the exquisite
royal sepulchres at Granada. It is placed under an elliptical arch, in
front of the high altar, and is one of the finest specimens of an
Italian Renaissance tomb. The handsome young prince is depicted lying
full length on his marble couch, his hands together as if in prayer.
The whole figure is exquisitely simple and dignified in its perfect
repose; and if the beautiful marble effigy was true to life, we can
understand the overwhelming grief of Spain at his loss.

  [Illustration: TOMB OF DON JOHN, PRINCE OF ASTURIAS, ONLY SON OF
  FERDINAND AND ISABELLA AVILA]

After her husband's death Margaret became so popular 'that she was
often obliged to wait in the fields under the shade of the olives till
night fell, as she dared not enter the towns and cities by day,
because the people pressed with affectionate tumult round her litter
to see her face, crying aloud that they wished for her alone, for
their lady and princess, although when the Queen of Portugal, the
heiress, made her solemn and pompous entries in broad daylight, they
hardly greeted her.'[14] Prince John's eldest sister, the Queen of
Portugal, was next in the succession, but by her death in the
following year, and that of her infant son two years later, her
sister Joanna, wife of the Archduke Philip, became heiress to the
thrones of Aragon and Castile.

  [14] _Couronne Margaritique_.

Margaret was treated most affectionately by the king and queen, who
made her a very liberal provision, and tried in every way to comfort
and console her. Whilst she was at the Spanish Court we hear of her
teaching French to her little sister-in-law, Katharine, who was
betrothed to Arthur, Prince of Wales. On July 17th, 1498, De Puebla is
instructed to write to the Spanish sovereigns that 'the Queen and the
mother of the King wish that the Princess of Wales should always speak
French with the Princess Margaret, who is now in Spain, in order to
learn the language, and to be able to converse in it when she comes to
England. This is necessary, because these ladies do not understand
Latin, and much less Spanish. They also wish that the Princess of
Wales should accustom herself to drink wine. The water of England is
not drinkable, and even if it were, the climate would not allow the
drinking of it.'[15]

  [15] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. i.

Margaret spent nearly two years at the Spanish Court. After the first
anniversary of her husband's death had passed, and his memory been
duly honoured by pompous services at Avila, her return to Germany was
discussed. Her Flemish attendants had never become accustomed to the
wearisome etiquette and stately ceremonial of the Court of Spain, and
by their unreasonable demands stirred up discord between her and the
king and queen. Maximilian hearing disquieting reports, urged his
daughter to lose no time in returning to him, which the princess
decided to do. Ferdinand and Isabella seem to have had a real
affection for their widowed daughter-in-law, and when the time for
parting came, expressed much sorrow at losing her. At last she set out
on her long journey back to Flanders (1499). Her former husband,
Charles VIII., had died suddenly in April 1498, leaving his kingdom to
his cousin, the Duke of Orleans, who ascended the throne as Louis XII.
Hearing that his old friend and playfellow was returning to Flanders,
Louis wrote a most affectionate letter offering her a safe conduct
through his dominions. Margaret was now twenty years old, but in spite
of her youth she had seen much sorrow. Twice through a cruel fate she
had missed the proud position of queen--first of France, then of
Spain. For the second time she returned to her father without husband
or child; but sorrow had deepened and enriched her character, and the
time she spent at the Castilian Court was not wasted, as it gave her
an insight into the management of state affairs and political
intrigues, which with her knowledge of Spanish was of infinite
importance to her in later life, and helped to form the able
politician and wise administrator who, as Governess of the
Netherlands, commanded the admiration and respect of the cleverest men
in Europe.




CHAPTER III

DUCHESS OF SAVOY


On the 7th of March 1500, between seven and eight o'clock in the
evening, a brilliant procession wound its way through a covered
passage from the Archducal Palace in the old town of Ghent to the
church of Saint John. The line of route was lit by more than a
thousand torches which flashed on the gorgeous clothes and jewels of
the princes and high officers of state who had come to grace the
baptism of the infant son of the Archduke Philip and Joanna of
Castile. The baby's step-great-grandmother, Margaret of York, widow of
Charles the Bold, carried him in her arms, seated on a chair covered
with brocade, and borne on the shoulders of four men from the palace
to the church; at her right walked Margaret, Princess of Castile, the
infant's other godmother, dressed in a mourning hood and mantle. She
had come to her brother's Court two days before to stand sponsor for
her nephew, who had been born in the palace at Ghent on February the
24th. The little prince, wrapped in a cloak of rich brocade lined with
ermine, was baptized by the name of Charles, in memory of his
great-grandfather the last Duke of Burgundy, his father conferring
upon him the title of Duke of Luxembourg. After the ceremony, which
was performed by the Archbishop of Tournay, trumpets sounded, and
money was thrown broadcast about the church, whilst the heralds
cried 'Largesse, largesse!' The procession then re-formed and returned
to the palace in the order in which it came, arriving between eleven
and twelve at night. A visit was immediately paid to the Archduchess
Joanna, who was informed that her son had been duly baptized. She
received the congratulations of the assembled guests lying in her
state-bed, which was hung with green damask and covered with a
gorgeous quilt of brocade. Near at hand were displayed the beautiful
presents the infant had received. Gold and crystal cups, flagons,
goblets, and salt-cellars sparkling with precious stones and pearls,
amongst them his Aunt Margaret's gift, 'a standing cup of gold with
cover weighing four marks, set with precious stones, a great balass
ruby on top, surrounded by twenty smaller rubies and diamonds.'[16]

  [16] A. R. Villa, _La Reina Dona Juana la Loca_.

  [Illustration: GHENT, SHEWING THE OLD BELFRY, AND CHURCH OF ST.
  JOHN, WHERE CHARLES V WAS BAPTISED]

The old town of Ghent held high festival in honour of the birth of the
heir of Austria and Burgundy. The dragon on the belfry ejected Greek
fire from mouth and tail; torches and paper lanterns swung gaily from
the tower of Saint Nicholas to the belfry, and the object of all this
rejoicing was the infant who was one day to become the Emperor Charles
V. by a long train of events which opened the way to his inheritance
of more extensive dominions than any European sovereign since
Charlemagne had possessed, each of his ancestors having acquired
kingdoms or provinces towards which their prospect of succession was
extremely remote. But his early childhood was clouded, for he hardly
knew his parents, who left the Netherlands for Spain in November 1501,
barely nine months after his birth. When his mother returned in 1504
her mind was already troubled by the gloom which settled on her in
later years. After Queen Isabella's death his parents again left for
Spain to take possession of their kingdom of Castile (April 1506), and
Charles did not see his mother until 1517. But if he never knew a
mother's care, he had an admirable substitute in the affection and
guidance of his aunt.

Margaret spent two years with her father after she left Spain, during
which time she studied the management of German affairs, and tried to
forget her sorrow in improving her mind and cultivating her many
gifts. Her high birth, beauty, and accomplishments brought her many
suitors amongst the princes of Europe; we hear of her marriage being
discussed with the Kings of Poland and Scotland, and even with the
Prince of Wales, who was not yet united to his long-betrothed bride
Katharine. Finally her choice fell upon the young Duke of Savoy, who
had previously married Louisa Jolenta, daughter of Amadeus VIII., Duke
of Savoy, but who had no children. The young Duke Philibert II.,
surnamed the Handsome, was born in the castle of Pont d'Ain on the
10th of April 1480; he was therefore about the same age as Margaret.
His youth had been spent at the Court of France, and at fourteen he
had accompanied the expedition of Charles VIII. against the kingdom of
Naples. The following year, which was that of his accession to the
dukedom, he had taken part in the war waged by the Emperor Maximilian
against the Florentines. Tall, strong, courageous, extremely
good-looking, an accomplished rider, devoted to horses, hunting,
jousting and feats of arms, he was indeed a gallant young prince, well
fitted to win the heart of a beautiful and accomplished princess.
Politically this alliance was popular in Savoy, where it was feared
that a too close connection with France might impair the independence
of the duchy.

On the 26th of September 1501 the marriage contract was signed at
Brussels. The Archduke Philip settled 300,000 golden crowns on his
sister as dowry. She also enjoyed a revenue of 20,000 as
Dowager-Princess of Spain. It was agreed that if the Duke Philibert
should predecease his wife she should receive a dowry of 12,000 golden
crowns, raised on the county of Romont and the provinces of Vaud and
Faucigny.

Margaret left Brussels towards the end of October to join her future
husband at Geneva. She travelled slowly, for the roads were bad and
the days short. Margaret of York accompanied her for half a league and
then took leave; her brother Philip going with her a short way, he
left her a company of Flemish nobles to escort her as far as Geneva at
his expense, Duke Philibert having sent two hundred and fifty knights
to meet his bride and act as her bodyguard.

The inhabitants of the towns she passed through turned out to give her
a hearty welcome and to wish her good luck. They offered her gifts of
wine and venison, wild boars, partridges, rabbits, and fatted calves.
The Bishop of Troyes gave her the keys of his cellar whilst she stayed
in the episcopal town. At Dole the inhabitants made her a present of
'six puncheons of wine, six sheep, six calves, six dozen capons, six
wild geese, and twelve horses laden with oats.'

The duke's natural brother Rene, who was known as the Bastard of
Savoy, married her by proxy on Sunday, November 28th. He presented the
bride with a heart of diamonds surmounted by a very fine pearl, and a
girdle set with twenty-six diamonds, ten large carbuncles and pearls
(marguerites) without number. When the evening came, Margaret, dressed
in cloth of gold, lined with crimson satin, and wearing splendid
jewels, was laid on a state-bed, whilst Rene in complete armour went
through the ceremony of placing himself beside her, 'all those who had
been at the betrothal being present.' After a few moments he rose from
the bed, begging madame's pardon for having interrupted her sleep, and
asking for a kiss in payment. The kiss was graciously given, and Rene,
throwing himself on his knees, swore to be always her faithful
servant. Margaret made him rise, wished him a good-night, and
presented him with a valuable diamond set in a gold ring.[17]

  [17] M. Le Glay.

From Dole Margaret travelled to Romain-Motier, a small village about
two miles from Geneva, and buried in a lonely valley. The ruined
cloisters of the old abbey of black monks may still be seen where
Philibert met Margaret one winter's morning, and where the marriage
was celebrated by Louis de Gorrevod, Bishop of Maurienne, on the 4th
of December 1501.

A brilliant reception awaited the young couple at Geneva. Magnificent
fetes, jousts, and tourneys were given in their honour, which 'cost
the town a great deal in games, dances, masquerades, and other
amusements.' Together they made a triumphal progress through the
principal towns to the duchy of Savoy during the spring and summer. At
Chambery they received a royal welcome. At Bourg the inhabitants
greeted the bridal pair with enthusiasm, although the humble burghers
had been much perturbed as to how they should do honour to an
emperor's daughter.

They had just bought fifty thousand bricks wherewith to erect
fortifications, and this expense had emptied the municipal coffers.
After much consultation they decided to borrow seven hundred florins
from the priests of Our Lady of Bourg. These ecclesiastics lent the
sum required on receiving authority to reimburse themselves from the
revenues of the town. A deputation was sent to meet the duke and
duchess and to offer them and the Governor of Bresse four dozen Clon
cheeses, four puncheons of foreign wine, and twelve pots of preserves.
The following detailed account of their reception is to be found in
the archives of the town of Bourg:--

'At last the long-looked-for day came, and the duke and duchess
arrived at Bourg on the 5th of August 1502. From early dawn the bells
of the monasteries and churches were ringing, guns firing, and a stir
of general excitement was in the air. The picturesque wooden houses
were hung with  tapestries, decorated with five hundred
escutcheons bearing the arms of Savoy and Burgundy. Eight platforms
had been constructed in different parts of the town on which were to
be enacted masques and allegories. At the sound of the trumpet the
crowd collected in front of the town-hall, from whence issued the
municipal body, preceded by the syndics in red robes, one of them
bearing the town keys on a silver salver. The procession marched with
trumpets blowing to the market-place, when soon after a warlike
fanfare and the neighing of horses announced the arrival of the ducal
cortege, headed by Philibert and Margaret. The sight of the young
couple evoked shouts and cheers. Margaret, wearing the ducal crown,
was mounted on a palfrey, covered with a rich drapery, embroidered
with the arms of Burgundy, and with nodding white plumes on its head.
Through a veil of silver tissue her sweet face appeared framed in long
tresses of fair hair. A close-fitting dress of crimson velvet stitched
with gold, bordered with the embossed arms of Austria and Savoy, set
off her graceful figure. With one hand she held the reins of her
horse, with the other she saluted the crowd, whilst at her right on a
fiery charger rode the handsome Philibert, delighted with the
enthusiasm which burst forth at the progress of his lovely wife.

'The syndics, kneeling on one knee, presented the duke and duchess
with the keys of the town. John Palluat, head of the municipality,
made a lengthy speech according to the fashion of the time, full of
whimsical expressions, puns and witticisms, comparing Princess
Margaret's qualities with those of the flower that bore her name.

'Having entered the town the ducal procession alighted, and two
gentlemen--Geoffroy Guillot and Thomas Bergier--advanced towards the
princess: the former had been chosen by the council to explain the
mysteries, moralities, and allegories; the latter to hold a small
canopy over the princess's head. At the market gate on a large
platform a huge elephant was seen carrying a tower. This tower, emblem
of the town, had four turrets, in each of which was a young girl
typifying one of the four attributes of the capital of Bresse. These
attributes were goodness, obedience, reason, and justice. After
listening to verses sung in her praise by the four attributes, the
princess, still preceded by Geoffroy Guillot, arrived at the
market-place, where on another platform was represented the invocation
of Saint Margaret, virgin and martyr. The saint with a halo, treading
an enormous dragon under foot, was smiling at Margaret. She held her
right hand over her as a sign of her protection in this world, and
with her left pointed to the sky and the eternal throne that God had
prepared for her. A group of angels sang a hymn about heaven envying
earth the possession of Margaret; whilst the priests of Notre-Dame and
the preaching friars enacted the legend of Saint George and the
Archangel Michael on the platforms before their church.

'Further on, before the Maison de Challes, the exploits of gods and
heroes of mythology were shown. Two persons, one wrapped in a lion's
skin and carrying on his shoulder an enormous club of cardboard, the
other in a helmet and draped in a red tunic, were supposed to
represent the departure of Hercules and Jason to conquer the Golden
Fleece. At the other end of the theatre Medea, dressed in a silk robe,
gave vent to the fury she felt at her adventurous husband's
indifference.

'Before the fountain of the town the crowd was so dense that the guard
and Geoffroy Guillot found it difficult to force a passage for the
duchess. There the monks of Scillon had arranged a curious fountain in
the shape of a gigantic maiden from whose breasts of tinted metal two
jets of wine flowed into a large basin; her body held a puncheon of
wine which was cleverly replaced when exhausted. Finally, in front of
the entrance to the ducal palace, Margaret witnessed the conquest of
the Golden Fleece. Before carrying off this precious spoil Hercules
and Jason had to fight a multitude of monsters, dragons and buffaloes,
which were disposed of with their club and sword. The crowd having
loudly cheered this curious exhibition, the duke and duchess entered
the castle situated in the highest part of the city.

'The syndics in the name of the town then presented the gift they
had prepared for the duchess, a gold medal weighing one hundred and
fifty ducats. This medal, struck at Bourg, showed on the obverse the
effigy of the duke and duchess on a field strewn with fleurs-de-lys
and love-knots, with this inscription:--

    PHILIBERTUS DUX SABAUDIAE, VIIIUS.
    MARGARITA MAXI., AUG. FI. D. SAB.

On the reverse was a shield with the arms of Savoy and Austria
impaled, surmounted by a large love-knot and surrounded with this
inscription:--

    GLORIA IN ALTISSIMIS DEO, ET IN TERRA PAX HOMINIBUS.
    BURGUS.

Thus ended the town of Bourg's splendid reception of their young duke
and duchess.'[18]

  [18] J. Baux, _L'Eglise de Brou_.

  [Illustration: MEDAL STRUCK AT BOURG TO COMMEMORATE MARGARET OF
  AUSTRIA'S MARRIAGE WITH PHILIBERT, DUKE OF SAVOY]

Philibert and Margaret continued their tour of the duchy, and returned
to Bourg in April 1503, when they took up their residence at the
castle of Pont d'Ain, where the happiest years of Margaret's short
married life were passed.

From this favourite castle of the Dukes of Savoy on the river Ain,
there is a splendid view of the undulating country, distant hills and
forests, which in the days of Philibert were well stocked with game.
It would be hard to find a more beautiful spot, and it is no wonder
that Margaret loved it and spent most of her time there.

When Philibert succeeded to the dukedom after his father's death, his
first act had been to give an appanage to his natural brother Rene. He
bestowed upon him the county of Villars, the castle of Apremont, and
the Seignory of Gourdans. This brother, who was known as the Bastard
of Savoy, was of an ambitious and grasping nature. Knowing that
Philibert hated business and preferred spending his time in hunting
and warlike sports, Rene worked on his indolence until he practically
had the management of the duchy in his own hands. He persuaded
Philibert to grant him an act of legitimacy and also to give him the
title of Lieutenant-General of the States of Savoy. When Louis XII.
wished to pass through the duchy to reach Milan he communicated with
Rene. The French monarch made him many promises, which were mentioned
in the treaty concluded at Chateau-Renard with the Cardinal d'Amboise.
Duke Philibert, in virtue of this treaty, allowed the passage of the
French troops, received Louis XII. at Turin, displayed an
extraordinary magnificence, and even accompanied the king to Milan
with two hundred men-at-arms. In return for his civility Louis granted
him an annual pension of 20,000 golden crowns from the revenues of
this duchy.

Rene's influence over his half-brother was put to a hard test when
Margaret became Philibert's wife. The young couple truly loved each
other, but the princess could not brook this divided authority. She
did all in her power to get rid of Rene, whom she heartily disliked.
The struggle was keen but decisive. Margaret made use of her father's
authority, who as the Duke of Savoy's suzerain nullified the deed of
Rene's legitimisation. She also had recourse to religious intervention
to accuse him of extortion. At her instigation Friar Malet, the Court
preacher, drew a picture of the people's misery and sufferings in a
sermon. Addressing Philibert, he exhorted him to 'drive out the
thieves who were in his household, who,' he said, 'were leeches
sucking the blood of his unhappy subjects.' Rene was not long in
perceiving that his credit at the Court of Savoy was gone. He came to
his brother and asked permission to retire to his property. 'I wish,'
Philibert answered, 'that you would not only retire from my Court, but
also from my State, and that within two days on pain of death.' Rene
took refuge at the Court of France, but even there Margaret's dislike
followed him, and all his goods were confiscated after a mock trial.

Philibert had only changed his Prime Minister. After Rene's departure
Margaret took up the reins of government and ruled Savoy and Bresse
unhindered. She obtained many privileges from her father, amongst
others the temporal jurisdiction over all the bishoprics of Savoy,
Piedmont, Bugey, and the provinces of Geneva and Vaud. This concession
extended Savoy's right of sovereignty over all lands east of the river
Saone, which is still called locally 'the side of the Empire.'

In April 1503 the Archduke Philip paid his sister a visit at Bourg on
his return from Spain, where he had been to take possession of the
crown of Castile, which through the death of Queen Isabella had
descended to his wife Joanna. A grand tournament was held on the
_Place des Lices_ in honour of his visit. Philip was then escorted by
his sister and her husband to the castle of Pont d'Ain, where fresh
festivities were prepared. The nobility of Bresse and Bugey flocked
there to welcome the royal guests, and there is even a tradition that
the 'Holy Shroud,' usually kept at Turin, and which had long been in
the possession of the House of Savoy, was there exposed for the
archduke's veneration.

During the next few years the peace of Europe was unbroken, and
Philibert was unable to satisfy his warlike inclinations. His
exuberant spirits found an outlet in hunting, jousts, and
tournaments. He loved splendid armour, gorgeous apparel, and brilliant
fetes. A contemporary chronicler has left an account of the
entertainments given by the Court of Savoy in 1504 on the occasion of
the marriage of Laurent de Gorrevod (who later became Governor of
Bresse and Count of Pont-de-Vaux) with the daughter of Hugues de la
Pallu, Count of Varax, Marshal of Savoy. All the nobility of Piedmont
and Savoy were assembled at the castle of Carignan on the 18th of
February, Shrove Tuesday, where a tournament took place in the
presence of Philibert, 'Madam Margaret of Austria, Madame Blanche,
Dowager of Savoy, and many other young and beautiful ladies, as much
to pass the time as to please the ladies.'

A long and wearisome description of the tournament is given, in which
Philibert and his brother Charles carried off several prizes. Such
were the duke's favourite pastimes, whether at Turin, Carignan, or at
Bourg, where the lists were opened under the castle walls.

Philibert had inherited his passion for hunting from a long line of
ancestors who were all devoted to this sport. The castle of Pont
d'Ain, standing high on a hill overlooking Bresse and Bugey, with the
river Ain flowing at its feet well stocked with fish, and its plains
and vast forests abounding with game, was an ideal home for a
sportsman like Philibert. Here he and Margaret enjoyed the pleasures
of a country life. Accompanied by their nobles and friends the duke
and duchess often started at dawn of day on their hunting excursions,
returning with the last rays of the evening sun. We are told by Jean
le Maire that one day Margaret had an accident which might have proved
very serious. When she and her husband were hunting in the fields
near the town of Quier in Piedmont, the powerful horse on which she
was mounted became quite unmanageable, and kicking and plunging, threw
her violently to the ground. She fell under its feet, the iron-shod
hoofs trampling on her dress, disarranging her hair, and breaking a
thick golden chain which hung from her neck. All those who witnessed
the accident were paralysed with terror, believing the duchess could
not escape alive, and recalling a similar accident in which her
mother, Mary of Burgundy, had lost her life. But Margaret had a
miraculous escape, and got up without any harm beyond a severe
shaking.

One morning, early in September 1504, Philibert went out hunting,
leaving Margaret at Pont d'Ain, and though the weather was extremely
hot, followed a wild boar for several hours. All his followers were
left behind, and his horses having succumbed to the heat and hard
riding, he descended a narrow valley about midday on foot, and at last
arrived breathless and bathed in perspiration at Saint Vulbas'
fountain. Delighted with the freshness of the spot, he ordered his
meal to be served in a shady grove; but before long he was seized with
a sudden chill, and pressing his hand to his side in great pain,
mounted a horse which was brought to him, and with difficulty rode
back to Pont d'Ain, his nobles and huntsmen sadly following. On
arriving at the castle the duke threw himself heavily on a bed, and
Margaret was immediately summoned. She tried by all means in her power
to relieve him, sending in great haste for the doctors. When they came
she gave them her precious pearls to grind to powder, and watched them
make an elixir with these jewels which she hoped would save the duke's
life. She made many vows, and sent offerings to distant shrines,
invoking the help of heaven by her prayers. But Philibert was seized
with pleurisy; his vigorous constitution resisted the violence of the
attack for some days. The physicians bled him, but all their doctoring
was in vain, and soon they had to confess that they could do nothing
more. 'He himself feeling his end approaching got up, and wished to go
and say an eternal farewell to his very dear companion, embracing her
closely. After having asked for the last sacraments, and by many acts
of faith and devotion shown his love for the holy Christian faith,
Duke Philibert expired in Margaret's arms on the 10th of September
1504, at nine o'clock in the morning, in the twenty-fourth year of his
age, in the same room in the castle of Pont d'Ain where he had first
seen the light.' Margaret's grief was heart-rending: we are told that
her sobs and cries echoed through the castle. The whole duchy of Savoy
mourned with her for the gallant young prince, so suddenly cut off in
the flower of his age.

  [Illustration: TOMB OF PHILIBERT LE BEAU, DUKE OF SAVOY, IN THE
  CHURCH OF BROU]

The duke's body was embalmed, and attired in ducal robes, with the
rich insignia of his rank, laid on a state-bed in a spacious chamber,
where a crowd of his subjects came to gaze their last on their young
lord. The body was then placed in a leaden coffin on which the
deceased's titles were engraved, and his funeral carried out with much
pomp. The magistrates of Bourg had a hundred torches made bearing the
arms of the town; they were carried by burghers who went to escort the
body from the castle of Pont d'Ain to the church of Notre-Dame, though
Margaret wished her husband to be laid in the priory church of Brou,
near his mother, Margaret of Bourbon's tomb.

In 1480 Philibert's father, whilst hunting near the same spot, where
later his son contracted his fatal illness, had fallen from his horse
and broken his arm. He also was carried to Pont d'Ain, and his life
was in danger. His wife, Margaret of Bourbon, then made a vow that if
her husband's life was spared she would found a monastery of the order
of Saint Benedict at Brou. The duke recovered, but the duchess died in
1483 before she fulfilled the vow, the accomplishment of which she
bequeathed to her son Philibert, whose early death also prevented him
from carrying out his mother's wishes. Margaret now took upon herself
the duty of founding the monastery, and also of erecting for them
both, and, above all, for him whom she loved, 'a great tomb which
should be their nuptial couch,' where she herself would be laid to
rest when her time should come.

Stricken with grief, a childless widow, deprived for the second time
of the husband she loved, at the age of twenty-four she felt as though
all joy in life had ended, and 'immediately after her husband's death
she cut off her beautiful golden hair, and had the same done to her
own ladies.'[19]

  [19] _Couronne Margaritique._

Margaret passed some years of her widowhood at the castle of Pont
d'Ain, where several traces of her sojourn remain. She made some
additions to the building; the principal staircase still bears her
name. Here she lived in seclusion, mourning her lot, and describing
her loneliness and sorrow in prose and in verse. In spite of the
imperfections of a free versification Margaret's poems show a certain
harmony, smoothness, and charm in the informal stanzas, of which the
following is a good specimen:--

    I

    'O devots cueurs, amans d'amour fervente,
    Considerez si j'ay este dolente,
    Que c'est raison! je suis la seule mere
    Qui ay perdu son seul fils et son pere,
    Et son amy par amour excellente!

    Ce n'est pas jeu d'estre si fortunee[20]
          D'estre si fortunee!
    Qu'est longue fault[21] de ce qu'on ayme bien!
    Et je suis sceure que pas de luy ne vient,
    Mais me procede de ma grant destinee!

    Dites-vous donc que je suis egaree
    Quant je me vois separee de mon bien?
    Ce n'est pas jeu d'estre si fortunee!
    Qu'est longue fault de ce qu'on ayme bien!
    Mais que de luy je ne soye oubliee!!!

    II

    Deuil et ennuy, soussy, regret et peine,
    Ont eslongue ma plaisance mondaine,
    Dont a part moy je me plains et tourmente,
    Et en espoir n'ay plus un brin d'attente:
    Veez la comment Fortune me pourmeine.

    Ceste longheur vault pis que mort soudaine;
    Je n'ay pensee que joye me rameine;
    Ma fantaisie est de deplaisir pleine;
    Car devant moy a toute heure se presente
            Deuil et ennuy.

    III

    Plusieurs regrets qui sur la terre sont,
    Et les douleurs que hommes et femmes ont,
    N'est que plaisir envers ceulx que je porte,
    Me tourmentant de la piteuse sorte
    Que mes esprits ne savent plus qu'ils sont.

    Cueurs desoles par toutes nations,
    Deuil assemblez et lamentations;
    Plus ne querez l'harmonieuse lyre,
    Lyesse, esbats et consolations;
    Laissez aller plaintes, pleurs, passions,
    Et m'aidez tous a croistre mon martyre,
            Cueurs desoles!

    IV

    Aisn vous plonges en desolation,
    Venez a moy!...
    Le noble et bon dont on ne peult mal dire,
    Le soutenant de tous sans contredire,
    Est mort, helas! quel malediction!
            Cueurs desoles!

    V

    Me faudra-t-il toujours ainsi languir?
    Me faudra-t-il enfin ainsi morir?
    Nul n'aura-t-il de mon mal coignoissance?
    Trop a dure; car c'est des mon enfance!

    Je prie a Dieu qu'il me doint temperance,
    Mestier en ay: je le prens sur ma foi;
    Car mon seul bien est souvent pres de moy,
    Mais pour les gens fault faire contenance!

    Pourquoy coucher seulette et a part moy,
    Qu'il me faudra user de pacience!
    Las! c'est pour moi trop grande penitence;
    Certes ouy, et plus quant ne le voy!'

  [20] Jouet de la fortune.

  [21] Combien est long le besoin, le regret.

These verses, and many others, were written at Bourg, or at the castle
of Pont d'Ain. This castle, built towards the end of the tenth century
by the Sires de Coligny, Lords of Revermont, had passed through
marriage to the Dauphins du Viennois in 1225, and in 1285 to the Duke
of Burgundy. In 1289 this duke exchanged it, as well as the lordship
of Revermont, with Ame IV., Count of Savoy, who was Seigneur of Bresse
in right of his wife, Sybille de Bauge. The buildings having been much
damaged in the wars, Ame's son, Aimon, rebuilt them. The last warlike
episode in the history of the castle occurred in 1325 when Edward,
Count of Savoy, came to take refuge in the fortress after his defeat
near Varey. The pleasant situation of the castle at the extremity of
the chain of Revermont, its proximity to France, and equable climate
made it the favourite home of the Dukes of Savoy. Below in the valley,
which extends to the Rhone, the waters of the river Ain join those of
the Suran. To the south and east are the mountain ranges near Bas
Bugey, with wooded <DW72>s and prosperous villages, to the north and
west the undulating plain of Bresse, crowned by forests. The
Princesses of Savoy loved this spot. Amedeo VIII. lived here for a
long time with his wife Yolande of France. Philibert and his sister
Louise (the mother of Francis I.) were born here, and here their
mother, Margaret of Bourbon, came to spend her last days. In this
peaceful spot Margaret passed the first years of her mourning,
attached to Bresse by memories of her love and sorrow.




CHAPTER IV

THE BUILDING OF BROU


Besides her many poems Margaret has perpetuated the memory of the
chief phases in her life by means of devices, a symbolical language
much in vogue in the Middle Ages.

When she returned to Flanders, after her first marriage with Charles
VIII. was annulled, the device she chose was a high mountain with a
hurricane raging round the summit, and underneath, 'Perflant altissima
venti.' This device ingeniously expressed the idea that those in a
high position are more exposed than others to the winds of adversity.
After the death of Prince John of Castile and her child, Margaret
adopted another device, a tree laden with fruit, struck in half by
lightning, with this inscription, 'Spoliat mors munera nostra.' This
device is attributed to Strada.

Lastly, as the widow of Duke Philibert, she composed the famous motto
which we find reproduced everywhere on the tombs, walls, woodwork, and
stained-glass windows of the church at Brou:

    FORTUNE.INFORTUNE.FORT.UNE.

And this was her last motto, which she kept to the end. This
enigmatical inscription has been variously interpreted. Cornelius
Agrippa, her panegyrist, and Gropheus, Chevalier d'Honneur to the
princess, who composed a Latin poem in her praise in 1532, saw no
other meaning in this device than the resume of her life... a
plaything of fortune; and they explain the word 'infortune' by the
third person of the present indicative of the verb 'infortuner,'
Fortuna Infortunat Fortiter Unam--'La fortune infortune (tries,
persecutes) fort une femme.' Guichenon adopts this version and says
the princess composed her device 'to show that she had been much
persecuted by fortune, having been repudiated by Charles VIII., and
having lost both her husbands, the Prince of Castile, and the Duke of
Savoy. This,' he adds, 'is the true meaning of this device, although
another interpretation has been given to it: Fortune Infortune
Fortune. Fortune to have been affianced to the King of France,
misfortune to have been repudiated by him, and fortune to have married
the Duke of Savoy; but this explanation does not agree with the
device.' In fact, it is not admissible, for it supposes the device to
be composed of three words only, whilst on the marble it is clearly
composed of four:

    FORTUNE.INFORTUNE.FORT.UNE.

The small church of the monastery of Brou, founded in the beginning of
the tenth century by Saint Gerard, had a great reputation for
holiness. It was here the bodies of Philibert and his mother were
laid. Margaret's thoughts were constantly occupied with the monument
she wished to erect to her husband's memory, the magnificence of which
should satisfy her artistic taste. She proposed devoting her dowry to
this object in order to raise the necessary funds. Philibert's brother
had succeeded to the ducal crown under the title of Charles III., but
the state of the duchy's finances made it difficult for him to pay
Margaret's dowry, which consisted of 12,000 ecus d'or per annum in
French coin, or in lieu of this sum the usufruct of Bresse and the
provinces of Vaud and Faucigny. Charles III. on his accession had
found the revenues greatly reduced; besides Margaret's dowry, three
other dowager-princesses enjoyed the income from a great part of his
estates. Blanche de Montferrat, widow of Charles I., had the best part
of Piedmont; Le Bugey was in the hands of Claudine of Brittany, widow
of Duke Philip; lastly, Louise of Savoy received the largest portion
of Chablais. This was the state of things when Margaret complained of
the insufficiency of the revenues from the properties of Bresse, Vaud,
and Faucigny, revenues far from equivalent to the sum of 12,000 ecus
d'or per annum according to the terms of her marriage contract. As
Charles remained deaf to her complaints, Margaret had recourse to her
father, and travelled to Germany to persuade Maximilian to give her
his support. Charles at last agreed to send four jurisconsuls
empowered to arrange this business. During the meetings which took
place at Strasburg, Margaret explained the motives which made her
insist on the fulfilment of the clauses with reference to her dowry.
'Her intention being to found a church and monastery on the site of
the Priory of Brou, the resting-place of the Lady Margaret of Bourbon
and Duke Philibert, she must needs collect all her resources to meet
the expense which such an endowment would require. She also pointed
out that, according to the Lady Margaret of Bourbon's will, the church
and monastery were to be erected at the expense of her heirs and
successors. Now this charge falling on Duke Charles, he could not
conscientiously dispense with carrying out his mother's last wishes,
but as she, Margaret, offered to fulfil this task at her own expense,
he was ill-advised to dispute with her what was legally her due.
Charles III.'s envoys had nothing to say to this argument excepting
the state of penury and embarrassment in which their master found
himself.'

At last, on the 5th of May 1505, in the presence of Maximilian, a
treaty was signed in the hall of the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem
at Strasburg, by which Duke Charles granted to Margaret the county of
Villars and the Seignory of Gourdans, with all rights of government as
well as power of redeeming the mortgaged lands of Bresse to the amount
of 1200 florins. After the ratification of this treaty Margaret
returned to the castle of Pont-d'Ain and prepared to carry out her
plans.

She first called her Council together and explained her intentions.
Margaret of Bourbon's vow was to build a church in honour of Saint
Benedict, but as this order had already become lax, Margaret wished
that the church and monastery should be placed under the protection of
St. Nicolas de Tolentin, who had lately been canonised, and was noted
for the number of miracles worked by his intercession, and for whom
she felt a particular devotion.

The princess's Council, foreseeing the enormous expense which the
execution of this plan would involve, tried to dissuade her from it,
and endeavoured to turn her mind to completing the church of
Notre-Dame de Bourg, which Jean de Loriol was then building. At the
time of the young duke's death they had promised to bring his body to
rest in the Abbey of Haute-Combe near the Dukes of Savoy, his
predecessors. But she would not listen to this argument, and replied
'that she had been informed of the vow which the late lord and lady,
her husband's parents, had made to found a monastery of the order of
St. Augustine on the site of Brou, but the former, after he
succeeded, forgot to fulfil it, and neglected the duty of
accomplishing his vow, and that it had pleased God to take her lord
and husband in his youth in such a way that he had not leisure nor
time to fulfil his father and mother's vow, but that she, with the
help of God, would do so.'[22]

  [22] Paradin, _Chronique de Savoie_.

The series of objections from the Council, and Margaret's firm
determination, are still more apparent in the following quaint
dialogue recorded by a witness in Paradin's _Chronique de
Savoie_:--'When several prominent people pointed out that as she was
the daughter of a great Emperor, and had been Queen of France, and had
since married so great and famous a Prince, she would be put to heavy
and intolerable expense in order to accomplish something worthy of her
greatness, she replied that God would take care of the expense. They,
moreover, said to her: "Madame, possibly you regret that the body of
Madame, his mother, is buried in this little place of Brou; a
dispensation could easily be procured from the Pope to carry it
elsewhere"; she answered, no dispensation was needed for a thing one
could do oneself; they also put before her that after she had done
what she intended, if a war should break out in this country, the
enemy could retire and quarter themselves there, and from thence fight
the town, which in the end would mean the destruction of the
monastery. Margaret replied: "The power of princes is nowadays so
greatly increased by artillery that should Bourg be besieged there
would be no need to wait for the attack." They then pointed out that
in the church of Notre-Dame de Bourg there was a very fine beginning,
and that if it pleased her to employ what she wished to spend on this
monastery, she would have the prayers of ten million people, for
every one in Bourg goes once a day to pray in the said church of
Notre-Dame. To that my said lady replied, shedding big tears: "You say
truly, and it is my greatest regret, but if I did as you say, the vow
would not be accomplished which by the help of God I shall fulfil."
These are the objections that were made, and the replies which she
gave when they tried to persuade her to give up this enterprise.'
Margaret had already had the plans and estimates drawn up for the
church and monastery of Brou, with the help of Laurent de Gorrevod,
Governor of Bresse. The estimate was given to the workmen in the early
spring of 1505, and the first stone of the sanctuary laid by the
princess herself in the spring of the following year.

On the 11th February 1503 Henry VII. had lost his queen, Elizabeth of
York, who died in the Tower of London, a week after giving birth to
her seventh child. She had been a good and submissive wife to Henry,
whose claim to the throne she had strengthened by her own greater
right. The bereaved husband retired 'heavy and dolorous' to a solitary
place to pass his sorrow, but before many weeks were over he and his
crony De Puebla put their heads together and agreed that the king must
marry again. Amongst other alliances the widowed Queen of Naples was
suggested, but the lady decidedly objected to the marriage. In
November 1504 Queen Isabella of Castile died, and the crown descended
to her weak-minded daughter Joanna. A struggle was seen to be
impending for the regency, and Henry was courted by both sides in the
dispute. He had taken as his motto 'Qui je defends est maitre,' and
both Ferdinand, King of Spain, and the Emperor Maximilian were
anxious to win him to their side. Margaret was secretly offered to
Henry as a bride by Philip and Maximilian, and a close alliance
between them proposed. Margaret, with her large dowries from Castile
and Savoy, was now one of the richest princesses in Europe. Whilst
Ferdinand was trying to ingratiate himself with Henry, it was clear to
the astute King of England that he had now more to hope for from
Philip and Maximilian, who were friendly with France, than from
Ferdinand.[23]

  [23] Martin Hume, _Queens of Old Spain_.

Early in August 1505 De Puebla went to Richmond to see the Princess of
Wales, and as he entered the palace one of the household told him that
an ambassador had just arrived from the Archduke Philip, King of
Castile, and was waiting for an audience. De Puebla at once conveyed
the news to Katharine, and served as interpreter between the
ambassador and the princess. After delivering greetings from the
Emperor Maximilian, the Archduke Philip, and the Duchess of Savoy, the
ambassador said his mission was a secret one to settle with the King
of England about his marriage with the Duchess of Savoy, of whom he
had brought two portraits. The Princess of Wales wished to see them,
and the ambassador went to fetch them. One was painted on wood, the
other on canvas. The princess was of opinion that Michel would have
made better portraits. She asked the ambassador when the King-Archduke
and the Queen-Archduchess were to leave for Spain. The ambassador
replied as soon as possible, but that he had come to consult the King
of England as to all arrangements.'[24]

  [24] It would be interesting to know what became of these
  pictures. The portrait of Margaret, now at Hampton Court Palace,
  may have been one of them, as in it she is represented wearing a
  widow's dress, and the painting is so indifferent that it may
  well have called forth Katharine's criticism.

On the 7th January 1506, after having presided at the Chapter of the
Golden Fleece in the old Abbey of Middlebourg, the Archduke Philip,
King of Castile, set out from Zealand with his wife, Queen Joanna,
their second son, Ferdinand, an infant of a few months old, and a
retinue amounting to two or three thousand persons. They embarked
(January 8th) on board a splendid and numerous armada composed of more
than twenty-four vessels, intending to go to Spain. All went well
until the Cornish coast was passed, and then a dead calm fell,
followed by a furious south-westerly gale, which scattered the ships,
and left that on which Philip and Joanna were without any escort. A
gale which lasted thirty-six hours dispersed the fleet. Despair seized
the crew, and all gave themselves up for lost. Philip's attendants
dressed him in an inflated leather garment, upon the back of which was
painted in large letters 'the king, Don Philip,' and thus arrayed he
knelt before a blessed image in prayer, alternating with groans,
expecting every moment would be his last. Joanna is represented by one
contemporary authority as being seated on the ground between her
husband's knees, saying that if they went down she would cling so
closely to him that they should never be separated in death, as they
had not been in life. The Spanish witnesses are loud in her praise in
this danger. 'The queen,' they say, 'showed no signs of fear, and
asked them to bring her a box with something to eat. As some of the
gentlemen were collecting votive gifts to the Virgin of Guadalupe,
they passed the bag to the queen, who, taking out her purse
containing about a hundred doubloons, hunted amongst them until she
found the only half-doubloon there, showing thus how cool she was in
the danger. A king never was drowned yet, so she was not afraid, she
said.'[25]

  [25] From a Spanish account in MSS. at the Royal Academy,
  Madrid.--Martin Hume, _Queens of Old Spain_.

Sandoval also mentions that Joanna displayed much composure during the
storm. When informed by Philip of their danger, she attired herself in
her richest dress, securing a considerable amount of money to her
person, in order that her body, if found, might be recognised, and
receive the obsequies suited to her rank.

Driven to land at Melcombe Regis, on January 16th, Philip sent to
acquaint Henry VII. with his arrival, calling him 'father,' and
expressing himself desirous of seeing him and his Court. Immediately
the king hastened to show the archducal pair every mark of respect,
and sent letters to gentlemen dwelling near the seaside to attend upon
them, and afterwards despatched palfreys, litters, etc. They were
entertained by Sir Thomas Trenchard at Wolveton in Dorsetshire; and he
is traditionally said to have summoned his kinsman, John Russell, to
assist him, because the latter having been in Spain, was well
qualified to act as interpreter. Portraits of Philip and Joanna have
been preserved in the Trenchard family, as well as a white china bowl
on a foot bound with silver, said to have been left by them at
Wolveton. On the 31st January Henry received the King-Archduke at
Windsor, the two monarchs saluting each other with glad and loving
countenances. The next two days being Sunday and Candlemas were
devoted to religious exercises, and the following week to recreation.
It is curious to read amongst all the state details that when 'the
King of Castile played with the racquet, he gave the Lord Marquis (of
Dorset) fifteen.' On the 9th February Philip was invested with the
Order of the Garter. 'Immediately after mass, certain of the King of
England's and the King of Castile's Council presented their respective
sovereigns with the draft of the treaty of peace, having divers new
articles and confirmations inserted therein. The kings, seated in
their stalls, in St. George's Chapel, signed the writings with their
own hands, and the pledges were solemnly sworn upon a fragment of the
true cross, by which the rebel Earl of Suffolk was to be surrendered
to his doom, and Philip's sister Margaret married to Henry, and
England bound to the King of Castile against Ferdinand of Aragon.'

Joanna was deliberately kept in the background during her stay in
England. She had followed her husband slowly from Melcombe, and
arrived at Windsor ten days later, the day after Philip with great
ceremony had been invested with the Order of the Garter, and had
signed the treaty. On her arrival at Windsor she was welcomed by the
King of England and her sister, the Princess of Wales, though she was
not allowed to see the latter alone. The Cottonian MSS. tells us that
Queen Joanna did not see her sister until just before her departure;
they were not even then more than an hour together, and were never
left alone, and Katharine left the next day for Richmond. 'On the
twelfth the King of England went to Richmond to prepare his house
there for the King of Castile, who joined him on the fourteenth, the
Queen of Castile proceeding on the same day to the seaside to her
ships lying at Dartmouth and Plymouth.' The rest of the time Philip
was at Richmond was spent in recreation, and 'all the season the King
of Castile was in the King of England's Court every holiday.' On the
2nd of March he took his leave, the King of England accompanying him
on his way a mile or more, defraying the charges of all his servants,
and giving rewards.' During the whole time of Philip and Joanna's
sojourn in England their expenses and those of their suites were paid
by the king's officials, and they were entertained with dubious
hospitality for nearly three months. During this time Henry VII.
availed himself of the situation to extort three treaties from his
guest not altogether reconcilable with sound policy or honour. The
first was a treaty of alliance, the second that of his marriage with
the Archduchess Margaret, and the third a treaty of commerce. The
latter was so disastrous to Flemish interests as to be known by the
name of 'Malus intercursus.' It was agreed that the three treaties
should be confirmed, sealed, and delivered at Calais, at fixed dates;
but when the English envoys reached Calais they waited in vain for
Philip's messengers. Henry VII., writing on August 19th to Maximilian,
informs him that 'the new ratifications were to be exchanged in the
town of Calais, the treaty of alliance and marriage before the 20th of
June, and that of commerce before the last day of July. His
ambassadors were at Calais by the appointed time, with all the
necessary papers, but the ambassadors of King Philip have not arrived
up to this day; nor has he heard anything of the approval of the Pope,
which had been promised him, nor of the securities for the dowry and
the consent of the archduchess. However, he is willing to consent to
a prorogation of the term to the end of August.'

On the 23rd of April 1506 Philip and Joanna having reassembled their
fleet, embarked at Weymouth, and reached Corunna, in the north-western
corner of Galicia, after a prosperous voyage, on April 28th.

The following summary of the treaty between Henry VII. and Philip,
King of Castile, concerning the intended marriage with the Archduchess
Margaret, is interesting:--

The King of Castile binds himself to pay to the King of England
300,000 crowns, each crown of four shillings sterling, as the marriage
portion of the Archduchess Margaret; he also promises punctually to
pay the 18,850 crowns a year to which she is entitled as her jointure
in Spain; he moreover binds himself to pay to Henry 12,000 crowns a
year instead of the revenues from the towns, castles, and lands, which
have been assigned to the archduchess as her jointure in Savoy. The
King and Queen of Castile bind themselves to consent to the marriage,
and to permit Henry's proxies to conclude a marriage _per verba de
praesenti_ with the Archduchess Margaret. The King of Castile promises
to send his sister at his own expense to the town of Greenwich within
a month after the first instalment of 100,000 crowns has been paid.
King Henry promises to perform the marriage ceremonies within a month
of the archduchess's arrival at Greenwich. Provisions are then made in
case of the archduchess's or Henry's death with or without children by
the marriage. The archduchess is at liberty to dispose by will of her
jewels and ornaments. Should there be children by the marriage, they
are to succeed to all inheritances in Spain, Flanders, etc., that the
archduchess may become entitled to. King Philip promises to request
the Pope to confirm this treaty, and both the King of Castile and his
father, the emperor, promise to use all their influence with the
Archduchess Margaret to persuade her to consent to this marriage.

King Philip signed the treaty at Windsor, March 1st, 1506, and Queen
Joanna at Exeter, March 18th, 1506. The ratification of the treaty by
Henry VII. follows; it is dated, Palace of Westminster, 15th May 1506.

On the 20th July Maximilian wrote to King Henry from Vienna that 'he
had heard with great joy that the marriage between Henry and the
Archduchess Margaret is arranged.' He begs him to send ambassadors to
Malines, and has already despatched ambassadors to the same place. But
on the 30th of July John le Sauvage wrote to Maximilian that 'the
Archduchess Margaret decidedly refuses to marry Henry VII., although
he, at first by himself, and afterwards conjointly with the Imperial
ambassador, had daily pressed her during a whole month to consent.'
But John le Sauvage adds, 'The alliance with England is not endangered
thereby. For Henry desires the marriage between his second daughter
and the Prince of Castile (Margaret's nephew Charles) more than his
own with the archduchess.'

On August 6th G. de Croy wrote to the emperor that 'he is afraid that
the refusal of the archduchess will cool the friendship of Henry.' On
August 8th Ulrich, Count of Montfort, and Claude Carondelet also sent
a letter to Maximilian to inform him that 'they have travelled with
all haste to Savoy in order to see the Archduchess Margaret, whom
they found in company of the President of Flanders. They pressed her
very strongly to consent to marry the King of England. Her answer,
however, was that 'although an obedient daughter, she will never agree
to so unreasonable a marriage.' On the 16th of August Monsieur de Croy
and other councillors write to the King of Castile 'that they have
written to the King of England... and have received this very day his
answer, and send the letter of the King of England to him; they are
much afraid that the King of England has cooled in his friendship in
consequence of the answer which the Archduchess Margaret has given to
the President of Flanders, and afterwards to the Count Montfort and
the Bailly of Amont, ambassadors of the emperor, and again to the
President of the King of Castile.' On September 24th Maximilian wrote
to King Henry that 'he had not been able to persuade his daughter, the
Archduchess Margaret, to marry him; but he would go and see her in
order to persuade her.' Whilst these negotiations were taking place,
an unexpected event freed Margaret from this distasteful marriage,
though it added another sorrow to her lot.

In September of the same year her brother Philip was attacked by a
malignant fever at Burgos, brought on, it was said, by indulgence or
over-exercise, and for days lay ill in raging delirium, not without
strong suspicions of poison. He was assiduously attended by his wife
Joanna, who never left his side, but in spite of all her care the
disorder rapidly gained ground, and on the sixth day after his attack,
on September 25th, he breathed his last. Philip was only twenty-eight
years old, and had been King of Castile two months, dating from his
recognition by the Cortes. After his death Queen Joanna still stayed
by his side, deaf to all condolence or remonstrance, to all appearance
unmoved. She calmly gave orders that her husband's body should be
carried in state to the great hall of the Constable's palace upon a
splendid catafalque of cloth of gold, the body clad in ermine-lined
robes of rich brocade, the head covered by a jewelled cap, and a
magnificent diamond cross upon the breast. A throne had been erected
at the end of the hall, and upon this the corpse was arranged, seated
as if in life. During the whole of the night the vigils for the dead
were intoned by friars before the throne, and when the sunlight crept
through the windows the body, stripped of its incongruous finery, was
opened and embalmed and placed in a lead coffin, from which, for the
rest of her life, Joanna never willingly parted.'[26]

  [26] Martin Hume, _Estanques Oronica in Documentos Ineditos_,
  vol. viii.

  [Illustration: PHILIPPE LE BEL
  FROM THE PAINTING IN THE LOUVRE (FLEMISH SCHOOL)]

Philip left six children--Eleanor, Charles (afterwards the Emperor
Charles V.), Isabella, Ferdinand, Mary, and a little daughter,
Katharine, born five months after his death. Philip was of middle
height, and had a fair, florid complexion, regular features, long
flowing locks, and a well-made figure. He was so distinguished for his
good looks that he is designated on the roll of Spanish sovereigns as
_Felipe el Hermoso_, or the Handsome. His mental endowments were not
so extraordinary. The father of Charles V. possessed scarcely a single
quality in common with his remarkable son. His poor wife Joanna never
recovered his loss, her mind became more and more affected, and though
she survived him for nearly half a century, she dragged out her
cheerless existence a sort of state-prisoner in the palace of
Tordesillas, a queen only in name.

Margaret herself composed her brother's Latin epitaph, which ended
with a cry of anguish from the Lamentations of Jeremiah:--

          Ecce iterum novus dolor accidit!
      Nec satis erat infortunissimae Caesaris filiae
          Conjugem amisisse dilectissimum,
              Nisi etiam fratrem unicum
              Mors aspera subriperet!
          Doleo super te, frater mi Philippe,
                    Rex optime,
              Nec est qui me consoletur!
          O vos omnes qui transitis per viam,
    'Attendite et videte si est dolor sicut dolor meus!'[27]

Erasmus also dedicated a Latin eulogy to the archduke, and Jean le
Maire, who had been attached to his person, addressed some verses to
Margaret entitled: '_Les regrets de la dame infortunee sur le trespas
de son tres chier frere unicque._' She also received a sympathetic
letter of condolence from Louis XII. Her reply, written from Bourg
where she was staying, is as follows:--

   'Monseigneur, tres-humblement a vostre bonne grace me recommande;
   Monseigneur, j'ay par vostre president Villeneufve receu voz
   bonnes et gracieuses lettres et oui ce que de vostre part il m'a
   dit et presente dont ne vous saurois assez humblement remercier,
   mesmement le bon vouloir qu'aves a messieurs mes nepveurs et a
   moi, auquels, Monseigneur, vous supplie vouloir continuer et
   avoir toujours mes dits seigneurs mes nepveurs, leurs pais et
   affaires et moi, en bonne et singuliere recommandation; ce que
   m'assure feres volentiers, ensuyvant le contenu de vos dites
   lettres; et s'il y a chose en quoi vous puisse faire service, de
   tout mon pouvoir le ferai, aydant Nostre Seigneur auquel je prie,
   Monseigneur, vous donner bonne vie et longue. Escript a Bourg, 25
   Octobre 1506.' Addressed: 'Monseigneur, Monseigneur le Roy de
   France.'

  [27] This is a literal translation: 'Another new sorrow! It was
  not enough for the unfortunate daughter of Caesar to have lost a
  much-loved husband; cruel death comes to rob me of my only
  brother! I weep for thee, Philip, O my brother, of kings the
  best! and there is no one in the world who can console me! O you
  who pass by, look and judge if there is any sorrow like unto my
  sorrow!'

       *       *       *       *       *

But although her brother was dead, Henry VII. had not given up all
hope of winning the reluctant Margaret for his bride. On October 1st
he wrote to her father that 'he has been informed that Madame Margaret
makes great difficulties about ratifying the treaty of marriage'; and
then threatens 'it would not be a thing to be wondered if he were to
accept one of the great and honourable matches which are daily offered
to him on all sides.' On October 31st we read that 'the French
ambassadors are on their way to England, in order to offer to the King
the daughter of the Duke of Angouleme in marriage. But the King of
England has decided not to accept the proposal, as he still hopes to
obtain the hand of the Duchess Margaret.' However, his hopes were
vain, and Margaret was stern in her refusal. Henry next proposed to
marry Joanna, the widowed Queen of Castile, but this iniquitous plan
too was thwarted, and he remained a widower to the end of his life.
Philip's death imposed new cares and duties upon Margaret; his
children were left minors, and upon them she lavished the wealth of
affection which fate had denied her giving to her own offspring. Her
nephew Charles was her especial care, and he could hardly have entered
political life under better tutelage, though his aunt's masterful
nature may have checked the development of his own individuality.




CHAPTER V

REGENT OF THE NETHERLANDS


By King Philip's death the Netherlands were left without a ruler, for
his eldest son Charles was barely six years old. A few weeks later, at
eight o'clock on the morning of the 18th of October 1506, the deputies
from the provinces assembled at Malines in the Salle de la Cour to
discuss the desirability of appointing a regent for the Netherlands,
and a governor for King Philip's children. The fair-haired child the
Archduke Charles was present with the members of his family, his
Council, and the Knights of the Order of the Golden Fleece, all
clothed in the deepest mourning. After a long preamble, in which he
recounted the chief events in Philip's last voyage to Spain, the
Chancellor of Burgundy proposed that the deputies should choose a
regent and provide for the tutelage of the late king's children.

The representatives from Brabant, Holland, Zealand, and Friesland
voted for the emperor; those from Flanders, Artois, Lille, Douai, and
Orchies said they were without instructions; but the deputies from
Hainault and Namur refused to express an opinion, fearing to annoy the
King of France, whose troops were already threatening their frontiers.
The choice was therefore left to the States of Brabant, who
immediately sent their ambassadors to Ems to offer the regency to
Maximilian. Pleased with the deference the States had shown him, he
accepted their offer; but, under pretext of the burden of state
affairs arising from the management of his kingdom, he deputed his
daughter Margaret to bring up and educate Philip's children, under his
direction, and appointed her regent of her nephew's dominions until he
should come of age.

At Maximilian's invitation the States-General of the Netherlands met
at Louvain in March 1507 to arrange for Margaret's installation. The
Duke of Juliers, in the name of the emperor, administered the oath of
'_mambour_,' or governess; Margaret was then recognised as
Governess-General and Guardian of Philip's children.

'Maximilian,' says Garnier, 'could not have chosen a more able and
intelligent minister; she was also the most dangerous and active enemy
that France could have.' The emperor, who was the most fickle of men,
was only constant in his hatred of France. In order to feed this
inborn aversion, he often re-read what he called his red book. This
book was a register in which he noted carefully all the slights that
France had made him and his country suffer, in order, he said, to pay
her (France) off at his leisure; and in August of the same year (1507)
he made a furious speech at the Diet of Constance, in which he called
Louis XII. an ambitious traitor, a perjurer, and a disturber of
Christianity.

Margaret chose Malines for her residence, and here for many years she
held her Court. As the principal home of the Regent of the
Netherlands, Malines, already a flourishing city, gained much in
riches and importance. Its motto, _In fide constans_, had been given
to the town in recognition of the courage and fidelity of its
inhabitants, who had often proved their loyalty to the House of
Burgundy. This fact may have influenced Margaret's choice of Malines
as her principal residence, but it had also been the home of her
godmother, Margaret of York, sister of Edward IV. of England, the last
Duchess of Burgundy, known as 'Madame la Grande,' who had been a
second mother to her in her early youth, before she left her home for
Amboise. Margaret of York had died at Malines in 1505. Her husband had
settled the town and seigniory upon her as dowry, and besides an
income of sixteen thousand florins or 'Philippus d'or,' she also owned
the palace called La Cour de Cambray, which she had bought, as the
Court possessed no residence at Malines, and left it in her will to
Philip and his sister. Margaret lived in this palace, which was later
known as the 'Cour de l'Empereur,' with her nephew Charles and his
three sisters, Eleanor, Isabella, and Mary. Her youngest nephew,
Ferdinand, had remained in Spain with his grandfather, the King of
Aragon, who educated him, and whose favourite he became. Philip's
youngest daughter, Katharine, born after his death, shared her
mother's captivity in the old palace of Tordesillas, until her
marriage seventeen years later.

Finding that the palace at Malines was not large enough for all her
requirements, Margaret persuaded Maximilian to buy another house
exactly opposite belonging to Jerome Lauwrin, which he presented to
her after redecorating and altering it to suit her requirements. On
July 6th, 1507, she made her solemn entry into the town and installed
herself in the palace with her nephew and nieces.[28]

  [28] In a document referring to Margaret's palace, in the town
  registers, is a receipt for payment made to Daniel Verhoevren,
  locksmith, with two double locks with two bolts for Madame de
  Savoie's library.

  [Illustration: CHARLES V AND HIS TWO SISTERS, ELEANOR AND ISABEL.
  ELEANOR AGED FOUR, CHARLES AGED TWO AND A HALF, ISABEL AGED ONE
  YEAR AND THREE MONTHS
  PAINTED IN 1502, (MARGARET'S COLLECTION) NOW IN THE IMPERIAL
  MUSEUM, VIENNA]

Jehan le Maire gives an interesting account of a memorial service in
memory of Philip, King of Castile, held at Malines a few days later in
the church of Saint Rombault on Sunday the 18th of July 1507. This
record of an eye-witness is addressed to the 'tres illustre et tres
claire princesse, Madame Marguerite d'Autriche.'[29]

  [29] Only six copies of the chronicle were printed.--Christopher
  Hare.

In his description of the gorgeous procession, headed by the late
king's officers and servants, which slowly wound its way through the
streets of Malines to the cathedral church of Saint Rombault, Le Maire
enumerates the motley crowd of priests and chaplains, begging friars,
lawyers, and deputies from the states in their robes of office, the
processions from various churches, and all the guilds of Malines in
their state costume, carrying countless crosses and banners, followed
by a crowd of humbler citizens bearing flaring torches. The procession
of ambassadors, bishops, and nobles with their arms and devices; each
contingent led by heralds on richly caparisoned chargers carrying the
arms and banners of Hapsburg and Burgundy, with the banners of King
Philip's ancestors, those of the Emperor Frederick, Charles the Bold,
Isabel of Bourbon, and Mary of Burgundy being minutely described.
In the midst of his chronicle Le Maire suddenly addresses
Margaret:--'You, gracious lady and princess, were also present,
secretly praying in your oratory for the soul of your only brother,
whom may God absolve, very simply dressed in your mourning, and
covered by a veil, in company with your noble ladies.'

In the cathedral, the young Archduke Charles sat facing the pulpit,
whilst the late king's confessor, John, Bishop of Salubri, preached
the funeral oration, dwelling at much length on King Philip's virtues
and great gifts. Le Maire relates that the large congregation was so
touched by his eloquence that many were melted to tears, and he adds:
'I believe, very gracious Madame,... that you too were secretly
weeping in your oratory.'

At the end of high mass, when the Bishop of Arras pronounced the
words, 'Et verbum caro factum est,' the heralds cast down their
banners on the marble floor before the high altar, and the
king-at-arms of the Golden Fleece threw his staff of office on the
ground and cried three times, 'The king is dead.' After a pause he
picked it up, and raising it above his head, proclaimed: 'Long live
Don Charles, by the grace of God Archduke of Austria and Prince of
Spain.'... Then the first herald raised his banner, and waving it on
high, cried, 'Of Burgundy, of Lostrick, and of Brabant.' And the
second herald took up the cry, as he lifted his banner, proclaiming
Charles 'Count of Flanders, Artois, Burgundy, Palatine of Hainault,
Holland, Zealand, Namur, and Zutphen.' Then the third and fourth
heralds raised their banners and continued the stately roll-call,
ending with 'Marquis of the Holy Empire, Lord of Friesland, of Salins
and Malines!'

The cap of mourning which had been worn by the young prince was now
removed from his head by the king-at-arms, who took the great sword,
which had been blessed by the bishop, from the altar, and held it in
front of the Archduke Charles, thus addressing him: 'Prince Imperial
and royal, this sword of justice is given to you from God... and from
your noble ancestors... that you may protect the most Holy Faith and
all your kingdoms....'

The king-at-arms then kissed the sword and gave it into the young
archduke's hands, who took it by the hilt, and, with the point in the
air, advanced and knelt before the high altar.[30]

  [30] C. Hare.

Henry VII., writing on October 18th, 1506, to condole with Maximilian
on the death of his son, promised to remain his good friend and the
friend of the Prince of Castile, and to assist them in everything. If
King Philip had lived, he says, the treaties which he had concluded
with him would have been carried out. Maximilian replied that he
'hopes Henry will not forsake the poor orphan, who is Maximilian's son
as well as Henry's.'

The few years of Philip's government had been relatively peaceful, but
at his death troubles broke out anew. It is difficult to draw a line
between the Dutch and Flemings, yet the Dutch provinces were, as a
whole, distinct in character and interests from the Flemish; and much
more deeply were the commercial and manufacturing Flemish provinces
divided from the French-speaking states of Artois, Hainault, West
Flanders, Luxembourg, and Franche Comte. The latter were held under
the empire, and the youthful Charles, as Count of Flanders, was also a
peer of France. The princely diocese of Liege, French in language and
sympathy, but politically connected with the empire, was only
separated from the Flemish group by the Burgundian lordship of Namur,
Limburg, and Luxembourg. Lorraine stood between Franche Comte and the
Netherlands, Franche Comte having a far closer connection with the
Swiss than with the Netherlands, whilst the fortunes of Limburg and
Luxembourg were destined to be quite distinct from those of the Dutch
and Flemish provinces. It was to be the task of the future ruler to
revive monarchical institutions and to create a national unity among
alien races and interests. At Philip's death Charles succeeded to a
wasted heritage. All the chief factories and industries peculiar to
the Netherlands had dwindled and diminished, and even the fishing
fleet of former days had shrunk to only a few sail in some of the
ports of the Zuyder Zee.

During the early years of Charles's life we only get a few glimpses of
a shy and inarticulate boy. We read of him dancing round a bonfire
with his sisters on Saint John's Day. His grandfather, Maximilian,
gave him a wooden horse, and amongst his prized possessions was a
sledge in the form of a ship, with masts, ropes, and flags. In games,
like most children, he liked to be on the winning side. When he and
his page played at battles between Turks and Christians, Charles was
always a Christian, and the page, who commanded the paynim host,
complained that the Christians were always made to win. The boy was
brought up to like manly sports. He shot skilfully with the bow, and
took great delight in hunting, which pleased the old Emperor
Maximilian, for otherwise, he wrote, the boy could not be his
legitimate grandson. Charles as a child is described as graceful and
well-built, but his face was pale, and he looked delicate. His long
projecting lower jaw, so peculiar to the Hapsburg family, embarrassed
mastication and caused hesitation in his speech. He had clear and
steady eyes, and a calm, intellectual forehead which gave a pleasant
and dignified expression to his face. His childhood was spent at
Malines, and there watched over by his aunt Margaret he was brought up
in the strict etiquette of the Burgundian Court.

Charles was devoted to music, a taste which he cultivated throughout
his life. As a boy we hear of him and his sister Eleanor having
lessons on the clavicord and other instruments from the organist of
the chapel. He was carefully educated. His grandfather appointed
William de Croy, Lord of Chievre, as his governor, and he was taught
to read and write by Juan de Verd, who in 1505 was succeeded by
another Spaniard, Luis Vaca, who after six years gave up his charge to
Adrian of Utrecht, Dean of Louvain, the future Pope Adrian IV. But the
boy was not a willing pupil; he complained of being educated as if he
were intended for a schoolmaster. The future ruler of so many vast
kingdoms was never a good linguist. He learned very little Latin, and
was never proficient in German. Two years after he became King of
Castile and Aragon he only knew a few words of the national language.
His knowledge of Italian was barely elementary. Flemish was the tongue
of his birthplace, but he did not begin to learn it until he was
thirteen. French was his natural language, but he neither spoke nor
wrote it with any elegance. Of theology the champion of Catholicism
knew little or nothing. He could scarcely read the Vulgate, and in his
latter years his comprehension thereof had to be aided by very simple
commentary. Mathematics he studied when over thirty, as he believed
they were essential to the career of a great captain.[31]

  [31] Edward Armstrong, _The Emperor Charles V._

  [Illustration: ELEANOR OF AUSTRIA AS A CHILD
  FROM THE PAINTING BY MABUSE, IN THE POSSESSION OF M. CHARLES LEON
  CARDOU, BRUSSSELS]

At the time of Margaret's appointment as Governess of the Netherlands
she was twenty-seven years old. She is described as a 'fair young
woman with golden hair, rounded cheeks, a grave mouth, and beautiful
clear eyes.' And when she reappeared in Flanders, with the added charm
born of her many sorrows, she was received with unanimous joy by all
the people, with whom she was extremely popular. Amongst other
poems written at this time in her honour the following was composed by
Jean Molinet, her librarian and almoner:--

    LE RETOUR DE MADAME MARGUERITE.

    Fleur de noblesse, odorant Marguerite,
    Germe sacre de royal origine,
    Manne du ciel, rameau plein de merite,
    Palme de paix juree et bien escripte,
    Du bien public exquise medecine,
    Fruict, feuille, fleur, couleur, plante, racine,
    Chefz d'oevre sont; mieulx faire on ne pourroit:
    D'ung autre aymer mon cueur s'abaisseroit.

          Toutes feuilles tendrettes
          Cheent d'autres fleurettes
          Quand vent de bise poinct:
          Marguerites proprettes
          Sans perir toujours prestes
          Demeurent en ung point.

    Splendeur vous vient d'Autriche archeducalle,
    Bonte, beaulte d'une fleur de Bourbon.
    Honneur vous suyt de l'arche triumphalle
    Des Bourguignons et de l'aigle royale,
    Semence et vie et de terroz fort bon:
    Vostre renom, haultain comme ung canon,
    Est de tel nom que cestuy si adresse,
    Chantant de tout bien pleine est ma maistresse:

          Vertu vous environne;
          Elle croist et fleuronne
          En vous et point n'empire;
          Digne estes d'avoir throsne,
          Royal sceptre et couronne.
          D'ung glorieux empire.

    Pour paix avoir on vous avait plantee
    Au fleurissant, souef verger de France,
    Comme des fleurs royne plus exaltee.
    Se pour aultre en estes dejectee,
    Portez le doux sans amere souffrance.
    Qui souffre il vainct; vivez en esperance.
    A vous ne loist, pour estre supplantee,
    Plourer comme femme desconfortee.

           Entre fleurons de lys,
           Doulx que pommes de lys,
           Avez ete nourrie
           Sans vicieux delicts
           De vertus ennoblis,
           Ayant grant seigneurie.

    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

   Chacun vous ayme, oncques telle on n'ouyt;
    Le bruit en court en France et en Savoye;
    L'oeil qui vous veoit de plaisance jouyt,
    Le cueur qui pense a vous se resjouyt,
    La bouche rit qui d'en parler savoie;
    Peuple meme, qui va courant sa voye,
    Apres vous tend oeil, cueur, bouche et oreille,
    Disant, je ne veis oncques la pareille.

          Chef d'oeuvre tres parfaict,
          Mygnonement bien faict,
          Fleur de riche vallue,
          Ou rien n'est imparfaict,
          Prenez en gre mon faict;
          Molinet vous salue.

    Jean Molinet,
    Bibliothecaire et Aumonier de
    Marguerite d'Autriche.

Margaret was lucky in her councillors. She was seconded by such clever
and devoted ministers as Burgo, Melun, Viry, Le Vaux, Caulies,
Mercurin de Gattinare, Ferry de Carondelet, and Albert Pio. One of the
ablest amongst them was Mercurin de Gattinare, who came of a noble
family of Verceil, and was one of the greatest jurisconsuls of his
time. He had been a councillor of the late Duke of Savoy's, and
afterwards president of the Parliament of Franche Comte. In 1508
Maximilian sent him to Louis XII.'s Court to negotiate on the subject
of the Treaty of Cambray.

On February 3rd, 1507, Margaret wrote from Malines to James d'Albion,
King Ferdinand's ambassador in France, that 'she was very sorry that
the peace between the King of France and the King of the Romans was
not concluded. If the King of France should attack the estates of
Prince Charles,' she says, 'she would do her best to defend them, and
she hopes that the King of England and King Ferdinand would assist
her. She begs that this may be communicated to King Ferdinand.'

Margaret was no sooner invested with the government of the Netherlands
than, accompanied by her young nephew, she visited all the towns of
Flanders, and promised in the prince's name to preserve the rights and
privileges of the seventeen provinces, whose homage and oath of
fidelity she received. Mercurin de Gattinare paid homage to Louis XII.
in her name for the county of Charollais and the Burgundian
territories. The letter in which he tells Margaret of the
accomplishment of his mission contains this curious passage: 'J'ai
fait vostre hommage entre les mains du roi, et l'ai baise en vostre
lieu, et me repliqua encore de nouveau qu'il eut mieux aime vous
baiser que moi.'

On July 20th, 1507, Margaret convoked the States-General at Malines,
and asked them to levy a 'philippus' on each household. This tax was
to be employed in paying the army in Gueldres, and in redeeming the
prince's mortgaged lands. The States did not welcome this proposal,
but voted a subsidy of 200,000 philippus. Charles, who was now seven
years old, made his first public speech before the States at Louvain,
where Margaret had cleverly brought him to support her claim for the
subsidy. Its purport was understood rather from his gestures than the
sounding quality of the boyish voice; but at all events, the
chronicler adds, the people could not fail to be well pleased.
Reassembled at Ghent, the States refused to support the cost of an
army of 10,000 infantry and 3000 cavalry, which Margaret judged
necessary to guard the country during the prince's minority. They
objected that in the present circumstances this levy seemed to them
useless; but if the country was really threatened it should be
attended to; yet at that very moment Holland and Brabant were attacked
by the Duke of Gueldres, aided and abetted by the King of France.

The States' refusal to grant proper subsidies greatly irritated
Maximilian. In a remarkable letter he tried to show them that the war
with Gueldres was not only of interest to Brabant, as they pretended,
but to all the Netherlands, and that all ought to take part in it. He
recalls how the princes of the House of Burgundy had laboured from the
days of Charles the Bold to reduce the duchy of Gueldres, and the
efforts of the French kings to defraud them of their legitimate
rights. He complains above all of Louis XII., who had employed every
imaginable means to leave the contested country to Charles of Egmont.
'And what is his real aim?' he asks. 'He pretends through the medium
of the said country of Gueldres to separate our country from the Holy
Empire, and from the House of Burgundy, so as to better hold this
country in subjection.'

On September 16th Maximilian wrote to Margaret to acknowledge her
letters in which she requested him to come to Flanders in order to
conclude a new alliance with England. He has, he says, been prevented
from doing so, but begs that King Henry may be amused with false
hopes, and kept from concluding an alliance with France and Spain. 'If
she would consent to marry the King of England, it might be arranged
that she should remain Governess of the Netherlands, and pass three or
four months every year in her own country.'

A few days later De Puebla, writing from England to King Ferdinand,
informs him that ambassadors have arrived at the English Court from
Maximilian and from Flanders, the former to beg King Henry to make war
against France, alleging that the French king was usurping his
grandson's (Prince Charles's) dominions. The ambassador also broached
the subject of the prince's marriage with Princess Mary, King Henry's
daughter. The Flemish ambassador, Don Diego de Gueyara, told the king
that King Louis had declared war against all the seigniories of
Burgundy, and invaded them with an army, excepting Flanders and
Artois, which two provinces recognised the sovereignty of France, and
the appeals from their tribunals went direct to the Parliament of
Paris. The ambassador begged for King Henry's help against France and
the Duke of Gueldres. The English king promised to ask the French
monarch not to meddle in German affairs, but at the same time he
wished to keep friends with France, and so put off the ambassadors
with polite and general phrases which meant nothing. De Puebla adds in
a postscript: 'The King of England sends six horses and some
greyhounds to the Archduchess Margaret, and a letter.'

A few weeks later De Puebla tells King Ferdinand that Margaret had
sent a very loving letter to King Henry the previous week, holding
out hopes that her father would send a 'great personage' as ambassador
to England with full powers to conclude all the treaties which her
brother Philip had arranged, and if necessary to grant more favourable
conditions. De Puebla states that when he asked King Henry what the
treaties were about, the king replied 'they were very good treaties,
and very advantageous to himself personally, and also to his kingdom,
for, besides his own marriage with the Archduchess Margaret, an
alliance had been concluded between the Archduke Charles and his
daughter, Princess Mary, and all matters respecting commerce settled
according to his wishes.' De Puebla wound up his letter by informing
Ferdinand that King Henry was anxious to keep friends with the Emperor
Maximilian, and not to break off negotiations with him, at any rate
not without first consulting the King of Aragon.

On December 4th Maximilian wrote to Margaret acknowledging her letters
and the articles concluded between the Flemish and English
ambassadors. He told her that the French king had complained to the
Pope, King Ferdinand, and even to the Diet of Constance, that he
(Maximilian) had broken his word in marrying Prince Charles to
Princess Mary. In order to satisfy his honour the emperor requests
that a clause should be inserted in the marriage treaty to the effect
that the whole treaty should be null and void, and not even the
penalty paid if the King of France declare himself ready, within one
year, to marry his daughter Claude to Prince Charles. On the 21st of
December 1507 two treaties were drawn up and dated Calais. One, a
treaty of alliance between Henry VII., Maximilian and Prince Charles,
was practically the same as the former treaty concluded between Henry
and the Archduke Philip; and the other, concerning the marriage of the
Archduke Charles with the Princess Mary, was between Henry VII.,
Maximilian, the Archduke Charles and the Archduchess Margaret, but was
unsigned. In this treaty the Archduke Charles is to conclude the
marriage with the Princess Mary, either in person or by proxy, before
the following Easter. He is to contract the marriage by ambassadors
sent to England for the purpose within forty days after he has
completed his fourteenth year. The King of England is to send Princess
Mary to the Archduke Charles within three months after the marriage
shall have been contracted _per verba de praesenti_. The dowry to
consist of 250,000 crowns. The Emperor Maximilian, the Archduchess
Margaret, Charles de Croy, Henry, Count of Nassau, bind themselves to
pay 250,000 crowns to King Henry if the Archduke refuses to contract
the marriage. The King of England and his nobles bind themselves to
pay an equal sum to Maximilian if Princess Mary refuses to fulfil the
agreement. The treaty to be ratified by the contracting parties before
the following Feast of Easter.

An interesting account exists of an interview between King Henry's
ambassador and the Emperor Maximilian. In it we learn that the emperor
had long conferences with his daughter respecting her marriage with
King Henry, which had been settled by her brother Philip. In order to
persuade Margaret, Maximilian told her that the marriage was necessary
for the good of the House of Austria, besides being honourable to her,
the King of England being 'such a pattern of all the virtues.' He
added that it was also necessary on account of commerce, and in order
to secure the Spanish succession, and keep the Duke of Gueldres at
bay; without it the King of England might marry into another family
and endanger the marriage between Prince Charles and Princess Mary.
The emperor told the English ambassador that the Archduchess was fully
aware of King Henry's many virtues, and that should she marry again,
she would marry no one else but him. But as she has already been three
times unfortunate in her marriages, she is much disinclined to make
another trial. Besides, she said she believed she should have no
children, and that she might thereby displease the King of England.
Seeing that he could not prevail on Margaret to change her mind, her
father called the Privy Council together, his grandson Charles being
present. The question of the marriage was once more discussed, but the
Archduchess remained firm in her decision. The ambassador remarks:
'From all this it is clear that the emperor has done all in his power
to persuade his daughter to consent to the marriage, and that he can
do nothing more.' But in spite of Margaret's absolute refusal to marry
Henry, his agents for more than a year pressed her to reconsider her
decision. The utmost that could be obtained was to prevail on her to
write, from time to time, flattering letters to him in order to secure
some advantages for her father.

On January 28th, 1508, Maximilian wrote to Margaret from Bolzano to
tell her that 'he is sending Andreas de Burgo to England, and that he
has ordered him to see her before he starts. Andreas has some money,
but it may not be enough to defray his expenses; he has therefore
given him directions to take some money for his own use from the
100,000 gold crowns which the King of England is expected to give.' He
also begs her to write a pleasant letter to King Henry.

A few weeks later Maximilian again wrote to Margaret excusing himself
for not having sent the ratifications of the treaties with England. He
has been so much occupied, he says, with his great undertakings in
Italy and Spain, that he has really had no time to attend to that
business; but he has now done so.

In May of the same year Henry VII. wrote a letter to Sir John
Wiltshire, Comptroller of Calais, about a correspondence with
Margaret, in which King Henry tried to persuade her to arrange a
meeting with him at Calais to treat with him in person about her
nephew's marriage with Princess Mary. He suggests that some 'discreet
and able personages' should be sent on before to 'reduce the said
matters to a final and perfect conclusion' before he and Margaret met,
so that when they did meet they could talk of 'other pleasant and
comfortable matters,' and all business could be concluded before their
meeting. But Margaret does not seem to have accepted this invitation,
and the meeting so much desired by King Henry did not take place.

On July 23rd Maximilian wrote to tell her that he has received her
letters, in which she begs him to alter the instructions given to his
ambassadors who are starting for England. He says he cannot do so, as
she knows that the principal reason which has induced him to betroth
Prince Charles to Princess Mary is to get a good sum of money from the
King of England. King Henry has promised 100,000 crowns, but has
requested that in the security to be given by the towns of Flanders,
each town should be responsible for the whole sum. But the utmost that
the towns can be induced to do is that each town would be responsible
for a certain portion. If the King of England is not content with this
proposal, it will show that he loves money more than his friend, and
the marriage of his daughter with Prince Charles shall not take place.
But Maximilian adds, 'should the Flemish towns after all be willing to
sign the bonds in the manner the King of England wishes, he will not
object.'

Henry VII., who had been ailing for some time, now fell seriously ill,
and his illness appears to have been the cause of the postponement of
Prince Charles's marriage with Princess Mary, which was to have been
solemnised before the Feast of Easter. Johannes de Berghes was deputed
to go to England and perform the ceremony according to the rites of
the Church, in the name of the Archduke.

'On the 7th of October 1508 Charles was indeed wedded by proxy to the
English princess, and at the age of eight wrote or rather signed his
first love-letter, addressed to little Princess Mary Tudor, to whom he
presented a jewel bearing the monogram K., and the posy, _Maria
optimam partem elegit, quae non auferetur ab ea_.

'This was the last of Henry VII.'s many diplomatic triumphs; and it
was no nominal momentary union, but was confirmed in 1513, and the
boy-bridegroom then visited his brother-in-law Henry VIII. in his
newly-won city of Tournay, his first royal visit. The following year
the future King of Spain and Queen of France were parted in the
shuffling of the cards, and although Mary Tudor married the old French
king, statesmen on both sides regretted the more natural alliance.
Before six years more had passed Charles was pledged to his
betrothed's younger namesake, and thirty-four years later he showed
all a young lover's eagerness in courting this second Mary Tudor for
his son Philip.'[32]

  [32] Edward Armstrong, _The Emperor Charles V._




CHAPTER VI

THE LEAGUE OF CAMBRAY


Though Margaret's time was now fully occupied by her new duties, she
did not forget the work she had begun at Brou. Early in 1508,
immediately after her arrival in Brussels, she made a will,
designating the church of the monastery of Saint Nicolas de Tolentin
at Brou, near Bourg-en-Bresse, as her place of sepulture, where she
wished to be buried near 'her very dear lord and husband.' 'The Duke
Philibert of Savoy to lie between her and his mother, Madame de
Bourbon.'

By an endowment she ensured the building of the monastery and the
church of Brou, and the erection of the three tombs. Solemn religious
services were to be performed there during each season, and only on
certain days the people and magistrates were to be allowed to enter
the sanctuary to offer up their prayers with those of the priests and
monks. She also made gifts to the church of Notre-Dame de Bourg, and
to several religious houses in the town, on condition that they should
hold certain services; and she left legacies to the hospital,
infirmary, and plague-house, and dowered fifty marriageable maidens of
Bresse and fifty of Burgundy. Lastly, she ordained the ceremony of
bringing her body to Bresse and the details of her funeral. All these
provisions she made, lest death should take her unawares and stop the
work she had so much at heart. This interesting will, expressing as it
does Margaret's most intimate thoughts, also throws great light on the
customs and practices of the time. The document is dated March 4th,
1508, and confirmed by a codicil twenty-two years later, in 1530.

From the year 1508 Margaret's life is no longer a private one. The
part she took in politics from the date of her investiture as
Governess of the Netherlands until her death belongs to European
history. By her talents, ability, and rare aptitude for business she
eclipsed more powerful rulers, and soon became the pivot of political
life in Europe.

Strong as she was in the qualities her father lacked, she yet knew how
to defer to his wishes, whilst holding strongly to her own opinions,
and was always an affectionate and dutiful daughter. Maximilian's
radical inconstancy and indecision of temper led him into many
troubles, and his extravagance involved him in perpetual pecuniary
difficulties, which destroyed all dignity of character; but he seems
to have had the greatest admiration and respect for his clever
daughter, to whose wise judgment he constantly deferred, as his many
letters to her testify.

The warlike Pontiff, Julius II., had announced his intention of
'driving the barbarians out of Italy by force of arms.' He it was who
first instigated the League which was to prove so disastrous to
France, and was to be the cause of so many years of bloodshed in
Italy.

Julius II. had been favourably impressed by Margaret's exemplary
piety, and the respect and deference she had shown towards the Holy
See. On several occasions he willingly granted her requests, and also
sent her many relics and objects of devotion, amongst others two
thorns from the true Cross, which, until the eighteenth century, were
still preserved at Brou.

The League so desired by the Pope, known to history as the League of
Cambray, was soon brought into discussion between the great powers of
Europe. Two subjects were to be negotiated at the conference: the one
consisted in the reconciliation of the Duke of Gueldres with the
government of the Archduke Charles, and the other, which was to be
kept secret, was the formation of a league against the Venetians. The
princes who were to take part in it were the Pope, the King of France,
the Emperor Maximilian, and Ferdinand, King of Aragon. Henry VII. of
England, whose daughter Mary was betrothed to the Archduke Charles,
had a direct interest in the Congress, as the Archduke's affairs were,
ostensibly at least, the principal subject of the deliberations, but
he does not seem to have been invited to join it. He begged the
Archduchess Margaret, through Edmund Wingfield, to combine with the
Cardinal of Amboise, in order that Ferdinand might be excluded from
the negotiations and from the intended treaty; but the result was such
as might have been anticipated--Henry did not exclude Ferdinand from
the League, but Ferdinand excluded Henry from all advantage in it.
This exclusion was so complete that, whilst the King of Hungary, the
Duke of Milan, the Dukes of Savoy and Ferrara, and even the Marquis of
Mantua were invited to join it, Henry's name was not even mentioned,
though, as an afterthought, his ambassador was allowed to be present
at the meetings. Moreover, the emperor and Ferdinand, who until now
had been at variance, were reconciled, and postponed their differences
concerning the regency of Spain until the war against Venice should be
concluded.

On October the 8th Maximilian wrote to Margaret from Schoenhoven in
answer to a letter of hers asking for his permission for the Papal
Legate to confer the rite of confirmation on the Archduke Charles and
his sisters.

'Very dear and much-loved daughter,--We have received your letters in
which you tell us that you think it well that the Legate should,
before his departure, confer the holy Sacrament of Confirmation upon
our dear and much-loved grandchildren, and that he has agreed with you
to do so; but because our dearly loved grandson Charles is at Lyere,
you do not know which we prefer, whether our said grandson should be
brought to our granddaughters at Malines, or our granddaughters to
him. In consulting our wishes in everything you give us much pleasure.
Wherefore, very dear and much-loved daughter, we inform you that we
are content that our said grandson travel to Malines to receive the
said holy Sacrament and the benediction of the said Legate, in our
name and his. And for this reason we are now writing to our very dear
and loyal cousin the Prince of Chimay to take him there. Until then,
much-beloved daughter, may our Lord have you in His holy keeping.'[33]

  [33] Printed in _Correspondance de l'Empereur Maximilian_, by J.
  le Glay.

On the 27th of October Maximilian again wrote to Margaret informing
her that 'he has heard that she is preparing to go to the Congress of
Cambray. As he is told that a great number of strangers are expected,
he advises her to engage all the houses on one side of the town, and
to leave the other half to the Cardinal of Amboise. She must,' he
says, 'take the English ambassadors to Cambray, especially Wingfield,
and admit them to the deliberations. If an ambassador from the King of
Aragon come, she is to ask him whether he is provided with authority
from the king, and if he is, to admit him.'

He tells her that 'his ambassadors have not yet gone to England,
because he has not had time to furnish them with instructions. He has
now ordered them to set out immediately, and will send the
instructions after them.' Breda, 27th October 1508.[34]

  [34] _Correspondance de l'Empereur Maximilian_, by J. le Glay.

In November 1508 Edward Wingfield wrote to Margaret to inform her that
'Henry VII. has it much at heart that the affairs of the Emperor and
the Prince, his son (Prince Charles, his grandson), should be settled
to the greatest advantage in the approaching Congress of Cambray, and
that their enemies should be entirely discomfited. As long as the
alliance between the King of France and the King of Aragon continues,
he says, it is to be feared that the principal enemy of the Emperor
and Prince Charles will triumph. For if he be assisted by France, the
King of Aragon will most probably be able, not only to keep the
usurped government of Castile in his own hands, and the other
dominions belonging to that kingdom, as long as he lives, but also to
deprive the Prince of his right of succession. To prevent this, it
seems to Henry that the best plan would be to exclude the King of
Aragon from the treaties that are to be made at Cambray, and to sever
the alliance existing between him and the King of France. The King of
Aragon has usurped the government of Castile only by means of the
help of the King of France. If he were to be isolated, he would be
unable to preserve it, and the Emperor would have it in his power,
aided by those who are inimical to the King of Aragon, to take the
government of that kingdom into his own hands....'[35] Margaret also
kept ostensibly on the most friendly terms with Louis XII., whose
correspondence with her about this time shows that to him at least she
concealed her hatred of France. In each of his letters he takes a
pleasure in reminding her of their early friendship and of their
childish games, in the days when she was 'la petite Reine' at Amboise.

  [35] _Lettres de Louis XII._

It is evident that being on such excellent terms with the chief
sovereigns in Europe gave Margaret some advantage where negotiations
and treaties were concerned. In fact she intervened as arbitrator or
negotiator in most of the political events of this time. Her
experience and knowledge of different countries made her old for her
years. 'Madame Margaret,' says Jean le Maire, 'has seen and
experienced more at her youthful age... than any lady on record,
however long her life.'

It is, therefore, not surprising that Margaret was deputed by
Maximilian and Ferdinand to act as their representative at the
forthcoming Congress. Hostilities had continued more actively than
ever between the Duke of Gueldres and the provinces of the
Netherlands. At last a truce of forty days was declared during which
time Margaret went to Cambray to meet the Cardinal of Amboise, and to
confer with him with a view to concluding a final peace. She arrived
at Cambray in November 1508 with an escort of a hundred horsemen and a
company of archers. Half the town was reserved for her and her suite;
the other half had been placed at the disposal of the Cardinal of
Amboise, who was acting on behalf of the Pope and Louis XII., and was
accompanied by Etienne de Poncher, Bishop of Paris, and Alberto Pio,
Count of Carpi.

Margaret, invested with full powers by Maximilian, was escorted by
Mathieu Lang, Bishop of Gurk, the emperor's confidant and secretary;
Mercurin de Gattinare, President of the Burgundian Parliament; Jean
Peters, President of the Council of Malines; Jean Gooselet, Abbot of
Maroilles; and Jean Caulier, President of the Privy Council. She was
also instructed to admit Jacques de Croy, Bishop of Cambray, and
Edmund Wingfield, the English ambassador, to the negotiations, as well
as King Ferdinand's envoy, if he should send one.

The Sieur de Chievres (de Croy) and other members of the Burgundian
Council accompanied the princess as far as Valenciennes, and remained
there to receive daily reports of the proceedings at Cambray, and to
give their help if necessary. Maximilian stayed at Malines to transact
the business of the Netherlands during his daughter's absence. Du Bos,
speaking of the part that Margaret played in the League of Cambray,
says: 'This princess had a man's talent for managing business, in fact
she was more capable than most men, for she added to her talents the
fascination of her sex; brought up as she had been to hide her own
feelings, conciliate her opponents, and persuade all parties that she
was acting blindly in their interests.'

Another contemporary writer says: 'This princess received the Cardinal
with great honour, captivated him by her courteous, insinuating, and
caressing manners, and was so successful in charming him, that he
could refuse her nothing.'

Margaret and the Cardinal began by fixing the laws of the dependence
of the principal provinces of the Netherlands with regard to France.
Louis XII. did not wish to cede what he called the rights of his
crown, and Margaret would not yield any of the prerogatives obtained
by the last Dukes of Burgundy. She and the Cardinal had many hot
disputes, and several times were on the point of separating. Margaret
argued until she often had a headache, and we are told they 'cuydoient
se prendre au poil.' Finally they agreed to leave the most difficult
questions until the archduke should come of age. It was decided that
Charles Egmont should have (provisionally) the duchy of Gueldres and
the county of Zutphen, but that he should restore three or four places
which he had taken in Holland to Charles, who, on his part, should
give up certain castles which he still held in the duchy of Gueldres;
that things should remain thus until the respective commissioners
nominated by the Emperor Maximilian and the King of England on one
side, and by the Kings of France and Scotland on the other, had
examined the rights of both sides and given their decision.

With regard to the second part of this treaty, which was to be kept
secret until it was executed, no difficulty was raised. It was to
share the spoils of the Venetians, and this sharing was done in
advance.

Maximilian and Ferdinand agreed to postpone their differences
concerning the regency of Castile until this division was successfully
accomplished. At last, on December the 10th, 1508, the League of
Cambray was signed by Margaret of Austria and the Cardinal of Amboise,
'pour faire cesser les dommages, injures, rapines, et maux que les
Venitiens ont faits tant au Saint-Siege apostolique qu'au Saint Empire
Romain, a la Maison d'Autriche, aux Ducs de Milan, aux Rois de Naples,
etc.' Immediately after the treaty was signed, Margaret, the Cardinal,
and King Ferdinand's ambassador took a solemn oath in the cathedral of
Cambray to observe the treaty which they had just concluded. 'This
League was the result of a new political system which was beginning to
prevail in Europe: a coalition was formed between powers having
different interests against a single state whose ruin they desired.'

Besides the Emperor Maximilian and Louis XII., Ferdinand of Aragon and
Pope Julius II. were included in the treaty and 'whoso else should
claim that the Venetians were occupying any of his territory.' A pious
preamble set forth the common desire of these princes to begin the
crusade against the enemies of the name of Christ, and the obstacles
that the Venetians offered to this holy purpose by ambitiously
occupying cities that belonged to the Church; these obstacles the
allies proposed to remove, in order afterwards to proceed unitedly to
such a holy and necessary expedition. 'In the division of the spoils
the Pope was to have Faenza, Rimini, Ravenna, and Cervia, which no
doubt did belong to the Holy See, in the same way as the rest of
Romagna might be said to belong to the Papal States; Maximilian was to
have Padua, Vicenza, and Verona, as belonging to him in the name of
the Empire, and Friuli and Treviso as pertaining to the House of
Austria; the King of France, Cremona, the Ghiradadda, Brescia,
Bergamo, and Crema; the King of Spain to have back Trani, Brindisi,
Otranto, and the other ports on the Neapolitan coast which had been
given in pledge to Venice for sums of money advanced to the late King
Ferdinand II. of Naples. The Pope hesitated and temporised, although
he had been the original instigator of the League. It was only after
he had attempted to make terms on his own account that he ratified the
League at the end of the year.'[36]

  [36] Edmund Gardner, _The King of Court Poets_.

'It is therefore solely jealousy and cupidity which united so many
hostile powers against a state that some had good reason to uphold and
others no reason to fear.'[37]

  [37] Bryce's _Holy Roman Empire_.

Margaret's joy at the success of this negotiation, so disastrous to
the political interests of France and Italy, breaks forth in the
letter she wrote to the King of Aragon's ambassadors in England
immediately after the treaty was signed. She informs them that 'she
has concluded all the affairs she had to transact with the Cardinal of
Amboise at Cambray to her satisfaction, and thanks the King of
England, whose ambassadors have assisted her. She has communicated the
secret matter to the English ambassadors, in order that they may
inform their master of it.' Cambray, December 10th, 1508.[38]

  [38] _Lettres de Louis XII._, vol. i.

  [Illustration: MARGARET OF AUSTRIA IN WIDOW'S DRESS
  FROM THE PAINTING BY BERNHARD VAN ORLEY IN THE POSSESSION OF DR.
  CARVALLO, PARIS]

The proceedings between the allies were kept so secret that the
Venetian ambassador, Antonio Condelmerio, who had followed the
Cardinal of Amboise to Cambray, had no idea of the real facts, and
even wrote to the republic that they could rely more than ever on
Louis XII.'s friendship and support. At last the allies announced
their intention of uniting to make war upon the Infidels, and tried to
pick a quarrel with the Venetians by reproaching them with placing
obstacles in the way of their carrying out this holy object, which,
they said, obliged them to force the Venetians to restore what they
had usurped, for the glory and good of Christianity. On April 16th,
1509, the French herald formally declared war to the Venetians, in
terms which, as the Doge Leonardo Loredan remarked, were 'fitting
rather to be used against Saracens and Turks, than made to a most
Christian republic.' The French vanguard had already begun hostilities
on the previous day. Pope Julius followed on the 22nd, and Louis XII.
crossed the Alps with a large army and arrived at Milan.

On the 14th of May 1509 the battle of Agnadel was fought, which broke
the power of Venice and decided the fate of the war, victory being
with the French. In writing to inform Margaret of the battle of
Agnadel, Maximilian says: 'Our ambassador, Adrian de Burgo, who was
present at this victory, writes that he has seen quite four thousand
dead. Through other letters from France we hear that there are from
ten to twelve thousand men either dead or taken prisoners, and that
our said brother and cousin (Louis XII.) has taken forty pieces of
artillery. We also hear that the Venetians were twenty thousand
strong, and the French force rather stronger.' So far the emperor had
not taken an active part in the great struggle. The low state of his
finances and the war with Gueldres had kept him in the Netherlands.

On March 31st the States met at Antwerp and had voted a subsidy of
500,000 crowns as a gift to Maximilian and the Archduke Charles in
acknowledgment of the services rendered by the former in defence of
the country and in concluding the Peace of Cambray. At the same time
a sum of sixty thousand pounds was voted for the Archduchess Margaret
in recognition of the trouble she had taken in arranging the peace.

Meanwhile Louis XII. had seized Brescia and Bergamo almost without a
struggle. The Venetian army retreated as far as Mestre, whilst the
French advanced to Fusino. Maximilian at the head of a powerful force
approached Venice from the other side. The Venetians, surrounded by
enemies and left without a single ally, shut themselves up in their
capital as their last refuge. This rapid success, however, proved
fatal to the Confederacy. The memorable decree followed, by which
Venice released her Continental provinces from their allegiance,
authorising them to provide for their own safety. The allies, who had
remained united during the struggle, now quarrelled over the division
of the spoil. Old jealousies revived, and the Venetians, taking
advantage of their opportunity, recovered part of the territory which
they had lost, and appeased the Pope and Ferdinand by concessions in
their favour, and at length dissolved the Confederacy which had
brought their commonwealth to the brink of ruin.

Prescott says: 'The various negotiations carried on during this busy
period, and the different combinations formed among powers hitherto
little connected with each other, greatly increased the intercourse
amongst the European nations; while the greatness of the objects at
which different nations aimed, the distant expeditions which they
undertook, as well as the length and obstinacy of the contest in which
they engaged, obliged them to exert themselves with a vigour and
perseverance unknown in the preceding ages.'




CHAPTER VII

MARGARET'S CORRESPONDENCE


After a reign of twenty-three years Henry VII. died at Richmond on the
21st of April 1509, and the whole aspect of affairs was suddenly
changed. He, like his rival Ferdinand, had been avaricious from
deliberate policy; and his avarice was largely instrumental in
founding England's coming greatness, for the accumulated riches he
left to his son lent force to the new position assumed by England as
the balancing power, courted by both the great Continental rivals. The
new king, Henry VIII., was a very different man from his father. From
the time when he ascended the throne, at the age of eighteen, he
adopted an opposite policy.

Ambitious and incautious, and immeasurably vain, he courted rather
than evaded diplomatic complications. The death of Henry VII. had
indeed cleared away many obstacles; Ferdinand had profoundly
mistrusted him, but with the younger Henry as king affairs stood
differently. Even before his father's death Ferdinand had taken pains
to assure him of his love, and had treated him as a sovereign over the
old king's head.

The news of Henry VII.'s death was longer in reaching Spain than might
have been expected. First a courier arrived from Flanders, who had met
another Spanish courier in France, who came from England, and informed
him that King Henry was dead. Thus King Ferdinand remained for some
time in uncertainty whether his adversary was dead or alive. He did
not wait for the arrival of positive news, but at once ratified the
treaty of marriage between Prince Charles and the Princess Mary. King
Ferdinand may have preferred a Portuguese alliance for his grandson,
or a marriage with the Princess of Bohemia; but the chief advantage
was that no immediate danger was attached to the English marriage. As
Prince Charles was only nine years old, King Ferdinand could trust to
time, and felt tolerably sure to find more than one pretext for
breaking off the engagement before the betrothal could become an
indissoluble union.

On the 3rd of June 1509 Henry VIII. married Princess Katharine of
Aragon, his brother Arthur's widow, and on the 24th of the same month
their coronation took place at Westminster.

On the 17th of July the new king wrote to his father-in-law, King
Ferdinand, to inform him that he and Queen Katharine had been solemnly
crowned on the day of St. John the Baptist. He mentions that his
father died a good Catholic, after having received the holy Sacrament;
and that his burial had been magnificent.

Henry adds that 'he diverts himself with jousts, birding, hunting, and
other innocent and honest pastimes, also in visiting different parts
of his kingdom; but does not on that account neglect affairs of
state.'

In the meanwhile Maximilian had gone to Trent, and from there had
written to thank Louis XII. for having helped him to recover his
former territories. As a proof of his eternal gratitude he mentions
that he has burnt his 'red book,' which was kept at Spire, in which he
entered all his grievances against France. As a sign of friendship
Louis sent the Cardinal of Amboise to meet Maximilian at Trent with
promises to provide him with four thousand men. The emperor in return
conferred upon Louis a new investiture of the duchy of Milan,
including the newly won towns and territories.

A day was fixed for a meeting between the emperor and the French king
near the border town of Garde. Louis kept the rendezvous, but
Maximilian did not go farther than Riva di Trento; after staying there
for two hours, he abruptly returned to Trent and sent word to Louis
that he had been recalled on matters of urgent business, but begged
for another interview at Cremona, which he promised faithfully to
attend. The indecision shown by Maximilian in this instance has been
attributed to suspicions he entertained as to his old enemy's good
faith. But Louis was naturally annoyed at these marks of distrust, and
being anxious to recross the Alps, he returned to Milan without
waiting any longer for his ally.

It was fortunate for King Ferdinand that Henry VII. had been excluded
from the League of Cambray, as it left his son (Henry VIII.) free to
act as he thought convenient. The Spanish king resolved to make use of
his son-in-law's liberty, and wrote a letter to his daughter Katharine
on the 13th of September in which he spoke in general terms of the
affairs of Venice, and referred her to an accompanying letter in
cipher, in which his views on the subject were fully detailed. In
replying on the 1st of November, King Henry thanked his father-in-law
for having communicated to him his views on Venetian affairs, praised
his wisdom and moderation in rejecting his confederates' iniquitous
proposal to entirely destroy Venice, and enlarged on the necessity of
preserving the republic, which formed a wall against the Turks. Before
the month was out Henry was a zealous advocate of the Venetian
republic, and interfered in its behalf in Rome, in France, and with
the emperor, furnishing King Ferdinand at the same time with an
excellent pretext for advising his allies to reconsider the question
whether Venice should be destroyed or not. The voice of England was,
after a long interruption, heard once more in the councils of Europe
on a measure of general policy. The King of France seems to have
regarded the unexpected audacity of his young neighbour with a feeling
of surprise mingled with contempt. King Louis' answer was very
uncivil, and Frenchmen boasted openly that they would soon make war
upon England in order to punish her for her arrogance. As for these
threats King Ferdinand truly observed that France was not in a
position to attack England.

In 1509 the Venetians, taking advantage of Maximilian's vacillation,
recaptured Padua. The surrounding population and peasantry immediately
rose in favour of the republic, which recovered the town and fortress
of Legnago. Padua's capitulation did not prevent Louis XII. from
recrossing the Alps after he had concluded a new treaty with Pope
Julius II. at Biagrassa, in which they mutually promised to help each
other. Maximilian now decided to crush the republic by a decisive blow
in laying siege to the capital. But although Louis seemed to agree
with this plan, the Pope disapproved, and Ferdinand formally opposed
it.

The emperor finding it impossible to lay siege to Venice without help
from his allies, prepared to retake Padua; but after sixteen days of
firm resistance from the Venetian garrison, he withdrew to Limini, on
the way to Treviso. From there he went to Vicenza and Verona, bitterly
complaining of the treatment he had received from the Pope and the
King of France, because the former had consented to receive the
Venetian ambassadors, and the latter had caused the loss of Padua
through his delay in sending help. Having failed to retake Legnago,
Maximilian seemed inclined to make a truce with Venice, but the
republic turned a deaf ear to his advances, and he returned to Trent
discontented with himself and his allies.

Julius II.'s changeable policy increased the dissensions which
undermined the League. In spite of remonstrances from Maximilian's and
Louis' envoys, Julius wished to receive the Venetian ambassadors and
pardon the republic. He was secretly encouraged in this by the King of
Aragon and openly by the Archbishop of York, representing Henry VIII.
Julius thought he could save the republic by overthrowing the French
rule in Italy, and for this reason he made friends with England, and
encouraged the Swiss in their discontent with France.

In a long letter to his daughter Queen Katharine, written on November
18th, 1509, King Ferdinand says 'that he has touched on the subject of
the preservation of Venice in his negotiations with the King of
France, but very cautiously and without discovering his plans, his
intention being to keep his negotiations secret until he has won over
Maximilian. He tells Katharine that a short time ago Madame Margaret
sent her secretary to him. The secretary spoke about the alliance, but
he (Ferdinand) intends to make a further communication to Madame
Margaret, who is the person who has the greatest influence with her
father, and she would think herself honoured if so important a
business as the conclusion of the alliance were intrusted to her
hands. He begs Katharine to see that the English envoy who is sent to
Madame Margaret is an honest, intelligent, and discreet man,' and
adds, 'he must go alone and not be accompanied by any other person,
and it is necessary that he should be able to speak and express
himself well on the subject he has in hand.'[39]

  [39] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. ii.

In the following December Miguel Perez Almazan, King Ferdinand's First
Secretary of State, wrote to Margaret's secretary to inform him that
news had arrived that the King of France intended seizing the cities
of Verona and Vicenza; and that he was also making preparations to
besiege Venice on every side. 'If he should carry out his designs he
would probably become master of Italy and perhaps of Christendom,
unless the emperor and King Ferdinand take prompt means to stop him,
which they ought to do for the sake of their common grandson, Prince
Charles.' Almazan goes on to state that Henry VIII. had sent a letter
to King Ferdinand, in which he expressed a wish to enter into a close
alliance with Spain and the emperor. If such an alliance were
concluded the King of France would be kept from injuring the allies.

'This letter,' he says, 'is sent in order that the secretary may use
his influence with Madame Margaret, and induce her to help forward the
alliance between the emperor, Spain, and England; a task which is
certainly not difficult for her, and the execution of which would
secure her lasting fame.'[40]

  [40] _Ibid._

Whilst Maximilian was trying to extract a subsidy for the continuance
of the Venetian war from the Diet at Augsburg, Julius II. was maturing
his plans. When the Venetian ambassadors accepted his proposed treaty
(24th of February 1510), he took them back into favour, and solemnly
gave them absolution.

Subjects and vassals of the Church were bidden to help the republic,
and Julius openly quarrelled with the Duke of Ferrara, who wished to
remain faithful to the League of Cambray. He urged Henry VIII. to
declare war against France, and King Ferdinand secretly did the same.
As the Pope observed, the object of the League of Cambray ceased to
exist.

At this crisis Louis XII. lost his faithful friend and able Minister,
Cardinal d'Amboise. He was succeeded by Florimond Robertet, who had
none of his predecessor's great qualities. The Cardinal died at Lyons
on the 26th of May 1510. Andre de Burgo was then Austrian ambassador
at the French Court, and writing to inform Margaret of the Cardinal's
death, he says, 'I assure you your House has suffered a great loss.'

Encouraged by the death of Georges d'Amboise, the Pope continued to
make preparations, and declared that God had chosen him to be the
Liberator of Italy. In spite of his age and infirmities he was present
at the siege of Mirandola, in January 1511, and entered the town by a
breach.

In 1512 he concluded a treaty with King Ferdinand and the Venetian
republic, which the allies called the 'Holy League.' The apparent
object of this League was to defend the unity of the Church, and
restore the ecclesiastical state; but the real object was directed
against France.

Julius II.'s designs were helped by the Swiss, who entered Italy more
than sixteen thousand strong, determined to re-establish Maximilian
Sforza in the duchy of Milan; but the Pope and his allies received a
check when a new general appeared at the head of the French army.
Louis XII. had made his nephew, Gaston de Foix, Duke of Nemours,
Governor of Lombardy. This young general of twenty-three soon
distinguished himself by winning three victories in three months. By a
well-planned march he brought help to the town of Milan, which was
left without means of defence; and forced the Swiss to recross the
mountains. He then obliged the Army of the League to raise the siege
of Bologna. After reconquering Brescia, which was occupied by the
Venetians, he marched on Ravenna, garrisoned by papal and Spanish
soldiers. But his troops had hardly begun the attack when the Army of
the League arrived with reinforcements. A battle took place on Easter
Sunday, April 11th, 1512, outside the walls of Ravenna. Gaston de
Foix, in the moment of victory, was surrounded, thrown from his horse
and killed, as he was charging the retreating Spaniards. His death was
disastrous to the French cause in Italy.

When Julius II. heard of Gaston's victories it is reported that he
tore his beard with rage. One of Margaret's correspondents writes:
'Madame, there is news from Rome... that after the Pope heard that
the Venetians had taken Brescia, he expressed the greatest joy
imaginable, and ordered the bells of Rome to be rung, fireworks, and
many other rejoicings; but since he heard that his people and the
Spaniards had retired from Bologna, he was much displeased, and caused
a strong and furious letter to be written to the Viceroy of Naples,
captain of the said Spaniards, ordering them to return to Bologna at
once, and on no account to leave; and, moreover, when he heard that
the French had retaken Brescia and slaughtered the Venetians, they say
he tore his beard with rage.'

During this struggle the emperor remained passive. Although he agreed
to Louis' proposed reforms, he evaded his promise to send German
bishops to the Council the French king had convoked at Lyons. The
truth was that Margaret had forbidden the bishops to attend. Louis
naturally complained, and threatened the princess with his
Government's displeasure. Margaret replied to his threats by
reproaching him with his conduct in reference to the Duke of Gueldres.
He protested that he had neither furnished the duke with men or money,
but she would not accept his excuses, and soon after successfully
formed a league between her father and the Kings of Spain and England,
which league she said represented the mystery of the Holy Trinity.

Julius II. died on the 21st of February 1513. He had been one of the
chief promoters of Italian independence, and through his warlike
policy had considerably enlarged the papal states.

On the 11th of March 1513 Cardinal John de Medicis, then in his
thirty-sixth year, was unanimously elected Pope by the twenty-four
Cardinals assembled in conclave. The new Pope (Leo X.), who was of a
peaceful and diplomatic nature, refused to ratify a treaty concluded
at Malines on the 5th of April in the same year between Margaret,
acting for her father, and Henry VIII.'s ambassadors; a treaty which
would have forced him to send the papal troops to invade Provence or
Dauphiny. He arranged a truce with Louis XII., who, after Gaston de
Foix's death, had lost most of his Italian possessions. The Sforzas
were reinstated in Milan, the Medicis in Florence, and Genoa became
once more a free republic; the king's army was beaten by the Swiss at
Novara, and by the English at Guinegate. A treaty signed at Blois, on
the 28th of March, was ratified at Venice on the 11th of April. The
Venetian republic agreed to help Louis to regain Milan and Genoa, and
the king promised to assist the Venetians to recover their territories
on the mainland, which were occupied by Maximilian's troops. The
political balance of Europe now depended entirely on the goodwill of
Henry VIII. On the 25th of May 1513 Jean le Veau wrote to Margaret
that 'the time had come to be firm, and that she ought to imitate the
English, who always showed their enmity against France.'

A treaty was concluded through Margaret's intervention in 1513 between
the emperor and Henry VIII., which aimed at humbling France, but only
resulted in the battle of Guinegate, where Maximilian served as a
volunteer in the English army, and received a hundred crowns a day as
pay. It was on this occasion that Margaret ordered the town of
Therouenne on the borders of France and Belgium to be completely
destroyed. Whilst he was with the English army Maximilian sent a
messenger to Margaret asking her to join him at Tournay. In reply she
says: 'Monseigneur, I have received the message that you have been
pleased to send me by Marnix, my secretary, about my going to Tournay.
As for me, Monseigneur, if you think that my going there is necessary,
and can be of service to you, I am ready in this and in all else that
it may please you to command me; but otherwise, it is not fitting for
a widow to be trotting about and visiting armies for pleasure....' But
a little later, after the reduction of Tournay, Margaret met her
father and Henry VIII. at Lille.

In June of the same year King Ferdinand wrote to his ambassador in
Flanders 'to tell Madame Margaret that before and after he concluded
the truce with France in his own name as well as in the name of the
emperor, the King of England, and Prince Charles, he wrote to his
ambassador, Don Pedro de Urea, and ordered him to explain all his
reasons to the emperor.... Having concluded the truce from pure
necessity, he is forced to observe it this year.' King Ferdinand tells
his ambassador to beg Madame Margaret to use her influence with the
emperor, and to show him that the policy he has hitherto adopted can
have only one result, viz. 'that of making the King of France master
of the world; whilst if the emperor follows his (Ferdinand's) advice,
nothing will be lost.'

He writes that 'Madame Margaret is willing to deliver Don Juan Manuel
up to him as prisoner. She is to be told that Don Juan has not only
behaved badly to King Ferdinand, but also speaks so ill of her that
for this alone he deserves punishment.'[41]

  [41] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. ii.

And when, a little later, Margaret has asked Maximilian's permission
to arrest Don Juan Manuel, because he had spoken against King
Ferdinand, Maximilian answers that 'if Don Juan has committed a crime
which is punishable according to law, he may be arrested; if not, it
will be sufficient to banish him from the Court.'

But although Margaret as Governess of the Netherlands took part in the
greatest events of her century, yet her private life in her home at
Malines was of the simplest and most domestic kind. We get a very good
idea of the way she spent her days from her interesting correspondence
and from her father's letters which have, fortunately, been preserved.
These letters are in French, but Maximilian's spelling is chiefly
euphonical, and the meaning often obscure. In spite of the quaint
style, these letters form an interesting history of Europe at the dawn
of the Renaissance. Beginning with the drama which opens at the League
of Cambray, in which England, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Italy,
and Spain all play their parts, and ending with the disaster of Pavia,
the humbling of France, and the triumph of the House of Austria, there
is not a negotiation, war, or treaty, whose secret cause and real
origin is not disclosed. Although the correspondence comprises a
comparatively short period, and does not go much beyond the first
quarter of the sixteenth century, still the age was one of thrilling
interest and brilliant personality. Amongst the illustrious personages
who pass in review before us are Louis XII., Anne of Brittany, Francis
I., Louise of Savoy, Margaret of Angouleme, the Cardinal of Amboise,
and the Chevalier Bayard, Ferdinand of Aragon, Gonzalva of Cordova,
and Ximenes, Henry VII., Henry VIII., and Cardinal Wolsey, Charles V.,
and Luther.

Margaret's correspondents included most of the sovereigns of Europe
and their various ambassadors. Besides the personages already
mentioned, we come across the names of Raulin, Carondelet, Alberto
Pio, the Cardinal of Gurk, Caulier, and Laurent de Gorrevod, to whose
conferences and intrigues we are introduced, and sometimes to the
snares they laid for their best friends. Amongst them we find Andre de
Burgo, Maximilian's 'faithful councillor' and ambassador in France,
whose despatches to Malines are masterpieces of finesse and diplomacy.
The pages in which he describes the events of which Julius II. is the
hero are full of interest. In a witty and delightful manner he records
the ambitions, cabals, and various factions which hastened the end of
this warrior pontiff who was 'always dying but never buried.' He
frequently announces that the Holy Father is the victim of a violent
fever, and that the doctors hardly hope to save him--it is whispered
that he will be 'in paradise before a year and a half is out.' The
Cardinals prepare to 'choose a good and holy Pope,' but before they
can do so, the dying Pope recovers, or at least he is 'so much better
that he thinks himself cured and has lost his fever.'

Then there is Andre de Burgo's successor, Chancellor Perrenot, the
father of Cardinal de Granvelle. Also the Granvelles' enemy, Mercurin
de Gattinare, a skilled diplomatist and picturesque writer. More than
once we read of his reminding Margaret of the respect she owes him,
and he tells her, not without pride, that she does not deserve to have
a servant like himself, and when she gave him some unmerited rebuke,
he replied: 'These words should be addressed to a stranger and an
unknown man, not to me, whom you have known and tried.'

In Margaret's time Malines was a flourishing commercial city, whose
manufactures were exported to all parts of Europe. Commerce,
industries, and navigation had made great progress under her wise
rule. Her palace was the centre of life in the old city and the
meeting-place of many illustrious families and learned men who came
from all parts of the Netherlands to visit her Court. Jean Second,
Erasmus, Cornelius Agrippa, Jean Lemaire, Mabuse, Coxcie, and Van
Orley were amongst her frequent guests.

One of her chief ladies was the Countess of Hochstrate, who had charge
of her maids of honour and the women of her household. Her husband,
Count Hochstrate, was the princess's chevalier d'honneur, and
commanded her bodyguard of twenty-seven noblemen, whose duty it was to
attend her wherever she went. He also was in charge of the stewards,
cooks, pastrycooks, bakers, cupbearers, carvers and the other
servants, besides the keeper of Prince Charles's lions and rare birds,
so that his post was no sinecure.

Margaret took great pride in keeping up an establishment worthy of her
rank. She lived in great luxury, and her table was always furnished
with the choicest wines, and every kind of fish, fowl, and game in its
season. In spite of her habitual melancholy, she took part in the
usual amusements of her time. We read of her attending many feasts,
dances, and jousts; and it was seldom she did not have music during
her meals, either fife, tambourin, or violin players, or sometimes the
choristers of Notre-Dame de Sablon, or Monsieur de Ravestein's
singers, who played and sang songs before her. Another day we read of
her watching the performance of 'two large and powerful bears' brought
by some strolling Hungarian players; or sitting in the vast hall,
silent and dreamy, listening to old airs of German minstrelsy.

Maximilian occasionally visited his daughter, and then Malines was _en
fete_. Sometimes he invited his young granddaughters to spend a few
days with him at Brussels, 'to see the park and enjoy themselves.'[42]

  [42] Le Glay, _Correspondance de l'Empereur Maximilian I._

But Margaret's favourite occupation was superintending the education
of her nephew Charles. She had a wonderful aptitude for teaching, and
was not satisfied that he should excel in manly sports, which was
usually all that was required of princes, but she insisted on his
studying history, languages, and science. She also found time for more
domestic employments. From the letters we find that she spun flax, and
amongst the objects mentioned in her inventory are a spindle, distaff,
and winding reels. She was accustomed to work with her needle, and
once she surprised her father by sending him 'good linen shirts,'
which she had made herself, and Maximilian, delighted with this
present, hastened to thank her: 'I have received by this bearer some
beautiful shirts and "huves" which you have helped to make with your
own hand, with which I am delighted.... Our skin will be comforted
with meeting the fineness and softness of such beautiful linen, such
as the angels in Paradise use for their clothing.' Margaret also sent
her father receipts for various dishes which pleased her, and we find
her recommending him to eat some preserves during the heat of summer
which she has tried herself and found excellent. 'I have a good
apothecary,' she says, 'called Countess de Horne, who takes care to
supply me every year with the best preserves in the world, which she
makes with her own hands, and as I find them good, it seems to me that
you will also, even in this great heat.'

Margaret took much interest in her maids of honour, and when necessary
did not spare them either advice or punishment. She warned them
especially to avoid gossiping or foolish conversation. During the long
winter evenings she played chess, or when summer came with long fine
days, she rode with them through the forests of Scheplaken,
Groenendael, and Boisfort, followed by her greyhounds. If one of her
maids married, Margaret took care to prepare the trousseau. Sometimes
she put aside a certain sum for this purpose from her privy purse, and
often begged a post from Maximilian for the girl's future husband.
Thus she dowered and provided for many maidens whose names are
mentioned in the Archives of Lille.

As a rule, Margaret and her father treated each other with the
greatest confidence. Maximilian took a fatherly interest in whatever
concerned his daughter's happiness. He would like to have seen her
married to Henry VII., for then, as he said, she would not have been
'a person lost and forgotten.' Sometimes he made her small presents,
'a carbuncle which his father the Emperor Frederick had valued,' or a
haunch of venison off which she could 'feast at some dinner or
supper.' On another occasion he sent her the plan of a triumphal arch
before 'having it erected, so that it might remain for ever as a
monument to their perpetual glory.'

One day, in a fit of rare generosity (for he was very impecunious), he
made her a present of 100,000 crowns. Margaret will be ungrateful, he
says, 'if she is not well pleased with him.' He tells her his most
secret thoughts... that he intends soliciting the papal tiara, for
the Pope 'cannot live long.' He wishes to be nominated coadjutor of
the Sovereign Pontiff, so as 'to be assured of having the Papacy and
becoming a priest and afterwards made holy.' With this intention he
begins to 'win over the cardinals' with two or three thousand ducats,
and he sends 'a messenger to the King of Aragon, begging him to help
him to get what he wants.'

But this confidence between the emperor and his daughter was often
broken. Maximilian sometimes complains that she treats him badly and
'takes him for a Frenchman!' She was not always his 'good daughter;'
she sometimes speaks too plainly and asks him when he intends sending
an answer to the English ambassadors, who have been kept waiting for
eight months, and reminds him ironically 'that it is time to move in
this business.' On another occasion she writes these words in a letter
which he calls 'rude and ungracious': 'I know that it is not my
business to interfere in your said affairs, as I am an inexperienced
woman in such matters, nevertheless the great duty I have towards you
emboldens me to... beg of you... to take care whilst there is yet
time.'

But in spite of these small recriminations each tried to help the
other, as we see from the numerous requests they constantly made to
each other in favour of various persons in whom they were interested.
In spite of the Netherlands' general prosperity, both Margaret and her
father suffered greatly from lack of funds, as is shown in nearly
every page of the correspondence. Maximilian hardly writes a letter
without mentioning that he has need of 'a sum of money.' One day he
humbly begs for 10,000 florins, another time for 70,000 or 80,000,
which he must have. He knows, he says, that the States complain that
he only thinks of 'knavery and taking their money for nothing,' but
all the same he begs Margaret to do all in her power to find him the
sum he requires. His lamentations, resources, and importunity in
begging are most pitiable. 'We must,' he says, 'in order to raise
money quickly, pawn two gold chains set with many valuable and
precious stones, one (chain) being larger than the other.' Sometimes
Margaret was as hardly pressed for funds as her father, and several of
her letters have this sad ending, 'The treasurer does not know where
to turn for money; he has no "deniers" (old Roman coins) left.' The
Swiss and German infantry were unpaid, and Maximilian for this reason
kept out of the way, and fled to the Tyrolese mountains on the pretext
of hunting. His daughter wrote to him severely: 'I hoped that you
would have come here, but from what I see, you are going further and
further away, which displeases me, for it was very necessary that you
should come here.' At another time she tells him that she will be
forced to become 'bankrupt' if she cannot quickly raise '24,000
florins from the King of England.' She has appealed to the States in
vain; for some 'cannot agree,' whilst others 'have settled nothing yet
... for they are obstinate and disagreeable.'

Even the ambassadors were hampered by lack of means. Andre de Burgo
could not go to Lyons, where he was afraid to stay for want of money.
'It is a pity,' he says, 'for so good and loyal a servant of your
house to have so often to beg and ask for the wherewithal to live, as
God's poor do... he is ashamed not to be able to pay his creditors,
and shall be reduced to sell half his plate to some Jew.'

Even Mercurin de Gattinare had to give up an important journey, and
states he will have to go 'bankrupt' if he cannot sell a gold chain.
For Anne of Brittany's accouchement the other ambassadors had ordered
 clothes; he alone has to appear in black garments, and is
much distressed. 'I have only black,' he writes in Italian, 'and have
no means of buying colours.'

Besides these oft-recurring complaints, the correspondence is full of
the hatred which Margaret and her father still felt for France.
Maximilian never liked the French, and his letters abound in
maledictions against them. He tries to stir up his daughter's
aversion, and congratulates her 'on the goodwill and diligence she has
shown in resisting them. We have,' he says, 'more experience of the
French than you have... and we would rather you were deceived by
their fair speeches than ourselves, so that you would take more care
in future.' He knows their 'treachery and falseness,' for they only
act by abuse, dissimulation, and deceit, as they have done for the
last hundred years past, and will still be doing a hundred years
hence.

Maximilian himself served as a private soldier in the King of
England's army on the Continent, and advised Henry VIII. to land at
Crotoy, where he proposed meeting him 'on condition that his said
brother gave him the money he had promised, and that he sent the
second portion with the first.' Margaret certainly shared her father's
aversion for all things French, although she disguised it in writing
to Louis XII. She secretly rejoices at every French defeat, and when
she hears of the victory of Guinegate, 'she is more happy than she can
say.' She also reminds Maximilian of old wrongs to rouse up his wrath,
and ironically recalls 'the good faith and loyalty of the French.'
Several times she points out how easy it would be to conquer their
hereditary enemy: 'There is no boundary between our country and
France, and you know the deep inveterate hatred the French bear us.'

These words express all Margaret's hatred and ambition, and show one
of the reasons why she took such a special care of Prince Charles's
education. In him she hoped to see realised all her dreams of the
future greatness of Austria and Burgundy. With infinite trouble she
directed his masters and mistresses, was herself present at their
lessons, and often interceded with Maximilian on their behalf. Thus
she recommends Anne de Beaumont 'for the first vacant post over the
ladies of the household... or a good annual pension, as a reward for
her past services, which ought to be noticed'; she also praises Louis
Vacca 'for great and worthy service which he has daily rendered as
tutor for eight years, teaching Monseigneur with such great care and
diligence, as a good and loyal servitor should.'

We read of the child's rapid progress in his lessons, and also of a
fever he caught after attending his sister Isabel's wedding, at which
'he behaved as a good brother, accompanying his sister in the dances
so perfectly, and perhaps rather more than was good for him.' A few
days later 'he began to get better,' and it is hoped that he 'will
soon be restored to health,' as he has such a good appetite 'that now
it is difficult to satisfy him.' He is learning to shoot, but it is
dangerous for the passers-by, as he shot a man by mistake, 'when
Monseigneur, my nephew, went to play at Wure. On Whit-Monday he fired
off his gun, and had the misfortune to kill a workman of this town, a
drunkard and ill-conditioned man... which has caused my said Lord and
me much sorrow and regret, but there is no help for it.'

When the boy went hunting near Malines Maximilian wrote joyfully: 'We
are well pleased that our son Charles takes so much pleasure in
hunting,' but at the same time he recommends, 'when the weather is
mild, to send him to Anvers and Louvain to take the air, and to pass
the time, to ride on horseback for his health and strength.'

Maximilian then goes on to describe his own sport. He has taken 'at
least four large stags in the morning, and after dinner five herons.
Ducks and kites we catch daily without number; even to-day we got four
herons besides, and thirteen ducks or river birds in twelve flights in
one half league. Every day we get three kites, for here there is any
amount, and all in the most beautiful country....'

These few quotations will show that the letters are more or less
memoirs of Margaret's life for about twenty-five years, and give us a
good idea of the part she played in the stirring events of her time.




CHAPTER VIII

A LOVE AFFAIR


After the reduction of Tournay and Therouenne in the autumn of 1513,
Henry VIII. and Maximilian met Margaret at Lille. She was accompanied
by the Archduke Charles and a large retinue. This was Henry's first
meeting with his wife's nephew; it was also Margaret's first
introduction to the man whose engaging manners and brilliant
personality nearly made her give up the resolution to which she had
adhered for so many years, and marry again.

Amongst Henry's VIII.'s officers was Sir Charles Brandon, one of the
handsomest men of his time, and a great favourite with the English
king, who, in May 1513, had been created Viscount Lisle. The new Lord
Lisle had accompanied his master to the war in France, being marshal
of the host and captain of the foreward, with 3000 men under him.
Hall, in his Chronicle, gives the following interesting account of the
meeting of Margaret and Charles Brandon:--'Monday, the 11th day of
October, the king without the town received the Prince of Castile, the
Lady Margaret, and divers other nobles of their countries, and them
brought into Tournay with great triumph. The noise went that the Lord
Lisle made request of marriage to the Lady Margaret, Duchess of Savoy,
and daughter to the Emperor Maximilian, which before that time was
departed from the king with many rich gifts and money borrowed; but,
whether he proffered marriage or not, she favoured him highly. There
the prince and duchess sojourned with great solace by the space of ten
days. On the 18th of October the jousts began, the king and Lord Lisle
answered all comers. Upon the king attended twenty-eight knights on
foot, in coats of purple velvet and cloth of gold. A tent of cloth of
gold was set in the place for the armoury and relief. The king had a
base and a trapper of purple velvet both set full of fine bullion, and
the Lord Lisle in the same suit. There were many spears broken, and
many a good buffet given; the strangers, as the Lord Walon and the
Lord Emery, and others, did right well. When the jousts were done, the
king and all the others unhelmed them, and rode about the tilt, and
did great reverence to the ladies, and then the heralds cried, "To
lodging!"

'This night the king made a sumptuous banquet of a hundred dishes to
the Prince of Castile and the Lady Margaret, and to all the other
lords and ladies, and after the banquet the ladies danced; and then
came in the king and eleven in a masque, all richly apparelled with
bonnets of gold, and when they had passed the time at their pleasure,
the garments of the masque were cast off amongst the ladies, take who
could take.

'The 20th day of October, the Prince of Castile and the Lady Margaret,
with many great gifts to them given, returned to Lille with all their
train.'

A few months after this meeting Lord Lisle was created Duke of Suffolk
(February 1st, 1514) on the same day that the dukedom of Norfolk was
restored to the Howards, and when there was only one other peerage of
that grade, namely, Buckingham, existing in England.

In October Henry VIII. wrote to Leo X. to tell him that he had
conquered Tournay, and that the French ran away so quickly that it was
impossible for him to follow them. He also mentions that he has
conferred with the emperor and the Archduchess Margaret about the
affairs of the Prince of Castile, and especially about the marriage of
the prince with his sister, the Princess Mary. He mentions that
'Prince Charles came in person to Tournay.'

In the following May, when in England, the king and the new Duke of
Suffolk were present at a tournament and 'defenders at the tilt
against all comers,' dressed as black and white hermits, having the
following motto written in white letters on their black staves: 'Who
can hold that will away.' Gossip said that this posy was made for the
Duke of Suffolk and the Duchess of Savoy.

Be that as it may, Henry soon grew alarmed when rumours reached him
that his favourite was thinking of marrying Margaret. He at once wrote
to Maximilian expressing his annoyance, and the same day (the 4th of
March) sent a letter to Margaret enclosing the one he had written to
her father, leaving it to her discretion to forward it or not as she
thought best. King Henry says,... 'Because it has come to our
knowledge that the common report is in divers places that marriage is
contemplated between you and our very dear and loyal cousin and
councillor, the Duke of Suffolk, we are making all possible diligence
to know and hear from whence this report can come and proceed; and if
we find that it comes from overthere, we will cause such grievous
punishment to be inflicted, that all other inventors and sowers of
lies will take example from it.'

The following letters, referring to the subject, are in the
handwriting of the English ambassador, Sir Richard Wingfield, to whom
Margaret addressed herself. They were evidently translated from the
French, in which the originals were written, and were either
translated by Sir Richard, or he transcribed the version, the matter
being so secret for his despatches home:--

   MS. Cotton.

   'My Lord the Ambassador,--Since that I see that I may not have
   tidings from the emperor so soon, it seemeth me that I should do
   well no longer for to tarry to despatch this gentleman. And for
   that by my letters addressing unto the king and to the duke, of
   that I dare not adventure me to write unto them so at length of
   this besides, because that I fear my letters to be evil kept, I
   me determine to write to you at length to send that of all ye
   may the better them advertise of mine intent.

   'Ye may know, my lord the ambassador, that after some days
   having been at Tournay, knowing from day to day the great love
   and trust that the king bare and had to the personage which is
   no need to name; also with the virtue and grace of his person,
   the which me seemed that I had not much seen gentleman to
   approach it; also considering the desire the which always he
   showed me that he had to do me service; all these things
   considered by me, I have always forced me to do unto him all
   honour and pleasure, the which to me seemed to be well agreeable
   unto the king his good master; who, as I may imagine, seeing the
   good cheer and will the which I bare him, with the love which
   he beareth unto him, by many times spake unto me, for to know if
   this goodwill which I bare unto the said personage it might
   stretch unto some effect of promise of marriage, seeing that it
   was the fashion of the ladies of England, and that it was not
   there holden for evil; whereunto many times I answered the most
   graciously that was to me possible, knowing this thing not to
   proceed but of love which he bare him, the several of reasons
   wherefore it was not to me possible, unless I should fall in the
   evil grace of my father and of all this country. Also that it
   was not here the custom, and that I should be dishonoured, and
   holden for a fool and light. But all my reasons might not help
   me, that without rest he spake thereof to me. That seeing, and
   that he had it so much at the heart, for him not to anger, I
   found to him one other reason, to him saying, that if now I had
   well the will so for to do, that yet I nor would nor durst
   think, seeing his return to be so nigh, and that it should be to
   me too much great displeasure to lose so good company; of the
   which he contented him somewhat better, and passed the thing
   unto his departing, and then began to say to me that the
   departing drew nigh, and that he knew well I should be pressed
   for to marry me, and that I was yet too young for to abide thus;
   and that the ladies of his country did remarry at fifty and
   threescore years.

   'Whereupon I answered that I had never had will so to do, and
   that I was too much unhappy in husbands; but he would not
   believe me. And after, by two times, in presence of the
   personage that ye know, he returned to say the same words,
   saying more, "I know well, madame, and am sure that my fellow
   shall be to you a true servant, and that he is altogether
   yours, but we fear that ye shall not do in likewise, for one
   shall force you to be again married; and that ye shall not be
   found out of this country (_i.e._ in this country) at my
   return." That which I promised to him I should not do; and for
   that he desired greatly thereof to be more assured, he made me
   to promise in his hand that howsoever I should be pressed of my
   father, or otherwise, I should not make alliance of marriage
   (with) prince of the world, at the least unto his return, or the
   end of the year. The which I did willingly, for I think not to
   again never to put me where I have had so much of unhappiness
   and misfortune. And afterwards made his fellow to do the same,
   who, as I believe and seemeth me, said of adventure, as his
   master me showed again, that he should never do thing, were it
   of marriage, or to take lady nor mistress, without my
   commandment, but would continue all his life my right humble
   servant; and that it was to him enough honour, so much honestly,
   and of so good sort as was possible. And these words were said
   at Tournay in my chamber one night after supper, full late. The
   other time was at Lille, the day before that they should depart,
   that he spake to me long at the head of a cupboard, he and his
   fellow, of the departing, which was not without displeasure full
   great of all persons. And again, after many devises and regrets,
   he made me to reconfirm in his hand, and the same of his fellow,
   the like promise aforesaid. And the said personage in my hand,
   without that I required him, made me the semblable, and that for
   always he should be to me true and humble servant; and I to him
   promised to be to him such mistress all my life as to him who me
   seemed desired to do me most of service. And upon this there was
   no more words of this affair, nor hath not been since, if not
   some gracious letters, the which have been (enough or I know)
   evil kept.'

Further as to the words.

   'And I promise you, my lord the ambassador, that this is the
   truth, and I know not other thing. I cannot tell if the king,
   which was "trwcheman" (interpreter), because of the love which
   he beareth him, might have taken it more forward for to
   interpret more his desire, but the thing is such, and truth.

   'My lord the ambassador, for that it hath been said unto me that
   he might have showed a ring where there is a diamond of mine,
   that which I cannot believe, for I esteem him much a man of
   virtue and wise, but always I will well show you the truth, to
   the end to answer to all. I take none in this affair to witness
   but the king and him; and himself first: it is that one night at
   Tournay, being at the banquet, after the banquet he put himself
   upon his knees before me, and in speaking and him playing, he
   drew from my finger the ring, and put it upon his, and then
   showed it me, and I took to laugh, and to him said that he was a
   thief, and that I thought not that the king had with him led
   thieves out of his country. This word "laron" he could not
   understand; wherefore I was constrained for to ask how one said
   "laron" in Flemish. And afterwards I said to him in Flemish
   "dieffe," and I prayed him many times to give it me again, for
   that it was too much known. But he understood me not well, and
   kept it unto the next day that I spake to the king, him
   requiring to make him to give it me, because it was too much
   known. I promising him one of my bracelets the which I wear, the
   which I gave him. And then he gave me the said ring, the which
   one other time at Lille, being set nigh to my lady of Hornes,
   and he before upon his knees, it took again from my finger. I
   spake to the king to have it again, but it was not possible, for
   he said unto me that he would give me others better, and that I
   should leave him that. I said unto him that it was not for the
   value, but for that it was too much known. He would not
   understand it, and departed from me.

   'The morrow after he brought me one fair point of diamonds and a
   table ruby, and showed me that it was for the other ring;
   wherefore I durst no more speak of it, if not to beseech him
   that it should not be showed to any person; the which hath not
   all been to me done. (Thus, my lord the ambassador, see all of
   this affair, and for to know mine advice upon all, I shall give
   it you more at length, which is this.)

   'That if the things had not been so published, the which I find
   the most strange of the world, knowing that creature of the
   world, at the least on my part, could thereof never speak, for
   that which I had said and done was for not to annoy the king,
   for I knew well that it came to him of great love for to speak
   so far forth as of marriage. And of another prince I had not so
   well taken it as of him, for I hold him all good, and that he
   thinketh none evil, wherefore I have not willed to displease
   him. And in this business I have found myself more impeached for
   to know that which me seemed touched to the king than that which
   me touched.

   'By one bylle (note) I shall put you in writing all the
   inconveniences which may happen of this thing. Also that which
   seemeth to me for the remedy of it to be done; but, for that I
   have no leisure, I shall make an end, praying you to do with
   this that which the bearer shall say you, and no more. I trow
   that ye know this hand. (Thus signed, M.).'

The second writing:--

   'My lord the ambassador,--Ye may have seen how the things have
   been, and ye know the unhappy bruit which thereof hath run not
   only here but on all parts, as well in Germany as in all
   countries. Whereof I have found myself so much abashed that I
   cannot imagine wherefore this thing is said so openly as in the
   hands of merchant strangers. And for to say you the truth, I
   have been constrained as well by the counsel of my servants as
   of the lord Berques and others, to make inquiry whereof it came,
   and as well by information as writings always I have found that
   it proceeded from England. Whereof I have had a marvellous
   sorrow. And I have letters of the self hand of an English
   merchant, the which hath been the first that hath made the
   wagers, as Bresylle knoweth well. Now, my lord the ambassador,
   the king, at the request of the said Bresylle, and the personage
   also, have done many things for to remedy to this fortune,
   wherein I am holden unto them, but yet I see that the bruit is
   so imprinted in the fantasies of people, and fear if that it
   continue long, that all that which is done is not enough, for I
   continue always in fear. And also I know that I may not show
   towards the personage the weal and honour which I desire to do
   as before.

   'For yet I dare not write unto him when I have anything to do
   towards the king, nor I dare not only speak of him. And I am
   constrained to entreat him in all things like a stranger, at
   the least before folks, the which doth me so much displeasure
   that I cannot write it, seeing that I take him so much for my
   good friend and servant; and that I am constrained so to do, and
   also I see that to this gentleman only which is here I dare not
   speak or look to him. Whereof I am so much displeased that
   nothing more. He himself perceiveth well that every one
   beholdeth him of the other side.

   'And as to the descent[43] of the king it shall behove me to
   speak so soberly as I may me constrain, for it is the thing that
   I desire as much as his coming. And the same of my lady Mary, as
   God knoweth. The heart me breaketh when it behoveth me to
   dissemble, not in this but in many others. And it seemeth to me
   that I may not so well serve the king, being in this fear, as
   before; so when the king shall descend that I shall be always in
   this pain, and I feel me I shall not dare speak nor show good
   semblance to the said personage; whereas I would make to him
   much honour and good cheer, I shall not dare behold him with a
   good eye, which displeasure shall be the same to him and to me.
   And I know no remedy[44] but the same that Bresylle shall show
   you for to put remedy to all. I would not constrain him to it
   against his will, but, and he desire ever that I do him honour
   or pleasure, it is forced that it be so, not for that I have not
   the good will towards him, such as ever I have had, but for that
   I am for mine honour constrained so to do. I pray you very much
   to take pains for to make well to understand to the king and to
   the personage this thing, to the end that I may do to him better
   service and to his fellow pleasure. I pray you to do of this as
   of the other. (Likewise signed, M.).'

   (Endorsed, Secret matters of the Duke of Suffolk.)

  [43] Apparently his landing on the Continent.

  [44] In the margin is written, 'Bresylle said there was no way to
  avoid the bruit but that my lord should marry the lady Lisle, as
  more at length I have written unto my said lord.'


Although these interesting letters are so badly transcribed from the
original French that their meaning is often obscure, they undoubtedly
prove that Margaret had fallen desperately in love with the handsome
English favourite, who, on his side, appears to have been more or less
serious in his flirtation with her. How deep were Brandon's feelings
for Margaret we shall probably never know. It is certain that Henry
VIII. did not look favourably on his suit, and as Margaret herself
sadly observed to the English ambassador in her letter quoted above:
'I know no remedy (to stop the gossip) but the same that Bresylle
shall show you,' namely that Brandon should look elsewhere for a wife.
The rumours and reports concerning Margaret and the Duke of Suffolk
reached as far as Spain. King Ferdinand heard of them, and in July he
wrote to Luiz Caroz de Villaragut, his ambassador in England, asking
'if it is true or not that Madame Margaret is to marry Monsieur de
Lisle (Charles Brandon)?'[45]

  [45] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. ii.

But in the midst of all these troubles and anxieties preparations for
the first wedding in the little circle at Malines turned Margaret's
thoughts into another channel.

On Trinity Sunday, the 11th of June 1514, her niece, Isabel of
Austria, was married by proxy to Christian II., King of Denmark, who
had succeeded to his father's throne the previous year. In a long
letter to Maximilian Margaret gives an interesting account of the
wedding:--

     'BRUSSELS, _the 12th of June_.

   'Monseigneur,--... After the arrival of the Danish ambassadors
   on Wednesday last they had their public audience on Thursday,
   and visited Monsieur and Mesdames and delivered their king's
   messages with many good words; they then withdrew until Friday,
   when I sent the Chancellor of Brabant, the President of
   Burgundy, and other deputies to call upon them.... The next day,
   which was Saturday, they expressed a great desire that the
   marriage should be solemnised on the following day, which was
   Trinity Sunday, on which day the king their master held the
   festival of his anointing and coronation. But, Monseigneur, it
   was very difficult to arrange such a solemn function in so short
   a time, for it could not be as honourably held as I should have
   wished, but, anxious to please them and gratify their desires, I
   agreed that the said ceremony should be held on Trinity Sunday,
   which was yesterday, and I did my best to have everything
   arranged and put in order. The parties assembled on the said day
   between ten and eleven o'clock, with as much state and honour on
   our side as was possible, owing to the short notice, in front of
   the great hall of this house, where Monsieur de Cambray gave the
   promises and performed the espousals by word of mouth, as was
   right between the King of Denmark... and Madame Isabel, my
   niece, whom it certainly did one good to look at. The said
   promises given, they went to hear high mass in this hall; and
   the ambassadors were seated according to their rank, he of Spain
   beside Monseigneur, to the great content of all, but those of
   England were not there because "on ne les scavoit accorder."
   And when evening came, supper was served and every one sat down
   in order, and after supper there were dances and tourneys until
   very late, when they retired to put the bride to bed... as is
   the custom amongst great princes. Thus all was very solemnly and
   duly accomplished, to the great delight of the said ambassadors,
   who thanked me very much at their departure; as they had
   fulfilled their mission they were anxious to hasten their
   return, and I believe they will guard your honour and that of
   this house as much as possible....'

The next day Margaret writes to say that Charles danced too much at
his sister's wedding, and made himself ill. 'Monseigneur,' she says,
'showed himself such a good brother, and carried out everything, even
to the dances in which he accompanied the said lady, his sister, to
perfection... and a little more perhaps than his constitution could
bear, for the day after the said espousals he was attacked by
fever....' A fortnight later Margaret writes thankfully to tell her
father that Charles is convalescent.

As the Princess Isabel was barely thirteen, it was arranged that owing
to her youth she should remain at home for another year. When the
marriage at last took place it was not a happy one, the king being a
notorious libertine, who was later known as 'the Nero of the North,'
and after a few years of misery the poor little princess died, leaving
her children to Margaret's care.

Isabel's younger sister, Mary, was sent this year on a visit to the
Court of Hungary, possibly with a view to her future marriage.
Margaret mentions her journey in several letters. In April she wrote
from Malines: 'Touching the departure of Madame Mary, all is ready;
and she will start from here without fail on the 2nd of May... and
will go by Grave as you advised.'

On the 5th of May Florent of Egmond writes to Margaret from
Maestricht: 'Madame, Madame Mary arrived here this evening in very
good disposition, without having met any danger on the road to her
person or otherwise; to-morrow we pass from here to Aix-la-Chapelle.'
The princess accomplished her journey safely, but her marriage to
Louis of Hungary did not take place until seven years later.

In 1507 Henry VIII.'s sister, Princess Mary, had been betrothed to
Prince Charles of Austria, and the marriage contract signed at Calais
between her father, Henry VII.'s, and Maximilian's ambassadors. It had
been arranged that the betrothal should take place in London before
the following Easter; but the King of England's illness and the
emperor's engagements had delayed the ceremony until the 17th of
December 1508. It was agreed to wait for the completion of the
marriage until Charles had attained his fourteenth year in February
1514.

In the month of October 1513 the king and emperor still appeared to be
willing to fulfil the contract, and signed a treaty arranging that
Maximilian and Margaret should accompany the Archduke Charles to
Calais before the 15th of May following for the celebration of the
marriage. But six months later Ferdinand and Louis signed another
treaty agreeing to marry the archduke to Renee, Louis XII.'s daughter,
who was barely four years old. Ferdinand, as Charles's maternal
grandfather, claimed the right to control the marriage of his grandson
and heir. He informed Maximilian of the contents of the treaty, but
begged him to keep it secret from Margaret, as _he_ intended to keep
it secret from the English king. Margaret, left in ignorance,
continued to beg her father to celebrate the archduke's marriage with
Princess Mary, but the emperor always evaded her requests with fresh
excuses. She reproached him for his negligence in a letter written in
March 1514 in which she showed how necessary it was that he should
hasten the marriage to secure peace to the Austrian dominions, and
especially to the Netherlands.

Anne of Brittany had been in failing health for some years, and as far
back as 1511 had had a serious illness which placed her life in
danger. De Burgo, Margaret's ambassador at the French Court, in one of
his letters to his mistress's secretary says: 'The queen, as I lately
informed Madame, was nearly well again, but last night she was
suddenly attacked with fever and other symptoms so violently that her
life was in danger.' Later on he wrote that the patient had had such a
bad night, she had lost all power of speech, but after having received
the last sacraments she gradually became better. Anne recovered, and
on the 4th of April De Burgo wrote the news of her convalescence.

But on the 23rd of January of the following year Jean Leveau informed
Margaret that 'the day before yesterday, which was the 21st of this
month, at three o'clock in the afternoon, the queen was delivered of a
still-born son, much to the king's grief, though others take it calmly
since God wills it thus.' This was Anne's last child. In the following
March she again had fever, and did not leave her bed until May. De
Burgo gave Margaret an account of an audience he had with Anne on the
19th of May. 'Madame, although the queen is not yet quite well and
speaks to no stranger, she was pleased to wish to see me, to hear
what the emperor had written to me about some days ago, and that I
might take leave of her; I found her in bed, but looking well, and
much improved in health.'

Anne, however, never really recovered, and on January the 9th, 1514,
passed away at Blois, leaving the king with only two daughters, Claude
and Renee. Ferdinand soon tried to find Louis another wife, and
proposed that he should marry Margaret, who was now thirty-four years
old, or her niece Eleanor, who was only seventeen. Louis chose the
latter, and had the marriage articles drawn up.

In a long despatch to Juan de Lanuza, his ambassador in Flanders,
written in March, King Ferdinand says that he hears that Madame
Margaret does not approve of the mission on which Quintana (his
secretary) was sent to the emperor. Quintana was sent to find out the
emperor's wishes about concluding a truce with France for one year
between Austria, England, and Spain.... Had he believed that Madame
Margaret entertained a different opinion from that of the emperor, he
would have consulted her first. Not knowing that she would disapprove
of the treaty, and considering delay dangerous, he had sent Quintana
to the emperor, and ordered that as soon as he arrived, Luis de
Gilaberte should go to Madame Margaret, and inform her of what was
going on. As the truce is now signed according to the orders of the
emperor, it must be observed....'

'In addition to the commission to conclude a truce with France... the
emperor ordered Quintana to propose in his name to the King of France
a marriage with Madame Eleanor of Austria.... King Ferdinand says that
he is astonished to hear that Madame Margaret opposes his plans, as
he is only following her father's counsel, and thinks she must be
imperfectly informed of the true nature of this affair.... Madame
Margaret, he says, dwells on the great difference of age between the
King of France and Madame Eleanor. Lanuza is to tell her that in
marriages of great kings difference of age is never taken into
account. The King of France has no son and no heir. A son of Madame
Eleanor's would, therefore, be the heir to the throne of France. It
would be of incalculable advantage to Prince Charles if his sister's
son were King of France. Madame Margaret is mistaken if she thinks it
a disadvantage that Madame Eleanor is so thin. Thin women generally
... bear more children than stout ones. If the King of France were to
marry Madame Eleanor, Austria, France, England, and Spain would form
but one family, of which the emperor would be the head....'

'Ferdinand hopes that Margaret will not dissuade the emperor and the
King of England from ratifying the truce with France, and wishes that
the marriages (Prince Charles's and his sister Eleanor's) might be
concluded in her presence and under her guidance. He goes on to say
that Madame Margaret is a very pious and virtuous lady, and he expects
that she will act like a good Christian, and prefer peace rather than
war and bloodshed.... Should it be necessary, he must speak with
Madame Margaret's confessor in secret, and ask him to use his
influence with her....' Ferdinand ends the despatch by saying that 'he
hopes Margaret will help him to secure incalculably great advantages
to the emperor, himself, and to Prince Charles.'

In the same month King Ferdinand wrote a most affectionate letter to
Margaret evidently in the hopes of winning her consent to his wishes
by flattering speeches. The letter is addressed to his 'beloved
daughter,' and begins by thanking her for all the great services she
has rendered to himself as well as to 'his brothers, the emperor and
the King of England, and to his son, the Prince (Charles).' 'She is,'
he says, 'the most important person in Christendom, since she acts as
mediator in almost all the negotiations between the princes of
Christendom.'

In another letter to Lanuza a few days later, Ferdinand is still
anxious lest Margaret should oppose the truce with France, and
observes that 'Madame Margaret is the person on whom, more than any
one else on earth, peace or war depends, and beseeches that she may
use her influence in favour of peace.'

King Ferdinand tells Lanuza in confidence that he believes Margaret
wishes to marry the French king herself, and that if this is the case,
Ferdinand would not oppose it; but the King of France is anxious to
marry again because he hopes for a son and heir, and he does not wish
to marry Margaret because he fears that she would not bear him
children....[46]

  [46] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. ii.

Whilst these negotiations were under discussion, Henry VIII. was
contemplating marrying his sister Mary to Louis XII., in order to
prevent the French king's marriage with Eleanor of Austria. It was now
in the King of England's interest to be on good terms with France, as
he was deserted by those who had formerly sided with him against her.
Full powers for Princess Mary's marriage with Louis XII. were sent to
France on the 29th of July. The next day Mary solemnly renounced the
promises made in her name with reference to her marriage with the
Archduke Charles, and on the 7th of August the marriage contract with
Louis was signed in London by the ambassadors, without Margaret having
any suspicion of the truth.

When at last she heard rumours of the Anglo-French marriage, she did
not believe them, and even ordered Jacques de Thienne, Lord of
Castres, to tell the King of England that she had never believed the
report to be true. De Castres only started on his mission in the
middle of August, and the marriage treaty had been signed since the
7th of the same month, and Mary had married the prisoner Duke of
Longueville[47] by proxy at Greenwich on the 13th.

  [47] The Duke of Longueville had been a prisoner in England since
  the battle of Guinegate.

This public ceremony at last convinced Margaret of the unwelcome fact
that her nephew had been thrown over. She bitterly complained of King
Henry's want of good faith, and threatened to publish the promise he
had given in writing to marry his sister to the Archduke Charles.

Before Louis XII. married the eighteen-year-old Mary Tudor he sent his
first painter, Jean de Paris, to London to paint her portrait and plan
her trousseau. Accompanied by King Henry, Queen Katharine, and a great
retinue of nobles as far as Dover, the bride set sail for France,
escorted by the Duke of Suffolk. Amongst her ladies we find the names
of the Ladies Grey and Anne Boleyn. Gorgeous pageants greeted Princess
Mary; King Louis went himself in state to receive her at Calais,
accompanied by the Duke of Valois and Margaret of Angouleme, and
loaded her with presents and costly jewels. The wedding took place at
Abbeville on the 9th of October. With reference to this marriage,
Louise of Savoy, whose son, the Duke of Valois, was heir-presumptive
to the throne, made the following spiteful entries in her diary: 'Le
22nd Septembre 1514, le roi Louis XII., fort antique et debile sortit
de Paris, pour aller au devant de sa jeune femme, la reine Marie.'

'Le 9 Octobre 1514, furent les amoureuses noces de Louis XII., roi de
France, et de Marie d'Angleterre; et furent epouses a dix heures du
matin.'

On the 5th of November the new queen was crowned at St. Denis, and
during the ceremony Francis, Duke of Valois, held the crown above her
head.[48]

  [48] 'Francis of Valois and the Duke of Suffolk were amongst
  Mary's devoted admirers, but it was noticed that she showed a
  marked preference for the handsome English duke. Francis gaily
  entered into a negotiation with Suffolk, and promised in case of
  Mary's widowhood that he should have the queen _en noces
  officielles_. After Louis XII.'s death Francis kept his promise,
  and authorised Suffolk to marry Mary with permission that she
  should retain the title of Queen and her dowry.'--R. de Maulde la
  Claviere.

Henry VIII., in writing to thank Louis for a richly caparisoned
Spanish genet which he had sent as a present, expressed his hopes that
Mary's lively disposition might not harm conjugal peace. But Louis was
quite fascinated by his youthful bride, and for her sake changed all
his habits, and breakfasted at noon instead of eight in the morning,
and went to bed at midnight instead of six, and soon ended by falling
seriously ill. His wife amused him whilst he lay in bed by singing
romances to her guitar; but three months after their marriage the
worn-out old king of fifty-two died during a terrific storm which
raged throughout New Year's night, 1515. Only a few faithful friends
were with him at the last, and when next day Mary was informed of her
loss she fainted, and with every sign of becoming grief shut herself
up according to the custom of royal widows for six weeks in a darkened
room.

Towards the month of March 1515 an English embassy was sent to France,
headed by the Duke of Suffolk, to bring back the Queen-Dowager of
France to England. Margaret writes to her father: 'Monseigneur, I have
received your three letters of the 14th instant... and in reply I
write to inform you that the King of England has despatched a large
embassy to the King of France, in charge of the Duke of Suffolk, who I
hear is sent to bring back the Queen-Dowager.... As for the
ambassadors who are to go to England with the Bishop of Brixen, I have
communicated that part of your letters to the lord of Chievres, as
head of the finances and government of Monseigneur, who replied that
the various personages were ready, but that the difficulty was finding
money to provide them suitably. And I think, Monseigneur, he speaks
the truth,' but, she adds sadly, 'I can do no more, for _now I do not
meddle_ in any business.'

After this date Margaret's letters to her father become much less
frequent.

Soon after any dreams that she may have indulged in of a fourth and
handsome husband in the person of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk,
were finally dissipated by his marriage with the young Queen-Dowager
of France.[49] Mary Tudor was eighteen years younger than Margaret,
and was considered one of the most beautiful princesses in Europe.
These facts may account for Charles Brandon's preference. At any rate,
after this episode Margaret remained a widow to the end of her life,
and although the manuscripts in the British Museum abound with her
letters to Henry VIII., Wolsey, and others on grave political affairs,
they probably comprise no more than those already quoted that have so
direct a reference to the affairs of her heart.[50]

  [49] Lady Jane Grey was the granddaughter of Charles Brandon and
  Mary Tudor, whose eldest daughter Frances married Henry Grey,
  Marquis of Dorset.

  [50] She was accustomed to address Cardinal Wolsey as 'Votre
  bonne mere Marguerite,' and even wrote in the superscriptions of
  her letters, 'a Monsr. le Legat d'Angleterre, mon bon fils.'




CHAPTER IX

CHARLES DECLARED OF AGE


Soon after midnight on the 2nd of January 1515 Francis, Duke of
Valois, was aroused by an excited crowd rushing into his chamber and
hailing him King of France. 'May you have a happy New Year!' cried his
friend Fleurange, 'Les belles etrennes!'

The new king was in his twenty-first year, and in May 1514 had married
Louis XII.'s eldest daughter Claude, thus securing Brittany to the
French crown. Young, brave, and handsome, with fascinating manners,
passionately fond of beauty in every form, he was undoubtedly the most
accomplished 'chevalier' in the kingdom, but his love of pleasure and
extravagance were carried to excess, and marred the brilliancy of his
many good qualities. 'This big boy will spoil everything,' Louis XII.
had predicted, more struck by his son-in-law's failings than by his
virtues.

On the 15th of February Francis made his state entry into Paris, and
at the banquet given the same evening, the Flemish ambassadors were
present, having been previously received in audience by Queen Claude.
Mercurin de Gattinare wrote to Margaret from Paris giving her an
account of their reception. 'Queen Claude,' he says, 'is very small
and extraordinarily fat, but her graceful way of talking makes amends
for her lack of beauty.' When the ambassadors were presented to her,
'she kissed Monsieur de Nassou, but gave her hand to Monsieur de
Saint-Py and all of us.'

Francis I. found his kingdom prepared for war. From the time of his
accession he dreamed of winning glory in Italy, and reconquering the
duchy of Milan. As soon as he had made the necessary preparations he
entered on the campaign; and in August led a brilliant army of 60,000
men and 30,000 horse across the Alps by narrow, unfrequented roads
over the Col d'Argentiere, entering Italy by the valley of the Stura,
thus avoiding the passes guarded by the Swiss, and finally taking up a
strong position to the south-east of Milan, near Marignano. Against
him were the emperor, King Ferdinand, and the Swiss Cantons, Venice
being his only ally. Fifteen thousand Venetians under Alviano advanced
by forced marches to help him, and had reached Lodi, four miles
distant. Milan itself was occupied by 30,000 Swiss, who were resolved
to prevent the junction of the two armies, and attack the French in
their own trenches. They opened fire late on the afternoon of
September 12th, and all that evening until it grew pitch dark the
battle raged. When morning dawned the two armies were still facing
each other, and with the first rays of the sun the battle continued
with renewed vigour until ten o'clock, when, at sight of the Venetian
advance-guard led by Alviano, the Swiss began to waver, and hastily
retreating to Milan, left the French masters of the field.

Marshal Trivulzio, who had been present at eighteen battles, declared
that all the others were child's play when compared to Marignano,
which was 'a battle of giants.'

After the victory Francis wished to be knighted by Bayard, who,
though only a lieutenant, had so distinguished himself that the whole
army looked upon him as a perfect model of a Christian soldier, and
gave him the name of 'le chevalier sans peur et sans reproche.'

Maximilian, writing to Margaret from Innsbrueck, thus describes the
battle of Marignano:--

'Very dear and much-loved daughter,--We have had news that on the 13th
of this month[51] (September), the French being quartered about two
leagues from Germany, near Milan, they set out and appeared before the
said town. Wherefore the Swiss who were in the town of Milan, having
quitted the flat country, being informed of this fact, left the town
about twenty thousand strong and marched against the French, and about
four o'clock in the afternoon of the same day, the Swiss and French
began to fight each other, more by way of skirmishing than giving
battle, for there were so many ditches that the French men-at-arms on
horseback could not help their foot-soldiers, and fought so long that
night surprised them; and all that night the said Swiss and French
remained on the field of battle, without attacking each other until
the morrow, the 14th of the month, when they renewed the battle, which
lasted quite three hours, after which fight about three thousand of
the said landsknechts (foot-soldiers) and as many or more Swiss were
left dead upon the field. And because there was mutiny and division
amongst the said Swiss, through some of their people making peace with
the French and refusing to fight, they retreated some to Milan and
others to Como, without either party pursuing or trying to fight the
other. And because they could not subdue the mutiny, the day after
they left the above-mentioned places and returned to their own
country....'

  [51] Maximilian, writing on the 7th October, makes a mistake in
  the date. The battle began on September 12th.


After the battle Maximilian Sforza, Duke of Milan, yielded his rights
to the conqueror and accepted a pension of 30,000 crowns.

Before the year was out, Francis I. and the Pope met at Bologna and
arranged a peace which was signed at Fribourg and called 'La Paix
perpetuelle.'

In the lull that followed the battle of Marignano Maximilian found
time to turn his attention to the interesting occupation of planning
marriages for his grandchildren. His Court has been called a sort of
matrimonial agency, and his letters to Margaret abound in projects and
schemes for grand alliances for his granddaughters. In the spring of
1515 he had met the Kings of Poland and Hungary at Vienna. Vladislav
II., King of Hungary, had a son Louis, whose marriage was now arranged
with Mary of Austria, whilst his daughter Anna was betrothed to
Ferdinand of Austria, Maximilian's youngest grandson. It was hoped
that this double marriage would secure the kingdom of Hungary to the
House of Hapsburg, besides carrying out the original treaty of 1463
between the Emperor Frederick III. and King Mathias.

In one of his letters to Margaret, Maximilian reminds her of his
remark that, in order to find a husband for the 'Lady Leonora,' his
eldest granddaughter, he must wait for the decease of one of the three
principal queens of Europe, either of France, England, or Poland. He
now writes to say that the Queen of Poland is dead, and it has been
suggested to him that the widowed king is thinking of Leonora, and he
would like to know his granddaughter's wishes on the subject.

'As to our opinion,' he says, 'we are willing that the said marriage
should take place; for the said King of Poland is a handsome person,
somewhat fat, anyhow he will never be fatter; with a white face and
body and very white hands, the height of Seigneur de Berges at the age
of twenty, with a handsomer face than Monsieur de Berges has, for his
face is open and very honest.... He keeps great state, is beloved by
his subjects and by all those with whom he comes in contact, of whom I
am one, and also my whole house. He is, as he told me with his own
mouth, which is beautiful and red, forty-six or forty-seven years old,
his hair is already a little grey; his kingdom, two hundred miles from
Germany, large, warlike, and can raise a hundred thousand
fighting-men.... The king and all his court speak German and Latin as
well as their native language....'

Margaret replied that in accordance with Maximilian's wishes she had
spoken to Leonora about the projected marriage with the King of
Poland. 'I spoke to her,' she says, 'on my own account, telling her of
the virtues and beauty of the said king's person, with the greatness
of his kingdom, and all that there was to be said on the subject; she
listened to me willingly, very gently, and rather timidly, and after
several subtle devices, I could only draw from her the words that....'
(Here the letter tantalisingly breaks off.)

Sigismond I., King of Poland, of whom the emperor draws so attractive
a portrait, was in truth a very accomplished prince--but he did not
marry Eleanor of Austria, and eventually became the husband of Bona,
the daughter of Galeazzo Sforza, Duke of Milan.

The Archduke Charles was now fifteen, and Maximilian declared him of
age and handed over to him the reins of government of the Netherlands.
He was inaugurated Duke of Brabant in February 1515, Count of Flanders
in April, and successively took possession of Holland and Zealand,
Leeuward, Harlingen, and Franicker. Charles's letter to the president
and councillors of Flanders announcing his emancipation has been
preserved:--

   'VERY DEAR AND WELL BELOVED,--It has pleased the emperor, my
   lord and grandfather, to emancipate us and free us from his
   guardianship and regency, placing the government of our country
   and lordships... in our hands, and consenting that we be
   received and sworn to the principality and lordship of the
   same.... Therefore it is fit and reasonable that all things
   which concern our rights, greatness, lordship, and even the
   doing of justice and our other affairs, should be conducted
   henceforth in our name and under our title. For this cause we
   write to you; we require and command that all letters, acts, and
   other things which will be done and expedited towards you for
   our aforesaid affairs, shall be drawn up and despatched under
   our aforesaid name and title, placing at the end of the letters:
   Given under the seal which the emperor, my lord and grandfather,
   and we have used during the time of our minority....

    'CHARLES (1515)'

In addressing the deputies from the States-General Charles made the
following speech: 'Gentlemen, I thank you for the honour and great
affection you bear me. Be good and loyal subjects, and I will be your
good prince.'

Margaret does not appear to have been consulted about Charles's
emancipation until it was an accomplished fact, and we can well
understand that, accustomed as she had been to exercise sovereign
power for eight years, she felt some secret anxiety in seeing this
power taken from her. Monsieur de Croy, Seigneur de Chievres, had
always opposed the princess's administration, and was anxious to
exclude her from the government; it was therefore an added blow to
know that he would now, as Charles's counsellor, be in a position to
deprive her of her nephew's confidence.

Margaret no longer presided at the State Council, and was only
appealed to as a matter of form. The emperor's letters were not
communicated to her, and she even heard rumours that she was accused
of personal avarice and of having been unsuccessful in her rule. She
keenly resented these accusations and complained to her father, and
also addressed a memorandum to her nephew containing a sketch of her
government, and accounts, with a full list of the gifts and payments
made out of her private income.

Maximilian replied that he has written to Charles, and encloses a copy
of the letter, in which he says: 'We make no doubt, because of the
honour and love you owe to our very dear daughter, your aunt, that you
communicate your chief and most arduous business to her, and that you
take and use her good advice and counsel, from which, for natural
reasons, you will always find more comfort, help, and support than
from any other. In which, as a royal father, we exhort you always to
continue, begging you affectionately to remember the way she laboured
during your minority in the administration of your country... and
also that you are her whole heart, hope, and heir,--that you will
give her a good allowance, such as she has had until now... for she
has well deserved it from you.'

On August the 20th, 1515, Margaret presented a memorandum to her
nephew before the assembled Council containing a justification of her
government, which began thus: 'Monseigneur, as I evidently perceive,
after having had such long patience, that by divers means they try to
give you suspicions of me, your humble aunt, to withdraw me from your
goodwill and confidence, which would indeed be a poor recompense for
the services which I have rendered you until now, I am constrained to
excuse myself....' She bitterly complains of the way she has been put
aside, and protests against the calumnies brought against her. To
justify her conduct, she recalls her services during Charles's
minority, and firmly maintains that she always acted uprightly and
loyally without any profit to herself, serving the prince from love,
without any thought of gain. If any error should be found in the
detailed account presented to the Council, she requests that it may be
pointed out to her before the prince, so that she can answer it
herself, for 'I prefer,' she says, 'that they should speak before me,
than behind my back.' She then relates all the principal acts of her
government, from the time the emperor first confided the regency to
her care, and recalls her long struggles with the Duke of Gueldres,
who, aided and abetted by the King of France, broke all treaties, and
feared neither God nor man; and recounts the part she played in the
alliance with England, and also at the Treaty of Cambray, which was
only brought to a successful issue after much pain and trouble. She
indignantly denies that she has been the cause of renewed wars with
Gueldres, for far from seeking war, she has ever striven for peace.
'And what has been the reward of all this service and sacrifice?' From
the time of her appointment as regent she has given her time and money
for her nephew's service, without touching a 'denier,' and spent more
than three thousand florins from her own income. The prince's proposed
emancipation was kept from her, though had her advice been asked she
would not have opposed it; her opinion was no longer asked, and
through calumnious imputations it was tried to injure her with her
nephew. The payment of her pension was purposely delayed, though every
nobleman could count on receiving the allowance due to him. 'If mine
is larger,' she adds, addressing herself to her nephew, 'I am also
your only aunt, and have no other son nor heir but you, and I know of
no one to whom your honour is dearer than to me. You can rest assured,
Monseigneur, that when it pleases you to make use of my services, and
hold and treat me with the esteem which is reasonable, I will serve
you well and loyally, not sparing my person or my goods, as I have
done heretofore. But if you are pleased to give ear to what they tell
you against me, and allow me to be treated as I see they have begun to
do, I would much rather look after my own small affairs and gracefully
retire, as I have already begged the emperor to allow me to do by my
secretary, Marnix, when he was lately with him.'

After the young prince had listened to this eloquent justification, he
declared, and the Chancellor agreed, 'that Madame was held fully
discharged from all things, with many other fine words and promises.'
On the back of the paper is a note containing the names of the
councillors present when Charles received the document, and at the end
is a full account of the money received at different times from the
Flemish States, and an appendix showing the various gifts from
Margaret's own collection of treasures which she gave for the service
of her government during her regency.

Peace was once more restored, and we hear of Margaret accompanying
Charles at the various festivities which marked his majority.

The following extract is from Margaret's memorandum of gifts and
sacrifices made by her during regency:--

'1. To the Duke of Juliers, who had accompanied her on her return from
Germany, a large silver-gilt goblet, weighing sixteen marks, which had
been given to her by the town of Antwerp.

'2. To the Controller of Calais, who had come on an embassy from the
King of England, half-a-dozen cups, two jugs, and two flagons, all of
silver, weighing together fifty-five marks.

'3. To the English ambassadors who came to treat about the marriage
between her and the late King Henry VII., and who were afterwards sent
to take part in the Peace of Cambray, viz., to the Count of Surrey a
golden goblet out of which Madame drank every day, weighing three
hundred golden crowns; to Richard Wingfield, second ambassador, twenty
yards of velvet, twenty yards of satin, and twenty yards of damask; to
the third ambassador... twenty yards of velvet and twenty yards of
damask; and to their herald, twenty yards of damask.

'4. To Monseigneur the Legate at the Treaty of Cambray, by the advice
of the Council, a very beautiful golden goblet, weighing nearly six
hundred crowns, with a cover ornamented with large pearls, forming
five trefoils of five pearls each, and between each trefoil a very
fine balass ruby, each of the five table rubies valued at more than
three hundred and fifty golden florins. The foot of the goblet had
also five trefoils of medium-sized pearls and five balass rubies.' In
short, this cup, surmounted by a great and beautiful emerald, was
valued at more than four thousand golden florins. The Cardinal
d'Amboise thought it so exquisite and beautiful that he considered he
ought to present it to King Louis XII.

'5. To the Bishop of Paris, being an ecclesiastic, was given a
beautiful and rich Book of Hours, which had been bought from
Maillardet for the sum of four hundred golden crowns. It was
ornamented with gold; and on both covers were two superb table
diamonds, and to mark the place a large balass ruby, set clear, which
was valued at more than a thousand florins, and to which were attached
twenty-five silken cords, each one finished with a pearl.

'6. To the Count of Carpi, two large and rich silver flagons, which
Madame had brought from Spain, each weighing twenty-two marks, of good
workmanship.

'7. To the heralds, ushers, and other members of the French embassy,
from four to five hundred gold crowns. "All given in order the better
to nourish peace and love between France and this House, as the
affairs of Monsieur require it." Other ambassadors, officers, and
gentlemen received various gifts and presents to the amount of five
thousand florins.

'Item.--Madame has lent her money for State affairs, and has greatly
reduced the expenses of her own household.... For three years, far
from having a pension for her services, she spent her dowry as long
as it lasted. It will also be found that during her government she
never gave any gratuities to her dependants from the finances of
Monsieur.'

This document, corrected in the margin by Margaret, is found in
duplicate in the archives of Lille.

       *       *       *       *       *

Magnificent fetes everywhere inaugurated Charles's coming of age. The
Pope presented him with the Golden Rose; and Maximilian, writing to
Margaret on the 8th of December, hopes that she will see that the
Pope's ambassador, who brought the gift, is well received by Charles,
and orders that a sum of L700 be given to him.

M. Tailliar gives an interesting account of the young archduke's state
entry into Douay, accompanied by Margaret: 'On the 15th of May 1516
Charles, King of Spain and Count of Flanders, having made his joyous
entry into Douay, went next day, the 16th, to the market-hall to
receive the oaths of fealty. The square in front of the hall was
richly hung with velvet and cloth of gold. After hearing mass, the
king appeared, accompanied by his aunt, Madame Margaret of Austria,
and by his eldest sister, Madame. He took the oath in the prescribed
manner, and likewise all those present swore fealty to him.'

King Ferdinand of Aragon had died on the 23rd of January 1516. By his
will, Charles was excluded from the kingdom of Aragon, which was left
to his younger brother, Ferdinand, who had been the old king's
favourite; but in his last moments, repenting perhaps of this unjust
arrangement, he made a codicil, in which he not only left Charles heir
to all his estates, but also made him Grand Master of the Military
Orders, leaving Ferdinand with a pension of 50,000 ducats a year.

Although Queen Joanna was still alive, Charles assumed the title of
King, and was first proclaimed Sovereign of Castile and Aragon,
conjointly with his mother, at Brussels, where Ferdinand's funeral
obsequies were celebrated in the cathedral of St. Gudule. 'Twice the
king-at-arms of the Golden Fleece called aloud, "Don Ferdinand." Twice
the answer came, "He is dead," and on this the great standard
clattered to the ground. Then cried the herald, "Long live donna
Jehanne and don Charles, by the grace of God Catholic kings," whereon
Charles, doffing his mourning, received and brandished the sword of
justice.'[52]

  [52] Armstrong, _The Emperor Charles V._

In Spain this assumption of the royal title was regarded as a breach
of custom, and caused comment and discontent. Nevertheless Cardinal
Ximenes had his young master proclaimed in Castile. The regency of
Castile had been intrusted to him by Ferdinand until Charles's
arrival, and that of Aragon to the late king's natural son, the
Archbishop of Saragossa.

Before Charles succeeded to his Spanish kingdoms, his sister Mary had
already left home for her short, though comparatively happy, marriage
with the ill-fated Louis of Hungary, while Isabella had begun her
miserable life with the brutal and licentious Christian II. of
Denmark. His brother Ferdinand and his youngest sister Katharine were
being brought up in Spain. Only Charles's eldest sister Eleanor
remained at Brussels. About this time she seems to have had a rather
serious flirtation with the handsome Count Palatine Frederick, who was
the most accomplished nobleman of the Court, and though seventeen
years his senior, Charles's earliest personal friend. The affection
between the count and Eleanor was mutual, and led to clandestine
correspondence. Chievres set Charles on the track of one of the
count's love-letters. Pretending to wish his sister good-morning, he
snatched it from her bosom before she had time to read it, and after a
brief scrimmage secured the prize. 'Upon this his constancy into a
like affair,' wrote Spinelli to Henry VIII., 'many do conject in him
good stomak and couraggy, and how he will be fast in his
determjnacions, and much extime the honnor of the worlde.' This
singularly sound forecast of the character of the hitherto problematic
boy of sixteen gives, perhaps, the first glimpse of his
personality.[53]

  [53] E. Armstrong.

Educated by the courtly William de Croy, Lord of Chievres, with
Adrian of Utrecht as preceptor, Charles developed manners and
characteristics, half patrician, half plebeian, which was probably due
to his tutors' opposite influences. De Croy's courteous manners gave
him a stately bearing, reserve, and dignity which subsequently
attached him to the Spaniards; while from Adrian he acquired the
popular, easy-going and simple ways which made him so beloved by his
Flemish subjects.

  [Illustration: CHARLES V
  FROM THE PAINTING IN THE LOUVRE (FLEMISH SCHOOL)]

His intellectual faculties did not develop early--he even showed
marked aversion for science and letters, and preferred military
exercises to the study of government. De Chievres, however, made him
study the history not only of his own kingdoms, but of those with
which they were connected. He accustomed him, from the time of his
assuming the government of Flanders, to attend to business, and
persuaded him to read all papers relating to public affairs, to be
present at the deliberations of his privy-councillors, and to propose
to them himself those matters concerning which he required their
opinion. From such an education Charles contracted habits of gravity
and recollection which scarcely suited his youth. The first openings
of his genius did not show that superiority which its maturer age
displayed.[54]

  [54] Prescott.

The French envoy once expressed surprise at Charles's diligence before
De Chievres, who replied: 'My friend, I am his tutor and master. When
I die, I want him to be free, for if he does not understand his own
affairs, after my death he will be obliged to have another tutor, and
will always have to lean on others.'

Charles did not hurry at once to enter into his new possessions. He
remained in Flanders until the repeated entreaties of Ximenes, and the
advice of his grandfather, Maximilian, at last prevailed on him to
embark for Spain. Before he set out he confirmed Margaret in the
government of the Netherlands, and appointed a Council to assist her.
Accompanied by his sister Eleanor, De Chievres, his Prime Minister,
and a splendid train of Flemish nobles, he set sail from Flushing on
September the 8th, and after a dangerous voyage, landed at Villa
Viciosa, in the province of Asturias. For six weeks Charles wandered
through the wild mountainous country without entering any large town.
On the last day of October the Constable of Castile met him, and soon
the Spanish nobility flocked to greet their sovereign from all parts
of the kingdom. But before Charles would show himself to his people he
visited his mother and his youngest sister Katharine at Tordesillas.
Queen Joanna was surprised to find Charles and Eleanor grown up, and
asked if they were really her children. A little later Charles tried
to remove his young sister Katharine from her gloomy surroundings,
but her secret abstraction caused her mother such grief that she had
to be restored.

About this time Maximilian wrote to Margaret, sending advice to
Charles, and begging her to continue to help him: 'My good daughter,
thinking day and night about the affairs of my heirs, I have decided,
chiefly for the good and honour of my son, King Charles, to write to
my deputies who are with him, certain things concerning their good and
that of their subjects. Knowing that you will be required by my said
son to accomplish an honourable charge, we desire and we require that
you should fulfil it; in so doing you will do a thing very pleasant
and honourable to yourself, as you will more clearly understand from
our deputies, Messieurs Andre de Burgo and Nycasy. And so 'A. Diu.'
Written on the 2nd of March by the hand of your good and loyal father,
MAXI.'

Charles's arrival in Spain caused great excitement among high and low,
and every one was speculating about his appearance, character, and
accomplishments. The Bishop of Badajoz sent the following interesting,
though somewhat exaggerated, description of the new king and his
surroundings to Cardinal Ximenes: 'The prince,' he says, 'has good
parts, but he has been kept too much isolated from the world, and, in
particular, he knows too little of Spaniards. He does not understand a
single word of Spanish. He obeys his councillors implicitly; but, as
he has entered the seventeenth year of his age, it would be well if he
took part in the discussions of his Council.

'Monsieur de Chievres is the most influential person in the prince's
Court; he is prudent and gentle, but avaricious. The same may be said
of the Chancellor of Burgundy. On the whole, love of money is the
besetting sin of the Flemings. They buy and sell the Government
offices, and it is to be feared that they will introduce the same
custom into Spain.... Monsieur de Chievres is a Frenchman by birth,
and keeps the prince very much under subjection to the King of France.
The prince signs his letters to the King of France, "Your humble
servant and vassal,"... and though he signs himself to others
"Principe," he likes to be called king....'

Cardinal Ximenes' health was now rapidly declining. When the news of
Charles's arrival in Spain had been brought to him he revived a
little, and sent the young king letters of welcome, filled with good
advice as to the best way of securing his people's affection. Charles
answered in the most deferential manner, but his Belgian Ministers,
fearing that the Cardinal would exercise too much influence over him,
prevented their meeting by keeping the king in the north, and
estranging him from Ximenes. Through their advice Charles wrote to the
Cardinal in a very different strain, depriving him not only of the
regency but of all share in state affairs. When the letter was brought
to Ximenes at Roa he was dangerously ill. Adrian de Burgo was with
him, but feared to tell him of the royal command, and the great
Cardinal, who had preserved the kingdom of Castile intact for his
master, passed away without the knowledge of Charles's ingratitude. He
died on the 8th of November 1517 in the eighty-third year of his age.

De Chievres had now no rival, and hoped to be as powerful in Spain as
he was in the Netherlands.




CHAPTER X

DEATH OF MAXIMILIAN


On the 18th of November 1517, ten days after Ximenes' death, Charles,
accompanied by a gorgeous train of nobles, ambassadors, and the flower
of the Spanish army, made his state entry into Valladolid, the capital
of Old Castile. The splendid procession slowly wound its way through
the narrow streets of the town. First came thirty falconers, with
birds on wrist, some wearing the king's livery of white, yellow, and
red, others the red and green of Ferdinand, then two hundred of the
royal guard, a contingent of Spanish Lancers, with the nobles' drum
and fife bands, followed by twenty led chargers from the king's
stables. Behind rode three hundred Spanish and Flemish nobles, then
two hundred men-at-arms, with foreign ambassadors and heralds; and
lastly Charles appeared, a truly regal figure in surcoat of crimson
silk and gold brocade over his steel armour, seated on a prancing
horse, 'with the majority of its legs always in the air,' but, as an
eye-witness observed, the king no more stirred nor swayed than if he
had been glued thereon.'[55]

  [55] E. Armstrong, _The Emperor Charles V._

Fetes and tournaments followed, and the people flocked from far and
near to see their king; but beneath the rejoicings there were murmurs
and discontent, for the chief posts were given to Flemings, to the
exclusion of Spaniards, who naturally felt themselves slighted, and
the clergy, to show their annoyance, rudely refused to quarter the
royal suite. Jean le Sauvage, Grand Chancellor of Burgundy, was made
Chancellor of Castile, and to De Chievres' young nephew, a mere boy,
was given the archbishopric of Toledo, the wealthiest see in Spain.

Amidst general discontent the Cortes opened on February 2nd, 1518. The
town deputies began by objecting to the new Chancellor presiding over
their first meeting. After some stormy debates, the oath of allegiance
was taken to Charles and his mother conjointly, but it was appointed
that Joanna's name should be placed before that of her son in all
public acts. A generous subsidy of six hundred thousand ducats was
voted for three years. Charles was petitioned to marry at once, and to
keep his brother in Spain until there was a direct heir to the throne.
To these requests he gave evasive answers, but when implored to learn
Spanish, he replied that he had already begun to study the language.
As a matter of fact he only knew a few words, and his answers were
extremely abrupt and hesitating. An Italian envoy who was present
remarked: 'He says little, is not of much ability, and is entirely
ruled by his Flemish governors'; whilst the Marquis of Pescara, who
became one of his greatest generals, reported that in three audiences
he had not said three words. But the young monarch was only biding his
time, and was soon to prove that he was not such a cipher as he
allowed himself to appear.[56]

  [56] E. Armstrong.

When Charles became king, his Ministers were anxious to bring about a
reaction against Maximilian and Margaret's hostile attitude towards
France, and for this end Charles hastened to inform Francis I. of his
accession. The French king replied by sending the Sire de la Roche
with his affectionate congratulations, and expressed the hope that
their friendship would become still closer. In an enthusiastic letter
to Francis, Charles said: 'Monseigneur, in order to continue the
fervent love I bear you, I wished as a good son to a good father, to
inform you of my prosperous accession here, which is such, that in
giving thanks to our Creator, who directs all things, yesterday, after
mass was solemnly celebrated in the temple of our said Creator,
accompanied by many ambassadors, yours amongst them, I was splendidly
well received, and unanimously acknowledged lord and king of these my
realms of Castile, Leon, Granada, and their dependencies, by the
prelates, nobles, and representatives of the said kingdoms, with such
great reverence and goodwill that... nothing could be better....'[57]
But Charles had a long progress in front of him, and soon after left
Castile and set out for Saragossa, the capital of Aragon, in order to
attend the Cortes of that kingdom. On his way there he took leave of
his brother Ferdinand, whom he sent to Germany on the pretext of
visiting Maximilian. This prudent but unpopular manoeuvre probably
saved Charles his Spanish dominions, for in the struggle that followed
with the Cortes of Aragon the Spaniards would willingly have offered
the crown to the younger brother, who had been brought up amongst
them, and who was a favourite with all the people.

  [57] _Analectes Belgiques de M. Gachard._

All this time Margaret was anxiously following every movement of her
beloved nephew, and was kept well informed of his reception and
progress. In one of her letters to Maximilian she says: 'Yesterday I
received letters from the king, my lord and nephew, who is very well,
and behaves himself so wisely and discreetly, that it is to his great
honour and profit. He is, I understand, thinking of sending his
brother over here about the month of April, which I much desire.'

On July the 24th, 1518, Charles issued an edict from Saragossa
authorising his aunt to sign all documents in his name, giving her
full power as though she was ruler, and causing the following
announcement to be published in the Netherlands:--'By our
letters-patent given in our town of Saragossa, on the 24th day of July
last, and for the things contained therein, we have ordained that our
very dear Lady and Aunt, the Lady Margaret, Archduchess of Austria,
Dowager of Savoy, etc., shall sign from henceforth all letters, acts,
and documents with her own hand, which are issued for us, and for our
business over there, which ought to be sealed with our seal. Signing
with these words: 'Par le Roy. Marguerite'; that she shall have the
care of the seal of our finances, and that she _alone_ shall provide
and dispose of the appointments of this our country, for we have given
and left the disposal of them to her, assisted by the chief and other
members of our privy council....'[58]

  [58] _Correspondance de Marguerite d'Autriche._

Maximilian was delighted when he heard of Charles's renewed confidence
in his aunt, and wrote to Margaret expressing his pleasure in the
following letter, which was one of the last he was destined to write
to her:--'Very dear and much-beloved daughter, we have received your
letters of the 25th of October, and hear through them of the honour
and authority that our good son, the Catholic king, has lately
bestowed upon you, which gives us great pleasure, and we have good
hope that you will so acquit yourself to the wellbeing, guidance, and
direction of his affairs, that he may not only have cause to be
pleased, but as your good nephew he will increase your said authority
more and more. In doing which he could do nothing more pleasing to us.
This God knows, and may He, very dear and much-beloved daughter, have
you in His keeping. Written from our town of Wels, the 12th day of
December, in the year 1518. Your good father, MAXI.'[59]

  [59] _Correspondance de l'Empereur Maximilien I._

This same year Margaret's eldest niece, Eleanor, was married to
Emmanuel, King of Portugal, who had previously married first Isabel
and then Maria, both daughters of Ferdinand and Isabella. Her elderly
husband did not long survive his third marriage, but died in 1523, and
was succeeded by John III., who, in the following year, married
Eleanor's youngest sister, Katharine.

Since the summer Maximilian's health had gradually been declining. In
July he presided for the last time at the Diet of Augsburg, and
earnestly pressed for the fulfilment of his two dearest wishes--the
fitting out of a crusade against the Turks, and the elector's promise
to secure the succession to the imperial crown for his grandson,
Charles. To this latter request there existed the obstacle, that as he
himself had never been crowned by the Pope, he was only regarded by
the Roman See as King of the Romans, and therefore Charles could not
be invested with that dignity. Maximilian, however, spared no means to
gain his ends, and bribed heavily wherever he thought it advisable.
Charles appears to have objected to the exorbitant price that was put
upon the imperial crown, knowing well that he would one day have to
raise the promised sums from his resources in Spain, but his
grandfather and Margaret, with their councillors, overruled his
objections, and strongly advised him not to bargain for fear of the
French king profiting by his stinginess. In an enigmatical letter
Margaret thus expresses herself:--'The Lord King, my nephew, has
written to us that the horse on which he wishes to come and see us is
very dear. We know well that it is dear; but as matters stand, if he
does not wish to have it, there is a buyer ready to take it, and,
since he has broken it in, it seems a pity that he should give it up,
whatever it costs him.'[60] Whilst Maximilian was engaged in taking
measures to obtain his desires, the elector's attention was fully
occupied by formidable religious troubles. The monk, Martin Luther,
had arisen and vehemently declaimed against certain practices of the
Church of Rome, and a spirit of revolt and restlessness was in the
air. Maximilian does not appear to have been greatly interested in the
commencement of the Reformation. Although in his letters to Margaret
he often satirically complained of 'les beaux pratikes de la sainte
mere de l'Eglise,' still he was far from upholding any schism in the
Church, and urged on by the solicitations of the monks, he wrote to
Leo X. asking him to determine the religious disputes by his decision,
and summoned Luther to appear with a safe conduct before the Diet of
Augsburg to answer for his attack on the system of Indulgences. Luther
arrived too late for the Assembly, and the emperor never saw him, but
at the subsequent interview that took place before the Cardinal Legate
the monk was told he must either recant his heresies or depart. He
refused to recant, and departed to Wittenberg, there to write and
publish an account of his interview, which was read far and wide, and
helped to further the spirit of schism and revolt.

  [60] Gachard, _Rapport sur les Archives de l'Ancienne Chambre des
  comptes de Flandre a Lille_.

After a summer spent at Innsbrueck, where he was attacked by an
intermittent fever, the emperor travelled to Wels, in Upper Austria,
hoping that the pure country air would restore his health. But the
fever continued, aggravated, it is said, by too violent exercise, and
an imprudent indulgence in melons. Soon dysentery supervened, and on
the 12th of January 1519 he passed away in the sixtieth year of his
age.

As long as he had been able to do so, Maximilian bravely attended to
public business, but racked with fever at night, and unable to sleep,
he tried to soothe his weariness by having the history of the House of
Austria and legends of the saints related to his house read aloud to
him. Feeling that his end was near, he asked for a Carthusian monk
from Brisgau. When the monk entered his room the emperor sat up and
received him with every sign of joy, and turning to the officers
standing round his bed he said: 'This is the man who will show me the
way to heaven.' With an untroubled mind, and every semblance of piety,
he received the last sacraments, and gave minute directions as to his
burial, which he wished to be as simple as possible. To show the
emptiness of human greatness he ordered that after death his teeth
should be drawn, his body polled and shaved (_rase et epile_), and
exposed for a whole day, then enclosed in a sack of quicklime and
placed in a coffin which he had carried about with him since 1515, and
buried in the church of the castle of Nieustad under the altar
dedicated to Saint George, in such a position that his head should be
under the feet of the celebrant. His heart he wished to be buried at
Bruges, near his first wife, Mary of Burgundy, 'sa reelle epouse.'
Having thus made all arrangements, he took leave of those present,
raising his hand and giving them his blessing. 'Why do you weep,' he
asked, 'because you see in me a mortal? Such tears suit women better
than men.' And thus calmly and fearlessly Maximilian faced death,
reverently responding to the monk's prayers until his voice failed;
but when he could no longer utter, still showed by signs that he
followed the holy office, until sinking into unconsciousness, with a
smile upon his face, he passed away before the dawn.

  [Illustration: THE EMPEROR MAXIMILIAN I AND HIS FAMILY
  FROM THE PAINTING BY BERNHARD STRIGEL IN THE IMPERIAL MUSEUM,
  VIENNA]

Maximilian was twice married; first, to Mary of Burgundy, through whom
he became possessed of the vast domains of that house; and secondly,
to Bianca Sforza, daughter of the Duke of Milan, by whom he had no
children. Of a kindly and chivalrous nature and endowed with many good
qualities, Maximilian was popular amongst his subjects, but obtained
little esteem from his contemporaries, owing to a radical inconstancy
and indecision of temper, and an extravagance which involved him in
perpetual pecuniary embarrassments. Margaret was not present at her
father's death, but no one felt his loss more keenly than she did, for
he had ever shown himself an affectionate and devoted parent, and
though so often parted, their intercourse had been, as their
correspondence proves, of the closest and most intimate kind. Her
grief found vent in a long poem or lament, in which she enumerates her
many sorrows:

    '.... O mort trop oultrageuse!
    Tu a estain la fleur chevaleureuse
    Et as vaincu celluy qui fust vainqueur,
    Maximilien, ce tres-noble Empereur,
    Qui en bonte a nul ne se compere.
    C'estoy Cesar, mon seul seigneur et pere,
    Mais tu l'as mis en trop piteux estat,
    Sepulture au chasteau Nieustat....'[61]

  [61] 'Complainte de Marguerite sur la mort de Maximilien son
  pere' (_Albums de Marguerite d'Autriche_, p. 101).

Amongst the condolences which she received there is an interesting
joint-letter in Latin from Anne of Hungary (who was betrothed to
Ferdinand of Austria), and from Ferdinand's sister Mary (affianced to
Louis of Hungary). The letter is written from Innsbrueck on the 22nd of
January and signed by both princesses.

Maximilian did much to improve his country, and greatly encouraged art
and learning. He especially favoured the universities of Vienna and
Ingoldstadt, and caused at least two works to be written under his own
personal direction--_Theuerdank_ in verse, and _Weiss Kuenig_ in
prose--in both of which he figures as the hero. He also rendered an
important service to Germany by abolishing the famous secret tribunal
of Westphalia.

Charles was on his way to Barcelona when he received the news of his
grandfather's death. Deputing Adrian of Utrecht to hold the Cortes of
Valencia, he hurried from Barcelona to Corunna on the Galician coast,
intending to set sail for his new kingdom. His appointment of Adrian
as sole regent was the crowning insult to Spanish feelings; the
Cardinal had little experience and less ability; above all he was of
low birth and a foreigner, and the king had promised to bestow no
office on 'those who were not natives of the kingdom.' Besides, a
Cortes had been summoned to meet at Santiago in Galicia, outside
Castile, and the Castilians felt deeply injured. Discontent was rife
on all sides, and many wild rumours were afloat. It availed little
that Charles in his broken Spanish promised to return in three years.
The deputies were not mollified, and demurred to granting the desired
subsidy, which was only reluctantly voted. Charles excused his hurried
departure from Spain on the plea of his obligation to attend to his
new dominions, but this excuse did not pacify his discontented
subjects, who foresaw the misery of his prolonged absence, with a
hated foreigner as regent.

Maximilian's death revived Francis I.'s hopes of gaining the
much-coveted imperial crown, for he was not long in recognising the
equivocal and expectant attitude of the electors who had formally
promised their votes to the dead emperor. He now entered the lists as
Charles's rival, and tried to gain over the electors by every means in
his power.

Margaret was in despair at the apparent small chance of her nephew's
success, and with the advice of her Council prepared to send the
Archduke Ferdinand into Germany to look after his brother's interests,
and suggested that Charles should waive his claim in favour of
Ferdinand, whose candidature would be less likely to be opposed by the
Pope and the German princes.

But Charles was as adamant, and indignantly rejected this proposal,
asserting that it had been his grandfather's wish that he alone should
succeed to the imperial dignities, and for this end the electors had
promised him their votes. If Ferdinand was chosen, the empire would be
weakened, and the House of Austria divided, to the gratification of
his enemies. 'He alone,' he haughtily said, 'ought to be emperor in
order to uphold the splendour of his House, and realise the great
designs he had conceived for the good of Christianity. Should our
person be elected, as is reasonable from what has gone before, we
could carry out many good and great plans, and not only preserve and
keep the dominions that God has given us, but greatly increase them,
by giving peace, repose, and tranquillity to all Christendom, in
exalting and upholding our holy Catholic faith which is our chief
foundation....'[62]

  [62] M. Theodore Juste, _Charles-Quint et Marguerite d'Autriche_.

Margaret hastened to justify her conduct in a letter to Charles on the
21st of March, in which she said that when the news of Maximilian's
illness reached the Netherlands, the Council had judged it wiser to
send Ferdinand to Germany to watch over Charles's hereditary domains,
but that the archduke would yield to his brother's wishes, 'for,' she
added, 'one could not see a better or more debonair prince of his
age.'

As matters turned out, Charles's determination was fully justified,
for Francis's methods had not proved successful, and had only
alienated him from some of his most powerful supporters. The
condottiere, Franz von Sickingen, the Duke of Bouillon, and his
brother Erard de la Marck, Bishop of Liege, offended by Francis's
treatment of them, went over to the Court of Brussels and upheld the
interest of the Spanish king.

The rivalry which from henceforth existed between the two young
monarchs promised ere long to break the friendly relations with which
Charles's reign began, but Margaret with her usual diplomacy saw the
danger of a rupture with France at such a moment, and strongly advised
Charles to keep on good terms with his rival. Acting on this wise
advice, when Robert de la Marck left France and joined the Court at
Brussels, Charles's ambassadors hastened to assure the French king
that their master had taken no part in Robert's defalcation, and to
support their assertion proposed that Charles should marry Francis's
youngest daughter, Princess Charlotte, which offer was very well
received.

To get an idea of the activity and political talents Margaret
displayed in connection with Charles's election one must read her
correspondence with Frederick, Count Palatine, Maximilian de Berghes,
Henry of Nassau, her treasurer Marnix, the Cardinals of Sion and
Gurce, John de la Saulx, and Gerard de Pleine, and glance through her
accounts and receipts, which show what enormous sums were spent in
presents, bribes, pensions, and salaries on all those who were likely
to contribute to the desired end. The Archbishops of Cologne, Mayence,
and Treves, and their councillors received between them nearly five
hundred florins in gold. In these curious accounts large sums appeared
to have been lavished not only on the principal negotiators, but on
their relations, friends, and servants. Thus five hundred florins are
given to the Archbishop of Treves' nephew, a hundred to the Cardinal
of Mayence's valet-de-chambre, and a present of two thousand florins
is promised to Count John, the elector of Cologne's brother, who is
supposed to have more influence than the elector himself.[63]

  [63] These documents are amongst the archives of Lille.

Margaret also drew largely from her own revenues in furthering her
nephew's interests, and transferred to him the duchies and lordships
she had inherited from Maximilian. In grateful appreciation Charles
presented her with the town and territory of Malines for her life and
a sum of two hundred thousand golden florins (the deed being signed on
September the 18th, 1520, at Brussels). In a long letter written from
Barcelona, on the 22nd of February 1519, he thanks her warmly for all
the trouble she has taken with regard to his election, recommending
her to spare no means to obtain the desired end. He says:--

'Madame ma bonne tante et tres chiers et feaulx, nous avons recus vos
lettres des viii et onze de ce mois, ensemble plusieurs copies de
lettres que ont ete escriptes a vous notre tante, d'Allemagne,
d'Angleterre et ailleurs, par lesquelles vos lettres avons congneu le
grand soing, devoir et diligence que portez en tout nos affaires et
singulierement en celuy d'Allemagne, et louons les bonnes depesches
que y avez fait vers les princes electeurs et autres, et l'envoy des
personnaiges tant en Allemagne, Angleterre et Rome, louant aussy Dieu
notre Createur que nos affaires sont en si bon train partout, et que y
faites si bonne provision de votre couste, comme faisons ici de la
notre, sans y rien epargner, et ne cessons de continuellement en
ecripre a Rome, Angleterre, Allemagne et ailleurs par tout ou il est
besoing et necessite; car, pour un tel et si gros affaire, ne voulons
cette fois riens obmettre. Vous recommandant tousjours perseverer en
vos bonnes diligences, selon la confidence que en portons a vous.

'Il nous semble que le seigneur de Zevenberghe et autres nos
conseillers, out tres prudement fait et advise d'avoir envoie le
marquis Casimirus et comte de Mansfeldt devers le marquis Joachim et
de la outre vers le duc Federicq de Saxe. Nous esperons que les deux
bonnes lettres que avons nagueres ecript de nostre main au comte
Federicq palatin, inclineront luy et son frere a perseverer en la
promesse qu'ils nous ont faite. Nous tenons aussy que le comte de
Nassau ou de Hoghostraet en passant pardevers l'archeveque de
Coulongne, feront quelque bien vers luy. Nous desirons que faites
pratiquer Franciscus de Seckinghen si fait ne l'avez, pour l'avoir en
notre service, et appointer de son traitement avec luy, ainsi que, par
plusieurs fois, le vous avons ecript.

'Nous faisons presentement response au seigneur de Zevenberghe sur
lesdites lettres, et luy envoions nouveau pouvoir, instruction et
lettres de credence, delaissant le nom en blan de celuy qui en aura la
charge par l'advis des gens de notre conseil d'Isbroeck, pour envoyer
devers les Suisses renouveller et confirmer les alliances que nos
maisons d'Austriche et de Bourgogne ont avec eux, et les faire plus
estroites et meilleures, s'il est possible.

'Nous escripvons aussy au Cardinal de Gurce, ledit seigneur de
Zevenberghe, Villinger et autres nos conseillers, que s'ils sont
requis de notre part par la grande lighe de Swane d'assistance come
chief d'icelle lighe, et voyent que ce soit notre bien, proufit,
seurete et avancement de nos affaires, qu'ils prendent led. Franciscus
de Seckinghen avec six cens chevaux pour un mois ou deux, et les
baillent en assistance de ladite lighe contre le duc de Wirtemberghe,
et payent iceux chevaux des deniers que Amerstorff avoit emporte pour
lever les IIII{m} pietons que devoient aller a Naples.

'Par les lettres que naguerre nous a ecript le roy d'Angleterre, et ce
que nous a dit son ambassadeur etant lez nous, avons entendu la bonne
affection qu'il nous porte a l'avancement de notre election, et qu'il
a ecript bien affectueusement a notre Saint Pere le pape de la vouloir
favoriser et donner charge au Cardinal de Syon soy trouver de sa part
a la journee de l'election, pour y faire pour nous ce qu'il sera
possible, et soubs espoir que avons notredit saint Pere donnera ladite
charge audit Cardinal de Syon, et la confidence que prendons qu'il
nous servira bien en cest affaire, mandons au Foucker et a Villinger
bailler a iceluy cardinal mil florins d'or pour l'ayder a ses depens.

'Et pour mercyer ledit roy d'Angleterre, lui escripvons presentement
gratieuses lettres et aussy au cardinal d'Yorck, et pareillement a
notre ambassadeur maitre Jean Jonglet, en la sorte que verrez par nos
lettres cy rendues ouvertes, lesquelles leur envoyerez closes et
diligemment....'[64]

  [64] M. le Glay, _Correspondance de l'Empereur Maximilien I. et
  de Marguerite d'Autriche_.

       *       *       *       *       *

The Pope at first warmly upheld Francis I.'s claim and opposed his
rival, but he soon saw that the French king had small chance of
success, whilst all seemed in favour of Charles. Leo X. did not
dissemble that he would have preferred a less powerful emperor than
either the King of Castile or the King of France--'but,' as Charles
confidently wrote to his envoys in Germany, 'if it should come to
choosing either of us two, he has given out that he would be better
pleased with us than with the said King of France, and would not
refuse us the said dispensation nor any other thing that we should
ask.'[65]

  [65] This letter was dated from Barcelona, 16th and 20th April
  1519.

Although things seemed to be in his favour, still the King of Spain's
election was far from a certainty. Henry of Nassau, writing to
Margaret, did not conceal the difficulties that had to be overcome.
'The king,' he says, 'is little known in Germany; the French have said
much against him, and the Germans, who come from Spain, have hardly
said any good.'

Whilst the struggle between the rival kings' agents continued, the
kings themselves were no less anxious as to the final issue. Charles
was certain that if the imperial crown left the House of Austria the
French would lay claim to his hereditary German states as well as to
his kingdom of Naples; and besides being forced to renounce for ever
the recovery of the duchy of Burgundy, he might even run the risk of
being despoiled of the Netherlands.

On the other hand, the possible election of Charles filled Francis
with dismay. On the 16th of April 1519 he wrote to his ambassadors in
Germany: 'You understand the reason that moves me to acquire the
empire and prevent the Catholic king from acquiring it. If he gets it,
seeing the greatness of the kingdoms and lordships he possesses, he
might, in time, do me inestimable harm. I should always be uneasy and
mistrustful, and it is to be feared that he would take good care to
drive me out of Italy.'

But at last the long struggle came to an end, the Pope withdrew his
opposition, and Margaret was rewarded by Charles's election at
Frankfort as King of the Romans on June 28th, 1519, five months and
ten days after Maximilian's death. The news of his election was
conveyed in nine days from Frankfort to Barcelona, where Charles was
detained by the Catalonian Cortes. His coronation, which gave him the
title of 'Romanorum Imperator,' did not take place until the
following year. The title of Emperor, though carrying with it no
possessions, gave him the position of 'first of earthly potentates in
dignity and rank.'

Louise of Savoy bitterly alludes to her son's successful rival in her
diary. 'En Juillet, Charles Ve de ce nom, fils de Philippe, archiduc
d'Autriche, fut, apres que l'Empire eut este vacant par l'espace de
cinq mois, eleu roy des Romains en la ville de Francfort. Pleut a Dieu
qu'il eust plus longuement vacquee, ou bien que pour jamais on l'eust
laisse entre les mains de Jhesus-Christ, auquel il appartient et non a
d'autres.'[66] Public rejoicings and processions gave expression to
the Netherlanders' joy at this great event, and the States
enthusiastically voted 200,000 crowns for the expenses of the
forthcoming coronation. On the 30th of June Margaret informed the
governors of the provinces of Charles's election, and at the same time
ordered the towns and villages to give thanks to God 'by processions,
sermons, pious prayers and orisons,' and to have 'fireworks,
rejoicings, and other festivities which were suitable and usual in
such a case.' In her letter to the Governor of Lille she triumphantly
says: 'We have, this hour, received letters from the ambassadors of
the king, my lord and nephew, who are now in Germany, in which they
inform us that... MM. the electors of the Holy Empire have
unanimously, through the inspiration of the Holy Spirit... elected my
said lord and nephew King of the Romans.... We command you... to
inform his good subjects... requesting them to praise and render
thanks to God our Creator, by processions, sermons, devout prayers and
orisons.'

  [66] _Journal de Louise de Savoye._

Margaret's instructions were well carried out, and the festivities
lasted a month until the end of July.

But Charles was badly needed in Flanders, for the four years' truce
with Charles of Gueldres had expired, and the Guelderlanders were
again giving trouble. Margaret's hands were full, and she anxiously
awaited her nephew's arrival. After having handed over the government
to Adrian of Utrecht, he left Barcelona on the 20th of January, and
disregarding the murmurs of his Spanish subjects, who were smarting
under the insult of a Castilian Cortes being summoned to meet at
Santiago, passed through Burgos, Valladolid, and Gallicia to the port
of Corunna.

He set sail towards the end of May and steered a straight course for
England, intending to pay a visit to Henry VIII. and his aunt, Queen
Katharine. A negotiation had for some time been secretly carried on
between Cardinal Wolsey and the Court of Spain, and this visit was not
as sudden as it appeared. In the previous March Charles had sent
envoys to England to propose a friendly visit during his intended
journey from Spain to Flanders. In a letter written to Charles by his
ambassadors from London on the 19th of March 1520 we learn that King
Henry sent for them to Greenwich on the previous day, which was a
Sunday, and after mass took them aside, Cardinal Wolsey and Queen
Katharine being present, and told them that he was very glad that
things had turned out as they had done, and addressing Queen Katharine
said, that when the emperor, his brother, and her nephew should
arrive, he hoped to see him before meeting his brother of France....
That he had written to the French king to postpone seeing him until
later, but had taken care not to give any reason for so doing. He
hoped he would receive a favourable reply, for he thought it hardly
possible that the King of France had heard of the emperor's intended
visit to England, for when he heard of it he would not be pleased, and
for this reason things were to be kept as secret as possible. 'The
queen then raised her eyes to heaven and praised God for the hope she
had for the fulfilment of her dearest wish, which was to see your
Majesty, and humbly thanked her lord the king, making him a very low
curtsey, and the said lord king took off his cap and said to her, "We
on our side will do all that we can...."'[67]

  [67] _Monumenta Hapsburgica._

With every precaution of secrecy a treaty was signed on the 11th of
April minutely arranging the reception of Charles by Henry and
Katharine, either at Sandwich on his way to the Netherlands, or at a
subsequent meeting between Calais and Gravelines.

It was towards the end of May when news was brought to Henry at
Canterbury that the emperor's fleet had been sighted off Plymouth, and
was sailing up the Channel. Wolsey was sent off at once to greet
Charles with a Latin speech and invite him to land. Surrounded by his
suite and a goodly retinue, Charles landed at Dover on May 26th, and
was conducted to the castle, where, early on the following morning,
Henry arrived and warmly welcomed his nephew. Amidst cheering crowds,
who wondered at the simplicity of the Spanish king's dress and
following, the two monarchs rode together to Canterbury, where Queen
Katharine impatiently awaited her sister's son. By her side was her
little daughter, Mary Tudor, a fair-haired child of four, with big
brown eyes, and near her stood the elder Mary Tudor, the beautiful
Duchess of Suffolk, former Queen of France. Charles stayed four days
feasting at Canterbury, during which time he cleverly managed to
attach Wolsey more closely to his interests by whispering promises of
future assistance when the papal throne should become vacant, and
deeply impressing the English king by his mature judgment, deference,
and courtesy. It was agreed that the two sovereigns should shortly
meet again between Calais and Gravelines, and that Henry should be
accompanied by Katharine and Charles by Margaret. And so, with many
expressions of goodwill on all sides, Charles set sail from Sandwich
for Flanders on the same day that Henry embarked at Dover for Calais
on his way to meet Francis between Ardres and Guisnes at the memorable
scene of splendour and display known as 'the Field of the Cloth of
Gold.'[68]

  [68] Martin Hume, _Wives of Henry VIII._, and Theodore Juste,
  _Charles-Quint et Marguerite d'Autriche_.

On the 1st of June Charles landed at Flushing at four o'clock in the
afternoon, and continued his journey to Bruges, where he was warmly
welcomed by Margaret and his brother Ferdinand, surrounded by the
chief Flemish nobles, ambassadors from Venice, and deputies from the
principal German towns.

Charles was now in his twenty-first year. Of middle height, with
well-proportioned limbs, a pale sallow complexion, light blue eyes,
aquiline nose, and a protruding lower jaw, his expression, though
heavy, was at once dignified and reserved; no trace of passing emotion
disturbed the serenity of his features. His broad forehead and
penetrating glance gave strength to his expression, and his gentle
courtesy and charm of manner won him the affection of all those who
had to serve him. An interesting insight into his character is given
in a letter from Gerard de Pleine to Margaret:--'There is no one great
enough or wise enough in his kingdom to make him change his opinion,
if he does not see a reason for changing it. I have known many princes
at different times, but none who have taken greater pains to
understand their affairs, or who disposed of them more absolutely than
he does. He is his own treasurer of finance and his own treasurer of
war; he bestows offices, bishoprics, appointments as God inspires him,
without listening to the prayers of any.'

A little later, Aleander, whom Leo X. sent to persuade Charles to
condemn Luther, gives an interesting estimate of the emperor's
character. Aleander was a man of the world and a scholar, and though
well aware of the faults of the Church and the folly of the Papacy,
was eager to extirpate what he believed to be the seeds of social and
ecclesiastical anarchy. On being granted an audience he addressed the
emperor in French; Charles replied by declaring his willingness to
risk his life in defence of the Church and the Holy See. He spoke at
some length, but so extremely well that Aleander was much impressed by
his ability, and wrote admiringly, 'Say what they will, this prince
seemed to me well endowed with sense and with prudence, far beyond his
years; to have much more, however, at the back of his head than he
carries on his face.'[69]

  [69] E. Armstrong, _The Emperor Charles V._

Charles had asked his aunt to convoke the States-General, and he found
them assembled when he arrived at Brussels. In a long speech he
praised Margaret's wise administration, loyalty and devotion, and
thanked her Council for the help they had given. He repeated that, in
spite of his absence, 'his heart had always been with them.' He then
gave a summary of his sojourn in Spain, and informed the States that
he had returned to take possession of the imperial crown, as well as
the domains he had inherited in Germany, but that he was badly in need
of funds, and asked them to do their best to help him.

The meeting of the Field of the Cloth of Gold, where Francis I. tried
by every means in his power to ingratiate himself with the English
king, was hardly over when Charles started for Gravelines to try and
efface the impression produced by his rival. Gravelines was a small
place, ill-fitted for the reception of kings, but Charles had
different methods than those employed by Francis, and he succeeded in
confirming himself in his uncle's good graces by showing him the most
courteous deference, and flattering his vanity in offering that he
should act as arbitrator in any differences which might arise between
Spain and France. Henry and Francis had already signed a treaty on the
6th of June whereby it was settled that the Dauphin should marry the
Princess Mary; but on the 14th of July another treaty was secretly
arranged in which the French alliance was indefinitely postponed, and
Charles's marriage with Mary agreed upon, although at the time he was
pledged to marry the French Princess Charlotte. Wolsey was largely
responsible for this change in affairs, for he was now bidding high
for the emperor's favour, though outwardly he still kept on good terms
with Francis.

The Chronicle of Calais gives an interesting account of Henry's
meeting with Charles at Gravelines on the 10th of July 1520. Margaret
accompanied her nephew, and together, with a brilliant following of
lords and ladies, the two monarchs and the regent journeyed to Calais.
Within the town a large tent had been erected intended for a
banqueting-hall, the seats arranged in tiers and draped with rich
tapestries. The roof painted to represent the sky with sun, moon,
stars, and clouds; but a great storm of wind and rain arose, and
during the night the great tent, with all its fine decorations and
tapestries, was blown down and ruined.

The two kings spent four days together, first at Gravelines and then
at Calais, when, after taking an affectionate farewell of each other,
they parted; Charles and Margaret journeying by slow stages towards
Aix-la-Chapelle, which, by a decree of the Golden Bull, had been
chosen as the scene of the emperor's coronation.

At Maestricht he reappointed Margaret as regent, and gave her a
Council presided over by Philippe de Bourgogne, Bishop of Utrecht, and
Erard de la Marck, Bishop of Liege. The Council of Malines, the Court
of Holland, and the tribunals of the other provinces were henceforth
made subordinate to the Council of the Regency established by the
emperor. This arrangement infringed the privileges of these bodies,
but Charles, deaf to their protests, abolished all privileges which
were contrary to this new regime. In order to put an end to petty
squabbles and ensure an equal protection to all, he gave, before
starting for Germany, the command of the army to Count Henry III. of
Nassau. Accompanied by Margaret he then left Maestricht and passed a
night at the castle of Wettheim.

Charles's election had called forth much enthusiasm in Germany. The
towns he passed through gave him a hearty welcome, for they looked to
him to restore order and redress their grievances.

On the 22nd of October he made his state entry into Aix-la-Chapelle,
where the electors of Mayence, Cologne, and Treves, and the
ambassadors of the Duke of Saxony and the Margrave of Brandenburg had
arrived the day before. Charles had been elected emperor on June the
28th, 1519; but it was not until October 23rd, 1520, that he was
crowned at Aix. There in the church of Notre-Dame, in presence of a
vast assembly, with every detail of gorgeous ceremonial, the crown of
Charlemagne was placed upon his head; he swore to uphold the Catholic
faith, defend the Church, administer justice, maintain the rights of
the empire, recover its lost possessions, and render due obedience to
the Pope and the Roman Church. The Archbishop of Cologne, turning to
the assembled crowd, asked the German people if they would swear
fealty to their prince and uphold his government. A loud assent was
given. 'Charles was then anointed on his head, breast, arms and hands,
clothed in the deacon's robe of Charlemagne, and girt with the great
emperor's sword, crowned with his golden crown, and then with ring on
finger and ball and sceptre in hand, he was led to the stone seat of
empire.'[70]

  [70] E. Armstrong, _The Emperor Charles V._

The next day the Archbishop of Mayence proclaimed that Charles had
assumed the title of Roman Emperor Elect. His coronation as Emperor
and King of Lombardy did not take place until 1530, when he was
crowned at Bologna by Pope Clement VII.

On November 1st he summoned the States to meet at Worms, and in
January 1521 travelled thither to be present at the Diet, where he and
Martin Luther met face to face for the first and last time.




CHAPTER XI

REVOLT OF THE DUKE OF BOURBON


Almost at the same time that Charles was crowned at Aix, the most
enterprising and accomplished of the Turkish sultans, Solyman the
Magnificent, ascended the Ottoman throne. The world has seldom seen
such a brilliant constellation of rulers as now filled the principal
thrones of Europe. Leo X., Charles V., Francis I., Henry VIII., and
Solyman the Magnificent each possessed talents which would have made
them conspicuous in any age, but which together made the history of
Europe during the first half of the sixteenth century peculiarly
interesting.

After his coronation, Charles returned to Brussels with Margaret. For
some time past alarming news had reached him from his regent in Spain,
where open rebellion had now broken out. Adrian of Utrecht was quite
unequal to the task of coping with the insurgents, and first Medina
del Campo, then Valladolid, and lastly Tordesillas (where Queen Joanna
was confined) fell into the hands of the rebels. The great seal and
state papers were seized, Adrian narrowly escaped being taken prisoner
with his Council, and only saved himself by flight.

When Joanna heard that the rebel leader Padilla and his host had
arrived before Tordesillas she ordered the townspeople to welcome
them, and ostensibly made herself head of the revolution, authorising
the leaders to summon the Cortes to meet in her palace. But although
the members of the Junta declared her sane, Joanna's refusal to sign
any documents or come to any decision hopelessly checkmated their
efforts, and early in December the Government troops were able to take
Tordesillas by assault after four hours' desperate fighting.[71]

  [71] Martin Hume, _Queens of Old Spain_.

Meanwhile imploring letters reached Charles from his Councillors
begging him to return to Spain and quell the rebellion; this he
refused to do, until it suited his convenience, but appointed two
Spanish nobles, the Constable and Admiral of Castile, to assist Adrian
in restoring order, with strict injunctions to make no concessions.
Before many months were out peace was once more restored, and the
Communeros finally crushed in the following April at the battle of
Villalar.

In January 1521 Charles sailed up the Rhine to attend the Diet which
he had summoned to meet at Worms. It opened on January the 28th, and
dragged on its wearisome deliberations for several months. Of all the
questions the emperor had to solve, that of Luther was the hardest.
The Pope did his best to complicate matters by urging that Luther
should be condemned unheard; but the state of public feeling was such
that Charles deemed it wiser to consult the Diet, who decided that the
monk should be heard. A herald was therefore despatched to Wittemberg
bearing a letter from the emperor with a promise of safe conduct.
Luther appeared at Worms on April the 16th. Brought before Charles, he
admitted the authorship of his books, but refused to withdraw any of
his doctrines. He spoke boldly and impressively, but when he enlarged
upon the Pope's iniquities, the emperor reprimanded him, nor would he
listen to the monk's denial of the authority of Councils. Charles was
not impressed by Luther's manner or bearing, and during the interview
was heard to remark, 'This man will never make me a Lutheran.' This
was their first and last encounter, for the emperor and monk were
destined never to meet again.

The next day Charles handed his remarkable declaration to the German
princes in which he said: 'My predecessors... left behind them the
holy Catholic rites that I should live and die therein, and so until
now with God's aid I have lived as becomes a Christian emperor.... A
single monk, led astray by private judgment, has set himself against
the faith held by all Christians for a thousand years and more, and
impudently concludes that all Christians up to now have erred. I have
therefore resolved to stake upon this cause all my dominions, my
friends, my body and my blood, my life and soul.... After Luther's
stiff-necked reply in my presence yesterday, I now repent that I have
so long delayed proceedings against him and his false doctrines. I
have now resolved never again, under any circumstances, to hear him.
Under protection of his safe conduct he shall be escorted home, but
forbidden to preach and seduce men with his evil doctrines and incite
them to rebellion....'

But Luther's brave bearing at Worms was his most heroic moment, nor
was his power in Germany ever again so great as in 1521, nor was he
ever again so truly the voice of the people.[72]

  [72] E. Armstrong, _The Emperor Charles V._

On April the 25th Charles ordered him to leave Worms, and next day
the monk departed, escorted by twenty horsemen. A few days later an
edict was published in the emperor's name, and by authority of the
Diet, depriving him of all the privileges he enjoyed as a subject of
the empire, forbidding any prince to harbour or protect him, and
requiring all to help in seizing his person as soon as the time
specified in the safe conduct had expired. In less than a fortnight he
had disappeared, rescued from his adversaries by the Elector of
Saxony, who kept the place of his retreat carefully concealed.

Meanwhile Francis I. had been actively engaged in sending forces
against the frontiers of Belgium and Italy. Charles, through Margaret,
made an appeal to the States-General convoked at Mons on February 9th,
1521. In a spirited speech she pointed out the perfidious conduct of
Francis, who she declared was daily trying to induce the European
powers to make war against the emperor's dominions. Amongst others she
quoted his efforts to obtain support from the Kings of Denmark and
Scotland, the Dukes of Savoy, Lorraine, and Ferrara, the republic, the
Swiss League, and Charles of Gueldres. She then implored the assembly
to grant help to protect the empire from its enemies. The people were
flattered by this appeal to their patriotism, and hastened to prove
that their emperor had not appealed to them in vain.

On the 5th of May 1521 the Archduke Ferdinand concluded his marriage
with Princess Anne of Hungary, and Charles conferred the five duchies
of Austria, Carinthia, Carniola, Styria, and Tyrol upon his brother,
to which he added later the German possessions inherited from
Maximilian.

On May the 29th he confirmed a secret treaty with Leo X. through Don
John Manuel, his ambassador in Rome, by which the Pope and emperor
agreed to join forces to expel the French out of the Milanaise, to
restore Parma and Piacenza to the Church, the emperor helping the Pope
to conquer Ferrara, in return for the investiture of the kingdom of
Naples. This treaty was carefully concealed from De Chievres, whose
aversion to a war with France was well known. When at length he heard
of it, his grief was so great at this proof of his loss of influence
over his former pupil, that it is said to have shortened his days. His
death at this juncture certainly hastened the war with France, though
it freed Charles from an irksome subjection and greatly helped in the
development of his character. From henceforth the emperor was his own
master, nor was he ever again under another governor. Instead of his
boyish motto--'Nondum' (not yet), his device in future was 'Plus
ultra' (yet further).

The French were the first to cross the Pyrenees and begin hostilities.
When Charles, who was then at Brussels, heard the news, he exclaimed:
'God be praised that it is not I who begin the war: the King of France
wishes to make me greater than I am; for, in a short time, either I
shall be a very poor emperor, or he will be a poor King of
France.'[73]

  [73] Letter from Aleandro de' Galeazzi, dated Brussels, 3rd July
  1521.

On the 17th of July Margaret again addressed the assembled States
at Ghent, for the exchequer was very low, and men and money were
needed for the war. She implored them to use every effort to
protect their country, and restore peace by voting the much-needed
subsidies. She begged them to avert the threatening storm, and with
a voice moved by emotion said: 'Because of the love and peculiar
affection his Majesty bears you, being a native of these lands,
born, brought up, and nourished amongst you, he is anxious to
protect you from danger, and preserve you from all harm and
oppression, by driving war from out of his dominions, keeping you
in peace. Which things his Majesty has willingly put before you as
his good and loyal subjects, because of the entire confidence he
has in you, so that you may know all his affairs and understand the
danger you are in, for on this depends either your safety or ruin.'
She then promised 'a perpetual safety and abundance of all good
things' after peace was restored, and freedom from subjection to
France. She praised the fine example of Spain and Austria, who,
although they hardly knew his Majesty, had nevertheless of their
own accord raised superb armaments; 'and you who have his person
with you ready to use his life, his goods, and all that God has
given him to preserve, help, and defend you, ought not to be less
generous or less courageous than others, seeing that the case
touches you so closely, and with the noise of war so near, knowing
the harm which may come upon you if war breaks out, and seeing that
the quarrel is just, which is as true as God is, and that He will
help his Majesty. And on this account you ought to take courage and
show yourselves bold and fearless, and be more willing and anxious
than any others, as his Majesty does not doubt you will be, and
without waiting to be asked, offer liberally your persons, goods,
and chattels (as you have always done in times past) to help his
Majesty in this same enterprise, which is for your own and the
public good.'[74]

  [74] _MSS. de la Bibliotheque de Bourgogne._

Margaret had not miscalculated the effect of this speech on her
audience. Enthusiasm and loyalty towards the emperor and herself
passed all bounds and spread like wildfire throughout the Netherlands.
An army of 22,000 men was quickly raised, and assembled in the
outskirts of Malines. Part of these troops the emperor despatched
under the Count of Nassau to subdue the inroads of Robert de la Marck,
lord of Bouillon, known as the wild Boar of the Ardennes, who had been
giving considerable trouble. The emperor having offended him, he left
Charles's service and threw himself upon France for protection. In the
heat of his resentment he had the audacity to send a herald to Worms
to declare war against the emperor before the assembled Diet. To
punish this insolent vassal the Count of Nassau was sent at the head
of 20,000 men to invade his territories, and in a few days took every
place but Sedan, and reduced De la Marck to beg for clemency. Nassau
then advanced towards the borders of France, where Charles of Gueldres
was ravaging the Northern provinces, and Henry d'Albret had crossed
the Pyrenees and occupied Navarre.

Meanwhile a congress had been held at Calais, under Henry VIII.'s
mediation, with a view to settling all differences and establishing
peace. Henry gave Wolsey full powers to arrange the negotiations, but
the Cardinal, anxious to please both Francis and Charles, ended by
satisfying neither, and the congress broke up without any definite
result. During its progress Wolsey journeyed to Bruges and had a
meeting there with Charles and Margaret, the latter having come in hot
haste to visit her nephew, anxious to use her influence to procure an
armistice. The Cardinal was received by the emperor and his aunt with
as much respect and magnificence as though he had been King of
England, but instead of furthering the treaty of peace, Wolsey, in
his master's name, concluded a secret alliance with the emperor
against France. This treaty, which was drawn up at Bruges on August
25th, 1521, and signed by Margaret and Jean de Berghes for the
emperor, and by Wolsey for the King of England, arranged a marriage
between Charles and his cousin Mary Tudor (King Henry's only child and
apparent heir) as soon as the princess should have completed her
twelfth year; both Charles and Henry agreeing to invade France in the
spring of 1523 from opposite sides, each with an army of 40,000
men--the emperor promising to visit England on his way to Spain early
in the following year. It was especially stipulated that 'one month
before Charles undertook the voyage he would notify the time of it to
the King of England, who would then send his fleet to sea, with about
3000 armed men on board, to drive away all enemies and pirates from
the Channel and English seas, so that the emperor might safely come
over to Dover or Sandwich. The King of England would receive the
emperor with the greatest honour and accompany him to Falmouth, whilst
the English navy would escort the emperor's fleet from Zealand to
Falmouth, and together remain in that port until he embarked and then
accompany him to Spain.'[75]

  [75] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. ii.

During the years that had passed since Margaret left Savoy she never
lost interest in the memorial church she was building at Brou. In
September 1521 she sent her treasurer Marnix and some members of her
Council to report on the progress of the work. The church was rapidly
gaining shape, and the outer walls were nearing completion under the
skilful direction of Louis Van Boghen. The following letter from Loys
de Gleyrens, prior of the monastery of Brou (written to Margaret on
the 2nd of September 1521), gives a detailed account of de Marnix's
visit:--

   'To our much-honoured Lady and very gracious Mother,--God grant
   you a good and long life. You will be pleased to know that the
   day of the feast of Saint Augustine Monseigneur Marnix came to
   visit your church of Brou, with the gentlemen of your Council of
   Bourg, and saw the progress of the same, and found that your two
   chapels in the aisle of the choir are roofed over, as well as the
   higher and lower aisles and oratories above and below, on the
   side of the belfry, and that the pipes and gurgoyles for carrying
   off water falling from the roofs are fixed on the said aisles.
   And the belfry has grown this year to the height of twenty-three
   to twenty-five feet....' He goes on to say that the workmen have
   plenty of materials, wood, etc., to finish the work--but that
   money is running short, and that only about fifteen or sixteen
   florins are left, which will hardly last till All Saints Day, and
   unless more is supplied, the work must be interrupted... 'but at
   present it is in the best state and appearance possible, and
   ought shortly to be finished, as those will tell you who have
   seen it....'[76]

  [76] J. Baux, _L'Eglise de Brou_.


Meanwhile the league between Charles and the Pope had produced great
results in Italy; Lombardy being the chief centre of war. On November
the 19th the Papal-Imperialist army entered Milan, and within a
fortnight the French held only the town of Cremona, the fortress of
Milan, and a few scattered strongholds. Parma and Piacenza surrendered
to Leo X., but amidst the rejoicings which followed this brilliant
victory and the fulfilment of his dearest wishes, the Pope was
suddenly struck down with malaria at Magliana, and died after a few
days' illness on the 1st of December 1521, in the forty-sixth year of
his age.

This wholly unexpected event caused a cessation of hostilities for a
while--both monarchs turning their attention to the proceedings of the
Conclave. News of the Pope's death was brought to Charles on the 12th
of December, and he hastened to write a diplomatic letter to his
uncle, King Henry, and fully explained his intentions to the Bishop of
Badajoz, his ambassador in England, promising to do his utmost to
secure Wolsey's election to the Papacy. But after the Conclave had sat
for fourteen days, it was announced on the 9th of January 1522 that
not Wolsey, but Adrian of Utrecht had been elected Pope. The election
of the emperor's old tutor came as a surprise to Europe. Charles
received the news at Brussels, and on January the 21st wrote to Mezza,
his ambassador in London: 'However anxious was our wish that Pace
(Henry VIII.'s secretary) should have arrived in Rome at the right
time, and that the letters we had written in favour of the Sieur
Legate (Wolsey) had been conducive to the fulfilment of his wishes,
and those of our uncle the king; yet must we be thankful, the object
we had at heart having thus failed, that the choice fell upon Cardinal
Tortosa,[77] whose elevation, next after the Cardinal of York, will
certainly be most for the good, not of ourselves only, but of the
whole of Christendom. I hope to have the greater interest with him,
who under my own roof was my instructor in morals and literature.'[78]

  [77] Adrian was Bishop of Tortosa. On July 12th, 1516, he wrote a
  letter of thanks to Margaret from Madrid, attributing his
  promotion to the bishopric of Tortosa to her influence.

  [78] W. Bradford, _Correspondence of the Emperor Charles V._

The new Pope was in Spain when the unexpected news of his election was
brought to him. Adrian VI.'s letter to his former pupil, dated
Saragossa, May 3rd, 1522, is interesting as confirming the emperor's
statement that he did not interfere in favour of his election, but
honestly did his best for Wolsey, to whom he had promised his
influence with the Conclave.

   'Very dear and much-beloved Son!--Health and apostolical
   benediction. I have been rejoiced on receiving the letter which
   your Majesty has written to me with your own hand.... I am fully
   convinced of the satisfaction which you will derive from my
   election to the Popedom; and I never entertained a doubt that
   had it depended alone on your goodwill and affection towards me,
   your suffrage would have been in my favour; but I was equally
   aware that it was neither suitable to your own interests nor to
   the good of the Christian commonwealth, that you should have
   used any solicitation in my behalf, knowing that such
   interference would have been fatal to your good understanding
   with one (Wolsey) who at this moment is of all others most
   necessary to your welfare in Italy.... Although my election may
   in one respect be attended with inconvenience, in taking me away
   from the management of your affairs in Spain, yet this will be
   so much overbalanced by other considerations, as nowise to
   diminish the joy which it will occasion you. And in this my
   election, the feeling which influenced the sacred College of
   Cardinals, as you will readily believe, and as has been
   intimated by them to Don John Manuel, was, that it would be a
   choice agreeable to your Majesty: for no one, it appeared, would
   have obtained their votes who could be considered objectionable
   either to you, or to the King of France.

   'I cannot, therefore, express my satisfaction in having attained
   to this elevation without the exercise of your influence,
   inconsistent as that would have been with the purity and
   sincerity which divine and human rights require in such
   proceedings; and in saying this, you will be assured that I feel
   as much, if not more truly devoted to your Majesty, than if I
   had owed to your means and prayers my present advancement....

   'Sire, I pray God to grant you a happy and long life. Written at
   Saragossa the 3rd of May, _ad tempus sacrae Romanae ecclesiae_.
   Entirely yours.'[79]

  [79] W. Bradford, _Correspondence of the Emperor Charles V._

Adrian VI. was an upright, conscientious, and honest man, but quite
unfitted for the high position he was called upon to fill, and his
reign of ten months was unsuccessful and unhappy. As he himself once
exclaimed, 'Let a man be never so good, how much depends upon the
times in which he is born.' A learned scholar and rigid
disciplinarian, he regarded the conduct of the reformers with horror;
but at the same time candidly acknowledged the abuses and corruptions
that disgraced both the Court and Church of Rome. This moderation,
whilst it disgusted the great ecclesiastics in Italy, tended to
encourage the reformation in Germany. A host of pamphlets and
caricatures were circulated, and helped to popularise the new ideas
and spread the reformed religion far and wide. Charles hastened to
forbid under pain of death the printing of literature directed against
the Pope or the Church of Rome, and ordered Francis Van der Hulst to
hunt all Lutherans out of the Netherlands.

On the 15th of March 1522 Margaret convoked the States-General at
Brussels. The emperor, through his Chancellor, complimented the
citizens on their loyal conduct and bravery at the recent siege of
Tournay, which had greatly helped towards its reduction. 'The French,'
he said, 'have sustained a great loss in losing Milan and Tournay,
which are of such importance, as every one knows.' His approaching
journey to Spain was then announced, and he informed them of the
treaties he had made, and the precautions taken for the defence of the
country, thanking his brave subjects for the zeal they had shown in
his service. He informed them that during his absence the government
would be confided to Margaret, 'who for so long has shown by her
praiseworthy, memorable services and great experience, that she well
knows how to honourably acquit herself of the said government and
administration. For which good rule and conduct his Majesty and you
are beholden to her through the fervent zeal and natural love she
bears you.' The Chancellor ended his long speech by saying that the
emperor hoped they would live peaceably with each other during his
absence--'for their strength lay in unity....'[80]

  [80] _MSS. de la Bibliotheque de Bourgogne._

Charles, who was now preparing to visit England on his way to Spain,
was sadly in want of money. Margaret did her best to help him, and in
order to raise funds pawned her jewels to the Count of Hochstrate.
'My said Lady, obeying the order of his Majesty, has offered to leave
her rings with the said Hochstrate, until he has been acquitted and
discharged of the last sums he furnished... at the very pressing
request and insistence of my said Lady, knowing that in this lies his
Majesty's honour, but he has behaved so well that he will not keep
them.'[81]

  [81] _Correspondance de Marguerite avec Charles-Quint._

Before leaving Bruges the emperor made his will on the 22nd of May
1522, arranging that if he died in Flanders his body was to be buried
at Bruges, near his grandmother Mary of Burgundy. He then bade
farewell to Margaret and set out for England, sailing from Calais,
with a gorgeous retinue of a thousand horse and two thousand
courtiers, and landing at Dover towards the end of May, was welcomed
by Wolsey in his master's name. It had been arranged that King Henry
should meet the emperor on the downs between Dover and Canterbury; but
to show him greater honour the king rode into Dover, and after
together inspecting the English fleet, which was duly admired by the
emperor and his train, the two monarchs made a triumphal progress
through Canterbury, Sittingbourne, and Rochester to Gravesend. From
Gravesend the splendid processions rowed in royal barges to Greenwich.
At the entrance door of the palace Queen Katharine stood awaiting her
nephew, surrounded by her ladies, and holding little Princess Mary by
the hand. The emperor, kneeling on one knee, then asked for his aunt's
blessing, which was readily granted, and from henceforward for six
weeks his visit to England was a continual round of feasting,
dancing, hunting, masquerading, and splendid entertainments.

But amidst all this hospitality his thoughts were mainly fixed on
Spain, and as he wrote to Margaret, 'the six weeks seemed a thousand
years.'

Whilst Charles was at Greenwich a messenger arrived from France
bearing a letter to King Henry, in which Francis I. bade defiance to
the King of England. The letter was handed to the emperor for his
perusal, who must have rejoiced at its contents, for now he and his
uncle could join forces against their common enemy France; and soon
after an eternal friendship was solemnly sworn between them upon the
Sacrament in Saint George's Chapel, Windsor, and an abiding alliance
in peace and war cemented by Charles's betrothal to his cousin Mary
Tudor. Glittering pageants in London and Windsor, where Charles was
made a Knight of the Garter under his uncle's presidency, brought his
visit to a close, and on July the 6th the emperor set sail once more
for the port of Santander.[82]

  [82] Martin Hume, _Wives of Henry VIII._, and _Rutland Papers,
  The Somers Tracts_ (Camden Society).

A few weeks later an Anglo-Belgian army, under Florent d'Ysselstein,
Count of Buren, invaded Picardy, whilst the Earl of Surrey's fleet
hovered off the Norman coast, and threatened all French shipping in
the Channel.

Margaret meanwhile was busily employed in harrowing the Duke of
Gueldres, whose troops appeared before Leyden, and pillaged the
village of La Haye. The States of Friesland upheld the regent in her
endeavours, but it was not until June the 4th, 1524, that a truce was
concluded with Gueldres, and peace restored.

Whilst Charles, Henry, and Francis were thus employed wasting each
other's strength, the Turkish sultan, Solyman the Magnificent, invaded
Hungary with a large army, and took Belgrade. Encouraged by this
success, he besieged the Island of Rhodes, then the seat of the
Knights of Saint John of Jerusalem. The Grand Master of Villers de
L'Isle Adam sent imploring messages to the powers of Europe begging
for assistance. Adrian VI. did his utmost to persuade Charles and
Francis to forget their quarrels and join forces in saving Rhodes,
then the chief bulwark of Christianity in the East. On March the 3rd,
1523, he wrote to Charles exhorting him and all Christian princes to
make peace with one another, and wage a common war against the Turks.
He complains that 'so far all his exhortations have been fruitless,
and the Turks have conquered Belgrade on one side, and it is said they
have taken Rhodes on the other. There is no doubt that the Turks will
continue their conquests in Hungary (where the emperor's sister Mary
is queen), as well as in the Mediterranean, till they have rendered
themselves masters of the whole of Europe. This danger can only be
averted by a reconciliation of all Christian princes....' The Pope
ends by saying that he has written in the same sense to the Kings of
France and England.[83]

  [83] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. ii.

But the rival princes turned a deaf ear to all these entreaties, and
after six months of incredible courage, patience, and bravery on the
part of the garrison, the gallant little band of knights were forced
to capitulate, and the town was razed to the ground. When too late,
Charles, Henry, and Francis, ashamed of their conduct, tried to lay
the blame of this misfortune on each other, and Charles, by way of
reparation, gave the Knights of Saint John the Island of Malta, which
from henceforth became the chief home of their order.

The year 1523 was marked by the revolt and conspiracy of the Constable
of Bourbon, a powerful and accomplished French nobleman descended from
the Montpensier branch of the Bourbon family, who through his marriage
with Suzanne, daughter and heiress of the Duke of Bourbon, had
acquired the wealth and honours of that powerful house. Francis I. on
his accession had made him Constable of France, and treated him with
every mark of favour.

When the king left Italy in 1516, Bourbon remained behind as
lieutenant-general of the French forces, and greatly distinguished
himself by his military talents and valour; but soon after his return
to France he fell into disfavour, and from henceforth became the
victim of a vindictive persecution. The cause of this sudden change is
generally attributed to a passionate attachment on the part of Louise
of Savoy, the king's mother, who, on his wife Suzanne's death in 1521,
offered her hand to Bourbon; but the Constable declining the honour,
the humiliated queen, in revenge, disputed Suzanne's will, herself
claiming the succession to the Bourbon estates as next of kin. In this
she was aided and abetted by the Chancellor Du Prat, and soon
persuaded the king to withhold Bourbon's appointments, and disallow
his just claims for money he had furnished during the war in Italy.
The Constable at first bore these indignities with great moderation,
but when in presence of the whole army the king passed him over, and
gave the command of the van to the Duke of Alencon, the injured
Constable retired from the Court, and began a secret correspondence
with Charles's Ministers, offering his services to the emperor.

The campaign arranged between Henry VIII. and his nephew for the
simultaneous invasion of France had not proved successful, but led to
a more formidable attempt in the following year. Charles therefore
welcomed the proposed advent of so powerful a partisan as Bourbon,
from whose revolt he expected great advantages, and warmly received
his secret overtures. It was proposed that the emperor should enter
France by the Pyrenees, whilst Henry VIII., in co-operation with
Margaret, should invade Picardy, and Bourbon with twelve hundred
Germans penetrate into Germany. A lengthy despatch sent to Charles
from London, on June the 1st, 1523, by De Praet, his ambassador, and
Marnix, Margaret's treasurer (both accredited at the English Court),
gives a full account of a negotiation with Wolsey on the conditions of
the above confederacy, and shows what a large part Margaret played in
the arrangements. In the latter part of the despatch mention is made
of the King and Queen of Denmark's visit to the Netherlands, where
they fled to take refuge from the troubles which threatened them in
Denmark.

'... Sire! By our last letters your Majesty has been able to see and
understand the offers we have made to the King of England and the
Sieur Legate (Wolsey) through the intervention of madame, your
Majesty's aunt, in reference to the co-operation and assistance of the
army which the said king would send across the sea against the common
enemy of your Majesty and himself.

'... Sire! They could nowise be satisfied with the number we have to
offer for the said co-operation, but persisted in pressing for three
thousand horse and five thousand foot with the half of the artillery
munition and equipage, requiring us to write immediately to the said
lady, which we have done, and have, moreover, received her answer.
She, having communicated with M. de Beuren, your Majesty's
captain-general, and acting on his advice, declares that it is quite
impossible to augment the number she had already offered, to wit, two
thousand good horse, and four thousand foot, with twelve pieces of
field-artillery; but if they would pass the sea, we should be ready to
give all the assistance in our power; and were the enemy to offer
battle or commence a siege, there would be a force always ready of ten
or twelve thousand Flemish foot to come to their assistance....' The
despatch goes on to say that after several days spent in discussions,
during which time Wolsey pressed for more troops from the Netherlands,
and lost his temper, nothing definite was settled. 'Although I,
Marnix, have... pressed for permission to return, the Sieur Legate
has nevertheless wished and requested that I should be present and
concerned in these proceedings, with me De Praet, in order to make a
report of them to madame.

'Sire! The said madame (Margaret) has written to inform us how the
King of Denmark,[84] who, with the queen and his children, is, as we
have already made known to your Majesty, in your Low Countries, has
demanded of her three things. One that she should be willing to
render sufficient aid and assistance to enable him to reconquer his
kingdom; a second, that she should grant a passport to one of his
people whom he intends to despatch to your Majesty, and by him should
write to you in his favour; the third, that you should write to
monseigneur, your Majesty's brother, and the electoral princes, that
right and justice may be rendered to him in his quarrels and
contentions against his uncle the Duke of Holstein, who, with the aid
of the city of Lubeck, has occasioned his expulsion. To these demands,
in as much as regards the two latter, madame has signified her willing
acquiescence; but, in respect to the first, she begs to be excused, on
account of the impossibility of acceding to it; and refers all to the
good pleasure of your Majesty....'[85]

  [84] Christian II., King of Denmark, who had married Charles's
  sister Isabella in August 1515, was hated by his subjects, who
  combined with the city of Lubeck and the Hansa League to drive
  him from his kingdom. He then took refuge in the Netherlands with
  his wife and three children.

  [85] W. Bradford, _Correspondence of the Emperor Charles V._

In a postscript of the same despatch De Praet says, referring to
Bourbon's intended revolt: 'In truth, Sire, this affair, I know not
why, has not long remained a secret, and in a short time cannot fail
to be publicly known. Even at this Court there are to my knowledge
more than ten people now acquainted with it. The day before yesterday,
when the cardinal and I met concerning the present war, he immediately
began to talk of the coming over of Bourbon, and related the whole
transaction from beginning to end, and this in the presence of the
Duke of Suffolk, Messieurs Talbot and Wingfield, three bishops, and
the treasurer Marnix. M. de Badajoz and I knew it ever since the past
month of January, but we obstinately denied it before the King of
England and the cardinal, until your Majesty orders us to be candid on
the subject.'[86]

  [86] _Ibid._

The emperor sent Adrian de Croy, Lord of Beaurain, to treat secretly
with the Duke of Bourbon, and on the 22nd of July he writes: 'Sire! I
came into communication with M. de Bourbon the 3rd day of July at
Monbrison, which is three days' journey within the French territory,
and there treated with him.

'Monsieur de Bourbon is ready to declare himself the enemy of
France.... I have despatched... my secretary to the King of England
to apprise him of all I have thought necessary, urging him to hasten
his army according to the advice of M. de Bourbon; and I have
advertised madame (Margaret) that if she should hear of what has
passed, respecting the said duke from any other quarter, to be
cautious, lest any difficulty should be thrown in the way.

'M. de Bourbon has made friends with many rich people who are ready to
come forward with several thousand crowns for the payment of his
debts, at which I rejoice, for he is a fine fellow....

'I have treated with him according to the secret articles with which
you were pleased to charge me. He will take in marriage either Madame
Eleanor or Madame Katharine,[87] but would greatly prefer the former.

'M. de Bourbon will stir up a fine commotion in France.

    ADRIAN DE CROY'

  [87] The emperor's sisters; Eleanor, Queen of Portugal, was now a
  widow, whilst Katharine was still unmarried--but neither of these
  ladies was destined to become Bourbon's wife.


On the 9th of August 1523 Louis de Praet also wrote to Charles that
'the Duke of Bourbon declares himself ready to serve him (the emperor)
against all and every person, whoever he may be, and to enter into his
offensive and defensive league...' but in return 'the duke expects
that he (the emperor) will give him his sister (Eleanor, Queen of
Portugal) in marriage, or if the queen refuses to be his wife, Madame
Katharine. The dower of Madame Eleanor or Madame Katharine to consist
of 200,000 ecus, while the duke promises to give his future wife a
jointure of 15,000 ecus a year....'

'The Duke of Bourbon also expects that the emperor will give him the
command of ten thousand German troops, and 100,000 ecus wherewith to
pay the German as well as the other troops... and that the King of
England will contribute 100,000 ecus for the maintenance of the German
and other troops of the duke....'[88]

  [88] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. ii. Printed from a
  copy preserved in the Archives Generales du Royaume in Brussels
  by M. le Glay.

Soon after Bourbon made good his escape and reached Italy in safety,
although Francis, whose suspicions were aroused too late, tried to
arrest him.

On hearing of his safe arrival the emperor, writing from Logrono,
hastened to send him a warm welcome. 'My brother, on the 16th of
September Gracian arrived and gave me news of you, which afforded me
the greatest satisfaction.... Anxious as I am for your safety, you may
rest assured there is nothing which the King of England, my good
father, and I, as well as all our friends and allies, will not be
ready to do for your succour and assistance; and that, faithful to my
promise, you will ever find me a true prince, your good brother,
cousin, and friend, who, come what may of good or evil fortune, will
never abandon your interest, as I am sure you will never cease to feel
and do the like for me....

'I pray you, my brother, if it be possible, that you will speedily
unite yourself and yours with my army, at least with that part of it
which is in Italy, as I have communicated my desire to them that this
junction be accomplished, when and where the occasion may offer....'

At the same time the emperor wrote to Margaret, and, after referring
to the difficulties of communication with Bourbon, and lamenting that
Francis had seized several of the duke's friends and adherents, he
asks her to write to Henry VIII. and request him to order the Duke of
Suffolk (then commanding the English troops in Picardy) to detain
every prisoner of rank and not allow them to be ransomed. This was no
doubt by way of reprisals, but when the English army under Suffolk was
within eleven leagues of Paris, it was driven back by Vendome and his
troops, and a severe sickness breaking out amongst the soldiers, this
unsuccessful campaign was brought to a close. Thus the intended great
invasion of France by the allies dwindled from various causes into
three separate and unavailing attacks from Spain, Germany, and
England.

On the 14th of September 1523 Adrian VI. died in Rome after a short
illness, and was buried in the church of Santa Maria dell'Anima. His
death again raised Wolsey's hopes of the Papacy. Although Margaret
sincerely mourned the loss of her old friend, still she lost no time
in doing her utmost to procure the English cardinal's election. De
Praet, writing from London to the emperor on the 6th of October, says:
'Moreover, Sire, I have to inform your Majesty that I have received
letters from madame (Margaret), dated the 25th of last month,
containing the afflicting news of the decease of the Holy Father,
which took place on the 14th of the said month, commanding me on this
account to repair without delay to the said cardinal (Wolsey) to give
him as it may so happen the first intelligence of this event, and to
offer him on her part all the favour and assistance in her power
towards his promotion to this dignity. This I lost no time in doing
according to her order, as well on the part of your Majesty as on
hers; to which he made the most grateful and suitable reply,
expressing his profound thanks to madame for such demonstrations of
her goodwill in offering her services for his advancement to a dignity
of which he felt himself utterly unworthy.

'Nevertheless, in acknowledging her gracious intentions, he could not
but bear in mind in what manner your Majesty, when with the king at
Windsor, had touched upon this subject, exhorting him to think of it,
and promising every possible aid on your part in bringing about its
accomplishment.

'He expressed the willingness of one who was always ready to conform
with the wishes and advice of both your Majesties, begging that
madame, in case such a promotion and election should appear to her as
tending to the benefit of Christendom, and to the common interests of
your Majesties, would write without a moment's delay to your
ambassador in Rome, and to other of your good friends there....'[89]

  [89] W. Bradford.

The emperor replied from Pampeluna on November 27th: 'The principal
point is the advancement of the cardinal (Wolsey) to the papal
dignity. We have always desired, and with most sincere good feeling
and intention have wished to promote this to the utmost of our power,
having full recollection how we and the king, our good father and
brother, being at Windsor, opened to him our minds on this subject,
exhorting him to think of it, and promising our best services in his
assistance, because it appeared to us that his promotion and election
would be attended with great good to Christendom, and advantage to
our common interest.... We firmly believe that the Cardinal de Medicis
will give his assistance to the Sieur Legate, from the little chance,
we are informed, of his own success; and we well know and acknowledge
how cordially and sincerely madame, our good aunt, is occupied in this
affair, not only in her own name, but in ours. We entertain a good
hope, therefore, that all these efforts will prosper, and are
anxiously expecting favourable news which has been hitherto retarded
on account of the tempestuous weather at sea.'

On the 15th of December the emperor writes to De Praet: 'We have here
received the news by a letter from the Marquis de Finale that, on the
19th of November, Cardinal de Medicis was elected Pope.... You will
do well to communicate the above to the seigneurs, the king, and the
cardinal, advertising them that our ambassador, the Duke of Sessa, had
written to inform us that he was doing everything in his power, and
with the utmost diligence, to influence the votes of the Conclave in
favour of the Sieur Legate.'[90]

  [90] W. Bradford.

It certainly appears from the above correspondence that Charles used
all his influence in Wolsey's favour in both this and the former
election, but the cardinal himself chose to consider otherwise, and
from this date he visibly cooled in his friendship, and though
outwardly affecting to rejoice in the Cardinal de Medicis' elevation,
he never forgave the emperor his supposed duplicity.




CHAPTER XII

CAPTURE OF FRANCIS I.


On September the 24th, 1524, Margaret's youngest niece, Katharine, who
had lived most of her life shut up with her mad mother in the gloomy
palace of Tordesillas, was married to John III., King of Portugal. The
marriage took place at Anyaguia, in the presence of Charles, who had
but lately recovered from a bad attack of fever. In a letter to the
Duke of Bourbon on September 5th, he says: 'Regarding my own person, I
would most willingly have gone to Barcelona according to your wish, if
my affairs had permitted me to do so. But I must first conclude the
marriage of my sister, Madame Katharine, and despatch some affairs of
this kingdom. Besides, I have for several days been suffering from an
intermittent fever, which has hindered me from attending much to
business. The said fever is, however, much diminished, and I hope,
with God's help, to be soon restored to health!...'[91]

  [91] W. Bradford, _Correspondence of the Emperor Charles V._

During the spring of the same year Bourbon (who together with Lannoy,
Viceroy of Naples, and the Marquis of Pescara was in command of the
imperialist army) had gained his first success over the French, and
driven them out of the Milanese with the loss of the Chevalier Bayard
(April 30th); but during the following summer the rebel duke found
great difficulties to encounter. He had marched on Marseilles, hoping
to reduce that town, but lack of means and provisions obliged him to
retrace his steps to Italy, where he was met by a powerful army under
Bonnivet. The French general soon retook Milan, and then laid siege to
Pavia, held for the emperor by Antonio de Leyva. Francis I.,
disregarding all advice, hastened to join his army in Italy
determined, as he said, to take Pavia or fall in the attempt. For four
weary months the siege dragged on, and then came the news which
startled all Europe. On February the 24th (the emperor's birthday),
1525, was fought the battle of Pavia, and before night fell the French
army was utterly defeated, the king a prisoner, and the flower of the
chivalry of France either dead or taken captive.

Whilst the battle was still raging the Abbot of Najera sent the
following despatch to the emperor:--'At midnight the army began to
move. The soldiers penetrated into the enclosure by three openings
they had made in the wall. At daybreak the enemy attacked the
rearguard, and the Imperial German and Spanish troops engaged the
Swiss, German, and Italian troops of the King of France, who soon fled
as they heard the "good" Antonio de Leyva was in their rear.

'The victory is complete. The King of France is made prisoner. He has
two very slight wounds in the face. His horse has been killed. When he
fell to the ground the viceroy placed himself immediately over him.
The king has also an insignificant wound in one of his legs. The whole
of the French army is annihilated.

'The Admiral of France died in my arms, not fifty yards from the
place where the king had fallen. La Pallice is dead. The King of
Navarre, Lescun, Montmorency, and other captains are prisoners.

'A great number of French infantry have been drowned in the Ticino.
The imperial army is still pursuing the enemy. It is expected that at
the end of the day 10,000 of the enemy will have been killed.

'The Marquis of Pescara has done wonders. He has three wounds. The
imperialists had sixteen pieces of artillery, but not a single shot
has been fired.... (From the palace of Pavia, the 24th day of February
1525.)

'_Postscriptum._--To-day is the feast of the Apostle Saint Matthew, on
which, five-and-twenty years ago, your Majesty is said to have been
born. Five-and-twenty thousand times thanks and praise to God for his
mercy! Your Majesty is from this day in a position to prescribe laws
to Christians and Turks according to your pleasure.'[92]

  [92] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. ii.

Charles de Lannoy, Viceroy of Naples, wrote the same day announcing
the victory to the emperor:--

   'Sire,--We gave battle yesterday, and it pleased God to give you
   victory, which was so well followed up that you hold the King of
   France a prisoner in my hands. I beseech you, earnestly as it is
   possible to do, to think of your affairs, and to make prompt
   execution now that God has sent you such a favourable
   opportunity; for you will never have a more propitious time than
   the present to demand restitution of the crowns justly
   appertaining to you, for you owe no obligation to any prince in
   Italy; nor can they longer hope for protection from the King of
   France, as you hold him captive. Sire, I think you remember
   the saying of M. de Bersale, "that God sends to men once in
   their lives a fruitful August, but if they allow it to pass
   without gathering a harvest, it is a chance whether the
   opportunity is given them again." I say not this believing that
   your Majesty is disposed to neglect your advantages, but only
   because I feel it a duty so to speak. Sire, M. de Bourbon
   acquitted himself well, and performed good service. Sire, the
   victory which God has given you happened on St. Matthew's Day,
   which is the day of your Majesty's birth.

   'From the camp where the King of France was lodged, before
   Pavia, the 25th day of February 1525.

     CHARLES DE LANNOY'[93]

  [93] Lanz, _Correspondenz des Kaisers, Karl V._

  [Illustration: FRANCIS I
  FROM A PAINTING IN THE LOUVRE (FRENCH SCHOOL)]

Francis showed extraordinary courage throughout the battle. When
surrounded, unhorsed, and wounded he refused to yield to Bourbon,
exclaiming: 'I know no Duke of Bourbon but myself!' but handed his
sword to Lannoy, who received it on his knees, and immediately offered
the captive king his own, saying, 'It did not become so great a
monarch to remain disarmed in the presence of one of the emperor's
subjects.' Francis was immediately taken to the imperial camp, and de
Lannoy despatched Commander Penalosa to the emperor announcing the
great victory. Francis gave the envoy a passport through France, and
the following letter to his mother, Louise of Savoy:--

   'Madame,--To let you know the extent of my misfortune--of all
   things nothing remains to me but honour, and life which is safe.
   Knowing that in your adversity and sorrow this news would give
   you comfort, I requested permission to send you this letter,
   which was readily granted. I beg you not to yield to the
   extremity of grief, but to direct all things with your
   accustomed prudence; for I have firm hope that at last God will
   not abandon me. I commend to your care my children and your own.
   I beseech you, moreover, to grant free passage to the messenger
   who brings you this letter, as he is bound for Spain, on a
   mission to the emperor, to learn what kind of treatment I am to
   receive. Commending myself to your favour and affection, I
   remain, your very humble and obedient son,

     FRANCOYS'

With Francis were also captured Henry, King of Navarre, the Marshal de
Montmorency, the Duke de Nevers, the high treasurer Babou de la
Bourdaiziere, the Count of Saint Paul, the Marshal of Fleuranges, Du
Bellay, and many others. Meanwhile Margaret had been kept well
informed of the progress of affairs in Italy, and on the 6th of March
wrote to the Count of Gavre, Governor-General of Flanders: 'I have had
certain news to-day that on the 24th of February the emperor's army
attacked the King of France in the camp of Forte; that, although it
was well fortified, the king was made a prisoner, fourteen hundred men
of war killed in the camp, and that the rest who took flight were all
taken and killed, and it is not known if any escaped. I require you,
because of the consolation this news will be to the vassals and
subjects of your government, to inform them of it, and exhort and
command them to give thanks to God for the victory he has sent us, by
fireworks, processions, prayers, and other devout works, and above all
to pray for the souls of those who have died.'[94]

  [94] _MSS. de la Bibliotheque de Bourgogne._


On the 13th of this same month she confirmed this joyful news in a
letter sent from Malines to the Council of Flanders announcing the
arrival of Grapain 'with letters in which he certifies that he was
present at the said battle, and the capture of the King of France by
the hand of the viceroy, he himself helping to disarm the king, and
confirms the capture and death of the principal personages in the
kingdom... and in the said battle only a hundred and fifty of our men
were killed... and that the said king has sent to release the Prince
of Orange and the Lord of Bossu and others of our side who were
prisoners.'[95]

  [95] _MSS. de la Bibliotheque de Bourgogne._

This great victory was of the utmost importance to the Netherlands,
and Margaret hoped that it would lead to the recovery of the duchy of
Burgundy and the county of Charolais and their dependencies.

Three days after the battle Francis received a visit from the chiefs
of the victorious army, who offered him their sympathy, the Marquis of
Pescara even appearing in mourning. During the interview the king
showed great fortitude, and with a show of cheerfulness discussed
various points of the battle with his capturers. The castle of
Pizzighitone was chosen for his temporary prison until instructions
were received from Spain.

The emperor was at Madrid when the messenger arrived with the news of
the victory. Charles showed extraordinary self-control, and neither by
voice nor manner gave any outward sign of exultation. As if dazed, he
repeated the words of the messenger: 'The battle is fought and the
king is your prisoner!'[96] And then, hardly permitting the
congratulations of the surrounding courtiers, he retired to his
oratory, where, falling on his knees, he spent a long interval in
prayer, after which he asked for details of his victory. Bonfires and
illuminations and all public rejoicings were strictly forbidden as
being unsuitable 'when a Christian king had fallen into such great
misfortune.' This moderation and humility called forth the admiration
of all who witnessed it. Dr. Sampson, King Henry's ambassador at the
Court of Madrid, wrote to Wolsey: '... The emperor hath used such
demeanour in all things, both by word, deed, and countenance, and
toward all manner of persons, that every wise man hath been most
joyful to see it....'[97]

  [96] E. Armstrong, _The Emperor Charles V._

  [97] Ellis, _Original Letters_.

On the following day Charles went in procession to the church of Our
Lady of Atocha to give thanks for the victory, the preacher, however,
being forbidden to enlarge on the triumph. But this extremely humble
attitude did not prevent Charles from making the most of his success.
On the 14th of March he sent the following letter to his
brother-in-law, the King of Portugal:--

   'It is known to you how the King of France, at the head of a
   powerful army, made a descent upon Italy, to seize and usurp
   territories appertaining to our empire, and also our kingdom of
   Naples, which he had sent the Duke of Albany to invade, and how
   he had besieged the city of Pavia, and the progress he had made,
   all which he wrote to you by Luis Alvarez de Tavora, a noble
   hidalgo of your own lineage. By a courier who came to us from
   thence (Pavia), we learned the news of the victory which God has
   given to our army against the said King of France, whom we hold
   prisoner, all which we did not then make known to you, because
   we were expecting the arrival of a cavalier who was present at
   the battle, bringing letters from the captains-general of our
   said army. This said cavalier has since arrived, from whom we
   have minutely heard all that occurred, which is as follows: On
   St. Matthew's Day, the day of our birth, which is the 24th of
   February, although the said King of France was entrenched very
   strongly, and tried by every possible means to avoid giving
   battle, his camp was forced by our army with no small labour;
   when it pleased God, who knows how just is our cause, to give us
   victory. The said King of France is taken, and the Prince of
   Bearn, Seigneur d'Albret, with many other principal nobles. The
   Admiral of France, M. de la Trimouille, and M. de la Palice are
   killed, with numberless others of equal note, so that all the
   chief nobles present at the battle are either taken or slain.
   The loss of the French, we are informed, amounts to 16,000 men,
   while we on our side have lost only 400. We have given, and do
   give thanks to our Lord for this victory; and we hope that it
   may conduce to universal peace throughout Christendom, which is
   a thing we have always desired, and still desire. Remember to
   avail yourself of the knowledge of these matters which Don
   Alonzo Enriques de Guzman possesses, who is the bearer of this
   letter, and a gentleman of our household; for we know that this
   news will give you pleasure, even as it pleases us to hear good
   tidings of you. Most serene and very excellent king, our dear
   and much-loved brother and cousin, may the Holy Trinity have you
   in special keeping.

   'From Madrid, this 14th day of March 1525.

     'I, THE KING'

On the 30th of March Queen Katharine sent her congratulations to her
nephew from Greenwich:--

   'I have charged the ambassadors of the king, my husband and
   master, now going to Spain, to inform your Highness of the great
   pleasure and content I have experienced at hearing of the very
   signal victory which God Almighty, by His infinite mercy, has
   been pleased to grant to the imperial arms in Italy, trusting
   that your Highness will offer thanksgiving to that same God, as
   the king, my master, is now doing, ordering solemn processions
   and other religious acts, throughout this kingdom.

   'As the king, my husband and master, has never failed to be the
   constant and faithful ally of your Highness--as his words and
   deeds have sufficiently testified on every occasion--and as from
   the continuance of such friendship and alliance the best results
   may be anticipated, I humbly beseech your Highness to persevere
   in the path of friendship and affection towards us, since the
   king has always done his duty and is now rejoicing at your
   success. I shall say no more, but will refer entirely to the
   said ambassadors, to whom your Highness will be pleased to give
   full credence on my part.--Greenwich, 30th of March.

     '(Signed) Your good aunt, KATHERINA'[98]

  [98] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. iii.

The emperor also received congratulations from Henry VIII. and Pope
Clement VII. On the 31st of March the king wrote:--'My most beloved
Son,--This present letter is to congratulate you upon your recovery,
as also upon the honourable victory which our Lord has been pleased to
grant to your arms, having vanquished and taken prisoner the French
king, our common enemy....' The letter is signed, 'C'est de la main
de votre pere, frere, et cousin, et bel oncle, HENRY.'[99]

  [99] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. iii.

Just before the battle of Pavia Margaret had sent ambassadors to
England with instructions to try and persuade King Henry to send
substantial help to the imperial troops, which were badly in need of
money, suggesting that an attack might now be made on France during
the absence of the king in Italy. Margaret concludes her instructions
by proposing that the Princess Mary (who was only nine years old)
should be sent to Spain with an increased dowry, and placed under the
emperor's care until old enough to be married. The ambassadors are
told to add 'that madame and the legate (Wolsey) having already been
match-makers in two different cases, there is no reason for not
promoting this one. She herself desires this marriage more than any
other thing whatsoever, and will leave nothing undone that can bring
it about.'[100]

  [100] _Ibid._

Wolsey replied to these requests by stating that the king, his master,
was quite ready to cross the Channel into France under the following
conditions: 1st. That madame (Margaret) should provide 3000 horse and
3000 foot. 2nd. That the army should enter France by way of Normandy.
3rd. The emperor should procure sufficient money to keep up his
Italian army, etc., etc. But when the envoys stated that 200,000
ducats, which the emperor was sending to his army in Italy, had fallen
into the hands of the enemy, the cardinal replied, that if madame
agreed to make remittances of 50,000 crowns, the king would contribute
an equal sum, to which the envoys answered: 'Madame has not the means
to do that; nobody will lend her money, though she is willing, for the
stipend of the said 3000 horse and 3000 foot, to sell or pawn her own
rings and jewels.' Respecting the delivery of Princess Mary, the
cardinal said 'that she was too young, and that the English looked
upon her as the treasure of the kingdom, and that no hostages were
sufficient security for her.'[101] But soon after the small princess
was made to send a fine emerald to the emperor with a message that
when they married she would be able to know by the clearness or
otherwise of the jewel 'whether his Majesty do keep himself as
continent and chaste as, with God's grace, she will.' The emperor
being twenty-five, whilst his little fiancee was only nine, the cases
were hardly similar; and three months later Charles had engaged
himself to marry his cousin, Isabella of Portugal.[102]

  [101] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. iii.

  [102] Martin Hume, _Wives of Henry VIII._

A council was held in Spain in order to decide what was to be done
with King Francis, in which the Duke of Alva suggested the most
exorbitant terms as the price of the king's freedom. The Bishop of
Osma pleaded for more generous treatment, but the duke's advice
prevailed, and Francis was offered the most humiliating terms, which
he indignantly rejected, but finally agreed to the proposals that he
should marry the emperor's sister Eleanor, the Dowager-Queen of
Portugal, and settle the duchy of Burgundy upon the issue of the
marriage; that he should pardon Bourbon, restore the whole of his
possessions, giving him his sister, the Duchess of Alencon, in
marriage; pay a large ransom, and furnish troops to attend the
emperor's coronation in Rome.

Francis was sent to Genoa and thence to Spain in charge of Lannoy,
Viceroy of Naples, to the indignation of Bourbon and Pescara, who
both hoped to have had the honour of escorting the royal prisoner to
Madrid.

On his arrival in Spain Charles sent a courteous letter to Louise of
Savoy, who was acting as regent during her son's absence. Louise in
reply says: 'Monseigneur! By the letter which it has pleased you to
write to me, I have learned the arrival of monseigneur the king, my
son, in your country, and the goodwill and good disposition you
entertain to treat him well, for which I know not how sufficiently to
express to you my thanks and gratitude, humbly beseeching you, sir, to
continue to act in this liberal manner, which so well befits your
greatness and magnanimity. As for the rest, monseigneur, in pursuance
of what you have required of me, I have given a safe conduct to your
courier, desiring to do your pleasure in this and all other things, as
I would for the said monseigneur, my son, the king, and this the Lord
knows, whom I pray to give you a good and long life.--Your most humble
LOYSE.'[103]

  [103] W. Bradford, _Correspondence of the Emperor Charles V._

On June the 25th, 1525, Charles wrote a long letter to his brother
Ferdinand from Toledo, in which he says: 'As to the movement of the
Lutherans, and the evil they have done, and to all appearance mean to
do, it has annoyed, and does continue to annoy me bitterly. If it were
in my power to remedy it speedily, I would spare neither my person nor
my estates in the cause, but you see the difficulty there is in it,
especially since I hope to be in Italy so soon, in order to take
possession of my crowns[104] as I have already written you word.

  [104] The emperor's coronation at Bologna did not take place till
  February 1530, when he received the crowns of Lombardy and of the
  empire.

'When that is done, I mean to exert all my power in the extermination
of this said sect of Lutherans....' Charles goes on to say, in answer
to his brother's request that he would use his influence to get him
(Ferdinand) elected King of the Romans, that for the present the
matter had better be kept secret until he had been crowned emperor, as
the electors 'would probably allege, and with truth, that at present I
am myself, in fact, no more than King of the Romans, and that on this
account the election of another ought to be deferred....

'The King of France is now here. I have caused him to be placed in the
castle of Patina, where he will be well treated. He has offered me
certain articles of peace, which I send you a copy of, and has
promised to do still better. I will let you know the result; and if it
tends to my honour and advantage, and to the preserving of my friends,
I will follow your advice in coming to terms, well knowing that it
would be very propitious to my interests to make peace before I leave
this for Italy. If the said peace cannot be concluded, I shall order
the said King of France to be kept here in all safety, and will
deliberate on the subject of a war for next year....

'In order to leave these kingdoms under good government, I see no
other remedy than to marry the Infanta Donna Isabella of Portugal,
since the Cortes of the said kingdoms have required me to propose
myself for such a union, and that on his part the King of Portugal
offers me a million of ducats, most of them to be paid at once, in
order to assist in defraying the expenses of our said journey to
Italy. Were this marriage to take place, I could leave the Government
here in the person of the said Infanta, who should be provided with a
good council, so that there would be no apparent cause to fear any
new movement.'[105]

  [105] W. Bradford, _Correspondence of the Emperor Charles V._

On the 31st of July Charles again writes to Ferdinand: 'As to the
affairs of my marriage in Portugal, it remains in the same state as
when I last wrote to you, waiting for the consent of England, as also
for your advice on the subject. Besides, it is right that before my
departure, I should know whether I shall have peace or war; and seeing
that there is every hope of the said peace being concluded, only that
time is requisite for it, I have settled to put off my Italian journey
till next March or April. Thus I shall have time enough to be married
in September, by which arrangement also I shall be able to receive the
said consent, and your advice, and to ascertain the fact or failure of
the said peace.'[106]

  [106] _Ibid._

The following letter from Charles to Henry VIII., breaking off his
marriage with Princess Mary, and giving all his reasons for so doing,
is a most interesting diplomatic document. It is a pity that King
Henry's answer has, as far as we know, not been preserved:--

   'My good Father and Brother,--I had ordered Penalosa to tell you
   what you must since have heard through your ambassadors at this
   my Court, who have likewise delivered your message to me. My
   answer to them has been that no alliance in the whole of
   Christendom could give me more pleasure than yours, not only
   owing to the great friendship which has existed of old between
   our royal houses, but on account of the great affection and love
   which you have shown me, whenever we have met together. I
   believe that my sentiments are well known to you, and I can
   assure you that my affection has not diminished in the least,
   but, on the contrary, is daily increasing, so as to become in
   time an almost indissoluble tie betwixt two brothers.

   'You must know as well as I do the disasters and public
   calamities which this present war has brought on the Christian
   world at large, and on the empire in particular, and the great
   lack there is of appropriate remedy. To the cure of those evils
   it is my intention to apply myself entirely, since I am duly
   bound to do so; but I find one great obstacle in my way. You are
   aware of the great evils and disasters which my absence from
   these kingdoms once caused, owing to my not having been able to
   make such provision as was needed for the government of this
   country. In consequence whereof my subjects are pressingly
   requesting me to marry a princess who may fill my place, and
   govern during my absence, which is, in my opinion, the only way
   to keep them contented, and enable me to go about freely, and
   attend to my personal affairs. The only remedy I see for this
   difficulty, and for many others--which to so poor a writer as
   myself would take too much time to describe--is to anticipate
   the time of my said marriage, and likewise the payment of the
   sums to be allotted as the princess's dower. But as your
   ambassadors here have positively declared to me, in your name,
   that this expedient can nowise be adopted, nor the said marriage
   effected until the conclusion of a solid and lasting peace, I
   see no way to obviate the said difficulties, and ward off the
   impending evils. I hope you will be reasonable enough to
   appreciate at its due value the answer I have just given to your
   ambassadors, and will consider it as both just and expedient in
   the present state of my affairs. As to the continuance of our
   mutual friendship, on that point there is not the least danger.
   I can assure you there is nothing I desire so much, being of
   opinion that, although the form and terms of our alliance might
   be altered through my marrying in another quarter, yet our amity
   is to continue the same as ever, and so to be increased as to
   secure the mutual and lasting alliance which would have ensured
   from my union with the princess, your daughter. The better to
   accomplish the said object, and provide for our common interest,
   thereby promoting the welfare of Christendom at large, I propose
   that you and I should work together for the conclusion of a
   durable peace, likely to turn to our own mutual advantage and
   profit, so as to satisfy our consciences and discharge our duty
   towards God as Christian princes; and if, through our enemy's
   fault, the said peace should not be made, to devise together
   such means as may ensure the fulfilment of our common wishes,
   and the satisfaction of our claims.

   'If, therefore, owing to the above-named reasons, I were obliged
   to marry (another princess), I beg you not to take it in bad
   part, or suffer it to be the cause of our mutual love and
   affection being lessened, for I can assure you that I shall wait
   for your answer, and delay as much as possible the said
   marriage; and that when the ambassadors receive your powers and
   communicate your wishes to me, you will be convinced of my
   goodwill and desire to foster and increase our mutual amity, and
   to procure your welfare as much as my own. And that you may
   trust to the sincerity of my professions I hereby affix my
   signature as a proof of my constant wish to be for ever your
   good son, brother, nephew and good friend.

     CHARLES

   '(Toledo) 12th August 1525'[107]

  [107] _Calendar of State Papers_, vol. iii.


We do not know how King Henry received the above communication, but
soon after, the news reached Margaret that he was thinking of entering
into an alliance with France. This she foresaw would probably lead to
another war, and at once prepared to put the Netherlands into a state
of defence. She summoned the States, and again begged for 100,000
florins. The States refused to grant her request, saying the country
had been drained to the uttermost, and commerce was at a standstill.
But Margaret would not give in, and the States were convoked again at
Gertruydenberg. The Count of Hochstrate, as head of the council of
finance, going from town to town trying, by coaxing and promises, to
raise the desired sum.

Louise of Savoy now sent her secretary, Viardi, to Brussels to
persuade Margaret to arrange a truce of six months in order to give
her time to treat for the king's ransom and conclude a peace. Margaret
listened favourably to Viardi's mission, and commanded the Count of
Hochstrate, the Archbishop of Palermo, and the Count of Berg to meet
him at Breda, where a truce was arranged in Henry of Nassau's palace.
Charles does not appear to have been consulted as to the terms of this
armistice, and, much annoyed, he sent the following sharp rebuke to
his aunt:--

   'Madame, my good Aunt!--I have received your letters by Richard,
   and quite approve what you were able to communicate to him in
   what your memory served you.

   'I have received also a copy of the treaty of cessation of
   hostilities, which you have concluded. But I cannot conceal from
   you, madame, that I have found it very strange, and very far
   from satisfactory, that this should have been done without
   knowing my intentions, and without receiving instructions on
   this behalf, and powers from me. I have found it convenient,
   both for the advantage of my affairs and the preservation of my
   authority as heretofore, to declare to the ambassadors of
   England, and still more to those of France, that since the said
   treaty has been entered into without instructions and powers
   from me, I shall neither acknowledge it, nor ratify it, nor
   cause it to be observed.

   'Before the arrival of the said Richard, I was already in
   communication on the subject of a cessation of hostilities in
   all my kingdoms and countries generally, which I consider much
   more suitable than any partial or particular arrangement, and
   have just concluded a treaty, with the participation and consent
   of the said ambassadors of England (as principal contracting
   parties jointly with myself), wherein the articles are much more
   to my honour than they were in yours. In fact, there are two
   points in the latter so ill-advised as to condemn the whole. You
   bring forward England alone as an ally (as does also the Duke of
   Cleves), and promise to offer no assistance to the enemies of
   France, which is directly in contradiction with the treaties in
   force with England, and tending to call forth war against Spain
   and other of my states, in which case you become incapable of
   offering any assistance whatever. Thus the ambassadors of
   England know very well how to pretend that they cannot escape
   from the position in which they would be placed, which is in
   fact as much, or more, to my disadvantage than theirs; and as to
   the French, they may fairly say that all which has been demanded
   has been granted them.

   'I am quite sure that this great error, madame, is not arising
   from any oversight of yours, and that you have been led to
   understand that there was some necessity for it; at the same
   time I am very far from being satisfied with those who have
   allowed themselves to proceed in this matter without my command,
   and who have presumed to counsel you on subjects of such grave
   importance as ought never to be treated of without my knowledge
   and approval.

   'Madame! I send you a copy of the cessation of hostilities
   concluded here, in order that you may cause it to be published
   duly, and at the time therein declared, and to be strictly kept
   and performed according to its form and tenor, setting aside
   your own as null and void, as well as the publications which may
   have taken place; for it is my express intention that it should
   not be held of the smallest force or value; insomuch that if I
   had not even concluded a treaty, as aforesaid, here, I would not
   have permitted yours to be carried into effect.

   'Madame! may our Lord have you in His holy keeping. Written at
   Toledo, the 13th of August.

       *       *       *       *       *

   'Further, madame,... I have ratified the neutrality of
   Burgundy, as you desire, and I have included you, as well as my
   brother the archduke and all your country and subjects, in the
   treaty for the cessation of hostilities, which has been here
   negotiated; and in all I may be able to do for you, for your
   affairs and your welfare, I shall always and most willingly do
   the same for you, my good mother and aunt, as for myself,
   praying God to give you all your heart's desire. Written at
   Toledo, the 15th of August 1525.'[108]

  [108] W. Bradford, _Correspondence of the Emperor Charles V._


We can imagine how much upset Margaret must have been at receiving
this severe rebuke which was called forth by the report that the
emperor had just received from his ambassadors in London giving an
account of an interview they had had with Wolsey, in which he
expressed great surprise and annoyance at the truce which Margaret had
just concluded with France. 'The treaties of Windsor stipulated,' he
said, 'that neither of the contracting parties was to conclude a truce
without the consent and full approval of the other one. We have so far
adhered to this, that, though the king has been often solicited by the
French, he has never given his consent to it.... I should never have
thought that, after so many stipulations, promises, and declarations
made by madame, she would have been the first to break through them.

   '... Any plans and designs which the emperor, Mons. de Bourbon,
   and the king, my master, may have formed in this particular
   matter are ruined for ever through madame having granted this
   truce to our common enemy.

   '... In fact, I do not know how I shall be able to appease the
   king's anger when he hears of it, for he has always maintained
   that madame was incapable of doing anything in this matter
   without letting him know first. The perplexity and doubt by
   which madame is said to be assailed, and which have induced her
   to take this step, are no excuse for her acting thus; for she
   ought first to have consulted the king, my master, and stated
   her reasons, instead of deciding, as she has done, for herself,
   and then sending an agent to acquaint him with her resolution,
   which was by no means an honourable proceeding....'[109]

  [109] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. iii.

Margaret's reply to her nephew explaining her reasons for her conduct
has unfortunately not been preserved, but she evidently found means to
soothe his anger, for ere long they were again on the best of terms.
Charles was genuinely devoted to his aunt and held her in the highest
esteem, and to the end of her life Margaret enjoyed his full
confidence, and was always consulted by him on every occasion of
importance.

King Francis had been brought to Spain in June, but it was not until
August that he was removed from Valencia and its neighbourhood to
Madrid. On his arrival in the latter town he was bitterly disappointed
to learn that the emperor was away hunting in Segovia, for he had
hoped much from a personal interview and his own powers of persuasion.
Although comfortably lodged and treated with every mark of respect,
the unaccustomed life of seclusion soon told on his health, and the
report spread that he was dangerously ill. On hearing of his illness
his sister Margaret, Duchess of Alencon, hastened to Spain, provided
with full powers from her mother, the regent, to treat for peace. On
the evening of September the 18th Charles was out hunting when he
received the news that the French king was dying. Immediately he set
out for Madrid, and without hardly drawing rein he rode straight to
the Alcazar. Francis was asleep when he arrived, but the emperor
waited until his prisoner awoke, and then as the invalid slowly raised
himself, exclaiming, 'Here I am, my lord emperor, your servant and
your slave!' courteously replied, 'Not so; you are my good friend and
brother, and I hope that you will always be so.' He begged Francis to
keep up his spirits, and only to think of getting well: saying 'that
when his sister the Duchess of Alencon arrived, peace and liberty
would soon follow, for he only asked for what was reasonable, and did
not doubt that Francis would do what was just.'[110] The next day
Charles paid the king another visit, and was equally kind and
considerate, leaving him very much improved in health. As the emperor
descended the stairs from the invalid's room, he met the Duchess of
Alencon, who had just arrived, and after warmly greeting her,
conducted her to her brother. The Duchess Margaret was a very
attractive, graceful woman, and Charles had been warned by his
Ministers not to receive her, for as they said, 'Being young and a
widow she comes... to see and to be seen,' and they feared that the
emperor might fall in love with her; but though Charles kissed her and
had private interviews, not all her charms could make him relax one
point in his conditions of her brother's release. After many fruitless
efforts and endless discussions Margaret was obliged to return to
France without having secured the much-desired peace. On the 19th of
November 1525 Perrenot de Granvelle[111] wrote a long letter to
Margaret of Austria from Toledo, giving her an account of the Duchess
of Alencon's visit:--

   'Madame!... In fulfilment of your wishes, and in accordance
   with the good pleasure of the emperor,... I forthwith went to
   take your letters to the king (Francis I.), and on your part to
   pay him a visit. I had long audiences with him, at four
   different times after the fever had subsided, when I found him
   in a good disposition to receive me, though extremely weak from
   the severity of his malady. He told me that he and his kingdom
   were much indebted to you, madame, for the desire you had
   manifested for peace, and a good intelligence and amity between
   the emperor and him, and consequently for his deliverance;
   which, if God should please to grant, he must always esteem you,
   even as a second mother, with whose advice and counsel he should
   be happy to govern his affairs; adding many other fair and
   courteous expressions. On this subject and his ardent desire for
   peace, as well as for the friendship and good graces of the
   emperor, he spoke much, devising at large the means of effecting
   it, and always recurring to the idea of a marriage as the
   principal thing to build upon. He also repeated his assurances
   of the desire he had to contribute to the aggrandisement of the
   emperor, and to assist in forwarding all his enterprises,
   referring all the means and details to the aforesaid Madame
   d'Alencon.... Madame! I met on my journey the said lady, and
   delivered to her your letters; and whilst I had this
   opportunity, with the knowledge and will of the emperor, I went
   to visit her, and have reason to think that I gave satisfaction
   without any cause of distrust on the one side or the other.

   'Madame! I have since recovered the copy of the letter which the
   emperor had written to M. de Praet, and of other writings which
   I now send, as a summary of the communications which here took
   place. At the commencement, the said lady recapitulated the
   proposition which had already been entertained respecting the
   marriage, the ransom, or the cession of the duchy (of Burgundy)
   on condition that it should be pronounced by the Parliament of
   Paris a possession belonging of right to the king, who would be
   ready to give hostages in this case, to ensure its surrender. On
   this point, however, the emperor declared, as he had before
   done, without any reference to the marriage, that no ransom
   would satisfy him, nothing less than the duchy, his ancient
   heritage, the foundation of his order, of which he bore the name
   and arms, rejecting the conditions attached to it as wholly
   inadmissible. Some days afterwards, the said lady made a
   proposition to the emperor, who went to visit her at her
   lodgings, to choose arbitrators, which he had before refused,
   and which he then, as she told me the same day, was ready to
   agree to. Afterwards, however, when she was in conference with
   the ambassadors, they came to a standstill when they touched on
   the aforesaid condition relating to the Parliament of Paris, and
   the hostages which the emperor, they maintain, would not
   accept.... Communications have passed in writing on both sides,
   of which the result has been nothing more than is above related.
   They have now taken their leave, both the Duchess of Alencon and
   the ambassadors, declaring that the king has fully made up his
   mind not to resign the said duchy except on the condition
   already proposed, choosing rather to submit to perpetual
   imprisonment; and this very day the said lady has sent to demand
   her passports, that she may return to France under the same
   security as she travelled hither, which has been granted her. No
   further movements or proposals have since taken place, the
   emperor continuing in the same determination to obtain
   possession of the duchy; and if the said lady takes her
   departure, as appears her intention, the hope of peace which has
   been excited by her arrival, and the subsequent attempts at
   negotiation, as well as by the arbitration supposed to be agreed
   on, will altogether vanish for the present.

   'Madame! On Sunday last, the 15th of this month, I received by
   Richard the letters and other papers which you were pleased to
   send me. The emperor was at that time on a hunting expedition
   five leagues hence, with a few attendants, having previously
   taken leave of the Duchess of Alencon; and on his return I
   presented to him your letters. I discussed with him at length
   the two principal points relative to the peace or truce, and the
   commercial arrangements in which your country is concerned....
   To all this his Majesty gave a willing ear, and seemed to take
   in good part all that was said....

   'Madame! Whatever might have been the opinion offered, it has
   certainly come to pass... that peace has been made with
   England, and according to articles which had been proposed and
   resolved upon before the battle and capture of the king....
   Among other causes, it has chiefly arisen, as is pretended, out
   of the truce made in your country, as well as from the
   correspondence which has passed, and your frequent declarations,
   that as far as your interest was concerned, you had abandoned
   all thoughts of war. Concerning this matter I gave a sufficient
   explanation, and satisfied his said Majesty, as I hope
   thereupon....'[112]

  [110] E. Armstrong.

  [111] Nicolas de Perrenot, known as the Sieur de Granvelle.

  [112] W. Bradford, _Correspondence of the Emperor Charles V._


At last, on the 14th of January 1526, the Treaty of Madrid was signed
between Charles V. and Francis I., and the emperor at once wrote to
Margaret to inform her of the joyful news, enclosing a summary of the
treaty. In return for his freedom the French king agreed to give up
the much-coveted duchy of Burgundy and the counties of Charolais and
Hesdin, to allow the sovereignty of Flanders and other countries of
the emperor within France. To renounce all claim to Naples, Milan,
Genoa, and Asti, as well as to Tournay and Arras. To reinstate the
Duke of Bourbon in all his property; and set at liberty the Prince of
Orange without any ransom. It was agreed that all prisoners on both
sides should be liberated; and that the Duke of Gueldres should be
allowed to retain his title during his lifetime, on condition that at
his death his duchy should pass to the emperor.

The king's marriage with Queen Eleanor of Portugal was to take place
as soon as possible, the queen bringing 200,000 crowns in gold as her
dower, besides the counties of Macon, Auxerre, and Bar-sur-Seine,
which were to be settled on her and her heirs. It was especially
stipulated that if the king should be unable to restore Burgundy or
carry out other parts of the treaty, he should again return to
captivity, leaving the Dauphin and his second son as hostages.[113]

  [113] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. iii.

The emperor also wrote to Margaret on the 15th January asking her to
convoke the States-General for the 22nd of May, to inform them of the
peace that had just been concluded.

But Francis had no intention of keeping the promises which had been
wrung from him under compulsion, and he secretly resolved to break
faith with the emperor as soon as he regained his liberty.

A few days after the Treaty of Madrid had been signed Margaret had the
sorrow of losing her niece, Isabel, the young Queen of Denmark, who
died near Ghent on the 19th of January, at the age of twenty-five, and
was buried in that city. Her life with Christian II. had not been a
happy one, and it was said that she died of a broken heart. Her three
children, John, Dorothea, and Christina,[114] she left to her aunt
Margaret's care, 'whom she had always called her mother.' Margaret
nobly fulfilled this trust, and tenderly watched over the children
until her death. She appointed the learned Cornelius Agrippa, then
residing at her Court, as tutor to Prince John, who at the time of his
mother's death was only eight years old. In a letter to Ferdinand
Charles thus mentions their sister's death: 'I am very sorry for the
death of our sister the Queen of Denmark, and have taken care that
prayers should be said for the repose of her soul. I would willingly
recommend to you her children our nephews, who are at present in the
hands of our dear aunt in Flanders.'

  [114] Christina married first Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan,
  and secondly the Duke of Lorraine. Her beautiful portrait by
  Holbein, lent by the Duke of Norfolk, hangs in the National
  Gallery. Her elder sister, Dorothea, married Frederick, Count
  Palatine. The portraits of Isabel's three children in one picture
  by Mabuse are at Hampton Court Palace.

  [Illustration: THE CHILDREN OF CHRISTIAN II AND ISABEL OF DENMARK
  IN MOURNING DRESS FOR THEIR MOTHER
  FROM THE PAINTING BY MABUSE AT HAMPTON COURT PALACE]

On Ash-Wednesday, the 14th of February, Charles de Lannoy wrote to
Margaret from Madrid to inform her that the emperor had arrived the
day before, and King Francis had gone outside the city to meet him.
After supper they had spent two hours talking together, and seemed
well pleased with each other. The king had begged permission to see
Queen Eleanor, which was granted, with the assurance that as soon
as he set foot in Provence she should be delivered over to him.

Lannoy goes on to say that he has been ordered to attend the king on
his way to France.

On February the 26th the Abbot of Najera mentions in a long letter to
the emperor that peace had been proclaimed in Milan on St. Matthew's
Day, the 24th of February, which was looked upon as a good omen as it
was the emperor's birthday as well as the anniversary of the victory
of Pavia. But a little later John Jonglet wrote to Margaret from
London that 'it was publicly asserted that the King of France would
not keep his treaty with the emperor, as the States-General of his
kingdom would never sanction the dismemberment of his crown.'[115]

  [115] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. iii

Charles himself seems to have suspected that Francis might play him
false, for, on the 19th of February, he had written to De Praet that
... 'as the said Seigneur King (Francis) is bound to deliver up to us
certain hostages, as you will see by this treaty, we desire that you
will well and carefully inform yourself who the said hostages are to
be, whether the king's two eldest sons, or Monseigneur the Dauphin,
and twelve of the principal nobility... that you take especial notice
of, and be regardful of the persons of the three children of France,
that you make yourself thoroughly acquainted with the visage,
physiognomy, size, and person of each, that when it comes to the
delivering of them over... there may be no trickery in substituting
one person for another, and that you may be able of a certainty to
recognise them as the identical persons whom we ought to have. Our
Viceroy of Naples is to take the charge of the said delivery and
acceptation, and as you are aware he can have no particular knowledge
himself of the said children, it is a matter of necessity that you
should be well acquainted with all these particulars....' In another
letter to De Praet he says: 'On Shrove-Tuesday we reached Madrid,
where we had the satisfaction of finding ourselves with the Sieur
King, reciprocally exchanging such sentiments and good offices as two
attached friends and brothers entertain and exercise together....

'We remained at Madrid Tuesday evening, Wednesday, and Thursday, and
on the following day departed thence with the said king our brother,
and slept four leagues from Madrid, in order to reach Illescas, two
leagues further, on Saturday. At Illescas we shall find the queen our
sister (Eleanor). Here they will meet and see each other, and speak
together; and then the king will return to Madrid, and we shall
continue his companion in the evening. The next day he will begin his
journey direct for Bayonne accompanied by our said viceroy. Soon
afterwards our sister the queen will also set off for the same,
attended by our Constable of Castile. And as to ourselves, we intend
to take the road towards Seville, where we shall find our empress, and
where our marriage is to take place.'[116]

  [116] W. Bradford.

On the 16th of February Charles wrote to Louise of Savoy:--

   'Madame, my good Mother,--Since I have given back a good brother
   to the king your son, and am offering you the queen my sister
   for a daughter, it appears to me that, in order not to present
   you one son only, I should resume the name which I used
   formerly to give you, and should again address you as my good
   mother; and seeing that I do so consider you, I pray you to act
   as such towards the said queen my sister, as well as towards
   myself. I came to this town of Madrid to see the king your son
   ... and I was sorry not to have been able to do so sooner, but I
   am greatly rejoiced at finding both his health and his
   affections in so different a state from what they were when I
   last saw him. The love and friendship which he professes to bear
   towards me have given me no small satisfaction, and I nowise
   doubt the sincerity of these good feelings, which I hope you
   will assist in confirming, as you have promised me by your
   letters that you would do. On my part I assure you that the love
   and friendship I bear towards him are most sincere, and that I
   am fully prepared to accomplish everything I have promised.

   'You request in your said letter that the king... should take
   the queen, his wife, my sister, with him. As soon as the king
   ... has ratified and sworn to the treaties, and that all things
   are concluded between him and me, she shall be given up at
   Bayonne according to your desire. This shall be done by my
   Viceroy of Naples after he has liberated the king... and has
   received the hostages that are to be given.

   'And now, madam, that he may no longer distress you by his bad
   writing, he who looks upon you as his good mother will conclude
   by recommending himself with all his heart to your kindness, and
   will sign himself,--Your good son,

    CHARLES[117]

   'To Madame the Regent of France, my good mother.'

  [117] W. Bradford.


From the emperor's Itinerary we learn that Queen Eleanor left off her
mourning on being affianced to the King of France. On her arrival at
Talavera she was met by the emperor and the Duke of Bourbon. On the
20th of February the emperor and the King of France went together to
Illescas, where they paid a visit to the Queen Eleonora and Queen
Germaine de Foix, accompanied by the Countess of Nassau and other
ladies, who received them on the stairs. They then went into a saloon,
where the four sat down under a canopy, and were engaged in
conversation, whilst the ladies of the Court amused themselves by
dancing.... On the 23rd of February the emperor took leave of his
sister, the Queen of France, who remained at Illescas, and pursued his
journey towards Seville, where the Princess Isabella of Portugal, his
affianced bride, was to meet him on the 9th of March. He made his
entry into Seville on that day, and on the 10th his marriage was
celebrated with much pomp. At the magnificent festivities which
followed, it is recorded that M. de la Chaux opened the ball.[118]

  [118] W. Bradford.

In a letter to his brother Ferdinand, Charles thus briefly refers to
his wedding: 'I have now entered upon the estate of marriage, which
pleases me well.' And yet this marriage, begun under such unromantic
conditions, turned out very happily, for Isabella was a capable
princess, who, besides her beauty and clear complexion, had a good
heart and sound judgment, and Charles, we are told, 'lived in perfect
harmony with her, and treated her on all occasions with much
distinction and regard.'

Guillaume des Barres, one of Margaret's secretaries, sent his mistress
the following description of the bride: 'I would give much that you
could see her, for if you have been told of her many beauties,
virtues, and goodness, you would find still more, and you should see
how happy they are together.'[119] On April 26th, 1526, Margaret sent
an embassy to Spain to congratulate Charles on his marriage, and
present her good wishes to the empress, to whom she wrote, 'that she
wished that things could be so arranged that she could come and visit
the countries over here (Flanders), which are so beautiful and adorned
with such fine towns....'[120] Amongst other things her ambassador was
ordered to tell the emperor 'that the archduchess had the greatest
pleasure in trying to extirpate the sect of the Lutherans,' and on his
own account he added that his mistress lived so simply and
economically that there was no chancellor of a province, nor
sub-governor or lieutenant in the country, who lived as simply as she
did.[121]

  [119] _MSS. de la Bibliotheque de Bourgogne._

  [120] _Ibid._

  [121] _Ibid._

Meanwhile, on the 17th of March, King Francis had been set at liberty.
Charles in a letter to his brother says: 'The King of France was
restored to his kingdom on the 17th of this month (February), on my
receiving the Dauphin and Duke of Orleans as hostages, whom I have
desired to be taken to Burgos; and the said King of France promises to
accomplish all that he has engaged in by the treaty of peace....'

Guicciardini gives the following interesting account of the exchange
of prisoners at Fuenterrabia: 'By this time the French king was come
to Fuenterrabia, a town appertaining to the emperor, standing near the
Ocean Sea upon the frontiers of Biscay and the duchy of Guyenne; and
on the other side the Lady Regent was arrived with the children of
France at Bayonne, which is not far from Fuenterrabia.... Then the
18th day of March, the French king, accompanied by the viceroy,
Captain Alarcon, with fifty horse, came to the shore of the river that
divideth the realm of France from the kingdom of Spain; at the same
time M. de Lautrech, with the king's children, and the like number of
horse, presenting themselves on the other side. There was in the midst
of the river a great barque made fast with anchors, in which was no
person. The king approached to this barque in a little boat, wherein
he was accompanied by the viceroy, etc.... all armed with short
weapons, and on the other side of the barque were likewise brought in
a little boat, M. de Lautrech, with the hostages... after this the
viceroy went into the barque... and the king with him.... M. de
Lautrech fetched out of the boat into the barque the Dauphin, who
being given to the viceroy... was forthwith bestowed in his boat, and
after him followed the little Duke of Orleans, who was no sooner
entered the barque than the French king leaped out of the barque into
his boat with such swiftness that his permutation was thought to be
done at one self instant, and then the king being brought to the
shore, mounted suddenly (as though he had feared some ambush) upon a
Turkish horse of a wonderful swiftness, which was prepared for the
purpose, and ran without stay to St. John de Luz, a town of his
obedience, four leagues from thence; and being there readily relieved
with a fresh horse, he ran with the same swiftness to Bayonne, where
he was received with incredible joy of all the Court.'[122]

  [122] Published in 1618. Mentioned by W. Bradford in his
  _Correspondence of the Emperor Charles V._

In a despatch to the emperor, written on March 23rd, Ochoa de Ysasaga
announced that 'The day that the King of France was released from his
captivity he leaped from the boat, with water up to his knees, mounted
a horse that had been prepared for him, and rode without stopping to
St. Jean de Luz, where he dined, and was visited by the flower of the
French nobility, who came to congratulate him.[123]

  [123] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. iii.

And thus Charles let slip his chance, and omitted to reap the fruitful
August, which Lannoy, in announcing the victory of Pavia, had declared
comes to a man once and once only in his life.




CHAPTER XIII

THE LADIES' PEACE


The eventful year 1526 was not to close without further troubles for
the House of Austria. The Sultan Solyman, taking advantage of the war
in Italy and the consequent absorption of the principal rulers of
Europe, had pushed his conquests in the east until his vast hosts
encamped before the walls of Vienna. Louis II., King of Hungary, who
had married Margaret's niece Mary, seeing his kingdom thus invaded by
the Turks, sent urgent appeals for help to all Christian princes. But
either the neighbouring powers were too much occupied with their own
affairs, or they did not realise the actual danger, for they returned
cold and indifferent answers, and even the emperor delayed sending aid
to his brother-in-law until too late. On the 29th of August a decisive
battle was fought on the plains of Mohacs between the Hungarian army
and the troops of Solyman, and ended in the utter defeat of King
Louis, who before the day was over lost his crown and his life. Two
months after, his body and that of his horse was found sunk in a bog,
into which he had ridden during the retreat. His next heir was his
sister Anne, who had married Margaret's nephew, the Archduke
Ferdinand. And it was in right of his wife that a few months later
Ferdinand was elected to the thrones of Bohemia and Hungary.

An interesting correspondence between Margaret and her nephew
Ferdinand gives full details of these stirring events. On the 18th of
September Ferdinand wrote to Margaret from Lintz:--'Madame, my good
Aunt,--The news has just reached me that the Turk with two hundred
thousand men met the King of Hungary, my late brother-in-law, about
twenty miles from Buda, where he was with forty thousand men to defend
his country. On the 29th of August last he gave battle, which (battle)
was won by the Turk, and all the late king's large quantity of
artillery was destroyed and he himself slain, some say whilst
fighting, others, that seeing the said battle was lost, he retreated,
and thinking to escape, entered a morass, where he remained, which
seems most probable. Thus, madame, you can imagine how perplexed I am
to be deprived of money and help against such a formidable power as
the said Turk.... To-day news has reached me that the said Turk has
taken the town of Buda and that he has despatched two of his principal
captains, each with a good number of men, one to invade my country of
Austria... and the other to do the same in Styria, which they have
already begun to do, and have gone within fifteen or sixteen miles of
Vienna. And you ought, madame, as a good lady and experienced
princess, to help the emperor, my lord and brother, to make peace with
our common enemies to his greater honour and safety, as soon as
possible... and diligently make every effort to repulse this cursed
Turk, which I very humbly beg you to do, for if his Majesty does not
quickly find a remedy, not only I, our House of Austria, and all
Germany will fall into complete ruin and desolation, but also the
whole of Christianity....

'As to the affairs in Italy, they are, madame, also in a very bad
way, owing to the enemies' great power and our insufficient number of
men.... I have sent Messire George de Fronsberg... to Augsbourg with
the best jewels and rings that I have... for, madame, I neither have
or know of other means to raise money to send help... so you can
imagine to what poverty I am reduced.... And at present I do not know
of anything else worthy to write to you about, excepting to beg you,
madame, very humbly to send some help and succour if you can... for I
am so much in need of money, without which I can do nothing, because
of the great expenses I have had since I came to Germany.... And it
may be that for lack of help and succour you may soon have the same
news of me as of the late King of Hungary. And as to the queen, my
sister, she is about ten miles from Vienna, very unhappy and desolate,
as you may imagine. I have sent for her consolation and also for her
safety some good people and some infantry.... I will inform you of
anything more that occurs....' Then follows a postscript in
Ferdinand's handwriting: 'Madame, je vous suplie vouloir tenir la main
a la pais; car vous voyes bien que c'est plus que besoin.'[124]

  [124] _Archives de Bruxelles._

Margaret replied: 'My good Nephew,--I have received your two letters,
one of the 18th and the other of the 23rd September, and by them have
heard of the sad and pitiable news of the death of the King of
Hungary, the loss of the kingdom, and the state of the poor queen,
your sister, my good niece, and above all, the danger which you, your
country and subjects are in. I do not know how to express to you the
regret and sorrow that I feel, and you can believe that it is not less
than if the misfortune had befallen me, and that I was in the position
of the queen, your worthy sister, or yourself. In any case it becomes
us to conform in all things to the will of God, our Creator, the
refuge and consoler of the desolate, who never forsakes or abandons
those who pray to Him with their whole heart....

'I have ordered your courier in Zealand to cross the sea with the
first good company that leaves, which is the safest way, and I have
written to the emperor reminding him of your conduct and the services
you have rendered him, exhorting and imploring him first to assist you
in your great and extreme necessity, as I hope he will, and on my part
in this and other matters I will do what I can for you and your
service. John Seigneur de Temstel, whom Monseigneur de Bourbon sent to
you, and also Messire George de Fronsberg have been to see me and told
me that the said Messire George has not been able to raise money from
the Fuggers or others on the rings you gave him... for which I am
sorry. I have informed the King of England and the legate of the loss
of Hungary and the death of the king.... Monseigneur, if it should
happen that you should see the Queen of Hungary, your sister, or ...
that you should send or write to her, I beg you to recommend me to
her, and console her for her misfortune as much as is possible, and
comfort her and forward a letter which I have written to her.... I beg
you, monseigneur, to often send me your news, and I will send you mine
from here, and assist you in every way in my power, with the help of
our Lord.'[125]

  [125] _Archives de Bruxelles._

Ferdinand also received a sympathetic letter from Charles, in which
the emperor said that 'he could not well express his grief on hearing
of the misfortunes and death of King Louis of Hungary, and at first
could not believe the news, although it reached him from various
parts.... When his (Ferdinand's) letter arrived he had already sent
his last penny to Italy, and was therefore unable immediately to send
help, but he had done his best to procure money, and would shortly
send 100,000 ducats in bills by a gentleman of his bedchamber, whom he
was sending on a mission to him and their sister Mary with
instructions to carry out his (Ferdinand's) wishes in every respect,
and hoped that the archduke's affairs would soon be satisfactorily
settled....'[126]

  [126] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. iii.

On the 17th of December Queen Mary announced that her brother, the
Archduke Ferdinand, had been duly elected King of Hungary and Bohemia
on the 16th by all the barons and nobles present at the Diet. When
Charles heard this welcome news he at once sent to congratulate his
brother and thanked the States for the part they had taken in his
election, promising 'to spend all his treasures and all his blood in
their defence.'[127]

  [127] _Ibid._

But other important events now claimed the emperor's attention.
Francis I. had no sooner gained his liberty than he deliberately
evaded his promises and refused to ratify the Treaty of Madrid. On May
the 22nd, 1526, he entered into an alliance with the Pope, Venice, the
Duke of Milan, and Henry VIII. This League of Cognac had for its
ostensible object the peace of Christendom, but in reality aimed at
expelling the emperor from his possessions in Italy, and checking his
growing power. As soon as the treaty was concluded, Clement VII.
absolved Francis from the oath he had taken to observe the Treaty of
Madrid on the plea that he had acted under compulsion. When the
emperor discovered that the King of France intended to break faith
and elude his most solemn promises, his wrath knew no bounds, and he
publicly denounced Francis as a prince without faith or honour, at the
same time accusing the Pope of base ingratitude. To these reproaches
Francis replied by challenging the emperor to single combat, but this
interesting duel was not allowed to take place. The peace for which
Margaret had 'grandement tenu la main' was broken, and war broke out
again fiercer than ever.

The North Italian towns made overtures to the French, and the imperial
troops received a decided check in Lombardy. Money was very scarce,
and, worried on every side, Charles grumbled that Margaret showed lack
of energy in raising funds, and reproached her for not squeezing more
out of the Netherlands. To his other troubles was added the knowledge
that Lutheranism was making enormous strides in the Belgian provinces.
Margaret's attitude towards the reformers showed great moderation
considering the irritation she felt against those sects who added
religious dissension to the troubles of a foreign war. She was
convinced that overmuch zeal on the part of the orthodox could only do
harm, and addressed a circular letter to all religious houses within
her jurisdiction, recommending that only wise, tactful, and
enlightened orators should be allowed to preach, and advising them
always to speak gravely and prudently, and never mention either the
reformers or their doctrine. She also forbade all meetings where the
divine office was reduced to only the reading of the Bible. 'These
meetings,' she said, 'aim at alienating the people from the reverence
due to the sacraments, to the honour which belongs to the Mother of
God and the Saints, to prayers for the dead, fasting, and other
precepts of the Church.' She imposed various fines on those who were
convicted before a magistrate of reformed practices--twenty francs for
a first offence, forty for a second, and eighty for a third. All who
were unable to pay were to be banished. But these measures had no
effect, and a little later a new edict appeared in which it was
proclaimed that in order to check the progress of heresy, those who
possessed books written by Luther or his followers were to bring them
to the governor of the place, under pain of confiscation of goods, or
even death. Extreme measures were against Margaret's nature, but
circumstances and the spirit of the times forced her into them.

In May of the following year (1527) she received the joyful tidings
that a son and heir (Philip II.) had been born to Charles on the 22nd
at Valladolid. But in the midst of the rejoicings that followed the
infant's birth came the startling news that Rome had been taken and
sacked by the imperial troops, that the Constable of Bourbon had
fallen whilst leading the assault, and that the Pope was a prisoner in
the castle of St. Angelo. This astounding information caused the
christening festivities to be brought to an abrupt conclusion, the
emperor ordering instead that the Court should go into mourning and
Bourbon's obsequies should be celebrated for five days. Charles
expressed himself as horrified at the outrages which his lawless
troops had committed against the Holy See, and was anxious to disclaim
any share in the tragedy, which he stoutly maintained had been
perpetrated without his knowledge and against his wish. He even
addressed a circular letter to the various crowned heads, in which he
said: 'His soldiers, perceiving that the Pope had been unfaithful to
every treaty made with him, were determined to march to Rome in spite
of their generals. Though the excesses and cruelty of the exasperated
soldiery have not been so great as his enemies chose to represent at
the time, he is still very sorry for what has happened, and can
assure them that he has felt the disrespect of his troops towards
the Apostolic See more than he can express, and certainly would
have much preferred to be conquered than to conquer under the
circumstances.'[128]

  [128] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. iii. part II.

We can imagine, too, with what horror Margaret received the news from
Rome, and how her compassionate heart must have bled as she heard the
ghastly tales of murder, rapine, and sacrilege which had been
committed in the sacred city.

On May the 30th the emperor wrote to Mendoza, his ambassador in
England: '... We shall not fail to inform you... of whatever is
being done here (Valladolid) with regard to the French and English
ambassadors, and their commission. We shall likewise apprise madame,
our aunt, but as the cipher which you possess is safer than hers, we
will use yours for the purpose of transmitting our orders and wishes
thereupon.... Meanwhile you will write to madame in our name, that
without appearing to distrust the English in any way, she may, as of
her own accord, immediately provide for the defence of the frontiers
both by sea and land, in Flanders as well as in Holland and Zealand,
and remember what his Reverence the Legate of England (Wolsey) said on
a previous occasion, that once the Flemish frontier is broken in upon,
the conquest of the land would be an easy matter. Should madame
require our assistance for the protection of our dominions in those
parts, you will tell her in our name that we shall do our utmost to
provide her with money and troops for the emergency, and that she is
to inform us, as soon as possible, of the military preparations she
intends making, in doing which madame is to use your own cipher, of
which a copy shall be sent to her immediately, that she herself may
write to us, if she so prefers.'[129]

  [129] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. iii. part II.

About this time rumours of the unhappy matrimonial relations existing
between Queen Katharine and King Henry reached Charles from his
ambassador in England. On the 13th of July Mendoza wrote from London
that '... the king and his ministers were trying to dissolve the
marriage between the queen and himself, alleging that the Pope had no
power to grant a dispensation for the queen to marry two brothers as
she had done.... The emperor may believe him (Mendoza) that there is
so much feeling expressed here ... about the queen's divorce, not only
on her own account, but because ... her daughter the princess would be
declared illegitimate, that should six or seven thousand men land on
the coast of Cornwall to espouse the cause of both mother and
daughter, forty thousand Englishmen would at once join them....'[130]

  [130] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers._

In a sympathetic letter to Queen Katharine on the 27th of August
Charles said:--'Madame and my Aunt,--I have perfectly understood the
verbal message brought by Francisco Phelipez from you respecting the
affair (of the divorce), and the reason why you sent him to me.... You
may well imagine the pain this intelligence caused me, and how much I
felt for you. I cannot express it otherwise than by assuring you that
were my own mother concerned, I should not experience greater sorrow
than in this your case, for the love and affection which I profess to
your Serene Highness is certainly of the same kind as that of a son
towards his parent. I have immediately set about taking the necessary
steps for the remedy, and you may be certain that nothing shall be
omitted on my part to help you in your present tribulation. But it
seems to me that in the meantime your Serene Highness ought not to
take this thing so much to heart, as to let it impair your bodily
health, for if this is preserved, all other matters will be remedied
with God's help.'[131]

  [131] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers._

Early in September of this same year (1527) Margaret sent a courier to
the Spanish Court to announce the birth of a son and heir to
Ferdinand.[132] Charles was delighted to receive the news, and at once
sent a letter of congratulation to his brother, saying 'that he
rejoiced more at the birth of his nephew than at that of his own son
Philip.'

  [132] Maximilian II., who succeeded his father.

Angelo, the Pope had at length come to terms with the emperor, still
the war in Italy dragged on, with many recriminations on all sides.
France and England had joined hands against Spain, and trade with the
Netherlands was at a standstill. At length, when all Europe was sick
of war and longed for peace, Wolsey suggested to Margaret that she
should use her influence to try and bring about a better understanding
among the nations, and especially between France and Spain.

On March 12th, 1528, Margaret wrote to her secretary, Guillaume des
Barres, from Malines, instructing him to 'go with all diligence to
London to Monsieur de Burgues' (Inigo de Mendoza, just appointed
Bishop of Burgos),[133] the emperor's ambassador at that Court, and
present his credentials, and tell him 'that we have received his
letter of the 11th instant and heard of the overtures of peace made by
the legate. We are indeed very happy,' she says, 'to see the good turn
the affair is taking. You will tell him that we shall spare no
personal trouble or fatigue to bring about a general peace,... though
it seems to us, and indeed to almost all other people of honest
intentions and quick understanding, that King Francis ought to have
accepted at once the emperor's offers, by recalling his Italian army
and giving up Genoa and his other conquests before his sons were
actually released from captivity.... You will... request Mons. de
Burgues to acquaint the legate with our readiness to help towards the
accomplishment of peace,... that we have sent you for that purpose,
and wish this affair to be conducted between us without the
intervention of any other person whatsoever... and,' she adds, 'it is
but proper that he himself (Wolsey) should have the honour of the
affair since the proposal originated with him.'

  [133] It was then the custom in the Low Countries and also in
  France to designate bishops and archbishops by the names of their
  respective sees.

A conference was held in London, and at Wolsey's request Margaret was
invited to take in hand the arrangements for a general peace, and more
particularly one between France and Spain. She was asked to work at it
conjointly with the cardinal. Des Barres then proceeded to declare his
mistress's intentions and wishes respecting the peace, expatiating at
large on the evils resulting from the war to Christendom in general,
and more particularly to the dominions and subjects of the emperor
and the King of France, as it afforded the Turk every facility for an
invasion, and encouraged the Lutheran heresy to spread far and wide.
After discussing the subject at length, Wolsey begged Margaret
immediately to send a messenger by land to the emperor, to acquaint
him as soon as possible with the result of the conference held with
his ambassadors, and the means which they and he conjointly propose
for the furtherance of peace. The cardinal promised to apply for a
safe conduct through French territory for the gentleman whom Madame
Margaret might choose to appoint.[134]

  [134] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers._

About this time Margaret seems to have conceived the idea that it
would be better for the interests of all concerned if the arrangements
for the peace were made by ladies only, and she accordingly proposed
to the emperor that she should meet her sister-in-law Louise of Savoy
at a neutral town and discuss the conditions with her. In a letter to
M. de Rosymboz, her chief steward, dated Malines, 3rd of January 1529,
containing instructions to be laid before the emperor, Margaret gives
her reasons for this suggestion, and says:--'First, that the
bitterness of the reproaches written and spoken on either side were
such that ill-will and hatred were the inevitable consequences. The
hostilities also which ensued were so fierce that neither of the two
sovereigns could compromise his dignity by being the first to talk of
reconciliation, a challenge having been given and accepted for
settling the differences and disputes by single combat. On the other
hand, how easy for ladies... to make the first advances in such an
undertaking! Secondly, that it is only by a mutual forgiveness of all
offences, and the total oblivion of the causes of the war, and of
everything that had passed in writing concerning them, that the idea
of peace could be entertained. This could not be thought of or
proposed by the princes without a sacrifice of what they held most
precious, their honour; but ladies might well come forward in a
measure for submitting the gratification of private hatred and revenge
to the far nobler principle of the welfare of nations. Thirdly, were
the King of France to conduct negotiations with the emperor, it would
be necessary for him to act with especial reference to allies and
co-operators, the Venetians, Florentines, etc., and here a difficulty
would arise in effecting a reconciliation with the emperor, not to be
surmounted without the probability of some stain upon his honour; but
the act of the Lady of Angouleme, his mother, would in such case take
away all responsibility on the part of the king, whilst a similar
advantage would present itself to the emperor in silencing the
complaints of his friends, who might make objections to the terms of
peace. Again, in the event of any of the great powers being called in
as mediators in a negotiation, such as England or the Pope, their own
particular interest it is probable would be too much considered, and
something perhaps required in little territorial concessions as the
price of their interference; whilst the intervention proposed could be
subject to no such inconvenience; as the mother of the king and the
aunt of the emperor, who regarded him as her son as well as heir,
would keep in view one sole object which they had mutually at
heart--the general good of Europe, in the reconciliation of these two
great princes.'[135]

  [135] W. Bradford.

To these wise arguments the emperor lent a willing ear, and invested
Margaret with full powers to treat with Louise of Savoy; and chose the
neutral town of Cambray as their meeting-place.

On May the 15th Margaret wrote to Jehan de la Sauch from Brussels,
whom she had sent on an embassy to England, bidding him tell King
Henry how often she had been requested by Louise of Savoy to listen to
overtures of peace. She had informed the emperor of the said overtures
through Rosymboz, her chief steward, and her secretary, Des Barres,
whom she had sent to Spain; and the emperor, not wishing to be an
obstacle to the said peace, sent her at once full powers to treat with
all Christian princes in general and with King Francis and his mother
in particular. This fact having been communicated to the Duchess of
Angouleme, measures had been taken to appoint a time and place wherein
the preliminaries of peace might be at once discussed and settled.
'She has no doubt,' she says, 'that King Henry will be glad to hear
the news, and will help to the utmost of his power in establishing
peace. For her part she need hardly say how glad she will be to labour
for so meritorious a purpose.' Maistre le Sauch is ordered to return
as soon as possible after delivering his embassy and report every word
the king and Wolsey may say on this occasion, and also what impression
the idea of the proposed meeting has produced on each of them.[136]

  [136] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers._

On May the 26th Margaret wrote a long letter to the emperor in cipher
from Brussels, informing him that she had, with the advice of her
Council, agreed to meet Louise of Savoy on the 15th of the following
June at Cambray, and there discuss with her the preliminaries of a
lasting peace, which she (Margaret) had no doubt would be easily
obtained, provided the French king felt disposed to be as reasonable
as the emperor. She also said it was important to keep on good terms
with the English, as their assistance would certainly be required with
regard to the indemnity and the debts. And for this end Maistre Jehan
le Sauch has been sent to inform King Henry of the proposed meeting,
stating that nothing shall be negotiated without his being comprised
in it.... Respecting the emperor's visit to Italy (for his
coronation), the arrangement of which has given much pleasure to all
his faithful vassals and servants, she hopes that he will provide
himself with plenty of means, money, provisions and men, for money
cannot be procured in Italy, and as to reinforcements from Germany, it
will be next to impossible to procure any under two or three months'
notice.... In short, all things considered and 'subject to the
emperor's superior wisdom,' her opinion is that the embarkation ought
to be delayed until after the negotiations at Cambray are concluded,
for if the meeting takes place and is brought to a happy conclusion,
the emperor will be able to carry out his plans at less cost and with
greater chance of success. The French king being unable to help his
allies in Italy, the Pope and Venetians will soon come to terms, and
everything will turn out well.... She then goes on to point out the
various difficulties that may arise at the forthcoming conference, and
asks for further instructions from the emperor. In a postscript
written on the following day she adds that a gentleman from Queen
Katharine's household has just arrived from England with a message
that King Henry has recommenced judicial proceedings for his divorce
more briskly than before, and Queen Katharine begs her (Margaret) to
send two qualified persons to England to counsel and help her.
Margaret says that 'she intends sending to Malines to obtain the
opinion of experienced lawyers in that place; and if the person
appointed by the emperor to replace Don Inigo (Mendoza) has not yet
left Spain, his departure should be hastened, for the poor queen is
much perplexed, and there is no one in England who dares take up her
defence against the king's will.'[137]

  [137] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers._

On May the 27th, Wolsey wrote to Margaret from Richmond thanking her
for her letter received through her secretary, Le Sauch, and informing
her how glad the king was to hear the news of the prospect of peace.
'As to himself he need hardly say that he is entirely at her service.'
The letter is addressed to '_Madame ma bonne mere_,' and signed
'_Votre tres humble serviteur et filz._'

Early in June Margaret received Le Sauch's report of his visit to
England. On the 23rd of May he had had a message from Cardinal Wolsey
ordering him to present himself at Windsor on the following day before
the dinner-hour. He was introduced to the king on the 24th, who made
many inquiries after Madame Margaret's health and her present place of
residence, and asked what news he (Le Sauch) brought from Flanders.
The king then said: 'The news brought by madame's ambassador is very
gratifying to me... for certainly I am a man of peace.... You are
welcome to my Court; I am very glad to hear that the emperor is so
well disposed towards peace....' The king also said: 'You will offer
madame our most cordial and affectionate commendations, and will tell
her that we thank her most earnestly for the good news she has been
pleased to send us... and nothing shall be left undone on our part to
forward her views, when we have seen the articles, which will, we
presume, be sent for our inspection before peace is finally
concluded.' Le Sauch then saw the cardinal, who, after likewise
expressing his joy at Margaret's message, said: 'You ought to remember
that last year I confessed to you that madame was, in my opinion, an
excellent princess, and that something good might in that sense be
expected from her.' After which flattering speech Le Sauch took his
leave, and the next day left London for Flanders.

On the 22nd of June he sent Margaret an account of his interview with
King Francis and Louise of Savoy at Chantilly. 'After presenting his
respects to Madame Louise, he was conducted to King Francis, who asked
after Madame Margaret's health and when she was likely to return to
Cambray,' adding that 'it was his earnest wish to see the present
preliminary negotiations come to an issue that he might himself see
and speak to madame.' After delivering polite messages from his
mistress, Le Sauch informed the king that she had intended leaving
Brussels on the previous Wednesday or Thursday, and hoped to arrive at
Mons on Saturday, stay there over Sunday, and go to Valenciennes on
Tuesday, and there wait for news. Le Sauch mentioned that Margaret had
been warned not to go to Cambray for fear of King Francis taking her
prisoner, but that her answer had been that 'she had no mistrust or
fear of any sort as regarded Madame Louise or the king, and that if
any of her councillors or courtiers were afraid, they might go home.'

When it was suggested that at least she ought to have a strong escort
sufficient to cope with the French, and, if required, with the people
of the town, her answer was 'that if she brought one single armed man
in her suite people might imagine she was going on a warlike
enterprise, and not on a work of peace. She had started on a mission
of peace, and hoped, God willing, to be successful.'

The Duchess of Angouleme then said there was nothing she desired so
much as to see her sister (Margaret), whom she loved extremely, and
cooperate with her in the establishment of a solid and lasting peace.
She would have come much sooner had she not been prevented by a severe
illness.... She then told Le Sauch to announce that on Wednesday next
without fail she would be at St. Quentin, and 'that you, madame, would
do well to inform the emperor of the impediments thrown in her way by
the English and the rest of the Italian confederates.... She had no
objection to make respecting the arrangements and preparations at
Cambray for your mutual visits, and was glad to hear that your
dwelling and hers were close to each other.'

Le Sauch ends by saying that he hears the meeting is not likely to
take place before the following Sunday or Monday, for 'it is not
likely that the queen-mother will travel from St. Quentin to Cambray,
a distance of eight leagues, in twenty-four hours, and most probably
she will not stop at Creve-coeur. However... nothing has yet been
officially announced.'

In another despatch, written on the following day, he says: 'Madame,
the queen and the king, her son, arrived last evening in this town
(Compiegne). The next day... I repaired to the apartments of the
queen, who was just going to dinner. I found, however, means of
penetrating into her chamber, and so contrived that she saw me,
beckoned me to approach, and asked whether I had news of madame. I
answered that I had heard of your departure from Brussels on Thursday,
and that I had been particularly requested to inform her of the fact,
and send back what news I had of her intended movements. The queen
then observed that she could not well arrive at St. Quentin before
Saturday, and went on to say: "I depart upon this journey frankly and
full of confidence in my sister (Margaret), sincerely hoping that our
meeting and conference will turn out as I wish, and that whatever is
agreed upon between us the emperor will approve and ratify. I know not
whether you are aware that some of the conditions have already been
settled between madame and myself by letter, and that I hardly think
madame would like me to undertake this journey for nothing, though I
confess that I would have taken even a much longer one for her sake,
and to have the pleasure of seeing her." My answer was: "There can be
no doubt that both of you will agree on all points--the emperor is
sure to consent, and madame herself is not likely to propose anything
that he cannot approve."

'The Duchess of Angouleme then said: "Madame need not be jealous of
the English, or imagine that they can prevent my journey to Cambray,
for in no case would I miss the appointment.... The King of England
has sent full powers to treat in his name; he and my son being allies,
they are therefore unable to discuss peace separately."... She then
asked if the Cardinal of Liege were coming with madame, and if he was
a man who would aim at good? I answered: "Yes, he is coming... and is
strongly attached to peace, and that Madame Margaret is incapable of
bringing in her suite people who do not desire peace."

'The queen-mother then said that she intended bringing her own
chancellor... but would not have any princes or nobles in her suite
because "her good sister was bringing none, and in truth they were not
needed.... Of women," she said, "I only take with me those of my own
chamber, who are numerous enough, for when Queen Claude died we kept
them all in our service, and many are also wanted for the children....
You may tell my sister what my plans are, and that I hope we may hear
of each other daily. Write also to her boldly that we must necessarily
contend and argue, but that I sincerely hope it will be without anger
or ill-will. I will tell her things which she will be astonished to
hear. She thinks that the Pope is the emperor's friend, but I can
assure her that he is very far from being such, for he is evidently
trying to prevent the emperor's journey to Italy before the treaty is
concluded between the parties, and in all other matters he will be
found very different from what you think. I do not mean to imply
thereby that he acts any better towards us; such is, however, his
condition, that he is of no good to us, nor to you, nor to the Church
itself."'[138]

  [138] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers._

Margaret made her entry into Cambray at three o'clock on the afternoon
of July 5th, 1529, accompanied by a brilliant suite, and was welcomed
by the Cardinal of Liege and Monseigneur von Ysselstein, who had
preceded her. The Bishop of Cambray, the Archbishop of Palermo, Count
Hochstrate, and many others accompanied the procession which slowly
wound its way through the town to the abbey of St. Aubert. Margaret
was seated in a magnificent litter, surrounded by a guard of
twenty-four archers on horseback, dressed in black suits edged with
velvet, and followed by a train of ladies mounted on palfreys. At the
abbey, where rooms had been retained for her and her ladies, she
alighted, and awaited the arrival of the queen-regent. Two hours later
Louise of Savoy made her entry, accompanied by her daughter, the Queen
of Navarre, and the Countess of Vendome; and were immediately
conducted to Margaret's apartments, where they remained in
conversation with her for two hours. They then retired to the Hotel
St. Paul, opposite the abbey, but connected with it by a temporary
covered way which had been erected for the convenience of the
princesses, who could thus visit each other unseen. Many years had
passed since Margaret and Louise had last met, for they had parted
when Margaret set forth on her wedding journey to marry Louise's
brother, Philibert of Savoy, and we can imagine that the meeting
between the two princesses must have been one not unmixed with pain.
For three weeks they remained together, discussing the political
situation from all sides. At last, on the 24th of July, at ten o'clock
in the morning, peace was proclaimed, but was again broken for various
reasons, and in despair the queen-mother threatened to leave. However,
a few days later all differences were satisfactorily settled, and the
treaty ratified on the last day of July. Margaret again won general
admiration for the able way in which she conducted this difficult
negotiation. For this treaty, known as 'the Ladies' Peace,' was as
advantageous to Spain and the Netherlands as it was humiliating to
France. The terms were, in fact, a mitigation of those of the Treaty
of Madrid. It was agreed that the restitution of Burgundy was not for
the present to be insisted on, though the claim was still maintained.
But the king's sons were to be set at liberty on the payment of
2,000,000 crowns, and the marriage with the emperor's sister Eleanor
was now to be consummated. King Francis was to abandon all his allies,
and renounce his claims on the suzerainty of Flanders and Artois, and
abstain from sending further help to the Duke of Gueldres or Robert de
la Marck. Charolais was to belong to Margaret for her lifetime, and
after her decease to the emperor, but was to revert to the crown of
France at his death. The possessions of the Duke of Bourbon and the
Prince of Orange were to be ceded to Francis. On the 5th of August the
two princesses, attended by the Papal Legate, Salviati, the
ambassadors of King Ferdinand and of the King of England, repaired to
the cathedral of Notre-Dame, where a solemn mass was celebrated by
Robert de Croy, Bishop of Cambray, who preached a sermon on the
benefits of peace. The princesses and the English ambassador then
knelt before the high altar, and swore on the consecrated Host and the
Gospels to faithfully observe the peace just concluded. After which
the Dean of Cambray advanced and in a loud voice proclaimed that peace
had been concluded between the Pope; the Emperor Charles; Francis,
King of France; Ferdinand, King of Bohemia and Hungary; and Henry,
King of England. A separate peace between King Henry and Madame
Margaret was also proclaimed. The choir chanted a _Te Deum_, and with
a blare of trumpets and clashing of cymbals the heralds announced to
the waiting crowds that 'Peace was made.'

The princesses were then conducted with much pomp to their lodgings,
and money was thrown broadcast amongst the people, whilst wine flowed
freely from fountains in the streets, and the whole town gave itself
up to merriment and rejoicing.[139] A beautiful carved wooden
mantelpiece was also erected in the council-chamber of the Hotel of
the Liberty at Bruges to commemorate the capture of Francis I. at
Pavia, and the consequent treaty of peace between the nations at
Cambray. In the centre the statue of Charles V. stands in complete
armour, surrounded by twenty-seven shields of various kingdoms with
which he was allied. On his right are his paternal grandparents,
Maximilian I. and Mary of Burgundy, whilst on his left are his
maternal ancestors, Ferdinand and Isabella. This beautiful wooden
trophy was the work of Hermann Glosencamp, Andreas Rasch, and Roger de
Smet, after a design and under the direction of Lancelot Blondel of
Bruges and Guyot de Beaugrant of Malines.[140]

  [139] A medal was struck in honour of the peace, having on one
  side three 'marguerites,' and on the other two hands joined,
  surmounted by a caducus, with this inscription: '_Pacis ego
  studiosa, quater bella horrida pressi._'

  [140] This mantelpiece, in perfect preservation, is in the Palais
  de Justice, Bruges.

  [Illustration: CARVED WOODEN MANTLEPIECE IN THE PALAIS DE
  JUSTICE, BRUGES, TO COMMEMORATE THE PEACE OF CAMBRAY]

Clemont Marot and Jean Second also celebrated 'the Ladies' Peace' in
verse, though their poems are not of a very high order.

Francis I. awaited the issue of the Congress at the abbey of Mont
Saint Martin, and on hearing of the conclusion of peace he set out on
the 9th of August to pay Margaret a visit at Cambray, and was present
at the festivities given by his mother at the Hotel Saint Paul.
Margaret was anxious to conciliate Francis, who was so soon to become
the husband of her niece Eleanor, and during the days they all spent
together at Cambray she succeeded in making great friends with him;
and Masse, who was an eye-witness, tells us that he left on the 20th
for Paris 'quite delighted' with his visit.

A few weeks later we find him writing pathetic letters to Margaret
begging her to use her influence with the emperor that his sons (who
were kept in Spain until their ransom was paid) might be better
treated, for he heard through his officer, Bodin, that they were not
as happy as he could wish. Margaret was touched at this mark of the
king's confidence, and wrote a long letter to the emperor, begging him
to grant Francis's request, for 'Monseigneur, God has given you the
blessing of beautiful children, so that you may better feel what a
father's love is worth, and can sympathise with the sorrow of the said
king; wherefore I beg of you to... grant his request, which is so
just and reasonable....--Your very humble aunt, MARGARET.'

Shortly after, the long-delayed marriage between Francis and Eleanor
was consummated, the king receiving his sons from the hands of his
bride at Bayonne, where he met them at the frontier. The Marshal of
Montmorency, who accompanied King Francis, thus writes to Margaret
from St. Jean de Luz:--'Madame, I found the queen, whom I have been to
see the last few days since her arrival at the frontier, so wise,
beautiful, and honest a lady, who conversed with me in as kind and
pleasant a manner as possible... and we ought again to thank God for
having given us so good and virtuous a lady, of whom it seems to me
that I cannot express to you a third part of the good and _honestete_
that I found in her.'

Margaret also received constant news from England concerning the
progress of Queen Katharine's affairs. In September 1529 Eustace
Chapuys had written to her from London telling her of an audience he
had had with King Henry, and later with Queen Katharine. The
conference with the king, he said, would have been much longer and
more to the purpose had not his Majesty been in a hurry to go to
dinner in order to repair afterwards to the hunting-field... as he is
in the habit of doing at this season of the year. As usual the
conversation turned chiefly on the queen's business, the king treating
the matter as one in which he was deeply concerned, and which he had
much at heart, and trying to appear very learned in canon law. After
dinner the king gave permission for Chapuys to be conducted to the
queen's apartments in order that he might deliver the emperor's letter
to her. During the interview her Majesty thanked him for all he had
said in her favour. On the 27th of September Chapuys wrote another
long despatch to Margaret giving lengthy details of a further audience
with the king, in which the subject of the queen's divorce was once
more fully discussed.[141]

  [141] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, vol. iv.

Immediately after the ratification of the Treaty of Cambray Margaret
and Louise entered into a negotiation to consolidate the peace by a
double marriage between the emperor's children and those of King
Francis. From Bologna, where he had gone for his double coronation,
Charles sent Margaret the necessary powers to treat in his name. In
this document, which is published amongst the State papers of the
Cardinal of Granvelle, he says:--'Because of the very great, perfect,
and entire confidence which we have in our said lady and aunt, as in
ourselves, and in her experience and prudence, which was shown in the
conducting, concluding, and perfecting of the said peace made at
Cambray, we have by these presents constituted and made our aunt our
general and special proxy, etc....'

But Margaret did not live long enough to carry out this interesting
negotiation which would have worthily crowned her political career. As
it was, the Peace of Cambray was her last great diplomatic triumph,
but she lived just long enough to see her nephew Charles attain the
zenith of his power, and receive the double crowns of Lombardy and the
empire from the hands of the Pope, an honour for which her father,
Maximilian, had sighed in vain.




CHAPTER XIV

THE MISSION ENDED


Before Charles left Spain for Italy he had concluded a separate treaty
with the Pope at Barcelona, the terms of which were more advantageous
to the Holy See than Clement VII. could have expected, considering the
emperor's recent successes. But Charles was anxious to atone for the
insults and outrages committed during the siege of Rome, and if
possible win the Pope as an ally, and get him to oppose his aunt
Katharine's divorce. Amongst other articles he promised to restore all
property belonging to the ecclesiastical state, reestablish the Medici
in Florence, and marry his natural daughter, Margaret, to the head of
that powerful house; allow the Pope to decide the fate of the Sforza
and the possession of the Milanese. In return Clement was to grant the
emperor the investiture of Naples, absolve all who had been implicated
in the plundering of Rome, and allow Charles and his brother to levy a
fourth of the ecclesiastical revenues throughout their dominions.

On October the 2nd, 1529, Margaret wrote a long letter to the emperor
from Brussels, in which she plainly expressed her opinion of the
Treaty of Barcelona and its probable results:--'I do not pretend to
say,' she says, 'that the alliance with the Pope is not a good and
desirable thing; but your Majesty must bear in mind the character of
his Holiness, his inconstant humour and fickle disposition; and that
he must be greatly changed in temper and general condition if he does
not try now, as he did last time, to expel you from Italy after he has
got all he wants from you.... Respecting Milan, my opinion is that,
considering the expense hitherto incurred, your Majesty ought by all
means to endeavour to remain master of it by investing your son with
it, and treating with Massimiliano Sforza.... The king, your brother,
in the meanwhile, must be fully provided with the means of defence,
and money procured for him to carry on a good enterprise against the
Turk....

'Your Majesty might attend to your own affairs in Italy, and
everything being settled there, depart for Germany at the head of all
your forces, leaving only in Italy those strictly required for the
defence of Milan and Naples. This would naturally result in great
honour and reputation to your army, which might be paid out of the
money collected for the intended expedition, and then you could not
only succour your brother, repulse the Turk, and perhaps also follow
him up to his own dominions, but also increase our faith, which will
be a far greater honour and merit than losing your precious time in
the recovery of a few towns in Italy....'[142]

  [142] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers._

At last the long-looked-for day came when Charles, after a triumphal
progress through Italy, entered Bologna, on November the 5th, for his
coronation, at the head of twenty thousand veteran soldiers, and, in
token of his humility as an obedient son of the Church, kneeled down
to kiss the feet of that very Pope whom he had but recently retained a
prisoner. On St. Peter's Day, February the 22nd, 1530, he received
the iron crown of Lombardy, and two days later (St. Matthew's Day),
the thirtieth anniversary of his birth, he was crowned by Clement
VII. this ceremony can have been no pleasant task. 'The Pope,' wrote
the Bishop of Tarbes, 'tried to show the emperor the best cheer
possible; but I think he never in his life performed a ceremony which
touched him so near the heart, nor of which less good is likely to
come to him. For several times, when he thought no one saw him, he
heaved such sighs that, heavy as his cope was, he made it shake in
good earnest.'[143] This memorable day in the annals of the House of
Austria marked the summit of Margaret's ambitious hopes for the nephew
she had mothered with such unceasing care. She had lived to see the
children over whose welfare she had so tenderly watched grow up to
fill some of the most brilliant positions in Europe. Charles was now a
thrice-crowned king and emperor; Ferdinand, King of Hungary and
Bohemia (and was shortly to be elected King of the Romans); whilst
Eleanor had become first Queen of Portugal and then Queen of France;
the short-lived Isabel, Queen of Denmark; Mary, Queen of Hungary; and
Katharine, who succeeded her sister, Queen of Portugal.

  [143] E. Armstrong.

Although only in her fiftieth year, Margaret began to look forward to
the time when she could hand over the government of the Netherlands to
her nephew Charles and spend the rest of her days in quiet seclusion.
For her life had been a very strenuous one, full of great
responsibility and unceasing work, and now that she felt her mission
accomplished, she longed for her nephew's advent and her own
retirement from political life. Chiefly owing to her intervention,
that peace which it had been her lifelong endeavour to promote, now
reigned throughout Europe, and under her wise rule the Netherlands had
reached the zenith of their prosperity. Art, industry, and commerce
flourished in the Low Countries as they had never flourished before.
Encouraged by Margaret, a brilliant group of artists, poets, and
literary men settled at her Court at Malines. Merchants from England,
Spain, France, and Italy attended the great fairs, and traded in arms,
embroideries, tapestries, velvets, satins, cloth, and leather goods.
Malines became noted for its various industries, and Brussels, Ypres,
Liege, Ghent, Lille, and Tournay all rose rapidly into commercial
centres. Architecture made enormous strides, and music, painting, and
literature received a new birth.

  [Illustration: INTERIOR OF COURTYARD IN MARGARET'S PALACE AT
  MALINES, NOW THE PALACE DE JUSTICE]

In her palace at Malines Margaret collected all that was rare and
beautiful, and her rooms were veritable museums, as the inventory
written under her direction shows. Priceless tapestries hung on the
walls, some of which she had brought from Spain, whilst others were
presented to her on various occasions. Many rich and valuable objects
are mentioned in her catalogue: Statuettes, gold and silver caskets
and mirrors, crystal, chalcedony and jasper goblets and vases, carved
ivories, amber, corals, and curiously wrought chessmen, beautiful
fans, medallions, clocks of rare workmanship which struck the hours
and half-hours, magnificent plate, sometimes inlaid with precious
stones, glass and pottery, suits of armour, ivory hunting horns, and
various relics of the chase. Her private library contained many rare
and valuable books, chiefly bound in velvet (crimson, green, black,
and blue), with gold and silver clasps, besides illuminated
manuscripts, several bearing her devices in the borders and strewn
with painted 'marguerites.' The 'Bibliotheque Royale' at Brussels
possesses several manuscripts from Margaret's collection. Amongst
others, her 'Book of Hours'; four of her albums; 'La Bible
Historiale,' with portraits of her and Philip kneeling at their
'prie-dieu'; Her 'Album Musical,' and her book of 'Basses Danses' on
black paper, with gold notes and letters, containing a set of dances
fashionable in her day--'La Marguerite,' 'l'Esperance de Bourbon,'
'M'amour-m'amie,' 'Filles a marier,' 'Le joyeux de Bruxelles,' etc. A
portrait of Margaret in water-colours is also in the library, and is
probably by Horembout. When Margaret undertook the regency of the
Netherlands in 1507, her father, Maximilian, gave her as a New Year's
gift a beautifully illuminated _Livre de Chants_, in the frontispiece
of which the United States are represented swearing fealty to her as
regent. Maximilian is seated in the centre on a throne; in front of
him sits his grandson Charles, with Margaret opposite; and the three
young arch-duchesses, Eleanor, Mary, and Isabel, are grouped seated on
the ground, whilst the representatives of the United States stand
round, and with uplifted hands swear to uphold the regent's rule. This
interesting book was one of Margaret's most prized possessions, and is
now amongst the archives of Malines.

From the titles of the books in her library we learn how large and
varied was her taste in reading: Froissart, the _Fables_ of AEsop and
of Ovid, several editions of Aristotle, Livy, the _Letters of Seneca_,
and the _Commentaries of Julius Caesar_, Saint Augustine's _City of
God_, of which she had four copies, and Boethius _On Consolation_.
Besides these, there were _The Golden Legend_, _The Round Table_,
_Lancelot of the Lake_, _Merlin_, _The Story of Jason and the Golden
Fleece_, etc. Also several books on chess, on the interpretation of
dreams, on the nature of birds, and on manners and customs, such as
the _Miroir du Monde_ and the _Miroir des Dames_; various works of
Boccaccio, _Le Livre du Tresor_, and Phebus on hunting, etc. Besides
many missals, breviaries, lives and legends of the Saints, 'Books of
Hours,' and other religious works.

Jean Lemaire says: 'Madame Margaret not only read wise books, but she
also took the pen in hand to write'... and fortunately many of her
poems have been preserved. Through nearly all there runs a strain of
sadness, of loneliness, and disappointed hope, for Margaret's life was
very solitary in spite of her great position and many duties; every
one came to her for help and sympathy, but there was no one on whom
she could lean. Her verses are simple, graceful, and to the point, and
may well bear comparison with those of her contemporaries. The
following charming rondeau in her handwriting is a good example:--

    'C'est pour james qu'un regret me demeure;
    Que sans sesser nuit et jour a tout eure
    Tant me tourmant que bien voudroi mourir;
    Car ma vie n'est fors seulement languir,
    Et s'y faudra a la fin que j'en meure.
    De l'infortune estais bien seure
    Quan le regret maudit ou je demeure
    Me coury sus pour me faire mourir,
    Car ma vie n'est fors
    Seulement languir:
    Sy faudra que j'en meure.'[144]

  [144] In the Bibliotheque Royale, Brussels.

Her poem, 'La complainte de dame Marguerite d'Autriche, fille de
Maximilien, Roy des Romans,' is an interesting resume of her life and
misfortunes, full of feeling charmingly expressed, but is too long to
quote here.

In the following she gives advice to her maids of honour, and warns
them not to trust to lovers' deceitful promises:--

    'Fies-vous-y en vos servans
      Dehure en avant, mes demoiselles,
    Et vous vous trouveres de celles
      Que en out eu des decepvans.

    Il sont, en leurs ditz, observans
    Motz plus doulx que doulces pucelles,
      Fies-vous-y.

    En leurs cueurs il sont conservans,
    Pour decepvoir, maintes cautelles,
    Et puis qu'il ont leurs fassons telles,
    Tout ainsi comme abavantz
    Fies-vous-y.'

And again:--

    'Belles paroles en paiement
    A ces mignons presumptieux
    Qui contrefont les amoureux
    Par beau samblant et aultrement.

    Sans nul credo, mais promptement
    Donnes pour recompense a eulx
    Belles parolles.

    Mot pour mot, c'est fait justement,
    Ung pour ung, aussi deulx pour deulx.

    Se devis ils font gracieulx,
    Respondes gracieusement
    Belles parolles.'

Sometimes she expresses herself resigned to her lonely life:--

    'Tout pour le mieux bien dire l'ose
    Vient maleur qui fault soubtenir,
    Si c'est pour a mieux parvenir
    L'endurer est bien peu de chose.

    Mon cueur en franchise soy tenir
    Tout pour le mieux.

    De ma part rien je ne propose;
    Viengne ce que pourra venir
    Car dire veulx et maintenir
    Que des emprinses Dieu dispose
    Tout pour le mieux.'

In the following verses she announces her intention to remain
unmarried:--

    'Tant que je vive, mon cueur ne changera
    Pour nul vivant, tant soit il bon ou saige
    Fort et puissant, riche, de hault lignaige,
    Mon chois est fait, aultre ne se fera.

    'Il peut estre que l'on devisera,
    Mais je pour ce ne muera mon courage,
    Tant que je vive.'

These few fragments give an idea of Margaret's style, which was
simple, clear, and well expressed, but throughout her rondeaux, songs,
and ballads, there is an echo of sadness and disappointment. Many of
her words and expressions are now out of date, but the charm of her
personality still lingers in her poems with a mournful pathos none the
less touching though written in a French of long ago:--

             'Dame infortunee
    Dame de dueil tousiours triste et marrie.'[145]

  [145] Regretz de la dame Infortunee.

But amongst all the treasures she had gathered together, her
picture-gallery at Malines was not the least interesting part of her
wonderful collection. More than a hundred portraits and paintings are
mentioned in her catalogue, chiefly by famous artists of the day.
Amongst others there are several by Bernard van Orley (her Court
painter), John Memling, Michel von Coxie, John van Eyck, Roger van der
Weyden, Mabuse, Bouts, Jacob de Barbari, Jerome Bosch, Gerard
Horembout, etc.

The John Van Eyck of John Arnolfini and his wife Joan Cenani of Lucca
(who settled at Bruges in 1420), now in the National Gallery, London,
was one of the gems of Margaret's collection, and is thus mentioned in
her catalogues of 1516 and 1524:--

   'Ung grant tableau qu'on appelle Hernoul-le-Fin avec sa femme
   dedens une chambre, qui fut donne a Madame par don Diego, les
   armes duquel sont en la couverte dudit tableaul. Fait du
   painctre Johannes.'

   'Ung aultre tableau fort exquis qui se clot a deux fuelletz, ou
   il y a painctz un homme et une femme estantz desboutz touchantz
   la main l'ung de l'aultre, fait de la main de Johannes, les
   armes et devise de feu don Dieghe esdits deux feulletz nomme le
   personnaige: Arnoult fin.'


Its history is peculiarly interesting. Before 1490 it belonged to Don
Diego de Guevara, one of Maximilian's Councillors, who added shutters
to it, on the outer side of which were painted his arms and motto. Don
Diego presented the picture to Margaret. After her death it came into
the possession of a barber-surgeon of Bruges from whom Mary, Queen of
Hungary, bought it in exchange for a place worth a hundred florins a
year. The picture is mentioned in an inventory of the queen's effects
in 1556. Later it was taken to Spain, and in 1789 was in Charles
III.'s collection at Madrid, but afterwards fell into the hands of one
of the French generals. In 1815 Major-General Hay, who had been
wounded at Waterloo, found it in the house to which he was removed in
Brussels, and after his recovery purchased it and brought it to
England, where in 1842 it was bought by the National Gallery for L730.

  [Illustration: JOHN ARNOLFINI OF LUCCA AND HIS WIFE JOAN
  FROM THE PAINTING BY JOHN VAN EYCK IN THE NATIONAL GALLERY]

Unfortunately we cannot thus trace the history of all Margaret's
collection. Her library at Malines was hung with family portraits,
from Charlemagne on through many Dukes of Burgundy--her grandfather,
the Emperor Frederick; her parents, Maximilian and Mary of Burgundy;
her brother Philip; her husband Philibert, Duke of Savoy; her nephews
and nieces, at different ages, were all portrayed; and there was also
a portrait of herself as a girl. Her pictures are all fully entered in
her catalogue, with such charming descriptions as:--'Une petite
Nostre-Dame disant ses heures, faicte de la main de Michel (Coxie) que
Madame appelle sa mignonne et le petit dieu dort,' or 'Ung petit
tableau ront de Nostre-Dame que Madame fait mettre au chevet de son
lit,' or 'Ung petit paradis ou sont touxs les apotres,' etc.

Margaret not only collected pictures, but she drew and painted
skilfully herself, a most unusual accomplishment for a princess at
that time, and amongst her possessions was a paint-box and brushes;
she also is said to have drawn part of the plans for a church at
Bruges.

During her regency architecture made great progress, and many
beautiful buildings were designed and executed. The belfry at Bruges,
the cloisters of the Convent of the Annunciation near the same town,
and the Tower of St. Rombault at Malines, the Hotel de Ville at Ghent,
besides several churches which were restored and embellished, such as
the churches of St. Peter and St. Stephen at Lille, the spire of
Antwerp Cathedral and Ste. Gudule at Brussels. But the greatest
monument to Margaret's memory and taste in architecture is the church
of Brou, near the town of Bourg en Bresse, of which a full description
is given elsewhere, and for the construction of which Mercurin de
Gattinare advised 'sa tres redoubtee dame de vendre jusqu'a sa
derniere chemise.' In this beautiful church the spirit of Margaret
seems to pervade every part, bringing into perfect harmony the work of
the various Flemish, French, German, and Italian artists she employed.

Margaret also did much to encourage a taste for music, and the names
of several of her musicians and composers have been preserved. Maitre
Agricola wrote accompaniments to her songs, and Bruneel, Josquin des
Pres, Compere, Henry Isaac, and Pierre de la Rue are all mentioned as
attached to her Court. Flemish singers were sought for far and wide,
especially in Italy and France, and many of the Pope's choir were
recruited from the Netherlands.

But if Margaret did much for art, she did no less for literature.
Grouped around her stand forth the names of such men as Jean Molinet,
Jean Lemaire de Beiges, Adrian of Utrecht, Cornelius Agrippa, Erasmus,
Masse, Nicolas Everard, Renacle de Florennes, Louis Vives, and many
others whom she welcomed to her Court, lodged in her palace, and
counted amongst her friends. It is no wonder that they sang her
praises in prose and in verse, extolling her beauty, her golden hair,
fresh complexion, and soft brown eyes, exclaiming how lovely she
looked when attending the dances given on festive occasions, or
dressed in satin with long hanging sleeves lined with ermine, and
followed by her greyhound, parrot, and marmoset, she wandered amongst
her roses in her sweet-scented garden at Malines.

Molinet, her librarian, comes first among the poets who celebrated her
charms. Besides his chronicles, he wrote 'La Recollection des
Merveilleuses,' and several epigrams. The following verses on
Margaret's return are a curious _tour de force_:--

    'Par vous nous vint grace, misericorde,
    Paix et concorde, et cordastes la corde,
    Qui se discorde et veult discorder,
    Par bien corder, cordons par concorder,
    Et recorder, accord fut par cordee,
    La bonne harpe est tantot accordee.'

Jean Lemaire de Belges was born about 1473; after the death of Louis
XII. he attached himself to Margaret's Court and became her historian.
He published a curious work called _Les illustrations de Gaule et
singularitez de Troye, avec la Couronne Margaritique et plusieurs
autres oeuvres_. In the _Couronne Margaritique_, Margaret figures as
the heroine. Jean Lemaire also published the _Triomphe de l'Amant
vert_, which is the history of a green parrot given by Sigismond,
Archduke of Austria, to Margaret's mother, Mary of Burgundy, after
whose death it passed into Margaret's possession. She was naturally
very fond of the bird, and when it died composed the following
epitaph:--

    'Souz ce tumbel, qui est un dur conclave,
    Git l'amant verd, et le tres noble esclave,
    Dont le noble coeur de vraye amour, pure, yvre,
    Ne peut souffrir perdre sa dame et vivre.'

The parrot died whilst Margaret was on a visit to her father in
Germany. In Lemaire's poem 'L'amant vert' laments his beloved
mistress's absence, he stops talking, and contemplates 'putting an end
to his short days.'

    '... Et comment pourroit un coeur si gros,
    En corps si faible et si petit enclos,
    Passer le jour que de moy te depars?
    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
    O demy-deux, o satyres agrestes,
    Nymphes des bois et fontaines proprettes,
    Escoutez moy ma plainte demener,
    Et tu Echo, qui fais l'air resonner
    Et les rochers de voix repercussives!
    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
    Or doy-je bien hair ma triste vie,
    Veu que tant t'ay par terre et mer suivie,
    Par bois, par champs, par montagne et valee,
    Et que je t'ay maintes fois consolee,
    Et tes dangers, naufrages et perilz,
    Esquels sans moy n'avois joye ne riz,
    Et maintenant tu laisses ton amant.'

    'Or pleust aux dieux que mon corps assez beau,
    Fust transforme, pour ceste heure, en corbeau,
    Et mon colier, vermeil et purpurin,
    Fust aussi brun qu'un more ou barbarin.'

    'Pourquoi t'ay veu tes parfaites beautez,
    Et ton gent corps plus poli que fin ambre,
    Trop plus que nul autre valet de chambre,
    Nud, demy-nud, sans atour et sans guimple,
    Demy-vestu, en belle cotte simple,
    Tresser ton chef, tant cler et tant dore,
    _Par tout le monde ayme et honore_.
    Quant maintes fois pour mon coeur affoller,
    Tes deux maris je t'ay veu accoller:
    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
    Au moins, princesse, en extreme guerdon,
    Je te requiers et te supplie un don:
    C'est que mon corps n'y soit ensevely,
    Ainsi le me mets en quelque lieu joly,
    Bien tapisse de diverses flourettes,
    Ou pastoureaux devisent d'amourettes,
    Ou les oiseaux jargonnent et flageolent,
    Et papillons bien coulourez, et vollent
    Pres d'un ruisseau, ayant l'onde argentine,
    Autour duquel les arbres font courtine.'

The poor 'amant' hopes that pilgrims will come and weep over his
grave, and ends by a touching farewell to his mistress:--

    'Or, adieu donc, reyne de toutes femmes,
    La fleur des fleurs, le parangon des gemmes,
    Adieu, madame, et ma maistresse chere,
    Pour qui la mort me vient montrer sa chere.
    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
    Fay moy graver sur ma lame marbrine
    Ces quatre vers, au moins, si j'en suis digne.

Then comes the epitaph quoted above. L'amant vert finally addresses
his mistress from the tomb, and describes his descent into Hades,
where he meets Mercury and converses with him in the Elysian fields.

Renacle de Florennes sang Margaret's praises in Latin verse, and it
was largely due to her influence that the emperor appointed him his
private secretary. The four Everards and Jean Second all added their
tribute in her honour; whilst Adrian of Utrecht, the future Pope, and
the learned Cornelius Agrippa remained through life her firm and
devoted friends.

During the sixteenth century the beautiful industry of tapestry-making
reached almost its highest point of perfection. After the fall of
Arras in 1477 the workmen from that town settled in Bruges, Brussels,
and Tournay. Amongst the great tapestry-workers were Stephen of
Brumberghe, John of Roubrouck, Perquin d'Ervine, Peter van Oppenem,
John van den Brugghe, etc., but the prince of tapestry-makers was
Peter van Aelst, who for more than thirty years turned out tapestries
innumerable from his workshops, the most celebrated being 'The Acts of
the Apostles.' Although during the Middle Ages the designs chiefly
represented religious subjects from the Old and New Testaments, in the
sixteenth century, with the influence of the Renaissance, there crept
in a taste for mythological and historical scenes such as those in the
Hotel de Ville at Brussels, or the Legend of Notre Dame du Sablon,
which latter contains contemporary portraits of Margaret and her
nephews and nieces;[146] or the Legend of Trajan, the Story of
Herkenbald, and the History of Julius Caesar attributed to the designs
of Roger van der Weyden. John de Maubeuge, or Mabuse, and Bernard van
Orley also exercised a wide influence over the industry, and their
beautiful compositions were much sought after. With Van Orley a
secular feeling prevailed even in his religious subjects. His saints
and angels, Virgins and Apostles, appear almost pagan in design. It is
easy to follow the different phases of this beautiful industry in such
pieces as 'The Acts of the Apostles' in the Vatican, 'Saint Gregory's
Mass' at Nuremberg, 'The Story of Psyche' at Fontainebleau, 'The
Triumphs of Bacchus,' the 'Rape of the Sabines,' etc.

  [146] Now in the Musee du Cinquantenaire, Brussels.

  [Illustration: LEGEND OF 'NOTRE DAME DU SABLON'
  FROM THE TAPESTRY IN THE MUSEE DU CINQUANTENAIRE, BRUSSELS
  _It contains portraits of Margaret and her Nephews and Nieces_]

After his coronation at Bologna the emperor continued his progress
through Trent, Boetzen, Innsbruck, to Augsburg, where he attended the
Diet which opened on June the 20th, 1530. There he met Melanchthon and
listened to his famous confession, and the long arguments which
followed on religious questions. Lutheranism was rapidly spreading in
Germany, but the emperor was powerless to prevent it. Charles remained
at Augsburg until November 23rd, and then continued his journey
towards the Netherlands, where Margaret was anxiously awaiting him;
but she and her beloved nephew were destined never to meet again on
earth, for when he reached Cologne he received the news of her death.

For some time past Margaret seems to have cherished the hope of
retiring to the Convent of the Annunciation which she had founded
outside the 'Porte des Anes' at Bruges, and spending the rest of
her days there in quiet seclusion. From Malines she wrote to the
Mother Superior:--'Ma Mere, ma mie,--I have ordered the bearer of
this, whom you know well, to give you news of me, and tell you of my
good resolution for some days past, and also inquire how you are,
which I hope is as well as you could wish for me. My hope is in the
good God and his glorious Mother, who will help and keep you for
better things. I have given him (the bearer) a memorandum for you, and
the Pater, your good father, which is from my own hand; from this you
will learn my intention. I desire that it shall not get talked about
('n'en soit faict grant bruit'), and for good reason, and with this I
will end, begging you to recommend me to our good father's prayers,
and also to all my good daughters, praying the Creator and His blessed
Mother to give His grace to you and also to me.--Your good daughter,
MARGARET.'

Then follows the memorandum to Estienne, her _valet de chambre_,
concerning what he is to say to the Pater and the Mere Ancille:[147]
'First, that I wish above all to put my religious (community) in such
a state that they will never be in great poverty, but will be able to
live without begging; and I wish to know... if more money is needed,
and if so, how much, that they may not be stinted; for with God's help
I will see to all; and every other thing that they desire, they must
let me know, for I intend to make there a good end, with the help of
God and our good Mistress, His glorious Mother.

  [147] The Mother Superior was called 'la Mere Ancille,' a term of
  humility, from 'Ancilla,' servant.

'Amongst other things say to the Mere Ancille, my good mother, that I
beg her to make all my good daughters pray for the purpose which I
have always told her; for the time approaches, since the emperor is
coming, to whom, with God's help, I will render a good account of the
charge and government which he has pleased to give me; and this done,
I shall give myself up to the will of God and of our good Mistress,
begging you, my good Mother, "ma mie," that I may not be forgotten by
yours, and always remain your good daughter, MARGARET.'

Concerning the death of the Regent of the Netherlands very little is
authentically known, but from a MSS. in the archives at Ain, written
by an Augustine monk, the following account is found:--'Early on the
morning of the 15th of November, before rising, Margaret asked one of
her ladies, Magdalen of Rochester, for a glass of water. The maid of
honour brought her the drink in a crystal goblet, but in taking it
back Magdalen unluckily let it fall near the bed, where it broke in
several pieces. She carefully picked up all the fragments she could
see, but one piece lay hidden in Margaret's high-heeled embroidered
slipper. When the princess got up a few hours later, she put her bare
feet into the slippers, and tried to walk towards the fire, but
immediately felt a sharp pain in the sole of her left foot. On
examination it was found that a piece of broken glass was in the foot;
this was at once extracted, but the wound remained, and bled very
little. Margaret, who was always plucky, soon thought no more of the
accident, and neglected the wound. A few days later, however, her leg
became greatly inflamed, and she suffered much pain. At last, on the
22nd, doctors were called in, and a consultation was held. They found
that gangrene had already set in, and decided that the only way to
save her life was to amputate the foot. The next day, the 23rd, they
commissioned M. de Montecute, her almoner and confessor, to break the
news to her, and prepare her for the terrible operation. She was
naturally much surprised and upset, but with great fortitude consented
to undergo the dreadful ordeal. For four days she shut herself up, and
would see no one, spending the time in prayer and confession; on the
morning of the 27th she received the Sacrament, and on the 28th and
29th she arranged her earthly affairs, and added a codicil to the will
she had made in 1508. This codicil did not, however, fundamentally
alter her former testament. She left Charles her sole heir, with the
exception of a few bequests, such as 'one of her best rings' to his
brother Ferdinand, and legacies to her old officers and servants. 'And
in order not to abolish the name of the House of Burgundy... my said
lady begs and implores the Lord Emperor to be pleased to keep in his
own hands the said county of Burgundy, and its dependencies, as long
as he lives, and after his death to leave it to the one of his
children or other heirs who may succeed to these countries (the
Netherlands), without dividing or separating it.'

'And as a last request of my said lady made to the said Lord Emperor,
she begs him for the universal good of Christianity and the safety of
his State, to keep, guard, and observe peace and friendship with the
Kings of France and England, their realms, countries, and subjects; as
she hopes to say to him with her own mouth if it pleases God to spare
her life until she can see him.'

On the next day, the 30th, the doctors decided to operate, but
before submitting herself to their hands Margaret dictated a last
touching letter to Charles, in which she bade him an eternal
farewell:--'Monseigneur, the hour has come when I can no longer
write to you with my own hand, for I feel so ill, that I doubt not
that my life will be short. With my conscience at rest and peace,
and resolved to receive all that it may please God to send me,
without any regret whatever, excepting the privation of your
presence, and not being able to see and speak to you once more
before my death, which is partly supplied by this my letter, though
I fear that it will be the last that you will receive from me. I
have made you my universal and sole heir, recommending you to fulfil
the charges in my will. I leave you your countries over here, which,
during your absence, I have not only kept as you left them to me at
your departure, but have greatly increased them, and restore to you
the government of the same, of which I believe to have loyally
acquitted myself, in such a way as I hope for divine reward,
satisfaction from you, monseigneur, and the goodwill of your
subjects; particularly recommending to you peace, especially with
the Kings of France and England. And to end, monseigneur, I beg of
you for the love you have been pleased to bear this poor body, that
you will remember the salvation of the soul, and the recommendation
of my poor vassals and servants. Bidding you the last adieu, to whom
I pray, monseigneur, to give you prosperity and a long life. From
Malines, the last day of November 1530.--Your very humble aunt,
MARGARET.'

And so having arranged all her earthly affairs Margaret took a tender
farewell of her attendants and friends, and placed herself in the
physicians' hands, who, hoping to spare her the pain and shock of an
operation, gave her a dose of opium, which was so strong that she fell
asleep never to wake again. She passed away during the night of the
30th of November 1530 between midnight and one o'clock, in the
fiftieth year of her age, and the twenty-third year of her regency.

The Archbishop of Palermo, Jean de Carondelet, and Antoine de Lalaing,
Count of Hochstrate, at once sent to Cologne to inform the emperor of
the sad news. In their letter they said that the inflammation
(gangrene) had spread from the princess's leg to her body (probably
from the long delay), and therefore an operation would have been
useless. No one, however, seems to have been blamed, and Philip
Savoien, her surgeon, was given thirty philippus 'for having treated
madame as well as he could, and for having embalmed her body.' As the
archbishop and the Count of Hochstrate wrote to the emperor: 'Madame
has indeed shown in her end the virtue that was in her, for she died
as good a Christian as it seems to us possible to be. She is a great
loss, Sire, to your Majesty, and to all your countries over here.'

Charles was greatly distressed when he learned that his beloved aunt
had passed away, and ordered magnificent obsequies to be performed in
the cathedral of Cologne, which he attended with his whole Court. The
funeral sermon, delivered in Latin by Jean Fabri, was listened to with
rapt attention by the large congregation which filled the building.

Margaret was deeply mourned by all who knew her, and especially by the
people over whom she had ruled so well.

In her will she directed that her heart should be given to the Convent
of the 'Annonciades' at Bruges, her intestines to the church of St.
Peter and St. Paul at Malines, and her body to the Monastery of St.
Nicolas de Tolentin at Bourg en Bresse, where she wished to be buried
beside her husband, Philibert of Savoy, in the church of Brou.

Her funeral services began in the church of St. Peter and St. Paul at
Malines by three solemn masses, and were continued in the cathedral
church of St. Rombault, which was hung with 120 yards of black cloth
for the occasion. The Archbishop of Palermo conducted the service,
which was attended by the Grand Council and Magistrates, and all the
guilds of the city. Here Cornelius Agrippa preached her funeral
oration, dwelling at much length on her many virtues and great
talents. 'We have lost,' he said, 'the anchor on which our hopes
rested. We are weighed down with this great affliction, for no greater
loss could have befallen us and our country. What consolation can we
find in the death of the very saintly Princess Margaret? We all weep,
we all lament her! All the provinces, all the cities, all the towns,
all the villages, all the hamlets are plunged in grief, sorrow, and
mourning.'

On the 22nd of January 1531, a funeral procession, headed by the young
Crown Prince of Denmark, as chief mourner, escorted Margaret's body
and heart to Bruges. Whilst awaiting translation to its final
resting-place at Brou, her body was laid in a vault beneath the high
altar in the Convent of the 'Annonciades'; her heart, enclosed in an
urn, was placed in the tomb of her mother, Mary of Burgundy, in the
church of Notre-Dame, but on the 6th of February following, it was
given to the Mere Ancille by the emperor's command to replace her
body, which, on April the 21st, 1532, was sent to Brou. This long
delay in carrying Margaret to her final resting-place was due to the
fact that at the time of her death the church of Brou was not
finished, and it was two years before the tombs were completed. But at
last in June 1532 Margaret was laid to rest beside Philibert and his
mother in the beautiful church which her love and piety had called
into being, but whose glories she had not lived to see completed. The
funeral ceremonies lasted three days, the 10th, 11th, and 12th of
June. Accompanied by the chief men of the town, the Syndic of Bourg
went out to meet the funeral _cortege_, which was escorted by the
Marshal of Burgundy, the Count of Hochstrate, the Archdeacon of
Fauverny, and Claud de Boisset, who was afterwards Bishop of Arras. At
the service the sermon was preached by Brother Anthony of Saix,
Commander of the Abbey of St. Anthony of Bourg, in French as well as
in Latin, so that all might understand. Amongst her many talents he
mentioned 'her subtle excellence in painting,' in which pastime he
asserted she frequently indulged.

The leaden urn which contained her intestines was placed in a vault in
front of the high altar in the church of St. Peter and St. Paul at
Malines, but in 1778 the urn was found to be much damaged, and was
enclosed in an oaken chest, and reburied under one of the stone slabs
in the choir, between the first step of the high altar and the wall,
where a small X in the pavement marks the spot.

By her will Margaret dowered fifty maidens of Bresse with fifty pounds
apiece, and amongst other legacies bequeathed her wine-glass incrusted
with silver, a silver spoon and silver medal to the 'Annonciades' at
Bruges; besides a gilded and illuminated copy of the Gospel of St.
John, and her rosary, which contained ten agates, on the largest of
which were engraved the virtues of the Holy Virgin Mary. This relic
had been worn by Jeanne de Valois, the unhappy wife of Louis XII. of
France, foundress of the Order of the Annunciation. The other stones
were interspersed with small beads of gold, a gold heart hanging from
the end of the rosary. This gift was accompanied by a portrait of
Margaret painted on wood by Bernard van Orley, and two touching
letters addressed to the Mere Ancille. The Church of the 'Annonciades'
was demolished in 1578, when the nuns retired to a house called
'Fluweelhof' at Bruges, carrying Margaret's remains with them.

In 1531 the emperor caused an alabaster monument, decorated with gold
statuettes, to be erected to Margaret's memory in the church outside
the Porte des Anes. But in 1578 it was horribly mutilated by the
rebels, and what was left of it was transferred in 1714 to the church
of the new Convent at Fluweelhof. A pavement of black and white marble
was added, and a figure representing the Annunciation of the Virgin,
before whom Margaret was depicted kneeling at her prie-dieu, holding
her 'Book of Hours' in her hands, with her patron saint, Margaret,
behind her, and her maids of honour by her side, bearing the arms of
the empire, Burgundy, Bourbon, and Castile. The debris of the former
monument was used to make these figures. In the centre of the niche
containing the monument was placed a painted heart in a mirror with
this inscription in Flemish:--

'Here lies the noble heart of the very excellent Archduchess of
Austria, Madame Margaret, daughter of the invincible Emperor
Maximilian and of the Lady Mary of Burgundy, his wife, foundress of
this Convent of the Annunciation at Bruges, niece of Jeanne, Queen of
France, and foundress of the Order of the Annunciation, widow of the
Prince of Spain, etc., aunt of his Imperial Majesty Charles V., who
gave this heart in the year 1531, the 6th of Feb., in eternal
remembrance.'

In the same niche behind the figure of St. Margaret is the inscription
which the emperor also caused to be erected at Malines:--

                       D. O. M.
              Illustrissimae Margaritae,
                Archiducissae Austriae,
    Invictissimi Maximiliani imperatoris natae,
          Ac principis Hispaniarum primo,
          Deinde ducis Sabaudiae relictae,
    Harum inferiorum regionum gubernatrici.
          Carolus Quintus, Caesar Augustus,
                   Amitiae posuit.




CHAPTER XV

THE CHURCH OF BROU


The church of Brou, near the town of Bourg en Bresse, was built by
Margaret of Austria in the beginning of the sixteenth century, as a
monument to her husband, Philibert of Savoy, and in fulfilment of a
vow made by Duke Philibert's mother, Margaret of Bourbon, in 1480.

The first stone was laid by Margaret in 1506, and the building
finished in 1530; but the work did not really begin until 1513, and
the interior decoration was not completed before 1532.

Whilst in Flanders Margaret carefully watched over and superintended
the progress of the work, but she did not live to see it finished, and
after her death Charles V. took little interest in the completion of
the building.

The church was consecrated on the 22nd of March 1532 by Bishop Jean
Joly de Fleury and dedicated to Saint Nicolas de Tolentin.

The church of Brou is of the latest, and not the best, period of
Gothic architecture, but the genius of Margaret is visible in all its
details, harmonising the work, whether Gothic or Renaissance, and
creating a building of extraordinary beauty. French, Italian, and
German artists helped in building this princely monument, which
remains a fitting memorial to one of the most cultivated women of her
time.

The plan of the church is very simple. A Latin cross with five naves;
the transept and sanctuary separated by a rood screen. The length is
about 225 feet, and its greatest width, in the transept, 120 feet.
Outside, the central building is divided into three distinct stories.
The facade, with its great door decorated with devices and emblems. An
_Ecce Homo_ in the centre, on either side Philibert and Margaret
kneeling between two angels, and accompanied by their patron saints. A
statue of Saint Nicholas de Tolentin guarding the entrance.

On the second story are three pointed windows between two galleries.
Above the upper gallery is a triangular gable with a rose window in
the centre, surrounded by three triangular windows, a symbol of the
Trinity. Inside, the carved woodwork of the choir stalls is remarkable
for its beauty of detail, variety of design, and delicacy of carving.
The stalls are the work of Bressian artists, foremost amongst whom was
Pierre Terrason of Bourg. They were finished and put up in 1532. There
are seventy-four stalls on each side, in two rows--twenty-one above
and sixteen below. The design on each stall is different.

But the tombs in the choir are the most interesting features of the
church of Brou.

Jean Perreal (called Jean de Paris) had been commissioned by Margaret
to prepare the plans, and after years of work he presented her with a
design which she considered perfect, and gave orders to have it
carried out. But soon after Perreal was dismissed, and Van Boghen
presided over the work. There is little doubt that he made use of the
French architect's designs, which Margaret possessed,[148] but he
evidently made important modifications, as the work bears distinct
traces of Flemish influence. The best Belgian, French, Italian, and
Swiss workmen were employed on these monuments. The principal work was
given to a Swiss, Conrad Meyt, who undertook to make the five large
statues. The three monuments are placed in the positions Margaret
desired in her will of 1508--Duke Philibert in the centre, his mother
on the right, and her tomb on the left.

  [148] Michel Colombe made a model from Perreal's plans for the
  sum of ninety-four florins.

Margaret of Bourbon's monument is built into the thickness of the
wall. The princess's statue rests on a slab of black marble, her head
on an embroidered cushion, her feet on a greyhound. Four white marble
children support shields with her initials and the arms of Bourbon. On
the pillars on either side are five exquisite statuettes. Saint Agnes
and Saint Margaret stand near her feet, between them a symbolical
female figure, whilst near her head are Saint Andrew with his cross,
and Saint Catherine of Alexandria dressed as a maid of honour of
Francis I.'s Court. The sarcophagus is decorated with nine niches
containing five cherubs and four 'pleureuses,' or weeping women, whose
faces are almost hidden by their drooping hoods, sprays of marguerites
being scattered everywhere in great profusion about the moulding of
the pillars.

In the centre of the choir, facing the high altar, is the tomb of
Philibert the Handsome, Duke of Savoy. It is divided into two
sections. Underneath is the 'gisant,' or naked body, a little larger
than life. Twelve pillars, ornamented with niches containing statues
of saints in the dress of the period, surround the dead prince and
support a slab of black marble on which the figure of Philibert rests
in armour, with his coronet on his head, an embroidered surcoat
covers his cuirass, the collar of the Annunciation (composed
alternately of fifteen enamelled roses and the letters F.E.R.T.) round
his neck, the mantle of the Order wrapt round him, his feet resting on
a lion. His face is turned towards his wife on the left, his praying
hands towards his mother on the right.[149]

  [149] The Order of the Annunciation was founded by Amadeus VI. in
  the fourteenth century. The following duties were entailed by the
  holders of the Order, and by the honour conferred on them they
  undertook: '(1) To assist the Dukes of Savoy by word and deed on
  all occasions that their assistance was required, and to protect
  the oppressed. (2) To wear constantly the collar or chain of the
  Order, which was composed alternately of love-knots and the
  letters F.E.R.T. (3) They were to present to the church of
  Pierre-Chatel a chalice, surplice, and all other articles
  requisite for the celebration of mass. (4) On their death they
  were to bequeath 100 livres for the support of that church. At
  funerals the whole community were to be present, dressed
  originally in white, and later in black cloaks, which, after the
  ceremony, they handed over to the Carthusian monks; on all other
  occasions the colour of the cloak was crimson, trimmed with
  fringes and embroidered with love-knots.'--(From _The Book of
  Orders_, Burke.) Certain alterations were inaugurated by Charles
  III. of Savoy in 1518, who gave the Order a new name, 'The Holy
  Annunciation'; he also added fifteen enamelled roses, alternating
  the word 'F.E.R.T.' repeated fifteen times, conjoined by the
  girdle of St. Francis, as previously instituted by Amadeus VIII.
  in the collar in place of the love-knots. Such is the collar worn
  by Philibert on his tomb at Brou, as well as in his likeness in
  the east window. The meaning of the word 'F.E.R.T.', or the four
  initial letters, has not been clearly elucidated. Many
  interpretations have been suggested; the only one which seems
  really probable is that which appears on a gold piece struck in
  the reign of Victor Amadeus I., preserved in the medal cabinet of
  the Kings of Sardinia: 'Federe et religione tenemur' ('We are
  united by honour and religion').--_Notes and Queries_, December
  6, 1902.

Margaret of Austria's tomb under the arcade which separates the choir
from the chapel of the Virgin is much larger than the other two. The
princess is represented twice; underneath lies her dead body in the
habit of the Annunciation, her beautiful hair covering her like a
mantle, and her feet bare, showing the wound on the sole of the left
foot which caused her death. Above she lies as though on a state-bed,
wearing her coronet and embroidered robes, her arms folded on her
breast. Four beautiful cherubs bear her armorial ensigns, two at her
head and two at her feet (the work of Thomas Meyt, the brother of
Conrad). Four columns richly moulded spring from the base of the tomb
and support the heavy canopy overhead, around which runs her motto:
'Fortune. Infortune. Fort. Une'; whilst everywhere in the richest
profusion are carved her emblems, marguerites twining round a palm
branch, and the Briquet of Burgundy in the form of a B interlaced with
a St. Andrew's cross resting on three stones.[150] And in the niches
of the pillars figures of Saints and Virgins, marvels of beauty, stand
grouped around, as if guarding her last sleep.

  [150] The Briquet was a kind of gun; the cross of Burgundy was
  the St. Andrew's cross.

This magnificent monument was the work of many skilled sculptors,
amongst others Jean de Louhans, Jean Rodin, Ame de Picard, and Ame
Carre. Close to Margaret's tomb, behind the altar of the Virgin, is a
beautiful bas-relief deeply cut in white marble, divided into scenes
representing the seven joys of the Virgin Mary, a masterpiece of
carving. In the choir are the original stained-glass windows, happily
uninjured by time. The figures of Philibert and Margaret appear in
their robes of state with their patron saints, and are represented
kneeling and adoring the Saviour. Love-knots and marguerites abound in
the mouldings round the windows.

  [Illustration: TOMB OF MARGARET OF AUSTRIA
  IN THE CHURCH OF BROU]

In the princess's chapel the stained glass is particularly rich in
colouring, and represents the Assumption and Coronation of the Virgin
by her Divine Son and God the Father. The apostles below stand round
the empty tomb gazing upwards at the glorification of the Mother of
God. In the lower lights Philibert and Margaret, richly dressed, kneel
at their prie-dieus, supported by their patron saints.

On the pavement round Margaret's tomb a few of the enamelled tiles may
still be seen with which formerly the entire chapel and choir were
paved. Behind the princess's chapel is her private oratory, which was
divided into two stories, with a fireplace above and below. From her
apartments in the monastery she could enter the church by a passage
across the screen and a hidden staircase, and thus hear mass and see
the elevation of the Host on both altars, without being seen by those
who attended the services in the church. All these details had been
carefully thought out by the architect, as a letter to Margaret from
her secretary, Louis Barangier, shows. In November 1512 he wrote to
her from Brou: 'As to your chapels, madame,... he (Van Boghen) will
make them opposite this building (the monastery), and intends to
construct one which will be a real work of art, for you will be able
to descend from above the screen... into your chapel, from which you
will see the high altar over your tomb.' Margaret had also intended to
build a similar oratory in the prince's chapel, but the executors of
her will omitted to carry out this wish, and the chapel was never
finished, and is now the sacristy.

Beyond Margaret's oratory is the chapel of her Councillor, Laurent de
Gorrevod, Governor of Bresse, which is dedicated to Our Lady of Pity.
It contains the tombs of Laurent de Gorrevod and his two wives,
Philiberte de la Palud, and Claude de Rivoire, and several members of
their family. The beautiful recumbent bronze figures of Gorrevod and
his wives were destroyed at the revolution, and only the slab on
which the statues rested remains, with the founder's motto--_Pour
james (jamais)_, and the initials L. F. and L. C. (the letters of his
and his wives' names) joined by the girdle of St. Francis.

Near the south door is the Chapel of Our Lady of seven sorrows,
founded in 1516 by Antoine de Montecuto, Margaret's confessor and
almoner. A fine painting on a wooden panel, by a Flemish artist, hangs
over the altar, and was one of the sacred pictures sent by Margaret
from Flanders. On the ground outside the church is a curious sun-dial,
composed of twenty-four stones arranged in a huge oval, on which are
engraved numbers from one to twenty-four, representing the hours of
the day. In the centre of the oval are twelve stones arranged in two
rows of six each, bearing the initial letters of the twelve months of
the year. In order to tell the time, the spectator must stand on the
letter of the current month, and his shadow then falls on the hour of
the day, he himself being the index. This interesting dial dates from
the building of the church, and was probably made for the use of the
workmen. It was formerly placed a little further from the edifice, and
composed of tiles, but, as it was in danger of being worn away by the
constant traffic which passed over it, Lalande had it moved nearer to
the church, and the worn tiles replaced by slabs of stone, but
carefully preserved the original size and dimensions of the dial.

When Francis I. visited Brou on the 1st of October 1541, he was struck
by the unique beauty of the church, though he observed that the white
stone of which it was built was too soft to stand frost, and would in
time crumble away. Paradin, in his _Chronique de Savoie_, mentions
the king's visit:--'Je me souviens aussi,' he says, 'avoir veu
descendre le feu roy Francois, quand il vint a Bourg, qui apres avoir
veu cette esglise restoit ravy en admiration, disant n'avoir veu ny
savoir temple de telle excellence, pour ce qu'il contenoit. Vray est
qu'il se print garde (comme il esttoit prince excedant en bon esprit
tous les rois de son temps) que ceste pierre blanche, dont est
l'esglise bastie, ne seroit de duree a la gelee, pour estre trop rare
et tendre. Et s'est trouve depuis qu'il disoit vray: car long temps
apres, tomberent du quarre du clochier aucuns de ses grans bastions ou
gargoles, qui conduisent les eaues sur le couvert de l'esglise, du
coste des cloistres, chose qui fit grand dommage au bastiment.'

On the 17th of September 1856 (326 years after Margaret's death) the
entrance to the vault at Brou was accidentally discovered in raising
some flagstones near Philibert's monument, and on December the 1st of
the same year it was opened in the presence of a committee of ten
persons. Count E. de Quinsonas, who was present, gives an interesting
account of the visit of inspection. The vault, which had not been
opened since Margaret's coffin had been placed there in 1532, was
entered by a flight of steps from the choir. The three coffins were
found exactly under their respective monuments in the church above;
Duke Philibert of Savoy's in the centre, Margaret of Bourbon's on the
right, and Margaret of Austria's on the left. Philibert's coffin was
intact, and of a great length, but those of the two princesses had
broken open, and their remains were scattered on the floor of the
vault. The three coffins rested on iron trestles.

Margaret of Bourbon's coffin was of lead, shaped like an elongated
square, but had originally had an outer coffin of oak, the remains of
which lay on the ground. The princess's skull was intact, and showed a
tress of chestnut hair. The inscription on the leaden coffin was in
French as follows:--

        IHS MARIA S

    Marguerite de Bourbon
            1483
    ce 27 Avril fut esevelie.

Philibert's coffin was found in a perfect state of preservation, in
shape similar to that of Margaret of Bourbon, but of gigantic size.
The duke's body had been placed in an oaken coffin enclosed in lead,
which probably accounted for its preservation; whilst the two
princesses had been laid first in lead and then in oaken shells, the
outer cases of which had rotted away from the damp, and the inner
coffins had broken open. The following is the inscription on Duke
Philibert's coffin:--

              + IHS MARIA S

    Cy gist, tres excellent et tres puissant prince Philibert.
      Due de Savoye IIe de ce nom. tres vertueux le quel
        trespassa et r[=e]dist lesperit a Dieu l[=a] mil Ve et
          quatre le Xe jour de Septembre au chasteau
            du Pont Deyns et fust enterre ceans le
                XVIe du dit mois. pries Ntre
                      Seignr pour luy.

Margaret of Austria's leaden coffin had also originally been enclosed
in one of oak, and was shaped like a mummy case to the form of the
body. The inscription on the coffin was as follows:--

    Hic jacet corpus D[=n]e Margarete Archiducisse Austrie
      Comitisse Burg[=u]die et qdam Maximili[=a]i Cesarie filie Caroli
        vero Quinti Imperatoris et Ferdin[=a]di Rom[=a][=o]rum Regis
          fratrum amite Philiberti Ducis Sabaudie vidue huius
            m[=o][=s]terii Sancti Nicolai de Tolletino patroe et
              f[=u]datricis que kalendis Decembris in suo
                Mechliniensi o[=p][=i]do Cameracensis diocesis ano
                  D[=ni] millesimo quengentesimo tricesimo
                      diem suam clausit extremam anima
                            eius in pace quiescat.

From the bones found in the coffin it was evident that Margaret,
though not tall, was above middle height. Her skull, with its
well-developed forehead, was covered with bright golden hair, which
showed no trace of grey. The bones of both feet and legs were intact,
proving that no amputation had taken place.

After reverently collecting the scattered bones of the two princesses,
and placing them in new oaken coffins, they were temporarily removed
until the necessary cleaning and restoration had been made in the
vault, which had suffered much from damp. On the 5th of July 1858 they
were enclosed in outer coffins of lead and, with Philibert's coffin,
replaced in their former positions, but on a stone slab which had been
erected to support the three caskets instead of the iron trestles,
which had suffered much from decay. When all was accomplished a solemn
service was held before the final closing of the vault, conducted by
Cardinal Donnet, Archbishop of Bordeaux:--

    'So rest, for ever rest, O princely pair!
    In your high church, 'mid the still mountain air,
    Where horn, and hound, and vassals never come.
    Only the blessed Saints are smiling dumb,
    From the rich painted windows of the nave,
    On aisle, and transept, and your marble grave;
     . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
    The moon through the clere-story windows shines,
    And the wind washes through the mountain-pines.
      . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
    And, in the sweeping of the wind, your ear
    The passage of the angels' wings will hear,
    And on the lichen-crusted leads above
    The rustle of the eternal rain of love.'

    (_The Church of Brou_, Matthew Arnold.)




INVENTAIRE DES TABLEAUX, LIVRES, JOYAUX, ET MEUBLES DE MARGUERITE
D'AUTRICHE, FILLE DE MARIE DE BOURGOGNE ET DE MAXIMILIEN, EMPEREUR
D'ALLEMAGNE, fait et conclud en la ville d'anvers le XVII d'avril
MVCXXIIII; document inedit, publie par M. le Cte de Laborde, membre de
l'Institut.


_Et Premierement: Chappelle._

  1. Une grande et haulte croix d'argent doree, avec son pied fait
       a feuillage de chardons pesant viii{m} vi{o} xv{e}

       (Une petite croix, une paix, deux calices, deux boetes a nosties,
       un eaubenoistier, deux clochettes, quatre pottequins.)

       Furnements de Velours et aultres draptz de soie servans
       ordinairement en ladite chappelle.

       (Ces objets sont sans interet et je ne cite pas deux missels et
       trois livres d'heures dont la description n'offre rien de
       particulier. Linges servans en ladite Chappelle.)

  2. Ornemens faiz pour le voiaige de Cambray que Madame y fit en
       l'an xxix.

_Paneterie._

       (Je ne cite ni les sallieres, ni les tranchoirs, ni les
       cousteaux.)

  3. Une petite cuillier d'or, avec une petite piece de licorne
       pesant x{o} xiiii{e}.

  4. Item ung eschauffoir d'argent a eaue.

  5. Ung reschauffoir a feu.

_Eschanconnerie._

       (Gobbelets, aiguieres, pots, coupes, tasses.)

_Sausserie._

       (7 plats, 44 ecuelles, 12 saucerons, 12 tranchoirs.)

_Fruicterie._

  6. Une boete d'argent toute blanche gonderonnee, avec sa
       couverte, en laquelle se met la pouldre cordiale que Madame
       prent a l'yssue de ses digne et souppez.

  7. Deux baulx gobelletz servans es Medecines.

(_Plusieurs chandeliers._)

_Tappisserie._

  8. (Parmi ce grand nombre de Tapis velus, de verdure a
       feuillages, je ne vois aucune Tapisserie a personnages qui
       doive etre cite.)

       Autres pieces estans en la Librairie dont la declaration
       s'ensuyt:

  9. Premier: La representacion de feu Monseigneur de Savoie que
       Dieu pardonne, fete de mabre blanc de la main de Me Conrat.

  10. Son harnast complet.

  10. bis. La representacion de Madame fete de mesme main et mabre
       que la precedente.

  11. Ung petit manequin tirant une espine hors de son pied fait
       aussi de mabre blanc, bien exquis.

  11. bis. La representacion de la seur du Roy d'Angleterre fete de
       terre cuyte.

  12. Ung petit Jhesus taille en bois.

  13. Une petite Lucresse aussi taillee en bois.

  14. Item delivre audit garde-joyaulx, depuis cest inventoire fait,
       la pourtraicture des nayn et nayne du Roy de Dannemarcque
       faicte par Jehann de Maubeuge, fort bien fait.

  15. Ung petit manequin taille aussi de mesme bois, a la semblence
       de maistre Conrart.

  16. Ung petit homme nu, taille en bois, qu'il tient ung chien en
       l'une de ses mains et ung gros baston en l'aultre.

  17. Vingt tableaux de painctures estans a l'entour du manteau de
       la chemynee et ailleurs, assavoir la pourtraicture du Roy
       d'Angleterre; 18, celle de feu monseigneur de Savoie; 19,
       celle du Roy Loys de France; 20, celle de l'empereur
       trespasse; 21, celle de la Royenne de France; 22, celle du
       Roy de Dannemarque; 23, celle du Grant Turcq; 24, celle d'ung
       vieux homme et une vielle femme; 25, ung Sainct Francois;
       26, ung personnaige en maniere d'ung docteur; 27, la Royenne
       d'Espaigne, moderne; 28, le Roy Philippe; 29, la
       pourtraicture dudit feu monseigneur de Savoie; 30, trois
       visaiges de gens d'eglise dont l'ung est habille en cardinal;
       31, ung tableau de Notre Dame; 32, ung petit tableau figure
       de certaine bataille ou il y a ung empereur sur ung cheval
       ousser, la ousse semee de fleurs de liz sur azul et la
       pourtraiture de Mitelze (Nutelze ou Imtelze?).

  33. Une teste de cerf avec la ramure, estant au milieu du manteau
       de la chemynee, a ung cruxifis en chief.

  34. Les pourtraitures en toile de madame Mairie, l'empereur, et de
       mes trois dames ses soeurs en V. pieces.

  35. Une grande paincture en toille, representant aucunes armes et
       batailles d'Italie.

  36. Ung Sainct Anthoine sur toille.[151]

  [151] On lit, a la suite de cet article, dans l'inventaire dresse
  en 1516, c'est de la main de mestre Jacques (de Barbares, le
  maitre du caducee).

  37. Ung aultre moien Sainct Anthoine, aussi sur toille.

  38. La pourtraiture du siege Vannelot, sur toille.

  39. Ung beau buffet, a la mode d'Italie, donne a Madame par
       monseigneur le vice-roy de Naples.

  40. Une belle riche table carree, en deux pieces, l'une garnie de
       plusieurs beaux menuz ouvraiges taillez.

  41. Une aultre petite table, a la mode d'Espaigne, qui se ouvre et
       clot, a quatre blassons aux armes de Bourgogne et d'Espaigne.

  42. Troys myroirs ardans, dont l'ung est dore sus la menuyserie.

       (Je passe une longue serie de genealogies en par-chemins.)

  43. Deux mappemondes bien vielles en parchemin.

  44. Ung Saincte livre en paincture.

  45. Ung chasteau faict de papier avec plusieurs tourelles.

  46. Ung sainct homme habille d'une robbe de taffetas noir et ung
       bonnet rouge.

_Vaicelle de Cristalin._

       (Dans cette longue liste d'objets en cristal, je passe les
       bassins, pots, flacons, fyolles, verres, coupes et tasses.)

  47. Item une cuvelette.

  47. bis. Une couppe, ou il y a ung cerf au milieu.

  48. Dix escuelles, a la mode d'Italie.

  49. Deux verres bleux.

_Aultre Vaicelle._

  50. Quatre couppes d'oz, bien tailleez, que semblent estre
       salieres.

  51. Ung beau grant pot de porcelaine bleue a deux agneaux
       (anneaux) d'argent.

  52. Deux aultres petits pots de pourcelaine.

  53. Six plats et escuelles et salieres de pourcelayne de plusieurs
       sortes.

  54. Ung plat d'estain ou il y a dedans aucun fruyt.

  55. Ung mortier de mabre.

  56. Une coquille de lymesson de mer.

  57. Ung petit dragon eleve sur une motte, verre meslangiee de
       ratz.

  58. Quatre aultres moiens pots de pourcelayne. Accoustremens de
       plumes, venuz des Indes, presentees de par l'Empereur a
       Madame a Bruxelles, le XXe jour d'Aoust XVCXXIII et aussi de
       par Monseigneur de la Chaulx, le tout estant en ladite
       librairie.

       (Quarante articles repondent a ce titre; je les omets parce que
       l'art au moins l'art tel que nous l'entendons, n'est pour rien
       dans la composition de ces objets. On lit a la suite de ce
       chapitre:)

  59. Ung tableau ou est escripte la complaincte de Madame.

  60. Le couronnement de l'empereur fait a Bologne.

  61. La bataille de Pavye.

  62. Receu a Bruxelles de l'empereur par les mains de Symonet son
       varlet de chambre, les pourtraitures de la Royne douairiere
       d'Ongrie sa seur faicte sur toille par Me. Jehan, paintre de
       feu Madame.[152]

  [152] Voici un des articles ajoutes a l'inventaire et a la garde
  de Richart Coutault. Ce Jehan peintre de Madame, doit etre Jean
  de Maubeuge dit Mabuse.

  63. Et deux tableaux de pourtraitures des deux fils et des deux
       filles du Roy des Romains don Fernandez, le fond desdiz
       tableau est de cypres.

Cabinets deans l'hostel de madite Dame, en sa ville de Malines.

_Et premierement en la premiere chambre dudit cabinet. Painctures:_

  64. Ung tableau de la prinse Nostre Seigneur a vii personnages.
       Le fond dudit tableau gris.

  65. Ung autre tableau de la pourtraiture de la fille du Roy Henry
       d'Angleterre, moderne, habillee de velours noir et une cotte
       de toille d'or, tenant ung papegay sur sa main senestre.

  66. Ung aultre tableau qui s'appelle l'Infante de Fortune, a ung
       hault bonnet rond, habille d'une robe noire sans manches et
       sans fante devant. Le fond de mabre tirant sur pourpre.

  67. Ung autre tableau d'ung personnaige habille d'une robbe et
       chapperon bleu, a court cheveux, fait apres le premier duc de
       Brabant. Le fond noir ou est escript: Waysellaws.

  68. Ung tableau fait apres le Roy de Dannemarcque, tenant une
       lettre en sa main, ayant une chemise a hault collet, pourtant
       la thoison d'or pendant a ung courdon de soye, le fond verd.

  69. Ung aultre tableau de la pourtraiture du feu Roy Don Fernande,
       Roy d'Arragon, ayant une chayne d'or a son col, y pendant une
       croix.

  70. Ung aultre tableau de Nostre Dame, ayant ung manteau rouge; es
       bors dudit tableau il y a quatre A et quatre E.

  71. Ung aultre tableau, bien fait, apres la Royenne d'Angleterre,
       a ung chief ayant une robbe de velours cramoisy, une chayne
       d'or au col y pendant une baguette.

  72. Ung aultre tableau de la pourtraiture, de feu monseigneur de
       Savoie, habille d'une robbe de velours cramoisy. Le seon de
       satin gris, tenant une paire de gants en sa main senestre. Le
       bors dudit tableau painct et dore.

  73. Ung aultre tableau de la pourtraiture du feu cardinal de
       Bourbon, tenant une teste de mort en sa main.

  74. Ung aultre tableau de la pourtraiture de feu monseigneur le
       duc Jehan de Bourgogne, a l'entour duquel sont six raboz
       dorez.

  75. Ung aultre tableau de la pourtraiture de MS. le duc Charles
       de Bourgogne habille de noir, pourtant la thoison d'or
       pendant a une chayne et ung rolet en sa main dextre, ayant le
       chiefz nuz.

  76. Ung aultre tableau de la pourtraiture de feu MS. le duc
       Phelippe, habille de noir et ung chapperon bourelee sur sa
       teste, portant le colier de la thoison d'or, ayant ung rolet
       en sa main.

  77. Ung aultre tableau de la pourtraiture de feu le Roy don
       Philippe de Castille, ayant vestuz une robbe de velours
       cramoisy fourree de martre sabble, le colier de la thoison
       d'or dessus, pourtant ung bonnet de velours cramoisy.

  78. Ung aultre tableau de la pourtraiture du feu Roy d'Arragon,
       semblable a la precedente, reserve qu'il n'y a point de croix
       pendant a sa chayne.

  79. Ung aultre tableau de la pourtraiture de l'empereur
       Maximilien, pere de Madame, que Dieu pardoint, habille d'une
       robbe de drapt d'or, fourre de martre, a ung bonnet noir sur
       son chief, pourtant le colier de la thoison d'or, tenant ung
       rolet en sa main dextre.

  80. Ung aultre tableau de la pourtraiture de la feue Royenne
       d'Espaigne, done Ysabel, que Dieu pardoint, a ung colier de
       meraudes, parles, et aultres pierres precieuses et une bague
       du coustel de son chief a une parle y pendant.

  81. Feu Roy Henry d'Angleterre, pourtant le colier de la thoison
       d'or, habille d'une robbe de drapt d'or, tenant une rose
       rouge en sa main.

  82. L'empereur moderne, habille d'une robbe de velours cramoisy,
       fouree de martres, les manches coppees a deux boutons et ung
       prepoint de drapt d'or, les manches d'aringue, ayant ung
       carquant au col et une enseigne devant sa poitrine sur
       cramoisy.

  84. Madame Anne d'Ongrie, femme de MS. l'archiduc, habillee d'une
       robbe de damas rouge bandee, les manches descoppees de
       parles et aultres bagues.

  85. MS. l'archiduc don Fernande, habille d'une robbe de drapt d'or
       fourree de martres et ung prepoint de satin cramoisy, a une
       chayne d'or au col, y pendant la thoison.

  86. Feue Madame Ysabeau de Portugal, habillee d'une robbe de satin
       verd, double de damas cramoisy, sainte d'une large sainture
       blanche.

  87. L'aisnee fille du Roy d'Arragon, qu'il fust marie en Portugal,
       habille de noir et d'ung couvrechief a la mode d'Espaigne, en
       maniere de deuil.

  88. Madame Marie, Royenne d'Ongrie, habillee d'une robbe de drapt
       d'or bigarre de velours noir a losanges, a ung colier au col
       et une bague y pendant a troys parles, a ung bonnet richement
       painct sur son chief.

  89. L'empereur moderne, habille d'une robbe de velours cramoisy,
       double de satin noir, a ung seon de drapt d'or et ung
       prepoint de velours gris pourtant le colier de la thoison.

  90. Madame de Charny, le chief accoustre d'ung couvrechief a
       l'antique, la robbe noir fourree d'armignes, saincte d'une
       large couroie de damas rouge ferre d'argent dore.

  91. Feu l'empereur Fredericq ayant une croix pendant au col a vii
       parles ayant aussi ung bonnet noir et long cheveux, le fond
       dudit tableau d'asul.

  92. Madame Marie d'Angleterre ayant une robbe de drapt d'or, les
       manches fendues tenant une palme en sa main et ung bonnet
       noir sur son chief.

  93. Madame la Contesse de Meghe (Nieghe) habille d'une robbe
       d'homme de velours noir, tenant ung mouchon blanc en sa main,
       espuee (appuyee) sur ung coussin de drapt d'or.

  94. Ung aultre petit tableau d'une femme habillee a l'enticque, sa
       robbe rouge fouree d'armines, saincte d'une large couroie
       tissue verde.

_En ladite premiere chambre du cabinet._

  95. Sept coffres, que grans que petiz, faitz de pate cuyte a la
       mode d'Italie, bien ouvrez et dorez.

  96. Deux patins de cuyr, a la mode de Turquie.

  97. Ung pot de porcelaine sans couvercle, bien beau, tirant sur
       gris.

  98. Ung myroir ardant d'assier, tout rond, a deux bors dorez et
       entre deux ung sercle d'asur, auquel est escript diverses
       lettres, l'envers dudit myroir tout dore.

_Aux armaires de ladite chambre._

  99. Quatre courporaulx, esquelz est painct au fond la seyne de
       Nostre Seigneur, fete de Illymynure et au couvercle
       l'empereur trespasse et Madame adorant Nostre Dame,
       environnee de raiz de soleil et du croissant de la lune, au
       pied fraingez de soye rouge et blanche.

  100. Ung jue de bois, rond, pertusier tout a l'entour de seze
        guillettes blanches et rouges y pendantes.

_Tappisseries de drapt de soye._

       (Neant.)

_Au riche Cabinet._

  101. Madame a fait fere ung tableau de xx petites painctures
       exquises des xxii cy-apres escriptes, a la garnitures duquel
       tableau y a entre seize marcs d'argent.

_La seconde chambre a chemynee._

  102. Ung beau coffret, a la mode d'Italie, fait de pate cuyte,
        dore, bien ouvre, a vi blasons a l'entour d'ycelle, aux
        armes de Bourgogne, assis sur iiii pomeaux de bois dorez.

  103. Ung aultre coffre, plat, carre, fait de pate cuyte bien
        ouvre, a x personnaiges et sur le couvercle qui est de mesme
        a une roze au milieu.

  104. Ung aultre coffre, plat, de bois, longuet, tout a l'entour
        fait de menuz ouvraiges d'oz, d'ivoire et aultres choses,
        qui se ouvre en trois pieces estant au pied du lict de
        campt.

  105. Ung myroir d'acier, carre, a trois bors dorez. Le fond de
        velours cramoisy, brode de fleurs et de fil d'or, garni a
        l'entour de verre d'une roze fete de fil d'or trait.

  106. Ung fainct livre, couvert de velours violet a deux fermiletz
        d'argent dorez, aux armes de Madame, a trois escailles, une
        petite boite d'argent et v pinceaux, garniz d'argent dedans
        ledit livre. Le tout servant pour le passe temps de Madame a
        paindre.

  107. Trois panniers faits de bois et de fil d'archant dore et le
        bois aussi dore lesquels se deffond chacun en troys pieces
        et servent a porter fruit sur sa table, envoye par la
        Royenne de Portugal a Madame.

  108. Ung grant chasteau d'argent assis sur boiz, bien ouvre et
        dore en plusieurs lieux, a trois tours principales, garni
        tout a l'entour de murailles d'argent, avec six tournelles
        estans sur chacune desdites tournelles ung homme arme tenant
        baston de deffence. Et iiii pilliers estans emprez les deux
        grans portes et a sur ung chacun desdits pilliers ung enfant
        nuz tenant trompettes et autres instrumens. Et devant la
        premiere grande porte a ung serpent dore a trois testes,
        dessus lequel est assis ung petit enfant nuz, jouent
        d'instrument, avec seze personnaiges, que petitz que grans,
        estans dedans ledit chasteau et au-dessus du donjon a une
        marguerite sur laquelle est une femme tenant ung pot sur sa
        teste.

_Riches tableaux de Painctures et aultres estans a ladite seconde
Chambre a chemynee._

  109. Premier: ung tableau de la portraiture de feu MS. de Savoie,
        mary de Madame, que Dieu pardoint, habille d'une robbe de
        velours cramoisy fouree de martre, prepoint de drapt d'or
        et seon de satin brouchier, tenant une paire de gand en sa
        main, espuez sur une coussin. (On lit en marge cette
        remarque ecrite d'une autre main et d'une autre encre:)
        Donne par ordre de madite dame a la doucesse de Hocstrat.

  110. Ung aultre tableau d'une Lucresse, habille d'une robbe
        d'homme fouree de martre ayant une chayne d'or au col, le
        fond du tableau noir.

  111. Ung aultre petit tableau de Nostre Dame en chief ou est la
        representation de l'empereur moderne et de Madame a genoux,
        adorant ladite ymaige dessus ung blason aux armes d'Espaigne
        et de Bourgogne et quatre blasons es quatre coins. (On lit
        en marge:) Delivre par ordonnance de madite dame a son
        aulmosnier.

  112. Ung aultre tableau de ecce <DW25> ung escripteau pendu au col
        et petitz anges en chiefs, tenant en une main ung fouet et
        verges et en l'autre une canne, le fond rouge. (En marge:)
        Delivre aux prieurs et religieux du couvent de Broux, comme
        il appert cy-apres folio vi vii et les quatres ensuivants.
        (Voir nos 113, 114, 115, et 116. Ces cinq tableaux se
        retrouvent sur l'inventaire du mobilier de l'eglise de
        Brou, dresse en 1659.)

  113. Ung aultre tableau de Nostre Seigneur, fait apres le vif, et
        plusieurs lettres d'or a l'entour dudit tableau. Ledit
        tableau couvert de verre.

  114. Ung aultre tableau de Nostre Dame de Pitie, a vi personnages,
        comprins Nostre Seigneur.

  115. Ung aultre tableau de Nostre Dame habillee de rouge, assise
        sur ung tabernacle de massonnerie, qu'il se clot a deux
        fulletz et ausquelx il y a escript une oraison en latin
        commencent: Virgo decus.

  116. Ung aultre tableau figure comme Nostre Seigneur aloit a la
        mort portant sa croix, les bors dorez.

  117. Ung aultre petit tableau d'ung homme habille de noir a nue
        teste. Le fond dudit tableau verd.

  118. Ung aultre tableau d'ung personnaige de moien eaige, ayant
        une robbe noire a un collet fouree de martre et ung
        chapperon noir sur son espaule, a hault bonnet. Le fond
        dudit tableau de brune verd.

  119. Ung aultre tableau d'ung personnaige, comme marchant a rond
        bonnet ayant les mains l'une sur l'aultre. La robbe de
        pourpre, le fond dudit tableau verd.

  120. Ung aultre petit double tableau, ou il y une jeusne fille,
        habillee a la mode d'Espaigne, ayant ung bonnet rouge sur sa
        teste, l'aultre couste plain d'escripture.

  121. Ung aultre tableau d'ung marchant ytalien, a rond bonnet, son
        habit de couleur de pourpre le fondz verd, a grosse
        chevelure.

  122. Ung aultre petit tableau de la portraiture de Madame de
        Horne, ayant un carcant au col.

  123. Ung aultre riche tableau de la portraiture de Madame, fete en
        tapperisserie apres le vif.

  124. Ung aultre tableau de Nostre Dame tenant Nostre Seigneur nuz
        devant elle, clouant a deux feuilletz, ou il y a deux anges
        tenant l'ung une espee en sa main.[153]

  [153] On lit dans l'inventaire de 1516: 'Ung petit tableau d'ung
  Dieu de pitye estant es bras de Nostre Dame; ayant deux feulletz
  dans chascun desquelz y a ung ange et dessus desdits feulletz y a
  une annunciade de blanc et de noir. Fait le tableau de la main de
  Rogier (Van der Weyden) et lesditz feulletz de celle de maistre
  Hans (Hemling son eleve).'

  125. Ung aultre tableau de Nostre Dame, ayant une couronne sur sa
        teste et ung petit enfant tenant une longette paternostre
        de coral.

  126. Ung aultre petit tableau de sainct Francoys au bout duquel il
        y a escript: Saincte Francise ora pro nobis--

  127. Ung Saincte Anthoine a manteau bleu, ayant ung crucifis
        empres de luy, tenant ses mains joinctes; sur toille.

  128. Ung aultre tableau de Nostre Seigneur, en habit rouge, tenant
        un baston ou canne en sa main destre, a une couronne
        d'espine sur son chief.

  129. La portraiture de Madame, fort exquise, fete de la main de
        feu maistre Jacques (de Barbaris).

  130. Ung aultre tableau de une jeusne dame, accoustree a la mode
        de Portugal, son habit rouge foure de martre, tenant en sa
        main dextre ung rolet avec ung petit sainct Nicolas en
        hault, nommee: la belle portugaloise.[154]

  [154] Cet article me parait correspondre avec l'article suivant
  de l'inventaire de 1516: 'Ung moien tableau de la face d'une
  Portugaloise que Madame a eu de Don Diego. Fait de la main de
  Johannes (Van Eyck) et est fait sans huelle et sur toille sans
  couverte ne feullet.'

  131. Ung aultre tableau de deux petitz enffans, embrassant et
        baisant l'ung l'aultre sur l'arbette, fort bien fait.

  132. Ung aultre tableau exquis de la portraiture d'ung ancien
        homme, a rond bonnet, son habit foure de martre, le fond du
        tableau verd, le dit personnaige venant des mobz de
        Bruxelles.

  133. Ung aultre tableau fort exquis qui se clot a deux feulletz,
        ou il y a painctz un homme et une femme estantz desboutz
        touchantz la main l'ung de l'aultre, fait de la main de
        Johannes, les armes et devise de feu don Dieghe esdits deux
        feulletz nomme le personnaige: Arnoult fin.[155]

  [155] Voici l'article de l'inventaire de 1516 'Ung grant tableau
  qu'on appelle, Hernoul-le-Fin, avec sa femme dedens une chambre,
  qui fut donne a Madame par Don Diego, les armes duquel sont en la
  couverte dudit tableau. Fait du painctre Johannes (Jean Van
  Eyck).' Now in the National Gallery, London, and called 'John
  Arnolfini of Lucca and his wife.'

  134. Ung petit tableau vieux ou la representation de feu le roy
        dom Phelipe et de Madame, du temps de leur mynorite et
        portraiture, habillez de drapt d'or.

  135. Ung aultre tableau double, assez vieux, figure de la passion
        Nostre Seigneur et aultre mistere donne a Madame par MS. le
        conte d'Hocstrate (on lit en marge: delivre au prieur et
        religieux de Brou. Voir No. 112).

  136. Ung double tableau, en l'un est Nostre Dame et l'autre, le
        cardinal de Liegne, laquelle Nostre Dame a este delivree
        audit couvent de Broux et le cardinal demore par decha.

  137. Ung aultre bon tableau de la portraiture d'ung Espaignol
        habille d'ung manteau noir, joinee de velours noir, ayant
        une petite chayne a son col, ayant aussi une fauce parruque.

  138. Ung aultre tableau exquis, ou il y a ung homme avec une teste
        de cerf et ung crannequin au milieu et le bandaige.[156]

  [156] Cet article est accompagne dans l'inventaire de 1516 de la
  remarque suivante: 'Fait de la main de feu Maistre Jacques de
  Barbaris.' Voir l'article No. 139.

  139. Ung cruxifis, joignent ledit tableau, fait de la main de
        maistre Jaques; au pied de la croix sont deux testes de
        mors et une teste de cheval.

  140. Ung aultre petit tableau de la pourtraiture du controleur
        Ourssin.[157]

  [157] Nous trouvons le nom du peintre dans l'inventaire de 1516:
  'Ung visaige du contrerolleur de Madame, fait de la main de
  Michiel (Coxie) sur ung petit tableau.'

  141. Ung aultre tableau de MS. Sainct Anthoine tenant ung livre
        et une bericle en sa main et ung baston soubz son bras, le
        fond de bocaige et estranges figures de personnaiges[158]
        en marge: delivre aux prieurs et religieux de Broux. (Voir
        No. 112.)

  [158] Les estranges figures indiquent que l'article suivant, tire
  de l'inventaire date de 1516, designe le meme tableau: 'Ung moien
  tableau de Sainct Anthoine qui n'a couverture ne feullet, qui est
  fait de Jheronimus Bosch et a este donne a Madame par Jhoane,
  femme de chambre de Madame Lyonor.'

  142. Ung aultre tableau de Nostre Dame, a deux feullets,
        esquelx sainct Jehan et saincte Barbe, Adam et Eve son
        painctz.[159]

  [159] Dans l'inventaire de 1516 on lit apres cette description:
  fait de la main de maistre Hans (Hemling).

  143. Une petite Nostre Dame fort bien fete, a un manteau rouge,
        tenant une heures en sa main, que Madame appelle sa
        mignonne.[160]

  [160] L'inventaire de 1516 decrit ce tableau ainsi qu'il suit:
  'Une petite Nostre Dame disant ses heures, faicte de la main de
  Michiel (Coxie) que Madame appelle sa mignonne et le petit dieu
  dort.'

  144. Ung aultre petit tableau de Nostre Dame tenant son enfant,
        lequel tient une petite patenostre de coral en sa main,
        fort anticque, ayant une fontainne empres elle et deux
        anges tenant ung drapt d'or figure derriere elle.[161]

  [161] L'inventaire de 1516 ne donne pas le nom du peintre, mais
  il decrit ce tableau ainsi: 'Une petite Nostre Dame, faite de
  bonne main, estant en un jardin ou il y a une fontaine.' La
  petite Vierge de la collection Van Ertborn, du musee d'Anvers,
  repond tres-bien a ces deux descriptions.

  145. Ung aultre tableau de la passion de NS., fait de Illyminure,
        a l'entour duquel sont les vii paroles que NS. profera en
        la croix, ledit tableau de bois de cupres.

  146. Ung petit tableau de NS., sur ung champt de damas verd,
        tenant son enfant.

  147. Ung petit enfant de terre cuyte, tenant sa main senestre sur
        sa poitrine, dormant.

  148. Receu, puis c'est inventoire fait, ung double tableau: en
        l'ung est Nostre Dame habillee de bleu, tenant son enffant
        droit, et en l'autre Madame a genoulx adorant ledit enffant.

  [Illustration: MARGARET OF AUSTRIA SITTING AT A TABLE WITH AN
  OPEN BOOK ADORING THE VIRGIN
  FROM A DIPTICH IN THE POSSESSION OF M. LESCARTS, MONS
  _Mentioned (No. 148) in Margaret's Inventory of 1521._]

_Aultres pieces de Brodure et aultres tableaux et painctures estans
dedans les armaires._

       (Je ne citerai, parmi les tableaux faicts de brodure, que le
       No. 149, il suffira pour montrer que c'etait bien l'equivalent
       de peintures.)

  149. Ung tableau de brodure, du chief de NS. a couronne d'espine,
        fetes de fil d'or et d'argent, qui se clot a feullets,
        double des deux costes de satin noir, ferre de ferreres
        d'argent, au commencement de l'ung des feulletz est
        escript: vere langores nostros, etc.

  150. Ung riche et fort exquis double tableau de Nostre Dame,
        double par dehors de satin brochier et monseigneur le duc
        Charles de Bourgogne painct en l'ung des fulletz estant a
        genoux, habille de drapt d'or, a ung cousin de velours noir
        et une heure estant sur son siege devant luy, le bors dudit
        tableau garnis de velours verd, avec trois ferrures d'argent
        dore servant audit tableau.

  151. Ung double tableau de bois de cypres, en l'ung est portrait
        l'assumption Nostre Seigneur et en l'aultre l'ascencion de
        Nostre Dame, auquel tableau il y a deux ferrures
        d'argent.[162]

  [162] L'inventaire de 1516 porte: de la main de Michiel (Coxie).

  152. Item en une petite boite en forme de liette de bois, il y a
        xxii petits tableaux, fait comme il semble tout d'une main,
        dont la paincture est bonne, de grandeur et largeur ung
        chacun d'ung tranchoir, figurez de la vie NS. et aultres
        actes apres sa mort. Le premier est figure de la temptation
        fete a NS. par le diable; (153 to 172).

  173. Ung tableau de Nostre Dame assise en ung tabernacle de
        massonnerie assez hautelet.

  174. Ung petit tableau carre de la Trinite a ung tabernacle de
        menuiserie et grande multitudes d'anges des deux costes. Le
        aucuns tenant la croix et aultres figures de la
        Passion.[163]

  [163] Voici l'article de l'inventaire de 1516: 'Ung petit
  tableaul de la Trinite, fait de la main de Rougier (Roger Van der
  Weyden) aussi vieulx.' L'absence de description me fait hesiter
  entre ce numero 174 et le numero 199.

  175. Ung petit tableau, qui se clot a ung fullet, painct de noir,
        de la portraiture de l'Empereur Fredericq, IIIe de ce nom,
        la robbe de damas a couleur de pourpre, a ung bouton d'or
        devant, pourtant ung bonnet rond; le fond dudit tableau
        d'asul.[164]

  [164] Cette expression 'painct de noir' trouverait son
  commentaire dans la maniere dont est decrit le meme tableau dans
  l'inventaire de 1516: 'Le visaige de l'Empereur Frederick en ung
  petit tableaul noir.'

  176. Ung aultre petit tableau de cypres de l'histoire de roy
        David et de Golias.

  177. Une mapemonde en parchemin.

  178. Item iiii chiefs de paincture, fete de blancset noir, en
        papier, comme patrons enrooles ensemble. Les deux de NS. et
        Sainct Pol et les aultres de Sainct Jehan et Moyse.

  179. Deux portraitures de Jherusalem, l'une en papier paincte et
        l'aultre imprimee sans paincture.

  180. La pourtraiture du chief de la fille du roy d'Angleterre, en
        parchemin.

  181. Une sancte Marguerite en toille habillee de damas noir, le
        fond d'asul.

  182. La pourtraiture en parchemin d'une dame, le fond de verd.

  183. Une fantasie d'ung homme courant en poste sur ung blanc,
        ayant deux bras nuz, devant son cheval et une devise en ung
        rondeau et une marguerite en chief.

  184. Ung livre en papier, a unze patrons, painct legierement sur
        fond bleu.

  185. Ung aultre livre en papier, ou il y a ix rondeaux, en chacun
        il y a une teste d'homme de noir et blanc; ledit livre
        couvert de cuyr.

  186. La pourtraiture du sainct suaire de NS. fetes en toille.

  187. Ung plat coffre de bois dedans lequel il y a plusieurs
        painctures fetes et enpreinte.

  188. Une mapemonde en parchemin.

  189. Une toille paincte de xv visaiges que d'hommes que femmes, le
        fond d'asul.

_Aultres meubles estans dedans la petit cabinet, joingnent la chambre
a chemynee, tirant sur la gallerie de la chappelle._

       (Je ne cite pas trois heures enluminees, ni un livre parlant
       de Ypolite Rayenne de Cithis depuis nommee Amazeon. Voici les
       trois autres articles.)

  190. Item ung aultres livre escript en latin sur parchemin, de
        lettres au mole, faisant mencion des illes trouvees,
        couvert de satin de Bruges verd et dessus la dicte couverte
        est escript quatre lignes de lettres d'or en latin.

  191. Ung aultre livre en parchemin, couvert de satin verd, parlant
        de la l'entree de Madame Claude, Royenne de France, en la
        cite de Paris.

_Painctures estans dedans ledit petit Cabinet._

  192. Ung tableau d'ivoire taille, bien ouvre de la Passion de
        Nostre Seigneur et aultres figures, qui se clot a deux
        feulletz, esquelx sont painctz feuz messeigneurs les ducs
        Philippe et Charles de Bourgogne.

  193. Ung petit tableau de bois de cypres d'ung personnaige portant
        la Thoison d'or et habit d'ung chevalier de l'ordre de la
        dite Thoison, estant espuie (appuye) sur ung baston.

  194. Ung aultre petit tableau de Nostre Dame, pourtant une
        couronne sur son chief, assise sur un croissant, le fond du
        tableau dore.

  195. Ung aultre tableau de la portraiture de l'empereur
        Maximilien, tenant deux fleurs d'ulletz en sa main, habille
        de drapt d'or, portant la Thoison.

  196. Ung petit tableau de Nostre Dame, pendant a ung petit fillet
        de soye rouge, ayant une patenostre de courat rouge en son
        bras, le fond dore.[165]

  [165] Les Nos. 125, 173, 194, et 196 repondent, chacun, a chacun
  de ces trois articles de l'inventaire de 1516:--(1) Une petite
  ND. fait de la main de Dirick (Stuerbout) (2) Ung petit tableaul
  de ND. bien vieulx de la main de Foucquet, ayant estuy et
  couverture. (3) Ung tableaul de ND. du duc Philippe qui est venu
  de maillardet, couvert de satin bronche gris et ayant fermaulx
  d'argent dore et borde de velours vert. Fait de la main de
  Johannes (Jean Van Eyck). (4) Une bien petite ND. de illuminure,
  de la main de Sandres.

   197. Ung aultre petit tableau de Nostre Dame, d'ung costel et de
   Sainct Jehan l'evangeliste et de Saincte Marguerite tirez apres
   le vif du feu prince d'Espaigne, mary de Madame, aussi apres le
   vif de ma dite Dame.[166]

  [166] L'Inventaire de 1516 decrit ainsi ce tableau. 'Ung bien
  petit tableaul a double feullet de la main de Michiel (Coxie) de
  l'ung des coustez de Nostre Dame... de l'autre costez d'ung
  sainct Jehan et de saincte Marguerite, faiz a la semblance du
  prince d'Espaigne et de Madame.

  198. Ung aultre double tableau, en l'ung est Nostre Seigneur
        pendant en croix et Nostre Dame embrassant le pied de la
        croix et en l'autre l'histoire de la messe MS. Sainct
        Gregoire.[167]

  [167] Voici le nom du peintre d'apres l'inventaire de 1516,
  beaucoup moins detaille que celui-ci, mais plus explicite sur les
  auteurs de ces peintures parce qu'il a ete redige sous les yeux
  de l'archi-duchesse elle-meme: 'Ung petit tableau d'ung cruxefix
  et d'ung Sainct Gregoire. Fait de la main de Rogier (Van der
  Weyden).'

  199. Ung aultre tableau vieux de Dieu le Pere; tenant son filz
        nuz entre ses bras, le Sainct Esperit en forme coulombe
        entre Dieu le Pere assiz sur ung arc en ciel et une pomme
        ronde soubz les pieds de NS.

  200. Ung aultre bien petit tableau de bois, ou il y a une teste
        d'ung homme eslevee avec certaine escripture des deux
        lignes, fete sur couleur rouge et est bien de petite valeur.

  201. Une petite Nostre Dame en papier, fete de Illyminure, tenant
        son fils, son habit d'asul et une petite bande dessus bordee
        d'ung petit bore d'argent de bassin.

  202. Ung petit tableau d'ivoire, a ung vieux personnaige pourtant
        la thoison d'or les quatres coins dudit tableau d'argent
        dore et sur ung chacun ung fusil pendant a une petites
        chaine d'argent.

  203. Ung aultre petit tableau carre d'argent dore, le fond
        d'esmail rouge, a ung personnaige ayant le visaige fait
        d'ung camehu, derriere lequel tableau est escript le duc de
        Berry.

  204. Ung myroir assiz en gaie (jais) noir, fait en maniere de
        cueur, et de l'autre costel ung cueur en presse sur une
        marguerite.

  205. Ung aultre myroir petit, en forme de losanges, de petite
        valeur.

  206. Ung petit Sainct Jacques, taille de geitz noir, assiz sur ung
        pillier de mesme, a trois coquilles en chiefz.

  207. La portraiture de feu monseigneur de Savoie, taillee en bois,
        bien-fete. La portraiture de Madame semblablement taillee en
        bois, aussi bien fete.

_Medailles._

  208. Une medaille d'estain, d'ung coustel la portraiture du roy
        d'Arragon et de l'aultre un roy tenant une espee fichee
        dedans trois couronnes.

  209. Une autre medaille d'argent dore, de Madame d'ung coustel, et
        de l'aultre ung femme a moitie nue.

  210. Une teston d'argent, ou le duc Philibert est d'ung coustel et
        de l'aultre dame Yolent.

   212. Diverses medailles de plomb, de leton, cuyvre et aultre
        gros metal estant a ung coffre.

       (Elles ne sont pas decrites avec detail et n'offrent aucun
       interet. On voyait dans le meme cabinet:)

  213. Ung oyseau mort, appelle oyseau de paradis, envelope de
        taffetas, mis en ung petit coffret de bois.

  214. Une petite tablette de bois, a x fulletz, en laquelle il y a
        plusieurs painctures patrons bien fete au pinceau.

  215. Cinquante et une cartes toutes rondes, richement painctes
        d'or, d'asul et aultres couleurs estant en une boite ronde
        de cuyr.

  216. IIII xxxi cartes de papier, carreez, figures de diverses
        bestes, oyseaux et aultres painctures.

  217. IX petiz crousetz de porcelayne; comprins ung moien.

  218. Ung Jesus taille en mabre.

  219. Ung tableau ou est feu monseigneur le duc Charles d'ung coste
        et de l'aultre feue Madame Ysabeau de Portugal, les bois
        dorez, painct au dehors de noyr.

  220. Deux tableaux recus de maistre Jehan le paintre, semblables,
        en l'ung est Nostre Dame et en l'aultre MS. de Ligne.

_Bacques, Menutez (minuties), de Vaicelle, estans au cabinet empres le
jardin ou sont les coraulx, le tout d'argent._

  221. Ung escequier (echiquier) d'argent, carre, le bors dore,
        bien ouvre, avec les armes de Savoie es quartre coins et
        xxxii petitz personnaiges d'argent servant d'eschaiz audit
        tableau.

  222. Ung esguiere de cristalin, garnie d'argent dore, bien ouvree,
        avec une couronne d'argent sus le couvecle.

  223. Une aultre esguieres de porcelayne, sus gris, garnis, le
        couvecle, le piez et le manche, d'argent dore bien ouvre.

  224. Deux aultres esguieres d'une sorte de porcelayne bleue
        garnies les couvecles d'argent dore.

  225. Une bericle (lunettes), garnie le manche d'argent et au
        dessus, dudict manche ung petit lion doure, pour lyre sur
        ung livre.

_Aultres menutez, estans audit cabinet, sans argent._

  226. Deux potequins, une fiole et deux flacons de pate cuyte,
        dorez et bien ouvrez.

  227. Ung beau gobelet de porcelayne blanche, a couvercle painct a
        l'entour de personnaiges d'hommes et femmes. (J'omets cinq
        articles de Reloge de leton dore.)

  228. Ung hercules de cuyvre, tout nuz, tenant en sa main une masse
        a trois bastons tortilles.

  229. Ung enfant assis sur ung cheval de cuyvre, sans bride, ni
        harnast, painct de noir.

  230. Ung tablier garnis d'ivoire, eschequetier d'ung costel blanc
        et noir et de l'aultre coste pour joue au plus de poins et
        il y a une petite quehue de serpent de mesme pour joue
        ausdiz poins.

  231. Deux escuelles, l'une moienne, toutes deux d'une beau bois
        vermis, les bors dorez a manches, les fondz painct d'or et
        de verd, venues des Indes. (Je crois inutile de citer
        plusieurs echiquiers et tabliers.)

  232. Une mort fete d'ivoire droite entre trois petits pilliers,
        tenant ung escripteau en sa main.

  233. Une petite liette, le fond d'asul, les bors verd ou il y a
        les personnaiges suyvans, assavoir: Saturnis, Jupiter, Mars,
        Sol, Venus, Mercurius et Lunar.

  234. Ung cheval de bois, bien taille, sans selle, ni harnast. (Je
        passe plusieurs jeux d'echecs d'ivoire, de cassidoine, de
        bois paint.)

  235. La portraiture de feu Conralt, fol de l'empereur, taille en
        bois.

  236. La portraiture en toille d'ung jeusne enfant, tenant ung
        papejay sur sa main, habille d'ung seon cramoisy, quilete de
        drapt d'argent.

  237. Une aultre paincture d'ung petit enfant plourant, ayant une
        petite baniere devant luy.

  238. Ung petit tableau d'une jeusne dame fete sur papier cole, le
        fond rouge, son habit de drapt d'or, a ung escuson en chief,
        aux armes de Savoie.

   _Aultres menutez, estans au petit cabinet, ou sont les coraux et
   jardin de fleurs de soie, fil d'or et d'aultres choses fait a
   l'esgulle dont s'ensuyt les pieces estans d'argent._

       _S'ensuyt les coraux et aultres choses._

  239. Deux myroir de pate cuyte, bien ouvrez et dorez, ayant
        chacun ung boton et hoppes y pendans.

  240. Deux grosses pommes et ung concombre de terre cuyte, painctz.

  241. Ung beau tableau auquel est painct ung homme et ung femme
        nuz, estant les pieds en l'eaue, le premier borc de mabre,
        le second dore et en has ung escripteau, donne par
        monseigneur d'Utrecht.

  242. Ung petit tableau de bois d'une Lucresse, bien taillee, qui
        se clot a deux fulletz.

  243. Ung belle M. de bois bien taillee a une petite chayne de
        bois, pendant aux lettres du nom de Jhesus.

  244. Ung livre, escript a la main, couvert de velour noir,
        intitule, la Corone Margaritique, qui se commence: Plume
        infelice.

_Aultres parties de meubles._

       (Je passe sous silence les etoffes pour couvrir les meubles,
       etc.)

  245. Plus receu a Bruxelles, par les mains de Symonet, varlet de
        chambre de l'empereur, les parties de painctures qui s'en
        suyvent: premiere la pourtraicture de l'empereur moderne
        Charles Ve de ce nom, tiree apres le vief faicte pas
        compas, sur toille, fort bonne.

  246. La pourtraicture de la reyne Marye, douairiere d'Ongrie,
        aussi faicte sur toille, de mendre grandeur que la
        precedente.

  247. Ung tableau double de cypres, deans lequel sont pourtraitz
        les premiers fils et fille du roy des Romans.

  248. Aultres semblable tableau ou sont aussi pourtraiz les seconde
        fils et filles dudict seigneur roy des Romains.

_Les pieces de Vaicelles d'or et d'argent cy apres escriptes sont es
mains dudict garde joyaulx, ensemble les riches tappisseries et
aultres biens meubles cy apres escripts._

  249. Ung grande couppe d'or ouvree a feuillages pesant vi{m} i{o}
        xiii{e}. (On lit en marge:) Cette premiere couppe d'or et du
        corps de la saliere est parle au IIIe article suyvant, ont
        par ordonnance de Madame este rompues et en sont este
        faictes trois petites couppes pour en servir le voiaige de
        Cambray ou la paix fut faicte et depuis Madame des donnyt
        aux marquise d'Arscot, contesses d'Aygremont, et de Gaure
        qui avoyent este audit Cambray.

       (Je ne cite que cet article mais les autres portent les
       mentions de meme nature, qui prouvent combien les objects
       d'orfevrerie ont subi de transformation sous les pressions
       des grandes necessites comme aussi au moindre propos.)

_Tappisseries garnies de fil d'or, d'argent, de soie, et aultres
estouffes, comme s'ensuyt._

  250. Premier: deux pieces de tappisseries, faictes de fil d'or et
        d'argent et de soie, bien riche, de l'istoire et des faiz
        de Alexandre le Grant, qui sont venue d'Espaigne. La
        premiere contient vii aulnes i cart de haulteur et unze
        aulnes v carts de l'argeur.

  251. Quatre pieces de tappisseries de l'istoire de Ester, bien
        riche et faictes et ouvres d'or et d'argent et de soie, qui
        sont venues de la maison de ceans.

  252. Trois pieces de tappisserie du credo, belles et riches, ou il
        y a de l'or et de soye, qui sont venuz d'Espaigne.

  253. Une piece de tappisserie de Alexandre.

  254. Quatre pieces de tappisserie de Sainct Eslayne (Ste. Helene),
        sans or ne argent, qui est venue d'Espaigne, garnie de
        boucran blanc.

  255. Six pieces de tappisseries appellee la cite des Dames donnees
        par ceulx de Tornay.

_Tapis Veluz._

_Tappisserie de Morisque._

  256. Six pieces de tappisserie de maroquin rouge, bourdee de
        mesme cuyr, figure de drap d'or sur verd, et menuz
        personnaiges a trois pilliers chacune piece la brodure
        d'ambas a seraines (sirennes).

_Coussins de Morisque._

  257. Quatre coussins, ouvrage de Turcquie, oppes (houppes) de
        soye verde et rouge, dont il y a v ouppes perdues.

_Riche tappisserie, ouvree de fil d'or d'argent et de soye
nouvellement achetee par Madame._

  258. Premier: Une belle et riche piece de tappisserie de v aulnes
        de haulteur et de v aulnes cart eschars, de largeur
        histories comme Nostre Seigneur pourtoit la croix a sa
        Passion.

       (Les sept pieces suivantes, que j'omets representaient
       autant de sujets de la Passion. On lit a la suite, ecrit
       d'une autre main.)

  259. Depuis c'est Inventaire fait, a recu le dit garde joyaux ung
        riche ciel de tappisserie--fait par Pietre Tannemarie a
        Bruxelles, auquel est figure Dieu le Pere et le St. Esprit,
        environnez de plusieurs anges.

_Hornemens de Chappelle._

_Linge de Table._

  260. Une riche nappe damassee de grandes fleurs, de xii aulnes
        quart de long et iiii de largeur.

  261. Une aultre nappe, ouvraige de Tournay, contenant vii aulnes
        de long iii aulnes de large.

  262. Une aultre grosse nappe, ouvraige de Venise.

  263. Une nappe en touaille damassee, figuree de la Passion au
        milieu et aussi du nom de Jesus.

   De toutes lesquelles pieces de vaicelle d'or, d'argent,
   tappisseries et aultres biens, meubles, estans presentement es
   mains, des officiers cy devant nommes ou d'aultres officiers
   advenir--(ils en tiennent compte) Ainsi fait et conclud par
   madite Dame, en la ville d'Anvers, le xvii d'Avril MVXXIIII.

    (Signe) MARGUERITE

       *       *       *       *       *

One wonders what became of such a large number of treasures and
pictures. By Margaret's will, dated 20th of February 1508, and by the
codicils of a later date, she left Charles V. her sole heir, but gave
her religious pictures to the church of Brou. The first clause
distributed the portraits and pictures throughout the royal residences
of Austria and Spain; the second gave the others to Brou, where for
more than two centuries they remained until they were plundered by
sacriligious hands.

M. Baux, in his description of the church of Brou, has mentioned a
fragment of Margaret's inventory, which he dates from 1533.

The inventory of 1516 was drawn up by Margaret herself, and the
original, or at least the copy published by M. Le Glay, gives this
same article thus written. The original, written on parchment and
signed by the archduchess herself, is in the collection said to be the
500 Colbert, in the Bibliotheque Nationale. M. Le Glay found in the
archives at Lille, and published, an inventory written partly by
Margaret and drawn up partly under her supervision. It would be
interesting to verify if he has not made duplicate copies of pages
drawn up at different times, and which describe the same picture
several times over. The inventory of 1524 is more complete, richer,
and longer.

The description of the following seven objects I have not noticed in
the inventory of 1524:--

   Ung tablaux d'argent dore, d'ungne nonciade a deux feuillies de
     porselleyne, la ou est (l'Ymaige) de feu roy don Philippe et la
     reyne Joanne, sa fame.

   Ung petit preaux dedanz lequel a ungne Nostre Dame et ung Sainct
     Josef.

   Ung autre: Au mylieu dudit preaux a ung aubepin flory et madame
     la duchesse de Norefork l'a donne a Madame.

   Ung petit parady ou sont toux les apostres.

   Ung petit tableau du chief d'un portugalois fait sans couleur
     par Maistre Jacques Barbaris.

   Ung petit tableau du chief de la royne dame Ysabel, en son eage
   de xxx ans, fait par Maistre Michiel.

   Ung tableaul de bonne paincture d'une belle fille esclave, sur
     la couverte duquel sont Charles Oursson, contrerolleur de
     Madame, et son pere, et aussi le chien de Madame qui s'appelle
     Boute (ou Bonte).




LIST OF PICTURES FROM MARGARET'S COLLECTION SENT TO BROU (1533).


The following religious pictures are from the Study and Library of the
late Madame:--

_From the Study._

  A small illuminated picture in cyprus wood.

  An ivory picture of divers mysteries, which has two shutters, on
       which are painted the Dukes Philip and Charles of Burgundy.

  Another picture of Our Lady very well done, with a red mantle, the
       background black, and the edges gilt.

  A small double picture of cyprus (wood): one the Ascension of Our
       Saviour, and the other the Ascension of Our Lady.

  Picture of Our Lady, dressed in a red mantle; the background of
       green damask.

  Rich double picture of Our Lady, lined outside with satin brocade.

  Picture of a crucifix, from the hand of the late Madame.

  A little needlework picture of the Trinity, with a cross between
       the Father and the Son.

  Picture of Saint Margaret, in white alabaster.

  A small picture of Our Lady sitting on a crescent, with a golden
       background.

  Another small picture of Our Lady, the background gold; the
       pendant has a shutter of red silk.

  A double picture of Our Lady; on one side Saint John, and the
       other Saint Margaret.

  Another double picture. On one side is Our Saviour hanging on the
       cross, and Our Lady embracing the divine cross; on the other
       the history of Saint Gregory.

  Another picture, where God the Father is holding His Son naked in
       His arms; the Holy Spirit as a dove.

  A small square picture very well done, of Saint Michael and Saint
       Gabriel, the Archangel.

  A similar square picture of Saint John, Saint James, Saint Peter,
       and Saint Paul.

  A small picture of Our Lady, illuminated on paper, surrounded with
       a little band of silver thread.

  A small Saint James carved in black wood.

  An ivory picture of Saint John, holding a book in his hand,
       sitting on a stone.

  A Saint James in amber.

  A picture of a saint made in amber,... the head of ivory.

  Our Lady in amber with a gold crown on her head.

  A small Nostre Dame in silver.

  A small Saint Anthony in silver.

_In the Library._

   A Saint Francis.

   Two pictures of monseigneur Saint Anthony.[168]

  [168] From _Histoire de l'Eglise de Brou_, by J. Baux.




CATALOGUE OF MANUSCRIPTS MOSTLY ILLUMINATED AND BOUND IN VELVET WITH
GILT CLASPS IN MARGARET OF AUSTRIA'S LIBRARY AT MALINES, ARRANGED
ACCORDING TO THE COLOUR OF THEIR BINDING. [169]

  [169] A descriptive catalogue of these MSS. was published by M.
  Le Glay in his _Correspondance de l'Empereur Maximilien I. et de
  Marguerite d'Autriche_. This list does not, of course, include
  any printed books, of which there was probably another catalogue.


_Velours cramoisy._

    Le livre des Euvangilles.
    Froissart. (4 vols.)
    Les dix livres de la premiere decade de Titus Livius. (1 vol.)
    La seconde et tierce decade de Titus Livius. (1 vol.)
    Lancelot du Lac. (2 vols.)
    La Forteresse de la Foy.
    La Decretaille.
    Le premier Livre des batailles tunikes.
    Jehan Davenant. (?)
    Le Doon.
    Le Regime des Princes; le Tresor. (1 vol.)
    Six gros livres de Persefouret.

_Velours vert._

    Valere-le-Grant.
    Le premier livre de Bocace des nobles malheureux.
    Le Commentaire de Julius Cesar.
    Joseph d'Arimatye, qu'est le commencement de la Table Ronde et
      la Vye Marcelin et de Lancelot du Lac, jusques a la mort du roy
      Artus. (1 vol.)
    d'Amours, Vertuz et Bienheurte. (1 vol.)
    Histoire de Lancelot du Lac.
    La Genealogie depuis Adam jusques a Jesus-Christ.
    Le Livre des proprietes. (En francais.)
    L'Istoire de Marlin.
    Le second volume des Cronicques d'Angleterre.
    La Genealogie de tous les Roys de France.
    Le premier volume de la Cite de Dieu.
    L'Exposicion du Saultier.
    Du commencement du monde jusques au temps que Julius
      Cesar se partit de Romme pour conquester France.
    L'Appocalipce figuree.
    La legende de plusieurs saincts.
    Le Premier livre des ystoires du grant Roy Nabuchordenosor.
    La nature des oyseaulx.
    Le livre de l'Eschicquier.
    Dictz moraulx des philosophes.
    Epistres Senecque, translatees de latin en francois.
    Mappemonde fort figurees.
    Le Miroir des Dames.
    Le Miroir du Monde.
    Des remedes de l'une et l'autre Fortune.
    Bocace des cleres Dames.
    Phebus de la Chasse.
    Le Viel Testement.

_Velours bleu._

    Le premier volume de Beges. (1 vol.)
    Le second volume de Beges. Le
      tiers et quart volume de Beges. (1 vol.)
    Le livre de Jehan Bocace.
    Le premier volume des proprietez de toutes choses.
    Le second volume des proprietez de toutes choses.
    Ung gros livre de parchemin escript en letre ebraycque (Hebrew)
      ou autre que l'on ne congnoist point, sans nulle intitulace que
      l'on saiche lire, couvert de velours bleu a fermaulx et cloz
      dorez.
    Les Martiennes.
    Le premier volume de Jehan Froissart.
    'La Digeste vielle,' preceded by 'Les Droits' et 'la Decretale'
      in Latin.
    Le premier volume de Saint-Augustin de la Cite de Dieu.
    Le derrenier volume de Saint-Augustin de la Cite de Dieu.
    Le Livres des eages du monde.
    La Legende doree.
    L'Arbres des batailles.
    Le premier volume de Jason, la Thoison d'Or. (1 vol.)
    La Fleur des Histoires. (2 vols.)
    Les Decretailles. (En francois.)
    Les douze Chezariennes.
    Le Livre de Lucan.
    Les Cronicques troyennes.
    Le Livre d'Amours, de Vertus et de Bienheurete.
    Le champion des Dames.
    Extraict de la Bible.
    Le Regime des Princes.
    Le livre du Tresor. (?)
    Sidrach.
    Vita Christi.
    Les Cronicques de Jerusalem.
    L'Estrif de Fortune et Vertu.
    L'Orologe de Sapience.
    L'Art de Chevalerye.
    La Moralite des eschetz.
    Livre des Problesmes de Aristote.
    Le premier et tiers volume de la Fleur des Histoires. (1 vol.)
    Exemples moraulx.
    La Relation en brief des Histoires romaines.
    Du roy Artus, des douze Pers de France, du Chevalier a deux
      espees, et des Fables d'Ysopet, en ryme. (1 vol.)
    Le Miroir des Curez.
    Fables d'Ovide.
    Le livre des Prophecies de Marlin.
    Le Debat de Felicite.
    Les painctures du jeu d'eschetz.
    Ung petit livre en latin, de parchemin, escript a la main en
      letre ytalienne, illumine, parlant de plusieurs roys et
      princes; couvert et ferre comme dessus.
    Le Chevalier au sercle d'or et Perceval le Galois.
    Le Livre des trois vertus a l'enseignement des dames et
      damoiselles.
    Le Miroir du Monde.
    Le Livre des dix commandemens de Notre Seigneur avec la
      difference d'entre pechie mortel et veniel.
    Moralite des nobles hommes sur le jeu des esches.
    L'Avisement. (?)
    D'Armes, d'Amours et de ses combatans et de la geste au bon roy
      Euriant. Petit livre... ou sont nommez tous les poetes...
      sans intitulace...
    Le Livre du pelerinage du viel hermite? expose sur 'Le
      Romant de la Ros.'
    Decretales en latin.
    Boece de Consolatione.
    Le Livre de Melibee et de Dame Prudence sa femme.
    Dix commandemens de Jhesu-Crist.
    Bonnes Meurs.
    Livre de l'apostolicque Sainct-Jean avec une autre livre de
      devotion.
    Livre du roy Alexandre.

_Velours Vert._

    Bible en francois.
    Alexandre le Grant.
    Bible en francois.
    La temptation de Saint-Augustin, de la Cite de Dieu.
    Eticques d'Aristote en francois.
    Tholomeus.
    Chevalier Errant.
    L'Entree de Beges.

_Velours Noir._

    Alexandre Quinte-Curce.
    Le Livre de la premiere decade de Titus Livius.
    La premier Livre de la tierce decade de Titus Livius.
    Le secret parlement de l'omme contemplatif a son ame.
    Le quatrieme volume de la Fleur des Histoires; l'Admonestement
      de vivre contre la Vanite de ce monde.

  Le second Livre, la Bible moralisee;--Benoist seront les
    misericordieulx; la somme de perfection;--les Histoires de
    Pise;--le Recueil de Tholomey avec ses addicions;--place
    Secretz d'Aristote;--le Romant de Clomades en rime;--le Livre
    des fais d'armes et de Chevalerye;--ung petit livre plein de
    rondaulx;--livres d'Heures, Missels et Breviaires; la Bible en
    latin;--le Chemin de salut;--livre qui traite des Estatz du
    monde;--l'Obseque de la feue reynne de France, duchesse de
    Bretaigne;--les cent nouvelles vielles;--Romulus;--Cronicque
    abregee depuis le temps d'Adam jusques a Severe, empereur de
    Romme;--Sainct Graal (en mauvais langaige);--le livre d'Anseis
    de Quartaige et de Heuon de Haultonne;--l'Entretenenent du
    corps et de l'amme;--le livre des miracles Nostre
    Dame;--Paternox de Bloys;--le Triumphe des dames;--le Debat des
    deux bons serviteurs;--Oraison et Paternostres;--de la Fortune
    des dez;--le livre des Douze Filz Boon de Mayence, en rime;--la
    Genealogie et les Gestes du prince Syach Ysmael, surnomme
    Sophie, roy de Perche;--l'Exposition des Songes, etc.




A FEW LETTERS from MAXIMILIAN I. to MARGARET OF AUSTRIA, and from
MARGARET to VARIOUS PERSONS.


Maximilian's letters to Margaret were written in French, but a kind of
French-German jargon. Margaret had been brought up in France, and had
no knowledge of German, so her father, who knew very little French,
was obliged to use this language in corresponding with her, and often
mixed up French and German words in a most grotesque fashion.

The following few letters and extracts are from M. le Glay's
_Correspondance de l'Empereur Maximilien I. et de Marguerite
d'Autriche_:--

     Maximilian to Margaret

He begs his daughter to behave in such a way as to keep the King of
England in a good humour; he wishes to see her married to this king.
(Autograph.)

    (16 septembre 1507.)

   ... Car i me semble, par tel maniere de mariage, vous sere quit
   de la prison que craindez d'y entrer, sy vous fusses mariee avec
   le susdit roy d'Engleterre, veu sa test dur et plain, de me
   lasser en paes; car aussy paer cest fachon, vous gouverneres
   Engleterre et la maison de Bourgoingne, et vous ne pourres estre
   mis errier de la monde; comme ung person perdu et oblie, cume
   vous aussy nous avez aultrefois declare.

   Escript de la main (le xvi jour de Septembre 1507) de vostre bon
   pere,

    MAXI.

     Maximilian to Margaret

He thanks her for the beautiful shirts that she sent him. (Autograph.)

    (le 17 mai 1511.)

   Ma bonne fille,--J'ay resceu par le peurteor de cestes les
   belles chemises et huves lesquelles aves ayde de les faire de
   vostre main, dont sumus fort jeouieulx, principalement des ce
   que je trouve en sela que vous vous sousses du corps de nostre
   person, mesment que quant ceste anne nous pourterons nostre
   couraige, lequel est rude et pesante, que adunques nostre pooir
   du cors sera reconforte a l'encontre du bon senteor et dusceur
   de telle belle thoele, lesquels usunt les angels en paradis pour
   leor abillement. Et nous feruns aussi bien tost bonne diligence
   pour vous aussy remercier de ung image d'un futur sainte, aussy
   fabrike de nostre main.--et a Dieu.

   Escript de la main de vostre bon pere, qui desirt une foes vous
   bien tost veor.

   Faet le xvii de mai (1511).

    MAXI.

     Maximilian to Margaret

The emperor tells his daughter---- that he hopes to be elected Pope
and become holy. For this reason he is thinking of abdicating in
favour of his grandson Charles. But he must have money before he can
negotiate with the Pope and the cardinals. (Autograph.)[170]

  [170] Printed in Louis XII.'s letters, it is supposed to have
  been written in 1512, because it was in this year that the Bishop
  of Gurce went to Rome. Besides, in 1511 the emperor was still at
  war with Julius II., and could not treat with him with regard to
  the Pontificate.

(In another letter) Maximilian does not mention getting himself made
coadjutor during the Pope's lifetime, but only obtaining the
cardinals' votes after the Pope's death, who was then seriously ill.
Maximilian says distinctly that the Papacy is inherent to the Imperial
dignity, and that he hopes to have the honour of uniting the Imperial
and Papal crowns.

    (le 18 Septembre.)

   Tres chiere et tres amee fylle, je entendu l'avis que vous m'avez
   donne par Guyllain Pingun, nostre garderobes vyess, dont avons
   encore mius pense desus.

   Et ne trouvons point pour nulle resun bon que nous nous devons
   franchement marier, maes avons plus avant mys nostre deliberation
   et volonte de james plus hanter faem nue.

   Et envoyons demain monsieur de Gurce, evesque, a Rome devers le
   pape pour trouver fachon que nous puyssons accorder avec luy de
   nous prenre pour ung coadjuteur, affin que apres sa mort pouruns
   estre assure de avoer le papat et devenir prester et apres estre
   sainct, et que il vous sera de necessite que, apres ma mort, vous
   seres contraint de me adorer dont je me trouvere bien gloryoes.

   Je envoye sur ce ung poste devers le roy d'Arogon pour ly prier
   quy nous voulle ayder pour a ce parvenir dont yl est aussy
   contant, moynant que je resingne l'empir a nostre commun fyls,
   Charles. De sela aussi je me says contente.

   Le peupl et gentilhomes de Rom ount faet ung allyance contre les
   Franchoes et Espaingos est sunt xx combatans et nous ount mande
   que yl veolunt estre pour nous pour faere ung papa a ma poste, et
   du l'empire d'Almaingne et ne veulent avoer ne Francos,
   Aregonoes, ne mains null Venecien.

   Je commance aussy practiker les cardinaulx, dont IIc ou IIIc
   mylle ducas me ferunt un grand service, aveque la parcialite qui
   est deja entre eos.

   Le roy d'Arogon a mande a son ambaxadeur que yl veult commander
   aux cardinaulx espaingnos que yl veulent favoryser le papat a
   nous.

   Je vous prie, tenes ceste matiere empu secret; ossi bien en
   briefs jours je creins que yl fault que tout le monde le sache;
   car bien mal este possible de pratiker ung tel sy grand matere
   secretement, pour laquell yl fault avoer de tant de gens et de
   argent succurs et practike, et a Diu, faet de la main de vostre
   bon pere Maximilianus, futur pape.

   Le XVIIIe jour de Septembre.

   _P.S._--Le pape a ancor les vyevers dubls et ne peult longement
   fyvre.


     Maximilian to Margaret

    The emperor wishes his granddaughters to come to Brussels to see
    the park. (Original.)

     (le 20 juin) 1512.

    Tres chiere et tres amee fille, pour ce que desirons que noz
    tres chieres et tres amees filles venir en nostre ville de
    Bruxelles pour veoir le parck et y prandre leurs ebats par deux
    ou trois jours, nous vous requerons que nous vueillez
    incontinent icy envoyer tous voz chariotz, gens d'armes, et
    leurs damoiselles, comme dit est, lesquelles noz filles ferez
    logier es chambres et quartier ou nous estions loge, et nous
    nous tiendrons cependant a Wilvorde et a l'entour dudit
    Bruxelles. A tant, tres chiere et tres amee fille, nostre
    Seigneur soit garde de vous.

    Escript en nostre ville de..., le xx jour de juing, l'an
    xvcxvii.

    _P.S._--Et vueillez avancer ledit envoy, que lesdits chariotz et
    lytiere puissent estre icy demain.

    Per Regem.--Plus bas, RENNER

     Maximilian to Margaret

The emperor sends some venison for his granddaughters.

    (Au chateau de La Vueren, le 22 juin.)

   Tres chiere et tres amee fille, nous vous envoyons presentement
   le sommyer du serf que avons ce jour-duy prins a force et vous
   prions de icelluy faire aprester et en festyer a quelque disne ou
   souppe noz petites et tres chieres filles. En quoy, faisant, vous
   nous ferez chose bien agreable; ce scet nostre Seigneur qu'il,
   tres chiere et tres amee fille, soit garde de vous.

   Escript en nostre chasteaul de La Vueren, le xxii jour de juing,
   l'an xvc et xii.

    Per Regem.--Plus bas, RENNER

     Maximilian to Margaret

He accepts his daughter's invitation to dinner. He wishes this meal to
be at five o'clock.

    (La Vueren, le 23 juin) 1512.

   Tres chiere et tres amee fille, nous avons ce matin receu voz
   lettres et entendu par icelles comment vous desirez que
   vueillions ce jourduy aller au soupper et banquet avec vous et
   noz tres chieres et tres amees filles. Sur quoy vous advertissons
   que de buon cueur nous nous y trouverons. Dieu en ayde qu'il,
   tres chiere et tres amee fille, soit garde de vous.

   Donne en nostre chasteau de La Vueren, le xxiii jour de juing,
   l'an xvcxii.

   _P.S._--Nous serons a une heure apres midi devers vous, pour
   parler a vous de quelque chose, et pour ce, que le souppe soit
   prest a cincq heures.

    Per Regem.--Plus bas, RENNER

     Maximilian to Margaret

He is sending her a cross-bow destined to be sent as a gift to the
King of England.

    (Cologne, le 16 septembre) 1512.

   Tres chiere et tres amee fille, nous vous envoyons par nostre ame
   et feal escuier, Bourgrave de Bruxelles, le seigneur d'Aremberch,
   une arbalestre garnye d'un coffin et de trectz a ce servans;
   laquelle desirons que recevez benignement dudit seigneur
   d'Aremberch, et que apres, vous faictes refaire ledit coffin qui
   est couvert de cuyre par dessus, ou lieu dudit cuyre, d'argent
   dore, et puis le tout faire presenter a nostre frere, le roy
   d'Angleterre. A tant, tres chiere et tres amee fille, nostre
   Seigneur soit garde de vous.

   Escript en nostre cite de Cohlongne le xvi jour de Septembre,
   l'an xvcxii.

     Maximilian to Margaret

The emperor wishes the Archduke Charles to write good letters to his
grandfather the King of Aragon, to his mother the Queen, and to his
brother Don Ferdinand.

    (Weissembourg, le 6 janvier) 1512.

   Tres chiere et tres amee fille, nous desirons et vous requerons
   que par le pourteur de cestes appelle Jehan de Spornede,
   espaignart, vous faictes escripre nostre filz, l'archiduc
   Charles, quelque bonnes lettres en walon (that is in French) au
   roy d'Arragon, son grant-pere, a la royne sa mere et a son frere
   dom Fernande, et qu'il lui baille le titre d'archiduc
   d'Austriche; car nostre plaisir est tel. A tant, tres chiere et
   tres amee fille, nostre Seigneur soit garde de vous.

   Escript en nostre ville de Wizembourg, le vi jour de janvier,
   l'an xvcxii.

    Per Regem.--Plus bas, BOTECHON

     Maximilian to Margaret

He tells his daughter that he is satisfied with the way she governs,
and hopes that she will continue to govern in the same way.
(Autograph.)

    (le 3 fevrier) 1512.

   Tres chiere et tres amee fylle, nous avons resceu une lettre
   escript de vostre main, laquelle noz a presente grave et aussi
   entendu ce que nous a dyt de vostre part maister Loys. Tant y a
   que noz sumus content de vous, outant que ung pere se doyt
   contenter de sa bonne fylle, et voluns bien que tout le monde le
   sayche. En oultre desirant que continues en vostre gouvernement
   comme aves faet jusques issy au present et vous nous faeres tres
   singulier plaisir dont volentie vous assertissons, et a diu.

   Faet de la main le iii jour de fevrier, de vostre bon pere,

    MAXI.

     Margaret to Maximilian

Prince Charles has accidentally killed a man with his cross-bow.

    (mai) 1513.

   Mon tres redoubte, etc.,--Monseigneur, ainsi que monseigneur mon
   nepveur se estoit alle jouer a la Wure, le lundy de la
   Pentecouste, et qu'il tiroit a l'arbaleste, est advenu ung
   meschief de son coup a ung homme de mestier de ceste ville,
   yvrogne et mal conditione, dont monsieur de Chievres vous avertit
   tout au long; que a cause ung grant regret et desplaisir a mondit
   seigneur et a moy, ensemble a toute sa compaignie, mais il n'y a
   remede de savoir resister a telles fortunes. Touteffois,
   monseigneur, a cause que plusieurs vous en pourroient avertir
   aultrement que a la verite, j'ay este d'advis que ledit seigneur
   de Chievres, qui estoit present, vous en deust avertir tout au
   long, comme il fait, a celle fin que en saiches la verite....

   Mon tres redoubte Seigneur et pere, etc.


     Margaret's Letter to the Mother Superior of the Order of the
     'Annonciades' at Bruges

   Ma mere, ma mie,--J'ay donne charge a ce porteur, que bien
   connaisses, aller vers vous et vous dire de mes nouvelles et ma
   bonne disposition depuis aucuns jours, aussi de scavoir de la
   vostre que desire estre telle que la voudrais pour moy. J'espere
   en se bon Dieu et sa glorieuse mere qui vous ayderont et
   garderont pour mieulx. Je luy ay donne ung memoire pour vous dire
   et au Pater, vostre bon pere, qui est de ma main propre, et
   cognoitrez par ycelluy _mon intention; je desire que n'en soit
   faict grant bruit et pour bonne cause_; et sur ce feray fin, vous
   priant faire a nostre bon pere mes recommandations a ses bonnes
   prieres, et semblablement a toutes mes bonnes filles, priant le
   Createur et sa benoiste mere vous donner sa grace et a moy aussy.

    Signe: vostre bonne fille, MARGUERITE

   De Malines.

     Memorandum for Estienne my valet de chambre, concerning what he
     is to say to the Pater and the Mere Ancille.

   Premier, que je desire sur toute chose mestre ma religion en tel
   estat que pour james (jamais) ils n'aient grant povrete; mes qui
   puissent vivre sans mandier; et desire scavoir ce que se porteur
   leur demandera, au quel je fay se memoyre; et premier scavoir
   s'il est besoing plus de rente et jusques a quelle somme: et que
   ne le praigne trop eschars; car a l'aide de Dieu je furniray a
   tout; et toute aultre chose que desireront, ils me le facent
   scavoir; _car je suis deliberee y faire une bonne fin_, a l'ayde
   de Dieu et de nostre bonne maistresse, sa glorieuse mere. Oultre
   plus dira a la mere Ancille, ma bonne mere, que je luy prie
   qu'elle face prier toutes mes bonnes filles _a l'intention que je
   luy ay toujours dit_; car le temps approche, puisque l'empereur
   vient, a qui, a l'ayde de Dieu, renderay bon comte de la charge
   et gouvernement que luy a pleu me donner; et ce faict, je me
   rendray a la voulente de Dieu et de nostre bonne maistresse, vous
   priant, ma bonne mere, ma mie, que je ne soye oubliee aux
   vostres, et vous demouray tousiours vostre bonne fille,

    MARGUERITE[171]

  [171] J. Baux, _L'Eglise de Brou_.

     Margaret of Austria's last letter to her nephew the Emperor
     Charles V.

   Monseigneur, l'heure est venue que ne vous puis plus escripre de
   ma main; car je me trouve en telle indisposition que doubte ma
   vie estre briefue, pourueue et reposee de ma conscience, et de
   tout resolue a receuoir ce qu'il plaira a Dieu m'enuoyer, sans
   regret quelconque, reserue (si ce n'est) de la priuation de
   vostre presence et de non vous pouuoir veoir et parler a vous
   encoires une fois auant ma mort, ce que (pour la doubte que
   dessud) suppleray, en partie, par ceste mienne lettre que
   crains sera la derniere qu'aurez de moi. Je vous ay institue mon
   heritier vniuersel, et pour le tout, aux charges de mon
   testament, l'accomplissement duquel vous recommande. Vous laisse
   vos pays de pardeca, que, durant vostre absence, n'ay seulement
   garde comme les me laissates a vostre partement, mais grandement
   augmentez, et vous rendz le gouuernement d'iceulx, ouquel me
   cuyde estre lealement acquictee, et tellement que j'en espere
   remuneration diuine, contentement de vous, monseigneur, et gre
   de vos subjects, vous recommandant singulierement la paix, et
   par especial auec les roys de France et d'Angleterre. Et, pour
   fin, vous suplie, monseigneur, que l'amour qu'il vous a pleu
   pourter au poure corps soit memoire du salut de l'ame et
   recommandation de mes poures seruiteurs et seruantes, vous
   disant le dernier adieu ouquel je supplie, monseigneur, vous
   donner prosperite et longue vie. De Malines, le dernier jour de
   novembre 1530,--Votre tres-humble tante,

    MARGUERITE[172]

  [172] M. Gachard, _Analectes Belgiques_.




INDEX


    Adrian of Utrecht, Pope Adrian IV., 74, 154, 166, 175, 183, 184,
     192-194, 198, 205, 283.

    Agnadel, battle of, 96.

    Aleander, 178.

    Alexander VI., Pope, 17.

    Amboise, George, Cardinal of, 90-95, 100, 104, 151.

    Ancille, Mere, 285.

    Andreas de Burgo, 76, 82, 96, 104, 110, 115, 133, 157.

    Anna of Hungary, 144, 166, 186, 242.

    Anne de Beaujeu, 3, 4, 7, 9, 12.

    Anne of Brittany, 5-10, 12-14, 115, 133, 134.

    Antonio de Leyva, 209, 270.

    Arthur, Prince of Wales, 30, 34, 99.

    Augsburg, Diet of, 104, 162, 163, 284.


    Barcelona, treaty of, 16, 268.

    Bayard, 143, 208.

    Bianca Sforza, 165.

    Boghen, Louis Van, 190, 295, 299.

    Bourbon, Constable of, 199, 200, 203, 208, 211, 219, 227, 233,
     238, 248.

    Brandon, Charles, Duke of Suffolk, 119-121, 129, 137, 139, 202,
     205.


    Cambray, Congress of, 89-95.

    ---- Peace of, The Ladies' Peace, 262.

    Charles of Austria, Charles V., birth and baptism, 32;
      succeeds his father, 67;
      attends memorial service, 70-72;
      character and education, 73, 74, 154;
      tour in Flanders, 77;
      betrothal to Mary Tudor, 84;
      shoots a man by accident, 117;
      accompanies his grandfather and aunt to Lille, 119;
      attends his sister Isabella's wedding, 131;
      emancipation, 146;
      reconciliation with Margaret, 149;
      succeeds his grandfather Ferdinand, 152;
      arrival in Spain, 156;
      entry into Valladolid, 158;
      letter to Francis I., 160;
      death of his grandfather Maximilian, 164;
      rivalry with Francis I. for imperial crown, 167-173;
      election as King of the Romans, 173;
      visit to England, 176;
      meets Henry VIII. at Gravelines, 180;
      state entry into Aix-la-Chapelle and coronation, 181;
      attends Diet at Worms, 184;
      meets Wolsey at Bruges, 189;
      makes his will, 196;
      second visit to England, 196-197;
      receives news of battle of Pavia, 213;
      letter to King of Portugal, 214, 215;
      breaks off his engagement to Princess Mary, 221;
      reproves his aunt Margaret, 224-227;
      visits Francis I. in prison, 228;
      letter to Louise of Savoy, 236;
      marriage, 238;
      birth of his son Philip, 248;
      receives news of sack of Rome, 248;
      delight at conclusion of peace, 266;
      treaty with Clement VII. at Barcelona, 268;
      coronation at Bologna, 270;
      attends Margaret's funeral service at Cologne, 289.

    Charles the Bold, 2, 14, 32, 70.

    ---- VIII., 2, 3, 6-10, 13, 16, 17, 31, 34, 50, 51.

    Charlotte of Savoy (Queen), 3.

    ---- daughter of Francis I., 169, 179.

    Christian II., King of Denmark, 129, 130, 153, 201.

    Claude of France, Queen of Francis I., 80, 134, 141, 261.

    Clement VII., Pope, 181, 207, 216, 246, 268, 270, 272.

    Cornelius Agrippa, 111, 234, 283, 290.

    Coxie, painter, 111, 277.

    Croy, G. de, 62, 63.

    ---- William de, Lord of Chievre, 74, 92, 147, 154-157, 159, 187.


    Dunois, Count of, 7, 9.


    Eleanor of Austria, Queen of Portugal and Queen of France, 64,
      69, 74, 134-136, 144, 145, 152-155, 162, 203, 204, 218, 233,
      234, 238, 264, 265, 272, 274.

    Elizabeth of York, 55.

    Emmanuel, King of Portugal, 162.

    Erasmus, 65, 111, 280.


    Ferdinand, King of Aragon, 16, 18, 26, 28, 30, 55, 56, 59, 80,
      88, 90, 91, 93, 94, 98-101, 134, 152.

    ---- Archduke of Austria, King of Bohemia and Hungary, 57, 64,
      69, 144, 153, 167, 168, 186, 219, 220, 242-244, 246, 251, 272.

    Field of the Cloth of Gold, 177, 179.

    Francesco de Rojas, 18.

    Francis I., 137, 138, 141, 142, 144, 160, 167, 197, 209.

    ---- II., Duke of Brittany, 5, 6.


    Gaston de Foix, 105, 107.

    Granvelle, Nicolas de Perrenot, Sieur de, 229.

    Gueldres, Charles of Egmont, Duke of, 78, 79, 82, 88, 91, 93,
      106, 148, 175, 189, 197, 233, 263.


    Henry VII., 17, 21, 24, 55, 56, 58-63, 66, 72, 80-84, 88, 90,
      98, 113.

    ---- VIII., 99, 102, 103, 107, 119, 137, 138, 175, 176, 180, 200,
      216, 250.

    Hochstrate, Count of, 111, 196, 224, 261, 289, 291.


    Isabella of Aragon, Queen of Portugal, 26, 29, 162.

    Isabella the Catholic, Queen of Castile and Aragon, 18, 19, 26,
      28, 30, 34, 42, 55.

    ---- of Austria, Queen of Denmark, 64, 69, 129, 130, 131, 153,
      200, 201, 234, 272, 274.

    ---- of Portugal, wife of Charles V., 218, 220, 238.


    Jean le Maire, 13, 91, 111, 275, 280, 281.

    ---- de Paris, 137, 295.

    Jeanne de Valois, 292.

    Joanna, Queen of Castile, 17-19, 30, 32, 42, 57-64, 66, 153, 155,
      159, 183.

    John, Prince of Asturias, 17, 20, 24, 26, 28, 29, 50, 51.

    ---- III., King of Portugal, 162, 208, 214.

    John, Crown Prince of Portugal, 234, 290.

    Julius II., Pope, 87, 94, 101, 102, 104, 105, 110.


    Katharine of Aragon, Queen of England, 30, 34, 56, 59, 99, 100,
     102, 103, 137, 175, 176, 196, 216, 250, 257, 265, 266, 268.

    ---- of Austria, Queen of Portugal, 64, 69, 153, 155, 156, 162,
      203, 204, 208, 272.


    Lannoy, Charles de, Viceroy of Naples, 208, 210, 211, 218, 234,
      237, 241.

    Laurent de Gorrevod, 43, 55, 109, 299.

    Leo X., Pope, 106, 163, 172, 187, 192.

    Louis XI., King of France, 2, 3, 11.

    ---- Duke of Orleans, Louis XII., 3, 5, 7, 9, 14-16, 31, 41, 65,
      76, 77, 91-95, 97, 100, 101, 104, 105, 107, 134, 136-138, 141,
      292.

    ---- II., King of Hungary, 132, 144, 153, 242, 245.

    Louise of Savoy, 4, 49, 52, 138, 174, 199, 211, 219, 224, 236,
      253, 255, 258, 261, 262, 266.

    Ludovico Sforza, Duke of Milan, 16.

    Luther, Martin, 163, 182, 184-186.


    Mabuse, painter, 111, 234, 277, 284.

    Madrid, treaty of, 233.

    Magdalen of Rochester, 286.

    Margaret of Angouleme, Duchess of Alencon, Queen of Navarre, 137,
      218, 228-232, 255, 259, 260, 262.

    Margaret of Austria, early life, 2;
      marriage to the Dauphin Charles, 3;
      repudiation by Charles and return to Flanders, 13-15;
      proposed marriage to Prince John of Castile, 17;
      composes her own epitaph, 21;
      arrival in Spain, 24;
      marriage with Prince John, 25;
      death of her husband and child, 27;
      second return to Flanders, 31;
      stands godmother to Charles of Austria, 32;
      betrothal to Philibert II.,
      Duke of Savoy, 34;
      journey to Savoy, 35;
      marriage, 36;
      reception at Bourg, 37-40;
      accident out hunting, 44;
      second widowhood, 45;
      poem, 47;
      her devices, 50;
      plans for building Brou, 51-55;
      negotiations for her marriage with Henry VII., 61-63, 79-84;
      her brother's death, 63;
      letter to Louis XII., 65;
      appointed Regent of the Netherlands, 68;
      residence at Malines, 69;
      makes her will, 86;
      attends the Congress of Cambray, 91-94;
      her correspondence, 109-118;
      meets Charles Brandon at Lille, 117-121;
      letters, 122-129;
      description of her niece Isabella's wedding, 130;
      annoyance at Charles's emancipation, 147;
      memorandum addressed to Charles, 148-152;
      poem on Maximilian's death, 166;
      political activity, 169, 170;
      administration praised, 179;
      journey to Calais, 180;
      reappointment as Regent by Charles, 180;
      appeal to the States-General, 186-188;
      meeting with Wolsey, 189;
      pawns her jewels, 196;
      joy at capture of Francis I., 212, 213;
      annoys Charles by arranging truce, 224-228;
      congratulates Charles on his marriage, 239;
      correspondence with her nephew Ferdinand, 244, 245;
      addresses circular letter to religious houses, 247;
      negotiations for 'the Ladies' Peace,' 251-261;
      enters Cambray, 261;
      peace signed, 262;
      her art collections, 273-280;
      poems, 275-277;
      letters to Mere Ancille, 285, 286;
      last illness and death, 286-289;
      funeral, 290, 291;
      monument at Brou, 297, 298;
      her coffin discovered, 301-303.

    ---- of Bourbon, 45, 46, 49, 52, 53, 294, 296, 301.

    Margaret of York, 3rd wife of Charles the Bold, 2, 14, 32, 35, 69.

    Maria of Aragon, Queen of Portugal, 162.

    Marignano, battle of, 142-144.

    Marnix, secretary, 107, 149, 169, 190, 191, 200.

    Mary of Austria, Queen of Hungary and Bohemia, 64, 69, 131, 132,
     144, 153, 166, 245, 246, 272, 274, 278, 281.

    ---- of Burgundy, 2, 44, 70, 165, 196, 264, 279, 290, 292.

    ---- Tudor, Queen of France, and Duchess of Suffolk, 79-81, 83,
      84, 99, 121, 132, 133, 136-139, 177.

    ---- Tudor, daughter of Henry VIII., Queen of England, 85, 176,
      179, 190, 196, 197, 217, 218, 221.

    Maximilian I., Archduke of Austria, King of the Romans, and Emperor
        Elect of Germany, father of Margaret of Austria, 2;
      betrothed to Anne of Brittany, 6;
      rage at his broken marriage, and return of his daughter, 10, 11;
      urges Margaret to leave Spain, 30;
      tries to arrange her marriage with Henry VII., 62, 63, 66, 79;
      offered the Regency of the Netherlands, 67;
      deputes Margaret as Regent, 68;
      his red book, 68;
      writes to Henry VII., 72;
      letter to the States, 78;
      letters to Margaret, 80, 83, 84;
      interview with Henry VII.'s ambassadors, 81, 82;
      his characteristics, 87;
      writes to Margaret about his grandchildrens' confirmation, 89;
      and arrangements for her visit to Cambray, 90;
      deputes Margaret to represent him at the Congress, 92;
      letter about battle of Agnadel, 96;
      burns his red book, 99;
      fails to meet Louis XII., 100;
      his vacillation and failure of campaign, 101, 102;
      serves in the English army, 107;
      correspondence with his daughter, 109-118;
      attends meeting at Lille, 119;
      description of battle of Marignano, 143;
      letter to Margaret about his granddaughter Eleanor's proposed
        marriage, 144, 145;
      hands over the government of the Netherlands to his grandson
        Charles, 146;
      letter to Charles, 147;
      to Margaret, 156, 161;
      last illness and death, 162-166.

    Maximilian Sforza, Duke of Milan, 105.

    Melanchthon, 284.

    Mercurin de Gattinare, 76, 92, 115, 141, 279.

    Molinet, Jean, 75, 280.

    Montecute, A. de, 287, 300.


    Pavia, battle of, 209.

    Pescara, Marquis of, 208, 210, 213, 219.

    Philibert II., Duke of Savoy, 4, 34, 35, 37, 40-46, 49-52, 294,
      296-299, 301-303.

    Philip, Archduke of Austria, King of Castile, 2, 12, 17, 20, 32,
      35, 42, 56-64, 66-68, 70, 72, 80, 81.

    Pizzighitone, castle of, 213.

    Pleine, Gerard de, 169, 178.

    Praet, de, 199-203, 205, 207, 235, 236.

    Puebla, Doctor, Spanish ambassador, 19, 30, 55, 56, 79, 80.


    Rene, Bastard of Savoy, 35, 36, 40-42.

    Renee of France, 132, 134.

    Robert de la Marck, 169, 189, 263.


    Sauch, Jehan le, 255, 257-259.

    Solyman the Magnificent, 183, 198, 242.

    Susan of Bourbon, 4, 199.


    Treves, Archbishop of, 169.

    Trivulzio, Marshal, 142.


    Van Eyck, John, 277, 278.

    ---- Orley, Bernard, 111, 277, 284, 292.

    Villalar, battle of, 184.


    Weyden, Roger van der, 277, 284.

    Wiltshire, Sir John, 83.

    Wingfield, Edmund, 88, 90, 92, 202.

    ---- Sir Richard, 122, 150.

    Wolsey, Cardinal, 140, 175, 176, 179, 189, 190, 192, 200, 205-207,
      227, 251-253, 257.

    Worms, Diet of, 182, 184, 185.


    Ximenes, Cardinal, 109, 153, 155-158.





End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The First Governess of the
Netherlands, Margaret of Austria, by Eleanor E. Tremayne

*** 