



Produced by Jonathan Ingram, Lesley Halamek and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net






   HOLINSHED'S

   CHRONICLES


   _ENGLAND_, _SCOTLAND_,

   AND

   _IRELAND_.


   IN SIX VOLUMES.


   VOL. I.

   ENGLAND.


   _LONDON:_

   PRINTED FOR J. JOHNSON; F. C. AND J. RIVINGTON; T. PAYNE; WILKIE
   AND ROBINSON; LONGMAN, HURST, REES, AND ORME;
   CADELL AND DAVIES; AND J. MAWMAN.


   1807.


   AMS PRESS INC.
   NEW YORK

   AMS PRESS INC.

   NEW YORK, N.Y. 10003

   1965

   MANUFACTURED in the U.S.A.




   [_Original Title._]

   THE

   FIRST AND SECOND VOLUMES

   OF

   CHRONICLES,

   COMPRISING

   1 =The description and historie of England=,
   2 =The description and historie of Ireland=,
   3 =The description and historie of Scotland=:

   FIRST COLLECTED AND PUBLISHED

   BY

   RAPHAELL HOLINSHED,

   WILLIAM HARRISON, AND OTHERS:

   _Now newlie augmented and continued (with manifold matters of
       singular note and worthie memorie)_

   TO THE YEARE 1586,

   By JOHN HOOKER aliàs VOWELL Gent.

   AND OTHERS.

   WITH CONUENIENT TABLES AT THE END OF THESE VOLUMES.


   HISTORIÆ PLACEANT NOSTRATES AC PEREGRINÆ.




 ADVERTISEMENT.


 THE CHRONICLES of HOLINSHED having become exceedingly scarce, and,
 from their Rarity and Value, having always brought a high Price
 whenever they have appeared for Sale, the Publishers have thought they
 should perform an acceptable Service to the Public by reprinting them
 in a uniform, handsome, and modern Form.

 It cannot now be necessary to state the Importance and interesting
 Nature of this Work. The high Price for which it has always sold, is a
 sufficient Testimony of the Esteem in which it has been held.
 Holinshed's Description of Britain is allowed to contain the most
 curious and authentic Account of the Manners and Customs of our Island
 in the Reign of Henry VIII. and Elizabeth, in which it was written.
 His History of the Transactions of the British Isles, during these
 Periods, possesses all the Force and Value of contemporary Evidence,
 collected by a most skilful Observer; and the peculiar Style and
 Orthography in which the Work is written, furnish a very interesting
 Document to illustrate the History of the English Language.

 The original Edition of the Chronicles of Holinshed, it is well known,
 was published by their Author in a mutilated State. A Number of Pages,
 which had obviously been printed with the rest of the Work, were found
 to be omitted, except in a few Copies obtained by some favoured
 Persons. In the present Edition, these Castrations are faithfully
 restored; and in order that the Purchaser may depend upon finding an
 exact as well as a perfect Copy, it has been a Law with the
 Publishers, not to alter a single Letter, but to print the Work with
 the utmost Fidelity from the best preceding Edition, with the Author's
 own Orthography, and with his marginal Notes. The only Liberty taken,
 has been to use the Types of the present Day, instead of the old
 English Letter of the Time of Elizabeth.

 The Publishers submit to the Public this Edition of a curious and
 valuable Chronicle of our History, with a confident Hope, that it will
 gratify both the Historical Student and the General Reader. If it meet
 with the Reception which they anticipate, they will be encouraged to
 select some others of the rarest and most important of our ancient
 Chronicles, and reprint them, in like Manner, for the Convenience and
 Gratification of the Public.




 TO THE

 RIGHT HONORABLE, AND HIS SINGULAR GOOD LORD AND MAISTER,

 _S. WILLIAM BROOKE KNIGHT_,

     LORD WARDEN OF THE CINQUE PORTS, AND BARON OF COBHAM, ALL
     INCREASE OF THE FEARE AND KNOWLEDGE OF GOD, FIRME OBEDIENCE
     TOWARD HIS PRINCE, INFALLIBLE LOUE TO THE COMMON WEALTH, AND
     COMMENDABLE RENOWME HERE IN THIS WORLD, AND IN THE WORLD TO COME
     LIFE EUERLASTING.


 Hauing had iust occasion, Right Honorable, to remaine in London,
 during the time of Trinitie terme last passed, and being earnestlie
 required of diuers my freends, to set downe some breefe discourse of
 parcell of those things, which I had obserued in the reading of such
 manifold antiquities as I had perused toward the furniture of a
 Chronologie, which I haue yet in hand; I was at the first verie loth
 to yeeld to their desires: first, for that I thought my selfe vnable
 for want of skill and iudgment, so suddenlie & with so hastie speed to
 take such a charge vpon me: secondlie, bicause the dealing therein
 might prooue an hinderance and impechment vnto mine owne Treatise: and
 finallie, for that I had giuen ouer all earnest studie of histories,
 as iudging the time spent about the same, to be an hinderance vnto my
 more necessarie dealings in that vocation & function wherevnto I am
 called in the ministerie. But when they were so importunate with me,
 that no reasonable excuse could serue to put by this trauell, I
 condescended at the length vnto their yrkesome sute, promising that I
 would spend such void time as I had to spare, whilest I should be
 inforced to tarie in the citie, vpon some thing or other that should
 satisfie their request; and stand in lieu of a description of my
 Countrie. For their parts also they assured me of such helps as they
 could purchase: and thus with hope of good, although no gaie successe,
 I went in hand withall, then almost as one leaning altogither vnto
 memorie, sith my books and I were parted by fourtie miles in sunder.
 In this order also I spent a part of Michaelmas and Hilarie termes
 insuing, being inforced thereto I say by other businesses which
 compelled me to keepe in the citie, and absent my selfe from my
 charge, though in the meane season I had some repaire vnto my poore
 librarie, but not so great as the dignitie of the matter required, and
 yet far greater than the Printers hast would suffer. One helpe, and
 none of the smallest that I obtained herein, was by such commentaries
 as _Leland_ had somtime collected of the state of Britaine, books
 vtterlie mangled, defaced with wet and weather, and finallie vnperfect
 through want of sundrie volumes: secondlie, I gat some knowledge of
 things by letters and pamphlets, from sundrie places & shires of
 England, but so discordant now and then amongst themselues,
 especiallie in the names and courses of riuers and situation of
 townes, that I had oft greater trouble to reconcile them one with an
 other, than orderlie to pen the whole discourse of such points as they
 contained: the third aid did grow by conference with diuers, either at
 the table or secretlie alone, wherein I marked in what things the
 talkers did agree, and wherin they impugned ech other, choosing in the
 end the former, and reiecting the later, as one desirous to set foorth
 the truth absolutelie, or such things in deed as were most likelie to
 be true. The last comfort arose by mine owne reading of such writers
 as haue heretofore made mention of the condition of our countrie, in
 speaking wherof, if I should make account of the successe, &
 extraordinarie c[=o]ming by sundrie treatises not supposed to be
 extant, I should but seeme to pronounce more than may well be said
 with modestie, & say farder of my selfe than this Treatise can beare
 witnes of. Howbeit, I refer not this successe wholie vnto my purpose
 about this Description, but rather giue notice thereof to come to
 passe in the penning of my Chronologie, whose crums as it were fell
 out verie well in the framing of this Pamphlet. In the processe
 therefore of this Booke, if your Honor regard the substance of that
 which is here declared, I must needs confesse that it is none of mine
 owne: but if your Lordship haue consideration of the barbarous
 composition shewed herein, that I may boldlie claime and challenge for
 mine owne, sith there is no man of any so slender skill, that will
 defraud me of that reproch, which is due vnto me for the meere
 negligence, disorder, and euill disposition of matter comprehended in
 the same. Certes I protest before God and your Honour, that I neuer
 made any choise of stile, or words, neither regarded to handle this
 Treatise in such precise order and method as manie other would haue
 done, thinking it sufficient, truelie and plainelie to set foorth such
 things as I minded to intreat of, rather than with vaine affectation
 of eloquence to paint out a rotten sepulchre; a thing neither
 commendable in a writer, nor profitable to the reader. How other
 affaires troubled me in the writing hereof manie know, and
 peraduenture the slacknesse shewed herein can better testifie: but
 howsoeuer it be done, & whatsoeuer I haue done, I haue had an
 especiall eye vnto the truth of things, and for the rest, I hope that
 this foule frizeled Treatise of mine will prooue a spur to others
 better learned, more skilfull in Chorographie, and of greater
 iudgement in choise of matter to handle the selfe same argument, if in
 my life time I doo not peruse it againe. It is possible also that your
 Honour will mislike hereof, for that I haue not by mine owne trauell
 and eysight viewed such things as I doo here intreat of. In deed I
 must needs confesse, that vntill now of late, except it were from the
 parish where I dwell, vnto your Honour in Kent; or out of London where
 I was borne, vnto Oxford & Cambridge where I haue bene brought vp, I
 neuer trauelled 40. miles foorthright and at one iourney in all my
 life; neuerthelesse in my report of these things, I vse their
 authorities, who either haue performed in their persons, or left in
 writing vpon sufficient ground (as I said before) whatsoeuer is
 wanting in mine. It may be in like sort that your Honour will take
 offense at my rash and retchlesse behauiour vsed in the composition of
 this volume, and much more that being scambled vp after this maner, I
 dare presume to make tendour of the protection therof vnto your
 Lordships hands. But when I consider the singular affection that your
 Honour dooth beare to those that in any wise will trauell to set
 foorth such profitable things as lie hidden, and therevnto doo weigh
 on mine owne behalfe my bounden dutie and gratefull mind to such a one
 as hath so manie and sundrie waies benefited me that otherwise can
 make no recompense, I can not but cut off all such occasion of doubt,
 and therevpon exhibit it, such as it is, and so penned as it is, vnto
 your Lordships tuition, vnto whome if it may seeme in anie wise
 acceptable, I haue my whole desire. And as I am the first that
 (notwithstanding the great repugnancie to be seene among our writers)
 hath taken vpon him so particularlie to describe this Ile of Britaine;
 so I hope the learned and godlie will beare withall, & reforme with
 charitie where I doo tread amisse. As for the curious, and such as can
 rather euill fauouredlie espie than skilfullie correct an error, and
 sooner carpe at another mans dooings than publish any thing of their
 owne, (keeping themselues close with an obscure admiration of learning
 & knowledge among the common sort) I force not what they saie hereof:
 for whether it doo please or displease them, all is one to me, sith I
 referre my whole trauell in the gratification of your Honour, and such
 as are of experience to consider of my trauell, and the large scope of
 things purposed in this Treatise, of whome my seruice in this behalfe
 may be taken in good part, that I will repute for my full recompense,
 and large guerdon of my labours. The Almightie God preserue your
 Lordship in continuall health, wealth, and prosperitie, with my good
 Ladie your wife, your Honours children, (whom God hath indued with a
 singular towardnesse vnto all vertue and learning) and the rest of
 your reformed familie, vnto whom I wish farder increase of his holie
 spirit, vnderstanding of his word, augmentation of honor, and
 continuance of zeale to follow his commandements.

   _Your Lordships humble seruant
   and houshold Chaplein._

   W. H.




 ¶ THE NAMES OF THE AUTHORS

 FROM WHOME THIS

 _HISTORIE OF ENGLAND_

 IS COLLECTED.


   A.

   Aelius Spartianus.

   Aelius Lampridius.

   Asserius Meneuensis.

   Alfridus Beuerlacensis.

   Aeneas Syluius Senensis.

   Auentinus.

   Adam Merimouth with additions.

   Antoninus Archiepiscopus Florentinus.

   Albertus Crantz.

   Alexander Neuill.

   Arnoldus Ferronius.

   Annius Viterbiensis.

   Amianus Marcellinus.

   Alliances genealogiques des Roys & Princes de France.

   Annales D. Aquitaine per Iean Bouchet.

   Annales de Bourgoigne per Guilamme Paradin.

   Annales de France per Nicol Giles.

   Annales rerum Flandricarum per Jacobum Meir.

   Antonius Sabellicus.

   Antonius Nebricensis.

   Aurea Historia.


   B.

   Biblia Sacra.

   Beda venerabilis.

   Berosus.

   Brian Tuke knight.

   Blondus Forliuiensis.

   Berdmondsey, a Register booke belonging to that house.


   C.

   Cæsars Commentaries.

   Cornelius Tacitus.

   Chronica Chronicorum.

   Chronica de Dunstable, a booke of Annales belonging to the Abbey
       there.

   Chronicon Io. Tilij.

   Chronica de Eyton, an historie belonging to that colledge, although
       compiled by some Northernman, as some suppose named Otherborne.

   Chronicles of S. Albon.

   Chronica de Abingdon, a booke of Annales belonging to that house.

   Chronica de Teukesburie.

   Claudianus.

   Chronicon Genebrard.

   Chroniques de Normandie.

   Chroniques de Britaine.

   Chroniques de Flanders published by Denis Sauage.

   Continuation de Historie and Chroniques de Flanders by the same
       Sauage.

   Couper.

   Cuspinianus.

   Chronica Sancti Albani.

   Caxtons Chronicles.

   Carion with additions.

   Crockesden, a Register booke belonging to an house of that name in
       Staffordshire.


   D.

   Diodorus Siculus.

   Dion Cassius.

   Dominicus Marius Niger.


   E.

   Edmerus.

   Eusebius.

   Eutropius.

   Encomium Emmæ, an old Pamphlet written to hir, conteining much good
       matter for the vnderstanding of the state of this realme in hir
       time, wherein hir praise is not pretermitted, and so hath
       obteined by reason thereof that title.

   Enguerant de Monstrellet.

   Eulogium.

   Edmund Campian.


   F.

   Fabian.

   Froissart.

   Franciscus Tarapha.

   Franciscus Petrarcha.

   Flauius Vopiscus Siracusanus.

   Floriacensis Vigorinensis.


   G.

   Gviciardini Francisco.

   Guiciardini Ludouico.

   Gildas Sapiens.

   Galfridus Monemutensis, aliàs Geffrey of Monmouth.

   Giraldus Cambrensis.

   Guilielmus Malmesburiensis.

   Galfridus Vinsauf.

   Guilielmus Nouoburgensis.

   Guilielmus Thorne.

   Gualterus Hemmingford, aliàs Gisburnensis.

   Geruasius Dorobernensis.

   Geruasius Tilberiensis.

   Guilielmus Gemeticensis de ducibus Normaniæ.

   Guilielmus Rishanger.

   Guilielmus Lambert.

   Georgius Lillie.

   Guilamme Paradin.


   H.

   Higinus.

   Henricus Huntingtonensis.

   Henricus Leicestrensis.

   Hector Boece.

   Historie Daniou.

   Historia Ecclesiastica Magdeburgensis.

   Henricus Mutius.

   Historia quadripartita seu quadrilogium.

   Hardings Chronicle.

   Halles Chronicle.

   Henricus Bradshaw.

   Henricus Marleburgensis.

   Herodianus.

   Humfrey Luyd.


   I.

   Iohannes Bale.

   Iohannes Leland.

   Iacobus Philippus Bergomas.

   Iulius Capitolinus.

   Iulius Solinus.

   Iohannes Pike with additions.

   Iohannes Functius.

   Iohn Price knight.

   Iohannes Textor.

   Iohannes Bodinus.

   Iohannes Sleidan.

   Iohannes Euersden a Monke of Berry.

   Iohannes or rather Giouan villani a Florentine.

   Iohannes Baptista Egnatius.

   Iohannes Capgraue.

   Iohannes Fourden.

   Iohannes Caius.

   Iacob de Voragine Bishop of Nebio.

   Iean de Bauge a Frenchman wrote a pamphlet of the warres in
       Scotland, during the time that Monsieur de Desse remained
       there.

   Iohn Fox.

   Iohannes Maior.

   Iohn Stow, by whose diligent collected summarie, I haue beene not
       onelie aided, but also by diuers rare monuments, ancient
       writers, and necessarie register bookes of his, which he hath
       lent me out of his own Librarie.

   Iosephus.


   L.

   Liber constitutionum London.

   Lucan.

   Lælius Giraldus.


   M.

   Marianus Scotus.

   Matthæus Paris.

   Matthaeus Westmonaster.    aliàs Flores historiarum.

   Martin du Bellay, aliàs Mons. de Langey.

   Mamertinus in Panegyricis.

   Memoires de la Marche.


   N.

   Nicephorus.

   Nennius.

   Nicholaus Treuet with additions.


   O.

   Orosius Dorobernensis.

   Osbernus Dorobernensis.

   Otho Phrisingensis.


   P.

   Pausanias.

   Paulus Diaconus.

   Paulus Aemilius.

   Ponticus Virunius.

   Pomponius Lætus.

   Philip de Cumeins, aliàs M. de Argenton.

   Polydor Virgil.

   Paulus Iouius.

   Platina.

   Philippus Melancthon.

   Peucerus.

   Pomponius Mela.


   R.

   Rogerus Houeden.

   Ranulfus Higeden, aliàs Cestrensis the author of Polychronicon.

   Radulfus Cogheshall.

   Radulfus Niger.

   Register of the Garter.

   Records of Battell Abbey.

   Richardus Southwell.

   Robert Greene.

   Radulfus de Diceto.

   Robert Gaguin.

   Rodericus Archiepiscopus Toletanus.

   Records and rolles diuerse.


   S.

   Strabo.

   Suetonius.

   Sigebertus Gemblacensis.

   Sidon Appollinaris.

   Simon Dunelmensis.

   Sextus Aurelius Victor.


   T.

   Trebellius Pollio.

   Thomas More knight.

   Thomas Spot.

   Thomas Walsingham.

   Titus Liuius de Foroliuisijs de vita Henrici. 5.

   Titus Liuius Patauiensis.

   Thomas Lanquet.

   Thomas Couper.

   Taxtor a Monke of Berry.

   Theuet.

   Thomas de la More.

   Tripartita Historia.


   V.

   Vvlcatius Gallicanus.

   Volfgangus Lazius.


   W.

   Whethamsted, a learned man, sometime Abbat of Saint Albons a
       Chronicler.

   William Harrison.

   William Patten of the expedition into Scotland. 1574.

   William Proctor of Wiats rebellion.

 Besides these, diuers other bookes and treatises of historicall matter
 I haue seene and perused, the names of the authors being vtterlie
 vnknowne.




 REGVM ANGLIÆ

 SERIES & CATALOGUS.


 [Sidenote: Wil. Conqu.]
 [Sidenote: Wil. Rufus.]
 [Sidenote: Henricus 1.]
 [Sidenote: Stephanus.]
 [Sidenote: Henricus 2.]
 [Sidenote: Richardus 1.]
 [Sidenote: Ioannes.]
 [Sidenote: Henricus 3.]
 [Sidenote: Eduardus 1.]
 [Sidenote: Eduardus 2.]
 [Sidenote: Eduardus 3.]
 [Sidenote: Richardus 2.]
 [Sidenote: Henricus 4.]
 [Sidenote: Henricus 5.]
 [Sidenote: Henricus 6.]
 [Sidenote: Eduardus 4.]
 [Sidenote: Eduardus 5.]
 [Sidenote: Richardus 3.]
 [Sidenote: Henricus 7.]
 [Sidenote: Henricus 8.]
 [Sidenote: Eduardus 6.]
 [Sidenote: Phil. & Mar.]
 [Sidenote: Elisabeth.]

   Conquestor, Rufus, prior Henricus, Stephanúsque,
   Alter & Henricus, Leonino corde Richardus,
   Rex & Ioannes, Henricus tertius inde:
   Eduardus primus, Gnatúsque, Nepósque sequuntur:
   His inf[oe]licem Richardum iunge secundum:
   Henricus quartus soboles Gandaui Ioannis,
   Præcedit Gnato quinto, sextóque Nepoti:
   Eduardus quartus, quintus, homicida Richardus,
   Septimi & Henricus octauus clara propago:
   Eduardus sextus, regina Maria, Philippus:
   Elisabeth longos regnet victura per annos,
   Seráque promisso f[oe]lix potiatur olympo.


 CARMEN CHRONOLOGICON

 THOMÆ NEWTONI CESTRESHYRIJ.

 [Sidenote: Loydus.]
 [Sidenote: Lelandus.]
 [Sidenote: Prisius.]
 [Sidenote: Stous.]
 [Sidenote: Holinshedius.]
 [Sidenote: Lambardus.]
 [Sidenote: Morus.]
 [Sidenote: Camdenus.]
 [Sidenote: Thinnius.]
 [Sidenote: Hallus.]
 [Sidenote: Vocalis aliàs Hookerus.]
 [Sidenote: Graftonus.]
 [Sidenote: Foxius.]
 [Sidenote: Harrisonus.]
 [Sidenote: Hardingus.]
 [Sidenote: Gildas.]
 [Sidenote: Staniherstus.]
 [Sidenote: Beda.]
 [Sidenote: Neuillus.]
 [Sidenote: Flemingus.]
 [Sidenote: Parkerus.]

   Gramine, fluminibus, grege, principe, fruge, metallis,
     Lacte, feris, armis, vrbibus, arte, foris,
   Quæ viget ac floret generosa Britannia, quæque,
     Obruta puluereo squalluit ante situ:
   Exerit ecce caput, genuinum nacta nitorem,
     Et rutilum emittit cum grauitate iubar.
   Et quod blæsa hominum mutilarat tempore lingua,
     Illud habet rectum pumice tersa nouo.
   Loydus in hac pridem gnauus prolusit arena,
     Lelandus, Prisius, Stous, Holinshedius,
   Lambardus, Morus, Camdenus, Thinnius, Hallus,
     Vocalis, Grafton, Foxius, Harrisonus,
   Hardingus, Gildas, Staniherstus, Beda, Neuillus,
     Doctáque Flemingi lima poliuit opus:
   Nec te cane senex, magne ô Parkere, silebo,
     Cui decus attulerat pontificalis apex.
   Omnibus his meritò est laus debita & optima merces,
     Quòd patriæ accendant lumina clara suæ.
   Longa dies opus hoc peperit, longæua senectus,
     Et libri authores perbeet, atque librum.




   AN

   HISTORICALL DESCRIPTION

   OF

   THE ILAND OF BRITAINE;

   WITH A BRIEFE REHERSALL OF

   THE NATURE AND QUALITIES OF THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND,

   AND

   SUCH COMMODITIES AS ARE TO BE FOUND IN THE SAME.

   _COMPREHENDED IN THREE BOOKES, AND WRITTEN BY W. H._




 A TABLE OF SUCH CHAPITERS AS ARE CONTEINED IN THE FIRST BOOKE OF THIS
 DESCRIPTION.


    1 _Of the diuision of the whole earth._
    2 _Of the position, circuit, forme, and quantitie of the Ile of
        Britaine._
    3 _Of the ancient denominations of this Iland._
    4 _What sundrie nations haue dwelled in Albion._
    5 _Whether it be likelie that anie giants were, and whether they
        inhabited in this Ile or not._
    6 _Of the languages spoken in this Iland._
    7 _Into how manie kingdoms this Iland hath beene diuided._
    8 _The names of such kings and princes as haue reigned in this
        Iland._
    9 _Of the ancient religion vsed in Albion._
   10 _Of such Ilands as are to be seene vpon the coasts of Britaine._
   11 _Of riuers, and first of the Thames, and such riuers as fall into
        it._
   12 _Of such streames as fall into the sea, betweene the Thames and
        the mouth of Sauerne._
   13 _The description of the Sauerne, and such waters as discharge
        themselues into the same._
   14 _Of such waters as fall into the sea in compasse of the Iland,
        betweene the Sauerne and the Humber._
   15 _The description of the Humber or Isis, and such water-courses as
        doo increase hir chanell._
   16 _Of such fals of waters as ioine with the sea, betweene Humber
        and the Thames._
   17 _Of such ports and creeks as our sea-faring men doo note for
        their benefit vpon the coasts of England._
   18 _Of the aire, soile, and commodities of this Iland._
   19 _Of the foure high waies sometime made in Britaine by the princes
        of this Iland._
   20 _Of the generall constitution of the bodies of the Britons._
   21 _How Britaine at the first grew to be diuided into three
        portions._
   22 _After what maner the souereigntie of this Ile dooth remaine to
        the princes of Lhoegres or kings of England._
   23 _Of the wall sometime builded for a partition betweene England
        and the Picts and Scots._
   24 _Of the maruels of England._




 OF THE DIUISION OF THE WHOLE EARTH.

 CHAPTER I.


 [Sidenote: Noah first diuided the earth among his sonnes.]
 We read that the earth hath beene diuided into thrée parts, euen
 sithens the generall floud. And the common opinion is, that Noah
 limited and bestowed it vpon his three sons, Japhet, Cham, and Sem,
 preserued with him in the Arke, giuing vnto each of them such portions
 thereof as to him séemed good, and neuerthelesse reteining the
 souereigntie of the whole still vnto himselfe: albeit as yet it be
 left vncertaine how those seuerall parts were bounded, and from whome
 they tooke such names as in our times are attributed to each of them.
 Certes the words, Asia, Europa, and Africa, are denominations giuen
 but of late (to speake of) vnto them, and it is to be doubted, whether
 sithens the time of Noah, the sea hath in sundrie places wonne or
 lost, added or diminished to and from each of them; or whether Europa,
 and Lybia were but one portion; and the same westerlie regions of late
 discouered (and now called America,) was the third part (counting Asia
 for the second) or the selfe region of the Atlantides, which Plato and
 others, for want of traffike thither in their times, supposed to be
 dissolued and sunke into the sea: as by their writings appeereth.

 [Sidenote: The diuision of the earth not yet certeinlie knowne.]
 Not long before my time, we reckoned Asia, Europa, and Africa, for a
 full and perfect diuision of the whole earth, which are parcels onelie
 of that huge Iland that lieth east of the Atlantike sea, and whereof
 the first is diuided from the second by Tanais (which riseth in the
 rocks of Caucasus, and hideth it selfe in the Meotine moores) and the
 Ocean sea; and the last from them both by the Mediterrane and red sea,
 otherwise called Mare Erythræum. But now all men, especially the
 learned, begin to doubt of the soundnes of that partition; bicause a
 no lesse part than the greatest of the thrée ioined with those Ilands
 and maine which lie vnder the north and Southpoles, if not double in
 quantitie vnto the same, are found out and discouered by the diligence
 of our trauellers. Hereby it appeereth, that either the earth was not
 exactlie diuided in time past by antiquitie; or els, that the true
 diuision thereof came not to the hands and notice of their posteritie,
 so that our ancestors haue hitherto as it were laboured in the
 Cimmerian darkenesse, and were vtterlie ignorant of the truth of that
 whereabout they indeuoured to shew their trauels and knowledge in
 their writings. Some peece of this confusion also is to be found
 amongst the ancient and Romane writers, who (notwithstanding their
 large conquests) did sticke in the same mire with their successors,
 not being able (as appeereth by their treatises) to deliuer and set
 [Sidenote: Variance among the writers
 about the diuision of the earth.]
 downe the veritie. For Salust in his booke De bello Iugurthino cannot
 tell whether Africa be parcell of Asia or not. And with the same
 scruple Varro in his booke De lingua Lat. is not a litle incumbred,
 who in the end concludeth, that the whole earth is diuided into Asia
 and Europa: so that Africa is excluded and driuen out of his place.
 Silius also writeth of Africa, (as one not yet resolued wherevnto to
 leane,) that it is;

   Aut ingens Asiæ latus, aut pars tertia rerum.

 Wherein Lucane lib. 9. sheweth himselfe to be far of another
 iudgement, in that he ascribeth it to Europa, saieng after this maner:

   Tertia pars rerum Lybia: si credere famæ
   Cuncta velis, si ventos c[oe]lúmque sequaris,
   Pars erit Europæ, nec enim plus littora Nili
   Quàm Scythicus Tanais primis à gradibus absunt.

 Whereby (I saie) we may well vnderstand, that in the time of Augustus
 Tiberius, Claudius & Nero, the Romanes were not yet resolued of the
 diuision of the earth. For my part, as I indeuour not to remooue the
 credit of that which antiquitie hath deliuered (and yet loth to
 continue and maintaine any corruption that may be redressed) so I
 [Sidenote: The earth diuided into fiue parts, whereas _Belforest_
 hath but foure, in _Prefat. lib._ 4.]
 thinke good to giue foorth a new diuision more probable, & better
 agreeing with a truth. And therefore I diuide the whole into fiue
 seuerall parcels, reteining the common diuision in the first three, as
 before; and vnto the fourth allowing not onelie all that portion that
 lieth by north of the Magellan streicts, and those Hyperborean Ilands
 which lie west of the line of longitude, of late discouered by
 Frobisher, and called by hir Maiestie Meta incognita: but likewise so
 manie Ilands as are within 180. degrees Westwards from our beginning
 or common line of longitude, whereby they are parted from those, which
 by this diuision are allotted vnto Asia, and the portion it selfe made
 equipollent with the same for greatnes, and far excéeding either
 Europa or Africa, if it be not fullie so much in quantitie as they
 both vnited and laid togither. The fift & last part is the Antartike
 portion with hir Ilands annexed, that region (I meane) which lieth
 vnder the South pole, cut off from America, or the fourth part by the
 Magellan streicts; & from Africa by the sea which passeth by the Cape
 [Sidenote: Cape di bona Speranza.]
 of good hope; a countrie no lesse large for limits and bounds than
 Africa or America, and therefore right worthie to be called the fift:
 howsoeuer it shall please the curious to mislike of this diuision.
 This also I will adde, that albeit the continent hereof doo not extend
 [Sidenote: The forme of the fift part.]
 it selfe vnto the verie Antartike point, but lieth as it were a long
 table betwéene two seas, of which the later is vnder the South poole,
 and as I may call it a maine sea vnder the aforesaid pricke, yet is it
 not without sundrie Ilands also adjoining vnto it, and the inner most
 sea not destitute of manie, as by experience hath béene of late
 confirmed. Furthermore, whereas our describers of the earth haue made
 it such in their descriptions, as hath reached litle or nothing into
 the peaceable sea without the Antartike circle: it is now found by
 Theuet and others, that it extendeth it selfe northwards into that
 trace, by no small number of leagues, euen in maner to the Equator, in
 so much that the westerlie part thereof from America, is supposed to
 reach northward so far from the Antartike article, as Africa dooth
 southwards from the tropike of Cancer, which is no small portion of
 ground; & I maruell why not obserued by such as heretofore haue
 written of the same. But they excuse themselues by the ingratitude of
 the Portingals and Spaniards, who haue of purpose concealed manie
 things found out in their trauell, least they should séeme to open a
 gap by dooing otherwise, for strangers to enter into their conquests.
 As for those Ilands also which lie in the peaceable sea, scattered
 here and there, as Iaua the greater, the lesser Sumatra, Iapan,
 Burneo, &c: with a number of other, I refer them still unto Asia, as
 before, so as they be without the compasse of 90. degrees eastward
 from the line of longitude, & not aboue 180. as I doo the Ile of S.
 Laurence, and a number of other vnto Africa within the said
 proportion, wishing so little alteration as I may: and yet not
 yeelding vnto any confusion, whereby the truth of the diuision should
 hereafter be impeached.

 And whereas by Virgil (speaking of our Iland) saith;

   Et penitùs toto diuisos orbe Britannos,

 [Sidenote: Unto what portion Britaine is referred.]
 And some other authors not vnworthie to be read and perused, it is not
 certeine vnto which portion of the earth our Ilands, and Thule, with
 sundrie the like scattered in the north seas should be ascribed,
 bicause they excluded them (as you sée) from the rest of the whole
 earth: I have thought good, for facilitie sake of diuision, to refer
 them all which lie within the first minute of longitude, set downe by
 Ptolome, to Europa, and that as reason requireth: so that the
 aforesaid line shall henceforth be their Meta & partition from such as
 are to be ascribed to America; albeit they come verie neere vnto the
 aforesaid portion, & may otherwise (without prejudice) be numbred with
 the same. It may be that some will thinke this my dealing either to be
 superfluous, or to procéed from (I wot not what) foolish curiositie:
 for the world is now growne to be very apt and readie to iudge the
 hardest of euerie attempt. But forsomuch as my purpose is to leaue a
 plaine report of such matter as I doo write of, and deliuer such
 things as I intreat of in distinct and vpright order; though method
 now and then doo faile, I will go forward with my indeuour, referring
 the examination of my dooings to the indifferent and learned eare,
 without regard what the other doo conceiue and imagine of me. In the
 meane season therefore it shall suffice to say at this time, that
 Albion as the mother, and the rest of the Ilands as hir daughters,
 lieng east of the line of longitude, be still ascribed vnto Europa:
 wherevnto some good authours heretofore in their writings, & their
 owne proper or naturall situations also haue not amisse referred them.




 OF THE POSITION, CIRCUIT, FORME, AND QUANTITIE OF THE ILE OF BRITAINE.

 CAP. II.


 [Sidenote: How Britaine lieth from the maine.]
 Britannia or Britain, as we now terme it in our English toong, or
 Brutania as some pronounce it (by reason of the letter y in the first
 syllable of the word, as antiquitie did sometime deliuer it) is an Ile
 lieng in the Ocean sea, directlie ouer against that part of France
 which conteineth Picardie, Normandie, and thereto the greatest part of
 little Britaine, which later region was called in time past Armorica,
 of the situation thereof vpon the sea coast, vntill such time as a
 companie of Britons (either led ouer by some of the Romane Emperours,
 or flieng thither from the tyrannie of such as oppressed them here in
 this Iland) did setle themselues there, and called it Britaine, after
 the name of their owne countrie, from whence they aduentured thither.
 It hath Ireland vpon the west side, on the north the maine sea, euen
 to Thule and the Hyperboreans; and on the east side also the Germane
 Ocean, by which we passe dailie through the trade of merchandize, not
 onlie into the low countries of Belgie, now miserablie afflicted
 betwéene the Spanish power and popish inquisition (as spice betweene
 the morter and the pestell) but also into Germanie, Friezeland,
 Denmarke, and Norwaie, carrieng from hence thither, and bringing from
 thence hither, all such necessarie commodities as the seuerall
 countries doo yeeld: through which meanes, and besides common amitie
 conserued, traffike is mainteined, and the necessitie of each partie
 abundantlie reléeued.

 [Sidenote: The longitude and latitude of this Ile.]
 It conteineth in longitude taken by the middest of the region 19.
 degrees exactlie: and in latitude 53. degrées, and thirtie min. after
 the opinions of those that haue diligentlie obserued the same in our
 daies, and the faithfull report of such writers as haue left notice
 thereof vnto vs, in their learned treatises to be perpetuallie
 remembred. Howbeit, whereas some in setting downe of these two lines,
 haue seemed to varie about the placing of the same, each of them
 diuerslie remembring the names of sundrie cities and townes, whereby
 they affirme them to haue their seuerall courses: for my part I haue
 thought good to procéed somewhat after another sort; that is, by
 diuiding the latest and best chards each way into two equall parts (so
 neere as I can possiblie bring the same to passe) wherby for the
 [Sidenote: Longest day.]
 middle of latitude, I product Caerlile and Newcastell vpon Tine,
 (whose longest day consisteth of sixteene houres, 48. minuts) and for
 the longitude, Newberie, Warwike, Sheffield, Skipton, &c: which
 dealing, in mine opinion, is most easie and indifferent, and likeliest
 meane to come by the certeine standing and situation of our Iland.

 [Sidenote: The compasse of Britaine.]
 Touching the length and bredth of the same, I find some variance
 amongst writers: for after some, there are from the Piere or point of
 Douer, vnto the farthest part of Cornewall westwards 320. miles: from
 thence againe to the point of Cathnesse by the Irish sea 800. Wherby
 Polydore and other doo gather, that the circuit of the whole Iland of
 Britaine is 1720. miles, which is full 280. lesse than Cæsar dooth set
 downe, except there be some difference betwéene the Romane and British
 miles, as there is indeed; wherof hereafter I may make some farther
 conference.

 Martianus writing of the bredth of Britaine, hath onlie 300. miles,
 but Orosius hath 1200. in the whole compasse. Ethicus also agreeing
 with Plinie, Martianus, and Solinus, hath 800. miles of length, but in
 the breadth he commeth short of their account by 120. miles. In like
 maner Dion in Seuero maketh the one of 891. miles: but the other; to
 wit, where it is broadest, of 289. and where it is narrowest, of 37.
 Finally, Diodorus Siculus affirmeth the south coast to conteine 7000.
 furlongs, the second; to wit, à Carione ad Promontorium 15000. the
 third 20000. and the whole circuit to consist of 42000. But in our
 time we reckon the breadth from Douer to Cornewall, not to be aboue
 300. miles, and the length from Douer to Cathnesse, no more than 500.
 which neuerthelesse must be measured by a right line, for otherwise I
 see not how the said diuision can hold.

 [Sidenote: The forme.]
 The forme and fashion of this Ile is thrée-cornered, as some have
 deuised, like vnto a triangle, bastard sword, wedge, or partesant,
 being broadest in the south part, and gathering still narrower and
 narrower, till it come to the farthest point of Cathnesse northward,
 where it is narrowest of all, & there endeth in maner of a promontorie
 called Caledonium & Orchas in British Morwerydh, which is not aboue
 30. miles ouer, as dailie experience by actuall trauell dooth
 confirme.

 [Sidenote: Promontories of Britaine.]
 The old writers giue vnto the thrée principall corners, crags, points,
 and promontories of this Iland, thrée seuerall names. As vnto that of
 Kent, Cantium, that of Cornewall, Hellenes, and of Scotland,
 Caledonium, and Orchas; and these are called principall, in respect of
 the other, which are Taruisium, Nonantum, Epidium, Gangacum,
 Octapites, Herculeum, Antiuesteum, Ocrinum, Berubium, Taizalum,
 Acantium, &c: of which I thought good also to leaue this notice, to
 the end that such as shall come after, may thereby take occasion to
 seeke out their true places, wherof as yet I am in maner ignorant, I
 meane for the most part; bicause I haue no sound author that dooth
 leade mée to their knowledge.

 [Sidenote: The distance from the maine.]
 Furthermore, the shortest and most vsuall cut that we haue out of our
 Iland to the maine, is from Douer (the farthest part of Kent eastward)
 unto Calice a towne in Picardie 1300. miles from Rome, in old time
 called Petressa and Scalas, though some like better of blacknesse
 where the breadth of the sea is not aboue thirtie miles. Which course,
 as it is now frequented and vsed for the most common and safe passage
 of such as come into our countrie out of France and diuers other
 realms, so it hath not beene vnknowne of old time vnto the Romans, who
 for the most part vsed these two hauens for their passage and
 repassage to and fro; although we finde, that now and then diuerse of
 them came also from Bullen, and landed at Sandwich, or some other
 places of the coast more toward the west, or betweene Hide and Lid; to
 wit, Romneie marsh, (which in old time was called Romania or Romanorum
 insula) as to auoid the force of the wind & weather, that often
 molesteth seafaringmen in these narrowe seas, best liked them for
 their safegards. Betweene the part of Holland also, which lieth néere
 the mouth of the Rhene and this our Iland, are 900. furlongs, as
 Sosimus saith; and besides him, diuers other writers, which being
 conuerted into English miles, doo yeeld 112. and foure od furlongs,
 whereby the iust distance of the neerest part of Britaine, from that
 part of the maine also, dooth certeinlie appéere to be much lesse than
 the common maps of our countrie haue hitherto set downe.




 OF THE ANCIENT NAMES OR DENOMINATIONS OF THIS ILAND.

 CAP. III.


 [Sidenote: Dis, Samothes.]
 In the diligent perusall of their treatises, who haue written of the
 state of this our Iland, I find that at the first it séemed to be a
 parcell of the Celtike kingdome, whereof Dis otherwise called
 Samothes, one of the sonnes of Japhet was the Saturne or originall
 beginner, and of him thencefoorth for a long while called Samothea.
 Afterward in processe of time, when desire of rule began to take hold
 in the minds of men, and ech prince endeuoured to enlarge his owne
 [Sidenote: Neptunus Marioticus.]
 dominions: Albion the sonne of Neptune, Amphitrite surnamed Marioticus
 (bicause his dominions laie among the ilands of the Mediterran sea, as
 those of Plutus did on the lower grounds neere vnto shore, as
 contrariwise his father Jupiter dwelled on the high hils néerer to
 heauen) hearing of the commodities of the countrie, and plentifulnesse
 [Sidenote: The first conquest of Britaine.]
 of soile here, made a voiage ouer, and finding the thing not onelie
 correspondent vnto, but also farre surmounting the report that went of
 this Iland, it was not long after yer he inuaded the same by force of
 armes, brought it to his subiection in the 29. yeare after his
 grandfathers decease, and finallie changed the name thereof into
 Albion, whereby the former denomination after Samothes did grow out of
 mind, and fall into vtter forgetfulnesse. And thus was this Iland
 bereft at on time both of hir ancient name, and also of hir lawfull
 succession of princes descended of the line of Japhet, vnder whom it
 [Sidenote: Britaine under the Celts 341. yeares.]
 had continued by the space of 341. yeres and nine princes, as by the
 Chronologie following shall easilie appeere.

 Goropius our neighbor being verie nice in the denomination of our
 Iland, as in most other points of his huge volume of the originall of
 Antwarpe lib. 6. (whom Buchanan also followeth in part) is brought
 into great doubt, whether Britaine was called Albion of the word Alb,
 white; or Alp an hill; as Bodinus is no lesse troubled with fetching
 the same ab Oibijs, or as he wresteth it, ab Albijs gallis. But here
 his inconstancie appeareth, in that in his Gotthadamca liber. 7. he
 taketh no lesse paines to bring the Britaines out of Denmarke, whereby
 the name of the Iland should be called Vridania, Freedania, Brithania,
 or Bridania, tanquam libera Dania, as another also dooth to fetch the
 originall out of Spaine, where Breta signifieth soile or earth. But as
 such as walke in darkenesse doo often straie, bicause they wot not
 whither they go: euen so doo these men, whilest they séeke to
 extenuate the certeintie of our histories, and bring vs altogither to
 uncerteinties & their coniectures. They in like maner, which will haue
 the Welshmen come from the French with this one question, vnde Walli
 nisi a Gallis, or from some Spanish colonie, doo greatlie bewraie
 their oversights; but most of all they erre that endeuour to fetch it
 from Albine the imagined daughter of a forged Dioclesian, wherewith
 our ignorant writers haue of late not a little stained our historie,
 and brought the sound part thereof into some discredit and mistrust:
 but more of this hereafter.

 [Sidenote: Neptune God of the sea.]
 Now to speake somewhat also of Neptune as by the waie (sith I haue
 made mention of him in this place) it shall not be altogither
 impertinent. Wherfore you shall vnderstand, that for his excellent
 knowledge in the art of nauigation (as nauigation then went) he was
 reputed the most skilfull prince that liued in his time. And therfore,
 and likewise for his courage & boldnesse in aduenturing to and fro, he
 was after his decease honoured as a god, and the protection of such as
 [Sidenote: The maner of dressing of ships in old time.]
 trauelled by sea committed to his charge. So rude also was the making
 of ships wherewith to saile in his time (which were for the most part
 flat bottomed and broad) that for lacke of better experience to calke
 and trim the same after they were builded, they vsed to naile them
 ouer with rawe hides of bulles, buffles, and such like, and with such
 a kind of nauie (as they say) first Samothes, & then Albion arriued in
 this Iland, which vnto me doth not séeme a thing impossible. The
 northerlie or artike regions, doo not naile their ships with iron,
 which they vtterly want, but with wooden pins, or els they bind the
 planks togither verie artificiallie with bast ropes, osiers, rinds of
 trées, or twigs of popler, the substance of those vessels being either
 of fir or pine, sith oke is verie deintie & hard to be had amongst
 them. Of their wooden anchors I speake not (which neuerthelesse are
 common to them, and to the Gothlanders) more than of ships wrought of
 wickers, sometime vsed in our Britaine, and couered with leather euen
 in the time of Plinie, lib. 7. cap. 56. as also botes made of rushes
 and réeds, &c. Neither haue I iust occasion to speake of ships made of
 canes, of which sort Staurobates, king of India fighting against
 Semiramis, brought 4000. with him and fought with hir the first
 battell on the water that euer I read of, and vpon the riuer Indus,
 but to his losse, for he was ouercome by hir power, & his nauie either
 drowned or burned by the furie of hir souldiers.

 But to proceed, when the said Albion had gouerned here in this
 countrie by the space of seauen yeares, it came to passe that both he
 and his brother Bergion were killed by Hercules at the mouth of
 Rhodanus, as the said Hercules passed out of Spaine by the Celtes to
 go ouer into Italie, and vpon this occasion (as I gather among the
 writers) not vnworthie to be remembred. It happened in time of Lucus
 [Sidenote: Lestrigo.]
 king of the Celts, that Lestrigo and his issue (whom Osyris his
 [Sidenote: Janigenes were the posteritie of Noah in Italie.]
 grandfather had placed ouer the Janigenes) did exercise great
 tyrannie, not onelie ouer his owne kingdome, but also in molestation
 of such princes as inhabited round about him in most intollerable
 maner. Moreouer he was not a little incouraged in these his dooings by
 [Sidenote: Neptune had xxxiii. sonnes.]
 Neptune his father, who thirsted greatly to leaue his xxxiii. sonnes
 settled in the mightiest kingdoms of the world, as men of whom he had
 alreadie conceiued this opinion, that if they had once gotten foot
 into any region whatsoeuer, it would not be long yer they did by some
 meanes or other, not onelie establish their seats, but also increase
 their limits to the better maintenance of themselues and their
 posteritie for euermore. To be short therefore, after the giants, and
 great princes, or mightie men of the world had conspired and slaine
 the aforsaid Osyris, onlie for that he was an obstacle vnto them in
 their tyrannous dealing; Hercules his sonne, surnamed Laabin, Lubim,
 or Libius, in the reuenge of his fathers death, proclaimed open warres
 against them all, and going from place to place, he ceased not to
 spoile their kingdomes, and therewithall to kill them with great
 courage that fell into his hands. Finallie, hauing among sundrie other
 [Sidenote: Lomnimi. Geriones.]
 ouercome the Lomnimi or Geriones in Spaine, and vnderstanding that
 Lestrigo and his sonnes did yet remaine in Italie, he directed his
 viage into those parts, and taking the kingdome of the Celts in his
 waie, he remained for a season with Lucus the king of that countrie,
 [Sidenote: Galathea. Galates, or Kelts.]
 where he also maried his daughter Galathea, and begat a sonne by hir,
 calling him after his mothers name Galates, of whom in my said
 Chronologie I haue spoken more at large.

 In the meane time Albion vnderstanding how Hercules intended to make
 warres against his brother Lestrigo, he thought good if it were
 possible to stop him that tide, and therefore sending for his brother
 [Sidenote: Bergion.]
 Bergion out of the Orchades (where he also reigned as supreame lord
 and gouernour) they ioined their powers, and sailed ouer into France.
 [Sidenote: _Pomponius Mela cap. de Gallia._]
 Being arriued there, it was not long yer they met with Hercules and
 his armie, neare vnto the mouth of the riuer called Roen (or the
 Rhodanus) where happened a cruell conflict betwéene them, in which
 Hercules and his men were like to haue lost the day, for that they
 were in maner wearied with long warres, and their munition sore wasted
 in the last viage that he had made for Spaine. Herevpon Hercules
 perceiuing the courages of his souldiours somewhat to abate, and
 seeing the want of artillerie like to be the cause of his fatall daie
 and present ouerthrowe at hand, it came suddenlie into his mind to
 will each of them to defend himselfe by throwing stones at his enimie,
 whereof there laie great store then scattered in the place. The
 [Sidenote: _Strabo, lib._ 4.]
 policie was no sooner published than hearkened vnto and put in
 execution, whereby they so preuailed in the end, that Hercules wan the
 field, their enimies were put to flight, and Albion and his brother
 both slaine, and buried in that plot. Thus was Britaine rid of a
 tyrant, Lucus king of the Celts deliuered from an vsurper (that dailie
 incroched vpon him, building sundrie cities and holds, of which some
 were placed among the Alps & called after his owne name, and other
 also euen in his owne kingdome on that side) and Lestrigo greatlie
 weakened by the slaughter of his brethren. Of this inuention of
 Hercules in like sort it commeth, that Jupiter father vnto Hercules
 (who indeed was none other but Osyris) is feigned to throw downe
 stones from heauen vpon Albion and Bergion, in the defense of his
 sonne: which came so thicke vpon them, as if great drops of raine or
 haile should haue descended from aboue, no man well knowing which waie
 to turne him from their force, they came so fast and with so great a
 violence.

 But to go forward, albeit that Albion and his power were thus
 discomfited and slaine, yet the name that he gaue unto this Iland died
 not, but still remained vnto the time of Brute, who arriuing héere in
 the 1116. before Christ, and 2850. after the creation of the world,
 not onelie changed it into Britaine (after it had beene called Albion,
 by the space of about 600. yeares) but to declare his souereigntie
 ouer the rest of the Ilands also that lie scattered round about it, he
 called them all after the same maner, so that Albion was said in time
 to be Britanniarum insula maxima, that is, The greatest of those Iles
 that beare the name of Britaine, which Plinie also confirmeth, and
 Strabo in his first and second bookes denieth not. There are some,
 which vtterlie denieng that this Iland tooke hir name of Brute, doo
 affirme it rather to be so called of the rich mettals sometime carried
 from the mines there into all the world as growing in the same. Vibius
 Sequester also saith that Calabria was sometime called Britannia, Ob
 immensam affluentiam totius delitiæ atque vbertatis, that was to be
 found heerein. Other contend that it should be written with P
 (Pritannia.) All which opinions as I absolutelie denie not, so I
 willinglie leane vnto none of them in peremptorie maner, sith the
 antiquitie of our historie carrieth me withall vnto the former
 iudgements. And for the same cause I reiect them also, which deriue
 the aforesaid denomination from Britona the nymph, in following Textor
 (or Prutus or Prytus the sonne of Araxa) which Britona was borne in
 Creta daughter to Mars, and fled by sea from thence onelie to escape
 the villanie of Minos, who attempted to rauish and make hir one of his
 paramours: but if I should forsake the authoritie of Galfride, I would
 rather leane to the report of Parthenius, whereof elsewhere I haue
 made a more large rehersall.

 It is altogither impertinent, to discusse whether Hercules came into
 this Iland after the death of Albion, or not, although that by an
 ancient monument seene of late, as I heare, and the cape of Hartland
 or Harcland in the West countrie (called Promontorium Herculis in old
 time) diuers of our British antiquaries doo gather great likelihood
 that he should also be here. But sith his presence or absence maketh
 nothing with the alteration of the name of this our region and
 countrie, and to search out whether the said monument was but some
 token erected in his honour of later times (as some haue beene
 elsewhere, among the Celts framed, & those like an old criple with a
 bow bent in one hand & a club in the other, a rough skin on his backe,
 the haire of his head all to be matted like that of the Irishmens, and
 drawing manie men captiue after him in chaines) is but smallie
 auailable, and therefore I passe it ouer as not incident to my
 purpose. Neither will I spend any time in the determination, whether
 Britaine had beene sometime a parcell of the maine, although it should
 well séeme so to haue beene, bicause that before the generall floud of
 Noah, we doo not read of Ilands, more than of hils and vallies.
 Wherfore as Wilden Arguis also noteth in his philosophie and
 tractation of meteors, it is verie likelie that they were onelie
 caused by the violent motion and working of the sea, in the time of
 the floud, which if S. Augustine had well considered, he would neuer
 haue asked how such creatures as liued in Ilands far distant from the
 maine could come into the arke, De ciuit. lib. 16. cap. 7. howbeit in
 the end he concludeth with another matter more profitable than his
 demand.

 As for the speedie and timelie inhabitation thereof, this is mine
 opinion, to wit, that it was inhabited shortlie after the diuision of
 the earth. For I read that when each capteine and his companie had
 their portions assigned vnto them by Noah in the partition that he
 made of the whole among his posteritie, they neuer ceased to trauell
 and search out the vttermost parts of the same, vntill they found out
 their bounds allotted, and had seene and vewed their limits, euen vnto
 the verie poles. It shall suffice therefore onelie to haue touched
 these things in this manner a farre off, and in returning to our
 purpose, to proceed with the rest concerning the denomination of our
 [Sidenote: Yet _Timeus_, _Ephorus_, and some of the Grecians,
 know the name Britannia, as appeareth also by _Diodorus_, &c.
 before the comming of Cesar.]
 Iland, which was knowne vnto most of the Gréekes for a long time, by
 none other name than Albion, and to saie the truth, euen vnto
 Alexanders daies, as appeareth by the words of Aristotle in his De
 mundo, and to the time of Ptolomie: notwithstanding that Brute, as I
 haue said, had changed the same into Britaine, manie hundred yeares
 before.

 After Brutus I doo not find that anie men attempted to change it
 againe, vntill the time that Theodosius, in the daies of Valentinianus
 and Valens endeuoured, in the remembrance of the two aforesaid
 Emperours, to call it Valentia, as Marcellinus saith. But as this
 deuise tooke no hold among the common sort, so it retained still the
 name of Britaine, vntill the reigne of Ecbert, who about the 800.
 yeare of Grace, and first of his reigne, gaue foorth an especiall
 edict, dated at Winchester, that it should be called Angles land, or
 Angel-landt, for which in our time we doo pronounce it England. And
 this is all (right honorable) that I haue to say, touching the
 seuerall names of this Iland, vtterlie misliking in the meane season
 their deuises, which make Hengist the onlie parent of the later
 denomination, whereas Ecbert, bicause his ancestours descended from
 the Angles one of the sixe nations that came with the Saxons into
 Britaine (for they were not all of one, but of diuers countries, as
 Angles, Saxons, Germans, Switzers, Norwegiens, Jutes otherwise called
 Jutons, Vites, Gothes or Getes, and Vandals, and all comprehended
 vnder the name of Saxons, bicause of Hengist the Saxon and his
 companie that first arriued here before anie of the other) and therto
 hauing now the monarchie and preheminence in maner of this whole
 [Sidenote: Of this opinion is _Belforest, lib._ 3. _cap._ 44.]
 Iland, called the same after the name of the countrie from whence he
 derived his originall, neither Hengist, neither anie Queene named
 Angla, neither whatsoeuer deriuation ab Angulo, as from a corner of
 the world bearing swaie, or hauing ought to doo at all in that
 behalfe.




 WHAT SUNDRIE NATIONS HAUE DWELLED IN ALBION.

 CAP. IV.


 As few or no nations can iustlie boast themselues to haue continued
 sithence their countrie was first replenished, without any mixture,
 more or lesse, of forreine inhabitants; no more can this our Iland,
 whose manifold commodities haue oft allured sundrie princes and famous
 capteines of the world to conquer and subdue the same vnto their owne
 subiection. Manie sorts of people therfore haue come in hither and
 settled themselues here in this Ile, and first of all other, a parcell
 [Sidenote: Samotheans.]
 of the linage and posteritie of Japhet, brought in by Samothes in the
 1910. after the creation of Adam. Howbeit in processe of time, and
 after they had indifferentlie replenished and furnished this Iland
 with people (which was doone in the space of 335. yeares) Albion the
 giant afore mentioned, repaired hither with a companie of his owne
 race procéeding from Cham, and not onelie annexed the same to his owne
 dominion, but brought all such in like sort as he found here of the
 line of Japhet, into miserable seruitude and most extreame thraldome.
 After him also, and within lesse than sixe hundred and two yeares,
 [Sidenote: Britains.]
 [Sidenote: Chemminits.]
 came Brute the sonne of Syluius with a great traine of the posteritie
 of the dispersed Troians in 324. ships: who rendering the like
 courtesie vnto the Chemminits as they had doone before unto the séed
 of Japhet, brought them also wholie vnder his rule and gouernance, and
 dispossessing the peeres & inferior owners of their lands and
 possessions, he diuided the countrie among such princes and capteines
 as he in his arriuall here had led out of Grecia with him.

 [Sidenote: Romans.]
 From hencefoorth I doo not find any sound report of other nation
 whatsoeuer, that should aduenture hither to dwell, and alter the state
 of the land, vntill the Romane emperours subdued it to their dominion,
 sauing of a few Galles, (and those peraduenture of Belgie) who first
 comming ouer to rob and pilfer vpon the coasts, did afterward plant
 themselues for altogither neere vnto the shore, and there builded
 sundrie cities and townes which they named after those of the maine,
 from whence they came vnto vs. And this is not onelie to be gathered
 out of Cesar where he writeth of Britaine of set purpose, but also
 elsewhere, as in his second booke a little after the beginning: for
 speaking of Deuiaticus king of the Swessions liuing in his time, he
 affirmeth him not onelie to be the mightiest prince of all the Galles,
 but also to hold vnder his subiection the Ile of Britaine, of which
 his sonne Galba was afterward dispossessed. But after the comming of
 the Romans, it is hard to say with how manie sorts of people we were
 dailie pestered, almost in euery steed. For as they planted their
 forworne legions in the most fertile places of the realme, and where
 they might best lie for the safegard of their conquests: so their
 armies did commonlie consist of manie sorts of people, and were (as I
 may call them) a confused mixture of all other countries and nations
 then liuing in the world. Howbeit, I thinke it best, bicause they did
 all beare the title of Romans, to reteine onelie that name for them
 all, albeit they were wofull ghests to this our Iland: sith that with
 them came all maner of vice and vicious liuing, all riot and excesse
 of behauiour into our countrie, which their legions brought hither
 from each corner of their dominions; for there was no prouince vnder
 them from whence they had not seruitours.

 [Sidenote: Scots.]
 [Sidenote: Picts.]
 How and when the Scots, a people mixed of the Scithian and Spanish
 blood, should arriue here out of Ireland, & when the Picts should come
 vnto vs out of Sarmatia, or from further toward the north & the
 Scithian Hyperboreans, as yet it is vncerteine. For though the Scotish
 histories doo carrie great countenance of their antiquitie in this
 Iland: yet (to saie fréelie what I thinke) I iudge them rather to haue
 stolne in hither within the space of 100. yeares before Christ, than
 to haue continued here so long as they themselues pretend, if my
 coniecture be any thing. Yet I denie not, but that as the Picts were
 long planted in this Iland before the Scots aduentured to settle
 themselues also in Britaine; so the Scots did often aduenture hither
 to rob and steale out of Ireland, and were finallie called in by the
 Meats or Picts (as the Romans named them, because they painted their
 bodies) to helpe them against the Britains, after the which they so
 planted themselues in these parts, that vnto our time that portion of
 the land cannot be cleansed of them. I find also that as these Scots
 were reputed for the most Scithian-like and barbarous nation, and
 longest without letters; so they vsed commonlie to steale ouer into
 Britaine in leather skewes, and began to helpe the Picts about or not
 long before the beginning of Cesars time. For both Diodorus lib. 6.
 and Strabo lib. 4. doo seeme to speake of a parcell of the Irish
 nation that should inhabit Britaine in their time, which were giuen to
 the eating of mans flesh, and therefore called Anthropophagi.
 Mamertinus in like sort dooth note the Redshanks and the Irish (which
 are properlie the Scots) to be the onelie enimies of our nation,
 before the comming of Cæsar, as appeareth in his panegyricall oration,
 so that hereby it is found that they are no new ghestes in Britaine.
 Wherefore all the controuersie dooth rest in the time of their first
 attempt to inhabit in this Iland. Certeinlie I maruell much whie they
 trauell not to come in with Cantaber and Partholonus: but I see
 perfectlie that this shift should be too grosse for the maintenance of
 their desired antiquitie. Now, as concerning their name, the Saxons
 translated the word Scotus for Irish: whereby it appeareth that those
 Irish, of whom Strabo and Diodorus doo speake, are none other than
 those Scots, of whom Ierome speaketh Aduersus Iouinianum, lib. 2. who
 vsed to feed on the buttocks of boies and womens paps, as delicate
 dishes. Aethicus writing of the Ile of Man, affirmeth it to be
 inhabited with Scots so well as Ireland euen in his time. Which is
 another proofe that the Scots and Irish are all one people. They were
 also called Scoti by the Romans, bicause their Iland & originall
 inhabitation thereof were vnknowne, and they themselues an obscure
 [Sidenote: Of the Picts.]
 nation in the sight of all the world. Now as concerning the Picts,
 whatsoeuer Ranulphus Hygden imagineth to the contrarie of their latter
 enterance, it is easie to find by Herodian and Mamertinus (of which
 the one calleth them Meates, the other Redshankes and Pictones) that
 they were setled in this Ile long before the time of Seuerus, yea of
 Cæsar, and comming of the Scots. Which is proofe sufficient, if no
 further authoritie remained extant for the same. So that the
 controuersie lieth not in their comming also, but in the true time of
 their repaire and aduenture into this Iland out of the Orchades (out
 of which they gat ouer into the North parts of our countrie, as the
 writers doo report) and from whence they came at the first into the
 aforsaid Ilands. For my part I suppose with other, that they came
 hither out of Sarmatia or Scythia: for that nation hauing had alwaies
 an eie vnto the commodities of our countrie, hath sent out manie
 companies to inuade and spoile the same. It may be that some will
 gather, those to be the Picts, of whom Cæsar saith that they stained
 their faces with wad and madder, to the end they might appeare
 terrible and feareful to their enimies; and so inferre that the Picts
 were naturall Britans. But it is one thing to staine the face onelie
 as the Britans did, of whom Propertius saith,

   Nunc etiam infectos demum mutare Britannos,

 And to paint the images and portraitures of beasts, fish and foules
 ouer the whole bodie, as the Picts did, of whom Martial saith,

   Barbara depictis veni Bascauda Britannis.

 Certes the times of Samothes and Albion, haue some likelie limitation;
 and so we may gather of the comming in of Brute, of Cæsar, the Saxons,
 the Danes, the Normans, and finallie of the Flemmings, (who had the
 Rosse in Wales assigned vnto them 1066. after the drowning of their
 countrie.) But when first the Picts, & then the Scots should come ouer
 into our Iland, as they were obscure people, so the time of their
 arriuall is as far to me vnknowne. Wherefore the resolution of this
 point must still remaine In tenebris. This neuerthelesse is certeine,
 that Maximus first Legate of Britaine, and afterward emperour, draue
 the Scots out of Britaine, and compelled them to get habitation in
 Ireland, the out Iles, and the North part of the maine, and finallie
 diuided their region betwéene the Britaines and the Picts. He
 denounced warre also against the Irishmen, for receiuing them into
 their land: but they crauing the peace, yéelded to subscribe, that
 from thence-foorth they would not receiue any Scot into their
 dominions; and so much the more, for that they were pronounced enimies
 to the Romans, and disturbers of the common peace and quietnesse of
 their prouinces here in England.

 The Saxons became first acquainted with this Ile, by meanes of the
 piracie which they dailie practised vpon our coastes (after they had
 once begun to aduenture themselues also vpon the seas, thereby to
 seeke out more wealth than was now to be gotten in the West parts of
 the maine, which they and their neighbours had alreadie spoiled in
 most lamentable and barbarous maner) howbeit they neuer durst presume
 [Sidenote: The hurt by forren aid.]
 to inhabit in this Iland, vntill they were sent for by Vortiger to
 serue him in his warres against the Picts and Scots, after that the
 Romans had giuen vs ouer, and left vs wholie to our owne defense and
 regiment. Being therefore come vnder Hengist in three bottoms or
 kéeles, and in short time espieng the idle and negligent behauiour of
 the Britaines, and fertilitie of our soile, they were not a little
 inflamed to make a full conquest of such as at the first they came to
 aid and succour. Herevpon also they fell by little and little to the
 winding in of greater numbers of their countrimen and neighbours, with
 their wiues and children into this region, so that within a while
 these new comlings began to molest the homelings, and ceased not from
 time to time to continue their purpose, vntill they had gotten
 possession of the whole, or at the leastwise the greatest part of our
 countrie; the Britons in the meane season being driuen either into
 Wales and Cornewall, or altogither out of the Iland to séeke new
 habitations.

 [Sidenote: Danes.]
 In like maner the Danes (the next nation that succéeded) came at the
 first onelie to pilfer and robbe vpon the frontiers of our Iland, till
 that in the end, being let in by the Welshmen or Britons through an
 earnest desire to be reuenged vpon the Saxons, they no lesse plagued
 the one than the other, their fréends than their aduersaries, seeking
 by all meanes possible to establish themselues also in the sure
 possession of Britaine. But such was their successe, that they
 prospered not long in their deuise: for so great was their
 lordlinesse, crueltie, and insatiable desire of riches, beside their
 detestable abusing of chast matrons, and yoong virgins (whose husbands
 and parents were dailie inforced to become their drudges and slaues,
 whilest they sat at home and fed like drone bées of the sweet of their
 trauell and labours) that God I say would not suffer them to continue
 any while ouer vs, but when he saw his time he remooued their yoke,
 and gaue vs liberty as it were to breath vs, thereby to see whether
 this his sharpe scourge could haue mooued vs to repentance and
 amendment of our lewd and sinfull liues, or not. But when no signe
 thereof appeared in our hearts, he called in an other nation to vex
 [Sidenote: The Normans.]
 vs, I meane the Normans, a people mixed with Danes, and of whom it is
 worthilie doubted, whether they were more hard and cruell to our
 countrimen than the Danes, or more heauie and intollerable to our
 Iland than the Saxons or the Romans. This nation came out of Newstria,
 the people thereof were called Normans by the French, bicause the
 Danes which subdued that region, came out of the North parts of the
 world: neuerthelesse, I suppose that the ancient word Newstria, is
 corrupted from West-rijc, bicause that if you marke the situation, it
 lieth opposite from Austria or Ost-rijc, which is called the East
 region, as Newstria is the Weast: for Rijc in the old Scithian toong
 dooth signifie a region or kingdome, as in Franc-rijc, or Franc-reich,
 Westsaxon-reich, Ost saxon-reich, Su-rijc, Angel-rijc, &c, is else to
 be séene. But howsoeuer this falleth out, these Normans or Danish
 French, were dedlie aduersaries to the English Saxons, first by meane
 of a quarell that grew betwéene them in the daies of Edward the
 Confessour, at such time as the Earle of Bullen, and William Duke of
 Normandie, arriued in this land to visit him, & their freends; such
 Normans (I meane) as came ouer with him and Emma his mother before
 him, in the time of Canutus and Ethelred. For the first footing that
 euer the French did set in this Iland, sithence the time of Ethelbert
 & Sigebert, was with Emma, which Ladie brought ouer a traine of French
 Gentlemen and Ladies with hir into England.

 [Sidenote: The cause of the conquest by the Normans.]
 After hir also no small numbers of attendants came in with Edward the
 Confessour, whome he preferred to the greatest offices in the realme,
 in so much that one Robert a Norman, became Archbishop of Canturburie,
 whose preferment so much enhanced the minds of the French, on the one
 side, as their lordlie and outragious demeanour kindled the stomachs
 of the English nobilitie against them on the other: insomuch that not
 long before the death of Emma the kings mother, and vpon occasion of
 the brall hapning at Douer (whereof I haue made sufficient mention in
 my Chronologie, not regarding the report of the French authors in this
 behalfe, who write altogither in the fauour of their Archbishop
 Robert, but following the authoritie of an English préest then liuing
 in the court) the English Peeres began to shew their disliking in
 manifest maner. Neuerthelesse, the Normans so bewitched the king with
 their lieng and bosting, Robert the Archbishop being the chéefe
 instrument of their practise, that he beléeued them, and therevpon
 vexed sundrie of the nobilitie, amongst whom Earle Goodwijn of Kent
 was the chéefe, a noble Gentleman and father in law to king Edward by
 the mariage of his daughter. The matter also came to such issue
 against him, that he was exiled, and fiue of his sonnes with him,
 wherevpon he goeth ouer the sea, and soone after returning with his
 said sonnes, they inuaded the land in sundrie places, the father
 himselfe comming to London, where when the kings power was readie to
 ioine with him in battell, it vtterlie refused so to doo: affirming
 plainelie, that it should be méere follie for one Englishman to fight
 against another, in the reuenge of Frenchmens quarels: which answer
 entred so déeplie into the kings mind, that he was contented to haue
 the matter heard, and appointing commissioners for that purpose; they
 concluded at the vpshot, that all the French should depart out of
 England by a day, few excepted, whom the king should appoint and
 [Sidenote: Archbishop of Can. exiled, and the rest of the French.]
 nominate. By this means therfore Robert the Archbishop, & of secret
 counsell with the king, was first exiled as principall abuser &
 seducer of the king, who goeth to Rome, & there complaineth to the
 Pope of his iniurie receiued by the English. Howbeit as he returned
 home againe with no small hope of the readeption of his See, he died
 in Normandie, whereby he saued a killing. Certes he was the first that
 euer tendered complaint out of England vnto Rome, & with him went
 William Bishop of London (afterward reuoked) and Vlfo of Lincolne, who
 hardlie escaped the furie of the English nobilitie. Some also went
 into Scotland, and there held themselues, expecting a better time. And
 this is the true historie of the originall cause of the conquest of
 England by the French: for after they were well beaten at Douer,
 bicause of their insolent demeanour there shewed, their harts neuer
 ceased to boile with a desire of reuenge that brake out into a flame,
 so soone as their Robert possessed the primacie, which being once
 obteined, and to set his mischéefe intended abroch withall, a
 contention was quicklie procured about certeine Kentish lands, and
 controuersie kindled, whether he or the Earle should haue most right
 vnto them. The king held with the priest as with the church, the
 [Sidenote: Erle Goodwine slandered by the French writers.]
 nobilitie with the Earle. In processe also of this businesse, the
 Archbishop accused the Earle of high treason, burdening him with the
 slaughter of Alfred the kings brother, which was altogither false: as
 appeareth by a treatise yet extant of that matter, written by a
 chaplaine to king Edward the Confessour, in the hands of Iohn Stow my
 verie fréend, wherein he saith thus, "Alfredus incautè agens in
 aduentu suo in Angliam a Danis circumuentus occiditur." He addeth
 moreouer, that giuing out as he came through the countrie accompanied
 with his few proud Normans, how his meaning was to recouer his right
 vnto the kingdome, and supposing that all men would haue yéelded vnto
 him, he fell into their hands, whome Harald then king did send to
 apprehend him, vpon the fame onelie of this report brought vnto his
 eares. So that (to be short) after the king had made his pacification
 with the Earle, the French (I say) were exiled, the Quéene restored to
 his fauour (whom he at the beginning of this broile had imprisoned at
 Wilton, allowing hir but one onlie maid to wait upon hir) and the land
 reduced to hir former quietnesse, which continued vntill the death of
 the king. After which the Normans not forgetting their old grudge,
 remembred still their quarell, that in the end turned to their
 conquest of this Iland. After which obteined, they were so cruellie
 [Sidenote: The miserie of the English vnder the French.]
 bent to our vtter subuersion and ouerthrow, that in the beginning it
 was lesse reproch to be accounted a slaue than an Englishman, or a
 drudge in anie filthie businesse than a Britaine: insomuch that euerie
 French page was superiour to the greatest Peere; and the losse of an
 Englishmans life but a pastime to such of them as contended in their
 brauerie, who should giue the greatest strokes or wounds vnto their
 bodies, when their toiling and drudgerie could not please them, or
 satisfie their gréedie humors. Yet such was our lot in those daies by
 the diuine appointed order, that we must needs obey such as the Lord
 did set ouer vs, and so much the rather, for that all power to resist
 was vtterlie taken from vs, and our armes made so weake and feeble
 that they were not now able to remooue the importable load of the
 [Sidenote: The cause of our miserie.]
 enimie from our surburdened shoulders. And this onelie I saie againe,
 bicause we refused grace offered in time, and would not heare when God
 by his Preachers did call vs so fauourablie vnto him. Oh how miserable
 was the estate of our countrie vnder the French and Normans, wherein
 the Brittish and English that remained, could not be called to any
 function in the commonwealth, no not so much as to be constables and
 headburowes in small villages, except they could bring 2. or 3.
 Normans for suerties to the Lords of the soile for their good
 behauiour in their offices! Oh what numbers of all degrées of English
 and Brittish were made slaues and bondmen, and bought and sold as oxen
 in open market! In so much that at the first comming, the French bond
 were set free; and those that afterward became bond, were of our owne
 countrie and nation, so that few or rather none of vs remained free
 without some note of bondage and seruitude to the French. Hereby then
 we perceiue, how from time to time this Iland hath not onelie béene a
 prey, but as it were a common receptacle for strangers, the naturall
 homelings or Britons being still cut shorter and shorter, as I said
 [Sidenote: In this voiage the said Harald builded Portaschith,
 which Caradoch ap Griffin afterward ouerthrew, and killed the
 garrison that Harald left therein.]
 before, till in the end they came not onelie to be driuen into a
 corner of this region, but in time also verie like vtterlie to haue
 beene extinguished. For had not king Edward, surnamed the saint, in
 his time, after greeuous wars made vpon them 1063. (wherein Harald
 latelie made Earle of Oxenford, sonne to Goodwin Earle of Kent, and
 after king of England, was his generall) permitted the remnant of
 their women to ioine in mariage with the Englishmen (when the most
 part of their husbands and male children were slaine with the sword)
 it could not haue béene otherwise chosen, but their whole race must
 néeds haue susteined the vttermost confusion, and thereby the memorie
 of the Britons vtterlie haue perished among vs.

 Thus we see how England hath six times beene subiect to the reproch of
 conquest. And wheras the Scots séeme to challenge manie famous
 victories also ouer us, beside gréeuous impositions, tributs, &
 dishonorable compositions: it shall suffice for answer, that they
 deale in this as in the most part of their historie, which is to seeke
 great honor by lieng, & great renowme by prating and craking. Indeed
 they haue doone great mischéefe in this Iland, & with extreme
 crueltie; but as for any conquest the first is yet to heare of. Diuers
 other conquests also haue béene pretended by sundrie princes sithence
 the conquest, onelie to the end that all pristinate lawes and tenures
 of possession might cease, and they make a new disposition of all
 things at their owne pleasure. As one by king Edw. the 3. but it tooke
 none effect. Another by Henrie the 4. who neuerthelesse was at the
 last though hardlie drawne from the challenge by William Thorington,
 then cheefe Justice of England. The third by Henrie the 7. who had
 some better shew of right, but yet without effect. And the last of all
 by Q. Marie, as some of the <DW7>s gaue out, and also would haue had
 hir to haue obteined, but God also staied their malices, and hir
 challenge. But beside the six afore mentioned, Huntingdon the old
 historiographer speaketh of a seuenth, likelie (as he saith) to come
 one daie out of the North, which is a wind that bloweth no man to
 good, sith nothing is to be had in those parts, but hunger & much
 cold. Sée more hereof in the historie of S. Albons, and aforsaid
 author which lieth on the left side of the librarie belonging now to
 Paules: for I regard no prophesies as one that doubteth from what
 spirit they doo procéed, or who should be the author of them.




 WHETHER IT BE LIKELIE THAT ANY GIANTS WERE, AND WHETHER THEY INHABITED
 IN THIS ILE OR NOT.

 CAP. V.


 Besides these aforesaid nations, which haue crept (as you haue heard)
 into our Iland, we read of sundrie giants that should inhabit here.
 Which report as it is not altogither incredible, sith the posterities
 of diuers princes were called by the name: so vnto some mens eares it
 seemeth so strange a rehersall, that for the same onelie cause they
 suspect the credit of our whole historie, & reiect it as a fable,
 vnworthie to be read. They also condemne the like in all other
 histories, especiallie of the North, where men are naturallie of
 greatest stature, imagining all to be but fables that is written of
 Starcater, Hartben, Angrine, Aruerode, &c: of whom Saxo, Johannes
 Magnus and Olaus doo make mention, & whose bones doo yet remaine to be
 seene as rare miracles in nature. Of these also some in their life
 time were able to lift vp (as they write) a vessell of liquor of 1000.
 weight, or an horsse, or an oxe, & cast it on their shoulders (wherein
 their verie women haue beene likewise knowne to come néere vnto them)
 and of the race of those men, some were séene of no lesse strength in
 the 1500. of Grace, wherein Olaus liued, and wrote the same of his
 owne experience and knowledge. Of the giant of Spaine that died of
 late yeares by a fall vpon the Alpes, as he either went or came fro
 Rome, about the purchase of a dispensation to marrie with his
 kinswoman (a woman also of much more than common stature) there be men
 yet liuing, and may liue long for age, that can saie verie much euen
 by their owne knowledge. Wherfore it appeareth by present experience,
 that all is not absolutelie vntrue which is remembred of men of such
 giants. For this cause therfore I haue now taken vpon me to make this
 breefe discourse insuing, as indeuouring therby to prooue, that the
 opinion of giants is not altogither grounded vpon vaine and fabulous
 narrations, inuented onelie to delight the eares of the hearers with
 the report of maruellous things: but that there haue beene such men in
 [Sidenote: * _Esay._ 30. _vers._ 25.]
 deed, as for their hugenesse of person haue resembled rather[*] high
 towers than mortall men, although their posterities are now consumed,
 and their monstruous races vtterlie worne out of knowledge.

 I doo not meane herein to dispute, whether this name Gigas or Nephilim
 was giuen vnto them, rather for their tyrannie and oppression of the
 people, than for their greatnesse of bodie, or large steps, as
 Goropius would haue it (for he denieth that euer men were greater than
 at this present) or bicause their parents were not knowne, for such in
 old time were called Terræ filij; or whether the word Gigas dooth
 onlie signifie Indigenas, or homelings, borne in the land or not;
 neither whether all men were of like quantitie in stature, and farre
 more greater in old time, than now they be: and yet absolutelie I
 denie neither of these, sith verie probable reasons may be brought for
 ech of them, but especiallie the last rehearsed, whose confirmation
 dependeth vpon the authorities of sundrie ancient writers, who make
 diuers of noble race, equall to the giants in strength and manhood,
 and yet doo not giue the same name vnto them, bicause their quarels
 were iust, and commonlie taken in hand for defense of the oppressed.
 [Sidenote: Antheus.]
 [Sidenote: _Lucane lib._ 4 _in fine._]
 Examples hereof we may take of Hercules and Antheus, whose wrestling
 declareth that they were equall in stature & stomach. Such also was
 the courage of Antheus, that being often ouercome, and as it were
 vtterlie vanquished by the said Hercules, yet if he did eftsoones
 returne againe into his kingdome, he forthwith recouered his force,
 returned and held Hercules tacke, till he gat at the last betwéene him
 and home, so cutting off the farther hope of the restitution of his
 armie, and killing finallie his aduersarie in the field, of which
 victorie Politian writeth thus:

   Incaluere animis dura certare palæstra,
     Neptuni quondàm filius atque Iouis:
   Non certamen erant operoso ex ære lebetes,
     Sed qui vel vitam vel ferat interitum:
   Occidit Antæus Ioue natum viuere fas est,
     Estq; magistra Pales Græcia, non Lybia.

 [Sidenote: Corineus.]
 [Sidenote: Gomagot.]
 The like doo our histories report of Corineus and Gomagot,
 peraduenture king of this Ile, who fought a combat hand to hand, till
 one of them was slaine, and yet for all this no man reputeth Hercules
 or Corineus for giants, albeit that Hanuile in his Architrenion make
 the later to be 12. cubits in height, which is full 18. foot, if
 poeticall licence doo not take place in his report and assertion. But
 sith (I say againe) it is not my purpose to stand vpon these points, I
 passe ouer to speake any more of them. And whereas also I might haue
 proceeded in such order, that I should first set downe by manie
 circumstances, whether any giants were, then whether they were of such
 huge and incredible stature as the authours doo remember, and finallie
 whether any of them haue beene in this our Iland or not, I protest
 plainlie, that my mind is not here bent to deale in any such maner,
 but rather generallie to confirme and by sufficient authoritie, that
 there haue beene such mightie men of stature, and some of them also in
 Britaine, which I will set downe onelie by sundrie examples, whereby
 it shall fall out, that neither our Iland, nor any part of the maine,
 haue at one time or other béen altogither without them. First of all
 therfore, & to begin with the scriptures, the most sure & certeine
 ground of all knowledge: you shall haue out of them such notable
 examples set downe, as I haue obserued in reading the same, which vnto
 the godlie may suffice for sufficient proofe of my position.
 Neuerthelesse, after the scriptures I will resort to the writings of
 our learned Diuines, and finallie of the infidell and pagane authors,
 whereby nothing shall seeme to want that may confute Goropius, and all
 his cauillations.

 [Sidenote: _Cap._ 6. _vers._ 5.]
 Moses the prophet of the Lord, writing of the estate of things before
 the floud, hath these words in his booke of generations. In these
 [Sidenote: _Anti. li._ 1.]
 daies saith he, there were giants vpon the earth. Berosus also the
 Chalde writeth, that néere vnto Libanus there was a citie called Oenon
 (which I take to be Hanoch, builded sometime by Cham) wherein giants
 did inhabit, who trusting to the strength and hugenesse of their
 bodies, did verie great oppression and mischeefe in the world. The
 Hebrues called them generallie Enach, of Hanach the Chebronite, father
 to Achimam, Scheschai and Talma, although their first originall was
 deriued from Henoch the sonne of Caine, of whome that pestilent race
 descended, as I read. The Moabits named them Emims, and the Ammonites
 Zamsummims, and it should seeme by the second of Deut. cap. 19, 20.
 that Ammon and Moab were greatlie replenished with such men, when
 Moses wrote that treatise. For of these monsters some families
 remained of greater stature than other vnto his daies, in comparison
 [Sidenote: _Nu. cap._ 13. _verse_ 33, & 34.]
 of whome the children of Israell confessed themselues to be but
 grashoppers. Which is one noble testimonie that the word Gigas or
 Enach is so well taken for a man of huge stature, as for an homeborne
 child, wicked tyrant, or oppressour of the people.

 [Sidenote: _Deut._ 3. _vers._ 11.]
 [Sidenote: Og of Basan.]
 Furthermore, there is mention made also in the scriptures of Og,
 sometime king of Basan, who was the last of the race of the giants,
 that was left in the land of promise to be ouercome by the Israelits,
 & whose iron bed was afterward shewed for a woonder at Rabbath (a
 citie of the Ammonites) conteining 9. cubits in length, and 4. in
 bredth, which cubits I take not to be geometricall, (that is, each one
 so great as six of the smaller, as those were wherof the Arke was
 made, as our Diuines affirme, especiallie Augustine: whereas Origen,
 hom. 2. in Gen. out of whom he seemeth to borrow it, appeareth to haue
 no such meaning directlie) but rather of the arme of a meane man,
 which oftentimes dooth varie & differ from the standard. Oh how
 Goropius dalieth about the historie of this Og, of the breaking of his
 pate against the beds head, & of hurting his ribs against the sides,
 and all to prooue, that Og was not bigger than other men, and so he
 leaueth the matter as sufficientlie answered with a French countenance
 of truth. But see August. de ciuit. lib. 15. cap. 25. & ad Faustum
 Manich. lib. 12. Ambros. &c. and Johannes Buteo that excellent
 geometrician, who hath written of purpose of the capacitie of the
 Arke.

 [Sidenote: _Cap._ 17. _ver._ 4, 5, 6.]
 [Sidenote: Goliah.]
 In the first of Samuel you shall read of Goliah a Philistine, the
 weight of whose brigandine or shirt of maile was of 5000. sicles, or
 1250. ounces of brasse, which amounteth to 104. pound of Troie weight
 after 4. common sicles to the ounce. The head of his speare came vnto
 ten pound English or 600. sicles of that metall. His height also was
 measured at six cubits and an hand bredth. All which doo import that
 he was a notable giant, and a man of great stature & strength to weare
 such an armour, and beweld so heauie a lance. But Goropius thinking
 himselfe still to haue Og in hand, and indeuouring to extenuate the
 fulnesse of the letter to his vttermost power, dooth neuerthelesse
 earnestlie affirme, that he was not aboue three foot more than the
 common sort of men, or two foot higher than Saule: and so he leaueth
 it as determined.

 [Sidenote: _Cap._ 21. _ver._ 16, 17, &c.]
 In the second of Samuel, I find report of foure giants borne in Geth;
 of which Ishbenob the first, that would haue killed Dauid, had a
 speare, whose head weighed the iust halfe of that of Goliath: the
 second called Siphai, Sippai or Saph, 1. Par. 20. was nothing
 inferiour to the first: the third hight also Goliah, the staffe of
 whose speare was like vnto the beame of a weauers loome, neuerthelesse
 he was slaine in the second battell in Gob by Elhanan, as the first
 was by Abisai Ioabs brother, and the second by Elhanan. The fourth
 brother (for they were all brethren) was slaine at Gath by Ionathan
 nephew to Dauid, and he was not onlie huge of personage, but also of
 disfigured forme, for he had 24. fingers and toes. Wherby it is
 euident, that the generation of giants was not extinguished in
 Palestine, vntill the time of Dauid, which was 2890. after the floud,
 nor vtterlie consumed in Og, as some of our expositors would haue it.

 Now to come vnto our christian writers. For though the authorities
 alreadie alleged out of the word, are sufficient to confirme my
 purpose at the full; yet will I not let to set downe such other notes
 as experience hath reuealed, onelie to the end that the reader shall
 not thinke the name of giants, with their quantities, and other
 circumstances, mentioned in the scriptures, rather to haue some
 mysticall interpretation depending vpon them, than that the sense of
 the text in this behalfe is to be taken simplie as it speaketh. And
 first of all to omit that which Tertullian Lib. 2. de resurrect.
 [Sidenote: _De ciuitate Dei lib._ 15. _cap._ 9.]
 saith; S. Augustine noteth, how he with other saw the tooth of a man,
 wherof he tooke good aduisement, and pronounced in the end that it
 would haue made 100. of his owne, or anie other mans that liued in his
 [Sidenote: _Iohannes Boccacius._]
 time. The like hereof also dooth Iohn Boccace set downe, in the 68.
 chapter of his 4. booke, saieng that in the caue of a mountaine, not
 far from Drepanum (a towne of Sicilia called Eryx as he gesseth) the
 bodie of an exceeding high giant was discouered, thrée of whose teeth
 did weigh 100. ounces, which being conuerted into English poise, doth
 yeeld eight pound and foure ounces, after twelue ounces to the pound,
 that is 33. ounces euerie tooth.

 He addeth farther, that the forepart of his scull was able to conteine
 manie bushels of wheat, and by the proportion of the bone of his
 [Sidenote: A carcase discouered of 200. cubits.]
 thigh, the Symmetricians iudged his bodie to be aboue 200. cubits.
 Those teeth, scull, and bones, were (and as I thinke yet are, for
 ought I know to the contrarie) to be seene in the church of Drepanum
 in perpetuall memorie of his greatnesse, whose bodie was found vpon
 this occasion. As some digged in the earth to laie the foundation of
 an house, the miners happened vpon a great vault, not farre from
 Drepanum: whereinto when they were entred, they saw the huge bodie of
 a man sitting in the caue, of whose greatnesse they were so afraid,
 that they ranne awaie, and made an outcrie in the citie, how there sat
 a man in such a place, so great as an hill: the people hearing the
 newes, ran out with clubs and weapons, as if they should haue gone
 vnto a foughten field, and 300. of them entring into the caue, they
 foorthwith saw that he was dead, and yet sat as if he had been aliue,
 hauing a staffe in his hand, compared by mine author vnto the mast of
 a tall ship, which being touched fell by and by to dust, sauing the
 nether end betwéene his hand and the ground, whose hollownesse was
 filled with 1500. pound weight of lead, to beare vp his arme that it
 should not fall in péeces: neuerthelesse, his bodie also being touched
 fell likewise into dust, sauing three of his aforesaid teeth, the
 forepart of his scull, and one of his thigh bones, which are reserued
 to be séene of such as will hardlie beleeue these reports.

 In the histories of Brabant I read of a giant found, whose bones were
 17. or 18. cubits in length, but Goropius, as his maner is, denieth
 them to be the bones of a man, affirming rather that they were the
 bones of an elephant, because they somwhat resembled those of two such
 beasts which were found at the making of the famous ditch betwéene
 Bruxels and Machlin. As though there were anie precise resemblance
 betwéene the bones of a man and of an elephant, or that there had euer
 béene any elephant of 27. foot in length. But sée his demeanour. In
 the end he granteth that another bodie was found vpon the shore of
 Rhodanus, of thirtie foot in length. Which somewhat staieth his
 iudgement, but not altogither remooueth his error.

 [Sidenote: _Mat. Westmon._]
 The bodie of Pallas was found in Italie, in the yeare of Grace 1038.
 and being measured it conteined twentie foot in length, this Pallas
 was companion with Æneas.

 [Sidenote: _Iohannes Leland._]
 There was a carcase also laid bare 1170. in England vpon the shore
 (where the beating of the sea had washed awaie the earth from the
 stone wherein it laie) and when it was taken vp it conteined 50. foot
 [Sidenote: _Mafieus, lib. 14. Triuet._]
 in measure, as our histories doo report. The like was seene before in
 [Sidenote: _Mat. West._]
 Wales, in the yeare 1087. of another of 14. foot.

 In Perth moreouer a village in Scotland another was taken vp, which to
 this daie they shew in a church, vnder the name of little John (per
 Antiphrasin) being also 14. foot in length, as diuerse doo affirme
 [Sidenote: _Hector Boet._]
 which haue beholden the same, and whereof Hector Boetius dooth saie,
 that he did put his whole arme into one of the hanch bones: which is
 worthie to be remembred.

 In the yeare of Grace 1475. the bodie of Tulliola the daughter of
 Cicero was taken vp, & found higher by not a few foot than the common
 sort of women liuing in those daies.

 [Sidenote: _Geruasius Tilberiensis._]
 Geruasius Tilberiensis, head Marshall to the king of Arles writeth in
 his Chronicle dedicated to Otho 4. how that at Isoretum, in the
 suburbes of Paris, he saw the bodie of a man that was twentie foot
 long, beside the head and the necke, which was missing & not found,
 the owner hauing peraduenture béene beheaded for some notable
 trespasse committed in times past, or (as he saith) killed by S.
 William.

 The Greeke writers make mention of Andronicus their emperour, who
 liued 1183. of Grace, and was ten foot in height, that is, thrée foot
 higher than the Dutch man that shewed himselfe in manie places of
 England, 1582. this man maried Anna daughter to Lewis of France
 (before assured to Alexius, whome he strangled, dismembred and drowned
 in the sea) the ladie not being aboue eleuen yeares of age, whereas he
 was an old dotard, and beside hir he kept Marpaca a fine harlot, who
 ruled him as she listed.

 Zonaras speaketh of a woman that liued in the daies of Justine, who
 being borne in Cilicia, and of verie comelie personage, was
 neuerthelesse almost two foot taller than the tallest woman of hir
 time.

 [Sidenote: _Sir Thomas Eliot._]
 A carcase was taken vp at Iuie church neere Salisburie but of late
 yeares to speake of, almost fourtéene foot long, in Dictionario
 Eliotæ.

 [Sidenote: _Leland in Combrit._]
 In Gillesland in Come Whitton paroche not far from the chappell of the
 Moore, six miles by east from Carleill, a coffin of stone was found,
 and therein the bones of a man, of more than incredible greatnes. In
 like sort Leland speaketh of another found in the Ile called Alderney,
 whereof you shall read more in the chapiter of our Ilands.

 [Sidenote: _Richard Grafton._]
 Richard Grafton in his Manuell telleth of one whose shinbone conteined
 six foot, and thereto his scull so great that it was able to receiue
 fiue pecks of wheat. Wherefore by coniecturall symmetrie of these
 parts, his bodie must needs be of 24. foot, or rather more, if it were
 [Sidenote: The Symmetrie or proportion of the bodie of a comelie man.]
 diligentlie measured. For the proportion of a comelie and well
 featured bodie, answereth 9. times to the length of the face, taken at
 large from the pitch of the crowne to the chin, as the whole length is
 from the same place vnto the sole of the foot, measured by an imagined
 line, and seuered into so manie parts by like ouerthwart draughts, as
 Drurerus in his lineall description of mans bodie doth deliuer.
 Neuertheles, this symmetrie is not taken by other than the well
 proportioned face, for Recta, orbiculata (or fornicata) prona,
 resupinata, and lacunata (or repanda) doo so far degenerate from the
 true proportion as from the forme and beautie of the comelie. Hereby
 also they make the face taken in strict maner, to be the tenth part of
 the whole bodie, that is, fr[=o] the highest part of the forehead to
 the pitch of the chin, so that in the vse of the word face there is a
 difference, wherby the 9. part is taken (I say) from the crowne
 (called Vertex, because the haire there turneth into a circle) so that
 if the space by a rule were truelie taken, I meane from the crowne or
 highest part of the head to the pitch of the nether chap, and
 multiplied by nine, the length of the whole bodie would easilie
 appeare, & shew it selfe at the full. In like maner I find, that from
 the elbow to the top of the midle finger is the 4. part of the whole
 length, called a cubit: from the wrist to the top of the same finger,
 a tenth part: the length of the shinbone to the ancle a fourth part
 (and all one with the cubit:) from the top of the finger to the third
 ioint, two third parts of the face from the top of the forehead. Which
 obseruations I willinglie remember in this place, to the end that if
 anie such carcases happen to be found hereafter, it shall not be hard
 by some of these bones here mentioned, to come by the stature of the
 whole bodie, in certeine & exact maner. As for the rest of the bones,
 ioints, parts, &c: you may resort to Drurerus, Cardan, and other
 writers, sith the farther deliuerie of them concerneth not my purpose.
 [Sidenote: _Sylvester Gyraldus._]
 To proceed therefore with other examples, I read that the bodie of
 king Arthur being found in the yeare 1189. was two foot higher than
 anie man that came to behold the same. Finallie the carcase of William
 Conqueror was séene not manie yeares since (to wit, 1542.) in the
 [Sidenote: _Constans fama Gallorum._]
 citie of Cane, twelue inches longer, by the iudgment of such as saw
 it, than anie man which dwelled in the countrie. All which testimonies
 I note togither, bicause they proceed from christian writers, from
 whome nothing should be farther or more distant, than of set purpose
 to lie, and feed the world with fables.

 In our times also, and whilest Francis the first reigned ouer France,
 there was a man séene in Aquiteine, whome the king being in those
 parties made of his gard, whose height was such, that a man of common
 heigth might easilie go vnder his twist without stooping, a stature
 [Sidenote: Briat.]
 incredible. Moreouer Casanion, a writer of our time, telleth of the
 bones of Briat a giant found of late in Delphinois, of 15. cubits, the
 diameter of whose scull was two cubits, and the breadth of his
 shoulders foure, as he himselfe beheld in the late second wars of
 France, & wherevnto the report of Ioan Marius made in his bookes De
 Galliarum illustrationibus, where he writeth of the carcase of the
 same giant found not farre from the Rhodanus, which was 22. foot long,
 from the scull to the sole of the feet, dooth yéeld sufficient
 testimonie. Also Calameus in his commentaries De Biturigibus,
 confirmeth no lesse, adding that he was found 1556. & so dooth
 Baptista Fulgosus, lib. 1. cap. 6. saieng farther, that his graue was
 seene not farre from Valentia, and discouered by the violence and
 current of the Rhodanus. The said Casanion in like sort speaketh of
 the bones of a man which he beheld, one of whose téeth was a foot
 long, and eight pound in weight. Also of the sepulchre of another
 neere vnto Charmes castell, which was nine paces in length, things
 incredible to vs, if eiesight did not confirme it in our owne times,
 and these carcases were not reserued by the verie prouidence of God,
 to the end we might behold his works, and by these relikes vnderstand,
 that such men were in old time in deed, of whose statures we now begin
 to doubt. Now to say somwhat also of mine owne knowledge, there is the
 thighbone of a man to be séene in the church of S. Laurence néere
 Guildhall in London, which in time past was 26. inches in length, but
 now it beginneth to decaie, so that it is shorter by foure inches than
 it was in the time of king Edward. Another also is to be seene in
 Aldermarie burie, of some called Aldermanburie, of 32. inches and
 rather more, whereof the symmetrie hath beene taken by some skilfull
 in that practise, and an image made according to that proportion,
 which is fixt in the east end of the cloister of the same church, not
 farre from the said bone, and sheweth the person of a man full ten or
 eleuen foot high, which as some say was found in the cloister of
 Poules, that was neere to the librarie, at such time as the Duke of
 Somerset did pull it downe to the verie foundation, and carried the
 stones thereof to the Strand, where he did build his house. These two
 bones haue I séene, beside other, whereof at the beholding I tooke no
 great heed, bicause I minded not as then to haue had any such vse of
 their proportions, and therefore I will speake no more of them: this
 is sufficient for my purpose that is deliuered out of the christian
 authors.

 Now it resteth furthermore that I set downe, what I haue read therof
 in Pagane writers, who had alwaies great regard of their credit, and
 so ought all men that dedicate any thing vnto posteritie, least in
 going about otherwise to reape renowme and praise, they doo procure
 vnto themselues in the end nothing else but meere contempt and
 infamie. For my part I will touch rare things, and such as to my selfe
 doo séeme almost incredible: howbeit as I find them, so I note them,
 requiring your Honour in reading hereof, to let euerie Author beare
 his owne burden, and euerie oxe his bundle.

 [Sidenote: _In vita Sertorij de Antheo._]
 Plutarch telleth how Sertorius being in Lybia, néere to the streicts
 of Maroco, to wit, at Tingi (or Tanger in Mauritania, as it is now
 called) caused the sepulchre of Antheus, afore remembred to be opened:
 for hearing by common report that the said giant laie buried there,
 whose corps was fiftie cubits long at the least, he was so far off
 from crediting the same, that he would not beleeue it, vntill he saw
 the coffin open wherein the bones of the aforesaid prince did rest. To
 be short therefore, he caused his souldiers to cast downe the hill
 made sometime ouer the tombe, and finding the bodie in the bottome
 coffined in stone, after the measure therof taken, he saw it
 manifestlie to be 60. cubits in length, which were ten more than the
 people made accompt of, which Strabo also confirmeth.

 Pausanias reporteth out of one Miso, that when the bodie of Aiax was
 found, the whirlebone of his knée was adiudged so broad as a pretie
 dish: also that the bodie of Asterius somtime king of Creta was ten
 cubits long, and that of Hyllus or Gerion no lesse maruelous than the
 rest, all which Goropius still condemneth to be the bones of monsters
 of the sea (notwithstanding the manifest formes of their bones,
 epitaphes, and inscriptions found ingrauen in brasse and lead with
 them in their sepulchres) so far is he from being persuaded and led
 from his opinion.

 [Sidenote: _Philostrate._]
 Philostrate in Heroicis saith, how he saw the bodie of a giant thirtie
 cubits in length, also the carcase of another of two and twentie, and
 the third of twelue.

 Liuie in the seauenth of his first decade, speaketh of an huge person
 which made a challenge as he stood at the end of the Anien bridge,
 against any Romane that would come out and fight with him, whose
 stature was not much inferiour to that of Golias, of Artaches (of
 whome Herodot speaketh in the historie of Xerxes) who was sixe common
 cubits of stature, which make but fiue of the kings standard, bicause
 this is longer by thrée fingers than the other. Of Pusio, Secundilla,
 & Cabaras, of which the first two liuing vnder Augustus were aboue ten
 foot, and the later vnder Claudius of full nine, and all remembred by
 Plinie; of Eleazar a Jew, of whome Iosephus saith, that he was sent to
 Tiberius, and a person of heigth fiue cubits; of another of whom
 Nicephorus maketh mention lib. 12. cap. 13. Hist. eccles. of fiue
 cubits and an handfull, I say nothing, bicause Casanion of Mutterell
 hath alredie sufficientlie discoursed vpon these examples in his De
 gigantibus, which as I gesse he hath written of set purpose against
 Goropius, who in his Gigantomachia, supposeth himselfe to haue killed
 all the giants in the world, and like a new Iupiter Alterum carcasse
 Herculem, as the said Casanion dooth merilie charge and vpbraid him.

 [Sidenote: _Lib._ 7.]
 Plinie telleth of an earthquake at Creta, which discouered the body of
 a giant, that was 46. cubits in length after the Romane standard, and
 by diuerse supposed to be the bodie of Orion or Ætion. Neuerthelesse I
 read, that Lucius Flaccus and Metellus did sweare Per sua capita, that
 it was either the carcase of some monster of the sea, or a forged
 deuise to bleare the peoples eies withall, wherein it is wonderfull to
 see, how they please Goropius as one that first deriued his
 fantasticall imagination from their asseueration & oth. The said
 Plinie also addeth that the bodie of Orestes was seuen cubits in
 length, one Gabbara of Arabia nine foot nine inches, and two reserued
 In conditorio Sallustianorum halfe a foot longer than Gabbara was, for
 which I neuer read that anie man was driuen to sweare.

 [Sidenote: _Trallianus._]
 Trallianus writeth how the Athenienses digging on a time in the
 ground, to laie the foundation of a new wall to be made in a certeine
 Iland in the daies of an emperour, did find the bones of Macrosyris in
 a coffin of hard stone, of 100. cubits in length after the accompt of
 the Romane cubit, which was then either a foot and a halfe, or not
 much in difference from halfe a yard of our measure now in England.
 These verses also, as they are now translated out of Gréeke were found
 withall,

   Sepultus ego Macrosyris in longa insula
   Vitæ peractis annis mille quinquies:

 which amounteth to 81. yeares foure moneths, after the Aegyptian
 reckoning.

 In the time of Hadrian the emperour, the bodie of the giant Ida was
 taken vp at Messana, conteining 20. foot in length, and hauing a
 double row of teeth, yet standing whole in his chaps. Eumachus also in
 Perigesi, telleth that when the Carthaginenses went about to dich in
 their prouince, they found two bodies in seuerall coffins of stone,
 the one was 23. the other 24. cubits in length, such another was found
 in Bosphoro Cymmerio after an earthquake, but the inhabitants did cast
 those bones into the Meotidan marris. In Dalmatia, manie graues were
 shaken open with an earthquake, in diuers of which certeine carcases
 were found, whose ribs conteined 16. els, after the Romane measure,
 whereby the whole bodies were iudged to be 64. sith the longest rib is
 commonlie about the fourth part of a man, as some rouing symmetricians
 affirme.

 Arrhianus saith, that in the time of Alexander the bodies of the
 Asianes were generallie of huge stature, and commonlie of fiue cubits,
 and such was the heigth of Porus of Inde, whom the said Alexander
 vanquished and ouerthrew in battell.

 Suidas speaketh of Ganges, killed also by the said prince, who farre
 exceeded Porus; for he was ten cubits long. What should I speake of
 Artaceas a capitaine in the host of Xerxes, afore remembred, whose
 heigth was within 4. fingers bredth of fiue cubits, & the tallest man
 in the armie except the king himselfe. Herod. lib. 7. Of Athanatus
 whom Plinie remembreth I saie nothing. But of all these, this one
 example shall passe, which I doo read of in Trallianus, and he setteth
 downe in forme and manner following.

 In the daies of Tiberius th'emperor saith he, a corps was left bare or
 laid open after an earthquake, of which ech tooth (taken one with
 another) conteined 12. inches ouer at the least. Now forsomuch as in
 [Sidenote: A mouth of sixteene foot wide.]
 such as be full mouthed, ech chap hath commonlie 16. teeth at the
 least, which amount vnto 32. in the whole, needs must the widenesse of
 this mans chaps be welneere of 16. foot, and the opening of his lips
 fiue at the least. A large mouth in mine opinion, and not to eat
 peason with Ladies of my time, besides that if occasion serued, it was
 able to receiue the whole bodies of mo than one of the greatest men, I
 meane of such as we be in our daies. When this carcase was thus found,
 euerie man maruelled at it, & good cause why. A messenger was sent to
 [Sidenote: A counterfect made of a monstrous carcase
 by one tooth taken out of the head.]
 Tiberius the emperour also to know his pleasure, whether he would haue
 the same brought ouer vnto Rome or not, but he forbad them, willing
 his Legate not to remooue the dead out of his resting place, but
 rather somewhat to satisfie his phantasie to send him a tooth out of
 his head, which being done, he gaue it to a cunning workeman,
 commanding him to shape a carcase of light matter, after the
 proportion of the tooth, that at the least by such means he might
 satisfie his curious mind, and the fantasies of such as are delited
 [Sidenote: This man was more fauorable to this monster
 than our <DW7>s were to the bodies of the dead who
 tare them in peeces to make money of them.]
 with nouelties. To be short, when the image was once made and set vp
 on end, it appéered rather an huge colossie than the true carcase of a
 man, and when it had stood in Rome vntill the people were wearie &
 throughlie satisfied with the sight thereof, he caused it to be broken
 all to peeces, and the tooth sent againe to the carcase fr[=o] whence
 it came, willing them moreouer to couer it diligentlie, and in anie
 wise not to dismember the corps, nor from thencefoorth to be so hardie
 as to open the sepulchre anie more. Pausan. lib. 8. telleth in like
 maner of Hiplodanus & his fellowes, who liued when Rhea was with child
 of Osyris by Cham, and were called to hir aid at such time as she
 feared to be molested by Hammon hir first husband, whilest she
 [Sidenote: Grandiáque effossis mirabitur ossa sepulchris.]
 remained vpon the Thoumasian hill, "In ipso loco," saith he,
 "spectantur ossa maiora multo quàm vt humana existimari possunt, &c."
 Of Protophanes who had but one great and broad bone in steed of all
 his ribs on ech side I saie nothing, sith it concerneth not his
 stature.

 I could rehearse manie mo examples of the bodies of such men, out of
 Solinus, Sabellicus, D. Cooper, and others. As of Oetas and Ephialtes,
 who were said to be nine orgies or paces in heigth, and foure in
 bredth, which are taken for so many cubits, bicause there is small
 difference betwéene a mans ordinarie pace and his cubit, and finallie
 of our Richard the first, who is noted to beare an axe in the wars,
 the iron of whose head onelie weighed twentie pound after our greatest
 weight, and whereof an old writer that I haue seene, saith thus:

   This king Richard I vnderstand,
   Yer he went out of England,
   Let make an axe for the nones,
   Therewith to cleaue the Saracens bones,
   The head in sooth was wrought full weele,
   Thereon were twentie pound of steele,
   And when he came in Cyprus land,
   That ilkon axe he tooke in hand, &c.

 I could speake also of Gerards staffe or lance, yet to be seene in
 Gerards hall at London in Basing lane, which is so great and long that
 no man can beweld it, neither go to the top thereof without a ladder,
 which of set purpose and for greater countenance of the wonder is
 fixed by the same. I haue seene a man my selfe of seuen foot in
 heigth, but lame of his legs. The chronicles also of Cogshall speake
 of one in Wales, who was halfe a foot higher, but through infirmitie
 and wounds not able to beweld himselfe. I might (if I thought good)
 speake also of another of no lesse heigth than either of these and
 liuing of late yeares, but these here remembred shall suffice to
 prooue my purpose withall. I might tell you in like sort of the marke
 stone which Turnus threw at Æneas, and was such as that twelue chosen
 and picked men (saith Virgil),

 [Sidenote: Vis vnita fortior est eadem dispersa.]

   (Qualia nunc hominum producit corpora tellus)

 were not able to stur and remooue out of the place: but I passe it
 ouer, and diuerse of the like, concluding that these huge blocks were
 ordeined and created by God: first for a testimonie vnto vs of his
 power and might; and secondlie for a confirmation, that hugenes of
 bodie is not to be accompted of as a part of our felicitie, sith they
 which possessed the same, were not onelie tyrants, doltish, & euill
 men, but also oftentimes ouercome euen by the weake & feeble. Finallie
 they were such indéed as in whom the Lord delited not, according to
 [Sidenote: _Cap._ 3, 36.]
 the saieng of the prophet Baruch; "Ibi fuerunt gigantes nominati, illi
 qui ab initio fuerunt statura magna, scientes bellum, hos non elegit
 Dominus, neque illis viam disciplinæ dedit, propterea perierunt, et
 quoniam non habuerunt sapientiam, interierunt propter suam
 insipientiam, &c." that is, "There were the giants famous from the
 beginning, that were of great stature and expert in warre, those did
 not the Lord choose, neither gaue he the waie of knowledge vnto them,
 but they were destroied, because they had no wisedome, and perished
 through their owne foolishnesse." That the bodies of men also doo
 [Sidenote: 4. _Esd. cap._ 5.]
 dailie decaie in stature, beside Plinie lib. 7. Esdras likewise
 confesseth lib. 4. cap. 5. whose authoritie is so good herein as that
 of Homer or Plinie, who doo affirme so much, whereas Goropius still
 continuing his woonted pertinacitie also in this behalfe, maketh his
 proportion first by the old Romane foot, and then by his owne, &
 therevpon concludeth that men in these daies be fullie so great as
 euer they were, whereby as in the former dealing he thinketh it
 nothing to conclude against the scriptures, chosen writers and
 testimonies of the oldest pagans. But see how he would salue all at
 last in the end of his Gigantomachia, where he saith, I denie not but
 that od huge personages haue bene seene, as a woman of ten, and a man
 of nine foot long, which I my selfe also haue beholden, but as now so
 in old time the common sort did so much woonder at the like as we doo
 at these, because they were seldome séene, and not commonlie to be
 heard of.




 OF THE LANGUAGES SPOKEN IN THIS ILAND.

 CAP. VI.


 [Sidenote: British.]
 What language came first with Samothes and afterward with Albion, and
 the giants of his companie, it is hard for me to determine, sith
 nothing of sound credit remaineth in writing, which may resolue vs in
 [Sidenote: Small difference betweene the British
 and Celtike languages.]
 the truth hereof. Yet of so much are we certeine, that the speach of
 the ancient Britons, and of the Celts, had great affinitie one with
 another, so that they were either all one, or at leastwise such as
 either nation with small helpe of interpretors might vnderstand other,
 and readilie discerne what the speaker meant. Some are of the opinion
 that the Celts spake Greeke, and how the British toong resembled the
 same, which was spoken in Grecia before Homer did reforme it: but I
 see that these men doo speake without authoritie and therefore I
 reiect them, for if the Celts which were properlie called Galles did
 speake Gréeke, why did Cesar in his letters sent to Rome vse that
 language, because that if they should be intercepted they might not
 vnderstand them, or why did he not vnderstand the Galles, he being so
 skilfull in the language without an interpretor? Yet I denie not but
 that the Celtish and British speaches might haue great affinitie one
 with another, and the British aboue all other with the Greeke, for
 both doo appéere by certeine words, as first in tri for three, march
 for an horsse, & trimarchia, whereof Pausanias speaketh, for both.
 Atheneus also writeth of Bathanasius a capitaine of the Galles, whose
 name is méere British, compounded of Bath & Ynad, & signifieth a noble
 or comelie iudge. And wheras he saith that the reliques of the Galles
 tooke vp their first dwelling about Isther, and afterward diuided
 themselues in such wise, that they which went and dwelled in Hungarie
 were called Sordsai, and the other that inhabited within the dominion
 of Tyroll) Brenni, whose seate was on the mount Brenhere parcell of
 the Alpes, what else signifieth the word Iscaredich in British, from
 whence the word Scordisci commeth, but to be diuided? Hereby then, and
 sundrie other the like testimonies, I gather that the British and the
 Celtish speaches had great affinitie one with another, as I said,
 which Cesar (speaking of the similitude or likenesse of religion in
 both nations) doth also auerre, & Tacitus in vita Agricolæ, in like
 sort plainlie affirmeth, or else it must needs be that the Galles
 which inuaded Italie and Greece were meere Britons, of whose likenes
 of speech with the Gréeke toong I need not make anie triall, sith no
 man (I hope) will readilie denie it. Appianus talking of the Brenni
 calleth them Cymbres, and by this I gather also that the Celts and the
 Britons were indifferentlie called Cymbri in their own language, or
 else that the Britons were the right Cymbri, who vnto this daie doo
 not refuse to be called by that name. Bodinus writing of the means by
 which the originall of euerie kingdome and nation is to be had and
 discerned, setteth downe thrée waies whereby the knowledge thereof is
 to be found, one is (saith he) the infallible testimonie of the sound
 writers, the other the description and site of the region, the third
 the relikes of the ancient speech remaining in the same. Which later
 if it be of any force, then I must conclude, that the spéech of the
 Britons and Celts was sometime either all one or verie like one to
 another, or else it must follow that the Britons ouerflowed the
 continent vnder the name of Cymbres, being peraduenture associat in
 this voiage, or mixed by inuasion with the Danes, and Norwegiens, who
 are called Cymbri and Cymmerij, as most writers doo remember. This
 also is euident (as Plutarch likewise confesseth In vita Marij) that
 no man knew from whence the Cymbres came in his daies, and therfore I
 beleeue that they came out of Britaine, for all the maine was well
 knowne vnto them, I meane euen to the vttermost part of the north, as
 may appeare furthermore by the slaues which were dailie brought from
 thence vnto them, whom of their countries they called Daui for Daci,
 Getæ for Gothes, &c: for of their conquests I need not make
 rehearsall, sith they are commonlie knowne and remembred by the
 writers, both of the Greekes and Latines.

 [Sidenote: British corrupted by the Latine and Saxon speeches.]
 The British toong called Camberaec dooth yet remaine in that part of
 the Iland, which is now called Wales, whither the Britons were driuen
 after the Saxons had made a full conquest of the other, which we now
 call England, although the pristinate integritie thereof be not a
 little diminished by mixture of the Latine and Saxon speaches withall.
 Howbeit, manie poesies and writings (in making whereof that nation
 hath euermore delited) are yet extant in my time, wherby some
 difference betwéene the ancient and present language may easilie be
 discerned, notwithstanding that among all these there is nothing to be
 found, which can set downe anie sound and full testimonie of their
 owne originall, in remembrance whereof, their Bards and cunning men
 haue béene most slacke and negligent. Giraldus in praising the Britons
 affirmeth that there is not one word in all their language, that is
 not either Gréeke or Latine. Which being rightly vnderstanded and
 conferred with the likenesse that was in old time betwéene the Celts &
 the British toongs, will not a little helpe those that thinke the old
 Celtish to haue some sauour of the Gréeke. But how soeuer that matter
 standeth, after the British speach came once ouer into this Iland,
 sure it is, that it could neuer be extinguished for all the attempts
 that the Romans, Saxons, Normans, and Englishmen could make against
 that nation, in anie maner of wise.

 [Sidenote: The Britons diligent in petigrées.]
 Petigrées and genealogies also the Welsh Britons haue plentie in their
 owne toong, insomuch that manie of them can readilie deriue the same,
 either from Brute or some of his band, euen vnto Æneas and other of
 the Troians, and so foorth vnto Noah without anie maner of stop. But
 as I know not what credit is to be giuen vnto them in this behalfe,
 although I must néeds confesse that their ancient Bards were verie
 diligent in there collection, and had also publike allowance or
 salarie for the same; so I dare not absolutelie impugne their
 assertions, sith that in times past all nations (learning it no doubt
 of the Hebrues) did verie solemnelie preserue the catalogs of their
 descents, thereby either to shew themselues of ancient and noble race,
 or else to be descended from some one of the gods. But

   Stemmata quid faciunt? quid prodest Pontice longo
   Sanguine censeri? aut quid auorum ducere turmas? &c.

 [Sidenote: Latine.]
 Next vnto the British speach, the Latine toong was brought in by the
 Romans, and in maner generallie planted through the whole region, as
 the French was after by the Normans. Of this toong I will not say
 much, bicause there are few which be not skilfull in the same.
 Howbeit, as the speach it selfe is easie and delectable, so hath it
 peruerted the names of the ancient riuers, regions, & cities of
 Britaine in such wise, that in these our daies their old British
 denominations are quite growne out of memorie, and yet those of the
 new Latine left as most vncertaine. This remaineth also vnto my time,
 borowed from the Romans, that all our déeds, euidences, charters, &
 writings of record, are set downe in the Latine toong, though now
 verie barbarous, and therevnto the copies and court-rolles, and
 processes of courts and leets registred in the same.

 [Sidenote: The Saxon toong.]
 The third language apparantlie knowne is the Scithian or high Dutch,
 induced at the first by the Saxons (which the Britons call Saysonaec,
 as they doo the speakers Sayson) an hard and rough kind of speach, God
 wot, when our nation was brought first into acquaintance withall, but
 now changed with vs into a farre more fine and easie kind of
 vtterance, and so polished and helped with new and milder words, that
 it is to be aduouched how there is no one speach vnder the sunne
 spoken in our time, that hath or can haue more varietie of words,
 copie of phrases, or figures and floures of eloquence, than hath our
 English toong, although some haue affirmed vs rather to barke as dogs,
 than talke like men, bicause the most of our words (as they doo
 indéed) incline vnto one syllable. This also is to be noted as a
 testimonie remaining still of our language, deriued from the Saxons,
 that the generall name for the most part of euerie skilfull artificer
 in his trade endeth in Here with vs, albeit the H be left out, and er
 onlie inserted, as Scriuenhere, writehere, shiphere, &c: for
 scriuener, writer, and shipper, &c: beside manie other relikes of that
 spéech, neuer to be abolished.

 [Sidenote: The French toong.]
 After the Saxon toong, came the Norman or French language ouer into
 our countrie, and therein were our lawes written for a long time. Our
 children also were by an especiall decrée taught first to speake the
 same, and therevnto inforced to learne their constructions in the
 French, whensoeuer they were set to the Grammar schoole. In like sort
 few bishops, abbats, or other clergie men, were admitted vnto anie
 ecclesiasticall function here among vs, but such as came out of
 religious houses from beyond the seas, to the end they should not vse
 the English toong in their sermons to the people. In the court also it
 grew into such contempt, that most men thought it no small dishonor to
 speake any English there. Which brauerie tooke his hold at the last
 likewise in the countrie with euerie plowman, that euen the verie
 carters began to wax wearie of there mother toong, & laboured to
 speake French, which as then was counted no small token of gentilitie.
 And no maruell, for euerie French rascall, when he came once hither,
 was taken for a gentleman, onelie bicause he was proud, and could vse
 his owne language, and all this (I say) to exile the English and
 British speaches quite out of the countrie. But in vaine, for in the
 time of king Edward the first, to wit, toward the latter end of his
 reigne, the French it selfe ceased to be spoken generallie, but most
 of all and by law in the midst of Edward the third, and then began the
 English to recouer and grow in more estimation than before;
 notwithstanding that among our artificers, the most part of their
 implements, tooles and words of art reteine still their French
 denominations euen to these our daies, as the language it selfe is
 vsed likewise in sundrie courts, bookes of record, and matters of law;
 whereof here is no place to make any particular rehearsall. Afterward
 [Sidenote: The helpers of our English toong.]
 also, by diligent trauell of Geffray Chaucer, and Iohn Gowre, in the
 time of Richard the second, and after them of Iohn Scogan, and Iohn
 Lydgate monke of Berrie, our said toong was brought to an excellent
 passe, notwithstanding that it neuer came vnto the type of perfection,
 vntill the time of Quéene Elizabeth, wherein Iohn Iewell B. of Sarum,
 Iohn Fox, and sundrie learned & excellent writers haue fullie
 accomplished the ornature of the same, to their great praise and
 immortall commendation; although not a few other doo greatlie séeke to
 staine the same, by fond affectation of forren and strange words,
 presuming that to be the best English, which is most corrupted with
 externall termes of eloquence, and sound of manie syllables. But as
 this excellencie of the English toong is found in one, and the south
 part of this Iland; so in Wales the greatest number (as I said)
 retaine still their owne ancient language, that of the north part of
 the said countrie being lesse corrupted than the other, and therefore
 reputed for the better in their owne estimation and iudgement. This
 [Sidenote: Englishmen apt to learne any forren toong.]
 also is proper to vs Englishmen, that sith ours is a meane language,
 and neither too rough nor too smooth in vtterance, we may with much
 facilitie learne any other language, beside Hebrue, Gréeke & Latine,
 and speake it naturallie, as if we were home-borne in those countries;
 & yet on the other side it falleth out, I wot not by what other
 meanes, that few forren nations can rightlie pronounce ours, without
 some and that great note of imperfection, especiallie the French men,
 who also seldome write any thing that sauoreth of English trulie. It
 is a pastime to read how Natalis Comes in like maner, speaking of our
 affaires, dooth clip the names of our English lords. But this of all
 the rest dooth bréed most admiration with me, that if any stranger doo
 hit vpon some likelie pronuntiation of our toong, yet in age he
 swarueth so much from the same, that he is woorse therein than euer he
 was, and thereto peraduenture halteth not a litle also in his owne, as
 I haue séene by experience in Reginald Wolfe, and other, whereof I
 haue iustlie maruelled.

 [Sidenote: The Cornish toong.]
 The Cornish and Deuonshire men, whose countrie the Britons call
 Cerniw, haue a speach in like sort of their owne, and such as hath in
 déed more affinitie with the Armoricane toong than I can well discusse
 of. Yet in mine opinion, they are both but a corrupted kind of
 Brittish, albeit so far degenerating in these daies from the old, that
 if either of them doo méete with a Welshman, they are not able at the
 first to vnderstand one an other, except here and there in some od
 words, without the helpe of interpretors. And no maruell in mine
 opinion that the British of Cornewall is thus corrupted, sith the
 Welsh toong that is spoken in the north & south part of Wales, doth
 differ so much in it selfe, as the English vsed in Scotland dooth from
 that which is spoken among vs here in this side of the Iland, as I
 haue said alreadie.

 [Sidenote: Scottish english.]
 The Scottish english hath beene much broader and lesse pleasant in
 vtterance than ours, because that nation hath not till of late
 indeuored to bring the same to any perfect order, and yet it was such
 in maner, as Englishmen themselues did speake for the most part beyond
 the Trent, whither any great amendement of our language had not as
 then extended it selfe. Howbeit in our time the Scottish language
 endeuoreth to come neere, if not altogither to match our toong in
 finenesse of phrase, and copie of words, and this may in part appeare
 by an historie of the Apocripha translated into Scottish verse by
 Hudson, dedicated to the king of that countrie, and conteining sixe
 books, except my memorie doo faile me.

 Thus we sée how that vnder the dominion of the king of England, and in
 the south parts of the realme, we haue thrée seuerall toongs, that is
 to saie, English, British, and Cornish, and euen so manie are in
 Scotland, if you accompt the English speach for one: notwithstanding
 that for bredth and quantitie of the region, I meane onelie of the
 soile of the maine Iland, it be somewhat lesse to see to than the
 [Sidenote: The wild Scots.]
 [Sidenote: Redshanks.]
 [Sidenote: Rough footed Scots.]
 [Sidenote: Irish Scots.]
 [Sidenote: Irish speech.]
 other. For in the north part of the region, where the wild Scots,
 otherwise called the Redshanks, or rough footed Scots (because they go
 bare footed and clad in mantels ouer their saffron shirts after the
 Irish maner) doo inhabit, they speake good Irish which they call
 Gachtlet, as they saie of one Gathelus, whereby they shew their
 originall to haue in times past béene fetched out of Ireland: as I
 noted also in the chapiter precedent, and wherevnto Vincentius cap. de
 insulis Oceani dooth yéeld his assent, saieng that Ireland was in time
 past called Scotia; "Scotia eadem (saith he) & Hibernia, proxima
 Britanniæ insula, spatio terrarum angustior, sed situ f[oe]cundior;
 Scotia autem à Scotorum gentibus traditur appellata, &c." Out of the
 14. booke of Isidorus intituled Originum, where he also addeth that it
 is called Hybernia, because it bendeth toward Iberia. But I find
 elsewhere that it is so called by certeine Spaniards which came to
 seeke and plant their inhabitation in the same, wherof in my
 Chronologie I haue spoken more at large.

 In the Iles of the Orchades, or Orkeney, as we now call them, & such
 coasts of Britaine as doo abbut vpon the same, the Gottish or Danish
 speach is altogither in vse, and also in Shetland, by reason (as I
 take it) that the princes of Norwaie held those Ilands so long vnder
 their subiection, albeit they were otherwise reputed as rather to
 belong to Ireland, bicause that the verie soile of them is enimie to
 poison, as some write, although for my part I had neuer any sound
 experience of the truth hereof. And thus much haue I thought good to
 speake of our old speaches, and those fiue languages now vsuallie
 spoken within the limits of our Iland.




 INTO HOW MANIE KINGDOMS THIS ILAND HATH BEENE DIUIDED.

 CAP. VII.


 [Sidenote: Britaine at the first one entire kingdome.]
 It is not to be doubted, but that at the first, the whole Iland was
 ruled by one onelie prince, and so continued from time to time, vntill
 ciuill discord, grounded vp[=o] ambitious desire to reigne, caused the
 same to be gouerned by diuerse. And this I meane so well of the time
 before the comming of Brute, as after the extinction of his whole race
 & posteritie. Howbeit, as it is vncerteine into how manie regions it
 was seuered, after the first partition; so it is most sure that this
 latter disturbed estate of regiment, continued in the same, not onelie
 vntill the time of Cæsar, but also in maner vnto the daies of Lucius,
 with whome the whole race of the Britons had an end, and the Romans
 full possession of this Iland, who gouerned it by Legats after the
 maner of a prouince. It should séeme also that within a while after
 the time of Dunwallon (who rather brought those foure princes that
 vsurped in his time to obedience, than extinguished their titles, &
 such partition as they had made of the Iland among themselues) each
 great citie had hir fréedome and seuerall kind of regiment, proper
 vnto hir selfe, beside a large circuit of the countrie appertinent
 vnto the same, wherein were sundrie other cities also of lesse name,
 which owght homage and all subiection vnto the greater sort. And to
 saie truth, hereof it came to passe, that each of these regions,
 whereinto this Iland was then diuided, tooke his name of some one of
 these cities; although Ciuitas after Cæsar doth sometime signifie an
 whole continent or kingdome, whereby there were in old time Tot
 ciuitates quot regna, and contrariwise as may appeare by that of the
 Trinobantes, which was so called of Trinobantum the chiefe citie of
 that portion, whose territories conteined all Essex, Middlesex, and
 part of Hertfordshire, euen as the iurisdiction of the bishop of
 London is now extended, for the ouersight of such things as belong
 vnto the church. Ech of the gouernors also of these regions, called
 themselues kings, and therevnto either of them dailie made warre vpon
 other, for the inlarging of their limits. But for somuch as I am not
 able to saie how manie did challenge this authoritie at once, and how
 long they reigned ouer their seuerall portions, I will passe ouer
 these ancient times, and come néerer vnto our owne, I meane the 600.
 yéere of Christ, whereof we haue more certeine notice, & at which
 season there is euident proofe, that there were twelue or thirtéene
 kings reigning in this Iland.

 [Sidenote: Wales diuided into three kingdomes.]
 We find therefore for the first, how that Wales had hir thrée seuerall
 kingdomes, which being accompted togither conteined (as Giraldus
 saith) 49. cantreds or cantons (whereof thrée were in his time
 possessed by the French and English) although that whole portion of
 the Iland extended in those daies no farder than about 200. miles in
 length, and one hundred in bredth, and was cut from Lhoegres by the
 riuers Sauerne and Dee, of which two streames this dooth fall into the
 Irish sea at Westchester, the other into the maine Ocean, betwixt
 Somersetshire and Southwales, as their seuerall courses shall witnesse
 more at large.

 [Sidenote: Gwinhed.]
 In the begining it was diuided into two kingdoms onelie, that is to
 saie, Venedotia or Gwynhedh (otherwise called Dehenbarth) and Demetia,
 for which we now vse most c[=o]monlie the names of South & Northwales.
 But in a short processe of time a third sprung vp in the verie middest
 betwéene them both, which from thence-foorth was called Powisy, as
 shalbe shewed hereafter. For Roderijc the great, who flourished 850.
 of Christ, and was king of all Wales (which then conteined onlie six
 regions) leauing thrée sons behind him, by his last will & testament
 diuided the countrie into thrée portions, according to the number of
 his children, of which he assigned one vnto either of them, wherby
 Morwing or Morwinner had Gwynhedh or Northwales, Cadelh Demetia or
 Southwales, and Anaralt Powisy, as Giraldus and other doo remember.
 Howbeit it came to passe that after this diuision, Cadelh suruiued all
 his brethren, and thereby became lord of both their portions, and his
 successors after him vntill the time of Teuther or Theodor (all is
 one) after which they were contented to kéepe themselues within the
 compasse of Demetia, which (as I said) conteined 29. of those 49.
 cantreds before mentioned, as Powisy did six, and Gwinhedh fourtéene,
 except my memorie doo faile me.

 [Sidenote: Venedotia.]
 The first of these thrée, being called (as I said) Northwales or
 Venedotia (or as Paulus Iouius saith Malfabrene, for he diuideth Wales
 also into thrée regions, of which he calleth the first Dumbera, the
 second Berfrona, and the third Malfabrene) lieth directlie ouer
 [Sidenote: Anglesei.]
 against the Ile of Anglesei, the chiefe citie whereof stood in the Ile
 of Anglesei and was called Aberfraw. It conteineth 4. regions, of
 which the said Iland is the first, and whereof in the chapter insuing
 [Sidenote: Arfon.]
 I wille intreat more at large. The second is called Arfon, and situate
 [Sidenote: Merioneth.]
 betweene two riuers, the Segwy and the Conwy. The third is Merioneth,
 and as it is seuered from Arfon by the Conwy, so is it separated from
 [Sidenote: Stradcluyd or Tegenia.]
 Tegenia (otherwise called Stradcluyd and Igenia the fourth region) by
 the riuer Cluda. Finallie, the limits of this latter are extended also
 euen vnto the Dée it selfe, and of these foure regions consisteth the
 kingdome of Venedotia, whereof in times past the region of the Canges
 was not the smallest portion.

 [Sidenote: Powisy.]
 The kingdome of Powisy, last of all erected, as I said, hath on the
 north side Gwinhedh, on the east (from Chester to Hereford, or rather
 to Deane forest) England, on the south and west the riuer Wy and verie
 high hilles, whereby it is notablie seuered from Southwales, the
 chiefe citie thereof being at the first Salopsburg, in old time
 Pengwerne, and Ynwithig, but now Shrowesburie, a citie or towne raised
 out of the ruines of Vricouium, which (standing 4. miles from thence,
 and by the Saxons called Wrekencester and Wrokecester, before they
 ouerthrew it) is now inhabited with méere English, and where in old
 time the kings of Powisy did dwell and hold their palaces, till
 Englishmen draue them from thence to Matrauall in the same prouince,
 where they from thencefoorth aboad. Vpon the limits of this kingdome,
 and not far from Holt castell, vpon ech side of the riuer, as the
 [Sidenote: Bangor.]
 chanell now runneth, stood sometime the famous monasterie of Bangor,
 whilest the abated glorie of the Britons yet remained vnextinguished,
 and herein were 2100. monkes, of which, the learned sort did preach
 the Gospell, and the vnlearned labored with their hands, thereby to
 mainteine themselues, and to sustaine their preachers. This region was
 in like sort diuided afterward in twaine, of which, the one was called
 [Sidenote: Mailrosse.]
 Mailor or Mailrosse, the other reteined still hir old denomination,
 and of these the first laie by south, & the latter by north of the
 Sauerne.

 [Sidenote: Fowkes de Warren.]
 As touching Mailrosse, I read moreouer in the gests of Fowkes de
 Warren, how that one William sonne to a certeine ladie sister to Paine
 Peuerell, the first lord of Whittington, after the conquest did win a
 part of the same, and the hundred of Ellesmore from the Welshmen, in
 which enterprise he was so desperatlie wounded, that no man hight him
 life; yet at the last by eating of the shield of a wild bore, he got
 an appetite and recouered his health. This William had issue two
 [Sidenote: Helene.]
 [Sidenote: Mellent.]
 daughters, to wit, Helene maried to the heir of the Alans, and Mellent
 which refused mariage with anie man, except he were first tried to be
 a knight of prowesse. Herevpon hir father made proclamation, that
 against such a daie & at such a place, whatsoeuer Gentleman could shew
 himselfe most valiant in the field, should marrie Mellent his
 daughter, & haue with hir his castell of Whittington with sufficient
 liueliehood to mainteine their estates for euer. This report being
 spred, Fowkes de Warren came thither all in red, with a shield of
 siluer and pecocke for his crest, whereof he was called the red
 knight, and there ouercomming the kings sonne of Scotland, and a Baron
 of Burgundie, he maried the maid, and by hir had issue as in the
 treatise appeareth. There is yet great mention of the red knight in
 the countrie there about; and much like vnto this Mellent was the
 daughter sometime of one of the lord Rosses, called Kudall, who bare
 [Sidenote: The originall of Fitz Henries.]
 such good will to Fitz-Henrie clarke of hir fathers kitchen, that she
 made him carie hir awaie on horssebacke behind him, onlie for his
 manhood sake, which presentlie was tried. For being pursued & ouer
 taken, she made him light, & held his cloke whilest he killed and
 draue hir fathers men to flight: and then awaie they go, till hir
 father conceiuing a good opinion of Fitz-Henrie for this act, receiued
 him to his fauour, whereby that familie came vp. And thus much (by the
 waie) of Mailrosse, whereof this may suffice, sith mine intent is not
 as now to make anie precise description of the particulars of Wales;
 but onelie to shew how those regions laie, which sometime were knowne
 [Sidenote: Demetia.]
 to be gouerned in that countrie. The third kingdome is Demetia, or
 Southwales, sometime knowne for the region of the Syllures, wherevnto
 I also am persuaded, that the Ordolukes laie in the east part thereof,
 and extended their region euen vnto the Sauerne: but howsoeuer that
 matter falleth out, Demetia hath the Sauerne on hir south, the Irish
 sea on hir west parts, on the east the Sauerne onelie, and by north
 the land of Powisy, whereof I spake of late.

 [Sidenote: Cair Maridunum.]
 Of this region also Caermarden, which the old writers call Maridunum,
 was the chéefe citie and palace belonging to the kings of Southwales,
 vntill at the last through forren and ciuill inuasions of enimies, the
 princes thereof were constrained to remooue their courts to Dinefar
 (which is in Cantermawr, and situate neuerthelesse vpon the same riuer
 Tewy, wheron Caermarden standeth) in which place it is far better
 defended with high hils, thicke woods, craggie rocks, and déepe
 marises. In this region also lieth Pembroke aliàs Penmoroc shire,
 whose fawcons haue béene in old time very much regarded, and therein
 likewise is Milford hauen, whereof the Welsh wisards doo yet dreame
 strange toies, which they beleeue shall one daie come to passe. For
 they are a nation much giuen to fortelling of things to come, but more
 to beléeue such blind prophesies as haue béene made of old time, and
 no man is accompted for learned in Wales that is not supposed to haue
 the spirit of prophesie.

 [Sidenote: Pictland.]
 [Sidenote: Scotland.]
 [Sidenote: Picts.]
 [Sidenote: Scots.]
 That Scotland had in those daies two kingdoms, (besides that of the
 Orchades) whereof the one consisted of the Picts, and was called
 Pightland or Pictland, the other of the Irish race, and named
 Scotland: I hope no wise man will readilie denie. The whole region or
 portion of the Ile beyond the Scotish sea also was so diuided, that
 the Picts laie on the east side, and the Scots on the west, ech of
 them being seuered from other, either by huge hils or great lakes and
 riuers, that ran out of the south into the north betwéene them. It
 séemeth also that at the first these two kingdoms were diuided from
 the rest of those of the Britons by the riuers Cluda and Forth, till
 both of them desirous to inlarge their dominions, draue the Britons
 ouer the Solue and the Twede, which then became march betweene both
 the nations. Wherefore the case being so plaine, I will saie no more
 of these two, but procéed in order with the rehersall of the rest of
 the particular kingdoms of this our south part of the Ile, limiting
 out the same by shires as they now lie, so néere as I can, for
 otherwise it shall be vnpossible for me to leaue certaine notice of
 the likeliest quantities of these their seuerall portions.

 [Sidenote: Kent Henghist.]
 The first of these kingdoms therefore was begunne in Kent by Henghist
 in the 456. of Christ, and thereof called the kingdome of Kent or
 Cantwarland, and as the limits thereof extended it selfe no farther
 than the said countie (the cheefe citie whereof was Dorobernia or
 Cantwarbyry now Canturburie) so it indured well néere by the space of
 400. yeares, before it was made an earledome or Heretochie, and vnited
 by Inas vnto that of the West Saxons, Athelstane his sonne, being the
 first Earle or Heretoch of the same. Maister Lambert in his historie
 of Kent dooth gather, by verie probable coniectures, that this part of
 the Iland was first inhabited by Samothes, and afterward by Albion.
 But howsoeuer that case standeth, sure it is that it hath béen the
 onelie doore, whereby the Romans and Saxons made their entrie vnto the
 conquest of the region, but first of all Cæsar, who entred into this
 Iland vpon the eightéenth Cal. or 14. of September, which was foure
 daies before the full of the moone, as he himselfe confesseth, and
 then fell out about the 17. or 18. of that moneth, twelue daies before
 the equinoctiall (apparant) so that he did not tarrie at that time
 aboue eight or ten daies in Britaine. And as this platforme cannot be
 denied for his entrance, so the said region and east part of Kent, was
 the onelie place by which the knowledge of Christ was first brought
 ouer vnto vs, whereby we became partakers of saluation, and from the
 darkenesse of mistie errour, true conuerts vnto the light and bright
 beames of the shining truth, to our eternall benefit and euerlasting
 comforts.

 [Sidenote: Southsax.]
 [Sidenote: Ella.]
 The second kingdome conteined onelie Sussex, and a part of (or as some
 saie all) Surrie, which Ella the Saxon first held: who also erected
 his chéefe palace at Chichester, when he had destroied Andredswald in
 the 492. of Christ. And after it had continued by the space of 232.
 years, it ceased, being the verie least kingdome of all the rest,
 which were founded in this Ile after the comming of the Saxons (for to
 saie truth, it conteined little aboue 7000. families) & within a while
 after the erection of the kingdome of the Gewisses or Westsaxons,
 notwithstanding that before the kings of Sussex pretended and made
 claime to all that which laie west of Kent, and south of the Thames,
 vnto the point of Corinwall, as I haue often read.

 [Sidenote: Eastsax.]
 [Sidenote: Erkenwiin.]
 The third regiment was of the East Saxons, or Tribonantes. This
 kingdome began vnder Erkenwijn, whose chéefe seat was in London (or
 rather Colchester) and conteined whole Essex, Middlesex, and part of
 Herfordshire. It indured also much about the pricke of 303. yeares,
 and was diuided from that of the East Angles onlie by the riuer
 Stoure, as Houeden and others doo report, & so it continueth separated
 from Suffolke euen vnto our times, although the said riuer be now
 growne verie small, and not of such greatnesse as it hath béene in
 times past, by reason that our countriemen make small accompt of
 riuers, thinking carriage made by horsse and cart to be the lesse
 chargeable waie. But herin how far they are deceiued, I will
 else-where make manifest declaration.

 [Sidenote: Westsax.]
 The fourth kingdome was of the West Saxons, and so called, bicause it
 laie in the west part of the realme, as that of Essex did in the east,
 [Sidenote: Cerdiic.]
 and of Sussex in the south. It began in the yeare of Grace 519. vnder
 Cerdijc, and indured vntill the comming of the Normans, including at
 the last all Wiltshire, Barkeshire, Dorset, Southampton,
 Somersetshire, Glocestershire, some part of Deuonshire (which the
 Britons occupied not) Cornewall, and the rest of Surrie, as the best
 authors doo set downe. At the first it conteined onelie Wiltshire,
 Dorcetshire, and Barkeshire, but yer long the princes thereof
 conquered whatsoeuer the kings of Sussex and the Britons held vnto the
 point of Cornewall, and then became first Dorchester (vntill the time
 of Kinigils) then Winchester the chéefe citie of that kingdome. For
 when Birinus the moonke came into England, the said Kinigils gaue him
 Dorchester, and all the land within seauen miles about, toward the
 maintenance of his cathedrall sea, by meanes whereof he himselfe
 remooued his palace to Winchester.

 [Sidenote: Brennicia, aliàs Northumberland.]
 The fift kingdome began vnder Ida, in the 548. of Christ, and was
 called Northumberland, bicause it laie by north of the riuer Humber.
 [Sidenote: Ida.]
 And from the comming of Henghist to this Ida, it was onlie gouerned by
 earls or Heretoches as an Heretochy, till the said Ida conuerted it
 into a kingdome. It conteined all that region which (as it should
 séeme) was in time past either wholie apperteining to the Brigants, or
 whereof the said Brigants did possesse the greater part. The cheefe
 citie of the same in like maner was Yorke, as Beda, Capgraue, Leyland,
 and others doo set downe, who ad thereto that it extended from the
 Humber vnto the Scotish sea, vntill the slaughter of Egfride of the
 Northumbers, after which time the Picts gat hold of all, betweene the
 Forth and the Twede, which afterward descending to the Scots by meanes
 of the vtter destruction of the Picts, hath not béene sithens vnited
 to the crowne of England, nor in possession of the meere English, as
 before time it had béene. Such was the crueltie of these Picts also in
 their recouerie of the same, that at a certeine houre they made a
 Sicilien euensong, and slew euerie English man, woman and child, that
 they could laie hold vpon within the aforesaid region, but some
 escaped narrowlie, and saued themselues by flight.

 [Sidenote: Deira.]
 Afterward in the yeare of Grace 560. it was parted in twaine, vnder
 Adda, that yeelded vp all his portion, which lay betweene Humber and
 [Sidenote: Ella.]
 the Tine vnto his brother Ella (according to their fathers
 appointment) who called it Deira, or Southumberland, but reteining the
 rest still vnto his owne vse, he diminished not his title, but wrote
 himselfe as before king of all Northumberland. Howbeit after 91.
 yeares, it was revnited againe, and so continued vntill Alfred annexed
 the whole to his kingdome, in the 331. after Ida, or 878. of the birth
 of Jesus Christ our Sauiour.

 [Sidenote: Eastangles Offa, à quo Offlingæ.]
 The seauenth kingdome, called of the East-Angles, began at Norwich in
 the 561. after Christ, vnder Offa, of whom the people of that region
 were long time called Offlings. This included all Norfolke, Suffolke,
 Cambridgeshire, and Elie, and continuing 228. yeares, it flourished
 onelie 35. yeares in perfect estate of liberte, the rest being
 consumed vnder the tribut and vassallage of the Mercians, who had the
 souereigntie thereof, and held it with great honour, till the Danes
 gat hold of it, who spoiled it verie sore, so that it became more
 miserable than any of the other, and so remained till the kings of the
 West-saxons vnited it to their crownes. Some saie that Grantcester,
 but now Cambridge (a towne erected out of hir ruines) was the chéefe
 citie of this kingdome, and not Norwich. Wherein I may well shew the
 discord of writers, but I cannot resolue the scruple. Some take this
 region also to be all one with that of the Icenes, but as yet for my
 part I cannot yeeld to their assertions, I meane it of Leland
 himselfe, whose helpe I vse chéefelie in these collections, albeit in
 this behalfe I am not resolued that he doth iudge aright.

 The 8. & last was that of Mertia, which indured 291. yeares, and for
 greatnesse exceeded all the rest. It tooke the name either of Mearc
 the Saxon word, bicause it was march to the rest (and trulie, the
 limits of most of the other kingdomes abutted vpon the same) or else
 [Sidenote: Mertia.]
 for that the lawes of Martia the Queene were first vsed in that part
 of the Iland. But as this later is but a méere coniecture of some, so
 [Sidenote: Creodda.]
 the said kingdome began vnder Creodda, in the 585. of Christ, &
 indured well néere 300. yeares before it was vnited to that of the
 West-saxons by Alfred, then reigning in this Ile. Before him the Danes
 had gotten hold thereof, and placed one Ceolulph an idiot in the same;
 but as he was soone reiected for his follie, so it was not long after
 yer the said Alfred (I saie) annexed it to his kingdome by his
 [Sidenote: Limits of Mertia.]
 manhood. The limits of the Mertian dominions included Lincolne,
 Northampton, Chester, Darbie, Nottingham, Stafford, Huntington,
 Rutland, Oxford, Buckingham, Worcester, Bedford shires, and the
 greatest part of Shropshire (which the Welsh occupied not) Lancaster,
 Glocester, Hereford (alias Hurchford) Warwijc and Hertford shires: the
 rest of whose territories were holden by such princes of other
 kingdomes through force as bordered vpon the same. Moreouer, this
 kingdome was at one time diuided into south and north Mertia, whereof
 this laie beyond and the other on this side of the Trent, which later
 also Oswald of Northumberland did giue to Weada the sonne of Penda for
 kindred sake, though he not long inioied it. This also is worthie to
 be noted, that in these eight kingdomes of the Saxons, there were
 twelue princes reputed in the popish Catalog for saints or martyrs, of
 which Alcimund, Edwine, Oswald, Oswijn and Aldwold reigned in
 Northumberland; Sigebert, Ethelbert, Edmond, and another Sigebert
 among the Estangels; Kenelme and Wistan in Mertia; and Saint Edward
 the confessor, ouer all; but how worthilie, I referre me to the
 iudgement of the learned. Thus much haue I thought good to leaue in
 memorie of the aforesaid kingdomes: and now will I speake somewhat of
 the diuision of this Iland also into prouinces, as the Romanes seuered
 it whiles they remained in these parts. Which being done, I hope that
 I haue discharged whatsoeuer is promised in the title of this chapter.

 The Romans therefore hauing obteined the possession of this Iland,
 diuided the same at the last into fiue prouinces, as Vibius Sequester
 [Sidenote: Britannia prima.]
 saith. The first whereof was named Britannia prima, and conteined the
 east part of England (as some doo gather) from the Trent vnto the
 [Sidenote: Valentia.]
 Twede. The second was called Valentia or Valentiana, and included the
 west side, as they note it, from Lirpoole vnto Cokermouth. The third
 [Sidenote: Britannia secunda.]
 hight Britannia secunda, and was that portion of the Ile which laie
 [Sidenote: Flauia Cæsariensis.]
 southwards, betwéene the Trent and the Thames. The fourth was surnamed
 Flauia Cæsariensis, and conteined all the countrie which remained
 betweene Douer and the Sauerne, I meane by south of the Thames, and
 wherevnto (in like sort) Cornewall and Wales were orderlie assigned.
 [Sidenote: Maxima Cæsariensis.]
 The fift and last part was then named Maxima Cæsariensis, now
 Scotland, the most barren of all the rest, and yet not vnsought out of
 the gréedie Romanes, bicause of the great plentie of fish and foule,
 fine alabaster and hard marble that are ingendred and to be had in the
 same, for furniture of houshold and curious building, wherein they
 much delited. More hereof in Sextus Rufus, who liued in the daies of
 Valentine, and wrate Notitiam prouinciarum now extant to be read.


     _A Catalog of the kings and princes of this Iland, first from
     Samothes vnto the birth of our sauiour Christ, or rather the
     comming of the Romans: secondlie of their Legates: thirdlie
     of the Saxon princes according to their seuerall kingdomes:
     fourthlie of the Danes, and lastlie of the Normans and English
     princes, according to the truth conteined in our Histories._

 OF THE KINGS OF BRITAINE, FROM SAMOTHES TO BRUTE.

   Samothes.
   Magus.
   Sarronius.
   Druiyus.
   Bardus.
   Longho.
   Bardus Iunior.
   Lucus.
   Celtes.
     Albion.
   Celtes after Albion slaine.
   Galates.
   Harbon.
   Lugdus.
   Beligius.
   Iasius.
   Allobrox.
   Romus.
   Paris.
   Lemanus.
   Olbius.
   Galates. 2.
   Nannes.
   Remis.
   Francus.
   Pictus.

     After whom Brute entreth into the Iland, either neglected by the
     Celts, or otherwise by conquest, and reigned therein with
     his posteritie by the space of 636. yeares, in such order as
     foloweth.

   Brute.
   Locrinus.
   Gwendolena his widow.
   Madan.
   Mempricius.
   Ebracus.
   Brutus Iunior.
   Leil.
   Rudibras.
   Bladunus.
   Leir.
   Cordeil his daughter.
   Cunedach and Morgan.
   Riuallon.
   Gurgustius.
   Sisillus.
   Iago.
   Kimmachus.
   Gorbodug.
   Ferres and Porrex.

     These 2. being slaine, the princes of the land straue for the
     superioritie and regiment of the same, by the space of 50.
     yéeres (after the race of Brute was decaied) vntill Dunwallon
     king of Cornwall subdued them all, & brought the whole to his
     subiection, notwithstanding that the aforesaid number of kings
     remained still, which were but as vassals & inferiours to him,
     he being their chéefe and onelie souereigne.

   Dunwallon reigneth.
   Belinus his sonne, in whose time Brennus vsurpeth.
   Gurgwinbatrus.
   Guittellinus.
   Seisili.
   Kymarus.
   Owan aliàs Ellan.
   Morwich aliàs Morindus.
   Grandobodian aliàs Gorbonian.
   Arcigallon.
   Elidurus aliàs Hesidor.
   Arcigallon againe.
   Elidurus againe.
   Vigen aliàs Higanius, & Petitur aliàs Peridurus.
   Elidurus the third time.
   Gorbodia aliàs Gorbonian.
   Morgan.
   Meriones aliàs Eighuans.
   Idouallon.
   Rhimo Rohugo.
   Geruntius Voghen.
   Catellus.
   Coellus.
   Pyrrho aliàs Porrex.
   Cherinus.
   Fulganius aliàs Sulgenis.
   Eldadus.
   Androgius.
   Vrian.
   Hellindus.
   Dedantius Eldagan.
   Clotenis Claten.
   Gurguintus.
   Merian.
   Bledunus Bledagh.
   Cophenis.
   Owinus aliàs Oghwen.
   Sisillus or Sitsiltus.
   Blegabridus.
   Arcimalus Archiuall.
   Eldadus.
   Ruthenis thrée moneths.
   Rodingarus aliàs Rodericus.
   Samulius Penysell.
   Pyrrho 2.
   Carporis aliàs Capporis.
   Dynellus aliàs Dygnellus.
   Hellindus a few moneths.
   Lhoid.
   Casibellane.
   Theomantius.
   Cynobellinus.
   Aruiragus.
   Marius.
   Coellus.
   Lucius.

     Hitherto I haue set foorth the catalog of the kings of Britaine,
     in such sort as it is to be collected out of the most ancient
     histories, monuments and records of the land. Now I will
     set foorth the order and succession of the Romane legates or
     deputies, as I haue borowed them first out of Tacitus, then
     Dion, and others: howbeit I cannot warrant the iust course of
     them from Iulius Agricola forward, bicause there is no man that
     reherseth them orderlie. Yet by this my dooing herein, I hope
     some better table may be framed hereafter by other, wherof I
     would be glad to vnderstand when soeuer it shall please God that
     it may come to passe.

   Aulus Plautius.
   Ostorius Scapula.
   Didius Gallus.
   Auitus.
   Veranius a few moneths.
   Petronius Turpilianus.
   Trebellius Maximus.
   Vectius Volanus.
   Petilius Cerealis.
   Iulius Frontinus.
   Iulius Agricola.

     Hitherto Cornelius Tacitus reherseth these vicegerents or
     deputies in order.

   Salustius Lucullus.
   Cneius Trebellius.
   Suetonius Paulinus.
   Calphurnius Agricola.
   Publius Trebellius.
   Pertinax Helrius.
   Vlpius Marcellus.
   Clodius Albinas.
   Heraclius.
   Carus Tyrannus.
   Iunius Seuerus, aliàs Iulius Seuerus.
   Linius Gallus.
   Lollius Vrbicus.
   Maximus.
   Octauius.
   Traherus.
   Maximinianus.
   Gratianus.
   Aetius.

     Other Legates whose names are taken out of the Scotish historie
     but in incertein order.

   Fronto sub Antonino.
   Publius Trebellius.
   Aulus Victorinus.
   Lucius Antinoris.
   Quintus Bassianus.


 WALES

 1.

     ¶ The Romans not regarding the gouernance of this Iland, the
     Britons ordeine a king in the 447. after the incarnation of
     Christ.

   Vortiger.
   Vortimer.
   Aurelius Ambrosius.
   Vther.
   Arthur.
   Constantine.
   Aurelius Conanus.
   Vortiporius.
   Maglocunus.
   Caretius.
   Cadwan.
   Cadwallon.
   Cadwallader.

     ¶ The kingdome of Wales ceaseth, and the gouernance of the
     countrie is translated to the Westsaxons by Inas, whose second
     wife was Denwalline the daughter of Cadwallader: & with hir
     he not onlie obteined the principalitie of Wales but also of
     Corinwall & Armorica now called little Britaine, which then was
     a colonie of the Britons, and vnder the kingdome of Wales.


 KENT.

 2.

     ¶ Hengist in the 9. of the recouerie of Britaine proclaimeth
     himselfe king of Kent, which is the 456. of the birth of our
     Lord & sauior Jesus Christ.

   Hengist.
   Osrijc aliàs Osca.
   Osca his brother.
   Ermenricus.
   Athelbert.
   Eadbaldus.
   Ercombert.
   Ecbert.
   Lother.
   Edrijc.

     The seat void.

   Withredus.
   Adelbert Iunior.
   Eadbert.
   Alrijc.
   Eadbert.
   Guthred.
   Alred.

     ¶ As the kingdome of Wales was vnited vnto that of the
     Westsaxons by Inas, so is the kingdom of Kent, at this present
     by Ecbert in the 827. of Christ, who putteth out Aldred and
     maketh Adelstane his owne base sonne Hertoch of the same,
     so that whereas it was before a kingdome, now it becometh an
     Hertochie or Dukedome, and so continueth for a long time after.


 SOUTHSEX.

 3.

     ¶ Ella in the 46. after Britaine giuen ouer by the Romanes
     erecteth a kingdom in Southsex, to wit, in the 492. of Christ
     whose race succeedeth in this order.

   Ella.
   Cyssa.
   Ceaulijn.
   Celrijc.
   Kilwulf.
   Kinigils.
   Kinwalch.
   Ethelwold.
   Berthun.
   Aldwijn.

     ¶ This kingdome endured not verie long as ye may sée, for it was
     vnited to that of the Westsaxons by Inas, in the 4689. of the
     world, which was the 723. of Christ, according to the vsuall
     supputation of the church, and 232. after Ella had erected the
     same, as is aforesaid.


 ESTSEX.

 4.

     ¶ Erkenwijn in the 527. after our sauiour Christ beginneth to
     reigne ouer Estsex, and in the 81. after the returne of Britaine
     from the Romaine obedience.

   Erkenwijn.
   Sledda.
   Sebertus.
   Sepredus and Sywardus.
   Sigebert fil. Syward.
   Sigebert.
   Swithelijn.
   Sijgar and Sebba.
   Sebba alone.
   Sijgard.
   Offa.
   Selredus.
   Ethelwold.
   Albert.
   Humbcanna.
   Sinthredus.

     ¶ In the 303. after Erkenwijn, Ecbert of the Westsaxons vnited
     the kingdome of Estsex vnto his owne, which was in the 828.
     after the birth of our sauiour Christ. I cannot as yet find the
     exact yéeres of the later princes of this realme, and therefore
     I am constrained to omit them altogither, as I haue done before
     in the kings of the Britons, vntill such time as I may come by
     such monuments as may restore the defect.


 WESTSEX.

 5.

     ¶ Cerdijc entreth the kingdome of the Westsaxons, in the 519.
     of the birth of Christ, & 73. of the abiection of the Romaine
     seruitude.

   Cerdijc aliàs Cercit.
   Cenrijc.
   Ceaulijn.
   Kilriic aliàs Celrijc.
   Kilwulf.
   Kinigils.
   Ceuwalch.
   Sexburgh.

     The seat void.

   Centwinus.
   Cadwallader.
   Inas.
   Ethelard.
   Cuthredus.
   Sigebert.
   Kinwulf.
   Brithrijc.
   Ecbert.
   Ethelwulf.
   Ethebald.
   Ethelbert.
   Ethelfrid.
   Alfrid.
   Edward I.
   Adelstane.
   Edmund.
   Eadred.
   Edwijn.
   Edgar.
   Edward 2.
   Eldred.
   Edmund 2.
   Canutus.
   Harald.
   Canutus 2.
   Edward 3.
   Harald 2.

     ¶ The Saxons hauing reigned hitherto in this land, and brought
     the same into a perfect monarchie, are now dispossessed by the
     Normans, & put out of their hold.


 BERNICIA.

 6.

     ¶ Ida erecteth a kingdome in the North, which he extended from
     the Humber mouth to S. Johns towne in Scotland, & called it of
     the Northumbers. This was in the 547. after the birth of our
     sauiour Christ.

   Ida.
   Adda.
   Glappa.
   Tidwaldus.
   Fretwulfus.
   Tidrijc.
   Athelfrid.
   Edwijn.
   Kinfrid.
   Oswald.
   Oswy.
   Egfrid.
   Alfrid.
   Osred.
   Kinred.
   Osrijc.
   Kilwulf.
   Edbert.
   Offulse.
   Ethelwold.
   Elred.
   Ethelred.
   Alswold.
   Osred.
   Ethelred.
   Osbald.
   Eardulf.
   Aldeswold.
   Eandred.
   Edelred.
   Redwulf.
   Edelred againe.
   Osbright.
   Ecbert.
   Ricisiuus a Dane.
   Ecbert againe.

     ¶ Alfride king of the Westsaxons subdueth this kingdome in the
     878. after our sauiour Christ, and 33. after Ida.


 DEIRA.

 7.

     ¶ Ella brother to Adda is ouer the south Humbers, whose
     kingdome reched from Humber to the These, in the 590. after the
     incarnation of Jesus Christ our sauiour.

   Ella.
   Edwijn.
   Athelbright.
   Edwijn againe.
   Osrijc.
   Oswald.
   Oswijn.

     ¶ Of all the kingdomes of the Saxons, this of Deira which grew
     by the diuision of the kingdome of the Northumbers betwéene the
     sons of Ida was of the smallest continuance, & it was vnited
     to the Northumbers (wherof it had bene I saie in time past
     a member) by Oswijn in the 91. after Ella, when he had most
     traitorouslie slaine his brother Oswijn in the yéer of the
     world, 4618. (or 651. after the comming of Christ) and conteined
     that countrie which we now call the bishoprike.


 ESTANGLIA.

 8.

     ¶ Offa or Vffa erecteth a kingdome ouer the Estangles or
     Offlings in the 561. after the natiuitie of Christ, and 114.
     after the deliuerie of Britaine.

   Offa.
   Titellius.
   Redwaldus.
   Corpenwaldus.

     The seat void.

   Sigebert.
   Egricus.
   Anna.
   Adeler.
   Ethelwold.
   Adwulf.
   Beorne.
   Ethelred.
   Ethelbert.

     ¶ Offa of Mercia killeth Ethelbert, and vniteth Estanglia vnto
     his owne kingdome, in the 793. of Christ, after it had continued
     in the posteritie of Offa, by the space of 228. yéers and yet
     of that short space, it enioyed onelie 35. in libertie, the rest
     being vnder the tribute of the king of Mercia aforesaid.


 MERCIA.

 9.

     ¶ Creodda beginneth his kingdome of Mercia, in the 585. of our
     sauiour Christ, and 138. after the captiuitie of Britaine ended.

   Creodda.
   Wibba.
   Cherlus.
   Penda.
   Oswy.
   Weada.
   Wulferus.
   Ethelred.
   Kinred or Kindred.

     The seat void.

   Kilred.
   Ethebald.
   Beorred.
   Offa.
   Egferth.
   Kinwulf.
   Kenelme.
   Kilwulf.
   Bernulf.
   Ludicane.
   Willaf.
   Ecbert.
   Willaf againe.
   Bertulf.
   Butred.
   Kilwulf.

     ¶ Alfride vniteth the kingdome of Mercia, to that of the
     Westsaxons, in the 291. after Creodda, before Alfred the Dane
     had gotten hold thereof, and placed one Cleolulphus therein,
     but he was soone expelled, and the kingdome ioyned to the other
     afore rehearsed.


     [*] _The Succession of the kings of England from_ WILLIAM
     _bastard, unto the first of Queene_ ELIZABETH.

   William the first.
   William his sonne.
   Henrie 1.
   Stephen.
   Henrie 2.
   Richard 1.
   Iohn.
   Henrie 3.
   Edward 1. aliàs 4.
   Edward 2.
   Edward 3.
   Richard 2.
     Henrie 4.
     Henrie 5.
     Henrie 6.
   Edward 4. aliàs 7.
   Edward 5.
     Richard 3.
   Henrie 7.
   Henrie 8.
   Edward 6.
   Marie his sister.
   Elizabeth.

     ¶ Thus haue I brought the Catalog of the Princes of Britaine
     vnto an end, & that in more plaine and certeine order than hath
     béene done hertofore by anie. For though in their regions since
     the conquest few men haue erred that haue vsed any diligence,
     yet in the times before the same, fewer haue gone any thing
     néere the truth, through great ouersight & negligence. Their
     seuerall yéeres also doo appéere in my Chronologie insuing.




 OF THE ANCIENT RELIGION VSED IN ALBION.

 CAP. IX.


 It is not to be doubted, but at the first, and so long as the
 posteritie of Iaphet onelie reigned in this Iland, that the true
 [Sidenote: Samothes.]
 knowledge and forme of religion brought in by Samothes, and published
 with his lawes in the second of his arriuall, was exercised among the
 Britans. And although peraduenture in proces of time, either through
 curiositie, or negligence (the onelie corruptors of true pietie and
 godlinesse) it might a little decaie, yet when it was at the woorst,
 it farre excéeded the best of that which afterward came in with Albion
 and his Chemminites, as may be gathered by view of the superstitious
 rites, which Cham and his successours did plant in other countries,
 yet to be found in authors.

 What other learning Magus the sonne of Samothes taught after his
 fathers death, when he also came to the kingdome, beside this which
 concerned the true honoring of God, I cannot easilie say, but that it
 should be naturall philosophie, and astrologie (whereby his disciples
 gathered a kind of foreknowledge of things to come) the verie vse of
 the word Magus (or Magusæus) among the Persians dooth yéeld no
 vncerteine testimonie.

 [Sidenote: Sarron.]
 In like maner, it should seeme that Sarron sonne vnto the said Magus,
 diligentlie followed the steps of his father, and thereto beside his
 owne practise of teaching, opened schooles of learning in sundrie
 places, both among the Celts and Britans, whereby such as were his
 auditors, grew to be called Sarronides, notwithstanding, that as well
 the Sarronides as the Magi, and Druiydes, were generallie called
 [Sidenote: Samothei.]
 [Sidenote: Semnothei.]
 Samothei, or Semnothei, of Samothes still among the Grecians, as
 Aristotle in his De magia dooth confesse; and furthermore calling them
 Galles, he addeth therevnto, that they first brought the knowledge of
 letters and good learning vnto the Gréekes.

 [Sidenote: Druiyus.]
 Druiyus the son of Sarron (as a scholer of his fathers owne teaching)
 séemed to be exquisit in all things, that perteined vnto the diuine
 and humane knowledge: and therefore I may safelie pronounce, that he
 excelled not onlie in the skill of philosophie and the quadriuials,
 but also in the true Theologie, whereby the right seruice of God was
 kept and preserued in puritie. He wrote moreouer sundrie precepts and
 rules of religious doctrine, which among the Celts were reserued verie
 religiouslie, and had in great estimation of such as sought vnto them.

 [Sidenote: Corruptors of religion.]
 How and in what order this prince left the state of religion, I meane
 touching publike orders in administration of particular rites and
 ceremonies, as yet I doo not read: howbeit this is most certeine, that
 after he died, the puritie of his doctrine began somewhat to decaie.
 For such is mans nature, that it will not suffer any good thing long
 to remaine as it is left, but (either by addition or subtraction of
 this or that, to or from the same) so to chop and change withall from
 time to time, that in the end there is nothing of more difficultie,
 for such as doo come after them, than to find out the puritie of the
 originall, and restore the same againe vnto the former perfection.

 [Sidenote: _Cæsar._]
 In the beginning this Druiyus did preach vnto his hearers, that the
 soule of man is immortall, that God is omnipotent, mercifull as a
 father in shewing fauor vnto the godlie, and iust as an vpright iudge
 in punishing the wicked; that the secrets of mans hart are not
 vnknowne, and onelie knowne to him; and that as the world and all that
 is therein had their beginning by him, at his owne will, so shall all
 things likewise haue an end, when he shall see his time. He taught
 [Sidenote: _Strabo. li._ 4.]
 [Sidenote: _Socion. lib. success._]
 them also with more facilitie, how to obserue the courses of the
 heauens and motions of the planets by arithmeticall industrie, to find
 [Sidenote: _Cicero diuinat._ 1.]
 out the true quantities of the celestiall bodies by geometricall
 demonstration, and thereto the compasse of the earth, and hidden
 natures of things contained in the same by philosophicall
 contemplation. But alas, this integritie continued not long among his
 successors, for vnto the immortalitie of the soule, they added, that
 after death it went into another bodie, (of which translation Ouid
 saith;

   Morte carent animæ, sempérque priore relicta
   Sede, nouis domibus viuunt habitántque receptæ.)

 The second or succedent, being alwaies either more noble, or more vile
 than the former, as the partie deserued by his merits, whilest he
 liued here vpon earth. And therefore it is said by Plato and other,
 that Orpheus after his death had his soule thrust into the bodie of a
 swanne, that of Agamemnon conueied into an egle, of Aiax into a lion,
 of Atlas into a certeine wrestler, of Thersites into an ape, of
 Deiphobus into Pythagoras, and Empedocles dieng a child, after sundrie
 changes into a man, whereof he himselfe saith;

   Ipse ego námq; fui puer olim, deinde puella,
   Arbustum & volucris, mutus quóq; in æquore piscis.

 [Sidenote: _Plinius, lib._ 16. _cap. ultimo._]
 For said they (of whom Pythagoras also had, and taught this errour) if
 the soule apperteined at the first to a king, and he in this estate
 did not leade his life worthie his calling, it should after his
 [Sidenote: Metempsuchôsis.]
 decease be shut vp in the bodie of a slaue, begger, cocke, owle, dog,
 ape, horsse, asse, worme, or monster, there to remaine as in a place
 of purgation and punishment, for a certeine period of time. Beside
 this, it should peraduenture susteine often translation from one bodie
 vnto another, according to the quantitie and qualitie of his dooings
 here on earth, till it should finallie be purified, and restored
 againe to an other humane bodie, wherein if it behaued it selfe more
 orderlie than at the first: after the next death, it should be
 preferred, either to the bodie of a king againe, or other great
 estate. And thus they made a perpetuall circulation or reuolution of
 our soules, much like vnto the continuall motion of the heauens, which
 neuer stand still, nor long yeeld one representation and figure. For
 this cause also, as Diodorus saith, they vsed to cast certeine letters
 into the fire, wherein the dead were burned, to be deliuered vnto
 their deceased fréends, whereby they might vnderstand of the estate of
 such as trauelled here on earth in their purgations (as the Moscouits
 doo write vnto S. Nicholas to be a speach-man for him that is buried,
 in whose hand they bind a letter, and send him with a new paire of
 shooes on his feet into the graue) and to the end that after their
 next death they should deale with them accordinglie, and as their
 merits required. They brought in also the worshipping of manie gods,
 and their seuerall euen to this daie sacrifices: they honoured
 [Sidenote: Oke honored whereon mistle did grow,
 and so doo our sorcerers thinking some spirits
 to deale about ye same, for hidden treasure.]
 likewise the oke, whereon the mistle groweth, and dailie deuised
 infinit other toies (for errour is neuer assured of hir owne dooings)
 whereof neither Samothes, nor Sarron, Magus, nor Druiyus did leaue
 them anie prescription.

 These things are partlie touched by Cicero, Strabo, Plinie, Sotion,
 Laertius, Theophrast, Aristotle, and partlie also by Cæsar, Mela, Val.
 Max. lib. 2. and other authors of later time, who for the most part
 doo confesse, that the cheefe schoole of the Druiydes was holden here
 in Britaine, where that religion (saith Plinie) was so hotlie
 professed and followed, "Vt dedisse Persis videri possit," lib. 30.
 cap. 1. and whither the Druiydes also themselues, that dwelt among the
 Galles, would often resort to come by the more skill, and sure
 vnderstanding of the mysteries of that doctrine. And as the Galles
 receiued their religion from the Britons, so we likewise had from them
 [Sidenote: Logike and Rhetorike out of Gallia.]
 some vse of Logike & Rhetorike, such as it was which our lawiers
 practised in their plees and common causes. For although the Greeks
 were not vnknowne vnto vs, nor we to them, euen from the verie comming
 of Brute, yet by reason of distance betwéene our countries, we had no
 great familiaritie and common accesse one vnto another, till the time
 of Gurguntius, after whose entrance manie of that nation trauelled
 hither in more securitie, as diuers of our countriemen did vnto them
 without all danger, to be offered vp in sacrifice to their gods. That
 we had the maner of our plees also out of France, Iuuenal is a
 witnesse, who saith;

   Gallia causidicos docuit facunda Britannos.

 Howbeit as they taught vs Logike and Rhetorike, so we had also some
 Sophistrie from them; but in the worst sense: for from France is all
 kind of forgerie, corruption of maners, and craftie behauiour not so
 soone as often transported into England. And albeit the Druiydes were
 thus honored and of so great authoritie in Britaine, yet were there
 great numbers of them also in the Iles of Wight, Anglesey, and the
 Orchades, in which they held open schooles of their profession, aloofe
 as it were from the resort of people, wherein they studied and learned
 their songs by heart. Howbeit the cheefe college of all I say,
 remained still in Albion, whither the Druiydes of other nations also
 (beside the Galles) would of custome repaire, when soeuer anie
 controuersie among them in matters of religion did happen to be
 mooued. At such times also the rest were called out of the former
 Ilands, whereby it appeareth that in such cases they had their synods
 and publike meetings, and therevnto it grew finallie into custome, and
 after that a prouerbe, euen in variances falling out among the
 princes, great men, and common sorts of people liuing in these weast
 parts of Europe, to yeeld to be tried by Britaine and hir thrée
 Ilands, bicause they honoured hir préests (the Druiydes) as the
 Athenians did their Areopagites.

 [Sidenote: Estimation of the Druiydes or Druiysh preests.]
 Furthermore, in Britaine, and among the Galles, and to say the truth,
 generallie in all places where the Druiysh religion was frequented,
 such was the estimation of the préests of this profession, that there
 was little or nothing doone without their skilfull aduise, no not in
 ciuil causes, perteining to the regiment of the common-wealth and
 countrie. They had the charge also of all sacrifices, publike and
 priuate, they interpreted oracles, preached of religion, and were
 neuer without great numbers of yoong men that heard them with
 diligence, as they taught from time to time.

 [Sidenote: Immunitie of the cleargie greater vnder idolatrie
 than vnder the gospell.]
 Touching their persons also they were exempt from all temporall
 seruices, impositions, tributes, and exercises of the wars: which
 immunitie caused the greater companies of scholers to flocke vnto them
 from all places, & to learne their trades. Of these likewise, some
 remained with them seuen, eight, ten, or twelue years, still learning
 the secrets of those unwritten mysteries by heart, which were to be
 had amongst them, and commonlie pronounced in verse. And this policie,
 as I take it, they vsed onelie to preserue their religion from
 contempt, whereinto it might easilie haue fallen, if any books thereof
 had happened into the hands of the common sort. It helped also not a
 little in the exercise of their memories, wherevnto bookes are vtter
 enimies, insomuch as he that was skilfull in the Druiysh religion,
 would not let readilie to rehearse manie hundreds of verses togither,
 and not to faile in one tittle, in the whole processe of this his
 laborious repetition. But as they dealt in this order for matters of
 their religion, so in ciuill affairs, historicall treatises, and
 setting downe of lawes, they vsed like order and letters almost with
 the Grecians. Whereby it is easie to be séene, that they reteined this
 kind of writing from Druiyus (the originall founder of their religion)
 and that this Iland hath not béene void of letters and learned men,
 euen sith it was first inhabited. I would ad some thing in particular
 also of their apparell, but sith the dealing withall is nothing
 profitable to the reader, I passe it ouer, signifieng neuerthelesse,
 that it was distinguished by sundrie deuises from that of the common
 sort, and of such estimation among the people, that whosoeuer ware the
 Druiysh weed, might walke where he would without any harme or
 annoiance. This honour was giuen also vnto the préests in Rome,
 insomuch that when Volusius was exiled by the Triumuirate, and saw
 himselfe in such danger, as that he could not escape the hardest, he
 gat the wéed of a preest upon his backe, and begged his almes therein,
 euen in the high waies as he trauelled, and so escaped the danger and
 the furie of his aduersaries: but to proceed with other things.

 [Sidenote: Bardus.]
 After the death of Druiyus, Bardus his sonne, and fift king of the
 Celts, succéeded not onelie ouer the said kingdome, but also in his
 fathers vertues, whereby it is verie likelie, that the winding and
 wrapping vp of the said religion, after the afore remembred sort into
 verse, was first deuised by him, for he was an excellent poet, and no
 lesse indued with a singular skill in the practise and speculation of
 musicke, of which two many suppose him to be the verie author and
 [Sidenote: _Gen._ 4. 21.]
 beginner, although vniustlie, sith both poetrie and song were in vse
 before the flood, as was also the harpe and pipe, which Iubal
 inuented, and could neuer be performed without great skill in musicke.
 But to procéed, as the cheefe estimation of the Druiydes remained in
 the end among the Britons onelie, for their knowledge in religion, so
 did the fame of the Bardes (which were so called of this Bardus for
 their excellent skill in musicke, poetrie, and the heroicall kind of
 song, which at the first conteined onelie the high mysteries and
 secret points of their religion. There was little difference also
 [Sidenote: The Bards degenerate.]
 betwéene them and the Druiydes, till they so farre degenerated from
 their first institution, that they became to be minstrels at feasts,
 droonken meetings, and abhominable sacrifices of the idols: where they
 sang most commonlie no diuinitie as before, but the puissant acts of
 valiant princes, and fabulous narrations of the adulteries of the
 gods. Certes in my time this fond vsage, and thereto the verie name of
 the Bardes, are not yet extinguished among the Britons of Wales, where
 they call their poets and musicians Barthes, as they doo also in
 Ireland: which Sulpitius also writing to Lucane remembreth, where he
 saith that the word Bardus is meere Celtike, and signifieth a singer.
 Howbeit the Romans iudging all nations beside themselues to be but
 rude and barbarous, and thereto misliking vtterlie the rough musicke
 of the Bardes, entred so farre into the contemptuous mockage of their
 melodie, that they ascribed the word Bardus vnto their fooles and
 idiots, whereas contrariwise the Scythians and such as dwell within
 the northweast part of Europe, did vse the same word in verie
 honourable maner, calling their best poets and heroicall singers,
 Singebardos; their couragious singers and capiteins that delited in
 musicke, Albardos, Dagobardos, Rodtbardos, & one lame musician Lambard
 aboue all other, of whose skilfull ditties Germanie is not
 vnfurnished, as I heare vnto this daie. In Quizqueia or new Spaine, an
 Iland of the Indies, they call such men Boitios, their rimes Arcitos,
 and in steed of harps they sing vnto timbrels made of shels such
 sonnets and ditties as either perteine vnto religion, prophane loue,
 commendation of ancestrie, and inflammation of the mind vnto Mars,
 whereby there appeareth to be small difference betwéene their Boitios
 and our Bardes. Finallie of our sort, Lucane in his first booke
 writeth thus, among other like saiengs well toward the latter end;

 [Sidenote: _Lucani. li._ 1.]

   Vos quóq; qui fortes animas, bellóq; peremptas
   Laudibus in longum vates dimittitis æuum,
   Plurima securi fudistis carmina Bardi.
   Et vos barbaricos ritus, morémque sinistrum
   Sacrorum Druiydæ, positis recepistis ab armis.
   Solis nosse Deos, & c[oe]li numina vobis,
   Aut solis nescire datum: nemora alta remotis
   Incolitis lucis. Vobis authoribus, vmbræ
   Non tacitas Erebi sedes, Ditisque profundi
   Pallida regna petunt, regit idem spiritus artus
   Orbe alio. Longæ canitis si cognita, vitæ
   Mors media est, certe populi, quos despicit arctos,
   F[oe]lices errore suo, quos ille timorum
   Maximus haud vrget leti metus: inde ruendi
   In ferrum mens prona viris, animæque capaces
   Mortis: & ignauum est redituræ parcere vitæ.

 Thus we sée as in a glasse the state of religion, for a time, after
 the first inhabitation of this Iland: but how long it continued in
 such soundnesse, as the originall authors left it, in good sooth I
 cannot say, yet this is most certeine, that after a time, when Albion
 arriued here, the religion earst imbraced fell into great decaie. For
 whereas Iaphet & Samothes with their children taught nothing else than
 such doctrine as they had learned of Noah: Cham the great grandfather
 of this our Albion, and his disciples vtterlie renouncing to follow
 their steps, gaue their minds wholie to seduce and lead their hearers
 headlong vnto all error. Whereby his posteritie not onelie corrupted
 this our Iland, with most filthie trades and practises; but also all
 mankind, generallie where they became, with vicious life, and most
 [Sidenote: What doctrine Cham and his disciples taught.]
 vngodlie conuersation. For from Cham and his successours procéeded at
 the first all sorcerie, witchcraft, and the execution of vnlawful
 lust, without respect of sex, age, consanguinitie, or kind: as
 branches from an odious and abhominable root, or streames deriued from
 a most filthie and horrible stinking puddle. Howbeit, &
 notwithstanding all these his manifold lewdnesses, such was the follie
 of his Ægyptians (where he first reigned and taught) that whilest he
 liued they alone had him in great estimation (whereas other nations
 contemned and abhorred him for his wickednesse, calling him
 [Sidenote: Chemesenua.]
 Chemesenua, that is, the impudent, infamous and wicked Cham) and not
 [Sidenote: Chem Min.]
 [Sidenote: Cham made a god.]
 onelie builded a citie vnto him which they called Chem Min, but also
 after his death reputed him for a god, calling the highest of the
 seuen planets after his name, as they did the next beneath it after
 Osyris his sonne, whom they likewise honored vnder the name of
 Iupiter.

 [Sidenote: Translation of mortall men into heauen how it began.]
 Certes it was a custome begonne in Ægypt of old time, and generallie
 in vse almost in euerie place in processe of time (when any of their
 famous worthie princes died) to ascribe some forme or other of the
 stars vnto his person, to the end his name might neuer weare out of
 memorie. And this they called their translation in heauen, so that he
 which had any starres or forme of starres dedicated vnto him, was
 properlie said to haue a seat among the gods. A toie much like to the
 catalog of Romish saints, (although the one was written in the
 celestiall or immateriall orbes, the other in sheeps skins, and verie
 brickle paper) but yet so estéemed, that euerie prince would oft
 hazard and attempt the vttermost aduentures, thereby to win such fame
 in his life, that after his death he might by merit haue such place in
 heauen, among the shining starres. Howbeit, euerie of those that were
 called gods, could not obteine that benefit, for then should there not
 haue béene stars enow in heauen to haue serued all their turnes,
 wherfore another place was in time imagined, where they reigned that
 were of a second calling, as the Semones who were gods by grace and
 [Sidenote: _Cyril, aduersus Iul. lib. 6. sect. 8._]
 fauour of the people. "Semones dici voluerunt (saith Fulgentius In
 vocibus antiquis) quos c[oe]lo nec dignos ascriberent, ob meriti
 paupertatem; sicut Priapus Hyppo. Vortumnus, &c. nec terrenos eos
 deputare vellent per gratiæ venerationem," as also a third place that
 is to say an earth, where those gods dwelled which were noble men,
 officers, good gouernours and lawgiuers to the people, and yet not
 thought worthie to be of the second or first companie, which was a
 iollie diuision.

 Thus we sée in generall maner, how idolatrie, honoring of the starres,
 and brood of inferiour gods were hatched at the first, which follies
 in processe of time came also into Britaine, as did the names of
 Saturne & Iupiter, &c: as shall appeare hereafter. And here sith I
 haue alreadie somewhat digressed from my matter, I will go yet a
 little farder, and shew foorth the originall vse of the word Saturne,
 Iupiter, Hercules, &c: whereby your Honor shall sée a little more into
 the errours of the Gentils, and not onelie that, but one point also
 [Sidenote: Which were Saturni, Ioues, Iunones, and Hercules.]
 properlie called of the root of all the confusion that is to be found
 among the ancient histories. Certes it was vsed for a few yéeres after
 the partition of the earth (which was made by Noah, in the 133. yeere
 after the floud) that the beginners of such kingdoms as were then
 erected should be called Saturni, whereby it came to passe that
 Nimbrote was the Saturne of Babylon: Cham of Ægypt: and so foorth
 other of sundrie other countries. Their eldest sonnes also that
 succeeded them, were called Ioues; and their nephewes or sonnes
 sonnes, which reigned in the third place Hercules, by which meanes it
 followed that euerie kingdome had a Saturne, Iupiter and Hercules of
 hir owne, and not from anie other.

 In like sort they had such another order among their daughters, whom
 they married as yet commonlie vnto their brethren (God himselfe
 permitting the same vnto them for a time) as before the floud, to the
 end the earth might be thoroughlie replenished, and the sooner
 furnished with inhabitants in euerie part therof. The sister therefore
 [Sidenote: Isis, Io and Iuno all one.]
 and wife of euerie Saturne was called Rhea, but of Iupiter, Iuno,
 Isis, or Io. Beyond these also there was no latter Harold that would
 indeuour to deriue the petigree of any prince, or potentate, but
 supposed his dutie to be sufficientlie performed, when he had brought
 it orderlie vnto some Saturne or other, wherat he might cease, and
 shut vp all his trauell. They had likewise this opinion grounded
 amongst them, that heauen & earth were onlie parents vnto Saturne and
 [Sidenote: C[oe]lum or C[oe]lus.]
 [Sidenote: Ogyges.]
 [Sidenote: Sol.]
 [Sidenote: Pater deorum.]
 Rhea, not knowing out of doubt, what they themselues did meane, sith
 these denominations, Heauen, Ogyges, the Sunne, Pater Deorum, and such
 [Sidenote: * Tydea.]
 [Sidenote: Vesta.]
 [Sidenote: Terra.]
 [Sidenote: Luna.]
 [Sidenote: Aretia.]
 [Sidenote: Deorum mater.]
 like, were onelie ascribed vnto Noah: as [*]Terra, (the Earth) Vesta,
 Aretia, the Moone, Mater deorum, and other the like were vnto Tydea
 his wife. So that hereby we sée, how Saturne is reputed in euerie
 nation for their oldest god, or first prince, Iupiter for the next,
 and Hercules for the third. And therefore sith these names were
 dispersed in the beginning ouer all, it is no maruell that there is
 such confusion in ancient histories, and the dooings of one of them so
 mixed with those of another, that it is now impossible to distinguish
 them in sunder. This haue I spoken, to the end that all men may see
 what gods the Pagans honored, & thereby what religion the posteritie
 of Cham did bring ouer into Britaine. For vntill their comming, it is
 not likelie that anie grosse idolatrie or superstition did enter in
 among vs, as deifieng of mortall men, honoring of the starres, and
 erection of huge images, beside sorcerie, witchcraft, and such like,
 whereof the Chemminites are worthilie called the autors. Neither were
 [Sidenote: Fr[=o] whence Brute did learne his religion.]
 these errors anie thing amended, by the comming in of Brute, who no
 doubt added such deuises vnto the same, as he and his companie had
 learned before in Græcia, from whence also he brought Helenus the
 sonne of Priamus, (a man of excéeding age) & made him his préest and
 bishop thorough out the new conquest, that he had atchieued in
 Britaine.

 After Brute, idolatrie and superstition still increased more and more
 among vs, insomuch that beside the Druiysh and Bardike ceremonies, and
 those also that came in with Albion and Brute himselfe: our
 countriemen either brought hither from abroad, or dailie inuented at
 home new religion and rites, whereby it came to passe that in the
 [Sidenote: Dis or Samothes made a god.]
 stead of the onelie and immortall God (of whom Samothes and his
 posteritie did preach in times past) now they honored the said
 Samothes himselfe vnder the name of Dis and Saturne: also Iupiter,
 Mars, Minerua, Mercurie, Apollo, Diana; and finallie Hercules, vnto
 whome they dedicated the gates and porches of their temples, entrances
 into their regions, cities, townes and houses, with their limits and
 bounds (as the <DW7>s did the gates of their cities and ports vnto
 Botulph & Giles) bicause fortitude and wisedome are the cheefe
 vpholders and bearers vp of common-wealths and kingdoms, both which
 they ascribed to Hercules (forgetting God) and diuers other idols
 [Sidenote: _Mela. Diodorus, Strab._ 4. _Plin. Cæsar._ 5.]
 whose names I now remember not. In lieu moreouer of sheepe and oxen,
 they offred mankind also vnto some of them, killing their offendors,
 prisoners, and oft such strangers as came from farre vnto them, by
 shutting vp great numbers of them togither in huge images made of
 wicker, réed, haie, or other light matter: and then setting all on
 fire togither, they not onelie consumed the miserable creatures to
 ashes (sometimes adding other beasts vnto them) but also reputed it to
 be the most acceptable sacrifice that could be made vnto their idols.
 From whence they had this horrible custome, trulie I cannot tell, but
 that it was common to most nations, not onlie to consume their
 strangers, captiues, &c; but also their owne children with fire, in
 such maner of sacrifice: beside the text of the Bible, the prophane
 histories doo generallie leaue it euident, as a thing either of
 custome or of particular necessitie, of which later Virgil saith;

   Sanguine placastis ventos & virgine cæsa, &c.

 As Silius dooth of the first, where he telleth of the vsuall maner of
 the Carthaginenses, saieng after this maner;

   Vrna reducebat miserandos annua casus, &c.

 But to procéed with our owne gods and idols, more pertinent to my
 purpose than the rehersall of forreine demeanours: I find that huge
 temples in like sort were builded vnto them, so that in the time of
 Lucius, when the light of saluation began stronglie to shine in
 [Sidenote: _Ptol. Lucensis._]
 Britaine, thorough the preaching of the gospell, the christians
 discouered 25. Flamines or idol-churches beside three Archflamines,
 whose préests were then as our Archbishops are now, in that they had
 superior charge of all the rest, the other being reputed as
 inferiours, and subiect to their iurisdiction in cases of religion,
 and superstitious ceremonies.

 [Sidenote: Monstrous proportions of idols.]
 Of the quantities of their idols I speake not, sith it is inough to
 saie, that they were monstrous, and that each nation contended which
 should honour the greater blocks, and yet all pretending to haue the
 iust heigth of the god or goddesse whom they did represent. Apollo
 Capitolinus that stood at Rome, was thirtie cubits high at the least;
 Tarentinus Iupiter of 40.; the idoll of the sonne in the Rhodes, of 70
 (whose toe few men could fadam;) Tuscanus Apollo that stood in the
 librarie of the temple of Augustus, of 50. foot; another made vnder
 Nero of 110. foot; but one in France passed all, which Zenoduris made
 vnto Mercurie at Aruernum in ten years space, of 400. foot. Wherby it
 appeareth, that as they were void of moderation in number of gods, so
 without measure were they also in their proportions, and happie was he
 which might haue the greatest idoll, and lay most cost thereon.

 Hitherto yee haue heard of the time, wherein idolatrie reigned and
 blinded the harts of such as dwelled in this Iland. Now let vs sée the
 successe of the gospell, after the death and passion of Iesus Christ
 our sauiour. And euen here would I begin with an allegation of
 [Sidenote: _Theodoret._]
 Theodoret, wherevpon some repose great assurance (conceiuing yet more
 [Sidenote: _Sophronius._]
 hope therein by the words of Sophronius) that Paule the Apostle should
 preach the word of saluation here, after his deliuerie out of
 captiuitie, which fell as I doo read in the 57. of Christ. But sith I
 cannot verifie the same by the words of Theodoret, to be spoken more
 of Paule than Peter, or the rest, I will passe ouer this coniecture
 (so far as it is grounded vpon Theodoret) and deale with other
 authorities, whereof we haue more certeintie. First of all therfore
 let vs see what Fortunatus hath written of Pauls comming into
 Britaine, and afterward what is to be found of other by-writers in
 other points of more assurance. Certes for the presence of Paule I
 read thus much:

   Quid sacer ille simul Paulus tuba gentibus ampla,
   Per mare per terras Christi præconia fundens,
   Europam & Asiam, Lybiam, sale dogmata complens,
   Arctos, meridies, hic plenus vesper & ortus,
   Transit & Oceanum, vel qua facit insula portum,
   Quásq; Britannus habet terras atque vltima Thule, &c.

 [Sidenote: Iosephus.]
 That one Iosephus preached here in England, in the time of the
 Apostles, his sepulchre yet in Aualon, now called Glessenburg or
 Glastenburie, an epitaph affixed therevnto is proofe sufficient.
 Howbeit, sith these things are not of competent force to persuade all
 men, I will ad in few, what I haue read elsewhere of his arriuall
 here. First of all therefore you shall note that he came ouer into
 Britaine, about the 64. after Christ, when the persecution began vnder
 Nero, at which time Philip and diuers of the godlie being in France
 (whether he came with other christians, after they had sowed the word
 of God in Scythia, by the space of 9. yeares) seuered themselues in
 sunder, to make the better shift for their owne safegard, and yet not
 otherwise than by their flight, the gospell might haue due
 [Sidenote: _Philip. Freculphus. To._ 2., _lib._ 2. _cap._ 4.]
 [Sidenote: _Nennius. Nicephorus lib._ 2. _cap._ 40.]
 [Sidenote: _Isidorus lib. de vita & obit. dict. patrum._]
 [Sidenote: _W. Malmes. de antiq. Glasconici monast._]
 furtherance. Hereby then it came to passe, that the said Philip vpon
 good deliberation did send Iosephus ouer, and with him Simon Zelotes
 to preach vnto the Britons, and minister the sacraments there
 according to the rites of the churches of Asia and Greece, from whence
 they came not long before vnto the countrie of the Galles. Which was
 saith Malmesburie 103. before Faganus and Dinaw did set foorth the
 gospell amongst them. Of the c[=o]ming of Zelotes you may read more in
 the second booke of Niceph. Cal. where he writeth thereof in this
 maner: "Operæpretium etiam fuerit Simonem Cana Galileæ ortum, qui
 propter flagrantem in magistrum suum ardorem, summámq; euangelicæ rei
 per omnia curam Zelotes cognominatus est hîc referre, accepit enim is
 c[oe]litùs adueniente spiritu sancto, Aegyptium Cyrenem & Africam,
 deinde Mauritaniam & Lybiam omnem euangelium deprædicans percurrit,
 eandemque doctrinam etiam ad occidentalem Oceanum insulásque
 Britannicas perfert." And this is the effect in a little roome, of
 that which I haue read at large in sundrie writers, beside these two
 here alledged, although it may well be gathered that diuers Britains
 were conuerted to the faith, before this sixtie foure of Christ.
 Howbeit, whereas some write that they liued, and dwelled in Britaine,
 it cannot as yet take any absolute hold in my iudgement, but rather
 that they were baptised and remained, either in Rome, or else-where.
 [Sidenote: Claudia Rufina a British ladie.]
 And of this sort I suppose Claudia Rufina the wife of Pudens to be
 one, who was a British ladie indeed, and not onelie excellentlie séene
 in the Gréeke and Latine toongs, but also with hir husband highlie
 [Sidenote: 1. _Tim._ 4.]
 commended by S. Paule, as one hauing had conuersation and conference
 with them at Rome, from whence he did write his second epistle vnto
 Timothie, as I read. Of this ladie moreouer Martial speaketh, in
 reioising that his poesies were read also in Britaine, and onelie by
 hir meanes, who vsed to cull out the finest & honestest of his
 epigrams and send them to hir fréends for tokens, saieng after this
 maner, as himselfe dooth set it downe:

   Dicitur & nostros cantare Britannia versus.

 Furthermore making mention of hir and hir issue, he addeth these
 words:

 [Sidenote: _Li._ 11. _Epig._ 54.]

   Claudia c[oe]ruleis cùm sit Rufina Britannis
     Edita, cur Latiæ pectora plebis habet?
   Quale decus formæ? Romanam credere matres
     Italides possunt, Atthides esse suam.
   Dij bene, quod sancto peperit fæcunda marito,
     Quot sperat, generos, quótque puella nurus.
   Sic placeat superis, vt coniuge gaudeat vno,
     Et semper natis gaudeat illa tribus.

 The names of hir thrée children were Prudentiana, Praxedes, both
 virgins, and Nouatus, who after the death of Pudens their father
 (which befell him in Cappadocia) dwelled with their mother in Vmbria,
 where they ceased not from time to time to minister vnto the saints.
 But to leaue this impertinent discourse, and proceed with my purpose.

 I find in the Chronicles of Burton (vnder the yeare of Grace 141. and
 time of Hadrian the emperour) that nine scholers or clerkes of Grantha
 or Granta (now Cambridge) were baptised in Britaine, and became
 preachers of the gospell there, but whether Taurinus bishop or elder
 ouer the congregation at Yorke (who as Vincentius saith, was executed
 [Sidenote: _Lib._ 10. _cap._ 17.]
 [Sidenote: Taurinus.]
 about this time for his faith) were one of them or not, as yet I do
 not certeinlie find; but rather the contrarie, which is that he was no
 Britaine at all, but Episcopus Ebroicensis, for which such as perceiue
 not the easie corruption of the word, may soone write Eboracensis as
 certeinlie mine author out of whom I alledge this authoritie hath done
 before me. For Vincentius saith flat otherwise, and therefore the
 Chronologie if it speake of anie Taurinus bishop of Yorke is to be
 reformed in that behalfe. Diuers other also imbraced the religion of
 Christ verie zealouslie before these men. Howbeit, all this
 notwithstanding, the glad tidings of the gospell had neuer free and
 open passage here, vntill the time of Lucius, in which the verie
 enimies of the word became the apparent meanes (contrarie to their
 owne minds) to haue it set foorth amongst vs. For when Antoninus the
 emperour had giuen out a decrée, that the Druiysh religion should
 euerie where be abolished, Lucius the king (whose surname is now
 perished) tooke aduise of his councell what was best to be doone, &
 wrote in this behalfe. And this did Lucius, bicause he knew it
 [*]impossible for man to liue long without any religion at all:
 [Sidenote: * This is contrarie to the common talke of our
 Atheists who say, Let vs liue here in wealth, credit and
 authoritie vpon earth, and let God take heauen and his
 religion to himselfe to doo withall what he listeth.]
 finallie finding his Nobilitie & subiects vtter enemies to the Romane
 deuoti[=o] (for that they made so many gods as they listed, & some to
 haue the regiment euen of their dirt & dung) and thervnto being
 pricked forwards by such christians as were conuersant about him, to
 choose the seruice of the true God that liueth for euer, rather than
 the slauish seruitude of any pagan idoll: he fullie resolued with
 himselfe in the end, to receiue and imbrace the gospell of Christ.
 [Sidenote: Lucius openeth his ears to good counsell,
 as one desirous to serue God & not prefer the world.]
 He sent also two of his best learned and greatest philosophers to
 Rome, vnto Eleutherus then bishop there in the 177. of Christ, not to
 promise any subiection to his sea, which then was not required, but to
 say with such as were pricked in mind, Acts. 2. verse. 37. "Quid
 faciemus viri fratres?" I meane that they were sent to be perfectlie
 instructed, and with farther commission, to make earnest request vnto
 him and the congregation there, that a competent number of preachers
 might be sent ouer from thence, by whose diligent aduise and trauell,
 the foundation of the gospell might surelie be laid ouer all the
 portion of the Ile, which conteined his kingdome, according to his
 mind.

 [Sidenote: The purpose of Lucius opened vnto the
 congregation at Rome by Eleutherus.]
 When Eleutherus vnderstood these things, he reioiced not a little for
 the great goodnesse, which the Lord had shewed vpon this our Ile and
 countrie. Afterwards calling the brethren togither, they agréed to
 ordeine, euen those two for bishops, whom Lucius as you haue heard,
 had directed ouer vnto them. Finallie after they had thoroughlie
 catechized them, making generall praier vnto God and earnest
 supplication for the good successe of these men, they sent them home
 againe with no small charge, that they should be diligent in their
 function, and carefull ouer the flocke committed to their custodie.

 The first of these was called Eluanus Aualonius, a man borne in the
 Ile of Aualon, and brought up there vnder those godlie pastours and
 their disciples, whom Philip sent ouer at the first for the conuersion
 of the Britons. The other hight Medguinus, and was thereto surnamed
 Belga, bicause he was of the towne of Welles, which then was called
 Belga. This man was trained vp also in one schoole with Eluanus, both
 of them being ornaments to their horie ages, and men of such grauitie
 and godlinesse, that Eleutherus supposed none more worthie to support
 this charge, than they: after whose comming home also, it was not long
 [Sidenote: A zealous prince maketh feruent subiects.]
 yer Lucius and all his houshold with diuers of the Nobilitie were
 baptised, beside infinit numbers of the common people, which dailie
 resorted vnto them, and voluntarilie renounced all their idolatrie and
 paganisme.

 In the meane time, Eleutherus vnderstanding the successe of these
 learned doctours, and supposing with himselfe, that they two onlie
 could not suffice to support so great a charge as should concerne the
 conuersion of the whole Iland; he directed ouer vnto them in the yeare
 [Sidenote: Faganus.]
 [Sidenote: Dinauus.]
 [Sidenote: Aaron.]
 insuing Faganus, Dinaw (or Dinauus) Aaron, and diuerse other godlie
 preachers, as fellow-labourers to trauell with them in the vineyard of
 [Sidenote: _Radulphus de la noir aliàs Niger._]
 the Lord. These men therefore after their comming hither, consulted
 with the other, and foorthwith wholie consented to make a diuision of
 [Sidenote: 3. Cheefe Bishops in Britaine.]
 this Iland amongst themselues, appointing what parcell each preacher
 should take, that with the more profit and ease of the people, and
 somewhat lesse trauell also for themselues, the doctrine of the
 Gospell might be preached and receiued. In this distribution, they
 ordeined that there should be one congregation at London, where they
 [Sidenote: Theonus.]
 [Sidenote: Theodosius.]
 [Sidenote: London.]
 [Sidenote: Yorke.]
 [Sidenote: Caerlheon.]
 placed Theonus as chéefe elder and bishop, for that present time,
 worthilie called Theonus. 1. for there was another of that name who
 fled into Wales with Thadiocus of Yorke, at the first comming of the
 Saxons; and also Guthelmus, who went (as I read) into Armorica, there
 to craue aid against the Scots and Vandals that plagued this Ile, from
 the Twede vnto the Humber. After this Theonus also Eluanus succéeded,
 who conuerted manie of the Druiydes, and builded the first librarie
 neere vnto the bishops palace. The said Lucius also placed another at
 Yorke, whither they appointed Theodosius: and the third at Caerlheon
 vpon the riuer Vske, builded sometimes by Belinus, and called
 Glamorgantia, but now Chester (in which three cities there had before
 time beene thrée Archflamines erected vnto Apollo, Mars, and Minerua,
 but now raced to the ground, and three other churches builded in their
 steeds by Lucius) to the end that the countries round about might haue
 indifferent accesse vnto those places, and therewithall vnderstand for
 certeintie, whither to resort for resolution, if after their
 conuersion they should happen to doubt of any thing. In like sort also
 the rest of the idoll-temples standing in other places were either
 ouerthrowne, or conuerted into churches for christian congregations to
 assemble in, as our writers doo remember. In the report whereof giue
 me leaue gentle reader, of London my natiue citie to speake a little:
 for although it may and dooth seeme impertinent to my purpose, yet it
 shall not be much, and therefore I will soone make an end. There is a
 controuersie moued among our historiographers, whether the church that
 Lucius builded at London stood at Westminster, or in Cornehill. For
 there is some cause, why the metropolitane church should be thought to
 stand where S. Peters now doth, by the space of 400. & od yéeres
 before it was remoued to Canturburie by Austine the monke, if a man
 should leane to one side without anie conference of the asseuerations
 of the other. But herin (as I take it) there lurketh some scruple, for
 beside that S. Peters church stood in the east end of the citie, and
 that of Apollo in the west, the word Cornehill (a denomination giuen
 of late to speake of to one street) may easilie be mistaken for
 Thorney. For as the word Thorney proceedeth from the Saxons, who
 called the west end of the citie by that name, where Westminster now
 standeth, bicause of the wildnesse and bushinesse of the soile; so I
 doo not read of anie stréete in London called Cornehill before the
 conquest of the Normans. Wherfore I hold with them, which make
 Westminster to be the place where Lucius builded his church vpon the
 ruines of that Flamine 264. yeeres, as Malmesburie saith, before the
 comming of the Saxons, and 411. before the arriuall of Augustine. Read
 also his appendix in lib. 4. Pontif. where he noteth the time of the
 Saxons, in the 449. of Grace, and of Augustine in the 596. of Christ;
 which is a manifest accompt, though some copies haue 499. for the one,
 but not without manifest corruption and error.

 [Sidenote: Britaine the first prouince that receiued
 the Gospell generallie.]
 Thus became Britaine the first prouince that generallie receiued the
 faith, and where the gospell was freelie preached without inhibition
 of hir prince. Howbeit, although that Lucius and his princes and great
 numbers of his people imbraced the word with gréedinesse, yet was not
 the successe thereof either so vniuersall, that all men beleeued at
 the first; the securitie so great, as that no persecution was to be
 feared from the Romane empire after his decease; or the procéeding of
 the king so seuere, as that he inforced any man by publike authoritie
 to forsake and relinquish his paganisme: but onelie this fréedome was
 enioied, that who so would become a christian in his time, might
 without feare of his lawes professe the Gospell, in whose testimonie,
 if néed had béene, I doubt not to affirme, but that he would haue shed
 [Sidenote: Emerita neece vnto Lucius.]
 also his bloud, as did his neece Emerita, who being constant aboue the
 common sort of women, refused not after his decease by fire, to yeeld
 hir selfe to death, as a swéet smelling sacrifice in the nostrels of
 the Lord, beyond the sea in France.

 [Sidenote: Lucius sendeth againe to Rome.]
 The faith of Christ being thus planted in this Iland in the 177. after
 Christ, and Faganus and Dinaw with the rest sent ouer from Rome, in
 the 178. as you haue heard: it came to passe in the third yeare of the
 Gospell receiued, that Lucius did send againe to Eleutherus the
 bishop, requiring that he might haue some breefe epitome of the order
 of discipline then vsed in the church. For he well considered, that as
 it auaileth litle to plant a costlie vineyard, except it afterward be
 cherished, kept in good order, and such things as annoie, dailie
 remooued from the same: so after baptisme and entrance into religion,
 it profiteth little to beare the name of christians, except we doo
 [Sidenote: _Ro._ 3. _ver._ 1.]
 walke in the spirit, and haue such things as offend apparentlie,
 corrected by seuere discipline. For otherwise it will come to passe,
 that the wéedes of vice, and vicious liuing, will so quicklie abound
 in vs, that they will in the end choke vp the good séed sowne in our
 minds, and either inforce vs to returne vnto our former wickednesse
 with déeper securitie than before, or else to become meere Atheists,
 which is a great deale woorse.

 For this cause therefore did Lucius send to Rome, the second time, for
 a copie of such politike orders as were then vsed there, in their
 [Sidenote: The wisedome of Eleutherus.]
 regiment of the church. But Eleutherus considering with himselfe, how
 that all nations are not of like condition, and therefore those
 constitutions that are beneficiall to one, may now and then be
 preiudiciall to another: and séeing also that beside the word no rites
 and orders can long continue, or be so perfect in all points, but that
 as time serueth, they will require alteration: he thought it best not
 to laie any more vpon the necks of the new conuerts of Britaine as
 yet, than Christ and his apostles had alreadie set downe vnto all men.
 In returning therefore his messengers, he sent letters by them vnto
 Lucius and his Nobilitie, dated in the consulships of Commodus and
 Vespronius, wherein he told them that Christ had left sufficient order
 in the Scriptures for the gouernment of his church alreadie in his
 word, and not for that onlie, but also for the regiment of his whole
 [Sidenote: * Though most princes canot heare on that side.]
 [*]kingdome, if he would submit himselfe, to yéeld and follow that
 rule. The epistle it selfe is partlie extant, and partlie perished,
 yet such as it is, and as I haue faithfullie translated it out of
 sundrie verie ancient copies, I doo deliuer it here, to the end I will
 not defraud the reader of anie thing that may turne to the glorie of
 God, and his commoditie, in the historie of our nation.

 [Sidenote: Epistle of Eleutherus vnto Lucius.]
 "You require of vs the Romane ordinances, and thereto the statutes of
 the emperours to be sent ouer vnto you, and which you desire to
 practise and put in vre within your realme and kingdome. The Romane
 lawes and those of emperours we may eftsoones reprooue, but those of
 God can neuer be found fault withall. You haue receiued of late
 through Gods mercie in the realme of Britaine the law and faith of
 Christ, you haue with you both volumes of the scriptures: out of them
 therefore by Gods grace, and the councell of your realme take you a
 law, and by that law through Gods sufferance rule your kingdome, for
 [Sidenote: _Psal. 24._]
 you are Gods vicar in your owne realme, as the roiall prophet saith;
 The earth is the Lords and all that is therein, the compasse of the
 [Sidenote: _Psal. 45._]
 world, and they that dwell therein. Againe, Thou hast loued truth and
 hated iniquitie, wherefore God, euen thy God hath annointed thee with
 oile of gladnesse aboue thy fellowes. And againe, according to the
 [Sidenote: _Psal. 71._]
 saieng of the same prophet; Oh God giue thy iudgement vnto the king, &
 thy iustice vnto the kings sonne. The kings sons are the christian
 people & flocke of the realme, which are vnder your gouernance, and
 [Sidenote: * Here wanteth.]
 liue & continue in peace within your kingdome. [*] The gospell saith;
 As the hen gathereth hir chickens vnder hir wings, so dooth the king
 his people. Such as dwell in the kingdome of Britaine are yours, whom
 if they be diuided, you ought to gather into concord and vnitie, to
 call them to the faith and law of Christ, and to his sacred church: to
 chearish and mainteine, to rule also and gouerne them, defending each
 of them from such as would doo them wrong, and keeping them from the
 malice of such as be their enimies. [*]Wo vnto the nation whose king
 is a child, and whose princes rise vp earlie to banket and féed, which
 is spoken not of a prince that is within age, but of a prince that is
 become a child, through follie, sinne & vnstedfastnesse, of whom the
 [Sidenote: _Psal. 55._]
 prophet saith; The bloudthirstie and deceitfull men shall not liue
 foorth halfe their daies. [*]By féeding I vnderstand gluttonie; by
 gluttonie, lust; & by lust all wickednesse & sinne, according to the
 saieng of Salomon the king; Wisedome entreth not into a wicked mind,
 nor dwelleth with a man that is subiect vnto sinne. A king hath his
 name of ruling, and not of the possession of his realme. You shalbe a
 king whilest you rule well, but if you doo otherwise, the name of a
 king shall not remaine with you, but you shall vtterlie forgo it,
 which God forbid. The almightie God grant you so to rule the kingdome
 of Britaine, that you may reigne with him for euer, whose vicar (or
 vicegerent) you are within your aforesaid kingdome. Who with the Sonne
 and the Holie-ghost, &c."

 Hitherto out of the epistle that Eleutherus sent vnto Lucius, wherein
 manie pretie obseruations are to be collected, if time and place would
 serue to stand vpon them. After these daies also the number of such as
 were ordeined to saluation, increased dailie more and more, whereby
 (as in other places of the world) the word of God had good successe in
 Britaine, in time of peace; and in heat of persecution, there were no
 [Sidenote: Albane.]
 [Sidenote: Amphibalus.]
 [Sidenote: Iulius.]
 [Sidenote: Aaron.]
 small number of martyrs that suffered for the same, of which Albane,
 Amphibalus, Iulius, and Aaron, are reputed to be the chiefe, bicause
 of their noble parentage, which is a great matter in the sight of
 worldlie men.

 There are which affirme our Lucius to renounce his kingdome, and
 afterward to become first a bishop, then a preacher of the gospell,
 and afterward a pope: but to the end such as hold this opinion may
 once vnderstand the botome of their errors, I will set downe the
 matter at large, whereby they shall sée (if they list to looke) how
 far they haue béene deceiued.

 [Sidenote: Chlorus had three sons, & a daughter by Helena.]
 I find that Chlorus had issue by his second wife, two sonnes,
 Dalmatius (who had a sonne called also Dalmatius and slaine by the
 souldiors.) Constantius father to Gallus, and Iulian the apostata;
 besides foure other whose names as yet I find not. But being at the
 first matched with Helena, and before she was put from him by the
 roiall power of Dioclesian, he had by hir three sonnes (beside one
 daughter named Emerita) of which the name of the first is perished,
 the second was called Lucius, & the third Constantine, that afterward
 was emperour of Rome, by election of the armies in Britaine. Now it
 happened that Lucius, whome the French call Lucion, by means of a
 quarell growne betwéene him and his elder brother, did kill his said
 brother, either by a fraie or by some other meanes, wherevpon his
 father exiled him out of Britaine, and appointed him from thenceforth
 to remaine in Aquitane in France. This Lucion brought thus into
 worldlie sorow, had now good leasure to meditate vpon heauen, who
 before in his prosperitie had peraduenture neuer regard of hell.
 [Sidenote: Lucion becommeth a christian.]
 [Sidenote: Lucion a bishop.]
 Finallie he fell so far into the consideration of his estate, that at
 the last he renounced his paganisme, and first became a christian,
 then an elder, and last of all a bishop in the church of Christ. He
 erected also a place of praier wherein to serue the liuing God, which
 after sundrie alterations came in processe of time to be an Abbaie,
 and is still called euen to our time after Lucion or Lucius: the first
 founder therof, and the originall beginner of anie such house in those
 parts.

 In this also he and diuers other of his freends continued their times,
 in great contemplation and praier, and from hence were translated as
 occasion serued, vnto sundrie ecclesiasticall promotions in the time
 of Constant. his brother. So that euen by this short narration it is
 now easie to sée, that Lucius the king, and Lucius or Lucion the sonne
 [Sidenote: _Hermannus Schedelius._]
 [Sidenote: _Bruschius cap._ 3.]
 of Chlorus, were distinct persons. Herevnto Hermannus Schedelius
 addeth also how he went into Rhetia with Emerita his sister, and néere
 vnto the citie Augusta conuerted the Curienses vnto the faith of
 Christ, and there likewise (being put to death in Castro Martis) lieth
 buried in the same towne, where his feast is holden vpon the third
 daie of December, as may readilie be confirmed, whereas the bones of
 our Lucius were to be séene at Glocester. That Schedelius erreth not
 herein also, the ancient monuments of the said Abbaie, whereof he was
 the originall beginner, as I said, doo yeeld sufficient testimonie,
 beside an hymne made in his commendation, intituled Gaude Lucionum,
 [Sidenote: _Festum Lucionis. Iohn Bouchet._]
 &c. But for more of this you may resort vnto Bouchet in his first
 booke, and fift chapter of the Annales of Aquitane, who neuertheles
 maketh the king of Britaine grandfather to this Lucion. The said
 [Sidenote: Emerita martyred in Rhetia.]
 Schedelius furthermore setteth downe, that his sister was martyred in
 Trinecastell, néere vnto the place where the said Lucion dwelled,
 whereby it appéereth in like sort, that she was not sister to Lucius
 king of Britaine, of which prince Alexander Neccham in his most
 excellent treatise De sapientia diuina, setteth downe this Distichon:

   Prima Britannorum fidei lux Lucius esse
     Fertur, qui rexit m[oe]nia Brute tua.

 Neither could Lucion or Lucius be fellow and of kinred vnto Paule the
 apostle, as Auentine inferreth, except he meane it of some other
 Lucius, as of one whome he nameth Cyrinensis. But then will not the
 historie agree with the conuersion of the Rhetians and Vindelicians,
 whereof Schedelius and other doo make mention. But as each riuer the
 farder it runneth from the head, the more it is increased by small
 riuelets, and corrupted with filthie puddels, and stinking gutters,
 [Sidenote: Heresie and monastical life brought into
 Britaine at one time by _Pelagius_.]
 that descend into the same: so the puritie of the gospell, preached
 here in Britaine, in processe of time became first of all to be
 corrupted with a new order of religion, and most execrable heresie,
 both of them being brought in at once by Pelagius, of Wales, who
 hauing trauelled through France, Italie, Aegypt, Syria, & the
 easterlie regions of the world, was there at the last made an elder or
 bishop, by some of the monkes, vnto whose profession he had not long
 before wholie addicted himselfe. Finallie returning home againe with
 an augmentation of fame and countenance of greater holinesse than he
 bare out of the land with him, he did not onelie erect an house of his
 [Sidenote: Bangor.]
 owne order at Bangor in Wales, vpon the riuer Dee, but also sowed the
 pestiferous séed of his hereticall prauities ouer all this Iland,
 whereby he seduced great numbers of Britons, teaching them to preferre
 their owne merits, before the free mercie of God, in Jesus Christ his
 sonne. By this means therefore he brought assurance of saluation into
 question, and taught all such as had a diligent respect vnto their
 workes to be doubtfull of the same, whereas to such as regard this
 latter, there can be no quietnesse of mind, but alwaies an vnstedfast
 opinion of themselues, whereby they cannot discerne, neither by
 prosperitie nor aduersitie of this life, whether they be worthie loue
 or hatred. Neuertheles it behooueth the godlie to repose their hope in
 that grace which is freelie granted through Jesu Christ, and to flee
 vnto the mercies of God which are offered vnto vs in with and by his
 son, to the end that we may at the last find the testimonie of his
 spirit working with ours, that we are his chosen children, whereby
 commeth peace of conscience to such as doo beléeue.

 Thus we sée how new deuises or orders of religion and heresie came in
 together. I could shew also what Comets, and strange signes appeared
 in Britaine, much about the same time, the like of which with diuers
 other haue beene perceiued also from time to time, sithence the death
 of Pelagius, at the entrance of anie new kind of religion into this
 Ile of Britaine. But I passe them ouer, onelie for that I would not
 seeme in my tractation of antiquities, to trouble my reader with the
 rehersall of anie new inconueniences.

 [Sidenote: Anachorites. Heremites. Cyrillines. Benedictines.]
 To procéed therefore with my purpose, after these, there followed in
 like sort sundrie other kinds of monasticall life, as Anachorites,
 Heremits, Cyrilline and Benedictine monkes, albeit that the
 heremeticall profession was onelie allowed of in Britaine, vntill the
 comming of Augustine the monke, who brought in the Benedictine sect,
 framed after the order of the house which Benedict surnamed Nursinus
 did first erect in Monte Cassino, about the 524. of Christ, & was
 finallie so well liked of all men, that we had few or (as I suppose)
 no blacke monkes in England that were not of his order. In processe of
 time how Benedict Biscop also our countrieman restored the said
 Benedictine profession greatlie decaied in England, our histories are
 verie plentifull, which Biscop went off into Italie, and at one time
 for a speciall confirmation of his two monasteries which he had
 [Sidenote: Monkes and Heremites onelie allowed of in Britaine.]
 builded at other mens costs vnto Paule and Peter vpon the bankes of
 the Were, as Beda dooth remember. So fast also did these and other
 like humane deuises prosper after his time, that at their suppression
 in England and Wales onelie, there were found 440. religious houses at
 the least, of which 373. might dispend 200. li. by the yéere at the
 least, as appeareth by the record of their suppression, which also
 noteth the totall summe of their reuenues to amount vnto 32000.
 pounds, their moueables 100000. li. and the number of religious men
 [Sidenote: The number of religious houses in England
 at their dissolution.]
 conteined in the same, to be 10000. which would make a pretie armie,
 wherevnto if you adde those 45. of late standing in Scotland, you
 shall soone see what numbers of these dens of spirituall robbers were
 mainteined here in Britaine. What number of saincts also haue béene
 hatched in them I could easilie remember, and beside those 160. which
 Capgraue setteth downe, & other likewise remembred in the golden
 Legend, and Legendarie of Excester, I might bring a rable out of
 Scotland able to furnish vp a calendar, though the yere were twise as
 long.

 As touching Pelagius the first heretike that euer was bred in this
 realme (notablie knowne) and parent of Monachisme, it is certeine,
 that before his corruption and fall, he was taken for a man of
 singular learning, deepe iudgement, and such a one, as vpon whome for
 his great gifts in teaching and strictnesse of life, no small péece of
 the hope and expectation of the people did depend. But what is
 wisedome of the flesh, without the feare and true knowledge of God?
 and what is learning except it be handmaid to veritie and sound
 iudgement? Wherefore euen of this man, we may see it verified, that
 [Sidenote: Roger Bakon his saieng of the preachers of his
 time who were the best lawyers and the worst Diuines.]
 one Roger Bakon pronounced long after of the corruption of his time,
 when all things were measured by wit and worldlie policie, rather than
 by the scriptures or guidance of the spirit; Better it is saith he, to
 heare a rude and simple idiot preach the truth, without apparance of
 skill and learned eloquence, than a profound clearke to set foorth
 error, with great shew of learning, and boast of filed vtterance.
 Gerson in like sort hath said fullie asmuch. These follies of Pelagius
 were blased abroad about the 400. of Christ, and from thencefoorth how
 his number of monkes increased on the one side, and his doctrine on
 the other, there is almost no reader that is vnskilfull and ignorant.

 This also is certeine, that within the space of 200. yeares and odde,
 [Sidenote: More than 2100 monkes in the College or Abbaie of
 Bangor in whose territories the parish of Ouerton standeth.]
 there were manie more than 2100. monkes gathered togither in his
 house, whose trades notwithstanding the errors or their founder, (who
 taught such an estimation of merits and bodilie exercise (as Paule
 calleth it) that therby he sought not onlie to impugne, but also
 preuent grace, which was in deed the originall occasion of the
 erection of his house) were yet farre better and more godlie than all
 those religious orders, that were inuented of later time, wherein the
 professours liued to themselues, their wombs and the licentious
 fruition of those parts, that are beneath the bellie. For these
 [Sidenote: _Niceph. lib._ II. _cap._ 34.]
 laboured continuallie  for their owne liuings, at vacant times from
 praier (as did Serapions monkes, which were 10000. ouer whome he
 himselfe was Abbat) and likewise for the better maintenance of such
 learned men as were their appointed preachers. Their liues also were
 correspondent to their doctrine, so that herein onelie they seemed
 intollerable, in that they had confidence in their déeds, and no
 warrant out of the word for their succor & defense, but were such a
 plant as the heauenlie father had not planted, and therefore no
 maruell, though afterward they were raised by the roots.

 But as Pelagius and his adherents had a time to infect the church of
 Christ in Britaine, so the liuing God hath had a season also to purge
 and cleanse the same, though not by a full reformation of doctrine,
 [Sidenote: Germanus, Lupus, Palladius, Patricius.]
 sith Germanus, Lupus, Palladius, Patricius, and such like leaning for
 the most part vnto the monasticall trades, did not so much condemne
 the generall errors of Pelagius one waie, as mainteine the same, or as
 euill opinions another. For as Patricke séemed to like well of the
 honoring of the dead, so Germanus being in Britaine repaired an old
 [Sidenote: _Seuerus Sulpitius in vita Patricij._]
 chapell to S. Albane, wherein Lupus also praied, as Palladius vpheld
 the strictnesse of life, in monasticall profession to the vttermost of
 his power. Wherefore God wrought this purgation of his house at the
 first, rather by taking awaie the wicked and pompous schoolemaisters
 of errour out of this life: hoping that by such meanes, his people
 would haue giuen eare to the godlie that remained. But in processe of
 time, when this his mercifull dealing was forgotten and our
 countriemen returned to their former disorders, he brought in the
 Saxons, who left no idoll vnhonored, no not their filthie Priapus,
 vnto whom the women builded temples, and made a beastlie image (Cum
 pene intenso, and as if he had beene circumcised) whome they called
 Ithypallus, Verpus, and as Goropius Atvatic. pag. 26. addeth, Ters:
 calling vpon him in maner at euerie word, yea at the verie fall of a
 knife out of their hands, and not counted anie shame vnto the most
 ancient and sober matrone of them all. Howbeit when this procéeding of
 the Lord could also take no place, and the shéepe of his pasture would
 receiue no wholesome fodder, it pleased his maiestie, to let them run
 on headlong from one iniquitie to another, in somuch that after the
 doctrine of Pelagius, it receiued that of Rome also, brought in by
 [Sidenote: Augustine the monke.]
 Augustine and his monkes, whereby it was to be seene, how they fell
 from the truth into heresie, and from one heresie still into another,
 till at the last they were drowned altogither in the pits of error
 digged vp by Antichrist, wels in deed that hold no water, which
 notwithstanding to their followers séemed to be most sound doctrine,
 and cisterns of liuing water to such as imbraced the same.

 [Sidenote: Augustine.]
 This Augustine, after his arriuall, conuerted the Saxons in déed from
 paganisme, but as the prouerbe saith, bringing them out of Gods
 blessing into the warme sunne, he also imbued them with no lesse
 hurtfull superstition, than they did know before: for beside the
 onelie name of Christ, and externall contempt of their pristinate
 idolatrie, he taught them nothing at all, but rather (I saie) made an
 exchange from grosse to subtill treacherie, from open to secret
 idolatrie, & from the name of pagans, to the bare title of christians,
 thinking this sufficient for their soules health, and the stablishment
 of his monachisme, of which kind of profession, the holie scriptures
 of God can in no wise like or allow. But what cared he? sith he got
 the great fish for which he did cast his hooke, and so great was the
 fish that he caught in déed, that within the space of 1000. yeares,
 and lesse, it deuoured the fourth part & more of the best soile of the
 Iland, which was wholie bestowed vpon his monkes, & other religious
 broodes that were hatched since his time, as may hereafter appéere in
 the booke following, where I intreate of cities, townes, &c. In the
 [Sidenote: Monks of Canturburie plagued.]
 meane season what successe his monkes had at Canturburie, how oft they
 were spoiled by enimies, their houses burned by casualtie, and
 brethren consumed with pestilence, I refer me to Gotcellius, Houeden,
 Geruase, and the rest of their owne historiographers. And so sore did
 the pestilence rage among them in the time of Celnothus (in whose
 daies the preests, clerks and monkes sang their seruice togither in
 the quire, that (of I wote not how manie) there remained onelie fiue
 aliue, which was a notable token of the furie and wrath of God
 conceiued and executed against that malignant generation. It came also
 to passe at the last that men vsed to praie for helpe at the said
 Augustines tumbe (although afterward Thomas Becket a newer saint did
 not a little deface his glorie) among which king Athelstane was one,
 whome Elnothus the abbat staied so long in the place, when he came
 thither to praie, that his soldiours waiting for his comming, and
 supposing the monkes to haue murdered him, began to giue an assault
 and set fire vpon the house.

 [Sidenote: Meates.]
 [Sidenote: Pictes.]
 [Sidenote: Caledoniens.]
 Whilest these things were thus in hand, in the south part of Albion,
 the Meates, Picts, and Caledoniens, which lie beyond the Scotish sea,
 receiued also the faith, by preaching of such christian elders as
 aduentured thither dailie, who trauelled not without great successe
 and increase of perfect godlines in that part of the Ile. Certes this
 prosperous attempt passed all mens expectation, for that these nations
 were in those daies reputed wild, sauage, and more vnfaithfull and
 craftie than well-minded people (as the wild Irish are in my time) and
 such were they (to saie the truth) in déed, as neither the sugred
 courtesie, nor sharpe swords of the Romans could mollifie or restraine
 from their naturall furie, or bring to anie good order. For this cause
 also in the end, the Romane emperours did vtterlie cast them off as an
 vnprofitable, brutish, & vntameable nation, and by an huge wall
 herafter to be described, separated that rude companie from the more
 mild and ciuill portion.

 [Sidenote: Scotland conuerted to the faith of Christ.]
 This conuersion of the north parts fell out in the sixt yeare before
 the warres that Seuerus had in those quarters, and 170. after the
 death of our sauiour Jesus Christ. From thenceforth also the christian
 religion continued still among them, by the diligent care of their
 pastors and bishops (after the vse of the churches of the south part
 of this Iland) till the Romane shéepheard sought them out, and found
 the meanes to pull them vnto him in like sort with his long staffe as
 he had done our countriemen, whereby in the end he abolished the rites
 of the churches of Asia there also, as Augustine had done alreadie in
 England: and in stéed of the same did furnish it vp with those of his
 pontificall see, although there was great contention, and no lesse
 bloodshed made amongst them, before it could be brought to passe, as
 by the histories of both nations yet extant may be séene.

 [Sidenote: Paladius.]
 In the time of C[oe]lestine bishop of Rome, who sate in the 423. of
 Christ, one Paladius a Grecian borne (to whome Cyrill wrote his dialog
 De adoratione in spiritu) and sometime disciple to Iohn 24. bishop of
 [Sidenote: The first attempt of the bishop of Rome
 to bring Scotland vnder his obedience.]
 Ierusalem, came ouer from Rome into Britaine, there to suppresse the
 Pelagian heresie, which not a little molested the orthodoxes of that
 Iland. And hauing doone much good in the extinguishing of the
 aforesaid opinion there, he went at the last also into Scotland,
 supposing no lesse, but after he had trauelled somwhat in confutation
 of the Pelagians in those parts, he should easilie persuade that
 crooked nation to admit and receiue the rites of the church of Rome,
 as he would faine haue doone beforehand in the south. But as
 [Sidenote: Fastidius bishop of London.]
 Fastidius Priscus archbishop of London, and his Suffragans resisted
 him here; so did the Scotish prelates withstand him there also in this
 behalfe: howbeit, bicause of the authoritie of his commission,
 grauitie of personage, and the great gift which he had in the veine of
 pleasant persuasion (whereby he drew the people after him, as Orpheus
 did the stones with his harpe, and Hercules such as heard him by his
 toong) they had him not onelie then in great admiration, but their
 successors also from time to time, and euen now are contented (and the
 rather also for that he came from Rome) to take him for their chéefe
 [Sidenote: Paladius accompted for the apostle of the Scots.]
 apostle, reckoning from his comming as from the faith receiued, which
 was in the 431. yeare of Christ, as the truth of their historie dooth
 verie well confirme.

 Thus we see what religion hath from time to time beene receiued in
 this Iland, & how and when the faith of Christ came first into our
 countrie. Howbeit as in processe of time it was ouershadowed, and
 corrupted with the dreames and fantasticall imaginations of man, so it
 dailie waxed woorse & woorse, till that it pleased God to restore the
 preaching of his gospell in our daies, whereby the man of sinne is now
 openlie reuealed, and the puritie of the word once againe brought to
 light, to the finall ouerthrow of the Romish sathan, and his popish
 adherents that honour him daie and night to the vttermost of their
 power, yeelding vp their harts as temples for him to dwell in, which
 rather ought to be the temples of God and habitations of the
 Holy-ghost. But such is their peruerse ignorance (notwithstanding that
 Paule hath giuen warning of him alreadie 2. Thes. 2. calling him (as I
 said) the man of sinne, and saieng that he sitteth as God in the
 temple of God, shewing himselfe in his chalenge of power, as if he
 were God, vnder pretense of zeale vnto true religion) that they will
 not giue eare vnto the truth, but rather shut their eares and their
 eies from hearing and reading of the scriptures, bicause they will not
 be drawne out of his snares and bondage.




 OF THE MANIFOLD CONUERSIONS AND ALTERATIONS OF THE ESTATE OF THE
 COMMON-WEALTH OF BRITAINE, SITHENS THE TIME OF SAMOTHES.


 There is a certeine period of kingdomes, of 430. yeares, in which
 commonlie they suffer some notable alteration. And as in the aforesaid
 season there is set a time of increase and decaie, so we find that
 before the execution of Gods purpose dooth come to passe, in changing
 the estate of things, sundrie tokens are sent, whereby warning is
 giuen, that without repentance he will come and visit our offenses.
 This is partlie verified by Ioachimus Camerarius, who in his first
 booke De ostentis intreating of the same argument, telleth of a
 strange earthquake felt in Delus, which was neuer touched with any
 such plague before or after the ouerthrow of the Persians, giuen vnto
 them by the Grecians; also of the beard that suddenlie grew out of the
 face of the Pedacien prophetesse, so often as the citie was to be
 touched with any alteration and change. "Nam (saith he) descriptas
 esse diuinitùs ætates quibus idem humanarum rerum status duraret,
 quibus finitis, prædici prius quàm existeret nouationem in deterius
 euenturam rerum, quæque indies minùs ac minùs numini cordi essent.
 Emittuntur igitur cometæ diuinitus, & reuocantur dum supra nos
 conspecti quamdiu placuit Deo inferuntur, &c." Plato referreth such
 changes as happen in common-wealths to a certeine diuine force that
 resteth hidden in sundrie od numbers, whereof their periods do
 consist. True it is that God created all things in number, weight &
 measure, & that after an incomprehensible maner vnto our fraile &
 humane capacitie. Neuerthelesse, he appointed not these three to haue
 the rule of his works, wherefore we must not ascribe these changes to
 the force of number with Plato, much lesse then vnto destinie with the
 Peripatetiks, but vnto the diuine prouidence and appointment of God,
 which onelie may be called destinie as S. Augustine saith, for of
 other destinie it is impietie to dreame. Aristotle ascribing all
 euents vnto manifest causes precedent, dooth scoffe at Plato and his
 numbers in his booke of common-wealths, and bringeth in sundrie causes
 of the alteration of the state of things, which we may referre vnto
 principals, as iniurie, oppression, ambition, treason, rebellion,
 contempt of religion and lawes, and therevnto abundance of wealth in
 few, and great necessitie and miserie in manie. But whatsoeuer
 Aristotle gesseth at these things by humane reason as at the first
 causes, yet we acknowledge other beyond them, as sinne, which being
 suffered and come to the full, is cut downe by the iustice of the high
 God, the cheefe cause of all, who foreseeing the wickednesse of such
 as dwell on earth, dooth constitute such a reuolution of things in
 their beginnings, as best standeth with the execution of his purpose,
 and correction of our errors. The causes therefore that Aristotle
 dooth deliuer, are nothing else but the meanes which God vseth to
 bring his purposes to passe; and yet they deserue the name of causes,
 in that they preceed those effects which follow them immediatlie. But
 in truth other than secondarie or third causes no man can iustlie call
 them. Bodinus in his historicall method, cap. 6. making a large
 discourse of the conuersions of commonwealths, dooth séeme at the
 first to denie the force of number, but after a while he maruelleth
 that no Grecian or Latine Academike, hath hitherto made any discourse
 of the excellencie of such numbers as apperteine to the estate of
 empires and kingdomes by exemplification in any one citie or other.
 Hereby he sheweth himselfe vpon the sudden to alter his iudgement, so
 [Sidenote: Fatal numbers.]
 that he setteth downe certeine numbers as fatall; to wit, sixe vnto
 women, and seauen and nine vnto men, which (saith he) haue "Magnam in
 tota rerum natura potestatem," meaning as well in common-wealths and
 kingdomes from their first erections, as in particular ages of bodies,
 for sickenesse, health, change of habitation, wealth, and losse, &c:
 and for the confirmation of the same, he setteth downe sundrie
 examples of apparent likelihood, either by multiplication of one by
 the other, or diuision of greater numbers by either of them, or their
 concurrence one with another, calling the aforesaid three his
 criticall or iudiciall numbers, whereby he bringeth or rather
 restoreth an old kind of arithmancie (fathered on Pythagoras, yet
 neuer inuented by him) againe into the world. But we christians, in
 respecting of causes, haue to looke vnto the originall and great cause
 of all, and therefore we haue not to leane vnto these points in any
 wise as causes: for we know and confesse that all things depend vpon
 his prouidence, who humbleth and exalteth whom it pleaseth him.
 Neuerthelesse, I hope we may without offense examine how these
 assertions hold, so long as we vse them rather as Indices than Causas
 mutationum. And therefore haue I attempted to practise at this present
 the example of Bodinus, first in the alterations of our ciuill estate
 passed; and secondlie, of the like in cases of religion; from the
 flood generallie, and then after the first comming in of Samothes into
 our Ile, thereby somewhat to satisfie my selfe, and recreate the
 readers; but still protesting in the meane season that I vtterlie
 denie them to be any causes, or of themselues to worke any effect at
 all in these things, as Bodinus would seeme to vphold. As for those of
 other countries, I referre you to Aristotles politikes, and the eight
 of the common-wealth which Plato hath left vnto vs, therby to be
 farther resolued, if you be desirous to looke on them. In beginning
 therefore with my purpose; First bicause the flood of Noah was
 generall, and therefore appertinent vnto all, it shall not be amisse
 to begin with that, which was in the yeare 1656. after the creation of
 Adam, so that if you diuide the same by nine, you shall find the
 quotient to fall out exactlie with the 184. reuolution of the same
 number. Secondlie, for so much as the confusion of toongs was the
 originall cause of the dispersion of the people ouer the face of the
 whole earth, it shall not be amisse also to examine the same. Certes
 it fell out in the 133. after the flood: if we diuide therefore the
 said 133. by seauen, you shall find the quotient 19. without any ods
 remaining. From hence also vnto the comming of Samothes into Britaine,
 or rather his lawes giuen vnto the Celts, and with them vnto the
 Britons, in the second of his arriuall in this land, we find by exact
 supputation 126. yeares, which being parted by nine or seauen sheweth
 such a conclusion as maketh much for this purpose. Doubtlesse I am the
 more willing to touch the time of his lawes than his entrance, sith
 alteration of ordinances is the cheefe and principall token of change
 in rule and regiment; although at this present the circumstances hold
 not, sith he dispossessed none, neither incroched vpon any. From
 Samothes vnto the tyrannie of Albion, are 335. yeares complet, so that
 he arriued here in the 335. or 48. septenarie, which also concurreth
 with the 590 after the flood. In like sort the regiment of Albion
 continued but seauen yeares, and then was the souereingtie of this Ile
 restored againe by Hercules vnto the Celts. The next alteration of our
 estate openlie knowne, happened by Brute, betweene whose time and
 death of Albion there passed full 601. yeares (for he spent much time
 after his departure out of Grecia, before he came into Albion) so that
 if you accompt him to come hither in the 602. you shall haue 86.
 septenaries exactlie. From Brute to the extinction of his posteritie
 in Ferrex and Porrex, and pentarchie of Britaine, are 630. yeares, or
 70. nouenaries, than the which where shall a man find a more precise
 period after this method or prescription, for manie and diuers
 considerations. The time of the pentarchie indured likewise 49.
 yeares, or seauen septenaries, which being expired Dunwallo brought
 all the princes vnder his subiection, and ruled ouer them as monarch
 of this Ile. After the pentarchie ended, we find againe, that in the
 98. yeare, Brennus rebelled against Beline his brother, wherevpon
 insued cruell bloodshed betwéene them. So that here you haue 14.
 septenaries, as you haue from those warres ended, which indured a full
 yeare & more before Brennus was reconciled to his brother, to the
 comming of Cæsar into this Iland (whereat our seruitude and miserable
 thraldome to the Romans may worthilie take his entrance) 48. or 336.
 yeares, than the which concurrences I know not how a man should
 imagine a more exact.

 After the comming of Cæsar we haue 54. or sixe nouenaries to Christ,
 whose death and passion redoundeth generallie to all that by firme and
 sure faith take hold of the same, and applie it vnto their comfort.
 From the birth of Christ to our countrie deliuered from the Romane
 yoke, are 446. yeares, at which time the Britains chose them a king,
 and betooke themselues to his obedience. But neither they nor their
 king being then able to hold out the Scots and Picts, which dailie
 made hauocke of their countrie; the said Vortiger in the third yeare
 of his reigne (which was the 63. septenarie after Christ) did send for
 the Saxons, who arriued here in the 449. and 450. yeares of Grace, in
 great companies, for our aid and succour, although that in the end
 their entrances turned to our vtter decaie and ruine, in that they
 made a conquest of the whole Ile, and draue vs out of our liuings.
 Hereby we sée therefore how the preparatiue began in the 449. but how
 it was finished in the tenth nouenarie, the sequele is too too plaine.
 In like sort in the 43. nouenarie or 387. after the comming of the
 Saxons, the Danes entred, who miserablie afflicted this Ile by the
 space of 182. yeares or 46. septenaries, which being expired, they
 established themselues in the kingdome by Canutus. But their time
 lasting not long, the Normans followed in the end of the 49. yeare,
 and thus you sée how these numbers do hold exactlie vnto the conquest.
 The like also we find of the continuance of the Normans or succession
 of the Conquerour, which indured but 89. yeares, being extinguished in
 Stephen, and that of the Saxons restored in Henrie the second,
 although it lacke one whole yeare of ten nouenaries, which is a small
 thing, sith vpon diuers occasions the time of the execution of any
 accident may be preuented or proroged, as in direction and progression
 astronomicall is oftentimes perceiued. From hence to the infamous
 excommunication of England in king Iohns daies, wherevpon insued the
 resignation of his crownes and dominions to the pope, are eight
 septenaries or 56. yeares. Thence againe to the deposition of Richard.
 2. and vsurpation of Henrie 4. are 77. yeares or 11. septenaries. From
 hence to the conspiracie made against Edward. 2. after which he was
 deposed & murdered are 117. yeares, or 13. nouenaries. From hence to
 the beginning of the quarell betwéene the houses of Yorke and
 Lancaster (wherein foure score and od persons of the blood roiall were
 slaine and made awaie first and last, and which warres begunne in the
 1448. and the yeare after the death of the Duke of Glocester, whose
 murther séemed to make frée passage to the said broile) are 72. yeares
 or eight nouenaries. From hence to the translation of the crowne from
 the house of Lancaster to that of Yorke, in Edward the 4. are 14.
 yeares or two septenaries, and last of all to the vnion of the said
 houses in Henrie the eight, is an exact quadrat of seuen multiplied in
 it selfe, or 49. yeares, whereof I hope this may in part suffice.

 Now as concerning religion, we haue from Christ to the faith first
 preached in Britaine (by Iosephus ab Aramathia, and Simon Zelotes) as
 some write 70. yeares or 10. septenaries. Thence also to the baptisme
 of Lucius, and his nobilitie in the yeare after their conuersion, 12.
 nouenaries or 108. yeares. After these the Saxons entred and changed
 the state of religion for the most part into paganisme, in the yeare
 449. 39. nouenarie, and 273. yeare after Lucius had beene baptised,
 which is 39. septenaries, if I be not deceiued. In the 147. or 21.
 septenarie, Augustine came, who brought in poperie, which increased
 and continued till Wicklif with more boldnesse than anie other began
 to preach the gospell, which was Anno. 1361. or 765. yeares after the
 comming of Augustine, and yeeld 85. nouenaries exactlie. From hence
 [Sidenote: Henrie 8.]
 againe to the expulsion of the pope 175. yeares, or 25. septenaries,
 [Sidenote: Marie.]
 thence to the receiuing of the pope and popish doctrine 21. yeares or
 3. septenaries, wherevnto I would ad the time of restoring the gospell
 by Quéene Elizabeth, were it not that it wanteth one full yeare of 7.
 Whereby we may well gather, that if there be anie hidden mysterie or
 thing conteined in these numbers, yet the same extendeth not vnto the
 diuine disposition of things, touching the gift of grace and frée
 mercie vnto the penitent, vnto which neither number weight nor measure
 shall be able to aspire.




 OF SUCH ILANDS AS ARE TO BE SEENE VPON THE COASTS OF BRITAINE.

 CAP. 10.


 There are néere vnto, or not verie farre from the coasts of Britaine
 many faire Ilands, wherof Ireland with hir neighbors (not here
 handled) séeme to be the cheefe. But of the rest, some are much larger
 or lesse than other, diuers in like sort enuironed continuallie with
 the salt sea (whereof I purpose onelie to intreat, although not a few
 of them be Ilands but at the floud) and other finallie be clipped
 partlie by the fresh and partlie by the salt water, or by the fresh
 alone, whereof I may speake afterward.

 Of these salt Ilands (for so I call them that are enuironed with the
 Ocean waues) some are fruitfull in wood, corne, wild foule, and
 pasture ground for cattell, albeit that manie of them be accounted
 barren, bicause they are onelie replenished with conies, and those of
 sundrie colours (cherished of purpose by the owners, for their skins
 or carcases in their prouision of household) without either man or
 woman otherwise inhabiting in them. Furthermore, the greatest number
 of these Ilands haue townes and parish-churches, within their seuerall
 precincts, some mo, some lesse: and beside all this, are so inriched
 with commodities, that they haue pleasant hauens, fresh springs, great
 store of fish, and plentie of cattell, wherby the inhabitants doo
 reape no small aduantage. How manie they are in number I cannot as yet
 determine, bicause mine informations are not so fullie set downe, as
 the promises of some on the one side, & mine expectation on the other
 did extend vnto. Howbeit, first of all that there are certeine which
 lie neere togither, as it were by heapes and clusters, I hope none
 [Sidenote: Nesiadæ.]
 [Sidenote: Insulæ Scylurum.]
 [Sidenote: Sileustræ.]
 [Sidenote: Syllanæ.]
 [Sidenote: Sorlingæ.]
 [Sidenote: Sylley.]
 [Sidenote: Hebrides.]
 [Sidenote: Hebudes.]
 [Sidenote: Meuaniæ.]
 [Sidenote: Orchades.]
 will readilie denie. Of these also those called the Nesiadæ, Insulæ
 Scylurum, Sileustræ, Syllanæ, now the Sorlings, and Iles of Silley,
 lieng beyond Cornwall are one, and conteineth in number one hundreth
 fourtie and seauen (each of them bearing grasse) besides shelfes and
 shallowes. In like sort the companie of the Hebrides in old time
 subject vnto Ireland are another, which are said to be 43. situat vpon
 the west side of this Iland, betweene Ireland & Scotland, and of which
 there are some that repute Anglesei, Mona Cæsaris, and other lieng
 betweene them to be parcell, in their corrupted iudgement. The third
 cluster or bunch consisteth of those that are called the Orchades, and
 these lie vpon the northwest point of Scotland, being 31. aliàs 28. in
 number, as for the rest they lie scattered here and there, and yet not
 to be vntouched as their courses shall come about. There are also the
 18. Shetland Iles, and other yet farther distant from them, of which
 Iohn Frobuser I doubt not touched vpon some in his voiage to Meta
 Incognita: but for somuch as I must speake of the Shetlands hereafter,
 I doo not meane to spend anie time about them as yet.

 There haue beene diuers that haue written of purpose, De insulis
 Britanniæ, as Cæsar doth confesse. The like also may be seene by
 Plutarch, who nameth one Demetrius a Britaine, that should set foorth
 an exact treatise of each of them in order, and among other tell of
 certeine desert Iles beyond Scotland dedicated to sundrie gods and
 goddesses, but of one especiallie, where Briareus should hold Saturne
 and manie other spirits fast bound with the chaines of an heauie
 sléepe, as he heard, of which some die now and then, by meane wherof
 the aire becommeth maruellouslie troubled, &c: as you may sée in
 Plutarch De cessatione oraculorum, &c. But sith those bookes are now
 perished, and the most of the said Ilands remaine vtterlie vnknowen,
 euen to our owne selues (for who is able in our time to say where is
 Glota, Hiucrion, Etta, Iduna, Armia, Æsarea, Barsa, Isiandium,
 Icdelis, Xantisma, Indelis, Siata, Ga. Andros or Edros, Siambis,
 Xanthos, Ricnea, Menapia, &c? whose names onelie are left in memorie
 by ancient writers, but I saie their places not so much as heard of in
 our daies) I meane (God willing) to set downe so manie of them with
 their commodities, as I doo either know by Leland, or am otherwise
 instructed of by such as are of credit. Herein also I will touch at
 large those that are most famous, and breeflie passe ouer such as are
 obscure and vnknowen, making mine entrance at the Thames mouth, and
 directing this imagined course (for I neuer sailed it) by the south
 part of the Iland into the west. From thence in like sort I will
 proceed into the north, & come about againe by the east side into the
 fall of the aforesaid streame, where I will strike saile, and safelie
 be set ashore, that haue often in this voiage wanted water, but
 oftener béene set a ground, especiallie on the Scotish side.

 In beginning therefore, with such as lie in the mouth of the aforesaid
 [Sidenote: Hoo.]
 riuer, I must néeds passe by the How, which is not an Iland, and
 therefore not within the compasse of my description at this time, but
 almost an Iland, which parcels the Latins call Peninsulas, and I doo
 english a Byland, vsing the word for such as a man may go into
 drie-footed at the full sea, or on horssebacke at the low water
 without anie boat or vessell: and such a one almost is Rochford
 hundred in Essex also, yet not at this time to be spoken of, bicause
 not the sea onelie but the fresh water also doth in maner enuiron it,
 and is the cheefe occasion wherfore it is called an Iland. This How
 lieth between Cliffe (in old time called Clouesho, to wit, Cliffe in
 How or in the hundred of How) & the midwaie that goeth along by
 Rochester, of which hundred there goeth an old prouerbe in rime after
 this maner:

   He that rideth into the hundred of How,
   Beside pilfering sea-men shall find durt ynow.

 [Sidenote: Greane.]
 Next vnto this we haue the Greane, wherein is a towne of the same
 denomination, an Ile supposed to be foure miles in length, and two in
 [Sidenote: Shepey.]
 bredth. Then come we to Shepey, which Ptolomie calleth Connos,
 conteining seauen miles in length, and three in bredth, wherein is a
 castell called Quinborow, and a parke, beside foure townes, of which
 one is named Minster, another Eastchurch, the third Warden, and the
 fourth Leyden: the whole soile being throughlie fed with shéepe, verie
 well woodded, and (as I heare) belongeth to the Lord Cheyney, as
 parcell of his inheritance. It lieth thirtéene miles by water from
 Rochester, but the castell is fiftéene, and by south thereof are two
 [Sidenote: Elmesie.]
 [Sidenote: Hertesie.]
 small Ilands, wherof the one is called Elmesie, and the more easterlie
 Hertesie. In this also is a towne called Hertie, or Hartie, and all in
 the Lath of Scraie, notwithstanding that Hartie lieth in the hundred
 of Feuersham, and Shepey reteineth one especiall Bailie of hir owne.

 From hence we passe by the Reculuers (or territorie belonging in time
 past to one Raculphus, who erected an house of religion, or some such
 thing there) vnto a little Iland in the Stoure mouth. Herevpon also
 [Sidenote: Stureev.]
 [Sidenote: Thanet.]
 the Thanet abutteth, which Ptolomie calleth Toliapis, other Athanatos,
 bicause serpents are supposed not to liue in the same, howbeit sith it
 is not enuironed with the sea, it is not to be dealt withall as an
 Iland in this place, albeit I will not let to borow of my
 determination, and describe it as I go, bicause it is so fruitfull.
 Beda noteth it in times past to haue conteined 600. families, which
 are all one with Hidelands, [*]Ploughlands, Carrucates, or Temewares.
 [Sidenote: * In Lincolneshire the word Hide or hideland,
 was neuer in vse in old time as in other places, but for
 Hide they vsed the word Carucate or cartware, or Teme,
 and these were of no lesse compasse than an Hideland.
 _Ex Hugone le blanc Monacho Petrolurgensi._]
 He addeth also that it is diuided from our continent, by the riuer
 called Wantsume, which is about thrée furlongs broad, and to be passed
 ouer in two places onelie. But whereas Polydore saieth, the Thanet is
 nine miles in length & not much lesse in bredth, it is now reckoned
 that it hath not much aboue seauen miles from Nordtmuth to Sandwich,
 and foure in bredth, from the Stoure to Margate, or from the south to
 the north, the circuit of the whole being 17. or 18. as Leland also
 noteth. This Iland hath no wood growing in it except it be forced, and
 yet otherwise it is verie fruitfull, and beside that it wanteth few
 other commodities, the finest chalke is said to be found there. Herein
 also did Augustine the moonke first arriue, when he came to conuert
 the Saxons, and afterward in processe of time, sundry religious houses
 were erected there, as in a soile much bettered (as the supersticious
 supposed) by the steps of that holy man, & such as came ouer with him.
 There are at this time 10. parish churches at the least in the Ile of
 Thanet, as S. Nicholas, Birchington, S. Iohns, Wood or Woodchurch, S.
 Peters, S. Laurence, Mownton or Monkeron, Minster, S. Gyles and all
 Saincts, whereof M. Lambert hath written at large in his description
 of Kent, and placed the same in the Lath of sainct Augustine and
 hundred of Kingslow, as may easilie be séene to him that will peruse
 it.

 [Sidenote: Rutupium.]
 Sometime Rutupium or (as Beda calleth it) Reptacester, stood also in
 this Iland, but now thorough alteration of the chanell of the Dour, it
 is shut quite out, and annexed to the maine. It is called in these
 daies Richborow, and as it should seeme builded vpon an indifferent
 soile or high ground. The large brickes also yet to be seene there, in
 the ruinous walles, declare either the Romane or the old British
 workemanship. But as time decaieth all things, so Rutupium named
 Ruptimuth is now become desolate, and out of the dust thereof Sandwich
 producted, which standeth a full mile from the place where Reptacester
 stood. The old writers affirme, how Arthur & Mordred fought one
 notable battell here, wherin Gwallon or Gawan was slaine; at which
 time the said rebell came against his souereigne with 70000. Picts,
 Scots, Irish, Norwegians, &c: and with Ethelbert the first christian
 king of Kent did hold his palace in this towne, and yet none of his
 coine hath hitherto béene found there, as is dailie that of the
 Romanes, whereof manie péeces of siluer and gold, so well as of
 brasse, copper, and other mettall haue often beene shewed vnto me. It
 should appéere in like sort, that of this place, all the whole coast
 of Kent therabout was called Littus Rutupinum, which some doo not a
 little confirme by these words of Lucane, to be read in his sixt booke
 soone after the beginning:

 [Sidenote: The last verse of one couple and first of an other.]

   Aut vaga cum Tethis, Rutupináq; littora feruent,
   Vnda Calidonios fallit turbata Britannos.

   Or when the wandering seas
     and Kentish coasts doo worke,
   And Calidons of British bloud,
     the troubled waues beguile.

 Meaning in like sort by the latter, the coast néere Andredeswald,
 which in time past was called Littus Calidonium of that wood or
 forrest, as Leland also confirmeth. But as it is not my mind to deale
 anie thing curiouslie in these by-matters, so in returning againe to
 my purpose, and taking my iourney toward the Wight, I must needs passe
 [Sidenote: Seolesey of Seles there taken.]
 by Selesey, which sometime (as it should séeme) hath béene a noble
 Iland, but now in maner a Byland or Peninsula, wherin the chéefe sée
 of the bishop of Chichester was holden by the space of thrée hundred
 twentie nine yeares, and vnder twentie bishops.

 Next vnto this, we come vnto those that lie betweene the Wight and the
 [Sidenote: Thorne.]
 maine land, of which the most easterlie is called Thorne, and to saie
 truth, the verie least of all that are to be found in that knot. Being
 [Sidenote: Haling.]
 past the Thorne, we touched vpon the Haling, which is bigger than the
 Thorne, and wherein one towne is situat of the same denomination
 [Sidenote: Port.]
 beside another, whose name I remember not. By west also of the Haling
 lieth the Port (the greatest of the three alreadie mentioned) and in
 this standeth Portsmouth and Ringstéed) whereof also our Leland,
 saieth thus: "Port Ile is cut from the shore by an arme of the maine
 hauen, which breaketh out about thrée miles aboue Portsmouth, and
 goeth vp two miles or more by morish ground to a place called
 Portbridge, which is two miles from Portsmouth." Then breaketh there
 out another créeke from the maine sea, about Auant hauen, which
 gulleth vp almost to Portbridge, and thence is the ground disseuered,
 so that Portsmouth standeth in a corner of this Ile, which Iland is in
 length six miles, and three miles in bredth, verie good for grasse and
 corne, not without some wood, and here and there inclosure. Beside
 this, there is also another Iland north northwest of Port Ile, which
 is now so worne and washed awaie with the working of the sea, that at
 the spring tides it is wholie couered with water, and thereby made
 vnprofitable. Finallie being past all these, and in compassing this
 gulfe, we come by an other, which lieth north of Hirst castell, &
 southeast of Kaie hauen, whereof I find nothing worthie to be noted,
 sauing that it wanteth wood, as Ptolomie affirmeth in his
 Geographicall tables of all those Ilands which enuiron our Albion.

 [Sidenote: Wight.]
 [Sidenote: Guidh.]
 The Wight is called in Latine Vectis, but in the British speach Guidh,
 that is to saie, Eefe or easie to be séene, or (as D. Caius saith)
 separate, bicause that by a breach of the sea, it was once diuided
 from the maine, as Sicilia was also from Italie, Anglesei from Wales,
 Foulenesse from Essex, & Quinborow from Kent. It lieth distant from
 the south shore of Britaine (where it is fardest off) by fiue miles &
 a halfe, but where it commeth neerest, not passing a thousand paces,
 and this at the cut ouer betwéene Hirst castell and a place called
 Whetwell chine, as the inhabitants doo report. It conteineth in length
 twentie miles, and in bredth ten, it hath also the north pole eleuated
 by 50. degrées and 27. minutes, and is onelie 18. degrees in distance,
 and 50. od minuts from the west point, as experience hath confirmed,
 contrarie to the description of Ptolomie, and such as folow his
 assertions in the same. In forme, it representeth almost an eg, and so
 well is it inhabited with meere English at this present, that there
 are thirtie six townes, villages and castels to be found therein,
 beside 27. parish-churches, of which 15. or 16. haue their Parsons,
 the rest either such poore Vicars or Curats, as the liuings left are
 able to sustaine. The names of the parishes in the Wight are these.

 [Sidenote: P signifieth parsonages, V. vicarages.]

    1 Newport, a chap.
    2 Cairsbrosie.      v.
    3 Northwood.
    4 Arriun.           v.
    5 Goddeshill.       v.
    6 Whitwell.
    7 S. Laurence.      p.
    8 Nighton.          p.
    9 Brading.          v.
   10 Newchurch.        v.
   11 S. Helene.        v.
   12 Yauerland.        p.
   13 Calborne.         p.
   14 Bonechurch.       p.
   15 Mottesson.        p.
   16 Yarmouth.         p.
   17 Thorley.          v.
   18 Shalflete.        v.
   19 Whippingham.      p.
   20 Wootton.          p.
   21 Chale.            p.
   22 Kingston.         p.
   23 Shorwell.         p.
   24 Gatrombe.         p.
   25 Brosie.
   26 Brixston.         p.
   27 Bensted.          p.

 It belongeth for temporall iurisdiction to the countie of Hamshire,
 but in spirituall cases it yéeldeth obedience to the sée of
 Winchester, wherof it is a Deanerie. As for the soile of the whole
 Iland, it is verie fruitfull, for notwithstanding the shore of it
 selfe be verie full of rocks and craggie cliffes, yet there wanteth no
 plentie of cattell, corne, pasture, medow ground, wild foule, fish,
 fresh riuers, and pleasant woods, whereby the inhabitants may liue in
 ease and welfare. It was first ruled by a seuerall king, and
 afterwards wonne from the Britons by Vespasian the legat, at such time
 as he made a voiage into the west countrie. In processe of time also
 it was gotten from the Romans by the kings of Sussex, who held the
 souereigntie of the same, and kept the king thereof vnder tribute,
 till it was wonne also from them, in the time of Athelwold, the eight
 king of the said south region, by Ceadwalla, who killed Aruald that
 reigned there, and reserued the souereigntie of that Ile to himselfe
 and his successors for euermore. At this time also there were 1200.
 families in that Iland, whereof the said Ceadwalla gaue 300 to
 Wilfride sometime bishop of Yorke, exhorting him to erect a church
 there, and preach the gospell also to the inhabitants thereof, which
 he in like maner performed, but according to the prescriptions of the
 church of Rome, wherevnto he yéelded himselfe vassall and feudarie: so
 that this Ile by Wilfride was first conuerted to the faith, though the
 last of all other that hearkened vnto the word. After Ceadwalla,
 Woolfride the parricide was the first Saxon prince that aduentured to
 flie into the Wight for his safegard, whither he was driuen by
 Kenwalch of the Westsaxons, who made great warres vpon him, and in the
 end compelled him to go into this place for succour, as did also king
 Iohn, in the rebellious stir of his Barons, practised by the clergie:
 the said Iland being as then in possession of the Forts, as some doo
 write that haue handled it of purpose. The first Earle of this Iland
 that I doo read of, was one Baldwijne de Betoun, who married for his
 second wife, the daughter of William le Grosse Earle of Awmarle; but
 he dieng without issue by this ladie, she was maried the second time
 to Earle Maundeuille, and thirdlie to William de Fortes, who finished
 Skipton castell, which his wiues father had begun about the time of
 king Richard the first. Hereby it came to passe also, that the Forts
 were Earls of Awmarle, Wight, and Deuonshire a long time, till the
 ladie Elizabeth Fortes, sole heire to all those possessions came to
 age, with whom king Edward the third so preuailed through monie &
 faire words, that he gat the possession of the Wight wholie into his
 hands, & held it to himselfe & his successors, vntill Henrie the sixt,
 about the twentieth of his reigne, crowned Henrie Beauchamp sonne to
 the lord Richard Earle of Warwike king thereof and of Iardesey and
 Gardesey with his owne hands, and therevnto gaue him a commendation of
 the Dutchie of Warwike with the titles of Comes comitum Angliæ, lord
 Spenser of Aburgauenie, and of the castell of Bristow (which castell
 was sometime taken from his ancestors by king Iohn) albeit he did not
 long enioy these great honors, sith he died 1446. without issue, and
 seuen yéeres after his father.

 After we be past the Wight, we go forward and come vnto Poole hauen,
 [Sidenote: Brunt Keysy.]
 wherein is an Ile, called Brunt Keysy, in which was sometime a
 parish-church, and but a chapell at this present, as I heare. There
 are also two other Iles, but as yet I know not their names.

 We haue (after we are passed by these) another Ile, or rather Byland
 [Sidenote: Portland.]
 also vpon the coast named Portland not far from Waymouth or the Gowy,
 a prettie fertile peece though without wood, of ten miles in circuit,
 now well inhabited, but much better heretofore, and yet are there
 about foure score housholds in it. There is but one street of houses
 therein, the rest are dispersed, howbeit they belong all to one
 parish-church, whereas in time past there were two within the compasse
 of the same. There is also a castell of the kings, who is lord of the
 Ile, although the bishop of Winchester be patrone of the church, the
 parsonage whereof is the fairest house in all the péece. The people
 there are no lesse excellent slingers of stones than were the
 Baleares, who would neuer giue their children their dinners till they
 had gotten the same with their slings, and therefore their parents
 vsed to hang their meate verie high vpon some bough, to the end that
 he which strake it downe might onlie haue it, whereas such as missed
 were sure to go without it, Florus lib. 3. cap. 8. Which feat the
 Portlands vse for the defense of their Iland, and yet otherwise are
 verie couetous. And wheras in time past they liued onlie by fishing,
 now they fall to tillage. Their fire bote is brought out of the Wight,
 and other places, yet doo they burne much cow doong dried in the
 sunne, for there is I saie no wood in the Ile, except a few elmes that
 be about the church. There would some grow there, no doubt, if they
 were willing to plant it, although the soile lie verie bleake and
 open. It is not long since this was vnited to the maine, and likelie
 yer long to be cut off againe.

 Being past this we raise another, also in the mouth of the Gowy,
 betweene Colsford and Lime, of which for the smalnesse thereof I make
 no great account. Wherefore giuing ouer to intreat any farther of it,
 [Sidenote: Iardsey.]
 [Sidenote: Gardesey.]
 I cast about to Iardsey, and Gardesey, which Iles with their
 appurtenances apperteined in times past to the Dukes of Normandie, but
 now they remaine to our Quéene, as parcell of Hamshire and
 iurisdiction of Winchester, & belonging to hir crowne, by meanes of a
 composition made betwéene K. Iohn of England and the K. of France,
 when the dominions of the said prince began so fast to decrease, as
 Thomas Sulmo saith.

 [Sidenote: Iardsey.]
 Of these two, Iardsey is the greatest, an Iland hauing thirtie miles
 in compasse, as most men doo coniecture. There are likewise in the
 same twelue parish-churches, with a colledge, which hath a Deane and
 Prebends. It is distant from Gardsey full 21. miles, or thereabouts,
 and made notable, by meanes of a bloudie fact doone there in Queene
 Maries daies, whereby a woman called Perotine Massie wife vnto an
 honest minister or préest, being great with childe by hir husband, was
 burned to ashes: through the excéeding crueltie of the Deane and
 Chapiter, then contending manifestlie against God for the mainteinance
 of their popish and antichristian kingdome. In this hir execution, and
 at such time as the fire caught holde of hir wombe, hir bellie brake,
 and there issued a goodly manchilde from hir, with such force that it
 fell vpon the cold ground quite beyond the heate and furie of the
 [Sidenote: Horrible murther.]
 flame, which quicklie was taken vp and giuen from one tormentor and
 aduersarie to an other to looke vpon, whose eies being after a while
 satisfied with the beholding thereof, they threw it vnto the carcase
 of the mother which burned in the fire, whereby the poore innocent was
 [Sidenote: Gardsey.]
 consumed to ashes, whom that furious element would gladlie haue left
 vntouched, & wherevnto it ministred (as you heare) an hurtlesse
 passage. In this latter also, there haue béene in times past, fine
 religious houses, and nine castels, howbeit in these daies there is
 but one parish-church left standing in the same. There are also
 certeine other small Ilands, which Henrie the second in his donation
 calleth Insulettas, beside verie manie rocks, whereof one called
 [Sidenote: S. Hilaries.]
 S. Hilaries (wherein sometime was a monasterie) is fast vpon Iardsey,
 [Sidenote: Cornet. Serke.]
 another is named the Cornet, which hath a castel not passing an arrow
 shot from Gardsey. The Serke also is betwéene both, which is six miles
 about, and hath another annexed to it by an Isthmus or Strictland,
 wherein was a religious house, & therwithall great store of conies.

 [Sidenote: Brehoc.]
 [Sidenote: Gytho.]
 [Sidenote: Herme.]
 There is also the Brehoc, the Gytho, and the Herme, which latter is
 foure miles in compasse, and therein was sometime a Canonrie, that
 afterward was conuerted into a house of Franciscanes. There are two
 other likewise neere vnto that of S. Hilarie, of whose names I haue no
 [Sidenote: Burhoo, aliàs the Ile of rats.]
 notice. There is also the rockie Ile of Burhoo, but now the Ile of
 rats, so called of the huge plentie of rats that are found there,
 [Sidenote: Turkie conies.]
 though otherwise it be replenished with infinit store of conies,
 betwéene whome and the rats, as I coniecture, the same which we call
 Turkie conies, are oftentimes produced among those few houses that are
 to be seene in this Iland. Some are of the opinion that there hath
 béene more store of building in this Ile than is at this present to be
 seene, & that it became abandoned through multitudes of rats, but
 hereof I find no perfect warrantise that I may safelie trust vnto, yet
 in other places I read of the like thing to haue happened, as in Gyara
 of the Cyclades, where the rats increased so fast that they draue away
 the people. Varro speaketh of a towne in Spaine that was ouerthrowne
 by conies. The Abderits were driuen out of Thracia by the increase of
 mice & frogs; and so manie conies were there on a time in the Iles
 Maiorca and Minorca (now perteining to Spaine) that the people began
 to starue for want of bread, and their cattell for lacke of grasse.
 And bicause the Ilanders were not able to ouercome them, Augustus was
 constreined to send an armie of men to destroie that needlesse brood.
 [Sidenote: Causes of the desolation of sundrie cities and townes.]
 Plin. lib. 8. cap. 55. A towne also in France sometime became desolate
 onelie by frogs and todes. Another in Africa by locustes and also by
 grashoppers, as Amicla was by snakes and adders. Theophrast telleth of
 an whole countrie consumed by the palmer-worme, which is like vnto an
 huge caterpiller. Plinie writeth of a prouince vpon the borders of
 Æthiopia made void of people by ants and scorpions, and how the
 citizens of Megara in Grecia were faine to leaue that citie through
 multitudes of bées, as waspes had almost driuen the Ephesians out of
 Ephesus. But this of all other (whereof Ælianus intreateth) is most
 woonderfull, that when the Cretenses were chased out of a famous citie
 of their Iland by infinit numbers of bees, the said bees conuerted
 their houses into hiues, and made large combes in them which reached
 from wall to wall, wherein they reserued their honie. Which things
 being dulie considered, I doo not denie the possibilitie of the
 expulsion of the inhabitants out of the Ile of Burhoo by rats,
 although I say that I doo not warrant the effect, bicause I find it
 not set downe directlie in plaine words.

 [Sidenote: Alderney.]
 Beside this there is moreouer the Ile of Alderney a verie pretie plot,
 about seuen miles in compasse, wherin a préest not long since did find
 [Sidenote: _Comment. Brit._]
 a coffin of stone, in which lay the bodie of an huge giant, whose fore
 téeth were so big as a mans fist, as Leland dooth report. Certes this
 to me is no maruell at all, sith I haue read of greater, and mentioned
 them alreadie in the beginning of this booke. Such a tooth also haue
 they in Spaine wherevnto they go in pilgrimage as vnto S. Christophers
 tooth, but it was one of his eie teeth, if Ludouicus Viues say true,
 who went thither to offer vnto the same. S. August. de ciuit. lib. 15.
 cap. 9. writeth in like sort, of such another found vpon the coast of
 Vtica, and thereby gathereth that all men in time past were not onlie
 far greater than they be now, but also the giants farre exceeding the
 [Sidenote: _Iliad._ 6.]
 huge stature and height of the highest of them all. Homer complaineth
 that men in his time were but dwarfes in comparison of such as liued
 [Sidenote: _Iliad._ 5. & 7.]
 in the wars of Troy. See his fift Iliad, where he speaketh of
 Diomedes, and how he threw a stone at Æneas, (which 14. men of his
 [Sidenote: _Vergilius Aen._ 12.]
 time were not able to stirre) and therewith did hit him on the thigh
 and ouerthrew him. Virgil also noteth no lesse in his owne deuise, but
 Iuvenal bréefelie comprehendeth all this in his 15. Satyra, where he
 saith:

   Saxa inclinatis per humum quæsita lacertis
   Incipiunt torquere, domestica seditione
   Tela, nec hunc lapidem, quali se Turnus, & Aiax,
   Et quo Tytides percussit pondere coxam
   Aeneæ: sed quem valeant emittere dextræ
   Illis dissimiles, & nostro tempore nata.
   Nam genus hoc viuo iam decrescebat Homero,
   Terra malos homines nunc educat, atque pusillos,
   Ergo Deus quicunque aspexit, ridet, & odit.

 But to returne againe vnto the Ile of Alderney, from whence I haue
 digressed. Herein also is a prettie towne with a parish-church, great
 plentie of corne, cattell, conies, and wilde foule, whereby the
 inhabitants doo reape much gaine and commoditie: onelie wood is their
 want, which they otherwise supplie. The language also of such as dwell
 in these Iles, is French; but the wearing of their haire long, & the
 attire of those that liued in Gardsey and Iardsey, vntill the time of
 king Henrie the eight, was all after the Irish guise. The Ile of
 Gardsey also was sore spoiled by the French 1371. and left so
 desolate, that onlie one castell remained therein vntouched.

 Beyond this, and neerer unto the coast of England (for these doo lie
 about the verie middest of the British sea) we haue one Iland called
 [Sidenote: Bruchsey.]
 the Bruch or the Bruchsey, lieng about two miles from Poole, whither
 men saile from the Fromouth, and wherein is nought else, but an old
 chapell, without any other housing.

 Next to this also are certeine rocks, which some take for Iles, as
 Illeston rocke néere vnto Peritorie, Horestan Ile a mile from
 Peritorie by south, Blacke rocke Ile southeast from Peritorie toward
 Teygnemouth, and also Chester, otherwise called Plegimundham: but how
 (to saie truth) or where this latter lieth, I cannot make report as
 yet, neuerthelesse sith Leland noteth them togither, I thinke it not
 my part to make separation of them.

 [Sidenote: Mount Iland.]
 From hence the next Ile is called Mount Iland, otherwise Mowtland,
 situate ouer against Lough, about two miles from the shore, and well
 néere thrée miles in compasse. This Iland hath no inhabitants, but
 onelie the warrenner and his dog, who looketh vnto the conies there:
 notwithstanding that vpon the coast thereof in time of the yeere,
 great store of pilchards is taken, and carried from thence into manie
 places of our countrie. It hath also a fresh well comming out of the
 rocks, which is worthie to be noted in so small a compasse of ground.
 Moreouer in the mouth of the créeke that leadeth vnto Lough, or Loow,
 as some call it, there is another little Iland of about eight acres of
 [Sidenote: S. Nicholas Iland.]
 ground called S. Nicholas Ile, and midwaie betweene Falmouth and
 [Sidenote: Greefe.]
 Dudman (a certeine Promontorie) is such another named the Gréefe,
 [Sidenote: Inis Prynin.]
 wherein is great store of gulles & sea foule. As for Inis Prynin, it
 lieth within the Baie, about three miles from Lizards, and containeth
 not aboue two acres of ground, from which Newltjn is not far distant,
 and wherein is a poore fisher-towne and a faire wel-spring, wherof as
 yet no writer hath made mention. After these (omitting Pendinant in
 [Sidenote: S. Michaels mount.]
 the point of Falmouth hauen) we came at last to saint Michaels mount,
 whereof I find this description readie to my hand in Leland.

 The compasse of the root of the mount of saint Michael is not much
 more than halfe a mile, and of this the south part is pasturable and
 bréedeth conies, the residue high and rockie soile. In the north side
 thereof also is a garden, with certeine houses and shops for
 fishermen. Furthermore, the waie to the mountaine lieth at the north
 side, and is frequented from halfe eb to halfe floud, the entrance
 beginning at the foot of the hill, and so ascending by steps and
 greeces westward, first; and then eastward to the vtter ward of the
 church. Within the same ward also is a court stronglie walled, wherein
 on the south side is a chapell of S. Michaell, and in the east side
 another of our ladie. Manie times a man may come to the hill on foot.
 On the north northwest side hereof also, is a Piere for botes and
 ships, and in the Baie betwixt the mount and Pensardz are seene at the
 lowe water marke, diuers roots and stubs of trées, beside hewen stone,
 sometimes of doores & windowes, which are perceiued in the inner part
 of the Baie, and import that there hath not onelie beene building, but
 also firme ground, whereas the salt water doth now rule and beare the
 [Sidenote: S. Clements Ile.]
 maisterie. Beyond this is an other little Ile, called S. Clements Ile,
 of a chapell there dedicated to that saint. It hath a little from it
 also the Ile called Mowshole, which is not touched in any Chard. As
 for Mowshole it selfe, it is a towne of the maine, called in Cornish
 Port Enis, that is, Portus insulæ, whereof the said Ile taketh
 denomination, and in tin workes néere vnto the same there hath beene
 found of late, speare heds, battell axes, and swords of copper wrapped
 vp in linnen, and scarselie hurt with rust or other hinderance. Certes
 the sea hath won verie much in this corner of our Iland, but chéefelie
 betwéene Mowshole and Pensardz.

 Hauing thus passed ouer verie neere all such Iles, as lie vpon the
 south coast of Britaine, and now being come vnto the west part of our
 countrie, a sudden Pirie catcheth hold of vs (as it did before, when
 we went to Iardsey) and carrieth vs yet more westerlie among the flats
 [Sidenote: Sylley Iles or Syl.]
 of Sylley. Such force dooth the southeast wind often shewe vpon poore
 trauellers in those parts, as the south and southwest dooth vpon
 strangers against the British coast, that are not skilfull of our
 rodes and harborowes. Howbeit such was our successe in this voiage,
 that we feared no rocks, more than did king Athelstane, when he
 subdued them (and soone after builded a colledge of preests at S.
 Burien, in performance of his vow made when he enterprised this voiage
 for his safe returne) nor anie tempest of weather in those parts that
 could annoie our passage. Perusing therefore the perils whereinto we
 were pitifullie plunged, we found the Syllane Ilands (places often
 robbed by the Frenchmen and Spaniards) to lie distant from the point
 of Cornewall, about three or foure hours sailing, or twentie English
 miles, as some men doo account it. There are of these (as I said) to
 the number of one hundreth fortie seauen in sight, whereof each one is
 greater or lesse than other, and most of them sometime inhabited:
 howbeit, there are twentie of them, which for their greatnesse and
 commodities excéed all the rest. Thereto (if you respect their
 position) they are situat in maner of a circle or ring, hauing an huge
 lake or portion of the sea in the middest of them, which is not
 without perill to such as with small aduisement enter into the same.
 Certes it passeth my cunning, either to name or to describe all these
 one hundreth fourtie seauen, according to their estate; neither haue I
 had anie information of them, more than I haue gathered by Leland, or
 gotten out of a map of their description, which I had sometime of
 Reginald Woolfe: wherfore omitting as it were all the rags, and such
 as are not worthie to haue anie time spent about their particular
 descriptions, I will onelie touch the greatest, and those that lie
 togither (as I said) in maner of a roundle.

 [Sidenote: S. Maries Ile.]
 The first and greatest of these therefore, called S. Maries Ile, is
 about fiue miles ouer, or nine miles in compasse. Therein also is a
 parish-church, and a poore towne belonging thereto, of threescore
 housholds, beside a castell, plentie of corne, conies, wild swans,
 puffens, gulles, cranes, & other kinds of foule in great abundance.
 This fertile Iland being thus viewed, we sailed southwards by the
 [Sidenote: Agnus Ile.]
 Norman rocke, and S. Maries sound vnto Agnus Ile, which is six miles
 ouer, and hath in like sort one towne or parish within the same of
 fiue or six housholds, beside no small store of hogs & conies of
 sundrie colours, verie profitable to their owners. It is not long
 since this Ile was left desolate, for when the inhabitants thereof
 returned from a feast holden in S. Maries Ile, they were all drowned,
 and not one person left aliue. There are also two other small Ilands,
 [Sidenote: Annot.]
 betwéene this and the Annot, whereof I find nothing worthie relation:
 for as both of them ioind togither are not comparable to the said
 Annot for greatnesse and circuit, so they want both hogs and conies,
 [Sidenote: Minwisand.]
 [Sidenote: Smithy sound.]
 [Sidenote: Suartigan.]
 [Sidenote: Rousuian.]
 [Sidenote: Rousuiar.]
 [Sidenote: Cregwin.]
 wherof Annot hath great plentie. There is moreouer the Minwisand, from
 whence we passe by the Smithy sound (leauing thrée little Ilands on
 the left hand, vnto the Suartigan Iland, then to Rousuian, Rousuiar,
 and the Cregwin, which seauen are (for the most part) replenished with
 conies onelie, and wild garlike, but void of wood & other commodities,
 sauing of a short kind of grasse, or here & there some firzes wheron
 their conies doo féed.

 Leauing therefore these desert peeces, we incline a little toward the
 [Sidenote: Moncarthat.]
 [Sidenote: Inis Welseck.]
 [Sidenote: Suethiall.]
 [Sidenote: Rat Iland.]
 northwest, where we stumble or run vpon Moncarthat, Inis Welseck, &
 Suethiall. We came in like sort vnto Rat Iland, wherein are so manie
 monstrous rats, that if anie horsses, or other beasts, happen to come
 thither, or be left there by negligence but one night, they are sure
 to be deuoured & eaten vp, without all hope of recouerie. There is
 [Sidenote: Anwall. Brier.]
 moreouer the Anwall and the Brier, Ilands in like sort void of all
 good furniture, conies onelie excepted, and the Brier (wherein is a
 village, castell, and parish-church) bringeth foorth no lesse store of
 hogs, and wild foule, than Rat Iland doth of rats, whereof I greatlie
 maruell.

 [Sidenote: Rusco.]
 [Sidenote: Inis widd[=o].]
 By north of the Brier, lieth the Rusco, which hath a Labell or Byland
 stretching out toward the southwest, called Inis widdon. This Rusco is
 verie neere so great as that of S. Maries. It hath moreouer an hold,
 and a parish within it, beside great store of conies and wild foule,
 whereof they make much gaine in due time of the yeare. Next vnto this
 [Sidenote: Round Iland. S. Lides.]
 we come to the Round Iland, which is about a mile ouer, then to S.
 Lides Iland, (wherein is a parish-church dedicated to that Saint,
 beside conies, wood, and wild foule, of which two later there is some
 [Sidenote: Notho. Auing.]
 indifferent store) the Notho, the Auing, (one of them being situat by
 south of another, and the Auing halfe a mile ouer, which is a iust
 [Sidenote: Tyan.]
 halfe lesse than the Notho) and the Tyan, which later is a great
 Iland, furnished with a parish-church, and no small plentie of conies
 [Sidenote: S. Martines.]
 as I heare. After the Tyan we come to S. Martines Ile, wherein is a
 faire towne, the Ile it selfe being next vnto the Rusco for
 greatnesse, and verie well furnished with conies & fresh springs. Also
 betwixt this and S. Maries, are ten other, smaller, which reach out of
 [Sidenote: Knolworth.]
 [Sidenote: Sniuilliuer.]
 [Sidenote: Menweth[=a].]
 [Sidenote: Vollis. 1.]
 [Sidenote: Surwihe.]
 [Sidenote: Vollis. 2.]
 [Sidenote: Arthurs Ile.]
 [Sidenote: Guiniliuer.]
 [Sidenote: Nenech.]
 [Sidenote: Gothrois.]
 the northeast into the southwest, as Knolworth, Sniuilliuer,
 Menwetham, Vollis. 1. Surwihe, Vollis. 2. Arthurs Iland, Guiniliuer,
 Nenech and Gothrois, whose estates are diuers: howbeit as no one of
 these is to be accounted great in comparison of the other, so they all
 yéeld a short grasse méet for sheepe and conies, as doo also the rest.
 In the greater Iles likewise (whose names are commonlie such as those
 of the townes or churches standing in the same) there are (as I here)
 sundry lakes, and those neuer without great plentie of wild foule, so
 that the Iles of Sylley, are supposed to be no lesse beneficiall to
 their lords, than anie other whatsoeuer, within the compasse of our
 [Sidenote: Wild swine in Sylley.]
 Ile, or neere vnto our coasts. In some of them also are wild swine.
 And as these Iles are supposed to be a notable safegard to the coast
 of Cornewall, so in diuerse of them great store of tin is likewise to
 be found. There is in like maner such plentie of fish taken among
 these same, that beside the feeding of their swine withall, a man
 shall haue more there for a penie, than in London for ten grotes.
 Howbeit their cheefe commoditie is made by Keigh, which they drie, cut
 in peeces, and carie ouer into little Britaine, where they exchange it
 there, for salt, canuas, readie monie, or other merchandize which they
 doo stand in need of. A like trade haue some of them also, with
 Buckhorne or dried whiting, as I heare. But sith the author of this
 report did not flatlie auouch it, I passe ouer that fish as not in
 season at this time. Thus haue we viewed the richest and most wealthie
 Iles of Sylley, from whence we must direct our course eastwards, vnto
 the mouth of the Sauerne, and then go backe againe vnto the west point
 of Wales, continuing still our voiage along vpon the west coast of
 Britaine, till we come to the Soluey whereat the kingdomes part, &
 from which foorth on we must touch such Ilands as lie vpon the west
 and north shore, till we be come againe vnto the Scotish sea, and to
 our owne dominions.

 [Sidenote: Helenus. Priamus.]
 From the point of Cornewall therefore, or promontorie of Helenus (so
 called, as some thinke, bicause Helenus the son of Priamus who arriued
 here with Brute lieth buried there, except the sea haue washed awaie
 his sepulchre) vntill we come vnto the mouth of Sauerne, we haue none
 Ilands at all that I doo know or heare of, but one litle Byland, Cape
 or Peninsula, which is not to be counted of in this place. And yet
 [Sidenote: Pendinas.]
 sith I haue spoken of it, you shall vnderstand, that it is called
 Pendinas, and beside that the compasse thereof is not aboue a mile,
 this is to be remembered farder thereof, how there standeth a Pharos
 or light therein, for ships which saile by those coasts in the night.
 There is also at the verie point of the said Pendinas, a chappell of
 saint Nicholas, beside the church of saint Ia, an Irish woman saint.
 It belonged of late to the Lord Brooke, but now (as I gesse) the Lord
 Mountioy enioieth it. There is also a blockhouse, and a péere in the
 eastside thereof, but the péere is sore choked with sand, as is the
 whole shore furthermore from S. Ies vnto S. Carantokes, insomuch that
 the greatest part of this Byland is now couered with sands, which the
 sea casteth vp, and this calamitie hath indured little aboue fiftie
 yeares, as the inhabitants doo affirme.

 There are also two rocks neere vnto Tredwy, and another not farre from
 Tintagell, all which many of the common sort doo repute and take for
 Iles: wherefore as one desirous to note all, I thinke it not best that
 these should be omitted: but to proceed. When we be come further, I
 meane vnto the Sauerne mouth, we meet the two Holmes, of which one is
 called Stepholme, and the other Flatholme, of their formes béeing in
 déed parcels of ground and low soiles fit for little else than to
 beare grasse for cattell, whereof they take those names. For Holme is
 an old Saxon word, applied to all such places. Of these also Stepholme
 lieth south of the Flatholme, about foure or fiue miles; the first
 also a mile and an halfe, the other two miles or thereabout in length;
 but neither of them a mile and an halfe in breadth, where they doo
 seeme to be the broadest.

 It should séeme by some that they are not worthie to be placed among
 Ilands: yet othersome are of opinion, that they are not altogither so
 base, as to be reputed amongst flats or rocks: but whatsoeuer they be,
 this is sure, that they oft annoie such passengers and merchants as
 passe and repasse vpon that riuer. Neither doo I read of any other
 [Sidenote: Barri.]
 Iles which lie by east of these, saue onelie the Barri, and Dunwen:
 [Sidenote: Barri is a flight shot from the shore.]
 the first of which is so called of one Barroc, a religious man (as
 Gyraldus saith) and is about a flight shot from the shore. Herin also
 is a rocke standing at the verie entrance of the cliffe, which hath a
 little rift or chine vpon the side, wherevnto if a man doo laie his
 eare, he shall heare a noise, as if smithes did worke at the forge,
 sometimes blowing with their bellowes, and sometimes striking and
 clinking with hammers, whereof manie men haue great wonder; and no
 maruell. It is about a mile in compasse, situat ouer against
 Aberbarry, and hath a chappell in it.

 [Sidenote: Dunwen.]
 Dunwen is so called of a church (dedicated to a Welsh woman saint,
 called Dunwen) that standeth there. It lieth more than two miles from
 Henrosser, right against Neuen, and hath within it two faire mils, &
 great store of conies. Certes if the sand increase so fast hereafter
 as it hath done of late about it, it will be vnited to the maine
 within a short season. Beyond these and toward the coast of southwales
 lie two other Ilands, larger in quantitie than the Holmes, of which
 [Sidenote: Caldee.]
 the one is called Caldee or Inis Pyr. It hath a parish-church with a
 spire steeple, and a pretie towne belonging to the countie of
 Pembroke, and iurisdiction of one Dauid in Wales. Leland supposeth the
 ruines that are found therein to haue béene of an old priorie
 sometimes called Lille, which was a cell belonging to the monasterie
 [Sidenote: Londy.]
 of S. Dogmael, but of this I can saie nothing. The other hight Londy,
 wherein is also a village or towne, and of this Iland the parson of
 the said towne is not onelie the captaine, but hath thereto weife,
 distresse, and all other commodities belonging to the same. It is
 little aboue sixteene miles from the coast of Wales, though it be
 thirtie from Caldée, and yet it serueth (as I am informed) lord and
 king in Deuonshire. Moreouer in this Iland is great plentie of sheepe,
 but more conies, and therewithall of verie fine and short grasse for
 their better food & pasturage; likewise much Sampere vpon the shore,
 which is carried from thence in barrels. And albeit that there be not
 scarslie fourtie housholds in the whole, yet the inhabitants there
 with huge stones (alredie prouided) may kéepe off thousands of their
 enimies, bicause it is not possible for anie aduersaries to assaile
 them, but onelie at one place, and with a most dangerous entrance. In
 this voiage also we met with two other Ilands, one of them called
 Shepes Ile, the other Rat Ile; the first is but a little plot lieng at
 the point of the Baie, before we come at the Blockehouse which
 standeth north of the same, at the verie entrie into Milford hauen
 vpon the eastside. By north also of Shepes Ile, and betwéene it &
 Stacke rocke, which lieth in the verie middest of the hauen, at
 another point is Rat Ile yet smaller than the former, but what
 [Sidenote: Schalmey.]
 commodities are to be found in them as yet I cannot tell. Schalmey the
 greater and the lesse lie northwest of Milford hauen a good waie. They
 belong both to the crowne, but are not inhabited, bicause they be so
 [Sidenote: Schoncold.]
 often spoiled with pirates. Schoncold Ile ioineth vnto great Schalmey,
 and is bigger than it, onlie a passage for ships parteth them, whereby
 they are supposed to be one: Leland noteth them to lie in Milford
 hauen. Beside these also we found the Bateholme, Stockeholme, Midland,
 and Gresholme Iles, and then doubling the Wellock point, we came into
 a Baie, where we saw saint Brides Iland, and another in the Sound
 betwéene Ramsey and the point, of all which Iles and such rocks as are
 offensiue to mariners that passe by them, it may be my hap to speake
 more at large hereafter.

 [Sidenote: Limen or Ramsey.]
 Limen (as Ptolomie calleth it) is situat ouer against S. Dauids in
 Wales (wherevnto we must néeds come, after we be past another little
 one, which some men doo call Gresholme) & lieth directlie west of
 Schalmey. In a late map I find this Limen to be called in English
 Ramsey: Leland also confirmeth the same, and I cannot learne more
 thereof, than that it is much greater than anie of the other last
 mentioned (sithens I described the Holmes) and for temporall
 iurisdiction a member of Penbrookeshire, as it is vnto S. Dauids for
 matters concerning the church. Leland in his commentaries of England
 lib. 8. saieth that it contained thrée Ilets, whereof the bishop of S.
 Dauids is owner of the greatest, but the chanter of S. Dauids claimeth
 the second, as the archdeacon of Cairmarden dooth the third. And in
 these is verie excellent pasture for sheepe and horses, but not for
 other horned beasts which lacke their vpper téeth by nature (whose
 substance is conuerted into the nourishment of their hornes) and
 [Sidenote: Mawr.]
 therefore cannot bite so low. Next vnto this Ile we came to Mawr, an
 Iland in the mouth of Mawr, scant a bow shoot ouer, and enuironed at
 the low water with fresh, but at the high with salt, and here also is
 excellent catching of herings.

 After this, procéeding on still with our course, we fetched a
 compasse, going out of the north toward the west, and then turning
 againe (as the coast of the countrie leadeth) vntill we sailed full
 south, leauing the shore still on our right hand, vntill we came vnto
 a couple of Iles, which doo lie vpon the mouth of the Soch, one of
 them being distant (as we gessed) a mile from the other, and neither
 of them of anie greatnesse almost worthie to be remembred. The first
 [Sidenote: Tudfall.]
 that we came vnto is called Tudfall, and therein is a church, but
 without anie parishioners, except they be shéepe and conies. The
 quantitie thereof also is not much aboue six acres of ground, measured
 [Sidenote: Penthlin.]
 by the pole. The next is Penthlin, Myrach, or Mererosse, situat in
 maner betwixt Tudfall or Tuidall and the shore, and herein is verie
 good pasture for horsses, wherof (as I take it) that name is giuen
 [Sidenote: Guelyn.]
 vnto it. Next vnto them, we come vnto Gwelyn, a little Ile which lieth
 southeast of the fall of Daron or Daren, a thing of small quantitie,
 and yet almost parted in the mids by water, and next of all vnto
 Bardsey an Iland lieng ouer against Periuincle the southwest point or
 promontorie of Northwales (where Merlin Syluestris lieth buried) and
 whither the rest of the monks of Bangor did flie to saue themselues,
 when 2100. of their fellowes were slaine by the Saxon princes in the
 quarell of Augustine the monke, & the citie of Caerleon or Chester
 raced to the ground, and not since reedified againe to anie purpose.
 Ptolomie calleth this Iland Lymnos, the Britons Enlhi, and therein
 also is a parish-church, as the report goeth. From hence we cast
 about, gathering still toward the northest, till we came to Caer
 Ierienrhod, a notable rocke situat ouer against the mouth of the
 Leuenni, wherein standeth a strong hold or fortresse, or else some
 towne or village. Certes we could not well discerne whether of both it
 was, bicause the wind blew hard at southwest, the morning was mistie,
 and our mariners doubting some flats to be couched not far from
 thence, hasted awaie vnto Anglesei, whither we went a pace with a
 readie wind euen at our owne desire.

 This Iland (which Tacitus mistaketh no doubt for Mona Cæsaris, and so
 dooth Ptolomie as appeareth by his latitudes) is situat about two
 miles from the shore of Northwales. Paulus Iouius gesseth that it was
 [Sidenote: Anglesei cut from Wales by working of the sea.]
 in time past ioined to the continent, or maine of our Ile, and onelie
 cut off by working of the Ocean, as Sicilia peraduenture was from
 Italie by the violence of the Leuant or practise of some king that
 reigned there. Thereby also (as he saith) the inhabitants were
 constreind at the first to make a bridge ouer into the same, till the
 breach waxed so great, that no such passage could anie longer be
 mainteined. But as these things doo either not touch my purpose at
 all, or make smallie with the present description of this Ile: so (in
 [Sidenote: Anglesei.]
 comming to my matter) Anglesei is found to be full so great as the
 Wight, and nothing inferiour, but rather surmounting it, as that also
 which Cæsar calleth Mona in fruitfulnesse of soile by manie an hundred
 fold. In old time it was reputed and taken for the common granarie to
 Wales, as Sicilia was to Rome and Italie for their prouision of corne.
 In like maner the Welshmen themselues called it the mother of their
 countrie, for giuing their minds wholie to pasturage, as the most
 easie and lesse chargeable trade, they vtterlie neglected tillage, as
 men that leaned onelie to the fertilitie of this Iland for their
 corne, from whence they neuer failed to receiue continuall abundance.
 Gyraldus saith that the Ile of Anglesei was no lesse sufficient to
 minister graine for the sustentation of all the men of Wales, than the
 mountaines called Ereri or Snowdoni in Northwales were to yeeld
 plentie of pasture for all the cattell whatsoeuer within the aforesaid
 compasse, if they were brought togither and left vpon the same. It
 contained moreouer so manie townes welnéere, as there be daies in a
 yeare, which some conuerting into Cantreds haue accompted but for
 three, as Gyraldus saith. Howbeit as there haue beene I say 363.
 townes in Anglesei, so now a great part of that reckoning is vtterlie
 shroonke, and so far gone to decaie, that the verie ruines of them are
 vnneath to be séene & discerned: and yet it séemeth to be méetlie well
 inhabited. Leland noting the smalnesse of our hundreds in comparison
 to that they were in time past, addeth (so far as I remember) that
 there are six of them in Anglesei, as Menay, Maltraith, Liuon,
 Talbellion, Torkalin, and Tindaithin: herevnto Lhoid saith also how it
 belonged in old time vnto the kingdome of Guinhed or Northwales, and
 that therein at a towne called Aberfraw, being on the southwestside of
 the Ile, the kings of Gwinhed held euermore their palaces, whereby it
 came to passe, that the kings of Northwales were for a long time
 called kings of Aberfraw, as the Welshmen named the kings of England
 kings of London, till better instruction did bring them farther
 knowledge.

 There are in Anglesei many townes and villages, whose names as yet I
 cannot orderlie atteine vnto: wherefore I will content my selfe with
 the rehearsall of so many as we viewed in sailing about the coasts,
 and otherwise heard report of by such as I haue talked withall.
 Beginning therefore at the mouth of the Gefni (which riseth at
 northeast aboue Gefni or Geuenni, 20. miles at the least into the
 land) we passed first by Hundwyn, then by Newborow, Port-Hayton,
 Beaumarrais, Penmon, Elian, Almwoch, Burric (whereby runneth a rill
 into a creeke) Cornew, Holihed (standing in the promontorie) Gwifen,
 Aberfraw, and Cair Cadwalader, of all which, the two latter stand as
 it were in a nuke betweene the Geuenni water, and the Fraw, wherevpon
 Aberfraw is situate. Within the Iland we heard onelie of Gefni afore
 mentioned, of Gristial standing vpon the same water, of Tefri, of
 Lanerchimedh, Lachtenfarwy and Bodedrin, but of all these the cheefe
 is now Beaumarais, which was builded sometime by king Edward the
 first, and therewithall a strong castell about the yeare 1295. to
 kéepe that land in quiet. There are also as Leland saith 31.
 parish-churches beside 69. chappels, that is, a hundreth in all. But
 héerof I can saie little, for lacke of iust instruction. In time past,
 the people of this Ile vsed not to seuerall their grounds, but now
 they dig stonie hillocks, and with the stones thereof they make rude
 walles, much like to those of Deuonshire, sith they want hedge bote,
 fire bote, and house bote, or (to saie at one word) timber, bushes and
 trees. As for wine, it is so plentifull and good cheape there most
 commonlie as in London, through the great recourse of merchants from
 France, Spaine, and Italie vnto the aforesaid Iland. The flesh
 likewise of such cattell as is bred there, wherof we haue store
 yearelie brought vnto Cole faire in Essex is most delicate, by reason
 of their excellent pasture, and so much was it esteemed by the Romans
 in time past, that Columella did not onelie commend and preferre them
 before those of Liguria, but the emperours themselues being neere hand
 also caused their prouision to be made for nete out of Anglesei, to
 feed vpon at their owne tables as the most excellent beefe. It taketh
 now the name of Angles and Ei, which is to meane the Ile of Englismen,
 bicause they wan it in the Conquerors time, vnder the leading of Hugh
 earle of Chester, and Hugh of Shrewesburie. Howbeit they recouered it
 againe in the time of William Rufus, when they spoiled the citie of
 Glocester, ransacked Shrewesburie, and returned home with great bootie
 and pillage, in which voiage also they were holpen greatlie by the
 Irishmen, who after thrée yeares ioined with them againe, and slue the
 earle of Shrewesburie (which then liued) with great crueltie. The
 Welshmen call it Tiremone and Mon, and herein likewise is a
 [Sidenote: Holie head, or Cair kiby.]
 promontorie or Byland, called Holie head (which hath in time past
 beene named Cair kyby, of Kyby a monke that dwelled there) from whence
 the readiest passage is commonlie had out of Northwales to get ouer
 into Ireland, of which Ile I will not speake at this time, least I
 shuld bereaue another of that trauell. Yet Plinie saith, lib. 4. cap.
 16. that it lieth not farre off from and ouer against the Silures,
 which then dwelled vpon the west coast of our Iland, and euen so farre
 as Dunbritton, and beyond: but to our Cair kybi. The Britons named it
 [Sidenote: Enilsnach, holie Ile.]
 Enylsnach, or holie Ile, of the number of carcases of holie men, which
 they affirme to haue beene buried there. But herein I maruell not a
 little, wherein women had offended, that they might not come thither,
 or at the least wise returne from thence without some notable reproch
 or shame vnto their bodies. By south also of Hilarie point, somewhat
 inclining toward the east, lieth Inis Lygod, a small thing (God wot)
 and therefore not worthie great remembrance: neuertheles not to be
 omitted, though nothing else inforced the memoriall thereof, but
 onelie the number and certeine tale of such Iles as lie about our
 Iland. I might also speake of the Ile Mail Ronyad, which lieth north
 west of Anglesei by sixe miles; but bicause the true name hereof, as
 of manie riuers and streames are to me vnknowne, I am the more willing
 to passe them ouer in silence, least I should be noted to be farther
 corrupter of such words as I haue no skill to deliuer and exhibit in
 their kind. And now to conclude with the description of the whole
 Iland, this I will ad moreouer vnto hir commodities, that as there are
 the best milstones of white, red, blew, and gréene gréets,
 (especiallie in Tindaithin) so there is great gaines to be gotten by
 fishing round about this Ile, if the people there could vse the trade:
 but they want both cunning and diligence to take that matter in hand.
 And as for temporall regiment, it apperteineth to the countie of
 Cairnaruon, so in spirituall cases it belongeth to the bishoprike of
 Bangor. This is finallie to be noted of Anglesei, that sundrie earthen
 [Sidenote: Ancient buriall.]
 pots are often found there of dead mens bones conuerted into ashes,
 set with the mouthes downeward contrarie to the vse of other nations,
 which turned the brims vpwards, whereof let this suffice.

 Hauing thus described Anglesei, it resteth to report furthermore, how
 that in our circuit about the same, we met with other little Ilets, of
 which one lieth northwest thereof almost ouer against Butricke mouth,
 or the fall of the water, that passeth by Butricke. The Britons called
 [Sidenote: Adar.]
 [Sidenote: Moil.]
 [Sidenote: Rhomaid.]
 [Sidenote: Ysterisd.]
 [Sidenote: Adros.]
 [Sidenote: Lygod.]
 it Ynis Ader, that is to say, the Ile of birds in old time, but now it
 hight Ynis Moil, or Ynis Rhomaid, that is the Ile of porpasses. It
 hath to name likewise Ysterisd, and Adros. Being past this, we came to
 the second lieng by north east, ouer against the Hilarie point, called
 Ynis Ligod, that is to saie, the Ile of Mise, and of these two this
 latter is the smallest, neither of them both being of any greatnesse
 [Sidenote: Seriall.]
 [Sidenote: Prestholme.]
 to speake of. Ynis Seriall or Prestholme, lieth ouer against Penmon,
 or the point called the head of Mon, where I found a towne (as I told
 you) of the same denomination. Ptolomie nameth not this Iland, whereof
 I maruell. It is parcell of Flintshire, and of the iurisdiction of S.
 Asaph, and in fertilitie of soile, and breed of cattell, nothing
 inferiour vnto Anglesei hir mother: although that for quantitie of
 ground it come infinitelie short thereof, and be nothing comparable
 vnto it. The last Iland vpon the cost of Wales, hauing now left
 [Sidenote: Credine.]
 Anglesei, is called Credine, and although it lie not properlie within
 the compasse of my description, yet I will not let to touch it by the
 waie, sith the causey thither from Denbighland, is commonlie
 ouerflowne. It is partlie made an Iland by the Conwey, and partlie by
 the sea. But to proceed, when we had viewed this place, we passed
 foorth to S. Antonies Ile, which is about two or thrée miles compasse
 or more, a sandie soile, but yet verie batable for sheepe and cattell,
 it is well replenished also with fresh wels, great plentie of wild
 foule, conies and quarries of hard ruddie stone, which is oft brought
 thence to Westchester, where they make the foundations of their
 buildings withall. There are also two parish churches in the same,
 dedicated to S. Antonie and S. Iohn, but the people are verie poore,
 bicause they be so oft spoiled by pirats, although the lord of the
 same be verie wealthie thorough the exchange made with them of his
 victuals, for their wares, whereof they make good peniworths, as
 théeues commonlie doo of such preies as they get by like escheat,
 notwithstanding their landing there is verie dangerous, and onelie at
 one place. Howbeit they are constreined to vse it, and there to make
 their marts. From hence we went on, vntill we came to the cape of Ile
 [Sidenote: Hilberie.]
 Brée, or Hilberie, and point of Wyrale, from whence is a common
 passage into Ireland, of 18. or 20. houres sailing, if the wether be
 not tedious. This Iland at the full sea is a quarter of a mile from
 the land, and the streame betwéene foure fadams déepe, as ship-boies
 haue oft sounded, but at a lowe water a man may go ouer thither on the
 sand. The Ile of it selfe is verie sandie a mile in compasse, and well
 stored with conies, thither also went a sort of supersticious fooles
 in times past, in pilgrimage, to our ladie of Hilberie, by whose
 offerings a cell of monkes there, which belonged to Chester, was
 cherished and mainteined.

 The next Iland vpon the coast of England is Man or Mona Cæsaris, which
 some name Mana or Manim, but after Ptolomie, Monaoida, as some thinke,
 though other ascribe that name to Anglesei, which the Welshmen doo
 commonlie call Môn, as they doo this Manaw. It is supposed to be the
 first, as Hirtha is the last of the Hebrides. Hector Boetius noteth a
 difference betwéene them of 300. miles. But Plinie saith that Mona is
 200000. miles from Camaldunum, lib. 2. cap. 75. It lieth also vnder
 53. degrées of latitude, and 30. minuts, and hath in longitude 16.
 degrees and 40. minuts, abutting on the north side vpon S. Ninians in
 Scotland, Furnesfels on the east, Prestholme and Anglesei on the
 south, and Vlsther in Ireland on the west. It is greater than Anglesei
 by a third, and there are two riuers in the same, whose heads doo
 ioine so néere, that they doo seeme in maner to part the Ile in
 [Sidenote: Eubonia.]
 [Sidenote: Meuania.]
 twaine. Some of the ancient writers, as Ethicus, &c: call it Eubonia,
 and other following Orosius, Meuana or Mæuania, howbeit after Beda and
 the Scotish histories, the Meuaniæ are all those Iles aforesaid called
 the Hebrides, Eubonides, or Hebudes (whereof William Malmesburie, lib.
 1. de regibus (beside this our Mona) will haue Anglesei also to be
 one. Wherefore it séemeth hereby that a number of our late writers
 ascribing the said name vnto Mona onelie, haue not beene a little
 deceiued. Iornandes lib. de Getis speaketh of a second Meuania; "Habet
 & aliam Meuaniam (saith he) necnon & Orchadas." But which should be
 prima, as yet I do not read, except it should be Anglesei; and then
 saith Malmesburie well. In like sort Propertius speaketh of a Meuania,
 which he called Nebulosa, but he meaneth it euidentlie of a little
 towne in Vmbria where he was borne, lib. 4. eleg. De vrbe Rom.
 Wherfore there néedeth no vse of his authoritie. This in the meane
 time is euident out of Orosius, lib. 1. capite 2. that Scots dwelled
 somtime in this Ile, as also in Ireland, which Ethicus also affirmeth
 of his owne time, and finallie confirmeth that the Scots and Irish
 were sometime one people. It hath in length 24. miles, and 8. in
 bredth, and is in maner of like distance from Galloway in Scotland,
 Ireland and Cumberland in England, as Buchanan reporteth.

 In this Iland also were some time 1300. families, of which 960. were
 in the west halfe, and the rest in the other. But now through ioining
 house to house & land to land (a common plague and canker, which will
 eat vp all, if prouision be not made in time to withstand this
 mischéefe) that number is halfe diminished, and yet many of the rich
 inhabiters want roome, and wote not how and where to bestowe
 themselues, to their quiet contentations. Certes this impediment
 groweth not by reason that men were greater in bodie, than they haue
 béene in time past, but onelie for that their insatiable desire of
 inlarging their priuate possessions increaseth still vpon them, and
 will doo more, except they be restrained: but to returne to our
 purpose. It was once spoiled by the Scots in the time of king
 Athelstane, chéeflie by Anlafus in his flight from the bloudie
 battell, wherein Constantine king of Scotland was ouercome: secondlie
 by the Scots 1388. after it came to the possession of the English, for
 in the beginning the kings of Scotland had this Iland vnder their
 dominion, almost from their first arriuall in this Iland, and as Beda
 saith till Edwine king of the Northumbers wan it from them, and vnited
 it to his kingdome. After the time of Edwine, the Scots gat the
 possession thereof againe, and held it till the Danes & Norwaies wan
 it from them, who also kept it (but with much trouble) almost 370.
 yeares vnder the gouernance of their viceroies, whome the kings of
 Norwaie inuested vnto that honor, till Alexander the third king of
 that name in Scotland recouered it from them, with all the rest of
 those Iles that lie vpon the west coast, called also Sodorenses in the
 daies of Magnus king of Norwaie. And sithens that time the Scotish
 princes haue not ceased to giue lawes to such as dwelled there, but
 also from time to time appointed such bishops as should exercise
 ecclesiasticall iurisdiction in the same, till it was won from them by
 [Sidenote: _Chronica Tinemuthi._]
 our princes, and so vnited vnto the realme of England. Finallie, how
 after sundrie sales bargains and contracts of matrimonie (for I read
 that William Scroope the kings Vicechamberleine, did buy this Ile and
 crowne thereof of the lord William Montacute earle of Sarum) it came
 vnto the ancestours of the earles of Darbie, who haue béene commonlie
 said to be kings of Man, the discourse folowing shall more at large
 declare. Giraldus noteth a contention betwéene the kings of England &
 Ireland for the right of this Iland, but in the end, when by a
 comprimise the triall of the matter was referred to the liues or
 deaths of such venemous wormes as should be brought into the same, and
 it was found that they died not at all, as the like doo in Ireland,
 sentence passed with the king of England, & so he reteined the Iland.
 But howsoeuer this matter standeth, and whether anie such thing was
 done at all or not, sure it is that the people of the said Ile were
 much giuen to witchcraft and sorcerie (which they learned of the Scots
 a nation greatlie bent to that horrible practise) in somuch that their
 women would oftentimes sell wind to the mariners, inclosed vnder
 certeine knots of thred, with this iniunction, that they which bought
 [Sidenote: Tall men in Man.]
 the same, should for a great gale vndoo manie, and for the lesse a
 fewer or smaller number. The stature of the men and also fertilitie of
 this Iland are much commended, and for the latter supposed verie néere
 to be equall with that of Anglesei, in all commodities.

 There are also these townes therein, as they come now to my
 remembrance, Rushen, Dunglasse, Holme towne, S. Brids, Bala cury (the
 bishops house) S. Mich. S. Andrew, kirk Christ, kirk Louel, S.
 Mathees, kirk S. Anne, Pala sala, kirk S. Marie, kirk Concane, kirk
 Malu, and Home. But of all these Rushen with the castell is the
 strongest. It is also in recompense of the common want of wood, indued
 [Sidenote: Riuers.]
 with sundrie pretie waters, as first of al the Burne rising in the
 northside of Warehill botoms, and branching out by southwest of kirk
 S. An, it séemeth to cut off a great part of the eastside thereof,
 from the residue of that Iland. From those hils also (but of the south
 halfe) commeth the Holme and Holmey, by a towne of the same name, in
 the verie mouth whereof lieth the Pile afore mentioned. They haue also
 the Bala passing by Bala cury, on the westside, and the Rame on the
 north, whose fall is named Ramesei hauen, as I doo read in Chronicles.

 [Sidenote: Hilles.]
 There are moreouer sundrie great hils therein, as that wherevpon S.
 Mathees standeth, in the northeast part of the Ile, a parcell whereof
 commeth flat south, betwéene kirk Louell, and kirk Marie, yéelding out
 of their botoms the water Bala, whereof I spake before. Beside these
 and well toward the south part of the Ile, I find the Warehils, which
 are extended almost from the west coast ouertwhart vnto the Burne
 [Sidenote: Hauens.]
 streame. It hath also sundrie hauens, as Ramsei hauen, by north Laxam
 hauen, by east Port Iris, by southwest Port Home, and Port Michell, by
 west. In like sort there are diuers Ilets annexed to the same, as the
 [Sidenote: Calfe of man.]
 [Sidenote: The pile.]
 [Sidenote: S. Michels Ile.]
 Calfe of man on the south, the Pile on the west, and finallie S.
 Michels Ile in the gulfe called Ranoths waie in the east. Moreouer the
 [Sidenote: Sheepe.]
 sheepe of this countrie are excéeding huge, well woolled, and their
 [Sidenote: Hogs.]
 tailes of such greatnesse as is almost incredible. In like sort their
 hogs are in maner monstrous. They haue furthermore great store of
 [Sidenote: Barnacles.]
 barnacles bréeding vpon their coasts, but yet not so great store as in
 Ireland, and those (as there also) of old ships, ores, masts, peeces
 of rotten timber as they saie, and such putrified pitched stuffe, as
 by wrecke hath happened to corrupt vpon that shore. Howbeit neither
 the inhabitants of this Ile, nor yet of Ireland can readilie saie
 [Sidenote: Barnacles neither fish nor flesh.]
 whether they be fish or flesh, for although the religious there vsed
 to eat them as fish, yet elsewhere, some haue beene troubled, for
 eating of them in times prohibited for heretikes and lollards.

 For my part, I haue béene verie desirous to vnderstand the vttermost
 of the bréeding of barnacls, & questioned with diuers persons about
 the same. I haue red also whatsoeuer is written by forren authors
 touching the generation of that foule, & sought out some places where
 I haue béene assured to sée great numbers of them: but in vaine.
 Wherefore I vtterlie despaired to obteine my purpose, till this
 present yeare of Grace 1584. and moneth of Maie, wherein going to the
 court at Gréenewich from London by bote, I saw sundrie ships lieng in
 the Thames newlie come home, either from Barbarie or the Canarie Iles
 (for I doo not well remember now from which of these places) on whose
 sides I perceiued an infinit sort of shells to hang so thicke as could
 be one by another. Drawing néere also, I tooke off ten or twelue of
 the greatest of them, & afterward hauing opened them, I saw the
 proportion of a foule in one of them more perfectlie than in all the
 rest, sauing that the head was not yet formed, bicause the fresh water
 had killed them all (as I take it) and thereby hindered their
 perfection. Certeinelie the feathers of the taile hoeng out of the
 shell at least two inches, the wings (almost perfect touching forme)
 were garded with two shels or shéeldes proportioned like the selfe
 wings, and likewise the brestbone had hir couerture also of like
 shellie substance, and altogither resembling the figure which Lobell
 and Pena doo giue foorth in their description of this foule: so that I
 am now fullie persuaded that it is either the barnacle that is
 ingendred after one maner in these shels, or some other sea-foule to
 vs as yet vnknowen. For by the feathers appearing and forme so
 apparant, it cannot be denied, but that some bird or other must
 proceed of this substance, which by falling from the sides of the
 ships in long voiages, may come to some perfection. But now it is time
 for me to returne againe vnto my former purpose.

 [Sidenote: Bishop of Man.]
 There hath sometime beene, and yet is a bishop of this Ile, who at the
 first was called Episcopus Sodorensis, when the iurisdiction of all
 the Hebrides belonged vnto him. Whereas now he that is bishop there,
 is but a bishops shadow, for albeit that he beare the name of bishop
 of Man, yet haue the earles of Darbie, as it is supposed, the cheefe
 profit of his sée (sauing that they allow him a little somewhat for a
 [Sidenote: Patrone of Man.]
 flourish) notwithstanding that they be his patrons, and haue his
 nomination vnto that liuing. The first bishop of this Ile was called
 Wimundus or Raymundus, and surnamed Monachus Sauinensis, who by reason
 of his extreame and tyrannicall crueltie toward the Ilanders, had
 first his sight taken from him, & then was sent into exile. After him
 succéeded another moonke in king Stephens daies called Iohn, and after
 him one Marcus, &c: other after other in succession, the sée it selfe
 being now also subiect to the archbishop of Yorke for spirituall
 iurisdiction. In time of Henrie the second, this Iland also had a
 [Sidenote: King of Man.]
 king, whose name was Cuthred, vnto whome Vinianus the cardinall came
 as legate 1177. and wherin Houeden erreth not. In the yeare also 1228.
 one Reginald was viceroy or petie king of Man, afterward murthered by
 his subiects. Then Olauus, after him Hosbach the sonne of Osmond
 Hacon, 1290. who being slaine, Olauus and Gotredus parted this
 kingdome of Sodora, in such wise, that this had all the rest of the
 Iles, the other onelie the Ile of Man at the first; but after the
 slaughter of Gotredus, Olauus held all, after whom Olauus his sonne
 succeeded. Then Harald sonne to Olauus, who being entered in Maie, and
 drowned vpon the coastes of Ireland, his brother Reginald reigned
 twentie and seuen daies, and then was killed the first of June,
 whereby Olauus aliàs Harald sonne to Gotred ruled in the Ile one
 yeare. Next vnto him succéeded Magnus the second sonne of Olauus, and
 last of all Iuarus, who held it so long as the Norwaies were lords
 thereof. But being once come into the hands of the Scots, one Godred
 Mac Mares was made lieutenant, then Alane, thirdlie Maurice Okarefer,
 and fourthlie one of the kings chapleines, &c. I would gladlie haue
 set downe the whole catalog of all the viceroyes and lieutenants: but
 sith I can neither come by their names nor successions, I surcesse to
 speake any more of them, and also of the Ile it selfe, whereof this
 may suffice.

 After we haue in this wise described the Ile of Man, with hir
 commodities, we returned eastwards backe againe unto the point of
 Ramshed, where we found to the number of six Ilets of one sort and
 other, whereof the first greatest and most southwesterlie, is named
 [Sidenote: Wauay.]
 the Wauay. It runneth out in length, as we gessed, about fiue miles
 and more from the southeast into the northwest, betwéene which and the
 maine land lie two little ones, whose names are Oldborrow and Fowlney.
 [Sidenote: Fouldra.]
 The fourth is called the Fouldra, and being situate southeast of the
 first, it hath a prettie pile or blockhouse therin, which the
 inhabitants name the pile of Fouldra. By east thereof in like sort lie
 [Sidenote: Fola.]
 [Sidenote: Roa.]
 the Fola and the Roa, plots of no great compasse, and yet of all these
 six, the first and Fouldra are the fairest and most fruitfull. From
 [Sidenote: Rauenglasse.]
 hence we went by Rauenglasse point, where lieth an Iland of the same
 denomination, as Reginald Wolfe hath noted in his great card, not yet
 finished, nor likelie to be published. He noteth also two other Ilets,
 betwéene the same and the maine land; but Leland speaketh nothing of
 them (to my remembrance) neither any other card, as yet set foorth of
 England: and thus much of the Ilands that lie vpon our shore in this
 part of my voiage.

 Hauing so exactlie as to me is possible, set downe the names and
 positions of such Iles, as are to be found vpon the coast of the
 Quéenes Maiesties dominions, now it resteth that we procéed orderlie
 [Sidenote: Iles in Scotland.]
 with those that are séene to lie vpon the coast of Scotland, that is
 to saie, in the Irish, the Deucalidonian & the Germans seas, which I
 will performe in such order as I may, sith I cannot do so much therin
 as I would. Some therefore doo comprehend and diuide all the Iles that
 lie about the north coast of this Ile now called Scotland into thrée
 parts, sauing that they are either occidentals, the west Iles, aliàs
 the Orchades & Zelandine, or the Shetlands. They place the first
 betwéene Ireland and the Orchades, so that they are extended from Man
 and the point of Cantire almost vnto the Orchades in the Deucalidonian
 sea, and after some are called the Hebrides. In this part the old
 [Sidenote: Hemodes of some called Acmodes,
 sée _Plinie, Mela, Martianus, Capella,
 Plutarch. de defect. orac._]
 writers indéed placed the Hebrides or Hemodes, which diuers call the
 Hebudes and the Acmodes; albeit the writers varie in their numbers,
 some speaking of 30 Hebudes and seuen Hemodes; some of fiue Ebudes, as
 Solinus, and such as follow his authoritie. Howbeit the late Scottish
 writers doo product a summe of more than 300 of these Ilands in all,
 which sometime belonged to the Scots, sometime to the Norwegians, and
 sometime to the Danes. The first of these is our Manaw, of which I
 haue before intreated: next vnto this is Alisa a desert Ile, yet
 replenished with conies, soland foule, and a fit harbor for fishermen
 that in time of the yeare lie vpon the coast thereof for herings. Next
 vnto this is the Arran, a verie hillie and craggie soile, yet verie
 plentifull of fish all about the coast, and wherein is a verie good
 hauen: ouer against the mouth whereof lieth the Moll, which is also no
 small defence to such seafaring men as seeke harbor in that part. Then
 came we by the Fladwa or Pladwa, no lesse fruitfull and stored with
 conies than the Bota, Bura, or Botha, of eight miles long & foure
 miles broad, a low ground but yet verie batable, and wherein is good
 store of short and indifferent pasture: it hath also a towne there
 called Rosse, and a castell named the Camps. There is also another
 called the Marnech, an Iland of a mile in length, and halfe a mile in
 breadth, low ground also but yet verie fertile. In the mouth likewise
 of the Glot, lieth the more Cumber and the lesse, not farre in sunder
 one from another, and both fruitfull inough the one for corne, and the
 other for Platyceraton. The Auon another Iland lieth about a mile from
 Cantire, and is verie commodious to ships, wherof it is called Auon,
 that is to saie, Portuosa, or full of harbor: and therefore the Danes
 had in time past great vse of it. Then haue we the Raclind, the
 Kyntar, the Cray, the Gegaw six miles in length and a mile and a halfe
 in breadth; the Dera full of déere, and not otherwise vnfruitfull: and
 therefore some thinke that it was called the Ile of déere in old time.
 [Sidenote: Scarba.]
 Scarba foure miles in length, and one in breadth, verie little
 inhabited, and thereinto the sea betwéene that and the Ile of déere is
 so swift and violent, that except it be at certeine times, it is not
 easilie nauigable. Being past these, we come to certeine Ilands of no
 great fame, which lie scattered here and there, as Bellach, Gyrastell,
 Longaie, both the Fiolas, the thrée Yarues, Culbrenin, Duncomell,
 Lupar, Belnaua, Wikerua, Calfile, Luing, Sele Ile, Sound, of which the
 last thrée are fruitfull, and belong to the earle of Argile. Then haue
 [Sidenote: Slate Ile.]
 we the Slate, so called of the tiles that are made therin. The Nagsey,
 Isdalf, and the Sken (which later is also called Thian, of a wicked
 herbe growing there greatlie hurtfull, and in colour not much vnlike
 the lillie, sauing that it is of a more wan and féeble colour) Vderga,
 kings Ile, Duffa or blacke Ile, Kirke Ile and Triarach. There is also
 the Ile Ard, Humble Ile, Greene Ile, and Heth Ile, Arbor Ile, Gote
 Ile, Conies Ile aliàs idle Ile, Abrid Ile or bird Ile, and Lismor,
 wherein the bishop of Argill sometime held his palace, being eight
 miles in length and two miles in breadth, and not without some mines
 also of good mettall. There is also the Ile Ouilia, Siuna, Trect,
 Shepey, Fladaw, Stone Ile, Gresse, great Ile, Ardis, Musadell, &
 Berner, sometime called the holie sanctuarie, Vghe Ile, Molochasgyr,
 and Drinacha, now ouergrowne with bushes, elders, and vtterlie spoiled
 by the ruines of such great houses as haue heretofore béene found
 therin. There is in like sort the Wijc, the Ranse, and the Caruer.

 [Sidenote: Ila.]
 In this tract also, there are yet thrée to intreat of, as Ila, Mula
 and Iona, of which the first is one of the most, that hath not béene
 least accounted of. It is not much aboue 24 miles in length, and in
 breadth 16 reaching from the south into the north, and yet it is an
 excéeding rich plot of ground verie plentious of corne, cattell,
 déere, and also lead, and other mettals, which were easie to be
 obteined, if either the people were industrious, or the soile
 yéeldable of wood to fine and trie out the same. In this Iland also
 there is a lake of swéet water called the Laie, and also a baie
 wherein are sundrie Ilands; and therevnto another lake of fresh water,
 wherein the Falangam Ile is situate, wherein the souereigne of all the
 [Sidenote: Round Ile.]
 Iles sometime dwelled. Néere vnto this is the round Ile, so called of
 the consultations there had: for there was a court sometime holden,
 wherein 14 of the principall inhabitants did minister iustice vnto the
 rest, and had the whole disposition of things committed vnto them,
 which might rule vnto the benefit of those Ilands. There is also the
 Stoneheape, an other Iland so called of the heape of stones that is
 therein. On the south side also of Ila, we find moreouer the Colurne,
 Mulmor, Osrin, Brigidan, Corkerke, Humble Ile, Imersga, Bethy, Texa,
 Shepeie, Naosig, Rinard, Cane, Tharscher, Aknor, Gret Ile, Man Ile, S.
 Iohns Ile, and Stackbed. On the west side thereof also lieth Ouersey,
 whereby runneth a perilous sea, and not nauigable, but at certeine
 houres, Merchant Ile, Vsabrast, Tanask, Neff, Wauer Ile, Oruans, Hog
 Ile, and Colauanso.

 [Sidenote: Mula.]
 Mula is a right noble Ile, 24 miles in length and so manie in bredth,
 rough of soile, yet fruitfull enough: beside woods, déere, & good
 harbrough for ships, replenished with diuers and sundrie townes and
 castels. Ouer against Columkill also, it hath two riuers, which yeld
 verie great store of salmons, and other riuellets now altogither
 vnfruitfull, beside two lakes, in each of which is an Iland: and
 likewise in euerie of these Ilands a castell. The sea beating vpon
 this Ile, maketh foure notable baies wherein great plentie and verie
 good herrings are taken. It hath also in the northwest side Columbria,
 or the Ile of doues; on the southeast, Era: both verie commodious for
 fishing, cattell, and corne. Moreouer, this is woorth the noting in
 this Ile aboue all the rest, that it hath a plesant spring, arising
 two miles in distance from the shore, wherein are certeine little egs
 found, much like vnto indifferent pearles, both for colour and
 brightnesse, and thereto full of thicke humour, which egs being
 carried by violence of the fresh water vnto the salt, are there within
 the space of twelue houres conuerted into great shels, which I take to
 be mother pearle; except I be deceiued.

 [Sidenote: Iona.]
 Iona was sometime called Columkill, in fame and estimation nothing
 inferiour to anie of the other, although in length it excéed little
 aboue two miles, and in breadth one. Certes it is verie fruitfull of
 all such commodities, as that climat wherein it standeth dooth yeeld,
 and beareth the name of Columbus the abbat, of whome I haue spoken
 more at large in my Chronologie. There were somtimes also two
 monasteries therein, one of moonks builded by Fergus, another of nuns:
 and a parish church, beside many chappels builded by the Scotish
 kings, and such princes as gouerned in the Iles. And when the English
 had once gotten possession of the Ile of Manaw, a bishops see was
 erected in the old monasterie of Columbus, whereby the iurisdiction of
 those Iles was still mainteined and continued. Certes there remaine
 yet in this Iland the old burials apperteining to the most noble
 families that had dwelled in the west Iles; but thrée aboue other are
 accompted the most notable, which haue little houses builded vpon
 [Sidenote: Regum tumuli.]
 them. That in the middest hath a stone, whereon is written, Tumuli
 regum Scotiæ, The burials of the kings of Scotland: for (as they saie)
 fourtie eight of them were there interred. Another is intituled with
 these words, The burials of the kings of Ireland, bicause foure of
 them lie in that place. The third hath these words written thereon,
 The graues of the kings of Norwaie, for there eight of them were
 buried also, and all through a fond suspicion conceiued of the merits
 of Columbus. Howbeit in processe of time, when Malcolme Cammor had
 erected his abbeie at Donfermeling, he gaue occasion to manie of his
 successors to be interred there.

 About this Iland there lie six other Iles dispersed, small in
 quantitie, but not altogither barren, sometimes giuen by the kings of
 Scotland and lords of the Iles vnto the abbeie of saint Columbus, of
 which the Soa, albeit that it yeeld competent pasturage for shéepe,
 yet is it more commodious, by such egs as the great plentie of
 wildfoule there bréeding doo laie within the same. Then is there the
 [Sidenote: The Ile of Shrewes.]
 Ile of Shrewes or of women; as the more sober heads doo call it. Also
 Rudan, & next vnto that, the Rering. There is also the Shen halfe a
 mile from Mula, whose bankes doo swarme with conies: it hath also a
 parish church, but most of the inhabitants doo liue and dwell in Mula.
 There is also the Eorse or the Arse, and all these belong vnto saint
 Columbus abbeie. Two miles from Arse is the Olue, an Iland fiue miles
 in length, and sufficientlie stored with corne and grasse, & not
 without a good hauen for ships to lie and harbor in. There is also the
 Colfans, an iland fruitfull inough, and full of cornell trées. There
 is not far off also the Gomater, Stafa, the two Kerneburgs, and the
 [Sidenote: Mosse Ile.]
 Mosse Ile, in the old Brittish speech called Monad, that is to saie
 Mosse. The soile of it is verie blacke, bicause of the corruption &
 putrefaction of such woods as haue rotted thereon: wherevpon also no
 small plentie of mosse is bred and ingendered. The people in like
 maner make their fire of the said earth, which is fullie so good as
 our English turffe. There is also the Long, & six miles further toward
 the west, Tirreie, which is eight miles in length and thrée in
 breadth, & of all other one of the most plentifull for all kinds of
 commodities: for it beareth corne, cattell, fish, and seafowle
 aboundantlie. It hath also a well of fresh water, a castell, and a
 verie good hauen for great vessels to lie at safegard in. Two miles
 from this also is the Gun, and the Coll two miles also from the Gun.
 Then passed we by the Calfe, a verie wooddie Iland, the foure gréene
 Iles, the two glasse or skie Ilands, the Ardan, the Ile of woolfes, &
 then the great Iland which reacheth from the east into the west, is
 sixteene miles in length, and six in breadth, full of mounteins and
 swelling woods: and for asmuch as it is not much inhabited, the
 seafoules laie great plentie of egs there, whereof such as will, may
 gather what number them listeth. Vpon the high cliffes and rocks also
 the Soland géese are taken verie plentifullie. Beyond this, about
 foure miles also is the Ile of horsses: and a little from that the hog
 Iland, which is not altogither vnfruitfull. There is a falcon which of
 custome bréedeth there, and therevnto it is not without a conuenient
 hauen. Not farre off also is the Canna, and the Egga, little Iles, but
 the later full of Soland géese. Likewise the Sobratill, more apt to
 hunt in than méet for anie other commoditie that is to be reaped
 thereby.

 [Sidenote: Skie.]
 After this we came to the Skie, the greatest Ile about all Scotland:
 for it is two and fortie miles long; and somewhere eight, & in some
 places twelue miles broad: it is moreouer verie hillie, which hilles
 are therevnto loaden with great store of wood, as the woods are with
 pasture, the fields with corne and cattell; and (besides all other
 commodities) with no small heards of mares, whereby they raise great
 aduantage and commoditie. It hath fiue riuers verie much abounding
 with salmons, and other fresh streams not altogither void of that
 prouision. It is inuironed also with manie baies, wherein great
 plentie of herrings is taken in time of the yéere. It hath also a
 noble poole of fresh water; fiue castels and sundrie townes; as Aie,
 S. Iohns, Dunwegen, S. Nicholas, &c. The old Scots called it
 Skianacha, that is, Winged, but now named Skie. There lie certeine
 small Ilands about this also, as Rausa a batable soile for corne &
 gras; Conie Iland full of woods and conies; Paba a theeuish Iland, in
 whose woods théeues do lurke to rob such as passe by them. Scalpe Ile,
 which is full of deere; Crowling, wherein is verie good harbour for
 ships; Rarsa, full of béechen woods and stags, being in length seuen
 miles, and two in breadth. The Ron, a woodie Ile and full of heath:
 yet hath it a good hauen, which hath a little Iland called Gerloch on
 the mouth thereof, and therein lurke manie théeues. There is not farre
 off from this Ron, to wit about six miles also, the Flad, the Tiulmen,
 Oransa, Buie the lesse, and Buie the more and fiue other little
 trifling Iles, of whose names I haue no notice.

 After these we come vnto the Ise, a pretie fertile Iland, to the Oue,
 to the Askoome, to the Lindill. And foure score miles from the Skie
 towards the west, to the Ling, the Gigarmen, the Berner, the Magle,
 the Pable, the Flad, the Scarpe, the Sander, the Vateras, which later
 hath a noble hauen for great ships, beside sundrie other commodities:
 and these nine last rehearsed are vnder the dominion of the bishop of
 [Sidenote: Bar.]
 the Iles. After this we come to the Bar, an Iland seauen miles in
 length, not vnfruitfull for grasse and corne, but the chiefe
 commoditie thereof lieth by taking of herrings, which are there to be
 had abundantlie. In one baie of this Iland there lieth an Islet, and
 therein standeth a strong castell. In the north part hereof also is an
 hill which beareth good grasse from the foot to the top, and out of
 that riseth a spring, which running to the sea, doth carrie withall a
 kind of creature not yet perfectlie formed, which some do liken vnto
 cockels; and vpon the shore where the water falleth into the sea, they
 take vp a kind of shelfish, when the water is gone, which they suppose
 to be ingendred or increased after this manner. Betwéene the Barre and
 the Visse lie also these Ilands, Orbaus, Oue, Hakerset, Warlang, Flad,
 the two Baies, Haie, Helsaie, Gigaie, Lingaie, Fraie, Fudaie, and
 Friskaie. The Visse is thirtie miles long and six miles broad; and
 therein are sundrie fresh waters, but one especiallie of three miles
 in length: neuerthelesse, the sea hath now of late found a waie into
 it, so that it cannot be kept off with a banke of three score foot,
 but now and then it will flowe into the same, and leaue sea-fish
 behind it in the lake. There is also a fish bred therein almost like
 vnto a salmon, sauing that it hath a white bellie, a blacke backe, and
 is altogither without scales: it is likewise a great harbour for
 théeues and pirats.

 Eight miles beyond this lieth the Helscher, appertinent to the nuns of
 Iona: then haue we the Hasker, verie plentifullie benefited by seales,
 which are there taken in time of the yéere. Thrée score miles from
 this also is the Hirth, whose inhabitants are rude in all good science
 and religion; yet is the Iland verie fruitfull in all things, and
 bringeth foorth shéepe farre greater than are else-where to be found,
 for they are as big as our fallow deare, horned like bugles, and haue
 their tailes hanging to the ground. He that is owner of this Ile,
 sendeth ouer his bailiffe into the same at midsummer, to gather in his
 duties, and with him a préest to saie masse, and to baptise all the
 children borne since that time of the yéere precedent: or if none will
 go ouer with him (bicause the voiage is dangerous) then doth each
 [Sidenote: Baptisme without preests.]
 father take paine to baptise his owne at home. Their rents are paid
 commonlie in dried seales and sea foule. All the whole Ile is not
 aboue a mile euerie waie; and except thrée mounteines that lie vpon
 one part of the shore, such as dwell in the other Iles can see no part
 thereof.

 Being past the Visse, we came after to Walaie, the Soa, the Strome, to
 Pabaie, to Barner, Ensaie, Killiger, the two Sagas, the Hermodraie,
 Scarfe, Grie, Ling, Gilling, Heie, Hoie, Farlaie, great So, little So,
 Ise, Sein the more, Sein the lesse, Tarant, Slegan, Tuom, Scarpe,
 Hareie, and the seauen holie Ilands, which are desert and bréed
 [Sidenote: Wild sheepe.]
 nothing but a kind of wild shéepe, which are often hunted, but seldome
 or neuer eaten. For in stéed of flesh they haue nothing but tallow;
 and if anie flesh be, it is so vnsauorie, that few men care to eate of
 it, except great hunger compell them. I suppose, that these be the
 wild sheepe which will not be tamed; and bicause of the horrible
 [Sidenote: Tigers.]
 grenning thereof, is taken for the bastard tiger. Their haire is
 betweene the wooll of a sheepe, and the haire of a goat, resembling
 both, shacked, and yet absolutelie like vnto neither of both: it maie
 be also the same beast which Capitolinus calleth Ouis fera, shewed in
 the time of Gordian the emperour; albeit that some take the same for
 the Camelopardalis: but hereof I make no warrantise.

 There is also not farre off the Garuell, the Lambe, the Flad, the
 Kellas, the two Bernars, the Kirt, the two Buies, the Viraie, the
 [Sidenote: Ile of Pigmeies.]
 Pabaie, the two Sigrams, and the Ile of Pigmeies (which is so called
 vpon some probable coniecture) for manie little sculs and bones are
 dailie there found déepe in the ground, perfectlie resembling the
 bodies of children; & not anie of greater quantities, wherby their
 coniecture (in their opinion) is the more likelie to be true. There is
 also the Fabill Ile, Adams Ile, the Ile of Lambes, Hulmes, Viccoll,
 Haueraie, Car, Era, Columbes Ile, Tor Ile, Iffurd, Scalpe, Flad, and
 the Swet; on whose east side is a certeine vault or caue, arched ouer,
 a flight shoot in length, wherevnto meane ships do vse to runne for
 harbour with full saile when a tempest ouertaketh them, or the raging
 of the sea, in those parts do put them in danger of wrecke. Also we
 passed by the old castell Ile, which is a pretie and verie commodious
 plat for fish, foule, egges, corne, and pasture. There is also the Ile
 Eust or Eu, which is full of wood, and a notable harbour for théeues,
 as is also the Grinort; likewise the preests Ile, which is verie full
 of sea foule and good pasture. The Afull, the two Herbrerts, to wit,
 the greater and the lesse; and the Iles of Horsses, and Mertaika: and
 these 8 lie ouer against the baie which is called the Lake Brian.
 After this, we go toward the north, and come to the Haraie, and the
 Lewis or the Leug, both which make (in truth) but one Iland of thrée
 score miles in length, and sixtéene in breadth, being distinguished by
 no water, but by huge woods, bounds, and limits of the two owners that
 doo possesse those parts. The south part is called Haraie, and the
 whole situate in the Deucalidon sea, ouer against the Rosse, & called
 [Sidenote: Lewis called Thule by Tacitus, with no
 better authoritie than the Angleseie Mona.]
 Thule by Tacitus, wherein are manie lakes, and verie pretie villages,
 as lake Erwijn, lake Vnsalsago: but of townes, S. Clements, Stoie,
 Nois, S. Columbane, Radmach, &c. In like sort, there are two churches,
 whereof one is dedicated to saint Peter, an other to S. Clement,
 beside a monasterie called Roadill. The soile also of this Ile is
 indifferent fruitfull; but they reape more profit vnder the ground
 than aboue, by digging. There is neither woolfe, fox, nor serpent
 séene in this Iland; yet are there great woods therein, which also
 separate one part from the other. Likewise there be plentie of stags,
 but farre lesse in quantitie than ours: and in the north part of the
 Iland also is a riuer which greatlie aboundeth with salmons. That part
 also called Lewisa, which is the north half of the Ile is well
 inhabited toward the sea coasts, and hath riuers no lesse plentifull
 for salmon than the other halfe. There is also great store of herrings
 taken, whereof the fisher men doo raise great gaine and commoditie;
 and no lesse plentie of sheepe, which they doo not sheere, but plucke
 euerie yeere; yet is the ground of this part verie heathie, and full
 of mosse, and the face thereof verie swart and blacke, for the space
 of a foot in depth, through the corruption of such woods as in time
 past haue rotted on the same. And therefore in time of the yeere they
 conuert it into turffe to burne, as néede shall serue; and in the
 yéere after, hauing well doonged it in the meane time with slawke of
 the sea, they sowe barleie in the selfe places where the turffes grew,
 and reape verie good corne, wherewith they liue and féed. Such plentie
 [Sidenote: Tithe whales.]
 of whales also are taken in this coast, that the verie tithe hath
 béene knowne, in some one yéere, to amount vnto seauen and twentie
 whales of one greatnesse and other. This is notable also in this part
 of the Ile, that there is a great caue two yards déepe of water when
 the sea is gone, and not aboue foure when it is at the highest; ouer
 which great numbers doo sit of both sexes and ages, with hooks and
 lines, and catch at all times an infinite deale of fish, wherewith
 they liue, and which maketh them also the more idle.

 Being past this about sixtie miles, we come vnto the Rona, or Ron,
 which some take for the last of the Hebrides, distant (as I said)
 about fortie miles from the Orchades, and one hundreth and thirtie
 from the promontorie of Dungisbe. The inhabitants of this Ile are
 verie rude and irreligious, the lord also of the soile dooth limit
 their number of housholds, & hauing assigned vnto them what numbers of
 the greater and smaller sorts of cattell they shall spend and inioie
 for their owne prouision, they send the ouerplus yéerlie vnto him to
 Lewis. Their cheefe paiments consist of a great quantitie of meale,
 which is verie plentifull among them, sowed vp in shéepes skins. Also
 of mutton and sea foule dried, that resteth ouer and aboue, which they
 themselues do spend. And if it happen that there be more people in the
 Iland than the lords booke or rate dooth come vnto, then they send
 also the ouerplus of them in like maner vnto him: by which means they
 liue alwaies in plentie. They receiue no vices from strange countries,
 neither know or heare of anie things doone else-where than in their
 owne Iland. Manie whales are taken also vpon their coasts, which are
 likewise replenished with seale, and porpasse, and those which are
 either so tame, or so fierce, that they abash not at the sight of such
 as looke vpon them, neither make they anie hast to flie out of their
 presence.

 [Sidenote: Suilscraie.]
 Beyond this Ile, about 16 miles westward, there is another called
 Suilscraie, of a mile length, void of grasse, and without so much as
 heath growing vpon hir soile: yet are there manie cliffes and rocks
 therein, which are couered with blacke mosse, whereon innumerable
 sorts of foules do bréed and laie their egs. Thither in like sort
 manie doo saile from Lewissa, to take them yoong in time of the yeare,
 before they be able to flie, which they also kill and drie in eight
 daies space, and then returne home againe with them, and great plentie
 of fethers gathered in this voiage. One thing is verie strange and to
 [Sidenote: Colke foule.]
 be noted in this Iland, of the Colke foule, which is little lesse than
 a goose; and this kind commeth thither but once in the yeare, to wit,
 in the spring, to laie hir egs and bring vp hir yoong, till they be
 able to shift for themselues, & then they get them awaie togither to
 the sea, and come no more vntill that time of the yéere which next
 insueth. At the same season also they cast their fethers there, as it
 were answering tribute to nature for the vse of hir mossie soile:
 wherein it is woonderfull to sée, that those fethers haue no stalkes,
 neither anie thing that is hard in them, but are séene to couer their
 bodies as it were wooll or downe, till breeding time (I saie) wherein
 they be left starke naked.

 [Sidenote: Orchades.]
 The Orchades (whose first inhabitants were the Scithians, which came
 from those Iles where the Gothes did inhabit, as some sparks yet
 remaining among them of that language doo declare) lie partlie in the
 Germaine, and partlie in the Calidon seas, ouer against the point of
 Dunghisbie (being in number eight and twentie, or as other saie
 thirtie & one, yet some saie thirtie thrée, as Orosius, but Plinie
 saith fortie) and now belonging to the crowne of Scotland, as are the
 rest whereof héeretofore I haue made report, since we crossed ouer the
 mouth of the Solueie streame, to come into this countrie. Certes the
 people of these Islands reteine much of their old sparing diets, and
 therevnto they are of goodlie stature, tall, verie comelie,
 healthfull, of long life, great strength, whitish colour, as men that
 féed most vpon fish; sith the cold is so extreame in those parts, that
 the ground bringeth foorth but small store of wheate, and in maner
 verie little or no fuell at all, wherewith to warme them in the
 winter, and yet it séemeth that (in times past) some of these Ilands
 also haue béene well replenished with wood, but now they are without
 either trée or shrub, in stéed whereof they haue plentie of heath,
 which is suffered to grow among them, rather thorough their
 negligence, than that the soile of it selfe will not yéeld to bring
 forth trées & bushes. For what store of such hath béene in times past,
 the roots yet found and digged out of the ground doo yéeld sufficient
 triall. Otes they haue verie plentifullie, but greater store of
 barleie, wherof they make a nappie kind of drinke, and such indéed, as
 will verie readilie cause a stranger to ouershoot himselfe. Howbeit
 this may be vnto vs in lieu of a miracle, that although their drinke
 be neuer so strong, & they themselues so vnmeasurable drinkers (as
 [Sidenote: If he speake all in truth.]
 none are more) yet it shall not easilie be séene (saith Hector) that
 there is anie drunkard among them, either frantike, or mad man, dolt,
 or naturall foole, meet to weare a cockescombe.

 This vnmeasurable drinking of theirs is confessed also by Buchanan,
 who noteth, that whensoeuer anie wine is brought vnto them from other
 soiles, they take their parts thereof aboundantlie. He addeth
 moreouer, how they haue an old bole (which they call S. Magnus bole,
 who first preached Christ vnto them) of farre greater quantitie than
 common boles are, and so great, that it may séeme to be reserued since
 the Lapithane banket, onelie to quaffe and drinke in. And when anie
 bishop commeth vnto them, they offer him this bole full of drinke,
 which if he be able to drinke vp quite at one draught; then they
 assure themselues of good lucke, and plentie after it. Neuerthelesse
 this excesse is not often found in the common sort, whom penurie
 maketh to be more frugall; but in their priests, and such as are of
 the richer calling. They succour pirats also, and verie often exchange
 their vittels with their commodities, rather for feare and want of
 power to resist (their Ilands lieng so scattered) than for anie
 necessitie of such gains as they doo get by those men: for in truth,
 they thinke themselues to haue little need of other furniture than
 their owne soiles doo yéeld and offer vnto them. This is also to be
 read of the inhabitants of these Ilands, that ignorance of excesse is
 vnto the most part of them in stéed of physicke; and labour and
 trauell a medicine for such few diseases as they are molested and
 incombred withall.

 In like sort they want venemous beasts, chéefelie such as doo delight
 in hotter soile, and all kinds of ouglie creatures. Their ewes also
 are so full of increase, that some doo vsuallie bring foorth two,
 three, or foure lambes at once, whereby they account our anelings
 (which are such as bring foorth but one at once) rather barren than to
 be kept for anie gaine. As for wild and tame foules, they haue such
 plentie of them, that the people there account them rather a burthen
 to their soile, than a benefit to their tables: they haue also neat
 and gotes, whereby they abound in white meat, as butter and cheese:
 wherein, next vnto fish, the chéefe part of their sustenance dooth
 consist. There is also a bishop of the Orchades, who hath his see in
 Pomona the chéefe of all the Ilands, wherein also are two strong
 castels, and such hath béene the superstition of the people here, that
 there is almost no one of them, that hath not one church at the least
 dedicated to the mother of Christ. Finallie, there is little vse of
 physicke in these quarters, lesse store of éeles, and least of frogs.
 As for the horsses that are bred amongst them, they are commonlie not
 much greater than asses, and yet to labour and trauell, a man shall
 find verie few else-where, able to come neere, much lesse to match
 with them, in holding out their iournies. The seas about these Ilands
 are verie tempestuous, not onelie through strong winds, and the
 influences of the heauens and stars; but by the contrarie méetings and
 workings of the west ocean, which rageth so vehementlie in the
 streicts, that no vessell is able to passe in safetie amongst them.
 Some of these Ilands also are so small and low, that all the
 commoditie which is to be reaped by anie of them, is scarselie
 sufficient to susteine one or two men: and some of them so barren and
 full of rocks, that they are nothing else but mosse or bare shingle.
 Wherefore onelie thirtéene of them are inhabited and made account of,
 the rest being left vnto their sheepe and cattell. Of all these Ilands
 also Pomona is the greatest, and therfore called the continent, which
 conteineth thirtie miles in length, and is well replenished with
 people: for it hath twelue parish churches, and one towne which the
 Danes (sometime lords of that Iland) called Cracouia: but now it hight
 [Sidenote: Kirkwa.]
 Kirkwa. There are also two pretie holds, one belonging to the king,
 the other to the bishop: and also a beautifull church, and much
 building betweene the two holds, and about this church, which being
 taken as it were for two townes, the one is called the kings and the
 other the bishops towne. All the whole Iland is full of cliffes and
 promontories, whereby no small number of baies and some hauens are
 producted.

 There is also tin and lead to be found in six of these Iles, so good
 and plentifullie as anie where else in Britaine. It lieth foure &
 twentie miles from Cathnesse, being separated from the same by the
 Pictish sea: wherein also lie certeine Ilands, as Stroma, foure miles
 from Cathnesse, which albeit that it be but foure miles from
 Cathnesse, is not reputed for anie of the Orchades. Going therefore
 from hence northward, we come to the first Ile of the Orchades, called
 south Rauals, which is sixtéene miles from Dunghilsbie, aliàs
 Dunachisbie, & that in two houres space, such is the swiftnesse of the
 sea in that tract. This Ile is fiue miles long, and hath a faire port
 called saint Margarets hauen. Then passe we by two desert Iles, which
 lie towards the east, wherein nothing is found but cattell: some call
 them the holmes, bicause they lie low, and are good for nothing but
 grasse. On the northside lieth the Bur, and two other holmes betweene
 the same & Pomona. From Bur, toward the west lie thrée Iles, Sun,
 Flat, and Far: and beyond them Hoie and Vall, which some accompt for
 two, and other but for one; bicause that in March and September, the
 flats that lie betwéene them, doo séeme to ioine them togither, after
 the tide is gone. This neuerthelesse is certeine, that in this single
 or double Ile, which is ten miles in length, the highest hilles are to
 be séene that are in all the Orchades. And as they lie eight miles
 from Rauals, so are they two miles from Pomona, & from saint Donats in
 Scotland full twentie miles, and on the north side of it lieth the
 Brainse, in a narrow streict, as Buchanan dooth remember. And these
 are the Iles which lie betweene Pomona and Cathnesse. As for the west
 side of the continent, I find that it lieth open to the sea, without
 either shelues, Ilands, or rocks appéering néere vnto it: but on the
 east side thereof Cobesa dooth in maner ouershadow it. Siapinsa also
 an Ile of six miles long, lieth within two miles of Cracouia, toward
 the east, on the west side of Pomona lieth the Rouse of six miles in
 length: and by east of that, the Eglisa, wherin (as they saie) their
 patrone S. Magnus lieth interred. From hense southward lie the Vera,
 Gersa, and not far off the Vester (which is fourescore miles from
 Hethland) Papa & Stronza, which is also eightie miles from Hethland as
 is the Vester. In the middest also of this tract lieth Far, or Fara,
 which is to saie, faire Ile, in old English, faire eie: and within
 sight so well of Hethland, as the Orchades (by reason of three
 insuperable rocks which are apparant in the same) a verie poore Iland,
 and yet yearelie robbed of such commodities as it hath by such Flemish
 and English fishermen as passe by the coasts thereof in time of the
 yeare, to catch fish for the prouision of their countries.

 Next vnto this is the greatest of all the Hethlands, an Iland called
 the Maine, sixtie miles in length, and sixteene in bredth, full of
 rocks, and whose coasts are onelie inhabited, the innermost parts
 being left vnto the foules of the aire, bicause of the barrennesse and
 vnfruitfulnesse of the soile: yet of late some haue indeuoured to
 impeople it, but with no successe correspondent to their desire.
 Wherefore they returned to their former trades, making their chéefe
 commoditie and yearelie gaine by fish, as aforetime. Ten miles from
 this toward the north, lieth the Zeale, twentie miles in length, eight
 in bredth, and so wild that it will suffer no creature to liue
 thereof, that is not bred therein. Betwéene this Iland also and the
 Maine, are other smaller Ilands to be found, as the Ling, Orne, Big,
 and Sanferre. And from hense nine miles northward Vsta, twentie miles
 long, & six in bredth, plaine, pleasant, but inuironed with a swift
 and terrible sea. Betwéene this also and the Zeale, are the Vie, the
 Vre, and the Ling: also towards the west, the two Skeues, Chalseie,
 Nordwade, Brase, and Mowse, on the west side lie the west Skeies,
 Rottia, Papa the lesse, Wunned, Papa the more, Valla, Londra, Burra,
 Haura the more, Haura the lesse, & in maner so manie holmes dispersed
 heere and there, whereof I haue no notice. Some call these the
 Shetland, and some the Shotland Iles. Buchanan nameth them in the
 third member of his diuision Zelandine, and toward the end of his
 first booke seemeth to auouch, that they liue in maner as doo the
 inhabitants of the Orchades: although not in so ciuill wise, nor in
 such large measure and aboundance of diet in their houses. He addeth
 moreouer, that their apparrell is after the Germaine cut, comelie, but
 not so chargeable and costlie, and how they raise their gaine by skins
 of beasts, as marterns, sheepe, oxen, and gotes skins, and therevnto a
 kind of cloth which they weaue, and sell to the merchants of Norwaie,
 togither with their butter, fish, either salted or dried, and their
 traine oile, and exercise their trade of fishing also in their
 vncerteine skewes, which they fetch out of Norwaie.

 Their speech is Gothish, and such of them as by their dealing with
 forren merchants doo gather anie wealth, that will they verie often
 bestow vpon the furniture of their houses. Their weights & measures
 are after the Germaine maner, their countrie is verie healthie, and so
 wholesome, that a man was found which had married a wife at one
 hundred yeares of age, and was able to go out a fishing with his bote
 at one hundred and fortie, and of late yéeres died of méere age,
 without anie other disease. Dronkennesse is not heard of among them,
 and yet they meet and make good chéere verie often. Neither doo I read
 of anie great vse of flesh or foule there, although that some of their
 Ilands haue plentie of both. Nor anie mention of corne growing in
 these parts, and therefore in steed of bread they drie a kind of fish,
 which they beat in morters to powder, & bake it in their ouens, vntill
 it be hard and drie. Their fuell also is of such bones as the fish
 yéeldeth, that is taken on their coasts: and yet they liue as
 themselues suppose in much felicitie, thinking it a great péece of
 their happinesse to be so farre distant from the wicked auarice, and
 cruell dealings of the more rich and ciuill part of the world.

 Herein also they are like vnto the Hirthiens, in that at one time of
 the yeare, there commeth a priest vnto them out of the Orchades (vnto
 which iurisdiction they doo belong) who baptiseth all such children,
 as haue béene borne among them, since he last arriued, and hauing
 afterward remained there for a two daies, he taketh his tithes of them
 (which they prouide and paie with great scrupulositie in fish, for of
 other commodities haue they none) and then returneth home againe, not
 without boast of his troublesome voiage, except he watch his time. In
 [Sidenote: Amber.]
 these Iles also is great plentie of fine Amber to be had (as Hector
 saith) which is producted by the working of the sea vpon those coasts:
 but more of this elsewhere. This neuertheles is certeine, that these
 Ilands, with the Orchades, were neuer perfectlie vnited to the crowne
 of Scotland, till the mariage was made betwéene king Iames and the
 ladie Marie daughter to Christierne king of Denmarke 1468, which
 Christierne at the birth of their sonne Iames (afterward king of
 Scotland and called Iames the fourth) resigned all his right and title
 whatsoeuer either he or his ancestors either presently or hertofore
 had, might haue had, or herafter may or should haue, vnto the
 aforesaid péeres, as appéereth by the charter.

 From these Shetland Iles, and vntill we come southwards to the Scarre,
 which lieth in Buquhamnesse, I find no mention of anie Ile situat vpon
 that coast, neither greatlie from thence, vntill we come at the Forth,
 that leadeth vp to Sterling, neither thought we it safetie for vs to
 search so farre as Thule, whence the most excellent brimstone commeth,
 & thereto what store of Ilands lie vnder the more northerlie climats,
 whose secret situations though partlie seene in my time, haue not yet
 bin perfectlie reueled or discouered by anie, bicause of the great
 aboundance of huge Ilands of ice that mooueth to and fro vpon their
 shores, and sundrie perilous gulfes and indraughts of water, and for
 as much as their knowlege doth not concerne our purpose, wherfore
 casting about, we came at the last into the Firth or Forth, which some
 call the Scotish sea, wherein we passe by seuen or eight such as they
 be, of which the first called the Maie, the second Baas, and Garwie
 the third, doo seeme to be inhabited. From these also holding on our
 course toward England, we passe by another Ile, wherein Faux castell
 standeth, and this (so far as my skill serueth) is the last Iland of
 the Scotish side, in compassing whereof I am not able to discerne,
 whether their flats and shallowes, number of Ilands without name,
 confusion of situation, lacke of true description, or mine owne
 ignorance hath troubled me most. No meruell therefore that I haue
 béene so oft on ground among them. But most ioifull am I that am come
 home againe: & although not by the Thames mouth into my natiue citie
 (which taketh his name of Troie) yet into the English dominion, where
 good interteinement is much more franke and copious, and better
 harborough wherein to rest my wearie bones, and refresh at ease our
 wetherbeaten carcasses.

 The first Iland therefore which commeth to our sight, after we passed
 [Sidenote: Lindesfarne or Holie Iland.]
 Berwike, is that which was somtime called Lindesfarne, but now Holie
 Iland, and conteineth eight miles; a place much honored among our
 monasticall writers, bicause diuerse moonks and heremits did spend
 their times therein. There was also the bishops see of Lindesfarne for
 a long season, which afterward was translated to Chester in the
 stréet, & finallie to Duresme, Dunelme, or Durham. It was first
 erected by Oswald, wherein he placed Aidanus the learned Scotish
 moonke, who came hither out of the Ile called Hij, whereof Beda
 speaking in the third chapter of his third booke, noteth, that
 although the said Hij belong to the kings of Northumberland, by reason
 of situation & néerenesse to the coast; yet the Picts appointed the
 bishops of the same, and gaue the Ile with the see it selfe to such
 Scotish moonks as they liked, bicause that by their preaching they
 first receiued the faith. But to returne to Lindesfarne. After Aidan
 departed this life, Finanus finished and builded the whole church with
 sawed timber of oke, after the maner of his countrie, which when
 Theodorus the archbishop of Canturburie had dedicated, Edbert the
 bishop did couer ouer with lead.

 [Sidenote: Farne.]
 Next vnto this is the Ile of Farne, and herein is a place of defense
 so far as I remember, and so great store of egs laid there by diuerse
 kinds of wildfoule in time of the yeare, that a man shall hardlie run
 for a wager on the plaine ground without the breach of manie, before
 his race be finished. About Farne also lie certeine Iles greater than
 Farne it selfe, but void of inhabitants; and in these also is great
 [Sidenote: Puffins.]
 store of puffins, graie as duckes, and without  fethers,
 sauing that they haue a white ring round about their necks. There is
 [Sidenote: Saint Cuthberts foules.]
 moreouer another bird, which the people call saint Cuthberts foules, a
 verie tame and gentle creature, and easie to be taken. After this we
 came to the Cocket Iland; so called, bicause it lieth ouer against the
 fall of Cocket water. Herein is a veine of meane seacole, which the
 people dig out of the shore at the low water; and in this Iland
 dwelled one Henrie sometime a famous heremite, who (as his life
 declareth) came of the Danish race. And from thence vntill we came
 vnto the coast of Norffolke I saw no more Ilands.

 Being therfore past S. Edmunds point, we found a litle Ile ouer
 against the fall of the water that commeth from Holkham, & likewise
 another ouer against the Claie, before we came at Waburne hope: the
 third also in Yarmouth riuer ouer against Bradwell, a towne in low or
 little England, whereof also I must néeds saie somewhat, bicause it is
 in maner an Iland, and as I gesse either hath béene or may be one: for
 the brodest place of the strict land that leadeth to the same, is
 little aboue a quarter of a mile, which against the raging waues of
 [Sidenote: Little England.]
 the sea can make but small resistance. Little England or low England
 therefore is about eight miles in length and foure in bredth, verie
 well replenished with townes, as Fristan, Burgh castell, Olton,
 Flixton, Lestoft, Gunton, Blundston, Corton, Lownd, Ashebie, Hoxton,
 Belton, Bradwell, and Gorleston, and beside this it is verie fruitfull
 and indued with all commodities.

 Going forward from hence, by the Estonnesse (almost an Iland) I saw a
 small parcell cut from the maine in Orford hauen, the Langerstone in
 Orwell mouth, & two péeces or Islets at Cattiwade bridge; and then
 [Sidenote: Merseie.]
 casting about vnto the Colne, we beheld Merseie which is a pretie
 Iland, well furnished with wood. It was sometime a great receptacle
 for the Danes when they inuaded England; howbeit at this present it
 hath beside two decaied blockehouses, two parish churches, of which
 one is called east Merseie, the other west Merseie, and both vnder the
 [Sidenote: Foulnesse.]
 archdeacon of Colchester, as parcell of his iurisdiction. Foulenesse
 is an Ile void of wood, and yet well replenished with verie good
 grasse for neat and sheepe, whereof the inhabitants haue great
 plentie: there is also a parish church, and albeit that it stand
 somewhat distant from the shore, yet at a dead low water a man may (as
 they saie) ride thereto if he be skilfull of the causie; it is vnder
 the iurisdiction of London. And at this present master William Tabor
 bacheler of diuinitie and archdeacon of Essex hath it vnder his
 iurisdiction & regiment, by the surrender of maister Iohn Walker
 doctor also of diuinitie, who liued at such time as I first attempted
 to commit this booke to the impression.

 In Maldon water are in like sort thrée Ilands inuironed all with salt
 [Sidenote: Osithe.]
 [Sidenote: Northeie.]
 streames, as saint Osithes, Northeie, and another (after a mersh) that
 beareth no name so far as I remember. On the right hand also as we
 [Sidenote: Ramseie.]
 [Sidenote: Reie.]
 went toward the sea againe, we saw Ramseie Ile, or rather a Peninsula
 or Biland, & likewise the Reie, in which is a chappell of saint Peter.
 And then coasting vpon the mouth of the Bourne, we saw the Wallot Ile
 and his mates, whereof two lie by east Wallot, and the fourth is
 Foulnesse, except I be deceiued, for here my memorie faileth me on the
 one side, and information on the other, I meane concerning the placing
 of Foulenesse. But to procéed. After this, and being entered into the
 Thames mouth, I find no Iland of anie name, except you accompt
 Rochford hundred for one, whereof I haue no mind to intreat, more than
 of Crowland, Mersland, Elie, and the rest, that are framed by the
 ouze. Andredeseie in Trent, so called of a church there dedicated to
 saint Andrew, and Auon (two noble riuers hereafter to be described)
 sith I touch onelie those that are inuironed with the sea or salt
 [Sidenote: Canwaie.]
 water round about, as we may see in the Canwaie Iles, which some call
 marshes onelie, and liken them to an ipocras bag, some to a vice,
 scrue, or wide sléeue, bicause they are verie small at the east end,
 and large at west. The salt rilles also that crosse the same doo so
 separat the one of them from the other, that they resemble the <DW72>
 course of the cutting part of a scrue or gimlet, in verie perfect
 maner, if a man doo imagine himselfe to looke downe from the top of
 the mast vpon them. Betwéene these, moreouer and the Leigh towne lieth
 another litle Ile or Holme, whose name is to me vnknowne. Certes I
 would haue gone to land and viewed these parcels as they laie, or at
 the least haue sailed round about them by the whole hauen, which may
 easilie be doone at an high water: but for as much as a perrie of wind
 (scarse comparable to the makerell gale, whereof Iohn Anele of Calis
 one of the best seamen that England euer bred for his skill in the
 narow seas was woont to talke) caught hold of our sailes, & caried vs
 forth the right waie toward London, I could not tarie to sée what
 things were hereabouts. Thus much therefore of our Ilands, & so much
 may well suffice where more cannot be had.




 THE DESCRIPTION OF THE THAMES, AND SUCH RIUERS AS FALL INTO THE SAME.

 CAP. XI.


 Hauing (as you haue séene) attempted to set downe a full discourse of
 all the Ilands, that are situat vpon the coast of Britaine, and
 finding the successe not correspondent to mine intent, it hath caused
 me somewhat to restreine my purpose in this description also of our
 riuers. For whereas I intended at the first to haue written at large,
 of the number, situation, names, quantities, townes, villages,
 castels, mounteines, fresh waters, plashes or lakes, salt waters, and
 other commodities of the aforesaid Iles, mine expectation of
 information from all parts of England, was so deceiued in the end,
 that I was faine at last onelie to leane to that which I knew my selfe
 either by reading, or such other helpe as I had alreadie purchased and
 gotten of the same. And euen so it happeneth in this my tractation of
 waters, of whose heads, courses, length, bredth, depth of chanell (for
 burden) ebs, flowings, and falles, I had thought to haue made a
 perfect description vnder the report also of an imagined course taken
 by them all. But now for want of instruction, which hath béene
 largelie promised, & slacklie perfourmed, and other sudden and
 iniurious deniall of helpe voluntarilie offered, without occasion
 giuen on my part, I must needs content my selfe with such obseruations
 as I haue either obteined by mine owne experience, or gathered from
 time to time out of other mens writings: whereby the full discourse of
 the whole is vtterlie cut off, and in steed of the same a mangled
 rehearsall of the residue set downe and left in memorie.

 Wherefore I beséech your honour to pardon this imperfection and
 rudenesse of my labour, which notwithstanding is not altogither in
 vaine, sith my errors maie prooue a spurre vnto the better skilled,
 either to correct or inlarge where occasion serueth, or at the
 leastwise to take in hand a more absolute péece of worke, as better
 direction shall incourage them thereto. The entrance and beginning of
 euerie thing is the hardest; and he that beginneth well, hath atchiued
 halfe his purpose. The ice (my lord) is broken, and from hencefoorth
 it will be more easie for such as shall come after to wade through
 with the rest, sith "Facile est inuentis addere;" and to continue and
 finish, is not so great a matter in building, as to attempt and laie
 the foundation or platforme of anie noble péece of workmanship, though
 [Sidenote: Thamesis.]
 it be but rudelie handled. But to my purpose. As I began at the Thames
 in my description of Ilands, so will I now doo the like with that of
 famous riuers; making mine entrie at the said riuer it selfe, of whose
 founteine some men make as much adoo, as in time past of the true head
 of Nilus, which, till of late (if it be yet descried) was neuer found:
 or the Tanais, whose originall was neuer knowne, nor shall be: for
 whilest one placeth it here, another there; there are none at all that
 deale with it exactlie. Wherefore leaning to such mens writings as
 haue of set purpose sought out the spring of the Thames; I affirme
 that this famous streame hath his head or beginning out of the side of
 an hill, standing in the plaines of Cotswold, about one mile from
 Tetburie, néere vnto the Fosse (an high waie so called of old) where
 it was sometime named Isis, or the Ouse, although diuerse doo
 ignorantlie call it the Thames euen there, rather of a foolish custome
 than anie skill, bicause they either neglect or vtterlie are ignorant
 how it was named at the first. From hence it runneth directlie toward
 the east (as all good riuers should) and méeteth with the Cirne or
 [Sidenote: Corinium.]
 Churne, (a brooke called in Latine Corinium) whereof Cirncester towne
 (by which it commeth) doth take the denomination.

 From hence it hasteth vnto Créekelade, aliàs Crekanford, Lechlade,
 Radcotebridge, Newbridge, and Eouesham, receiuing by the waie an
 infinit sort of small streames, brookes, beckes, waters, and rundels:
 and here on this side of the towne diuideth it selfe into two courses,
 of which the one goeth straight to Botleie and Hinkseie, the other by
 Godstow, a village not farre off. This latter spreadeth it selfe also
 for a while into sundrie smaller branches, which run not farre yer
 they be reunited, and then beclipping sundrie pleasant meadowes, it
 passeth at length by Oxford, of some supposed rather to be called
 [Sidenote: Charwell.]
 Ouseford of this riuer, where it meeteth with the Charwell, and a
 litle from whence the originall branches doo ioine and go togither by
 Abbandune (aliàs Sensham or Abington as we call it) although no part
 of it at the first came so néere the towne as it doth now, till a
 branch thereof was led thither the maine streame, thorough the
 [Sidenote: Some write, that the maine streame was brought thither
 from which ranne before betweene Andredeseie and Culenham.]
 industrie of the moonks, as (beside the testimonie of old records
 thereof yet extant to be séene) by the decaie of Cair Dour, now
 Dorchester it selfe, sometime the throughfare from Wales and the west
 countrie to London, which insued vpon this fact, is easie to be seene.
 From hence it goeth to Dorchester, and so to Thame, where ioining with
 a riuer of the same denomination, it looseth the name of Isis or Ouse
 (whereof Ouseneie at Oxford is producted) and from thenceforth is
 called Thamesis. From Thame it goeth to Wallingford, and so to Reding,
 which in time past, of the number of bridges there, was called
 [Sidenote: Pontium.]
 [Sidenote: Saint Marie ouer Rhee.]
 Pontium; albeit that the English name doth rather proceed from Rhe, or
 Ree, the Saxon word for a water-course or riuer; which maie be séene
 in Ouerée, or Sutherée, for ouer the Ree, or south of the Rhee, as to
 the skilfull doth readilie appéere; yet some hold (and not altogither
 against probabilitie and likelihood) that the word Sutherée is so
 called of Sudrijc, to wit, the south kingdome, wherevnto in part the
 Thames is a bound. But that holdeth not in denomination, either of the
 said church or name of the foresaid countie. Other affirme likewise,
 that Reding is so called of the Greeke word ([Greek: rheô]) which is
 to ouerflowe. Certes, as neither of these coniectures are to be
 contemned, so the last c[=o]meth most neere to mine aid, who affirme,
 that not onelie the course of euerie water it selfe, but also his
 ouerflowing was in time past called Rhe, by such Saxons as inhabited
 in this Iland: and euen to this daie in Essex I haue oft obserued,
 that when the lower grounds by rage of water haue béene ouerflowen,
 the people beholding the same, haue said; All is on a Rhe, as if they
 should haue said; All is now a riuer, albeit the word Riuer be deriued
 from the French, and borrowed by them from the Latins, but not without
 corruption, as it was brought vnto them. I will not here giue notice
 how farre they are deceiued, which call the aforesaid church by the
 name of S. Marie Auderies, or S. Marie ouer Isis, or Ise: but I will
 procéed with the course of this noble streame, which, howsoeuer these
 matters stand after it hath passed by Reding, & there receiued the
 [Sidenote: Kenet.]
 [Sidenote: Thetis.]
 Kenet, which commeth from the hilles that lie west of Marleborough (&
 then the Thetis, commonlie called the Tide that commeth from
 Thetisford) hieth to Sudlington otherwise called Maidenhead, and so to
 Windleshore (or Windsore) Eaton, and then to Chertseie, where
 Erkenwald bishop of London sometime builded a religious house or cell,
 as I doo read.

 From Chertseie it hasteth directlie vnto Stanes, and receiuing an
 [Sidenote: Cole.]
 other streame by the waie, called the Cole (wherevpon Colbrooke
 standeth) it goeth by Kingstone, Shene, Sion and Brentford or
 [Sidenote: Brene.]
 Bregentford, where it méeteth the Brane or the Brene (another brooke
 descending from Edgworth) whose name signifieth a frog, in the
 Brittish speach. Vpon this also sir John Thin had sometime a statelie
 house, with a maruellous prouision to inclose and reteine such fish as
 should come about the same. From Brentfoord it passeth by Mortlach,
 Putneie, Fulham, Batterseie, Chelseie, Lambeth, and so to London.
 Finallie going from thence vnto the sea, it taketh the Lée with it by
 the waie vpon the coast of Essex, and another that commeth from
 [Sidenote: Darwent.]
 Abreche not far off, and the Darnt vpon Kent side, which riseth néere
 to Tanrige, and commeth by Shoreham, vnto Derntford, wherevnto the
 [Sidenote: Craie.]
 Craie falleth. And last of all the Medwaie a notable riuer (in mine
 opinion) which watereth all the south and southwest part of Kent, and
 whose description shall insue.

 Hauing in this maner bréefelie touched this noble riuer, and such
 brookes as fall into the same; I will now adde a particular
 description of each of these last by themselues, whereby their courses
 also shall be seuerallie described to the satisfaction of the
 studious. But yer I take the same in hand, I will insert a word or two
 of the commodities of the said riuer, which I will performe with so
 much breuitie as is possible. Héereby also finding out his whole tract
 and course from the head to the fall thereof into the sea. It
 appeareth euidentlie that the length thereof is at the least, one
 hundreth and eightie miles, if it be measured by the iourneies of the
 land. And as it is in course, the longest of the thrée famous riuers
 of this Ile, so it is nothing inferiour vnto them in aboundance of all
 kind of fish, whereof it is hard to saie, which of the three haue
 either most plentie, or greatest varietie, if the circumstances be
 duelie weighed. What some other write of the riuers of their countries
 it skilleth not, neither will I (as diuerse doo) inuent strange things
 of this noble streame, therewith to nobilitate and make it more
 honorable: but this will I in plaine termes affirme, that it neither
 swalloweth vp bastards of the Celtish brood, or casteth vp the right
 begotten that are throwne in without hurt into their mothers lap, as
 Politian fableth of the Rhene, Epistolarum lib. 8. epi. 6. nor
 yéeldeth clots of gold as the Tagus dooth: but an infinit plentie of
 excellent, swéet and pleasant fish, wherewith such as inhabit néere
 vnto hir bankes are fed and fullie nourished.

 [Sidenote: Salmons.]
 What should I speake of the fat and swéet salmons, dailie taken in
 this streame, and that in such plentie (after the time of the smelt be
 past) as no riuer in Europa is able to excéed it. What store also of
 barbels, trouts, cheuins, pearches, smelts, breames, roches, daces,
 gudgings, flounders, shrimps, &c: are commonlie to be had therein, I
 refer me to them that know by experience better than I, by reason of
 their dailie trade of fishing in the same. And albeit it seemeth from
 time to time, to be as it were defrauded in sundrie wise of these hir
 large commodities, by the insatiable auarice of the fishermen, yet
 this famous riuer complaineth commonlie of no want, but the more it
 [Sidenote: Carps a fish late brought into England
 and later into the Thames.]
 looseth at one time, the more it yéeldeth at another. Onelie in carps
 it séemeth to be scant, sith it is not long since that kind of fish
 was brought ouer into England, and but of late to speake of into this
 streame, by the violent rage of sundrie landflouds, that brake open
 the heads and dams of diuers gentlemens ponds, by which means it
 became somewhat partaker also of this said commoditie, whereof earst
 it had no portion that I could euer heare. Oh that this riuer might be
 spared but euen one yeare from nets, &c! But alas then should manie a
 poore man be vndoone. In the meane time it is lamentable to see, how
 it is and hath béene choked of late with sands and shelues, through
 the penning and wresting of the course of the water for commodities
 sake. But as this is an inconuenience easilie remedied, if good order
 were taken for the redresse thereof: so now, the fine or prise set
 vpon the ballasse sometime freelie giuen to the merchants by patent,
 euen vnto the lands end (Iusques au poinct) will be another cause of
 harme vnto this noble streame, and all through an aduantage taken at
 the want of an (i) in the word ponct: which grew through an error
 committed by an English notarie vnskilfull in the French toong,
 wherein that patent was granted.

 Furthermore, the said riuer floweth and filleth all his chanels twise
 in the daie and night, that is in euerie twelue houres once; and this
 ebbing & flowing, holdeth on for the space of seauentie miles, within
 the maine land: the streame or tide being alwaies highest at London,
 when the moone dooth exactlie touch the northeast and south or west
 points of the heauens, of which one is visible, the other vnder the
 earth, and not subiect to our sight. These tides also differ in their
 times, each one comming latter than other, by so manie minuts as passe
 yer the reuolution and naturall course of the heauens doo reduce, and
 bring about the said planet vnto those hir former places: whereby the
 [Sidenote: The iust dist[=a]ce betwéene one tide and another.]
 36 common difference betwéene one tide and another, is found to
 consist of twentie foure minuts, which wanteth but twelue of an whole
 houre in foure and twentie, as experience dooth confirme. In like sort
 we sée by dailie triall, that each tide is not of equall heigth and
 greatnesse: for at the full and change of the moone we haue the
 greatest flouds, and such is their ordinarie course, that as they
 diminish from their changes and fuls, vnto the first and last
 quarters; so afterwards they increase againe, vntill they come to the
 full and change. Sometimes also they rise so high (if the wind be at
 the north or northeast, which bringeth in the water with more
 vehemencie, bicause the tide which filleth the chanell, commeth from
 Scotland ward) that the Thames ouerfloweth hir banks néere vnto
 London: which hapneth especiallie in the fuls and changes of Januarie
 and Februarie, wherein the lower grounds are of custome soonest
 drowned. This order of flowing in like sort is perpetuall, so that
 when the moone is vpon the southwest and north of points, then is the
 water by London at the highest: neither doo the tides alter, except
 some rough winds out of the west or southwest doo kéepe backe and
 [Sidenote: The streame oft checked in hir entrance into the land.]
 checke the streame in his entrance, as the east and northeast do
 hasten the comming in thereof, or else some other extraordinarie
 occasion, put by the ordinarie course of the northerne seas, which
 fill the said riuer by their naturall returne and flowing. And that
 both these doo happen eft among, I refer me to such as haue not
 sildome obserued it, as also the sensible chopping in of thrée or
 foure tides in one naturall daie, wherof the vnskilfull doo descant
 manie things.

 But how so euer these small matters doo fall out, and how often soeuer
 this course of the streame doth happen to be disturbed; yet at two
 seuerall times of the age of the moone, the waters returne to their
 naturall course and limits of time exactlie. Polydore saith, that this
 riuer is seldome increased or rather neuer ouerfloweth hir banks by
 landflouds: but he is herein verie much deceiued, as it shalbe more
 apparentlie séene hereafter. For the more that this riuer is put by of
 hir right course, the more the water must of necessitie swell with the
 white waters which run downe from the land: bicause the passage cannot
 be so swift and readie in the winding as in the streight course. These
 landflouds also doo greatlie straine the finesse of the streame, in so
 much that after a great landfloud, you shall take haddocks with your
 hands beneath the bridge, as they flote aloft vpon the water, whose
 eies are so blinded with the thicknesse of that element, that they
 cannot see where to become, and make shift to saue themselues before
 death take hold of them. Otherwise the water of it selfe is verie
 cléere, and in comparison next vnto that of the sea, which is most
 subtile and pure of all other; as that of great riuers is most
 excellent, in comparison of smaller brookes: although Aristotle will
 haue the salt water to be most grosse, bicause a ship will beare a
 greater burden on the sea than on the fresh water; and an eg sinke in
 this that swimmeth on the other. But he may easilie be answered by the
 quantitie of roome and aboundance of waters in the sea; whereby it
 becommeth of more force to susteine such vessels as are committed to
 the same, and whervnto the greatest riuers (God wot) are nothing
 comparable. I would here make mention of sundrie bridges placed ouer
 [Sidenote: London bridge.]
 this noble streame, of which that of London is most chieflie to be
 commended, for it is in maner a c[=o]tinuall street, well replenished
 with large and statelie houses on both sides, and situat vpon twentie
 arches, whereof ech one is made of excellent free squared stone,
 euerie of them being thréescore foot in height, and full twentie in
 distance one from another, as I haue often viewed.

 In like maner I could intreat of the infinit number of swans dailie to
 [Sidenote: 2000 boates vpon the Thames and 3000 poore m[=e]
 mainteined by the same whose gaines come in most
 plentifullie in the tearme time.]
 be séene vpon this riuer, the two thousand wherries and small boats,
 wherby three thousand poore watermen are mainteined, through the
 cariage and recariage of such persons as passe or repasse, from time
 to time vpon the same: beside those huge tideboats, tiltbotes, and
 barges, which either carrie passengers, or bring necessarie prouision
 from all quarters of Oxfordshire, Barkeshire, Buckinghamshire,
 Bedfordshire, Herfordshire, Midlesex, Essex, Surrie, and Kent, vnto
 the citie of London. But for somuch as these things are to be repeated
 againe in the particular description of London, annexed to his card; I
 surceasse at this time to speake anie more of them here, as not
 lingering but hasting to performe my promise made euen now, not yet
 forgotten, and in performance whereof I thinke it best to resume the
 description of this noble riuer againe into my hands, and in adding
 whatsoeuer is before omitted, to deliuer a full and perfect
 demonstration of his course. How and where the said streame ariseth,
 is alreadie & with sufficiencie set downe, noting the place to be
 within a mile of Tetburie, whereof some doo vtterlie mislike, bicause
 that rill in summer drouths is oft so drie, that there is little or no
 water at all séene running aboue ground in the same. For this cause
 [Sidenote: Isis.]
 therefore manie affirme the verie head of Isis to come from the poole
 aboue Kemble. Other confound it with the head of the Cirne or Chirne,
 called in Latine Corinium that riseth aboue Coberleie. For my part I
 follow Leland, as he dooth the moonke of Malmesburie, which wrote the
 historie intituled Eulogium historiarum, who searched the same of set
 purpose, and pronounced with Leland, although at this present that
 course be verie small, and choked vp (as I heare) with grauell and
 sand. Procéeding therefore from the head, it first of all receiueth
 [Sidenote: Couus.]
 the Kemble water called the Coue, which riseth aboue Kemble towne,
 goeth by Kemble it selfe vnto Poole and Somerford, and then
 (accompanieth the Thames) vnto Canes, Ashton, Canes, and Howston,
 holding on in one chanell vntill they méet with the Chirne, the next
 of all to be described.

 [Sidenote: Corinium.]
 The Chirne is a faire water arising out of the ground aboue Coberleie,
 from whence it runneth to Cowleie, Cowlesburne, Randcome, and so into
 the Isis on the left side aboue Crekelade. These thrée waters being
 thus vnited and brought into one chanell, within a little space of the
 head of Isis, it runneth on by Crekelade, beneath which towne it
 [Sidenote: Rhe.]
 receiueth the Rhe, descending from Elcombe, Escot, Redburne, Widhill,
 & at the fall into Isis, or not far off ioineth with another that
 runneth west of Purton by Braden forrest, &c. Next of all our Isis
 [Sidenote: Amneie.]
 méeteth with the Amneie on the left hand, which comming from aboue
 Holie roode Amneie, runneth by Downe Amneie, and finallie into the
 Isis a little aboue Iseie. In like sort I read of another that méeteth
 withall on the right hand aboue Iseie also, which so far as I can call
 to remembrance, commeth from about Drifield and falleth so into our
 Isis, that they run as one vntill they come at the Colne, although not
 so nakedlie and without helpe, but that in this voiage, the maine
 streame dooth crosse one water that descendeth from Swindon, and going
 also by Stratton toward Seuingham, is it selfe increased with two rils
 by the waie, whereof one commeth from Liddenton by Wambreie, as I haue
 béene informed.

 [Sidenote: Colneius, Colineus, or Colunus.]
 The Colne is a faire riuer rising by north neere to Witchington, &
 from thence goeth to Shiptons, Compton Abdale, Wittenton, Parneworth,
 Colne Deanes, and Colne Rogers, Winston, Biberie, Colne Alens,
 Quenington, Faireford, and west of Lachelade into the riuer Isis,
 which hereabout on the southside also taketh in another, whereof I
 find this remembrance. The Isis being once past Seuingham, crosseth a
 brooke from southest that mounteth about Ashbirie, and receiuing a
 rill from bywest (that commeth from Hinton) beneath Shrineham, it
 afterward so diuideth it selfe, that the armes therof include
 Inglesham, and by reason that it falleth into the Isis at two seuerall
 places, there is a plesant Iland producted, whereof let this suffice.

 [Sidenote: Lecusor Leche.]
 Being past Lechelade a mile, it runneth to saint Johns bridge, &
 thereabout méeteth with the Leche on the left hand. This brooke,
 whereof Lechlade taketh the name (a towne wherevnto one péece of an
 old vniuersitie is ascribed, which it did neuer possesse, more than
 Crekelade did the other) riseth east of Hampnet, fr[=o] whence it
 goeth to north Lech, Estenton, Anlesworth, east Lech, south Thorpe,
 Farendon, & so into the Isis. From hence this famous water goeth by
 Kenskot toward Radcote bridge (taking in the rill that riseth in an od
 péece of Barkeshire, and runneth by Langford) and being past the said
 bridge (now notable through a conspiracie made there sometimes by
 sundrie barons against the estate) it is not long yer it crosse two
 other waters, both of them descending from another od parcell of the
 said countie, whereof I haue this note giuen me for my further
 information. There are two fals of water into Isis beneath Radcote
 bridge, wherof the one commeth from Shilton in Barkeshire by Arescote,
 blacke Burton and Clarrefield. The other also riseth in the same
 péece, and runneth by Brisenorton vnto Bampton, and there receiuing an
 armelet from the first that breake off at blacke Burton, it is not
 long yer they fall into Isis, and leaue a pretie Iland. After these
 confluences, the maine course of the streame hasteth by Shifford to
 [Sidenote: Winrush.]
 Newbridge, where it ioineth with the Winrush. The Winrush riseth aboue
 Shieburne in Glocestershire, from whence it goeth to Winrush, &
 c[=o]ming by Barrington, Burford, Widbrooke, Swinbecke castell,
 Witneie, Duckington, Cockthorpe, Stanlake, it méeteth with the Isis
 west by south of Northmore. From hence it goeth beneath Stanton,
 Hartingcourt and Ensham, betwéene which and Cassinton, it receiueth
 [Sidenote: Briwerus.]
 (as Leland calleth it) the Bruerne water.

 It riseth aboue Limington, and going to Norton in the Marsh, and
 through a patch of Worcestershire vnto Euenlode, betweene it and the
 [Sidenote: Comus.]
 foure shirestones, it taketh in a rill called Come, comming by the
 long and the little Comptons. After this also it goeth by Bradwell,
 Odington, and so to Bleddenton, aboue which towne it taketh in the
 [Sidenote: Rolrich.]
 Rolrich water that issueth at two heads, in the hils that lie by west
 of little Rolrich, and ioine aboue Kenkeham, and Church hill. From
 thence also it goeth vnto Bruerne, Shipton vnderwood, Ascot, Short
 hamton, Chorleburie, Corneburie parke, Stonfield, Longcombe, and
 [Sidenote: Enis.]
 southeast of Woodstocke parke, taketh in the Enis, that riseth aboue
 Emstone, and goeth to Ciddington, Glimton, Wotton (where it is
 increased with a rill that runneth thither from stéeple Barton, by the
 Béechin trée) Woodstocke, Blaidon, so that after this confluence, the
 said Enis runneth to Cassinton, and so into the Isis, which goeth from
 hence to Oxford, and there receiueth the Charwell, now presentlie to
 be described.

 [Sidenote: Charwell.]
 The head of Charwell is in Northamptonshire, where it riseth out of a
 little poole, by Charleton village, seuen miles aboue Banberie
 northeast, and there it issueth so fast at the verie surge, that it
 groweth into a pretie streame, in maner out of hand. Soone after also
 [Sidenote: Bure.]
 it taketh in a rillet called the Bure, which falleth into it, about
 Otmere side: but forasmuch as it riseth by Bincester, the whole course
 therof is not aboue foure miles, and therefore cannot be great. A
 friend of mine prosecuting the rest of this description reporteth
 thereof as followeth. Before the Charwell commeth into Oxfordshire, it
 [Sidenote: Culen.]
 receiueth the Culen, which falleth into the same, a little aboue
 Edgcote, and so descending toward Wardington, it méeteth with another
 comming from by north west, betweene Wardington and Cropreadie. At
 [Sidenote: Come.]
 Banberie also it méeteth with the Come (which falleth from fennie
 Conton by Farneboro, and afterwards going by kings Sutton, not far
 from Aine, it receiueth the discharge of diuerse rillets, in one
 bottome before it come at Clifton. The said water therfore ingendred
 of so manie brookelets, consisteth chiefelie of two, whereof the most
 [Sidenote: Ocus.]
 southerlie called Oke, commeth from Oke Norton, by Witchington or
 Wiggington, and the Berfords; and carieng a few blind rils withall,
 dooth méet with the other that falleth from by northwest into the
 same, within a mile of Charwell.

 That other (as I coniecture) is increased of thrée waters, wherof each
 [Sidenote: Tudo.]
 one hath his seuerall name. The first of them therefore hight Tudo,
 which comming betwéene Epwell and the Lée by Toddington, ioineth about
 [Sidenote: Ornus.]
 Broughton with the second that runneth from Horneton, named Ornus, as
 I gesse. The last falleth into the Tude or Tudelake, beneath
 Broughton; and for that it riseth not far from Sotteswell in
 Warwikeshire, some are of the opinion, that it is to be called
 [Sidenote: Sotbrooke.]
 Sotbrooke. The next water that méeteth without Charwell beneath
 [Sidenote: Souarus.]
 [Sidenote: Sowar.]
 Clifton commeth from about Croughton, and after this is the Sowar or
 Swere, that riseth north of Michaell Tew, and runneth by nether
 [Sidenote: Burus.]
 Wotton. The last of all is the Reie aliàs Bure, whose head is not far
 aboue Burcester, aliàs Bincester, and Burncester: and from whence it
 goeth by Burecester to Merton, Charleton, Fencote, Addington, Noke,
 Islip, and so into Charwell, that holdeth on his course after this
 augmentation of the waters, betwéene Wood and Water Eton, to Marston,
 and the east bridge of Oxford by Magdalene college, and so beneath the
 south bridge into our aforesaid Isis.

 [Sidenote: Middest of England whereabouts.]
 In describing this riuer, this one thing (right honorable) is come
 vnto my mind, touching the center and nauill as it were of England.
 Certes there is an hillie plot of ground in Helledon parish, not far
 from Danberie, where a man maie stand and behold the heads of thrée
 notable riuers, whose waters, and those of such as fall into them, doo
 abundantlie serue the greatest part of England on this side of the
 Humber. The first of these waters is the Charwell, alreadie described.
 The second is the Leme that goeth westward into the fourth Auon. And
 the third is the head of the Nene or fift Auon it selfe, of whose
 courses there is no card but doth make sufficient mention; and
 therefore your honour maie behold in the same how they doo coast the
 countrie, and also measure by compasses how this plot lieth in respect
 of all the rest, contrarie to common iudgement, which maketh
 Northampton to be the middest and center of our countrie.

 But to go forward with my description of the Ouse, which being past
 Oxford goeth to Iflie, Kennington, Sanford, Rodleie, Newnham, and so
 to Abington, som time called Sensham, without increase, where it
 [Sidenote: Ocus.]
 receiueth the Oche, otherwise called the Coche, a little beneath S.
 Helens, which runneth thither of two brooklets, as I take it, whereof
 one commeth from Compton, out of the vale and west of the hill of the
 White horsse, the other from Kings Letcombe, and Wantage in Barkshire,
 and in one chanell, entreth into the same, vpon the right side of his
 [Sidenote: Arun.]
 course. From Abington likewise (taking the Arun withall southwest of
 Sutton Courtneie) it goeth by Appleford, long Wittenham, Clifton,
 Wittenham the lesse, & beneath Dorchester, taketh in the Thame water,
 from whence the Isis loseth the preheminence of the whole denomination
 of this riuer, and is contented to impart the same with the Thame, so
 that by the coniunction of these two waters Thamesis is producted, and
 that name continued euen vnto the sea.

 [Sidenote: Thame.]
 Thame riuer riseth in the easterlie parts of Chilterne hils, towards
 Penleie parke, at a towne called Tring west of the said parke, which
 is seauen miles from the stone bridge, that is betweene Querendon and
 Ailsburie (after the course of the water) as Leland hath set downe.
 Running therefore by long Merston, and Puttenham, Hucket, and Bearton,
 it receiueth soone after a rill that commeth by Querendon from
 Hardwike, and yer long an other on the other side that riseth aboue
 Windouer in the Chilterne, and passing by Halton, Weston, Turrill,
 Broughton, and Ailsburie, it falleth into the Tame west of the said
 towne (except my memorie doo faile me.) From this confluence the Tame
 goeth by Ethorpe, the Winchingtons, Coddington, Chersleie, Notleie
 abbeie: and comming almost to Tame, it receiueth one water from
 southeast aboue the said towne, and another also from the same quarter
 beneath the towne; so that Tame standeth inuironed vpon thrée sides
 with thrée seuerall waters, as maie be easilie séene. The first of
 these commeth from the Chiltern east of Below or Bledlow, from whence
 it goeth to Hinton, Horsenden, Kingseie, Towseie, and so into the
 Tame. The other descendeth also from the Chilterne, and going by
 Chinner, Crowell, Siddenham, and Tame parke, it falleth in the end
 into Tame water, and then they procéed togither as one by Shabbington,
 Ricot parke, Dracot, Waterstoke, Milton, Cuddesdon, and Chiselton.
 Here also it taketh in another water from by-east, whose head commeth
 from Chilterne hils, not farre from Stocking church, in the waie from
 Oxford to London. From whence it runneth to Weston (and méeting
 beneath Cuxham with Watlington rill) it goeth onto Chalgraue, Stadham,
 and so into the Tame. From hence our streame of Thame runneth to
 Newenton, Draton, Dorchester (sometime a bishops see, and a noble
 citie) and so into the Thames, which hasteth in like sort to
 [Sidenote: Blauius.]
 Bensington, Crowmarsh, or Wallingford, where it receiueth the Blaue,
 descending from Blaueburg, now Blewberie, as I learne.

 Thus haue I brought the Thames vnto Wallingford, situate in the vale
 of White horsse, that runneth a long therby. From hence it goeth by
 Newenham, north Stoke, south Stoke, Goring, Bassilden, Pangburne,
 where it meeteth with a water that commeth from about Hamsted Norris,
 runneth by Frizelham, Buckelburie, Stanford, Bradfeld, Tidmarsh and
 Pangburne. After which confluence it goeth on betweene Mapledorham and
 Purleie, to Cauersham, and Cauersham manour, and a little beneath
 receiueth the Kenet that commeth thereinto from Reading.

 [Sidenote: Cenethus.]
 The Kenet riseth aboue Ouerton 5 or 6 miles west of Marleborow, or
 Marlingsborow, as some call it; & then going by Fifeld, Clatfor,
 Maulon, & Preshute, vnto Marleburie: it holdeth on in like order to
 Ramsburie, and northwest of little Cote, taketh in a water by north
 descending from the hilles aboue Alburne chase west of Alburne town.
 Thence it runneth to little Cote, Charnhamstréet, & beneth
 [Sidenote: Bedwiine.]
 [Sidenote: Chalkeburne.]
 Charnhamstréet it crosseth the Bedwin, which (taking the Chalkburne
 rill withall) commeth from great Bedwijne, & at Hungerford also two
 other in one botom somewhat beneath the towne. From hence it goeth to
 Auington, Kinburie, Hamsted marshall, Euburne, Newberie; and beneath
 [Sidenote: Lamburne.]
 this towne, taketh in the Lamburne water that commeth by Isberie,
 Egerston, the Sheffords, Westford, Boxford, Donington castell, and
 [Sidenote: Alburnus.]
 Shaw. From Newberie it goeth to Thatcham, Wolhampton, Aldermaston, a
 little aboue which village it receiueth the Alburne, another brooke
 increased with sundrie rils: and thus going on to Padworth, Oston, and
 Michaell, it commeth at last to Reading, where (as I said) it ioineth
 with the Thames, and so they go forward as one by Sonning to Shiplake,
 and there on the east side receiue the Loddon that commeth downe
 thither from the south, as by his course appéereth.

 [Sidenote: Lodunus.]
 The Loddon riseth in Hamshire betwéene west Shirburne and Wooton
 toward the southwest, afterward directing his course toward the
 northwest, thorough the Vine, it passeth at the last by Bramlie, and
 thorough a peece of Wiltshire, to Stradfield, Swallowfield,
 Arberfield, Loddon bridge, leauing a patch of Wiltshire on the right
 hand (as I haue béene informed.) This Loddon not far from Turges towne
 receiueth two waters in one bottome, whereof the westerlie called
 Basing water, commeth from Basingstoke, and thorough a parke vnto the
 aforesaid place.

 The other descendeth of two heads from Mapledour well, and goeth by
 Skewes, Newenham, Rotherwijc, and yer it come at Hartlie, ioineth with
 the Basing water, from whence they go togither to Turges, where they
 méet with the Loddon (as I haue said alreadie.) The next streame
 [Sidenote: Ditis vadum.]
 toward the south is called Ditford brooke. It riseth not farre from
 Vpton, goeth by Gruell, and beneath Wharnborow castell receiueth the
 [Sidenote: Ikelus.]
 Ikell (comming from a parke of the same denomination) from whence they
 go togither by Maddingleie vnto Swalowfield, and so into the Loddon.
 [Sidenote: Elueius.]
 In this voiage also the Loddon méeteth with the Elwie or Elueie that
 commeth from Aldershare, not farre by west of Euersleie: and about
 [Sidenote: Ducus.]
 Eluesham likewise with another running from Dogmansfield named the
 [Sidenote: Erin.]
 Douke: and also the third not inferior to the rest comming from Erin,
 whose head is in Surreie, and going by Ash becommeth a limit, first
 betwéene Surreie and Hamshire; then betwéene Hamshire and Barkeshire,
 and passing by Ash, Erinleie, Blacke water, Perleie, and Finchamsted;
 it ioineth at last with the Ditford, before it come at Swalowfield. To
 conclude therefore with our Loddon, hauing receiued all these waters;
 and after the last confluence with them now being come to Loddon
 bridge, it passeth on by a part of Wiltshire to Twiford bridge, then
 to Wargraue, and so into the Thames that now is maruellouslie
 increased and growen vnto triple greatnesse (to that it was at
 Oxford.)

 Being therefore past Shiplake and Wargraue, it runneth by Horsependon,
 or Harding: then to Henleie vpon Thames, where sometime a great rill
 voideth it selfe in the same. Then to Remenham, Greneland (going all
 this waie from Shiplake iust north, and now turning eastwards againe)
 by Medenham, Hurlie, Bisham, Marlow the greater, Marlow the lesse, it
 meeteth with a brooke soone after that consisteth of the water of two
 [Sidenote: Vsa.]
 rilles, whereof the one called the Vse, riseth about west Wickham, out
 of one of the Chilterne hilles, and goeth from thence to east Wickham
 or high Wickham, a pretie market towne. The other named Higden,
 [Sidenote: Higden.]
 descendeth also from those mounteines but a mile beneath west Wickham,
 and ioining both in one at the last, in the west end of east Wickham
 towne, they go togither to Wooburne, Hedsor, & so into the Thames.
 Some call it the Tide; and that word doo I vse in my former treatise:
 but to procéed. After this confluence our Thames goeth on by Cowkham,
 Topleie, Maidenhead, aliàs Sudlington, Braie, Dorneie, Clure, new
 Windsore (taking in neuerthelesse, at Eaton by the waie, the Burne
 which riseth out of a Moore, & commeth thither by Burnham) old
 Windsor, Wraiborow, and a little by east therof doth crosse the Cole,
 whereof I find this short description insuing.

 [Sidenote: Colus, aliàs Vere and Vertume.]
 The Cole riseth néere vnto Flamsted, from whence it goeth to Redburn,
 S. Michaels, S. Albons, Aldenham, Watford, and so by More to
 Richmansworth, where there is a confluence of three waters, of which
 [Sidenote: Gadus.]
 this Cole is the first. The second called Gadus riseth not farre from
 Ashridge, an house or palace belonging to the prince: from whence it
 runneth to great Gaddesdin, Hemsted, betwéene Kings Langleie, and
 Abbots Langleie, then to Hunters, and Cashew bridges, and so to
 Richmanswoorth, receiuing by the waie a rill comming from Alburie by
 northwest, to Northchurch, Barkehamsted, and beneath Hemsted ioining
 with the same. The last commeth in at northwest from aboue Chesham, by
 Chesham it selfe, then by Chesham Bois, Latimers, Mawdlens, Cheinies,
 Sarret and Richmanswoorth, and so going on all in one chanell vnder
 the name of Cole, it runneth to Vxbridge, where it taketh in the
 Missenden water, from northwest, which rising aboue Missenden the
 greater goeth by Missenden the lesse, Hagmondesham (now Hammersham)
 the Vach, Chalfhunt Giles, Chalfhunt S. Peters, Denham, and then into
 the Cole aboue Vxbridge (as I haue said.) Soone after this our Cole
 doth part it selfe into two branches, neuer to ioine againe before
 they come at the Thames, for the greater of them goeth thorough the
 goodlie medows straight to Colebrooke, the other vnto two milles, a
 mile and a halfe east of Colebrooke, in the waie to London, leauing an
 Iland betwéene them of no small size and quantitie.

 [Sidenote: Vindeles.]
 Being past the Cole, we come to the fall of the Vindeles, which riseth
 by northwest néere vnto Bagshot, from whence it goeth to Windlesham,
 Chobham, and méeting with a brooklet comming westward from Bisleie,
 they run togither toward Cherteseie, where when they haue met with a
 small rill rising north of Sonning hill in Windlesoure great parke, it
 falleth into the Thames on the northeast side of Cherteseie. When we
 were come beyond this water, it was not long yer we came vnto another
 on the same side, that fell into the Thames betweene Shepperton on the
 [Sidenote: Veius.]
 one side, and Oteland on the other, and is called the Waie. The Weie
 or the Waie rising by west, commeth from Olsted, & soone after taking
 the Hedleie brooke withall (which riseth in Wulmere forrest, and goeth
 by Hedleie and Frensham) hasteth by Bentleie, Farnham, Alton,
 Waiberleie, Elsted, and so to Pepper harrow, where it ioineth with the
 [Sidenote: Thuresbie.]
 Thuresbie water, which commeth not farre off from a village of the
 same denomination. From hence also it goeth to Godalming, and then
 toward Shawford, but yer it come there, it crosseth Craulie becke,
 which rising somewhere about the edge of Sussex short of Ridgewijc,
 [Sidenote: Crawleie.]
 goeth by Vacherie parke, Knoll, Craulie, Bramleie, Wonarsh, and so
 into the Waie. From hence then our riuer goeth to Shawford, and soone
 [Sidenote: Abbinger.]
 after (méeting with the Abbinger water that commeth by Shere, Albirie,
 and the chappell on the hill) it proceedeth to Guldeford, thence to
 Stoke, Sutton in the parke, Send, Woking, and at Newarke parke side
 taketh in a brooke that riseth of two heads, whereof one dooth spring
 betwéene two hils north of Pepper harrow, and so runneth through
 Henleie parke, the other aboue Purbright, and afterward ioining in
 one, they go foorth vnto Newarke, and being there vnited, after the
 confluence it goeth to Purford court, to Bifler, Waifred, Oteland, and
 so into the Thames.

 [Sidenote: Molts.]
 From Oteland the Thames goeth by Walton, Sunburie, west Moulseie,
 Hampton, and yer it come at Hampton court on the northside, and east
 Moulseie on the other, it taketh in the Moule water, which giueth name
 vnto the two townes that stand on each side of the place, where it
 falleth into our streame. It riseth in Word forrest, and going by
 Burstow, it méeteth afterward with another gullet, conteining a small
 course from two seuerall heads, whereof one is also in the forrest
 aforenamed, the other runneth from Febush wood, and comming by Iseld,
 méeteth with the first aboue Horleie, and so run on in one chanell, I
 saie, till they ioine with the Moule water, whereof I spake before.

 After this confluence in like sort, it is not long yer the Moule take
 in another from by north, which commeth from about Mesham on the one
 side, and another on the other side, running by Ocleie and Capell, and
 whereinto also a branch or rill commeth from a wood on the northwest
 part. Finallie, being thus increased with these manie rilles, it goeth
 by east Becheworth, west Becheworth, and ouer against the Swalow on
 the side of Drake hill, taking in another that c[=o]meth thither from
 Wootton by Darking and Milton, it runneth to Mickleham, Letherhed,
 Stoke, Cobham, Ashire parke, east Moulseie, and so into the Thames,
 which after this coniunction goeth on to Kingston, and there also
 méeteth with another becke, rising at Ewell south of Nonsuch. Certes,
 this rill goeth from Ewell by the old parke, then to Mauldon, & so to
 Kingston towne. The Thames in like maner being past Kingston, goeth to
 Tuddington, Petersham, Twickenham, Richmond, and Shene, where it
 receiueth a water on the northwest side, which comming from about
 Harrow on the hill, and by west of the same, goeth by Haies,
 Harlington, Felthan, and Thistleworth into the Thames.

 The next fall of water is at Sion, néere vnto new Brainford, so that
 [Sidenote: Brane.]
 it issueth into the Thames betwéen them both. This water is called
 Brane, that is in the Brittish toong (as Leland saith) a frog. It
 riseth about Edgeworth, and commeth from thence by Kingesburie,
 Twiford, Periuall, Hanwell, and Austerleie. Thence we followed our
 riuer to old Brentford, Mortlach, Cheswijc, Barnelmes, Fulham, and
 Putneie, beneath which townes it crossed a becke from Wandlesworth,
 that riseth at Woodmans turne, and going by Easthalton, méeteth
 another comming from Croidon by Bedington, and so going on to Mitcham,
 Marton abbeie, and Wandlesworth, it is not long yer it fall into the
 [Sidenote: Mariburne.]
 Thames. Next vnto this is Mariburne rill on the other side, which
 commeth in by S. Iames, so that by this time we haue either brought
 the Thames, or the Thames conueied vs to London, where we rested for a
 season to take view of the seuerall tides there, of which each one
 differeth from other, by foure & twentie minuts, that is fortie eight
 in a whole daie, as I haue noted before, except the wether alter them.
 Being past London, and in the waie toward the sea: the first water
 that it méeteth withall, is the Brome on Kent side, west of
 [Sidenote: Bromis.]
 Gréenewich, whose head is Bromis in Bromleie parish, and going from
 thence to Lewsham, it taketh in a water from by east, and so directeth
 his course foorth right vnto the Thames.

 The next water that it méeteth withall, is on Essex side, almost
 [Sidenote: Lée.]
 against Woolwich, and that is the Lée or Luie, whose head riseth short
 of Kempton in Hertfordshire, foure miles southeast of Luton, sometime
 [Sidenote: Logus.]
 called Logodunum or Logrodunum, & going through a péece of Brokehall
 parke (leauing Woodhall parke on the north, and Hatfield on the south,
 with another parke adioining) it goeth toward Hartford towne. But yer
 [Sidenote: Marran.]
 it come there, it receiueth a water (peraduenture the Marran) rising
 at northwest in Brodewater hundred, from aboue Welwin, northeast of
 Digeswell, and going to Hartingfeld burie, where the said confluence
 is within one mile of the towne. Beneath Hatfield also it receiueth
 [Sidenote: Beane.]
 the Beane (as I gesse) comming from Boxwood by Benington, Aston,
 Watton, and Stapleford, and a little lower, the third arme of increase
 from aboue Ware, which descendeth from two heads: whereof the greatest
 commeth from Barkewaie in Edwinster hundred, the other Sandon in
 Oddesey hundred, and after they be met beneath little Hornemeade, they
 go togither by Pulcherchurch, or Puckrich, Stonden, Thunderidge,
 Wadesmill, Benghoo, and so into the Lée, which from hence runneth on
 till it come at Ware, which was drowned by the rage of the same 1408,
 and so to Amwell, where on the north side it receiueth the water that
 commeth from little Hadham, through a péece of Singleshall parke, then
 by great Hadham, and so from Widford to the aforesaid towne. From
 hence also they go as one to old Stansted called Le Veil, branching in
 such wise yer it come there, that it runneth through the towne in
 sundrie places. Thence it goeth foorth to Abbats Stansted, beneath
 [Sidenote: Sturus.]
 which it méeteth with the Stoure, west (as I remember) of Roidon. This
 Sture riseth at Wenden lootes, from whence it goeth to Langleie,
 Clauering, Berden, Manhuden, & Birchanger (where it taketh a rill
 comming from Elsingham, & Stansted Mountfitchet.) Thence it hieth on
 to Bishops Stourford, Sabrichfoord, and beneath this towne crosseth
 with another from the east side of Elsingham, that goeth to Hatfield,
 Brodocke, Shiring, Harlo, & so into the Stoure, and from whence they
 go togither to Eastwic, Parmedon, and next into the Lée. These things
 being thus performed, the Lée runneth on beneath Hoddesdon, Broxburne,
 and Wormleie, where a water breaketh out by west of the maine streame,
 a mile lower than Wormeleie it selfe, but yet within the paroch, and
 is called Wormeleie locke.

 It runneth also by Cheston nunrie, and out of this a little beneath
 the said house, breaketh an arme called the Shirelake, bicause it
 diuideth Eastsex and Hartford shire in sunder, and in the length of
 one medow called Fritheie. This lake runneth not but at great flouds,
 and méeteth againe with a succor of ditchwater, at a place called
 Hockesditch, halfe a mile from his first breaking out, and halfe a
 mile lower at Marsh point ioineth againe with the streame from whence
 it came before. Thence commeth the first arme to S. Maulie bridge (the
 first bridge westward vpon that riuer) vpon Waltham causie, & halfe a
 mile lower than Maulie bridge, at the corner of Ramnie mead, it
 méeteth with the kings streame & principall course of Luy, or Lee, as
 it is commonlie called. The second arme breaketh out of the kings
 streame at Halifield halfe a mile lower than Cheston nunrie, and so to
 the fulling mill, and two bridges by west of the kings streame,
 wherinto it falleth about a stones cast lower at a place called
 Malkins shelffe, except I was wrong informed. Cheston & Hartfordshire
 men doo saie, that the kings streame at Waltham dooth part
 Hartfordshire and Essex, but the Essex men by forrest charter doo
 plead their liberties to hold vnto S. Maulies bridge. On the east side
 also of the kings streame breaketh out but one principall arme at
 Halifield, three quarters of a mile aboue Waltham, & so goeth to the
 corne mill in Waltham, and then to the K. streame againe a little
 beneath the kings bridge.

 From hence the Lée runneth on by south on Waltonstow till it come to
 Stretford Langthorne, where it brancheth partlie of it selfe, and
 [Sidenote: Alfred.]
 partlie by mans industrie for mils. Howbeit heerein the dealing of
 Alfred (sometimes king of England) was not of smallest force, who
 vnderstanding the Danes to be gotten vp with their ships into the
 countrie, there to kill and slaie his subiects, in the yeere of grace
 896, by the conduct of this riuer: he in the meane time before they
 could returne, did so mightilie weaken the maine chanell, by drawing
 great numbers of trenches from the same; that when they purposed to
 come backe, there was nothing so much water left as the ships did
 draw: wherefore being set on ground, they were soone fired, & the
 aduersaries ouercome. By this policie also much medow ground was
 woone, & made firme land, whereby the countrie about was not a little
 inriched, as was also a part of Assyria by the like practise of Cyrus
 with the Ganges, at such time as he came against Babylon, which riuer
 before time was in maner equall with Euphrates. For he was so
 offended, that one of his knights whom he loued déerlie, was drowned
 and borne awaie with the water in his passage ouer the same, that he
 sware a deepe oth yer long to make it so shallow that it should not
 wet a woman to the knées. Which came to passe, for he caused all his
 armie to dig 46 new draines fr[=o] the same, wherby the vow that he
 had made was at the full performed. Senec. de Tra. li. 3. But to
 conclude with the Lee that somtime ouerflowed all those medowes,
 through which it passeth (as for a great waie not inferior to the
 Thames) and I find that being past Westham, it is not long yer it fall
 into that streame. One thing I read more of this riuer before the
 conquest, that is, how Edward the first, & sonne of Alfred, in the
 yeare of grace 912, builded Hartford towne: at which time also he had
 Wittham a towne in Essex in hand, as his sister called Aelfled
 repaired Oxford & London, and all this foure yeares before the
 building of Maldon; of some called Hertford or Herudford betweene
 three waters, that is, the Lée, the Benefuth, and Memmarran, or rather
 Penmarran: but how these waters are distinguished in these daies, as
 yet I cannot tell. It is possible, that the Bene may be the same which
 commeth by Benington, and Benghoo: which if it be so, then must the
 Memmarran be the same that descendeth from Whitwell, for not farre
 from thence is Branfield, which might in time past right well be
 called Marranfield, for of like inuersion of names I could shew manie
 examples.

 Being past the Lee (whose chanell is begun to be purged 1576, with
 further hope to bring the same to the north side of London) we come
 [Sidenote: Rodon or Rodunus.]
 vnto the Rodon, vpon Essex side in like maner, and not verie farre
 (for foure miles is the most) from the fall of the Lée. This water
 riseth at little Canfield, from whence it goeth to great Canfield,
 high Roding, Eithorpe Roding, Ledon Roding, White Roding, Beauchampe
 Roding, Fifeld, Shelleie, high Ongar, and Cheping Ongar, where the
 [Sidenote: Lauer.]
 Lauer falleth into it, that ariseth betwixt Matching and high Lauer;
 and taking another rill withall comming from aboue Northweld at
 Cheping Ongar, they ioine (I saie) with the Rodon, after which
 [Sidenote: Iuelus.]
 confluence Leland coniectureth that the streame is called Iuell: for
 my part, I wot not what to say of it. But héerof I am sure, that the
 whole course being past Ongar, it goeth to Stansted riuers, Theidon
 mount, Heibridge, Chigwell, Woodford bridge, Ilford bridge, Barking, &
 so into the Thames.

 [Sidenote: Darwent.]
 The Darwent méeteth with our said Thames vpon Kents side, two miles
 and more beneath Erith. It riseth at Tanridge, or there abouts, as I
 haue beene informed by Christopher Saxtons card late made of the same,
 and the like (I hope) he will doo in all the seuerall shires of
 England at the infinit charges of sir Thomas Sackford knight, &
 maister of the requests, whose zeale vnto his countrie héerin I cannot
 but remember, & so much the rather, for that he meaneth to imitate
 Ortelius, & somewhat beside this hath holpen me in the names of the
 townes, by which these riuers for the Kentish part do run. Would to
 God his plats were once finished for the rest! But to procéed. The
 Darwent therefore, rising at Tanridge, goeth on by Titseie toward
 Brasted, and receiuing on ech side of that towne (& seuerall bankes) a
 riuer or rill, it goeth on to Nockhold, Shorham, Kinsford, Horton,
 [Sidenote: Craie.]
 Darnhith, Dartford or Derwentford, & there taking in the Craie on the
 left hand that coms from Orpington by Marie Craie, Paules Craie, North
 Craie, and Craiford, it is not long yer it fall into the Thames. But
 after I had once passed the fall of the brooke, it is a world to sée
 what plentie of Serephium groweth vpon the Kentish shore, in whose
 description Fuichsius hath not a little halted; whilest he giueth
 foorth the hearbe Argentaria for Serephium, betwéene which there is no
 maner of likelihood. This neuerthelesse is notable in the said hearbe,
 that being translated into the garden, it receiueth another forme
 cleane different from the first, which it yéelded when it grew vpon
 the shore, and therevnto appeareth of more fat & foggie substance.
 Which maketh me to thinke that our physicians do take it for a
 distinct kind of wormewood, whereof controuersie ariseth among them.
 The next water that falleth into the Thames, is west of the Wauie
 Iles, a rill of no great fame, neither long course, for rising about
 Coringham, it runneth not manie miles east and by south, yer it fall
 into the mouth of this riuer, which I doo now describe.

 I would haue spoken of one créeke that commeth in at Cliffe, and
 another that runneth downe from Haltsto by S. Maries: but sith I
 vnderstand not with what backewaters they be serued, I let them passe
 as not skilfull of their courses. And thus much of the riuers that
 fall into the Thames, wherein I haue doone what I maie, but not what I
 would for mine owne satisfaction, till I came from the head to
 Lechlade, vnto which, as in lieu of a farewell, I will ascribe that
 distichon which Apollonius Rhodius writeth of the Thermodon:

   Huic non est aliud flumen par, nec tot in agros
   Vllum dimittit riuos quot fundit vtrinque.

 [Sidenote: Midwaie.]
 Next vnto the Thames we haue the Midwaie water, whereof I find two
 descriptions, the first beginneth thus. The Midwaie water is called in
 Latine Medeuia (as some write) bicause the course therof is midwaie in
 a manner betwéene London and Dorobernia, or (as we now call it)
 Canturburie. In British it hight Dourbrée: and thereof Rochester was
 sometime called Durobreuum. But in an old charter which I haue seene
 (conteining a donation sometime made to the monasterie of saint
 Andrews there by Ceadwalla) I find that the Saxons called this riuer
 Wedring; and also a towne standing betweene Malling and east Farleie,
 Wedrington; and finallie, a forrest also of the same denomination,
 Wedrington, now Waterdon, wherby the originall name appeareth to be
 fetched from this streame. It ariseth in Waterdon forrest east of
 Whetlin or Wedring, and ioineth with another brooke that descendeth
 from Ward forrest in Sussex: and after this confluence they go on
 togither, as one by Ashhirst, where hauing receiued also the second
 brooke, it hasteth to Pensherst, and there carrieth withall the Eden,
 that commeth from Lingfield parke. After this it goeth to the
 [Sidenote: Frethus.]
 southeast part of Kent, and taketh with it the Frith or Firth, on the
 northwest side, and an other little streame that commeth from the
 hilles betwéene Peuenburie and Horsemon on the southeast. From thence
 [Sidenote: Theise.]
 also, and not farre from Yalling it receiueth the Theise (a pretie
 [Sidenote: Grane aliàs Cranus.]
 streame that ariseth about Theise Hirst) & afterward the Gran or
 Crane, which hauing his head not farre from Cranbrooke, and méeting
 with sundrie other riuelets by the waie, whereof one branch of Theise
 is the last, for it parteth at the Twist, and including a pretie
 Iland, doth ioine with the said Midwaie, a little aboue Yalding, and
 then with the Lowse. Finallie at Maidstone it méeteth with another
 brooke, whose name I know not, and then passeth by Allington, Duton,
 Newhide, Halling, Cuckestane, Rochester, Chattham, Gillingham,
 Vpchurch, Kingsferrie, and falleth into the maine sea betwéene Shepeie
 and the Grane.

 And thus much out of the first authour, who commendeth it also, for
 that in time past it did yéeld such plentie of sturgeon, as beside the
 kings portion, and a due vnto the archbishop of Canturburie out of the
 same, the deane and chapter of Rochester had no small allowance also
 of that commoditie: likewise for the shrimps that are taken therein,
 which are no lesse estéemed of in their kind, than the westerne smelts
 or flounders taken in the Thames, &c. The second authour describeth it
 after this manner, and more copiouslie than the other.

 The cheefe head of this streame riseth in Waterdon forrest, from
 whence after it hath runne a pretie waie still within the same, east
 of Whetlin, it méeteth with a brooke, whose head is in Ward forrest,
 southwest of Greenested, which goeth to Hartfield, and so to Whetlin,
 and yer long ioineth with the Midwaie. After this confluence it is not
 long yer it take in another by west from Cowden ward, and the third
 aboue Pensherst, growing from two heads, whereof one is in Lingfield
 parke, the other west of Crawherst; and ioining aboue Edinbridge, it
 doth fall into the midwaie beneath Heuer towne, and Chiddingston. From
 Pensherst our maine streame hasteth to Ligh, Tunbridge, and Twidleie,
 and beneath the towne, it crosseth a water from North, whereof one
 head is at the Mote, another at Wroteham, the third at west Peckham,
 & likewise another from southest, that runneth east of Capell. Next
 after this it receiueth the These, whose forked head is at Theise
 Hirst, which descending downe toward the north, taketh in not farre
 from Scotnie a brooke out of the northside of Waterden forrest, whose
 name I find not, except it be the Dour. After this confluence our
 riuer goeth to Goldhirst, and comming to the Twist, it brancheth in
 such wise, that one part of it runneth into Midwaie, another into the
 [Sidenote: Garunus, Cranus.]
 Garan, or rather Cranebrooke (if my coniecture be anie thing.) The
 Garan (as Leland calleth it) or the Crane (as I doo take it) riseth
 néere to Cranebrooke, and going by Siffinghirst, it receiueth yer long
 one water that commeth by Fretingdon, and another that runneth from
 great Chard by Smerdon, and Hedcorne, crossing two rilles by the waie
 from by north, Hedcorne it selfe standing betwéene them both.
 Finallie, the Garan or Crane meeting with Midwaie south of Yalling,
 they on the one side, and the These on the other, leaue a pretie Iland
 in the middest, of foure miles in length, and two in breadth, wherein
 is some hillie soile, but neither towne nor village, so farre as I
 remember.

 From Yalling forward, the Midwaie goeth to west Farlegh, east Farlegh:
 and yer it come at Maidstone, it interteineth a rill that riseth short
 of Ienham, and goeth by Ledes and Otteringden, which is verie
 beneficiall to clothiers in drie yéeres: for thither they conueie
 their clothes to be thicked at the fulling milles, sometimes ten miles
 for the same: there is also at Ledes great plentie of fulling earth,
 which is a necessarie commoditie.

 Being past Maidstone, it runneth by Allington, Snodland, Halling,
 Cuckstane, and Rochester, where it passeth vnder a faire bridge of
 stone, with a verie swift course, which bridge was begun 1388 by the
 lord Iohn Cobham, the ladie Margaret his wife, and the valiant sir
 Robert Knolles, who gaue the first onset vpon that péece of worke, and
 therevnto builded a chappell of the Trinitie at the end therof, in
 testimonie of his pietie. In processe of time also one Iohn Warner of
 Rochester made the new coping thereof; and archbishop Warham of
 Canturburie the iron barres: the bishops also of that see were not
 slacke in their beneuolence and furtherances toward that worke,
 especiallie Walter Merton founder of Merton college in Oxford, who by
 misfortune perished by falling from the same, as he rode to surueie
 the workemen. Being past Rochester, this noble riuer goeth to Chatham,
 Gillingham, Vpchurch, and soone after branching, it imbraceth the
 Greene at his fall, as his two heads doo Ashdon forrest, that lieth
 betwéene them both.




 OF SUCH STREAMES AS FALL INTO THE SEA, BETWEENE THE THAMES AND THE
 MOUTH OF THE SAUERNE.

 CHAP. XII.


 [Sidenote: Stoure.]
 After the Midwaie we haue the Stoure that riseth at Kingeswood, which
 [Sidenote: Nailburne water also (as I heare) neer to Cantwarbirie,
 but I wote not whereabouts: sée _Marianus Scotus_.]
 is fourtéene or fifteene miles from Canturburie. This riuer passeth by
 Ashford, Wie, Nackington, Canturburie, Fordish, Standish, and
 Sturemouth, where it receiueth another riuer growing of three
 branches. After our Stoure or Sture parteth it self in twaine, & in
 such wise, that one arme therof goeth toward the north, and is called
 (when it commeth at the sea) the north mouth of Stoure; the other
 runneth southeastward vp to Richborow, and so to Sandwich, from whence
 it goeth northeast againe and falleth into the sea. The issue of this
 later tract is called the hauen of Sandwich. And peraduenture the
 streame that commeth downe thither, after the diuision of the Stoure,
 [Sidenote: Wantsome.]
 maie be the same which Beda calleth Wantsome; but as I cannot vndoo
 this knot at will, so this is certeine, that the Stoure on the one
 side, and peraduenture the Wantsome on the other, parteth and cutteth
 the Tenet from the maine land of Kent, whereby it is left for an
 Iland.

 There are other little brookes which fall into the Stoure, whereof
 Leland speaketh, as Fishpoole becke that ariseth in Stonehirst wood,
 and meeteth with it foure miles from Canturburie: another beginneth at
 Chislet, and goeth into the Stoure gut, which sometime inclosed
 Thanet, as Leland saith: the third issueth out of the ground at
 Northburne (where Eadbert of Kent sometime past held his palace) and
 runneth to Sandwich hauen, as the said authour reporteth: and the
 fourth called Bridgewater that riseth by S. Marie Burne church, and
 going by Bishops Burne, meeteth with Canturburie water at Stourmouth:
 also Wiham that riseth aboue Wiham short of Adsam, and falleth into
 Bridgewater at Dudmill, or Wenderton: and the third namelesse, which
 riseth short of Wodensburgh (a towne wherein Hengist & the Saxons
 honored their grand idoll Woden, or Othine) and goeth by Staple to
 Wingam: but sith they are obscure I will not touch them here. From
 hence passing by the Goodwine, a plot verie perilous for sea-faring
 men (sometime firme land, that is, vntill the tenth of the conquerours
 sonne, whose name was William Rufus, and wherein a great part of the
 inheritance of erle Goodwine in time past was knowne to lie) but
 [Sidenote: Dour.]
 escaping it with ease, we came at length to Douer. In all which voiage
 we found no streame, by reason of the cliffes that inuiron the said
 coast. Howbeit vpon the south side of Douer, there is a pretie fresh
 riuer, whose head ariseth at Erwell, not passing foure miles from the
 sea, and of some is called Dour, which in the British toong is a
 common name for waters, as is also the old British word Auon for the
 greatest riuers, into whose mouthes or falles shippes might find safe
 entrance; and therefore such are in my time called hauens, a new word
 growen by an aspiration added to the old: the Scots call it Auen. But
 more of this else-where, sith I am now onelie to speake of Dour,
 wherof it is likelie that the towne & castell of Douer did sometime
 take the name. From hence we go toward the Camber (omitting
 peraduenture here and there sundrie small creeks void of backwater by
 [Sidenote: Rother.]
 the waie) whereabouts the Rother a noble riuer falleth into the sea.
 This Rother separateth Sussex from Kent, and hath his head in Sussex,
 not farre from Argas hill néere to Waterden forrest, and from thence
 directeth his course vnto Rotherfield. After this it goeth to
 Ethlingham or Hitchingham, and so foorth by Newendon vnto Mattham
 ferrie, where it diuideth it selfe in such wise, that one branch
 thereof goeth to Appledoure (where is a castell sometime builded by
 the Danes, in the time of Alfred, as they did erect another at
 Middleton, and the third at Beamflete) and at this towne, where it
 [Sidenote: Bilie.]
 méeteth the Bilie that riseth about Bilsington, the other by Iden, so
 that it includeth a fine parcell of ground called Oxneie, which in
 time past was reputed as a parcell of Sussex; but now vpon some
 occasion or other (to me vnknowne) annexed vnto Kent. From hence also
 growing into some greatnesse, it runneth to Rie, where it méeteth
 [Sidenote: Becke.]
 finallie with the Becke, which commeth from Beckleie: so that the plot
 wherein Rie standeth, is in manner a by-land or peninsula, as
 experience doth confirme. Leland and most men are of the likeliest
 [Sidenote: Limenus.]
 opinion, that this riuer should be called the Limen, which (as Peter
 of Cornhull saith) doth issue out of Andredeswald, where the head
 thereof is knowne to be. Certes, I am of the opinion, that it is
 called the Rother vnto Appledoure, & from thence the Limen, bicause
 the Danes are noted to enter into these parts by the Limen; and
 sailing on the same to Appledoure, did there begin to fortifie, as I
 haue noted alreadie. Howbeit, in our time it is knowne by none other
 name than the Rother or Appledoure water, whereof let this suffice.

 Being thus crossed ouer to the west side of Rie hauen, & in vewing the
 issues that fall into the same, I meet first of all with a water that
 groweth of two brookes, which come downe by one chanell into the east
 side of the mouth of the said port. The first therfore that falleth
 into it descendeth from Beckleie or thereabouts (as I take it) the
 next runneth along by Pesemarsh, & soone after ioining with all, they
 hold on as one, till they fall into the same at the westerlie side of
 Rie: the third streame commeth from the north, and as it mounteth vp
 not farre from Munfield, so it runneth betweene Sescambe and
 Wacklinton néere vnto Bread, taking another rill withall that riseth
 (as I heare) not verie far from Westfield. There is likewise a fourth
 that groweth of two heads betweene Ielingham and Pet, and going by
 Winchelseie it méeteth with all about Rie hauen, so that Winchelseie
 standeth inuironed on thrée parts with water, and the streames of
 these two that I haue last rehearsed.

 The water that falleth into the Ocean, a mile by southwest of,
 [Sidenote: Aestus.]
 Hastings or therabouts, is called Æstus or Asten: perhaps of Hasten or
 Hasting the Dane, (who in time past was a plague to France and
 England) & rising not far from Penhirst, it meeteth with the sea (as I
 [Sidenote: Buluerhithe.]
 heare) by east of Hollington. Buluerhith is but a creeke (as I
 remember) serued with no backewater; and so I heare of Codding or Old
 hauen, wherefore I meane not to touch them.

 [Sidenote: Peuenseie.]
 Into Peuenseie hauen diuerse waters doo resort, and of these, that
 which entereth into the same on the east side riseth out from two
 [Sidenote: Ash.]
 [Sidenote: Burne.]
 heads, whereof the most easterlie is called Ash, the next vnto the
 Burne, and vniting themselues not farre from Ashburne, they continue
 their course vnder the name and tide of Ashburne water, as I read. The
 second that commeth thereinto issueth also of two heads, whereof the
 one is so manie miles from Boreham, the other not far from the Parke
 east of Hellingstowne, and both of them concurring southwest of
 Hirstmowsen, they direct their course toward Peuenseie (beneath which
 they méet with another rising at Foington) and thence go in one
 chanell for a mile or more, till they fall togither into Peuenseie
 [Sidenote: Cucomarus.]
 hauen. The Cuckmer issueth out at seuerall places, and hereof the more
 easterlie branch commeth from Warbleton ward, the other from Bishops
 wood, and méeting beneath Halling, they run one bottome by Micham,
 Arlington, Wellington, old Frithstan, and so into the sea.

 [Sidenote: Isis.]
 [Sidenote: Ni fallor.]
 Vnto the water that commeth out at Newhauen, sundrie brookes and
 riuerets doo resort, but the chiefe head riseth toward the west,
 somewhat betwéene Etchinford and Shepleie, as I heare. The first water
 therefore that falleth into the same on the east side, issueth out of
 the ground about Vertwood, and running from thence by Langhton and
 Ripe, on the west side; it falleth into the aforesaid riuer beneath
 Forle and Glime, or thrée miles lower than Lewis, if the other buttall
 like you not. The next herevnto hath his head in Argas hill, the third
 descendeth from Ashedon forrest, and ioining with the last mentioned,
 they crosse the maine riuer a little beneath Isefield. The fourth
 water commeth from Ashedon forrest by Horstéed Caines (or Ousestate
 Caines) and falleth into the same, likewise east of Linfield. Certes I
 am deceiued if this riuer be not called Isis, after it is past
 [Sidenote: Sturewell.]
 Isefield. The fift riseth about Storuelgate, and meeteth also with the
 maine streame aboue Linfield, and these are knowen to lie vpon the
 right hand as we rowed vp the riuer. On the other side are onelie two,
 whereof the first hath his originall neere vnto Wenefield, and holding
 on his course toward the east, it meeteth with his maister betweene
 Newicke and Isefield (or Ifield) as some read it. The last of all
 [Sidenote: Plimus.]
 commeth from Plimodune or Plumpton, and hauing met in like sort with
 the maine riuer about Barcham, it runneth foorth with it, & they rest
 in one chanell by Barcham, Hamseie, Malling, Lewis, Piddingburne, and
 so foorth into the maine.

 [Sidenote: Soru.]
 The next riuer that we came vnto west of Brighthemston is the Sore,
 which notwithstanding I find to be called Brember water, in the
 ancient map of Marton colledge in Oxford: but in such sort (as I take
 it) as the Rother or Limen is called Appledoure streame, bicause of
 the said towne that standeth thervpon. But to procéed, it is a
 pleasant water, & thereto if you consider the situation of his armes,
 and branches from the higher grounds, verie much resembling a foure
 stringed whip. Whereabout the head of this riuer is, or which of these
 branches may safelie be called Sora from the rising, in good sooth I
 cannot say. For after we had passed nine or ten mils thereon vp into
 the land, suddenlie the crosse waters stopped vs, so that we were
 inforced to turne either east or west, for directlie foorth right we
 had no waie to go. The first arme on the right hand as we went, riseth
 out of a parke by south of Alborne, and going on for a certeine space
 toward the northwest, it turneth southward betwéene Shermonburie and
 [Sidenote: Bimarus.]
 Twinham, and soone after méeteth with the Bimar, not much south from
 Shermonburie, whence they run togither almost two miles, till they
 fall into the Sore. That on the west side descendeth from about
 Billingeshirst, & going toward the east, it crosseth with the fourth
 (which riseth a litle by west of Thacam) east from Pulborow, and so
 they run as one into the Sore, that after this confluence hasteth it
 selfe southward by Brember, Burleis, the Combes, and yer long into the
 Ocean.

 [Sidenote: Arunus.]
 The Arun (of which beside Arundell towne the castell and the vallie
 wherin it runneth is called Vallis Aruntina, or Arundale in English)
 is a goodlie water, and thereto increased with no small number of
 excellent & pleasant brookes. It springeth vp of two heads, whereof
 one descendeth from the north not far from Gretham, and going by Lis,
 méeteth with the next streame (as I gesse) about Doursford house. The
 second riseth by west from the hils that lie toward the rising of the
 sunne from East maine, and runneth by Peterfield. The third commeth
 from Beriton ward, and ioineth with the second betwéene Peterfield and
 Doursford, after which confluence they go togither in one chanell
 still toward the east (taking a rill with them that c[=o]mmeth
 betwéene Fernehirst and S. Lukes chappell, southwest of Linchmere, and
 meeting with it east of Loddesworth (as I doo read, and likewise
 sundrie other in one chanell beneath Stopham) to Waltham, Burie,
 Houghton, Stoke, Arundell, Tortington ford, Climping (all on the west
 side) and so into the sea.

 Hauing thus described the west side of Arun, let vs doo the like with
 the other in such sort as we best may. The first riuer that we come
 vnto therfore on the east side, and also the second, rise of sundrie
 places in S. Leonards forrest, & ioining a little aboue Horsham, they
 méet with the third, which commeth from Ifield parke, not verie farre
 from Slinfeld. The fourth hath two heads, whereof one riseth in
 Witleie parke, the other by west, neere vnto Heselméere chappell, and
 meeting by west of Doursfeld, they vnite themselues with the chanell,
 growing by the confluence that I spake of beneath Slinfeld, a little
 aboue Billingshirst. The last water commeth from the hils aboue
 Linchemere, and runneth west and south, and passing betwéene
 Billingshirst and Stopham it commeth vnto the chanell last mentioned,
 and so into the Arun beneath Stopham, without anie further increase,
 at the least that I doo heare of.

 [Sidenote: Burne.]
 Burne hath his issue in a parke néere Aldingburrie (or rather a little
 aboue the same toward the north, as I haue since beene informed) and
 running by the bottomes toward the south, it falleth betwéene north
 [Sidenote: Elin.]
 Berflete and Flesham. Erin riseth of sundrie heads, by east of
 Erinleie, and directing his course toward the sunne rising, it
 peninsulateth Seleseie towne on the southwest and Pagham at northwest.
 [Sidenote: Del[=u]s.]
 Deel springeth about Benderton, and thence running betwéene middle
 Lauant and east Lauant, it goeth by west of west Hampnet, by east of
 Chichester, or west of Rumbaldesdowne, and afterward by Fishburne,
 where it meeteth with a rill comming north west from Funtingdon (a
 little beneath the towne) & then running thus in one streame toward
 the sea, it méeteth with another rillet comming by north of Bosham,
 and so into Auant gulfe by east of Thorneie Iland.

 [Sidenote: Racunus.]
 The Racon riseth by east of Racton or Racodunum (as Leland calleth it)
 and comming by Chidham, it falleth into the sea, northeast of Thorneie
 [Sidenote: Emill.]
 aforesaid. The Emill commeth first betwéene Racton and Stansted, then
 downe to Emilsworth or Emmesworth, & so vnto the Ocean, separating
 Sussex from Hampshire almost from the very head. Hauing in this maner
 passed along the coasts of Sussex, the next water that I remember,
 riseth by east of the forrest of Estbirie, from whence it goeth by
 Southwike, west Burhunt, Farham, and so into the gulfe almost full
 [Sidenote: Badunus forte.]
 south. Then come we to Bedenham creeke (so called of a village
 standing thereby) the mouth whereof lieth almost directlie against
 Porchester castell, which is situat about three miles by water from
 Portesmouth towne, as Leland dooth report. Then go we within halfe a
 [Sidenote: Forten or Fordon.]
 mile further to Forten creeke, which either giueth or taketh name of a
 [Sidenote: Osterpoole.]
 village hard by. After this we come to Osterpoole lake, a great
 créeke, that goeth vp by west into the land, and lieth not far from a
 round turret of stone, from whence also there goeth a chaine to
 another tower on the east side directlie ouer against it, the like
 whereof is to be séene in diuerse other hauens of the west countrie,
 wherby the entrance of great vessels into that part may be at pleasure
 restreined.

 From hence we go further to Tichefeld water, that riseth about
 [Sidenote: Tichefield.]
 Eastmaine parke, ten or twelue miles by northeast or there abouts from
 Tichefeld. From Eastmaine it goeth (parting the forrests of Waltham,
 and Eastberie by the way) to Wicham or Wicombe, a pretie market towne
 & large throughfare, where also the water separateth it selfe into two
 armelets, and going vnder two bridges of wood commeth yer long againe
 vnto one chanell. From hence it goeth three or foure miles further, to
 a bridge of timber by maister Writhoseleies house (leauing Tichfeld
 towne on the right side) and a little beneath runneth vnder Ware
 bridge, whither the sea floweth as hir naturall course inforceth.
 Finallie, within a mile of this bridge it goeth into the water of
 Hampton hauen, whervnto diuerse streames resort, as you shall heare
 hereafter.

 [Sidenote: Hamelrish.]
 After this we come to Hamble hauen, or Hamelrish créeke, whose fall is
 betwéene saint Andrewes castell, and Hoke. It riseth about Shidford in
 Waltham forrest, & when it is past Croke bridge, it méeteth with
 another brooke, which issueth not farre from Bishops Waltham, out of
 sundrie springs in the high waie on Winchester, from whence it passeth
 (as I said) by Bishops Waltham, then to Budeleie or Botleie, and then
 ioining with the Hamble, they run togither by Prowlingsworth, Vpton,
 Brusill, Hamble towne, and so into the sea.

 [Sidenote: Southhampton.]
 Now come we to the hauen of Southhampton, by Ptolomie called Magnus
 portus, which I will briefelie describe so néere as I can possiblie.
 The bredth or entrie of the mouth hereof (as I take it) is by
 estimation two miles from shore to shore. At the west point therof
 also is a strong castell latelie builded, which is rightlie named
 Caldshore, but now Cawshot, I wote not by what occasion. On the east
 side thereof also is a place called Hoke (afore mentioned) or Hamell
 hoke; wherein are not aboue thrée or foure fisher houses, not worthie
 to be remembred. This hauen shooteth vp on the west side by the space
 of seuen miles, vntill it come to Hampton towne, standing on the other
 side, where it is by estimation a mile from land to land. Thence it
 goeth vp further about thrée miles to Redbridge, still ebbing and
 flowing thither, and one mile further, so farre as my memorie dooth
 serue mée. Now it resteth that I describe the Alresford streame, which
 some doo call the Arre or Arle, and I will procéed withall in this
 order following.

 [Sidenote: Alresford.]
 The Alresford beginneth of diuerse faire springs, about a mile or more
 fr[=o] Alresford, or Alford as it is now called, and soone after
 resorting to one bottome, they become a broad lake, which for the most
 part is called Alford pond. Afterward returning againe to a narrow
 chanell, it goeth through a stone bridge at the end of Alford towne
 (leauing the towne it selfe on the left hand) toward Hicthingstocke
 thrée miles off, but yer it commeth there, it receiueth two rils in
 one bottome, whereof one commeth from the Forrest in maner at hand,
 and by northwest of old Alresford, the other fr[=o] Browne Candiuer,
 that goeth by Northenton, Swarewotton, Aberstone, &c: vntill we méet
 with the said water beneath Alford towne. Being past Hichinstocke, it
 commeth by Auington to Eston village, and to Woorthie, where it
 beginneth to branch, and ech arme to part it selfe into other that
 resort to Hide and the lower soiles by east of Winchester, there
 seruing the stréets, the close of S. Maries, Wolueseie, and the new
 college verie plentifullie with their water. But in this meane while,
 the great streame commeth from Worthie to the east bridge, and so to
 saint Elizabeth college, where it dooth also part in twaine,
 enuironing the said house in most delectable maner. After this it
 goeth toward S. Crosses, leauing it a quarter of a mile on the right
 hand: then to Twiford (a mile lower) where it gathereth againe into
 [Sidenote: Otter.]
 one bottome, and goeth six miles further to Woodmill, taking the Otter
 brooke withall on the east side, and so into the salt créeke that
 leadeth downe to the hauen.

 On the other side of Southhampton, there resorteth into this hauen
 [Sidenote: Stocke.]
 also both the Test & the Stockbridge water in one bottome, whereof I
 find this large description insuing. The verie head of the
 Stockewater, is supposed to be somewhere about Basing stoke, or church
 Hockleie, and going from thence betwéene Ouerton and Steuenton, it
 commeth at last by Lauerstocke & Whitchurch, and soone after receiuing
 [Sidenote: Bourne.]
 a brooke by northwest, called the Bourne (descending from S. Marie
 Bourne, southeast from Horsseburne) it procéedeth by Long paroch and
 the wood, till it meet with the Cranburne, on the east side (a pretie
 riuelet rising about Michelneie, and going by Fullington, Barton, and
 to Cramburne) thence to Horwell in one bottome, beneath which it
 meeteth with the Andeuer water, that is increased yer it come there by
 an other brooke, whose name I doo not know. This Andeuer streame
 riseth in Culhamshire forrest, not far by north from Andeuer towne,
 and going to vpper Clatford, yer it touch there it receiueth the rill
 of which I spake before, which rising also néere vnto Anport, goeth to
 Monketon, to Abbatesham, the Andeuer, and both (as I said) vnto the
 Test beneath Horwell, whereof I spake euen now.

 These streames being thus brought into one bottome, it runneth toward
 the south vnder Stockbridge, and soone after diuiding it selfe in
 twaine, one branch thereof goeth by Houghton, & a little beneath
 meeteth with a rill, that commeth from bywest of S. Ans hil, and goeth
 by east of vpper Wallop, west of nether Wallop, by Bucholt forrest,
 [Sidenote: Valopius.]
 Broughton, and called (as I haue béene informed) the Gallop, but now
 it is named Wallop. The other arme runneth through the parke, by north
 west of kings Somburne, and vniting themselues againe, they go forth
 [Sidenote: Test.]
 by Motteshunt, and then receiue the Test, a pretie water rising in
 Clarendun parke, that goeth by west Deane, and east Deane, so to
 Motteshunt, and finallie to the aforesaid water, which from
 thencefoorth is called the Test, euen vnto the sea. But to procéed.
 After this confluence, it taketh the gate to Kimbebridge, then to
 Rumseie, Longbridge, and beneath the same receiueth a concourse of two
 rilles whereof the one commeth from Sherefield, the other from the new
 Forrest, and ioining in Wadeleie parke, they beat vpon the Test, not
 verie farre from Murseling. From thence the Test goeth vnder a pretie
 bridge, before it come at Redbridge, from whence it is not long yer it
 fall into the hauen.

 The next riuer that runneth into this port, springeth in the new
 [Sidenote: Eling.]
 Forrest, and commeth thereinto about Eling, not passing one mile by
 west of the fall of Test. From hence casting about againe into the
 maine sea, and leauing Calde shore castell on the right hand, we
 directed our course toward the southwest, vnto Beaulieu hauen,
 [Sidenote: Mineie.]
 whereinto the Mineie descendeth. The Mineie riseth not far from
 Mineiestéed, a village in the north part of the new Forrest; and going
 by Beaulieu, it falleth into the sea southwest (as I take it) of
 Exburie, a village standing vpon the shore.

 [Sidenote: Limen.]
 Being past the Mineie, we crossed the Limen as it is now called, whose
 head is in the verie hart of the new Forrest (sometime conuerted into
 a place of nourishment for déere by William Rufus, buieng his pleasure
 with the ruine of manie towns and villages, as diuerse haue inclosed
 or inlarged their parks by the spoile of better occupiengs) & running
 southwest of Lindhirst & the parke, it goeth by east of Brokenhirst,
 west of Bulder, & finallie into the sea south and by east of
 Lemington. I take this not to be the proper name of the water, but of
 the hauen, for Limen in Gréeke is an hauen: so that Limendune is
 nothing else, but a downe or higher plot of ground lieng on the hauen:
 neuerthelesse, sith this denomination of the riuer hath now hir frée
 passage, I think it not conuenient to séeke out any other name that
 should be giuen vnto it. The next fall that we passed by is namelesse,
 [Sidenote: Bure.]
 [Sidenote: Milis.]
 except it be called Bure, & as it descendeth from new Forrest, so the
 next vnto it hight Mile, as I haue heard in English. Certes the head
 thereof is also in the southwest part of the said Forrest, & the fall
 not far from Milford bridge, beyond the which I find a narrow going or
 strictland leading fr[=o] the point to Hirst castell which standeth
 into the sea, as if it hoong by a thred, from the maine of the Iland,
 readie to be washed awaie by the continuall working and dailie beating
 of the waues.

 [Sidenote: Auon.]
 The next riuer that we came vnto of anie name is the Auon, which (as
 Leland saith) riseth by northeast, and not far from Woolfehall in
 Wiltshire, supposed to be the same which Ptolomie called Halenus. The
 first notable bridge that it runneth vnto, is at Vphauen, thence foure
 miles further it goeth to little Ambresburie, and there is another
 bridge, from thence to Woodford village, standing at the right hand
 banke, and Newton village on the left. The bishops of Sarum had a
 proper manor place at Woodford, which bishop Sharton pulled downe
 altogither, bicause it was somewhat in ruine. Thence it goeth to
 Fisherton bridge, to Cranebridge, old Salisburie, new Salisburie, and
 finallie to Harnham, which is a statelie bridge of stone, of six
 arches at the least. There is at the west end of the said bridge, a
 little Iland, that lieth betwixt this and another bridge, of foure
 pretie arches, and vnder this later runneth a good round streame,
 which (as I take it) is a branch of Auon, that breaketh out a little
 aboue, & soone after it reuniteth it selfe againe: or else that Wilton
 water hath there his entrie into the Auon, which I cannot yet
 determine. From Harneham bridge it goeth to Dounton, that is about
 foure miles, and so much in like sort from thence to Fordingbridge, to
 Ringwood bridge fiue miles, to Christes church Twinham fiue miles, and
 streight into the sea; and hitherto Leland of this streame, which for
 the worthinesse thereof (in mine opinion) is not sufficientlie
 described. Wherefore I thinke good to deliuer a second receiued of
 another, which in more particular maner dooth exhibit his course vnto
 vs.

 Certes this Auon is a goodlie riuer, rising (as I said before néere)
 vnto Wolfe hall; although he that will séeke more scrupulouslie for
 the head in déed, must looke for the same about the borders of the
 forrest of Sauernake (that is Soure oke) which lieth as if it were
 imbraced betwéene the first armes thereof, as I haue beene informed.
 These heads also doo make a confluence by east of Martinshall hill,
 and west of Wootton. From whence it goeth to Milton, Powseie,
 Manningfield abbeie, Manningfield crosse, and beneath Newington taketh
 in one rill west from Rudborow, and another a little lower that riseth
 also west of Alcanninges, and runneth into the same by Patneie,
 Merden, Wilford, Charleton, and Rustisall. Being therefore past
 Newington, it goeth to Vphauen (whereof Leland speaketh) to
 Chesilburie, Compton, Ablington, little Almsburie, Darntford,
 Woodford, old Salisburie, and so to new Salisburie, where it receiueth
 one notable riuer from by northwest, & another from north east, which
 two I will first describe, leauing the Auon at Salisburie for a while.
 [Sidenote: Wilugh.]
 The first of these is called the Wilugh, whereof the whole shire dooth
 take hir name, and not of the great plentie of willowes growing
 therein, as some fantasticall heads doo imagine: whereof also there is
 more plentie in that countrie than is to be found in other places. It
 riseth among the Deuerels, and running thence by hill Deuerell, &
 Deuerell long bridge, it goeth toward Bishops straw, taking in one
 rill by west & another from Vpton by Werminster at northwest. From
 Bishops straw it goeth to Norton, Vpton, Badhampton, Steplinford, and
 Stapleford, where it meeteth with the Winterburie water from by north,
 descending from Maddenton by Winterburne. From Stapleford it hasteth
 to Wishford, Newton, Chilhampton, Wilton: and thither commeth a water
 vnto it from southwest, which riseth of two heads aboue Ouerdonet.
 After this it goeth by Wordcastell, to Tisburie, and there receiueth a
 water on ech side, whereof one commeth from Funthill, the other from
 two issues (of which one riseth at Austie, the other at Swalodise) and
 so keeping on still with his course, our Wilugh runneth next of all by
 Sutton. Thence it goeth to Fouant, Boberstocke, Southburcombe, Wilton
 [Sidenote: Nader becke.]
 (where it taketh in the Fomington or Nader water) Westharnam,
 Salisburie, and Eastharnam: and this is the race of Wilugh.

 The other is a naked arme or streame without anie branches. It riseth
 aboue Colingburne Kingston in the hils, and thence it goeth to
 Colingburne, the Tidworths (whereof the more southerlie is in
 Wiltshire) Shipton, Cholterton, Newton, Toneie, Idmerson, Porton, the
 Winterburns, Lauerstocke, and so into Auon east of Salisburie. And
 thus is the confluence made of the aforesaid waters, with this our
 [Sidenote: Becquith brooke.]
 second Auon, whereinto another water falleth (called Becquithes
 brooke) a mile beneath Harneham bridge, whose head is fiue miles from
 Sarum, and thrée miles aboue Becquithes bridge, as Leland doth
 [Sidenote: Chalkeburne.]
 remember, who noteth the Chalkeburne water to haue his due recourse
 also at this place into the aforesaid riuer. Certes it is a pretie
 brooke, and riseth six miles from Shaftesburie, and in the waie toward
 Salisburie in a bottome on the right hand, whence it commeth by
 Knighton and Fennistratford, to Honington, that is about twelue miles
 from the head, and about two miles and an halfe from Honington beneath
 Odstocke, goeth into the Auon, a mile lower than Harnham bridge,
 except he forget himselfe. This Harnham, whereof I now intreat, was
 sometime a pretie village before the erection of new Salisburie, and
 had a church of S. Martine belonging vnto it, but now in stéed of this
 church, there is onelie a barne standing in a verie low mead on the
 northside of S. Michaels hospitall. The cause of the relinquishing of
 it was the moistnesse of the soile, verie oft ouerflowne. And whereas
 the kings high waie laie sometime through Wilton, licence was obteined
 of the king and Richard bishop of Salisburie, to remooue that passage
 vnto new Salisburie in like maner, and vpon this occasion was the
 [Sidenote: Thrée towns decaied by changing one waie.]
 maine bridge made ouer Auon at Harneham. By this exchange of the waie
 also old Salisburie fell into vtter decaie, & Wilton which was before
 the head towne of the shire, and furnished with twelue parish
 churches, grew to be but a poore village, and of small reputation.
 Howbeit, this was not the onelie cause of the ruine of old Salisburie,
 sith I read of two other, whereof the first was a salue vnto the
 latter, as I take it. For whereas it was giuen out, that the townesmen
 wanted water in old Salisburie, it is flat otherwise; sith that hill
 is verie plentifullie serued with springs and wels of verie swéet
 water. The truth of the matter therefore is this.

 [Sidenote: An holie conflict.]
 In the time of ciuill warres, the souldiors of the castell and chanons
 of old Sarum fell at ods, insomuch that after often bralles, they fell
 at last to sad blowes. It happened therefore in a rogation weeke that
 the cleargie going in solemne procession, a controuersie fell betwéene
 them about certeine walkes and limits, which the one side claimed and
 the other denied. Such also was the hot intertainment on ech part,
 that at the last the Castellanes espieng their time, gate betwéene the
 cleargie and the towne, and so coiled them as they returned homeward,
 that they feared anie more to gang about their bounds for the yeare.
 Héerevpon the people missing their bellie cheare (for they were woont
 to haue banketing at euerie station, a thing commonlie practised by
 the religious in old time, wherewith to linke in the commons vnto
 them, whom anie man may lead whither he will by the bellie, or as
 Latimer said, with beefe, bread and beere) they conceiued foorthwith a
 deadlie hatred against the Castellans. But not being able to cope with
 them by force of armes, they consulted with Richard Pore their bishop,
 and he with them so effectuallie, that it was not long yer they, I
 meane the chanons, began a new church vpon a péece of their owne
 ground called Mirifield, pretending to serue God there in better
 safetie, and with far more quietnesse than they could doo before. This
 [Sidenote: New Salisburie begun.]
 church was begun 1219, the nine and twentith of Aprill, and finished
 with the expenses of 42000 marks, in the yeare 1260, and fiue &
 twentith of March, whereby it appeereth that it was aboue fortie yéers
 in hand, although the clearks were translated to the new towne 1220,
 or the third yeere after the fraie. The people also séeing the
 diligence of the chanons, and reputing their harmes for their owne
 inconuenience, were as earnest on the other side to be néere vnto
 these prelats, and therefore euerie man brought his house vnto that
 place, & thus became old Sarum in few yeeres vtterlie desolate, and
 new Salisburie raised vp in stéed thereof, to the great decaie also of
 Harnham and Wilton, whereof I spake of late. Neuerthelesse it should
 séeme to me that this new citie is not altogither void of some great
 hinderances now and then by water: for in the second of Edward the
 second (who held a parlement there) there was a sudden thaw after a
 great frost, which caused the waters so fast to arise, that euen at
 high masse time the water came into the minster, and not onelie
 ouerflowed the nether part of the same, but came vp all to the kings
 pauase where he sate, whereby he became wetshod, and in the end
 inforced to leaue the church, as the executour did his masse, least
 they should all haue béene drowned: and this rage indured there for
 the space of two daies, wherevpon no seruice could be said in the said
 minster.

 Now to returne againe from whence I thus digressed. Our Auon therefore
 departing from Salisburie, goeth by Burtford, Longford, and taking in
 the waters afore mentioned by the waie, it goeth by Stanleie,
 Dunketon, Craiford, Burgate, Fording bridge, Ringwood, Auon, Christes
 church; and finallie into the sea. But yer it come all there & a litle
 [Sidenote: Sturus.]
 beneth Christes church, it crosseth the Stoure or Sture, a verie faire
 streame, whose course is such as may not be left vntouched. It riseth
 of six heads, whereof thrée lie on the north side of the parke at
 Sturton within the pale, the other rise without the parke; & of this
 riuer the towne and baronie of Sturton dooth take his name as I gesse,
 for except my memorie do too much faile me, the lord Sturton giueth
 the six heads of the said water in his armes. But to procéed. After
 these branches are conioined in one bottome, it goeth to long Laime
 mill, Stilton, Milton, and beneath Gillingham receiueth a water that
 descendeth from Mere. Thence the Sture goeth to Bugleie, Stoure,
 [Sidenote: Cale.]
 Westouer bridge, Stoure prouost, and yer long it taketh in the Cale
 water, from Pen that commeth downe by Wickhampton to Moreland, & so to
 Stapleford, seuen miles from Wickhampton, passing in the said voiage,
 by Wine Caunton, and the fiue bridges. After this confluence, it
 [Sidenote: Lidden.]
 [Sidenote: Deuilis.]
 runneth to Hinton Maries, and soone after crosseth the Lidden and
 Deuilis waters all in one chanell, whereof the first riseth in
 Blackemore vale, and goeth to the bishops Caundell: the second in the
 hils south of Pulham, and so runneth to Lidlinch; the third water
 [Sidenote: Iber.]
 issueth néere Ibberton, and going by Fifehed to Lidlington, and there
 [Sidenote: Blackewater.]
 méeting with the Lidden, they receiue the Blackewater aboue Bagburne,
 and so go into the Stoure.

 After this the Stoure runneth on to Stoureton minster, Fitleford,
 Hammond, and soone after taking in one water that commeth from
 Hargraue by west Orchard, and a second from Funtmill, it goeth on to
 Chele, Ankeford, Handford, Durweston, Knighton, Brainston, Blandford,
 Charleton: and crossing yer long a rill that riseth about Tarrent, and
 goeth to Launston, Munketon, Caunston, Tarrant, it proceedeth foorth
 by Shepwijc, and by and by receiuing another brooke on the right hand,
 that riseth about Strictland, and goeth by Quarleston, Whitchurch,
 Anderston, and Winterburne, it hasteth forward to Stoureminster,
 Berford lake, Alen bridge, Winburne, aliàs Twinburne minster, whither
 commeth a water called Alen (from Knolton, Wikehampton, Estambridge,
 Hinton, Barnsleie) which hath two heads, whereof one riseth short of
 Woodcotes, and east of Farneham, named Terig, the other at Munketon
 aboue S. Giles Winburne, and going thence to S. Giles Ashleie, it
 taketh in the Horton becke, as the Horton dooth the Cranburne.
 Finallie, meeting with the Terig aboue Knolton, they run on vnder the
 [Sidenote: This Stoure aboundeth with pike, perch, roch,
 dace, gudgeon and éeles.]
 name of Alen to the Stoure, which goeth to the Canfords, Preston,
 Kingston, Perleie, and Yolnest: but yer it come at Yolnest it taketh
 in two brookes in one bottome, whereof one commeth from Woodland parke
 by Holt parke, and Holt, another from aboue vpper Winburne, by
 Edmondesham, Vertwood, and Mannington, and ioining about S. Leonards,
 they go to Hornebridge, and so into Stoure. After which confluence,
 the said Stoure runneth by Iuor bridge, and so into Auon, leauing
 Christs church aboue the méeting of the said waters (as I haue said
 before.)

 [Sidenote: Burne.]
 Hauing in this maner passed Christes church head we come to the fall
 of the Burne, which is a little brooke running from Stourefield heath,
 without branches; from whence we proceeded: & the next fall that we
 [Sidenote: Poole.]
 come vnto is Poole, from whose mouth vpon the shore, by southwest in a
 baie of thrée miles off, is a poore fisher towne called Sandwich,
 where we saw a péere and a little fresh brooke. The verie vtter part
 of saint Adelmes point, is fiue miles from Sandwich. In another baie
 lieth west Lilleworth, where (as I heare) is some profitable
 harborough for ships. The towne of Poole is from Winburne about foure
 miles, and it standeth almost as an Ile in the hauen. The hauen it
 selfe also, if a man should measure it by the circuit, wanteth little
 of twentie miles, as I did gesse by the view.

 Going therefore into the same, betwéene the north and the south
 points, to sée what waters were there, we left Brunkeseie Iland, and
 the castell on the left hand within the said points; and passing about
 by Pole, and leauing that créeke, bicause it hath no fresh, we came by
 Holton and Kesworth, where we beheld two falles, of which one was
 called the north, the other the south waters. The north streame hight
 [Sidenote: Piddle.]
 Piddle as I heare. It riseth about Alton, and goeth from thence to
 Piddle trench head, Piddle hinton, Walterstow, and yer it come at
 [Sidenote: Deuils.]
 Birstam, receiueth Deuils brooke that commeth thither from Brugham and
 Melcombe by Deuilish towne. Thence it goeth to Tow piddle, Ashe
 piddle, Turners piddle (taking in yer it come there, a water that
 runneth from Helton by Middleton, Milburne & Biere) then to Hide, and
 so into Pole hauen, and of this water Marianus Scotus speaketh, except
 [Sidenote: Frome.]
 I be deceiued. The south water is properlie called Frome for Frame. It
 riseth néere vnto Euershot, and going downe by Fromequitaine,
 Chelmington, and Catstocke, it receiueth there a rill from beside
 Rowsham, and Wraxehall. After this it goeth on to Chilfrome, and
 [Sidenote: Ocus.]
 thence to Maden Newton, where it méeteth with the Owke, that riseth
 either two miles aboue Hoke parke at Kenford, or in the great pond
 within Hoke parke, and going by the Tollards, falleth into the Frome
 about Maden Newton, & so go as one from thence to Fromevauchirch,
 Crokewaie, Frampton, and Muckilford, and receiueth néere vnto the same
 a rill from aboue Vpsidling by S. Nicholas Sidling, and Grimston. From
 hence it goeth on by Stratton and Bradford Peuerell, and beneath this
 [Sidenote: Silleie.]
 [Sidenote: Minterne.]
 [Sidenote: Cherne.]
 Bradford, it crosseth the Silleie aliàs Minterne and Cherne brooks
 both in one chanell: whereof the first riseth in vpper Cherne parish,
 the other at Minterne, and méeting aboue middle Cherne, they go by
 nether Cherne, Forston, Godmanston, and aboue Charneminster into
 Frome. In the meane time also our Frome brancheth and leaueth an Iland
 aboue Charneminster, and ioining againe néere Dorchester, it goeth by
 Dorchester, and Forthington; but yer it come at Beckington, it méeteth
 with another Becke that runneth thereinto from Winterburne, Stapleton,
 Martinstow, Heringstow, Caine and Stafford, and from thence goeth
 without anie further increase as yet to Beckington, Knighton,
 Tinkleton, Morton, Wooll, Bindon, Stoke, & beneath Stoke receiueth the
 [Sidenote: Luckford.]
 issue of the Luckford lake, from whence also it passeth by Eastholme,
 [Sidenote: Séeke more for Wilie brooke that goeth by
 West burie to Pole hauen.]
 Warham, and so into the Baie. From this fall we went about the arme
 point by Slepe, where we saw a little créeke, then by Owre, where we
 beheld an other, & then comming againe toward the entrance by saint
 Helens, and Furleie castell, we went abroad into the maine, and found
 ourselues at libertie.

 When we were past Pole hauen, we left the Handfast point, the Peuerell
 point, S. Adelmes chappell, and came at last to Lughport hauen,
 whereby and also the Luckeford lake, all this portion of ground last
 remembred, is left in maner of a byland or peninsula, and called the
 Ile of Burbecke, wherein is good store of alum and hard stone. In like
 sort going still westerlie, we came to Sutton points, where is a
 créeke. Then vnto Waie or Wilemouth, by kings Welcombe, which is
 twentie miles from Pole, and whose head is not full foure miles aboue
 the hauen by northwest at Vphill in the side of a great hill. Hereinto
 when we were entred, we saw three falles, whereof the first and
 greatest commeth from Vpweie by Bradweie, and Radipoole, receiuing
 afterward the second that ran from east Chekerell, and likewise the
 third that maketh the ground betwéene Weimouth and Smalmouth passage
 almost an Iland. There is a little barre of sand at the hauen mouth,
 and a great arme of the sea runneth vp by the right hand; and scant a
 mile aboue the hauen mouth on the shore, is a right goodlie and
 warlike castell made, which hath one open barbicane. This arme runneth
 vp also further by a mile as in a baie, to a point of land where a
 passage is into Portland, by a little course of pibble sand. It goeth
 vp also from the said passage vnto Abbatsbirie about seauen miles off,
 where a litle fresh rondell resorteth to the sea. And somewhat aboue
 [Sidenote: Chesill.]
 this, is the head or point of the Chesill lieng northwest, which
 stretcheth vp from thence about seauen miles, as a maine narrow banke,
 by a right line vnto the southeast, and there abutteth vpon Portland
 scant a quarter of a mile aboue the Newcastle there. The nature of
 this banke is such, that so often as the wind bloweth vehementlie at
 southeast, so often the sea beateth in, and losing the banke soketh
 through it: so that if this wind should blow from that corner anie
 long time togither, Portland should be left an Iland as it hath béene
 before. But as the southwest wind dooth appaire this banke, so a
 northwest dooth barre it vp againe. It is pretie to note of the
 Townelet of Waimouth, which lieth streight against Milton on the other
 side, and of this place where the water of the hauen is but of small
 breadth, that a rope is commonlie tied from one side of the shore to
 another, whereby the ferrie men doo guide their botes without anie
 helpe of Ores. But to procéed with our purpose. Into the mouth of this
 riuer doo ships often come for succour.

 Going by Portland and the point thereof called the Rase, we sailed
 along by the Shingle, till we came by saint Katharins chappell, where
 we saw the fall of a water that came downe from Blackdéene Beaconward,
 by Portsham and Abbatsburie. Thence we went to another that fell into
 the sea, neere Birton, and descended from Litton by Chilcombe, then
 [Sidenote: Bride.]
 vnto the Bride or Brute port, a pretie hauen, and the riuer it selfe
 serued with sundrie waters. It riseth halfe a mile or more aboue
 [Sidenote: Nature hath set the mouth of this riuer in maner betwixt
 two hils, so that a little cost would make an hau[=e] there.]
 Bemister, and so goeth from Bemister to Netherburie by Parneham, then
 to Melplash, and so to Briteport, where it taketh in two waters from
 by east in one chanell, of which one riseth east of Nettlecort, and
 goeth by Porestoke and Milton, the other at Askerwell, and runneth by
 [Sidenote: Simen.]
 Longlether. From hence also our Bride going toward the sea, taketh the
 Simen on the west that commeth by Simensburge into the same, the whole
 streame soone after falling into the sea, and leauing a pretie
 hauenet.

 [Sidenote: Chare.]
 The next port is the Chare, serued with two rils in one confluence,
 beneath Charemouth. The cheefe head of this riuer is (as Leland saith)
 in Marshwood parke, and commeth downe by Whitechurch: the other
 runneth by west of Wootton, and méeting beneath Charemouth towne (as I
 said) dooth fall into the sea. Then came we to the Cobbe, and beheld
 [Sidenote: Buddle.]
 the Lime water, which the townesmen call the Buddle, which commeth
 about thrée miles by north of Lime, from the hils, fleting vpon Rockie
 soile, and so falleth into the sea. Certes, there is no hauen héere
 that I could sée, but a quarter of a mile by west southwest of the
 towne, is a great and costlie iuttie in the sea for succour of ships.
 The towne is distant from Coliton, about fiue miles. And heere we
 ended our voiage from the Auon, which conteineth the whole coast of
 Dorcester, or Dorcetshire, so that next we must enter into Summerset
 countie, and sée what waters are there.

 [Sidenote: Axe.]
 The first water that we méet withall in Summersetshire is the Axe,
 which riseth in a place called Axe knoll, longing to sir Giles
 Strangwaie, néere vnto Cheddington in Dorsetshire, from whence it
 runneth to Mosterne, Feborow, Claxton, Weiford bridge, Winsham foord,
 and receiuing one rill from the east by Hawkechurch, and soone after
 another comming from northwest by Churchstoke, from Wainbroke, it
 [Sidenote: Yare aliàs Arte.]
 goeth to Axeminster, beneath which it crosseth the Yare, that commeth
 from about Buckland, by Whitstaunton, Yarecombe, Long bridge,
 Stockeland, Kilmington bridge (where it receiueth a brooke from by
 south, that runneth by Dalwood) and so into the Axe. From hence our
 Axe goeth to Drake, Musburie, Culliford: but yer it come altogither at
 Culliford, it méeteth with a water that riseth aboue Cotleie, and
 goeth from thence by Widworthie, Culliton, and there receiuing a rill
 also, procéedeth on after the confluence aboue Culliford bridge, into
 the Axe, and from thence hold on togither into the maine sea,
 whereinto they fall vnder the roots of the winter cliffes, the points
 of them being almost a mile in sunder. The most westerlie of them
 called Berewood, lieth within halfe a mile of Seton.

 But the other toward the east is named Whitecliffe, of which I saie no
 more, but that "in the time of Athelstane, the greatest nauie that
 euer aduentured into this Iland, arriued at Seton in Deuonshire, being
 replenished with aliens that sought the conquest of this Iland, but
 Athelstane met and incountered with them in the field, where he
 ouerthrew six thousand of his aforesaid enimies. Not one of them also
 that remained aliue, escaped from the battell without some deadlie or
 verie gréeuous wound. In this conflict moreouer were slaine fiue
 kings, which were interred in the churchyard of Axe minster, and of
 the part of the king of England were killed eight earles of the chéefe
 of his nobilitie, and they also buried in the churchyard aforesaid.
 Héervnto it addeth how the bishop of Shireburne was in like sort
 slaine in this battell, that began at Brunedune neere to Coliton, and
 indured euen to Axe minster, which then was called Brunberie or
 Brunburg. The same daie that this thing happened the sunne lost his
 light, and so continued without anie brightnesse, vntill the setting
 of that planet, though otherwise the season was cléere and nothing
 cloudie."

 As for the hauen which in times past as I haue heard, hath béene at
 [Sidenote: Sidde.]
 Sidmouth (so called of Sidde a rillet that runneth thereto) and
 [Sidenote: Seton.]
 likewise at Seton, I passe it ouer, sith now there is none at all. Yet
 hath there béene sometime a notable one, albeit, that at this present
 betweene the two points of the old hauen, there lieth a mightie bar of
 pibble stones, in the verie mouth of it, and the riuer Axe is driuen
 to the verie east point of the hauen called White cliffe. Thereat also
 a verie little gull goeth into the sea, whither small fisherbotes doo
 oft resort for succour. The men of Seton began of late to stake and
 make a maine wall within the hauen to haue changed the course of the
 Axe, and (almost in the middle of the old hauen) to haue trenched
 through the Chesill, thereby to haue let out the Axe, & to haue taken
 in the maine sea, but I heare of none effect that this attempt did
 come vnto. From Seton westward lieth Coliton, about two miles by west
 [Sidenote: Colie.]
 northwest, whereof riseth the riuer Colie, which going by the
 aforesaid towne, passeth by Colecombe parke, and afterward falleth
 betweene Axe bridge and Axe mouth towne into the Axe riuer.

 By west of Bereworth point lieth a créeke, serued (so farre as I
 remember) with a fresh water that commeth from the hilles south of
 [Sidenote: Sid.]
 Soutleie or Branscombe. Sidmouth hauen is the next, and thither
 commeth a fresh water by S. Maries from the said hils, that goeth from
 S. Maries aforesaid to Sidburie, & betweene Saltcombe & Sidmouth into
 [Sidenote: Autrie aliàs Ottereie.]
 the maine sea. By west of Auterton point also lieth another hauen, and
 thither commeth a pretie riueret, whose head is in the Hackpendon
 hilles, and commeth downe first by Vpauter, then by a parke side to
 Mohuns Auter, Munketon, Honniton, Buckewell, and north of Autrie
 [Sidenote: Tale.]
 receiueth a rill called Tale, that riseth northwest of Brodemburie in
 a wood, and from whence it commeth by Pehemburie, Vinniton, and making
 a confluence with the other, they go as one betwéene Cadde and Autrie,
 to Herford, Luton, Collaton, Auterton, Budeleie, and so into the sea.
 On the west side of this hauen is Budeleie almost directly against
 Otterton. It is easie to be seene also, that within lesse space than
 one hundred yeers, ships did vse this hauen, but now it is barred vp.
 Some call it Budeleie hauen of Budeleie towne, others Salterne port,
 of a little créeke comming out of the maine hauen vnto Salterne
 village, that hath in time past béene a towne of great estimation.

 [Sidenote: Exe.]
 The Ex riseth in Exmore in Summersetshire, néere vnto Ex crosse, and
 goeth from thence vnto Exeford, Winsford, and Extun, where it
 receiueth a water comming from Cutcombe, by north. After this
 confluence it goeth on toward the south, till it méet with a pretie
 brooke rising northeast of Whettell (going by Brunton Regis) increased
 at the least with thrée rilles which come all from by north. These
 being once met, this water runneth on by west of the beacon that
 [Sidenote: Barleie.]
 beareth the name of Haddon, & soone after taketh in the Barleie, that
 [Sidenote: Done aliàs Dones broke.]
 receiueth in like sort the Done at Hawkbridge, and from hence goeth by
 Dauerton, and Combe, and then doth méet with the Exe, almost in the
 verie confines betwéene Dorset & Summersetshires. Being past this
 coniunction, our Exe passeth betwéene Brushford and Murbath, and then
 to Exe bridge, where it taketh in (as I heare) a water by west from
 east Austie: and after this likewise another on ech side, whereof one
 [Sidenote: Woodburne.]
 commeth from Dixford, and Baunton, the other called Woodburne,
 somewhat by east of Okeford. From these meetings it goeth to Caue and
 through the forrest and woods to Hatherland and Washfields, vntill it
 come to Tiuerton, and here it receiueth the Lomund water that riseth
 aboue Ashbrittle, & commeth downe by Hockworthie, vpper Loman, and so
 to Tiuerton that standeth almost euen in the verie confluence. Some
 [Sidenote: Lomund or Simming.]
 call this Lomund the Simming brooke or Sunnings bath. After this our
 Exe goeth to Bickleie, Theuerten, (taking in a rill by  west) nether
 [Sidenote: Columbe.]
 Exe, Bramford, beneath which it ioineth with the Columbe that riseth
 of one head northeast of Clarie Haidon, and of another south of
 Shildon, and méeting beneath Columbe stocke, goeth by Columbe and
 Bradfeld, and there crossing a rill that commeth by Ashford, it
 runneth south to Wood, More haies, Columbton, Brandnicke, Beare,
 Columbe Iohn, Hoxham, and ioining (as I said) with the Exe at
 Bramford, passing vnder but one bridge, yer it meet with another water
 [Sidenote: Cride.]
 [Sidenote: Forten.]
 by west, growing of the Forten and Cride waters (except it be so that
 I doo iudge amisse.) The Cride riseth aboue Wollesworthie, and néere
 vnto Vpton: after it is past Dewrish, crosseth a rill from betweene
 Puggill and Stockeleie by Stocke English, &c. From hence it goeth to
 Fulford, where it méeteth with the Forten, wherof one branch commeth
 by Caldbrooke, the other from S. Marie Tedburne, and ioining aboue
 Crediton, the chanell goeth on to the Cride, (which yer long also
 receiueth another from by north, comming by Stockeleie and Combe) then
 betwéene Haine and Newton Sires, to Pines, and so into the Exe, which
 staieth not vntill it come to Excester. From Excester (whither the
 burgesses in time past laboured to bring the same, but in vaine) it
 runneth to Were, there taking in a rill from by west, and an other
 lower by Exminster, next of all vnto Toppesham; beneath which towne
 [Sidenote: Cliuus.]
 the Cliue entreth thereinto, which rising about Plumtree, goeth by
 Cliff Haidon, Cliff Laurence, Brode Cliff, Honiton, Souton, Bishops
 Cliff, S. Marie Cliff, Cliff saint George, and then into the Exe, that
 runneth forward by Notwell court, Limston and Pouderham castell. Here
 [Sidenote: Ken.]
 (as I heare) it taketh in the Ken, or Kenton brooke (as Leland calleth
 it) comming from Holcombe parke, by Dunsdike, Shillingford, Kenford,
 Ken, Kenton, and so into Exe hauen, at whose mouth lie certeine rocks
 which they call the Checkstones, except I be deceiued. The next fall,
 whereof Leland saith nothing at all, commeth by Ashcombe and Dulish,
 and hath his head in the hilles thereby.

 [Sidenote: Teigne.]
 The Teigne mouth is the next fall that we came to, & it is a goodlie
 port foure miles from Exemouth. The head of this water is twentie
 miles from the sea at Teigne head in Dartmore among the Gidleie
 hilles. From whence it goeth to Gidleie towne, Teignton drue, where it
 [Sidenote: Crokerne.]
 receiueth the Crokerne comming from by north, and likewise an other
 west of Fulford parke. Then it goeth to Dufford, Bridford, Kirslowe,
 [Sidenote: Bouie.]
 Chidleie, Knighton, and beneath the bridge there receiueth the Bouie,
 whose course is to north Bouie, Lilleie, and Bouitracie. Thence it
 [Sidenote: Eidis.]
 runneth to kings Teignton, taking in Eidis, a brooke beneath Preston
 that commeth from Edeford by the waie. And when it is past this
 [Sidenote: Leman.]
 confluence, at kings Teignton, it crosseth the Leman, which commeth
 from Saddleton rocke by Beckington, and Newton Bushels: and soone
 [Sidenote: Aller.]
 after the Aller that riseth betwéene Danburie and Warog well,
 afterward falling into the sea by Bishops Teignton, south of
 Teignmouth towne.

 The verie vtter west point of the land, at the mouth of Teigne is
 called the Nesse, and is a verie high red cliffe. The east part of the
 hauen is named the Poles, a low sandie ground, either cast vp by the
 spuing of the sand out of the Teigne, or else throwne vp from the
 shore by the rage of wind and water. This sand occupieth now a great
 quantitie of the ground betwéene the hauen where the sand riseth, and
 Teignmouth towne, which towne (surnamed Regis) hath in time past béene
 sore defaced by the Danes, and of late time by the French.

 From Teignemouth we came to Tor baie, wherof the west point is called
 Birie, and the east Perritorie, betwéene which is little aboue foure
 miles. From Tor baie also to Dartmouth is six miles, where (saith
 Leland) I marked diuerse things. First of all vpon the east side of
 the hauen a great hillie point called Downesend, and betwixt
 Downesend, and a pointlet named Wereford is a little baie. Were it
 selfe, in like sort, is not full a mile from Downesend vpward into the
 hauen. Kingswere towne standeth out as another pointlet, and betwixt
 it & Wereford is the second baie. Somewhat moreouer aboue Kingswere
 towne goeth a little créeke vp into the land from the maine streame of
 the hauen called Waterhead, and this is a verie fit place for vessels
 to be made in. In like sort halfe a mile beyond this into the landward
 goeth another longer créeke, and aboue that also a greater than either
 of these called Gawnston, whose head is here not halfe a mile from the
 maine sea, by the compassing thereof, as it runneth in Tor baie.

 [Sidenote: Dart.]
 The riuer of Dart or Darent (for I read Derenta muth for Dartmouth)
 commeth out of Dartmore fiftéene miles aboue Totnesse, in a verie
 large plot, and such another wild morish & forrestie ground as Exmore
 is. Of it selfe moreouer this water is verie swift, and thorough
 occasion of tin-workes whereby it passeth, it carrieth much sand to
 Totnesse bridge, and so choketh the depth of the riuer downeward, that
 the hauen it selfe is almost spoiled by the same. The mariners of
 Dartmouth accompt this to be about a kenning from Plimmouth. The
 Darent therefore proceeding from the place of his vprising, goeth on
 to Buckland, from whence it goeth to Buckland hole; and soone after
 [Sidenote: Ashburne.]
 [Sidenote: Buckfastlich.]
 taking in the Ashburne water on the one side that runneth from
 Saddleton rocke by north, and the Buckfastlich that commeth from north
 west, it runneth to Staunton, Darington, Hemston, and there also
 crossing a rill on ech side passeth foorth to Totnesse, Bowden, and
 [Sidenote: Hartburne.]
 aboue Gabriell Stoke, méeteth with the Hartburne that runneth vnder
 Rost bridge, two miles aboue Totnes, or (as another saith) by Ratter,
 Harberton, Painesford, and Asprempton into Darent, which yon long also
 commeth to Corneworthie, Grenewaie, Ditsham, Darntmouth towne
 (wherevnto king Iohn gaue sometimes a maior, as he did vnto Totnesse)
 from thence betwéene the castelles, and finallie into sea.

 From hence we went by Stokeflemming to another water, which commeth
 from blacke Auton, then to the second that falleth in east of Slapton,
 and so coasting out of this baie by the Start point, we saile almost
 directlie west, till we come to Saltcombe hauen. Certes this port hath
 verie little fresh water comming to it, and therefore no meruell
 though it be barred; yet the head of it (such as it is) riseth néere
 Buckland, and goeth to Dudbrooke, which standeth betwéene two créekes.
 Thence it hieth to Charleton, where it taketh in a rill, whose head
 commeth from south and north of Shereford. Finallie it hath another
 créeke that runneth vp by Ilton: and the last of all that falleth in
 north of Portlemouth, whose head is so néere the baie last afore
 remembred, that it maketh it a sorie peninsula (as I haue heard it
 said.)

 [Sidenote: Awne.]
 Then come we to the Awne, whose head is in the hils farre aboue Brent
 towne, from whence it goeth to Dixford wood, Loddewell, Hache, Aunton,
 Thorleston, and so into the sea ouer against a rocke called S.
 [Sidenote: Arme.]
 Michaels burrow. Arme riseth aboue Harford, thence to Stoford, Iuie
 bridge, Armington bridge, Fléet, Orchardton, Ownewell, and so vnto the
 sea, which is full of flats and rocks, so that no ship commeth thither
 in anie tempest, except it be forced therto, through the vttermost
 extremitie and desperat hazard of the fearefull mariners. King Philip
 [Sidenote: Sée Hen. 7. pag. 792, 793, 794.]
 of Castile lost two ships here in the daies of king Henrie the
 seuenth, when he was driuen to land in the west countrie by the rage
 [Sidenote: Yalme.]
 of weather. Yalme goeth by Cornewood, Slade, Stratleie, Yalmeton,
 Collaton, Newton ferrie, and so into the sea, about foure miles by
 [Sidenote: Plim.]
 south east from the maine streame of Plimmouth. Being past these
 portlets, then next of all we come to Plimmouth hauen, a verie busie
 péece to describe, bicause of the numbers of waters that resort vnto
 it, & small helpe that I haue for the knowledge of their courses; yet
 will I doo what I may in this, as in the rest, and so much I hope by
 Gods grace to performe, as shall suffice my purpose in this behalfe.

 [Sidenote: Plim.]
 The Plimne or Plim, is the verie same water that giueth name to
 Plimpton towne. The mouth of this gulfe, wherein the ships doo ride,
 is walled on ech side and chained ouer in time of necessitie, and on
 the south side of the hauen is a blocke house vpon a rockie hill: but
 as touching the riuer it selfe, it riseth in the hils west of
 Cornewood, and commeth downe a short course of thrée miles to Newenham
 after it be issued out of the ground. From Newenham also it runneth to
 [Sidenote: Stoure aliàs Catwater.]
 Plimpton, and soone after into the Stoure, which Stoure ariseth
 northwest of Shepistour, & goeth fr[=o] thence to Memchurch, Hele,
 Shane, Bickleie, and so to Eford, where taking in the Plim, it runneth
 downe as one vnder the name of Plim, vntill it go past Plimmouth, and
 fall into the hauen south east of Plimmouth aforesaid. I haue
 oftentimes trauelled to find out the cause whie so manie riuers in
 England are called by this name Stoure, and at the first supposing
 that it was growne by the corruption of Dour, the British word for a
 streame, I rested thervpon as resolued for a season: but afterward
 finding the word to be méere Saxon, and that Stouremare is a prouince
 subiect to the duke of Saxonie, I yéelded to another opinion: whereby
 I conceiue that the said name was first deriued from the Saxons. But
 to returne to our purpose.

 Plimmouth it selfe standeth betweene two créeks, not serued with anie
 backewater, therefore passing ouer these two, we enter into the Thamar
 that dischargeth it selfe into the aforesaid hauen. Going therfore vp
 that streame, which for the most part parteth Deuonshire from
 [Sidenote: Taue or Tauie.]
 Cornewall, the first riueret that I met withall on the east side is
 called Tauie, the head whereof is among the mounteins foure miles
 aboue Peters Tauie, beneath which it meeteth with another water from
 by west, so that these two waters include Marie Tauie betwéene them,
 though nothing neere the confluence. From hence the Taue or Tauie
 runneth to Tauistocke, aboue which it taketh in a rill from by west,
 and another aboue north Buckland, whose head is in Dartmore, and
 commeth therevnto by Sandford and Harrow bridge. From hence it goeth
 into Thamar, by north Buckland, moonks Buckland, Beare, and Tamerton
 follie. Hauing thus dispatched the Tauie, the next that falleth in on
 [Sidenote: Lidde.]
 the east side vpwards is the Lidde, which rising in the hils aboue
 Lidford, runneth downe by Curriton and Siddenham, and so to Lidstone,
 [Sidenote: Trushell.]
 aboue which it receiueth the Trushell brooke, which rising north east
 of Brediston, goeth by Trusholton to Ibaine, where it receiueth a rill
 that commeth by Bradwood from Germanswike, and after the confluence
 runneth to Liston, and from thence into the Thamar. The next aboue
 [Sidenote: Core.]
 this is the Corewater, this ariseth somewhere about Elwell or Helwell,
 and going by Virginston, runneth on by saint Giles without anie
 increase vntill it come to Thamar. Next of all it taketh in two
 brookes not much distant in sunder, whereof the one commeth in by
 Glanton, the other from Holsworthie, and both east of Tamerton, which
 standeth on the further banke, & other side of the Thamar, and west
 northwest of Tedcote, except the quarter deceiue me.

 [Sidenote: Thamar.]
 Certes, the Thamar it selfe riseth in Summersetshire, about thrée
 miles northeast of Hartland, and in maner so crosseth ouer the whole
 west countrie betwéene sea and sea, that it leaueth Cornewall, a
 byland or peninsula. Being therefore descended from the head, by a
 tract of six miles, it commeth to Denborow, Pancrase well, Bridge
 Reuell, Tamerton, Tetcote, Luffencote, Boiton, and Wirrington, where
 [Sidenote: Arteie.]
 it meeteth with a water on the west side called Arteie, that riseth
 short of Jacobstow. Two miles in like sort fr[=o] this confluence, we
 [Sidenote: Kenseie.]
 met with the Kenseie, whose head is short of Warpeston by south east:
 from whence it goeth by Treneglos, Tremone, Tresmure, Trewen, Lanston,
 and so into the Thamar, that runneth from hence by Lowwhitton vnto
 Bradston, and going on toward Dunterton, taketh in a rill from south
 Pitherwijc, and by Lesant; beneath Dunterton also it crosseth the
 [Sidenote: Enian.]
 Enian. This riuer riseth at Dauidston, and directeth his race by saint
 Clethir, Lancast, and Trelaske first; and then vnder sundrie bridges,
 vntill it méet with the Thamar. From hence also the Thamar goeth by
 Siddenham to Calstocke bridge, Calstocke towne, Clifton, Cargreue
 (there abouts taking in a créeke aboue Landilip) and running on from
 [Sidenote: Liuer.]
 thence, hasteth toward Saltash, where it receiueth the Liuer water.
 The head of Liuer is about Broomwellie hill, from whence it goeth on
 to North hill, Lekenhorne, South hill, and taking in a rill by east
 (from aboue Kellington) it runneth on to Newton, Pillaton, Wootton,
 Blosfleming, saint Erne, and beneath this village crosseth a rillet
 that runneth thither from Bicton by Quithiocke, saint Germans, and
 Sheuiocke. But to procéed. After the confluence, it goeth betweene
 Erlie and Fro Martine castell, and soone after taking in a rill from
 by north, that passeth west of saint Steuens, it is not long yer it
 fall into the Thamar, which after this (receiuing the Milbrooke
 creeke) goeth on by Edgecombe, and betwéene saint Michaels Ile and
 Ridden point into the maine sea. And thus haue I finished the
 description of Plimmouth water, and all such falles as are betwéene
 Newston rocke on the east side, and the Ram head on the other.

 After this we procéeded on with our iournie toward the west, and
 passing by Longstone, we came soone after to Sothan baie, where we
 crossed the Seton water, whose head is about Liscard, & his course by
 [Sidenote: Sutton.]
 [Sidenote: Low.]
 Minheniet, Chafrench, Tregowike, Sutton and so into the sea. Then came
 we to Low, and going in betwéene it and Mount Ile, we find that it had
 a branched course, and thereto the confluence aboue Low. The chiefe
 head riseth in the hils, as it were two miles aboue Gaine, and going
 by that towne, it ceaseth not to continue his course east of Dulo,
 till it come a little aboue Low, where it crosseth and ioineth with
 the Brodoke water that runneth from Brodokes by Trewargo, and so into
 the sea. Next vnto these are two other rils, of which one is called
 [Sidenote: Polpir.]
 Polpir, before we come at Foy, or Fawy.

 [Sidenote: Fawie.]
 Foy or Fawy riuer riseth in Fawy moore, on the side of an hill in Fawy
 moore, from whence it runneth by certeine bridges, till it méet with
 [Sidenote: Glin.]
 the Glin water west of Glin towne, which rising aboue Temple, &
 méeting with a rill that commeth in from S. Neotes, doth fall into
 Fawy a mile and more aboue Resprin from by east. After this confluence
 then, it goeth to Resprin bridge, Lestermen castell, Lostwithiell
 bridge, Pill, saint Kingtons, saint Winnow, and Golant, and here also
 [Sidenote: Lerinus.]
 receiueth the Lerine water out of a parke, that taketh his waie into
 the maine streame by Biconke, Tethe, and the Fining house. Being thus
 vnited, it proceedeth vnto Fawy towne, taking in a rill or creeke from
 aboue it on the one side, and another beneath it south of Halling on
 the other: of which two this latter is the longest of course, sith it
 [Sidenote: Faw.]
 runneth thrée good miles before it come at the Foy. Leland writing of
 this riuer addeth verie largelie vnto it after this maner. The Fawy
 riseth in Fawy moore (about two miles from Camilford by south, and
 sixtéene miles from Fawy towne) in a verie quaue mire on the side of
 an hill. From hence it goeth to Drainesbridge, to Clobham bridge,
 Lergen bridge, New bridge, Resprin bridge, and Lostwithiell bridge,
 where it meeteth with a little brooke, and néere therevnto parteth it
 selfe in twaine. Of these two armes therefore one goeth to a bridge of
 stone, the other to another of timber, and soone after ioining againe,
 the maine riuer goeth to saint Gwinnowes, from thence also to the
 point of saint Gwinnowes wood, which is about halfe a mile from
 thence, except my memorie dooth faile me. Here goeth in a salt créeke
 halfe a mile on the east side of the hauen, and at the head of it is a
 bridge called Lerine bridge; the créeke it selfe in like maner bearing
 the same denomination.

 [Sidenote: In the middle of this créeke was a cell of S. Ciret in an
 Islet longing sometime to Mountegew a priorie.]
 From Lerine créeke, to S. Caracs pill or créeke, is about halfe a
 mile, and Lower on the east side of the said hauen: it goeth vp also
 not aboue a mile and an halfe into the land. From Caracs créeke to
 Poulmorland a mile, and this likewise goeth vp scant a quarter of a
 mile into the land, yet at the head it parteth it selfe in twaine.
 From Poulmorland vnto Bodnecke village halfe a mile, where the passage
 and repassage is commonlie to Fawy. From Bodnecke to Pelene point
 (where a créeke goeth vp not fullie a thousand paces into the land) a
 mile, thence to Poulruan a quarter of a mile, and at this Poulruan is
 a tower of force, marching against the tower on Fawy side, betwéene
 which (as I doo heare) a chaine hath sometime beene stretched, and
 likelie inough; for the hauen there is hardly two bow shot ouer. The
 verie point of land at the east side of the mouth of this hauen, is
 called Pontus crosse, but now Panuche crosse. It shall not be amisse
 in this place somewhat to intreat of the towne of Fawy, which is
 [Sidenote: Comwhath.]
 called in Cornish Comwhath, and being situat on the northside of the
 hauen, is set hanging on a maine rockie hill, being in length about
 one quarter of a mile, except my memorie deceiue me.

 The renowme of Fawy rose by the wars vnder king Edward the first,
 Edward the third, and Henrie the fift, partlie by feats of armes, and
 partlie by plaine pirasie. Finallie, the townesmen feeling themselues
 somwhat at ease and strong in their purses, they fell to merchandize,
 and so they prospered in this their new deuise, that as they trauelled
 into all places, so merchants from all countries made resort to them,
 whereby within a while they grew to be exceeding rich. The ships of
 Fawy sailing on a time by Rhie and Winchelseie in the time of king
 Edward the third, refused stoutlie to vale anie bonet there, although
 warning was giuen them so to doo by the portgreues or rulers of those
 townes. Herevpon the Rhie and Winchelseie men made out vpon them with
 cut and long taile: but so hardlie were they interteined by the Fawy
 pirates (I should saie aduenturers) that they were driuen home againe
 with no small losse and hinderance. Such fauour found the Fawy men
 also immediatlie vpon this bickering, that in token of their victorie
 ouer their winching aduersaries, and riding ripiers (as they called
 them in mockerie) they altered their armes and compounded for new,
 wherein the scutchion of Rhie and Winchelseie is quartered with
 [Sidenote: Gallants of Foy or Fawy.]
 theirs, and beside this the Foyens were called the gallants of Fawy or
 Foy, whereof they not a little reioiced, and more peraduenture than
 for some greater bootie. And thus much of Fawy towne, wherein we sée
 what great successe often commeth of witlesse and rash aduentures. But
 to returne againe to our purpose from whence we haue digressed, and as
 hauing some desire to finish vp this our voiage, we will leaue the
 Fawmouth & go forward on our iournie.

 Being therefore past this hauen, we come into Trewardith baie, which
 lieth into the land betwéene Canuasse and the Blacke head point, and
 here about Leland placeth Vrctoum promontorium. In this we saw the
 fall of two small brookes, not one verie far distant from another. The
 first of them entring west of Trewardith, the other east of saint
 Blaies, and both directlie against Curwarder rocke, except I mistake
 my compasse. Neither of them are of anie great course, and the longest
 not full thrée miles and an halfe. Wherfore sith they are neither
 branched nor of anie great quantitie, what should I make long haruest
 of a little corne and spend more time than may well be spared about
 them?

 [Sidenote: Austell.]
 When we were past the Blacke head, we came to Austell brooke, which is
 increased with a water that commeth from aboue Mewan, and within a
 mile after the confluence, they fall into the sea at Pentoren, from
 whence we went by the Blacke rocke, and about the Dudman point, till
 [Sidenote: Chare.]
 we came to Chare haies, where falleth in a pretie water, whose head is
 two miles aboue saint Tues. Thence we went by here and there a méere
 salt créeke, till we passed the Graie rocke, in Gwindraith baie, and
 S. Anthonies point, where Leland maketh his accompt to enter into
 Falamouth hauen.

 [Sidenote: Fala.]
 The Fala riseth a little by north of Penuenton towne, and going
 westward till it come downwards toward saint Dionise, it goeth forth
 from thence to Melader, saint Steuens Grampont, Goldon, Crede,
 Corneleie, Tregue, Moran, Tregunnan, it falleth into the hauen with a
 good indifferent force: and this is the course of Fala. But least I
 should séeme to omit those creekes that are betwéene this and S.
 Anthonies point, I will go a little backe againe, and fetch in so
 manie of them, as come now to my remembrance. Entring therefore into
 the port, we haue a créeke that runneth vp by saint Anthonies toward
 saint Gereus, then another that goeth into the land by east of saint
 Maries castell, with a forked head, passing in the meane time by a
 great rocke that lieth in the verie midst of the hauen, in maner of
 the third point of a triangle, betwéene saint Maries castell and
 Pendinant.

 Thence we cast about by the said castell, and came by another créeke
 that falleth in by east, then the second aboue saint Iustus, the third
 at Ardenora, the fourth at Rilan. And hauing as it were visited all
 these in order, we came backe againe about by Tregonnian, and then
 going vpward betweene it and Taluerne, till we came to Fentangolan, we
 found the confluence of two great creekes beneath saint Clements,
 whereof one hath a fresh water comming downe by S. Merther, the other
 another from Truro, increased with sundrie branches, though not one of
 them of anie greatnesse, and therefore vnworthie to be handled. Pole
 hole standeth vpon the head almost of the most easterlie of them. S.
 Kenwen and Truro stand aboue the confluence of other two. The fourth
 falleth in by west from certeine hils: as for the fift and sixt, as
 they be little créeks and no fresh, so haue I lesse language and talke
 to spend about them.

 [Sidenote: S. Caie.]
 Of saint Caie, and saint Feokes créeke, whose issue is betwéene
 Restronget and créeke of Trurie, I sée no cause to make any long
 [Sidenote: S. Feoks.]
 spéech; yet I remember that the towne of S. Feoke standeth betwéene
 them both. That also called after this saint, rising aboue
 [Sidenote: Milor.]
 Perannarwothill, and comming thence by Kirklo, falleth into Falamouth,
 northeast of Milor, which standeth vpon the point betwéene it and
 Milor créeke. Milor creeke is next Restronget: some call it Milor
 poole, from whence we went by Trefusis point, and there found an other
 great fall from Perin, which being branched in the top, hath Perin
 towne almost in the verie confluence. And thus much by my collection
 of the fall. But for somuch as Leland hath taken some paines in the
 description of this riuer, I will not suffer it to perish, sith there
 is other matter conteined therein worthie remembrance, although not
 deliuered in such order as the thing it selfe requireth.

 [Sidenote: Fala.]
 The verie point (saith he) of the hauen mouth (being an hill whereon
 the king hath builded a castell) is called Pendinant. It is about a
 mile in compasse, almost inuironed with the sea: and where the sea
 couereth not, the ground is so low that it were a small mastrie to
 make Pendinant an Iland. Furthermore, there lieth a cape or foreland
 within the hauen a mile and a halfe, and betwixt this and maister
 Killigrewes house one great arme of the hauen runneth vp to Penrine
 towne, which is three miles from the verie entrie of Falamouth hauen,
 [Sidenote: Leuine.]
 and two good miles from Penfusis. Moreouer there is Leuine, Priselo,
 betwixt saint Budocus and Pendinas, which were a good hauen but for
 the barre of sand. But to procéed.

 The first creeke or arme that casteth on the northwest side of
 Falemouth hauen, goeth vp to Perin, and at the end it breaketh into
 two armes, whereof the lesse runneth to Glasenith, Viridis nidus, the
 gréene nest, or Wagméere at Penrine: the other to saint Glunias the
 parish church of Penrine. In like sort out of each side of Penrine
 créeke, breaketh an arme yer it come to Penrine. This I vnderstand
 also that stakes and foundations of stone haue béene set in the créeke
 at Penrine a little lower than the wharfe, where it breaketh into
 armes: but howsoeuer this standeth, betwixt the point of Trefusis and
 [Sidenote: Milor.]
 the point of Restronget is Milor créeke, which goeth vp a mile into
 the land, and by the church is a good rode for ships. The next creeke
 [Sidenote: Restronget.]
 beyond the point of Restronget wood, is called Restronget, which going
 two miles vp into the maine, breaketh into two armes. In like order
 betwixt Restronget and the creeke of Trurie be two créekes; one called
 [Sidenote: S. Feoks.]
 [Sidenote: S. Caie.]
 saint Feokes, the other saint Caie, next vnto which is Trurie créeke
 that goeth vp about two miles créeking from the principall streame,
 and breaketh within halfe a mile of Trurie, casting in a branch
 westward euen hard by Newham wood.

 [Sidenote: Trurie créeke.]
 This creeke of Trurie is diuided into two parts before the towne of
 Trurie, and each of them hauing a brooke comming downe and a bridge,
 the towne of Trurie standeth betwixt them both. In like sort Kenwen
 stréet is seuered from the said towne with this arme, and Clements
 street by east with the other. Out of the bodie also of Trurie creeke
 breaketh another eastward a mile from Trurie, and goeth vp a mile and
 a halfe to Cresilian bridge of stone. At the verie entrie and mouth of
 this créeke is a rode of ships called Maples rode: and here fought not
 long since eightéene ships of Spanish merchants, with foure ships of
 warre of Deepe, but the Spaniards draue the Frenchmen all into this
 harborow. A mile and an halfe aboue the mouth of Crurie creeke, is
 [Sidenote: Moran.]
 another named Lhan Moran of S. Morans church at hand. This créeke
 goeth vp a quarter of a mile from the maine streame into the hauen, as
 the maine streame goeth vp two miles aboue Moran créeke ebbing and
 flowing: and a quarter of a mile higher, is the towne of Cregowie,
 where we found a bridge of stone vpon the Fala riuer. Fala it selfe
 riseth a mile or more west of Roche hill, and goeth by Graund pont,
 where I saw a bridge of stone.

 [Sidenote: Graund pont.]
 This Graund pont is foure miles from Roche hill, and two little miles
 from Cregowie, betwixt which the Fala taketh his course. From Cregowie
 to passe downe by the bodie of the hauen of Falamouth to the mouth of
 Lanie horne pill or créeke, on the south side of the hauen is a mile,
 and (as I remember) it goeth vp halfe a mile from the principall
 streame of the hauen. From Lanihorne pill also is a place or point of
 sand about a mile waie of fortie acres or thereabout (as a peninsula)
 called Ardeuerauter. As for the water or créeke that runneth into the
 south southeast part, it is but a little thing of halfe a mile vp into
 the land, and the créeke that hemmeth in this peninsula, of both dooth
 seeme to be the greater. From the mouth of the west creeke of this
 peninsula, vnto saint Iustes creeke, is foure miles or more.

 [Sidenote: S. Iustus.]
 [Sidenote: S. Mawes.]
 In like maner from saint Iustes pill or créeke (for both signifie one
 thing) to saint Mawes creeke is a mile and a halfe, and the point
 betwéene them both is called Pendinas. The créeke of saint Mawes goeth
 vp a two miles by east northeast into the land, and beside that it
 ebbeth and floweth so farre, there is a mill driuen with a fresh
 créeke that resorteth to the same. Halfe a mile from the head of this
 downeward to the hauen, is a créeke in maner of a poole, whereon is a
 mill also that grindeth with the tide. And a mile beneath that on the
 south side entereth a créeke (about halfe a mile into the countrie)
 which is barred from the maine sea by a small sandie banke, and
 another mile yet lower, is an other little créekelet. But how so euer
 these créekes doo run, certeine it is that the bankes of them that
 belong to Fala are meruellouslie well woodded. And hitherto Leland,
 whose words I dare not alter, for feare of corruption and alteration
 of his iudgement. Being past Falmouth hauen therefore (as it were a
 quarter of a mile beyond Arwennach, maister Killegrewes place which
 standeth on the brimme or shore within Falmouth) we came to a little
 hauen which ran vp betwéene two hilles, but it was barred: wherefore
 we could not learne whether it were serued with anie backe fresh water
 or not.

 [Sidenote: Polwitherall.]
 From thence we went by Polwitherall creeke (parted into two armes)
 [Sidenote: Polpenrith.]
 then to the Polpenrith, wherevnto a riueret falleth that riseth not
 farre from thence, and so goeth to the maine streame of the hauen at
 the last, whither the créeke resorteth about thrée miles and more from
 the mouth of the hauen, and into which the water that goeth vnder Gare
 bridges, doo fall in one bottome (as Leland hath reported.) Vnto this
 [Sidenote: Wike.]
 [Sidenote: Gare.]
 [Sidenote: Mogun.]
 [Sidenote: Penkestell.]
 [Sidenote: Callous.]
 [Sidenote: Cheilow.]
 [Sidenote: Gilling.]
 hauen also repaireth the Penkestell, the Callous, the Cheilow, and the
 Gilling, although this latter lieth against saint Mawuons on the
 hither side hard without the hauen mouth (if I haue doone aright.) For
 so motheaten, mouldie, & rotten are those bookes of Leland which I
 haue, and beside that, his annotations are such and so confounded, as
 no man can (in a maner) picke out anie sense from them by a leafe
 togither. Wherefore I suppose that he dispersed and made his notes
 intricate of set purpose: or else he was loth that anie man should
 easilie come to that knowledge by reading, which he with his great
 charge & no lesse trauell attained vnto by experience. Thus leauing
 Fala hauen, as more troublesome for me to describe, than profitable
 for seafaring men, without good aduise to enter into, we left the
 rocke on our left hand, and came straight southwest to Helford hauen,
 [Sidenote: Haile.]
 whose water commeth downe from Wréeke (where is a confluence of two
 small rilles whereof that rill consisteth) by Mawgan and Trelawarren,
 and then it receiueth a rill on the north ripe from Constantine, after
 whose confluence it goeth a maine vntill it come to the Ocean, where
 the mouth is spoiled by sand comming from the tinworks. See Leland in
 the life of S. Breaca. Beneath this also is another rill comming from
 S. Martyrs, by whose course, and another ouer against it on the west
 side that falleth into the sea by Winniton, all Menage is left almost
 in maner of an Iland. From hence we go south to the Manacle point,
 then southwest to Lisard, and so north and by west to Predannocke
 points, beyond which we méet with the fall of the said water that
 riseth in the edge of Menag, and goeth into the sea by Melien on the
 north, and Winniton on the south. By north also of Winniton is the
 [Sidenote: Curie.]
 Curie water that runneth short of Magan, and toucheth with the Ocean
 south of Pengwenian point.

 [Sidenote: Loo.]
 From hence we sailed to the Loo mouth, which some call Lopoole,
 because it is narrower at the fall into the sea, than it is betwéene
 the sea and Hailston. It riseth aboue S. Sethians, and comming downe
 by Wendron, it hasteth to Hailston or Helston, from whence onelie it
 is called Loo: but betwéene Helston and the head, men call it
 commonlie Cohor. Of this riuer Leland saith thus: The Lopoole is two
 miles in length, and betwixt it and the maine Ocean is but a barre of
 sand that once in thrée or foure yéeres, what by weight of the fresh
 water, and working of the sea breaketh out, at which time it maketh a
 wonderfull noise: but soone after the mouth of it is barred vp againe.
 At all other times the superfluitie of the water of Lopole (which is
 full of trout and éele) draineth out through the sandie barre into the
 open sea: certes if this barre could alwaies be kept open, it would
 make a goodlie hauen vp vnto Haileston towne, where coinage of tin is
 also vsed, as at Trurie and Lostwithiell, for the quéenes aduantage.

 Being passed the Loo, I came to another water that descendeth without
 [Sidenote: Simneie.]
 anie increase from Crowan by Simneie, whose whole course is not aboue
 thrée miles in all. Then going by the Cuddan point, we entered the
 mounts Baie, and going streight north (leauing S. Michaels mount a
 [Sidenote: Lid.]
 little vpon the left hand) we came to the Lid, which rising short of
 Tewidnacke, descendeth by Lidgenan, and so into the sea. Certes the
 course of these waters cannot be long, sith in this verie place this
 breadth of land is not aboue foure miles, and not more than fiue at
 the verie lands end. There is also a rill east of Korugie, and
 Guluall, and another west of the same hard at hand, and likewise the
 third east of Pensants: and not a full quarter of a mile from the
 second, southwest of Pensants also lieth the fourth that commeth from
 Sancrete ward by Newlin, from whence going southwest out of the baie
 by Moushole Ile, that lieth south of Moushole towne, we come to a
 water that entreth into the Ocean betwixt Remels & Lamorleie point.
 Trulie the one head thereof commeth from by west of Sancrete, the
 other from by west of an hill that standeth betwéene them both, and
 ioining aboue Remels, it is not long yer they salute their grandame.
 After this, and before we come at Rosecastell, there are two other
 créekes, whereof one is called Boskennie, that riseth south of saint
 Buriens, and an other somewhat longer than the first, that issueth by
 west of the aforesaid towne, wherein is to be noted, that our cards
 made heretofore doo appoint S. Buriens to be at the very lands end of
 Cornewall, but experience now teacheth vs, that it commeth not néere
 the lands end by thrée miles. This latter rill also is the last that I
 doo reade of on the south side, and likewise on the west and north,
 till we haue sailed to S. Ies baie, which is full ten miles from the
 [Sidenote: Bresan Ile.]
 lands end, or Bresan Ile eastward, & rather more, if you reckon to the
 fall of the Haile, which lieth in the very middest and highest part of
 the baie of the same. The soile also is verie hillie here, as for
 saint Ies towne, it is almost (as I said) a byland, and yet is it well
 watered with sundrie rilles that come from those hilles vnto the same.

 [Sidenote: Haile.]
 The Haile riseth in such maner, and from so manie heads, as I haue
 before said: howbeit I will adde somewhat more vnto it, for the
 benefit of my readers. Certes the chéefe head of Haile riseth by west
 of Goodalfin hilles, and going downe toward saint Erthes, it receiueth
 the second, and best of the other three rilles from Goodalfin towne:
 finallie, comming to saint Erthes, and so vnto the maine baie, it
 [Sidenote: Clowart.]
 taketh in the Clowart water from Guimer, south of Phelacke, which hath
 two heads, the said village standing directlie betwixt them both.

 [Sidenote: Caine.]
 The Caine riseth southeast of Caineburne towne a mile and more, from
 whence it goeth without increase by west of Gwethian, and so into the
 sea west of Mara Darwaie. From hence we coasted about the point, &
 left the baie till we came to a water that riseth of two heads from
 those hilles that lie by south of the same: one of them also runneth
 by saint Vni, another by Redreuth, and méeting within a mile, they
 [Sidenote: Luggam.]
 fall into the Ocean beneath Luggam or Tuggan. A mile and a halfe from
 this fall we come vnto another small rill, and likewise two other
 créekes, betwixt which the towne of saint Agnes standeth; and likewise
 the fourth halfe a mile beyond the most easterlie of these, whose head
 is almost thrée miles within the land in a towne called saint Alin.
 Thence going by the Manrocke, and west of saint Piran in the sand, we
 find a course of thrée miles and more from the head, and hauing a
 forked branch, the parts doo méet at west aboue saint Kibbard, and so
 [Sidenote: S. Pirans créeke.]
 [Sidenote: Carantocke.]
 go into the sea. I take this to be saint Pirans créeke, for the next
 is Carantocke pill or créeke, whose head is at Guswarth, from whence
 it goeth vnto Trerise, and soone after taking in a rill from by west,
 it runneth into the sea coast of saint Carantakes. Beyond this is
 another créeke that riseth aboue little saint Colan, and goeth by
 lesse saint Columbe: and east and by north hereof commeth downe one
 more whose head is almost south of the Nine stones, & going from
 thence to great saint Columbes, it passeth by Lamberne, and so into
 the sea. S. Merous créeke is but a little one, rising west of Padstow,
 and falling in almost ouer against the Gull rocke. Then turning
 [Sidenote: Padstow.]
 [Sidenote: Locus bufonis.]
 betwéene the point and the blacke rocke, we entred into Padstow hauen
 thrée miles lower than port Issec, and a mile from port Ewin, whose
 waters remaine next of all to be described.

 [Sidenote: Alannus.]
 The Alan ariseth flat east from the hauen mouth of Padstow, well néere
 [Sidenote: Eniam.]
 eight or nine miles about Dauidstone, neere vnto which the Eniam also
 issueth, that runneth into the Thamar. Going therefore from hence it
 passeth to Camelford, saint Aduen, saint Bernard (both Cornish saints)
 and soone after receiueth a rill at northeast, descending from Rowters
 hill. Thence it goeth to Bliseland, and Helham, the first bridge of
 name that standeth vpon Alin. Yer long also it taketh in one rill by
 south from Bodman, another from saint Laurence, the third by west of
 this, and the fourth that commeth by Wethiell, no one of them
 excéeding the course of thrée miles, and all by south. From hence it
 goeth toward Iglesaleward, and there receiueth a water on the east
 side, which commeth about two miles from saint Teath, by Michelston,
 saint Tuchoe, saint Maben (mo Cornish patrons) and finallie south of
 Iglesall, méeteth with the Alen that goeth from thence by S. Breaca to
 Woodbridge. Hereabout I find, that into our Alein or Alen, there
 [Sidenote: Carneseie.]
 [Sidenote: Laine.]
 should fall two riuerets, whereof the one is called Carneseie, the
 other Laine, and comming in the end to full notice of the matter, I
 sée them to issue on seuerall sides beneath Woodbridge almost
 directlie the one against the other. That which descendeth from
 northwest, and riseth about saint Kew, is named Carneseie, as I heare:
 the other that commeth in on the southwest banke hight Laine, and
 noted by Leland to rise two miles aboue S. Esse. But howsoeuer this
 matter standeth, there are two other créekes on ech side also, beneath
 [Sidenote: Pethrike.]
 [Sidenote: Minner.]
 [Sidenote: Dunmere.]
 these, as Pethrike creeke, and Minner créeke (so called of the Cornish
 saints) for that soile bred manie, wherewith I finish the description
 of Alen, or (as some call it) Dunmere, and other Padstow water.

 From Padstow hauen also they saile out full west to Waterford in
 Ireland. There are likewise two rockes, which lie in the east side of
 the hauen, secretlie hidden at full sea, as two pads in the straw,
 whereof I think it taketh the name. Yet I remember how I haue read
 that Padstow is a corrupted word for Adlestow, and should signifie so
 much as Athelstani locus, as it may well be. For it is euident that
 they had in time past sundrie charters of priuilege from Athelstane,
 although at this present it be well stored with Irishmen. But to our
 purpose. Leland supposed this riuer to be the same Camblan, where
 Arthur fought his last and fatall conflict: for to this daie men that
 doo eare the ground there, doo oft plow vp bones of a large size, and
 great store of armour, or else it may be (as I rather coniecture) that
 the Romans had some field (or Castra) thereabout, for not long since
 (and in the remembrance of man) a brasse pot full of Romane coine was
 found there, as I haue often heard. Being thus passed Padstow hauen,
 and after we had gone three miles from hence, we came to Portgwin a
 poore fisher towne, where I find a brooke and a péere. Then I came to
 Portissec aliàs Cunilus two miles further, and found there a brooke, a
 péere, and some succor for fisher boats. Next of all vnto a brooke
 that ran from south east, directlie north into the Sauerne sea, and
 within halfe a mile of the same laie a great blacke rocke like an
 Iland. From this water to Treuenni is about a mile, where the paroch
 church is dedicated to saint Simphorian, and in which paroch also
 Tintagell or Dundagie castell standeth, which is a thing inexpugnable
 for the situation, and would be made with little reparations one of
 the strongest things in England. For it standeth on a great high
 terrible crag inuironed with the sea. There is a chappell yet standing
 in the dungeon thereof, dedicated to saint Vlet. Tintagell towne and
 Treuenni are not a mile in sunder.

 [Sidenote: Tredwie.]
 The next créeke is called Bosinni, which is a mile from Tintagell, and
 to the same Tredwie water resorteth, and so they go to the sea betwixt
 two hils, whereof that on the one side lieth out like an arme or cape,
 and maketh the fashion of an hauenet or peere, whither shiplets
 sometime doo resort for succour. A frier of late daies tooke vpon him
 to make an hauen at this place, but in vaine. There lie also two
 blacke rocks as Ilets, at the west northwest point, or side of this
 créeke, the one (sauing that a little gut dooth part them) ioining
 with the other, and in these by all likelihood is great store of
 gulles. I can not tell whether this be the water that runneth by
 Boscastell or not, but if it be not, then haue I this description of
 [Sidenote: Boscastell.]
 the latter. Boscastell créeke that lieth east of Tintagell, is but a
 small thing, running at the most not aboue two miles into the land,
 yet it passeth by foure townes, whereof the first is called Lesneth,
 the second saint Juliet, the third Minster, and the fourth Boscastell
 or Bushcastell, as some men doo pronounce it.

 [Sidenote: Bede.]
 In Bede baie I find the Bedewater, whose chiefe head is not farre from
 [Sidenote: Lancels.]
 Norton. Thence running to Stratton, it receiueth the Lancels rill
 before it come at Norham. And here also it crosseth another whose head
 is east of saint Marie wijke, from whence it runneth by Wolston and
 Whalesborow, and thence into the sea betweene Efford and Plough hill.
 And thus much of the waters that lie betwéene the point of Cornewall,
 and the Hartland head vpon the north side of Cornewall. Now let vs doo
 the like with those that remaine of Deuonshire, whereo the said
 Hartland is the verie first point in this our poeticall voiage. Hauing
 therefore brought Hartland point on our backs, we come next of all to
 Barstable bar, and so into the hauen, whereinto two principall streams
 doo perpetuallie vnburden their chanels.

 [Sidenote: Ocus.]
 The first and more westerlie of these is called Ocus, whose head is
 not farre west of the head of Darnt, and Loth in Darntmore. Rising
 therefore in the aforesaid place, it runneth northwest to Snorton, and
 so to Okehampton, beneath which towne it méeteth with an other water
 comming from southeast, & riseth not much west from the head of Tawe.
 From hence it goeth to Stow Exborne, Moonke Okington, & Iddesleie,
 [Sidenote: Tanridge.]
 [Sidenote: Turrege.]
 where it taketh in the Tanridge a verie pretie streamelet, whose issue
 is not full a mile by east from the head of Thamar, thrée miles by
 north east from Hartland. Comming therefore by west and east Putford,
 Bulworthie, Bockington, Newton, and Shebbor, it receiueth a forked
 rill that runneth from ech side of Bradworthie by Sutcombe, Treborow,
 Milton, & so to Thornebirie, where méeting with an other forked water
 (whereof one head comming from Dunsland, ioineth with the other north
 of Cockbirie) it goeth with speed into the Tanridge water. After this
 confluence it runneth on to Shéepewash (by west whereof falleth in the
 [Sidenote: Buckland.]
 Buckland water from by north) thence to high Hainton, and so to
 Haitherlaie, north wherof it taketh in a rill from by south, and
 endeth his race at Iddesleie, by ioining with the Oke. Hence then the
 Ocus hasteth to Dowland, and betwéene it and Doulton, receiueth one
 rill from by east, as it dooth an other betwéene Doulton and Marton
 from by west, and so procéeding on with his course, it commeth east of
 Torrington the lesse, and taking in a water at east, that runneth from
 thrée heads (by Wollie parke) betweene which Combe and Roughborow are
 situat, it descendeth to

 [Sidenote: Langtrée.]
 Torington the more, and meeting with the Langtrée water on the one
 [Sidenote: Were or Ware.]
 side, and the Ware brooke on the other, it procéedeth to Bediford,
 crossing a rill by the waie that commeth vnto it betwéene Annarie &
 Littham. From Bediford bridge it goeth without anie increase to
 Westleie, Norham, Appledoure, and so into the hauen.

 [Sidenote: Taw.]
 The Taw of both is the more noble water, notwithstanding that his
 hauen be barred with sand; and thereby dangerous, and hath most rils
 descending into his chanell. Howbeit, by these two is all the hart of
 Deuonshire well watered on the northside of the moores. The Tawy
 riseth directlie at south west of Throwlie, and north of the head of
 Darnt, or (as Leland saith) in Exmore south east from Barstable. From
 thence also it runneth to Sele, South Taueton, Cockatre, Bath,
 Northtaueton, Ashridge, Colridge, and soone after receiueth the
 [Sidenote: Bowmill.]
 Bowmill créeke, wherof one head riseth at Bow, the other at Mill, and
 meeting beneth Bishops Morchard, they fall into the Taw north of
 Nimeth Rowland, as I haue béene informed. From hence then it runneth
 by Edgeforth, to Chimligh, by south whereof it méeteth with a rill
 comming downe of two heads from about Rakenford, by Wetheridge and
 Chawleie. Thence it goeth to Burrington, and Chiltenholtwood, and
 [Sidenote: Moulebraie.]
 there taketh in the Moulebraie water consisting of two in one chanell,
 wherof the Moll dooth rise aboue north Moulton, and comming to Moulton
 receiueth another rill running from Molland, and soone after the
 second that growing by two brookes (the head of one being at Knawston,
 and of the other west of Crokeham, and both vniting themselues beneath
 Mariston) dooth fall into the same yer long also, and so go togither
 [Sidenote: Braie.]
 till it crosse the Braie, which (being the second of the two that
 maketh the Moulbraie) riseth at Braie, commeth by Buckland, and south
 of Holtwood dooth make his confluence with Taw. Being past the wood,
 it goeth on to Brightleie hall, Taueton, Tauestocke, & Berstable,
 sometime a pretie walled towne with foure gates, but now a little
 thing; and such in déed, as that the suburbes thereof are greater than
 it selfe. I suppose that the name of this towne in the British speach
 was Abertaw, bicause it stood toward the mouth of Taw, and Berdnesse
 pronounced short (as I gesse) for Abernesse. As for Staple, it is an
 addition for a market, & therefore hath nothing to doo in the proper
 name of the towne. King Athelstane is taken here for the chiefe
 priuileger of the towne. This is also worthie to be noted hereof, that
 the houses there are of stone, as most are in all the good townes
 thereabout.

 But to proceed with our purpose. Beneath this towne there falleth in a
 water that hath one head néere about Challacombe, & another at east
 Downe, whereof this descending by Stoke riuer, and the other by
 Sherwell, they vnite themselues within thrée miles of Berstaple. Soone
 after also it taketh in another that descendeth from Bitenden by
 Ashford, and the last of all east of saint Anthonies chappell, named
 [Sidenote: Doneham.]
 the Doneham, bicause one head is at west Done, and the other at Ham,
 both of them méeting west of Ash. And thus is Taue described, which is
 no great water nor quicke streame, as may appéere in Low water marke
 at Berstable and yet is it a pretie riueret. This also is worthie to
 be noted thereof, that it receiueth no brooke from by west, whereof I
 would somewhat maruell, if Taurige were not at hand.

 Being past the Taue, Cride baie and Bugpoint aliàs Bagpoint, we go by
 More baie, Morstone aliàs Mortstone, and then toward the northeast,
 till we come by a créekelet to Ilfare combe, & so to Combe Marton,
 whereat (I meane ech of them) are sundrie créekes of salt water, but
 not serued with anie fresh that I as yet doo heare of. Marrie there is
 betwéene Martinbow & Trensow, a créeke that hath a backewater, which

 [Sidenote: Paradine.]
 descendeth from Parracombe (so farre as I call to mind named Parradine
 [Sidenote: Orus.]
 becke) but the greatest of all is betweene Linton and Connisberie
 called Ore, which riseth in Summersetshire in Exmore (east of Hore
 oke, more than a mile) and going by Owre, falleth into the sea
 betwéene Linton and Conisberie, so that the whole race thereof
 amounteth in and out to an eight miles, as I haue heard reported. Thus
 [Sidenote: The bredth of Deuonshire & Cornewall.]
 haue I finished the discourse of the waters of Deuonshire, whose
 breadth in this place from hence ouerthwart to the Checkstones in the
 mouth of Ex, on the south side of the Ile, is eight and thirtie miles
 or vnder fortie, and so much likewise is it from Plimmouth to Hartland
 point, but the broadest part there commeth to six and thirtie miles,
 whereas the broadest part of Cornewall doth want two miles of fortie.

 Being past the aforesaid limits of the counties we came to

 [Sidenote: Loch.]
 Portlochbaie, whither commeth a water named Loch that descendeth from
 [Sidenote: Durus.]
 Stokepero, Lucham and Portloch without increase. Thence to Dunsteir
 brooke, which runneth from about Wootton, and Courtneie by Tunbercombe
 and Dunsteir, then to another that commeth west of Old Cliffe, leauing
 [Sidenote: Vacetus.]
 a parke on the west side, next of all to Watchet water, whereof one
 head commeth from the Quantocke hils south of Bickualer by
 [Sidenote: Williton.]
 Westquantocke head, and almost at Doniford, receiueth the Williton
 becke, then to east Quantocke brooke (omitting a créeket) & next of
 [Sidenote: Doddington.]
 all to Doddington water, that goeth by Holford, Alfoxton, and
 afterward into the sea. From hence we go by Bottesall point, to Stert
 point, where two noble riuers doo make their confluence, which I will
 seuerallie describe, as to my purpose apperteineth.

 [Sidenote: Iuelus.]
 The first of these is called the Iuell, or (as I find it in an ancient
 writer) Yoo, who saith that the riuer Yoo dooth runne from Ilchester
 to Bridgewater, and so into the sea. It riseth aboue Oburne, and at
 Shirburne receiueth a water, whereof Leland saith thus. There are
 [Sidenote: The seuen sisters.]
 seuen springs in an hill called the seuen sisters, north east from
 Shireburne, which gather into one bottome, & come into the Mere.
 Another brooke likewise commeth by Heidon from Puscandell, three miles
 from thence by flat east, betwixt the parke and the Mere full so great
 as the streame of the Mere, and ioining at the lower mill of
 Shireburne, with the Mere water, it is not long yer it fall into the
 Euill. Thence our Euill goeth on towards Glasen Bradford, and yer it
 come there taketh in a forked rill from by south, descending from
 about west Chelburie and Chetnall in Dorsetshire, beneath which towne
 the other head falleth into the same, so that they run foorth by
 Bearhaggard and Thorneford (till they méet with the Iuell) and so to
 Clifton, Euill a proper market towne, Trent, Mutford, Ashinton, and
 [Sidenote: Cade.]
 east of Limminton it méeteth with the Cade that runneth from
 Yarlington, by north Cadbirie, and soone after crossing a rill also
 from by east, that commeth from Blackeford by Compton, it hasteth to
 south Cadbirie, Sparkeford, Queenes Camell, west Camell, and so into
 Iuell, which runneth on to Kimmington, Ilchester, Ilbridge, long
 Sutton, and yer it come at Langport, taketh in two famous waters in
 one chanell, next of all to be remembred before I go anie further. The
 first of all these riseth southeast betwéene the Parrets (where it is
 [Sidenote: Parret.]
 called Parret water) and goeth to Crokehorne, and at Meriot taketh in
 a brooke from the east, which consisteth of two courses vnited at
 Bowbridge, whereof the one descendeth from Pen by Hasilburie, the
 other from aboue the thrée Chenocks, as I doo vnderstand.

 From hence also they go as one with the Parret water, toward south
 Pederton (taking in at east a becke comming from Hamden hill) thence
 to Pederton, Lambrooke, Thorneie bridge, and Muchelneie where it
 [Sidenote: Ill.]
 méeteth with the second called Ill or Ilus, whose head is aboue
 Chellington, & comming downe from thence by Cadworth, before it come
 at Dunniet, it taketh in a rill that runneth by Chascombe and Knoll.
 Thence leauing Ilmister on the east side, it meeteth with another from
 by east, descending from about Whitlakington. Then it goeth to
 [Sidenote: Ilton.]
 Pokington (where it crosseth the Ilton water by west) next to
 Ilbruers, and there it ioineth with a rillet that riseth by west at
 Staple, and runneth by Bicknell and Abbats Ilie, and after this
 confluence goeth on toward Langport. And here after some mens opinion,
 the Iuell looseth his name, and is called Parret: but this coniecture
 cannot hold, sith in the old writers it is called Iuell, till it fall
 into the sea. Neuerthelesse, how soeuer this matter standeth, being
 past Langport, it goeth by Awber toward saint Anthonies, where it
 méeteth with the Tone next of all to be described.

 [Sidenote: Tone.]
 The Tone issueth at Clatworthie, and goeth by west of Wiuelscombe, to
 Stawleie, Ritford, Runton, Wellington and Bradford, beneath which it
 taketh in a faire water c[=o]ming from Sanford Combe, Elworthie, Brunt
 Rafe, Miluerton, Oke and Hilfarens. After this confluence also it
 runneth to Helebridge, and there below méeteth with one water that
 runneth by Hawse, Hethford, and Norton, then another from Crokeham by
 bishops Slediard, and the third & fourth at Taunton, that descendeth
 from Kingston by north, and another by south that riseth about
 Pidmister. And thus is the Tone increased, which goeth from Taunton to
 Riston, Crech, Northcurrie, Ling, and so by Anthonie into the Iuell,
 [Sidenote: Chare or Care.]
 that after this confluence méeteth yer long with the Chare, a pretie
 riuer that commeth by east from Northborow, by Carleton, Badcare,
 Litecare, Somerton, Higham, Audrie moore, Audrie, and Michelsborow.
 From whence going on betweene Quéenes moore and North moore, it
 [Sidenote: Peder.]
 receiueth one brooke called Peder from by southwest, that runneth
 through Pederton parke and North moore; and likewise another that
 passeth by Durleie, yer it doo come at Bridgewater. From Bridgewater
 it goeth by Chilton directlie northwest, and then turning flat west,
 it goeth northward towards the sea, taking in two waters by the waie,
 [Sidenote: Camington.]
 whereof one runneth by Coripole & Camington, and beareth the name of
 Camington, the other by Siddington and Comage, and then receiuing the
 [Sidenote: Brier.]
 Brier before it come at Start point, they fall as one into the Ocean,
 whereof let this suffice for the description of the Iuell, whose
 streame dooth water all the west part of Summersetshire and leaueth it
 verie fruitfull.

 [Sidenote: Brier.]
 The Brier, Bruer, or Bréer, riseth of two waters, wherof one is in
 Selwood forest, & commeth downe by Bruecombe, Bruham, and Bruton. The
 [Sidenote: _Leland_ writeth the first Brieuelus and the second
 Mellodunus or the Milton water.]
 other which Leland nameth Mellos, is northest of Staffordell towne,
 and going by the same, it runneth by Redlinch, to Wike; where it
 méeteth with the other head, and thence go on as one to Awnsford,
 [Sidenote: Dulis.]
 Alford (where it taketh in a water called Dulis from by north that
 riseth néere Dolting, and commeth by Euerchurch parke) then to the
 Lidfords, Basborow wood, the Torhill, Pont perilous (whereinto they
 fable that Arthur being wounded to death did throw Calibur his sword)
 by Glastenburie and so into the Méere. Beside this riuer there are two
 other also that fall into the said Méere, whereof the one called
 [Sidenote: Sowaie or Stowaie.]
 Sowaie commeth from Créechurch parke, and Pulton by Hartlacke bridge,
 [Sidenote: Cos.]
 the other named Cos or the Coscombe water, from aboue Shepton, Mallet
 (which east of Wike taketh in a water comming from Welles) by Wike,
 Gedneie, and so into the Méere. Finallie, returning all into one
 chanell, it runneth to Burtlehouse, and soone after diuiding it selfe,
 one arme goeth by Bastian aliàs Brent bridge, to High bridge, leauing
 Huntspill a market towne by southwest, the other by Marke to Rokes
 bridge, Hebbes passage, and so into the sea, leauing a faire Iland,
 wherin beside Brentmarsh are seuen or eight townes, of whose names I
 haue no knowledge.

 Now as touching the water that commeth from Welles, which falleth (as
 I said) into the Coscombe water on the right hand of the Cawseie; you
 shall vnderstand that as manie springs are in Wels, so the chiefe of
 them is named Andres well, which riseth in a medow plat not farre from
 the east end of the cathedrall church, and afterward goeth into the
 [Sidenote: Milton.]
 [Sidenote: Golafer.]
 Coscombe, in such place as I haue noted. Leland speaketh of the Milton
 & Golafer waters, which should fall likewise into the Brier: but
 whether those be they whereof the one riseth aboue Staffordell, and in
 the descent runneth by Shipton, Pitcombe, and so to Awnsford on the
 one side, as the other dooth rise betwéene Batcombe and Vpton noble on
 the other halfe; or vnto whether of them either of these names are
 seuerallie to be attributed: as yet I doo not read.

 [Sidenote: Axe. 2.]
 The second Axe which commeth by Axe towne in old time called Vexa,
 issueth out of Owkie hole, from whence it goeth by Owkie towne,
 [Sidenote: The Chederbrooke, driueth twelue miles within a quarter of
 a mile of his head.]
 afterward meeting with the Chederbrooke that commeth from the Cheder
 rocks, wherein is an hole in old time called Carcer Æoli, wherof much
 hath béene written & surmised past credit. It runneth by Were,
 Ratcliffe, and after a little compasse into the northeast branch of
 the aforesaid riuer last described, betweene Rokes bridge and Hebbes
 passage, as I haue beene informed. From the fall of Axe we come to an
 [Sidenote: Bane.]
 other called Bane, northeast of Woodspring, whose head is about
 Banwell parke, or else in Smaldon wood. Then to an other, and to the
 [Sidenote: Artro.]
 third, called Artro, which riseth about Litton, and going by the
 Artroes, Vbbeie, Perribridge (receiuing a rill yer it come thither
 from by south) beneath Cungesbirie, or (as I learne) betwéene Kingston
 and Laurence Wike, it méeteth with the sea.

 [Sidenote: Sottespill.]
 Sottespill water riseth betwéene Cheueleie and Naileseie, howbeit it
 hath no increase before it come into the sea at Sottespill, more than
 [Sidenote: Cleueden.]
 the next vnto it, which is named Cleueden water, of a certeine towne
 neere to the fall thereof. It riseth southeast of Barrow, goeth by
 [Sidenote: Auon. 3.]
 Burton Naileseie, and so vnto Cleuedon. The Auon, commonlie called the
 third Auon, is a goodlie water, and growne to be verie famous by
 sundrie occasions, to be particularlie touched in our description of
 Bristow. Yet thus much will I note héere thereof as a rare accident,
 how that in king Edgars daies, the verie same yeare that the old
 monasterie of Euesham fell downe by itselfe, a porpasse was taken
 therein neere to the said monasterie, and neuer anie before or since
 that time heard of to haue béene found in that streame. And euen so
 [Sidenote: Sturgion taken in Rochester water.]
 not manie yeares before I first wrote this treatise, a sturgion was
 taken aliue in Rochester streame, which the bishop gaue vnto your
 honor, and you would as gladlie haue sent it to the quéenes maiestie,
 if she might haue béene presented withall aliue as it was taken.
 Certes both these rare occurrents gaue no lesse occasion of strange
 surmises to the inhabitants of both places, than the blockes of
 Brerton, when they appeare, doo vnto that familie; of which the report
 goeth that they are neuer séene but against some mischéefe or other to
 befall vnto that house. But how farre am I gone from my purpose?

 The Auon therefore riseth in the verie edge of Tetburie, and goeth by
 long Newton to Brokenton, Whitchurch, and Malmsburie, where it
 receiueth two waters, that is to saie, one from by west comming by
 Foreleie and Bromleham, which runneth so néere to the Auon in the west
 suburbe of Malmsburie, that the towne thereby is almost made an Iland.
 Another from Okeseie parke by Hankerton, Charleton, and Garesden.
 After this confluence it hasteth to Cole parke, then goeth it toward
 the southeast, till it méet with a water comming from southwest
 (betwéene Hullauington and Bradfield) by Aston: and soone after with
 another at the northside from Binall by Wootton Basset (through the
 parke to Gretenham, and Idouer bridges) and after the confluence to
 Dauntseie, Segar, Sutton, Christmalford, Auon, Calwaies house, and
 then to west Tetherton. Beneath this towne also it taketh in a water
 increased by two brookes, whereof one comming from Cleue by Hilmarton,
 Whitleie house and Bramble (and there receiuing another that commeth
 by Calne) passeth on by Stanlie into the Auon, which from thencefoorth
 [Sidenote: Cosham.]
 goeth to Chippenham, Rowdon, Lekham, and then receiuing Cosham water,
 goeth to Lacocke, Melsham, and yer it come at Whaddon, crosseth two
 other in one chanell, whereof one riseth about Brumham house, and
 goeth to Sene, the other about the Diuizes, and from thence runneth to
 Potterne wood, Creeke wood, Worton, Maston, Bucklington, and ioining
 with the other aboue Litleton, they run by Semmington, and north of
 Whaddon aforesaid into the maine streame, whereof I now intreat. From
 hence our Auon runneth to Stauerton, and southwest of that towne
 [Sidenote: Were.]
 méeteth with the Were that commeth from Vpton by Dilton, Brooke parke
 [Sidenote: Westbirie vnder the plaine,
 neuer without a théefe or twaine.]
 (there crossing a rill called Bisse from Westbirie vnder the plaine)
 then to north Bradleie, Trubridge, and so into Auon that goeth from
 thence to Bradford, & within a mile or thereabouts, before it come at
 Freshford, it méeteth with the Frome, whose description dooth insue.

 [Sidenote: Frome.]
 The Frome riseth in the east part of Mendip hils, and from thence
 runneth by Astwijc, the Cole pits, Lie vnder Mendip, Whateleie,
 [Sidenote: Nonneie.]
 Elmesbridge, and soone after taketh in the Nonneie water, comming from
 Nonneie castell, thence to Walles and Orcharleie bridge, where it
 receiueth a pretie brooke descending from Frome Selwood west of
 Brackleie, increased with sundrie rils, whereof two come out of
 Selwood forrest (and one of them from the Fratrie) another out of Long
 lead parke, from Horningsham, and the fourth from Cosleie. Hence our
 Frome goeth to Lullington, Beckington, Farleie castell, Bord and Fresh
 [Sidenote: Silling.]
 foord, and taking in the Silling brooke, falleth into the Auon beneath
 Bradford, and east of Freshford. From thence going beneath Stoke, it
 receiueth on the left hand a water comming from southwest, increased
 by sundrie brookes, whereof one commeth from Camelet by Litleton, and
 Dankerton, the other from Stone Eston, Midsummer Norton, by Welston,
 Rodstocke, Wrigleton, Foscot, and Wellow, and there (taking in a rill
 from Phillips Norton) it goeth by Clauerton to Hampton, and there it
 méeteth with another water comming from Barthford, whose head is at
 Litleton from whence it runneth by west Kineton to Castell combe
 (where it ioineth with a rill rising by north from Litleton drue) and
 thence commeth south to Slaughtenford, Haselburie, Box, Baithford, and
 so into the Auon, which turning plaine west, hasteth to Baithwijc, and
 (meeting with another in his passage from Caldaston) to Bath, the
 Tiuertons, and Coston.

 Héere also it taketh in a rill by the waie from Markesburie by
 Wilmerton and Newton, and then going on to Sawford, it méeteth with
 [Sidenote: Swinford.]
 one rill soone west of Northstocke, named Swinford, and another by
 Bitton, from Durhain by Wike, and so procéedeth still holding on his
 [Sidenote: Swinford parteth Summerset & Glocestershires in sunder.]
 way to Caimsham, a towne in Summerset shire (so called of Caim an
 English saint, by whose praiers, as the countrie once beléeued, all
 the adders, snakes and serpents were turned into stone, their formes
 reserued, and for a certeine space of ground about the said towne, and
 whereof some store as yet is to be found in those quaries. But this
 miracle is so true as the historie of Hilda, or that S. Patrike should
 chase all venemous creatures out of Italie, with his staffe; or that
 maid Radegund should driue the crowes to the pound, which did annoie
 hir corne while she went vnto a chappell to heare & sée a masse) where
 it crosseth the Chute, which issueth at Winford, and goeth by bishops
 Chue to Penford, and there receiueth the Clue comming from Cluton, and
 from thence to Chute, & so into the Auon. The Auon likewise after all
 these confluences goeth to Briselton, and so to Bristow, beneath which
 it receiueth a rill on each side (wherof one commeth from about Stoke
 lodge in Glocestershire, being a faire water and running by Acton,
 Frampton, Hambroch, Stapleton, and through Bristow, the other by south
 from Dundreie hill and towne, by Bisport and Bedminster) and so
 descending yet lower, goeth to Rawneham passage and Clifton, then by
 S. Vincents rocke and Laie, next of all to Crocampill, and finallie
 into the sea, whither all waters by nature doo resort.

 [Sidenote: Alderleie.]
 Beside this water, Leland maketh mention of Alderleie brooke, which in
 some ancient records is also called Auon, and runneth by Barkeleie. In
 [Sidenote: Douresleie.]
 like maner he talketh of Douresleie becke, whose principall head is in
 Douresleie towne: howbeit he saith no thing of it more, than that it
 [Sidenote: Torworth.]
 serueth sundrie tucking lucking milles, and goeth by Tortworth or
 foure miles further, before it come at the Sauerne. Finallie, making
 mention of an excellent quarrie of hard stone about Douresleie, he
 telleth of the Tortworth becke, that runneth within a flight shot of
 Barkeleie towne, and falleth on the left hand into Sauerne marches,
 taking with all the Alderleie or Auon, except I mistake his meaning,
 which may soone be doone among his confused notes.




 THE DESCRIPTION OF THE SAUERNE, & SUCH WATERS AS DISCHARGE THEMSELUES
 INTO THE SAME.

 CHAP. XIII.


 [Sidenote: Sauerne.]
 The Sauerne which Ptolomie calleth Sabriana, Tacitus Sabrina, diuideth
 England or that part of the Iland, which sometime was called Lhoegres
 from Cambria, so called of Camber, the second sonne of Brute, as our
 histories doo report. But now that region hight Wales, of the Germane
 word Walsh, whereby that nation dooth vse to call all strangers
 without respect of countrie. This riuer tooke the name of a certeine
 ladie, called Habren or Hafren, base daughter to Locrinus begotten
 vpon Estrildis daughter to Humber otherwise called Cumbrus or Vmar,
 and for which some write Chonibrus king of Scithia, that sometime
 inuaded this Island, and was ouerthrowne here in the daies of this
 Locrinus, as shall be shewed at hand: although I suppose rather that
 this ladie was called Ine, and that the word Sabrina is compounded of
 Aber and Ine, and the letter S added "Propter euphoniam:" for the
 mouth or fall of euerie riuer in the British spéech is called Aber,
 whereby Aber Ine is so much to saie as, the fall of Ine. But let vs
 returne againe to our discourse of Humber or Vmar, which is worthie to
 be remembred.

 For after the death of Locrinus, it came to passe that Guendolena his
 wife ruled the kingdome in the nonage of hir sonne: and then getting
 the said Estrildis and Habren hir daughter into hir hands, she drowned
 them both in this riuer. And in perpetuall remembrance of hir husbands
 disloialtie towards hir, she caused the streame to be called Habren of
 the yoong ladie, for which the Romans in processe of time for
 readinesse and mildnesse of pronunciation, wrote Sabrina, and we at
 this time doo pronounce the Sauerne. Of the drowning of the said Abren
 also I find these verses insuing:

                   In fluuium præcipitatur Abren,
   Nomen Abren, fluuio de virgine, nomen eidem
     Nomine corrupto deinde Sabrina datur.

 But to returne to our Sauerne. It falleth into the maine sea betweene
 Wales and Cornewall, which is and shall be called the Sauerne sea, so
 long as the riuer dooth keepe hir name. But as the said streame in
 length of course, bountie of water, and depth of chanell commeth farre
 behind the Thames: so for other commodities, as trade of merchandize,
 plentie of cariage, & store of all kind of fish, as salmon, trouts,
 breames, pikerell, tench, perch, &c: it is nothing at all inferiour or
 second to the same. Finallie, there is nothing to be discommended in
 this riuer, but the opennesse thereof in manie places to the weather,
 whereby sundrie perils oft ouertake such as fish or saile in small
 vessels on the same.

 The head of this noble streame is found in the high mounteines of
 south Wales called Helennith or Plim limmon; in English, the blacke
 mounteins, or moore heads, from whence also the Wie and the Rhidoll do
 procéed: and therefore these thrée waters are commonlie called the
 thrée sisters, and haue in latitude two and fiftie degrees ten
 minutes, in longitude fiftéene and fiftie, as the description
 inferreth. So soone as it is out of the ground, it goeth
 southeastward, till it come within a mile of Laundlos, where it
 receiueth a chanell from by south southwest, called the Dulas, which
 commeth thereinto on the south side, & southwest of Lan Idlos. It
 riseth (as it should séeme) of diuerse heads in the edge of
 Radnorshire, and taking in sundrie small rilles, it meeteth at the
 [Sidenote: Brueham.]
 last with the Brueham brooke, and so they go togither till they fall
 [Sidenote: Clewdogh.]
 into the Sauerne. Beneath Lan Idlos it taketh in the Clewdogh, from
 northwest, a water producted by the influence of foure pretie brookes,
 [Sidenote: Bacho.]
 [Sidenote: Dungum.]
 [Sidenote: Lhoid.]
 [Sidenote: Bigga.]
 [Sidenote: Couine.]
 whereof one is called Bacho, another Dungum comming out of lin
 Glaslin, the third Lhoid rising in lin Begilin, and the most
 southerlie called Bigga. After which confluence our Sauerne procéedeth
 on by Berhlaid toward Landiman, taking in by the waie, on the east
 side the Couine, thence to Cairfuse castell, where it meeteth with the
 [Sidenote: Carnon.]
 [Sidenote: Taran.]
 Carnon, and the Taran both in one chanell, and going not far from the
 [Sidenote: Hawes.]
 [Sidenote: Dulesse. 2.]
 aforesaid fortresse. After this it crosseth the Hawes on the north
 halfe beneath Aberhawes, next of all the Dulesse that riseth in the
 edge of Radnor shire, and méeteth with it before it come at Newton in
 Powisie, otherwise called Trenewith, as I find in British language.
 Being come to Trenewith, I cannot eschue (right honorable) to giue one
 note, as by the waie, touching the originall of my ladie your
 bedfellowes ancestrie, which came from hence, & were surnamed Newtons
 onelie, for that the grandfather of sir John Newton either dwelled or
 was borne there: otherwise the right name is Caradoc, for which some
 doo corruptlie write Cradocke, respecting rather the shortnesse of
 pronuntiation, than the true orthographie and writing of the word.
 Certes the Caradockes haue béene, and yet are a linage of great honor,
 antiquitie, and seruice; their lands also sometime belonged (for the
 most part) to the noble Connoanies of Summersetshire: but in what
 order they descended to the Newtons, in good sooth I cannot tell. But
 to procéed with our riuer, which being past Newton, runneth foorth by
 [Sidenote: Mule.]
 Landilouarne, and so foorth on till it come to the fall of the Mule,
 whose head is in the edge of Radnor also, and thereto his passage by
 Kerie and Lanmereiwijc. After this also it procéedeth further till it
 [Sidenote: Kenlet.]
 [Sidenote: Camalet.]
 [Sidenote: Tate.]
 meet with the Kenlet or the Camalet, which taketh in also the Tate or
 Tadbrooke water rising out of the hilles a mile from Bishops towne,
 the whole course thereof being about seauen miles from the head (as I
 haue often heard.) Of this also I find two descriptions, whereof one I
 borrow out of Leland, who saith that it is a pretie brooke, running in
 the vale by Mountgomerie, and comming within halfe a mile of the place
 where Chirbirie priorie stood, it falleth into the Sauerne about a
 mile from thence. Of the rilles (saith he) that run from the hilles
 thorough Mountgomerie, which are a mile from the Sauerne shore, and
 [Sidenote: Lan Idlos.]
 likewise of the Lan Idlos brooke that méeteth withall within foure
 miles of the head, I speake not, but thinke it sufficient to touch
 those of some estimation, onelie leauing the rest to such as maie
 hereafter deale with things more particularlie as time and trauell
 maie reueale the truth to them. And hitherto Leland, whose words I
 dare not alter. But another noteth this Camalet or Kenlet to run by
 More, Liddiom, Sned, Churchstocke, Chirbirie, Walcote, and Winsbirie,
 and so into the Sauerne.

 From hence then, and after this confluence it goeth on by Fordon,
 Leighton, and Landbreuie toward Meluerleie, and there it méeteth with
 [Sidenote: Tanet.]
 sundrie waters in one chanell, whereof the one called the Tanet is a
 [Sidenote: Peuereie or Murnewie.]
 verie pretie water (whereinto the Peuereie or Murneweie doth fall,
 which descendeth from the hilles by west of Matrafall not farre from
 [Sidenote: Auernie.]
 Lhan Filin) the other Auernie, and ioining beneath Abertannoth, or
 aboue Lannamonach neere unto the ditch of Offa, it is not long yer
 [Sidenote: Mordant.]
 they méet with the Mordant brooke, and there loose their names so
 soone as they ioine and mix their waters with it. The head of the
 Mordant issueth out of the Lanuerdan hilles, where diuerse saie, that
 the parish church of crosse Oswald or Oswester sometimes stood.
 Certes, Oswester is thirtéene miles northwest from Shrewesburie, and
 conteineth a mile within the walles. It hath in like sort foure
 suburbs or great stréetes, of which one is called Stratlan, another
 Wuliho, the third Beterich, wherein are one hundred and fortie barns
 standing on a row belonging to the citizens or burgesses, and the
 fourth named the Blackegate stréet, in which are thirtie barns
 mainteined for corne and haie. There is also a brooke running thorough
 [Sidenote: Simons becke.]
 the towne by the crosse, comming from Simons well, a bow shoote
 without the wall; & going vnder the same betweene Thorowgate &
 Newgate, running vnder the Blacke gate. There is another, ouer whose
 [Sidenote: Bederich.]
 course the Baderikes or Bederich gate standeth, and therefore called
 Bederich brooke. The third passeth by the Willigate or Newgate, &
 these fall all togither with the Crosse brooke, a mile lower by south
 into the Mordant that runneth (as I said) by Oswester. From hence also
 it goeth to Mordant towne, and betwéene Landbreuie and Meluerleie doth
 fall into the Sauerne. After this our principall streame goeth to
 Sheauerdon castell, Mountford, and Bicton chappell: and here it
 receiueth a water on the left hand, that riseth of two heads, whereof
 one is aboue Merton, the other at Ellismere, and ioining betweene
 Woodhouses & Bagleie, the confluence runneth on by Radnall, Halton,
 Teddesmer, Roiton, Baschurch, Walford, Grafton, Mitton, and so into
 the Sauerne. From hence it runneth to Fitz, Eton, or Leiton, Barwijc,
 vpper Rossall, Shelton, and so to Shrewsburie, where it crosseth the
 Mele water, whose head (as I heare) is said to be in Weston.

 [Sidenote: Mele.]
 The Mele therefore rising at Weston, goeth by Brocton, Worthen, Aston
 [Sidenote: Haberleie.]
 Pigot, Westleie, Asterleie, and at Lea it méeteth with the Haberleie
 water that commeth downe by Pontesford and Aunston. After this
 confluence also it runneth to Newenham & Crokemele, there taking in a
 rill on the other side that descendeth by Westburie and Stretton, &
 thence going on to Hanwood, Noball, Pulleie, Bracemele, and
 Shrewesburie, it falleth (as I said) into the open Sauerne. From hence
 our Sauerne hasteth to Vffington, Preston, and betwéene Chilton and
 Brampton taketh in the Terne, a faire streame and worthie to be well
 handled; if it laie in me to performe it. This riuer riseth in a mere
 beside Welbridge parke, néere vnto Ternemere village in Staffordshire.
 From whence it runneth by the parkes side to Knighton, Norton, Betton,
 and at Draiton Hales crosseth with a water comming from about Adbaston
 (where maister Brodocke dwelleth) and runneth by Chippenham and
 [Sidenote: Terne.]
 Amming: so that the Terne on the one side, and this brooke on the
 [Sidenote: * Sée Hen. 6. pag. 649]
 other, doo inclose a great part of [*]Blore heath, where a noble
 battell was somtime purposed betwéene king Henrie the sixt, and the
 duke of Yorke: but it wanted execution.

 But to procéed. After this confluence, it runneth to Draiton Hales,
 Ternehill bridge: and yer long taking in a rill from Sandford by
 Blechleie, it goeth to Stoke Allerton, Peplaw, and Eaton, where it
 crosseth with a brooke that riseth about Brinton, and going by Higham,
 Morton, the great Mere, Forton, Pilson, Pickstocke, Keinton,
 Tibberton, and Bolas, it ioineth with the said Terne not farre from
 Water Vpton. Thence passing to Crogenton, it méeteth with another
 brooke that commeth from Chaltwen Aston, by Newport, Longford,
 Aldneie, and so through the Wilde moore to Kinsleie & Sléepe, and
 finallie into the Terne, which hasteth from thence to Eston bridge,
 [Sidenote: Roden.]
 and néere vnto Walcote taketh in the Roden. This water riseth at
 Halton in Cumbermere lake: and comming to Ouenleie, crosseth a rill
 from Cowlemere by Leniall. Thence it goeth to Horton, and (ioining
 with another rill beneath Nonlaie that commeth from Midle) runneth on
 to Wen, Aston, there crossing a rill beneath Lacon hall from Prées
 ward, and so to Lée, Befford, Stanton, Morton, Shabrée, Painton,
 Roden, Rodington, and then into Terne, that runneth from thence by
 Charlton, Vpton, Norton, Barwijc, Acham, and so into the Sauerne two
 miles beneath Shrewesburie (as I wéene.)

 Thus haue I described the Terne in such wise as my simple skill is
 able to performe. Now it resteth that I proceed on (as I maie) with
 the Sauerne streame, with which, after this former confluence, it
 goeth vnto Roxater or Roxcester, Brampton, Eaton vpon Sauerne,
 [Sidenote: Euerne.]
 Draiton, where it ioineth with the Euerne that runneth from
 Frodesleieward by Withiall and Pitchford, Cresfedge, Garneston,
 [Sidenote: Wenlocke or Rhe.]
 Leighton, and betwéene the two Bildasses crosseth the Rhe or Wenlocke
 water, and so goeth on to Browsleie and Hoord parke, where it vniteth
 it selfe with another brooke to be described in this place, whilest
 the Sauerne rests, and recreates it selfe here among the plesant
 bottoms.

 This water ariseth aboue Tongcastell, and yer it haue run anie great
 distance from the head, it méeteth with a rill comming by Sheriffe
 Hales, and Staunton. Thence it goeth on to Hatton, Roiton, and there
 crossing another from Woodhouses, comming by Haughton and Euelin, it
 [Sidenote: Worfe.]
 procéedeth to Beckebirie and Higford, and not omitting here to crosse
 the Worfe (sometime a great streame that runneth vnto it out of
 Snowdon poole) and so passeth foorth to Badger, Acleton, Worffield: a
 litle from whence (about Wickin) it taketh in another brooke into it
 called Churle, & so goeth on to Rindleford, and then into Sauerne
 somwhat aboue Bridgenorth at Penston mill (except mine information
 deceiue me.) From Bridgenorth our Sauerne descendeth to Woodburie,
 [Sidenote: Marbrooke.]
 Quatford, and there taking in the Marbrooke beneath Eaton that riseth
 aboue Collaton, and goeth by Moruill & Vnderton, it runneth by
 Didmanston, Hempton, Aueleie, & beneath in the waie to Bargate,
 crosseth with a brooke comming from Vpton parke, by Chetton,
 Billingsleie, and Highleie, which being admitted, it holdeth on to
 [Sidenote: Dowlesse.]
 Areleie, Ciarnewood parke, Hawbach and Dowlesse. Here also it méeteth
 with the Dowlesse water, a pretie brooke issuing out of the Cle hilles
 in Shropshire, verie high to looke vpon, and thrée miles or
 thereabouts from Ludlow, which runneth through Clebirie parke in Wire
 [Sidenote: Lempe.]
 forrest, & taking withall the Lempe, dooth fall into the Sauerne not
 far from Bewdleie.

 But to procéed. From Bewdleie our Sauerne hasteth directlie to
 [Sidenote: Stoure.]
 Ribford, Areleie and Redston, and here it méeteth with a water called
 Stoure, descending from Elie, or out of the ponds of Hales Owen in
 Worcestershire, where it receiueth a rill from the left hand, and
 another from the right, and then goeth on to Sturbridge (taking in
 there the third water yer long running from Sturton castell) then to
 Kniuer Whittenton, Ouerleie and Kidormister, aboue which it crosseth
 one brookelet that commeth thither by Church hill, and another beneath
 it that runneth by Belborow, betwixt which two waters lieth an od
 peece of Staffordshire included, and also the Cle hill. From hence the
 aforesaid Sauerne hasteth by Redston to Shrawleie; and aboue this
 [Sidenote: Astleie.]
 towne receiueth the Astleie water, as beneath the same it dooth
 another. From Witleie then it goeth on to Holt castell, and so to
 [Sidenote: Doure.]
 [Sidenote: Sulwaie.]
 Grimleie, taking in thereabout with the Doure, and Sulwaie waters,
 whereof this riseth at Chadswijc, and runneth by Stoke priorie, &
 Droitwich, the other aboue Chaddesleie, and commeth by Dourdale. After
 this it goeth foorth vnto Worcester, in old time called Cair Brangon,
 [Sidenote: Tiber.]
 or Cair Frangon, where it méeteth with the Tiber, or Tiberton water,
 on the right hand aboue that citie, and beneth it neere vnto Powijc
 with the Temde, whose description shall be set downe before I procéed
 or go anie further with the Sauerne.

 [Sidenote: Temde.]
 The Temde, or (as some name it) the Tame riseth vp in Radnorshire, out
 of the Melenith hilles, and soone after his issue, méeting with a
 water from Withall, it runneth to Begeldie, Lanuerwaterden, and so to
 Knighton, which is fiue or six miles (as I heare) from his originall.
 From Knighton it goeth ouer the ditch of Offa vnto Standish, and
 [Sidenote: Clude.]
 crossing a rill that commeth from betwéene the parke named Clude, (and
 is a bound of Radnorshire) it goeth to Buckton, Walford, and
 Lanuarden, where it meeteth with the Bardwell or Berfield, and the
 Clun, both in one chanell, of which I find these descriptions here
 [Sidenote: Barfield.]
 folowing word for word in Leland. The Bardwell or Barfield riseth
 [Sidenote: Clun.]
 aboue New Chappell, in the honour of Clun, hard by the ditch of Offa,
 and goeth by Bucknell. The Clun issueth out of the ground betwéene
 Lhan Vehan and Maiston, and going on by Bucton, Cluncastell, Clundon,
 Purslaw, and Clunbirie, it crosseth with a brooke that runneth along
 by Kempton and Brampton. Thence going foorth by Clunbirie, Brome,
 Abcot and Marlow, it méeteth with the Bardwell, and so in the Temde,
 not verie far from Temderton. I suppose that Leland calleth the
 [Sidenote: Owke.]
 Bardwell by the name of Owke, but I will not abide by it bicause I am
 not sure of it. After these confluences therefore, our Temde goeth by
 Trippleton, Dounton, Burrington, and Broomefield, where it méeteth
 [Sidenote: Oneie.]
 with the Oneie, which is an indifferent streame, and increased with
 sundrie waters, whereof I saie as followeth.

 [Sidenote: Bow.]
 The first of all is called the Bow. It riseth (as I learne) in the
 hilles betwéene Hissington and Shelue, and from thence commeth downe
 [Sidenote: Warren.]
 by Lindleie and Hardwijc, where it crosseth the Warren that issueth
 out of the ground about Rotlie chappell, and runneth by Adston and
 Wentnor. After the confluence also going on by Choulton and Cheinies,
 [Sidenote: Queneie and Strabroke.]
 it taketh in the Queneie and Strabroke both in one chanell, wherof the
 first riseth at Lebotwood, and commeth downe by the Strettons, till it
 passe by Fellanton. The second mounteth about Longuill, and goeth by
 Rushburie, Newhall, Harton, and Alcaster, from whence it is not long
 yer it fall into the Queneie, and so by Stratford into the Oneie,
 which hath borne that name since the confluence of the Bow and Warren
 at Hardwijc, whereof I spake before. Finallie, the Oneie which some
 [Sidenote: Somergill.]
 call the Somergill being thus increased, it runneth on to Hawford
 chappell, Oneibirie, Broomefield, and so into Temde, and next of all
 to Ludlow. The Temde being thus brought to Ludlow, méeteth with the
 [Sidenote: Corue.]
 Corue, which commeth thorough Coruedale from aboue Brocton by
 Morehouses, Shipton, Hungerford, and a little beneath taking in a rill
 that commeth by Tugford, and Brencost castell, goeth on to Corsham
 castell, and there crossing another from saint Margarets Clée, it
 hieth to Stanton Lacie, and so likewise to Ludlow.

 From Ludlow in like sort it goeth to Ludford, the Ashfordes, little
 [Sidenote: Ladwich.]
 Hereford, Burrington, and at Burfford vniteth it selfe with the
 Ladwich that commeth beneath Milburne stoke, from betweene Browne,
 Cleehill, and Stittertons hill, to Middleton, Henleie, Ladwich, Conam,
 and so into Temde, which beneath Temdbirie receiueth another rill on
 [Sidenote: Rhe.]
 the other side, and the second on the left hand called Rhe, that
 commeth from aboue Ricton, Staterton, Hound, Nene, Clebirie, Knighton,
 and then into the Temde. From hence the Temde doeth goe by Astham,
 Lingridge, Shelleie Welch, Clifton, Whitburne (and crossing a water
 that commeth from the Sapies) to Knightwijc and Bradwaies. Hereabout
 againe it interteineth a rill that descendeth from about Kidburie on
 the right hand, and goeth by Collomatherne, Credeleie, Aufrike, and so
 into Temde, and then procéeding forward, the said streame runneth to
 [Sidenote: Langherne.]
 Braunford, and yer long (taking in the Langherne that riseth about
 Martleie, and passeth by Kengewijc) it goeth to Powijc, and so into
 the Sauerne before it come at Wickecester.

 Thus haue I brought all such streames before me that fall into the
 Sauerne from the head, vntill I come to Powijc, wherof (as you may
 easily perceiue) the Temde is the most excellent. Now it resteth that
 I proceed with the rest of the discourse intended concerning this our
 riuer. Certes, from Powijc mils which are about halfe a mile beneth
 Worcester, the Sauerne runneth on to Kempseie and Cleueld, whence
 after it hath crossed a brooke comming from Cowleie, it hasteth first
 to Stoke, and so to Vpton, which is eleuen or twelue miles from
 Glocester, whither it floweth manie times at high tides, but yer it
 come there, it drowneth another fall descending from Maluerne hilles
 by Blackemoore parke, & soone after the third growing by two branches,
 wherof one commeth also from Maluerne hils by little Maluerne and
 Welland, the other from Elderford by Pendocke and Longdon. After these
 confluences in like sort, it runneth to Bushelleie, and Tewkesburie,
 where it receiueth the Auon, that followed next of all in order to be
 described, before I procéed anie further in my discourse of Sauerne.

 [Sidenote: Auon. 4.]
 The Auon riseth at Nauesbie in the borders of Northamptonshire, a
 little side hand of Gillesborow and foot of the hils whereon Nauesbie
 standeth, and euen out of the church yard of the said village. From
 hence it goeth to Welford, Stamford, Lilburne, Clifton, and Rugbie, by
 [Sidenote: Swiuethus.]
 north whereof it crosseth a water called Swift, which commeth from
 aboue Kimcote, to Lutterworth, Browne ouer and Colsford. From thence
 also it goeth to Newbold, Wolston, Ruington, and betwéene the Stonlies
 [Sidenote: Souus.]
 taketh in the Sow. This Sow is a pretie water comming from aboue
 Calendon to Whitleie, and soone after méeting with a riueret from
 Couentrie, which some doo call Shirburne water, it goeth thence to
 [Sidenote: Kinell.]
 Bagginton, where it taketh in a rill called Kinell, as I haue read
 from Kenelsworth, from whence it runneth to Stonleie, & so into the
 Auon. After this confluence the Auon procéedeth on to Stonleie abbeie,
 Ashehow, Miluerton, Edmonds cote, and appace to Warwijc.

 But yer it come there, it méeteth from south east with two waters in
 one chanell, whereof the least commeth to Marton from Bishops
 Itchington, by Herburbirie and Thorpe, where it crosseth a rill from
 [Sidenote: Leame.]
 Southam. The other is called Leame, or Lime that descendeth from about
 Helladon, or néere vnto Catesbie in Northamptonshire, and going by
 Ouencote, Braunston, Lemington and Mertun, it ioineth with the other,
 and then go from thence togither vnder the name of Leame, to
 Hunnington, Cobbington, and so into the Auon, as I gaue notice before.
 At Warwike also the Auon taketh in a water running northwest from
 Groue parke. Thence it goeth on to Bereford, and there crossing
 another from Shirburne, it passeth forth to Bishops Hampton, méeting
 finallie with the third, from Kineton that runneth by Walton and
 Charlecote. After this last rehearsed confluence, it hasteth to
 Stretford vpon Auon, and then to Luddington ward, where it taketh in
 the Stoure that riseth aboue Cherington, & whose course from thence is
 such, as that being once past the head, it goeth by Weston, and yer
 long crossing a water from Campden, hanging Aston, & Todnam, it
 runneth to Barcheston, Aldermaston, Clifford, & so into the Auon. From
 hence then the said Auon goeth to Luddington, Burton, Bitford, and
 Cleue, and being parted from the said towne, yer it come at Sawford,
 [Sidenote: Arow.]
 it receiueth the Arow or Aur, which rising in the blacke hils in
 Worchestershire, commeth by Alchurch, Beleie parke, Ypsleie, Studleie,
 [Sidenote: Alne.]
 and then taking in another rill called Alne, out of Fecknam forrest,
 and going by Coughton parke, it hasteth to Alcester, Arow, Ragleie,
 Wheteleie, Bouington, Standford, and so into Auon, which after this
 conjunction goeth to Vffenton & then to Eouesholme: but yer it come
 there it receiueth two waters in one chanell, whereof the first riseth
 about Willerseie, the other néere to Buckland, and ioining beneath
 [Sidenote: Pludor.]
 Badseie, they fall into Anon, vnder the name of Pludor brooke, before
 it come to Eouesholme.

 [Sidenote: Vincélus.]
 Being past Eouesholme it crosseth the Vincell, which rising out of the
 hils somewhere about Sudleie, runneth two miles further to
 Winchelcombe, and Gretton, and taking in a rill by the waie from
 Hailes, procéedeth on (going within one quarter of a mile of Hailes
 abbaie) to Tuddington, or Doddington, beneath which when it hath
 crossed another rill that commeth from Stanwaie, it goeth to
 Wannington, Sedgeborow, and receiuing there the last on the right hand
 also (as all aboue rehearsed) it falleth into the Auon, when it is
 come by Hinton, vnto a towne called Hampton, or (as some doo write it)
 Ampton. After this confluence the Auon goeth to Charleton, to
 Crapthorne (and there taking in a rill on the left hand) to Fladbirie
 wike, and almost at Persore bridge, méeteth with a branched water that
 [Sidenote: Piddle.]
 commeth by Piddle, whereof one head is at Alberton, an other at
 Piddle. From Persore it goeth to Birlingham, and soone after carrieng
 a brooke withall descending from Fakenham, by Bradleie, Himbleton,
 Huddenton, Crowleie, Churchhill, Pibleton, Besseford and Desseford, it
 fléeteth to Eckington, Bredon, Twining, Mitton, and Tewkesburie, where
 it ioineth with the Sauerne.

 Now to resume the course of the Sauerne, you shall vnderstand, that
 from Tewkesburie it goeth to Derehirst, the How passage, and soone
 [Sidenote: Chilus.]
 after receiuing the Chiltenham water that commeth thither by Bodenton,
 Sawton, and Norton, it runneth to Ashelworth, Sainthirst; and here it
 parteth it selfe till it come to Glocester, where it vniteth it selfe
 againe. But in the meane time the easterlie branch receiueth a forked
 chanell, whereof one head is not far fr[=o] Leke Hampton, the other
 about Witcombe, from whence it goeth to Brockworth. The other branch
 or arme taketh in the Leadon that commeth downe by Preston, Dimmocke,
 [Sidenote: Leadon.]
 Pantleie vpper Leadon, Leadon court, and there taking in one rill that
 commeth from Linton by Areknoll, and another beneath it from Tainton
 by Rudford, it falleth into the said branch on the right side, before
 it come at Glocester.

 The Sauerne therefore being past Glocester, it méeteth with a litle
 rill on the right hand, and thence holding on his course by Elmore,
 Minsterworth, Longneie, to Framilode, it receiueth yer it come at this
 [Sidenote: Strowd.]
 latter the Strowd brooke, which rising not farre from Side, goeth by
 Massade, Edgeworth, Frampton, Strowd, and receiuing there a water that
 commeth from Panneswijc Lodge, by Pittescombe on the one side, and
 another from Radbridge on the other, it prosecuteth his voiage to
 Stone house, Eslington, white Misen, & so toward Framilode, where the
 said Strowd dooth fall into the Sauerne. After the fall of Strowd, the
 Sauerne goeth from thence to Newenham, and Arlingham, and soone after
 receiuing a water on each side, whereof one commeth from Vleie by Cham
 and Chambridge, the other by Blackneie and Catcombe, it goeth foorth
 till it méet with another water on ech side, whereof that on the
 English halfe is forked, so that one head thereof is to be found about
 Borwell, the other at Horton, and méeting aboue Tortworthie, they run
 by Stone and Barkeleie castell, and so into the Sauerne. That on the
 [Sidenote: Newarne.]
 Welsh halfe is named Newarne, which cömeth from the forrest of Deane,
 and so into the Sauerne.




 OF SUCH WATERS AS FALL INTO THE SEA IN COMPASSE OF THE ILAND, BETWÉENE
 THE SAUERNE AND THE HUMBER.

 CHAP. XIV.


 The Sauerne being thus described, it resteth that I go forward with
 the names of those that lie vpon the coast of Southwales, making my
 entrie at the ferrie ouer betwéene Aust in Glocestershire, and a
 village on the further banke of Sauerne, not farre from Tarendacus
 [Sidenote: Wie mouth.]
 chappell, in the mouth of the riuer Wie, which ferrie is about three
 [Sidenote: Guie aliàs Wie.]
 miles ouer (saith Leland) or else my memorie dooth faile me. This
 riuer Guie or Wie beginneth (as I said before) on the side of the
 hilles, where the Sauerne dooth arise, and passing through Wenceland,
 that is, southeast by Raiader Guie to Buelt (where the Irwon meeteth
 withall) it goeth to Glasburie, Hereford, Monmouth, and finallie into
 the Sauerne sea at Chepstow: for so they call Monhafren, which
 seuereth Wales from Summersetshire, Deuonshire, Cornewall: as for the
 Rhidoll which is the third sister, it hath the shortest course of all,
 for it runneth northward, and into the sea at Aberistwith, which is
 not farre off, as the writers doo report.

 Leland writing of this riuer Guie or Wie saith thus; The Wie goeth
 thorough all Herefordshire by Bradwarden castell, belonging to sir
 Richard Vehan, and so to Hereford east, thence eight miles to Rosse, a
 [Sidenote: Vmber a fish onelie in the Wie.]
 market towne in Herefordshire: and in this riuer be vmbers, otherwise
 called grailings. It is also found by common experience, that the
 salmon of this riuer is in season, when the like fish to be found in
 all other riuers is abandoned and out of vse; wherof we of the east
 parts doo not a little maruell. But let vs not staie vpon these
 descriptions, sith an other is come to my hand more exact than either
 of these.

 The Guie therefore riseth out of the blacke mounteines of Wales, out
 of which the Sauerne springeth in Radnorshire, and comming by
 [Sidenote: Darnoll.]
 Lhangerike, and Raiadargoie, it receiueth one rill from the west
 called Darnoll, and another from by northeast comming by saint Harmon.
 Thence it goeth to Lhanuthell, and in the waie betwixt Raiader and
 [Sidenote: Elland.]
 Lhanuthell, it ioineth with the Elland, whose head is néere to
 [Sidenote: Clardwen.]
 Comeristwith, and taketh likewise into him the Clardwen that diuideth
 for a season Radnorshire from Brecknoch, which Clardwen is likewise
 increased by the Clarthie within thrée miles of his head and lesse,
 hauing his course from southwest & hille soile adiacent. From
 [Sidenote: Ithan.]
 Lhanuthell it goeth west of Dissart, where it receiueth the Ithan, a
 riuer rising aboue Lhanibister, and from whence it runneth to Landwie,
 and Lambaderne vawr: beneath which it crosseth a water on ech side,
 [Sidenote: Dulesse.]
 [Sidenote: Cluedoch.]
 whereof that on the right hand consisteth on the Dulesse and the
 [Sidenote: Lamaron.]
 Cluedoch, after their confluence: the other hight Lomaron, whose head
 is aboue Lanthangle, and in the forrest of Blethwag. After these
 confluences, it runneth on crinkeling in strange manner, vnder the
 [Sidenote: Hawie.]
 name of Ithor, till it come to Dissart, taking in the Hawie on the
 left side yer it come there, and then into the Wie on the north side,
 which directeth his course further to Bealt, where it receiueth the
 [Sidenote: Yrwon.]
 Yrwon, a notable streame, descending from the hilles aboue Lanihangle
 Abergwessen, and thence comming downe by Lanurid Lang marsh, Lanauan,
 Vechan, Langantan, and so to Beth or Bealt, being inlarged by the waie
 [Sidenote: Weuereie.]
 with sundrie faire waters, as the Weuereie, whose head is about
 Lanauan moore, the Dulasse, or (as some call it) the Dowlasse, that
 [Sidenote: Dulasse.]
 [Sidenote: Comarch.]
 [Sidenote: Dulasse.]
 commeth from the hilles west of the head of Weuereie. The Comarch
 whose head and course is west of the Dowlasse on the north side, and
 likewise by two other on the southwest, and Dilasse from by southwest,
 which last rehearsed falleth into him halfe a mile and more aboue the
 influence of the Comarch which lieth on the other side. After this our
 [Sidenote: Dehon.]
 Yrwon goeth to Lhanuareth, where it crosseth the Dehon on the
 [Sidenote: Edwie.]
 southwest side, then to Aberedwie, and there receiueth the Edwie on
 the northeast, which ariseth in the hilles aboue Botins chappell, and
 commeth downe by Crigend and Lanhaderne, thence the Guie goeth on to
 [Sidenote: Machaweie.]
 Lanstephan, and there (or a little aboue) taketh in the Machaweie that
 commeth by castell Paine, and so going on in processe of time with the
 [Sidenote: Leuenni.]
 Leuenni, whereof Leland in his commentaries doth write as here
 insueth.

 [Sidenote: Euer.]
 [Sidenote: Euerie.]
 The Leuenni, otherwise called the Euer or Euerie, is a farre streame
 rising in Welch Talgarth hard by Blaine Leuenni, among the Atterill
 hilles, from whence it goeth to Brecknoch mere, which is two miles
 long, and a mile broad, and where men doo fish in Vniligneis or botes
 of one peece, as they doo in Lhin Seuathan, which is foure miles from
 Brecknoch. Finallie bringing great store of red sand withall, and
 [Sidenote: Brennich.]
 there with the Brennich water (that hath his originall issue at
 [Sidenote: Trufrin.]
 Mennith gader, and is increased with the Trufrin) it falleth into the
 Wie aboue Glesbirie three miles from Haie, at a place that of the
 onelie fall of this brooke is named Aberleuenni, after this the Guie.
 Being come to Haie, a pretie towne where much Romane coine is found,
 which they call Jewes monie: and after it hath passed or crossed a
 [Sidenote: Dulesse.]
 little brooke, which commeth from Lanigon, it méeteth with the Dulesse
 that commeth also from the Atterill by Kersop, and from thence goeth
 to Clifford castell (being now entred into Herefordshire, and leauing
 Radnor, wherevnto it hath for a long course béene march) then to the
 Whitneies, Winferton, Letton, Bradwarden, Broberie, Monington, Biford,
 Bridgesalers, Eaton, Brinton, and Hereford, without anie influence of
 riuer worthie of memorie, and yet with manie windlesses, & there
 méeteth with a water rising short of Wormesleie, which goeth by
 Maunsell, Lacie, Brinsop, Crednell, Stretton, and Huntington, and
 soone after into the Wie, beside a little rill that runneth betwéene
 them both euen into Hereford towne. From hence in like sort the Wie
 hasteth to Rotheras church, Hampton, and Mordeford, where it taketh in
 [Sidenote: Lug.]
 sundrie waters in one chanell, of which the Lug or Luie is the
 principall, and next of all to be described, before I go anie further
 with the course of the Wie, whereinto it dischargeth the chanell. It
 riseth in the edge of the forrest of Kemples aboue Langunlo: from
 whence it goeth to Momonacht, Pilleth Whitton, Fuldibrooke, Prestaine,
 so into Herefordshire, where betwéene Bonie & Beton, or Bitton, it
 receiueth in the Somergill, whose crotched head being march to Radnor
 forrest, directeth his streame betwéene the new and old Radnors, to
 Knill, to Nash, and so into the Lug, which presentlie passeth by
 Kinsham, Shirleie, Ailmister, Kingsland, Eaton chappell, and so into
 Lemister, where it crosseth the Oneie (a streamelet rising short of
 Shobden, and going by Chorlester) a little before it come to the west
 side of the towne.

 At Lemister it selfe in like sort three waters doo méet, and almost
 [Sidenote: Pinsell.]
 inuiron the towne, that is to saie, the Lug, the Pinfulleie or Pinsell
 [Sidenote: Kenbrooke.]
 (a riueret rising at Kingsland two miles from Lemister) & the
 Kenbrooke, which commeth out of the blacke mounteins, from Lemister,
 otherwise called Leofminster, of the builder, and also Leonminster,
 the Lug or Luie goeth on to Eaton, and there taketh in a rill beneath
 Hampton, and aboue Hope, whereof one head is betwéene Hatfield and
 Bickleton, another néere vnto Marston, and méeting of both at Humber.
 From Hampton it goeth to Bodenham, Wellington, Morton, Sutton,
 Shelwijc, Lugwardin, and Longward, where it crosseth the Fromeie or
 Frome, a pretie water, and worthie to be remembred. It riseth about
 Wolferelaw, from whence it commeth downe toward the southest by
 [Sidenote: Fromeie.]
 Edwinsloch to Bromyard, Auenburie, Bishops Frome, Castell Frome, Can
 Frome, to Stretton vpon Frome, and there taking in a water called
 [Sidenote: Loden aliàs Acton.]
 Loden, comming from aboue Bishops Grendon, by Pencombe, Cowarne, Stoke
 Lacie, Cowarne, and Engleton, our Frome goeth on to Yarkeleie,
 Dornington, and Longward, and so into the Lug, betwéene Longward and
 Suston, which runneth foorthwith to Mordford, or Morthford, and there
 into the Wie, vnto whose description I now returne againe.

 Being come therefore vnto Mordford, it goeth to Fawnehope, Hamlacie,
 [Sidenote: Treske.]
 Ballingham, Capull regis, where it receiueth a water called Treske,
 from little Berch by Treske, Fawleie, How, Capull Inkeston, Foie,
 Brampton, Bridstow, Wilton castell, the Rosse, and there a rill from
 Bishops Vptonward by Rudhall, Weresend, Ham, Glewston, Godderich, here
 in like sort meeting with another that commeth from Ecleswall in the
 confines of Glocestershire, by Peniard castell & Coughton, to Welch
 Bicknor, English Bicknor, Huntesham, including a parcell of
 Monmouthshire, being an outliggand, as ye may find in that parcell of
 Herefordshire which butteth vpon Glocestershire (as you shall find the
 like péece of Herefordshire in the confines of Salop and Worcester,
 wherein Rochford standeth, beside manie other which I haue elsewhere
 [Sidenote: Gainar.]
 spoken of) Whitchurch, where it taketh in Gainar water that commeth
 from Much Birch, by Lanwarne, Michaell church, and at Langarran
 [Sidenote: Garran.]
 crosseth the Garran brooke, that riseth in Gregwood, short of Arcop,
 six miles from Monemouth by northwest: after which these two doo runne
 as one to Marston, and almost Whitchurch, and so into the Wie, which
 goeth from thence to Gunnarew, S. Michaell, Dixton, and Monemouth,
 where I will staie a while, till I haue described the Mone, next of
 all to be remembred here.

 [Sidenote: Mona.]
 The Mona or Monbecke, riseth in the forrest of Hene, twentie miles
 from Monemouth by west in Eirisland, and going by Creswell, or
 Craswall chappell not farre from the marches of Brecknocke, and
 northeast of Hatuill hils, which after it hath run a good distance
 [Sidenote: Eskill.]
 from the head receiueth first the Eskle, and passeth by Lanihangle and
 [Sidenote: Elkon.]
 the old Court, from northweast, then the Olcon, from southwest, which
 méeteth withall néere Cledoll or Knedoch, & passing by the old towne,
 it hasteth to Altrinis, where it becommeth march betwéene Hereford and
 [Sidenote: Hodneie.]
 Monemouth shires, and taketh in a water comming by Trewin, & likewise
 the Hordwie or Hodneie which riseth in Becknocke, among the
 Saterelles, & runneth by Capell a fin, Lantonie, Cumroie, Michaell
 church in Monemouthshire, and ioineth with our Mona at Altrinis, which
 after this confluence hasteth to Walderstone, Lansillo Langua,
 [Sidenote: Doure.]
 betwéene which and Kinechurch it ioineth with the Doure that riseth
 about the Bache aboue Dourston, which is six miles aboue Doure abbie,
 so that it runneth through the Gilden dale, by Peterchurch, Fowchurch,
 [Sidenote: Dulesse.]
 Morehampton, Newcourt, Doure, and beneath Doure taketh in the Dulesse,
 [Sidenote: Wormesbecke.]
 from southwest and Lanihangle, by Harleswas castell on the one side,
 and yer long the Wormesbecke, descending from aboue Keuernall by
 Didleie, Deuerox, Workebridge, and Kenderchurch on the other, and so
 running all in one chanell vnto Mona, that riuer goeth on to Kinech
 church, Grismond, Cardwaie, Skenfrith, Warnethall, Perthire, and so to
 Monemouth, where it meeteth with the Wie, ouer each of which riuers
 Monemuth towne hath his particular bridge.

 The Guie or Wie therefore being increased with thus manie brookes and
 waters, passeth on from hence, and going toward Landogo, it méeteth
 [Sidenote: Trollie.]
 with the Trollie becke, whose head is aboue Lannam ferrie in the north
 part of Monemouth shire, and goeth from thence by Lhantellio,
 Lanihangle, Gracedieu, Diggestow, Wonastow, Troie, and so into Wie,
 [Sidenote: Elwie.]
 that runneth also by Wies wood chase, taking in there the Elwie that
 commeth from aboue Landelwie by Langowen, Lannissen, Penclase,
 Trilegh, and Langogo, where méeting with the aforesaid streame, the
 Wie directeth his course from thence by Tinterne abbeie (where it
 crosseth a rill from Trile grange) Chapell hill, Parcasicke, Penterie
 chapell, Lancante, Chepstowe, and so into the sea, leauing the Treacle
 (a chappell standing on a rocke) on the hand betweene it & Sauerne,
 ouer against the point that lieth south of Betteslie. Next vnto the
 Wie, I find a rill of no great course, comming downe from Mounton
 chappell, by a place of the bishops of Landaffe. Thence passing by
 Charston rocke, and the point whereon Trinitie chappell standeth, I
 [Sidenote: Trogie.]
 come vnto the fall of Trogie, which riseth short of Trogie castell,
 and runneth toward the sea, by Landuair, Dewston, Calicot, and so into
 the Ocean, ouer against the Charston rocke. The next fall is of a
 water that commeth from aboue Penho by saint Brides, north and by west
 [Sidenote: Dennie Iland in the middest of the Sauerne,
 and likewise another litle one called Beuerage.]
 of Dennie Iland, which lieth midwaie betweene that fall & Porshot
 point, and before I touch at Goldcliffe point, I crosse another fall
 of a fresh brooke, whose head is aboue Landueigo in Wencewood, and
 course by Lhanbed, Langston, Lhanwarme, and through the More to
 Witston.

 [Sidenote: Wiske.]
 Next vnto this is the Aberwish, or Wiske, in Latine Osca, whereon
 Caerleon standeth, sometime called Chester and Ciuitas legionum,
 bicause the Romans soiourned there, as did afterward Arthur the great,
 who also held a noble parlement in the same, whereof Galfride maketh
 mention Lib. 7. cap. 4. affirming thereto, that in those daies the
 maiestie thereof was such, as that all the forefronts of their houses
 were in maner laid ouer with gold, according to the Romane vsage.
 There was in the same in like sort a famous vniuersitie, wherein were
 200 philosophers; also two goodlie churches erected in the remembrance
 of Iulius and Aaron, two Brittish martyrs, whereby it might well be
 reputed for the third metropoliticall sée in Britaine. But to our
 water, whereof I read that it is furthermore one of the greatest in
 Southwales, and huge ships might well come to the towne of Caerleon,
 as they did in the time of the Romans, if Newport bridge were not a
 let vnto them; neuerthelesse, big botes come thereto. It is eight
 Welsh or twelue English miles from Chepstow or Strigull, and of some
 thought to be in base Wenceland, though other be of the contrarie
 opinion. But howsoeuer the matter standeth, this riuer is taken to be
 the bounds of Brechnockshire, as Renni is middle to Wenceland &
 Glamorganshire. But to leaue these by-matters, and come to the
 description of the water.

 [Sidenote: Vske.]
 You shall vnderstand that the Vske or Wiske, in Latin Osca riseth in
 the blacke mounteins ten miles aboue Brechnocke toward Carmardine, the
 hill being properlie called Yminidh Duy out of which it falleth, and
 situate in the verie confines betwéene Brechnocke and Carmardine
 shires, from whence winding into the northeast, it commeth to
 Trecastle, and in the waie betwéene it and Capell Ridburne, it taketh
 [Sidenote: Craie.]
 in the Craie brooke, on the right hand before it come to Ridburne
 chappell. Going also from thence toward Deuinocke, it crosseth the
 [Sidenote: Sennie.]
 Senneie on the same side (which riseth aboue Capell Senneie) next of
 [Sidenote: Camblas.]
 [Sidenote: Brane.]
 all the Camblas, & at Aberbraine, the Brane, or the Bremich, whose
 head is thrée miles from Brechnocke, and running by Lanihangle, it
 méeteth I saie with the Vske, about master Awbries manor. Beneath Aber
 [Sidenote: Yster.]
 Yster, it receiueth the Yster, which riseth northwest aboue Martyr
 Kinoch, and commeth by Battell chappell, and going from thence by
 Lanspithed and Newton, it runneth in the end to Brechnocke, where it
 [Sidenote: Hodneie.]
 taketh in the Hodneie or Honthie on the one side, whose head is in
 Blaine Hodneie, and comming downe from thence by Defrune chappell,
 Lanihangle and Landiuilog, it méeteth with the Vske or Brechnocke
 townes end, which of the fall of this water was sometime called
 Aberhodni, as I haue beene informed: on the other halfe likewise
 [Sidenote: Tertarith.]
 it receiueth the Tertarith that riseth among the Bane hils, fiue miles
 from Brechnocke, and commeth likewise into the verie suburbs of the
 towne, beneath Trenewith, or new Troie, whereby it taketh the course.

 [Sidenote: Kinuricke.]
 After these confluences, the Vske procéedeth on toward Aberkinurike,
 or the fall of a water whose head is in the roots of Menuchdennie
 hill, and passage by Cantreffe. Thence it goeth by Lanhamlaghe,
 Penkethleie castell, Lansanfreid, Landettie, Langonider, and soone
 [Sidenote: Riangall.]
 after receiuing the Riangall (which riseth about the hill whereon
 Dinas castell standeth, and runneth by Lanihangle and Tretoure) it
 passeth betwéene Laugattocke and Cerigkhowell, to Langroinie, and
 [Sidenote: Groini.]
 there about crosseth the Groinie brooke, that descendeth from
 Monegather, Arthur hill, by Peter church, as I find. When the Vske is
 past this brooke, it taketh in thrée other short rils, from by south
 [Sidenote: Cledoch Vaur.]
 [Sidenote: Fidan.]
 [Sidenote: Cledochveh[=a].]
 within a little distance, whereof the first hight Cledoch Vaur, the
 second Fidan, and the third Cledochvehan. Of these also the last
 falleth in néere to Lanwenarth. From hence the Vske runneth to
 [Sidenote: Kebbie.]
 Abergeuenni towne, where it méeteth with the Kebbie water from by
 north, that riseth short of Bettus chappell aboue the towne, and the
 [Sidenote: Geuenni.]
 Geuennie that descendeth from aboue Landilobartholl beneath not farre
 from Colbroke, and so goeth on to Hardwijc, beneath which it crosseth
 thrée namelesse rilles, on the right hand or southwest side before it
 come at Lanihangle vpon Vske, of whose courses I know not anie more
 than that they are not of anie length, nor the chanell of sufficient
 greatnesse seuerallie to intreat of. Betwéene Kemmeis and Trostreie it
 [Sidenote: Birthin.]
 meeteth with such an other rill that commeth downe by Bettus Newith.
 [Sidenote: Caer Vske standeth on one side of
 Vske, and Caerleon on the other, but Caer Vske
 by diuerse miles further into the land.]
 Thence it goeth to Caer Vske or Brenbigeie (whose bridge, I mene that
 of Vske, was ouerthrowne by rage of this riuer, in the six and
 twentith yeare of king Henrie the eight, vpon saint Hughes daie after
 a great snow) but yer it come there, it receiueth the Birthin on the
 right hand, which is a pretie water, descending from two heads,
 whereof the first is northwest of Manihilot, as the other is of
 Lanihangle and Pentmorell.

 [Sidenote: Elwie.]
 Next vnto this it ioineth with the Elwie aboue Lanbadocke, whose head
 is east of Penclase, and running westwards by Penclase, Lanislen,
 Langowen (and beneath Landewie taking in a brooket from Ragland
 castell, that commeth downe thither by Ragland parke) it bendeth
 southwest, vntill it come at the Vske, which crinkling towards the
 south, and going by Lanhowell, méeteth with three rilles before it
 come to Marthenie chappell, whereof the first lieth on the right hand,
 and the other on the left: the midlemost falling into the same, not
 farre from Lantressen, as I haue béene informed. From the mouth of the
 Romeneie to the mouth of the Taffe are two miles. Certes the Taffe is
 the greatest riuer in all Glamorganshire, (called by Ptolomie
 Rhatostathybius, as I gesse) and the citie Taffe it selfe of good
 countenance, sith it is indued with the cathedrall see of a bishop.
 The course of the water in like maner is verie swift, and bringeth oft
 such logs and bodies of trées withall from the wooddie hilles, that
 they doo not seldome crush the bridge in péeces, but for so much as it
 is made with timber it is repaired with lighter cost, wheras if it
 were of hard stone, all the countrie about would hardlie be able to
 amend it. It riseth in Brechnockshire among the woodie hilles, from
 two heads, whereof one is in Monuchdenie, the other west of that
 mounteine, of which the first called Taffe vaure, goeth by Capell lan
 vehan, Vainor, and Morlais, the other by Capell Nantie, and ioining at
 southwest beneath Morlais castle, they go to Martyr Tiduill, and
 toward Lannabor, but by the waie it taketh in from northwest a brooke
 called Cunnon, which commeth out of Brechnockshire by Abardare, and
 afterward the Rodneie comming out of the same quarter (but not out of
 the same shire) which runneth by Estridinodoch, a crotched brooke, &
 therefore diuided into Rodneie vaure, & Rodneie vehan, that being
 ioined with the Taffe, doth run on withall to Eglefilian, castle Coch,
 Whitchurch, Landaffe, Cardiffe, and so into the sea, not far from
 Pennarth point, where also the Laie dooth bid him welcome vnto his
 chanell or streame. Furthermore, from Marthellie it hasteth to
 Kemmeis, and yer it come at Caerleon or Chester in the south, taketh
 in two waters on the right hand, of which the first commeth downe from
 the north betweene Landgwie, Landgweth, and by Lhan Henoch, without
 anie further increase: but the other is a more beautifull streame,
 [Sidenote: Auon.]
 called Auon, and thus described as I find it among my pamphlets. The
 Auon riseth in the hilles that séeme to part Monemouth and Brechenocke
 shires in sunder, and after a rill receiued from Blorench hill on the
 northside of the same, running downe from thence by Capell Newith and
 Triuethin, it receiueth a water from by south almost of equall course,
 and from that quarter of the countrie, and in processe of time another
 little one from the same side, yer it come to Lanurgwaie and
 Lanihangle, from whence it goeth to Guennocke and Penrose, & so in
 Vske before it go by Caerleon. But here you must note, that the course
 of this streame ioining beneath Quenocke chappell, with the other
 which descendeth (as I said) from the hilles about foure miles aboue
 Landgwaie and Langweth, dooth make an Iland aboue Caerleon, where
 Penrose standeth, & much Romane coine is found of all sorts, so that
 the influence of the one into the other séemeth to me to be but a
 draine deuised by man, to kéepe the citie from the violence of such
 water as otherwise would oft annoie the same.

 Being past Caerleon it runneth to Crindie, where maister Harbert
 dwelleth, and there carieng another brooke withall, that riseth north
 of Tomberlow hill, and descendeth by Henlis and Bettus chappell, it
 runneth forth to Newport (in Welch castle Newith) and from thence
 vnder a bridge, after thrée or foure miles course to the sea, taking
 [Sidenote: Ebowith.]
 the Ebowith water withall, which méeteth with the same almost in the
 verie mouth or fall, and riseth in the edge of Brecknoch shire, or (as
 Leland saith) high Winceland, from two heads of which one is called
 Eberith Vehan, the other Eberith Mawr, as I haue beene informed. The
 course of the first head is by Blamgrent, and after the confluence
 they passe togither by Lanhileth, and comming by west of Tomberlow
 hill (crossing a rill, from north east by the waie) it taketh in
 [Sidenote: Serowie.]
 thereabout the Serowie, that runneth by Trestrent, & is of lesse race
 hitherto than the Ebowith, and from that same quarter. After this
 confluence it goeth to Risleie, Rocheston castell, next of all
 thorough a parke, and so by Greenefield castell, and is not long yer
 it fall into the sea, being the last issue that I doo find in the
 countie, which beareth the name of Monemouth, and was in old time a
 part of the region of the Silures.

 [Sidenote: Romeneie.]
 The Romenie or (as some corruptlie call it) the Nonneie, is a goodlie
 water, and from the head a march betwéene Monemouth & Glamorgan
 shires. The head hereof is aboue Egglins Tider vap Hoell otherwise
 called Fanum Theodori, or the church of Theodorus, whence commeth
 manie springs, & taking one bottome, the water is called Canoch and
 not Romeneie till it be come to Romeneie. It receiueth no water on the
 east side, but on the west diuerse small beckes, whereof three (and
 one of them called Ifra) are betwéene the rising and Brathetere
 chappell, the fourth c[=o]meth in by Capell Gledis, and Kethligaire,
 the fift from betwéene the Faldraie and Lanuabor, the sixt & seuenth
 before it come to Bedwas, and the eight ouer against Bedwas it selfe
 from chappell Martin, Cairfillie castell, and Thauan, after which
 confluences it runneth on by Maghan, Keuen, Mableie and Romeneie, &
 yer long crossing a becke at north west that commeth from aboue
 Lisuan, Lamssen and Roch, it falleth into the sea, about six miles
 from the Wisbe, and albeit the mouth therof be nothing profitable for
 ships, yet is it also a march betwéene the Silures and Glamorganshire.

 [Sidenote: Laie.]
 The Laie falleth into the sea a mile almost from the Taffe, and riseth
 in the hilles aboue Lantrissent (for all the region is verie hillie.)
 From whence comming by Lantrissent and Auercastell, it runneth by Coit
 Marchan parke, Lambedder, S. Brides, Lhannihangle, saint Fagans and
 Elaie, Leckwith, Landowgh, Cogampill, and so into the sea, without
 [Sidenote: Dunelais.]
 anie maner increase by anie rils at all sauing the Dunelais, which
 riseth foure miles from his fall, east northeast, and meeteth withall
 a little more than a quarter of a mile from Pont Velim Vaur, and
 [Sidenote: Methcoid.]
 likewise by west, the Methcoid that commeth from Glinne Rodeneie, and
 [Sidenote: Pedware.]
 wherein to the Pedware dischargeth that small water gathered in his
 chanell. Here will I staie a little and breake off into a discourse,
 which Leland left also as parcell of this coast who toucheth it after
 this maner.

 [Sidenote: Laie.]
 From Taffe to Laie mouth or Ele riuer a mile, from Laie mouth (or
 [Sidenote: Thawan.]
 rather Penarth, that standeth on the west point of it) to the mouth of
 Thawan riuer (from whence is a common passage ouer vnto Mineheued in
 Summersetshire of 17 miles) are about seuen Welsh miles, which are
 [Sidenote: Scilleie.]
 counted after this maner. A mile and a halfe aboue Thawan is Scilleie
 hauenet (a pretie succour for ships) whose head is in Wenno paroch two
 [Sidenote: Barrie.]
 miles and a halfe from the shore. From Scilleie mouth to Aber Barrie a
 mile, and thither commeth a little rill of fresh water into Sauerne,
 whose head is scant a mile off in plaine ground by northeast, and
 [Sidenote: This Ile went fiftie yeares agone for x. pounds.]
 right against the fall of this becke lieth Barrie Iland a flight shot
 from the shore at the full sea. Halfe a mile aboue Aber Barrie is the
 [Sidenote: Come kidie.]
 mouth of Come kidie, which riseth flat north from the place where it
 goeth into the Sauerne, and serueth oft for harbour vnto sea-farers.
 Thence to the mouth of Thawan are thrée miles, wherevnto ships may
 come at will.

 [Sidenote: Colhow.]
 Two miles aboue Thawan is Colhow, whither a little rill resorteth from
 Lau Iltuit, thence to the mouth of Alen foure miles, that is a mile to
 [Sidenote: Alen.]
 saint Dinothes castell, and thrée miles further. The Alen riseth by
 northeast vp into the land at a place called Lhes Broimith, or
 Skirpton, about foure miles aboue the plot where it commeth by it
 [Sidenote: Ogur.]
 selfe into Sauerne. From thence to the mouth of Ogur aliàs Gur thrée
 [Sidenote: Kensike.]
 miles. Then come they in processe of time vnto the Kensike or
 Colbrooke riuer, which is no great thing, sith it riseth not aboue
 [Sidenote: Auon.]
 three miles from the shore. From Kensike to Aber Auon two miles, and
 herein doo ships molested with weather oftentimes séeke harborough. It
 commeth of two armes, wherof that which lieth northeast is called Auon
 Vaur, the other that lieth northwest Auon Vehan. They meet togither at
 Lhanuoie Hengle, about two miles aboue Aber Auon village, which is two
 miles also from the sea.

 [Sidenote: Neth.]
 From hence to the Neth is about two miles and a halfe, thereon come
 shiplets almost to the towne of Neth from the Sauerne. From the mouth
 of Neth vnto the mouth of Crimline becke is two miles, and being
 [Sidenote: Tauie.]
 passed the same we come vnto the Tauie, which descendeth from the
 aforesaid hilles and falleth into the sea by east of Swanseie. Being
 [Sidenote: Lochar.]
 past this we come vnto the Lichwr, or Lochar mouth, and then gliding
 [Sidenote: Wandres.]
 by the Wormes head, we passed to the Wandresmouth, wherof I find this
 [Sidenote: Vendraith Vaur, Vendraith Vehan.]
 description following in Leland. Both Vendraith Vaur and Vendraith
 Vehan rise in a péece of Carmardineshire, called Issekenen, that is to
 saie, the low quarter about Kennen riuer, and betwixt the heads of
 these two hils is another hill, wherein be stones of a gréenish
 colour, whereof the inhabitants make their lime. The name of the hill
 that Vendraith Vaur riseth in, is called Mennith Vaur, and therein is
 a poole as in a moorish ground, named Lhintegowen, where the
 principall spring is, and this hill is eight or nine miles from
 Kidwellie: the hill that Vendraith Vehan springeth out of, is called
 Mennith Vehan, and this water commeth by Kidwellie towne.

 But about thrée or foure miles yer it come thither, it receiueth a
 brooke called Tresgirth, the course whereof is little aboue a mile
 from the place where it goeth into Vendraith, and yet it hath foure or
 fiue tucking milles and thrée corne milles vpon it. At the head of
 this brooke is an hole in the hilles side, where men often enter and
 walke in a large space. And as for the brooke it selfe, it is one of
 the most plentifull and commodious that is to be found in Wales. All
 along the sides also of Vendraith Vaur, you shall find great plentie
 of sea-coles. There is a great hole by head of Vendraith Vehan, where
 men vse to enter into vaults of great compasse, and it is said, that
 they maie go one waie vnder the ground to Wormes head, and another
 waie to Cairkemen castell, which is three miles or more into the land.
 But how true these things are, it is not in me to determine; yet this
 is certeine, that there is verie good hawking at the Heron in
 Vendraith Vehan. There are diuerse prints of the passage of certeine
 worms also in the caue, at the head of Vendraith Vehan, as the
 inhabitants doo fable: but I neuer heard of anie man that saw anie
 worme there, and yet it is beléeued that manie wormes are there.
 Hitherto out of Leland. But now to returne to mine owne course.

 [Sidenote: Laie.]
 Leauing the Laie, which some call Elaie, and passing the Pennarth
 baie, that lieth betwéene the Pennarth and the Lauerocke points, we
 left Scillie Ilet (which lieth on the mouth of Scillie hauen before
 [Sidenote: Barrie.]
 described) and came vnto the Barrie, whose head is aboue Wrinston
 castell, and from whence he runneth by Deinspowis, Cadoxton, Barrie,
 and so into the sea.

 [Sidenote: Aberthaw.]
 Being past the Barrie water, we come to a fall called Aberthaw, which
 riseth two or thrée miles aboue Lansanor, and going by Welch Newton,
 it commeth at length to Cowbridge, and from thence goeth to
 Lanblethian, Landoch, Beanpéere, Flimston, Gilston, and betweene the
 east and the west Aberthaw, & into the Sauerne sea. But yer it come
 all there it receiueth a brooke called Kensan, or Karnsan, or Kensech,
 on the east side, whose head is east of Bolston, & comming by
 Charnelhoid, Lhancaruan, & Lancadle, it falleth into the former aboue
 [Sidenote: Kensan.]
 either of the Thawans. Leland saith, that Kensan hath two heads,
 whereof the more northerlie called Brane, lieth in Luenlithan, and
 runneth seauen miles before it méet with the other. Leauing this water
 we sailed on, casting about the Nash point, omitting two or thrée
 small waters (whereof Leland hath alreadie as ye see made mention)
 because I haue nothing more to add vnto their descriptions, except it
 be, that the Colhow taketh in a rill from Lan Iltruit, of whose course
 (to saie the truth) I haue no manner of knowledge.

 [Sidenote: Ogur.]
 The Ogur or Gur, which some call the Ogmur, is a well faire streame
 (as we were woont to saie in our old English) whose head is in the
 same hilles, where the Rodeneies are to be found, but much more
 westerlie, and running a long course yer it come to anie village, it
 goeth at the length beneath Languineuere or Langouodoch, to S. Brides
 vpon Ogur, then to Newcastell, and Marthermaure, beneath which it
 [Sidenote: Wennie.]
 méeteth the Wennie, halfe a mile from Ogur or Ogmur castell on the
 east side of the banke. It riseth fiue or six miles from this place,
 among the hilles, and comming downe at last by Lanharne, it crosseth a
 rill yer long from northeast, and the confluence passeth foorth by
 Coitchurch, Ogur castell, & so into the Ogur. Leland writing of the
 waters that fall into this Ogur saith thus. Into the Ogur also
 [Sidenote: Garrow.]
 resorteth the Garrow two miles aboue Lansanfride bridge, descending
 from Blaingarow. It taketh furthermore (saith he) another called
 [Sidenote: Leuennie.]
 [Sidenote: Corug.]
 Leuennie rising in the parish of Glin Corug, at northwest, and then
 running two miles lower, vniteth it selfe with the Corug brooke, a
 little short thing, and worthie no longer speach. From this confluence
 the Leuennie goeth seauen miles further yer it meete with the Ogur on
 the west side, at Lansanfride, two miles aboue Penbowt. And so far
 Leland. But I wot not what he meaneth by it. Next vnto the Ogur is the
 [Sidenote: Kensig.]
 Kensig water, that commeth downe by the Pile and Kensig castell, and
 [Sidenote: Margan.]
 being past the same we crosse the Margan rill, where sir Edward
 Manxell dwelt, and so vnto Auon, which hauing two heads (as is said)
 the more easterlie of them commeth downe by Hauodaport chappell, the
 [Sidenote: Auon.]
 other by Glin Corug, Michaell church, Aber Auon, and so into the sea,
 yéelding also in time of néed a good harbour for ships to lodge and
 ride in. From hence we went along by the Cole pits to the mouth of the
 [Sidenote: Neth.]
 [Sidenote: Nethuehan.]
 Neth. The Neth is a faire water, rising of diuerse heads, whereof the
 more easterlie named Nethuehan riseth not farre from the head of the
 Kennon, and comming downe by Penedorin to Aberpirgwin it receiueth
 [Sidenote: Nethuaur.]
 Nethuaur, a little aboue the towne, which rising not farre southeast
 of the head of Tauie in Brecknoch shire (as all the rest doo)
 [Sidenote: Trangarth.]
 [Sidenote: Meltaie.]
 [Sidenote: Hepsaie.]
 receiueth the Trangarth, the Meltaie and the Hepsaie, all which are
 accounted as members of his head in one chanell, about a mile or more
 before it ioine with Nethuehan. For as Trangarth riseth east of
 Nethuaur, so the Melta riseth by east of Trangarth, and ioineth with
 the same aboue Istrad wealthie, and a little beneath the same towne
 taketh in the Hepsaie. So that albeit their seuerall risings be half
 or a whole mile in sunder, yet haue they (in a maner) like distance
 from Aberpirgwin, and their finall confluence in the edge of
 Glamorganshire, which they directlie doo crosse. After these
 confluences, the maine streame runneth in and out by sundrie miles,
 and through the wooddie soiles, till it meet with Cledaugh, which
 ioineth with the same beneath the Resonlaie, and goeth withall to
 [Sidenote: Dulesse.]
 Lanisted, where it taketh in the Dulesse, whose head is aboue Chappell
 Krenaunt, in the marches of Brecknoch. Thence it goeth to Cador towne,
 or betwéene it and Lannistide, then to Neth towne, whither small
 [Sidenote: Cledoch.]
 vessels often come: and beneath the same receiuing the Cledoch that
 runneth by Kelebebilch (and also Neth abbeie where maister Crumwell
 dwelleth) it goeth on by Coitfranke forrest, Nethwood, Briton ferrie,
 and so into the sea.

 [Sidenote: Tauie.]
 The Tauie riseth in the thickest of the blacke mounteines in
 Brecknochshire west of Nethnaur, and comming downe west of Calwen
 [Sidenote: Coilus.]
 chappell, it receiueth on the east banke a rill named Coiell that
 runneth thither by Coielburne chappell: and being thus vnited, the
 [Sidenote: Torch.]
 chanell passeth foorth by Istradgunles, and then méeting with the
 Turch or Torch water that c[=o]meth from the foot of the blacke
 mounteines, and is march to parcell of Caermardinshire, it runneth to
 Langoge, Lansamled, saint Iohns, Swanseie, and so into the Baie. Being
 past this, we come by another little fall, whose water runneth thrée
 or foure miles yer it come into Swanseie baie, but without name.
 Thence we go to the Crimline becke, whose description I neither haue,
 nor find anie great want therof. Wherfore going about by Oistermont
 castell, and Mumbles point, we passe foorth toward the southwest, by
 [Sidenote: Ilston.]
 Penmarch point, til we come to Ilston water, whose head is not farre
 within the land; and yet as it commeth thorough the woodland, and
 downe by Penmarch castell, a rill or two dooth fall into the same.
 Then casting about by Oxwich point, we go onward there by, and sailing
 flat north by the Holme (hauing passed the Wormeshead and S. Kennets
 chappell) and then northeast by Whitford point, we went at length to
 [Sidenote: Lochar.]
 the Lochar or Loghor, or as Lhoyd nameth it, the Lichwr, whose
 indraught for a certene space is march betwéene Caermardine and
 Glamorgan shires. It riseth aboue Gwenwie chappell, from whence it
 goeth Landbea, to and aboue Bettus receiueth a rill named Amond that
 entreth thereinto from northeast. Being past Bettus, it passeth by
 Laneddie, Arthelas bridge and ouer against Landilo Talabout, it
 [Sidenote: Combwilie.]
 crosseth from by west, the Combwilie by west of Parkreame, and
 [Sidenote: Morlais.]
 afterward the Morlais aboue Langnarch on the same side. Then comming
 [Sidenote: Lhu.]
 to Loghor castell, it taketh in on the east side, the Lhu, whose
 course is not aboue fiue miles, and thence loosing the name of Lochar,
 [Sidenote: Burraie.]
 it is called Burraie, as some gesse, vntill it come to the sea, where
 it parteth it selfe going on each side (of Bachannie Iland, a small
 thing) and not worthie for anie thing I read thereof, as yet to be
 particularlie described. From this water we passed (I saie) by
 Bachannies Ile, to the Aberlheddie water, whose head being in the
 hilles aboue Prenacrois, it passeth by Lhaneltheie, and thence into
 [Sidenote: Dulesse.]
 the sea. Then went we to the Dulesse a little rill, whose head is not
 farre from Trinsaren: thence by the Pembraie and Calicoit points, till
 [Sidenote: Wandres.]
 we came about to the Wandres or Vendraith mouth, whose description is
 partlie touched alreadie; but bicause it is not such as I would wish
 it to be, I will here after my owne maner deale somewhat further
 withall. Gwendrath or Vendraith vaur riseth in the lower ground, or
 not far from the hill Renneth Vaur, whereon castell Careg standeth,
 and descending by a pretie long course vnder sundrie bridges, commeth
 at the last to Glin, then to Capull Lanberie, and so vnto the sea,
 being little augmented with influences by the waie. Vendraith Vehan
 riseth a mile higher towards the north than Vendraith Vaur, but out of
 the same soile, & thence directing his course toward the southwest, it
 goeth by Lancharog, Langendarne, Capull Langell, Bithon, Leighdenie,
 Kidwillie, and so into the sea, about one mile from the fall of
 Vendraith Vaur.

 [Sidenote: Towie.]
 The Towie riseth in the mounteines of Elennith foure miles by
 southeast from Lintiue, and two from Lingonon, in a moorish ground
 foure & twentie miles from Caermardine, and in a forrest called
 Bishops forrest, midwaie betwixt Landwibreuie & Landanuerie castell.
 For fish, in my opinion, this is much better than the Taw or Taffe,
 whose head breedeth no fish, but if it be cast into it, they turne vp
 their bellies flote aloft and die out of hand. It parteth Brecknoch
 from Cardigonshire also for a certeine season, till it come by the
 [Sidenote: Trausnant.]
 water of Trausnant, that falleth thereinto from by east out of the
 confins of Brecknoch, vnto Pilin capell, and so to Istrodefine, where
 [Sidenote: Tothée.]
 it méeteth with the Tothee that commeth thither from Lhinuerwin where
 it riseth, and so through Rescoth forrest, vniting it selfe by the
 [Sidenote: Pescotter.]
 waie with the Pescotter, which mounting out of the ground in the edge
 of Cardigonshire, runneth along as a limit and march vnto the same,
 till it ioine with the Tothée, and both come togither beneath
 Istrodefine into Towie, which we haue now in hand. After this
 confluence it commeth to Lhanuair Awbreie, Lanihowell, and
 Lanimphfrie, and here it receiueth two waters in one chanell, whereof
 [Sidenote: Brane.]
 [Sidenote: Gutherijc.]
 the first is called Brane, the other Gutherijc (which lieth more
 southerlie of the two) and fall (as I said) into Towie beneath
 [Sidenote: Dulesse.]
 [Sidenote: Morlais.]
 Landonuereie, which runneth on till it méet with the first Dulesse
 that goeth by Lenurdie, then with the Morlais, and these on the
 northwest. Certes the Brane is a pretie brooke rising two or thrée
 miles aboue Capell Newith, and descending by Lanbrane and
 Vstradwalter, it méeteth (I saie) with the Gutherijc, whose head is
 west of Tridcastell in Brecknochshire, and thereby it is not a little
 increased. But to proceed with the Towie, which being past Lanimphfrie
 and a rill that méeteth with the same, descending from northwest of
 Lanurdan, it taketh in the influences of diuerse waters in one
 chanell, of which the greatest is called Modewie, and thereof I find
 this description.

 [Sidenote: Modewie.]
 The Modewie, or (as some pronounce it) Motheuie, riseth of two heads,
 which ioining aboue Lanihangle, the streame runneth on till it méet
 [Sidenote: Cledoch.]
 with the Cledoch on the left hand, procéeding also further toward
 [Sidenote: Sawtheie.]
 Langadocke, it receiueth not far from thence the Sawtheie, whose two
 heads descend from the blacke mounteines or east edge of
 Carmardineshire (as mine information leadeth me.) After this
 [Sidenote: Dulesse. 2.]
 confluence the second Dulesse dooth méet with the Towie, whose head is
 in the hilles aboue Talthogaie abbeie, northwest from Langadocke full
 fiue miles: then comming downe by Landilovaur, Newton, Dinefar
 [Sidenote: Dulesse. 3.]
 castell, and Golden groue, it receiueth the third Dulesse from by
 north that commeth in by Lanihangle and Drislan castell, and after
 [Sidenote: Cothie.]
 that the Cothie, whose race is somewhat long, and therefore his
 description not vtterlie to be passed ouer.

 Not farre from the head (which is three miles from Landanbreuie, vnder
 the hulke of Blame Icorne, a narrow passage, and therein manie heaps
 of stones) and somewhat beneath Lana Pinsent chappell, it taketh in
 [Sidenote: Turche.]
 the Turche becke that runneth thither from aboue Lanacroies: thence it
 goeth to Lansawell, Abergorlech, Breghuangothie, Lannigood, and so
 into Towie, which hasting forward by chappell Dewie, receiueth the
 [Sidenote: Rauelthie.]
 [Sidenote: Gwilie.]
 Rauelthie from by north, then the Gwilie from northwest, whose head is
 aboue Lanie Pinsent, and race by Canwell, Eluert, Comewilie, and
 Merling hill as I haue often heard. After this confluence with the
 Gwilie, the Towie goeth to Caermardine, then to Lanigang, then to
 Lanstephan, S. Ismaels, and so into the sea.

 [Sidenote: Taue.]
 Next vnto the Towie is the Taue, whose head is in the blacke
 mounteines, as at the roots of Wrenni vaur hill in Pembrookeshire,
 from whence it runneth by Lanuurnach, Langludien, Lanualteg, and
 [Sidenote: Dudderie.]
 taking in the Dudderie from southwest, out of the same countie by
 Lanbederuelfraie, and Lindwie, it goeth to Eglesware chappell, beneath
 [Sidenote: Marlais.]
 which it crosseth the Marlais by north that runneth by Lanbedie and
 [Sidenote: Vennie.]
 Whitland. Thence meeting with one rill called Venni, as I take it,
 [Sidenote: Caire.]
 that commeth through Cardith forrest on the one side, and the Caire on
 the other that runneth into it west of Landowror, it hasteth to
 [Sidenote: Carthkinnie.]
 S. Clares, where it taketh in the Carthkinnie, or Barthkinnie (as
 [Sidenote: Gow.]
 Leland calleth it) and the Gow or Tow both in one chanell, of which
 the first riseth aboue Capell Bettus, from whence it runneth by
 Talacouthe, Kilsant, and Langinnin, the other issueth out of the
 ground aboue Trologh Bettus, by Midrun, & ioining with the former a
 little aboue S. Clares, they run into the Taue, and from thence to
 Lanihangle, and betwéene it and Abercowen, admitteth finallie the
 [Sidenote: Gowen.]
 Gowen or Gow streame, which comming likewise from the blacke
 mounteines, goeth by Ebbernant, & so into the Taue, who directeth his
 course by Lancharne castell, and then into the sea.

 [Sidenote: Gwair.]
 The next water that we come to is the Gwair, which is but a small
 thing rising aboue Lambeder Velfraie, and going from thence by east of
 castell Merhie hill, Crumuier and Argwaire, it is not long yer it fall
 into the sea, and so we leaue Cairdinshire, and go ouer into
 Penbrooke. Then passed we by an other comming out of Rathe forrest
 called Coit Rathe, the water it selfe rising about Templeton. Thence
 leauing the Monkeston rocke, we came to Tenbie or Dinbechie Piscood,
 and passing into the port betwéene the castell and S. Katharines
 [Sidenote: Brechnocke.]
 rocke, we found it serued with two little backe waters, of so small
 countenance, that they are not worthie of anie further talke to be
 spent in their descriptions: yet the one séemeth to be called Florence
 brooke, the other Fresto, Gunfreston standing betwéene them both, when
 [Sidenote: From Londie to Caldie thirtie miles.]
 by their sight cannot perish. After this we passed betwéene Londie and
 an other Ilet or rocke lieng by northwest of the same, to Ludsop
 point, & so to Abertrewent, where I found a sillie fresh water named
 [Sidenote: Trewent.]
 Trewend that riseth a mile or thereabout within the land. From thence
 we went southwards by Brode hauen, till we came to S. Gowans point.
 Then gathering west and by north before we came at Shepe Iland, we
 found another fresh water, that riseth short of Kiriog Maharen, and
 running south of Vggarston, Windmill hill, or betwéene it and Castell
 Norton and Gupton, it holdeth on flat west all the waie till it come
 to the Ocean.

 [Sidenote: Pennar.]
 Being passed this water, we cast about toward the northwest, by the
 Poptons and Pennar, till we came to the Pennar mouth, out of which the
 salt water issueth that in manor inuironneth Penbroke. From this
 (omitting sundrie salt créekes on both sides of the hauen, not
 appertinent to our purpose) we came to the fall of two waters in one
 chanell, aboue whose confluence Williamston parke standeth, and
 whereof one (a méere salt course) incloseth thrée parts of Carew
 castell. The other rising néere to Coit Rath forrest is a fresh, &
 going by Geffraiston, Creswell & Lawrenie, it leaueth the parke on the
 south side, & goeth into the hauen after confluence with the former.

 Now come I to the two swords, or hauen of Milford, whereinto two
 [Sidenote: Dugledu.]
 riuers direct their course from the northeast called Dugledu or the
 [Sidenote: Cultlell.]
 two swords, and betwéene them both is a rill which they call also
 Cultlell (that is to saie) the knife. Hereof riseth a merrie tale of a
 Welshman, that lieng in this place abroad all night in the cold
 weather, and peraduenture not verie well occupied, was demanded of his
 hostesse (where he did breake his fast the next morrow) at what inne
 he laie in the night precedent, bicause he came so soone to hir house
 yer anie of hir maids were vp? Oh good hostesse (quoth he) be
 contented, I laie to night in a dangerous estate, for I slept betweene
 two swords with a long knife at my heart; meaning indéed that he laie
 betwéene these two riuers, and his brest towards the south neere to
 the head of Cultlell. But to passe ouer these iests. Here Leland
 [Sidenote: Gwilie.]
 speaketh of a riuer called Gwilie, but where it riseth or falleth, he
 maketh no certeine report: wherefore it is requisit that I proceed
 according to my purpose.

 The one of these swords is called Clotheie or Clothie, of which I find
 [Sidenote: Clotheie.]
 this short and breefe description. The Clothie riseth at the foot of
 Wrennie vaure hill and comming downe to Monachlodge, Langelman,
 Lannakeuen, and Egremond, it receiueth a rill from by northwest before
 it come at Lanhaddon castell, which commeth from aboue the moore by
 Clarbaston and Bletherston, his head arising in the hill west of
 Mancloghaie, as Leland dooth informe me. Yer long also and beneath
 Lanhaddon it taketh in another on the east side from Narbarth castell,
 comming by Robeston, then going by Cunaston, Slebach, Picton castell,
 Sister houses, Minware & Martheltwie, at Rise castell point west of
 [Sidenote: Dugledie.]
 Coit Kenles (as I haue béene informed) it taketh in the other sword,
 named Dugledie, wherof I read as followeth. The head of the Dugledie
 is somwhere at northwest, betwixt S. Laurences & S. Dugwels, from
 whence it runneth to Trauegarne, Redbaxton, & taking in a rill by the
 waie from Camrose at the west, it goeth to Hauerford or Hereford west,
 and there vniteth it selfe with a water, which peraduenture is the
 [Sidenote: Gwilie.]
 same that Leland called Gwilie. Certes it riseth short of Walton, and
 comming by S. Leonards chappell and Pendergest, it falleth I saie into
 the Dugledie, ouer against the towne of Hauerford or Herford west, but
 in Welsh Hufford; as Lhoid dooth set it downe. Beneath Herford it
 taketh in another water from south west, whose head is short of S.
 Margarets chappell, and enterance betweene Harraldston and Herford,
 which Harraldstone receiueth the name of Harrald the successour of
 Edward the confessour as some call him, who was a gréeuous mall vnto
 the Britons that remained in the time of the said Edward; as I haue
 noted elsewhere. Then the Dugledie still descending taketh in the
 Frese fr[=o] Fresethorpe, a rill of no great accompt, and therefore I
 go from it making hast vnto Culthell, & omitting two rils betwéene it
 and the Clotheie on the southside, of no great weight and moment. The
 Cultlhell commeth into the Dugledie beneath Bolston, with a streight
 course from by north, of three or foure miles, rising by west of
 Slebach, and comming by Bowlston, after whose vnition with the
 aforesaid water they run on as one till they méet with the Clothie,
 casting out by the waie sundrie salt créekes, as the maine chanell
 dooth from thence foorth vntill it passe the Sandie hauen, the Dale
 rode (whither a sillie fresh rill commeth of small value) & be come
 about againe to the large Ocean.

 Having thus shewed the courses of those few fresh waters that come to
 Milford hauen, we cast about by the Blockehouse and S. Annes chappell
 [Sidenote: Gateholme Ile.]
 to Gateholme Ile, that lieth betwéene S. Annes and the Wilocke point,
 [Sidenote: Stockholme Ile.]
 directlie ouer against Stockeholme Iland that is situat further off
 into the sea, toward the southwest, and is full halfe so great as the
 Scalmeie that I elsewhere described. Betweene the Willocke point also
 [Sidenote: Midland Ile.]
 and the Scalmeie, directlie west is the Midland Ile, full so great as
 the Gateholme. As for the two rocks that lie by north and south of the
 Scalmeie, of which the one is called the Yardland stone, the other
 Mewstone, it shall not be greatlie requisit to stand on their
 discourses, sith they are such as may hardlie be taken for Ilands, and
 euen in like sort we may iudge of S. Brides Ile, which is southwest of
 [Sidenote: Gresholme.]
 Calthrop rode, & likewise of the Gresholme, whereof I find this short
 description. The Gresholme lieth directlie west of Scalmeie, from
 whence if you saile thither on the south side, you must néeds passe by
 the Mewstone rocke: if on the north of Scalmeie, you must leaue the
 Yarland stone on your left hand. Wherto if you note well the situation
 of these Ilands alreadie named, and confer them with the Ramseie and
 S. Dauids land, you shall find them to produce as it were two
 dangerous points, including the Bridbaie, wherein (notwithstanding the
 greatnesse) are 1000 perils, and no fresh brookes for me to deale
 withall. Finallie, hauing doubled the Willocke point, we thought it
 not good altogether to leaue that baie vnsearched, at lestwise to sée
 what Ilands might there be found, & long entred into the same, we
 [Sidenote: S. Brides Iland.]
 beheld one which the men of the countrie call S. Brides Iland, a verie
 little place and situate néere the land, before I came at Galtroie
 rode. From thence we went about by the little hauen, Doluach hauen,
 Caruaie hauen, Shirelace rocke, Carnbuddie, and Carnaie baies,
 Portelais, and so into the sound betwéene Ramseie and the point. In
 this sound likewise is a little Ile, almost annexed to the maine: but
 in the middest thereof, I meane of the sound, is a rocke called the
 horsse (a mile and more by north of Ribbie rocke, that lieth south
 east of Ramseie) and more infortunate than ten of Seians colts, but
 thanked be God I neuer came on his backe. Thence passing by
 [Sidenote: A sort of dangerous rocks lieng on a row upon the
 west end of South-wales called the Bishop & his clerkes.]
 S. Stephans, and Whitesand baies, we saluted the Bishop and his
 clerks, as they went on procession on our left side (being loth to
 take anie salted holie water at their hands) and came at last to the
 point called S. Dauids head, which Ptolomie calleth Octapitanum
 promontorium, except I be deceiued. But here gentle reader giue me
 leaue to staie a while, and insert the words of Leland touching the
 land called S. Dewies or S. Dauids land, whereof some men may
 peraduenture haue vse, his words are these. Being therefore past this
 hauen and point of Demetia, in casting about the coast we come to
 [Sidenote: S. Dewie or Dauid all one.]
 S. Dewies or S. Dauids land, which Ptolomie calleth Octapitanum
 promontorium, I read to be separated from the rest of the countrie
 much after this maner, although I grant that there may be and are
 diuerse other little creekes betwixt Newgale and S. Dauids head, and
 betwixt S. Dauids and Fischard, beside those that are héere mentioned
 out of a register of that house.

 As we turne therefore from Milford, S. Dauids land beginneth at
 Newgale, a créeke serued with a backe fresh water. Howbeit there is a
 baie before this creeke betwixt it and Milford. From hence about foure
 [Sidenote: Saluach.]
 miles is Saluach creeke, otherwise called Sauerach, whither some fresh
 water resorteth: the mouth also thereof is a good rescue for
 balingers, as it (I meane the register) saith. Thence go we to
 [Sidenote: Portelais.]
 [Sidenote: Alen.]
 Portelais three miles, where is a little portlet, whither the Alen
 that commeth through saint Dewies close dooth run. It lieth a mile
 south-west from S. Dewies, saint Stinans Chappell also is betwéene
 [Sidenote: Portmaw.]
 [Sidenote: Maw.]
 [Sidenote: Pendwie.]
 [Sidenote: Lanuehan.]
 Portelais, and Portmaw. The next is Port Maw, where I found a great
 estuarie into the land. The Pendwie halfe a mile from that: Lhand
 Vehan is thrée miles from Pendwie, where is a salt créeke, then to
 [Sidenote: Tredine.]
 [Sidenote: Langunda.]
 Tredine three miles, where is another creeke to Langunda, foure miles,
 and another créeke is there in like sort where fishermen catch
 herrings. Héere also the Gwerne riuer diuideth Penbidiane from
 [Sidenote: Fischard.]
 [Sidenote: Gwerne.]
 Fischerdine Kemmeis land. From Langunda to Fischard at the Gwerne
 mouth foure miles, and here is a portlet or hauenet also for ships.
 And thus much of S. Dauids land.

 Besides this also, Leland in a third booke talketh of lhinnes and
 pooles, but for as much as my purpose is not to speake of lakes and
 lhinnes, I passe them ouer as hasting to Teifie, in Latine Tibius, and
 after Ptolomie Tuerobius or Tiuirobius, which is the next riuer that
 serueth for my purpose. And yet not forgetting to touch the Gwerne,
 for after we came from saint Dauids head, we coasted along toward the
 southeast, till wée came ouer against saint Catharins, where going
 northwards by the broad hauen, and the Strombles head, we sailed
 thence northeast, and by north, to Langlas head, then flat south by
 the Cow and Calfe (two cruell rockes) which we left on the left hand,
 & so coasted ouer to Abergwin or Fischard where we found a fresh water
 [Sidenote: Gwerne.]
 named Guin, or Gwerne, whose course is in manner directlie out of the
 east into the west, from Vremie hils by pont Vaunt and Lanichair,
 vntill it come within a mile of the foresaid towne. It riseth flat
 north of the Perselie hill, from whence it goeth by Pont vaine,
 Lauerillidoch, Lanchar, Landilouair, & so to Abergwine, or Abergwerne,
 for I read both. From Abergwine, we cast about by Dinas head, till we
 [Sidenote: Neuerne.]
 come to the fall of Neuerne, where Newport standeth. The head of this
 riuer is aboue Capell Nantgwin, from whence it runneth by Whitchurch,
 but yer it come at Kilgwin, it taketh in a little water that riseth
 short of Wrenie vaure, and thence go foorth as one vntill they come to
 Newport. Cardigan hauen is the next fall that I did stumble on,
 wherein lieth a little Iland ouer against the north point. Hereinto
 [Sidenote: Teifie or Tine.]
 also commeth the Teifie, a noble riuer which riseth in Lintiuie, and
 is fraught with delicate samons, and herein and not else where in all
 the riuers of Britaine, is the Castor or Beuer to be found. But to
 procéed. The verie hed thereof (I saie) is foure miles aboue
 Stradflore in Luitie, and after it hath run from thence a little
 space, it receiueth a brooke from southeast that commeth out of Lin
 Legnant, and then after the confluence runneth on to Stradflore
 [Sidenote: Miricke.]
 abbeie, beneth which it méeteth with the Miricke water (that riseth
 [Sidenote: Landurch.]
 aboue Stradmirich) and soone after with the Landurch (both from the
 northwest) and finallie the Bremich aboue Tregaron, that commeth in by
 the east; as Leland hath set downe.

 [Sidenote: Bromis.]
 Néere to Landwibreuie also it crosseth the Bromis by east northeast,
 [Sidenote: Matherne.]
 and then goeth to Landuair, Cledogh, Kellan, and soone after taking in
 the Matherne from by east, that parteth Cardigan partlie from
 [Sidenote: Dulas.]
 Carmardine shire, and likewise that Dulas aboue Lanbedder (which
 riseth aboue Langibbie, and goeth thence to Bettus) on the northwest,
 it goeth next of all to Lanbedder towne, then to Laniuair, beneath
 [Sidenote: Grauelth.]
 which it crosseth the Grauelth, thence to Pencarocke, Lanibether,
 Lanlonie, Lanihangle, and Sandissell, and there it vniteth it selfe
 [Sidenote: Clethor.]
 with the Clethor or Dettor, which commeth downe thither by Lantisilued
 chappell, Lanfraine, and finallie Landissell from by north, as I doo
 here affirme. After this confluence it procéedeth on to Landuaie,
 Alloine, Bangor, Langeler, Landeureog and Newcastell, yer long taking
 [Sidenote: Kerie.]
 in the Kerie from by north, whose head is not farre from that of
 Clethor, and whose course is somewhat inlarged by such rilles as
 descend into the same. For west of Kenwith two becks in one chanell
 doo fall into it, which be namelesse, and but of a little length.

 Beneath Tredwair also it crosseth another from by west, that runneth
 along by Bettus, Euan, and finallie méeting with the Teifie, they run
 as one by Kennarth (still parting Cardigon shire from Carmardin, as it
 hath doone sith it met with the Matherne) and so forth on till they
 [Sidenote: Cheach.]
 ioine with the Cheach, which rising southeast aboue chappell Euan,
 dooth part Carmardine and Brechnocke shire in sunder, till it come
 vnto the Teifie. From this confluence, and being still a limit vnto
 Cardigon shire, it goeth by Marierdine, and so to Cardigon, taking in
 one rill from by north descending by Penneralt, by north of Monardiue
 or Marierdine, and two other from by southwest, of which the one
 commeth in beneath Kilgaron castell, the other from Lantwood north
 west of Oscoid Mortemer, which lieth southeast of Cardigan, and then
 going forward betwéene S. Dogmaile, & Langordmere, it is not long yer
 it fall into the Irish sea, flat west and by north from his vprise,
 and sending vs forth from Penlooke into Cardigon shire, wherevnto it
 hath become march euer sithence it came from Kellam, or confluence
 with the Matherne.

 Being come into Cardigon shire, and hauing passed the Cardigon point,
 an Iland of the same denomination lieng by west thereof, we came vnto
 [Sidenote: Airon.]
 the fall of Airon thrée miles beneath Lancleere, it riseth in the
 mounteines by a chappell called Blam Peniall belonging to Landwie
 breuie about thrée or foure miles from Tiue banks, & runneth on by
 Lamberwooddie, Langitho, Tregrigaron hill, Treuilian, Talaferne, and
 soone after taking in a rill from by south from Siliam by Lanleir it
 runneth by Istrade, Kilkennen, Lanicharin, and finallie into the sea,
 [Sidenote: Bidder.]
 crossing by the waie the Bidder brooke, which comming from Dehewide,
 dooth fall into the same, betwéene Lanchairin, and Henuenneie. The
 [Sidenote: Arth.]
 Arth which is the next fall is no great thing, neither of anie long
 course, yet somewhat crotched, and it riseth three or foure miles or
 more within the land slopewise, and comming by Lambaderne, and
 Treueglois, it falleth into the sea, northeast of Aberarth.

 Being past the Arth, & hauing staied there a while bicause we found
 [Sidenote: Ris aliàs Wereie.]
 some harborough, we came next of all vnto the Wereie, which riseth of
 two heads, aboue whose confluence standeth a towne, named Lanihangle,
 Redrod, and from whence it goeth by Lanigruthen to Laristed, & so into
 the Ocean. Then went we to the Ystwith, which riseth in the blacke
 mounteins aboue Comerstwith, from whence it runneth certeine miles,
 [Sidenote: Istwith.]
 vntill it come vnto Ispittie, Istwith, Lananon, Laniler, Lan
 Nachairne, and so into the sea, taking withall first the Meleuen, then
 [Sidenote: Redholl.]
 the Ridall or Redholl not farre from the shore, whereof I haue this
 description. The Ridall riseth in the top of Plimlimmon hill out of a
 lake named Lin Ridall, from whence going toward Spittie Kinwen, it
 crosseth one water on the north, and another beneth it on the
 southeast, and so goeth on by Lanbeder vaure, till it come to
 Aberistwith, the Istwith, and so into the Ocean. Hauing thus viewed
 the Istwith, and taken our selues againe to the sea, we crossed the
 [Sidenote: Salique.]
 Salke or Salique brooke, whereof I find this memoriall.

 The Salique brooke descendeth in like sort from the blacke mounteins,
 & going from Vmmaboue, toward Gogarth, or Gogirthar, it receiueth the
 [Sidenote: Massalique.]
 Massalique, and from thence goeth into the sea, southwest from his
 [Sidenote: Lerie.]
 originall. From hence we went to the Lerie, an indraught of no great
 quantitie, neither commodious as I gesse (yet I may be deceiued) for
 anie ship to harborough in. It riseth toward the lower ground of the
 blacke hils, and going by Lanihangle castell Gwalter, it runneth from
 thence northeast into the Ocean, receiuing a rill by the waie from the
 hilles which lie by northeast of his course. But what stand I vpon
 trifles?

 [Sidenote: Wie.]
 Thus haue I brought my selfe out of Caerdigan shire vnto the Wie,
 which is limit betwéene it and Merioneth for a certeine space, & being
 entred in the mouth thereof we gat vp to the head, minding in the
 description of the same to come downeward as in the rest, which we
 will doo in such good manner as for the time and want of some
 information is possible to be performed. It ariseth in the south part
 of Snowdonie and goeth on foorth right to Lammothwie, by Mowdhewie,
 Mathan laith, and comming downe to Dinas Mathew, it receiueth two
 rilles from northwest, and the third comming by Mailroid called
 Cludoch from northeast, & so holdeth on crossing the Angell water at
 the west, which boundeth Mongomerie shire in part, till it come to
 [Sidenote: Remis.]
 Romis, beneath which water it taketh in the Towin that passeth by
 Lambrin mawr from Talgarth, and then goeth to Mathrauerne, crossing
 another from by north and so foorth to Lanworing, where it méeteth
 with the Kerig on the one side, and the Gwidall which commeth from
 Dorowen on the other.

 After this, our maine riuer goeth by Pengos, and beneath the same
 taketh in an influence from southeast, called the Dulas, and another
 from the northwest: from thence it hasteth on to Magenillet, or
 Machenlet, first crossing the Leuennie from southeast, secondlie the
 Peniall from northwest, thirdlie the Einon, fourthlie the Kinar,
 fiftlie the Cleidor, these thrée last rehearsed falling into it from
 southeast, & the last hauing his course by Langwinhelin and so into
 the sea, as mine instruction vpholdeth. It séemeth in some mens
 iudgements to part Northwales and Westwales in sunder, and the same
 which in Latine hight Deuus, in Welsh or British Difi or Dewie,
 whereof the Latine doth séeme to fetch his sound. But to procéed with
 the rest of such falles and waters as are to be found in this countie.
 Going therfore northwestward we come to a fall fr[=o] the north called
 Towen Merionneth which is the mouth of the Difonnie streame, a pretie
 riuer rising in the hilles aboue Lanihangle, and west of castell
 Traherne receiueth the Ridrijc, which commeth from Chadridrijc hill,
 by Tallillin castell, Treherie, and so into the Difonnie from
 southeast, fetching his course by Lanegrin, and so into the sea within
 fiue miles thereof.

 Being past this we did cast about by the Sarnabigh point, till we came
 to the Lingouen becke, and so to the Barre, which is a faire water,
 and therefore worthie to be with diligence described, yet it is not
 called Bar from the head, but rather Moth or Derie, for so are the two
 chiefe heads called out of which this riuer descendeth, and are about
 six miles west of the Lin, out of which the Dée hath his issue, and
 betwéene which the Raran vaure hilles are situat and haue their being.
 After the ioining of the two heds of this Barre, as I name it from the
 originall, it receiueth a rill from northeast called Cain, & another
 beneath the same, comming from Beurose wood, and so holdeth on towards
 the south betwéene Laniltid and Kemmor abbaie, till it meet a little
 by west of Dolgelth with the Auon vaure, which comming also out of the
 Woodland soile, & taking in a rill from Gwannas, hasteth northwestward
 (by Dolgelth) to ioine with the Barre, and being met they receiue the
 Kessilgunt, then the Hirgun, & after a course of foure to fiue miles
 it falleth into the sea, hauing watered the verie hart & inward parts
 of this shire. From hence we crosse the Skethie which runneth by
 Corsogdale and Lanthwie, aliàs Lanthonie, then the Lambader which
 receiuing the Artro aboue Lambader, doth fall into the sea, southeast
 of the point, and flat south of Landango, which is a towne situat on
 the other side of the turning.

 [Sidenote: Ho.]
 After this we passed by Aberho, so named of the riuer Ho, that falleth
 there into the sea, and commeth thither from the Alpes or hils of
 Snowdonie, mounteins, no lesse fertile for grasse, wood, cattell, fish
 and foule, than the famous Alpes beyond the seas, whereof all the
 writers doo make so honorable report. From hence we sailed by Abermawr
 [Sidenote: Mawr.]
 or mouth of Mawr, which commeth in like sort from Snowdonie, and
 [Sidenote: Artro.]
 taketh diuerse riuers with him whose names I doo not know. Then vnto
 the Artro a brooke, whose head commeth from by north east, and in his
 course receiueth the Gedar on the north side, and so holdeth on till
 it fall into the sea, after a few windlesses which it maketh as it
 passeth. After this we come to Traith vehan, which is the fall of the
 Drurid, a pretie riuer comming from the marches of Caernaruonshire,
 which passing by Festimog, soone after taketh in the Cunwell, then the
 Velenrid; and so holdeth on to Deckoin, where it falleth into the said
 Traith. For of the other two rilles that lie by south hereof, and haue
 their issue also into the same, I make but small accompt, bicause
 their quantitie is not great. Next vnto this we haue Traith mawr,
 [Sidenote: Farles.]
 whereinto the Farles hath his issue, a riuer proceeding from Snowdonie
 or the Snowdon hils, descending by Bethkelerke and Lanwrothen, without
 mixture of anie other water in all his course and passage. It is
 parcell of the march also betwéene Merioneth and Caernaruon shires.
 From Traith mawr we passe by the Krekith, and come to another water
 descending from the north by Lanstidwie, and after that to the Moie,
 whose mouthes are so néere togither, that no more than halfe a mile of
 the land dooth seeme to kéepe them in sunder.

 [Sidenote: Erke.]
 Then come we vnto the Erke, a pretie brooke descending from Madrijn
 hils, into whose mouth two other of no lesse quantitie than it selfe
 doo séeme to haue their confluence, and whose courses doo come along
 from the west and northwest; the most southerlie being called Girch,
 and the other the Hellie: except my memorie doo faile me. Then casting
 about toward the south (as the coast lieth) we saw the Abersoch or
 [Sidenote: Soch.]
 mouth of the Soch riuer vpon our right hand, in the mouth whereof, or
 not farre by south thereof lie two Ilands, of which the more
 northerlie is called Tudfall, and the other Penrijn: as Leland did
 obserue. I would set downe the British names of such townes and
 villages as these waters passe by; but the writing of them (for want
 of the language) is so hard to me, that I choose rather to shew their
 falles and risings, than to corrupt their denominations in the
 writing: and yet now and then I vse such words as our Englishmen doo
 giue vnto some of them, but that is not often, where the British name
 is easie to be found out and sounded.

 After this, going about by the point, and leauing Gwelin Ile on the
 [Sidenote: Daron.]
 right hand, we come to Daron riuer, wherevpon standeth Aberdaron a
 quarter of a mile from the shore betwixt Aberdaron and Vortigernes
 vale, where the compasse of the sea gathereth in a head, and entereth
 [Sidenote: Edarne beck.]
 at both ends. Then come we about the point to Edarne becke, a mile and
 more south of Newin. And ten or twelue miles from hence is the Vennie
 brooke, whose course is little aboue so manie miles; and not farre
 from it is the Liuan, a farre lesse water, comming also from the east:
 and next vnto that another, wherinto the Willie by south and the
 Carrog by north after their coniunction doo make their common
 influence. Hauing passed this riuer, we cast about toward the north
 east, and enter at Abermenaie ferrie, into the streicts or streame
 called Menaie, betweene Angleseie and the maine, méeting first of all
 with the Gornaie, which commeth from the Snowdonie out of the
 Treuennian lake, and passeth by Lanunda into the sea or Menaie streame
 at Southcrocke. Next of all we meet with the Saint, which commeth from
 Lin Lanbereie, passeth by Lanihangle, and so falleth into the Menaie
 at Abersaint, which is on the southwest side of Caernaruon: on the
 other side also of the said towne is the Skeuernocke, whereby it
 standeth betweene two riuers, of which this hath his head not farre
 from Dinas Orueg.

 Then come we (saith Leland) to Gwiniwith mirith (or Horsse brooke) two
 miles from Moilethon, and it riseth at a Well so called full a mile
 from thence. Moilethon is a bowe shot from Aberpowle, from whence
 [Sidenote: Conte.]
 ferrie botes go to the Termone or Angleseie. Aberpowle runneth thrée
 miles into the land, and hath his head foure miles beyond Bangor in
 Meneie shore: and here is a little comming in for botes bending into
 [Sidenote: Gegeine.]
 the Meneie. Aber Gegeine commeth out of a mounteine a mile aboue, and
 [Sidenote: Torronnen.]
 Bangor (thorough which a rill called Torronnen hath his course) almost
 [Sidenote: Ogwine.]
 a mile aboue it. Aber Ogwine is two miles aboue that; it riseth at
 Tale linne, Ogwine poole, fiue miles aboue Bangor in the east side of
 [Sidenote: Auon.]
 Withow. Aber Auon is two miles aboue Aberogwene, and it riseth in a
 [Sidenote: Lannar Vehan.]
 poole called Lin man Auon, thrée miles off. Auon lan var Vehan riseth
 in a mounteine therby, and goeth into the sea, two miles aboue
 [Sidenote: Duegeuelth.]
 Duegeuelth. Auon Duegeuelth is three miles aboue Conweie, which rising
 in the mounteins a mile off, goeth by it selfe into Meneie salt arme.
 On the said shore also lieth Conweie, and this riuer dooth run betwixt
 Penmaine Maur, and Penmaine Vehan. It riseth about three miles from
 Penmaclon hils which lie about sixtie miles from Conweie abbeie, now
 dissolued out of a lake called Lin Conweie, and on the north and west
 of this riuer standeth the towne of Conweie, which taketh his name
 thereof.

 [Sidenote: Téec.]
 This riuer (which Ptolomie calleth Toesobius, as I take it) after the
 deriuation thereof from the head, passeth on the west side by
 Spittieuan and Tiherio, beneath which it taketh in a streame comming
 from the east out of Denbighshire, deriued from thrée heads, and of
 the greatest called Nag. Soone after also another, and then the third,
 which commeth in from the west by Lanpen Mawr: next of all the Leder
 on the same side, which commeth by Dolathelan castell: and aboue that
 from a Lin of the same denomination. Beneath this and selfe hand lieth
 [Sidenote: Ligow.]
 likewise the Ligow or Ligwie, procéeding from two lakes, that is, the
 Mumber and the Ligow. On the right hand as we still descend, is the
 Coid, then the Glin, & a little lower we méet with the Lin Gerioneth:
 and after we be past another on the right side, we come to the
 Perloid, which commeth out of Lin Cowlid, to the Ygan, to the Idulin,
 to the castell Water on the left, & then to the Melandider on the
 right, without the sight of anie other, till we come almost to
 Conweie, where we find a notched streame comming from by west, and
 called Guffen or Gyffin into the same by one chanell on the northeast
 side of the towne, beneath Guffin or Gyffin, and ouer against
 Lansanfraid in Denbighshire; so farre as I now remember. Some part of
 Carnaruonshire stretcheth also beyond Aber Conweie, or the fall of
 [Sidenote: Ormeshed.]
 Conweie, & it is called Ormeshed point, wherein also is a rill, whose
 fall into the sea is betwéene Penrin and Landright. And thus we haue
 made an end of the chéefe waters which are to be found in this
 countie.

 The next is a corner of Denbigh, by which we doo as it were step ouer
 into Flintshire, and whose first water is not great, yet it commeth
 from southwest, and falleth into the north or Irish sea called
 Virginium, beneath Landilas; as the next that commeth south from
 Bettas dooth the like thrée miles beneath Abergele, and is not onelie
 [Sidenote: Gele.]
 called Gele (as the name it selfe importeth) but also noted to take
 his course through the Canges. Hauing thus gone ouer the angle of
 Denbighshire, that lieth betwéene those of Carnaruon and Flint, we
 come next of all vnto Aber Cluide, or the fall of Clotha or Glota,
 which is a streame not to be shortlie intreated of. It riseth among
 certeine hilles, which lie not far distant from the confines of
 Merioneth and Denbighshires. Southeast from his fall, and hauing run
 foure or fiue miles from the head, it commeth about to Darwen, taking
 [Sidenote: Maniton.]
 in the Maniton on the left hand, and the Mespin on the right: and
 soone after the third from bywest, whose head is not farre from
 Gloucanocke. Beneath Ruthen also it taketh in the Leueneie: and after
 that another, and the third, all on the right hand, and so holdeth on
 [Sidenote: Cluedoch.]
 till it méet with the Cluedoch, then with the Ystrade, which passeth
 by Whitchurch on the left hand. After which we come to the Whéeler on
 the right, and so to his ioining with the Elwie, which is beneath
 [Sidenote: Elwie.]
 S. Asaphes, a bishops sée that is inuironed with them both. This Elwie
 riseth aboue Gwitherne, & beneath Lanuair taketh in the Alode, which
 commeth from lin Alode, by Lansannan, and ioineth with him fiue miles
 beneath Langrenew. The Cluda therefore and the Elwie being met, the
 confluence passeth on to the sea by Rutland castell, where it taketh
 in the Sarne, which commeth from by east, and hath a course almost of
 sixteene miles. From hence we tooke sea toward the Dée mouth: and as
 we passed by the rest of the shore, we saw the fall of a little brooke
 néere Basing Werke, of another néere to Flint, of the third at Yowleie
 castell, which with his two armes in maner includeth it; and the
 fourth beneath Hawarden hold, which in like sort goeth round about the
 same, & from whence we came to the Dée, where we landed and tooke vp
 our lodging in Chester. In this place also it was no hard matter to
 deliuer & set downe the names of such riuers and streames as are also
 to be found in Angleseie, finding my selfe to haue some leasure and
 fit opportunitie for the same: and imagining a iourneie thither also,
 as vnto the other places mentioned in this description, whither as yet
 it hath not béene my hap to trauell: I thought it not amisse to take
 it also in hand, and performe it after this maner.

 Ferrieng therefore ouer out of Carnaruonshire to Beaumarise, I went by
 land without crossing of anie riuer or streame worthie memorie, till I
 came to the Brant, which hath his fall not farre from the southest
 point of that Iland. This Brant riseth farre vp in the land, not farre
 from Lauredenell, and holding on his course southward to Lanthoniell
 Vaall, it goeth on to Bodoweruch, Langainwen, and so into the sea.

 The next fall we came vnto was called Maltrath, and it is producted by
 the confluence of two riuers, the Geuennie and the Gint, who ioine not
 farre from Langrestoll. This also last rehearsed hath his head neere
 to Penmoneth, the other being forked riseth in the hillie soile aboue
 Tregaion and Langwithlog: so that part of the Iland obteineth no small
 commoditie and benefit by their passage. Next vnto this we came vnto
 [Sidenote: Fraw.]
 the Fraw, whose head is neere to Langinewen, and passage by Cap Maer;
 after which it falleth into a lake, from whence it goeth east of
 Aberfraw, and so into the sea. The next riuer hath no name to my
 knowledge: yet hath it a longer course than that which I last
 described. For it riseth two or thrée miles aboue Haneglosse: and
 passing from thence to Treualghmaie, after the descent of foure miles,
 it falleth into the sea. After this we came to an other, which riseth
 more to Cap legan ferwie, and falleth into the sea; southeast of the
 little Iland, which is called Ynis Wealt, it is namelesse also as the
 other was: and therefore hauing small delight to write thereof, we
 passed ouer the salt créeke by a bridge into Cair Kibie, which by the
 same, is as it were cut from the maine Iland, and in some respect not
 vnworthie to be taken for an Ile. In the north side therefore of Cair
 Kibie is a little rill or créeke: but whether the water thereof be
 fresh or salt, as yet I doo not remember.

 This place being viewed, I came backe againe by the aforesaid bridge,
 into the maine of Angleseie, and going northwards I find a fall
 inforced by thrée riuerets, each one hauing his course almost south
 from other; and the last falling into the confluence of the two first,
 not halfe a mile from the west, where I first espied the streame: the
 [Sidenote: Linon.]
 [Sidenote: Allo.]
 name of the most northerlie is Linon, of the second Allo; but the
 third is altogither namelesse for aught that I can learne, wherefore
 it shall not be necessarie to spend anie time in the further searching
 of his course. Being past this, we went northwards till we came to the
 point, and then going eastward, we butted vpon the fall of a certeine
 confluence growing by the ioining of the Nathanon and the Geger, which
 méet beneath and néere to the Langechell. And after the same we passed
 on somewhat declining southward by the Hillarie point, toward the
 southeast, till we came to the Dulesse: and from thence to Pentraeth
 water: after which we turned northward, then eastward; and finallie
 southward, till we came to Langurdin; from whence vnto Beaumarise
 (where began our voiage) we find not anie water worthie to be
 remembred. And thence I go forward with the description of the Dee.

 [Sidenote: Dée or Deua.]
 The Dee or Deua (as Ptolomie calleth it) is a noble riuer, & breeder
 of the best trout, whose head is in Merioneth shire, about thrée miles
 aboue the lake, situate in the countie of Penthlin, and called Lin
 Tegnis, whose streame yet verie small, by reason of the shortnesse of
 his course, falleth into the said lake, not far from Lanullin. There
 are sundrie other waters which come also into the said lake, which is
 foure or five miles in length, and about two miles ouer; as one from
 by south, whose fall is east, and not manie furlongs from the Dee:
 another hath his issue into the same by Langower: the third on the
 north side of Lanullin, named Leie: the fourth at Glanlintegid called
 Jauerne, the lake it selfe ending about Bala, and from thence running
 [Sidenote: Trowerin.]
 into the Trowerin, a pretie streame, and not a little augmented by the
 Kelme and Monach which fall by north into the same, and ioineth with
 the Dée south of Lanuair; from whence forth it looseth the name, and
 is afterward called Dée. East of Bala in like sort it receiueth the
 [Sidenote: Ruddoch.]
 [Sidenote: Cleton.]
 Ruddoch, then the Cleton, and so passing on by Landright to Langar, it
 méeteth with a confluence procéeding from the Alwen and the Giron, of
 which this riseth in the hils aboue Langham, the other in the
 mounteines about fiue or six miles by northwest of Lanihangle in
 Denbighshire, where (as I gesse) it falleth into the ground; and
 afterward rising againe betwéene Lanihangle and Bettus, it holdeth on
 about two miles, and then ioineth with the Giron, full six miles aboue
 Dole, and before it come to the Dee. From hence the Dee goeth by
 Lansanfraid, and the marches of Merioneth into Denbighshire, and so to
 Langellon, Dinas, Bren, &c: kéeping his course by certeine windlesses,
 [Sidenote: Gristioneth.]
 till he receiue the Gristioneth, descending by Ruabon, then another
 [Sidenote: Keriog.]
 est of the same; the third from by west called Keriog (whose head is
 not farre from the bounds of Merioneth and course by Lanarmon,
 Lansanfraid, and Chirke) the fourth from south east out of Shropshire,
 called Morlais, and so passeth as bounds betwéene Denbighshire, and
 the Outliggand of Flintshire, to wit by Bistocke on the one side and
 Bangor on the other, till it come to Worthenburie: whereabout it
 receiueth a chanell descending from foure influences, of which one
 commeth by Penlie chappell, the second from Hamnere, which goeth downe
 by Emberhall, and falleth in a little by east of the other; the third
 from Blackmere (by Whitchurch) &c: and the fourth from betwéene Chad
 and Worsall. These two later méeting aboue nether Durtwich, doo hold
 on to Talerne, as mine information instructeth me.

 From Wrothenburie the Dee goeth northwestwards toward Shocklige,
 [Sidenote: Cluedoch.]
 méeting by the waie with the confluence of the Cluedoch (or Dedoch
 originall mother to those trouts for which the Dée is commended) and
 [Sidenote: Gwinrogh.]
 descendeth from Capell Moinglath) and the Gwinrogh, that runneth
 through Wrexham, both ioining a mile and more beneath Wrexham, not far
 from Hantwerne. Soone after also our maine riuer receiueth another
 becke from by east, which is bound on the northwest side to the
 Outliggand of Flintshire, and so passeth on betwéene Holt castell and
 Ferneton, Almere and Pulton, as march betwéene Denbighshire and
 [Sidenote: Alannus.]
 Cheshire, and then taketh in the Alannus or Alen; a pretie riuer and
 worthie to be described. The head of this Alen therefore is in
 Denbighshire, and so disposed that it riseth in two seuerall places,
 ech being two miles from other, the one called Alen Mawr, the other
 Alen Vehan, as I doo find reported. They méet also beneath Landegleie,
 and run northwards till they come beyond Lanuerres, where meeting with
 a rill comming from by west, it runneth on to the Mold to Horsheth,
 and so in and out to Greseford, taking the Cagidog from southwest with
 it by the waie; then to Traue Alen, and so into the Dée, a mile and
 more aboue the fall of Powton becke, which also descendeth from
 southwest out of Flintshire, and is march vnto the same, euen from the
 verie head. After which confluence the Dée hauing Chestershire on both
 sides, goeth to Aldford with a swift course, where it méeteth with the
 Beston brooke, whereof I doo find this description following.

 [Sidenote: Beston.]
 "The Beston water riseth in the wooddie soile betwéene Spruston and
 Beston castell with a forked head, and leauing Beston towne on the
 northeast, it goeth to Tarneton, and to Hakesleie, where it diuideth
 it selfe in such wise, that one branch thereof runneth by Totnall,
 Goldburne, and Léehall, to Alford, and so into the Dée, the other by
 Stapleford, Terwine, Barrow, Picton, and Therton, where it brancheth
 againe, sending foorth one arme by Stanneie poole, and the parke side
 into Merseie arme, toward the northwest, and another by southwest,
 which commeth as it were backe againe, by Stoke, Croughton, Backeford,
 Charleton, Vpton, the Baites, and so vnder a bridge to Chester ward,
 where it falleth into the Dée arme at Flockes brooke, excluding Wirall
 on the northwest as an Iland, which lieth out like a leg betwéene the
 Merseie and the Dée armes, and including and making another fresh
 Iland within the same, whose limits by northwest are betwéene
 Thorneton, Chester, & Aldford, on the northeast Thorneton and
 Hakesleie, and on the southeast Hakesleie and Aldford, whereby the
 forme thereof dooth in part resemble a triangle." And thus much of the
 Dée, which is a troublesome streame when the wind is at southwest, and
 verie dangerous, in so much that few dare passe thereon. Sometimes
 also in haruest time it sendeth downe such store of water, when the
 wind bloweth in the same quarter, that it drowneth all their grasse
 and corne that groweth in the lower grounds néere vnto the bankes
 thereof. Certes it is about thrée hundred foot, at his departure from
 the Tignie, and worthilie called a litigious streame; because that by
 often alteration of chanell, it inforceth men to séeke new bounds vnto
 their lands, for here it laieth new ground, and there translateth and
 taketh awaie the old, so that there is nothing more vnconstant than
 the course of the said water. Of the monasterie Bangor also, by which
 it passeth after it hath left Orton bridge, I find this note, which I
 will not omit, because of the slaughter of monks made sometime néere
 vnto the same. For although the place require it not, yet I am not
 willing altogither to omit it.

 [Sidenote: The situation of the monasterie of Bangor.]
 This abbeie of Bangor stood sometime in English Mailor, by hither and
 south of the riuer Dée. It is now ploughed ground where that house
 stood, by the space of a Welsh mile (which reacheth vnto a mile and an
 halfe English) and to this day the tillers of the soile there doo plow
 vp bones (as they saie) of those monks that were slaine in the
 quarrell of Augustine, and within the memorie of man some of them were
 taken vp in their rotten weeds, which were much like vnto those of our
 late blacke monks, as Leland set it downe: yet Erasmus is of the
 opinion, that the apparell of the Benedictine monks was such as most
 men did weare generallie at their first institution. But to proceed.
 This abbeie stood in a valleie, and in those times the riuer ran hard
 by it. The compasse thereof likewise was as the circuit of a walled
 towne, and to this daie two of the gates may easilie be discerned, of
 which the one is named Port Hogan lieng by north, the other Port Clais
 situat vpon the south. But the Dée hauing now changed his chanell,
 runneth through the verie middest of the house betwixt those two
 gates, the one being at the left a full halfe mile from the other. As
 for the squared stone that is found hereabout, and the Romane coine,
 there is no such necessitie of the rehersall therof, but that I may
 passe it ouer well inough without anie further mention.

 Being past the Dée we sailed about Wirall, passing by Hibrie or
 Hilbrée Iland, and Leuerpole, Nasse, making our entrie into Merseie
 arme by Leuerpole hauen, where we find a water falling out betwéene
 Seacombe and the Ferie, which dooth in maner cut off the point from
 the maine of Wirall. For rising néere to the northwest shore, it
 holdeth a course directlie toward the southeast by Wallaseie and
 Poton, and so leaueth all the north part beyond that water a
 peninsula, the same being three square, inuironed on two sides with
 the Ocean, & on the third with the aforesaid brooke, whose course is
 well néere three miles except I be deceiued. Fr[=o] hence entring
 further into the hauen, we find another fall betwéene Bebington and
 Brombro chappell, descending from the hilles, which are seene to lie
 not farre from the shore, and thence crossing the fall of the Beston
 [Sidenote: Wiuer.]
 water, we come next of all vnto the Wiuer, than the which I read of no
 riuer in England that fetcheth more or halfe so many windlesses and
 crinklings, before it come at the sea. It riseth at Buckle hilles,
 which lie betwéene Ridleie and Buckle townes, and soone after making a
 lake of a mile & more in length called Ridleie poole, it runneth by
 Ridleie to Chalmondlie.

 Thence it goeth to Wrenburie, where it taketh in a water out of a
 [Sidenote: Combrus.]
 moore that commeth from Marburie: and beneth Sandford bridge the
 Combrus from Combermer or Comber lake: and finallie the third that
 commeth from about Moneton, and runneth by Langerslaw, then betweene
 Shenton and Atherlie parkes, and so into the Wiuer, which watereth all
 the west part of England, and is no lesse notable than the fift Auon
 or third Ouze, whereof I haue spoken alreadie. After these confluences
 it hasteth also to Audlem, Hawklow, and at Barderton crosseth the
 [Sidenote: Betleie.]
 Betleie water, that runneth by Duddington, Widdenberie, and so by
 Barderton into the aforesaid streame. Thence it goeth to Nantwich, but
 yer it come at Marchford bridge, it meeteth with a rill called
 [Sidenote: Salop.]
 Salopbrooke (as I gesse) comming from Caluerleie ward, and likewise
 [Sidenote: Lée and Wuluarne.]
 beneath the said bridge, with the Lée and the Wuluarne both in one
 chanell, wherof the first riseth at Weston, the ether goeth by
 Copnall. From hence the Wiuer runneth on to Minchion and Cardeswijc,
 [Sidenote: Ashe.]
 and the next water that falleth into it is the Ashe (which passeth by
 Darnall Grange) and afterward going to Warke, the vale Roiall, and
 [Sidenote: Dane.]
 Eaton, it commeth finallie to Northwich where it receiueth the Dane,
 to be described as followeth. The Dane riseth in the verie edges of
 Chester, Darbishire, & Staffordshire, and comming by Warneford,
 Swithamleie and Bosleie, is a limit betwéene Stafford and Darbie
 shires, almost euen from the verie head, which is in Maxwell forrest.

 [Sidenote: Bidle.]
 It is not long also yer it doo méet with the Bidle water, that commeth
 by Congerton, and after the confluence goeth vnto Swetham, the
 Heremitage, Cotton and Croxton, there taking in two great waters,
 [Sidenote: Whelocke.]
 whereof the one is called Whelocke, which comming from the edge of the
 countie by Morton to Sandbach, crosseth another that descended from
 church Cawlhton, and after the confluence goeth to Warmingham, ioining
 also beneath Midlewish with the Croco or Croxston, the second great
 water, whose head commeth out of a lake aboue Bruerton (as I heare)
 [Sidenote: Croco.]
 and thence both the Whelocke and the Croco go as one vnto the Dane, at
 Croxton, as the Dane dooth from thence to Bostocke, Dauenham,
 Shebruch, Shurlach, and at Northwich into the foresaid Wiuer. After
 this confluence the Wiuer runneth on to Barneton, and there in like
 sort receiueth two brookes in one chanell, whereof one commeth from
 aboue Allostocke, by Holme & Lastocke, the other from beyond Birtles
 [Sidenote: Piuereie.]
 mill, by Chelford (where it taketh in a rill called Piuereie) thence
 [Sidenote: Waterlesse.]
 to ouer Peuer, Holford, and there crossing the Waterlesse brooke
 (growing of two becks and ioining at nether Tableie) it goeth foorth
 to Winshambridge, and then méeting with the other, after this
 confluence they procéed till they come almost at Barneton, where the
 said chanell ioineth with a pretie water running thorough two lakes,
 whereof the greatest lieth betwéene Comberbach, Rudworth and Marburie.
 But to go forward with the course of the maine riuer. After these
 confluences our Wiuer goeth to Warham, Actonbridge, and Dutton, ouer
 against which towne, on the other side it méeteth with a rill, comming
 from Cuddington: also the second going by Norleie, and Gritton,
 finallie the third soone after from Kimsleie, and then procéedeth on
 in his passage by Asheton chappell, Frodesham, Rockesauage, and so
 into the sea: and this is all that I doo find of the Wiuer, whose
 influences might haue beene more largelie set downe, if mine
 iniunctions had béene amplie deliuered, yet this I hope may suffice
 for his description, and knowledge of his course.

 [Sidenote: Merseie.]
 The Merseie riseth among the Peke hils, and from thence going downe to
 the Woodhouse, and taking sundrie rilles withall by the waie, it
 becommeth the confines betwéene Chester and Darbishires. Going also
 toward Goitehall, it méeteth with a faire brooke increased by sundrie
 [Sidenote: Goite.]
 waters called Goite, whereof I find this short and briefe description.
 The Goite riseth not far from the Shire méere hill (wherein the Doue
 and the Dane haue their originall) that parteth Darbishire and
 Chestershire in sunder, and thence commeth downe to Goite houses,
 [Sidenote: Frith.]
 Ouerton, Taxhall, Shawcrosse, and at Weibridge taketh in the Frith,
 [Sidenote: Set.]
 and beneath Berdhall, the Set that riseth aboue Thersethall and
 runneth by Ouerset. After this confluence also the Merseie goeth to
 [Sidenote: Tame.]
 Goite hall, & at Stockford or Stopford towne méeteth with the Tame,
 which diuideth Chestershire and Lancastershire in sunder, and whose
 head is in the verie edge of Yorkeshire, from whence it goeth
 southward to Sadleworth Firth, then to Mukelhirst, Stalie hall, Ashdon
 Vnderline, Dunkenfield, Denton, Reddish, and so at Stockford into the
 Merseie streame, which passeth foorth in like sort to Diddesbirie,
 receiuing a brooke by the waie that commeth from Lime parke, by
 Brumhall parke and Chedle.

 [Sidenote: Irwell.]
 From Diddesbirie it procéedeth to Norden, Ashton, Aiston, Flixston,
 where it receiueth the Irwell a notable water, and therefore his
 description is not to be omitted before I doo go forward anie further
 with the Merseie, although it be not nauigable by reason of sundrie
 rockes and shalowes that lie dispersed in the same. It riseth aboue
 Bacop, and goeth thence to Rosendale, and in the waie to Aitenfield it
 taketh in a water from Haselden. After this confluence it goeth to
 [Sidenote: Ræus, or Rache.]
 Newhall, Brandlesham, Brurie, and aboue Ratcliffe ioineth with the
 [Sidenote: Leland speaketh of the Corue water about
 Manchester; but I know nothing of his course.]
 Rache water, a faire streame and to be described when I haue finished
 the Irwell, as also the next vnto it beneath Ratcliffe, bicause I
 would not haue so manie ends at once in hand wherewith to trouble my
 readers. Being therfore past these two, our Irwell goeth on to
 Clifton, Hollond, Edgecroft, Strengwaies, and to Manchester, where it
 [Sidenote: Yrke.]
 vniteth it selfe with the Yrke, that runneth thereinto by Roiton
 Midleton, Heaton hill, and Blackeleie. Beneath Manchester also it
 [Sidenote: Medlockte.]
 méeteth with the Medlocke that commeth thither from the northeast side
 of Oldham, and betwéene, Claiton and Garret Halles, and so betwéene
 two parkes, falling into it about Holne. Thence our Irwell going
 forward to Woodsall, Whicleswijc, Ecles, Barton, and Deuelhom, it
 falleth néere vnto Flixton, into the water of Merseie, where I will
 staie a while withall, till I haue brought the other vnto some passe,
 of which I spake before.

 [Sidenote: Rache.]
 The Rache, Rech or Rish consisteth of sundrie waters, whereof ech one
 in maner hath a proper name, but the greatest of all is Rache it
 selfe, which riseth among the blacke stonie hils, from whence it goeth
 [Sidenote: Beile.]
 to Littlebrough, and being past Clegge, receiueth the Beile, that
 commeth thither by Milneraw chappell. After this confluence also, it
 [Sidenote: Sprotton.]
 méeteth with a rill néere vnto Rachedale, and soone after with the
 [Sidenote: Sudleie.]
 Sprotton water, and then the Sudleie brooke, whereby his chanell is
 not a little increased, which goeth from thence to Grisehirst and so
 [Sidenote: Bradsha.]
 into the Irwell, before it come at Ratcliffe. The second streame is
 called Bradsha. It riseth of two heds, aboue Tureton church, whence it
 [Sidenote: Walmesleie.]
 runneth to Bradsha, and yer long taking in the Walmesleie becke, they
 go in one chanell till they come beneath Bolton in the More. From
 hence (receiuing a water that commeth from the roots of Rauenpike hill
 by the way) it goeth by Deane and Bolton in the More, and so into
 Bradsha water, which taketh his waie to Leuermore, Farnworth,
 Leuerlesse, and finallie into the Irwell, which I before described,
 and whereof I find these two verses to be added at the last:

   Irke, Irwell, Medlocke, and Tame,
   When they meet with the Merseie, do loose their name.

 Now therefore to resume our Merseie, you shall vnderstand that after
 his confluence with the Irwell, he runneth to Partington, and not
 [Sidenote: Gles.]
 farre from thence interteineth the Gles, or Glesbrooke water,
 increased with sundrie armes, wherof one commeth from Lodward, another
 from aboue Houghton, the third from Hulton parke, and the fourth from
 Shakerleie: and being all vnited néere vnto Leigh, the confluence
 goeth to Holcroft, and aboue Holling gréene into the swift Merseie.
 After this increase the said streame in like sort runneth to Rigston,
 [Sidenote: Bollein brooke.]
 & there admitteth the Bollein or Bolling brooke water into his
 societie, which rising néere the Chamber in Maxwell forrest goeth to
 Ridge, Sutton, Bollington, Prestbirie, and Newton, where it taketh in
 a water comming from about Pot Chappell, which runneth from thence by
 Adlington, Woodford, Wimesleie, Ringeie, and Ashleie, there receiuing
 [Sidenote: Birkin.]
 the Birkin brooke that commeth from betwéene Allerton and Marchall, by
 [Sidenote: Mar.]
 Mawberleie, and soone after the Marus or Mar, that commeth thereinto
 from Mar towne, by Rawstorne, and after these confluences goeth on to
 Downham, and ouer against Rixton beneath Crosford bridge into the
 Merseie water, which procéeding on, admitteth not another that méeteth
 with all néere Lim before it go to Thelwall. Thence also it goeth by
 Bruche and so to Warrington, a little beneath crossing a brooke that
 commeth from Par by Browseie, Bradleie, and Saukeie on the one side,
 and another on the other that commeth thither from Gropenhall, and
 with these it runneth on to nether Walton, Acton grange, and so to
 [Sidenote: Bold.]
 [Sidenote: Grundich.]
 Penkith, where it interteineth the Bold, and soone after the Grundich
 water on the other side, that passeth by Preston, and Daresbirie.
 Finallie our Merseie going by Moulton, it falleth into Lirepoole, or
 as it was called of old Liuerpoole hauen, when it is past Runcorne.
 And thus much of the Merseie, comparable vnto the Wiuer, and of no
 lesse fame than most riuers of this Iland.

 [Sidenote: Tarbocke.]
 Being past these two, we come next of all to the Tarbocke water, that
 falleth into the sea at Harbocke, without finding anie mo till we be
 past all Wirall, out of Lirepoole hauen, and from the blacke rockes
 that lie vpon the north point of the aforesaid Iland. Then come we to
 [Sidenote: Alt or Ast.]
 the Altmouth, whose fresh rising not far into the land, commeth to
 Feston, and soone after receiuing another on the right hand, that
 passeth into it by Aughton, it is increased no more before it come at
 the sea. Neither find I anie other falles till I méet with the mouth
 [Sidenote: Duglesse or Dulesse.]
 of the Yarrow and Duglesse, which haue their recourse to the sea in
 one chanell as I take it. The Duglesse commeth from by west of
 Rauenspike hill, and yer long runneth by Andertonford to Worthington,
 and so (taking in two or thrée rilles by the waie) to Wigen, where it
 receiueth two waters in one chanell, of which one commeth in south
 from Brin parke, the other from northeast. Being past this, it
 receiueth one on the north side from Standish, and another by south
 from Hollond, and then goeth on toward Rufford chappell taking the
 [sidenote: Taud or Skelmere.]
 Taud withall, that descendeth from aboue Skelmersdale towne, and goeth
 through Lathan parke, belonging (as I heare) vnto the earle of Derbie.
 [Sidenote: Merton.]
 It méeteth also on the same side, with Merton méere water, in which
 méere is one Iland called Netholme beside other, and when it is past
 the hanging bridge, it is not long yer it fall into the Yarrow.

 [Sidenote: Yarrow.]
 [Sidenote: Bagen.]
 The Yarrow riseth of two heads, whereof the second is called Bagen
 brooke, and making a confluence beneath Helbie wood, it goeth on to
 Burgh, Eglestan, Crofton, and then ioineth next of all with the
 Dugglesse, after which confluence, the maine streame goeth foorth to
 Bankehall, Charleton, How, Hesket, and so into the sea. Leland writing
 of the Yarrow, saith thus of the same, so fare as I now remember. Into
 the Dugglesse also runneth the Yarrow, which commeth within a mile or
 thereabout of Chorleton towne, that parteth Lelandshire from
 Derbieshire. Vnder the foot of Chorle also I find a rill named Ceorle,
 and about a mile and a halfe from thence a notable quarreie of stones,
 whereof the inhabitants doo make a great boast and price. And hitherto
 to Leland.

 [Sidenote: Ribble.]
 The Ribble, a riuer verie rich of salmon, and lampreie, dooth in
 manner inuiron Preston in Andernesse, and it riseth neere to
 Kibbesdale aboue Gisborne, from whence it goeth to Sawleie or Salleie,
 [Sidenote: Odder.]
 Chathburne, Woodington, Clithero castell, and beneath Mitton méeteth
 the Odder at north west, which riseth not farre from the crosse of
 Gréet in Yorkeshire, and going thence to Shilburne, Newton, Radholme
 parke, and Stonie hirst, it falleth yer long into the Ribble water.
 [Sidenote: Calder.]
 From hence the Ribble water hath not gone farre, but it méeteth with
 the Calder from southeast. This brooke riseth aboue Holme church in
 Yorkeshire, which lieth by east of Lancastershire, and going by
 Towleie and Burneleie, where it receiueth a trifling rill, thence to
 Higham, and yer long crossing one water that commeth from Wicoler by
 [Sidenote: Pidle.]
 Colne, and another by and by named Pidle brooke, that runneth by New
 church in the Pidle, it méeteth with the Calder, which passeth foorth
 to Paniam; and thence receiuing a becke on the other side, it runneth
 [Sidenote: Henburne.]
 on to Altham, and so to Martholme, where the Henburne brooke dooth
 ioine withall, that goeth by Akington chappell, Dunkinhalgh, Rishton,
 and so into the Calder, as I haue said before. The Calder therefore
 being thus inlarged, runneth foorth to Reade, where maister Nowell
 dwelleth, to Whallie, and soone after into Ribble, that goeth from
 this confluence to Salisburie hall, Ribchester, Osbastin, Samburie,
 [Sidenote: Darwent.]
 Keuerden, Law, Ribbles bridge, & then taketh in the Darwent, before it
 goeth by Pontwarth or Pentwarth into the maine sea. The Darwent
 diuideth Lelandshire from Andernesse, and it riseth by east aboue
 Darwent chappell; and soone after vniting it selfe with the
 [Sidenote: Blackeburne.]
 [Sidenote: Rodlesworth.]
 Blackeburne, and Rodlesworth water, it goeth through Houghton parke,
 by Houghton towne, to Walton hall, and so into the Ribble. As for
 [Sidenote: Sannocke.]
 the Sannocke brooke, it riseth somewhat aboue Longridge chappell,
 goeth to Broughton towne, Cotham, Lée hall, and so into Ribble. And
 here is all that I haue to saie of this riuer.

 [Sidenote: Wire.]
 The Wire riseth eight or ten miles from Garstan, out of an hill in
 Wiresdale forrest, from whence it runneth by Shireshed chappell, and
 then going by Wadland, or Waddiler, Grenelaw castell (which belongeth
 to the erle of Darbie) Garstan, and Kirkland hall, it first receiueth
 [Sidenote: Calder. 2.]
 the second Calder, that commeth downe by Edmerseie chappell, then
 another chanell increased with sundrie waters, which I will here
 describe before I procéed anie further with the Wire. I suppose that
 [Sidenote: Plimpton.]
 the first water is called Plimpton brooke, it riseth south of Gosner,
 [Sidenote: Barton.]
 and commeth by Cawford hall, and yer long receiuing the Barton becke,
 [Sidenote: Brooke.]
 it procéedeth forward till it ioineth with the Brooke rill that
 commeth from Bowland forrest, by Claughton hall, where master
 Brookehales dooth lie, & so through Mersco forrest. After this
 confluence the Plime or Plimpton water méeteth with the Calder, and
 then with the Wire, which passeth foorth to Michaell church, and the
 [Sidenote: Skipton.]
 Raw cliffes, and aboue Thorneton crosseth the Skipton that goeth by
 Potton, then into the Wire rode, and finallie through the sands into
 the sea, according to his nature. When we were past the fall of the
 [Sidenote: Coker.]
 Wire, we coasted vp by the salt cotes, to Coker mouth, whose head,
 though it be in Weresdale forrest, not far from that of the Wire, yet
 [Sidenote: Cowdar.]
 the shortnesse of course deserueth no description. The next is Cowdar,
 which is comming out of Wire dale, as I take it, is not increased with
 anie other waters more than Coker, and therefore I will rid my hands
 thereof so much the sooner.

 [Sidenote: Lune.]
 Being past these two, I came to a notable riuer called the Lune or
 Loine, or (as the booke of statutes hath) Lonwire Anno 13 Ric. 2. cap.
 19, and giueth name to Lancaster, Lonecaster, or Lunecaster, where
 much Romane monie is found, and that of diuerse stamps, whose course
 dooth rest to be described as followeth; and whereof I haue two
 descriptions. The first being set downe by Leland, as master Moore of
 Catharine hall in Cambridge deliuered it vnto him. The next I exhibit
 as it was giuen vnto me, by one that hath taken paines (as he saith)
 to search out and view the same, but verie latelie to speake of. The
 Lune (saith master Moore) of some commonlie called the Loine, riseth
 at Crosseho, in Dent dale, in the edge of Richmondshire out of thrée
 heads. North also from Dent dale is Garsdale, an vplandish towne,
 wherein are séene manie times great store of red déere that come downe
 to feed from the mounteins into the vallies, and thereby runneth a
 water, which afterward commeth to Sebbar vale, where likewise is a
 brooke méeting with Garsdale water, so that a little lower they go as
 one into Dent dale becke, which is the riuer that afterward is called
 Lune, or Lane, as I haue verie often noted it. Beside these waters
 also before mentioned, it receiueth at the foot of Sebbar vale, a
 great brooke, which commeth out of the Worth, betwéene Westmerland and
 Richmondshire, which taking with him the aforesaid chanels, dooth run
 seauen miles yer it come to Dent dale foot. From hence it entreth into
 Lansdale, corruptlie so called, peraduenture for Lunesdale, & runneth
 therein eight or nine miles southward, and in this dale is Kirbie.
 Hitherto master Moore, as Leland hath exemplified that parcell of his
 [Sidenote: Burbecke.]
 letters. But mine other note writeth hereof in this manner. Burbecke
 water riseth at Wustall head, by west, and going by Wustall foot to
 [Sidenote: Breder.]
 Skaleg, it admitteth the Breder that descendeth thither from Breder
 dale. From hence our Burbecke goeth to Breder dale foot, & so to
 Tibarie, where it méeteth with foure rilles in one bottome, of which
 one commeth from besides Orton, another from betwéene Rasebecke and
 Sunbiggin, the third and fourth from each side of Langdale: and after
 the generall confluence made, goeth toward Roundswath, aboue which
 [Sidenote: Barrow.]
 it vniteth it selfe with the Barrow. Thence it runneth to Howgill,
 Delaker, Firrebanke, and Killington, beneath which it meeteth with a
 [Sidenote: Dent.]
 water comming from the Moruill hilles, and afterward crossing the Dent
 brooke, that runneth thither from Dent towne, beneath Sebbar, they
 continue their course as one into the Burbecke, from whence it is
 called Lune. From hence it goeth to Burbon chappell, where it taketh
 in another rill comming from by east, then to Kirbie, Lansbele, and
 aboue Whittenton crosseth a brooke comming from the countie stone by
 [Sidenote: Greteie.]
 Burros, and soone after beneath Tunstall and Greteie, which descending
 from about Ingelborow hill, passeth by Twiselton, Ingleton, Thorneton,
 Burton, Wratton, and néere Thurland castell, toucheth finallie with
 the Lune, which brancheth, and soone after vniteth it selfe againe.
 [Sidenote: Wennie.]
 After this also it goeth on toward New parke, and receiueth the
 [Sidenote: Hinburne.]
 Wennie, and the Hinburne both in one chanell, of which this riseth
 north of the crosse of Greteie, and going by Benthams and Roberts
 [Sidenote: Rheburne.]
 hill, aboue Wraie taketh in the Rheburne that riseth north of
 Wulfecrag. After this confluence also aboue New parke, it maketh his
 gate by Aughton, Laughton, Skirton, Lancaster, Excliffe, Awcliffe,
 Soddaie, Orton, and so into the sea. Thus haue you both the
 descriptions of Lune, make your conference or election at your
 pleasure, for I am sworne to neither of them both.

 [Sidenote: Docker.]
 The next fall is called Docker, and peraduenture the same that Leland
 [Sidenote: Kerie.]
 dooth call the Kerie, which is not farre from Wharton, where the rich
 Kitson was borne, it riseth north of Docker towne, and going by
 Barwijc hall, it is not increased before it come at the sea, where it
 falleth into the Lune water at Lunesands. Next of all we come to
 Bitham beck, which riseth not far from Bitham towne and parke, in the
 hilles, where about are great numbers of goates kept and mainteined,
 and by all likelihood resorteth in the end to Linsands.

 Being past this, we find a forked arme of the sea called Kensands:
 into the first of which diuerse waters doo run in one chanell, as it
 were from foure principall heads, one of them comming from Grarrig
 hall, another fr[=o] by west of Whinfield, & ioining with the first on
 [Sidenote: Sprota.]
 the east side of Skelmere parke. The third called Sprot or Sprota
 riseth at Sloddale, & commeth downe by west of Skelmer parke, so that
 these two brookes haue the aforesaid parke betwéene them, & fall into
 the fourth east of Barneside, not verie farre in sunder. The fourth or
 [Sidenote: Ken.]
 last called Ken, commeth from Kentmers side, out of Ken moore, in a
 poole of a mile compasse, verie well stored with fish, the head
 whereof, as of all the baronie of Kendall is in Westmerland, & going
 to Stauelope, it taketh in a rill from Chappleton Inges. Then leauing
 Colnehead parke by east, it passeth by Barneside, to Kendall, Helston,
 Sigath, Siggeswijc, Leuenbridge, Milnethorpe, and so into the sea.
 Certes this Ken is a pretie déepe riuer, and yet not safelie to be
 aduentured vpon, with boates and balingers, by reason of rolling
 stones, & other huge substances that oft annoie & trouble the middest
 of the chanell there. The other péece of the forked arme, is called
 [Sidenote: Winstar.]
 Winstar, the hed wherof is aboue Winstar chappell, & going downe
 almost by Carpmaunsell, & Netherslake, it is not long yer it fall into
 the sea, or sands, for all this coast, & a gulfe from the Ramside
 point to the Mealenasse, is so pestered with sands, that it is almost
 incredible to sée how they increase. Those also which inuiron the
 Kenmouth, are named Kensands: but such as receiue the descent from the
 Fosse, Winander, and Sparke, are called Leuesands, as I find by
 sufficient testimonie. The mouth or fall of the Dodon also is not
 farre from this impechment: wherefore it is to be thought, that these
 issues will yer long become verie noisome, if not choked vp
 [Sidenote: Winander.]
 altogither. The Winander water riseth about Cunbalrasestones, from
 whence it goeth to Cangridge, where it maketh a méere: then to
 Ambleside, and taking in yer it come there, two rilles on the left
 hand, and one on the right that commeth by Clapergate, it maketh (as I
 take it) the greatest méere, or fresh water in England; for I read it
 is ten miles in length. Finallie, comming to one small chanell aboue
 Newbridge, it reacheth not aboue six miles yer it fall into the sea.
 [Sidenote: Fosse.]
 There is in like sort a water, called the Fosse that riseth néere vnto
 Arneside, and Tillerthwates, and goeth foorth by Grisdale,
 Satrethwate, Rusland, Powbridge, Bowth, and so falleth with the
 Winander water into the maine sea. On the west side of the Fosse also
 commeth another through Furnesse felles, and from the hilles by north
 thereof, which yer long making the Thurstan lake not far from
 Hollinhow, and going by Bridge end, in a narrow channell, passeth
 [Sidenote: Sparke.]
 foorth by Nibthwaits, Blareth, Cowlton, & Sparke bridge, and so into
 the sea. Hauing passed the Leuen or Conisands, or Conistonesands, or
 [Sidenote: Lew.]
 Winander fall (for all is one) I come to the Lew, which riseth at
 [Sidenote: Rawther.]
 Cewike chappell, and falleth into the sea beside Plumpton. The Rawther
 descending out of low Furnesse, hath two heads, whereof one commeth
 from Penniton, the other by Vlmerstone abbeie, and ioining both in one
 chanell, they hasten into the sea, whither all waters direct their
 voiage. Then come we to another rill southwest of Aldingham,
 descending by Glaiston castell; and likewise the fourth that riseth
 néere Lindell, and running by Dawlton castell and Furnesse abbeie, not
 farre from the Barrow head, it falleth into the sea ouer against
 Waueie and Waueie chappell, except mine aduertisements misleade me.

 [Sidenote: Dodon.]
 The Dodon, which from the head is bound vnto Cumberland and
 Westmerland, commeth from the Shire stone hill bottome, and going by
 Blackehill, Southwake, S. Iohns, Vffaie parke, & Broughton, it falleth
 into the orltwater, betwéene Kirbie, and Mallum castell. And thus are
 we now come vnto the Rauenglasse point, and well entred into the
 Cumberland countie.

 Comming to Rauenglasse, I find hard by the towne a water comming from
 two heads, and both of them in lakes or pooles, whereof one issueth
 [Sidenote: Denocke.]
 out of Denocke or Deuenocke méere, and is called Denocke water, the
 [Sidenote: Eske.]
 other named Eske from Eske poole which runneth by Eskedale, Dalegarth,
 and soone after meeting with the Denocke, betwéene Mawburthwate and
 Rauenglasse, falleth into the sea. On the other side of Rauenglasse
 [Sidenote: Mite.]
 also commeth the Mite brooke, from Miterdale as I read. Then find we
 another which commeth from the hils, and at the first is forked, but
 soone after making a lake, they gather againe into a smaller chanell:
 [Sidenote: Brenge.]
 finallie meeting with the Brenge, they fall into the sea at Carleton
 [Sidenote: Cander.]
 southeast, as I wéene of Drig. The Cander, or (as Leland nameth it)
 the Calder, commeth out of Copeland forrest, by Cander, Sellefield,
 and so into the sea. Then come we to Euer water, descending out of a
 poole aboue Coswaldhow, and thence going by Euerdale, it crosseth a
 water from Arladon, and after procéedeth to Egremond, S. Iohns, and
 taking in another rill from Hide, it is not long yer it méeteth with
 the sea.

 The next fall is at Moresbie, whereof I haue no skill. From thence
 therefore we cast about by saint Bees to Derwentset hauen, whose water
 [Sidenote: Dargwent.]
 is truelie written Dargwent or Deruent. It riseth in the hils about
 Borrodale, from whence it goeth vnto the Grange, thence into a lake,
 in which are certeine Ilands, and so vnto Keswijc, where it falleth
 [Sidenote: Burthméere.]
 into the Bure, whereof the said lake is called Bursemere, or the
 Burthmere poole. In like sort the Bure or Burthmere water, rising
 among the hils goeth to Tegburthesworth, Forneside, S. Iohns, and
 [Sidenote: Grise.]
 Threlcote: and there méeting with a water from Grisdale, by
 Wakethwate, called Grise, it runneth to Burnesse, Keswijc, and there
 receiueth the Darwent. From Keswijc in like sort it goeth to
 Thorneswate (and there making a plash) to Armanswate, Isell, Huthwate
 [Sidenote: Cokar.]
 and Cokermouth, and here it receiueth the Cokar, which rising among
 the hils commeth by Lowsewater, Brakenthwate, Lorton, and so to
 Cokarmouth towne, from whence it hasteth to Bridgeham, and receiuing a
 rill called the Wire, on the south side that runneth by Dein, it
 leaueth Samburne and Wirketon behind it, and entereth into the sea.

 [Sidenote: Wire.]
 Leland saith that the Wire is a créeke where ships lie off at rode,
 and that Wirketon or Wirkington towne dooth take his name thereof. He
 addeth also that there is iron and coles, beside lead ore in Wiredale.
 Neuerthelesse the water of this riuer is for the most part sore
 troubled, as comming thorough a suddie or soddie more, so that little
 [Sidenote: Elmus.]
 good fish is said to liue therein. But to proceed. The Elme riseth in
 the mines aboue Amautrée, and from Amautre goeth to Yeresbie, Harbie,
 Brow, and there taking in a rill on the left hand comming by
 Torpennie, it goeth to Hatton castell, Alwarbie, Birthie, Dereham, and
 so into the sea. Thence we go about by the chappell at the point, and
 come to a baie serued with two fresh waters, whereof one rising
 westward goeth by Warton, Rabbie, Cotes, and so into the maine, taking
 [Sidenote: Croco.]
 in a rill withall from by south, called Croco, that commeth from
 [Sidenote: Vamus.]
 Crockdale, by Bromefield. The second is named Wampoole broocke, & this
 riseth of two heads, whereof one is about Cardew. Thence in like sort
 it goeth to Thuresbie, Croston, Owton, Gamlesbie, Wampall, the Larth,
 and betwéene Whiteridge and Kirbie into the saltwater. From hence we
 double the Bowlnesse, and come to an estuarie, whither thrée notable
 riuers doo resort, and this is named the Solueie mouth. But of all,
 the first excéedeth, which is called Eden, and whose description dooth
 follow here at hand.

 [Sidenote: Eden.]
 The Eden well fraught with samon, descendeth (as I heare) from the
 hils in Athelstane moore at the foot of Hussiat Moruell hil, where
 Swale also riseth, and southeast of Mallerstang forrest. From thence
 in like maner it goeth to Mallerstang towne, Pendragon castell,
 Wharton hall, Netbie, Hartleie castell, Kirkebie Stephan, and yer it
 come at great Musgrane, it receiueth thrée waters, whereof one is
 [Sidenote: Helbecke.]
 called Helbecke, bicause it commeth from the Derne and Elinge
 mounteins by a towne of the same denomination. The other is named
 [Sidenote: Bellow.]
 Bellow, and descendeth from the east mounteins by Sowarsbie, & these
 two on the northeast: the third falleth from Rauenstandale, by
 Newbiggin, Smardale, Soulbie, Blaterne, and so into Eden, that goeth
 [Sidenote: Orne.]
 from thence by Warcop; and taking in the Orne about Burelles on the
 [Sidenote: Moreton.]
 one side, and the Morton becke on the other, it hasteth to Applebie,
 [Sidenote: Dribecke.]
 thence to Cowlbie, where it crosseth the Dribecke, thence to Bolton,
 [Sidenote: Trowt becke.]
 and Kirbie, and there méeting with the Trowt becke, and beneath the
 [Sidenote: Liuenet.]
 same with the Liuenet (whereinto falleth an other water from Thurenlie
 méeting withall beneath Clebron) it runneth finallie into Eden. After
 the confluences also the Eden passeth to Temple, and soone after
 meeting with the Milburne and Blincorne waters, in one chanell, it
 runneth to Winderwarth and Hornebie, where we will staie till I haue
 described the water that meeteth withall néere the aforesaid place
 [Sidenote: Vlse.]
 called the Vlse.

 This water commeth out of a lake, which is fed with six rils, whereof
 [Sidenote: Marke.]
 one is called the Marke, and néere the fall thereof into the plash is
 [Sidenote: Harteshop.]
 a towne of the same name; the second hight Harteshop, & runneth from
 [Sidenote: Paterdale.]
 Harteshop hall by Depedale; the third is Paterdale rill; the fourth
 [Sidenote: Roden.]
 [Sidenote: Glenkguin.]
 Glent Roden, the fift Glenkguin, but the sixt runneth into the said
 lake, south of Towthwate. Afterward when this lake commeth toward Pole
 towne, it runneth into a small chanell, & going by Barton, Dalumaine,
 it taketh in a rill by the waie from Daker castell. Thence it goeth to
 Stockebridge, Yoneworth, and soone after méeteth with a pretie brooke
 [Sidenote: Loder.]
 called Loder, comming from Thornethwate by Bauton, and héere a rill;
 then by Helton, and there another; thence to Askham, Clifton, and so
 ioining with the other called Vlse, they go to Brougham castell, Nine
 churches, Hornebie, and so into Eden, taking in a rill (as it goeth)
 that commeth downe from Pencath. Being past Hornebie, our Eden runneth
 to Langunbie, and soone after receiuing a rill that commeth from two
 heads, and ioining beneath Wingsell, it hasteth to Lasenbie, then to
 Kirke Oswald (on ech side whereof commeth in a rill from by east)
 thence to Nonneie, and there a rill, Anstable, Cotehill, Corbie
 castell, Wetherall, Newbie: where I will staie, till I haue described
 the Irding, and such waters as fall into the same before I go to
 Carleill.

 [Sidenote: Irding.]
 The Irding ariseth in a moore in the borders of Tindale, néere vnto
 [Sidenote: Terne.]
 Horsse head crag, where it is called Terne becke; vntill it come to
 Spicrag hill, that diuideth Northumberland and Gillesland in sunder,
 from whence it is named Irding. Being therfore come to Ouerhall, it
 [Sidenote: Pultrose.]
 receiueth the Pultrose becke, by east, and thence goeth on to
 Ouerdenton, Netherdenton, Leuercost, and Castelstead, where it taketh
 [Sidenote: Cambocke.]
 in the Cambocke, that runneth by Kirke Cambocke, Askerton castell,
 Walton, and so into Irding, which goeth from thence to Irdington,
 Newbie, & so into Eden. But a little before it come there, it crosseth
 [Sidenote: Gillie.]
 with the Gillie that commeth by Tankin, and soone after falleth into
 it. After these confluences, our Eden goeth to Linstocke castell, (and
 here it interteineth a brooke, comming from Cotehill ward by
 Aglionbie) and then vnto Carleill, which is now almost inuironed with
 foure waters.

 [Sidenote: Pedar aliàs Logus.]
 For beside the Eden it receiueth the Peder, which Leland calleth Logus
 from southeast. This Peder riseth in the hils southwest of
 Penruddocke, from whence it goeth to Penruddocke, then to Grastocke
 castell, Cateleie, and Kenderside hall, and then taking in a water
 from Vnthanke, it goeth to Cathwade, Pettrelwaie, Newbiggin, Carleton,
 and so into Eden, northeast of Carleill. But on the north side the
 [Sidenote: Bruferth.]
 Bruferth brooke dooth swiftlie make his entrance, running by
 Leuerdale, Scalbie castell, and Housedon; as I am informed. The third
 is named Candan (if not Deua after Leland) which rising about the
 Skidlow hils, runneth to Mosedale, Caldbecke, Warnell, Saberham, Rose
 castell, Dawston, Brounston, Harrington, and west of Carleill falleth
 into Eden, which going from thence by Grimsdale, Kirke Andros,
 Beaumont, falleth into the sea beneath the Rowcliffe castell. And thus
 much of the Eden, which Leland neuerthelesse describeth after another
 sort, whose words I will not let to set downe here in this place, as I
 find them in his commentaries.

 [Sidenote: Vlse after Leland.]
 The Eden, after it hath run a pretie space from his head, méeteth in
 time with the Vlse water, which is a great brooke in Westmerland, and
 [Sidenote: Loder.]
 rising aboue Maredale, a mile west of Loder, it commeth by the late
 dissolued house of Shappe priorie, thrée miles from Shappe, and by
 Brampton village into Loder or Lodon. Certes this streame within halfe
 a mile of the head, becommeth a great lake for two miles course, and
 afterward waxing narrow againe, it runneth foorth in a meane and
 [Sidenote: Aimote.]
 indifferent bottome. The said Eden in like sort receiueth the Aimote
 about thrée miles beneath Brougham castell, and into the same Aimote
 [Sidenote: Dacor.]
 falleth Dacor becke (alreadie touched) which riseth by northwest in
 Materdale hils, foure miles aboue Dacor castell, and then going
 through Dacor parke, it runneth by east a good mile lower into Eimote,
 a little beneath Delamaine, which standeth on the left side of Dacor.
 In one of his bookes also he saith, how Carleill standeth betwéene two
 [Sidenote: Deua.]
 streames, that is to saie the Deua, which commeth thither from by
 southwest, and also the Logus that descendeth from the southeast. He
 [Sidenote: Vala.]
 addeth moreouer how the Deua in times past was named Vala or Bala, and
 that of the names of these two, Lugibala for Caerleill hath beene
 deriued, &c. And thus much out of Leland. But where he had the cause
 of this his coniecture as yet I haue not read. Of this am I certeine,
 that I vse the names of most riuers here and else-where described,
 accordinglie as they are called in my time, although I omit not to
 speake here and there of such as are more ancient, where iust occasion
 mooueth me to remember them, for the better vnderstanding of our
 histories, as they doo come to hand.

 [Sidenote: Leuen.]
 Blacke Leuen and white Leuen waters, fall into the sea in one chanell,
 [Sidenote: Lamford.]
 [Sidenote: Eske.]
 and with them the Lamford and the Eske, the last confluence being not
 a full mile from the maine sea. The white and blacke Leuen ioining
 [Sidenote: Tomunt.]
 therfore aboue Bucknesse, the confluence goeth to Bracken hill,
 Kirkleuenton, and at Tomunt water meeteth with the Eske. In like sort
 [Sidenote: Kirsop.]
 [Sidenote: Lidde.]
 the Kirsop ioining with the Lidde out of Scotland at Kirsop foot,
 running by Stangerdike side, Harlow, Hathwater, and taking in the Eske
 aboue the Mote, it looseth the former name, and is called Eske, vntill
 it come to the sea.

 Hauing thus gone thorough the riuers of England, now it resteth that
 we procéed with those which are to be found vpon the Scotish shore, in
 such order as we best may, vntill we haue fetched a compasse about the
 same, and come vnto Barwike, whence afterward it shall be easie for vs
 to make repaire vnto the Thames, from which we did set forward in the
 beginning of our voiage. The first riuer that I met withall on the
 [Sidenote: Eske.]
 Scotish coast, is the Eske, after I came past the Solueie, which hath
 his head in the Cheuiot hilles, runneth by Kirkinton, and falleth into
 the sea at Borow on the sands. This Eske hauing receiued the Ewis
 falleth into the Solueie first at Atterith. After this I passed ouer a
 little créeke from Kirthell, and so to Anand, whereof the vallie
 Anandale dooth séeme to take the name. There is also the Nide, whereof
 commeth Nidsdale, the Ken, the Dée, the Crale, and the Bladnecke, and
 all these (besides diuerse other small rilles of lesse name) doo lie
 vpon the south of Gallowaie.

 On the north side also we haue the Ruan, the Arde, the Cassile Dune,
 the Burwin, the Cluide (wherevpon sometime stood the famous citie of
 Alcluide, and whereinto runneth the Carath) the Hamell, the
 Dourglesse, and the Lame. From hence in like maner we came vnto the
 Leuind mouth, wherevnto the Blake on the southwest and the Lomund
 Lake, with his fléeting Iles and fish without finnes (yet verie
 holesome) dooth séeme to make his issue. This lake of Lomund in calme
 weather ariseth sometimes so high, and swelleth with such terrible
 billowes, that it causeth the best marriners of Scotland to abide the
 leisure of this water, before they dare aduenture to hoise vp sailes
 on hie. The like is seene in windie weather, but much more perillous.
 There are certeine Iles also in the same, which mooue and remooue,
 oftentimes by force of the water, but one of them especiallie, which
 otherwise is verie fruitfull for pasturage of cattell.

 [Sidenote: Leue. Long.]
 [Sidenote: Goile. Heke.]
 [Sidenote: Robinseie.]
 [Sidenote: Forelan. Tarbat.]
 [Sidenote: Lean.]
 [Sidenote: Abir. Arke.]
 [Sidenote: Zefe. Sell.]
 [Sidenote: Zord. Owin.]
 [Sidenote: Nowisse. Orne.]
 [Sidenote: Lang. Drun.]
 [Sidenote: Hew. Brun.]
 [Sidenote: Kile. Dowr.]
 [Sidenote: Faro. Nesse.]
 Next vnto this is the Leue, the Rage, the Long, the Goile, & the Heke,
 which for the excéeding greatnesse of their heads, are called lakes.
 Then haue we the Robinseie, the Foreland, the Tarbat, the Lean, and
 the Abir, wherevnto the Spanseie, the Loine, the Louth, the Arke, and
 the Zefe doo fall, there is also the Sell, the Zord, the Owin, the
 Newisse, the Orne, the Lang, the Drun, the Hew, the Brun, the Kell,
 the Dowr, the Faro, the Nesse, the Herre, the Con, the Glasse, the
 Maur, the Vrdall, the Fers (that commeth out of the Caldell) the
 Fairsoke, which two latter lie a little by west of the Orchades, and
 are properlie called riuers, bicause they issue onelie from springs;
 but most of the other lakes, bicause they come from linnes and huge
 [Sidenote: Herre. Con.]
 [Sidenote: Glasse. Maur.]
 [Sidenote: Vrdall. Fesse.]
 [Sidenote: Calder. Wifle.]
 [Sidenote: Browre. Clin.]
 [Sidenote: Twin. Shin.]
 [Sidenote: Sillan. Carew.]
 [Sidenote: Nesse. Narding.]
 [Sidenote: Spaie. Downe.]
 [Sidenote: Dée. Eske.]
 pooles, or such low bottomes, fed with springs, as séeme to haue no
 accesse, but onelie recesse of waters, whereof there be manie in
 Scotland.

 But to proceed. Hauing once past Dungisbie head in Cathnesse, we shall
 yer long come to the mouth of the Wifle, a prettie streame, comming by
 south of the mounteins called the Maidens pappes. Then to the Browre,
 the Clin, the Twin (whereinto runneth three riuers, the Shin, the
 Sillan, and Carew) the Nesse, which beside the plentie of samon found
 therein is neuer frosen, nor suffereth yee to remaine there, that is
 cast into the poole. From thence we come vnto the Narding, the
 Finderne, the Spaie (which receiues the Vine) the Fitch, the Bulich,
 the Arrian, the Leuin, and the Bogh, from whence we saile vntill we
 come about the Buquhan head, and so to the Downe, and Dee: which two
 streames bring forth the greatest samons that are to be had in
 Scotland, and most plentie of the same. Then to the north Eske,
 whereinto the Esmond runneth aboue Brechin, the south Eske, then the
 Louen and the Taw, which is the finest riuer for water that is in all
 Scotland, and wherevnto most riuers and lakes doo run. As Farlake,
 Yrth, Goure, Loich, Cannach, Linell, Loion, Irewer, Erne, and diuerse
 other besides small rillets which I did neuer looke vpon.

 Then is there the lake Londors, vpon whose mouth saint Andrewes dooth
 stand, the lake Lewin vnto whose streame two other lakes haue recourse
 in Fifland, and then the Firth or Fortha, which some doo call the
 Pictish and Scotish sea, whither the kingdome of the Northumbers was
 sometime extended, and with the riuer last mentioned (I meane that
 commeth from Londors) includeth all Fife, the said Fortha being full
 of oisters and all kinds of huge fish that vse to lie in the déepe.
 How manie waters run into the Firth, called by Ptolomie Lora, it is
 not in my power iustlie to declare: yet are there both riuers, rills,
 [Sidenote: Clacke. Alon.]
 [Sidenote: Dune. Kerie.]
 [Sidenote: Cambell.]
 [Sidenote: Cumer. Tere.]
 [Sidenote: Man.]
 [Sidenote: Torkesan.]
 [Sidenote: Rosham.]
 [Sidenote: Mushell. Blene.]
 [Sidenote: Twede.]
 & lakes that fall into the same, as Clacke, Alon, Dune, Kerie,
 Cambell, Cumer, Tere, Man, Torkeson, Rosham, Mushell, Blene, and
 diuerse other which I call by these names, partlie after information,
 and partlie of such townes as are neere vnto their heads. Finallie,
 when we are past the Haie, then are we come vnto the Twede, whereinto
 we entred, leauing Barwike on the right hand and his appurtenances,
 wherein Halidon hill standeth, and conteineth a triangle of so much
 ground beyond the said riuer, as is well néere foure miles in length,
 and thrée miles in bredth in the broad end: except mine information
 doo faile me.

 The Twede (which Ptolomie nameth Toualsis or Toesis, & betwéene which
 and the Tine the countie of Northumberland is in maner inclosed, and
 watred with sundrie noble riuers) is a noble streame and the limes or
 bound betwéene England & Scotland, wherby those two kingdomes are now
 diuided in sunder. It riseth about Drimlar in Eusbale (or rather out
 of a faire well (as Leland saith) standing in the mosse of an hill
 called Airstane, or Harestan in Twede dale ten miles from Pibble) and
 so comming by Pibble, Lander, Dribiwgh, Lelse, Warke, Norham and
 Hagarstone, it falleth into the sea beneath Barwike, as I heare. Thus
 saith Leland. But I not contented with this so short a discourse of so
 long a riuer & briefe description of so faire a streame, will ad
 somewhat more of the same concerning his race on the English side, and
 rehearsall of such riuers as fall into it. Comming therefore to Ridam,
 it receiueth betwéene that and Carham a becke, which descendeth from
 the hilles that lie by west of Windram. Going also from Ridam by
 Longbridgham (on the Scotish side) and to Carham, it hasteth
 immediatlie to Warke castell on the English, and by Spilaw on the
 other side, then to Cornewall, Cald streame, and Tilmouth, where it
 receiueth sundrie waters in one botome which is called the Till, and
 whose description insueth here at hand.

 [Sidenote: Till.]
 Certes there is no head of anie riuer that is named Till, but the
 issue of the furthest water that commeth hereinto, riseth not farre
 from the head of Vswaie in the Cheuiot hilles, where it is called
 Brennich, whereof the kingdome of Brennicia did sometime take the
 name. From thence it goeth to Hartside, Ingram, Branton, Crawleie,
 Hedgeleie, Beueleie, and Bewijc, beneath which it receiueth one water
 comming from Rodham by west, and soone after a second descending from
 [Sidenote: Bromis.]
 the Middletons, and so they go as one with the Bromish, by Chatton to
 Fowbreie (where they crosse the third water falling downe by north
 from Howborne by Heselbridge) thence to Woller, there also taking in a
 rill that riseth about Middleton hall, and runneth by Hardleie,
 Whereleie, and the rest afore remembred, wherby the water of Bromis is
 not a little increased, and after this latter confluence beneath
 Woller, no more called Bromis but the Till, vntill it come at the
 Twede. The Till passing therefore by Weteland and Dedington, méeteth
 soone after with a faire streame comming from by southwest, which most
 [Sidenote: Bowbent.]
 men call the Bowbent or Bobent.

 It riseth on the west side of the Cocklaw hill, and from thence
 hasteth to Hattons, beneath the which it ioineth from by southeast
 with the Hellerborne, and then goeth to Pudston, Downeham, Kilham, and
 a little by north of Newton Kirke, and betweene it and west Newton, it
 taketh in another water called Glin, comming from the Cheuiot hilles
 by Heth poole, and from thenseforth runneth on without anie further
 increase, by Copland Euart, and so in the Till. The Till for his part
 in like sort after this confluence goeth to Broneridge, Fodcastell,
 Eatall castell, Heaton, & north of Tilmouth into the Twede, or by west
 of Wesell, except my memorie dooth faile me. After this also our
 aforesaid water of Twede descendeth to Grotehugh, the Newbiggins,
 [Sidenote: Whitaker.]
 Norham castell, Foord, Lungridge, & crossing the Whitaker on the other
 side from Scotland beneath Cawmill, it runneth to Ordo, to Barwike,
 and so into the Ocean, leauing (as I said) so much English ground on
 the northwest ripe, as lieth in manner of a triangle betwéene Cawmils,
 Barwike, and Lammeton, which (as one noteth) is no more but two miles
 and an halfe euerie waie, or not much more; except he be deceiued.

 Being past this noble streame, we came by a rill that descendeth from
 Bowsden by Barington. Then by the second which ariseth betwéene
 Middleton and Detcham or Dereham, and runneth by Eskill and the Rosse,
 next of all to Warnemouth, of whose backe water I read as followeth.
 [Sidenote: Warne.]
 The Warne or Gwerne riseth southwest of Crokelaw, and going by
 Warneford, Bradford, Spindlestone, and Budill, it leaueth Newton on
 the right hand, and so falleth into the Ocean, after it hath run
 almost nine miles from the head within the land, and receiued a rill
 beneath Yessington, which commeth downe betweene Newland and
 Olchester, and hath a bridge beneath the confluence, which leadeth
 ouer the same. From Warnemouth we sailed by Bamborow castell, and came
 at last to a fall betweene Bedwell and Newton. The maine water that
 serueth this issue, riseth aboue Carleton from the foot of an hill,
 which séemeth to part the head of this and that of Warne in sunder. It
 runneth also by Carleton, Tonleie, Doxford, Brunton, and Tuggell, and
 finallie into the sea, as to his course apperteineth.

 [Sidenote: Aile, or Alne, aliàs Chalne.]
 From this water we went by Dunstanbugh castell, vnto the Chalne or
 Alnemouth, which is serued with a pretie riueret called Alne, the head
 whereof riseth in the hils west of Alnham towne, and called by
 Ptolomie, Celnius. From thense also it runneth by Rile, Kile,
 Eslington, and Whittingham, where it crosseth a rill comming from by
 south, and beneath the same, the second that descendeth from Eirchild
 at Brone, & likewise the third that riseth at Newton, and runneth by
 Edlingham castell and Lemmaton (all on the southeast side or right
 hand) and so passeth on further, till it meet with the fourth, comming
 from aboue Shipleie from by north, after which confluence it goeth to
 Alnewijc, & then to Dennijc, receiuing there a rillet from by south
 and a rill from by north, and thence going on to Bilton, betweene
 Ailmouth towne and Wooddon, it sweepeth into the Ocean.

 [Sidenote: Cocket.]
 The Cocket is a goodlie riuer, the head also thereof is in the roots
 of Kemblespeth hils, from whence it goeth to Whiteside, and there
 [Sidenote: Vswaie.]
 meeting with the Vswaie (which descendeth from the north) it goeth a
 [Sidenote: Ridleie.]
 little further to Linbridge, and there receiueth the Ridleie by
 southwest, and after that with another, called (as I thinke) the Hoc,
 which commeth from the Woodland and hillie soile by Allington, &
 falleth into the same, west of Parke head. It ioineth also yer long
 with the Ridland, which commeth in north by Bilstone, and then hieth
 [Sidenote: Yardop.]
 to Sharpton, to Harbotle, where it crosseth the Yardop water by south,
 then to Woodhouse, and swallowing in a little becke by the waie from
 southwest, to Bickerton, to Tossons, Newton, and running apace toward
 Whitton towre, it taketh a brooke withall that commeth in northwest of
 Alnham, néere Elihaw, and goeth by Skarnewood, ouer nether Trewhet,
 Snitter, and Throxton, and soone after vniteth it selfe with the
 [Sidenote: It may be Leland mistaketh Tickington
 water for one of these.]
 Cocket, from whence they go together to Rethburie, or Whitton towre,
 to Halie, to Brinkehorne, Welden, taking withall soone after the Tod
 or burne called Tod, which falleth in from by south, then to Elihaw,
 Felton (receiuing thereabout the Fareslie brooke, that goeth by
 Wintring by south east, and Sheldike water, that goeth by Hason, to
 Brainsaugh by north) and from thence to Morricke, Warkworth castell,
 and so into the sea.

 There is furthermore a little fall, betwéene Hawkeslaw and Drurith,
 which riseth about Stokes wood, goeth by east Cheuington, and
 [Sidenote: Lune.]
 Whittington castell, and afterward into the Ocean. The Lune is a
 pretie brooke rising west of Espleie, from whence it goeth to
 [Sidenote: Wansbecke.]
 Tritlington, Vgham, Linton, and yer long in the sea. Wansbecke (in old
 time Diua) is far greater than the Lune. It issueth vp west and by
 north of west Whelpington, thence it runneth to Kirke Whelpington,
 Wallington, Middleton, and Angerton. Heere it méeteth with a water
 running from about Farnelaw by the grange, and Hartburne on the north,
 and then going from Angerton, it runneth by Moseden to Mitforth, and
 [Sidenote: Font.]
 there in like maner crosseth the Font, which issuing out of the ground
 about Newbiggin, goeth by Nonneie Kirke, Witton castell, Stanton,
 Nunriding, Newton, and so into the Wansbecke, which runneth in like
 maner from Mitford to Morpheth castell (within two miles whereof it
 ebbeth and floweth) the new Chappell, Bottle castell, Shepwash, and so
 into the sea, thrée miles from the next hauen which is called Blithe.

 [Sidenote: Blithe.]
 Blithe water riseth about kirke Heaton, and goeth by Belfe, Ogle, and
 (receiuing the Port aliàs the Brocket, that springeth east of S.
 Oswolds) passeth by Portgate, Whittington, Fennike hall, Madfennes,
 Hawkewell, the Grange, & Dissingtons. After it hath taken in the Pont
 [Sidenote: Hartleie.]
 from the east (whose head is not farre from that of Hartleie streame)
 and is past Barwijc on the hill, it runneth by Harford, Bedlington,
 Cowpon, and at Blithes nuke, into the deepe Ocean. Hartleie streamelet
 riseth in Wéeteslade parioch, goeth by Haliwell, and at Hartleie towne
 yeeldeth to the sea.

 The Tine or Tinna, a riuer notablie stored with samon, and other good
 fish, and in old time called Alan, riseth of two heads, whereof that
 [Sidenote: North Tine.]
 called north Tine, is the first that followeth to be described. It
 springeth vp aboue Belkirke in the hils, & thence goeth to Butterhawgh
 [Sidenote: Shele.]
 (where it receiueth a confluence of Kirsop and the Shele) thence to
 Cragsheles, Leapelish (receiuing on the south a rill out of Tindale)
 then to Shilburne, against which it taketh in a becke that commeth out
 of Tindale called Shill, also two other on the same side, betweene
 Yarro and Fawston hall, and the third at Thorneburne, and so goeth on
 to Grenested, and there carrieth withall a fall, from by north also
 made by the confluence of one rill comming by Thecam, and another that
 passeth by Holinhead, and likewise another on the south comming from
 Tindale, by Chuden, Dalacastell, and Brokes: after which our north
 Tine goeth by Hellaside, to Billingham, and at Rhedes mouth méeteth
 with the Ridde, a verie prettie water, whose description is giuen me
 after this maner.

 [Sidenote: Ridde.]
 The Ridde therefore riseth within thrée miles of the Scotish march, as
 Leland saith, & commeth through Riddesdale, wherevnto it giueth the
 name. Another writeth how it riseth in the roots of the Carter, and
 Redsquibe hilles, and yer it hath gone farre from the head, beside a
 [Sidenote: Shelhop.]
 few little rilles it taketh in the Spelhop or Petop from the north and
 [Sidenote: Cheslop.]
 the Cheslop on the south, beside sundrie other wild rils nameless and
 obscure, as one on the north side next vnto the Petop or Spelhop;
 another by south out of Riddesdale, the third west of Burdop, the
 fourth runneth by Wullaw to Rochester, then two from southwest,
 another from by north which goeth by Durtburne, and is called Durt or
 Durth, then the Smalburne from the west. Next to the same is the Otter
 or Otterburne on the north side also the Ouereie, and finallie the
 last which descendeth from Ellesdon hilles, by Munkrige and ioineth
 with our Ridde, northwest of Nudhowgh, after which the said Ridde
 goeth by Woodburne, Risingham, Leame, and so into the Tine, a mile
 lower than Belingham or Bilingham, which standeth somewhat aloofe from
 north Tine and is (as I take it) ten miles at the least aboue the
 towne of Hexham. After this confluence it passeth to Léehall, to
 [Sidenote: 3. Burnes.]
 [Sidenote: Shitlington.]
 Carehouse (crossing Shitlington becke by west which also receiueth the
 Yare on the south side of Shitlington) another also beneath this on
 the same side, made by the confluence of Workesburne, and Middleburne,
 at Roseburne, beside the third called Morleis or Morelée aboue, and
 Simons burne beneath Shepechase, and likewise the Swine from by north
 that runneth by Swinburne castell, next of all the Riall from the
 northeast, which commeth by Erington, & so holding his course
 directlie southwards, it goeth by S. Oswolds through the Pictishwall,
 to Wall, and so into south Tine, beneath Accam, and northwest (as I
 doo wéene) of Hexham.

 [Sidenote: Tine. S.]
 The south Tine ariseth in the Cheuiot hils, and yer it hath gone farre
 [Sidenote: Esgill.]
 from the head, it méeteth with Esgill on the east, and another rill on
 the west, and so going by the houses toward Awsten moore, it ioineth
 [Sidenote: Vent.]
 with Schud from by west, and soone after with the Vent from by east
 aboue Lowbier. From Lowbier it goeth to Whitehalton, to Kirke Haugh
 [Sidenote: Gilders beck.]
 (crossing the Gilders becke on the one side, and the Alne on the
 other) to Thornehope, where it is inlarged with a water on each side,
 [Sidenote: Knare.]
 to Williamstone, and almost at Knaresdale, taketh in the Knare, and
 then runneth withall to Fetherstone angle. At Fetherstone angle
 likewise it méeteth with Hartleie water, by southwest comming from
 Sibins or Sibbenes, another a little beneath from southeast, and
 thence when it commeth to Billester castell, it carieth another
 withall from by west, Thirlewall called Rippall which riseth in the
 forrest of Lowes, and goeth by the Waltowne, Blinkinsop, & Widon, and
 after which confluence it taketh in another from by north rising west
 of Swinsheld, which goeth by Grenelegh to Haltwestell: thence going by
 Vnthanke, it crosseth another rill from by south, descending from the
 hilles that lie north of Todlewood, and then proceeding vnto
 Wilmotteswijc, it admitteth the Wilmots becke from the south, and
 another running by Bradleie hall on the north side of Beltingham;
 after which it méeteth with the Alen a proper water, and described
 after this maner.

 [Sidenote: East Alen.]
 The Alen or Alon hath two heads, whereof one is called east Alen, the
 other west Alen. The first of them riseth southeast of Sibton Sheles,
 & going by Sundorp, it taketh in a rill withall from by est; after
 which confluence it runneth to Newshele, Allington, Caddon, Old towne,
 [Sidenote: West Alen.]
 & in the course to Stauertpele, méeteth with the west Alen. The west
 Alen riseth in Killop low hilles aboue Wheteleie sheles, from whence
 it goeth to Spartwell, Hawcopole, Owston, and taking in a rill
 thereabouts, it procéedeth on to Permandbie, and crossing there
 another rill in like maner from by west, it goeth by Whitefield, and
 ioining soone after with the est Alen, they run as one to Stauert
 poole, Plankford, and so into the Tine betweene Beltingham and Lées,
 from whence the Tine runneth on by Lees Haddon, Woodhall, Owmers,
 Whernebie, Costleie, & so by Warden, till it crosse the north Tine,
 and come to Hexham, from whence it goeth to Dilstan, crossing two
 waters by the waie, whereof one commeth from by south, and is called
 the Wolsh, which holdeth his course by Stelehall, and Newbiggin
 receiueth another comming from Grimbridge: the other called Dill
 somewhat lower descending from Hedleie, and running by Rising, till it
 fall into the south side of our streame from Dilstan, it goeth to
 Bywell castell, ouer against which it receiueth a rill that runneth by
 Hindleie, thence it hasteth to Eltingham, Pruddo, Willam, (and there
 it meeteth with another becke) then to Reton, Blaidon, and next of all
 [Sidenote: Darwent.]
 ioineth with the Darwent, from by south.

 This riuer riseth aboue Knewdon, and Rudlamhope in Northumberland,
 from two heads: the northerlie being called Dere, and the southerlie
 the Guent: and ioining so well yer long in chanell as in name, they
 runne on to Humsterworth, new Biggin, Blankeland, Acton, Aspersheles,
 Blackheadlie, Brentfield side, Pansheles, Ebchester, and there taking
 in a water from Hedleie in Northumberland, néere to Blacke hall in the
 bishoprike, it goeth on to Spen, Hollinside, Wickham, Swalwell, and so
 into Tine, which passeth from thence by Elswijc, and méeting with
 another water comming from Shildraw, by Rauensworth castell to
 Redhugh, it goeth on to Newcastell, Fellin, Netherheworth, Walker,
 Waswon, Hedburne, and next to Jerro or Girwie, where Beda dwelled in
 an abbeie; now a gentlemans place (although the church be made a
 parish church, wherevnto diuerse townes resort, as moonke Eaton where
 Beda was borne, which is a mile from thence, Southsheles, Harton,
 Westhow, Hebburne, Hedworth, Wardleie, Fellin, Follinsbie, the
 Heworthes) and from thence to the south and Northsheles, and so into
 the sea, fiue miles by northwest of Weremouth, and (as I gesse)
 somewhat more.

 Beneath the confluence in like sort of both the Tines, standeth
 Corbridge, a towne sometime inhabited by the Romans, and about twelue
 miles from Newcastell, and hereby dooth the Corue run, that meeteth
 yer long with the Tine. Not farre off also is a place called
 Colchester, wherby Leland gesseth that the name of the brooke should
 [Sidenote: Corue.]
 rather be Cole than Corue, and in my iudgement his coniecture is verie
 likelie; for in the life of S. Oswijn (otherwise a féeble authoritie)
 the word Colbridge is alwaies vsed for Corbridge, whereof I thought
 good to leaue this short aduertisement. In this countrie also are the
 thrée vales or dales, whereof men haue doubted whether théeues or true
 men doo most abound in them, that is to saie, Riddesdale, Tuidale, and
 Liddesdale: this last being for the most part Scotish, and without the
 marches of England. Neuerthelesse, sithens that by the diligence
 cheefelie of maister Gilpin, and finallie of other learned preachers,
 the grace of God working with them, they haue béene called to some
 obedience and zeale vnto the word, it is found that they haue so well
 profited by the same, that at this present their former sauage
 demeanour is verie much abated, and their barbarous wildnesse and
 fiercenesse so qualified, that there is great hope left of their
 reduction vnto ciuilitie, and better order of behauiour than hitherto
 they haue béene acquainted withall. But to procéed with the rest.

 [Sidenote: Were.]
 Ptolomie, writing of the Were, calleth it Vedra, a riuer well knowne
 vnto Beda the famous préest, who was brought vp in a monasterie that
 stood vpon the bankes thereof. It riseth of thrée heads in
 [Sidenote: Burdop.]
 Kelloppeslaw hill, whereof the most southerlie is called Burdop, the
 [Sidenote: Wallop.]
 [Sidenote: Kellop.]
 middlemost Wallop, and the northerliest Kellop, which vniting
 themselues about S. Iohns chappell, or a little by west thereof, their
 confluence runneth through Stanhope parke, by east Yare, and so to
 Frosterleie. But yer it come there, it receiueth thrée rilles from the
 north in Weredale, whereof one commeth in by Stanhope, another west of
 Woodcroft hall, and the third at Frosterleie afore mentioned. And a
 little beneath these, I find yet a fourth on the south side, which
 descendeth from southwest by Bolliop, Bishopsleie, Milhouses, and
 Landew, as I haue béene informed. Being therefore vnited all with the
 Were, this streame goeth on to Walsingham, there taking in the
 [Sidenote: Wascrop.]
 Wascropburne, beside another at Bradleie, the third at Harpleie hall
 (and these on the north side) and the fourth betwéene Witton and
 [Sidenote: Bedburne.]
 Witton castell called Bedburne, comming by Hamsterleie, whereby this
 riuer dooth now wax verie great. Going therefore from hence, it
 hasteth to Bishops Akeland, and beneath it receiueth the Garondlesse,
 which (as Leland saith) riseth six miles by west of Akeland castell,
 and running south thereof, passeth by west Akeland, S. Helens Akeland,
 S. Andrewes Akeland, and bishops Akeland, and then into the Were which
 goeth to Newfield, and Willington. Neere vnto this place also and
 somewhat beneath Sunderland, the Were, crosseth one brooke from
 southest by Het, Croxseie, Cronefurth, Tursdale, and Cordale, and two
 other from by northwest in one botome, whereof the first commeth from
 aboue Ash by Langleie: the other called Coue, from aboue Kinchleie by
 Newbiggin, Lanchester, north Langlie, and through Beare parke, & so
 méeting beneath Kelleie or Hedleie with the other, they fall both as
 one into the Were, betweene south Sunderland and Burnall. From hence
 our riuer goeth on to Howghwell, Shirkeleie, old Duresme (and there
 [Sidenote: Pidding brooke.]
 taking in the Pidding brooke by northeast) it goeth to Duresme,
 Finkeleie, Harbarhouse, Lumleie castell (where it méeteth with the
 [Sidenote: Pilis.]
 Pilis, whose heads are vnited betweene Pelton and Whitwell (and after
 called Hedleie) and from thence to Lampton, Harroton, the Bedikes,
 Vfferton, Hilton parke, Bishops Weremouth, and so into the sea,
 betweene north Sunderland and north Weremouth towne, which now is
 called moonke Weremouth of the monasterie sometime standing there,
 wherin Beda read & wrote manie of his bookes, as to the world
 appeareth. This mouth of Were is eight miles from Durham, and six from
 Newcastell. Being thus passed the Were, & entered into the Bishoprijc,
 yer we come at the mouth of the These, almost by two miles, ouer
 passing a rill that runneth by castell Eden, and Hardwijc, and
 likewise Hartlepoole towne, which lieth ouer into the sea in maner of
 a byland or peninsula, we meet with a prettie fall, which groweth by a
 riuer that is increased with two waters, whereof one riseth by
 northwest about Moretons, and goeth by Stotfeld and Claxton, the other
 at Dawlton, going by Breerton, Owtham, and Grettam, finallie ioining
 within two miles of the sea, they make a prettie portlet: but I know
 not of what securitie.

 [Sidenote: Thesis.]
 The These, a riuer that beareth and féedeth an excellent samon, riseth
 in the Blacke lowes, aboue two miles flat west of the southerlie head
 of Were called Burdop, and south of the head of west Alen, and thence
 runneth through Tildale forrest: and taking in the Langdon water from
 northwest it runneth to Durtpit chappell, to Newbiggin, and so to
 Middleton, receiuing by west of each of these a rill comming from by
 [Sidenote: Hude.]
 north (of which the last is called Hude) and likewise the Lune
 afterward by southwest that riseth at thrée seuerall places, whereof
 the first is in the borders of Westmerland and there called Arnegill
 [Sidenote: Lune.]
 becke, the second more southerlie, named Lunebecke, and the third by
 [Sidenote: Arnegill.]
 south at Bandor Skarth hill, and méeting all aboue Arnegill house,
 they run togither in one bottome to Lathekirke bridge, and then into
 the These. Hauing therefore met with these, it runneth to Mickelton (&
 [Sidenote: Skirkewith.]
 there taking in the Skirkwith water) it goeth to Rombald kirke
 [Sidenote: Bander.]
 (crossing there also one rill and the Bander brooke by south west) and
 then going to Morewood hag, and Morewood parke, till it come to
 Bernards castell.

 [Sidenote: Rere crosse.]
 Here also it receiueth the Thuresgill water, comming east of Rere
 crosse in Yorkeshire, from the spittle in Stanmore by Crag almost
 southwest, and being vnited with the These, it goeth by Stratford,
 Eglesdon, Rokesbie, Thorpe, Wickliffe, Ouington, Winston, and betweene
 Barfurth and Gainfurth méeteth with another rill, that commeth from
 Langleie forest, betwéene Rabie castell and Standorpe, of whose name I
 haue no knowledge. But to procéed. The These being past Ramforth,
 runneth betwéene Persore and Cliffe, and in the waie to Crofts bridge
 [Sidenote: Skerne.]
 taketh in the Skerne a pretie water, which riseth about Trimdon, and
 goeth by Fishburne, Bradburie, Preston, Braforton, Skirmingham, the
 Burdens, Haughton and Darlington, & there finallie meeting with the
 Cocke becke or Dare, it falleth in the These beneath Stapleton, before
 it come at Crofts bridge, and (as it should séeme) is the same which
 Leland calleth Gretteie or Grettie. From thence it runneth to
 Sockburne, nether Dunsleie, Middleton row, Newsham, Yarne (crossing a
 brooke from Leuen bridge) called Leuen or Leuinus in Latine, whose
 crinkling course is notable, and the streame of some called Thorpe,
 which I find described in this maner.

 [Sidenote: Thorpe aliàs Leuand.]
 The Thorpe riseth of sundrie heads, whereof one is aboue Pinching
 Thorpe, from whence it goeth to Nonnethorpe, and so to Stokesleie. The
 second hath two branches, and so placed, that Kildale standeth
 betweene them both: finallie, méeting beneath Easbie they go by Eaton,
 and likewise vnto Stokesleie. The last hath also two branches, whereof
 one commeth from Inglesbie, and méeteth with the second beneath
 Broughton; & going from thence to Stokesleie, they méet with the
 Thorpe aboue the towne, as the other fall into it somewhat beneath the
 same. From hence it goeth to Ridleie, and there taketh in another rill
 [Sidenote: Crawthorne.]
 comming from Potto, thence to Crawthorne brooke, Leuanton, Milton,
 Hilton, Inglesbie, and so into the These, betwéene Yarne and Barwijc,
 whereof I made mention before. After this confluence our These hasteth
 on to Barwijc, Preston, Thorne abbeie, and Arsham, which standeth on
 the southeast side of the riuer almost betweene the falles of two
 waters, whereof one descendeth from west Hartburne by long Newton,
 Elton, & Stockton; the other from Stillington, or Shillington, by
 Whitton, Thorpe, Blackestone, Billingham, and Norton. From Arsham
 finallie it goeth to Bellasis, Middleburgh, and so into the sea.
 Leland describing this riuer speaketh of the Wiske, which should come
 thereinto from by south vnder Wiske bridge, by Danbie, and
 Northalarton, and should ioine with a greater streame: but as yet I
 find no certeine place where to bestow the same.

 Next of all we come vnto the high Cliffe water, which rising aboue
 Hutton, goeth by Gisborow, and there receiueth another streame comming
 from by southeast, and then continuing on his course, it is not long
 yer it fall into the sea. The next is the Scaling water, which
 descendeth from Scaling towne, from whence we come to the Molemouth,
 not farre from whose head standeth Molgraue castell: then to Sandford
 [Sidenote: Eske.]
 creeke, and next of all to Eske mouth, which riseth aboue Danbie wood,
 and so goeth to Castelton, there méeting by the waie with another rill
 comming from about Westerdale by Danbie, and so they go on togither by
 Armar and Thwate castell, till they ioine with another water aboue
 Glasdule chappell, thence to new Biggin, taking yet another brooke
 [Sidenote: Ibur.]
 with them, running from Goodland ward, and likewise the Ibur, and so
 go on without anie further increase by Busworth, yer long into the
 sea.

 There is also a créeke on each side of Robin Whoodes baie, of whose
 names and courses I haue no skill, sauing that Fillingale the towne
 dooth stand betwéene them both. There is another not far from
 Scarborow, on the north side called the Harwood brooke. It runneth
 through Harwood dale by Cloughton, Buniston, and soone after méeting
 with another rill on the southwest, they run as one into the ocean
 sea. From Scarborow to Bridlington, by Flamborow head, we met with no
 more falles. This water therefore that we saw at Bridlington, riseth
 at Dugglebie, from whence it goeth to Kirbie, Helperthorpe,
 Butterwijc, Boithorpe, Foxhole, (where it falleth into the ground, and
 riseth vp againe at Rudston) Thorpe, Cathorpe, Bridlington, and so
 into the Ocean.

 Being come about the Spurne head, I meete yer long with a riuer that
 riseth short of Withersie, and goeth by Fodringham and Wisted, from
 thence to another that commeth by Rosse, Halsham, Carmingham: then to
 the third, which riseth aboue Humbleton, and goeth to Esterwijc,
 Heddon, and so into the Humber. The fourth springeth short of
 Sprotleie, goeth by Witton, and falleth into the water of Humber at
 Merflete, as I heare.

 [Sidenote: Hull.]
 The next of all is the Hull water, which I will describe also here,
 and then crosse ouer vnto the southerlie shore. The furthest head of
 Hull water riseth at Kilham, from whence it goeth to Lewthorpe créeke,
 and so to Fodringham, a little beneath which it meeteth with sundrie
 waters, whereof one falleth in on the northest side, comming from
 about Lisset; the second on the northwest banke from Nafferton; the
 third from Emmeswell and Kirkeburne: for it hath two heads which
 ioined beneth little Drifield, and the fourth which falleth into the
 same: so that these two latter run vnto the maine riuer both in one
 chanell, as experience hath confirmed. From hence then our Hull goeth
 to Ratseie, to Goodalehouse, and then taking in a water from Hornesie
 mere, it goeth on through Beuerleie medowes, by Warron, Stoneferrie,
 Hull, and finallie into the Humber. Of the rill that falleth into this
 water from south Netherwijc, by Skirlow, and the two rilles that come
 from Cottingham and Woluerton, I saie no more, sith it is enough to
 name them in their order.




 THE DESCRIPTION OF THE HUMBER OR ISIS, AND SUCH WATER-COURSES AS DOO
 INCREASE HIR CHANELL.

 CHAP. XV.


 [Sidenote: Humber.]
 There is no riuer called Humber from the hed. Wherfore that which we
 now call Humber, Ptolomie Abie, Leland Aber, as he gesseth, hath the
 same denomination no higher than the confluence of Trent with the
 Ouze, as beside Leland sundrie ancient writers haue noted before vs
 both. Certes it is a noble arme of the sea, and although it be
 properlie to be called Ouze or Ocellus euen to the Nuke beneath
 Ancolme, yet are we contented to call it Humber of Humbrus or Vmar, a
 king of the Scithians, who inuaded this Ile in the time of Locrinus,
 thinking to make himselfe monarch of the same. But as God hath from
 time to time singularlie prouided for the benefit of Britaine, so in
 this businesse it came to passe, that Humber was put to flight, his
 men slaine: and furthermore, whilest he attempted to saue himselfe by
 hasting to his ships (such was the prease of his nobilitie that
 followed him into his owne vessell, and the rage of weather which
 hastened on his fatall daie) that both he and they were drowned
 togither in that arme. And this is the onelie cause wherefore it hath
 béene called Humber, as our writers saie; and wherof I find these
 verses:

   Dum fugit obstat ei flumen submergitur illic,
     Déque suo tribuit nomine nomen aquæ.

 This riuer in old time parted Lhoegres or England from Albania, which
 was the portion of Albanactus, the yongest sonne of Brute. But since
 that time the limits of Lhoegres haue béene so inlarged, first by the
 prowesse of the Romans, then by the conquests of the English, that at
 this present daie, the Twede on the one side, & the Solue on the
 other, be taken for the principall bounds betweene vs and those of
 Scotland. In describing therefore the Humber, I must néeds begin with
 the Ouze, whose water bringeth foorth a verie sweet, fat and delicat
 samon, as I haue béene informed, beside sundrie other kinds of fish,
 which we want here on the south and southwest coasts & riuers of our
 land, whereof I may take occasion to speake more at large heerafter.

 [Sidenote: Vre aliàs Ouze, or Isis.]
 The Vre therfore riseth in the furthest parts of all Richmondshire,
 among the Coterine hilles, in a mosse, toward the west fourtéene miles
 beyond Midleham. Being therefore issued out of the ground, it goeth to
 Holbecke, Hardraw, Hawshouse, Butterside, Askebridge (which Leland
 calleth the Askaran, and saith thereof and the Bainham, that they are
 but obscure bridges) then to Askarth, through Wanlesse parke,
 Wenseleie bridge (made two hundred yeares since, by Alwin, parson of
 Winslaw) New parke, Spennithorne, Danbie, Geruise abbeie, Clifton and
 [Sidenote: Burne.]
 Masham. When it is come to Masham, it receiueth the Burne, by south
 [Sidenote: Wile.]
 west (as it did the Wile, from verie déepe scarrie rockes, before at
 Askaran) and diuerse other wild rilles not worthie to be remembred.
 From Masham, it hasteth vnto Tanfield (taking in by the waie a rill by
 southwest) then to another Tanfield, to Newton hall, and Northbridge,
 at the hither end of Rippon, and so to Huickes bridge. But yer it come
 [Sidenote: Skell.]
 there it méeteth with the Skell, which being incorporat with the same,
 they run as one to Thorpe, then to Alborow, and soone after receiue
 the Swale.

 [Sidenote: Swale.]
 Here (saith Leland) I am brought into no little streict, what to
 coniecture of the méeting of Isis and Vre, for some saie that the Isis
 and the Vre doo méet at Borowbridge, which to me dooth séeme to be
 verie vnlikelie, sith Isurium taketh his denomination of Isis and Vro,
 for it is often séene that the lesse riuers doo mingle their names
 with the greater, as in the Thamesis and other is easie to be found.
 Neither is there any more mention of the Vre after his passage vnder
 Borowbridge, but onelie of Isis or the Ouze in these daies, although
 in old time it held vnto Yorke it selfe, which of the Vre is truelie
 called Vrewijc (or Yorke short) or else my persuasion dooth faile me.
 I haue red also Ewerwijc and Yorwijc. But to procéed, and leaue this
 superfluous discourse.

 From Borowbridge, the Ouze goeth to Aldborough, and (receiuing the
 Swale by the waie) to Aldworke, taking in Vsburne water, from the
 southwest, then to Linton vpon Ouze, to Newton vpon Ouze, and to
 Munketun, méeting with the Nid yer long, and so going withall to the
 [Sidenote: Fosse.]
 Redhouses, to Popleton, Clifton, Yorke (where it crosseth the Fosse)
 to Foulfoorth, Middlethorpe, Acaster, & Acaster, Kelfléet, Welehall,
 Barelebie, Selbie, Turmonhall, Skurthall, Hokelath, Hoke, Sandhall,
 Rednesse, Whitegift, Vslet, Blacketoft, Foxfléet, Brownfléet, and so
 into Humber.

 [Sidenote: Ouze.]
 The course of the Ouze being thus described, and as it were simplie
 without his influences, now will I touch such riuers as fall into the
 same also by themselues, contrarie to my former proceeding, imagining
 a voiage from the Rauenspurne, vntill I come néere to the head of
 These, & so southwards about againe by the bottome of the hillie soile
 vntill I get to Buxston, Sheffeld, Scrobie, & the verie south point of
 Humber mouth, whereby I shall crosse them all that are to be found in
 this walke, & leaue (I doubt) some especiall notice of their seuerall
 [Sidenote: Hull or Hulne.]
 heads and courses. The course of the Hull, a streame abounding with
 sturgeon and lampreie, as also the riuers which haue their issue into
 the same, being (as I say) alreadie described, I thinke it not amisse,
 as by the waie to set downe what Leland saith thereof, to the end that
 his trauell shall not altogither be lost in this behalfe; and for that
 it is short, and hath one or two things worthie to be remembred
 conteined in the same.

 The Hulne (saith he) riseth of thrée seuerall heads, whereof the
 greatest is not far from Driefield, now a small village sixtéene miles
 from Hull. Certes it hath beene a goodlie towne, and therein was the
 palace of Egbright king of the Northumbers, and place of sepulture of
 Alfred the noble king sometime of that nation, who died there 727, the
 ninetéene Cal. of Julie, the twentith of his reigne, and whose toombe
 or monument dooth yet remaine (for ought that I doo know to the
 contrarie) with an inscription vpon the same written in Latine
 letters. Néere vnto this towne also is the Danefield, wherein great
 numbers of Danes were slaine, and buried in those hils, which yet
 remaine there to be séene ouer their bones and carcasses. The second
 head (saith he) is at Estburne, and the third at Emmeswell, and
 méeting all togither not farre from Drifield, the water there
 beginneth to be called Hulne, as I haue said alreadie.

 From hence also it goeth through Beuerleie medowes, and comming at the
 last not farre from an arme led from the Hulne by mans hand (and able
 to beare great vessels) almost to Beuerleie towne, which in old time
 either hight or stood in Deirwald, vntill John of Beuerleie (whom
 Leland nameth out of an old author to be the first doctor or teacher
 of diuinitie that euer was in Oxford, and (as it should séeme also by
 an ancient monument yet remaining) to be of an hostell where the
 vniuersitie college now standeth; & therfore they write him, Somtime
 fellow of that house) began to be of fame, of whom it is called
 Beuerleie (as some affirme) to this daie. Indéed all the countrie
 betwéene the Deirwent & the Humber was sometime called Deira, and the
 lower part Caua Deira in respect of the higher soile, but now it is
 named the east Riding. But what is this to my purpose? The Hulne
 therefore being come almost to Beuerleie towne, & méeting thereabout
 [Sidenote: Cottingham.]
 also with the Cottingham becke comming from Westwood by the waie, it
 hasteth to Kingston vpon Hulne or Hull, and so into the Humber without
 anie maner impeachment.

 [Sidenote: Fowlneie.]
 The Fowlneie riseth about Godmanham, from whence it goeth by Wighton,
 Hareswell, Seton, Williams bridge, and soone after spreading it selfe,
 [Sidenote: Skelfléet.]
 one arme called Skelfleet goeth by Cane Cawseie to Brownefléet and so
 into the Ouze. The other passeth by Sandholme, Gilberts dike, Scalbie
 chappell, Blacketoft, and so into the aforesaid Ouze, leauing a verie
 pretie Iland, which is a parcell (as I heare) of Walding fen more,
 though otherwise obscure to vs that dwell here in the south.

 [Sidenote: Darwent.]
 The Darwent riseth in the hilles that lie west of Robin Whoodes baie,
 or two miles aboue Aiton bridge, west from Scarborow as Leland saith:
 and yer it hath run farre from the head, it receiueth two rilles in
 one bottome from by west, which ioine withall about Longdale end.
 Thence they go togither to Broxeie, and at Hacknesse take in another
 water comming from about Silseie. Afterward it commeth to Aiton, then
 [Sidenote: Kenford.]
 to Haibridge, and there crosseth the Kenford that descendeth from
 Roberteston. After this also it goeth on to Potersbrumton where it
 taketh in one rill, as it dooth another beneath running from
 Shirburne, and the third yet lower on the further banke, that
 descendeth from Brumton. From these confluences it runneth to
 Fowlbridge, Axbridge, Yeldingham bridge, & so to Cotehouse, receiuing
 by the waie manie waters, & yéelding great plentie of delicate samons
 to such as fish vpon the same. Leland reckoning vp the names of the
 seuerall brookes, numbreth them confusedlie after his accustomed
 order. The Darwent (saith he) receiueth diuerse streames, as the
 [Sidenote: Shirihutton.]
 [Sidenote: Crambecke.]
 Shirihutton. The second is the Crambecke, descending from Hunderskell
 castell (so called Tanquam à centum fontibus, or multitude of springs
 [Sidenote: Rie.]
 that rise about the same) and goeth to Rie, which comming out of the
 [Sidenote: Ricoll.]
 Blackemore, passeth by Riuers abbeie, taking in the Ricoll on the left
 [Sidenote: Seuen.]
 [Sidenote: Costeie.]
 [Sidenote: Pickering.]
 hand, then the Seuen, the Costeie, and Pickering brooke.

 The Seuin also (saith he) riseth in the side of Blackemoore, and
 thence goeth by Sinnington foure miles from Pickering, and about a
 mile aboue a certeine bridge ouer Rie goeth into the streame. The
 Costeie in like sort springeth in the verie edge of Pickering towne,
 at a place called Keld head, and goeth into the Rie two miles beneath
 Pickering, about Kirbie minster. Finallie, Pickering water ariseth in
 Blackemoore, and halfe a mile beneath Pickering falleth into Costeie,
 [Sidenote: Pocklington.]
 meeting by the way with the Pocklington becke, and an other small rill
 or two, of whose names I haue no knowledge. Hitherto Leland. But in
 mine opinion, it had béene far better to haue described them thus. Of
 those waters that fall into the Darwent beneath Cotehouse, the first
 commeth from Swenton, the second from Ebberston, the third from
 Ollerston, the fourth from Thorneton & Pickering, and the fift on the
 other side that commeth thither from Wintringham. For so should he
 haue dealt in better order, and rid his hands of them with more
 expedition, referring the rest also vnto their proper places.

 But to procéed after mine owne maner. Being past Cotehouse, & yer the
 [Sidenote: Rie.]
 Darwent come at Wickham, it crosseth the Rie, which riseth of two
 heads, and ioining west of Locton they run through Glansbie parke.
 [Sidenote: Costeie.]
 Finallie, receiuing the Costeie, it méeteth at the last with an other
 streame increased by the fals of six waters and more yer it come into
 the Darwent.

 [Sidenote: Seuen.]
 The most easterlie of these is called Seuen, and riseth (as is
 aforesaid) in Blackemoore, from whence it goeth by Sinnington, Murton,
 [Sidenote: Don or Done.]
 Normanbie, Newsound, How, and so into the Rie. The second named Don
 hath his originall likewise in Blackemoore, and descending by Rasmore,
 [Sidenote: Hodgebecke.]
 Keldon and Edston (where it receiueth the Hodgebecke, that commeth by
 Bernesdale, Kirkedale, & Welburne) it goeth to Sawlton, and there
 [Sidenote: Ricoll.]
 taketh in first the Ricoll, that goeth by Careton, and whereof Ridall
 [Sidenote: Fesse.]
 (as some think, but falslie) doth séeme to take the name. Then Fesse,
 which riseth aboue Bilisdale chappell, and méeteth with the Rie at the
 Shaking bridge, from whence they go togither vnder the Rie bridge, to
 Riuis abbeie, and thence (after it hath crossed a becke from the west)
 through a parke of the earle of Rutlands to Newton, Muniton, and so to
 [Sidenote: Holbecke.]
 Sawton or Sawlton, as I doo find it written. Here also it taketh in
 the Holbecke brooke, that commeth thither from by west by Gilling
 castell, and Stangraue, from whence it goeth on to Brabie, next into
 the Seuen, then into the Rie, and so into the Darwent, which from
 thence dooth run to Wickham.

 Being past Wickham, it méeteth with a water that commeth thereinto
 from Grinston to Setterington at southeast, and thence it goeth on to
 Malton and Malton (where the prouerbe saith that a bushell of rie and
 an other of malt is woorth but sixpence, carie awaie whilest you may,
 so as you can kéepe them from running through the sackes) Sutton,
 Wellam, Furbie, and Kirkeham, receiuing by the waie one rill on the
 one side and an other on the other, whereof this commeth from
 Burdfall, that other from Conisthorpe. From Kirkeham it goeth to
 Cramburne and Owsham bridge (crossing by the waie an other brooke
 comming from saint Edwards gore, by Faston) then to Aldbie, Buttercram
 (aliàs Butterham) bridge, Stamford bridge, Kerbie bridge, Sutton,
 Ellerton, Aughton, Bubwith, Wresill, Babthorpe, and so into the Ouze,
 wherewith I finish the description of Darwent: sauing that I haue to
 let you vnderstand how Leland heard that an arme ran some time from
 the head of Darwent also to Scarborow, till such time as two hils
 betwixt which it ran, did shalder and so choke vp his course.

 [Sidenote: Fosse.]
 The Fosse (a slow streame yet able to beare a good vessell) riseth in
 Nemore Calaterio, that is, Galters wood or Cawood, among the wooddie
 hilles, and in his descent from the higher ground, he leaueth Crake
 castell, on his west side: thence he goeth by Marton abbeie, Marton,
 Stillington, Farlington, Towthorpe, Erswijc, Huntington, & at Yorke
 [Sidenote: Kile.]
 into the Ouze. The Kile riseth flat north at Newborow, from whence it
 goeth by Thorneton on the hill, Ruskell parke, Awne, Tollerton, and so
 [Sidenote: Swale.]
 into the Ouze about Newton vpon Ouze. The Swale is a right noble
 riuer, & march in some places betwéene Richmondshire and Westmerland,
 it riseth not far from Pendragon castell in the hilles aboue
 Kirkedale, and from this towne it goeth to Kelde chappell, Carret
 [Sidenote: Barneie.]
 house, Crackepot, Whiteside, and neere vnto Yalen taketh in the
 Barneie water, which commeth from the north east. Thence it goeth by
 [Sidenote: Arcleie.]
 Harcaside to Reth (where it méeteth with the Arcleie) and so to
 [Sidenote: Holgate.]
 Flemington, Grinton, Marrike (taking in the Holgate that commeth from
 [Sidenote: Mariske becke.]
 by south: and in the waie to Thorpe, the Mariske becke, or
 peraduenture Applegarth water, as Leland calleth it, that descendeth
 from the north) then to Thorpe, Applegarth, Richmond, Easbie and
 Brunton.

 Here by north it interteineth two or thrée waters in one chanell,
 [Sidenote: Rauenswath.]
 called Rauenswath water, whereof the two furthest doo ioine not farre
 from the Dawltons, and so go by Rauenswath, Hartfoorth, Gilling, and
 at Skebie méet with the third, comming from Richmond beaconward. By
 [Sidenote: Rhe.]
 west also of Brunton, the Swale méeteth with the Rhe, running from
 Resdale, and being past Brunton, it goeth to Caterijc bridge beneath
 Brunton, then to Ellerton, Kirkebie, Langton parua, Thirtoft, Anderbie
 [Sidenote: Bedall aliàs Leming.]
 stéeple: and before it come vnto Gatenbie, it meeteth with the Bedall
 brooke, aliàs Lemings becke, that commeth west of Kellirbie, by
 Cunstable, Burton, Langthorpe, Bedall, and Leming chappell. From
 [Sidenote: Wiske.]
 Gattenbie likewise it goeth to Mawbie, & at Brakenbirie receiueth the
 Wiske, which is a great water, rising betwéene two parkes aboue
 Swanbie in one place, and southeast of Mountgrace abbeie in another;
 and after the confluence which is about Siddlebridge, goeth on
 betwéene the Rughtons to Appleton, the Smetons, Birtbie, Hutton
 Coniers, Danbie, Wijc, Yafford, Warlabie, and taking in there a rill
 from Brunton Aluerton, it procéedeth to Otterington, Newlie, Kirbie
 Wiske, Newson, and Blackenburie, there méeting (as I said) with the
 Swale, that runneth fr[=o] thence by Skipton bridge, Catton,
 Topcliffe, and Raniton, and aboue Eldmire méeteth with sundrie other
 [Sidenote: Cawdebec.]
 rilles in one bottome, whereof the northwesterlie is called Cawdebec:
 [Sidenote: Kebecke.]
 the south easterlie Kebecke, which ioine est of Thorneton moore, and
 so go to Thorneton in the stréet, Kiluington, Thruske, Sowerbie,
 Grastwijc, and soone after crossing another growing of the mixture of
 [Sidenote: Cuckwolds becke.]
 the Willow, and likewise of the Cuckewold beckes, which ioine aboue
 Bridforth, and running on till it come almost at Dawlton, it maketh
 confluence with the Swale, and go thence as one with all their samons
 by Thorneton bridge, Mitton vpon Swale, and so into the Ouze.

 [Sidenote: Skell.]
 The Skell riseth out of the west two miles from Founteines abbeie, and
 commeth (as Leland saith) with a faire course by the one side of
 Rippon, as the Vre dooth on the other. And on the bankes hereof stood
 the famous abbeie called Founteines or Adfontes, so much renowmed for
 the lustie monks that sometimes dwelled in the same. It receiueth also
 [Sidenote: Lauer.]
 the Lauer water (which riseth thrée miles from Kirbie, and meeteth
 withall néere vnto Rippon) and finallie falleth into the Vre, a
 quarter of a mile beneath Rippon towne, & almost midwaie betwéene the
 North and Huicke bridges.

 [Sidenote: Nidde.]
 The Nidde, which the booke of statutes called Nidor (anno 13. Edw. 1.)
 and thereto noteth it to be inriched with store of samon, as are also
 the Wheof and Aire, riseth among those hilles that lie by west
 northwest of Gnarresborow, fiue miles aboue Pakeleie bridge, and going
 in short processe of time by Westhouses, Lodgehouses, Woodhall,
 Newhouses, Midlesmore, Raunsgill, Cowthouse, Gowthwall, Bureleie,
 [Sidenote: Killingale.]
 Brimham, Hampeswale, and soone after méeting with the Killingale
 becke, it goeth after the confluence by Bilton parke, Gnaresbridge,
 Washford, Cathall, Willesthorpe, Munketon, or Nonmocke, and so into
 the Ouze, fouretéene miles beneath Gnaresborow, being increased by the
 waie with verie few or no waters of anie countenance. Leland hauing
 said thus much of the Nidde, addeth herevnto the names of two other
 [Sidenote: Couer.]
 [Sidenote: Burne.]
 waters, that is to saie, the Couer and the Burne, which doo fall
 likewise into the Vre or Ouze. But as he saith little of the same, so
 among all my pamphlets, I can gather no more of them, than that the
 first riseth six miles aboue Couerham by west, and falleth into the
 Vre, a little beneath Middleham bridge, which is two miles beneath the
 towne of Couerham. As for the Burne, it riseth at More hilles, and
 falleth into the said riuer a little beneath Massham bridge. And so
 much of these two.

 [Sidenote: Wharfe aliàs Gwerfe.]
 The Wharffe or Gwerfe ariseth aboue Vghtershaw, from whence it runneth
 to Beggermons, Rosemill, Hubberham, Backden, Starbotton, Kettlewell,
 Cunniston in Kettlewell, and here it meeteth with a rill comming from
 Haltongill chappell, by Arnecliffe, and ioining withall northeast of
 Kilneseie crag, it passeth ouer by the lower grounds to Girsington,
 and receiuing a rill there also from Tresfeld parke, it proceedeth on
 to Brunsall bridge. Furthermore at Appletréewijc, it méeteth with a
 rill from by north, and thence goeth to Barden towre, Bolton, Beth and
 Misleie hall, where it crosseth a rill comming from by west, thence to
 Addingham, taking in there also another from by west, and so to
 Ikeleie, and receiuing yer long another by north from Denton hall, it
 hasteth to Weston Vauasour, Oteleie, and Letheleie, where it taketh in
 the Padside, & the Washburne (both in one streame from Lindleie ward)
 and thence to Casleie chappell, and there it crosseth one from by
 north, and another yer long from by south, and so to Yardwood castell,
 Kerebie, Woodhall, Collingham, Linton, Wetherbie, Thorpatch, Newton,
 [Sidenote: Cockebecke.]
 Tadcaster, and when it hath receiued the Cockebecke from southwest,
 that goeth by Barwie, Aberfoorth, Leadhall, and Grimston, it runneth
 to Exton, Kirbie Wharfe, Vskell, Rither, Nunapleton, & so into the
 Ouze beneath Cawood, a castell belonging to the archbishop of Yorke,
 where he vseth oft to lie when he refresheth himselfe with change of
 aire and shift of habitation, for the auoiding of such infection as
 may otherwise ingender by his long abode in one place, for want of due
 purgation and airing of his house.

 [Sidenote: Air.]
 The Air or Arre riseth out of a lake or tarne south of Darnbrooke,
 wherein (as I heare) is none other fish but red trowt, and perch.
 Leland saith it riseth néere vnto Orton in Crauen, wherfore the ods is
 but little. It goeth therefore from thence to Mawlam, Hamlith, Kirbie,
 Moldale, Calton hall, Areton, and so foorth till it come almost to
 [Sidenote: Otterburne.]
 Gargraue, there crossing the Otterburne water on the west, and the
 [Sidenote: Winterburne.]
 Winterburne on the north, which at Flasbie receiueth a rill from
 Helton, as I heare. Being past Gargraue, our Air goeth on to Eshton,
 Elswood, and so foorth on, first receiuing a brooke from southwest
 (whereof one branch commeth by Marton, the other by Thorneton, which
 meete about Broughton) then another from northeast, that runneth by
 Skipton castell. After this confluence it hasteth by manifold
 windlesses, which caused thirteene bridges at the last to be ouer the
 same within a little space, to Newbiggin, Bradleie, and Kildwijc, by
 south east whereof it méeteth with one water from Mawsis, and
 [Sidenote: Glike.]
 Glusburne or Glukesburne, called Glike; another likewise a little
 beneath from Seton, beside two rilles from by north, after which
 confluence it runneth by Reddlesden, and ouer against this towne the
 [Sidenote: Lacocke.]
 [Sidenote: Woorth.]
 [Sidenote: Moreton.]
 Lacocke and the Woorth doo meet withall in one chanell, as the Moreton
 water dooth on the north, although it be somewhat lower. Thence it
 goeth to Rishfoorth hall, and so to Bungleie, where it taketh a rill
 from Denholme parke to Shipeleie, and there crossing another from
 Thorneton, Leuenthorpe, and Bradleie, it goeth to Caluerleie, to
 Christall, and so to Léedes, where one water runneth thereinto by
 north from Wettlewood, & two other from by south in one chanell,
 wherof the first hath two armes, of which the one commeth from Pudseie
 chappell, the other from Adwalton, their confluence being made aboue
 Farnesleie hall. The other likewise hath two heads, whereof one is
 aboue Morleie, the other commeth from Domingleie, and méeting with the
 first not far southwest of Leedes, they fall both into the Air, and so
 [Sidenote: Rodwell.]
 run with the same to Swillington, and there taking in the Rodwell
 becke south of the bridge, it proceedeth to Ollerton, Castleford,
 [Sidenote: Went.]
 Brotherton & Ferribridge, there receiuing the Went, a becke from
 Pontefract or Pomfret, which riseth of diuerse heads, wherof one is
 among the cole pits. Thence to Beall, Berkin, Kellington, middle
 Hodleseie, Templehirst, Gowldall, Snath, Rawcliffe, Newland, Armie,
 and so into the Ouze with an indifferent course. Of all the riuers in
 the north, Leland (in so manie of his bookes as I haue séene) saith
 least of this. Mine annotations also are verie slender in the
 particular waters wherbie it is increased: wherfore I was compelled of
 necessitie to conclude euen thus with the description of the same, and
 had so left it in déed, if I had not receiued one other note more to
 ad vnto it (euen when the leafe was at the presse) which saith as
 followeth in maner word for word.

 There is a noble water that falleth into Air, whose head (as I take
 it) is about Stanford. From whence it goeth to Creston chappell, to
 Lingfield, and there about receiuing one rill néere Elfrabright
 [Sidenote: Hebden.]
 bridge, and also the Hebden by northwest, it goeth to Brearleie hall,
 and so taking in the third by north, it procéedeth on eastward by
 Sorsbie bridge chappell (and there a rill from southwest) and so to
 Coppeleie hall. Beneath this place I find also that it receiueth one
 rill from Hallifax, which riseth from two heads, and two other from
 southwest, of which one commeth by Baresland, and Staneland in one
 chanell, as I read. So that after this confluence the aforesaid water
 goeth on toward Cowford bridge, and as it taketh in two rilles aboue
 the same on the north side, so beneath that bridge there falleth into
 it a pretie arme increased by sundrie waters c[=o]ming from by south,
 as from Marsheden chappell, from Holmesworth chappell, and Kirke
 Heton, each one growing of sundrie heads; whereof I would saie more,
 if I had more intelligence of their seuerall gates and passages.

 But to procéed. From Cowford bridge it runneth to Munfeld, and
 receiuing yer long one rill from Leuersage hall, and another from
 Burshall by Dewesburie, it goeth on northeast of Thornehull, south of
 Horbirie thornes, and thereabout crossing one rill from by south from
 Woller by new Milner Dam, and soone after another from northwest,
 [Sidenote: Chald.]
 called Chald, rising in the Peke hils, whereon Wakefield standeth, and
 likewise the third from southeast, and Waterton hall, it goeth by
 Warmefield, Newland, Altoftes, and finallie into the Aire, west of
 Castelworth, as I learne. What the name of this riuer should be as yet
 I heare not, and therefore no maruell that I doo not set it downe, yet
 is it certeine that it is called Chald, after his c[=o]fluence with
 the Chald, and finallie Chaldair or Chaldar after it hath ioined with
 the Air or Ar. But what is this for his denominations from the head?
 It shall suffice therefore thus farre to haue shewed the course
 thereof: and as for the name I passe it ouer vntill another time.

 [Sidenote: Trent.]
 The Trent is one of the most excellent riuers in the land, not onelie
 for store of samon, sturgeon, and sundrie other kinds of delicate fish
 wherewith it dooth abound, but also for that it is increased with so
 manie waters, as for that onelie cause it may be compared either with
 the Ouze or Sauerne, I meane the second Ouze, whose course I haue
 latelie described. It riseth of two heads which ioine beneath Norton
 in the moore, and from thence goeth to Hilton abbeie, Bucknell church,
 [Sidenote: Foulebrooke.]
 and aboue Stoke receiueth in the Foulebrooke water, which commeth
 thither from Tunstall, by Shelton, and finallie making a confluence
 they go to Hanfleet, where they méet with another on the same side,
 that descendeth from Newcastell vnder Line, which Leland taketh to be
 the verie Trent it selfe, saieng: that it riseth in the hils aboue
 Newcastell, as may be séene by his commentaries.

 But to proceed. At Trentham, or not farre from thence, it crosseth a
 riueret from northeast, whose name I know not, & thence going to Stone
 Aston, Stoke Burston, the Sandons and Weston, a little aboue Shubburne
 & Hawood, it receiueth the Sow, a great chanell increased with sundrie
 waters, which I will here describe, leauing the Trent at Shubburne,
 [Sidenote: Sow.]
 till I come backe againe. The Sow descendeth from the hilles, aboue
 Whitemoore chappell, and goeth by Charleton, and Stawne, and beneath
 Shalford ioineth with another by northeast that commeth from bishops
 Offeleie, Egleshall, Chesbie, Raunton. After this confluence also it
 runneth by Bridgeford, Tillington, & Stafford, beneath which towne
 [Sidenote: Penke.]
 it crosseth the Penke becke, that riseth aboue Nigleton, & Berwood, &
 aboue Penke bridge vniteth it selfe with another comming from
 Knightleie ward, by Gnashall church, Eaton: and so going foorth as
 one, it is not long yer they fall into Sow, after they haue passed
 Draiton, Dunstan, Acton, and Banswich, where loosing their names, they
 with the Sow & the Sow with them doo ioine with the Trent, at
 Shubburne, vpon the southerlie banke.

 From Shubburne the Trent goeth on to little Harwood (meeting by the
 waie one rill at Ousleie bridge, and another south of Riddlesleie)
 thence by Hawksberie, Mauestane, Ridware, and so toward Yoxhall; where
 I must staie a while to consider of other waters, wherewith I méet in
 this voiage. Of these therefore the lesser commeth in by south from
 Farwall, the other from by west, a faire streame, and increased with
 two brooks, whereof the first riseth in Nedewood forrest, northeast of
 [Sidenote: Blith.]
 Haggersleie parke, whereinto falleth another west of Hamsteed Ridware,
 called Blith, which riseth among the hilles in Whateleie moore, aboue
 Weston Conie, and thence going to the same towne, it commeth to
 Druicote, aliàs Dracote, Painsleie, Gratwitch, Grimleie, Aldmaston,
 Hamstéed, Ridware, and finallie into the Trent, directlie west of
 Yoxhall, which runneth also from thence, & leauing kings Bromleie in a
 parke (as I take it) on the left hand, and the Blacke water comming
 from Southton and Lichfield on the right, goeth streightwaie to
 [Sidenote: Tame.]
 Catton, where it méeteth with the Tame, whose course I describe as
 followeth.

 It riseth in Staffordshire (as I remember) not farre from Petteshall,
 and goeth foorth by Hamsted, toward Pirihall and Brimichams Aston,
 taking in by the waie a rill on each side, whereof the first groweth
 through a confluence of two waters, the one of them comming from
 Tipton, the other from Aldburie, and so running as one by Wedburie
 till they fall into the same. The latter commeth from Woolfhall, and
 ioineth with it on the left hand. After this, and when it is past the
 aforesaid places, it crosseth in like sort a rill from Smethike ward:
 [Sidenote: Rhée.]
 thence it goeth to Yarneton hall, beneath which it méeteth with the
 Rhée, and thence through the parke, at Parke hall by Watercote,
 [Sidenote: Cole.]
 crossing finallie the Cole, whose head is in the forrest by
 Kingesnorton wood, and hath this course, whereof I now giue notice. It
 riseth (as I said) in the forrest by Kingesnorton wood, and going by
 Yareleie and Kingeshirst, it méeteth betwéene that and the parke, with
 a water running betwéene Helmedon and Sheldon.

 Thence it passeth on to Coleshull, by east whereof it ioineth with a
 [Sidenote: Blith.]
 brooke, mounting southwest of Golihull called Blith, which going by
 Henwood and Barston, crosseth on ech side of Temple Balshall, a rill,
 whereof one commeth through the Quéenes parke or chase that lieth by
 west of Kenelworth, & the other by Kenelworth castell it selfe, from
 about Haselie parke. After which confluences it procéedeth in like
 maner to Hampton in Arden, and the Packingtons, and so to Coleshull,
 where it méeteth with the Cole, that going a little further, vniteth
 [Sidenote: Burne.]
 it selfe with the Burne on the one side (whereinto runneth a water
 comming from Ansleie on the east) and soone after on the other dooth
 [Sidenote: Rhée.]
 fall into the Tame, that which some call the Rhée, a common name to
 all waters that mooue and run from their head. For [Greek: reo] in
 Gréeke is to flow and run, although in truth it is proper to the sea
 onelie to flow. Leland nameth the Brimicham water, whose head (as I
 heare) is aboue Norffield, so that his course shuld be by
 Kingesnorton, Bremicham, Budston hall, till it fall beneath Yarneton
 into the Tame it selfe, that runneth after these confluences on by
 Lée, Kingesbirie parke, and going by east of Draiton, Basset parke, to
 Falkesleie bridge, it méeteth with another water called Burne, also
 comming from Hammerwich church, by Chesterford, Shenton, Thickebrowne,
 and the north side of Draiton, Basset parke, wherof I spake before.
 From hence our Tame runneth on to Tamworth, there taking in the Anchor
 by east, whose description I had in this maner deliuered vnto me.

 It riseth aboue Burton, from whence it goeth by Nonneaton, Witherleie
 and Atherstone. Yer long also it taketh in a water from northeast,
 which commeth by Huglescote, Shapton, Cunston, Twicrosse (vniting it
 [Sidenote: Anchor.]
 selfe with a water from Bosworth) Ratcliffe, & so to the Anchor, which
 after this confluence passeth by Whittendon, Crindon, Pollesworth,
 Armington, Tamworth, & so into Tame, that hasteth to Hopwash,
 Comberford hall, Telford, and soone after crossing a rill that riseth
 short of Swinfield hall, and commeth by Festirike, it runneth not
 farre from Croxhall, and so to Catton, thereabout receiuing his last
 [Sidenote: Mese.]
 increase not worthie to be omitted. This brooke is named Mese, and it
 riseth in the great parke that lieth betwéene Worthington, and
 Smethike, from whence also it goeth by Ashbie de la Souche,
 Packington, Mesham, and Stretton, and therabout crossing a rill about
 Nethersale grange, from Ouersale by east, it proceedeth by Chilcote,
 Clifton, Croxall, into the Thame, and both out of hand into the maine
 riuer a mile aboue Repton. Leland writing of this riuer (as I earst
 noted) saith thereof in this wise. Into the Thame also runneth the
 Bremicham brooke, which riseth foure or fiue miles about Bremicham in
 the Blacke hils in Worcestershire, and goeth into the aforesaid water
 a mile aboue Crudworth bridge. Certes (saith he) this Bremicham is a
 towne mainteined chieflie by smiths, nailers, cutlers, edgetoole
 forgers, lorimers or bitmakers, which haue their iron out of Stafford
 and Warwijc shires, and coles also out of the first countie. Hitherto
 Leland. Now to resume the Trent, which being growen to some
 greatnesse, goeth on to Walton, Drakelow, and there crossing a water
 that commeth by Newbold hall, it runneth to Stapenell, Winshull,
 Wightmere, and Newton Souch, where it receiueth two chanels within a
 short space, to be described apart.

 [Sidenote: Dou.]
 The first of these is called the Dou or Doue, it riseth about the
 thrée shires méere, and is as it were limes betweene Stafford and
 Darbishires, vntill it come at the Trent. Descending therefore from
 the head, it goeth by Earlesbooth, Pilsburie grange, Hartington,
 Wolscot, Eaton, Hunsington grange, and aboue Thorpe receiueth the
 [Sidenote: Manifold.]
 Manifold water, so called, bicause of the sundrie crinckling rills
 that it receiueth, and turnagaines that it selfe sheweth before it
 come at the Dou. Rising therefore not farre from Axe edge crosse (in
 the bottome thereby) it runneth from thence to Longmore, Shéene,
 Warslow chappell, and Welton.

 [Sidenote: Hansleie.]
 Beneath Welton also it taketh in the Hansleie water, that commeth out
 of Blackemoore hilles to Watersall, where it falleth into the ground:
 and afterward mounting againe is receiued into the Manifold, north of
 Throwleie (as I heare) which goeth from thence to Ilam, and aboue
 Thorpe dooth cast it selfe into Dou. Hauing therefore met togither
 after this maner, the Dou procéedeth on to Maplington, beneath which
 it crosseth one water descending from Brassington by Fennie Bentleie,
 and another somewhat lower that commeth from Hocston hall by Hognaston
 and Ashburne, and then going to Matterfield, Narburie, Ellaston,
 [Sidenote: Churne.]
 Rawston Rowcester, it meeteth with the Churne, euen here to be
 described before I go anie further. It riseth a good waie aboue
 Delacrasse abbie, and comming thither by Hellesbie wood, it taketh in
 [Sidenote: Dunsmere.]
 the Dunsmere, betwéene Harracrasse and Leike.

 [Sidenote: Yendor.]
 Thence it goeth to the Walgrange, and a little beneath receiueth the
 Yendor that commeth from aboue Harton, thence to Cheddleton, and
 [Sidenote: Aula Canuti.]
 [Sidenote: Ashenhirst.]
 hauing crossed the Ashenhirst brooke aboue Cnutes hall, it runneth by
 Ypston, Froghall, Below hill, Alton castell, Préestwood, and at
 Rowcester falleth into the Dou, which yer long also receiueth a rill
 [Sidenote: Teine.]
 from Crowsden, and then going to Eton méeteth first with the Teine
 that commeth thither from each side of Chedleie by Teinetowne,
 [Sidenote: Vttoxeter or Vncester.]
 Bramhirst and Stranehill. Secondlie with the Vncester or Vttoxeter
 water, and then going on to Merchington, Sidberie, Cawlton, it
 crosseth a brooke from Sidmister college, by Saperton. From this
 confluence in like sort it passeth foorth to Tilberie castell,
 Marston, and at Edgerton méeteth with the water that commeth from
 Yeldersleie by Longford (whereinto runneth another that commeth from
 Hollington) and so to Hilton. These waters being thus ioined, and
 manie ends brought into one, the Dou it selfe falleth yer long
 likewise into the Trent, aboue Newton Souch. So that the maine riuer
 being thus inlarged, goeth onwards with his course, and betwéene
 Willington and Repton meeteth with two waters on sundrie sides,
 whereof that which falleth in by Willington, riseth néere Dawberie
 Lies, and runneth by Trusselie and Ashe: the other that entereth aboue
 Repton, descendeth from Hartesburne, so that the Trent being past
 these, hasteth to Twiford, Inglebie, Staunton, Weston, Newton, and
 [Sidenote: Darwent.]
 Aston, yer long also méeting with the Darwent; next of all to be
 dispatched. The Darwent, or (to vse the verie British word) Dowr gwine
 (but in Latine Fluuius Dereuantanus) riseth plaine west, néere vnto
 the edge of Darbishire, aboue Blackwell a market towne, and from the
 head runneth to the New chappell, within a few miles after it be
 risen. From hence moreouer it goeth by Howden house, Darwent chappell,
 [Sidenote: Neue.]
 Yorkeshire bridge, and at Witham bridge dooth crosse the Neue or
 Nouius that commeth from Newstole hill, by Netherburgh, Hope (crossing
 there one rill from Castelton, another from Bradwell, and the third at
 Hathersage, from Stonie ridge hill) and so goeth on to Padleie,
 Stockehall, receiuing a rill by the waie from by west, to Stonie
 [Sidenote: Burbroke.]
 Middleton, and Baslow, and hauing here taken in the Burbrooke on the
 one side, and another from Halsop on the other, it goeth to Chatworth
 and to Rowseleie, where it is increased with the Wie comming from by
 west, and also a rill on the east, a little higher. But I will
 describe the Wie before I go anie further.

 [Sidenote: Wie.]
 The Wie riseth aboue Buxston well, and there is increased with the
 [Sidenote: Hawkeshow.]
 [Sidenote: Wile.]
 Hawkeshow, and the Wile brooke, whose heads are also further distant
 from the edge of Darbishire than that of Wie, and races somwhat
 longer, though neither of them be worthie to be accompted long. For
 the Wile, hauing two heads, the one of them is not farre aboue the
 place where Wilebecke abbeie stood, the other is further off by west,
 about Wilebecke towne: and finallie ioining in one they runne to
 Cuckneie village, where receiuing a becke that commeth downe from by
 west, it holdeth on two miles further, there taking in the second
 [Sidenote: Rufford aliàs Manbecke.]
 rill, and so resort to Rufford, or the Manbecke. Vnto this also doo
 other two rills repaire, wherof the one goeth through and the other
 hard by Maunsfield, of which two also this latter riseth west about
 foure miles, and runneth foorth to Clipston (three miles lower) and so
 likewise to Rufford, whereof I will speake hereafter. In the meane
 time to returne againe to the Wie. From Buxston well, it runneth to
 Staddon, Cowdale, Cowlow, New medow, Milhouses, Bankewell, and Haddon
 [Sidenote: Lathkell.]
 hall, beneath which it receiueth the Lath kell, that runneth by
 [Sidenote: Bradford.]
 Ouerhaddon, and the Bradford, both in one bottome after they be ioined
 in one at Alport. And this is the first great water that our Darwent
 dooth méet withall. Being therefore past the Rowsleies, the said
 Darwent goeth to Stancliffe, Darleie in the peake, Wensleie,
 Smitterton hall, and at Matlocke taketh in a rill by northeast, as it
 dooth another at Crumford that goeth by Boteshall.

 From Mattocke, it procéedeth to Watston, or Watsond, Well bridge,
 [Sidenote: Amber.]
 Alderwash, and ioineth with another streame called Amber comming in
 from by north by Amber bridge, whose description shall insue in this
 wise, as I find it. The head of Amber is aboue Edleston hall, or (as
 Leland saith) est of Chesterfield, and comming from thence by
 Middleton to Ogston hall, it taketh withall another brooke, descending
 from Hardwijc wood, by Alton and Streton. Thence it goeth to Higham,
 Brackenfield, and aboue Dale bridge meeteth with a brooke running from
 [Sidenote: Moreton.]
 Hucknalward to Shireland parke side, there crossing the Moreton becke,
 and so to Alferton, except I name it wrong. From Dale bridge it goeth
 by Wingfeld, to Hedge, Fritchlin, and so into Darwent, taking the
 water withall that descendeth from Swanswijc by Pentridge, as Leland
 doth remember. From this confluence likewise it runneth to Belper,
 where it méeteth with a rill comming from Morleie parke: thence to
 [Sidenote: Eglesburne.]
 Makenie, and at Duffeld, receiueth the Eglesburne, which ariseth about
 Wirkesworth or Oresworth, but in the same parish out of a rocke, and
 commeth in by Turnedich. From Duffeld, it passeth to Bradsall, Darleie
 abbeie, and at Darbie taketh in a rill comming from Mirkaston by
 Weston vnderwood, Kidleston and Merton. If a man should say that
 Darwent riuer giueth name to Darbie towne, he should not well know how
 euerie one would take it, and peraduenture therby he might happen to
 offend some. In the meane time I beleeue it, let other iudge as
 pleaseth them, sith my coniecture can preiudice none. To proceed
 therefore. From Darbie it runneth on by Aluaston, Ambaston, the
 [Sidenote: Sora, or Surus.]
 Welles, and so into Trent, which goeth from hence to Sawleie, and
 north of Thrumpton taketh in the Sore, a faire streame, and not
 worthie to be ouerpassed.

 It riseth in Leicestershire aboue Wigton, and thence goeth to
 Sharneford, Sapcote, and beneath Staunton taketh in a rill that
 commeth by Dounton and Broughton Astleie. Thence to Marleborow, and
 before it come to Eston, crosseth another on the same side (descending
 by Burton, Glen, Winstow, Kilbie and Blabie) then to Leircester towne,
 Belgraue, Burstall, Wanlip; and yer it come at Cussington or Cositon,
 [Sidenote: Eie.]
 crosseth the Eie, which riseth néere Occam aboue Bramston, going by
 [Sidenote: _Leland_ calleth one of these rilles Croco.]
 Knawstow, Somerbie, Pickwell, Whitesonden; and beneath (a litle)
 receiueth a rill on the right hand, from Coldnorton. Thence to
 Stapleford, & soone after crossing a brooke from aboue Sproxton,
 Coson, Garthorpe and Sarbie, it runneth to Wiuerbie, Brentingbie; and
 yer it come at Milton, meeteth with two other small rilles, from the
 right hand whereof one commeth from about Caldwell by Thorpe Arnold,
 and Waltham in the Would; the other from Skaleford ward, and from
 Melton goeth by Sisonbie, there méeting with another from northeast
 ouer against Kirbie Hellars, after which time the name of Eie is
 [Sidenote: Warke, Vrke, or Wreke.]
 changed into Warke or Vrke, and so continueth vntill it come at the
 Soure. From hence also it goeth to Asterbie, Radgale, Habie,
 Trussington, Ratcliffe; and soone after crosseth sundrie waters not
 verie farre in sunder, whereof one commeth from Oueston, by Twiford,
 Ashbie, and Gadesbie; another from Losebie, by Baggraue, and Crawston,
 and ioining with the first at Ouennihow, it is not long yer they fall
 into the Warke. The second runneth from Engarsbie, by Barkeleie, and
 Sison. But the third and greatest of the thrée, is a chanell increased
 with thrée waters, whereof one commeth from Norton by Burton, Kilbie,
 Foston and Blabie, the other from Dounton by Broughton and Astleie,
 and méeting with the third from Sapcoth, and stonie Staunton, they run
 togither by Narborow, and soone after ioining aboue Elston, with the
 first of the thrée, they go as one by Elston to Leircester, Belgraue,
 Wanlip, and aboue Cussington doo fall into the Warke, and soone after
 into the Soure. The Soure in like sort going from thence to mount
 Sorrell, & taking in another brooke southwest from Leircester forrest,
 by Glenfield, Austie, Thurcaston and Rodelie, ioineth with the Soure,
 which goeth from thence to mount Sorrell, and Quarendon (where it
 taketh in a water comming from Charnewood forrest, and goeth by
 Bradegate and Swithland) and then procéedeth to Cotes, Lughborow and
 Stanford, there also taking in one rill out of Nottinghamshire by
 northeast; and soone after another from southwest, comming from
 Braceden to Shepesheued, Garrington, & Dighlie grange, and likewise
 the third from Worthington, by Disworth, long Whitton, and Wathorne.
 Finallie, after these confluences, it hasteth to Sutton, Kingston, and
 Ratcliffe, and so into the Trent.

 These things being thus brought togither, and we now resuming the
 discourse of the same riuer, it dooth after his méeting with the
 [Sidenote: Erwash.]
 Soure, procéed withall to Barton, where it taketh in the Erwash, which
 riseth about Kirbie, and thence goeth to Selston, Wansbie, Codnor
 castell, Estwood, and crossing a water from Beuall, runneth to
 Coshall, Trowell (and there taking in another rill comming from Henor
 by Shipleie) it proceedeth on to Stapleford, long Eaton, and so into
 the Trent. This being doone it goeth to Clifton, and yer it come at
 Wilford, it méeteth with a brooke that passeth from Staunton by Bonnie
 and Rodington, and thence to Notingham, where it crosseth the Line,
 which riseth aboue Newsted; and passing by Papplewijc, Hucknall,
 Bafford, Radford and Linton, next of all to Thorpe & Farmdon, where it
 brancheth and maketh an Iland, and into the smaller of them goeth a
 brooke from Beuer castell, which rising betweene east Well and Eaton
 [Sidenote: Dene.]
 in Leircester is called the Dene, and from thence runneth by Bramston
 to Knipton, & beneath Knipton méeteth with a brooke that commeth by
 west of Croxston, and thence holdeth on with his course, betwéene
 Willesthorpe and Beuer castell aforesaid, and so to Bottesworth,
 [Sidenote: Snite.]
 Normanton, Killington, Shilton, there receiuing the Snite from by
 south (whose head is néere Clauston, & course from thence by Hickling,
 Langer, Whalton, Orston, and Flareborow) and yer long another comming
 from Bingham, and Sibthorpe. Thence our Trent runneth to Coxam,
 Hawton, Newarke castell, and so to Winthorpe, where the branches are
 reunited, and thence going on by Holme to Cromwell (and soone after
 taking in a brooke comming from Bilsthorpe, by Kersall, Cawnton,
 Norwell and Willowbie) to Carlton, and to Sutton, there making a litle
 Ile, then to Grinton, where it toucheth a streame on ech side, whereof
 one commeth from Morehouse by Weston & Gresthorpe, another from
 Langthorpe, by Collingham, and Bosthorpe. From hence likewise it
 passeth to Clifton, Newton, Kettlethorpe, Torkeseie, Knash,
 Gainsborow, Waltrith, Stockwith; and leauing Axholme on the left hand,
 it taketh withall Hogdike water out of the Ile, and so goeth foorth to
 Wildsworth, Eastferrie, Frusworth, Burringham, Gummeis, Hixburgh,
 Burton, Walcote, and at Ankerburie into the Humber, receiuing the
 swift Doue by the waie, which for his noblenesse is not to be
 ouerpassed, especiallie for that Anno 1536 Hen. 8, 28, it was (by Gods
 prouidence) a staie of great bloudshed like to haue fallen out
 betwéene the kings side and the rebelles of the north, in a quarrell
 [Sidenote: A miracle.]
 about religion. For the night before the battle should haue béene
 stricken, and without anie apparent cause (a little showre of raine
 excepted farre vnpossible vpon such a sudden to haue made so great a
 water) the said riuer arose so high, & ran with such vehemencie, that
 on the morow the armies could not ioine to trie & fight it out: after
 which a pacification insued, and those countries were left in quiet.
 Secondlie, the description hereof is not to be ouerpassed, bicause of
 the fine grasse which groweth vpon the banks thereof, which is so fine
 and batable, that there goeth a prouerbe vpon the same; so oft as a
 man will commend his pasture, to say that there is no better féed on
 Doue banke: that maketh it also the more famous.

 [Sidenote: Doue.]
 The Doue therefore riseth in Yorkeshire among the Peke hilles, and
 hauing receiued a water comming by Ingbirchworth (where the colour
 thereof is verie blacke) it goeth to Pennistone, which is foure miles
 from the head: then by Oxspring to Thurgoland, and soone after
 (ioining by the waie with the Midhop water, that runneth by Midhop
 chappell, and Hondshelfe) it méeteth with another comming from
 Bowsterston chappell. Then goeth it by Waddesleie wood to Waddesleie
 bridge, and at Aluerton receiueth the Bradfeld water. Then passeth it
 to Crokes, and so to Sheffeld castell (by east whereof it receiueth a
 brooke from by south that commeth through Sheffeld parke.) Thence it
 procéedeth to Westford bridge, Briksie bridge; and southwest of
 [Sidenote: Cowleie.]
 Timsleie receiueth the Cowleie streame that runneth by Ecclefield.
 [Sidenote: Rother.]
 Next of all it goeth to Rotheram, where it méeteth with the Rother, a
 goodlie water, whose head is in Darbieshire about Pilsleie, from
 whence it goeth vnder the name of Doleie, till it come at Rotheram, by
 north Winfield church, Wingerworth, and Foreland hall, twelue miles
 [Sidenote: Iber.]
 [Sidenote: Brampton.]
 from Rotheram, to Chesterford, where it méeteth with the Iber, and
 Brampton water that commeth by Holme hall, both in one chanell. Thence
 it runneth to Topton castell, and yer long crossing one water comming
 from Dronefeld by Whittington on the one side, and the second from
 aboue Birmington on the other, it goeth through Stalie parke, and
 soone after méeteth with the Crawleie becke, whereof I find this note.

 [Sidenote: Crawleie.]
 The Crawleie riseth not farre from Hardwijc, and going by Stanesbie
 and Woodhouse, it receiueth aboue Netherthorpe, one water on the one
 side comming from the Old parke, and another from Barlborow hill on
 the other, that runneth not farre from Woodthorpe. After this
 confluence likewise they run as one into the Rother, which hasteth
 from thence to Eckington (there crossing a rill that runneth by
 Birleie hill) and so to Kilmarsh, in the confines of Darbieshire,
 [Sidenote: Gunno.]
 where it taketh in the Gunno from by east. Thence to Boughton, vniting
 it selfe therabout with another by west from Gledles, called
 [Sidenote: Mesebrooke.]
 Mesebrooke, which diuideth Yorkeshire from Darbieshire, and so runneth
 to Treton, Whiston, there taking in a rill from Aston, and so to
 Rotheram, where it méeteth with the Doue, and from whence our Doue
 (yéelding plentie of samon all the waie as it passeth) hasteth to
 Aldwarke, Swaiton, Mexburge, there taking in the Darne, which I will
 next describe, and staie with the Doue, vntill I haue finished the
 same. It riseth at Combworth, and so commeth about by Bretton hall, to
 Darton ward, where it crosseth a water that runneth from Gonthwake
 hall, by Cawthorne vnited of two heads. From hence it goeth to Burton
 grange, then to Drax, where it toucheth with a water from southwest, &
 then goeth to Derfield and Goldthorpe: but yer it come to Sprotborow,
 it vniteth it selfe with a faire riuer, increased by diuerse waters,
 before it come at the Doue, & whereinto it falleth (as I heare)
 northeast of Mexburgh. After this confluence likewise the Doue goeth
 by Sprotborow, to Warnesworth, Doncaster, Wheatleie, (there méeting
 [Sidenote: Hampall.]
 with the Hampall créeke on the northeast side, which riseth east of
 Kirbie) thence to Sandall, Kirke Sandall, Branwith ferrie, Stanford,
 Fishlake, and so to Thuorne or Thurne, where it crosseth the Idle
 (whose description followeth) and finallie into Trent, and so into the
 Humber.

 But before I deale with the description of the Idle, I will adde
 somewhat of the Rume, a faire water. For though the description
 thereof be not so exactlie deliuered me as I looked for; yet such as
 it is I will set downe, conferring it with Lelands booke, and helping
 their defect so much as to me is possible. It riseth by south of
 Maunsfield, fiue miles from Rumford abbeie, and when the streame
 commeth neere the abbeie, it casteth it selfe abroad and maketh a
 faire lake. After this it commeth againe into a narrow channell, and
 [Sidenote: Budbie.]
 [Sidenote: Gerberton.]
 so goeth on to Rumford village, carrieng the Budbie and the Gerberton
 waters withall. From thence, and with a méetlie long course, it goeth
 to Bawtrie or Vautrie, a market towne in Nottinghamshire, fiue miles
 from Doncaster, and so into the Trent. Beneath Rumford also commeth in
 [Sidenote: Girt.]
 the Girt, which goeth vnto Southwell milles, and so into the Trent.
 Now as concerning our Idle.

 [Sidenote: Idle.]
 The Idle, which some call Brier streame, riseth at Sutton in Ashfield,
 from whence it runneth to Maunsfield, Clipston & Allerton, where it
 taketh in a water that riseth in the forrest, one mile north of
 Bledworth, and runneth on by Rughford abbeie, till it come to
 [Sidenote: Manbecke.]
 Allerton. The forresters call this Manbecke, whereof Leland also
 speaketh, who describeth it in this maner. Manbrooke riseth somewhere
 about Linthirst wood, from whence it goeth to Blisthorpe, and so to
 Allerton. But to procéed. The Idle hauing taken in the Manbecke, it
 runneth to Bothomsall, by Boughton, & Perlethorpe: but yer it come
 [Sidenote: Meding becke.]
 there, it méeteth the Meding Maiden, or Midding brooke, which rising
 about Teuersall, goeth to Pleasleie, Nettleworth, Sawcan, Warsop,
 Budleie, Thursbie, Bothomsall, and so into the Idle. After this it
 proceedeth to Houghton, west Draiton, but yer it touch at Graunston or
 [Sidenote: Wilie.]
 Gaunston, it taketh in the Wilie, which commeth from Clowne, to
 Creswell, Holbecke, Woodhouse, Wilebecke, Normenton, Elsleie,
 Graunston, and so into the Idle. Being thus increased, the Idle
 runneth on to Idleton, Ordsall, Retford, Bollam, Tilneie, Matterseie
 abbeie, and so to Bawtrie, where it méeteth another from the shire
 Okes, that riseth aboue Geitford, passeth on to Worksop (or Radfurth)
 [Sidenote: Blith.]
 Osberton, Bilbie, and Blith, there vniting it selfe with thrée rilles
 in one bottome, whereof one commeth from Waldingwell to Careleton, and
 so thorough a parke to Blith towne, another from by west Furbecke
 thrée miles, and so to Blith: but the third out of the White water
 néere to Blith, and there being vnited they passe on to Scrobie, and
 so into the Idle.

 From hence it runneth on to Missen, to Sadlers bridge, and next of all
 [Sidenote: Sandbecke.]
 to Santoft, where it méeteth with the Sandbecke, which rising not
 farre from Sandbecke towne, passeth by Tickhill, Rosington bridge,
 Brampton, Rilholme, Lindholme, and one mile south of Santoft into the
 Idle water, which runneth from thence to Thorne, where it méeteth with
 the Doue, and so with it to Crowleie. Finallie, inuironing the Ile of
 Axeholme, it goeth vnto Garthorpe, Focorbie, & so into the Trent.
 Leland writing of the Wilie, Wile, or Gwilie (as some write it) saith
 thus therof. The Wile hath two heads, whereof one is not farre aboue
 the place where Wilbecke abbeie stood; the other riseth further off by
 west aboue Welbecke or Wilebecke towne: finallie ioining in one, they
 runne to Cuckeneie village, where crossing a becke that commeth in
 from by west, it holdeth on two miles further, there taking in the
 second rill, and so resort to Rufford. To this riuer likewise (saith
 he) doo two other waters repaire, whereof the one goeth hard by
 Maunsfield (rising foure miles from thence by west) and then commeth
 thrée miles lower to Rufford; the other (so far as I remember) goeth
 quite through the towne.




 OF SUCH FALLES OF WATERS AS IOINE WITH THE SEA, BETWEENE HUMBER AND
 THE THAMES.

 CHAP. XVI.


 Hauing in this maner described the Ouze, and such riuers as fall into
 the same: now it resteth that I procéed in my voiage toward the
 Thames, according to my former order. Being therefore come againe into
 the maine sea, I find no water of anie countenance or course (to my
 [Sidenote: Ancolme.]
 remembrance) till I come vnto the Ancolme a goodlie water, which
 riseth east of Mercate Rasing, and from thence goeth by middle Rasing.
 Then receiuing a short rill from by south, it runneth on vnder two
 bridges, by the waie, till it come to Wingall, northeast; where also
 it méeteth with another brooke, from Vsselbie that commeth thither by
 Vresbie, goeth by Cadneie (taking in the two rilles in one bottome,
 that descend from Howsham, and north Leiseie) and thence to Newsted,
 Glanford, Wardeleie, Thorneham, Applebie, Horslow, north Ferribie, and
 so into the sea.

 [Sidenote: Kilis.]
 Being past Ancolme, we go about the Nesse, and so to the fall of the
 water which commeth from Kelebie, by Cotham abbeie, Nersham abbeie,
 Thorneton, and leauing Coxhill by west, it falleth into the Ocean. The
 next is the fall of another brooke comming from Fleting, all alongst
 by Stallingburne. Then crossed we Grimsbie gullet, which issuing aboue
 Erebie commeth to Lasebie, the two Cotes, and then into the sea. After
 this we passed by another portlet, whose backwater descendeth from
 Balesbie by Ashbie, Briggesleie, Wath, and Towneie, and finallie to
 the next issue, before we come at Saltflete, which branching at the
 last, leaueth a prettie Iland wherein Comsholme village standeth. This
 water riseth short (as I heare) of Tathewell, from whence it goeth to
 Rathbie, Hallington, Essington, Lowth, Kidirington, Auingham, and then
 branching aboue north Somerton, one arme méeteth with the sea, by
 Grauethorpe, the other by north of Somercote.

 [Sidenote: Saltflete.]
 Saltflete water hath but a short course: for rising among the
 Cockeringtons, it commeth to the sea, at Saltflete hauen: howbeit the
 next vnto it is of a longer race, for it riseth (as I take it) at
 Cawthorpe paroch, and descendeth by Legburne, the Carletons, the west
 middle and east Saltfletes, and so into the Ocean. The water that
 riseth aboue Ormesbie and Dribie, goeth to Cawsbie, Swabie abbeie,
 Clathorpe, Belew, Tattle, Witherne, Stane, and northeast of
 Thetilthorpe into the maine sea.

 [Sidenote: Maplethorpe]
 Maplethorpe water riseth at Tharesthorpe, and going by Markeleie,
 Folethorpe, and Truthorpe, it is not long yer it méet with the Germane
 Ocean. Then come we to the issue that commeth from aboue the Hotoft,
 and thence to Mumbie chappell, whither the water comming from Claxbie,
 Willowbie, and Slouthbie (and whereinto another rill falleth) dooth
 runne, as there to doo homage vnto their lord and souereigne. As for
 Ingold mill créeke, I passe it ouer, and come straight to another
 water, descending from Burge by Skegnes. From hence I go to the issue
 of a faire brooke, which (as I heare) dooth rise at Tetford, and
 thence goeth by Somerbie, Bagenderbie, Ashwardbie, Sawsthorpe,
 Partneie, Ashbie, the Stepings, Thorpe croft, and so into the sea. As
 for Wainflete water, it commeth from the east sea, and goeth betwéene
 S. Maries & Alhallowes by Wainflete towne, and treading the path of
 his predecessors, emptieth his chanell to the maintenance of the sea.

 Now come I to the course of the Witham, a famous riuer, whereof goeth
 the biword, frequented of old, and also of Ancolme, which I before
 described:

   Ancolme ele, and Witham pike,
   Search all England and find not the like.

 [Sidenote: Lindis, Witham, Rhe.]
 Leland calleth it Lindis, diuerse the Rhe, and I haue read all these
 names my selfe: and thereto that the Lincolneshire men were called in
 old time Coritani, and their head citie Lindus, Lindon, or Linodunum,
 in which region also Ptolomie placeth Rage, which some take to be
 Notingham, except my memorie doo faile me. It riseth among the
 Wickhams, in the edge of Lincolnshire, and (as I take it) in
 south-Wickham paroch, from whence it goeth to Colsterworth, Easton,
 Kirkestoke Paunton, and Paunton Houghton, and at Grantham taketh in a
 rill from by southwest, as I heare. From Grantham it runneth to Man,
 Thorpe, Bolton, and Barneston, where crossing a becke from northeast,
 it procéedeth further southwest ward by Mereston, toward Faston (there
 also taking in a brooke that riseth about Denton, and goeth by
 Sidbrooke) it hasteth to Dodington, Clapale, Barmebie, Beckingham,
 Stapleford, Bassingham, Thursbie, and beneath Amburgh crosseth a water
 that commeth from Stogilthorpe by Somerton castell.

 After this confluence also, our Witham goeth still foorth on his waie
 to the Hickhams, Boltham, Bracebridge, and Lincolne it selfe, for
 which the Normans write Nicholl by transposition of the letters, or
 (as I may better saie) corruption of the word. But yer it come there,
 it maketh certeine pooles (whereof one is called Swan poole) and soone
 after diuiding it selfe into armes, they run both thorough the lower
 part of Lincolne, each of them hauing a bridge of stone ouer it,
 thereby to passe through the principall stréet: and as the bigger arme
 is well able to beare their fisher botes, so the lesser is not without
 his seuerall commodities. At Lincolne also this noble riuer méeteth
 [Sidenote: Fosse dike.]
 with the Fosse dike, whereby in great floods vessels may come from the
 Trents side to Lincolne. For betweene Torkseie, where it beginneth,
 and Lincolne citie, where it endeth, are not aboue seuen miles, as
 Leland hath remembred. Bishop Atwater began to clense this ditch,
 thinking to bring great vessels from Trent to Lincolne in his time:
 but sith he died before it was performed, there hath no man beene
 since so well minded as to prosecute his purpose. The course moreouer
 of this our streame following, from Lincolne to Boston is fiftie miles
 by water: but if you mind to ferrie, you shall haue but 24. For there
 are foure common places where men are ferried ouer; as Short ferrie,
 fiue miles from Lincolne, Tatersall ferrie, eight miles from Short
 ferrie, Dogdike ferrie a mile, Langreth ferrie fiue miles, and so
 manie finallie to Boston.

 But to go forward with the course of Lindis (whereof the whole
 prouince hath béene called Lindeseie) when it is past Lincolne, it
 goeth by Shepewash, Wassingburg, Fiskerton, and soone after taketh in
 sundrie riuers in one chanell, whereby his greatnesse is verie much
 increased. From this confluence it goeth to Bardolfe, and there
 receíuing a rill (descending from betweene Sotbie and Randbie, and
 going by Harton) it slideth foorth by Tupham to Tatersall castell,
 taking vp there in like sort thrée small rills by the waie, whereof I
 haue small notice as yet: and therefore I referre them vnto a further
 consideration to be had of them hereafter, if it shall please God that
 I may liue to haue the filing of these rude pamphlets yet once againe,
 & somewhat more leasure to peruse them than at this time is granted.
 Finallie, being past Tatersall, and Dogdike ferrie, the Witham goeth
 toward Boston, & thence into the sea. Thus haue I brieflie dispatched
 this noble riuer Witham. But hauing another note deliuered me thereof
 from a fréend, I will yéeld so farre vnto his gratification, that I
 will remember his trauell here, and set downe also what he hath
 written thereof, although the riuer be sufficientlie described
 alredie.

 [Sidenote: Witham.]
 Into Witham therefore from by north, and seuen miles beneath Lincolne,
 [Sidenote: Hake.]
 there falleth a faire water, the head whereof is at Hakethorne, from
 whence it goeth by Hanworth, Snarford, Resbie, Stainton, and at
 Bullington méeteth with a water on ech side, whereof one commeth from
 Haiton and Turrington, the other from Sudbrooke, and likewise beneath
 Birlings with the third comming from Barkeworth by Stansted, and
 ioining all in one, soone after it is not long yer it fall into the
 chanell of Witham, and so are neuer more heard of. There is also a
 brooke by southwest, that commeth from Kirbie to Cateleie, Billingams,
 [Sidenote: Bane.]
 and the Ferrie. At Tatersall it méeteth with the Bane, which riseth
 aboue Burgh, and néere vnto Ludford goeth downe to Dunnington,
 Stanigod, Hemmingsbie, Bamburgh, Fillington, Horne castell, (where it
 crosseth a rill from Belchworth) Thornton, Marton, Halton, Kirkebie,
 Comsbie, Tatersall, and so to Dogdike ferrie.

 Aboue Boston likewise it taketh in a water comming from Lusebie by
 Bolingbrooke, Stickeford, Stickneie, Sibbeseie and Hildrike. And to
 Boston towne it selfe doo finallie come sundrie brookes in one
 chanell, called Hammond becke, which rising at Donesbie, runneth on to
 Wrightbold, where it casteth one arme into Holiwell water. Thence it
 hasteth toward Dunnington, receiuing four brookes by the waie, whereof
 the first commeth from Milthorpe, the second from Fokingham, called
 [Sidenote: Bollingborow.]
 Bollingborow, or (after some, I wote not vpon what occasion)
 [Sidenote: Sempringham.]
 Sempringham water, the third from Bridge end, the fourth from
 Sempringham, and afterwards the maine streame is found to run by
 Kirton holme, and so into the Witham. Into the Wiland likewise falleth
 the Holiwell, which riseth of a spring that runneth toward the east
 from Haliwell to Onebie, Esonden, Gretford, and so to Catbridge, where
 it receiueth another rising at Witham and west of Manthorpe, and the
 second comming from Laund, and so run from thence togither to
 Willesthorpe and Catbridge, and then into the Haliwell, which after
 these confluences goeth to Tetford and Eastcote, where it meeteth with
 a draine, comming from Bourne, and so through the fennes to
 Pinchbecke, Surfleet, and Fosdike, where it méeteth with the Welland,
 in the mouth of the Wash, as I haue noted vnto you.

 [Sidenote: Wiland.]
 Hauing thus set foorth the riuers that fall into the Witham, now come
 we to the Wiland or Welland, wherevnto we repaire after we be past
 Boston, as drawing by litle and litle toward the Girwies, which
 inhabit in the fennes (for Gir in the old Saxon speach dooth signifie
 déepe fennes and marishes) and these beginning at Peterborow eastward,
 extend themselues by the space of thrée score miles & more, as Hugh of
 Peterborow writeth. This streame riseth about Sibbertoft, and running
 betwéene Bosworth and Howthorpe, it goeth to Féedingworth, Merson,
 [Sidenote: Braie.]
 Bubberham, Trussell, Herborow (receiuing there the Braie, which
 commeth from Braiebrooke castell) to Bowton, Weston, Wiland, Ashleie,
 Medburne, Rokingham, and Cawcot, where a riueret called little Eie
 méeteth withall, comming from east Norton by Alexstone, Stocke,
 Fasten, and Drie stocke. From Cawcot it goeth to Gritto, Harringworth,
 Seton, Wauerlie, Duddington, Collie Weston, Eston, and there ioineth
 [Sidenote: Warke.]
 with the third called Warke, not far from Ketton, which commeth from
 Lie by Preston, Wing, Lindon, Luffenham, &c. Thence it goeth on by
 [Sidenote: Brooke water.]
 [Sidenote: Whitnell.]
 Tinwell, to Stanford (crossing the Brooke water, and Whitnelbecke,
 both in one bottome) and from Stanford by Talington, Mareie, to
 Mercate Deeping, Crowland (where it almost meeteth with the Auon) then
 to Spalding, Whapland, and so into the sea.

 Leland writing of this Wiland, addeth these words which I will not
 omit, sith in mine opinion they are worthie to be noted, for better
 consideration to be had in the said water and his course. The Wiland
 (saith he) going by Crowland, at Newdrene diuideth it selfe into two
 [Sidenote: Newdrene.]
 branches, of which one goeth vp to Spalding called Newdrene, and so
 [Sidenote: South.]
 into the sea at Fossedike Stow: the other named the South into
 Wisbech. This latter also parteth it selfe two miles from Crowland,
 [Sidenote: Writhlake.]
 sendeth a rill called Writhlake by Thorneie, where it méeteth with an
 arme of the Nene, that commeth from Peterborow, and holdeth course
 with the broad streame, till it be come to Murho, six miles from
 Wisbech, where it falleth into the South.

 [Sidenote: Shéepees eie.]
 Out of the South in like sort falleth another arme called Sheepes eie
 and at Hopelode (which is fouretéene miles from Lin) did fall into the
 sea. But now the course of that streame is ceased, wherevpon the
 inhabitants susteine manie grieuous flouds, bicause the mouth is
 stanched, by which it had accesse before into the sea. Hitherto
 Leland. Of the course of this riuer also from Stanford, I note this
 furthermore out of another writing in my time. Being past Stanton
 (saith he) it goeth by Burghleie, Vffington, Tallington, Mareie,
 Déeping, east Deeping, and comming to Waldram hall, it brancheth into
 two armes, whereof that which goeth to Singlesole, receiueth the Nene
 out of Cambridgeshire, and then going by Dowesdale, Trekenhole, and
 winding at last to Wisbech, it goeth by Liuerington, saint Maries, and
 so into the sea. The other arme hasteth to Crowland, Clowthouse,
 Bretherhouse, Pikale, Cowbecke and Spalding. Here also it receiueth
 the Baston dreane, Longtoft dreane, Déeping dreane, and thence goeth
 by Wickham into the sea, taking withall on the right hand sundrie
 other dreanes. And thus farre he.

 Next of all, when we are past these, we come to another fall of water
 into the Wash, which descendeth directlie from Whaplade dreane to
 Whaplade towne in Holland: but bicause it is a water of small
 importance, I passe from thence, as hasting to the Nene, of both the
 more noble riuer: and about the middest thereof in place is a certeine
 swallow, so déepe and so cold in the middest of summer, that no man
 dare diue to the bottome thereof for coldnesse, and yet for all that
 in winter neuer found to haue béene touched with frost, much lesse to
 [Sidenote: Auon.]
 be couered with ise. The next therefore to be described is the Auon,
 [Sidenote: Nene.]
 otherwise called Nene, which the said author describeth after this
 maner. The Nene beginneth foure miles aboue Northampton in Nene méere,
 where it riseth out of two heads, which ioine about Northampton. Of
 this riuer the citie and countrie beareth the name, although we now
 pronounce Hampton for Auondune, which errour is committed also in
 south Auondune, as we may easilie see. In another place Leland
 describeth the said riuer after this maner. The Auon riseth in Nene
 méere field, and going by Oundale and Peterborow, it diuideth it selfe
 into thrée armes, whereof one goeth to Horneie, another to Wisbech,
 the third to Ramseie: and afterward being vnited againe, they fall
 into the sea not verie farre from Lin. Finallie, the descent of these
 waters leaue here a great sort of Ilands, wherof Elie, Crowland, and
 Mersland, are the chiefe. Hitherto Leland.

 Howbeit, because neither of these descriptions touch the course of
 this riuer at the full, I will set downe the third, which shall
 supplie whatsoeuer the other doo want. The Auon therefore arising in
 Nenemere field, is increased with manie rilles, before it come at
 Northampton, & one aboue Kings thorpe, from whence it goeth to
 [Sidenote: Vedunus.]
 Dallington, and so to Northhampton, where it receiueth the Wedon. And
 here I will staie, till I haue described this riuer. The Wedon
 therefore riseth at Faulesse in master Knightlies pooles, and in
 Badbie plashes also are certeine springs that resort vnto this
 streame. Faulesse pooles are a mile from Chareton, where the head of
 Chare riuer is, that runneth to Banberie. There is but an hill called
 Alberie hill betwéene the heads of these two riuers.

 From the said hill therefore the Wedon directeth his course to Badbie,
 Newenham, Euerton, Wedon, betwixt which and Floretowne, it receiueth
 [Sidenote: Florus.]
 the Florus (a pretie water rising of foure heads, whereof the one is
 at Dauentrie, another at Watford, the third at long Bucke, the fourth
 aboue Whilton) and then passeth on to Heiford, Kislingberie, Vpton,
 and so to Northhampton, where it falleth into the Auon, receiuing
 [Sidenote: Bugius.]
 finallie by the waie the Bugbrooke water at Heiford, Patshall water
 néere Kislingberie, and finallie Preston water beneath Vpton, which
 running from Preston by Wootton, méeteth at the last with Milton rill,
 and so fall into Auon. Now to resume the tractation of our Auon. From
 Northhampton therefore it runneth by Houghton, great Billing,
 Whitstone, Dodington, and Willingborow, where we must staie a while:
 for betweene Willingborow and Higham ferries, it receiueth a pretie
 [Sidenote: Kilis.]
 water comming from about Kilmarsh, which going by Ardingworth,
 Daisborow, Rusheton, Newton, Gaddington, Boughton, Warketon,
 [Sidenote: Rother.]
 Kettering, Berton, and Burton, méeteth there with Rothwell water,
 which runneth west of Kettering to Hisham, the greater Haridon, and
 then into the Auon.

 Being therfore past Burton, our maine streame goeth to Higham Ferries,
 Artleborow, Ringsted, Woodford, and (méeting thereby with Cranford
 [Sidenote: Ocleie.]
 rill) to Thraxton, north whereof it ioineth also with the Ocleie
 water, that commeth from Sudborow and Lowicke, to old Vmkles, Waden
 ho, Pilketon, Toke (where it taketh in the Liueden becke) and so to
 Oundell, Cotterstocke, Tansoner, and betweene Tothering and Warmington
 [Sidenote: Corbie.]
 receiueth the Corbie water, which rising at Corbie, goeth by Weldon,
 Denethap, Bulwich, Bletherwijc, Fineshed, Axthorpe, Newton, Tothering,
 and so into the Auon. After this, the said Auon goeth to Elton,
 Massittgton, Yerwell, Sutton, Castor, Allerton, and so to Peterborow,
 where it diuideth it selfe into sundrie armes, and those into seuerall
 branches and draines, among the fennes and medowes, not possible
 almost to be numbred, before it méet with the sea on the one side of
 the countrie, and fall into the Ouze on the other.

 [Sidenote: Isis 3.]
 The Ouze, which Leland calleth the third Isis, falleth into the sea
 betwéene Mersland & Downeham. The chiefe head of this riuer ariseth
 néere to Stanes, from whence it commeth to Brackleie (sometime a noble
 towne in Northampton shire, but now scarselie a good village) and
 there taking in on the left hand one water comming from the parke
 [Sidenote: Sisa.]
 betwéene Sisam and Astwell (which runneth by Whitfield and Tinweston)
 [Sidenote: Imelus.]
 and another on the right from Imleie, it goeth on by Westbirie,
 Fulwell, water Stretford, Buckingham, and Berton, beneath which towne
 the Erin falleth into it, whereof I find this short description to be
 [Sidenote: Erin.]
 inserted here. The Erin riseth not farre from Hardwijc in
 Northamptonshire, from hence it goeth by Heth, Erinford, Godderington,
 Twiford, Steeple Cladon, & yer it come at Padbirie, méeteth with the
 [Sidenote: Garan.]
 Garan brooke descending from Garanburge, and so they go togither by
 Padbirie, till they fall into the Ouze, which carieth them after the
 confluence to Thorneton bridge (where they crosse another fall of
 water comming from Whitlewood forrest by Luffeld, Lecamsted and
 Foscot) and so to Beachampton, Culuerton, Stonie Stratford, and
 Woluerton.

 [Sidenote: Verus.]
 Here the Ouze méeteth with a water (called, as Leland coniectureth,
 the Vere or Were) on the left hand, as you go downewards, that commeth
 betwéene Wedon and Wexenham in Northamptonshire, and goeth by
 Towcester, and Alderton, and not farre from Woluerton and Hauersham
 into the foresaid Ouze, which goeth also from hence to
 Newportpaganell, where in like sort I must staie a while till I haue
 [Sidenote: Cle aliàs Claius.]
 described another water, named the Clée, by whose issue the said
 streame is not a little increased. This riuer riseth in the verie
 confines betwéene Buckingham and Bedfordshires, not farre from
 Whippesnade, and going on toward the northwest, by Eaton and Laiton,
 it commeth to Linchlade, where it entreth whollie into
 Buckinghamshire, and so goeth on by Hammond, Brickle, Fennie
 Stratford, Simpson, Walton and Middleton, beneath which it receiueth
 [Sidenote: Saw.]
 the Saw from aboue Halcot, and so goeth on till it meet with the Ouze
 néere vnto Newport, as I haue said. Being vnited therefore, we set
 forward from the said towne, and follow this noble riuer, to
 Lathbirie, Thuringham, Filgrane, Lawndon, Newington, Bradfield on the
 one side, and Turueie on the other, till it come at length to Bedford
 after manie windlesses, and then méeteth with another streame, which
 is increased with so manie waters, that I was inforced to make an
 imagined staie here also, and view their seuerall courses, supposing
 my selfe to looke downe from the highest steeple in Bedford, whence
 (as best meane to view anie countrie wheresoeuer) I note the same as
 followeth.

 Certes on the east side, where I began this speculation, I saw one
 that came from Potton, and met withall néere Becliswade: another that
 grew of two waters, wherof one descended from Baldocke, the other from
 Hitchin, which ioined beneth Arleseie, and thence went to Langford and
 [Sidenote: These rise not far from Michelborow
 & one of them in Higham parke.]
 Edworth. The third which I beheld had in like sort two heads, wherof
 one is not farre from Wood end, the other from Wooburne (or Howburne),
 and ioining about Flitwijc, they go to Flitton (where they receiue
 Antill brooke) and so by Chiphill, and Chicksand, they come to
 Shafford, from whence taking the aforsaid Langford water with them,
 they go foorth by Becliswade, Sandie, Blumham, and neere vnto
 Themisford are vnited with the Ouze. And now to our purpose againe.

 [Sidenote: Verus or the Were.]
 After this the Ouze goeth by Berkeford, to Winteringham (méeting there
 with the Wareslie becke) and so runneth to S. Neotes (or saint Nedes,
 [Sidenote: Stoueus.]
 in old time Goluesburg, as Capgraue saith In vita Neoti) to Paxston,
 Offordes, and so to Godmanchester, in old time called Gumicester,
 which (as it should séeme) hath béene a towne of farre greater
 countenance than at this present it is; for out of the ruines thereof
 much Romane coine is found, and sometimes with the image of C. Antius
 which hath long haire, as the Romans had before they receiued barbars
 into their citie, and therevnto the bones of diuerse men of farre
 greater stature than is credible to be spoken of in these daies. But
 what stand I vpon these things? From hence therfore our water goeth on
 to Huntingdon, Wilton, saint Iues, Holiwell, and Erith, receiueth in
 [Sidenote: Stoueus.]
 [Sidenote: Helenus.]
 [Sidenote: Elmerus.]
 the meane time the Stow (néere vnto little Paxton) and likewise the
 Ellen, and the Emmer, in one chanell a little by west of Huntingdon.

 Finallie, the maine streame spreading abroad into the Fennes, I cannot
 tell into how manie branches, neither how manie Ilets are inforced by
 the same; although of Iles, Marshland, Ancarig or Ancarie be the
 chiefe, and of which this later is called Crowland (as Crowland also
 hight thornie A cruda terra, or store of bushes saith Hugo le Blanc)
 sometime growing in the same, and Ancarijc because sundrie Ancres haue
 liued & borne great swaie therein. But howsoeuer this case standeth,
 this is certeine, that after it hath thus delited it selfe with
 ranging a while about the pleasant bottoms & lower grounds, it méeteth
 with the Granta, from whence it goeth with a swift course vnto
 Downeham. Betwéene it also and the Auon, are sundrie large meeres or
 plashes, by southwest of Peterborow full of powts and carpes, whereof
 [Sidenote: Riuelus.]
 Whittleseie méere, and Ramseie méere (whereinto the Riuall falleth),
 that commeth from aboue Broughton, Wiston, and great Riuelleie) are
 said to be greatest. Of all the riuers that run into this streame,
 [Sidenote: Granta.]
 that called Granta (whereof the whole countie in old time was called
 Grantabrycshire, as appéereth by the register of Henrie prior of
 Canturburie) is the most noble and excellent, which I will describe
 euen in this place, notwithstanding that I had earst appointed it vnto
 my second booke. But for somuch as a description of Ouze and Granta
 were deliuered me togither, I will for his sake that gaue them me, not
 separate them now in sunder.

 The verie furthest head and originall of this riuer is in Henham, a
 large parke belonging to the earle of Sussex, wherein (as the
 townesmen saie) are foure springs that run foure sundrie waies into
 the maine sea. Leland sought not the course of this water aboue
 Newport pond, and therefore in his commentaries vpon the song of the
 swan, he writeth thereof after this maner insuing. Although doctor
 Iohn Caius the learned physician, and some other are of the opinion,
 that this riuer comming from Newport, is properlie to be called the
 Rhée: but I may not so easilie dissent from Leland, whose iudgement in
 my mind is by a great deale the more likelie. Harken therefore what he
 saith.

 The head of Grantha or Granta, is in the pond at Newport, a towne of
 the east Saxons, which going in a bottome beside the same, receiueth a
 pretie rill, which in the middest thereof dooth driue a mill, and
 descendeth from Wickin Bonhant, that standeth not farre from thence.
 Being past Newport, it goeth alongst in the lower ground, vntill it
 come to Broke Walden, west of Chipping Walden (now Saffron Walden)
 hard by the lord Awdleis place, where the right honorable Thomas
 Howard with his houshold doo soiourne, and sometime stood an abbeie of
 Benedictine moonks, before their generall suppression. From Awdleie
 end it goeth to Littleburie, the lesse and greater Chesterfords,
 Yealdune, Hincstone, Seoston or Sawson, and néere vnto Shaleford
 [Sidenote: Babren.]
 receiueth the Babren that commeth by Linton, Abbington, Babrenham, and
 Stapleford: and so going forward it commeth at the last to
 Trompington, which is a mile from Cambridge. But yer it come
 altogither to Trompington, it méeteth with the Barrington water, as
 [Sidenote: Rhée.]
 Leland calleth it, but some other the Rhee (a common name to all
 waters in the Saxon speech) whereof I find this description, to be
 touched by the waie. The Rhée riseth short of Ashwell in
 Hertfordshire, and passing under the bridge betweene Gilden Mordon and
 Downton, and leauing Tadlow on the west side (as I remember) it goeth
 toward Crawden, Malton, Barrington, Haselingfield, and so into Granta,
 taking sundrie rills with him from south and southwest, as Wendie
 water southwest of Crawden, Whaddon brooke southwest of Orwell,
 Mildred becke southwest of Malton, and finallie the Orme which commeth
 out of Armington or Ormendum well, and goeth by Fulmere and Foxton,
 and falleth into the same betweene Barrington and Harleston, or
 Harston; as they call it.

 Now to procéed with our Granta. From Trompington on the one side, and
 Grantcester, on the other, it hasteth to Cambridge ward, taking the
 Burne with it by the waie, which descendeth from a castell of the same
 denomination, wherein the Picotes and Peuerels sometime did inhabit.
 Thence it goeth by sundrie colleges in Cambridge, as the queenes
 college, the kings college, Clare hall, Trinitie college, S. Johns,
 &c: vnto the high bridge of Cambridge, and betwéene the towne and the
 [Sidenote: Sturus.]
 castell to Chesterton, and receiuing by and by the Stoure, or Sture
 (at whose bridge the most famous mart in England is yearlie holden and
 kept) from Chesterton it goeth to Ditton, Milton, and yer long méeting
 with two rilles (from Bottesham and Wilberham, in one bottome) it
 runneth to Horningseie, & Water Bech: and finallie here ioining with
 [Sidenote: Bulbecke.]
 the Bulbecke water, it goeth by Dennie, and so forth into the Ouze,
 fiftéene miles from Cambridge, as Leland hath set downe. And thus much
 of the third Isis or Ouze, out of the aforesaid author: wherevnto I
 haue not onelie added somewhat of mine owne experience, but also of
 other mens notes, whose diligent obseruation of the course of this
 riuer hath not a little helped me in the description of the same. Now
 it resteth that we come neerer to the coast of Northfolke, and set
 foorth such waters as we passe by vpon the same, wherein I will deale
 so preciselie as I may: and so farre will I trauell therein, as I hope
 shall content euen the curious reader: or if anie fault be made, it
 shall not be so great, but that after some trauell in the finding, it
 shall with ease be corrected.

 The first riuer that therefore we come vnto, after we be past the
 confluence of Granta, and the Ouze, and within the iurisdiction of
 [Sidenote: Burne.]
 Northfolke, is called the Burne. This streame riseth not verie farre
 from Burne Bradfield, aboue the greater Wheltham, and from thence it
 goeth on to Nawnton, Burie, Farneham Martin, Farneham Alhallowes,
 Farneham Genouefa, Hengraue, Flemton, Lackeford, Icklingham, and to
 [Sidenote: Dale.]
 Milden hall: a little beneath which, it meeteth with the Dale water,
 that springeth not farre from Catilege, and going by Asheleie, Moulton
 (a benefice as the report goeth not verie well prouided for) to
 Kenford, Kenet, Bradingham, Frekenham, it falleth at the last not
 farre from Iselham into the Burne, from whence they go togither as one
 into the Ouze. With the Burne also there ioineth a water comming from
 about Lidgate, a little beneath Iselham, and not verie far from
 Mildenhall.

 [Sidenote: Dunus.]
 The Dune head, and rising of Wauenheie, are not much in sunder: for as
 it is supposed, they are both not farre distant from the bridge
 betwéene Loph[=a]m and Ford, wherby the one runneth east and the other
 west, as I haue béene informed. The Dune goeth first of all by
 Feltham, then to Hopton, & to Kinets hall, where it meeteth with a
 water c[=o]ming out of a lake short of Banham (going, by Quiddenham,
 Herling, Gasthorpe) and so on, both in one chanell, they run to
 Ewston. Here they méet in like sort, with another descending from two
 heads, wherof the one is néere vnto Pakenham, the other to Tauestocke,
 as I heare. Certes these heads ioine aboue Ilesworth, not farre from
 Stow Langtoft, from whence they go to Yxworth, Thorpe, Berdwell,
 Hunnington, Fakenham, and so into the Dune at Ewston; as I said. From
 hence also they hasten to Downeham, which of this riuer dooth séeme to
 borow his name. South Rée rill I passe ouer as not worthie the
 description, because it is so small.

 [Sidenote: Bradunus fortè.]
 Next vnto this riuer on the south side is the Braden, or Bradunus,
 which riseth at Bradenham, and goeth by Necton, north Peckenham, south
 Peckenham, Kirsingham, Bedneie, Langford, Igbor, Munford, North Old,
 Stockebridge, Ferdham, Helgie, and so into the Ouze. The néerest vnto
 [Sidenote: Linus.]
 this is another which riseth about Lukeham, and from thence commeth to
 Lexham, Massingham, Newton, the castell Acre, Acres, Nerboe, Pentneie,
 Wrongeie, Rounghton (which at one time might haue béene my liuing if I
 would haue giuen sir Thomas Rugband money inough, but now it belongeth
 to Gundeuill and Caius college in Cambridge) Westchurch, and so to
 Linne. As so dooth also another by north of this, which commeth from
 [Sidenote: Congunus.]
 the east hilles by Congenham, Grimston, Bawseie, Gaiwood, whereof let
 this suffice. And now giue eare to the rest sith I am past the Ouze.
 Being past the mouth or fall of the Ouze, we méet next of all with the
 [Sidenote: Rising.]
 Rising chase water, which Ptolomie (as some thinke) doth call Metaris,
 [Sidenote: Ingell.]
 and descendeth from two heads, and also the Ingell that commeth from
 about Snetsham. From hence we go by the point of saint Edmund, and so
 hold on our course till we come vnto the Burne, which falleth into the
 sea by south from Waterden, and going betwéene the Crakes to Burnham
 Thorpe, and Burnham Norton, it striketh at the last into the sea; east
 of Burnham Norton a mile at the least, except my coniecture doo faile
 [Sidenote: Glouius.]
 me. The Glow or Glowie riseth not far from Baconsthorpe, in the
 hundred of Tunsted; & going by and by into Holt hundred, it passeth by
 Hunworth, Thornage, Glawnsford, Blackneie, Clare, and so into the sea,
 receiuing there at hand also a rill by east, which descendeth from the
 hilles lieng betwéene Killing towne and Waiburne.

 [Sidenote: Wantsume.]
 The Wantsume riseth in Northfolke at Galesend in Holt hundred, from
 whence it goeth to Watersend, Townton, Skelthorpe, Farneham,
 Pensthorpe, Rieburg, Ellingham, and Billingsford. And here it
 receiueth two waters in one bottome, of which the first goeth by
 Stanfield and Beteleie, the other by Wandling and Gressonhall, and so
 run on ech his owne waie, till they méet at Houndlington, southwest of
 Billingsford with the Wantsume. From hence they go all togither to
 Below, Ieng, Weston, and Moreton; but yer it come to Moreton, it
 [Sidenote: Yocus.]
 méeteth with the Yowke, which (issuing about Yexham) goeth by
 Matteshall and Barrow. After this the said Wantsume goeth on by
 Ringland, and so to Norwich the pontificall sée of the bishop, to
 whome that iurisdiction apperteineth, which seemeth by this memoriall
 yet remaining in the corrupted name of the water, to be called in old
 time Venta, or (as Leland addeth) Venta Icenorum. But to procéed.
 Beneath Norwich also it receiueth two waters in one chanell, which I
 will seuerallie describe, according to their courses, noting their
 confluence to be at Bixleie, within two miles of Norwich, except my
 annotation deceiue me. The first of these hath two heads wherof one
 mounteth vp southwest of Whinborow, goeth by Gerneston, and is the
 [Sidenote: Hierus.]
 [Sidenote: Gerus.]
 verie Hiere or Yare that drowneth the name of Wantsume, so soone as he
 meeteth withall. The other head riseth at Wood in Mitford hundred, and
 after confluence with the Hiere at Caston, going by Brandon, Bixton,
 Berford, Erleham, Cringlefield (not farre from Bixleie as I said) doth
 méet with his companion, which is the second to be described as
 followeth. It hath two heads also that méet northwest of Therstane;
 and hereof the one commeth from Findon hall, by Wrenningham from about
 Wotton, by Hemnall, Fretton, Stretton, and Tasborow, till they ioine
 at Therston, as I gaue notice aforehand. From Therston therefore they
 go togither in one to Newton, Shotesham, Dunston, Castor, Arminghale,
 Bixleie, Lakenham, and Trowse, and then fall into the Wantsume beneath
 Norwich, which hereafter is named Hiere. The Hiere, Yare, or Gare
 therefore proceeding in his voiage, as it were to salute his grandame
 the Ocean, goeth from thence by Paswijc, Surlingham, Claxton, and
 Yardleie; and here it meeteth againe with another riueret descending
 from about Shotesham to Therstane, Shedgraue, Hockingham, and so into
 Gare or Yare, whereof Yardleie the towne receiueth denomination. After
 this it goeth to Frethorpe, and aboue Burgh castell meeteth with the
 [Sidenote: Wauen.]
 Waueneie, and so into the sea.

 [Sidenote: Bure.]
 Into this riuer also falleth the Bure, which rising at a towne of the
 same name, passeth by Milton, Buresdune, Corpesteie, Marington,
 Blekeling, Bure, Alesham, Brampton, Buxton, Horsted, Werxham bridge,
 [Sidenote: Thurinus.]
 Horning, Raneworth; and beneath Bastewijc receiueth the Thurine which
 riseth aboue Rolesbie; then to Obie, Clipsbie (there also receiuing
 another from Filbie) Rimham, Castor, and by Yarmouth into the Ocean.
 The Waueneie afore mentioned, riseth on the south side of Brisingham,
 and is a limit betweene Northfolke and Suffolke. Going therefore by
 Dis, Starton, not farre from Octe, it méeteth with the Eie, which
 riseth néere Ockold, or betwéene it and Braisworth, & goeth on by
 [Sidenote: Wauen.]
 Brome, Octe, and so into the Waueneie. From thence our Waueneie
 runneth by Silam, Brodish, Nedam, Harleston, Rednam, Alborow, Flixton,
 Bungeie, Sheepemedow, Barsham, Beckles, Albie, & at Whiteacre (as I
 heare) parteth in twaine, or receiuing Milford water (which is most
 [Sidenote: Einus.]
 likelie) it goeth along by Somerleie, Hormingfléet, S. Olaues, (there
 [Sidenote: Fritha.]
 receiuing the Frithstane or Fristan brooke, out of low or litle
 England) Fristan & Burgh castell, where it méeteth with the Hiere, &
 from thencefoorth accompanieth it (as I said) vnto the sea. Willingham
 water commeth by Hensted, Einsted, or Enistate, and falleth into the
 sea by south of Kesland.

 [Sidenote: Cokelus.]
 The Cokell riseth south southwest of Cokeleie towne in Blithe hundred,
 and neere vnto Hastelworth it meeteth with the rill that commeth from
 Wisset, and so going on togither by Wenhaston, and Bliborow, it
 falleth into the sea at an hauen betwéene Roidon and Walderswicke. A
 little rill runneth also thereinto from Eston by Sowold, and another
 from Dunwich, by Walderswijke: and hereby it wanteth little that Eston
 Nesse is not cut off and made a pretie Iland.

 [Sidenote: Ford.]
 The Ford riseth at Poxford, and going by Forderleie, and Theberton, it
 [Sidenote: Orus.]
 falleth at last into Mismere créeke. Into the Oreford hauen runneth
 one water comming from Aldborow ward, by a narrow passage from the
 [Sidenote: Fromus.]
 north into the south. By west wherof (when we are past a little Ile)
 it receiueth the second, descending from betwéene Talingston and
 Framingham in Plomes hundred; which c[=o]ming at last to Marleford,
 [Sidenote: Glema.]
 meeteth with a rill southwest of Farnham called the Gleme (that
 commeth by Rendlesham, the Gleinhams) and so passing foorth, it taketh
 another at Snapesbridge, comming from Carleton by Saxmundham,
 [Sidenote: Iken, or Ike.]
 Sternefield & Snape. Then going to Iken (where it méeteth with the
 third rill at the west side) it fetcheth a compasse by Sudburne east
 of Orford, and so into the hauen. Next vnto this by west of Orford,
 there runneth vp another créeke by Butleie, whereinto the waters
 comming from Cellesford, and from the Ike, doo run both in one
 bottome. And thus much of Orford hauen.

 [Sidenote: Deua.]
 The Deue riseth in Debenham, in the hundred of Hertesméere, and from
 thence goeth to Mickford, Winston, Cretingham, Lethringham, Wickham,
 hitherto still creeping toward the south: but then going in maner full
 south, it runneth neere vnto Ash, Rendlesham, Vfford, Melton, and
 Woodbridge, beneath which it receiueth on the west side, a water
 comming of two heads, wherof one is by north from Oteleie, and the
 other by south from Henleie, which ioining west of Mertelsham, go vnto
 the said towne and so into the Deue, east of Mertelsham abouesaid.
 [Sidenote: Clarus fons.]
 From thence the Deue goeth by Waldringfield and Henleie, and méeting
 soone after with Brightwell brooke, it hasteth into the maine sea,
 leauing Bawdseie on the east, where the fall therof is called Bawdseie
 hauen.

 [Sidenote: Vrus.]
 Vre riseth not farre from Bacton, in Hertesmeere hundred, and thense
 descendeth into Stow hundred by Gipping Newton, Dagworth, Stow
 (beneath which it méeteth with a water comming from Rattlesden, by one
 house) and so going on to Nedeham (through Bosméere and Claidon
 hundreds) to Blakenham, Bramford, Ypswich, receiuing beneath Stoke,
 which lieth ouer against Ypswich, the Chatsham water, that goeth by
 Belsted, and so into the Vre, at the mouth whereof is a maruellous
 deepe and large pit, whereof some marriners saie that they could neuer
 find the bottome, and therefore calling it a well, and ioining the
 name of the riuer withall, it commeth to passe that the hauen there is
 called Vrewell, for which in these daies we doo pronounce it Orwell.
 Into this hauen also the Sture or Stoure hath readie passage, which
 remaineth in this treatise next of all to be described.

 [Sidenote: Sturus.]
 The Sture or Stoure parteth Essex from Suffolke, as Houeden saith, and
 experience confirmeth. It ariseth in Suffolke, out of a lake neere
 vnto a towne called Stourméere. For although there come two rilles
 vnto the same, whereof the one descendeth from Thirlo, the Wratings
 and Ketton, the other from Horshed parke, by Hauerill, &c: yet in
 summer time they are often drie, so that they cannot be said to be
 perpetuall heads vnto the aforesaid riuer. The Stoure therefore
 (being, as I take it, called by Ptolomie, Edomania, for thereon toward
 the mouth standeth a prettie towne named Manitrée, which carieth some
 shadow of that ancient name thereof vnto this daie, if my coniecture
 be any thing) ariseth at Stouremeere, which is a poole conteining
 twentie acres of ground at the least, the one side whereof is full of
 alders, the other of réeds, wherin the great store of fish there bred,
 is not a little succoured. From this méere also it goeth to Bathorne
 bridge, to Stocke clare, Cawndish, Pentlo, Paules Beauchampe, Milford,
 Foxerth, Buresleie, Sudburie, Bures, Boxsted, Stoke, Nailand, Lanham,
 Dedham, Strotford, east Barfold, Brampton, Manitree, Catwade bridge,
 and so into the sea, where in the verie fall also it ioineth with
 Orwell hauen, so néere that of manie they are reputed as one, and
 parted but by a shingle that dooth run along betwéene them: neither
 dooth it passe cléere in this voiage, but as it were often occupied by
 the waie, in receiuing sundrie brookes and rilles not héere to be
 omitted.

 For on Essex side it hath one from Hemsted, which goeth by Bumsted,
 and Birdbrooke: another rising short of Foxerth, that runneth by water
 Beauchampe, Brundon, and falleth into the same at Badlington, west of
 Sudburie: and the third that glideth by Horkesleie, and méeteth
 withall west of Boxsted. On the north, or vpon Suffolke side, it
 receiueth one descending from Catiledge, by Bradleie, Thurlow,
 Wratting, Kiddington, and at Hauerell falleth into this Sture. The
 second descendeth northward from Posling field, and ioineth therewith
 east of Clare. It was in old time called Cicux or Ceuxis, and it
 méeteth with the Stoure in such wise that they séeme to make a right
 angle, in the point almost wherof standeth a ruinous castell. Howbeit
 as sithence which time this water (in some mens iudgement) hath béene
 named Clarus (not so much for the greatnesse as clearnesse of the
 streame) even so the Stoure it selfe was also called Ens as they say,
 and after their confluence the whole Clarens, which giueth
 denomination to a duchie of this Iland of no small fame and honour.
 But these are but méere fables, sith the word Clare is deriued from
 the towne, wherein was an house of religion erected to one Clara, and
 Clarens brought from the same, because of an honour the prince had in
 those parties: which may suffice to know from whence the name
 proceedeth. The third ariseth of two heads, whereof one commeth from
 Wickham brooke, the other from Chedbar in Risbie hundred, and ioining
 about Stanfield, it goeth by Hawton, Somerton, Boxsted, Stansted, and
 north of Foxerth falleth into Stoure. The fourth issueth from betwéene
 the Waldingfields, and goeth by Edwardstone, Boxsted, Alington,
 Polsted, Stoke, and so at south Boxsted falleth into the same. The
 fift riseth northwest of Cockefield, and goeth to Cockefield, Laneham,
 [Sidenote: Kettle baston.]
 Brimsleie, Midling, and receiuing Kettle Baston water southwest of
 Chelsworth (and likewise the Breton that commeth from Bretenham, by
 Hitcheham, and Bisseton stréet on the south east of the same towne) it
 goeth in by Nedging, Aldham, Hadleie, Lainham, Shellie, Higham, and so
 into the Stoure. The sixt is a little rill descending southwest from
 Chappell. The seuenth riseth betweene Chappell and Bentleie, and going
 betwéene Tatingston, and Whetsted, Holbrooke, and Sutton, it falleth
 at length into Stoure, and from thence is neuer heard of.

 [Sidenote: Ocleie.]
 As for Ocleie Drill, that riseth betweene Ocleie, and Wikes parkes,
 and so goeth into the Stoure, on Essex side, west of Harwich, and east
 of Rée Ile; I passe it ouer, because it is of it selfe but a rill, and
 not of anie greatnesse, till it come to the mill aboue Ramseie bridge,
 where I was once almost drowned (by reason of the ruinous bridge which
 leadeth ouer the streame being there verie great) as an arme of the
 sea that continuallie ebbeth & floweth. Next vnto this, we came to
 [Sidenote: Mosa.]
 another that runneth south of Beaumont by Mosse, and falleth into the
 sea about the middest of the Baie, betwixt Harwich and the Naze.
 Betwixt the Naze also and the mouth of Colne, is another rill, which
 riseth at little Bentleie, and thence goeth to Tendring thorpe,
 [Sidenote: Claco.]
 through Clacton parke by great Holland, and east of little Holland,
 into the déepe sea.

 [Sidenote: Colunus.]
 The Colne hath three heads, whereof one is at Ouington that goeth by
 Tilberie, and east of Yeldam falleth into the chiefe head which riseth
 about Redgewell in Essex, from whence also it goeth to Yeldam and
 Hedingham, otherwise called Yngham: also Hedningham or Heuedingham,
 [Sidenote: * Sic.]
 [*] or Heuedingham of the superioritie which accrued therevnto,
 because the chiefe lords of the same from time to time kept residence
 in the towne. For Heued or Hed signifieth The chiefe, in the old
 English language, which in the name of this and manie other townes and
 villages yet standing in England cannot easilie be forgotten. The
 third falleth in south of Yeldam, and being once met all in one
 chanell, and called the Colne, it goeth (as I said) to Hedningham,
 Hawsted, Erles Colne, Wakes Colne, Fordon, Bardfold, Colchester, in
 old time Camalodunum, and so into the sea at Brickleseie. Some thinke
 that Colchester and Camalodunum are sundrie cities and situat in
 diuerse places, whereby Maldon (or Ithancester out of whose ruines the
 said towne of Maldon was erected) should rather be Camalodunum than
 Colchester, but hereof I cannot iudge. Indeed if (as Leland saith)
 Maldon should be written Malodunum, it were a likelihood that there
 assertions should be probable. Some reason also may be gathered for
 the same out of Dion, and such as make the Thames mouth to take his
 beginning at Colchester water. But I dare not presume to conclude any
 thing hereof, least I should séeme rashlie to take hold of euerie
 coniecture. This I relie vpon rather as a more certeintie, that in the
 first edition of this treatise I was persuaded, that the sea entring
 by the Colne made thrée seuerall passages fr[=o] thence into the land:
 but now I vnderstand that these are seuerall entrances and streames,
 of which the Colne is one, another is the Salcote water, which commeth
 in beneath the Stroud (a causeie that leadeth vnto Merseie Ile, ouer
 which the sea méeteth with a contrarie course) and the third the faire
 arme that floweth vnto Maldon, and all these thrée haue their falles
 either ouer against or néere vnto the aforesaid Ile, which at a low
 water is not halfe a mile from the shore. Into the Colne or Colunus
 also (whereof Leland thinketh Colchester to take his name, and not A
 colonia Romanorum, although I may not consent to him herein) doo run
 manie salt creekes beneath Fingering ho, of whose names sith I doo not
 know, nor whether they be serued with anie backewaters or not, I giue
 ouer to intreat anie further & likewise of their positions. Into that
 of Maldon runneth manie faire waters, whereof I will saie so much as I
 know to be true in maner by experience.

 [Sidenote: Gwin or Pant.]
 There is a pretie water that beginneth néere vnto Gwinbach or Winbeche
 church in Essex, a towne of old, and yet belonging to the Fitzwaters,
 taking name of Gwin, which is beautifull or faire, & Bache that
 signifieth a wood: and not without cause, sith not onelie the hilles
 on ech side of the said rillet, but all the whole paroch hath sometime
 abounded in woods; but now in manner they are vtterlie decaied, as the
 like commoditie is euerie where, not onelie thorough excessiue
 building for pleasure more than profit, which is contrarie to the
 ancient end of building; but also for more increase of pasture &
 commoditie to the lords of the soile, through their sales of that
 emolument, whereby the poore tenants are inforced to buie their
 fewell, and yet haue their rents in triple maner inhanced.) This said
 brooke runneth directlie from thence vnto Radwinter, now a parcell of
 your lordships possessions in those parts, descended from the
 Chamberleins, who were sometime chéefe owners of the same. By the waie
 also it is increased with sundrie pretie springs, of which Pantwell is
 the chéefe (whereof some thinke the whole brooke to be named Pant) and
 which (to saie the truth) hath manie a leasing fathered on the same.
 Certes by the report of common fame it hath béene a pretie water, and
 of such quantitie, that botes haue come in time past from Bilie abbeie
 beside Maldon vnto the moores in Radwinter for corne. I haue heard
 also that an anchor was found there neere to a red willow, when the
 water-courses by act of parlement were surueied and reformed
 throughout England, which maketh not a little with the aforesaid
 relation. But this is strangest of all, that a lord sometime of
 Winbech (surnamed the great eater, because he would breake his fast
 with a whole calfe, and find no bones therein as the fable goeth)
 falling at contention with the lord Iohn of Radwinter, could worke him
 none other iniurie, but by stopping vp the head of Pantwell, to put by
 the vse of a mill which stood by the church of Radwinter, and was
 serued by that brooke abundantlie. Certes I know the place where the
 mill stood, and some posts thereof doo yet remaine. But sée the malice
 of mankind, whereby one becommeth a woolfe vnto the other in their
 mischeeuous moodes. For when the lord saw his mill to be so spoiled,
 he in reuenge of his losse, brake the necke of his aduersarie, when he
 was going to horsebacke, as the constant report affirmeth. For the
 lord of Radwinter holding a parcell of his manour of Radwinter hall of
 the Fitzwaters, his sonne was to hold his stirrop at certeine times
 when he should demand the same. Shewing himselfe therefore prest on a
 time to doo his said seruice, as the Fitzwater was readie to lift his
 leg ouer the saddle, he by putting backe his foot, gaue him such a
 thrust that he fell backward, and brake his necke: wherevpon insued
 great trouble, till the matter was taken vp by publike authoritie; and
 that seruile office conuerted into a pound of pepper, which is trulie
 paid to this daie. But to leaue these impertinent discourses, and
 returne againe to the springs whereby our Pant or Gwin is increased.
 There is likewise another in a pasture belonging to the Grange, now in
 possession of William Bird esquier, who holdeth the same in the right
 of his wife, but in time past belonging to Tilteie abbeie. The third
 commeth out of the yard of one of your lordships manors there called
 Radwinter hall. The fourth from Iohn Cockswets house, named the
 Rotherwell, which running vnder Rothers bridge, méeteth with the Gwin
 or Pant on the northwest end of Ferrants meade, southeast of Radwinter
 church, whereof I haue the charge by your honours fauourable
 preferment.

 I might take occasion to speake of another rill which falleth into the
 Rother from Bendish hall: but bicause it is for the most part drie in
 summer I passe it ouer. Yet I will not omit to speake also of the
 manor which was the chiefe lordship sometime of a parish or hamlet
 called Bendishes, now worne out of knowledge, and vnited partlie to
 Radwinter, and partlie to Ashdon. It belonged first to the Bendishes
 gentlemen of a verie ancient house yet extant, of which one laieng the
 said manour to morgage to the moonks of Feuersham, at such time as K.
 Edward the third went to the siege of Calis, thereby to furnish
 himselfe the better toward the seruice of his prince, it came to passe
 that he staied longer beyond the sea than he supposed. Wherevpon he
 came before his daie to confer with his creditors, who commending his
 care to come out of debt, willed him in friendlie maner not to suspect
 anie hard dealing on their behalfes, considering his businesse in
 seruice of the king was of it selfe cause sufficient, to excuse his
 delaie of paiment vpon the daie assigned. Herevpon he went ouer againe
 vnto the siege of Calis. But when the daie came, the moonks for all
 this made seisure of the manour, and held it continuallie without anie
 further recompense, maugre all the friendship that the aforesaid
 Bendish could make. The said gentleman also tooke this cousening part
 in such choler, that he wrote a note yet to be séene among his
 euidences, whereby he admonisheth his posteritie to beware how they
 trust either knaue moonke or knaue frier, as one of the name and
 descended from him by lineall descent hath more than once informed me.
 Now to resume our springs that méet and ioine with our Pant.

 [Sidenote: Froshwell.]
 The next is named Froshwell. And of this spring dooth the whole
 hundred beare the name, & after this confluence the riuer it selfe
 whervnto it falleth (from by north) so farre as I remember. Certes,
 all these, sauing the first and second, are within your lordships
 towne aforesaid. The streame therefore running from hence (& now, as I
 said, called Froshwell, of Frosh, which signifieth a frog) hasteth
 immediatlie vnto old Sandford, then through new Sandford parke, and
 afterward with full streame (receiuing by the waie, the Finch brooke
 that commeth thorough Finchingfield) to Shalford, Bocking, Stifted,
 Paswijc, and so to Blackewater, where the name of Froshwell ceaseth,
 the water being from hencefoorth (as I heare) commonlie called
 Blackwater, vntill it come to Maldon, where it falleth into the salt
 arme of the sea that beateth vpon the towne; and which of some (except
 I be deceiued) is called also Pant: and so much the rather I make this
 conjecture, for that Ithancester stood somewhere vpon the banks
 thereof, & in the hundred of Danseie, whose ruines (as they saie) also
 are swalowed vp by the said streame, which can not be verified in our
 riuer that runneth from Pantwell, which at the mouth and fall into the
 great current, excéedeth not (to my coniecture) aboue one hundred
 foot. But to returne to our Pant, alias the Gwin. From Blackwater it
 goeth to Coxall, Easterford, Braxsted and Wickham, where it méeteth
 [Sidenote: Barus.]
 with the Barus, and so going togither as one, they descend to
 Heiebridge, and finallie into the salt water aboue Maldon, and at hand
 as is aforesaid. As for the Barus, it riseth in a statelie parke of
 Essex called Bardfield, belonging to sir Thomas Wroth whilest he
 liued, who hath it to him and his heires males for euer, from the
 crowne. Being risen, it hasteth directlie to old Saling Brainetrée,
 crossing a rillet by the waie comming from Raine, blacke Norleie,
 white Norleie, Falkeburne, Wittham, and falleth into the Blackewater
 beneath Braxsted on the south.

 [Sidenote: Chelmer.]
 Beside this, the said Pant or Gwin receiueth the Chelme or Chelmer,
 which ariseth also in Wimbech aforesaid, where it hath two heads: of
 which the one is not farre from Brodockes (where master Thomas Wiseman
 esquier dwelleth) the other nigh vnto a farme called Highams in the
 same paroch, and ioining yer long in one chanell, they hie them toward
 Thacsted vnder Prowds bridge, méeting in the waie with a rill comming
 from Boiton end, whereby it is somewhat increased. Being past
 Thacsted, it goeth by Tilteie, and soone after receiueth one rill
 [Sidenote: Lindis.]
 which riseth on the north side of Lindsell, & falleth into the Chelmer
 by northeast at Tilteie aforesaid, & another c[=o]ming from southwest,
 rising southeast from Lindsell at much Eiston. From thence then
 holding on still with the course, it goeth to Candfield the more,
 Dunmow, litle Dunmow, Falsted, Lies, both Walthams, Springfield, and
 so to Chelmeresford. Here vpon the south side I find the issue of a
 water that riseth fiue miles (or thereabouts) south and by west of the
 said towne, from whence it goeth to Munasing, Buttesburie (there
 receiuing a rill from by west, to Ingatstone, Marget Inge, Widford
 bridge, Writtle bridge, and so to Chelmeresford (crossing also the
 [Sidenote: Roxford.]
 second water that descendeth from Roxford southwest of Writtle by the
 waie) whereof let this suffice.

 From hence the Chelmer goeth directlie toward Maldon by Badow, Owting,
 Woodham water, Bilie, and so to Blackwater northwest of Maldon,
 receiuing neuerthelesse yer it come fullie thither, a becke also that
 [Sidenote: Lée.]
 goeth from Lée parke, to little Lées, great Lées, Hatfield, Peuerell,
 Owting, and so into Blackwater (whereof I spake before) as Maldon
 streame dooth a rill from by south ouer against saint Osithes, and
 also another by Bradwell. After which the said streame growing also to
 be verie great, passeth by the Tolshunts, Tollesbie, and so foorth
 into the maine sea neere vnto Marseie: betwéene which fall and the
 place where Salute water entreth into the land, Plautus abode the
 comming of Claudius sometime into Britaine, when he being hardlie
 beeset, did send vnto him for aid and spéedie succour, who also being
 come did not onelie rescue his legat, but in like manner wan
 Colchester, and put it to the spoile, if it be Camalodunum.

 [Sidenote: Burne.]
 The Burne riseth somewhere about Ronwell, and thence goeth to Hull
 bridge, south Fambridge, Kirkeshot ferrie, and so to Foulnesse. And as
 this is the short course of that riuer, so it brancheth, and the south
 arme thereof receiueth a water comming from Haukewell, to great
 Stanbridge, and beneath Pakesham dooth méet by south with the said
 arme, and so finish vp his course, as we doo our voiage also about the
 coast of England.

 Thus haue I finished the description of such riuers and streames as
 fall into the Ocean, according to my purpose, although not in so
 precise an order and manner of handling as I might, if information
 promised had been accordinglie performed; or others would, if they had
 taken the like in hand. But this will I saie of that which is here
 done, that from the Solueie by west, which parteth England & Scotland
 on that side; to the Twede, which separateth the said kingdoms on the
 east: if you go backeward, contrarie to the course of my description,
 you shall find it so exact, as beside a verie few by-riuers, you shall
 not need to vse anie further aduise for the finding and falles of the
 aforesaid streames. For such hath beene my helpe of maister Sackfords
 cardes, and conference with other men about these, that I dare
 pronounce them to be perfect and exact. Furthermore, this I haue also
 to remember, that in the courses of our streames, I regard not so much
 to name the verie towne or church, as the limits of the paroch. And
 therefore if I saie it goeth by such a towne, I thinke my dutie
 discharged, if I hit vpon anie part or parcell of the paroch. This
 also hath not a little troubled me, I meane the euill writing of the
 names of manie townes and villages: of which I haue noted some one
 man, in the description of a riuer, to write one towne two or thrée
 manner of waies, whereby I was inforced to choose one (at aduenture
 most commonlie) that séemed the likeliest to be sound in mine opinion
 and iudgement.

 Finallie, whereas I minded to set downe an especiall chapter of ports
 and créeks, lieng on ech coast of the English part of this Ile; and
 had prouided the same in such wise as I iudged most conuenient: it
 came to passe, that the greater part of my labour was taken from me by
 stealth, and therefore as discouraged to meddle with that argument, I
 would haue giuen ouer to set downe anie thing therefore at all: and so
 much the rather, for that I sée it may prooue a spurre vnto further
 mischéefe, as things come to passe in these daies. Neuerthelesse,
 because a little thereof is passed in the beginning of the booke, I
 will set downe that parcell thereof which remaineth, leauing the
 supplie of the rest either to my selfe hereafter, (if I may come by
 it) or to some other that can better performe the same.




 OF SUCH PORTS AND CREEKS AS OUR SEAFARING-MEN DOO NOTE FOR THEIR
 BENEFIT UPON THE COASTS OF ENGLAND.

 CHAP. XVII.


 It maie be that I haue in these former chapters omitted sundrie hauens
 to be found vpon the shore of England, and some of them serued with
 backe waters, through want of sound and sufficient information from
 such as haue written vnto me of the same. In recompense whereof I haue
 thought good to adde this chapter of ports and creekes, whereby (so
 farre as to me is possible) I shall make satisfaction of mine
 ouersights. And albeit I cannot (being too too much abused by some
 that haue béereft me of my notes in this behalfe) bring my purpose to
 passe for all the whole coast of England round about, from Berwike to
 the Solue: yet I will not let to set downe so much as by good hap
 remaineth, whereby my countriemen shall not altogither want that
 benefit, hoping in time to recouer also the rest, if God grant life
 and good successe thereto.

 [Sidenote: Northumberland.]
 In Northumberland therefore we haue Berwike, Holie Iland, Bamborow,
 Bedwell, Donstanborow, Cocket Iland, Warkeworth, Newbiggin, Almow,
 Blithes nuke, and Tinmouth hauen.

 [Sidenote: Durham.]
 In the bishoprijc, Sonderland, Stocketon, Hartlepoole, These.

 [Sidenote: Yorkeshire.]
 In Yorkeshire, Dapnam sands, Steningreene, Staies, Runswike,
 Robinhoods baie, Whitbie, Scarborow, Fileie, Flamborow, Bricklington,
 Horneseie becke, Sister kirke, Kelseie, Cliffe, Pattenton, Holmes,
 Kenningham, Pall, Hidon, Hulbrige, Beuerlie, Hull, Hasell,
 Northferebie, Bucke créeke, Blacke cost, Wrethell, Howden.

 [Sidenote: Lincolneshire.]
 In Lincolneshire, Selbie, Snepe, Turnebrige, Rodiffe, Catebie,
 Stockwith, Torkeseie, Gainsborow, Southferebie, Barton a good point,
 Barrow a good hauen, Skatermill a good port, Penningham, Stalingborow
 a good hauen, Guimsbie a good port, Clie, March chappell, Saltfléete,
 Wilgripe, Mapleford, saint Clements, Wenfléete, Friscon, Toft,
 Skerbike, Boston, Frompton, Woluerton, Fossedike a good hauen.

 [Sidenote: Northfolke.]
 In Northfolke, Linne a good hauen, Snatchham, Hitchham, Desingham
 good, Thunstone, Thorneham good, Brankester good, Burnham good, with
 diuers townes and villages thereto belonging, Welles good, Strikeie,
 Marston, Blakeleie towne, Withon Claie, Blakelie hauen good, Salthouse
 créeke, Sheringham hith, Roughton, Cromer, Beston, Trinningham,
 Mounsleie, Bromwall, Haseborow, Wakesham, Eckelles, Winterton, Custer,
 Helmesleie, Okell, Vpton, Waibridge, Yarmouth, good all the waie to
 Norwich, with diuerse villages on the riuer side.

 [Sidenote: Suffolke.]
 In Suffolke, Becles, Bongeie, Southton, Corton, Gorton, Laistow a good
 port, Kirtill, Pakefield, Kasseldon, Bliborow, Coffe hith, Eston,
 Walderswijc, Donewich, Swold hauen, Sisewell, Thorpe, Alborow, Orford
 a good hauen, Balseie good, Felixstow, Colneie, Sproten, Ypswich,
 Downambridge good, Pinnemill, Shoteleie, Cataweie, Barfold.

 [Sidenote: Essex.]
 In Essex we haue Dedham, Maning trée, Thorne, Wrabbesnes, Ramseie,
 Harwich, Douercourt, Handford, Okeleie, Kirbie, Thorpe, Brichwill,
 Walton mill, Walton hall, Ganfléete, Newhauen good, S. Osithes,
 Bentleie good, Bricleseie, Thorlington (where good ships of a hundred
 tun or more be made) Alsford, Wiuenhall, Colchester, Cold hith, Rough
 hedge, Fingering ho, east Merseie, west Merseie, Salcot, Goldanger,
 Borow, Maldon, Stanesgate, Sudmester, S. Peters, Burnham, Crixseie,
 Aldon, Clements gréene, Hulbridge, Pacleston, Barling, litle Wakering,
 much Wakering, south Sudburie, Wakeringham, Melton, Papper hill, or
 Lee, Beamfléete, Pidseie range, Fobbing, Hadleie good, Mucking,
 Stanford, and Tilberie ferrie.

 [Sidenote: Kent.]
 In Kent, Harling, Cliffe, Tanfleete, Stokehow, Snodlond, Melhall,
 Maidston, Ailesford, New hith, Rochester, Gelingham, Reinham,
 Vpchurch, Halsted, Quinborow, Milton, Feuersham, Whitstaple, Herne,
 Margate, Brodestaier, Ramsgate; and manie of these good créekes: also
 Sandwich, Douer, Hide, reasonable ports, although none of the best.

 [Sidenote: Sussex.]
 In Sussex we haue Smalade with the créekes adioining to the same,
 Ridon, Appledoure, Rie a good hauen, and Winchelseie nothing at all
 inferiour to the same, and so manie shires onelie are left vnto me at
 this time, wherefore of force I must abruptlie leaue off to deale anie
 further with the rest, whose knowledge I am right sure would haue been
 profitable: and for the which I hoped to haue reaped great thankes at
 the hands of such sea-faring men, as should haue had vse hereof.

 _Desunt cætera._




 OF THE AIRE, SOILE, AND COMMODITIES OF THIS ILAND.

 CAP. XVIII.


 [Sidenote: The aire of Britaine.]
 The aire (for the most part) throughout the Iland is such, as by
 reason in maner of continuall clouds, is reputed to be grosse, and
 nothing so pleasant as that is of the maine. Howbeit, as they which
 affirme these things, haue onelie respect to the impediment or
 hinderance of the sunne beames, by the interposition of the clouds and
 oft ingrossed aire: so experience teacheth vs, that it is no lesse
 pure, wholesome, and commodious, than is that of other countries, and
 (as Cæsar himselfe hereto addeth) much more temperate in summer than
 that of the Galles, from whom he aduentured hither. Neither is there
 anie thing found in the aire of our region, that is not vsuallie séene
 amongst other nations lieng beyond the seas. Wherefore, we must néeds
 confesse, that the situation of our Iland (for benefit of the heauens)
 is nothing inferiour to that of anie countrie of the maine, where so
 euer it lie vnder the open firmament. And this Plutarch knew full
 well, who affirmeth a part of the Elisian fields to be found in
 Britaine, and the Iles that are situate about it in the Ocean.

 [Sidenote: The soile.]
 The soile of Britaine is such, as by the testimonies and reports both
 of the old and new writers, and experience also of such as now inhabit
 the same, is verie fruitfull; and such in deed as bringeth foorth
 manie commodities, whereof other countries haue néed, and yet it selfe
 (if fond nicenesse were abolished) néedlesse of those that are dailie
 brought from other places. Neuerthelesse it is more inclined to
 féeding and grasing, than profitable for tillage, and bearing of
 corne; by reason whereof the countrie is wonderfullie replenished with
 neat, and all kind of cattell: and such store is there also of the
 same in euerie place, that the fourth part of the land is scarselie
 manured for the prouision and maintenance of graine. Certes this
 fruitfulnesse was not vnknowne vnto the Britons long before Cæsars
 time, which was the cause wherefore our predecessors liuing in those
 daies in maner neglected tillage, and liued by féeding and grasing
 onelie. The grasiers themselues also then dwelled in mooueable
 villages by companies, whose custome was to diuide the ground amongst
 them, and each one not to depart from the place where his lot laie (a
 [Sidenote: Criacht.]
 thing much like to the Irish Criacht) till by eating vp of the
 countrie about him, he was inforced to remooue further, and séeke for
 better pasture. And this was the British custome (as I learne) at
 first. It hath béene commonlie reported, that the ground of Wales is
 neither so fruitfull as that of England, neither the soile of Scotland
 so bountifull as that of Wales: which is true, for corne and for the
 most part: otherwise, there is so good ground in some parts of Wales,
 as is in England, albeit the best of Scotland be scarselie comparable
 to the meane of either of both. Howbeit, as the bountie of the Scotish
 dooth faile in some respect, so dooth it surmount in other; God and
 nature hauing not appointed all countries to yéeld foorth like
 commodities.

 But where our ground is not so good as we would wish, we haue (if néed
 be) sufficient help to cherish our ground withall, and to make it more
 fruitfull. For beside the compest that is carried out of the
 husbandmens yards, ditches, ponds, doouehouses, or cities and great
 townes: we haue with vs a kind of white marle, which is of so great
 force, that if it be cast ouer a péece of land but once in thrée score
 years, it shall not need of anie further compesting. Hereof also dooth
 Plinie speake, lib. 17, cap. 6, 7, 8, where he affirmeth that our
 [Sidenote: Marle.]
 marle indureth vpon the earth by the space of fourescore yeares:
 insomuch that it is laid vpon the same but once in a mans life,
 whereby the owner shall not need to trauell twise in procuring to
 commend and better his soile. He calleth it Marga, and making diuerse
 kinds thereof, he finallie commendeth ours, and that of France, aboue
 all other, which lieth sometime a hundred foot déepe, and farre better
 than the scattering of chalke vpon the same, as the Hedni and Pictones
 did in his time, or as some of our daies also doo practise: albeit
 diuerse doo like better to cast on lime, but it will not so long
 indure, as I haue heard reported.

 [Sidenote: Plentie of riuers.]
 There are also in this Iland great plentie of fresh riuers and
 streams, as you haue heard alreadie, and these throughlie fraught with
 all kinds of delicate fish accustomed to be found in riuers. The whole
 [Sidenote: Hilles.]
 Ile likewise is verie full of hilles, of which some (though not verie
 manie) are of exceeding heigth, and diuerse extending themselues verie
 far from the beginning; as we may see by Shooters hill, which rising
 east of London, and not farre from the Thames, runneth along the south
 side of the Iland westward, vntill it come to Cornewall. Like vnto
 these also are the Crowdon hils, which though vnder diuers names (as
 also the other from the Peke) doo run into the borders of Scotland.
 What should I speake of the Cheuiot hilles, which reach twentie miles
 [Sidenote: (*) Here lacks.]
 in length? of the blacke mounteines in Wales, which go from (*) to (*)
 miles at the least in length? of the Cle hilles in Shropshire, which
 come within foure miles of Ludlow, and are diuided from some part of
 Worcester by the Teme? of the Grames in Scotland, and of our Chiltren,
 which are eightéene miles at the least from one end of them, which
 reach from Henlie in Oxfordshire to Dunstable in Bedfordshire, and are
 verie well replenished with wood and corne? notwithstanding that the
 most part yéeld a sweet short grasse, profitable for shéepe. Wherein
 albeit they of Scotland doo somewhat come behind vs, yet their outward
 defect is inwardlie recompensed, not onelie with plentie of quarries
 (and those of sundrie kinds of marble, hard stone, and fine alabaster)
 but also rich mines of mettall, as shall be shewed hereafter.

 [Sidenote: Winds.]
 In this Iland likewise the winds are commonlie more strong and fierce,
 than in anie other places of the maine, which Cardane also espied: and
 that is often séene vpon the naked hilles, not garded with trées to
 beare and kéepe it off. That grieuous inconuenience also inforceth our
 [Sidenote: Building.]
 nobilitie, gentrie, and communaltie, to build their houses in the
 vallies, leauing the high grounds vnto their corne and cattell, least
 the cold and stormie blasts of winter should bréed them greater
 annoiance: whereas in other regions each one desireth to set his house
 aloft on the hill, not onlie to be seene a farre off, and cast forth
 his beames of statelie and curious workemanship into euerie quarter of
 the countrie; but also (in hot habitations) for coldnesse sake of the
 aire, sith the heat is neuer so vehement on the hill top as in the
 vallie, because the reuerberation of the sunne beames either reacheth
 not so farre as the highest, or else becommeth not so strong as when
 it is reflected upon the lower soile.

 [Sidenote: Husbandrie amended.]
 But to leaue our buildings vnto the purposed place (which
 notwithstanding haue verie much increased, I meane for curiositie and
 cost, in England, Wales, and Scotland, within these few yeares) and to
 returne to the soile againe. Certeinelie it is euen now in these our
 daies growne to be much more fruitfull, than it hath béene in times
 past. The cause is for that our countriemen are growne to be more
 painefull, skilfull, and carefull through recompense of gaine, than
 heretofore they haue béene: insomuch that my Synchroni or time fellows
 can reape at this present great commoditie in a little roome; whereas
 of late yeares, a great compasse hath yéelded but small profit, and
 this onelie through the idle and negligent occupation of such, as
 dailie manured and had the same in occupieng. I might set downe
 examples of these things out of all the parts of this Iland, that is
 to saie, manie of England, more out of Scotland, but most of all out
 of Wales: in which two last rehearsed, verie little other food and
 liuelihood was wont to be looked for (beside flesh) more than the
 soile of it selfe, and the cow gaue; the people in the meane time
 liuing idelie, dissolutelie, and by picking and stealing one from
 another. All which vices are now (for the most part) relinquished, so
 that each nation manureth hir owne with triple commoditie, to that it
 was before time.

 [Sidenote: Pasture.]
 The pasture of this Iland is according to the nature and bountie of
 the soile, whereby in most places it is plentifull, verie fine,
 batable, and such as either fatteth our cattell with speed, or
 yéeldeth great abundance of milke and creame: whereof the yellowest
 butter and finest chéese are made. But where the blue claie aboundeth
 (which hardlie drinketh vp the winters water in long season) there the
 grasse is spearie, rough, and verie apt for brushes: by which occasion
 it commeth nothing so profitable vnto the owner as the other. The best
 pasture ground of all England is in Wales, & of all the pasture in
 Wales that of Cardigan is the cheefe. I speake of the same which is to
 be found in the mounteines there, where the hundred part of the grasse
 growing is not eaten, but suffered to rot on the ground, whereby the
 soile becommeth matted, and diuerse bogges and quicke moores made
 withall in long continuance: because all the cattell in the countrie
 are not able to eat it downe. If it be to be accompted good soile, on
 which a man may laie a wand ouer night, and on the morrow find it
 hidden and ouergrowen with grasse: it is not hard to find plentie
 thereof in manie places of this land. Neuertheless, such is the
 fruitfulnes of the aforsaid countie that it farre surmounteth this
 proportion, whereby it may be compared for batablenesse with Italie,
 which in my time is called the paradise of the world, although by
 reason of the wickednesse of such as dwell therein it may be called
 the sinke and draine of hell: so that whereas they were woont to saie
 of vs that our land is good but our people euill, they did but onlie
 speake it; whereas we know by experience that the soile of Italie is a
 noble soile, but the dwellers therein farre off from anie vertue or
 goodnesse.

 [Sidenote: Medowes.]
 Our medowes, are either bottomes (whereof we haue great store, and
 those verie large, bicause our soile is hillie) or else such as we
 call land meads, and borowed from the best & fattest pasturages. The
 first of them are yearelie & often ouerflowen by the rising of such
 streames as passe through the same, or violent falles of land-waters,
 that descend from the hils about them. The other are seldome or neuer
 ouerflowen, and that is the cause wherefore their grasse is shorter
 than that of the bottomes, and yet is it farre more fine, wholesome,
 and batable, sith the haie of our low medowes is not onelie full of
 sandie cinder, which breedeth sundrie diseases in our cattell, but
 also more rowtie, foggie, and full of flags, and therefore not so
 profitable for stouer and forrage as the higher meads be. The
 difference furthermore in their commodities is great, for whereas in
 our land meadowes we haue not often aboue one good load of haie, or
 peraduenture a little more in an acre of ground (I vse the word
 Carrucata or Carruca which is a waine load, and, as I remember, vsed
 by Plinie lib. 33. cap. 11.) in low meadowes we haue sometimes thrée,
 but commonlie two or vpward, as experience hath oft confirmed.

 Of such as are twise mowed I speake not, sith their later math is not
 so wholesome for cattell as the first; although in the mouth more
 pleasant for the time: for thereby they become oftentimes to be
 rotten, or to increase so fast in bloud, that the garget and other
 diseases doo consume manie of them before the owners can séeke out any
 remedie, by Phlebotomie or otherwise. Some superstitious fooles
 suppose that they which die of the garget are ridden with the night
 mare, and therefore they hang vp stones which naturallie haue holes in
 them, and must be found vnlooked for; as if such a stone were an apt
 cockeshot for the diuell to run through and solace himselfe withall,
 whilest the cattell go scot free and are not molested by him. But if I
 should set downe but halfe the toies that superstition hath brought
 into our husbandmens heads in this and other behalfes, it would aske a
 greater volume than is conuenient for such a purpose, wherefore it
 shall suffice to haue said thus much of these things.

 [Sidenote: Corne.]
 The yéeld of our corne-ground is also much after this rate folowing.
 Through out the land (if you please to make an estimat thereof by the
 acre) in meane and indifferent yeares, wherein each acre of rie or
 wheat, well tilled and dressed, will yeeld commonlie sixtéene or
 twentie bushels, an acre of barlie six and thirtie bushels, of otes
 and such like foure or fiue quarters, which proportion is
 notwithstanding oft abated toward the north, as it is oftentimes
 surmounted in the south. Of mixed corne, as peason and beanes, sowen
 togither, tares and otes (which they call bulmong) rie and wheat named
 miscelin here is no place to speake, yet their yéeld is neuerthelesse
 much after this proportion, as I haue often marked. And yet is not
 this our great foison comparable to that of hoter countries of the
 maine. But of all that euer I read, the increase which Eldred Danus
 writeth of in his De imperio Iudæorum in Aethiopia surmounteth, where
 he saith that in the field néere to the Sabbatike riuer, called in old
 time Gosan, the ground is so fertile, that euerie graine of barleie
 growing dooth yéeld an hundred kernels at the least vnto the owner.

 Of late yeares also we haue found and taken vp a great trade in
 planting of hops, whereof our moorie hitherto and vnprofitable grounds
 doo yeeld such plentie & increase, that their are few farmers or
 occupiers in the countrie, which haue not gardens and hops growing of
 their owne, and those farre better than doo come from Flanders vnto
 us. Certes the corruptions vsed by the Flemings, and forgerie dailie
 practised in this kind of ware, gaue vs occasion to plant them here at
 home: so that now we may spare and send manie ouer vnto them. And this
 I know by experience, that some one man by conuersion of his moorie
 grounds into hopyards, wherof before he had no commoditie, dooth raise
 yearelie by so little as twelue acres in compasse two hundred markes;
 all charges borne toward the maintenance of his familie. Which
 industrie God continue! though some secret fréends of Flemings let not
 to exclaime against this commoditie, as a spoile of wood, by reason of
 the poles, which neuerthelesse after three yeares doo also come to the
 fire, and spare their other fewell.

 [Sidenote: Cattell.]
 The cattell which we breed are commonlie such, as for greatnesse of
 bone, swéetnesse of flesh, and other benefits to be reaped by the
 same, giue place vnto none other: as may appeare first by our oxen,
 whose largenesse, height, weight, tallow, hides, and hornes are such,
 as none of anie other nation doo commonlie or may easilie excéed them.
 Our shéepe likewise for good tast of flesh, quantitie of lims, finesse
 of fléece caused by their hardnesse of pasturage, and abundance of
 increase (for in manie places they bring foorth two or thrée at an
 eaning) giue no place vnto anie, more than doo our goates, who in like
 sort doo follow the same order, and our déere come not behind. As for
 our conies, I haue séene them so fat in some soiles, especiallie about
 [Sidenote: Meall and Disnege.]
 Meall and Disnege, that the grease of one being weighed, hath peised
 verie néere six or seuen ounces. All which benefits we first refer to
 the grace and goodnesse of God, and next of all vnto the bountie of
 our soile, which he hath indued with so notable and commodious
 fruitfulnesse.

 But as I meane to intreat of these things more largelie hereafter, so
 will I touch in this place one benefit which our nation wanteth, and
 [Sidenote: Wine.]
 that is wine; the fault whereof is not in our soile, but the
 negligence of our countriemen (especiallie of the south partes) who
 doo not inure the same to this commoditie, and which by reason of long
 discontinuance, is now become vnapt to beare anie grapes almost for
 pleasure & shadow, much lesse then the plaine fields or seuerall
 vineyards for aduantage and commoditie. Yet of late time some haue
 assaied to deale for wine, as to your lordship also is right well
 knowen. But sith that liquor when it commeth to the drinking hath bin
 found more hard, than that which is brought from beyond the sea, and
 the cost of planting and keeping thereof so chargeable, that they may
 buie it far better cheape from other countries: they haue giuen ouer
 their enterprises without anie consideration, that as in all other
 things, so neither the ground it selfe in the beginning, nor successe
 of their trauell can answer their expectation at the first, vntill
 such time as the soile be brought as it were into acquaintance with
 this commoditie, and that prouision may be made for the more easinesse
 of charge, to be imploied vpon the same.

 If it be true, that where wine dooth last and indure well, there it
 will grow no worse: I muse not a little wherefore the planting of
 vines should be neglected in England. That this liquor might haue
 growne in this Iland heretofore, first the charter that Probus the
 emperour gaue equallie to vs, the Galles, and Spaniards, is one
 sufficient testimonie. And that it did grow here, beside the
 testimonie of Beda lib. 1. cap. 1. the old notes of tithes for wine
 that yet remaine in the accompts of some parsons and vicars in Kent, &
 elsewhere, besides the records of sundrie sutes, commensed in diuerse
 ecclesiasticall courts, both in Kent, Surrie, &c: also the inclosed
 parcels almost in euerie abbeie yet called the vineyardes, may be a
 notable witnesse, as also the plot which we now call east Smithfield
 in London giuen by Canutus sometime king of this land, with other
 soile there about vnto certeine of his knights, with the libertie of a
 Guild which therof was called Knighten Guild. The truth is (saith Iohn
 Stow our countrie man, and diligent traueller in the old estate of
 this my natiue citie) that it is now named Port soken ward, and giuen
 in time past to the religious house within Algate. Howbeit first
 Otwell, the Archouell, Otto, & finallie Geffrie erle of Essex
 constables of the Tower of London, withheld that portion fr[=o] the
 said house, vntill the reigne of king Stephan, and thereof made a
 vineyard to their great commoditie and lucre. The Ile of Elie also was
 in the first times of the Normans called Le Ile des vignes. And good
 record appéereth, that the bishop there had yearelie thrée or foure
 tunne at the least giuen him Nomine decimæ, beside whatsoeuer
 ouer-summe of the liquor did accrue to him by leases and other
 excheats, whereof also I haue seene mention. Wherefore our soile is
 not to be blamed, as though our nights were so exceeding short, that
 in August and September the moone which is ladie of moisture, & chiefe
 ripener of this liquor, cannot in anie wise shine long inough vpon the
 same: a verie méere toie and fable right worthie to be suppressed,
 because experience conuinceth the vpholders thereof euen in the
 Rhenish wines.

 [Sidenote: Wad.]
 The time hath béene also that wad, wherwith our countrie men died
 their faces (as Cæsar saith) that they might séeme terrible to their
 enimies in the field, and also women & their daughters in law did
 staine their bodies & go naked, in that pickle to the sacrifices of
 their gods, coueting to resemble therin the Ethiopians, as Plinie
 [Sidenote: Madder.]
 saith li. 22. cap. 1. and also madder haue béene (next vnto our tin
 and woolles) the chiefe commodities, and merchandize of this realme. I
 [Sidenote: Rape.]
 find also that rape oile hath beene made within this land. But now our
 soile either will not or at the leastwise may not beare either wad or
 madder: I saie not that the ground is not able so to doo, but that we
 are negligent, afraid of the pilling of our grounds, and carelesse of
 our owne profit, as men rather willing to buie the same of others than
 take anie paine to plant them here at home. The like I may saie of
 [Sidenote: Flax.]
 flax, which by law ought to be sowen in euerie countrie-towne in
 England, more or lesse: but I sée no successe of that good and
 wholesome law, sith it is rather contemptuouslie reiected than
 otherwise dutifullie kept in anie place of England.

 Some saie that our great number of lawes doo bréed a generall
 negligence and contempt of all good order; bicause we haue so manie,
 that no subiect can liue without the transgression of some of them,
 and that the often alteration of our ordinances dooth much harme in
 this respect, which (after Aristotle) doth séeme to carie some reason
 withall, for (as Cornelius Gallus hath:)

 [Sidenote: Eleg. 2.]

   Euentus varios res noua semper habet.

 But verie manie let not to affirme, that the gréedie corruption of the
 promoters on the one side, facilitie in dispensing with good lawes,
 and first breach of the same in the lawmakers & superiors, & priuat
 respects of their establishment on the other, are the greatest causes
 whie the inferiours regard no good order, being alwaies so redie to
 offend without anie facultie one waie, as they are otherwise to
 presume, vpon the examples of their betters when anie hold is to be
 [Sidenote: Principis longè magis exemplo quion culpa peccare solent.]
 taken. But as in these things I haue no skill, so I wish that fewer
 licences for the priuat commoditie but of a few were granted (not that
 thereby I denie the maintenance of the prerogatiue roiall, but rather
 would with all my hart that it might be yet more honorablie increased)
 & that euerie one which by féeed friendship (or otherwise) dooth
 attempt to procure oughts from the prince, that may profit but few and
 proue hurtfull to manie, might be at open assizes and sessions
 denounced enimie to his countrie and commonwealth of the land.

 Glasse also hath beene made here in great plentie before, and in the
 time of the Romans; and the said stuffe also, beside fine scissers,
 shéeres, collars of gold and siluer for womens necks, cruses and cups
 of amber, were a parcell of the tribute which Augustus in his daies
 laid vpon this Iland. In like sort he charged the Britons with
 certeine implements and vessels of iuorie (as Strabo saith.) Wherby it
 appéereth that in old time our countriemen were farre more industrious
 and painefull in the vse and application of the benefits of their
 countrie, than either after the comming of the Saxons or Normans, in
 which they gaue themselues more to idlenesse and following of the
 warres.

 [Sidenote: Earth.]
 If it were requisit that I should speake of the sundrie kinds of
 moold, as the cledgie or claie, whereof are diuerse sorts (red, blue,
 blacke and white) also the red or white sandie, the lomie, rosellie,
 grauellie, chalkie or blacke, I could saie that there are so manie
 diuerse veines in Britaine, as else where in anie quarter of like
 quantitie in the world. Howbeit this I must néeds confesse, that the
 sandie and cledgie doo beare great swaie: but the claie most of all,
 as hath beene, and yet is alwaies séene & felt through plentie and
 dearth of corne. For if this latter (I meane the claie) doo yeeld hir
 full increase (which it dooth commonlie in drie yeares for wheat) then
 is there generall plentie: wheras if it faile, then haue we scarsitie,
 according to the old rude verse set downe of England, but to be
 vnderstood of the whole Iland, as experience dooth confirme:

   When the sand dooth serue the claie,
   Then may we sing well awaie,
   But when the claie dooth serue the sand,
   Then is it merie with England.

 [Sidenote: Vallies.]
 I might here intreat of the famous vallies in England, of which one is
 called the vale of White horsse, another of Eouesham, commonlie taken
 for the granarie of Worcestershire, the third of Ailesbirie that goeth
 by Tame, the rootes of Chilterne hils, to Donstable, Newport panell,
 Stonie Stratford, Buckhingham, Birstane parke, &c. Likewise of the
 fourth of Whitehart or Blackemoore in Dorsetshire. The fift of
 Ringdale or Renidale, corruptlie called Ringtaile, that lieth (as mine
 author saith) vpon the edge of Essex and Cambridgeshire, and also the
 Marshwood vale: but for somuch as I know not well their seuerall
 limits, I giue ouer to go anie further in their description. In like
 [Sidenote: Fennes.]
 sort it should not be amisse to speake of our fennes, although our
 countrie be not so full of this kind of soile as the parties beyond
 the seas, to wit, Narbon, &c: and thereto of other pleasant botoms,
 the which are not onelie indued with excellent riuers and great store
 of corne and fine fodder for neat and horsses in time of the yeare
 (whereby they are excéeding beneficiall vnto their owners) but also of
 no small compasse and quantitie in ground. For some of our fens are
 well knowen to be either of ten, twelue, sixtéene, twentie, or thirtie
 miles in length, that of the Girwies yet passing all the rest, which
 is full 60 (as I haue often read.) Wherein also Elie the famous Ile
 standeth, which is seuen miles euerie waie, and wherevnto there is no
 accesse but by thrée causies, whose inhabitants in like sort by an old
 priuilege may take wood, sedge, turfe, &c; to burne: likewise haie for
 their cattell, and thatch for their houses of custome, and each
 occupier in his appointed quantitie through out the Ile; albeit that
 couetousnesse hath now begun somewhat to abridge this large
 beneuolence and commoditie, aswell in the said Ile as most other
 places of this land.

 [Sidenote: Commons.]
 Finallie, I might discourse in like order of the large commons, laid
 out heretofore by the lords of the soiles for the benefit of such
 poore, as inhabit within the compasse of their manors. But as the true
 intent of the giuers is now in most places defrauded, in so much that
 not the poore tenants inhabiting vpon the same, but their landlords
 haue all the commoditie and gaine, so the tractation of them belongeth
 rather to the second booke. Wherfore I meane not at this present to
 deale withall, but reserue the same wholie vnto the due place whilest
 I go forward with the rest; setting downe neuerthelesse by the waie a
 generall commendation of the whole Iland, which I find in an ancient
 monument, much vnto this effect.


   Illa quidem longè celebris splendore, beata,
   Glebis, lacte, fauis, supereminet insula cunctis,
   Quas regit ille Deus, spumanti cuius ab ore
   Profluit oceanus, &c.
   _And a little after_: Testis Lundonia ratibus, Wintonia Baccho,
   Herefordia grege, Worcestria fruge redundans,
   Batha lacu, Salabyra feris, Cantuaria pisce,
   Eboraca syluis, Excestria clara metallis,
   Norwicum Dacis hybernis, Cestria Gallis,
   Cicestrum Norwagenis, Dunelmia præpinguis,
   Testis Lincolnia gens infinita decore,
   Testis Eli formosa situ, Doncastria visu, &c.




 OF THE FOURE HIGH WAIES SOMETIME MADE IN BRITAINE BY THE PRINCES OF
 THIS ILAND.

 CAP. XIX.


 There are, which indeuoring to bring all things to their Saxon
 originall, doo affirme, that this diuision of waies, (whereof we now
 intreat) should apperteine vnto such princes of that nation as reigned
 here, since the Romanes gaue vs ouer: and herevpon they inferre, that
 Wattling street was builded by one Wattle from the east vnto the west.
 But how weake their coniectures are in this behalfe, the antiquitie of
 these streets it selfe shall easilie declare, whereof some parcelles,
 after a sort, are also set downe by Antoninus; and those that haue
 written of the seuerall iournies from hence to Rome: although
 peraduenture not in so direct an order as they were at the first
 established. For my part, if it were not that I desire to be short in
 this behalfe, I could with such notes as I haue alreadie collected for
 that purpose, make a large confutation of diuerse of their opinions
 concerning these passages, and thereby rather ascribe the originall of
 these waies to the Romans than either the British or Saxon princes.
 But sith I haue spent more time in the tractation of the riuers than
 was allotted vnto me, and that I sée great cause (notwithstanding my
 late alledged scruple) wherfore I should hold with our Galfride before
 anie other; I will omit at this time to discourse of these things as I
 would, and saie what I maie for the better knowledge of their courses,
 procéeding therein as followeth.

 First of all I find, that Dunwallon king of Britaine, about 483 yeares
 before the birth of our sauiour Iesus Christ, séeing the subiects of
 his realme to be in sundrie wise oppressed by théeues and robbers as
 they trauelled to and fro; and being willing (so much as in him laie)
 to redresse these inconueniences, caused his whole kingdome to be
 surueied; and then commanding foure principall waies to be made, which
 should leade such as trauelled into all parts thereof, from sea to
 sea, he gaue sundrie large priuileges vnto the same, whereby they
 became safe, and verie much frequented. And as he had regard herein to
 the securitie of his subiects, so he made sharpe lawes grounded vpon
 iustice, for the suppression of such wicked members as did offer
 violence to anie traueler that should be met withall or found within
 the limits of those passages. How and by what parts of this Iland
 these waies were conueied at the first, it is not so wholie left in
 memorie: but that some question is mooued among the learned,
 concerning their ancient courses. Howbeit such is the shadow remaining
 hitherto of their extensions, that if not at this present perfectlie,
 yet hereafter it is not vnpossible, but that they may be found out, &
 left certeine vnto posteritie. It seemeth by Galfride, that the said
 Dunwallon did limit out those waies by dooles and markes, which being
 in short time altered by the auarice of such irreligious persons as
 dwelt néere, and incroched vpon the same (a fault yet iustlie to be
 found almost in euerie place, euen in the time of our most gratious
 and souereigne Ladie Elizabeth, wherein the lords of the soiles doo
 vnite their small occupieng, onelie to increase a greater proportion
 of rent; and therefore they either remooue, or giue licence to erect
 small tenements vpon the high waies sides and commons; wherevnto, in
 truth, they haue no right: and yet out of them also doo raise a new
 commoditie) and question mooued for their bounds before Belinus his
 sonne, he to auoid all further controuersie that might from
 thencefoorth insue, caused the same to be paued with hard stone of
 eightéene foot in breadth, ten foot in depth, and in the bottome
 thereof huge flint stones also to be pitched, least the earth in time
 should swallow vp his workemanship, and the higher ground ouer-grow
 their rising crests. He indued them also with larger priuileges than
 before, protesting that if anie man whosoeuer should presume to
 infringe his peace, and violate the lawes of his kingdome in anie
 maner of wise, neere vnto or vpon those waies, he should suffer such
 punishment without all hope to escape (by freendship or mercie) as by
 the statutes of this realme latelie prouided in those cases were due
 vnto the offendors. The names of these foure waies are the Fosse, the
 Gwethelin or Watling, the Erming, and the Ikenild.

 [Sidenote: Fosse.]
 The Fosse goeth not directlie but slopewise ouer the greatest part of
 this Iland, beginning at Dotnesse or Totnesse in Deuonshire, where
 Brute somtime landed, or (as Ranulphus saith, which is more likelie)
 at the point of Cornwall, though the eldest writers doo séeme to note
 the contrarie. From hence it goeth thorough the middle of Deuonshire &
 Summersetshire, and commeth to Bristow, from whence it runneth
 manifestlie to Sudberie market, Tetburie, and so foorth holdeth on as
 you go almost to the midde waie betweene Glocester and Cirnecester,
 (where the wood faileth, and the champeigne countrie appeareth toward
 Cotteswald) streight as a line vntill you come to Cirnecester it
 selfe. Some hold opinion that the waie, which lieth from Cirnecester
 to Bath, should be the verie Fosse; and that betwixt Cirnecester and
 Glocester to be another of the foure waies, made by the Britons. But
 ancient report grounded vpon great likelihood, and confirmed also by
 some experience, iudgeth that most of the waies crossed ech other in
 this part of the realme. And of this mind is Leland also, who learned
 it of an abbat of Cirnecester that shewed great likelihood by some
 records thereof. But to procéed. From Cirnecester, it goeth by
 Chepingnorton to Couentrie, Leircester, Newarke, and so to Lincolne
 ouerthwart the Watlingstreet: where, by generall consent of all the
 writers (except Alfred of Beuerleie, who extendeth it vnto Cathnesse
 in Scotland) it is said to haue an end.

 [Sidenote: Watling stréet.]
 The Watlingstréete begun (as I said) by Dunwallo, but finished by
 Gutheline, of whome it is directlie to be called Gutheline stréet,
 though now corrupted into Watlingstréet, beginneth at Douer in Kent,
 and so stretcheth through the middest of Kent vnto London, and so
 foorth (peraduenture by the middest of the citie) vnto Verolamium or
 Verlamcester, now saint Albons, where, in the yeare of grace, one
 thousand fiue hundred thirtie & one, the course thereof was found by a
 man that digged for grauell wherwith to mend the high waie. It was in
 this place eighteene foot broad, and about ten foot déepe, and stoned
 in the bottome in such wise as I haue noted afore, and peraduenture
 also on the top: but these are gone, and the rest remaine equall in
 most places, and leuell with the fields. The yelow grauell also that
 was brought thither in carts two thousand yéeres passed, remained
 there so fresh and so strong, as if it had béene digged out of the
 naturall place where it grew not manie yéeres before. From hence it
 goeth hard by Margate, leauing it on the west side. And a little by
 south of this place, where the priorie stood, is a long thorough fare
 vpon the said street, méetly well builded (for low housing) on both
 sides. After this it procéedeth (as the chronicle of Barnwell saith)
 to Caxton, and so to Huntingdon, & then forward, still winding in and
 out till it not onelie becommeth a bound vnto Leicestershire toward
 Lugbie, but also passeth from Castleford to Stamford, and so foorth by
 west of Marton, which is but a mile from Torkeseie.

 Here by the waie I must touch the opinion of a traueller of my time,
 who noteth the said stréet to go another waie, insomuch that he would
 haue it to crosse the third Auon, betwixt Newton and Dowbridge, and so
 go on to Binford bridge, Wibtoft, the High crosse, and thence to
 Atherston vpon Ancre. Certes it may be, that the Fosse had his course
 by the countrie in such sort as he describeth; but that the
 Watlingstréet should passe by Atherston, I cannot as yet be persuaded.
 Neuerthelesse his coniecture is not to be misliked, sith it is not
 vnlikelie that thrée seuerall waies might méet at Alderwaie (a towne
 vpon Tame, beneath Salters bridge) for I doo not doubt that the said
 towne did take his name of all three waies, as Aldermarie church in
 London did of all thrée Maries, vnto whom it hath béene dedicated: but
 that the Watlingstréet should be one of them, the compasse of his
 passage will in no wise permit. And thus much haue I thought good to
 note by the waie. Now to returne againe to Leland, and other mens
 collections.

 The next tidings that we heare of the Watlingstréet, are that it goeth
 thorough or neere by the parke at Pomfret, as the common voice also of
 the countrie confirmeth. Thence it passeth hastilie ouer Castelford
 bridge to Aberford, which is fiue miles from thence, and where are
 most manifest tokens of this stréet and his broad crest by a great
 waie togither, also to Yorke, to Witherbie, and then to Borowbridge,
 where on the left hand thereof stood certeine monuments, or pyramides
 of stone, sometimes placed there by the ancient Romanes. These stones
 (saith Leland) stand eight miles west from Bowis, and almost west from
 Richmond is a little thorough fare called Maiden castell, situate
 apparantlie vpon the side of this stréet. And here is one of those
 pyramides or great round heapes, which is three score foot compasse in
 the bottome. There are other also of lesse quantities, and on the
 verie top of ech of them are sharpe stones of a yard in length; but
 the greatest of all is eighteene foot high at the least, from the
 ground to the verie head. He addeth moreouer, how they stand on an
 hill in the edge of Stanes moore, and are as bounds betwéene
 Richmondshire, and Westmerland. But to procéed. This stréet lieng a
 mile from Gilling, and two miles from Richmond commeth on from
 Borowbridge to Catericke, eightéene miles; that is, twelue to Leuing,
 & six to Catericke; then eleuen miles to Greteie or Gritto, fiue miles
 to Bottles, eight miles to Burgh on Stanes moore, foure miles from
 Applebie, and fiue to Browham, where the said stréet commeth thorough
 Winfoll parke, and ouer the bridge on Eiemouth and Loder, and leauing
 Perith a quarter of a mile or more on the west side of it, goeth to
 Carleill seuenteene miles from Browham, which hath béene some notable
 thing. Hitherto it appeareth euidentlie, but going from hence into
 Scotland, I heare no more of it, vntill I come to Cathnesse, which is
 two hundred and thirtie miles or thereabouts out of England.

 [Sidenote: Erming stréet.]
 The Erming stréet, which some call the Lelme, stretcheth out of the
 east, as they saie, into the southeast, that is, from Meneuia or S.
 Dauids in Wales vnto Southampton, whereby it is somewhat likelie
 indeed that these two waies, I meane the Fosse and the Erming, should
 méet about Cirnecester, as it commeth from Glocester, according to the
 opinion conceiued of them in that countrie. Of this waie I find no
 more written, and therefore I can saie no more of it, except I should
 indeuor to driue awaie the time, in alleging what other men say
 thereof, whose minds doo so farre disagrée one from another, as they
 doo all from a truth, and therefore I giue them ouer as not delighting
 in such dealing.

 [Sidenote: Ikenild.]
 The Ikenild or Rikenild began somewhere in the south, and so held on
 toward Cirnecester, then to Worcester, Wicombe, Brimcham, Lichfield,
 Darbie, Chesterfield; and crossing the Watlingstréet somewhere in
 Yorkeshire, stretched foorth in the end vnto the mouth of the Tine,
 where it ended at the maine sea, as most men doo confesse. I take it
 to be called the Ikenild, because it passed thorough the kingdome of
 the Icenes. For albeit that Leland & other following him doo séeme to
 place the Icenes in Norffolke and Suffolke; yet in mine opinion that
 can not well be doone, sith it is manifest by Tacitus, that they laie
 néere vnto the Silures, and (as I gesse) either in Stafford and
 Worcester shires, or in both, except my coniecture doo faile me. The
 author of the booke, intituled Eulogium historiarum, doth call this
 stréet the Lelme. But as herein he is deceiued, so haue I dealt
 withall so faithfullie as I may among such diuersitie of opinions; yet
 not denieng but that there is much confusion in the names and courses
 of these two latter, the discussing whereof I must leaue to other men
 that are better learned than I.

 Now to speake generallie of our common high waies through the English
 part of the Ile (for of the rest I can saie nothing) you shall
 vnderstand that in the claie or cledgie soile they are often verie
 déepe and troublesome in the winter halfe. Wherfore by authoritie of
 parlement an order is taken for their yearelie amendment, whereby all
 sorts of the common people doo imploie their trauell for six daies in
 summer vpon the same. And albeit that the intent of the statute is
 verie profitable for the reparations of the decaied places, yet the
 rich doo so cancell their portions, and the poore so loiter in their
 labours, that of all the six, scarcelie two good days works are well
 performed and accomplished in a parish on these so necessarie
 affaires. Besides this, such as haue land lieng vpon the sides of the
 waies, doo vtterlie neglect to dich and scowre their draines and
 watercourses, for better auoidance of the winter waters (except it may
 be set off or cut from the meaning of the statute) whereby the stréets
 doo grow to be much more gulled than before, and thereby verie noisome
 for such as trauell by the same. Sometimes also, and that verie often,
 these daies works are not imploied vpon those waies that lead from
 market to market, but ech surueior amendeth such by-plots & lanes as
 séeme best for his owne commoditie, and more easie passage vnto his
 fields and pastures. And whereas in some places there is such want of
 stones, as thereby the inhabitants are driuen to seeke them farre off
 in other soiles: the owners of the lands wherein those stones are to
 be had, and which hitherto haue giuen monie to haue them borne awaie,
 doo now reape no small commoditie by raising the same to excessiue
 prices, whereby their neighbours are driuen to grieuous charges, which
 is another cause wherefore the meaning of that good law is verie much
 defrauded. Finallie, this is another thing likewise to be considered
 of, that the trées and bushes growing by the stréets sides; doo not a
 little keepe off the force of the sunne in summer for drieng vp of the
 lanes. Wherefore if order were taken that their boughs should
 continuallie be kept short, and the bushes not suffered to spread so
 far into the narrow paths, that inconuenience would also be remedied,
 and manie a slough proue hard ground that yet is déepe and hollow. Of
 the dailie incroaching of the couetous vpon the hie waies I speake
 not. But this I know by experience, that wheras some stréets within
 these fiue and twentie yeares haue béene in most places fiftie foot
 broad according to the law, whereby the traueller might either escape
 the théefe or shift the mier, or passe by the loaden cart without
 danger of himselfe and his horsse; now they are brought vnto twelue,
 or twentie, or six and twentie at the most, which is another cause
 also whereby the waies be the worse, and manie an honest man encombred
 in his iourneie. But what speake I of these things whereof I doo not
 thinke to heare a iust redresse, because the error is so common, and
 the benefit thereby so swéet and profitable to manie, by such houses
 and cotages as are raised vpon the same.




 OF THE GENERALL CONSTITUTION OF THE BODIES OF THE BRITONS.

 CHAP. XX.


 Such as are bred in this Iland are men for the most part of a good
 complexion, tall of stature, strong in bodie, white of colour, and
 thereto of great boldnesse and courage in the warres. As for their
 generall comelinesse of person, the testimonie of Gregorie the great,
 at such time as he saw English capteins sold at Rome, shall easilie
 confirme what it is, which yet dooth differ in sundrie shires and
 soiles, as also their proportion of members, as we may perceiue
 betwéene Herefordshire and Essex men, or Cambridgeshire and the
 Londoners for the one, and Pokington and Sedberrie for the other;
 these latter being distinguished by their noses and heads, which
 commonlie are greater there than in other places of the land. As
 concerning the stomachs also of our nation in the field, they haue
 alwaies beene in souereigne admiration among forren princes: for such
 hath béene the estimation of our souldiers from time to time, since
 our Ile hath béene knowne vnto the Romans, that wheresoeuer they haue
 serued in forren countries, the cheefe brunts of seruice haue beene
 reserued vnto them. Of their conquests and bloudie battels woone in
 France, Germanie, and Scotland, our histories are full: & where they
 haue beene ouercome, the victorers themselues confessed their
 victories to haue béene so déerelie bought, that they would not
 gladlie couet to ouercome often, after such difficult maner. In
 martiall prowesse, there is little or no difference betwéene
 Englishmen and Scots: for albeit that the Scots haue beene often and
 verie gréeuouslie ouercome by the force of our nation, it hath not
 béene for want of manhood on their parts, but through the mercie of
 God shewed on vs, and his iustice vpon them, sith they alwaies haue
 begun the quarels, and offered vs méere iniurie with great despite and
 crueltie.

 Leland noting somewhat of the constitution of our bodies, saith these
 words grounding (I thinke vpon Aristotle, who writeth that such as
 dwell neere the north, are of more courage and strength of bodie than
 skilfulnesse or wisdome.) The Britons are white in colour, strong of
 bodie, and full of bloud, as people inhabiting neere the north, and
 farre from the equinoctiall line, where the soile is not so fruitfull,
 and therefore the people not so feeble: whereas contrariwise such as
 dwell toward the course of the sunne, are lesse of stature, weaker of
 bodie, more nice, delicate, fearefull by nature, blacker in colour, &
 some so blacke in déed as anie crow or rauen. Thus saith he. Howbeit,
 as those which are bred in sundrie places of the maine, doo come
 behind vs in constitution of bodie, so I grant, that in pregnancie of
 wit, nimblenesse of limmes, and politike inuentions, they generallie
 exceed vs: notwithstanding that otherwise these gifts of theirs doo
 often degenerate into méere subtiltie, instabilitie, vnfaithfulnesse,
 & crueltie. Yet Alexander ab Alexandro is of the opinion, that the
 fertilest region dooth bring foorth the dullest wits, and contrariwise
 the harder soile the finest heads. But in mine opinion, the most
 fertile soile dooth bring foorth the proudest nature, as we may see by
 the Campanians, who (as Cicero also saith) had "Penes eos ipsum
 domicilium superbiæ." But nether of these opinions do iustlie take
 hold of vs, yet hath it pleased the writers to saie their pleasures of
 vs. And for that we dwell northward, we are commonlie taken by the
 forren historiographers, to be men of great strength and little
 policie, much courage and small shift, bicause of the weake abode of
 the sunne with vs, whereby our braines are not made hot and warmed, as
 Pachymerus noteth lib. 3: affirming further, that the people
 inhabiting in the north parts are white of colour, blockish, vnciuill,
 fierce and warlike, which qualities increase, as they come neerer vnto
 the pole; whereas the contrarie pole giueth contrarie gifts,
 blacknesse, wisdome, ciuilitie, weakenesse, and cowardise, thus saith
 he. But alas, how farre from probabilitie or as if there were not one
 and the same conclusion to be made of the constitutions of their
 bodies, which dwell vnder both the poles. For in truth his assertion
 holdeth onelie in their persons that inhabit néere vnto and vnder the
 equinoctiall. As for the small tariance of the sunne with vs, it is
 also confuted by the length of our daies.

 [Sidenote: Non vi sed virtute, non armis sed ingenio vincuntur Angli.]
 Wherefore his reason seemeth better to vphold that of Alexander ab
 Alexandro afore alledged, than to prooue that we want wit, bicause our
 brains are not warmed by the tariance of the sunne. And thus also
 dooth Comineus burden vs after a sort in his historie, and after him,
 Bodinus. But thanked be God, that all the wit of his countriemen, if
 it may be called wit, could neuer compasse to doo so much in Britaine,
 as the strength and courage of our Englishmen (not without great
 wisedome and forecast) haue brought to passe in France. The Galles in
 time past contemned the Romans (saith Cæsar) bicause of the smalnesse
 of their stature: howbeit, for all their greatnesse (saith he) and at
 the first brunt in the warres, they shew themselues to be but féeble,
 neither is their courage of any force to stand in great calamities.
 Certes in accusing our wisedome in this sort, he dooth (in mine
 opinion) increase our commendation. For if it be a vertue to deale
 vprightlie with singlenesse of mind, sincerelie and plainlie, without
 anie such suspicious fetches in all our dealing, as they commonlie
 practise in their affaires, then are our countrimen to be accompted
 wise and vertuous. But if it be a vice to colour craftinesse, subtile
 practises, doublenesse, and hollow behauiour, with a cloake of
 policie, amitie and wisedome: then are Comineus and his countrimen to
 be reputed vicious, of whome this prouerbe hath of old time beene vsed
 as an eare marke of their dissimulation,

   Galli ridendo fidem frangunt. &c.

 How these latter points take hold in Italie, I meane not to discusse.
 How they are dailie practised in manie places of the maine, & he
 accompted most wise and politike, that can most of all dissemble; here
 is no place iustlie to determine (neither would I wish my countrimen
 to learne anie such wisedome) but that a king of France could saie;
 "Qui nescit dissimulare, nescit regnare, _or_ viuere," their owne
 histories are testimonies sufficient. Galen, the noble physician,
 transferring the forces of our naturall humors from the bodie to the
 mind, attributeth to the yellow colour, prudence; to the blacke,
 constancie; to bloud, mirth; to phlegme, courtesie: which being mixed
 more or lesse among themselues, doo yéeld an infinit varietie. By this
 meanes therefore it commeth to passe, that he whose nature inclineth
 generallie to phlegme, cannot but be courteous: which joined with
 strength of bodie, and sinceritie of behauiour (qualities vniuersallie
 granted to remaine so well in our nation, as other inhabitants of the
 north) I cannot see what may be an hinderance whie I should not rather
 conclude, that the Britons doo excell such as dwell in the hoter
 countries, than for want of craft and subtilties to come anie whit
 behind them. It is but vanitie also for some to note vs (as I haue
 often heard in common table talke) as barbarous, bicause we so little
 regard the shedding of our bloud, and rather tremble not when we sée
 the liquor of life to go from vs (I vse their owne words.) Certes if
 we be barbarous in their eies, bicause we be rather inflamed than
 appalled at our wounds, then are those obiectors flat cowards in our
 iudgement: sith we thinke it a great péece of manhood to stand to our
 tackling, vntill the last drop, as men that may spare much bicause we
 haue much: whereas they hauing lesse are afraid to lose that little
 which they haue: as Frontinus also noteth. As for that which the
 French write of their owne manhood in their histories, I make little
 accompt of it: for I am of the opinion, that as an Italian writing of
 his credit; A <DW7> intreating of religion, a Spaniard of his
 méekenesse, or a Scot of his manhood, is not to be builded on; no more
 is a Frenchman to be trusted in the report of his owne affaires,
 wherein he dooth either dissemble or excéed, which is a foule vice in
 such as professe to deale vprightlie. Neither are we so hard to
 strangers as Horace wold séeme to make vs, sith we loue them so long
 as they abuse vs not, & make accompt of them so far foorth as they
 despise vs not. And this is generallie to be verified, in that they
 vse our priuileges and commodities for diet, apparell and trade of
 gaine, in so ample manner as we our selues enioy them: which is not
 lawfull for vs to doo in their countries, where no stranger is
 suffered to haue worke, if an home-borne be without. But to procéed
 with our purpose.


 With vs (although our good men care not to liue long, but to liue
 well) some doo liue an hundred yéers, verie manie vnto foure score: as
 for thrée score, it is taken but for our entrance into age, so that in
 Britaine no man is said to wax old till he draw vnto thrée score, at
 which time God spéed you well commeth in place; as Epaminondas
 [Sidenote: Salutations according to our ages.]
 sometime said in mirth, affirming that vntill thirtie yeares of age,
 You are welcome is the best salutation; and from thence to thréescore,
 God kéepe you; but after thréescore, it is best to saie, God spéed you
 well: for at that time we begin to grow toward our iournies end,
 whereon manie a one haue verie good leaue to go. These two are also
 noted in vs (as things apperteining to the firme constitutions of our
 bodies) that there hath not béene séene in anie region so manie
 carcasses of the dead to remaine from time to time without corruption
 as in Britaine: and that after death by slaughter or otherwise, such
 as remaine vnburied by foure or fiue daies togither, are easie to be
 knowne and discerned by their fréends and kindred; whereas Tacitus and
 other complaine of sundrie nations, saieng, that their bodies are "Tam
 fluidae substantiæ," that within certeine houres the wife shall
 hardlie know hir husband, the mother hir sonne, or one fréend another
 after their liues be ended. In like sort the comelinesse of our liuing
 bodies doo continue from midle age (for the most) euen to the last
 gaspe, speciallie in mankind. And albeit that our women through
 bearing of children doo after fortie begin to wrinkle apace, yet are
 they not commonlie so wretched and hard fauoured to looke vpon in
 their age, as the French women, and diuerse of other countries with
 whom their men also doo much participate; and thereto be so often
 waiward and peeuish, that nothing in maner may content them.

 I might here adde somewhat also of the meane stature generallie of our
 women, whose beautie commonlie excéedeth the fairest of those of the
 maine, their comlinesse of person and good proportion of limmes, most
 of theirs that come ouer vnto vs from beyond the seas. This
 neuerthelesse I vtterlie mislike in the poorer sort of them, for the
 wealthier doo sildome offend herein: that being of themselues without
 gouernement, they are so carelesse in the education of their children
 (wherein their husbands are also to be blamed) by means whereof verie
 manie of them neither fearing God, neither regarding either maners or
 obedience, doo oftentimes come to confusion, which (if anie correction
 or discipline had béene vsed toward them in youth) might haue prooued
 good members of their common-wealth & countrie, by their good seruice
 and industrie. I could make report likewise of the naturall vices and
 vertues of all those that are borne within this Iland, but as the full
 tractation herof craueth a better head than mine to set foorth the
 same, so will I giue place to other men that list to take it in hand.
 Thus much therefore of the constitutions of our bodies: and so much
 may suffice.




 HOW BRITAINE AT THE FIRST GREW TO BE DIUIDED INTO THREE PORTIONS.

 CAP. XXI.


 After the comming of Brutus into this Iland (which was, as you haue
 read in the foresaid treatise, about the yeare of the world, 2850, or
 1217 before the incarnation of Christ, although Goropius after his
 maner doo vtterlie denie our historie in this behalfe) he made a
 generall surueie of the whole Iland from side to side, by such means
 to view and search out not onelie the limits and bounds of his
 dominions, but also what commodities this new atchiued conquest might
 yéeld vnto his people. Furthermore, finding out at the last also a
 conuenable place wherin to erect a citie, he began there euen the
 verie same which at this daie is called London, naming it Trenouanton,
 in remembrance of old Troie, from whence his ancestors proceeded, and
 for which the Romans pronounced afterward Trinobantum, although the
 Welshmen doo call it still Trenewith. This citie was builded (as some
 write) much about the tenth yeare of his reigne, so that he liued not
 aboue fiftéene yeares after he had finished the same. But of the rest
 of his other acts attempted and doone, before or after the erection of
 this citie, I find no certeine report, more than that when he had
 reigned in this Iland after his arriuall by the space of foure and
 twentie yeares, he finished his daies at Trenouanton aforesaid, being
 in his yoong and florishing age, where his carcase was honourablie
 interred. As for the maner of his death, I find as yet no mention
 thereof among such writers as are extant; I meane whether it grew vnto
 him by defect of nature, or force of gréeuous wounds receiued in his
 warres against such as withstood him from time to time in this Iland,
 and therefore I can saie nothing of that matter. Herein onelie all
 agree, that during the time of his languishing paines, he made a
 disposition of his whole kingdome, diuiding it into three parts or
 portions, according to the number of his sonnes then liuing, whereof
 the eldest excéeded not eight and twentie yeares of age, as my
 coniecture giueth me.

 [Sidenote: Locrine.]
 To the eldest therefore, whose name was Locrine, he gaue the greatest
 and best region of all the rest, which of him to this daie is called
 [Sidenote: Lhoegria.]
 Lhoegres among the Britons, but in our language England: of such
 English Saxons as made conquest of the same. This portion also is
 included on the south with the British sea, on the est with the
 Germane Ocean, on the north with the Humber, and on the west with the
 Irish sea, and the riuers Dee and Sauerne, whereof in the generall
 [Sidenote: Camber.]
 [Sidenote: Cambri.]
 description of this Iland I haue spoken more at large. To Camber his
 second sonne he assigned all that lieth beyond the Sauerne and Dée,
 toward the west (which parcell in these daies conteineth Southwales
 and Northwales) with sundrie Ilands adiacent to the same, the whole
 being in maner cut off and separated from England or Lhoegria by the
 said streams, wherby it séemeth also a peninsula or by-land, if you
 respect the small hillie portion of ground that lieth indifferentlie
 betwéene their maine courses, or such branches (at the least) as run
 and fall into them. The Welshmen or Britons call it by the ancient
 name still vnto this day, but we Englishmen terme it Wales: which
 denomination we haue from the Saxons, who in time past did vse the
 word Walsh in such sort as we doo Strange: for as we call all those
 strangers that are not of our nation, so did they name them Walsh
 which were not of their countrie.

 [Sidenote: Albanact.]
 The third and last part of the Iland he allotted vnto Albanact his
 youngest sonne (for he had but three in all, as I haue said before)
 whose portion séemed for circuit to be more large than that of Camber,
 and in maner equall in greatnesse with the dominions of Locrinus. But
 if you haue regard to the seuerall commodities that are to be reaped
 by each, you shall find them to be not much discrepant or differing
 one from another: for whatsoeuer the first & second haue in plentie of
 corne, fine grasse, and large cattell, this latter wanteth not in
 excéeding store of fish, rich mettall, quarries of stone, and
 abundance of wild foule: so that in mine opinion, there could not be a
 more equall partition than this made by Brute, and after the aforesaid
 maner. This later parcell at the first, tooke the name of Albanactus,
 who called it Albania. But now a small portion onelie of the region
 (being vnder the regiment of a duke) reteineth the said denomination,
 the rest being called Scotland, of certeine Scots that came ouer from
 Ireland to inhabit in those quarters. It is diuided from Lhoegres also
 by the Solue and the Firth, yet some doo note the Humber; so that
 [Sidenote: Albania.]
 Albania (as Brute left it) conteined all the north part of the Iland
 that is to be found beyond the aforesaid streame, vnto the point of
 Cathnesse.

 To conclude, Brute hauing diuided his kingdome after this maner, and
 therein contenting himselfe as it were with the generall title of the
 whole, it was not long after yer he ended his life; and being
 solemnelie interred at his new citie by his thrée children, they
 parted each from other, and tooke possession of their prouinces. But
 [Sidenote: Locrine king also of Scotland.]
 Scotland after two yeares fell againe into the hands of Locrinus as to
 the chiefe lord, by the death of his brother Albanact, who was slaine
 by Humber king of the Scithians, and left none issue behind him to
 succéed him in that kingdome.




 AFTER WHAT MANER THE SOUEREIGNTIE OF THIS ILE DOOTH REMAINE TO THE
 PRINCES OF LHOEGRES OR KINGS OF ENGLAND.

 CHAP. XXII.


 [Sidenote: The Scots alwaies desirous to shake off the English
 subiection, have often made cruell & odious attempts so to doo,
 but in vaine.]
 It is possible that some of the Scotish nation, reading the former
 chapter, will take offence with me for meaning that the principalitie
 of the north parts of this Ile hath alwais belonged to the kings of
 Lhoegres. For whose more ample satisfaction in this behalfe, I will
 here set downe a discourse thereof at large, written by diuerse, and
 now finallie brought into one treatise, sufficient (as I thinke) to
 satisfie the reasonable, although not halfe enough peraduenture to
 content a wrangling mind, sith there is (or at the leastwise hath
 beene) nothing more odious among some, than to heare that the king of
 England hath ought to doo in Scotland.

 How their historiographers haue attempted to shape manie 
 excuses to auoid so manifest a title, all men may see that read their
 bookes indifferentlie, wherevnto I referre them. For my part there is
 little or nothing of mine herein, more than onelie the collection and
 abridgement of a number of fragments togither, wherein chéeflie I haue
 vsed the helpe of Nicholas Adams a lawier, who wrote thereof (of set
 purpose) to king Edward the sixt, as Leland did the like to king
 Henrie the eight, Iohn Harding vnto Edward the fourth; beside thrée
 other, whereof the first dedicated his treatise to Henrie the fourth,
 the second to Edward the third, and the third to Edward the first, as
 their writings yet extant doo abundantlie beare witnesse. The title
 also that Leland giueth his booke, which I haue had written with his
 owne hand, beginneth in this maner: "These remembrances following are
 found in chronicles authorised, remaining in diuerse monasteries both
 in England and Scotland, by which it is euidentlie knowne and shewed,
 that the kings of England haue had, and now ought to haue the
 souereigntie ouer all Scotland, with the homage and fealtie of the
 kings there reigning from time to time, &c." Herevnto you haue heard
 alreadie, what diuision Brute made of this Iland not long before his
 death, wherof ech of his children, so soone as he was interred, tooke
 seisure and possession. Howbeit, after two yeares it happened that
 Albanact was slaine, wherevpon Locrinus and Camber raising their
 powers, reuenged his death: and finallie the said Locrinus made an
 entrance vpon Albania, seized it into his owne hands (as excheated
 wholie vnto himselfe) without yéelding anie part thereof vnto his
 brother Camber, who made no claime nor title vnto anie portion of the
 same. Hereby then (saith Adams) it euidentlie appeareth, that the
 entire seigniorie ouer Albania consisted in Locrinus, according to
 which example like law among brethren euer since hath continued, in
 preferring the eldest brother to the onelie benefit of the collaterall
 ascension from the yongest, as well in Scotland as in England vnto
 this daie.

 Ebranke the lineall heire from the bodie of this Locrine, that is to
 saie, the sonne of Mempris, sonne of Madan, sonne of the same Locrine
 builded in Albania the castell of Maidens, now called Edenborough (so
 called of Aidan somtime king of Scotland, but at the first named Cair
 Minid Agnes. 1. the castell on mount Agnes, and the castell of
 virgins) and the castell of Alcluith or Alclude, now called Dunbriton,
 as the Scotish Hector Boetius confesseth: whereby it most euidentlie
 appeareth, that our Ebranke was then thereof seized. This Ebranke
 reigned in the said state ouer them a long time; after whose death
 Albania (as annexed to the empire of Britaine) descended to the onelie
 king of Britons, vntill the time of the two sisters sonnes, Morgan and
 Conedage, lineall heires from the said Ebranke, who brotherlie at the
 first diuided the realme betwéen them; so that Morgan had Lhoegres,
 and Conedage had Albania. But shortlie after Morgan the elder brother,
 pondering in his head the loue of his brother with the affection to a
 kingdome, excluded nature, and gaue place to ambition, and therevpon
 denouncing warre, death miserablie ended his life (as the reward of
 his vntruth) whereby Conedage obteined the whole empire of all
 Britaine: in which state he remained during his naturall life.

 From him the same lineallie descended to the onelie king of Britons,
 vntill (and after) the reigne of Gorbodian, who had issue two sonnes,
 Ferrex, and Porrex. This Porrex, requiring like diuision of the land,
 affirming the former partitions to be rather of law than fauor, was by
 the hands of his elder brother (best loued of queene mother) both of
 his life and hoped kingdome béereaued at once. Wherevpon their
 vnnaturall mother, vsing hir naturall malice for the death of hir one
 sonne (without regard of the loosing of both) miserablie slue the
 other in his bed mistrusting no such treason.

 Cloten, by all writers, as well Scotish as other, was the next
 inheritour to the whole empire: but lacking power (the onelie meane in
 those daies to obteine right) he was contented to diuide the same
 among foure of his kinsmen; so that Scater had Albania. But after the
 death of this Cloten, his sonne Dunwallo Mulmutius made warre vpon
 these foure kings, and at last ouercame them, and so recouered the
 whole dominion. In token of which victorie, he caused himselfe to be
 crowned with a crowne of gold, the verie first of that mettall (if
 anie at all were before in vse) that was worne among the kings of this
 nation. This Dunwallo erected temples, wherein the people should
 assemble for praier; to which temples he gaue benefit of sanctuarie.
 He made the law for wager of battell, in cases of murder and felonie,
 whereby a théefe that liued and made his art of fighting, should for
 his purgation fight with the true man whom he had robbed, beléeuing
 assuredlie, that the gods (for then they supposed manie) would by
 miracle assigne victorie to none but the innocent partie. Certes the
 priuileges of this law, and benefit of the latter, as well in Scotland
 as in England, be inioied to this daie, few causes by late positiue
 laws among vs excepted, wherin the benefit of wager of battell is
 restreined. By which obedience to his lawes, it dooth manifestlie
 appéere, that this Dunwallo was then seized of Albania, now called
 Scotland. This Dunwallo reigned in this estate ouer them manie yeares.

 Beline and Brenne the sonnes also of Dunwallo, did after their fathers
 death fauourablie diuide the land betweene them; so that Beline had
 Lhoegres, & Brenne had Albania: but for that this Brenne (a subiect)
 without the consent of his elder brother and lord, aduentured to
 marrie with the daughter of the king of Denmarke; Beline seized
 Albania into his owne hands, and thervpon caused the notable waies
 priuileged by Dunwallons lawes to be newlie wrought by mens hands,
 which for the length extended from the further part of Cornewall, vnto
 the sea by north Cathnesse in Scotland. In like sort to and for the
 better maintenance of religion in those daies, he constituted
 ministers called archflamines, in sundrie places of this Iland (who in
 their seuerall functions resembled the bishops of our times) the one
 of which remained at Ebranke now called Yorke, and the whole region
 Caerbrantonica (whereof Ptolomie also speaketh but not without
 wresting of the name) whose power extended to the vttermost bounds of
 Albania, wherby likewise appeareth that it was then within his owne
 dominion. After his death the whole Ile was inioied by the onelie
 kings of Britaine, vntill the time of Vigenius & Peridurus lineall
 heires from the said Beline, who fauourablie made partition, so that
 Vigenius had all the land from Humber by south, and Peridurus from
 thence northwards all Albania, &c. This Vigenius died, and Peridurus
 suruiued, and thereby obteined the whole, from whom the same quietlie
 descended, and was by his posteritie accordinglie inioied, vntill the
 reigne of Coell the first of that name. In his time an obscure nation
 (by most writers supposed Scithians) passed by seas from Ireland, and
 arriued in that part of Britaine called Albania: against whome this
 Coell assembled his power, and being entred Albania to expell them,
 one Fergus in the night disguised, entered the tent of this Coell, and
 in his bed traitorouslie slue him.

 This Fergus was therfore, in reward of his great prowesse, made there
 king, whervpon they sat downe in that part, with their wiues and
 children, and called it Scotland, and themselues Scots: from the
 beginning of the world, foure thousand six hundred and seauentéene
 yeares after the Scotish accompt, which by iust computation and
 confession of all their owne writers, is six hundred yeares lacking
 ten, after that Brutus had reigned ouer the whole Iland, the same land
 being inioied by him and his posteritie before their comming, during
 two and fiftie descents of the kings of Britaine, which is a large
 prescription. Certes this intrusion into a land so manie hundred
 yeares before inhabited, and by so manie descents of kings quietlie
 inioied, is the best title that all their owne writers can alledge for
 them. But to proceed. Fergus herevpon immediatlie did diuide Albania
 also among his capteins and their souldiers: whereby it most
 euidentlie appeareth, that there were no people of that nation
 inhabiting there before, in proofe whereof the same partition shall
 follow.

 The lands of Cathnes lieng against Orkneie, betwéene Dummesbeie and
 [Sidenote: Out of Hector Boecius lib. 1.]
 the water of Thane, was giuen vnto one Cornath, a capteine and his
 people. The lands betwéene the water of Thane & Nes, now called Rosse,
 being in bredth from Cromart to the mouth of the water of Locht, were
 giuen to Lutorke, another capteine and his people. The lands betweene
 Spaie and Nes, from the Almane seas to the Ireland seas, now called
 Murraie land, were giuen to one Warroch and his people. The land of
 Thalia, now called Boin Ainze, Bogewall, Gariot, Formartine, and
 Bowguhan, were giuen to one Thalis and his people. The lands of Mar
 Badezenoch, and Lochquhaber, were giuen to Martach and his people. The
 lands of Lorne and Kintier, with the hilles and mounteins thereof,
 lieng from Mar to the Ireland seas, were giuen to capteine Nanance and
 his people. The lands of Athole were giuen to Atholus, another
 capteine and his people. The lands of Strabraun, & Brawdawane lieng
 west from Dunkell, were giuen to Creones & Epidithes two capteins. The
 lands of Argile, were giuen to Argathelus a capteine. The lands of
 Linnox & Clidisdale were allotted to Lolgona a capteine. The lands of
 Siluria now called Kile, Carrike & Cuningham, were giuen to Silurth
 another capteine. The lands of Brigance now called Gallowaie, were
 giuen to the companie called Brigandes, which (as their best men) were
 appointed to dwell next the Britons, who afterward expelled the
 Britons from Annandale in Albania, whereby it is confessed to be
 before inhabited by Britons. The residue of the land now called
 Scotland, that is to saie: Meirnis, Angus, Steremond, Gowrie,
 Strahern, Pirth, Fiffe, Striueling, Callender, Calderwood, Lougthian,
 Mers, Teuedale, with other the Rement Dales, & the Sherifdome, of
 Berwicke, were then enioied by a nation mingled in marriage with the
 [Sidenote: Berouicum potiùs à Berubio promontorio.]
 Britons, and in their obedience, whose capteine called Beringer
 builded the castell and towne of Berwicke vpon Twede, & these people
 were called Picts, vpon whome by the death of this Coell, these Scots
 had opportunitie to vse wars, whereof they ceased not, vntill such
 time as it pleased God to appoint another Coell king of Britons,
 against whose name, albeit they hoped for a like victorie to the
 first, yet he preuailed and ceased not his warre, vntill these Scots
 were vtterlie expelled out of all the bounds of Britaine, in which
 they neuer dared to reenter, vntill the troublesome reigne of Sisilt
 king of Britons, which was the twelft king after this Coell. During
 all which time the countrie was reinhabited by the Britons. But then
 the Scots turning the ciuill discord of this realme, betweene this
 Sisilt and his brother Blede to their best aduantage, arriued againe
 in Albania, & there made one Reuther their king.

 Vpon this their new arriuall, new warre was made vpon them by this
 Sisilt king of Britons, in which warre Reuther their new king died,
 and Thereus succéeded, against whome the warre of Britons ceased not,
 vntill he freelie submitted himselfe to the said Sicill king of
 Britons at Ebranke, that is Yorke, where shortlie after the tenth
 yeare of his reigne he died. Finnane brother of Josine succeeded by
 their election to the kingdome of Scots, who shortlie after (compelled
 by the warres of the same Sicill) declared himselfe subiect, and for
 the better assurance of his faith and obeisance to the king of
 Britons, deliuered his sonne Durstus into the hands of this Sicill:
 who fantasieng the child, and hoping by his owne succession to alter
 their subtiltie (I will not saie duplicitie saith Adams) married him
 in the end to Agasia his owne daughter.

 [Sidenote: Durstus.]
 This Durstus was their next king; but for that he had married a Briton
 woman, (though indeed she was a kings daughter) the Scots hated him
 for the same cause, for which they ought rather to haue liked him the
 better, and therefore not onelie traitorouslie slue him; but further
 to declare the end of their malice, disinherited (as much as in them
 was) the issues of the same Durstus and Agasia. Herevpon new warre
 sproong betwéene them and vs, which ceased not vntill they were
 contented to receiue Edeir to their king, the next in bloud then
 liuing, descended from Durstus and Agasia, and thereby the bloud of
 the Britons, of the part of the mother, was restored to the crowne of
 Albania: so that nature, whose law is immutable, caused this bond of
 loue to hold. For shortlie after this Edeir attended vpon Cassibelane
 king of Britons, for the repulse of Iulius Cæsar, as their owne author
 Boetius confesseth, who commanded the same as his subiect. But Iulius
 Cæsar, after his second arriuall, by treason of Androgeus preuailed
 against the Britons, and therevpon pursued this Edeir into Scotland;
 and (as himselfe saith in his commentaries) subdued all the Ile of
 Britaine. Which though the liuing Scots denie it, their dead writers
 confesse that he came beyond Calender wood, and cast downe Camelon,
 the principall citie of the Picts. And in token of this victorie, not
 farre from Carron, builded a round temple of stone, which remained in
 some perfection vntill the reigne of our king Edward called the first
 after the conquest, by whome it was subuerted: but the monument
 thereof remaineth to this daie.

 [Sidenote: Marius.]
 Marius the sonne of Aruiragus, being king of all Britaine, in his time
 one Roderike a Scithian, with a great rabble of néedie souldiours,
 came to the water of Frith in Scotland, which is an arme of the sea,
 diuiding Pentland from Fiffe: against whome this Marius assembled a
 power, by which he slue this Rodericke, and discomfited his people in
 Westmerland: but to those that remained aliue, he gaue the countrie of
 Cathnesse in Scotland, which prooueth it to be within his owne
 dominion.

 [Sidenote: Coelus.]
 Coell the sonne of this Marius had issue Lucius, counted the first
 Christian king of this nation: he conuerted the three archflamines of
 this land into bishopriks, and ordeined bishops vnto ech of them. The
 first remained at London, and his power extended from the furthest
 part of Cornewall to Humber water. The second dwelled at Yorke, and
 his power stretched from Humber to the furthest part of all Scotland.
 The third aboded at Caerleon vpon the riuer of Wiske in Glamorgan in
 Wales, & his power extended from Seuerne through all Wales. Some write
 that he made but two, and turned their names to archbishops, the one
 to remaine at Canturburie, the other at Yorke: yet they confesse that
 he of Yorke had iurisdiction through all Scotland: either of which is
 sufficient to prooue Scotland to be then vnder his dominion.

 [Sidenote: Seuerus.]
 Seuerus, by birth a Romane, but in bloud a Briton (as some thinke) and
 the lineall heire of the bodie of Androgeus sonne of Lud, & nephue of
 Cassibelane, was shortlie after emperour & king of Britons, in whose
 time the people to whom his ancestor Marius gaue the land of Cathnesse
 in Scotland, conspired with the Scots, & receiued them from the Iles
 into Scotland. But herevpon this Seuerus came into Scotland, and
 méeting with their faith and false harts togither, droue them all out
 of the maine land into Iles, the vttermost bounds of all great
 Britaine. But notwithstanding this glorious victorie, the Britons
 considering their seruitude to the Romans, imposed by treason of
 Androgeus, ancestor to this Seuerus, began to hate him, whome yet they
 had no time to loue, and who in their defense and suertie had slaine
 of the Scots and their confederats in one battell thirtie thousand:
 but such was the consideration of the common sort in those daies,
 whose malice no time could diminish, nor iust desert appease.

 [Sidenote: Bassianus.]
 Antoninus Bassianus borne of a Briton woman, and Geta borne by a
 Romane woman, were the sonnes of this Seuerus, who after the death of
 their father, by the contrarie voices of their people, contended for
 the crowne. Few Britons held with Bassianus, fewer Romans with Geta:
 but the greater number with neither of both. In the end Geta was
 slaine, and Bassianus remained emperour, against whom Carautius
 rebelled, who gaue vnto the Scots, Picts, and Scithians, the countrie
 of Cathnesse in Scotland, which they afterward inhabited, whereby his
 seison thereof appeareth.

 [Sidenote: Coill.]
 Coill, descended of the bloud of the ancient kings of this land, was
 shortlie after king of the Britons, whose onelie daughter and heire
 called Helen, was married vnto Constantius a Romane, who daunted the
 rebellion of all parts of great Britaine; and after the death of this
 Coill was in the right of his wife king thereof, and reigned in his
 state ouer them thirtéene or fourtéene yeares.

 [Sidenote: Constantine.]
 Constantine the sonne of this Constance, and Helen, was next king of
 Britons, by the right of his mother, who passing to Rome to receiue
 the empire thereof, deputed one Octauius king of Wales, and duke of
 the Gewisses (which some expound to be afterward called west Saxons)
 to haue the gouernment of this dominion. But abusing the kings
 innocent goodnesse, this Octauius defrauded this trust, and tooke vpon
 him the crowne. For which traitorie albeit he was once vanquished by
 Leonine Traheron, great vncle to Constantine: yet after the death of
 this Traheron, he preuailed againe, and vsurped ouer all Britaine.
 Constantine being now emperor sent Maximius his kinsman hither (in
 processe of time) to destroie the same Octauius, who in singular
 battell discomfited him. Wherevpon this Maximius, as well by the
 consent of great Constantine, as by the election of all the Britons,
 for that he was a Briton in bloud, was made king or rather vicegerent
 of Britaine. This Maximius made warre vpon the Scots and Scithians
 within Britaine, and ceassed not vntill he had slaine Eugenius their
 king, and expelled and driuen them out of the whole limits and bounds
 of Britaine. Finallie he inhabited all Scotland with Britons, no man,
 woman, nor child of the Scotish nation suffered to remaine within it,
 which (as their Hector Boetius saith) was for their rebellion; and
 rebellion properlie could it not be, except they had béene subiects.
 He suffered the Picts also to remaine his subiects, who made solemne
 othes to him, neuer after to erect anie peculiar king of their owne
 nation, but to remaine vnder the old empire of the onelie king of
 Britaine. I had once an epistle by Leland exemplified (as he saith)
 out of a verie ancient record which beareth title of Helena vnto hir
 sonne Constantine, and entreth after this manner; "Domino semper
 Augusto filio Constantino, mater Helena semper Augusta, &c." And now
 it repenteth me that I did not exemplifie and conueigh it into this
 treatise whilest I had his books. For thereby I might haue had great
 light for the estate of this present discourse: but as then I had no
 mind to haue trauelled in this matter; neuerthelesse, if hereafter it
 come againe to light I would wish it were reserued. It followeth on
 also in this maner (as it is translated out of the Gréeke) "Veritatem
 sapientis animus non recusat, nec fides recta aliquando patitur
 quamcunque iacturam, &c."

 About fiue and fourtie yeares after this (which was long time after
 the death of this Maximius) with the helpe of Gouan or Gonan and
 Melga, the Scots newlie arriued in Albania, and there created one
 Fergus the second of that name to be there king. But bicause they were
 before banished the continent land, they crowned him king on their
 aduenture in Argile, in the fatall chaire of marble, the yéere of our
 Lord, foure hundred and two and twentie, as they themselues doo write.

 [Sidenote: Maximian.]
 Maximian sonne of Leonine Traheron, brother to king Coill, and vncle
 to Helene, was by lineall succession next king of Britons: but to
 appease the malice of Dionothus king of Wales, who also claimed the
 kingdome, he married Othilia eldest daughter of Dionothus, and
 afterwards assembled a great power of Britons, and entered Albania,
 inuading Gallowaie, Mers, Annandale, Pentland, Carrike, Kill, and
 Cuningham, and in battell slue both this Fergus then king of Scots,
 and Durstus the king of Picts, and exiled all their people out of the
 continent land: wherevpon the few number of Scots then remaining a
 liue, went to Argile, and there made Eugenius their king. When this
 Maximian had thus obteined quietnesse in Britaine, he departed with
 his cousine Conan Meridocke into Armorica, where they subdued the
 king, and depopulated the countrie, which he gaue to Conan his
 cousine, to be afterward inhabited by Britons, by the name of Britaine
 the lesse: and hereof this realme tooke name of Britaine the great,
 which name by consent of forren writers it keepeth vnto this daie.

 After the death of Maximian, dissention being mooued betweene the
 nobles of Britaine, the Scots swarmed togither againe, and came to the
 wall of Adrian, where (this realme being diuided in manie factions)
 they ouercame one. And herevpon their Hector Boetius (as an hen that
 for laieng of one eg, will make a great cakeling) solemnlie triumphing
 for a conquest before the victorie, alledgeth that hereby the Britons
 were made tributaries to the Scots, and yet he confesseth that they
 won no more land, by that supposed conquest, but the same portion
 betwéene them and Humber, which in the old partitions before was
 annexed to Albania. It is hard to be beléeued, that such a broken
 nation as the Scots at that time were, returning from banishment
 within foure yeares before, and since in battell loosing both their
 kings, and the great number of their best men, to be thus able to make
 a conquest of great Britaine; and verie vnlikelie if they had
 conquered it, they would haue left the hot sunne of the south parts,
 to dwell in the cold snow in Scotland. Incredible it is, that if they
 had conquered it, they would not haue deputed officers in it, as in
 cases of conquest behooueth. And it is beyond all beliefe, that great
 Britaine, or any other countrie, should be woon without the comming of
 anie enimie into it: as they did not, but taried finallie at the same
 wall of Adrian, whereof I spake before.

 But what need I speake of these defenses, when the same Boecius
 scantlie trusteth his owne beliefe in this tale. For he saieth that
 Galfride, and sundrie other authentike writers, diuerslie varie from
 this part of his storie, wherein his owne thought accuseth his
 conscience of vntruth: herein also he further forgetting how it
 behooueth a lier to be mindfull of his assertion, in the fourth
 chapter next following, wholie bewraieth himselfe, saieng that the
 confederat kings of Scots and Picts, vpon ciuill warres betwéene the
 Britons (which then followed) hoped shortlie to inioie all the land of
 great Britaine, from beyond Humber vnto the fresh sea, which hope had
 bene vaine, and not lesse than void, if it had béene their owne by
 anie conquest before.

 Constantine of Britaine, descended from Conan king thereof, cousine of
 Brutes bloud to this Maximian, and his neerest heire was next king of
 Britaine; he immediatlie pursued the Scots with wars, and shortlie in
 battell slue their king Dongard, in the first yeare of his reigne,
 whereby he recouered Scotland out of their hands, and tooke all the
 holdes thereof into his owne possessions. Vortiger shortlie after
 obteined the crowne of Britaine, against whom the Scots newlie
 rebelled: for the repressing whereof (mistrusting the Britons to hate
 him for sundrie causes, as one that to auoid the smoke dooth oft fall
 into the fire) receiued Hengest a Saxon, and a great number of his
 countriemen, with whom and a few Britons he entred Scotland & ouercame
 them, wherevpon they tooke the Iles, which are their common refuge. He
 gaue also much of Scotland, as Gallowaie, Pentland, Mers and
 Annandale, with sundrie other lands to this Hengest and his people to
 inhabit, which they did accordinglie inioie. But when this Hengest in
 processe of time thirsted after the whole kingdome of the south, he
 was banished, and yet afterward being restored, he conspired with the
 Scots against Aurilambrose the sonne of Constantine, the iust
 inheritor of this whole dominion. But his vntruth and theirs were both
 [Sidenote: Some thinke the Seimors to come from this man by lineall
 descent and I suppose no lesse.]
 recompensed togither, for he was taken prisoner by Eldulph de Samor a
 noble man of Britaine, and his head for his traitorie striken off at
 the commandement of Aurilambrose. In the field the Scots were
 vanquished: but Octa the sonne of Hengest was receiued to mercie, to
 whome and his people this Aurilambrose gaue the countrie of Gallowaie
 in Scotland, for which they became his subiects. And hereby appeareth
 that Scotland was then againe reduced into his hands.

 Vter called also Pendragon, brother to Aurilambrose was next king of
 the Britons, against whome, these sworne Saxons now foresworne
 subiects (confederate with the Scots) newlie rebelled: but by his
 power assembled against them in Gallowaie in Scotland, they were
 discomfited, & Albania againe recouered vnto his subiection. Arthur
 the sonne of this Vter, begotten before the mariage, but lawfullie
 borne in matrimonie, succéeded next to the crowne of great Britaine;
 whose noble acts, though manie vulgar fables haue rather stained than
 commended: yet all the Scotish writers confesse, that he subdued great
 Britaine, and made it tributarie to him, and ouercame the Saxons then
 scattered as far as Cathnesse in Scotland: and in all these wars
 against them, he had the seruice and obeisance of Scots and Picts. But
 at the last setting their féet in the guilefull paths of their
 predecessors, they rebelled and besieged the citie of Yorke, Howell
 king of the lesse Britaine cousine to king Arthur being therein. But
 he with an host came thither and discomfited the Scots, chased them
 into a marsh, and besieged them there so long, that they were almost
 famished: vntill the bishops, abbats, and men of religion (for as much
 as they were christened people) besought him to take them to his
 mercie and grace, and to grant them a portion of the same countrie to
 dwell in vnder euerlasting subiection. Vpon this he tooke them to his
 grace, homage and fealtie: and when they were sworne his subiects and
 liegemen, he ordeined his kinsman Anguisan to be their king and
 gouernour, Vrian king of Iland, and Murefrence king of Orkeneie. He
 made an archbishop of Yorke also, whose authoritie extended through
 all Scotland.

 Finallie, the said Arthur holding his roiall feast at Cairleon, had
 there all the kings that were subiects vnto him, among which, Angusian
 the said king of Scots did his due seruice and homage, so long as he
 was with him for the realme of Scotland, & bare king Arthurs sword
 afore him. Malgo shortlie after succéeded in the whole kingdome of
 great Britaine, who vpon new resistance made, subdued Ireland, Iland,
 the Orchads, Norwaie and Denmarke, and made Ethelfred a Saxon king of
 Bernicia, that is, Northumberland, Louthian, and much other land of
 Scotland, which Ethelfred by the sword obteined at the hands of the
 wilfull inhabitants, and continued true subiect to this Malgo.

 Cadwan succéeded in the kingdome of great Britaine, who in defense of
 his subiects the Scots, made warre vpon this Ethelfred, but at the
 last they agréed, and Cadwan vpon their rebellion gaue all Scotland
 vnto this Ethelfred, which he therevpon subdued and inioied: but
 afterward in the reigne of Cadwallo that next succeeded in great
 Britaine, he rebelled. Whervpon the same Cadwallo came into Scotland,
 and vpon his treason reseised the countrie into his owne hands, and
 hauing with him all the vicerois of the Saxons, which then inhabited
 here as his subiects, in singular battell he slue the same Ethelfred
 with his owne hands.

 Oswald was shortlie after by Cadwallos gift made king of Bernicia, and
 he as subiect to Cadwallo, and by his commandement discomfited the
 Scots and Picts, and subdued all Scotland. Oswie the brother of this
 Oswald, was by the like gift of Cadwallo, made next king of Bernicia,
 and he by like commandement newlie subdued the Scots and Picts, and
 held them in that obeisance to this Cadwallow, during eight and
 twentie yeares. Thus Cadwallo reigned in the whole monarchie of great
 Britaine, hauing all the seuen kings thereof, as well Saxons as others
 his subiects: for albeit the number of Saxons from time to time
 greatlie increased, yet were they alwaies either at the first
 expelled, or else made tributarie to the onelie kings of Britons for
 the time being, as all their owne writers doo confesse.

 Cadwallader was next king of the whole great Britaine, he reigned
 twelue yeares ouer all the kings thereof, in great peace and
 tranquillitie: and then vpon the lamentable death of his subiects,
 which died of sundrie diseases innumerablie, he departed into little
 Britaine. His sonne and cousine Iuor and Iue, being expelled out of
 England also by the Saxons, went into Wales, where among the Britons
 they and their posteritie remained princes. Vpon this great
 alteration, and warres being through the whole dominion betwéene the
 Britons and Saxons, the Scots thought time to slip the collar of
 obedience, and therevpon entred in league with Charles then king of
 France, establishing it in this wise.

 1 "The iniurie of Englishmen doone to anie of these people, shall be
 perpetuallie holden common to them both.

 2 "When Frenchmen be inuaded by Englishmen, the Scots shall send their
 armie in defense of France, so that they be supported with monie and
 vittels by the French.

 3 "When Scots be inuaded by Englishmen, the Frenchmen shall come vpon
 their owne expenses, to their support and succour.

 4 "None of the people shall take peace or truce with Englishmen,
 without the aduise of other, &c."

 [Sidenote: _Nicholas Adams._]
 Manie disputable opinions may be had of warre without the praising of
 it, as onelie admittable by inforced necessitie, and to be vsed for
 peace sake onelie, where here the Scots sought warre for the loue of
 warre onelie. For their league giueth no benefit to themselues, either
 in frée traffike of their owne commodities, or benefit of the French,
 or other priuilege to the people of both. What discommoditie riseth by
 loosing the intercourse and exchange of our commodities (being in
 necessaries more aboundant than France) the Scots féele, and we
 perfectlie know. What ruine of their townes, destruction of countries,
 slaughter of both peoples, haue by reason of this bloudie league
 chanced, the histories be lamentable to read, and horrible among
 Christian men to be remembred: but God gaue the increase according to
 their séed, for as they did hereby sowe dissention, so did they
 shortlie after reape a bloudie slaughter and confusion. For Alpine
 their king, possessing a light mind that would be lost with a little
 wind, hoped by this league shortlie to subdue all great Britaine, and
 to that end not onelie rebelled in his owne kingdome, but also vsurped
 vpon the kingdome of Picts. Whervpon Edwine king of England, made one
 Brudeus king of Picts, whom he sent into Scotland with a great power,
 where in battell he tooke this Alpine king of Scots prisoner, and
 discomfited his people. And this Alpine being their king found subiect
 and rebell, his head was striken off at a place in Scotland, which
 thereof is to this daie called Pasalpine, that is to saie, the head of
 Alpine. And this was the first effect of their French league.

 Osbright king of England, with Ella his subiect, and a great number of
 Britons and Saxons shortlie after, for that the Scots had of
 themselues elected a new king, entered Scotland, and ceassed not his
 war against them, vntill their king and people fled into the Iles,
 with whome at the last vpon their submission, peace was made in this
 wise.

 The water of Frith shall be march betwéene Scots and Englishmen in the
 east parts, and shall be named the Scotish sea.

 The water of Cluide to Dunbriton, shall be march in the west parts
 betwéene the Scots and Britons. This castell was before called
 Alcluide, but now Dunbriton, that is to say, the castle of Britons,
 and sometimes it was destroied by the Danes. So the Britons had all
 the lands from Sterling to the Ireland seas, and from the water of
 Frith & Cluide to Cumber, with all the strengths and commodities
 thereof: and the Englishmen had the lands betwéene Sterling and
 Northumberland. Thus was Cluide march betwéene the Scots and the
 Britons on the one side, and the water of Frith named the Scotish sea,
 march betwéene them and Englishmen on the other side, and Sterling
 common march to thrée people, Britons, Englishmen, and Scots, howbeit
 king Osbright had the castle of Stirling, where first he caused to be
 coined Sterling monie. The Englishmen also builded a bridge of stone,
 for passage ouer the water of Frith, in the middest whereof they made
 a crosse, vnder which were written these verses:

   I am free march, as passengers may ken,
   To Scots, to Britons, and Englishmen.

 Not manie yeares after this, Hinguar and Hubba, two Danes, with a
 great number of people, arriued in Scotland, and slue Constantine,
 whom Osbright had before made king: wherevpon Edulfe or Ethelwulfe,
 then king of England, assembled his power against Hinguar and Hubba,
 and in one battell slue them both; but such of their people as would
 remaine and become christians, he suffered to tarie: the rest he
 banished or put to death, &c.

 This Ethelwulfe granted the Peter pence, of which albeit Peter & Paule
 had little need and lesse right: yet the paiment thereof continued in
 this realme euer after vntill now of late yeares. But the Scots euer
 since vnto this daie haue, and yet doo paie it, by reason of that
 grant, which prooueth them to be then vnder his obeisance.

 Alured or Alfred succéeded in the kingdome of England, and reigned
 noblie ouer the whole monarchie of great Britaine: he made lawes, that
 persons excommunicated should be disabled to sue or claime anie
 propertie; which law Gregour, whome this Alured had made king of
 Scots, obeied; and the same law as well in Scotland as in England is
 holden to this daie, which also prooueth him to be high lord of
 Scotland.

 This Alured constreined Gregour king of Scots also to breake the
 league with France, for generallie he concluded with him, and serued
 him in all his warres, as well against Danes as others, not reseruing
 or making anie exception of the former league with France.

 The said Alured, after the death of Gregour, had the like seruice and
 obeisance of Donald king of Scots with fiue thousand horssemen,
 against one Gurmond a Dane that then infested the realme, and this
 Donald died in this faith and obeisance with Alured.

 Edward the first of that name called Chifod sonne of this Alured
 succéeded his father, and was the next king of England: against whome
 Sithrijc a Dane and the Scots conspired; but they were subdued, and
 Constantine their king brought to obeisance. He held the realme of
 Scotland also of king Edward, and this dooth Marian their owne
 countrieman a Scot confesse: beside Roger Houeden, and William of
 Malmesberie.

 In the yeare of our Lord 923, the same king Edward was president and
 gouernour of all the people of England, Cumberland, Scots, Danes, and
 Britons.

 King Athelstane in like sort conquered Scotland, and as he laie in his
 tents beside Yorke, whilest the warres lasted, the king of Scots
 feined himselfe to be a minstrell, and harped before him onelie to
 espie his ordinance and his people. But being (as their writers
 confesse) corrupted with monie, he sold his faith and false heart
 together to the Danes, and aided them against king Athelstane at
 sundrie times. Howbeit he met with all their vntruthes at Broningfield
 in the west countrie, as is mentioned in the ninth chapter of the
 first booke of this description, where he discomfited the Danes, and
 slue Malcolme deputie in that behalfe to the king of Scots: in which
 battell the Scots confesse themselues to haue lost more people than
 were remembred in anie age before. Then Athelstane following his good
 lucke, went throughout all Scotland and wholie subdued it, and being
 in possession thereof, gaue land there lieng in Annandale by his deed,
 the copie wherof dooth follow:

 "I king Athelstane, giues vnto Paulam, Oddam and Roddam, als good and
 als faire, as euer they mine were, and thereto witnesse Mauld my
 wife."

 By which course words, not onelie appeareth the plaine simplicitie of
 mens dooings in those daies: but also a full proofe that he was then
 seized of Scotland. At the last also he receiued homage of Malcolme
 king of Scots: but for that he could not be restored to his whole
 kingdome, he entered into religion, and there shortlie after died.

 Then Athelstane, for his better assurance of that countrie there
 after, thought it best to haue two stringes to the bowe of their
 obedience, and therefore not onelie constituted one Malcolme to be
 their king, but also appointed one Indulph sonne of Constantine the
 third, to be called prince of Scotland, to whome he gaue much of
 Scotland: and for this Malcolme did homage to Athelstane.

 Edmund brother of Athelstane succéeded next king of England, to whome
 this Indulph then king of Scots not onelie did homage, but also serued
 him with ten thousand Scots, for the expulsion of the Danes out of the
 realme of England.

 [Sidenote: Some referre this to an Edward.]
 Edred or Eldred brother to this Edmund succéeded next king of England:
 he not onelie receiued the homage of Irise then king of Scots, but
 also the homage of all the barons of Scotland.

 Edgar the sonne of Edmund, brother of Athelstane, being now of full
 age, was next king of England: he reigned onelie ouer the whole
 monarchie of Britaine, and receiued homage of Keneth king of Scots for
 the kingdome of Scotland, and made Malcolme prince thereof.

 This Edgar gaue vnto the same Keneth the countrie of Louthian in
 Scotland, which was before seized into the hands of Osbright king of
 England for their rebellion, as is before declared. He inioined Keneth
 their said king also once in euerie yéere at certeine principall
 feasts (whereat the king did vse to weare his crowne) to repaire vnto
 him into England for the making of lawes: which in those daies was
 doone by the noble men or péeres according to the order of France at
 this daie. He allowed also sundrie lodgings in England, to him and his
 successours, whereat to lie, and refresh themselues in their
 iourneies, whensoeuer they should come vp to doo their homages: and
 finallie a péece of ground lieng beside the new palace of Westminster,
 vpon which this Keneth builded a house, that by him and his posteritie
 was inioied vntill the reigne of king Henrie the second. In whose
 time, vpon the rebellion of William king of Scots, it was resumed into
 the king of Englands hand. The house is decaied, but the ground where
 it stood is called Scotland to this daie.

 [Sidenote: Lawfull age and wardship of heires.]
 Moreouer, Edgar made this law, that no man should succéed to his
 patrimonie or inheritance holden by knights seruice, vntill he
 accomplished the age of one and twentie yéeres: because by intendment
 vnder that age, he should not be able in person to serue his king and
 countrie according to the tenor of his deed, and the condition of his
 purchase. This law was receiued by the same Keneth in Scotland; and as
 well there as in England is obserued to this daie: which prooueth also
 that Scotland was then vnder his obeisance.

 In the yeere of our Lord 974, Kinald king of Scots, and Malcolme king
 of Cumberland, Macon king of Man and the Iles, Duuenall king of
 Southwales, Siferth and Howell kings of the rest of Wales, Jacob or
 James of Gallowaie, & Jukill of Westmerland did homage to king Edgar
 at Chester. And on the morrow going by water to the monasterie of
 saint Iohns to seruice, and returning home againe: the said Edgar
 sitting in a barge, and stirring the same vpon the water of Dée, made
 the said kings to row the barge, saieng that his successors might well
 be ioifull to haue the prerogatiue of so great honour, and the
 superioritie of so manie mightie princes to be subiect vnto their
 monarchie.

 Edward, the sonne of this Edgar, was next king of England, in whose
 time this Keneth king of Scots caused Malcolme king of Scotland to be
 poisoned. Wherevpon king Edward made warre against him, which ceased
 not vntill this Keneth submitted himselfe, and offered to receiue him
 for prince of Scotland, whome king Edward would appoint. Herevpon king
 Edward proclamed one Malcolme to be prince of Scotland, who
 immediatlie came into England, and there did homage vnto the same king
 Edward.

 Etheldred, brother of this Edward succeeded next ouer England, against
 whome Swaine king of Denmarke conspired with this last Malcolme then
 king of Scots. But shortlie after, this Malcolme sorrowfullie
 submitted himselfe into the defense of Etheldred: who considering how
 that which could not be amended, must onelie be repented, benignlie
 receiued him. By helpe of whose seruice at last Etheldred recouered
 his realme againe out of the hands of Swaine, and reigned ouer the
 whole monarchie eight and thirtie yéeres.

 Edmund surnamed Ironside, sonne of this Etheldred, was next king of
 England, in whose time Canutus a Dane inuaded the realme with much
 crueltie. But at the last he married with Emme sometime wife vnto
 Etheldred and mother of this Edmund. Which Emme, as arbitratrix
 betweene hir naturall loue to the one, and matrimoniall dutie to the
 other, procured such amitie betwéene them in the end, that Edmund was
 contented to diuide the realme with Canutus: and keeping to himselfe
 all England on this side Humber, gaue all the rest beyond Humber, with
 the seigniorie of Scotland to this Canutus. Wherevpon Malcolme then
 king of Scots (after a little accustomable resistance) did homage to
 the same Canutus for the kingdome of Scotland. Thus the said Canutus
 held the same ouer of this Edmund king of England by the like
 seruices, so long as they liued togither. This Canutus in memorie of
 this victorie, and glorie of his seigniorie ouer the Scots, commanded
 Malcolme their king to build a church in Buchquhan in Scotland, (where
 a field betweene him and them was fought) to be dedicated to Olauus
 patrone of Norwaie and Denmarke, which church was by the same Malcolme
 accordinglie performed.

 Edward called the Confessour, sonne of Etheldred, and brother to
 Edmund Ironside, was afterward king of England: he tooke from Malcolme
 king of Scots his life and his kingdome, and made Malcolme sonne to
 the king of Cumberland and Northumberland king of Scots, who did him
 homage and fealtie.

 This Edward perused the old lawes of the realme, and somewhat added to
 some of them: as to the law of Edgar for the wardship of the lands
 vntill the heire should accomplish the age of one and twentie yeeres.
 He added, that the marriage of such heire should also belong to the
 [Sidenote: To whome the marriage of the ward perteineth.]
 lord of whom the same land was holden. Also, that euerie woman
 marrieng a freeman, should (notwithstanding she had no children by
 that husband) enioie the third part of his inheritance during hir
 life: with manie other lawes which the same Malcolme king of Scots
 obeied, and which as well by them in Scotland, as by vs in England be
 obserued to this day, and directlie prooueth the whole to be then
 vnder his obeisance.

 By reason of this law, Malcolme the sonne of Duncane next inheritor to
 the crowne of Scotland, being within age, was by the nobles of
 Scotland deliuered as ward to the custodie also of king Edward. During
 whose minoritie, one Makebeth a Scot traitorouslie vsurped the crowne
 of Scotland. Against whome the said Edward made warre, in which the
 said Mackbeth was ouercome and slaine. Wherevpon the said Malcolme was
 crowned king of Scots at Scone, in the eight yeere of the reigne of
 king Edward aforesaid. This Malcolme also by tenor of the said new law
 of wardship, was married vnto Margaret the daughter of Edward sonne of
 Edmund Ironside and Agatha, by the disposition of the same king
 Edward, and at his full age did homage to this king Edward the
 Confessour for the kingdome of Scotland.

 [Sidenote: Edward the Confessour.]
 Moreouer, Edward of England, hauing no issue of his bodie, and
 mistrusting that Harald the son of Goodwine, descended of the daughter
 of Harald Harefoot the Dane, would vsurpe the crowne, if he should
 leaue it to his cousine Edgar Eatling (being then within age) and
 partlie by the petition of his subiects, who before had sworne neuer
 to receiue anie kings ouer them of the Danish nation, did by his
 substantiall will in writing (as all our clergie writers affirme)
 demise the crowne of great Britaine vnto William Bastard, then duke of
 Normandie, and to his heires, constituting him his heire
 testamentarie. Also there was proximitie in bloud betwéene them: for
 Emme daughter of Richard duke of Normandie was wife vnto Etheldred, on
 whom he begat Alured and this Edward: and this William was son of
 Robert sonne of Richard, brother of the whole bloud to the same Emme.
 Whereby appeareth that this William was heire by title, and not by
 conquest, albeit that partlie to extinguish the mistrust of other
 titles, and partlie for the glorie of his victorie, he chalenged in
 the end, the name of a conquerour, and hath béene so written euer
 since the time of his arriuall.

 [Sidenote: William Bastard.]
 Furthermore, this William, called the Bastard and the Conquerour,
 supposed not his conquest perfect till he had likewise subdued the
 Scots. Wherfore to bring the Scots to iust obeisance after his
 coronation, as heire testamentarie to Edward the Confessour; he entred
 Scotland, where after a little resistance made by the inhabitants, the
 said Malcolme then their king did homage to him at Abirnethie in
 Scotland for the kingdome of Scotland, as to his superiour also by
 meane of his late conquest.

 [Sidenote: William Rufus.]
 William surnamed Rufus, sonne to this William called the Conquerour,
 succéeded next in the throne of England, to whome the said Malcolme
 king of Scots did like homage for the whole kingdome of Scotland. But
 afterward he rebelled, and was by this William Rufus slaine in plaine
 field. Wherevpon the Scotishmen did choose one Donald or Dunwall to be
 their king. But this William Rufus deposed him, and created Dunkane
 sonne of Malcolme to be their king, who did like homage to him.
 Finallie, this Dunkane was slaine by the Scots, and Dunwall restored,
 who once againe by this William Rufus was deposed; and Edgar son of
 Malcolme, and brother to the last Malcolme, was by him made their
 king, who did like homage for Scotland to this William Rufus.

 [Sidenote: Henrie I.]
 Henrie called Beauclerke the sonne of William called the Conquerour,
 after the death of his brother William Rufus, succéeded to the crowne
 of England, to whome the same Edgar king of Scots did homage for
 Scotland: this Henrie Beauclerke maried Mawd the daughter of Malcolme
 K. of Scots, and by hir had issue Mawd afterward empresse.

 Alexander the sonne of Malcolme brother to this Mawd was next king of
 Scots, he did like homage for the kingdome of Scotland to this Henrie
 the first, as Edgar had doone before him.

 [Sidenote: Mawd.]
 Mawd called the empresse, daughter and heire to Henrie Beauclerke and
 Mawd his wife, receiued homage of Dauid, brother to hir and to this
 Alexander next king of Scots, before all the temporall men of England
 for the kingdome of Scotland. This Mawd the empresse gaue vnto Dauid
 in the marriage, Mawd the daughter and heire of Voldosius earle of
 Huntingdon & Northumberland. And herein their euasion appeareth, by
 which they allege that their kings homages were made for the earledome
 of Huntingdon. For this Dauid was the first that of their kings was
 earle of Huntingdon, which was since all the homages of their kings
 before recited, and at the time of this mariage, & long after the said
 Alexander his brother was king of Scots, doing the homage aforesaid to
 Henrie Beauclerke son to the aforesaid ladie, of whome I find this
 epitaph worthie to be remembred:

   Ortu magna, viro maior, sed maxima partu,
     Hîc iacet Henrici filia, sponsa, parens.

 In the yéere of our Lord 1136, and first yéere of the reigne of king
 Stephan, the said Dauid king of Scots being required to doo his
 homage, refused it: for so much as he had doone homage to Mawd the
 empresse before time; notwithstanding the sonne of the said Dauid did
 homage to king Stephan.

 [Sidenote: Henrie 2.]
 Henrie called Fitz empresse, the sonne of Mawd the empresse daughter
 of Mawd, daughter of Malcolme king of Scots, was next king of England.
 He receiued homage for Scotland of Malcolme sonne of Henrie, sonne of
 the said Dauid their last king. Which Malcolme after this homage
 attended vpon the same king Henrie in his warres against Lewis then
 king of France. Whereby appeareth that their French league was neuer
 renewed after the last diuision of their countrie by Osbright king of
 England. But after these warres finished with the French king, this
 Malcolme being againe in Scotland rebelled: wherevpon king Henrie
 immediatlie seized Huntingdon and Northumberland into his owne hands
 by confiscation, and made warres vpon him in Scotland: during which
 the same Malcolme died without issue of his bodie.

 William brother of this Malcolme was next king of Scots, he with all
 [Sidenote: Because they were taken from him before.]
 the nobles of Scotland (which could not be now for anie earledome) did
 homage to the sonne of Henrie the second, his father. Also the
 earledome of Huntingdon was (as ye haue heard) before this forfeited
 by Malcolme his brother, and neuer after restored to the crowne of
 Scotland.

 This William did afterward attend vpon the same Henrie the second, in
 his warres in Normandie against the French king (notwithstanding their
 French league) and then being licenced to depart home in the tenth of
 this prince, and vpon the fifteenth of Februarie he returned, and vpon
 the sixtéenth of October did homage to him for the realme of Scotland.
 In token also of his perpetuall subjection to the crowne of England,
 he offered vp his cloake, his saddle, and his speare at the high altar
 in Yorke: wherevpon he was permitted to depart home into Scotland,
 where immediatlie he mooued cruell warre in Northumberland against the
 same king Henrie, being as yet in Normandie. But God tooke the defense
 of king Henries part, and deliuered the same William king of Scots
 into the hands of a few Englishmen, who brought him prisoner to king
 Henrie into Normandie in the twentith yeere of his reigne. But at the
 last, at the sute of Dauid his brother, Richard bishop of saint
 Andrews, and other bishops and lords, he was put to this fine for the
 amendment of his trespasse; to wit, to paie ten thousand pounds
 sterling, and to surrender all his title to the earldome of
 Huntingdon, Cumberland, & Northumberland into the hands of king
 Henrie, which he did in all things accordinglie, sealing his charters
 thereof with the great scale of Scotland, and signets of his nobilitie
 yet to be seene: wherein it was also comprised, that he and his
 successours should hold the realme of Scotland of the king of England
 and his successours for euer. And herevpon he once againe did homage
 to the same king Henrie, which now could not be for the earledome of
 Huntingdon, the right whereof was alreadie by him surrendered. And for
 the better assurance of this faith also, the strengths of Berwike,
 Edenborough, Roxborough, and Striueling were deliuered into the hands
 of our king Henrie of England, which their owne writers confesse. But
 Hector Boetius saith, that this trespasse was amended by fine of
 twentie thousand pounds sterling, and that the erledome of Huntingdon,
 Cumberland, and Northumberland were deliuered as morgage into the
 hands of king Henrie, vntill other ten thousand pounds sterling should
 be to him paid, which is so farre from truth, as Hector was (while he
 liued) from well meaning to our countrie. But if we grant that it is
 true, yet prooueth he not that the monie was paid, nor the land
 otherwise redéemed, or euer after came to anie Scotish kings hands.
 And thus it appeareth that the earledome of Huntingdon was neuer
 occasion of the homages of the Scotish kings to the kings of England,
 either before this time or after.

 This was doone 1175. Moreouer I read this note hereof gathered out of
 Robertus Montanus or Montensis that liued in those daies, and was (as
 I take it) "confessor to king Henrie. The king of Scots dooth homage
 to king Henrie for the kingdome of Scotland, and is sent home againe,
 his bishops also did promise to doo the like to the archbishop of
 Yorke, and to acknowledge themselues to be of his prouince and
 iurisdiction. By vertue also of this composition the said Robert
 saith, that Rex Angliæ dabat honores, episcopatus, abbatias, & alias
 dignitates in Scotia, vel saltem eius consilio dabantur, that is, The
 king of England gaue honors, bishopriks, abbatships, and other
 dignities in Scotland, or at the leastwise they were not giuen without
 his aduise and counsell."

 At this time Alexander bishop of Rome (supposed to haue generall
 iurisdiction ecclesiasticall through christendome) established the
 whole cleargie of Scotland (according to the old lawes) vnder the
 iurisdiction of the archbishop of Yorke.

 In the yeare of our Lord 1185, in the moneth of August, at Cairleill,
 Rouland Talmant lord of Galwaie, did homage and fealtie to the said
 king Henrie with all that held of him.

 In the two and twentith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the second,
 Gilbert sonne of Ferguse prince of Galwaie, did homage and fealtie to
 the said king Henrie, and left Dunecan his sonne in hostage for
 conseruation of his peace.

 Richard surnamed C[oe]ur de Lion, because of his stoutnesse, and sonne
 of this Henrie was next king of England, to whome the same William
 king of Scots did homage at Canturburie for the whole kingdome of
 Scotland.

 This king Richard was taken prisoner by the duke of Ostrich, for whose
 redemption the whole realme was taxed at great summes of monie vnto
 the which this William king of Scots (as a subject) was contributorie,
 and paied two thousand markes sterling.

 In the yeare of our Lord 1199, Iohn king of England sent to William
 king of Scots, to come and doo his homage, which William came to
 Lincolne in the moneth of December the same yeare, and did his homage
 vpon an hill in the presence of Hubert archbishop of Canturburie, and
 of all the people there assembled, and therevnto tooke his oth and was
 sworne vpon the crosse of the said Hubert: also he granted by his
 charter confirmed, that he should haue the mariage of Alexander his
 sonne, as his liegeman, alwaies to hold of the king of England:
 promising moreouer that he the said king William and his sonne
 Alexander, should keepe and hold faith and allegiance to Henrie sonne
 of the said king Iohn, as to their chiefe lord against all maner of
 men that might liue and die.

 Also whereas William king of Scots had put Iohn bishop of saint Andrew
 out of his bishoprike, pope Clement wrote to Henrie king of England,
 that he should mooue and induce the same William; and if néed required
 by his roiall power and prerogatiue ouer that nation, to compell him
 to leaue his rancor against the said bishop, and suffer him to haue
 and occupie his said bishoprike againe.

 In the yeare of our Lord 1216, and fiue & twentith of the reigne of
 Henrie, sonne to king Iohn, the same Henrie and the quéene were at
 Yorke at the feast of Christmasse, for the solemnization of a marriage
 made in the feast of saint Stephan the martyr the same yeare, betwéene
 Alexander king of Scots, and Margaret the kings daughter, and there
 the said Alexander did homage to Henrie king of England for all the
 realme of Scotland.

 In buls of diuerse popes were admonitions giuen to the kings of Scots,
 as appeareth by that of Gregorie the fift and Clement his successor,
 that they should obserue and trulie kéepe all such appointments, as
 had béene made betwéene the kings of England and Scotland. And that
 the kings of Scotland should still hold the realme of Scotland of the
 kings of England, vpon paine of cursse and interdiction.

 After the death of Alexander king of Scots, Alexander his sonne, being
 nine yeares of age, was by the lawes of Edgar, in ward to king Henrie
 the third, & by the nobles of Scotland brought to Yorke, and there
 deliuered vnto him. During whose minoritie king Henrie gouerned
 Scotland, and to subdue a commotion in this realme, vsed the aid of
 fiue thousand Scotishmen. But king Henrie died during the nonage of
 this Alexander, whereby he receiued not his homage, which by reason
 and law was respited vntill his full age of one and twentie yeares.

 Edward the first after the conquest, sonne of this Henrie was next
 king of England; immediatlie after whose coronation, Alexander king of
 Scots, being then of full age, did homage to him for Scotland at
 Westminster, swearing (as all the rest did) after this maner.

 "I. D. N. king of Scots shall be true and faithfull vnto you lord E.
 by the grace of God king of England, the noble and superior lord of
 the kingdome of Scotland, and vnto you I make my fidelitie for the
 same kingdome, the which I hold and claime to hold of you. And I shall
 beare you my faith and fidelitie of life and lim, and worldlie honour
 against all men, faithfullie I shall knowlege and shall doo you
 seruice due vnto you of the kingdome of Scotland aforesaid, as God me
 so helpe and these holie euangelies."

 This Alexander king of Scots died, leauing one onelie daughter called
 Margaret for his heire, who before had maried Hanigo, sonne to Magnus
 king of Norwaie, which daughter also shortlie after died, leauing one
 onelie daughter hir heire, of the age of two yeares, whose custodie
 and mariage by the lawes of king Edgar, and Edward the confessor,
 belonged to Edward the first: whervpon the nobles of Scotland were
 commanded by our king Edward to send into Norwaie, to conueie this
 yoong queene into England to him, whome he intended to haue maried to
 his sonne Edward: and so to haue made a perfect vnion long wished for
 betwéene both realmes. Herevpon their nobles at that time considering
 the same tranquillitie that manie of them haue since refused, stood
 not vpon shifts and delaies of minoritie nor contempt, but most
 gladlie consented, and therevpon sent two noble men of Scotland into
 Norwaie, for hir to be brought to this king Edward, but she died
 before their comming thither, and therefore they required nothing but
 to inioie the lawfull liberties that they had quietlie possessed in
 the last king Alexanders time.

 After the death of this Margaret, the Scots were destitute of anie
 heire to the crowne from this Alexander their last king, at which time
 this Edward descended from the bodie of Mawd daughter of Malcolme
 sometime king of Scots, being then in the greatest broile of his
 warres with France, minded not to take the possession of that kingdome
 in his owne right, but was contented to establish Balioll to be king
 thereof, the weake title betwéene him, Bruse, & Hastings, being by the
 humble petition of all the realme of Scotland c[=o]mitted to the
 determination of king Edward, wherein by autentike writing they
 confessed the superioritie of the realme to remaine in king Edward,
 sealed with the seales of foure bishops, seuen earles, and twelue
 barons of Scotland, and which shortlie after was by the whole assent
 of the three estates of Scotland, in their solemne parlement confessed
 and enacted accordinglie, as most euidentlie dooth appeare.

 The Balioll in this wise made king of Scotland, did immediatlie make
 his homage and fealtie at Newcastell vpon saint Stéeuens daie (as did
 likewise all the lords of Scotland, each one setting his hand to the
 composition in writing) to king Edward of England for the kingdome of
 Scotland: but shortlie after defrauding the benigne goodnesse of his
 superiour, he rebelled, and did verie much hurt in England. Herevpon
 king Edward inuaded Scotland, seized into his hands the greater part
 of the countrie, and tooke all the strengths thereof. Whervpon Balioll
 king of Scots came vnto him to Mauntrosse in Scotland with a white
 wand in his hand, and there resigned the crowne of Scotland, with all
 his right, title, and interest to the same, into the hands of king
 Edward, and thereof made his charter in writing, dated and sealed the
 fourth yeare of his reigne. All the nobles and gentlemen of Scotland
 also repaired to Berwike, and did homage and fealtie to king Edward,
 there becomming his subiects. For the better assurance of whose oths
 also, king Edward kept all the strengths and holdes of Scotland in his
 owne hands; and herevpon all their lawes, processes, all iudgements,
 gifts of assises and others, passed vnder the name and authoritie of
 king Edward. Leland touching the same rehearsall, writeth thereof in
 this maner.

 "In the yeare of our Lord 1295, the same Iohn king of Scots, contrarie
 to his faith and allegiance rebelled against king Edward, and came
 into England, and burnt and slue without all modestie and mercie.
 Wherevpon king Edward with a great host went to Newcastell vpon Tine,
 passed the water of Twéed, besieged Berwike, and got it. Also he wan
 the castell of Dunbar, and there were slaine at this brunt 15700
 Scots. Then he proceeded further, and gat the castell of Rokesborow,
 and the castell of Edenborow, Striuelin and Gedworth, and his people
 harried all the land. In the meane season, the said king Iohn of
 Scots, considering that he was not of power to withstand king Edward,
 sent his letters and besought him of treatie and peace, which our
 prince benignlie granted, and sent to him againe that he should come
 to the towre of Brechin, and bring thither the great lords of Scotland
 with him. The king of England sent thither Antonie Becke bishop of
 Durham, with his roiall power, to conclude the said treatise. And
 there it was agreed that the said Iohn and all the Scots should
 vtterlie submit themselues to the kings will. And to the end the
 submission should be performed accordinglie, the king of Scots laid
 his sonne in hostage and pledge vnto him. There also he made his
 letters sealed with the common seale of Scotland, by the which he
 knowledging his simplenes and great offense doone to his lord king
 Edward of England, by his full power and frée will yeelded vp all the
 land of Scotland, with all the people and homage of the same. Then our
 king went foorth to sée the mounteins, and vnderstanding that all was
 in quiet and peace, he turned to the abbeie of Scone, which was of
 [Sidenote: The Scots dreame that this was the stone whereon Jacob
 slept when he fled into Mesopotamia.]
 chanons regular, where he tooke the stone called the Regall of
 Scotland, vpon which the kings of that nation were woont to sit, at
 the time of their coronations for a throne, & sent it to the abbeie of
 Westminster, commanding to make a chaire therof for the priests that
 should sing masse at the high altar: which chaire was made, and
 standeth yet there at this daie to be séene."

 In the yeare of our Lord 1296, the king held his parlement at Berwike:
 and there he tooke homage singularlie of diuerse of the lords & nobles
 of Scotland. And for a perpetuall memorie of the same, they made their
 letters patents sealed with their seales, and then the king of England
 made William Warreine earle of Surrie and Southsax lord Warden of
 Scotland, Hugh of Cressingham treasurer, and William Ormesbie iustice
 of Scotland, and foorthwith sent king Iohn to the Tower of London, and
 Iohn Comin, and the earle Badenauth, the earle of Bohan and other
 lords into England to diuerse places on this side of the Trent.

 And after that, in the yeare of our Lord 1297, at the feast of
 Christmas, the king called before him the said Iohn king of Scots,
 although he had committed him to ward: and said that he would burne or
 destroie their castels, townes, and lands, if he were not recompensed
 for his costs and damages susteined in the warres; but king Iohn and
 the other that were in ward, answered that they had nothing, sith
 their liues, their deaths, and goods were in his hands. The king vpon
 that answer mooued with pitie, granted them their liues; so that they
 would doo their homage, and make their oth solenmelie at the high
 altar (in the church of the abbeie of Westminster) vpon the eucharist,
 that they and euerie of them should hold and keepe true faith,
 obedience, and allegiance to the said king Edward and his heires kings
 of England for euer. And where the said king of Scots saw the kings
 banner of England displaied, he and all his power should draw
 therevnto. And that neither he or anie of his from thencefoorth should
 beare armes against the king of England or anie of his bloud.
 Finallie, the king rewarding with great gifts the said king Iohn and
 his lords, suffered them to depart. But they went into Scotland alwaie
 imagining (notwithstanding this their submission) how they might
 oppresse king Edward, and disturbe his realme. The Scots sent also to
 the king of France for succour and helpe, who sent them ships to
 Berwike furnished with men of armes, the king of England then being in
 Flanders.

 In the yeare of our Lord 1298, the king went into Scotland with a
 great host, and the Scots also assembled in great number, but the king
 fought with them at Fawkirke on S. Marie Magdalens daie, where were
 slaine thréescore thousand Scots, & William Walleis that was their
 capteine fled, who being taken afterward, was hanged, drawen, &
 quartered at London, for his trespasses.

 After this the Scots rebelled againe, and all the lords of Scotland
 [Sidenote: This was doone upon the nine & twentith of Ianuarie, 1306.]
 chose Robert Bruse to be king, except onelie Iohn Commin earle of
 Carrike, who would not consent thereto bicause of his oth made to the
 king of England. Wherefore Robert Bruse slue him at Dumfrise, and then
 was crowned at Schone abbeie. Herevpon the king of England assembled a
 great hoast, and rode through all Scotland, discomfited Robert Bruse,
 slue eight thousand Scots, & tooke the most part of all the lords of
 Scotland, putting the temporall lords to deth bicause they were
 forsworne.

 Edward borne at Carnaruan sonne of this Edward, was next king of
 England, who from the beginning of his reigne enioied Scotland
 peaceablie, dooing in all things as is aboue said of king Edward his
 father, vntill toward the later end of his reigne, about which time
 this Robert Bruse conspired against him, and with the helpe of a few
 forsworne Scots, forswore himselfe king of Scots. Herevpon this Edward
 with Thomas earle of Lancaster and manie other lords made warre vpon
 him, about the feast of Marie Magdalene, the said Bruse and his
 partakers being alreadie accurssed by the pope for breaking the truce
 that he had established betwixt them. But being infortunate in his
 first warres against him, he suffered Edward the sonne of Balioll to
 proclame himselfe king of Scots; and neuerthelesse held foorth his
 warres against Bruse, before the ending of which he died, as I read.

 Edward borne at Windsore sonne of Edward the second was next king of
 England, at the age of fifteene yeares, in whose minoritie the Scots
 practised with Isabell mother to this Edward, and with Roger Mortimer
 earle of the March to haue their homages released: whose good will
 therein they obteined, so that for the same release they should paie
 to this king Edward thirtie thousand pounds starling, in three yeares
 next following, that is to saie, ten thousand pounds starling
 yeerelie. But bicause the nobilitie and commons of this realme would
 not by parlement consent vnto it, their king being within age, the
 same release procéeded not, albeit the Scots ceased not their
 practises with this quéene and earle. But before those thrée yeares,
 in which their monie (if the bargaine had taken place) should haue
 béene paied, were expired, our king Edward inuaded Scotland, and
 ceassed not the warre, vntill Dauid the sonne of Robert le Bruse (then
 by their election king of Scotland) absolutelie submitted himselfe
 vnto him. But for that the said Dauid Bruse had before by practise of
 the quéene and the earle of March, married Iane the sister of this
 king Edward: he mooued by naturall zeale to his sister, was contented
 to giue the realme of Scotland to this Dauid Bruse, and to the heires
 that should be begotten of the bodie of the said Iane (sauing the
 reuersion and meane homages to this king Edward and to his owne
 children) wherewith the same Dauid Bruse was right well contented, and
 therevpon immediatlie made his homage for all the realme of Scotland
 to him.

 Howbeit, shortlie after causelesse conceiuing cause of displeasure,
 this Dauid procured to dissolue this same estate tailée, and therevpon
 not onelie rebelled in Scotland, but also inuaded England, whilest
 king Edward was occupied about his wars in France. But this Dauid was
 not onelie expelled England in the end, but also thinking no place a
 sufficient defense to his vntruth, of his owne accord fled out of
 Scotland: whereby the countries of Annandale, Gallowaie, Mars,
 Teuidale, Twedale, and Ethrike were seized into the king of Englands
 hands, and new marches set betwéene England and Scotland at Cockburnes
 path & Sowtrie hedge. Which when this Dauid went about to recouer
 againe, his power was discomfited, and himselfe by a few Englishmen
 taken & brought into England, where he remained prisoner eleuen yeares
 after his said apprehension.

 During this time, king Edward enioied Scotland peaceablie, and then at
 the contemplation and wearie suit of his sorowfull sister, wife of
 this Dauid, he was contented once againe to restore him to the
 kingdome of Scotland. Wherevpon it was concluded, that for this
 rebellion Dauid should paie to king Edward, the summe of one hundred
 thousand markes starling, and thereto destroie all his holdes and
 fortresses standing against the English borders, and further assure
 the crowne of Scotland to the children of this king Edward for lacke
 of heire of his owne bodie, all which things he did accordinglie. And
 for the better assurance of his obeisance also, he afterward deliuered
 into the hands of king Edward sundrie noble men of Scotland in this
 behalfe as his pledges. This is the effect of the historie of Dauid,
 touching his delings. Now let vs sée what was doone by Edward Balioll,
 wherof our chronicles doo report, that in the yéere of our Lord 1326,
 Edward the third, king of England, was crowned at Westminster, and in
 the fift yeare of his reigne Edward Balioll right heire to the
 kingdome of Scotland came in, and claimed it as due to him. Sundrie
 lords and gentlemen also, which had title to diuerse lands there,
 either by themselues, or by their wiues, did the like. Wherevpon the
 said Balioll and they went into Scotland by sea, and landing at
 Kinghorne with 3000 Englishmen, discomfited 10000 Scots, and slue
 1200, and then went foorth to Dunfermeline, where the Scots assembled
 against them with 40000 men, and in the feast of saint Laurence, at a
 place called Gastmore (or otherwise Gladmore) were slaine fiue earls,
 thirtéene barons, a hundred and thrée score knights, two thousand men
 of armes, and manie other; in all fortie thousand: and there were
 slaine on the English part but thirtéene persons onelie, if the number
 be not corrupted.

 In the eight yeare of the reigne of king Edward, he assembled a great
 hoast, and came to Berwike vpon Twéed, and laid siege therto. To him
 also came Edward Balioll king of Scots, with a great power to
 strengthen & aid him against the Scots, who came out of Scotland in
 foure batels well armed & araied.

 Edward king of England, and Edward king of Scots, apparrelled their
 people either of them in foure battels: and vpon Halidon hill, beside
 Berwike, met these two hoasts, and there were discomfited of the Scots
 fiue and twentie thousand and seauen hundred, whereof were slaine
 eight earles, a thousand and thrée hundred knights and gentlemen. This
 victorie doone, the king returned to Berwike, & then the towne with
 the castell were yéelded vp vnto him. In the eight yeare of the reigne
 of king Edward of England, Edward Balioll king of Scots came to
 Newcastell vpon Tine, and did homage for all the realme of Scotland.

 In the yeare of our Lord 1346, Dauid Bruse by the prouocation of the
 king of France rebelled, and came into England with a great hoast vnto
 Neuils crosse: but the archbishop of Yorke, with diuerse temporall
 men, fought with him; and the said king of Scots was taken, and
 William earle of Duglas with Morrise earle of Strathorne were brought
 to London, and manie other lords slaine, which with Dauid did homage
 to Edward king of England.

 And in the thirtith yeare of the kings reigne, and the yeare of our
 Lord 1355, the Scots woone the towne of Berwicke, but not the castell.
 Herevpon the king came thither with a great hoast, and anon the towne
 was yéelded vp without anie resistance.

 Edward Balioll, considering that God did so manie maruellous and
 gratious things for king Edward, at his owne will gaue vp the crowne
 and the realme of Scotland to king Edward of England at Rokesborough,
 by his letters patents. And anon after the king of England, in
 presence of all his lords spirituall and temporall, let crowne
 himselfe king there of the realme of Scotland, & ordeined all things
 to his intent, and so came ouer into England.

 Richard the sonne of Edward, called the Blacke prince, sonne of this
 king Edward, was next king of England, who for that the said Iane, the
 wife of the said king Dauid of Scotland was deceassed without issue,
 and being informed how the Scots deuised to their vttermost power to
 breake the limitation of this inheritance touching the crowne of
 Scotland, made foorthwith war against them, wherein he burnt
 Edenbrough, spoiled all their countrie, tooke all their holds, & held
 continuallie war against them vntill his death, which was Anno Dom.
 1389.

 Henrie the fourth of that name was next king of England, he continued
 these warres begun against them by king Richard, and ceassed not
 vntill Robert king of Scots (the third of that name) resigned his
 crowne by appointment of this king Henrie, and deliuered his sonne
 Iames, being then of the age of nine yeares, into his hands to remaine
 at his custodie, wardship and disposition, as of his superiour lord,
 according to the old lawes of king Edward the confessor. All this was
 doone Anno Dom. 1404, which was within fiue yeares after the death of
 king Richard. This Henrie the fourth reigned in this estate ouer them
 fouretéene yeares.

 Henrie the fift of that name, sonne to this king Henrie the fourth,
 was next king of England. He made warres against the French king, in
 all which this Iames then king of Scots attended vpon him, as vpon his
 superiour lord, with a conuenient number of Scots, notwithstanding
 their league with France. But this Henrie reigned but nine yeares,
 whereby the homage of this Iames their king (hauing not fullie
 accomplished the age of one & twentie yeares) was by reason and law
 respited. Finallie the said Iames with diuerse other lords attended
 vpon the corps of the said Henrie vnto Westminster, as to his dutie
 apperteined.

 Henrie the sixt, the sonne of this Henrie the fift, was next king of
 England, to whome the seigniorie of Scotland & custodie of this Iames
 by right, law, and reason descended, married the same Iames king of
 Scots to Iane daughter of Iohn earle of Summerset, at saint Marie ouer
 Ise in Southwarke, and tooke for the value of this mariage, the summe
 of one hundred thousand markes starling.

 This Iames king of Scots at his full age, did homage to the same king
 Henrie the sixt, for the kingdome of Scotland at Windsore, in the
 moneth of Ianuarie.

 Since which time, vntill the daies of king Henrie the seuenth,
 grandfather to our souereigne ladie that now is, albeit this realme
 hath béene molested with diuersitie of titles, in which vnmeet time
 neither law nor reason admit prescription to the prejudice of anie
 right: yet did king Edward the fourth next king of England, by
 preparation of war against the Scots in the latter end of his reigne,
 sufficientlie by all lawes induce to the continuance of his claime to
 the same superioritie ouer them.

 After whose death, vnto the beginning of the reigne of our souereigne
 lord king Henrie the eight, excéeded not the number of seauen and
 twentie yeares, about which time the impediment of our claime of the
 Scots part, chanced by the nonage of Iames their last king which so
 continued the space of one and twentie yeares. And like as his
 minoritie was by all law and reason an impediment to himselfe to make
 homage; so was the same by like reason an impediment to the king of
 this realme to demand anie, so that the whole time of intermission of
 our claime in the time of the said king Henrie the eight, is deduced
 vnto the number of thirteene yeares. And thus much for this matter.




 OF THE WALL SOMETIME BUILDED FOR A PARTITION BETWEENE ENGLAND AND THE
 PICTS AND SCOTS.

 CHAP. XXIII.


 Hauing hitherto discoursed vpon the title of the kings of England,
 vnto the Scotish kingdome: I haue now thought good to adde herevnto
 the description of two walles that were (in times past) limits vnto
 both the said regions, and therefore to be touched in this first
 booke, as generallie appertinent vnto the estate of the whole Iland;
 and no lesse famous than that which Anastasius Dicorus made afterward
 from the Euxine vnto the Thracian sea, conteining 420 furlongs in
 length, and twelue foot in bredth, & distant from Constantinople 280
 furlongs, albeit that of Hadrian was made of turffe and timber. The
 [Sidenote: The first beginner of the Picts wall.]
 author therefore of the first wall was Hadrian the emperour, who (as
 Ælius Spartianus saith) erected the same of foure score miles in
 length, twelue foot in heigth, and eight in bredth, to diuide the
 barbarous Britons from the more ciuill sort, which then were
 generallie called by the name of Romans ouer all.

 [Sidenote: The finisher of the wall.]
 After his time Seuerus the emperour comming againe into this Ile
 (where he had serued before in repression of the tumults here begun,
 after the death of Lucius) amongst other things he made another wall
 (but of stone) betwéene eightie and a hundred miles from the first, &
 of thirtie two miles in length, reaching on both sides also to the
 sea, of whome the Britons called it S. Murseueri, or Gwall Seueri,
 that is, The wall of Seuerus, or Seuerus dale, which later indureth
 vntill these daies in fresh memorie, by reason of the ruines & square
 stones there oft found, whose inscriptions declare the authors of that
 worke. It is worthie the noting also, how that in this voiage he lost
 50000 men in the Scotish side, by one occasion and other, which
 hinderance so incensed him, that he determined vtterlie to extinguish
 their memorie from vnder heauen, and had so doone in déed, if his life
 [Sidenote: The wall goeth not streict by a line,
 but in and out in manie places.]
 had indured but vntill another yeare. Sextus Aurelius writing of
 Seuerus, addeth, how that the wall made by this prince conteined two
 and thirtie miles, whereby the bredth of this Iland there, and length
 of the wall conteineth onelie so manie miles, as may be gathered by
 his words. But chéeflie for the length of the wall, Spartianus who
 touching it among other things saith of Seuerus as followeth:
 "Britanniam (quod maximum eius imperij decus est) muro per transuersam
 insulam ducto, vtrinq; ad finem oceani muniuit," that is, He fortified
 Britaine (which is one of the chéefe acts recorded of his time) with a
 wall made ouerthwart the Ile, that reached on both sides euen to the
 verie Ocean.

 [Sidenote: The stuffe of the wall.]
 That this wall was of stone also, the ruines therof (which haue
 ministred much matter to such as dwell néere therevnto in their
 buildings) is triall sufficient. Heereby in like sort it commeth to
 passe, that where the soile about it is least inhabited, there is most
 mention of the said wall, which was wrought of squared stone, as
 vntill this daie maie euidentlie be confirmed. Howbeit, these two
 walles were not the onelie partitions betwéene these two kingdoms,
 [Sidenote: Two other wals.]
 sith Iulius Capitolinus in vita Antonini Pij dooth write of another
 that Lollius Vrbicus made beyond the same, of turffe, in the time of
 the said prince, who (for his victories in Britaine) was also called
 Britannicus, which neuerthelesse was often throwne downe by the Scots,
 and eftsoones repared againe, vntill it was giuen ouer and
 relinquished altogither. It runneth (as I take it) also within the
 wall about an arrow shot from that of stone: but how farre it went, as
 yet I cannot find. This onlie remaineth certeine, that the walles made
 [Sidenote: A rampire.]
 by Hadrian & Seuerus, were ditched with notable ditches and rampires
 made in such wise, that the Scotish aduersarie had much a doo to enter
 and scale the same in his assaults. And yet for all this, I read that
 the Scots oftentimes pulled downe great parcels of the same, to make
 their accesse more easie into the south parts: but as it was eftsoons
 repared againe, so the last time of all it was amended by the Romane
 soldiors, which came ouer verie little before the time of Vortiger, at
 which season the land was in maner left void of soldiors and munition.
 Betwixt Thirlewall and the north Tine, are also in the waste grounds,
 manie parcels of that wall of Seuerus yet standing, whereof the common
 people doo babble manie things.

 [Sidenote: The course of the wall from west to east.]
 Beginning therefore with the course thereof, from the west sea, I find
 that it runneth from Bolnesse to Burgh, about foure miles, and
 likewise from thence within halfe a mile of Carleill, and lesse on the
 north side, and beneath the confluence of the Peder and the Eden. From
 hence it goeth to Terrebie, a village about a mile from Caerleill,
 then through the baronie of Linstocke, and Gillesland, on the north
 side of the riuer Irding or Arding, and a quarter of a mile from the
 abbeie of Leuercost. Thence thrée miles aboue Leuercost, and aboue the
 confluence of Arding, and the Pultrose becke (which diuideth
 Gillesland in Cumberland, from south Tindale in Northumberland) it
 goeth to Thirlwall castell, then to the wall towne, next of all ouer
 the riuer to Swensheld, Carraw (peraduenture Cairuoren tower) to
 Walwijc, and so ouer south Tine, to Cockelie tower, Portgate, Halton
 sheles, Winchester, Rutchester, Heddon, Walhottle, Denton, and to
 Newcastell, where it is thought that saint Nicholas church standeth on
 the same. Howbeit Leland saith, that it goeth within a mile of
 Newcastell, and then crooketh vp toward Tinmouth vnto Wallesend, three
 miles from the mouth of the said riuer, so called bicause the
 aforesaid wall did end at the same place. And thus much I read of the
 Pictish wall. As for the Romane coine that is often found in the
 course thereof, the curious bricks about the same néere vnto
 Caerleill, beside the excellent cornellines and other costlie stones
 alreadie intailed for seales oftentimes taken vp in those quarters, I
 passe them ouer as not incident to my purpose.

 In like maner I would gladlie also haue set downe the course of Offaes
 ditch, which was march betwéene the Mercian dominions, and the
 Welshmen in his time: but for so much as the tractation thereof is not
 to be reférred to this place, bicause it is not a thing generall to
 the whole Iland, I omit to speake of that also. Yet thus much will I
 note here, as well by the report of one (who saith how he did tread it
 out) that he followed it from the Dee to Kirnaburgh hill through
 Treuelach forrest, by est of Crekith Cauchhill, Montgomerie castell,
 the New castell and Discoid, and hauing brought it hitherto, either
 lost it, or sought after it no further: as by the testimonie of
 another, who writing thereof, saith, that it stretched from the south
 side by Bristow, along vnder the mounteins of Wales northwards, ouer
 the riuer of Sauerne, and to the verie mouth also of the Dée, where it
 falleth into the sea. And so much of such things as concerne the
 generall estate of the whole Iland, which labour herein I could verie
 well haue spared, and would, if Quintus had performed the request of
 Cicero his brother, who promised to send him ouer a sound
 aduertisement of the condition of Britaine in those daies: as
 appeareth in the second booke of his familiar epistles, where he
 saith; "Modò mihi date Britanniam, quam pingam coloribus tuis
 penicillo meo, &c." But sithence that was not performed, and the
 treatise of Demetrius and other of the same argument are perished,
 which were of some value, let this trifle (I beseech you) not be
 reiected, till some other man of better skill shall haue drawne a more
 absolute péece of workemanship, wherevnto my vnskilfulnesse (I hope)
 shall prooue no hinderance.




 OF THE MARUELS OF ENGLAND.

 CHAP. XXIV.


 Such as haue written of the woonders of our countrie in old time, haue
 spoken (no doubt) of manie things, which deserue no credit at all: and
 therefore in séeking thankes of their posteritie by their trauell in
 this behalfe; they haue reaped the reward of iust reproch, and in
 stéed of fame purchased vnto themselues nought else but méere
 discredit in their better and more learned treatises. The like
 commonlie happeneth also to such, as in respect of lucre doo publish
 vnprofitable and pernicious volumes, wherby they doo consume their
 times in vaine, and in manifold wise become preiudiciall vnto their
 common wealths. For my part I will not touch anie man herein
 particularlie, no not our Demetrius, of whom Plutarch speaketh in his
 oracles (if those bookes were written by him, for some thinke that
 Plutarch neuer wrote them, although Eusebius lib. 4. cap. 8. dooth
 acknowledge them to be his) which Demetrius left sundrie treatises
 behind him, conteining woonderfull things collected of our Iland. But
 sith that in my time they are found to be false, it should be far
 vnmeet to remember them anie more: for who is he which will beléeue,
 that infernall spirits can die and giue vp their ghosts like mortall
 men? though Saxo séeme to consent vnto him in this behalfe. In
 speaking also of the out Iles, he saith thus: Beyond Britaine are
 manie desolate Ilands, whereof some are dedicated to the Gods, some to
 the noble Heroes. I sailed (saith he) by the helpe of the king vnto
 one that laie néere hand, onelie to see and view the same, in which I
 found few inhabitants, and yet such as were there, were reputed and
 taken for men of great pietie and holinesse. During the time also that
 I remained in the same, it was vexed with great storme and tempest,
 which caused me not a little to doubt of my safe returne. In the end,
 demanding of the inhabitants what the cause should be of this so great
 and sudden mutation of the aire? they answered, that either some of
 the Gods, or at the least of the Heroes were latelie deceased: for as
 a candle (said they) hurteth none whilest it burneth, but being
 slenderlie put out annoieth manie with the filthie sauour: so these
 Gods, whilest they liued, were either not hurtfull, or verie
 beneficiall to mankind; but being once deceassed, they so mooue the
 heauens and aire, that much mischéefe dooth insue eftsoones vpon the
 same.

 Being also inquisitiue of the state of other Iles not farre off, they
 told him further, how there was one hard by, wherein Saturne being
 ouertaken with a dead sléepe, was watched by Briareus as he laie,
 which Saturne also had manie spirits attending vpon him in sundrie
 functions and offices. By which reports it is easie to conceiue, with
 what vaine stuffe that volume of Demetrius is interlaced. But of such
 writers as we haue too too manie, so among the said rable Geruase of
 Tilberie is not the least famous, a man as it were euen sold to vtter
 matters of more admiration than credit to the world. For what a tale
 telleth he in his De otio imperiali, of Wandleburie hilles, that lie
 within sight & by south of Cambridge (where the Vandals incamped
 sometime, when they entered into this Iland) and of a spirit that
 would of custome in a moone shine night (if he were chalenged and
 called therevnto) run at tilt and turneie in complet armor with anie
 knight or gentleman whomsoeuer, in that place: and how one Osbert of
 Barnewell, hearing the report thereof, armed himselfe, and being well
 mounted, rode thither alone with one esquier, and called for him, who
 foorthwith appeared in rich armour, and answered his chalenge, so that
 running togither verie fiercelie, they met with such rigor, that the
 answerer was ouerthrowne and borne downe to the ground. After this
 they bickered on foot so long, till Osbert ouercame and draue him to
 flight, who departed, leauing his horsse behind him, which was of huge
 stature, blacke (as he saith) of colour, with his furniture of the
 same hue, and wherevpon he seized, giuing him vnto his page, who
 caried him home, and there kept him till it was néere daie, during
 which space he was séene of manie. But when the daie light began to
 shew it selfe somewhat cléere, the beast stamped and snorted, and
 foorthwith breaking his raine, he ran awaie, and was no more heard of
 to his knowledge in that countrie. In the meane season Osbert being
 verie faint, and waxing wearie (for he was sore wounded in the thigh,
 which either he knew not of, or at the leastwise dissembled to know
 it) caused his leg-harnesse or stéele bootes to be pulled off, which
 his fréends saw to be full of bloud spilled in the voiage. But let who
 so list beléeue it, sith it is either a fable deuised, or some
 diuelish illusion, if anie such thing were doone. And on mine owne
 behalfe, hauing (I hope) the feare of God before my eies, I purpose
 here to set downe no more than either I know my selfe to be true, or
 am crediblie informed to be so, by such godly men, as to whom nothing
 is more deare than to speake the truth, and not anie thing more odious
 than to discredit themselues by lieng. In writing therefore of the
 [Sidenote: Foure woonders of England.]
 woonders of England, I find that there are foure notable things, which
 for their rarenesse amongst the common sort, are taken for the foure
 miracles and woonders of the land.

 The first of these is a vehement and strong wind, which issueth out of
 the hilles called the Peke, so violent and strong, that at certeine
 times if a man doo cast his cote or cloake into the caue from whence
 it issueth, it driueth the same backe againe, hoising it aloft into
 the open aire with great force and vehemencie. Of this also Giraldus
 speaketh.

 The second is the miraculous standing or rather hanging of certeine
 stones vpon the plaine of Salisburie, whereof the place is called
 Stonehenge. And to saie the truth, they may well be woondered at, not
 onelie for the manner of position, whereby they become verie difficult
 to be numbred, but also for their greatnesse & strange maner of lieng
 of some of them one vpon another, which séemeth to be with so tickle
 hold, that few men go vnder them without feare of their present ruine.
 How and when these stones were brought thither, as yet I can not read;
 howbeit it is most likelie, that they were raised there by the
 Britons, after the slaughter of their nobilitie at the deadlie banket,
 which Hengist and his Saxons prouided for them, where they were also
 buried, and Vortigerne their king apprehended and led awaie as
 captiue. I haue heard that the like are to be séene in Ireland; but
 how true it is as yet I can not learne. The report goeth also, that
 these were broght from thence, but by what ship on the sea, and
 cariage by land, I thinke few men can safelie imagine.

 The third is an ample and large hole vnder the ground, which some call
 Carcer Acoli, but in English Chedderhole, whereinto manie men haue
 entred & walked verie farre. Howbeit, as the passage is large and
 nothing noisome: so diuerse that haue aduentured to go into the same,
 could neuer as yet find the end of that waie, neither sée anie other
 thing than pretie riuerets and streames, which they often crossed as
 they went from place to place. This Chedderhole or Chedder rocke is in
 Summersetshire, and thence the said waters run till they méet with the
 second Ax that riseth in Owkie hole.

 The fourth is no lesse notable than anie of the other. For westward
 vpon certeine hilles a man shall sée the clouds gather togither in
 faire weather vnto a certeine thicknesse, and by and by to spread
 themselues abroad and water their fields about them, as it were vpon
 the sudden. The causes of which dispersion, as they are utterlie
 vnknowne: so manie men coniecture great store of water to be in those
 hilles, & verie néere at hand, if it were néedfull to be sought for.

 Besides these foure maruelles, there is a little rockie Ile in Aber
 Barrie (a riueret that falleth into the Sauerne sea) called Barrie,
 which hath a rift or clift next the first shore; wherevnto if a man
 doo laie his eare, he shall heare such noises as are commonlie made in
 smiths forges, to wit, clinking of iron barres, beating with hammers,
 blowing of bellowses, and such like: whereof the superstitious sort
 doo gather manie toies, as the gentiles did in old time of their lame
 god Vulcans pot. The riuer that runneth by Chester changeth hir
 chanell euerie moneth: the cause whereof as yet I can not learne;
 neither dooth it swell by force of anie land-floud, but by some
 vehement wind it oft ouer-runneth hir banks. In Snowdonie are two
 lakes, whereof one beareth a moouable Iland, which is carried to and
 fro as the wind bloweth. The other hath thrée kinds of fishes in it,
 as éeles, trowts, and perches: but herein resteth the woonder, that
 all those haue but one eie a péece onelie, and the same situate in the
 right side of their heads. And this I find to be confirmed also by
 authors: There is a well in the forrest of Gnaresborow, whereof the
 said forrest dooth take the name; which water, beside that it is cold
 as Stix, in a certeine period of time knowne, conuerteth wood, flesh,
 leaues of trées, and mosse into hard stone, without alteration or
 changing of shape. The like also is séene there in frogs, wormes, and
 such like liuing creatures as fall into the same, and find no readie
 issue. Of this spring also Leland writeth thus; A little aboue March
 (but at the further banke of Nide riuer as I came) I saw a well of
 wonderfull nature called Dropping well, because the water thereof
 distilleth out of great rockes hard by into it continuallie, which is
 so cold, and thereto of such nature, that what thing soeuer falleth
 out of those rocks into this pit, or groweth néere thereto, or be cast
 into it by mans hand, it turneth into stone. It may be (saith he) that
 some sand or other fine ground issueth out with this water from these
 hard rocks, which cleauing vnto those things, giueth them in time the
 forme of stones &c. Néere vnto the place where Winburne monasterie
 sometimes stood, also not farre from Bath there is a faire wood,
 whereof if you take anie péece, and pitch it into the ground
 thereabouts, or throw it into the water, within twelue moneths it will
 turne into hard stone. In part of the hilles east southeast of
 Alderleie, a mile from Kingswood, are stones dailie found, perfectlie
 fashioned like cockles and mightie oisters, which some dreame haue
 lien there euer since the floud. In the clifts betwéene the Blacke
 head and Trewardeth baie in Cornwall, is a certeine caue, where things
 appeare like images guilded, on the sides of the same, which I take to
 be nothing but the shining of the bright ore of coppar and other
 mettals readie at hand to be found there, if anie diligence were vsed.
 Howbeit, because it is much maruelled at as a rare thing, I doo not
 thinke it to be vnméet to be placed amongst our woonders. Maister
 Guise had of late, and still hath (for aught that I know) a manor in
 Glocestershire, where certeine okes doo grow, whose rootes are verie
 hard stone. And beside this, the ground is so fertile there (as they
 saie) that if a man hew a stake of anie wood, and pitch it into the
 earth, it will grow and take rooting beyond all expectation.
 Siluecester towne also is said to conteine fourescore acres of land
 within the walles, whereof some is corne-ground (as Leland saith) and
 the graine which is growing therein dooth come to verie good
 perfection till it be readie to be cut downe: but euen then, or about
 that time it vanisheth away & becommeth altogither vnprofitable. Is it
 any woonder (thinke you) to tell of sundrie caues néere to Browham, on
 the west side of the riuer Aimote, wherein are halles, chambers, and
 all offices of houshold cut out of the hard rocke? If it be, then may
 we increase the number of maruels verie much by a rehearsall of other
 also. For we haue manie of the like, as one néere saint Assaphs vpon
 the banke of Elwie, and about the head of Vendrath Vehan in Wales,
 whereinto men haue often entred and walked, and yet found nothing but
 large roomes, and sandie ground vnder their féet, and other
 else-where. But sith these things are not strange, I let them alone,
 and go forward with the rest.

 In the parish of Landsarnam in Wales, and in the side of a stonie
 hill, is a place wherein are foure and twentie seats hewen out of the
 hard rockes; but who did cut them, and to what end, as yet it is not
 learned. As for the huge stone that lieth at Pember in Guitherie
 parish, and of the notable carcasse that is affirmed to lie vnder the
 same, there is no cause to touch it here: yet were it well doone to
 haue it remoued, though it were but onlie to sée what it is, which the
 people haue in so great estimation & reuerence. There is also a poole
 in Logh Taw, among the blacke mounteins in Brecknockshire, where (as
 is said) is the head of Taw that commeth to Swanseie, which hath such
 a propertie, that it will bréed no fish at all, & if anie be cast into
 it, they die without recouerie: but this peraduenture may grow throgh
 the accidentall corruption of the water, rather than the naturall
 force of the element it selfe. There is also a lin in Wales, which in
 the one side beareth trowts so red as samons, and in the other, which
 is the westerlie side, verie white and delicate. I heare also of two
 welles not far from Landien, which stand verie néere togither, and yet
 are of such diuersitie of nature, that the one beareth sope, and is a
 maruellous fine water; the other altogither of contrarie qualities.
 Which is not a litle to be mused at, considering (I saie) that they
 participate of one soile, and rise so nigh one to another. I haue
 notice giuen me moreouer of a stone not farre from saint Dauids, which
 is verie great, as a bed, or such like thing: and being raised vp, a
 man may stirre it with his thumbe; but not with his shoulder or force
 of his whole bodie.

 There is a well not farre from stonie Stratford, which conuerteth
 manie things into stone; and an other in Wales, which is said to
 double or triple the force of anie edge toole that is quenched in the
 same. In Tegenia, a parcell of Wales, there is a noble well (I meane
 in the parish of Kilken) which is of maruellous nature, and much like
 to another well at Seuill in Spaine: for although it be six miles from
 the sea, it ebbeth and floweth twise in one daie; alwaies ebbing when
 the sea dooth vse to flow, and in flowing likewise when the sea dooth
 vse to ebbe; wherof some doo fable, that this well is ladie and
 mistresse of the ocean. Not farre from thence also is a medicinable
 spring called Schinant of old time, but now Wenefrides well, in the
 edges whereof dooth breed a verie odoriferous and delectable mosse,
 wherewith the head of the smeller is maruellouslie refreshed. Other
 welles and water-courses we haue likewise, which at some times burst
 out into huge streames, though at other seasons they run but verie
 softlie, whereby the people gather some alteration of estate to be at
 hand. And such a one there is at Henleie, & an other at Croidon; &
 such a one also in the golden dale beside Anderne in Picardie, whereof
 the common sort imagine manie things. Some of the greater sort also
 giue ouer to run at all in such times, wherof they conceiue the like
 opinion. And of the same nature, though of no great quantitie, is a
 pit or well at Langleie parke in Kent, whereof (by good hap) it was my
 lucke to read a notable historie in an ancient chronicle that I saw of
 late. What the foolish people dreame of the hell Kettles, it is not
 worthie the rehearsall; yet to the end the lewd opinion conceiued of
 them may grow into contempt, I will saie thus much also of those pits.
 There are certeine pits, or rather three little pooles, a mile from
 Darlington, and a quarter of a mile distant from the These banks which
 the people call the Kettles of hell, or the diuels Kettles, as if he
 should séeth soules of sinfull men and women in them. They adde also,
 that the spirits haue oft beene heard to crie and yell about them,
 with other like talke sauoring altogether of pagan infidelitie. The
 truth is, and of this opinion also was Cutbert Tunstall late bishop of
 Durham, a man (notwithstanding the basenesse of his birth, being
 begotten by one Tunstall vpon a daughter of the house of the Commers,
 as Leland saith) of great learning and iudgement, that the cole-mines
 in those places are kindled, or if there be no coles, there may a mine
 of some other vnctuous matter be set on fire, which being here and
 there consumed, the earth falleth in, and so dooth leaue a pit. Indéed
 the water is now and then warme (as they saie) and beside that it is
 not cléere: the people suppose them to be an hundred fadam déepe. The
 biggest of them also hath an issue into the These, as experience hath
 confirmed. For doctor Bellowes aliàs Belzis made report, how a ducke
 marked after the fashion of the duckes of the bishoprike of Durham,
 was put into the same betwixt Darlington and These banke, and
 afterward séene at a bridge not farre from master Clereuax house. If
 it were woorth the noting, I would also make relation of manie wooden
 crosses found verie often about Halidon, whereof the old inhabitants
 conceiued an opinion that they were fallen from heauen; whereas in
 truth, they were made and borne by king Oswald; and his men in the
 battell wherein they preuailed sometimes against the British infidels,
 vpon a superstitious imagination, that those crosses should be their
 defense and shield against their aduersaries. Beda calleth the place
 where the said field was fought, Heauen field; it lieth not far from
 the Pictish wall, and the famous monasterie of Hagulstad. But more of
 this elsewhere. Neither will I speak of the little hillets séene in
 manie places of our Ile, whereof though the vnskilfull people babble
 manie things: yet are they nothing else but Tumuli or graues of former
 times, as appeareth by such tooms & carcasses as be daily found in the
 same, when they be digged downe. The like fond imagination haue they
 of a kind of lunarie, which is to be found in manie places, although
 not so well knowen by the forme vnto them, as by the effect thereof,
 because it now and then openeth the lockes hanging on the horses féet
 as hit vpon it where it groweth in their féeding. Roger Bacon our
 countrieman noteth it to grow plentiouslie in Tuthill fields about
 London. I haue heard of it to be within compasse of the parish where I
 dwell, and doo take it for none other than the Sfera Cauallo, whereof
 Mathiolus and the herbarists doo write, albeit that it hath not béene
 my lucke at anie time to behold it. Plinie calleth it Aethiopis: and
 Aelianus, Oppianus, Kyramis, and Trebius haue written manie
 superstitious things thereof, but especiallie our Chymists, who make
 it of farre more vertue than our smiths doo their ferne séed, whereof
 they babble manie woonders, and prate of such effects as may well be
 performed indéed when the ferne beareth séed, which is commonly Ad
 calendas Græcas, for before it will not be found.

 But to procéed. There is a well in Darbieshire called Tideswell (so
 named of the word tide, or to ebbe and flow) whose water often séemeth
 to rise and fall, as the sea which is fortie miles from it dooth
 vsuallie accustome to ebbe and flow. And hereof an opinion is growen
 that it kéepeth an ordinarie course as the sea dooth. Howbeit, sith
 diuerse are knowne to haue watched the same, it may be that at
 sometimes it riseth, but not continuallie; and that it so dooth I am
 fullie persuaded to beléeue. But euen inough of the woonders of our
 countrie, least I doo seeme by talking longer of them, woonderouslie
 to ouershoot my selfe, and forget how much dooth rest behind of the
 description of my countrie. As for those that are to be touched of
 Scotland, the description of that part shall in some part remember
 them.

        *       *       *       *       *




 THE

 CONTENTS OF THE SECOND BOOKE.


    1 _Of the ancient and present estate of the church of England._
    2 _Of the number of bishoprikes and their seuerall circuits._
    3 _Of vniuersities._
    4 _Of the partition of England into shires and counties._
    5 _Of degrees of people in the commonwealth of England._
    6 _Of the food and diet of the English._
    7 _Of their apparell and attire._
    8 _Of the high court of parlement & authoritie of the same._
    9 _Of the lawes of England since hir first inhabitation._
   10 _Of prouision made for the poore._
   11 _Of sundrie kinds of punishment appointed for malefactors._
   12 _Of the maner of building and furniture of our houses._
   13 _Of cities and townes in England._
   14 _Of castels and holds._
   15 _Of palaces belonging to the prince._
   16 _Of armour and munition._
   17 _Of the nauie of England._
   18 _Of faires and markets._
   19 _Of parkes and warrens._
   20 _Of gardens and orchards._
   21 _Of waters generallie._
   22 _Of woods and marishes._
   23 _Of baths and hot welles._
   24 _Of antiquities found._
   25 _Of the coines of England._




 OF THE ANCIENT AND PRESENT ESTATE OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND.

 CHAP. I.


 There are now two prouinces onelie in England, of which the first and
 greatest is subiect to the sée of Canturburie, comprehending a parte
 of Lhoegres, whole Cambria, & also Ireland, which in time past were
 seuerall, & brought into one by the archbishop of the said sée &
 assistance of the pope; who in respect of méed, did yéeld vnto the
 ambitious desires of sundrie archbishops of Canturburie, as I haue
 elsewhere declared. The second prouince is vnder the sée of Yorke, and
 of these; either hath hir archbishop resident commonlie within hir
 owne limits, who hath not onelie the cheefe dealing in matters
 apperteining to the hierarchie and iurisdiction of the church; but
 also great authoritie in ciuill affaires touching the gouernement of
 the common wealth: so far foorth as their commissions and seuerall
 circuits doo extend.

 In old time there were thrée archbishops, and so manie prouinces in
 this Ile; of which one kept at London, another at Yorke, and the third
 at Caerlheon vpon Uske. But as that of London was translated to
 Canturburie by Augustine, and that of Yorke remaineth (notwithstanding
 that the greatest part of his iurisdiction is now bereft him and giuen
 to the Scotish archbishop) so that of Caerlheon is vtterlie
 extinguished, and the gouernement of the countrie vnited to that of
 Canturburie in spirituall cases: after it was once before remoued to
 S. Dauids in Wales by Dauid successor to Dubritius, and vncle to king
 Arthur, in the 519 of Grace, to the end that he and his clearkes might
 be further off from the crueltie of the Saxons, where it remained till
 the time of the Bastard, and for a season after, before it was annexed
 vnto the sée of Canturburie.

 The archbishop of Canturburie is commonlie called primat of all
 England; and in the coronations of the kings of this land, and all
 other times, wherein it shall please the prince to weare and put on
 his crowne, his office is to set it vpon their heads. They beare also
 the name of their high chapleins continuallie, although not a few of
 them haue presumed (in time past) to be their equals, and void of
 subiection vnto them. That this is true, it may easilie appéere by
 their owne acts yet kept in record; beside their epistles & answers
 written or in print; wherein they haue sought not onelie to match but
 also to mate them with great rigor and more than open tyrannie. Our
 aduersaries will peraduenture denie this absolutelie, as they doo
 manie other things apparant, though not without shamelesse impudencie,
 or at the leastwise defend it as iust and not swaruing from common
 equitie; bicause they imagine euerie archbishop to be the kings equall
 in his owne prouince. But how well their dooing herein agreeth with
 the saieng of Peter, & examples of the primitiue church, it may
 easilie appéere. Some examples also of their demeanor (I meane in the
 time of poperie) I will not let to remember, least they should saie I
 speake of malice, and without all ground of likelihood.

 Of their practises with meane persons I speake not, neither will I
 begin at Dunstane the author of all their pride and presumption here
 in England. But for somuch as the dealing of Robert the Norman against
 earle Goodwine is a rare historie, and deserueth to be remembred, I
 will touch it in this place; protesting to deale withall in more
 faithfull maner than it hath heretofore beene deliuered vnto vs by the
 Norman writers, or French English, who (of set purpose) haue so
 defaced earle Goodwine, that were it not for the testimonie of one or
 two méere Englishmen liuing in those daies, it should be impossible
 for me (or anie other) at this present to declare the truth of that
 matter according to hir circumstances. Marke therefore what I saie.
 For the truth is, that such Normans as came in with Emma in the time
 of Ethelred, and Canutus, and the Confessor, did fall by sundrie means
 into such fauor with those princes, that the gentlemen did grow to
 beare great rule in the court, and their clearkes to be possessors of
 the best benefices in the land. Hervpon therefore one Robert, a iolie
 ambitious préest, gat first to be bishop of London, and after the
 death of Eadsius, to be archbishop of Canturburie by the gift of king
 Edward; leauing his former sée to William his countrieman. Ulfo also a
 Norman was preferred to Lincolne, and other to other places, as the
 king did thinke conuenient.

 These Norman clerkes, and their freends, being thus exalted, it was
 not long yer they began to mocke, abuse, and despise the English: and
 so much the more, as they dailie saw themselues to increase in fauour
 with king Edward, who also called diuerse of them to be of his secret
 councell, which did not a litle incense the harts of the English
 against them. A fraie also was made at Douer, betwéene the seruants of
 earle Goodwine and the French, whose maisters came ouer to see and
 salute the king: whereof I haue spoken in my Chronologie, which so
 inflamed the minds of the French cleargie and courtiers against the
 English nobilitie, that each part sought for opportunitie of reuenge,
 which yer long tooke hold betwéene them. For the said Robert, being
 called to be archbishop of Canturburie, was no sooner in possession of
 his sée, than he began to quarrell with earle Goodwine (the kings
 father in law by the mariage of his daughter) who also was readie to
 acquit his demeanor with like malice; and so the mischiefe begun.
 Herevpon therefore the archbishop charged the earle with the murther
 of Alfred the kings brother, whom not he but Harald the sonne of
 Canutus and the Danes had cruellie made awaie. For Alfred and his
 brother comming into the land with fiue and twentie saile, vpon the
 death of Canutus, and being landed; the Normans that arriued with them
 giuing out how they came to recouer their right, to wit, the crowne of
 England; & therevnto the vnskilfull yoong gentlemen, shewing
 themselues to like of the rumour that was spred in this behalfe, the
 report of their demeanor was quicklie brought to Harald, who caused a
 companie foorthwith of Danes priuilie to laie wait for them, as they
 roade toward Gilford, where Alfred was slaine, and whence Edward with
 much difficultie escaped to his ships, and so returned into Normandie.

 But to proceed. This affirmation of the archbishop being greatlie
 soothed out with his craftie vtterance (for he was lerned) confirmed
 by his French fréends, (for they had all conspired against the erle)
 and therevnto the king being desirous to reuenge the death of his
 brother, bred such a grudge in his mind against Goodwine, that he
 banished him and his sons cleane out of the land. He sent also his
 wife the erles daughter prisoner to Wilton, with one onelie maiden
 attending vpon hir, where she laie almost a yeare before she was
 released. In the meane season, the rest of the peeres, as Siward earle
 of Northumberland surnamed Digara or Fortis, Leofrijc earle of
 Chester, and other went to the king, before the departure of Goodwine,
 indeuouring to persuade him vnto the reuocation of his sentence; and
 desiring that his cause might be heard and discussed by order of law.
 But the king incensed by the archbishop and his Normans would not
 heare on that side, saieng plainelie, and swearing by saint Iohn the
 euangelist (for that was his common oth) that earle Goodwine should
 not haue his peace till he restored his brother Alfred aliue againe
 vnto his presence. With which answer the peeres departed in choler
 from the court, and Goodwine toward the coast.

 Comming also vnto the shore and readie to take shipping, he knéeled
 downe in presence of his conduct (to wit at Bosenham in the moneth of
 September, from whence he intended to saile into Flanders vnto
 Baldwine the earle) and there praied openlie before them all, that if
 euer he attempted anie thing against the kings person of England, or
 his roiall estate, that he might neuer come safe vnto his cousine, nor
 sée his countrie any more, but perish in this voiage. And herewith he
 went aboord the ship that was prouided for him, and so from the coast
 into the open sea. But sée what followed. He was not yet gone a mile
 waie from the land, before he saw the shore full of armed souldiers,
 sent after by the archbishop and his freends to kill him yer he should
 depart and go out of the countrie: which yet more incensed the harts
 of the English against them.

 Being come also to Flanders, he caused the earle, the French king, and
 other of his fréends, among whome also the emperour was one, to write
 vnto the king in his behalfe; but all in vaine: for nothing could be
 obteined from him, of which the Normans had no liking, wherevpon the
 earle and his sonnes changed their minds, obteined aid, and inuaded
 the land in sundry places. Finallie ioining their powers they came by
 the Thames into Southwarke néere London where they lodged, and looked
 for the king to incounter with them in the field. The king séeing what
 was doone, commanded the Londoners not to aid nor vittell them. But
 the citizens made answer, how the quarrell of Goodwine was the cause
 of the whole realme, which he had in maner giuen ouer vnto the spoile
 of the French: and therevpon they not onelie vittelled them
 aboundantlie, but also receiued the earle and his chiefe fréends into
 the citie, where they lodged them at their ease, till the kings power
 was readie to ioine with them in battell.

 Great resort also was made vnto them from all places of the realme, so
 that the earles armie was woonderfullie increased, and the daie and
 place chosen wherein the battell should be fought. But when the armies
 met, the kings side began some to flée to the earle, other to laie
 downe their weapons, and not a few to run awaie out right; the rest
 telling him plainelie that they would neuer fight against their owne
 countriemen, to mainteine Frenchmens quarrels. The Normans also seeing
 the sequele, fled awaie so fast as they might gallop, leauing the king
 in the field to shift for himselfe (as he best might) whilest they did
 saue themselues elsewhere.

 In the meane season the earles power would haue set vpon the king,
 either to his slaughter, or apprehension; but he staied them, saieng
 after this maner: The king is my sonne (as you all know) and it is not
 for a father to deale so hardlie with his child, neither a subiect
 with his souereigne; it is not he that hath hurt or doone me this
 iniurie, but the proud Normans that are about him: wherfore to gaine a
 kingdome, I will doo him no violence. And therewithall casting aside
 his battell ax he ran to the king, that stood altogither amazed, and
 falling at his féet he craued his peace, accused the archbishop,
 required that his cause might be heard in open assemblie of his
 péeres; and finallie determined as truth and equitie should deserue.

 The king (after he had paused a pretie while) seeing his old father in
 law to lie groueling at his féet, and conceiuing with himselfe that
 his sute was not vnreasonable; seeing also his children, and the rest
 of the greatest barons of the land to knéele before him, and make the
 like request: he lifted vp the earle by the hand, bad him be of good
 comfort, pardoned all that was past, and freendlie hauing kissed him
 and his sonnes vpon the chéekes, he lead them to his palace, called
 home the quéene, and summoned all his lords vnto a councell.

 Wherein it is much to read, how manie billes were presented against
 the bishop & his Normans; some conteining matter of rape, other of
 robberie, extortion, murder, manslaughter, high treason, adulterie;
 and not a few of batterie. Wherwith the king (as a man now awaked out
 of sléepe) was so offended, that vpon consultation had of these
 things, he banished all the Normans out of the land, onelie thrée or
 foure excepted, whome he reteined for sundrie necessarie causes,
 albeit they came neuer more so néere him afterward as to be of his
 priuie councell.

 After this also the earle liued almost two yeares, and then falling
 into an apoplexie, as he sat with the king at the table, he was taken
 vp and carried into the kings bedchamber, where (after a few daies) he
 made an end of his life. And thus much of our first broile raised by
 the cleargie, and practise of the archbishop. I would intreat of all
 the like examples of tyrannie, practised by the prelats of this sée,
 against their lords and souereignes: but then I should rather write an
 historie than a description of this Iland.

 [Sidenote: Anselme.]
 Wherefore I refer you to those reports of Anselme and Becket,
 sufficientlie penned by other, the which Anselme also making a shew,
 as if he had bin verie vnwilling to be placed in the sée of
 Canturburie, gaue this answer to the letters of such his fréends, as
 did make request vnto him to take the charge vpon him. "Secularia
 negotia nescio, quia scire nolo, eorum námque occupationes horreo,
 liberum affectans animum. Voluntati sacrarum intendo scripturarum, vos
 dissonantiam facitis, verendúmque est nè aratrum sanctæ ecclesiæ, quod
 in Anglia duo boues validi & pari fortitudine, ad bonum certantes, id
 est rex & archiepiscopus, debeant trahere, nunc oue vetula cum tauro
 indomito iugata, distorqueatur à recto. Ego ouis vetula, qui si
 quietus essem, verbi Dei lacte, & operimento lanæ, aliquibus possem
 fortassis non ingratus esse, sed si me cum hoc tauro coniungitis,
 videbitis pro disparilitate trahentium, aratrum non rectè procedere,
 &c." Which is in English thus: Of secular affaires I haue no skill,
 bicause I will not know them, for I euen abhor the troubles that rise
 about them, as one that desireth to haue his mind at libertie. I
 applie my whole indeuor to the rule of the scriptures, you lead me to
 the contrarie. And it is to be feared least the plough of holie
 church, which two strong oxen of equall force, and both like earnest
 to contend vnto that which is good (that is the king and the
 archbishop) ought to draw, should thereby now swarue from the right
 forrow, by matching of an old shéepe with a wild vntamed bull. I am
 that old shéepe, who if I might be quiet, could peraduenture shew my
 selfe not altogither vngratfull to some, by féeding them with the
 milke of the word of God, and couering them with wooll: but if you
 match me with this bull, you shall sée that thorough want of equalitie
 in draught the plough will not go to right, &c: as foloweth in the
 [Sidenote: Thomas Becket.]
 processe of his letters. The said Thomas Becket was so proud, that he
 wrote to king Henrie the second, as to his lord, to his king, and to
 his sonne, offering him his counsell, his reuerence, and due
 correction, &c. Others in like sort haue protested, that they owght
 nothing to the kings of this land, but their counsell onelie,
 reseruing all obedience vnto the sée of Rome.

 And as the old cocke of Canturburie did crow in this behalfe, so the
 yoong cockerels of other sées did imitate his demeanor, as may be
 séene by this one example also in king Stephans time, worthie to be
 remembred; vnto whome the bishop of London would not so much as sweare
 to be true subiect: wherein also he was mainteined by the pope, as
 appeareth by these letters.

 "Eugenius episcopus seruus seruorum Dei, dilecto in Christo filio
 Stephano illustri regi Anglor[=u] salut[=e], & apostolic[=a]
 benediction[=e]. Ad hæc superna prouid[=e]tia in ecclesia pontifices
 ordinauit, vt Christianus populus ab eis pascua vitæ reciperet, & tam
 principes seculares, quàm inferioris conditionis homines, ipsis
 pontificibus tanquam Christi vicarijs reuerentiam exhiberent.
 Venerabilis siquidem frater noster Robertus London episcopus, tanquam
 vir sapiens & honestus, & relligionis amator, à nobilitate tua benignè
 tractandus est, & pro collata à Deo prudentia propensiùs honorandus.
 Quia ergò, sicut in veritate comperimus cum animæ suæ salute, ac suæ
 ordinis periculo, fidelitate quæ ab eo requiritur astringi non potest:
 volumus, & ex paterno tibi affectu consulimus, quatenus prædictum
 fratrem nostrum super hoc nullatenus inquietes, immò pro beati Petri &
 nostra reuerentia, eum in amorem & gratiam tuam recipias. Cùm autem
 illud iuramentum præstare non possit, sufficiat discretioni tuæ, vt
 simplici & veraci verbo promittat, quòd læsionem tibi vel terræ tuæ
 non inferat: Vale. Dat. Meldis 6. cal. Iulij."

 Thus we sée, that kings were to rule no further than it pleased the
 pope to like of; neither to chalenge more obedience of their subiects
 than stood also with their good will and pleasure. He wrote in like
 sort vnto quéene Mawd about the same matter, making hir Samsons calfe
 (the better to bring his purpose to passe) as appeareth by the same
 letter here insuing.

 "Solomone attestante, didicimus quòd mulier sapiens ædificat domum;
 insipiens autem constructam destruet manibus. Gaudemus pro te, &
 deuotionis studium in Domino collaudamus; quoniam sicut relligiosorum
 relatione accepimus, timorem Dei præ oculis habens, operibus pietatis
 int[=e]dis, & personas ecclesiasticas & diligis & honoras. Vt ergo de
 bono in melius (inspirante Domino) proficere valeas, nobilitat[=e]
 tuam in Domino rogamus, & rogando monemus, & exhortamur in Domino,
 quatenus bonis initijs exitus meliores iniungas, & venerabilem fratrem
 nostrum Robertum London episcop[=u], pro illius reuerentia, qui cùm
 olim diues esset, pro nobis pauper fieri voluit, attentiùs diligas, &
 honores. Apud virum tuum & dilectum filium nostrum Stephanum, insignem
 regem Anglorum efficere studeas, vt monitis, hortatu, & c[=o]silio
 tuo, ipsum in benignitatem & dilectionem suam suscipiat, & pro beati
 Petri, & nostra reuerentia propensiùs habeat commendatum. Et quia
 sicut (veritate teste) attendimus eum sine salute, & sui ordinis
 periculo, præfato filio nostro astringi non posse; volumus, & paterno
 sibi & tibi affectu consulimus, vt vobis sufficiat, veraci & simplici
 verbo promission[=e] ab eo suscipere, quòd læsionem vel detrimentum
 ei, vel terræ suæ n[=o] inferat. Dat. vt supra."

 Is it not strange, that a peeuish order of religion (deuised by man)
 should breake the expresse law of God, who commandeth all men to
 honour and obeie their kings and princes, in whome some part of the
 power of God is manifest and laid open vnto vs? And euen vnto this end
 the cardinall of Hostia also wrote to the canons of Paules, after this
 maner; couertlie incoraging them to stand to their election of the
 said Robert, who was no more willing to giue ouer his new bishoprike,
 than they carefull to offend the king; but rather imagined which waie
 to kéepe it still maugre his displeasure: & yet not to sweare
 obedience vnto him, for all that he should be able to do or performe
 vnto the contrarie.

 "Humilis Dei gratia Hostiensis episcopus, Londinensis ecclesiæ
 canonicis spirit[=u] consilij in Domino. Sicut rationi contraria
 prorsus est abjicienda petitio, ita in hijs, quæ iustè desyderantur,
 effectum negare omninò non conuenit. Sanè nuper accepimus, quòd
 [Sidenote: Forsitan naturalem.]
 Londinensis ecclesia, diu proprio destituta pastore, communi voto, &
 pari assensu cleri & populi, venerabilem filium nostrum Robertum,
 eiusdem ecclesiæ archidiaconum, in pastorem & episcopum animarum
 suarum susceperit & elegerit. Nouimus quidem eum esse personam, quam
 sapientia desuper ei attributa, & honestas conuersationis, & morum
 reuerentia plurimùm commedabilem reddidit. Inde est quòd fraternitati
 vestræ mandando consulimus, vt proposito vestro bono (quod vt credimus
 ex Deo est) & vt ex literis domini papæ cognoscetis, non tepidè, non
 lentè debitum finem imponatis: ne tam nobilis ecclesia, sub occasione
 huiusmodi, spiritualium, quod absit, & temporalium detrimentum
 patiatur. Ipsius námque industria credimus, quòd antiqua relligio, &
 forma disciplinæ, & grauitas habitus, in ecclesia vestra reparari: &
 si quæ fuerint ipsius contentiones, ex pastoris absentia, Dei gratia
 cooperante, & eodem præsente, poterint reformari. Dat. &c."

 Hereby you sée how king Stephan was dealt withall. And albeit the
 archbishop of Canturburie is not openlie to be touched herewith, yet
 it is not to be doubted, but he was a dooer in it, so far as might
 tend to the maintenance of the right and prerogatiue of holie church.
 And euen no lesse vnquietnesse had another of our princes with Iohn of
 Arundell, who fled to Rome for feare of his head, and caused the pope
 to write an ambitious and contumelious letter vnto his souereigne
 about his restitution. But when (by the kings letters yet extant) &
 beginning thus; "Thomas proditionis non expers nostræ regiæ maiestati
 insidias fabricauit," the pope vnderstood the botom of the matter, he
 was contented that Thomas should be depriued, and another archbishop
 chosen in his sted.

 Neither did this pride staie at archbishops and bishops, but descended
 lower, euen to the rake-helles of the clergie and puddels of all
 vngodlinesse. For beside the iniurie receiued of their superiors, how
 was K. Iohn dealt withall by the vile Cistertians at Lincolne in the
 second of his reigne? Certes, when he had (vpon iust occasion)
 conceiued some grudge against them for their ambitious demeanor; and
 vpon deniall to paie such summes of moneie as were allotted vnto them,
 he had caused seizure to be made of such horsses, swine, neate, and
 other things of theirs, as were mainteined in his forrests. They
 denounced him as fast amongst themselues with bell, booke and candle,
 to be accurssed and excommunicated. Therevnto they so handled the
 matter with the pope and their friends, that the king was faine to
 yéeld to their good graces: insomuch that a meeting for pacification
 was appointed betwéene them at Lincolne, by meanes of the present
 archbishop of Canturburie, who went oft betweene him and the
 Cistertian commissioners before the matter could be finished. In the
 end, the king himselfe came also vnto the said commissioners as they
 sat in their chapiter house, and there with teares fell downe at their
 feet, crauing pardon for his trespasses against them, and heartilie
 requiring that they would (from thencefoorth) commend him and his
 realme in their praiers vnto the protection of the almightie, and
 receiue him into their fraternitie: promising moreouer full
 satisfaction of their damages susteined; and to build an house of
 their order in whatsoeuer place of England it should please them to
 assigne. And this he confirmed by charter, bearing date the seauen and
 twentith of Nouember, after the Scotish king was returned into
 Scotland, & departed from the king. Whereby (and by other the like, as
 betweene Iohn Stratford and Edward the third, &c:) a man may easilie
 conceiue how proud the cleargie-men haue beene in former times, as
 wholie presuming vpon the primassie of their pope. More matter could I
 alledge of these and the like broiles, not to be found among our
 common historiographers: howbeit reseruing the same vnto places more
 conuenient, I will ceasse to speake of them at this time, and go
 forward with such other things as my purpose is to speake of. At the
 first therefore there was like and equall authoritie in both our
 archbishops: but as he of Canturburie hath long since obteined the
 prerogatiue aboue Yorke (although I saie not without great trouble,
 sute, some bloudshed & contention) so the archbishop of Yorke is
 neuerthelesse written primate of England, as one contenting himselfe
 with a péece of a title at the least, when (all) could not be gotten.
 And as he of Canturburie crowneth the king, so this of Yorke dooth the
 like to the quéene, whose perpetuall chapleine he is, & hath beene
 from time to time, since the determination of this controuersie, as
 writers doo report. The first also hath vnder his iurisdiction to the
 [Sidenote: Twentie one bishoprikes vnder the sée of Canturburie.
 Onelie foure sées vnder the archbishop of Yorke.]
 number of one and twentie inferiour bishops, the other hath onlie
 foure, by reason that the churches of Scotland are now remooued from
 his obedience vnto an archbishop of their owne, whereby the greatnesse
 and circuit of the iurisdiction of Yorke is not a little diminished.
 In like sort each of these seauen and twentie sées haue their
 [Sidenote: Deanes.]
 cathedrall churches, wherein the deanes (a calling not knowne in
 England before the conquest) doo beare the chéefe rule, being men
 especiallie chosen to that vocation, both for their learning and
 godlinesse so néere as can be possible. These cathedrall churches haue
 [Sidenote: Canonries.]
 in like maner other dignities and canonries still remaining vnto them,
 as héeretofore vnder the popish regiment. Howbeit those that are
 chosen to the same are no idle and vnprofitable persons (as in times
 past they haue béene when most of these liuings were either furnished
 with strangers, especiallie out of Italie, boies, or such idiots as
 had least skill of all in discharging of those functions, wherevnto
 they were called by vertue of these stipends) but such as by preaching
 and teaching can and doo learnedlie set foorth the glorie of God, and
 further the ouerthrow of antichrist to the vttermost of their powers.

 These churches are called cathedrall, bicause the bishops dwell or lie
 néere vnto the same, as bound to keepe continuall residence within
 their iurisdictions, for the better ouersight and gouernance of the
 same: the word being deriued à cathedra, that is to saie a chaire or
 seat where he resteth, and for the most part abideth. At the first
 there was but one church in euerie iurisdiction, wherinto no man
 entred to praie, but with some oblation or other toward the
 maintenance of the pastor. For as it was reputed an infamie to passe
 by anie of them without visitation: so it was a no lesse reproch to
 appeare emptie before the Lord. And for this occasion also they were
 builded verie huge and great, for otherwise they were not capable of
 such multitudes as came dailie vnto them, to heare the word and
 receive the sacraments.

 But as the number of christians increased, so first monasteries, then
 finallie parish churches were builded in euerie iurisdiction: from
 whence I take our deanerie churches to haue their originall, now
 called mother churches, and their incumbents archpréests; the rest
 being added since the conquest, either by the lords of euerie towne,
 or zealous men, loth to trauell farre, and willing to haue some ease
 by building them neere hand. Vnto these deanerie churches also the
 cleargie in old time of the same deanrie were appointed to repaire at
 sundrie seasons, there to receiue wholesome ordinances, and to consult
 vpon the necessarie affaires of the whole iurisdiction; if necessitie
 so required: and some image hereof is yet to be seene in the north
 parts. But as the number of churches increased, so the repaire of the
 faithfull vnto the cathedrals did diminish: whereby they now become
 especiallie in their nether parts rather markets and shops for
 merchandize, than solemn places of praier, wherevnto they were first
 erected. Moreouer in the said cathedrall churches vpon sundaies and
 [Sidenote: Ordinarie sermons.]
 festiuall daies, the canons doo make certeine ordinarie sermons by
 course, wherevnto great numbers of all estates doo orderlie resort:
 and vpon the working daies thrise in the wéeke, one of the said
 canons, or some other in his stéed, dooth read and expound some péece
 [Sidenote: Ordinarie expositions of the scriptures.]
 of holie scripture, wherevnto the people doo verie reuerentlie
 repaire. The bishops themselues in like sort are not idle in their
 callings, for being now exempt from court and councell, which is one
 (and a no small) péece of their felicitie (although Richard archbishop
 of Canturburie thought otherwise, as yet appeareth by his letters to
 pope Alexander, Epistola 44. Petri Blesensis, where he saith; Bicause
 the cleargie of his time were somewhat narrowlie looked vnto, "Supra
 [Sidenote: The bishops preach diligentlie, whose predecessors
 heretofore haue béene occupied in temporall affairs.]
 dorsum ecclesiæ fabricant peccatores, &c:") they so applie their minds
 to the setting foorth of the word, that there are verie few of them,
 which doo not euerie sundaie or oftener resort to some place or other,
 within their iurisdictions, where they expound the scriptures with
 much grauitie and skill; and yet not without the great misliking and
 contempt of such as hate the word. Of their manifold translations from
 one sée to another I will saie nothing, which is not now doone for the
 benefit of the flocke, as the preferment of the partie fauoured, and
 aduantage vnto the prince, a matter in time past much doubted of, to
 wit, whether a bishop or pastor might be translated from one sée to
 another; & left vndecided, till prescription by roiall authoritie made
 it good. For among princes a thing once doone, is well doone, and to
 be doone oftentimes, though no warrant be to be found therefore.

 [Sidenote: Archdecons.]
 They haue vnder them also their archdeacons, some one, diuerse two,
 and manie foure or mo, as their circuits are in quantitie, which
 archdeacons are termed in law the bishops eies: and these (beside
 their ordinarie courts, which are holden within so manie or more of
 their seuerall deanries by themselues or their officials once in a
 moneth at the least) doo kéepe yearelie two visitations or synods (as
 the bishop dooth in euerie third yeare, wherein he confirmeth some
 children, though most care but a little for that ceremonie) in which
 they make diligent inquisition and search, as well for the doctrine
 and behauiour of the ministers, as the orderlie dealing of the
 parishioners in resorting to their parish churches and conformitie
 vnto religion. They punish also with great seueritie all such
 trespassers, either in person or by the pursse (where permutation of
 penance is thought more gréeuous to the offender) as are presented
 vnto them: or if the cause be of the more weight, as in cases of
 heresie, pertinacie, contempt, and such like, they referre them either
 to the bishop of the diocesse, or his chancellor, or else to sundrie
 [Sidenote: High commissioners.]
 graue persons set in authoritie, by vertue of an high commission
 directed vnto them from the prince to that end, who in verie courteous
 maner doo sée the offendors gently reformed, or else seuerlie
 punished, if necessitie so inforce.

 [Sidenote: A prophesie or conference.]
 Beside this, in manie of our archdeaconries we haue an exercise
 latelie begun, which for the most part is called a prophesie or
 conference, and erected onelie for the examination or triall of the
 diligence of the cleargie in their studie of holie scriptures.
 Howbeit, such is the thirstie desire of the people in these daies to
 heare the word of God, that they also haue as it were with zealous
 violence intruded themselues among them (but as hearers onelie) to
 come by more knowledge through their presence at the same. Herein also
 (for the most part) two of the yoonger sort of ministers doo expound
 ech after other some péece of the scriptures ordinarilie appointed
 vnto them in their courses (wherein they orderlie go through with some
 one of the euangelists, or of the epistles, as it pleaseth the whole
 assemblie to choose at the first in euerie of these conferences) and
 when they haue spent an houre or a little more betwéene them, then
 commeth one of the better learned sort, who being a graduat for the
 most part, or knowne to be a preacher sufficientlie authorised, & of a
 sound iudgement, supplieth the roome of a moderator, making first a
 breefe rehearsall of their discourses, and then adding what him
 thinketh good of his owne knowledge, wherby two houres are thus
 commonlie spent at this most profitable méeting. When all is doone, if
 the first speakers haue shewed anie peece of diligence, they are
 commended for their trauell, and incouraged to go forward. If they
 haue béene found to be slacke, or not sound in deliuerie of their
 doctrine, their negligence and error is openlie reprooued before all
 their brethren, who go aside of purpose from the laitie, after the
 exercise ended, to iudge of these matters, and consult of the next
 speakers and quantitie of the text to be handled in that place. The
 laitie neuer speake of course (except some vaine and busie head will
 now and then intrude themselues with offense) but are onelie hearers;
 and as it is vsed in some places wéekelie, in other once in foureteene
 daies, in diuerse monethlie, and elsewhere twise in a yeare, so is it
 a notable spurre vnto all the ministers, thereby to applie their
 bookes, which otherwise (as in times past) would giue themselues to
 hawking, hunting, tables, cards, dice, tipling at the alehouse,
 shooting of matches, and other like vanities, nothing commendable in
 such as should be godlie and zealous stewards of the good gifts of
 God, faithfull distributors of his word vnto the people, and diligent
 pastors according to their calling.

 But alas! as sathan the author of all mischéefe hath in sundrie
 manners heretofore hindered the erection and maintenance of manie good
 things: so in this he hath stirred vp aduersaries of late vnto this
 most profitable exercise, who not regarding the commoditie that riseth
 thereby so well to the hearers as spekers; but either stumbling (I
 cannot tell how) at words and termes, or at the least wise not liking
 to here of the reprehension of vice, or peraduenture taking a
 misliking at the slender demeanours of such negligent ministers, as
 now and then in their courses doo occupie the roomes, haue either by
 their owne practise, their sinister information, or suggestions made
 vpon surmises vnto other procured the suppression of these
 conferences, condemning them as hurtfull, pernicious, and dailie
 bréeders of no small hurt & inconuenience. But hereof let God be
 iudge, vnto whome the cause belongeth.

 [Sidenote: Ministers & deacons.]
 Our elders or ministers and deacons (for subdeacons and the other
 inferiour orders, sometime vsed in popish church we haue not) are made
 according to a certeine forme of consecration concluded vpon in the
 time of king Edward the sixt, by the cleargie of England, and soone
 after confirmed by the thrée estates of the realme, in the high court
 of parlement. And out of the first sort, that is to saie, of such as
 are called to the ministerie (without respect whether they be married
 or not) are bishops, deanes, archdeacons, & such as haue the higher
 places in the hierarchie of the church elected; and these also as all
 the rest, at the first comming vnto anie spirituall promotion, doo
 yéeld vnto the prince the entire taxe of that their liuing for one
 whole yeare, if it amount in value vnto ten pounds and vpwards, and
 this vnder the name and title of first fruits.

 With vs also it is permitted, that a sufficient man may (by
 dispensation from the prince) hold two liuings, not distant either
 from other aboue thirtie miles; whereby it commeth to passe, that as
 hir maiestie dooth reape some commoditie by the facultie, so the
 vnition of two in one man dooth bring oftentimes more benefit to one
 of them in a moneth (I meane for doctrine) than they haue had before
 peraduenture in manie yeares.

 Manie exclame against such faculties, as if there were mo good
 preachers that want maintenance, than liuings to mainteine them. In
 déed when a liuing is void, there are so manie sutors for it, that a
 man would thinke the report to be true and most certeine: but when it
 commeth to the triall, who are sufficient, and who not, who are staied
 men in conuersation, iudgement, and learning; of that great number you
 shall hardlie find one or two, such as they ought to be: and yet none
 more earnest to make sure, to promise largelie, beare a better shew,
 or find fault with the state of things than they. Neuerthelesse, I doo
 not thinke that their exclamations if they were wiselie handled, are
 altogither grounded vpon rumours or ambitious minds, if you respect
 the state of the thing it selfe, and not the necessitie growing
 through want of able men, to furnish out all the cures in England,
 which both our vniuersities are neuer able to performe. For if you
 obserue what numbers of preachers Cambridge and Oxford doo yearelie
 send foorth; and how manie new compositions are made in the court of
 first fruits, by the deaths of the last incumbents: you shall soone
 sée a difference. Wherefore, if in countrie townes & cities, yea euen
 in London it selfe, foure or fiue of the litle churches were brought
 into one, the inconuenience would in great part be redressed.

 And to saie truth, one most commonlie of these small liuings is of so
 little value, that it is not able to mainteine a meane scholar; much
 lesse a learned man, as not being aboue ten, twelue, sixteene,
 seuentéene, twentie, or thirtie pounds at the most, toward their
 charges, which now (more than before time) doo go out of the same. I
 saie more than before, bicause euerie small trifle, noble mans
 request, or courtesie craued by the bishop, dooth impose and command a
 twentith part, a three score part, or two pence in the pound, &c: out
 of our liuings, which hitherto hath not béene vsuallie granted, but by
 consent of a synod, wherein things were decided according to equitie,
 and the poorer sort considered of, which now are equallie burdened.

 We paie also the tenths of our liuings to the prince yearelie,
 according to such valuation of ech of them, as hath beene latelie
 made: which neuerthelesse in time past were not annuall but
 voluntarie, & paid at request of king or pope. Herevpon also hangeth a
 pleasant storie though doone of late yeares, to wit 1452, at which
 time the cleargie séeing the continuall losses that the king of
 England susteined in France, vpon some motion of reléefe made, granted
 in an open conuocation to giue him two tenths toward the recouerie of
 Burdeaux, which his grace verie thankefullie receiued. It fortuned
 also at the same time that Vincentius Clemens the popes factor was
 here in England, who hearing what the clergie had doone, came into the
 conuocation house also in great hast and lesse spéed, where, in a
 solemne oration he earnestlie required them to be no lesse fauourable
 to their spirituall father the pope, and mother the sée of Rome, than
 they had shewed themselues vnto his vassall and inferiour, meaning
 their souereigne lord in temporall iurisdiction, &c. In deliuering
 also the cause of his sute, he shewed how gréeuouslie the pope was
 disturbed by cutthrotes, varlots, and harlots, which doo now so abound
 in Rome, that his holinesse is in dailie danger to be made awaie
 amongst them. To be short when this fine tale was told, one of the
 companie stood vp and said vnto him; My lord we haue heard your
 request, and as we thinke, it deserueth litle consideration and lesse
 eare, for how would you haue vs to contribute to his aid in
 suppression of such, as he and such as you are doo continuall vphold,
 it is not vnknowen in this house what rule is kept in Rome.

 I grant (quoth Vincent) that there wanteth iust reformation of manie
 things in that citie, which would haue béene made sooner, but now it
 is too late: neuerthelesse I beséech you to write vnto his holinesse,
 with request that he would leaue and abandon that Babylon, which is
 but a sinke of mischiefe, and kéepe his court elsewhere in place of
 better fame. And this he shall be the better able also to performe, if
 by your liberalitie extended towards him, vnto whome you are most
 bound, he be incouraged thereto. Manie other words passed to and fro
 amongst them, howbeit in the end Vincent ouercame not, but was
 dismissed without anie penie obteined. But to returne to our tenths, a
 paiement first as deuised by the pope, and afterward taken vp as by
 the prescription of the king, wherevnto we may ioine also our first
 fruits, which is one whole yeares commoditie of our liuing, due at our
 entrance into the same, the tenths abated vnto the princes cofers, and
 paid commonlie in two yeares. For the receipt also of these two
 paiments, an especiall office or court is erected, which beareth name
 of first fruits and tenths, wherevnto if the partie to be preferred,
 doo not make his dutifull repaire by an appointed time after
 possession taken, there to compound for the paiment of his said
 fruits, he incurreth the danger of a great penaltie, limited by a
 certeine statute prouided in that behalfe, against such as doo intrude
 into the ecclesiasticall function, and refuse to paie the accustomed
 duties belonging to the same.

 They paie likewise subsidies with the temporaltie, but in such sort,
 that if these paie after foure shillings for land, the cleargie
 contribute commonlie after six shillings of the pound, so that of a
 benefice of twentie pounds by the yeare, the incumbent thinketh
 himself well acquited, if all ordinarie paiments being discharged he
 may reserue thirtéene pounds six shillings eight pence towards his
 owne sustentation, and maintenance of his familie. Seldome also are
 they without the compasse of a subsidie, for if they be one yeare
 cleare from this paiement, a thing not often seene of late yeares,
 they are like in the next to heare of another grant: so that I saie
 againe they are seldome without the limit of a subsidie. Herein also
 they somewhat find themselues grieued, that the laitie may at euerie
 taxation helpe themselues, and so they doo through consideration had
 of their decaie and hinderance, and yet their impouerishment cannot
 but touch also the parson or vicar, vnto whom such libertie is denied,
 as is dailie to be séene in their accompts and tithings.

 Some of them also, after the mariages of their children, will haue
 their proportions qualified, or by fréendship get themselues quite out
 of the booke. But what stand I vpon these things, who haue rather to
 complaine of the iniurie offered by some of our neighbors of the
 laitie, which dailie endeuor to bring vs also within the compasse of
 their fifteens or taxes for their owne ease, whereas the taxe of the
 whole realme, which is commonlie greater in the champeigne than
 woodland soile, amounteth onelie to 37930 pounds nine pence
 halfepenie, is a burden easie inough to be borne vpon so manie
 shoulders, without the helpe of the cleargie, whose tenths and
 subsidies make vp commonlie a double, if not troublesome vnto their
 aforesaid paiments. Sometimes also we are threatned with a Meliùs
 inquirendum, as if our liuings were not racked high inough alreadie.
 But if a man should seeke out where all those church lands were, which
 in time past did contribute vnto the old summe required or to be made
 vp, no doubt no small number of the laitie of all states should be
 contributors also with vs, the prince not defrauded of his expectation
 and right. We are also charged with armor & munitions from thirtie
 pounds vpwards, a thing more néedfull than diuerse other charges
 imposed vpon vs are conuenient, by which & other burdens our case
 groweth to be more heauie by a great deale (notwithstanding our
 immunitie from temporall seruices) than that of the laitie, and for
 ought that I sée not likelie to be diminished, as if the church were
 now become the asse whereon euerie market man is to ride and cast his
 wallet.

 The other paiments due vnto the archbishop and bishop at their
 seuerall visitations (of which the first is double to the latter) and
 such also as the archdeacon receiueth at his synods, &c: remaine still
 as they did without anie alteration, onelie this I thinke be added
 within memorie of man, that at the comming of euerie prince, his
 appointed officers doo commonlie visit the whole realme vnder the
 forme of an ecclesiasticall inquisition, in which the clergie doo
 vsuallie paie double fées, as vnto the archbishop. Hereby then, and by
 those alreadie remembred, it is found that the church of England, is
 no lesse commodious to the princes coffers than the state of the
 laitie, if it doo not farre excéed the same, since their paiments are
 certeine, continuall, and seldome abated, howsoeuer they gather vp
 their owne duties with grudging, murmuring, sute, and slanderous
 speeches of the paiers, or haue their liuings otherwise hardlie valued
 vnto the vttermost farding, or shrewdlie cancelled by the
 couetousnesse of the patrones, of whome some doo bestow aduousons of
 benefices vpon their bakers, butlers, cookes, good archers, falconers,
 and horssekéepers, in sted of other recompense, for their long and
 faithfull seruice, which they imploie afterward vnto their most
 aduantage.

 Certes here they resemble the pope verie much, for as he sendeth out
 his idols, so doo they their parasites, pages, chamberleins, stewards,
 groomes, & lackies; and yet these be the men that first exclame of the
 insufficiencie of the ministers, as hoping thereby in due time to get
 also their glebes and grounds into their hands. In times past
 bishopriks went almost after the same maner vnder the laie princes,
 and then vnder the pope, so that he which helped a clerke vnto a see,
 was sure to haue a present or purse fine, if not an annuall pension,
 besides that which went to the popes coffers, and was thought to be
 verie good merchandize. Hereof one example may be touched, as of a
 thing doone in my yoonger daies, whilest quéene Marie bare the swaie
 and gouerned in this land. After the death of Stephan Gardiner, the
 sée of Winchester was void for a season, during which time cardinall
 Poole made seizure vpon the reuenues and commodities of the same,
 pretending authoritie therevnto Sede vacante, by vertue of his place.
 With this act of his the bishop of Lincolne called White tooke such
 displeasure, that he stepped in like a mate, with full purpose (as he
 said) to kéepe that sée from ruine. He wrote also to Paulus the fourth
 pope, requiring that he might be preferred therevnto, promising so as
 he might be Compos voti, to paie to the popes coffers 1600 pounds
 yearlie during his naturall life, and for one yeere after. But the
 pope nothing liking of his motion, and yet desirous to reape a further
 benefit, first shewed himselfe to stomach his simonicall practise
 verie grieuouslie, considering the dangerousnesse of the time and
 present estate of the church of England, which hoong as yet in balance
 readie to yéeld anie waie, sauing foorth right, as he alledged in his
 letters. By which replie he so terrified the poore bishop, that he was
 driuen vnto another issue, I meane to recouer the popes good will,
 with a further summe than stood with his ease to part withall. In the
 end when the pope had gotten this fleece, a new deuise was found, and
 meanes made to and by the prince, that White might be bishop of
 Winchester, which at the last he obteined, but in such wise as that
 the pope and his néerest friends did lose but a little by it. I could
 if néed were set downe a report of diuerse other the like practises,
 but this shall suffice in stéed of all the rest, least in reprehending
 of vice I might shew my selfe to be a teacher of vngodlinesse, or to
 scatter more vngratious séed in lewd ground alreadie choked with
 wickednesse.

 To proceed therefore with the rest, I thinke it good also to remember,
 that the names vsuallie giuen vnto such as féed the flocke remaine in
 like sort as in times past, so that these words, parson, vicar, curat,
 and such are not yet abolished more than the canon law it selfe, which
 is dailie pleaded, as I haue said elsewhere; although the statutes of
 the realme haue greatlie infringed the large scope, and brought the
 exercise of the same into some narrower limits. There is nothing read
 in our churches but the canonicall scriptures, whereby it commeth to
 passe that the psalter is said ouer once in thirtie daies, the new
 testament foure times, and the old testament once in the yeare. And
 herevnto if the curat be adiudged by the bishop or his deputies,
 sufficientlie instructed in the holie scriptures, and therewithall
 able to teach, he permitteth him to make some exposition or
 exhortation in his parish, vnto amendment of life. And for so much as
 our churches and vniuersities haue béene so spoiled in time of errour,
 as there cannot yet be had such number of able pastours as may suffice
 for euerie parish to haue one: there are (beside foure sermons
 appointed by publike order in the yeare) certeine sermons or homilies
 (deuised by sundrie learned men, confirmed for sound doctrine by
 consent of the diuines, and publike authoritie of the prince) and
 those appointed to be read by the curats of meane vnderstanding (which
 homilies doo comprehend the principall parts of christian doctrine, as
 of originall sinne, of iustification by faith, of charitie, and such
 like) vpon the sabbaoth daies, vnto the congregation. And after a
 certeine number of psalmes read, which are limited according to the
 daies of the month, for morning and euening praier, we haue two
 lessons, wherof the first is taken out of the old testament, the
 second out of the new, and of these latter that in the morning is out
 of the gospels, the other in the after noone out of some one of the
 epistles. After morning praier also we haue the letanie and suffrages,
 an inuocation in mine opinion not deuised without the great assistance
 of the spirit of God, although manie curious mindsicke persons
 vtterlie condemne it as superstitious and sauoring of coniuration and
 sorcerie.

 This being doone, we procéed vnto the communion, if anie communicants
 be to receiue the eucharist, if not we read the decalog, epistle and
 gospell with the Nicene créed (of some in derision called the drie
 communion) and then procéed vnto an homilie or sermon, which hath a
 psalme before and after it, and finallie vnto the baptisme of such
 infants as on euerie sabaoth daie (if occasion so require) are brought
 vnto the churches: and thus is the forenoone bestowed. In the after
 noone likewise we méet againe, and after the psalmes and lessons ended
 we haue commonlie a sermon, or at the leastwise our youth catechised
 by the space of an houre. And thus doo we spend the sabaoth daie in
 good and godlie exercises, all doone in our vulgar toong, that each
 one present may heare and vnderstand the same, which also in
 cathedrall and collegiat churches is so ordered, that the psalmes
 onelie are soong by note, the rest being read (as in common parish
 churches) by the minister with a lowd voice, sauing that in the
 administration of the communion the quier singeth the answers, the
 créed, and sundrie other things appointed, but in so plaine, I saie,
 and distinct maner, that each one present may vnderstand what they
 sing, euerie word hauing but one note, though the whole harmonie
 consist of manie parts, and those verie cunninglie set by the skilfull
 in that science.

 Certes this translation of the seruice of the church into the vulgar
 toong, hath not a litle offended the pope almost in euerie age, as a
 thing verie often attempted by diuers princes, but neuer generallie
 obteined, for feare least the consenting thervnto might bréed the
 ouerthrow (as it would in déed) of all his religion and hierarchie:
 neuerthelesse in some places where the kings and princes dwelled not
 vnder his nose, it was performed maugre his resistance. Vratislaus
 duke of Bohemia, would long since haue doone the like also in his
 kingdome, but not daring to venter so farre without the consent of the
 pope, he wrote vnto him thereof, and receiued his answer inhibitorie
 vnto all his proceeding in the same.


 "Gregorius septimus Vratislao Bohemorum duci, &c. Quia nobilitas tua
 postulat, quòd secund[=u] Sclauonic[=a] lingu[=a] apud vos diuinum
 celebrari annueremus officium, scias nos huic petitioni tuæ nequaquàm
 posse fauere, ex hoc nempe se voluentibus liquet, non immeritò sacram
 scripturam optimo Deo placuisse quibusdam locis esse occultam; ne si
 ad liquidum cunctis pateret, fortè vilesceret, & subiaceret despectui,
 aut prauè intellecta à mediocribus in errorem induceret. Neque enim ad
 excusationem iuuat, quòd quidam viri hoc, quod simplex populus quærit
 patienter tulerunt, seu incorrectum dimiserunt: cum primitiua ecclesia
 multa dissimulauerit, quæ à sanctis patribus postmodum, firmata
 christianitate & religione crescente, subtili examinatione correcta
 sunt: vnde id nè fiat, quod à vestris imprudenter exposcitur,
 authoritate beatri Petri inhibemus; téque ad honorem optimi Dei huic
 vanæ temeritati viribus totis resistere præcipimus, &c. Datum Romæ,
 &c."

 I would set downe two or thrée more of the like instruments passed
 from that see vnto the like end, but this shall suffice, being lesse
 common than the other, which are to be had more plentifullie.

 As for our churches themselues, belles, and times of morning and
 euening praier, remaine as in times past, sauing that all images,
 shrines, tabernacles, roodlofts, and monuments of idolatrie are
 remooued, taken downe, and defaced; onelie the stories in glasse
 windowes excepted, which for want of sufficient store of new stuffe,
 and by reason of extreame charge that should grow by the alteration of
 the same into white panes throughout the realme, are not altogither
 abolished in most places at once, but by little and little suffered to
 decaie, that white glasse may be prouided and set vp in their roomes.
 Finallie, whereas there was woont to be a great partition betwéene the
 quire and the bodie of the church; now it is either verie small or
 none at all: and to saie the truth altogither needlesse, sith the
 minister saith his seruice commonlie in the bodie of the church, with
 his face toward the people, in a little tabernacle of wainscot
 prouided for the purpose: by which means the ignorant doo not onelie
 learne diuerse of the psalmes and vsuall praiers by heart, but also
 such as can read, doo praie togither with him: so that the whole
 congregation at one instant powre out their petitions vnto the liuing
 God, for the whole estate of his church in most earnest and feruent
 manner. Our holie and festiuall daies are verie well reduced also vnto
 a lesse number; for whereas (not long since) we had vnder the pope
 foure score and fiftéene, called festiuall, and thirtie Profesti,
 beside the sundaies, they are all brought vnto seauen and twentie: and
 with them the superfluous numbers of idle waks, guilds, fraternities,
 church-ales, helpe-ales, and soule-ales, called also dirge-ales, with
 the heathnish rioting at bride-ales, are well diminished and laid
 aside. And no great matter were it if the feasts of all our apostles,
 euangelists, and martyrs, with that of all saincts, were brought to
 the holie daies that follow vpon Christmasse, Easter, and Whitsuntide;
 and those of the virgine Marie, with the rest vtterlie remooued from
 the calendars, as neither necessarie nor commendable in a reformed
 church.

 [Sidenote: Apparell.]
 The apparell in like sort of our clergie men is comlie, & in truth,
 more decent than euer it was in the popish church: before the
 vniuersities bound their graduats vnto a stable attire, afterward
 vsurped also euen by the blind sir Johns. For if you peruse well my
 chronologie insuing, you shall find, that they went either in diuerse
 colors like plaiers, or in garments of light hew, as yellow, red,
 greene, &c: with their shooes piked, their haire crisped, their
 girdles armed with siluer; their shooes, spurres, bridles, &c: buckled
 with like mettall: their apparell (for the most part) of silke, and
 richlie furred; their cappes laced and butned with gold: so that to
 méet a priest in those daies, was to behold a peacocke that spreadeth
 his taile when he danseth before the henne: which now (I saie) is well
 [Sidenote: Hospitalitie.]
 reformed. Touching hospitalitie, there was neuer anie greater vsed in
 England, sith by reason that mariage is permitted to him that will
 choose that kind of life, their meat and drinke is more orderlie and
 frugallie dressed; their furniture of houshold more conuenient, and
 better looked vnto; and the poore oftener fed generallie than
 heretofore they haue béene, when onlie a few bishops, and double or
 treble beneficed men did make good cheere at Christmasse onelie, or
 otherwise kept great houses for the interteinment of the rich, which
 did often see and visit them. It is thought much peraduenture, that
 some bishops, &c: in our time doo come short of the ancient gluttonie
 and prodigalitie of their predecessors: but to such as doo consider of
 the curtailing of their liuings, or excessiue prices whervnto things
 are growen, and how their course is limited by law, and estate looked
 into on euery side, the cause of their so dooing is well inough
 perceiued. This also offendeth manie, that they should after their
 deaths leaue their substances to their wiues and children: wheras they
 consider not, that in old time such as had no lemans nor bastards
 (verie few were there God wot of this sort) did leaue their goods and
 possessions to their brethren and kinsfolks, whereby (as I can shew by
 good record) manie houses of gentilitie haue growen and béene erected.
 If in anie age some one of them did found a college, almeshouse, or
 schoole, if you looke vnto these our times, you shall see no fewer
 déeds of charitie doone, nor better grounded vpon the right stub of
 [Sidenote: Mariage.]
 pietie than before. If you saie that their wiues be fond, after the
 deceasse of their husbands, and bestow themselues not so aduisedlie as
 their calling requireth, which God knoweth these curious surueiors
 make small accompt of in truth, further than thereby to gather matter
 of reprehension: I beséech you then to looke into all states of the
 laitie, & tell me whether some duchesses, countesses, barons, or
 knights wiues, doo not fullie so often offend in the like as they: for
 Eue will be Eue though Adam would saie naie. Not a few also find fault
 [Sidenote: Thred-bare gownes from whence they come.]
 with our thred-bare gowns, as if not our patrones but our wiues were
 causes of our wo. But if it were knowne to all, that I know to haue
 beene performed of late in Essex, where a minister taking a benefice
 (of lesse than twentie pounds in the Quéenes bookes so farre as I
 remember) was inforced to paie to his patrone, twentie quarters of
 otes, ten quarters of wheat, and sixtéene yéerelie of barleie, which
 he called hawkes meat; and another left the like in farme to his
 patrone for ten pounds by the yéere, which is well woorth fortie at
 the least, the cause of our thred-bare gownes would easilie appeere,
 for such patrons doo scrape the wooll from our clokes. Wherfore I may
 well saie, that such a thred-bare minister is either an ill man, or
 hath an ill patrone, or both: and when such cookes & cobling shifters
 shall be remooued and weeded out of the ministerie, I doubt not but
 our patrons will prooue better men, and be reformed whether they will
 or not, or else the single minded bishops shall sée the liuing
 bestowed vpon such as doo deserue it. When the Pragmatike sanction
 tooke place first in France, it was supposed that these enormities
 should vtterlie haue ceased: but when the elections of bishops came
 once into the hands of the canons and spirituall men, it grew to be
 farre worse. For they also within a while waxing couetous, by their
 owne experience learned aforehand, raised the markets, and sought
 after new gaines by the gifts of the greatest liuings in that
 [Sidenote: Number of churches in France.]
 countrie, wherein (as Machiauell writeth) are eightéene
 archbishoprikes, one hundred fortie and sixe bishoprikes, 740 abbies,
 eleuen vniuersities, 1000700 stéeples (if his report be sound.) Some
 are of the opinion, that if sufficient men in euerie towne might be
 sent for from the vniuersities, this mischiefe would soone be
 remedied; but I am cleane of another mind. For when I consider
 wherevnto the gifts of felowships in some places are growen: the
 profit that ariseth at sundrie elections of scholars out of grammar
 [Sidenote: Pretie packing.]
 schooles, to the posers, schoolemasters, and preferrers of them to our
 vniuersities, the gifts of a great number of almeshouses builded for
 the maimed and impotent souldiors, by princes and good men heretofore
 mooued with a pittifull consideration of the poore distressed: how
 rewards, pensions, and annuities also doo reigne in other cases,
 wherby the giuer is brought somtimes into extreame miserie, & that not
 so much as the roome of a common souldior is not obteined oftentimes,
 without a What will you giue me? I am brought into such a mistrust of
 the sequele of this deuise, that I dare pronounce (almost for
 certeine) that if Homer were now aliue, it should be said to him:

   "Túque licèt venias musis comitatus Homere,
     Si nihil attuleris ibis Homere foras."

 More I could saie, and more I would saie of these and other things,
 were it not that in mine owne iudgement I haue said inough alreadie
 for the aduertisement of such as be wise. Neuerthelesse, before I
 finish this chapter, I will adde a word or two (so brieflie as I can)
 of the old estate of cathedrall churches, which I haue collected
 togither here and there among the writers, and whereby it shall
 easilie be seene what they were, and how neere the gouernment of ours
 doo in these daies approch vnto them, for that there is an
 irreconciliable ods betwéene them and those of the <DW7>s, I hope
 there is no learned man indéed, but will acknowlege and yéeld vnto it.

 [Sidenote: Old estate of cathedrall churches.]
 We find therefore in the time of the primitiue church, that there was
 in euerie see or iurisdiction one schoole at the least, whereinto such
 as were catechistes in christian religion did resort. And hereof as we
 may find great testimonie for Alexandria, Antioch, Rome, and
 Hierusalem; so no small notice is left of the like in the inferior
 sort, if the names of such as taught in them be called to mind, & the
 histories well read which make report of the same. These schooles were
 vnder the iurisdiction of the bishops, and from thence did they & the
 rest of the elders choose out such as were the ripest scholars, and
 willing to serue in the ministerie, whome they placed also in their
 cathedrall churches, there not onelie to be further instructed in the
 knowledge of the word, but also to invre them to the deliuerie of the
 same vnto the people in sound maner, to minister the sacraments, to
 visit the sicke and brethren imprisoned, and to performe such other
 duties as then belonged to their charges. The bishop himselfe and
 elders of the church were also hearers and examiners of their
 doctrine, and being in processe of time found meet workmen for the
 lords haruest, they were forthwith sent abrode (after imposition of
 hands, and praier generallie made for their good proceeding) to some
 place or other then destitute of hir pastor, and other taken from the
 schoole also placed in their roomes. What number of such clerks
 belonged now and then to some one sée, the chronologie following shall
 easilie declare: and in like sort what officers, widowes, and other
 persons were dailie mainteined in those seasons by the offerings and
 oblations of the faithfull, it is incredible to be reported, if we
 compare the same with the decaies and ablations séene and practised at
 this present. But what is that in all the world which auarice and
 negligence will not corrupt and impaire? And as this is a paterne of
 the estate of the cathedrall churches in those times, so I wish that
 the like order of gouernment might once againe be restored vnto the
 same, which may be doone with ease, sith the schooles are alreadie
 builded in euerie diocesse, the vniuersities, places of their
 preferment vnto further knowledge, and the cathedrall churches great
 inough to receiue so manie as shall come from thence to be instructed
 vnto doctrine. But one hinderance of this is alreadie and more & more
 to be looked for (beside the plucking and snatching commonlie séene
 from such houses and the church) and that is, the generall contempt of
 the ministerie, and small consideration of their former paines taken,
 whereby lesse and lesse hope of competent maintenance by preaching the
 word is likelie to insue. Wherefore the greatest part of the more
 excellent wits choose rather to imploy their studies vnto physike and
 the lawes, vtterlie giuing ouer the studie of the scriptures, for
 feare least they should in time not get their bread by the same. By
 this meanes also the stalles in their quéeres would be better filled,
 which now (for the most part) are emptie, and prebends should be
 prebends indéed, there to liue till they were preferred to some
 ecclesiasticall function, and then other men chosen to succéed them in
 their roomes, whereas now prebends are but superfluous additaments
 vnto former excesses, & perpetuall commodities vnto the owners, which
 before time were but temporall (as I haue said before.) But as I haue
 good leisure to wish for these things: so it shall be a longer time
 before it will be brought to passe. Neuerthelesse, as I will praie for
 a reformation in this behalfe, so will I here conclude this my
 discourse of the estate of our churches, and go in hand with the
 limits and bounds of our seuerall sées, in such order as they shall
 come vnto my present remembrance.




 OF THE NUMBER OF BISHOPRIKES AND THEIR SEUERALL CIRCUITS.

 CHAP. II.


 Hauing alreadie spoken generally of the state of our church, now will
 I touch the sées seuerallie, saieng so much of ech of them as shall be
 conuenient for the time, and not onelie out of the ancient, but also
 the later writers, and somewhat of mine owne experience, beginning
 first with the sée of Canturburie, as the most notable, whose
 archbishop is the primat of all this land for ecclesiasticall
 iurisdiction, and most accompted of commonlie, bicause he is néerer to
 the prince, and readie at euerie call.

 [Sidenote: Canturburie.]
 The iurisdiction of Canturburie therefore, erected first by Augustine
 the moonke, in the time of Ethelbert king of Kent, if you haue respect
 to hir prouinciall regiment, extendeth it selfe ouer all the south and
 west parts of this Iland, and Ireland, as I haue noted in the chapter
 precedent, and few shires there are wherein the archbishop hath not
 some peculiars. But if you regard the same onelie that was and is
 proper vnto his see, from the beginning, it reacheth but ouer one
 parcell of Kent, which Rudburne calleth Cantwarland, the iurisdiction
 of Rochester including the rest: so that in this one countie the
 greatest archbishoprike and the least bishoprike of all are linked in
 togither. That of Canturburie hath vnder it one archdeaconrie, who
 hath iurisdiction ouer eleauen deanries or a hundred sixtie one parish
 churches; & in the popish time in sted of the 3093 pounds, eighteene
 shillings, halfepenie, farthing, which it now paieth vnto hir
 maiestie, vnder the name of first frutes, there went out of this see
 to Rome, at euerie alienation 10000 ducates or florens, beside 5000
 that the new elect did vsuallie paie for his pall, each ducat being
 then worth an English crowne or thereabout, as I haue béene informed.

 [Sidenote: Rochester.]
 The sée of Rochester is also included within the limits of Kent, being
 erected by Augustine in the 604 of Grace, and reigne of Ceolrijc ouer
 the west-Saxons. The bishop of this sée hath one archdeacon, vnder
 whose gouernment in causes ecclesiasticall are thrée deanries, or 132
 parish churches: so that hereby it is to be gathered, that there are
 393 parish churches in Kent, ouer which the said two archdeacons haue
 especiall cure & charge. He was woont to paie also vnto the court of
 Rome at his admission to that see 1300 ducats or florens, as I read,
 which was an hard valuation, considering the smalnesse of circuit
 belonging to his sée. Howbeit, in my time it is so farre from ease by
 diminution, that it is raised to 1432 crownes, &c: or as we resolue
 them into our pounds, 358 pounds, thrée shillings, six pence,
 halfepennie, farthing, a reckoning a great deale more preciselie made
 than anie bishop of that sée dooth take any great delight in. He was
 crosse-bearer in times past vnto the archbishop of Canturburie. And
 there are and haue béene few sées in England, which at one time or
 other haue not fetched their bishops for the most part from this see:
 for as it is of it selfe but a small thing in déed, so it is commonlie
 a preparatiue to an higher place. But of all that euer possessed it,
 Thomas Kempe had the best lucke, who being but a poore mans sonne of
 Wie (vnto which towne he was a great benefactor) grew first to be
 doctor of both lawes, then of diuinitie; and afterward being promoted
 to this sée, he was translated from thence to Chichester, thirdlie to
 London, next of all to Yorke, and finallie after seauen and twentie
 yeares to Canturburie, where he became also cardinall, deacon, and
 then preest in the court of Rome, according to this verse, "Bis
 primas, ter præses, bis cardine functus." Certes I note this man,
 bicause he bare some fauour to the furtherance of the gospell, and to
 that end he either builded or repared the pulpit in Paules churchyard,
 and tooke order for the continuall maintenance of a sermon there vpon
 the sabaoth, which dooth continue vnto my time, as a place from whence
 the soundest doctrine is alwaies to be looked for, and for such
 strangers to resort vnto as haue no habitation in anie parish within
 the citie where it standeth.

 [Sidenote: London.]
 The sée of London was erected at the first by Lucius, who made it of
 an archeflamine and temple of Iupiter an archbishops sée, and temple
 vnto the liuing God, and so it continued, vntill Augustine translated
 the title thereof to Canturburie. The names of the archbishops of
 London are these; Theon, Eluan, Cadoc, Owen, Conan, Palladius,
 Stephan, Iltutus restitutus, anno 350, Theodromus, Theodredus,
 Hilarius, Fastidius, anno 420, Guittelinus, Vodinus slaine by the
 Saxons, and Theonus Iunior. But for their iust order of succession as
 yet I am not resolued, neuerthelesse the first bishop there was
 ordeined by Augustine the moonke, in the yeare of Christ 604, in the
 time of Ceolrijc, after he had remooued his see further off into Kent:
 I wote not vpon what secret occasion, if not the spéedie hearing of
 newes from Rome, and readinesse to flee out of the land, if any
 trouble should betide him. For iurisdiction it included Essex,
 Middlesex, and part of Herefordshire, which is neither more nor lesse
 in quantitie than the ancient kingdome of the east Angles, before it
 was vnited to the west Saxons. The cathedrall church belonging to this
 sée, was first begun by Ethelbert of Kent, Indic. 1. 598 of Inuber as
 I find, whilest he held that part of the said kingdome vnder his
 gouernement. Afterward when the Danes had sundrie times defaced it, it
 was repared and made vp with hard stone, but in the end it was taken
 downe, and wholie reedified by Mawrice bishop of that sée, and
 sometimes chapleine to the bastard Henrie the first, allowing him
 stone and stuffe from Bainards castell néere vnto Ludgate, then
 ruinous for the furtherance of his works. Howbeit the moold of the
 quire was not statelie inough in the eies of some of his successors;
 wherefore in the yeare of Grace 1256, it was taken downe and brought
 into another forme, and called the new worke, at which time also the
 bodies of diuerse kings and bishops were taken vp and bestowed in the
 walles, to the end their memories should be of longer continuance. The
 iurisdiction of this sée also vnder the bishop, is committed to foure
 archdeacons, to wit, of London, Essex, Middlesex, and Colchester, who
 haue amongst them to the number of 363 parish churches, or
 thereabouts, beside the peculiars belonging to the archbishop and
 chapiter of that house, and at euerie alienation the bishop paieth for
 his owne part 1119 pounds, eight shillings and foure pence (but in old
 time 3000 florens) which diuerse suppose to be more, than (as it now
 standeth) the bishop is able to make of it. Of the archdeconrie, of S.
 Albons added therevnto by king Henrie the eight (whereby the bishop
 hath fiue eies) I speake not, for although it be vnder the bishop of
 London for visitations and synods, yet is it otherwise reputed as
 member of the sée of Lincolne, and therefore worthilie called an
 exempt, it hath also fiue and twentie parishes, of which foure are in
 Buckingham, the rest in Herefordshire.

 [Sidenote: Chichester.]
 The first beginning of the sée of Chichester was in the Ile of Seales
 or Seolseie, and from thence translated to Chichester, in the time of
 William the bastard, and generall remoouing of sées from small
 villages vnto the greater townes. It conteineth Sussex onelie vnder
 hir iurisdiction, wherein are sixtéene deanries, and 551 parish
 churches, it paid at euerie alienation to the sée of Rome 333 ducats:
 and after Edbert the first bishop, one Cella succeeded, after whome
 the pontificall chaire (not then worth 677 pounds by the yéere as now
 it is) was void by many yeares. It was erected in Seoleseie also 711,
 by the decrée of a synod holden in Sussex, which borowed it from the
 iurisdiction of Winchester, whereof before it was reputed a parcell.
 Of all the bishops that haue béene in this sée, Thomas Kempe alwaies
 excepted, I read not of anie one that hath béene of more estimation
 than William Read, sometime fellow of Merteine college in Oxford,
 doctor of diuinitie, and the most profound astronomer that liued in
 his time, as appeareth by his collection which sometime I did
 possesse; his image is yet in the librarie there, and manie
 instruments of astronomie reserued in that house (a college erected
 sometime by Walter Merton bishop of Rochester, and lord chancellor of
 England) he builded also the castell of Amberleie from the verie
 foundation, as Edward Scorie or Storie his successor did the new
 crosse in the market place of Chichester.

 [Sidenote: Winchester.]
 The bishop of Winchester was sometime called bishop of the west
 Saxons, and of Dorchester, which towne was giuen to Birinus and his
 successors, by Kinigils and Oswald of the Northumbers, in whose time
 it was erected by Birinus and his fellowes. In my time it hath
 iurisdiction onelie ouer Hamshire, Surrie, Iardeseie, Gardeseie, and
 the Wight, conteining eight deaneries, two hundred seuentie and six
 parish churches, and beside all this he is perpetuall prelate to the
 honorable order of the Garter, deuised by Edward the third: he paid in
 old time to Rome 12000 ducates or florens, but now his first fruits
 are 2491 pounds nine shillings eight pence halfe penie. Canturburie
 was said to be the higher racke, but Winchester hath borne the name to
 be the better mangier. There are also which make Lucius to be the
 first founder of an house of praier in Winchester, as Kinigils did
 build the second, and Kinwaldus his sonne the third; but you shall sée
 the truth herof in the chronologie insuing. And herevnto if the old
 catalog of the bishops of this sée be well considered of, and the acts
 of the greatest part of them indifferentlie weighed, as they are to be
 read in our histories, you shall find the most egregious hypocrites,
 the stoutest warriours, the cruellest tyrants, the richest
 monimoongers, and politike counsellors in temporall affaires to haue,
 I wote not by what secret working of the diuine prouidence, beene
 placed here in Winchester, since the foundation of that sée, which was
 erected by Birinus 639 (whome pope Honorius sent hither out of Italie)
 and first planted at Dorchester, in the time of Kinigils, then
 translated to Winchester, where it dooth yet continue.

 [Sidenote: Salisburie.]
 Salisburie was made the chéefe sée of Shirburne by bishop Harman
 (predecessor to Osmond) who brought it from Shirburne to that citie;
 it hath now Barkeshire, Wilshire, and Dorsetshire vnder hir
 iurisdiction. For after the death of Hedda, which was 704, Winchester
 was diuided in two, so that onelie Hamshire and Surrie were left vnto
 it, and Wilton, Dorset, Barkeshire, Summerset, Deuon & Cornewill
 assigned vnto Shirburne till other order was taken. Bishop Adeline did
 first sit in that bishoprike (704 as I said) and placed his chaire at
 Shirburne vpon the said diuision. And as manie lerned bishops did
 succéed him in that roome, before and after it was remooued to Sarum;
 so there was neuer a more noble ornament to that sée than bishop
 Iuell, of whose great learning and iudgement the world it selfe
 beareth witnesse, notwithstanding that the <DW7>s prefer S. Osmond
 (as they call him) because he builded the minster there, and made the
 portesse called Ordinale ecclesiastici officij, which old préests were
 woont to vse. The bishops also of this sée were sometimes called
 bishops of Sunning, of their old mansion house neere vnto Reading (as
 it should seeme) and among those that liued before the said Iuell, one
 Roger builded the castell of the Vies in the time of Henrie the first,
 taken in those daies for the strongest hold in England, as vnto whose
 gate there were regals and gripes for six or seuen port cullises.
 Finallie this sée paid vnto Rome 4000 florens, but vnto hir maiestie
 in my time 1367 pounds twelue shillings eight pence, as I did find of
 late.

 [Sidenote: Excester.]
 Excester hath, Deuonshire and Cornewall, sometime two seuerall
 bishopriks, but in the end brought into one of Cornewall, and from
 thence to Excester in the time of the Bastard or soone after. It began
 vpon this occasion, Anno Gratiæ 905, in a prouinciall councell holden
 by the elder Edward & Plegimond archbishop of Canturburie, among the
 Gewises, wherein it was found, that the see of Winchester had not
 onelie béene without hir pastor by the space of seuen yéeres, but also
 that hir iurisdiction was farre greater than two men were able well to
 gouerne; therefore from the former two, to wit, Winchester and
 Shirburne, three other were taken, whereby that see was now diuided
 into fiue parts; the latter thrée being Welles, Kirton, and Cornwall:
 this of Cornwall hauing hir sée then at saint Patroks, not farre from
 north-Wales vpon the riuer Helmouth: he of Deuon holding his
 iurisdiction in Deuonshire, Kirton, or Cridioc. And the bishop of
 Welles being allowed Dorset and Barkshires for his part, to gouerne
 and looke vnto according to his charge. Finallie, these two of Deuon
 and Cornwall being vnited, the valuation thereof was taxed by the sée
 of Rome at six thousand ducats or florens, which were trulie paid at
 euerie alienation; but verie hardlie (as I gesse) sith that in my
 time, wherein all things are racked to the verie vttermost, I find
 that it is litle worth aboue fiue hundred pounds by the yéere, bicause
 hir tenths are but fiftie.

 [Sidenote: Bath.]
 Bath, whose see was sometime at Welles, before Iohn the bishop there
 annexed the church of Bath vnto it, which was 1094, hath
 Summersetshire onlie, and the valuation thereof in the court of Rome
 was foure hundred & thirtie florens: but in hir maiesties books I find
 it fiue hundred thirtie and three pounds, and about one od shilling:
 which declareth a precise examination of the estate of that sée. Of
 the erection of this bishoprike, mentioned in the discourse of
 Excester, I find the former assertion confirmed by another author, and
 in somewhat more large maner, which I will also remember, onelie
 because it pleaseth me somewhat better than the words before alleged
 out of the former writer. This bishoprike (saith he) was erected 905,
 in a councell holden among the Gewises, whereat king Edward of the
 west-Saxons, and Plegimond archbishop of Canturburie were present. For
 that part of the countrie had béene seuen yéeres without anie
 pastorall cure. And therfore in this councell it was agréed, that for
 [Sidenote: The bishoprike of Shirburne diuided into thrée.]
 the two bishoprikes (whereof one was at Winchester, another at
 Shireburne) there should be fiue ordeined, whereby the people there
 might be the better instructed. By this meanes Frithstan was placed at
 Winchester, and Ethelme at Shireburne, both of them being then void.
 Shireburne also susteined the subdiuision; so that Werstane was made
 bishop of Cridioc or Deuonshire (whose sée was at Kirton), Herstan of
 Cornwall, and Eadulfe of Welles, vnto whome Barkshire and Dorsetshire
 were appointed. But now you sée what alteration is made, by
 consideration of the limits of their present iurisdictions.

 [Sidenote: Worcester.]
 Worcester sometime called Episcopatus Wicciorum (that is, the
 bishoprike of the Wiccies or Huiccies) hath Worcester, & part of
 Warwikeshires. And before the bishoprike of Glocester was taken out of
 the same, it paid to the pope two thousand ducats of gold at euerie
 change of prelat: but now the valuation thereof is one thousand fortie
 nine pounds, seauen pence halfe penie farthing (except my remembrance
 doo deceiue me.) This sée was begunne either in, or not long before
 the time of Offa king of the east-Angles, and Boselus was the first
 bishop there; after whome succéeded Ostfort, then Egwine who went in
 pilgrimage to Rome, with Kinredus of Mercia and the said Offa, and
 there gat a monasterie (which he builded in Worcester) confirmed by
 Constantine the pope. In this sée was one of your lordships ancestors
 sometime bishop, whose name was Cobham, and doctor both of diuinitie
 and of the canon law, who, during the time of his pontificalitie
 there, builded the vault of the north side of the bodie of the church,
 and there lieth buried in the same (as I haue béene informed.) Certes
 this man was once elected, and should haue béene archbishop of
 Canturburie in the roome of Reginald that died 1313 vnder Edward the
 second: but the pope frustrated his election, fearing least he would
 haue shewed himselfe more affectionate towards his prince than to his
 court of Rome; wherefore he gaue Canturburie to the bishop of
 Worcester then being. And furthermore, least he should seeme
 altogither to reiect the said Thomas and displease the king, he gaue
 him in the end the bishoprike of Worcester, whereinto he entred 1317,
 Martij 31, being thursdaie (as appeereth by the register of that
 house) after long plée holden for the aforesaid sée of Canturburie in
 the court of Rome, wherein most monie did oftenest preuaile. This is
 also notable of that sée, that fiue Italians succéeded ech other in
 the same, by the popes prouision; as Egidius, Syluester, Egidius his
 nephue (for nephues might say in those daies; Father shall I call you
 vncle? And vncles also; Son I must call thée nephue) Iulius de
 Medices, afterward pope Clement, and Hieronymus de Nugutijs, men verie
 likelie, no doubt, to benefit the common people by their doctrine.
 Some of these being at the first but poore men in Rome, and yet able
 by selling all they had to make a round summe against a rainie daie,
 came first into fauor with the pope, then into familiaritie, finallie
 into orders; and from thence into the best liuings of the church,
 farre off where their parentage could not easilie be heard of, nor
 made knowne vnto their neighbours.

 [Sidenote: Glocester.]
 Glocester hath Glocestershire onelie, wherein are nine deanries, and
 to the number of 294 parish churches, as I find by good record. But it
 neuer paid anie thing to Rome, bicause it was erected by king Henrie
 the eight, after he had abolished the vsurped authoritie of the pope,
 except in quéene Maries, if anie such thing were demanded, as I doubt
 not but it was: yet is it woorth yeerelie 315 pounds, seauen shillings
 thrée pence, as the booke of first fruits declareth.

 [Sidenote: Hereford.]
 Hereford hath Herefordshire and part of Shropshire, and it paid to
 Rome at euerie alienation 1800 ducats at the least, but in my time it
 paieth vnto hir maiesties cofers 768 pounds, ten shillings, ten pence,
 halfe penie, farthing. In this sée there was a bishop sometime called
 Iohn Bruton, vpon whome the king then reigning, by likelihood for want
 of competent maintenance, bestowed the keeping of his wardrobe, which
 he held long time with great honour, as his register saith. A
 woonderfull preferment that bishops should be preferred from the
 pulpit, to the custodie of wardrobes: but such was the time.
 Neuerthelesse his honorable custodie of that charge is more solemnlie
 remembred, than anie good sermon that euer he made, which function
 peraduenture he committed to his suffragane, sith bishops in those
 daies had so much businesse in the court, that they could not attend
 to doctrine and exhortation.

 [Sidenote: Lichfield.]
 Lichefield, wherevnto Couentrie was added, in the time of Henrie the
 first, at the earnest sute of Robert bishop of that see, hath
 Staffordshire, Darbishire, part of Shropshire, and the rest of
 Warwikeshire, that is void of subiection to the sée of Worcestershire.
 It was erected in the time of Peada king of the south Mercians, which
 laie on this side the Trent, and therein one Dinas was installed,
 about the yeare of Grace 656, after whom Kellac first, then Tunher an
 Englishman succéeded, this later being well learned, and consecrated
 by the Scots. In the time of the bastard, I wot not vpon what
 occasion, one Peter bishop of this sée translated his chaire to
 Chester, and there held it for a season, whereby it came to passe that
 the bishops of Lichfield were for a while called bishops of Chester.
 But Robert his successor not likeing of this president, remooued his
 chaire from Chester to Couentrie, and there held it whilest he liued,
 whereby the originall diuision of the bishoprike of Lichfield into
 Lichefield, Chester, and Couentrie, dooth easilie appeare, although in
 my time Lichfield and Couentrie be vnited, and Chester remaineth a
 bishoprike by it selfe. It paid the pope at euerie alienation 1733
 florens, or (as some old bookes haue) 3000, a good round summe, but
 not without a iust punishment, as one saith, sith that anno 765,
 Edulfe bishop there vnder Offa king of Mercia, would by his helpe haue
 bereaued the archbishop of Canturburie of his pall, & so did in déed
 vnder pope Hadrian, holding the same vntill things were reduced vnto
 their ancient forme. Before the time also of bishop Langton, the
 prebends of this see laie here and there abroad in the citie, where
 the vicars also had an house, of which this honest bishop misliked not
 a little for sundrie causes; wherefore he began their close, and
 bestowed so much in building the same, and pauing the stréets, that
 his hungrie kinsmen did not a little grudge at his expenses, thinking
 that his emptie cofers would neuer make them gentlemen, for which
 preferment the freends of most bishops gaped earnestlie in those
 daies. King Iohn was the greatest benefactor vnto this sée, next vnto
 Offa; and it is called Lichfield, Quasi mortuorum campus, bicause of
 the great slaughter of christians made there (as some write) vnder
 Dioclesian. Howbeit in my time the valuation thereof is 703 pounds,
 fiue shillings two pence, halfepenie, farthing, a summe verie
 narrowlie cast by that auditor which tooke it first in hand.

 Oxford hath Oxfordshire onelie, a verie yoong iurisdiction, erected by
 king Henrie the eight, & where in the time of quéene Marie, one
 Goldwell was bishop, who (as I remember) was a Iesuit, dwelling in
 Rome, and more conuersant (as the constant fame went) in the blacke
 art, than skilfull in the scriptures, and yet he was of great
 countenance amongst the Romane monarchs. It is said that obseruing the
 canons of his order, he regarded not the temporalities of that sée:
 but I haue heard since that he wist well inough what became of those
 commodities, for by one meane and other he found the swéetnesse of 354
 pounds sixteene shillings thrée pence halfe penie, yearelie growing to
 him, which was euen inough (if not too much) for the maintenance of a
 frier toward the drawing out of circles, characters, & lineaments of
 imagerie, wherein he was passing skilfull, as the fame then went in
 Rome, and not vnheard of in Oxford.

 [Sidenote: Elie.]
 Elie hath Cambridgshire, and the Ile of Elie. It was erected 1109 by
 Henrie the first, being before a rich and wealthie abbeie. One Heruie
 also was made bishop there, as I haue found in a register, belonging
 sometime to that house being translated from Bangor. Finallie it paid
 to the pope at euerie alienation 7000 ducats, as the registers there
 do testifie at large. Albeit that in my time I find a note of 2134
 pounds sixtéene shillings thrée pence halfe penie farthing, whose
 disme ioined to those of all the bishopriks in England, doo yéeld
 yearelie to hir maiesties coffers 23370 pounds sixtéene shillings
 thrée pence halfe penie farthing: whereby also the huge sums of monie
 going out of this land to the court of Rome dooth in some measure
 appéere. Ethelwold afterward bishop of Winchester builded the first
 monasterie of Elie vpon the ruines of a nunrie then in the kings
 hands, howbeit the same house, whereof he himselfe was abbat, was yer
 long destroied by enimies, and he in lieu of his old preferment
 rewarded by king Edgar, with the aforesaid bishoprike, from whence
 with more than lionlike boldnesse he expelled the secular préests, and
 stored with moonkes prouided from Abandune néere Oxford, by the helpe
 of Edgar and Dunstane then metropolitane of England. There was
 sometime a greeuous contention betwéene Thomas Lild bishop of this
 see, and the king of England, about the yeare of Grace 1355, which I
 will here deliuer out of an old record, because the matter is so
 parciallie penned by some of the brethren of that house, in fauour of
 the bishop; & for that I was also abused with the same in the entrance
 thereof at the first into my chronologie. The blacke prince fauoring
 one Robert Stretton his chapleine, a man vnlearned and not worthie the
 name of a clearke, the matter went on so farre, that what for loue,
 and somewhat else, of a canon of Lichfield he was chosen bishop of
 that see. Herevpon the pope vnderstanding what he was by his Nuncio
 here in England, staied his consecration by his letters for a time,
 and in the meane season committed his examination to the archbishop of
 Canturburie, and the bishop of Rochester, who felt and dealt so
 fauourablie with him in golden reasoning, that his worthinesse was
 commended to the popes holinesse, & to Rome he goeth. Being come to
 Rome the pope himselfe apposed him, and after secret conference
 vtterlie disableth his election, till he had prooued by substantiall
 argument and of great weight before him also, that he was not so
 lightlie to be reiected. Which kind of reasoning so well pleased his
 holinesse, that Ex mera plenitudine potestatis, he was made capable of
 the benefice and so returneth into England; when he came home, this
 bishop being in the kings presence told him how he had doone he wist
 not what in preferring so vnméet a man vnto so high a calling. With
 which speach the king was so offended, that he commanded him out of
 hand to auoid out of his presence. In like sort the ladie Wake then
 duchesse of Lancaster, standing by, and hearing the king hir cousine
 to gather vp the bishop so roundlie, and thereto an old grudge against
 him for some other matter, dooth presentlie picke a quarrell against
 him about certeine lands then in his possession, which he defended &
 in the end obteined against hir by plée and course of law: yer long
 [Sidenote: * sic. qu. _a fire_]
 also [*]afore hapned in a part of hir house, for which she accused the
 bishop, and in the end by verdict of twelue men found that he was
 priuie vnto the fact of his men in the said fact, wherfore he was
 condemned in nine hundred pounds damages, which he paid euerie penie.

 Neuerthelesse, being sore grieued, that she had (as he said) wrested
 out such a verdict against him, and therein packed vp a quest at hir
 owne choise: he taketh his horsse, goeth to the court, and there
 complaineth to the king of his great iniurie receiued at hir hands.
 But in the deliuerie of his tale, his speech was so blockish, & termes
 so euill fauoredlie (though maliciouslie) placed, that the king tooke
 yet more offense with him than before; insomuch that he led him with
 him into the parlement house, for then was that court holden, and
 there before the lords accused him of no small misdemeanor toward his
 person by his rude and threatening speeches. But the bishop egerlie
 denieth the kings obiections, which he still auoucheth vpon his honor;
 and in the end confirmeth his allegations by witnesse: wherevpon he is
 banished from the kings presence during his naturall life by verdict
 of that house. In the meane time the duchesse hearing what was doone,
 she beginneth a new to be dealing with him: and in a brabling fraie
 betweene their seruants one of hir men was slaine, for which he was
 called before the magistrat, as chiefe accessarie vnto the fact. But
 he fearing the sequele of his third cause by his successe had in the
 two first, hideth himselfe after he had sold all his moouables, and
 committed the monie vnto his trustie friends. And being found giltie
 by the inquest, the king seizeth vpon his possessions, and calleth vp
 the bishop to answer vnto the trespasse. To be short, vpon
 safe-conduct the bishop commeth to the kings presence, where he
 denieth that he was accessarie to the fact, either before, at, or
 after the deed committed, and therevpon craueth to be tried by his
 péeres. But this petition was in vaine: for sentence passeth against
 him also by the kings owne mouth. Wherevpon he craueth helpe of the
 archbishop of Canturburie and priuileges of the church, hoping by such
 meanes to be solemnlie rescued. But they fearing the kings
 displeasure, who bare small fauour to the clergie of his time, gaue
 ouer to vse anie such meanes; but rather willed him to submit himselfe
 vnto the kings mercie which he refused, standing vpon his innocencie
 from the first vnto the last. Finallie, growing into choler, that the
 malice of a woman should so preuaile against him, he writeth to Rome,
 requiring that his case might be heard there, as a place wherein
 greater iustice (saith he) is to be looked for than to be found in
 England. Vpon the perusall of these his letters also, his accusers
 were called thither. But for so much as they appéered not at their
 peremptorie times, they were excommunicated. Such of them also as died
 before their reconciliations were taken out of the churchyards, and
 buried in the fields and doong-hilles, "Vnde timor & turba (saith my
 note) in Anglia." For the king inhibited the bringing in and receipt
 of all processes, billes, and whatsoeuer instruments should come from
 Rome: such also as aduentured contrarie to this prohibition to bring
 them in, were either dismembred of some ioint, or hanged by the necks.
 Which rage so incensed the pope, that he wrote in verie vehement maner
 to the king of England, threatening far greater cursses, except he did
 the sooner staie the furie of the lady, reconcile himself vnto the
 bishop, and finallie, making him amends for all his losses susteined
 in these broiles. Long it was yer the king would be brought to peace.
 Neuerthelesse, in the end he wrote to Rome about a reconciliation to
 be had betwéene them: but yer all things were concluded, God himselfe
 did end the quarrell, by taking awaie the bishop. And thus much out of
 an old pamphlet in effect word for word: but I haue somewhat framed
 the forme of the report after the order that Stephan Birchington dooth
 deliuer it, who also hath the same in manner as I deliuer it.

 [Sidenote: Norwich.]
 The see of Norwich called in old time Episcopatus Donnicensis,
 Dononiæ, or Eastanglorum, was erected at Felstow or Felixstow, where
 Felix of Burgundie (sometime schoolemaster to Sigebert of the
 east-Angles, by whose persuasion also the said Sigebert erected the
 vniuersitie at Cambridge) being made bishop of the east-Angles first
 placed his sée, afterward it was remooued from thence to Donwich, &
 thence to Helmham, Anno 870, about the death of Celnothus of
 Canturburie; thirdlie, to Theodford, or Thetford; & finallie, after
 the time of the Bastard, to Norwich. For iurisdiction it conteineth in
 our daies Norffolke and Suffolke onelie, whereas at the first it
 included Cambridgeshire also, and so much as laie within the kingdome
 of the east-Angles. It began about the yéere 632, vnder Cerpenwald
 king of the east-Saxons, who bestowed it vpon Felix, whome pope
 Honorius also confirmed, and after which he held it by the space of
 seauenteene yéeres. It paid sometimes at euerie alienation 5000 ducats
 to Rome. But in my time hir maiestie hath 899 pounds, 8 shillings 7
 pence farthing, as I haue been informed. In the same iurisdiction also
 there were once 1563 parish churches, and 88 religious houses: but in
 our daies I can not heare of more churches than 1200: and yet of these
 I know one conuerted into a barne, whilest the people heare seruice
 further off vpon a greene: their bell also when I heard a sermon there
 preached in the gréene, hanged in an oke for want of a stéeple. But
 now I vnderstand that the oke likewise is gone. There is neuerthelesse
 a litle chappellet hard by on that common, but nothing capable of the
 multitude of Ashlie towne that should come to the same in such wise,
 if they did repaire thither as they ought.

 [Sidenote: Peterborow.]
 Peterborow, sometimes a notable monasterie, hath Northampton and
 Rutland shires vnder hir iurisdiction, a diocesse erected also by king
 Henrie the eight. It neuer paid first fruits to the pope before queene
 Maries daies (if it were then deliuered) wherof I doubt, because it
 was not recorded in his ancient register of tenths and fruits,
 although peraduenture the collectors left it not vngathered, I wot not
 for what purpose; it yéeldeth now foure hundred and fiftie pounds, one
 penie abated. I haue seene and had an ancient iarror of the lands of
 this monasterie, which agréeth verie well with the historie of Hugo le
 Blanc monke of that house. In the charter also of donation annexed to
 the same, I saw one of Wulfhere king of Mercia, signed with his owne,
 & the marks of Sigher king of Sussex, Sebbie of Essex, with the
 additions of their names: the rest of the witnesses also insued in
 this order:

   Ethelred brother to Wulfehere,
   Kindburg and Kindswith sisters to Wulfhere,
   Deusdedit archbishop,
   Ithamar bishop of Rochester,
   Wina bishop of London,
   Iarnman bishop of Mearc,
   Wilfride and Eoppa préests,
   Saxulfe the abbat.

 Then all the earles and eldermen of England in order; and after all
 these, the name of pope Agatho, who confirmed the instrument at the
 sute of Wilfride archbishop of Yorke, in a councell holden at Rome
 680, of a hundred & fiue and twentie bishops, wherein also these
 churches were appropriated to the said monasterie, to wit, Breding,
 Reping, Cedenac, Swinesheued, Lusgerd, Edelminglond, and Barchaing:
 whereby we haue in part an euident testimonie how long the practise of
 appropriation of benefices hath béene vsed to the hinderance of the
 gospell, and maintenance of idle moonks, an humane inuention grounded
 vpon hypocrisie.

 [Sidenote: Bristow.]
 Bristow hath Dorsetshire sometime belonging to Salisburie, a sée also
 latelie erected by king Henrie the eight, who tooke no small care for
 the church of Christ, and therefore eased a number of ancient sées of
 some part of their huge and ouer-large circuits, and bestowed those
 portions deducted, vpon such other erections as he had appointed for
 the better regiment and féeding of the flocke: the value thereof is
 thrée hundred foure score and thrée pounds, eight shillings, and foure
 pence (as I haue béene informed.)

 [Sidenote: Lincolne.]
 Lincolne of all other of late times was the greatest; and albeit that
 out of it were taken the sees of Oxford and Peterborow, yet it still
 reteineth Lincolne, Leicester, Huntingdon, Bedford, Buckingham shires,
 and the rest of Hertford; so that it extendeth from the Thames vnto
 the Humber, and paid vnto the pope fiue thousand ducats (as appeereth
 by his note) at euerie alienation. In my time, and by reason of hir
 diminution it yéeldeth a tribute to whom tribute belongeth, of the
 valuation of eight hundred ninetie and nine pounds, eight shillings,
 seauen pence farthing. It began since the conquest, about the
 beginning of William Rufus, by one Remigius, who remooued his sée from
 Dorchester to Lincolne (not without licence well paid for vnto the
 king.) And thus much of the bishopriks which lie within Lhoegres or
 England, as it was left vnto Locrinus. Now it followeth that I procéed
 with Wales.

 [Sidenote: Landaffe.]
 Landaffe, or the church of Taw hath ecclesiasticall iurisdiction in
 Glamorgan, Monmouth, Brechnoch, and Radnor shires. And although it
 paid seuen hundred ducats at euerie exchange of prelat; yet is it
 scarselie worth one hundred fiftie and fiue pounds by the yeare (as I
 haue heard reported.) Certes it is a poore bishoprike, & (as I haue
 heard) the late incumbent thereof being called for not long since by
 the lord president in open court made answer. The daffe is here, but
 the land is gone. What he meant by it I can not well tell; but I hope,
 that in the séed time and the frée planting of the gospell, the meate
 of the labourer shall not be diminished and withdrawen.

 [Sidenote: S. Dauids.]
 S. Dauids hath Penbroke and Caermardine shires, whose liuerie or first
 fruits to the sée of Rome was one thousand and fiue hundred ducats, at
 the hardest (as I thinke.) For if record be of anie sufficient credit,
 it is little aboue the value of foure hundred fiftie and seauen
 pounds, one shilling, and ten pence farthing, in our time, and so it
 paieth vnto hir maiesties coffers; but in time past I thinke it was
 farre better. The present bishop misliketh verie much of the cold
 situation of his cathedrall church; and therfore he would gladlie pull
 it downe, and set it in a warmer place: but it would first be learned
 what suertie he would put in to sée it well performed: of the rest I
 speake not.

 [Sidenote: Bangor.]
 Bangor is in north-Wales, and hath Caernaruon, Angleseie, and
 Merioneth shires vnder hir iurisdiction. It paid to Rome 126 ducats,
 which is verie much. For of all the bishoprikes in England it is now
 the least for reuenues, and not woorth aboue one hundred and one and
 thirtie pounds, and sixteene pence to hir maiesties coffers at euerie
 alienation (as appéereth by the tenths, which amount to much lesse
 than those of some good benefice) for it yeeldeth not yéerelie aboue
 thirtéene pounds, thrée shillings, and seauen pence halfe penie, as by
 that court is manifest.

 [Sidenote: S. Asaphes.]
 S. Asaphes hath Prestholme and part of Denbigh and Flintshires vnder
 hir iurisdiction in causes ecclesiasticall, which being laid togither
 doo amount to little more than one good countie, and therefore in
 respect of circuit the least that is to be found in Wales,
 neuerthelesse it paid to Rome 470 ducates at euerie alienation. In my
 time the first fruits of this bishoprike came vnto 187 pounds eleuen
 shillings six pence; wherby it séemeth to be somewhat better than
 Landaffe or Bangor last remembred. There is one Howell a gentleman of
 Flintshire in the compasse of this iurisdiction, who is bound to giue
 an harpe of siluer yearelie to the best harper in Wales, but did anie
 bishop thinke you deserue that in the popish time? Howell or Aphowell
 in English is all one (as I haue heard) and signifie so much as Hugo
 or Hugh. Hitherto of the prouince of Canturburie, for so much therof
 as now lieth within the compasse of this Iland. Now it resteth that I
 procéed with the curtailed archbishoprike of Yorke, I saie curtailed
 because all Scotland is cut from his iurisdiction and obedience.

 [Sidenote: Yorke.]
 The see of Yorke was restored about the yeare of Grace 625, which
 after the comming of the Saxons laie desolate and neglected, howbeit
 at the said time Iustus archbishop of Canturburie ordeined Paulinus to
 be first bishop there, in the time of Gadwijn king of Northumberland.
 This Paulinus sate six yeares yer he was driuen from thence, & after
 whose expulsion that seat was void long time, wherby Lindesfarne grew
 into credit, and so remained vntill the daies of Oswie of
 Northumberland, who sent Wilfred the priest ouer into France, there to
 be consecrated archbishop of Yorke: but whilest he taried ouer long in
 those parts, Oswie impatient of delaie preferred Ceadda or Chad to
 that roome, who held it three yeares, which being expired Wilfred
 recouered his roome, and held it as he might, vntill it was seuered in
 two, to wit, Yorke, Hagulstade, or Lindesfarne, where Eata was placed,
 at which time also Egfride was made bishop of Lincolne or Lindsie in
 that part of Mercia which he had goten from Woolfhere. Of it selfe it
 hath now iurisdiction ouer Yorkeshire, Notinghamshire (whose shire
 towne I meane the new part thereof with the bridge was builded by king
 Edward the first surnamed the elder before the conquest) and the rest
 of Lancastershire onelie not subiect to the sée of Chester; and when
 the pope bare authoritie in this realme, it paid vnto his see 1000
 ducates, beside 5000 for the pall of the new elect, which was more
 than he could well spare of late, considering the curtailing &
 diminution of his sée, thorough the erection of a new metropolitane in
 Scotland, but in my time it yéeldeth 1609 pounds ninetéene shillings
 two pence to hir maiestie, whom God long preserue vnto vs to his
 glorie, hir comfort, and our welfares.

 [Sidenote: Chester.]
 Chester vpon Dee, otherwise called Westchester, hath vnder hir
 iurisdiction in causes ecclesiasticall, Chestershire, Darbishire, the
 most part of Lancastershire (to wit vnto the Ribell) Richmond and a
 part of Flint and Denbigh shires in Wales, was made a bishoprike by
 king H. 8. anno regni 33. Iulij 16, and so hath continued since that
 time, being valued 420 pounds by the yeare beside od twentie pence (a
 streict reckoning) as the record declareth.

 [Sidenote: Durham.]
 Durham hath the countie of Durham and Northumberland with the Dales
 onelie vnder hir iurisdiction, and hereof the bishops haue sometimes
 béene earles palantines & ruled the rost vnder the name of the
 bishoprike and succession of S. Cuthbert. It was a sée (in mine
 opinion) more profitable of late vnto hir maiesties coffers by 221
 pounds eighteene shillings ten pence farthing, and yet of lesse
 countenance than hir prouinciall, neuertheles the sunneshine thereof
 (as I heare) is now somewhat eclipsed and not likelie to recouer the
 light, for this is not a time wherein the church may looke to increase
 in hir estate. I heare also that some other flitches haue forgone the
 like collops, but let such matters be scanned by men of more
 discretion. Capgraue saith how that the first bishop of this sée was
 called bishop of Lindseie (or Lincolne) & that Ceadda laie in
 Liechfield of the Mercians in a mansion house néere the church. But
 this is more worthie to be remembred, that Cuthred of the Northumbers,
 and Alfred of the West-saxons bestowed all the land betwéene the These
 & the Tine now called the bishoprike vpon S. Cuthbert, beside
 whatsoeuer belonged to the see of Hagulstade. Edgar of Scotland also
 in the time of the Bastard gaue Coldingham and Berwike withall their
 appurtenances to that house; but whether these donations be extant or
 no as yet I cannot tell. Yet I thinke not but that Leland had a sight
 of them, from whome I had this ground. But whatsoeuer this bishoprike
 be now, in externall & outward apparance, sure it is that it paid in
 old time 9000 ducates at euerie alienation to Rome, as the record
 expresseth. Aidan a Scot or Irishman was the first bishop of this sée,
 who held himselfe (as did manie of his successors) at Colchester and
 in Lindesfarne Ile, till one came that remooued it to Durham. And now
 iudge you whether the allegation of Capgraue be of anie accompt or
 not.

 [Sidenote: Caerleill.]
 Caerleill was erected 1132 by Henrie the first, and hereof one
 Ethelwoolfe confessor to Osmond bishop of Sarum was made the first
 bishop, hauing Cumberland & Westmerland assigned to his share; of the
 deaneries and number of parish churches conteined in the same as yet I
 haue no knowledge, more than of manie other. Howbeit hereof I am sure,
 that notwithstanding the present valuation be risen to 531 pounds
 foureteene shillings eleuen pence halfe penie, the pope receiued out
 of it but 1000 florens, and might haue spared much more, as an
 aduersarie thereto confessed sometime euen before the pope himselfe,
 supposing no lesse than to haue gained by his tale, and so
 peraduenture should haue doone, if his platforme had taken place. But
 as wise men oft espie the practises of flatteries, so the pope saw to
 what end this profitable speach was vttered. As touching Caerleill it
 selfe it was sometime sacked by the Danes, and eftsoones repared by
 William Rufus, & planted with a colonie of southerne men. I suppose
 that in old time it was called Cairdoill. For in an ancient booke
 which I haue séene, and yet haue, intituled, Liber formularum
 literarum curiæ Romanæ, octo capitulorum, episcopatus Cardocensis. And
 thus much generallie of the names and numbers of our bishoprikes of
 England, whose tenths in old time yearelie amounting vnto 21111
 pounds, twelue shillings one penie halfe penie farthing, of currant
 monie in those daies, doo euidentlie declare, what store of coine was
 transported out of the land vnto the papall vses, in that behalfe
 onelie.

 Certes I take this not to be one quarter of his gaines gotten by
 England in those daies, for such commodities were raised by his courts
 holden here, so plentifullie gat he by his perquisits, as elections,
 procurations, appeales, preuentions, pluralities, tot quots,
 trialities, tollerations, legitimations, bulles, seales, préests,
 concubines, eating of flesh and white meats, dispensations for
 mariages, & times of celebration, Peter pence, and such like
 faculties, that not so little as 1200000 pounds went yearelie from
 hence to Rome. And therefore no maruell though he séeke much in these
 daies to reduce vs to his obedience. But what are the tenths of
 England (you will saie) in comparison of all those of Europe. For
 notwithstanding that manie good bishoprikes latelie erected be left
 out of his old bookes of record, which I also haue séene, yet I find
 neuertheles that the whole sum of them amounted to not aboue 61521
 pounds as monie went 200 yeares before my time, of which portion poore
 saint Peter did neuer heare, of so much as one graie grote. Marke
 therfore I praie you whether England were not fullie answerable to a
 third part of the rest of his tenths ouer all Europe, and therevpon
 tell me whether our Iland was one of the best paire of bellowes or
 not, that blue the fire in his kitchen, wherewith to make his pot
 seeth, beside all other commodities.

 [Sidenote: Man.]
 Beside all these, we haue another bishoprike yet in England almost
 slipped out of my remembrance, because it is verie obscure, for that
 the bishop thereof hath not wherewith to mainteine his countenance
 sufficientlie, and that is the see of Mona or Man, somtime named
 Episcopatus Sodorensis, whereof one Wimundus was ordeined the first
 bishop, and Iohn the second, in the troublesome time of king Stephan.
 The gift of this prelacie resteth in the earles of Darbie, who
 nominate such a one from time to time therto as to them dooth séeme
 conuenient. Howbeit if that sée did know and might reape hir owne
 commodities, and discerne them from other mens possessions (for it is
 supposed that the mother hath deuoured the daughter) I doubt not but
 the state of hir bishop would quicklie be amended. Hauing therefore
 called this later sée after this maner vnto mind, I suppose that I
 haue sufficientlie discharged my dutie concerning the state of our
 bishoprike, and maner how the ecclesiasticall iurisdiction of the
 church of England is diuided among the shires and counties of this
 realme. Whose bishops as they haue béene heretofore of lesse learning,
 and yet of greater port & dooings in the common-wealth, than at this
 present, so are they now for the most part the best learned that are
 to be found in anie countrie of Europe, sith neither high parentage,
 nor great riches (as in other countries) but onelie learning and
 vertue, commended somewhat by fréendship, doo bring them to this
 honour.

 I might here haue spoken more at large of diuerse other bishopriks,
 sometime in this part of the Iland, as of that of Caerlheon tofore
 ouerthrowen by Edelfred in the behalfe of Augustine the moonke (as
 Malmesburie saith) where Dubritius gouerned, which was afterward
 translated to S. Dauids, and taken for an archbishoprike: secondlie of
 the bishoprike of Leircester called Legerensis, whose fourth bishop
 (Vnwon) went to Rome with Offa king of Mercia: thirdlie of Ramsbirie
 [Sidenote: Gloucester's verie ancient bishoprike.]
 or Wiltun, and of Glocester (of which you shall read in Matth. Westm.
 489) where the bishop was called Eldad: also of Hagulstade, one of the
 members whereinto the see of Yorke was diuided after the expulsion of
 Wilfrid. For (as I read) when Egfrid the king had driuen him awaie, he
 diuided his see into two parts, making Bosa ouer the Deiranes that
 held his sée at Hagulstade, or Lindfarne: and Eatta ouer the
 Bernicians, who sate at Yorke: and thereto placing Edhedus ouer
 Lindseie (as is afore noted) whose successors were Ethelwine, Edgar,
 and Kinibert, notwithstanding that one Sexulfus was ouer Lindseie
 before Edhedus, who was bishop of the Mercians and middle England,
 till he was banished from Lindseie, and came into those quarters to
 séeke his refuge and succour.

 I could likewise intreat of the bishops of Whiteherne, or Ad Candidam
 Casam, an house with the countrie wherein it stood belonging to the
 prouince of Northumberland, but now a parcell of Scotland; also of the
 erection of the late sée at Westminster by Henrie the eight. But as
 the one so the other is ceased, and the lands of this later either so
 diuided or exchanged for worse tenures, that except a man should sée
 it with his eies, & point out with his finger where euerie parcell of
 them is bestowed, but a few men would beléeue what is become of the
 same. I might likewise and with like ease also haue added the
 successors of the bishops of euerie sée to this discourse of their
 cathedrall churches and places of abode, but it would haue extended
 this treatise to an vnprofitable length. Neuerthelesse I will remember
 the fame of London my natiue citie, after I haue added one word more
 of the house called Ad Candidam Casam, in English Whiteherne, which
 taketh denomination of the white stone wherwith it was builded, and
 was séene far off as standing vpon an hill to such as did behold it.




 THE NAMES AND SUCCESSIONS OF SO MANIE ARCHBISHOPS AND BISHOPS OF
 LONDON, AS ARE EXTANT, AND TO BE HAD, FROM THE FAITH FIRST RECEIUED.


 _Archbishops._

   Theon.
   Eluanus.
   Cadocus.
   Ouinus.
   Conanus.
   Palladius.
   Stephanus.
   Iltutus.
   Restitutus, who liued 350 of grace.
   Tadwinus aliàs Theodwinus, some doo write
   him Tacwinus & Tatwinus.
   Tidredus aliàs Theodred.
   Hilarius.
   Fastidius liued Anno Dom. 430.
   Vodinus, slaine by the Saxons.
   Theonus.

 _The see void manie yeares._

   Augustine the moonke, sent ouer by Gregorie the great, till
     he remooued his sée to Canturburie, to the intent he might
     the sooner flée, if persecution should be raised by the
     infidels, or heare from, or send more spéedilie vnto Rome,
     without anie great feare of the interception of his letters.


 _Bishops._

 Melitus.

 _The see void for a season._

   Wina.
   Erkenwaldus.
   Waldherus.
   Ingaldus.
   Egulphus.
   Wigotus.
   Eadbricus.
   Edgarus.
   Kiniwalchus.
   Eadbaldus.
   Eadbertus.
   Oswinus.
   Ethelnothus.
   Cedbertus.
   Cernulphus.
   Suiduiphus
   Eadstanus.
   Wulffinus.
   Ethelwaldus.
   Elstanus.
   Brithelmus.
   Dunstanus.
   Tidricus.
   Alwijnus.
   Elswoldus.
   Robertus a Norman.
   Wilhelmus a Norman.
   Hugo a Norman.

 I read also of a bishop of London called Elsward, or Ailward, who was
 abbat of Eouesham, and bishop of London at one time, and buried at
 length in Ramseie, howbeit in what order of succession he liued I can
 not tell, more than of diuerse other aboue remembred, but in this
 order doo I find them.

 _The see void twelue yeares._

   1 Mauricius.
   2 Richardus Beaumis.
   3 Gilbertus vniuersalis a notable man for thrée things,
       auarice, riches, and learning.
   4 Robertus de Sigillo.
   5 Richardus Beaumis.
   6 Gilbertus Folioth.
   7 Richardus.
   8 Wilhelmus de sancta Maria.
   9 Eustathius Falconberg.
   10 Rogerus Niger.
   11 Fulco Bascet.
   12 Henricus Wingham.
   Richardus Talbot electus.
   15 Richard. Grauesend.
   16 Radulfus Gandacensis.
   17 Gilbertus Segraue.
   18 Richardus de Newport.
   19 Stephanus Grauesend.
   20 Richard. Bintworth.
   21 Radulfus Baldoc who made the tables
       hanging in the vesterie of Paules.
   22 Michael.
   23 Simon.
   24 Robertus.
   25 Thomas.
   26 Richardus.
   27 Thomas Sauagius.
   28 Wilhelmus.
   29 Wilhelm. Warham.
   30 Wihelmus Barnes.
   31 Cuthbertus Tunstall.
   32 Iohannes Stokesleie.
   33 Richardus fitz Iames.
   34 Edmundus Boner, remooued, imprisoned.
   35 Nicholas Ridleie remooued and burned.
   Edm. Boner, restored, remooued, & imprisoned.
   36 Edmundus Grindall.
   37 Edwinus Sandes.
   38 Iohannes Elmer.

   Hauing gotten and set downe thus much of the bishops, I will
     deliuer in like sort the names of the deanes, vntill I come
     to the time of mine old master now liuing in this present
     yeare 1586, who is none of the least ornaments that haue
     béene in that seat.

 _Deanes._

   1 Wulmannus, who made a distribution of the psalmes
       conteined in the whole psalter, and appointed the
       same dailie to be read amongst the prebendaries.
   2 Radulfus de Diceto, whose noble historie
       is yet extant in their librarie.
   3 Alardus Bucham.
   4 Robertus Watford.
   5 Martinus Patteshull.
   6 Hugo de Marinis.
   7 Radulfus Langfort.
   8 Galfridus de Berie.
   9 Wilhelmus St[=a]man.
   10 Henricus Cornell.
   11 Walterus de Salerne.
   12 Robertus Barton.
   13 Petrus de Newport.
   14 Richardus Talbot.
   15 Galfredus de Fering.
   16 Iohannes Chishull.
   17 Herueus de Boreham.
   18 Thomas Eglesthorpe.
   19 Rogerus de Lalleie.
   20 Wilhelmus de Montfort.
   21 Radulfus de Baldoc postea episcopus.
   22 Alanus de Cantilup postea cardinalis.
   Iohan. Sandulfe electus.
   Richardus de Newport electus.
   23 Magister Vitalis.
   24 Iohannes Euerisdon.
   25 Wilhelmus Brewer.
   26 Richardus Kilmingdon.
   27 Thomas Trullocke.
   28 Iohannes Appulbie.
   29 Thomas Euer.
   30 Thomas Stow.
   31 Thomas More.
   32 Reginaldus Kenton.
   33 Thomas Lisieux aliàs Leseux.
   34 Leonardus de Bath.
   35 Wilhelmus Saie.
   36 Rogerus Ratcliffe.
   37 Thom. Winterburne.
   38 Wilhelmus Wolseie.
   39 Robert Sherebroke.
   40 Ioh[=a]nes Collet, founder of Paules schoole.
   Richardus Paceus.
   Richardus Sampson.
   Iohannes Incent.
   Wilhelmus Maius resignauit.
   Iohannes Fakenham aliàs Howman resignauit.
   Henricus Colus, remooued, imprisoned.
   Wilhelmus Maius, restored.
   Alexander Nouellus.

 And thus much of the archbishops, bishops, and deanes of that
 honorable sée. I call it honorable, because it hath had a succession
 for the most part of learned and wise men, albeit that otherwise it be
 the most troublesome seat in England, not onelie for that it is néere
 vnto checke, but also the prelats thereof are much troubled with
 sutors, and no lesse subiect to the reproches of the common sort,
 whose mouthes are alwaies wide open vnto reprehension, and eies readie
 to espie anie thing that they may reprooue and carpe at. I would haue
 doone so much for euerie see in England, if I had not had
 consideration of the greatnesse of the volume, and small benefit
 rising by the same, vnto the commoditie of the readers: neuerthelesse
 I haue reserued them vnto the publication of my great chronologie, if
 (while I liue) it happen to come abrode.




 OF VNIUERSITIES.

 CHAP. III.


 [Sidenote: Manie vniuersities somtime in England.]
 There haue béene heretofore, and at sundrie times, diuerse famous
 vniuersities in this Iland, and those euen in my daies not altogither
 forgotten, as one at Bangor, erected by Lucius, and afterward
 conuerted into a monasterie, not by Congellus (as some write) but by
 Pelagius the monke. The second at Carlheon vpon Vske, neere to the
 place where the riuer dooth fall into the Seuerne, founded by king
 Arthur. The third at Theodford, wherein were 600 students, in the time
 of one Rond sometime king of that region. The fourth at Stanford,
 suppressed by Augustine the monke, and likewise other in other places,
 as Salisburie, Eridon or Criclade, Lachlade, Reading, and Northampton;
 albeit that the two last rehearsed were not authorised, but onelie
 arose to that name by the departure of the students from Oxford in
 time of ciuill dissention vnto the said townes, where also they
 continued but for a little season. When that of Salisburie began, I
 can not tell; but that it flourished most vnder Henrie the third, and
 Edward the first, I find good testimonie by the writers, as also by
 the discord which fell 1278, betwéene the chancellor for the scholers
 there on the one part, and William the archdeacon on the other,
 whereof you shall sée more in the chronologie here following. In my
 [Sidenote: Thrée vniuersities in England.]
 time there are thrée noble vniuersities in England, to wit, one at
 Oxford, the second at Cambridge, and the third in London; of which,
 the first two are the most famous, I meane Cambridge and Oxford, for
 that in them the vse of the toongs, philosophie, and the liberall
 sciences, besides the profound studies of the ciuill law, physicke,
 and theologie, are dailie taught and had: whereas in the later, the
 laws of the realme are onelie read and learned, by such as giue their
 minds vnto the knowledge of the same. In the first there are not
 onelie diuerse goodlie houses builded foure square for the most part
 of hard fréestone or bricke, with great numbers of lodgings and
 chambers in the same for students, after a sumptuous sort, through the
 excéeding liberalitie of kings, quéenes, bishops, noblemen and ladies
 of the land: but also large liuings and great reuenues bestowed vpon
 them (the like whereof is not to be séene in anie other region, as
 Peter Martyr did oft affirme) to the maintenance onelie of such
 conuenient numbers of poore mens sonnes as the seuerall stipends
 bestowed vpon the said houses are able to support.

 [Sidenote: When the vniuersities were builded vncerteine.]
 When these two schooles should be first builded, & who were their
 originall founders, as yet it is vncerteine: neuerthelesse, as there
 is great likelihood that Cambridge was begun by one Cantaber a
 Spaniard (as I haue noted in my chronologie) so Alfred is said to be
 the first beginner of the vniuersitie at Oxford, albeit that I cannot
 warrant the same to be so yong, sith I find by good authoritie, that
 Iohn of Beuerleie studied in the vniuersitie hall at Oxford, which was
 long before Alfred was either borne or gotten. Some are of the opinion
 that Cantabrigia was not so called of Cantaber, but Cair Grant of the
 finisher of the worke, or at the leastwise of the riuer that runneth
 by the same, and afterward by the Saxons Grantcester. An other sort
 affirme that the riuer is better written Canta than Granta, &c: but
 whie then is not the towne called Canta, Cantium, or Cantodunum,
 according to the same? All this is said onlie (as I thinke) to deface
 the memorie of Cantaber, who comming from the Brigants, or out of
 Biscaie, called the said towne after his owne and the name of the
 region from whence he came. Neither hath it béene a rare thing for the
 Spaniards heretofore to come first into Ireland, and from thense ouer
 into England, sith the chronologie shall declare that it hath béene
 often seene, and that out of Britaine, they haue gotten ouer also into
 Scithia, and contrariwise: coasting still through Yorkeshire, which of
 them also was called Brigantium, as by good testimonie appeareth.

 [Sidenote: Oxford fiftie miles from London.]
 Of these two, that of Oxford (which lieth west and by north from
 London) standeth most pleasantlie, being inuironed in maner round
 about with woods on the hilles aloft, and goodlie riuers in the
 bottoms and vallies beneath, whose courses would bréed no small
 commoditie to that citie and countrie about, if such impediments were
 remooued as greatlie annoie the same, and hinder the cariage which
 might be made thither also from London.

 [Sidenote: Cambridge six and fortie miles from London.]
 That of Cambridge is distant from London about fortie and six miles
 north and by east, and standeth verie well, sauing that it is somewhat
 néere vnto the fens, whereby the wholesomenesse of the aire there is
 not a little corrupted. It is excellentlie well serued with all kinds
 of prouision, but especiallie of freshwater fish and wildfoule, by
 reason of the riuer that passeth thereby; and thereto the Ile of Elie,
 which is so néere at hand. Onlie wood is the chéefe want to such as
 studie there, wherefore this kind of prouision is brought them either
 from Essex, and other places thereabouts, as is also their cole; or
 otherwise the necessitie thereof is supplied with gall (a bastard kind
 of Mirtus as I take it) and seacole, whereof they haue great plentie
 led thither by the Grant. Moreouer it hath not such store of medow
 ground as may suffice for the ordinarie expenses of the towne and
 vniuersitie, wherefore the inhabitants are inforced in like sort to
 prouide their haie from other villages about, which minister the same
 vnto them in verie great aboundance.

 [Sidenote: Longitude & latitude of both.]
 Oxford is supposed to conteine in longitude eightéene degrees and
 eight and twentie minuts, and in latitude one and fiftie degrées and
 fiftie minuts; whereas that of Cambridge standing more northerlie,
 hath twentie degrees and twentie minuts in longitude, and therevnto
 fiftie and two degrées and fifteene minuts in latitude, as by exact
 supputation is easie to be found.

 The colleges of Oxford, for curious workemanship and priuat
 commodities, are much more statelie, magnificent, & commodious than
 those of Cambridge: and therevnto the stréets of the towne for the
 most part more large and comelie. But for vniformitie of building,
 [Sidenote: Cambridge burned not long since.]
 orderlie compaction, and politike regiment, the towne of Cambridge, as
 the newer workmanship, excéedeth that of Oxford (which otherwise is
 and hath béene the greater of the two) by manie a fold (as I gesse)
 although I know diuerse that are of the contrarie opinion. This also
 is certeine, that whatsoeuer the difference be in building of the
 towne stréets, the townesmen of both are glad when they may match and
 annoie the students, by incroching vpon their liberties, and kéepe
 them bare by extreame sale of their wares, whereby manie of them
 become rich for a time, but afterward fall againe into pouertie,
 bicause that goods euill gotten doo seldome long indure.

 Castels also they haue both, and in my iudgement is hard to be said,
 whether of them would be the stronger, if ech were accordinglie
 repared: howbeit that of Cambridge is the higher, both for maner of
 building and situation of ground, sith Oxford castell standeth low and
 is not so apparant to our sight. That of Cambridge was builded (as
 they saie) by Gurguintus, sometime king of Britaine, but the other by
 the lord Robert de Oilie, a noble man which came in with the
 conqueror, whose wife Editha, a woman giuen to no lesse superstition
 than credulitie, began also the abbeie of Oseneie neere vnto the same,
 vpon a fond (but yet a rare) occasion, which we will héere remember,
 though it be beside my purpose, to the end that the reader may see how
 readie the simple people of that time were to be abused by the
 practise of the cleargie. It happened on a time as this ladie walked
 about the fields, néere vnto the aforesaid castell, to recreate hir
 selfe with certeine of hir maidens, that a number of pies sat
 chattering vpon the elmes, which had beene planted in the hedgerowes,
 and in fine so troubled hir with their noise, that she wished them all
 further off, or else hir selfe at home againe, and this happened
 diuerse times. In the end being wearie of hir walke, she demanded of
 hir chapleine the cause wherefore these pies did so molest & vexe hir.
 Oh madam (saith he) the wiliest pie of all, these are no pies but
 soules in purgatorie that craue reléefe. And is it so in déed quoth
 she? Now De pardieux, if old Robert will giue me leaue, I will doo
 what I can to bring these soules to rest. Herevpon she consulted,
 craued, wept, and became so importunate with hir husband, that he
 ioined with hir, and they both began that synagog 1120, which
 afterward prooued to be a notable den. In that church also lieth this
 ladie buried with hir image, hauing an heart in hir hand couched vpon
 the same, in the habit of a vowesse, and yet to be séene, except the
 weather haue worne out the memoriall. But to procéed with my purpose.

 In each of these vniuersities also is likewise a church dedicated to
 the virgin Marie, wherein once in the yeare, to wit, in Iulie, the
 scholers are holden, and in which such as haue béene called to anie
 degrée in the yeare precedent, doo there receiue the accomplishment of
 the same, in solemne and sumptuous maner. In Oxford this solemnitie is
 called an Act, but in Cambridge they vse the French word Commensement;
 and such resort is made yearelie vnto the same from all parts of the
 land, by the fréends of those which doo procéed, that all the towne is
 hardlie able to receiue and lodge those gests. When and by whome the
 churches aforesaid were builded, I haue elsewhere made relation. That
 of Oxford also was repared in the time of Edward the fourth, and
 Henrie the seuenth, when doctor Fitz Iames a great helper in that
 worke was warden of Merton college, but yer long after it was
 finished, one tempest in a night so defaced the same, that it left few
 pinacles standing about the church and stéeple, which since that time
 haue neuer béene repared. There were sometime foure and twentie parish
 churches in the towne and suburbes, but now there are scarselie
 sixtéene. There haue béene also 1200 burgesses, of which 400 dwelled
 in the suburbes, and so manie students were there in the time of
 Henrie the third, that he allowed them twentie miles compasse about
 the towne, for their prouision of vittels.

 The common schooles of Cambridge also are farre more beautifull than
 those of Oxford, onelie the diuinitie schoole at Oxford excepted,
 which for fine and excellent workemanship, commeth next the moold of
 the kings chappell in Cambridge, than the which two with the chappell
 that king Henrie the seauenth did build at Westminster, there are not
 (in mine opinion) made of lime & stone thrée more notable piles within
 the compasse of Europe.

 In all other things there is so great equalitie betwéene these two
 vniuersities, as no man can imagin how to set downe any greater; so
 that they séeme to be the bodie of one well ordered common wealth,
 onlie diuided by distance of place, and not in fréendlie consent and
 orders. In speaking therefore of the one, I can not but describe the
 other; and in commendation of the first, I can not but extoll the
 latter; and so much the rather, for that they are both so déere vnto
 me, as that I can not readilie tell vnto whether of them I owe the
 most good will. Would to God my knowledge were such, as that neither
 of them might haue cause to be ashamed of their pupill; or my power so
 great, that I might woorthilie requite them both for those manifold
 kindnesses that I haue receiued of them. But to leaue these things,
 and procéed with other more conuenient for my purpose. The manner to
 liue in these vniuersities, is not as in some other of forren
 countries we sée dailie to happen, where the students are inforced for
 want of such houses, to dwell in common innes, and tauerns, without
 all order or discipline. But in these our colleges we liue in such
 exact order, and vnder so precise rules of gouernement, as that the
 famous learned man Erasmus of Roterodame being here among vs 50 yeres
 passed, did not let to compare the trades in liuing of students in
 these two places, euen with the verie rules and orders of the ancient
 moonks: affirming moreouer in flat words, our orders to be such as not
 onlie came néere vnto, but rather far exceeded all the monastical
 instituti[=o]s that euer were deuised.

 In most of our colleges there are also great numbers of students, of
 which manie are found by the reuenues of the houses, and other by the
 purueiances and helpe of their rich fréends; whereby in some one
 college you shall haue two hundred scholers, in others an hundred and
 fiftie, in diuerse a hundred and fortie, and in the rest lesse
 numbers; as the capacitie of the said houses is able to receiue: so
 that at this present, of one sort and other, there are about thrée
 thousand students nourished in them both (as by a late surueie it
 manifestlie appeared.) They were erected by their founders at the
 first, onelie for poore mens sons, whose parents were not able to
 bring them vp vnto learning: but now they haue the least benefit of
 them, by reason the rich doo so incroch vpon them. And so farre hath
 this inconuenience spread it selfe, that it is in my time an hard
 matter for a poore mans child to come by a felowship (though he be
 neuer so good a scholar & woorthie of that roome.) Such packing also
 is vsed at elections, that not he which best deserueth, but he that
 hath most friends, though he be the woorst scholer, is alwaies surest
 to spéed; which will turne in the end to the ouerthrow of learning.
 That some gentlemen also, whose friends haue beene in times past
 benefactors to certeine of those houses, doo intrude into the
 disposition of their estates, without all respect of order or
 estatutes deuised by the founders, onelie thereby to place whome they
 thinke good (and not without some hope of gaine) the case is too too
 euident: and their attempt would soone take place, if their superiors
 did not prouide to bridle their indeuors. In some grammar schooles
 likewise, which send scholers to these vniuersities, it is lamentable
 to see what briberie is vsed; for yer the scholer can be preferred,
 such bribage is made, that poore mens children are commonlie shut out,
 and the richer sort receiued (who in time past thought it dishonor to
 liue as it were vpon almes) and yet being placed, most of them studie
 little other than histories, tables, dice, and trifles, as men that
 make not the liuing by their studie the end of their purposes, which
 is a lamentable hearing. Beside this, being for the most part either
 gentlemen, or rich mens sonnes, they oft bring the vniuersities into
 much slander. For standing vpon their reputation and libertie, they
 ruffle and roist it out, excéeding in apparell, and hanting riotous
 companie (which draweth them from their bookes vnto an other trade.)
 And for excuse when they are charged with breach of all good order,
 thinke it sufficient to saie, that they be gentlemen, which gréeueth
 manie not a litle. But to proceed with the rest.

 [Sidenote: Readers in priuat houses.]
 Euerie one of these colleges haue in like maner their professors or
 readers of the toongs and seuerall sciences, as they call them, which
 dailie trade vp the youth there abiding priuatlie in their halles, to
 the end they may be able afterward (when their turne commeth about,
 which is after twelue termes) to shew themselues abroad, by going from
 thence into the common schooles and publike disputations (as it were
 "In aream") there to trie their skilles, and declare how they haue
 profited since their comming thither.

 [Sidenote: Publike readers mainteined by the prince.]
 Moreouer, in the publike schooles of both the vniuersities, there are
 found at the princes charge (and that verie largelie) fiue professors
 and readers, that is to saie, of diuinitie, of the ciuill law,
 physicke, the Hebrue, and the Gréeke toongs. And for the other
 [Sidenote: Studie of the quadriuials and perspectiues neglected.]
 lectures, as of philosophie, logike, rhetorike, and the quadriuials,
 although the latter (I meane arythmetike, musike, geometrie, and
 astronomie, and with them all skill in the perspectiues are now
 smallie regarded in either of them) the vniuersities themselues doo
 allow competent stipends to such as reade the same, whereby they are
 sufficientlie prouided for, touching the maintenance of their estates,
 and no lesse incoraged to be diligent in their functions.

 These professors in like sort haue all the rule of disputations and
 other schoole exercises, which are dailie vsed in common schooles
 seuerallie assigned to ech of them, and such of their hearers, as by
 their skill shewed in the said disputations, are thought to haue
 atteined to anie conuenient ripenesse of knowledge, according to the
 custome of other vniuersities, although not in like order, are
 permitted solemnlie to take their deserued degrees of schoole in the
 same science and facultie wherein they haue spent their trauell. From
 that time forward also, they vse such difference in apparell as
 becommeth their callings, tendeth vnto grauitie, and maketh them
 knowne to be called to some countenance.

 [Sidenote: Sophisters.]
 The first degree, is that of the generall sophisters, from whence when
 they haue learned more sufficientlie the rules of logike, rhetorike,
 and obteined thereto competent skill in philosophie, and in the
 [Sidenote: Batchelers of Art.]
 mathematicals, they ascend higher vnto the estate of batchelers of
 art, after foure yeares of their entrance into their sophistrie. From
 thence also giuing their minds to more perfect knowledge in some or
 all the other liberall sciences, & the toongs, they rise at the last
 [Sidenote: Masters of art.]
 (to wit, after other thrée or foure yéeres) to be called masters of
 art, ech of them being at that time reputed for a doctor in his
 facultie, if he professe but one of the said sciences (beside
 philosophie) or for his generall skill, if he be exercised in them
 all. After this they are permitted to choose what other of the higher
 studies them liketh to follow, whether it be diuinitie, law, or,
 physike; so that being once masters of art, the next degrée if they
 follow physike, is the doctorship belonging to that profession; and
 likewise in the studie of the law, if they bend their minds to the
 knowledge of the same. But if they meane to go forward with diuinitie,
 this is the order vsed in that profession. First, after they haue
 necessarilie proceeded masters of art, they preach one sermon to the
 people in English, and another to the vniuersitie in Latine. They
 answer all commers also in their owne persons vnto two seuerall
 questions of diuinitie in the open schooles, at one time, for the
 space of two hours; and afterward replie twise against some other man
 vpon a like number, and on two seuerall daies in the same place: which
 being doone with commendation, he receiueth the fourth degree, that
 [Sidenote: Batcheler of diuinitie.]
 is, batcheler of diuinitie, but not before he hath beene master of art
 by the space of seauen yéeres, according to their statutes.

 [Sidenote: Doctor.]
 The next and last degrée of all is the doctorship after other three
 yeares, for the which he must once againe performe all such exercises
 and acts as are afore remembred, and then is he reputed able to
 gouerne and teach others, & likewise taken for a doctor. I haue read
 that Iohn of Beuerleie was the first doctor that euer was in Oxford,
 as Beda was in Cambridge. But I suppose herein that the word doctor is
 not so strictlie to be taken in this report as it is now vsed, sith
 euerie teacher is in Latine called by that name, as also such in the
 primitiue church as kept schooles of catechists, wherein they were
 trained vp in the rudiments and principles of religion, either before
 they were admitted vnto baptisme, or anie office in the church.

 Thus we sée, that from our entrance into the vniuersitie vnto the last
 degrée receiued, is commonlie eighteene or peraduenture twentie
 yéeres, in which time if a student hath not obteined sufficient
 learning, thereby to serue his owne turne, and benefit his common
 wealth, let him neuer looke by tarieng longer to come by anie more.
 For after this time & 40 yéeres of age, the most part of students doo
 commonlie giue ouer their woonted diligence, & liue like drone bées on
 the fat of colleges, withholding better wits from the possession of
 their places, & yet dooing litle good in their own vocation & calling.
 I could rehearse a number (if I listed) of this sort, aswell in the
 one vniuersitie as the other. But this shall suffice in sted of a
 larger report, that long continuance in those places is either a signe
 of lacke of friends, or of learning, or of good and vpright life, as
 [Sidenote: This Fox builded Corpus Christi college in Oxford.]
 bishop Fox sometime noted, who thought it sacrilege for a man to
 tarrie anie longer at Oxford than he had a desire to profit.

 A man may (if he will) begin his studie with the lawe, or physike (of
 which this giueth wealth, the other honor) so soone as he commeth to
 the vniuersitie, if his knowledge in the toongs and ripenesse of
 iudgement serue therefore: which if he doo, then his first degrée is
 bacheler of law, or physicke, and for the same he must performe such
 acts in his owne science, as the bachelers or doctors of diuinitie,
 doo for their parts, the onelie sermons except, which belong not to
 his calling. Finallie, this will I saie, that the professors of either
 of those faculties come to such perfection in both vniuersities, as
 the best students beyond the sea doo in their owne or else where. One
 thing onlie I mislike in them, and that is their vsuall going into
 Italie, from whense verie few without speciall grace doo returne good
 [Sidenote: So much also may be inferred of lawiers.]
 men, whatsoeuer they pretend of conference or practise, chiefelie the
 physicians who vnder pretense of séeking of forreine simples doo
 oftentimes learne the framing of such compositions as were better
 vnknowen than practised, as I haue heard oft alledged, and therefore
 it is most true that doctor Turner said; Italie is not to be séene
 without a guide, that is, without speciall grace giuen from God,
 bicause of the licentious and corrupt behauiour of the people.

 There is moreouer in euerie house a maister or prouost, who hath vnder
 him a president, & certeine censors or deanes, appointed to looke to
 the behauior and maners of the students there, whom they punish verie
 seuerelie if they make anie default, according to the quantitie and
 qualitie of their trespasses. And these are the vsual names of
 gouernours in Cambridge. Howbeit in Oxford the heads of houses are now
 and then called presidents in respect of such bishops as are their
 visitors & founders. In ech of these also they haue one or moe
 thresurers whom they call Bursarios or Bursers beside other officers,
 whose charge is to sée vnto the welfare and maintenance of these
 houses. Ouer each vniuersitie also there is a seuerall chancelor,
 whose offices are perpetuall, howbeit their substitutes, whom we call
 vicechancelors, are changed euerie yeare, as are also the proctors,
 taskers, maisters of the streates and other officers, for the better
 maintenance of their policie and estate.

 And thus much at this time of our two vniuersities in each of which I
 haue receiued such degree as they haue vouchsafed rather of their
 fauour than my desert to yéeld and bestow vpon me, and vnto whose
 students I wish one thing, the execution whereof cannot be
 preiudiciall to anie that meaneth well, as I am resolutelie persuaded,
 and the case now standeth in these our daies. When anie benefice
 therefore becommeth void, it were good that the patrone did signifie
 the vacation therof to the bishop, and the bishop the act of the
 patrone to one of the vniuersities, with request that the
 vicechancellor with his assistents might prouide some such able man to
 succeed in the place, as should by their iudgement be méet to take the
 charge vpon him. Certes if this order were taken then should the
 church be prouided of good pastors, by whome God should be glorified,
 the vniuersities better stored, the simoniacall practises of a number
 of patrons vtterlie abolished and the people better trained to liue in
 obedience toward God and their prince, which were an happie estate.

 [Sidenote: London.]
 To these two also we may in like sort ad the third, which is at London
 (seruing onelie for such as studie the lawes of the realme) where
 there are sundrie famous houses, of which three are called by the name
 of Ins of the court, the rest of the chancerie, and all builded before
 time for the furtherance and commoditie of such as applie their minds
 to our common lawes. Out of these also come manie scholers of great
 fame, whereof the most part haue heretofore béene brought vp in one of
 the aforesaid vniuersities, and prooue such commonlie as in processe
 of time, rise vp (onelie through their profound skill) to great honor
 in the common-wealth of England. They haue also degrées of learning
 among themselues, and rules of discipline, vnder which they liue most
 ciuilie in their houses, albeit that the yoonger sort of them abroad
 in the streats are scarse able to be bridled by anie good order at
 all. Certes this errour was woont also greatlie to reigne in Cambridge
 and Oxford, betweene the students and the burgesses: but as it is well
 left in these two places, so in forreine counteies it cannot yet be
 suppressed. Besides these vniuersities, also there are great number of
 [Sidenote: Grammar schooles.]
 Grammer schooles through out the realme, and those verie liberallie
 indued, for the better reliefe of poore scholers, so that there are
 not manie corporat townes now vnder the quéenes dominion, that haue
 not one Gramar schoole at the least, with a sufficient liuing for a
 maister and vsher appointed to the same.

 [Sidenote: Windsor, Winchester, Eaton, Westminster.]
 There are in like maner diuerse collegiat churches as Windsor,
 Wincester, Eaton, Westminster (in which I was sometime an vnprofitable
 Grammarian vnder the reuerend father master Nowell now deane of
 Paules) and in those a great number of poore scholers dailie
 mainteened by the liberalitie of the founders, with meat, bookes, and
 apparell, from whence after they haue béene well entered in the
 knowledge of the Latine and Gréeke toongs, and rules of versifieng
 (the triall whereof is made by certeine apposers yearelie appointed to
 examine them) they are sent to certeine especiall houses in each
 [Sidenote: * [_and_?]]
 vniuersitie, where they are receiued [*] the trained vp, in the points
 of higher knowledge in their priuat hals, till they be adiudged meet
 to shew their faces in the schooles, as I haue said alreadie. And thus
 much haue I thought good to note of our vniuersities, and likewise of
 colleges in the same, whose names I will also set downe here, with
 those of their founders, to the end the zeale which they bare vnto
 learning may appeare, and their remembrance neuer perish from among
 the wise and learned.


 OF THE COLLEGES IN CAMBRIDGE WITH THEIR FOUNDERS.

   _Yeares of the_    _Colleges._          _Founders._
   _foundations._

   1546  |  1 Trinitie college.    }    {King Henrie 8.
   1441  |  2 The kings college.   }    {K. Henrie 6. Edward 4.
         |                         }    {Henrie 7. and Henrie 8.
   1511  |  3 S. Iohns.            }    {L. Margaret grandmother to
         |                         }    {Henrie 8.
   1505  |  4 Christes college.    }    {K. Henrie 6. and the ladie
         |                         }    {Margaret aforesaid.
   1446  |  5 The queenes college. }    {Ladie Margaret wife to king
         |                         }    {Henrie 6.
   1496  |  6 Iesus college.       }    {Iohn Alcocke bishop of Elie.
   1342  |  7 Bennet college.      }    {The brethren of a popish guild
         |                         }    {called _Corporis Christi_.
   1343  |  8 Pembroke hall.       } by {Maria de Valentia, countesse
         |                         }    {of Pembroke.
   1256  |  9 Peter college.       }    {Hugh Balsham bishop of Elie.
   1348  | 10 Gundeuill and        }    {Edmund Gundeuill parson of
   1557  |    Caius college.       }    {Terrington, and Iohn Caius
         |                         }    {doctor of physicke.
   1354  | 11 Trinitie hall.       }    {William Bateman bishop of
         |                         }    {Norwich.
   1326  | 12 Clare hall.          }    {Richard Badow chancellor of
         |                         }    {Cambridge.
   1459  | 13 Catharine hall.      }    {Robert Woodlarke doctor of
         |                         }    {diuinitie.
   1519  | 14 Magdalen college.    }    {Edw. duke of Buckingham, &
         |                         }    {Thom. lord Awdlie.
   1585  | 15 Emanuell college.    }    {Sir Water Mildmaie, &c.


 OF COLLEGES IN OXFORD.

 [Sidenote: * He founded also a good part of Eaton college,
 and a frée schole at Wainflet where he was borne.]

   _Yeares._       _Colleges._               _Founders._

   1539  |  1 Christes church.        }    {King Henrie 8.
   1459  |  2 Magdalen college.       }    {William Wainflet[*] first
         |                            }    {fellow of Merton college,
         |                            }    {then scholer at Winchester,
         |                            }    {and afterward bishop there.
   1375  |  3 New college.            }    {William Wickham bishop
         |                            }    {of Winchester.
   1276  |  4 Merton college.         }    {Walter Merton bishop of
         |                            }    {Rochester.
   1437  |  5 All soules college.     }    {Henrie Chicheleie
         |                            }    {archbishop of Canturburie.
   1516  |  6 Corpus Christi college. }    {Richard Fox bishop of
         |                            }    {Winchester.
   1430  |  7 Lincolne college.       }    {Richard Fleming bishop
         |                            }    {of Lincolne.
   1323  |  8 Auriell college.        } by {Adam Browne almoner to
         |                            }    {Edward 2.
   1340  |  9 The queenes college.    }    {R. Eglesfeld chapleine
         |                            }    {to Philip queene of
         |                            }    {England, wife to Edward 3.
   1263  | 10 Balioll college.        }    {Iohn Balioll king of
         |                            }    {Scotland.
   1557  | 11 S. Iohns.               }    {Sir Thomas White knight.
   1556  | 12 Trinitie college.       }    {Sir Thomas Pope knight.
   1316  | 13 Excester college.       }    {Walter Stapleton bishop
         |                            }    {of Excester.
   1513  | 14 Brasen nose.            }    {William Smith bishop of
         |                            }    {Lincolne.
    873  | 15 Vniuersitie college.    }    {William archdeacon of
         |                            }    {Duresme.
         | 16 Glocester college.      }    {Iohn Gifford who made it a
         |                            }    {cell for thirteene moonks.
         | 17 S. Marie college.       }    {
         | 18 Iesus college now       }    {Hugh ap Rice doctor of the
         |              in hand.      }    {ciuill law.

 There are also in Oxford certeine hostels or hals, which may rightwell
 be called by the names of colleges, if it were not that there is more
 libertie in them, than is to be séen in the other. In mine opinion the
 liuers in these are verie like to those that are of Ins in the
 chancerie, their names also are these so farre as I now remember.

   Brodegates.
   Hart hall.
   Magdalen hall.
   Alburne hall.
   Postminster hall.
   S. Marie hall.
   White hall.
   New In.
   Edmond hall.

 The students also that remaine in them, are called hostelers or
 halliers. Hereof it came of late to passe, that the right reuerend
 father in God Thomas late archbishop of Canturburie being brought vp
 in such an house at Cambridge, was of the ignorant sort of Londoners
 called an hosteler, supposing that he had serued with some inholder in
 the stable, and therfore in despite diuerse hanged vp bottles of haie
 at his gate, when he began to preach the gospell, whereas in déed he
 was a gentleman borne of an ancient house & in the end a faithfull
 witnesse of Iesus Christ, in whose quarrell he refused not to shed his
 bloud and yéeld vp his life vnto the furie of his aduersaries.

 Besides these there is mention and record of diuerse other hals or
 hostels, that haue béene there in times past, as Beefe hall, Mutton
 hall, &c: whose ruines yet appéere: so that if antiquitie be to be
 iudged by the shew of ancient buildings, which is verie plentifull in
 Oxford to be séene, it should be an easie matter to conclude that
 Oxford is the elder vniuersitie. Therin are also manie dwelling houses
 [Sidenote: Erection of colleges in Oxford the overthrow of hals.]
 of stone yet standing, that haue béene hals for students of verie
 antike workemanship, beside the old wals of sundrie other, whose plots
 haue béene conuerted into gardens, since colleges were erected.

 _In London also the houses of students at the Common law are these_.

   Sergeants In.
   Graies In.
   The Temple.
   Lincolnes In.
   Dauids In.
   Staple In.
   Furniuals In.
   Cliffords In.
   Clements In.
   Lions In.
   Barnards In.
   New In.

 And thus much in generall of our noble vniuersities, whose lands some
 gréedie gripers doo gape wide for, and of late haue (as I heare)
 propounded sundrie reasons, whereby they supposed to haue preuailed in
 their purposes. But who are those that haue attempted this sute, other
 than such as either hate learning, pietie, and wisedome; or else haue
 spent all their owne, and know not otherwise than by incroching vpon
 other men how to mainteine themselues? When such a motion was made by
 some vnto king Henrie the eight, he could answer them in this maner;
 Ah sirha, I perceiue the abbeie lands haue fleshed you and set your
 téeth on edge, to aske also those colleges. And whereas we had a
 regard onelie to pull downe sinne by defacing the monasteries, you
 haue a desire also to ouerthrow all goodnesse by subuersion of
 colleges. I tell you sirs that I iudge no land in England better
 bestowed than that which is giuen to our vniuersities, for by their
 maintenance our realme shall be well gouerned when we be dead and
 rotten. As you loue your welfares therfore, follow no more this veine,
 but content your selues with that you haue alreadie, or else seeke
 [Sidenote: Now abbeies be gone, our dingthrifts prie
 after church and college possessions.]
 honest meanes whereby to increase your liuelods, for I loue not
 learning so ill, that I will impaire the reuenues of anie one house by
 a pennie, whereby it may be vpholden. In king Edwards daies likewise
 the same was once againe attempted [as I haue heard] but in vaine, for
 saith the duke of Summerset among other spéeches tending to that end,
 who also made answer therevnto in the kings presence by his
 assignation; If lerning decaie, which of wild men maketh ciuill, of
 blockish and rash persons wise and godlie counsellors, of obstinat
 rebels obedient subiects, and of euill men good and godlie christians;
 what shall we looke for else but barbarisme and tumult? For when the
 lands of colleges be gone, it shall be hard to saie, whose staffe
 shall stand next the doore, for then I doubt not but the state of
 bishops, rich farmers, merchants, and the nobilitie shall be assailed,
 by such as liue to spend all, and thinke that what so euer another man
 hath is more meet for them, and to be at their commandement, than for
 the proper owner that hath sweat and laboured for it. In quéene Maries
 daies the weather was too warme for anie such course to be taken in
 hand, but in the time of our gratious quéene Elizabeth, I heare that
 it was after a sort in talke the third time, but without successe as
 mooued also out of season, and so I hope it shall continue for euer.
 For what comfort should it be for anie good man to sée his countrie
 brought into the estate of the old Gothes & Vandals, who made lawes
 against learning, and would not suffer anie skilfull man to come into
 their councell house, by meanes whereof those people became sauage,
 tyrants, and mercilesse helhounds, till they restored learning againe,
 and thereby fell to ciuilitie.




 OF THE PARTITION OF ENGLAND INTO SHIRES AND COUNTIES.

 CHAP. IV.


 In reding of ancient writers, as Cæsar, Tacitus, and others, we find
 mention of sundrie regions to haue béene sometime in this Iland, as
 the Nouantæ, Selgouæ, Dannonij, Gadeni, Oradeni, Epdij, Cerones,
 Carnonacæ, Careni, Cornabij, Caledonij, Decantæ, Logi, Mertæ,
 Vacomagi, Venicontes, Texali or Polij, Denani, Elgoui, Brigantes
 Parisi, Ordouici aliàs Ordoluci, Cornauij, Coritani, Catieuchlani,
 Simeni, Trinouantes, Demetæ, Cangi, Silures, Dobuni, Atterbatij,
 Cantij, Regni, Belgæ, Durotriges, Dumnonij, Giruij, Murotriges,
 Seueriani, Iceni, Tegenes, Casij, Cænimagni, Segontiaci, Ancalites,
 Bibroci, and Kentishmen, and such like. But sith the seuerall places
 where most of them laie, are not yet verie perfectlie knowne vnto the
 learned of these daies, I doo not meane to pronounce my iudgement vpon
 such doubtfull cases, least that in so dooing I should but increase
 coniectures, and leading peraduenture the reader from the more
 probable, intangle his mind in the end with such as are of lesse
 value, and things nothing so likelie to be true, as those which other
 men haue remembred and set downe before me. Neither will I speake
 oughts of the Romane partitions, & limits of their legions, whose
 number and place of abode, except of the Victorian and Augustane, is
 to me vtterlie vnknowne.

 [Sidenote: Alfred brought England into shires, which the Britons
 diuided by cantreds, and the first Saxons by families.]
 It shall suffice therfore to begin with such a ground as from whence
 some better certeintie of things may be deriued, and that is with
 the estate of our Iland in the time of Alfred, who first diuided
 England into shires, which before his daies, and since the comming
 of the Saxons, was limited out by families and hidelands, as the
 Britons did the same in their time, by hundreds of townes, which
 then were called cantreds; as old records doo witness.

 Into how manie shires the said Alfred did first make this partition of
 the Iland, it is not yet found out; howbeit if my coniecture be anie
 thing at all, I suppose that he left not vnder eight and thirtie, sith
 we find by no good author, that aboue fifteene haue beene added by
 anie of his successours, since the time of his decease. This prince
 [Sidenote: Shire and share all one.]
 therefore hauing made the generall partition of his kingdome into
 shires, or shares, he diuided againe the same into lathes, as lathes
 into hundreds, and hundreds into tithings, or denaries, as diuers haue
 written; and maister Lambert following their authorities, hath also
 giuen out, saieng almost after this maner in his description of Kent;
 "The Danes (saith he) both before, & in the time of king Alfred, had
 flocked by the sea coasts of this Iland in great numbers, sometimes
 wasting and spoiling with sword and fire, wheresoeuer they might
 arriue, and somtime taking great booties with them to their ships,
 [Sidenote: Englishmen noisome to their owne countrie.]
 without dooing anie further hurt or damage to the countrie. This
 inconuenience continuing for manie yéeres togither, caused our
 husbandmen to abandon their tillage, and gaue occasion and hardinesse
 to euill disposed persons, to fall to the like pillage, as practising
 to follow the Danes in these their thefts and robberies. And the
 better to cloake their mischeefe withall, they feigned themselues to
 be Danish pirats, and would sometime come a land in one port, and
 sometime in another, driuing dailie great spoiles (as the Danes had
 doone) vnto their ships before them. The good king Alfred therefore
 (who had maruellouslie trauelled in repelling the barbarous Danes)
 espieng this outrage, and thinking it no lesse the part of a politike
 prince, to root out the noisome subiect, than to hold out the forren
 aduersarie: by the aduise of his nobilitie, and the example of Moses
 (who followed the counsell of Iethro his father in law to the like
 effect) diuided the whole realme into certeine parts or sections,
 which (of the Saxon word Schyran, signifieng to cut) he termed shires,
 or as we yet speake, shares, or portions, of which some one hath
 fortie miles in length (as Essex) and almost so manie broad, Hereford
 foure & twentie in length, and twentie in breadth, and Warwike six and
 thirtie in length, &c: and some of them also conteine ten, twelue,
 thirteene, sixtéene, twentie, or thirtie hundreds, more or lesse, as
 some hundreds doo sixteene, twentie, thirtie, fortie, fiftie or sixtie
 townes, out of which the king was alwaies to receiue an hundred able
 men to serue him in the warres, or a hundred men able to be pledges,
 [Sidenote: Earle and alderman.]
 and ouer each of the portions he appointed either an earle or
 alderman, or both, to whome he committed the gouernement of the same.
 These shires also he brake into lesser parts, whereof some were called
 lathes, of the word Gelathian, which is to assemble togither; other
 hundreds, for that they enioied iurisdiction ouer an hundred pledges;
 and other tithings, bicause there were in each of them to the number
 of ten persons, whereof euerie one from time to time was suertie for
 others good abearing. He prouided also that euerie man should procure
 himselfe to be receiued into some tithing, to the end, that if anie
 were found of so small and base a credit, that no man would become
 pledge or suertie for him, he should forthwith be committed to prison,
 least otherwise he might happen to doo more harme abroad. Hitherto
 master Lambert." By whose words we may gather verie much of the state
 of this Iland in the time of Alfred, whose institution continued after
 a sort vntill the comming of the Normans, who changed the gouernement
 of the realme in such wise (by bringing in of new officers and
 offices, after the maner of their countries) that verie little of the
 old regiment remained more than the bare names of some officers
 (except peraduenture in Kent) so that in these daies it is hard to set
 downe anie great certeintie of things as they stood in Alfreds time,
 more than is remembred and touched at this present.

 [Sidenote: What a lath is.]
 Some as it were roming or rouing at the name Lath, doo saie that it is
 deriued of a barne, which is called in old English a lath, as they
 coniecture. From which spéech in like sort some deriue the word
 Laistow, as if it should be trulie written Lath stow, a place wherein
 to laie vp or laie on things, of whatsoeuer condition. But hereof as
 yet I cannot absolutelie be satisfied, although peraduenture some
 likelihood in their iudgements may séeme to be therein. Other vpon
 some further consideration affirme that they were certeine circuits in
 euerie countie or shire conteining an appointed number of townes,
 whose inhabitants alwaies assembled to know and vnderstand of matters
 touching their portions, in to some one appointed place or other
 within their limits, especiallie whilest the causes were such as
 required not the aid or assistance of the whole countie. Of these
 [Sidenote: Léetes.]
 lathes also (as they saie) some shires had more, some lesse, as they
 were of greatnesse. (And M. Lambert séemeth to be of the opinion, that
 the leets of our time wherein these pledges be yet called Franci
 plegij of the word Free burgh) doo yeeld some shadow of that politike
 institution of Alfred. But sith my skill is so small in these cases
 that I dare not iudge anie thing at all as of mine owne knowledge, I
 will not set downe anie thing more than I read, least I should roue at
 randon in our obscure antiquities, and reading no more of lathes my
 next talke shall be of hundreds.

 [Sidenote: Hundred or wapentake.]
 The hundred and the wapentake is all one, as I read in some, and by
 this diuision not a name appertinent to a set number of townes (for
 then all hundreds should be of equall quantitie) but a limited
 iurisdiction, within the compasse whereof were an hundred persons
 [Sidenote: Denarie or tithing.]
 called pledges (as I said) or ten denaries, or tithings of men, of
 which ech one was bound for others good abering, and laudable
 behauiour in the common-wealth of the realme. The chiefe man likewise
 of euerie denarie or tithing was in those daies called a tithing man,
 [Sidenote: Tithing man in Latine Decurio Borsholder.]
 in Latine Decurio, but now in most places a borsholder or burgholder,
 [Sidenote: Burrow.]
 as in Kent; where euerie tithing is moreouer named a burgh or burrow,
 although that in the West countrie he be still called a tithing man,
 and his circuit a tithing, as I haue heard at large. I read
 furthermore (and it is partlie afore noted) that the said Alfred
 caused ech man of frée condition (for the better maintenance of his
 peace) to be ascribed into some hundred by placing himselfe in one
 denarie or other, where he might alwais haue such as should sweare or
 saie vpon their certeine knowledge for his honest behauiour and ciuill
 conuersation if it should happen at anie time, that his credit should
 come in question. In like sort I gather out of Leland and other, that
 if anie small matter did fall out worthie to be discussed, the tithing
 man or borsholder (now officers, at the commandement of the high
 constable of which euerie hundred hath one at the least) should decide
 the same in their léetes, whereas the great causes were referred to
 the hundreds, the greater to the lathes, and the greatest of all to
 the shire daies, where the earles or aldermen did set themselues, &
 make finall ends of the same, according vnto iustice. For this purpose
 [Sidenote: Twelue men.]
 likewise in euerie hundred were twelue men chosen of good age and
 wisedome, and those sworne to giue their sentences without respect of
 person, and in this maner (as they gather) were things handeled in
 those daies. Which waie the word wapentake came in vse, as yet I
 cannot tell; howbeit the signification of the same declareth (as I
 conceiue) that at the chiefe towne the soldiers which were to serue in
 that hundred did méet, fetch their weapons, & go togither from thence
 to the field, or place of seruice by an ordinarie custome, then
 generallie knowen amongst them. It is supposed also that the word Rape
 commeth a Rapiendo, as it were of catching and snatching, bicause the
 tenants of the hundred or wapentakes met vpon one or sundrie daies &
 made quicke dispatch of their lords haruest at once and in great hast.
 But whether it be a true imagination or not as yet I am vncerteine,
 and therefore it lieth not in me to determine anie thing thereof:
 wherefore it shall suffice to haue touched them in this maner.

 [Sidenote: Fortie shires in England, thirtéene in Wales.]
 In my time there are found to be in England fourtie shires, and
 likewise thirtéene in Wales, and these latter erected of late yeares
 by king Henrie the eight, who made the Britons or Welshmen equall in
 all respects vnto the English, and brought to passe that both nations
 should indifferentlie be gouerned by one law, which in times past were
 ordred by diuerse, and those far discrepant and disagreing one from
 another: as by the seuerall view of the same is yet easie to be
 discerned. The names of the shires in England are these, whereof the
 first ten lie betwéene the British sea and the Thames, as Polydor also
 dooth set them downe.

   Kent.
   Sussex.
   Surreie.
   Hampshire.
   Barkeshire.
   Wilshire.
   Dorsetshire.
   Summerset.
   Deuon.
   Cornewall.

 There are moreouer on the northside of the Thames, and betwéene the
 same and the riuer Trent, which passeth through the middest of England
 (as Polydor saith) sixtéene other shires, whereof six lie toward the
 east, the rest toward the west, more into the middest of the countrie.

   Essex, somtime all forrest saue one hundred.
   Middlesex.
   Hartfordshire.
   Suffolke.
   Norffolke.
   Cambrigeshire in which are 12 hundreds.
   Bedford.
   Huntingdon wherin are foure hundreds.
   Buckingham.
   Oxford.
   Northampton.
   Rutland.
   Leircestershire.
   Notinghamshire.
   Warwike.
   Lincolne.

 We haue six also that haue their place westward towards Wales, whose
 names insue.

   Glocester.
   Hereford.
   Worcester.
   Shropshire.
   Stafford.
   Chestershire.

 And these are the thirtie two shires which lie by south of the Trent.
 Beyond the same riuer we haue in like sort other eight, as

   Darbie.
   Yorke.
   Lancaster.
   Cumberland.
   Westmerland.
   Richemond, wherein are fiue wapentaxes, & when it is accompted as
     parcell of Yorkeshire (out of which it is taken) then is it
     reputed for the whole Riding.
   Durham.
   Northumberland.

 So that in the portion sometime called Lhoegres, there are now fortie
 shires. In Wales furthermore are thirtéene, whereof seuen are in
 Southwales:

   Cardigan, or Cereticon.
   Penmoroke, or Penbrooke.
   Caermardine, wherein are 9 hundreds or commots.
   Glamorgan.
   Monmouth.
   Breckenocke.
   Radnor.

 In Northwales likewise are six, that is to saie

   Angleseie.
   Carnaruon.
   Merioneth.
   Denbigh.
   Flint.
   Montgomerie.

 Which being added to those of England yéeld fiftie and thrée shires or
 counties, so that vnder the quéenes Maiestie are so manie counties,
 whereby it is easilie discerned, that hir power farre excéedeth that
 of Offa, who of old time was highlie honored for that he had so much
 of Britaine vnder his subiection as afterward conteined thirtie nine
 shires, when the diuision was made, whereof I spake before.

 [Sidenote: Od parcels of shires.]
 This is moreouer to be noted in our diuision of shires, that they be
 not alwaies counted or laid togither in one parcell, whereof I haue
 great maruell. But sith the occasi[=o] hath growen (as I take it)
 either by priuilege or some like occasion, it is better briefelie to
 set downe how some of these parts lie than to spend the time in
 séeking a iust cause of this their od diuision. First therefore I note
 that in the part of Buckinghamshire betweene Amondesham, and
 Beconsfield, there is a peece of Hartfordshire to be found, inuironed
 round about with the countie of Buckingham, and yet this patch is not
 aboue three miles in length and two in breadth at the verie most. In
 Barkeshire also betwéene Ruscombe and Okingham is a péece of Wilshire,
 one mile in breadth and foure miles in length, whereof one side lieth
 on the Loden riuer. In the borders of Northamptonshire directlie ouer
 against Luffeld a towne in Buckinghamshire, I find a parcell of
 Oxfordshire not passing two miles in compasse.

 With Oxfordshire diuerse doo participate, in so much that a péece of
 Glocestershire, lieth halfe in Warwikeshire & halfe in Oxfordshire,
 not verie far from Horneton. Such another patch is there, of
 Glocestershire not far from long Compton, but lieng in Oxford countie:
 & a péece of Worcestershire, directlie betwéene it & Glocestershire.
 Glocester hath the third péece vpon the north side of the Winrush
 neere Falbrocke, as Barkeshire hath one parcell also vpon the selfe
 side of the same water, in the verie edge of Glocestershire: likewise
 an other in Oxfordshire, not verie farre from Burford: and the third
 ouer against Lach lade, which is parted from the main countie of
 Barkeshire, by a little strake of Oxfordshire. Who would thinke that
 two fragments of Wilshire were to be seene in Barkeshire vpon the
 Loden, and the riuer that falleth into it: whereof and the like sith
 there are verie manie, I thinke good to giue this briefe admonition.
 For although I haue not presentlie gone thorough with them all, yet
 these may suffice to giue notice of this thing, wherof most readers
 (as I persuade my selfe) are ignorant.

 [Sidenote: Lieutenants.]
 But to procéed with our purpose. Ouer ech of these shires in time of
 necessitie is a seuerall lieutenant chosen vnder the prince, who being
 a noble man of calling, hath almost regall authoritie ouer the same
 for the time being in manie cases which doo concerne his office:
 [Sidenote: Shiriffes.]
 otherwise it is gouerned by a shiriffe (a word deriued of Schire and
 Greue, and pronounced as Shire and Reue) whose office is to gather vp
 and bring his accounts into the excheker, of the profits of his
 countie receiued, whereof he is or may be called Quæstor comitatus or
 Prouinciæ. This officer is resident and dwelling somewhere within the
 same countie, and called also a viscount, Quasi vicarius comitis or
 Procomes, in respect of the earle (or as they called him in time past
 the alderman) that beareth his name of the countie, although it be
 seldome séene in England, that the earle hath anie great store of
 possessions, or oughts to doo in the shire whereof he taketh his name,
 more than is allowed to him, through his personall resiance, if he
 happen to dwell and be resident in the same.

 In the election also of these magistrates, diuerse able persons aswell
 for wealth as wisedome are named by the commons, at a time and place
 appointed for their choise, whose names being deliuered to the prince,
 he foorthwith pricketh some such one of them, as he pleaseth to
 assigne vnto that office, to whome he committeth the charge of the
 countie, and who herevpon is shiriffe of that shire for one whole
 [Sidenote: Vndershiriffes.]
 yeare, or vntill a new be chosen. The shiriffe also hath his vnder
 shiriffe that ruleth & holdeth the shire courts and law daies vnder
 him, vpon sufficient caution vnto the high shiriffe for his true
 execution of iustice, preseruation from impeachment, and yéelding of
 accompt when he shall be therevnto called. There are likewise vnder
 [Sidenote: Bailiffes.]
 him certeine bailiffes, whose office is to serue and returne such
 writs and processes as are directed vnto them from the high shiriffe:
 to make seisure of the goods and cattels, and arrest the bodies of
 such as doo offend, presenting either their persons vnto him, or at
 the leastwise taking sufficient bond, or other assurance of them for
 their dutifull appearance at an appointed time, when the shiriffe by
 order of law ought to present them to the iudges according to his
 [Sidenote: High constables.]
 charge. In euerie hundred also are one or more high constables
 according to the quantitie thereof, who receiuing the writs and
 injunctions from the high shiriffe vnder his seale, or from anie other
 officers of the prince, either for the prouision of vittels or for
 other causes, or priuat purueiance of cates for the maintenance of the
 [Sidenote: Petie constables.]
 roiall familie, doo forthwith charge the petie constables of euerie
 towne within their limits, with the execution of the same.

 In each countie likewise are sundrie law daies holden at their
 appointed seasons, of which some retaine the old Saxon name, and are
 [Sidenote: Motelagh.]
 called Motelagh, of the word motes and law. They haue also an other
 [Sidenote: Shiriffes turne.]
 called the shiriffes turne, which they hold twise in their times, in
 euerie hundred, according to the old order appointed by king Edgar (as
 king Edward reduced the folkmote ordeined by king Arthur to be held
 yearelie on the first of Maie, vntill the first of euerie moneth) and
 in these two latter such small matters as oft arise amongst the
 inferior sort of people, are heard and well determined. They haue
 finallie their quarter sessions, wherein they are assisted by the
 [Sidenote: Gaile deliuerie or great assises.]
 iustices and gentlemen of the countrie, & twise in the yeare gaile
 deliuerie, at which time the iudges ride about in their circuits, into
 euerie seuerall countie (where the nobilitie and gentlemen with the
 iustices there resiant associat them) & minister the lawes of the
 realme, with great solemnitie & iustice. Howbeit in dooing of these
 things, they reteine still the old order of the land in vse before the
 conquest. For they commit the full examination of all causes there to
 be heard, to the consideration of twelue sober, graue, and wise men,
 chosen out of the same countie; and foure of them of necessitie out of
 the hundred where the action lieth, or the defendant inhabiteth (which
 [Sidenote: Inquests.]
 number they call an inquest) & of these inquests there are more or
 lesse impanneled at euerie assise, as the number of cases there to be
 handled dooth craue and require, albeit that some one inquest hath
 often diuerse matters to consider of. And when they haue (to their
 vttermost power) consulted and debated of such things as they are
 charged withall, they returne againe to the place of iustice, with
 their verdict in writing, according wherevnto the iudge dooth
 pronounce his sentence, be it for life or death, or anie other matter
 what soeuer is brought before him. It is also verie often séene, that
 such as are nominated to be of these inquests, doo after their charge
 receiued seldome or neuer eat or drinke, vntill they haue agréed upon
 their verdict, and yeelded it vp vnto the iudge of whome they receiued
 the charge; by meanes whereof sometimes it commeth to passe that
 diuerse of the inquest haue béene welneere famished, or at least taken
 such a sickenesse thereby, as they haue hardlie auoided. And this
 commeth by practise, when the one side feareth the sequele, and
 therefore conueieth some one or more into the iurie, that will in his
 behalfe neuer yéeld vnto the rest, but of set purpose put them to this
 trouble.

 Certes it is a common practise (if the vnder shiriffe be not the
 better man) for the craftier or stronger side to procure and packe
 such a quest, as he himselfe shall like of, whereby he is sure of the
 issue before the charge be giuen: and beside this if the matter doo
 iustlie procéed against him, it is a world to sée now and then how the
 honest yeomen that haue Bona fide discharged their consciences shall
 [Sidenote: Atteinct.]
 be sued of an atteinct, & bound to appéere at the Starre chamber, with
 what rigor they shall be caried from place to place, countie to
 countie, yea and sometime in carts, which hath and dooth cause a great
 number of them to absteine from the assises, & yeeld to paie their
 issues, rather than they would for their good meaning be thus
 disturbed & dealt withall. Sometimes also they bribe the bailiffes to
 be kept at home, whervpon poore men, not hauing in their pursses
 wherewith to beare their costes, are impanelled vpon iuries, who verie
 often haue neither reason nor iudgement to performe the charge they
 come for. Neither was this kind of seruice at anie time halfe so
 painefull as at this present: for vntill of late yeares (that the
 number of lawiers and atturneies hath so exceedinglie increased, that
 some shifts must néeds be found and matters sought out, whereby they
 may be set on worke) a man should not haue heard at one assise of more
 than two or thrée Nisi priùs, but verie seldome of an atteinct, wheras
 now an hundred & more of the first and one or two of the later are
 verie often perceiued, and some of them for a cause arising of
 sixpence or tweluepence. Which declareth that men are growen to be
 farre more contentious than they haue béene in time past, and readier
 to reuenge their quarels of small importance, whereof the lawiers
 complaine not. But to my purpose, from whence I haue now digressed.

 Beside these officers afore mentioned, there are sundrie other in
 euerie countie, as crowners, whose dutie is to inquire of such as come
 to their death by violence, to attach & present the plées of the
 crowne, to make inquirie of treasure found, &c. There are diuerse also
 [Sidenote: Iustices of peax & quorum.]
 of the best learned of the law, beside sundrie gentlemen, where the
 number of lawiers will not suffice (and whose reuenues doo amount to
 aboue twentie pounds by the yeare) appointed by especiall commission
 from the prince, to looke vnto the good gouernement of hir subiects,
 in the counties where they dwell. And of these the least skilfull in
 the law are of the peace, the other both of the peace and quorum,
 otherwise called of Oier and Determiner, so that the first haue
 authoritie onelie to heare, the other to heare and determine such
 matters as are brought vnto their presence. These also doo direct
 their warrants to the kéepers of the gailes within their limitations,
 for the safe kéeping of such offendors as they shall iudge worthie to
 commit vnto their custodie there to be kept vnder ward, vntill the
 great assises, to the end their causes may be further examined before
 the residue of the countie, & these officers were first deuised about
 the eightéene yeare of Edward the third, as I haue béene informed.

 [Sidenote: Quarter sessions.]
 They méeting also & togither with the shiriffes, doo hold their
 aforesaid sessions at foure times in the yeare, whereof they are
 called quarter sessions, and herein they inquire of sundrie
 trespasses, and the common annoiances of the kings liege people, and
 diuerse other things, determining vpon them as iustice dooth require.
 [Sidenote: Petie sessions.]
 There are also a third kind of sessions holden by the high constables
 and bailiffes afore mentioned, called petie sessions, wherein the
 weights and measures are perused by the clarke of the market for the
 countie, who sitteth with them. At these méetings also vittellers, and
 in like sort seruants, labourers, roges and runnagates, are often
 reformed for their excesses, although the burning of vagabounds
 through their eare be referred to the quarter sessions or higher
 courts of assise, where they are iudged either to death, if they be
 taken the third time, & haue not since their second apprehension
 applied themselues to labour, or else to be set perpetuallie to worke
 in an house erected in euerie shire for that purpose, of which
 punishment they stand in greatest feare.

 I might here deliuer a discourse of sundrie rare customes and courts,
 surnamed barons, yet mainteined and holden in England: but forsomuch
 as some of the first are beastlie, and therefore by the lords of the
 soiles now liuing conuerted into monie, being for the most part
 deuised in the beginning either by malicious or licentious women, in
 méere contempt and slauish abuse of their tenants, vnder pretense of
 some punishment due for their excesses, I passe ouer to bring them
 vnto light, as also the remembrance of sundrie courts baron likewise
 holden in strange maner; yet none more absurd and far from law than
 are kept yearlie at Kings hill in Rochford, and therfore may well be
 called a lawlesse court, as most are that were deuised vpon such
 occasions. This court is kept vpon wednesdaie insuing after
 Michaelmasse daie after midnight, so that it is begun and ended before
 the rising of the sunne. When the tenants also are altogither in an
 alehouse, the steward secretlie stealeth from them with a lanterne
 vnder his cloke, and goeth to the Kings hill, where sitting on a
 mole-hill he calleth them with a verie soft voice, writing their
 appéerance vpon a péece of paper with a cole, hauing none other light
 than that which is inclosed in the lanterne: so soone as the tenants
 also doo misse the steward, they runne to the hill with all their
 might, and there answer all at once, Here here, wherby they escape
 their amercements: which they should not doo if he could haue called
 ouer his bill of names before they had missed him in the alehouse. And
 this is the verie forme of the court deuised at the first (as the
 voice goeth) vpon a rebellion made by the tenants of the honour of
 Raibie against their lord, in perpetuall memorie of their disobedience
 shewed. I could beside this speake also of some other, but sith one
 hath taken vpon him to collect a number of them into a particular
 treatise, I thinke it sufficient for me to haue said so much of both.

 And thus much haue I thought good to set downe generallie of the said
 counties and their maner of gouernance, although not in so perfect
 order as the cause requireth, bicause that of all the rest there is
 nothing wherewith I am lesse acquainted than with our temporall
 regiment, which (to saie truth) smallie concerneth my calling. What
 else is to be added after the seuerall shires of England with their
 ancient limits (as they agreed with the diuision of the land in the
 time of Ptolomie and the Romans) and commodities yet extant, I reserue
 vnto that excellent treatise of my fréend W. Cambden, who hath
 trauelled therein verie farre, & whose worke written in Latine shall
 in short time (I hope) be published, to the no small benefit of such
 as will read and peruse the same.




 OF DEGREES OF PEOPLE IN THE COMMONWEALTH OF ENGLAND.

 CHAP. V.


 We in England diuide our people commonlie into foure sorts, as
 gentlemen, citizens or burgesses, yeomen, which are artificers, or
 laborers. Of gentlemen the first and chéefe (next the king) be the
 prince, dukes, marquesses, earls, viscounts, and barons: and these are
 called gentlemen of the greater sort, or (as our common vsage of
 spéech is) lords and noblemen: and next vnto them be knights,
 esquiers, and last of all they that are simplie called gentlemen; so
 that in effect our gentlemen are diuided into their conditions, wherof
 in this chapiter I will make particular rehearsall.

 [Sidenote: Prince.]
 The title of prince dooth peculiarlie belong with vs to the kings
 eldest sonne, who is called prince of Wales, and is the heire apparant
 to the crowne; as in France the kings eldest sonne hath the title of
 Dolphine, and is named peculiarlie Monsieur. So that the prince is so
 termed of the Latine word Princeps, sith he is (as I may call him) the
 cheefe or principall next the king. The kings yoonger sonnes be but
 gentlemen by birth (till they haue receiued creation or donation from
 their father of higher estate, as to be either visconts, earles, or
 dukes) and called after their names, as lord Henrie, or lord Edward,
 with the addition of the word Grace, properlie assigned to the king
 and prince, and now also by custome conueied to dukes, archbishops,
 and (as some saie) to marquesses and their wiues.

 [Sidenote: Duke.]
 The title of duke commeth also of the Latine word Dux, à ducendo,
 bicause of his valor and power ouer the armie: in times past a name of
 office due to the emperour, consull, or chéefe gouernour of the whole
 armie in the Romane warres: but now a name of honor, although perished
 in England, whose ground will not long beare one duke at once; but if
 there were manie as in time past, or as there be now earles, I doo not
 thinke but that they would florish and prosper well inough.

 [Sidenote: Marquesse.]
 In old time he onelie was called marquesse, Qui habuit terram
 limitaneam, a marching prouince vpon the enimies countries, and
 thereby bound to kéepe and defend the frontiers. But that also is
 changed in common vse, and reputed for a name of great honor next vnto
 the duke, euen ouer counties, and sometimes small cities, as the
 prince is pleased to bestow it.

 [Sidenote: Earle.]
 The name of earle likewise was among the Romans a name of office, who
 had Comites sacri palatij, comites ærarij, comites stabuli, comites
 patrimonij, largitionum, scholarum, commerciorum, and such like. But
 at the first they were called Comites, which were ioined in commission
 with the proconsull, legate, or iudges for counsell and aids sake in
 each of those seuerall charges. As Cicero epistola ad Quintum fratrem
 remembreth, where he saith; "Atque inter hos quos tibi comites, &
 adiutores, negotiorum publicorum dedit ipsa respublica duntaxat
 finibus his præstabis, quos ante præscripsi, &c." After this I read
 also that euerie president in his charge was called Comes, but our
 English Saxons vsed the word Hertoch and earle for Comes, and
 indifferentlie as I gesse, sith the name of duke was not in vse before
 the conquest. Coropius saith, that Comes and Graue is all one, to wit
 [Sidenote: Viscont.]
 the viscont, called either Procomes, or Vicecomes: and in time past
 gouerned in the countie vnder the earle, but now without anie such
 seruice or office, it is also become a name of dignitie next after the
 earle, and in degrée before the baron. His reléefe also by the great
 charter is one hundred pounds, as that of a baronie a hundred marks,
 and of a knight fiue at the most for euerie fée.

 [Sidenote: Baron.]
 The baron, whose degrée answered to the dignitie of a senator in Rome,
 is such a frée lord as hath a lordship or baronie, whereof he beareth
 his name, & hath diuerse knights or fréeholders holding of him, who
 with him did serue the king in his wars, and held their tenures in
 Baronia, that is, for performance of such seruice. These Bracton (a
 learned writer of the lawes of England in king Henrie the thirds time)
 tearmeth Barones, quasi robur belli. The word Baro indéed is older
 than that it may easilie be found from whence it came: for euen in the
 oldest histories both of the Germans and Frenchmen, written since the
 conquest, we read of barons, and those are at this daie called among
 the Germans Liberi vel Ingenui, or Freihers in the Germane toong as
 some men doo coniecture, or (as one saith) the citizens and burgesses
 of good townes and cities were called Barones. Neuerthelesse by
 diligent inquisition it is imagined, if not absolutelie found, that
 the word Baro and Filius in the old Scithian or Germane language are
 all one; so that the kings children are properlie called Barones, from
 whome also it was first translated to their kindred, and then to the
 nobilitie and officers of greatest honour indifferentlie. That Baro
 and Filius signifieth one thing, it yet remaineth to be séene,
 although with some corruption: for to this daie, euen the common sort
 doo call their male children barnes here in England, especiallie in
 the north countrie, where that word is yet accustomablie in vse. And
 it is also growne into a prouerbe in the south, when anie man
 susteineth a great hinderance, to saie, I am beggered and all my
 barnes. In the Hebrue toong (as some affirme) it signifieth Filij
 solis, and what are the nobilitie in euerie kingdome but Filij or
 serui regum? But this is farre fetched, wherefore I conclude, that
 from hensefoorth the originall of the word Baro shall not be anie more
 to seeke: and the first time that euer I red thereof in anie English
 historie, is in the reigne of Canutus, who called his nobilitie and
 head officers to a councell holden at Cirnecester, by that name, 1030,
 as I haue else-where remembred. Howbeit the word Baro dooth not
 alwaies signifie or is attributed to a noble man by birth or creation,
 for now and then it is a title giuen vnto one or other with his
 office, as the chéefe or high tribune of the excheker is of custome
 called lord chéefe baron, who is as it were the great or principall
 receiuer of accounts next vnto the lord treasuror, as they are vnder
 him are called Tribuni ærarij, & rationales. Hervnto I may ad so much
 of the word lord, which is an addition going not seldome and in like
 sort with sundrie offices, and to continue so long as he or they doo
 execute the same, and no longer.

 [Sidenote: Bishops.]
 Vnto this place I also referre our bishops, who are accounted
 honourable, called lords, and hold the same roome in the parlement
 house with the barons, albeit for honour sake the right hand of the
 prince is giuen vnto them, and whose countenances in time past were
 much more glorious than at this present it is, bicause those lustie
 prelats sought after earthlie estimation and authoritie with farre
 more diligence than after the lost shéepe of Christ, of which they had
 small regard, as men being otherwise occupied and void of leisure to
 attend vpon the same. Howbeit in these daies their estate remaineth no
 lesse reuerend than before, and the more vertuous they are that be of
 this calling, the better are they estéemed with high and low. They
 reteine also the ancient name (lord) still, although it be not a
 little impugned by such as loue either to heare of change of all
 things, or can abide no superiours. For notwithstanding it be true,
 [Sidenote: 1. Sam ^b 15. 1. Reg. ^a 7.]
 that in respect of function, the office of the eldership is equallie
 distributed betwéene the bishop and the minister, yet for ciuill
 gouernements sake, the first haue more authoritie giuen vnto them by
 kings and princes, to the end that the rest maie thereby be with more
 ease reteined within a limited compasse of vniformitie, than otherwise
 they would be, if ech one were suffered to walke in his owne course.
 This also is more to be maruelled at, that verie manie call for an
 alteration of their estate, crieng to haue the word lord abolished,
 their ciuill authoritie taken from them, and the present condition of
 the church in other things reformed; whereas to saie trulie, few of
 them doo agrée vpon forme of discipline and gouernement of the church
 succedent: wherein they resemble the Capuans, of whome Liuie dooth
 speake in the slaughter of their senat. Neither is it possible to
 frame a whole monarchie after the patterne of one towne or citie, or
 to stirre vp such an exquisite face of the church as we imagine or
 desire, sith our corruption is such that it will neuer yéeld to so
 great perfection: for that which is not able to be performed in a
 priuat house, will much lesse be brought to passe in a common-wealth
 and kingdome, before such a prince be found as Xenophon describeth, or
 such an orator as Tullie hath deuised. But whither am I digressed from
 my discourse of bishops, whose estates doo daily decaie, & suffer some
 diminution? Herein neuerthelesse their case is growne to be much
 better than before, for whereas in times past the cleargie men were
 feared bicause of their authoritie and seuere gouernment vnder the
 prince, now are they beloued generallie for their painefull diligence
 dailie shewed in their functions and callings, except peraduenture of
 some hungrie wombes, that couet to plucke & snatch at the loose ends
 of their best commodities; with whom it is (as the report goeth) a
 common guise, when a man is to be preferred to an ecclesiasticall
 liuing, what part thereof he will first forgo and part with to their
 vse. Finallie, how it standeth with the rest of the clergie for their
 places of estate, I neither can tell nor greatlie care to know.
 Neuerthelesse with what degrées of honour and worship they haue béene
 [Sidenote: De Asia, cap. 12.]
 matched in times past Iohannes Bohemus in his De omnium gentium
 moribus, and others doo expresse; and this also found beside their
 reports, that in time past euerie bishop, abbat, and pelting prior
 were placed before the earles and barons in most statutes, charters,
 and records made by the prince, as maie also appeare in the great
 charter, and sundrie yeares of Henrie the third, wherein no duke was
 heard of. But as a number of their odious comparisons and ambitious
 titles are now decaied and worthilie shroonke in the wetting, so
 giuing ouer in these daies to mainteine such pompous vanitie, they doo
 thinke it sufficient for them to preach the word, & hold their liuings
 to their sées (so long as they shall be able) from the hands of such
 as indeuour for their owne preferrement to fléece and diminish the
 same. This furthermore will I adde generallie in commendation of the
 cleargie of England, that they are for their knowlege reputed in
 France, Portingale, Spaine, Germanie and Polonia, to be the most
 learned diuines, although they like not anie thing at all of their
 religion: and thereto they are in deed so skilfull in the two
 principall toongs, that it is accounted a maime in anie one of them,
 [Sidenote: No Gréeke, no grace.]
 not to be exactlie seene in the Greeke and Hebrue, much more then to
 be vtterlie ignorant or nothing conuersant in them. As for the Latine
 toong it is not wanting in anie of the ministerie, especiallie in such
 as haue beene made within this twelue or fourtéene yeares, whereas
 before there was small choise, and manie cures were left vnserued,
 bicause they had none at all. And to saie truth, our aduersaries were
 [Sidenote: Bene con, bene can, bene le.]
 the onelie causers hereof. For whilest they made no further accompt of
 their priesthood, than to construe, sing, read their seruice and their
 portesse, it came to passe that vpon examination had, few made in
 quéene Maries daies, and the later end of king Henrie, were able to
 doo anie more, and verie hardlie so much, so void were they of further
 skill, and so vnapt to serue at all.

 [Sidenote: Duke, marquesse, earle, viscont.]
 Dukes, marquesses, earles, visconts, and barons, either be created of
 the prince, or come to that honor by being the eldest sonnes or
 highest in succession to their parents. For the eldest sonne of a duke
 during his fathers life is an erle, the eldest sonne of an erle is a
 baron, or sometimes a viscont, according as the creation is. The
 creation I call the originall donation and condition of the honour
 giuen by the prince for good seruice doone by the first ancestor, with
 some aduancement, which with the title of that honour is alwaies giuen
 to him and his heires males onelie. The rest of the sonnes of the
 nobilitie by the rigor of the law be but esquiers: yet in common
 spéech all dukes and marquesses sonnes, and earles eldest sonnes be
 called lords, the which name commonlie dooth agrée to none of lower
 degrée than barons, yet by law and vse these be not esteemed barons.

 [Sidenote: Barons.]
 The baronie or degrée of lords dooth answer to the degree of senators
 of Rome (as I said) and the title of nobilitie (as we vse to call it
 in England) to the Romane Patricij. Also in England no man is
 commonlie created baron, except he maie dispend of yearelie reuenues a
 thousand pounds, or so much as maie fullie mainteine & beare out his
 countenance and port. But visconts, erles, marquesses, and dukes
 excéed them according to the proportion of their degrée & honour. But
 though by chance he or his sonne haue lesse, yet he kéepeth this
 degree: but if the decaie be excessiue and not able to mainteine the
 honour, as Senatores Romani were amoti à senatu: so sometimes they are
 not admitted to the vpper house in the parlement although they keepe
 the name of lord still, which can not be taken from them vpon anie
 such occasion. The most of these names haue descended from the French
 inuention, in whose histories we shall read of them eight hundred
 yeares passed.

 [Sidenote: Of the second degrée of gentlemen.]
 This also is worthie the remembrance, that Otto the first emperour of
 that name, indeuouring to restore the decaied estate of Italie vnto
 some part of hir pristinate magnificence, did after the French example
 giue Dignitates & prædia to such knights and souldiers as had serued
 him in the warres, whom he also adorned with the names of dukes,
 marquesses, earles, valuasors or capteins, and valuasines.

 [Sidenote: Prædia.]
 His Prædia in like maner were tributes, tolles, portage, bankage,
 stackage, coinage, profits by saltpits, milles, water-courses (and
 whatsoeuer emoluments grew by them) & such like. But at that present I
 read not that the word Baro was brought into those parts. And as for
 the valuasors, it was a denomination applied vnto all degrées of honor
 vnder the first three (which are properlie named the kings capteins)
 so that they are called Maiores, minores, & minimi valuasores. This
 also is to be noted, that the word capteine hath two relations, either
 as the possessor therof hath it from the prince, or from some duke,
 marquesse, or earle, for each had capteins vnder them. If from the
 [Sidenote: Valuasores.]
 prince, then are they called Maiores valuasores, if from anie of his
 thrée péeres, then were they Minores valuasores: but if anie of these
 Valuasors doo substitute a deputie, those are called Minimi
 valuasores, and their deputies also Valuasini, without regard vnto
 which degrée the valuasor dooth apperteine: but the word Valuasor is
 now growne out of vse, wherefore it sufficeth to haue said thus much
 of that function.

 [Sidenote: Knights.]
 Knights be not borne, neither is anie man a knight by succession, no
 not the king or prince: but they are made either before the battell,
 to incourage them the more to aduenture & trie their manhood: or after
 the battell ended, as an aduancement for their courage and prowesse
 [Sidenote: Milites.]
 alreadie shewed (& then are they called Milites;) or out of the warres
 for some great seruice doone, or for the singular vertues which doo
 appeare in them, and then are they named Equites aurati, as common
 custome intendeth. They are made either by the king himselfe, or by
 his commission and roiall authoritie giuen for the same purpose: or by
 his lieutenant in the warres. This order seemeth to answer in part to
 [Sidenote: Equites aurati.]
 that which the Romans called Equitum Romanorum. For as Equites Romani
 were chosen Ex censu, that is, according to their substance and
 riches; so be knights in England most commonlie according to their
 yearelie reuenues or aboundance of riches, wherewith to mainteine
 their estates. Yet all that had Equestrem censum, were not chosen to
 be knights, and no more be all made Knights in England that may spend
 a knights lands, but they onelie whome the prince will honour.
 Sometime diuerse ancient gentlemen, burgesses, and lawiers, are called
 vnto knighthood by the prince, and neuerthelesse refuse to take that
 state vpon them, for which they are of custome punished by a fine,
 that redoundeth vnto his cofers, and to saie truth, is oftentimes more
 profitable vnto him than otherwise their seruice should be, if they
 did yeeld vnto knighthood. And this also is a cause, wherefore there
 be manie in England able to dispend a knights liuing, which neuer come
 vnto that countenance, and by their owne consents. The number of the
 knights in Rome was also vncerteine: and so is it of knights likewise
 with vs, as at the pleasure of the prince. And whereas the Equites
 Romani had Equum publicum of custome bestowed vpon them, the knights
 of England haue not so, but beare their owne charges in that also, as
 in other kind of furniture, as armorie méet for their defense and
 seruice. This neuerthelesse is certeine, that who so may dispend 40
 pounds by the yeare of frée land, either at the coronation of the
 king, or mariage of his daughter, or time of his dubbing, may be
 inforced vnto the taking of that degrée, or otherwise paie the
 reuenues of his land for one yeare, which is onelie fortie pounds by
 an old proportion, and so for a time be acquited of that title. We
 name him knight in English that the French calleth Cheualier, and the
 Latins Equitem, or Equestris ordinis virum. And when any man is made a
 knight, he knéeling downe is striken of the king or his substitute
 with his sword naked vpon the backe or shoulder, the prince, &c:
 saieng, "Soyes cheualier au nom de Dieu." And when he riseth vp the
 king saith "Aduances bon cheualier." This is the maner of dubbing
 knights at this present, and the tearme (dubbing) is the old tearme
 for that purpose and not creation, howbeit in our time the word
 (making) is most in vse among the common sort.

 [Sidenote: Knights of the bath.]
 At the coronation of a king or queene, there be other knights made
 with longer and more curious ceremonies, called knights of the bath.
 But how soeuer one be dubbed or made knight, his wife is by and by
 called madame or ladie, so well as the barons wife; he himselfe hauing
 added to his name in common appellation this syllable Sir, which is
 the title whereby we call our knights in England. His wife also of
 courtesie so long as she liueth is called my ladie, although she
 happen to marie with a gentleman or man of meane calling, albeit that
 by the c[=o]omon law she hath no such prerogatiue. If hir first
 husband also be of better birth than hir second, though this later
 likewise be a knight, yet in that she pretendeth a priuilege to loose
 no honor through courtesie yéelded to hir sex, she will be named after
 the most honorable or worshipfull of both, which is not séene
 elsewhere.

 [Sidenote: Knights of the garter.]
 The other order of knighthood in England, and the most honorable is
 that of the garter, instituted by king Edward the third, who after he
 had gained manie notable victories, taken king Iohn of France, and
 king Iames of Scotland (and kept them both prisoners in the Tower of
 London at one time) expelled king Henrie of Castile the bastard out of
 his realme, and restored Don Petro vnto it (by the helpe of the prince
 of Wales and duke of Aquitaine his eldest sonne called the Blacke
 prince) he then inuented this societie of honour, and made a choise
 out of his owne realme and dominions, and throughout all christendome
 of the best, most excellent and renowmed persons in all vertues and
 honour, and adorned them with that title to be knights of his order,
 giuing them a garter garnished with gold and pretious stones, to weare
 dailie on the left leg onlie: also a kirtle, gowne, cloke, chaperon,
 collar, and other solemne and magnificent apparell, both of stuffe and
 fashion exquisite & heroicall to weare at high feasts, & as to so high
 and princelie an order apperteineth. Of this companie also he and his
 successors kings and queenes of England, be the souereignes, and the
 rest by certeine statutes and lawes amongst themselues be taken as
 brethren and fellowes in that order, to the number of six and twentie,
 as I find in a certeine treatise written of the same, an example
 whereof I haue here inserted word for word, as it was deliuered vnto
 me, beginning after this maner.

 [Sidenote: Round table.]
 I might at this present make a long tractation of the round table and
 estate of the knights thereof, erected sometimes by Arthur the great
 monarch, of this Iland; and therevnto intreat of the number of his
 knights, and ceremonies belonging to the order, but I thinke in so
 dooing that I should rather set downe the latter inuentions of other
 men, than a true description of such ancient actions as were performed
 in deed. I could furthermore with more facilitie describe the roialtie
 of Charles the great & his twelue péeres, with their solemne rites and
 vsages: but vnto this also I haue no great deuotion, considering the
 truth hereof is now so stained with errours and fables inserted into
 the same by the lewd religious sort, that except a man should professe
 to lie with them for companie, there is little sound knowledge to be
 gathered hereof worthie the remembrance. In like maner diuerse aswell
 subiects as princes haue attempted to restore againe a round table in
 [Sidenote: Roger Mortimer.]
 this land (as for example Roger lord Mortimer at Killingworth) but
 such were the excessiue charges apperteining therevnto (as they did
 make allowance) and so great molestation dailie insued therevpon,
 beside the bréeding of sundrie quarrels among the knights, and such as
 resorted hitherto from forreine countries (as it was first vsed) that
 in fine they gaue it ouer, and suffered their whole inuentions to
 perish and decaie, till Edward the third deuised an other order not so
 much pestered with multitude of knights as the round table, but much
 more honorable for princelie port and countenance, as shall appeare
 hereafter.

 [Sidenote: The occasion of the deuise.]
 The order of the garter therefore was deuised in the time of king
 Edward the third, and (as some write) vpon this occasion. The quéenes
 maiestie then liuing, being departed from his presence the next waie
 toward hir lodging, he following soone after happened to find hir
 garter, which slacked by chance and so fell from hir leg, vnespied in
 the throng by such as attended vpon hir. His groomes & gentlemen also
 passed by it, disdaining to stoope and take vp such a trifle: but he
 knowing the owner, commanded one of them to staie and reach it vp to
 him. Why and like your grace (saieth a gentleman) it is but some
 womans garter that hath fallen from hir as she followed the quéenes
 [Sidenote: Peradventure but a blue ribbon.]
 maiestie. What soeuer it be (quoth the king) take it vp and giue it
 me. So when he had receiued the garter, he said to such as stood about
 him: You my maisters doo make small account of this blue garter here
 (and therewith held it out) but if God lend me life for a few moneths,
 I will make the proudest of you all to reuerence the like. And euen
 vpon this slender occasion he gaue himselfe to the deuising of this
 order. Certes I haue not read of anie thing, that hauing had so simple
 a begining hath growne in the end to so great honour and estimation.
 But to proceed. After he had studied awhile about the performance of
 his deuise, and had set downe such orders as he himselfe inuented
 concerning the same, he proclamed a roiall feast to be holden at
 Windsore, whither all his nobilitie resorted with their ladies, where
 he published his institution, and foorthwith inuested an appointed
 number into the afore said fellowship, whose names insue, himselfe
 being the souereigne and principall of that companie. Next vnto
 himselfe also he placed

   Edward Prince of Wales.
   Henrie duke of Lancaster.
   N. earle of Warw.
   N. capt. de Bouche.
   N. earle of Stafford.
   N. earle of Sarum.
   N. lord Mortimer.
   Sir John Lisle.
   Sir Bartholomew Burwash.
   N. sonne of sir Iohn Beauchamp.
   Sir N. de Mahun.
   S. Hugh Courtneie.
   S. Thomas Holland.
   Sir Iohn Graie.
   Sir Rich. Fitzsimon.
   Sir Miles Stapleton.
   Sir Thomas Wale.
   Sir Hugh Wrotesley.
   Sir Neale Lording.
   Sir Iohn Chandos.
   S. Iames Dawdleie.
   Sir Otho Holland.
   Sir Henrie Eme.
   Sir Sanchet Dambricourt.
   Sir Walter Pannell aliàs Paganell.

 [Sidenote: Election.]
 What order of election, and what estatutes were prescribed vnto the
 elected at this first institution, as yet I can not exactlie
 vnderstand; neither can I learne what euerie prince afterward added
 therevnto before the six and thirtith yeare of king Henrie the eight,
 and third of king Edward the sixt: wherefore of necessitie I must
 resort vnto the estate of the said order as it is at this present,
 which I will set downe so brieflie as I may. When anie man therefore
 is to be elected (vpon a roome found void for his admission) into this
 fellowship, the king directeth his letters vnto him, notwithstanding
 that he before hand be nominated to the same, to this effect. Right
 trustie and welbeloued we gréete you well, asserteining you, that in
 consideration aswell of your approoued truth and fidelitie, as also of
 your couragious and valiant acts of knighthood, with other your
 probable merits knowne by experience in sundrie parties and behalfes:
 we with the companions of the noble order of the Garter, assembled at
 the election holden this daie within our manour of N. haue elected and
 chosen you amongst other to be one of the companions of the said
 Order, as your deserts doo condignelie require. Wherefore we will that
 with conuenient diligence vpon the sight herof, you repaire vnto our
 presence, there to receiue such things as to the said order
 apperteineth. Dated vnder our signet at our maner of N. &c. These
 letters are the exemplification of certeine, which (as it should
 séeme) were written An. 3. Edwardi sexti at Gréenewich Aprilis 24,
 vnto the earle of Huntingdon, & the lord George Cobham your lordships
 honorable father, at such time as they were called vnto the aforesaid
 companie. I find also these names subscribed vnto the same.

   Edward duke of Summerset vncle to the king.
   The marq. of Northhampton.
   Earle of Arundell L. Chamberleine.
   Earle of Shrewesburie.
   L. Russell lord priuie seale.
   L. S. Iohn lord great master.
   Sir Iohn Gage.
   S. Anthonie Wingfield.
   Sir William Paget.

 [Sidenote: Admission.]
 Being elected, preparation is made for his installing at Windsore (the
 place appointed alwaies for this purpose) whereat it is required that
 his banner be set vp, of two yardes and a quarter in length, and thrée
 quarters in bredth, besides the fringe. Secondlie his sword of
 whatsoeuer length him séemeth good. Thirdlie his helme, which from the
 charnell vpwards ought to be of thrée inches at the least. Fourthlie
 the crest, with mantels to the helme belonging, of such conuenient
 stuffe and bignesse, as it shall please him to appoint.

 Item a plate of armes at the backe of his stall, and crest with
 mantels and beasts supportant, to be grauen in the mettall.

 Item lodging scutcheons of his armes, inuironed with a garter, and
 painted in paper or cloth of buckram, which when he trauelleth by the
 waie are to be fixed in the common Ins where he dooth lodge, as a
 testimonie of his presence and staies from time to time as he did
 trauell.

 Item two mantels, one to remaine in the college at Windsore, the other
 to vse at his pleasure, with the scutcheon of the armes of S. George
 in the garter with laces, tasselets, and knops of blue silke and gold
 belonging to the same.

 Item a surcote or gowne of red or crimosine veluet, with a whood of
 the same, lined with white sarcenet or damaske.

 Item a collar of the garter of thirtie ounces of gold Troie weight.

 Item a tablet of S. George, richlie garnished with precious stones or
 otherwise.

 Item a garter for his (left) leg, hauing the buckle and pendant
 garnished with gold.

 Item a booke of the statutes of the said order.

 Item a scutcheon of the armes of S. George in the garter to set vpon
 the mantell. And this furniture is to be prouided against his
 installation.

 [Sidenote: Installation.]
 When anie knight is to be installed, he hath with his former letters,
 a garter sent vnto him, and when he commeth to be installed, he is
 brought into the chapter house, where incontinentlie his commission is
 read before the souereigne, or his deputie, and the assemblie present:
 from hence he is lead by two knights of the said order, accompanied
 with the other of the nobilitie, and officers toward the chappell,
 hauing his mantell borne before him, either by a knight of the order,
 or else the king at armes, to whome it secondarilie apperteineth to
 [Sidenote: Mantell.]
 beare it. This mantell shall be deliuered vnto him for his habit,
 after his oth taken before his stall, and not before: which doone, he
 shall returne vnto the chapter house, where the souereigne, or his
 deputie, shall deliuer him his collar, and so he shall haue the full
 [Sidenote: Stall.]
 possession of his habit. As for his stall, it is not giuen according
 vnto the calling and countenance of the receiuer, but as the place is
 that happeneth to be void, so that each one called vnto this
 knighthood (the souereigne, and emperours, and kings, and princes
 alwaies excepted) shall haue the same seat, which became void by the
 death of his predecessor, howsoeuer it fall out: wherby a knight onlie
 oftentimes dooth sit before a duke, without anie murmuring or grudging
 at his roome, except it please the souereigne, once in his life onelie
 to make a generall alteration of those seats, and to set each one
 according to his degrée.

 Now as touching the apparell of these knights, it remaineth such as
 king Edward, the first deuiser of this order left it, that is to saie,
 euerie yeare one of the colours, that is to say, scarlet, sanguine in
 grain, blue and white. In like sort the kings grace hath at his
 pleasure the content of cloth for his gowne and whood, lined with
 white satine or damaske, and multitude of garters with letters of
 gold.

 The prince hath fiue yardes of cloth for his gowne and whood, and
 [Sidenote: A timber conteineth fortie skins, peltes, or felles.]
 garters with letters of gold at his pleasure, beside fiue timber of
 the finest mineuer.

 A duke hath fiue yardes of woollen cloth, fiue timber of mineuer, 120
 garters with title of gold.

 A marques hath fiue yards of woollen cloth, fiue timber of mineuer,
 110 garters of silke.

 An earle fiue yardes of woollen cloth, fiue timber of mineuer, and 100
 garters of silke.

 A viscount fiue yardes of woollen cloth, fiue timber of mineuer, 90
 garters of silke.

 A baron fiue yardes of woollen cloth, three timber of mineuer gresse,
 80 garters of silke.

 A banneret fiue yards of woollen cloth, thrée timber of mineuer, 70
 garters of silke.

 A knight fiue yards of woollen cloth, thrée timber of mineuer, 60
 garters of silke.

 The bishop of Winchester chapleine of the garter, hath eight and
 twentie timber of mineuer pure, ninetéene timber gresse, thrée timber
 and a halfe of the best, and foure & twentie yards of woollen cloth.

 The chancellor of the order fiue yards of woollen cloth, thrée timber
 of mineuer pure.

 The register of the order fiue yardes of woollen cloth, three timber
 of mineuer pure.

 And this order to be holden generallie among the knights of this
 companie, which are six and twentie in number, and whose patrone in
 time of superstition was supposed to be S. George, of whome they were
 also called S. Georges knights as I haue heard reported. Would to God
 they might be called knights of honor, or by some other name, for the
 title of saint George argueth a wrong patrone.

 [Sidenote: Installation.]
 Furthermore at his installation he is solemnelie sworne, the maner
 whereof I haue thought good also to annex, in this maner. You being
 chosen to be one of the honorable companie of the order of the Garter,
 shall promise and sweare vpon the holie euangelies by you bodilie
 touched, to be faithfull and true to the kings maiestie, and to
 obserue and kéepe all the points of the statutes of the said order,
 and euerie article in them conteined, the same being agréeable and not
 repugnant to the kings highnesse other godlie procéedings, so far as
 to you belongeth & apperteineth, as God you helpe, &c. And thus much
 haue I thought good to note touching the premisses.

 [Sidenote: Estatutes.]
 As touching the estatutes belonging to this order they are manie, and
 therefore not to be touched here. Howbeit if anie doubt doo arise
 aboue the interpretation of them, the king who is the perpetuall
 souereigne of that order hath to determine and resolue the same.
 Neither are anie chosen therevnto vnder the degree of a knight, and
 that is not a gentelman of bloud and of sound estimation.

 [Sidenote: Gentleman of bloud.]
 And for the better vnderstanding what is meant by a gentleman of
 bloud, he is defined to descend of thrée descents of noblenesse, that
 is to saie, of name and of armes both by father and mother.

 [Sidenote: Degrées of reproch.]
 There are also foure degrées of reproch, which may inhibit from the
 entrance into this order: of which the first is heresie lawfullie
 prooued, the second high treason, the third is flight from the
 battell, the fourth riot and prodigall excesse of expenses, whereby he
 is not likelie to hold out, and mainteine the port of knight of this
 order, according to the dignitie thereof. Moreouer touching the
 [Sidenote: Apparell.]
 wearing of their aforesaid apparell, it is their custome to weare the
 same, when they enter into the chappell of S. George or be in the
 chapter house of their order, or finallie doo go about anie thing
 apperteining to that companie. In like sort they weare also their
 mantels vpon the euen of S. George, and go with the souereigne, or his
 deputie in the same in maner of procession from the kings great
 chamber vnto the chappell, or vnto the college, and likewise backe
 againe vnto the aforsaid place, not putting it from them, vntill
 supper be ended, and the auoid doone. The next daie they resort vnto
 the chappell also in the like order, & from thence vnto diner, wearing
 afterward their said apparell vnto euening praier, and likewise all
 the supper time, vntill the auoid be finished. In the solemnitie
 likewise of these feasts, the thirtéene chanons there, and six and
 twentie poore knights haue mantels of the order, whereof those for the
 chanons are of Murreie with a roundell of the armes of S. George, the
 other of red, with a scutcheon onelie of the said armes.

 [Sidenote: Sicke or absent.]
 If anie knight of this order be absent from this solemnitie vpon the
 euen and daie of S. George, and be inforced not to be present either
 through bodilie sicknesse, or his absence out of the land: he dooth in
 the church, chappell, or chamber where he is remaining, prouide an
 honorable stall for the kings maiestie in the right hand of the place
 with a cloth of estat, and cushions, and scutchion of the garter, and
 therein the armes of the order. Also his owne stall of which side
 soeuer it be distant from the kings or the emperours in his owne
 place, appointed so nigh as he can, after the maner and situation of
 his stall at Windsore, there to remaine, the first euening praier on
 the euen of S. George, or thrée of the clocke, and likewise the next
 daie during the time of the diuine seruice, vntill the morning praier,
 and the rest of the seruice be ended: and to weare in the meane time
 his mantell onelie, with the George and the lace, without either
 whood, collar or surcote. Or if he be so sicke that he doo kéepe his
 bed, he dooth vse to haue that habit laid vpon him during the times of
 diuine seruice aforesaid.

 [Sidenote: Offering.]
 At the seruice time also vpon the morrow after S. George, two of the
 chiefe knights (sauing the deputie of the souereigne if he himselfe be
 absent) shall offer the kings banner of armes, then other two the
 sword with the hilts forwards, which being doone the first two shall
 returne againe, and offer the helme and crest, hauing at each time two
 heralds of armes going before, according to the statutes. The lord
 deputie or lieutenant vnto the kings grace, for the time being, alone
 and assisted with one of the chiefe lords, dooth deliuer at his
 offering a péece of gold, and hauing all the king of armes and heralds
 going before him, he so procéedeth to the offering. When he hath thus
 offered for the prince, he returneth with like solemnitie vnto his
 stall, and next of all goeth againe with one herald to offer for
 himselfe, whose oblation being made, euerie knight according to their
 stals, with an herald before him procéedeth to the offering.

 [Sidenote: Buriall.]
 What solemnitie is vsed at the buriall of anie knight of the Garter,
 it is but in vaine to declare: wherefore I will shew generallie what
 is doone at the disgrading of one of these knights, if through anie
 grieuous offense he be separated from this companie. Whereas otherwise
 the signe of the order is neuer taken from him vntill death doo end &
 finish vp his daies. Therfore when anie such thing is doone,
 promulgation is made therof after this maner insuing.

 [Sidenote: Disgrading.]
 Be it knowne vnto all men that N.N. knight of the most noble order of
 the Garter, is found giltie of the abhominable and destestable crime
 of high treason, for he hath most traitorouslie conspired against our
 most high and mightie prince souereigne of the said order, contrarie
 to all right, his dutie, and the faithfull oth, which he hath sworne
 and taken. For which causes therefore he hath deserued to be deposed
 from this noble order, and fellowship of this Garter. For it may not
 be suffered that such a traitor and disloiall member remaine among the
 faithfull knights of renowmed stomach & bountifull prowes, or that his
 armes should be mingled with those of noble chiualrie. Wherefore our
 most excellent prince and supreme of this most honorable order, by the
 aduise and counsell of his collegues, willeth and commandeth that his
 armes which he before time hath deserued shall be from hencefoorth be
 taken awaie and throwne downe: and he himselfe cleane cut off from the
 societie of this renowmed order, and neuer from this daie reputed anie
 more for a member of the same, that all other by his example may
 hereafter beware how they commit the like trespasse, or fall into such
 notorious infamie and rebuke. This notice being giuen, there resorteth
 vnto the partie to be disgraded certeine officers with diuerse of his
 late fellowes appointed, which take from him his George, and other
 inuestiture, after a solemne maner.

 And hitherto of this most honorable order, hoping that no man will be
 offended with me, in vttering thus much. For sith the noble order of
 the Toison Dor or golden fléese, with the ceremonies apperteining vnto
 the creation and inuestiture of the six and thirtie knights thereof:
 and likewise that of saint Michaell and his one and thirtie knights,
 are discoursed vpon at large by the historiographers of their owne
 countries, without reprehension or checke, especiallie by Vincentius
 Lupan. lib. 1. de Mag. Franc. cap. de equitibus ordinis, where he
 calleth them Cheualliers sans reproche, and thereto addeth that their
 chaine is commonlie of two hundred crownes at the least, and honour
 thereof so great, that it is not lawfull for them to sell, giue or
 laie the same to morgage (would to God they might once brooke their
 name, Sans reproche, but their generall deling in our time with all
 men, will not suffer some of the best of their owne countries to haue
 that opinion of them) I trust I haue not giuen anie cause of
 displeasure, briefelie to set foorth those things that apperteine vnto
 our renowmed order of the Garter, in whose compasse is written
 [Sidenote: * Some think that this was the answer of the quéene,
 when the king asked what men would think of her,
 in loosing the garter after such a maner.]
 commonlie, [*]"Honi soit qui mal y pense," which is so much to saie,
 as, "Euill come to him that euill thinketh:" a verie sharpe
 imprecation, and yet such as is not contrarie to the word, which
 promiseth like measure to the meter, as he dooth mete to others.

 [Sidenote: Bannerets.]
 There is yet an other order of knights in England called knights
 Bannerets, who are made in the field with the ceremonie of cutting
 awaie the point of his penant of armes, and making it as it were a
 banner, so that being before but a bacheler knight, he is now of an
 higher degree, and allowed to displaie his armes in a banner, as
 barrons doo. Howbeit these knights are neuer made but in the warres,
 the kings standard being vnfolded.

 [Sidenote: Esquire.]
 Esquire (which we call commonlie squire) is a French word, and so much
 in Latine as Scutiger vel armiger, and such are all those which beare
 armes, or armoires, testimonies of their race from whence they be
 descended. They were at the first costerels or bearers of the armes of
 barons, or knights, & thereby being instructed in martiall knowledge,
 had that name for a dignitie giuen to distinguish them from common
 souldiers called Gregarij milites when they were togither in the
 field.

 [Sidenote: Gentlemen.]
 Gentlemen be those whome their race and bloud, or at the least their
 vertues doo make noble and knowne. The Latines call them Nobiles &
 generosos, as the French do Nobles or Gentlehommes. The etymologie of
 the name expoundeth the efficacie of the word: for as Gens in Latine
 betokeneth the race and surname: so the Romans had Cornelios, Sergios,
 Appios, Curios, Papyrios, Scipiones, Fabios, Æmilios, Iulios, Brutos,
 &c: of which, who were Agnati, and therefore kept the name, were also
 called Gentiles, gentlemen of that or that house and race.

 Moreouer as the king dooth dubbe knights, and createth the barons and
 higher degrees, so gentlemen whose ancestors are not knowen to come in
 with William duke of Normandie (for of the Saxon races yet remaining
 we now make none accompt, much lesse of the British issue) doo take
 their beginning in England, after this maner in our times. Who soeuer
 [Sidenote: Lawiers students in vniuersities.]
 [Sidenote: Physicians.]
 [Sidenote: Capteins.]
 studieth the lawes of the realme, who so abideth in the vniuersitie
 giuing his mind to his booke, or professeth physicke and the liberall
 sciences, or beside his seruice in the roome of a capteine in the
 warres, or good counsell giuen at home, whereby his common-wealth is
 benefited, can liue without manuell labour, and thereto is able and
 will beare the port, charge, and countenance of a gentleman, he shall
 for monie haue a cote and armes bestowed vpon him by heralds (who in
 the charter of the same doo of custome pretend antiquitie and seruice,
 and manie gaie things) and therevnto being made so good cheape be
 called master, which is the title that men giue to esquiers and
 gentlemen, and reputed for a gentleman euer after. Which is so much
 the lesse to be disalowed of, for that the prince dooth loose nothing
 by it, the gentleman being so much subiect to taxes and publike
 paiments as is the yeoman or husbandman, which he likewise dooth beare
 the gladlier for the sauing of his reputation. Being called also to
 the warres (for with the gouernment of the common-wealth he medleth
 litle) what soeuer it cost him, he will both arraie & arme himselfe
 accordinglie, and shew the more manly courage, and all the tokens of
 the person which he representeth. No man hath hurt by it but himselfe,
 who peraduenture will go in wider buskens than his legs will beare, or
 as our prouerbe saith, now and then beare a bigger saile than his boat
 is able to susteine.

 Certes the making of new gentlemen bred great strife sometimes amongst
 the Romans, I meane when those which were Noui homines, were more
 allowed of for their vertues newlie séene and shewed, than the old
 smell of ancient race, latelie defaced by the cowardise & euill life
 [Sidenote: * Sic.--qu. de_p_endants?]
 of their nephues & defendants[*] could make the other to be. But as
 enuie hath no affinitie with iustice and equitie, so it forceth not
 what language the malicious doo giue out, against such as are exalted
 for their wisdomes. This neuerthelesse is generallie to be reprehended
 in all estates of gentilitie, and which in short time will turne to
 the great ruine of our countrie, and that is the vsuall sending of
 noblemens & meane gentlemens sonnes into Italie, from whence they
 bring home nothing but meere atheisme, infidelitie, vicious
 conuersation, & ambitious and proud behauiour, wherby it commeth to
 passe that they returne far worsse men than they went out. A gentleman
 at this present is newlie come out of Italie, who went thither an
 earnest protestant, but comming home he could saie after this maner:
 Faith & truth is to be kept, where no losse or hinderance of a further
 purpose is susteined by holding of the same; and forgiuenesse onelie
 to be shewed when full reuenge is made. Another no lesse forward than
 he, at his returne from thence could ad thus much; He is a foole that
 maketh accompt of any religion, but more foole that will loose anie
 part of his wealth, or will come in trouble for constant leaning to
 anie: but if he yéeld to loose his life for his possession, he is
 stark mad, and worthie to be taken for most foole of all the rest.
 This gaie bootie gate these gentlemen by going into Italie, and hereby
 a man may see what fruit is afterward to be looked for where such
 blossoms doo appéere. I care not (saith a third) what you talke to me
 of God, so as I may haue the prince & the lawes of the realme on my
 side. Such men as this last, are easilie knowen; for they haue learned
 in Italie, to go vp and downe also in England, with pages at their
 héeles finelie apparelled, whose face and countenance shall be such as
 sheweth the master not to be blind in his choise. But least I should
 offend too much, I passe ouer to saie anie more of these Italionates
 and their demeanor, which alas is too open and manifest to the world,
 and yet not called into question.

 [Sidenote: Citizens and burgesses.]
 Citizens and burgesses haue next place to gentlemen, who be those that
 are free within the cities, and are of some likelie substance to beare
 office in the same. But these citizens or burgesses are to serue the
 commonwealth in their cities and boroughs, or in corporat townes where
 they dwell. And in the common assemblie of the realme wherein our
 lawes are made, for in the counties they beare but little swaie (which
 assemblie is called the high court of parlement) the ancient cities
 appoint foure, and the boroughs two burgesses to haue voices in it,
 and giue their consent or dissent vnto such things as passe or staie
 there in the name of the citie or borow, for which they are appointed.

 [Sidenote: Merchants.]
 In this place also are our merchants to be installed, as amongst the
 citizens (although they often change estate with gentlemen, as
 gentlemen doo with them, by a mutuall conuersion of the one into the
 other) whose number is so increased in these our daies, that their
 onelie maintenance is the cause of the exceeding prices of forreine
 wares, which otherwise when euerie nation was permitted to bring in
 hir owne commodities, were farre better cheape and more plentifullie
 to be had. Of the want of our commodities here at home, by their great
 transportation of them into other countries, I speake not, sith the
 matter will easilie bewraie it selfe. Certes among the Lacedemonians
 it was found out, that great numbers of merchants were nothing to the
 furtherance of the state of the commonwealth: wherefore it is to be
 wished that the huge heape of them were somewhat restreined, as also
 of our lawiers, so should the rest liue more easilie vpon their owne,
 and few honest chapmen be brought to decaie, by breaking of the
 bankerupt. I doo not denie but that the nauie of the land is in part
 mainteined by their traffike, and so are the high prices of wares kept
 vp now they haue gotten the onelie sale of things, vpon pretense of
 better furtherance of the common-wealth into their owne hands: whereas
 in times past when the strange bottoms were suffered to come in, we
 had sugar for foure pence the pound, that now at the writing of this
 treatise is well worth halfe a crowne, raisons or corints for a penie
 that now are holden at six pence, and sometime at eight pence and ten
 pence the pound: nutmegs at two pence halfe penie the ounce: ginger at
 a penie an ounce, prunes at halfe penie farding: great raisons three
 pound for a penie, cinamon at foure pence the ounce, cloues at two
 pence, and pepper at twelue, and sixteene pence the pound. Whereby we
 may sée the sequele of things not alwaies but verie seldome to be such
 as is pretended in the beginning. The wares that they carrie out of
 the realme, are for the most part brode clothes and carsies of all
 colours, likewise cottons, fréeses, rugs, tin, wooll, our best béere,
 baies, bustian, mockadoes tufted and plaine, rash, lead, fells, &c:
 which being shipped at sundrie ports of our coasts, are borne from
 thence into all quarters of the world, and there either exchanged for
 other wares or readie monie: to the great gaine and commoditie of our
 merchants. And whereas in times past their cheefe trade was into
 Spaine, Portingall, France, Flanders, Danske, Norwaie, Scotland, and
 Iseland onelie: now in these daies, as men not contented with these
 iournies, they haue sought out the east and west Indies, and made now
 and then suspicious voiages not onelie vnto the Canaries, and new
 Spaine, but likewise into Cathaia, Moscouia, Tartaria, and the regions
 thereabout, from whence (as they saie) they bring home great
 commodities. But alas I sée not by all their trauell that the prices
 of things are anie whit abated. Certes this enormitie (for so I doo
 accompt of it) was sufficientlie prouided for, An. 9 Edward 3. by a
 noble estatute made in that behalfe, but vpon what occasion the
 generall execution thereof is staied or not called on, in good sooth I
 cannot tell. This onelie I know, that euerie function and seuerall
 vocation striueth with other, which of them should haue all the water
 of commoditie run into hir owne cesterne.

 [Sidenote: Yeomen.]
 Yeomen are those, which by our law are called Legales homines, free
 men borne English, and may dispend of their owne free land in yearelie
 reuenue, to the summe of fortie shillings sterling, or six pounds as
 monie goeth in our times. Some are of the opinion by Cap. 2. Rich. 2.
 an. 20. that they are the same which the French men call varlets, but
 as that phrase is vsed in my time it is farre vnlikelie to be so. The
 truth is that the word is deriued from the Saxon terme Zeoman or
 Geoman, which signifieth (as I haue read) a settled or staid man, such
 I meane as being maried and of some yeares, betaketh himselfe to staie
 in the place of his abode for the better maintenance of himselfe and
 his familie, whereof the single sort haue no regard, but are likelie
 to be still fleeting now hither now thither, which argueth want of
 stabilitie in determination and resolution of iudgement, for the
 execution of things of anie importance. This sort of people haue a
 certeine preheminence, and more estimation than labourers & the common
 sort of artificers, & these commonlie liue wealthilie, kéepe good
 houses, and trauell to get riches. They are also for the most part
 farmers to gentlemen (in old time called Pagani, & opponuntur
 militibus, and therfore Persius calleth himselfe Semipaganus) or at
 the leastwise artificers, & with grasing, frequenting of markets, and
 kéeping of seruants (not idle seruants as the gentlemen doo, but such
 as get both their owne and part of their masters liuing) do come to
 great welth, in somuch that manie of them are able and doo buie the
 lands of vnthriftie gentlemen, and often setting their sonnes to the
 schooles, to the vniuersities, and to the Ins of the court; or
 otherwise leauing them sufficient lands wherevpon they may liue
 without labour, doo make them by those meanes to become gentlemen:
 these were they that in times past made all France afraid. And albeit
 they be not called master as gentlemen are, or sir as to knights
 apperteineth, but onelie Iohn and Thomas, &c: yet haue they beene
 [Sidenote: Englishmen on foot and Frenchmen on horssebacke best.]
 found to haue doone verie good seruice: and the kings of England in
 foughten battels, were woont to remaine among them (who were their
 footmen) as the French kings did amongst their horssemen: the prince
 thereby shewing where his chiefe strength did consist.

 [Sidenote: _Capite censi or Proletarij._]
 The fourth and last sort of people in England are daie labourers,
 poore husbandmen, and some retailers (which haue no frée land) copie
 holders, and all artificers, as tailers, shomakers, carpenters,
 [Sidenote: No slaues nor bondmen in England.]
 brickmakers, masons, &c. As for slaues and bondmen we haue none, naie
 such is the priuilege of our countrie by the especiall grace of God,
 and bountie of our princes, that if anie come hither from other
 realms, so soone as they set foot on land they become so frée of
 condition as their masters, whereby all note of seruile bondage is
 vtterlie remooued from them, wherein we resemble (not the Germans who
 had slaues also, though such as in respect of the slaues of other
 countries might well be reputed frée, but) the old Indians and the
 Taprobanes, who supposed it a great iniurie to nature to make or
 suffer them to be bond, whome she in hir woonted course dooth product
 and bring foorth frée. This fourth and last sort of people therefore
 haue neither voice nor authoritie in the common wealth, but are to be
 ruled, and not to rule other: yet they are not altogither neglected,
 for in cities and corporat townes, for default of yeomen they are
 faine to make up their inquests of such maner of people. And in
 villages they are commonlie made churchwardens, sidemen, aleconners,
 now and then constables, and manie times inioie the name of
 hedboroughes. Vnto this sort also may our great swarmes of idle
 seruing men be referred, of whome there runneth a prouerbe; Yoong
 seruing men old beggers, bicause seruice is none heritage. These men
 are profitable to none, for if their condition be well perused, they
 are enimies to their masters, to their freends, and to themselues: for
 by them oftentimes their masters are incouraged vnto vnlawfull
 exactions of their tenants, their fréends brought vnto pouertie by
 their rents inhanced, and they themselues brought to confusion by
 their owne prodigalitie and errors, as men that hauing not wherewith
 of their owne to mainteine their excesses, doo search in high waies,
 budgets, cofers, males, and stables, which way to supplie their wants.
 How diuerse of them also coueting to beare an high saile doo insinuate
 themselues with yoong gentlemen and noble men newlie come to their
 lands, the case is too much apparant, whereby the good natures of the
 parties are not onelie a little impaired, but also their liuelihoods
 and reuenues so wasted and consumed, that if at all yet not in manie
 yeares they shall be able to recouer themselues. It were verie good
 therefore that the superfluous heapes of them were in part diminished.
 And sith necessitie inforceth to haue some, yet let wisdome moderate
 their numbers, so shall their masters be rid of vnnecessarie charge,
 and the common wealth of manie théeues. No nation cherisheth such
 store of them as we doo here in England, in hope of which maintenance
 manie giue themselues to idlenesse, that otherwise would be brought to
 labour, and liue in order like subiects. Of their whoredomes I will
 not speake anie thing at all, more than of their swearing, yet is it
 found that some of them doo make the first a cheefe piller of their
 building, consuming not onelie the goods but also the health & welfare
 of manie honest gentlemen, citizens, wealthie yeomen, &c: by such
 vnlawfull dealings. But how farre haue I waded in this point, or how
 farre may I saile in such a large sea? I will therefore now staie to
 speake anie more of those kind of men. In returning therefore to my
 matter, this furthermore among other things I haue to saie of our
 husbandmen and artificers, that they were neuer so excellent in their
 trades as at this present. But as the workemanship of the later sort
 was neuer more fine and curious to the eie, so was it neuer lesse
 strong and substantiall for continuance and benefit of the buiers.
 Neither is there anie thing that hurteth the common sort of our
 artificers more than hast, and a barbarous or slauish desire to turne
 the penie, and by ridding their worke to make spéedie vtterance of
 their wares: which inforceth them to bungle vp and dispatch manie
 things they care not how so they be out of their hands, whereby the
 buier is often sore defrauded, and findeth to his cost, that hast
 maketh wast, according to the prouerbe.

 Oh how manie trades and handicrafts are now in England, whereof the
 common wealth hath no néed? How manie néedfull commodities haue we
 which are perfected with great cost, &c: and yet may with farre more
 ease and lesse cost be prouided from other countries if we could vse
 the meanes. I will not speake of iron, glasse, and such like, which
 spoile much wood, and yet are brought from other countries better
 chéepe than we can make them here at home, I could exemplifie also in
 manie other. But to leaue these things and procéed with our purpose,
 and herein (as occasion serueth) generallie by waie of conclusion to
 speake of the common-wealth of England, I find that it is gouerned and
 mainteined by three sorts of persons.

 1 The prince, monarch, and head gouernour, which is called the king,
 or (if the crowne fall to the woman) the quéene: in whose name and by
 whose authoritie all things are administred.

 2 The gentlemen, which be diuided into two sorts, as the baronie or
 estate of lords (which conteineth barons and all aboue that degree)
 and also those that be no lords, as knights, esquiers, & simple
 gentlemen, as I haue noted alreadie. Out of these also are the great
 deputies and high presidents chosen, of which one serueth in Ireland,
 as another did sometime in Calis, and the capteine now at Berwike; as
 one lord president dooth gouerne in Wales, and the other the north
 parts of this Iland, which later with certeine councellors and iudges
 were erected by king Henrie the eight. But forsomuch as I haue touched
 their conditions elsewhere, it shall be inough to haue remembred them
 at this time.

 3 The third and last sort is named the yeomanrie, of whom & their
 sequele, the labourers and artificers, I haue said somewhat euen now.
 Whereto I ad that they be not called masters and gentlemen, but
 goodmen, as goodman Smith, goodman Coot, goodman Cornell, goodman
 Mascall, goodman Cockswet, &c: & in matters of law these and the like
 are called thus, Giles lewd-yeoman, Edward Mountford yeoman, Iames
 Cocke yeoman, Herrie Butcher yeoman, &c: by which addition they are
 exempt from the vulgar and common sorts. Cato calleth them Aratores &
 optimos ciues rei publicæ, of whom also you may read more in the booke
 of common wealth which sir Thomas Smith sometime penned of this land.

 Of gentlemen also some are by the prince chosen, and called to great
 offices in the common wealth, of which said offices diuerse concerne
 the whole realme; some be more priuat and peculiar to the kings house.
 And they haue their places and degrées, prescribed by an act of
 parlement made An. 31 Henr. octaui, after this maner insuing.

 These foure the lord Chancellor, the lord Treasuror (who is Supremus
 ærarij Anglici quæstor _or_ Tribunus ærarius maximus) the lord
 President of the councell, and the lord Priuie seale, being persons of
 the degrée of a baron or aboue, are in the same act appointed to sit
 in the parlement and in all assemblies or councell aboue all dukes,
 not being of the bloud roiall, Videlicet the kings brother, vncle, or
 nephue.

 And these six, the lord great Chamberleine of England: the lord high
 Constable of England: the lord Marshall of England: the lord Admirall
 of England: the lord great master or Steward of the kings house: and
 the lord Chamberleine: by that act are to be placed in all assemblies
 of councell, after the lord priuie seale, according to their degrées
 and estats: so that if he be a baron, then he is to sit aboue all
 barons: or an earle, aboue all earles.

 And so likewise the kings secretarie, being a baron of the parlement,
 hath place aboue all barons, and if he be a man of higher degrée, he
 shall sit and be placed according therevnto.

 _The rehearsall of the temporall nobilitie of England, according to
 the anciencie of their creations, or first calling to their degrees,
 as they are to be found at this present._

 [Sidenote: No duke in England.]
 [Sidenote: Earles.]

   The Marquise of Winchester.
   The earle of Arundell.
   The earle of Oxford.
   The earle of Northumberland.
   The earle of Shrewesburie.
   The earle of Kent.
   The earle of Derbie.
   The earle of Worcester.
   The earle of Rutland.
   The earle of Cumberland.
   The earle of Sussex.
   The earle of Huntingdon.
   The earle of Bath.
   The earle of Warwike.
   The earle of Southampton.
   The earle of Bedford.
   The earle of Penbrooke.
   The earle of Hertford.
   The earle of Leicester.
   The earle of Essex.
   The earle of Lincolne.

 [Sidenote: Visconts.]

   The viscont Montague.
   The viscont Bindon.

 [Sidenote: Barons.]

   The lord of Abergeuennie.
   The lord Awdeleie.
   The lord Zouch.
   The lord Barkeleie.
   The lord Morleie.
   The lord Dacres of the south.
   The lord Cobham.
   The lord Stafford.
   The lord Greie of Wilton.
   The lord Scroope.
   The lord Dudleie.
   The lord Latimer.
   The lord Stourton.
   The lord Lumleie.
   The lord Mountioie.
   The lord Ogle.
   The lord Darcie of the north.
   The lord Mountegle.
   The lord Sands.
   The lord Vaulx.
   The lord Windsore.
   The lord Wentworth.
   The lord Borough.
   The lord Mordaunt.
   The lord Cromwell.
   The lord Euers.
   The lord Wharton.
   The lord Rich.
   The lord Willowbie.
   The lord Sheffeld.
   The lord Paget.
   The lord Darcie of Chichester.
   The lord Howard of Effingham.
   The lord North.
   The lord Chaundos.
   The lord of Hunsdon.
   The lord saint Iohn of Bletso.
   The lord of Buckhirst.
   The lord Delaware.
   The lord Burghleie.
   The lord Compton.
   The lord Cheineie.
   The lord Norreis.

 _Bishops in their anciencie, as they sat in parlement, in the fift of
 the Queenes maiesties reigne that now is._

 [Sidenote: Cleargie.]

   The archbishop of Canturburie.
   The archbishop of Yorke.
   London.
   Durham.
   Winchester.

 The rest had their places in senioritie of consecration.

   Chichester.
   Landaffe.
   Hereford.
   Elie.
   Worcester.
   Bangor.
   Lincolne.
   Salisburie.
   S. Dauids.
   Rochester.
   Bath and Welles.
   Couentrie and Lichfield.
   Excester.
   Norwich.
   Peterborough.
   Carleill.
   Chester.
   S. Assaph.
   Glocester.

 And this for their placing in the parlement house. Howbeit, when the
 archbishop of Canturburie siteth in his prouinciall assemblie, he hath
 on his right hand the archbishop of Yorke, and next vnto him the
 bishop of Winchester, on the left hand the bishop of London: but if it
 fall out that the archbishop of Canturburie be not there by the
 vacation of his sée, then the archbishop of Yorke is to take his
 place, who admitteth the bishop of London to his right hand, and the
 prelat of Winchester to his left, the rest sitting alwaies as afore,
 that is to saie, as they are elders by consecration, which I thought
 good also to note out of an ancient president.




 OF THE FOOD AND DIET OF THE ENGLISH.

 CHAP. VI.


 The situation of our region, lieng néere vnto the north, dooth cause
 the heate of our stomaches to be of somewhat greater force: therefore
 our bodies doo craue a little more ample nourishment, than the
 inhabitants of the hotter regions are accustomed withall, whose
 digestiue force is not altogither so vehement, bicause their internall
 heat is not so strong as ours, which is kept in by the coldnesse of
 the aire, that from time to time (speciallie in winter) dooth enuiron
 our bodies.

 It is no maruell therefore that our tables are oftentimes more
 plentifullie garnished than those of other nations, and this trade
 hath continued with vs euen since the verie beginning. For before the
 Romans found out and knew the waie vnto our countrie, our predecessors
 fed largelie vpon flesh and milke, whereof there was great aboundance
 in this Ile, bicause they applied their chéefe studies vnto pasturage
 and féeding. After this maner also did our Welsh Britons order
 themselues in their diet so long as they liued of themselues, but
 after they became to be vnited and made equall with the English they
 framed their appetites to liue after our maner, so that at this daie
 there is verie little difference betwéene vs in our diets.

 In Scotland likewise they haue giuen themselues (of late yeares to
 speake of) vnto verie ample and large diet, wherein as for some
 respect nature dooth make them equall with vs: so otherwise they far
 excéed vs in ouer much and distemperate gormandize, and so ingrosse
 their bodies that diuerse of them doo oft become vnapt to anie other
 purpose than to spend their times in large tabling and bellie chéere.
 Against this pampering of their carcasses dooth Hector Boetius in his
 description of the countrie verie sharpelie inueigh in the first
 chapter of that treatise. Henrie Wardlaw also bishop of S. Andrewes,
 noting their vehement alteration from competent frugalitie into
 excessiue gluttonie, to be brought out of England with Iames the first
 (who had béene long time prisoner there vnder the fourth & fift
 Henries, and at his returne caried diuerse English gentlemen into his
 countrie with him, whome he verie honorablie preferred there) dooth
 vehementlie exclame against the same in open parlement holden at Perth
 1433, before the three estats, and so bringeth his purpose to passe in
 the end by force of his learned persuasions, that a law was presentlie
 made there for the restreint of superfluous diet, amongest other
 things baked meats (dishes neuer before this mans daies seene in
 Scotland) were generallie so prouided for by vertue of this act, that
 it was not lawfull for anie to eat of the same vnder the degrée of a
 gentleman, and those onelie but on high and festiuall daies, but alas
 it was soone forgotten.

 In old time these north Britons did giue themselues vniuersallie to
 great abstinence, and in time of warres their souldiers would often
 féed but once or twise at the most in two or thrée daies (especiallie
 if they held themselues in secret, or could haue no issue out of their
 bogges and marises, through the presence of the enimie) and in this
 distresse they vsed to eat a certeine kind of confection, whereof so
 much as a beane would qualifie their hunger aboue common expectation.
 In woods moreouer they liued with hearbes and rootes, or if these
 shifts serued not thorough want of such prouision at hand, then vsed
 they to créepe into the water or said moorish plots vp vnto the chins,
 and there remaine a long time, onelie to qualifie the heats of their
 stomachs by violence, which otherwise would haue wrought and béene
 readie to oppresse them for hunger and want of sustinance. In those
 daies likewise it was taken for a great offense ouer all, to eat
 either goose, hare, or henne, bicause of a certeine superstitious
 opinion which they had conceiued of those three creatures, howbeit
 after that the Romans (I saie) had once found an entrance into this
 Iland, it was not long yer open shipwracke was made of this religious
 obseruation, so that in processe of time, so well the north and south
 Britons as the Romans, gaue ouer to make such difference in meats, as
 they had doone before.

 From thencefoorth also vnto our daies, and euen in this season wherein
 we liue, there is no restreint of anie meat, either for religions sake
 or publike order in England, but it is lawfull for euerie man to féed
 vpon what soeuer he is able to purchase, except it be vpon those daies
 whereon eating of flesh is especiallie forbidden by the lawes of the
 realme, which order is taken onelie to the end our numbers of cattell
 may be the better increased, & that aboundance of fish which the sea
 yéeldeth, more generallie receiued. Beside this there is great
 consideration had in making of this law for the preseruation of the
 nauie, and maintenance of conuenient numbers of sea faring men, both
 which would otherwise greatlie decaie, if some meanes were not found
 whereby they might be increased. But how soeuer this case standeth,
 white meats, milke, butter & cheese, which were neuer so deere as in
 my time, and woont to be accounted of as one of the chiefe staies
 throughout the Iland, are now reputed as food appertinent onelie to
 the inferiour sort, whilest such as are more wealthie, doo féed vpon
 the flesh of all kinds of cattell accustomed to be eaten, all sorts of
 fish taken vpon our coasts and in our fresh riuers, and such
 diuersitie of wild and tame foules as are either bred in our Iland or
 brought ouer vnto vs from other countries of the maine.

 In number of dishes and change of meat, the nobilitie of England
 (whose cookes are for the most part musicall headed Frenchmen and
 strangers) doo most exceed, sith there is no daie in maner that
 passeth ouer their heads, wherein they haue not onelie béefe, mutton,
 veale, lambe, kid, porke, conie, capon, pig, or so manie of these as
 the season yeeldeth: but also some portion of the red or fallow déere,
 beside great varietie of fish and wild foule, and thereto sundrie
 other delicates wherein the swéet hand of the seafaring Portingale is
 not wanting: so that for a man to dine with one of them, and to tast
 of euerie dish that standeth before him (which few vse to doo, but ech
 one feedeth vpon that meat him best liketh for the time, the beginning
 of euerie dish notwithstanding being reserued vnto the greatest
 personage that sitteth at the table, to whome it is drawen vp still by
 the waiters as order requireth, and from whome it descendeth againe
 euen to the lower end, whereby each one may tast thereof) is rather to
 yéeld vnto a conspiracie with a great deale of meat for the spéedie
 suppression of naturall health, then the vse of a necessarie meane to
 satisfie himselfe with a competent repast, to susteine his bodie
 withall. But as this large feeding is not séene in their gests, no
 more is it in their owne persons, for sith they haue dailie much
 resort vnto their tables (and manie times vnlooked for) and thereto
 reteine great numbers of seruants, it is verie requisit & expedient
 for them to be somewhat plentifull in this behalfe.

 The chiefe part likewise of their dailie prouision is brought in
 before them (commonlie in siluer vessell if they be of the degrée of
 barons, bishops and vpwards) and placed on their tables, wherof when
 they haue taken what it pleaseth them, the rest is reserued, and
 afterward sent downe to their seruing men and waiters, who féed
 thereon in like sort with conuenient moderation, their reuersion also
 being bestowed vpon the poore, which lie readie at their gates in
 great numbers to receiue the same. This is spoken of the principall
 tables whereat the nobleman, his ladie and guestes are accustomed to
 sit, beside which they haue a certeine ordinarie allowance dailie
 appointed for their hals, where the chiefe officers and household
 seruants (for all are not permitted by custome to waite vpon their
 master) and with them such inferiour guestes doo féed as are not of
 calling to associat the noble man himselfe (so that besides those
 afore mentioned, which are called to the principall table, there are
 commonlie fortie or thrée score persons fed in those hals, to the
 great reliefe of such poore sutors and strangers also as oft be
 partakers thereof and otherwise like to dine hardlie. As for drinke it
 is vsuallie filled in pots, gobblets, iugs, bols of siluer in noble
 mens houses, also in fine Venice glasses of all formes, and for want
 of these elsewhere in pots of earth of sundrie colours and moulds
 whereof manie are garnished with siluer) or at the leastwise in
 pewter, all which notwithstanding are seldome set on the table, but
 each one as necessitie vrgeth, calleth for a cup of such drinke as him
 listeth to haue: so that when he hath tasted of it he deliuered the
 cup againe to some one of the standers by, who making it cleane by
 pouring out the drinke that remaineth, restoreth it to the cupbord
 from whence he fetched the same. By this deuise (a thing brought vp at
 the first by Mnesteus of Athens, in conseruation of the honour of
 Orestes, who had not yet made expiation for the death of his
 adulterous parents Egistus and Clitemnestra) much idle tippling is
 furthermore cut off, for if the full pots should continuallie stand at
 the elbow or néere the trencher, diuerse would alwaies be dealing with
 them, whereas now they drinke seldome and onelie when necessitie
 vrgeth, and so auoid the note of great drinking, or often troubling of
 the seruitours with filling of their bols. Neuerthelesse in the noble
 mens hals, this order is not vsed, neither in anie mans house
 commonlie vnder the degrée of a knight or esquire of great reuenues.
 It is a world to sée in these our daies, wherin gold and siluer most
 aboundeth, how that our gentilitie as lothing those mettals (bicause
 of the plentie) do now generallie choose rather the Venice glasses
 both for our wine and béere, than anie of those mettals or stone
 wherein before time we haue béene accustomed to drinke, but such is
 the nature of man generallie that it most coueteth things difficult to
 be atteined; & such is the estimation of this stuffe, that manie
 become rich onelie with their new trade vnto Murana (a towne néere to
 Venice situat on the Adriatike sea) from whence the verie best are
 dailie to be had, and such as for beautie doo well néere match the
 christall or the ancient Murrhina vasa, whereof now no man hath
 knowledge. And as this is séene in the gentilitie, so in the wealthie
 communaltie the like desire of glasse is not neglected, whereby the
 gaine gotten by their purchase is yet much more increased to the
 benefit of the merchant. The poorest also will haue glasse if they
 may, but sith the Venecian is somewhat too déere for them, they
 content themselues with such as are made at home of ferne and burned
 stone, but in fine all go one waie, that is, to shards at the last, so
 that our great expenses in glasses (beside that they bréed much strife
 toward such as haue the charge of them) are worst of all bestowed in
 mine opinion, bicause their péeces doo turne vnto no profit. If the
 [Sidenote: Ro. Bacon.]
 philosophers stone were once found, and one part hereof mixed with
 fortie of molten glasse, it would induce such a mettallicall
 toughnesse therevnto, that a fall should nothing hurt it in such
 maner, yet it might peraduenture bunch or batter it, neuerthelesse
 that inconuenience were quickelie to be redressed by the hammer. But
 whither am I slipped?

 The gentlemen and merchants keepe much about one rate, and each of
 them contenteth himselfe with foure, fiue, or six dishes, when they
 haue but small resort, or peraduenture with one, or two, or thrée at
 the most, when they haue no strangers to accompanie them at their
 tables. And yet their seruants haue their ordinarie diet assigned,
 beside such as is left at their masters boordes, & not appointed to be
 brought thither the second time, which neuerthelesse is often séene
 generallie in venison, lambe, or some especiall dish, whereon the
 merchant man himselfe liketh to feed when it is cold, or peraduenture
 for sundrie causes incident to the féeder is better so, than if it
 were warme or hot. To be short, at such time as the merchants doo make
 their ordinarie or voluntarie feasts, it is a world to see what great
 prouision is made of all maner of delicat meats, from euerie quarter
 of the countrie, wherein beside that they are often comparable herein
 to the nobilitie of the land, they will seldome regard anie thing that
 the butcher vsuallie killeth, but reiect the same as not worthie to
 come in place. In such cases also geliffes of all colours mixed with a
 varietie in the representation of sundrie floures, herbs, trees,
 formes of beasts, fish, foules and fruits, and therevnto marchpaine
 wrought with no small curiositie, tarts of diuerse hewes and sundrie
 denominations, conserues of old fruits forren and home-bred, suckets,
 codinacs, marmilats, marchpaine, sugerbread, gingerbread, florentines,
 wild foule, venison of all sorts, and sundrie outlandish confections,
 altogether seasoned with suger (which Plinie calleth Mel ex
 arundinibus, a deuise not common nor greatlie vsed in old time at the
 table, but onelie in medicine, although it grew in Arabia, India &
 Sicilia) doo generallie beare the swaie, besides infinit deuises of
 our owne not possible for me to remember. Of the potato and such
 venerous roots as are brought out of Spaine, Portingale, and the
 Indies to furnish vp our bankets, I speake not, wherin our Mures of no
 lesse force, and to be had about Crosbie Rauenswath, doo now begin to
 haue place.

 But among all these, the kind of meat which is obteined with most
 difficultie and cost, is commonlie taken for the most delicat, and
 therevpon each guest will soonest desire to feed. And as all estats
 doo excéed herin, I meane for strangenesse and number of costlie
 dishes, so these forget not to vse the like excesse in wine, in somuch
 as there is no kind to be had (neither anie where more store of all
 sorts than in England, although we haue none growing with vs but
 yearelie to the proportion of 20000 or 30000 tun and vpwards,
 notwithstanding the dailie restreincts of the same brought ouer vnto
 vs) wherof at great méetings there is not some store to be had.
 Neither doo I meane this of small wines onlie, as Claret, White, Red,
 French, &c: which amount to about fiftie six sorts, according to the
 number of regions from whence they come: but also of the thirtie kinds
 of Italian, Grecian, Spanish, Canarian, &c: whereof Veruage, Cate
 pument, Raspis, Muscadell, Romnie, Bastard Tire, Oseie, Caprike,
 Clareie & Malmeseie are not least of all accompted of, bicause of
 their strength and valure. For as I haue said in meat, so the stronger
 the wine is, the more it is desired, by means wherof in old time, the
 best was called Theologicum, bicause it was had from the cleargie and
 religious men, vnto whose houses manie of the laitie would often send
 for bottels filled with the same, being sure that they would neither
 drinke nor be serued of the worst, or such as was anie waies mingled
 or brued by the vintener: naie the merchant would haue thought that
 his soule should haue gone streightwaie to the diuell, if he should
 haue serued them with other than the best. Furthermore when these haue
 had their course which nature yéeldeth, sundrie sorts of artificiall
 stuffe, as ypocras & wormewood wine must in like maner succéed in
 their turnes, beside stale ale and strong béere, which neuerthelesse
 beare the greatest brunt in drinking, and are of so manie sorts and
 ages as it pleaseth the bruer to make them.

 [Sidenote: Béere.]
 The béere that is vsed at noble mens tables in their fixed and
 standing houses, is commonlie of a yeare old, or peraduenture of two
 yeares tunning or more, but this is not generall. It is also brued in
 March and therefore called March béere, but for the household it is
 vsuallie not vnder a moneths age, ech one coueting to haue the same
 stale as he may, so that it be not sowre, and his bread new as is
 possible so that it be not hot.

 [Sidenote: Artificer.]
 The artificer and husbandman make greatest accompt of such meat as
 they may soonest come by, and haue it quickliest readie, except it be
 in London when the companies of euery trade doo meet on their quarter
 daies, at which time they be nothing inferiour to the nobilitie. Their
 food also consisteth principallie in béefe and such meat as the
 butcher selleth, that is to saie, mutton, veale, lambe, porke, &c:
 whereof he findeth great store in the markets adioining, beside souse,
 brawne, bacon, fruit, pies of fruit, foules of sundrie sorts, cheese,
 butter, egs, &c: as the other wanteth it not at home, by his owne
 prouision, which is at the best hand, and commonlie least charge. In
 feasting also this latter sort, I meane the husbandmen doo excéed
 after their maner: especiallie at bridales, purifications of women,
 and such od méetings, where it is incredible to tell what meat is
 consumed & spent, ech one bringing such a dish, or so manie with him
 as his wife & he doo consult vpon, but alwaies with this
 consideration, that the léefer fréend shall haue the better prouision.
 This also is commonlie séene at these bankets, that the good man of
 the house is not charged with any thing sauing bread, drink, sauce,
 houseroome, and fire. But the artificers in cities and good townes doo
 deale far otherwise, for albeit that some of them doo suffer their
 iawes to go oft before their clawes, and diuerse of them by making
 good cheere doo hinder themselues and other men: yet the wiser sort
 can handle the matter well inough in these iunkettings, and therfore
 their frugalitie deserueth commendation. To conclude, both the
 artificer and the husbandman are sufficientlie liberall, & verie
 fréendlie at their tables, and when they méet, they are so merie
 without malice, and plaine without inward Italian or French craft and
 subtiltie, that it would doo a man good to be in companie among them.
 Herein onelie are the inferiour sort somewhat to be blamed, that being
 thus assembled, their talke is now and then such as sauoureth of
 scurrilitie and ribaldrie, a thing naturallie incident to carters and
 clownes, who thinke themselues not to be merie & welcome, if their
 foolish veines in this behalfe be neuer so little restreined. This is
 moreouer to be added in these méetings, that if they happen to stumble
 vpon a péece of venison, and a cup of wine or verie strong beere or
 ale (which latter they commonlie prouide against their appointed
 daies) they thinke their chéere so great, and themselues to haue fared
 [Sidenote: I haue dined so well as my lord maior.]
 so well, as the lord Maior of London, with whome when their bellies be
 full they will not often sticke to make comparison, because that of a
 subiect there is no publike officer of anie citie in Europe, that may
 compare in port and countenance with him during the time of his
 office.

 I might here talke somewhat of the great silence that is vsed at the
 tables of the honorable and wiser sort, generallie ouer all the realme
 (albeit that too much deserueth no c[=o]mendation, for it belongeth to
 gests neither to be muti nor loquaces) likewise of the moderate eating
 and drinking that is dailie séene, and finallie of the regard that
 each one hath to keepe himselfe from the note of surffetting and
 dronkennesse (for which cause salt meat, except béefe, bacon, and
 porke are not anie whit esteemed, and yet these thrée may not be much
 powdered) but as in rehearsall thereof I should commend the noble man,
 merchant, and frugall artificer, so I could not cleare the meaner sort
 of husbandmen, and countrie inhabitants of verie much babbling (except
 it be here and there some od yeoman) with whome he is thought to be
 the meriest that talketh of most ribaldrie, or the wisest man that
 speaketh fastest among them, & now and then surffetting and
 dronkennesse, which they rather fall into for want of héed taking,
 than wilfullie following or delighting in those errours of set mind
 and purpose. It may be that diuers of them liuing at home with hard
 and pinching diet, small drinke, and some of them hauing scarse inough
 of that, are soonest ouertaken when they come vnto such bankets,
 howbeit they take it generallie as no small disgrace if they happen to
 be cupshotten, so that it is a greefe vnto them though now sans
 remedie sith the thing is doone and past. If the freends also of the
 wealthier sort come to their houses from farre, they are commonlie so
 welcome till they depart as vpon the first daie of their comming,
 wheras in good townes and cities, as London, &c: men oftentimes
 complaine of little roome, and in reward of a fat capon or plentie of
 béefe and mutton, largelie bestowed vpon them in the countrie, a cup
 of wine or béere with a napkin to wipe their lips, and an "You are
 heartelie welcome" is thought to be great interteinement, and
 therefore the old countrie clearkes haue framed this saieng in that
 behalfe, I meane vpon the interteinment of townesmens and Londoners
 after the daies of their aboad in this maner:

   Primus iucundus, tollerabilis estq; secundus,
   Tertius est vanus, sed fetet quatriduanus.

 [Sidenote: Bread.]
 The bread through out the land is made of such graine as the soile
 yéeldeth, neuerthelesse the gentilitie commonlie prouide themselues
 sufficientlie of wheat for their owne tables, whilest their household
 and poore neighbours in some shires are inforced to content themselues
 with rie, or barleie, yea and in time of dearth manie with bread made
 either of beans, peason, or otes, or of altogither and some acornes
 among, of which scourge the poorest doo soonest tast, sith they are
 least able to prouide themselues of better. I will not saie that this
 extremitie is oft so well to be seene in time of plentie as of dearth,
 but if I should I could easilie bring my triall. For albeit that there
 be much more ground eared now almost in euerie place, than hath beene
 of late yeares, yet such a price of corne continueth in each towne and
 market without any iust cause (except it be that landlords doo get
 licences to carie corne out of the land onelie to kéepe vp the peeces
 for their owne priuate gaines and ruine of the common-wealth) that the
 artificer and poore laboring man, is not able to reach vnto it, but
 [Sidenote: A famine at hand is first séene in the horsse manger
 when the poore doo fall to horssecorne.]
 is driuen to content himselfe with horsse-corne, I meane, beanes,
 peason, otes, tares, and lintels: and therefore it is a true prouerbe,
 and neuer so well verified as now, that hunger setteth his first foot
 into the horsse manger. If the world last a while after this rate,
 wheate and rie will be no graine for poore men to feed on, and some
 caterpillers there are that can saie so much alreadie.

 Of bread made of wheat we haue sundrie sorts, dailie brought to the
 table, whereof the first and most excellent is the mainchet, which we
 [Sidenote: Primarius panis.]
 commonlie call white bread, in Latine Primarius panis, wherof Budeus
 also speaketh, in his first booke De asse, and our good workemen
 deliuer commonlie such proportion, that of the flower of one bushell
 with another they make fortie cast of manchet, of which euerie lofe
 weigheth eight ounces into the ouen and six ounces out, as I haue
 [Sidenote: Cheat bread.]
 béene informed. The second is the cheat or wheaton bread, so named
 bicause the colour therof resembleth the graie or yellowish wheat,
 being cleane and well dressed, and out of this is the coursest of the
 [Sidenote: Rauelled bread.]
 bran (vsuallie called gurgeons or pollard) taken. The raueled is a
 kind of cheat bread also, but it reteineth more of the grosse, and
 lesse of the pure substance of the wheat: and this being more
 sleightlie wrought vp, is vsed in the halles of the nobilitie, and
 gentrie onelie, whereas the other either is or should be baked in
 [Sidenote: The size of bread is verie ill kept or not at all
 looked vnto in the countrie townes and markets.]
 cities & good townes of an appointed size (according to such price as
 the corne dooth beare) and by a statute prouided by king Iohn in that
 behalfe. The raueled cheat therfore is generallie so made that out of
 one bushell of meale, after two and twentie pounds of bran be sifted
 and taken from it (wherevnto they ad the gurgeons that rise from the
 manchet) they make thirtie cast, euerie lofe weighing eightéene ounces
 into the ouen and sixteene ounces out: and beside this they so handle
 the matter that to euerie bushell of meale they ad onelie two and
 twentie or thrée and twentie pound of water, washing also in some
 houses there corne before it go to the mill, whereby their manchet
 bread is more excellent in colour and pleasing to the eie, than
 [Sidenote: Browne bread.]
 otherwise it would be. The next sort is named browne bread of the
 colour, of which we haue two sorts, one baked vp as it c[=o]meth from
 the mill, so that neither the bran nor the floure are anie whit
 diminished, this Celsus called Autopirus panis, lib. 2. and putteth it
 in the second place of nourishment. The other hath little or no floure
 [Sidenote: Panis Cibarius.]
 left therein at all, howbeit he calleth it Panem Cibarium, and it is
 not onlie the woorst and weakest of all the other sorts, but also
 appointed in old time for seruants, slaues, and the inferiour kind of
 people to féed vpon. Herevnto likewise, bicause it is drie and brickie
 in the working (for it will hardlie be made vp handsomelie into
 loaues) some adde a portion of rie meale in our time, whereby the
 rough drinesse or drie roughnes therof is somwhat qualified, & then it
 is named miscelin, that is, bread made of mingled corne, albeit that
 diuerse doo sow or mingle wheat & rie of set purpose at the mill, or
 before it come there, and sell the same at the markets vnder the
 aforesaid name.

 [Sidenote: Summer wheat and winter barleie verie rare in England.]
 In champeigne countries much rie and barleie bread is eaten, but
 especiallie where wheat is scant and geson. As for the difference that
 is betwéene the summer and winter wheat, most husbandmen know it not,
 sith they are neither acquainted with summer wheat, nor winter
 barleie: yet here and there I find of both sorts, speciallie in the
 north and about Kendall, where they call it March wheat, and also of
 summer rie, but in so small quantities as that I dare not pronounce
 them to be greatlie common among vs.

 [Sidenote: Drinke.]
 Our drinke, whose force and continuance is partlie touched alreadie,
 is made of barleie, water, and hops, sodden and mingled togither, by
 the industrie of our bruers, in a certeine exact proportion. But
 before our barleie doo come vnto their hands, it susteineth great
 [Sidenote: Malt.]
 alteration, and is conuerted into malt, the making whereof, I will
 here set downe in such order, as my skill therein may extend vnto (for
 I am scarse a good malster) chiefelie for that forreine writers haue
 attempted to describe the same, and the making of our beere, wherein
 they haue shot so farre wide, as the quantitie of ground was betwéene
 themselues & their marke. In the meane time beare with me, gentle
 reader (I beséech thée) that lead thee from the description of the
 plentifull diet of our countrie, vnto the fond report of a seruile
 trade, or rather from a table delicatelie furnished, into a mustie
 malthouse: but such is now thy hap, wherfore I praie thée be
 contented.

 [Sidenote: Making of malt.]
 Our malt is made all the yeare long in some great townes, but in
 gentlemens and yeomens houses, who commonlie make sufficient for their
 owne expenses onelie, the winter halfe is thought most méet for that
 commoditie: howbeit the malt that is made when the willow dooth bud,
 is commonlie worst of all, neuerthelesse each one indeuoureth to make
 it of the best barleie, which is steeped in a cesterne, in greater or
 less quantitie, by the space of thrée daies and three nights, vntill
 it be throughlie soked. This being doone, the water is drained from it
 by little and little, till it be quite gone. Afterward they take it
 out, and laieng it vpon the cleane floore on a round heape, it resteth
 so vntill it be readie to shoote at the root end, which maltsters call
 Comming. When it beginneth therefore to shoot in this maner, they saie
 it is come, and then foorthwith they spread it abroad, first thicke,
 and afterward thinner and thinner vpon the said floore (as it commeth)
 and there it lieth (with turning euerie daie foure or fiue times) by
 the space of one and twentie daies at the least, the workeman not
 suffering it in anie wise to take anie heat, whereby the bud end
 should spire, that bringeth foorth the blade, and by which ouersight
 or hurt of the stuffe it selfe the malt would be spoiled, and turne
 small commoditie to the bruer. When it hath gone or béene turned so
 long vpon the floore, they carie it to a kill couered with haire
 cloth, where they giue it gentle heats (after they haue spread it
 there verie thin abroad) till it be drie, & in the meane while they
 turne it often, that it may be vniformelie dried. For the more it be
 dried (yet must it be doone with soft fire) the swéeter and better the
 malt is, and the longer it will continue, whereas if it be not dried
 downe (as they call it) but slackelie handled, it will bréed a kind of
 worme, called a wiuell, which groweth in the floure of the corne, and
 in processe of time will so eat out it selfe, that nothing shall
 remaine of the graine but euen the verie rind or huske.

 The best malt is tried by the hardnesse & colour, for if it looke
 fresh with a yellow hew, & thereto will write like a péece of chalke,
 after you haue bitten a kirnell in sunder in the middest, then you may
 assure your selfe that it is dried downe. In some places it is dried
 at leisure with wood alone, or strawe alone, in other with wood and
 strawe togither, but of all the strawe dried, is the most excellent.
 For the wood dried malt when it is brued, beside that the drinke is
 higher of colour, it dooth hurt and annoie the head of him that is not
 vsed thereto, bicause of the smoake. Such also as vse both
 indifferentlie doo barke, cleaue, and drie their wood in an ouen,
 thereby to remooue all moisture that shuld procure the fume, and this
 malt is in the second place, & with the same likewise, that which is
 made with dried firze, broome, &c: whereas if they also be occupied
 gréene, they are in maner so preiudiciall to the corne, as is the
 moist wood. And thus much of our malts, in bruing whereof some grinde
 the same somewhat groselie, and in séething well the liquor that shall
 be put vnto it, they adde to euerie nine quarters of mault one of
 headcorne, which consisteth of sundrie graine, as wheate, and otes
 groond. But what haue I to doo with this matter, or rather so great a
 quantitie, wherewith I am not acquainted. Neuerthelesse, sith I haue
 taken occasion to speake of bruing, I will exemplifie in such a
 proportion as I am best skilled in, bicause it is the vsuall rate for
 mine owne familie, and once in a moneth practised by my wife & hir
 maid seruants, who procéed withall after this maner, as she hath oft
 informed me.

 [Sidenote: Bruing of beere.]
 Hauing therefore groond eight bushels of good malt vpon our querne,
 where the toll is saued, she addeth vnto it halfe a bushell of wheat
 meale, and so much of otes small groond, and so tempereth or mixeth
 them with the malt, that you cannot easilie discerne the one from the
 other, otherwise these later would clunter, fall into lumps, and
 thereby become vnprofitable. The first liquor which is full eightie
 gallons, according to the proportion of our furnace, she maketh
 boiling hot, and then powreth it softlie into the malt, where it
 resteth (but without stirring) vntill hir second liquor be almost
 readie to boile. This doone she letteth hir mash run till the malt be
 left without liquor, or at the leastwise the greatest part of the
 moisture, which she perceiueth by the staie and soft issue thereof,
 and by this time hir second liquor in the furnace is ready to séeth,
 which is put also to the malt as the first woort also againe into the
 furnace wherevnto she addeth two pounds of the best English hops, and
 so letteth them seeth togither by the space of two houres in summer,
 or an houre and an halfe in winter, whereby it getteth an excellent
 colour, and continuance without impeachment, or anie superfluous
 [Sidenote: Charwoort.]
 tartnesse. But before she putteth hir first woort into the furnace, or
 mingleth it with the hops, she taketh out a vessel full, of eight or
 nine gallons, which she shutteth vp close, and suffereth no aire to
 come into it till it become yellow, and this she reserueth by it selfe
 vnto further vse, as shall appeare herafter, calling it Brackwoort or
 Charwoort, and as she saith it addeth also to the colour of the
 drinke, whereby it yeeldeth not vnto amber or fine gold in hew vnto
 the eie. By this time also hir second woort is let runne, and the
 first being taken out of the furnace and placed to coole, she
 returneth the middle woort vnto the furnace, where it is striken ouer,
 or from whence it is taken againe, when it beginneth to boile and
 mashed the second time, whilest the third liquor is heat (for there
 are thrée liquors) and this last put into the furnace, when the second
 is mashed againe. When she hath mashed also the last liquor (and set
 the second to coole by the first) she letteth it runne, and then
 séetheth it againe with a pound and an halfe of new hops, or
 peraduenture two pounds as she séeth cause by the goodnesse or
 basenesse of the hops, & when it hath sodden in summer two houres & in
 winter an houre & an halfe, she striketh it also and reserueth it vnto
 mixture with the rest when time dooth serue therefore. Finallie when
 she setteth hir drinke togither, she addeth to hir brackwoort or
 charwoort halfe an ounce of arras, and halfe a quarterne of an ounce
 of baiberries finelie powdered, and then putting the same into hir
 woort with an handfull of wheat flowre, she procéedeth in such vsuall
 order as common bruing requireth. Some in stéed of arras & baies adde
 so much long pepper onelie, but in hir opinion and my liking it is not
 so good as the first, and hereof we make thrée hoggesheads of good
 beere, such (I meane) as is méet for poore men as I am to liue
 withall, whose small maintenance (for what great thing is fortie
 pounds a yeare Computatis computandis able to performe) may indure no
 déeper cut, the charges whereof groweth in this manner. I value my
 malt at ten shillings, my wood at foure shillings which I buie, my
 hops at twentie pence, the spice at two pence, seruants wages two
 shillings six pence with meat and drinke, and the wearing of my
 vessell at twentie pence, so that for my twentie shillings I haue ten
 score gallons of béere or more, notwithstanding the losse in seething,
 which some being loth to forgo doo not obserue the time, and therefore
 spéed thereafter in their successe, and worthilie. The continuance of
 the drinke is alwaie determined after the quantitie of the hops, so
 that being well hopped it lasteth longer. For it féedeth vpon the hop,
 and holdeth out so long as the force of the same continueth, which
 being extinguished the drinke must be spent or else it dieth, and
 becommeth of no value.

 In this trade also our bruers obserue verie diligentlie the nature of
 the water, which they dailie occupie; and soile through which it
 passeth, for all waters are not of like goodnesse, sith the fattest
 standing water is alwaies the best: for although the waters that run
 by chalke or cledgie soiles be good, and next vnto the Thames water
 which is the most excellent, yet the water that standeth in either of
 these is the best for vs that dwell in the countrie, as whereon the
 sunne lieth longest, and fattest fish is bred. But of all other the
 fennie and morish is the worst, and the cléerest spring water next
 vnto it. In this busines therfore the skilfull workeman dooth redeeme
 the iniquitie of that element, by changing of his proportions, which
 trouble in ale (sometime our onelie, but now taken with manie for old
 and sickmens drinke) is neuer séene nor heard of. Howbeit as the beere
 well sodden in the bruing, and stale, is cleere and well  as
 muscadell or malueseie, or rather yellow as the gold noble as our
 potknights call it: so our ale which is not at all or verie little
 sodden, and without hops, is more thicke, fulsome, and of no such
 continuance, which are thrée notable things to be considered in that
 liquor. But what for that? Certes I know some aleknights so much
 addicted therevnto, that they will not ceasse from morow vntill euen
 to visit the same, clensing house after house, till they defile
 themselues, and either fall quite vnder the boord, or else not daring
 to stirre from their stooles, sit still pinking with their narrow eies
 as halfe sleeping, till the fume of their aduersarie be digested that
 he may go to it afresh. Such flights also haue the alewiues for the
 vtterance of this drinke, that they will mixe it with rosen and salt:
 but if you heat a knife red hot, and quench it in the ale so neere the
 bottome of the pot as you can put it, you shall sée the rosen come
 foorth hanging on the knife. As for the force of salt, it is well
 knowne by the effect, for the more the drinker tipleth, the more he
 may, and so dooth he carrie off a drie dronken noll to bed with him,
 except his lucke be the better. But to my purpose.

 In some places of England, there is a kind of drinke made of apples,
 [Sidenote: Cider.]
 [Sidenote: Perrie.]
 which they call cider or pomage, but that of peares is named pirrie,
 and both are groond and pressed in presses made for the nonce. Certes
 these two are verie common in Sussex, Kent, Worcester, and other
 stéeds, where these sorts of fruits doo abound, howbeit they are not
 their onelie drinke at all times, but referred vnto the delicate sorts
 [Sidenote: Metheglin.]
 of drinke, as metheglin is in Wales, whereof the Welshmen make no
 lesse accompt (and not without cause if it be well handled) than the
 Gréekes did of their Ambrosia or Nectar, which for the pleasantnesse
 thereof, was supposed to be such as the gods themselues did delite in.
 There is a kind of swish swash made also in Essex, and diuerse other
 places, with honicombs and water, which the homelie countrie wiues,
 [Sidenote: Mead.]
 putting some pepper and a little other spice among, call mead, verie
 good in mine opinion for such as loue to be loose bodied at large, or
 a little eased of the cough, otherwise it differeth so much fr[=o] the
 true metheglin, as chalke from cheese. Truelie it is nothing else but
 the washing of the combes, when the honie is wroong out, and one of
 the best things that I know belonging thereto is, that they spend but
 [Sidenote: Hydromel.]
 little labour and lesse cost in making of the same, and therefore no
 great losse if it were neuer occupied. Hitherto of the diet of my
 countrimen, & somewhat more at large peraduenture than manie men will
 like of, wherefore I thinke good now to finish this tractation, and so
 will I, when I haue added a few other things incident vnto that which
 goeth before, whereby the whole processe of the same shall fullie be
 deliuered, & my promise to my fréend in this behalfe performed.

 [Sidenote: Lesse time spent in eating than heretofore.]
 Heretofore there hath béene much more time spent in eating and
 drinking than commonlie is in these daies, for whereas of old we had
 breakefasts in the forenoone, beuerages, or nuntions after dinner, and
 thereto reare suppers generallie when it was time to go to rest (a
 toie brought into England by hardie Canutus and a custome whereof
 Athenæus also speaketh lib. 1, albeit Hippocrates speake but of twise
 at the most lib. 2. De rat. vict. in feb. ac.) Now these od repasts
 thanked be God are verie well left, and ech one in maner (except here
 and there some yoong hungrie stomach that cannot fast till dinner
 time) contenteth himselfe with dinner & supper onelie. The Normans
 misliking the gormandise of Canutus, ordeined after their arriuall,
 that no table should be couered aboue once in the daie, which
 Huntingdon imputeth to their auarice: but in the end either waxing
 wearie of their owne frugalitie, or suffering the cockle of old
 custome to ouergrow the good corne of their new constitution, they
 [Sidenote: Canutus a glutton, but the Normans at the last
 excéeded him in that vice.]
 fell to such libertie, that in often féeding they surmounted Canutus
 surnamed the hardie. For whereas he couered his table but thrée or
 foure times in the daie, these spred their clothes fiue or six times,
 and in such wise as I before rehearsed. They brought in also the
 custome of long and statelie sitting at meat, whereby their feasts
 resembled those ancient pontificall bankets whereof Macrobius speaketh
 lib. 3. cap. 13. and Plin. lib. 10. cap. 10. and which for
 sumptuousnesse of fare, long sitting and curiositie shewed in the
 same, excéeded all other mens feasting, which fondnesse is not yet
 left with vs, notwithstanding that it proueth verie beneficiall for
 the physicians, who most abound, where most excesse and misgouernement
 of our bodies doo appéere, although it be a great expense of time, and
 worthie of reprehension. For the nobilitie, gentlemen, and
 [Sidenote: Long sitting reprehended.]
 merchantmen, especiallie at great méetings doo sit commonlie till two
 or three of the clocke at afternoone, so that with manie is an hard
 matter, to rise from the table to go to euening praier, and returne
 from thence to come time inough to supper. For my part I am persuaded
 that the purpose of the Normans at the first was to reduce the ancient
 Roman order or Danish custome in féeding once in the daie, and toward
 the euening, as I haue red and noted. And indéed the Romans had such a
 custome, and likewise the Grecians, as may appeere by the words of
 Socrates, who said vnto the Atheniens, "Oriente sole consilium,
 occidente conuiuium est cogitandum," although a little something was
 allowed in the morning to yoong children which we now call a
 breakefast. Plato called the Siciliens monsters, for that they vsed to
 eat twise in the daie. Among the Persians onelie the king dined when
 the sunne was at the highest, and shadow of the stile at the shortest:
 the rest (as it is reported) went alwaies but once to meat when their
 stomachs craued it, as the Canariens and Indians doo in my time (who
 if appetite serue refuse not to go to meat at anie houre of the night)
 and likewise the ancient Caspians. Yet Arhianus noteth it as a rare
 thing li. 4. cap. 16. that the Tyrhenians had taken vp an ill custome
 to féed twise in a daie. Howbeit at the last they fell generallie to
 allow of suppers toward the setting of the sunne in all places,
 bicause they would haue their whole familie to go to meat togither,
 and wherevnto they would appoint their guests to come at a certeine
 length of the shadow, to be perceiued in their dials. And this is more
 to be noted of antiquitie, that if anie man (as Plutarch saith) did
 féed before that time, he incurred a note of reprehension as if he had
 beene gluttonous and giuen vnto the bellie, 8. Sympos. 6. Their slaues
 in like sort were glad, when it grew to the tenth foot, for then were
 they sure soone after to go to meat. In the scripture we read of manie
 suppers & few dinners, onelie for that dining was not greatlie vsed in
 Christs time, but taken as a thing latelie sproong vp, when pampering
 of the bellie began to take hold, occasioned by idlenes and great
 abundance of riches. It is pretie to note in Iuuenal, how he taunteth
 [Sidenote: * That is at thrée of the clocke at afternoone.]
 Marius for that he gaue himselfe to drinke before the [*]ninth houre
 of the daie: for thinking three houres to be too little for the
 filling of his bellie, he began commonlie at eight, which was an houre
 too soone. Afterwards when gurmandise increased yet more amongst the
 Romans, and from them was dispersed vnto all nations vnder their
 subiection, it came to passe that six houres onlie were appointed to
 worke and consult in, and the other six of the daie to feed and drinke
 in, as the verse saith:

   Sex horæ tantùm rebus tribuantur agendis,
     Viuere post illas, littera Zetha monet.

 Wherevnto Maximus Planudes (except my memorie faile me) addeth this
 scholie after his maner, saieng that from morning vnto noone (which is
 six of the clocke after the vnequall accompt) each one dooth trauell
 about his necessarie affaires, that being doone, he betaketh himselfe
 to the refreshing of his bodie, which is noted and set downe by the
 Gréeke letters of the diall (wherewith the Romane horologies were
 marked, as ours be with their numerall letters) whereby the time is
 described; for those which point 7, 8, 9 and 10 are written with
 [Greek: x ê th i] and being ioined yéeld [Greek: xêthi], which in
 English signified so much as liue, as if they should meane, eat that
 thou maist liue. But how Martial diuided his daie, and with him the
 whole troope of the learned & wiser sort, these verses following doo
 more euidentlie declare:

 [Sidenote: Li. 4. epig. 8.]

   Prima salutantes, atque altera continet horas,
     Exercet raucos tertia causidicos.
   In quintam varios extendit Roma labores,
     Sexta quies lassis, septima finis erit.
   Sufficit in nonam nitidis octaua palestris,
     Imperat extructos frangere nona thoros.
   Hora libellorum decima est Eupheme meorum,
     Temperat Ambrosias cum tua cura dapes.
   Et bonus æthereo laxatur Nectare Cæsar,
     Ingentíque tenet pocula parca manu.
   Tunc admitte iocos: gressu timet ire licenti,
     Ad matutinum nostra Thaleia Iouem.

 Thus we sée how the ancient maner of the Gentils was to féed but once
 in the daie, and that toward night, till gluttonie grew on and altered
 this good custome. I might here remember also their maner in pulling
 off their shooes when they sat downe to meat, whereof Martial saith:

   Deposui soleas, affertur protinus ingens
     Inter lactucas oxygarmúq; liber, &c.

 And Tullie also remembreth where he saith Seruum à pedibus ad te misi,
 which office grew of the said custome, as Seruus ad limina did of
 kéeping the doore, though in most houses both these were commonlie one
 mans office, also Ad pocula of attending on the cup. But bicause the
 good writers of our time haue obserued these phrases and such like
 with their causes and descriptions, in their infinite and seuerall
 treatises, I shall not need to discourse anie farther vpon them. With
 vs the nobilitie, gentrie, and students, doo ordinarilie go to dinner
 at eleuen before noone, and to supper at fiue, or betweene fiue and
 six at afternoone. The merchants dine and sup seldome before twelue at
 noone, and six at night especiallie in London. The husbandmen dine
 also at high noone as they call it, and sup at seuen or eight: but out
 of the tearme in our vniuersities the scholers dine at ten. As for the
 poorest sort they generallie dine and sup when they may, so that to
 talke of their order of repast, it were but a néedlesse matter. I
 might here take occasion also to set downe the varietie vsed by
 antiquitie in their beginnings of their diets, wherin almost euerie
 nation had a seuerall fashion, some beginning of custome (as we doo in
 summer time) with salets at supper, and some ending with lettice, some
 making their entrie with egs, and shutting vp their tables with
 mulberies, as we doo with fruit and conceits of all sorts. Diuerse (as
 the old Romans) began with a few crops of rue, as the Venetians did
 with the fish called Gobius, the Belgies with butter (or as we doo yet
 also) with butter and egs vpon fish daies. But whereas we commonlie
 begin with the most grosse food, and end with the most delicate, the
 Scot thinking much to leaue the best for his meniall seruants maketh
 his entrance at the best, so that he is sure therby to leaue the
 worst. We vse also our wines by degrees, so that the hotest commeth
 last to the table, but to stand vpon such toies would spend much time,
 and turne to small profit, wherfore I will deale with other things
 more necessarie for this turne.




 OF THEIR APPARELL AND ATTIRE.

 CHAP. VII.


 An Englishman, indeuoring sometime to write of our attire, made
 sundrie platformes for his purpose, supposing by some of them to find
 out one stedfast ground whereon to build the summe of his discourse.
 But in the end (like an oratour long without exercise) when he saw
 what a difficult péece of worke he had taken in hand, he gaue ouer his
 trauell, and onelie drue the picture of a naked man, vnto whome he
 gaue a paire of sheares in the one hand, and a peece of cloth in the
 other, to the end he should shape his apparell after such fashion as
 himselfe liked, sith he could find no kind of garment that could
 please him anie while togither, and this he called an Englishman.
 [Sidenote: Andrew Beerd.]
 Certes this writer (otherwise being a lewd popish hypocrite and
 vngratious priest) shewed himselfe herein not to be altogether void of
 iudgement, sith the phantasticall follie of our nation, euen from the
 courtier to the carter is such, that no forme of apparell liketh vs
 longer than the first garment is in the wearing, if it continue so
 long and be not laid aside, to receiue some other trinket newlie
 deuised by the fickle headed tailors, who couet to haue seuerall
 trickes in cutting, thereby to draw fond customers to more expense of
 monie. For my part I can tell better how to inueigh against this
 [Sidenote: Strange cuts.]
 enormitie, than describe anie certeintie of our attire: sithence such
 is our mutabilitie, that to daie there is none to the Spanish guise,
 to morrow the French toies are most fine and delectable, yer long no
 such apparell as that which is after the high Alman fashion, by and by
 the Turkish maner is generallie best liked of, otherwise the Morisco
 gowns, the Barbarian sléeues, the mandilion worne to Collie weston
 ward, and the short French breches make such a comelie vesture, that
 except it were a dog in a doublet, you shall not sée anie so
 disguised, as are my countrie men of England. And as these fashions
 are diuerse, so likewise it is a world to see the costlinesse and the
 curiositie: the excesse and the vanitie: the pompe and the brauerie:
 the change and the varietie: and finallie the ficklenesse and the
 follie that is in all degrees: in somuch that nothing is more constant
 [Sidenote: Much cost vpon the bodie, and little vpon the soule.]
 in England than inconstancie of attire. Oh how much cost is bestowed
 now adaies vpon our bodies and how little vpon our soules! how manie
 sutes of apparell hath the one and how little furniture hath the
 other? how long time is asked in decking vp of the first, and how
 little space left wherin to féed the later? how curious, how nice also
 are a number of men and women, and how hardlie can the tailor please
 them in making it fit for their bodies? how manie times must it be
 sent backe againe to him that made it? what chafing, what fretting,
 what reprochfull language doth the poore workeman beare awaie? and
 manie times when he dooth nothing to it at all, yet when it is brought
 home againe it is verie fit and handsome; then must we put it on, then
 must the long seames of our hose be set by a plumb-line, then we
 puffe, then we blow, and finallie sweat till we drop, that our clothes
 may stand well vpon vs. I will saie nothing of our heads, which
 sometimes are polled, sometimes curled, or suffered to grow at length
 like womans lockes, manie times cut off aboue or vnder the eares round
 as by a woodden dish. Neither will I meddle with our varietie of
 [Sidenote: Beards.]
 beards, of which some are shauen from the chin like those of Turks,
 not a few cut short like to the beard of marques Otto, some made round
 like a rubbing brush, other with a pique de vant (O fine fashion!) or
 now and then suffered to grow long, the barbers being growen to be so
 cunning in this behalfe as the tailors. And therefore if a man haue a
 leane and streight face, a marquesse Ottons cut will make it broad and
 large; if it be platter like, a long slender beard will make it séeme
 the narrower; if he be wesell becked, then much heare left on the
 chéekes will make the owner looke big like a bowdled hen, and so grim
 as a goose, if Cornelis of Chelmeresford saie true: manie old men doo
 weare no beards at all. Some lustie courtiers also and gentlemen of
 courage, doo weare either rings of gold, stones, or pearle in their
 eares, whereby they imagine the workemanship of God not to be a little
 amended. But herein they rather disgrace than adorne their persons, as
 by their nicenesse in apparell, for which I saie most nations doo not
 vniustlie deride vs, as also for that we doo séeme to imitate all
 nations round about vs, wherein we be like to the Polypus or
 Chameleon; and therevnto bestow most cost vpon our arses, & much more
 than vpon all the rest of our bodies, as women doo likewise vpon their
 [Sidenote: Excesse in women.]
 heads and shoulders. In women also it is most to be lamented, that
 they doo now farre excéed the lightnesse of our men (who neuerthelesse
 are transformed from the cap euen to the verie shoo) and such staring
 attire as in time past was supposed méet for none but light housewiues
 onelie, is now become an habit for chast and sober matrones. What
 should I saie of their doublets with pendant codpéeses on the brest
 full of iags & cuts, and sléeues of sundrie colours? their
 galligascons to beare out their bums & make their attire to sit plum
 round (as they terme it) about them? their fardingals, and diuerslie
  nether stocks of silke, ierdseie, and such like, whereby
 their bodies are rather deformed than commended? I haue met with some
 of these trulles in London so disguised, that it hath passed my skill
 to discerne whether they were men or women.

 Thus it is now come to passe, that women are become men, and men
 transformed into monsters: and those good gifts which almightie God
 hath giuen vnto vs to reléeue our necessities withall (as a nation
 turning altogither the grace of God into wantonnesse, for

   Luxuriant animi rebus plerunque secundis)

 not otherwise bestowed than in all excesse, as if we wist not
 otherwise how to consume and wast them. I praie God that in this
 behalfe our sinne be not like vnto that of Sodoma and Gomorha, whose
 [Sidenote: Ezech. 16.]
 errors were pride, excesse of diet, and abuse of Gods benefits
 aboundantlie bestowed vpon them, beside want of charitie toward the
 poore, and certeine other points which the prophet shutteth vp in
 silence. Certes the common-wealth cannot be said to florish where
 these abuses reigne, but is rather oppressed by vnreasonable exactions
 made vpon rich farmers, and of poore tenants, wherewith to mainteine
 the same. Neither was it euer merier with England, than when an
 Englishman was knowne abroad by his owne cloth, and contented himselfe
 at home with his fine carsie hosen, and a meane slop: his coat, gowne,
 and cloake of browne blue or puke, with some pretie furniture of
 veluet or furre, and a doublet of sad tawnie, or blacke veluet, or
 other comelie silke, without such cuts and gawrish colours as are
 worne in these daies, and neuer brought in but by the consent of the
 French, who thinke themselues the gaiest men, when they haue most
 diuersities of iagges and change of colours about them. Certes of all
 [Sidenote: Attire of merchants.]
 estates our merchants doo least alter their attire, and therefore are
 most to be commended: for albeit that which they weare be verie fine
 and costlie, yet in forme and colour it representeth a great péece of
 the ancient grauitie apperteining to citizens and burgesses, albeit
 the yoonger sort of their wiues both in attire and costlie
 housekeeping can not tell when and how to make an end, as being women
 in déed in whome all kind of curiositie is to be found and seene, and
 in farre greater measure than in women of higher calling. I might here
 name a sort of hewes deuised for the nonce, wherewith to please
 phantasticall heads, as gooseturd gréene, pease porridge tawnie,
 popingaie blue, lustie gallant, the diuell in the head (I should saie
 the hedge) and such like: but I passe them ouer thinking it sufficient
 to haue said thus much of apparell generallie, when nothing can
 particularlie be spoken of anie constancie thereof.




 OF THE HIGH COURT OF PARLEMENT, AND AUTHORITIE OF THE SAME.

 CHAP. VIII.


 In speaking of parlement lawe, I haue in the chapiter precedent said
 somewhat of this high and most honorable court. Wherefore it shall not
 néed to remember ought héere that is there touched: I will onelie
 speake of other things therefore concerning the estate of assemblie,
 whereby the magnificence thereof shall be in some part better knowne
 vnto such as shall come after vs. This house hath the most high and
 absolute power of the realme, for thereby kings and mightie princes
 haue from time to time béene deposed from their thrones, lawes either
 enacted or abrogated, offendors of all sorts punished, and corrupted
 religion either dissanulled or reformed, which commonlie is diuided
 [Sidenote: The parlement house diuideth the estate of the
 realme into nobilitie and the commons.]
 into two houses or parts, the higher or vpper house consisting of the
 nobilitie, including all euen vnto the baron and bishop: the lower
 called the nether house of knights, squires, gentlemen, and burgesses
 of the commons, with whome also the inferior members of the cleargie
 are ioined, albeit they sit in diuerse places, and these haue to deale
 onelie in matters of religion, till it come that they ioine with the
 rest in confirmation of all such acts as are to passe in the same. For
 without the consent of the thrée estates, that is, of the nobilitie,
 cleargie, and laietie, sildome anie thing is said to be concluded
 vpon, and brought vnto the prince for his consent and allowance. To be
 short, whatsoeuer the people of Rome did in their Centuriatis or
 Tribunitijs comitijs, the same is and may be doone by authoritie of
 our parlement house, which is the head and bodie of all the realme,
 and the place wherein euerie particular person is intended to be
 present, if not by himselfe, yet by his aduocate or atturneie. For
 this cause also any thing ther enacted is not to be misliked, but
 [Sidenote: Time of summons.]
 obeied of all men without contradiction or grudge. By the space of
 fortie dais, before this assemblie be begun, the prince sendeth his
 writs vnto all his nobilitie particularlie, summoning them to appeare
 at the said court. The like he doth to the shiriffe of euerie countie;
 with commandement to choose two knights within ech of their counties,
 to giue their aduise in the name of the shire, likewise to euerie
 citie and towne, that they may choose their burgesses, which commonlie
 are men best skilled in the state of their citie or towne, either for
 the declaration of such benefits as they want, or to shew which waie
 to reforme such enormities as thorough the practises of ill members
 are practised and crept in among them: the first being chosen by the
 gentlemen of the shire, the other by the citizens and burgesses of
 euerie citie and towne, whereby that court is furnished. The first
 [Sidenote: Of the vpper house.]
 daie of the parlement being come, the lords of the vpper house, as
 well ecclesiasticall as temporall, doo attend vpon the prince, who
 rideth thither in person, as it were to open the doore of their
 authoritie; and being come into the place, after praiers made, and
 causes shewed, wherefore some not present are inforced to be absent,
 each man taketh his place according to his degrée. The house it selfe
 is curiouslie furnished with tapisterie, and the king being set in his
 throne, the spirituall lords take vp the side of the house which is on
 [Sidenote: Places of the peeres.]
 the right hand of the prince, and the temporall lords the left, I
 meane, so well dukes and earles, as viscounts and barons, as I before
 remembred. In the middest and a pretie distance from the prince, lie
 certeine sackes stuffed with wooll or haire, wheron the iudges of the
 realme, the master of the rols, and secretaries of estate doo sit.
 Howbeit these iudges haue no voice in the house, but onelie shew what
 their opinion is of such & such matters as come in question among the
 lords, if they be commanded so to doo: as the secretaries are to
 answer such letters or things passed in the councell, whereof they
 haue the custodie & knowledge. Finallie, the consent of this house is
 giuen by each man seuerallie, first for himselfe being present, then
 seuerallie for so manie as he hath letters & proxies directed vnto
 him, saieng onelie; Content or Not content, without any further
 debating. Of the number assembled in the lower house, I haue alreadie
 made a generall report in the chapter precedent, and their particulars
 shall follow here at hand. These therefore being called ouer by name
 [Sidenote: Of the lower house.]
 [Sidenote: Speaker.]
 do choose a speaker, who is as it were their mouth, and him they
 present vnto the prince, in whom it is either to refuse or admit him
 by the lord chancellor, who in the princes name dooth answer vnto his
 oration, made at his first entrance & presentation into the house,
 wherein he declareth the good liking that the king hath conceiued of
 [Sidenote: Petitions of the speaker.]
 his choise vnto that office & function. Being admitted, he maketh fiue
 requests vnto that honorable assemblie, first that the house may (as
 in times past) inioy hir former liberties and priuileges: secondlie,
 that the congregates may frankelie shew their minds vpon such matters
 as are to come in question: thirdlie, that if anie of the lower house
 doo giue anie cause of offense during the continuance of this
 assemblie, that the same may inflict such punishment vpon the partie
 culpable, as to the said assemblie shall be thought conuenient:
 fourthlie, if anie doubt should arise among them of the lower house,
 that he in their name might haue frée accesse and recourse vnto his
 maiestie & lords of the higher house, to be further instructed and
 resolued in the same: fiftlie and last, he craueth pardon for
 himselfe, if in his going to and fro betweene the houses, he forget or
 mistake anie thing, requiring that he may returne and be better
 informed in such things as he did faile in without offense: vnto which
 petitions the lord chancellor dooth answer as apperteineth, and this
 is doone on the first daie, or peraduenture the second, if it could
 not be conuenientlie performed in the first.

 [Sidenote: Clerke of the parlement.]
 Beside the lord chancellor there is another in the vpper house called
 the clerke of the parlement, whose office is to read the billes. For
 euerie thing that commeth in consultation in either house, is first
 put in writing in paper, which being read, he that listeth riseth vp
 and speaketh either with it or against it, and so one after another so
 long as they shall thinke good; that doone they go to another, and so
 to the third, &c: the instrument still wholie or in part raced or
 reformed, as cause moueth for the amendment of the same if the
 substance be reputed necessarie. In the vpper house the lord
 chancellor demandeth if they will haue it ingrossed, that is to saie,
 put in parchment, which doone, it is read the third time, & after
 debating of the matter to and fro if the more part doo conclude
 withall, vpon the vtterance of these words, "Are ye contented that it
 be enacted or no?" the clerke writeth vnderneath "Soit baille aux
 commons," and so when they sée time they send such billes approued to
 the commons by some of them that sit on the wooll sackes, who comming
 into the house, & demanding licence to speake, doo vse this kind of
 words or the like to the speaker, as sir Thomas Smith dooth deliuer
 and set them downe, whose onelie direction I vse, and almost word for
 word in this chapter, requiting him with the like borowage as he hath
 vsed toward me in his discourse of the sundrie degrées of estates in
 the common-wealth of England, which (as I hope) shall be no discredit
 to his trauell. "Master speaker, my lords of the vpper house haue
 passed amongst them, and thinke good that there should be enacted by
 parlement such an act, and such an act (reading their titles in such
 sort as he receiued them) they praie you therefore to consider & shew
 your aduise vpon them." Which doone they go their waie, and the doore
 being shut after them, the speaker declareth what message was sent
 vnto them, and if they be then void of consultation vpon anie other
 bill, he presentlie demandeth what their pleasures are, first of one,
 then of another, &c: which are solemnelie read, or their contents
 bréeflie shewed and then debated vpon among them.

 [Sidenote: Of the nether house.]
 The speaker sitteth in a chaire erected somewhat higher than the rest,
 that he may sée and be séene of all men, and before him on a lower
 seat sitteth his clerke, who readeth such bils as be first propounded
 in the lower house, or sent downe from the lords: for in that point
 each house hath equall authoritie to propound what they thinke méet,
 either for the abrogation of old or making of new lawes. All bils be
 thrise and on diuerse daies read and disputed vpon before they come to
 the question, which is, whether they shall be enacted or not; and in
 discourse vpon them, verie good order is vsed in the lower house,
 wherein he that will speake giueth notice thereof by standing vp bare
 headed. If manie stand vp at once (as now & then it happeneth) he
 speaketh first that was first seene to moue out of his place, and
 telleth his tale vnto the speaker, without rehersall of his name whose
 speches he meaneth to confute, so that with a perpetuall oration & not
 with altercation these discourses are continued. But as the partie
 confuted may not replie on that daie, so one man can not speake twise
 to one bill in one daie though he would change his opinion, but on the
 next he may speake againe, & yet but once as afore. No vile,
 seditious, vnreuerent or biting words are vsed in this assemblie, yet
 if anie happen to escape and be vttered, the partie is punished
 according to the censure of the assemblie and custome in that behalfe.
 In the afternoone they sit not except vpon some vrgent occasion,
 neither hath the speaker anie voice in that house, wherewith to moue
 or dissuade the furtherance or staie of anie bill, but his office is
 vpon the reading thereof breeflie to declare the contents. If anie
 bill passe, which commeth vnto them from the lords, it is thus
 subscribed, "Les commons ont assentus:" so if the lords agree vpon
 anie bill sent vnto them from the commons, it is subscribed after this
 maner, "Les seigniours ont assentus." If it be not agreed on after
 thrise reading, there is conference required and had betwéene the
 vpper and nether houses, by certeine appointed for that purpose vpon
 the points in question, wherevpon if no finall agréement by the more
 part can be obteined, the bill is dashed and reiected, or (as the
 saieng is) cleane cast out of the doores. None of the nether house can
 giue his voice by proxie but in his owne person, and after the bill
 twise read, then ingrossed and the third time read againe & discoursed
 vpon, the speaker asketh if they will go to the question, whervnto if
 they agree he holdeth vp the bill & saith; "So manie as will haue this
 bill go forward saie Yea:" hervpon so manie as allow of the thing crie
 Yea, the other No, & as the crie is more or lesse on either side, so
 is the bill to staie or else go forward. If the number of negatiue and
 affirmatiue voices seeme to be equall, so manie as allow of the bill
 go downe withall, the rest sit still, and being told by the poll the
 greater part doo carrie away the matter. If something be allowed and
 in some part reiected, the bill is put to certeine committées to be
 amended, & then being brought in againe, it is read and passeth or
 staieth as the voices yéeld therto. This is the order of the passage
 of our lawes, which are not ratified till both houses haue agréed vnto
 them, and yet not holden for law till the prince haue giuen his
 assent. Vpon the last daie therfore of the parlement or session, the
 prince commeth in person againe into the house, in his robes as at the
 first. Where after thanks giuen to the prince, first in the name of
 the lords by the lord chancellor, then in the name of the commons by
 the speaker for his great care of the welfare of his realme, &c: the
 lord chancellor in the princes name giueth thanks to the lords &
 commons likewise for their paines, with promise of recompense as
 opportunitie & occasion shall serue therefore. This doone one readeth
 the title of euerie act passed in that session, and then it is noted
 vpon them what the prince doth allow of with these words, "Le roy
 veult." If the prince like not of them, it is written vpon them "Le
 roy aduisera." And so those acts are dashed, as the other from
 thencefoorth are taken and holden for law, and all imprinted except
 such as concerne some priuat persons, which are onelie exemplified
 vnder the seale of the parlement, as priuileges to his vse. And this
 is the summe of the maner after which our parlements in England are
 holden, without which no forfaiture of life, member or lands of anie
 Englishman, where no law is ordeined for the same before hand, is
 auailable or can take place amongst vs. And so much in maner out of
 the third chapiter of the second booke of the common-wealth of England
 written by sir Thomas Smith: whervnto I will annex a table of the
 counties, cities, boroughs and ports, which send knights, burgesses,
 and barons to the parlement house, and dooth insue as followeth.


 THE NAMES OF COUNTIES, CITIES, BOROUGHS, AND PORTS, SENDING KNIGHTS,
 CITIZENS, BURGESSES, AND BARONS TO THE PARLEMENT OF ENGLAND.


 _Bedford._

   Knights.                                              2
   The borough of Bedford.                               2

 _Buckingham._

   Knights.                                              2
   The borough of Buckingham.                            2
   The borough of Wickombe.                              2
   The borough of Ailesburie.                            2

 _Barckeshire._

   Knights.                                              2
   The borough of New Windsore.                          2
   The borough of Reading.                               2
   The borough of Wallingford.                           2
   The borough of Abington.                              2

 _Cornewall._

   Knights.                                              2
   The borough of Launceston aliàs Newport.              2
   The borough of Leskerd.                               2
   The borough of Lostwithiell.                          2
   The borough of Dunheuet.                              2
   The borough of Truro.                                 2
   The borough of Bodmin.                                2
   The borough of Helston.                               2
   The borough of Saltash.                               2
   The borough of Camelford.                             2
   The borough of Portighsam aliàs Portlow.              2
   The borough of Graunpount.
   The borough of Eastlow.                               2
   The borough of Prurie.                                2
   The borough of Tregonie.                              2
   The borough of Trebenna aliàs Bossinnie.              2
   The borough of S. Ies.                                2
   The borough of Fowaie.                                2
   The borough of Germine.                               2
   The borough of Michell.                               2
   The borough of saint Maries.                          2

 _Cumberland._

   Knights.                                              2
   The citie of Caerleill.                               2

 _Cambridge._

   Knights.                                              2
   The borough of Cambridge.                             2

 _Chester._

   Knights.                                              2
   The citie of Chester.                                 2

 _Darbie._

   Knights.                                              2
   The borough of Darbie.                                2

 _Deuon._

   Knights.                                              2
   The citie of Excester.                                2
   The borough of Totnes.                                2
   The borough of Plimmouth.                             2
   The borough of Bardnestable.                          2
   The borough of Plimton.                               2
   The borough of Tauestocke.                            2
   The borough of Dartmouth, Clifton, and Herdines.      2

 _Dorsetshire._

   Knights.                                              2
   The borough of Poole.                                 2
   The borough of Dorchester.                            2
   The borough of Linne.                                 2
   The borough of Melcombe.                              2
   The borough of Waiemouth.                             2
   The borough of Bureport.                              2
   The borough of Shaftesburie.                          2
   The borough of Warham.                                2

 _Essex._

   Knights.                                              2
   The borough of Colchester.                            2
   The borough of Malden.                                2

 _Yorkeshire._

   Knights.                                              2
   The citie of Yorke.                                   2
   The borough of Kingston vpon Hull.                    2
   The borough of Knaresborough.                         2
   The borough of Skardborough.                          2
   The borough of Rippon.                                2
   The borough of Hudon.                                 2
   The borough of Boroughbridge.                         2
   The borough of Thuske.                                2
   The borough of Aldebrough.                            2
   The borough of Beuerleie.                             2

 _Glocestershire._

   Knights.                                              2
   The citie of Glocester.                               2
   The borough of Cirencester.                           2

 _Huntingtonshire._

   Knights.                                              2
   The borough of Huntingdon.                            2

 _Hertfordshire._

   Knights.                                              2
   The borough of saint Albons.                          2

 _Herefordshire._

   Knights.                                              2
   The citie of Hereford.                                2
   The borough of Lempster.                              2

 _Kent._

   Knights.                                              2
   The citie of Canturburie.                             2
   The citie of Rochester.                               2
   The borough of Maidstone.                             2
   The borough of Quinborough.                           2

 _Lincolne._

   Knights.                                              2
   The citie of Lincolne.                                2
   The borough of Bostone.                               2
   The borough of great Grinesbie.                       2
   The borough of Stamford.                              2
   The borough of Grantham.                              2

 _Leicestershire._

   Knights.                                              2
   The borough of Leicester.                             2

 _Lancastershire._

   Knights.                                              2
   The borough of Lancaster.                             2
   The borough of Preston in Andernes.                   2
   The borough of Liuerpoole.                            2
   The borough of Newton.                                2
   The borough of Wigan.                                 2
   The borough of Clithero.                              2

 _Middlesex._

   Knights.                                              2
   The citie of London.                                  4
   The citie of Westminster.                             2

 _Monmouth._

   Knights.                                              2
   The borough of Monmouth.                              1

 _Northhampton._

   Knights.                                              2
   The citie of Peterborough.                            2
   The borough of Northhampton.                          2
   The borough of Barkleie.                              2
   The borough of Higham Ferres.                         1

 _Notingham._

   Knights.                                              2
   The borough of Notingham.                             2
   The borough of Estreatford.                           2

 _Norffolke._

   Knights.                                              2
   The citie of Norwich.                                 2
   The borough of Linne.                                 2
   The borough of great Iernemouth.                      2
   The borough of Thetford.                              2
   The borough of castell Rising.                        2

 _Northumberland._

   Knights.                                              2
   The borough of New castell vpon Tine.                 2
   The borough of Morpeth.                               2
   The borough of Barwike.                               2

 _Oxford._

   Knights.                                              2
   The citie of Oxford.                                  2
   The borough of Bamburie.                              2
   The borough of Woodstocke.                            2

 _Rutland._

   Knights.                                              2

 _Surreie._

   Knights.                                              2
   The borough of Southwarke.                            2
   The borough of Blechingleigh.                         2
   The borough of Rigate.                                2
   The borough of Guildford.                             2
   The borough of Gatton.                                2

 _Stafford._

   Knights.                                              2
   The citie of Lichfield.                               2
   The borough of Stratford.                             2
   The borough of New castell vnder Linne.               2
   The borough of Tamworth.                              2

 _Salop._

   Knights.                                              2
   The borough of Salop.                                 2
   The borough of Bruges aliàs Bridgenorth.              2
   The borough of Ludlow.                                2
   The borough of Wenlocke.                              2

 _Southhampton._

   Knights.                                              2
   The citie of Winton.                                  2
   The borough of Southampton.                           2
   The borough of Portesmouth.                           2
   The borough of Peterfield.                            2
   The borough of Stockebridge.                          2
   The borough of Christ church.                         2

 _Suffolke._

   Knights.                                              2
   The borough of Ippeswich.                             2
   The borough of Dunwich.                               2
   The borough of Ortford.                               2
   The borough of Aldeborough.                           2
   The borough of Sudburie.                              2
   The borough of Eya.                                   2

 _Summerset._

   Knights.                                              2
   The citie of Bristow.                                 2
   The citie of Bath.                                    2
   The citie of Welles.                                  2
   The borough of Taunton.                               2
   The borough of Bridgewater.                           2
   The borough of Minehed.                               2

 _Sussex._

   Knights.                                              2
   The citie of Chichester.                              2
   The borough of Horsham.                               2
   The borough of Midhurst.                              2
   The borough of Lewes.                                 2
   The borough of Shorham.                               2
   The borough of Brember.                               2
   The borough of Stening.                               2
   The borough of Eastgrenesteed.                        2
   The borough of Arundell.                              2

 _Westmerland._

   Knights.                                              2
   The borough of Appulbie.                              2

 _Wilton._

   Knights.                                              2
   The citie of New Sarum.                               2
   The borough of Wilton.                                2
   The borough of Dounton.                               2
   The borough of Hindon.                                2
   The borough of Heitesburie.                           2
   The borough of Westburie.                             2
   The borough of Calne.                                 2
   The borough of Deuises.                               2
   The borough of Chipenham.                             2
   The borough of Malmesburie.                           2
   The borough of Cricklade.                             2
   The borough of Budwin.                                2
   The borough of Ludgesale.                             2
   The borough of Old Sarum.                             2
   The borough of Wotton Basset.                         2
   The borough of Marleborough.                          2

 _Worcester._

   Knights.                                              2
   The citie of Worcester.                               2
   The borough of Withée.                                2

 _Warwike._

   Knights.                                              2
   The citie of Couentrie.                               2
   The borough of Warwike.                               2

 _Barons of the ports._

   Hastings.                                             2
   Winchelseie.                                          2
   Rie.                                                  2
   Rumneie.                                              2
   Hithe.                                                2
   Douer.                                                2
   Sandwich.                                             2

 _Mountgomerie._

   Knights.                                              1
   The borough of Mountgomerie.                          1

 _Flint._

   Knights.                                              1
   The borough of Flint.                                 1

 _Denbigh._

   Knights.                                              1
   The borough of Denbigh.                               1

 _Merionneth._

   Knights.                                              1
   The borough of Hauerfordwest.                         1

 _Carneruan._

   Knights.                                              1
   The borough of Carneruan.                             1

 _Angleseie._

   Knights.                                              1
   The borough of Beaumares.                             1

 _Carmarden._

   Knights.                                              1
   The borough of new Carmarden.                         1

 _Pembroke._

   Knights.                                              1
   The borough of Pembroke.                              1

 _Cairdigan._

   Knights.                                              1
   The borough of Cairdigan.                             1

 _Brecknoch._

   Knights.                                              1
   The borough of Brecknoch.                             1

 _Radnor._

   Knights.                                              1
   The borough of Radnor.                                1

 _Glamorgan._

   Knights.                                              1
   The borough of Cardiffe.                              1

 ¶ _The summe of the foresaid number of the common house_ videlicet,
 _of_

   Knights.         90.
   Citizens.        46.
   Burgesses.      289.
   Barons.          14.
                   ----
                   439.
                   ----




 OF THE LAWES OF ENGLAND SINCE HIR FIRST INHABITATION.

 CHAP. IX.


 [Sidenote: Samothes.]
 That Samothes or Dis gaue the first lawes to the Celtes (whose
 kingdome he erected about the fiftéenth of Nimbrote) the testimonie of
 Berosus is proofe sufficient. For he not onelie affirmeth him to
 publish the same in the fourth of Ninus, but also addeth thereto, how
 there liued none in his daies of more excellent wisdome, nor politike
 inuention than he, whereof he was named Samothes, as some other do
 affirme. What his lawes were, it is now altogither vnknowne, as most
 things of this age; but that they were altered againe at the comming
 [Sidenote: Albion.]
 of Albion, no man can absolutelie denie, sith new lords vse commonlie
 to giue new lawes, and conquerors abolish such as were in vse before
 them.

 [Sidenote: Brute.]
 The like also may be affirmed of our Brute, notwithstanding that the
 certeine knowledge so well of the one as of the other is perished, and
 nothing worthie memorie left of all their dooings. Somewhat yet we
 [Sidenote: Mulmutius.]
 haue of Mulmutius, who not onelie subdued such princes as reigned in
 this land, but also brought the realme to good order, that long before
 had béene torne with ciuill discord. But where his lawes are to be
 found, and which they be from other mens, no man liuing in these daies
 is able to determine.

 Certes, there was neuer prince in Britaine, of whome his subiects
 conceiued better hope in the beginning, than of Bladudus, and yet I
 read of none that made so ridiculous an end: in like sort there hath
 not reigned anie monarch in this Ile, whose waies were more feared at
 [Sidenote: The praise of Dunwallon.]
 the first, than those of Dunwallon (king Henrie the fift excepted) and
 yet in the end he prooued such a prince, as after his death there was
 in maner no subiect, that did not lament his funerals. And this onelie
 for his policie in gouernance, seuere administration of iustice, and
 prouident framing of his lawes and constitutions, for the gouernment
 of his subiects. His people also, coueting to continue his name vnto
 posteritie, intituled those his ordinances according to their maker,
 calling them by the name of the lawes of Mulmutius, which indured in
 execution among the Britons, so long as our homelings had the dominion
 of this Ile. Afterward when the comeling Saxons had once obteined the
 superioritie of the kingdom, the maiestie of those lawes fell for a
 time into such decaie, that although "Non penitùs cecidit, tamen
 potuit cecidisse videri," as Leland saith, and the decrées themselues
 had vtterlie perished in déed at the verie first brunt, had they not
 beene preserued in Wales, where they remained amongst the relikes of
 the Britons, & not onlie vntill the comming of the Normans, but euen
 vntill the time of Edward the first, who obteining the souereigntie of
 that portion, indeuoured verie earnestlie to extinguish those of
 Mulmutius, and to establish his owne.

 But as the Saxons at their first arriuall did what they could to
 abolish the British lawes, so in processe of time they yéelded a
 little to relent, & not so much to abhorre and mislike of the lawes of
 Mulmutius, as to receiue and imbrace the same, especiallie at such
 time as the said Saxon princes entered into amitie with the British
 nobilitie, and after that began to ioine in matrimonie with the
 British ladies, as the British barons did with the Saxon frowes, both
 by an especiall statute and decrée, wherof in another treatise I haue
 made mention at large. Héerof also it came to passe in the end, that
 they were contented to make a choise, and insert no small numbers of
 them into their owne volumes, as may be gathered by those of Athelbert
 the great, surnamed king of Kent, Inas and Alfred kings of the west
 Saxons, and diuerse other yet extant to be séene. Such also was the
 lateward estimation of them, that when anie of the Saxon princes went
 about to make new ordinances, they caused those of Mulmutius (which
 Gildas sometime translated into Latine) to be first expounded vnto
 them, and in this perusall if they found anie there alreadie framed,
 that might serue their turnes, they foorthwith reuiued the same, and
 annexed them to their owne.

 But in this dealing, the diligence of Alfred is most of all to be
 commended, who not onelie chose out the best, but gathered togither
 all such whatsoeuer the said Mulmutius had made: and then to the end
 they should lie no more in corners as forlorne bookes, and vnknowne to
 the learned of his kingdome, he caused them to be turned into the
 Saxon toong, wherein they continued long after his decease.

 As for the Normans, who for a season neither regarded the British, nor
 cared for the Saxon statutes, they also at the first vtterlie misliked
 of them, till at the last, when they had well weied that one kind of
 regiment is not conuenient for all peoples, and that no stranger,
 being in a forren countrie newlie brought vnder obedience, could make
 such equall ordinances, as he might thereby gouerne his new
 common-wealth without some care & trouble: they fell in with such a
 desire to sée by what rule the state of the land was gouerned in time
 of the Saxons, that hauing perused the same, they not onelie commended
 their maner of regiment, but also admitted a great part of their lawes
 (now currant vnder the name of S. Edwards lawes, and vsed as
 principles and grounds) whereby they not onelie qualified the rigor of
 their owne, and mitigated their almost intollerable burden of
 seruitude which they had latelie laid vpon the shoulders of the
 English, but also left vs a great number of the old Mulmutian lawes,
 whereof the most part are in vse to this daie as I said, albeit that
 we know not certeinlie how to distinguish them from others, that are
 in strength amongst vs.

 [Sidenote: Martia.]
 After Dunwallon, the next lawgiuer was Martia, whome Leland surnameth
 Proba; and after him Iohn Bale also, who in his Centuries dooth
 iustlie confesse himselfe to haue béene holpen by the said Leland, as
 I my selfe doo likewise for manie things conteined in this treatise.
 Shée was wife vnto Gutteline king of the Britons: and being made
 protectrix of the realme, after hir husbands deceasse in the nonage of
 hir sonne, and séeing manie things dailie to grow vp among hir people
 worthie reformation, she deuised sundrie and those verie politike
 lawes, for the gouernance of hir kingdome, which hir subiects when she
 was dead and gone, did name the Martian statutes. Who turned them into
 Latine, as yet I doo not read, howbeit (as I said before of the lawes
 of Mulmutius) so the same Alfred caused those of this excellentlie
 well learned ladie (whome diuerse commend also for hir great knowledge
 in the Gréeke toong) to be turned into his owne language, wherevpon it
 came to passe that they were dailie executed among his subiects,
 afterward allowed of (among the rest) by the Normans, and finallie
 remaine in vse in these our daies, notwithstanding that we can not
 disseuer them also verie readilie from the other.

 The seuenth alteration of lawes was practised by the Saxons, for I
 ouerpasse the vse of the ciuill ordinances vsed in Rome, finallie
 brought hither by the Romans, & yet in perfect notice among the
 Ciuilians of our countrie, though neuer generallie nor fullie receiued
 by all the seuerall regions of this Iland. Certes there are great
 numbers of these later, which yet remaine in sound knowlege, and are
 to be read, being comprehended for the most part vnder the names of
 [Sidenote: Martian Law.]
 [Sidenote: Saxon Law.]
 [Sidenote: Dane Law.]
 the Martian and the Saxon law. Beside these also I read of the Dane
 law, so that the people of middle England were ruled by the first, the
 west Saxons by the second; as Essex, Norffolke, Suffolke,
 Cambridgeshire, and part of Herfordshire were by the third, of all the
 rest the most inequall and intollerable. And as in these daies what
 soeuer the prince in publike assemblie commanded vpon the necessitie
 of his subiects, or his owne voluntarie authoritie, was counted for
 law: so none of them had appointed anie certeine place, wherevnto his
 people might repaire at fixed times for iustice, but caused them to
 resort commonlie to their palaces, where in proper person they would
 often determine their causes, and so make shortest worke, or else
 commit the same to the hearing of other, and so dispatch them awaie.
 Neither had they any house appointed to assemble in for the making of
 their ordinances, as we haue now at Westminster. Wherefore Edmund gaue
 lawes at London & Lincolne, Ethelred at Habam, Alfred at Woodstock and
 Wannetting, Athelstane in Excester, Grecklade, Feuersham, &
 Thundersleie, Canutus at Winchester, &c: other in other places,
 whereof this may suffice.

 Among other things also vsed in the time of the Saxons, it shall not
 be amisse to set downe the forme of their Ordalian law, which they
 brought hither with them from beyond the seas out of Scithia, and vsed
 onelie in the triall of guiltie and vnguiltinesse. Certes it conteined
 not an ordinarie procéeding by daies and termes, as in the ciuill and
 common law we sée practised in these daies; but a short dispatch &
 triall of the matter by fire or water, whereof at this present I will
 deliuer the circumstance, as I haue faithfullie translated it out of
 an ancient volume, and conferred with an imprinted copie, latelie
 published by M. Lambert, and now extant to be read. Neuerthelesse, as
 the Scithians were the first that vsed this practise, so I read that
 it was taken vp and occupied also in France in processe of time, yea
 and likewise in Grecia, as G. Pachymerus remembreth in the first booke
 of his historie (which beginneth with the empire of M. Paleologus)
 where he noteth his owne sight and vew in that behalfe. But what stand
 I herevpon?

 [Sidenote: Ordalian law.]
 The Ordalian (saith the aforesaid author) was a certeine maner of
 [Sidenote: Fire.]
 purgation vsed two waies, wherof the one was by fire, the other by
 water. In the execution of that which was doone by fire, the partie
 accused should go a certeine number of pases, with an hot iron in his
 hand, or else bare footed vpon certeine plough shares red hot,
 according to the maner. This iron was sometime of one pound weight,
 and then was it called single Ordalium, sometimes of thrée, and then
 named treble Ordalium, and whosoeuer did beare or tread on the same
 without hurt of his bodie he was adiudged guiltlesse, otherwise if his
 skin were scorched, he was foorthwith condemned as guiltie of the
 trespasse whereof he was accused, according to the proportion and
 quantitie of the burning.

 [Sidenote: Water.]
 There were in like sort two kinds of triall by the water, that is to
 say, either by hot or cold: and in this triall the partie thought
 culpable, was either tumbled into some pond or huge vessell of cold
 water, wherein if he continued for a season, without wrestling or
 strugling for life, he was foorthwith acquited as guiltlesse of the
 fact wherof he was accused: but if he began to plunge, and labour once
 for breath immediatlie vpon his falling into that liquor, he was by
 and by condemned as guiltie of the crime. Or else he did thrust his
 arme vp to the shoulder into a lead, copper, or caldron of seething
 water, from whence if he withdrew the same without anie maner of
 damage, he was discharged of further molestation: otherwise he was
 taken for a trespasser, and punished accordinglie. The fierie maner of
 purgation belonged onelie to noble men and women, and such as were
 frée borne: but the husbandmen and villaines were tried by water.
 Wherof to shew the vnlearned dealing and blind ignorance of those
 times, it shall not be impertinent to set foorth the whole maner,
 which continued here in England vntill the time of King Iohn, who
 séeing the manifold subtilties in the same (by sundrie sorcerous and
 artificiall practises whereby the working of the said elements were
 restreined) did extinguish it altogither as flat lewdnesse and
 bouerie. The Rubrike of the treatise entereth thus: "_Here beginneth
 the execution of iustice, whereby the giltie or vngiltie are tried by
 hot iron._ Then it followeth: _After accusation lawfullie made, and
 three daies spent in fasting and praier, the priest being clad in all
 his holie vestures, sauing his vestiment, shall take the iron laid
 before the altar with a paire of tongs, and singing the hymne of the
 three children_, that is to saie, O all ye workes of God the Lord, and
 in Latine Benedicite omnia opera, &c: _he shall carie it solemnelie to
 the fire (alreadie made for that purpose) and first saie these words
 ouer the place where the fire is kindled, whereby this purgation shall
 be made in Latine as insueth:_ Benedic Domine Deus locum istum, vt sit
 nobis in eo sanitas, sanctitas, castitas, virtus, & victoria, &
 sanctimonia, humilitas, bonitas, lenitas, & plenitudo legis, &
 obedientia Deo patri, & filio, & spiritui sancto. Hæc benedictio sit
 super hunc locum, & super omnes habitantes in eo. _In English:_ Blesse
 thou O Lord this place, that it may be to vs health, holinesse,
 chastitie, vertue, and victorie, purenesse, humilitie, goodnesse,
 gentlenesse, and fulnesse of the law, and obedience to God the father,
 the sonne, and the holie ghost. This blessing be vpon this place, and
 all that dwell in it. _Then followeth the blessing of the fire._
 Domine Deus pater omnipotens, lumen indeficiens, exaudi nos, quia tu
 es conditor omnium luminum. Benedic Domine hoc lumen, quod ante
 sanctificatum est, qui illuminasti omnem hominem venientem in hunc
 mundum (vel mundum) vt ab eo lumine accendamur igne claritatis tuæ. Et
 sicut igne illuminasti Mosen, ita nunc illumina corda nostra, & sensus
 nostros, vt ad vitam æternam mereamur peruenire, per Christum, &c.
 Lord God father almightie, light euerlasting, heare vs, sith thou art
 the maker of all lights. Blesse O Lord this light, that is alreadie
 sanctified in thy sight, which hast lightned all men that come into
 the world (or the whole world) to the end that by the same light we
 may be lightned with the shining of thy brightnesse. As thou diddest
 lighten Moses, so now illuminate our hearts, and our senses, that we
 may deserue to come to euerlasting life, through Christ our, &c. _This
 being ended let him say the_ Pater noster, &c: _then these words:_
 Saluum fac seruum, &c. Mitte ei auxilium Deus, &c. De Sion tuere eum,
 &c. Dominus vobiscum, &c. _That is_, O Lord saue thy seruant, &c. Send
 him helpe O God from thy holie place, &c. Defend him out of Sion, &c.
 Lord heare, &c. The Lord be with you, &c.

 "_The praier._ Benedic Domine sancte pater, omnipotens Deus, per
 inuocationem sanctissimi nominis tui, & per aduentum filij tui, atque
 per donum spiritus paracleti, ad manifestandum verum iudicium tuum,
 hoc genus metalli, vt sit sanctificatum, & omni dæmonum falsitate
 procul remota, veritas veri iudicij tui fidelibus tuis manifesta fiat,
 per eundem Dominum, &c. _In English:_ Blesse we beséech thee O Lord,
 holie father, euerlasting God, through the inuocation of thy most
 holie name, by the comming of thy sonne, and gift of the holie ghost,
 and to the manifestation of thy true iudgement, this kind of mettall,
 that being hallowed, and all fraudulent practises of the diuels
 vtterlie remoued, the manifest truth of thy true iudgement may be
 reuealed, by the same Lord Iesus, &c.

 "_After this, let the iron be laid into the fire, and sprinkled with
 holie water, and whilest it heateth, let the priest go to masse, and
 doo as order requireth: and when he hath receiued the host, he shall
 call the man that is to be purged (as it is written hereafter) first
 adiuring him, and then permitting him to communicate according to the
 maner._


 _The office of the masse._

 "Iustus es Domine, &c. O Lord thou art iust, &c.

 _The Praier._

 "Absolue quæsumus Domine delicta famuli tui, vt à peccatorum suorum
 nexibus, quæ pro sua fragilitate contraxit, tua benignitate liberetur,
 & in hoc iudicio quoad meruit, iustitia tua præueniente, ad veritatis
 censuram peruenire mereatur, per Christum Dominum, &c. _That is:_
 Pardon we beséech thée O Lord, the sinnes of thy seruant, that being
 deliuered from the burden of his offenses, wherewith he is intangled,
 he may be cleared by thy benignitie, and in this his triall (so far as
 he hath deserued thy mercie preuenting him) he may come to the
 knowledge of the truth, by Christ our Lord, &c.


 _The Gospell._ Mar. 10.

 "In illo tempore, cùm egressus esset Iesus in via, procurrens quidam
 genu flexo ante eum, rogabat eum dicens, Magister bone, quid faciam vt
 vitam æternam percipiam? Iesus autem dixit ei, Quid me dicis bonum?
 &c. In those daies when Iesus went foorth toward his iourneie, and one
 méeting him in the waie running, and knéeling vnto him, asked him
 saieng: Good master what shall I doo that I may possesse eternall
 life? Iesus said vnto him, Whie callest thou me good? &c. _Then
 followeth the secret, and so foorth all of the rest of the masse. But
 before the partie dooth communicate, the priest shall vse these words
 vnto him:_ Adiuro te per patrem, & filium, & spiritum sanctum, & per
 veram christianitatem quam suscepisti, & per sanctas relliquias quæ in
 ista ecclesia sunt, & per baptismum quo te sacerdos regenerauit, vt
 non præsumas vllo modo communicare, neq; accedere ad altare, si hoc
 fecisti aut consensisti, &c. I adiure thée by the father, the sonne,
 and the holie Ghost, by the true christendome which thou hast
 receiued, by the holie relikes which are in this church, and by the
 baptisme wherewith the priest hath regenerated thée, that thou presume
 not by any maner of means to communicate, nor come about the altar, if
 thou hast doone or consented vnto this, whereof thou art accused, &c.
 [Sidenote: The cup yet in vse.]
 _Here let the priest suffer him to communicate, saieng;_ Corpus hoc, &
 sanguis Domini nostri Iesu Christi, sit tibi ad probationem hodie.
 This bodie & this bloud of our Lord Iesus Christ, be vnto thee a
 triall this daie. _The praier:_ Perceptis Domine Deus noster sacris
 muneribus, supplices deprecamur, vt huius participatio sacramenti à
 proprijs nos reatibus expediat, & in famulo tuo veritatis sententiam
 declaret, &c. Hauing receiued O Lord God these holie mysteries, we
 humblie beséech thée that the participation of this sacrament may rid
 vs of our guiltinesse, and in this thy seruant set foorth the truth.
 _Then shall follow_ Kyrieleson, _the Letanie, and certeine Psalmes,
 and after all them_ Oremus: Let vs praie. Deus qui per ignem signa
 magna ostendens, Abraham puerum tuum de incendio Chaldæorum quibusdam
 pereuntibus eruisti, Deus qui rubum ardere ante conspectum Mosis &
 minimè comburi permisisti, Deus qui de incendio fornacis Chaldaicis
 plerisque succensis, tres pueros tuos illæsos eduxisti, Deus qui
 incendio ignis populum Sodomæ inuoluens, Loth famulum tuum cum suis
 salute donasti, Deus qui in aduentu sancti spiritus tui, illustratione
 ignis fideles tuos ab infidelibus decreuisti: ostende nobis in hoc
 prauitatis nostræ examine virtutem eiusdem spiritus, &c: & per ignis
 huius feruorem discernere infideles, vt à tactu eius cuius inquisitio
 agitur, conscius exhorrescat, & manus eius comburatur, innocens verò
 p[oe]nitus illæsus permaneat, &c. Deus cuius noticiam nulla vnquam
 secreta effugiunt, fidei nostræ tua bonitate responde, & præsta vt
 quisquis purgandi se gratia, hoc ignitum tulerit ferrum, vel
 absoluatur vt innocens, vel noxius detegatur, &c. _In English thus:_ O
 God, which in shewing great tokens by fire diddest deliuer Abraham thy
 seruant from the burning of the Chaldeis, whilest other perished; O
 God which sufferedst the bush to burne in the sight of Moses, and yet
 not to consume; O God which deliueredst the thrée children from
 bodilie harme in the fornace of the Chaldeis, whilest diuerse were
 consumed; O God which by fire didst wrap the people of Sodome in their
 destruction, and yet sauedst Lot and his daughters from perill; O God
 which by the shining of thy brightnesse at the comming of the holie
 ghost in likenesse of fire, diddest separate the faithfull from such
 as beléeued not: shew vnto vs in the triall of this our wickednesse,
 the power of the same spirit, &c: and by the heat of this fire
 discerne the faithfull from the vnfaithfull, that the guiltie whose
 cause is now in triall, by touching thereof, may tremble and feare,
 and his hand be burned, or being innocent, that he may remaine in
 safetie, &c. O God from whome no secrets are hidden, let thy goodnesse
 answer to our faith, and grant that whosoeuer in this purgation, shall
 touch and beare this iron, may either be tried an innocent, or
 reuealed as an offender, &c. _After this the priest shall sprinkle the
 iron with holie water saieng:_ The blessing of the father, the sonne,
 and the holie ghost, be vpon this iron, to the reuelation of the iust
 iudgement of God. _And foorthwith let him that is accused beare it, by
 the length of nine foot, and then let his hand be wrapped and sealed
 vp for the space of three daies: after this if any corruption or raw
 flesh appeare where the iron touched it, let him be condemned as
 guiltie: if it be whole and sound, let him giue thanks to God._" And
 [Sidenote: Water.]
 thus much of the firie Ordalia, wherevnto that of the water hath so
 precise relation, that in setting foorth of the one, I haue also
 described the other, wherefore it shall be but in vaine to deale anie
 further withall.

 Hitherto also (as I thinke) sufficientlie of such lawes as were in vse
 before the conquest. Now it resteth that I should declare the order of
 those, that haue beene made and receiued since the comming of the
 Normans, referred to the eight alteration or change of our maner of
 gouernance, and therevnto doo produce thrée score and foure seuerall
 courts. But for asmuch as I am no lawier, and therefore haue but
 little skill to procéed in the same accordinglie, it shall suffice to
 set downe some generall discourse of such as are vsed in our daies,
 and so much as I haue gathered by report and common heare-saie.

 [Sidenote: Ciuill law.]
 We haue therefore in England sundrie lawes, and first of all the
 ciuill, vsed in the chancerie, admeraltie, and diuerse other courts,
 in some of which, the seuere rigor of iustice is often so mitigated by
 conscience, that diuerse things are thereby made easie and tollerable,
 which otherwise would appeare to be méere iniurie and extremitie.

 [Sidenote: Canon law.]
 We haue also a great part of the Canon law dailie practised among vs,
 especiallie in cases of tithes, contracts of matrimonie, and such
 like, as are vsuallie to be séene in the consistories of our bishops
 and higher courts of the two archbishops, where the exercise of the
 same is verie hotlie followed. The third sort of lawes that we haue
 are our owne, & those alwaies so variable, & subiect to alteration and
 change, that oft in one age, diuerse iudgements doo passe vpon one
 maner of case, whereby the saieng of the poet,

   "Tempora mutantur, & nos mutamur in illis,"

 [Sidenote: Lawiers of England not alwaies constant in iudgment.]
 may verie well be applied vnto such, as being vrged with these words;
 In such a yeare of the prince, this opinion was taken for sound law;
 doo answer nothing else, but that the iudgement of our lawiers is now
 altered, so that they saie farre otherwise. The regiment that we haue
 therefore after our owne ordinances, dependeth vpon thrée lawes, to
 wit, Statute law, Common law, Customarie law, and Prescription,
 according to the triple maner of our trials and iudgments, which is by
 parlement, verdict of twelue men at an assise, or wager of battell, of
 which the last is little vsed in our daies, as no appeale dooth hold
 in the first and last rehearsed. But to returne to my purpose.

 [Sidenote: Parlement law.]
 The first is deliuered vnto vs by parlement, which court, being for
 the most part holden at Westminster néere London, is the highest of
 all other, & consisteth of three seuerall sorts of people, that is to
 saie, the nobilitie, cleargie, and commons of this realme. And thereto
 is not summoned, but vpon vrgent occasion when the prince dooth see
 his time, and that by seuerall writs, dated commonlie full six wéekes
 before it begin to be holden. Such lawes as are agreed vpon in the
 higher house by the lords spirituall and temporall, and in the lower
 house by the commons and bodie of the realme (whereof the conuocation
 of the cleargie holden in Powles, or if occasion so require in
 Westminster church, is a member) there speaking by the mouth of the
 knights of the shire and burgesses, remaine in the end to be confirmed
 by the prince, who commonlie resorteth thither of custome, vpon the
 first and last daies of this court, there to vnderstand what is doone,
 and giue his roiall consent to such statutes as him liketh of. Comming
 therefore thither into the higher house, and hauing taken his throne,
 the speaker of the parlement (for one is alwaies appointed to go
 betwéene the houses, as an indifferent mouth for both) readeth openlie
 the matters there determined by the said thrée estates, and then
 craueth the princes consent and finall confirmation to the same. The
 king hauing heard the summe and principall points of each estatute
 brieflie recited vnto him, answereth in French with great deliberation
 vnto such as he liketh ("Il nous plaist") but to the rest "Il ne
 plaist," whereby the latter are made void and frustrate. That also
 which his maiestie liketh of, is hereby authorised, confirmed, & euer
 after holden for law, except it be repealed in anie the like
 assemblie. The number of the commons assembled in the lower house,
 [Sidenote: Number of congregates in the parlement.]
 beside the cleargie, consisteth of ninetie knights. For each shire of
 England hath two gentlemen or knights of greatest wisedome and
 reputation, chosen out of the bodie of the same for that onelie
 purpose, sauing that for Wales one onlie is supposed sufficient in
 euerie countie, whereby the number afore mentioned is made vp. There
 are likewise fourtie and six citizens, 289 burgesses, and fouretéene
 barons, so that the whole assemblie of the laitie of the lower house,
 consisteth of foure hundred thirtie and nine persons, if the iust
 number be supplied. Of the lawes here made likewise some are penall
 and restraine the common law, and some againe are found to inlarge the
 same. The one sort of these also are for the most part taken strictlie
 according to the letter, the other more largelie and beneficiallie
 after their intendment and meaning.

 [Sidenote: Common law.]
 The Common law standeth vpon sundrie maximes or principles, and yeares
 or termes, which doo conteine such cases as by great studie and
 solemne argument of the iudges sound practise confirmed by long
 experience, fetched euen from the course of most ancient lawes made
 farre before the conquest, and thereto the déepest reach and
 foundations of reason, are ruled and adiudged for law. Certes these
 cases are otherwise called plees or action, wherof there are two
 sorts, the one criminall and the other ciuill. The meanes and
 messengers also to determine those causes are our writs or bréefes,
 whereof there are some originall and some iudiciall. The parties
 plaintiffe & defendant when they appeare procéed (if the case doo so
 require) by plaint or declaration, barre or answer, replication,
 reioinder, and so by rebut, surrebut to issue and triall if occasion
 so fall out, the one side affirmatiuelie, the other negatiuelie as
 common experience teacheth. Our trials and recoueries are either by
 verdict and demourre, confession or default, wherein if anie
 negligence or trespasse hath béene committed, either in processe and
 forme, or in matter and iudgement, the partie grieued may haue a writ
 of errour to vndoo the same, but not in the same court where the
 former iudgement was giuen.

 [Sidenote: Customarie law.]
 Customarie law consisteth of certeine laudable customes vsed in some
 priuat countrie, intended first to begin vpon good and reasonable
 considerations, as gauell kind, which is all the male children
 equallie to inherit, and continued to this daie in Kent: where it is
 onelie to my knowledge reteined, and no where else in England. It was
 at the first deuised by the Romans, as appeareth by Cæsar in his
 c[=o]mentaries, wherein I find, that to breake and daunt the force of
 the rebellious Germans, they made a law that all the male children (or
 females for want of males which holdeth still in England) should haue
 their fathers inheritance equallie diuided amongst them. By this
 meanes also it came to passe, that whereas before time for the space
 of sixtie yeares, they had put the Romans to great and manifold
 troubles, within the space of thirtie yeares after this law made,
 their power did wax so feeble, and such discord fell out amongst
 themselues, that they were not able to mainteine warres with the
 Romans, nor raise anie iust armie against them. For as a riuer runing
 with one streame is swift and more plentifull of water than when it is
 drained or drawne into manie branches: so the lands and goods of the
 ancestors being dispersed amongst their issue males, of one strong
 there were raised sundrie weake, whereby the originall or generall
 strength to resist the aduersarie, became infeebled and brought almost
 to nothing. "Vis vnita (saith the philosopher) fortior est eadem
 dispersa," and one good pursse is better than manie euill, and when
 euerie man is benefited alike, each one will séeke to mainteine his
 priuate estate, and few take care to prouide for publike welfare.

 Burrow kind, is where the yoongest is preferred before the eldest,
 which is the custome of manie countries of this region; also the woman
 to haue the third of hir husbands possessions, the husband that
 marieth an heire to haue such lands as moue by hir during his naturall
 life, if he suruiue hir, and hath a child by hir which hath béene
 heard crie thorough foure wals, &c: of such like to be learned
 elsewhere, and sometimes frequented generallie ouer all.

 [Sidenote: Prescription.]
 Prescription is a certeine custome, which hath continued time out of
 minde, but it is more particular than customarie law, as where onelie
 a parish or some priuat person dooth prescribe to haue common, or a
 waie in another mans soile, or tithes to be paid after this or that
 maner, I meane otherwise than the common course and order of the law
 requireth, whereof let this suffice at this time, in stéed of a larger
 discourse of our owne lawes, least I should seeme to enter farre into
 that whereof I haue no skill. For what hath the meditation of the law
 of God to doo with anie precise knowledge of the law of man, sith they
 are seuerall trades, and incident to diuerse persons?

 There are also sundrie vsuall courts holden once in euerie quarter of
 [Sidenote: Terme.]
 the yeare, which we commonlie call termes, of the Latine word
 Terminus, wherein all controuersies are determined, that happen within
 the Quéenes dominions. These are commonlie holden at London, except
 vpon some great occasion they be transferred to other places. At what
 times also they are kept both for spirituall and temporall dealing,
 the table insuing shall easilie declare. Finallie how well they are
 followed by sutors, the great wealth of lawiers without anie trauell
 of mine can readilie expresse. For as after the comming of the Normans
 the nobilitie had the start, and after them the cleargie: so now all
 the wealth of the land dooth flow vnto our common lawiers, of whome
 some one hauing practised little aboue thirteene or fourtéene yeares
 is able to buie a purchase of so manie 1000 pounds: which argueth that
 they wax rich apace, and will be richer if their clients become not
 the more wiser & warie hereafter. It is not long, since a sergeant at
 the law (whome I could name) was arrested vpon an extent, for thrée or
 foure hundred pounds, and another standing by did greatlie maruell
 that he could not spare the gaines of one terme for the satisfaction
 of that dutie. The time hath béene that our lawiers did sit in Powles
 vpon stooles against the pillers and walles to get clients, but now
 some of them will not come from their chambers to the Guildhall in
 London vnder ten pounds or twentie nobles at the lest. And one being
 demanded why he made so much of his trauell, answered, that it was but
 follie for him to go so farre, when he was assured to get more monie
 by sitting still at home. A friend of mine also had a sute of late of
 some valure, and to be sure of counsell at his time, he gaue vnto two
 lawiers (whose names I forbeare to deliuer) twentie shillings a peece,
 telling them of the daie and houre wherein his matter should be called
 [Sidenote: Deceipt.]
 vpon. To be short, they came not vnto the barre at all, whervpon he
 staied for that daie. On the morrow after he met them againe,
 increased his former gifts by so much more, and told them of the time,
 but they once againe serued him as before. In the end he met them both
 in the verie hall doore, and after some timorous reprehension, of
 their vncourteous demeanour toward him, he bestowed either thrée
 angels or foure more vpon each of them, wherevpon they promised
 peremptorilie to speake earnestlie in his cause. And yet for all this,
 one of them hauing not yet sucked enough, vtterlie deceiued him: the
 other in déed came in, and wagging a scroll which he had in his hand
 before the iudge, he spake not aboue thrée or foure words, almost so
 soone vttered as a good morrow, and so went from the bar, and this was
 all the poore man gat for his monie, and the care which his
 counsellours did séeme to take of his cause, then standing vpon the
 [Sidenote: Manie of our lawiers stoope not at small fées.]
 hazard. But inough of these matters, for if I should set downe how
 little law poore men can haue for their small fées in these daies, and
 the great murmurings that are on all sides vttered against their
 excessiue taking of monie (for they can abide no small gaine) I should
 extend this treatise into a farre greater volume than is conuenient
 for my purpose. Wherfore it shall suffice to haue set downe so much of
 their demeanour, and so much as is euen enough to cause them to looke
 with somewhat more conscience into their dealings, except they be dull
 and senselesse.

 This furthermore is to be noted, that albeit the princes heretofore
 reigning in this land haue erected sundrie courts, especiallie of the
 chancerie at Yorke and Ludlow, for the ease of poore men dwelling in
 [Sidenote: Poore men contentious.]
 those parts, yet will the poorest (of all men commonlie most
 contentious) refuse to haue his cause heard so néere home, but
 indeuoureth rather to his vtter vndooing to trauell vp to London,
 thinking there soonest to preuaile against his aduersarie, though his
 case be neuer so doubtfull. But in this toie  our Welshmen doo excéed
 of all that euer I heard, for you shall here and there haue some one
 od poore Dauid of them giuen so much to contention and strife, that
 without all respect of charges he will vp to London, though he go
 bare legged by the waie, and carie his hosen on his necke (to saue
 their feet from wearing) bicause he hath no change. When he commeth
 there also, he will make such importunate begging of his countrimen,
 and hard shift otherwise, that he will sometimes carie downe six or
 seuen writs with him in his pursse, wherewith to molest his neighbor,
 though the greatest quarrel be scarselie worth the fee that he hath
 paid for anie one of them. But inough of this, least in reuealing the
 superfluous follie of a few brablers in this behalfe, I bring no good
 will to my selfe amongst the wisest of that nation. Certes it is a
 [Sidenote: Promoters séeke matters to set lawiers on worke withall.]
 lamentable case to sée furthermore, how a number of poore men are
 dailie abused and vtterlie vndoone, by sundrie varlets that go about
 the countrie, as promoters or brokers betwéene the pettie foggers of
 the lawe, and the common people, onelie to kindle and espie coales of
 contention, whereby the one side may reape commoditie, and the other
 spend and be put to trauell. But of all that euer I knew in Essex,
 Denis and Mainford excelled, till Iohn of Ludlow, aliàs Mason came in
 place, vnto whome in comparison they two were but children: for this
 last in lesse than thrée or foure yeares, did bring one man (among
 manie else-where in other places) almost to extreame miserie (if
 beggerie be the vttermost) that before he had the shauing of his
 beard, was valued at two hundred pounds (I speake with the least) and
 finallie feeling that he had not sufficient wherwith to susteine
 himselfe and his familie, and also to satisfie that greedie rauenour,
 which still called vpon him for new fées, he went to bed, and within
 foure daies made an end of his wofull life, euen with care and
 pensiuenesse. After his death also he so handled his sonne, that
 there was neuer shéepe shorne in Maie, so néere clipped of his fléece
 present, as he was of manie to come: so that he was compelled to let
 awaie his land, bicause his cattell & stocke were consumed, and he no
 longer able to occupie the ground. But hereof let this suffice, & in
 stéed of these enormities, a table shall follow of the termes
 conteining their beginnings and endings, as I haue borrowed them from
 my fréend Iohn Stow, whose studie is the onelie store house of
 antiquities in my time, and he worthie therefore to be had in
 reputation and honour.

 [Sidenote: The times of our termes no hinderance to iustice.]
 A man would imagine that the time of the execution of our lawes, being
 little aboue one quarter, or not fullie a third part of the yeare, and
 the appointment of the same to be holden in one place onelie, to wit,
 neere London in Westminster, and finallie the great expenses emploied
 vpon the same, should be no small cause of the staie and hinderance of
 the administration of iustice in this land: but as it falleth out they
 prooue great occasions and the staie of much contention. The reasons
 of these are soone to be conceiued, for as the broken sleeue dooth
 hold the elbow backe, and paine of trauell cause manie to sit at home
 in quiet; so the shortnesse of time and feare of delaie dooth driue
 those oftentimes to like of peace, who otherwise would liue at strife,
 and quickelie be at ods. Some men desirous of gaines would haue the
 termes yet made shorter, that more delaie might ingender longer sute;
 other would haue the houses made larger, and more offices erected,
 wherein to minister the lawes. But as the times of the tearmes are
 rather too short than too long by one returne a péece: so if there
 were smaller roomes and fowler waies vnto them, they would inforce
 manie to make pawses before they did rashlie enter into plée. But sith
 my purpose is not to make an ample discourse of these things, it shall
 suffice to deliuer the times of the holding of our termes, which
 insueth after this manner.


 _A perfect rule to know the beginning and ending of euerie terme, with
 their returnes._

 Hilarie terme beginneth the three and twentith daie of Ianuarie (if it
 be not sundaie) otherwise the next daie after, and is finished the
 twelfe of Februarie, it hath foure returnes.

   Octabis Hilarij.
   Quind. Hilarij.
   Crastino Purific.
   Octabis Purific.

 ¶ Easter terme beginneth seuentéene daies after Easter, endeth foure
 daies after the Ascension daie, and hath fiue returnes.

   Quind. Pasch.
   Tres Paschæ.
   Mense. Paschæ.
   Quinque Paschæ.
   Crast. Ascention.

 ¶ Trinitie terme beginneth the fridaie after Trinitie sundaie, and
 endeth the wednesdaie fortnight after, in which time it hath foure
 returnes.

   Crast. Trinitatis.
   Octabis Trinitatis.
   Quind. Trinitatis.
   Tres Trinitatis.

 ¶ Michaelmasse terme beginneth the ninth of October (if it be not
 sundaie) and ending the eight and twentith of Nouember, it hath eight
 returnes.

   Octabis Michael.
   Quind. Michael.
   Tres Michael.
   Mense Michael.
   Crast. anima.
   Crast. Martini.
   Octa Martini.
   Quind. Martini.

 Note also that the escheker, which is Fiscus ærarium publicum
 principis, openeth eight daies before anie terme begin, except
 Trinitie terme, which openeth but foure daies before.

 And thus much for our vsuall termes as they are kept for the
 administration of our common lawes, wherevnto I thinke good to adde
 the lawdaies accustomablie holden in the arches and audience of
 Canturburie, with other ecclesiasticall and ciuill courts thorough the
 whole yeare, or for somuch time as their execution indureth (which in
 comparison is scarselie one halfe of the time if it be diligentlie
 examined) to the end each one at home being called vp to answer may
 trulie know the time of his appearance; being sorie in the meane
 season, that the vse of the popish calendar is so much reteined in the
 same, and not rather the vsuall daies of the moneth placed in their
 roomes, sith most of them are fixed and palter not their place of
 standing. Howbeit some of our infected lawiers will not let them go
 awaie so easilie, pretending facilitie and custome of vsage, but
 meaning peraduenture inwardlie to kéepe a commemoration of those dead
 men whose names are there remembred.

 Michaelmas terme.

   S. Faith.
   S. Edward.
   S. Luke.
   Simon & Iu.
   All Soules.
   S. Martin.
   Edmund.
   Katharine.
   S. Andrew.
   Conception of the virgin Marie.

 ¶ It is to be remembred that the first daie following euerie of these
 feasts noted in each terme, the court of the arches is kept in Bow
 church in the forenoone. And the same first daie in the afternoone is
 the admeraltie court for ciuill and seafaring causes kept in
 Southwarke, where iustice is ministred & execution doone continuallie
 according to the same.

 The second daie following euerie one of the said feasts, the court of
 audience of Canturburie is kept in the consistorie in Paules in the
 forenoone. And the selfe daie in the afternoone, in the same place is
 the prerogatiue court of Canturburie holden.

 The third day after anie such feast in the forenoone, the consistorie
 court of the bishop of London is kept in Paules church in the said
 consistorie, and the same third daie in the afternoone is the court of
 the delegates, and the court of the Quéenes highnesse commissioners
 vpon appeales is likewise kept in the same place on the fourth daie.

 Hilarie terme.

   S. Hilarie.
   S. Wolstan.
   Conuersion of S. Paule.
   S. Blase.
   S. Scolastic.
   S. Valentine.
   Ashwednes.
   S. Matthie.
   S. Chad.
   Perpet. & Fel.
   S. Gregorie.
   Ann[=u]ciation of our Ladie.

 Note that the foure first daies of this terme be certeine and
 vnchanged. The other are altered after the course of the yeare, and
 sometime kept and sometime omitted. For if it so happen that one of
 those feasts fall on wednesdaie, commonlie called Ashwednesdaie after
 the daie of S. Blase (so that the same lawdaie after Ashwednesdaie
 cannot be kept bicause the lawdaie of the other feast dooth light on
 the same) then the second lawdaie after Ashwednesdaie shall be kept,
 and the other omitted. And if the lawdaie after Ashwednesdaie be the
 next daie after the feast of S. Blase, then shall all and euerie court
 daies be obserued in order, as they may be kept conuenientlie. And
 marke that although Ashwednesdaie be put the seuenth in order, yet it
 hath no certeine place, but is changed as the course of Easter causeth
 it.

 Easter terme.

 The fiftéenth daie after Easter.

   S. Alphege.
   S. Marke.
   Inuention of the crosse.
   Gordian.
   S. Dunstan.
   Ascension daie.

 ¶ In this terme the first sitting is alwaie kept the mondaie being the
 fiftéenth daie after Easter, and so foorth after the feasts here
 noted, which next follow by course of the yeare after Easter, and the
 like space being kept betwéene other feasts.

 The rest of the lawdaies are kept to the third of the Ascension, which
 is the last day of this terme. And if it happen that the feast of the
 Ascension of our Lord, doo come before anie of the feasts aforesaid,
 then they are omitted for that yeare. And likewise if anie of those
 daies come before the fifteenth of Easter, those daies are omitted
 also.

 Trinitie terme.

   Trinitie sundaie.
   Corpus Christi.
   Boniface bish.
   S. Barnabie.
   S. Butolph.
   S. Iohn.
   S. Paule.
   Translat. Thomas.
   S. Swithune.
   S. Margaret.
   S. Anne.

 Here note also that the lawdaies of this terme are altered by meane of
 Whitsuntide, and the first sitting is kept alwaies on the first
 lawdaie after the feast of the holie Trinitie, and the second session
 is kept the first lawdaie after the idolatrous and papisticall feast
 daie called Corpus Christi, except Corpus Christi daie fall on some
 day aforenamed: which chanceth sometime, and then the fitter daie is
 kept. And after the second session account foure daies or thereabout,
 and then looke which is the next feast day, and the first lawdaie
 after the said feast shall be the third session. The other law daies
 follow in order, but so manie of them are kept, as for the time of the
 yeare shall be thought méet.

 It is also generallie to be obserued, that euerie daie is called a
 lawdaie that is not sundaie or holie daie: and that if the feast daie
 being knowne of anie court daie in anie terme, the first or second
 daie following be sundaie, then the court daie is kept the daie after
 the said holie daie or feast.




 OF PROUISION MADE FOR THE POORE.

 CHAP. X.


 There is no common-wealth at this daie in Europe, wherin there is not
 great store of poore people, and those necessarilie to be relieued by
 the welthier sort, which otherwise would starue and come to vtter
 [Sidenote: Thrée sorts of poore.]
 confusion. With vs the poore is commonlie diuided into thrée sorts, so
 that some are poore by impotencie, as the fatherlesse child, the aged,
 blind and lame, and the diseased person that is iudged to be
 incurable: the second are poore by casualtie, as the wounded souldier,
 the decaied householder, and the sicke person visited with grieuous
 and painefull diseases: the third consisteth of thriftlesse poore, as
 the riotour that hath consumed all, the vagabund that will abide no
 where, but runneth vp and downe from place to place (as it were
 séeking worke and finding none) and finallie the roge and strumpet
 which are not possible to be diuided in sunder, but runne too and fro
 ouer all the realme, chéefelie kéeping the champaine soiles in summer
 to auoid the scorching heat, and the woodland grounds in winter to
 eschew the blustering winds.

 For the first two sorts, that is to saie, the poore by impotencie, and
 the poore by casualtie, which are the true poore in deed, and for
 whome the word dooth bind vs to make some dailie prouision: there is
 order taken through out euerie parish in the realme, that weekelie
 collection shall be made for their helpe and sustentation, to the end
 they should not scatter abroad, and by begging here and there annoie
 both towne and countrie. Authoritie also is giuen vnto the iustices in
 euerie countie, and great penalties appointed for such as make
 default, to sée that the intent of the statute in this behalfe be
 trulie executed, according to the purpose and meaning of the same, so
 that these two sorts are sufficientlie prouided for: and such as can
 liue within the limits of their allowance (as each one will doo that
 is godlie and well disposed) may well forbeare to rome and range
 about. But if they refuse to be supported by this benefit of the law,
 and will rather indeuour by going to and fro to mainteine their idle
 trades, then are they adiudged to be parcell of the third sort, and so
 in stéed of courteous refreshing at home, are often corrected with
 sharpe execution, and whip of iustice abroad. Manie there are, which
 notwithstanding the rigor of the lawes prouided in that behalfe, yéeld
 rather with this libertie (as they call it) to be dailie vnder the
 feare and terrour of the whip, than by abiding where they were borne
 or bred, to be prouided for by the deuotion of the parishes. I found
 not long since a note of these latter sort, the effect whereof
 insueth. Idle beggers are such either through other mens occasion, or
 [Sidenote: A thing often séene.]
 through their owne default. By other mens occasion (as one waie for
 example) when some couetous man such I meane as haue the cast or right
 veine, dailie to make beggers inough wherby to pester the land,
 espieng a further commoditie in their commons, holds, and tenures,
 dooth find such meanes as thereby to wipe manie out of their
 occupiengs, and turne the same vnto his priuate gaines. Herevpon
 [Sidenote: At whose hands shall the bloud of these men be required?]
 it followeth, that although the wise and better minded, doo either
 forsake the realme for altogether, and seeke to liue in other
 countries, as France, Germanie, Barbarie, India, Moscouia, and verie
 Calecute, complaining of no roome to be left for them at home, doo so
 behaue themselues that they are worthilie to be accompted among the
 second sort: yet the greater part commonlie hauing nothing to staie
 vpon are wilfull, and therevpon doo either prooue idle beggers, or
 else continue starke théeues till the gallowes doo eat them vp, which
 is a lamentable case. Certes in some mans iudgements these things are
 but trifles, and not worthie the regarding. Some also doo grudge at
 the great increase of people in these daies, thinking a necessarie
 brood of cattell farre better than a superfluous augmentation of
 mankind. But I can liken such men best of all vnto the pope and the
 diuell, who practise the hinderance of the furniture of the number of
 the elect to their vttermost, to the end the authoritie of the one
 vpon earth, the deferring of the locking vp of the other in
 euerlasting chaines, and the great gaines of the first may continue
 and indure the longer. But if it should come to passe that any forren
 inuasion should be made, which the Lord God forbid for his mercies
 sake! then should these men find that a wall of men is farre better
 than stackes of corne and bags of monie, and complaine of the want
 when it is too late to séeke remedie. The like occasion caused the
 Romans to deuise their law Agraria: but the rich not liking of it, and
 the couetous vtterlie condemning it as rigorous and vnprofitable,
 neuer ceased to practise disturbance till it was quite abolished. But
 to proceed with my purpose.

 Such as are idle beggers through their owne default are of two sorts,
 and continue their estates either by casuall or méere voluntarie
 meanes: those that are such by casuall means, are in the beginning
 iustlie to be referred either to the first or second sort of poore
 afore mentioned: but degenerating into the thriftlesse sort, they doo
 what they can to continue their miserie, and with such impediments as
 they haue to straie and wander about, as creatures abhorring all
 labour and euerie honest exercise. Certes I call these casuall meanes,
 not in respect of the originall of their pouertie, but of the
 continuance of the same, from whence they will not be deliuered, such
 is their owne vngratious lewdnesse, and froward disposition. The
 voluntarie meanes proceed from outward causes, as by making of
 corosiues, and applieng the same to the more fleshie parts of their
 bodies: and also laieng of ratsbane, sperewort, crowfoot, and such
 like vnto their whole members, thereby to raise pitifull and odious
 sores, and mooue the harts of the goers by such places where they lie,
 to yerne at their miserie, and therevpon bestow large almesse vpon
 them. How artificiallie they beg, what forcible spéech, and how they
 select and choose out words of vehemencie, whereby they doo in maner
 coniure or adiure the goer by to pitie their cases, I passe ouer to
 remember, as iudging the name of God and Christ to be more conuersant
 in the mouths of none: and yet the presence of the heuenlie maiestie
 further off from no men than from this vngratious companie. Which
 maketh me to thinke that punishment is farre meeter for them than
 liberalitie or almesse, and sith Christ willeth vs cheeflie to haue a
 regard to himselfe and his poore members.

 Vnto this nest is another sort to be referred, more sturdie than the
 rest, which hauing sound and perfect lims, doo yet notwithstanding
 sometime counterfeit the possession of all sorts of diseases. Diuerse
 times in their apparell also they will be like seruing men or
 laborers: oftentimes they can plaie the mariners, and séeke for ships
 which they neuer lost. But in fine, they are all théeues and
 caterpillers in the common-wealth, and by the word of God not
 permitted to eat, sith they doo but licke the sweat from the true
 labourers browes, & beereue the godlie poore of that which is due vnto
 them, to mainteine their excesse, consuming the charitie of well
 disposed people bestowed vpon them, after a most wicked & detestable
 maner.

 It is not yet full thréescore yeares since this trade began: but how
 it hath prospered since that time, it is easie to iudge, for they are
 now supposed of one sex and another, to amount vnto aboue 10000
 persons; as I haue heard reported. Moreouer, in counterfeiting the
 Egyptian roges, they haue deuised a language among themselues, which
 they name Canting, but other pedlers French, a speach compact thirtie
 yeares since of English, and a great number of od words of their owne
 deuising, without all order or reason: and yet such is it as none but
 themselues are able to vnderstand. The first deuiser thereof was
 hanged by the necke, a iust reward no doubt for his deserts, and a
 [Sidenote: Thomas Harman.]
 common end to all of that profession. A gentleman also of late hath
 taken great paines to search out the secret practises of this
 vngratious rable. And among other things he setteth downe and
 describeth thrée & twentie sorts of them, whose names it shall not be
 amisse to remember, wherby ech one may take occasion to read and know
 as also by his industrie what wicked people they are, and what
 villanie remaineth in them.

 _The seuerall disorders and degrees amongst our idle vagabonds._

    1 Rufflers.
    2 Vprightmen.
    3 Hookers or Anglers.
    4 Roges.
    5 Wild roges.
    6 Priggers or pransers.
    7 Palliards.
    8 Fraters.
    9 Abrams.
   10 Freshwater mariners, or whipiacks.
   11 Dummerers.
   12 Drunken tinkers.
   13 Swadders or pedlers.
   14 Iarkemen or patricoes.

 ¶ _Of women kind_

    1 Demanders for glimmar or fire.
    2 Baudie baskets.
    3 Mortes.
    4 Autem mortes.
    5 Walking mortes.
    6 Doxes.
    7 Delles.
    8 Kinching mortes.
    9 Kinching cooes.

 The punishment that is ordeined for this kind of people is verie
 sharpe, and yet it can not restreine them from their gadding:
 wherefore the end must néeds be martiall law, to be exercised vpon
 them, as vpon théeues, robbers, despisers of all lawes, and enimies to
 the common-wealth & welfare of the land. What notable roberies,
 pilferies, murders, rapes, and stealings of yoong children, burning,
 breaking and disfiguring their lims to make them pitifull in the sight
 of the people, I need not to rehearse: but for their idle roging about
 the countrie, the law ordeineth this maner of correction. The roge
 being apprehended, committed to prison, and tried in the next assises
 (whether they be of gaole deliuerie or sessions of the peace) if he
 happen to be conuicted for a vagabond either by inquest of office, or
 the testimonie of two honest and credible witnesses vpon their oths,
 he is then immediatlie adiudged to be gréeuouslie whipped and burned
 through the gristle of the right eare, with an hot iron of the
 compasse of an inch about, as a manifestation of his wicked life, and
 due punishment receiued for the same. And this iudgement is to be
 executed vpon him, except some honest person woorth fiue pounds in the
 quéenes books in goods, or twentie shillings in lands, or some rich
 housholder to be allowed by the iustices, will be bound in
 recognisance to reteine him in his seruice for one whole yeare. If he
 be taken the second time, and proued to haue forsaken his said
 seruice, he shall then be whipped againe, bored likewise through the
 other eare and set to seruice: from whence if he depart before a yeare
 be expired, and happen afterward to be attached againe, he is
 condemned to suffer paines of death as a fellon (except before
 excepted) without benefit of clergie or sanctuarie, as by the statute
 dooth appeare. Among roges and idle persons finallie, we find to be
 comprised all proctors that go vp and downe with counterfeit licences,
 coosiners, and such as gad about the countrie, vsing vnlawfull games,
 practisers of physiognomie and palmestrie, tellers of fortunes,
 fensers, plaiers, minstrels, iugglers, pedlers, tinkers, pretensed
 schollers, shipmen, prisoners gathering for fees, and others so oft as
 they be taken without sufficient licence. From among which companie
 our bearewards are not excepted, and iust cause: for I haue read that
 they haue either voluntarilie, or for want of power to master their
 sauage beasts, béene occasion of the death and deuoration of manie
 children in sundrie countries by which they haue passed, whose parents
 neuer knew what was become of them. And for that cause there is & haue
 béene manie sharpe lawes made for bearwards in Germanie, wherof you
 may read in other. But to our roges. Each one also that harboreth or
 aideth them with meat or monie, is taxed and compelled to fine with
 the quéenes maiestie for euerie time that he dooth so succour them, as
 it shall please the iustices of peace to assigne, so that the taxation
 excéed not twentie shillings, as I haue béene informed. And thus much
 of the poore, & such prouision as is appointed for them within the
 realme of England.




 OF SUNDRIE KINDS OF PUNISHMENTS APPOINTED FOR MALEFACTORS.

 CHAP. XI.


 In cases of felonie, manslaghter, roberie, murther, rape, piracie, &
 such capitall crimes as are not reputed for treason or hurt of the
 estate, our sentence pronounced vpon the offendor is to hang till he
 be dead. For of other punishments vsed in other countries we haue no
 knowledge or vse, and yet so few gréeuous crimes committed with vs as
 else where in the world. To vse torment also or question by paine and
 torture in these common cases with vs is greatlie abhorred, sith we
 are found alwaie to be such as despise death, and yet abhorre to be
 tormented, choosing rather frankelie to open our minds than to yeeld
 our bodies vnto such seruile halings and tearings as are vsed in other
 countries. And this is one cause wherefore our condemned persons doo
 go so chéerefullie to their deths, for our nation is frée, stout,
 hautie, prodigall of life and bloud, as sir Thomas Smith saith lib. 2.
 cap. 25. de republica, and therefore cannot in anie wise digest to be
 vsed as villanes and slaues, in suffering continuallie beating,
 seruitude, and seruile torments. No, our gailers are guiltie of
 fellonie by an old law of the land, if they torment anie prisoner
 committed to their custodie for the reuealing of his complices.

 The greatest and most gréeuous punishment vsed in England, for such as
 offend against the state, is drawing from the prison to the place of
 execution vpon an hardle or sled, where they are hanged till they be
 halfe dead, and then taken downe and quartered aliue, after that their
 members and bowels are cut from their bodies, and throwne into a fire
 prouided neere hand and within their owne sight, euen for the same
 purpose. Sometimes, if the trespasse be not the more hainous, they are
 suffered to hang till they be quite dead. And when soeuer anie of the
 nobilitie are conuicted of high treason by their peeres, that is to
 saie, equals (for an inquest of yeomen passeth not vpon them, but
 onelie of the lords of the parlement) this maner of their death is
 conuerted into the losse of their heads onelie, notwithstanding that
 the sentence doo run after the former order. In triall of cases
 concerning treason, fellonie, or anie other greeuous crime not
 confessed, the partie accused dooth yéeld, if he be a noble man, to be
 tried by an inquest (as I haue said) and his péeres: if a gentleman,
 by gentlemen: and an inferiour, by God and by the countrie, to wit,
 the yeomanrie (for combat or battell is not greatlie in vse) and being
 condemned of fellonie, manslaughter, &c: he is eftsoons hanged by the
 necke till he be dead, and then cut downe and buried. But if he be
 conuicted of wilfull murther, doone either vpon pretended malice, or
 in anie notable robberie, he is either hanged aliue in chaines néere
 the place where the fact was committed (or else vpon compassion taken
 first strangled with a rope) and so continueth till his bones consume
 to nothing. We haue vse neither of the whéele nor of the barre, as in
 other countries; but when wilfull manslaughter is perpetrated, beside
 hanging, the offendor hath his right hand commonlie striken off before
 or néere vnto the place where the act was doone, after which he is led
 foorth to the place of execution, and there put to death according to
 the law.

 The word fellon is deriued of the Saxon words Fell and One, that is to
 say, an euill and wicked one, a one of vntamable nature, and lewdnesse
 not to be suffered for feare of euill example and the corruption of
 others. In like sort in the word fellonie are manie gréeuous crimes
 conteined, as breach of prison An. 1 of Edward the second. Disfigurers
 of the princes liege people An. 5. of Henrie the fourth. Hunting by
 night with painted faces and visors An. 1. of Henrie the seuenth. Rape
 or stealing of women & maidens An. 3 of Henrie the eight. Conspiracie
 against the person of the prince An. 3. of Henrie the seuenth.
 Embesilling of goods committed by the master to the seruant, aboue the
 value of fourtie shillings An. 17. of Henrie the eight. Carieng of
 horsses or mares into Scotland An. 23. of Henrie the eight. Sodomie
 and buggerie An. 25. of Henrie the eight. Stealing of hawkes egs An.
 31. of Henrie the eight. Coniuring, sorcerie, witchcraft, and digging
 vp of crosses An. 33. of Hen. 8. Prophesieng vpon armes, cognisances,
 names & badges An. 33. of Hen. 8. Casting of slanderous bils An. 37.
 Hen. 8. Wilfull killing by poison An. 1. of Edw. the sixt. Departure
 of a soldier from the field An. 2. of Edward the sixt. Diminution of
 coine, all offenses within case of premunire, embeselling of records,
 goods taken from dead men by their seruants, stealing of what soeuer
 cattell, robbing by the high waie, vpon the sea, or of dwelling
 houses, letting out of ponds, cutting of pursses, stealing of déere by
 night, counterfeiters of coine, euidences, charters, and writings, &
 diuerse other needlesse to be remembred. If a woman poison hir husband
 she is burned aliue, if the seruant kill his master he is to be
 executed for petie treason, he that poisoneth a man is to be boiled to
 death in water or lead, although the partie die not of the practise:
 in cases of murther all the accessaries are to suffer paines of death
 accordinglie. Periurie is punished by the pillorie, burning in the
 forehead with the letter P, the rewalting of the trées growing vpon
 the grounds of the offenders and losse of all his mooueables. Manie
 trespasses also are punished by the cutting of one or both eares from
 the head of the offendor, as the vtterance of seditious words against
 the magistrates, fraimakers, petie robbers, &c. Roges are burned
 through the eares, cariers of sheepe out of the land by the losse of
 their hands, such as kill by poison are either boiled or skalded to
 death in lead or séething water. Heretikes are burned quicke, harlots
 and their mates by carting, ducking, and dooing of open penance in
 shéets, in churches and market stéeds are often put to rebuke. Howbeit
 as this is counted with some either as no punishment at all to speake
 of, or but smallie regarded of the offendors, so I would wish
 adulterie and fornication to haue some sharper law. For what great
 smart is it to be turned out of an hot sheet into a cold, or after a
 little washing in the water to be let lose againe vnto their former
 trades? Howbeit the dragging of some of them ouer the Thames betwéene
 Lambeth and Westminster at the taile of a boat, is a punishment that
 most terrifieth them which are condemned therto; but this is inflicted
 vpon them by none other than the knight marshall, and that within the
 compasse of his iurisdiction & limits onelie. Canutus was the first
 that gaue authoritie to the cleargie to punish whoredome, who at that
 time found fault with the former lawes as being too seuere in this
 behalfe. For before the time of the said Canutus, the adulterer
 forfeited all his goods to the king, and his bodie to be at his
 pleasure; and the adulteresse was to lose hir eies or nose, or both,
 if the case were more than common: whereby it appéereth of what
 estimation mariage was amongst them, sith the breakers of that holie
 estate were so gréeuouslie rewarded. But afterward the cleargie dealt
 more fauourablie with them, shooting rather at the punishments of such
 priests and clearkes as were maried, than the reformation of adulterie
 and fornication, wherein you shall find no example that anie seueritie
 was shewed, except vpon such laie men as had defiled their nuns. As in
 theft therefore so in adulterie and whoredome I would wish the parties
 trespassant, to be made bond or slaues vnto those that receiued the
 iniurie, to sell and giue where they listed, or to be condemned to the
 gallies: for that punishment would proue more bitter to them than
 halfe an houres hanging, or than standing in a shéet, though the
 weather be neuer so cold.

 Manslaughter in time past was punished by the pursse, wherin the
 quantitie or qualitie of the punishment was rated after the state and
 calling of the partie killed: so that one was valued sometime at 1200,
 another at 600, or 200 shillings. And by an estatute made vnder Henrie
 the first, a citizen of London at 100, whereof else-where I haue
 spoken more at large. Such as kill themselues are buried in the field
 with a stake driuen through their bodies.

 Witches are hanged or sometimes burned, but théeues are hanged (as I
 [Sidenote: Halifax law.]
 said before) generallie on the gibbet or gallowes, sauing in Halifax
 where they are beheaded after a strange maner, and whereof I find this
 report. There is and hath beene of ancient time a law or rather a
 custome at Halifax, that who soeuer dooth commit anie fellonie, and is
 taken with the same, or confesse the fact vpon examination: if it be
 valued by foure constables to amount to the sum of thirtéene pence
 halfe penie, he is foorthwith beheaded vpon one of the next market
 daies (which fall vsuallie vpon the tuesdaies, thursdaies, &
 saturdaies) or else vpon the same daie that he is so conuicted, if
 market be then holden. The engine wherewith the execution is doone, is
 a square blocke of wood of the length of foure foot and an halfe,
 which dooth ride vp and downe in a slot, rabet, or regall betwéene two
 péeces of timber, that are framed and set vpright of fiue yardes in
 height. In the neather end of the sliding blocke is an ax keied or
 fastened with an iron into the wood, which being drawne vp to the top
 of the frame is there fastened by a woodden pin (with a notch made
 into the same after the maner of a Samsons post) vnto the middest of
 which pin also there is a long rope fastened that commeth downe among
 the people, so that when the offendor hath made his confession, and
 hath laid his necke ouer the neathermost blocke, euerie man there
 present dooth either take hold of the rope (or putteth foorth his arme
 so neere to the same as he can get, in token that he is willing to sée
 true iustice executed) and pulling out the pin in this maner, the head
 blocke wherein the ax is fastened dooth fall downe with such a
 violence, that if the necke of the transgressor were so big as that of
 a bull, it should be cut in sunder at a stroke, and roll from the
 bodie by an huge distance. If it be so that the offendor be
 apprehended for an ox, oxen, shéepe, kine, horsse, or anie such
 cattell: the selfe beast or other of the same kind shall haue the end
 of the rope tied somewhere vnto them, so that they being driuen doo
 draw out the pin wherby the offendor is executed. Thus much of Halifax
 law, which I set downe onelie to shew the custome of that countrie in
 this behalfe.

 Roges and vagabonds are often stocked and whipped, scolds are ducked
 [Sidenote: Mute.]
 vpon cucking-stooles in the water. Such fellons as stand mute and
 speake not at their arraignement are pressed to death by huge weights
 laid vpon a boord, that lieth ouer their brest, and a sharpe stone
 vnder their backs, and these commonlie hold their peace, thereby to
 saue their goods vnto their wiues and children, which if they were
 condemned should be confiscated to the prince. Théeues that are saued
 [Sidenote: Cleargie.]
 by their bookes and cleargie, for the first offense, if they haue
 stollen nothing else but oxen, shéepe, monie, or such like, which be
 no open robberies, as by the high waie side, or assailing of anie mans
 house in the night, without putting him in feare of his life, or
 breaking vp of his wals or doores, are burned in the left hand, vpon
 the brawne of the thombe with an hot iron, so that if they be
 apprehended againe, that marke bewraieth them to haue beene arraigned
 of fellonie before, whereby they are sure at that time to haue no
 mercie. I doo not read that this custome of sauing by the booke is
 vsed anie where else than in England, neither doo I find (after much
 diligent inquirie) what Saxon prince ordeined that law. Howbeit, this
 I generallie gather thereof, that it was deuised to traine the
 inhabiters of this land to the loue of learning, which before
 contemned letters and all good knowledge, as men onelie giuing
 themselues to husbandrie and the warres, the like whereof I read to
 haue beene amongst the Gothes and Vandals, who for a time would not
 suffer euen their princes to be lerned for weakening of their
 courages, nor anie learned men to remaine in the counsell house, but
 by open proclamation would command them to auoid, whensoeuer anie
 [Sidenote: Pirats.]
 thing touching the state of the land was to be consulted vpon. Pirats
 and robbers by sea are condemned in the court of the admeraltie, and
 hanged on the shore at lowe water marke, where they are left till
 three tides haue ouerwashed them. Finallie, such as hauing wals and
 banks néere vnto the sea, and doo suffer the same to decaie (after
 conuenient admonition) whereby the water entereth and drowneth vp the
 countrie, are by a certeine ancient custome apprehended, condemned,
 and staked in the breach, where they remaine for euer as parcell of
 the foundation of the new wall that is to be made vpon them, as I haue
 heard reported.

 And thus much in part of the administration of iustice vsed in our
 countrie, wherein notwithstanding that we doo not often heare of
 horrible, merciles, and wilfull murthers (such I meane as are not
 sildome séene in the countries of the maine) yet now and then some
 manslaughter and bloudie robberies are perpetrated and committed,
 contrarie to the lawes, which be seuerelie punished, and in such wise
 as I before reported. Certes there is no greater mischéefe doone in
 England than by robberies, the first by yoong shifting gentlemen,
 which oftentimes doo beare more port than they are able to mainteine.
 Secondlie by seruingmen, whose wages cannot suffice so much as to find
 them bréeches, wherefore they are now and then constreined either to
 kéepe high waies, and breake into the wealthie mens houses with the
 first sort, or else to walke vp and downe in gentlemens and rich
 farmers pastures, there to sée and view which horsses féed best,
 whereby they manie times get something, although with hard aduenture
 it hath béene knowne by their confession at the gallowes, that some
 one such chapman hath had fortie, fiftie, or sixtie stolne horsses at
 pasture here and there abroad in the countrie at a time, which they
 haue sold at faires and markets farre off, they themselues in the
 meane season being taken about home for honest yeomen, and verie
 wealthie drouers, till their dealings haue been bewraied. It is not
 long since one of this companie was apprehended, who was before time
 reputed for a verie honest and wealthie townesman, he vttered also
 more horsses than anie of his trade, because he sold a reasonable
 peniworth, and was a faire spoken man. It was his custome likewise to
 saie, if anie man hucked hard with him about the price of a gelding;
 So God helpe me gentleman or sir, either he did cost me so much, or
 else by Iesus I stole him. Which talke was plaine inough, and yet such
 was his estimation, that each beleeued the first part of his tale, and
 made no account of the later, which was the truer indéed.

 Our third annoiers of the common-wealth are roges, which doo verie
 great mischeefe in all places where they become. For wheras the rich
 onelie suffer iniurie by the first two, these spare neither rich nor
 poore: but whether it be great gaine or small, all is fish that
 commeth to net with them, and yet I saie both they and the rest are
 trussed vp apace. For there is not one yeare commonlie, wherein thrée
 hundred or four hundred of them are not deuoured and eaten vp by the
 gallowes in one place and other. It appeareth by Cardane (who writeth
 it vpon the report of the bishop of Lexouia) in the geniture of king
 Edward the sixt, how Henrie the eight, executing his laws verie
 seuerelie against such idle persons, I meane great théeues, pettie
 théeues and roges, did hang vp thréescore and twelue thousand of them
 in his time. He seemed for a while greatlie to haue terrified the
 rest: but since his death the number of them is so increased, yea
 although we haue had no warres, which are a great occasion of their
 breed (for it is the custome of the more idle sort, hauing once serued
 or but séene the other side of the sea vnder colour of seruice to
 shake hand with labour, for euer, thinking it a disgrace for himselfe
 to returne vnto his former trade) that except some better order be
 taken, or the lawes alreadie made be better executed, such as dwell in
 vplandish townes and little villages shall liue but in small safetie
 and rest. For the better apprehension also of theeues and mankillers,
 there is an old law in England verie well prouided, whereby it is
 ordered, that if he that is robbed, or any man complaine and giue
 warning of slaughter or murther committed, the constable of the
 village wherevnto he commeth and crieth for succour, is to raise the
 parish about him, and to search woods, groues, and all suspected
 houses and places, where the trespasser may be, or is supposed to
 lurke; and not finding him there, he is to giue warning vnto the next
 constable, and so one constable after serch made to aduertise another
 from parish to parish, till they come to the same where the offender
 is harbored and found. It is also prouided, that if anie parish in
 this businesse doo not hir dutie, but suffereth the théefe (for the
 auoiding of trouble sake) in carrieng him to the gaile, if he should
 be apprehended, or other letting of their worke, to escape the same
 parish, is not onlie to make fine to the king, but also the same with
 the whole hundred wherein it standeth, to repaie the partie robbed his
 damages, and leaue his estate harmlesse. Certes this is a good law,
 howbeit I haue knowne by mine owne experience, fellons being taken to
 haue escaped out of the stocks, being rescued by other for want of
 watch & gard, that théeues haue beene let passe, bicause the couetous
 and greedie parishoners would neither take the paines, nor be at the
 charge to carrie them to prison, if it were far off, that when hue and
 crie haue béene made euen to the faces of some constables, they haue
 said; "God restore your losse, I haue other businesse at this time."
 And by such meanes the meaning of manie a good law is left vnexecuted,
 malefactors imboldened, and manie a poore man turned out of that which
 he hath swet and taken great paines for, toward the maintenance of
 himselfe and his poore children and familie.




 OF THE MANER OF BUILDING AND FURNITURE OF OUR HOUSES.

 CHAP. XII.


 The greatest part of our building in the cities and good townes of
 England consisteth onelie of timber, for as yet few of the houses of
 the communaltie (except here & there in the West countrie townes) are
 made of stone, although they may (in my opinion) in diuerse other
 places be builded so good cheape of the one as of the other. In old
 time the houses of the Britons were slightlie set vp with a few posts
 & many radels, with stable and all offices vnder one roofe, the like
 whereof almost is to be séene in the fennie countries and northerne
 parts vnto this daie, where for lacke of wood they are inforced to
 continue this ancient maner of building. It is not in vaine therefore
 in speaking of building to make a distinction betwéene the plaine and
 wooddie soiles: for as in these, our houses are commonlie strong and
 well timbered, so that in manie places, there are not aboue foure,
 six, or nine inches betwéene stud and stud; so in the open and
 champaine countries they are inforced for want of stuffe to vse no
 studs at all, but onlie franke posts, raisins, beames, prickeposts,
 groundsels, summers (or dormants) transoms, and such principals, with
 here and there a griding, whervnto they fasten their splints or
 radels, and then cast it all ouer with thicke claie to keepe out the
 wind, which otherwise would annoie them. Certes this rude kind of
 building made the Spaniards in quéene Maries daies to woonder, but
 chéeflie when they saw what large diet was vsed in manie of these so
 homelie cottages, in so much that one of no small reputation amongst
 them said after this maner: "These English (quoth he) haue their
 houses made of sticks and durt, but they fare commonlie so well as the
 king." Whereby it appeareth that he liked better of our good fare in
 such course cabins, than of their owne thin diet in their princelike
 habitations and palaces. In like sort as euerie countrie house is thus
 apparelled on the out side, so is it inwardlie diuided into sundrie
 roomes aboue and beneath; and where plentie of wood is, they couer
 them with tiles, otherwise with straw, sedge, or reed, except some
 quarrie of slate be néere hand, from whence they haue for their monie
 so much as may suffice them.

 The claie wherewith our houses are impanelled is either white, red, or
 blue, and of these the first dooth participat verie much with the
 nature of our chalke, the second is called lome, but the third
 eftsoones changeth colour so soone as it is wrought, notwithstanding
 that it looke blue when it is throwne out of the pit. Of chalke also
 we haue our excellent Asbestos or white lime, made in most places,
 wherewith being quenched we strike ouer our claie workes and stone
 wals, in cities, good townes, rich farmers and gentlemens houses:
 otherwise in steed of chalke (where it wanteth for it is so scant that
 in some places it is sold by the pound) they are compelled to burne a
 certeine kind of red stone, as in Wales, and else where other stones
 and shels of oisters and like fish found vpon the sea coast, which
 being conuerted into lime doth naturallie (as the other) abhorre and
 eschew water whereby it is dissolued, and neuerthelesse desire oile
 wherewith it is easilie mixed, as I haue seene by experience. Within
 their doores also such as are of abilitie doo oft make their floores
 and parget of fine alabaster burned, which they call plaster of Paris,
 whereof in some places we haue great plentie, and that verie
 profitable against the rage of fire.

 In plastering likewise of our fairest houses ouer our heads, we vse to
 laie first a laine or two of white morter tempered with haire vpon
 laths, which are nailed one by another (or sometimes vpon reed or
 wickers more dangerous for fire, and made fast here and there with
 saplaths for falling downe) and finallie couer all with the aforesaid
 plaster, which beside the delectable whitenesse of the stuffe it
 selfe, is laied on so euen and smoothlie, as nothing in my iudgment
 can be doone with more exactnesse. The wals of our houses on the inner
 sides in like sort be either hanged with tapisterie, arras worke, or
 painted cloths, wherin either diuerse histories, or hearbes, beasts,
 knots, and such like are stained, or else they are seeled with oke of
 our owne, or wainescot brought hither out of the east countries,
 whereby the roomes are not a little commended, made warme, and much
 more close than otherwise they would be. As for stooues we haue not
 hitherto vsed them greatlie, yet doo they now begin to be made in
 diuerse houses of the gentrie and wealthie citizens, who build them
 not to worke and feed in as in Germanie and else where, but now and
 then to sweat in, as occasion and néed shall require. This also hath
 béene common in England, contrarie to the customes of all other
 nations, and yet to be séene (for example in most stréets of London)
 that many of our greatest houses haue outwardlie béene verie simple
 and plaine to sight, which inwardlie haue beene able to receiue a duke
 with his whole traine, and lodge them at their ease. Hereby moreouer
 it is come to passe, that the fronts of our stréets haue not béene so
 vniforme and orderlie builded as those of forreine cities, where (to
 saie truth) the vtterside of their mansions and dwellings haue oft
 more cost bestowed vpon them, than all the rest of the house, which
 are often verie simple and vneasie within, as experience dooth
 confirme. Of old time our countrie houses in steed of glasse did vse
 much lattise and that made either of wicker or fine rifts of oke in
 chekerwise. I read also that some of the better sort, in and before
 the times of the Saxons (who notwithstanding vsed some glasse also
 since the time of Benedict Biscop the moonke that brought the feat of
 glasing first into this land) did make panels of horne in stéed of
 glasse, & fix them in woodden calmes. But as horne in windows is now
 quite laid downe in euerie place, so our lattises are also growne into
 lesse vse, bicause glasse is come to be so plentifull, and within a
 verie little so good cheape if not better then the other.

 I find obscure mention of the specular stone also to haue béene found
 and applied to this vse in England, but in such doubtfull sort as I
 dare not affirme it for certeine. Neuerthelesse certeine it is that
 antiquitie vsed it before glasse was knowen, vnder the name of
 Selenites. And how glasse was first found I care not greatlie to
 remember euen at this present, although it be directlie beside my
 purposed matter. In Syria phenices which bordereth vpon Iurie, & néere
 to the foot of mount Carmell there is a moore or marris, wherout
 riseth a brooke called somtime Belus, and falleth into the sea néere
 to Ptolemais. This riuer was fondlie ascribed vnto Baall, and also
 honored vnder that name by the infidels, long time before there was
 anie king in Israell. It came to passe also as a certeine merchant
 sailed that way loden with Nitrum, the passengers went to land for to
 repose themselues, and to take in some store of fresh water into their
 vessell. Being also on the shore they kindled a fire, and made
 prouision for their dinner, but bicause they wanted treuets or stones
 whereon to set their kettels on, ran by chance into the ship, and
 brought great péeces of Nitrum with him, which serued their turne for
 that present. To be short, the said substance being hot, and beginning
 to melt, it mixed by chance with the grauel that laie vnder it; and so
 brought forth that shining substance which now is called glasse, and
 about the time of Semiramis. When the companie saw this, they made no
 small accompt of their successe, and foorthwith began to practise the
 like in other mixtures, whereby great varietie of the said stuffe did
 also insue. Certes for the time this historie may well be true: for I
 read of glasse in Iob, but for the rest I refer me to the common
 opinion conceiued by writers. Now to turne againe to our windowes.
 Heretofore also the houses of our princes and noble men were often
 glased with Berill (an example whereof is yet to be séene in Sudleie
 castell) and in diuerse other places with fine christall, but this
 especiallie in the time of the Romans, wherof also some fragments haue
 béene taken vp in old ruines. But now these are not in vse, so that
 onelie the clearest glasse is most estéemed: for we haue diuerse
 sorts, some brought out of Burgundie, some out of Normandie, much out
 of Flanders, beside that which is made in England, which would be so
 good as the best, if we were diligent and carefull to bestow more cost
 vpon it, and yet as it is, each one that may, will haue it for his
 building. Moreouer the mansion houses of our countrie townes and
 villages (which in champaine ground stand altogither by stréets, &
 ioining one to an other, but in woodland soiles dispersed here and
 there, each one vpon the seuerall grounds of their owners) are builded
 in such sort generallie, as that they haue neither dairie, stable, nor
 bruehouse annexed vnto them vnder the same roofe (as in manie places
 beyond the sea & some of the north parts of our countrie) but all
 separate from the first, and one of them from an other. And yet for
 all this, they are not so farre distant in sunder, but that the
 goodman lieng in his bed may lightlie heare what is doone in each of
 them with ease, and call quicklie vnto his meinie if anie danger
 should attach him.

 The ancient manours and houses of our gentlemen are yet and for the
 most part of strong timber, in framing whereof our carpenters haue
 beene and are worthilie preferred before those of like science among
 all other nations. Howbeit such as be latelie builded, are c[=o]monlie
 either of bricke or hard stone, or both; their roomes large and
 comelie, and houses of office further distant from their lodgings.
 Those of the nobilitie are likewise wrought with bricke and hard
 stone, as prouision may best be made: but so magnificent and statelie,
 as the basest house of a baron dooth often match in our daies with
 some honours of princes in old time. So that if euer curious building
 did florish in England, it is in these our yeares, wherin our workemen
 excell, and are in maner comparable in skill with old Vitruuius, Leo
 Baptista, and Serlo. Neuerthelesse, their estimation more than their
 gréedie and seruile couetousnesse, ioined with a lingering humour
 causeth them often to be rejected, & strangers preferred to greater
 bargaines, who are more reasonable in their takings, and lesse wasters
 of time by a great deale than our owne.

 The furniture of our houses also exceedeth, and is growne in maner
 euen to passing delicacie: and herein I doo not speake of the
 nobilitie and gentrie onelie, but likewise of the lowest sort in most
 places of our south countrie, that haue anie thing at all to take to.
 Certes in noble mens houses it is not rare to sée abundance of Arras,
 rich hangings of tapistrie, siluer vessell, and so much other plate,
 as may furnish sundrie cupbords, to the summe oftentimes of a thousand
 or two thousand pounds at the least: whereby the value of this and the
 rest of their stuffe dooth grow to be almost inestimable. Likewise in
 the houses of knights, gentlemen, merchantmen, and some other wealthie
 citizens, it is not geson to behold generallie their great prouision
 of tapistrie, Turkie worke, pewter, brasse, fine linen, and thereto
 costlie cupbords of plate, worth fiue or six hundred or a thousand
 pounds, to be deemed by estimation. But as herein all these sorts doo
 far excéed their elders and predecessors, and in neatnesse and
 curiositie, the merchant all other; so in time past, the costlie
 furniture staied there, whereas now it is descended yet lower, euen
 vnto the inferiour artificers and manie farmers, who by vertue of
 their old and not of their new leases haue for the most part learned
 also to garnish their cupbords with plate, their ioined beds with
 tapistrie and silke hangings, and their tables with carpets & fine
 naperie, whereby the wealth of our countrie (God be praised therefore,
 and giue vs grace to imploie it well) dooth infinitelie appeare.
 Neither doo I speake this in reproch of anie man, God is my iudge, but
 to shew that I do reioise rather, to sée how God hath blessed vs with
 his good gifts; and whilest I behold how that in a time wherein all
 things are growen to most excessiue prices, & what commoditie so euer
 is to be had, is dailie plucked from the communaltie by such as looke
 into euerie trade, we doo yet find the means to obtein & atchiue such
 furniture as heretofore hath beene vnpossible. There are old men yet
 [Sidenote: Thrée things greatlie amended in England.]
 dwelling in the village where I remaine, which haue noted three things
 to be maruellouslie altered in England within their sound remembrance;
 & other three things too too much increased. One is, the multitude of
 [Sidenote: Chimnies.]
 chimnies latelie erected, wheras in their yoong daies there were not
 aboue two or thrée, if so manie in most vplandish townes of the realme
 (the religious houses, & manour places of their lords alwaies
 excepted, and peraduenture some great personages) but ech one made his
 fire against a reredosse in the hall, where he dined and dressed his
 meat.

 The second is the great (although not generall) amendment of lodging,
 for (said they) our fathers (yea and we our selues also) haue lien
 [Sidenote: Hard lodging.]
 full oft vpon straw pallets, on rough mats couered onelie with a shéet
 vnder couerlets made of dagswain or hopharlots (I vse their owne
 termes) and a good round log vnder their heads in steed of a bolster
 or pillow. If it were so that our fathers or the good man of the
 house, had within seuen yeares after his mariage purchased a matteres
 or flockebed, and thereto a sacke of chaffe to rest his head vpon, he
 thought himselfe to be as well lodged as the lord of the towne, that
 peraduenture laie seldome in a bed of downe or whole fethers; so well
 were they contented, and with such base kind of furniture: which also
 is not verie much amended as yet in some parts of Bedfordshire, and
 elsewhere further off from our southerne parts. Pillowes (said they)
 were thought méet onelie for women in childbed. As for seruants, if
 they had anie shéet aboue them it was well, for seldome had they anie
 vnder their bodies, to kéepe them from the pricking straws that ran
 oft through the canuas of the pallet, and rased their hardened hides.

 [Sidenote: Furniture of household.]
 The third thing they tell of, is the exchange of vessell, as of treene
 platters into pewter, and wodden spoones into siluer or tin. For so
 common were all sorts of tréene stuffe in old time, that a man should
 hardlie find foure péeces of pewter (of which one was peraduenture a
 [Sidenote: This was in the time of generall idlenesse.]
 salt) in a good farmers house, and yet for all this frugalitie (if it
 may so be iustly called) they were scarse able to liue and paie their
 rents at their daies without selling of a cow, or an horsse, or more,
 although they paid but foure pounds at the vttermost by the yeare.
 Such also was their pouertie, that if some one od farmer or husbandman
 had béene at the alehouse, a thing greatlie vsed in those daies,
 amongst six or seuen of his neighbours, and there in a brauerie to
 shew what store he had, did cast downe his pursse, and therein a noble
 or six shillings in siluer vnto them (for few such men then cared for
 gold bicause it was not so readie paiment, and they were oft inforced
 to giue a penie for the exchange of an angell) it was verie likelie
 that all the rest could not laie downe so much against it: whereas in
 my time, although peraduenture foure pounds of old rent be improued to
 fortie, fiftie, or an hundred pounds, yet will the farmer as another
 palme or date trée thinke his gaines verie small toward the end of his
 terme, if he haue not six or seuen yeares rent lieng by him, therewith
 to purchase a new lease, beside a faire garnish of pewter on his
 cupbord, with so much more in od vessell going about the house, thrée
 or foure featherbeds, so manie couerlids and carpets of tapistrie, a
 siluer salt, a bowle for wine (if not an whole neast) and a dozzen of
 spoones to furnish vp the sute. This also he taketh to be his owne
 cléere, for what stocke of monie soeuer he gathereth & laieth vp in
 all his yeares, it is often séene, that the landlord will take such
 order with him for the same, when he renueth his lease, which is
 commonlie eight or six yeares before the old be expired (sith it is
 now growen almost to a custome, that if he come not to his lord so
 long before, another shall step in for a reuersion, and so defeat him
 out right) that it shall neuer trouble him more than the haire of his
 beard, when the barber hath washed and shauen it from his chin. And as
 they commend these, so (beside the decaie of housekéeping whereby the
 poore haue beene relieued) they speake also of thrée things that are
 growen to be verie grieuous vnto them, to wit, the inhansing of rents,
 latelie mentioned; the dailie oppression of copiholders, whose lords
 séeke to bring their poore tenants almost into plaine seruitude and
 miserie, dailie deuising new meanes, and séeking vp all the old how to
 cut them shorter and shorter, doubling, trebling, and now & then seuen
 times increasing their fines, driuing them also for euerie trifle to
 loose and forfeit their tenures (by whome the greatest part of the
 realme dooth stand and is mainteined) to the end they may fléece them
 yet more, which is a lamentable hering. The third thing they talke of
 is vsurie, a trade brought in by the Iewes, now perfectlie practised
 almost by euerie christian, and so commonlie that he is accompted but
 for a foole that dooth lend his monie for nothing. In time past it was
 "Sors pro sorte," that is, the principall onelie for the principall;
 but now beside that which is aboue the principall properlie called
 "Vsura," we chalenge "F[oe]nus," that is commoditie of soile, & fruits
 of the earth, if not the ground it selfe. In time past also one of the
 hundred was much, from thence it rose vnto two, called in Latine
 "Vsura, Ex sextante;" thrée, to wit "Ex quadrante;" then to foure, to
 wit "Ex triente;" then to fiue, which is "Ex quincunce;" then to six,
 called "Ex semisse," &c: as the accompt of the "Assis" ariseth, and
 comming at the last vnto "Vsura ex asse," it amounteth to twelue in
 the hundred, and therefore the Latines call it "Centesima," for that
 in the hundred moneth it doubleth the principall; but more of this
 elsewhere. See Cicero against Verres, Demosthenes against Aphobus, and
 Athenæus lib. 13. in fine: and when thou hast read them well, helpe I
 praie thée in lawfull maner to hang vp such as take "Centu[=u] pro
 cento," for they are no better worthie as I doo iudge in conscience.
 [Sidenote: By the yeare.]
 Forget not also such landlords as vse to value their leases at a
 secret estimation giuen of the wealth and credit of the taker, whereby
 they séeme (as it were) to eat them vp and deale with bondmen, so that
 if the leassée be thought to be worth an hundred pounds, he shall paie
 no lesse for his new terme, or else another to enter with hard and
 doubtfull couenants. I am sorie to report it, much more gréeued to
 vnderstand of the practise; but most sorowfull of all to vnderstand
 that men of great port and countenance are so farre from suffering
 their farmers to haue anie gaine at all, that they themselues become
 grasiers, butchers, tanners, shéepmasters, woodmen, and "denique quid
 non," thereby to inrich themselues, and bring all the wealth of the
 countrie into their owne hands, leauing the communaltie weake, or as
 an idoll with broken or féeble armes, which may in a time of peace
 haue a plausible shew, but when necessitie shall inforce, haue an
 heauie and bitter sequele.




 OF CITIES AND TOWNES IN ENGLAND.

 CAP. XIII.


 [Sidenote: Six and twentie cities in England.]
 As in old time we read that there were eight and twentie flamines and
 archflamines in the south part of this Ile, and so manie great cities
 vnder their iurisdiction: so in these our daies there is but one or
 two fewer, and each of them also vnder the ecclesiasticall regiment of
 some one bishop or archbishop, who in spirituall cases haue the charge
 and ouersight of the same. So manie cities therefore are there in
 England and Wales, as there be bishopriks & archbishopriks. For
 notwithstanding that Lichfield and Couentrie, and Bath and Welles, doo
 séeme to extend the aforesaid number vnto nine and twentie: yet
 neither of these couples are to be accounted, but as one entier citie
 and sée of the bishop, sith one bishoprike can haue relation but vnto
 one sée, and the said see be situate but in one place, after which the
 bishop dooth take his name. It appeareth by our old and ancient
 histories, that the cities of this southerlie portion haue beene of
 excéeding greatnesse and beautie, whereof some were builded in the
 time of the Samotheans, and of which not a few in these our times are
 quite decaied, and the places where they stood worne out of all
 remembrance. Such also for the most part as yet remaine are
 maruellouslie altered, insomuch that whereas at the first they were
 large and ample, now are they come either vnto a verie few houses, or
 appeare not to be much greater in comparison than poore & simple
 villages. Antoninus the most diligent writer of the thorough fares of
 Britaine, noteth among other these ancient townes following, as
 [Sidenote: Sitomagus.]
 Sitomagus, which he placeth in the waie from Norwich, as Leland
 [Sidenote: Nouiomagus.]
 supposeth (wherin they went by Colchester) to London, Nouiomagus that
 lieth betwéene Carleill and Canturburie, within ten miles east of
 [Sidenote: Neomagus.]
 [Sidenote: Niomagus.]
 London, and likewise Neomagus and Niomagus which take their names of
 their first founder Magus, the sonne of Samothes, & second king of the
 Celtes that reigned in this Iland; and not "A profunditate," onelie,
 as Bodinus affirmeth out of Plinie, as if all the townes that ended in
 Magus should stand in holes and low grounds: which is to be disprooued
 in diuerse cities in the maine, as also here with vs. Of these
 moreouer sir Thomas Eliot supposeth Neomagus to haue stood somewhere
 about Chester; & George Lillie in his booke of the names of ancient
 places, iudgeth Niomagus to be the verie same that we doo now call
 Buckingham, and lieth farre from the shore. And as these and sundrie
 other now perished tooke their denomination of this prince, so there
 [Sidenote: Salisburie of Sarron.]
 are diuerse causes, which mooue me to coniecture, that Salisburie
 dooth rather take the first name of Sarron the sonne of the said
 Magus, than of Cæsar, Caradoc or Seuerus (as some of our writers doo
 imagine) or else at the least wise of Salisburge of the maine, from
 whence some Saxons came to inhabit in this land. And for this later
 not vnlikelie, sith before the comming of the Saxons, the king of the
 Suessionenses had a great part of this Iland in subiection, as Cæsar
 saith; and in another place that such of Belgie as stale ouer hither
 from the maine, builded and called diuerse cities after the names of
 [Sidenote: Sarronium.]
 [Sidenote: Sarronsburg.]
 the same from whence they came, I meane such as stood vpon the coast,
 as he himselfe dooth witnesse. But sith coniectures are no verities,
 and mine opinion is but one mans iudgement, I will not stand now vpon
 the proofe of this matter, least I should séeme to take great paines
 in adding new coniectures vnto old, in such wise to deteine the heads
 of my readers about these trifles, that otherwise peraduenture would
 be farre better occupied in matters of more importance. To procéed
 therefore. As soone after the first inhabitation of this Iland, our
 cities began no doubt to be builded and increased, so they ceased not
 to multiplie from time to time, till the land was throughlie furnished
 with hir conuenient numbers, whereof some at this present with their
 ancient names, doo still remaine in knowledge, though diuerse be
 doubted of, and manie more perished by continuance of time, and
 violence of the enimie. I doubt not also but the least of these were
 [Sidenote: Greater cities in times past when husbandmen
 also were citizens.]
 comparable to the greatest of those which stand in our time, for sith
 that in those daies the most part of the Iland was reserued vnto
 pasture, the townes and villages either were not at all (but all sorts
 of people dwelled in the cities indifferentlie, an image of which
 estate may yet be seene in Spaine) or at the lestwise stood not so
 thicke, as they did afterward in the time of the Romans, but chéefelie
 [Sidenote: The cause of the increase of villages.]
 after the comming of the Saxons, and after them the Normans, when
 euerie lord builded a church neare vnto his owne mansion house, and
 thereto imparted the greatest portion of his lands vnto sundrie
 tenants, to hold the same of him by coppie of court roll, which rolles
 were then kept in some especiall place indifferentlie appointed by
 them and their lord, so that the one could haue no resort vnto them
 without the other, by which means the number of townes and villages
 was not a little increased. If anie man be desirous to know the names
 of those ancient cities, that stood in the time of the Romans, he
 shall haue them here at hand, in such wise as I haue gathered them out
 of our writers, obseruing euen their manner of writing of them so
 neare as to me is possible, without alteration of anie corruption
 crept vp into the same.

                     { Trenouanton.
                     { Cair Lud.
   1 London          { Londinum or Longidinium.
     otherwise       { Augusta of the legion Augusta
     called          {   that soiourned there,
                     {   when the Romans ruled
                     {   here.

 [Sidenote: Leouitius placeth Yorke in Scotland de eclipsibus.]
 [Sidenote: A legion conteined sixtie centuries, thirtie manipuli,
 thrée cohortes.]

                     { Cairbranke.
                     { Vrouicum or Yurewijc.
   2 Yorke           { Eorwijc or Eoforwijc.
     otherwise       { Yeworwijc.
     called          { Eboracum.
                     { Victoria of the legion victrix
                     {   that laie there sometime.

                     { Duroruerno aliàs Duraruenno.
   3 Canturburie.    { Dorobernia.
                     { Cantwarbirie.

                     { Cair Colon.
                     { Cair Colden.
                     { Cair Colkin of Coilus.
                     { Cair Colun, of the riuer that
                     {   runneth thereby.
   4 Colchester.     { Colonia, of the colonie
                     {   planted there by the Romans.
                     {               { Plin. lib. 2.
                     { Coloncester.  {   ca. 75.
                     { Camulodunum.  { Tacitus.
                     {               { Ptolome.

                     { Cair Lud Coit, of the woods
                     {   that stood about it.
   5 Lincolne.       { Cair Loichoit, by corruption.
                     { Lindum.
                     { Lindocollinum.

   6 Warwijc         { Cair Guttelin.
     had sometime    { Cair Line or Cair Leon.
     9 parish        { Cair Gwair.
     churches.       { Cair Vmber.
                     { Cair Gwaerton.

   7 Chester vpon    { Cair legion.
     Vske was a      { Carlheon.
     famous          { Cairlium.
     vniuersitie     { Legecester.
     in the time     { Ciuitas legionum.
     of Arthur.

   8 Carleill.       { Cair Lueill.
                     { Cair Leill.
                     { Lugibalia.
                     { Cair Doill.

                     { Cair Maricipit.
                     { Cair Municip.
   9 S. Albanes.     { Verolamium.
                     { Verlamcester.
                     { Cair Wattelin, of the street
                     {   wheron it stood.

                     { Cair Gwent.
   10 Winchester.    { Cair Gwin.
                     { Cair Wine.
                     { Venta Simenorum.

                     { Cair Churne.
                     { Cair Kyrne.
   11 Cisceter.      { Cair Kery.
                     { Cair Cery.
                     { Cirnecester.
                     { Churnecester.

 [Sidenote: * Cair Segent stood vpon the Thames, not farre from
 Reding.]

   12 Silcester.     { [*]Cair Segent.
                     { Selecester.

                     { Cair Badon.
   13 Bath.          { Thermæ.
                     { Aquæ solis.

   14 Shaftesbyry.   { Cair Paladour.
                     { Septonia.

                     { Wigornia.
                     { Cair Gworangon.
   15 Worcester.     { Brangonia.
                     { Cair Frangon.
                     { Woorkecester.

   16 Chichester.    { Cair Key or Kair Kis.
                     { Cair Chic.

                     { Cair Odernant Badon.
                     { Oder.
   17 Bristow.       { Cair Bren.
                     { Venta Belgarum.
                     { Brightstow.

                     { Durobreuis, corruptlie  { Durobrouis.
   18 Rochester.     { Rofcester.              { Dubobrus.
                     { Roffa.                  { Durobrius.

   19 Portchester.   { Cair Peris.
                     { Cair Porcis.

                     { Cair Maridunum.
                     { Cair Merdine.
   20 Cairmarden.    { Maridunum.
                     { Cair Marlin.
                     { Cair Fridhin.

                     { Cair Clowy.
   21 Glocester.     { Cair Glow.
                     { Claudiocestria.

                     { Cair Beir.
                     { Cair Leir.
   22 Leircester.    { Cair Lirion.
                     { Wirall, teste. Matth. West.
                     {   895.

   23 Cambridge.     { Grantabric.
                     { Cair Graunt.

                     { 24 Cair Vrnach, peraduenture
                     {    Burgh castell.
                     { 25 Cair Cucurat.
                     { 26 Cair Draiton, now a
                     {    slender village.
                     { 27 Cair Celennon.
                     { 28 Cair Megwaid.

 As for Cair Dorme (another whereof I read likewise) it stood somewhere
 vpon the Nene in Huntingdon shire, but now vnknowne, sith it was twise
 raced to the ground, first by the Saxons, then by the Danes, so that
 the ruines thereof are in these daies not extant to be séene. And in
 like sort I am ignorant where most of them stood, that are noted with
 the star. I find in like sort mention of a noble citie called Alcluid
 ouer and beside these afore mentioned, sometime builded by Ebracus of
 Britaine, as the fame goeth, and finallie destroied by the Danes,
 about the yeare of Grace 870. It stood vpon the banks of the riuer
 Cluda, to wit, betwéene it and the blanke on the north, and the Lound
 lake on the west, and was sometime march betwéene the Britons and the
 Picts, and likewise the Picts and the Scots; neuerthelesse, the
 castell (as I heare) dooth yet remaine, and hath béene since well
 repared by the Scots, and called Dombrittain or Dunbritton, so that it
 is not an hard matter by these few words to find where Alcluid stood.
 I could here, if leisure serued, and hast of the printer not require
 dispatch, deliuer the ancient names of sundrie other townes, of which
 Stafford in time past was called Stadtford, and therfore (as I gesse)
 builded or the name altered by the Saxons, Kinebanton now Kimbalton.
 But if anie man be desirous to sée more of them, let him resort to
 Houeden in the life of Henrie the second, and there he shall be
 further satisfied of his desire in this behalfe.

 [Sidenote: When Albane was martyred Asclepiodotus was legat in
 Britaine.]
 It should séeme when these ancient cities flourished, that the same
 towne, which we now call saint Albons, did most of all excell: but
 chéefelie in the Romans time, and was not onelie nothing inferior to
 London it selfe, but rather preferred before it, bicause it was newer,
 and made a Municipium of the Romans, whereas the other was old and
 ruinous, and inhabited onelie by the Britons, as the most part of the
 Iland was also in those daies. Good notice hereof also is to be taken
 by Matthew Paris, and others before him, out of whose writings I haue
 thought good to note a few things, whereby the maiestie of this
 ancient citie may appeare vnto posteritie, and the former estate of
 Verlamcester not lie altogither (as it hath doone hitherto) raked vp
 in forgetfulnes, through the negligence of such as might haue deserued
 better of their successours, by leauing the description thereof in a
 booke by it selfe, sith manie particulars thereof were written to
 their hands, that now are lost and perished. Tacitus in the
 fouretéenth booke of his historie maketh mention of it, shewing that
 in the rebellion of the Britons, the Romans there were miserablie
 distressed, "Eadem clades" (saith he) "municipio Verolamio fuit." And
 here vpon Nennius in his catalog of cities calleth it Cair municip, as
 [Sidenote: Sullomaca and Barnet all one, or not far in sunder.]
 I before haue noted. Ptolome speaking of it, dooth place it among the
 Catyeuchlanes, but Antoninus maketh it one and twentie Italian miles
 from London, placing Sullomaca nine mile from thence, whereby it is
 euident, that Sullomaca stood néere to Barnet, if it were not the
 verie same. Of the old compasse of the walles of Verolamium there is
 now small knowledge to be had by the ruines, but of the beautie of the
 citie it selfe you shall partlie vnderstand by that which followeth at
 hand, after I haue told you for your better intelligence what
 "Municipium Romanorum" is: for there is great difference betwéene that
 and "Colonia Romanorum," sith "Colonia aliò traducitur a ciuitate
 Roma," but "Municipes aliundè in ciuitatem veniunt, suísq; iuribus &
 legibus viuunt:" moreouer their soile is not changed into the nature
 of the Romane, but they liue in the stedfast fréendship and protection
 of the Romans, as did somtime the Ceretes who were the first people
 which euer obteined that priuilege. The British Verolamians therefore,
 hauing for their noble seruice in the warres deserued great
 commendations at the hands of the Romans, they gaue vnto them the
 whole fréedome of Romans, whereby they were made Municipes, and became
 more frée in truth than their Colonies could be. To conclude
 therefore, Municipium is a citie infranchised and indued with Romane
 priuileges, without anie alteration of hir former inhabitants or
 priuileges; whereas a Colonie is a companie sent from Rome into anie
 other region or prouince, to possesse either a citie newlie builded,
 or to replenish the same from whence hir former citizens haue beene
 expelled and driuen out. Now to proceed.

 In the time of king Edgar it fell out, that one Eldred was abbat
 there; who being desirous to inlarge that house, it came into his mind
 to search about in the ruines of Verolamium (which now was ouerthrowne
 by the furie of the Saxons & Danes) to sée if he might there come by
 anie curious peeces of worke, wherewith to garnish his building taken
 in hand. To be short, he had no sooner begun to dig among the rubbis,
 but he found an excéeding number of pillers, péeces of antike worke,
 thresholds, doore frames, and sundrie other péeces of fine masonrie
 for windowes and such like, verie conuenient for his purpose. Of these
 also some were of porphyrite stone, some of diuerse kinds of marble,
 touch, and alabaster, beside manie curious deuises of hard mettall, in
 finding whereof he thought himselfe an happie man, and his successe to
 be greatlie guided by S. Albane. Besides these also he found sundrie
 pillers of brasse, and sockets of latton, alabaster and touch, all
 which he laid aside by great heaps, determining in the end (I saie) to
 laie the foundation of a new abbaie, but God so preuented his
 determination, that death tooke him awaie, before his building was
 begun. After him succéeded one Eadmerus, who followed the dooings of
 Eldred to the vttermost: and therefore not onlie perused what he had
 left with great diligence, but also caused his pioners to search yet
 further, within the old walles of Verolamium, where they not onelie
 found infinite other péeces of excellent workemanship, but came at the
 last to certeine vaults vnder the ground, in which stood diuers idols,
 and not a few altars, verie superstitiouslie and religiouslie adorned,
 as the pagans left them belike in time of necessitie. These images
 were of sundrie mettals, and some of pure gold, their altars likewise
 were richlie couered, all which ornaments Edmerus tooke awaie, and not
 onelie conuerted them to other vse in his building, but also destroied
 an innumerable sort of other idols, whose estimation consisted in
 their formes, and substances could doo no seruise. He tooke vp also
 sundrie curious pots, iugs, and cruses of stone and wood most
 artificiallie wrought and carued, and that in such quantitie, besides
 infinite store of fine houshold stuffe, as if the whole furniture of
 the citie had béene brought thither of purpose to be hidden in those
 vaults. In procéeding further, he tooke vp diuerse pots of gold,
 siluer, brasse, glasse and earth, whereof some were filled with the
 ashes and bones of the gentils, the mouths being turned downewards
 (the like of which, but of finer earth, were found in great numbers
 also of late in a well at little Massingham in Norffolke, of six or
 eight gallons a péece, about the yeare 1578, and also in the time of
 Henrie the eight) and not a few with the coines of the old Britons and
 Romane emperours. All which vessels the said abbat brake into péeces,
 and melting the mettall, he reserued it in like sort for the
 garnishing of his church.

 He found likewise in a stone wall two old bookes, whereof one
 contained the rites of the gentils, about the sacrifices of their
 gods, the other (as they now saie) the martyrdome of saint Albane,
 [Sidenote: This soundeth like a lie.]
 both of them written in old Brittish letters, which either bicause no
 man then liuing could read them, or for that they were not woorth the
 keeping, were both consumed to ashes, sauing that a few notes were
 first taken out of this later, concerning the death of their Albane.
 Thus much haue I thought good to note of the former beautie of
 Verolamium, whereof infinite other tokens haue beene found since that
 time, and diuerse within the memorie of man, of passing workemanship,
 the like whereof hath no whers else béene séene in anie ruines within
 the compasse of this Ile, either for cost or quantitie of stuffe.

 Furthermore, whereas manie are not afraid to saie that the Thames came
 sometimes by this citie, indeed it is nothing so; but that the Verlume
 (afterward called Vere and the Mure) did and dooth so still
 (whatsoeuer Gildas talketh hereof, whose books may be corrupted in
 that behalfe) there is yet euident proofe to be confirmed by
 experience. For albeit that the riuer be now growne to be verie small
 by reason of the ground about it, which is higher than it was in old
 time; yet it kéepeth in maner the old course, and runneth betwéene the
 old citie that was, and the new towne that is standing on Holmehirst
 crag, as I beheld of late. Those places also which now are medow
 beneath the abbaie, were sometimes a great lake, mere, or poole,
 through which the said riuer ran, and (as I read) with a verie swift
 and violent course, wheras at this present it is verie slow, and of no
 such deapth as of ancient times it hath beene. But heare what mine
 author saith further of the same. As those aforsaid workemen digged in
 these ruines, they happened oftentimes vpon Lempet shels, péeces of
 rustie anchors, and keeles of great vessels, wherevpon some by and by
 gathered that either the Thames or some arme of the sea did beat vpon
 that towne, not vnderstanding that these things might aswell happen in
 great lakes and meres, wherof there was one adioining to the north
 side of the citie, which laie then (as some men thinke) vnwalled, but
 that also is false. For being there vpon occasion this summer passed,
 I saw some remnant of the old wals standing in that place, which
 appeared to haue béene verie substantiallie builded; the ruines
 likewise of a greater part of them are to be séene running along by
 the old chappell hard by in maner of a banke. Whereby it is euident
 that the new towne standeth cleane without the limits of the old, and
 that the bridge whereof the historie of S. Albane speaketh, was at the
 nether end of Halliwell stréet or there about, for so the view of the
 place doth inforce me to coniecture. This mere (which the Latine copie
 of the description of Britaine, written of late by Humfrey Lhoid our
 countrie man calleth corruptlie "Stagnum enaximum" for "Stagnum
 maximum") at the first belonged to the king, and thereby Offa in his
 time did reape no small commoditie. It continued also vntill the time
 of Alfrijc the seuenth abbat of that house, who bought it outright of
 the king then liuing, and by excessiue charges drained it so
 narrowlie, that within a while he left it drie (sauing that he
 reserued a chanell for the riuer to haue hir vsuall course, which he
 held vp with high bankes) bicause there was alwaies contention
 betwéene the moonks and the kings seruants, which fished on that water
 vnto the kings behoofe.

 In these daies therefore remaineth no maner mention of this poole, but
 onelie in one stréet, which yet is called Fishpoole stréet, wherof
 this may suffice for the resolution of such men, as séeke rather to
 yéeld to an inconuenience, than that their Gildas should séeme to
 mistake this riuer.

 Hauing thus digressed to giue some remembrance of the old estate of
 Verolamium, it is now time to returne againe vnto my former purpose.
 Certes I would gladlie set downe with the names and number of the
 cities, all the townes and villages in England and Wales, with their
 true longitudes and latitudes, but as yet I cannot come by them in
 such order as I would: howbeit the tale of our cities is soone found
 by the bishoprikes, sith euerie sée hath such prerogatiue giuen vnto
 it, as to beare the name of a citie, & to vse Regale ius within hir
 owne limits. Which priuilege also is granted to sundrie ancient townes
 in England, especiallie northward, where more plentie of them is to be
 found by a great deale than in the south. The names therefore of our
 cities are these:

   London.
   Yorke.
   Canturburie.
   Winchester.
   Cairleill.
   Durham.
   Elie.
   Norwich.
   Lincolne.
   Worcester.
   Glocester.
   Hereford.
   Salisburie.
   Excester.
   Bath.
   Lichfield.
   Bristow.
   Rochester.
   Chester.
   Chichester.
   Oxford.
   Peterborow.
   Landaffe.
   S. Dauids.
   Bangor.
   S. Asaph.

 Whose particular plots and models with their descriptions shall insue,
 if it may be brought to passe, that the cutters can make dispatch of
 them before this chronologie be published. Of townes and villages
 likewise thus much will I saie, that there were greater store in old
 time (I meane within three or foure hundred yeare passed) than at this
 present. And this I note out of diuerse records, charters, and
 donations (made in times past vnto sundrie religious houses, as
 Glassenburie, Abbandon, Ramseie, Elie, and such like) and whereof in
 these daies I find not so much as the ruines. Leland in sundrie places
 complaineth likewise of the decaie of parishes in great cities and
 townes, missing in some six, or eight, or twelue churches and more, of
 all which he giueth particular notice. For albeit that the Saxons
 builded manie townes and villages, and the Normans well more at their
 first comming, yet since the first two hundred yeares after the latter
 conquest, they haue gone so fast againe to decaie, that the ancient
 number of them is verie much abated. Ranulph the moonke of Chester
 telleth of generall surueie made in the fourth, sixtéenth, &
 nineteenth of the reigne of William Conquerour, surnamed the Bastard,
 wherein it was found, that (notwithstanding the Danes had ouerthrowne
 a great manie) there were to the number of 52000 townes, 45002 parish
 churches, and 75000 knights fées, whereof the cleargie held 28015. He
 addeth moreouer that there were diuerse other builded since that time,
 within the space of an hundred yeares after the comming of the
 Bastard, as it were in lieu or recompense of those that William Rufus
 pulled downe for the erection of his new forrest. For by an old booke
 which I haue, and sometime written as it séemeth by an vndershiriffe
 of Nottingham, I find, euen in the time of Edw. 4. 45120 parish
 churches, and but 60216 knights fées, whereof the cleargie held as
 before 28015, or at the least 28000: for so small is the difference
 which he dooth séeme to vse. Howbeit if the assertions of such as
 write in our time concerning this matter, either are or ought to be of
 anie credit in this behalfe, you shall not find aboue 17000 townes and
 villages, and 9210 in the whole, which is little more than a fourth
 part of the aforesaid number, if it be throughlie scanned.

 Certes this misfortune hath not onelie happened vnto our Ile & nation,
 but vnto most of the famous countries of the world heretofore, and all
 by the gréedie desire of such as would liue alone and onelie to
 themselues. And hereof we may take example in Candie of old time
 called Creta, which (as Homer writeth) was called Hecatompolis,
 bicause it conteined an hundred cities, but now it is so vnfurnished
 that it may hardlie be called Tripolis. Diodorus Siculus saith, that
 Aegypt had once 18000 cities, which so decaied in processe of time,
 that when Ptolomeus Lagus reigned, there were not aboue 3000: but in
 our daies both in all Asia & Aegypt this lesser number shall not verie
 readilie be found. In time past in Lincolne (as the fame goeth) there
 haue beene two and fiftie parish churches, and good record appeareth
 for eight and thirtie: but now if there be foure and twentie it is
 all. This inconuenience hath growen altogither to the church by
 appropriations made vnto monasteries and religious houses, a terrible
 canker and enimie to religion.

 But to leaue this lamentable discourse of so notable and gréeuous an
 inconuenience, growing (as I said) by incroching and ioining of house
 to house, and laieng land to land, whereby the inhabitants of manie
 places of our countrie are deuoured and eaten vp, and their houses
 either altogither pulled downe or suffered to decaie by litle and
 litle, although sometime a poore man peraduenture dooth dwell in one
 of them, who not being able to repare it, suffereth it to fall downe,
 & thereto thinketh himselfe verie friendlie dealt withall, if he may
 haue an acre of ground assigned vnto him whereon to kéepe a cow, or
 wherein to set cabbages, radishes, parsneps, carrets, melons, pompons,
 or such like stuffe, by which he and his poore household liueth as by
 their principall food, sith they can doo no better. And as for wheaten
 bread, they eat it when they can reach vnto the price of it,
 contenting themselues in the meane time with bread made of otes or
 barleie: a poore estate God wot! Howbeit what care our great
 incrochers? But in diuers places where rich men dwelled sometime in
 good tenements, there be now no houses at all, but hopyards, and
 sheads for poles, or peraduenture gardens, as we may sée in castell
 Hedingham, and diuerse other places. But to procéed.

 It is so, that our soile being diuided into champaine ground and
 woodland, the houses of the first lie vniformelie builded in euerie
 towne togither with stréets and lanes, wheras in the woodland
 countries (except here and there in great market townes) they stand
 scattered abroad, each one dwelling in the midst of his owne
 occupieng. And as in manie and most great market townes, there are
 commonlie thrée hundred or foure hundred families or mansions, & two
 thousand communicants, or peraduenture more: so in the other, whether
 they be woodland or champaine, we find not often aboue fortie, fiftie,
 or thrée score households, and two or thrée hundred communicants,
 whereof the greatest part neuerthelesse are verie poore folkes,
 oftentimes without all maner of occupieng, sith the ground of the
 parish is gotten vp into a few mens hands, yea sometimes into the
 tenure of one, two or thrée, whereby the rest are compelled either to
 be hired seruants vnto the other, or else to beg their bread in
 miserie from doore to doore.

 There are some (saith Leland) which are not so fauourable when they
 haue gotten such lands, as to let the houses remaine vpon them to the
 vse of the poore; but they will compound with the lord of the soile to
 pull them downe for altogither, saieng that if they did let them
 stand, they should but toll beggers to the towne, therby to surcharge
 the rest of the parish, & laie more burden vpon them. But alas these
 pitifull men sée not that they themselues hereby doo laie the greatest
 log vpon their neighbors necks. For sith the prince dooth commonlie
 loose nothing of his duties accustomable to be paid, the rest of the
 parishioners that remaine must answer and beare them out: for they
 plead more charge other waies, saieng; I am charged alreadie with a
 light horsse, I am to answer in this sort and after that maner. And it
 is not yet altogither out of knowledge, that where the king had seuen
 pounds thirteene shillings at a taske gathered of fiftie wealthie
 householders of a parish in England: now a gentleman hauing three
 parts of the towne in his owne hands, foure housholds doo beare all
 the aforesaid paiment, or else Leland is deceiued in his Commentaries
 lib. 13. latelie come to my hands, which thing he especiallie noted in
 his trauell ouer this Ile. A common plague & enormittie, both in the
 hart of the land and likewise vpon the coasts. Certes a great number
 compleine of the increase of pouertie, laieng the cause vpon God, as
 though he were in fault for sending such increase of people, or want
 of wars that should consume them, affirming that the land was neuer so
 full, &c: but few men doo sée the verie root from whence it dooth
 procéed. Yet the Romans found it out, when they florished, and
 therefore prescribed limits to euerie mans tenure and occupieng. Homer
 commendeth Achilles for ouerthrowing of fiue and twentie cities: but
 in mine opinion Ganges is much better preferred by Suidas for building
 of thrée score in Inde, where he did plant himselfe. I could (if néed
 required) set downe in this place the number of religious houses and
 monasteries, with the names of their founders that haue béene in this
 Iland: but sith it is a thing of small importance, I passe it ouer as
 impertinent to my purpose. Yet herein I will commend sundrie of the
 monasticall votaries, especiallie moonkes, for that they were authors
 of manie goodlie borowes and endwares, néere vnto their dwellings,
 although otherwise they pretended to be men separated from the world.
 But alas their couetous minds one waie in inlarging their reuenues,
 and carnall intent an other, appéered herin too too much. For being
 bold from time to time to visit their tenants, they wrought off great
 wickednesse, and made those endwares little better than brodelhouses,
 especiallie where nunries were farre off, or else no safe accesse vnto
 them. But what doo I spend my time in the rehearsall of these
 filthinesses? Would to God the memorie of them might perish with the
 malefactors! My purpose was also at the end of this chapter to haue
 set downe a table of the parish churches and market townes thorough
 out all England and Wales: but sith I can not performe the same as I
 would, I am forced to giue ouer my purpose: yet by these few that
 insue you shall easilie see what order I would haue vsed according to
 the shires, if I might haue brought it to passe.


   _Shires._                             _Market townes._  _Parishes._

   Middlesex.                                       3             73
   London within the walles, and without.                        120
   Surrie.                                          6            140
   Sussex.                                         18            312
   Kent.                                           17            398
   Cambridge.                                       4            163
   Bedford.                                         9             13
   Huntingdon.                                      5             78
   Rutland.                                         2             47
   Barkeshire.                                     11            150
   Northhampton.                                   10            326
   Buckingham.                                     11            196
   Oxford.                                         10            216
   Southhampton.                                   18            248
   Dorset.                                         19            279
   Norffolke.                                      26            625
   Suffolke.                                       25            575
   Essex.                                          18            415




 OF CASTELS AND HOLDS.

 CHAP. XIV.

 It hath béene of long time a question in controuersie, and not yet
 determined, whether holds and castels néere cities or anie where in
 the hart of common-wealths, are more profitable or hurtfull for the
 benefit of the countrie? Neuertheles it séemeth by our owne experience
 that we here in England suppose them altogither vnnéedfull. This also
 is apparent by the testimonie of sundrie writers, that they haue béene
 the ruine of manie a noble citie. Of Old Salisburie I speake not, of
 Anwarpe I saie nothing more than of sundrie other, whereof some also
 in my time neuer cease to incroch vpon the liberties of the cities
 adioining, thereby to hinder them what and wherin they may. For my
 part I neuer read of anie castell that did good vnto the citie
 abutting theron, but onelie the capitoll of Rome: and yet but once
 good vnto the same, in respect of the nine times whereby it brought it
 into danger of vtter ruine and confusion. Aristotle vtterlie denieth
 that anie castle at all can be profitable to a common wealth well
 gouerned. Timotheus of Corinthum affirmeth, that a castle in a common
 wealth is but a bréeder of tyrants. Pyrhus king of Epire being
 receiued also on a time into Athens, among other courtesies shewed
 vnto him, they led him also into their castell of Pallas, who at his
 departure gaue them great thanks for the fréendlie intertainment; but
 with this item, that they should let so few kings come into the same
 as they might, least (saith he) they teach you to repent too late of
 your great gentlenesse. Caietanus in his common-wealth hath finallie
 no liking of them, as appéereth in his eight booke of that most
 excellent treatise. But what haue I to deale whether they be
 profitable or not, sith my purpose is rather to shew what plentie we
 haue of them, which I will performe so far as shall be néedfull?

 There haue béene in times past great store of castels and places of
 defense within the realme of England, of which some were builded by
 the Britons, manie by the Romans, Saxons, and Danes, but most of all
 by the barons of the realme, in & about the time of king Stephan, who
 licenced each of them to build so manie as them listed vpon their owne
 demeasnes, hoping thereby that they would haue imploied their vse to
 his aduantage and commoditie. But finallie when he saw that they were
 rather fortified against himselfe in the end, than vsed in his
 defense, he repented all too late of his inconsiderate dealing, sith
 now there was no remedie but by force for to subdue them. After his
 decease king Henrie the second came no sooner to the crowne, but he
 called to mind the inconuenience which his predecessour had suffered,
 and he himselfe might in time sustaine by those fortifications.
 Therefore one of the first things he did was an attempt to race and
 deface the most part of these holds. Certes he thought it better to
 hazard the méeting of the enimie now and then in the plaine field,
 than to liue in perpetuall feare of those houses, and the rebellion of
 his lords vpon euerie light occasion conceiued, who then were full so
 strong as he, if not more strong; and that made them the readier to
 withstand and gainesaie manie of those procéedings, which he and his
 successours from time to time intended. Herevpon therefore he caused
 more than eleuen hundred of their said castels to be raced and
 ouerthrowne, whereby the power of his nobilitie was not a little
 restreined. Since that time also, not a few of those which remained
 haue decaied, partlie by the commandement of Henrie the third, and
 partlie of themselues, or by conuersion of them into the dwelling
 houses of noble men, their martiall fronts being remooued: so that at
 this present, there are verie few or no castels at all mainteined
 within England, sauing onelie vpon the coasts and marches of the
 countrie for the better kéeping backe of the forren enimie, when
 soeuer he shall attempt to enter and annoie vs.

 The most provident prince that euer reigned in this land, for the
 fortification thereof against all outward enimies, was the late prince
 of famous memorie king Henrie the eight, who beside that he repared
 most of such as were alreadie standing, builded sundrie out of the
 ground. For hauing shaken off the more than seruile yoke of popish
 tyrannie, and espieng that the emperour was offended for his diuorce
 from quéene Catharine his aunt, and thereto vnderstanding that the
 French king had coupled the Dolphin his sonne with the popes neece,
 and maried his daughter to the king of Scots (whereby he had cause
 more iustlie to suspect than safelie to trust anie one of them all as
 Lambert saith) he determined to stand vpon his owne defense, and
 therefore with no small spéed, and like charge, he builded sundrie
 blockehouses, castels, and platformes vpon diuerse frontiers of his
 realme, but chieflie the east and southeast parts of England, whereby
 (no doubt) he did verie much qualifie the conceiued grudges of his
 aduersaries, and vtterlie put off their hastie purpose of inuasion.
 But would to God he had cast his eie toward Harwich, and the coasts of
 Norffolke and Suffolke, where nothing as yet is doone! albeit there be
 none so fit and likelie places for the enimie to enter vpon, as in
 those parts, where, at a full sea they may touch vpon the shore and
 come to land without resistance. And thus much brieflie for my purpose
 at this present. For I néed not to make anie long discourse of
 castels, sith it is not the nature of a good Englishman to regard to
 be caged vp as in a coope, and hedged in with stone wals, but rather
 to meet with his enimie in the plaine field at handstrokes, where he
 maie trauaise his ground, choose his plot, and vse the benefit of
 sunne shine, wind and weather, to his best aduantage & commoditie.
 Isocrates also saith that towres, walles, bulworkes, soldiers, and
 [Sidenote: The best kéepers of kingdomes.]
 plentie of armour, are not the best kéepers of kingdomes; but freends,
 loue of subiects, & obedience vnto martiall discipline, which they
 want that shew themselues either cruell or couetous toward their
 people. As for those tales that go of Beston castell, how it shall
 saue all England on a daie, and likewise the brag of a rebellious
 baron in old time named Hugh Bigot, that said in contempt of king
 Henrie the third, and about the fiftith yeare of his reigne:

   If I were in my castell of Bungeie,
   Vpon the water of Waueneie,
   I wold not set a button by the king of Cockneie,

 I repute them but as toies, the first méere vaine, the second fondlie
 vttered if anie such thing were said, as manie other words are and
 haue béene spoken of like holds (as Wallingford, &c:) but now growen
 out of memorie, and with small losse not heard of among the common
 sort. Certes the castell of Bungeie was ouerthrowen by the aforesaid
 prince, the same yeare that he ouerthrew the walles and castell of
 Leircester, also the castels of Treske and Malesar, apperteining to
 Roger Mowbraie, and that of Fremlingham belonging likewise to Hugh
 Bigot, wherof in the chronologie following you may read at large. I
 might here in like sort take occasion to speake of sundrie strong
 places where camps of men haue lien, and of which we haue great
 plentie here in England in the plaine fields: but I passe ouer to
 talke of any such néedlesse discourses. This neuerthelesse concerning
 [Sidenote: The Wandles in time past were called Windles.]
 two of them is not to be omitted, to wit, that the one néere vnto
 Cambridge now Gogmagogs hill, was called Windleburie before time, as I
 read of late in an old pamphlet. And to saie the truth I haue often
 heard them named Winterburie hilles, which difference may easilie grow
 by corruption of the former word: the place likewise is verie large
 and strong. The second is to be séene in the edge of Shropshire about
 two miles from Colme, betwéene two riuers, the Clun or Colunus, and
 the Tewie otherwise named Themis, wherevnto there is no accesse but at
 one place. The Welshmen call it Cair Carador, and they are of the
 opinion, that Caractatus king of the Sillures was ouercome there by
 Ostorius, at such time as he fled to Cartimanda quéene of the Brigants
 for succour, who betraied him to the Romans, as you may sée in
 Tacitus.




 OF PALACES BELONGING TO THE PRINCE.

 CHAP. XV.


 It lieth not in me to set down exactlie the number & names of the
 palaces belonging to the prince, nor to make anie description of hir
 graces court, sith my calling is and hath béene such, as that I haue
 scarselie presumed to peepe in at hir gates, much lesse then haue I
 aduentured to search out and know the estate of those houses, and what
 magnificent behauiour is to be séene within them. Yet thus much will I
 saie generallie of all the houses and honours perteining to hir
 maiestie, that they are builded either of square stone or bricke, or
 else of both. And thervnto although their capacitie and hugenesse be
 not so monstrous, as the like of diuerse forren princes are to be
 seene in the maine, and new found nations of the world: yet are they
 so curious, neat, and commodious as any of them, both for conuenience
 of offices and lodgings, and excellencie of situation, which is not
 the least thing to be considered of in building. Those that were
 [Sidenote: King Hen. 8. not inferior to Adrian and Iustinian.]
 builded before the time of king Henrie the eight, reteine to these
 daies the shew and image of the ancient kind of workemanship vsed in
 this land: but such as he erected after his owne deuise (for he was
 nothing inferiour in this trade to Adrian the emperour and Iustinian
 the lawgiuer) doo represent another maner of paterne, which as they
 are supposed to excell all the rest that he found standing in this
 realme, so they are and shall be a perpetuall president vnto those
 that doo come after, to follow in their workes and buildings of
 importance. Certes masonrie did neuer better flourish in England than
 in his time. And albeit that in these daies there be manie goodlie
 houses erected in the sundrie quarters of this Iland; yet they are
 rather curious to the eie like paper worke, than substantiall for
 continuance: whereas such as he did set vp excell in both, and
 therefore may iustlie be preferred farre aboue all the rest. The names
 of those which come now to my remembrance, and are as yet reserued to
 hir maiesties onelie vse at pleasure are these: for of such as are
 giuen awaie I speake not, neither of those that are vtterlie decaied,
 as Bainards castell in London builded in the daies of the Conquerour
 by a noble man called William Bainard, whose wife Inga builded the
 priorie of litle Donemow in the daies of Henrie the first; neither of
 the tower roiall there also, &c: sith I sée no cause wherefore I
 should remember them and manie of the like, of whose verie ruines I
 haue no certeine knowledge. Of such I saie therfore as I erst
 [Sidenote: White hall.]
 mentioned, we haue first of all White hall at the west end of London
 (which is taken for the most large & principall of all the rest) was
 first a lodging of the Archbishops of Yorke, then pulled downe, begun
 by cardinall Woolseie, and finallie inlarged and finished by king
 Henrie the eight. By east of this standeth Durham place, sometime
 belonging to the bishops of Durham, but conuerted also by king Henrie
 the eight into a palace roiall, & lodging for the prince. Of Summerset
 place I speake not, yet if the first beginner thereof (I meane the
 lord Edward, the learned and godlie duke of Summerset) had liued, I
 doubt not but it should haue beene well finished and brought to a
 sumptuous end: but as vntimelie death tooke him from that house & from
 vs all, so it prooued the staie of such proceeding as was intended
 about it. Wherby it commeth to passe that it standeth as he left it.
 Neither will I remember the Tower of London, which is rather an
 armorie and house of munition, and therevnto a place for the
 safekéeping of offenders, than a palace roiall for a king or quéene to
 soiourne in. Yet in times past I find that Belline held his aboad
 there, and therevnto extended the site of his palace in such wise,
 that it stretched ouer the Broken wharfe, and came further into the
 citie, in so much that it approched néere to Bellines gate, & as it is
 thought some of the ruines of his house are yet extant, howbeit
 patched vp and made warehouses in that tract of ground in our times.
 [Sidenote: S. James.]
 S. Iames sometime a nonrie, was builded also by the same prince. Hir
 [Sidenote: Oteland.]
 [Sidenote: Ashridge.]
 [Sidenote: Hatfield.]
 [Sidenote: Enuéeld.]
 [Sidenote: Richmond.]
 [Sidenote: Hampton.]
 [Sidenote: Woodstocke.]
 grace hath also Oteland, Ashridge, Hatfield, Hauering, Enuéeld,
 Eltham, Langleie, Richmond builded by Henrie the fift, Hampton court
 (begun sometime by cardinall Woolseie, and finished by hir father) and
 therevnto Woodstocke, erected by king Henrie the first, in which the
 quéenes maiestie delighteth greatlie to soiourne, notwithstanding that
 in time past it was the place of a parcell of hir captiuitie, when it
 pleased God to trie hir by affliction and calamitie.

 [Sidenote: Windsor.]
 For strength Windlesor or Winsor is supposed to be the chéefe, a
 castell builded in time past by king Arthur, or before him by
 Aruiragus, as it is thought, and repared by Edward the third, who
 erected also a notable college there. After him diuerse of his
 successours haue bestowed excéeding charges vpon the same, which
 notwithstanding are farre surmounted by the quéenes maiestie now
 liuing, who hath appointed huge summes of monie to be emploied vpon
 the ornature and alteration of the mould, according to the forme of
 building vsed in our daies, which is more for pleasure than for either
 profit or safegard. Such also hath béene the estimation of this place,
 that diuerse kings haue not onelie béene interred there, but also made
 it the chiefe house of assemblie, and creation of the knights of the
 honorable order of the garter, than the which there is nothing in this
 land more magnificent and statelie.

 [Sidenote: Gréenewich.]
 Greenewich was first builded by Humfreie duke of Glocester, vpon the
 Thames side foure miles east from London, in the time of Henrie the
 sixt, and called Pleasance. Afterwards it was greatlie inlarged by
 king Edw. 4. garnished by king Hen. 7. and finallie made perfect by
 king Hen. 8. the onelie Phenix of his time for fine and curious
 masonrie.

 [Sidenote: Dartford.]
 Not farre from this is Dartford, and not much distant also from the
 southside of the said streame, somtime a nonnerie builded by Edward
 the third, but now a verie commodious palace, wherevnto it was also
 [Sidenote: Eltham.]
 conuerted by K. Henrie the eight. Eltham (as I take it) was builded by
 king Henrie the third, if not before. There are beside these moreouer
 diuerse other. But what shall I néed to take vpon me to repeat all,
 and tell what houses the quéenes maiestie hath? sith all is hirs, and
 when it pleaseth hir in the summer season to recreat hir selfe abroad,
 and view the estate of the countrie, and heare the complaints of hir
 poore commons iniuried by hir vniust officers or their substitutes,
 euerie noble mans house is hir palace, where shee continueth during
 pleasure, and till shée returne againe to some of hir owne, in which
 she remaineth so long as pleaseth hir.

 [Sidenote: Of the court.]
 The court of England, which necessarilie is holden alwaies where the
 prince lieth, is in these daies one of the most renowmed and
 magnificent courts that are to be found in Europe. For whether you
 regard the rich and infinit furniture of household, order of officers,
 or the interteinement of such strangers as dailie resort vnto the
 same, you shall not find manie equall therevnto, much lesse one
 excelling it in anie maner of wise. I might here (if I would, or had
 sufficient disposition of matter concerned of the same) make a large
 discourse of such honorable ports, of such graue councellors, and
 noble personages, as giue their dailie attendance vpon the quéenes
 maiestie there. I could in like sort set foorth a singular
 commendation of the vertuous beautie, or beautifull vertues of such
 ladies and gentlewomen as wait vpon hir person, betweene whose amiable
 countenances and costlinesse of attire, there séemeth to be such a
 dailie conflict and contention, as that it is verie difficult for me
 to gesse, whether of the twaine shall beare awaie the preheminence.
 This further is not to be omitted, to the singular commendation of
 [Sidenote: English courtiers the best learned & the worst liuers.]
 both sorts and sexes of our courtiers here in England, that there are
 verie few of them, which haue not the vse and skill of sundrie
 speaches, beside an excellent veine of writing before time not
 regarded. Would to God the rest of their liues and conuersations were
 correspondent to these gifts! for as our common courtiers (for the
 most part) are the best lerned and indued with excellent gifts, so are
 manie of them the worst men when they come abroad, that anie man shall
 either heare or read of. Trulie it is a rare thing with vs now, to
 heare of a courtier which hath but his owne language. And to saie how
 many gentlewomen and ladies there are, that beside sound knowledge of
 the Gréeke and Latine toongs, are thereto no lesse skilfull in the
 Spanish, Italian, and French, or in some one of them, it resteth not
 in me: sith I am persuaded, that as the noble men and gentlemen doo
 surmount in this behalfe, so these come verie little or nothing at all
 behind them for their parts, which industrie God continue, and
 accomplish that which otherwise is wanting!

 Beside these things I could in like sort set downe the waies and
 meanes, wherby our ancient ladies of the court doo shun and auoid
 idlenesse, some of them exercising their fingers with the needle,
 other in caulworke, diuerse in spinning of silke, some in continuall
 reading either of the holie scriptures, or histories of our owne or
 forren nations about vs, and diuerse in writing volumes of their owne,
 or translating of other mens into our English and Latine toong,
 whilest the yoongest sort in the meane time applie their lutes,
 citharnes, prickesong, and all kind of musike, which they vse onelie
 for recreation sake, when they haue leisure, and are free from
 attendance vpon the quéenes maiestie, or such as they belong vnto. How
 manie of the eldest sort also are skilfull in surgerie and
 distillation of waters, beside sundrie other artificiall practises
 perteining to the ornature and commendations of their bodies, I might
 (if I listed to deale further in this behalfe) easilie declare, but I
 passe ouer such maner of dealing, least I should séeme to glauer, and
 currie fauour with some of them. Neuerthelesse this I will generallie
 saie of them all, that as ech of them are cuning in somthing wherby
 they kéepe themselues occupied in the court, so there is in maner none
 of them, but when they be at home, can helpe to supplie the ordinarie
 want of the kitchen with a number of delicat dishes of their owne
 deuising, wherein the Portingall is their chéefe counsellor, as some
 of them are most commonlie with the clearke of the kitchen, who vseth
 (by a tricke taken vp of late) to giue in a bréefe rehearsall of such
 and so manie dishes as are to come in at euerie course throughout the
 whole seruice in the dinner or supper while: which bill some doo call
 a memoriall, other a billet, but some a fillet, bicause such are
 commonlie hanged on the file, and kept by the ladie or gentlewoman
 vnto some other purpose. But whither am I digressed?

 I might finallie describe the large allowances in offices, and
 yearelie liueries, and therevnto the great plentie of gold and siluer
 plate, the seuerall peeces whereof are commonlie so great and massie,
 and the quantitie therof so abundantlie seruing all the houshold, that
 (as I suppose) Cyniras, Cresus, and Crassus had not the like
 furniture: naie if Midas were now liuing & once againe put to his
 choise, I thinke he could aske no more, or rather not halfe so much as
 is there to be seene and vsed. But I passe ouer to make such needlesse
 discourses, resoluing my selfe, that euen in this also, as in all the
 rest, the excéeding mercie and louing kindnesse of God dooth
 wonderfullie appéere towards vs, in that he hath so largelie indued vs
 with these his so ample benefits.

 In some great princes courts beyond the seas, & which euen for that
 cause are likened vnto hell by diuerse learned writers that haue spent
 a great part of their time in them, as Henricus Cornelius Agrippa, one
 (for example) who in his epistle "Ad aulicum quendam," saith thus: "An
 non in inferno es amice, qui es in aula, vbi dæmonum habitatio est,
 qui illic suis artibus humana licèt effigie regnant, atque vbi
 scelerum schola est, & animarum iactura ingens, ac quicquid vspiam est
 perfidiæ ac doli, quicquid crudelitatis & inclem[=e]tiæ, quicquid
 effrænatæ superbiæ, & rapacis auariciæ, quicquid obscenæ libidinis,
 fædissimæ impudicitiæ, quicquid nefandæ impietatis, & morum
 pessimorum, totum illic aceruatur cumulatissimè, vbi stupra, raptus,
 incestus, adulteria, principum & nobilium ludi sunt, vbi fastus &
 tumor, ira, liuor, fædáque cupido cum socijs suis imperauit, vbi
 criminum omnium procellæ virtutúmque omni[=u] ínenarrabile naufragium,
 &c." In such great princes courts (I saie) it is a world to sée what
 lewd behauiour is vsed among diuerse of those that resort vnto the
 same, and what whoredome, swearing, ribaldrie, atheisme, dicing,
 carding, carowsing, drunkennesse, gluttonie, quareling, and such like
 inconueniences doo dailie take hold, and sometimes euen among those,
 in whose estates the like behauiour is least conuenient (whereby their
 talke is verified which say that the thing increaseth and groweth in
 the courts of princes sauing vertue, which in such places dooth
 languish and dailie vade away) all which enormities are either
 vtterlie expelled out of the court of England, or else so qualified by
 the diligent endeuour of the chiefe officers of hir graces household,
 that seldome are anie of these things apparantlie séene there, without
 due reprehension, and such seuere correction as belongeth to those
 trespasses. Finallie to auoid idlenesse, and preuent sundrie
 transgressions, otherwise likelie to be committed and doone, such
 order is taken, that euerie office hath either a bible, or the bookes
 of the acts and monuments of the church of England, or both, beside
 some histories and chronicles lieng therein, for the exercise of such
 as come into the same: whereby the stranger that entereth into the
 court of England vpon the sudden, shall rather imagine himselfe to
 come into some publike schoole of the vniuersities, where manie giue
 eare to one that readeth, than into a princes palace, if you conferre
 the same with those of other nations. Would to God all honorable
 personages would take example of hir graces godlie dealing in this
 behalfe, and shew their conformitie vnto these hir so good beginnings!
 which if they would, then should manie grieuous offenses (wherewith
 God is highlie displeased) be cut off and restreined, which now doo
 reigne excéedinglie, in most noble and gentlemens houses, wherof they
 sée no paterne within hir graces gates.

 [Sidenote: Traines of attendants.]
 I might speake here of the great traines and troopes of seruing men
 also, which attend vpon the nobilitie of England in their seuerall
 liueries, and with differences of cognisances on their sléeues,
 whereby it is knowen to whome they apperteine. I could also set downe
 what a goodlie sight it is to sée them muster in the court, which
 being filled with them dooth yéeld the contemplation of a noble
 varietie vnto the beholder, much like to the shew of the pecocks taile
 in the full beautie, or of some medow garnished with infinit kinds and
 diuersitie of pleasant floures. But I passe ouer the rehearsall hereof
 to other men, who more delite in vaine amplification than I, and séeke
 to be more curious in these points than I professe to be.

 The discipline of firme peace also that is mainteined within a
 certeine compasse of the princes palace, is such, as is nothing
 inferiour to that we sée dailie practised in the best gouerned holds &
 fortresses. And such is the seuere punishment of those that strike
 within the limits prohibited, that without all hope of mercie, benefit
 of clergie, or sanctuarie, they are sure to loose their right hands at
 a stroke, and that in verie solemne maner, the forme whereof I will
 set downe, and then make an end of this chapter, to deale with other
 matters.

 [Sidenote: Striking within the court and palace of the prince.]
 At such time therefore as the partie transgressing is conuicted by a
 sufficient inquest impanelled for the same purpose, and the time come
 of the execution of the sentence, the sergeant of the kings wood-yard
 prouideth a square blocke, which he bringeth to some appointed place,
 and therewithall a great beetle, staple, and cords, wherewith to
 fasten the hand of the offendor vnto the said blocke, vntill the whole
 circumstance of his execution be performed. The yeoman of the
 scullarie likewise for the time being, dooth prouide a great fire of
 coales hard by the blocke, wherein the searing irons are to be made
 readie against the chiefe surgeon to the prince or his deputie shall
 occupie the same. Upon him also dooth the sergeant or chiefe farrour
 attend with those irons, whose office is to deliuer them to the said
 surgeon when he shall be redie by searing to vse the same. The groome
 of the salarie for the time being or his deputie is furthermore
 appointed to be readie with vineger and cold water, and not to depart
 from the place vntill the arme of the offendor be bound vp and fullie
 dressed. And as these things are thus prouided, so the sergeant
 surgeon is bound from time to time to be readie to execute his charge,
 and seare the stumpe, when the hand is taken from it. The sergeant of
 the cellar is at hand also with a cup of red wine, and likewise the
 chiefe officer of the pantrie with manchet bread to giue vnto the said
 partie after the execution doone, and the stumpe seared, as the
 sergeant of the ewerie is with clothes, wherein to wind and wrap vp
 the arme, the yeoman of the poultrie with a cocke to laie vnto it, the
 yeoman of the chandrie with seared cloths, and finallie the maister
 cooke or his deputie with a sharpe dressing knife, which he deliuereth
 at the place of execution to the sergeant of the larder, who dooth
 hold it vpright in his hand, vntill the execution be performed by the
 publike officer appointed therevnto. And this is the maner of
 punishment ordeined for those that strike within the princes palace,
 or limits of the same. Which should first haue beene executed on sir
 Edmund Kneuet, in the yeare 1541. But when he had made great sute to
 saue his right hand for the further seruice of the king in his warres,
 and willinglie yeelded to forgo his left, in the end the king pardoned
 him of both, to no small benefit of the offendor, and publication of
 the bountifull nature that remained in the prince. The like priuilege
 almost is giuen to churches and churchyards, although in maner of
 punishment great difference doo appeere. For he that bralleth or
 quarelleth in either of them, is by and by suspended "Ab ingressu
 ecclesiæ," vntill he be absolued: as he is also that striketh with the
 fist, or laieth violent hands vpon anie whome so euer. But if he
 happen to smite with staffe, dagger, or anie maner of weapon, & the
 same be sufficientlie found by the verdict of twelue men at his
 arrainement, beside excommunication, he is sure to loose one of his
 eares without all hope of release. But if he be such a one as hath
 beene twise condemned and executed, whereby he hath now none eares,
 then is he marked with an hot iron vpon the chéeke, and by the letter
 F, which is seared déepe into his flesh, he is from thencefoorth noted
 as a common barratour and fraie maker, and therevnto remaineth
 excommunicate, till by repentance he deserue to be absolued. To strike
 a clearke also (that is to saie) a minister, is plaine
 excommunication, and the offendor not to be absolued but by the prince
 or his especiall c[=o]mission. Such also is the generall estate of
 the exc[=o]municate in euerie respect, that he can yéeld no
 testimonie in anie matter so long as he so standeth. No bargaine or
 sale that he maketh is auaileable in law, neither anie of his acts
 whatsoeuer pleadable, wherby he liueth as an outlaw & a man altogither
 out of the princes protection, although it be not lawfull to kill him,
 nor anie man otherwise outlawed, without the danger of fellonie.




 OF ARMOUR AND MUNITION.

 CHAP. XVI.


 How well or how stronglie our countrie hath béene furnished in times
 past with armor and artillerie, it lieth not in me as of my selfe to
 make rehersall. Yet that it lacked both in the late time of quéen
 Marie, not onlie the experience of mine elders, but also the talke of
 certeine Spaniards not yet forgotten, did leaue some manifest notice.
 Vpon the first I néed not stand, for few will denie it. For the second
 I haue heard, that when one of the greatest péeres of Spaine espied
 our nakednesse in this behalfe, and did solemnelie vtter in no obscure
 place, that it should be an easie matter in short time to conquer
 England, bicause it wanted armor, his words were then not so rashlie
 vttered, as they were politikelie noted. For albeit that for the
 present time their efficacie was dissembled, and semblance made as
 though he spake but merilie, yet at the verie enterance of this our
 gratious quéene vnto the possession of the crowne, they were so
 prouidentlie called to remembrance, and such spéedie reformation
 sought of all hands for the redresse of this inconuenience, that our
 countrie was sooner furnished with armour and munition, from diuerse
 parts of the maine (beside great plentie that was forged here at home)
 than our enimies could get vnderstanding of anie such prouision to be
 made. By this policie also was the no small hope conceiued by
 Spaniards vtterlie cut off, who of open fréends being now become our
 secret enimies, and thereto watching a time wherein to atchieue some
 heauie exploit against vs and our countrie, did therevpon change their
 purposes, whereby England obteined rest, that otherwise might haue
 béene sure of sharpe and cruell wars. Thus a Spanish word vttered by
 one man at one time, ouerthrew or at the least wise hindered sundrie
 priuie practises of manie at another. In times past the chéefe force
 of England consisted in their long bowes. But now we haue in maner
 generallie giuen ouer that kind of artillerie, and for long bowes in
 déed doo practise to shoot compasse for our pastime: which kind of
 shooting can neuer yéeld anie smart stroke, nor beat downe our
 enimies, as our countrie men were woont to doo at euerie time of néed.
 Certes the Frenchmen and Rutters deriding our new archerie in respect
 of their corslets, will not let in open skirmish, if anie leisure
 serue, to turne vp their tailes and crie; Shoote English, and all
 bicause our strong shooting is decaied and laid in bed. But if some of
 our Englishmen now liued that serued king Edward the third in his
 warres with France, the bréech of such a varlet should haue beene
 nailed to his bum with one arrow, and an other fethered in his bowels,
 before he should haue turned about to sée who shot the first. But as
 our shooting is thus in manner vtterlie decaied among vs one waie, so
 our countrie men wex skilfull in sundrie other points, as in shooting
 in small péeces, the caliuer, and handling of the pike, in the
 seuerall vses whereof they are become verie expert.

 Our armour differeth not from that of other nations, and therefore
 consisteth of corslets, almaine riuets, shirts of maile, iackes
 quilted and couered ouer with leather, fustian, or canuas, ouer thicke
 plates of iron that are sowed in the same, & of which there is no
 towne or village that hath not hir conuenient furniture. The said
 armour and munition likewise is kept in one seuerall place of euerie
 towne, appointed by the consent of the whole parish, where it is
 alwaies readie to be had and worne within an houres warning. Sometime
 also it is occupied, when it pleaseth the magistrate either to view
 the able men, & take note of the well kéeping of the same, or finallie
 to sée those that are inrolled to exercise each one his seuerall
 weapon, at the charge of the townesmen of each parish according to his
 appointment. Certes there is almost no village so poore in England (be
 it neuer so small) that hath not sufficient furniture in a readinesse
 to set foorth thrée or foure soldiers, as one archer, one gunner, one
 pike, & a bilman at the least. No there is not so much wanting as
 their verie liueries and caps, which are least to be accounted of, if
 anie hast required: so that if this good order may continue, it shall
 be vnpossible for the sudden enimie to find vs vnprouided. As for able
 men for seruice, thanked be God, we are not without good store, for by
 the musters taken 1574 and 1575, our number amounted to 1172674, and
 yet were they not so narrowlie taken, but that a third part of this
 like multitude was left vnbilled and vncalled. What store of munition
 and armour the quéenes maiestie hath in hir storehouses, it lieth not
 in me to yéeld account, sith I suppose the same to be infinit. And
 whereas it was commonlie said after the losse of Calis, that England
 should neuer recouer the store of ordinance there left and lost: that
 same is at this time prooued false, sith euen some of the same persons
 doo now confesse, that this land was neuer better furnished with these
 things in anie kings daies that reigned since the conquest.


 _The names of our greatest ordinance are commonlie these._

 Robinet, whose weight is two hundred pounds, and it hath one inch and
 a quarter within the mouth.

 Falconet weigheth fiue hundred pounds, and his widenesse is two inches
 within the mouth.

 Falcon hath eight hundred pounds, and two inches and a halfe within
 the mouth.

 Minion poiseth eleauen hundred pounds, and hath thrée inches and a
 quarter within the mouth.

 Sacre hath fiftéene hundred poundes, and is three inches and a halfe
 wide in the mouth.

 Demie Culuerijn weigheth three thousand pounds, and hath foure inches
 and a halfe within the mouth.

 Culuerijn hath foure thousand pounds, and fiue inches and an halfe
 within the mouth.

 Demie Canon six thousand pounds, and six inches and an halfe within
 the mouth.

 Canon seauen thousand pounds, and eight inches within the mouth.

 E. Canon eight thousand pounds, and seauen inches within the mouth.

 Basiliske 9000 pounds, eight inches, and thrée quarters within the
 mouth. By which proportions also it is easie to come by the weight of
 euerie shot, how manie scores it doth flée at point blanke, how much
 pouder is to be had the same, & finallie how manie inches in height
 ech bullet ought to carrie.

     _The names of_  }    {_Weight_ | _Scores_  | _Pounds_ | _Height_
     _the greatest_  }    {_of the_ |   _of_    |  _of_    |  _of_
      _ordinance._   }    { _shot._ | _cariage._| _pouder._| _bullet._
   +--------------------------------+-----------+----------+----------+
   |Robinet.         }    {  1 li.  |     0     |    1/2   |  1       |
   |Falconet.        }    {  2 li.  |    14     |   2      |  1-1/4   |
   |Falcon.          }    {  2-1/2  |    16     |   2-1/2  |  2-1/4   |
   |Minion.          }    {  4-1/2  |    17     |   4-1/2  |  3       |
   |Sacre.           }    {  5      |    18     |   5      |  3-1/4   |
   |Demie Culuerijn. }hath{  9      |    20     |   9      |  4       |
   |Culuerijn.       }    { 18      |    25     |  18      |  5-1/4   |
   |Demie canon.     }    { 30      |    38     |  28      |  6-1/4   |
   |Canon.           }    { 60      |    20     |  44      |  7-3/4   |
   |E. Canon.        }    { 42      |    20     |  20      |  6-3/4   |
   |Basiliske.       }    { 60      |    21     |  60      |  8-1/4   |
   +--------------------------------+-----------+----------+----------+

 I might here take iust occasion to speake of the princes armories. But
 what shall it néed? sith the whole realme is hir armorie, and
 therefore hir furniture infinit. The Turke had one gun made by one
 Orban a Dane, the caster of his ordinance, which could not be drawen
 to the siege of Constantinople, but by seauentie yokes of oxen, and
 two thousand men; he had two other there also whose shot poised aboue
 two talents in weight, made by the same Orban. But to procéed. As for
 the armories of some of the nobilitie (whereof I also haue seene a
 part) they are so well furnished, that within some one barons custodie
 I haue séene thrée score or a hundred corslets at once, beside
 caliuers, hand-guns, bowes, sheffes of arrowes, pikes, bils, polaxes,
 flaskes, touchboxes, targets, &c: the verie sight wherof appalled my
 courage. What would the wearing of some of them doo then (trow you) if
 I should be inforced to vse one of them in the field? But thanked be
 God, our peaceable daies are such, as no man hath anie great cause to
 occupie them at all, but onelie taketh good leisure to haue them in a
 readinesse, and therefore both high and lowe in England

   Cymbala pro galeis pro scutis tympana pulsant.

 I would write here also of our maner of going to the warres, but what
 hath the long blacke gowne to doo with glistering armour? what sound
 [Sidenote: Malè musis cum Marte.]
 acquaintance can there be betwixt Mars and the Muses? or how should a
 man write anie thing to the purpose of that wherewith he is nothing
 acquainted? This neuerthelesse will I adde of things at home, that
 seldome shall you sée anie of my countriemen aboue eightéene or
 twentie yéeres old to go without a dagger at the least at his backe or
 by his side, although they be aged burgesses or magistrates of anie
 citie, who in appeerance are most exempt from brabling and contention.
 Our nobilitie weare commonlie swords or rapiers with their daggers, as
 dooth euerie common seruing man also that followeth his lord and
 master. Some desperate cutters we haue in like sort, which carrie two
 daggers or two rapiers in a sheath alwaies about them, wherewith in
 euerie dronken fraie they are knowen to worke much mischiefe; their
 swords & daggers also are of a great length, and longer than the like
 vsed in anie other countrie, whereby ech one pretendeth to haue the
 more aduantage of his enimie. But as manie orders haue béene taken for
 the intollerable length of these weapons; so I sée as yet small
 redresse: but where the cause thereof doth rest, in sooth for my part
 I wote not. I might here speake of the excessiue staues which diuerse
 that trauell by the waie doo carrie vpon their shoulders, whereof some
 are twelue or thirtéene foote long, beside the pike of twelue inches:
 but as they are commonlie suspected of honest men to be theeues and
 robbers, or at the leastwise scarse true men which beare them; so by
 reason of this and the like suspicious weapons, the honest traueller
 is now inforced to ride with a case of dags at his sadle bow, or with
 some pretie short snapper, whereby he may deale with them further off
 in his owne defense before he come within the danger of these weapons.
 Finallie, no man trauelleth by the waie without his sword, or some
 such weapon, with vs; except the minister, who c[=o]monlie weareth
 none at all, vnlesse it be a dagger or hanger at his side. Seldome
 also are they or anie other waifaring men robbed without the consent
 of the chamberleine, tapster, or ostler where they bait & lie, who
 féeling at their alighting whether their capcases or budgets be of
 anie weight or not, by taking them downe from their sadles, or
 otherwise see their store in drawing of their purses, do by and by
 giue intimation to some one or other attendant dailie in the yard or
 house, or dwelling hard by vpon such matches, whether the preie be
 worth the following or no. If it be for their turne, then the
 gentleman peraduenture is asked which waie he trauelleth, and whether
 it please him to haue another ghest to beare him companie at supper,
 who rideth the same waie in the morning that he doth, or not. And thus
 if he admit him or be glad of his acquaintance, the cheate is halfe
 wrought. And often it is séene that the new ghest shall be robbed with
 the old, onelie to colour out the matter and kéepe him from suspicion.
 Sometimes when they knowe which waie the passenger trauelleth, they
 will either go before and lie in wait for him, or else come galloping
 apace after, wherby they will be sure, if he ride not the stronger, to
 be fingering with his purse. And these are some of the policies of
 such shrews or close booted gentlemen as lie in wait for fat booties
 by the high waies, and which are most commonlie practised in the
 winter season about the feast of Christmas, when seruing men and
 vnthriftie gentlemen want monie to plaie at the dice and cards,
 lewdlie spending in such wise whatsoeuer they haue wickedlie gotten,
 till some of them sharplie set vpon their cheuisances, be trussed vp
 in a Tiburne tippet, which happeneth vnto them commonlie before they
 come to middle age. Wherby it appéereth that some sort of youth will
 oft haue his swinge, although it be in a halter.

 I might also intreat of our old maner of warfare vsed in and before
 the time of Cesar, when as the cheefe brunt of our fight was in
 Essedis or wagons; but this I also passe ouer, noting neuerthelesse
 out of Propertius, that our said wagons were gorgeous and gailie
 painted, which he setteth downe in these foure verses insuing,
 Arethusæ ad Lycotam, lib. 4. eleg. 3.

   Te modò viderunt iteratos Bactra per ortus,
     Te modò munito Sericus hostis equo,
   Hiberníque Getæ, pictóque Brittannia curru,
     Vstus & Eoa discolor Indus aqua.




 OF THE NAUIE OF ENGLAND.

 CHAP. XVII.


 There is nothing that hath brought me into more admiration of the
 power and force of antiquitie, than their diligence and care had of
 their nauies: wherein, whether I consider their spéedie building, or
 great number of ships which some one kingdome or region possessed at
 one instant; it giueth me still occasion, either to suspect the
 historie, or to thinke that in our times we come verie farre behind
 them. For what a thing is it to haue a ship growing on the stub, and
 sailing on the sea within the space of fiue and fiftie daies? And yet
 such a nauie was to be séene in the first war of Carthage, led thither
 by Duellius the Romane. In the warres also against Hieron two hundred
 and twentie tall ships bare leafe & saile within fiue and fortie
 daies. In the second warre of Carthage the nauie that went with Scipio
 was felled in the wood, and séene to saile on the sea fullie furnished
 in sixe weekes: which vnto them that are ignorant of things doth séeme
 to be false, and vnpossible. In like maner for multitude, we find in
 Polybius, that at one skirmish on the sea the Romans lost seauen
 hundred vessels, which bare ech of them fiue rowes of ores on a side,
 and the Carthaginenses fiue hundred. And albeit the formes and
 apparell of these vessels were not altogither correspondent to our
 ships and gallies made in these daies: yet the capacitie of most of
 them did not onelie match, but farre excéed them; so that if one of
 their biremes onlie conteined so much in burden as a ship of ours of
 six hundred tun: what shall we thinke of those which had seauen rowes
 of ores walking on a side? But least I should séeme to speake more of
 these forren things than the course of the historie doth permit
 without licence to digresse: giue me leaue (I beséech thee gentle
 reader) to wade yet a little further in the report of these ancient
 formes & kinds of vessels. For albeit that the discourse hereof maketh
 little to the description of our present nauie in England: yet shall
 the report thereof not be vnprofitable and vnpleasant to such as shall
 reade among the writings of their capacities and moulds. It shall not
 be amisse therefore to begin at the nauie of Xerxes, of which ech
 meane vessell (as appéereth by Herodot) was able to receiue two
 hundred and thirtie souldiers, and some of them thrée hundred. These
 were called triremes, and were indéede gallies that had thrée rowes of
 ores on euerie side; for the word _Nauis_ is indifferentlie applied so
 well to the gallie as ship, as to the conuersant in histories is easie
 to be found. In old time also they had gallies of foure rowes, fiue
 rowes, six, seauen, eight, nine, twelue, yea fifteene rowes of ores on
 a side; iudge you then of what quantitie those vessels were. Plinie
 lib. 7. noteth one Damasthenes to be the first maker of the gallies
 with two rowes called biremes: Thucidides referreth the triremes to
 Ammocles of Corinthum; the quadriremes were deuised by Aristotle of
 Carthage; the quinquiremes by Nesichthon of Salamina; the gallie of
 six rowes by Xenagoras of Syracusa: from this to the tenth Nesigiton
 brought vp; Alexander the great caused one to be made of twelue;
 Ptolomeus Soter of fiftéene; Demetrius the sonne of Antigonus of
 thirtie; Ptolom. Philad. of fortie; Ptol. Triphon of fiftie: all which
 aboue foure were none other (in mine opinion) than vnweldie carts, and
 more seruing for pleasure and to gaze vpon, than anie vse in the wars
 for which they should be deuised. But of all other I note one of
 fortie rowes, which Ptolo Philopater builded, conteining 200 and
 eightie cubits in length, and eight and fortie cubits in breadth: it
 held also foure thousand ores, foure hundred mariners, and three
 thousand souldiers, so that in the said vessell were seauen thousand
 and foure hundred persons: a report incredible, if truth and good
 testimonie did not confirme the same. I must needs confesse therefore,
 that the ancient vessels far exceeded ours for capacitie:
 neuerthelesse if you regard the forme, and the assurance from perill
 of the sea, and therewithall the strength and nimblenesse of such as
 are made in our time, you shall easilie find that ours are of more
 value than theirs: for as the greatest vessell is not alwaies the
 safest, so that of most huge capacitie is not alwaies the aptest to
 shift and brooke the seas: as might be seene by the great Henrie, the
 hugest vessell that euer England framed in our times. Neither were the
 ships of old like vnto ours in mould and maner of building aboue the
 water (for of low gallies in our seas we make small account) nor so
 full of ease within, sith time hath ingendred more skill in the
 wrights, and brought all things to more perfection than they had in
 the beginning. And now to come vnto our purpose at the first intended.

 The nauie of England may be diuided into three sortes, of which the
 one serueth for the warres, the other for burden, and the third for
 fishermen, which get their liuing by fishing on the sea. How manie of
 the first order are mainteined within the realme, it passeth my
 cunning to expresse: yet sith it may be parted into the nauie roiall
 and common fleete, I thinke good to speake of those that belong vnto
 the prince, and so much the rather, for that their number is certeine
 & well knowne to verie manie. Certes there is no prince in Europe that
 hath a more beautifull or gallant sort of ships than the quéenes
 maiestie of England at this present, and those generallie are of such
 exceeding force, that two of them being well appointed and furnished
 as they ought, will not let to encounter with thrée or foure of those
 of other countries, and either bowge them or put them to flight, if
 they may not bring them home.

 Neither are the moulds of anie forren barkes so conuenientlie made, to
 brooke so well one sea as another lieng vpon the shore in anie part of
 the continent as those of England. And therefore the common report
 that strangers make of our ships amongst themselues is dailie
 confirmed to be true, which is, that for strength, assurance,
 nimblenesse and swiftnesse of sailing, there are no vessels in the
 world to be compared with ours. And all these are committed to the
 regiment and safe custodie of the admerall, who is so called (as some
 imagine) of the Gréeke word _Almiras_ a capiteine on the sea, for so
 saith Zonaras "in Basilio Macedone & Basilio Porphyriogenito," though
 other fetch it from _Ad mare_ the Latine words, another sort from
 _Amyras_ the Saracen magistrate, or from some French deriuation: but
 these things are not for this place, and therefore I passe them ouer.
 The quéenes highnesse hath at this present (which is the foure and
 twentith of hir reigne) alreadie made and furnished, to the number of
 foure or fiue and twentie great ships, which lie for the most part in
 Gillingham rode, beside thrée gallies, of whose particular names and
 furnitures (so far foorth as I can come by them) it shall not be
 amisse to make report at this time.


 _The names of so manie ships belonging to hir maiestie as I could come
 by at this present._

   The Bonaduenture.
   Elizabeth Ionas.
   White Beare.
   Philip and Marie.
   Triumph.
   Bull.
   Tiger.
   Antlope.
   Hope.
   Lion.
   Victorie.
   Marie Rose.
   Foresight.
   Swift sute.
   Aid.
   Handmaid.
   Dread nought.
   Swallow.
   Genet.
   Barke of Bullen.
   Achates.
   Falcon.
   George.
   Reuenge.

 It is said, that as kings and princes haue in the yoong daies of the
 world, and long since framed themselues to erect euerie yeare a citie
 in some one place or other of their kingdoms (and no small woonder
 that Sardanapalus should begin & finish two, to wit, Anchialus and
 Tharsus in one daie) so hir grace dooth yearelie build one ship or
 other to the better defense of hir frontiers from the enimie. But as
 of this report I haue no assured certeintie, so it shall suffice to
 haue said so much of these things: yet this I thinke worthie further
 to be added, that if they should all be driuen to seruice at one
 instant (which God forbid) she should haue a power by sea of about
 nine or ten thousand men, which were a notable companie, beside the
 supplie of other vessels apperteining to hir subiects to furnish vp
 hir voiage.

 Beside these hir grace hath other in hand also, of whome hereafter as
 their turnes doo come about, I will not let to leaue some further
 remembrance. She hath likewise thrée notable gallies: the Spéed well,
 the Trie right, and the Blacke gallie, with the sight whereof and rest
 of the nauie roiall, it is incredible to saie how greatlie hir grace
 is delighted: and not without great cause (I saie) sith by their
 meanes hir coasts are kept in quiet, and sundrie forren enimies put
 backe, which otherwise would inuade vs. The number of those that serue
 for burden with the other, whereof I haue made mention alreadie, and
 whose vse is dailie séene, as occasion serueth, in time of the warres,
 is to mée vtterlie vnknowne. Yet if the report of one record be anie
 thing at all to be credited, there are 135 ships that exceed 500 tun,
 topmen vnder 100 and aboue fortie 656: hoies 100: but of hulkes,
 catches, fisherboats, and craiers, it lieth not in me to deliuer the
 iust account, sith they are hardlie to come by. Of these also there
 are some of the quéenes maiesties subiects that haue two or three,
 some foure or six, and (as I heard of late) one man whose name I
 suppresse for modesties sake, hath bene knowne long since to haue had
 sixtéene or seuentéene, and emploied them wholie to the wafting in and
 out of our merchants, whereby he hath reaped no small commoditie and
 gaine. I might take occasion to tell of the notable and difficult
 voiages made into strange countries by Englishmen, and of their dailie
 successe there: but as these things are nothing incident to my
 purpose, so I surcease to speake of them. Onelie this will I ad, to
 the end all men shall vnderstand somewhat of the great masses of
 treasure dailie emploied vpon our nauie, how there are few of those
 ships, of the first and second sort, that being apparelled and made
 readie to sale, are not woorth one thousand pounds, or thrée thousand
 ducats at the least, if they should presentlie be sold. What shall we
 thinke then of the greater, but especiallie of the nauie roiall, of
 which some one vessell is woorth two of the other, as the shipwrights
 haue often told me? It is possible that some couetous person hearing
 this report, will either not credit it at all, or suppose monie so
 emploied to be nothing profitable to the queenes coffers: as a good
 husband said once when he hard there should be prouision made for
 armor, wishing the quéenes monie to be rather laid out to some
 spéedier returne of gaine vnto hir grace, bicause the realme (saith
 he) is in case good enough, and so peraduenture he thought. But if as
 by store of armour for the defense of the countrie, he had likewise
 vnderstanded that the good kéeping of the sea, is the safegard of our
 land, he would haue altered his censure, and soone giuen ouer his
 iudgement. For in times past, when our nation made small account of
 nauigation, how soone did the Romans, then the Saxons, & last of all
 the Danes inuade this Iland? whose crueltie in the end inforced our
 countrimen, as it were euen against their wils, to prouide for ships
 from other places, and build at home of their owne, whereby their
 enimies were oftentimes distressed. But most of all were the Normans
 therein to be commended. For in a short processe of time after the
 conquest of this Iland, and good consideration had for the well
 kéeping of the same, they supposed nothing more commodious for the
 defense of the countrie, than the maintenance of a strong nauie, which
 they spéedilie prouided, mainteined, and thereby reaped in the end
 their wished securitie, wherewith before their times this Iland was
 neuer acquainted. Before the comming of the Romans, I doo not read
 that we had anie ships at all, except a few made of wicker and couered
 with buffle hides, like vnto the which there are some to be seene at
 this present in Scotland (as I heare) although there be a little (I
 wote not well what) difference betwéene them. Of the same also Solinus
 speaketh, so far as I remember: neuerthelesse it may be gathered by
 his words, how the vpper parts of them aboue the water onelie were
 [Sidenote: The Britons fasted all the while they were
 at the sea in these ships.]
 framed of the said wickers, and that the Britons did vse to fast all
 the whiles they went to the sea in them: but whether it were doone for
 policie or superstition, as yet I doo not read.

 In the beginning of the Saxons regiment we had some ships also, but as
 their number and mould was litle and nothing to the purpose, so Egbert
 was the first prince that euer throughlie began to know this
 necessitie of a nauie, and vse the seruice thereof in the defense of
 his countrie. After him also other princes, as Alfred, Edgar,
 Ethelred, &c: indeuoured more and more to store themselues at the full
 with ships of all quantities, but chieflie Edgar, for he prouided a
 nauie of 1600 aliàs 3600 saile, which he diuided into foure parts, and
 sent them to abide vpon foure sundrie coasts of the land to keepe the
 same from pirats. Next vnto him (and worthie to be remembred) is
 Etheldred, who made a law, that euerie man holding 310 hidelands,
 should find a ship furnished to serue him in the warres. Howbeit, and
 as I said before, when all their nauie was at the greatest, it was not
 comparable for force and sure building, to that which afterward the
 Normans prouided; neither that of the Normans anie thing like to the
 same that is to be séene now in these our daies. For the iourneies
 also of our ships, you shall vnderstand, that a well builded vessell
 will run or saile commonlie thrée hundred leagues or nine hundred
 miles in a wéeke, or peraduenture some will go 2200 leagues in six
 wéekes and an halfe. And suerlie, if their lading be readie against
 they come thither, there will be of them that will be here, at the
 west Indies, & home againe in twelue or thirteene wéekes from
 Colchester; although the said Indies be eight hundred leagues from the
 cape or point of Cornewall, as I haue beene informed. This also I
 vnderstand by report of some trauellers, that if anie of our vessels
 happen to make a voiage to Hispaniola or new Spaine, called in time
 past Quinquezia and Haiti, and lieth betwéene the north tropike and
 the equator, after they haue once touched at the Canaries, (which are
 eight daies sailing or two hundred and fiftie leages from S. Lucas de
 Barameda in Spaine) they will be there in thirtie or fourtie daies, &
 home againe in Cornewall in other eight wéekes, which is a goodlie
 matter, beside the safetie and quietnesse in the passage. But more of
 this elsewhere.




 OF FAIRES AND MARKETS.

 CHAP. XVIII.


 There are (as I take it) few great townes in England, that haue not
 their wéekelie markets, one or more granted from the prince, in which
 all maner of prouision for houshold is to be bought and sold, for ease
 and benefit of the countrie round about. Wherby as it c[=o]meth to
 passe that no buier shall make anie great iourneie in the purueiance
 of his necessities: so no occupier shall haue occasion to trauell far
 off with his commodities, except it be to séeke for the highest
 prices, which commonlie are néere vnto great cities, where round and
 spéediest vtterance is alwaies to be had. And as these haue béene in
 times past erected for the benefit of the realme, so are they in many
 places too too much abused: for the reliefe and ease of the buier is
 not so much intended in them, as the benefit of the seller. Neither
 are the magistrats for the most part (as men loth to displease their
 neighbours for their one yeares dignitie) so carefull in their
 offices, as of right and dutie they should bée. For in most of these
 markets neither assises of bread nor orders for goodnesse and
 swéetnesse of graine, and other commodities that are brought thither
 to be sold, are anie whit looked vnto; but ech one suffered to sell or
 set vp what and how himselfe listeth: & this is one euident cause of
 dearth and scarsitie in time of great abundance.

 I could (if I would) exemplifie in manie, but I will touch no one
 particularlie, sith it is rare to sée in anie countrie towne (as I
 said) the assise of bread well kept according to the statute. And yet
 if anie countrie baker happen to come in among them on the market daie
 with bread of better quantitie, they find fault by and by with one
 thing or another in his stuffe; whereby the honest poore man, whome
 the law of nations doo commend, for that he indeuoureth to liue by
 anie lawfull meanes, is driuen awaie, and no more to come there vpon
 some round penaltie, by vertue of their priuileges. Howbeit though
 they are so nice in the proportion of their bread, yet in lieu of the
 same, there is such headie ale & béere in most of them, as for the
 mightinesse thereof among such as séeke it out, is commonlie called
 huffecap, the mad dog, father whoresonne, angels food, dragons milke,
 go by the wall, stride wide, and lift leg, &c. And this is more to be
 noted, that when one of late fell by Gods prouidence into a troubled
 c[=o]science, after he had considered well of his reachlesse life, and
 dangerous estate: another thinking belike to change his colour and not
 his mind, caried him straightwaie to the strongest ale, as to the next
 physician. It is incredible to saie how our maltbugs lug at this
 liquor, euen as pigs should lie in a row, lugging at their dames
 teats, till they lie still againe, and be not able to wag. Neither did
 Romulus and Remus sucke their shee woolfe or shéepheards wife Lupa,
 with such eger and sharpe deuotion, as these men hale at hufcap, till
 they be red as cockes, & litle wiser than their combs. But how am I
 fallen from the market into the alehouse? In returning therefore vnto
 my purpose, I find that in corne great abuse is dailie suffered, to
 the great preiudice of the towne and countrie, especiallie the poore
 artificer and householder, which tilleth no land, but laboring all the
 wéeke to buie a bushell or two of graine on the market daie, can there
 haue none for his monie: bicause bodgers, loders, and common carriers
 of corne doo not onlie buie vp all, but giue aboue the price, to be
 serued of great quantities. Shall I go anie further? Well I will saie
 yet a little more, and somewhat by mine owne experience.

 At Michaelmasse time poore men must make monie of their graine, that
 they may paie their rents. So long then as the poore man hath to sell,
 rich men will bring out none, but rather buie vp that which the poore
 bring, vnder pretense of seed corne, or alteration of graine, although
 they bring none of their owne, bicause one wheat often sowen without
 change of séed, will soone decaie and be conuerted into darnell. For
 this cause therefore they must needs buie in the markets, though they
 be twentie miles off and where they be not knowne, promising there if
 they happen to be espied (which God wot is verie seldome) to send so
 much to their next market, to be performed I wot not when.

 If this shift serue not (neither dooth the fox vse alwaies one tracke
 for feare of a snare) they will compound with some one of the towne
 where the market is holden, who for a pot of hufcap or merie go downe,
 will not let to buie it for them, and that in his owne name. Or else
 [Sidenote: Suborned bodgers.]
 they wage one poore man or other, to become a bodger, and thereto get
 him a licence vpon some forged surmise, which being doone, they will
 féed him with monie, to buie for them till he hath filled their lofts,
 and then if he can doo any good for himselfe so it is, if not, they
 will giue him somewhat for his paines at this time, & reserue him for
 an other yeare. How manie of the like prouiders stumble vpon blind
 créekes at the sea coast, I wote not well; but that some haue so doone
 and yet doo vnder other mens wings, the case is too too plaine. But
 [Sidenote: Bodgers licenced.]
 who dare find fault with them, when they haue once a licence? yea
 though it be but to serue a meane gentlemans house with corne, who
 hath cast vp all his tillage, bicause he boasteth how he can buie his
 graine in the market better cheape, than he can sow his land, as the
 rich grasier often dooth also vpon the like deuise, bicause grasing
 requireth a smaller household and lesse attendance and charge. If anie
 man come to buie a bushell or two for his expenses vnto the market
 crosse, answer is made; Forsooth here was one euen now that bad me
 monie for it, and I hope he will haue it. And to saie the truth, these
 bodgers are faire chapmen, for there are no more words with them, but
 Let me see it, what shall I giue you, knit it vp, I will haue it, go
 carie it to such a chamber, and if you bring in twentie seme more in
 the weeke daie to such an Inne or sollar where I laie my corne, I will
 haue it and giue you pence or more in euerie bushell for six wéekes
 day of paiment than an other will. Thus the bodgers beare awaie all,
 so that the poore artificer and labourer cannot make his prouision in
 the markets, sith they will hardlie now a daies sell by the bushell,
 nor breake their measure; and so much the rather, for that the buier
 will looke (as they saie) for so much ouer measure in a bushell as the
 bodger will doo in a quarter. Naie the poore man cannot oft get anie
 of the farmer at home, bicause he prouideth altogither to serue the
 bodger, or hath an hope grounded vpon a greedie and insatiable desire
 of gaine, that the sale will be better in the market: so that he must
 giue two pence or a groate more in a bushell at his house than the
 last market craued, or else go without it, and sléepe with an hungrie
 bellie. Of the common carriage of corne ouer vnto the parts beyond the
 seas I speake not; or at the leastwise if I should, I could not touch
 it alone but néeds must ioine other prouision withall, whereby not
 onelie our fréends abroad, but also manie of our aduersaries and
 countriemen the <DW7>s are abundantlie relieued (as the report goeth)
 but sith I sée it not, I will not so trust mine eares as to write it
 for a truth. But to returne to our markets againe.

 By this time the poore occupier hath all sold his crop for néed of
 monie, being readie peraduenture to buie againe yer long. And now is
 the whole sale of corne in the great occupiers hands, who hitherto
 haue threshed little or none of their owne, but bought vp of other
 men, so much as they could come by. Hencefoorth also they begin to
 sell, not by the quarter or load at the first, for marring the market,
 but by the bushell or two, or an horsseload at the most, therby to be
 séene to keepe the crosse, either for a shew, or to make men eger to
 buie, and so as they may haue it for monie, not to regard what they
 paie. And thus corne waxeth deere, but it will be déerer the next
 market daie. It is possible also that they mislike the price in the
 beginning for the whole yeare insuing, as men supposing that corne
 will be litle worth for this, & of better price in the next yeare. For
 they haue certeine superstitious obseruations, whereby they will giue
 a gesse at the sale of corne for the yeare following. And our
 countriemen doo vse commonlie for barleie where I dwell, to iudge
 after the price at Baldocke vpon S. Matthewes daie, and for wheat as
 it is sold in séed time. They take in like sort experiment by sight of
 the first flockes of cranes that flée southward in winter, the age of
 the moone in the beginning of Ianuarie, & such other apish toies, as
 by laieng twelue cornes vpon the hot hearth for the twelue moneths,
 &c: whereby they shew themselues to be scant good christians, but what
 care they so they may come by monie? Herevpon also will they thresh
 out thrée parts of the old corne, toward the latter end of the summer,
 when new commeth apace to hand, and cast the same in the fourth
 vnthreshed, where it shall lie vntill the next spring, or peraduenture
 till it must and putrifie. Certes it is not deintie to sée mustie
 corne in manie of our great markets of England, which these great
 occupiers bring foorth when they can kéepe it no longer. But as they
 are inforced oftentimes vpon this one occasion somwhat to abate the
 price, so a plague is not seldome ingendred thereby among the poorer
 sort that of necessitie must buie the same, wherby manie thousands of
 all degrees are consumed, of whose deaths (in mine opinion) these
 farmers are not vnguiltie. But to proceed. If they laie not vp their
 graine or wheat in this maner, they haue yet another policie, whereby
 they will séeme to haue but small store left in their barnes: for else
 they will gird their sheues by the band, and stacke it vp of new in
 lesse roome, to the end it may not onlie séeme lesse in quantitie, but
 also giue place to the corne that is yet to come into the barne, or
 growing in the field. If there happen to be such plentie in the market
 on anie market daie, that they cannot sell at their own price, then
 will they set it vp in some fréends house, against an other or the
 third daie, & not bring it foorth till they like of the sale. If they
 sell anie at home, beside harder measure, it shall be déerer to the
 poore man that bieth it by two pence or a groat in a bushell than they
 may sell it in the market. But as these things are worthie redresse,
 so I wish that God would once open their eies that deale thus, to sée
 their owne errours: for as yet some of them little care how manie
 poore men suffer extremitie, so that they may fill their purses, and
 carie awaie the gaine.

 It is a world also to sée how most places of the realme are pestered
 with purueiours, who take vp egs, butter, chéese, pigs, capons, hens,
 chickens, hogs, bakon, &c: in one market, vnder pretense of their
 commissions, & suffer their wiues to sell the same in another, or to
 pulters of London. If these chapmen be absent but two or thrée market
 daies, then we may perfectlie sée these wares to be more reasonablie
 sold, and therevnto the crosses sufficientlie furnished of all things.
 In like sort, since the number of buttermen haue so much increased,
 and since they trauell in such wise, that they come to mens houses for
 their butter faster than they can make it; it is almost incredible to
 see how the price of butter is augmented: whereas when the owners were
 inforced to bring it to the market townes, & fewer of these butter
 buiers were stirring, our butter was scarslie woorth eighteene pence
 the gallon, that now is worth thrée shillings foure pence, & perhaps
 fiue shillings. Wherby also I gather that the maintenance of a
 superfluous number of dealers in most trades, tillage alwaies
 excepted, is one of the greatest causes why the prices of things
 become excessiue: for one of them doo c[=o]monlie vse to out bid
 another. And whilest our countrie commodities are commonlie bought and
 sold at our priuate houses, I neuer looke to sée this enormitie
 redressed, or the markets well furnished.

 I could saie more, but this is euen inough, & more peraduenture than I
 shall be well thanked for: yet true it is though some thinke it no
 trespasse. This moreouer is to be lamented, that one generall measure
 is not in vse throughout all England, but euerie market towne hath in
 maner a seuerall bushell, and the lesser it be, the more sellers it
 draweth to resort vnto the same. Such also is the couetousnesse of
 manie clearkes of the market, that in taking view of measures, they
 will alwaie so prouide, that one and the same bushell shall be either
 too big or too little at their next comming, and yet not depart
 without a fee at the first: so that what by their mending at one time
 and empairing the same at another, the countrie is greatlie charged,
 and few iust measures to be had in anie stéed. It is oft found
 likewise, that diuerse vnconscionable dealers haue one measure to sell
 by, & another to buie withall, the like is also in weights and yet all
 sealed and bronded. Wherefore it were verie good that these two were
 reduced vnto one standard, that is, one bushell, one pound, one
 quarter, one hundred, one tale, one number: so should things in time
 fall into better order, and fewer causes of contention be mooued in
 this land. Of the complaint of such poore tenants as paie rent corne
 vnto their landlords, I speake not, who are often dealt withall very
 hardlie. For beside that in the measuring of ten quarters, for the
 most part they lose one through the iniquitie of the bushell (such is
 the gréedinesse of the appointed receiuers thereof) fault is found
 also with the goodnesse and cleannesse of the graine. Wherby some
 péece of monie must néeds passe vnto their purses to stop their mouths
 withall, or else my lord will not like of the corne; Thou art worthie
 to loose thy lease, &c. Or if it be cheaper in the market, than the
 rate allowed for it is in their rents, then must they paie monie and
 no corne, which is no small extremitie. And thereby we may see how
 each one of vs indeuoureth to fléece and eat vp another.

 Another thing there is in our markets worthie to be looked vnto, and
 that is the recariage of graine from the same into lofts and sollars,
 of which before I gaue some intimation: wherefore if it were ordered,
 that euerie seller should make his market by an houre, or else the
 bailie, or clearke of the said market to make sale therof according to
 his discretion, without libertie to the farmer to set vp their corne
 in houses and chambers, I am persuaded that the prices of our graine
 would soone be abated. Againe, if it were enacted that each one should
 kéepe his next market with his graine, and not to run six, eight, ten,
 fouretéene, or twentie miles from home to sell his corne, where he
 dooth find the highest price, and therby leaueth his neighbours
 vnfurnished, I doo not thinke but that our markets would be farre
 better serued than at this present they are. Finallie if mens barns
 might be indifferentlie viewed immediatlie after haruest, and a note
 gathered by an estimat, and kept by some appointed & trustie person
 for that purpose, we should haue much more plentie of corne in our
 towne crosses than as yet is commonlie seene: bicause each one hideth
 and hoordeth what he may vpon purpose either that it will be déerer,
 or that he shall haue some priuie veine by bodgers, who doo
 accustomablie so deale, that the sea dooth load awaie no small part
 thereof into other countries & our enimies, to the great hinderance of
 our common-wealth at home, and more likelie yet to be, except some
 remedie be found. But what doo I talke of these things, or desire the
 suppression of bodgers being a minister? Certes I may speake of them
 right well, as féeling the harme in that I am a buier, neuerthelesse I
 speake generallie in ech of them.

 To conclude therefore, in our markets all things are to be sold
 necessarie for mans vse, and there is our prouision made commonlie for
 all the wéeke insuing. Therefore as there are no great townes without
 one weekelie market at the least, so there are verie few of them that
 haue not one or two faires or more within the compasse of the yeare
 assigned vnto them by the prince. And albeit that some of them are not
 much better than Lowse faire or the common kirkemesses beyond the sea,
 yet there are diuerse not inferiour to the greatest marts in Europe,
 as Sturbridge faire neere to Cambridge, Bristow faire, Bartholomew
 faire at London, Lin mart, Cold faire at Newport pond for cattell, and
 diuerse other, all which or at leastwise the greatest part of them (to
 the end I may with the more ease to the reader and lesse trauell to my
 selfe fulfill my taske in their recitall) I haue set downe, according
 to the names of the moneths wherein they are holden, at the end of
 this booke, where you shall find them at large, as I borowed the same
 from I. Stow, and the reports of others.




 OF PARKES AND WARRENS.

 CHAP. XIX.


 In euerie shire of England there is great plentie of parkes, whereof
 some here and there, to wit, welnere to the number of two hundred for
 hir daily prouision of that flesh apperteine to the prince, the rest
 to such of the nobilitie and gentlemen as haue their lands and
 patrimonies lieng in or néere vnto the same. I would gladlie haue set
 downe the iust number of these inclosures to be found in euerie
 countie: but sith I cannot so doo, it shall suffice to saie, that in
 Kent and Essex onelie are to the number of an hundred, and twentie in
 the bishoprike of Durham, wherein great plentie of fallow deere is
 cherished and kept. As for warrens of conies, I iudge them almost
 innumerable, and dailie like to increase, by reason that the blacke
 skins of those beasts are thought to counteruaile the prices of their
 naked carcases, and this is the onelie cause whie the graie are lesse
 estéemed. Néere vnto London their quickest merchandize is of the yong
 rabbets, wherfore the older conies are brought from further off, where
 there is no such speedie vtterance of rabbets and sucklings in their
 season, nor so great losse by their skins, sith they are suffered to
 growe vp to their full greatnesse with their owners. Our parkes are
 generallie inclosed with strong pale made of oke, of which kind of
 wood there is great store cherished in the woodland countries from
 time to time in ech of them, onelie for the maintenance of the said
 defense, and safe-keeping of the fallow déere from ranging about the
 countrie. Howbeit in times past diuerse haue been fensed in with stone
 walles (especiallie in the times of the Romans, who first brought
 fallow déere into this land, as some coniecture) albeit those
 inclosures were ouerthrowne againe by the Saxons & Danes, as Cauisham,
 Towner, and Woodstocke, beside other in the west countrie, and one
 also at Bolton. Among other things also to be seene in that towne,
 there is one of the fairest clockes in Europe. Where no wood is, they
 are also inclosed with piles of slate; and therto it is doubted of
 manie whether our bucke or doe are to be reckoned in wild or tame
 beasts or not. Plinie deemeth them to be wild, Martial is also of the
 same opinion, where he saith, "Imbelles damæ quid nisi præda sumus?"
 And so in time past the like controuersie was about bées, which the
 lawiers call "Feras," tit. de acquirendo rerum dominio, & lib. 2.
 instit. But Plinie attempting to decide the quarell calleth them
 "Medias inter feras & placidas aues." But whither am I so suddenlie
 digressed? In returning therefore vnto our parks, I find also the
 circuit of these inclosures in like manner conteine often times a
 walke of foure or fiue miles, and sometimes more or lesse. Wherby it
 is to be séene what store of ground is emploied vpon that vaine
 commoditie, which bringeth no manner of gaine or profit to the owner,
 sith they commonlie giue awaie their flesh, neuer taking penie for the
 same, except the ordinarie fée and parts of the déere giuen vnto the
 kéeper by a custome, who beside three shillings foure pence, or fiue
 shillings in monie, hath the skin, head, vmbles, chine, and shoulders:
 whereby he that hath the warrant for an whole bucke, hath in the end
 little more than halfe, which in my iudgement is scarselie equall
 dealing; for venison in England is neither bought nor sold, as in
 other countries, but mainteined onelie for the pleasure of the owner
 and his friends. Albeit I heard of late of one ancient ladie, which
 maketh a great game by selling yeerelie hir husbands venison to the
 cookes (as another of no lesse name will not sticke to ride to the
 market to sée hir butter sold) but not performed without infinite
 scoffes and mockes, euen of the poorest pezzants of the countrie, who
 thinke them as odious matters in ladies and women of such countenance
 to sell their venison and their butter, as for an earle to feele his
 oxen, sheepe, and lambs, whether they be readie for the butcher or
 not, or to sell his wooll vnto the clothier, or to kéepe a tan-house,
 or deale with such like affaires as belong not to men of honor, but
 rather to farmers, or grasiers; for which such, if there be anie may
 well be noted (and not vniustlie) to degenerate from true nobilitie,
 and betake themselues to husbandrie. And euen the same enormitie tooke
 place sometime among the Romans, and entred so farre as into the verie
 senate, of whome some one had two or thrée ships going vpon the sea,
 pretending prouision for their houses; but in truth following the
 trades of merchandize, till a law was made which did inhibit and
 restraine them. Liuie also telleth of another law which passed
 likewise against the senators by Claudius the tribune, and helpe
 onelie of C. Flaminius, that no senator, or he that had beene father
 to anie senator should possesse anie ship or vessell aboue the
 capacitie of thrée hundred amphoras, which was supposed sufficient for
 the cariage and recariage of such necessities as should apperteine
 vnto his house: sith further trading with merchandizes and commodities
 dooth declare but a base and couetous mind, not altogither void of
 enuie, that anie man should liue but he; or that if anie gaine were to
 be had, he onelie would haue it himselfe: which is a wonderfull
 dealing, and must néeds proue in time the confusion of that countrie
 [Sidenote: Tillage and mankind diminished by parkes.]
 wherein such enormities are exercised. Where in times past, manie
 large and wealthie occupiers were dwelling within the compasse of some
 one parke, and thereby great plentie of corne and cattell séene, and
 to be had among them, beside a more copious procreation of humane
 issue, whereby the realme was alwaies better furnished with able men
 to serue the prince in his affaires: now there is almost nothing kept
 but a sort of wild and sauage beasts, cherished for pleasure and
 delight; and yet some owners still desirous to inlarge those grounds,
 as either for the bréed and feeding of cattell, doo not let dailie to
 take in more, not sparing the verie commons whervpon manie towneships
 now and then doo liue, affirming that we haue alreadie too great store
 of people in England; and that youth by marrieng too soone doo nothing
 profit the countrie, but fill it full of beggars, to the hurt and
 vtter vndooing (they saie) of the common wealth.

 [Sidenote: The decaie of the people is the destruction of a kingdome.]
 Certes if it be not one curse of the Lord, to haue our countrie
 conuerted in such sort from the furniture of mankind, into the walks
 and shrowds of wild beasts, I know not what is anie. How manie
 families also these great and small games (for so most kéepers call
 them) haue eaten vp and are likelie hereafter to deuoure, some men may
 coniecture, but manie more lament, sith there is no hope of restraint
 to be looked for in this behalfe, because the corruption is so
 generall. But if a man may presentlie giue a ghesse at the
 vniuersalitie of this euill by contemplation of the circumstance, he
 shall saie at the last, that the twentith part of the realme is
 imploied vpon déere and conies alreadie, which séemeth verie much if
 it be not dulie considered of.

 King Henrie the eight, one of the noblest princes that euer reigned in
 this land, lamented oft that he was constreined to hire forren aid,
 for want of competent store of souldiors here at home, perceiuing (as
 it is indeed) that such supplies are oftentimes more hurtfull than
 profitable vnto those that interteine them, as may chéeflie be seene
 in Valens the emperor, our Vortiger, and no small number of others. He
 would oft maruell in priuate talke, how that when seauen or eight
 princes ruled here at once, one of them could lead thirtie or fortie
 thousand men to the field against another, or two of them 100000
 against the third, and those taken out onelie of their owne dominions.
 But as he found the want, so he saw not the cause of this decaie,
 which grew beside this occasion now mentioned, also by laieng house to
 house, and land to land, whereby manie mens occupiengs were conuerted
 into one, and the bréed of people not a little thereby diminished. The
 auarice of landlords by increasing of rents and fines also did so
 wearie the people, that they were readie to rebell with him that would
 arise, supposing a short end in the warres to be better than a long
 and miserable life in peace.

 Priuileges and faculties also are another great cause of the ruine of
 a common wealth, and diminution of mankind: for whereas law and nature
 dooth permit all men to liue in their best maner, and whatsoeuer trade
 they be exercised in, there commeth some priuilege or other in the
 waie, which cutteth them off from this or that trade, wherby they must
 néeds shift soile, and séeke vnto other countries. By these also the
 greatest commodities are brought into the hands of few, who imbase,
 corrupt, and yet raise the prices of things at their owne pleasures.
 Example of this last I can giue also in bookes, which (after the first
 impression of anie one booke) are for the most part verie negligentlie
 handled: whereas if another might print it so well as the first, then
 would men striue which of them should doo it best; and so it falleth
 out in all other trades. It is an easie matter to prooue that England
 was neuer lesse furnished with people than at this present; for if the
 old records of euerie manour be sought, and search made to find what
 tenements are fallen, either downe, or into the lords hands, or
 brought and vnited togither by other men: it will soone appéere, that
 in some one manour seuentéen, eightéene, or twentie houses are
 shrunke. I know what I saie by mine owne experience: notwithstanding
 that some one cotage be here and there erected of late, which is to
 little purpose. Of cities and townes either vtterlie decaied, or more
 than a quarter or halfe diminished, though some one be a little
 increased here and there; of townes pulled downe for sheepe-walks, and
 no more but the lordships now standing in them, beside those that
 William Rufus pulled downe in his time; I could saie somewhat: but
 then I should swarue yet further from my purpose, wherevnto I now
 returne.

 Wée had no parkes left in England at the comming of the Normans, who
 added this calamitie also to the seruitude of our nation, making men
 of the best sort furthermore to become kéepers of their game, whilest
 they liued in the meane time vpon the spoile of their reuenues, and
 dailie ouerthrew townes, villages, and an infinit sort of families,
 for the maintenance of their venerie. Neither was anie parke supposed
 in these times to be statelie enough, that conteined not at the least
 eight or ten hidelands, that is, so manie hundred acres or families
 (or as they haue béene alwaies called in some places of the realme
 carrucats or cartwares) of which one was sufficient in old time to
 mainteine an honest yeoman.

 King Iohn trauelling on a time northwards, to wit 1209 to warre vpon
 the king of Scots, because he had married his daughter to the earle of
 Bullen without his consent: in his returne ouerthrew a great number of
 parkes and warrens, of which some belonged to his barons, but the
 greatest part to the abbats and prelats of the cleargie. For hearing
 (as he trauelled) by complaint of the countrie, how these inclosures
 were the chéefe decaie of men, and of tillage in the land, he sware
 with an oth that he would not suffer wild beasts to féed vpon the fat
 of his soile, and sée the people perish for want of abilitie to
 procure and buie them food that should defend the realme. Howbeit,
 this act of his was so ill taken by the religious and their adherents,
 that they inuerted his intent herein to another end; affirming most
 slanderouslie how he did it rather of purpose to spoile the corne and
 grasse of the commons and catholikes that held against him of both
 estates, and by so doing to impouerish and bring the north part of the
 realme to destruction, because they refused to go with him into
 Scotland. If the said prince were aliue in these daies, wherein Andrew
 Boord saith there are more parks in England than in all Europe (ouer
 which he trauelled in his owne person) and saw how much ground they
 consume, I thinke he would either double his othes, or laie the most
 of them open that tillage might be better looked vnto. But this I hope
 shall not néed in time, for the owners of a great sort of them begin
 now to smell out, that such parcels might be emploied to their more
 game, and therefore some of them doo grow to be disparked.

 Next of all we haue the franke chase, which taketh something both of
 parke and forrest, and is giuen either by the kings grant or
 prescription. Certes it differeth not much from a parke; nay, it is in
 maner the selfe same thing that a parke is, sauing that a parke is
 inuironed with pale, wall, or such like: the chase alwaie open and
 nothing at all inclosed, as we see in Enuéeld & Maluerne chases. And
 as it is the cause of the seisure of the franchise of a parke not to
 kéepe the same inclosed, so it is the like in a chase if at anie time
 it be imparked. It is trespasse, and against the law also, for anie
 man to haue or make a chase, parke, or frée warren without good
 warrantie of the king by his charter or perfect title of prescription:
 for it is not lawfull for anie subiect either to carnilate, that is,
 build stone houses, imbattell, haue the querke of the sea, or kéepe
 the assise of bread, ale, or wine, or set vp furels, tumbrell, thew,
 or pillorie, or inclose anie ground to the aforesaid purposes within
 his owne soile, without his warrant and grant. The beasts of the chase
 were commonlie the bucke, the roe, the fox, and the marterne. But
 those of venerie in old time were the hart, the hare, the bore and the
 woolfe; but as this held not in the time of Canutus, so in stéed of
 the woolfe the beare is now crept in, which is a beast comonlie hunted
 in the east countries, and fed vpon as excellent venison, although
 with vs I know not anie that féed thereon or care for it at all.
 Certes it should seeme, that forrests and franke chases haue alwaies
 béene had, and religiouslie preserued in this Iland for the solace of
 the prince, and recreation of his nobilitie: howbeit I read not that
 euer they were inclosed more than at this present, or otherwise fensed
 than by vsuall notes of limitation, whereby their bounds were
 remembred from time to time, for the better preseruation of such
 venerie and vert of all sorts as were nourished in the same. Neither
 are anie of the ancient laws prescribed for their maintenance, before
 the daies of Canutus, now to be had; sith time hath so dealt with them
 that they are perished and lost. Canutus therefore seeing the dailie
 spoile that was made almost in all places of his game, did at the last
 make sundrie sanctions and decrées, whereby from thenceforth the red
 and fallow déere were better looked to throughout his whole dominions.
 We haue in these daies diuerse forrests in England and Wales, of
 which, some belong to the king, and some to his subiects, as Waltham
 forrest, Windlesor, Pickering, Fecknam, Delamore, Gillingham,
 Kingswood, Wencedale, Clun, Rath, Bredon, Weire, Charlie, Leircester,
 Lée, Rokingham, Selwood, New forrest, Wichwood, Hatfeeld, Sauernake,
 Westbirie, Blacamore Peke, Deane, Penrise, & manie other now cleane
 out of my remembrance: and which although they are far greater in
 circuit than manie parkes and warrens, yet are they in this our time
 lesse deuourers of the people than these latter, sith beside much
 tillage, & manie townes are found in each of them, wheras in parks and
 warrens we haue nothing else than either the keepers & wareners lodge,
 or at least the manor place of the chéef lord & owner of the soile. I
 find also by good record, that all Essex hath in time past wholie
 béene forrest ground, except one cantred or hundred; but how long it
 is since it lost the said denomination in good sooth I doo not read.
 This neuerthelesse remaineth yet in memorie, that the towne of Walden
 in Essex standing in the limits of the aforesaid countie doth take hir
 name thereof. For in the Celtike toong, wherewith the Saxon or
 Scithian spéech dooth not a little participate, huge woods and
 forrests were called Walds, and likewise their Druides were named
 Walie or Waldie, bicause they frequented the woods, and there made
 sacrifice among the okes and thickets. So that if my coniecture in
 this behalfe be anie thing at all, the aforesaid towne taketh
 denomination of Wald and end, as if I should say, The end of the
 wooddie soile; for being once out of that parish, the champaine is at
 hand. Or it may be that it is so called of Wald and dene: for I haue
 read it written in old euidences Waldæne, with a diphthong. And to
 saie truth, Dene is the old Saxon word for a vale or lowe bottome, as
 Dune or Don is for an hill or hillie soile. Certes if it be so, then
 Walden taketh hir name of the woodie vale, in which it sometime stood.
 But the first deriuation liketh me better, and the highest part of the
 [Sidenote: Gipping, of going vp to anie place.]
 towne is called also Chipping Walden, of the Saxon word gipping, which
 signifieth Leaning or hanging, and may verie well be applied
 therevnto, sith the whole towne hangeth as it were vpon the sides of
 two hils, wherof the lesser runneth quite through the middest of the
 same. I might here for further confirmation of these things bring in
 mention of the Wald of Kent: but this may suffice for the vse of the
 word Wald, which now differeth much from Wold. For as that signifieth
 a woodie soile, so this betokeneth a soile without wood, or plaine
 champaine countrie, without anie store of trées, as may be seene in
 Cotswold, Porkewold, &c. Beside this I could saie more of our
 forrests, and the aforesaid inclosures also, & therein to prooue by
 the booke of forrest law, that the whole countie of Lancaster hath
 likewise beene forrest heretofore. Also how William the Bastard made a
 law, that whosoeuer did take anie wild beast within the kings forrest
 should lose an eare; as Henrie the first did punish them either by
 life or lim: which ordinance was confirmed by Henrie the second and
 his péeres at Woodstocke, wherevpon great trouble insued vnder king
 Iohn and Henrie the third, as appeareth by the chronicles: but it
 shall suffice to haue said so much as is set downe alreadie.

 Howbeit, that I may restore one antiquitie to light, which hath
 hitherto lien as it were raked vp in the embers of obliuion, I will
 giue out those laws that Canutus made for his forrest: whereby manie
 things shall be disclosed concerning the same (wherof peraduenture
 some lawiers haue no knowledge) and diuerse other notes gathered
 touching the ancient estate of the realme not to be found in other.
 But before I deale with the great charter (which as you may perceiue,
 is in manie places vnperfect by reason of corruption, and want also of
 congruitie, crept in by length of time, not by me to be restored) I
 will note another breefe law, which he made in the first yeare of his
 reigne at Winchester, afterward inserted into these his later
 constitutions, canon 32, & beginneth thus in his owne Saxon tong; "Ic
 will that elc one," &c: I will and grant that ech one shall be worthie
 of such venerie as he by hunting can take either in the plaines or in
 the woods, within his owne fée or dominion; but ech man shall abstaine
 from my venerie in euerie place, where I will that my beasts shall
 haue firme peace and quietnesse, vpon paine to forfet so much as a man
 may forfet. Hitherto the statute made by the aforesaid Canutus, which
 was afterward confirmed by king Edward surnamed the Confessor; &
 ratified by the Bastard in the fourth yeare of his reigne. Now
 followeth the great charter it selfe in such rude order and Latine as
 I find it word for word, and which I would gladlie haue turned into
 English, if it might haue sounded to anie benefit of the vnskilfull
 and vnlearned.


 _Incipiunt constitutiones Canuti regis de foresta._

 "Hæ sunt sanctiones de foresta, quas ego Canutus rex cum consilio
 primariorum hominum meorum condo & facio, vt cunctis regni nostri
 Angliæ ecclesijs & pax & iustitia fiat, & vt omnis delinquens secundum
 modum delicti, & delinquentis fortunam patiatur.

 [Sidenote: Pegened.]
 1. "Sint tam deinceps quatuor ex liberalioribus hominibus, qui habent
 saluas suas debitas consuetudines (quos Angli Pegened appellant) in
 qualibet regni mei prouincia constituti, ad iustitiam distribu[=e]dam,
 vna cum p[oe]na merita & materijs forrestæ cuncto populo meo, tam
 Anglis quàm Danis per totum regnum meum Angliæ, quos quatuor primarios
 forestæ appellandos censemus.

 [Sidenote: Lespegend.]
 [Sidenote: Nunc forte Fringald.]
 2. "Sint sub quolibet horum, quatuor ex mediocribus hominibus (quos
 Angli Lespegend nuncupant, Dani verò yoong men vocant) locati, qui
 curam & onus tum viridis tum veneris suscipiant.

 3. "In administranda autem iustitia nullatenus volo vt tales se
 intromittant: mediocrésq; tales post ferarum curam susceptam, pro
 [Sidenote: Ealdermen.]
 liberalibus semper habeantur, quos Dani Ealdermen appellant.

 [Sidenote: Tineman.]
 4. "Sub horum iterum quolibet sint duo minutorum hominum, quos Tineman
 Angli dicunt, hi nocturnam curam & veneris & viridis tum seruilia
 opera subibunt.

 5. "Si talis minutus seruus fuerit, tam citò quàm in foresta nostra
 locabitur, liber esto, omnésq; hos ex sumptibus nostris manutenebimus.

 [Sidenote: Michni.]
 6. "Habeat etiam quilibet primariorum quolibet anno de nostra warda,
 quam Michni Angli appellant, duos equos, vnum cum sella, alterum sine
 sella, vnum gladium, quinque lanceas, vnum cuspidem, vnum scutum, &
 ducentos solidos argenti.

 7. "Mediocrium quilibet vnum equum, vnam lanceam, vnum scutum, & 60
 solidos argenti.

 [Sidenote: * [Sic.]]
 8. "Minutorum quilibet, vnum[*] lanceam, vnam arcubalistam, & 15
 solidos argenti.

 9. "Sint omnes tam primarij, quàm mediocres, & minuti, immunes,
 liberi, & quieti ab omnibus prouincialibus summonitionibus, &
 [Sidenote: Hundred law.]
 popularibus placitis, quæ Hundred laghe Angli dicunt, & ab omnibus
 [Sidenote: Warscot.]
 armorum oneribus, quod Warscot Angli dicunt, & forincesis querelis.

 10. "Sint mediocrium & minutorum causæ, & earum correctiones, tam
 criminalium quàm ciuilium per prouidam sapientiam & rationem
 primariorum iudicatæ & decisæ: primariorum verò enormia si quæ fuerint
 (ne scelus aliquod remaneat inultum) nosmet in ira nostra regali
 puniemus.

 11. "Habeant hi quatuor vnam regalem potestatem (salua semper nobis
 nostra præsentia) quatérq; in anno generales forestæ demonstrationes &
 [Sidenote: Muchehunt.]
 viridis & veneris forisfactiones, quas Muchehunt dicunt, vbi teneant
 omnes calumniam de materia aliqua tangente forestam, eántque ad
 [Sidenote: Ofgangfordell.]
 [Sidenote: Purgatio ignis, triplex ordalia.]
 triplex iudicium, quod Angli Ofgangfordell dicunt. Ita autem
 acquiratur illud triplex iudicium. Accipiat secum quinque, & sit ipse
 sextus, & sic iurando acquirat triplex iudicium, aut triplex
 iuramentum. Sed purgatio ignis nullatenus admittatur, nisi vbi nuda
 veritas nequit aliter inuestigari.

 [Sidenote: Pegen.]
 12. "Liberalis autem <DW25>. l. Pegen, modo crimen suum non sit inter
 maiora, habeat fidelem hominem qui possit pro eo iurare iuramentum.
 [Sidenote: Forathe.]
 l. Forathe: si autem non habet, ipsemet iuret, nec pardonetur ei
 aliquod iuramentum.

 13. "Si aduena vel peregrinus qui de longinquo venerit sit calumniatus
 de foresta, & talis est sua inopia vt non possit habere plegium ad
 primam calumniam, qualem * nullus Anglus iudicare potest: tunc subeat
 captionem regis, & ibi expectet quousque vadat ad iudicium ferri &
 aquæ: attamen si quis extraneo aut peregrino de longè venienti * *
 sibi ipsi nocet, si aliquod iudicium iudicauerint.

 14. "Quicúnq; coram primarios homines meos forestæ in falso testimonio
 steterit & victus fuerit, non sit dignus imposterum stare aut portare
 testimonium, quia legalitatem suam perdidit, & pro culpa soluat regi
 [Sidenote: Halfehang.]
 decem solidos, quos Dani vocant Halfehang, alias Halsehang.

 15. "Si quis vim aliquam primarijs forestæ meæ intulerit, si liberalis
 sit amittat libertatem & omnia sua, si villanus abscindatur dextra.

 16. "Si alteruter iterum peccauerit, reus sit mortis.

 17. "Si quis autem contra primarium pugnauerit, in plito emendet
 [Sidenote: Pere & Pite.]
 secundum pretium sui ipsus, quod Angli Pere & pite dicunt, & soluat
 primario quadraginta solidos.

 [Sidenote: Gethbrech.]
 18. "Si pacem quis fregerit, ante mediocres forestæ, quod dicunt
 Gethbrech, emendet regi decem solidis.

 19. "Si quis mediocrium aliquem cum ira percusserit, emendetur prout
 interfectio feræ regalis mihi emendari solet.

 20. "Si quis delinquens in foresta nostra capietur, p[oe]nas luet
 secundum modum & genus delicti.

 [Sidenote: Ealderman.]
 21. "P[oe]na & forisfactio non vna eadémq; erit liberalis (quem Dani
 Ealderman vocant) & illiberalis: domini & serui: noti & ignoti: nec
 vna eadémq; erit causarum tum ciuilium tum criminalium, ferarum
 forestæ, & ferarum regalium: viridis & veneris tractatio: nam crimen
 veneris ab antiquo inter maiora & non immeritò numerabatur: viridis
 verò (fractione chaceæ nostræ regalis excepta) ita pusillum & exiguum
 est, quòd vix ea respicit nostra constitutio: qui in hoc tamen
 deliquerit, sit criminis forestæ reus.

 22. "Si liber aliquis feram forestæ ad cursum impulerit, siue casu,
 siue præhabita voluntate, ita vt cursu celeri cogatur fera anhelare,
 decem solidis regi emendet, si illiberalis dupliciter emendet, si
 seruus careat corio.

 23. "Si verò harum aliquot interfecerit, soluat dupliciter &
 persoluat, sitque pretij sui reus contra regem.

 [Sidenote: Staggon or Stagge.]
 24. "Sed si regalem feram, quam Angli Staggon appellant, alteruter
 coegerit anhelare, alter per vnum annum, alter per duos careat
 libertate naturali: si verò seruus, pro vtlegato habeatur, quem Angli
 [Sidenote: Frendlesman.]
 Frendlesman vocant.

 25. "Si verò occiderit, amittat liber scutum libertatis, si sit
 illiberalis careat libertate, si seruus vita.

 26. "Episcopi, abbates, & barones mei non calumniabuntur pro
 venatione, si non regales feras occiderint: & si regales, restabunt
 rei regi pro libito suo, sine certa emendatione.

 27. "Sunt aliæ (præter feras forestæ) bestiæ, quæ dum inter septa &
 sepes forestæ continentur, emendationi subiacent: quales sunt
 capreoli, lepores, & cuniculi. Sunt & alia quàm plurima animalia, quæ
 qu[=a]quam infra septa forestæ viuunt, & oneri & curæ mediocrium
 subiacent forestæ, tamen nequaqu[=a] censeri possunt, qualia sunt
 [Sidenote: Bubali olim in Anglia.]
 bubali, vaccæ, & similia. Vulpes & lupi, nec forestæ nec veneris
 habentur, & proinde eorum interfectio nulli emendationi subiacet. Si
 tamen infra limites occiduntur, fractio sit regalis chaceæ, & mitiùs
 emendetur. Aper verò quanquam forestæ sit, nullatenus tamen animal
 veneris haberi est assuetus.

 28. "Bosco nec subbosco nostro sine licentia primariorum forestæ nemo
 manum apponat, quòd si quis fecerit reus sit fractionis regalis
 chaceæ.

 [Sidenote: Ilices aliquando in Brit[=a]nia nisi intelligatur de
 quercu.]
 29. "Si quis verò ilicem aut arbor[=e] aliquam, quæ victum feris
 suppeditat sciderit, præter fractionem regalis chaceæ, emendet regi
 viginti solidis.

 30. "Volo vt omnis liber <DW25> pro libito suo habeat venerem siue
 viridem in planis suis super terras suas, sine chacea tamen; &
 deuitent omnes meam, vbicúnq; eam habere voluero.

 [Sidenote: Greihounds.]
 31. "Nullus mediocris habebit nec custodiet canes, quos Angli
 Greihounds appellant. Liberali verò, dum genuiscissio eorum facta
 fuerit coram primario forestæ licebit, aut sine genuiscissione dum
 remoti sunt à limitibus forestæ per decem miliaria: quando verò
 propiùs venerint, emendet quodlibet miliare vno solido. Si verò infra
 septa forestæ reperiatur, dominus canis forisfaciet & decem solidos
 regi.

 [Sidenote: Velter.]
 [Sidenote: Langeran.]
 32. "Velteres verò quos Langeran appellant, quia manifestè constat in
 ijs nihil esse periculi, cuilibet licebit sine genuiscissione eos
 [Sidenote: Ramhundt.]
 custodire. Idem de canibus quos Ramhundt vocant.

 33. "Quòdsi casu inauspicato huiusmodi canes rabidi fiant & vbiq;
 vag[=a]tur, negligentia dominorum, redduntur illiciti, & emendetur
 regi pro illicitis, &c. Quòdsi intra septa forestæ reperiantur, talis
 [Sidenote: Pretium hominis mediocris.]
 exquiratur herus, & emendet secundum pretium hominis mediocris, quòd
 secundum legem Werinorum. I. Churingorum, est ducentorum solidorum.

 34. "Si canis rabidus momorderit feram, tunc emendet secundum
 [Sidenote: Pretium liberi hominis.]
 preti[=u] hominis liberalis, quod est duodecies solidis centum. Si
 verò fera regalis morsa fuerit, reus sit maximi criminis."


 And these are the constitutions of Canutus concerning the forrest,
 verie barbarouslie translated by those that tooke the same in hand.
 Howbeit as I find it so I set it downe, without anie alteration of my
 copie in anie iot or tittle.




 OF GARDENS AND ORCHARDS.

 CHAP. XX.


 After such time as Calis was woone from the French, and that our
 countriemen had learned to trade into diuerse countries (wherby they
 grew rich) they began to wax idle also, and therevpon not onlie left
 off their former painfulnesse and frugalitie, but in like sort gaue
 themselues to liue in excesse and vanitie, whereby manie goodlie
 commodities failed, and in short time were not to be had amongst vs.
 Such strangers also as dwelled here with vs, perceiuing our
 sluggishnesse, and espieng that this idlenesse of ours might redound
 to their great profit, foorthwith imploied their endeuours to bring in
 the supplie of such things as we lacked, continuallie from forren
 countries; which yet more augmented our idlenes. For hauing all things
 at reasonable prices as we supposed, by such means from them, we
 thought it méere madnesse to spend either time or cost about the same
 here at home. And thus we became enimies to our owne welfare, as men
 that in those daies reposed our felicitie in following the wars,
 wherewith we were often exercised both at home and other places.
 Besides this, the naturall desire that mankind hath to estéeme of
 things farre sought, bicause they be rare and costlie, and the
 irkesome contempt of things néere hand, for that they are common and
 plentifull, hath borne no small swaie also in this behalfe amongst vs.
 For hereby we haue neglected our owne good gifts of God, growing here
 at home as vile and of no valure, and had euerie trifle and toie in
 admiration that is brought hither from far countries, ascribing I wot
 not what great forces and solemne estimation vnto them, vntill they
 also haue waxen old, after which they haue béene so little regarded,
 if not more despised amongst vs than our owne. Examples hereof I could
 set downe manie, & in manie things, but sith my purpose is to deale at
 this time with gardens and orchards, it shall suffice that I touch
 them onelie, and shew our inconstancie in the same, so farre as shall
 séeme & be conuenient for my turne. I comprehend therefore vnder the
 word garden, all such grounds as are wrought with the spade by mans
 hand, for so the case requireth. Of wine I haue written alreadie
 elsewhere sufficientlie, which commoditie (as I haue learned further
 since the penning of that booke) hath beene verie plentifull in this
 Iland, not onlie in the time of the Romans, but also since the
 conquest, as I haue séene by record: yet at this present haue we none
 at all or else verie little to speake of growing in this Iland: which
 I impute not vnto the soile, but the negligence of my countrimen. Such
 herbes, fruits, and roots also as grow yéerelie out of the ground, of
 seed, haue béene verie plentifull in this land, in the time of the
 first Edward, and after his daies: but in processe of time they grew
 also to be neglected, so that from Henrie the fourth till the latter
 end of Henrie the seuenth, & beginning of Henrie the eight, there was
 litle or no vse of them in England, but they remained either vnknowne,
 or supposed as food more méet for hogs & sauage beasts to feed vpon
 than mankind. Whereas in my time their vse is not onelie resumed among
 the poore commons, I meane of melons, pompions, gourds, cucumbers,
 radishes, skirets, parsneps, carrets, cabbages, nauewes, turneps, and
 all kinds of salad herbes, but also fed vpon as deintie dishes at the
 tables of delicate merchants, gentlemen, and the nobilitie, who make
 their prouision yearelie for new séeds out of strange countries, from
 whence they haue them aboundantlie. Neither doo they now staie with
 such of these fruits as are wholesome in their kinds, but aduenture
 further vpon such as are verie dangerous and hurtfull, as the
 verangenes, mushroms, &c: as if nature had ordeined all for the
 bellie, or that all things were to be eaten, for whose mischiefous
 operation the Lord in some measure hath giuen and prouided a remedie.

 Hops in time past were plentifull in this land, afterwards also their
 maintenance did cease, and now being reuiued, where are anie better to
 be found? where anie greater commoditie to be raised by them? onelie
 poles are accounted to be their greatest charge. But sith men haue
 learned of late to sow ashen keies in ashyards by themselues, that
 inconuenience in short time will be redressed. Madder hath growne
 abundantlie in this Iland, but of long time neglected, and now a
 little reuiued, and offereth it selfe to prooue no small benefit vnto
 our countrie, as manie other things else, which are now fetched from
 vs; as we before time when we gaue ourselues to idlenesse, were glad
 to haue them other. If you looke into our gardens annexed to our
 houses, how woonderfullie is their beautie increased, not onelie with
 floures, which Colmella calleth _Terrena sydera_, saieng:

   "Pingit & in varios terrestria sydera flores,"

 and varietie of curious and costlie workmanship, but also with rare
 and medicinable hearbes sought vp in the land within these fortie
 yeares: so that in comparison of this present, the ancient gardens
 were but dunghils and laistowes to such as did possesse them. How art
 also helpeth nature in the dailie colouring, dubling and inlarging the
 proportion of our floures, it is incredible to report: for so curious
 and cunning are our gardeners now in these daies, that they presume to
 doo in maner what they list with nature, and moderate hir course in
 things as if they were hir superiours. It is a world also to sée, how
 manie strange hearbs, plants, and annuall fruits, are dailie brought
 vnto vs from the Indies, Americans, Taprobane, Canarie Iles, and all
 parts of the world: the which albeit that in respect of the
 constitutions of our bodies they doo not grow for vs, bicause that God
 hath bestowed sufficient commodities vpon euerie countrie for hir owne
 necessitie; yet for delectation sake vnto the eie, and their
 odoriferous sauours vnto the nose, they are to be cherished, and God
 to be glorified also in them, bicause they are his good gifts, and
 created to doo man helpe and seruice. There is not almost one noble
 man, gentleman, or merchant, that hath not great store of these
 floures, which now also doo begin to wax so well acquainted with our
 soiles, that we may almost accompt of them as parcell of our owne
 commodities. They haue no lesse regard in like sort to cherish
 medicinable hearbs fetched out of other regions néerer hand: insomuch
 that I haue séene in some one garden to the number of three hundred or
 foure hundred of them, if not more; of the halfe of whose names within
 fortie yéeres passed we had no maner knowledge. But herein I find some
 cause of iust complaint, for that we extoll their vses so farre that
 we fall into contempt of our owne, which are in truth more beneficiall
 and apt for vs than such as grow elsewhere, sith (as I said before)
 euerie region hath abundantlie within hir owne limits whatsoeuer is
 needfull and most conuenient for them that dwell therein. How doo men
 extoll the vse of Tabacco in my time, whereas in truth (whether the
 cause be in the repugnancie of our constitution vnto the operation
 thereof, or that the ground dooth alter hir force, I cannot tell) it
 is not found of so great efficacie as they write. And beside this, our
 common germander or thistle benet is found & knowne to bée so
 wholesome and of so great power in medicine, as anie other hearbe, if
 they be vsed accordinglie. I could exemplifie after the like maner in
 sundrie other, as the Salsa parilla, Mochoacan, &c: but I forbeare so
 to doo, because I couet to be bréefe. And trulie the estimation and
 credit that we yéeld and giue vnto compound medicines made with forren
 drugs, is one great cause wherefore the full knowledge and vse of our
 owne simples hath bene so long raked vp in the imbers. And as this may
 be verified, so to be one sound conclusion, for the greater number of
 simples that go vnto anie compound medicine, the greater confusion is
 found therein, because the qualities and operations of verie few of
 the particulars are throughlie knowne. And euen so our continuall
 desire of strange drugs, whereby the physician and apothecarie onlie
 hath the benefit, is no small cause that the vse of our simples here
 at home dooth go to losse, and that we tread those herbes vnder our
 féet, whose forces if we knew, & could applie them to our necessities,
 we wold honor & haue in reuerence as to their case behooueth. Alas
 what haue we to doo with such Arabian & Grecian stuffe as is dailie
 brought from those parties, which lie in another clime? And therefore
 the bodies of such as dwell there, are of another constitution, than
 ours are here at home. Certes they grow not for vs, but for the
 Arabians and Grecians. And albeit that they maie by skill be applied
 vnto our benefit, yet to be more skilfull in them than in our owne, is
 follie; and to vse forren wares when our owne maie serue the turne is
 more follie; but to despise our owne and magnifie aboue measure the
 vse of them that are sought and brought from farre, is most follie of
 all: for it sauoureth of ignorance, or at the leastwise of negligence,
 and therefore woorthie of reproch.

 Among the Indians, who haue the most present cures for euerie disease,
 of their owne nation, there is small regard of compound medicins, &
 lesse of forren drugs, because they neither know them nor can vse
 them, but worke woonders euen with their owne simples. With them also
 the difference of the clime dooth shew hir full effect. For whereas
 they will heale one another in short time with application of one
 simple, &c: if a Spaniard or English man stand in need of their helpe,
 they are driuen to haue a longer space in their cures, and now and
 then also to vse some addition of two or thrée simples at the most,
 whose forces vnto them are throughlie knowne, because their exercise
 is onelie in their owne, as men that neuer sought or heard what vertue
 was in those that came from other countries. And euen so did Marcus
 Cato the learned Roman indeuor to deale in his cures of sundrie
 diseases, wherein he not onelie vsed such simples as were to be had in
 his owne countrie, but also examined and learned the forces of each of
 them, wherewith he dealt so diligentlie, that in all his life time, he
 could atteine to the exact knowledge but of a few, and thereto wrote
 of those most learnedlie, as would easilie be séene, if those his
 bookes were extant. For the space also of 600 yéeres, the colewort
 onelie was a medicine in Rome for all diseases, so that his vertues
 were thoroughlie knowne in those parts.

 In Plinies time the like affection to forren drugs did rage among the
 Romans, whereby their owne did grow in contempt. Crieng out therefore
 of this extreame follie, lib. 22. cap. 24, he speaketh after this
 maner: "Non placent remedia tam longè nascentia, non enim nobis
 gignuntur, immò ne illis quidem, alioquin non venderent; si placet
 etiam superstitionis gratiâ emantur, quoniam supplicamus, &c. Salutem
 quidem sine his posse constare, vel ob id probabimus, vt tanto magis
 sui tandem pudeat." For my part I doubt not, if the vse of outlandish
 drugs had not blinded our physicians of England in times passed, but
 that the vertues of our simples here at home would haue béene far
 better knowne, and so well vnto vs, as those of India are to the
 practisioners of those partes, and therevnto be found more profitable
 for vs than the forren either are or maie be. This also will I ad,
 that euen those which are most common by reason of their plentie, and
 most vile bicause of their abundance, are not without some vniuersall
 and especiall efficacie, if it were knowne, for our benefit: sith God
 in nature hath so disposed his creatures, that the most néedfull are
 the most plentifull, and seruing for such generall diseases as our
 constitution most commonlie is affected withall. Great thanks
 therefore be giuen vnto the physicians of our age and countrie, who
 not onelie indeuour to search out the vse of such simples as our soile
 dooth yéeld and bring foorth, but also to procure such as grow
 elsewhere, vp[=o] purpose so to acquaint them with our clime, that
 they in time through some alteration receiued from the nature of the
 earth, maie likewise turne to our benefit and commoditie, and be vsed
 as our owne.

 The chiefe workeman, or as I maie call him the founder of this deuise,
 is Carolus Clusius, the noble herbarist, whose industrie hath
 woonderfullie stirred them vp vnto this good act. For albeit that
 Matthiolus, Rembert, Lobell, and other haue trauelled verie farre in
 this behalfe, yet none hath come néere to Clusius, much lesse gone
 further in the finding and true descriptions of such herbes as of late
 are brought to light. I doubt not but if this man were in England but
 one seuen yéeres, he would reueale a number of herbes growing with vs,
 whereof neither our physicians nor apothecaries as yet haue anie
 knowledge. And euen like thankes be giuen vnto our nobilitie,
 gentlemen, and others, for their continuall nutriture and cherishing
 of such homeborne and forren simples in their gardens, for hereby they
 shall not onlie be had at hand and preserued, but also their formes
 made more familiar to be discerned, and their forces better knowne
 than hitherto they haue béene.

 And euen as it fareth with our gardens, so dooth it with our orchards,
 which were neuer furnished with so good fruit, nor with such varietie
 as at this present. For beside that we haue most delicate apples,
 plummes, peares, walnuts, filberds, &c: and those of sundrie sorts,
 planted within fortie yéeres passed, in comparison of which most of
 the old trées are nothing woorth: so haue we no lesse store of strange
 fruit, as abricotes, almonds, peaches, figges, corne-trees in noble
 mens orchards. I haue seene capers, orenges, and lemmons, and heard of
 wild oliues growing here, beside other strange trees, brought from
 far, whose names I know not. So that England for these commodities was
 neuer better furnished, neither anie nation vnder their clime more
 plentifullie indued with these and other blessings from the most high
 God, who grant vs grace withall to vse the same to his honour and
 glorie! and not as instruments and prouocations vnto further excesse
 and vanitie, wherewith his displeasure may be kindled, least these his
 benefits doo turne vnto thornes and briers vnto vs for our annoiance
 and punishment, which he hath bestowed vpon vs for our consolation and
 comfort.

 We haue in like sort such workemen as are not onelie excellent in
 graffing the naturall fruits, but also in their artificiall mixtures,
 whereby one trée bringeth foorth sundrie fruits, and one and the same
 fruit of diuers colours and tasts, dallieng as it were with nature and
 hir course, as if hir whole trade were perfectlie knowne vnto them: of
 hard fruits they will make tender, of sowre sweet, of sweet yet more
 delicate, béereuing also some of their kernels, other of their cores,
 and finallie induing them with the sauour of muske, ambre, or swéet
 spices at their pleasures. Diuerse also haue written at large of these
 seuerall practises, and some of them how to conuert the kernels of
 peaches into almonds, of small fruit to make farre greater, and to
 remooue or ad superfluous or necessarie moisture to the trées, with
 other things belonging to their preseruation, and with no lesse
 diligence than our physicians doo commonlie shew vpon our owne
 diseased bodies, which to me dooth seeme right strange. And euen so
 doo our gardeners with their herbes, whereby they are strengthened
 against noisome blasts, and preserued from putrifaction and
 hinderance, whereby some such as were annuall, are now made
 perpetuall, being yéerelie taken vp, and either reserued in the house,
 or hauing the rosse pulled from their rootes, laid againe into the
 earth, where they remaine in safetie. What choise they make also in
 their waters, and wherewith some of them doo now and then keepe them
 moist, it is a world to sée; insomuch that the apothecaries shops maie
 séeme to be needfull also to our gardens and orchards, and that in
 sundrie wise: naie the kitchin it selfe is so farre from being able to
 be missed among them, that euen the verie dishwater is not without
 some vse amongest our finest plants. Whereby and sundrie other
 circumstances not here to bée remembred, I am persuaded, that albeit
 the gardens of the Hesperides were in times past so greatlie accounted
 of because of their delicacie: yet if it were possible to haue such an
 equall iudge, as by certeine knowledge of both were able to pronounce
 vpon them, I doubt not but he would giue the price vnto the gardens of
 our daies, and generallie ouer all Europe, in comparison of those
 times, wherein the old exceeded. Plinie and other speake of a rose
 that had thrée score leaues growing vpon one button: but if I should
 tell of one which bare a triple number vnto that proportion, I know I
 shall not be beléeued, and no great matter though I were not, howbeit
 such a one was to be séene in Antwarpe 1585, as I haue heard, and I
 know who might haue had a slip or stallon thereof, if he would haue
 ventured ten pounds vpon the growth of the same, which should haue
 bene but a tickle hazard, and therefore better vndoone, as I did
 alwaies imagine. For mine owne part, good reader, let me boast a litle
 of my garden, which is but small, and the whole Area thereof little
 aboue 300 foot of ground, and yet, such hath béene my good lucke in
 purchase of the varietie of simples, that notwithstanding my small
 abilitie, there are verie néere thrée hundred of one sort and other
 conteined therein, no one of them being common or vsuallie to bee had.
 If therefore my little plot, void of all cost in keeping be so well
 furnished, what shall we thinke of those of Hampton court, Nonesuch,
 Tibaults, Cobham garden, and sundrie other apperteining to diuerse
 citizens of London, whom I could particularlie name, if I should not
 séeme to offend them by such my demeanour and dealing?




 OF WATERS GENERALLIE.

 CHAP. XXI.


 There is no one commoditie in England, whereof I can make lesse report
 than of our waters. For albeit our soile abound with water in all
 places, and that in the most ample maner: yet can I not find by some
 experience that almost anie one of our riuers hath such od and rare
 qualities as diuers of the maine are said to be indued withall.
 Virtruuius writeth of a well in Paphlagonia, whose water séemeth as it
 were mixed with wine, & addeth thereto that diuerse become drunke by
 superfluous taking of the same. The like force is found _In amne
 Licesio_, a riuer of Thracia, vpon whose bankes a man shall hardlie
 misse to find some traueller or other sléeping for drunkennesse, by
 drinking of that liquor. Néere also vnto Ephesus are certeine welles,
 which taste like sharpe vineger, and therefore are much esteemed of by
 such as are sicke and euill at ease in those parts. At Hieropolis is a
 spring of such force (as Strabo saith) that the water thereof mixed
 with certaine herbes of choise, dooth colour wooll with such a glosse,
 that the die thereof contendeth with scarlet, murreie, and purple, and
 oft ouercommeth the same. The Cydnus in Tarsus of Cilicia, is of such
 vertue, that who so batheth himselfe therein, shall find great ease of
 the gowt that runneth ouer all his ioints. In one of the fortunate
 Iles (saith Pomponius the Cosmographer) are two springs, one of the
 which bringeth immoderate laughter to him that drinketh thereof, the
 other sadnesse and restraint of that effect, whereby the last is taken
 to be a souereigne medicine against the other, to the great admiration
 of such as haue beholden it. At Susis in Persia there is a spring,
 which maketh him that drinketh downe anie of the water, to cast all
 his téeth: but if he onlie wash his mouth withall, it maketh them
 fast, & his mouth to be verie healthfull. So there is a riuer among
 the Gadarens, wherof if a beast drinke, he foorthwith casteth hoofe,
 haire, and hornes, if he haue anie. Also a lake in Assyria, neere vnto
 the which there is a kind of glewie matter to be found, which holdeth
 such birds as by hap doo light thereon so fast as birdlime, by means
 wherof verie manie doo perish and are taken that light vpon the same:
 howbeit if anie portion hereof happen to be set on fire by casualtie
 or otherwise, it will neuer be quenched but by casting on of dust, as
 Caietanus dooth report. Another at Halicarnassus called Salmacis,
 which is noted to make such men effeminate as drinke of the water of
 the same. Certes it maie be (saith Strabo) that the water and aire of
 a region maie qualifie the courage of some men, but none can make them
 effeminate, nor anie other thing because of such corruption in them,
 sooner than superfluous wealth, and inconstancie of liuing and
 behauiour, which is a bane vnto all nature, lib. 4. All which, with
 manie other not now comming to memorie, as the Letheus, Styx,
 Phlegeton, Cocitus, &c: haue strange & incredible reports made of them
 by the new and ancient writers, the like wherof are not to be found in
 England, which I impute wholie to the blessing of God, who hath
 ordeined nothing amongst vs in this our temperate region, but that
 which is good, wholesome, and most commodious for our nation. We haue
 therefore no hurtfull waters amongst vs, but all wholesome and
 profitable for the benefit of the people. Neuertheles as none of them
 is to be found without hir fish: so we know by experience, that
 diuerse turne ash, some other elme, and oken stakes or poles that lie
 or are throwne into them into hard stone, in long continuance of time,
 which is the strangest thing that I can learne at this present
 wherevpon to rest for a certentie. Yet I read of diuerse welles,
 wherevnto our old writers ascribe either wonderfull vertues, or rare
 courses, as of one vpon the shore, beyond the which the sea floweth
 euerie daie twise a large mile and more; and yet is the surge of that
 water alwaies seuen foot from the salt sea: whereby it should séeme
 that the head of the spring is mooueable. But alas I doo not easilie
 beleeue it, more than that which is written of the Lilingwan lake in
 Wales, which is néere to the Seuerne, and receiueth the flowing sea
 into hir chanell as it were a gulfe, and yet is neuer full: but when
 the sea goeth awaie by reason of the ebbe, it casteth vp the water
 with such violence, that hir banks are ouerflowne and drowned, which
 is an absurd report. They ad also, that if all the people of the
 countrie stood neere to the same, with their faces toward the lake, in
 such maner that the dashing of the water might touch and wet their
 clothes, they should haue no power to go from thence, but mawgre their
 resistance be drawne into that gulfe and perish; whereas if they
 turned their backs vnto the same, they should suffer no such
 inconuenience though they stood neuer so néere. Manie other such like
 toies I could set downe of other welles and waters of our countrie.
 But whie should I write that for other men to read, whereto I giue no
 credit my selfe, more than to the report which Iohannes du Choul dooth
 make in his description of Pilots lake, "In monte Pilati in Gallia,"
 or Boccatius of the Scaphigiolo in the Appenine hils, or F[oe]lix
 Malliolus of Pilats lake "In monte fracto" (where Iacobus de Voragino
 bishop of Gene, & Ioachimus Vadianus in Pompon. Melam doo also make
 mention) sith I take them but for fables, & far vnworthie that anie
 good man should staine his paper with such friuolous matters as are
 reported of them, being deuised at the first by Satanas the father of
 lies, for the holding of the ignorant & credulous in their
 superstitions and errors. Such also is the tale that goeth of
 Wenefrids well, & nothing inferior to that of Mercurie néere to port
 Caperia in Rome, wherein such as went by would dip branches of baie,
 and sprinkle the same vpon themselues: and so manie as stood about
 them, calling vpon Mercurie, and crauing pardon for their sinnes, as
 if that ceremonie had bene of force vnto forgiuenesse and remission of
 their trespasses. And so it appeareth partlie by Cicero, who (being a
 man neither thinking well of their owne gods nor liking of the
 augures) dooth write in his first De legibus (except my memorie faile
 me) "aspersione aquæ labem tolli corpoream, & castimoniam corporis
 præstari," which maketh me to thinke further, that they thought it
 equall with our late holie-water, wherewith it maie be compared. I
 might further also (if I would) make relation of diuerse welles, which
 haue wrought manie miracles in time of superstition, as S. Butolphs
 well in Hadstocke, S. Germans well at Falkeburne, Holie well at S.
 Albones and London, and sundrie other in other places: but as their
 vertues are now found out to be but baits to draw men and women vnto
 them, either for gaine vnto the places where they were, or
 satisfaction of the lewd disposition of such as hunted after other
 gaine, so it shall suffice to haue touched them far off. Onlie this
 will I ad, that we haue no hurtfull waters, no not vnto our shéepe,
 though it please Cardan to auouch otherwise; for our waters are not
 the causes, but the signes of their infections when they drinke, as I
 elsewhere haue noted in the chapter of cattell, as also that we haue a
 spring neere Saffron Walden, and not farre from the house of the lord
 Audleie, which is of such force, that it looseth the bodie of him that
 drinketh therof in verie gentle maner, and beside that is verie
 delectable & pleasant to be taken, as I haue found by experience. I
 heare also of two welles néere London, of which the one is verie
 excellent water, the other will beare no sope, and yet so situat that
 the one is hard by the other. And thus much of waters.




 OF WOODS AND MARISHES.

 CHAP. XXII.


 [Sidenote: Great abundance of wood sometime in England.]
 It should séeme by ancient records, and the testimonie of sundrie
 authors, that the whole countries of Lhoegres and Cambria, now England
 and Wales, haue sometimes béene verie well replenished with great
 woods & groues, although at this time the said commoditie be not a
 little decaied in both, and in such wise that a man shall oft ride ten
 or twentie miles in ech of them, and find verie little or rather none
 at all, except it be néere vnto townes, gentlemens houses, & villages,
 where the inhabitants haue planted a few elmes, okes, hazels, or ashes
 about their dwellings for their defense from the rough winds, and
 keeping of the stormie weather from annoiance of the same. This
 scarsitie at the first grew (as it is thought) either by the industrie
 of man, for maintenance of tillage (as we vnderstand the like to be
 doone of late by the Spaniards in the west Indies, where they fired
 whole woods of verie great compasse therby to come by ground whereon
 to sow their graines) or else thorough the couetousnesse of such, as
 in preferring of pasture for their shéepe and greater cattell, doo
 make small account of firebote and timber: or finallie by the crueltie
 of the enimies, whereof we haue sundrie examples declared in our
 histories. Howbeit where the rocks and quarrie grounds are, I take the
 swart of the earth to be so thin, that no tree of anie greatnesse,
 other than shrubs and bushes, is able to grow or prosper long therein
 for want of sufficient moisture wherewith to feed them with fresh
 humour, or at the leastwise of mould, to shrowd, staie vpright, and
 cherish the same in the blustering winters weather, till they may grow
 vnto anie greatnesse, and spread or yéeld their rootes downe right
 into the soile about them: and this either is or may be one other
 cause, wherefore some places are naturallie void of wood. But to
 procéed. Although I must needs confesse that there is good store of
 great wood or timber here and there, euen now in some places of
 England, yet in our daies it is far vnlike to that plentie, which our
 ancestors haue séene heretofore, when statelie building was lesse in
 vse. For albeit that there were then greater number of mesuages and
 mansions almost in euerie place; yet were their frames so slight and
 slender, that one meane dwelling house in our time is able to
 counteruaile verie manie of them, if you consider the present charge
 with the plentie of timber that we bestow vpon them. In times past men
 were contented to dwell in houses, builded of sallow, willow,
 plumtree, hardbeame, and elme, so that the vse of oke was in maner
 dedicated wholie vnto churches, religious houses, princes palaces,
 noblemens lodgings, & nauigation: but now all these are reiected, and
 [Sidenote: Desire of much wealth and ease abateth manhood,
 & ouerthroweth a manlie courage.]
 nothing but oke anie whit regarded. And yet sée the change, for when
 our houses were builded of willow, then had we oken men; but now that
 our houses are come to be made of oke, our men are not onlie become
 willow, but a great manie through Persian delicacie crept in among vs
 altogither of straw, which is a sore alteration. In those the courage
 of the owner was a sufficient defense to kéepe the house in safetie,
 but now the assurance of the timber, double doores, lockes and bolts
 must defend the man from robbing. Now haue we manie chimnies and yet
 our tenderlings complaine of rheumes, catarhs and poses. Then had we
 none but reredosses, and our heads did neuer ake. For as the smoke in
 those daies was supposed to be a sufficient hardning for the timber of
 the house; so it was reputed a far better medicine to kéepe the good
 man and his familie from the quacke or pose, wherewith as then verie
 few were oft acquainted.

 Of the curiousnesse of these piles I speake not, sith our workemen are
 growne generallie to such an excellencie of deuise in the frames now
 made, that they farre passe the finest of the old. And such is their
 husbandrie in dealing with their timber, that the same stuffe which in
 time past was reiected as crooked, vnprofitable, and to no vse but the
 fire, dooth now come in the fronts and best part of the worke. Wherby
 the common saieng is likewise in these daies verified in our mansion
 houses, which earst was said onelie of the timber for ships, that no
 oke can grow so crooked but it falleth out to some vse, & that
 necessarie in the nauie. It is a world to sée moreouer how diuerse men
 being bent to building, and hauing a delectable veine in spending of
 their goods by that trade, doo dailie imagine new deuises of their
 owne to guide their workemen withall, and those more curious and
 excellent alwaies than the former. In the procéeding also of their
 workes, how they set vp, how they pull downe, how they inlarge, how
 they restreine, how they ad to, how they take from, whereby their
 heads are neuer idle, their purses neuer shut, nor their bookes of
 account neuer made perfect.

   "Destruunt, ædificant, mutant quadrata rotundis"

 saith the poet. So that if a man should well consider of all the od
 crotchets in such a builders braine, he would thinke his head to haue
 euen inough of those affaires onelie, & therefore iudge that he should
 not well be able to deale in anie other. But such commonlie are our
 workemasters, that they haue beside this veine afore mentioned, either
 great charge of merchandizes, little lesse businesse in the
 commonwealth, or finallie no small dealings otherwise incident vnto
 them, wherby gaine ariseth, and some trouble oft among withall. Which
 causeth me to wonder not a little how they can plaie the parts so well
 of so manie sundrie men, whereas diuerse other of greater forecast in
 apparance can seldome shift well or thriue in anie one of them. But to
 our purpose.

 We haue manie woods, forrests, and parks, which cherish trées
 abundantlie, although in the woodland countries there is almost no
 hedge that hath not some store of the greatest sort, beside infinit
 numbers of hedgerowes, groues, and springs, that are mainteined of
 purpose for the building and prouision of such owners as doo possesse
 the same. Howbeit as euerie soile dooth not beare all kinds of wood,
 so there is not anie wood, parke, hedgerow, groue, or forrest, that is
 not mixed with diuerse, as oke, ash, hasell, hawthorne, birch, béech,
 hardbeame, hull, sorfe, quicken aspe, poplers, wild cherie, and such
 like, wherof oke hath alwaies the preheminence, as most méet for
 building and the nauie, whervnto it is reserued. This tree bringeth
 foorth also a profitable kind of mast, whereby such as dwell néere
 vnto the aforesaid places doo cherish and bring vp innumerable heards
 of swine. In time of plentie of this mast, our red and fallow déere
 will not let to participat thereof with our hogs, more than our nete:
 yea our common pultrie also if they may come vnto them. But as this
 [Sidenote: The like haue I séene where hens doo féed vpon the tender
 blades of garlike.]
 abundance dooth prooue verie pernicious vnto the first, so these egs
 which these latter doo bring foorth (beside blackenesse in color and
 bitternesse of tast) haue not seldome beene found to bréed diuerse
 diseases vnto such persons as haue eaten of the same. I might ad in
 like sort the profit insuing by the barke of this wood, whereof our
 tanners haue great vse in dressing of leather, and which they buie
 yearelie in Maie by the fadame, as I haue oft séene: but it shall not
 néed at this time to enter into anie such discourse, onlie this I
 wish, that our sole and vpper leathering may haue their due time, and
 not be hasted on by extraordinarie slights, as with ash, barke, &c.
 Whereby as I grant that it séemeth outwardlie to be verie thicke &
 well doone: so if you respect the sadnes thereof, it dooth prooue in
 the end to be verie hollow & not able to hold out water. Neuerthelesse
 we haue good lawes for redresse of this enormitie, but it c[=o]meth to
 passe in these as in the execution of most penall statutes. For the
 gaines to be gotten by the same being giuen to one or two hungrie and
 vnthriftie persons, they make a shew of great reformation at the
 first, & for a litle while, till they find that following of sute in
 law against the offendors is somwhat too chargeable and tedious. This
 therefore perceiued, they giue ouer the law, and fall to the admission
 of gifts and rewards to winke at things past, and when they haue once
 gone ouer their ground with this kind of tillage, then doo they tender
 licences, and offer large dispensations vnto him that shall aske the
 same, thereby to doo what him listeth in his trade for an yearelie
 pension, whereby the bribour now groweth to some certeine reuenues, &
 the tanner to so great libertie that his lether is much worse than
 before. But is not this a mockerie of our lawes, & manifest illusion
 of the good subiect whom they thus pill & poll? Of all oke growing in
 England the parke oke is the softest, and far more spalt and brickle
 than the hedge oke. And of all in Essex, that growing in Bardfield
 parke is the finest for ioiners craft: for oftentimes haue I seene of
 their workes made of that oke so fine and faire, as most of the
 wainescot that is brought hither out of Danske, for our wainescot is
 not made in England. Yet diuerse haue assaied to deale without okes to
 that end, but not with so good successe as they haue hoped, bicause
 the ab or iuice will not so soone be remoued and cleane drawne out,
 which some attribute to want of time in the salt water. Neuerthelesse
 in building, so well the hedge as the parke oke go all one waie, and
 neuer so much hath beene spent in a hundred years before, as is in ten
 yeare of our time; for euerie man almost is a builder, and he that
 hath bought any small parcell of ground, be it neuer so little, will
 not be quiet till he haue pulled downe the old house (if anie were
 there standing) and set vp a new after his owne deuise. But wherevnto
 will this curiositie come?

 Of elme we haue great store in euerie high waie and elsewhere, yet
 haue I not séene thereof anie togither in woods or forrests, but where
 they haue béene first planted and then suffered to spread at their
 owne willes. Yet haue I knowen great woods of béech and hasell in
 manie places, especiallie in Barkeshire, Oxfordshire, and
 Buckinghamshire, where they are greatlie cherished, & conuerted to
 sundrie vses by such as dwell about them. Of all the elms that euer I
 saw, those in the south side of Douer court, in Essex néere Harwich
 are the most notable, for they grow (I meane) in crooked maner, that
 they are almost apt for nothing else but nauie timber, great
 ordinance, and béetels: and such thereto is their naturall qualitie,
 that being vsed in the said behalfe, they continue longer, and more
 long than anie the like trées in whatsoeuer parcell else of this land,
 without cuphar, shaking, or cleauing, as I find.

 Ash commeth vp euerie where of it selfe, and with euerie kind of wood.
 And as we haue verie great plentie and no lesse vse of these in our
 husbandrie, so are we not without the plane, the vgh, the sorfe, the
 chestnut, the line, the blacke cherrie, and such like. And although
 that we inioy them not in so great plentie now in most places, as in
 times past, or the other afore remembred: yet haue we sufficient of
 them all for our necessarie turnes and vses, especiallie of vgh; as
 may be séene betwixt Rotheram and Sheffield, and some stéeds of Kent
 also, as I haue béene informed.

 The firre, frankincense, and pine, we doo not altogither want,
 especiallie the firre, whereof we haue some store in Chatleie moore in
 Darbishire, Shropshire, Andernesse, and a mosse néere Manchester, not
 far from Leircesters house: although that in time past not onelie all
 Lancastershire, but a great part of the coast betwéene Chester and the
 Solme were well stored. As for the frankincense and pine, they haue
 béene planted onelie in colleges and cloisters, by the cleargie and
 religious heretofore. Wherefore (in mine opinion) we may rather saie
 that we want them altogither: for except they grew naturallie, and not
 by force, I sée no cause whie they should be accounted for parcell of
 our commodities. We haue also the aspe, whereof our fletchers make
 their arrowes. The seuerall kinds of poplars of our turners haue great
 vse for bolles, treies, troughs, dishes, &c. Also the alder, whose
 barke is not vnprofitable to die blacke withall, and therfore much
 vsed by our countrie wiues in colouring their knit hosen. I might here
 take occasion to speake of the great sales yéerelie made of wood,
 whereby an infinit quantitie hath bin destroied within these few
 yéers: but I giue ouer to trauell in this behalfe. Howbeit thus much I
 dare affirme, that if woods go so fast to decaie in the next hundred
 yeere of Grace, as they haue doone and are like to doo in this,
 sometimes for increase of sheepwalks, and some maintenance of
 prodigalitie and pompe (for I haue knowne a well burnished gentleman
 [Sidenote: * This gentleman caught such an heate with this sore
 loade that he was faine to go to Rome for physicke, yet it
 could not saue his life, but hée must néeds die homewards.]
 [*] that hath borne threescore at once in one paire of galigascons to
 shew his strength and brauerie) it is to be feared that the fennie
 bote, broome, turffe, gall, heath, firze, brakes, whinnes, ling, dies,
 hassacks, flags, straw, sedge, réed, rush, and also seacole will be
 good merchandize euen in the citie of London, wherevnto some of them
 euen now haue gotten readie passage, and taken vp their innes in the
 greatest merchants parlours. A man would thinke that our laws were
 able inough to make sufficient prouision for the redresse of this
 error & enormitie likelie to insue. But such is the nature of our
 countriemen, that as manie laws are made, so they will kéepe none; or
 if they be vrged to make answer, they will rather séeke some crooked
 construction of them to the increase of their priuat gaine, than yéeld
 themselues to be guided by the same for a commonwealth and profit to
 their countrie. So that in the end whatsoeuer the law saith we will
 haue our willes, whereby the wholesome ordinances of the prince are
 contemned, the trauell of the nobilitie & councellors as it were
 derided, the common wealth impouerished, & a few onelie inriched by
 this peruerse dealing. Thus manie thousand persons doo suffer
 hinderance by this their lewd behauiour. Hereby the wholesome laws of
 the prince are oft defrauded, and the good meaning magistrate in
 consultation about the common wealth vtterlie neglected. I would wish
 that I might liue no longer than to sée foure things in this land
 reformed, that is: the want of discipline in the church: the couetous
 dealing of most of our merchants in the preferment of the commodities
 of other countries, and hinderance of their owne: the holding of
 faires and markets vpon the sundaie to be abolished and referred to
 the wednesdaies: and that euerie man, in whatsoeuer part of the
 champaine soile enioieth fortie acres of land, and vpwards, after that
 rate, either by frée deed, copie hold, or fee farme, might plant one
 acre of wood, or sowe the same with oke mast, hasell, béech, and
 sufficient prouision be made that it may be cherished and kept. But I
 feare me that I should then liue too long, and so long, that I should
 either be wearie of the world, or the world of me; and yet they are
 not such things but they may easilie be brought to passe.

 Certes euerie small occasion in my time is enough to cut downe a great
 wood, and euerie trifle sufficeth to laie infinit acres of corne
 ground vnto pasture. As for the taking downe of houses, a small fine
 will beare out a great manie. Would to God we might once take example
 of the Romans, who in restreint of superfluous grasing, made an exact
 limitation, how manie head of cattell ech estate might kéepe, and what
 numbers of acres should suffice for that and other purposes. Neither
 was wood euer better cherished or mansion houses mainteined, than by
 their lawes and statutes. Such also was their care in the maintenance
 of nauigation, that it was a great part of the charge of their
 consuls, yéerelie to view and looke vnto the hilles whereon great
 timber did grow, least their vnnecessarie faults for the satisfaction
 of the priuat owner, and his couetous mind might prooue a preiudice
 vnto the common wealth, in the hinderance of sufficient stuffe for the
 furniture of their nauie. Certes the like hereof is yet obserued in
 Venice. Read also I praie you what Suetonius writeth of the consulship
 of Bibulus and Cesar. As for the wood that Ancus Martius dedicated
 toward the maintenance of the common nauie, I passe it ouer, as hauing
 elsewhere remembred it vnto another end. But what doo I meane to
 speake of these, sith my purpose is onlie to talke of our owne woods?
 Well, take this then for a finall conclusion in woods, that beside
 some countries are alreadie driuen to sell their wood by the pound,
 which is an heauie report: within these fortie yéeres we shall haue
 little great timber growing aboue fortie yéeres old; for it is
 commonlie séene that those yoong staddles which we leaue standing at
 one & twentie yéeres fall, are vsuallie at the next sale cut downe
 without any danger of the statute, and serue for fire bote, if it
 please the owner to burne them.

 [Sidenote: Marises and fennes.]
 Marises and fennie bogges we haue manie in England, though not now so
 many as some of the old Roman writers doo specifie, but more in Wales,
 if you haue respect vnto the seuerall quantities of the countries.
 Howbeit as they are verie profitable in the summer halfe of the yeere,
 so are a number of them which lie lowe and néere to great riuers, to
 small commoditie in the winter part, as common experience dooth teach.
 Yet this I find of manie moores, that in times past they haue béene
 harder ground, and sundrie of them well replenished with great woods,
 that now are void of bushes. And for example hereof, we may sée the
 triall (beside the roots that are dailie found in the déeps of
 Monmouth, where turfe is digged, also in Wales, Aburgauennie, and
 Merioneth) in sundrie parts of Lancashire, where great store of firre
 hath growen in times past, as I said, and the people go vnto this daie
 into their fens and marises with long spits, which they dash here and
 there vp to the verie cronge into the ground. In which practise, (a
 thing commonlie doone in winter) if they happen to smite vpon anie
 firre trées which lie there at their whole lengths, or other blocks,
 they note the place, and about haruest time, when the ground is at the
 driest, they come againe and get them vp, and afterward carieng them
 home, applie them to their vses. The like doo they in Shropshire with
 the like, which hath beene felled in old time, within 7 miles of
 Salop. Some of them foolishlie suppose the same to haue lien there
 since Noies floud: and other more fond than the rest, imagine them to
 grow euen in the places where they find them, without all
 consideration that in times past, the most part, if not all Lhoegres
 and Cambria was generallie replenished with wood, which being felled
 or ouerthrowne vpon sundrie occasions, was left lieng in some places
 still on the ground, and in processe of time became to be quite
 ouergrowne with earth and moulds, which moulds wanting their due
 sadnesse, are now turned into moorie plots. Wherby it commeth to passe
 also, that great plentie of water commeth betwéene the new loose swart
 and the old hard earth, that being drawen awaie by ditching and
 draines (a thing soone doone if our countrie-men were painfull in that
 behalfe) might soone leaue a drie soile to the great lucre and
 aduantage of the owner. We find in our histories, that Lincolne was
 somtime builded by Lud brother to Cassibelan, who called it Cair
 Ludcoit, of the great store of woods that inuironed the same: but now
 the commoditie is vtterlie decaied there, so that if Lud were aliue
 againe, he would not call it his citie in the wood, but rather his
 towne in the plaines: for the wood (as I heare) is wasted altogither
 about the same. The hilles called the Peke were in like sort named
 Mennith and Orcoit, that is, the wooddie hilles and forrests. But how
 much wood is now to be séene in those places, let him that hath béene
 there testifie, if he list; for I heare of no such store there as hath
 béene in time past by those that trauell that waie. And thus much of
 woods and marises, and so far as I can deale with the same.




 OF BATHS AND HOT WELLES.

 CHAP. XXIII.


 As almightie GOD hath in most plentifull maner bestowed infinit, and
 those verie notable benefits vpon this Ile of Britaine, whereby it is
 not a little inriched: so in hot and naturall baths (whereof we haue
 diuerse in sundrie places) it manifestlie appéereth that he hath not
 forgotten England. There are sundrie baths therefore to be found in
 this realme, of which the first is called saint Vincents, the second
 Halliewell; both being places (in my opinion) more obscure than the
 other two, and yet not seldome sought vnto by such as stand in need.
 For albeit the fame of their forces be not so generallie spread, yet
 in some cases they are thought to be nothing inferior to the other, as
 diuerse haue often affirmed by their owne experience and triall. The
 third place wherein hot baths are to be found is néere vnto Buxston, a
 towne in Darbishire, situat in the high Peke, not passing sixtéene
 miles from Manchester, or Markechesterford, and twentie from Darbie,
 where, about eight or nine seuerall welles are to be séene; of which
 thrée are counted to be most excellent: but of all, the greatest is
 the hotest, void of corruption, and compared (as Iones saith) with
 those of Summersetshire, so cold indéed, as a quart of boiling water
 would be made if fiue quartes of running water were added therevnto;
 whereas on the other side, those of Bath likened vnto these, haue such
 heat appropriated vnto them, as a gallon of hot water hath when a
 quart of cold is mixed with the same. Herevpon the effect of this bath
 worketh more temperatlie and pleasantlie (as he writeth) than the
 other. And albeit that it maketh not so great spéed in cure of such as
 resort vnto it for helpe: yet it dealeth more effectuallie and
 commodiouslie than those in Summersetshire, and infer with all lesse
 greeuous accidents in the restreining of naturall issues,
 strengthening the affeebled members, assisting the liuelie forces,
 dispersing annoious oppilations, and qualifieng of sundrie griefes, as
 his experience hath oft confirmed. The like vertues haue the other
 two, but not in such measure: and therefore their operation is not so
 speedilie perceiued. The fourth place where baths are, is kings
 Newnam, and within certeine miles of Couentrie, the water wherof (as
 it is thought) procéedeth from some rocke of allume, and this I
 vnderstand by diuerse glouers which haue béene there, and also by mine
 owne experience, that it hath a tast much like to allume liquor, and
 yet nothing vnplesant nor vnsauorie in the drinking. There are thrée
 welles in all, but the chiefest and best of them riseth out of an
 hill, and runneth toward the south, & from thence infinit plentie of
 water without anie notable diminution of the spring is dailie caried
 into sundrie parties of the realme, & droonke by such as haue néed to
 occupie the same. Of the other two, one is reserued for such as be
 comelie personages and void of lothsome diseases: the other is left
 common for tag and rag; but clensed dailie as the other is, whereby it
 becommeth the wholesomer. Manie diseases also are cured in the same,
 as the palsie, dimnesse of sight, dulnesse of hearing, but especiallie
 the collike and the stone, old sores and gréene wounds; so that I
 suppose there was neuer anie compound medicine of greater and more
 spéedie force in these behalfes, than the vse of this simple liquor is
 to such as doo frequent it. The said water hath a naturall propertie
 also following it which is rare, for if a leafe, or sticke of ash,
 oke, &c: doo fall into the same, within a short space, such store of
 fine sand (comming no doubt out of the earth with the water) will
 congeale and gather about it, that the forme being reserued, and the
 inner part not lightlie altered, it will seeme to become an hard
 stone, and much like vnto that which is ingendred in the kidneis of a
 man, as I haue séene by experience. At the first entrance it is verie
 cold, but after a season it warmeth the goer in, casting him into an
 indifferent heat. And this is furthermore remembred of it, that no man
 hath yet susteined anie manner of impeachment through the coldnesse of
 the same. The vertue thereof was found 1579 about Whitsuntide, by a
 man who had wounded himselfe, & comming by the same water, thought
 onelie to wash the blood from his hand therewith, and so to go home
 and séeke for helpe by surgerie: finallie finding the paine well
 asswaged, & the wound faire clensed, he departed, and misliking his
 vsuall medicins, he eftsoones came againe, and so often indéed vnto
 the said water till his hand was healed outright without anie other
 practise. By this meanes also he became a counsellor to other being
 hurt or in paine, that they should trie the vertue of this spring, who
 finding ease also, gaue out such commendation of the said water, that
 now at this present their fame is fullie equall, and the resort vnto
 them nothing inferior to that of the old baths. Beside this, the cures
 of such diseases as their forces do extend vnto, is much more speedie
 than we may haue at the other; and this is one commoditie also not
 smallie to be considered of. The fift place of baths or medicinable
 welles is at an hamlet called Newton, a little from saint Neots, or
 (as we pronounce it) saint Needs, which is ten or twelue miles from
 Cambridge, where two springs are knowne to be, of which the one is
 verie sweet and fresh, the other brackish & salt; this is good for
 scabs and leaperie (as it is said) the other for dimnesse of sight.
 Verie manie also doo make their repaire vnto them for sundrie
 diseases, some returning whole, and some nothing at all amended,
 bicause their cure is without the reach and working of those waters.
 Neuer went people so fast from the church, either vnto a faire or
 market, as they go to these wels, and those neere Rugbie, both places
 being discouered in this 1579 of Grace. I heare of another well to be
 found also about Ratcliffe néere London, euen at the same season. But
 sith rumors are now spred almost of euerie spring, & vaine tales flie
 about in maner of euerie water, I surcease to speake at all of anie
 other, till further experience doo trie whether they be medicinable or
 not: and yet I doubt not but most of these alredie mentioned haue
 heretofore bin knowne & remembred also, though confusedlie by the
 writers of old time; & yet in processe of time either neglected or
 forgotten, by meanes of sundrie troubles and turmoiles made in this
 realme by Danes, and other outward enimies, whereby their manifold
 benefit hath woonderfullie béene missed.

 The last place of our baths, is a citie in Summersetshire, which
 taketh his name of the hot waters there to be séene and vsed. At the
 first it was called Cair Bledud, and not Cair Bledune, as some would
 haue it, for that is the old name of the ancient castell at
 Malmesburie, which the Saxons named Yngleburne. Ptolomie afterward
 called it Thermæ, other Aquæ solis, or Scamannia, or Acmancester, but
 now it hight generallie Bath in English, and vnder that name it is
 likelie to continue. The citie of it selfe is a verie ancient thing,
 no doubt, as may yet appeare by diuerse notable antiquities ingraued
 in stone, to be séene in the wals thereof; and first of all betweene
 the south gate and the west, and betwixt the west gate and the north.

 The first is the antike head of a man, made all flat, with great locks
 of haire, much like to the coine that I haue seene of Antius the
 Romane. The second betweene the south and the north gate is an image,
 as I take it, of Hercules, for he held in each hand a serpent, and so
 dooth this. Thirdlie there standeth a man on foot with a sword in his
 one hand, and a buckler stretched out in the other. There is also a
 branch that lieth folded and wreathed into circles, like to the wreath
 of Alcimedon. There are moreouer two naked images, whereof the one
 imbraceth the other, beside sundrie antike heads, with ruffled haire,
 a greiehound running, and at his taile certeine Romane letters, but so
 defaced that no man liuing can read them at this present. There is
 moreouer the image of Lacaon, inuironed with two serpents, and an
 other inscription, and all these betwéene the south and the west
 gates, as I haue said before.

 Now, betweene the west and north gate are two inscriptions, of which
 some words are euident to be read, the residue are cleane defaced.
 There is also the image of a naked man, and a stone in like sort,
 which hath "Cupidines & labruscas intercurrentes," and a table hauing
 at each hand an image vined and finelie florished both aboue and
 beneath. Finallie (sauing that I saw afterward the image of a naked
 man grasping a serpent in each hand) there was an inscription of a
 toome or buriall, wherein these words did plainelie appeare, "Vixit
 annos xxx" but so defusedlie written, that letters stood for whole
 words, and two or thrée letters combined into one. Certes I will not
 saie whether these were set into the places where they now stand by
 the gentiles, or brought thither from other ruines of the towne it
 selfe, and placed afterward in those wals, in their necessarie
 reparations. But howsoeuer the matter standeth, this is to be gathered
 by our histories, that Bladud first builded that citie there, and
 peraduenture might also kindle the sulphurous veines, of purpose to
 burne continuallie there in the honour of Minerua: by which occasion
 the springs thereabout did in processe of time become hot & not
 vnprofitable, for sundrie kinds of diseases. Indeed the later Pagans
 dreamed, that Minerua was the chéefe goddesse and gouernesse of these
 [Sidenote: Chap. 25.]
 waters, bicause of the néerenesse of hir temple vnto the same. Solinus
 addeth furthermore, how that in hir said temple, the fire which was
 continuallie kept, did neuer consume into dead sparkles; but so soone
 as the embers thereof were cold, they congealed into clots of hard
 stone: all which I take to be nothing else than the effect of the
 aforesaid fire, of the sulphurous veine kindled in the earth, from
 whence the waters doo come. That these baths or waters are deriued
 [Sidenote: The Pyritis is found almost in euerie veine of mettall
 in great plentie, diuersities and colour, and somtimes mixed
 with that mettall of whose excrements it consisteth.]
 from such, the marchasites, which the Grecians call Pyritis, per
 antonomasiam (for being smit with the iron, it yéeldeth more sparkes
 than anie flint or calcedonie, and therefore seemeth to deserue the
 name aboue the rest) and besides these other stones mixed with some
 copper, and dailie found vpon the mounteins thereabouts will beare
 sufficient witnesse, though I would write the contrarie. Doctor Turner
 also the father of English physicke, and an excellent diuine,
 supposeth that these springs doo draw their forces from sulphur: or if
 there be anie other thing mingled withall, he gesseth that it should
 be salt peter, bicause he found an obscure likelihood of the same,
 euen in the crosse bath. But that they participate with anie allume at
 all, he could neuer till his dieng daie be induced to beléeue. I might
 here (if I thought it necessarie) intreat of the notable situation of
 the citie, which standeth in a pleasant bottome, inuironed on euerie
 side with great hils, out of the which come so manie springs of pure
 water by sundrie waies vnto the citie, and in such abundance, as that
 euerie house is serued with the same by pipes of lead, the said
 mettall being the more plentious and lesse of value vnto them, bicause
 it is not had far off from those quarters. It should not be amisse
 also to speake of the foure gates, number of parish churches, bridges,
 religious houses dissolued, and their founders, if place did serue
 therefore: but for so much as my purpose is not to deale in this
 behalfe, I will omit the mention of these things, and go in hand with
 the baths themselues, wherof in the title of this chapiter I protested
 to intreat.

 There are two springs of water (as Leland saith) in the west south
 [Sidenote: Crosse bath.]
 west part of the towne, whereof the biggest is called the crosse bath,
 of a certeine crosse that was erected sometime in the middest thereof.
 This bath is much frequented by such as are diseased with leaprie,
 pockes, scabs, and great aches: yet of it selfe it is verie temperate
 and pleasant, hauing eleuen or twelue arches of stone in the sides
 thereof, for men to stand vnder, when raine dooth ought annoie them.

 [Sidenote: Common bath.]
 The common bath, or as some call it, the hot bath, is two hundred
 foot, or thereabout from the crosse bath, lesse in compasse within the
 wall than the other, and with onelie seauen arches, wrought out of the
 maine inclosure. It is worthilie called the hot bath, for at the first
 comming into it, men thinke that it would scald their flesh, and lose
 it from the bone: but after a season, and that the bodies of the
 commers thereto be warmed throughlie in the same, it is more
 tollerable and easie to be borne. Both these baths be in the middle of
 a little stréet, and ioine to S. Thomas hospitall, so that it may be
 thought that Reginald bishop of Bath made his house néere vnto these
 common baths, onelie to succour such poore people as should resort
 vnto them.

 [Sidenote: Kings bath.]
 The kings bath is verie faire and large, standing almost in the middle
 of the towne, at the west end of the cathedrall church. It is
 compassed about with a verie high stone wall, and the brims thereof
 are mured round about, where in be two and thirtie arches for men and
 women to stand in separatlie, who being of the gentrie for the most
 part, doo resort thither indifferentlie, but not in such lasciuious
 [Sidenote: Hot houses in some countries little better than brodels.]
 sort as vnto other baths and hot houses of the maine, whereof some
 write more a great deale than modestie should reueale, and honestie
 performe. There went a sluce out of this bath, which serued in times
 past the priorie with water, which was deriued out of it vnto two
 places, and commonlie vsed for baths, but now I doo not thinke that
 they remaine in vsage.

 [Sidenote: Colour of the water of the baths.]
 As for the colour of the water of all the bathes, it is most like to a
 déepe blew, and reeketh much after the maner of a seething pot,
 [Sidenote: Taste of the water.]
 commonlie yéelding somwhat a sulpherous taste, and verie vnpleasant
 sauour. The water also that runneth from the two small baths, goeth by
 a <DW18> into the Auon by west, and beneath the bridge: but the same
 that goeth from the kings bath turneth a mill, and after goeth into
 Auon aboue Bath bridge, where it loseth both force and tast, and is
 like vnto the rest. In all the three baths a man maie euidentlie see
 [Sidenote: Fall or issue of the water.]
 how the water bubbleth vp from the springs. This is also to be noted,
 that at certeine times all entrances into them is vtterlie prohibited,
 that is to saie, at high noone, and midnight: for at those two
 seasons, and a while before and after, they boile verie feruentlie,
 and become so hot that no man is able to indure their heat, or anie
 while susteine their force and vehement working. They purge themselues
 furthermore from all such filth as the diseased doo leaue in each of
 them, wherfore we doo forbeare the rash entrance into them at that
 time: and so much the rather, for that we would not by contraction of
 anie new diseases, depart more gréeuouslie affected than we came vnto
 the citie, which is in déed a thing that each one should regard. For
 [Sidenote: Not good to enter into baths at all seasons.]
 these causes therefore they are commonlie shut vp from halfe an houre
 after ten of the clocke in the forenoone, to halfe an houre after one
 in the afternoone, and likewise at midnight: at which times the kéeper
 of them resorteth to his charge, openeth the gates, and leaueth (or
 should leaue) frée passage vnto such as come vnto them. Hitherto
 Leland.

 What cost of late hath béene bestowed vpon these baths by diuerse of
 the nobilitie, gentrie, communaltie, and cleargie, it lieth not in me
 to declare: yet as I heare, they are not onelie verie much repared and
 garnished with sundrie curious péeces of workemanship, partlie
 touching their commendation, and partlie for the ease and benefit of
 such as resort vnto them; but also better ordered, clenlier kept, &
 more friendlie prouision made for such pouertie as dailie repaireth
 thither. But notwithstanding all this, such is the generall estate of
 things in Bath, that the rich men maie spend while they will, and the
 poore beg whilest they list for their maintenance and diet so long as
 they remaine there: and yet I denie not but that there is verie good
 order in that citie for all degrées. But where shall a man find anie
 equall regard of poore and rich, though God dooth giue these his good
 gifts fréelie, & vnto both alike? I would here intreat further of the
 customs vsed in these baths, what number of physicians dailie attend
 vpon those waters, for no man (especiallie such as be able to
 interteine them) dooth enter into these baths before he consult with
 the physician; also, what diet is to be obserued, what particular
 diseases are healed there, and to what end the commers thither doo
 drinke oftimes of that medicinable liquor: but then I should excéed
 the limits of a description. Wherefore I passe it ouer to others,
 hoping that some man yer long will vouchsafe to performe that at
 large, which the famous clearke Doctor Turner hath brieflie yet
 happilie begun, touching the effects & working of the same. For
 hitherto I doo not know of manie that haue trauelled in the natures of
 those baths of our countrie, with anie great commendation; much lesse
 of anie that hath reuealed them at the full for the benefit of our
 nation, or commoditie of strangers that resort vnto the same.




 OF ANTIQUITIES FOUND.

 CHAP. XXIV.


 Hauing taken some occasion to speake here and there in this treatise
 of antiquities, it shall not be amis to deale yet more in this
 chapter, with some of them apart, & by themselues, whereby the secure
 authoritie of the Romans ouer this Iland maie in some cases more
 manifestlie appeare. For such was their possession of this Iland on
 this side of the Tine, that they held not one or two, or a few places
 onelie vnder their subiection, but all the whole countrie from east to
 west, from the Tine to the British sea, so that there was no region
 void of their gouernance: notwithstanding that vntill the death of
 Lucius, and extinction of his issue, they did permit the successors of
 Lud and Cimbaline to reigne and rule amongest them, though vnder a
 certeine tribute, as else-where I haue declared. The chéefe cause that
 vrgeth me to speake of antiquities, is the paines that I haue taken to
 gather great numbers of them togither, intending (if euer my
 Chronologie shall happen to come abroad) to set downe the liuelie
 portraitures of euerie emperour ingrauen in the same: also the faces
 of Pompeie, Crassus, the seuen kings of the Romans, Cicero, and
 diuerse other, which I haue prouided readie for the purpose, beside
 the monuments and liuelie images of sundrie philosophers, and kings of
 this Iland, since the time of Edward the Confessor. Wherof although
 presentlie I want a few, yet I doo not doubt but to obteine them all,
 if friendship at the leastwise procured for monie shall be able to
 preuaile. But as it hath doone hitherto, so the charges to be emploied
 vpon these brasen or copper images, will hereafter put by the
 impression of that treatise: whereby it maie come to passe, that long
 trauell shall soone proue to be spent in vaine, and much cost come to
 verie small successe. Whereof yet I force not greatlie, sith by this
 means I haue reaped some commoditie vnto my selfe, by searching of the
 histories, which often minister store of examples readie to be vsed in
 my function, as occasion shall mooue me. But to procéed with my
 purpose.

 Before the comming of the Romans, there was a kind of copper monie
 currant here in Britaine, as Cæsar confesseth in the fift booke of his
 Commentaries, but I find not of what maner it was. Hereto he addeth a
 report of certeine rings, of a proportionate weight, which they vsed
 in his time, in stead likewise of monie. But as hitherto it hath not
 bene my lucke (I saie) to haue the certeine view of anie of these, so
 after the comming of the Romans, they inforced vs to abandon our owne,
 and receiue such imperiall monies or coines, as for the paiment of
 their legions was dailie brought ouer vnto them. What coines the
 Romans had, it is easie to be knowne, and from time to time much of it
 is found in manie places of this Iland, as well of gold and siluer, as
 of copper, brasse, and other mettall, much like stéele, almost of
 euerie emperour. So that I account it no rare thing to haue of the
 Roman coine, albeit that it still represent an image of our
 captiuitie, and maie be a good admonition for vs, to take heed how we
 yéeld our selues to the regiment of strangers. Of the store of these
 monies, found vpon the Kentish coast, I haue alreadie made mention in
 the description of Richborow, and chapter of Iles adiacent vnto the
 British Albion, and there shewed also how simple fishermen haue had
 plentie of them, and that the conies in making profers and holes to
 bréed in, haue scraped them out of the ground in verie great
 abundance. In speaking also of S. Albans, in the chapter of townes and
 villages, I haue not omitted to tell what plentie of these coines haue
 bene gathered there: wherfore I shall not néed here to repeat the same
 againe. Howbeit this is certeine, that the most part of all these
 antiquities, to be found within the land, & distant from the shore,
 are to be gotten either in the ruines of ancient cities and townes
 decaied, or in inclosed burrowes, where their legions accustomed
 sometime to winter, as by experience is dailie confirmed. What store
 hath béene séene of them in the citie of London, which they called
 Augusta, of the legion that soiourned there, & likewise in Yorke named
 also Victrix, of the legion Victoria, or Altera Roma (because of the
 beautie and fine building of the same) I my selfe can partlie
 witnesse, that haue séene, & often had of them, if better testimonie
 were wanting. The like I maie affirme of Colchester, where those of
 Claudius, Adrian, Traian, Vespasian, and other, are oftentimes plowed
 vp, or found by other means: also of Cantorburie, Andredeschester (now
 decaied) Rochester, then called Durobreuum, Winchester, and diuerse
 other beyond the Thames, which for breuitie sake I doo passe ouer in
 silence. Onlie the chiefe of all and where most are found in deed, is
 néere vnto Carleon and Cairgwent in Southwales, about Kenchester,
 thrée miles aboue Hereford, Aldborow, Ancaster, Bramdon, Dodington,
 where a spurre and péece of a chaine of gold were found in king Henrie
 the eight his daies, besides much of the said Roman coine, Binchester,
 Camalet, Lacocke vpon Auon, and Lincolne, Dorchester, Warwike, and
 Chester, where they are often had in verie great abundance. It seemeth
 that Ancaster hath beene a great thing, for manie square & 
 pauements, vaults, and arches are yet found, and often laid open by
 such as dig and plow in the fields about the same. And amongst these,
 one Vresbie or Rosebie, a plowman, did ere vp not long since a stone
 like a trough, couered with another stone, wherein was great foison of
 the aforesaid coines. The like also was séene not yet fortie yeares
 agone about Grantham. But in king Henrie the eight his daies, an
 husbandman had far better lucke at Harleston, two miles from the
 aforesaid place, where he found not onelie great plentie of this
 coine, but also an huge brasse pot, and therein a large helmet of pure
 gold, richlie fretted with pearle, and set with all kind of costlie
 stones: he tooke vp also chaines much like vnto beads of siluer, all
 which, as being (if a man might ghesse anie certeintie by their
 beautie) not likelie to be long hidden, he presented to quéene
 Katharine then lieng at Peterborow, and therewithall a few ancient
 rolles of parchment written long agone, though so defaced with
 mouldinesse, and rotten for age, that no man could well hold them in
 his hand without falling into péeces, much lesse read them by reason
 of their blindnesse.

 In the beginning of the same kings daies also at Killeie a man found
 as he eared, an arming girdle, harnessed with pure gold, and a great
 massie pomell with a crosse hilt for a sword of the same mettall,
 beside studs and harnesse for spurs, and the huge long spurs of like
 stuffe, whereof one doctor Ruthall got a part into his hands. The
 boroughs or buries, wherof I spake before, were certeine plots of
 ground, wherin the Romane souldiers did vse to lie when they kept in
 the open fields as chosen places, from whence they might haue easie
 accesse vnto their aduersaries, if anie outrage were wrought or
 rebellion mooued against them. And as these were the vsuall aboads for
 those able legions that serued dailie in the wars, so had they other
 certeine habitations for the old and forworne souldiers, whereby
 diuerse cities grew in time to be replenished with Romane colonies, as
 Cairleon, Colchester, Chester, and such other, of which, Colchester
 bare the name of Colonia long time, and wherein A. Plautius builded a
 temple vnto the goddesse of Victorie (after the departure of Claudius)
 which Tacitus calleth "Aram sempiternæ dominationis," a perpetuall
 monument of that our British seruitude. But to returne vnto our
 borowes, they were generallie walled about with stone wals, and so
 large in compasse that some did conteine thirtie, fourtie, three
 score, or eightie acres of ground within their limits: they had also
 diuerse gates or ports vnto each of them, and of these not a few
 remaine to be seene in our time, as one for example not far from great
 Chesterford in Essex, néere to the limits of Cambridgshire, which I
 haue often viewed, and wherein the compasse of the verie wall with the
 places where the gates stood is easie to be discerned: the like also
 is to be séene at a place within two miles south of Burton, called the
 Borow hils. In these therefore and such like, and likewise at
 Euolsburg, now S. Neots, or S. Needs, and sundrie other places,
 especiallie vpon the shore and coasts of Kent, as Douer, Rie, Romneie,
 Lid, &c: is much of their coine also to be found, and some péeces or
 other are dailie taken vp, which they call Borow pence, Dwarfs monie,
 Hegs pence, Feirie groats, Jewes monie, & by other foolish names not
 woorthie to be remembred. At the comming of the Saxons, the Britons
 vsed these holds as rescues for their cattell in the daie and night,
 when their enimies were abroad; the like also did the Saxons against
 the Danes, by which occasions (and now and then by carieng of their
 stones to helpe forward other buildings néere at hand) manie of them
 were throwne downe and defaced, which otherwise might haue continued
 for a longer time, and so your honour would saie, if you should happen
 to peruse the thickenesse and maner of building of those said wals and
 borowes. It is not long since a siluer saucer of verie ancient making
 was found néere to Saffron Walden, in the open field among the
 [Sidenote: Sterbirie a place where an armie hath lien.]
 Sterbirie hils, and eared vp by a plough, but of such massie
 greatnesse, that it weighed better than twentie ounces, as I haue
 heard reported. But if I should stand in these things vntill I had
 said all that might be spoken of them, both by experience and
 testimonie of Leland in his Commentaries of Britaine, and the report
 of diuerse yet liuing, I might make a greater chapter than would be
 either conuenient or profitable to the reader: wherefore so much
 onelie shall serue the turne for this time as I haue said alreadie of
 antiquities found within our Iland, especiallie of coine, whereof I
 purposed chiefelie to intreat.




 OF THE COINES OF ENGLAND.

 CHAP. XXV.


 The Saxon coine before the conquest is in maner vtterlie vnknowne to
 me: howbeit if my coniecture be anie thing, I suppose that one
 shilling of siluer in those daies did counterpeise our common ounce,
 though afterward it came to passe that it arose to twentie pence, and
 so continued vntill the time of king Henrie the eight, who first
 brought it to thrée shillings and foure pence, & afterward our siluer
 [Sidenote: Copper monie.]
 coine vnto brasse & copper monies, by reason of those inestimable
 charges, which diuerse waies oppressed him. And as I gather such
 obscure notice of the shilling which is called in Latine Solidus, so I
 read more manifestlie of another which is the 48 part of a pound, and
 this also currant among the Saxons of our Ile, so well in gold as in
 siluer, at such time as 240 of their penies made vp a iust pound, fiue
 pence went to the shilling, and foure shillings to the ounce. But to
 procéed with my purpose. After the death of K. Henrie, Edward his
 sonne began to restore the aforesaid coine againe vnto fine siluer: so
 quéene Marie his successour did continue his good purpose,
 notwithstanding that in hir time the Spanish monie was verie c[=o]mon
 in England, by reason of hir mariage with Philip king of Spaine.

 [Sidenote: Siluer restored.]
 After hir decease the ladie Elizabeth hir sister, and now our most
 gratious quéene, souereigne and princesse, did finish the matter
 wholie, vtterly abolishing the vse of copper and brasen coine, and
 conuerting the same into guns and great ordinance, she restored
 sundrie coines of fine siluer, as péeces of halfepenie farding, of a
 penie, of three halfe pence, péeces of two pence, of thrée pence, of
 foure pence (called the groat) of six pence vsuallie named the
 testone, and shilling of twelue pence, whereon she hath imprinted hir
 owne image, and emphaticall superscription. Our gold is either old or
 [Sidenote: Old gold.]
 new. The old is that which hath remained since the time of king Edward
 the third, or béene coined by such other princes as haue reigned since
 his deceasse, without anie abasing or diminution of the finesse of
 that mettall. Therof also we haue yet remaining, the riall, the George
 noble, the Henrie riall, the salut, the angell, and their smaller
 peeces, as halfes or quarters, though these in my time are not so
 common to be séene. I haue also beheld the souereigne of twentie
 shillings, and the péece of thirtie shillings, I haue heard likewise
 of péeces of fortie shillings, three pounds, fiue pounds, and ten
 pounds. But sith there were few of them coined, and those onelie at
 the commandement of kings, yearelie to bestow where their maiesties
 thought good in lieu of new yeares gifts and rewards: it is not
 requisit that I should remember them here amongst our currant monies.

 [Sidenote: New gold.]
 The new gold is taken for such as began to be coined in the latter
 daies of king Henrie the eight, at which time the finesse of the
 mettall began to be verie much alaied, & is not likelie to be restored
 for ought that I can see: and yet is it such as hath béene coined
 since by his successors princes of this realme, in value and goodnesse
 equall and not inferiour to the coine and currant gold of other
 nations, where each one dooth couet chiefelie to gather vp our old
 finer gold: so that the angels, rials, and nobles, are more
 plentifullie seene in France, Italie, and Flanders, than they be by a
 great deale within the realme of England, if you regard the paiments
 which they dailie make in those kinds of our coine. Our peeces now
 currant are of ten shillings, fiue shillings, and two shillings and
 six pence onelie: and those of sundrie stamps and names, as halfe
 souereigns (equall in weight with our currant shilling, whereby that
 gold is valued at ten times so much siluer) quarters of souereigns
 (otherwise called crownes) and halfe crownes: likewise angels, halfe
 angels, and quarters of angels, or if there be anie other, in good
 sooth I know them not, as one scarselie acquainted with any siluer at
 all, much lesse then (God it wot) with any store of gold.

 The first currant shilling or siluer péeces of twelue pence stamped
 within memorie, were coined by K. Henrie the eight in the twentith
 yeare of his reigne, & those of fiue shillings, and of two shillings
 and six pence, & the halfe shilling by king Edward the sixt: but the
 od péeces aboue remembred vnder the groat by our high and mightie
 princesse quéene Elizabeth, the name of the groat, penie, two pence,
 halfe penie, and farding, in old time the greatest siluer monies if
 you respect their denominations onelie, being more ancient than that I
 can well discusse of the time of their beginnings. Yet thus much I
 read, that king Edward the first in the eight yeare of his reigne, did
 first coine the penie and smallest péeces of siluer roundwise, which
 before were square, and woont to beare a double crosse with a crest,
 in such sort that the penie might easilie be broken, either into
 halfes or quarters: by which shift onelie the people came by small
 monies, as halfe pence and fardings, that otherwise were not stamped
 nor coined of set purpose.

 Of forren coines we haue all the ducats, the single, double, and the
 double double, the crusadoes, with the long crosse and the short: the
 portigue, a péece verie solemnelie kept of diuerse, & yet oft times
 abased with washing, or absolutelie counterfeited: and finallie the
 French and Flemish crownes, onlie currant among vs, so long as they
 hold weight. But of siluer coines, as the soules turnois, whereof ten
 make a shilling, as the franke dooth two shillings, and thrée franks
 the French crowne, &c: we haue none at all: yet are the dalders, and
 such often times brought ouer, but neuerthelesse exchanged as bullion,
 according to their finenesse and weight, and afterward conuerted into
 coine, by such as haue authoritie.

 In old time we had sundrie mints in England, and those commonlie kept
 in abbaies and religious houses before the conquest, where true
 dealing was commonlie supposed most of all to dwell: as at Ramseie, S.
 Edmundsburie, Canturburie, Glassenburie, Peterborow, and such like,
 sundrie exemplificats of the grants whereof are yet to be seene in
 writing, especiallie that of Peterborow vnder the confirmation of pope
 Eugenius: wherevnto it appeereth further by a charter of king Edgar
 (which I haue) that they either held it or had another in Stanford.
 But after the Normans had once gotten the kingdome into their fingers,
 they trusted themselues best with the ouersight of their mints, and
 therefore erected diuerse of their owne, although they afterward
 permitted some for small péeces of siluer vnto sundrie of the houses
 aforesaid. In my time diuerse mints are suppressed, as Southwarke,
 Bristow, &c: and all coinage is brought into one place, that is to
 saie, the Tower of London, where it is continuallie holden and
 perused, but not without great gaine to such as deale withall. There
 is also coinage of tin holden yearelie at two seuerall times, that is
 to saie, Midsummer and Michaelmas in the west countrie; which at the
 first hearing I supposed to haue béene of monie of the said mettall,
 and granted by priuilege from some prince vnto the towns of
 Hailestone, Trurie, and Lostwithiell. Howbeit, vpon further
 examination of the matter, I find it to be nothing so, but an office
 onlie erected for the prince, wherin he is allowed the ordinarie
 customes of that mettall: and such blocks of tin as haue passed the
 hands of his officers, are marked with an especiall stampe, whereby it
 is knowne that the custome due for the same hath ordinarilie béene
 answered. It should séeme (and in my opinion is verie likelie to be
 true) that while the Romans reigned here, Kingstone vpon Thames
 (sometime a right noble citie and place where the Saxon kings were
 vsuallie crowned) was the chiefe place of their coinage for this
 prouince. For in earing of the ground about that towne in times past,
 and now of late (besides the curious foundation of manie goodlie
 buildings that haue béene ripped vp by plowes, and diuerse coines of
 brasse, siluer, and gold, with Romane letters in painted pots found
 there) in the daies of cardinall Woolseie, one such huge pot was
 discouered full as it were of new siluer latelie coined; another with
 plates of siluer readie to be coined; and the third with chaines of
 siluer and such broken stuffe redie (as it should appeere) to be
 melted into coinage, whereof let this suffice to countenance out my
 coniecture. Of coins currant before the comming of the Romans I haue
 elsewhere declared, that there were none at all in Britaine: but as
 the Ilanders of Scylira, the old Romans, Armenians, Scythians,
 Seritans, Sarmatians, Indians, and Essences did barter ware for ware,
 so the Britons vsed brasse or rings of iron, brought vnto a certeine
 proportion, in steed of monie, as the Lacedemonians & Bisantines also
 did, & the Achiui (as Homer writeth) who had (saith he) rough peeces
 of brasse and iron in stéed of coine, wherewith they purchased their
 wines.


 [Illustration: Endpiece.]

        *       *       *       *       *




 THE

 CONTENTS OF THE THIRD BOOKE.


    1 _Of cattell kept for profit._
    2 _Of wild and tame foules._
    3 _Of fish vsuallie taken vpon our coasts._
    4 _Of sauage beasts and vermines._
    5 _Of hawkes and rauenous foules._
    6 _Of venemous beasts._
    7 _Of our English dogs and their qualities._
    8 _Of our saffron, and the dressing thereof._
    9 _Of quarries of stone for building._
   10 _Of sundrie minerals._
   11 _Of mettals to be had in our land._
   12 _Of pretious stones._
   13 _Of salt made in England._
   14 _Of our accompt of time and hir parts._
   15 _Of principall faires and markets._
   16 _Of our innes and thorowfaires._




 OF CATTELL KEPT FOR PROFIT.

 CHAP. I.


 There is no kind of tame cattell vsually to be séene in these parts of
 the world, wherof we haue not some, and that great store in England;
 as horsses, oxen, shéepe, goats, swine, and far surmounting the like
 in other countries, as may be prooued with ease. For where are oxen
 commonlie more large of bone, horsses more decent and pleasant in
 pase, kine more commodious for the pale, shéepe more profitable for
 wooll, swine more wholesome of flesh, and goates more gainefull to
 their kéepers, than here with vs in England? But to speke of them
 peculiarlie, I suppose that our kine are so abundant in yéeld of
 milke, wherof we make our butter & chéese, as the like anie where
 else, and so apt for the plough in diuerse places as either our
 horsses or oxen. And albeit they now and then twin, yet herein they
 séeme to come short of that commoditie which is looked for in other
 countries, to wit, in that they bring foorth most commonlie but one
 calfe at once. The gaines also gotten by a cow (all charges borne)
 hath beene valued at twentie shillings yearelie: but now as land is
 inhanced, this proportion of gaine is much abated, and likelie to
 decaie more and more, if ground arise to be yet déerer, which God
 forbid, if it be his will and pleasure. I heard of late of a cow in
 Warwikshire, belonging to Thomas Bruer of Studleie, which in six
 yéeres had sixtéene calfes, that is, foure at once in thrée caluings
 and twise twins, which vnto manie may séeme a thing incredible. In
 [Sidenote: Oxen.]
 like maner our oxen are such as the like are not to be found in anie
 countrie of Europe, both for greatnesse of bodie and swéetnesse of
 flesh: or else would not the Romane writers haue preferred them before
 those of Liguria. In most places our grasiers are now growen to be so
 cunning, that if they doo but sée an ox or bullocke, and come to the
 féeling of him, they will giue a ghesse at his weight, and how manie
 score or stone of flesh and tallow he beareth, how the butcher may
 liue by the sale, and what he may haue for the skin and tallow; which
 is a point of skill not commonlie practised heretofore. Some such
 grasiers also are reported to ride with veluet coats, and chaines of
 gold about them: and in their absence their wiues will not let to
 supplie those turnes with no lesse skill than their husbands: which is
 an hard worke for the poore butcher, sith he through this means can
 seldome be rich or wealthie by his trade. In like sort the flesh of
 our oxen and kine is sold both by hand and by weight as the buier
 will: but in yoong ware rather by weight, especiallie for the stéere
 and heighfer, sith the finer béefe is the lightest, wheras the flesh
 of buls and old kine, &c: is of sadder substance and therefore much
 heauier as it lieth in the scale. Their hornes also are knowne to be
 more faire and large in England than in anie other places, except
 those which are to be séene among the Pæones, which quantitie albeit
 that it be giuen to our bréed generallie by nature, yet it is now and
 then helped also by art.

 [Sidenote: _Athenæus bib._ 10. _cap._ 8.]
 For when they be verie yoong, manie grasiers will oftentimes annoint
 their budding hornes, or tender tips with honie, which mollifieth the
 naturall hardnesse of that substance, and thereby maketh them to grow
 vnto a notable greatnesse. Certes, it is not strange in England, to
 sée oxen whose hornes haue the length of a yard or thrée foot betweene
 the tips, and they themselues thereto so tall, as the heigth of a man
 of meane and indifferent stature is scarse equall vnto them.
 Neuerthelesse it is much to be lamented that our generall bréed of
 cattell is not better looked vnto: for the greatest occupiers weane
 least store, bicause they can buie them (as they saie) far better
 cheape than to raise and bring them vp. In my time a cow hath risen
 from foure nobles to foure marks by this means, which notwithstanding
 were no great price if they did yearelie bring foorth more than one
 calfe a péece, as I heare they doo in other countries.

 [Sidenote: Horsses.]
 Our horsses moreouer are high, and although not commonlie of such huge
 greatnesse as in other places of the maine: yet if you respect the
 easinesse of their pase, it is hard to saie where their like are to be
 had. Our land dooth yéeld no asses, and therefore we want the
 generation also of mules and somers; and therefore the most part of
 our cariage is made by these, which remaining stoned, are either
 reserued for the cart, or appointed to beare such burdens as are
 conuenient for them. Our cart or plough horsses (for we vse them
 indifferentlie) are commonlie so strong that fiue or six of them (at
 the most) will draw thrée thousand weight of the greatest tale with
 ease for a long iourneie, although it be not a load of common vsage,
 which consisteth onelie of two thousand, or fiftie foot of timber,
 fortie bushels of white salt, or six and thirtie of baie, or fiue
 quarters of wheat, experience dailie teacheth, and I haue elsewhere
 remembred. Such as are kept also for burden, will carie foure hundred
 weight commonlie, without anie hurt or hinderance. This furthermore is
 to be noted, that our princes and the nobilitie haue their cariage
 commonlie made by carts, wherby it commeth to passe, that when the
 quéenes maiestie dooth remooue from anie one place to another, there
 are vsuallie 400 carewares, which amount to the summe of 2400 horsses,
 appointed out of the countries adioining, whereby hir cariage is
 conueied safelie vnto the appointed place. Hereby also the ancient vse
 of somers and sumpter horsses is in maner vtterlie relinquished, which
 causeth the traines of our princes in their progresses to shew far
 lesse than those of the kings of other nations.

 [Sidenote: Geldings.]
 Such as serue for the saddle are commonlie gelded, and now growne to
 be verie déere among vs, especiallie if they be well , iustlie
 limmed, and haue thereto an easie ambling pase. For our countriemen,
 séeking their ease in euerie corner where it is to be had, delight
 verie much in these qualities, but chieflie in their excellent pases,
 which besides that it is in maner peculiar vnto horsses of our soile,
 and not hurtfull to the rider or owner sitting on their backes: it is
 moreouer verie pleasant and delectable in his eares, in that the noise
 of their well proportioned pase dooth yéeld comfortable sound as he
 trauelleth by the waie. Yet is there no greater deceipt vsed anie
 where than among our horssekeepers, horssecorsers, and hostelers: for
 such is the subtill knauerie of a great sort of them (without
 exception of anie of them be it spoken which deale for priuat gaine)
 that an honest meaning man shall haue verie good lucke among them, if
 he be not deceiued by some false tricke or other. There are certeine
 notable markets, wherein great plentie of horsses and colts is bought
 and sold, and wherevnto such as haue néed resort yearelie to buie and
 make their necessarie prouision of them, as Rippon, Newport pond,
 Wolfpit, Harborow, and diuerse other. But as most drouers are verie
 diligent to bring great store of these vnto those places; so manie of
 them are too too lewd in abusing such as buie them. For they haue a
 custome to make them looke faire to the eie, when they come within two
 daies iourneie of the market, to driue them till they sweat, & for the
 space of eight or twelue houres, which being doone they turne them all
 ouer the backs into some water, where they stand for a season, and
 then go forward with them to the place appointed, where they make sale
 of their infected ware, and such as by this meanes doo fall into manie
 diseases and maladies. Of such outlandish horsses as are dailie
 brought ouer vnto vs I speake not, as the genet of Spaine, the courser
 of Naples, the hobbie of Ireland, the Flemish roile, and Scotish nag,
 bicause that further spéech of them commeth not within the compasse of
 this treatise, and for whose breed and maintenance (especiallie of the
 greatest sort) king Henrie the eight erected a noble studderie and for
 a time had verie good successe with them, till the officers waxing
 wearie, procured a mixed brood of bastard races, whereby his good
 purpose came to little effect. Sir Nicholas Arnold of late hath bred
 the best horsses in England, and written of the maner of their
 production: would to God his compasse of ground were like to that of
 Pella in Syria, wherin the king of that nation had vsuallie a
 studderie of 30000 mares and 300 stallions, as Strabo dooth remember
 Lib. 16. But to leaue this, let vs sée what may be said of sheepe.

 [Sidenote: Shéepe.]
 Our shéepe are verie excellent, sith for sweetnesse of flesh they
 passe all other. And so much are our woolles to be preferred before
 those of Milesia and other places, that if Iason had knowne the value
 of them that are bred, and to be had in Britaine, he would neuer haue
 gone to Colchis to looke for anie there. For as Dionysius Alexandrinus
 saith in his De situ orbis, it may by spinning be made comparable to
 the spiders web. What fooles then are our countrimen, in that they
 séeke to bereue themselues of this commoditie, by practising dailie
 how to transfer the same to other nations, in carieng ouer their rams
 & ewes to bréed & increase among them? The first example hereof was
 giuen vnder Edward the fourth, who not vnderstanding the botome of the
 sute of sundrie traitorous merchants, that sought a present gaine with
 the perpetuall hinderance of their countrie, licenced them to carie
 ouer certeine numbers of them into Spaine, who hauing licence but for
 a few shipped verie manie: a thing commonlie practised in other
 commodities also, whereby the prince and hir land are not seldome
 times defrauded. But such is our nature, and so blind are we in déed,
 that we sée no inconuenience before we féele it: and for a present
 gaine we regard not what damage may insue to our posteritie. Hereto
 some other man would ad also the desire that we haue to benefit other
 countries, and to impech our owne. And it is so sure as God liueth,
 that euerie trifle which commeth from beyond the sea, though it be not
 woorth thrée pence, is more estéemed than a continuall commoditie at
 home with vs, which far excéedeth that value. In time past the vse of
 this commoditie consisted (for the most part) in cloth and woolsteds:
 but now by meanes of strangers succoured here from domesticall
 persecution, the same hath béene imploied vnto sundrie other vses, as
 mockados, baies, vellures, grograines, &c: whereby the makers haue
 reaped no small commoditie. It is furthermore to be noted, for the low
 countries of Belgie know it, and dailie experience (notwithstanding
 the sharpenesse of our lawes to the contrarie) dooth yet confirme it:
 that although our rams & weathers doo go thither from vs neuer so well
 headed according to their kind: yet after they haue remained there a
 while, they cast there their heads, and from thencefoorth they remaine
 [Sidenote: Shéepe without hornes.]
 polled without any hornes at all. Certes this kind of cattell is more
 cherished in England, than standeth well with the commoditie of the
 commons, or prosperitie of diuerse townes, whereof some are wholie
 conuerted to their féeding: yet such a profitable sweetnesse is their
 fléece, such necessitie in their flesh, and so great a benefit in the
 manuring of barren soile with their doong and pisse, that their
 superfluous numbers are the better borne withall. And there is neuer
 an husbandman (for now I speake not of our great shéepemasters of whom
 some one man hath 20000) but hath more or lesse of this cattell
 féeding on his fallowes and short grounds, which yéeld the finer
 fléece, as Virgil (following Varro) well espied Georg. 3. where he
 saith:

   "Si tibi lanicium curæ, primum aspera sylua,
   Lappæque tribulíque absint, fuge pabula læta."

 Neuerthelesse the shéepe of our countrie are often troubled with the
 rot (as are our swine with the measels though neuer so generallie) and
 manie men are now and then great losers by the same: but after the
 calamitie is ouer, if they can recouer and kéepe their new stocks
 sound for seauen yeares togither, the former losse will easilie be
 recompensed with double commoditie. Cardan writeth that our waters are
 hurtfull to our shéepe, howbeit this is but his coniecture: for we
 know that our shéepe are infected by going to the water, and take the
 same as a sure and certeine token that a rot hath gotten hold of them,
 their liuers and lights being alredie distempered through excessiue
 heat, which inforceth them the rather to séeke vnto the water. Certes
 there is no parcell of the maine, wherin a man shall generallie find
 more fine and wholesome water than in England; and therefore it is
 impossible that our shéepe should decaie by tasting of the same.
 Wherfore the hinderance by rot is rather to be ascribed to the
 vnseasonablenes & moisture of the weather in summer, also their
 licking in of mildewes, gossamire, rowtie fogs, & ranke grasse, full
 of superfluous iuice: but speciallie (I saie) to ouer moist wether,
 whereby the continuall raine pearsing into their hollow felles, soketh
 foorthwith into their flesh, which bringeth them to their baines.
 Being also infected their first shew of sickenesse is their desire to
 drinke, so that our waters are not vnto them "Causa ægritudinis," but
 "Signum morbi," what so euer Cardan doo mainteine to the contrarie.
 There are (& peraduenture no small babes) which are growne to be so
 good husbands, that they can make account of euerie ten kine to be
 cléerelie woorth twentie pounds in c[=o]mon and indifferent yeares, if
 the milke of fiue shéepe be dailie added to the same. But as I wote
 not how true this surmise is, bicause it is no part of my trade, so I
 am sure hereof, that some housewiues can and doo ad dailie a lesse
 proportion of ewes milke vnto the chéese of so manie kine, whereby
 their cheese dooth the longer abide moist, and eateth more brickle and
 mellow than otherwise it would.

 [Sidenote: Goats.]
 Goats we haue plentie, and of sundrie colours in the west parts of
 England; especiallie in and towards Wales, and amongst the rockie
 hilles, by whome the owners doo reape no small aduantage: some also
 are cherished elsewhere in diuerse stéeds for the benefit of such as
 are diseased with sundrie maladies, vnto whom (as I heare) their
 milke, chéese, and bodies of their yoong kids are iudged verie
 profitable, and therefore inquired for of manie farre and néere.
 Certes I find among the writers, that the milke of a goat is next in
 estimation to that of the woman; for that it helpeth the stomach,
 remooueth oppilations and stoppings of the liuer, and looseth the
 bellie. Some place also next vnto it the milke of the ew: and thirdlie
 that of the cow. But hereof I can shew no reason; onelie this I know,
 that ewes milke is fulsome, sweet, and such in tast, as except such as
 are vsed vnto it no man will gladlie yéeld to liue and féed withall.

 [Sidenote: Swine.]
 As for swine, there is no place that hath greater store, nor more
 wholesome in eating, than are these here in England, which
 neuerthelesse doo neuer anie good till they come to the table. Of
 these some we eat greene for porke, and other dried vp into bakon to
 haue it of more continuance. Lard we make some though verie little,
 because it is chargeable: neither haue we such vse thereof as is to be
 séene in France and other countries, sith we doo either bake our meat
 with swéet suet of beefe or mutton, and bast all our meat with sweet
 or salt butter, or suffer the fattest to bast it selfe by leisure. In
 champaine countries they are kept by herds, and an hogherd appointed
 to attend and wait vpon them, who commonlie gathereth them togither by
 his noise and crie, and leadeth them foorth to féed abroad in the
 fields. In some places also women doo scowre and wet their cloths with
 their doong, as other doo with hemlocks and netles: but such is the
 sauor of the cloths touched withall, that I cannot abide to weare them
 on my bodie, more than such as are scowred with the reffuse sope, than
 the which (in mine opinion) there is none more vnkindlie sauor.

 [Sidenote: Bores.]
 Of our tame bores we make brawne, which is a kind of meat not vsuallie
 knowne to strangers (as I take it) otherwise would not the swart
 Rutters and French cookes, at the losse of Calis (where they found
 great store of this prouision almost in euerie house) haue attempted
 with ridiculous successe to rost, bake, broile, & frie the same for
 their masters, till they were better informed. I haue heard moreouer,
 how a noble man of England, not long since, did send ouer an hogshead
 of brawne readie sowsed to a catholike gentleman of France, who
 supposing it to be fish, reserued it till Lent, at which time he did
 eat thereof with verie great frugalitie. Thereto he so well liked of
 the prouision it selfe, that he wrote ouer verie earnestlie & with
 offer of great recompense for more of the same fish against the yeare
 insuing: whereas if he had knowne it to haue beene flesh, he would not
 haue touched it (I dare saie) for a thousand crownes without the popes
 dispensation. A fréend of mine also dwelling sometime in Spaine,
 hauing certeine Iewes at his table, did set brawne before them,
 whereof they did eat verie earnestlie, supposing it to be a kind of
 fish not common in those parties: but when the goodman of the house
 brought in the head in pastime among them, to shew what they had
 eaten, they rose from the table, hied them home in hast, ech of them
 procuring himselfe to vomit, some by oile, and some by other meanes,
 till (as they supposed) they had clensed their stomachs of that
 prohibited food. With vs it is accounted a great péece of seruice at
 the table, from Nouember vntill Februarie be ended; but chéeflie in
 the Christmasse time. With the same also we begin our dinners ech daie
 after other: and because it is somewhat hard of digestion, a draught
 of malueseie, bastard, or muscadell, is vsuallie droonke after it,
 where either of them are conuenientlie to be had: otherwise the meaner
 sort content themselues with their owne drinke, which at that season
 is generallie verie strong, and stronger indéed than in all the yeare
 [Sidenote: Brawne of the bore.]
 beside. It is made commonlie of the fore part of a tame bore, set vp
 for the purpose by the space of a whole yere or two, especiallie in
 gentlemens houses (for the husbandmen and farmers neuer franke them
 for their owne vse aboue thrée or foure moneths, or halfe a yéere at
 the most) in which time he is dieted with otes and peason, and lodged
 on the bare planks of an vneasie coat, till his fat be hardened
 sufficientlie for their purpose: afterward he is killed, scalded, and
 cut out, and then of his former parts is our brawne made, the rest is
 nothing so fat, and therefore it beareth the name of sowse onelie, and
 is commonlie reserued for the seruing man and hind, except it please
 [Sidenote: Baked hog.]
 the owner to haue anie part therof baked, which are then handled of
 custome after this manner. The hinder parts being cut off, they are
 first drawne with lard, and then sodden; being sodden they are sowsed
 in claret wine and vineger a certeine space, and afterward baked in
 pasties, and eaten of manie in stéed of the wild bore, and trulie it
 is verie good meat: the pestles may be hanged vp a while to drie
 before they be drawne with lard if you will, and thereby prooue the
 better. But hereof inough, and therefore to come againe vnto our
 brawne. The necke peeces being cut off round, are called collars of
 brawne, the shoulders are named shilds, onelie the ribs reteine the
 former denomination, so that these aforesaid péeces deserue the name
 of brawne: the bowels of the beast are commonlie cast awaie because of
 their ranknesse, and so were likewise his stones; till a foolish
 fantasie got hold of late amongst some delicate dames, who haue now
 found the meanes to dresse them also with great cost for a deintie
 dish, and bring them to the boord as a seruice among other of like
 sort, though not without note of their desire to the prouocation of
 fleshlie lust, which by this their fond curiositie is not a little
 reuealed. When the bore is thus cut out, ech peece is wrapped vp,
 either with bulrushes, ozier péeles, tape, inkle, or such like, and
 then sodden in a lead or caldron togither, till they be so tender that
 a man may thrust a brused rush or soft straw cleane through the fat:
 which being doone, they take it vp, and laie it abroad to coole:
 afterward putting it into close vessels, they powre either good small
 ale or béere mingled with veriuice and salt thereto till it be
 couered, and so let it lie (now and then altering and changing the
 sowsing drinke least it should wax sowre) till occasion serue to spend
 it out of the waie. Some vse to make brawne of great barrow hogs, and
 séeth them, and sowse the whole, as they doo that of the bore; and in
 my iudgement it is the better of both, and more easie of digestion.
 But of brawne thus much; and so much may seeme sufficient.




 OF WILD AND TAME FOULES.

 CHAP. II.


 Order requireth that I speake somewhat of the foules also of England,
 which I may easilie diuide into the wild & tame: but alas such is my
 small skill in foules, that to say the truth, I can neither recite
 their numbers, nor well distinguish one kind of them from another. Yet
 this I haue by generall knowledge, that there is no nation vnder the
 sunne, which hath alreadie in the time of the yere more plentie of
 wild foule than we, for so manie kinds as our Iland dooth bring
 foorth, and much more would haue, if those of the higher soile might
 be spared but one yeare or two, from the greedie engins of couetous
 foulers, which set onlie for the pot & purse. Certes this enormitie
 bred great trouble in K. Iohns daies, insomuch that going in progresse
 about the tenth of his reigne, he found little or no game wherewith to
 solace himself, or exercise his falcons. Wherfore being at Bristow in
 the Christmas insuing, he restreined all maner of hawking or taking of
 wild-foule throughout England for a season, whereby the land within
 few yeares was throughlie replenished againe. But what stand I vpon
 this impertinent discourse? Of such therefore as are bred in our land,
 we haue the crane, the bitter, the wild & tame swan, the bustard, the
 herron, curlew, snite, wildgoose, wind or doterell, brant, larke,
 plouer of both sorts, lapwing, teele, wigeon, mallard, sheldrake,
 shoueler, pewet, seamew, barnacle, quaile (who onelie with man are
 subiect to the falling sickenesse) the notte, the oliet or olife, the
 dunbird, woodcocke, partrich and feasant, besides diuerse other, whose
 names to me are vtterlie vnknowne, and much more the taste of their
 flesh, wherewith I was neuer acquainted. But as these serue not at all
 seasons, so in their seuerall turnes there is no plentie of them
 wanting, whereby the tables of the nobilitie and gentrie should séeme
 at anie time furnisht. But of all these the production of none is more
 maruellous in my mind, than that of the barnacle, whose place of
 generation we haue sought oft times so farre as the Orchades, whereas
 peraduenture we might haue found the same neerer home, and not onelie
 vpon the coasts of Ireland, but euen in our owne riuers. If I should
 say how either these or some such other foule not much vnlike vnto
 them haue bred of late times (for their place of generation is not
 perpetuall, but as opportunitie serueth, and the circumstances doo
 minister occasion) in the Thames mouth, I doo not thinke that manie
 will beleeue me: yet such a thing hath there béene scene, where a kind
 of foule had his beginning vpon a short tender shrub standing néere
 vnto the shore, from whence when their time came, they fell downe,
 either into the salt water and liued, or vpon the drie land and
 perished, as Pena the French herbarian hath also noted in the verie
 end of his herball. What I for mine owne part haue séene here by
 experience, I haue alreadie so touched in the chapter of Ilands, that
 it should be but time spent in vaine to repeat it here againe. Looke
 therefore in the description of Man or Manaw for more of these
 barnacles, as also in the eleuenth chapter of the description of
 Scotland, & I doo not doubt but you shall in some respect be satisfied
 in the generation of these foules. As for egrets, pawpers, and such
 like, they are dailie brought vnto vs from beyond the sea, as if all
 the foule of our countrie could not suffice to satisfie our delicate
 appetites.

 Our tame foule are such (for the most part) as are common both to vs
 and to other countries, as cocks, hens, géese, duckes, peacocks of
 Inde, pigeons, now an hurtfull foule by reason of their multitudes,
 and number of houses dailie erected for their increase (which the
 bowres of the countrie call in scorne almes houses, and dens of
 theeues, and such like) wherof there is great plentie in euerie
 farmers yard. They are kept there also to be sold either for readie
 monie in the open markets, or else to be spent at home in good
 companie amongst their neighbors without reprehension or fines.
 Neither are we so miserable in England (a thing onelie granted vnto vs
 by the especiall grace of God, and libertie of our princes) as to dine
 or sup with a quarter of a hen, or to make so great a repast with a
 cocks combe, as they doo in some other countries: but if occasion
 serue, the whole carcasses of manie capons, hens, pigeons, and such
 like doo oft go to wracke, beside béefe, mutton, veale, and lambe: all
 which at euerie feast are taken for necessarie dishes amongest the
 communaltie of England.

 The gelding of cocks, whereby capons are made, is an ancient practise
 brought in of old time by the Romans when they dwelt here in this
 land: but the gelding of turkies or Indish peacocks is a newer deuise:
 and certeinlie not vsed amisse, sith the rankenesse of that bird is
 verie much abated thereby, and the strong taste of the flesh in
 sundrie wise amended. If I should say that ganders grow also to be
 gelded, I suppose that some will laugh me to scorne, neither haue I
 tasted at anie time of such a foule so serued, yet haue I heard it
 more than once to be vsed in the countrie, where their géese are
 driuen to the field like heards of cattell by a gooseheard, a toie
 also no lesse to be maruelled at than the other. For as it is rare to
 heare of a gelded gander, so is it strange to me to sée or heare of
 géese to be led to the field like shéepe: yet so it is, & their
 gooseheard carieth a rattle of paper or parchment with him, when he
 goeth about in the morning to gather his goslings togither, the noise
 whereof commeth no sooner to their eares, than they fall to gagling,
 and hasten to go with him. If it happen that the gates be not yet
 open, or that none of the house be stirring, it is ridiculous to sée
 how they will peepe vnder the doores, and neuer leaue creaking and
 gagling till they be let out vnto him to ouertake their fellowes. With
 vs where I dwell they are not kept in this sort, nor in manie other
 places, neither are they kept so much for their bodies as their
 feathers. Some hold furthermore an opinion, that in ouer ranke soiles
 their doong dooth so qualifie the batablenesse of the soile, that
 their cattell is thereby kept from the garget, and sundrie other
 diseases, although some of them come to their ends now and then, by
 licking vp of their feathers. I might here make mention of other
 foules producted by the industrie of man, as betwéene the fesant cocke
 and doonghill hen, or betwéene the fesant and the ringdooue, the
 peacocke and the turkie hen, the partrich and the pigeon: but sith I
 haue no more knowledge of these, than what I haue gotten by mine eare,
 I will not meddle with them. Yet Cardan speaking of the second sort,
 dooth affirme it to be a foule of excellent beautie. I would likewise
 intreat of other foules which we repute vncleane, as rauens, crowes,
 pies, choughes, rookes, kites, iaies, ringtailes, starlings,
 woodspikes, woodnawes, rauens, &c: but sith they abound in all
 countries, though peraduenture most of all in England (by reason of
 our negligence) I shall not néed to spend anie time in the rehearsall
 of them. Neither are our crowes and choughs cherished of purpose to
 catch vp the woormes that bréed in our soiles (as Polydor supposeth)
 sith there are no vplandish townes but haue (or should haue) nets of
 their owne in store to catch them withall. Sundrie acts of parlement
 are likewise made for their vtter destruction, as also the spoile of
 other rauenous fouls hurtfull to pultrie, conies, lambs, and kids,
 whose valuation of reward to him that killeth them is after the head:
 a deuise brought from the Goths, who had the like ordinance for the
 destruction of their white crowes, and tale made by the becke, which
 killed both lambs and pigs. The like order is taken with vs for our
 vermines, as with them also for the rootage out of their wild beasts,
 sauing that they spared their greatest beares, especiallie the white,
 whose skins are by custome & priuilege reserued to couer those
 planchers wherevpon their priests doo stand at Masse, least he should
 take some vnkind cold in such a long péece of worke: and happie is the
 man that may prouide them for him, for he shall haue pardon inough for
 that so religious an act, to last if he will till doomes day doo
 approch; and manie thousands after. Nothing therefore can be more
 vnlikelie to be true, than that these noisome creatures are nourished
 amongst vs to deuoure our wormes, which doo not abound much more in
 England than elsewhere in other countries of the maine. It may be that
 some looke for a discourse also of our other foules in this place at
 my hand, as nightingales, thrushes, blackebirds, mauises, ruddocks,
 redstarts or dunocks, larkes, tiuits, kingsfishers, buntings, turtles
 white or graie, linets, bulfinshes, goldfinshes, washtailes,
 cheriecrackers, yellowhamers, felfares, &c: but I should then spend
 more time vpon them than is conuenient. Neither will I speake of our
 costlie and curious auiaries dailie made for the better hearing of
 their melodie, and obseruation of their natures: but I cease also to
 go anie further in these things, hauing (as I thinke) said inough
 alreadie of these that I haue named.




 OF FISH VSUALLIE TAKEN VPON OUR COASTS.

 CHAP. III.


 I haue in my description of waters, as occasion hath serued, intreated
 of the names of some of the seuerall fishes which are commonlie to bée
 found in our riuers. Neuerthelesse as euerie water hath a sundrie
 mixture, and therefore is not stored with euerie kind: so there is
 almost no house, euen of the meanest bowres, which haue not one or mo
 ponds or holes made for reseruation of water vnstored with some of
 them, as with tench, carpe, breame, roch, dace, eeles, or such like as
 will liue and bréed togither. Certes it is not possible for me to
 deliuer the names of all such kinds of fishes as our riuers are found
 to beare: yet least I should séeme iniurious to the reader, in not
 deliuering so manie of them as haue béene brought to my knowledge, I
 will not let to set them downe as they doo come to mind. Besides the
 salmons therefore, which are not to be taken from the middest of
 September to the middest of Nouember, and are verie plentifull in our
 greatest riuers, as their yoong store are not to be touched from mid
 Aprill vnto Midsummer, we haue the trout, barbell, graile, powt,
 cheuin, pike, goodgeon, smelt, perch, menan, shrimpes, creuises,
 lampreies, and such like, whose preseruation is prouided for by verie
 sharpe lawes, not onelie in our riuers, but also in plashes or lakes
 and ponds, which otherwise would bring small profit to the owners, and
 doo much harme by continuall maintenance of idle persons, who would
 spend their whole times vpon their bankes, not coueting to labour with
 their hands, nor follow anie good trade. Of all these there are none
 more preiudiciall to their neighbours that dwell in the same water,
 than the pike and éele, which commonlie deuoure such fish or frie and
 spawne as they may get and come by. Neuerthelesse the pike is fréend
 vnto the tench, as to his leach & surgeon. For when the fishmonger
 hath opened his side and laid out his riuet and fat vnto the buier,
 for the better vtterance of his ware, and can not make him away at
 that present, he laieth the same againe into the proper place, and
 sowing vp the wound, he restoreth him to the pond where tenches are,
 who neuer cease to sucke and licke his greeued place, till they haue
 restored him to health, and made him readie to come againe to the
 stall, when his turne shall come about. I might here make report how
 the pike, carpe, and some other of our riuer fishes are sold by inches
 of cleane fish, from the eies or gilles to the crotch of the tailes,
 but it is needlesse: also how the pike as he ageth receiueth diuerse
 names, as from a frie to a gilthed, from a gilthed to a pod, from a
 pod to a iacke, from a iacke to a pickerell, from a pickerell to a
 pike, and last of all to a luce; also that a salmon is the first yeare
 a grauellin, and commonlie so big as an herring, the second a salmon
 peale, the third a pug, and the fourth a salmon: but this is in like
 sort vnnecessarie.

 I might finallie tell you, how that in fennie riuers sides if you cut
 a turffe, and laie it with the grasse downewards, vpon the earth, in
 such sort as the water may touch it as it passeth by, you shall haue a
 brood of éeles, it would seeme a wonder; and yet it is beleeued with
 no lesse assurance of some, than that an horse haire laid in a pale
 full of the like water will in short time stirre and become a liuing
 creature. But sith the certeintie of these things is rather prooued by
 few than the certeintie of them knowne vnto manie, I let it passe at
 this time. Neuerthelesse this is generallie obserued in the
 maintenance of frie so well in riuers as in ponds, that in the time of
 spawne we vse to throw in <DW19>s made of willow and sallow, and now
 and then of bushes for want of the other, whereby such spawne as
 falleth into the same is preserued and kept from the pike, perch, éele
 and other fish, of which the carpe also will féed vpon his owne, and
 thereby hinder the store and increase of proper kind. Some vse in
 euerie fift or seauenth yeere to laie their great ponds drie for all
 the summer time, to the end they may gather grasse, and a thin swart
 for the fish to feed vpon; and afterwards store them with bréeders,
 after the water be let of new againe into them: finallie, when they
 haue spawned, they draw out the bréeders, leauing not aboue foure or
 six behind, euen in the greatest ponds, by meanes whereof the rest doo
 prosper the better: and this obseruation is most vsed in carpe and
 breame; as for perch (a delicate fish) it prospereth euerie where, I
 meane so well in ponds as riuers, and also in motes and pittes, as I
 doo know by experience, though their bottoms be but claie. More would
 I write of our fresh fish, if anie more were needfull; wherefore I
 will now turne ouer vnto such of the salt water as are taken vpon our
 coasts. As our foules therefore haue their seasons, so likewise haue
 all our sorts of sea fish: whereby it commeth to passe that none, or
 at the leastwise verie few of them are to be had at all times.
 Neuerthelesse, the seas that inuiron our coasts, are of all other most
 plentifull: for as by reason of their depth they are a great succour,
 so our low shores minister great plentie of food vnto the fish that
 come thereto, no place being void or barren, either through want of
 food for them, or the falles of filthie riuers, which naturallie
 annoie them. In December therefore and Ianuarie we commonlie abound in
 herring and red fish, as rochet, and gurnard. In Februarie and March
 we féed on plaice, trowts, turbut, muskles, &c. In April and Maie,
 with makrell, and cockles. In Iune and Iulie, with conger. In August
 and September, with haddocke and herring: and the two moneths insuing
 with the same, as also thornbacke and reigh of all sorts; all which
 are the most vsuall, and wherewith our common sort are best of all
 refreshed.

 For mine owne part I am greatlie acquainted neither with the seasons,
 nor yet with the fish it selfe: and therefore if I should take vpon me
 to describe or speake of either of them absolutelie, I should
 enterprise more than I am able to performe, and go in hand with a
 greater matter than I can well bring about. It shall suffice therefore
 to declare what sorts of fishes I haue most often séene, to the end I
 may not altogither passe ouer this chapter without the rehersall of
 something, although the whole summe of that which I haue to saie be
 nothing indeed, if the performance of a full discourse hereof be anie
 thing hardlie required.

 Of fishes therefore as I find fiue sorts, the flat, the round, the
 [Sidenote: Flat fish.]
 long, the legged and shelled: so the flat are diuided into the smooth,
 scaled and tailed. Of the first are the plaice, the but, the turbut,
 birt, floke or sea flounder, dorreie, dab, &c. Of the second the
 soles, &c. Of the third, our chaits, maidens, kingsons, flath and
 thornbacke, whereof the greater be for the most part either dried and
 carried into other countries, or sodden, sowsed, & eaten here at home,
 whilest the lesser be fried or buttered; soone after they be taken as
 prouision not to be kept long for feare of putrifaction. Vnder the
 [Sidenote: Round fish.]
 round kinds are commonlie comprehended lumps, an vglie fish to sight,
 and yet verie delicat in eating, if it be kindlie dressed: the whiting
 (an old waiter or seruitor in the court) the rochet, sea breame,
 pirle, hake, sea trowt, gurnard, haddocke, cod, herring, pilchard,
 sprat, and such like. And these are they whereof I haue best
 knowledge, and be commonlie to be had in their times vpon our coasts.
 Vnder this kind also are all the great fish conteined, as the seale,
 the dolphin, the porpoise, the thirlepole, whale, and whatsoeuer is
 [Sidenote: Long fish.]
 round of bodie be it neuer so great and huge. Of the long sort are
 congers, eeles, garefish, and such other of that forme. Finallie, of
 [Sidenote: Legged fish.]
 the legged kind we haue not manie, neither haue I seene anie more of
 this sort than the Polypus called in English the lobstar, crafish or
 creuis, and the crab. As for the little crafishes they are not taken
 in the sea, but plentifullie in our fresh riuers in banks, and vnder
 stones, where they kéepe themselues in most secret maner, and oft by
 likenesse of colour with the stones among which they lie, deceiue euen
 the skilfull takers of them, except they vse great diligence. Carolus
 Stephanus in his maison rustique, doubted whether these lobstars be
 fish or not; and in the end concludeth them to grow of the purgation
 of the water as dooth the frog, and these also not to be eaten, for
 that they be strong and verie hard of digestion. But hereof let other
 determine further.

 I might here speake of sundrie other fishes now and then taken also
 vpon our coasts: but sith my mind is onelie to touch either all such
 as are vsuallie gotten, or so manie of them onelie as I can well
 rehearse vpon certeine knowledge, I thinke it good at this time to
 forbeare the further intreatie of them. As touching the shellie sort,
 we haue plentie of oisters, whose valure in old time for their
 swéetnesse was not vnknowne in Rome (although Mutianus as Plinie
 noteth lib. 32, cap. 6. preferre the Cyzicene before them) and these
 we haue in like maner of diuerse quantities, and no lesse varietie
 also of our muskles and cockles. We haue in like sort no small store
 of great whelkes, scalops and perewinkles, and each of them brought
 farre into the land from the sea coast in their seuerall seasons. And
 albeit our oisters are generallie forborne in the foure hot moneths of
 the yeare, that is to saie, Maie, Iune, Iulie, and August, which are
 void of the letter R: yet in some places they be continuallie eaten,
 where they be kept in pits as I haue knowne by experience. And thus
 much of our sea fish as a man in maner vtterlie vnacquainted with
 their diuersitie of kinds: yet so much haue I yéelded to doo, hoping
 hereafter to saie somewhat more, and more orderlie of them, if it
 shall please God that I may liue and haue leasure once againe to
 peruse this treatise, and so make vp a perfect péece of worke, of that
 which as you now sée is verie slenderlie attempted and begun.




 OF SAUAGE BEASTS AND VERMINES.

 CHAP. IV.


 It is none of the least blessings wherewith God hath indued this
 Iland, that it is void of noisome beasts, as lions, beares, tigers,
 pardes, wolfes, & such like, by means whereof our countrimen may
 trauell in safetie, & our herds and flocks remaine for the most part
 abroad in the field without anie herdman or kéeper.

 This is cheefelie spoken of the south and southwest parts of the
 Iland. For wheras we that dwell on this side of the Twed, may safelie
 boast of our securitie in this behalfe: yet cannot the Scots doo the
 like in euerie point within their kingdome, sith they haue greeuous
 [Sidenote: Woolfes.]
 woolfes and cruell foxes, beside some other of like disposition
 continuallie conuersant among them, to the generall hinderance of
 their husbandmen, and no small damage vnto the inhabiters of those
 quarters. The happie and fortunate want of these beasts in England is
 vniuersallie ascribed to the politike gouernement of king Edgar, who
 to the intent the whole countrie might once be clensed and clearelie
 rid of them, charged the conquered Welshmen (who were then pestered
 with these rauenous creatures aboue measure) to paie him a yearelie
 [Sidenote: Tribute of Woolfes skins.]
 tribute of woolfes skinnes, to be gathered within the land. He
 appointed them thereto a certeine number of three hundred, with free
 libertie for their prince to hunt & pursue them ouer all quarters of
 the realme; as our chronicles doo report. Some there be which write
 how Ludwall prince of Wales paid yearelie to king Edgar this tribute
 of thrée hundred woolfes, whose carcases being brought into Lhoegres,
 were buried at Wolfpit in Cambridgeshire, and that by meanes thereof
 within the compasse and terme of foure yeares, none of those noisome
 creatures were left to be heard of within Wales and England. Since
 this time also we read not that anie woolfe hath béene séene here that
 hath beene bred within the bounds and limits of our countrie: howbeit
 there haue béene diuerse brought ouer from beyond the seas for
 gréedinesse of gaine, and to make monie onlie by the gasing and gaping
 of our people vpon them, who couet oft to see them being strange
 beasts in their eies, and sildome knowne (as I haue said) in England.

 Lions we haue had verie manie in the north parts of Scotland, and
 those with maines of no lesse force than they of Mauritania were
 sometimes reported to be; but how and when they were destroied as yet
 I doo not read. They had in like sort no lesse plentie of wild and
 cruell buls, which the princes and their nobilitie in the frugall time
 of the land did hunt, and follow for the triall of their manhood, and
 by pursute either on horssebacke or foot in armor; notwithstanding
 that manie times they were dangerouslie assailed by them. But both
 these sauage cretures are now not heard of, or at the least wise the
 later scarselie known in the south parts. Howbeit this I gather by
 their being here, that our Iland was not cut from the maine by the
 great deluge or flood of Noah: but long after, otherwise the
 generation of those & other like creatures could not haue extended
 into our Ilands. For, that anie man would of set purpose replenish the
 countrie with them for his pleasure and pastime in hunting, I can in
 no wise beléeue.

 [Sidenote: Foxes.]
 [Sidenote: Badgers.]
 Of foxes we haue some but no great store, and also badgers in our
 sandie & light grounds, where woods, firzes, broome, and plentie of
 shrubs are to shrowd them in, when they be from their borrowes, and
 thereto warrens of conies at hand to féed vpon at will. Otherwise in
 claie, which we call the cledgie mould, we sildom heare of anie,
 bicause the moisture and toughnesse of the soile is such, as will not
 suffer them to draw and make their borrowes déepe. Certes if I may
 fréelie saie what I thinke, I suppose that these two kinds (I meane
 foxes and badgers) are rather preserued by gentlemen to hunt and haue
 pastime withall at their owne pleasures, than otherwise suffered to
 liue, as not able to be destroied bicause of their great numbers. For
 such is the scantitie of them here in England, in comparison of the
 plentie that is to be seene in other countries, and so earnestlie are
 the inhabitants bent to root them out, that except it had béene to
 beare thus with the recreations of their superiors in this behalfe, it
 could not otherwise haue béene chosen, but that they should haue béene
 vtterlie destroied by manie yeares agone.

 I might here intreat largelie of other vermine, as the polcat, the
 miniuer, the weasell, stote, fulmart, squirrill, fitchew, and such
 like, which Cardan includeth vnder the word Mustela: also of the
 [Sidenote: Beuers.]
 otter, and likewise of the beuer, whose hinder féet and taile onlie
 are supposed to be fish. Certes the taile of this beast is like vnto a
 thin whetstone, as the bodie vnto a monsterous rat: the beast also it
 selfe is of such force in the téeth, that it will gnaw an hole through
 a thicke planke, or shere thorough a dubble billet in a night; it
 loueth also the stillest riuers: & it is giuen to them by nature, to
 go by flockes vnto the woods at hand, where they gather sticks
 wherewith to build their nests, wherein their bodies lie drie aboue
 the water, although they so prouide most commonlie, that their tailes
 may hang within the same. It is also reported that their said tailes
 are a delicate dish, and their stones of such medicinable force, that
 (as Vertomannus saith) foure men smelling vnto them each after other
 did bleed at the nose through their attractiue force, procéeding from
 a vehement sauour wherewith they are indued: there is greatest plentie
 of them in Persia, chéefelie about Balascham, from whence they and
 their dried cods are brought into all quarters of the world, though
 not without some forgerie by such as prouide them. And of all these
 here remembred, as the first sorts are plentifull in euerie wood and
 hedgerow: so these latter, especiallie the otter (for to saie the
 truth we haue not manie beuers, but onelie in the Teifie in Wales) is
 not wanting or to séeke in manie, but most streams and riuers of this
 Ile: but it shall suffice in this sort to haue named them as I doo
 [Sidenote: Marterns.]
 finallie the marterne, a beast of the chase, although for number I
 worthilie doubt whether that of our beuers or marterns may be thought
 to be the lesse.

 Other pernicious beasts we haue not, except you repute the great
 plentie of red & fallow déere, whose colours are oft garled white and
 blacke, all white or all blacke, and store of conies amongst the
 hurtfull sort. Which although that of themselues they are not
 offensiue at all, yet their great numbers are thought to be verie
 preiudiciall, and therfore iustlie reprooued of many; as are in like
 sort our huge flocks of shéepe, whereon the greatest part of our soile
 is emploied almost in euerie place, and yet our mutton, wooll, and
 felles neuer the better cheape. The yoong males which our fallow deere
 doo bring foorth, are commonlie named according to their seuerall
 ages: for the first yéere it is a fawne, the second a puckot, the
 third a serell, the fourth a soare, the fift a bucke of the first
 head; not bearing the name of a bucke till he be fiue yéers old: and
 from hencefoorth his age is commonlie knowne by his head or horns.
 Howbeit this notice of his yéers is not so certeine, but that the best
 woodman may now and then be deceiued in that account: for in some
 grounds a bucke of the first head will be so well headed as another in
 a high rowtie soile will be in the fourth. It is also much to be
 maruelled at, that whereas they doo yéerelie mew and cast their horns;
 yet in fighting they neuer breake off where they doo grife or mew.
 Furthermore, in examining the condition of our red déere, I find that
 the yoong male is called in the first yéere a calfe, in the second a
 broket, the third a spaie, the fourth a stagon or stag, the fift a
 great stag, the sixt an hart, and so foorth vnto his death. And with
 him in degrée of venerie are accounted the hare, bore, and woolfe. The
 fallow déere as bucks and does, are nourished in parkes, and conies in
 warrens and burrowes. As for hares, they run at their owne aduenture,
 except some gentleman or other (for his pleasure) doo make an
 [Sidenote: Stags.]
 inclosure for them. Of these also the stag is accounted for the most
 noble game, the fallow déere is the next, then the roe, whereof we
 haue indifferent store; and last of all the hare, not the least in
 estimation, because the hunting of that seelie beast is mother to all
 the terms, blasts, and artificiall deuises that hunters doo vse. All
 which (notwithstanding our custome) are pastimes more méet for ladies
 and gentlewomen to exercise (whatsoeuer Franciscus Patritius saith to
 the contrarie in his institution of a prince) than for men of courage
 to follow, whose hunting should practise their armes in tasting of
 their manhood, and dealing with such beasts as eftsoones will turne
 againe, and offer them the hardest rather than their horsses féet,
 which manie times may carrie them with dishonour from the field.
 Surelie this noble kind of hunting onelie did great princes frequent
 in times past, as it may yet appéere by the histories of their times,
 especiallie of Alexander, who at vacant times hunted the tiger, the
 pard, the bore, and the beare, but most willinglie lions, because of
 the honorable estimation of that beast; insomuch that at one time he
 caused an od or chosen lion (for force and beautie) to be let foorth
 vnto him hand to hand, with whome he had much businesse, albeit that
 in the end he ouerthrew and killed the beast. Herevnto beside that
 which we read of the vsuall hunting of the princes and kings of
 Scotland, of the wild bull, woolfe, &c: the example of king Henrie the
 first of England, who disdaining (as he termed them) to follow or
 pursue cowards, cherished of set purpose sundrie kinds of wild beasts,
 as bears, libards, ounces, lions at Woodstocke, & one or two other
 places in England, which he walled about with hard stone, An. 1120,
 and where he would often fight with some one of them hand to hand,
 when they did turne againe and make anie raise vpon him: but chéeflie
 he loued to hunt the lion and the bore, which are both verie dangerous
 exercises, especiallie that with the lion, except some policie be
 found wherwith to trouble his eiesight in anie manner of wise. For
 though the bore be fierce, and hath learned by nature to harden his
 flesh and skin against the trées, to sharpen his teeth, and defile
 himselfe with earth, thereby to prohibit the entrance of the weapons:
 yet is the sport somewhat more easie, especiallie where two stand so
 neere togither, that the one (if néed be) may helpe and be a succour
 to the other. Neither would he cease for all this to follow his
 pastime, either on horssebacke or on foot, as occasion serued, much
 like the yoonger Cyrus. I haue read of wild bores and bulles to haue
 béene about Blackleie néere Manchester, whither the said prince would
 now and then resort also for his solace in that behalfe, as also to
 come by those excellent falcons then bred thereabouts; but now they
 are gone, especiallie the bulles, as I haue said alreadie.

 King Henrie the fift in his beginning thought it a méere scofferie to
 pursue anie fallow déere with hounds or greihounds, but supposed
 himselfe alwaies to haue doone a sufficient act when he had tired them
 by his owne trauell on foot, and so killed them with his hands in the
 vpshot of that exercise and end of his recreation. Certes herein he
 resembled Polymnestor Milesius, of whome it is written, how he ran so
 swiftlie, that he would and did verie often ouertake hares for his
 pleasure, which I can hardlie beleeue: and therefore much lesse that
 one Lidas did run so lightlie and swiftlie after like game, that as he
 passed ouer the sand, he left not so much as the prints of his feet
 behind him. And thus did verie manie in like sort with the hart (as I
 doo read) but this I thinke was verie long agone, when men were farre
 higher and swifter than they are now: and yet I denie not, but rather
 grant willinglie that the hunting of the red deere is a right
 princelie pastime. In diuerse forren countries they cause their red
 and fallow déere to draw the plough, as we doo our oxen and horsses.
 [Sidenote: Hinds haue béene milked.]
 In some places also they milke their hinds as we doo here our kine and
 goats. And the experience of this latter is noted by Giraldus
 Cambrensis to haue beene séene and vsed in Wales, where he did eat
 cheese made of hinds milke, at such time as Baldwine archbishop of
 Canturburie preached the croisad there, when they were both lodged in
 a gentlemans house, whose wife of purpose kept a deirie of the same.
 As for the plowing with vres (which I suppose to be vnlikelie) because
 they are (in mine opinion) vntameable and alkes a thing commonlie vsed
 in the east countries; here is no place to speake of it, since we want
 these kind of beasts, neither is it my purpose to intreat at large of
 other things than are to be seene in England. Wherfore I will omit to
 saie anie more of wild and sauage beasts at this time, thinking my
 selfe to haue spoken alreadie sufficientlie of this matter, if not too
 much in the iudgement of the curious.




 OF HAWKES AND RAUENOUS FOULES.

 CHAP. V.


 I can not make (as yet) anie iust report how manie sorts of hawkes are
 bred within this realme. Howbeit which of those that are vsuallie had
 among vs are disclosed with in this land, I thinke it more easie and
 lesse difficult to set downe. First of all therefore that we haue the
 egle, common experience dooth euidentlie confirme, and diuerse of our
 rockes whereon they bréed, if speach did serue, could well declare the
 same. But the most excellent aierie of all is not much from Chester,
 at a castell called Dinas Bren, sometime builded by Brennus, as our
 writers doo remember. Certes this castell is no great thing, but yet a
 pile sometime verie strong and inaccessible for enimies, though now
 all ruinous as manie other are. It standeth vpon an hard rocke, in the
 side whereof an eagle bréedeth euerie yeare. This also is notable in
 the ouerthrow of hir nest (a thing oft attempted) that he which goeth
 thither must be sure of two large baskets, and so prouide to be let
 downe thereto, that he may sit in the one and be couered with the
 other: for otherwise the eagle would kill him, and teare the flesh
 from his bones with hir sharpe talons though his apparell were neuer
 so good. The common people call this foule an erne, but as I am
 ignorant whither the word eagle and erne doo shew anie difference of
 sexe, I meane betwéene the male and female, so we haue great store of
 them. And néere to the places where they bréed, the commons complaine
 of great harme to be doone by them in their fields: for they are able
 to beare a yoong lambe or kid vnto their neasts, therwith to féed
 their yoong and come againe for more. I was once of the opinion that
 there was a diuersitie of kind betwéene the eagle and the erne, till I
 perceiued that our nation vsed the word erne in most places for the
 eagle. We haue also the lanner and the lanneret: the tersell and the
 gosehawke: the musket and the sparhawke: the iacke and the hobbie: and
 finallie some (though verie few) marlions. And these are all the
 hawkes that I doo heare as yet to be bred within this Iland. Howbeit
 as these are not wanting with vs, so are they not verie plentifull:
 wherefore such as delite in hawking doo make their chiefe purueiance &
 prouision for the same out of Danske, Germanie, and the Eastcountries,
 from whence we haue them in great abundance, and at excessiue prices,
 whereas at home and where they be bred they are sold for almost right
 naught, and vsuallie brought to the markets as chickins, pullets and
 pigeons are with vs, and there bought vp to be eaten (as we doo the
 aforesaid foules) almost of euerie man. It is said that the sparhawke
 preieth not vpon the foule in the morning that she taketh ouer euen,
 but as loth to haue double benefit by one seelie foule, dooth let it
 go to make some shift for it selfe. But hereof as I stand in some
 doubt, so this I find among the writers worthie the noting, that the
 sparhawke is enimie to yoong children, as is also the ape; but of the
 pecocke she is maruellouslie afraid & so appalled, that all courage &
 stomach for a time is taken from hir vpon the sight thereof. But to
 proceed with the rest. Of other rauenous birds we haue also verie
 great plentie, as the bussard, the kite, the ringtaile, dunkite, &
 such as often annoie our countrie dames by spoiling of their yoong
 bréeds of chickens, duckes and goslings, wherevnto our verie rauens
 and crowes haue learned also the waie: and so much are our rauens
 giuen to this kind of spoile, that some idle and curious heads of set
 purpose haue manned, reclaimed, and vsed them in stéed of hawkes, when
 other could not be had. Some doo imagine that the rauen should be the
 vulture, and I was almost persuaded in times past to beleeue the same:
 but finding of late a description of the vulture, which better agreeth
 with the forme of a second kind of eagle, I fréelie surcease to be
 longer of that opinion: for as it hath after a sort the shape, colour,
 and quantitie of an eagle, so are the legs and feet more hairie and
 rough, their sides vnder their wings better couered with thicke downe
 (wherewith also their gorge or a part of their brest vnder their
 throtes is armed, and not with fethers) than are the like parts of the
 eagle, and vnto which portraiture there is no member of the rauen (who
 is also verie blacke of colour) that can haue anie resemblance: we
 haue none of them in England to my knowledge, if we haue, they go
 generallie vnder the name of eagle or erne. Neither haue we the
 pygargus or gripe, wherefore I haue no occasion to intreat further. I
 haue séene the carren crowes so cunning also by their owne industrie
 of late, that they haue vsed to soare ouer great riuers (as the Thames
 for example) & suddenlie comming downe haue caught a small fish in
 their féet & gone awaie withall without wetting of their wings. And
 euen at this present the aforesaid riuer is not without some of them,
 a thing (in my opinion) not a little to be wondered at. We haue also
 ospraies which bréed with vs in parks and woods, wherby the kéepers of
 the same doo reape in bréeding time no small commoditie: for so soone
 almost as the yoong are hatched, they tie them to the but ends or
 ground ends of sundrie trees, where the old ones finding them, doo
 neuer cease to bring fish vnto them, which the keepers take & eat from
 them, and commonlie is such as is well fed, or not of the worst sort.
 It hath not béene my hap hitherto to see anie of these foules, &
 partlie through mine owne negligence: but I heare that it hath one
 foot like an hawke to catch hold withall, and another resembling a
 goose wherewith to swim; but whether it be so or not so, I refer the
 further search and triall thereof vnto some other. This neuertheles is
 certeine that both aliue and dead, yea euen hir verie oile is a
 deadlie terrour to such fish as come within the wind of it. There is
 no cause wherefore I should describe the cormorant amongst hawkes, of
 which some be blacke and manie pied chiefelie about the Ile of Elie,
 where they are taken for the night rauen, except I should call him a
 water hawke. But sith such dealing is not conuenient, let vs now sée
 what may be said of our venemous wormes, and how manie kinds we haue
 of them within our realme and countrie.




 OF VENEMOUS BEASTS.

 CHAP. VI.


 If I should go about to make anie long discourse of venemous beasts or
 wormes bred in England, I should attempt more than occasion it selfe
 would readilie offer, sith we haue verie few worms, but no beasts at
 all, that are thought by their naturall qualities to be either
 venemous or hurtfull. First of all therefore we haue the adder (in our
 old Saxon toong called an atter) which some men doo not rashlie take
 to be the viper. Certes if it be so, then is it not the viper author
 [Sidenote: * _Galenus de Theriaca ad Pisonem._
 * _Plin. lib. 10. cap. 62._]
 of the death of hir [*] parents, as some histories affirme; and
 thereto Encelius a late writer in his "De re metallica," lib. 3. cap.
 38. where he maketh mention of a she adder which he saw in Sala, whose
 wombe (as he saith) was eaten out after a like fashion, hir yoong ones
 lieng by hir in the sunne shine, as if they had béene earth worms.
 Neuerthelesse as he nameth them "Viperas," so he calleth the male
 Echis, and the female Echidna, concluding in the end that Echis is the
 same serpent which his countrimen to this daie call Ein atter, as I
 haue also noted before out of a Saxon dictionarie. For my part I am
 persuaded that the slaughter of their parents is either not true at
 all, or not alwaies (although I doubt not but that nature hath right
 well prouided to inhibit their superfluous increase by some meanes or
 other) and so much the rather am I led herevnto, for that I gather by
 Nicander, that of all venemous worms the viper onelie bringeth out hir
 yoong aliue, and therefore is called in Latine "Vipera quasi
 viuipara:" but of hir owne death he dooth not (to my remembrance) saie
 any thing. It is testified also by other in other words, & to the like
 sense, that "Echis id est vipera sola ex serpentibus non oua sed
 animalia parit." And it may well be, for I remember that I haue read
 in Philostratus "De vita Appollonij,"

 [Sidenote: Adder or viper.]
 how he saw a viper licking hir yoong. I did see an adder once my selfe
 that laie (as I thought) sléeping on a moulehill, out of whose mouth
 came eleuen yoong adders of twelue or thirtéene inches in length a
 péece, which plaied to and fro in the grasse one with another, till
 some of them espied me. So soone therefore as they saw my face, they
 [Sidenote: See _Aristotle Animalium lib._ 5. _cap. vltimo_, &
 _Theophrast. lib._ 7. _cap._ 13.]
 ran againe into the mouth of their dam, whome I killed, and then found
 each of them shrowded in a distinct cell or pannicle in hir bellie,
 much like vnto a soft white iellie, which maketh me to be of the
 opinion that our adder is the viper indéed. The colour of their skin
 is for the most part like rustie iron or iron graie: but such as be
 verie old resemble a ruddie blew, & as once in the yeare, to wit, in
 Aprill or about the beginning of Maie they cast their old skins
 (whereby as it is thought their age reneweth) so their stinging
 bringeth death without present remedie be at hand, the wounded neuer
 ceasing to swell, neither the venem to worke till the skin of the one
 breake, and the other ascend vpward to the hart, where it finisheth
 the naturall effect, except the iuice of dragons (in Latine called
 "Dracunculus minor") be spéedilie ministred and dronke in strong ale,
 or else some other medicine taken of like force, that may counteruaile
 and ouercome the venem of the same. The length of them is most
 commonlie two foot and somwhat more, but seldome dooth it extend vnto
 two foot six inches, except it be in some rare and monsterous one:
 [Sidenote: Snakes.]
 whereas our snakes are much longer, and séene sometimes to surmount a
 yard, or thrée foot, although their poison be nothing so grieuous and
 deadlie as the others. Our adders lie in winter vnder stones, as
 Aristotle also saith of the viper Lib. 8. cap. 15. and in holes of the
 earth, rotten stubs of trees, and amongst the dead leaues: but in the
 heat of the summer they come abroad, and lie either round on heapes,
 or at length vpon some hillocke, or elsewhere in the grasse. They are
 found onelie in our woodland countries and highest grounds, where
 sometimes (though seldome) a speckled stone called Echites, in Dutch
 "Ein atter stein," is gotten out of their dried carcases, which diuers
 [Sidenote: _Sol. cap._ 40. _Plin. lib._ 37. _cap._ 11.]
 report to be good against their poison. As for our snakes, which in
 Latine are properlie named "Angues," they commonlie are seene in
 moores, fens, lomie wals, and low bottoms.

 [Sidenote: Todes.]
 [Sidenote: Frogs.]
 [Sidenote: Sloworme.]
 And as we haue great store of todes where adders commonlie are found,
 so doo frogs abound where snakes doo kéepe their residence. We haue
 also the sloworme, which is blacke and graiesh of colour, and somewhat
 shorter than an adder. I was at the killing once of one of them, and
 thereby perceiued that she was not so called of anie want of nimble
 motion, but rather of the contrarie. Neuerthelesse we haue a blind
 worme to be found vnder logs in woods, and timber that hath lien long
 in a place, which some also doo call (and vpon better ground) by the
 name of slow worms, and they are knowen easilie by their more or lesse
 varietie of striped colours, drawen long waies from their heads, their
 whole bodies little excéeding a foot in length, & yet is there venem
 deadlie. This also is not to be omitted, that now and then in our
 fennie countries, other kinds of serpents are found of greater
 quantitie than either our adder or our snake: but as these are not
 ordinarie and oft to be séene, so I meane not to intreat of them among
 our common annoiances. Neither haue we the scorpion, a plague of God
 sent not long since into Italie, and whose poison (as Apollodorus
 saith) is white, neither the tarantula or Neopolitane spider, whose
 poison bringeth death, except musike be at hand. Wherfore I suppose
 our countrie to be the more happie (I meane in part) for that it is
 void of these two grieuous annoiances, wherewith other nations are
 plagued.

 [Sidenote: Efts.]
 [Sidenote: Swifts.]
 We haue also efts, both of the land and water, and likewise the
 noisome swifts, whereof to saie anie more it should be but losse of
 time, sith they are well knowne; and no region to my knowledge found
 [Sidenote: Flies.]
 to be void of manie of them. As for flies (sith it shall not be amisse
 a little to touch them also) we haue none that can doo hurt or
 [Sidenote: Cutwasted.]
 [Sidenote: Whole bodied.]
 [Sidenote: Hornets.]
 [Sidenote: Waspes.]
 hinderance naturallie vnto anie: for whether they be cut wasted, or
 whole bodied, they are void of poison and all venemous inclination.
 The cut or girt wasted (for so I English the word Insecta) are the
 hornets, waspes, bées, and such like, whereof we haue great store, and
 of which an opinion is conceived, that the first doo bréed of the
 corruption of dead horsses, the second of peares and apples corrupted,
 and the last of kine and oxen: which may be true, especiallie the
 first and latter in some parts of the beast, and not their whole
 substances, as also in the second, sith we haue neuer waspes, but when
 our fruit beginneth to wax ripe. In déed Virgil and others speake of a
 generation of bées, by killing or smoothering of a brused bullocke or
 calfe, and laieng his bowels or his flesh wrapped vp in his hide in a
 close house for a certeine season; but how true it is hitherto I haue
 not tried. Yet sure I am of this, that no one liuing creature
 corrupteth without the production of another; as we may see by our
 selues, whose flesh dooth alter into lice; and also in shéepe for
 excessiue numbers of flesh flies, if they be suffered to lie vnburied
 or vneaten by the dogs and swine, who often and happilie preuent such
 néedlesse generations.

 As concerning bées, I thinke it good to remember, that wheras some
 ancient writers affirme it to be a commoditie wanting in our Iland, it
 is now found to be nothing so. In old time peraduenture we had none in
 déed, but in my daies there is such plentie of them in maner euerie
 where, that in some vplandish townes, there are one hundred, or two
 hundred hiues of them, although the said hiues are not so huge as
 those of the east countrie, but far lesse, as not able to conteine
 aboue one bushell of corne, or fiue pecks at the most. Plinie (a man
 that of set purpose deliteth to write of woonders) speaking of honie
 noteth that in the north regions the hiues in his time were of such
 quantitie, that some one combe conteined eight foot in length, & yet
 (as it should séeme) he speketh not of the greatest. For in Podolia,
 which is now subiect to the king of Poland, their hiues are so great,
 and combes so abundant, that huge bores ouerturning and falling into
 them, are drowned in the honie, before they can recouer & find the
 meanes to come out.

 [Sidenote: Honie.]
 Our honie also is taken and reputed to be the best, bicause it is
 harder, better wrought, and clenlier vesselled vp, than that which
 commeth from beyond the sea, where they stampe and streine their
 combs, bées, and yoong blowings altogither into the stuffe, as I haue
 béene informed. In vse also of medicine our physicians and
 apothecaries eschew the forren, especiallie that of Spaine and
 Ponthus, by reason of a venemous qualitie naturallie planted in the
 same, as some write, and choose the home made: not onelie by reason of
 our soile, which hath no lesse plentie of wild thime growing therein
 than in Sicilia, & about Athens, and makth the best stuffe; as also
 for that it bréedeth (being gotten in haruest time) lesse choler, and
 which is oftentimes (as I haue séene by experience) so white as sugar,
 and corned as if it were salt. Our hiues are made commonlie of rie
 straw, and wadled about with bramble quarters: but some make the same
 of wicker, and cast them ouer with claie. Wée cherish none in trées,
 but set our hiues somewhere on the warmest side of the house,
 prouiding that they may stand drie and without danger both of the
 mouse and moth. This furthermore is to be noted, that wheras in
 vessels of oile, that which is néerest the top is counted the finest,
 and of wine that in the middest; so of honie the best which is
 heauiest and moistest is alwaies next the bottome, and euermore
 casteth and driueth his dregs vpward toward the verie top, contrarie
 to the nature of other liquid substances, whose groonds and léeze doo
 generallie settle downewards. And thus much as by the waie of our bées
 and English honie.

 As for the whole bodied, as the cantharides, and such venemous
 creatures of the same kind, to be abundantlie found in other
 countries, we heare not of them: yet haue we béetles, horseflies,
 turdbugs or borres (called in Latine _Scarabei_) the locust or the
 grashopper (which to me doo séeme to be one thing, as I will anon
 declare) and such like, whereof let other intreat that make an
 exercise in catching of flies, but a far greater sport in offering
 them to spiders. As did Domitian sometime, and an other prince yet
 liuing, who delited so much to sée the iollie combats betwixt a stout
 flie and an old spider, that diuerse men haue had great rewards giuen
 them for their painfull prouision of flies made onelie for this
 purpose. Some parasites also in the time of the aforesaid emperour,
 (when they were disposed to laugh at his follie, and yet would seeme
 in appearance to gratifie his fantasticall head with some shew of
 dutifull demenour) could deuise to set their lord on worke, by letting
 a flesh flie priuilie into his chamber, which he foorthwith would
 egerlie haue hunted (all other businesse set apart) and neuer ceased
 till he had caught hir into his fingers: wherevpon arose the prouerbe,
 "Ne musca quidem," vttered first by Vibius Priscus, who being asked
 whether anie bodie was with Domitian, answered, "Ne musca quidem,"
 wherby he noted his follie. There are some cockescombs here and there
 in England, learning it abroad as men transregionate, which make
 account also of this pastime, as of a notable matter, telling what a
 fight is séene betwene them, if either of them be lustie and
 couragious in his kind. One also hath made a booke of the spider and
 the flie, wherein he dealeth so profoundlie, and beyond all measure of
 skill, that neither he himselfe that made it, neither anie one that
 readeth it, can reach vnto the meaning therof. But if those iollie
 fellows in stéed of the straw that they thrust into the flies tale (a
 great iniurie no doubt to such a noble champion) would bestow the cost
 to set a fooles cap vpon their owne heads: then might they with more
 securitie and lesse reprehension behold these notable battels.

 Now as concerning the locust, I am led by diuerse of my countrie, who
 (as they say) were either in Germanie, Italie, or Pannonia, 1542, when
 those nations were greatly annoied with that kind of flie, and affirme
 verie constantlie, that they saw none other creature than the
 grashopper, during the time of that annoiance, which was said to come
 to them from the Meotides. In most of our translations also of the
 bible, the word _Locusta_ is Englished a grashopper, and therevnto
 Leuit. 11. it is reputed among the cleane food, otherwise Iohn the
 Baptist would neuer haue liued with them in the wildernesse. In
 [Sidenote: Sée _Diodorus Sicutus_.]
 Barbarie, Numidia, and sundrie other places of Affrica, as they haue
 beene, so are they eaten to this daie powdred in barels, and therefore
 the people of those parts are called _Acedophagi:_ neuertheles they
 shorten the life of the eaters by the production at the last of an
 irkesome and filthie disease. In India they are thrée foot long, in
 Ethiopia much shorter, but in England seldome aboue an inch. As for
 the cricket called in Latin _Cicada_, he hath some likelihood, but not
 verie great, with the grashopper, and therefore he is not to be
 brought in as an vmpier in this case. Finallie Matthiolus, and so
 manie as describe the locust, doo set downe none other forme than that
 of our grashopper, which maketh me so much the more to rest vpon my
 former imagination, which is, that the locust and grashopper are one.




 OF OUR ENGLISH DOGS AND THEIR QUALITIES.

 CHAP. VII.


 There is no countrie that maie (as I take it) compare with ours, in
 number, excellencie, and diuersite of dogs. And therefore if
 Polycrates of Samia were now aliue, he would not send to Epyro for
 such merchandize: but to his further cost prouide them out of
 Britaine, as an ornament to his countrie, and péece of husbandrie for
 his common wealth, which he furnished of set purpose with Molossian
 and Lacaonian dogs, as he did the same also with shéepe out of Attica
 and Miletum, gotes from Scyro and Naxus, swine out of Sicilia, and
 artificers out of other places. Howbeit the learned doctor Caius in
 his Latine treatise vnto Gesner "De canibus Anglicis," bringeth them
 all into thrée sorts: that is, the gentle kind seruing for game: the
 homelie kind apt for sundrie vses: and the currish kind méet for many
 toies. For my part I can say no more of them than he hath doone
 alredie. Wherefore I will here set downe onelie a summe of that which
 he hath written of their names and natures, with the addition of an
 example or two now latelie had in experience, whereby the courages of
 our mastiffes shall yet more largelie appeare. As for those of other
 countries I haue not to deale with them: neither care I to report out
 of Plinie, that dogs were sometime killed in sacrifice, and sometime
 their whelps eaten as a delicate dish, Lib. 29. cap. 4. Wherefore if
 anie man be disposed to read of them, let him resort to Plinie lib. 8.
 cap. 40. who (among other woonders) telleth of an armie of two hundred
 dogs, which fetched a king of the Garamantes out of captiuitie, mawgre
 the resistance of his aduersaries: also to Cardan, lib. 10. "De
 animalibus," Aristotle, &c: who write maruels of them, but none
 further from credit than Cardan, who is not afraid to compare some of
 them for greatnesse with oxen, and some also for smalnesse vnto the
 little field mouse. Neither doo I find anie far writer of great
 antiquitie, that maketh mention of our dogs, Strabo excepted, who
 saith that the Galles did somtime buy vp all our mastiffes, to serue
 in the forewards of their battels, wherein they resembled the
 Colophonians, Castabalenses of Calicute and Phenicia, of whom Plinie
 also speaketh, but they had them not from vs.

 The first sort therefore he diuideth either into such as rowse the
 beast, and continue the chase, or springeth the bird, and bewraieth
 hir flight by pursute. And as these are commonlie called spaniels, so
 the other are named hounds, whereof he maketh eight sorts, of which
 the formost excelleth in perfect smelling, the second in quicke
 espieng, the third in swiftnesse and quickenesse, the fourth in
 smelling and nimblenesse, &c: and the last in subtiltie and
 deceitfulnesse. These (saith Strabo) are most apt for game, and called
 _Sagaces_ by a generall name, not onelie bicause of their skill in
 hunting, but also for that they know their owne and the names of their
 fellowes most exactlie. For if the hunter see anie one to follow
 skilfullie, and with likelihood of good successe, he biddeth the rest
 to harke and follow such a dog, and they eftsoones obeie so soone as
 they heare his name. The first kind of these are also commonlie called
 hariers, whose game is the fox, the hare, the woolfe (if we had anie)
 hart, bucke, badger, otter, polcat, lopstart, wesell, conie, &c: the
 second hight a terrer, and it hunteth the badger and graie onelie: the
 third a bloudhound, whose office is to follow the fierce, and now and
 then to pursue a théefe or beast by his drie foot: the fourth hight a
 gasehound, who hunteth by the eie: the fift a greihound, cherished for
 his strength, swiftnes, and stature, commended by Bratius in his "De
 venatione," and not vnremembred by Hercules Stroza in a like treatise,
 but aboue all other those of Britaine, where he saith:

   ---- & magna spectandi mole Britanni,

 also by Nemesianus, libro Cynegeticôn, where he saith:

   Diuisa Britannia mittit
   Veloces nostríq; orbis venatibus aptos,

 of which sort also some be smooth, of sundrie colours, and some shake
 haired: the sixt a liemer, that excelleth in smelling and swift
 running: the seuenth a tumbler: and the eight a théefe, whose offices
 (I meane of the latter two) incline onelie to deceit, wherein they are
 oft so skilfull, that few men would thinke so mischiefous a wit to
 remaine in such sillie creatures. Hauing made this enumeration of
 dogs, which are apt for the chase and hunting, he commeth next to such
 as serue the falcons in their times, whereof he maketh also two sorts.
 One that findeth his game on the land, an other that putteth vp such
 foule as keepeth in the water: and of these this is commonlie most
 vsuall for the net or traine, the other for the hawke, as he dooth
 shew at large. Of the first he saith, that they haue no peculiar names
 assigned to them seuerallie, but each of them is called after the bird
 which by naturall appointment he is allotted to hunt or serue, for
 which consideration some be named dogs for the feasant, some for the
 falcon, and some for the partrich. Howbeit the common name for all is
 spaniell (saith he) and therevpon alludeth, as if these kinds of dogs
 had bin brought hither out of Spaine. In like sort we haue of water
 spaniels in their kind. The third sort of dogs of the gentle kind, is
 the spaniell gentle, or comforter, or (as the common terme is) the
 fistinghound, and those are called _Melitei_, of the Iland Malta, from
 whence they were brought hither. These are little and prettie, proper
 and fine, and sought out far and néere to satisfie the nice delicacie
 of daintie dames, and wanton womens willes; instruments of follie to
 plaie and dallie withall, in trifling away the treasure of time, to
 withdraw their minds from more commendable exercises, and to content
 their corrupt concupiscences with vaine disport, a sillie poore shift
 to shun their irkesome idlenes. These Sybariticall puppies, the
 smaller they be (and thereto if they haue an hole in the foreparts of
 their heads) the better they are accepted, the more pleasure also they
 prouoke, as méet plaiefellowes for minsing mistresses to beare in
 their bosoms, to keepe companie withall in their chambers, to succour
 with sléepe in bed, and nourish with meat at boord, to lie in their
 laps, and licke their lips as they lie (like yoong Dianaes) in their
 wagons and coches. And good reason it should be so, for coursenesse
 with finenesse hath no fellowship, but featnesse with neatnesse hath
 neighbourhead inough. That plausible prouerbe therefore verefied
 sometime vpon a tyrant, namelie that he loued his sow better than his
 sonne, may well be applied to some of this kind of people, who delight
 more in their dogs, that are depriued of all possibilitie of reason,
 than they doo in children that are capable of wisedome & iudgement.
 Yea, they oft féed them of the best, where the poore mans child at
 their doores can hardlie come by the woorst. But the former abuse
 peraduenture reigneth where there hath béene long want of issue, else
 where barrennesse is the best blossome of beautie: or finallie, where
 poore mens children for want of their owne issue are not readie to be
 had. It is thought of some that it is verie wholesome for a weake
 stomach to beare such a dog in the bosome, as it is for him that hath
 the palsie to féele the dailie smell and sauour of a fox. But how
 truelie this is affirmed let the learned iudge: onelie it shall
 suffice for Doctor Caius to haue said thus much of spaniels and dogs
 of the gentle kind.

 [Sidenote: Homelie kind of dogs.]
 Dogs of the homelie kind, are either shepheards curs, or mastiffes.
 The first are so common, that it néedeth me not to speake of them.
 Their vse also is so well knowne in keeping the heard togither (either
 when they grase or go before the sheepheard) that it should be but in
 vaine to spend anie time about them. Wherefore I will leaue this curre
 [Sidenote: Tie dogs.]
 vnto his owne kind, and go in hand with the mastiffe, tie dog, or
 banddog, so called bicause manie of them are tied vp in chaines and
 strong bonds, in the daie time, for dooing hurt abroad, which is an
 huge dog, stubborne, ouglie, eager, burthenous of bodie (& therefore
 but of little swiftnesse) terrible and fearfull to behold, and
 oftentimes more fierce and fell than anie Archadian or Corsican cur.
 Our Englishmen to the intent that these dogs may be more cruell and
 fierce, assist nature with some art, vse and custome. For although
 this kind of dog be capable of courage, violent, valiant, stout and
 bold: yet will they increase these their stomachs by teaching them to
 bait the beare, the bull, the lion, and other such like cruell and
 bloudie beasts, (either brought ouer or kept vp at home, for the same
 purpose) without anie collar to defend their throats, and oftentimes
 thereto they traine them vp in fighting and wrestling with a man
 (hauing for the safegard of his life either a pike staffe, club,
 sword, priuie coate) wherby they become the more fierce and cruell
 vnto strangers. The Caspians made so much account sometime of such
 great dogs, that euerie able man would nourish sundrie of them in his
 house of set purpose, to the end they should deuoure their carcases
 after their deaths, thinking the dogs bellies to be the most
 honourable sepulchers. The common people also followed the same rate,
 and therfore there were tie dogs kept vp by publike ordinance, to
 deuoure them after their deaths: by means whereof these beasts became
 the more eger, and with great difficultie after a while restreined
 from falling vpon the liuing. But whither am I digressed? In returning
 [Sidenote: Some barke and bite not.]
 [Sidenote: Some bite and barke not.]
 therefore to our owne, I saie that of mastiffes, some barke onelie
 with fierce and open mouth but will not bite, some doo both barke and
 bite, but the cruellest doo either not barke at all, or bite before
 they barke, and therefore are more to be feared than anie of the
 other. They take also their name of the word mase and théefe (or
 master théefe if you will) bicause they often stound and put such
 persons to their shifts in townes and villages, and are the principall
 causes of their apprehension and taking. The force which is in them
 surmounteth all beleefe, and the fast hold which they take with their
 téeth excéedeth all credit: for thrée of them against a beare, foure
 against a lion, are sufficient to trie mastries with them. King Henrie
 the seauenth, as the report goeth, commanded all such curres to be
 hanged, bicause they durst presume to fight against the lion, who is
 their king and souereigne. The like he did with an excellent falcon,
 as some saie, bicause he feared not hand to hand to match with an
 eagle, willing his falconers in his owne presence to pluck off his
 head after he was taken downe, saieng that it was not méet for anie
 subiect to offer such wrong vnto his lord and superiour, wherein he
 had a further meaning. But if king Henrie the seauenth had liued in
 our time, what would he haue doone to one English mastiffe, which
 alone and without anie helpe at all pulled downe first an huge beare,
 then a pard, and last of all a lion, each after other before the
 French king in one daie, when the lord Buckhurst was ambassador vnto
 him, and whereof if I should write the circumstances, that is, how he
 tooke his aduantage being let lose vnto them, and finallie draue them
 into such excéeding feare, that they were all glad to run awaie when
 he was taken from them, I should take much paines, and yet reape but
 small credit: wherefore it shall suffice to haue said thus much
 thereof. Some of our mastiffes will rage onelie in the night, some are
 to be tied vp both daie and night. Such also as are suffered to go
 lose about the house and yard, are so gentle in the daie time, that
 children may ride on their backs, & plaie with them, at their
 pleasures. Diuerse of them likewise are of such gelousie ouer their
 maister and whosoeuer of his houshold, that if a stranger doo imbrace
 or touch anie of them, they will fall fiercelie vpon them, vnto their
 extreame mischéefe if their furie be not preuented. Such an one was
 the dog of Nichomedes king sometime of Bithinia, who séeing Consigne
 the quéene to imbrace and kisse hir husband as they walked togither in
 a garden, did teare hir all to peeces, mauger his resistance, and the
 present aid of such as attended on them. Some of them moreouer will
 suffer a stranger to come in and walke about the house or yard where
 him listeth, without giuing ouer to follow him: but if he put foorth
 his hand to touch anie thing, then will they flie vpon him and kill
 him if they may. I had one my selfe once, which would not suffer anie
 man to bring in his weapon further than my gate: neither those that
 were of my house to be touched in his presence. Or if I had beaten
 anie of my children, he would gentlie haue assaied to catch the rod in
 his teeth and take it out of my hand, or else pluck downe their
 clothes to saue them from the stripes: which in my opinion is not
 vnworthie to be noted. And thus much of our mastiffes, creatures of no
 lesse faith and loue towards their maisters than horsses; as may
 appeare euen by the confidence that Masinissa reposed in them, in so
 much that mistrusting his houshold seruants he made him a gard of
 dogs, which manie a time deliuered him from their treasons and
 conspiracies, euen by their barking and biting, nor of lesse force
 than the Molossian race, brought from Epiro into some countries, which
 the poets feigne to haue originall from the brasen dog that Vulcan
 made, and gaue to Iupiter, who also deliuered the same to Europa, she
 to Procris, and Procris to Cephalus, as Iulius Pollux noteth, lib. 5.
 cap. 5: neither vnequall in carefulnesse to the mastiffe of Alexander
 Phereus, who by his onelie courage and attendance kept his maister
 long time from slaughter, till at the last he was remooued by policie,
 and the tyrant killed sléeping: the storie goeth thus. Thebe the wife
 of the said Phereus and hir three brethren conspired the death of hir
 husband, who fearing the dog onelie, she found the means to allure him
 from his chamber doore by faire means, vnto another house hard by,
 whilest they should execute their purpose. Neuerthelesse, when they
 came to the bed where he laie sléeping, they waxed faint harted, till
 she did put them in choise, either that they should dispatch him at
 once, or else that she hir selfe would wake hir husband, and giue him
 warning of his enimies, or at the least wise bring in the dog vpon
 them, which they feared most of all: and therefore quicklie dispatched
 him.

 The last sort of dogs consisteth of the currish kind méet for manie
 toies: of which the whappet or prickeard curre is one. Some men call
 them warners, bicause they are good for nothing else but to barke and
 giue warning when anie bodie dooth stirre or lie in wait about the
 house in the night season. Certes it is vnpossible to describe these
 curs in anie order, bicause they haue no anie one kind proper vnto
 themselues, but are a confused companie mixt of all the rest. The
 second sort of them are called turne spits, whose office is not
 vnknowne to anie. And as these are onelie reserued for this purpose,
 so in manie places our mastiffes (beside the vse which tinkers haue of
 them in carieng their heauie budgets) are made to draw water in great
 whéeles out of déepe wels, going much like vnto those which are framed
 for our turne spits, as is to be séene at Roiston, where this feat is
 often practised. Besides these also we haue sholts or curs dailie
 brought out of Iseland, and much made of among vs, bicause of their
 sawcinesse and quarrelling. Moreouer they bite verie sore, and loue
 candles excéedinglie, as doo the men and women of their countrie: but
 I may saie no more of them, bicause they are not bred with vs. Yet
 this will I make report of by the waie, for pastimes sake, that when a
 great man of those parts came of late into one of our ships which went
 thither for fish, to see the forme and fashion of the same, his wife
 apparrelled in fine sables, abiding on the decke whilest hir husband
 was vnder the hatches with the mariners, espied a pound or two of
 candles hanging at the mast, and being loth to stand there idle alone,
 she fell to and eat them vp euerie one, supposing hir selfe to haue
 béene at a iollie banket, and shewing verie plesant gesture when hir
 husband came vp againe vnto hir.

 The last kind of toiesh curs are named dansers, and those being of a
 mongrell sort also, are taught & exercised to danse in measure at the
 musicall sound of an instrument, as at the iust stroke of a drum,
 sweet accent of the citharne, and pleasant harmonie of the harpe,
 shewing manie trickes by the gesture of their bodies: as to stand bolt
 vpright, to lie flat vpon the ground, to turne round as a ring,
 holding their tailes in their teeth, to saw and beg for meat, to take
 a mans cap from his head, and sundrie such properties, which they
 learne of their idle rogish masters whose instruments they are to
 gather gaine, as old apes clothed in motleie, and  short
 wasted iackets are for the like vagabunds, who séeke no better liuing,
 than that which they may get by fond pastime and idlenesse. I might
 here intreat of other dogs, as of those which are bred betwéene a
 bitch and a woolfe, and called _Lycisca_: a thing verie often séene in
 France saith Franciscus Patricius in his common wealth, as procured of
 set purpose, and learned as I thinke of the Indians, who tie their
 sault bitches often in woods, that they might be loined by tigers:
 also betweene a bitch and a fox, or a beare and a mastiffe. But as we
 vtterlie want the first sort, except they be brought vnto vs: so it
 happeneth sometime, that the other two are ingendered and seene at
 home amongst vs. But all the rest heretofore remembred in this
 chapter, there is none more ouglie and odious in sight, cruell and
 fierce in déed, nor vntractable in hand, than that which is begotten
 betwéene the beare and the bandog. For whatsoeuer he catcheth hold of,
 he taketh it so fast, that a man may sooner teare and rend his bodie
 in sunder, than get open his mouth to separate his chaps. Certes he
 regardeth neither woolfe, beare, nor lion, and therfore may well be
 compared with those two dogs which were sent to Alexander out of India
 (& procreated as it is thought betwéene a mastiffe and male tiger, as
 be those also of Hircania) or to them that are bred in Archadia, where
 copulation is oft seene betweene lions and bitches, as the like is in
 France (as I said) betwéene shée woolfes and dogs, whereof let this
 suffice; sith the further tractation of them dooth not concerne my
 purpose, more than the confutation of Cardans talke, "De subt." lib.
 10. who saith, that after manie generations, dogs doo become woolfes,
 and contrariwise; which if it were true, than could not England be
 without manie woolfes: but nature hath set a difference betwéene them,
 not onelie in outward forme, but also in inward disposition of their
 bones, wherefore it is vnpossible that his assertion can be sound.




 OF OUR SAFFRON, AND THE DRESSING THEREOF.

 CHAP. VIII.


 As the saffron of England, which Platina reckneth among spices, is the
 most excellent of all other: for it giueth place neither to that of
 Cilicia, whereof Solinus speaketh, neither to anie that commeth from
 Cilicia, where it groweth vpon the mount Taurus, Tmolus, Italie,
 Ætolia, Sicilia or Licia, in swéetnesse, tincture, and continuance; so
 of that which is to be had amongst vs, the same that grows about
 Saffron Walden, somtime called Waldenburg, in the edge of Essex, first
 of all planted there in the time of Edward the third, and that of
 Glocester shire and those westerlie parts, which some thinke to be
 better than that of Walden, surmounteth all the rest, and therefore
 beareth worthilie the higher price, by six pence or twelue pence most
 commonlie in the pound. The root of the herbe that beareth this
 commoditie is round, much like vnto an indifferent chestnut, & yet it
 is not cloued as the lillie, nor flaked as the scallion, but hath a
 sad substance "Inter bulbosa," as Orchis, hyacinthus orientalis, and
 Statyrion. The colour of the rind is not much differing from the
 innermost shell of a chestnut, although it be not altogither so
 brickle as is the pill of an onion. So long as the leafe flourisheth
 the root is litle & small; but when the grasse is withered, the head
 increaseth and multiplieth, the fillets also or small roots die, so
 that when the time dooth come to take them vp, they haue no roots at
 all, but so continue vntill September that they doo grow againe: and
 before the chiue be grounded the smallest heads are also most
 esteemed; but whether they be great or small, if sheepe or neat may
 come to them on the heape, as they lie in the field, they will deuoure
 them as if they were haie or stuble, some also will wroot for them in
 verie eager maner. The leafe or rather the blade thereof is long and
 narrow as grasse, which come vp alwaies in October after the floures
 be gathered and gone, pointed on a little tuft much like vnto our
 siues. Sometimes our cattell will féed vpon the same; neuerthelesse,
 if it be bitten whilest it is gréene, the head dieth, and therefore
 our crokers are carefull to kéepe it from such annoiance vntill it
 begin to wither, and then also will the cattell soonest tast thereof:
 for vntill that time the iuice thereof is bitter. In euerie floure we
 find commonlie thrée chiues, and three yellowes, and double the number
 of leaues. Of twisted floures I speake not; yet is it found, that two
 floures grow togither, which bring foorth fiue chiues, so that alwaies
 there is an od chiue and od yellow, though thrée or foure floures
 should come out of one root. The whole herbe is named in Gréeke
 _Crocos_, but of some (as Dioscorides saith) _Castor_, _Cynomorphos_,
 or Hercules blood: yet in the Arabian spéech, (from whence we borow
 [Sidenote: Occasion of the name.]
 the name which we giue thervnto) I find that it is called _Zahafaran_,
 as Rembert dooth beare witnesse. The cause wherefore it was called
 Crocus was this (as the poets feigne) speciallie those from whome
 Galen hath borowed the historie, which he noteth in his ninth booke
 "De medicamentis secundum loca," where he writeth after this maner
 (although I take Crocus to be the first that vsed this comoditie.) A
 certeine yong gentleman called Crocus went to plaie at coits in the
 field with Mercurie, and being héedlesse of himselfe, Mercuries coit
 happened by mishap to hit him on the head, whereby he receiued a wound
 that yer long killed him altogither, to the great discomfort of his
 freends. Finallie, in the place where he bled, saffron was after found
 to grow, wherevpon the people seeing the colour of the chiue as it
 stood (although I doubt not but it grew there long before) adiudged it
 to come of the blood of Crocus, and therefore they gaue it his name.
 And thus farre Rembert, who with Galen, &c: differ verie much from
 Ouids Metamorphos. 4. who writeth also thereof. Indéed the chiue,
 while it remaineth whole & vnbrused, resembleth a darke red, but being
 broken and conuerted into vse, it yéeldeth a yellow tincture. But what
 haue we to doo with fables?

 The heads of saffron are raised in Iulie, either with plough, raising,
 or tined hooke; and being scowred from their rosse or filth, and
 seuered from such heads as are ingendred of them, since the last
 setting, they are interred againe in Iulie and August by ranks or
 rowes, and being couered with moulds, they rest in the earth, where
 they cast forth litle fillets and small roots like vnto a scallion,
 vntill September, in the beginning of which moneth the ground is
 [Sidenote: Paring.]
 pared, and all wéeds and grasse that groweth vpon the same remooued,
 to the intent that nothing may annoie the floure when as his time
 dooth come to rise.

 [Sidenote: Gathering.]
 These things being thus ordered in the latter end of the aforesaid
 moneth of September, the floure beginneth to appeere of a whitish
 blew, fesse or skie colour, and in the end shewing it selfe in the
 [Sidenote: Sée _Rembert_.]
 owne kind, it resembleth almost the Leucotion of Theophrast, sauing
 that it is longer, and hath in the middest thereof thrée chiues verie
 red and pleasant to behold. These floures are gathered in the morning
 before the rising of the sunne, which otherwise would cause them to
 welke or flitter. And the chiues being picked from the floures, these
 are throwne into the doonghill; the other dried vpon little kelles
 couered with streined canuasses vpon a soft fire: wherby, and by the
 weight that is laied vpon them, they are dried and pressed into cakes,
 and then bagged vp for the benefit of their owners. In good yeeres we
 gather foure score or an hundred pounds of wet saffron of an acre,
 which being dried dooth yeeld twentie pounds of drie and more.
 Whereby, and sith the price of saffron is commonlie about twentie
 shillings in monie, or not so little, it is easie to sée what benefit
 is reaped by an acre of this commoditie, towards the charges of the
 setter, which indeed are great, but yet not so much, as he shall be
 thereby a looser, if he be anie thing diligent. For admit that the
 triple tillage of an acre dooth cost 13 shillings foure pence before
 the saffron be set, the clodding sixtéene pence, the taking of euerie
 load of stones from the same foure pence, the raising of euerie
 quarter of heads six pence, and so much for clensing of them, besides
 the rent of ten shillings for euerie acre, thirtie load of doong which
 is woorth six pence the load to be laid on the first yéere, for the
 setting three and twentie shillings and foure pence, for the paring
 fiue shillings, six pence for the picking of a pound wet, &c: yea
 though he hire it readie set, and paie ten pounds for the same, yet
 shall he susteine no damage, if warme weather and open season doo
 happen at the gathering. This also is to be noted, that euerie acre
 asketh twentie quarters of heads, placed in ranks two inches one from
 an other in long beds, which conteine eight or ten foot in breadth.
 And after thrée yeeres that ground will serue well, and without
 compest for barleie by the space of eightéene or twentie yéeres
 togither, as experience dooth confirme. The heads also of euerie acre
 at the raising will store an acre and an halfe of new ground, which is
 a great aduantage, and it will floure eight or ten daies togither. But
 the best saffron is gathered at the first; at which time foure pounds
 of wet saffron will go verie neere to make one of drie; but in the
 middest fiue pounds of the one will make but one of the other, because
 the chiue waxeth smaller, as six at the last will doo no more but
 yéeld one of the dried, by reason of the chiue which is now verie
 leane and hungrie. After twentie yeeres also the same ground may be
 set with saffron againe. And in lieu of a conclusion, take this for a
 perpetuall rule, that heads comming out of a good ground will prosper
 best in a lighter soile; and contrariwise: which is one note that our
 crokers doo carefullie obserue.

 [Sidenote: Raising.]
 The heads are raised euerie third yeare about vs, to wit, after
 Midsummer, when the rosse commeth drie from the heads; and commonlie
 in the first yéere after they be set they yéeld verie little increase:
 yet that which then commeth is counted the finest and greatest chiue,
 & best for medicine, and called saffron Du hort. The next crop is much
 greater; but the third exceedeth, and then they raise againe about
 Walden and in Cambridge shire. In this period of time also the heads
 are said to child, that is, to yéeld out of some parts of them diuerse
 other headlets, whereby it hath béene séene, that some one head hath
 béene increased (though with his owne detriment) to three, or foure,
 or fiue, or six, which augmentation is the onlie cause wherby they are
 sold so good cheape. For to my remembrance I haue not knowne foure
 bushels or a coome of them to be valued much aboue two shillings eight
 pence, except in some od yéeres that they arise to eight or ten
 shillings the quarter, and that is when ouer great store of winters
 water hath rotted the most of them as they stood within the ground, or
 heat in summer parched and burnt them vp.

 In Norffolke and Suffolke they raise but once in seuen yéeres: but as
 their saffron is not so fine as that of Cambridgeshire and about
 Walden, so it will not cake, ting, nor hold colour withall, wherein
 lieth a great part of the value of this stuffe. Some craftie iackes
 vse to mix it with scraped brazell or with the floure of Sonchus,
 which commeth somewhat neere indeed to the hue of our good saffron (if
 it be late gathered) but it is soone bewraied both by the depth of the
 colour and hardnesse. Such also was the plentie of saffron about
 twentie yeeres passed, that some of the townesmen of Walden gaue the
 one halfe of the floures for picking of the other, and sent them ten
 or twelue miles abroad into the countrie, whilest the rest, not
 thankfull for the abundance of Gods blessing bestowed vpon them (as
 wishing rather more scarsitie thereof because of the kéeping vp of the
 price) in most contemptuous maner murmured against him, saieng that he
 did shite saffron therewith to choake the market. But as they shewed
 themselues no lesse than ingrat infidels in this behalfe, so the Lord
 considered their vnthankfulnesse, & gaue them euer since such
 scarsitie, as the greatest murmurers haue now the least store; and
 most of them are either worne out of occupieng, or remaine scarse able
 to mainteine their grounds without the helpe of other men. Certes it
 hath generallie decaied about Saffron Walden since the said time,
 vntill now of late within these two yeares, that men began againe to
 plant and renew the same, because of the great commoditie. But to
 procéed. When the heads be raised and taken vp, they will remaine
 sixteene or twentie daies out of the earth or more: yea peraduenture a
 full moneth. Howbeit they are commonlie in the earth againe by saint
 Iames tide, or verie shortlie after. For as if they be taken vp before
 Midsummer, or beginning of Iulie, the heads will shrinke like a rosted
 warden: so after August they will wax drie, become vnfruitfull, and
 decaie. And I know it by experience, in that I haue carried some of
 them to London with me; and notwithstanding that they haue remained
 there vnset by the space of fortie dais and more: yet some of them
 haue brought foorth two or thrée floures a peece, and some floures
 thrée or fiue chiues, to the greeat admiration of such as haue
 gathered the same, and not béene acquainted with their nature and
 countrie where they grew. The crokers or saffron men doo vse an
 obseruation a litle before the comming vp of the floure, and sometime
 in the taking vp at Midsummer tide, by opening of the heads to iudge
 of plentie and scarsitie of this commoditie to come. For if they sée
 as it were manie small hairie veines of saffron to be in the middest
 of the bulbe, they pronounce a fruitfull yeare. And to saie truth, at
 the cleauing of ech head, a man shall discerne the saffron by the
 colour, and sée where abouts the chiue will issue out of the root.
 Warme darke nights, swéet dews, fat grounds (chéeflie the chalkie) and
 mistie mornings are verie good for saffron; but frost and cold doo
 kill and keepe backe the floure, or else shrinke vp the chiue. And
 thus much haue I thought good to speake of English saffron, which is
 hot in the second and drie in the first degrée, and most plentifull as
 our crokers hold, in that yéere wherein ewes twin most. But as I can
 make no warrantize hereof, so I am otherwise sure, that there is no
 more deceit vsed in anie trade than in saffron. For in the making they
 will grease the papers on the kell with a little candle grease, to
 make the woorst saffron haue so good a colour as the best: afterwards
 also they will sprinkle butter thereon to make the weight better. But
 both these are bewraied, either by a quantitie thereof holden ouer the
 fire in a siluer spoone, or by the softnesse thereof betwéene the fore
 finger and the thumbe; or thirdlie, by the colour thereof in age: for
 if you laie it by farre worse saffron of other countries, the colour
 will bewraie the forgerie by the swartnesse of the chiue, which
 otherwise would excell it, and therevnto being sound, remaine crispe,
 brickle, and drie: and finallie, if it be holden néere the face, will
 strike a certeine biting heat vpon the skin and eies, whereby it is
 adiudged good and merchant ware indéed among the skilfull crokers.

 Now if it please you to heare of anie of the vertues thereof, I will
 note these insuing at the request of one, who required me to touch a
 few of them with whatsoeuer breuitie I listed. Therefore our saffron
 (beside the manifold vse that it hath in the kitchin and pastrie, also
 in our cakes at bridals, and thanksgiuings of women) is verie
 profitably mingled with those medicins which we take for the diseases
 of the breast, of the lungs, of the liuer, and of the bladder: it is
 good also for the stomach if you take it in meat, for it comforteth
 the same and maketh good digestion: being sodden also in wine, it not
 onelie kéepeth a man from droonkennesse, but incorageth also vnto
 procreation of issue. If you drinke it in sweet wine, it inlargeth the
 breath, and is good for those that are troubled with the tisike and
 shortnesse of the wind: mingled with the milke of a woman, and laied
 vpon the eies, it staieth such humors as descend into the same, and
 taketh awaie the red wheales and pearles that oft grow about them: it
 killeth moths if it be sowed in paper bags verie thin, and laid vp in
 presses amongst tapistrie or apparell: also it is verie profitablie
 laid vnto all inflammations, painefull aposthumes, and the shingles;
 and dooth no small ease vnto deafnes, if it be mingled with such
 medicins as are beneficiall vnto the eares: it is of great vse also in
 ripening of botches and all swellings procéeding of raw humors. Or if
 it shall please you to drinke the root thereof with maluesie, it will
 maruellouslie prouoke vrine, dissolue and expell grauell, and yéeld no
 small ease to them that make their water by dropmeales. Finallie,
 thrée drams thereof taken at once, which is about the weight of one
 shilling nine pence halfepenie, is deadlie poison; as Dioscorides
 dooth affirme: and droonke in wine (saith Platina) lib. 3. cap. 13.
 "De honesta voluptate," dooth hast on droonkennesse, which is verie
 true. And I haue knowne some, that by eating onelie of bread more than
 of custome streined with saffron, haue become like droonken men, & yet
 otherwise well known to be but competent drinkers. For further
 confirmation of this also, if a man doo but open and ransake a bag of
 one hundred or two hundred weight, as merchants doo when they buie it
 of the crokers, it will strike such an aire into their heads which
 deale withall, that for a time they shall be giddie and sicke (I meane
 for two or three houres space) their noses and eies in like sort will
 yéeld such plentie of rheumatike water, that they shall be the better
 for it long after, especiallie their eiesight, which is woonderfullie
 clarified by this meanes: howbeit some merchants not liking of this
 physike, muffle themselues as women doo when they ride, and put on
 spectacles set in leather, which dooth in some measure (but not for
 altogither) put by the force thereof. There groweth some saffron in
 manie places of Almaine, and also about Vienna in Austria, which later
 is taken for the best that springeth in those quarters. In steed of
 this some doo vse the Carthamus, called amongst vs bastard saffron,
 but neither is this of anie value, nor the other in any wise
 comparable vnto ours. Whereof let this suffice as of a commoditie
 brought into this Iland in the time of Edward 3. and not commonlie
 planted till Richard 2. did reigne. It would grow verie well (as I
 take it) about the Chiltern hils, & in all the vale of the White
 horsse so well as in Walden and Cambridgeshire, if they were carefull
 of it. I heare of some also to be cherished alreadie in
 Glocestershire, and certeine other places westward. But of the
 finenesse and tincture of the chiue, I heare not as yet of anie
 triall. Would to God that my countriemen had beene heretofore (or were
 now) more carefull of this commoditie! then would it no doubt haue
 prooued more beneficiall to our Iland than our cloth or wooll. But
 alas! so idle are we, and heretofore so much giuen to ease, by reason
 of the smalnesse of our rents, that few men regard to search out which
 are their best commodities. But if landlords hold on to raise the
 rents of their farms as they begin, they will inforce their tenants to
 looke better vnto their gains, and scratch out their rent from vnder
 euerie clod that may be turned aside. The greatest mart for saffron is
 at Aquila in Abruzo, where they haue an especiall weight for the same
 of ten pounds lesse in the hundred than that of Florens and Luke: but
 how it agréeth with ours it shall appéere hereafter.




 OF QUARRIES OF STONE FOR BUILDING.

 CHAP. IX.


 Quarries with vs are pits or mines, out of which we dig our stone to
 build withall, & of these as we haue great plentie in England, so are
 they of diuerse sorts, and those verie profitable for sundrie
 necessarie vses. In times past the vse of stone was in maner dedicated
 to the building of churches, religious houses, princely palaces,
 bishops manours, and holds onlie: but now that scrupulous obseruation
 is altogither infringed, and building with stone so commonlie taken
 vp, that amongst noble men & gentlemen, the timber frames are supposed
 to be not much better than paper worke, of little continuance, and
 least continuance of all. It farre passeth my cunning to set downe how
 manie sorts of stone for building are to be found in England, but much
 further to call each of them by their proper names. Howbeit, such is
 the curiositie of our countrimen, that notwithstanding almightie God
 hath so blessed our realme in most plentifull maner, with such and so
 manie quarries apt and meet for piles of longest continuance, yet we
 as lothsome of this abundance, or not liking of the plentie, doo
 commonlie leaue these naturall gifts to mould and cinder in the
 ground, and take vp an artificiall bricke, in burning whereof a great
 part of the wood of this land is dailie consumed and spent, to the no
 small decaie of that commoditie, and hinderance of the poore that
 perish oft for cold.

 Our elders haue from time to time, following our naturall vice in
 misliking of our owne commodities at home, and desiring those of other
 countries abroad, most estéemed the cane stone that is brought hither
 out of Normandie: and manie euen in these our daies following the same
 veine, doo couet in their works almost to vse none other. Howbeit
 experience on the one side, and our skilfull masons on the other
 (whose iudgement is nothing inferiour to those of other countries) doo
 affirme, that in the north and south parts of England, and certeine
 other places, there are some quarries, which for hardnesse and beautie
 are equall to the outlandish greet. This maie also be confirmed by the
 kings chappell at Cambridge, the greatest part of the square stone
 wherof was brought thither out of the north. Some commend the veine of
 white frée stone, slate, and méere stone, which is betwéene Pentowen,
 and the blacke head in Cornewall, for verie fine stuffe. Other doo
 speake much of the quarries at Hamden, nine miles from Milberie, and
 pauing stone of Burbecke. For toph stone, not a few allow of the
 quarrie that is at Dreslie, diuerse mislike not of the veines of hard
 stone that are at Oxford, and Burford. One praiseth the free stone at
 Manchester, & Prestburie in Glocestershire; another the quarries of
 the like in Richmont. The third liketh well of the hard stone in Clee
 hill in Shropshire; the fourth of that of Thorowbridge, Welden, and
 Terrinton. Whereby it appeareth that we haue quarries inow, and good
 inough in England, sufficient for vs to build withall, if the péeuish
 contempt of our owne commodities, and delectations to inrich other
 countries, did not catch such foolish hold vpon vs. It is also
 verified (as anie other waie) that all nations haue rather néed of
 England, than England of anie other. And this I thinke may suffice for
 the substance of our works. Now if you haue regard to their ornature,
 how manie mines of sundrie kinds of course & fine marble are there to
 be had in England? But chieflie one in Staffordshire, an other neere
 to the Peke, the third at Vauldrie, the fourth at Snothill (longing to
 the lord Chaindois) the fift at Eglestone, which is of blacke marble,
 spotted with graie or white spots, the sixt not farre from Durham. Of
 white marble also we haue store, and so faire as the Marpesian of
 Paris Ile. But what meane I to go about to recite all, or the most
 excellent? sith these which I haue named alredie are not altogether of
 the best, nor scarselie of anie value in comparison of those, whose
 places of growth are vtterlie vnknowne vnto me, and whereof the blacke
 marble spotted with greene is none of the vilest sort, as maie appeare
 by parcell of the pauement of the lower part of the quire of Paules in
 London, and also in Westminster, where some péeces thereof are yet to
 be séene and marked, if anie will looke for them. If marble will not
 serue, then haue we the finest alabaster that maie elsewhere bée had,
 as about saint Dauids of Wales; also neere to Beau manour, which is
 about foure or fiue miles from Leicester, & taken to be the best,
 although there are diuerse other quarries hereof beyond the Trent, as
 in Yorkeshire, &c: and fullie so good as that, whose names at this
 time are out of my remembrance. What should I talke of the plaister of
 Axholme (for of that which they dig out of the earth in sundrie places
 of Lincolne and Darbishires, wherewith they blanch their houses in
 stead of lime, I speake not) certes it is a fine kind of alabaster.
 But sith it is sold commonlie but after twelue pence the load, we
 iudge it to be but vile and course. For my part I cannot skill of
 stone, yet in my opinion it is not without great vse for plaister of
 paris, and such is the mine of it, that the stones thereof lie in
 flakes one vpon an other like plankes or tables, and vnder the same is
 an excéeding hard stone verie profitable for building, as hath often
 times béene prooued. This is also to be marked further of our plaister
 white and graie, that not contented with the same, as God by the
 quarrie dooth send and yéeld it foorth, we haue now deuised to cast it
 in moulds for windowes and pillers of what forme and fashion we list,
 euen as alabaster it selfe: and with such stuffe sundrie houses in
 Yorkshire are furnished of late. But of what continuance this deuise
 is like to proue, the time to come shall easilie bewraie. In the meane
 time sir Rafe Burcher knight hath put the deuise in practise, and
 affirmeth that six men in six moneths shall trauell in that trade to
 sée greater profit to the owner, than twelue men in six yeares could
 before this tricke was inuented.

 If neither alabaster nor marble doeth suffice, we haue the touchstone,
 called in Latine _Lydius lapis_, shining as glasse, either to match in
 sockets with our pillers of alabaster, or contrariwise: or if it
 please the workeman to ioine pillers of alabaster or touch with
 sockets of brasse, pewter, or copper, we want not also these mettals.
 So that I think no nation can haue more excellent & greater diuersitie
 of stuffe for building, than we maie haue in England, if our selues
 could so like of it. But such alas is our nature, that not our own but
 other mens do most of all delite vs; & for desire of noueltie, we oft
 exchange our finest cloth, corne, tin, and woolles, for halfe penie
 cockhorsses for children, dogs of wax or of chéese, two pennie tabers,
 leaden swords, painted feathers, gewgaws for fooles, dogtricks for
 disards, hawkeswhoods, and such like trumperie, whereby we reape iust
 mockage and reproch in other countries. I might remember here our pits
 for milstones, that are to be had in diuerse places of our countrie,
 as in Angleseie, Kent, also at Queene hope of blew gréet, of no lesse
 value than the Colaine, yea than the French stones: our grindstones
 for hardware men. Our whetstones are no lesse laudable than those of
 Creta & Lacedemonia, albeit we vse no oile with them, as they did in
 those parties, but onelie water, as the Italians and Naxians doo with
 theirs: whereas they that grow in Cilicia must haue both oile and
 water laid vpon them, or else they make no edge. These also are
 diuided either into the hard greet, as the common that shoemakers vse,
 or the soft gréet called hones, to be had among the barbars, and those
 either blacke or white, and the rub or brickle stone which husbandmen
 doo occupie in the whetting of their sithes.

 In like maner slate of sundrie colours is euerie where in maner to be
 had, as is the flint and chalke, the shalder and the peble. Howbeit
 for all this wée must fetch them still from farre, as did the Hull men
 their stones out of Iseland, wherewith they paued their towne for want
 of the like in England: or as sir Thomas Gresham did, when he bought
 the stones in Flanders, wherwith he paued the Burse. But as he will
 answer peraduenture, that he bargained for the whole mould and
 substance of his workemanship in Flanders: so the Hullanders or Hull
 men will saie, how that stockefish is light loding, and therfore they
 did balasse their vessels with these Iseland stones, to keepe them
 from turning ouer in their so tedious a voiage. And thus much brieflie
 of our quarries of stone for building, wherein oftentimes the workemen
 haue found strange things inclosed, I meane liuelie creatures shut vp
 in the hard stones, and liuing there without respiration or breathing,
 as frogs, todes, &c: whereof you shall read more in the chronologie
 following: also in Caius Langius, William of Newburie, Agricola,
 Cornelius of Amsterdam, Bellogius de aquatilibus, Albert the great,
 lib. 19. cap. 9. "De rebus metallicis," and Goropius in Niloscopio,
 pag. 237, &c. Sometime also they find pretious stones (though seldome)
 and some of them perfectlie squared by nature, and much like vnto the
 diamond, found of late in a quarrie of marble at Naples, which was so
 perfectlie pointed, as if all the workemen in the world had
 c[=o]sulted about the performance of that workemanship. I know that
 these reports vnto some will séeme incredible, and therefore I stand
 the longer vpon them; neuerthelesse omitting to speake particularlie
 of such things as happen amongst vs, and rather séeking to confirme
 the same by the like in other countries, I will deliuer a few more
 examples, whereby the truth hereof shall so much the better appeare.
 For in the middest of a stone not long since found at Chius, vpon the
 breaking vp thereof, there was séene _Caput panisci_ inclosed therin,
 very perfectlie formed as the beholders doo remember. How come the
 grains of gold to be so fast inclosed in the stones that are & haue
 béene found in the Spanish Bætis? But this is most maruellous, that a
 most delectable and sweet oile, comparable to the finest balme, or
 oile of spike in smell, was found naturallie included in a stone,
 which could not otherwise be broken but with a smiths hammer. Goropius
 dooth tell of a pearch perfectlie formed to be found in Britaine: but
 [Sidenote: * [_Sic._]]
 as then [*] committed into hard stone, vpon the top of a crag.
 Aristotle and Theophrast speake of fishes digged out of the earth,
 farre from the sea in Greece, which Seneca also confirmeth, but with
 addition that they are perillous to be eaten. In pope Martins time, a
 serpent was found fast inclosed in a rocke, as the kernell is within
 the nut, so that no aire could come to it: and in my time another in a
 coffin of stone at Auignion, wherein, a man had béene buried, which so
 filled the roome, and laie so close from aire, that all men woondered
 how it was possible for the same to liue and continue so long time
 there. Finallie I my selfe haue séene stones opened, and within them
 the substances of corrupted wormes like vnto adders (but far shorter)
 whose crests and wrinkles of bodie appeared also therein, as if they
 had bene ingraued in the stones by art and industrie of man. Wherefore
 to affirme; that as well liuing creatures, as pretious stones, gold,
 &c: are now and then found in our quarries, shall not hereafter be a
 thing so incredible as manie talking philosophers, void, of all
 experience, doo affirme, and wilfullie mainteine against such as hold
 the contrarie.




 ON SUNDRIE MINERALS.

 CHAP. X.


 With how great benefits this Iland of ours hath béene indued from the
 beginning, I hope there is no godlie man but will readilie confesse,
 and yéeld vnto the Lord God his due honour for the same. For we are
 blessed euerie waie, & there is no temporall commoditie necessarie to
 be had or craued by anie nation at Gods hand, that he hath not in most
 aboundant maner bestowed vpon vs Englishmen, if we could sée to vse
 it, & be thankefull for the same. But alas (as I said in the chapter
 precedent) we loue to inrich them that care not for vs, but for our
 great commodities: and one trifling toie not woorth the cariage,
 c[=o]ming (as the prouerbe saith) in thrée ships from beyond the sea
 is more woorth with vs, than a right good iewell, easie to be had at
 home. They haue also the cast to teach vs to neglect our owne things,
 for if they see that we begin to make anie account of our commodities
 (if it be so that they haue also the like in their owne countries)
 they will suddenlie abase the same to so low a price, that our gaine
 not being woorthie our trauell, and the same commoditie with lesse
 cost readie to be had at home from other countries (though but for a
 while) it causeth vs to giue ouer our indeuours, and as it were by and
 by to forget the matter wherabout we went before, to obteine them at
 their hands. And this is the onelie cause wherefore our commodities
 are oft so little estéemed of. Some of them can saie without anie
 teacher, that they will buie the case of a fox of an Englishman for a
 groat, and make him afterward giue twelue pence for the taile. Would
 to God we might once wax wiser, and each one indeuor that the
 common-wealth of England may flourish againe in hir old rate, and that
 our commodities may be fullie wrought at home (as cloth if you will
 for an example) and not caried out to be shorne and dressed abroad,
 while our clothworkers here doo starue and beg their bread, and for
 lacke of dailie practise vtterlie neglect to be skilfull in this
 science! But to my purpose.

 We haue in England great plentie of quicke siluer, antimonie, sulphur,
 blacke lead, and orpiment red and yellow. We haue also the finest
 [Sidenote: The lord Mountioy.]
 alume (wherein the diligence of one of the greatest fauourers of the
 common-wealth of England of a subiect hath béene of late egregiouslie
 abused, and euen almost with barbarous inciuilitie) & of no lesse
 force against fire, if it were vsed in our parietings than that of
 Lipara, which onlie was in vse somtime amongst the Asians & Romans, &
 wherof Sylla had such triall that when he meant to haue burned a tower
 of wood erected by Archelaus the lieutenant of Mithridates, he could
 by no meanes set it on fire in a long time, bicause it was washed ouer
 with alume, as were also the gates of the temple of Jerusalem with
 like effect, and perceiued when Titus commanded fire to be put vnto
 the same. Beside this we haue also the naturall cinnabarum or
 vermilion, the sulphurous glebe called bitumen in old time for morter,
 and yet burned in lamps where oile is scant and geason: the
 chrysocolla, coperis, and minerall stone, whereof petriolum is made,
 and that which is most strange the minerall pearle, which as they are
 for greatnesse and colour most excellent of all other, so are they
 digged out of the maine land, and in sundrie places far distant from
 the shore. Certes the westerne part of the land hath in times past
 greatlie abounded with these and manie other rare and excellent
 commodities, but now they are washed awaie by the violence of the sea,
 which hath deuoured the greatest part of Cornewall and Deuonshire on
 either side: and it dooth appéere yet by good record, that whereas now
 there is a great distance betweene the Syllan Iles and point of the
 lands end, there was of late yeares to speke of scarselie a brooke or
 draine of one fadam water betwéene them, if so much, as by those
 euidences appeereth, and are yet to be séene in the hands of the lord
 and chiefe owner of those Iles. But to procéed.

 Of colemines we haue such plentie in the north and westerne parts of
 our Iland, as may suffice for all the realme of England: and so must
 they doo hereafter in deed, if wood be not better cherrished than it
 is at this present. And to saie the truth, notwithstanding that verie
 manie of them are caried into other countries of the maine, yet their
 greatest trade beginneth now to grow from the forge into the kitchin
 and hall, as may appéere alreadie in most cities and townes that lie
 about the coast, where they haue but little other fewell, except it be
 turffe and hassocke. I maruell not a little that there is no trade of
 these into Sussex and Southampton shire, for want whereof the smiths
 doo worke their iron with charcoale. I thinke that far carriage be the
 onelie cause, which is but a slender excuse to inforce vs to carrie
 them vnto the maine from hence.

 Beside our colemines we haue pits in like sort of white plaster, and
 of fat and white and other  marle, wherewith in manie places
 the inhabitors doo compest their soile, and which dooth benefit their
 land in ample maner for manie yeares to come. We haue saltpeter for
 our ordinance, and salt soda for our glasse, & thereto in one place a
 kind of earth (in Southerie as I weene hard by Codington, and sometime
 in the tenure of one Croxton of London) which is so fine to make
 moulds for goldsmiths and casters of mettall, that a load of it was
 woorth fiue shillings thirtie yeares agone: none such againe they saie
 in England. But whether there be or not, let vs not be vnthankefull to
 God for these and other his benefits bestowed vpon vs, whereby he
 sheweth himselfe a louing and mercifull father vnto vs, which
 contrariewise returne vnto him in lieu of humilitie and obedience,
 nothing but wickednesse, auarice, meere contempt of his will, pride,
 excesse, atheisme, and no lesse than Iewish ingratitude.




 OF METTALS TO BE HAD IN OUR LAND.

 CHAP. XI.


 All mettals receiue their beginning of quicksiluer and sulphur, which
 are as mother and father to them. And such is the purpose of nature in
 their generations: that she tendeth alwaies to the procreation of
 gold, neuerthelesse she sildome reacheth vnto that hir end, bicause of
 the vnequall mixture and proportion of these two in the substance
 ingendered, whereby impediment and corruption is induced, which as it
 is more or lesse, dooth shew it selfe in the mettall that is
 producted. First of all therefore the substance of sulphur and
 quicksiluer being mixed in due proportion, after long and temperate
 decoction in the bowels of the earth, orderlie ingrossed and fixed,
 becommeth gold, which Encelius dooth call the sunne and right heire of
 nature: but if it swarue but a little (saith he) in the commixtion and
 other circumstances, then dooth it product siluer the daughter, not so
 noble a child as gold hir brother, which among mettall is worthilie
 called the cheefe. Contrariwise, the substances of the aforesaid
 parents mixed without proportion, and lesse digested and fixed in the
 entrailes of the earth, whereby the radicall moisture becommeth
 combustible and not of force to indure heat and hammer, dooth either
 turne into tin, lead, copper, or iron, which were the first mettals
 knowne in time past vnto antiquitie, although that in these daies
 there are diuerse other, whereof neither they nor our alchumists had
 euer anie knowledge. Of these therfore which are reputed among the
 third sort, we here in England haue our parts, and as I call them to
 mind, so will I intreat of them, and with such breuitie as may serue
 [Sidenote: Gold.]
 [Sidenote: Siluer.]
 the turne, and yet not altogither omit to saie somewhat of gold and
 siluer also, bicause I find by good experience how it was not said of
 old time without great reason, that all countries haue need of
 Britaine, and Britaine it selfe of none. For truelie if a man regard
 such necessities as nature onelie requireth, there is no nation vnder
 the sunne, that can saie so much as ours: sith we doo want none that
 are conuenient for vs. Wherefore if it be a benefit to haue anie gold
 at all, we are not void of some, neither likewise of siluer:
 whatsoeuer Cicero affirmeth to the contrarie, Lib. 4. ad Atticum epi.
 16. in whose time they were not found, "Britannici belli exitus (saith
 he) expectatur, constat enim aditus insulæ esse munitos mirificis
 molibus: etiam illud iam cognitum est, neque argenti scrupulum esse
 vllum in illa insula, neque vllam spem prædæ nisi ex mancipijs, ex
 quibus nullos puto te litteris aut musicis eruditos expectare." And
 albeit that we haue no such abundance of these (as some other
 countries doo yéeld) yet haue my rich countrimen store inough of both
 in their pursses, where in time past they were woont to haue least,
 bicause the garnishing of our churches, tabernacles, images, shrines
 and apparell of the préests consumed the greatest part, as experience
 hath confirmed.

 Of late my countriemen haue found out I wot not what voiage into the
 west Indies, from whence they haue brought some gold, whereby our
 countrie is inriched: but of all that euer aduentured into those
 parts, none haue sped better than sir Francis Drake whose successe
 1582 hath far passed euen his owne expectation. One Iohn Frobisher in
 like maner attempting to séeke out a shorter cut by the northerlie
 regions into the peaceable sea and kingdome of Cathaie, happened 1577
 vpon certeine Ilands by the waie, wherein great plentie of much gold
 appeared, and so much that some letted not to giue out for certeintie,
 that Salomon had his gold from thence, wherewith he builded the
 temple. This golden shew made him so desirous also of like successe,
 that he left off his former voiage, & returned home to bring news of
 such things as he had seene. But when after another voiage it was
 found to be but drosse, he gaue ouer both the enterprises, and now
 keepeth home without anie desire at all to séeke into farre countries.
 In truth, such was the plentie of ore there séene and to be had, that
 if it had holden perfect, might haue furnished all the world with
 abundance of that mettall; the iorneie also was short and performed in
 foure or fiue moneths, which was a notable incouragement. But to
 proceed.

 [Sidenote: Tin.]
 [Sidenote: Lead.]
 Tin and lead, mettals which Strabo noteth in his time to be carried
 vnto Marsilis from hence, as Diodorus also confirmeth, are verie
 plentifull with vs, the one in Cornewall, Deuonshire (& else-where in
 the north) the other in Darbishire, Weredale, and sundrie places of
 this Iland; whereby my countriemen doo reape no small commoditie, but
 especiallie our pewterers, who in time past imploied the vse of pewter
 onelie vpon dishes, pots, and a few other trifles for seruice here at
 home, whereas now they are growne vnto such exquisit cunning, that
 they can in maner imitate by infusion anie forme or fashion of cup,
 dish, salt, bowle, or goblet, which is made by goldsmiths craft,
 though they be neuer so curious, exquisite, and artificiallie forged.
 Such furniture of houshold of this mettall, as we commonlie call by
 the name of vessell, is sold vsuallie by the garnish, which dooth
 conteine twelue platters, twelue dishes, twelue saucers, and those are
 either of siluer fashion, or else with brode or narrow brims, and
 bought by the pound, which is now valued at six or seuen pence, or
 peraduenture at eight pence. Of porringers, pots, and other like I
 speake not, albeit that in the making of all these things there is
 such exquisite diligence vsed, I meane for the mixture of the mettall
 and true making of this commoditie (by reason of sharpe laws prouided
 in that behalfe) as the like is not to be found in any other trade. I
 haue béene also informed that it consisteth of a composition, which
 hath thirtie pounds of kettle brasse to a thousand pounds of tin,
 whervnto they ad thrée or foure pounds of tinglasse: but as too much
 of this dooth make the stuffe brickle, so the more the brasse be, the
 better is the pewter, and more profitable vnto him that dooth buie and
 purchase the same. But to proceed.

 In some places beyond the sea a garnish of good flat English pewter of
 an ordinarie making (I saie flat, bicause dishes and platters in my
 time begin to be made déepe like basons, and are indéed more
 conuenient both for sawce, broth, and kéeping the meat warme) is
 estéemed almost so pretious, as the like number of vessels that are
 made of fine siluer, and in maner no lesse desired amongst the great
 estates, whose workmen are nothing so skilfull in that trade as ours,
 neither their mettall so good, nor plentie so great, as we haue here
 in England. The Romans made excellent looking glasses of our English
 tin, howbeit our workemen were not then so exquisite in that feat as
 the Brundusiens: wherefore the wrought mettall was carried ouer vnto
 them by waie of merchandize, and verie highlie were those glasses
 estéemed of till siluer came generallie in place, which in the end
 brought the tin into such contempt, that in manner euerie dishwasher
 refused to looke in other than siluer glasses for the attiring of hir
 head. Howbeit the making of siluer glasses had béene in vse before
 Britaine was knowne vnto the Romans, for I read that one Praxiteles
 deuised them in the yoong time of Pompeie, which was before the
 comming of Cæsar into this Iland.

 There were mines of lead sometimes also in Wales, which indured so
 long till the people had consumed all their wood by melting of the
 same (as they did also at Comeristwith six miles from Stradfleur) and
 I suppose that in Plinies time the abundance of lead (whereof he
 speaketh) was to be found in those parts, in the seauentéenth of his
 thirtie fourth booke: also he affirmeth that it laie in the verie
 swart of the earth, and dailie gotten in such plentie, that the Romans
 made a restraint of the cariage thereof to Rome, limiting how much
 should yearelie be wrought and transported ouer the sea. And here by
 the waie it is worthie to be noted, of a crow which a miner of tin,
 dwelling néere Comeristwith (as Leland saith) had made so tame, that
 it would dailie flie and follow him to his worke and other places
 where soeuer he happened to trauell. This labourer working on a time
 in the bottome or vallie, where the first mine was knowne to be, did
 laie his pursse and girdle by him, as men commonlie doo that addresse
 themselues to applie their businesse earnestlie, and he himselfe also
 had vsed from time to time before. The crow likewise was verie busie
 flittering about him, and so much molested him, that he waxed angrie
 with the bird, & in his furie threatened to wring off his necke, if he
 might once get him into his hands; to be short, in the end the crow,
 hastilie caught vp his girdle and pursse, and made awaie withall so
 fast as hir wings could carrie hir. Héerevpon the poore man falling
 into great agonie (for he feared to lose peraduenture all his monie)
 threw downe his mattocke at aduenture and ran after the bird, curssing
 and menacing that he should lose his life if euer he got him againe:
 but as it fell out, the crow was the means whereby his life was saued,
 for he had not béene long out of the mine, yer it fell downe and
 killed all his fellowes. If I should take vpon me to discourse and
 search out the cause of the thus dealing of this bird at large, I
 should peraduenture set my selfe further into the briers than well
 find which waie to come out againe: yet am I persuaded, that the crow
 was Gods instrument herein, wherby the life of this poore labourer was
 preserued. It was doone also in an other order than that which I read
 of another tame crow, kept vp by a shoomaker of Dutch land in his shop
 or stoue: who séeing the same to sit vpon the pearch among his shoone,
 verie heauilie and drousie, said vnto the bird: What aileth my iacke,
 whie art thou sad and pensiue? The crow hearing his maister speake
 after this sort vnto him, answered (or else the diuell within him) out
 of the psalter: "Cogitaui dies antiquos & æternos in mente habui." But
 whither am I digressed, from lead vnto crowes, & from crowes vnto
 diuels? Certes it is now high time to returne vnto our mettals, and
 resume the tractation of such things as I had earst in hand.

 [Sidenote: Iron.]
 Iron is found in manie places, as in Sussex, Kent, Weredale, Mendip,
 Walshall, as also in Shropshire, but chéeflie in the woods betwixt
 Beluos and Willocke or Wicberie néere Manchester, and elsewhere in
 Wales. Of which mines diuerse doo bring foorth so fine and good
 stuffe, as anie that commeth from beyond the sea, beside the infinit
 gaines to the owners, if we would so accept it, or bestow a little
 more cost in the refining of it. It is also of such toughnesse, that
 it yéeldeth to the making of claricord wire in some places of the
 realme. Neuerthelesse, it was better cheape with vs when strangers
 onelie brought it hither: for it is our qualitie when we get anie
 commoditie, to vse it with extremitie towards our owne nation, after
 we haue once found the meanes to shut out forreners from the bringing
 in of the like. It breedeth in like manner great expense and waste of
 wood, as dooth the making of our pots and table vessell of glasse,
 wherein is much losse sith it is so quicklie broken; and yet (as I
 thinke) easie to be made tougher, if our alchumists could once find
 the true birth or production of the red man, whose mixture would
 induce a metallicall toughnesse vnto it, whereby it should abide the
 hammer.

 [Sidenote: Copper.]
 Copper is latelie not found, but rather restored againe to light. For
 I haue read of copper to haue béene heretofore gotten in our Iland;
 howbeit as strangers haue most commonly the gouernance of our mines,
 so they hitherto make small gains of this in hand in the north parts:
 for (as I am informed) the profit dooth verie hardlie counteruaile the
 charges; whereat wise men doo not a litle maruell, considering the
 abundance which that mine dooth séeme to offer, and as it were at
 hand. Leland our countrieman noteth sundrie great likelihoods of
 naturall copper mines to be eastwards, as betwéene Dudman and
 Trewardth in the sea cliffes, beside other places, whereof diuerse are
 noted here and there in sundrie places of this booke alreadie, and
 therefore it shall be but in vaine to repeat them here againe: as for
 that which is gotten out of the marchasite, I speake not of it, sith
 it is not incident to my purpose. In Dorsetshire also a copper mine
 latelie found is brought to good perfection.

 [Sidenote: Stéele.]
 As for our stéele, it is not so good for edge-tooles as that of
 Colaine, and yet the one is often sold for the other, and like tale
 vsed in both, that is to saie, thirtie gads to the sheffe, and twelue
 sheffes to the burden. Our alchumie is artificiall, and thereof our
 spoones and some salts are commonlie made, and preferred before our
 pewter with some, albeit in truth it be much subiect to corruption,
 putrifaction, more heauie and foule to handle than our pewter; yet
 some ignorant persons affirme it to be a mettall more naturall, and
 the verie same which Encelius calleth _Plumbum cinereum_, the Germans,
 wisemute, mithan, & counterfeie, adding, that where it groweth, siluer
 can not be farre off. Neuerthelesse it is knowne to be a mixture of
 brasse, lead, and tin (of which this latter occupieth the one halfe)
 but after another proportion than is vsed in pewter. But alas I am
 persuaded that neither the old Arabians, nor new alchumists of our
 time did euer heare of it, albeit that the name thereof doo séeme to
 come out of their forge. For the common sort indeed doo call it
 alchumie, an vnwholsome mettall (God wot) and woorthie to be banished
 and driuen out of the land. And thus I conclude with this discourse,
 as hauing no more to saie of the mettals of my countrie, except I
 should talke of brasse, bell mettall, and such as are brought ouer for
 merchandize from other countries: and yet I can not but saie that
 there is some brasse found also in England, but so small is the
 quantitie, that it is not greatlie to be estéemed or accounted of.




 OF PRETIOUS STONES.

 CHAP. XII.


 The old writers remember few other stones of estimation to be found in
 [sidenote: Geat.]
 this Iland than that which we call geat, and they in Latine _Gagaies_:
 wherevnto furthermore they ascribe sundrie properties, as vsuallie
 [Sidenote: Laon.]
 [Sidenote: Chalchondile.]
 practised here in times past, whereof none of our writers doo make
 anie mention at all. Howbeit whatsoeuer it hath pleased a number of
 strangers (vpon false surmise) to write of the vsages of this our
 countrie, about the triall of the virginitie of our maidens by
 drinking the powder hereof against the time of their bestowing in
 mariage: certeine it is that euen to this daie there is some plentie
 to be had of this commoditie in Darbishire and about Barwike, whereof
 rings, salts, small cups, and sundrie trifling toies are made,
 although that in manie mens opinions nothing so fine as that which is
 brought ouer by merchants dailie from the maine. But as these men are
 drowned with the common errour conceiued of our nation, so I am sure
 that in discerning the price and value of things, no man now liuing
 can go beyond the iudgement of the old Romans, who preferred the geat
 of Britaine before the like stones bred about Luke and all other
 countries wheresoeuer. Marbodeus Gallus also writing of the same among
 other of estimation, saith thus:

   Nascitur in Lycia lapis & propè gemma Gagates,
   Sed genus eximium fæcunda Britannia mittit,
   Lucidus & niger est, leuis & leuissimus idem,
   Vicinas paleas trahit attritu calefactus,
   Ardet aqua lotus, restinguitur vnctus oliuo.

 The Germane writers confound it with amber as it were a kind therof:
 but as I regard not their iudgement in this point, so I read that it
 taketh name of Gagas a citie and riuer in Silicia, where it groweth in
 plentifull maner, as Dioscorides saith. Nicander in Theriaca calleth
 it Engangin and Gangitin, of the plentie thereof that is found in the
 place aforesaid, which he calleth Ganges, and where they haue great
 vse of it in driuing awaie of serpents by the onelie perfume thereof.
 Charles the fourth emperour of that name glased the church withall
 that standeth at the fall of Tangra, but I cannot imagine what light
 should enter therby. The writers also diuide this stone into fiue
 kinds, of which the one is in colour like vnto lion tawnie, another
 straked with white veines, the third with yellow lines, the fourth is
 garled with diuerse colours, among which some are like drops of bloud
 (but those come out of Inde) and the fift shining blacke as anie
 rauens feather.

 Moreouer, as geat was one of the first stones of this Ile, whereof
 anie forren account was made, so our pearles also did match with it in
 renowme; in so much that the onelie desire of them caused Cæsar to
 aduenture hither, after he had séene the quantities and heard of our
 plentie of them, while he abode in France, and whereof he made a
 taberd which he offered vp in Rome to Venus, where it hoong long after
 as a rich and notable oblation and testimonie of the riches of our
 countrie. Certes they are to be found in these our daies, and thereto
 of diuerse colours, in no lesse numbers than euer they were in old
 time. Yet are they not now so much desired bicause of their smalnesse,
 and also for other causes, but especiallie sith churchworke, as copes,
 vestments, albes, tunicles, altarclothes, canopies, and such trash,
 are worthilie abolished; vpon which our countrimen superstitiously
 bestowed no small quantities of them. For I thinke there were few
 churches or religious houses, besides bishops miters, bookes and other
 pontificall vestures, but were either throughlie fretted, or notablie
 garnished with huge numbers of them. Marbodeus likewise speaking of
 pearles, commendeth them after this maner:

   Gignit & insignes antiqua Britannia baccas, &c.

 Marcellinus also Lib. 23, "in ipso fine," speaketh of our pearls and
 their generation, but he preferreth greatlie those of Persia before
 them, which to me dooth séeme vnequallie doone. But as the British
 geat or orient pearle were in old time estéemed aboue those of other
 countries; so time hath since the conquest of the Romans reuealed
 manie other: insomuch that at this season there are found in England
 the Aetites (in English called the ernestone, but for erne some
 pronounce eagle) and the hematite or bloodstone, and these verie pure
 and excellent: also the calcedonie, the porphyrite, the christall, and
 those other which we call calaminares and speculares, besides a kind
 of diamond or adamant, which although it be verie faire to sight, is
 yet much softer (as most are that are found & bred toward the north)
 than those that are brought hither out of other countries. We haue
 also vpon our coast the white corall, nothing inferiour to that which
 is found beyond the sea in the albe, néere to the fall of Tangra, or
 to the red and blacke, whereof Dioscorides intreateth, Lib. 5. cap. 8.
 We haue in like sort sundrie other stones dailie found in cliffes and
 rocks (beside the load stone which is oftentimes taken vp out of our
 mines of iron) whereof such as find them haue either no knowledge at
 all, or else doo make but small account, being seduced by outlandish
 lapidaries, whereof the most part discourage vs from the searching and
 séeking out of our owne commodities, to the end that they maie haue
 the more frée vtterance of their naturall and artificiall wares,
 whereby they get great gaines amongst such as haue no skill.

 [Sidenote: Triall of a stone.]
 I haue heard that the best triall of a stone is to laie it on the
 naile of the thombe, and so to go abroad into the cleare light, where
 if the colour hold in all places a like, the stone is thought to be
 naturall and good: but if it alter, especiallie toward the naile, then
 is it not sound, but rather to be taken for an artificiall péece of
 practise. If this be true it is an experiment woorthie the noting.
 [Sidenote: Lib. 7.]
 Cardan also hath it in his "De subtilitate;" if not, I haue read more
 lies than this, as one for example out of Cato, who saieth, that a cup
 of iuie will hold no wine at all. I haue made some vessels of the same
 wood, which refuse no kind of liquor, and therefore I suppose that
 there is no such _Antipathia_ betweene wine and our iuie, as some of
 our reading philosophers (without all maner of practise) will seeme to
 infer amongst vs: and yet I denie not but the iuie of Gréece or Italie
 may haue such a propertie; but why should not the iuie then of France
 somewhat participat withall in the like effect, which groweth in an
 hotter soile than ours is? For as Baptista porta saith, it holdeth not
 also in the French iuie, wherfore I can not beléeue that it hath anie
 such qualitie at all as Cato ascribeth vnto it. What should I say more
 of stones? Trulie I can not tell, sith I haue said what I may
 alreadie, and peraduenture more than I thinke necessarie: and that
 causeth me to passe ouer those that are now & then taken out of our
 oisters, todes, muskels, snailes and adders, and likewise such as are
 found vpon sundrie hils in Glocestershire, which haue naturallie such
 sundrie proportions, formes & colours in them, as passe all humane
 possibilitie to imitate, be the workeman neuer so skilfull and
 cunning, also those that are found in the heads of our perches and
 carps much desired of such as haue the stone, & yet of themselues are
 no stones but rather shels or gristles, which in time consume to
 nothing. This yet will I ad, that if those which are found in muskels
 (for I am vtterlie ignorant of the generation of pearls) be good
 pearle in déed, I haue at sundrie times gathered more than an ounce of
 them, of which diuerse haue holes alreadie entered by nature, some of
 them not much inferiour to great peason in quantitie, and thereto of
 sundrie colours, as it happeneth amongst such as are brought from the
 esterlie coast to Saffron Walden in Lent, when for want of flesh,
 stale stinking fish and welked muskels are thought to be good meat;
 for other fish is too déere amongst vs when law dooth bind vs to vse
 it. Sée more for the generation of pearls in the description of
 Scotland, for there you shall be further informed out of Boetius in
 that behalfe. They are called orient, because of the cléerenesse,
 which resembleth the colour of the cléere aire before the rising of
 the sun. They are also sought for in the later end of August, a little
 before which time the swéetnesse of the dew is most conuenient for
 that kind of fish, which dooth ingender and conceiue them, whose forme
 is flat, and much like vnto a lempet. The further north also that they
 be found the brighter is their colour, & their substances of better
 valure, as lapidaries doo giue out.




 OF SALT MADE IN ENGLAND.

 CHAP. XIII.


 There are in England certein welles where salt is made, whereof Leland
 hath written abundantlie in his c[=o]mentaries of Britaine, and whose
 words onlie I will set downe in English as he wrote them, bicause he
 seemeth to haue had diligent consideration of the same, without adding
 anie thing of mine owne to him, except it be where necessitie dooth
 inforce me for the méere aid of the reader, in the vnderstanding of
 his mind. Directing therefore his iournie from Worcester in his
 peregrination and laborious trauell ouer England, he saith thus: From
 Worcester I road to the Wich by inclosed soile, hauing meetlie good
 corne ground, sufficient wood and good pasture, about a six miles off,
 Wich standeth somewhat in a vallie or low ground, betwixt two small
 hils on the left ripe (for so he calleth the banke of euerie brooke
 through out all his English treatises) of a pretie riuer which not far
 beneath the Wich is called Salope brooke. The beautie of the towne in
 maner standeth in one stréet, yet be there manie lanes in the towne
 besides. There is also a meane church in the maine stréet, and once in
 the wéeke an indifferent round market. The towne of it selfe is
 somewhat foule and durtie when anie raine falleth by reason of much
 cariage through the stréets, which are verie ill paued or rather not
 paued at all. The great aduancement also hereof is by making of salt.
 And though the commoditie thereof be singular great, yet the burgesses
 be poore generallie, bicause gentlemen haue for the most part gotten
 the great gaine of it into their hands, whilest the poore burgesses
 [Sidenote: A common plague in all things of anie great commoditie,
 for one beateth the bush but another catcheth the birds,
 as we may sée in bat-fowling.]
 yeeld vnto all the labour. There are at this present time thrée
 hundred salters, and thrée salt springs in the towne of Wich, whereof
 the principall is within a butshoot of the right ripe (or banke) of
 the riuer that there commeth downe: and this spring is double so
 profitable in yéelding of salt liquor, as both the other. Some saie
 (or rather fable) that this salt spring did faile in the time of
 Richard de la Wich bishop of Chichester, and that afterwards by his
 intercession it was restored to the profit of the old course (such is
 the superstition of the people) in remembrance whereof, or
 peraduenture for the zeale which the Wich men and salters did beare
 vnto Richard de la Wich their countriman, they vsed of late times on
 his daie (which commeth once in the yeare) to hang this salt spring or
 well about with tapistrie, and to haue sundrie games, drinkings, and
 foolish reuels at it. But to procéed. There be a great number of salt
 cotes about this well, wherein the salt water is sodden in leads, and
 brought to the perfection of pure white salt. The other two salt
 springs be on the left side of the riuer a pretie waie lower than the
 first, and (as I found) at the verie end of the towne. At these also
 be diuerse fornaces to make salt, but the profit and plentie of these
 two are nothing comparable to the gaine that riseth by the greatest. I
 asked of a salter how manie fornaces they had at all the three
 springs, and he numbred them to eightéene score, that is, thrée
 hundred and sixtie, saieng how euerie one of them paied yearelie six
 shillings and eight pence to the king. The truth is that of old they
 had liberties giuen vnto them for three hundred fornaces or more, and
 therevpon they giue a fee farme (or _Vectigal_) of one hundred pounds
 yearelie. Certes the pension is as it was, but the number of fornaces
 is now increased to foure hundred. There was of late search made for
 another salt spring there abouts, by the meanes of one Newport a
 gentleman dwelling at the Wich, and the place where it was appéereth,
 as dooth also the wood and timber which was set about it, to kéepe vp
 the earth from falling into the same. But this pit was not since
 occupied, whether it were for lacke of plentie of the salt spring, or
 for letting or hindering of the profit of the other three. Me thinke
 that if wood and sale of salt would serue, they might dig and find
 more salt springs about the Wich than thrée, but there is somewhat
 [Sidenote: Priuileges doo somtimes harme.]
 else in the wind. For I heard that of late yeares a salt spring was
 found in an other quarter of Worcestershire, but it grew to be without
 anie vse, sith the Wich men haue such a priuilege, that they alone in
 those quarters shall haue the making of salt. The pits be so set about
 with gutters, that the salt water is easilie turned to euerie mans
 house, and at Nantwich verie manie troughs go ouer the riuer for the
 commoditie of such as dwell on the other side of the same. They séeth
 also their salt water in fornaces of lead, and lade out the salt some
 in cases of wicker, through which the water draineth, and the salt
 remaineth. There be also two or thrée but verie little salt springs at
 Dertwitch, in a low bottome, where salt is sometime made.

 Of late also a mile from Cumbremere abbaie a peece of an hill did
 sinke, and in the same pit rose a spring of salt water, where the
 abbat began to make salt; but the men of the citie compounded with the
 abbat & couent that there should be none made there, whereby the pit
 was suffered to go to losse. And although it yéelded salt water still
 of it selfe, yet it was spoiled at the last and filled vp with filth.
 The Wich men vse the c[=o]moditie of their salt springs in drawing and
 decocting the water of them onlie by six moneths in the yeare, that
 is, from Midsummer to Christmas, as (I gesse) to mainteine the price
 of salt, or for sauing of wood, which I thinke to be their principall
 reason. For making of salt is a great and notable destruction of wood,
 and shall be greater hereafter, except some prouision be made for the
 better increase of firing. The lacke of wood also is alreadie
 perceiued in places néere the Wich, for whereas they vsed to buie and
 take their wood neere vnto their occupiengs, those woonted springs are
 now decaied, and they be inforced to seeke their wood so far as
 Worcester towne, and all the parts about Brenisgraue, Alchirch, and
 Alcester. I asked a salter how much wood he supposed yearelie to be
 spent at these fornaces? and he answered that by estimation there was
 consumed about six thousand load, and it was round pole wood for the
 most, which is easie to be cleft, and handsomelie riuen in péeces. The
 people that are about the fornaces are verie ill , and the
 iust rate of euerie fornace is to make foure loads of salt yearelie,
 and to euerie load goeth fiue or six quarters as they make their
 accounts. If the fornace men make more in one fornace than foure
 loads, it is (as it is said) imploied to their owne auaile. And thus
 much hath Leland left in memorie of our white salt, who in an other
 booke, not now in my hands, hath touched the making also of baie salt
 in some part of our countrie. But sith that booke is deliuered againe
 to the owner, the tractation of baie salt can not be framed in anie
 order, bicause my memorie will not serue to shew the true maner and
 the place. It shall suffice therfore to haue giuen such notice of it,
 to the end the reader may know that aswell the baie as white are
 wrought and made in England, and more white also vpon the west coast
 toward Scotland, in Essex and else where, out of the salt water
 betwéene Wire and Cokermouth, which commonlie is of like price with
 our wheat. Finallie, hauing thus intermedled our artificiall salt with
 our minerals, let vs giue ouer, and go in hand with such mettals as
 are growing here in England.




 OF OUR ACCOMPT OF TIME & HIR PARTS.

 CHAP. XIV.


 As _Libra_ is _As_ or _Assis_ to the Romans for their weight, and the
 foot in standard measure: so in our accompt of the parts of time, we
 take the daie consisting of foure and twentie houres, to be the
 greatest of the least, and least of the greatest, whereby we keepe our
 reckoning: for of the houre (to saie the truth) the most ancient
 Romans, Greeks, nor Hebrues had anie vse; sith they reckoned by
 watches: and whereof also Censorinus cap. 19. sheweth a reason
 wherefore they were neglected. For my part I doo not sée anie great
 difference vsed in the obseruation of time & hir parts, betwéene our
 owne & any other forren nation, wherfore I shall not néed to stand
 long on this matter. Howbeit to the end our exact order herein shall
 appéere vnto all men, I will set downe some short rehearsall thereof,
 and that in so briefe manner as vnto me is possible. As for our
 astronomicall practises, I meane not to meddle with them, sith their
 course is vniformelie obserued, ouer all. Our common order therefore
 is to begin at the minut, which conteineth 1/60 part of an houre, as
 at the smallest part of time knowne vnto the people, notwithstanding
 that in most places they descend no lower than the halfe quarter or
 quarter of the houre; and from whence they procéed vnto the houre, to
 wit, the foure and twentith part of that which we call the common and
 naturall daie, which dooth begin at midnight, and is obserued
 continuallie by clockes, dialles, and astronomicall instruments of all
 sorts. The artificiall varietie of which kind of ware is so great here
 in England, as no place else (in mine opinion) can be comparable
 therein to this Ile. I will not speake of the cost bestowed vpon them
 in perle and stone, neither of the valure of mettall, whereof they
 haue béene made, as gold, siluer, &c: and almost no abbeie or
 religious house without some of them. This onelie shall suffice to
 note here (as by the waie) that as antiquitie hath delighted in these
 things, so in our time pompe and excesse spendeth all, and nothing is
 regarded that bringeth in no bread. Of vnequall or temporall houres or
 daies, our nation hath no regard, and therefore to shew their
 quantities, differences, and diuisions, into the greater and the
 lesser, (whereof the later conteineth one vnequall houre, or the
 rising of halfe a signe, the other of a whole signe, which is in two
 houres space, wherof Marke seemth to speake cap. 15 c 25, as the rest
 of the euangelists (yea and he also ibid. vers. 33) doo of the other,
 Matth. 27 e 45, Luke 23 e 44, John 19 b 14) it should be but in vaine.
 In like sort, wheras the elder Aegyptians, Italians, Bohemians, latter
 Atheniens, and Iews begin their daie at the sun set ouer night; the
 Persians, Babylonians, Grecians, and Noribergians, at the sun rising
 (ech of them accompting their daies and nights by vnequall houres)
 also the elder Atheniens, Arabians, Dutchmen, Vmbers, Hetrurians, and
 Astronomers at high noone, and so reckon from noone to noone: we after
 Hipparchus and the latter Aegyptians, or to speake more properlie,
 imitating the Roman maner vsed in the church there of long time,
 choose the verie point of midnight; from whence we accompt twelue
 equall houres vnto middaie insuing, and other twelue againe vnto the
 aforesaid point, according to these verses;

   Manè diem Græca gens incipit astra sequentes
   In medio lucis Iudæis vespere sancta,
   Inchoat ecclesia media sua tempora nocte.

 And this is our generall order for the naturall daie. Of the
 artificiall we make so farre accompt, as that we reckon it daie when
 the sun is vp, and night when the sun leaueth our horizon. Otherwise
 also we diuide it into two parts, that is to saie, fore noone and
 after noone, not regarding the ruddie, shining, burning and warming
 seasons (of thrée vnequall houres a péece, which others séeme to
 diuide into spring time, summer, autumne, and winter, in like curious
 manner) and whereof I read these verses:

   Solis equi lucis dicuntur quatuor horæ,
   Hæc rubet, hæc splendet, hæc calet, illa tepet.

 Indéed our physicians haue another partition of the daie, as men of no
 lesse learning no doubt than the best of forren countries, if we could
 so conceiue of them. And herein they concurre also with those of other
 nations, who for distinction in regiment of our humors, diuide the
 artificiall daie and night in such wise as these verses doo import,
 and are indéed a generall rule which ech of them doth follow:

   Tres lucis primas, noctis tres sanguinis imas,
   Vis choleræ medias lucis sex vendicat horas.
   Dátque melam primas noctis, tres lucis & imas,
   Centrales ponas sex noctis phlegmatis horas.

 Or thus, as Tansteter hath giuen them foorth in his prelections:

   A nona noctis donec sit tertia lucis,
   Est dominus sanguis, sex inde sequentibus horis
   Est dominans cholera, dum lucis nona sit hora
   Post niger humid inest donec sit tertia noctis,
   Posthæc phlegma venit, donec sit nona quietis.

 _In English thus in effect_:

   Three houres yer sun doo rise,
       and so manie after, blud,
   From nine to three at after noone,
       hot choler beares the swaie,
   Euen so to nine at night,
       swart choler hath to rule,
   As phlegme from thence to three at morne;
       six houres ech one I saie.

 [Sidenote: Night.]
 [Sidenote: Vesper.]
 In like sort for the night we haue none other parts than the twilight,
 darkenight, midnight, and cocks crowing: wheras the Latins diuide the
 same into 7 parts, as _Vesper_ or _Vesperugo_, as Plautus calleth it,
 as Virgil vseth the word _Hesper_ the euening, which is immediatlie
 [Sidenote: Crepsuculum.]
 after the setting of the sun. _Crepusculum_ the twilight (which some
 call _Prima fax_, because men begin then to light candles) when it is
 betwéene daie and night, light and darkenesse, or properlie neither
 [Sidenote: Concubium.]
 daie nor night. _Concubium_ the still of the night, when ech one is
 laid to rest.

 [Sidenote: Intempestum.]
 _Intempestum_, the dull or dead of the night, which is midnight, when
 [Sidenote: Gallicinium.]
 [Sidenote: Conticinium.]
 [Sidenote: Matutinum.]
 [Sidenote: Diluculum.]
 men be in their first or dead sléepe. _Gallicinium_, the cocks
 crowing. _Conticinium_, when the cocks haue left crowing. _Matutinum_,
 the breach of the daie, and _Diluculum siue aurora_, the ruddie,
 orenge, golden or shining colour, séene immediatlie before the rising
 of the sun, and is opposite to the euening, as _Matutinum_ is to the
 twilight.

 [Sidenote: Watches.]
 Other there are which doo reckon by watches, diuiding the night after
 sun setting into foure equall parts. Of which the first beginneth at
 euening called the first watch, and continueth by thrée vnequall
 houres, and so foorth vntill the end of the ninth houre, whereat the
 fourth watch entreth, which is called the morning watch, bicause it
 concurreth partlie with the darke night, and partlie with the morning
 and breach of the daie before the rising of the sun.

 [Sidenote: Houre.]
 As for the originall of the word houre, it is verie ancient; but yet
 not so old as that of the watch, wherof we shall read abundantlie in
 the scriptures, which was deuised first among souldiors for their
 better safegard and change of watchmen in their camps; the like
 whereof is almost vsed among our seafaring men, which they call
 clearing of the glasse, and performed from time to time with great
 héed and some solemnitie. Herevnto the word _Hora_ among the Grecians
 signified so well the foure quarters of the yéere, as the foure and
 twentith part of the daie, and limits of anie forme. But what stand I
 vpon these things to let my purpose staie? To procéed therefore.

 [Sidenote: Wéeke.]
 Of naturall daies is the wéeke compacted, which consisteth of seauen
 of them, the fridaie being commonlie called among the vulgar sort
 either king or worling, bicause it is either the fairest or foulest of
 the seauen: albeit that I cannot ghesse of anie reason whie they
 should so imagine. The first of these entreth with mondaie, whereby it
 commeth to passe, that we rest vpon the sundaie, which is the seauenth
 in number, as almightie God hath commanded in his word. The Iews begin
 their wéeke vpon our saturdaie at the setting of the sun: and the
 Turks in these daies with the saturdaie, whereby it commeth to passe,
 that as the Iews make our last daie the first of their wéeke, so the
 Turks make the Iewish sabaoth the beginning of their _Hebdoma_:
 bicause Mahomet their prophet (as they saie) was borne and dead vpon
 the fridaie, and so he was indéed, except their Alcharon deceiue them.
 The Iews doo reckon their daies by their distance from their sabaoth,
 so that the first daie of their wéeke is the first daie of the
 sabaoth, and so foorth vnto the sixt. The Latins and Aegyptians
 accompted their daies after the seauen planets, choosing the same for
 the denominator of the daie, that entreth his regiment with the first
 vnequall houre of the same after the sun be risen. Howbeit, as this
 order is not wholie reteined with vs, so the vse of the same is not
 yet altogither abolished, as may appéere by our sunday, mondaie, and
 saturdaie. The rest were changed by the Saxons, who in remembrance of
 Theut sometime their prince, called the second day of the wéek
 Theutsdach, the third Woden, Othin, Othon, or Edon, or Wodensdach.
 Also of Thor they named the fourth daie Thorsdach, and of Frea wife to
 Woden the fift was called Freadach. Albeit there are (and not amisse
 as I thinke) that suppose them to meane by Thor, Iupiter, by Woden,
 Mercurie, by Frea (or Frigga as Saxo calleth hir) Venus, and finallie
 by Theut, Mars: which if it be so, then it is an easie matter to find
 out the german Mars, Venus, Mercurie, and Iupiter, whereof you may
 read more hereafter in my chronologie. The truth is, that Frea albeit
 that Saxo giueth hir scant a good report, for that she loued one of
 hir husbands men better than himselfe, had seauen sonnes by Woden; the
 first, father to Wecca, of whome descended those that were afterwards
 kings of Kent. Fethelgeta was the second, and of him came the kings of
 Mercia. Baldaie the third, father to the kings of the west Saxons.
 Beldagius the fourth, parent to the kings of Brenicia or
 Northumberland. Weogodach the fift, author of the kings of Deira.
 Caser the sixt race of the east Angle race, & Nascad originall
 burgeant of the kings of Essex. As for the kings of Sussex, although
 they were of the same people, yet were they not of the same streine,
 as our old monuments doo expresse. But to procéed.

 As certeine of our daies suffered this alteration by the Saxons, so in
 [Sidenote: * _Ferias._]
 our churches we reteined for a long time the number of daies or of [*]
 feries from the sabaoth, after the manner of the Iews, I meane vntill
 the seruice after the Romane vse was abolished, which custome was
 first receiued (as some thinke) by pope Syluester, though other saie
 by Constantine; albeit another sort doo affirme, that Syluester caused
 the sundaie onelie to be called the Lords day, and dealt not with the
 rest.

 [Sidenote: Moneth.]
 In like maner of wéekes our moneths are made, which are so called of
 the moone, each one conteining eight and twentie daies, or foure
 wéekes, without anie further curiositie. For we reckon not our time by
 the yeare of the moone, as the Iews, Grecians, or Romans did at the
 first; or as the Turks, Arabians and Persians doo now: neither anie
 parcell thereof by the said planet, as in some part of the west
 Indies, where they haue neither weeke, moneth, nor yéere, but onlie a
 generall accompt of hundreds and thousands of moones. Wherefore if we
 saie or write a moneth, it is to be expounded of eight and twentie
 daies, or foure wéeks onelie, and not of hir vsuall period of nine and
 twentie daies and one and thirtie minuts. Or (if you take it at large)
 [Sidenote: _Triuethus in Antarticos._]
 for a moneth of the common calender, which neuerthelesse in plées and
 sutes is nothing at all allowed of, sith the moone maketh hir full
 reuolution in eight and twentie daies or foure weeks, that is, vnto
 the place where she left the sun: notwithstanding that he be now gone,
 and at hir returne not to be found verie often in that signe wherin
 she before had left him. Plutarch writeth of diuers barbarous nations
 which reckoned a more or lesse number of these moneths for whole
 yeares: and that of these some accompted but thrée, as the Archadians
 did foure, the Acarnans six, and the Aegyptians but one for a whole
 yeare, which causeth them to make such a large accompt of their
 antiquitie and originall. But forsomuch as we are not troubled with
 anie such disorder, it shall suffice that I haue generallie said of
 moneths and their quantities at this time. Now a word or two of the
 ancient Romane calender.

 In old time each moneth of the Romane calender was reckoned after the
 course of the moone, and their enterances were vncerteine, as were
 also the changes of that planet: whereby it came to passe, that the
 daie of the change was the first of the moneth, howsoeuer it fell out.
 But after Iulius Cesar had once corrected the same, the seuerall
 beginnings of euerie one of them did not onelie remaine fixed, but
 also the old order in the diuision of their parts continued still
 vnaltered: so that the moneth is yet diuided as before, into calends,
 ides and nones, albeit that in my daies, the vse of the same bée but
 small, and their order reteined onelie in our calenders, for the
 better vnderstanding of such times, as the historiographers and old
 authors doo remember. The reckoning also of each of these goeth (as
 you sée) after a preposterous order, whereby the Romans did rather
 note how many daies were to the next change from the precedent, than
 contrariwise, as by perusall of the same you shall more easilie
 perceiue.

 The daies also of the change of the moneth of the moone, are called
 _Calendæ_, which in time of paganisme were consecrated to Iuno, and
 sacrifice made to that goddesse on the same. On these daies also, and
 on the ides and nones they would not marie. Likewise the morow after
 each of them were called _Dies atri_, blacke daies, as were also
 diuerse other, and those either by reason of some notable ouerthrow or
 mishap that befell vnto the Romans vpon those daies, or in respect of
 some superstitious imagination conceiued of euill successe likelie to
 fall out vpon the same. Of some they were called _Dies Aegyptiaci_.
 Wherby it appeareth that this peeuish estimation of these daies came
 from that nation. And as we doo note our holie and festiuall daies
 with red letters in our calenders, so did the Romans their principall
 feasts & circle of the moone, either in red or golden letters, and
 their victories in white, in their publike or consularie tables. This
 also is more to be added, that if anie good successe happened
 afterward vpon such day as was alreadie blacke in their calender, they
 would solemnlie enter it in white letters by racing out of the blacke,
 whereby the blacke daie was turned into white, and wherein they not a
 little reioised.

 The word _Calendæ_ (in Gréeke _Neomenia_) is deriued of _Calo_, to
 call: for vpon the first day of euerie moneth, the priest vsed to call
 the people of the citie and countrie togither in Calabria, for so the
 place was called where they met, and shew them by a custome how manie
 daies were from the said calends to the nones, & what feasts were to
 be celebrated betwéene that and the next change. Their order is
 retrograde, because that after the moneth was halfe expired, or the
 moone past the full, they reckoned by the daies to come vntill the
 next change, as seuentéene daies, sixtéene daies, fourtéene daies, &c:
 as the Gréekes did in the latter decad onelie, for they had no vse of
 calends. The verie day therefore of the change is called _Calendæ_,
 dedicated to Iuno, who thereof was also called _Calendaris_. At the
 first also the fasts or feast daies were knowne by none other meanes
 vnto the people but by the denunciation of the priests (as I said)
 vpon this daie, till Flauius Scriba caused them to be written &
 published in their common calenders, contrarie to the will and meaning
 of the senat, for the ease and benefit of the people, as he pretended.

 The nones commonlie are not aboue foure or six in euerie moneth: and
 so long as the nones lasted, so long did the markets continue, and
 therefore they were called _Nonæ quasi Nundinæ_. In them also were
 neither holiedaies more than is at this present (except the day of the
 purification of our ladie) no sacrifice offered to the gods, but each
 one applied his businesse, and kept his market, reckoning the first
 day after the calends or change, to be the fourth or sixt daie before
 the faire ended. Some thinke that they were called _Nonæ_, of the word
 _Non_, "quia in ijsdem dij non coluntur." For as Ouid saith, "Nonarum
 tutela deo caret," or for that the nones were alwaies on the ninth
 daie before the ides: other because _Nundina dea_ was honored the
 ninth day before the ides, albeit I suppose rather that _Nundina dea_
 (a goddesse far yoonger than the name of _Nonæ_) tooke hir name of the
 nones, whereon it was a custome among the Romans, "Lustrare infantes
 ac nomina maribus imponere," as they did with their maid children vpon
 the eight: but howsoeuer this be, sure it is that they were the mart
 daies of euerie moneth, wherin the people bought, sold, exchanged or
 bartered, and did nothing else.

 The ides are so named of the Hethruscan word, _Iduare_, to diuide: and
 before that Cesar altered the calender, they diuided the moneth
 commonlie by the middest. But afterward when he had added certeine
 daies thereto, therby to make it agrée to the yéere of the sunne
 (which he intruded about the end of euerie moneth, bicause he would
 not alter the celebration of their vsuall feasts, whereof the chiefe
 were holden alwaies vpon the day of the ides) then came they short of
 the middest, sometime by two or thrée daies. In these therefore (which
 alwaies are eight) the merchants had leisure to packe vp and conueie
 their merchandize, to pay their creditors, and make merie with their
 friends.

 After the ides doo the calends follow, but in a decreasing order (as I
 noted) as the moone dooth in light when she is past the full. But
 herein lieth all the mysterie, if you can say so manie daies before
 the next change or new moone, as the number there expressed dooth
 betoken, as for 16 calends so manie daies before the next coniunction,
 &c: (as is aboue remembred.) Of these calends, I meane touching their
 number in euerie moneth, I find these verses insuing:

   Ianus & Augustus denas nouémq; December,
     Iunius Aprilis September & ipse Nouember
   Ter senas retinent, Februs his octo calendas,
     Iulius October Mars Maius epta decémq;

 _In English thus_:

   December Iune and August month
     full nineteene calends haue,
   Septemb Aprill Nouemb and Iune
     twise nine they doo desire,
   Sixteene foule Februarie hath,
     no more can he well craue,
   October Maie and Iulie hot
     but seuenteene doo require.

 _In like maner doo the nones and ides._

   Sex Maius nonas, October, Iulius, & Mars,
   Quatuor at reliqui, dabit idus quilibet octo.

   To Iulie, Mars, October, Maie,
     six nones I hight,
   The rest but foure, and as for ides
     they keepe still eight.

 Againe touching the number of daies in euerie moneth:

   Iunius, Aprilis, Septémq; Nouémq; tricenos,
     Vnum plus reliqui, Februs tenet octo vicenos,
   At si bissextus fuerit superadditur vnus.

   Thirtie daies hath Nouember,
     Aprill, Iune, and September,
   Twentie and eight hath Februarie alone,
     and all the rest thirtie and one,
     but in the leape you must ad one.

 Our yeare is counted after the course of the sunne, and although the
 church hath some vse of that of the moone for obseruation of certeine
 mooueable feasts, yet it is reducible to that of the sunne, which in
 our ciuill dealings is chieflie had in vse. Herein onelie I find a
 scruple, that the beginning thereof is not vniforme and certeine, for
 most of our records beare date the 25 of March, and our calenders the
 first of Ianuarie; so that with vs Christ is borne before he be
 conceiued. Our sundrie officers also haue sundrie entrances into their
 charges of custome, which bréedeth great confusion, whereas if all
 these might be referred to one originall (and that to be the first of
 Ianuarie) I doo not thinke but that there would be more certeintie,
 and lesse trouble for our historiographers, notaries, & other officers
 in their account of the yere. In old time the Atheniens began their
 yeare with the change of the moone that fell néerest to the enterance
 of the sunne into the crab, the Latines at the winter solstice, or his
 going into the goat, the Iewes in ciuill case at the latter
 equinoctiall, and in ecclesiasticall with the first. They of Calecute
 begin their yeare somewhere in September, but vpon no daie certeine,
 sith they first consult with their wisards, who pronounce one day or
 other thereof to be most happie (as the yeare goeth about) and
 therewith they make their entrance, as Osorius dooth remember, who
 addeth that vpon the eleuenth calends of September, they haue solemne
 plaies, much like to the idoll games, & that they write in leaues of
 tree with a pencill, in stead of paper, which is not found among them.
 Some of the old Grecians began their yere also in September: but sith
 we seeke herein but for the custome of our countrie onelie, it shall
 be enough to affirme that we make our account from the calends or
 first of Ianuarie, and from the middest of the night which is _Limes_
 betweene that and the last of December, whereof this maie suffice. I
 might speake of the Cynike yeare also in this place (for the ease of
 our English readers) sometime in vse amongst the Egyptians, which
 conteineth 1460 common yeares, whose beginning is alwaies reckoned
 from the rising of the lesser dog. The first vse thereof entered the
 selfe yeare wherin the Olimpiads were restored. And forsomuch as this
 nation hath no vse of intercalation, at the end of euerie 1460 yeares,
 they added an whole yeare of intercalation, because there are 365
 leape yeers in the period, so that 1460 Iulian yéers doo conteine 1461
 after the Egyptians account, wherby their common yeare is found to be
 lesse than ours. Furthermore, wheras our intercalation for the leape
 yere is somewhat too much by certeine minuts, which in 115 yeares
 amount vnto about an whole day, if one intercalation in so manie were
 omitted, our calender would be the more perfect: and I would wish that
 the same yeare wherein the said intercalation trulie found out should
 be ouerpassed, might be obserued and called _Annus magnus Elizabethæ_,
 in perpetuall remembrance of our noble and souereigne princesse now
 reigning amongst vs.

 I might here saie somewhat also of the prime and hir alteration, which
 is risen higher by fiue daies in our common calender than it was
 placed by Iulius Cæsar: and in seauen thousand yeares some writer
 would grow to an error of an whole, if the world should last so long.
 But for somuch as in some calenders of ours it is reduced againe to
 the daie of euerie change, it shall suffice to saie no more therof.
 The pope also hath made a generall correction of the calender, wherein
 he hath reduced it to the same that it was or should haue beene at the
 councell of Nice. Howbeit as he hath abolished the vse of the golden
 number, so hath he continued the epact, applieng it vnto such generall
 vse, as dooth now serue both the turnes, whose reformation had also
 yer this time béene admitted into England, if it had not procéeded
 from him, against whom and all whose ordinances we haue so faithfullie
 sworne and set our hands.

 Certes the next omission is to be performed if all princes would agrée
 thereto in the leape yeare that shall be about the yeare of Grace
 1668: if it shall please God that the world may last so long, and then
 may our calender also stand without anie alteration as it dooth
 alreadie. By this also it appeareth how the defect of our calender may
 be supplied from the creation, wherein the first equinoctiall is séene
 higher toward the beginning of March than Cæsars calender now extant
 dooth yéeld vnto by seauen daies. For as in Cæsars time the true
 equinoctiall was pointed out to happen (as Stadius also noteth) either
 vpon or about the sixtéenth or seauentéenth of March, albeit the
 manifest apperance thereof was not found vntill the fiue and twentith
 of that moneth in their dials or by eie-sight: so at the beginning of
 the world the said entrance of the sunne into the ram, must néeds fall
 out to be about the twentith or one & twentith of Aprill, as the
 calender now standeth, if I faile not in my numbers. Aboue the yeare
 we haue no more parts of time, that carie anie seuerall names with
 them, except you will affirme the word age to be one, which is taken
 for a hundred yeares, and signifieth in English so much as Seculum or
 Æuum dooth in Latine; neither is it néedfull to remember that some of
 my countrimen doo reckon their times not by years but by summers and
 winters, which is verie common among vs. Wherefore to shut vp this
 chapiter withall, you shall haue a table of the names of the daies of
 the wéeke, after the old Saxon and Scotish maner, which I haue borowed
 from amongst our ancient writers, as I haue perused their volumes.

 _The present names._

   Monday.     |  Wednesday.    |  Fridaie.      |  Sunday, or the
   Tuesday.    |  Thursday.     |  Saturdaie.    |    Lords daie.

 _The old Saxon names._

   Monendeg.   |  Wodnesdeg.    |  Frigesdeg.    |  Sunnandeg.
   Tuesdeg.    |  Thunresdeg.   |  Saterdeg.

 _The Scotish vsage._

   Diu Luna.   |  Diu Yath.     |  Diu Friach.   |  Diu Seroll.
   Diu Mart.   |  Diu Ethamon.  |  Diu Satur.




 OF OUR PRINCIPALL FAIRES AND MARKETS.

 CHAP. XV.


 I haue heretofore said sufficientlie of our faires, in the chapter of
 fairs and markets; and now to performe my promise there made, I set
 downe here so manie of our faires as I haue found out by mine owne
 obseruation, and helpe of others in this behalfe. Certes it is
 impossible for me to come by all, sith there is almost no towne in
 England, but hath one or more such marts holden yearelie in the same,
 although some of them (I must needs confesse) be scarse comparable to
 Lowse faire, and little else bought or sold in them more than good
 drinke, pies, and some pedlerie trash: wherefore it were no losse if
 diuerse of them were abolished. Neither doo I see wherevnto this
 number of paltrie fairs tendeth, so much as to the corruption of
 youth, who (all other businesse set apart) must néeds repaire vnto
 them, whereby they often spend not onelie the weeke daies, but also
 the Lords sabbaoth in great vanitie and riot. But such hath béene the
 iniquitie of ancient times. God grant therefore that ignorance being
 now abolished, and a further insight into things growne into the minds
 of magistrates, these old errors may be considered of, and so farre
 reformed, as that thereby neither God may be dishonored, nor the
 common wealth of our countrie anie thing diminished. In the meane
 time, take this table here insuing in stead of a calender of the
 greatest, sith that I cannot, or at the least wise care not to come by
 the names of the lesse, whose knowledge cannot be so profitable to
 them that be farre off, as they are oft preiudiciall to such as dwell
 néere hand to the places where they be holden and kept, by pilferers
 that resort vnto the same.

 _Faires in Ianuarie._

 The sixt day being Twelfe day at Salisburie, the fiue and twentith
 being saint Paules day, at Bristow, at Grauesend, at Churchingford, at
 Northalerton in Yorkeshire, where is kept a faire euerie wednesday
 from Christmasse vntill Iune.

 _Faires in Februarie._

 The first day at Bromleie. The second at Lin, at Bath, at Maidstone,
 at Bickleswoorth, at Budwoorth. The fourtéenth at Feuersham. On
 Ashwednesday at Lichfield, at Tamwoorth, at Roiston, at Excester, at
 Abington, at Cicester. The foure and twentith at Henlie vpon Thames,
 at Tewkesburie.

 _Faires in March._

 On the twelth day, at Stamford, Sappesford, and at Sudburie. The
 thirtéenth day at Wie, at the Mount, & at Bodmin in Cornewall. The
 fift sunday in Lent, at Grantham, at Salisburie. On monday before our
 ladie day in Lent, at Wisbich, at Kendall, Denbigh in Wales. On
 palmesunday éeuen, at Pumfret. On palmesunday, at Worcester. The
 twentith day at Durham. On our ladie day in Lent at Northamton, at
 Malden, at great Chart, at Newcastell. And all the ladie daies at
 Huntington. And at Saffron Walden on midlentsunday.

 _Faires in Aprill._

 The fift day at Wallingford. The seuenth at Darbie. The ninth at
 Bickleswoorth, at Belinswoorth. On monday after, at Euesham in
 Worcestershire. On tuesday in Easter wéeke at Northfléet, at Rochford,
 at Hitchin. The third sunday after Easter, at Louth. The two and
 twentith at Stabford. On saint Georges day, at Charing, at Ipswich, at
 Tamworth, at Ampthill, at Hinninham, at Gilford, at saint Pombes in
 Cornewall. On saint Markes day at Darbie, at Dunmow in Essex. The six
 and twentith at Tenderden in Kent.

 _Faires in Maie._

 On Maie daie at Rippon, at Perin in Cornwall, at Osestrie in Wales, at
 Lexfield in Suffolke, at Stow the old, at Reading, at Leicester, at
 Chensford, at Maidstone, at Brickehill, at Blackeborne, at Cogilton,
 at Stokeneie land. The third at Bramyard, at Henningham, at Elstow,
 Waltham, Holicrosse, and Hedningham castell. The seuenth at Beuerleie,
 at Newton, at Oxford. On Ascension day at Newcastell, at Yerne, at
 Brimechame, at saint Edes, at Bishopstratford, at Wicham, at
 Middlewich, at Stopford, at Chappell frith. On Whitsunéeuen, at
 Skipton vpon Crauen. On Whitsunday, at Richell, at Gribbie, and euerie
 wednesday fortnight at Kingston vpon Thames, at Ratesdale, at
 Kirbistephin in Westmerland. On monday in Whitsunwéeke, at Darington,
 at Excester, at Bradford, at Rigate, at Burton, at Salforth, at
 Whitechurch, at Cockermouth, at Applebie, at Bicklesworth, at
 Stokeclare. On tuesday in Whitsunwéeke, at Lewse, at Rochford, at
 Canturburie, at Ormeskirke, at Perith, at long Milford. On wednesday
 in Whitsunwéeke, at Sandbarre, at Raiston. On Trinitie sunday, at
 Kendall, and at Rowell. On thursday after Trinitie sunday, at
 Prescote, at Stapford, at saint Annes, at Newburie, at Couentrie, at
 saint Edes, at Bishop storford, at Rosse. The ninth at Lochester, at
 Dunstable. The twentie seuenth day, at Lenham. The twentie ninth at
 Crambrooke. On monday in Rogation wéeke at Rech, and sunday after
 Ascension day, at Thaxsted.

 _Faires in Iune._

 The ninth day at Maidstone. The xj, at Okingham, at Newbourgh, at
 Bardfield, at Maxfield, & Holt. The seuenteenth at Hadstocke. The
 twentie thrée at Shrewsburie, at saint Albans. The twentie fourth day,
 at Horsham, at Bedell, at Strackstocke, at saint Annes, at Wakefield,
 at Colchester, at Reading, at Bedford, at Barnewell beside Cambridge,
 at Woollerhampton, at Crambrooke, at Glocester, at Lincolne, at
 Peterborow, at Windsor, at Harstone, at Lancaster, at Westchester, at
 Halifax, at Ashborne. The twentie seuenth, at Folkestone. The twentie
 eight, at Hetcorne, at saint Pombes. The twentie ninth, at Woodhurst,
 at Marleborough, at Hollesworth, at Woollerhampton, at Peterfield, at
 Lempster, at Sudburie, at Gargrainge, at Bromleie.

 _Faires in Iulie._

 The second at Congreton, at Ashton vnder line. The sunday after the
 third of Iulie, at Raiston. The eleuenth at Partneie, and at Lid. The
 fifteenth, at Pichbacke. The seuentéenth, at Winchcombe. The twentith,
 at Vxbridge, at Catesbie, at Bolton. The twentie two, at Marleborow,
 at Winchester, at Colchester, at Tetburie, at Cooling, at Yealdon, at
 Bridgenorth, at Clitherall, at Norwich in Cheshire, at Cheswike, at
 Battelfield, at Bicklewoorth. The twentie fift, at Bristow, at Douer,
 at Chilham, at Darbie, at Ipswich, at Northampton, at Dudleie in
 Staffordshire, at saint Iames beside London, at Reading, at Ereth in
 the Ile, at Walden, at Thremhall, at Baldocke, at Louth, at
 Malmesburie, at Bromeleie, at Chichester, at Liuerpoole, at Altergam,
 at Rauenglasse in the north. The twentie sixt, at Tiptrie. The twentie
 seuenth at Canturburie, at Horsham, at Richmund in the north, at
 Warington, at Chappell Frith.

 _Faires in August._

 The first day at Excester, at Feuersham, at Dunstable, at saint Edes,
 at Bedford, at Northam church, at Wisbich, at Yorke, at Rumneie, at
 Newton, at Yeland. The fourth at Linton. The tenth at Waltham, at
 Thaxsted, at Blackemoore, at Hungerford, at Bedford, at Stroides, at
 Fernam, at S. Laurence by Bodmin, at Walton, at Croileie, at Seddell,
 at new Brainford. The xv, at Cambridge, at Dunmow, at Caerleill, at
 Preston in Andall, at Wakefield on the two ladie daies, and vpon the
 Sunday after the fiftéenth day of August, at Hauerhull. On Bartholomew
 day, at London, at Beggers bush beside Rie, at Teukesburie, at
 Sudburie, at Rie, at Nantwich, at Pagets, at Bromleie, at Norwich, at
 Northalerton, at Douer. On the sunday after Bartholomew day, at
 Sandwich. The twentie seuenth, and at Ashford.

 _Faires in September._

 The first day at S. Giles at the Bush. The eight day at Woolfpit, at
 Wakefield, at Sturbridge, in Southwarke at London, at Snide, at
 Recoluer, at Gisbourgh both the ladie daies, at Partneie. The thrée
 ladie daies at Blackeburne, at Gisborne in Yorkeshire, at Chalton, at
 Vtcester. On Holiroode day, at Richmond in Yorkeshire, at Rippond a
 horse faire, at Penhad, at Bersleie, at Waltam abbeie, at Wotton vnder
 hedge, at Smalding, at Chesterfield, at Denbigh in Wales. On saint
 Mathies day, at Marleborough, at Bedford, at Croidon, at Holden in
 Holdernes, at saint Edmundsburie, at Malton, at saint Iues, at
 Shrewesburie, at Laneham, at Witnall, at Sittingborne, at Brainetrie,
 at Baldocke, at Katharine hill beside Gilford, at Douer, at Eastrie.
 The twentie ninth day being Michaelmas day, at Canturburie, at Malton
 a noble horsse faire, at Lancaster, at Blackeborne, at Westchester, at
 Cokermouth, at Ashborne, at Hadleie, at Malden an horsse faire, at
 Waie hill, at Newburie, and at Leicester.

 _Faires in October._

 The fourth day at Michell. The sixt day at saint Faiths beside
 Norwich, at Maidstone. The eight at Harborough, at Hereford, at Bishop
 Storford. On S. Edwards day, at Roiston, at Grauesend, at Windsor, at
 Marshfield. The ninth day at Colchester. On saint Lukes eeuen, at
 Elie, at Wrickle, at Vpane, at Thirst, at Bridgenorth, at Stanton, at
 Charing, at Burton vpon Trent, at Charleton, at Wigan, at Friswides in
 Oxford, at Tisdale, at Middlewich, at Holt in Wales. The twentie one
 day at Saffron Walden, at Newmarket, at Hertford, at Cicester, at
 Stokesleie. The twentie third, at Preston, at Bikelsworth, at
 Ritchdale, at Whitechurch. The twentie eight, at Newmarket, and
 Hertford. On all saints eeuen, at Wakefield, and at Rithen.

 _Faires in Nouember._

 The second at Blechinglie, at Kingston, at Maxfield, at Epping. The
 sixt day at Newport pond, at Stanleie, at Tregnie, at Salford, at
 Lesford, and Wetshod faire at Hertford. The tenth, at Leuton. The
 eleuenth, at Marleborough, at Douer. The thirtenth, at saint
 Edmundsburie, at Gilford. The seventeenth day, at Low, at Hide. The
 ninéetenth, at Horsham. On saint Edmunds day, at Hith, at Ingerstone.
 The twentie third day, at Sandwich. On saint Andrews day at
 Colingbourgh, at Rochester, at Peterfield, at Maidenhed, at Bewdleie,
 at Warington in Lancashire, at Bedford in Yorkeshire, at Osestrie in
 Wales, and at Powles Belcham.

 _Faires in December._

 On the fift day, at Pluckeleie. On the sixt, at Cased, at Hedningham,
 at Spalding, at Excester, at Sinocke, at Arnedale, and at Northwich in
 Chesshire. The seuenth day at Sandhurst. The eight day being the
 conception of our ladie, at Clitherall in Lancashire, at Malpas in
 Cheshire. The twentie ninth, at Canturburie, and at Salisburie.




 OF OUR INNES AND THOROWFAIRES.

 CHAP. XVI.


 Those townes that we call thorowfaires haue great and sumptuous innes
 builded in them, for the receiuing of such trauellers and strangers as
 passe to and fro. The manner of harbouring wherein, is not like to
 that of some other countries, in which the host or goodman of the
 house dooth chalenge a lordlie authoritie ouer his ghests, but cleane
 otherwise, sith euerie man may vse his inne as his owne house in
 England, and haue for his monie how great or little varietie of
 vittels, and what other seruice himselfe shall thinke expedient to
 call for. Our innes are also verie well furnished with naperie,
 bedding, and tapisserie, especiallie with naperie: for beside the
 linnen vsed at the tables, which is commonlie washed dailie, is such
 and so much as belongeth vnto the estate and calling of the ghest. Ech
 commer is sure to lie in cleane sheets, wherein no man hath béene
 lodged since they came from the landresse, or out of the water wherein
 they were last washed. If the traueller haue an horsse, his bed dooth
 cost him nothing, but if he go on foot he is sure to paie a penie for
 the same: but whether he be horsseman or footman if his chamber be
 once appointed he may carie the kaie with him, as of his owne house so
 long as he lodgeth there. If he loose oughts whilest he abideth in the
 inne, the host is bound by a generall custome to restore the damage,
 so that there is no greater securitie anie where for trauellers than
 in the gretest ins of England. Their horsses in like sort are walked,
 dressed and looked vnto by certeine hostelers or hired seruants,
 appointed at the charges of the goodman of the house, who in hope of
 extraordinarie reward will deale verie diligentlie after outward
 appéerance in this their function and calling. Herein neuerthelesse
 are manie of them blameworthie, in that they doo not onelie deceiue
 the beast oftentimes of his allowance by sundrie meanes, except their
 owners looke well to them; but also make such packs with slipper
 merchants which hunt after preie (for what place is sure from euill &
 wicked persons) that manie an honest man is spoiled of his goods as he
 trauelleth to and fro, in which feat also the counsell of the tapsters
 or drawers of drinke, and chamberleins is not seldome behind or
 wanting. Certes I beleeue not that chapman or traueller in England is
 robbed by the waie without the knowledge of some of them, for when he
 commeth into the inne, & alighteth from his horsse, the hostler
 forthwith is verie busie to take downe his budget or capcase in the
 yard from his sadle bow, which he peiseth slilie in his hand to féele
 the weight thereof: or if he misse of this pitch, when the ghest hath
 taken vp his chamber, the chamberleine that looketh to the making of
 the beds, will be sure to remooue it from the place where the owner
 hath set it as if it were to set it more conuenientlie some where
 else, whereby he getteth an inkling whether it be monie or other short
 wares, & therof giueth warning to such od ghests as hant the house and
 are of his confederacie, to the vtter vndoing of manie an honest
 yeoman as he iournieth by the waie. The tapster in like sort for his
 part dooth marke his behauiour, and what plentie of monie he draweth
 when he paieth the shot, to the like end: so that it shall be an hard
 matter to escape all their subtile practises. Some thinke it a gay
 matter to commit their budgets at their comming to the goodman of the
 house: but thereby they oft bewraie themselues. For albeit their monie
 be safe for the time that it is in his hands (for you shall not heare
 that a man is robbed in his inne) yet after their departure the host
 can make no warrantise of the same, sith his protection extendeth no
 further than the gate of his owne house: and there cannot be a surer
 token vnto such as prie and watch for those booties, than to sée anie
 ghest deliuer his capcase in such maner. In all our innes we haue
 plentie of ale, béere, and sundrie kinds of wine, and such is the
 capacitie of some of them that they are able to lodge two hundred or
 three hundred persons, and their horsses at ease, & therto with a
 verie short warning make such prouision for their diet, as to him that
 is vnacquainted withall may seeme to be incredible. Howbeit of all in
 England there are no worse ins than in London, and yet manie are there
 far better than the best that I haue heard of in anie forren countrie,
 if all circumstances be dulie considered. But to leaue this & go in
 hand with my purpose. I will here set downe a table of the best
 thorowfaires and townes of greatest trauell of England, in some of
 which there are twelue or sixtéene such innes at the least, as I
 before did speake of. And it is a world to sée how ech owner of them
 contendeth with other for goodnesse of interteinement of their ghests,
 as about finesse & change of linnen, furniture of bedding, beautie of
 roomes, seruice at the table, costlinesse of plate, strength of
 drinke, varietie of wines, or well vsing of horsses. Finallie there is
 not so much omitted among them as the gorgeousnes of their verie
 signes at their doores, wherein some doo consume thirtie or fortie
 pounds, a méere vanitie in mine opinion, but so vaine will they néeds
 be, and that not onelie to giue some outward token of the inne kéepers
 welth, but also to procure good ghests to the frequenting of their
 houses in hope there to be well vsed. Lo here the table now at hand,
 for more of our innes I shall not néed to speake.

 _The waie from Walsingham to London._

   From Walsingham to Picknam                     12.miles
   From Picknam to Brandonferie                   10.miles
   From Brandonfarie to Newmarket                 10.miles
   From Newmarket to Brabram                      10.miles
   From Brabram to Barkewaie                      20.miles
   From Barkewaie to Puchrich                      7.miles
   From Puchrich to Ware                           5.miles
   From Ware to Waltham                            8.miles
   From Waltham to London                         12.miles

 _The waie from Barwike to Yorke, and so to London._

   From Barwike to Belford                        12.miles
   From Belford to Anwike                         12.miles
   From Anwike to Morpit                          12.miles
   From Morpit to Newcastell                      12.miles
   From Newcastell to Durham                      12.miles
   From Durham to Darington                       13.miles
   From Darington to Northalerton                 14.miles
   From Northalerton to Toplife                    7.miles
   From Toplife to Yorke                          16.miles
   From Yorke to Tadcaster                         8.miles
   From Tadcaster to Wantbridge                   12.miles
   From Wantbridge to Dancaster                    8.miles
   From Dancaster to Tutford                      18.miles
   From Tutford to Newarke                        10.miles
   From Newarke to Grantham                       10.miles
   From Grantham to Stanford                      16.miles
   From Stanford to Stilton                       12.miles
   From Stilton to Huntington                      9.miles
   From Huntington to Roiston                     15.miles
   From Roiston to Ware                           12.miles
   From Ware to Waltham                            8.miles
   From Waltham to London                         12.miles

 _The waie from Carnaruan to Chester, and so to London._

   From Carnaruan to Conwaie                      24.miles
   From Conwaie to Denbigh                        12.miles
   From Denbigh to Flint                          12.miles
   From Flint to Chester                          10.miles
   From Chester to Wich                           14.miles
   From Wich to Stone                             15.miles
   From Stone to Lichfield                        16.miles
   From Lichfield to Colsill                      12.miles
   From Colsill to Couentrie                       8.miles

   And so from Couentrie to London, as
   hereafter followeth.

 _The waie from Cockermouth to Lancaster, and so to London._

   From Cockermouth to Kiswike                     6.miles
   From Kiswike to Grocener                        8.miles
   From Grocener to Kendale                       14.miles
   From Kendale to Burton                          7.miles
   From Burton to Lancaster                        8.miles
   From Lancaster to Preston                      20.miles
   From Preston to Wigam                          14.miles
   From Wigam to Warington                        20.miles
   From Warington to Newcastell                   20.miles
   From Newcastell to Lichfield                   20.miles
   From Lichfield to Couentrie                    20.miles
   From Couentrie to Daintrie                     14.miles
   From Daintrie to Tocester                      10.miles
   From Tocester to Stonistratford                 6.miles
   From Stonistratford to Brichill                 7.miles
   From Brichill to Dunstable                      7.miles
   From Dunstable to saint Albons                 10.miles
   From saint Albons to Barnet                    10.miles
   From Barnet to London                          10.miles

 _The waie from Yarmouth to Colchester, and so to London._

   From Yarmouth to Becclis                        8.miles
   From Becclis to Blibour                         7.miles
   From Blibour to Snapbridge                      8.miles
   From Snapbridge to Woodbridge                   8.miles
   From Woodbridge to Ipswich                      5.miles
   From Ipswich to Colchester                     12.miles
   From Colchester to Eastford                     8.miles
   From Eastford to Chelmesford                   10.miles
   From Chelmesford to Brentwood                  10.miles
   From Brentwood to London                       15.miles

 _The waie from Douer to London._

   From Douer to Canturburie                      12.miles
   From Canturburie to Sittingborne               12.miles
   From Sittingborne to Rochester                  8.miles
   From Rochester to Grauesend                     5.miles
   From Grauesend to Datford                       6.miles
   From Datford to London                         12.miles

 _The waie from saint Burien in Cornewall to London._

   From S. Burien to the Mount                    20.miles
   From the Mount to Thurie                       12.miles
   From saint Thurie to Bodman                    20.miles
   From Bodman to Launstone                       20.miles
   From Launstone to Ocomton                      15.miles
   From Ocomton to Crokehornewell                 10.miles
   From Crokehornewell to Excester                10.miles
   From Excester to Honiton                       12.miles
   From Honiton to Chard                          10.miles
   From Chard to Crokehorne                        7.miles
   From Crokehorne to Shirborne                   10.miles
   From Shirborne to Shaftsburie                  10.miles
   From Shaftsburie to Salisburie                 18.miles
   From Salisburie to Andeuor                     15.miles
   From Andeuor to Basingstocke                   18.miles
   From Basingstocke to Hartford                   8.miles
   From Hartford to Bagshot                        8.miles
   From Bagshot to Stanes                          8.miles
   From Stanes to London                          15.miles

 _The waie from Bristowe to London._

   From Bristow to Maxfield                       10.miles
   From Maxfield to Chipnam                       10.miles
   From Chipnam to Marleborough                   15.miles
   From Marleborough to Hungerford                 8.miles
   From Hungerford to Newburie                     7.miles
   From Newburie to Reading                       15.miles
   From Reading to Maidenhead                     10.miles
   From Maidenhead to Colbrooke                    7.miles
   From Colbrooke to London                       15.miles

 _The waie from saint Dauids to London._

   From saint Dauids to Axford                    20.miles
   From Axford to Carmarden                       10.miles
   From Carmarden to Newton                       10.miles
   From Newton to Lanburie                        10.miles
   From Lanburie to Brechnocke                    16.miles
   From Brechnocke to Haie                        10.miles
   From Haie to Harford                           14.miles
   From Harford to Roso                            9.miles
   From Roso to Glocester                         12.miles
   From Glocester to Cicester                     15.miles
   From Cicester to Farington                     16.miles
   From Farington to Habington                     7.miles
   From Habington to Dorchester                    7.miles
   From Dorchester to Henleie                     12.miles
   From Henleie to Maidenhead                      7.miles
   From Maidenhead to Colbrooke                    7.miles
   From Colbrooke to London                       15.miles

 _Of thorowfares from Douer to Cambridge._

   From Douer to Canturburie                      12.miles
   From Canturburie to Rofchester                 20.miles
   From Rofchester to Grauesend                    5.miles
   From Grauesend ouer the Thames to Hornedon      4.miles
   From Hornedon to Chelmesford                   12.miles
   From Chelmesford to Dunmow                     10.miles
   From Dunmow to Thaxsted                         5.miles
   From Thaxsted to Radwinter                      3.miles
   From Radwinter to Linton                        5.miles
   From Linton to Babrenham                        3.miles
   From Babrenham to Cambridge                     4.miles

 _From Canturburie to Oxford._

   From Canturburie to London                     43.miles
   From London to Vxbridge or Colbrooke           15.miles
   From Vxbridge to Baccansfield                   7.miles
   From Baccansfield to east Wickham               5.miles
   From Wickham to Stocking church                 5.miles
   From Stocking church to Thetisford              5.miles
   From Thetisford to Whatleie                     6.miles
   From Whatleie to Oxford                         4.miles

 _From London to Cambridge._

   From London to Edmonton                         6.miles
   From Edmonton to Waltham                        6.miles
   From Waltham to Hoddesdon                       5.miles
   From Hoddesdon to Ware                          3.miles
   From Ware to Pulcherchurch                      5.miles
   From Pulcherchurch to Barkewaie                 7.miles
   From Barkewaie to Fulmere                       6.miles
   From Fulmere to Cambridge                       6.miles

 _Or thus better waie._

   From London to Hoddesdon                       17.miles
   From Hoddesdon to Hadham                        7.miles
   From Hadham to Saffron Walden                  12.miles
   From Saffron Walden to Cambridge               10.miles

 OF CERTEINE WAIES IN SCOTLAND, OUT OF REGINALD WOLFES HIS ANNOTATIONS.

 _From Barwijc to Edenborow._

   From Barwijc to Chirneside                     10.miles
   From Chirneside to Coldingham                   3.miles
   From Coldingham to Pinketon                     6.miles
   From Pinketon to Dunbarre                       6.miles
   From Dunbarre to Linton                         6.miles
   From Linton to Haddington                       6.miles
   From Haddington to Seaton                       4.miles
   From Seaton to Aberladie or Muskelborow         8.miles
   From thence to Edenborow                        8.miles

 _From Edenborow to Barwijc another waie._

   From Edenborow to Dalketh                       5.miles
   From Dalketh to new Battell & Lander            5.miles
   From Lander to Vrsildon                         6.miles
   From Vrsildon to Driburg                        5.miles
   From Driburg to Cariton                         6.miles
   From Cariton to Barwijc                         14.miles

 _From Edenborow to Dunbrittaine westward._

   From Edenborow to Kirkelifton                   6.miles
   From Kirkelifton to Lithco                      6.miles
   From Lithco to Farekirke ouer Forth             6.miles
   From thence to Striuelin vpon Forth             6.miles
   From Striuelin to Dunbrittaine                 24.miles

 _From Striuelin to Kinghorne eastward._

   From Striuelin to Downe in Menketh              3.miles
   From Downe to Campskenell                       3.miles
   From Campskenell to Alwie vpon Forth            4.miles
   From Alwie to Culrose on Fiffe                 10.miles
   From Culrose to Dunfermelin                     2.miles
   From Dunfermelin to Euerkennin                  2.miles
   From Euerkennin to Aberdore on Forth            3.miles
   From Aberdore to Kinghorne vpon Forth           3.miles

 _From Kinghorne to Taimouth._

   From Kinghorne to Dissard in Fiffe              3.miles
   From Dissard to Cowper                          8.miles
   From Cowper to S. Andrews                      14.miles
   From S. Andrews to the Taimouth                 6.miles

 _From Taimouth to Stockeford._

   From Taimouth to Balmerinoth abbeie             4.miles
   From thence to Londores abbeie                  4.miles
   From Londores to S. Iohns towne                12.miles
   From S. Iohns to Schone                         5.miles
   From thence to Abernithie, where
     the Erne runneth into the Taie               15.miles
   From Abernithie to Dundée                      15.miles
   From Dundee to Arbroth and Muros               24.miles
   From Muros to Aberden                          20.miles
   From Aberden to the water of Doneie            20.miles
   From thense to the riuer of Spaie              30.miles
   From thence to Stockeford in Rosse,
     and so to the Nesse of Haben, a
     famous point on the west side                30.miles

 _From Carleill to Whitehorne westward._

   From Carleill ouer the Ferie against Redkirke   4.miles
   From thence to Dunfrées                        20.miles
   From Dunfrées to the Ferie of Cre              40.miles
   From thence to Wigton                           3.miles
   From thence to Whitherne                       12.miles

 Hitherto of the common waies of England and Scotland, wherevnto I will
 adioine the old thorowfaires ascribed to Antoninus, to the end that by
 their conference the diligent reader may haue further consideration of
 the same than my leisure will permit me. In setting foorth also
 thereof, I haue noted such diuersitie of reading, as hath happened in
 the sight of such written and printed copies, as I haue séene in my
 time. Notwithstanding I must confesse the same to be much corrupted in
 the rehearsall of the miles.




 ITER BRITANNIARUM.

 _A GESSORIACO._

 De Gallis Ritupis in portu Britanniarum stadia numero. CCCCL.

 _A Limite, id est, a vallo Prætorio vsque M. P. CLVI. sic_:

 [Sidenote: Britannia.]

  A Bramenio Corstopitum, m. p. XX
  Vindomora m. p. IX
  Viconia * m. p. XIX            _Vinouia Vinouium_
  Cataractoni m. p. XXII         =Darington.=
  Isurium m. p. XXIIII           =Aldborow= _aliàs_ =Topcliffe=.
  Eburacum legio VI               Victrix m. p. XVII =Yorke=.
  Deruentione m. p. VII          =Tadcaster.=
  Delgouitia m. p. XIII          =Wentbridge.=
  Prætorio m. p. XXV             =Tudford.=

 _Item a Vallo ad portum Ritupis m. p._ 481, 491, _sic_,

  Ablato Bulgio * castra exploratorum m. p. X, 15 _aliàs à_ Blato
  Lugu-vallo * m. p. XII         aliàs à Lugu-valio. =Cairleill.=
  Voreda m. p. XIIII
  Brouonacis * m. p. XIII        _Brauoniacis_
  Verteris m. p. XX, 13
  Lauatris m. p. XIIII
  Cataractone * m. p. XXI        _Caturractonium._ =Darington.=
  Isuriam * m. p. XXIIII         _Isoriam._ =Aldborow= _aliàs_ =Topcliffe=.
  Eburacum * m. p. XVIII         _Eboracum._ =Yorke.=
  Calcaria * m. p. IX            _Cacaria._
  Camboduno m. p.
  Mammuncio * m. p. XVIII        _Manucio_
  Condate m. p. XVIII
  Deua legio XXIII.CI. m. p. XX
  Bouio * m. p. X                _Bonió_
  Mediolano m. p. XX
  Rutunio m. p. XII
  Vrio Conio * m. p. XI          _Viroconium._ =Shrewesburie= _propè_.
  Vxacona m. p. XI
  Penno-Crucio m. p. XII
  Etoceto m. p. XII
  Mandues Sedo m. p. XVI
  Venonis m. p. XII
  Bennauenta * m. p. XVII        _Bannaventa_
  Lactorodo * m. p. XII          _Lactodoro_
  Maginto * m. p. XVII. 12       _Magiouintum_
  Duro-Cobriuis m. p. XII        =Dunstable.=
  Vero-Lamio m. p. XII           =S. Albanes.=
  Sullomacis * m. p. IX          =Barnet.=
  Longidinio m. p. XII.          _Londinio._ =London.=
  Nouiomago m. p. XII
  Vagniacis m. p. VI
  Durobrouis m. p. V             _Duroprouis._ =Rochester.=
  Duroleuo m. p. XVI. 8
  Duror-Verno * m. p. XII        _Drouerno Durouerno_
  Ad portum Ritupis m. p. XII    _Duraruenno Daruerno_

 _Item a Londinio ad portum Dubris m. p._ 56, 66, _sic:_

  Dubobrus * m. p. XXVII         _Durobrouis Durobrius._ =Rochester.=
  Duraruenno m. p. XV, 25        =Canturburie.=
  Ad portum Dubris m. p. XIIII   =Douer hauen.=

 _Item a Londinio ad portum Lemanis m. p._ 68 _sic:_

  Durobrius m. p. XXVII          =Rochester.=
  Duraruenno m. p. XV, 25        =Canturburie.=
  Ad portum * Lemanis m. p. XVI  =Limming hauen.=

 _Item a Londinio Lugu-Valio ad Vallum m. p._ 443, _sic:_

  Cæsaromago m. p. XXVIII
  Colonia m. p. XXIIII
  Villa Faustini m. p. XXXV, 25
  Icianos m. p.  XVIII
  Camborico m. p. XXXV
  Duroliponte m. p. XXV
  Durobriuas m. p. XXXV
  Gausennis m. p. XXX
  Lindo m. p. XXVI
  Segeloci m. p. XIIII
  Dano m. p. XXI
  Lege-Olio * m. p. XVI          _Logetium_
  Eburaco m. p. XXI
  Isubrigantum * m. p. XVI       _Isurium Brigantum_
  Cataractoni m. p. XXIIII
  Leuatris * m. p. XVIII         _Leuatrix_
  Verteris m. p. XIIII
  Brocouo * m. p. XX             _Brocouicum_
  Lugu-Vallo m. p. XXV, 22

 _Item a Londinio Lindo m. p._ 156 _sic:_

  Verolami m. p. XXI
  Duro Cobrius m. p. XII
  Magiouinio * m. p. XII        {_Maginto_
  Lactodoro m. p. XVI           {_Magis_
  Isanna Vantia * m. p. XII     {_Isanna vatia_
  Tripontio m. p. XII           {_Isanna varia_
  Venonis m. p. IX
  Ratas m. p. XII
  Verometo m. p. XIII
  Margi-duno m. p. XII
  Ad Pontem * m. p. VII          _Pons Aelij_
  Croco Calana * m. p. VII       _Crorolana_
  Lindo m. p. XII

 _Item a Regno Londinio m. p._ 116, 96 _sic:_

  Clausentum m. p. XX
  Venta Belgarum m. p. X
  Gelleua * Atrebatum m. p. XXII {_Gelleua_, =Walingford=.
  Pontibus m. p. XXII =Reding=.  {_Calliua_,
  Londinio m. p. XXII

 _Item ab Ebvraco Londinium m. p._ 227 _sic:_

  Lagecio m. p. XXI
  Dano m. p. XVI                 =Dancaster.=
  Ageloco * m. p. XXI            _Segoloco_
  Lindo m. p. XIIII
  Crococalano m. p. XIIII
  Margi-duno m. p. XIIII
  Vernemeto * m. p. XII          _Verometo_
  Ratis m. p. XII
  Vennonis m. p. XII
  Bannauanto m. p. XIX
  Magio Vinio m. p. XXVIII
  Durocobrius m. p. XII          =Dunstable.=
  Verolamo m. p. XII             =S. Albanes.=
  Sullomaca m. p. IX             =Barnet.=
  Londinio m. p. XII             =London.=

 _Item a Venta Icinorvm Londinio m. p._ 128 _sic:_

  Sitomago m. p. XXXI
  Combrerouio * m. p. XXII       _Cumbretonio_
  Ad Ansam m. p. XV
  Camoloduno m. p. VI
  Canonio m. p. IX
  Cæsaromago m. p. XII
  Durolito m. p. XVI
  Londinio m. p. XV

 _Item a Glamoventa Mediolano m. p._ 150 _sic:_

  Galaua m. p. XVIII
  Alone * m. p. XII              _Alauna * Aliona Alione_
  Galacum * m. p. XIX            _Galacum Brigantum_
  Bremetonaci m. p. XXVII
  Coccio m. p. XX
  Mancunio * m. p. XVIII         _Mammucio vel Manucio_
  Condate m. p. XVIII
  Mediolano m. p. XIX

 _Item a Segoncio Deuam m. p._ 74 _sic:_

  Canouio m. p. XXIIII
  Varis m. p. XIX
  Deua m. p. XXXII

 _Item a Calleva aliàs Mvridono aliàs Viroconiorum. Per Viroconium._

  Vindonu * m. p. XV             _Vindomi_
  Venta Belgarum m. p. XXI
  Brige * m. p. XI               _Brage_
  Soruioduni m. p. IX
  Vindogladia m. p. XIII, 15
  Durnouaria m. p. VIII
  Muriduno m. p. XXXVI
  Scadum Nunniorum * m. p. XV, 12 _Iscadum_
  Leucaro m. p. XV
  Bomio m. p. XV
  Nido m. p. XV
  Iscelegua Augusti * m. p. XIIII _Iscelegia_
  Burrio m. p. IX
  Gobannio m. p. XII
  Magnis m. p. XXII
  Brauinio * m. p. XXIIII         _Brouenio_
  Viriconio m. p. XXVII

 _Item ab Isca Calleua m. p._ 109 _sic:_

  Burrio m. p. IX
  Blestio m. p. XI
  Ariconio m. p. XI
  Cleuo m. p. XV
  Durocornouio m. p. XIIII
  Spinis m. p. XV
  Calleua m. p. XV

 _Item alio Itinere ab Isca Calleua m. p._ 103 _sic:_

  Venta Silurum m. p. IX
  Abone m. p. IX
  Traiectus m. p. IX
  Aquis Solis m. p. VI
  Verlucione m. p. XV
  Cunetione m. p. XX
  Spinis m. p. XV
  Calleua m. p. XV

 _Item a Calleua Iscadvm Nunniorum m. p._ 136 _sic:_

  Vindomi m. p. XV
  Venta Belgarum m. p. XXI
  Brige m. p. XI
  Sorbiodoni m. p. VIII
  Vindocladia m. p. XII
  Durnonouaria m. p. VIII        _Durnonaria_
  Moriduno m. p. XXXVI
  Iscadum Nunniorum m. p. XV


 FINIS.

        *       *       *       *       *




 [PART II]




 THE

 HISTORIE OF ENGLAND,

 FROM

 THE TIME THAT IT WAS FIRST INHABITED,

 VNTILL

 THE TIME THAT IT WAS LAST CONQUERED:

 WHEREIN THE SUNDRIE ALTERATIONS OF THE STATE
 VNDER FORREN PEOPLE IS DECLARED;
 AND OTHER MANIFOLD OBSERVATIONS REMEMBRED:

        *       *       *       *       *

 _BY RAPHAEL HOLINSHED._

        *       *       *       *       *

 NOW NEWLIE READ OVER, AND DILIGENTLIE DIGESTED INTO BOOKES AND
 CHAPTERS, WITH THEIR SEUERALL ARGUMENTS PREFIXED, CONTEINING AN
 ABRIDGEMENT OF THE WHOLE HISTORIE, FOR THE HELPE OF THE READERS
 IUDGEMENT AND MEMORIE:

 WITH TWO TABLES OF PARTICULARS,

 THE ONE SERVING THE DESCRIPTION, THE OTHER THE HISTORIE:

 _BY ABRAHAM FLEMING._

        *       *       *       *       *

 LAUS HISTORIAE EX I. LELANDO.

 QUOD SOL AETHEREO PRAESTAT PULCHERRIMUS ORDI,
 HISTORIA HUMANIS VBIBUS HOC TRIBUIT.




 TO

 THE READERS STUDIOUS IN HISTORIES.

        *       *       *       *       *


 The order obserued in the description of Britaine, by reason of the
 necessarie diuision thereof into bookes and chapters growing out of
 the varietie of matters therein conteined, seemed (in my iudgement) so
 conuenient a course deuised by the writer, as I was easilie induced
 thereby to digest the historie of England immediatlie following into
 the like method: so that as in the one, so likewise in the other, by
 summarie contents foregoing euerie chapter, as also by certeine
 materiall titles added at the head of euerie page of the said
 historie, it is a thing of no difficultie to comprehend what is
 discoursed and discussed in the same.

 Wherein (sith histories are said to be the registers of memorie and
 the monuments of veritie) all louers of knowlege, speciallie
 historicall, are aduisedlie to marke (among other points) the seuerall
 and successiue alterations of regiments in this land: whereof it was
 [Sidenote: Pag. 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 26, 27, 28, 49, 50, 51, of
 the description: and pag. 765, 766, of the historie of England.]
 my meaning to haue made an abstract, but that the same is
 sufficientlie handled in the first booke and fourth chapter of the
 description of Britaine; whereto if the seuenth chapter of the same
 booke be also annexed, there is litle or no defect at all in that case
 wherof iustlie to make complaint.

 Wherfore by remitting the readers to those, I reape this aduantage,
 namelie a discharge of a forethought & purposed labour, which as to
 reduce into some plausible forme was a worke both of time, paine and
 studie: so seeming vnlikelie to be comprised in few words (being a
 matter of necessarie and important obseruation) occasion of tediousnes
 is to and fro auoided; speciallie to the reader, who is further to be
 aduertised, that the computations of yeares here and there expressed,
 according to the indirect direction of the copies whense they were
 deriued and drawne, is not so absolute (in some mens opinion) as it
 might haue beene: howbeit iustifiable by their originals.

 Wherin hereafter (God prolonging peace in the church and commonwelth
 that the vse of bookes may not be abridged) such diligent care shall
 be had, that in whatsoeuer the helpe of bookes will doo good, or
 conference with antiquaries auaile, there shall want no will to vse
 the one and the other. And yet it is not a worke for euerie common
 capacitie, naie it is a toile without head or taile euen for
 extraordinarie wits, to correct the accounts of former ages so many
 hundred yeares receiued, out of vncerteinties to raise certeinties,
 and to reconcile writers dissenting in opinion and report. But as this
 is vnpossible, so is no more to be looked for than may be performed:
 and further to inquire as it is against reason, so to vndertake more
 than may commendablie be atchiued, were fowle follie.

 ABRAHAM FLEMING.




        *       *       *       *       *

 THE FIRST BOOKE

 OF THE

 HISTORIE OF ENGLAND.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Who inhabited this Iland before the comming of Brute: of Noah & his
 three sonnes, among whom the whole earth was diuided: and to which of
 their portions this Ile of Britaine befell._


 THE FIRST CHAPTER.


 What manner of people did first inhabite this our country, which hath
 most generallie and of longest continuance béene knowne among all
 nations by the name of Britaine as yet is not certeinly knowne;
 neither can it be decided fr[=o] whence the first inhabitants there of
 came, by reason of such diuersitie in iudgements as haue risen amongst
 [Sidenote: The originall of nations for the most part vncerteine.]
 the learned in this behalfe. But sith the originall in maner of all
 nations is doubtfull, and euen the same for the more part fabulous
 (that alwaies excepted which we find in the holie scriptures) I wish
 not any man to leane to that which shall be here set downe as to an
 infallible truth, sith I doo but onlie shew other mens conjectures,
 grounded neuerthelesse vpon likelie reasons, concerning that matter
 whereof there is now left but little other certeintie, or rather none
 at all.

 [Sidenote: Whither Britaine were an Iland at the first.]
 [Sidenote: _Geog. com. lib._]
 [Sidenote: No Ilands at the first, as some coniecture.]
 To fetch therefore the matter from the farthest, and so to stretch it
 forward, it séemeth by the report of Dominicus Marius Niger that in
 the beginning, when God framed the world, and diuided the waters apart
 from the earth, this Ile was then a parcell of the continent, and
 ioined without any separation of sea to the maine land. But this
 opinion (as all other the like vncerteinties) I leaue to be discussed
 of by the learned: howbeit for the first inhabitation of this Ile with
 people, I haue thought good to set downe in part, what may be gathered
 out of such writers as haue touched that matter, and may séeme to giue
 some light vnto the knowledge thereof.

 [Sidenote: In the first part of the acts of the English votaries.]
 [Sidenote: Britaine inhabitied before the floud.]
 [Sidenote: _Genesis_ 6.]
 [Sidenote: _Berosus ant. lib._ 1.]
 First therefore Iohn Bale our countrieman, who in his time greatlie
 trauelled in the search of such antiquities, dooth probablie
 coniecture, that this land was inhabited and replenished with people
 long before the floud, at that time in the which the generation of
 mankind (as Moses writeth) began to multiplie vpon the vniuersall face
 of the earth: and therfore it followeth, that as well this land was
 inhabited with people long before the daies of Noah, as any the other
 countries and parts of the world beside. But when they had once
 forsaken the ordinances appointed them by God, and betaken them to new
 waies inuented of themselues, such loosenesse of life ensued euerie
 where, as brought vpon them the great deluge and vniuersall floud, in
 the which perished as well the inhabitants of these quarters, as the
 residue of the race of mankind, generallie dispersed in euerie other
 part of the whole world, onelie Noah & his familie excepted, who by
 the prouidence and pleasure of almightie God was preserued from the
 rage of those waters, to recontinue and repaire the new generation of
 man of vpon earth.

 [Sidenote: NOAH.]
 [Sidenote: _In comment. super_ 4. _lib._]
 [Sidenote: _Berosus de antiquit. lib._ 1.]
 [Sidenote: _Annius vt suor._]
 After the flood (as Annius de Viterbo recordeth) and reason also
 enforceth, Noah was the onlie monarch of all the world, and as the
 same Annius gathereth by the account of Moses in the 100. yeare after
 the flood, Noah diuided the earth among his thrée sonnes; assigning to
 the possession of his eldest sonne all that portion of land which now
 is knowne by the name of Asia; to his second sonne Cham, he appointed
 all that part of the world which now is called Affrica: and to his
 third sonne Iaphet was allotted all Europa, with all the Iles therto
 belonging, wherin among other was conteined this our Ile of Britaine,
 with the other Iles thereto perteining.

 [Sidenote: IAPHET AND HIS SONNES.]
 [Sidenote: _Johannes Bodinus ad fac. hist. cogn._]
 [Sidenote: _Franciscus Tarapha._]
 IAPHET the third son of Noah, of some called Iapetus, and of others,
 Atlas Maurus (because he departed this life in Mauritania) was the
 first (as Bodinus affirmeth by the authoritie and consent of the
 Hebrue, Gréeke & Latine writers) that peopled the countries of Europe,
 which afterward he diuided among his sonnes: of whom Tuball (as
 Tarapha affirmeth) obteined the kingdome of Spaine. Gomer had dominion
 ouer the Italians, and (as Berosus and diuers other authors agrée)
 Samothes was the founder of Celtica, which conteined in it (as Bale
 witnesseth) a great part of Europe, but speciallie those countries
 which now are called by the names of Gallia and Britannia.

 [Sidenote: Britaine inhabited shortlie after the floud.]
 Thus was this Iland inhabited and peopled within 200 yéeres after the
 floud by the children of Iaphet the sonne of Noah: & this is not onlie
 prooued by Annius, writing vpon Berosus, but also confirmed by Moses
 in the scripture, where he writeth, that of the offspring of Iaphet,
 the Iles of the Gentiles (wherof Britain is one) were sorted into
 regions in the time of Phaleg the sonne of Hiber, who was borne at the
 [Sidenote: _Theophilus episcop. Antioch. ad Anfol lib._ 2.]
 [Sidenote: The words of Theophilus a doctor of the church, who liued
 an. Dom. 160.]
 time of the diuision of languages. Herevpon Theophilus hath these
 words: "Cúm priscis temporibus pauci forent homines in Arabia &
 Chaldaea, post linguarum diuisionem aucti & multiplicati paulatim
 sunt: hinc quidam abierunt versus orientem, quidam concessere ad
 partes maioris continentis, alij porrò profecti sunt ad septentrionem
 sedes quaesituri, nec priùs desierunt terram vbiq; occupare, quàm
 etiam Britannos in Arctois climatibus accesserint, &c." _That is_;
 "When at the first there were not manie men in Arabia and Chaldaea, it
 came to passe, that after the diuision of toongs, they began somewhat
 better to increase and multiplie, by which occasion some of them went
 toward the east, and some toward the parts of the great maine land:
 diuers of them went also northwards to seeke them dwelling places,
 neither staid they to replenish the earth as they went, till they came
 vnto the Iles of Britaine, lieng vnder the north pole." Thus far
 Theophilus.

 These things considered, Gildas the Britaine had great reason to
 thinke, that this countrie had bene inhabited from the beginning. And
 Polydor Virgil was with no lesse consideration hereby induced to
 confesse, that the Ile of Britaine had receiued inhabitants foorthwith
 after the floud.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Of Samothes, Magus, Sarron, Druis, and Bardus, fiue kings succeeding
 each other in regiment ouer the Celts and Samotheans, and how manie
 hundred yeeres the Celts inhabited this Iland._


 THE SECOND CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: _Gen._ 2.]
 [Sidenote: _De migr. gen._]
 SAMOTHES the sixt begotten sonne of Iaphet called by Moses Mesech, by
 others Dis, receiued for his portion (according to the report of
 Wolfgangus Lazius) all the countrie lieng betwéene the riuer of Rhene
 and the Pyrenian mountains, where he founded the kingdome of Celtica
 [Sidenote: _Cent. 1._]
 ouer his people called Celtae. Which name Bale affirmeth to haue bene
 indifferent to the inhabitants both of the countrie of Gallia, and the
 Ile of Britaine, & that he planted colonies of men (brought foorth of
 the east parts) in either of them, first in the maine land, and after
 [Sidenote: _Anti. lib._ 1.]
 [Sidenote: _Bale Script._]
 [Sidenote: _Brit. cent._ 1.]
 in the Iland. He is reported by Berosus to haue excelled all men of
 that age in learning and knowledge: and also is thought by Bale to
 haue imparted the same among his people; namelie, the vnderstanding

 [Sidenote: _Caesar. comment. lib._ 8.]
 of the sundrie courses of the starres, the order of inferiour things,
 with manie other matters incident to the morall and politike
 gouernment of mans life: and to haue deliuered the same in the
 Phenician letters: out of which the Greekes (according to the opinion
 [Sidenote: _In epithet. temp._]
 [Sidenote: _De aequinorus contra Appionem._]
 of Archilochus) deuised & deriued the Gréeke characters, insomuch that
 Xenophon and Iosephus doo constantlie report (although Diogenes
 Laertius be against it) that both the Gréekes and other nations
 receiued their letters and learning first from these countries. Of
 [Sidenote: _Lib. de Magic. success. lib._ 22.]
 this king and his learning arose a sect of philosophers (saith Annius)
 first in Britaine, and after in Gallia, the which of his name were
 called Samothei. They (as Aristotle and Secion write) were passing
 skilfull both in the law of God and man: and for that cause
 [Sidenote: _Script. Brit. cent._ 1.]
 exceedinglie giuen to religion, especiallie the inhabitants of this
 Ile of Britaine, insomuch that the whole nation did not onelie take
 [Sidenote: _De ant. Cant. cent. lib._ 1.]
 [Sidenote: This Ile called Samothea.]
 the name of them, but the Iland it selfe (as Bale and doctor Caius
 agree) came to be called Samothea, which was the first peculiar name
 that euer it had, and by the which it was especiallie knowne before
 the arriuall of Albion.

 [Sidenote: MAGUS THE SON OF SAMOTHES.]
 [Sidenote: _Lib._ 9.]
 [Sidenote: _Annius in commen. super eundem. Geogr._]
 MAGUS the sonne of Samothes, after the death of his father, was the
 second king of Celtica, by whome (as Berosus writeth) there were manie
 townes builded among the Celts, which by the witnesse of Annius did
 beare the addition of their founder Magus: of which townes diuers are
 to be found in Ptolomie. And Antoninus a painfull surueior of the
 world and searcher of cities, maketh mention of foure of them here in
 Britaine, Sitomagus, Neomagus, Niomagus, and Nouiomagus. Neomagus sir
 Thomas Eliot writeth to haue stood where the citie of Chester now
 standeth; Niomagus, George Lillie placeth where the towne of
 Buckingham is now remaining. Beside this, Bale dooth so highlie
 commend the foresaid Magus for his learning renowmed ouer all the
 world, that he would haue the Persians, and other nations of the south
 and west parts, to deriue the name of their diuines called _Magi_ from
 him. In déed Rauisius Textor, and sir Iohn Prise affirme, that in the
 daies of Plinie, the Britons were so expert in art magike, that they
 might be thought to haue first deliuered the same to the Persians.
 [Sidenote: _De diui. lib._ 1.]
 [Sidenote: _De fastis li._ 5.]
 What the name of _Magus_ importeth, and of what profession the _Magi_
 were, Tullie declareth at large, and Mantuan in briefe, after this
 maner:

   Ille penes Persas Magus est, qui sidera norit,
   Qui sciat herbarum vires cultumq; deorum,
   Persepoli facit ista Magos prudentia triplex.

 [Sidenote: _H.F._]
   The Persians terme him Magus, that
   the course of starres dooth knowe,
   The power of herbs, and worship due
     to God that man dooth owe,
   By threefold knowledge thus the name
     of Magus then dooth growe.

 [Sidenote: SARRON THE SON OF MAGUS.]
 [Sidenote: _De ant. Cant. lib._ 1.]
 [Sidenote: _Bale. script._]
 [Sidenote: _Brit. cent._ 1.]
 SARRON the third king of the Celts succéeded his father Magus in
 gouernement of the countrie of Gallia, and the Ile Samothea, wherein
 as (D. Caius writeth) he founded certaine publike places for them that
 professed learning, which Berosus affirmeth to be done, to the intent
 to restraine the wilfull outrage of men, being as then but raw and
 void of all ciuilitie. Also it is thought by Annius, that he was the
 first author of those kind of philosophers, which were called
 Sarronides, of whom Diodorus Siculus writeth in this sort: "There are
 [Sidenote: _Lib._ 6.]
 (saith he) among the Celts certaine diuines and philosophers called
 Sarronides, whom aboue all other they haue in great estimation. For it
 is the manner among them, not without a philosopher to make anie
 sacrifice: sith they are of beleefe, that sacrifices ought onelie to
 be made by such as are skilfull in the diuine mysteries, as of those
 who are neerest vnto God, by whose intercession they thinke all good
 things are to be required of God, and whose aduise they vse and
 follow, as well in warre as in peace."

 [Sidenote: DRUIS THE SON OF SARRON.]
 [Sidenote: _De morte Claud._]
 DRUIS, whom Seneca calleth Dryus, being the sonne of Sarron, was after
 his father established the fourth king of Celtica, indifferentlie
 reigning as wel ouer the Celts as Britons, or rather (as the
 inhabitants of this Ile were then called) Samotheans. This prince is
 commended by Berosus to be so plentifullie indued with wisedome and
 learning, that Annius taketh him to be the vndoubted author of the
 begining and name of the philosophers called Druides, whome Caesar and
 all other ancient Greeke and Latine writers doo affirme to haue had
 their begining in Britaine, and to haue bin brought from thence into
 Gallia, insomuch that when there arose any doubt in that countrie
 touching any point of their discipline, they did repaire to be
 resolued therein into Britaine, where, speciallie in the Ile of
 [Sidenote: _Anti. lib._ 5.]
 [Sidenote: _Annius super eundem._]
 [Sidenote: _De bello Gallico._ 6.]
 Anglesey (as Humfrey Llhoyd witnesseth) they made their principall
 abode. Touching their vsages many things are written by Aristotle,
 Socion, Plinie, Laertius, Bodinus, and others: which I will gather in
 briefe, and set downe as followeth. They had (as Caesar saith) the
 charge of common & priuate sacrifices, the discussing of points of
 religion, the bringing vp of youth, the determining of matters in
 variance with full power to interdict so manie from the sacrifice of
 [Sidenote: _Hist. an. lib._ 1.]
 their gods and the companie of men, as disobeied their award. Polydore
 affirmeth, how they taught, that mens soules could not die, but
 departed from one bodie to another, and that to the intent to make men
 [Sidenote: _De diui. lib._ 1.]
 valiant and dreadlesse of death. Tullie writeth, that partlie by
 tokens, and partlie by surmises, they would foretell things to come.
 And by the report of Hector Boetius, some of them were not ignorant of
 [Sidenote: _Hist. Scoti. li._ 2.]
 [Sidenote: _De migr. gen. lib._ 2.]
 [Sidenote: _Marcellinus._]
 the immortalitie of the one and euerlasting God. All these things they
 had written in the Greeke toong, insomuch that Wolf. Lazius (vpon the
 report of Marcellinus) declareth how the Gréeke letters were first
 brought to Athens by Timagenes from the Druides. And herevpon it
 commeth also to passe, that the British toong hath in it remaining at
 this day some smacke of the Gréeke. Among other abuses of the Druides,
 they had (according to Diodorus) one custome to kill men, and by the
 falling, bleeding, and dismembring of them, to diuine of things to
 come: for the which and other wicked practises, their sect was first
 condemned for abhominable (as some haue written) and dissolued in
 Gallia (as Auentinus witnesseth) by Tiberius and Claudius the
 [Sidenote: _Anna. Boiorum. lib._ 22.]
 emperours; and lastlie abolished here in Britaine (by the report of
 Caius) when the gospell of Christ by the preaching of Fugatius and
 [Sidenote: _De ant. Cant._]
 Damianus was receiued among the Britaines, vnder Lucius king of
 Britaine, about the yeare of our sauior, 179.

 [Sidenote: BARDUS THE SONNE OF DRUIS.]
 [Sidenote: _Berosus ant. lib._ 2.]
 [Sidenote: _Annius in commen. super eundem._]
 [Sidenote: _Ant. Cant li._ 1.]
 [Sidenote: _script. Britan. cent._ 1.]
 [Sidenote: _Nonnius._]
 [Sidenote: _Marcel._]
 [Sidenote: _Strabo._]
 [Sidenote: _Diodor. Sicul. lib._ 6.]
 [Sidenote: _Carol. Stepha. in dict. hist._]
 [Sidenote: _Bale._]
 [Sidenote: _Iohn Prise._]
 BARDUS the sonne of Druis succéeded his father in the kingdome of
 Celtica, and was the fift king ouer the Celtes and Samotheans, amongst
 whom he was highlie renoumed (as appeareth by Berosus) for inuention
 of dities and musicke, wherein Annius of Viterbo writeth, that he
 trained his people: and of such as excelled in this knowledge, he made
 an order of philosophicall poets or heraulds, calling them by his owne
 name Bardi. And it should séeme by doctor Caius and master Bale, that
 Caesar found some of them here at his arriuall in this Ile, and
 reported that they had also their first begining in the same. The
 profession and vsages of these Bardi, Nonnius, Strabo, Diodorus,
 Stephanus, Bale, and sir Iohn Prise, are in effect reported after this
 sort. They did vse to record the noble exploits of the ancient
 capteins, and to drawe the pedegrées and genealogies of such as were
 liuing. They would frame pleasant dities and songs, learne the same by
 heart, and sing them to instruments at solemne feasts and assemblies
 of noble men and gentlemen. Wherefore they were had in so high
 estimation, that if two hosts had bene readie ranged to ioine in
 battell, and that any of them had fortuned to enter among them, both
 the hosts (as well the enimies as the friends) would haue holden their
 hands, giuen eare vnto them, and ceassed from fight, vntill these
 [Sidenote: _Lucan. lib._ 1.]
 Bards had gone out of the battell. Of these Bards Lucane saith,


   Vos quoq; qui fortes animas bellóq; peremptas,
   Laudius in longum vares dimittitis aeuum,
   Plurima securi fudistis carmina Bardi:

 [Sidenote: _II. F._]
   And you ô poet Bards from danger
     void that dities sound,
   Of soules of dreadlesse men, whom rage
     of battell would confound,
   And make their lasting praise to time
     of later age rebound.


 Because the names of these poets were neither discrepant from the
 ciuilitie of the Romans, nor repugnant to the religion of the
 Christians, they (of all the other sects before specified) were
 suffered onlie to continue vnabolished in all ages, insomuch that
 there flourished of them among the Britains (according to Bale) before
 [Sidenote: _Iohn Bale script. Britan. cent._ 2.]
 [Sidenote: _John Prise defen. hist. Brit._]
 [Sidenote: _Caius de ant._]
 [Sidenote: _Cant. lib._ 1.]
 [Sidenote: _Iohn Leland._]
 [Sidenote: _syllab. ant dict._]
 [Sidenote: _Hum. Lloyd de Mona insula._]
 the birth of Christ, Plenidius and Oronius: after Christ (as Prise
 recounteth) Thalestine, and the two Merlins, Melkin, Elaskirion, and
 others: and of late daies among the Welshmen, Dauid Die, Ioslo Gough,
 Dauid ap William, with an infinite number more. And in Wales there are
 sundrie of them (as Caius reporteth) remaining vnto this day, where
 they are in their language called (as Leland writeth) Barthes. Also by
 the witnes of Humfrey Llhoyd, there is an Iland neere vnto Wales,
 called Insula Bardorum, and Bardsey, whereof the one name in Latine,
 and the other in Saxon or old English, signifieth the Iland of the
 Bardes or Barthes.

 _Thus farre the gouernement of the Celts in this Ile._

        *       *       *       *       *




 AN APPENDIX TO THE FORMER CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: _Bale._]
 After Bardus, the Celts (as Bale saith) loathing the streict
 ordinances of their ancient kings, and betaking themselues to pleasure
 and idlenesse, were in short time, and with small labour brought vnder
 the subiection of the giant Albion, the sonne of Neptune, who altering
 the state of things in this Iland, streicted the name of Celtica and
 the Celts within the bounds of Gallia, from whence they came first to
 inhabit this land vnder the conduct of Samothes, as before ye haue
 [Sidenote: _Annius._]
 heard, accordinglie as Annius hath gathered out of Berosus the
 Chaldean, who therein agréeth also with the scripture, the saieng of
 [Sidenote: _Theophilus._]
 Theophilus the doctor, and the generall consent of all writers, which
 fullie consent, that the first inhabitants of this Ile came out of the
 parties of Gallia, although some of them dissent about the time and
 [Sidenote: _Sir Brian Tuke._]
 maner of their comming. Sir Brian Tuke thinketh it to be ment of the
 arriuall of Brute, when he came out of those countries into this Ile.
 [Sidenote: _Caesar._]
 [Sidenote: _Tacitus._]
 [Sidenote: _Bodinus._]
 Caesar and Tacitus seeme to be of opinion, that those Celts which
 first inhabited here, came ouer to view the countrie for trade of
 merchandize. Bodinus would haue them to come in (a Gods name) from
 Languedoc, and so to name this land Albion, of a citie in Languedoc
 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 named Albie. Beda, and likewise Polydore (who followeth him) affirme
 that they came from the coasts of Armorica, which is now called little
 Britaine.

 But that the authorities afore recited are sufficient to proue the
 time that this Iland was first inhabited by the Celts, the old
 possessors of Gallia; not onelie the néernesse of the regions, but the
 congruence of languages, two great arguments of originals doo fullie
 [Sidenote: _Bodinus._]
 confirme the same. Bodinus writeth vpon report, that the British and
 Celtike language was all one. But whether that be true or not, I am
 not able to affirme, bicause the Celtike toong is long sithens growne
 wholie out of vse. Howbeit some such Celtike words as remaine in the
 writings of old authours may be perceiued to agrée with the Welsh
 toong, being the vncorrupted spéech of the ancient Britains. In déed
 [Sidenote: _Pausanias._]
 Pausanias the Grecian maketh mention how the Celts in their language
 called a horsse _Marc_: and by that name doo the Welshmen call a
 horsse to this day: and the word _Trimarc_ in Pausanias, signifieth in
 the Celtike toong, thrée horsses.

 Thus it appeared by the authoritie of writers, by situation of place,
 and by affinitie of language, that this Iland was first found and
 inhabited by the Celts, that there name from Samothes to Albion
 continued here the space of 310 yeares or there abouts. And finallie
 [Sidenote: _Iohn Bale._]
 it is likelie, that aswell the progenie as the spéech of them is
 partlie remaining in this Ile among the inhabitants, and speciallie
 the British, euen vnto this day.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Of the giant Albion, of his comming into this Iland, diuers opinions
 why it was called Albion: why Albion and Bergion were slaine by
 Hercules: of Danaus and of his 50 daughters._


 THE THIRD CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: _Bale._]
 [Sidenote: _Annius de Viterbo._]
 [Sidenote: _Diodorus Sicubis._]
 [Sidenote: Pinnesses or gallies.]
 [Sidenote: _Higinus._]
 [Sidenote: _Pictonius._]
 NEPTUNUS called by Moses (as some take it) Nepthuim, the sixt sonne of
 Osiris, after the account of Annius, and the brother of Hercules, had
 appointed him of his father (as Diodorus writeth) the gouernement of
 the ocean sea: wherefore he furnished himselfe of sundrie light ships
 for the more redie passage by water, which in the end grew to the
 number of a full nauie: & so by continuall exercise he became so
 skilfull, and therewith so mightie vpon the waters (as Higinus &
 Pictonius doo write) that he was not onelie called the king, but also
 estéemed the god of the seas. He had to wife a ladie called
 Amphitrita, who was also honored as goddesse of the seas, of whose
 bodie he begat sundrie children: and (as Bale reporteth) he made
 [Sidenote: _Scrip. Bri. cent._ 1.]
 euerie one of them king of an Iland. In the Ile of Britaine he landed
 his fourth son called Albion the giant, who brought the same vnder his
 [Sidenote: _Ioh. Textor._]
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 subjection. And herevpon it resteth, that Iohn Textor, and Polydor
 Virgil made mention, that light shippes were first inuented in the
 British seas, and that the same were couered round with the hides of
 beasts, for defending them from the surges and waues of the water.

 This Albion being put by his father in possession of this Ile of
 Britaine, within short time subdued the Samotheans, the first
 inhabitantes thereof, without finding any great resistance, for that
 (as before ye haue heard) they had giuen ouer the practise of all
 warlike and other painefull exercises, and through vse of effeminate
 pleasures, wherevnto they had giuen themselues ouer, they were become
 now vnapt to withstand the force of their enimies: and so (by the
 [Sidenote: _Nichol. Perot._]
 [Sidenote: _Rigmanus Philesius._]
 [Sidenote: _Aristotle._]
 [Sidenote: _Hum. Lhoyd._]
 testimonie of Nicholaus Perottus, Rigmanus Philesius, Aristotle, and
 Humfrey Llhoyd, with diuers other, both forraine & home-writers) this
 Iland was first called by the name of Albion, hauing at one time both
 the name and inhabitants changed from the line of Iaphet vnto the
 accursed race of Cham.

 This Albion (that thus changed the name of this Ile) and his companie,
 are called giants, which signifieth none other than a tall kind of
 men, of that vncorrupt stature and highnesse naturallie incident to
 [Sidenote: _Berosus._]
 the first age (which Berosus also séemeth to allow, where he writeth,
 that Noah was one of the giants) and were not so called only of their
 monstrous greatnesse, as the common people thinke (although in deed
 they exceeded the vsuall stature of men now in these daies) but also
 for that they tooke their name of the soile where they were borne: for
 [Sidenote: What _Gigantes_ signifie.]
 _Gigantes_ signifieth the sons of the earth: the Aborigines, or (as
 Cesar calleth them) Indigenae; that is, borne and bred out of the
 earth where they inhabited.

 Thus some thinke, but verelie although that their opinion is not to be
 allowed in any condition, which maintaine that there should be any
 [Sidenote: _Against the opinion of the Aborigines._]
 Aborigines, or other kind of men than those of Adams line; yet that
 there haue beene men of far greater stature than are now to be found,
 is sufficientlie prooued by the huge bones of those that haue beene
 found in our time, or lately before: whereof here to make further
 relation it shall not need, sith in the description of Britaine ye
 shall find it sufficientlie declared.

 [Sidenote: _Bale._]
 [Sidenote: Bergion brother to Albion.]
 [Sidenote: Hercules Lybicus.]
 But now to our purpose. As Albion held Britaine in subiection, so his
 brother Bergion kept Ireland and the Orkenies vnder his rule and
 dominion, and hearing that their coosine Hercules Lybicus hauing
 finished his conquests in Spaine, meant to passe through Gallia into
 Italie, against their brother Lestrigo that oppressed Italie, vnder
 subiection of him & other of his brethren the sons also of Neptune; as
 well Albion as Bergion assembling their powers togither, passed ouer
 into Gallia, to stoppe the passage of Hercules, whose intention was to
 vanquish and destroie those tyrants the sonnes of Neptune, & their
 complices that kept diuers countries and regions vnder the painefull
 yoke of their heauie thraldome.

 [Sidenote: The cause why Hercules pursued his cousins.]
 The cause that moued Hercules thus to pursue vpon those tyrants now
 reigning thus in the world, was, for that not long before, the
 greatest part of them had conspired togither and slaine his father
 Osiris, notwithstanding that they were nephues to the same Osiris, as
 sonnes to his brother Neptune, and not contented with his slaughter,
 they diuided his carcase also amongst them, so that each of them got a
 peece in token of reioising at their murtherous atchiued enterprise.

 For this cause Hercules (whome Moses calleth Laabin) proclamed warres
 against them all in reuenge of his fathers death: and first he killed
 Triphon and Busiris in Aegypt, then Anteus in Mauritania, & the
 Gerions in Spaine, which enterprise atchiued, he led his armie
 towardes Italie, and by the way passed through a part of Gallia, where
 [Sidenote: _Pomp. Mela._]
 Albion and Bergion hauing vnited their powers togither, were readie to
 receiue him with battell: and so néere to the mouth of the riuer
 called Rhosne, in Latine _Rhodanus_, they met & fought. At the first
 there was a right terrible and cruell conflict betwixt them. And
 albeit that Hercules had the greatest number of men, yet was it verie
 doubtfull a great while, to whether part the glorie of that daies
 worke would bend. Whereupon when the victorie began outright to turne
 vnto Albion, and to his brother Bergion, Hercules perceiuing the
 danger and likelihood of vtter losse of that battell, speciallie for
 that his men had wasted their weapons, he caused those that stood
 still and were not otherwise occupied, to stoope downe, and to gather
 vp stones, whereof in that place there was great plentie, which by his
 commandement they bestowed so fréelie vpon their enimies, that in the
 [Sidenote: Hercules discomfiteth his enimies.]
 end hée obteined the victorie, and did not only put his adversaries to
 [Sidenote: Albion is slaine.]
 flight, but also slue Albion there in the field, togither with his
 brother Bergion, and the most part of all their whole armie. This was
 the end of Albion, and his brother Bergion, by the valiant prowesse of
 Hercules, who as one appointed by Gods prouidence to subdue the cruell
 & vnmercifull tyrants, spent his time to the benefit of mankind,
 deliuering the oppressed from the heauie yoke of miserable thraldome,
 in euerie place where he came.

 [Sidenote: The occasion of the fable of Jupiter helping his son
 Hercules.]
 And by the order of this battell wée maye learne whereof the poets had
 their inuention, when they faine in their writings, that Jupiter holpe
 his sonne Hercules, by throwing downe stones from heauen in this
 battell against Albion and Bergion. Moreouer, from henceforth was this
 [Sidenote: How this Ile was called Albion, of the giant Albion.]
 [Sidenote: _Iohn Bale._]
 Ile of Britaine called Albion (as before we haue said) after the name
 of the said Albion: because he was established chiefe ruler and king
 thereof both by his grandfather Osiris and his father Neptune that
 cunning sailour reigning therein (as Bale saith) by the space of 44.
 yeares, till finally he was slaine in maner afore remembred by his
 vncle Hercules Libicus.

 After that Hercules had thus vanquished and destroied his enimies, hée
 passed to and fro thorough Gallia, suppressing the tyrants in euerie
 part where he came, and restoring the people vnto a reasonable kinde
 of libertie, vnder lawfull gouernours. This Hercules (as we find)
 builded the citie Alexia in Burgongne, nowe called Alize. Moreouer, by
 Lilius Giraldus in the life of Hercules it is auouched, that the same
 Hercules came ouer hither into Britaine. And this dooth Giraldus write
 by warrant of such Britons as (saith he) haue so written themselues,
 which thing peraduenture he hath read in Gildas the ancient Briton
 poet: a booke that (as he confesseth in the 5. dialog of his histories
 of poets) he hath séene. The same thing also is confirmed by the name
 of an head of land in Britaine called _Promontorium Herculis_, as in
 Ptolomie ye may read, which is thought to take name of his arriuall at
 that place. Thus much for Albion and Hercules.

 [Sidenote: Diuers opinions why this Ile was called Albion.]
 [Sidenote: Sée more hereof in the discription.]
 But now, whereas it is not denied of anie, that this Ile was called
 ancientlie by the name of Albion: yet there be diuers opinions how it
 came by that name: for manie doo not allow of this historie of Albion
 the giant. But for so much as it apperteineth rather to the
 description than to the historie of this Ile, to rip vp and lay foorth
 the secret mysteries of such matters: and because I thinke that this
 opinion which is here auouched, how it tooke that name of the forsaid
 Albion, sonne to Neptune, may be confirmed with as good authoritie as
 some of the other, I here passe ouer the rest, & procéed with the
 historie.

 When Albion chiefe capteine of the giants was slaine, the residue that
 remained at home in the Ile, continued without any rule or restraint
 of law, in so much that they fell to such a dissolute order of life,
 that they séemed little or nothing to differ from brute beasts: and
 those are they which our ancient chronicles call the giants, who were
 so named, as well for the huge proportion of their stature (sithens as
 before is said, that age brought foorth far greater men than are now
 liuing) as also for that they were the first, or at the least the
 furthest in remembrance of any that had inhabited this countrie. For
 this word _Gigines_, or _Gegines_, from whence our word giant (as some
 take it) is deriued, is a Gréeke word, and signifieth, Borne or bred
 of or in the earth, for our fore-elders, specially the Gentiles, being
 ignorant of the true beginning of mankind, were persuaded, that the
 first inhabitants of any countrie were bred out of the earth, and
 therefore when they could go no higher, reckoning the descents of
 [Sidenote: _Terrae filius_ what it signifieth.]
 their predecessours, they would name him _Terrae filius_, The sonne of
 the earth: and so the giants whom the poets faine to haue sought to
 make battell against heauen, are called the sonnes of the earth: and
 the first inhabitants generally of euery countrie were of the Gréekes
 [Sidenote: _Aborigines._]
 [Sidenote: _Indigenae._]
 called _Gigines_, or _Gegines_, and of the Latines _Aborigines_, and
 _Indigenae_, that is, People borne of the earth from the beginning,
 and comming from no other countrie, but bred within the same.

 These giants and first inhabitants of this Ile continued in their
 beastlie kind of life vnto the arriuall of the ladies, which some of
 our chronicles ignorantly write to be the daughters of Dioclesian the
 king of Assyria, whereas in déed they haue béene deceiued, in taking
 [Sidenote: The mistaking of the name of Dioclesianus for Danaus.]
 the word _Danaus_ to be short written for _Dioclesianus_: and by the
 same meanes haue diuers words and names béene mistaken, both in our
 chronicles, and in diuers other ancient written woorks. But this is a
 fault that learned men should not so much trouble themselues about,
 considering the same hath bin alreadie found by sundrie authors ling
 [Sidenote: _Hugh the Italian._]
 [Sidenote: _Harding._]
 [Sidenote: _Iohn Rous_ out of _Dauid Pencair._]
 sithens, as Hugh the Italian, Iohn Harding, Iohn Rouse of Warwike, and
 others, speciallie by the helpe of Dauid Pencair a British historie,
 who recite the historie vnder the name of Danaus and his daughters.
 And because we would not any man to thinke, that the historie of these
 daughters of Danaus is onelie of purpose deuised, and brought in place
 of Dioclesianus, to excuse the imperfection of our writers, whereas
 there was either no such historie (or at the least no such women that
 [Sidenote: _Nennius._]
 arriued in this Ile) the authoritie of Nennius a Briton writer may be
 auouched, who wrote aboue 900. yeares past, and maketh mention of the
 arriuall of such ladies.

 [Sidenote: Belus priscus.]
 [Sidenote: _Dictionarium poeticum._]
 To be short, the historie is thus. Belus the sonne of Epaphus, or (as
 some writers haue) of Neptune and Libies (whome Isis after the death
 of Apis maried) had issue two sonnes: the first Danaus, called also
 Armeus; and Aegyptus called also Rameses: these two were kings among
 the Aegyptians, Danaus the elder of the two, hauing in his rule the
 [Sidenote: Danaus.]
 [Sidenote: Aegyptus.]
 [Sidenote: _Higinus._]
 vpper region of Aegypt, had by sundrie wiues 50. daughters, with whome
 his brother Aegyptus, gaping for the dominion of the whole, did
 instantlie labour, that his sonnes being also 50. in number, might
 match. But Danaus hauing knowledge by some prophesie or oracle, that a
 sonne in law of his should be his death, refused so to bestow his
 daughters. Hereupon grew warre betwixt the brethren, in the end
 whereof, Danaus being the weaker, was inforced to flée his countrie,
 and so prepared a nauie, imbarked himselfe and his daughters, and with
 them passed ouer into Gréece, where he found meanes to dispossesse
 Gelenor (sonne to Stenelas king of Argos) of his rightfull
 inheritance, driuing him out of his countrie, and reigned in his place
 by the assistance of the Argiues that had conceiued an hatred towardes
 Gelenor, and a great liking towardes Danaus, who in verie deed did so
 farre excell the kings that had reigned there before him, that the
 Gréekes in remembrance of him were after called Danai.

 But his brother Aegyptus, taking great disdaine for that he and his
 sonnes were in such sort despised of Danaus, sent his sonnes with a
 great armie to make warre against their vncle, giuing them in charge
 not to returne, till they had either slaine Danaus, or obtained his
 daughters in mariage. The yoong gentlemen according to their fathers
 commandement, being arriued in Greece, made such warre against Danaus,
 that in the end he was constrained to giue vnto those his 50. nephues
 his 50. daughters, to ioine with them in mariage, and so they were.
 But as the prouerbe saith, "In trust appeared treacherie." For on the
 first night of the mariage, Danaus deliuered to ech of his daughters a
 sword, charging them that when their husbands after their bankets and
 pastimes were once brought into a sound sléepe, ech of them should
 slea hir husband, menacing them with death vnlesse they fulfilled his
 commandement. They all therefore obeied the will of their father,
 Hypermnestra onely excepted, with whom preuailed more the loue of
 kinred and wedlocke, than the feare of hir fathers displeasure: for
 shee alone spared the life of hir husband Lynceus, waking him out of
 his sléepe, and warning him to depart and flee into Aegypt to his
 father. He therefore hauing all the wicked practises reuealed to him
 by his wife, followed hir aduice, and so escaped.

 [Sidenote: _Pausanias._]
 Now when Danaus perceiued how all his daughters had accomplished his
 commandement, sauing onelie Hypermnestra, he caused hir to be brought
 forth into iudgement, for disobeieng him in a matter wherein both the
 safetie and losse of his life rested: but she was acquitted by the
 Argiues, & discharged. Howbeit hir father kept hir in prison, and
 séeking to find out other husbands for his other daughters that had
 obeied his pleasure in sleaing their first husbands, long it was yer
 he could find any to match with them: for the heinous offense
 committed in the slaughter of their late husbands, was yet too fresh
 in memorie, and their bloud not wiped out of mind. Neuerthelesse, to
 bring his purpose the better to passe, he made proclamation, that his
 daughters should demand no ioinctures, and euerie suter should take
 his choise without respect to the age of the ladie, or abilitie of him
 that came to make his choise, but so as first come best serued,
 according to their owne phantasies and likings. Howbeit when this
 policie also failed, & would not serue his turne, he deuised a game of
 running, ordeining therewith, that whosoeuer got the best price should
 haue the first choise among all the sisters; and he that got the
 second, should choose next to the first; and so foorth, ech one after
 an other, according to the triall of their swiftnesse of foote.

 How much this practise auailed, I know not: but certeine it is, diuers
 of them were bestowed, either by this or some other meanes, for we
 find that Autonomes was maried to Architeles, Chrysanta or (as
 Pausanias saith) Scea was matched with Archandrus, Amaome with
 Neptunus Equestris, on whome he begat Nauplius.

 [Sidenote: _Higinus._]
 But now to returne vnto Lynceus, whome his wife Hypermnestra
 preserued, as before ye haue heard. After he was once got out of the
 reach and danger of his father in law king Danaus, he gaue knowledge
 [Sidenote: _Pausanias._]
 thereof to his wife, in raising a fire on heigth beaconwise,
 accordingly as she had requested him to doo at his departure from hir:
 and this was at a place which afterwards tooke name of him, and was
 called Lyncea. Upon his returne into Aegypt, he gaue his father to
 vnderstand the whole circumstance of the trecherous crueltie vsed by
 his vncle and his daughters in the murder of his brethren, and how
 hardly he himselfe had escaped death out of his vncles handes.
 Wherevpon at time conuenient he was furnished foorth with men and
 ships by his father, for the spéedie reuenge of that heinous,
 vnnaturall and most disloiall murder, in which enterprise he sped him
 foorth with such diligence, that in short time he found meanes to
 dispatch his vncle Danaus, set his wife Hypermnestra at libertie, and
 subdued the whole kingdome of the Argiues.

 This done, he caused the daughters of Danaus (so many as remained
 within the limits of his dominion) to be sent for, whome he thought
 not worthie to liue, bicause of the cruell murther which they had
 committed on his brethren: but yet for that they were his wiues
 sisters, he would not put them to death, but commanded them to be
 thrust into a ship, without maister, mate or mariner, and so to be
 turned into the maine ocean sea, and to take and abide such fortune as
 [Sidenote: _Harding_ and _Iohn Rouse_ out of _David Pencair._]
 should chance vnto them. These ladies thus imbarked and left to the
 mercy of the seas, by hap were brought to the coasts of this Ile then
 called Albion, where they tooke land, and in séeking to prouide
 themselues of victuals by pursute of wilde beasts, met with no other
 inhabitants, than the rude and sauage giants mentioned before, whome
 our historiens for their beastlie kind of life doo call diuells. With
 these monsters did these ladies (finding none other to satisfie the
 motions of their sensuall lust) ioine in the act of venerie, and
 ingendred a race of people in proportion nothing differing from their
 fathers that begat them, nor in conditions from their mothers that
 bare them.

 But now peraduenture ye wil thinke that I haue forgotten my selfe, in
 rehearsing this historie of the ladies arriuall here, bicause I make
 no mention of Albina, which should be the eldest of the sisters, of
 whome this land should also take the name of Albion. To this we
 answer, that as the name of their father hath bene mistaken, so
 likewise hath the whole course of the historie in this behalfe. For
 though we shall admit that to be true which is rehearsed (in maner as
 before ye haue heard) of the arriuall here of those ladies; yet
 certeine it is that none of them bare the name of Albina, from whome
 this land might be called Albion. For further assurance whereof, if
 [Sidenote: _Higinus._]
 [Sidenote: The names of the daughters of Danaus.]
 any man be desirous to know all their names, we haue thought good here
 to rehearse them as they be found in Higinus, Pausanias, and others. 1
 Idea, 2 Philomela, 3 Scillo, 4 Phicomene, 5 Euippe, 6 Demoditas, 7
 Hyale, 8 Trite, 9 Damone, 10 Hippothoe, 11 Mirmidone, 12 Euridice, 13
 Chleo, 14 Vrania, 15 Cleopatra, 16 Phylea, 17 Hypareta, 18
 Chrysothemis, 19 Heranta, 20 Armoaste, 21 Danaes, 22 Scea, 23
 Glaucippe, 24 Demophile, 25 Autodice, 26 Polyxena, 27 Hecate, 28
 Achamantis, 29 Arsalte, 30 Monuste, 31 Amimone, 32 Helice, 33 Amaome,
 34 Polybe, 35 Helicte, 36 Electra, 37 Eubule, 38 Daphildice, 39 Hero,
 40 Europomene, 41 Critomedia, 42 Pyrene, 43 Eupheno, 44 Themistagora,
 45 Paleno, 46 Erato, 47 Autonomes, 48 Itea, 49 Chrysanta, 50
 Hypermnestra. These were the names of those ladies the daughters of
 Danaus: howbeit, which they were that should arriue in this Ile, we
 can not say: but it sufficeth to vnderstand, that none of them hight
 Albina. So that, whether the historie of their landing here should be
 [Sidenote: See more in the description.]
 true or not, it is all one for the matter concerning the name of this
 Ile, which vndoubtedlie was called Albion, either of Albion the giant
 (as before I haue said) or by some other occasion.

 And thus much for the ladies, whose strange aduenture of their
 arriuall here, as it may séeme to manie & (with good cause)
 incredible, so without further auouching it for truth I leaue it to
 the consideration of the reader, to thinke thereof as reason shall
 moue him sith I sée not how either in this, or in other things of such
 antiquitie, we cannot haue sufficient warrant otherwise than by
 likelie coniectures. Which as in this historie of the ladies they are
 not most probable, yet haue we shewed the likeliest, that (as we
 thinke) may be déemed to agrée with those authors that haue written of
 their comming into this Ile. But as for an assured proofe that this
 Ile was inhabited with people before the comming of Brute, I trust it
 may suffice which before is recited out of Annius de Viterbo,
 Theophilus, Gildas, and other, although much more might be said: as of
 the comming hither of Osiris, as well as in the other parties of the
 [Sidenote: Vlysses in Britaine.]
 world: and likewise of Vlysses his being here, who in performing some
 vow which he either then did make, or before had made, erected an
 altar in that part of Scotland which was ancientlie called Calidonia,
 [Sidenote: _Iulius Solinus._]
 as Iulius Solinus Polyhistor in plaine words dooth record.

 ¶ Vpon these considerations I haue no doubt to deliuer vnto the
 reader, the opinion of those that thinke this land to haue bene
 inhabited before the arriuall here of Brute, trusting it may be taken
 in good part, sith we haue but shewed the coniectures of others, till
 time that some sufficient learned man shall take vpon him to decipher
 the doubts of all these matters. Neuerthelesse, I thinke good to
 aduertise the reader that these stories of Samothes, Magus, Sarron,
 Druis, and Bardus, doo relie onelie vpon the authoritie of Berosus,
 whom most diligent antiquaries doo reiect as a fabulous and counterfet
 author, and Vacerius hath laboured to prooue the same by a speciall
 treatise latelie published at Rome.

        *       *       *       *       *




 THE SECOND BOOKE

 OF THE

 HISTORIE OF ENGLAND.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Of Brute and his descent, how he slue his father in hunting, his
 banishment, his letter to king Pandrasus, against whom he wageth
 battell, taketh him prisoner, and concludeth peace vpon conditions._

 THE FIRST CHAPTER.


 Hitherto haue we spoken of the inhabitants of this Ile before the
 comming of Brute, although some will néeds haue it, that he was the
 first which inhabited the same with his people descended of the
 Troians, some few giants onelie excepted whom he vtterlie destroied,
 and left not one of them aliue through the whole Ile. But as we shall
 not doubt of Brutes comming hither, so may we assuredly thinke, that
 he found the Ile peopled either with the generation of those which
 Albion the giant had placed here, or some other kind of people whom he
 did subdue, and so reigned as well ouer them as ouer those which he
 brought with him.

 [Sidenote: _Humfr. Lhoyd._]
 This Brutus, or Brytus [for this letter (Y) hath of ancient time had
 the sounds both of V and I] (as the author of the booke which Geffrey
 of Monmouth translated dooth affirme) was the sonne of Siluius, the
 sonne of Ascanius, the sonne of Aeneas the Troian, begotten of his
 wife Creusa, & borne in Troie, before the citie was destroied. But as
 [Sidenote: _Harding._]
 [Sidenote: _Alex. Neuil._]
 [Sidenote: _W. Har._]
 other doo take it, the author of that booke (whatsoeuer he was) and
 such other as follow him, are deceiued onelie in this point, mistaking
 the matter, in that Posthumus the sonne of Aeneas (begotten of his
 wife Lauinia, and borne after his fathers deceasse in Italie) was
 called Ascanius, who had issue a sonne named Iulius, who (as these
 other doo coniecture) was the father of Brute, that noble chieftaine
 and aduenturous leader of those people, which being descended (for the
 more part in the fourth generation) from those Troians that escaped
 with life, when that roiall citie was destroied by the Gréekes, got
 possession of this woorthie and most famous Ile.

 To this opinion Giouan Villani a Florentine in his vniuersall
 historie, speaking of Aeneas and his ofspring kings in Italie, séemeth
 to agrée, where he saith: "Siluius (the sonne of Aeneas by his wife
 Lauinia) fell in loue with a néece of his mother Lauinia, and by hir
 had a sonne, of whom she died in trauell, and therefore was called
 Brutus, who after as he grew in some stature, and hunting in a forrest
 slue his father vnwares, and therevpon for feare of his grandfather
 Siluius Posthumus he fled the countrie, and with a retinue of such as
 followed him, passing through diuers seas, at length he arriued in the
 Ile of Britaine."

 Concerning therefore our Brute, whether his father Iulius was sonne to
 Ascanius the sonne of Aeneas by his wife Creusa, or sonne to Posthumus
 called also Ascanius, and sonne to Aeneas by his wife Lauinia, we will
 not further stand. But this, we find, that when he came to the age of
 15. yéeres, so that he was now able to ride abrode with his father
 into the forrests and chases, he fortuned (either by mishap, or by
 [Sidenote: Brute killeth his father.]
 Gods prouidence) to strike his father with an arrow, in shooting at a
 déere, of which wound he also died. His grandfather (whether the same
 was Posthumus, or his elder brother) hearing of this great misfortune
 that had chanced to his sonne Siluius, liued not long after, but died
 for verie greefe and sorow (as is supposed) which he conceiued
 thereof. And the young gentleman, immediatlie after he had slaine his
 father (in maner before alledged) was banished his countrie, and
 therevpon got him into Grecia, where trauelling the countrie, he
 lighted by chance among some of the Troian ofspring, and associating
 himselfe with them, grew by meanes of the linage (whereof he was
 descended) in proces of time into great reputation among them:
 chieflie by reason there were yet diuers of the Troian race, and that
 [Sidenote: Pausanias.]
 of great authoritie in that countrie. For Pyrrhus the sonne of
 Achilles, hauing no issue by his wife Hermione, maried Andromache,
 late wife vnto Hector: and by hir had thrée sonnes, Molossus, Pileus,
 and Pergamus, who in their time grew to be of great power in those
 places and countries, and their ofspring likewise: whereby Brutus or
 Brytus wanted no friendship. For euen at his first comming thither,
 diuers of the Troians that remained in seruitude, being desirous of
 libertie, by flocks resorted vnto him. And amongst other, Assaracus
 was one, whom Brute intertained, receiuing at his hands the possession
 of sundrie forts and places of defense, before that the king of those
 parties could haue vnderstanding or knowledge of any such thing.
 Herewith also such as were readie to make the aduenture with him,
 repaired to him on ech side, wherevpon he first placed garisons in
 those townes which had bene thus deliuered vnto him, and afterwards
 with Assaracus and the residue of the multitude he withdrew into the
 mountains néere adioining. And thus being made strong with such
 assistance, by consultation had with them that were of most authoritie
 about him, wrote vnto the king of that countrie called Pandrasus, in
 forme as followeth.

   _A letter of Brute to Pandrasus, as I find it set downe in Galfride
   Monumetensis._

 "BRUTE leader of the remnant of the Troian people, to Pandrasus king
 of the Greekes, sendeth greeting. Bicause it hath beene thought a
 thing vnworthie, that the people descended of the noble linage of
 Dardanus should be otherwise dealt with than the honour of their
 nobilitie dooth require: they haue withdrawne themselues within the
 close couert of the woods. For they haue chosen rather (after the
 maner of wild beasts) to liue on flesh and herbs in libertie, than
 furnished with all the riches in the world to continue vnder the yoke
 of seruile thraldome. But if this their dooing offend thy mightie
 highnesse, they are not to be blamed, but rather in this behalfe to be
 pardoned, sith euerie captiue prisoner is desirous to be restored vnto
 his former estate and dignitie. You therefore pitieng their case,
 vouchsafe to grant them their abridged libertie, and suffer them to
 remaine in quiet within these woods which they haue got into their
 possession: if not so, yet giue them licence to depart forth of this
 countrie into some other parts."

 [Sidenote: Pandrasus prepareth an armie to supress the Troian
 ofspring.]
 The sight of these letters, and request in them conteined, made
 Pandrasus at the first somewhat amazed, howbeit deliberating further
 of the matter, and considering their small number, he made no great
 account of them, but determined out of hand to suppresse them by
 force, before they should grow to a greater multitude. And to bring
 [Sidenote: Sparatinum.]
 his intention the better to passe, he passed by a towne called
 Sparatinum, & marching toward the woods where he thoght to haue found
 his enimies, he was suddenlie assalted by Brute, who with three
 thousand men came foorth of the woods, and fiercelie setting vpon his
 enimies, made great slaughter of them, so that they were vtterlie
 discomfited, & sought by flight to saue themselues in passing a riuer
 [Sidenote: Peraduenture Achelous.]
 néere hand called Akalon. Brute with his men following fast upon the
 aduersaries, caused them to plunge into the water at aduenture, so
 [Sidenote: Antigonus, the brother of Pandrasus.]
 that manie of them were drowned. Howbeit Antigonus the brother of
 Pandrasus did what he could to stay the Grecians from fléeing, and
 calling them backe againe did get some of them togither, placed them
 in order, and began a new field: but it nothing auailed, for the
 Troians, preasing vpon him, tooke him prisoner, slue and scattred his
 companie, and ceased not till they had rid the fields of all their
 aduersaries.

 [Sidenote: Brute entreth into Sparatinum.]
 This doone, Brute entering the towne, furnished it with six hundred
 able souldiours, and afterwards went backe to the residue of his
 people that were incamped in the woods, where he was receiued with
 vnspeakeable ioy for this prosperous atchiued enterprise. But although
 this euill successe at the first beginning sore troubled Pandrasus, as
 well for the losse of the field, as for the taking of his brother, yet
 was he rather kindled in desire to séeke reuenge, than otherwise
 discouraged. And therefore assembling his people againe togither that
 were scattered here and there, he came the next day before the towne
 of Sparatinum, where he thought to haue found Brute inclosed togither
 with the prisoners, and therfore he shewed his whole endeuour by hard
 siege and fierce assaults to force them within to yeeld.

 To conclude, so long he continued the siege, till victuals began to
 waxe scant within, so that there was no way but to yeeld, if present
 succour came not to remoue the siege: wherevpon they signified their
 necessitie vnto Brute, who for that he had not power sufficient to
 fight with the enimies in open field, he ment to giue them a camisado
 in the night season, and so ordered his businesse, that inforsing a
 prisoner (named Anacletus whome he had taken in the last battell) to
 serue his turne, by constreining him to take an oth (which he durst
 not for conscience sake breake) he found means to encounter with his
 enimies vpon the aduantage, that he did not onelie ouerthrowe their
 [Sidenote: Pandrasus taken prisoner.]
 whole power, but also tooke Pandrasus prisoner, whereby all the
 trouble was ended: and shortlie after a perfect peace concluded, vpon
 these conditions following.

 [Sidenote: The conditions of the agréement betwixt Brute & Pandrasus.]
 First, that Pandrasus should giue his daughter Innogen vnto Brute in
 mariage, with a competent summe of gold and siluer for hir dowrie.

 Secondlie, to furnish him and his people with a nauie of ships, and to
 store the same with victuals and all other necessaries.

 Thirdlie, that Brute with his people should haue licence to depart the
 countrie, to séeke aduentures whither so euer it should please them to
 direct their course, without let, impeachment, or trouble to be
 offered anie waies by the Gréeks.

 To all these conditions (bicause they touched not the prerogatiue of
 his kingdome) Pandrasus did willinglie agrée, and likewise performed.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Brute and his wife Innogen arriue in Leogitia, they aske counsell of
 an oracle where they shall inhabit, he meeteth with a remnant of
 Troians on the coasts neere the shooting downe of the Pyrenine hills
 into the sea._

 THE SECOND CHAPTER.


 Al things being thus brought to passe according to Brutes desire, wind
 also and wether seruing the purpose, he with his wife Innogen and his
 people imbarked, and hoising vp sailes departed from the coasts of
 Grecia. Now after two daies and a nights sailing, they arriued at
 Leogitia (in some old written bookes of the British historie noted
 downe Lergetia) an Iland, where they consulted with an oracle. Brute
 himselfe knéeling before the idoll, and holding in his right hand a
 boll prepared for sacrifice full of wine, and the bloud of a white
 hinde, spake in this maner as here followeth:


   Diua potens nemorum, terror syluestribus apris,
       Cui licet anfractus ire per æthereos,
   Infernasq; domos, terrestria iura resolue,
       Et die quas terras nos habitare velis:
   Dic certam sedem qua te venerabor in æuum,
       Qua tibi virgineis templa dicabo choris.


 These verses (as Ponticus Virumnius and others also doo gesse) were
 written by Gildas Cambrius in his booke intituled _Cambreidos_, and
 may thus be Englished:


   Thou goddesse that doost rule
       the woods and forrests greene,
   And chasest foming boares
       that flee thine awfull sight,
   Thou that maist passe aloft
       in airie skies so sheene,
   And walke eke vnder earth
       in places void of light,
   Discouer earthlie states,
       direct our course aright,
   And shew where we shall dwell,
       according to thy will,
   In seates of sure abode,
       where temples we may dight
   For virgins that shall sound
       thy laud with voices shrill.


 After this praier and ceremonie done, according to the pagane rite and
 custome, Brute abiding his answer, fell asléepe: in which sléepe
 appeared to him the said goddesse vttering this answer in the verses
 following expressed.


   Brute, sub occasum solis trans Gallica regna,
       Insula in oceano est, vndiq; clausa mari,
   Insula in oceano est, habitata gigantibus olim,
       Nunc deserta quidèm, gentibus apta tuis:
   Hanc pete, námq; tibi sedes erit ilia perennis,
       Hîc fiet natis altera Troia tuis:
   Hîc de prole tua reges nascentur, & ipsis
       Totius terræ subditus orbis erit.

   Brute, farre by-west beyond the Gallike
       land is found,
   An Ile which with the ocean seas
       inclosed is about,
   Where giants dwelt sometime,
       but now is desart ground,
   Most meet where thou maist plant
       thy selfe with all thy rout:
   Make thitherwards with speed,
       for there thou shalt find out
   An euerduring seat,
       and Troie shall rise anew,
   Vnto thy race, of whom
       shall kings be borne no dout,
   That with their mightie power
       the world shall whole subdew.


 After he awaked out of sléepe, and had called his dreame to
 remembrance, he first doubted whether it were a verie dreame, or a
 true vision, the goddes hauing spoken to him with liuelie voice.
 Wherevpon calling such of his companie vnto him as he thought
 requisite in such a case, he declared vnto them the whole matter with
 the circumstances, whereat they greatlie reioising, caused mightie
 bonfires to be made, in the which they cast wine, milke, and other
 liquors, with diuers gums and spices of most sweet smell and sauour,
 as in the pagan religion was accustomed. Which obseruances and
 ceremonies performed and brought to end, they returned streightwaies
 to their ships, and as soone as the wind served, passed forward on
 their iournie with great ioy and gladnesse, as men put in comfort to
 find out the wished seats for their firme and sure habitations. From
 hence therefore they cast about, and making westward, first arrived in
 [Sidenote: Brute with his companie landed in Affrike.]
 Affrica, and after kéeping on their course, they passed the straits of
 Gibralterra, and coasting alongst the shore on the right hand, they
 found another companie that were likewise descended of the Troian
 progenie, on the coasts nere where the Pyrenine hils shoot downe to
 the sea, whereof the same sea by good reason (as some suppose) was
 [Sidenote: The mistaking of those that haue copied the British
 historie putting _Mare Tyrrhenum_, for _Pyrenæum_]
 named in those daies Mare Pyrenæum, although hitherto by fault of
 writers & copiers of the British historie receiued, in this place Mare
 Tyrrhenum, was slightlie put downe in stead of Pyrenæum.

 The ofspring of those Troians, with whom Brute and his companie thus
 did méet, were a remnant of them that came away with Antenor. Their
 capteine hight Corineus, a man of great modestie and approoued
 wisedome, and thereto of incomparable strength and boldnesse.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Brute and the said Troians with their capteine Corineus doo associat,
 they take landing within the dominion of king Goffarus, he raiseth an
 armie against Brute and his power, but is discomfited: of the citie of
 Tours: Brutes arrivall in this Iland with his companie._

 THE THIRD CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: Brute and Corineus ioin their companies together.]
 After that Brute and the said Troians, by conference interchangeablie
 had, vnderstood one anothers estates, and how they were descended from
 one countrie and progenie, they vnited themselves togither, greatlie
 reioising that they were so fortunatlie met: and hoising vp their
 [Sidenote: They arrive on the coasts of Gallia, now called France.]
 sailes, directed their course forward still, till they arriued within
 the mouth of the riuer of Loire, which diuideth Aquitaine from Gall
 Celtike, where they tooke land within the dominion of a king called
 Goffarius, surnamed Pictus, by reason he was descended of the people
 [Sidenote: Goffarius surnamed Pictus _Les annales d'Aquitaine._]
 [Sidenote: Agathyrsi, otherwise called Picts, of painting their
 bodies.]
 [Sidenote: _Marcellus Plinie._]
 [Sidenote: _Herodotus li._ 4.]
 Agathyrsi, otherwise named Picts, bicause they used to paint their
 faces and bodies, insomuch that the richer a man was amongst them, the
 more cost he bestowed in painting himselfe; and commonlie the haire of
 their head was red, or (as probable writers say) of skie colour.
 Herodotus calleth them [Greek: chrysothorous] bicause they did weare
 much gold about them. They vsed their wives in common, and bicause
 they are all supposed to be brethren, there is no strife nor discord
 among them. Of these Agathyrsi, it is recorded by the said Herodotus,
 that they refused to succour the Scythians against Darius, giving this
 reason of their refusall; bicause they would not make warre against
 him who had doone them no wrong. And of this people dooth the poet
 make mention, saieng,

 [Sidenote: _Virg. Aeneid._ 4.]

   Cretésq; Dryopésq; fremunt pictíq; Agathyrsi.


 [Sidenote: _Cæsar com. li._ 5.]
 To paint their faces not for amiablenesse, but for terriblenesse, the
 Britons in old time vsed, and that with a kind of herbe like vnto
 plantine. In which respect I sée no reason why they also should not be
 called Picts, as well as the Agathyrsi; séeing the denomination sprang
 [Sidenote: _P. Mart. com. part._ 2. _sect._ 60.]
 of a vaine custome in them both. And here by the way, sithens we have
 touched this follie in two severall people, let it not séeme tedious
 to read this one tricke of the Indians, among whom there is great
 plentie of pretious stones, wherewith they adorne themselves in this
 maner; namelie, in certein hollow places which they make in their
 flesh, they inclose and riuet in precious stones, and that as well in
 their forheads as their chéekes, to none other purpose, than the
 Agathyrsi in the vse of their painting.

 The countrie of Poictou (as some hold) where the said Goffarius
 reigned, tooke name of this people: & likewise a part of this our
 Ile of Britaine now conteined within Scotland, which in ancient time
 [Sidenote: Pightland or Pictland.]
 was called Pightland or Pictland, as elsewhere both in this historie
 of England, and also of Scotland may further appeare. But to our
 purpose.

 [Sidenote: Goffarius sendeth vnto Brute.]
 When Goffarius the king of Poictou was aduertised of the landing of
 these strangers within his countrie, he sent first certeine of his
 people to vnderstand what they ment by their comming a land within his
 dominion, without licence or leaue of him obteined. They that were
 thus sent, came by chance to a place where Corineus with two hundred
 of the companie were come from the ships into a forrest néere the sea
 side, to kill some veneson for their sustenance: and being rebuked
 [Sidenote: Corineus answereth the messengers.]
 [Sidenote: Imbert.]
 with some disdainfull speach of those Poictouins, he shaped them a
 round answer: insomuch that one of them whose name was Imbert, let
 driue an arrow at Corineus: but he auoiding the danger thereof, shot
 [Sidenote: Imbert is slaine by Corineus.]
 againe at Imbert, in reuenge of that iniurie offered, and claue his
 head in sunder. The rest of the Poictouins fled therevpon, and brought
 word to Goffarius what had happened: who immediatlie with a mightie
 [Sidenote: Goffarius raiseth an armie.]
 armie made forward to encounter with the Troians, and comming to ioine
 with them in battell, after a sharpe and sore conflict, in the end
 [Sidenote: Goffarius is discomfited.]
 Brute with his armie obteined a triumphant victorie, speciallie
 through the noble prowesse of Corineus.

 [Sidenote: Goffarius séeketh aid against Brute.]
 Goffarius escaping from the field, fled into the inner parts of
 Gallia, making sute for assistance vnto such kings as in those daies
 reigned in diuers prouinces of that land, who promised to aid him with
 all their forces, and to expell out of the coasts of Aquitaine, such
 strangers as without his licence were thus entred the countrie. But
 [Sidenote: Brute spoileth the countrie.]
 Brute in the meane time passed forward, and with fire and sword made
 hauocke in places where he came: and gathering great spoiles, fraught
 his ships with plentie of riches. At length he came to the place,
 [Sidenote: Turonium or Tours built by Brute.]
 where afterwards he built a citie named Turonium, that is, Tours.

 [Sidenote: Goffarius hauing renewed his forces, fighteth eftsoones
 with Brute.]
 Here Goffarius with such Galles as were assembled to his aid, gaue
 battell againe vnto the Troians that were incamped to abide his
 comming. Where after they had fought a long time with singular manhood
 on both parties: the Troians in fine oppressed with multitudes of
 aduersaries (euen thirtie times as manie mo as the Troians) were
 constreined to retire into their campe, within the which the Galles
 kept them as besieged, lodging round about them, and purposing by
 famine to compell them to yéeld themselues vnto their mercie. But
 Corineus taking counsell with Brute, deuised to depart in the darke of
 the night out of the campe, to lodge himselfe with thrée thousand
 chosen souldiers secretlie in a wood, and there to remaine in couert
 till the morning that Brute should come foorth and giue a charge vpon
 the enimies, wherewith Corineus should breake foorth and assaile the
 Galles on the backes.

 This policie was put in practise, and tooke such effect as the
 deuisers themselues wished: for the Galles being sharplie assailed on
 the front by Brute and his companie, were now with the sudden comming
 of Corineus (who set vpon them behind on their backes) brought into
 such a feare, that incontinentlie they tooke them to flight, whom the
 Troians egerlie pursued, making no small slaughter of them as they did
 ouertake them. In this battell Brute lost manie of his men, and
 amongst other one of his nephues named Turinus, after he had shewed
 maruellous proofe of his manhood. Of him (as some haue written) the
 foresaid citie of Tours tooke the name, and was called _Turonium_,
 bicause the said Turinus was there buried.

 [Sidenote: _Theuet._]
 Andrew Theuet affirmeth the contrarie, and mainteineth that one Taurus
 the nephue of Haniball was the first that inclosed it about with a
 pale of wood (as the maner of those daies was of fensing their townes)
 [Sidenote: 3374.]
 in the yeare of the world 3374. and before the birth of our sauiour
 197.

 But to our matter concerning Brute, who after he had obteined so
 famous a victorie, albeit there was good cause for him to reioise, yet
 it sore troubled him to consider that his numbers dailie decaied, and
 his enimies still increased, and grew stronger: wherevpon resting
 [Sidenote: Brute in dout what to doo.]
 doubtfull what to doo, whether to procéed against the Galles, or
 returne to his ships to séeke the Ile that was appointed him by
 oracle, at length he chose the surest and best way, as he tooke it,
 and as it proued. For whilest the greater part of his armie was yet
 left aliue, and that the victorie remained on his side, he drew to his
 nauie, and lading his ships with excéeding great store of riches which
 his people had got abroad in the countrie, he tooke the seas againe.
 [Sidenote: Brute with his remnant of Troians arriue in this ile.]
 [Sidenote: _Anno mundi._ 2850.]
 [Sidenote: 1116. (B.C.)]
 After a few daies sailing they landed at the hauen now called
 Totnesse, the yeare of the world 2850, after the destruction of Troy
 66, after the deliuerance of the Israelites from the captiuitie of
 Babylon 397, almost ended; in the 18 yeare of the reigne of Tineas
 king of Babylon, 13 of Melanthus king of Athens, before the building
 of Rome 368, which was before the natiuitie of our Sauior Christ 1116,
 almost ended, and before the reigne of Alexander the great 783.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Brute discouereth the commodities of this Iland, mightie giants
 withstand him, Gogmagog and Corineus wrestle together at a place
 beside Douer: he buildeth the citie of Trinouant now termed London,
 calleth this Iland by the name of Britaine, and diuideth it into three
 parts among his three sonnes._

 THE FOURTH CHAPTER.


 When Brute had entred this land, immediatlie after his arriuall (as
 writers doo record) he searched the countrie from side to side, and
 from end to end, finding it in most places verie fertile and plentious
 of wood and grasse, and full of pleasant springs and faire riuers. As
 [Sidenote: Brute encountered by the giants.]
 he thus trauelled to discouer the state and commodities of the Iland,
 he was encountred by diuers strong and mightie giants, whome he
 destroied and slue, or rather subdued, with all such other people as
 he found in the Iland, which were more in number than by report of
 some authors it should appeare there were. Among these giants (as
 Geffrey of Monmouth writeth) there was one of passing strength and
 [Sidenote: Cornieus wrestleth with Gogmagog.]
 great estimation, named Gogmagog, whome Brute caused Corineus to
 wrestle at a place beside Douer, where it chanced that the giant brake
 a rib in the side of Corineus while they stroue to claspe, and the one
 to ouerthrow the other: wherewith Corineus being sore chafed and
 stirred to wrath, did so double his force that he got the vpper hand
 of the giant, and cast him downe headlong from one of the rocks there,
 [Sidenote: Gogmagog is slaine.]
 not farre from Douer, and so dispatched him: by reason whereof the
 place was named long after, _The fall or leape of Gogmagog_, but
 afterward it was called _The fall of Douer._ For this valiant déed,
 [Sidenote: Cornwall giuen to Cornineus.]
 and other the like seruices first and last atchiued, Brute gaue vnto
 Corineus the whole countrie of Cornwall. To be briefe, after that
 Brute had destroied such as stood against him, and brought such people
 vnder his subiection as he found in the Ile, and searched the land
 from the one end to the other: he was desirous to build a citie, that
 the same might be the seate roiall of his empire or kingdome.
 Wherevpon he chose a plot of ground lieng on the north side of the
 riuer of Thames, which by good consideration séemed to be most
 pleasant and conuenient for any great multitude of inhabitants, aswell
 for holsomnesse of aire, goodnesse of soile, plentie of woods, and
 commoditie of the riuer, seruing as well to bring in as to carrie out
 all kinds of merchandize and things necessarie for the gaine, store,
 and vse of them that there should inhabit.

 Here therefore he began to build and lay the foundation of a citie, in
 the tenth or (as other thinke) in the second yeare after his arriuall,
 which he named (saith Gal. Mon.) Troinouant, or (as Hum. Llhoyd saith)
 Troinewith, that is, new Troy, in remembrance of that noble citie of
 Troy from whence he and his people were for the greater part
 descended.

 When Brutus had builded this citie, and brought the Iland fullie vnder
 his subiection, he by the aduise of his nobles commanded this Ile
 (which before hight Albion) to be called Britaine, and the inhabitants
 Britons after his name, for a perpetuall memorie that he was the first
 bringer of them into the land. In this meane while also he had by his
 wife. iii. sonnes, the first named Locrinus or Locrine, the second
 Cambris or Camber, and the third Albanactus or Albanact. Now when the
 time of his death drew néere, to the first he betooke the gouernment
 of that part of the land nowe knowne by the name of England: so that
 the same was long after called Loegria, or Logiers, of the said
 Locrinus. To the second he appointed the countrie of Wales, which of
 him was first named Cambria, diuided from Loegria by the riuer of
 Seuerne. To his third sonne Albanact he deliuered all the north part
 of the Ile, afterward called Albania, after the name of the said
 Albanact: which portion of the said He lieth beyond the Humber
 northward. Thus when Brutus had diuided the Ile of Britaine (as before
 [Sidenote: In the daies of this our Brute Saule and Samuell
 gouerned Israell.]
 is mentioned) into 3. parts, and had gouerned the same by the space of
 15. yeares, he died in the 24 yeare after his arriuall (as Harison
 noteth) and was buried at Troinouant or London: although the place of
 his said buriall there be now be growne out of memorie.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Of Locrine the eldest sonne of Brute, of Albanact his yoongest sonne,
 and his death: of Madan, Mempricius, Ebranke, Brute Greenesheeld,
 Leill, Ludhurdibras, Baldud, and Leir, the nine rulers of Britaine
 successiuelie after Brute._

 THE FIFT CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: LOCRINE THE SECOND RULER OF BRITAIN.]
 [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._]
 [Sidenote: _Mat. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Fa._ out of _G. de Co._]
 LOCRINUS or Locrine the first begotten sonne of Brute began to reigne
 ouer the countrie called Logiers, in the yeare of the world 1874, and
 held to his part the countrie that reached from the south sea vnto the
 riuer of Humber. While this Locrinus gouerned Logiers, his brother
 Albanact ruled in Albania, where in fine he was slaine in a battell by
 a king of the Hunnes or Scythians, called Humber, who inuaded that
 part of Britaine, and got possession thereof, till Locrinus with his
 [Sidenote: _Gal Mon._]
 [Sidenote: _Mat. West._]
 brother Camber, in reuenge of their other brothers death, and for the
 recouerie of the kingdome, gathered their powers togither, and comming
 against the said king of the Hunnes, by the valiancie of their people
 they discomfited him in battell, and chased him so egerlie, that he
 [Sidenote: It should séeme that he was come over the Humber.]
 himselfe and a great number of his men were drowned in the gulfe that
 then parted Loegria and Albania, which after tooke name of the said
 king, and was called Humber, and so continueth vnto this daie.

 [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._]
 Moreouer in this battell against the Hunnes were thrée yong damsels
 taken of excellent beautie, specially one of them, whose name was
 Estrild, daughter to a certeine king of Scythia. With this Estrild
 king Locrine fell so farre in loue, notwithstanding a former contract
 made betwixt him and the ladie Guendoloena, daughter to Corineus duke
 of Cornwall, that he meant yet with all spéed to marie the same
 Estrild. But being earnestlie called vpon, and in manner forced
 thereto by Corineus, hée changed his purpose, and married Guendoloena,
 kéeping neuertheles the aforesaid Estrild as paramour still after a
 secret sort, during the life of Corineus his father in law.

 Now after that Corineus was departed this world, Locrine forsooke
 Guendoloena, and maried Estrild. Guendoloena therefore being cast off
 by hir husband, got hir into Cornewall to hir friends and kinred, and
 there procured them to make warre against the said Locrine hir
 husband, in the which warres hée was slaine, and a battell fought
 [Sidenote: _Mat. West._]
 néere to the riuer of Sture, after he had reigned (as writers affirme)
 twentie yeares, & was buried by his father in the citie of Troinouant,
 leauing behind him a yoong sonne (begotten of his wife Guendoloena)
 named Madan, as yet vnméete to gouerne.

 [Sidenote: Shée is not numbred amongst those that reigned as rulers
 in this land by _Mat. West._]
 Guendoloena or Guendoline the wife of Locrinus, and daughter of
 Corineus duke of Cornewall, for so much as hir sonne Madan was not of
 yeeres sufficient to gouerne, was by common consent of the Britons
 made ruler of the Ile, in the yéere of the world 2894, and so hauing
 the administration in hir hands, she did right discreetlie vse hir
 selfe therein, to the comfort of all hir subiects, till hir sonne
 [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._]
 Madan came to lawfull age, and then she gaue ouer the rule and
 dominion to him, after she had gouerned by the space of fifteene
 yeares.

 [Sidenote: MADAN THE THIRD RULER.]
 MADAN the sonne of Locrine and Guendoline entred into the gouernement
 of Britaine in the 2909, of the world. There is little left in writing
 of his doings, sauing that he vsed great tyrannie amongst his Britons:
 and therefore after he had ruled this land the tearme of 40. yeares,
 he was deuoured of wild beastes, as he was abroad in hunting. He left
 behind him two sonnes, Mempricius and Manlius. He builded (as is
 reported) Madancaistre, now Dancastre, which reteineth still the later
 part of his name.

 [Sidenote: MEMPRICIUS THE FOURTH RULER.]
 MEMPRICIUS the eldest sonne of Madan began his reigne ouer the Britons
 in the yeare of the world 2949, he continued not long in peace. For
 his brother Manlius vpon an ambitious mind prouoked the Britons to
 rebell against him, so that sore and deadly warre continued long
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 [Sidenote: Manlius is slaine.]
 betweene them. But finallie, vnder colour of a treatie, Manlius was
 slaine by his brother Mempricius, so that then he liued in more
 tranquillitie and rest. Howbeit, being deliuered thus from trouble of
 [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._]
 [Sidenote: Slouth engendred lecherie.]
 warres, he fell into slouth, and so into vnlawfull lust of lecherie,
 and thereby into the hatred of his people, by forcing of their wiues
 and daughters: and finallie became so beastlie, that he forsooke his
 lawfull wife and all his concubines, and fell into the abhominable
 sinne of Sodomie. And thus from one vice he fell into another, till he
 became odious to God and man, and at length, going on hunting, was
 [Sidenote: Mempricius is deuoured of beastes.]
 lost of his people, and destroied of wild beastes, when he had reigned
 twentie yeares, leauing behind him a noble yoong sonne named Ebranke,
 begotten of his lawfull wife.

 [Sidenote: EBRANKE THE FIFT RULER.]
 [Sidenote: Ebranke had 21. wiues: his thirtie daughters sent into
 Italie.]
 [Sidenote: _Bergomas lib._ 6.]
 EBRANKE the sonne of Mempricius began to rule ouer the Britons in the
 yeare of the world 2969. He had as writers doo of him record, one and
 twentie wiues, on whom he begot 20. sonnes and 30. daughters, of the
 which the eldest hight Guales, or Gualea. These daughters he sent to
 Alba Syluius, which was the eleuenth king of Italie, or the sixt king
 of the Latines, to the end they might be married to his noble men of
 the bloud of Troians, because the Sabines refused to ioine their
 daughters with them in marriage. Furthermore, he was the first prince
 of his land that euer inuaded France after Brute, and is commended as
 author and originall builder of many cities, both in his owne
 kingdome, and else where. His sonnes also vnder the conduct of
 Assaracus, one of their eldest brethren, returning out of Italie,
 after they had conducted their sisters thither, inuaded Germanie,
 being first molested by the people of that countrie in their rage, and
 by the helpe of the said Alba subdued a great part of that countrie, &
 there planted themselues. Our histories say, that Ebracus their father
 married them in their returne, and aided them in their conquests, and
 [Sidenote: The citie of Caerbranke builded.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 that he builded the citie of Caerbranke, now called Yorke, about the
 14, yeare of his reigne. He builded also in Albania now called
 Scotland, the castle of Maidens, afterward called Edenburgh of Adian
 one of their kings. The citie of Alclud was builded likewise by him
 (as some write) now decaied. After which cities thus builded, he
 sailed ouer into Gallia, now called France, with a great armie, and
 subduing the Galles as is aforesaid, he returned home with great
 riches and triumph. Now when he had guided the land of Britaine in
 [Sidenote: Fortie yeares hath _Math. West._ and _Gal. Monuine._]
 noble wise by the tearme of fortie yeares, he died, and was buried at
 Yorke.

 [Sidenote: BRUTE GREENESHIELD THE SIXT RULER.]
 [Sidenote: _Iacobus Lef._]
 BRUTE GREENESHIELD, the sonne of Ebranke, was made gouernor of this
 land in the yeare of the world 3009, Asa reigning in Iuda, and Baasa
 in Israell. This prince bare alwaies in the field a gréene shield,
 whereof he tooke his surname, and of him some forraine authors
 affirme, that he made an attempt to bring the whole realme of France
 vnder his subiection, which he performed, because his father susteined
 some dishonor and losse in his last voiage into that countrie. Howbeit
 they say, that when he came into Henaud, Brinchild a prince of that
 quarter gaue him also a great ouerthrow, and compelled him to retire
 home againe into his countrie. This I borrow out of William Harison,
 who in his chronologie toucheth the same at large, concluding in the
 end, that the said passage of this prince into France is verie likelie
 to be true, and that he named a parcell of Armorica lieng on the
 south, and in manner vpon the verie loine after his owne name, and
 also a citie which he builded there Britaine. For (saith he) it should
 [Sidenote: _Strabo lib._ 4.]
 séeme by Strabo. lib. 4. that there was a noble citie of that name
 long before his time in the said countrie, whereof Plinie also
 speaketh lib. 4. cap. 7. albeit that he ascribe it vnto France after a
 disordered maner. More I find not of this foresaid Brute, sauing that
 he ruled the land a certeine time, his father yet liuing, and after
 his decease the tearme of twelue yeares, and then died, and was buried
 at Caerbranke now called Yorke.

 [Sidenote: LEILL THE SEVENTH RULER.]
 [Sidenote: Carleil builded.]
 [Sidenote: Chester repaired.]
 LEILL the sonne of Brute Greeneshield, began to reigne in the yeare of
 the world 3021, the same time that Asa was reigning in Iuda, and Ambri
 in Israell. He built the citie now called Carleil, which then after
 his owne name was called Caerleil, that is, Leill his citie, or the
 citie of Leill. He repaired also (as Henrie Bradshaw saith) the citie
 of Caerleon now called Chester, which (as in the same Bradshaw
 appeareth) was built before Brutus entrie into this land by a giant
 named Leon Gauer. But what authoritie he had to auouch this, it may be
 doubted, for Ranulfe Higden in his woorke intituled "Polychronicon,"
 saith in plaine wordes, that it is vnknowen who was the first founder
 of Chester, but that it tooke the name of the soiourning there of some
 Romaine legions, by whome also it is not vnlike that it might be first
 built by P. Ostorius Scapula, who as we find, after he had subdued
 Caratacus king of the Ordouices that inhabited the countries now
 called Lancashire, Cheshire, and Salopshire, built in those parts, and
 among the Silures, certeine places of defense, for the better
 harbrough of his men of warre, and kéeping downe of such Britaines as
 were still readie to moue rebellion.

 But now to the purpose concerning K. Leill. We find it recorded that
 he was in the beginning of his reigne verie vpright, and desirous to
 sée iustice executed, and aboue all thinges loued peace & quietnesse;
 but as yeares increased with him, so his vertues began to diminish, in
 so much that abandoning the care for the bodie of the commonwealth, he
 suffered his owne bodie to welter in all vice and voluptuousnesse, and
 so procuring the hatred of his subiects, caused malice and discord to
 rise amongst them, which during his life he was neuer able to appease.
 But leauing them so at variance, he departed this life, & was buried
 at Carleil, which as ye haue heard he had builded while he liued.

 [Sidenote: LUD or LUDHURDIBRAS THE EIGHT RULER.]
 [Sidenote: Kaerkin or Canterburie is builded.]
 [Sidenote: Caerguent is builded.]
 [Sidenote: Paladour is builded.]
 LUD or LUDHURDIBRAS the sonne of Leill began to gouerne in the yeare
 of the world 3046. In the beginning of his reigne, hée sought to
 appease the debate that was raised in his fathers daies, and bring the
 realme to hir former quietnesse, and after that he had brought it to
 good end, he builded the towne of Kaerkin now called Canterburie: also
 the towne of Caerguent now cleped Winchester, and mount Paladour now
 called Shaftsburie. About the building of which towne of Shaftsburie,
 Aquila a prophet of the British nation wrote his prophesies, of which
 some fragments remaine yet to be seene, translated into the Latine by
 some ancient writers. When this Lud had reigned 29 yeares, he died,
 and left a sonne behind him named Baldud.

 [Sidenote: BALDUD OR BLADUD THE NINTH RULER.]
 [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._]
 [Sidenote: The king was learned.]
 [Sidenote: Hot bathes.]
 BALDUD the sonne of Ludhurdibras began to rule ouer the Britaines in
 the yeare of the world 3085. This man was well séene in the sciences
 of astronomie and nigromancie, by which (as the common report saith)
 he made the hot bathes in the citie of Caerbran now called Bath. But
 William of Malmesburie is of a contrarie opinion, affirming that
 Iulius Cesar made those bathes, or rather repaired them when he was
 here in England: which is not like to be true: for Iulius Cesar, as by
 good coniecture we haue to thinke, neuer came so farre within the land
 that way forward. But of these bathes more shall be said in the
 description. Now to procéed. This Baldud tooke such pleasure in
 artificiall practises & magike, that he taught this art throughout all
 his realme. And to shew his cunning in other points, vpon a
 [Sidenote: _Mat. West._]
 [Sidenote: The prince did flie.]
 presumptuous pleasure which he had therein, he tooke vpon him to flie
 in the aire, but he fell vpon the temple of Apollo, which stood in the
 citie of Troinouant, and there was torne in péeces after he had ruled
 the Britaines by the space of 20 yeares.

 [Sidenote: LEIR THE 10. RULER.]
 [Sidenote: _Mat. West._]
 [Sidenote: Leicester is builded.]
 LEIR the sonne of Baldud was admitted ruler ouer the Britaines, in the
 yeare of the world 3105, at what time Ioas reigned in Iuda. This Leir
 was a prince of right noble demeanor, gouerning his land and subiects
 in great wealth. He made the towne of Caerleir now called Leicester,
 which standeth vpon the riuer of Sore. It is written that he had by
 his wife three daughters without other issue, whose names were
 Gonorilla, Regan, and Cordeilla, which daughters he greatly loued, but
 specially Cordeilla the yoongest farre aboue the two elder. When this
 [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._]
 Leir therefore was come to great yeres, & began to waxe vnweldie
 through age, he thought to vnderstand the affections of his daughters
 towards him, and preferre hir whome he best loued, to the succession
 ouer the kingdome. Whervpon he first asked Gonorilla the eldest, how
 [Sidenote: A triall of loue.]
 well she loued him: who calling hir gods to record, protested that she
 "loued him more than hir owne life, which by right and reason should
 be most déere vnto hir. With which answer the father being well
 pleased, turned to the second, and demanded of hir how well she loued
 him: who answered (confirming hir saiengs with great othes) that she
 loued him more than toong could expresse, and farre aboue all other
 creatures of the world."

 Then called he his yoongest daughter Cordeilla before him, and asked
 of hir what account she made of him, vnto whome she made this answer
 [Sidenote: The answer of the yoongest daughter.]
 as followeth: "Knowing the great loue and fatherlie zeale that you
 haue alwaies borne towards me (for the which I maie not answere you
 otherwise than I thinke, and as my conscience leadeth me) I protest
 vnto you, that I haue loued you euer, and will continuallie (while I
 liue) loue you as my naturall father. And if you would more vnderstand
 of the loue that I beare you, assertaine your selfe, that so much as
 you haue, so much you are woorth, and so much I loue you, and no more.
 [Sidenote: The two eldest daughters are maried.]
 [Sidenote: The realme is promised to his two daughters.]
 The father being nothing content with this answer, married his two
 eldest daughters, the one vnto Henninus the duke of Cornewall, and the
 other vnto Maglanus the duke of Albania, betwixt whome he willed and
 ordeined that his land should be diuided after his death, and the one
 halfe thereof immediatlie should be assigned to them in hand: but for
 the third daughter Cordeilla he reserued nothing."

 Neuertheles it fortuned that one of the princes of Gallia (which now
 is called France) whose name was Aganippus, hearing of the beautie,
 womanhood, and good conditions of the said Cordeilla, desired to haue
 hir in mariage, and sent ouer to hir father, requiring that he might
 haue hir to wife: to whome answer was made, that he might haue his
 daughter, but as for anie dower he could haue none, for all was
 promised and assured to hir other sisters alreadie. Aganippus
 notwithstanding this answer of deniall to receiue anie thing by way of
 dower with Cordeilla, tooke hir to wife, onlie moued thereto (I saie)
 for respect of hir person and amiable vertues. This Aganippus was one
 [Sidenote: He gouerned the third part of Gallia as _Gal. Mon._ saith.]
 of the twelue kings that ruled Gallia in those daies, as in the
 British historie it is recorded. But to proceed.

 After that Leir was fallen into age, the two dukes that had married
 his two eldest daughters, thinking it long yer the gouernment of the
 land did come to their hands, arose against him in armour, and reft
 from him the gouernance of the land, vpon conditions to be continued
 for terme of life: by the which he was put to his portion, that is, to
 liue after a rate assigned to him for the maintenance of his estate,
 which in processe of time was diminished as well by Maglanus as by
 Henninus. But the greatest griefe that Leir tooke, was to see the
 vnkindnesse of his daughters, which seemed to thinke that all was too
 much which their father had, the same being neuer so little: in so
 much that going from the one to the other, he was brought to that
 miserie, that scarslie they would allow him one seruant to wait vpon
 him.

 In the end, such was the vnkindnesse, or (as I maie saie) the
 vnnaturalnesse which he found in his two daughters, notwithstanding
 their faire and pleasant words vttered in time past, that being
 constreined of necessitie, he fled the land, & sailed into Gallia,
 there to seeke some comfort of his yongest daughter Cordeilla, whom
 before time he hated. The ladie Cordeilla hearing that he was arriued
 in poore estate, she first sent to him priuilie a certeine summe of
 monie to apparell himselfe withall, and to reteine a certeine number
 of seruants that might attend vpon him in honorable wise, as
 apperteined to the estate which he had borne: and then so accompanied,
 she appointed him to come to the court, which he did, and was so
 ioifullie, honorablie, and louinglie receiued, both by his sonne in
 law Aganippus, and also by his daughter Cordeilla, that his hart was
 greatlie comforted: for he was no lesse honored, than if he had beene
 king of the whole countrie himselfe.

 Now when he had informed his sonne in law and his daughter in what
 sort he had béene vsed by his other daughters, Aganippus caused a
 mightie armie to be put in a readinesse, and likewise a great nauie of
 ships to be rigged, to passe ouer into Britaine with Leir his father
 in law, to sée him againe restored to his kingdome. It was accorded,
 that Cordeilla should also go with him to take possession of the land,
 the which he promised to leaue vnto hir, as the rightfull inheritour
 after his decesse, notwithstanding any former grant made to hir
 sisters or to their husbands in anie maner of wise.

 Herevpon, when this armie and nauie of ships were readie, Leir and his
 daughter Cordeilla with hir husband tooke the sea, and arriuing in
 Britaine, fought with their enimies, and discomfited them in battell,
 in the which Maglanus and Henninus were slaine: and then was Leir
 restored to his kingdome, which he ruled after this by the space of
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 two yéeres, and then died, fortie yeeres after he first began to
 reigne. His bodie was buried at Leicester in a vaut vnder the chanell
 of the riuer of Sore beneath the towne.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The gunarchie of queene Cordeilla, how she was vanquished, of hir
 imprisonment and selfe-murther: the contention betweene Cunedag and
 Margan nephewes for gouernement, and the euill end thereof._

 THE SIXT CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: QUEENE CORDEILLA.]
 CORDEILLA the yoongest daughter of Leir was admitted Q. and supreme
 gouernesse of Britaine, in the yéere of the world 3155, before the
 bylding of Rome 54, Vzia then reigning in Iuda, and Ieroboam ouer
 Israell. This Cordeilla after hir fathers deceasse ruled the land of
 Britaine right worthilie during the space of fiue yéeres, in which
 meane time hir husband died, and then about the end of those fiue
 yéeres, hir two nephewes Margan and Cunedag, sonnes to hir aforesaid
 sisters, disdaining to be vnder the gouernment of a woman, leuied
 warre against hir, and destroied a great part of the land, and
 finallie tooke hir prisoner, and laid hir fast in ward, wherewith she
 tooke such griefe, being a woman of a manlie courage, and despairing
 to recouer libertie, there she slue hirselfe, when she had reigned (as
 before is mentioned) the tearme of fiue yéeres.

 [Sidenote: CUNEDAG AND MARGAN.]
 CUNEDAGIUS and MARGANUS nephewes to Cordeilla, hauing recouered the
 land out of hir hands, diuided the same betwixt them, that is to saie,
 the countrie ouer and beyond Humber fell to Margan, as it stretcheth
 euen to Catnesse, and the other part lieng south and by-west, was
 assigned to Cunedagius. This partition chanced in the yéere of the
 world 3170, before the building of Rome 47, Uzia as then reigning in
 Iuda, and Ieroboam in Israell. Afterwards, these two cousins, Cunedag
 and Margan, had not reigned thus past a two yéeres, but thorough some
 seditious persons, Margan was persuaded to raise warre against
 Cunedag, telling him in his eare, how it was a shame for him being
 come of the elder sister, not to haue the rule of the whole Ile in his
 hand. Herevpon ouercome with pride, ambition, and couetousnesse, he
 [Sidenote: Margan inuadeth his cousine Cunedag.]
 raised an armie, and entring into the land of Cunedag, he burned and
 destroied the countrie before him in miserable maner.

 Cunedag in all hast to resist his aduersarie, assembled also all the
 power he could make, and comming with the same against Margan, gaue
 him battell, in the which he slue a great number of Margans people,
 and put the residue to flight, and furthermore pursued him from
 countrie to countrie, till he came into Cambria, now called Wales,
 where the said Margan gaue him eftsoones a new battell: but being too
 [Sidenote: Margan is slaine.]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 weake in number of men, he was there ouercome and slaine in the field,
 by reason whereof that countrie tooke name of him, being there slaine,
 and so is called to this daie Glau Margan, which is to meane in our
 English toong, Margans land. This was the end of that Margan, after he
 had reigned with his brother two yéeres, or thereabouts.

 [Sidenote: CUNEDAGUS ALONE.]
 After the death of Margan, Cunedag the sonne of Hennius and Ragaie
 (middlemost daughter of Leir before mentioned) became ruler of all the
 whole land of Britaine, in the yeare of the world 3172, before the
 building of Rome 45, Vzia still reigning in Iuda, and Ieroboam in
 Israell. He gouerned this Ile well and honourablie for the tearme of
 33 yeares, and then dieng, his bodie was buried at Troinouant or
 London. Moreouer, our writers doo report, that he builded thrée
 temples, one to Mars at Perth in Scotland, another to Mercurie at
 Bangor, and the third to Apollo in Cornewall.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Of Riuallus, Gurgustius, Sysillius, Iago, and Kinimacus, rulers of
 Britaine by succession, and of the accidents coincident with their
 times._

 THE SEUENTH CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: RIUALLUS THE 13. RULER.]
 RIUALLUS, the sonne of Cunedag, began to reigne ouer the Britaines in
 the yeare of the world 3203, before the building of Rome 15, Ioathan
 as then being king of Iuda, and Phacea king of Israel. This Riuall
 gouerned the Iland in great welth and prosperitie. In his time it
 [Sidenote: It rained blood.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 rained bloud by the space of thrée daies togither; after which raine
 ensued such an excéeding number and multitude of flies, so noisome and
 contagious, that much people died by reason thereof. When he had
 reigned 46 yeares he died, and was buried at Caerbranke now called
 [Sidenote: Rome builded.]
 Yorke. In the time of this Riuals reigne was the citie of Rome
 builded, after concordance of most part of writers. Perdix also a
 wizard, and a learned astrologian florished and writ his prophesies,
 and Herene also.

 [Sidenote: GURGUSTIUS THE 14. RULER.]
 GURGUSTIUS, the son of the before named Riuall, began to gouerne the
 Britaines in the yeare after the creation of the world 3249, and after
 the first foundation of Rome 33, Ezechias reigning in Iuda. This
 Gurgustius in the chronicle of England, is called Gorbodian the sonne
 of Reignold, he reigned 37 yeares, then departing this life, was
 buried at Caerbranke (now called Yorke) by his father.

 [Sidenote: SYSILLIUS THE 15. RULER.]
 SYSILLIUS, or after some writers SYLUIUS, the brother of Gurgustius,
 was chosen to haue the gouernance of Britaine, in the yere of the
 world 3287, and after the building of Rome 71, Manasses still reigning
 in Iuda. This Sysillius in the English chronicle is named Secill. He
 reigned 49 yeares, and then died, and was buried at Carbadon, now
 called Bath.

 [Sidenote: JAGO THE 16. RULER.]
 IAGO or LAGO, the cousin of Gurgustius, as next inheritor to
 Sysillius, tooke vpon him the gouernement of Britaine, in the yeare of
 the world 3386, and after the building of Rome 120, in whose time the
 citie of Ierusalem was taken by Nabuchodonozar and the king of Iuda,
 Mathania, otherwise called Zedechias, being slaine. This Iago or Lago
 died without issue, when he had reigned 28 yeares, and was buried at
 Yorke.

 [Sidenote: KINIMACUS THE 17. RULER.]
 KINIMACUS or KINMARUS the sonne of Sysillius as some write, or rather
 the brother of Iago, began to gouerne the land of Britain, in the yere
 of the world 3364, and after the building of Rome 148, the Iewes as
 then being in the third yeare of their captiuitie of Babylon. This
 Kinimacus departed this life, after he had reigned 54 yeares, and was
 buried at Yorke.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Of Gorbodug and his two sonnes Ferrex and Porrex, one brother killeth
 another, the mother sluieth hir sonne, and how Britaine by ciuill
 warres (for lacke of issue legitimate to the government) of a
 monarchie became a pentarchie: the end of Brutes line._

 THE EIGHT CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: GORBODUG THE 18. RULER.]
 GORBODUG the sonne of Kinimacus began his reigne ouer the Britains, in
 the yeare after the creation of the world 3418, from the building of
 the citie of Rome 202, the 58 of the Iews captiuitie at Babylon. This
 Gorbodug by most likelihood to bring histories to accord, should
 reigne about the tearme of 62 yeares, and then departing this world,
 was buried at London, leauing after him two sonnes Ferrex and Porrex,
 or after some writers, Ferreus and Porreus.

 [Sidenote: FERREX THE 19. RULER.]
 FERREX with PORREX his brother began iointlie to rule ouer the
 Britaines, in the yeare of the world 3476, after the building of Rome
 260, at which time, the people of Rome forsooke their citie in their
 rebellious mood. These two brethren continued for a time in good
 friendship and amitie, till at length through couetousnesse, and
 desire of greater dominion, prouoked by flatterers, they fell at
 [Sidenote: Ferrex fled into Gallia.]
 variance and discord, wherby Ferrex was constreined to flée into
 Gallia, and there purchased aid of a great duke called Gunhardus or
 Suardus, and so returned into Britaine, thinking to preuaile and
 obteine the dominion of the whole Iland. But his brother Porrex was
 readie to receiue him with battell after he was landed, in the which
 battell Ferrex was slaine, with the more part of his people. The
 English chronicle saith, that Porrex was he that fled into France, &
 at his returne, was slaine, and that Ferrex suruiued. But Geffrey of
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 Monmouth & Polychronicon are of a contrarie opinion. Matthew
 Westmonasteriensis writeth, that Porrex deuising waies to kill Ferrex,
 atchiued his purpose and slue him. But whether of them so euer
 suruiued, the mother of them was so highlie offended for the death of
 him that was slaine, whom she most intierlie loued, that setting apart
 all motherlie affection, she found the meanes to enter the chamber of
 him that suruiued in the night season, and as he slept, she with the
 [Sidenote: The mother killeth hir son.]
 helpe of hir maidens slue him, and cut him into small péeces, as the
 writers doo affirme. Such was the end of these two brethren, after
 they had reigned by the space of foure or fiue yeares.

 After this followed a troublous season, full of cruell warre, and
 seditious discord, whereby in the end, and for the space of fiftie
 yeares, the monarchie or sole gouernement of the Lland became a
 pentarchie, that is, it was diuided betwixt fiue kings or rulers, till
 Dunwallon of Cornewall ouercame them all. Thus the line of Brute
 [Sidenote: _Robert Record._]
 (according to the report of most writers) tooke an end: for after the
 death of the two foresaid brethren, no rightfull inheritor was left
 aliue to succéed them in the kingdome. The names of these fiue kings
 are found in certeine old pedegrées: and although the same be much
 corrupted in diuers copies, yet these vndernamed are the most
 agréeable.

 But of these fiue kings or dukes, the English chronicle alloweth
 Cloton king of Cornewall for most rightfull heire. There appeareth not
 any time certeine by report of ancient authors, how long this variance
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 [Sidenote: Ciuill warres 51. yeares.]
 continued amongst the Britains: but (as some say) it lasted for the
 space of 51 yeres, coniecturing so much by that which is recorded in
 Polychron, who saith, who it endured euen till the beginning of the
 reigne of Mulmucius Dunwallon, who began to gouerne from the time that
 Brute first entred Britaine, about the space of 703 thrée yeares.

 ¶ Here ye must note, that there is difference amongst writers about
 the supputation and account of these yeares, insomuch that some making
 their reckoning after certeine writers, and finding the same to varie
 aboue thrée C. yeares, are brought into further doubt of the truth of
 the whole historie: but whereas other haue by diligent search tried
 out the continuance of euerie gouernors reigne, and reduced the same
 to a likelihood of some conformitie, I haue thought best to follow the
 same, leauing the credit thereof with the first authors.


 THE PENTARCHIE.

   1 Rudacus  king of Wales.
   2 Clotenus king of Cornewall.
   3 Pinnor   king of Loegria.
   4 Staterus king of Albania.
   5 Yewan    king of Northumberland.




 THE END OF THE SECOND BOOKE.

        *       *       *       *       *




 THE THIRD BOOKE

 OF THE

 HISTORIE OF ENGLAND.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Of Mulmucius the first king of Britaine, who was crowned with a
 golden crowne, his lawes, his foundations, with other his acts
 and deeds._

 THE FIRST CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: MULMUCIUS.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Polyd._]
 Now to proceede with the aforesaid authors, Mulmucius Dunwall[=o], or
 as other saie Dunuallo Mulmucius, the sonne of Cloton (as testifieth
 th'english chronicle and also Geffrey of Monmouth) got the vpper hand
 of the other dukes or rulers: and after his fathers deceasse began his
 reigne ouer the whole monarchie of Britaine, in the yéere of the world
 3529, after the building of Rome 314, and after the deliuerance of the
 Israelites out of captiuitie 97, and about the 26 yéere of Darius
 Artaxerxes Longimanus, the fift king of the Persians. This Mulmucius
 Dunuallo is named in the english chronicle Donebant, and prooued a
 right worthie prince. He builded within the citie of London then
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 [Sidenote: See more in the description.]
 called Troinouant, a temple, and named it the temple of peace: the
 which (as some hold opinion, I wote not vpon what ground) was the same
 which now is called Blackwell hall, where the market for buieng and
 selling of cloths is kept. The chronicle of England affirmeth, that
 [Sidenote: Malmesburie and the Vies built.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: Lawes made.]
 Mulmucius (whome the old booke nameth Molle) builded the two townes
 Malmesburie and the Vies. He also made manie good lawes, which were
 long after vsed, called Mulmucius lawes, turned out of the British
 spéech into the Latine by Gildas Priscus, and long time after
 translated out of latine into english by Alfred king of England, and
 mingled in his statutes. He moreouer gaue priuileges to temples, to
 plowes, to cities, and to high waies leading to the same, so that
 whosoeuer fled to them, should be in safegard from bodilie harme, and
 from thence he might depart into what

 [Sidenote: _Caxton_ and _Polychron._]
 countrie he would, with indemnitie of his person. Some authors write,
 that he began to make the foure great high waies of Britaine, the
 which were finished by his sonne Blinus, as after shall be declared.

 [Sidenote: The first king that was crowned with a golden crowne.]
 After he had established his land, and set his Britains in good and
 conuenient order, he ordeined him by the aduise of his lords a crowne
 of gold, & caused himselfe with great solemnitie to be crowned,
 according to the custome of the pagan lawes then in vse: & bicause he
 was the first that bare a crowne héere in Britaine, after the opinion
 of some writers, he is named the first king of Britaine, and all the
 other before rehearsed are named rulers, dukes, or gouernors.

 [Sidenote: _Polyd._]
 [Sidenote: Weights and measures.]
 Amongst other of his ordinances, he appointed weights and measures,
 with the which men should buy and sell. And further he deuised sore
 [Sidenote: Theft punished.]
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 and streight orders for the punishing of theft. Finallie, after he had
 guided the land by the space of fortie yéeres, he died, and was buried
 in the foresaid temple of peace which he had erected within the citie
 of Troinouant now called London, as before ye haue heard, appointing
 in his life time, that his kingdome should be diuided betwixt his two
 sonnes, Brennus and Belinus (as some men doo coniecture.)

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The ioint-gouernment of Belinus and Brennus the two sonnes of
 Mulmucius, their discontentment, the stratagems of the one against
 the other, the expulsion of Brennus out of Britaine._

 SECOND CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: Belinus and Brennus.]
 [Sidenote: 3574.]
 BRENNUS and Belinus began to reigne iointlie as kings in Britaine, in
 the yéere of the world 3574, after the building of the citie of Rome
 355, and after the deliuerance of the Israelites out of captiuitie
 142, which was about the seuenth yéere of Artaxerxes surnamed Mnenon,
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 the seuenth king of the Persians. Belinus held vnder his gouernment
 Loegria, Wales, and Cornwall: and Brennus all those countries ouer and
 beyond Humber. And with this partition were they contented by the
 [Sidenote: _Polyd._ saith 5.]
 [Sidenote: Brennus not content with his portion.]
 tearme of six or seuen yéeres, after which time expired, Brennus
 coueting to haue more than his portion came to, first thought to
 purchase himselfe aid in forreine parties, & therefore by the
 prouocation and counsell of yong vnquiet heads, sailed ouer into
 [Sidenote: Elsingius.]
 Norway, and there married the daughter of Elsung or Elsing, as then
 duke or ruler of that countrie. Beline, offended with his brother,
 that he should thus without his aduice marrie with a stranger, now in
 his absence seized all his lands, townes, and fortresses into his owne
 hands, placing garisons of men of warre where he thought conuenient.

 In the meane time, Brenne aduertised hereof, assembled a great nauie
 of ships, well furnished with people and souldiers of the Norwegians,
 with the which he tooke his course homewards, but in the waie he was
 [Sidenote: Guilthdacus king of Denmarke.]
 encountred by Guilthdacus king of Denmarke, the which had laid long in
 wait for him, bicause of the yoong ladie which Brenne had maried, for
 whome he had béene a sutor to hir father Elsing of long time. When
 these two fléetes of the Danes and Norwegians met, there was a sore
 battell betwixt them, but finallie the Danes ouercame them of Norway,
 and tooke the ship wherein the new bride was conueied, and then was
 she brought aboord the ship of Guilthdacus. Brenne escaped by flight
 as well as he might. But when Guilthdacus had thus obtained the
 [Sidenote: A tempest.]
 victorie and prey, suddenlie therevpon arose a sore tempest of wind
 and weather, which scattered the Danish fleete, and put the king in
 danger to haue béene lost: but finallie within fiue daies after, being
 [Sidenote: Guilthdacus landed in the north.]
 driuen by force of wind, he landed in Northumberland, with a few such
 ships as kept togither with him.

 Beline being then in that countrie, prouiding for defense against his
 brother, vpon knowledge of the king of Denmarks arriuall, caused him
 to be staied. Shortlie after, Brenne hauing recouered and gotten
 togither the most part of his ships that were dispersed by the
 discomfiture, and then newlie rigged and furnished of all things
 necessarie, sent word to his brother Beline, both to restore vnto him
 his wife wrongfullie rauished by Guilthdacus, and also his lands
 iniuriouslie by him seized into his possession. These requests being
 plainlie and shortlie denied, Brenne made no long delaie, but
 spéedilie made toward Albania, and landing with his armie in a part
 thereof, incountred with his brother Beline néere vnto a wood named as
 [Sidenote: Calater wood is in Scotland.]
 then Calater, where (after cruell fight, and mortall battell betwixt
 them) at length the victorie abode with the Britains, and the
 discomfiture did light so on the Norwegians, that the most of them
 were wounded, slaine, and left dead vpon the ground.

 Hereby Brenne being forced to flée, made shift, and got ouer into
 Gallia, where after he had sued to this prince, at length he abode,
 [Sidenote: Seguinus or Seginus duke of the Allobrogs, now the
 Delphinat of Sauoy.]
 and was well receiued of one Seguinus or Seginus duke of the people
 called then Allobrogs (as Galfrid of Monmouth saith) or rather
 Armorica, which now is called Britaine, as Polychronicon, and the
 english historie printed by Caxton, more trulie maie seeme to affirme.
 But Beline hauing got the vpper hand of his enimies, assembling his
 councell at Caerbranke, now called York, tooke aduise what he should
 doo with the king of Denmarke: where it was ordeined, that he should
 be set at libertie, with condition and vnder couenant, to acknowledge
 [Sidenote: The Danes tributarie of the Britains.]
 himselfe by dooing homage, to hold his land of the king of Britaine,
 and to paie him a yéerelie tribute. These couenants being agréed vpon,
 and hostages taken for assurance, he was set at libertie, and so
 returned into his countrie. The tribute that he couenanted to paie,
 was a thousand pounds, as the English chronicle saith.

 [Sidenote: The foure high waies finished.]
 When Beline had thus expelled his brother, and was alone possessed of
 all the land of Britaine, he first confirmed the lawes made by his
 father: and for so much as the foure waies begun by his father were
 not brought to perfection, he therefore caused workmen to be called
 foorth and assembled, whom he set in hand to paue the said waies with
 stone, for the better passage and ease of all that should trauell
 through the countries from place to place, as occasion should require.

 [Sidenote: The Fosse.]
 The first of these foure waies is named Fosse, and stretcheth from the
 south into the north, beginning at the corner of Totnesse in
 Cornewall, and so passing foorth by Deuonshire, and Somersetshire, by
 Tutherie, on Cotteswold, and then forward beside Couentrie vnto
 Leicester, and from thence by wild plaines towards Newarke, and endeth
 [Sidenote: Watling stréet.]
 at the citie of Lincolne. The second waie was named Watling stréete,
 the which stretcheth ouerthwart the Fosse, out of the southeast into
 the northeast, beginning at Douer, and passing by the middle of Kent
 ouer Thames beside London, by-west of Westminster, as some haue
 thought, and so foorth by S. Albons, and by the west side of
 Dunstable, Stratford, Toucester, and Wedon by-south of Lilleborne, by
 Atherston, Gilberts hill, that now is called the Wreken, and so foorth
 by Seuerne, passing beside Worcester, vnto Stratton to the middle of
 Wales, and so vnto a place called Cardigan, at the Irish sea. The
 [Sidenote: Erming stréet.]
 third way was named Ermingstréet, which stretched out of the west
 northwest, vnto the east southeast, and beginneth at Meneuia, the
 which is in Saint Dauids land in west Wales, and so vnto Southampton.
 [Sidenote: Hiknelstréet.]
 The fourth and last waie hight Hiknelstréete, which leadeth by
 Worcester, Winchcombe, Birmingham, Lichfield, Darbie, Chesterfield,
 and by Yorke, and so foorth vnto Tinmouth. After he had caused these
 [Sidenote: Priuilegs granted to the waies.]
 waies to be well and sufficientlie raised and made, he confirmed vnto
 them all such priuileges as were granted by his father.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Brennus marrieth with the duke of Alobrogs daughter, groweth into
 great honour, commeth into Britaine with an armie against his brother
 Beline, their mother reconcileth them, they ioine might & munition and
 haue great conquests, conflicts betweene the Galles and the Romans,
 the two brethren take Rome._

 THE THIRD CHAPTER.


 In the meane time that Beline was thus occupied about the necessarie
 affaires of his realme and kingdome, his brother Brenne that was fled
 into Gallia onelie with 12. persons, bicause he was a goodlie
 gentleman, and séemed to vnderstand what apperteined to honour, grew
 shortlie into fauour with Seginus the duke afore mentioned, and
 declaring vnto him his aduersitie, and the whole circumstance of his
 mishap, at length was so highlie cherished of the said Seginus,
 deliting in such worthie qualities as he saw in him dailie appearing,
 [Sidenote: Brenne marieth the duke of Alobrogs daughter.]
 that he gaue to him his daughter in mariage, with condition, that if
 he died without issue male, should he inherit his estate & dukedome:
 and if it happened him to leaue anie heire male behind him, then
 should he yet helpe him to recouer his land and dominion in Britaine,
 béereft from him by his brother.

 These conditions well and surelie vpon the dukes part by the assent of
 the nobles of his land concluded, ratified, and assured, the said duke
 within the space of one yéere after died. And then after a certeine
 time, being knowne that the duches was not with child, all the lords
 of that countrie did homage to Brenne, receiuing him as their lord and
 supreme gouernour, vpon whome he likewise for his part in recompense
 of their curtesie, bestowed a great portion of his treasure.

 [Sidenote: Brenne with an armie returneth into Britaine.]
 Shortlie after also, with their assent he gathered an armie, and with
 the same eftsoones came ouer into Britaine, to make new warre vpon his
 brother Beline. Of whose landing when Beline was informed, he
 assembled his people, and made himselfe readie to méete him: but as
 they were at point to haue ioined battell, by the intercession of
 [Sidenote: Brenne and Beline made friends by intercession of their
 mother.]
 their mother that came betwixt them, and demeaned hirselfe in all
 motherlie order, and most louing maner towards them both, they fell to
 an agréement, and were made friends or euer they parted asunder.

 After this they repaired to London, and there taking aduice togither
 with their peeres and councellors, for the good order and quieting of
 the land, at length they accorded to passe with both their armies into
 Gallia, to subdue that whole countrie, and so following this
 determination, they tooke shipping and sailed ouer into Gallia, where
 beginning the warre with fire and sword, they wrought such maisteries,
 that within a short time (as saith Geffrey of Monmouth) they conquered
 [Sidenote: They inuade Gallia and Italie.]
 a great part of Gallia, Italie, and Germanie, and brought it to their
 subiection. In the end they tooke Rome by this occasion (as writers
 report) if these be the same that had the leading of those Galles,
 which in this season did so much hurt in Italie and other parts of the
 world.

 After they had passed the mountaines, & were entred into Tuscan, they
 [Sidenote: Now Clusi.]
 besieged the citie of Clusium, the citizens whereof being in great
 danger, sent to Rome for aid against their enimies. Wherevpon the
 Romanes, considering with themselues that although they were not in
 anie league of societie with the Clusians, yet if they were ouercome
 the danger of the next brunt were like to be theirs: with all spéed
 [Sidenote: Ambassadours sent from Rome.]
 they sent ambassadours to intreat betwixt the parties for some peace
 to be had.

 They that were sent, required the capteines of the Galles, in the name
 of the senat and citizens of Rome, not to molest the friends of the

 [Sidenote: Brennus answere.]
 Romans. Wherevnto answere was made by Brennus, that for his part he
 could be content to haue peace, if it were so that the Clusians would
 be agréeable that the Galles might haue part of the countrie which
 they held, being more than they did alreadie well occupie, for
 otherwise (said he) there could be no peace granted.

 The Romane ambassadours being offended with these wordes, demanded
 what the Galles had to doo in Tuscan, by reason of which and other the
 like ouerthwart wordes, the parties began to kindle in displeasure so
 [Sidenote: The treatie of peace breaketh off.]
 farre, that their communication brake off, and so they from treating
 fell againe to trie the matter by dint of sword.

 The Romane ambassadours also to shew of what prowesse the Romans were,
 contrarie to the law of nations (forbidding such as came in ambassage
 about anie treatie of peace to take either one part or other) tooke
 weapon in hand, and ioined themselues with the Clusians, wherewith the
 Galles were so much displeased, that incontinentlie with one voice,
 they required to haue the siege raised from Clusium, that they might
 go to Rome. But Brennus thought good first to send messengers thither,
 to require the deliuerie of such as had broken the law, that
 punishment might be done on them accordinglie as they had deserued.
 This was done, and knowledge brought againe, that the ambassadors were
 not onelie not punished, but also chosen to be tribunes for the next
 yeare.

 The Galles then became in such a rage (because they saw there was
 nothing to be looked for at the hands of the Romans, but warre,
 injurious wrongs, and deceitfull traines) that they turned all their
 [Sidenote: The Galles make towards Rome.]
 [Sidenote: The Romans incountring with the Galles are overthrown.]
 force against them, marching streight towardes Rome, and by the waie
 destroied all that stood before them. The Romans aduertised thereof,
 assembled themselues togither to the number of 40. thousand, and
 encountring with Beline and Brenne, neare to the riuer Allia, about
 11. miles on this side Rome, were slaine and quite discomfited.

 The Galles could scarse beléeue that they had got the victorie with so
 small resistance: but when they perceiued that the Romans were quite
 ouerthrowne and that the field was clearelie rid of them, they got
 togither the spoile, and made towards Rome it selfe, where such feare
 [Sidenote: The Romans in despaire withdraw into the capitoll.]
 and terror was striken into the heartes of the people, that all men
 were in despaire to defend the citie: and therefore the senate with
 all the warlike youth of the citizens got them into the capitoll,
 which they furnished with victuals and all things necessarie for the
 maintenance of the same against a long siege. The honorable fathers
 and all the multitude of other people not apt for warres, remained
 still in the citie, as it were to perish with their countrie if hap so
 befell.

 [Sidenote: The Galles enter into Rome.]
 In the meane time came the Galles to the citie, and entring by the
 gate Collina, they passed forth the right way vnto the market place,
 maruelling to sée the houses of the poorer sort to be shut against
 them, and those of the richer to remaine wide open; wherefore being
 doubtfull of some deceitfull traines, they were not ouer rash to enter
 the same; but after they had espied the ancient fathers sit in their
 [Sidenote: The Reuerend aspect of the senators.]
 chaires apparelled in their rich robes, as if they had bin in the
 senat, they reuerenced them as gods, so honorable was their port,
 grauenesse in countenance, and shew of apparell.

 [Sidenote: _Marcus Papirius._]
 In the meane time it chanced, that Marcus Papirius stroke one of the
 Galles on the head with his staffe, because he presumed to stroke his
 beard: with which iniurie the Gall being prouoked, slue Papirius (as
 he sat) with his sword, and therewith the slaughter being begun with
 one, all the residue of those ancient fatherlie men as they sat in
 their chaires were slaine and cruellie murthered. After this all the
 people found in the citie without respect or difference at all, were
 [Sidenote: Rome sacked.]
 put to the sword, and their houses sacked. And thus was Rome taken by
 [Sidenote: 365.]
 the two brethren, Beline and Brenne, 365 yeares after the first
 building thereof. Besides this, the Galles attempted in the night
 season to haue entred the capitoll: and in déed ordered their
 [Sidenote: The capitoll defended.]
 enterprise so secretlie, that they had atchieued their purpose, if a
 sort of ganders had not with their crie and noise disclosed them, in
 wakening the Romans that were asléepe: & so by that meanes were the
 Galles beaten backe and repelled.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Camillus reuoked from exile, made dictator, and receiueth peremptorie
 authoritie, he ouerthroweth the Galles in a pitcht field, controuersie
 betweene writers touching Brennus and Belinus left vndetermined; of
 diuers foundations, erections and reparations doone and atchiued by
 Belinus, the burning of his bodie in stead of his burieng._

 THE FOURTH CHAPTER.


 The Romans being thus put to their extreame shift, deuised among
 themselues how to reuoke Furius Camillus from exile, whom not long
 before they had vniustlie banished out of the citie. In the end they
 did not onelie send for him home, but also created him dictator,
 committing into his handes (so long as his office lasted) an absolute
 power ouer all men, both of life and death. Camillus forgetfull of the
 iniurie done to him, and mindfull of his dutie towards his countrie,
 and lamenting the state thereof, without delay gathered such an armie
 as the present time permitted.

 In the meane time those that kept the capitoll (being almost famished
 [Sidenote: A composition.]
 for lacke of vittels) compounded with Brenne and Beline, that for a
 thousand pounds weight in gold, the Romans should redéeme their
 liberties, and the said Brenne and Beline depart with their armie out
 of the citie and all the territories of Rome. But at the deliuerie of
 the monie, and by a certeine kind of hap, the Romans name was
 preserued at that time from such dishonor and ignominie as was likelie
 to haue insued. For some of the couetous sort of the Galles, not
 contented with the iust weight of the gold, did cast their swords also
 into the balance where the weights lay, thereby to haue ouer weight:
 wherevpon the Romans refused to make paiment after that weight.

 And thus whilest they were in altercation about this matter, the one
 importunnate to haue, the other not willing to grant, the time passed,
 till in the meane season Camillus came in amongst them with his power,
 [Sidenote: Camillus disappointeth the Galles of their paiment.]
 commanding that the gold should be had away, and affirming that
 without consent of the dictator, no composition or agréement might be
 concluded by the meaner magistrate. He gaue a signe to the Galles to
 prepare themselues to battell, whervnto they lightlie agréed, and
 togither they went. The battell being once begun, the Galles that
 [Sidenote: The Galles overthrowne.]
 looked earst for gold, and not for battell, were easilie ouercome,
 such as stood to the brunt were slaine, and the rest by flight
 constreined to depart the citie.

 Polybius writeth, that the Galles were turned from the siege of the
 citie, through wars which chanced amongst their owne people at home,
 and therefore they concluded a peace with the Romans, and leauing them
 in libertie returned home againe.

 But howsoeuer the matter passed, thus much haue we stept from our
 purpose, to shew somwhat of that noble and most famous capteine
 Brennus, who (as not onelie our histories, but also Giouan Villani the
 Florentine dooth report) was a Britaine, and brother to Beline (as
 before is mentioned) although I know that manie other writers are not
 of that mind, affirming him to be a Gall, and likewise that after this
 present time of the taking of Rome by this Brennus 110 yeares, or
 there abouts, there was another Brennus a Gall by nation (say they)
 vnder whose conduct an other armie of the Gals inuaded Grecia, which
 Brennus had a brother that hight Belgius, although Humfrey Llhoyd and
 sir Iohn Prise doo flatlie denie the same, by reason of some
 discordance in writers, & namelie in the computation of the yeares set
 downe by them that haue recorded the dooings of those times, whereof
 the error is growen. Howbeit I doubt not but that the truth of this
 matter shall be more fullie sifted out in time by the learned and
 studious of such antiquities. But now to our purpose.

 This is also to be noted, that where our histories make mention, that
 Beline was abroad with Brennus in the most part of his victories, both
 [Sidenote: _Titus Liu._]
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 in Gallia, Germanie, and Italie; Titus Liuius speaketh but onlie of
 Brennus: wherevpon some write, that after the two brethren were by
 their mothers intreatance made friends, Brennus onlie went ouer to
 Gallia, and there through proofe of his woorthie prowesse, atteined to
 such estimation amongst the people called Galli Senones, that he was
 chosen to be their generall capteine at their going ouer the
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 mountaines into Italie. But whether Beline went ouer with his brother,
 and finallie returned backe againe, leauing Brennus behind him, as
 some write, or that he went not at all, but remained still at home
 whilest his brother was abroad, we can affirme no certeintie.

 Most part of all our writers make report of manie woorthie deeds
 accomplished by Beline, in repairing of cities decaied, & erecting of
 [Sidenote: _Polychr._]
 [Sidenote: _Gal. M._]
 [Sidenote: Caerleon Wiske built by Belline.]
 other new buildings, to the adorning and beautifieng of his realme and
 kingdome. And amongst other works which were by him erected, he
 builded a citie in the south part of Wales, neare to the place where
 the riuer of Vske falleth into Seuerne, fast by Glamorgan, which citie
 hight Caerleon, or Caerlegion Ar Wiske. This Caerleon was the
 principall citie in time past of all Demetia, now called Southwales.
 Manie notable monuments are remaining there till this day, testifieng
 the great magnificence and roiall buildings of that citie in old time.
 In which citie also sith the time of Christ were thrée churches, one
 of saint Iulius the martyr, an other of saint Aron, and the third was
 the mother church of all Demetia, and the chiefe sée: but after, the
 same sée was translated vnto Meneuia, (that is to say) saint Dauid in
 Westwales. In this Caerleon was Amphibulus borne, who taught and
 instructed saint Albon.

 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 This Beline also builded an hauen, with a gate ouer the same, within
 the citie of Troinouant now called London, in the summitie or highest
 part wherof afterwards was set a vessell of brasse, in the which were
 put the ashes of his bodie, which bodie after his deceasse was burnt,
 [Sidenote: _Iohn Leland._]
 as the maner of burieng in those daies did require. This gate was long
 after called Belins gate, and at length by corruption of language
 Billings gate. He builded also a castell eastward from this gate (as
 [Sidenote: The Tower of London built by Beline.]
 some haue written) which was long time after likewise called Belins
 castell, and is the same which now we call the tower of London. Thus
 Beline studieng dailie to beautifie this land with goodlie buildings
 and famous workes, at length departed this life, after he had reigned
 with his brother iointlie and alone the space of 26 yeres.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Of Gurguintus, Guintolinus, and Sicilius, three kings of Britaine
 succeeding ech other by lineall descent in the regiment, and of their
 acts and deeds, with a notable commendation of Queene Martia._

 THE FIFT CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: GURGUINTUS.]
 GURGUINTUS the sonne of Beline began to reigne ouer the Britains, in
 the yeare of the world 1596, after the building of Rome 380, after the
 deliuerance of the Israelites out of captiuitie 164 complet, which was
 about the 33 yeare of Artaxerxes Mnenon, surnamed Magnus, the seuenth
 king of the Persians. This Gurguint in the English chronicle is named
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 Corinbratus, and by Matthew Westmin. he is surnamed Barbiruc, the
 which bicause the tribute granted by Guilthdag king of Denmarke in
 perpetuitie vnto the kings of Britaine was denied, he sailed with a
 mightie nauie and armie of men into Denmarke, where he made such warre
 [Sidenote: _Gal. M._ Gurguint c[=o]strained the Danes by force to pay
 their tribute.]
 with fire and sword, that the king of Denmarke with the assent of his
 barons was constreined to grant eftsoones to continue the paiment of
 the aforesaid tribute.

 After he had thus atchiued his desire in Denmarke, as he returned
 backe towards Britaine, he encountred with a nauie of 30 ships beside
 the Iles of Orkenies. These ships were fraught with men and women, and
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West.]
 [Sidenote: Gal. Mon._]
 had to their capteine one called Bartholin or Partholin, who being
 brought to the presence of king Gurguint, declared that he with his
 [Sidenote: Basques.]
 people were banished out of Spaine, and were named Balenses or
 Baselenses, and had sailed long on the sea, to the end to find some
 prince that would assigne them a place to inhabit, to whom they would
 become subiects, & hold of him as of their souereigne gouernor.
 [Sidenote: Sée more hereof in Ireland.]
 Therefore he besought the king to consider their estate, and of his
 great benignitie to appoint some void quarter where they might settle.
 The king with the aduice of his barons granted to them the Ile of
 [Sidenote: Polychron.]
 Ireland, which as then (by report of some authors) lay waste and
 without habitation. But it should appeare by other writers, that it
 was inhabited long before those daies, by the people called
 Hibernenses, of Hiberus their capteine that brought them also out of
 Spaine.

 After that Gurguintus was returned into his countrie, he ordeined that
 the laws made by his ancestors should be dulie kept and obserued. And
 thus administring iustice to his subiects for the tearme of 19 yeares,
 he finallie departed this life, and was buried at London, or as some
 [Sidenote: Caius.]
 haue at Caerleon. In his daies was the towne of Cambridge with the
 vniuersitie first founded by Cantaber, brother to the aforesaid
 Bartholin (according to some writers) as after shall appeare.

 [Sidenote: GUINTOLINUS.]
 GUINTOLINUS or GUINTELLIUS the sonne of Gurguintus was admitted king
 of Britaine in the yere of the world 3614, after the building of the
 citie of Rome 399, and second yere of the 206 Olimpiad. This
 Guintoline was a wise prince, graue in counsell, and sober in
 behauior. He had also a wife named Martia, a woman of perfect beautie,
 & wisedome incomparable, as by hir prudent gouernement and equall
 administration of iustice after hir husbands deceasse, during hir
 sonnes minoritie, it most manifestlie appeared.

 It is thought that in an happie time this Guintoline came to the
 gouernement of this kingdome, being shaken and brought out of order
 with ciuill dissentions, to the end he might reduce it to the former
 estate, which he earnestlie accomplished: for hauing once got the
 place, he studied with great diligence to reforme anew, and to adorne
 with iustice, lawes and good orders, the British common wealth, by
 other kings not so framed as stood with the quietnesse thereof. But
 afore all things he vtterlie remooued and appeased such ciuill
 discord, as séemed yet to remaine after the maner of a remnant of
 those seditious factions and partakings, which had so long time
 reigned in this land. But as he was busie in hand herewith, death
 tooke him out of this life, after he had reigned 27 yeares, and then
 was he buried at London.

 [Sidenote: SICILIUS.]
 SICILIUS the sonne of Guintoline, being not past seuen yeares of age
 when his father died, was admitted king, in the yeare 3659, after the
 building of Rome 430, & after the deliuerance of the Israelites out of
 captiuitie 218, & in the sixt after the death of Alexander. By reason
 [Sidenote: Queene Martia gouerneth in hir sonnes roome.]
 that Sicilius was not of age sufficient of himselfe to guide the
 kingdoms of the Britains, his mother that worthie ladie called Martia,
 had the gouernance both of his realme and person committed to hir
 charge.

 She was a woman expert and skilfull in diuers sciences, but chiefelie
 being admitted to the gouernance of the realme, she studied to
 preserue the common wealth in good quiet and wholsome order, and
 [Sidenote: She maketh lawes.]
 therefore deuised and established profitable and conuenient lawes, the
 which after were called Martian lawes, of hir name that first made
 them. These lawes, as those that were thought good and necessarie for
 the preseruation of the common wealth, Alfred, or Alured, that was
 long after king of England, translated also out of the British toong,
 into the English Saxon speech, and then were they called after that
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 translation Marchenelagh, that is to meane, the lawes of Martia. To
 conclude, this worthie woman guided the land during the minoritie of
 hir sonne right politikelie; and highlie to hir perpetuall renowme and
 commendation. And when hir sonne came to lawfull age, she deliuered
 [Sidenote: _Matt. Westm._]
 vp the gouernance into his handes. How long he reigned writers varie,
 some auouch but seuen yeares, though other affirme 15. which agréeth
 not so well with the accord of other histories and times. He was
 buried at London.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Of Kimarus and his sudden end, of Elanius and his short regiment, of
 Morindus and his beastlie crueltie, all thrée immediatlie succeeding
 each other in the monarchie of Britaine, with the exploits of the
 last._

 THE SIXT CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: KIMARUS.]
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 KIMARUS the sonne of Sicilius began to reigne ouer the Britaines, in
 the yeare of the world 3657, and after the building of Rome 442, & in
 the first yeare of the 117. Olimpiad. This Kimarus being a wild yoong
 man, and giuen to follow his lusts and pleasures, was slaine by some
 that were his enimies, as he was abroad in hunting, when he had
 reigned scarselie three yeares.

 [Sidenote: ELANIUS.]
 ELANIUS the sonne of Kimarus, or (as other haue) his brother, began to
 rule the Britaines in the yeare after the creation of the world 3361,
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 after the building of Rome 445, after the deliuerance of the
 Israelites 229, and in the fourth yeare of the Seleuciens, after which
 account the bookes of Machabees doo reckon, which began in the 14,
 after the death of Alexander. This Elanius in the English Chronicle is
 named also Haran; by Mat. Westm. Danius; and by an old chronicle which
 Fabian much followed, Elanius and Kimarus should seeme to be one
 person: but other hold the contrarie, and saie that he reigned fullie
 8. yeares.

 [Sidenote: MORINDUS.]
 MORINDUS the bastard sonne of Elanius was admitted king of Britaine,
 in the yeare of the world 3667, after the building of Rome 451, after
 the deliuerance of the Israelites 236, and in the tenth yeare of
 Cassander K. of Macedonia, which hauing dispatched Olimpias the mother
 of Alexander the great, and gotten Roxanes with Alexanders sonne into
 his hands, vsurped the kingdome of the Macedonians, and held it 15
 yéeres. This Morindus in the English chronicle is called Morwith, and
 was a man of worthie fame in chiualrie and martiall dooings, but so
 cruell withall, that his vnmercifull nature could scarse be satisfied
 with the torments of them that had offended him, although oftentimes
 with his owne hands he cruellie put them to torture and execution. He
 was also beautifull and comelie of personage, liberall and bounteous,
 and of a maruellous strength.

 [Sidenote: _G. Mon._]
 In his daies, a certeine king of the people called Moriani, with a
 great armie landed in Northumberland, and began to make cruell warre
 vpon the inhabitants. But Morindus aduertised héerof, assembled his
 Britains, came against the enimies, and in battell putting them to
 flight, chased them to their ships, and tooke a great number of them
 prisoners, whome to the satisfieng of his cruell nature he caused to
 be slaine euen in his presence. Some of them were headed, some
 strangled, some panched, and some he caused to be slaine quicke.

 [Sidenote: The like may be thought of those Murreis or Morauians of
 whom _H.B._ speaketh.]
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 ¶ These people (whome Gal. Mon. nameth Moriani) I take to be either
 those that inhabited about Terrouane and Calice, called Morini, or
 some other people of the Galles or Germaines, and not as some estéeme
 them, Morauians, or Merhenners, which were not known to the world (as
 Humfrey Llhoyd hath verie well noted) till about the daies of the
 emperour Mauricius, which misconstruction of names hath brought the
 British historie further out of credit than reason requireth, if the
 circumstances be dulie considered.

 But now to end with Morindus. At length this bloudie prince heard of a
 monster that was come a land out of the Irish sea, with the which when
 he would néeds fight, he was deuoured of the same, after he had
 reigned the terme of 8 yeeres, leauing behind him fiue sonnes,
 Gorbonianus, Archigallus, Elidurus, Vigenius, or Nigenius, and
 Peredurus.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Of Gorbonianus, Archigallus, Elidurus, Vigenius, and Peredurus, the
 fiue sons of Morindius, the building of Cambridge, the restitution of
 Archigallus to the regiment after his depriuation, Elidurus three
 times admitted king, his death and place of interrement._

 THE SEUENTH CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: GORBOMEN OR GORBONIANUS.]
 GORBONIANUS the first son of Morindus succéeded his father in the
 kingdome of Britain, in the yéere of the world 3676, after the
 building of Rome 461, and fourth yéere of the 121. Olimpiad. This
 Gorbonianus in the English chronicle is named Granbodian, and was a
 [Sidenote: A righteous and religious prince.]
 righteous prince in his gouernment, and verie deuout (according to
 such deuotion as he had) towards the aduancing of the religion of his
 gods: and thervpon he repaired all the old temples through his
 kingdome, and erected some new.

 He also builded the townes of Cambridge and Grantham (as Caxton
 writeth) and was beloued both of the rich and poore, for he honoured
 the rich, and relieued the poore in time of their necessities. In his
 time was more plentie of all things necessarie for the wealthfull
 state of man, than had béene before in anie of his predecessors daies.
 He died without issue, after he had reigned (by the accord of most
 writers) about the terme of ten yeares.

 [Sidenote: Cambridge by whome it was built.]
 Some write that this Gorbonian built the townes of Cairgrant, now
 called Cambridge, & also Grantham, but some thinke that those which
 haue so written are deceiued, in mistaking the name; for that
 Cambridge was at the first called Granta: and by that meanes it might
 be that Gorbonian built onlie Grantham, and not Cambridge, namelie
 because other write how that Cambridge (as before is said) was built
 in the daies of Gurguntius the sonne of Beline, by one Cantaber a
 Spaniard, brother to Partholoin, which Partholoin by the aduice of the
 same Gurguntius, got seates for himselfe and his companie in Ireland
 (as before ye haue heard.)

 The said Cantaber also obteining licence of Gurguntius, builded a
 towne vpon the side of the riuer called Canta, which he closed with
 walles, and fortified with a strong tower or castell, and after
 procuring philosophers to come hither from Athens (where in his youth
 he had bene a student) he placed them there, and so euen then was that
 place furnished (as they saie) with learned men, and such as were
 readie to instruct others in knowledge of letters and philosophicall
 doctrine. But by whome or in what time soeuer it was built, certeine
 it is that there was a citie or towne walled in that place before the
 comming of the Saxons, called by the Britaines Caergrant, and by the
 Saxons Granchester.

 This towne fell so to ruine by the inuasion of the Saxons, that at
 length it was in maner left desolate, and at this day remaineth as a
 village. But néere therevnto vnder the Saxon kings, an other towne was
 built, now called Cambridge, where by the fauour of king Sigebert and
 Felix a Burgundian, that was bishop of Dunwich, a schoole was erected,
 as in place conuenient shall appeare.

 [Sidenote: ARCHIGALLUS.]
 ARCHIGALLUS, the second sonne of Morindus, and brother vnto
 Gorbonianus, was admitted king of Britaine, in the yeare 3686, after
 the building of the citie of Rome 470, after the deliuerance of the
 Israelites out of captiuitie 255, and in the first yeare of Sosthenes
 king of Macedonia. This Archigallus (in the English chronicle called
 Artogaill) followed not the steppes of his brother, but giuing
 [Sidenote: He is giuen to nourish dissention.]
 himselfe to dissention and strife, imagined causes against his nobles,
 that he might displace them, and set such in their roomes as were men
 of base birth and of euill conditions. Also he sought by vnlawfull
 meanes to bereaue his wealthie subiects of their goods and riches, so
 to inrich himselfe and impouerish his people. For the which his
 inordinate dooings, his nobles conspired against him, and finallie
 depriued him of all his honor and kinglie dignitie, after he had
 reigned about the space of one yeare.

 [Sidenote: ELIDURUS.]
 ELIDURUS the third sonne of Morindus, and brother to Archigallus, was
 by one consent of the Britains chosen to reigne ouer them in his
 brothers stead, after the creation of the world 3687, and after the
 building of the citie of Rome 471, after the deliuerance of the
 Israelites 256, & in the first yeare of Sosthenes king of Macedonia.
 This Elidurus in the English chronicle named Hesider, or Esoder,
 prooued a most righteous prince, and doubting least he should doo
 otherwise than became him, if he did not take care for his brother
 Archigallus estate, a man might woonder what diligence he shewed in
 trauelling with the nobles of the realme to haue his brother restored
 to the crowne againe.

 Now as it chanced one day (being abroad on hunting in the wood called
 Calater) neare vnto Yorke, he found his brother Archigall wandering
 there in the thickest of that wildernesse, whom in most louing maner
 he secretlie conueied home to his house, being as then the citie of
 [Sidenote: By this it should séeme that Acliud should not be in
 Scotland, contrarie to the Scotish authors.]
 Aldud, otherwise called Acliud. Shortlie after he feined himselfe
 sicke, and in all hast sent messengers about to assemble his barons,
 who being come at the day appointed, he called them one after another
 into his priuie chamber, and there handled them in such affectuous
 sort with wise and discréet words, that he got their good wils to
 further him to their powers, for the reducing of the kingdome
 eftsoones into the hands of his brother Archigallus.

 After this he assembled a councell at Yorke, where he so vsed the
 matter with the commons, that in conclusion, when the said Elidurus
 had gouerned the land well and honourablie the space of thrée yeares,
 he resigned wholie his crowne and kinglie title vnto his brother
 Archigallo, who was receiued of the Britaines againe as king by
 [Sidenote: An example of brotherlie loue.]
 mediation of his brother in manner as before is said. ¶ A rare example
 of brotherlie loue, if a man shall reuolue in his mind what an
 inordinate desire remaineth amongst mortall men to atteine to the
 supreme souereintie of ruling, and to kéepe the same when they haue it
 once in possession. He had well learned this lesson (as may appeare by
 his contentation and resignation) namelie, that

   Nec abnuendum si dat imperium Deus,
   Nec appetendum,

 [Sidenote: Sen. in Thiess.]
 otherwise he would not haue béene led with such an equabilitie of
 mind. For this great good will and brotherlie loue by him shewed thus
 toward his brother, he was surnamed the godlie and vertuous.

 [Sidenote: ARCHIGALLUS AGAIN.]
 When ARCHIGALLUS was thus restored to the kingdome, and hauing learned
 by due correction that he must turne the leafe, and take out a new
 lesson, by changing his former trade of liuing into better, if he
 would reigne in suertie: he became a new man, vsing himselfe
 vprightlie in the administration of iustice, and behauing himselfe so
 woorthilie in all his doings, both toward the nobles & commons of his
 realme, that he was both beloued and dread of all his subiects. And so
 continuing the whole tearme of his life, finallie departed out of this
 world, after he had reigned this second time the space of ten yeares,
 and was buried at Yorke.

 [Sidenote: ELIDURUS AGAINE.]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 ELIDURUS brother to this Archigallus was then againe admitted king by
 consent of all the Britaines, 3700 of the world. But his two yonger
 brethren, Vigenius and Peredurus, enuieng the happie state of this
 woorthie prince, so highlie for his vertue and good gouernance
 [Sidenote: Brother against brother.]
 esteemed of the Britains, of a grounded malice conspired against him,
 and assembling an armie, leuied warre against him, and in a pitcht
 field tooke him prisoner, and put him in the tower of London, there to
 [Sidenote: Elidure committed to prison.]
 be kept close prisoner, after he had reigned now this last time the
 space of one yeare.

 [Sidenote: VIGENIUS AND PEREDURUS.]
 VIGENIUS and PEREDURUS, the yoongest sonnes of Morindus, and brethren
 to Elidurus, began to reigne iointlie as kings of Britaine, in the
 yeare of the world 3701, after the building of Rome 485, after the
 deliuerance of the Israelites 266 complet, and in the 12 yeare of
 Antigonus Gonatas, the sonne of Demetrius king of the Macedonians.
 These two brethren in the English chronicles are named Higanius and
 [Sidenote: Britaine divided into two realmes.]
 Petitur, who (as Gal. Mon. testifieth) diuided the realme betwixt
 them, so that all the land from Humber westward fell to Vigenius, or
 Higanius, the other part beyond Humber northward Peredure held. But
 other affirme, that Peredurus onelie reigned, and held his brother
 Elidurus in prison by his owne consent, forsomuch as he was not
 willing to gouerne.

 But Gal. Mon. saith, that Vigenius died after he had reigned 7 yeares,
 and then Peredurus seized all the land into his owne rule, and
 gouerned it with such sobrietie and wisedome, that he was praised
 aboue all his brethren, so that Elidurus was quite forgotten of the
 [Sidenote: Varitie in writers.]
 Britains. But others write that he was a verie tyrant, and vsed
 himselfe verie cruellie towards the lords of his land, wherevpon they
 rebelled and slue him. But whether by violent hand, or by naturall
 [Sidenote: _Caxton._]
 sicknesse, he finallie departed this life, after the consent of most
 [Sidenote: _Eth. Bur._]
 writers, when he had reigned eight yeares, leauing no issue behind him
 to succéed in the gouernance of the kingdome. He builded the towne of
 Pikering, where his bodie was buried.

 [Sidenote: ELIDURUS THE THIRD TIME.]
 ELIDURUS then, as soone as his brother Peredurus was dead, for as much
 as he was next heire to the crowne, was deliuered out of prison, and
 now the third time admitted king of Britaine, who vsed himselfe (as
 before) verie orderlie in ministring to all persons right and iustice
 all the daies of his life, and lastlie being growne to great age died,
 when he had reigned now this third time (after most concordance of
 [Sidenote: He is buried at Caerleill.]
 writers) the tearme of foure yeares: and was buried at Caerleill.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _A Chapter of digression, shewing the diuersitie of writers in
 opinion, touching the computation of yeares from the beginning of the
 British kings of this Iland downewards; since Gurguintus time, till
 the death of Elidurus; and likewise till King Lud reigned in his
 roialtie, with the names of such kings as ruled betweene the last
 yeare of Elidurus, and the first of Lud._

 THE EIGHT CHAPTER.


 Here is to be noted, that euen from the beginning of the British
 kings, which reigned here in this land, there is great diuersitie
 amongest writers, both touching the names, and also the times of their
 reignes, speciallie till they come to the death of the last mentioned
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 king Elidurus. Insomuch that Polydor Virgil in his historie of
 England, finding a manifest error (as he taketh it) in those writers
 whome he followeth touching the account, from the comming of Brute,
 vnto the sacking of Rome by Brennus, whome our histories affirme to be
 the brother of Beline, that to fill vp the number which is wanting in
 the reckoning of the yeares of those kings which reigned after Brute,
 till the daies of the same Brenne & Beline, he thought good to change
 the order, least one error should follow an other, and so of one error
 making manie, he hath placed those kings which after other writers
 should séeme to follow Brenne and Beline, betwixt Dunuallo and
 Mulmucius, father to the said Beline and Brenne, and those fiue kings
 which stroue for the gouernement after the deceasse of the two
 brethren, Ferrex and Porrex, putting Guintoline to succéed after the
 fiue kings or rulers, and after Guintoline his wife Martia, during the
 minoritie of hir sonne, then hir said sonne named Sicilius.

 After him succéeded these whose names follow in order, Chimarius,
 Danius, Morindus, Gorbonianus, Archigallo, who being deposed, Elidurus
 was made king, and so continued till he restored the gouernement (as
 ye haue heard) to Archigallo againe, and after his death Elidurus was
 eftsoones admitted, and within awhile againe deposed by Vigenius and
 Peredurus, and after their deceasses the third time restored. Then
 after his deceasse followed successiuelie Veginus, Morganus, Ennanus,
 Idunallo, Rimo, Geruntius, Catellus, Coilus, Porrex the second of that
 name, Cherinus, Fulgentius, Eldalus, Androgeus, Vrianus and Eliud,
 after whom should follow Dunuallo Molmucius, as in his proper place,
 if the order of things doone, & the course of time should be obserued,
 as Polydor gathereth by the account of yeares attributed to those
 kings that reigned before and after Dunuallo, according to those
 authours whom (as I said) he followeth, if they will that Brennus
 which led the Galles to Rome be the same that was sonne to the said
 Dunuallo Mulmucius, and brother to Beline.

 But sith other haue in better order brought out a perfect agréement in
 the account of yeares, and succession of those kings, which reigned
 and gouerned in this land before the sacking of Rome; and also another
 such as it is after the same, and before the Romans had anie perfect
 knowledge thereof; we haue thought good to follow them therein,
 leauing to euerie man his libertie to iudge as his knowledge shall
 serue him in a thing so doubtfull and vncerteine, by reason of
 variance amongst the ancient writers in that behalfe.

 And euen as there is great difference in writers since Gurguintus,
 till the death of Elidurus, so is there as great or rather greater
 after his deceasse, speciallie till king Lud atteined the kingdóme.
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 But as maie be gathered by that which Fabian and other whome he
 followeth doo write, there passed aboue 185 yeares betwixt the last
 yeare of Elidurus, and the beginning of king Lud his reigne, in the
 which time there reigned 32, or 33, kings, as some writers haue
 mentioned, whose names (as Gal. Mon. hath recorded) are these
 immediatlie héere named; Regnie the sonne of Gorbolian or Gorbonian, a
 worthie prince, who iustlie and mercifullie gouerned his people;
 Margan the sonne of Archigallo a noble prince likewise, and guiding
 his subiects in good quiet; Emerian brother to the same Margan, but
 far vnlike to him in maners, so that he was deposed in the sixt yeare
 of his reigne; Ydwallo sonne to Vigenius; Rimo the sonne of Peredurus;
 Geruntius the sonne of Elidurus; Catell that was buried at Winchester;
 Coill that was buried at Nottingham; Porrex a vertuous and most gentle
 prince; Cherinus a drunkard; Fulginius, Eldad, and Androgeus; these
 thrée were sonnes to Chercinus, and reigned successiuelie one after
 [Sidenote: _Vrianus._]
 another; after them a sonne of Androgeus; then Eliud, Dedaicus,
 Clotinius, Gurguntius, Merianus, Bledius, Cop, Owen, Sicilius,
 Bledgabredus an excellent musician: after him his brother Archemall;
 then Eldol, Red, Rodiecke, Samuill, Penisell, Pir, Capoir; after him
 his sonne Gligweil an vpright dealing prince, and a good iusticiarie;
 whom succeeded his sonne Helie, which reigned 60 yeares, as the
 forsaid Gal. Mon. writeth, where other affirme that he reigned 40
 yeares, and some againe say that he reigned but 7 moneths.

 There is great diuersitie in writers touching the reignes of these
 kings, and not onlie for the number of yéeres which they should
 continue in their reignes but also in their names: so that to shew the
 diuersitie of all the writers, were but to small purpose, sith the
 dooings of the same kings were not great by report made thereof by any
 approoued author. But this maie suffice to aduertise you, that by
 conferring the yéeres attributed to the other kings which reigned
 before them, since the comming of Brute, who should enter this land
 (as by the best writers is gathered) about the yéere before the
 building of Rome 367, which was in the yéere after the creation of the
 world 2850 (as is said) with their time, there remaineth 182 yéeres to
 be dealt amongst these 33 kings, which reigned betwixt the said
 Elidure & Lud, which Lud also began his reigne after the building of
 the citie of Rome (as writers affirme) about 679 yéeres, and in the
 yéere of the world 3895, as some that will séeme the precisest
 calculators doo gather.

 Polydor Virgil changing (as I haue shewed) the order of succession in
 the British kings, in bringing diuerse of those kings, which after
 other writers followed Beline and Brenne, to precéed them so
 successiuelie after Beline and Brenne, reherseth those that by his
 coniecture did by likelihood succéed, as thus. After the decesse of
 Beline, his sonne Gurguntius, being the second of that name, succeeded
 in gouernment of the land, and then these in order as they follow:
 Merianus, Bladanus, Capeus, Duinus, Sicilius, Bledgabredus,
 Archemallus, Eldorus, Rodianus, Redargius, Samulius, Penisellus,
 Pyrrhus, Caporus, Dinellus, and Helie, who had issue, Lud,
 Cassibellane, and Neurius.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Of king Helie who gaue the name to the Ile of Elie, of king Lud, and
 what memorable edifices he made, London sometimes called Luds towne,
 his bountifulnes, and buriall._

 THE NINTH CHAPTER.


 Here note by the waie a thing not to be forgotten, that of the
 [Sidenote: Whereof the Ile of Elie tooke name.]
 foresaid Helie the last of the said 33 kings, the Ile of Elie tooke
 the name, bicause that he most commonlie did there inhabit, building
 in the same a goodly palace, and making great reparations of the
 sluces, ditches & causies about that Ile, for conueiance awaie of the
 water, that els would sore haue indamaged the countrie. There be that
 haue mainteined, that this Ile should rather take name of the great
 abundance of éeles that are found in these waters and fennes wherwith
 this Ile is inuironed. But Humfrey Llhoyd holdeth, that it tooke name
 of this British word Helig, which signifieth willowes, wherwith those
 fennes abound.

 [Sidenote: LUD.]
 After the decesse of the same Helie, his eldest son Lud began his
 reigne, in the yéere after the creation of the world 3895, after the
 building of the citie of Rome 679, before the comming of Christ 72,
 [Sidenote: A worthie prince.]
 and before the Romanes entred Britaine 19 yéeres. This Lud proued a
 right worthie prince, amending the lawes of the realme that were
 defectiue, abolishing euill customs and maners vsed amongst his
 people, and repairing old cities and townes which were decaied: but
 speciallie he delited most to beautifie and inlarge with buildings the
 [Sidenote: London inclosed with a wal.]
 [Sidenote: _Iohn Hard._]
 citie of Troinouant, which he compassed with a strong wall made of
 lime and stone, in the best maner fortified with diuerse faire towers:
 and in the west part of the same wall he erected a strong gate, which
 he commanded to be called after his name, Luds gate, and so vnto this
 daie it is called Ludgate, (S) onelie drowned in pronuntiation of the
 word.

 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 In the same citie also he soiorned for the more part, by reason
 whereof the inhabitants increased, and manie habitations were builded
 to receiue them, and he himselfe caused buildings to be made betwixt
 London stone and Ludgate, and builded for himselfe not farre from the
 [Sidenote: The bishops palace.]
 said gate a faire palace, which is the bishop of Londons palace beside
 Paules at this daie, as some thinke; yet Harison supposeth it to haue
 bin Bainards castell, where the blacke friers now standeth. He also
 builded a fairer temple néere to his said palace, which temple (as
 some take it) was after turned to a church, and at this daie called
 Paules. By reason that king Lud so much esteemed that citie before all
 other of his realme, inlarging it so greatlie as he did, and
 [Sidenote: The name of Troinouant changed and called London.]
 continuallie in manner remained there, the name was changed, so that
 it was called Caerlud, that is to saie, Luds towne: and after by
 corruption of spéech it was named London.

 Beside the princelie dooings of this Lud touching the aduancement of
 the common wealth by studies apperteining to the time of peace, he was
 also strong & valiant in armes, in subduing his enimies, bountious and
 liberall both in gifts and kéeping a plentifull house, so that he was
 greatlie beloued of all the Britaines. Finallie, when he had reigned
 with great honour for the space of 11 yéeres, he died, and was buried
 néere Ludgate, leauing after him two sons, Androgeus and Theomancius
 or Tenancius.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Of Cassibellane and his noble mind, Iulius Cæsar sendeth Caius
 Volusenus to suruey the coasts of this Iland, he lieth with his fleet
 at Calice, purposing to inuade the countrie, his attempt is bewraied
 and withstood by the Britains._

 THE TENTH CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: CASSIBELLANE.]
 CASSIBELLANE, the brother of Lud was admitted king of Britaine, in the
 yéere of the world 3908, after the building of Rome 692, and before
 the comming of Christ 58 complet. For sith the two sonnes of Lud were
 not of age able to gouerne, the rule of the land was committed to
 [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 Cassibellane: but yet (as some haue written) he was not created king,
 but rather appointed ruler & protector of the land, during the nonage
 [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._]
 of his nephewes. Now after he was admitted (by whatsoeuer order) to
 the administration of the common wealth, he became so noble a prince
 and so bountious, that his name spred farre and néere, and by his
 vpright dealing in seeing iustice executed he grew in such estimation,
 that the Britaines made small account of his nephewes, in comparison
 of the fauour which they bare towards him. But Cassibellane hauing
 respect to his honour, least it might be thought that his nephewes
 were expelled by him out of their rightfull possessions, brought them
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 vp verie honourablie; assigning to Androgeus, London and Kent; and to
 Theomantius the countrie of Cornwall. Thus farre out of the British
 histories, whereby it maie be gathered, that the yéeres assigned to
 these kings that reigned before Cassibellane, amount to the summe of
 1058.

 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 But whether these gouernors (whose names we haue recited) were kings,
 or rather rulers of the common wealth, or tyrants and vsurpers of the
 gouernment by force, it is vncerteine: for not one ancient writer of
 anie approued authoritie maketh anie remembrance of them: and by that
 which Iulius Cesar writeth, it maie and dooth appéere, that diuerse
 cities in his daies were gouerned of themselues, as héereafter it
 shall more plainlie appéere. Neither doth he make mention of those
 townes which the British historie affirmeth to be built by the same
 kings. In déed both he and other Latine writers speake of diuerse
 people that inhabited diuers portions of this land, as of the
 Brigantes, Trinobantes, Iceni, Silures, and such other like, but in
 what parts most of the said people did certeinlie inhabit, it is hard
 to auouch for certeine truth.

 But what Iohn Leland thinketh héereof, being one in our time that
 curiouslie searched out old antiquities, you shall after heare as
 [Sidenote: _Hector Boetius_ his fault.]
 occasion serueth: and likewise the opinions of other, as of Hector
 Boetius, who coueting to haue all such valiant acts as were atchiued
 by the Britains to be ascribed to his countriemen the Scots, draweth
 both the Silures and Brigantes, with other of the Britains so farre
 northward, that he maketh them inhabitants of the Scotish countries.
 And what particular names soeuer they had, yet were they all Scots
 with him, and knowne by that generall name (as he would persuade vs to
 beléeue) saieng that they entred into Britaine out of Ireland 330
 yéeres before the incarnation of our Sauiour.

 Neuerthelesse, how generall soeuer the name of Scots then was, sure it
 is, that no speciall mention of them is made by anie writer, till
 about 300 yeares after the birth of our sauiour. And yet the Romans,
 which ruled this land, and had so much adoo with the people thereof,
 make mention of diuerse other people, nothing so famous as Boetius
 would make his Scotish men euen then to be. But to leaue to the Scots
 the antiquitie of their originall beginning, as they and other must
 doo vnto vs our descent from Brute and the other Troians, sith the
 [Sidenote: More certeintie from hence forth appeareth in the
 historie.]
 contrarie dooth not plainelie appeare, vnlesse we shall leane vnto
 presumptions: now are we come to the time in the which what actes were
 atchiued, there remaineth more certeine record, and therefore may we
 the more boldlie procéed in this our historie.

 [Sidenote: Iulius Cesar.]
 In this season that Cassibellane had roiall gouernment héere in
 Britaine, Caius Iulius Cesar being appointed by the senat of Rome to
 conquer Gallia, was for that purpose created consull, and sent with a
 mightie army into the countrie, where after he had brought the Galles
 [Sidenote: _Cesar de bello Gal. lib._ 4.]
 [Sidenote: Britains unknowne to the Romans.]
 vnto some frame, he determined to assaie the winning of Britaine,
 which as yet the Romans knew not otherwise than by report. The
 chiefest cause that mooued him to take in hand that enterprise, was
 for that he did vnderstand, that there dailie came great succours out
 of that Ile to those Galles that were enimies vnto the Romans. And
 [Sidenote: _Cesar de bello Gall. lib._ 4.]
 [Sidenote: Causes of the warre.]
 [Sidenote: Cesars purpose.]
 though the season of that yéere to make warre was farre spent (for
 summer was almost at an end) yet he thought it would be to good
 purpose, if he might but passe ouer thither, and learne what maner of
 people did inhabit there, and discouer the places, hauens, and entries
 apperteining to that Ile.

 Héerevpon calling togither such merchants as he knew to haue had
 traffike thither with some trade of wares, he diligentlie inquired of
 them the state of the Ile: but he could not be throughlie satisfied in
 anie of those things that he coueted to know. Therefore thinking it
 good to vnderstand all things by view that might apperteine to the vse
 of that warre which he purposed to follow: before he attempted the
 [Sidenote: Caius Volusenus sent ouer into Britaine.]
 same, he sent one Caius Volusenus with a gallie or light pinesse to
 surueie the coasts of the Ile, commanding him (after diligent search
 made) to returne with spéed to him againe. He him selfe also drew
 downewards towards Bullenois, from whence the shortest cut lieth to
 passe ouer into Britaine.

 [Sidenote: _Iohn Leland._]
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 In that part of Gallia there was in those daies an hauen called _Itius
 Portus_ (which some take to be Calice) and so the word importeth, an
 harbourgh as then able to receiue a great number of ships. Vnto this
 hauen got Cesar all the ships he could out of the next borders &
 parties, and those speciallie which he had prouided and put in a
 readinesse the last yeare for the warres (against them of Vannes in
 Armorica, now called Britaine in France) he caused to be brought
 thither, there to lie till they should heare further. In the meane
 [Sidenote: Vannes in Britane.]
 time (his indeuour being knowne, and by merchants reported in
 Britaine) all such as were able to beare armour, were commanded and
 appointed to repaire to the sea side, that they might be readie to
 defend their countrie in time of so great danger of inuasion.

 ¶ Cesar in his commentaries agréeth not with our historiographers: for
 he writeth that immediatlie vpon knowledge had that he would inuade
 Britaine, there came to him ambassadours from diuers cities of the Ile
 to offer themselues to be subiects to the Romans, and to deliuer
 hostages. Whome after he had exhorted to continue in their good mind,
 [Sidenote: Comius.]
 he sent home againe, and with them also one Comius gouernor of Artois,
 commanding him to repaire vnto as manie cities in Britaine as he
 might, and to exhort them to submit themselues to the Romans. He
 maketh no mention of Cassibellane, till the second iournie that he
 made into the Ile, at what time the said Cassibelane was chosen (as ye
 shall heare) to be the generall capteine of the Britains, and to haue
 the whole administration of the warre for defense of the countrie: but
 he nameth him not to be a king. Howbeit in the British historie it is
 [Sidenote: Which is more likelie in this behalfe, as appeared by the
 sequel.]
 contained, that Cesar required tribute of Cassibelane, and that he
 answered how he had not learned as yet to liue in seruage, but to
 defend the libertie of his countrie, and that with weapon in hand (if
 néede were) as he should well perceiue, if (blinded through
 couetousnesse) he should aduenture to séeke to disquiet the Britains.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Caius Volusenus discouereth to Cæsar his observations in the Ile of
 Britaine, he maketh haste to conquere it, the Britains defend their
 countrie against him, Cæsar after consultation had changeth his
 landing place, the Romans are put to hard shifts, the Britains begin
 to giue backe, the courage of a Roman ensigne-bearer, a sharpe
 encounter betweene both armies._

 THE ELEUENTH CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: Volusenus returneth.]
 CAIUS VOLUSENUS within fiue daies after his departure from Cesar,
 returned vnto him with his gallie, and declared what he had séene
 touching the view which he had taken of the coasts of Britan. Cesar
 hauing got togither so manie saile as he thought sufficient for the
 [Sidenote: Cesar with two legions of souldiers passeth ouer into
 Britain.]
 transporting of two legions of souldiers, after he had ordered his
 businesse as he thought expedient, and gotten a conuenient wind for
 his purpose, did embarke himselfe and his people, and departed from
 Calice in the night about the third watch (which is about three or
 foure of the clocke after midnight) giuing order that the horssemen
 should take ship at an other place 8 miles aboue Calice, and follow
 him. Howbeit when they somewhat slacked the time, about ten of the
 clocke in the next day, hauing the wind at will, he touched on the
 coast of Britaine, where he might behold all the shore set and couered
 [Sidenote: The Britans readie to defend their countrie.]
 with men of warre. For the Britains hearing that Cesar ment verie
 shortlie to come against them, were assembled in armour to resist him:
 and now being aduertised of his approch to the land, they prepared
 themselues to withstand him.

 [Sidenote: Cesar calleth a councell.]
 Cesar perceiuing this, determined to staie till the other ships were
 come, and so he lay at anchor till about 11 of the clocke, and then
 called a councell of the marshals and chiefe capteines, vnto whome he
 declared both what he had learned of Volusenus, and also further what
 he would haue doone, willing them that all things might be ordered as
 the reason of warre required. And because he perceiued that this place
 where he first cast anchor was not méete for the landing of his
 people, sith (from the heigth of the cliffes that closed on ech side
 the narrow créeke into the which he had thrust) the Britains might
 annoy his people with their bowes and dartes, before they could set
 foote on land, hauing now the wind and tide with him, he disanchored
 [Sidenote: This was about day.]
 from thence, and drew alongst the coast vnder the downes, the space of
 7 or 8 miles, and there finding the shore more flat and plaine, he
 approched néere to the land, determining to come to the shore.

 The Britains perceiuing Cesars intent, with all spéed caused their
 horssemen and charets or wagons, which Cesar calleth _Esseda_, out of
 the which in those daies they vsed to fight, to march forth toward the
 place whither they saw Cesar drew, and after followed with their maine
 armie. Wherefore Cesar being thus preuented, inforced yet to land with
 his people, though he saw that he should haue much a doo. For as the
 Britains were in redinesse to resist him, so his great and huge ships
 could not come néere the shore, but were forced to kéepe the déepe, so
 [Sidenote: The Romans put to their shifts.]
 that the Romane soldiers were put to verie hard shift; to wit, both to
 leape forth of their ships, and being pestered with their heauie
 armour and weapons, to fight in the water with their enimies, who
 knowing the flats and shelues, stood either vpon the drie ground, or
 else but a little waie in the shallow places of the water; and being
 not otherwise encumbred either with armour or weapon, but so as they
 might bestir themselues at will, they laid load vpon the Romans with
 their arrowes and darts, and forced their horsses (being thereto
 inured) to enter the water the more easilie, so to annoy and distresse
 the Romans, who wanting experience in such kind of fight, were not
 well able to helpe themselues, nor to keepe order as they vsed to doo
 on land: wherfore they fought nothing so lustilie as they were woont
 to doo. Cesar perceiuing this, commanded the gallies to depart from
 the great ships, and to row hard to the shore, that being placed ouer
 against the open sides of the Britains, they might with their shot of
 arrows, darts, and slings, remoue the Britains, and cause them to
 withdraw further off from the water side.

 [Sidenote: The Britans astonied.]
 This thing being put in execution (according to his commandement) the
 Britains were not a little astonied at the strange sight of those
 gallies, for that they were driuen with ores, which earst they had not
 séene, and shrewdlie were they galled also with the artillerie which
 the Romans discharged vpon them, so that they began to shrinke and
 retire somewhat backe. Herewith one that bare the ensigne of the
 [Sidenote: The valiant courage of an ensigne bearer.]
 legion surnamed Decima, wherein the eagle was figured, as in that
 which was the chiefe ensigne of the legion, when he saw his fellowes
 nothing eager to make forward, first beséeching the gods that his
 enterprise might turne to the weale, profit, and honor of the legion,
 he spake with a lowd voice these words to his fellowes that were about
 him; "Leape forth now euen you woorthie souldiers (saith he) if you
 will not betraie your ensigne to the enimies: for surelie I will
 acquit my selfe according to my duetie both towards the common wealth,
 and my generall:" and therewith leaping forth into the water, he
 marched with his ensigne streight vpon the enimies. The Romans douting
 to lose their ensigne, which should haue turned them to great reproch,
 leapt out of their ships so fast as they might, and followed their
 standard, so that there ensued a sore re-encounter: and that which
 troubled the Romans most, was because they could not keepe their
 order, neither find anie sure footing, nor yet follow euerie man his
 owne ensigne, but to put themselues vnder that ensigne which he first
 met withall after their first comming forth of the ship.

 The Britains that were inured with the shelues and shallow places of
 the water, when they saw the Romans thus disorderlie come out of their
 [Sidenote: The fiercenesse of the Britains.]
 ships, ran vpon them with their horsses, and fiercelie assailed them,
 and now and then a great multitude of the Britains would compasse in
 and inclose some one companie of them: and other also from the most
 open places of the shore bestowed great plentie of darts vpon the
 whole number of the Romans, and so troubled them verie sore.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The Romans get to land on the English coast, the Britains send to
 Cæsar for a treatie of peace, they staie the Romane ambassadour as
 prisoner, Cæsar demandeth hostages of the Britains, the Romane nauie
 is driuen diuers waies in a great tempest, the British princes steale
 out of Cæsars campe and gather a fresh power against the Romans, their
 two armies haue a sharpe encounter._

 THE TWELFT CHAPTER.


 CAESAR perceiuing the maner of this fight, caused his men of warre to
 enter into boates and other small vessels, which he commanded to go to
 such places where most néed appeared. And relieuing them that fought
 [Sidenote: The Romans get to land.]
 with new supplies, at length the Romans got to land, and assembling
 togither, they assailed the Britains a fresh, and so at last did put
 [Sidenote: The want of horssemen.]
 them all to flight. But the Romans could not follow the Britains
 farre, because they wanted their horssemen which were yet behind, &
 through slacking of time could not come to land. And this one thing
 séemed onelie to disappoint the luckie fortune that was accustomed to
 follow Cesar in all his other enterprises.

 [Sidenote: The Britans send to Cesar.]
 The Britains after this flight were no sooner got togither, but that
 with all speed they sent ambassadours vnto Cesar to treat with him of
 peace, offering to deliuer hostages, and further to stand vnto that
 order that Cesar should take with them in anie reasonable sort. With
 [Sidenote: Comius of Arras.]
 these ambassadours came also Comius, whome Cesar (as you haue heard)
 had sent before into Britaine, whome notwithstanding that he was an
 ambassadour, and sent from Cesar with commission and instructions
 sufficientlie furnished, yet had they staied him as a prisoner. But
 now after the battell was ended, they set him at libertie, and sent
 him backe with their ambassadours, who excused the matter, laieng the
 blame on the people of the countrie; which had imprisoned him through
 lacke of vnderstanding what apperteined to the law of armes and
 nations in that behalfe.

 Cesar found great fault with their misdemenor, not onelie for
 imprisoning his ambassador, but also for that contrarie to their
 promise made by such as they had sent to him into Gallia to deliuer
 hostages, in lieu thereof they had receiued him with warre: yet in the
 end he said he would pardon them, and not séeke anie further reuenge
 [Sidenote: Cesar demandeth hostages.]
 of their follies. And herewith required of them hostages, of which,
 part were deliuered out of hand, and made promise that the residue
 should likewise be sent after, crauing some respit for performance of
 the same, bicause they were to be fetched farre off within the
 countrie.

 Peace being thus established after the fourth day of the Romans
 arriuall in Britaine, the 18 ships which (as ye haue heard) were
 appointed to conuey the horssemen ouer, loosed from the further hauen
 with a soft wind. Which when they approched so néere the shore of
 Britaine, that the Romans which were in Cesars campe might see them,
 suddenlie there arose so great a tempest, that none of them was able
 to kéepe his course, so that they were not onelie driuen in sunder
 (some being caried againe into Gallia, and some westward) but also the
 other ships that lay at anchor, and had brought ouer the armie, were
 so pitifullie beaten, tossed and shaken, that a great number of them
 did not onelie lose their tackle, but also were caried by force of
 wind into the high sea; the rest being likewise so filled with water,
 that they were in danger by sinking to perish and to be quite lost.
 For the moone in the same night was at the full, & therefore caused a
 spring tide, which furthered the force of the tempest, to the greater
 perill of those ships and gallies that lay at anchor. There was no way
 for the Romans to helpe the matter: wherefore a great number of those
 ships were so bruised, rent and weather-beaten, that without new
 reparation they would serue to no vse of sailing. This was a great
 discomfort to the Romans that had brought ouer no prouision to liue by
 in the winter season, nor saw anie hope how they should repasse againe
 into Gallia.

 In the meane time the British princes that were in the Romane armie,
 perceiuing how greatlie this mishap had discouraged the Romans, and
 again by the small circuit of their campe, gessing that they could be
 no great number, and that lacke of vittels sore oppressed them, they
 stale priuilie away one after another out of the campe, purposing to
 assemble their powers againe, and to forestall the Romans from
 vittels, and so to driue the matter off till winter: which if they
 might doo (vanquishing these or closing them from returning) they
 trusted that none of the Romans from thencefoorth would attempt
 eftsoones to come into Britaine. Cesar mistrusting their dealings,
 because they staid to deliuer the residue of their hostages, commanded
 vittels to be brought out of the parties adioining, and not hauing
 other stuffe to repaire his ships, he caused 12 of those that were
 vtterlie past recouerie by the hurts receiued through violence of the
 tempest, to be broken, wherewith the other (in which some recouerie
 was perceiued) might be repaired and amended.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The maner of the Britains fighting in charets, the Romans giue a
 fresh sallie to the Britains and put them to flight, they sue to Cæsar
 for peace; what kings and their powers were assistants to Cassibellane
 in the battell against Cæsar, and the maner of both peoples encounters
 by the report of diuers Chronologers._

 THE XIIJ. CHAPTER.


 Whilest these things were a dooing, it chanced that as one of the
 Romane legions named the seuenth, was sent to fetch in corne out of
 the countrie adioining (as their custome was) no warre at that time
 being suspected, or once looked for, when part of the people remained
 abroad in the field, and part repaired to the campe: those that warded
 before the campe, informed Cesar, that there appeared a dust greater
 than was accustomed from that quarter, into the which the legion was
 gone to fetch in corne. Cesar iudging therof what the matter might
 meane, commanded those bands that warded to go with him that way
 foorth, and appointed other two bands to come into their roomes, and
 the residue of his people to get them to armor, and to follow quicklie
 after him.

 He was not gone anie great way from the campe, when he might sée where
 his people were ouermatched by the enimies, and had much a doo to
 beare out the brunt: for the legion being thronged together, the
 Britains pelted them sore with arrowes and darts on ech side: for
 sithens there was no forrage left in anie part of the countrie about,
 but onelie in this place, the Britains iudged that the Romans would
 come thither for it: therefore hauing lodged themselues within the
 woods in ambushes the night before; on the morrowe after when they saw
 the Romans dispersed here & there, and busie to cut downe the corne,
 they set vpon them on a sudden, and sleaing some few of them, brought
 the residue out of order, compassing them about with their horssemen
 and charets, so that they were in great distresse.

 The maner of fight with these charets was such, that in the beginning
 of a battell they would ride about the sides and skirts of the enimies
 host, and bestow their darts as they sate in those charets, so that
 oftentimes with the braieng of the horsses, and craking noise of the
 charet whéeles they disordered their enimies, and after that they had
 woond themselues in amongst the troops of horssemen, they would leape
 out of the charets and fight on foot. In the meane time those that
 guided the charets would withdraw them selues out of the battell,
 placing themselues so, that if their people were ouermatched with the
 multitude of enimies, they might easilie withdraw to their charets,
 and mount vpon the same againe, by meanes wherof they were as readie
 to remooue as the horssemen, and as stedfast to stand in the battell
 as the footmen, and so to supplie both duties in one. And those
 charetmen by exercise and custome were so cunning in their feat, that
 although their horsses were put to run and gallop, yet could they stay
 them and hold them backe at their pleasures, and turne and wind them
 to and fro in a moment, notwithstanding that the place were verie
 stéepe and dangerous: and againe they would run vp and downe verie
 nimblie vpon the cops, and stand vpon the beame, and conuey themselues
 quicklie againe into the charet.

 Cesar thus finding his people in great distresse and readie to be
 destroied, came in good time, and deliuered them out of that danger:
 for the Britains vpon his approch with new succors, gaue ouer to
 assaile their enimies any further, & the Romans were deliuered out of
 the feare wherein they stood before his comming. Furthermore, Cesar
 considering the time serued not to assaile his enimies, kept his
 ground, and shortlie after brought backe his legions into the campe.

 While these things were thus a dooing, & all the Romans occupied, the
 rest that were abroad in the fields got them away. After this there
 followed a sore season of raine and fowle weather, which kept the
 Romans within their campe, and staid the Britains from offering
 battell. But in the meane time they sent messengers abroad into all
 parts of the countrie, to giue knowledge of the small number of the
 Romans, and what hope there was both of great spoile to be gotten, and
 occasion to deliuer themselues from further danger for euer, if they
 might once expell the Romans out of their campe. Herevpon a great
 multitude both of horssemen and footmen of the Britains were spéedilie
 got togither, and approched the Romane campe.

 Cesar although he saw that the same would come to passe which had
 chanced before, that if the enimies were put to the repulse, they
 would easilie escape the danger with swiftnesse of foot; yet hauing
 now with him thirtie horssemen (which Comius of Arras had brought ouer
 with him, when he was sent from Cesar as an ambassador vnto the
 Britains) he placed his legions in order of battell before his campe,
 and so comming to ioine with the Britains, they were not able to
 susteine the violent impression of the armed men, and so fled. The
 Romans pursued them so farre as they were able to ouertake anie of
 them, and so slaieng manie of them, & burning vp all their houses all
 about, came backe againe to their campe. Immediatlie wherevpon, euen
 the same day, they sent ambassadors to Cesar to sue for peace, who
 gladlie accepting their offer, commanded them to send ouer into
 Gallia, after he should be returned thither, hostages in number duble
 to those that were agréed vpon at the first. After that these things
 were thus ordered, Cesar because the moneth of September was
 well-neare halfe spent, and that winter hasted on (a season not méet
 for his weake and bruised ships to brooke the seas) determined not to
 staie anie longer, but hauing wind and weather for his purpose, got
 himselfe aboord with his people, and returned into Gallia.

 [Sidenote: _Cæsar de bello Gallico. lib._ 4.]
 ¶ Thus writeth Cesar touching his first iournie made into Britaine.
 But the British historie (which Polydor calleth the new historie)
 declareth that Cesar in a pitcht field was vanquished at the first
 encounter, and so withdrew backe into France. Beda also writeth, that
 Cesar comming into the countrie of Gallia, where the people then
 called Morini inhabited (which are at this day the same that inhabit
 the diocesse of Terwine) from whence lieth the shortest passage ouer
 into Britaine, now called England, got togither 80 saile of great
 ships and row gallies, wherewith he passed ouer into Britaine, & there
 at the first being wearied with sharpe and sore fight, and after taken
 with a grieuous tempest, he lost the greater part of his nauie, with
 no small number of his souldiers, and almost all his horssemen: and
 therwith being returned into Gallia, placed his souldiers in stéeds to
 soiourne there for the winter season. Thus saith Bede. The British
 historie moreouer maketh mention of thrée vnder-kings that aided
 Cassibellane in this first battell fought with Cesar, as Cridiorus
 alias Ederus, king of Albania, now called Scotland: Guitethus king of
 Venedocia, that is Northwales: and Britaell king of Demetia, at this
 day called Southwales.

 The same historie also maketh mention of one Belinus that was generall
 of Cassibellanes armie, and likewise of Nenius brother to
 Cassibellane, who in fight happened to get Cesars swoord fastened in
 his shield by a blow which Cesar stroke at him. Androgeus also and
 Tenancius were at the battell in aid of Cassibellane. But Nenius died
 within 15 daies after the battell of the hurt receiued at Cesars hand,
 although after he was so hurt, he slue Labienus one of the Romane
 tribunes: all which may well be true, sith Cesar either maketh the
 best of things for his owne honour, or else coueting to write but
 commentaries, maketh no account to declare the néedeles circumstances,
 or anie more of the matter, than the chiefe points of his dealing.

 [Sidenote: _Hector Boet._]
 Againe, the Scotish historiographers write, that when it was first
 knowne to the Britains, that Cesar would inuade them, there came from
 Cassibellane king of Britaine an ambassador vnto Ederus king of Scots,
 who in the name of king Cassibellane required aid against the common
 enimies the Romains, which request was granted, and 10 thousand Scots
 sent to the aid of Cassibellane. At their comming to London, they were
 most ioifullie receiued of Cassibellane, who at the same time had
 knowledge that the Romans were come on land, and had beaten such
 Britains backe as were appointed to resist their landing. Wherevpon
 Cassibellane with all his whole puissance mightilie augmented, not
 onlie with the succours of the Scots, but also of the Picts (which in
 that common cause had sent also of their people to aid the Britains)
 set forward towards the place where he vnderstood the enimies to be.

 At their first approch togither, Cassibellane sent foorth his
 horssemen and charets called _Esseda_, by the which he thought to
 disorder the araie of the enimies. Twice they incountred togither with
 doubtfull victorie. At length they ioined puissance against puissance,
 and fought a verie sore and cruell battell, till finally at the sudden
 comming of the Welshmen and Cornishmen, so huge a noise was raised by
 the sound of bels hanging at their trappers and charets, that the
 Romans astonied therewith, were more easilie put to flight. The
 Britains, Scots, and Picts following the chase without order or araie,
 so that by reason the Romans kept themselues close togither, the
 Britains, Scots, & Picts did scarse so much harme to the enimies as
 they themselues receiued. But yet they followed on still vpon the
 Romans till it was darke night.

 Cesar after he had perceiued them once withdrawne, did what he could
 to assemble his companies togither, minding the next morning to séeke
 his reuenge of the former daies disaduantage. But forsomuch as
 knowledge was giuen him that his ships (by reason of a sore tempest)
 were so beaten and rent, that manie of them were past seruice, he
 doubted least such newes would incourage his enimies, and bring his
 people into despaire. Wherfore he determined not to fight till time
 more conuenient, sending all his wounded folks vnto the ships, which
 he commanded to be newlie rigged and trimmed. After this, kéeping his
 armie for a time within the place where he was incamped without
 issuing foorth, he shortlie drew to the sea side, where his ships laie
 at anchor, and there within a strong place fortified for the purpose
 he lodged his host, and finallie without hope to atchieue anie other
 exploit auaileable for that time, he tooke the sea with such ships as
 were apt for sailing, and so repassed into Gallia, leauing behind him
 all the spoile and baggage for want of vessels and leisure to conueie
 it ouer. ¶ Thus haue the Scots in their chronicles framed the matter,
 more to the conformitie of the Romane histories, than according to the
 report of our British and English writers: and therefore we haue
 thought good to shew it héere, that the diuersitie of writers and
 their affections may the better appéere.

 Of this sudden departing also, or rather fléeing of Iulius Cesar out
 of Britaine, Lucanus the poet maketh mention, reciting the saieng of
 Pompeius in an oration made by him vnto his souldiers, wherin he
 reprochfullie and disdainfullie reprooued the dooings of Cesar in
 Britaine, saieng:

     Territa quæsitis ostendit terga Britannis.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Cæsar taketh a new occasion to make warre against the Britains, he
 arriueth on the coast without resistance, the number of his ships,
 both armies incounter, why Cæsar forbad the Romans to pursue the
 discomfited Britains, he repaireth his nauie, the Britains choose
 Cassibellane their cheefe gouernour, and skirmish afresh with their
 enimies, but haue the repulse in the end._

 THE XIIIJ. CHAPTER.


 Now will we returne to the sequele of the matter, as Cesar himselfe
 reporteth. After his comming into Gallia, there were but two cities of
 all Britaine that sent ouer their hostages according to their
 [Sidenote: _Dion Cassius._]
 couenant, which gaue occasion to Cesar to picke a new quarrell against
 them, which if it had wanted, he would yet (I doubt not) haue found
 some other: for his full meaning was to make a more full conquest of
 that Ile. Therefore purposing to passe againe thither, as he that had
 a great desire to bring the Britains vnder the obedience of the Romane
 estate, he caused a great number of ships to be prouided in the winter
 season and put in a readinesse, so that against the next spring there
 were found to be readie rigged six hundred ships, beside 28 gallies.
 [Sidenote: _Cæsar de bello Gal. lib._ 5.]
 Héerevpon hauing taken order for the gouernance of Gallia in his
 absence, about the beginning of the spring he came to the hauen of
 Calice, whither (according to order by him prescribed) all his ships
 were come, except 40 which by tempest were driuen backe, and could not
 as yet come to him.

 After he had staied at Calice (as well for a conuenient wind, as for
 other incidents) certeine daies, at length when the weather so changed
 that it serued his purpose, he tooke the sea, & hauing with him fiue
 legions of souldiers, and about two thousand horssemen, he departed
 out of Calice hauen about sun setting with a soft southwest wind,
 directing his course forward: about midnight the wind fell, & so by a
 calme he was carried alongst with the tide, so that in the morning
 when the day appéered, he might behold Britaine vpon his left hand.
 Then following the streame as the course of the tide changed, he
 forced with oares to fetch the shore vpon that part of the coast,
 which he had discouered, and tried the last yeere to be the best
 landing place for the armie. The diligence of the souldiers was shewed
 héere to be great, who with continuall toile droue foorth the heauie
 ships, to kéepe course with the gallies, & so at length they landed in
 Britaine about noone on the next day, finding not one to resist his
 comming ashore: for as he learned by certeine prisoners which were
 taken after his comming to land, the Britains being assembled in
 purpose to haue resisted him, through feare striken into their harts,
 at the discouering of such an huge number of ships, they forsooke the
 shore and got them vnto the mountaines. There were in deed of vessels
 one and other, what with vittellers, & those which priuat men had
 prouided and furnished foorth for their owne vse, being ioined to the
 ordinarie number, at the least eight hundred saile, which appeering in
 sight all at one time, made a wonderfull muster, and right terrible in
 the eies of the Britains.

 But to procéed: Cesar being got to land, incamped his armie in a place
 conuenient: and after learning by the prisoners, into what part the
 enimies were withdrawne, he appointed one Quintus Atrius to remaine
 vpon the safegard of the nauie, with ten companies or cohorts of
 footmen, and thrée hundred horssemen: and anon after midnight marched
 foorth himselfe with the residue of his people toward the Britains,
 and hauing made 12 miles of way, he got sight of his enimies host, who
 sending downe their horssemen and charets vnto the riuer side,
 skirmished with the Romans, meaning to beate them backe from the
 higher ground: but being assailed of the Romane horssemen, they were
 repelled, & tooke the woods for their refuge, wherein they had got a
 place verie strong, both by nature and helpe of hand, which (as was to
 be thought) had béene fortified before, in time of some ciuill warre
 amongst them: for all the entries were closed with trées which had
 béene cut downe for that purpose. Howbeit the souldiers of the 7
 legion casting a trench before them, found meanes to put backe the
 Britains from their defenses, and so entring vpon them, droue them out
 of the woods. But Cesar would not suffer the Romans to follow the
 Britains, bicause the nature of the countrie was not knowne vnto them:
 and againe the day was farre spent, so that he would haue the residue
 thereof bestowed in fortifieng his campe.

 The next day, as he had sent foorth such as should haue pursued the
 Britains, word came to him from Quintus Atrius, that his nauie by
 rigour of a sore and hideous tempest was gréeuouslie molested, and
 throwne vpon the shore, so that the cabels and tackle being broken and
 destroied with force of the vnmercifull rage of wind, the maisters and
 mariners were not able to helpe the matter. Cesar calling backe those
 which he had sent foorth, returned to his ships, and finding them in
 such state as he had heard, tooke order for the repairing of those
 that were not vtterlie destroied, and caused them so to be drawne vp
 to the land, that with a trench he might so compasse in a plot of
 ground, that might serue both for defense of his ships, and also for
 the incamping of those men of warre, which he should leaue to attend
 vpon the safegard of the same. And bicause there were at the least a
 fortie ships lost by violence of this tempest, so as there was no hope
 of recouerie in them, he saw yet how the rest with great labour and
 cost might be repaired: wherefore he chose out wrights among the
 legions, sent for other into Gallia, and wrote ouer to such as he had
 left there in charge with the gouernment of the countrie, to prouide
 so manie ships as they could, and to send them ouer vnto him. He spent
 a ten daies about the repairing of his nauie, and in fortifieng the
 campe for defense thereof, which done, he left those within it that
 were appointed there before, and then returned towards his enimies.

 At his comming backe to the place where he had before incamped, he
 found them there readie to resist him, hauing their numbers hugelie
 increased: for the Britains hearing that he was returned with such a
 mightie number of ships assembled out of all parts of the land, and
 had by general consent appointed the whole rule and order of all
 things touching the warre vnto Cassiuellane or Cassibelane, whose
 dominion was diuided from the cities situat néere to the sea coast, by
 [Sidenote: Cassibellane as should séeme, ruled in the parties of
 Oxfordshire, Barkshire, Buckinghamshire, and Bedfordshire.]
 the riuer of Thames, 80 miles distant from the sea coast. This
 Cassibellane before time had bin at continuall warre with other
 rulers, and cities of the land: but now the Britains moued with the
 comming of the Romans, chose him to be chiefe gouernour of all their
 armie, permitting the order and rule of all things touching the
 defense of their countrie against the Romans onelie to him. Their
 horssemen and charets skirmished by the waie with the Romans, but so
 as they were put backe oftentimes into the woods and hills adioining:
 yet the Britains slue diuers of the Romans as they followed anie thing
 egerlie in the pursute.

 Also within a while after, as the Romans were busie in fortifieng
 their campe, the Britains suddenlie issued out of the woods, and
 fierselie assailed these that warded before the campe, vnto whose aid
 Cesar sent two of the chiefest cohorts of two legions, the which being
 placed but a little distance one from another, when the Romans began
 to be discouraged with this kind of fight, the Britains therewith
 burst through their enimies, and came backe from thence in safetie.
 That daie Quintus Laberius Durus a tribune was slaine. At length Cesar
 sending sundrie other cohorts to the succour of his people that were
 in fight, and shrewdlie handled as it appéered, the Britains in the
 end were put backe. Neuerthelesse, that repulse was but at the
 pleasure of fortune; for they quited themselues afterwards like men,
 defending their territories with such munition as they had, vntill
 such time as either by policie or inequalitie of power they were
 vanquished; as you shall sée after in the course of the historie.
 Howbeit in fine they were ouer-run and vtterlie subdued, but not
 without much bloudshed and slaughter.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The Romans heauie armor their great hinderance, the maner of the
 Britains fighting in warre, their incounter with their enimies, their
 discomfiture, the worthie stratagems or martiall exploits of
 Cassibellane, the Troinouants submission to Cæsar, and their sute
 touching Mandubratius, manie of the Britains are taken and slaine of
 the Romans._

 THE XV. CHAPTER.


 In all this maner of skirmishing and fight which chanced before the
 campe, euen in the sight and view of all men, it was perceiued that
 [Sidenote: The Romans heauie armor.]
 the Romans, by reason of their heauie armour (being not able either to
 follow the Britains as they retired, or so bold as to depart from
 their ensignes, except they would runne into danger of casting
 themselues awaie) were nothing méete to match with such kind of
 enimies: and as for their horssemen, they fought likewise in great
 hazard, bicause the Britains would oftentimes of purpose retire, and
 when they had trained the Romane horssemen a litle from their legions
 of footmen, they would leape out of their charrets and incounter with
 them on foot. And so the battell of horssemen was dangerous, and like
 in all points whether they pursued or retired.

 [Sidenote: The manner of Britains in the warres.]
 This also was the maner of the Britains: they fought not close
 togither, but in sunder, and diuided into companies one separated from
 another by a good distance, and had their the troopes standing in
 places conuenient, to the which they might retire, and so reléeue one
 another with sending new fresh men to supplie the roomes of them that
 were hurt or wearie. The next day after they had thus fought before
 the campe of the Romans, they shewed themselues aloft on the hills,
 and began to skirmish with the Romane horssemen, but not so hotlie as
 they had doone the day before. But about noone, when Cesar had sent
 foorth thrée legions of footemen and all his horssemen vnder the
 [Sidenote: Caius Trebonius.]
 leading of his lieutenant Caius Trebonius to fetch in forrage, they
 suddenlie brake out on euerie side, and vpon the forragers. The Romans
 so far foorth as they might, not breaking their arraie, nor going from
 [Sidenote: _Dion Cassius_ saith, that the Britains vanquished the
 Roman footmen at this time, but were put to the worst by
 the horssemen.]
 their ensignes or guidons, gaue the charge on them, and fiercelie
 repelled them, so that the horssemen hauing the legions of footemen at
 their backs, followed the Britains so long as they might haue the said
 legions in sight readie to succour them of néed were: by reason
 whereof, they slue a great number of the Britains, not giuing them
 leasure to recouer themselues, nor to staie that they might haue time
 to get out of their charrets. After this chase and discomfiture, all
 such as were come from other parties to the aid of their fellowes
 departed home, & after that day the Britains aduentured to fight
 against Cesar with their maine power; and withdrawing beyond the riuer
 of *Thames, determined to stop the enimies from passing the same, if
 [Sidenote: *(which is to be supposed was at Kingston) or not far from
 thence.]
 by anie meanes they might: and whereas there was but one foord by the
 which they might come ouer, Cassibellane caused the same to be set
 full of sharpe stakes, not onlie in the middest of the water, but also
 at the comming foorth on that side where he was lodged with his armie
 in good order, readie to defend the passage. Cesar learning by
 relation of prisoners which he tooke, what the Britains intended to
 doo, marched foorth to the riuer side, where the foord was, by the
 which his armie might passe the same on foot though verie hardlie. At
 his comming thither, he might perceiue how the Britains were readie on
 the further side to impeach his passage, and how that the banke at the
 comming foorth of the water was pight full of sharpe stakes, and so
 likewise was the chanell of the riuer set with piles which were
 couered with the water.

 These things yet staied not Cesar, who appointing his horssemen to
 passe on before, commanded the footemen to follow. The souldiers
 entring the water, waded through with such spéed and violence (nothing
 appéering of them aboue water but their heads) that the Britains were
 constreined to giue place, being not able to susteine the brunt of the
 Romane horssemen, and the legions of their footemen, and so abandoning
 the place betooke them to flight. Cassibellane not minding to trie the
 matter anie more by battell, sent awaie the most part of his people,
 but yet kept with him about a foure thousand charretmen or wagoners,
 and still watched what waie the Romans tooke, coasting them euer as
 they marched, and kept somewhat aside within the couert of woods, and
 other combersome places. And out of those quarters through which he
 vnderstood the Romans wold passe, he gathered both men and cattell
 into the woods & thicke forrests, leauing nothing of value abroad in
 the champion countrie. And when the Roman horssemen did come abroad
 into the countrie to séeke booties, he sent out his charrets vnto the
 knowne waies and passages to skirmish with the same horssemen, so much
 to the disaduantage of the Romans, that they durst not straie farre
 from their maine armie. Neither would Cesar permit them (least they
 might haue béene vtterlie distressed by the Britains) to depart
 further than the maine battels of the footemen kept pace with them, by
 reason whereof the countrie was not indamaged by fire and spoile, but
 onlie where the armie marched.

 [Sidenote: Troinouants where they inhabited.]
 In the meane time, the Troinouants which some take to be Middlesex &
 Essex men, whose citie was the best fensed of all those parties, and
 thought to be the same that now is called London, sent ambassadours
 vnto Cesar, offering to submit themselues vnto him, and to obeie his
 ordinances, and further besought him to defend Mandubratius from the
 iniuries of K. Cassibellane, which Mandubratius had fled vnto Cesar
 into France, after that Cassibellane had slaine his father named
 [Sidenote: Imanuentius.]
 Imanuentius, that was chiefe lord and king of the Troinouants, and so
 now by their ambassadors the same Troinouants requested Cesar, not
 onelie to receiue Mandubratius into his protection, but also to send
 him vnto them, that he might take the gouernment and rule of their
 citie into his hands. Cesar commanded them to deliuer vnto him 40
 hostages, and graine for his armie, and therewith sent Mandubratius
 [Sidenote: Some take the Troinouants to be Londoners.]
 vnto them. The Troinouants accomplished his commandements with all
 spéed, sending both the appointed number of hostages, and also graine
 for the armie. And being thus defended and preserued from iniurie of
 the souldiers, the people called Cenimagni, Segontiaci, Ancalites,
 Bibroci, and Cassi, submitted themselues vnto Cesar, by whom he
 vnderstood that the towne of Cassibellane was not far from the place
 where he was then incamped fensed with wooddes and marishes, into the
 which a great number of people with their cattell and other substance
 was withdrawne. The Britains in those daies (as Cesar writeth) called
 that a towne or hold, which they had fortified with anie thicke
 combersome wood, with trench and rampire, into the which they vsed to
 get themselues for the auoiding of inuasion.

 Cesar with his legions of souldiers therfore marched thither, and
 finding the place verie strong both by nature and helpe of hand,
 assaulted it on two partes. The Britains defending their strength a
 while, at length not able longer to endure the impression of the
 Romans, fled out on the contrarie side of the towne where the enimies
 were not. Within this place a great number of cattell was found, and
 manie of the Romans taken by the Britains that followed them in chase,
 and manie also slaine.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Cassibellane dooth send vnto the foure kings of Kent for aid against
 Cæsars host, he offereth submission to Cæsar, the Britains become his
 tributaries, he returneth into Gallia with the remnant of his armie:
 the differing report of Cæsars commentaries and our historiographers
 touching these warlike affaires; of a sore fray with bloudshed and
 manslaughter vpon a light occasion; Cæsar taketh opportunitie to get
 the conquest of the land by the division betweene Cassibellane and
 Androgeus, the time of the Britains subiection to the Romans._

 THE XVJ. CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: Foure kings in Kent]
 Now whilest these thinges passed on this sort in those parts,
 Cassibellane sent messengers into Kent vnto foure kings (which ruled
 that side of the land in those daies) Cingetorix, Caruilius,
 Taximagulus, and Segonax, commanding them, that assembling togither
 their whole puissance, they should assaile the campe of the Romans by
 the sea side where certeine bands lay (as ye haue heard) for safegard
 of the nauie. They according to his appointment came suddenlie
 thither, and by the Romans that sailed forth vpon them were sharplie
 fought with, and lost diuers of their men that were slaine and taken,
 and amongst the prisoners that the Romans tooke, Cingetorix was one.
 When Cassibellane heard these newes, being sore troubled for these
 losses thus chancing one in the necke of an other, but namelie most
 discouraged, for that diuers cities had yéelded vnto the Romans: he
 sent ambassadours by means of Romius of Arras vnto Cesar, offering to
 submit himselfe.

 Cesar meaning to winter in Gallia, and therefore because summer drew
 towards an end, willing to dispatch in Britaine, commanded that
 hostages should be deliuered, and appointed what tribute the Britains
 should yéerelie send vnto the Romans. He also forbad and commanded
 Cassibellane, that he should not in anie wise trouble or indamage
 Madubratius or the Londoners. After this, when he had receiued the
 hostages, he brought his armie to the sea, and there found his ships
 well repaired, decked, and in good point: therefore he commanded that
 they should be had downe to the sea. And because he had a great number
 of prisoners, and diuers of his ships were lost in the tempest, he
 appointed to transport his armie ouer into Gallia at two conueies,
 which was doone with good successe about the middest of September,
 though the ships returning for the residue of the armie, after the
 first conueie, were driuen so with force of weather, that a great
 number of them could not come to land at the place appointed: so that
 Cesar was constreined to fraught those that he could get with a
 greater burden, and so departed from the coast of Britaine, and
 safelie landed with the remnant of his people in Gallia with as good
 [Sidenote: _Dion Cassius._]
 spéed as he could haue desired. He thought not good to leaue anie of
 his people behind him, knowing that if he should so doo, they were in
 danger to be cast awaie. And so because he could not well remaine
 there all the winter season for doubt of rebellion in Gallia, he was
 contented to take vp, and returne thither, sith he had doone
 sufficientlie for the time, least in coueting the more, he might haue
 come in perill to lose that which he had alreadie obteined.

 Thus according to that which Cesar himselfe and other autentike
 authors haue written, was Britaine made tributarie to the Romans by
 [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 the conduct of the same Cesar. ¶ But our histores farre differ from
 this, affirming that Cesar comming the second time, was by the
 Britains with valiancie and martiall prowesse beaten and repelled, as
 he was at the first, and speciallie by meanes that Cassibellane had
 pight in the Thames great piles of trées piked with yron, through
 which his ships being entred the riuer, were perished and lost. And
 after his comming a land, he was vanquished in battell, and
 constrained to flee into Gallia with those ships that remained. For
 ioy of this second victorie (saith Galfrid) Cassibellane made a great
 feast at London, and there did sacrifice to the gods.

 At this feast there fell variance betwixt two yoong gentlemen, the one
 named Hirilda, nephew to Cassibellane, and the other Euelie or
 Eweline, being of aliance to Androgeus earle of London. They fell at
 discord about wrestling, and after multiplieng of words, they came to
 dealing of blowes, by meanes whereof parts were taken, so that there
 ensued a sore fraie, in the which diuerse were wounded and hurt, and
 amongst other Hirilda the kings nephew was slaine by the hands of
 Eweline. The king sore displeased herewith, meant to punish Eweline
 according to the order of his lawes, so that he was summoned to
 appeare in due forme to make answer to the murder: but Eweline by the
 comfort of Androgeus disobeied the summons, & departed the court with
 Androgeus, in contempt of the king and his lawes. The king to be
 reuenged vpon Androgeus, gathered a power, and began to make warre
 vpon him.

 Androgeus perceiuing himselfe not able to withstand the kings
 puissance, sent letters to Iulius Cesar, exhorting him to returne into
 Britaine, and declaring the whole matter concerning the variance
 betwixt him and the king, promising to aid the Romans in all that he
 might. Iulius Cesar ioifull of this message, prepared his nauie, and
 with all spéed with a mightie host imbarked in the same, came toward
 Britaine: but yer he would land, doubting some treason in Androgeus,
 he receiued from him in hostage his sonne named Scena, and thirtie
 other of the best and most noble personages of all his dominion. After
 this he landed, and ioining with Androgeus, came into a vallie néere
 to Canturburie, and there incamped. Shortlie after came Cassibellane
 with all his power of Britains, and gaue battell to the Romans. But
 after the Britains had long fought and knightlie borne themselues in
 that battell, Androgeus came with his people on a wing, and so
 sharplie assailed them, that the Britains were constrained to forsake
 the field, and tooke themselues to flight. The which flight so
 discomforted them, that finallie they all fled, and gaue place to the
 Romans, the which pursued and slue them without mercie, so that
 Cassibellane with the residue of his people withdrew to a place of
 suertie, but being enuironed about with the puissance of the Romans,
 and of Androgeus, who had with him seuen thousand men there in the aid
 [Sidenote: So saith _Campion_, but _Galfrid Monu._ saith fiue
 thousand.]
 of the Romans, Cassibellane in the end was forced to fall to a
 composition, in couenanting to paie a yearelie tribute of thrée
 thousand pounds. When Cesar had ordered his businesse as he thought
 conuenient, he returned and with him went Androgeus, fearing the
 displeasure of Cassibellane.

 The reuerend father Bede writing of this matter, saith thus: After
 that Cesar being returned into Gallia, had placed his souldiors abroad
 in the countrie to soiorne for the winter season, he caused ships to
 be made readie, to the number of 600, with the which repassing into
 Britaine, whilest he marched foorth with a mightie armie against the
 enimies, his ships that lay at anchor being taken with a sore tempest,
 were either beaten one against another, or else cast vpon the flats
 and sands, and so broken; so that fortie of them were vtterlie
 perished, and the residue with great difficultie were repaired. The
 horssemen of the Romans at the first encounter were put to the worsse,
 and Labienus the tribune slaine. In the second conflict he vanquished
 the Britains, not without great danger of his people. After this, he
 marched to the riuer of Thames, which as then was passable by foord
 onelie in one place and not else, as the report goeth. On the further
 banke of that riuer, Cassibellane was incamped with an huge multitude
 of enimies, and had pitcht and set the banke, and almost all the foord
 [Sidenote: The stakes remained to be séene in Bedes daies.]
 vnder the water full of sharpe stakes, the tokens of which vnto this
 day are to be séene, and it séemeth to the beholders that euerie of
 these stakes are as big as a mans thigh, sticking fast in the bottome
 of the riuer closed with lead. This being perceiued of the Romans, and
 auoided, the Britains not able to susteine the violent impression of
 the Roman legions, hid themselues in the woods, out of the which by
 often issues, they gréeuouslie and manie times assailed the Romans,
 and did them great damage. In the meane time the strong citie of
 Troinouant with hir duke Androgeus deliuering fortie hostages, yéelded
 vnto Cesar, whose example manie other cities following, allied
 themselues with the Romans, by whose information Cesar with sore fight
 tooke at length the towne of Cassibellane, situat betwixt two marches,
 fensed also with the couert of woods, & hauing within it great plentie
 of all things. After this Cesar returned into France, and bestowed his
 armie in places to soiorne there for the winter season.

 The Scotish writers report, that the Britains, after the Romans were
 the first time repelled (as before ye haue heard) refused to receiue
 the aid of the Scotish men the second time, and so were vanquished, as
 in the Scotish historie ye may sée more at length expressed. Thus much
 touching the war which Iulius Cesar made against the Britains, in
 bringing them vnder tribute to the Romans. But this tributarie
 subiection was hardlie mainteined for a season.

 ¶ Now here is to be noted, that Cesar did not vanquish all the
 Britains: for he came not amongst the northerne men, onlie discouering
 and subduing that part which lieth towards the French seas: so that
 sith other of the Roman emperors did most earnestlie trauell to bring
 [Sidenote: _Cornelius Tacitus._]
 [Sidenote: _In uit. Agr._]
 [Sidenote: _Dion Cassius._]
 the Britains vnder their subiection (which were euer redie to rebell
 so manie sundrie times) Cesar might séeme rather to haue shewed
 Britaine to the Romans, than to haue deliuered the possession of the
 same. This subiection, to the which he brought this Ile (what maner of
 one soeuer it was) chanced about the yeare of the world 3913, after
 the building of Rome 698, before the birth of our sauior 53, the first
 and second yeare of the 181 Olympiad, after the comming of Brute 1060,
 before the conquest made by William duke of Normandie 1120, and 1638
 yeres before this present yere of our Lord 1585, after Harisons
 account.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The state of Britaine when Cæsar offered to conquer it, and the maner
 of their gouernement, as diuerse authors report the same in their
 bookes: where the contrarietie of their opinions is to be obserued._

 THE XVIJ. CHAPTER.


 After that Iulius Cesar had thus made the Britains tributaries to the
 Romans, and was returned into Gallia, Cassibellane reigned 7 yeares,
 and was vanquished in the ninth or tenth yeare after he began first to
 reigne so that he reigned in the whole about 15 or as some haue 17
 yeares, and then died, leauing no issue behind him. There hath bin an
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 old chronicle (as Fabian recordeth) which he saw and followeth much in
 his booke, wherein is conteined, that this Cassibellane was not
 brother to Lud, but eldest sonne to him: for otherwise as may be
 thought (saith he) Cesar hauing the vpper hand, would haue displaced
 him from the gouernement, and set vp Androgeus the right heire to the
 crowne, as sonne to the said Lud. But whatsoeuer our chronicles or the
 British histories report of this matter, it should appere by that
 which Cesar writeth (as partlie ye haue heard) that Britaine in those
 [Sidenote: _Cæsar._]
 daies was not gouerned by one sole prince, but by diuers, and that
 diuers cities were estates of themselues, so that the land was diuided
 into sundrie gouernements, much after the forme and maner as Germanie
 and Italie are in our time, where some cities are gouerned by one
 onelie prince, some by the nobilitie, and some by the people. And
 whereas diuers of the rulers in those daies here in this land were
 called kings, those had more large seigniories than the other, as
 [Sidenote: Cassibellane a King.]
 Cassibellane, who was therefore called a king.

 And though we doo admit this to be true, yet may it be, that in the
 beginning, after Brute entered the land, there was ordeined by him a
 monarchie, as before is mentioned, which might continue in his
 posteritie manie yeares after, and yet at length before the comming of
 Cesar, through ciuil dissention, might happilie be broken, and diuided
 into parts, and so remained not onelie in the time of this
 Cassibellane, but also long after, whilest they liued as tributaries
 to the Romans, till finallie they were subdued by the Saxons. In which
 meane time, through the discord, negligence, or rather vnaduised
 rashnes of writers, hard it is to iudge what may be affirmed and
 receiued in their writings for a truth; namelie, concerning the
 succession of the kings that are said to haue reigned betwixt the
 [Sidenote: _Cor. Tacit. in uita. lib. Agr._]
 daies of Cassibellane, and the comming of the Saxons. The Roman
 writers (and namelie Tacitus) report, that the Britains in times past
 were vnder the rule of kings, and after being made tributaries, were
 drawne so by princes into sundrie factions, that to defend and kéepe
 off a common ieopardie, scarselie would two or thrée cities agrée
 togither, and take weapon in hand with one accord, so that while they
 fought by parts, the whole was ouercome. And after this sort they say
 that Britaine was brought into the forme of a prouince by the Romans,
 from whom gouernors vnder the name of legats and procurators were sent
 that had the rule of it.

 But yet the same authors make mention of certeine kings (as hereafter
 shall appeare) who while the Romane emperors had the most part of the
 [Sidenote: _Gildas in epist._]
 earth in subiection, reigned in Britaine. The same witnesseth Gildas,
 saieng: Britaine hath kings, but they are tyrants: iudges it hath, but
 the same are wicked, oftentimes spoiling and tormenting the innocent
 people. And Cesar (as ye haue heard) speaketh of foure kings that
 ruled in Kent, and thereabouts. Cornelius Tacitus maketh mention of
 [Sidenote: Some take Prasutagus and Aruiragus to be one man.]
 Prasutagus, and Cogidunus, that were kings in Britaine: and Iuuenal
 speaketh of Aruiragus: and all the late writers, of Lucius. Hereby it
 appeareth, that whether one or mo, yet kings there were in Britain,
 bearing rule vnder the Romane emperors.

 [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._]
 On the other part, the common opinion of our chronicle-writers is,
 that the chiefe gouernment remained euer with the Britains, & that the
 Romane senat receiuing a yearelie tribute, sent at certeine times (_Ex
 officio_) their emperors and lieutenants into this Ile, to represse
 the rebellious tumults therein begun, or to beat backe the inuasion of
 the enimies that went about to inuade it. And thus would these writers
 inferre, that the Britains euer obeied their king, till at length they
 were put beside the gouernement by the Saxons. But whereas in the
 common historie of England, the succession of kings ought to be kept,
 so oft as it chanceth in the same that there is not anie to fill the
 place, then one while the Romane emperors are placed in their steads,
 and another while their lieutenants, and are said to be created kings
 of the Britains, as though the emperors were inferiors vnto the kings
 of Britaine, and that the Romane lieutenants at their appointments,
 and not by prescript of the senat or emperours, administred the
 prouince.

 This may suffice here to aduertise you of the contrarietie in writers.
 Now we will go foorth in following our historie, as we haue doone
 heretofore, sauing that where the Romane histories write of things
 done here by emperors, or their lieutenants, it shall be shewed as
 reason requireth, sith there is a great appearance of truth oftentimes
 in the same, as those that be authorised and allowed in the opinion of
 the learned.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Of Theomantius, the tearme of yeares that he reigned, and where he
 was interred; of Kymbeline, within the time of whose gouernment Christ
 Iesus our sauiour was borne, all nations content to obeie the Romane
 emperors and consequentlie Britaine, the customes that the Britaines
 paie the Romans as Strabo reporteth._

 THE XVIIJ. CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: THEOM[=A]DEUS ]
 After the death of Cassibellane, Theomantius or Tenantius the yoongest
 sonne of Lud was made king of Britaine in the yéere of the world 3921,
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 after the building of Rome 706, & before the comming of Christ 45. He
 is named also in one of the English chronicles Tormace: in the same
 chronicle it is conteined, that not he, but his brother Androgeus was
 [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._]
 king, where Geffrey of Monmouth & others testifie, that Androgeus
 abandoned the land clerelie, & continued still at Rome, because he
 knew the Britains hated him for treason he had committed in aiding
 Iulius Cesar against Cassibellane. Theomantius ruled the land in good
 quiet, and paid the tribute to the Romans which Cassibellane had
 granted, and finallie departed this life after he had reigned 22
 yeares, and was buried at London.

 [Sidenote: KYMBELINE.]
 KYMBELINE or CIMBELINE the sonne of Theomantius was of the Britains
 made king after the deceasse of his father, in the yeare of the world
 3944, after the building of Rome 728, and before the birth of our
 [Sidenote: _Fabian_ out of _Guido de Columna._]
 Sauiour 33. This man (as some write) was brought vp at Rome, and there
 made knight by Augustus Cesar, vnder whome he serued in the warres,
 and was in such fauour with him, that he was at libertie to pay his
 tribute or not. Little other mention is made of his dooings, except
 [Sidenote: Christ our saviour borne.]
 that during his reigne, the Sauiour of the world our Lord Iesus Christ
 the onelie sonne of God was borne of a virgine, about the 23 yeare of
 the reigne of this Kymbeline, & in the 42 yeare of the emperour
 [Sidenote: 3966.]
 Octauius Augustus, that is to wit, in the yeare of the world 3966, in
 the second yeare of the 194 Olympiad, after the building of the citie
 of Rome 750 nigh at an end, after the vniuersall floud 2311, from the
 birth of Abraham 2019, after the departure of the Israelits out of
 Egypt 1513, after the captiuitie of Babylon 535, from the building of
 the temple by Salomon 1034, & from the arriuall of Brute 1116,
 complet. Touching the continuance of the yeares of Kymbelines reigne,
 some writers doo varie, but the best approoued affirme, that he
 reigned 35 years and then died, & was buried at London, leauing behind
 him two sonnes, Guiderius and Aruiragus.

 ¶ But here is to be noted, that although our histories doo affirme,
 that as well this Kymbeline, as also his father Theomantius liued in
 quiet with the Romans, and continuallie to them paied the tributes
 which the Britains had couenanted with Iulius Cesar to pay, yet we
 find in the Romane writers, that after Iulius Cesars death, when
 Augustus had taken vpon him the rule of the empire, the Britains
 [Sidenote: _Cor. Tacitus._]
 [Sidenote: _in uita lib. Agr._]
 [Sidenote: _Dion Cassius._]
 refused to paie that tribute: whereat as Cornelius Tacitus reporteth,
 Augustus (being otherwise occupied) was contented to winke; howbeit,
 through earnest calling vpon to recouer his right by such as were
 desirous to sée the vttermost of the British kingdome; at length, to
 wit, in the tenth yeare after the death of Iulius Cesar, which was
 about the thirtéenth yeare of the said Theomantius, Augustus made
 [Sidenote: _Dion Cassius._]
 prouision to passe with an armie ouer into Britaine, & was come
 forward vpon his iournie into Gallia Celtica: or as we maie saie, into
 these hither parts of France.

 But here receiuing aduertisements that the Pannonians, which inhabited
 the countrie now called Hungarie, and the Dalmatians whome now we call
 Slauons had rebelled, he thought it best first to subdue those rebells
 neere home, rather than to séeke new countries, and leaue such in
 hazard whereof he had present possession, and so turning his power
 against the Pannonians and Dalmatians, he left off for a time the
 warres of Britaine, whereby the land remained without feare of anie
 inuasion to be made by the Romans, till the yeare after the building
 of the citie of Rome 725, and about the 19 yeare of king Theomantius
 reigne, that Augustus with an armie departed once againe from Rome to
 passe ouer into Britaine, there to make warre. But after his comming
 into Gallia, when the Britains sent to him certeine ambassadours to
 treat with him of peace, he staied there to settle the state of things
 among the Galles, for that they were not in verie good order. And
 hauing finished there, he went into Spaine, and so his iournie into
 Britaine was put off till the next yeare, that is, the 726 after the
 building of Rome, which fell before the birth of our sauiour 25, about
 which time Augustus eftsoons meant the third time to haue made a
 [Sidenote: He kept not promise with the Romans.]
 [Sidenote: Those of Calice and Biskaie.]
 voiage into Britaine, because they could not agrée vpon couenants. But
 as the Pannonians and Dalmatians had aforetime staied him, when (as
 before is said) he meant to haue gone against the Britans: so euen now
 the Salassians (a people inhabiting about Italie and Switserland) the
 Cantabrians and Asturians by such rebellious sturrs as they raised,
 withdrew him from his purposed iournie. But whether this controuersie
 which appeareth to fall forth betwixt the Britains and Augustus, was
 occasioned by Kymbeline, or some other prince of the Britains, I haue
 not to auouch: for that by our writers it is reported, that Kymbeline
 being brought vp in Rome, & knighted in the court of Augustus, euer
 shewed himselfe a friend to the Romans, & chieflie was loth to breake
 with them, because the youth of the Britaine nation should not be
 depriued of the benefit to be trained and brought vp among the Romans,
 whereby they might learne both to behaue themselues like ciuill men,
 and to atteine to the knowledge of feats of warre.

 But whether for this respect, or for that it pleased the almightie God
 so to dispose the minds of men at that present, not onlie the
 Britains, but in manner all other nations were contented to be
 obedient to the Romane empire. That this was true in the Britains, it
 [Sidenote: _Strab. Geog._]
 is euident enough by Strabos words, which are in effect as followeth.
 "At this present (saith he) certeine princes of Britaine, procuring by
 ambassadors and dutifull demeanors the amitie of the emperour
 Augustus, haue offered in the capitoll vnto the gods presents or
 gifts, and haue ordeined the whole Ile in a manner to be appertinent,
 proper, and familiar to the Romans. They are burdened with sore
 customs which they paie for wares, either to be sent foorth into
 Gallia, or brought from thence, which are commonlie yuorie vessels,
 shéeres, ouches, or earerings, and other conceits made of amber &
 glasses, and such like manner of merchandize: so that now there is no
 néed of anie armie or garrison of men of warre to kéepe the Ile, for
 there néedeth not past one legion of footmen, or some wing of
 horssemen, to gather vp and receiue the tribute: for the charges are
 rated according to the quantitie of the tributes: for otherwise it
 should be néedfull to abate the customs, if the tributes were also
 raised: and if anie violence should be vsed, it were dangerous least
 they might be prouoked to rebellion." Thus farre Strabo.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Of Guiderius, who denied to paie tribute to the Romans, preparation
 for war on both sides, of the ridiculous voiage of the Emperour
 Caligula against the Britains, his vanitie and delight in mischiefe:
 Aulus Plautius a Romane senator accompanied with souldiers arrive on
 the British coasts without resistance, the Britains take flight and
 hide themselues._

 THE XIX. CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: GUIDERIUS.]
 GUIDERIUs the first sonne of Kymbeline (of whom Harison saieth
 nothing) began his reigne in the seuententh yeere after th'
 incarnation of Christ. This Guiderius being a man of stout courage,
 gaue occasion of breach of peace betwixt the Britains and Romans,
 denieng to paie them tribute, and procuring the people to new
 insurrections, which by one meane or other made open rebellion, as
 [Sidenote: Caligula.]
 Gyldas saith. Wherevpon the emperour Caligula (as some thinke) tooke
 occasion to leauie a power, and as one vtterlie misliking the
 negligence (as he called it) of Augustus and Tiberius his
 predecessors, he ment not onlie to reduce the Iland vnto the former
 subiection, but also to search out the vttermost bounds thereof, to
 the behoofe of himselfe, and of the Romane monarchie.

 Great prouision therefore was made by the said Caligula to performe
 that noble enterprise, and this was in the fourth yeere of his reigne.
 The like preparation was made on the other side by Guiderius, to
 resist the forren enimies, so that hauing all things in a readinesse,
 he ceassed not dailie to looke for the comming of the emperour, whome
 [Sidenote: _Dion Cassius. lib._ 59.]
 he ment to receiue with hard enterteinment if he durst aduenture to
 set toward Britaine. But see the sequele: the maine armie being thus
 in a readinesse, departed from Rome in the 79 yeere after the building
 of the citie, and marching foorth, at length came vnto the Belgike
 shore, from whence they might looke ouer, and behold the cliffes and
 coast of Britaine, which Caligula and his men stood gazing vpon with
 great admiration and woonder.

 Furthermore he caused them to stand in battell arraie vpon the coast,
 where he heard how the Britains were in a redinesse to withstand his
 entrance. But entring into his gallie, as nothing discouraged with
 these newes, he rowed a flight shot or two from the shore, and
 forthwith returned, and then going vp into an high place like a
 pulpit, framed and set vp there for the nonce, he gaue the token to
 fight vnto his souldiers by sound of trumpet, and therewith was ech
 [Sidenote: The spoile of the Ocean.]
 man charged to gather cockle shells vpon the shore, which he called
 the spoile of the Ocean, and caused them to be laid vp vntill a time
 conuenient. With the atchiuing of this exploit (as hauing none other
 wherewith to beautifie his triumph) he séemed greatlie exalted,
 thinking that now he had subdued the whole Ocean, and therefore
 highlie rewarded his souldiers for their paines susteined in that
 collection of cockle shells, as if they had doone him some notable
 péece of seruice. He also caried of the same shells with him to Rome,
 to the end he might there boast of his voyage, and brag how well he
 [Sidenote: * _sic._]
 had sped: and required therefore verie earnestlie haue of * a triumph
 decreed vnto him for the accomplishment of this enterprise.

 But when he saw the senat grudge at the free & liberall granting of a
 grace in that behalfe, and perceiued how they refused to attribute
 diuine honors vnto him, in recompense of so foolish an enterprise, it
 wanted little that he had not slaine them euerie one. From thence
 therefore he went vp into a throne or royall seate, and calling
 therewith the common people about him, he told them a long tale what
 aduentures had chanced to him in his conquest of the Ocean. And when
 he had perceiued them to shout and crie, as if they had consented that
 he should haue béene a god for this his great trauell and valiant
 prowesse, he to increase their clamour, caused great quantities of
 gold & siluer to be scattered amongst them, in the gathering whereof,
 manie were pressed to death, and diuers also slaine with the inuenomed
 caltrops of iron, which he did cast out with the same monie, of
 purpose to doo mischiefe, the same caltrops being in forme small &
 sharp, so that by reason of the prease of people, much hurt was doone
 by them yer they were perceiued. And this was the end of the
 ridiculous voiage of Caligula attempted against the Britains.

 [Sidenote: _Suetonius._]
 But after the death of this Caligula, the emperour Claudius (as
 Suetonius saith) moued warre against the Britains, because of a sturre
 and rebellion raised in that land, for that such fugitiues as were
 fled from thence, were not againe restored when request was made for
 the same.

 [Sidenote: Dion Cassius.]
 Dion Cassius writeth, that one Bericus, being expelled out of
 Britaine, persuaded the emperour Claudius to take the warre in hand at
 this time against the Britains, so that one Aulus Plautius a senatour,
 and as then pretor, was appointed to take the armie that soiourned in
 France then called Gallia, and to passe ouer with the same into
 Britaine. The souldiers hearing of this voiage, were loth to go with
 him, as men not willing to make warre in another world: and therefore
 delaied time, till at length one Narcissus was sent from Claudius, as
 it were to appease the souldiers, & procure them to set forward. But
 when this Narcissus went vp into the tribunall throne of Plautius, to
 declare the cause of his comming, the souldiers taking great
 indignation therewith cried, _O Saturnalia_, as if they should haue
 celebrated their feast daie so called.

 When the seruants apparelled in their maisters robes, represented the
 roome of their maisters, and were serued by them, as if they had béene
 their seruants, and thus at length constreined, through verie shame,
 they agréed to follow Plautius. Herevpon being embarked, he diuided
 his nauie into thrée parts, to the end that if they were kept off from
 arriuing in one place, yet they might take land in another. The ships
 suffered some impeachment in their passage by a contrarie wind that
 droue them backe againe: but yet the marriners and men of warre taking
 good courage vnto them, the rather because there was séene a fierie
 leame to shoot out of the east towards the west, which way their
 course lay, made forwards againe with their ships, and landed without
 finding anie resistance. For the Britains looked not for their
 comming: wherefore, when they heard how their enimies were on land,
 they got them into the woods and marishes, trusting that by lingering
 of time the Romans would be constreined to depart, as it had chanced
 in time past to Iulius Cesar aforesaid.




 THE END OF THE THIRD BOOKE.

        *       *       *       *       *




 THE FOVRTH BOOKE

 OF THE

 HISTORIE OF ENGLAND.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The Britains discomfited, sore wounded, slaine, and disabled by
 Plautius and his power, Claudius the Romane taketh the chiefe citie
 of Cymbeline the king of Britaine, he bereaueth the Britains of their
 armour, and by vertue of his conquest ouer part of the land is
 surnamed Britannicus._

 THE FIRST CHAPTER.


 Now Plautius had much adoo to find out the Britains in their lurking
 holes and couerts; howbeit when he had traced them out, first he
 vanquished Cataratacus, and after Togodumnus the sonnes of
 Cynobellinus: for their father was dead not verie long before. These
 therefore fléeing their waies, Plautus receiued part of the people
 [Sidenote: Bodumni.]
 [Sidenote: Catuellani.]
 called Bodumni (which were subiects vnto them that were called
 Catuellani) into the obeisance of the Romans: and so leauing there a
 garrison of souldiors, passed further till he came to a riuer which
 could not well be passed without a bridge: wherevpon the Britains
 tooke small regard to defend the passage, as though they had béene
 sure inough. But Plautius appointed a certeine number of Germans which
 he had there with him (being vsed to swim ouer riuers although neuer
 so swift) to get ouer, which they did, sleaing and wounding the
 Britains horsses, which were fastened to their wagons or chariots, so
 that the Britains were not able to doo anie péece of their accustomed
 seruice with the same.

 Herewithall was Flauius Vespasianus (that afterwards was emperour)
 with his brother Sabinus sent ouer that riuer, which being got to the
 further side, slue a great number of the enimies. The residue of the
 Britains fled, but the next day proffered a new battell, in the which
 they fought so stoutlie, that the victorie depended long in doubtfull
 balance, till Caius Sidius Geta being almost at point to be taken, did
 so handle the matter, that the Britains finallie were put to flight:
 for the which his valiant dooings, triumphant honors were bestowed
 vpon him, although he was no consull.

 The Britains after this battell, withdrew to the riuer of Thames,
 néere to the place where it falleth into the sea, and knowing the
 shallowes and firme places thereof, easilie passed ouer to the further
 side, whom the Romans following, through lacke of knowledge in the
 nature of the places, they fell into the marish grounds, and so came
 to lose manie of their men, namelie of the Germans, which were the
 first that passed ouer the riuer to follow the Britains, partlie by a
 bridge which lay within the countrie ouer the said riuer, and partlie
 by swimming, and other such shift as they presentlie made.

 [Sidenote: _Togodumnus._]
 The Britains hauing lost one of their rulers, namelie Togodumnus (of
 whom ye haue heard before) were nothing discouraged, but rather more
 egerlie set on reuenge. Plautius perceiuing their fiercenesse, went no
 further, but staid and placed garrisons in steeds where néed required,
 to keepe those places which he had gotten, and with all spéed sent
 aduertisement vnto Claudius, according to that he had in commandement,
 if anie vrgent necessitie should so mooue him. Claudius therefore
 hauing all things before hand in a readinesse, straightwaies vpon the
 receiuing of the aduertisement, departed from Rome, and came by water
 vnto Ostia, and from thence vnto Massilia, and so through France sped
 his iournies till he came to the side of the Ocean sea, and then
 imbarking himselfe with his people, passed ouer into Britaine, and
 came to his armie which abode his comming néere the Thames side, where
 being ioined, they passed the riuer againe, fought with the Britains
 in a pitcht field, and getting the victorie, tooke the towne of
 Camelodunum (which some count to be Colchester) being the chiefest
 citie apperteining vnto Cynobelinus. He reduced also manie other
 people into his subiection, some by force, and some by surrender,
 whereof he was called oftentimes by the name of emperour, which was
 against the ordinance of the Romans: for it was not lawfull for anie
 to take that name vpon him oftener than once in anie one voiage.
 Moreouer, Claudius tooke from the Britains their armor and weapons,
 and committed the gouernment of them vnto Plautius, commanding him to
 endeuour himselfe to subdue the residue.

 [Sidenote: _Dion Cassius._]
 Thus hauing brought vnder a part of Britaine, and hauing made his
 abode therin not past a sixtene daies, he departed and came backe
 againe to Rome with victorie in the sixt month after his setting
 foorth from thence, giuing after his returne, to his sonne, the
 [Sidenote: _Suetonius._]
 surname of Britannicus. This warre he finished in maner as before is
 said, in the fourth yéere of his reigne, which fell in the yéere of
 the world 4011, after the birth of our Sauiour 44, and after the
 building of Rome 797.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The diuerse opinions and variable reports of writers touching the
 partile conquest of this Iland by the Romans, the death of Guiderius._

 THE SECOND CHAPTER.


 There be that write, how Claudius subdued and added to the Romane
 empire, the Iles of Orknie situate in the north Ocean beyond Britaine:
 which might well be accomplished either by Plautius, or some other his
 lieutenant: for Plautius indéed for his noble prowesse and valiant
 acts atchieued in Britaine, afterwards triumphed. Titus the sonne of
 Vespasian also wan no small praise for deliuering his father out of
 danger in his time, being beset with a companie of Britains, which the
 said Titus bare downe, and put to flight with great slaughter. Beda
 following the authoritie of Suetonius, writeth bréeflie of this
 matter, and saith, that Claudius passing ouer into this Ile, to the
 which neither before Iulius Cesar, neither after him anie stranger
 durst come, within few daies receiued the most part of the countrie
 into his subiection without battell or bloudshed.

 Gyldas also writing of this reuolting of the Britains, saith thus:
 "When information thereof was giuen to the senate, and that hast was
 made with a spéedie armie to reuenge the same, there was no warlike
 nauie prepared in the sea to fight valiantlie for the defense of the
 countrie, no square battell, no right wing, nor anie other prouision
 appointed on the shore to be séene, but the backes of the Britains in
 stead of a shield are shewed to the persecutors, and their necks
 readie to be cut off with the sword through cold feare running through
 their bones, which stretched foorth their hands to be bound like
 womanlie creatures; so that a common prouerbe followed thereof, to
 wit, That the Britains were neither valiant in warre, nor faithfull in
 peace: and so the Romans sleaing manie of the rebels, reseruing some,
 and bringing them to bondage, that the land should not lie altogither
 vntilled and desert, returned into Italie out of that land which was
 void of wine and oile, leauing some of their men there for gouernors
 to chastise the people, not so much with an armie of men, as with
 scourge and whip, and if the matter so required, to applie the naked
 sword vnto their sides: so that it might be accounted Rome and not
 Britaine. And what coine either of brasse, siluer or gold there was,
 the same to be stamped with the image of the emperour." Thus farre
 Gildas.

 [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 In the British historie we find other report as thus, that Claudius at
 his comming aland at Porchester, besieged that towne, to the rescue
 whereof came Guiderius, and giuing battell to the Romans, put them to
 the woorse, till at length one Hamo, being on the Romans side, changed
 his shield and armour, apparelling himselfe like a Britaine, and so
 entring into the thickest prease of the British host, came at length
 where the king was, and there slue him. But Aruiragus perceiuing this
 mischiefe, to the end the Britains should not be discouraged
 therewith, caused himselfe to be adorned with the kings cote-armor,
 and other abiliments, and so as king continued the fight with such
 manhood, that the Romans were put to flight. Claudius retired backe to
 his ships, and Hamo to the next woods, whom Aruiragus pursued, and at
 length droue him vnto the sea side, and there slue him yer he could
 take the hauen which was there at hand; so that the same tooke name of
 him, and was called a long time after, Hamons hauen, and at length by
 [Sidenote: Hampton, why so called.]
 corruption of speach it was called Hampton, and so continueth vnto
 this day, commonlie called by the name of Southhampton. Thus haue you
 heard how Guiderius or Guinderius (whether you will) came to his end,
 which chanced (as some write) in the 28 yéere of his reigne.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Aruiragus the Britaine & Claudius the Romane with their armies doo
 incounter, a composition concerning mariage concluded betweene them,
 Claudius returneth to Rome._

 THE THIRD CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: ARUIRAGUS. _Hector Boet._]
 ARUIRAGUS the yoongest son of Kymbeline, and brother to Guinderius
 (bicause the same Guinderius left no issue to succéed him) was
 admitted king of Britaine in the yeere of our Lord 45, or rather 46.

 This Aruiragus, otherwise called by the Britains Meuricus or Mauus, of
 [Sidenote: _Caxton._]
 Tacitus Prasutagus, is also named Armiger in the English chronicle, by
 which chronicle (as appéereth) he bare himselfe right manfullie
 [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._]
 against Claudius and his Romans in the war which they made against
 him: in so much that when Claudius had renewed his force and woone
 Porchester, and after came to besiege Winchester (in the which
 Aruiragus as then was inclosed) Aruiragus assembling his power, was
 readie to come foorth and giue Claudius battell: wherevpon Claudius
 doubting the sequele of the thing, sent messengers vnto Aruiragus to
 treat of concord, and so by composition the matter was taken vp, with
 condition, that Claudius should giue his daughter Genissa in marriage
 vnto Aruiragus, & Aruiragus should acknowledge to hold his kingdome of
 the Romans.

 [Sidenote: _Ranulfus Cestrensis._]
 Some write that Claudius in fauour of the valiant prowesse which he
 saw & found in Aruiragus, honored not onlie him with the mariage of
 his daughter the said Genissa, but also to the end to make the towne
 more famous where this marriage was solemnized, he therefore called it
 Claudiocestria, after his name, the which in the British toong was
 called before that daie Caerleon, and after Glouernia, of a duke that
 ruled in Demetia that hight Glunie, but now it is called Glocester.

 Other there be that write, how Claudius being vanquished in battell by
 Aruiragus, was compelled by the said Aruiragus to giue vnto him his
 said daughter to wife, with condition as before is mentioned: and that
 [Sidenote: _Sueton._]
 then Aruiragus was crowned king of Britaine. But Suetonius maie séeme
 to reprooue this part of the British historie, which in the life of
 Claudius witnesseth, that he had by thrée wiues onlie three daughters,
 that is to saie, Claudia, Antonia, and Octauia: and further, that
 reputing Claudia not to be his, caused hir to be cast downe at the
 doore of his wife Herculanilla, whome he had forsaken by waie of
 diuorcement: & that he bestowed his daughter Antonia first on C.
 Pompeius Magnus, and after on Faustus Silla, verie noble yoong
 gentlemen; and Octauia he matched with Nero his wiues son. Whereby it
 should appéere, that this supposed marriage betwixt Aruiragus and the
 daughter of Claudius is but a feined tale.

 ¶ And héere to speake my fansie also what I thinke of this Aruiragus,
 and other the kings (whome Galfrid and such as haue followed him doo
 register in order, to succéed one after another) I will not denie but
 such persons there were, and the same happilie bearing verie great
 rule in the land, but that they reigned as absolute kings ouer the
 whole, or that they succéeded one after another in manner as is
 auouched by the same writers, it seemeth most vnlike to be true: for
 rather it maie be gessed by that, which as well Gyldas as the old
 approoued Romane writers haue written, that diuerse of these kings
 liued about one time, or in times greatlie differing from those times
 which in our writers we find noted. As for example, Iuuenal maketh
 this Aruiragus, of whom we now intreat, to reigne about Domitians
 time. For my part therefore, sith this order of the British kinglie
 succession in this place is more easie to be flatlie denied and
 vtterlie reprooued, than either wiselie defended or trulie amended, I
 will referre the reforming therof vnto those that haue perhaps séene
 more than I haue, or more déepelie considered the thing, to trie out
 an vndoubted truth: in the meane time, I haue thought good, both to
 shew what I find in our histories, and likewise in forren writers, to
 the which we thinke (namelie in this behalfe, whilest the Romans
 gouerned there) we maie safelie giue most credit, doo we otherwise
 neuer so much content our selues with other vaine and fond conceits.

 To procéed yet with the historie as we find it by our writers set
 foorth: it is reported, that after the solemnization of this marriage,
 which was doone with all honour that might be deuised, Claudius sent
 [Sidenote: Legions of souldiers sent into Ireland.]
 certeine legions of souldiers foorth to go into Ireland to subdue that
 countrie, and returned himselfe to Rome.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Aruiragus denieth subiection to the Romans, Vespasian is sent to
 represse him and his power, the Romane host is kept backe from
 landing, queene Genissa pacifieth them after a sharpe conflict: &
 what the Romane writers say of Vespasians being in Britaine, the
 end of Aruiragus._

 THE FOURTH CHAPTER.


 Then did king Aruiragus ride about to view the state of his realme,
 repairing cities and townes decaied by the warre of the Romans, and
 saw his people gouerned with such iustice and good order, that he was
 both feared and greatlie beloued: so that in tract of time he grew
 verie welthie, and by reason thereof fell into pride, so that he
 [Sidenote: Vespasian in Britaine.]
 [Sidenote: _Cornel. Tacit. in uit. Agr. lib._ 3 & _li._ 6.]
 [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._]
 [Sidenote: _Rutupium._]
 denied his subiection to the Romans. Wherevpon Claudius appointed
 Vespasian with an armie to go as lieutenant into Britaine. This
 iournie was to him the beginning of his advancement to that honour,
 which after to him most luckilie befell. But if we shall credit our
 Britaine writers, he gained not much at Aruiragus hands, for where he
 would haue landed at Sandwich or Richborough, Aruiragus was readie to
 resist him, so as he durst not once enter the hauen: for Aruiragus had
 there such a puissant number of armed men, that the Romans were afraid
 to approach the land.

 Vespasian therefore withdrew from thence, and coasting westward,
 landed at Totnesse, and comming to Excester, besieged that citie: but
 about the seuenth day after he had planted his siege, came Aruiragus,
 and gaue him battell, in the which both the armies sustained great
 losse of men, and neither part got anie aduantage of the other. On the
 morrow after quéene Genissa made them friends, and so the warres
 ceassed for that time, by hir good mediation.

 ¶ But séeing (as before I haue said) the truth of this historie maie
 be greatlie mistrusted, ye shall heare what the Romane writers saie of
 Vespasianus being héere in Britaine, beside that which we haue
 alreadie recited out of Dion in the life of Guiderius.

 In the daies of the emperor Claudius, through fauour of Narcissus (one
 [Sidenote: Vespasian.]
 [Sidenote: _Suetonius._]
 [Sidenote: _Salcellicus._]
 that might doo all with Claudius) the said Vespasian was sent as
 coronell or lieutenant of a legion of souldiers into Germanie, and
 being remooued from thence into Britaine, he fought thirtie seuerall
 times with the enimies, and brought vnto the Romane obeisance two most
 mightie nations, and aboue twentie townes, togither with the Ile of
 Wight; and these exploits he atchiued, partlie vnder the conduct of
 Aulus Plautius ruler of Britaine for the emperor Claudius, and partlie
 vnder the same emperor himselfe. For as it is euident by writers of
 good credit, he came first ouer into Britaine with the said Aulus
 Plautius, and serued verie valiantlie vnder him, as before in place we
 haue partlie touched. By Tacitus it appeareth, that he was called to
 be partener in the gouernment of things in Britaine with Claudius, and
 had such successe, as it appéered to what estate of honour he was
 predestinate, hauing conquered nations, and taken kings prisoners. But
 now to make an end with Aruiragus: when he perceiued that his force
 was too weake to preuaile against the Romane empire, and that he
 [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._]
 should striue but in vaine to shake the yoke of subiection from the
 necks of the Britains, he made a finall peace with them in his old
 age, and so continued in quiet the residue of his reigne, which he
 lastlie ended by death, after he had gouerned the land by the space of
 thirtie yéeres, or but eight and twentie, as some other imagine. He
 [Sidenote: 73.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 died in the yéere of Grace 73, as one author affirmeth, and was buried
 at Glocester.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Ioseph of Aramathia came into Britaine and Simon Zelotes, the
 antiquitie of christian religion, Britaine gouerned by Lieutenants and
 treasurers of the Romane emperors, the exploits of Ostorius Scapula
 and the men of Oxfordshire, he vanquisheth the Welshmen, appeaseth the
 Yorkshiremen, and brideleth the rage of the Silures._

 THE FIFT CHAPTER.


 In the daies of the said Aruiragus, about the yeare of Christ 53,
 Ioseph of Arimathia, who buried the bodie of our sauiour, being sent
 by Philip the Apostle (as Iohn Bale following the authoritie of Gildas
 and other British writers reciteth) after that the Christians were
 dispersed out of Gallia, came into Britaine with diuers other godlie
 [Sidenote: _Polydorus._]
 christian men, & preaching the gospell there amongst the Britains, &
 instructing them in the faith and lawes of Christ, conuerted manie to
 the true beliefe, and baptised them in the wholsome water of
 regeneration, & there continued all the residue of his life, obteining
 of the king a plot of ground where to inhabit, not past a foure miles
 from Wells, and there with his fellowes began to laie the first
 foundation of the true and perfect religion, in which place (or néere
 thereinto) was afterward erected the abbeie of Glastenburie.

 Nicephorus writeth in his second booke and fourth chapter, that one
 Simon Zelotes came likewise into Britaine. And Theodoretus in his 9.
 booke "De curandis Græcorum affectibus," sheweth that Paule being
 released of his second imprisonment, and suffered to depart from Rome,
 preached the gospell to the Britains and to other nations in the west.
 The same thing in manner dooth Sophronius the patriarch of Ierusalem
 witnesse, Tertullian also maie be a witnesse of the ancientnes of the
 faith receiued here in Britaine, where he writing of these times
 saith: Those places of the Britains, to the which the Romans could not
 approch, were subiect vnto Christ, as were also the countries of
 Sarmatia, Dacia, Germania, Scithia, and others. ¶ Thus it maie
 appeare, that the christian religion was planted here in this land
 shortlie after Christes time, although it certeinlie appeareth not who
 were the first that preached the gospell to the Britains, nor whether
 they were Gréeks or Latins.

 Cornelius Tacitus writeth, that the Romane emperours in this season
 [Sidenote: Treasurers or receiuers.]
 gouerned this land by lieutenants and treasurers, the which were
 called by the name of legats and procurators, thereby to kéepe the
 vnrulie inhabitants the better in order.

 [Sidenote: Aulus Plautius.]
 [Sidenote: Ostorius Scapula.]
 And Aulus Plautius a noble man of Rome of the order of consuls, was
 sent hither as the first legat or lieutenant (in maner as before ye
 haue heard) & after him Ostorius Scapula, who at his comming found the
 Ile in trouble, the enimies hauing made inuasion into the countrie of
 those that were friends to the Romans, the more presumptuouslie, for
 [Sidenote: _Cor. Tacitus lib._ 12.]
 that they thought a new lieutenant, with an armie to him vnacquainted
 and come ouer now in the beginning of winter, would not be hastie to
 march foorth against them. But Ostorius vnderstanding that by the
 first successe and chance of warre, feare or hope is bred and
 augmented, hasted forward to encounter with them, and such as he found
 abroad in the countrie he slue out right on euerie side, and pursued
 such as fled, to the end they should not come togither againe. Now for
 that a displeasing and a doubtfull peace was not like to bring
 quietnesse either to him or to his armie, he tooke from such as he
 suspected, their armour. And after this, he went about to defend the
 riuers of Auon & Seuerne, with placing his souldiers in camps
 fortified néere to the same. But the Oxfordshire men and other of
 those parties would not suffer him to accomplish his purpose in anie
 quiet sort, being a puissant kind of people, and not hitherto weakened
 by warres: for they willinglie at the first had ioined in amitie with
 [Sidenote: _Cornelius Tacit. lib._ 12.]
 the Romans. The countries adjoining also being induced by their
 procurement, came to them, & so they chose forth a plot of ground,
 fensed with a mightie ditch, vnto the which there was no waie to enter
 but one, & the same verie narrow, so as the horssemen could not haue
 anie easie passage to breake in vpon them. Ostorius, although he had
 no legionarie souldiers, but certeine bands of aids, marched foorth
 towards the place within the which the Britains were lodged, and
 assaulting them in the same, brake through into their campe, where the
 Britains being impeached with their owne inclosures which they had
 raised for defense of the place, knowing how that for their rebellion
 they were like to find small mercie at the Romans hands, when they saw
 now no waie to escape, laid about them manfullie, and shewed great
 proofe of their valiant stomachs.

 In this battell, the sonne of Ostorius the lieutenant deserued the
 price and commendation of preseruing a citizen out of the cruell
 [Sidenote: which was a certaine crowne, to be set on his head called
 _ciuica corona._]
 enimies hands. But now with this slaughter of the Oxfordshire men,
 diuers of the Britains that stood doubtfull what waie to take, either
 to rest in quiet, or to moue warres, were contented to be conformable
 vnto a reasonable order of peace, in so much that Ostorius lead his
 [Sidenote: Cangi.]
 armie against the people called Cangi, who inhabited that part of
 Wales now called Denbighshire, which countrie he spoiled on euerie
 side, no enimie once daring to encounter him: & if anie of them
 aduentured priuilie to set vpon those which they found behind, or on
 the outsids of his armie, they were cut short yer they could escape
 out of danger. Wherevpon he marched straight to their campe and giuing
 them battell, vanquished them: and vsing the victorie as reason moued
 him, he lead his armie against those that inhabited the inner parts of
 Wales, spoiling the countrie on euerie side. And thus sharplie
 pursuing the rebels, he approched néere vnto the sea side, which lieth
 ouer against Ireland. While this Romane capteine was thus occupied, he
 was called backe by the rebellion of the Yorkshire men, whome
 forthwith vpon his comming vnto them, he appeased, punishing the first
 authors of that tumult with death.

 [Sidenote: _Cor. Tacitus. lib._ 12.]
 In the meane time, the people called Silures, being a verie fierce
 kind of men, and valiant, prepared to make warre against the Romans,
 for they might not be bowed neither with roughnesse, nor yet with any
 courteous handling, so that they were to be tamed by an armie of
 legionarie souldiers to be brought among them.

 Therefore to restraine the furious rage of those people and their
 neighbours, Ostorious peopled a towne néere to their borders, called
 Camelodunum with certeine bands of old souldiers, there to inhabit
 with their wiues and children, according to such maner as was vsed in
 like cases of placing naturall Romans in anie towne or citie, for the
 more suertie and defense of the same. Here also was a temple builded
 in the honor of Claudius the emperour, where were two images erected,
 one of the goddesse Victoria, and an other of Claudius himselfe.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The coniectures of writers touching the situation of Camelodunum
 supposed to be Colchester, of the Silures a people spoken of in the
 former chapter, a foughten field betwene Caratacus the British prince,
 and Ostorius the Romaine, in the confines of Shropshire; the Britains
 go miserablie to wracke, Caratacus is deliuered to the Romans, his
 wife and daughter are taken prisoners, his brethren yeeld themselues
 to their enimies._

 THE SIXT CHAPTER.


 But now there resteth a great doubt among writers, where this citie or
 towne called Camelodunum did stand, of some (and not without good
 ground of probable coniectures gathered vpon the aduised consideration
 of the circumstances of that which in old authors is found written of
 [Sidenote: Camelodunum, Colchester.]
 this place) it is thought to be Colchester. But verelie by this place
 of Tacitus it maie rather seeme to be some other towne, situat more
 westward than Colchester, sith a colonie of Romane souldiers were
 [Sidenote: Silures where they inhabited.]
 planted there to be at hand, for the repressing of the vnquiet
 Silures, which by consent of most writers inhabited in Southwales, or
 néere the Welsh marshes.

 There was a castell of great fame in times past that hight Camaletum,
 or in British Caermalet, which stood in the marshes of Summersetshire;
 but sith there is none that hath so written before this time, I will
 not saie that happilie some error hath growne by mistaking the name of
 Camelodunum for this Camaletum, by such as haue copied out the booke
 of Cornelius Tacitus; and yet so it might be doon by such as found it
 short or vnperfectlie written, namelie, by such strangers or others,
 to whom onelie the name of Camelodunum was onelie knowne, and
 Camaletum peraduenture neuer séene nor heard of. As for example, an
 Englishman that hath heard of Waterford in Ireland, and not of
 Wexford, might in taking foorth a copie of some writing easilie commit
 a fault in noting the one for the other. We find in Ptolomie Camedolon
 to be a citie belonging to the Trinobants, and he maketh mention also
 of Camelodunum, but Humfrey Lhoyd thinketh that he meaneth all one
 citie.

 Notwithstanding Polydor Virgil is of a contrarie opinion, supposing
 the one to be Colchester in déed, and the other that is Camelodunum to
 be Doncaster or Pontfret. Leland esteeming it to be certeinelie
 Colchester taketh the Iceni men also to be the Northfolke men. But
 howsoeuer we shall take this place of Tacitus, it is euident inough
 that Camelodunum stood not farre from the Thames. And therefore to
 séeke it with Hector Boetius in Scotland, or with Polydor Virgil so
 far as Doncaster or Pontfret, it maie be thought a plaine error.

 But to leaue each man to his owne iudgement in a matter so doubtfull,
 we will procéed with the historie as touching the warres betwixt the
 Romans and the Silurians, against whome (trusting not onelie vpon
 their owne manhood, but also vpon the high prowesse & valiancie of
 [Sidenote: _Cornelius Tacitus lib. Anna._ 12.]
 Caratacus) Ostorius set forward. Caratacus excelled in fame aboue all
 other the princes of Britaine, aduanced thereto by manie doubtfull
 aduentures and manie prosperous exploits, which in his time he had
 atchiued: but as he was in policie and aduantage of place better
 prouided than the Romans: so in power of souldiers he was ouermatched.
 [Sidenote: _Hu. Lhoyd._]
 And therefore he remoued the battell into the parts of that countrie
 where the Ordouices inhabited, which are thought to haue dwelled in
 the borders of Shropshire, Cheshire, and Lancashire, which people
 together with other that misliked of the Romane gouernment, he ioined
 in one, and chose a plot of ground for his aduantage, determining
 there to trie the vttermost hazard of battell.

 The place which he thus chose was such, as the entries, the backwaies,
 and the whole situation thereof made for the Britains aduantage, and
 cleane contrarie to the Romans, as inclosed among high hils. And if
 there were anie easie passage to enter it vpon anie side, the same was
 shut vp with mightie huge stones in manner of a rampire, and afore it
 there ran a riuer without anie certeine foord to passe ouer it. This
 place is supposed to lie in the confines of Shropshire aloft vpon the
 top of an high hill there, enuironed with a triple rampire and ditch
 of great depth, hauing thrée entries into it, not directlie one
 against an other, but aslope. It is also (they saie) compassed about
 with two riuers, to wit, on the left hand with the riuer called Clun,
 & on the right hand with an other called Teuid. On thrée sides thereof
 the clime is verie stéepe and headlong, and no waie easie to come or
 reach vnto it, but onelie one.

 Caratac hauing thus fortified himselfe within this place, and brought
 his armie into it: to encourage his people, he exhorted them to shew
 their manhood, affirming that to be the day, and that armie to be the
 same wherein should appeare the beginning either of libertie then to
 be recouered, or else of perpetuall bondage for euer to be susteined.
 He rehersed also speciallie by name those their elders, which had
 resisted Iulius Cesar, by whose high valiancie they liued free from
 the bloudie thraldome and tributes of the Romans, and enioied their
 wiues and children safe and vndefiled. Thus discoursing of manie
 things with them, in such hope of assured victorie, that they began to
 raise their cries, each one for him selfe, declaring that he was bound
 by the dutie he owght to the gods of his countrie, not to shrinke for
 feare of anie wounds or hurts that might chance vnto them by the
 enimies weapon.

 This chéerefulnesse of the Britains greatlie astonished the Romane
 lieutenant. The hideous course also of the riuer before his face, the
 fortifications and craggie higth of the hils, all set full of enimies
 readie to beat him backe, put him in great feare: for nothing he saw
 afore him, but that which séemed dreadfull to those that should
 assaile. But the souldiers yet séemed to be verie desirous of battell,
 requesting him to bring them to it, protesting that nothing was able
 to resist the force of noble prowes. Herewith the capteins and
 tribunes discoursing the like, pricked forward the earnest willes
 which their souldiers had to fight.

 Ostorius perceiuing such courage and readie wils in the men of warre,
 as well souldiers as capteins, began to bestirre himselfe, and left
 nothing vndone that might serue to set forward their earnest desire to
 battell. And hauing aduisedlie considered which waies were hard and
 [Sidenote: _Cornelius Tacitus Annal. lib._ 12.]
 vnpossible to be entered vpon, and which were most easie for his
 people to find passage by, he led them foorth, being most earnestlie
 bent to cope with the enimie.

 Now hauing passed the water without any great difficultie, but comming
 to the rampire, he lost manie of his people, so long as the fight was
 continued with shot and casting of darts: but after that the Romans
 couering themselues with their targets, came once close togither, and
 approched vnder the rampire, they remooued away the stones which the
 Britains had roughlie couched togither, and so came to ioine with them
 at handblowes. The Britains being vnarmed, and not able to abide the
 force of the armed men, withdrew to the top of the hilles, but as well
 their enimies that were light armed, as the other with heauie armour,
 followed and brake in among them, so as the Britains could not turne
 them anie way to escape, for the light armed men with shot a farre
 off, and the heauie armed with weapons at hand, sought to make
 slaughter and wracke of them on ech side, so that this was a verie
 dolefull day to the Britains.

 The wife and daughter of Caratake were taken prisoners, and his
 brethren also yéelded themselues. He himselfe escaped, and committing
 his person vnto the assurance & trust of Cartemandua queene of the
 Brigants, was by hir deliuered into the hands of the Romans. All this
 happened about nine yeres after the warres in Britaine first began.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The name of Caratacus famous in Italie, the maner how he and his
 alies were led captiues by the Romans in triumph, his courage and
 manlie speech to the emperour Claudius, whereby he and his obteine
 mercie and pardon: the Britains vndertake a new reuenge against the
 Romans; the cause why the Silures hated the Romans, Ostorius Scapula
 dieth, the citie of Chester builded._

 THE SEUENTH CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: _Cornelius Tacit. lib._ 12.]
 [Sidenote: Carataks name renowmed.]
 The name of Caratacus being brought out of the Iles was alreadie spred
 ouer the prouinces adioining, and began now to grow famous through
 Italie. Men therefore were desirous to sée what maner of man he was
 that had so manie yéeres set at naught the puissant force of the
 empire. For in Rome the name of Caratacus was much spoken of, insomuch
 that the emperour whilest he went about to preferre his owne honour,
 aduanced the glorie of him also that was vanquished: for the people
 were called foorth as vnto some great notable sight or spectacle. The
 pretorian bands stood in order of battell armed in the field that laie
 before their lodgings, through which field Caratake shuld come. Then
 passed by the traine of his friends and seruants; and such armor,
 riches, iewels, and other things as had béene gotten in those warres,
 were borne forward, and openlie shewed, that all men might behold the
 same.

 After these followed his brethren, wife, and daughters: and last of
 all came Caratacus himselfe, whose countenance was nothing like to
 theirs that went afore him. For whereas they fearing punishment for
 their rebellion with wailefull countenance craued mercie, he neither
 by countenance nor words shewd anie token of a discouraged mind, but
 being presented before the emperour Claudius sitting in his tribunall
 seat, he vttered this speach as followeth.

 "If there had béene in me so much moderation in time of prosperitie,
 as there was nobilitie of birth and puissance, I had come to this
 citie rather as a friend than as a capteine: neither should I haue
 thought scorne, being borne of most noble parents, and ruling ouer
 many people, to haue accepted peace by waie of ioining with you in
 league. My present estate as it is to me reprochfull, so to you it is
 honorable. I had at commandement, horsses, men, armor, and great
 riches; what maruell is it if I were loth to forgo the same? For if
 you shall looke to gouerne all men, it must néeds follow that all men
 must be your slaues. If I had at the first yéelded my selfe, neither
 my power nor your glorie had béene set foorth to the world, & vpon
 mine execution I should straight haue béene forgotten. But if you now
 grant me life, I shall be a witnesse for euer of your mercifull
 clemencie."

 The emperour with these words being pacified, granted life both to
 Caratake, and also to his wife and brethren, who being loosed from
 their bands, went also to the place where the empresse Agrippina sat
 (not farre off) in a chaire of estate, whom they reuerenced with the
 like praise and thanks as they had doone before to the emperour. After
 this the senat was called togither, who discoursed of manie things
 touching this honourable victorie atchiued by the taking of Caratake,
 estéeming the same no lesse glorious, than when P. Scipio shewed in
 [Sidenote: Siphax.]
 [Sidenote: L. Paulus.]
 triumph Siphax king of the Numidians, or L. Paulus the Macedonian king
 Perses, or other Romane capteins anie such king whom they had
 vanquished.

 Héerevpon it was determined, that Ostorius should enter the citie of
 Rome with triumph like a conqueror, for such prosperous successe as
 hitherto had followed him: but afterwards his procéedings were not so
 luckie, either for that after Caratake was remooued out of the waie,
 or bicause the Romans (as though the warre had béene finished) looked
 negligentlie to themselues, either else for that the Britains taking
 compassion of the miserable state of Caratake, being so worthie a
 prince, through fortunes froward aspect cast into miserie, were more
 earnestlie set to reuenge his quarrell. Héerevpon they incompassed the
 maister of the campe, and those legionarie bands of souldiers which
 were left amongst the Silures to fortifie a place there for the armie
 to lodge in: and if succour had not come out of the next towns and
 castels, the Romans had béene destroied by siege. The head capteine
 yet, and eight centurions, and euerie one else of the companies being
 most forward, were slaine. Shortlie after they set vpon the Romane
 forragers, and put them to flight, and also such companies of
 horssemen as were appointed to gard them. Héerevpon Ostorius set
 foorth certeine bands of light horssemen, but neither could he staie
 the flight by that meanes, till finallie the legions entred the
 battell, by whose force they were staid, and at length the Romans
 obteined the better: but the Britains escaped by flight without great
 losse, by reason the daie was spent.

 After this, manie bickerings chanced betwixt the Britains and Romans,
 & oftentimes they wrought their feats more like the trade of them that
 vse to rob by the high waies, than of those that make open warre,
 taking their enimies at some aduantage in woods and bogs, as hap or
 force ministred occasion vpon malice conceiued, or in hope of prey,
 sometimes by commandement, and sometimes without either commandement
 or knowledge of capteine or officer.

 At one time the Britains surprised two bands of footmen that were with
 the Romans in aid, and sent foorth to forreie abroad vnaduisedlie,
 through couetousnesse of the capteins. This feat was atchiued by the
 Silures also, the which in bestowing prisoners and part of the spoile
 vpon other of their neighbours, procured them likewise to rebell
 against the Romans, and to take part with them. The Silures were the
 more earnestlie set against the Romans, by occasion of words which the
 emperor Claudius had vttered in their disfauour, as thus: that euen as
 the Sicambres were destroied and remooued into Gallia, so likewise
 must the Silures be dealt with, and the whole nation of them
 extinguished. These words being blowne abroad, and knowne ouer all,
 caused the Silures to conceiue a woonderfull hatred against the
 Romans, so that they were fullie bent, either to reteine their
 libertie, or to die in defense thereof vpon the enimies swoord.

 In the meane time Ostorius Scapula departed this life, a right noble
 warrior, and one who by litle & litle insuing the steps of Aulus
 Plautius his predecessor, did what he could to bring the Ile into the
 forme of a prouince, which in part he accomplished.

 [Sidenote: _W.H._ in his chronologie.]
 There be some led by coniecture grounded vpon good aduised
 considerations, that suppose this Ostorius Scapula began to build the
 citie of Chester after the ouerthrow of Caratacus: for in those
 parties he fortified sundrie holds, and placed a number of old
 souldiers either there in that selfe place, or in some other néere
 therevnto by waie of a colonie. And for somuch (saie they) as we read
 of none other of anie name thereabouts, it is to be thought that he
 planted the same in Chester, where his successors did afterwards vse
 to harbour their legions for the winter season, and in time of rest
 from iournies which they haue to make against their common enimies.

 In déed it is a common opinion among the people there vnto this daie,
 that the Romans built those vaults or tauerns (which in that citie are
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Hig._ alias _Cestrensis._]
 vnder the ground) with some part of the castell. And verelie as
 Ranulfe Higden saith, a man that shall view and well consider those
 buildings, maie thinke the same to be the woorke of Romans rather than
 of anie other people. That the Romane legions did make their abode
 there, no man séene in antiquities can doubt thereof, for the ancient
 name _Caer leon ardour deuy,_ that is, The citie of legions vpon the
 water of Dée, proueth it sufficientlie enough.

 [Sidenote: _Corn. Tacit._]
 But to returne vnto Ostorius Scapula, we find in Corn. Tacitus, that
 during his time of being lieutenant in this Ile, there were certeine
 [Sidenote: Cogidune a king in Britane.]
 cities giuen vnto one Cogidune a king of the Britains, who continued
 faithfull to the Romans vnto the daies of the remembrance of men
 liuing in the time of the said Cornelius Tacitus, who liued and wrote
 in the emperor Domitianus time. This was doone after an old receiued
 custom of the people of Rome, to haue both subiects and kings vnder
 their rule and dominion, as who so shall note the acts and déeds of
 the Roman emperours from C. Iulius Cesar (who chased Pompeie out of
 Italie, and was the first that obteined the Romane empire to himselfe;
 of whom also the princes and emperours succéeding him were called
 Cesars) to Octauian, Tiberius, Caligula, &c: maie easilie marke and
 obserue. For they were a people of singular magnanimitie, of an
 ambitious spirit, gréedie of honour and renowme, and not vnaptlie
 termed "Romani rerum domini, &c."

        *       *       *       *       *




 _A. Didius is sent to supplie Ostorius his roome in Britaine, the
 trecherie and lecherie of queene Cartimanda, Venutius keepeth the
 kingdome in spite of the Romans, by what meanes their confines in this
 Ile were inlarged; the error of Hector Boetius and others touching the
 Silures, Brigants, and Nouants notified, the Britains giue the Romans
 a shamefull ouerthrow._

 THE EIGHT CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: A. Didius lieutenant.]
 After the deceasse of Ostorius Scapula, one A. Didius was sent to
 supplie his roome, but yer he could come, things were brought out of
 order, and the Britains had vanquished the legion whereof Manlius
 Valens had the conduct: this victorie was set foorth by the Britains
 to the vttermost, that with the bruit thereof they might strike a
 feare into the lieutenants hart, now vpon his first comming ouer. And
 he himselfe reported it by letters to the emperour after the largest
 manner, to the end that if he appeased the matter, he might win the
 more praise; or if he were put to the woorst, and should not preuaile,
 that then his excuse might séeme the more reasonable and woorthie of
 pardon. The Silures were they that had atchiued this victorie, and
 kept a fowle stur ouer all the countries about them, till by the
 comming of Didius against them, they were driuen backe and repelled.

 But héerewith began trouble to be raised in another part: for after
 that Caratac was taken, the chiefest and most skillfull capteine which
 [Sidenote: Venutius ruler of the Iugants.]
 the Britains had, was one Venutius, a ruler of the people named
 Iugants, a man that remained a long time faithfull to the Romans,
 and by their power was defended from his enimies, who had married with
 [Sidenote: Cartimanda.]
 Cartimanda queene of the Brigants or Yorkeshire men. This Cartimanda
 (as ye haue heard) had deliuered Catarac into the Romans hands,
 thereby ministring matter for the emperour Claudius to triumph, by
 which pleasure shewed to the Romans, she increased thorough their
 friendship in power and wealth, whereof followed riotous lust to
 satisfie hir wanton appetite, so as she falling at square with hir
 [Sidenote: Vellocatus.]
 husband, married Vellocatus, one of his esquires, to whom she gaue hir
 kingdome, and so dishonoured hir selfe. Héerevpon insued cruell warre,
 in so much that in the end Venutius became enimie also to the Romans.
 But first they tugged togither betwixt themselues, & the quéene by a
 craftie policie found meanes to catch the brother and coosens of
 Venutius, but hir enimies nothing therewith discouraged, but kindled
 the more in wrath against hir, ceassed not to go forward with their
 purpose.

 Manie of the Brigants disdaining to be subiect vnto a womans rule that
 had so reiected hir husband, reuolted vnto Venutius: but yet the
 quéenes sensuall lust mixed with crueltie, mainteined the adulterer.
 Venutius therefore calling to him such aid as he could get, and
 strengthened now by the reuolting of the Brigants, brought Cartimanda
 to such a narrow point, that she was in great danger to fall into the
 hands of hir enimies: which the Romans forséeing, vpon suit made, sent
 certeine bands of horssemen and footmen to helpe hir. They had diuerse
 incounters with the enimies at the first, with doubtfull successe: but
 [Sidenote: Venutius kéepeth the kingdome in despite of the Romans.]
 at length they preuailed, and so deliuered the quéene out of perill,
 but the kingdome remained to Venutius: against whom the Romans were
 constreined still to mainteine warre.

 About the same time, the legion also which Cesius Nasica led, got the
 vpper hand of those Britains against whom he was sent. For Didius
 being aged, and by victories past inough renowmed, thought it
 sufficient for him to make warre by his capteins, so to staie and
 kéepe off the enimie. Certeine castels and holds in déed he caused to
 be built and fortified, further within the countrie than had béene
 afore attempted by anie of his predecessors, and so thereby were the
 confines of the Romans in this Ile somewhat inlarged. Thus haue ye
 heard with what successe the Britains mainteined warre in defense of
 their libertie against the Romans, whilest Claudius ruled the empire
 (according to the report of the Romane writers.)

 [Sidenote: The error of _Hector Boetius._]
 ¶ But here you must note, that Hector Boetius, following the
 authoritie of one Veremond a Spaniard, of Cornelius Hibernicus, & also
 of Campbell, remooueth the Silures, Brigants, and Nouants, so farre
 northward, that he maketh them inhabitants of those countries which
 the Scots haue now in possession, and were euen then inhabited (as he
 affirmeth) partlie by the Scots, and partlie by the Picts (as in the
 Scotish historie ye may sée more at large) so that what notable feat
 soeuer was atchiued by the old Britains against the Romans, the same
 by him is ascribed to the Scots and Picts throughout his whole
 historie, whereas (in verie truth) forsomuch as may be gathered by
 coniecture und presumption of that which is left in writing by ancient
 authors, the Brigants inhabited Yorkshire, the Silures Wales and the
 Marches, and the Nouants the countrie of Cumberland.

 But forsomuch as he hath diligentlie gathered in what maner the warres
 were mainteined by those people against the Romans, and what valiant
 exploits were taken in hand and finished thorough their stoutnesse and
 valiancie, ye may there read the same, and iudge at your pleasure what
 [Sidenote: A note to be considered in the reading of _Hect. Boetius._]
 people they were whome he so much praiseth: aduertising you hereof by
 the way, that as we haue before expressed, none of the Romane writers
 mentioneth any thing of the Scots, nor once nameth them, till the
 Romane empire began to decay, about the time of the emperor
 Constantius, father of Constantine the great: so that if they had
 béene in this Ile then so famous both in peace and warre, as they are
 reported by the same Boetius; maruell might it séeme, that the Romane
 writers would so passe them ouer with silence.

 [Sidenote: _Cor. Tac. lib. annal._ 15.]
 After the death of Claudius the emperor of Rome, Claudius Domitianus
 Nero succéeded him in gouernement of the empire. In the seuenth yéere
 of whose reigne, which was after the incarnation 53, the Romans
 receiued a great ouerthrow in Britaine, where neither the lieutenant
 A. Didius Gallus (whom in this place Cornelius Tacitus calleth Auitus)
 could during the time of his rule doo no more but hold that which was
 alreadie gotten, beside the building of certeine castels (as before ye
 haue heard) neither his successor Verannius, beating and forreieng the
 woods, could atchiue anie further enterprise, for he was by death
 preuented, so as he could not procéed forward with his purpose
 touching the warres which he had ment to haue folowed, whose last
 words (in his testament expressed) detected him of manifest ambition:
 for adding manie things by way of flatterie to content Neros mind, he
 wished to haue liued but two yéeres longer, in which space he might
 haue subdued prouinces vnto his dominion, meaning therby the whole Ile
 of Britaine. But this was a Romans brag, sauouring rather of ambition
 than of truth or likelihood.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The gouernment of P. Suetonius in this Iland, he inuadeth Anglesey,
 and winneth it, a strange kind of women, of the Druides, the Britains
 lament their miserie and seruitude, and take aduise by weapon to
 redresse it against the Romans their enimies._

 THE NINTH CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: P. Suetonius lieutenant.]
 But now when this great losse chanced to the Romans Paulinus Suetonius
 did gouerne here as lieutenant, a man most plentifullie furnished with
 all gifts of fortune and vertue, and therewith a right skilfull
 warrior. This Suetonius therefore wishing to tame such of the Britains
 [Sidenote: Anglesey inuaded.]
 as kept out, prepared to assaile the Ile of Anglesey, a countrie full
 of inhabitants, and a place of refuge for all outlawes and rebels. He
 builded certeine brigantins with flat kéeles to serue for the ebbes
 and shallow shelues here and there, lieng vncerteinlie in the straits
 which he had to passe. The footmen ferried ouer in those vessels, the
 horssemen following by the foords, and swimming when they came into
 the deepe, got likewise to the shore, where stood in order of battell
 and huge number of armed men close togither, redie to beat backe the
 Romans, and to staie them from comming to land. Amongst the men, a
 [Sidenote: A strange maner of women.]
 number of women were also running vp and downe as they had béene out
 of their wits, in garments like to wild roges, with their haire
 hanging downe about their shoulders, and bearing firebrands in their
 hands. There was also a companie of their priests or philosophers
 [Sidenote: The Druids.]
 called Druides, who with stretched forth hands towards heauen,
 thundered out curssings against the Romans in most bitter wise.

 The souldiers were so amazed with the strangenesse of this sight, that
 (as men benummed of their lims and senses) they suffred themselues to
 be wounded and slaine like senselesse creatures, till by the calling
 vpon of their generall, and ech one incouraging other in no wise to
 feare a sort of mad & distract women, they preassed forward vnder
 their ensignes, bearing downe such as stood in their way, and with
 their owne fire smooldered and burnt them to ashes.

 [Sidenote: Anglesey won by the Romans.]
 To conclude, the Romane lieutenant got possession of the whole Ile,
 wherein he placed garisons of men of warre to kéepe the people there
 [Sidenote: Woods cut downe.]
 in subiection. He also caused their woods to be cut downe, that were
 consecrated to their gods, within the which they were accustomed to
 sacrifice such as they tooke prisoners, and by the view of their
 intrailes, in dismembring them, to learne of their gods some oracles
 and such other things as should come to passe.

 But now in the meane time, whilest Paulinus was abroad about this
 enterprise, the Britains began to conferre togither of they great and
 importable miseries, of their grieuous state of seruitude, of their
 iniuries and wrongs, which they dailie susteined: how that by
 sufferance they profited nothing, but still were oppressed with more
 heauie burthens. Ech countrie in times past had onelie one king to
 [Sidenote: Lieutenant & procurator.]
 rule them: now had they two, the lieutenant by his capteins and
 souldiers spilling their bloud, and the procurator or receiuer (as we
 may call him) bereauing them of their goods and substance. The concord
 or discord betwixt those that were appointed to rule ouer them, was
 all alike hurtfull vnto the subiects, the lieutenant oppressing them
 by his capteins and men of warre, and the procurator or receiuer by
 force and reprochfull demeanours, polling them by insufferable
 exactions.

 There was nothing frée from the couetous extortion and filthie
 concupiscence of these vnsatiable persons, for in these daies (say
 they) the greatest spoiler is the valiantest man, and most commonlie
 our houses are robbed and ransacked by a sort of cowardlie raskals
 that haue no knowledge of anie warlike feats at all. Our children are
 taken from us, we are forced to go to the musters, and are set foorth
 to serue in forren parties, as those that are ignorant which way to
 spend our liues in the quarell of our owne countrie. What a number of
 souldiers haue beene transported ouer from hence to serue in other
 lands, if a iust account were taken thereof: The Germans by manhood
 haue cast (said they) from their shoulders the heauie yoke of bondage,
 and are not defended as we are with the maine Ocean sea, but onelie
 with a riuer. Where the Britains haue their countrie, their wiues and
 parents, as iust causes of war to fight for: the Romans haue none at
 all, but a couetous desire to gaine by rapine, and to satisfie their
 excessiue lusts.

 They might easilie be compelled to depart the countrie, as Iulius
 Cesar was, if the Britains would shew some proofe of the noble
 prowesse that was euidentlie found in their woorthie ancestors, and
 not shrinke or quaile in courage for the misaduenture that should
 happilie chance by fighting one battell or two. Greatest force and
 constancie alwaies remaineth with those that séek to deliuer
 themselues from miserie. Now appeared it that the gods had taken some
 pitie of the poore Britains, who by their diuine power did withhold
 the chiefe capteine of the Romans with his armie, as it were banished
 [Sidenote: Occasion not be neglected.]
 in an other Iland. Let vs then (said they) take the oportunitie of
 time and good occasion offered, and foorthwith procéed in our
 businesse: for lesse danger it is manfullie to aduenture, and to go
 forward with our purpose, than to be bewraied and taken in these our
 consultations. Thus hauing taken aduise togither, and wholie misliking
 their present state, they determined to take weapon in hand, and so by
 force to seeke for reformation.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _A catalog of causes or greeuances inciting the Britains to rebell
 against the Romans, wherein is shewed what iniuries they susteined: of
 diuers strange wonders and apparitions; the chiefe cause of the
 Britains insurging against the Romans, they admitted as well women as
 men to publike gouernement. A description of queene Voadicia, hir
 personage and maner of attire._

 THE TENTH CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: _Cor. Tac. lib._ 14.]
 The Britains indeed were occasioned to doo as they purposed, thorough
 manie euill parts practised by the Romans greatlie to their griefs and
 [Sidenote: Prasutagus.]
 displeasures. For whereas Prasutagus (who is supposed by Hector
 [Sidenote: The Oxfordshire and Glocestershire men.]
 Boetius to be Aruiragus, king of the people called Iceni) had made the
 emperour and two of his owne daughters his heires, supposing by that
 meane to haue his kingdome and familie preserued from all iniurie: it
 happened quite contrarie to that his expectation. For his kingdome was
 [Sidenote: Voadicia alias Bunduica.]
 spoiled by the Romane capteins, his wife named Voadicia beaten by the
 souldiers, his daughters rauished, the péeres of the realme bereft of
 their goods, and the kings friends made and reputed as bondslaues.

 [Sidenote: _Dion Cassius._]
 There was also an other great cause that stirred the Britains to this
 rebellion, which was the confiscating of their goods: for whereas
 Claudius himselfe had pardoned the chiefest persons of the
 forfeitures, Decianus Catus the procurator of that Ile mainteined that
 [Sidenote: Vsurie.]
 the same ought to be renewed againe. To this an other griefe was
 added, that where Seneca had lent to the nobilitie of the Ile, foure
 hundred sestercies, ech hundred being 500000 pounds starling, or
 thereabout, vpon great interest, he required the whole summe togither
 by great rigor and violence, although he forced them at the first to
 take this monie to vsurie.

 Also such old souldiers as were placed by waie of a colonie, to
 inhabit the towne of Camelodunum, expelled manie of the Britains out
 of their houses, droue them out of their possessions and lands, and
 accounted the Britains as slaues, and as though they had bene captiue
 prisoners or bondmen. Besides this, the temple there that was built in
 honor of Claudius, as an altar of eternall rule and gouernment, was
 serued with préests, the which vnder colour of religion did spoile,
 consume and deuoure the goods of all men.

 Moreouer, such strange sights and woonders as chanced about the same
 time, pricked the Britains the rather forward. For the image of the
 goddesse Victoria in the temple at Camelodunum, slipping downe, turned
 hir backe (as who should saie she gaue place as vanquished) to the
 [Sidenote: _Dion Cassius._]
 enimies. Also in the hall where the courts of iustice were kept, there
 was a maruellous great noise heard, with much laughing, and a sturre
 [Sidenote: Strange woonders.]
 in the theatre, with great wéeping and lamentable howling, at such
 time as it was certeinlie knowne that there was no creature there to
 make anie noise. The sea at a spring tide appeared of a bloudie
 colour, and when the tide was gone backe, there were séene on the
 [Sidenote: _Dion Cassius._]
 sands the shapes & figures of mens bodies. Women also as rauished of
 their wits, and being as it were in a furie, prophesied that
 destruction was at hand, so that the Britains were put greatlie in
 hope, and the Romans in feare.

 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 But those things, whether they chanced by the craft of man, or
 illusion of the diuell; or whether they procéeded of some naturall
 cause, which the common people oftentimes taketh superstitiouslie, in
 place of strange woonders signifieng things to follow, we would let
 passe, least we might be thought to offend religion; the which
 teaching all things to be doone by the prouidence of God, despiseth
 the vaine predictions of haps to come, if the order of an historie
 (saith Polydor Virgil) would so permit, the which requireth all things
 to be written in maner as they fall out and come to passe.

 [Sidenote: _Cor. Tac. li._ 15.]
 [Sidenote: Voadicia by Dion Cassius is called Bunuica.]
 But the Britains were chiefelie mooued to rebellion by the iust
 complaint of Voadicia, declaring how vnséemelie she had beene vsed and
 intreated at the hands of the Romans: and because she was most
 earnestlie bent to séeke reuenge of their iniuries, and hated the name
 of the Romans most of all other, they chose hir to be capteine (for
 [Sidenote: The ancient Britains admitted as well women as men to
 publike gouernment.]
 they in rule and gouvernment made no difference then of sex, whether
 they committed the same to man or woman) and so by a generall
 conspiracie, the more part of the people hauing also allured the Essex
 men vnto rebellion, rose and assembled themselues togither to make
 warre against the Romans. There were of them a hundred and twentie
 thousand got togither in one armie vnder the leading of the said
 Voadicia, or Bunduica (as some name hir.)

 She therefore to encourage hir people against the enimies, mounted vp
 into an high place raised vp of turfes & sods made for the nonce, out
 of the which she made a long & verie pithie oration. Hir mightie tall
 personage, comelie shape, seuere countenance, and sharpe voice, with
 hir long and yellow tresses of heare reaching downe to hir thighes,
 hir braue and gorgeous apparell also caused the people to haue hir in
 great reuerence. She ware a chaine of gold, great and verie massie,
 and was clad in a lose kirtle of sundrie colours, and aloft therevpon
 she had a thicke Irish mantell: hereto in hir hand (as hir custome
 was) she bare a speare, to shew hirselfe the more dreadfull.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The oration of quéene Voadicia full of prudence and spirit to the
 Britains, for their encouragement against the Romans, wherein she
 rippeth vp the vile seruitude and shamefull wrongs which their enimies
 inflicted vpon them, with other matters verie motiue, both concerning
 themselues and their enimies, hir supplication and praier for
 victorie._

 THE ELEUENTH CHAPTER.


 Now Voadicia being prepared (as you heare) set foorth with such
 maiestie, that she greatlie incouraged the Britains; vnto whome for
 their better animating and emboldening, she vttered this gallant
 oration in manner and forme following.

 [Sidenote: The oration of Voadicia.]
 "I doo suppose (my louers and friends) that there is no man here but
 dooth well vnderstand how much libertie and fréedome is to be
 preferred before thraldome and bondage. But if there haue bene anie of
 you so deceiued with the Romane persuasions, that ye did not for a
 time see a difference betwéene them, and iudged whether of both is
 most to be desired: now I hope that hauing tried what it is to be
 vnder both, ye will with me reforme your iudgement, and by the harmes
 alreadie taken, acknowledge your ouersight, and forsake your former
 error. Againe, in that a number of you haue rashlie preferred an
 externall souereigntie before the customes and lawes of your owne
 countrie, you doo at this time (I doubt not) perfectlie vnderstand how
 much free pouertie is to be preferred before great riches, wherevnto
 seruitude is annexed; and much wealth in respect of captiuitie vnder
 forren magistrats, wherevpon slauerie attendeth. For what thing (I
 beséech you) can there be so vile & grieuous vnto the nature of man,
 that hath not happened vnto vs, sithens the time that the Romans haue
 bene acquainted with this Iland?

 "Are we not all in manner bereaued of our riches & possessions? Doo
 not we (beside other things that we giue, and the land that we till
 for their onelie profit) paie them all kinds of tributs, yea for our
 owne carcases? How much better is it to be once aloft and fortunate in
 deed, than vnder the forged and false title of libertie, continuallie
 to paie for our redemption a fréedome? How much is it more commendable
 to lose our liues in defense of our countrie, than to carie about not
 so much as our heads toll frée, but dailie oppressed & laden with
 innumerable exactions? But to what end doo I remember and speake of
 these things, since they will not suffer by death to become frée? For
 what and how much we paie for them that are dead, there is not one
 here but he dooth well vnderstand. Among other nations such as are
 brought into seruitude, are alwaies by death discharged of their
 bondage: onelie to the Romans the dead doo still liue, and all to
 increase their commoditie and gaine.

 "If anie of vs be without monie (as I know not well how and which way
 we should come by anie) then are we left naked, & spoiled of that
 which remaineth in our houses, & we our selues as men left desolate &
 dead. How shall we looke for better dealing at their hands hereafter,
 that in the beginning deale so vncourteouslie with vs: since there is
 no man that taketh so much as a wild beast, but at the first he will
 cherish it, and with some gentlenesse win it to familiaritie? But we
 ourselues (to saie the trueth) are authors of our owne mischiefe,
 which suffered them at the first to set foot within our Iland, and did
 not by and by driue them backe as we did Cesar, or slue them with our
 swords when they were yet farre off, and that the aduenturing hither
 was dangerous: as we did sometime to Augustus and Caligula.

 "We therefore that inhabit this Iland, which for the quantitie thereof
 maie well be called a maine, although it be inuironed about with the
 Ocean sea, diuiding vs from other nations, so that we séeme to liue
 vpon an other earth, & vnder a seuerall heauen: we, euen we (I saie)
 whose name hath béene long kept hid from the wisest of them all, are
 now contemned and troden vnder foot, of them who studie nothings else
 but how to become lords & haue rule of other men. Wherefore my
 welbeloued citizens, friendes, and kinsfolkes (for I thinke we are all
 of kin, since we were borne and dwell in this Ile, and haue one name
 common to vs all) let vs now, euen now (I saie, because we haue not
 doone it heretofore, and whilest the remembrance of our ancient
 libertie remaineth) sticke togither, and performe that thing which
 dooth perteine to valiant and hardie courages, to the end we maie
 inioie, not onelie the name of libertie, but also fréedome it selfe,
 and thereby leaue our force and valiant acts for an example to our
 posteritie: for if we which haue béene liberallie and in honest maner
 brought vp, should vtterlie forget our pristinate felicitie: what may
 we hope for in those that shall sucéed vs, and are like to be brought
 vp in miserie and thraldome?

 "I doo not make rehearsall of these things vnto you, to the end I
 would prouoke you to mislike of this present estate of things (for
 well I know you abhorre it sufficientlie alreadie) neither to put you
 in feare of those things that are likelie to fall hereafter (because
 you doo feare and sée them verie well before hand) but to the end I
 maie giue you heartie thankes and woorthie commendations, for that of
 your owne accord and meanes you determine so well to prouide for
 things necessarie (thereby to helpe both me and your selues with
 willing minds) as men that are nothing in doubt of all the Romane
 puissance.

 "If you consider the number of your enimies, it is not greater than
 yours: if you regard their strength, they are no stronger than you:
 and all this dooth easilie appéere by the bassinets, habergeons, &
 greiues wherewith you be armed; and also by the walls, ditches and
 trenches that you haue made for your own defense, to kéepe off their
 excursions, who had rather fight with vs a farre off, than cope &
 deale with vs at hand strokes, as our custome of the warres and
 martiall discipline dooth require. Wherefore we doo so farre exceed
 them in force, that in mine opinion, our armie is more strong than
 stone walls, and one of our targets woorth all the armour that they
 doo beare vpon them: by meanes whereof, if the victorie be ours, we
 shall soone make them captiues: or if we lose the field, we shall
 easilie escape the danger.

 "Furthermore, if after the flight we shall indeuour to méet anie
 where, we haue the marishes héere beneath to hide vs in, and the hils
 round about to kéepe them off, so that by no meanes they shall haue
 their purpose of vs, whereas they being ouercharged with heavie
 armour, shall neither be able to follow, if we flée; nor escape out of
 our danger, if they be put to flight: if they happen to breake out at
 anie time as desirous to make a rode, they returne by and by to their
 appointed places, where we maie take them as birds alreadie in cage.
 In all which things, as they are farre inferior to vs, so most of all
 in this, that they can not indure hunger, thirst, cold, heat, and
 sunneshine, as we can doo.

 "In their houses also and tents, they make much account of their baked
 meates, wine, oile, and abroad of the shadow, that if anie of these
 doo faile them, they either die foorthwith, or else in time they
 languish and consume: whereas to vs euerie hearbe and root is meat,
 euerie iuice an oile, all water pleasant wine, and euerie trée an
 house. Beside this, there is no place of the land vnknowne to vs,
 neither yet vnfriendlie to succour vs at néed; whereas to the Romans
 they are for the most part vnknowne and altogither dangerous, if they
 should stand in néed: we can with ease swim ouer euerie riuer both
 naked and clad, which they with their great ships are scarse able to
 performe. Wherefore with hope and good lucke let vs set vpon them
 couragiouslie, and teach them to vnderstand, that since they are no
 better than hares and foxes, they attempt a wrong match, when they
 indeuour to subdue the grehounds and the woolues." With which words
 the quéene let an hare go out of hir lap, as it were thereby to giue
 prognostication of hir successe, which comming well to passe, all the
 companie showted, and cried out vpon such as not long before had doone
 such violence to so noble a personage. Presentlie vpon this action,
 Voadicia calling them togither againe, procéeded forward with hir
 praier, which she made before them all, holding vp hir hands after
 this manner:

 "I giue thée thanks O Adraste, and call vpon thee thou woman of women,
 which reignest not ouer the burthen-bearing Aegyptians, as Nitocris;
 neither ouer their merchants, as dooth Semiramis, for these trifles we
 haue learned latelie of the Romans: neither ouer the people of Rome,
 as a little héeretofore Messalina, then Agrippina, and now Nero, who
 is called by the name of a man, but is in déed a verie woman, as dooth
 appéere by his voice, his harpe, and his womans attire: but I call
 vpon thee as a goddesse which gouernest the Britains, that haue
 learned not to till the field, nor to be handicrafts men, but to lead
 their liues in the warres after the best manner: who also as they haue
 all other things, so haue they likewise their wiues and children
 common, whereby the women haue the like audacitie with the men, and no
 lesse boldnesse in the warres than they.

 "Therefore sithens I haue obteined a kingdome among such a mightie
 people, I beséech thée to grant them victorie, health, and libertie,
 against these contentious, wicked, and vnsatiable men (if they maie be
 called men, which vse warme bathings, delicate fare, hot wines, swéet
 oiles, soft beds, fine musicke, and so vnkindlie lusts) who are
 altogither giuen to couetousnesse and crueltie, as their dooings doo
 declare. Let not I beséech thée, the Neronian or Domitian tyrannie
 anie more preuaile vpon me, or (to saie truth) vpon thée, but let them
 rather serue thée, whose heauie oppression thou hast borne withall a
 long season, and that thou wilt still be our helper onlie, our
 defender, our fauourer, and our furtherer, O noble ladie, I hartilie
 beséech thée."

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Queene Voadicia marcheth against the Romans, to whom she giueth a
 shamefull and bloudie ouerthrow without anie motion of mercie,
 dredfull examples of the Britains crueltie indifferentlie executed
 without exception of age or sex._

 THE TWELFE CHAPTER.


 When Voadicia had made an end of hir praier, she set forward against
 hir enimies, who at that time were destitute in déed of their
 lieutenant Paulinus Suetonius, being as then in Anglesey (as before ye
 haue heard.) Wherefore the Romans that were in Camelodunum sent for
 [Sidenote: _Corn. Tacit._]
 [Sidenote: Catus Decianus procurator.]
 aid vnto Catus Decianus the procurator, that is, the emperours agent,
 treasurer, or receiuer, for in that citie (although it were inhabited
 by Romans) there was no great garrison of able men. Wherevpon the
 procurator sent them such aid as he thought he might well spare, which
 was not past two hundred men, and those not sufficientlie furnished
 either with weapon or armour.

 The citie was not compassed with anie rampire or ditch for defense,
 such as happilie were priuie to the conspiracie, hauing put into the
 heads of the Romans that no fortification néeded: neither were the
 aged men nor women sent awaie, whereby the yoong able personages might
 without trouble of them the better attend to the defense of the citie:
 but euen as they had béene in all suertie of peace, and frée from
 suspicion of anie warre, they were suddenlie beset with the huge armie
 of the Britains, and so all went to spoile and fire that could be
 found without the inclosure of the temple, into the which the Romane
 souldiers (striken with sudden feare by this sudden comming of the
 enimies) had thronged themselues. Where being assieged by the
 Britains, within the space of two daies the place was woonne, and they
 that were found within it, slaine euerie mothers sonne.

 After this, the Britains incouraged with this victorie, went to méet
 with Petus Cerealis lieutenant of the legion, surnamed the ninth, and
 boldlie incountering with the same legion, gaue the Romans the
 ouerthrow and slue all the footmen, so that Cerealis with much adoo
 escaped with his horssemen, and got him backe to the campe, and saued
 himselfe within the trenches. Catus the procurator being put in feare
 with this ouerthrow, and perceiuing what hatred the Britains bare
 towards him, hauing with his couetousnesse thus brought the warre vpon
 the head of the Romans, got him ouer into Gallia.

 But Suetonius aduertised of these dooings, came backe out of Anglesey,
 and with maruellous constancie marched through the middest of his
 enimies to London, being as then not greatlie peopled with Romans,
 though there was a colonie of them, but full of merchants, and well
 prouided of vittels: he was in great doubt at his comming thither,
 whether he might best staie there as in a place most conuenient, or
 rather séeke some other more easie to be defended. At length
 considering the small number of his men of warre, and remembring how
 Cerealis had sped by his too much rashnesse, he thought better with
 the losing of one towne to saue the whole, than to put all in danger
 of irrecouerable losse. And therewith nothing mooued at the praier &
 teares of them which besought him of aid and succour, he departed, and
 those that would go with him he receiued into his armie, those that
 taried behind were oppressed by the enimies: and the like destruction
 happened to them of Verolanium, a towne in those daies of great fame,
 situat néere to the place where the towne of Saint Albons now
 standeth.

 The Britains leauing the castels and fortresses vnassaulted, followed
 their game in spoiling of those places which were easie to get, and
 where great plentie of riches was to be found, vsing their victorie
 with such crueltie, that they slue (as the report went) to the number
 [Sidenote: 80000, saith _Dion._]
 of 70 thousand Romans, and such as tooke their part in the said places
 by the Britains thus woon and conquered. For there was nothing with
 the Britains but slaughter, fire, gallowes, and such like, so
 earnestlie were they set on reuenge. They spared neither age nor sex:
 women of great nobilitie and woorthie fame they tooke and hanged vp
 naked, and cutting off their paps, sowed them to their mouthes, that
 they might séeme as if they sucked and fed on them, and some of their
 bodies they stretched out in length, and thrust them on sharpe stakes.
 All these things they did in great despite whilest they sacrificed in
 their temples, and made feasts, namelie in the wood consecrated to the
 honour of Andates, for so they called the goddesse of victorie whom
 they worshipped most reuerentlie.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _P. Suetonius the Romane with a fresh power assalteth the Britains,
 whose armie consisted as well of women as men: queene Voadicia
 incourageth hir souldiers, so dooth Suetonius his warriors, both
 armies haue a sharpe conflict, the Britains are discomfited and
 miserablie slaine, the queene dieth, Penius Posthumus killeth
 himselfe, the Britains are persecuted with fire, swoord, and famine,
 the grudge betweene Cassicianus and Suetonius, whome Polycletus is
 sent to reconcile, of his traine, and how the Britains repined at
 him._

 THE XIIJ. CHAPTER.


 In this meane time there came ouer to the aid of Suetonius, the legion
 surnamed the 14, and other bands of souldiers and men of warre, to the
 number of ten thousand in the whole, wherevpon (chieflie bicause
 vittels began to faile him) he prepared to giue battell to his
 enimies, and chose out a plot of ground verie strong within straits,
 and backed with a wood, so that the enimies could not assault his
 campe but on the front: yet by reason of their great multitude and
 [Sidenote: The Britains were at that time 230000 men, (as _Dion_
 writeth.)]
 hope of victorie conceiued by their late prosperous successe, the
 Britains vnder the conduct of quéene Voadicia aduentured to giue
 battell, hauing their women there to be witnesses of the victorie,
 whome they placed in charrets at the vttermost side of their field.

 [Sidenote: _Corn. Tacit. li._ 15.]
 [Sidenote: _Dion Cassius._]
 Voadicia, or Boudicia (for so we find hir written by some copies, and
 Bonuica also by Dion) hauing hir daughters afore hir, being mounted
 into a charret, as she passed by the souldiers of ech sundrie
 countrie, told them "it was a thing accustomed among the Britains to
 go to the warres vnder the leading of women; but she was not now come
 foorth as one borne of such noble ancestors as she was descended from,
 to fight for hir kingdome and riches; but as one of the meaner sort,
 rather to defend hir lost libertie, and to reuenge hir selfe of the
 enimie, for their crueltie shewed in scourging hir like a vagabond,
 and shamefull deflouring of hir daughters: for the licentious lust of
 the Romans was so farre spred and increased, that they spared neither
 the bodies of old nor yoong, but were readie most shamefullie to abuse
 them, hauing whipped hir naked being an aged woman, and forced hir
 daughters to satisfie their filthie concupiscence: but (saith she) the
 gods are at hand readie to take iust reuenge.

 "The legion that presumed to incounter with vs is slaine and beaten
 downe. The residue kéepe them close within their holds, or else séeke
 waies how to flée out of the countrie: they shall not be once able so
 much as to abide the noise and clamor of so manie thousands as we are
 héere assembled, much lesse the force of our great puissance and
 dreadfull hands. If ye therefore (said she) would wey and consider
 with your selues your huge numbers of men of warre, and the causes why
 ye haue mooued this warre, ye would surelie determine either in this
 battell to die with honour, or else to vanquish the enimie by plaine
 force, for so (quoth she) I being a woman am fullie resolued, as for
 you men ye maie (if ye list) liue and be brought into bondage."

 "Neither did Suetonius ceasse to exhort his people: for though he
 trusted in their manhood, yet as he had diuided his armie into three
 battels, so did he make vnto ech of them a seuerall oration, willing
 them not to feare the shrill and vaine menacing threats of the
 Britains, sith there was among them more women than men, they hauing
 no skill in warrelike discipline, and heereto being naked without
 furniture of armour, would foorthwith giue place when they should
 féele the sharpe points of the Romans weapons, and the force of them
 by whom they had so often béene put to flight. In manie legions (saith
 he) the number is small of them that win the battell. Their glorie
 therefore should be the more, for that they being a small number
 should win the fame due to the whole armie, if they would (thronging
 togither) bestow their weapons fréelie, and with their swoords and
 targets preasse forward vpon their enimies, continuing the slaughter
 without regard to the spoile, they might assure themselues when the
 victorie was once atchiued to haue all at their pleasures."

 Such forwardnesse in the souldiers followed vpon this exhortation of
 the couragious generall, that euerie one prepared himselfe so readilie
 to doo his dutie, and that with such a shew of skill and experience,
 that Suetonius hauing conceiued an assured hope of good lucke to
 follow, caused the trumpets to sound to the battell. The onset was
 giuen in the straits, greatlie to the aduantage of the Romans, being
 but a handfull in comparison to their enimies. The fight in the
 beginning was verie sharpe and cruell, but in the end the Britains
 being a let one to another (by reason of the narrownesse of the place)
 were not able to susteine the violent force of the Romans their
 enimies, so that they were constreind to giue backe, and so being
 disordered were put to flight, and vtterlie discomfited.

 [Sidenote: 80000 Britains slaine.]
 There were slaine of the Britains that day few lesse than 80000
 [Sidenote: [*_sic_]]
 thousand*, as Tacitus writeth. For the straits being stopped with the
 charrets, staied the flight of the Britains, so as they could not
 easilie escape: and the Romans were so set on reuenge, that they
 spared neither man nor woman, so that manie were slaine in the
 battell, manie amongst the charrets, and a great number at the woods
 side, which way they made their flight, and manie were taken
 prisoners. Those that escaped, would haue fought a new battell, but in
 the meane time Voadicia, or Bonuica deceassed of a naturall
 infirmitie, as Dion Cassius writeth, but other say that she poisoned
 hir selfe, and so died, because she would not come into the hands of
 hir bloodthirstie enimies. There died of the Romans part in this most
 notable battell 400, and about the like number were grieuouslie hurt
 and most pitifullie wounded.

 [Sidenote: Penius Posthumous sleieth himselfe.]
 Penius Posthumous maister of the campe of the second legion,
 vnderstanding the prosperous successe of the other Romane capteins,
 because he had defrauded his legion of the like glorie, and had
 refused to obeie the commandements of the generall, contrarie to the
 vse of warre, slue himselfe.

 After this all the Romane armie was brought into the field to make an
 end of the residue of the warre. And the emperour caused a supplie to
 be sent out of Germanie being 2000 legionarie souldiers, and 8 bands
 of aids, with 1000 horssemen, by whose comming the bands of the ninth
 legion were supplied with legionarie souldiers, and those bands and
 wings of horssemen were appointed to places where they might winter,
 and such people of the Britains as were either enimies, or else stood
 in doubt whether to be friends or enimies in déed, were persecuted
 with fire and sword.

 But nothing more afflicted them than famine, for whilest euerie man
 gaue himselfe to the warre, and purposed to haue liued vpon the
 prouision of the Romans and other their enimies, they applied not
 themselues to tillage, nor to anie husbanding of the ground, and long
 [Sidenote: Julius Cassickinus procurator.]
 it was yer they (being a fierce kind of people) fell to embrace peace,
 by reason that Iulius Cassicianus, who was sent into Britaine as
 successor to Catus, fell at square with Suetonius, and by his priuat
 grudge hindered the prosperous successe of publike affaires. He
 sticked not to write to Rome, that except an other were sent to
 succéed in the roome that Suetonius did beare, there would be no end
 of the warres. Herevpon one Polycletus, which sometime had béene a
 bondman, was sent into Britaine, as a commissioner to surueie the
 state of the countrie, to reconcile the legat and procurator, & also
 to pacifie all troubles within the Ile.

 The port which Polycletus bare was great, for he was furnished with no
 small traine that attended vpon him, so that his presence seemed verie
 dreadfull to the Romans. But the Britains that were not yet pacified,
 thought great scorne to see such honorable capteins and men of warre
 as the Romans were, to submit themselues to the order of such a one as
 had béene a bondslaue.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _In what state the Iland stood whiles Aruiragus reigned; the dissolute
 and loose gouernement of Petronius Turpilianus, Trebellius Maximus,
 and Victius Volanus, thrée lieutenants in Britaine for the Romane
 emperours, of Iulius Frontinus who vanquished the Silures._

 THE XIIIJ. CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: PETRONIUS TURPILIANUS LIEUTENANT.]
 In place of Suetonius, was Petronius Turpilianus (who had latelie
 béene consull) appointed to haue gouernance of the armie in Britaine,
 the which neither troubling the enimie, nor being of the enimie in
 anie wise troubled or prouoked, did colour slouthfull rest with the
 honest name of peace and quietnesse, and so sat still without
 exploiting anie notable enterprise.

 [Sidenote: TREBELLIUS MAXIMUS LIEUTENANT.]
 After Turpilianus, Trebellius Maximus was made lieutenant of Britaine,
 who likewise with courteous demeanour sought to kéepe the Britains in
 rest rather than by force to compell them. And now began the people of
 the Ile to beare with pleasant faults and flattering vices, so that
 the ciuill warres that chanced in those daies after the death of the
 emperour Nero at home, might easilie excuse the slouthfulnesse of the
 Romane lieutenants.

 Moreouer, there rose dissention amongest their men of warre, which
 being vsed to lie abroad in the field, could not agrée with the idle
 life; so that Trebellius Maximus was glad to hide himselfe from the
 sight of the souldiers being in an vprore against him, till at length
 humbling himselfe vnto them further than became his estate, he
 gouerned by waie of intreatie, or rather at their courtesie. And so
 was the commotion staied without bloudshed, the armie as it were
 hauing by couenant obtained to liue licentiouslie, and the capteine
 suertie to liue without danger to be murthered.

 [Sidenote: VICTIUS VOLANUS LIEUTENAT.]
 Neither Victius Volanus that succéeded Maximus whilest the time of the
 ciuill warres as yet endured, did trouble the Britains, vsing the same
 slacknesse and slouth that the other lieutenants had vsed before him,
 and permitted the like licence to the presumptuous souldiers: but yet
 was Volanus innocent as touching himselfe, and not hated for anie
 notable crime or vice: so that he purchased fauour, although
 authoritie wanted.

 But after that the emperour Vsepasianus had subdued his aduersaries,
 and atteined the imperiall gouernment, as well ouer Britaine as ouer
 [Sidenote: _Cor. Tacitus._]
 other parts of the world, there were sent hither right noble capteins,
 with diuers notable bands of souldiers, and Petilius Cerialis being
 appointed lieutenant, put the Britains in great feare, by inuading the
 Brigants the mightiest nation of all the whole Iland: and fighting
 manie battels, and some right bloudie with those people, he subdued a
 great part of the countrie at the last.

 [Sidenote: IULIUS FRONTINUS LIEUTENAT.]
 After him succéeded as lieutenant of Britaine, one Iulius Frontinus,
 who vanquished and brought to the Romane subiection by force of armes
 the people called Silures, striuing not onelie against the stout
 resistance of the men, but also with the hardnesse & combersome
 troubles of the places.

 ¶ Thus may you perceiue in what state this Ile stood in the time that
 Aruiragus reigned in the same, as is supposed by the best histories of
 the old Britains: so that it may be thought that he gouerned rather a
 part of this land, than the whole, and bare the name of a king, the
 Romans not hauing so reduced the countrie into the forme of a
 prouince, but that the Britains bare rule in diuerse parts thereof,
 and that by the permission of the Romans, which neuerthelesse had
 their lieutenants and procuratours here, that bare the greatest rule
 vnder the aforesaid emperours.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The state of this Iland under Marius the sonne of Aruiragus, the
 comming in of the Picts with Roderike their king, his death in the
 field, the Picts and Scots enter into mutuall aliance, the monument
 of Marius, his victorie ouer the Picts, his death and interrement._

 THE XV. CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: MARIUS.]
 [Sidenote: _Hector Boetius_ saith that his Marius was a Romane. 73.]
 After the decease of Aruiragus, his sonne Marius succeeded him in the
 estate, and began his reigne in the yeare of our Lord 73. In the old
 English chronicle he is fondlie called Westmer, & was a verie wise
 man, gouerning the Britains in great prosperitie, honour and wealth.

 In the time of this mans reigne, the people called Picts inuaded this
 land, who are iudged to be descended of the nation of the Scithians,
 [Sidenote: Of these you maie reade more in pag. 9.
 (441-2 = Book 2, Ch. 3.)]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 neare kinsmen to the Goths, both by countrie and maners, a cruell kind
 of men and much giuen to the warres. This people with their ringleader
 Roderike, or (as some name him) Londorike, entering the Ocean sea
 after the maner of rouers, arriued on the coasts of Ireland, where
 they required of the Scots new seats to inhabit in: for the Scots
 which (as some thinke) were also descended of the Scithians, did as
 then inhabit in Ireland: but doubting that it should not be for their
 profit to receiue so warlike a nation into that Ile, feining as it
 were a friendship, and excusing the matter by the narrownesse of the
 countrie, declared to the Picts, that the Ile of Britaine was not
 farre from thence, being a large countrie and a plentifull, and not
 greatly inhabited: wherefore they counselled them to go thither,
 promising vnto them all the aid that might be.

 The Picts more desirous of spoile than of rule or gouernment without
 delaie returned to the sea, and sailed towards Britaine, where being
 arriued, they first inuaded the north parts thereof, and finding there
 but few inhabiters, they began to wast and forrey the countrie:
 whereof when king Marius was aduertised, with all speed he assembled
 his people, and made towards his enimies, and giuing them battell,
 [Sidenote: Roderike king of Picts slaine.]
 obtained the victorie, so that Roderike was there slaine in the field,
 and his people vanquished.

 Vnto those that escaped with life, Marius granted licence that they
 might inhabit in the north part of Scotland called Catnesse, being as
 then a countrie in maner desolate without habitation: wherevpon they
 withdrew thither, and setled themselues in those parties. And bicause
 the Britains disdained to grant vnto them their daughters in mariage,
 they sent vnto the Scots into Ireland, requiring to haue wiues of
 their nation. The Scots agréed to their request, with this condition,
 that where there wanted lawfull issue of the kings linage to succéed
 in the kingdome of the Picts, then should they name one of the womans
 side to be their king: which ordinance was receiued and obserued euer
 after amongst the Picts, so long as their kingdome endured.

 Thus the Picts next after the Romans were the first of anie strangers
 that came into this land to inhabit as most writers affirme, although
 the Scotish chronicles auouch the Picts to be inhabiters here before
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 the incarnation of our sauiour. But the victorie which Marius obteined
 against their king Roderike, chanced in the yéere after the
 incarnation 87. In remembrance of which victorie, Marius caused a
 stone to be erected in the same place where the battell was fought, in
 which stone was grauen these words, _Marij victoria._ The English
 chronicle saith that this stone was set vp on Stanesmoore, and that
 the whole countrie thereabout taking name of this Marius, was
 Westmaria, now called Westmerland.

 King Marius hauing thus subdued his enimies, and escaped the danger of
 their dreadfull inuasion, gaue his mind to the good gouernement of his
 people, and the aduancement of the common wealth of the realme,
 continuing the residue of his life in great tranquillitie, and
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 [Sidenote: Thus find we in the British and English histories touching
 this Marius.]
 finallie departed this life, after he had reigned (as most writers
 say) 52, or 53 yéeres. Howbeit there be that write, that he died in
 the yéere of our Lord 78, and so reigned not past fiue or six yéeres
 at the most. He was buried at Caerleill, leauing a sonne behind him
 called Coill.

 Humfrey Lhoyd séemeth to take this man and his father Aruiragus to be
 all one person, whether mooued thereto by some catalog of kings which
 he saw, or otherwise, I cannot affirme: but speaking of the time when
 the Picts and Scots should first come to settle themselues in this
 land, he hath these words; Neither was there anie writers of name,
 that made mention either of Scots or Picts before Vespasianus time,
 about the yeere of the incarnation 72: at what time Meurig or Maw, or
 Aruiragus reigned in Britaine, in which time our annales doo report,
 that a certeine kind of people liuing by pirasie and rouing on the
 sea, came foorth of Sueden, or Norwaie, vnder the guiding of one
 Rhithercus, who landed in Albania, wasting all the countrie with
 robbing and spoiling so farre as Caerleill, where he was vanquished in
 battell, and slaine by Muragus, with a great part of his people; the
 residue that escaped by flight, fled to their ships, and so conueied
 themselues into the Iles of Orkney and Scotland, where they abode
 quietlie a great while after.

 Thus farre haue I thought good to shew of the foresaid Lhoyds booke,
 for that it seemeth to carie a great likelihood of truth with it, for
 the historie of the Picts, which vndoubtedlie I thinke were not as yet
 inhabiting in Britaine, but rather first placing themselues in the
 Iles of Orkney, made inuasion into the maine Ile of Britaine
 afterwards, as occasion was offred. In the British toong they are
 called Pightiaid, that is Pightians, and so likewise were they called
 in the Scotish, and in their owne toong. Now will we shew what chanced
 in this Ile, during the time of the foresaid Marius his supposed
 reigne, as is found in the Romane histories.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Iulius Agricola is deputed by Vespasian to gouerne Britaine, he
 inuadeth the Ile of Anglesey, the inhabitants yeeld vp them selues,
 the commendable gouernement of Agricola, his worthie practises to
 traine the Britains to ciuilitie, his exploits fortunatelie atchiued
 against diuerse people, as the Irish, &c._

 THE 16. CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: Iulius Agricola lieutenant.]
 [Sidenote: _Cor. Tacit. in uit. Agr._]
 [Sidenote: The first yéere of Agricola his gouernment.]
 After Iulius Frontinus, the emperor Vespasian sent Iulius Agricola to
 succéed in the gouernement of Britaine, who comming ouer about the
 midst of summer, found the men of warre thorough want of a lieutenant
 negligent inough, so those that looking for no trouble, thought
 themselues out of all danger, where the enimies neuerthelesse watched
 vpon the next occasion to worke some displeasure, and were readie on
 ech hand to mooue rebellion. For the people called Ordouices, that
 inhabited in the countrie of Chesshire, Lancashire and part of
 Shropshire, had latelie before ouerthrowne, and in maner vtterlie
 destroied a wing of such horssemen as soiourned in their parties, by
 reason whereof all the prouince was brought almost into an assured
 hope to recouer libertie.

 Agricola vpon his comming ouer, though summer was now halfe past, and
 that the souldiers lodging here & there abroad in the countrie, were
 more disposed to take rest, than to set forward into the field against
 the enimies, determined yet to resist the present danger: and
 therewith assembling the men of warre of the Romans, and such other
 aids as he might make, he inuaded their countrie that had done this
 foresaid displeasure, and slue the most part of all the inhabitants
 thereof. Not thus contented (for that he thought good to follow the
 steps of fauourable fortune, and knowing that as the begining proued,
 so would the whole sequele of his affaires by likelihood come to
 [Sidenote: The Ile of Anglesey.]
 passe) he purposed to make a full conquest of the Ile of Anglesey,
 from the conquest wherof the Romane lieutenant Paulinus was called
 backe by the rebellion of other of the Britains, as before ye haue
 heard.

 But whereas he wanted ships for the furnishing of his enterprise, his
 wit and policie found a shift to supplie that defect: for choosing out
 a piked number of such Britains as he had there with him in aid, which
 knew the foords and shallow places of the streames there, and withall
 were verie skilfull in swimming (as the maner of the countrie then
 was) he appointed them to passe ouer on the sudden into the Ile,
 onelie with their horsses, armor, and weapon: which enterprise they so
 spéedilie, and with so good successe atchiued, that the inhabitants
 much amazed with that dooing (which looked for a nauie of ships to
 haue transported ouer their enimies by sea, and therefore watched on
 the coast) began to thinke that nothing was able to be defended
 against such kind of warriors that got ouer into the Ile after such
 sort and maner.

 [Sidenote: Anglesey yéelded to Agricola.]
 And therefore making sute for peace, they deliuered the Ile into the
 hands of Agricola, whose fame by these victories dailie much
 increased, as of one that tooke pleasure in trauell, and attempting to
 atchiue dangerous enterprises, in stead whereof his predecessors had
 delighted, to shew the maiesties of their office by vaine brags,
 statelie ports, and ambitious pomps. For Agricola turned not the
 prosperous successe of his procéedings into vanitie, but rather with
 neglecting his fame, increased it to the vttermost, among them that
 iudged what hope was to be looked for of things by him to be atchiued,
 which with silence kept secret these his so woorthie dooings.

 Moreouer, perceiuing the nature of the people in this Ile of Britaine,
 and sufficientlie taught by other mens example, that armor should
 little auaile where iniuries followed to the disquieting of the
 people, he thought best to take away and remooue all occasions of
 [Sidenote: Agricola his good gouernment.]
 warre. And first beginning with himselfe and his souldiers, tooke
 order for a reformation to be had in his owne houshold, yéelding
 nothing to fauor, but altogither in respect of vertue, accounting them
 most faithfull which therein most excelled. He sought to know all
 things, but not to doo otherwise than reason mooued, pardoning small
 faults, and sharpelie punishing great and heinous offenses, neither
 yet deliting alwaies in punishment, but oftentimes in repentance of
 the offendor. Exactions and tributes he lessened, qualifieng the same
 by reasonable equitie. And thus in reforming the state of things, he
 wan him great praise in time of peace, the which either by negligence
 or sufferance of the former lieutenants, was euer feared, and
 accounted woorse than open warre. This was his practise in the winter
 time of his first yéere.

 [Sidenote: His diligence.]
 But when summer was come, he assembled his armie, and leading foorth
 the same, trained his souldiers in all honest warlike discipline,
 commending the good, and reforming the bad and vnrulie. He himselfe to
 giue example, tooke vpon him all dangers that came to hand, and
 suffered not the enimies to liue in rest, but wasted their countries
 with sudden inuasions. And when he had sufficientlie chastised them,
 and put them in feare by such manner of dealing, he spared them, that
 they might againe conceiue some hope of peace. By which meanes manie
 countries which vnto those daies had kept themselues out of bondage,
 laid rancor aside, and deliuered pledges, and further were contented
 to suffer castels to be builded within them, and to be kept with
 garrisons, so that no part of Britaine was frée from the Romane power,
 but stood still in danger to be brought vnder more and more.

 [Sidenote: The second yéere of Agricola his gouernment.]
 [Sidenote: The woorthie practises of Agricola to traine the Britains
 to ciuilitie.]
 In the winter following, Agricola tooke paines to reduce the Britains
 from their rude manners and customs, vnto a more ciuill sort and trade
 of liuing, that changing their naturall fiercenesse and apt
 disposition to warre, they might through tasting pleasures be so
 inured therewith, that they should desire to liue in rest and
 quietnesse: and therefore he exhorted them priuilie, and holpe them
 publikelie to build temples, common halls where plées of law might be
 kept, and other houses, commending them that were diligent in such
 dooings, and blaming them that were negligent, so that of necessitie
 they were driuen to striue who should preuent ech other in ciuilitie.
 He also procured that noble mens sonnes should learne the liberall
 sciences, and praised the nature of the Britains more than the people
 of Gallia, bicause they studied to atteine to the knowledge of the
 Romane eloquence. By which meanes the Britains in short time were
 brought to the vse of good and commendable manners, and sorted
 themselues to go in comelie apparell after the Romane fashion, and by
 little and little fell to accustome themselues to fine fare and
 delicate pleasures, the readie prouokers of vices, as to walke in
 galleries, to wash themselues in bathes, to vse banketting, and such
 like, which amongst the vnskilfull was called humanitie or courtesie,
 but in verie deed it might be accounted a part of thraldome and
 seruitude, namelie being too excessiuelie vsed.

 [Sidenote: The third yéere.]
 In the third yéere of Agricola his gouernment in Britaine, he inuaded
 the north parts thereof (vnknowne till those daies of the Romans)
 being the same where the Scots now inhabit: for he wasted the countrie
 [Sidenote: The water of Tay.]
 vnto the water of Tay, in such wise putting the inhabitants in feare,
 that they durst not once set vpon his armie, though it were so that
 the same was verie sore disquieted and vexed by tempest and rage of
 weather. Wherevpon finding no great let or hinderance by the enimies,
 he builded certeine castels and fortresses, which he placed in such
 conuenient stéeds, that they greatlie annoied his aduersaries, and
 were so able to be defended, that there was none of those castels
 which he builded, either woon by force out of the Romans hands, or
 giuen ouer by composition, for feare to be taken: so that the same
 beeing furnished with competent numbers of men of warre, were safelie
 kept from the enimies, the which were dailie vexed by the often issues
 made foorth by the souldiers that laie thus in garrison within them:
 so that where in times past the said enimies would recouer their
 losses susteined in summer by the winters aduantage, now they were put
 to the woorse, and kept backe as well in the winter as in the summer.

 [Sidenote: The fourth yéere of Agricola his gouernment.]
 [Sidenote: Clota Bodotria.]
 In the fourth summer, after that Agricola was appointed vnto the rule
 of this land, he went about to bring vnder subiection those people,
 the which before time he had by incursions and forreies sore vexed and
 disquieted: and therevpon comming to the waters of Clide and
 Loughleuen, he built certeine fortresses to defend the passages and
 entries there, driuing the enimies beyond the same waters, as it had
 béene into a new Iland.

 [Sidenote: The fift yéere.]
 In the fift summer, Agricola causing his ships to be brought about,
 and appointing them to arriue on the north coasts of Scotland, he
 passed with his armie ouer the riuer of Clide; and subdued such people
 as inhabited those further parts of Scotland, which till those daies
 had not beene discouered by the Romans. And bicause he thought it
 should serue well to purpose, for some conquest to be made of Ireland,
 if that part of Scotland which bordereth on the Irish seas might be
 kept in due obedience, he placed garrisons of souldiers in those
 parties, in hope verelie vpon occasion to passe ouer into Ireland, and
 for the more easie aduancement of his purpose therein, he interteined
 [Sidenote: An Irish king expelled out of his countrie.]
 with honourable prouision one of the kings of Ireland, which by ciuill
 discord was expelled and driuen out of his countrie. In déed Agricola
 perceiued, that with one legion of souldiers, and a small aid of other
 men of warre it should be an easie matter to conquer Ireland, and to
 bring it vnder the dominion of the Romans: which enterprise he iudged
 verie necessarie to be exploited, for better kéeping of the Britains
 in obedience, if they should sée the iurisdiction of the Romans euerie
 where extended, and the libertie of their neighbours suppressed.

 [Sidenote: The sixt yéere of Agricola his government.]
 In the sixt summer of Agricola his gouernment, he proceeded in
 subduing the furthermost parts of Scotland northwards, causing his
 nauie to kéepe course against him by the coast as he marched foorth by
 land, so that the Britains perceiuing how the secret hauens and
 créekes of their countries were now discouered, and that all hope of
 refuge was in maner cut off from them, were in maruellous feare. On
 the other part the Romans were sore troubled with the rough mounteins
 and craggie rocks, by the which they were constreined to passe beside
 the dangerous riuers, lakes, woods, streicts, and other combersome
 waies and passages.

 The danger also of them that were in the ships by sea was not small,
 by reason of winds and tempests, and high spring tides, which tossed
 and turmoiled their vessels verie cruellie: but by the painfull
 diligence of them that had béene brought vp and inured with continuall
 trauell and hardnesse, all those discommodities were ouercome to their
 great reioising, when they met and fell in talke of their passed
 perils. For oftentimes the armie by land incamped so by the shore,
 that those which kept the sea came on land to make merrie in the
 campe, and then ech one would recount to others the aduentures that
 had happened, as the manner is in semblable cases.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The Britains of Calenderwood assalt the Romans upon aduantage,
 bloudie battels fought betwixt them, great numbers slaine on both
 sides, the villanous dealing of certeine Dutch souldiers against their
 capteins and fellowes in armes, the miserie that they were driven vnto
 by famine to eate one another, a sharpe conflict betweene the Romans
 and Britains, with the losse of manie a mans life, and effusion of
 much bloud._

 THE XVIJ. CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: Calenderwood.]
 The Britains that inhabited in those daies about the parts of
 Calenderwood, perceiuing in what danger they were to be vtterlie
 subdued, assembled themselues togither, in purpose to trie the fortune
 of battell: whereof Agricola being aduertised, marched foorth with his
 armie diuided in three battels, so that the enimies doubting to trie
 the matter in open field, espied their time in the night, and with all
 their whole puissance set vpon one of the Romane legions, which they
 knew to be most féeble and weake, trusting by a camisado to distresse
 the same: and first sleaing the watch, they entred the campe, where
 the said legion laie, and finding the souldiers in great disorder,
 betwixt sléepe and feare, began the fight euen within the campe.

 Agricola had knowledge of their purposed intent, and therefore with
 all speed hasted foorth to come to the succours of his people, sending
 first his light horssemen, and certeine light armed footmen to assaile
 the enimies on their backs, and shortlie after approched with his
 whole puissance, so that the Romane standards beginning to appéere in
 sight by the light of the daie that then began to spring, the Britains
 were sore discouraged, and the Romans renewing their force, fiercelie
 preassed vpon them, so that euen in the entrie of the campe, there was
 a sore conflict, till at length the Britains were put to flight and
 chased, so that if the mareshes and woods had not saued them from the
 pursute of the Romans, there had beene an end made of the whole warre
 euen by that one daies worke. But the Britains escaping as well as
 they might, and reputing the victorie to haue chanced not by the
 valiancie of the Romane soldiers, but by occasion, and the prudent
 policie of their capteine, were nothing abashed with that their
 present losse, but prepared to put their youth againe into armour: and
 therevpon they remooued their wiues and children into safe places, and
 then assembling the chiefest gouernours togither, concluded a league
 amongst themselues, ech to aid other, confirming their articles with
 dooing of sacrifice (as the manner in those daies was.)

 [Sidenote: The seuenth yéere.]
 The same summer, a band of such Dutch or Germaine souldiers as had
 béene leuied in Germanie & sent ouer into Britaine to the aid of the
 Romans, attempted a great and woonderfull act, in sleaing their
 capteine, and such other of the Romane souldiers which were appointed
 to haue the training and leading of them, as officers and instructors
 to them in the feats of warre: and when they had committed that
 murther, they got into thrée pinesses, and became rouers on the coasts
 of Britaine, and incountring with diuerse of the Britains that were
 readie to defend their countrie from spoile, oftentimes they got the
 vpper hand of them, and now and then they were chased awaie, insomuch
 that in the end they were brought to such extremitie for want of
 vittels, that they did eate such amongst them as were the weakest, and
 after, such as the lot touched, being indifferentlie cast amongst
 them: and so being caried about the coasts of Britaine, & losing their
 vessels through want of skill to gouerne them, they were reputed for
 robbers, and therevpon were apprehended, first by the Suabeners, and
 shortlie after by the Frizers, the which sold diuerse of them to the
 Romans and other, whereby the true vnderstanding of their aduentures
 came certeinlie to light.

 [Sidenote: The eight yéere of Agricola his gouernment.]
 In summer next following, Agricola with his armie came to the
 mounteine of Granziben, where he vnderstood that his enimies were
 incamped, to the number of 30 thousand and aboue, and dailie there
 came to them more companie of the British youth, and such aged persons
 also as were lustie and in strength, able to weld weapon and beare
 [Sidenote: Galgagus whome the Scots name Gald and will néeds haue him
 a Scotish man.]
 armour. Amongst the capteins the chiefest was one Galgagus whom the
 Scotish chronicles name Gald. This man as chiefteine and head capteine
 of all the Britains there assembled, made to them a pithie oration, to
 incourage them to fight manfullie, and likewise did Agricola to his
 people: which being ended, the armies on both sides were put in order
 of battell. Agricola placed 8 thousand footmen of strangers which he
 had there in aid with him in the midst, appointing thrée thousand
 horssemen to stand on the sides of them as wings. The Romane legions
 stood at their backs in stéed of a bulworke. The Britains were
 imbattelled in such order, that their fore ward stood in the plaine
 ground, and the other on the side of an hill, as though they had risen
 [Sidenote: _Corn. Tacit._]
 on heigth one ranke aboue another. The midst of the field was couered
 with their charrets and horssemen. Agricola doubting by the huge
 multitude of enimies, least his people should be assailed not onlie
 afront, but also vpon euerie side the battels, he caused the ranks so
 to place themselues, as their battels might stretch farre further in
 bredth than otherwise the order of warre required: but he tooke this
 to be a good remedie against such inconuenience as might haue
 followed, if the enimie by the narrownesse of the fronts of his
 battels should haue hemmed them in on ech side.

 This done, and hauing conceiued good hope of victorie, he alighted on
 foot, and putting his horsse from him, he stood before the standards
 as one not caring for anie danger that might happen. At the first they
 bestowed their shot and darts fréelie on both sides. The Britains
 aswell with constant manhood, as skilfull practise, with broad swords
 and little round bucklers auoided and beat from them the arrowes and
 darts that came from their enimies, and therewithall paid them home
 againe with their shot and darts, so that the Romans were néere hand
 oppressed therewith, bicause they came so thicke in their faces, till
 [Sidenote: Betaui.]
 [Sidenote: Congri.]
 at length Agricola caused thrée cohorts of Hollanders, & two of
 Lukeners to presse forward, & ioine with them at hand-strokes, so as
 the matter might come to be tried with the edge of the swoord, which
 thing as to them (being inured with that kind of fight) it stood
 greatlie with their aduantage, so to the Britains it was verie
 dangerous, that were to defend themselues with their mightie huge
 swoords and small bucklers. Also by reason their swoords were broad at
 the ends, and pointlesse, they auailed little to hurt the armed
 enimie. Wherevpon when the Hollanders came to ioine with them, they
 made fowle worke in sleaing and wounding them in most horrible wise.

 The horssemen also that made resistance they pulled from their
 horsses, and began to clime the hill vpon the Britains. The other
 bands desirous to match their fellowes in helping to atchiue the
 [Sidenote: Hollanders.]
 victorie, followed the Hollanders, and beat downe the Britains where
 they might approch to them: manie were ouerrun and left halfe dead,
 and some not once touched with anie weapon, were likewise ouerpressed,
 such hast the Romans made to follow vpon the Britains. Whilest the
 British horssemen fled, their charets ioined themselues with their
 footmen, and restoring the battell, put the Romans in such feare, that
 they were at a sudden stay: but the charets being troubled with prease
 of enimies, & vnéeuennesse of the ground, they could not worke their
 feat to anie purpose, neither had that fight anie resemblance of a
 battell of horssemen, when ech one so encumbred other, that they had
 no roome to stirre themselues. The charets oftentimes wanting their
 guiders were caried awaie with the horsses, that being put in feare
 with the noise and stur, ran hither and thither, bearing downe one
 another, and whomsoeuer else they met withall.

 Now the Britains that kept the top of the hils, and had not yet fought
 at all, despising the small number of the Romans, began to come
 downewards and to cast about, that they might set vpon the backs of
 their enimies, in hope so to make an end of the battell, and to win
 the victorie: but Agricola doubting no lesse, but that some such thing
 would come to passe, had aforehand foreséene the danger, and hauing
 reserued foure wings of horssemen for such sudden chances, sent them
 foorth against those Britains, the which horssemen with full randon
 charging vpon them as they rashlie came forwards, quicklie disordered
 them and put them all to flight, and so that purposed deuise and
 policie of the Britains turned to their owne hinderance. For their
 horssemen by their capteins appointment trauersing ouerthwart by the
 fronts of them that fought, set vpon that battell of the Britains
 which they found before them. Then in those open and plaine places a
 greeuous & heauie sight it was to behold, how they pursued, wounded,
 and tooke their enimies: and as they were aduised of other to slea
 those that they had before taken, to the end they might ouertake the
 other, there was nothing but fléeing, taking, and chasing, slaughter,
 spilling of bloud, scattering of weapons, grunting and groning of men
 and horsses that lay on the ground, gasping for breath, & readie to
 die.

 The Britains now and then as they saw their aduantage, namelie when
 they approched néere to the woods, gathered themselues togither, and
 set vpon the Romans as they followed vnaduisedlie, and further
 (through ignorance of the places) than stood with their suertie,
 insomuch that if Agricola had not prouided remedie, and sent foorth
 mightie bands of light armed men both on foot and horssebacke to close
 in the enimies, and also to beat the wood, some greater losse would
 haue followed through too much boldnes of them that too rashlie
 pursued vpon the Britains: who when they beheld the Romans thus to
 follow them in whole troops and good order of battell, they slipt
 awaie and tooke them to flight, ech one seeking to saue himselfe, and
 kept not togither in plumps as before they had doone. The night made
 an end of the chase which the Romans had followed till they were
 [Sidenote: Ten thousand Britains slaine.]
 [Sidenote: Aulus Atticus slaine.]
 throughlie wearied. There were slaine of the Britains that day 10000,
 and of the Romans 340, among whom Aulus Atticus a capteine of one of
 the cohorts or bands of footmen was one, who being mounted on
 horssebacke (through his owne too much youthfull courage, and fierce
 vnrulines of his horsse) was caried into the middle throng of his
 enimies, and there slaine.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The lamentable distresse and pitifull perplexitie of the Britains
 after their ouerthrow, Domitian enuieth Agricola the glorie of his
 victories, he is subtilie depriued of his deputiship, and Cneus
 Trebellius surrogated in his roome._

 THE XVIIJ. CHAPTER.


 The night insuing the foresaid ouerthrow of the Britains was spent of
 the Romans in great ioy & gladnes for the victorie atchiued. But among
 [Sidenote: Britains, not Scots, neither yet Picts.]
 the Britains there was nothing else heard but mourning and
 lamentation, both of men and women that were mingled togither, some
 busie to beare away the wounded, to bind and dresse their hurts; other
 calling for their sonnes, kinsfolkes and friends that were wanting.
 Manie of them forsooke their houses, and in their desperate mood set
 them on fire, and choosing foorth places for their better refuge and
 safegard, foorthwith misliking of the same, left them and sought
 others: herewith diuerse of them tooke counsell togither what they
 were best to doo, one while they were in hope, an other while they
 fainted, as people cast into vtter despaire: the beholding of their
 wiues and children oftentimes mooued them to attempt some new
 enterprise for the preseruation of their countrie and liberties. And
 certeine it is that some of them slue their wiues and children, as
 mooued thereto with a certeine fond regard of pitie to rid them out of
 further miserie and danger of thraldome.

 The next day the certeintie of the victorie more plainlie was
 disclosed, for all was quiet about, and no noise heard anie where: the
 houses appeared burning on ech side, and such as were sent foorth to
 discouer the countrie into euerie part thereof, saw not a creature
 stirring, for all the people were auoided and withdrawne a farre off.

 When Agricola had thus ouerthrowne his enimies in a pitcht field at
 the mountaine of Granziben, and that the countrie was quite rid of all
 appearance of enimies: bicause the summer of this eight yéere of his
 gouernement was now almost spent, he brought his armie into the
 [Sidenote: _Hector Boet._]
 confines of the Horrestians, which inhabited the countries now called
 [Sidenote: _Cor. Tacitus._]
 Angus & Merne, and there intended to winter, and tooke hostages of the
 people for assurance of their loialtie and subiection. This doone, he
 appointed the admirall of the nauie to saile about the Ile, which
 accordinglie to his commission in that point receiued, luckilie
 accomplished his enterprise, and brought the nauie about againe into
 [Sidenote: An hauen called Trutulensis, peraduenture Rutupensis.]
 an hauen called Trutulensis.

 In this meane time, whiles Iulius Agricola was thus occupied in
 Britaine, both the emperour Vespasianus, and also his brother Titus
 that succéeded him, departed this life, and Domitianus was elected
 emperor, who hearing of such prosperous successe as Agricola had
 against the Britains, did not so much reioise for the thing well
 doone, as he enuied to consider what glorie and renowme should redound
 to Agricola thereby, which he perceiued should much darken the glasse
 of his fame, hauing a priuate person vnder him, who in woorthinesse of
 noble exploits atchiued, farre excelled his dooings.

 To find remedie therefore herein, he thought not good to vtter his
 malice as yet, whilest Agricola remained in Britaine with an armie,
 which so much fauoured him, and that with so good cause, sith by his
 policie and noble conduct the same had obteined so manie victories, so
 much honor, and such plentie of spoiles and booties. Wherevpon to
 dissemble his intent, he appointed to reuoke him foorth of Britaine,
 as it were to honor him, not onelie with deserued triumphs, but also
 with the lieutenantship of Syria, which as then was void by the death
 of Aulius Rufus. Thus Agricola being countermanded home to Rome,
 [Sidenote: Cneus Trebellius alias Salustius Lucullus as some thinke.]
 deliuered his prouince vnto his successor Cneus Trebellius, appointed
 thereto by the emperour Domitianus, in good quiet and safegard.

 ¶ Thus may you sée in what state Britaine stood in the daies of king
 Marius, of whome Tacitus maketh no mention at all. Some haue written,
 that the citie of Chester was builded by this Marius, though other (as
 before I haue said) thinke rather that it was the worke of Ostorius
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 Scapula their legat. Touching other the dooings of Agricola, in the
 Scotish chronicle you maie find more at large set foorth: for that
 which I haue written héere, is but to shew what in effect Cornelius
 Tacitus writeth of that which Agricola did here in Britaine, without
 making mention either of Scots or Picts, onelie naming them Britains,
 Horrestians, and Calidoneans, who inhabited in those daies a part of
 this Ile which now we call Scotland, the originall of which countrie,
 and the inhabitants of the same, is greatlie controuersed among
 writers; diuerse diuerslie descanting therevpon, some fetching their
 reason from the etymon of the word which is Gréeke, some from the
 opening of their ancestors as they find the same remaining in records;
 other some from comparing antiquities togither, and aptlie collecting
 the truth as néere as they can. But to omit them, and returne to the
 continuation of our owne historie.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Of Coillus the sonne of Marius, his education in Rome, how long he
 reigned: of Lucius his sonne and successor, what time he assumed the
 gouernment of this land, he was an open professor of christian
 religion, he and his familie are baptised, Britaine receiueth the
 faith, 3 archbishops and 28 bishops at that time in this Iland,
 Westminster church and S. Peters in Cornehill builded, diuers opinions
 touching the time of Lucius his reigne, of his death, and when the
 christian faith was receiued in this Iland._

 THE 19. CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: COILLUS.]
 [Sidenote: 125.]
 COILLUS the sonne of Marius was after his fathers deceasse made king
 of Britaine, in the yeare of our Lord 125. This Coillus or Coill was
 brought vp in his youth amongst the Romans at Rome, where he spent his
 time not vnprofitablie, but applied himselfe to learning & seruice in
 the warres, by reason whereof he was much honored of the Romans, and
 he likewise honored and loued them, so that he paied his tribute
 truelie all the time of his reigne, and therefore liued in peace and
 good quiet. He was also a prince of much bountie, and verie liberall,
 whereby he obteined great loue both of his nobles and commons. Some
 [Sidenote: Colchester built.]
 saie, that he made the towne of Colchester in Essex, but others write,
 that Coill which reigned next after Asclepiodotus was the first
 founder of that towne, but by other it should séeme to be built long
 before, being called Camelodunum. Finallie when this Coill had reigned
 the space of 54 yeares, he departed this life at Yorke, leauing after
 him a sonne named Lucius, which succéeded in the kingdome.

 [Sidenote: LUCIUS.]
 LUCIUS the sonne of Coillus, whose surname (as saith William Harison)
 is not extant, began his reigne ouer the Britains about the yeare of
 our Lord 180, as Fabian following the authoritie of Peter Pictauiensis
 saith, although other writers seeme to disagrée in that account, as by
 the same Fabian in the table before his booke partlie appeareth,
 wherevnto Matthæus Westmonasteriensis affirmeth, that this Lucius was
 borne in the yeare of our Lord 115, and was crowned king in the yeare
 124, as successor to his father Coillus, which died the same yeare,
 being of great age yer the said Lucius was borne. It is noted by
 antiquaries, that his entrance was in the 4132 of the world, 916 after
 the building of Rome, 220 after the comming of Cesar into Britaine,
 [Sidenote: 165.]
 and 165 after Christ, whose accounts I follow in this treatise.

 This Lucius is highlie renowmed of the writers, for that he was the
 first king of the Britains that receiued the faith of Iesus Christ:
 for being inspired by the spirit of grace and truth, euen from the
 beginning of his reigne, he somewhat leaned to the fauoring of
 Christian religion, being moued with the manifest miracles which the
 Christians dailie wrought in witnesse and proofe of their sound and
 perfect doctrine. For euen from the daies of Ioseph of Arimathia and
 his fellowes, or what other godlie men first taught the Britains the
 gospell of our Sauiour there remained amongest the same Britains some
 christians which ceased not to teach and preach the word of God most
 sincerelie vnto them: but yet no king amongst them openlie professed
 that religion, till at length this Lucius perceiuing not onelie some
 of the Romane lieutenants in Britaine as Trebellius and Pertinax, with
 others, to haue submitted themselues to that profession, but also the
 emperour himselfe to begin to be fauorable to them that professed it,
 he tooke occasion by their good example to giue eare more attentiuelie
 vnto the gospell, and at length sent vnto Eleutherius bishop of Rome
 two learned men of the British nation, Eluane and Meduine, requiring
 him to send some such ministers as might instruct him and his people
 in the true faith more plentifullie, and to baptise them according to
 the rules of christian religion.

 [Sidenote: Fol. 119.]
 ¶ The reuerend father Iohn Iewell, sometime bishop of Salisburie,
 writeth in his * replie vnto Hardings answer, that the said
 Eleutherius, for generall order to be taken in the realme and churches
 héere, wrote his aduice to Lucius in maner and forme following. "You
 haue receiued in the kingdome of Britaine, by Gods mercie, both the
 law and faith of Christ; ye haue both the new and the old testament,
 out of the same through Gods grace, by the aduise of your realme make
 a law, and by the same through Gods sufferance rule you your kingdome
 of Britaine, for in that kingdome you are Gods vicar."

 Herevpon were sent from the said Eleutherius two godlie learned men,
 the one named Fugatius, and the other Damianus, the which baptised the
 king with all his familie and people, and therewith remoued the
 [Sidenote: Britaine receiueth the faith.]
 worshipping of idols and false gods, and taught the right meane and
 waie how to worship the true and immortall God. There were in those
 daies within the bounds of Britaine 28 Flamines, & thrée Archflamines,
 which were as bishops and archbishops, or superintendents of the pagan
 or heathen religion, in whose place (they being remoued) were
 instituted 28 bishops & thrée archbishops of the christian religion.
 One of the which archbishops held his sée at London, another at Yorke,
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 and the third at Caerleon Arwiske in Glamorganshire. Vnto the
 archbishop of London was subiect Cornewall, and all the middle part of
 England, euen vnto Humber. To the archbishop of Yorke all the north
 parts of Britaine from the riuer of Humber vnto the furthest partes of
 Scotland. And to the archbishop of Caerleon was subiect all Wales,
 within which countrie as then were seuen bishops, where now there are
 but foure. The riuer of Seuern in those daies diuided Wales (then
 called Cambria) from the other parts of Britaine. Thus Britaine
 [Sidenote: Iosephus of Arimathia.]
 partlie by the meanes of Ioseph of Arimathia (of whome ye haue heard
 before) & partlie by the wholesome instructions & doctrines of
 Fugatius and Damianus, was the first of all other regions that openlie
 receiued the gospell, and continued most stedfast in that profession,
 till the cruell furie of Dioclesian persecuted the same, in such sort,
 that as well in Britaine as in all other places of the world, the
 christian religion was in manner extinguished, and vtterlie destroied.

 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 [Sidenote: Westminster Church built.]
 There be that affirme, how this Lucius should build the church of
 saint Peter at Westminster, though manie attribute that act vnto
 Sibert king of the east Saxons, and write how the place was then
 ouergrowne with thornes and bushes, and thereof tooke the name, and
 was called Thorney. They ad moreouer that Thomas archbishop of London
 preached, read, and ministred the sacraments there to such as made
 resort vnto him. Howbeit by the tables hanging in the reuestrie of
 saint Paules at London, and also a table sometime hanging in saint
 Peters church in Cornehill, it should séeme that the said church of
 saint Peter in Cornehill was the same that Lucius builded. But herein
 (saith Harison _anno mundi_ 4174) dooth lie a scruple. Sure Cornell
 might soone be mistaken for Thorney, speciallie in such old records,
 as time, age, & euill handling haue oftentimes defaced.

 But howsoeuer the case standeth, truth it is, that Lucius reioising
 much, in that he had brought his people to the perfect light and
 vnderstanding of the true God, that they néeded not to be deceiued
 anie longer with the craftie temptations and feigned miracles of
 wicked spirits, he abolished all prophane worshippings of false gods,
 and conuerted all such temples as had béene dedicated to their
 seruice, vnto the vse of christian religion: and thus studieng onlie
 how to aduance the glorie of the immortall God, and the knowledge of
 his word, without seeking the vaine glorie of worldlie triumph, which
 is got with slaughter and bloudshed of manie a giltlesse person, he
 left his kingdome; though not inlarged with broder dominion than he
 receiued it, yet greatlie augmented and inriched with quiet rest, good
 ordinances, and (that which is more to be estéemed than all the rest)
 adorned with Christes religion, and perfectlie instructed with his
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 [Sidenote: _Iohn Hard._]
 most holie word and doctrine. He reigned (as some write) 21 yeares,
 though other affirme but twelue yeares. Againe, some testifie that he
 reigned 77, others 54, and 43.

 Moreouer here is to be noted, that if he procured the faith of Christ
 to be planted within this realme in the time of Eleutherius the Romane
 bishop, the same chanced in the daies of the emperour Marcus Aurelius
 Antonius; and about the time that Lucius Aurelius Commodus was ioined
 and made partaker of the empire with his father, which was seuen yéere
 after the death of Lucius Aelius, Aurelius Verus, and in the 177 after
 the birth of our Sauiour Iesus Christ, as by some chronologies is
 easie to be collected. For Eleutherius began to gouerne the sée of
 Rome in the yéere 169, according to the opinion of the most diligent
 chronographers of our time, and gouerned fiftéene yeeres and thirtéene
 [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 daies. And yet there are that affirme, how Lucius died at Glocester in
 the yéere of our Lord 156. Other say that he died in the yere 201, and
 other 208. So that the truth of this historie is brought into doubt by
 the discord of writers, concerning the time and other circumstances,
 although they all agrée that in this kings daies the christian faith
 was first by publike consent openlie receiued and professed in this
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 land, which as some affirme, should chance in the twelfe yéere of his
 reigne, and in the yéere of our Lord 177. Other iudge that it came to
 passe in the eight yeere of his regiment, and in the yéere of our Lord
 188, where other (as before is said) alledge that it was in the yéere
 [Sidenote: _Nauclerus._]
 of the Lord 179. Nauclerus saith, that this happened about the yeare
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Herf._]
 of our Lord 156. And Henricus de Herfordea supposeth, that it was in
 the yéere of our Lord 169, and in the nintéenth yéere of the emperor
 Marcus Antonius Verus; and after other, about the sixt yéere of the
 emperor Commodus.

 But to conclude, king Lucius died without issue, by reason whereof
 after his deceasse the Britains fell at variance, which continued
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 about the space of fiftéene yéeres (as Fabian thinketh) howbeit the
 old English chronicle affirmeth, that the contention betwixt them
 [Sidenote: _Caxton._]
 [Sidenote: _Iohn Hard._]
 remained fiftie yéeres, though Harding affirmeth but foure yéeres. And
 thus much of the Britains, and their kings Coilus and Lucius. Now it
 resteth to speake somewhat of the Romans which gouerned here in the
 meane while. After that Agricola was called backe to Rome, the
 Britains (and namelie those that inhabited beyond Tweed) partlie being
 weakned of their former strength, and partlie in consideration of
 their pledges, which they had deliuered to the Romans, remained in
 peace certeine yéeres.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The Britains after the deceasse of Lucius (who died without issue)
 rebell against the Romans, the emperor Adrian comming in his owne
 person into Britaine appeaseth the broile, they go about to recouer
 their libertie against the Romans, but are suppressed by Lollius the
 Romane lieutenant; the vigilantnesse or wakefulnesie of Marcellus, and
 his policie to keepe the souldiers waking, the Britains being ruled by
 certeine meane gentlemen of Perhennis appointing doo falselie accuse
 him to the emperor Commodus, he is mangled and murthered of his
 souldiers._

 THE XX. CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: CNEUS TREBELLIUS LIEUTENANT.]
 In the meane time the Romane lieutenant Cneus Trebellius that
 succéeded Iulius Agricola, could not foresee all things so preciselie
 but that the souldiers waxing vnrulie by reason of long rest, fell at
 variance among themselues, and would not in the end obey the
 lieutenant, but disquieted the Britains beyond measure. Wherefore the
 Britains perceiuing themselues sore oppressed with intollerable
 bondage, and that dailie the same incresed, they conspired togither,
 vpon hope to recouer libertie, and to defend their countrie by all
 meanes possible, and herewith they tooke weapon in hand against the
 Romans, and boldlie assailed them: but this they did yet warilie, and
 so, that they might flie vnto the woods and bogs for refuge vpon
 necessitie, according to the maner of their countrie. Herevpon diuers
 slaughters were committed on both parties, and all the countrie was
 now readie to rebell: whereof when the emperour Adrian was aduertised
 from Trebellius the lieutenant, with all conuenient speed he passed
 ouer into Britaine, and quieted all the Ile, vsing great humanitie
 towards the inhabitants; and making small account of that part where
 the Scots now inhabit, either bicause of the barrennesse thereof, or
 for that by reason of the nature of the countrie he thought it would
 [Sidenote: The wall of Adrian built.]
 [Sidenote: _Spartianus._]
 be hard to be kept vnder subiection, he deuised to diuide it from the
 residue of Britaine, and so caused a wall to be made from the mouth of
 Tine vnto the water of Eske, which wall contained in length 30 miles.

 After this, the Britains bearing a malicious hatred towards the Romane
 souldiers, and repining to be kept vnder the bond of seruitude,
 eftsoones went about to recouer libertie againe. Whereof aduertisement
 [Sidenote: Lollius Vrbicus lieutenant.]
 being giuen, the emperour Pius Antoninus sent ouer Lollius Vrbicus as
 lieutenant into Britaine, who by sundrie battels striken, constreined
 the Britains to remaine in quiet, and causing those that inhabited in
 the north parts to remooue further off from the confines of the Romane
 [Sidenote: _Julius Capitol._]
 [Sidenote: An other wall built.]
 prouince, raised another wall beyond that which the emperor Adrian had
 made, as is to be supposed, for the more suertie of the Romane
 subiects against the inuasion of the enimies. But yet Lollius did not
 so make an end of the warrs, but that the Britains shortlie after
 attempted afresh, either to reduce their state into libertie, or to
 bring the same into further danger.

 [Sidenote: CALPHURNIUS AGRICOLA. Of the doings of this Calphurnius in
 Britaine ye may read more in the Scotish chronicle.]
 [Sidenote: _Dion Cassius._]
 Wherevpon Marcus Antonius that succéeded Pius, sent Calphurnius
 Agricola to succéed Lollius in the gouernement of Britaine, the which
 easilie ouercame and subdued all his enimies. After this there chanced
 some trouble in the daies of the emperour Commodus the son of Marcus
 Antonius and his successor in the empire: for the Britans that dwelled
 northwards, beyond Adrians wall, brake through the same, and spoiled a
 great part of the countrie, against whom the Romane lieutenant for
 that time being come foorth, gaue them battell: but both he and the
 Romane souldiers that were with him, were beaten downe and slaine.

 [Sidenote: Vlpius Marcellus lieutenant.]
 With which newes Commodus being sore amazed, sent against the Britains
 one Vlpius Marcellus, a man of great diligence and temperance, but
 therewith rough and nothing gentle. He vsed the same kind of diet that
 the common souldiers did vse. He was a capteine much watchfull, as one
 contented with verie little sléepe, and desirous to haue his souldiers
 also vigilant and carefull to kéepe sure watch in the night season.
 Euerie euening he would write twelue tables, such as they vsed to make
 on the lind trée, and deliuering them to one of his seruants,
 appointed him to beare them at seuerall houres of the night to sundrie
 souldiers, whereby supposing that their generall was still watching
 and not gone to bed, they might be in doubt to sléepe.

 And although of nature he could well absteine from sléepe, yet to be
 the better able to forbeare it, he vsed a maruellous spare kind of
 diet: for to the end that he would not fill himselfe too much with
 bread, he would eat none but such as was brought to him from Rome, so
 that more than necessitie compelled him he could not eat, by reason
 that the stalenesse tooke awaie the pleasant tast thereof, and lesse
 prouoked his appetite. He was a maruellous contemner of monie, so that
 bribes might not mooue him to doo otherwise than dutie required. This
 Marcellus being of such disposition, sore afflicted the Britains, and
 put them oftentimes to great losses: through fame wherof, C[=o]modus
 enuieng his renowme was after in mind to make him away, but yet spared
 him for a further purpose, and suffered him to depart.

 [Sidenote: Perhennis capteine of the emperours gard.]
 After he was remooued from the gouernment of Britaine, one Perhennis
 capteine of the emperors gard (or pretorian souldiers as they were
 then called) bearing all the rule vnder the emperor Commodus,
 appointed certeine gentlemen of meane calling to gouerne the armie in
 Britaine. Which fond substituting of such petie officers to ouersée
 and ouerrule the people, was to them an occasion of hartgrudge, and to
 him a meanes of finall mischéefe: both which it is likelie he might
 haue auoided, had he béene prouident in his deputation. For the
 [Sidenote: _Aelius Lampridius._]
 souldiers in the same armie grudging and repining to be gouerned by
 men of base degree, in respect of those that had borne rule ouer them
 before, being honorable personages, as senators, and of the consular
 dignitie, they fell at square among themselues, and about fiftéene
 hundred of them departed towards Rome to exhibit their complaint
 against Perhennis: for whatsoeuer was amisse, the blame was still laid
 to him. They passed foorth without impeachment at all, and comming to
 Rome, the emperour himselfe came foorth to vnderstand what they meant
 by this their comming in such sort from the place where they were
 appointed to serue. Their answer was, that they were come to informe
 him of the treason which Perhennis had deuised to his destruction,
 that he might make his son emperor. To the which accusation when
 Commodus too lightlie gaue eare, & beléeued it to be true, namelie,
 through the setting on of one Cleander, who hated Perhennis, for that
 he brideled him from dooing diuerse vnlawfull acts, which he went
 about vpon a wilfull mind (without all reason and modestie) to
 practise; the matter was so handled in the end, that Perhennis was
 deliuered to the souldiers, who cruellie mangled him, and presentlie
 put him to a pitifull death.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Pertinax is sent as lieutenant into Britaine, he is in danger to be
 slaine of the souldiers, he riddeth himselfe of that perilous office:
 Albinus with an armie of Britains fighteth against Seuerus and his
 power neere to Lions, Seuerus is slaine in a conflict against the
 Picts, Geta and Bassianus two brethren make mutuall warre for the
 regiment of the land, the one is slaine, the other ruleth._

 THE XXJ CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: Pertinax lieutenant of Britaine.]
 Now will we saie somewhat of the tumults in Britaine. It was thought
 néedfull to send some sufficient capteine of autoritie thither; and
 therefore was one Pertinax that had béene consull and ruler ouer foure
 seuerall consular prouinces, appointed by Commodus to go as lieutenant
 into that Ile, both for that he was thought a man most méet for such a
 charge, and also to satisfie his credit, for that he had béene
 discharged by Perhennis of bearing anie rule, and sent home into
 Liguria where he was borne, and there appointed to remaine. This
 Pertinax comming into Britaine, pacified the armie, but not without
 [Sidenote: The lieutenant in danger.]
 danger to haue béene slaine by a mutinie raised by one of the legions:
 for he was stricken downe, and left for dead among the slaine
 carcasses. But he woorthilie reuenged himselfe of this iniurie. At
 length, hauing chastised the rebels, and brought the Ile into méetelie
 good quiet, he sued and obteined to be discharged of that roome,
 because as he alledged, the souldiers could not brooke him, for that
 he kept them in dutifull obedience, by correcting such as offended the
 lawes of armes.

 [Sidenote: CLODIUS ALBINUS LIEUTENAT.]
 Then was Clodius Albinus appointed to haue the rule of the Romane
 armie in Britaine: whose destruction when Seuerus the emperour sought,
 Albinus perceiued it quicklie: and therefore choosing foorth a great
 power of Britains, passed with the same ouer into France to encounter
 with Seuerus, who was come thither towards him, so that néere to the
 citie of Lions they ioined in battell and fought right sore, in so
 much that Seuerus was at point to haue receiued the ouerthrow by the
 high prowesse and manhood of the Britains: but yet in the end Albinus
 lost the field, and was slaine. Then Heraclitus as lieutenant began to
 gouerne Britaine (as writeth Spartianus) being sent thither by Seuerus
 for that purpose before. And such was the state of this Ile about the
 yeare of our Lord 195. In which season, because that king Lucius was
 dead, and had left no issue to succéed him, the Britains (as before ye
 haue heard) were at variance amongst themselues, and so continued till
 the comming of Seuerus, whome the British chronographers affirme to
 reigne as king in this Ile, & that by right of succession in bloud, as
 descended of Androgeus the Britaine, which went to Rome with Iulius
 Cesar, as before ye haue heard.

 [Sidenote: SEUERUS.]
 This Seuerus as then emperour of Rome, began to rule this Ile (as
 authors affirme) in the yeare of our Lord 207, and gouerned the same 4
 yeares and od moneths. At length hearing that one Fulgentius as then a
 leader of the Picts was entred into the borders of his countrie on
 this side Durham, he raised an host of Britains and Romans, with the
 which he marched towards his enimies: and méeting with the said
 Fulgentius in a place néere vnto Yorke, in the end after sore fight
 Seuerus was slaine, when he had ruled this land for the space almost
 of fiue yeares, as before is said, and was after buried at Yorke,
 leauing behind him two sonnes, the one named Geta, and the other
 Bassianus. This Bassianus being borne of a British woman, succéeded
 his father in the gouernement of Britaine, in the yeare of the
 incarnation of our Lord 211. The Romans would haue had Geta created
 king of Britaine, bearing more fauour to him because he had a Romane
 ladie to his mother: but the Britains moued with the like respect,
 held with Bassianus. And thervpon warre was raised betwixt the two
 brethren, who comming to trie their quarrell by battell, Geta was
 slaine, and Bassianus with aid of the Britains remained victor, and so
 continued king, till at length he was slaine by one Carausius a
 Britaine, borne but of low birth, howbeit right valiant in armes, and
 therefore well estéemed. In somuch that obteining of the senat of Rome
 the kéeping of the coasts of Britaine, that he might defend the same
 from the malice of strangers, as Picts and others, he drew to him a
 great number of souldiers and speciallie of Britains, to whome he
 promised that if they would make him king, he would cléerelie deliuer
 them from the oppression of the Roman seruitude. Wherevpon the
 Britains rebelling against Bassianus, ioined themselues to Carausius,
 who by their support vanquished and slue the said Bassianus, after he
 had reigned 6 or (as some affirme) 30 yeares.

 ¶ Thus farre out of the English and British writers, the which how
 farre they varie from likelihood of truth, you shall heare in the next
 [Sidenote: _Herodianus._]
 chapter what the approued historiographers, Gréekes and Latines,
 writing of these matters, haue recorded.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The ambitious mind of the old emperour Seuerus, he arriueth in
 Britaine with a mightie power to suppresse the rebellious Britains,
 the emperours politike prouision for his souldiers in the fens and
 bogs: the agilitie of the Britains, their nimblenesse, the painting of
 their bodies with diuerse colours, their furniture, their great
 sufferance of hunger, cold, &c: diuerse conflicts betweene the Romans
 and the Britains, their subtile traines to deceiue their enimies, the
 Romans pitifullie distressed, Seuerus constreineth the Caledonians to
 conclude a league with him; he falleth sicke, his owne sonne
 practiseth to make him away: the Britains begin a new rebellion, the
 cruell commandement of Seuerus to kill and slea all that came to hand
 without exception, his age, his death, and sepulchre: Bassianus
 ambitiouslie vsurpeth the whole regiment, he killeth his brother Geta,
 and is slaine himselfe by one of his owne souldiers._

 THE XXIJ CHAPTER.


 The emperour Seuerus receiuing aduertisment from the lieutenant of
 Britaine, that the people there mooued rebellion, & wasted the
 countrie with roads and forraies, so that it was néedful to haue the
 prince himselfe to come thither with a great power to resist the
 enimies, he of an ambitious mind reioised not a little for those
 newes, bicause he saw occasion offered to aduance his renowme and fame
 with increase of new victories now in the west, after so manie
 triumphs purchased and got by him in the east and north parts of the
 world. Héerevpon though he was of great age, yet the desire that he
 had still to win honour, caused him to take in hand to make a iournie
 into this land, and so being furnished of all things necessarie, he
 set forwards, being carried for the more part in a litter for his more
 ease: for that beside his féeblenesse of age, he was also troubled
 [Sidenote: Antoninus and Geta.]
 with the gout. He tooke with him his two sonnes, Antoninus Bassianus
 and Geta, vpon purpose as was thought, to auoid occasions of such
 inconuenience as he perceiued might grow by discord mooued betwixt
 them through flatterers and malicious sycophants, which sought to set
 them at variance: which to bring to passe, he perceiued there should
 want no meane whilest they continued in Rome, amidst such pleasures &
 idle pastimes as were dailie there frequented: and therefore he caused
 them to attend him in this iournie into Britaine, that they might
 learne to liue soberlie, and after the manner of men of warre.

 [Sidenote: The emperor Seuerus arriueth in Britaine.]
 Seuerus being thus on his iournie towards Britaine, staied not by the
 waie, but with all diligence sped him foorth, and passing the sea
 verie swiftlie, entred this Ile, and assembled a mightie power
 togither, meaning to assaile his enimies, and to pursue the warre
 against them to the vttermost. The Britains greatlie amazed with this
 sudden arriuall of the emperour, and hearing that such preparation was
 made against them, sent ambassadours to him to intreat of peace, and
 to excuse their rebellious dooings. But Seuerus delaieng time for
 answere, as he that was desirous to atchiue some high enterprise
 against the Britains, for the which he might deserue the surname of
 Britannicus, which he greatlie coueted, still was busie to prepare all
 things necessarie for the warre; and namelie, caused a great number of
 bridges to be made to lay ouer the bogs and mareshes, so that his
 souldiers might haue place to stand vpon, and not to be incumbered for
 lacke of firme ground when they should cope with their enimies: for
 [Sidenote: _Herodianus._]
 the more part of Britaine in those daies (as Herodianus writeth) was
 full of fens & maresh ground, by reason of the often flowings and
 [Sidenote: He meaneth of the north Britains or sauage Britains as we
 may call them.]
 washings of the sea tides: by the which maresh grounds the enimies
 being thereto accustomed, would run and swim in the waters, and wade
 vp to the middle at their pleasure, going for the more part naked, so
 that they passed not on the mud and mires, for they knew not the vse
 or wearing cloths, but ware hoopes of iron about their middles and
 necks, esteeming the same as an ornament token of riches, as other
 barbarous people did gold.

 Moreouer they marked, or (as it were) painted their bodies in diuerse
 sorts and with sundrie shapes and figures of beasts and fowles, and
 therefore they vsed not to weare anie garments, that such painting of
 their bodies might the more apparantlie be séene, which they estéemed
 a great brauerie.

 They were as the same Herodianus writeth, a people giuen much to war,
 and delighted in slaughter and bloudshed, vsing none other weapons or
 [Sidenote: The furniture of the sauage Britains.]
 armour but a slender buckler, a iaueline, and a swoord tied to their
 naked bodies: as for headpéece or habergeon, they estéemed not,
 bicause they thought the same should be an hinderance to them when
 they should passe ouer anie maresh, or be driuen to swim anie waters,
 or flée to the bogs.

 Moreouer, to suffer hunger, cold, and trauell, they were so vsed and
 inured therewith, that they would not passe to lie in the bogs and
 mires couered vp to the chin, without caring for meate for the space
 of diuerse daies togither: and in the woods they would liue vpon roots
 and barks of trées. Also they vsed to prepare for themselues a
 certeine kind of meate, of the which if they receiued but so much as
 amounted to the quantitie of a beane, they would thinke themselues
 satisfied, and féele neither hunger nor thirst. The one halfe of the
 Ile or little lesse was subiect vnto the Romans, the other was
 gouerned of themselues, the people for the most part hauing the rule
 in their hands.

 Seuerus therefore meaning to subdue the whole, and vnderstanding their
 nature, and the manner of their making warre, prouided him selfe of
 all things expedient for the annoiance of them and helpe of his owne
 souldiers, and appointing his sonne Geta to remaine in that part of
 the Ile which was subiect to the Romans, he tooke with him his other
 sonne Antoninus, and with his armie marched foorth, and entred into
 the confines of the enimies, and there began to waste and forrey the
 countrie, whereby there insued diuerse conflicts and skirmishes
 betwixt the Romans and the inhabitants, the victorie still remaining
 on the Romans side: but the enimies easilie escaped without anie great
 losse vnto the woods, mountains, bogs, and such other places of refuge
 as they knew to be at hand, whither the Romans durst not follow, nor
 once approch, for feare to be intrapped and inclosed by the Britains
 that were readie to returne and assaile their enimies vpon euerie
 occasion of aduantage that might be offered.

 This maner of dealing sore troubled the Romans, and so hindered them
 in their procéedings, that no spéedie end could be made of that warre.
 [Sidenote: _Dion Cassius._]
 The Britains would oftentimes of purpose laie their cattell, as oxen,
 kine, shéepe, and such like, in places conuenient, to be as a stale to
 the Romans; and when the Romans should make to them to fetch the same
 awaie, being distant from the residue of the armie a good space, they
 would fall vpon them and distresse them. Beside this, the Romans were
 much annoied with the vnwholesomnesse of the waters which they were
 forced to drinke, and if they chanced to straie abroad, they were
 snapped vp by ambushes which the Caledonians laid for them, and when
 they were so féeble that they could not through want of strength kéepe
 pace with their fellowes as they marched in order of battell, they
 were slaine by their owne fellowes, least they should be left behind
 for a prey to the enimies. Héereby there died in this iournie of the
 Romane armie, at the point of fiftie thousand men: but yet would not
 Seuerus returne, till he had gone through the whole Ile, and so came
 to the vttermost parts of all the countrie now called Scotland, and at
 last backe againe to the other part of the Ile subiect to the Romans,
 the inhabitants whereof are named (by Dion Cassius) _Meatæ._ But first
 he forced the other, whom the same Dion nameth Caledonij, to conclude
 a league with him, vpon such conditons, as they were compelled to
 depart with no small portion of the countrie, and to deliuer vnto him
 their armour and weapons.

 In the meane time, the emperour Seuerus being worne with age fell
 sicke, so that he was constreined to abide at home within that part of
 the Ile which obeied the Romans, and to appoint his sonne Antoninus to
 take charge of the armie abroad. But Antoninus not regarding the
 enimies, attempted little or nothing against them, but sought waies
 how to win the fauour of the souldiers and men of warre, that after
 his fathers death (for which he dailie looked) he might haue their aid
 and assistance to be admitted emperour in his place. Now when he saw
 that his father bare out his sicknesse longer time than he would haue
 wished, he practised with physicians and other of his fathers seruants
 to dispatch him by one meane or other.

 Whilest Antoninus thus negligentlie looked to his charge, the Britains
 began a new rebellion, not onlie those that were latelie ioined in
 league with the emperour, but the other also which were subjects to
 the Romane empire. Seuerus tooke such displeasure, that he called
 togither the souldiers, and commanded them to inuade the countrie, and
 to kill all such as they might méet within anie place without respect,
 and that his cruell commandement he expressed in these verses taken
 out of Homer:

 [Sidenote: _Iliados._ 3.]

   Nemo manus fugiat vestras, cædémque cruentam,
   Non foetus grauida mater quern gessit in aluo
   Horrendam effugiat cædem.


 But while he was thus disquieted with the rebellion of the Britains,
 and the disloiall practises of his sonne Antoninus, which to him were
 not vnknowne, (for the wicked sonne had by diuers attempts discouered
 his traitorous and vnnaturall meanings) at length, rather through
 [Sidenote: Heriodianus.]
 [Sidenote: Dion Cassius.]
 [Sidenote: Eutropius.]
 [Sidenote: Dion Cassius.]
 sorrow and griefe, than by force of sicknesse, he wasted awaie, and
 departed this life at Yorke, the third daie before the nones of
 Februarie, after he had gouerned the empire by the space of 17 yeares,
 8 moneths, & 33 daies. He liued 65 yeres, 9 moneths, & 13 daies: he
 was borne the third ides of April. By that which before is recited out
 of Herodian and Dion Cassius, of the maners & vsages of those people,
 against whome Seuerus held warre here in Britaine, it maie be
 coniectured, that they were the Picts, the which possessed in those
 daies a great part of Scotland, and with continuall incursions and
 rodes wasted and destroyed the borders of those countries which were
 [Sidenote: Eutropius.]
 [Sidenote: Orosius.]
 subiect to the Romans. To kéepe them backe therefore and to represse
 their inuasions, Seuerus (as some write) either restored the former
 [Sidenote: _Dion Cassius._]
 wall made by Adrian, or else newlie built an other ouerthwart the Ile,
 from the east sea to the west, conteining in length 232 miles. This
 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 wall was not made of stone, but of turfe and earth supported with
 stakes and piles of wood, and defended on the backe with a déepe
 [Sidenote: _Hector Boetius._]
 trench or ditch, and also fortified with diuerse towers and turrets
 built & erected vpon the same wall or rampire so néere togither, that
 the sound of trumpets being placed in the same, might be heard
 betwixt, and so warning giuen from one to another vpon the first
 descrieng of the enimies.

 [Sidenote: _Polydorus._]
 [Sidenote: _Herodianus._]
 [Sidenote: 211.]
 Seuerus being departed out of this life in the yere of our Lord 211,
 his son Antoninus otherwise called also Bassianus, would faine haue
 vsurped the whole gouernment into his owne hands, attempting with
 bribes and large promises to corrupt the minds of the souldiers: but
 when he perceiued that his purpose would not forward as he wished in
 that behalfe, he concluded a league with the enimies, and making peace
 with them, returned backe towards Yorke, and came to his mother and
 brother Geta, with whome he tooke order for the buriall of his father.
 And first his bodie being burnt (as the maner was) the ashes were put
 into a vessell of gold, and so conueied to Rome by the two brethren
 and the empresse Iulia, who was mother to Geta the yonger brother, and
 mother in law to the elder, Antoninus Bassianus, & by all meanes
 possible sought to maintaine loue and concord betwixt the brethren,
 which now at the first tooke vpon them to rule the empire equallie
 togither. But the ambition of Bassianus was such, that finallie vpon
 desire to haue the whole rule himselfe, he found meanes to dispatch
 his brother Geta, breaking one daie into his chamber, and slaieng him
 euen in his mothers lap, and so possessed the gouernment alone, till
 at length he was slaine at Edessa a citie in Mesopotamia by one of his
 owne souldiers, as he was about to vntrusse his points to doo the
 office of nature, after he had reigned the space of 6 yeares, as is
 [Sidenote: _Sextus Aurelius._]
 aforesaid. Where we are to note Gods judgment, prouiding that he which
 had shed mans bloud, should also die by the sword.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Of Carausius an obscure Britaine, what countries he gaue the Picts,
 and wherevpon, his death by Alectus his successor, the Romans foiled
 by Asclepiodotus duke of Cornewall, whereof Walbrooke had the name,
 the couetous practise of Carausius the usurper._

 THE XXIIJ CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: CARAUSIUS.]
 CARAUSIUS a Britan of vnknowne birth, as witnesseth the British
 histories, after he had vanquisht & slaine Bassianus (as the same
 histories make mention) was of the Britains made king and ruler ouer
 [Sidenote: 218.]
 them, in the yeare of our Lord 218, as Galfridus saith: but W.H.
 noteth it to be in the yeare 286. This Carausius either to haue the
 [Sidenote: _Galfrid._]
 [Sidenote: _Polychron._]
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 aid & support of the Picts, as in the British historic is conteined,
 either else to be at quietnesse with them, being not otherwise able to
 resist them, gaue to them the countries in the south parts of
 Scotland, which ioine to England on the east marshes, as Mers,
 Louthian, and others.

 [Sidenote: _Galfridus._]
 ¶ But here is to be noted, that the British writers affirme, that
 these Picts which were thus placed in the south parts of Scotland at
 this time, were brought ouer out of Scithia by Fulgentius, to aid him
 against Seuerus, and that after the death of Seuerus, and Fulgentius,
 which both died of hurts receiued in the batell fought betwixt them at
 Yorke: the Picts tooke part with Bassianus, and at length betraied him
 in the battell which he fought against Carausius: for he corrupting
 them by such subtile practises as he vsed, they turned to his side, to
 the ouerthrow and vtter destruction of Bassianus: for the which
 traitorous part they had those south countries of Scotland giuen vnto
 them for their habitation. But by the Scotish writers it should
 appeare, that those Picts which aided Fulgentius and also Carausius,
 were the same that long before had inhabited the north parts of
 Britaine, now called Scotland. But whatsoeuer they were, truth it is
 (as the British histories record) that at length one Alectus was sent
 from Rome by the senat with 3 legions of souldiers to subdue
 Carausius, which he did, and slue him in the field, as the same
 histories make mention, after he had reigned the space of 7, or 8,
 yeares: and in the yeare of our saluation two hundred, ninetie, three.

 [Sidenote: ALECTUS.]
 [Sidenote: Of whom our British histories doo write after their
 maner.]
 [Sidenote: 293.]
 ALECTUS in hauing vanquished and slaine Carausius tooke vpon him the
 rule and gouernment of Britaine, in the yeare of our Lord 293. This
 Alectus, when he had restored the land to the subiection of the
 Romans, did vse great crueltie against such Britains as had maintained
 the part of Carausius, by reason whereof he purchased much euill will
 of the Britains, the which at length conspired against him, and
 purposing to chase the Romans altogither out of their countrie, they
 procured one Asclepiodotus (whome the British chronicles name duke of
 Cornewall) to take vpon him as chiefe captaine that enterprise.
 Wherevpon the same Asclepiodotus assembling a great armie, made such
 sharpe warres on the Romans, that they being chased from place to
 place, at length withdrew to the citie of London, and there held them
 till Asclepiodotus came thither, and prouoked Alectus and his Romans
 so much, that in the end they issued foorth of the citie, and gaue
 battell to the Britans, in the which much people on both parts were
 slaine, but the greatest number died on the Romans side: and amongst
 others, Alectus himselfe was slaine, the residue of the Romans that
 were left aliue, retired backe into the citie with a capteine of
 theirs named Liuius Gallus, and defended themselues within the walles
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 for a time right valiantlie. Thus was Alectus slaine of the Britains,
 after he had reigned (as some suppose) about the terme of six yeares,
 or (as some other write) thrée yeares.

 [Sidenote: ASCLEPIODOTUS.]
 [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 ASCLEPIODOTUS, duke of Cornewall, began his reigne ouer the Britains
 in the yeare of our Lord 232. After he had vanquished the Romans in
 battell, as before is recited, he laid his siege about the citie of
 London, and finallie by knightlie force entred the same, and slue the
 forenamed Liuius Gallus néere vnto a brooke, which in those daies ran
 through the citie, & threw him into the same brooke: by reason whereof
 [Sidenote: Walbrooke.]
 long after it was called Gallus or Wallus brooke. And at this present
 the streete where the same brooke did run, is called Walbrooke.

 Then after Asclepiodotus had ouercome all his enimies, he held this
 land a certeine space in good rest and quiet, and ministred iustice
 vprightlie, in rewarding the good, and punishing the euill. Till at
 length, through slanderous toongs of malicious persons, discord was
 raised betwixt the king and one Coill or Coilus, that was gouernour of
 Colchester: the occasion whereof appeareth not by writers. But
 whatsoeuer the matter was, there insued such hatred betwixt them, that
 on both parts great armies were raised, and meeting in the field, they
 fought a sore and mightie battell, in the which Asclepiodotus was
 [Sidenote: Asclepiodotus slaine.]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._ hath x. years.]
 slaine, after he had reigned 30 yeares. Thus haue Geffrey of Monmouth
 and our common chroniclers written of Carausius, Alectus, and
 Asclepiodotus, which gouerned héere in Britaine.

 [Sidenote: _Eutropius._]
 But Eutropius the famous writer of the Romane histories, in the acts
 [Sidenote: The couetous practising of Carausius.]
 of Dioclesian hath in effect these woords. "About the same time
 Carausius, the which being borne of most base ofspring, attained to
 high honour and dignitie by order of renowmed chiualrie & seruice in
 the warres, receiued charge at Bolein, to kéepe the seas quiet alongst
 the coasts of Britaine, France, and Flanders, and other countries
 thereabouts, bicause the Frenchmen, which yet inhabited within the
 bounds of Germanie, and the Saxons sore troubled those seas. Carausius
 taking oftentimes manie of the enimies, neither restored the goods to
 them of the countrie from whome the enimies had bereft the same, nor
 yet sent anie part therof to the emperours, but kept the whole to his
 owne use. Whervpon when suspicion arose, that he should of purpose
 suffer the enimies to passe by him, till they had taken some prises,
 that in their returne with the same he might incounter with them, and
 take that from them which they had gotten (by which subtile practise
 he was thought greatly to haue inriched him selfe) Maximianus that was
 fellow in gouernment of the empire with Dioclesianus, remaining then
 [Sidenote: Maximianus purposeth to slea Carusius.]
 in Gallia, and aduertised of these dooings, commanded that Carausius
 should be slaine, but he hauing warning thereof rebelled, and vsurping
 the imperiall ornaments and title, got possession of Britaine, against
 whom (being a man of great experience in all warlike knowledge) when
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 warres had béene attempted and folowed in vaine, at length a peace was
 concluded with him, and so he enioied the possession of Britaine by
 [Sidenote: _Eutropius._]
 the space of seuen yéeres, & then was slaine by his companion Alectus,
 the which after him ruled Britaine for the space of thrée yéeres, and
 was in the end oppressed by the guile of Asclepiodotus gouernour of
 the pretorie, or (as I maie call him) lord lieutenant of some precinct
 and iurisdiction perteining to the Romane empire." And so was Britaine
 recouered by the foresaid Asclepiodotus about ten yeeres after that
 Carausius had first vsurped the gouernment there, and about the yéere

 [Sidenote: 300.]
 of our Lord 300, as Polydor iudgeth, wherein he varieth much from
 Fabian and others.

 ¶ But to shew what we find further written of the subduing of Alectus,
 [Sidenote: _Mamertinus._]
 I thinke it not amisse to set downe what Mamertinus in his oration
 written in praise of Maximianus dooth report of this matter, which
 shall be performed in the chapter following.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The substance of that which is written touching Britaine in a
 panegyrike oration ascribed to Mamertinus, which he set foorth in
 praise of the emperors Dioclesian and Maximian: it is intituled onelie
 to Maximian, whereas neuerthelesse both the emperors are praised; and
 likewise (as ye may perceiue) Constantius who was father to
 Constantine the great is here spoken of, being chosen by the two
 foresaid emperors, to assist them by the name of Cæsar in rule of the
 empire: of whom hereafter more shall be said._

 THE XXIIIJ CHAPTER.


 "All the compasse of the earth (most victorious emperor) being now
 recouered through your noble prowesse, not onelie so farre as the
 limits of the Romane empire had before extended, but also the enimies
 borders beeing subdued, when Almaine had beene so often vanquished,
 and Sarmatia so often restrained & brought vnder, the people called
 [Sidenote: Vitungi, Quadi, Carpi, and people of Germanie and Polonie.]
 Vitungi, Quadi, Carpi so often put to flight, the Goth submitting
 himselfe, the king of Persia by offering gifts suing for peace: one
 despitefull reproch of so mightie an empire and gouernement ouer the
 whole greeued vs to the heart, as now at length we will not sticke to
 confesse, and to vs it seemed the more intollerable, bicause it onlie
 remained to the accomplishing of your perfect renowme and glorie. And
 verilie as there is but one name of Britaine, so was the losse to be
 esteemed smal to the common wealth of a land so plentifull of corne,
 so abundant with store of pastures, so flowing with veines of mettall,
 so gainfull with reuenues rising of customs and tributes, so enuironed
 with hauens, so huge in circuit, the which when Cesar, the founder of
 this your honourable title, being the first that entered into it, writ
 that he had found an other world, supposing it to be so big, that it
 was not compassed with the sea, but that rather by resemblance the
 great Ocean was compassed with it. Now at that time Britaine was
 nothing furnished with ships of warre; so that the Romans, soone after
 the warres of Carthage and Asia, had latelie beene exercised by sea
 against pirats, and afterwards by reason of the warres against
 Mithridates, were practised as well to fight by sea as land; besides
 this, the British nation then alone was accustomed but onelie to the
 [Sidenote: Picts and Irishmen.]
 Picts and Irishmen, enimies halfe naked as yet & not vsed to weare
 armor, so that the Britains for lacke of skill, easilie gaue place to
 the Romane puissance, insomuch that Cesar might by that voiage onelie
 glorie in this, that he had sailed and passed ouer the Ocean sea.

 "But in this wicked rebellious robberie, first the nauie that in times
 past defended the coasts of Gallia, was led away by the pirat when he
 fled his waies: and beside this, a great number of other ships were
 built after the mould of ours, the legion of Romane souldiers was
 woon, and brought to take part with the enimie, and diuers bands of
 strangers that were also souldiers were shut vp in the ships to serue
 also against vs. The merchants of the parties of Gallia were assembled
 and brought togither to the musters, and no small numbers of barbarous
 nations procured to come in aid of the rebels, trusting to inrich
 themselues by the spoile of the prouinces: and all these were trained
 in the wars by sea, through the instruction of the first attemptors of
 this mischieuous practise.

 "And although our armies were inuincible in force and manhood, yet
 were they raw and not accustomed to the seas, so that the fame of a
 greeuous and great trouble by warre that was toward by this shamefull
 rebellious robberie was blowne and sounded in ech mans eare, although
 [Sidenote: Long sufferance of euill increaseth boldnesse in the
 authors.]
 we hoped well of the end. Vnto the enimies forces was added a long
 sufferance of their wicked practises without punishment, which had
 puffed vp the presumptuous boldnesse of desperate people, that they
 bragged of our stay, as it had bene for feare of them, whereas the
 disaduantage which we had by sea, seemed as it were by a fatall
 necessitie to deferre our victorie: neither did they beleeue that the
 warre was put off for a time by aduise and counsell, but rather to be
 omitted through despaire of dooing anie good against them, insomuch
 [Sidenote: Carausius slaine.]
 that now the feare of common punishment being laid aside, one of the
 mates slue the archpirat or capteine rouer as I may call him, hoping
 in reward of so great an exploit, to obteine the whole gouernement
 into his hands.

 "This warre then being both so necessarie, so hard to enter vpon, so
 growne in time to a stubborne stiffenesse, and so well prouided for of
 the enimies part, you noble emperour did so take it in hand, that so
 soone as you bent the thundering force of your imperiall maiestie
 against that enimie, ech man made account that the enterprise was
 alreadie atchiued. For first of all, to the end that your diuine power
 being absent, the barbarous nations should not attempt anie new
 trouble (a thing chieflie to be foreseene) it was prouided for
 aforehand by intercession made vnto your maiestie: for you your selfe,
 you (I say) mightie lord Maximian eternall emperour, vouchedsafe to
 aduance the comming of your diuine excellence by the neerest way that
 might be, which to you was not vnknowne. You therefore suddenlie came
 to the Rhine, and not with anie armie of horssemen or footmen, but
 with the terrour of your presence did preserue and defend all that
 frontire: for Maximian once being there vpon the riuage, counteruailed
 anie the greatest armies that were to be found. For you (most
 inuincible emperour) furnishing and arming diuers nauies, made the
 enimie so vncerteine of his owne dooing and void of counsell, that
 then at length he might perceiue that he was not defended, but rather
 inclosed with the Ocean sea.

 "Here commeth to mind how pleasant and easefull the good lucke of
 those princes in gouerning the common wealth with praise was, which
 sitting still in Rome had triumphs and surnames appointed them of such
 [Sidenote: Fronto counted Ciceros match.]
 nations as their capteins did vanquish. Fronto therefore, not the
 second, but match with the first honor of the Romane eloquence, when
 he yeelded vnto the emperor Antoninus the renowme of the warre brought
 to end in Britaine, although he sitting at home in his palace within
 the citie, had committed the conduct and successe of that warre ouer
 vnto the same Fronto, it was confessed by him, that the emperour
 sitting as it were at the helme of the ship, deserued the praise, by
 giuing of perfect order to the full accomplishing of the enterprise.
 But you (most inuincible emperour) haue bene not onlie the appointer
 foorth how all this voiage by sea, and prosecuting the warre by land
 should bee demeaned, as apperteined to you by vertue of your imperiall
 rule and dignitie, but also you haue beene an exhorter and setter
 forward in the things themselues, and through example of your assured
 constancie, the victorie was atchiued. For you taking the sea at
 Sluice, did put an irreuocable desire into their hearts that were
 readie to take ship at the same time in the mouth of the riuer of
 Saine, insomuch that when the capteins of that armie did linger out
 the time, by reason the seas and aire was troubled, they cried to haue
 the sailes hoised vp, and signe giuen to lanch foorth, that they might
 passe forward on their iournie, despising certeine tokens which
 threatened their wrecke, and so set forward on a rainie and
 tempestuous day, sailing with a crosse wind, for no forewind might
 serue their turne.

 "But what was he that durst not commit himselfe vnto the sea, were the
 same neuer so vnquiet, when you were once vnder saile, and set
 forward? One voice and exhortation was among them all (as report hath
 gone thereof) when they heard that you were once got forth vpon the
 water, What doo we dout? what mean we to staie? He is now loosed from
 land, he is forward on his waie, and peraduenture is alreadie got
 ouer: Let vs put all things in proofe, let vs venter through anie
 dangers of sea whatsoeuer. What is there that we may stand in feare
 of? we follow the emperour. Neither did the opinion of your good hap
 deceiue them: for as by report of them selues we doo vnderstand, at
 that selfe time there fell such a mist and thicke fog vpon the seas,
 that the enimies nauie laid at the Ile of wight watching for their
 aduersaries, and lurking as it were in await, these your ships passed
 by, and were not once perceiued, neither did the enimie then staie
 although he could not resist.

 "But now as concerning that the same vnuanquishable army fighting
 vnder your ensignes and name, streightwaies after it came to land, set
 fire on their ships; what mooued them so to doo, except the
 admonitions of your diuine motion? Or what other reason persuaded them
 to reserue no furtherance for their flight, if need were, nor to feare
 the doubtfull chances of war, nor (as the prouerbe saith) to thinke
 the hazard of martiall dealings to be common, but that by
 contemplation of your prosperous hap, it was verie certeine that there
 needed no doubt to be cast for victorie to be obteined? There were no
 sufficient forces at that present among them, no mightie or puissant
 strength of the Romans, but they had onelie consideration of your
 vnspeakable fortunate successe comming from the heauens aboue. For
 whatsoeuer battell dooth chance to be offered, to make full account of
 [Sidenote: The good lucke in a capteine.]
 victorie, resteth not so much in the assurance of the souldiers, as in
 the good lucke and felicitie of the capteine generall.

 "That same ringleader of the vngratious faction, what ment he to
 depart from that shore which he possessed? Why did he forsake both his
 nauie and the hauen? But that (most inuincible emperour) he stood in
 feare of your comming, whose sailes he beheld readie to approch
 towards him, how soeuer the matter should fall out, he chose rather to
 trie his fortune with your capteins, than to abide the present force
 of your highnes. Ah mad man! that vnderstood not, that whither so euer
 he fled, the power of your diuine maiestie to be present in all places
 where your countenance & banners are had in reuerence. But he fleeing
 from your presence, fell into the hands of your people, of you was he
 ouercome, of your armies was he oppressed.

 "To be short, he was brought into such feare, and as it were still
 looking behind him, for doubt of your comming after him, that as one
 out of his wits and amazed, he wist not what to doo, he hasted forward
 to his death, so that he neither set his men in order of battell, nor
 marshalled such power as he had about him, but onlie with the old
 authors of that conspiracie, and the hired bands of the barbarous
 nations, as one forgetfull of so great preparation which he had made,
 ran headlong forwards to his destruction, insomuch (noble emperour)
 your felicitie yeeldeth this good hap to the common wealth, that the
 victorie being atchiued in the behalfe of the Romane empire, there
 almost died not one Romane: for as I heare, all those fields and hills
 lay couered with none but onelie with the bodies of most wicked
 enimies, the same being of the barbarous nations, or at the leastwise
 apparelled in the counterfet shapes of barbarous garments, glistering
 with their long yellow haires, but now with gashes of wounds and bloud
 all deformed, and lieng in sundrie manners, as the pangs of death
 occasioned by their wounds had caused them to stretch foorth or draw
 in their maimed lims and mangled parts of their dieng bodies. And
 [Sidenote: Alectus found dead.]
 among these, the chiefe ringleader of the theeues was found, who had
 [Sidenote: He had despoiled himselfe of the imperiall robes, bicause
 he would not be knowne if he chanced to be slaine.]
 put off those robes which in his life time he had vsurped and
 dishonoured, so as scarse was he couered with one peece of apparell
 whereby he might be knowne, so neere were his words true, vttered at
 the houre of his death, which he saw at hand, that he would not haue
 it vnderstood how he was slaine.

 "Thus verelie (most inuincible emperour) so great a victorie was
 appointed to you by consent of the immortall gods ouer all the
 [Sidenote: Francones siue Franci.]
 enimies whome you assailed, but namelie the slaughter of the
 Frankeners and those your souldiers also, which (as before I haue
 said) through missing their course by reason of the mist that lay on
 the seas, were now come to the citie of London, where they slue downe
 right in ech part of the same citie, what multitude soeuer remained of
 those hired barbarous people, which escaping from the battell, ment
 (after they had spoiled the citie) to haue got awaie by flight. But
 now being thus slaine by your souldiers, the subiects of your prouince
 were both preserued from further danger, and tooke pleasure to behold
 the slaughter of such cruell enimies. O what a manifold victorie was
 this, worthie vndoubtedlie of innumerable triumphes! by which victorie
 Britaine is restored to the empire, by which victorie the nation of
 the Frankeners is vtterlie destroied, & by which manie other nations
 found accessaries in the conspiracie of that wicked practise, are
 compelled to obedience. To conclude, the seas are purged and brought
 to perpetuall quietnesse.

 "Glorie you therefore, inuincible emperour, for that you haue as it
 were got an other world, & in restoring to the Romane puissance the
 glory of conquest by sea, haue added to the Romane empire an element
 greater than all the compasse of the earth, that is, the mightie maine
 ocean. You haue made an end of the warre (inuincible emperour) that
 seemed as present to threaten all prouinces, and might haue spred
 abroad and burst out in a flame, euen so largelie as the ocean seas
 stretch, and the mediterrane gulfs doo reach. Neither are we ignorant,
 although through feare of you that infection did fester within the
 bowels of Britaine onelie, and proceeded no further, with what furie
 it would haue aduanced it selfe else where, if it might haue beene
 assured of means to haue ranged abroad so far as it wished. For it was
 bounded in with no border of mounteine, nor riuer, which garrisons
 appointed were garded and defended but euen so as the ships, although
 we had your martiall prowes and prosperous fortune redie to releeue
 vs, & was still at our elbowes to put vs in feare, so farre as either
 sea reacheth or wind bloweth.

 "For that incredible boldnesse and vnwoorthie good hap of a few sillie
 [Sidenote: The piracie of the Frankeners called _Franci_ or
 _Francones._]
 captiues of the Frankeners in time of the emperour Probus came to our
 remembrance, which Frankeners in that season, conueieng awaie certeine
 vessels from the coasts of Pontus, wasted both Grecia and Asia, and
 not without great hurt and damage, ariuing vpon diuers parts of the
 shore of Libia, at length tooke the citie of Saragose in Sicile (an
 hauen towne in times past highlie renowmed for victories gotten by
 sea:) & after this passing thorough the streicts of Giberalterra, came
 into the Ocean, and so with the fortunate successe of their rash
 presumptuous attempt, shewed how nothing is shut vp in safetie from
 the desperate boldnesse of pirats, where ships maie come and haue
 accesse. And so therefore by this your victorie, not Britaine alone is
 deliuered from bondage, but vnto all nations is safetie restored,
 which might by the vse of the seas come to as great perils in time of
 warre, as to gaine of commodities in time of peace.

 "Now Spaine (to let passe the coasts of Gallia) with hir shores almost
 in sight is in suertie: now Italie, now Afrike, now all nations euen
 vnto the fens of Meotis are void of perpetuall cares. Neither are they
 lesse ioifull, the feare of danger being taken awaie, which to feele
 as yet the necessitie had not brought them: but they reioise so much
 the more for this, that both in the guiding of your prouidence, and
 also furtherance of fortune, so great a force of rebellion by seamen
 is calmed, vpon the entring into their borders, and Britaine it selfe
 which had giuen harbour to so long a mischiefe, is euidentlie knowne
 to haue tasted of your victorie, with hir onelie restitution to
 [Sidenote: Britains restored to quietnes.]
 quietnesse. Not without good cause therfore immediatlie, when you hir
 long wished reuenger and deliuerer were once arriued, your maiestie
 was met with great triumph, & the Britains replenished with all inward
 [Sidenote: The Britains receiue Maximian with great ioy and
 humblenesse.]
 gladnesse, came foorth and offered themselues to your presence, with
 their wiues and children, reuerencing not onlie your selfe (on whom
 they set their eies, as on one descended downe to them from heauen)
 but also euen the sailes and tackling of that ship which had brought
 your diuine presence vnto their coasts: and when you should set foot
 on land, they were readie to lie downe at your feet, that you might
 (as it were) march ouer them, so desirous were they of you.

 "Neither was it anie maruell if they shewed them selues so ioifull,
 sith after their miserable captiuitie so manie yeeres continued, after
 so long abusing of their wiues, and filthie bondage of their children,
 at length yet were they now restored to libertie, at length made
 Romans, at length refreshed with the true light of the imperiall rule
 and gouernement: for beside the fame of your clemencie and pitie,
 which was set forth by the report of all nations, in your countenance
 (Cesar) they perceiued the tokens of all vertues, in your face
 grauitie, in your eies mildnesse, in your ruddie cheekes bashfulnesse,
 in your words iustice: all which things as by regard they
 acknowledged, so with voices of gladnesse they signified on high. To
 you they bound themselues by vow, to you they bound their children:
 yea and to your children they vowed all the posteritie of their race
 and ofspring.

 [Sidenote: Dioclesian and Maximian.]
 "We trulie (O perpetuall parents and lords of mankind) require this of
 the immortall gods with most earnest supplication and heartie praier,
 that our children and their children, and such other as shall come of
 them for euer hereafter, may be dedicated vnto you, and to those whom
 you now bring vp, or shall bring vp hereafter. For what better hap can
 we wish to them that shall succeed vs, than to be enioiers of that
 felicitie which now we our selues enioy? The Romane common wealth
 dooth now comprehend in one coniunction of peace, all whatsoeuer at
 sundrie times haue belonged to the Romans, and that huge power which
 with too great a burden was shroonke downe, and riuen in sunder, is
 now brought to ioine againe in the assured ioints of the imperiall
 gouernment. For there is no part of the earth nor region vnder heauen,
 but that either it remaineth quiet through feare, or subdued by force
 of armies, or at the lestwise bound by clemencie. And is there anie
 other thing else in other parts, which if will and reason should mooue
 men thereto, that might be obteined? Beyond the Ocean, what is there
 [Sidenote: Nations néere to Britaine obeie the emperours.]
 more than Britaine, which is so recouered by you, that those nations
 which are nere adioining to the bounds of that Ile, are obedient to
 your commandements? There is no occasion that may mooue you to passe
 further, except the ends of the Ocean sea, which nature forbiddeth
 should be sought for. All is yours (most inuincible princes) which are
 accounted woorthie of you, and thereof commeth it, that you may
 equallie prouide for euerie one, sith you haue the whole in your
 maiesties hands. And therefore as heretofore (most excellent emperour
 Dioclesian) by your commandement Asia did supplie the desert places of
 Thracia with inhabitants transported thither, as afterward (most
 excellent emperour Maximian) by your appointment, the Frankeners at
 length brought to a pleasant subiection, and admitted to liue vnder
 [Sidenote: The printed booke hath Heruij, but I take the H, to be
 thrust in for N.]
 lawes, hath peopled and manured the vacant fields of the Neruians, and
 those about the citie of Trier. And so now by your victories
 (inuincible Constantius Cesar) whatsoeuer did lie vacant about Amiens,
 Beauois, Trois, and Langres, beginneth to florish with inhabitants of
 sundrie nations: yea and moreouer that your most obedient citie of
 Autun, for whose sake I haue a peculiar cause to reioise, by meanes of
 this triumphant victorie in Britaine, it hath receiued manie & diuerse
 [Sidenote: Artificers foorth of Britaine.]
 artificers, of whom those prouinces were ful, and now by their
 workemanship the same citie riseth vp by repairing of ancient houses,
 and restoring of publike buildings and temples, so that now it
 accounteth that the old name of brotherlie incorporation to Rome, is
 againe to hir restored, when she hath you eftsoones for hir founder. I
 haue said (inuincible emperour) almost more than I haue beene able, &
 not so much as I ought, that I may haue most iust cause by your
 clemencies licence, both now to end, & often hereafter to speake: and
 thus I ceasse."

        *       *       *       *       *




 _What is to be observed and noted out of the panegyrike oration of
 Mamertinus afore remembred, with necessarie collections out of other
 Antiquaries._

 THE XXV CHAPTER.


 Now let vs consider what is to be noted out of this part of the
 foresaid oration. It should seeme that when the emperour Maximian was
 sent into Gallia by appointment taken betwixt him and Dioclesian,
 after he had quieted things there, he set his mind foorthwith to
 reduce Britaine vnder the obedience of the empire, which was at that
 present kept vnder subiection of such princes as mainteined their
 state, by the mightie forces of such number of ships as they had got
 togither, furnished with all things necessarie, & namelie of able
 [Sidenote: Franci, or Frankeneres, people of Germanie.]
 seamen, as well Britains as strangers, among whome the Frankeners were
 chiefe, a nation of Germanie, as then highly renowmed for their
 puissance by sea, néere to the which they inhabited, so that there
 were no rouers comparable to them.

 But because none durst stirre on these our seas for feare of the
 British fléet that passed to and fro at pleasure, to the great
 annoiance of the Romane subiects inhabiting alongst the coasts of
 Gallia, Maximian both to recouer againe so wealthie and profitable a
 land vnto the obeisance of the empire, as Britaine then was, and also
 to deliuer the people of Gallia subiect to the Romans, from danger of
 being dailie spoiled by those rouers that were mainteined here in
 Britaine, he prouided with all diligence such numbers of ships as were
 thought requisite for so great an enterprise, and rigging them in
 sundrie places, tooke order for their setting forward to his most
 aduantage for the easie atchiuing of his enterprise. He appointed to
 passe himselfe from the coasts of Flanders, at what time other of
 capteines with their fleets from other parts should likewise make
 saile towards Britaine. By this meanes Alectus that had vsurped the
 title & dignitie of king or rather emperour ouer the Britains, knew
 not where to take héed, but yet vnderstanding of the nauie that was
 made readie in the mouth of Saine, he ment by that which maie be
 coniectured, to intercept that fléet, as it should come foorth and
 make saile forwards: and so for that purpose he laie with a great
 number of ships about the Ile of Wight.

 But whether Asclepiodotus came ouer with that nauie which was rigged
 on the coasts of Flanders, or with some other, I will not presume to
 affirme either to or fro, because in déed Mamertinus maketh no
 expresse mention either of Alectus or Asclepiodotus: but
 notwithstanding it is euident by that which is conteined in his
 oration, that not Maximian, but some other of his capteins gouerned
 the armie, which slue Alectus, so that we maie suppose that
 Asclepiodotus was chiefteine ouer some number of ships directed by
 Maximians appointment to passe ouer into this Ile against the same
 Alectus: and so maie this, which Mamertinus writeth, agrée with the
 [Sidenote: _Eutropius._]
 truth of that which we doo find in Eutropius.

 Héere is to be remembred, that after Maximians had thus recouered
 Britaine out of their hands that vsurped the rule thereof from the
 Romans, it should séeme that not onelie great numbers of artificers &
 other people were conueied ouer into Gallia, there to inhabit and
 furnish such cities as were run into decaie, but also a power of
 warlike youths was transported thither to defend the countrie from the
 inuasion of barbarous nations. For we find that in the daies of this
 Maximian, the Britains expelling the Neruians out of the citie of Mons
 in Henaud, held a castell there, which was called Bretaimons after
 them, wherevpon the citie was afterward called Mons, retaining the
 last syllable onlie, as in such cases it hath often happened.

 Moreouer this is not to be forgotten, that as Humfrey Lhoyd hath very
 well noted in his booke intituled "Fragmenta historiæ Britannicæ,"
 Mamertinus in this parcell of his panegyrike oration dooth make first
 mention of the nation of Picts, of all other the ancient Romane
 writers: so that not one before his time once nameth Picts or Scots.
 But now to returne where we left.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The state of this Iland vnder bloudie Dioclesian the persecuting
 tyrant, of Alban the first that suffered martyrdome in Britaine, what
 miracles were wrought at his death, whereof Lichfield tooke the name;
 of Coilus earle of Colchester, whose daughter Helen was maried to
 Constantius the emperour, as some authours suppose._

 THE XXVJ CHAPTER.


 After that Britaine was thus recouered by the Romans, Dioclesian and
 Maximian ruling the empire, the Iland tasted of the crueltie that
 Dioclesian exercised against the christians, in persecuting them with
 all extremities, continuallie for the space of ten yéeres. Amongst
 other, one Alban a citizen of Werlamchester, a towne now bearing his
 name, was the first that suffered here in Britaine in this
 persecution, being conuerted to the faith by the zealous christian
 Amphibalus, whom he receiued into his house: insomuch that when there
 [Sidenote: _Beda_ and _Gyldas._]
 came sergeants to séeke for the same Amphibalus, the foresaid Alban to
 preserue Amphibalus out of danger, presented himselfe in the apparell
 of the said Amphibalus, & so being apprehended in his stead, was
 brought before the iudge and examined: and for that he refused to doo
 sacrifice to the false gods, he was beheaded on the top of an hill
 ouer against the towne of Werlamchester aforesaid where afterwards was
 builded a church and monasterie in remembrance of his martyrdome,
 insomuch that the towne there restored, after that Werlamchester was
 destroied, tooke name of him, and so is vnto this day called saint
 Albons.

 It is reported by writers, that diuers miracles were wrought at the
 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 [Sidenote: Sée the booke of acts and monuments set forth by master
 Fox.]
 time of his death, insomuch that one which was appointed to doo the
 execution, was conuerted, and refusing to doo that office, suffered
 also with him: but he that tooke vpon him to doo it, reioised nothing
 thereat, for his eies fell out of his head downe to the ground,
 togither with the head of that holie man which he had then cut off.
 There were also martyred about the same time two constant witnesses of
 Christ his religion, Aaron and Iulius, citizens of Caerleon Arwiske.
 [Sidenote: _Iohn Rossus._]
 [Sidenote: _Warwicens. in lib. de Wigorniens. epis._]
 Moreouer, a great number of Christians which were assembled togither
 to heare the word of life, preached by that vertuous man Amphibalus,
 [Sidenote: Lichfield whereof it tooke name.]
 were slaine by the wicked pagans at Lichfield, whereof that towne
 tooke name, as you would say, The field of dead corpses.

 To be briefe, this persecution was so great and greeuous, and thereto
 [Sidenote: _Gyldas._]
 so vniuersall, that in maner the Christian religion was thereby
 destroied. The faithfull people were slaine, their bookes burnt, and
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Cestren._]
 churches ouerthrowne. It is recorded that in one moneths space in
 diuers places of the world there were 17000 godlie men and women put
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Constantius._]
 to death, for professing the christian faith in the daies of that
 tyrant Dioclesian and his fellow Maximian.

 [Sidenote: COELUS.]
 [Sidenote: 262.]
 COELUS earle of Colchester began his dominion ouer the Britains in the
 yeere of our Lord 262. This Coelus or Coell ruled the land for a
 certeine time, so as the Britains were well content with his
 gouernement, and liued the longer in rest from inuasion of the Romans,
 bicause they were occupied in other places: but finallie they finding
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 time for their purpose, appointed one Constantius to passe ouer into
 this Ile with an armie, the which Constantius put Coelus in such
 dread, that immediatlie vpon his arriuall Coelus sent to him an
 ambassage, and concluded a peace with him, couenanting to pay the
 [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._]
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 [Sidenote: _Caxton._]
 accustomed tribute, & gaue to Constantius his daughter in mariage
 called Helen, a noble ladie and a learned. Shortlie after king Coell
 died, when he had reigned (as some write) 27 yeeres or (as other haue)
 but 13 yeeres.

 ¶ But by the way touching this Coelus, I will not denie, but assuredly
 such a prince there was: howbeit that he had a daughter named Helen,
 whom he maried vnto Constantius the Romane lieutenant that was after
 emperor, I leaue that to be decided of the learned. For if the whole
 course of the liues, as well of the father and the sonne Constantius
 and Constantine, as likewise of the mother Helen, be consideratelie
 marked from time to time, and yeere to yéere, as out of authors both
 [Sidenote: _Lib._ 7. _cap._ 18.]
 Greeke and Latine the same may be gathered, I feare least such doubt
 maie rise in this matter, that it will be harder to prooue Helen a
 Britane, than Constantine to be borne in Bithynia (as Nicephorus
 auoucheth.) But forsomuch as I meane not to step from the course of
 our countrie writers in such points, where the receiued opinion may
 séeme to warrant the credit of the historie, I will with other admit
 both the mother and sonne to be Britains in the whole discourse of the
 historie following, as though I had forgot what in this place I haue
 said.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _A further discourse of the forenamed Constantius and Helen, his
 regiment ouer this Iland, his behauiour and talke to his sonne and
 councellors as he lay on his death-bed, a deuise that he put in
 practise to vnderstand what true Christians he had in his court, his
 commendable vertues, that the Britains in his time imbraced the
 christian faith is prooued._

 THE XXVIJ CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: CONSTANTIUS.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._ saith 302.]
 [Sidenote: 289.]
 CONSTANTIUS a senatour of Rome began to reigne ouer the Britains, in
 the yeere of our Lord 289, as our histories report. This Constantius
 (as before ye haue heard) had to wife Helen the daughter of the
 foresaid king Coel, of whome he begat a sonne named Constantinus,
 which after was emperour, and for his woorthie dooings surnamed
 Constantine the great. S. Ambrose following the common report, writeth
 [Sidenote: _Orosius._]
 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 that this Helen was a maid in an inne: and some againe write, that she
 was concubine to Constantius, and not his wife.

 [Sidenote: _Cuspinian._]
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 But whatsoeuer she was, it appeareth by the writers of the Romane
 histories, that Constantius being the daughters sonne of one Crispus,
 that was brother to the emperour Claudius, came into Britaine, and
 quieted the troubles that were raised by the Britains, and there (as
 some write) maried the foresaid Helen, being a woman of an excellent
 beautie, whom yet [after] he was constreined to forsake, and to marrie
 Theodora the daughter in law of Herculeus Maximianus, by whome he had
 six sonnes, and finallie was created emperour, togither with the said
 Galerius Maximianus, at what time Dioclesianus and his fellow
 Herculeus Maximianus renounced the rule of the empire, and committed
 the same vnto them. The empire was then diuided betwixt them, so that
 to Constantius the regions of Italie, Affrike, France Spaine and
 Britaine were assigned; & to Galerius, Illyricum, Grecia, and all the
 east parts. But Constantine being a man void of ambition, was
 contented to leaue Italie and Affrike, supposing his charge to be
 great inough to haue the gouernement in his hands of France, Spaine,
 and Britaine (as Eutropius saith.)

 But as touching his reigne ouer the Britains, we haue not to say
 further than as we find in our owne writers recorded: as for his
 gouernement in the empire, it is to be considered, that first he was
 admitted to rule as an assistant to Maximian vnder the title of Cesar:
 and so from that time if you shall account his reigne, it maie
 comprehend 11, 12, or 13 yeeres, yea more or lesse, according to the
 diuersitie found in writers. Howbeit, if we shall reckon his reigne
 from the time onelie that Dioclesian and Maximian resigned their title
 vnto the empire, we shall find that he reigned not fullie thrée
 yéeres. For whereas betwéene the slaughter of Alectus, and the comming
 of Constantius, are accounted 8 yéeres and od moneths, not onelie
 those eight yéeres, but also some space of time before maie be
 ascribed vnto Constantius: for although before his comming ouer into
 Britaine now this last time (for he had béene here afore, as it well
 appéereth) Asclepiodotus gouerning as legat, albeit vnder Constantius,
 who had a great portion of the west parts of the empire vnder his
 regiment, by the title, as I haue said, of Cesar, yet he was not said
 to reigne absolutelie till Dioclesian and Maximian resigned. But now
 to conclude with the dooings of Constantius, at length he fell sicke
 [Sidenote: 306.]
 at Yorke, and there died, about the yéere of our Lord 306.

 This is not to be forgotten, that whilest he laie on his death-bed,
 somewhat before he departed this life, hearing that his sonne
 Constantine was come, and escaped from the emperours Dioclesian and
 Maximian, with whom he remained as a pledge (as after shall be partlie
 touched) he receiued him with all ioy, and raising himselfe vp in his
 bed, in presence of his other sonnes & counsellours, with a great
 number of other people and strangers that were come to visit him, he
 set the crowne vpon his sonnes head, and adorned him with other
 imperiall robes and garments, executing as it were him selfe the
 [Sidenote: _Niceph._]
 office of an herald, and withall spake these woords vnto his said
 [Sidenote: _Tripartit. histo._]
 sonne, and to his counsellours there about him: "Now is my death to me
 more welcome, and my departure hence more pleasant; I haue héere a
 large epitaph and monument of buriall, to wit, mine owne sonne, and
 one whome in earth I leaue to be emperour in my place, which by Gods
 good helpe shall wipe away the teares of the Christians, and reuenge
 the crueltie exercised by tyrants. This I reckon to chance vnto me in
 stéed of most felicitie."

 After this, turning himselfe to the multitude, he commanded them all
 to be of good comfort, meaning those that had not forsaken true vertue
 and godlinesse in Christ, which Christ he vndertooke should continue
 with his sonne Constantine in all enterprises, which in warres or
 otherwise he should take in hand. That deuise also is woorthie to be
 had in memorie, which he put in practise in his life time, to
 vnderstand what true and sincere Christians were remaining in his
 court. For whereas he had béene first a persecuter, and after was
 conuerted, it was a matter easie to persuade the world, that he was no
 earnest Christian: and so the policie which he thought to worke, was
 the sooner brought to passe, which was this.

 He called togither all his officers and seruants, feining himselfe to
 choose out such as would doo sacrifice to diuels, and that those
 onelie should remaine with him and kéepe their office, and the rest
 that refused so to doo, should be thrust out, and banished the court.
 Héervpon all the courtiers diuided themselues into companies: and when
 some offered willinglie to doo sacrifice, and other some boldlie
 refused: the emperour marking their dealings, sharpelie rebuked those
 which were so readie to dishonour the liuing God, accounting them as
 treitours to his diuine maiestie, and not woorthie to remaine within
 the court gates: but those that constantlie stood in the profession of
 the christian faith, he greatlie commended, as men woorthie to be
 about a prince: and withall declared, that from thencefoorth they
 should be as chiefe counsellours and defenders both of his person and
 kingdome, estéeming more of them than of all the treasure he had in
 his coffers.

 To conclude, he was a graue prince, sober, vpright, courteous and
 liberall, as he which kept his mind euer frée from couetous desire of
 great riches: insomuch that when he should make anie great feast to
 his friends, he was not ashamed to borow plate and siluer vessell to
 [Sidenote: _Pomponius Lænis._]
 serue his turne, and to furnish his cupbord for the time, being
 contented for himselfe to be serued in cruses & earthen vessels. He
 was woont to haue this saieng in his mouth, that better it was that
 the subiects should haue store of monie and riches, than the prince to
 kéepe it close in his treasurie, where it serued to no vse. By such
 courteous dealing the prouinces which were in his charge flourished in
 [Sidenote: He died in the yéere 306. as _Matt. West._ hath noted, and
 reigned over the Britains but 11. yéeres as _Galf._ saith.]
 great wealth and quietnesse. He was a verie wise and politike prince
 in the ordering of all weightie matters, and verie skillfull in the
 practise of warres, so that he stood the Romane empire in great stéed,
 and was therefore highlie beloued of the souldiers, insomuch that
 immediatlie after his deceasse, they proclaimed his sonne Constantine
 emperour.

 That the Christian faith was imbraced of the Britains in this season,
 it maie appéere, in that Hilarias bishop of Poictiers writeth to his
 brethren in Britaine, and Constantine in an epistle (as Theodoretus
 saith in his first booke and tenth chapter) maketh mention of the
 churches in Britaine: which also Sozomenus dooth affirme. For the
 Britains after they had receiued the faith, defended the same euen
 [Sidenote: 291.]
 [Sidenote: _Iohn Bale._]
 with the shedding of their bloud, as Amphibalus, who in this
 Constantius daies being apprehended, suffered at Redburne neere to
 Werlamchester, about 15 yéeres after the martyrdome of his host S.
 Albane.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Constantine created emperour in Britaine, he is sollicited to take
 vpon him the regiment of those countries that his father gouerned, he
 is requested to subdue Maxentius the vsurping tyrant, Maximianus his
 father seeketh to depose him, Constantines death is purposed by the
 said Maximianus the father & his sonne Maxentius, Fausta the daughter
 of Maximianus & wife to Constantine detecteth hir fathers trecherie to
 hir husband, Maximianus is strangled at Constantines commandement,
 lèague and alliance betweene him and Licinius, he is slaine, the
 empresse Helen commended, the crosse of Christ found with the
 inscription of the same, what miracles were wrought thereby, of the
 nailes wherewith Christ was crucified, Constantine commended, the
 state of Britaine in his time._

 THE XXVIIJ CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: CONSTANTINE.]
 CONSTANTINE being the son of the forenamed Constantius, begot of his
 first wife Helen, the daughter (as some affirme) of Coell late king of
 [Sidenote: 306.]
 the Britains, began to reigne in the yéere of our Lord 306. This
 worthie prince begotten of a British woman, & borne of hir in Britaine
 (as our writers doo affirme) and created certeinlie emperour in
 Britaine, did doubtlesse make his natiue countrie partaker of his high
 glorie and renowme, which by his great prowes, politike wisedome,
 woorthie gouernment, and other his princelie qualities most
 abundantlie planted in his noble person, he purchased and got thorough
 the circuit of the whole earth, insomuch that for the high enterprises
 and noble acts by him happilie brought to passe and atchiued, he was
 surnamed (as before is said) the great Constantine. Whilest this
 Constantine remained at Rome in manner as he had béene a pledge with
 Galerius in his fathers life time, he being then but yoong, fled from
 thence, and with all post hast returned to his father into Britaine,
 killing or howghing by the waie all such horsses as were appointed to
 [Sidenote: Eutropius.]
 [Sidenote: Sextus Aurelius Victor.]
 stand at innes readie for such as should ride in post, least being
 pursued, he should haue béene ouertaken, and brought backe againe by
 such as might be sent to pursue him.

 At his comming into Britaine, he found his father sore vexed with
 sicknesse, whereof shortlie after he died, and then was he by helpe of
 such as were about him, incouraged to take vpon him as emperour: and
 [Sidenote: Erocus king of the Almains.]
 namelie one Erocus king of the Almains, which had accompanied his
 father thither, assisted him thereto, so that being proclaimed
 emperour, he tooke vpon him the rule of those countries which his
 father had in gouernment, that is to saie, France, Spaine, the Alpes,
 and Britaine, with other prouinces héere in the west: and ruling the
 same with great equitie and wisdome, he greatly wan the fauour of the
 people, insomuch that the fame of his politike gouernment and
 courteous dealing being spred abroad, when Maxentius the tyrant that
 [Sidenote: Maxentius the tyrant.]
 occupied the rule of the empire at Rome, and in Italie by wrongfull
 vsurping & abusing the same, was grown into the hatred of the Romans
 and other Italians, Constantine was earnestlie by them requested to
 come into Italie, and to helpe to subdue Maxentius, that he might
 reforme the state of things there.

 This Maxentius was sonne to Herculeus Maximianus, and Constantine had
 married Fausta the daughter of the said Maximianus. Now so it was,
 that Maximianus, immediatlie after that his sonne Maxentius had taken
 the rule vpon him, sought meanes to haue deposed him, and to haue
 resumed and taken eftsoones into his owne hands the gouernment of the
 empire. But solliciting Dioclesian to doo the like, he was much
 reprooued of him for his vnreasonable and ambitious purpose: so that
 when he perceiued that neither Dioclesian would be thereto agreeable,
 nor induce the souldiers to admit him, they hauing alreadie
 established his sonne, began to deuise waies how to assure the state
 more stronglie to his said sonne. And hearing that his sonne in law
 Constantine was minded to come into Italie against him, he purposed to
 practise Constantines destruction, insomuch that it was iudged by this
 [Sidenote: Dissimulation.]
 which followed, that Herculeus Maximianus did but for a colour séeme
 to mislike that which his said son Maxentius had doone, to the end he
 might the sooner accomplish his intent for the dispatching of
 Constantine out of the waie.

 [Sidenote: _Ranulphus Cestrensis._]
 Heerevpon (as it were) fléeing out of Italie, he came to Constantine,
 who as then hauing appointed lieutenants vnder him in Britaine,
 remained in France, and with all ioy and honour that might be,
 receiued his father in law: the which being earnestlie bent to
 [Sidenote: Fausta the daughter of Maximianas and wife to Constantine.]
 compasse his purpose, made his daughter Fausta priuie thereto: which
 ladie (either for feare least the concealing thereof might turne hir
 to displeasure, either else for the entire loue which she bare to hir
 husband) reuealed hir fathers wicked purpose. Wherevpon whilest
 [Sidenote: Marsiles.]
 Constantine went about to be reuenged of such a traitorous practise,
 Herculeus fled to Marsiles, purposing there to take the sea, and so to
 retire to his sonne Maxentius into Italie. But yer he could get awaie
 from thence, he was strangled by commandement of his sonne in law
 [Sidenote: Maximianus slaine.]
 [Sidenote: _Ann. Chri._ 322.]
 Constantine, and so ended his life, which he had spotted with manie
 cruell acts, as well in persecuting the professours of the christian
 name, as others.

 [Sidenote: Licinius chosen fellow with Maximianus in the empire.]
 In this meane time had Maximianus adopted one Licinius to assist him
 in gouernance of the empire, proclaiming him Cesar. So that now at one
 selfe time Constantine gouerned France and the west parts of the
 empire, Maxentius held Italie, Affrike, and Aegypt: and Maximianus
 which likewise had beene elected Cesar, ruled the east parts, and
 Licinius Illyrium and Grecia. But shortlie after, the emperour
 Constantine ioined in league with Licinius, and gaue to him his sister
 in marriage, named Constantia, for more suertie of faithfull
 friendship to indure betwixt them. He sent him also against Maximianus
 who gouerning in the east part of the empire, purposed the destruction
 of Constantine and all his partakers: but being vanquished by Licinius
 at Tarsus, he shortlie after died, being eaten with lice. Constantine
 after this was called into Italie, to deliuer the Romans and Italians
 from the tyrannie of Maxentius, which occasion so offered, Constantine
 gladlie accepting, passed into Italie, and after certeine victories
 got against Maxentius, at length slue him.

 After this, when Maximianus was dead, who prepared to make warre
 against Licinius, that had married Constantia the sister of
 Constantine, he finallie made warre against his brother in law the
 said Licinius, by reason of such quarrels as fell out betwixt them. In
 the which warre Licinius was put to the woorse, and at length comming
 into the hands of Constantine, was put to death, so that Constantine
 by this meanes got the whole empire vnder his rule and subiection. He
 was a great fauourer of the Christian religion, insomuch that to
 aduance the same, he tooke order for the conuerting of the temples
 dedicated to the honour of idols, vnto the seruice of the true and
 almightie God. He commanded also, that none should be admitted to
 [Sidenote: Christians honoured and cherished.]
 serue as a souldier in the warres, except he were a christian, nor yet
 to haue rule of anie countrie or armie. He also ordeined, the wéeke
 before Easter, and that which followed to be kept as holie, and no
 person to doo anie bodilie woorks during the same.

 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 [Sidenote: The praise of the empresse Helen.]
 [Sidenote: 328.]
 He was much counselled by that noble and most vertuous ladie his
 mother, the empresse Helen, who being a godlie and deuout woman, did
 what in hir laie, to mooue him to the setting foorth of Gods honour
 and increase of the christian faith, wherein as yet he was not fullie
 instructed. ¶ Some writers alledge, that she being at Ierusalem, made
 diligent search to find out the place of the sepulchre of our Lord,
 and at length found it, though with much adoo: for the infidels had
 stopped it vp, and couered it with a heape of filthie earth, and
 builded aloft vpon the place, a chappell dedicated to Venus, where
 yoong women vsed to sing songs in honour of that vnchast goddesse.
 Helen caused the same to be ouerthrowne, the earth to be remooued, and
 the place cleansed, so that at length the sepulchre appéered, and fast
 by were found there buried in the earth thrée crosses and the nailes.
 But the crosse wherevpon our Sauiour was crucified, was knowne by the
 title written vpon it, though almost worne out, in letters of Hebrew,
 Gréeke, and Latine: the inscription was this, _Iesus Nazarenus rex
 Iudæorum._ It was also perceiued which was that crosse by a miracle
 (as it is reported, but how trulie I can not tell) that should be
 wrought thereby: for being laid to a sicke woman, onlie with the
 touching thereof she was healed. It was also said, that a dead man was
 raised from death to life, his bodie onlie being touched therewith.
 Wherevpon Constantine mooued with these things, forbad that from
 thencefoorth anie should be put to death on the crosse, to the end
 that the thing which afore time was accounted infamous and
 reprochfull, might now be had in honour and reuerence.

 The empresse Helen hauing thus found the crosse, builded a temple
 there, & taking with hir the nailes, returned with the same to hir
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 sonne Constantine, who set one of them in the crest of his helmet, an
 other in the bridle of his horsse, and the third he cast into the sea,
 to asswage and pacifie the furious tempests and rage thereof. She also
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 brought with hir a parcell of that holie crosse, and gaue it to hir
 sonne the said Constantine, the which he caused to be closed within an
 image that represented his person, standing vpon a piller in the
 market place of Constantine, or (as some late writers haue) he caused
 it to be inclosed in a coffer of gold, adorned with rich stones and
 pearls, placing it in a church called Sessoriana, the which church he
 indued with manie great gifts and precious ornaments. Manie works of
 great zeale and vertue are remembered by writers to haue béene doone
 by this Constantine and his mother Helen, to the setting foorth of
 Gods glorie, and the aduancing of the faith of Christ.

 [Sidenote: The commendation of Constantine.]
 But to be briefe, he was a man in whome manie excellent vertues and
 good qualities both of mind and bodie manifestlie appéered, chieflie
 he was a prince of great knowledge and experience in warre, and
 therewith verie fortunate, an earnest louer of iustice, and to
 conclude, borne to all honour.

 But now to speake somewhat of the state of Britaine in his time, ye
 shall vnderstand, that as before is recorded, at his going ouer into
 France, after that he was proclaimed emperour, he left behind him in
 Britaine certeine gouernours to rule the land, and amongst other one
 Maximinus a right valiant capteine. He tooke with him a great part of
 the youth of Britaine, and diuerse of the chiefe men amongst the
 nobilitie, in whose approoued manhood, loialtie, and constancie, he
 conceiued a great hope to go thorough with all his enterprises, as
 with the which being accompanied and compassed about, he passed ouer
 into Gallia, entred into Italie, and in euerie place ouercame his
 enimies.

 [Sidenote: _Gulielmus Malmes._]
 [Sidenote: Britains seruing in the warres vnder Constantine.]
 Some write that Constantine thus conueieng ouer sea with him a great
 armie of Britains, and by their industrie obteining victorie as he
 wished, he placed a great number of such as were discharged out of
 wages, and licenced to giue ouer the warre, in a part of Gallia
 towards the west sea coast, where their posteritie remaine vnto this
 daie, maruellouslie increased afterwards, and somewhat differing from
 our Britains, the Welshmen, in manners and language. Amongst those
 noble men which he tooke with him when he departed out of this land
 [Sidenote: _Galfridus._]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 (as our writers doo testifie) were thrée vncles of his mother Helen,
 that is to say Hoelmus, Trahernus, and Marius, whome he made senators
 of Rome.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Of Octauius a British lord, his reigne ouer the Britains, he
 incountereth with Traherne first néere Winchester, and afterwards in
 Westmerland: Octauius being discomfited fléeth into Norway, Traherne
 is slaine, Octauius sendeth for Maximianus, on whom he bestoweth his
 daughter and the kingdome of Britaine: the death of Octauius, Helena
 builded the wals of Colchester and London, she dieth and is buried,
 Constantine departeth this life, Britaine reckoned among the prouinces
 that reteined the christian faith, Paulus a Spaniard is sent into
 Britaine, he dealeth roughlie with the people, Martinus the lieutenant
 excuseth them as innocent, his vnluckie end, Paulus returneth into
 Italie._

 THE XXIX CHAPTER.


 Now in the meane time that Constantine had obteined and ruled the
 whole empire, Britaine as it were hauing recouered libertie, in that
 one of hir children being hir king, had got the gouernment of the
 whole earth, remained in better quiet than afore time she had doone.
 [Sidenote: Octauius.]
 [Sidenote: _Caxton._]
 But yet in the meane season, if we shall credit the British chronicle
 and Geffrey of Monmouth the interpretor thereof; there was a British
 lord, named Octauius or Octauian, as the old English chronicle nameth
 [Sidenote: Gewisses inhabited the countrie which the west Saxons after
 held.]
 [Sidenote: The name of Gewisses came in with the Saxons of Guuy, &c.]
 him, that was duke of the Gewisses, and appointed by Constantine to be
 ruler of the land in his absence, the which Octauius (after that
 Constantine had recouered Rome and Italie, and was so busied in the
 affaires of the empire in those parts, that as was thought, he could
 not returne backe into Britaine) seized into his hands the whole
 dominion of Britaine, and held himselfe for king.

 [Sidenote: OCTAUIUS.]
 [Sidenote: _Galfridus._]
 [Sidenote: 329.]
 This Octauius then beginning his reigne ouer the Britains in the yéere
 of our Lord 329, prouoked Constantine to send against him one of his
 mothers vncles, the foresaid Traherne. This Trahernus, or as some name
 him Traherne, entred this land with three legions of souldiers, & in a
 field néere vnto Winchester, was incountered by Octauius and his
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 [Sidenote: _Galfridus._]
 [Sidenote: This agréeth not altogither with that which _Hector
 Boetius_ writeth, as in the Scotish chronicle appéereth.]
 Britains, by whome after a sore battell there striken betwixt them, in
 the end Traherne was put to flight and chased, insomuch that he was
 constreined to forsake that part of the land, and to draw towards
 Scotland. Octauius hauing knowledge of his passage, followed him, & in
 the countrie of Westmerland eftsoones gaue him battell, but in that
 battell Octauius was put to the woorsse, and constreined to forsake
 the land, fled into Norway, there to purchase aid: and being readie
 with such power as he there gathered, what of Britains and Norwegians,
 to returne into Britaine. Before his landing he was aduertised that an
 earle of Britaine which bare him heartie good will, had by treason

 [Sidenote: Traherne slaine.]
 [Sidenote: See in the Scotish chronicles more of these matters.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._ saith 316.]
 slaine Traherne. Octauius then comming to land, eftsoones got
 possession of Britaine, which should be (as Fabian gathereth) about
 the yéere of our Lord 329, in the 20 yéere of the reigne of the
 emperour Constantine, and about two yéeres after that the said
 Octauius first tooke vpon him to rule as king.

 After this (as the British chronicle affirmeth) Octauius gouerned the
 land right noblie, and greatlie to the contentation of the Britains.
 At length when he was fallen in age, and had no issue but one
 daughter, he was counselled to send vnto Rome for one Maximianus, a
 noble yoong man, coosine to the emperour Constantine, on the part of
 his mother Helena, to come into Britaine, and to take to his wife the
 said daughter of Octauius, and so with hir to haue the kingdome.
 [Sidenote: Maximianus is sent for.]
 [Sidenote: Conan Meridoc duke of Cornewall. This agréeth not with
 Octauius at the first that which is found in the Scotish chronicles.]
 meant to haue giuen hir in mariage vnto one Conan Meridoc duke of
 Cornewall, which was his nephue: but when the lords would not thereto
 agrée, at the length he appointed one Maurice sonne to the said Conan
 to go to Rome to fetch the forenamed Maximianus.

 Maurice according to his commission and instruction in that behalfe
 receiued, came to Rome, and declared his message in such effectuall
 [Sidenote: Maximianus commeth into Britaine.]
 sort, that Maximianus consented to go with him into Britaine, and so
 taking with him a conuenient number, set forward, and did so much by
 his iournies, that finallie he landed here in Britaine. And
 notwithstanding that Conan Meridoc past not so much to haue béene
 dooing with him, for malice that he conceiued towards him, because he
 saw that by his meanes he should be put beside the crowne, yet at
 length was Maximianus safelie brought to the kings presence, and of
 him honorablie receiued, and finallie the mariage was knit vp, and
 solemnized in all princelie maner. Shortlie after, Octauius departed
 [Sidenote: Octauius departeth this life.]
 out of this life, after he had reigned the terme of fiftie and foure
 yeares, as Fabian gathereth by that which diuers authors doo write,
 how he reigned till the daies that Gratian and Valentinian ruled the
 [Sidenote: 382.]
 Roman empire which began to gouerne in the yeare of our Lord (as he
 saith) 382, which is to be vnderstood of Gratian his reigne after the
 deceasse of his vncle Valens, for otherwise a doubt maie rise, because
 Valentine the father of Gratian admitted the said Gratian to the title
 of Augustus in the yeare of our Lord 351.

 But to leaue the credit of the long reigne of Octauius, with all his
 and others gouernement and rule ouer the Britains since the time of
 Constantius, vnto our British and Scotish writers, let vs make an end
 with the gouernement of that noble emperour Constantine, and assured
 branch of the Britains race, as borne of that worthie ladie the
 empresse Helen, daughter to Coell earle of Colchester, and after king
 of Britaine (as our histories doo witnesse.) Vnto the which empresse
 Constantine bare such dutifull reuerence, that he did not onelie
 honour hir with the name of empresse, but also made hir as it were
 partaker with him of all his wealth, and in manie things was led and
 ruled by hir vertuous and godlie admonitions, to the aduancement of
 Gods honour, and maintenance of those that professed the true
 christian religion. For the loue that she bare vnto Colchester and
 London, she walled them about, and caused great bricke and huge tiles
 to be made for the performance of the same, whereof there is great
 store to be séene euen yet to this present, both in the walls of the
 towne and castell of Colchester, as a testimonie of the woorkemanship
 [Sidenote: _Nicephorus._]
 [Sidenote: The empresse Helen departeth this life.]
 of those daies. She liued 79 yeares, and then departed this life about
 the 21 yeare of hir sonnes reigne. First she was buried at Rome
 without the walls of the citie with all funerall pompe, as to hir
 estate apperteined: but after hir corps was remoued and brought to
 Constantinople, where it was eftsoones interred. Hir sonne the
 [Sidenote: 340.]
 [Sidenote: The deceasse of the emperour Constantine.]
 emperour Constantine liued till about the yeare of Christ 340, and
 then deceassed at Nicomedia in Asia, after he had ruled the empire 32
 yeares and od moneths.

 We find not in the Romane writers of anie great stur here in Britaine
 during his reigne more than the British and Scotish writers haue
 recorded: so that after Traherne had reduced this land to quietnesse,
 it maie be supposed, that the Britains liued in rest vnder his
 gouernement, and likewise after vnder his sonnes that succéeded him in
 [Sidenote: 360.]
 the empire, till about the yeare 360, at what time the Picts and Scots
 inuaded the south parts of the land.

 But now to end with Octauius, that the christian faith remained still
 in Britaine, during the supposed time of this pretended kings reigne,
 it maie appeare, in that amongst the 36 prouinces, out of the which
 there were assembled aboue 300 bishops in the citie of Sardica in
 [Sidenote: _Synodus anno._ 354]
 Dacia, at a synod held there against the Eusebians, Britaine is
 numbred by Athanasius in his second apologie to be one. And againe,
 the said Athanasius in an epistle which he writeth to the emperour
 Iouinianus reciteth, that the churches in Britaine did consent with
 the churches of other nations in the confession of faith articuled in
 the Nicene councell. Also mention is made by writers of certeine
 godlie & learned men, which liued in offices in the church in those
 daies, as Restitutus bishop of London, which went ouer to the synod
 held at Arles in France, and also one Kibius Corinnius sonne to
 Salomon duke of Cornewall, and bishop of Anglesey, who instructed the
 people that inhabited the parts now called Northwales, and them of
 Anglesey aforesaid verie diligentlie.

 But now to speake somewhat of things chancing in Britaine about this
 season (as we find recorded by the Romane writers) some trouble was
 likelie to haue growne vnto the Britains by receiuing certeine men of
 warre that fled out of Italie into Britaine, whome the emperour
 [Sidenote: _Marcellinus._]
 [Sidenote: _lib._ 14.]
 Constantius would haue punished, because they had taken part with
 [Sidenote: Paulus a notarie.]
 Maxentius his aduersarie. Paulus a Spaniard and notarie was sent ouer
 by him, with commission to make inquirie of them, and to sée them
 brought to light to answere their transgressions: which Paulus began
 to deale roughlie in the matter, whereof he was called Catera, and to
 rage against the Britains and partakers with the fugitiues, in that
 they had receiued and mainteined them, as he alledged: but in the end
 [Sidenote: Martinus lieutenant.]
 being certified by Martinus the lieutenant of their innocencie, and
 fearing least his extreame rigour might alienate the hearts of the
 inhabitants altogither, and cause them to withdraw their obedience
 from the Romane empire, he turned the execution of his furie from them
 vnto the Romans, and made hauocke of those that he suspected, till the
 said Martinus fell at square with him, & thinking on a time to kill
 him, he drew his sword and smote at him. But such was his age and
 weakenesse, that he was not able to kill him or giue him anie deadlie
 wound: wherefore he turned the point of his sword against himselfe,
 and so ended his life, being contented rather to die than sée his
 countriemen and subiects of the empire so to be abused. After this the
 said Paulus returned backe againe into Italie from whence he came,
 after whose departure, it was not long yer he also was slaine, and
 then all the Scots and Picts sore disquieted the Romane subiects, for
 the suppressing of whose attempts Lupicinus was sent ouer out of
 Gallia by Iulianus, as shall be declared out of Amianus Marcellinus,
 after we haue first shewed what we find written in our owne writers
 concerning the Scots and Picts, who now began to rob and spoile the
 British inhabitants within the Romane prouinces here in this Ile, and
 that euen in most outragious maner.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Maximianus or Maximus gouerneth this Ile, why writers speake ill of
 him, strife betwixt him and Conan duke of Cornewall, Maximus is
 proclaimed emperour in Britaine, he transporteth the British youth
 seruiceable for warres into France, little Britaine in France why so
 called, eleuen thousand maids sent thither to match with Conans
 people, whereof some were drowned, and other some murthered in the way
 by Guanius king of Hunnes and Melga king of Picts, they flie into
 Ireland, murther requited with murther, the words of Gyldas concerning
 Maximus._

 THE XXX CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: MAXIMIANUS OR MAXIMUS.]
 [Sidenote: 383.]
 After the deceasse of Octauius or Octauian (as the old English
 chronicle nameth him) Maximianus or Maximus (as the Romane writers
 call him) began to rule the Britains in the yéere of our Lord 383, he
 was the sonne of one Leonine, and coosen germane to Constantine the
 great, a valiant personage, & hardie of stomach: but yet because he
 was cruell of nature, and (as Fabian saith) somewhat persecuted the
 christians, he was infamed by writers: but the chiefe cause why he was
 euil reported, was for that he slue his souereigne lord the emperour
 Gratianus, as after shall appeare, for otherwise he is supposed
 woorthie to haue had the rule of the empire committed to his hands in
 ech respect. Betwixt him and the aboue-named Conan Meridoc duke of
 Cornewall, chanced strife and debate, so that Conan got him into
 Scotland, and there purchasing aid, returned, and comming ouer Humber,
 wasted the countrie on ech side. Maximianus thereof hauing
 aduertisement, raised his power and went against him, and so fighting
 with him diuers battels, sometime departed awaie with victorie, and
 sometime with losse. At length through mediation of friends, a peace
 was made betwixt them. Finallie this Maximianus, or (as the Romane
 histories say) Maximus, was by the souldiers chosen and proclaimed
 emperour here in Britaine: although some write that this was doone in
 Spaine.

 [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._]
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 [Sidenote: _Caxton._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: The British youth led forth of the realme by Maximianus.]
 [Sidenote: Britaine in France.]
 After he had taken vpon him the imperiall dignitie, vpon desire to
 haue inlarged his dominion, he assembled togither all the chosen youth
 of this land méet to doo seruice in the warres, with the which he
 passed ouer into France, & there (as our writers record) he first
 subdued the countrie ancientlie called Armorica, and slue in battell
 the king thereof called Imball. This doone he gaue the countrie vnto
 Conan Meridoc, which was there with him, to hold the same of him, and
 of the kings of great Britaine for euer. He also commanded that the
 said countrie from thencefoorth should be called litle Britaine, and
 so was the name changed. What people soeuer inhabited there before,
 the ancient name argueth that they were rather Britains than anie
 other: for Armorica in the British toong signifieth as much as a
 countrie lieng vpon the sea.

 Conan then placing himselfe and his Britains in that quarter of
 Gallia, auoided all the old inhabitants, peopling that countrie onelie
 with Britains, which abhorring to ioine themselues with women borne in
 Gallia, Conan was counselled to send into Britaine for maids to be
 [Sidenote: Dionethius duke of Cornwall.]
 coupled with his people in mariage. Herevpon a messenger was
 dispatched vnto Dionethus at that time duke of Cornwall, and gouernour
 of Britaine vnder Maximianus, requiring him to send ouer into little
 [Sidenote: Maids sent foorth.]
 Britaine 11000 maids, that is to say, 8000 to be bestowed vpon the
 meaner sort of Conans people, and 3000 to be ioined in mariage with
 the nobles and gentlemen. Dionethus at Conans request, assembled the
 appointed number of maids, and amongst them he also appointed his
 daughter Vrsula, a ladie of excellent beautie, to go ouer and to be
 giuen in mariage to the foresaid Conan Meridoc, as he had earnestlie
 requested.

 [Sidenote: Vrsula the daughter of Dionethus.]
 These number of maids were shipped in Thames, and passing forward
 toward Britaine, were by force of weather and rage of wind scattered
 abroad, and part of them drowned, and the residue (among whom was the
 foresaid Vrsula) were slaine by Guanius king of the Hunnes, and Melga
 king of the Picts, into whose hands they fell, the which Guanius and
 Melga were sent by the emperour Gracian to the sea coasts of Germanie,
 to oppresse and subdue all such as were friends and mainteiners of the
 part of Maximianus. We find in some bookes, that there were sent ouer
 at that time 51000 maids, that is to say, 11000 gentlewomen, and 40000
 other.

 [Sidenote: Guanius and Melga.]
 After that Guanius and Melga had murthered the foresaid virgins, they
 entred into the north parts of Britaine, where the Scots now inhabit,
 and began to make sore warre on the Britains, whereof when Maximus was
 aduertised, he sent into Britaine one Gratianus with thrée legions of
 souldiers, who bare himselfe so manfullie against the enimies, that he
 constreined the said Guanius and Melga to flie out of the land, and to
 withdraw into Ireland. In this meane while, Maximus hauing slaine the
 emperor Gratian at Lions in France, and after entring into Italie, was
 slaine himselfe at Aquilia (after he had gouerned the Britains eight
 yéeres) by the emperour Theodosius, who came in aid of Valentinian,
 brother to the said emperor Gratian, as ye may find in the abridgement
 of the histories of Italie.

 ¶ But here yet before we make an end with this Maximus or Maximianus,
 I haue thought good to set downe the words which we find in Gyldas,
 where he writeth of the same Maximus, vndoubtedlie a Britaine borne,
 [Sidenote: Consobrinus Helenæ imperatricis.]
 nephue to the empresse Helen, and begotten by a Romane. "At length
 (saith Gyldas) the spring of tyrants budding vp, and now increasing
 into an huge wood, the Ile being called after the name of Rome, but
 holding neither maners nor lawes according to that name, but rather
 casting the same from it, sendeth foorth a branch of hir most bitter
 planting, to wit Maximus, accompanied with a great number of warriors
 to gard him, and apparelled in the imperiall robes which he neuer ware
 as became him, nor put them on in lawfull wise, but (after the custome
 of tyrants) was put into them by the mutining souldiers: which Maximus
 at the first by craftie policie rather than by true manhood winding in
 (as nets of his periurie and false suggestion) vnto his wicked
 gouernement the countries & prouinces next adioining, against the
 imperiall state of Rome, stretching one of his wings into Spaine, and
 the other into Italie, placed the throne of his most vniust empire at
 Trier, and shewed such rage in his wood dealing against his souereigne
 lords, that the one of the lawfull emperours he expelled out of Rome,
 and the other he bereft of his most religious and godlie life. Now
 without long tariance, compassed about with such a furious and bold
 gard as he had got togither, at the citie of Aquilia he loseth his
 wicked head, which had cast downe the most honourable heads of all the
 world from their kingdome and empire.

 "From thencefoorth Britaine being depriued of all hir warlike
 souldiers and armies, of hir gouernors also (though cruell) and of an
 huge number of hir youth (the which following the steps of the
 foresaid tyrant, neuer returned home againe) such as remained being
 vtterlie vnskilfull in feats of warre, were troden downe by two
 nations of beyond the seas, the Scots from the west, and the Picts
 [Sidenote: Scotorum à circio, Pictorum ab aquilone.]
 from the north, and as men thus quite dismaid, lament their miserable
 case, not knowing what else to doo for the space of manie yéeres
 togither. By reason of whose gréeuous inuasion and cruell oppression
 wherewith she was miserablie disquieted, she sendeth hir ambassadors
 vnto Rome, making lamentable sute euen with teares to haue some power
 of men of warre sent to defend hir against the enimies, promising to
 be true subiects with all faithfulnes of mind, if the enimie might be
 kept off and remooued." ¶ Thus farre Gyldas, and more, as in place
 hereafter you shall find recited.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _What Gratianus it was that was sent ouer from Rome into Britaine by
 Maximus, in what estimation the British souldiers haue béene, the
 priuie treason of Andragatius whereby Gratian came to his end: Maximus
 and his sonne Victor doo succéed him in the empire, they are both
 slaine, Marcus the Romane lieutenant sucéeding them is murthered,
 Gratianus also his successour hath the same end, the election of
 Constantine a Britaine borne, his praise and dispraise reported by
 writers, he goeth into France, maketh his sonne Constance partaker
 with him of the empire, a sharpe incounter betwixt his power and two
 brethrens that had the kéeping of the Pyrenine hils, the issue of the
 battell._

 THE XXXJ CHAPTER.


 But now where the British histories, and such of our English writers
 as follow them, make mention of one Gratianus a Romane, sent ouer with
 thrée legions of souldiers by Maximus, as before ye haue heard: we
 maie suppose that it was Gratianus the Britaine, that afterwards
 vsurped the imperiall dignitie héere in Britaine, in the daies of the
 [Sidenote: _Sextus Aurelius._]
 emperour Honorius. For it standeth neither with the concurrence of
 time nor yet with reason of the historie, that it should be Gratianus,
 surnamed Funarius, father to Valentinian, and grandfather to the
 emperour Gratianus, against whome Maximus rebelled. And yet I remember
 not that anie of the Romane writers maketh mention of anie other
 Gratianus, being a stranger, that should be sent hither as lieutenant
 to gouerne the Romane armie, except of the foresaid Gratianus
 [Sidenote: _Lib._ 30.]
 Funarius, who (as appéereth by Amian. Marcellinus) was generall of the
 Romane armie héere in this Ile, and at length being discharged,
 returned home into Hungarie (where he was borne) with honour, and
 there remaining in rest, was at length spoiled of his goods by the
 emperour Constantius as confiscate, for that in time of the ciuill
 warres he had receiued Maxentius, as he past thorough his countrie.

 But let vs grant, that either Gratianus the Britaine, or some other of
 that name, was sent ouer into Britaine (as before is said) by Maximus,
 least otherwise some errour may be doubted in the writers of the
 British histories, as hauing happilie mistaken the time and matter,
 bringing Gratianus Funarius to serue vnder Maximus, where peraduenture
 that which they haue read or heard of him, chanced long before that
 time by them suppposed: and so thorough mistaking the thing, haue made
 a wrong report, where neuerthelesse it standeth with great likelihood
 of truth, that some notable seruice of chiualrie was atchiued by the
 same Gratianus Funarius whilest he remained héere in this Ile, if the
 truth might be knowne of that which hath béene written by authors, and
 happilie by the same Am. Marcellinus, if his first thirtéene bookes
 might once come to light and be extant.

 But now to end with Maximus. William of Malmesburie (as ye haue heard)
 writeth, that not Maximus, but rather Constantine the great first
 peopled Armorica: but yet he agréeth, that both Maximus, and also
 Constantinus the vsurper, of whome after ye shall heare, led with them
 a great number of the Britains out of this land, the which Maximus or
 Maximianus and Constantinus afterwards being slaine, the one by
 Theodosius, and the other by Honorius, the Britains that followed them
 to the warres, part of them were killed, and the residue escaping by
 flight, withdrew vnto the other Britains which Constantine the great
 had first placed in Armorica. And so when the tyrants had left none in
 the countrie but rude people, nor anie in the townes but such as were
 giuen to slouth and gluttonie, Britaine being void of all aid of hir
 valiant youth, became a prey to hir next neighbours the Scots and
 Picts.

 Héere is yet to be considered, in what price the souldiers of the
 British nation were had in those daies, with whose onelie puissance
 Maximus durst take vpon him to go against all other the forces of the
 whole Romane empire: and how he prospered in that dangerous aduenture,
 it is expressed sufficientlie in the Romane histories, by whose report
 [Sidenote: _W.H._ out of _Paulus Diaco._]
 [Sidenote: _lib._ 12. & _alijs._]
 it appéereth, that he did not onlie conquer all the hither parts of
 France and Germanie, namelie on this side the Rhine, but also found
 meanes to intrap the emperour Gratian by this kind of policie. He had
 a faithfull friend called Andragatius, who was admirall of the seas
 perteining to the empire. It was therefore agréed betwixt them, that
 this Andragatius (with a chosen companie of the armie) should be
 carried in secret wise in a coch toward Lions, as if it had béene
 [Sidenote: _Tripart. hist. lib._ 9. _cap._ 21.]
 Constantia Posthumia the empresse, wife to the emperour Gratian,
 bruting abroad there withall, that the said empresse was comming
 forwards on hir waie to Lions, there to méet with hir husband, for
 that vpon occasion she was verie desirous to commune with him about
 certeine earnest businesse.

 When Gratian heard héereof, as one mistrusting no such dissimulation,
 he made hast to meete his wife, and comming at length without anie
 great gard about him, as one not in doubt of anie treason, approched
 the coch, where supposing to find his wife, he found those that
 streightwaies murthered him: & so was he there dispatched quite of
 life by the said Andragatius, who leapt foorth of the coch to woorke
 that feate when he had him once within his danger.

 Thus did the emperour Gratian finish his life in the 29 yéere of his
 [Sidenote: 383.]
 age, on the 25 of August, in the yéere of Christ 383, and then died.
 [Sidenote: This Flauius Victor he begat of his wife Helen the daughter
 of Eudes.]
 [Sidenote: _H. Lhoyd._]
 Maximus succéeded him (making his sonne Flauius Victor Nobilissimus
 his assistant in the empire) reigning fiue yéeres and two daies. In
 the beginning of his reigne Valentinian the yoonger made great suit to
 him to haue his fathers bodie, but it would not be granted. Afterwards
 also Maximus was earnestlie requested to come to an enteruiew with the
 same Valentinian, who promised him not onelie a safe conduct, but also
 manie other beneficiall good turnes beside. Howbeit Maximus durst not
 put himselfe in anie such hazard, but rather ment to pursue
 Valentinian as an vsurper, and so at length chased him into Slauonie,
 where he was driuen to such a streight, that if Theodosius had not
 [Sidenote: Valentinian put in danger by Maximus.]
 come to releeue him, Maximus had driuen him thence also, or else by
 slaughter rid him out of the waie.

 But when Maximus thought himselfe most assured, and so established in
 the empire, as he doubted no perils, he liued carelesse of his owne
 safegard, and therfore dismissed his British souldiers, who retiring
 into the northwest parts of Gallia, placed themselues there among
 their countriemen, which were brought ouer by the emperour
 Constantius, whilest Maximus passing the residue of his time in
 delights and pleasures, was surprised in the end and slaine by
 [Sidenote: _Eutropius._]
 [Sidenote: 388.]
 Theodosius néere vnto Aquilia, the 27 of August, in the yéere of Grace
 388, and in the beginning of the sixt yéere of his reigne, or rather
 vsurpation, as more rightlie it maie be tearmed. His sonne Flauius
 Victor surnamed Nobilissimus was also dispatched and brought to his
 end, not farre from the place where his father was slaine, by the
 [Sidenote: Arbogastes.]
 practise of one Arbogastes a Goth, which Flauius Victor was by the
 said Maximus made regent of the Frankeners, and partaker (as before is
 said) with him in the empire.

 After this, the Ile of Britaine remained in méetlie good quiet by the
 space of twentie yéeres, till one Marcus (that was then legat, or as
 we maie call him lord lieutenant or deputie of Britaine for the
 Romans) was by the souldiers héere proclaimed emperour against
 Honorius, which Marcus was soone after killed in a tumult raised among
 [Sidenote: Gratianus a Britaine. He reigned foure yéeres if we shal
 beléeue the British historie.]
 the people within few daies after his vsurpation began. Then one
 Gratianus a Britaine borne succéeded in his place, who was also slaine
 in the fourth moneth, after he had taken vpon him the imperiall
 ornaments. The souldiers not yet heerewith pacified, procéeded to the
 election of an other emperour, or rather vsurper, and so pronounced a
 noble gentleman called Constantine, borne also in Britaine, to be
 [Sidenote: 409.]
 emperour, who tooke that honour vpon him in the 409 yéere after the
 birth of our Sauiour, continuing his reigne by the space of two yéeres
 and od moneths, as the Romane histories make mention. Some report this
 Constantine to be of no great towardlie disposition woorthie to
 gouerne an empire, and that the souldiers chose him rather for the
 name sake, bicause they would haue another Constantine, more than for
 anie vertues or sufficient qualities found in his person. But other
 commend him both for manhood and wisedome, wherein to speake a truth,
 he deserued singular commendation, if this one note of vsurpation of
 the imperiall dignitie had not stained his other noble qualities. But
 heerein he did no more than manie other would haue doone, neither yet
 after his inuesture did so much as was looked for at his hands.

 Constantine being placed in the imperiall throne, gathered an armie
 with all possible indeuour, purposing out of hand to go ouer therwith
 into France, and so did, thinking thereby to win the possession of
 that countrie out of the hands of Honorius, or at the least to worke
 so, as he should not haue the souldiers and people there to be against
 him, if he missed to ioine in league with the Suabeiners, Alanes, and
 Vandales, which he sought to performe. But in the end, when neither of
 these his deuises could take place, he sent ouer for his sonne
 Constans (whome in his absence his aduersaries had shorne a moonke) &
 making him partaker with him in the empire, caused him to bring ouer
 with him another armie, which vnder the conduct of the same Constans
 he sent into Spaine to bring that countrie vnder his obeisance.

 This Constans therefore comming vnder the passages that lead ouer the
 Pyrenine mountains, Dindimus and Verianianus two brethren, vnto whome
 the keeping of those passages was committed to defend the same against
 the Vandals, and all other enimies of the empire, were readie to
 [Sidenote: His souldiers were Picts, and placed among other men of
 warre that serued vnder the ensignes of the empire, and named after
 Honorius, Honoriciani.]
 [Sidenote: _Blondus._]
 resist him with their seruants and countriemen that inhabited
 therabouts, giuing him a verie sharpe incounter, and at the first
 putting him in great danger of an ouerthrow, but yet at length by the
 valiant prowes of his British souldiers, Constans put his aduersaries
 to flight, and killed the two capteins, with diuers other men of name,
 that were partakers with him in the necessarie defense of that
 countrie against the enimies. When Constans had thus repelled those
 that resisted him, the custodie of the passages in the Pyrenine
 mounteins was committed vnto such bands of Picts and other, as were
 appointed to go with him about the atchiuing of this enterprise, who
 hauing the possession of those streicts or passages in their hands,
 gaue entrie vnto other barbarous nations to inuade Spaine, who being
 once entered, pursued the former inhabitants with fire and swoord,
 setled them selues in that countrie, and droue out the Romans.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Honorius sendeth earle Constantius to expell Constantine out of
 Gallia, the end of Constantinus the father and Constans the sonne, the
 valure and prowesse of the British souldiers, the British writers
 reprooued of necligences for that they haue inserted fables into their
 woorkes, whereas they might haue deposed matters of truth._

 THE XXXIJ CHAPTER.


 The emperour Honorius, perceiuing the réeling state of the empire,
 determined, foorthwith to recouer it, before it fell altogither into
 ruine: and therefore sent one Constantius an earle to driue
 Constantine out of Gallia, which he accordinglie performed: for after
 certeine bickerings, he slue the said Constantine at Arles, although
 not without great bloudshed. He pursued also the residue of the
 Britains, driuing them to the verie sea coasts, where they shrowded
 themselues among the other Britains, that before were setled in the
 countrie there, ancientlie called (as before we said) Armorica, that
 is, a region lieng on the sea coast: for _Ar_ in the British toong
 signifieth vpon; and _Moure_, perteining to the sea. And as this
 Constantine the father was slaine by Constantius, so was Constans the
 sonne killed at Vienna by one of his owne capteines named Gerontius.
 Whereby it came to passe, that Honorius shortlie after, hauing thus
 obteined the victorie of both these vsurpers, recouered the Ile, but
 yet not till the yeare next following, and that by the high industrie
 and great diligence of that valiant gentleman earle Constantius. The
 slaughter of Constantine & his sonne happened in the 1 yeare of the
 297 Olympiad, 465 after the comming of Cesar, 1162 after the building
 of Rome, the dominicall letter being A, and the golden number 13, so
 [Sidenote: 411.]
 that the recouering of the Iland fell in the yeare of our Lord 411.

 Here also is eftsoones to be considered the valure of the British
 souldiers, who following this last remembred Constantine the vsurper,
 did put the Romane state in great danger, and by force brake through
 into Spaine, vanquishing those that kept the streicts of the mounteins
 betwixt Spaine and Gallia, now called France, an exploit of no small
 consequence, sith thereby the number of barbarous nations got frée
 passage to enter into Spaine, whereof insued manie battels, sacking of
 cities and townes, and wasting of the countries, accordinglie as the
 furious rage of those fierce people was mooued to put their crueltie
 in practise.

 ¶ If therefore the Britaine writers had considered and marked the
 valiant exploits and noble enterprises which the Brittish aids, armies
 and legions atchiued in seruice of the Romane emperours (by whome
 whilest they had the gouernement ouer this Ile, there were at sundrie
 times notable numbers conueied foorth into the parties of beyond the
 seas, as by Albinus and Constantius, also by his sonne Constantine the
 great, by Maximus, and by this Constantine, both of them vsurpers) if
 (I saie) the British writers had taken good note of the numbers of the
 British youth thus conueied ouer from hence, & what notable exploits
 they boldlie attempted, & no lesse manfullie atchiued, they néeded not
 to haue giuen eare vnto the fabulous reports forged by their Bards, of
 Arthur and other their princes, woorthie in déed of verie high
 commendation.

 And pitie it is, that their fame should be brought by such meanes out
 of credit, by the incredible and fond fables which haue béene deuised
 of their acts so vnlike to be true, as the tales of Robin Hood, or the
 gests written by Ariost the Italian in his booke intituled "Orlando
 furioso," sith the same writers had otherwise true matter inough to
 write of concerning the worthie feats by their countriemen in those
 daies in forren parts boldlie enterprised, and no lesse valiantlie
 accomplished, as also the warres which now and then they mainteined
 against the Romans here at home, in times when they felt themselues
 oppressed by their tyrannicall gouernment, as by that which is written
 before of Caratacus, Voadicia, Cartimandua, Venusius, Galgagus, or
 Galdus (as some name him) and diuers other, who for their noble
 valiancies deserue as much praise, as by toong or pen is able to be
 expressed. But now to returne vnto the British historie: we will
 procéed in order with their kings as we find them in the same
 mentioned, and therefore we haue thought good to speake somewhat
 further of Gratian, from whome we haue digressed.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Gratians rough regiment procureth his owne destruction, the comming
 of his two brethren Guanius and Melga with their armies, the Scots and
 Picts plague the Britains, they send for aid to Rome, Valentinian
 sendeth Gallio Rauenna to reléeue them, the Romans refuse anie longer
 to succour the Britains, whom they taught how to make armour and
 weapons, the Scots and Picts enter afresh into Britaine and preuaile,
 the Britains are brought to extreme miserie, ciuill warres among them,
 and what mischiefe dooth follow therevpon, their lamentable letter to
 Actius for succour against their enimies, their sute is denied, at
 what time the Britains ceased to be tributaries to the Romans, they
 send ambassadors to the K. of Britaine in France, and obteine their
 sute._

 THE XXXIIJ CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: GRATIANUS.]
 GRATIANUS then, whome Maximus or Maximinus had sent into Britaine (as
 before ye haue heard) hearing that his maister was slaine, tooke vpon
 him the rule of this our Britaine, and made himselfe king therof, in
 [Sidenote: 390.]
 the yeare 390. He was a Britaine borne, as Polydor writeth,
 coniecturing so, by that he is named of authors to be Municeps, that
 [Sidenote: Of the Romane souldiers as _Blondus_ saith.]
 is to saie, a frée man of the countrie or citie where he inhabited.
 For his sternenesse and rough gouernement, he was of the Britains (as
 the histories alledge) slaine and dispatched out of the waie, after he
 had reigned the space of foure yeares, or rather foure moneths, as
 should séeme by that which is found in autentike writers. Then the
 [Sidenote: _Galfrid._]
 [Sidenote: _Caxton._]
 forenamed kings Guantius and Melga, which (as some write) were
 brethren, returned into this land with their armies increased with new
 supplies of men of warre, as Scots, Danes, the Norwegians, and
 destroied the countrie from side to side. For the Britains in this
 [Sidenote: _Galfrid._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Caxton._]
 season were sore inféebled, and were not able to make anie great
 numbers of souldiers, by reason that Maximus had led foorth of the
 land the floure and chiefest choise of all the British youth into
 Gallia, as before ye haue heard.

 [Sidenote: _Gyldas._]
 Gyldas maketh no mention of these two kings Guanius and Melga of the
 Hunnes, but rehearsing this great destruction of the land, declareth
 (as before ye haue heard) that the Scots and Picts were the same that
 did all the mischiefe, whome he calleth two nations of beyond the
 seas, the Scots comming out of the northwest, and the Picts out of the
 northeast, by whome (as he saith) the land was ouerrun, and brought
 vnder foot manie yeares after. Therefore the Britains being thus
 vexed, spoiled, and cruellie persecuted by the Scots and Picts (if we
 shall so take them) sent messengers with all spéed vnto Rome to make
 sute for some aid of men of war to be sent into Britaine. Wherevpon
 [Sidenote: 414.]
 immediatlie a legion of souldiers was sent thither in the yéere 414,
 which easilie repelled the enimies, and chased them backe with great
 slaughter, to the great comfort of the Britains, the which by this
 meanes were deliuered from danger of vtter destruction, as they
 thought.

 But the Romans being occasioned to depart againe out of the land,
 appointed the Britains to make a wall (as had béene aforetime by the
 [Sidenote: _Beda_ and _Polychron._]
 emperours Adrian, Antoninus and Seuerus) ouerthwart the countrie from
 sea to sea, stretching from Penuelton vnto the citie of Aclud, whereby
 the enimies might be staid from entring the land: but this wall being
 made of turfs and sods, rather than with stones, after the departure
 of the Romans was easilie ouerthrowne by the Scots and Picts, which
 eftsoones returned to inuade the confines of the Britains, and so
 entring the countrie, wasted and destroied the places before them,
 [Sidenote: _Gyldas._]
 [Sidenote: _Polychron._]
 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 according to their former custome. Herevpon were messengers with most
 lamentable letters againe dispatched towards Rome for new aid against
 those cruell enimies, with promise, that if the Romans would now in
 this great necessitie helpe to deliuer the land, they should be
 assured to find the Britains euermore obedient subiects, and redie at
 [Sidenote: _Blondus._]
 [Sidenote: Gallio Ravenna sent into Brittaine.]
 their commandement. Valentinianus (pitieng the case of the poore
 Britains) appointed another legion of souldiers (of the which one
 Gallio of Rauenna had the leading) to go to their succours, the which
 arriuing in Britaine set on the enimies, and giuing them the
 ouerthrow, slue a great number of them, and chased the residue out of
 the countrie.

 The Romans thus hauing obteined the victorie, declared to the
 Britains, that from thencefoorth they would not take vpon them for
 euerie light occasion so painefull a iournie, alledging how there was
 no reason why the Romane ensignes, with such a number of men of warre,
 should be put to trauell so far by sea and land, for the repelling and
 beating backe of a sort of scattering rouers and pilfring théeues.
 Wherfore they aduised the Britains to looke to their dueties, and like
 men to indeuour themselues to defend their countrie by their owne
 force from the enimies inuasions. And because they iudged it might be
 an helpe to the Britains, they set in hand to build a wall yet once
 [Sidenote: A wall built overthwart the Iland.]
 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 againe ouerthwart the Ile, in the same place where the emperour
 Seuerus caused his trench and rampire to be cast. This wall which the
 Romans now built with helpe of the Britains, was 8 foot in bredth and
 12 in length, trauersing the land from east to west, & was made of
 stone.

 [Sidenote: _Gyldas_ and _Beda._]
 After that this wall was finished, the Romans exhorted the Britains to
 plaie the men, and shewed them the way how to make armor & weapons.
 Besides this, on the coast of the east sea where their ships lay at
 rode, & where it was douted that the enimies would land, they caused
 towers to be erected, with spaces betwixt, out of the which the seas
 [Sidenote: _Gyldas._]
 might be discouered. These things ordered, the Romans bad the Britains
 farewell, not minding to returne thither againe. The Romans then being
 gon out of the land, the Scots and Picts knowing thereof, by & by came
 againe by sea, & being more emboldened than before, bicause of the
 deniall made by the Romans to come any more to the succor of the
 Britains, they tooke into possession all the north and vttermost
 [Sidenote: This chanced in the yere 43. as _M. W._ saith.]
 bounds of the Ile, euen vnto the foresaid wall, therein to remaine as
 inhabitants. And wheras the Britains got them to their wall to defend
 the same, that the enimies should not passe further into the countrie,
 they were in the end beaten from it, and diuers of them slaine, so
 that the Scots and Picts entred vpon them and pursued them in more
 cruell maner than before, so that the Britains being chased out of
 their cities, townes, and dwelling houses, were constreined to flie
 into desert places, and there to remaine and liue after the maner of
 sauage people, and in the end began to rob and spoile one another, so
 to auoid the danger of staruing for lacke of food: and thus at the
 last the countrie was so destroied and wasted, that there was no other
 shift for them that was left aliue to liue by, except onelie by
 hunting and taking of wild beasts and foules. And to augment their
 miserie, the commons imputing the fault to rest in the lords and
 [Sidenote: _Hector Boet._]
 [Sidenote: Rebellion.]
 gouernors, arose against them in armes, but were vanquished and
 easilie put to flight at two seuerall times, being beaten downe and
 slaine (through lacke of skill) in such numbers, especiallie the
 latter time, that the residue which escaped, withdrew into the craggie
 mounteins, where within the bushes and caues they kept themselues
 close, sometimes comming downe and fetching away from the heards of
 beasts and flocks of shéepe which belonged to the nobles and gentlemen
 of the countrie, great booties to relieue them withall. But at length
 oppressed with extreme famine, when neither part could long remaine in
 this state, as néeding one anothers helpe, necessitie made peace
 [Sidenote: Ciuill warre decaied the force of the Britains. What
 mischiefe follow of ciuill warres.]
 betwixt the lords and commons of the land, all iniuries being pardoned
 and cléerelie forgiuen. This ciuill warre decaied the force of the
 Britains, little lesse than the tyrannicall practises of Maximus, for
 by the auoiding of the commons thus out of their houses, the ground
 laie vntilled, whereof insued such famine for the space of thrée
 yéeres togither, that a woonderfull number of people died for want of
 sustenance.

 Thus the Britains being brought generallie into such extreame miserie,
 they thought good to trie if they might purchase some aid of that
 [Sidenote: Actius.]
 noble man Actius, which at that time remained in France as yet called
 Gallia, gouerning the same as lieutenant vnder the emperor Honorius:
 and herevpon taking counsell togither, they wrote a letter to him, the
 tenor whereof insueth.

   _To Actius thrise consull._

 "The lamentable request of vs the Britains, beseeching you of aid to
 bee ministred vnto the prouince of the Romane empire, vnto our
 countrie, vnto our wiues and children at this present, which stand in
 most extreame perill. For the barbarous people driue vs to the sea,
 and the sea driueth vs backe vnto them againe. Hereof rise two kinds
 of death, for either we are slaine, or drowned, and against such euils
 haue we no remedie nor helpe at all. Therefore in respect of your
 clemencie, succor your owne we most instantlie require you, &c."

 Notwithstanding the Britains thus sought for aid at Actius hands as
 [Sidenote: The Britains could get no aid fr[=o] the Romans.]
 then the emperours lieutenant, yet could they get none; either for
 that Actius would not, as he that passed litle how things went,
 bicause he bare displeasure in his mind against Valentinian as then
 emperor; or else for that he could not, being otherwise constreined to
 imploie all his forces in other places against such barbarous nations
 as then inuaded the Romane empire. And so by that means was Britaine
 lost, and the tribute which the Britains were accustomed to pay to the
 Romans ceassed, iust fiue hundred yéeres after that Iulius Cesar first
 entred the Ile.

 The Britains being thus put to their shifts, manie of them as
 hunger-starued were constrained to yéeld themselues into the griping
 hands of their enimies, whereas other yet kéeping within the
 mounteins, woods and caues, brake out as occasion serued vpon their
 aduersaries, and then first (saith Gyldas) did the Britains not
 putting their trust in man but in God (according to the saieng of
 Philo, Where mans helpe faileth, it is needfull that Gods helpe be
 present) make slaughter of their enimies that had béene accustomed
 manie yéeres to rob and spoile them in maner as before is recited, and
 so the bold attempts of the
 [Sidenote: Punishment ceaseth, but sin increaseth.]
 enimies ceassed for a time, but the wickednesse of the British people
 ceassed not at all. The enimies departed out of the land, but the
 inhabitants departed not from their naughtie dooings, being not so
 readie to put backe the common enimies, as to exercise ciuill warre
 and discord among themselues. The wicked Irish people departed home,
 to make returne againe within a while after. But the Picts settled
 themselues first at that season in the vttermost bounds of the Ile,
 and there continued, making insurrections oftentimes vpon their
 neighbours, and spoiling them of their goods.

 [Sidenote: _Galfridus._]
 [Sidenote: _Gyldas_ his words are to be considered.]
 This with more also hath Gyldas, and likewise Beda written of this
 great desolation of the British people: wherein if the words of Gyldas
 be well weighed and considered, it maie lead vs to thinke, that the
 Scots had no habitations here in Britaine, but onelie in Ireland, till
 after this season, and that at this present time the Picts, which
 before inhabited within the Iles of Orkenie, now placed themselues in
 the north parts of Scotland, and after by processe of time came and
 nestled themselues in Louthian, in the Mers, and other countries more
 neere to our borders. But to procéed.

 The British histories affirme, that whilest the Britains were thus
 persecuted by these two most cruell and fierce nations the Scots and
 Picts, the noble and chiefest men amongst them consulted togither, &
 [Sidenote: An ambassage sent from the Britains vnto Aldroenus king of
 Britaine in France.]
 concluded to send an honorable ambassage vnto Aldroenus as then king
 of little Britaine in Gallia, which Aldroenus was the fourth from
 Conan Meridoc the first king there of the British nation. Of this
 ambassage the archbishop of London named Guetheline or Gosseline was
 appointed the chiefe and principall, who passing ouer into little
 Britaine, and comming before the presence of Aldroenus, so declared
 the effect of his message, that his suit was granted. For Aldroenus
 [Sidenote: Constantine the brother of Aldroenus.]
 agréed to send his brother Constantine ouer into great Britaine with a
 conuenient power, vpon condition, that the victorie being obteined
 against the enimies, the Britains should make him king of great
 Britaine.

 ¶ Thus it is apparent, that this land of Britaine was without anie
 certeine gouernour (after that Gratian the vsurper was dispatched) a
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 number of yéeres togither, but how manie, writers in their account do
 varie. Fabian deposeth by diuers coniecturs that the space betwixt the
 death of Gratian, and the beginning of the reigne of the said
 Constantine, brother to Aldroenus, continued nine and thirtie yéeres,
 during which time the Britains were sore and miserablie afflicted by
 the inuasions of the Scots and Picts, as before ye haue heard by
 testimonies taken out of Beda, Gyldas, Geffrey of Monmouth, and other
 writers both British and English.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _What the Roman historiographer Marcellinus reporteth of the Scots,
 Picts, and Britains vnder the emperour Iulianus, Valentinianus and
 Valens, they send their vicegerents into Britaine, the disquietnesse
 of that time, London called Augusta, the worthie exploits of
 Theodosius in this Iland against the enimie, Valentinus a banished
 malefactor deuiseth his destruction, he is taken and executed, he
 reformeth manie disorders and inconueniences, the first entring of the
 Saxons into Britaine, they are dawnted at the verie sight of the
 Romane ensignes, the Saxons lieng in wait for their enimies are slaine
 euerie mothers sonne._

 THE XXXIIIJ CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: Maximus.]
 [Sidenote: 383.]
 But now sith no mention is made of the Scots in our histories, till
 the daies of Maximus the vsurper or tyrant, as some call him, who
 began his reigne here in Britaine about the yéere of our Lord 383, and
 that till after he had bereft the land of the chiefest forces thereof,
 in taking the most part of the youth ouer with him: we find not in the
 same histories of anie troubles wrought to the Britains by that
 nation. Therefore we haue thought good héere to come backe to the
 former times, that we may shew what is found mentioned in the Romane
 histories, both before that time and after, as well concerning the
 [Sidenote: _Ammianus Marcellinus lib._ 20.]
 [Sidenote: The emperor Iulianius.]
 Scots and Picts, as also the Saxons, and especiallie in Ammianus
 Marcellinus, where in the beginning of his twentith booke intreating
 of the doings of the emperour Iulianus, he saith as followeth.

 In this state stood things in Illyricum or Slauonia, and in the east
 parts, at what time Constantius bare the office of consull the tenth
 time, and Iulianus the third time, that is to say, in the yéere of our
 [Sidenote: 360.]
 Lord 360, when in Britaine quietnesse being disturbed by roads made
 [Sidenote: Scots and Picts trouble the state of this Ile.]
 by the Scots and Picts, which are wild and sauage people, the
 frontiers of the countrie were wasted, and feare oppressed the
 prouinces wearied with the heape of passed losses. The emperor [he
 meaneth Iulianus] as then remaining at Paris, and hauing his mind
 troubled with manie cares, doubted to go to the aid of them beyond the
 sea, as we haue shewed that Constantius did, least he should leaue
 them in Gallia without a ruler, the Almains being euen then prouoked
 and stirred vp to crueltie and warre.

 [Sidenote: Lupicinus sent into Britaine.]
 He thought good therefore to send Lupicinus vnto these places to bring
 things into frame and order, which Lupicinus was at that time master
 of the armorie, a warlike person and skilfull in all points of
 chiualrie, but proud and high-minded beyond measure, and such one as
 it was doubted long whether he was more couetous or cruell. Herevpon
 [Sidenote: Bataui now Hollanders.]
 the said Lupicinus setting forward the light armed men of the Heruli
 and Bataui, with diuers companies also of the people of Mesia now
 called Bulgarie; when winter was well entred and come on, he came
 himselfe to Bulleine, and there prouiding ships, and imbarking his
 [Sidenote: Rutupis.]
 men, when the wind serued his purpose, he transported ouer vnto
 Sandwich, and so marched foorth unto London, from thence purposing to
 set forward, as vpon aduise taken according to the qualitie of his
 businesse he should thinke méet and expedient.

 [Sidenote: Of the displacing of these men the learned may sée more in
 _Am. Mar._]
 In the meane time, whilest Lupicinus was busie here in Britaine to
 represse the enimies, the emperour Constantius displaced certeine
 officers, and among other he depriued the same Lupicinus of the office
 of the master of the armorie, appointing one Gumobarius to succéed him
 in that roome, before anie such thing was knowen in these parties. And
 where it was doubted least that Lupicinus (if he had vnderstood so
 much whilest he was yet in Britaine) would haue attempted some new
 trouble, as he was a man of a stout and loftie mind, he was called
 backe from thence, and withall there was sent a notarie vnto Bulleine,
 to watch that none should passe the seas ouer into Britaine till
 Lupicinus were returned: and so returning ouer from thence yer he had
 anie knowledge what was doone by the emperour, he could make no
 sturre, hauing no such assistants in Gallia, as it was thought he
 might haue had in Britaine, if he should haue mooued rebellion there.

 [Sidenote: _Lib._ 26.]
 [Sidenote: _Ammianus Marcellinus lib._ 26.]
 The same Marcellinus speaking of the doings about the time that
 Valentinianus, being elected emperour, had admitted his brother Valens
 as fellow with him in gouernement, hath these words. In this season as
 though trumpets had blowne the sound to battell through out the whole
 Romane empire, most cruell nations being stirred vp, inuaded the
 borders next adioining, the Almans wasted and destroied the parts of
 [Sidenote: The Almans.]
 [Sidenote: The Sarmatians.]
 [Sidenote: The Quadi Picts and Saxons.]
 [Sidenote: Austorians.]
 [Sidenote: The Goths.]
 Gallia and Rhetia, as the Sarmatians and Quadi did Paunonia, the
 Picts, the Saxons, the Scots, and the Attacots vexed the Britains with
 continuall troubles, and gréeuous damages; the Austorians and the
 people of the Moores ouerran the countrie of Affrike more sharpelie
 than in time past they had done; the pilfring troops of the Goths
 spoiled Thracia; the king of Persia set in hand to subdue the
 Armenians, and sought to bring them vnder his obeisance, hasting with
 all spéed toward Numonia, pretending (though vniustlie) that now after
 the deceasse of Iouinius, with whome he had contracted a league and
 bond of peace, there was no cause of let what he ought not to recouer
 those things, which (as he alledged) did belong to his ancestors: and
 so foorth.

 [Sidenote: _Lib._ 27.]
 Moreouer, the same Marcellinus in another place writeth in this wise,
 where he speaketh of the said Valentinianus. Departing therefore from
 Amiens, and hasting to Trier, he was troubled with gréeuous newes that
 were brought him, giuing him to vnderstand, that Britaine by a
 conspiracie of the barbarous nations was brought to vtter pouertie,
 [Sidenote: Comes maritimi tractus.]
 that Nectaridus one of the emperours house earle of the sea coast,
 hauing charge of the parties towards the sea, was slaine, and that the
 generall Bulchobaudes was circumuented by traines of the enimies.
 These things with great horrour being knowne, he sent Seuerus as then
 [Sidenote: Comes domesticorum.]
 erle, or (as I may call him lord steward of his houshold) to reforme
 things that were amisse, if hap would so permit, who being shortlie
 called backe, Iouinius going thither, and with spéed hasting forward,
 sent for more aid and a great power of men, as the instant necessitie
 then required. At length, for manie causes, and the same greatlie to
 be feared, the which were reported and aduertised out of that Ile,
 [Sidenote: Theodosius sent into Britaine.]
 Theodosius was elected and appointed to go thither, a man of approoued
 skill in warlike affaires, and calling togither an hardie youthfull
 number of the legions and cohorts of men of warre, he went foorth, no
 small hope being conceiued of his good spéed; the fame wherof spred
 and went afore him.

 A litle after, Marcellinus adding what people they were that troubled
 the Britains in this wise, saith thus. This shall suffice to be said,
 [Sidenote: Picts diuided into two nations.]
 [Sidenote: Attacotti.]
 that in this season the Picts diuided into two nations Dicalidones,
 and Victuriones, and in like maner the Attacotti a right warlike
 nation, and the Scots wandering here and there, made fowle woorke in
 places where they came. The confines of France were disquieted by the
 Frankeners and Saxons borderers vnto them, euerie one as they could
 breaking foorth, & dooing great harme by cruell spoile, fire, and
 taking of prisoners. To withstand those dooings if good fortune would
 giue him leaue, that most able capteine going vnto the vttermost
 bounds of the earth, when he came to the coast of Bullen which is
 seuered from the contrarie coast on the other side by the sea, with a
 narrow streight, where sometime the water goeth verie high and rough,
 & shortlie after becommeth calme & pleasant, without hurt to those
 [Sidenote: Theodosius passeth ouer into Britaine.]
 that passe the same, transporting ouer at leasure, he arriued at
 Sandwich (or rather Richburrow) where there is a quiet road for
 [Sidenote: Bataui Hollanders.]
 vessels to lie at anchor. Wherevpon the Bataui and Heruli, with the
 souldiers of the legions called Iouij, and Victores, being companies
 that trusted well to their owne strength, marched foorth & drew
 [Sidenote: London called Augusta.]
 towards London, an ancient citie, which now of late hath bin called
 Augusta. Herewith diuiding his armie into sundrie parts, he set vpon
 the troops of his enimies as they were abroad to forrey the countrie,
 pestered with burdens of their spoiles and pillage, and spéedilie
 putting them to flight, as they were leading away those prisoners
 which they had taken, with their booties of cattell, he bereft them of
 their preie, the which the poore Britains that were tributaries had
 lost. To be briefe, restoring the whole, except a small portion
 bestowed amongst the wearie souldiers, he entred the citie which
 before was opprest with troubles, but now suddenlie refreshed, bicause
 there was hope of reliefe and assured preseruation.

 After this, when Theodosius was comforted with prosperous successe to
 attempt things of greater importance, and searching waies how with
 good aduise to woorke suerlie: whilest he remained doubtfull what
 would insue, he learned as well by the confession of prisoners taken,
 as also by the information of such as were fled from the enimies, that
 the scattered people of sundrie nations which with practise of great
 crueltie were become fierce and vndanted, could not be subdued but by
 policie secretlie practised, and sudden inuasions. At length therefore
 setting foorth his proclamations, and promising pardon to those that
 were gone awaie from their capteins or charge, he called them backe
 againe to serue: and also those that by licence were departed and laie
 scattered here and there in places abroad. By this meanes, when manie
 were returned, he being on the one side earnestlie prouoked, and on
 [Sidenote: Theodosius requireth to haue Ciuilis sent to him.]
 the other holden backe with thoughtfull cares, required to haue one
 Ciuilis by name sent to him to haue the rule of the prouinces in
 Britaine in steed of the other gouernours, a man of sharpe wit, and an
 [Sidenote: Dulcitius.]
 earnest mainteiner of iustice. He likewise required that one Dulcitius
 a capteine renowmed in knowledge of warlike affaires might be sent
 ouer to him for his better asistance. These things were doone in
 Britaine.

 Againe, in his eight and twentith booke, the same Marcellinus reciting
 further what the same Theodosius atchiued in Britaine, hath in effect
 these words: Thedosius verelie a capteine of woorthie fame, taking a
 [Sidenote: London called Augusta.]
 valiant courage to him, and departing from Augusta, which men of old
 time called London, with souldiers assembled by great diligence, did
 succour and reléeue greatlie the decaied and troubled state of the
 Britains, preuenting euerie conuenient place where the barbarous
 people might lie in wait to doo mischiefe: and nothing he commanded
 the meane souldiers to doo, but that whereof he with a chéerefull mind
 would first take in hand to shew them an example. By this meanes
 accomplishing the roome of a valiant souldier, and fulfilling the
 charge of a noble capteine, he discomfited and put to flight sundrie
 nations, whome presumption (nourished by securitie) emboldened to
 inuade the Romane prouinces: and so the cities and castels that had
 béene sore endamaged by manifold losses and displeasures, were
 restored to their former state of wealth, the foundation of rest and
 quietnesse being laid for a long season after to insue.

 But as these things were a dooing, one wicked practise was in hand &
 like to haue burst foorth, to the gréeuous danger of setting things in
 broile, if it had not béene staied euen in the beginning of the first
 attempt. For there was one Valentinus, borne in the parties of Valeria
 adioining to Pannonia, now called Stiermarke, a man of a proud and
 [Sidenote: Valentinus.]
 [Sidenote: Valeria now Stiermarke.]
 loftie stomach, brother to the wife of Maximinus, which Valentinus for
 some notable offense had béene banished into Britaine, where the
 naughtie man that could not rest in quiet, deuised how by some
 commotion he might destroy Theodosius, who as he saw was onelie able
 to resist his wicked purposes. And going about manie things both
 priuilie and apertlie, the force of his vnmeasurable desire to
 mischiefe still increasing, he sought to procure aswell other that
 were in semblable wise banished men, & inclined to mischiefe like him
 selfe, as also diuers of the souldiers, alluring them (as the time
 serued) with large promises of great wealth, if they would ioine with
 him in that enterprise. But euen now in the verie nicke, when they
 shuld haue gone in hand with their vngratious exploit, Theodosius
 warned of their intent, boldlie aduanced himselfe to sée due
 punishment executed on the offendors that were foorthwith taken and
 knowne to be guiltie in that conspiracie.

 [Sidenote: Dulcitius is appointed to put Valentinus to death.]
 Theodosius committed Valentine with a few other of his trustie
 complices vnto the capteine Dulcitius, commanding him to see them put
 to death: but coniecturing by his warlike skill (wherein he passed all
 other in those daies) what might follow, he would not in anie wise
 haue anie further inquirie made of the other conspirators, least
 through feare that might be spread abroad in manie, the troubles of
 the prouinces now well quieted, should be againe reuiued. After this,
 Theodosius disposing himselfe to redresse manie things as néed
 required, all danger was quite remooued: so that it was most apparent,
 that fortune fauored him in such wise, that she left him not destitute
 of hir furtherance in anie one of all his attempts. He therefore
 restored the cities & castels that were appointed to be kept with
 garrisons, and the borders he caused to be defended and garded with
 sufficient numbers to kéepe watch and ward in places necessarie. And
 hauing recouered the prouince which the enimies had gotten into their
 possession, he so restored it to the former state, that vpon his
 motion to haue it so, a lawfull gouernour was assigned to rule it, and
 [Sidenote: A part of Britaine called Valentia.]
 the name was changed, so as from thencefoorth it should be called
 Valentia for the princes pleasure.

 The Areani, a kind of men ordeined in times past by our elders (of
 whome somewhat we haue spoken in the acts of the emperour Constance)
 being now by little and little fallen into vices, he remooued from
 their places of abiding, being openlie conuicted, that allured with
 bribes and faire promises, they had oftentimes bewraied vnto the
 barbarous nations what was doone among the Romans: for this was their
 charge, to runne vp and downe by long iournies, and to giue warning to
 our captains, what sturre the people of the next confines were about
 to make.

 [Sidenote: The praise of Theodosius.]
 Theodosius therefore hauing ordered these & other like things, most
 woorthilie & to his high fame, was called home to the emperours court,
 who leauing the prouinces in most triumphant state, was highlie
 renowmed for his often and most profitable victories, as if he had
 béene an other Camillus or Cursor Papirius, and with the fauor and
 loue of all men was conueied vnto the sea side; and passing ouer with
 a gentle wind, came to the court, where he was receiued with great
 gladnesse and commendation, being immediatlie appointed to succéed in
 the roome of Valence Iouinus that was maister of the horsses.
 Finallie, he was called by the emperour Gratianus, to be associated
 with him in the imperiall estate, after the death of Valence, in the
 [Sidenote: 379.]
 yeare after the incarnation of our Sauior 379, and reigned emperour,
 surnamed Thodosius the great, about 16 yeares and 2 daies.

 [Sidenote: _Wil. Har._]
 Hereto also maie that be applied which the foresaid Marcellinus
 writeth in the same booke, touching the inuasion of the Saxons, the
 [Sidenote: _Walf. Lazi._]
 which (as Wolf. Lazius taketh it) entred then first into great
 Britaine, but were repelled of the emperour Valentinianus the first,
 [Sidenote: Seuerus.]
 by the conduct and guiding of Seuerus. The same yéere (saith he) that
 the emperours were the third time consuls, there brake forth a
 multitude of Saxons, & passing the seas, entred stronglie into the
 Romane confines: a nation fed oftentimes with the slaughter of our
 [Sidenote: Nonneus Comes.]
 people, the brunt of whose first inuasion earle Nonneus sustained, one
 which was appointed to defend those parties, an approoued capteine, &
 with continuall trauell in warres verie expert. But then incountring
 with desperate and forlorne people, when he perceiued some of his
 souldiers to be ouerthrowne and beaten downe, and himselfe wounded,
 not able to abide the often assaults of his enimies, he obteined this
 by informing the emperour what was necessarie and ought to be doone,
 [Sidenote: Seuerus coronell of the footmen.]
 insomuch that Seuerus, maister or (as I maie call him) coronell of the
 footmen, was sent to helpe and reléeue things that stood in danger:
 the which bringing a sufficient power with him for the state of that
 businesse, when he came to those places, he diuiding his armie into
 parts, put the Saxons in such feare and trouble before they fought,
 that they did not so much as take weapon in hand to make resistance,
 but being amazed with the sight of the glittering ensignes, & the
 eagles figured in the Romane standards, they streight made sute for
 peace, and at length after the matter was debated in sundrie wise
 (because it was judged that it should be profitable for the Romane
 commonwealth) truce was granted vnto them, and manie yoong men (able
 for seruice in the warres) deliuered to the Romans according to the
 couenants concluded.

 After this the Saxons were permitted to depart without impeachment, &
 so to returne from whence they came, who being now out of all feare,
 and preparing to go their waies, diuers bands of footmen were sent to
 lie priuilie in a certeine hid vallie so ambushed, as they might
 easilie breake foorth vpon the enimies as they passed by them. But it
 chanced far otherwise than they supposed, for certeine of those
 footmen stirred with the noise of them as they were comming, brake
 foorth out of time, and being suddenlie discouered whilest they hasted
 to vnite and knit themselues togither, by the hideous crie and shout
 of the Saxons they were put to flight. Yet by and by closing togither
 againe, they staied, and the extremitie of the chance ministring to
 them force (though not sufficient) they were driuen to fight it out,
 and being beaten downe with great slaughter, had died euerie mothers
 sonne, if a troope of horssemen armed at all points (being in like
 maner placed in an other side at the entring of the waie to assaile
 the enimies as they should passe) aduertised by the dolefull noise of
 them that fought, had not spéedilie come to the succour of their
 fellowes.

 Then ran they togither more cruellie than before, and the Romans
 bending themselues towards their enimies, compassed them in on each
 side, and with drawne swords slue them downe right, so that there was
 not one of them left to returne home to their natiue countrie to bring
 newes how they had sped, nor one suffered to liue after anothers
 death, either to reuenge their ruine, or to lament their losse. Thus
 were the limits of the Romane empire preserued at that time in
 [Sidenote: 399.]
 Britaine, which should séeme to be about the yéere of our Lord 399.

 ¶ Thus were the Romans, as commonlie in all their martiall affaires,
 so in this incounter verie fortunate, the happie issue of the conflict
 falling out on their side. And strange it is to consider and marke,
 how these people by a celestiall kind of influence were begotten and
 borne as it were to prowesse and renowme; the course of their dealings
 in the field most aptlie answering to their name. For (as some
 [Sidenote: _Solinus._]
 [Sidenote: _Adr. Iun._]
 suppose) the Romans were called of the Gréeke word [Greek: 'rômê],
 signifieng power and mightinesse: and in old time they were called
 Valentians, _A valendo_, of preuailing: so that it was no maruell
 though they were victorious subduers of forren people, sithens they
 were by nature created and appointed to be conquerors, and thereof had
 their denomination.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _What the poet Claudianus saith of the state of Britaine in the decaie
 of the Romane empire, of the Scots and Picts cruellie vexing the
 Britains, they are afflicted by inuasion of barbarous nations, the
 practise of the Saxons, of the Scots first comming into this Iland,
 and from whence, the Scotish chronographers noted for curiositie and
 vanitie._

 THE XXXV CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: Honorius the emperour.]
 After this, in the time of the emperour Honorius, the Scots, Picts,
 and Saxons, did eftsoones inuade the frontiers of the Romane prouince
 in Britaine, as appéereth by that which the poet Claudianus writeth,
 in attributing the honour of preseruing the same frontiers vnto the
 said emperour, in his booke intituled "Panegerycus tertij consulatus"
 [Sidenote: 396.]
 (which fell in the yéere 396) as thus:

 [Sidenote: _Claudianus._]

   Ille leues Mauros nec falso nomine Pictos
   Edomuit, Scotúmq; vago mucrone secutus,
   Fregit Hyperboreas remis audacibus vndas,
   Et geminis fulgens vtróq; sub axe tropheis,
   Tethyos alternae refluas calcauit arenas.

   The nimble Mores and Picts by right
     so cald, he hath subdude,
   And with his wandring swoord likewise
     the Scots he hath pursude:
   He brake with bold couragious oare
     the Hyperborean waue,
   And shining vnder both the poles
     with double trophies braue,
   He marcht vpon the bubling sands
     of either swelling seas.


 The same Claudianus vpon the fourth consulship of Honorius, saith in a
 tetrastichon as followeth:


   Quid rigor æternus cæli? quid frigora prosunt?
   Ignotúmq; fretum? maduerunt Saxone fuso
   Orcades, incaluit Pictonum sanguine Thule,
   Scotorum cumulos fleuit glacialis Hyberne.

   What lasting cold? what did to them
     the frostie climats gaine?
   And sea vnknowne? bemoisted all
     with bloud of Saxons slaine
   The Orknies were: with bloud of Picts
       hath Thule waxed warme,
   And ysie Ireland hath bewaild
     the heaps of Scotish harme.

 [Sidenote: Thule some take to be Iseland, some Scotland.]


 The same praise giueth he to Stilico the sonne in law of Honorius, and
 maketh mention of a legion of souldiers sent for out of Britaine in
 the periphrasis or circumlocution of the Gotish bloudie warres:


   Venit & extremis legio prætenta Britannis,
   Quas Scoto dat fræna truci, ferróq; notatas
   Perleget exanimes Picto moriente figuras.

   A legion eke there came from out
     the farthest Britains bent,
   Which brideled hath the Scots so sterne:
     and marks with iron brent
   Vpon their liuelesse lims dooth read,
     whiles Picts their liues relent.


 He rehearseth the like in his second "Panegerycus" of Stilico, in most
 ample and pithie manner insuing:


   Inde Calidonio velata Britannia monstro,
   Ferro Picta genas, cuius vestigia verrit
   Cærulus, Oceaniq; æstum mentitur amictus,
   Me quoq; vicinis pereuntem gentibus inquit,
   Muniuit Stilico, totam quum Scotus Hybernam
   Mouit, & infesto spumauit remige Thetis,
   Illius effectum curis, ne bella timerem
   Scotica, ne Pictum tremerem, ne littore toto
   Prospicerem dubijs venturum Saxona ventis.

   Then Britaine whom the monsters did
     of Calidone surround,
   Whose cheekes were pearst with scorching steele,
     whose garments swept the ground,
   Resembling much the marble hew
     of ocean seas that boile,
   Said, She whom neighbour nations did
     conspire to bring to spoile,
   Hath Stilico munited strong, when
     raised by Scots entice
   All Ireland was, and enimies ores
     the salt sea fome did slice,
   His care hath causd, that I all feare
     of Scotish broiles haue bard,
   Ne doo I dread the Picts, ne looke
     my countrie coasts to gard
   Gainst Saxon troops, whom changing winds
     sent sailing hitherward.


 [Sidenote: Britaine afflicted by inuasion of barbarous nations.]
 Thus maie it appéere, that in the time when the Romane empire began to
 decaie, in like manner as other parts of the same empire were inuaded
 by barbarous nations, so was that part of Britaine which was subiect
 to the Romane emperors grieuouslie assailed by the Scots and Picts,
 and also by the Saxons, the which in those daies inhabiting all
 alongst the sea coasts of low Germanie, euen from the Elbe vnto the
 Rhine, did not onelie trouble the sea by continuall rouing, but also
 vsed to come on land into diuerse parts of Britaine and Gallia,
 inuading the countries, and robbing the same with great rage and
 crueltie.

 [Sidenote: _Sidon. Apol. li._ 8. _Epist._]
 To the which Sidonius Apollinaris thus alludeth, writing to Namatius.
 "The messenger did assuredlie affirme, that latelie ye blew the
 trumpet to warre in your nation, and betwixt the office one while of a
 mariner, and another while of a souldier, wafted about the crooked
 [Sidenote: The pirasie of the Saxons.]
 shores of the ocean sea against the fléet of the Saxons, of whome as
 manie rouers as ye behold, so manie archpirats ye suppose to sée: so
 doo they altogither with one accord command, obeie, teach, and learne
 to plaie the parts of rouers, that euen now there is good occasion to
 warne you to beware. This enimie is more cruell than all other
 enimies. He assaileth at vnwares, he escapeth by forseeing the danger
 afore hand, he despiseth those that stand against him, he throweth
 downe the vnwarie: if he be followed he snappeth them vp that pursue
 him, if he flée he escapeth."

 Of like effect for proofe héereof be those verses which he wrote vnto
 Maiorianus his panegyrike oration, following in Latine and in English
 verse.


   Tot maria intraui duce te, longéq; remotas
   Sole sub occiduo gentes, victricia Cæsar
   Signa Calidonios transuexit ad vsq; Britannos,
   Fuderit & quanquam Scotum, & cum Saxone Pictum,
   Hostes quæsiuit quem iam natura vetabat,
   Quærere plus homines, &c.

   So manie seas I entred haue,
     and nations farre by west,
   By thy conduct, and Cæsar hath
     his banners borne full prest
   Vnto the furthest British coast,
     where Calidonians dwell,
   The Scot and Pict with Saxons eke,
     though he subdued fell,
   Yet would he enimies seeke vnknowne
     whom nature had forbid, &c.


 ¶ Thus much haue we thought good to gather out of the Romane and other
 writers, that ye might perceiue the state of Britaine the better in
 that time of the decaie of the Romane empire, and that ye might haue
 occasion to marke by the waie, how not onelie the Scots, but also the
 Saxons had attempted to inuade the Britains, before anie mention is
 made of the same their attempts by the British and English writers.
 But whether the Scots had anie habitation within the bounds of
 Britaine, till the time supposed by the Britaine writers, we leaue
 that point to the iudgement of others that be trauelled in the search
 of such antiquities, onelie admonishing you, that in the Scotish
 chronicle you shall find the opinion which their writers haue
 conceiued of this matter, and also manie things touching the acts of
 the Romans doone against diuerse of the Britains, which they presume
 to be doone against their nation, though shadowed vnder the generall
 name of Britains, or of other particular names, at this daie to most
 men vnknowne. But whensoeuer the Scots came into this Ile, they made
 the third nation that inhabited the same, comming first out of
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 Scithia, or rather out of Spaine (as some suppose) into Ireland, and
 from thence into Britaine; next after the Picts, though their writers
 fetch a farre more ancient beginning (as in their chronicles at large
 appéereth) referring them to the reading thereof, that desire to
 vnderstand that matter as they set it foorth.


 _Thus farre the dominion and tribute of the Romans ouer this land of
 Britaine, which had continued (by the collection of some
 chronographers) the space of 483. yeeres. And heere we thinke it
 conuenient to end this fourth booke._

        *       *       *       *       *




 THE FIFT BOOKE

 OF THE

 HISTORIE OF ENGLAND.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Constantinus at the generall sute of the Britains vndertaketh to
 gouerne this Iland, he is crowned king, his three sonnes, he is
 traitorouslie slaine of a Pict, Constantius the eldest sonne of
 Constantine hauing bene a monke is created king, the ambitious & slie
 practises of duke Vortigerne to aspire to the gouernment, he procureth
 certeine Picts and Scots to kill the king who had reteined them for
 the gard of his person, his craftie deuises and deepe dissimulation
 vnder the pretense of innocencie, he winneth the peoples harts, and is
 chosen their king._

 THE FIRST CHAPTER.


 Having ended our former booke with the end of the Romane power ouer
 this Iland, wherein the state of the Iland vnder them is at full
 described; it remaineth now that we procéed to declare, in what state
 they were after the Romans had refused to gouerne them anie longer.
 Wherefore we will addresse our selues to saie somewhat touching the
 succession of the British kings, as their histories make mention.

 [Sidenote: CONSTANTINUS.]
 [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. Westm._]
 CONSTANTINUS the brother of Aldroenus king of little Britaine, at the
 sute and earnest request of the archbishop of London, made in name of
 all the Britains in the Ile of great Britaine, was sent into the same
 Ile by his said brother Aldroenus vpon couenants ratified in manner as
 before is recited, and brought with him a conuenient power, landing
 with the same at Totnesse in Deuonshire. Immediatlie after his
 [Sidenote: _Caxton_ saith 12000. but _Gal._ and others say but 2000.]
 c[=o]ming on land, he gathered to him a great power of Britains, which
 before his landing were hid in diuerse places of the Ile. Then went he
 foorth with them, and gaue battell to the enimies, whom he vanquished:
 & slue that tyrannicall king Guanius there in the field (as some
 [Sidenote: The British historie disagreeth from the Scotish.]
 bookes haue.) Howbeit, this agréeth not with the Scotish writers,
 which affirme that they got the field, but yet lost their king named
 Dongard (as in their historie ye maie read.)

 But to procéed as our writers report the matter. When the Britains had
 thus ouercome their enimies, they conueied their capteine the said
 Constantine vnto Cicester, and there in fulfilling their promise and
 couenant made to his brother, crowned him king of great Britaine, in
 the yéere of our Lord 433, which was about the fift yéere of the
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._ saith 435.]
 emperour Valentinianus the second, and third yéere of Clodius king of
 the Frankners after called Frenchmen, which then began to settle
 themselues in Gallia, whereby the name of that countrie was afterwards
 changed and called France. Constantine being thus established king,
 ruled the land well and noblie, and defended it from all inuasion of
 enimies during his life. He begat of his wife thrée sonnes (as the
 British historie affirmeth) Constantius, Aurelius Ambrosius, and Vter
 surnamed named Pendragon. The eldest, bicause he perceiued him to be
 but dull of wit, and not verie toward, he made a moonke, placing him
 within the abbie of Amphibalus in Winchester.

 [Sidenote: In a groue of bushes as _Gal._ saith.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 [Sidenote: _Orosius._]
 [Sidenote: _Blondus._]
 Finallie this Constantine, after he had reigned ten yéeres, was
 traitorouslie slaine one day in his owne chamber (as some write) by a
 Pict, who was in such fauor with him, that he might at all times haue
 frée accesse to him at his pleasure. Neither the Romane writers, nor
 Beda, make anie mention of this Constantine: but of the other
 Constantine they write, which immediatlie after the vsurper Gratian
 was dispatched out of the way (as before ye haue heard) was aduanced
 to the rule of this land, and title of emperour, onelie in hope of his
 name, and for no other respect of towardnesse in him, afore time being
 but a meane souldier, without anie degrée of honour. The same
 Constantine (as writers record) going ouer into Gallia, adorned his
 sonne Constantius with the title and dignitie of Cesar, the which
 before was a moonke, and finallie as well the one as the other were
 slaine, the father at Arles by earle Constantius, that was sent
 against him by the emperour Honorius; and the sonne at Vienna (as
 before ye haue heard) by one of his owne court called Gerontius (as in
 [Sidenote: 415.]
 more at large.) This chanced about the yeere of our Lord 415.

 ¶ This haue we thought good to repeat in this place, for that some may
 suppose that this Constantine is the same that our writers take to be
 the brother of Aldroenus king of little Britaine, as the circumstance
 of the time and other things to be considered may giue them occasion
 to thinke, for that there is not so much credit to be yéelded to them
 that haue written the British histories, but that in some part men may
 with iust cause doubt of sundrie matters conteined in the same: and
 therfore haue we in this booke béene the more diligent to shew what
 the Romans and other forreine writers haue registred in their bookes
 of histories touching the affaires of Britaine, that the reader may be
 the better satisfied in the truth. But now to returne to the sequele
 of the historie as we find the same written by the British
 chroniclers.

 [Sidenote: This Vortigerne was duke of the Geuisses and Cornewall, as
 _Rad. Cestr._ reporteth.]
 [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._]
 After that Constantine was murthered (as before ye haue heard) one
 Vortigerus, or Vortigernus, a man of great authoritie amongst the
 Britains, wrought so with the residue of the British nobilitie, that
 Constantius the eldest sonne of their king the fore-remembred
 Constantine, was taken out of the abbie of Winchester where he
 remained, and was streightwaies created king, as lawfull inheritour to
 his father.

 Ye haue heard how Constantius was made a moonke in his fathers life
 time, bicause he was thought to be too soft and childish in wit, to
 haue anie publike rule committed to his hands: but for that cause
 speciallie did Vortigerne séeke t'aduance him, to the end that the
 king being not able to gouerne of himselfe, he might haue the chiefest
 swaie, and so rule all things as it were vnder him, preparing thereby
 a way for himselfe to atteine at length to the kingdome as by that
 which followed was more apparentlie perceiued.

 [Sidenote: CONSTANTIUS.]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West_ saith 445.]
 This Constantius then the sonne of Constantine, by the helpe (as
 before ye haue heard) of Vortigerne, was made king of Britaine, in the
 yere of our Lord 443. But Constantius bare but the name of king: for
 Vortigerne abusing his innocencie and simple discretion to order
 things as was requisite, had all the rule of the land, and did what
 pleased him. Wherevpon first, where there had béene a league concluded
 betwixt the Britains, Scots and Picts, in the daies of the late king
 [Sidenote: _Hector Boet._]
 Constantine, Vortigerne caused the same league to be renewed, & waged
 an hundred Picts, and as manie Scots to be attendant as a gard vpon
 the kings person, diuers of the which (corrupting them with faire
 [Sidenote: Constantius murthered.]
 promises) he procured by subtile meanes in the end to murther the
 king, and immediatlie vpon the deed doone, he caused the murtherers to
 be strangled, that they should not afterwards disclose by whose
 [Sidenote: The subtile dealing of Vortigerne.]
 procurement they did that déed. Then caused he all the residue of the
 Scots and Picts to be apprehended, and as it had béene vpon a zeale to
 sée the death of Constantius seuerelie punished, he framed such
 inditements and accusations against them, that chieflie by his meanes
 (as appeared) the giltlesse persons were condemned and hanged, the
 multitude of the British people béeing woonderfullie pleased
 therewith, and giuing great commendations to Vortigerne for that déed.
 Thus Constantius was made awaie in maner as before ye haue heard,
 after he had reigned (as most writers affirme) the space of fiue
 yéeres.

 After his death was knowne, those that had the bringing vp and
 [Sidenote: Aurelius Ambrosius.]
 [Sidenote: Vter Pendragon.]
 custodie of his two yoonger brethren, Aurelius Ambrose, and Vter
 Pendragon, mistrusting the wicked intent of Vortigerne, whose
 dissimulation and mischieuous meaning by some great likelihoods they
 suspected, with all spéed got them to the sea, and fled into litle
 Britaine, there kéeping them till it pleased God otherwise to prouide
 for them. But Vortigerne could so well dissemble his craftie workings,
 and with such conueiance and cloked maner could shadow and colour the
 matter, that most men thought and iudged him verie innocent and void
 of euill meaning: insomuch that he obteined the fauour of the people
 so greatlie, that he was reputed for the onelie staie and defender of
 the common wealth. Herevpon it came to passe, that when the councell
 was assembled to elect a new king, for so much as the other sonnes of
 [Sidenote: Vortigerne chosen king of Britaine.]
 king Constantine were not of age sufficient to rule, Vortigerne
 himselfe was chosen, diuers of the nobles (whom he had procured
 thereto) giuing their voices to this his preferment, as to one best
 deseruing the same in their opinion and judgement. This Vortigerne, as
 by indirect meanes and sinister procéedings he aspired to the
 regiment, hauing no title therevnto, otherwise than as blind fortune
 vouchsafed him the preferment: so when he was possessed, but not
 interessed in the same, he vncased the crooked conditions which he had
 couertlie concealed, and in the end (as by the sequele you shall sée)
 did pull shame and infamie vpon himselfe.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Vortigerne furnisheth the tower with a garrison, he bewraieth his
 crueltie, Aurelius and Pendragon brethren to the late king Constantius
 flie into Britaine Armorike, what common abuses and sinnes did
 vniuersally concurre with a plentifull yeere, the Scots and Picts
 reuenge the death of their countrimen, Vortigerne is in doubt of his
 estate, the Britains send for succour to the Saxons, they come vnder
 the conduct of Hengist and Horsus two brethren, where they are
 assigned to be seated, they vanquish the Scots, disagreement in
 writers touching the Saxons first comming into this Iland._

 THE SECOND CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: VORTIGERNE.]
 [Sidenote: 446.]
 Vortigerne, by such diuelish meanes and vnconscionable practises (as
 you heare) stealing away the hearts of the people, was chosen and made
 king of Britaine, in the yéere of our Lord 446, in the 3 consulship of
 Aetius, 1197 of Rome, 4 of the 305 Olympiad, 4112 of the world, the
 dominicall letter going by F, the prime by 10, which fell about the 21
 yéere of the emperour Valentinianus, the same yéere that Meroneus
 began to reigne ouer the Frenchmen. Before he was made king, he was
 earle or duke of the Geuisses, a people which held that part of
 [Sidenote: _Hector Boet._]
 Britaine where afterwards the west Saxons inhabited. Now when he had
 with treason, fraud, and great deceit at length obteined that for the
 which he had long looked, he first of all furnished the tower of
 London with a strong garrison of men of warre.

 Then studieng to aduance such onelie as he knew to be his speciall
 [Sidenote: 415.]
 friends and fauourers, he sought by all meanes how to oppresse other,
 of whose good will he had neuer so litle mistrust, and namelie those
 that were affectionate towards the linage of Constantine he hated
 deadlie, and deuised by secret meanes which way he might best destroy
 them. But these his practises being at the first perceiued, caused
 such as had the gouernance of the two yoong gentlemen with all spéed
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 to get them ouer (as ye haue heard) into Britaine Armorike, there to
 remaine out of danger with their vncle the king of that land. Diuers
 of the Britains also, that knew themselues to be in Vortigerne his
 displeasure, sailed ouer dailie vnto them, which thing brought
 Vortigerne into great doubt and feare of his estate.

 [Sidenote: _Gyldas._]
 [Sidenote: Plentie of wealth accompanied with store of sinnes.]
 It chanced also the same time, that there was great plentie of corne,
 & store of fruit, the like wherof had not béene seene in manie yéeres
 before, and therevpon insued riot, strife, lecherie, and other vices
 verie heinous, & yet accounted as then for small or rather none
 offenses at all. These abuses & great enormities reigned not onelie in
 the temporaltie, but also in the spiritualtie and chéefe rulers in the
 same: so that euerie man turned the point of his speare (euen as he
 had consented of purpose) against the true and innocent person. The
 commons also gaue themselues to voluptuous lust, drunkennesse, and
 idle loitering, whereof followed fighting, contention, enuie, and much
 debate. Of this plentie therefore insued great pride, and of this
 abundance no lesse hautinesse of mind, wherevpon followed great
 wickednesse, lacke of good gouernement and sober temperancie, and in
 the necke of these as a iust punishment, death and mortalitie, so that
 in some countries scarse the quicke sufficed to burie the dead.

 [Sidenote: Scots and Picts inuade the Britains.]
 And for an augmentation of more mischéefe, the Scots and Picts hearing
 how their countrimen through the false suggestion of Vortigerne, had
 bene wrongfullie and most cruellie put to death at London, began with
 fire & sword to make sharpe & cruell warre against the Britains,
 wasting their countrie, spoiling and burning their townes, and giuing
 them the ouerthrow in a pitcht field, as in the Scotish historie more
 plainlie appeareth. To be bréefe, the Britains were brought into such
 danger and miserie, that they knew not what way to take for remedie in
 such present perill, likelie to be ouerrun and vtterlie vanquished of
 their enimies. In the meane time Vortigerne not onelie troubled with
 these imminent euils, but fearing also the returne of the two
 brethren, Aurelius Ambrose, and Vter Pendragon, began to consider of
 the state of things, and estéeming it most sure to worke by aduise,
 called togither the principall lords and chéefe men of the realme to
 haue their counsell and opinion, how to procéed in such a weightie
 businesse: and so debating the matter with them, measured both his
 owne force, and also the force of his enimies, and according to the
 condition and state of the time, diligentlie considered and searched
 out what remedie was to be had and prouided.

 [Sidenote: _Gyldas._]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 [Sidenote: The Saxons sent for.]
 [Sidenote: 10000 hath _Hector Boet._]
 [Sidenote: _Gyldas_ and _Beda_ mention onelie but of 3 plates or
 gallies, but _Hector Boet._ hath 30.]
 At length after they had throughlie pondered all things, the more part
 of the nobles with the king also were of this mind, that there could
 be no better way deuised, than to send into Germanie for the Saxons to
 come to their aid: the which Saxons in that season were highlie
 renowmed for their valiancie in armes, and manifold aduentures
 heretofore atchiued. And so forthwith messengers were dispatched into
 Germanie, the which with monie, gifts, and promises, might procure the
 Saxons to come to the aid of the Britains against the Scots and Picts.
 The Saxons glad of this message, as people desirous of intertainment
 to serue in warres, choosing forth a picked companie of lustie yoong
 men vnder the leading of two brethren Hingist and Horsus, got them
 aboord into certeine vessels appointed for the purpose, and so with
 all spéed directed their course towards great Britaine.

 [Sidenote: 449.]
 This was in the yeare of our Lord 449, and in the second yeare of
 Vortigerns reigne, as the most autentike writers both British and
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 English séeme to gather, although the Scotish writers, and namelie,
 Hector Boetius doo varie herein, touching the iust account of yeares,
 as to the perusers of the writings aswell of the one as the other may
 appeare. But others take it to be in the 4 yéere of his reigne:
 whereto Beda séemeth to agrée, who noteth it in the same yeare that
 Martianus the emperour began to rule the empire, which was (as
 appeareth by the consularie table) in the consulship of Protogenes and
 Austerius, and third yeere of Meroneus king of France.

 These Saxons thus arriuing in Britaine, were courteouslie receiued, &
 hartilie welcomed of king Vortigerne, who assigned to them places in
 Kent to inhabit, and foorthwith led them against the Scots and Picts,
 which were entred into Britaine, wasting & destroieng the countrie
 before them. Héerevpon comming to ioine in battell, there was a sore
 fight betwixt the parties for a while. But at length when the Saxons
 called to their remembrance that the same was the day which should
 either purchase to them an euerlasting name of manhood by victorie, or
 [Sidenote: Scots vanquished by the Saxons.]
 else of reproch by repulse, began to renew the fight with such
 violence, that the enimies not able to abide their fierce charge, were
 scattered and beaten downe on ech side with great slaughter.

 The king hauing gotten this victorie, highlie rewarded the strangers
 according to their well deseruings, as by whose prowesse he had thus
 [Sidenote: _Henrie Hunt._]
 vanquished his enimies, which (as some write) were come as farre as
 Stamford, and vsed at that time to fight with long darts and speares,
 whereas the Saxons fought onelie with long swords and axes.

 [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._]
 ¶ Some haue written that the Saxons were not sent for, but came by
 chance into the Ile, and the occasion to be this. There was an ancient
 custome among the English Saxons a people in Germanie, as was also at
 the first among other nations, that when the multitude of them was so
 increased, that the countrie was not able to susteine and find them,
 by commandement of their princes, they should choose out by lots a
 number of yoong and able personages fit for the warrs, which should go
 foorth to séeke them new habitations: and so it chanced to these, that
 they came into great Britaine, and promised to serue the king for
 wages in his warres.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Hengistus the Saxon shooteth at the crowne and scepter of the
 kingdome by craftie and subtile practises, a great number of forren
 people arriue in Britaine for the augmentation of his power, of the
 faire ladie Rowen his daughter, whereof Wednesdaie and Fridaie tooke
 their name, of the Iutes, Saxons, and Angles, Vortigerne being
 inflamed with the loue of Hengists daughter forsaketh his owne wife
 and marrieth hir, Vortigerne giueth Hengist all Kent, the Saxons come
 ouer by heaps to inhabit the land, the British nobilitie moue the king
 to auoid them, he is depriued of his kingdome, the miserable
 destruction made by the Saxons in this land, skirmishes betwixt them
 and the Britains._

 THE THIRD CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: Hengist purposeth at the first to conquere the Britains.]
 Now Hengistus, being a man of great wit, rare policie, and high
 wisedome, vnderstanding the kings mind, who wholie trusted to the
 valiancie of the Saxons, & herewithall perceiuing the fruitfulnesse of
 the countrie, presentlie began to consider with himselfe, by what
 wiles and craft he might by little little settle heere, and obteine a
 kingdome in the Ile, and so establish the same to him and his for
 euer.

 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 Therefore first he endeuored with all speed possible to fense that
 part of the countrie, which was giuen him and his people, and to
 inlarge and furnish it with garisons appointed in places most
 conuenient. After this he did what he could to persuade the king, that
 a great power of men might be brought ouer out of Germanie, that the
 land being fortified with such strength, the enimies might be put in
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: 18 Foists or plates saie the Scotish writers,
 and 5000 men in the same.]
 [Sidenote: The Saxons call these vessels Ceoles, or Kéeles, and our
 old histories Cogiones.]
 feare, and his subiects holden in rest. The king not foreséeing the
 hap that was to come, did not despise this counsell tending to the
 destruction of his kingdome, and so was more aid sent for into
 Germanie: wherevpon now at this second time there arriued héere 16
 vessels fraught with people, and at the same time came the ladie Rowen
 or Ronix (daughter to Hengist) a maid of excellent beautie and
 comelinesse, able to delight the eies of them that should behold hir,
 and speciallie to win the heart of Vortigerne with the dart of
 concupiscence, wherevnto he was of nature much inclined, and that did
 Hengist well perceiue.

 [Sidenote: The _Vitæ_ or _Iutæ_ are called Ibitri.]
 [Sidenote: _Alex. Now._]
 There came ouer into this land at that time, and soone after, thrée
 maner of people of the Germane nation, as Saxons, Vitæ or Iutes, and
 Angles, ouer the which the said Hengist and Horse being brethren, were
 capteines & rulers, men of right noble parentage in their countrie, as
 descended of that ancient, prince Woden, of wham the English Saxon
 kings doo for the more part fetch their pedegrée, as lineallie
 descended from him, vnto whome also the English people (falselie
 reputing him for a god) consecrated the fourth daie of the wéeke, as
 they did the sixt to his wife Frea: so that the same daies tooke name
 [Sidenote: Wednesdaie, and Fridaie, whereof they came.]
 of them, the one being called Wodensdaie, and the other Freadaie,
 which woords after in continuance of time by corruption of spéech were
 somewhat altered, though not much, as from Wodensdaie, to Wednesdaie,
 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 and from Freadaie to Fridaie. The foresaid Woden was father to Vecta,
 the father of Wergistus that was father to the foresaid Hengistus and
 Horsus.

 But now to rehearse further touching those thrée people which at this
 time came ouer into Britaine out of Germanie. Of the Vites or Iutes
 (as Beda recordeth) are the Kentishmen descended, and the people of
 the Ile of Wight, with those also that inhabit ouer against the same
 Ile. Of the Saxons came the east, the south, & the west Saxons.
 Moreouer, of the Angles proceéded the east Angles, the middle Angles
 or Mercies, and the Northerne men. That these Angles were a people of
 [Sidenote: _Cor. Tacitus._]
 Germanie, it appeareth also by Cornelius Tacitus, who called them
 Anglij, which word is of thrée syllables (as Polydor saith:) but some
 write it Angli, with two syllables. And that these Angli, or Anglij
 were of no small force and authoritie in Germanie before their comming
 into this land, maie appeare, in that they are numbred amongst the
 twelue nations there, which had lawes and ancient ordinances apart by
 themselues, according to the which the state of their common wealth
 was gouerned, they being the same and one people with the Thuringers,
 as in the title of the old Thuringers lawes we find recorded, which is
 thus: "Lex Angliorum & Werinorum, hoc est Thuringorum," The law of the
 Angles and Werinians that is to saie the Thuringers, which Thuringers
 are a people in Saxonie, as in the description of that countrie it
 maie appeare.

 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 [Sidenote: Rowen, or Ronowen Hengists daughter.]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 But now to the matter. Hengist perceiuing that his people were highlie
 in Vortigernes fauour, began to handle him craftilie, deuising by what
 means he might bring him in loue with his daughter Ronix, or Rowen, or
 Ronowen (as some write) which he beléeued well would easilie be
 brought to passe, bicause he vnderstood that the king was much giuen
 to sensuall lust, which is the thing that often blindeth wise mens
 vnderstanding, and maketh them to dote, and to lose their perfect
 wits: yea, and oftentimes bringeth them to destruction, though by such
 pleasant poison they féele no bitter taste, till they be brought to
 the extreame point of confusion in déed.

 [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._]
 A great supper therefore was prepared by Hengist, at the which it
 pleased the king to be present, and appointed his daughter, when
 euerie man began to be somewhat merrie with drinke, to bring in a cup
 of gold full of good and pleasant wine, and to present it to the king,
 saieng; Wassail. Which she did in such comelie and decent maner, as
 she that knew how to doo it well inough, so as the king maruelled
 greatlie thereat, and not vnderstanding what she ment by that
 salutation, demanded what it signified. To whom it was answered by
 [Sidenote: Wassail, what it signifieth.]
 Hengist, that she wished him well, and the meaning of it was, that he
 should drinke after hir, ioining thereto this answer, Drinke haile.
 Wherevpon the king (as he was informed) tooke the cup at the damsels
 hand, and dranke.

 Finallie, this yoong ladie behaued hir selfe with such pleasant
 woords, comelie countenance, and amiable grace, that the king beheld
 hir so long, till he felt himselfe so farre in loue with hir person,
 that he burned in continuall desire to inioy the same: insomuch that
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 shortlie after he forsooke his owne wife, by the which he had thrée
 sonnes, named Vortimerus, Catagrinus, and Pascentius, and required of
 Hengist to haue his daughter, the said Rowen, or Ronowen in mariage.
 Hengist at the first séemed strange to grant to his request, and
 excused the matter, for that his daughter was not of estate and
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 dignitie méet to be matched with his maiestie. But at length as it had
 béene halfe against his will he consented, and so the mariage was
 concluded & solemnized, all Kent being assigned vnto Hengist in
 reward, the which countrie was before that time gouerned by one
 Guorongus (though not with most equall Justice) which Guorongus was
 subiect vnto Vortigerne, as all other the potentats of the Ile were.

 This mariage and liberalite of the king towards the strangers much
 offended the minds of his subiects, and hastened the finall
 destruction of the land. For the Saxons now vnderstanding the
 affinitie had betwixt the king and Hengist, came so fast ouer to
 inhabit héere, that it was woonder to consider in how short a time
 such a multitude could come togither: so that bicause of their great
 number and approoued puissance in warres, they began to be a terrour
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 to the former inhabitants the Britains. But Hengist being no lesse
 politike in counsell than valiant in armes, abusing the kings lacke of
 discretion, to serue his owne turne, persuaded him to call out of
 [Sidenote: _Gal._ saith he was Hengists sonne, and Ebusa
 his vncles sonne.]
 [Sidenote: Occa and Ebusa leaders of Saxons.]
 Germanie his brother Occa and his sonne named Ebusa, being men of
 great valure, to the end that as Hengist defended the land in the
 south part: so might they kéepe backe the Scots in the north.

 Héerevpon by the kings consent, they came with a power out of
 Germanie, and coasting about the land, they sailed to the Iles of
 Orknie, and sore vexed the people there, and likewise the Scots and
 Picts also, and finallie arriued in the north parts of the realme, now
 called Northumberland, where they setled themselues at that present,
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm. de Regib._]
 and so continued there euer after: but none of them taking vpon him
 the title of king, till about 99 yéeres after their first comming into
 that countrie, but in the meane time remaining as subiects vnto the
 Saxon kings of Kent. After their arriuall in that prouince, they
 oftentimes fought with the old inhabitants there, and ouercame them,
 chasing away such as made resistance, and appeased the residue by
 receiuing them vnder allegiance.

 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 [Sidenote: The great numbers of strangers suspected to the Britains.]
 When the nobles of Britaine saw and perceiued in what danger the land
 stood, by the dailie repaire of the huge number of Saxons into the
 same, they first consulted togither, and after resorting to the king,
 mooued him that some order might be taken for the auoiding of them, or
 the more part of them, least they should with their power and great
 multitude vtterlie oppresse the British nation. But all was in vaine,
 for Vortigerne so estéemed and highlie fauoured the Saxons, and
 namelie by reason of the great loue which he bare to his wife, that he
 little regarded his owne nation, no nor yet anie thing estéemed his
 owne naturall kinsmen and chiefe friends, by reason whereof the
 [Sidenote: Vortigerne depriued.]
 Britains in fine depriued him of all kinglie honour, after that he had
 reigned 16 yéeres, and in his steed crowned his sonne Vortimer.

 [Sidenote: _Gyldas._]
 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._]
 Gyldas and Beda make no mention of Vortimer, but declare that after
 the Saxons were receiued into this land, there was a couenant made
 betwixt them and the Britains, that the Saxons should defend the
 countrie from the inuasion of enimies by their knightlie force: and
 that in consideration therof, the Britains should find them prouision
 of vittels: wherewith they held them contented for a time. But
 afterwards they began to pike quarrels, as though they were not
 sufficientlie furnished of their due proportion of vittels,
 threatening that if they were not prouided more largelie thereof, they
 would surelie spoile the countrie. So that without deferring of time,
 [Sidenote: The miserable destruction made by the Saxons in this land.]
 they performed their woords with effect of deeds, beginning in the
 east part of the Ile, & with fire and swoord passed foorth, wasting
 and destroieng the countrie, till they came to the vttermost part of
 the west: so that from sea to sea, the land was wasted and destroied
 in such cruell and outragious manner, that neither citie, towne, nor
 church was regarded, but all committed to the fire: the priests slaine
 and murthered euen afore the altars, and the prelats with the people
 without anie reuerence of their estate or degrée dispatched with fire
 and swoord, most lamentablie to behold.

 Manie of the Britains séeing the demeanour of the Saxons, fled to the
 mounteins, of the which diuers being apprehended, were cruellie
 slaine, and other were glad to come foorth and yeeld themselues to
 eternall bondage, for to haue reléefe of meate and drinke to asswage
 their extremitie of hunger. Some other got them out of the realme into
 strange lands, so to saue themselues; and others abiding still in
 their countrie, kept them within the thicke woods and craggie rocks,
 whither they were fled, liuing there a poore wretched life, in great
 feare and vnquietnesse of mind.

 But after that the Saxons were departed and withdrawne to their
 houses, the Britains began to take courage to them againe, issuing
 foorth of those places where they had lien hid, and with one consent
 calling for aid at Gods hand, that they might be preserued from vtter
 destruction, they began vnder the conduct of their leader Aurelius
 Ambrose, to prouoke the Saxons to battell, and by the helpe of God
 they obteined victorie, according to their owne desires. And from
 thence foorth, one while the Britains, and an other while the Saxons
 were victors. So that in this British people, God (according to his
 accustomed maner) as it were present Israell, tried them from time to
 time, whether they loued him or no, vntill the yeare of the siege of
 Badon hill, where afterwards no small slaughter was made of the
 [Sidenote: So _Gyldas_ was borne in the yeare of our Lord 493.]
 enimies: which chanced the same yeare in the which Gyldas was borne
 (as he himselfe witnesseth) being about the 44 yeare after the comming
 of the Saxons into Britaine.

 Thus haue Gyldas & Beda (following by likelihood the authoritie of the
 same Gyldas) written of these first warres begun betwéene the Saxons
 and Britains. But now to go foorth with the historie, according to the
 order of our chronicles, as we doo find recorded touching the doings
 of Vortimer that was elected king (as ye haue heard) to gouerne in
 place of his father Vortigerne.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Vortimer is created king in the roome of his father Vortigerne, he
 giueth the Saxons sore and sharpe battels, a combat fought betweene
 Catigerne the brother of Vortimer and, Horsus the brother of Hengist,
 wherein they were both slaine, the Britains driue the Saxons into the
 Ile of Tenet, Rowen the daughter of Hengist procureth Vortimer to be
 poisoned, the Saxons returne into Germanie as some writers report,
 they ioine with the Scots and Picts against the Britains and discomfit
 them._

 THE FOURTH CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: VORTIMER.]
 [Sidenote: 464.]
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 [Sidenote: _Galf. Mon._]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._ saith 454.]
 This Vortimer being eldest sonne to Vortigerne, by the common assent
 of the Britains was made king of Britaine, in the yeare of our Lord
 464, which was in the fourth yeare of the emperour Leo the fift, and
 about the sixt yeare of Childericus king of France, as our common
 account runneth, which is far disagréeing from that whereof W. Harison
 dooth speake in his chronologie, who noteth Vortigerne to be deposed
 in the 8 after his exaltation to the crowne, 454 of Christ, and 5
 currant after the comming of the Saxons, which concurreth with the
 4420 of the world, and 8 of Meroneus, as by his chronologie dooth more
 at large appear.

 But to procéed, Vortimer being thus aduanced to the gouernment of the
 realme, in all hast made sore warre against the Saxons, and gaue vnto
 [Sidenote: The riuer of Derwent.]
 them a great battell vpon the riuer of Derwent, where he had of them
 the vpper hand. And the second time he fought with them at a place
 [Sidenote: Epiford.]
 called Epiford, or Aglisthrop, in the which incounter Catagrine or
 Catigernus the brother of Vortimer, and Horsus the brother of Hengist,
 after a long combat betwixt them two, either of them slue other: but
 the Britains obteined the field (as saith the British historie.) The
 third battell Vortimer fought with them néere to the sea side, where
 [Sidenote: The Ile of Tenet.]
 also the Britains chased the Saxons, & droue them into the Ile of
 Tenet. The fourth battell was stricken néere to a moore called
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: Colemoore.]
 Colemoore, the which was sore fought by the Saxons, and long continued
 with great danger to the Britains, because the foresaid moore inclosed
 a part of their host so stronglie, that the Britains could not approch
 to them, being beaten off with the enimies shot, albeit in the end the
 Saxons were put to flight, & manie of them drowned and swallowed vp in
 the same moore. Beside these foure principall battels, Vortimer had
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 [Sidenote: Tetford in Norfolke.]
 [Sidenote: Colchester.]
 diuers other conflicts with the Saxons, as in Kent and at Tetford in
 Norfolke, also néere to Colchester in Essex: for he left not till he
 had bereft them of the more part of all such possessions as before
 time they had got, so that they were constrained to kéepe them within
 the Ile of Tenet, where he oftentimes assailed them with such ships as
 he then had. When Ronowen the daughter of Hengist perceiued the great
 losse that the Saxons sustained by the martiall prowesse of Vortimer,
 she found means that within a while the said Vortimer was poisoned,
 after he had ruled the Britains by the space of 6 or 7 yeares and od
 moneths.

 ¶ By the British historie it should séeme, that Vortimer before his
 death handled the Saxons so hardlie, kéeping them besieged within the
 Ile of Tenet, till at length they were constrained to sue for licence
 to depart home into Germanie in safetie: and the better to bring this
 to pas, they sent Vortigerne, (whome they had kept still with them in
 all these battels) vnto his sonne Vortimer, to be a meane for the
 obteining of their sute. But whilest this treatie was in hand, they
 got them into their ships, and leauing their wiues and children behind
 them, returned into Germanie. Thus far Gal. Mon. But how vnlikelie
 this is to be true, I will not make anie further discourse, but onelie
 refer euerie man to that which in old autentike historiographers of
 [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._]
 the English nation is found recorded, as in Will. Malmes. Henr. Hunt,
 Marianus, and others: vnto whome in these matters concerning the
 dooings betwixt the Saxons and Britains, we maie vndoubtedlie and
 safelie giue most credit.

 William Malmes. writing of this Vortimer, or Guortigerne, and of the
 warres which he had against the Saxons, varieth in a maner altogether
 from Geffrey of Monmouth, as by his words here following ye maie
 perceiue. Guortimer, the sonne of Vortimer (saith he) thinking not
 good long to dissemble the matter, for that he saw himselfe and his
 countriemen the Britains preuented by the craft of the English Saxons,
 set his full purpose to driue them out of the realme, and kindled his
 father to the like attempt. He therefore being the author and
 procurer, seuen yeares after their first comming into this land, the
 league was broken, and by the space of 20 yeares they fought
 [Sidenote: Hengist had the victorie in this battell saith _Ra. Hig._]
 [Sidenote: Horse and Catigene slaine.]
 oftentimes togither in manie light incounters, but foure times they
 fought puissance against puissance in open field: in the first battell
 they departed with like fortune, whilest the one part, that is to
 meane, the Saxons lost their capteine Horse that was brother to
 Hengist, and the Britains lost Catigerne an other of Vortigerns
 sonnes.

 [Sidenote: 458.]
 In the other battels, when the Englishmen went euer awaie with the
 vpper hand, at length a peace was concluded, Guortimer being taken out
 of this world by course of fatall death, the which much differing from
 the soft and milde nature of his father, right noblie would haue
 gouerned the realme, if God had suffered him to haue liued. But these
 battels which Vortimer gaue to the Saxons (as before is mentioned)
 should appeare by that which some writers haue recorded, to haue
 chanced before the supposed time of Vortimers or Guortimers atteining
 to the crowne, about the 6 or 7 yeare after the first comming of the
 Saxons into this realme with Hengist. And hereto W. Harison giueth his
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 consent, referring the mutuall slaughter of Horsus and Catigerne to
 the 6 years of Martianus, & 455 of Christ. Howbeit Polydor Virgil
 saith, that Vortimer succéeded his father, and that after his fathers
 deceasse the English Saxons, of whome there was a great number then in
 the Ile, comming ouer dailie like swarmes of bées, and hauing in
 possession not onelie Kent, but also the north parts of the realme
 towards Scotland, togither with a great part of the west countrie,
 thought it now a fit time to attempt the fortune of warre: and first
 therefore concluding a league with the Scots and Picts, vpon the
 sudden they turned their weapons points against the Britains, and most
 cruellie pursued them, as though they had receiued some great iniurie
 at their hands, and ne benefit at all. The Britains were maruelouslie
 abashed herewith, perceiuing that they should haue to doo with
 Hengist, a capteine of so high renowme, and also with their ancient
 enimies the Scots and Picts, thus all at one time, and that there was
 no remedie but either they must fight or else become slaues. Wherefore
 at length, dread of bondage stirred vp manhood in them, so that they
 assembled togither, and boldlie began to resist their enimies on ech
 [Sidenote: The Britains discomfited by the Scots.]
 side: but being too weake, they were easilie discomfited and put to
 flight, so that all hope of defense by force of armes being vtterlie
 taken awaie, as men in despaire to preuaile against their enimies,
 they fled as shéepe scattered abroad, some following one capteine and
 some another, getting them into desart places, woods and maresh
 grounds, and moreouer left such townes and fortresses as were of no
 notable strength, as a preie vnto their enimies.

 Thus saith Polydor Virgil of the first breaking of the warres betwixt
 the Saxons and the Britains, which chanced not (as should appeare by
 that which he writeth thereof) till after the death of Vortigerne.
 Howbeit he denieth not that Hengist at his first comming got seates
 for him and his people within the countie of Kent, and there began to
 inhabit. This ought not to be forgotten, that king Vortimer (as
 [Sidenote: _Sigebertus._]
 Sigebertus hath written) restored the Christian religion after he had
 vanquished the Saxons, in such places where the same was decaied by
 the enimies inuasion, whose drift was not onelie to ouerrun the land
 with violence, but also to erect their owne laws and liberties without
 regard of clemencie.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Vortigerne is restored to his regiment, in what place he abode during
 the time of his sonnes reigne, Hengist with his Saxons re-enter the
 land, the Saxons and Britains are appointed to meet on Salisburie
 plaine, the priuie treason of Hengist and his power whereby the
 Britains were slaine like sheepe, the manhood of Edol earle of
 Glocester, Vortigerne is taken prisoner, Hengist is in possession of
 three prouinces of this land, a description of Kent._

 THE FIFT CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: 471.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._ saith 461.]
 After all these bloudie broiles and tempestuous tumults ended,
 Vortigerne was restored and set againe into the kingdome of Britaine,
 in the yeare of our Lord 471. All the time of his sonnes reigne, he
 had remained in the parties now called Wales, where (as some write) in
 that meane time he builded a strong castle called Generon, or
 Guaneren, in the west side of Wales nere to the riuer of Guana, vpon a
 mounteine called Cloaricus, which some referre to be builded in his
 second returne into Wales, as shall be shewed hereafter. And it is so
 much the more likelie, for that an old chronicle, which Fabian had
 sight of, affirmeth, that Vortigerne was kept vnder the rule of
 [Sidenote: Caerleon Arwiske.]
 certeine gouernors to him appointed in the towne of Caerlegion, and
 behaued himselfe in such commendable sort towards his sonne, in aiding
 him with his counsell, and otherwise in the meane season whilest his
 sonne reigned, that the Britains by reason thereof began so to fauour
 him, that after the death of Vortimer they made him king againe.

 Shortlie after that Vortigerne was restored to the rule of the
 kingdom, Hengist aduertised therof returned into the land with a
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._ saith 4000.]
 [Sidenote: He might easilie returne, for except I be deceiued he was
 neuer driuen out after he had once set foot within this Ile.]
 mightie armie of Saxons, whereof Vortigerne being admonished,
 assembled his Britains, and with all speed made towards him. When
 Hengist had knowledge of the huge host of the Britains that was
 comming against him, he required to come to a communication with
 Vortigerne, which request was granted, so that it was concluded, that
 on Maie day a certeine number of Britains, and as manie of the Saxons
 should meet togither vpon the plaine of Salisburie. Hengist hauing
 deuised a new kind of treason, when the day of their appointed méeting
 was come, caused euerie one of his allowed number secretlie to put
 into his hose a long knife (where it was ordeined that no man should
 bring anie weapon with him at all) and that at the verie instant when
 [Sidenote: Nempt your sexes, what if it were messes.]
 this watchword should be vttered by him, "Nempt your sexes," then
 should euerie of them plucke out his knife, and slea the Britaine that
 chanced to be next to him, except the same should be Vortigerne, whom
 he willed to be apprehended, but not slaine.

 At the day assigned, the king with his appointed number or traine of
 the Britains, mistrusting nothing lesse than anie such maner of
 vnfaithfull dealing, came vnto the place in order before prescribed,
 without armor or weapon, where he found Hengist readie with his
 Saxons, the which receiued the king with amiable countenance and in
 most louing sort: but after they were a little entred into
 communication, Hengist meaning to accomplish his deuised purpose, gaue
 the watchword, immediatlie wherevpon the Saxons drew out their kniues,
 [Sidenote: There died of the nobles of Britaine 460 as _Gal._ saith.]
 fell on the Britains, and slue them as shéepe being fallen within the
 danger of woolues. For the Britains had no weapons to defend
 themselues, except anie of them by his strength and manhood got the
 knife of his enimie.

 [Sidenote: _Ran. Cestren._]
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 Amongst other of the Britains, there was one Edol earle of Glocester,
 or (as other say) Chester, which got a stake out of an hedge, or else
 where, and with the same so defended himselfe and laid about him, that
 [Sidenote: _Gal._ saith 70.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Cestren._]
 he slue 17 of the Saxons, and escaped to the towne of Ambrie, now
 called Salisburie, and so saued his owne life. Vortiger was taken and
 kept as prisoner by Hengist, till he was constreined to deliuer vnto
 Hengist thrée prouinces or countries of this realme, that is to say,
 Kent &Essex, or as some write, that part where the south Saxons after
 did inhabit, as Sussex and other: the third was the countrie where the
 Estangles planted themselues, which was in Norfolke and Suffolke. Then
 Hengist being in possession of those thrée prouinces, suffered
 Vortigerne to depart, &to be at his libertie.

 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 ¶ William Malmesburie writeth somewhat otherwise of this taking of
 Vortigerne, during whose reigne, after the deceasse of his sonne
 Vortimer, nothing was attempted against the Saxons, but in the meane
 time Hengist by colorable craft procured his sonne in law Vortigerne
 to come to a banket at his house, with three hundred other Britains,
 and when he had made them well and warme with often quaffing and
 emptieng of cups, and of purpose touched euerie of them with one
 bitter tawnt or other, they first fell to multiplieng of malicious
 words, and after to blowes that the Britains were slaine, euerie
 mothers sonne so yéelding vp their ghosts euen amongst their pots. The
 king himselfe was taken, and to redéeme himselfe out of prison, gaue
 to the Saxons thrée prouinces, and so escaped out of bondage.

 Thus by what meane soeuer it came to passe, truth it is (as all
 writers agrée) that Hengist got possession of Kent, and of other
 countries in this realme, and began to reigne there as absolute lord &
 gouernor, in

 [Sidenote: 476.]
 the yéere of our Lord (as some write) 476, about the fift yéere of
 Vortigerns last reigne: but after other, which take the beginning of
 this kingdome of Kent to be when Hengist had first gift therof, the
 same kingdome began in the yéere 455, and conteined the countrie that
 stretcheth from the east Ocean vnto the riuer of Thames, hauing on the
 [Sidenote: Kingdome of Kent.]
 southeast Southerie, and vpon the west London, vpon the northeast the
 riuer of Thames aforesaid, and the countrie of Essex.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The heptarchie or seuen kingdoms of this land, Hengist causeth
 Britaine to be peopled with Saxons, the decaie of Christian religion,
 the Pelagians with their hereticall and false doctrine infect the
 Britains, a synod summoned in Gallia for the redresse thereof, the
 Scots assist the Britains against the Saxons, who renew their league
 with the Picts, Germane and Lupus two bishops of Germanie procure the
 British armie to be newlie christened, the terror that the Britains
 vnder bishop Germans fortunate conduct draue into the Saxons by the
 outcrie of Alleluia, and got the victorie, bishop Germane departeth
 out of the land, and to redresse the Pelagian heresie commeth againe
 at the clergies request, he confirmeth his doctrine by a miracle,
 banisheth the Pelagians out of the land, the death of Germane, murther
 requited with murther._

 THE VJ CHAPTER.


 Hengist and all other the Saxon kings which ruled (as after shall
 appeare) in seuen parts of this realme, are called by writers
 _Reguli_, that is, little kings or rulers of some small dominion: so
 that Hengist is counted a little king, who when he had got into his
 hands the foresaid thrée prouinces, he caused more Saxons to come into
 Britaine, and bestowed them in places abroad in the countrie, by
 reason whereof the christian religion greatlie decaied within the
 land, for the Saxons

 [Sidenote: The decay of christian religion.]
 being pagans, did what they could to extinguish the faith of Christ,
 and to plant againe in all places their heathenish religion, and
 woorshipping of false gods: and not onelie hereby was the true faith
 of the Christians brought in danger dailie to decaie, but also the
 erronious opinions of the Pelagians greatlie preuailed here amongst
 the Britains, by meanes of such vnsound preachers as in that
 troublesome season did set forth false doctrine amongst the people,
 without all maner of reprehension.

 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 Certeine yéeres before the comming of the Saxons, that heresie began
 to spread within this land verie much, by the lewd industrie of one
 Leporius Agricola, the sonne of Seuerus Sulpitius (as Bale saith) a
 bishop of that lore. But Pelagius the author of this heresie was borne
 in Wales, and held opinion that a man might obteine saluation by his
 owne frée will and merit, and without assistance of grace, as he that
 was borne without originall sinne, &c.

 This erronious doctrine being taught therefore, and mainteined in this
 troublesome time of warres with the Saxons, sore disquieted the godlie
 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 minded men amongst the Britains, who not meaning to receiue it, nor
 yet able well to confute the craftie and wicked persuasions vsed by
 the professors thereof, thought good to send ouer into Gallia,
 requiring of the bishops there, that some godlie and profound learned
 men might be sent ouer from thence into this land, to defend the cause
 of the true doctrine against the naughtie teachers of so blasphemous
 an error. Whervpon the bishops of Gallia sore lamenting the miserable
 state of the Britains, and desirous to relieue their present néed,
 [Sidenote: A synod called in Gallia.]
 speciallie in that case of religion, called a synod, and therein
 taking counsell to consider who were most méet to be sent, it was
 [Sidenote: Germanus and Lupus.]
 decréed by all their consents in the end, that one Germane the bishop
 of Auxerre, and Lupus bishop of Trois should passe ouer into Britaine
 to confirme the Christians there in the faith of the celestiall grace.
 And so those two vertuous learned men taking their iournie, finallie
 arriued in Britaine, though not without some danger by sea, through
 stormes &rage of winds, stirred (as hath beene thought of the
 superstitious) by the malice of wicked spirits, who purposed to haue
 hindered their procéedings in this their good and well purposed
 iournie. After they were come ouer, they did so much good with
 conuincing the wicked arguments of the aduersaries of the truth, by
 the inuincible power of the woord of God, and holinesse of life, that
 those which were in the wrong waie, were soone brought into the right
 path againe.

 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 [Sidenote: Palladius.]
 [Sidenote: Constantine king of Scots.]
 About the same time also, one Palladius was sent from Celestinus
 bishop of Rome, vnto the Scots, to instruct them in the faith of
 Christ, and to purge them from the heresie of the said Pelagius. This
 Palladius exhorted Constantinus the king of Scots, that in no wise he
 should aid the Saxons being infidels against the Britains: whose
 exhortation tooke so good effect, that the said Constantinus did not
 onelie forbeare to assist the Saxons, but contrarilie holpe the
 Britains in their warres against them, which thing did mainteine the
 state of the Britains for a time from falling into vtter ruine and
 [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 decaie. In the meane time, the Saxons renewed their league with the
 Picts, so that their powers being ioined togither, they began afresh
 to make sore warres vpon the Britains, who of necessitie were
 constreined to assemble an armie, &mistrusting their owne strength,
 required aid of the two bishops, Germane and Lupus, who hasting
 forward with all speed came into the armie, bringing with them no
 small hope of good lucke to all the Britains there being assembled.
 This was doone in Kent.

 Now such was the diligence of the bishops, that the people (being
 instructed with continuall preaching) in renouncing the error of the
 Pelagians, earnestlie came by troops to receiue the grace of God
 offred in baptisme, so that on Easter day which then insued, the more
 [Sidenote: The armie of the Britains newlie christened.]
 part of the armie was baptised, and so went foorth against the
 enimies, who hearing thereof, made hast towards the Britains; in hope
 to ouercome them at pleasure. But their approch being knowne, bishop
 Germane tooke vpon him the leading of the British host, and ouer
 against the passage thorough the which the enimies were appointed to
 come, he chose foorth a faire vallie inclosed with high mounteins, and
 within the same he placed his new washed armie. And when he saw the
 enimies now at hand, he commanded that euerie man with one generall
 voice should answer him, crieng alowd the same crie that he should
 begin. So that euen as the enimies were readie to giue the charge vpon
 the Britains, supposing that they should haue taken them at vnwares,
 and before anie warning had béen giuen, suddenlie bishop Germane and
 [Sidenote: Alleluia.]
 the priests with a lowd and shrill voice called _Alleluia_, thrice:
 and therewith all the multitudes of the Britains with one voice cried
 the same crie, with such a lowd shout, that the Saxons were therewith
 so amazed and astonied (the echo from the rocks and hils adjoining,
 redoubling in such wise the crie) that they thought not onelie the
 rocks and clifs had fallen vpon them, but that euen the skie it selfe
 had broken in péeces and come tumbling downe vpon their heads:
 héerewith therefore throwing awaie their weapons, they tooke them to
 their féet, and glad was he that might get to be formost in running
 awaie. Manie of them for hast were drowned in a riuer which they had
 to passe. Polydor taketh that riuer to be Trent. The Britains hauing
 thus vanquished their enimies, gathered the spoile at good leasure,
 &gaue God thanks for the victorie thus got without bloud, for the
 which the holie bishops also triumphed as best became them. Now after
 they had setled all things in good quiet within the Ile, as was
 thought expedient, they returned into Gallia or France, from whence
 they came (as is before rehearsed.)

 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: 448.]
 By one author it should appéere that this battell was woone against
 the Scots and Picts, about the yéere of our Lord 448, a little before
 the comming of the Saxons into this land vnder Hengist, in which yéere
 Germane first came hither to wéed out the heresie of Pelagius, as by
 the same author more at large is affirmed. Howbeit, some
 chronographers alledge out of Prosper &other, and note the first
 comming of Germane to haue béene in the 429 yéere of Christ, and vnder
 the consulship of Florentius and Dionysius. And this should séeme to
 agrée with the truth, for that after some, the foresaid Germane should
 die at Rauenna, about the yéere of our Lord 450, as Vincentius noteth,
 which was the verie yeere of the comming of the Saxons:
 notwithstanding, when or wheresoeuer he died, it was not long after
 his returne into Gallia, vpon his first iournie made hither into this
 land, who no sooner obteined the victorie before mentioned, but woord
 was brought againe vnto him, that eftsoones the heresie of the
 Pelagians was spread abroad in Britaine, and therefore all the priests
 or cleargie made request to him that it might stand with his pleasure
 to come ouer againe, and defend the cause of true religion which he
 had before confirmed.

 [Sidenote: Germane returneth againe into Britaine.]
 Héerevpon bishop Germane granted so to doo, and therefore taking with
 him one Seuerus (that was disciple vnto Lupus, and ordeined at that
 time bishop of Triers) tooke the sea, and came againe into Britaine,
 where he found the multitude of the people stedfast in the same
 beliefe wherein he had left them, &perceiued the fault to rest in a
 few: wherevpon inquiring out the authors, he condemned them to exile
 (as it is written) and with a manifest miracle by restoring a yoong
 man that was lame (as they saie) vnto the right vse of his lims, he
 confirmed his doctrine. Then followed preaching to persuade amendment
 of errors, and by the generall consent of all men, the authors of the
 wicked doctrine being banished the land, were deliuered vnto bishop
 Germane and to his fellow Seuerus, to conueie them away in their
 companie vnto the parties beyond the seas, that the region might so be
 deliuered of further danger, and they receiue the benefit of due
 amendment.

 By this meanes it came to passe, that the true faith continued in
 Britaine sound and perfect a long time after. Things being thus set in
 good order, those holie men returned into their countries, the
 forenamed bishop Germane went to Rauenna to sue for peace to be
 granted vnto the people of Britaine Armorike, where being receiued of
 the emperor Valentinian and his mother Placida in most reuerend maner,
 [Sidenote: Anno 450, as _Vincentius_ noteth, _lib._ 20. _ca._ 15.]
 he departed in that citie out of this transitorie life, to the
 eternall ioies of heauen. His bodie was afterwards conueied to the
 citie of Auxerre, where he had béene bishop with great opinion of
 holines for his sincere doctrine and pure and innocent life. Shortlie
 [Sidenote: The emperour Valentinian slaine.]
 after was the emperour Valentinian slaine by the friends of that noble
 man named Aetius, whome he had before caused to be put to death.

 ¶ By this it maie appéere, that bishop Germane came into this realme
 both the first and second time, whilest as well Hengist, as also
 Vortigerne were liuing: for the said Valentinian was murthered about
 [Sidenote: 454.]
 the yeere of our Lord 454, where the said kings liued and reigned long
 after that time, as maie appéere both before and after in this present
 booke.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _What part of the realme the Saxons possessed, Vortigerne buildeth a
 castell in Wales for his safetie, Aurelius and Vter both brethren
 returne into Britaine, they assalt the vsurper Vortigerne, and with
 wildfire burne both him, his people, his fort, and all the furniture
 in the same, Vortigerne committeth incest with his owne daughter,
 feined and ridiculous woonders of S. Germane, a sheepherd made a
 king._

 THE SEUENTH CHAPTER.


 Now will we returne to Vortigerne, of whome we read in the British
 historie, that after the Saxons had constreined him to deliuer into
 their hands a great part of the south and east parts of the realme, so
 that they had in possession London, Yorke, Lincolne, & Winchester,
 [Sidenote: _Galfrid._]
 with other cities & townes, he not onelie fearing their puissance, but
 also the returne of Aurelius Ambrosius, and his brother Vter
 Pendragon, withdrew him into Wales, where he began to build a strong
 [Sidenote: _Caxton._]
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 [Sidenote: _Polychron._]
 castell vpon a mounteine called Breigh, or after other Cloaric, néere
 to the riuer of Guana, which is in the west side of Wales in a place
 [Sidenote: Mount Erix he calleth it in one place of his booke.]
 within the compasse of the same hill called Generon or Gueineren. Of
 the building of this castell, and of the hinderance in erecting the
 same, with the monstrous birth of Merlin and his knowledge in
 prophesieng, the British histories tell a long processe, the which in
 Caxton, and in Galfrides bookes is also set foorth, as there ye maie
 sée: but for that the same séemeth not of such credit as deserueth to
 be registred in anie sound historie, we haue with silence passed it
 ouer.

 [Sidenote: Aurelius and Vter brethren returne into Britaine.]
 Whilest Vortigerne was busied in building of this castell, the two
 foresaid brethren Aurelius and Vter prepared a nauie of ships, and an
 armie of men, by helpe of such their kinsmen and fréends as they found
 in Britaine Armorike, and so passed the sea, and landed at Totnesse:
 whereof when the Britains were aduertised, the which were scattered
 abroad and seuered in diuers parties and countries, they drew vnto the
 said two brethren with all spéed that might be. When Aurelius and his
 brother Vter perceiued that they were sufficientlie furnished of
 people, they marched foorth towards Wales against Vortigerne, who
 hauing knowledge of their approch, had fortified his castell verie
 strongly with men, munition and vittels, but yet all auailed him
 nothing, for in the end after his enimies had giuen diuers assaults to
 [Sidenote: Vortigerne burnt to death.]
 [Sidenote: Wild fire not yet inuented as some think.]
 the said castell, they found meanes with wild fire to burne it downe
 to the earth, and so consumed it by fire togither with the king, and
 all other that were within it.

 Thus did Vortigerne end his life (as in the British historie is
 recorded.) Much euill is reported of him by the same historie, and
 also by other writers, and among other things it is written, that he
 should lie by his owne daughter, and of hir beget a sonne, in hope
 [Sidenote: _Polychron._]
 [Sidenote: A feined tale of S. Germane.]
 [Sidenote: A caluish narration.]
 that kings should come of him, and therefore he was excommunicated by
 S. Germane. It is also said, that when the same S. Germane came into
 Britaine (as before ye haue heard) this Vortigerne on a time should
 denie the same S. Germane harbour: but one that kept the kings heards
 of cattell receiued him into his house, and lodged him, and slue a
 calfe for his supper, which calfe after supper was ended, S. Germane
 restored againe to life: and on the morrow by the ordinance of God, he
 caused Vortigerne to be deposed from his kinglie estate, and tooke the
 heardman and made him king. But Ranulfe Hig. in his "Polychronicon,"
 alledging Gyldas for his author, saith that this chanced to a king
 that ruled in Powsey, whose name was Bulie, and not to Vortigerne: so
 that the successors of that Bulie reigning in that side of Wales, came
 of the linage of the same heardman.

 [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._]
 Moreouer it hath beene said (as one writer recordeth) that when
 Vortigerne refused to heare the preaching of saint Germane, and fled
 from him as he would haue instructed him, one night there fell fire
 from heauen vpon the castell wherein the king was lodged, and so the
 king being destroied with the fall of the house and the fire togither,
 was neuer after séene.

 ¶ But these are fables, and therfore I passe them ouer, hoping that it
 shall suffice to shew here with what stuffe our old historiographers
 haue farced vp their huge volumes, not so much regarding the credit of
 an historie, as satisfieng the vanitie of their owne fond fantasies,
 studieng with a pretended skilfulnesse to cast glorious colours vpon
 lies, that the readers (whom they presupposed either ignorant or
 credulous) would be led away with a flowing streme of woords void of
 reason and common sense. Which kind of men knew not (belike) that the
 nature of an historie, (defined to be _Rei verè gestæ memoria)_ will
 not beare the burthen or lode of a lie, sith the same is too heauie:
 otherwise they would haue deposed matters conspiring with the truth.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Aurelius Ambrosius the brother to Constantius created king of
 Britaine, he incountereth with the Saxons, Hengist their generall is
 beheaded, Occa his sonne submitteth himselfe to Aurelius, he putteth
 all the Saxons out of the land, repaireth places decaied, and
 restoreth religion, the memorable monument of the stones that are so
 much spoken of on Salisburie plaine, the exploits of Pascentius
 Vortigerns yongest sonne, Aurelius lieth sicke, Vter goeth against
 Pascentius and giueth him the ouerthrow, Aurelius is poisoned of a
 counterfet moonke, the place of his buriall, Polydor Virgils report of
 the acts and deeds of Aurelius against the Saxons, Hengist is slaine,
 Osca and Occa his two sonnes make a fowle spoile if the west part of
 the land, Vortimer dieth, the disagreement of writers touching matters
 interchangeablie passed betwene the Britains and Saxons._

 THE EIGHT CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: AURELIUS AMBROSIUS.]
 Aurelius Ambrose, the second sonne of king Constantine, brother to
 Constantius, and murthered by the treason of Vortigerne (as before ye
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._ saith 466.]
 haue heard) was made king of Britaine in the yéere of our Lord 481,
 which was about the third yéere of the reigne of the emperour Zeno,
 and the 23 of Childericus king of France, Odocer king of the Herulians
 then vsurping the gouernment of Italie. When this Aurelius Ambrosius
 had dispatched Vortigerne, and was now established king of the
 Britains, he

 [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._]
 made towards Yorke, and passing the riuer of Humber, incountred with
 the Saxons at a place called Maesbell, and ouerthrew them in a strong
 battell, from the which as Hengist was fléeing to haue saued himselfe,
 he was taken by Edoll earle of Glocester, or (as some say) Chester,
 [Sidenote: Hengist taken and beheaded.]
 and by him led to Conningsborrow, where he was beheaded by the
 counsell of Eldad then bishop of Colchester.

 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 Howbeit there be some that write, how that Hengist was taken at
 another battell fought vpon the riuer of Dune, in the yéere of our
 Lord 489, and not in the chase of the battell which was fought at
 [Sidenote: Occa.]
 Maesbell in the yéere 487, as the same authors doo alledge. Occa the
 son of Hengist by flight escaped to Yorke, and being there besieged,
 at length was constreined to yéeld himselfe to Aurelius: who dealing
 fauourablie with him, assigned vnto him and other of the Saxons a
 countrie bordering neere to the Scots, which (as some affirme) was
 Galloway, where the said Occa and the Saxons began to inhabit. Then
 did Aurelius Ambrosius put the Saxons out of all other parts of the
 land, & repaired such cities, townes and also churches, as by them had
 beene destroied or defaced, and placed againe priests, and such other
 as should attend on the ministerie and seruice of God in the same
 churches.

 Also for a perpetuall memorie of those Britains that were slaine on
 the plaine of Salisburie by the treason of Hengist, he caused stones
 to be fetched out of Ireland, and to be set vp in the same place where
 [Sidenote: Stoneheng.]
 that slaughter was committed, and called the place Stoneheng, which
 name continueth vnto this day. Fiftéene thousand men (as Galfrid
 [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._]
 saith) were sent for those stones, vnder the leading of Vter Pendragon
 the kings brother, who giuing battell vnto Gillomanus king of Ireland
 that went about to resist the Britains, and would not permit them to
 fetch away the same stones out of his countrie, discomfited him and
 his people, and so (maugre his hart) brought the stones away with him.

 Shortlie after, Pascentius that was Vortigerns yoongest sonne, and had
 escaped into Ireland (when Aurelius Ambrosius came into Britaine)
 returned with a great power of strange nations, and tooke the citie of
 Meneuia in Wales, afterwards called saint Dauids, and did much hurt in
 the countrie with fire and swoord. At which time the same Aurelius
 Ambrosius lay sicke at Winchester, and being not able to go foorth
 himselfe, desired his brother Vter Pendragon to assemble an armie of
 Britains, and to go against Pascentius and his adherents. Vter,
 according to his brothers request, gathering his people, went foorth,
 and incountering with the enimies gaue them the ouerthrow, slue
 Pascentius and Gillomare or Gilloman king of Ireland, that was come
 ouer with him in aid against the Britains.

 [Sidenote: _Hector Boet._]
 In the meane while, a Saxon or some other stranger, whose name was
 Eopa or Copa, not long before procured thereto by Pascentius, fained
 himselfe to be a Britaine, and for a colour counterfeiting himselfe a
 moonke, and to haue great knowledge in physicke, was admitted to
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 minister as it were medicins to Aurelius: but in stead of that which
 should haue brought him health, he gaue him poison, wherof he died
 shortlie after at Winchester aforesaid, when he had reigned after most
 accord of writers nintéene yéeres: his bodie was conueied to Stoneheng
 and there buried. ¶ Thus find we in the British and common English
 histories of the dooings of Aurelius Ambrosius, who (as ye haue hard)
 makes him a Britaine borne, and descended of the bloud of the ancient
 Britains. But Gyldas and Beda report him to be a Romane by descent, as
 before is mentioned.

 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 Polydor Virgil writeth in this sort of the victorious acts atchiued by
 the foresaid Aurelius Ambrosius. Then (saith he) the Saxons hauing
 alreadie gotten the whole rule of the Ile, practised their outragious
 cruelties speciallie against the princes of the Britains, to the end
 that the said princes being ouercome and destroied, they might with
 more ease obteine possession of the whole Ile, which thing they onlie
 sought. But the fauour of almightie God was not wanting to the
 miserable Britains in that great necessitie. For behold, Aurelius
 Ambrosius was at hand, who had no sooner caused the trumpet to sound
 to armor, but euerie man for himselfe prepared and repaired vnto him,
 praieng & beseeching him to helpe to defend them, and that it might
 stand with his pleasure to go foorth with them against the enimies in
 all speed.

 Thus an armie being assembled, Aurelius Ambrosius went against them,
 and valiantlie assailed them, so that within the space of a few daies
 they fought thrée battels with great fiercenesse on both sides, in
 triall of their high displeasures and vttermost forces, in which at
 length the Britains put the Saxons to flight, Horsus the brother of
 Hengist being slaine with a great number of his people. But yet
 notwithstanding the enimies rage was little abated hereby, for within
 a few daies after receiuing out of Germanie a new supplie of men, they
 brake foorth vpon the Britains with great confidence of victorie.
 Aurelius Ambrosius was no sooner aduertised thereof, but that without
 delaie he set forward towards Yorke, from whence the enimies should
 come, and hearing by the way that Hengist was incamped about seuen &
 twentie miles distant from that citie, néere to the banke of a riuer
 at this day called Dune, in the place where Doncaster now standeth, he
 returned out of his waie, and marched towards that place, and the next
 day set on the enimie and vanquished him, Hengist at the first méeting

 [Sidenote: Hengist is slaine.]
 of the battell being slaine, with a great number of the Germans. The
 fame of this victorie (saith Polydor) is had in memorie with the
 inhabitants of those parties euen vnto this day, which victorie did
 sore diminish the power of the Saxons, insomuch that they began now to
 thinke it should be more for their profit to sit in rest with that
 dishonour, than to make anie new warres to their great disaduantage
 and likelihood of present losse.

 Hengist left behind him two sonnes, Osca and Occa, which as men most
 sorowfull for the ouerthrow of late receiued, assembled such power as
 they could togither, and remooued therewith towards the west part of
 the Ile, supposing it to be better for them to draw that way foorth,
 than to returne into Kent, where they thought was alreadie a
 sufficient number of their people to resist the Britains on that side.
 Now therefore when they came into the west parts of the land, they
 wasted the countrie, burnt villages, and absteined from no maner of
 crueltie that might be shewed. These things being reported vnto
 Aurelius Ambrosius, he straightwaies hasted thither to resist those
 enimies, and so giuing them battell, eftsoones discomfited them: but
 [Sidenote: Aurelius dieth of a wound.]
 he himselfe receiuing a wound, died thereof within a few daies after.
 The English Saxons hauing thus susteined so manie losses within a few
 moneths togither, were contented to be quiet now that the Britains
 stirred nothing against them, by reason they were brought into some
 trouble by the death of such a noble capteine as they had now lost. In
 [Sidenote: Vortimer departeth this life.]
 the meane time Vortimer died, whome Vter surnamed Pendragon succéeded.

 Thus hath Polydor written of the forsaid Aurelius Ambrosius, not
 naming him to be king of Britaine, and differing in déed in sundrie
 points in this behalfe from diuerse ancient writers of the English
 histories: for where he attributeth the victorie to the Britains in
 the battell fought, wherein Horsus the brother of Hengist was slaine,
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 by the report of Polychronicon, and others, the Saxons had the
 victorie in that reincounter: and William of Malmesburie saith, that
 they departed from that batell with equall fortune, the Saxons losing
 [Sidenote: Katigerne.]
 their capteine Horsus, and the Britains their capteine Katigerne (as
 before ye haue heard.) But there is such contrarietie in writers
 touching the dooings betwixt the Britains and Saxons in those daies,
 as well in account of yéeres, as in report of things doone, that
 setting affection aside, hard it is to iudge to which part a man
 should giue credit.

 For Fabian and other authors write, that Aurelius Ambrosius began his
 [Sidenote: 458.]
 reigne ouer the Britains about the yéere of our Lord 481, and Horsus
 was slaine about the yéere 458, during the reigne of Vortimer, as
 aboue is mentioned, so that it cannot stand with the truth of the
 British histories (the which Fabian followeth) that Horsus was slaine
 by Aurelius Ambrosius, if according to the same histories he returned
 not into Britaine, till the time there supposed. But diuerse such
 maner of contrarieties shall ye find, in perusing of those writers
 that haue written the chronicles of the Britains and Saxons, the which
 in euerie point to recite, would be too tedious and combersome a
 matter, and therefore we are forced to passe the same ouer, not
 knowing how to bring them to anie iust accord for the satisfieng of
 all mens minds, speciallie the curious, which may with diligent search
 satisfie themselues happilie much better, than anie other shall be
 able to doo in vttering his opinion neuer so much at large, and
 agréeable to a truth. This therefore haue we thought good as it were
 by the waie to touch what diuerse authors doo write, leauing it so to
 euerie mans iudgement to construe thereof, as his affection leadeth
 [Sidenote: _Sigebertus._]
 him. We find in the writings of those that haue registred the dooings
 of these times, that Aurelius hauing vanquished the Saxons, restored
 churches to the furtherance of the christian religion, which by the
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._ saith 488.]
 inuasion of the Saxons was greatlie decaied in diuerse parts of
 Britaine, and this chanced in the daies of the emperour Theodosius the
 yoonger.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The beginning of the kingdome of the Southsaxons commonlie called
 Sussex, the Britains with their rulers giue battell to Ella the Saxon
 & his three sonnes, disagreement betweene the English and British
 chronographers about the battels fought by Hengist and his death, the
 beginning of the Kentish kingdome, a battell fought betweene the
 Britains and Saxons, the first are conquered, the last are
 conquerors._

 THE NINTH CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: Ella entred this land as _Matt. West._ saith ann. 477.]
 In the time of the foresaid Aurelius Ambrosius, one Ella a Saxon with
 his 3 sonnes Cymen, Plettinger and Cissa, came out of Germanie with
 thrée ships, and landed in the south parts of Britaine and being
 incountred with a power of Britains at a place called Cuneueshore,
 discomfited them, and chased them vnto a wood then called
 Andredescester, and so tooke that countrie, and inhabited there with
 his people the Saxons which he brought with him, and made himselfe
 king and lord thereof, in somuch that afterwards the same countrie was
 [Sidenote: The kingdom of the Southsaxons dooth begin.]
 named the kingdome of the Southsaxons, which had for limits on the
 east side Kent, on the south the sea and Ile of Wight, on the west
 Hamshire, and on the north part Southerie. This kingdome (after some)
 began vnder the foresaid Ella, about the 32 yeere after the first
 comming of the Saxons into this land, which by following that account,
 should be about the second yéere of the reigne of Aurelius Ambrosius,
 [Sidenote: 482.]
 and about the yéere of our Lord 482. But other write, that it did
 begin about the 30 yéere after the first comming of Hengist, which
 should be two yéeres sooner.

 William Harison differing from all other, noteth it to begin in the
 fourth yéere after the death of Hengist, 4458 of the world, 2 of the
 317 Olympiad, 1248 of Rome, 492 of Christ, and 43 after the comming of
 the Saxons: his woords are these. Ella erected the kingdome of the
 Southsaxons, in the 15 after his arriuall, and reigned 32 yéeres, the
 chiefe citie of his kingdome also was Chichester, and after he had
 inioied the same his kingdome a while, he ouerthrew the citie called
 Andredescester, which as then was taken for one of the most famous in
 all the south side of England. ¶ For my part I thinke my dutie
 discharged, if I shew the opinions of the writers: for if I should
 therto ad mine owne, I should but increase coniectures, whereof
 alreadie we haue superfluous store. To procéed thereforr as I find.

 About the ninth yéere after the comming of Ella, the Britains
 perceiuing that he with his Saxons still inlarged the bounds of his
 lordship by entring further into the land, assembled themselues
 togither vnder their kings and rulers, and gaue battell to Ella and
 his sonnes at Mecredesbourne, where they departed with doubtfull
 victorie, the armies on both sides being sore diminished, and so
 returned to their homes. Ella after this battell sent into his
 countrie for more aid.

 But now touching Hengist, who as ye haue heard, reigned as king in the
 prouince of Kent, the writers of the English kings varie somewhat from
 the British histories, both in report of the battels by him fought
 against the Britains, and also for the maner of his death: as thus.
 After that Vortimer was dead, who departed this life (as some write)
 [Sidenote: _Polychron._]
 [Sidenote: 457.]
 in the first yéere of the emperor Leo, surnamed the great, and first
 of that name that gouerned the empire, who began to rule in the yéere
 of our Lord 457, we find that Hengist and his sonne Occa or Osca
 [Sidenote: _Henrie Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: Creiford.]
 [Sidenote: Britains ouerthrowne.]
 gathered their people togither that were before sparkled, and hauing
 also receiued new aid out of Germanie, fought with the Britains at a
 place called Crekenford, where were slaine of the Britains foure dukes
 or capteins, and foure thousand of other men, the residue were chased
 by Hengist out of Kent vnto London, so that they neuer returned
 afterwards againe into Kent: thus the kingdome of Kent began vnder
 Hengist the twelfe yéere after the comming of the Saxons into
 Britaine, and Hengist reigned in Kent after this (as the same writers
 agrée) foure and twentie yéeres.

 [Sidenote: _Polychron._]
 It is remembred that those Germans which latelie were come ouer to the
 aid of Hengist, being chosen men, mightie and strong of bodie, with
 their axes and swoords made great slaughter of the Britains in that
 battell at Crekenford or Creiford, which Britains were ranged in foure
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 battels vnder their aforesaid foure dukes or capteins, and were (as
 before is mentioned) slaine in the same battell. About the sixt yéere
 of the said emperor Leo, which was in the 17 yéere after the comming
 [Sidenote: Wipets field.]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 [Sidenote: This battell was fought anno 473. as the same _Mat. West._
 noteth.]
 of the Saxons, Hengist and his sonne Occa or Osca fought at Wipets
 field in Kent, néere to a place called Tong with the Britains, and
 slue of them twelue dukes or capteins, & on the part of the Saxons was
 [Sidenote: Wipet.]
 [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._]
 slaine beside common souldiers but onlie one capteine called Wipet, of
 whom the place after that daie tooke name.

 This victorie was nothing plesant to the Saxons, by reason of the
 great losse which they susteined, as well by the death of the said
 Wipet, as of a great number of others: and so of a long time neither
 did the Saxons enter into the confines of the Britains, nor the
 Britains presumed to come into Kent. But whilest outward wars ceassed
 among the Britains, they exercised ciuill battell, falling togither by
 the eares among themselues, one striuing against another. Finallié,
 [Sidenote: Fortie Yéeres saith _H. Hunt._]
 Hengist departed this life by course of nature, in the 39 yéere after
 his first comming into Britaine, hauing procéeded in his businesse no
 [Sidenote: By this it is euident that he was not driuen out of the
 land after he had once set foot within it.]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._]
 lesse with craft and guile than with force and strength, following
 therewith his natiue crueltie, so that he rather did all things with
 rigour than with gentlenesse. After him succéeded a sonne whom he left
 behind him, who being attentiue rather to defend than to inlarge his
 kingdome, neuer set foot out of his fathers bounds, during the space
 of 24 yéeres, in the which he reigned.

 About thrée yéeres after the deceasse of Hengist, a new supplie of men
 of warre came out of Germanie vnto the aid of Ella king of Sussex, who
 [Sidenote: The citie of Andredescester.]
 hauing his power increased, besieged the citie of Andredescester,
 which was verie strong and well furnished with men and all things
 necessarie. The Britains also assembling togither in companies,
 greatlie annoied the Saxons as they lay there at siege, laieng
 ambushes to destroie such as went abroad, and ceassing not to giue
 alarums to the campe in the night season: and the Saxons could no
 sooner prepare them selues to giue the assalt, but the Britains were
 readie to assaile them on the backs, till at length the Saxons
 diuiding themselues into two companies, appointed the one to giue the
 assalt, and the other to incounter with the armie of the Britains
 without, and so finallie by that meanes preuailed, tooke the citie,
 and destroied man, woman and child. Neither so contented, they did
 also vtterlie race the said citie, so as it was neuer after that daie
 builded or reedified againe.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The east Angles kingdome beginneth, the arriuall of Cerdic and Kenric
 with fiue ships of warre in this land, he putteth the Britains to
 flight, the west Saxons kingdom begineth, Vter Pendragon made king of
 Britaine, the etymon of his name, he taketh Occa and Osca the two
 sonnes of Hengist prisoners, how Hector Boetius varieth from other
 chronographers in the relation of things concerning Pendragon, he
 falleth in loue with the duke of Cornewalls wife, killeth him, and
 marieth hir. Occa and Osca escape out of prison, they freshlie assault
 the Britains, they are both slaine in a foughten field, the Saxons
 send and looke for aid out of Germanie, Pendragon is poisoned._

 THE TENTH CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: The kingdome of the east Angles began not till Aurelius
 Conanus reigned.]
 [Sidenote: 561.]
 Moreouer, in the daies of the afore-named Auralius Ambrosius, about
 the yeare of our Lord 561, the kingdome of the east Angles began vnder
 a Saxon named Uffa. This same kingdome conteined Northfolke and
 Suffolke, hauing on the east and north parts the sea, on the northwest
 Cambridgeshire, and on the west saint Edmunds ditch with a part of
 Hertfordshire, and on the southside lieth Essex. At the first it was
 called Vffines dominion, and the kings that reigned, or the people
 that inhabited there, were at the first named Vffines, but at length
 they were called east Angles.

 [Sidenote: CERDIC.]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: 495.]
 Fvrthermore, about the yeare of our Lord 495, and in the eight yeare
 after that Hengist was dead, one Cerdicus and his sonne Kenricus came
 out of Gerrmanie with fiue ships, and landed at a place called
 Cerdicshore, which as some thinke is called Yermouth in Northfolke. He
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 [Sidenote: _Polychron._]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 was at the first receiued with battell by the Britains, but being an
 old skilfull warriour, he easilie beate backe and repelled the
 inconstant multitude of his enimies, and caused them to flée: by which
 good successe he procured both vndoubted assurance to himselfe for the
 time to come, and to the inhabitants good and perfect quietnes. For
 they thinking good neuer after to prouoke him more by resistance,
 submitted themselues to his pleasure: but yet did not he then giue
 himselfe to slouthfull rest, but rather extending his often atchiued
 victories on ech side, in the 24 yeare after his comming into this
 land, he obteined the rule of the west parts thereof, and gouerned
 there as king, so that the kingdome of the west Saxons began vnder the
 said Cerdicus in the 519 of Christ, as after shall be shewed.

 [Sidenote: 529.]
 ¶ Thus ye maie sée, that Aurelius Ambrosius did succéed Vortigerne,
 and reigned in the time supposed by the British histories, as before
 is alledged, the land euen in his daies was full of trouble, and the
 old inhabitants the Britains sore vexed by the Saxons that entred the
 same, so that the Britains were dailie hampered, and brought vnder
 subiection to the valiant Saxons, or else driuen to remooue further
 off, and to giue place to the victors. But now to procéed with the
 succession of the British kings, as in their histories we find them
 registred, which I deliuer such as I find, but not such as I doo wish,
 being written with no such colour of credit as we maie safelie put
 foorth the same for an vndoubted truth.

 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._ noteth. 500.]
 After that Aurelius Ambrosius was dead, his brother Vter Pendragon
 (whome some call Aurelius Vterius Ambrosianus) was made king in the
 yeare of our Lord 500, in the seuenth yeare of the emperour
 Anastasius, and in the sixtéenth yeare of Clodoueus king of the
 Frenchmen. The cause why he was surnamed Pendragon, was, for that
 Merline the great prophet likened him to a dragons head, that at the
 time of his natiuitie maruelouslie appeared in the firmament at the
 corner of a blasing star, as is reported. But others supposed he was
 so called of his wisedome and serpentine subtiltie, or for that he
 gaue the dragons head in his banner. This Vter, hearing that the
 Saxons with their capteins Occa or Otta the sonne of Hengist, and his
 brother Osca had besieged the citie of Yorke, hasted thither, and
 giuing them battell, discomfited their power, and tooke the said Occa
 and Osca prisoners.

 [Sidenote: _Hector Boet._]
 From this varieth Hector Boetius in his chronicle of Scotland, writing
 of these dooings in Britaine: for he affirmeth, that the counterfeit
 moonke, which poisoned Aurelius Ambrosius, was suborned and sent to
 woorke that feat by Occa, and not by his brother Pascentius: and
 further, that about the selfesame time of Aurelius his death, his
 brother Vter Pendragon lay in Wales, not as yet fullie recouered of a
 sore sicknesse, wherewith of late he had béene much vexed. Yet the
 lords of Britaine after the buriall of Aurelius Ambrosius, came vnto
 him and crowned him king: and though he was not able to go against the
 Saxons (which as then by reason of Aurelius Ambrosius his death were
 verie busie, and more earnest in pursuing the warre than before) yet
 an armie was prepared and sent foorth with all conuenient spéed vnder
 the leading of one Nathaliod, a man neither of anie great ancient
 house, nor yet of skill in warlike affaires.

 The noble men were nothing pleased herewith, as misliking altogither
 the lacke of discretion in their new king, & doubted sore, least in
 time to come he would haue more delight to aduance the men of base
 degrée, than such as were descended of noble parentage. Yet because
 they would not put the state of the common wealth in danger through
 anie mutinie, they agréed to go foorth with him in that iournie. Occa
 had aduertisement giuen him by certeine letters sent to him from some
 close friends amongest the Britains of the whole matter: and therefore
 in hope of the better spéed, he hasted foorth to incounter the
 Britains, and so the whole armie comming within sight of the other,
 they prepared to the battell, and shortlie after buckling togither,
 the Britains were soone discomfited, by reason that one of their
 chiefest capteins called Gothlois disdaining to be at the appointment
 of Nathaliod, got him vp to the next hill with the next battell which
 he led, leauing the other Britains in all the danger: which they
 séeing began by & by to flée. There died no great number of the
 Britains, except those that were killed in the fight: for Occa
 mistrusting what Gothlois meant by his withdrawing aside, would not
 suffer the Saxons to follow the chase, but in the night following
 Gothlois got him awaie, and rested not till he was out of danger. Occa
 then perceiuing himselfe to haue the vpper hand, sent an herald vnto
 king Vter with a certeine message, threatning destruction to him and
 to his people, if he refused to doo that which he should appoint.

 Vter perceiuing what disloialtie rested in the harts of his owne
 subiects, agréed that the matter might be committed to eight graue and
 wise councellors, foure Britains and foure Saxons, which might haue
 full power to make an end of all controuersies and variances depending
 betwixt the two nations. Occa was likewise contented therewith,
 wherevpon were named on either part foure persons, of such wisedome,
 knowledge and experience, as were thought meetest for the ordering of
 such a weightie matter. So that by the arbitrement, award and doome of
 those eight persons authorised thereto, a league was concluded vpon
 certeine articles of agreement, amongst the which the chiefest was,
 that the Saxons from thencefoorth should quietlie inioy all that part
 of Britaine which lieth fore against the Almaine seas, the same to be
 called euer after Engistlaund, and all the residue should remaine to
 the Britains as their owne rightfull and ancient inheritance. Thus far
 Hector Boetius.

 But now to returne vnto Vter according to that we find in the British
 histories, and to procéed after our owne historians; we find, that
 when he had vanquished the Saxons and taken their two chiefeteins
 prisoners, in processe of time he fell in loue with a verie beautifull
 [Sidenote: Gorolus duke of Cornewall.]
 ladie called Igwarne or Igerna, wife to one Gorolus or Gorlois duke of
 Cornewall, the which duke he slue at length néere to his owne castell
 called Diuulioc in Cornewall, to the end that he might inioy the said
 ladie, whome he afterwards maried, and begot on hir that noble knight
 Arthur, and a daughter named Amie or Anna. Occa and Osca escaping also
 out of prison assembled eftsoones a power of Saxons, and made warre
 against the Britains, whereof Vter hauing aduertisement prepared to
 resist them, and finallie went himselfe in person against them, and at
 [Sidenote: _Harding._]
 saint Albans (as some write) gaue them battell, and slue them both in
 the field.

 By that which Polydor Virgil writeth, it should séeme that Germane the
 bishop of Auxerre came into Britaine in the daies of this Vter, by
 whose presence the Britains had victorie against the Saxons (as before
 ye haue heard) after which victorie both rested from troubling either
 other for a time. The Saxons as it were astonied with that present
 miracle, & the Britains not following their good successe, shortlie
 after fell at discord amongst themselues, which finallie brought them
 to vtter decaie, as after shall appeare. But the Saxons desirous to
 spoile the Britains of the whole possession of that part of the Ile
 which they held, whereas they accounted the cities and townes of small
 strength to be defended, they got them to an high mounteine called
 [Sidenote: Badon hill.]
 Badon hill, which Polydor supposeth to be Blackamore that lieth néere
 to the water of Theise, which diuideth the bishoprike of Durham from
 Yorkeshire, hauing at the mouth thereof an hauen méet to receiue such
 ships as come out of Germanie, from whence the Saxons looked for aid,
 hauing alreadie sent thither for the same.

 The Britains being thereof aduertised, made hast towards the place,
 and besieged it on euerie side. They also laie the sea coasts full of
 souldiers, to kéepe such of the enimies from landing as should come
 out of Germanie. The Saxons kept themselues for a certeine space aloft
 vpon the high ground, but in the end constreined through want of
 vittels, they came downe with their armie in order of battell to the
 next plaines, and offering to fight, the battell was anon begun, which
 continued from the morning till far in the day, with such slaughter,
 that the earth on euerie side flowed with bloud: but the Saxons
 susteined the greater losse, their capteins Occa and Osca being both
 slaine, so that the Britains might séeme quite deliuered of all danger
 of those enimies: but the fatall destinie could not be auoided, as
 hereafter may appeare. And thus was the slaughter made of the Saxons
 [Sidenote: _Gyldas._]
 at Badon hill, whereof Gyldas maketh mention, and chanced the same
 yeare that he was borne, which was in the 44 yeare after the first
 [Sidenote: 492.]
 comming of the Saxons into this land, the yeare of Grace 492, & 15
 indiction.

 [Sidenote: The decease of Vter Pendragon.]
 About the same time Vter departed out of this life (saith Polydor) so
 that this account agréeth nothing with the common account of those
 authors, whome Fabian and other haue followed. For either we must
 presuppose, that Vter reigned before the time appointed to him by the
 said authors, either else that the siege of Badon hill was before he
 began to reigne, as it should séeme in déed by that which Wil.
 Malmesburie writeth thereof, as hereafter shall be also shewed.
 Finallie (according to the agréement of the English writers) Vter
 Pendragon died by poison, when he had gouerned this land by the full
 terme of 16 years, & was after buried by his brother Aurelius at
 [Sidenote: Stoneheng.]
 [Sidenote: Chorea Gigantum.]
 Stoneheng, otherwise called _Chorea Gigantum_, leauing his sonne
 Arthur to succéed him. ¶ Here ye must note that the Scotish chronicles
 declare, that in all the warres for the more part wherein the Britains
 obteined victorie against the Saxons, the Scots aided them in the same
 warres, and so likewise did the Picts, but the same chronicles doo not
 onelie varie from the British writers in account of yeares, but also
 in the order of things doone, as in the same chronicles more plainelie
 may appeare, & namelie in the discourse of the accidents which chanced
 during the reigne of this Vter. For whereas the British histories, as
 ye haue heard, attribute great praise vnto the same Vter for his
 victories atchiued against the Saxons and their king Occa, whome he
 slue in battell, and obteined a great victorie, the Scotish writers
 make other report, affirming in deed that by the presence of bishop
 Germane he obteined victorie in one battell against them: but shortlie
 after the Britains fought againe with the Saxons, and were
 discomfited, although Occa in following the chase ouer rashlie chanced
 to be slaine: after whose deceasse the Saxons ordeined his sonne named
 also Occa to succéed in his place, who to make himselfe strong against
 all his enimies, sent into Germanie for one Colgerne, the which with a
 great power of Dutchmen came ouer into this our Britaine, and
 conquered by Occas appointment the countrie of Northumberland, situate
 betwéene Tine and Tweed, as in the Scotish chronicles may further
 appeare.

 Also this is to be remembred, that the victorie which was got against
 the Saxons by the Britains, at what time Germane bishop of Auxerre was
 present: Hector Boetius affirmeth (by authoritie of Veremond that
 wrote the Scotish chronicles) to haue chanced the second time of his
 comming ouer into this land, where Beda auoucheth it to be at his
 first being heere. Againe the same Boetius writeth, that the same
 victorie chanced in the daies of Vter Pendragon. Which can not be, if
 it be true that Beda writeth, touching the time of the death of the
 said Germane: for where he departed this life before the yeare of our
 Lord 459, as aboue is said, Vter Pendragon began not his reigne till
 the yeare of our Lord 500 or as the same Hector Boetius saith 503, so
 that bishop Germane was dead long before that Vter began to reigne.

 In déed some writers haue noted, that the third battell which Vortimer
 fought against the Saxons, was the same wherein S. Germane was
 present, and procured the victorie with the crie of _Alleluia_, as
 before ye haue heard. Which seemeth to be more agréeable to truth, and
 to stand also with that which holie Beda hath written, touching the
 time of the being héere of the said Germane, than the opinion of
 other, which affirme that it was in the time of the reigne of Vter.
 The like is to be found in the residue of Hector Boetius his booke,
 touching the time speciallie of the reignes of the British kings that
 gouerned Britaine about that season. For as he affirmeth, Aurelius
 Ambrosius began his reigne in the yeare of our Lord 498, and ruled but
 seuen yeares, and then succéeded Vter, which reigned 18 yeares, and
 departed this life in the yeare of our Lord 521.

 ¶ Notwithstanding the premisses, here is to be remembred, that
 whatsoeuer the British writers haue recorded touching the victories of
 this Vter had against the Saxons, and how that Osca the sonne of
 Hengist should be slaine in battell by him and his power: in those old
 [Sidenote: Osca.]
 [Sidenote: 34 saith _Henrie Hunt._ in corrupted copies.]
 writers which haue registred the acts of the English Saxon kings we
 find no such matter, but rather that after the deceasse of Hengist,
 his sonne Osca or Occa reigned in Kent 24 yeares, defending his
 kingdome onelie, and not séeking to inlarge it (as before is touched.)
 After whose death his sonne Oth, and Irmenrike sonne to the same Oth
 succéeded, more resembling their father than their grandfather or
 great grandfather. To their reignes are assigned fiftie and three
 yeares by the chronicles: but whether they reigned iointlie togither,
 or seuerallie & apart either after other, it is not certeinlie
 perceiued.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Porth the Saxon arriueth at Portesmouth, warre betweene Nazaleod king
 of the Britains and the Saxons, the Britains are ouerthrowen and
 slaine, the kingdome of the west Saxons beginneth, the compasse or
 continent thereof, the meanes whereby it was inlarged._

 THE ELEUENTH CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: Porth entred this land about the yeare of our Lord 501 as
 _Matth. West._ noteth.]
 Now will we breefelie discourse vpon the incidents which first
 happened during the reigne of Vter Pendragon. We find that one Porth a
 Saxon with his two sons Megla and Beda came on land at Portesmouth in
 Sussex, about the beginning of the said Vters reigne, and slue a noble
 yoong man of the Britains, and manie other of the meaner sort with
 [Sidenote: _Harison_ supposeth the riuer to be called Ports, as for
 the word mouth, is the fall of anie fresh riuer into the sea.]
 him. Of this Porth the towne & hauen of Portesmouth tooke the name, as
 some haue thought. Moreouer, about 40 yeares after the comming of the
 Saxons into this land with their leader Hengist, one Nazaleod, a
 mightie king amongst the Britains, assembled all the power he could
 make to fight with Certicus king of the Westsaxons, who vnderstanding
 of the great power or his enimies, required aid of Osca king of Kent,
 also of Elle king of Sussex, and of Porth and his sonnes which were
 latelie before arriued as ye haue heard. Certicus being then furnished
 with a conuenient armie, diuided the same into two battels, reseruing
 the one to himselfe, and the other he appointed to his sonne Kenrike.
 King Nazaleod perceiuing that the wing which Certicus led, was of more
 strength than the other which Kenrike gouerned, he set first vpon
 Certicus, thinking that if he might distresse that part of the enimies
 armie, he should easilie ouercome the other. Herevpon he gaue such a
 fierce charge vpon that wing, that by verie force he opened the same,
 and so ouerthrew the Saxons on that side, making great slaughter of
 [Sidenote: The Britaines ouerthrowne.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._]
 them as they were scattered. Which maner of dealing when Kenrike saw,
 he made forward with all spéed to succour his father, and rushing in
 amongst the Britains on their backs, he brake their armie in péeces,
 and slue their king Nazaleod, and withall put his people to flight.
 There died of the Britains that daie 5000 men, and the residue
 escaped by fléeing as well as they might. In the sixt yeare after this
 [Sidenote: Stuff and Wightgar.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._ noteth the yeare of their arrivall to be
 514.]
 battell, Stuff and Wightgar that were nephues to Certicus, came with
 thrée ships, and landed at Certicesford, and ouerthrew a number of
 Britains that came against them in order of battell, and so by the
 comming of those his nephues being valiant and hardie capteins, the
 part of Certicus became much stronger. Abut the same time Elle king of
 the Southsaxons departed this life, after whome succéeded his sonne
 Cissa, of whome we find little left in writing to be made account of.

 [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: Britains ouerthrowne by the Saxons.]
 About the yeare of our Lord 519, and in the yeare after the comming of
 the Saxons 71, which was in the 26 yeare of the emperour Anastasius,
 the Britains fought with Certicus and his sonne Kenrike at
 Certicesford, where the capteins of the Britains stood to it
 manfullie: but in the end they were discomfited, and great slaughter
 was made there of them by the Saxons, and greater had béene, if the
 night comming on had not parted them, and so manie were saued.

 [Sidenote: The kingdom of Westsaxons.]
 From that day forward Certicus was reputed & taken for king of
 Westsaxons, & so began the same kingdome at that time, which was (as
 W. Harison noteth) in the yéere of Christ 519, after the building of
 Rome 1270, of the world 4485, of the comming of the Saxons 70, of
 Iustinus Anicius emperour of the east, the first and third of the
 renowmed prince Patricius Arthurus then reigning ouer the Britains.
 The said kingdome also conteined the countries of Wiltshire,
 Summersetshire, Barkeshire, Dorsetshire, and Cornewall, hauing on the
 east Hamshire, on the north the riuer of Thames, and on the south and
 west the Ocean sea. Howbeit, at the first the kings of the Westsaxons
 had not so large dominions, but they dailie wan ground vpon the
 Britains, and so in the end by inlarging their confines, they came to
 inioy all the foresaid countries, and the whole at the last.

 [Sidenote: Certicesford.]
 In the ninth yéere of the reigne of Certicus, he eftsoones fought with
 the Saxons at Certicesford aforesaid, where great slaughter was made
 on both parts. This Certicesford was in times past called Nazaleoy of
 the late remembred Nazaleod king of the Britains. About this season at
 sundrie times diuers great companies of the Saxons came ouer into
 Britaine out of Germanie, and got possession of the countries of
 Mercia and Eastangle: but as yet those of Mercia had no one king that
 gouerned them, but were vnder certeine noble men that got possession
 of diuers parts in that countrie, by means wherof great warres and
 manie incounters insued, with a common waste of land both arable and
 habitable, whiles each one being ambitiouslie minded, & heaping to
 themselues such powers as they were able to make, by swoord and
 bloudshed chose rather to haue their fortune decided, than by reason
 to suppresse the rage of their vnrulie affections. For such is the
 nature of men in gouernement, whether they be interessed to it by
 succession, or possessed of it by vsurpation, or placed in it by
 lawfull constitution, (vnlesse they be guided by some supernaturall
 influence of diuine conceit) if they be more than one, they cannot
 away with equalitie, for regiment admitteth no companion: but euerie
 one séeketh to aduance himselfe to a singularitie of honour, wherein
 he will not (to die for it) participate with another, which maie
 easilie be obserued in this our historicall discourse.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The beginning of the kingdome of the Eastsaxons, what it conteined,
 of Arthur king of Britaine, his twelue victories ouer the Saxons
 against whome he mainteined continuall warre, why the Scots and Picts
 enuied him his roialtie and empire, a league betwixt Arthur and Loth
 king of the Picts, Howell king of little Britaine aideth Arthur
 against Cheldrike king of Germanie, who taking the ouerthrow, is
 slaine by the duke of Cornewall, the Picts are discomfited, the
 Irishmen with their king put to flight, and the Scots subdued, Arthurs
 sundrie conquests against diuers people, the vanitie of the British
 writers noted._

 THE TWELFE CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: ERCHENWIN.]
 [Sidenote: The kingdom of the Eastsaxons.]
 In those daies also the kingdome of the Eastsaxons began, the chéefe
 citie whereof was London. It contained in effect so much as at this
 present belongeth to the diocesse of London. One Erchenwin a Saxon was
 the first king thereof, the which was sonne to one Offa, the sixt in
 lineall descent from one Saxnot, from whom the kings of that countrie
 fetched their originall. Harison noteth the exact yéere of the
 erection of the kingdome of the Eastsaxons to begin with the end of
 the eight of Cerdicus king of the Westsaxons, that is, the 527 of
 Christ, and 78 after the comming of the Saxons. In the 13 yéere of the
 reigne of Cerdicus, he with his sonne Kenrike, and other of the Saxon
 capteins fought with the Britains in the Ile of Wight at
 Witgarsbridge, where they slue a great number of Britains, and so
 conquered the Ile, the which about four yéeres after was giuen by
 Cerdicus vnto his nephues Stuffe and Witgar.

 [Sidenote: ARTHUR.]
 After the deceasse of Vter Pendragon (as we doo find in the British
 histories) his sonne Arthur, a yoong towardlie gentleman, of the age
 of 15 yéeres or thereabouts, began his reigne ouer the Britains in the
 [Sidenote: 516.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._ hath noted 518.]
 yéere of our Lord 516, or as Matt. Westmin. saith 517, in the 28 yéere
 of the emperour Anastasius, and in the third yéere of the reignes of
 Childebert, Clothare, Clodamire, and Theodorike, brethren that were
 kings of the Frenchmen. Of this Arthur manie things are written beyond
 credit, for that there is no ancient author of authoritie that
 confirmeth the same: but surelie as may be thought he was some
 woorthie man, and by all likelihood a great enimie to the Saxons, by
 reason whereof the Welshmen which are the verie Britains in déed, haue
 him in famous remembrance. He fought (as the common report goeth of
 him) 12 notable battels against the Saxons, & in euerie of them went
 away with the victorie, but yet he could not driue them quite out of
 the land, but that they kept still the countries which they had in
 possession, as Kent, Sutherie, Norfolke, and others: howbeit some
 writers testifie, that they held these countries as tributaries to
 Arthur.

 But truth it is (as diuers authors agrée) that he held continuall
 warre against them, and also against the Picts, the which were allied
 with the Saxons: for as in the Scotish histories is conteined, euen at
 the first beginning of his reigne, the two kings of the Scots and
 Picts séemed to enuie his aduancement to the crowne of Britaine,
 bicause they had maried the two sisters of the two brethren, Aurelius
 Ambrosius, and Vter Pendragon, that is to say, Loth king of Picts had
 married Anne their eldest sister, and Conran king of Scots had in
 mariage Alda their yoonger sister, so that bicause Arthur was begotten
 out of wedlocke, they thought it stood with more reason, that the
 kingdome of the Britains should haue descended vnto the sisters
 sonnes, rather than to a bastard, namelie Loth the Pictish king, which
 had issue by his wife Anna, sore repined at the matter.

 Wherefore at the first, when he saw that by suit he could not
 preuaile, he ioined in league with the Saxons, and aiding them against
 Arthur, lost many of his men of warre being ouerthrowne in battell,
 which he had sent vnto the succours of Colgerne the Saxon prince that
 ruled as then in the north parts. But finallie a league was concluded
 betwixt Arthur and the foresaid Loth king of Picts, vpon certeine
 conditions, as in the Scotish historie is expressed, where ye may read
 the same, with many other things touching the acts of Arthur, somewhat
 in other order than our writers haue recorded.

 ¶ The British authors declare, that Arthur (immediatlie after he had
 receiued the crowne of Dubright bishop of Caerleon) went with his
 power of Britains against the Saxons of Northumberland, which had to
 their capteine (as before is said) one Colgrime or Colgerne, whome
 Arthur discomfited and chased into the citie of Yorke, within which
 [Sidenote: Yorke besieged.]
 place Arthur besieged him, till at length the same Colgrime escaped
 out of the citie, & leauing it in charge with his brother called
 [Sidenote: Cheldrike commeth in aid of Colgrime.]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. Westm._ saith but 700.]
 Bladulfe, passed ouer into Germanie vnto Cheldrike king of that
 countrie, of whom he obteined succor, so that the said Cheldrike made
 prouision of men and ships, and came himselfe ouer into Scotland,
 hauing in his companie fiftéene hundred sailes one with an other.

 When Arthur was aduertised thereof, he raised his siege, and withdrew
 to London, sending letters with all speed vnto Howell king of little
 Britaine in France, that was his sisters sonne, requiring of him in
 [Sidenote: Howell king of Britaine commeth ouer in aid of Arthur.]
 most earnest wise his aid. Howell incontinentlie assembled his people,
 to the number of fifteene thousand men, and taking the sea, landed
 with them at Southhampton, where Arthur was readie to receiue him with
 great ioy and gladnesse. From thence they drew northwards, where both
 the hosts of Arthur and Howell being assembled togither, marched
 forward to Lincolne, which citie Cheldrike did as then besiege. Here
 [Sidenote: Cheldrike ouerthrowne in battell.]
 Arthur and Howell assailed the Saxons with great force & no lesse
 manhood, and at length after great slaughter made of the enimies, they
 obteined the victorie, and chased Cheldrike (with the residue of the
 Saxons that were left aliue) vnto a wood, where they compassed them
 about within the same, in such wise, that in the ende they were
 constreined to yéeld themselues, with condition that they might be
 suffered to depart on foot to their ships, and so auoid the land,
 leauing their horsse, armour, and other furniture vnto the Britains.

 Héerevpon the Britains taking good hostages for assurance, permitted
 the Saxons to go their waies, and so Cheldrike and his people got them
 to their ships, in purpose to returne into their countrie: but being
 on the sea, they were forced by wind to change their course, and
 comming on the coasts of the west parts of Britaine, they arriued at
 Totnesse, and contrarie to the couenanted articles of their last
 composition with Arthur, inuaded the countrie anew, and taking such
 armour as they could find, marched foorth in robbing and spoiling the
 people, till they came to Bath, which towne the Britains kept and
 defended against them, not suffering them by anie meanes to enter
 [Sidenote: Bath besieged.]
 there, wherevpon the Saxons inuironed it with a strong siege. Arthur
 informed heereof, with all spéed hasted thither, and giuing the
 enimies battell, slue the most part of Cheldrikes men.

 [Sidenote: The Saxons ouerthrow Colgrime and Bladulfe.]
 There were slaine both Colgrime and Bladulfe, howbeit Cheldrike
 himselfe fled out of the field towards his ships, but being pursued by
 [Sidenote: Cheldrike slaine by Cador duke of Cornwall. K. Howell
 besieged by the Scots.]
 Cador earle of Cornwall (that had with him tèn thousand men) by
 Arthurs appointment, he was ouertaken and in flight slaine with all
 his people. Arthur himselfe returned from this battell foughten at
 Bath with all speed towards the marshes of Scotland, for that he had
 receiued aduertisement, how the Scots had besieged Howell K. of
 Britaine there, as he lay sicke. Also when Cador had accomplished his
 enterprise and slaine Cheldrike, he returned with as much spéed as was
 possible towards Arthur, & found him in Scotland, where he rescued
 Howell, and afterwards pursued the Scots which fled before him by
 heaps.

 [Sidenote: Guillomer.]
 About the same time, one Guillomer king of Ireland arriued in Scotland
 with a mightie power of Irishmen (neere the place where Arthur lodged)
 to helpe the Scots against the Britains: wherevpon Arthur turning his
 forces towards the same Guillomer, vanquished him, and chased him into
 Ireland. This doone, he continued in pursute of the Scots, till he
 caused them to sue for pardon, and to submit them selues wholie to
 him, and so receiuing them to mercie, & taking homage of them, he
 [Sidenote: Guenhera.]
 returned to Yorke, and shortlie after tooke to wife one Guenhera a
 right beautifull ladie, that was néere kinswoman to Cador earle of
 Cornwall.

 [Sidenote: _W. Harison._]
 [Sidenote: 525.]
 In the yéere following, which some note to be 525, he went into
 Ireland, and discomfiting king Guillomer in battell, he constreined
 him to yéeld, and to acknowledge by dooing his fealtie to hold the
 realme of Ireland of him. It is further remembred in those British
 [Sidenote: Gothland.]
 histories, that he subdued Gothland and Iseland, with all the Iles in
 and about those seas. Also that he ouercame the Romans in the countrie
 about Paris, with their capteine Lucius, and wasted the most part of
 all France, and slue in singular combats certeine giants that were of
 passing force and hugenesse of stature. And if he had not béene
 reuoked and called home to resist his coosen Mordred, that was sonne
 to Loth king of Pightland that rebelled in his countrie, he had passed
 to Rome, intending to make himselfe emperor, and afterward to vanquish
 the other emperor, who then ruled the empire. ¶ But for so much as
 there is not anie approoued author who dooth speake of anie such
 dooings, the Britains are thought to haue registered méere fables in
 sted of true matters, vpon a vaine desire to aduance more than reason
 would, this Arthur their noble champion, as the Frenchmen haue doone
 their Rouland, and diuerse others.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Arthur is resisted by Mordred the usurper from arriuing in his owne
 land, they ioine battell, Gawaine is slaine and his death lamented by
 Arthur, Mordred taketh flight, he is slaine, and Arthur mortallie
 wounded, his death, the place of his buriall, his bodie digged vp, his
 bignesse coniecturable by his bones, a crosse found in his toome with
 an inscription therevpon, his wife Guenhera buried with him, a rare
 report of hir haire, Iohn Lelands epitaph in memorie of prince
 Arthur._

 THE XIIJ. CHAPTER.


 King Arthur at his returne into Britaine, found that Mordred had
 [Sidenote: Rather Cerdicke as _Leland_ thinketh.]
 caused himselfe to be made king, & hauing alied himselfe with
 Cheldrike a Saxon (not him whome Galfride, as ye haue heard, supposeth
 to haue béene wounded & slaine before) was readie to resist his
 landing, so that before he could come on land, he lost manie of his
 men: but yet at length he repelled the enimies, and so tooke land at
 Sandwich, where he first arriued, and ioining in battell with his
 enimies, he discomfited them, but not without great losse of his
 people: speciallie he sore lamented the death of Gawaine the brother
 of Mordred, which like a faithfull gentleman, regarding more his
 honour and loiall truth than néerenesse of bloud and coosenage, chose
 rather to fight in the quarrell of his liege king and louing maister,
 than to take part with his naturall brother in an vniust cause, and so
 there in the battell was slaine, togither also with Angusseli, to whom
 Arthur afore time had committed the gouernment of Scotland. Mordred
 fled from this battell, and getting ships sailed westward, and
 finallie landed in Cornwall.

 [Sidenote: Gawaine buried at Douer.]
 King Arthur caused the corps of Gawaine to be buried at Douer (as some
 hold opinion:) but William Malmesburie supposeth, he was buried in
 Wales, as after shall be shewed. The dead bodie of Angussell was
 conueied into Scotland, and was there buried. When that Arthur had put
 his enimies to flight, and had knowledge into what parts Mordred was
 withdrawne, with all spéed he reinforced his armie with new supplies
 of souldiers called out of diuerse parties, and with his whole
 puissance hasted forward, not resting till he came néere to the place
 where Mordred was incamped, with such an armie as he could assemble
 togither out of all parties where he had anie friends. ¶ Héere (as it
 appéereth by Iohn Leland, in his booke intituled, "The assertion of
 Arthur") it may be douted in what place Mordred was incamped: but
 Geffrey of Monmouth sheweth, that after Arthur had discomfited Mordred
 in Kent at the first landing, it chanced so that Mordred escaped and
 fled to Winchester, whither Arthur followed him, and there giuing him
 battell the second time, did also put him to flight. And following him
 from thence, fought eftsoones with him at a place called Camblane, or
 Kemelene in Cornwall, or (as some authors haue) néere vnto
 Glastenburie.

 [Sidenote: _Richard Turner._]
 This battell was fought to such proofe, that finallie Mordred was
 slaine, with the more part of his whole armie, and Arthur receiuing
 diuers mortall wounds died of the same shortlie after, when he had
 reigned ouer the Britains by the tearme of 26 yéeres. His corps was
 buried at Glastenburie aforesaid, in the churchyard, betwixt two
 pillers: where it was found in the daies of king Henrie the second,
 about the yeere of our Lord 1191, which was in the last yéere of the
 reigne of the same Henrie, more than six hundred yéeres after the
 buriall thereof. He was laid 16 foot déepe vnder ground, for doubt
 that his enimies the Saxons should haue found him. But those that
 digged the ground there to find his bodie, after they had entered
 about seuen foot déepe into the earth, they found a mightie broad
 stone with a leaden crosse fastened to that part which laie downewards
 toward the corps, conteining this inscription:

   "Hîc iacet sepultus inclytus rex Arthurius in insula Aualoniæ."

 This inscription was grauen on that side of the crosse which was next
 to the stone: so that till the crosse was taken from the stone, it was
 vnséene. His bodie was found, not inclosed within a toome of marble or
 other stone curiouslie wrought, but within a great trée made hollowe
 for the nonce like a trunke, the which being found and digged vp, was
 opened, and therein were found the kings bones, of such maruellous
 bignesse, that the shinbone of his leg being set on the ground,
 reached vp to the middle thigh of a verie tall man: as a moonke of
 that abbeie hath written, which did liue in those daies, and saw it. ¶
 But Gyraldus Cambrensis (who also liued in those daies, and spake with
 the abbat of the place, by whom the bones of this Arthur were then
 found) affirmeth, that by report of the same abbat, he learned, that
 the shinbone of the said Arthur being set vp by the leg of a verie
 tall man (the which the abbat shewed to the same Gyraldus) came aboue
 the knée of the same man the length of three fingers breadth, which is
 a great deale more likelie than the other. Furthermore the skull of
 his head was of a woonderfull largenesse, so that the space of his
 forehead betwixt his two eies was a span broad. There appéered in his
 head the signes and prints of ten wounds or more: all the which were
 growne into one wem, except onelie that whereof it should séeme he
 died, which being greater than the residue, appéered verie plaine.
 Also in opening the toome of his wife quéene Gueneuer, that was buried
 with him, they found the tresses of hir haire whole and perfect, and
 finelie platted, of colour like to the burnished gold, which being
 touched, immediatlie fell to dust. The abbat, which then was gouernour
 [Sidenote: _Henricus Blecensis_ seu _Soliacensis._]
 [Sidenote: _Io. Leland._]
 of the house, was named Stephan, or Henrie de Blois, otherwise de
 Sullie, nephue to king Henrie the second (by whose commandement he had
 serched for the graue of Arthur) translated the bones as well of him
 as of quéene Gueneuer, being so found, into the great church, and
 there buried them in a faire double toome of marble, laieng the bodie
 of the king at the head of the toome, and the bodie of the quéene at
 [Sidenote: _Dauid Pow. pag._ 238, 239.]
 his féet towards the west part. ¶ The writer of the historie of
 Cambria now called Wales saith, that the bones of the said Arthur, and
 Gueneuer his wife were found in the Ile of Aualon (that is, the Ile of
 Alpes) without the abbeie of Glastenbury, fiftéene féet within the
 ground, & that his graue was found by the meanes of a Bardh, whome the
 king heard at Penbroke singing the acts of prince Arthur, and the
 place of his buriall.

 _Iohn Leland in his booke intituled Assertio Arthuri, hath for the
 woorthie memorie of so noble a prince, honored him with a learned
 epitaph, as heere followeth._

   Saxonicas toties qui fudit Marte cruento
   _Who vanquisht Saxon troops so oft, with battels bloudie broiles_,
   Turmas, & peperit spolijs sibi nomen opimis,
   _And purchast to himselfe a name with warlike wealthie spoiles_,
   Fulmineo toties Pictos qui contudit ense,
   _Who hath with shiuering shining swoord, the Picts so oft dismaid_,
   Imposuítque iugum Scoti ceruicibus ingens:
   _And eke vnweldie seruile yoke on necke of Scots hath laid:_
   Qui tumidos Gallos, Germanos quíque feroces
   _Who Frenchmen puft with pride, and who the Germans fierce in fight_
   Perculit, & Dacos bello confregit aperto:
   _Discomfited, and danted Danes with maine and martiall might:_
   Denique Mordredum è medio qui sustulit illud
   _Who of that murdring Mordred did the vitall breath expell_,
   Monstrum, horrendum, ingens, dirum, sæuúmque tyrannum,
   _That monster grislie, lothsome, huge, that diresome tyrant fell_,
   Hoc iacet extinctus monumento Arthurius alto,
   _Heere liuelesse Arthur lies intoomd, within this statelie hearse_,
   Militiæ clarum decus, & virtutis alumnus:
   _Of chiualrie the bright renowme, and vertues nursling fearse:_
   Gloria nunc cuius terram circumuolat omnem,
   _Whose glorie great now ouer all the world dooth compasse flie_,
   Aetherijque petit sublimia tecta Tonantis.
   _And of the airie thunder skales the loftie building hie_.
   Vos igitur gentis proles generosa Britannæ,
   _Therefore you noble progenie of Britaine line and race_,
   Induperatori ter magno assurgite vestro,
   _Arise vnto your emperour great, of thrice renowmed grace_,
   Et tumulo sacro roseas inferte corollas,
   _And cast vpon his sacred toome the roseall garlands gaie_,
   Officij testes redolentia munera vestri.
   _That fragrant smell may witnesse well, your duties you displaie_.

 ¶ These verses I haue the more willinglie inserted, for that I had the
 same deliuered to me turned into English by maister Nicholas
 Roscarocke, both right aptlie yeelding the sense, and also properlie
 answering the Latine, verse for verse.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Vpon what occasion the graue of king Arthur was sought for, the
 follie of such discouered as beleeued that he should returne and
 reigne againe as king in Britaine, whether it be a fiction or a
 veritie that there was such an Arthur or no; discordance among writers
 about the place of Gawains buriall and Arthurs death; of queene
 Gueneuer the wife of king Arthur, hir beautie and dishonest life,
 great disagreement among writers touching Arthur and his wiues to the
 impeachment of the historie, of his life and death._

 THE XIIIJ. CHAPTER.


 The occasion that mooued king Henrie the second to cause his nephue
 the foresaid abbat to search for the graue of king Arthur, was, for
 that he vnderstood by a Welsh minstrell or Bardh (as they call him)
 that could sing manie histories in the Welsh language of the acts of
 the ancient Britains, that in the forsaid churchyard at Glastenburie,
 betwixt the said two pillers the bodie of Arthur was to be found
 sixtéene foot déepe vnder the ground. Gyraldus Cambrensis affirmeth,
 that the trée in the which Arthurs bodie was found so inclosed, was an
 oke, but other suppose that it was an alder trée, bicause that in the
 same place a great number of that kind of trées doo grow, and also for
 that it is not vnknowne, that an alder lieng vnder ground where
 moisture is, will long continue without rotting.

 ¶ By the finding thus of the bodie of Arthur buried (as before ye haue
 heard) such as hitherto beleeued that he was not dead, but conueied
 [Sidenote: As for example in a caue néere a water called pond perilous
 at Salisburie, where he and his knights should sléepe armed, till an
 other knight should be borne that should come and awake them.]
 [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes. lib._ 1. _de regibus Ang._]
 awaie by the fairies into some pleasant place, where he should remaine
 for a time, and then to returne againe, and reigne in as great
 authoritie as euer he did before, might well perceiue themselues
 deceiued in crediting so vaine a fable. But yet (where it might
 otherwise be doubted, whether anie such Arthur was at all, as the
 British histories mention, bicause neither Gyldas nor Beda in their
 woorks speake anie thing of him) it may appéere, the circumstances
 considered, that suerly such one there was of that name, hardie and
 valiant in armes, though not in diuerse points so famous as some
 writers paint him out. William Malmesburie a writer of good credit and
 authoritie amongst the learned, hath these woords in his first booke
 intituled "De regibus Anglorum," saieng: "But he being dead [meaning
 Vortimer] the force of the Britains waxed féeble, their decaied hope
 went backward apace: and euen then suerlie had they gon to
 destruction, if Ambrosius (who alone of the Romans remained yet aliue,
 and was king after Vortigerne) had not kept vnder and staied the
 loftie barbarous people, that is to say the Saxons, by the notable aid
 and assistance of the valiant Arthur."

 This is the same Arthur, of whom the trifling tales of the Britains
 euen to this day fantasticallie doo descant and report woonders: but
 woorthie was he doubtlesse, of whom feined fables should not haue so
 dreamed, but rather that true histories might haue set foorth his
 woorthie praises, as he that did for a long season susteine and hold
 vp his countrie that was readie to go to vtter ruine and decaie,
 incouraging the bold harts of the Britains vnto the warre, and
 finallie in the siege of Badon hill, he set vpon nine hundred of the
 enimies, and with incredible slaughter did put them all to flight. On
 the contrarie part, the English Saxons, although they were tossed with
 sundrie haps of fortune, yet still they renewed their bands with new
 supplies of their countriemen that came out of Germanie, and so with
 bolder courage assailed their enimies, and by little and little
 causing them to giue place, spread themselues ouer the whole Ile. For
 although there were manie battels, in the which sometime the Saxons
 and sometime the Britains got the better, yet the greater number of
 Saxons that were slaine, the greater number of them still came ouer to
 the succour of their countriemen, being called in and sent for out of
 euerie quarter about them.

 [Sidenote: Gawaine where he is buried.]
 Héere is also to be noted, that where the British historie declareth,
 that Gawaine or Gallowine being slaine in the battell fought betwixt
 Arthur and Mordred in Kent, was buried at Douer, so that his bones
 remained there to be shewed a long time after: yet by that which the
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm. lib._ 3. _de regib._]
 foresaid William Malmesburie writeth in the third booke of his volume
 intituled "De regibus Anglorum," the contrarie maie séeme true: his
 woords are these. "Then (saith he) in the prouince of Wales, which is
 called Rosse, the sepulture of Gallowine was found, who was nephue to
 Arthur by his sister, not going out of kind from so woorthie an vncle.
 He reigned in that part of Britaine which vnto this day is called
 Walwichia, a knight for his high prowesse most highlie renowmed, but
 expelled out of his kingdome by the brother and nephue of Hengist, of
 whome in the first booke we haue made mention, first requiting his
 banishment with great detriment and losse to those his enimies,
 wherein he was partaker by iust desert of his vncles woorthie praise,
 for that he staied (for a great manie yéeres) the destruction of his
 countrie, which was now running headlong into vtter ruine and decaie.
 But Arthurs graue no where appéereth: yet the others toome (as I haue
 said) was found in the daies of William the conqueror, king of
 England, vpon the sea side, and conteined in length fouretéene foot,
 where he was (as some say) wounded by his enimies, and cast vp by
 shipwracke. But other write, that he was slaine at a publike feast or
 banket by his owne countriemen." Thus saith William Malmesburie.

 ¶ But heere you must consider, that the said Malmesburie departed this
 life about the beginning of the reigne of king Henrie the second,
 certeine yéers before the bones of Arthur were found (as ye haue
 heard.) But omitting this point as néedles to be controuerssed, &
 letting all dissonant opinions of writers passe, as a matter of no
 such moment that we should néed to sticke therein as in a glewpot; we
 will procéed in the residue of such collections as we find
 necessarilie pertinent to the continuation of this historie; and now
 we will say somewhat of quéene Guenhera or Guenouer, the wife of the
 foresaid king Arthur.

 Some iudge that she tooke hir name of hir excellent beautie, bicause
 Guinne or Guenne in the Welsh toong signifieth faire, so that she was
 named Guennere or rather Guenlhean, euen (as you would say) the faire
 or beautifull Elenor or Helen. She was brought vp in the house of one
 Cador earle of Cornewall before Arthur maried hir: and as it appeareth
 by writers, she was euill reported of, as noted of incontinencie &
 breach of faith to hir husband, in maner as for the more part women of
 excellent beautie hardlie escape the venemous blast of euill toongs,
 and the sharpe assaults of the followers of Venus. The British
 historie affirmeth, that she did not onelie abuse hir selfe by
 vnlawfull companie with Mordred, but that also in Arthurs absence she
 consented to take him to husband. It is likewise found recorded by an
 old writer, that Arthur besieged on a time the marishes néere to
 Glastenburie, for displeasure that he bare to a certeine lord called
 Melua, who had rauished Gueneuer, and led hir into those marishes, and
 there did kéepe hir. Hir corps notwithstanding (as before is recited)
 was interred togither with Arthurs, so that it is thought she liued
 not long after his deceasse.

 Arthur had two wiues (as Gyraldus Cambrensis affirmeth) of which the
 latter (saith he) was buried with him, and hir bones found with his in
 one sepulchre, but yet so diuided, that two parts of the toome towards
 the head were appointed to receiue the bones of the man, and the third
 part towards the féet conteined the womans bones, apart by themselues.
 Here is to be remembred, that Hector Boetius writeth otherwise of the
 death of Arthur than before in this booke is mentioned, & also that
 Gueneuer being taking prisoner by the Picts, was conueied into
 Scotland, where finallie she died, and was there buried in Angus, as
 in the Scotish chronicles further appeareth. And this may be true, if
 he had thrée sundrie wiues, each of them bearing the name of Gueneuer,
 as sir Iohn Price dooth auouch that he had. Now bicause of
 contrarietie in writers touching the great acts atchiued by this
 Arthur, and also for that some difference there is amongst them, about
 the time in which he should reigne, manie haue doubted of the whole
 historie which of him is written (as before ye haue heard.) ¶ But
 others there be of a constant beléefe, who hold it for a grounded
 [Sidenote: _Dauid Pow. pag._ 238, 239.]
 truth, that such a prince there was; and among all other a late
 writer, who falling into necessarie mention of prince Arthur, frameth
 a spéech apologeticall in his and their behalfe that were princes of
 the British bloud, discharging a short but yet a sharpe inuectiue
 against William Paruus, Polydor Virgil, and their complices, whom he
 accuseth of lieng toongs, enuious detraction, malicious slander,
 reprochfull and venemous language, wilfull ignorance, dogged enuie,
 and cankerd minds; for that they speake vnreuerentlie and contrarie to
 the knowne truth concerning those thrisenoble princes. Which
 defensitiue he would not haue deposed, but that he takes the monuments
 of their memories for vndoubted verities.

 The British histories and also the Scotish chronicles doo agrée, that
 he liued in the daies of the emperour Iustinian, about the fiftéenth
 [Sidenote: 542.]
 yéere of whose reigne he died, which was in the yéere of our Lord 542,
 as diuerse doo affirme. Howbeit some write farther from all
 likelihood, that he was about the time of the emperor Zeno, who began
 his reigne about the yéere of our Lord 474. The writer of the booke
 [Sidenote: _Aurea historia._]
 [Sidenote: _I. Leland._]
 intituled "Aurea historia" affirmeth, that in the tenth yéere of
 Cerdicus king of Westsaxons, Arthur the warriour rose against the
 Britains. Also Diouionensis writeth, that Cerdicus fighting oftentimes
 with Arthur, if he were ouercome in one moneth, he arose in an other
 moneth more fierce and strong to giue battell than before. At length
 Arthur wearied with irkesomnes, after the twelfth yéere of the comming
 of Cerdicus, gaue vnto him vpon his homage doone and fealtie receiued,
 the shires of Southampton and Somerset, the which countries Cerdicius
 named Westsaxon. This Cerdicius or Cerdicius came into Britaine about
 the yéere of our Lord 495. In the 24 yere after his comming hither,
 that is to say, about the yéere of your Lord 519, he began his reigne
 [Sidenote: Westsaxon.]
 ouer the Westsaxons, and gouerned them as king by the space of 15
 yéeres, as before ye haue heard. But to follow the course of our
 chronicles accordinglie as we haue begun, we must allow of their
 accounts herein as in other places, and so procéed.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The decaie of christian religion and receiuing of the Pelagian
 heresie in Britaine by what meanes they were procured and by whom
 redressed: Constantine succeedeth Arthur in the kingdome, ciuill warre
 about succession to the crowne, the chalengers are pursued and slaine,
 Constantine is vnkindlie killed of his kinsman, a bitter and
 reprochfull inuectiue of Gyldas against the British rulers of his
 time, and namelie against Constantine, Conan that slue Constantine
 reigneth in Britaine, his vertues and vices, his two yeeres regiment,
 the seuere reprehensions of Gyldas uttered against Conan, discouering
 the course of his life, and a secret prophesie of his death._

 THE XV. CHAPTER.


 In this meane while that the realme was disquieted with sore &
 continuall warres betwixt the Britains and Saxons (as before ye haue
 heard) the christian religion was not onelie abolished in places where
 the Saxons got habitations, but also among the Britains the right
 [Sidenote: The heresie of the Pelagians reuiued, _Hist. Mag._]
 faith was brought into danger, by the remnant of the Pelagian heresie,
 [Sidenote: Dubritius & Dauid lerned bishops.]
 which began againe to be broched by diuers naughtie persons. But
 Dubritius that was first bishop of Landaffe, and after archbishop of
 Caerleon Arwiske, and his successour Dauid, with other learned men
 earnestlie both by preaching and writing defended the contrarie cause,
 to the confuting of those errors, and restablishing of the truth.

 [Sidenote: CONSTANTINE.]
 After the death of Arthur, his coosine Constantine the sonne of Cador,
 duke or earle of Cornewall began his reigne ouer the Britains, in the
 [Sidenote: 542.]
 yere of our Lord 542, which was about the 15 yéere of the emperour
 Iustinianus almost ended, the 29 of Childebert king of France, and the
 first yéere well néere complet of the reigne of Totilas king of the
 [Sidenote: _Galfrid._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 Goths in Italie. Arthur when he perceiued that he shuld die, ordeined
 this Constantine to succéed him, and so by the consent of the more
 part of the Britains he was crowned king: but the sonnes of Mordred
 sore repined thereat, as they that claimed the rule of the land by
 iust title and claime of inheritance to them from their father
 descended.

 [Sidenote: Ciuill warre.]
 Herevpon followed ciuill warre, so that diuers battels were striken
 betwéene them and in the end the two brethren were constreined to
 withdraw for refuge, the one to London, and the other to Winchester:
 but Constantine pursuing them, first came to Winchester, and by force
 entered the citie, and slue the one brother that was fled thither
 within the church of saint Amphibalus: and after comming to London,
 entered that citie also, and finding the other brother within a church
 there, slue him in like maner as he had doone the other. And so hauing
 dispatched his aduersaries, he thought to haue purchased to himselfe
 [Sidenote: Aurelius Conanus.]
 [Sidenote: Constantine slaine.]
 safetie: but shortlie after, his owne kinsman, one Aurelius Conanus
 arrered warre against him, who ioining with him in battell slue him in
 the field, after he had reigned foure yéeres. His bodie was conueied
 to Stonheng, and there buried beside his ancestour Vter Pendragon.

 [Sidenote: _Gyldas._]
 Of this Constantine that seemeth to be ment, which Gyldas writeth in
 his booke intituled "De excidio Britanniæ," where inueieng against the
 rulers of the Britains in his time, he writeth thus: "Britaine hath
 kings, but the same be tyrants; iudges it hath, but they be wicked,
 oftentimes péeling and harming the innocent people, reuenging and
 defending, but whom? such as be guiltie persons and robbers; hauing
 manie wiues, but yet breaking wedlocke; oftentimes swearing, and yet
 forswearing themselues; vowing, and for the more part lieng; warring,
 but mainteining ciuill & vniust warres; pursuing indéed théeues that
 are abroad in the countrie, and yet not onelie cherishing those that
 sit euen at table with them, but also highlie rewarding them: giuing
 almesse largelie, but on the other part heaping vp a mightie mount of
 sinnes; sitting in the seat of sentence, but seldome séeking the rule
 of righteous iudgement; despising the innocent and humble persons, and
 exalting so farre as in them lieth, euen vp to the heauens, most
 bloudie and proud murtherers, théeues and adulterers, yea the verie
 professed enimies of God; if he would so permit: kéeping manie in
 prison, whome they oppresse, in loding them with irons, through craft
 rather to serue their owne purpose, than for anie gilt of the persons
 so imprisoned: taking solemne oths before the altars, and shortlie
 after, despising the same altars as vile and filthie stones.

 "Of this hainous and wicked offense Constantine the tyrannicall whelpe
 of the lionesse of Deuonshire is not ignorant, who this yeare, after
 the receiuing of his dreadfull oth, whereby he bound himselfe that in
 no wise he should hurt his subjects (God first, and then his oth, with
 the companie of saints, and his mother being there present) did
 notwithstanding in the reuerent laps of the two mothers, as the
 church, and their carnall mother, vnder the coule of the holie abbat,
 deuoure with sword and speare in stead of téeth, the tender sides, yea
 and the entrailes of two children of noble and kinglie race, and
 likewise of their two gouernours, yea and that (as I said) amongest
 the sacred altars: the armies of which persons so slaine, not
 stretched foorth to defend themselues with weapons (the which few in
 those daies handled more valiantlie than they) but stretched foorth (I
 saie) to God and to his altar in the day of iudgement, shall set vp
 the reuerent ensignes of their patience and faith at the gates of the
 citie of Christ, which so haue couered the seat of the celestiall
 sacrifice, as it were with the red mantle of their cluttered bloud.

 "These things he did not after anie good déeds doone by him deseruing
 praise: for manie yeares before, ouercome with the often and
 changeable filths of adulterie, & forsaking his lawfull wife contrarie
 to the lawes of God, &c: he now brought foorth this crime of quelling
 his owne kinsmen, and violating the church, but neither being loosed
 from the snares of his former euills, he increaseth the new with the
 old." ¶ Thus in effect hath Gyldas written of this Constantine, with
 more: for turning his tale to him, he reproueth him of his faults, and
 counselleth him to repent.

 [Sidenote: CONANUS.]
 After that Aurelius Conanus had slaine the foresad Constantine, as in
 the British histories is mentioned, the same Conan was made king of
 [Sidenote: 546.]
 Britaine in the yeare of our Lord 546, in the 20 yeare of Iustinianus,
 and in the 33 of the reigne of Childebert king of the Frenchmen. This
 Aurelius Conanus (as is recorded by some writers) was of a noble
 heart, frée and liberall, but giuen much to the maintenance of strife
 and discord amongst his people, light of credit, and namelie had an
 open eare to receiue and heare the reports of such as accused other.
 Moreouer he was noted of crueltie, as he that tooke his vncle, who of
 right should haue béene king, and kept him in prison, and not so
 satisfied slue in tyrannous maner the two sons of his said vncle: But
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._ writeth that he reigned 30. yeares.]
 God would not suffer him long to inioy the rule of the land in such
 vniust dealing, for he died after he had reigned the space of two
 yeares, and left a sonne behind him called Vortiporus, which succéeded
 him in the kingdome, as authors doo record. Of this Aurelius Conanus
 Gyldas writeth, calling vnto him after he had made an end with his
 predecessor Constantine, saieng in this wise: "And thou lions whelpe,
 as saith the prophet, Aurelius Conanus what doost thou? Art thou not
 swallowed vp in the filthie mire of murthering thy kinsmen, of
 committing fornications and adulteries like to the other before
 mentioned, if not more deadlie, as it were with the waues and surges
 of the drenching seas ouerwhelming thée with hir vnmercifull rage?
 Dooest thou not in hating the peace of thy countrie as a deadlie
 serpent, and thirsting after ciuill wars and spoiles (oftentimes
 vniustlie gotten) shut vp against thy soule the gates of celestiall
 peace and refreshment? Thou being left alone as a withering trée in
 the middle of a field, call to remembrance (I praie thée) the vaine
 youthfull fantasie and ouertimelie death of thy fathers and thy
 brethren. Shalt thou being set apart, and chosen foorth of all thy
 linage for thy godlie deserts, be reserued to liue an hundred yeares,
 or remaine on earth till thou be as old as Methusalem? No no." And
 after these reprehensions, with further threatnings of Gods vengeance,
 he exhorted him to amendment of life, and so proceedeth to talke with
 Vortiporus, whome he nameth the king, or rather the tyrant of
 Southwales, as after shall be rehearsed.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The beginning of the kingdome of Brenitia, of whome the king of Kent,
 Mertia, and west Saxons descended, Ida the Saxon commended, the
 originall of the kingdome of Deira, the circuit and bounds therof, of
 Ella the gouernour of the same, when the partition of the kingdome of
 Northumberland chanced; Vortiporus reigneth ouer the Britains, he
 vanquisheth the Saxons; Gyldas sharplie reprooueth Vortiporus for
 manie greeuous offenses, and exhorteth him to amendement._

 THE XVJ. CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: IDA.]
 [Sidenote: 547.]
 [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: The kingdom of Brenitia began.]
 In the yeare of the Lord 547, which was about the first yeare of the
 reigne of Aurelius Conanus, the kingdome of Brenitia began vnder a
 Saxon ruler there callèd Ida, & descended of Woden. For where the said
 Woden had thrée sonnes, Weldecius, Withlegris, and Beldecius; of the
 first, the kings of Kent were lineallie extracted: of the second, the
 kings of Mertia: and of the third sonne came the kings of Westsaxon,
 and also of him was this Ida descended, being the ninth in lineall
 succession from the said Beldecius and the tenth from Woden. The same
 Ida was vndoubtedlie a right noble personage, and changed first that
 dukedome into a kingdome; where before that time the Saxons that ruled
 there, were subiects vnto the kings of Kent. Whether he tooke vpon him
 of his owne accord to vsurpe the kinglie title and roiall authoritie,
 or whether that the same was giuen to him by consent of other, the
 certeintie appeareth not. But sure it is, that he being a woorthie
 prince, did not degenerate from his noble ancestors inuincible in
 warre abroad and at home, qualifieng his kinglie seueritie with a
 naturall kind of courteous humanitie. The bounds of his kingdome
 called (as is said) Brenitia, began in the south at the riuer of Tine,
 and ended in the north at the Forth in Scotland, in the British toong
 called Werd.

 [Sidenote: ELLA.]
 [Sidenote: 561.]
 [Sidenote: The beginning of the kingdom of Deria.]
 About the same time, or rather about 14 yeares after, one Ella a Saxon
 also reigned as king in Deira, which kingdome began at the said riuer
 of Tine in the north, & ended at the riuer of Humber toward the south.
 These two kingdomes were sometime gouerned by two seuerall kings, and
 afterwards at other times they were ioined in one, and gouerned by one
 onelie king, and named the kingdome of Northumberland, which in
 processe of time was much inlarged, so that it included the shires of
 Yorke, Notingham, Darbie, Lancaster, the bishoprike of Durham,
 Copland, and other countries betwixt the east and the west seas, euen
 [Sidenote: The riuer of Mersie.]
 vnto the riuer of Mersie. The foresaid Ella was sonne to Iffus, being
 descended from Woden, as the 12 in succession from him, though not by
 right line as William Malmesburie hath noted. Ida (as the same
 Malmesburie dooth testifie) reigned 14 yeares.

 Now Ella who was successor to Ida (as he saith) reigned thirtie
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 yeares, and verie valiantlie inlarged his kingdome. But one author
 writeth how Ida reigned but 12 yeares, and that he builded the castell
 of Bamburge, first fensing it with pales, and after with a wall of
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 stone. The same Ida had by his wife six sonnes, begotten in lawfull
 bed, Ada, Ebric, Theodoric, Athelric, Osmer, and Theofred. Moreouer he
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 begat of certeine concubines (which he kept) six bastard sonnes, Oga,
 Aleric, Ettha, Osbale, Segor, and Segother. These came altogither into
 this land, and arriued at Flemesburke with fortie ships, as Matthæus
 Westmonasteriensis hath recorded. The partition of the kingdome of
 Northumberland chanced after the deceasse of Ida, as the same author
 signifieth: for Ada the sonne of the foresaid Ida succéeded his father
 in the kingdome of Brenitia, reigning therein seuen yeares: and Ella
 the sonne of Histria, a most valiant duke, began to gouerne Deira, as
 both the said Matth. Westm. and others doo affirme.

 [Sidenote: VORTIPORUS.]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._ noteth 578.]
 Vortiporus the sonne of Aurelius Conanus succéeded his father, and
 began to reigne ouer the Britains, in the yéere of our Lord 576, in
 the 11, yeare of the emperour Flauius Anicius Iustinus, in the fourth
 yeare of the reigne of Childeric king of France, and in the fourth
 yeare of Clephis the Gothish king in Italie. This Vortiporus
 vanquished the Saxons in battell, as the British histories make
 mention, and valiantlie defended his land and subiects the Britains,
 from the danger of them and other their allies. In the time of this
 kings reigne, the foresaid Ella began to rule in the south part of the
 kingdome of Northumberland called Deira, as before is mentioned,
 according to the account of some authors, who also take this
 Vortiporus to begin his reigne in the yeare 548. After that Vortiporus
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._ noteth 3 yeares.]
 had ruled the Britans the space of 4 yeares, he departed this life,
 and left no issue behind him to succéed him in the kingdom.

 Against this Vortiporus Gyldas also whetting his toong, beginneth with
 him thus: "And why standest thou as one starke amazed? Thou (I say)
 Vortiporus the tyrant of Southwales, like to the panther in maner and
 wickednesse diuerslie spotted as it were with manie colors, with thy
 hoarie head in thy throne, full of deceits, crafts and wiles, and
 defiled euen from the lowest part of thy bodie to the crowne of thy
 head, with diuers & sundrie murthers committed on thine owne kin, and
 filthie adulteries, thus proouing a naughtie sonne of a good king, as
 Manasses was to Ezechias. How chanceth it that the violent streames of
 sinnes which thou swallowest vp like pleasant wine, or rather art
 deuoured of them, (the end of thy life by little and little now
 drawing néere) can not yet satisfie the? What meanest thou that with
 fornication of all euills, as it were the full heape, thine owne wife
 being put away, thou by hir honest death dooest oppresse thy soule
 with a certeine burthen that can not be auoided, of thine vnshamefast
 daughter? Consume not (I pray thée) the residue of thy daies to the
 offense of God, &c." These and the like woords vttered he, exhorting
 him to repentance, with admonitions taken out of the scriptures both
 for his comfort and warning.

 ¶ If the circumstance of this that Gyldas writeth of Vortiporus be
 marked, it may be perceiued, that Geffrey of Monmouth, and also
 Matthew of Westminster, the author of the floures of histories, are
 deceiued, in that they take him to be the sonne of Aurelius Conanus:
 and rather it may be gathered, that not onlie the same Aurelius
 Conanus and Vortiporus, but also Constantinus, yea & Cuneglasus, and
 Maglocunus, of the which he also intreateth (as partlie shall be
 hereafter touched) liued and reigned all at one time in seuerall parts
 of this Ile, and not as monarchs of the whole British nation, but as
 rulers each of them in his quarter, after the maner as the state of
 Ireland hath béene in times past before the countrie came vnder the
 English subiection, if my coniecture herein doo not deceiue me.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Malgo reigneth ouer the Britains, the noble qualities wherewith he
 was beautified by his filthie sinnes are blemished, Gyldas reproueth
 Cuneglasus for making warre against God and man, and this Malgo for
 his manifold offenses, the vile iniquities wherevnto the British
 rulers were inclined, the valiantnesse of Kenrike king of the
 Westsaxons, his victories against diuers people his enimies,
 succession in the gouernment of the Westsaxons, Northumberland, and
 Kentish Saxons; the first battell that was fought betwixt the Saxons
 in this Iland, Cheuling with his Westsaxons encounter with the
 Britains and get the vpper hand, three kings of the Britains slaine,
 and their people spoiled of their lands, goods and liues._

 THE XVIJ. CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: MALGO.]
 [Sidenote: 580.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._ hath noted 581.]
 After the deceasse of Vortiporus, Malgo the nephue of Aurelius Conanus
 (as some write) was made king of Britaine, & began his reigne ouer the
 Britaines, in the yéere of our Lord 580, in the fiftéenth yéere of the
 emperour Iustinian, and in the 37 yéere of the reigne of Childerike
 king of the Frenchmen. This Malgo is reported to haue béene the
 [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._]
 comeliest gentleman in beautie and shape of personage that was to be
 found in those daies amongst all the Britains, and therewith of a bold
 and hardie courage. He manfullie defended the country which he had in
 gouernance from the malice of the Saxons, and subdued the out Iles, as
 Orkenie and others. But notwithstanding the noble qualities with the
 which his person was adorned, yet he spotted them all with the filthie
 sinne of Sodomie, so that he fell into the hatred of almightie God,
 and being pursued of the Saxons, receiued manie ouerthrowes at their
 hands, as by the report of the English writers is gathered more at
 large. Finallie, when he had reigned fiue yéeres and od moneths, he
 departed this life.

 [Sidenote: _Matt. Westm._ counteth not past fiue yeres to his reigne
 through other affirme that he reigned 35 yéeres.]
 It séemeth that this Malgo is named by Gyldas, Maglocunus, the which
 Gyldas (before he speaketh of him) inueieth against one Cuneglasus,
 whome he reprooueth, for that he warred both against God and man:
 against God with grieuous sinnes, as namelie adulterie, in forsaking
 the companie of his lawfull wife, and kéeping to concubine a sister of
 hirs, that had professed chastitie: & against man with materiall armor
 and weapons, which he vsed to the destruction of his owne countrimen,
 with whom he kept warres, and not against the enimies of the common
 wealth.

 From Cuneglasus he commeth to the foresaid Maglocunus, whome he nameth
 the dragon of the Iles, and the expeller of manie tyrants, not onelie
 out of their kingdoms, but also out of life, the last of whom he
 treateth (as he himselfe saith) but the first in all mischéefe &
 euill, greater than manie in power, and likewise in malice: verie
 liberall in giuing, but more plentifull in sinne, strong and valiant
 in arms, but stronger in destruction of his owne soule. And so
 procéeding, chargeth him with the sinne of the Sodomits, & sore
 blameth him, for that where it had pleased God to make him higher than
 all other dukes of Britaine in kingdome and degrée, he did not shew
 himselfe better, but contrarilie far woorse than they both in maners
 and conditions. He declareth also a little after, that this Maglocune
 in his yoong yéeres slue in battell his vncle being king, with the
 most valiant souldiers in maner that he had. Also that where the said
 Maglocune tooke vpon him the profession of a moonke, he after
 renounced the same, and became a woorsse liuer than euer he was
 before, abandoning his wife, and kéeping his brothers sonnes wife,
 while hir husband yet liued.

 Thus by that which Gyldas writeth of the kings and rulers of the
 Britains, which liued in his daies, ye may perceiue that they were
 giuen to all manner of wickednesse, and namelie to ciuill dissention,
 rapine, adulterie, and fornication: so that it may be thought, that
 GOD stirred vp the Saxons to be a scourge to them, and to worke his
 iust vengeance vpon them for their wickednesses and abhominable
 offenses dailie c[=o]mitted against his diuine maiestie, so that we
 find recorded by writers, how that the Saxons in diuers conflicts
 against the Britains had the better, and also tooke from them diuers
 townes, as alreadie partly hath beene and also hereafter shall be
 shewed.

 It is furthermore to be remembred, that about the 14 yeere of the
 Britaine king Conanus his reigne, which was about the end of the yere
 [Sidenote: 559.]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 of Christ 559, Kenrike king of the Westsaxons, departed this life,
 after he had reigned xxv. yéeres complet. This Kenrike was a
 victorious prince, and fought diuers battels against the Britains. In
 the 18 yeere of his reigne which was the 551 of Christ, we find that
 he fought against them, being come at that time vnto Salisburie, and
 after great slaughter made on both parts, at length the victorie
 remained with the Saxons, and the Britains were chased. Againe in the
 two and twentith yéere of his reigne, and 555 yéere of Christ, the
 same Kenrike and his sonne Cheuling fought with a great power of
 Britains at Branburie.

 The Britains were diuided into nine companies, three in the fore ward,
 thrée in the battell, and thrée in the rere ward, with their horssemen
 and archers, after the maner of the Romans. The Saxons being ranged in
 one entire battell, valiantlie assailed them, and notwithstanding the
 shot of the Britains, yet they brought the matter to the triall of
 handblowes, till at length by the comming on of the night, the
 victorie remained doubtfull: and no maruell is to be made therof
 (saith Henrie archdeacon of Huntington) sith the Saxons were men of
 huge stature, great force & valiant courage. The same yéere that
 Kenrike deceassed, Ida the king of Northumberland also died: he was
 (as ye haue heard) a right valiant prince, & inlarged the dominion of
 the Saxons greatlie, he ouercame Loth king of the Picts in battell,
 and Corran king of Scots.

 [Sidenote: 560.]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 Also about the yéere of Christ 560, Conanus (as yet gouerning the
 Britains) Irmenrike king of Kent departed this life, of whome ye haue
 heard before, & Ethelbert his sonne succéeded him 52 yéeres. Then
 after that the foresaid thrée princes were dead (as before ye haue
 heard) they had that succéeded them in their estates as here
 followeth. After Kenrike, his sonne Ceaulinus or Cheuling succéeded in
 gouernement of the Westsaxons: and after Ida, one Ella or Alla reigned
 in Northumberland: after Irmenrike followed his sonne Ethelbert in
 rule ouer the Kentish Saxons.

 This Ethelbert, in processe of time grew to be a mightie prince, but
 yet in the begining of his reigne he had but sorie successe against
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 some of his enimies: for hauing to doo with the foresaid Cheuling king
 [Sidenote: Aliàs Wiphanduae.]
 of Westsaxons, he was of him ouercome in battell at Wilbasdowne, where
 he lost two of his dukes or cheefe capteins, beside other people. This
 was the first battell that was fought betwixt the Saxons, one against
 another within this land, after their first comming into the same. And
 this chanced in the yere of our Lord 567, being the second yéere of
 the emperour Iustinus.

 [Sidenote: 570.]
 [Sidenote: CUTHA.]
 [Sidenote: Aileburie.]
 About the yéere 570, Cutha the brother of king Cheuling fought with
 the Britains at Bedford, vanquished them, & tooke from them 4 townes,
 Liganbrough, Eglesbrough or Ailesburie, Besington, and Euesham. Also
 [Sidenote: 581.]
 about the yéere of our Lord 581, the foresaid king Cheuling
 incountered with the Britains at a place called Diorth, and obteining
 the vpper hand, tooke from them the cities of Bath, Glocester, and
 Cirencester. At this battell fought at Diorth, were present thrée
 kings of the Britains, whose names were these: Coinmagill, Candidan,
 and Farimnagill, which were slaine there through the permission of
 almightie God as then refusing his people, the which through their
 heinous sinnes and great wickednesses, had most gréeuouslie offended
 his high and diuine maiestie, as by Gyldas it may euidentlie appeare.
 For they had declined from the lawes of the Lord, and were become
 abhominable in his sight, euen from the prince to the poore man, from
 the priest to the Leuit, so that not one estate among them walked
 vprightlie, but contrarie to dutie was gone astray, by reason whereof
 the righteous God had giuen them ouer as a prey to their enimies.

 [Sidenote: His brother as _Matt. West._ saith.]
 Also in the latter end of Malgos daies or about the first beginning of
 the reigne of his successor Careticus, Cheuling and his sonne Cutwine
 fought with the Britains at a place called Fechanley or Fedanley, or
 [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._]
 (as some bookes haue) Frithenlie, where Cutwine was slaine, & the
 Englishmen chased: but yet Cheuling repairing his armie, wan the
 victorie, and chasing the Britains, tooke from them manie countries,
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 and wan great riches by the spoile. But Matth. West. saith, that the
 victorie aboad with the Britains, and that the Saxons were chased
 quite out of the field. The Scotish writers record, that their king
 Aidan (who is noted to haue béene the 49 successiuelie possessing the
 regiment of that land, partlie with griefe of hart for the death of
 Columba a graue and wise gentleman, whome he tenderlie loued, and
 partlie with age [for he was growne horieheaded, and had reigned 34
 yéeres] ended his life) was there in aid of the Britains, and Brudeus
 king of the Picts (betwixt whom and the said Aidan a sore battell was
 fought) in aid of the Saxons: but the same writers name the place
 Deglaston, where this battell was made, and the forces of both sides
 by a sharpe incounter tried.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The begining of the kingdome of Mercia, the bounds of the same, the
 heptarchie or seuen regiments of the Saxons, how they grew to that
 perfection, and by whom they were reduced and drawne into a monarchie;
 Careticus is created king of Britaine, the Saxons take occasion by the
 ciuill dissentions of the Britains to make a full conquest of the
 land, they procure forren power to further them in their enterprise,
 Gurmundus king of the Africans arriueth in Britaine, the British king
 is driuen to his hard shifts, the politike practise of Gurmundus in
 taking Chichester & setting the towne on fire, he deliuereth the whole
 land in possession to the Saxons, the English and Saxon kings put
 Careticus to flight, the Britains haue onelie three prouinces left of
 all their countrie which before they inhabited, their religion,
 church, and commonwealth is in decaie, they are gouerned by three
 kings, Cheulings death is conspired of his owne subiects._

 THE XVIIJ. CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: CRIDA.]
 [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: This kingdome began in the yéere 585, as _Matt. Westm._
 saith.]
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Cest._]
 About the same time also, and 585 of Christ, the kingdome of Mercia
 began vnder one Crida, who was descended from Woden, and the tenth
 from him by lineall extraction. The bounds of this kingdome were of
 great distance, hauing on the east the sea vnto Humber, and so on the
 north the said riuer of Humber, and after the riuer of Mercia, which
 falleth into the west sea at the corner of Wirhall, and so comming
 about to the riuer of Dee that passeth by Chester, the same riuer
 bounded it on the west from Wales, and likewise Seuerne vp to Bristow:
 on the south it had the riuer of Thames, till it came almost to
 London. And in this sort it contained Lincolneshire, Notingamshire,
 Derbishire, Chesshire, Shropshire, Worcestershire, Glocestershire,
 Oxfordshire, Buckinghamshire, Hertefordshire, Bedfordshire,
 Huntingtonshire, Northamptonshire, Leicestershire, and Warwikeshire.

 ¶ Thus haue ye heard how the Saxons in processe of time remoouing the
 Britains out of their seats, dailie wan ground of them, till at length
 they got possession of the best part of this Ile, and erected within
 the same seuen kingdoms, which were gouerned by seuen seuerall kings,
 who continued vntill the kings of Westsaxon brought them all at length
 into one monarchie, as after shall appéere. Matth. Westmin. reckoneth
 eight kingdoms as thus; The kingdom of Kent, the kingdom of Sussex,
 the kingdom of Essex, the kingdom of Eastangle, the kingdom of Mercia,
 the kingdom of Westsex, and the kingdom of Northumberland, which was
 diuided into two kingdoms, that is to say, into Deira and into
 Bernicia: wherevnto W. Harison addeth the ninth in the first part of
 his chronologie, and calleth it Wales.

 [Sidenote: CARETICUS.]
 After that Malgo or Maglocune was departed this life, one Careticus,
 or (as some write him) Caretius, was made king of the Britains, and
 [Sidenote: 586.]
 began his reigne in the yéere of our Lord 586, which was in the third
 yéere of the emperour Mauricius, and thirtéenth of Chilperike king of
 France. This Careticus was a nourisher of ciuill warre and dissention
 amongst his owne people the Britains, so that he was hated both of God
 and man, as writers testifie. The Saxons vnderstanding that the
 Britains were not of one mind, but diuided in partakings, so as one
 was readie to deuoure an other, thought it good time for them to
 aduance their conquests, and ceassed not to pursue the Britains by
 force and continuall warre, till they had constreined them for refuge
 [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._]
 [Sidenote: See more of this Gurmundus in Ireland.]
 [Sidenote: _Ranulf. Cest._]
 to withdraw into Wales. And as some haue written, the Saxons meaning
 to make a full conquest of the land, sent ouer into Ireland, requiring
 one Gurmundus a king of the Affricans to come ouer into Britaine to
 helpe them against the Britains.

 This Gurmundus appointing his brother Turgesius to pursue the conquest
 of Ireland, came and arriued heere in Britaine, making such cruell
 warre in aid of the Saxons against the Britains, that Careticus was
 constreined to kéepe him within the citie of Chicester or Cirencester,
 and was there besieged, and at length by continuall assalts and
 skirmishes, when he had lost manie of his men, he was glad to forsake
 that citie, and fled into Wales. This Gurmundus tooke Cirencester or
 Chichester, and destroied it in most cruell maner. Some write, that he
 tooke this citie by a policie of warre, in binding to the féet of
 sparrowes which his people had caught, certeine clewes of thred or
 matches, finelie wrought & tempered with matter readie to take fire,
 so that the sparrowes being suffered to go out of hand, flue into the
 towne to lodge themselues within their neasts which they had made in
 stacks of corne, and eues of houses, so that the towne was thereby set
 on fire, and then the Britains issuing foorth, fought with their
 enimies, and were ouercome and discomfited.

 But whilest the battell continued, Careticus stale away, and got him
 into Wales. After this, the foresaid Gurmundus destroied this land
 throughout in pitifull wise, and then deliuered it in possession to
 the Saxons, the which thankfullie receiued it: and because they were
 descended of those that first came ouer with Hengist, they changed the
 name of the land, and called it Hengistland, accordinglie as the same
 Hengist had in times past ordeined: the which name after for
 shortnesse of spéech was somewhat altered, and so lastlie called
 England, and the people Englishmen. But rather it may be thought, that
 sith a great part of those people which came ouer into this land out
 of Germanie with the said Hengist, and other capteins, were of those
 Englishmen which inhabited Germanie, about the parts of Thoringhen,
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 they called this land England, after their name, when they had first
 got habitation within it: and so both the land and people tooke name
 of them, being called _Angli_, a long time before they entered into
 this Ile, (as before is shewed out of Cornelius Tacitus and others.)
 But now to returne where we left.

 [Sidenote: It should séeme that this historie of Gurmundus is but some
 fained tale except it may be that he was some Dane, Norwegian or
 Germane.]
 Of this Gurmundus the old English writers make no mention, nor also
 anie ancient authors of forren parties: and yet saith the British
 booke, that after he had conquered this land, and giuen it to the
 Saxons, he passed ouer into France, and there destroied much of that
 land, as an enimie to the faith of Christ. For which consideration he
 was the more readie to come to the aid of the Saxons, who as yet had
 not receiued the christian faith, but warred against the Britains, as
 well to destroie the faith of Christ within this land, as to establish
 to themselues continuall habitations in the same. There be, that
 omitting to make mention of Gurmundus, write thus of the expelling of
 the Britains out of this land at that time, when with their king
 Careticus they got them into Wales.

 [Sidenote: 586.]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 In the yéere of Grace 586, Careticus a louer of ciuill warre succéeded
 Malgo an enimie to God and to the Britains, whose inconstancie when
 the English and Saxon kings perceiued, with one consent they rose
 against him, and after manie battels chased him from citie to citie,
 till at length incountering with him in a pight field, they droue him
 beyond Seuerne into Wales. Héerevpon clerks and priests were driuen
 out of their places with bright swoords brandishing in all parts, and
 fire crackling in churches, wherewith the same were consumed. The
 remnant of the Britains therefore withdrew into the west parts of the
 land, that is to say, into Cornwall, and into Wales, out of which
 countries they oftentimes brake out, and made insurrections vpon the
 Saxons, the which in maner aforsaid got possession of the chiefest
 parts of the land, leauing to the Britains onlie three prouinces, that
 is to say, Cornwall, Southwales, and Northwales, which countries were
 not easie to be woone, by reason of the thicke woods inuironed with
 déepe mareshes and waters, and full of high craggie rocks and
 mounteins.

 The English and Saxon kings hauing thus remooued the Britains,
 inlarged the bounds of their dominions. There reigned in that season
 within this land, beside the Britaine kings, eight kings of the
 English and Saxon nations, as Ethelbert in Kent, Cissa in Sussex,
 Ceauline in Westsex, Creda or Crida in Mercia, Erkenwine in Essex,
 Titila in Estangle, Elle in Deira, and Alfrid in Bernicia. In this
 sort the Britains lost the possession of the more part of their
 ancient seats, and the faith of Christ thereby was greatlie decaied:
 for the churches were destroied; and the archbishops of Caerleon
 Arwiske, London and Yorke withdrew togither with their cleargie into
 the mounteins and woods within Wales, taking with them the reliks of
 saints, doubting the same should be destroied by the enimies, and
 themselues put to death if they should abide in their old habitations.
 Manie also fled into Britaine Armorike with a great fléete of ships,
 so that the whole church or congregation (as ye may call it) of the
 two prouinces, Loegria and Northumberland, was left desolate in that
 season, to the great hinderance and decaie of the christian religion.
 Careticus was driuen into Wales (as before is rehearsed) about the
 second or third yéere of his reigne, and there continued with his
 Britains, the which ceassed not to indamage the Saxons from time to
 time as occasion still serued.

 But here is to be noted, that the Britains being thus remoued into
 Wales and Cornwall, were gouerned afterwards by thrée kings, or rather
 tyrants, the which ceased not with ciuill warre to seeke others
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 destruction, till finallie (as saith the British booke) they became
 all subiect vnto Cadwallo, whome Beda nameth Cedwallo. In the meane
 time, Ceaulinus or Cheuling king of the Westsaxons, through his owne
 misgouernance and tyrannie, which towards his latter daies he
 practised, did procure not onelie the Britains, but also his owne
 subiects to conspire his death, so that ioining in battell with his
 aduersaries at Wodensdic, in the 33 yeare of his reigne, his armie was
 discomfited, and he himselfe constreined to depart into exile, and
 shortlie after ended his life before he could find meanes to be
 restored.

 ¶ So that we haue here a mirror or liuelie view of a tyrant and a
 king, wherein there is no lesse ods in the manner of their
 gouernement, than there is repugnance in their names, or difference in
 their states. For he seeth but little into the knowledge of toongs,
 that vnderstandeth not what the office of a king should be, by the
 composition of his name, the same sounding in Gréeke [Greek:
 _basileus_], which being resolued is in effect [Greek: _basis
 la[ou]_], that is, the foundation or stay of the people; from which
 qualitie when he resulteth, he maketh shipwracke of that goodlie
 title, and degenerateth into a tyrant, than the which violent and
 inforced gouernement as there is none more perillous, so is it of all
 other the least in continuance: this is prooued by historicall
 obseruation through the course of this historie.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Ceolric reigneth ouer the Westsaxons, the Saxons and Britains
 incounter, Ethelbert king of Kent subdueth the Englishsaxons, he is
 maried to the French kings daughter vpon cautions of religion, the
 king imbraceth the gospell, Augustine the moonke and others were sent
 into this Ile to preach the christian faith, the occasion that moued
 Gregorie the great to send him, buieng and selling of boies, the
 Englishmen called Angli commended, Ethelbert causeth Augustine and his
 fellowes to come before him, they preach to the king and his traine,
 he granteth them a conuenient seat and competent reliefe in
 Canturburie, the maner of their going thither and their behauiour
 there, the king and his people receiue the christian faith, and are
 baptised._

 THE XIX. CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: CELRIC.]
 Now after Cheuling, his nephue Celricus or Ceolric that was sonne vnto
 Cutwine, the sonne of the foresaid Cheuling, reigned as king ouer the
 Westsaxons fiue yeares & fiue moneths. In like manner the same yeare
 died Ella or Alla king of Northumberland, after whome succéeded
 Ethelricus the sonne of Ida, and reigned but fiue yeares, being a man
 well growne in yeares before he came to be king. About thrée yeeres
 after this, the Saxons & Britains fought a battell at Wodenesbourne,
 where the Britains being ranged in good order, the Saxons set vpon
 them boldlie indéed, but disorderedlie, so that the victorie remained
 with the Britains. The Saxons the more valiant they had shewed
 themselues in battell, before that time, so much the more slow and
 vntowardlie did they shew themselues now in running awaie to saue
 themselues, so that an huge number of them were slaine. Also about the
 [Sidenote: 594.]
 same time died Crida king of Mercia 594, after whome his sonne Wibbas
 or Wipha succeeded. And after the deceasse of Ethelric, one Edelbert
 or Edelfride surnamed the wild, succéeded in gouernement of the
 Northumbers. But to returne to our purpose.

 Ethelbert king of Kent, not discouraged with the euill chance which
 happened in the beginning, but rather occasioned thereby to learne
 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._]
 more experience in feats of warre, prooued so perfect a maister
 therein, that in processe of time he subdued by force of armes all
 those English Saxons which lay betwixt the bounds of his countrie, and
 the riuer of Humber. Also to haue friendship in forraine parts, he
 procured a wife for himselfe of the French nation, named the ladie
 Bertha, being king Cheriberts daughter of France; but with condition,
 that he should permit hir to continue and vse the rites and lawes of
 christian faith and religion, and to haue a bishop whose name was
 Luidhard, appointed to come and remaine with hir here in this land for
 hir better instruction in the lawes of the Lord. So that they two with
 other of the French nation that came ouer with them remaining in the
 court, and vsing to serue God in praiers and otherwise, according to
 the custome of the christian religion, began vndoubtedlie to giue
 light to the kings mind as yet darkned with the clouds of paganisme,
 so as the bright beames of the celestiall cléerenes of vnderstanding
 remooued the thicke mists of his vnbeléefe in tract of time, and
 prepared his heart to the receiuing of the gospell, which after by
 heauenlie prouidence was preached to him, by occasion, and in maner as
 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._ saith 596.]
 [Sidenote: 47 saith the same author.]
 followeth. In the yeare of our Lord 596, which was about the 14 yeare
 of the reigne of the emperour Mauricius, and after the comming of the
 English Saxons into this land, about an 147 yeares almost complet, the
 bishop of Rome, Gregorie the first of that name, and surnamed Magnus,
 sent Augustinus a moonke, with certeine other learned men into this
 Ile to preach the christian faith vnto the English Saxons, which
 nation as yet had not receiued the gospell. And here we hold it
 necessarie to shew how it is recorded by diuer writers, that the first
 occasion whereby Gregorie was mooued thus to send Augustine into this
 land, rose by this meanes.

 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._]
 It chanced (whilest the same Gregorie was as yet but archdeacon of the
 see of Rome) certeine yoong boies were brought thither to bee sold out
 of Northumberland, according to the accustomable vse of that countrie,
 in somuch that as we haue in our time séene (saith W. Mal.) the people
 of that prouince haue not yet doubted to sell awaie their néere
 kinsfolke for a small price. When those children which at that time
 were brought from thence to Rome, had by reason of their excellent
 beauties and comelie shape of lims and bodie, turned the eies in maner
 [Sidenote: _Vita Gregorii._]
 [Sidenote: _magni._]
 of all the citizens to the beholding of them, it fortuned that
 Gregorie also came amongst other to behold them, and when he
 considered and well viewed their faire skins, their swéet visages, and
 beautifull bushes of their bright and yeallow heares, he demanded out
 of what region or land they came? Vnto whome answere was made, that
 they were brought out of Britaine, the inhabitants of which countrie
 were of the like beautifull aspect. Then he asked whether the men of
 that countrie were christians, or as yet intangled with blind
 heathenish errors? Wherevnto it was answered, that they were not
 christened, but followed the religion of the Gentiles. Whereat
 Gregorie fetching a déepe sigh, said: Ah, alas that the author of
 darkenesse dooth as yet possesse men of so brightsome countenances,
 and that with the grace of such faire shining visages, they beare
 about minds void of inward grace.

 "Moreouer he demanded by what name the people were called, whereto
 answere was made, that they were called Angli, that is to say
 Englishmen. Right woorthilie (saith he) for they haue angels faces,
 and such as ought to be made fellow-heires with angels in heauen. Then
 asked he the name of the prouince from whence they were brought, and
 it was told him they were of Deira. It is well (said he) they are to
 be deliuered "De ira dei," that is to say, from the ire and wrath of
 God, and called to the mercie of Christ our Lord. What name (said he)
 hath the king of that prouince? Wherevnto answere was made that he was
 called Alla, wherevpon alluding to that name, he said, Alleluia ought
 to be soong in those parts to the praise and honor of God the
 creator."

 [Sidenote: Pelagius the second.]
 [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._]
 Herevpon comming to Benedict the first of that name (as then bishop of
 Rome) he required him that some learned men might be sent into England
 to preach the gospell vnto the Englishmen, offering himselfe to be one
 of the number. But though Benedict was contented to grant his request,
 [Sidenote: Pelagius.]
 yet the Romans had him in such estimation, that they would not consent
 that he should depart so farre from the citie, so that by them he was
 at that time staied of that his godlie purpose. Howbeit when he came
 to be bishop, he thought to performe it though not by himselfe, yet by
 other: and so Augustine and his fellowes were sent by him about it (as
 before is said.) By the way, as they were passing in their iournie,
 such a sudden feare entred into their hearts, that (as some write)
 [Sidenote: M. Fox.]
 they returned all. Others write, that Augustine was sent backe to
 Gregorie, to sue that they might be released of that voiage so
 dangerous and vncerteine amongst such a barbarous people, whose
 language they neither knew, nor whose rudenesse they were able to
 resist. Then Gregorie with pithie perswasions confirming and
 comforting him, sent him againe with letters vnto the bishop of Arles,
 willing him to helpe and aid the said Austine and his companie in all
 what so euer his néede required. Also other letters he directed by the
 foresaid Austine vnto his fellowes, exhorting them to go forward
 boldlie in the Lords woorke, as by the tenor of the said epistle here
 following may appeare.

   "_Gregorie the seruant of Gods servants, to the
     seruants of our Lord._

 "For as much as it is better not to take good things in hand, than
 after they be begun, to thinke to reuolt backe from the same againe,
 therefore now you may not nor cannot (dere children) but with all
 feruent studie and labour must needs go forward in that good
 businesse, which thorough the helpe of God you haue well begun.
 Neither let the wearisomnesse of your iournie, nor the slanderous
 toongs of men appall you, but that with all instance and feruencie ye
 proceed and accomplish the thing which the Lord hath ordeined you to
 take in hand, knowing that your great trauell shall be recompensed
 with reward of greater glorie hereafter to come. Therefore as we send
 here Austine to you againe, whome also we haue ordeined to be your
 gouernour, so doo you humblie obey him in all things, knowing that it
 shall be profitable for your soules what soeuer at his admonition ye
 shall doo. Almightie God with his grace defend you, and grant me to
 see in the eternall countrie the fruit of your labours, though heere I
 cannot labour in the same fellowship with you togither. The Lord God
 keepe you safe most deere and welbeloued children. Dated the tenth
 before the kalends of August, in the reigne of our souereigne lord
 Mauricius most vertuous emperor, the fourtenth of his empire."

 Thus emboldned and comforted through the good woords and wholesome
 exhortation of Gregorie, they set forward againe, and spéeding foorth
 their iournie, first arriued at the Ile of Thanet in Kent in the
 moneth of Iulie, being in number about fortie persons, of the which
 diuerse were interpretors, whome they brought with them out of France.
 These they sent vnto king Ethelbert, signifieng the occasion of their
 comming, who hearing the messengers within a few daies after, went
 into that Ile, and there abroad out of anie house sat downe, and
 caused Augustine and his fellowes to come before him, for he would not
 come vnder anie roofe with them, sore doubting to be bewitched by
 them, being persuaded that they were practised in nigromancie. But
 they comming to him, not by the power of the diuell (as they said) but
 by the might and power of almightie God, bearing in stéed of a banner
 [Sidenote: The seuenfold letanies of S. Gregorie were
 not yet deuised.]
 a crosse of siluer, and an image of our Lord and Sauiour painted in a
 table, and thereto singing the letanies, made intercession vnto the
 Lord for the euerlasting preseruation of themselues, and of all them
 for whome and to whome they came.

 Now when they being set downe by commandement of the king, had
 preached the woord of life to him, and to all those that came thither
 with him, he made them this answer, that their woords and promises
 were good: but for as much as the same were new & vncerteine to him
 that had béen brought vp in the contrarie doctrine, he could not
 rashlie assent to their admonitions, & leaue that beléefe which he and
 the English nation had so long a time obserued and kept: but (said he)
 because ye haue trauelled farre, to the intent to make vs partakers of
 those things which ye beléeue to be most true and perfect, we will
 thus much graunt vnto you, that ye shall be receiued into this
 countrie, and haue harbrough, with all things sufficient found vnto
 you for your maintenance and sustentation: neither will we hinder you,
 but that ye may by preaching associat and ioine as manie of our
 subiects as you can vnto your law and beléefe. They had therefore
 assigned vnto them a place to lodge in within the citie of
 Canturburie, which was the head citie of all his dominion. It is said
 that as they approched the citie according to their maner, they had a
 crosse borne before them, with an image of our Lord Iesus Christ, and
 they followed, singing this letanie, "Deprecamur te Domine in omni
 misericordia tua, vt auferatur furor tuus & ira tua à ciuitate ista &
 de domo sancta tua, quoniam peccauimus: Alleluia." _That is to say_,
 We beseech thee Ô Lord in all thy mercie that thy furie and wrath may
 be taken from this citie, and from thy holie house, for we haue
 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 sinned. Praise be to thee Ô Lord.--After they were receiued into
 Canturburie, they began to follow the trade of life which the apostles
 vsed in the primitiue church, that is to say, exercising themselues in
 continuall praier, watching, and preaching to as manie as they could,
 despising all worldlie things, as not belonging to them, receiuing
 onelie of them (whome they taught) things necessarie for the
 sustenance of their life, & liuing in all points according to the
 doctrine which they set forth, hauing their minds readie to suffer in
 patience all aduersities what so euer, yea and death it selfe, for the
 [Sidenote: The christian faith receiued of the Englishmen.]
 confirming of that which they now preached. Herevpon, manie of the
 English people beléeued and were baptised, hauing in great reuerence
 the simplicitie of those men, and the swéetenesse of their heauenlie
 doctrine. There was a church néere to the citie on the east part
 thereof dedicated to the honor of saint Martine, and builded of old
 time whilest the Romans as yet inhabited Britaine, in the which the
 quéene, being (as we haue said) a christian, vsed to make hir praiers.
 To this church Austine and his fellowes at their first comming
 accustomed to resort, and there to sing, to praie, to saie masse, to
 preach and to baptise, till at length the king being conuerted,
 granted them licence to preach in euerie place, and to build and
 restore churches where they thought good. After that the king being
 persuaded by their doctrine, good examples giuing, and diuers miracles
 shewed, was once baptised, the people in great numbers began to giue
 eare vnto the preaching of the gospell, and renouncing their
 [Sidenote: _Lib._ 7. _cap._ 26.]
 heathenish beléefe, became christians, in so much that as Gregorie
 remembreth, there were baptised ten thousand persons in one day, being
 the feast of the natiuitie of our Sauiour 597, and the first
 indiction.

 [Sidenote: _Polychron._]
 ¶ Some write how this should chance toward the latter end of
 Augustines daies, after he was admitted to preach the gospell amongst
 them that inhabited about Yorke (as some write) which affirme, that
 the said number of ten thousand was baptised in the riuer of Suale,
 which (as W. Harison saith) cannot be verified, because of the
 indiction and death of Gregorie. But to procéed.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Religion is not to be inforced but perswaded and preached, Augustine
 is made archbishop of England, Gregorie informeth Augustine of
 certeine ordinances to be made and obserued in the new English church,
 as the reuenewes of the church to be diuided into foure parts, of
 liturgie, of mariage, of ecclesiasticall discipline and ordeining of
 bishops: trifling questions objected by Augustine to Gregorie, fellow
 helpers are sent ouer to assist. Augustine in his ministerie, he
 receiueth his pall, reformation must be doone by little and little,
 not to glorie in miracles, the effect of Gregories letters to K.
 Ethelbert after his conuersion to christianitie._

 THE XX. CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 1. _cap._ 26. and 27.]
 King Ethelbert reioised at the conuersion of his people, howbeit he
 would not force anie man to be baptised, but onelie shewed by his
 behauiour, that he fauored those that beléeued more than other, as
 fellow citizens with him of the heauenlie kingdome: for he learned of
 them that had instructed him in the faith, that the obedience due to
 Christ ought not to be inforced, but to come of good will. Moreouer he
 prouided for Augustine and his fellowes a conuenient place for their
 habitation within the citie of Canturburie, and further gaue them
 [Sidenote: Augustine ordeined archbishop of the English nation.]
 necessarie reuenewes in possession for their maintenance. After that
 the faith of Christ was thus receiued of the English men, Augustine
 went into France, and there of the archbishop of Arles named Etherius
 was ordeined archbishop of the English nation, according to the order
 prescribed by Gregorie before the departure of the said Augustine from
 Rome.

 [Sidenote: Laurence a priest.]
 After his returne into Britaine, he sent Laurence a priest, and Péeter
 a moonke vnto Rome, to giue knowledge vnto Gregorie the bishop, how
 the Englishmen had receiued the faith, and that he was ordeined
 archbishop of the land, according to that he had commanded, if the
 woorke prospered vnder his hand as it had doone. He also required to
 haue Gregories aduice touching certéine ordinances to be made and
 obserued in the new church of England. Wherevpon Gregorie, sending
 backe the messengers, wrote an answere vnto all his demands. And first
 touching the conuersation of archbishops with the clergie, and in what
 sort the church goods ought to be imploied, he declared that the
 ancient custome of the apostolike see was to giue commandement vnto
 [Sidenote: The reuenewes of the church to be diuided into 4. parts.]
 bishops ordeined, that the profits and reuenewes of their benefices
 ought to be diuided into foure parts, whereof the first should be
 appointed to the bishop and his familie for the maintenance of
 hospitalitie: the second should be assigned to the clergie: the third
 giuen to the poore: and the fourth imploied vpon repairing of temples.

 [Sidenote: Liturgie.]
 And whereas in the church of Rome one custome in saieng masse or the
 [Sidenote: Church seruice.]
 liturgie was obserued, and another custome in France; concerning such
 church seruice, Gregorie aduised Austine that if he found anie thing
 either in the church of Rome, either in the church of France, or in
 anie other church which might most please the almightie God, he should
 diligentlie choose it out, and instruct the church of England (now
 being new) according to that forme which he should gather foorth of
 the said churches: for the things are not loued for the places sake,
 but the places for the things sake. Also for punishing of such as had
 [Sidenote: Such as did steale.]
 stolen things out of churches, so néere as might be, the offender
 should be chastised in charitie, so as he might know his fault, and
 (if it were possible) restore the thing taken away.

 [Sidenote: Mariages.]
 And touching degrées in mariage, Englishmen might take to their wiues,
 women that touched them in the third and fourth degrée without
 reprehension, and if any vnlawfull mariages were found amongst the
 Englishmen, as if the sonne had maried the fathers wife, or the
 brother the brothers wife, they ought to be warned in anie wise to
 absteine, and vnderstand it to be a gréeuous sinne: yet should they
 not for that thing be depriued of the communion of the bodie and bloud
 of our Lord, least those things might séeme to be punished in them
 wherein they had offended (before their conuersion to the christian
 [Sidenote: Discipline of the church.]
 faith) by ignorance; for at this season the church (saith he)
 correcteth some things of a feruent earnestnesse, suffreth some things
 of a gentle mildnes, and dissembleth some things of a prudent
 consideration, and so beareth and winketh at the same, that oftentimes
 the euill which she abhorreth by such bearing and dissembling, is
 restrained and reformed.

 [Sidenote: Ordeining of bishops.]
 Moreouer touching the ordeining of bishops, he would they should be so
 placed, that the distance of place might not be a let, but that when a
 bishop should be consecrated, there might be thrée or foure present.
 Also touching the bishops of France, he willed Augustine in no wise to
 intermeddle with them, otherwise than by exhortation and good
 admonition to be giuen, but not to presume anie thing by authoritie,
 sith the archbishop of Arles had receiued the pall in times past,
 whose authoritie he might not diminish, least he should séeme to put
 his sickle into another mans haruest. But as for the bishops of
 Britaine, he committed them vnto him, that the vnlearned might be
 taught, the weake with wholesome persuasions strengthened, and the
 [Sidenote: Women with child.]
 froward by authoritie reformed. Moreouer, that a woman with child
 might be baptised, and she that was deliuered after 33 daies of a
 manchild, and after 46 daies of a womanchild, should be purified, but
 yet might she enter the church before, if she would.

 [Sidenote: Matters in question about trifles.]

   The residue of Augustines demands consisted in these points, to wit:

   1  Within what space a child should be christened after
   it was borne, for doubt to be preuented by death?

   2  Within what time a man might companie with his wife
   after she was brought to bed?

   3  Whether a woman, hauing hir floures, might enter the
   church, or receiue the communion?

   4  Whether a man hauing had companie with his wife, might
   enter the church, or receiue the communion before he was washed with
   water?

   5  Whether after pollusion by night in dreames, a man might
   receiue the communion: or if he were a priest, whether he might say
   masse?

 To these questions Gregorie maketh answere at full in the booke and
 place before cited, which for bréefenesse we passe ouer. He sent also
 at that time with the messengers aforesaid, at their returne into
 England, diuers learned men to helpe Augustine in the haruest of
 [Sidenote: Assistance to Augustine.]
 [Sidenote: The pall.]
 the Lord. The names of the chiefest were these, Melitus, Iustus,
 Paulinus, and Ruffinianus. He sent allso the pall, which is the
 ornament of an archbishop, with vessels and apparell which should be
 vsed in churches by the archbishop and other ministers. He sent also
 with the pall other letters to Augustine, to let him vnderstand what
 number of bishops he would haue him to ordeine within this land. Also
 after that Melitus, and the other before mentioned persons were
 departed from Rome, he sent a letter vnto the same Melitus, being yet
 on his way toward Britaine, touching further matter concerning the
 [Sidenote: Bearing with them that had newlie receiued the faith,
 whereof superstition grew and increased.]
 churches of England, wherein he confesseth that manie things are
 permitted to be vsed of the people latelie brought from the errors of
 gentilitie, in keeping feasts on the dedication daies, which haue
 resemblance with the old superstitious rites of the Pagan religion.
 For to hard and obstinate minds (saith he) it is not possible to cut
 away all things at once, for he that coueteth to the highest place,
 goeth vp by steps and not by leaps.

 [Sidenote: Miracles.]
 At the same time Gregorie did send letters vnto Augustine touching the
 miracles, which by report he vnderstood were shewed by the same
 Augustine, counselling him in no wise to glorie in the same, but
 rather in reioising to feare, and consider that God gaue him the gift
 to worke such signes for the wealth of them to whom he was sent to
 preach the gospell: he aduised him therefore to beware of vaine-glorie
 and presumption, for the disciples of the truth (saith he) haue no
 ioy, but onlie that which is common with all men, of which there is no
 end, for not euerie one that is elect worketh miracles, but euerie of
 the elect haue their names written in heauen. These letters, with the
 other which Gregorie sent at this time vnto Augustine, were dated the
 tenth day of the kalends of Iulie, in the yéere of our Lord 602, which
 was the 19 yeere of the emperour Mauricius. Moreouer he sent most
 [Sidenote: 602.]
 courteous letters by these messengers to king Ethelbert, in the which
 he greatlie commended him, in that he had receiued the christian
 faith, and exhorted him to continue in that most holie state of life,
 whereby he might worthilie looke for reward at the hands of almightie
 God.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _What reparations and foundations Augustine finished for clergimen to
 the supportation of the church, the building of Paules in London and
 saint Peters in Westminster vncerteine, a prouinciall councell called
 by Augustine, he restoreth a blind man to his sight, the Britains are
 hardlie weaned from their old custome of beliefe, an heremits opinion
 of Augustine, he requireth three things to be obserued of the
 Britains, he ordeineth bishops at London and Rochester; Sabert
 reigneth ouer the Eastsaxons, Augustine dieth and is buried._

 THE XXJ CHAPTER.


 Thus farre we haue waded in the forme and maner of conuerting the
 English nation to christianitie, by the labours of Augustine and his
 coadiutors: now therefore (that we may orderlie procéed) it remaineth
 that we say somewhat of the acts and déeds of the said Augustine; of
 whom we read, that after he was established archbishop, and had his
 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 sée appointed him at Canturburie, he restored another church in that
 citie which had béene erected there in times past by certeine of the
 Romans that were christians, and did dedicate the same now to the
 honour of Christ our Sauiour. He also began the foundation of a
 monasterie without that citie, standing toward the east, in the which
 by his exhortation, king Ethelbert built a church euen from the
 ground, which was dedicated vnto the holie apostles Peter and Paule,
 in the which the bodie of the said Augustine was buried, and likewise
 the bodies of all the archbishops of Canturburie and kings of Kent a
 [Sidenote: One Peter was the first Abbat.]
 long time after. This abbie was called saint Austins after his name,
 one Peter being the first abbat thereof. The church there was not
 consecrated by Augustine, but by his successor Laurence, after he was
 dead.

 Moreouer, king Ethelbert at the motion of Augustine built a church in
 the citie of London (which he latelie had conquered) and dedicated it
 vnto saint Paule; but whether he builded or restored this church of
 saint Paule it may be doubted, for there be diuers opinions of the
 building thereof. Some haue written that it was first builded by king
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 Lud (as before is mentioned.) Other againe write, that it was builded
 afterward by Sigebert king of the Eastsaxons. Also king Ethelbert
 builded the church of saint Andrews in Rochester. It is likewise
 remembred by writers, that the same king Ethelbert procured a citizen
 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 of London to build a church to S. Peter without the citie of London
 toward the west, in a place then called Thorney, that is to say, the
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 [Sidenote: Westminster church builded.]
 Ile of thorns, and now called Westminster: though others haue written
 that it was built by Lucias king of Britaine, or rather by Sibert king
 of the Eastsaxons. This church was either newlie built, or greatlie
 inlarged by king Edward surnamed the Confessor, and after that, the
 third Henrie king of England did make there a beautifull monasterie,
 and verie richlie indowed the same with great possessions and
 sumptuous iewels. The place was ouergrowne with vnderwoods, as thornes
 and brambles, before that the church was begun to be builded there in
 this king Ethelberts daies. ¶ Thus the faith of Christ being once
 begun to be receiued of the English men, tooke woonderfull increase
 within a short time.

 [Sidenote: _Ran. Cest._]
 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 [Sidenote: Sigebertus.]
 [Sidenote: ann. 19 Mauricij imperatoris.]
 [Sidenote: A synod.]
 [Sidenote: Ausines oke.]
 [Sidenote: _Galfrid. lib._ 8. _cap._ 4.]
 In the meane season by the helpe of king Ethelbert, Augustine caused a
 councell to be called at a place in the confines of the Westsaxons,
 which place long after was called Austines oke, where he procured the
 bishops or doctors of the prouinces of the Britains to come before
 him. Among the Britains or the Welshmen, christianitie as yet remained
 in force, which from the apostles time had neuer failed in that
 nation. When Augustine came into this land, he found in their
 prouinces seuen bishops sées, and an archbishops sée, wherein sat
 verie godlie & right religious prelats, and manie abbats, in the which
 the Lords flocke kept their right order: but because they differed in
 [Sidenote: _Beda lib._ 2. _ca._ 2.]
 obseruing the feast of Easter, and other rites from the vse of the
 Romane church, Augustine thought it necessarie to mooue them to agrée
 with him in vnitie of the same, but after long disputation and
 reasoning of those matters, they could not be induced to giue their
 assent in that behalfe. Augustine to prooue his opinion good, wrought
 a miracle in restoring sight to one of the Saxon nation that was
 blind.

 The Britains that were present, mooued with this miracle, confessed
 that it was the right waie of iustice and righteousnesse which
 Augustine taught; but yet they said that they might not forsake their
 ancient customs without consent and licence of their nation. Wherevpon
 [Sidenote: Another synod.]
 they required another synod to be holden, whereat a greater number of
 them might be present. This being granted, there came (as it is
 reported) seuen bishops of the Britains, and a great number of learned
 [Sidenote: The monasterie of Bangor.]
 [Sidenote: Abbat Dionoth.]
 men, speciallie of the famous monasterie of Bangor, whereof in those
 daies one Dionoth was abbat, who as they went towards that councell,
 came first to a certeine wise man, which liued amongst them an
 heremits life, and asked his aduise, whether they ought to forsake
 their traditions at the preaching of Augustine or not: who made this
 answer; "If he be the man of God, follow him." Then said they; "How
 shall we prooue whether he be so or not?" Then said he: "The Lord
 [Sidenote: The answer of a godlie man touching Austine the Englishmens
 apostle.]
 saith, Take vp my yoke and learne of me, for I am méeke & humble in
 hart: if Augustine be humble and meeke in hart, it is to be beléeued
 that he also beareth the yoke of Christ, and offereth it to you to
 beare; but if he be not méeke but proud, it is certeine that he is not
 of GOD, nor his woord to be regarded." "And how shall we sée and
 perceiue that (said they?)" "Find meanes (said he) that he maie first
 come to the place of the synod with those of his side, and if he arise
 to receiue you at your comming, then know that he is the seruant of
 God, and obey him; but if he despise you, and arise not towards you,
 whereas you be more in number, let him be despised of you."

 They did as he commanded, and it chanced, that when they came, they
 found Augustine sitting in his chaire: whome when they beheld,
 straightwaies they conceiued indignation, and noting him of pride,
 laboured to reprooue all his saiengs. He told them that they vsed
 [Sidenote: Thrée things required by Augustine of the Britains to be
 observed.]
 manie things contrarie to the custom of the vniuersall church, and yet
 if in thrée things they would obeie him, that is to say, in kéeping
 the feast of Easter in due time, in ministring baptisme according to
 the custome of the Romane church, & in preaching to the Englishmen the
 woord of life with him & his fellowes, then would he be contented to
 suffer all other things patientlie which they did, though the same
 were contrarie to the maners and customs of the Romane iurisdiction.
 But they flatlie denied to doo anie of those things, and gaue a plaine
 answer that they would not receiue him for their archbishop: for
 laieng their heads togither, thus they thought, If he refuse now to
 arise vnto vs, how much the more will he contemne vs if we should
 [Sidenote: Augustine threatneth.]
 become subiect to him? Vnto whom (as it is said) Augustine in
 threatening wise told them afore hand, that if they would not receiue
 peace with their brethren, they should receiue warre of the enimies; &
 if they would not preach to the Englishmen the waie of life, they
 should suffer punishment by death at the hands of them: which thing in
 [Sidenote: 604.]
 [Sidenote: Bishops ordeined at London and Rochester.]
 deed after came to passe, as in place conuenient shall be expressed.
 After this in the yéere of our Lord 604, the archbishop Augustine
 ordeined two bishops, that is to say, Melitus at London, that he might
 preach the woord of God to the Eastsaxons, which were diuided from
 them of Kent by the riuer of Thames, and Iustus in the citie of
 Rochester within the limits of Kent.

 [Sidenote: SABERT.]
 At that time Sabert reigned ouer the Eastsaxons, but he was subiect
 vnto Ethelbert king of Kent, whose nephue he was also by his sister
 Ricula that was married vnto king Sledda that succéeded after
 Erchenwine the first king of the Eastsaxons, and begat on hir this
 Sabert that receiued the faith. After that Augustine had ordeined
 Melitus to be bishop of London, as before is said, king Ethelbert
 builded (as some write) the church of saint Paule within the same
 citie, where the same Melitus and his successors might keepe their
 sée. And also for the like purpose he builded the church of saint
 Andrew the apostle at Rochester, that Iustus and his successors might
 haue their sée in that place, according to Augustines institution: he
 bestowed great gifts vpon both those churches, endowing them with
 lands and possessions verie bountifullie, to the vse of them that
 should be attendant in the same with the bishops.

 [Sidenote: _Ran. Cestren._]
 Finallie, Augustine after he had gouerned as archbishop the church of
 Canturburie by the space of 12 yéeres currant, departed this life the
 fiue and twentieth of Maie, and was buried first without the citie
 néere to the church of the apostles Peter and Paule (whereof mention
 is made before) bicause the same church as yet was not finished nor
 dedicated; but after it was dedicated, his bodie was brought into the
 church, and reuerentlie buried in the north Ile there. He ordeined in
 his life time Laurence to be his successor in the sée of Canturburie,
 of whome ye shall heare hereafter. ¶ Thus haue ye heard in what maner
 the Englishmen were first brought from the worshipping of false gods,
 and baptised in the name of the liuing God by the foresaid Augustine
 (as we find in Beda and other writers.) Now we will returne to other
 dooings chancing in the meane time amongst the people of this Ile.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Ceowlfe or Ceoloulph gouerneth the Westsaxons, Ceorlus king of
 Mercia, Edelfride king of the Northumbers, and Edan king of the Scots
 ioine in battell, Edan is discomfited, Edelfride subdueth the citizens
 of Chester, the deuout moonks of Bangor praie for safetie from the
 swoord of the enimie, twelue hundred of them are slaine, Edelfride
 entreth the citie of Chester, the Britains assembling their power
 vnder three capteins incounter with Edelfride, slaie manie of his
 souldiers, and put him to flight, warres betweene Edelfride and
 Redwald king of the Eastangles about Edwine the sonne of king Elle,
 Edelfride is slaine, Ceowlfe king of the Westsaxons dieth._

 THE XXIJ CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._ saith 34.]
 After the deceasse of Chelricus king of the Westsaxons, we find that
 Ceowlfe or Ceoloulph succéeded in gouernment of that kingdome, and
 reigned twelue yéeres. He began his reigne (as should appéere by some
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._ saith 607.]
 writers) about the yeere of our Lord 597, and spent his time for the
 more part in warres, not giuing place to idlenesse, but séeking either
 to defend or inlarge the confines of his dominion. He was the sonne of
 Cutha, which was the sonne of Kenrike, which was the sonne of Certike.
 After Wibba or Wipha king of Mercia (who, nothing inferiour to his
 father, did not onelie defend his kingdome, but also inlarge it, by
 [Sidenote: Ceorlus king of Mercia.]
 subduing the Britains on ech side) one Ceorlus succéeded in that
 kingdome, being not his sonne but his kinsman. This Ceorlus began his
 [Sidenote: 594.]
 reigne about the yéere of our Lord 594, as Matth. West. recordeth.

 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 [Sidenote: Edelferd.]
 Ye haue heard that Edelferd, which otherwise is called also by writers
 Edelfride, surnamed the wild, gouerned still the Northumbers, which
 Edelferd did more damage to the Britains than anie one other king of
 the English nation. None of them destroied their countries more than
 he did: neither did anie prince make more of the Britains tributaries,
 or inhabited more of their countries with English people than he.
 Héerevpon Edan king of those Scots which inhabited Britaine, being
 therewith mooued to see Edelfride prosper thus in his conquests, came
 against him with a mightie armie: but ioining in battell with
 Edelfride and his power, at a place called Degsastane, or Degsastone,
 or Deglaston, he lost the most part of his people, and with the
 residue that were left aliue, he escaped by flight. This was a sore
 foughten battell, with much bloudshed on both parties. For
 notwithstanding that the victorie remained with the Northumbers,
 Theobaldus the brother of Edelferd was slaine, with all that part of
 [Sidenote: 603.]
 the English host which he gouerned: and it was fought in the yéere of
 our Lord 603, in the 19 yeere of the reigne of the foresaid Edelferd,
 and in the sixt yéere of Ceowlfe king of the Westsaxons, and in the
 [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Beda lib._ 1. _cap._ 34.]
 first yéere of the emperor Phocas, or rather in the last yéere of his
 predecessor Mauricius. From that day, till the daies of Beda, not one
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: Sée in Scotland.]
 of the Scotish kings durst presume to enter into Britaine againe to
 giue battell against the English nation, as Beda himselfe writeth. But
 the Scotish writers make other report of this matter, as in the
 historie of Scotland ye maie find recorded.

 The Britains that dwelt about Chester, through their stoutnesse
 prouoked the aforesaid Edelferd king of the Northumbers vnto warre:
 wherevpon to tame their loftie stomachs, he assembled an armie & came
 forward to besiege the citie of Chester, then called of the Britains
 [Sidenote: Chester as yet in possession of the Britains.]
 [Sidenote: _I. Leland._]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 Carleon ardour deué. The citizens coueting rather to suffer all things
 than a siege, and hauing a trust in their great multitude of people,
 came foorth to giue batell abroad in the fields, whome he compassing
 about with ambushes, got within his danger, and easilie discomfited.

 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 It chanced that he had espied before the battell ioined (as Beda
 saith) where a great number of the British priests were got aside into
 a place somewhat out of danger, that they might there make their
 intercession to God for the good spéed of their people, being then
 readie to giue battell to the Northumbers. Manie of them were of that
 [Sidenote: The number of moonks in the monasterie of Bangor.]
 famous monasterie of Bangor, in the which it is said, that there was
 such a number of moonks, that where they were diuided into seuen
 seuerall parts, with their seuerall gouernors appointed to haue rule
 ouer them, euerie of those parts conteined at the least thrée hundred
 persons, the which liued altogither by the labour of their hands.
 Manie therefore of those moonks hauing kept a solemne fast for thrée
 daies togither, were come to the armie with other to make praier,
 [Sidenote: Brocmale.]
 hauing for their defender one Brocmale or Broemael, earle (or consull
 as some call him) of Chester, which should preserue them (being giuen
 to praier) from the edge of the enimies swoord.

 King Edelferd hauing (as is said) espied these men, asked what they
 were, and what their intent was; and being informed of the whole
 circumstance and cause of their being there, he said; "Then if they
 call to their God for his assistance against vs, suerlie though they
 beare no armour, yet doo they fight against vs, being busied in praier
 for our destruction." Wherevpon he commanded the first onset to be
 [Sidenote: The Britains discomfited & slaine.]
 giuen them, and after slue downe the residue of the British armie, not
 without great losse of his owne people. Of those moonks and priests
 which came to praie (as before is mentioned) there died at that
 battell about the number of 12 hundred, so that fiftie of them onelie
 escaped by flight. Brocmale, or Broemael at the first approch of the
 enimies, turning his backe with his companie, left them (whom he
 should haue defended) to be murthered through the enimies swoord. Thus
 was the prophesie of Augustine fulfilled, though he was long before
 departed this life (as Beda saith.)

 [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._]
 ¶ Héere is to be noted, if this battell was fought in the seuenth
 yéere of Ceowlfe king of Westsaxon (as some haue written) and that
 Augustine liued 12 yéeres after his entrance into the gouernment of
 the sée of Canturburie (as some write) it is euident that he liued
 foure yéeres after this slaughter made of the British priests and
 moonks by Edelferd (as before is recited.) For Ceowlfe began his
 reigne (as before is mentioned) about the yéere of our Lord 596, and
 in the seuenth yeere of his reigne the battell was fought at
 [Sidenote: _W. Harison._]
 hauing for their defender the Scots, which chanced in the yéere of our
 Lord 604, as Beda himselfe recordeth. A late chronographer running
 vpon this matter, and preciselie setting downe his collection, saith
 that Athelbright, or Edelfride, K. of the Northumbers, & Ethelbert K.
 of Kent, hauing Augustine in their companie, in the eight yéere after
 his arriuall, made warre vpon such Britains as refused to obserue the
 canons of the late councell mentioned 603, and killed 1200 moonks of
 the monasterie of Bangor, which laboured earnestlie, and in the sweat
 of their browes, thereby to get their liuings, &c. Verelie Galf. Mon.
 writeth, that Ethelbert king of Kent (after he saw the Britains to
 disdaine and denie their subiection vnto Augustine, by whome he was
 conuerted to the christian faith) stirred vp Edelferd king of the
 [Sidenote: _Acts and monuments, pag._ 160.]
 Northumbers to warre against the Britains. But heereof Maister Fox
 doubteth, and therefore saith, that of vncerteine things he hath
 nothing certeinlie to saie, much lesse to iudge. But now to the matter
 where we left.

 After that king Edelferd had made slaughter of the Britains (as before
 is rehearsed) he entred the citie of Chester, and from thence marched
 towards Bangor. The Britains in the meane time had assembled their
 [Sidenote: Blederike duke of Cornwall, Margadud king of Southwales,
 Cadwane k. of Northwales.]
 power vnder thrée capteins, that is to say, Blederike duke of
 Cornewall, Margadud king of Southwales, and Cadwane king of
 Northwales. These ioining in battell with Edelferd, slue 10066 of his
 souldiers, and constreined him to flée out of the field for safegard
 of his life, after he had receiued manie wounds. On the part of the
 Britains the forsaid Blederike, which was chiefe capteine of the field
 [Sidenote: _Galf. Mon._]
 in that battell, chanced to be slaine. Thus saith Gal. Mon.

 But the ancient writers of the English kings (as Beda, William
 Malmesburie, and Henrie Huntington), make no mention of this last
 battell and victorie obteined by the Britains in maner as aboue is
 expressed in Galfrids booke. But contrarilie we find, that Edelferd
 hauing such good successe in his businesse abroad as he could wish,
 [Sidenote: Edwine the sonne of king Alla banished.]
 vpon purpose to auoid danger at home, banished Edwine the sonne of
 Alla or Elle, a yoong gentleman of great towardnesse, latelie come to
 the kingdome of the Northumbers by the death of his father. But this
 Edwine in time of his exile, being long tossed from place to place,
 and finding no stedfast friendship now in time of his aduersitie, at
 length came to Redwald, that was king at that time of the Eastangles,
 the third from Vffa, and successor to Titullus, which Titullus did
 [Sidenote: 592.]
 succéed next after the said Vffa, the first king of Eastangles (as
 before is mentioned.) This Redwald did verie honourablie interteine
 [Sidenote: Edelferd.]
 Edwine, insomuch that Edelferd being informed thereof, was highlie
 displeased, and sent ambassadors vnto Redwald, to require him either
 to deliuer Edwine into his hands, or else if he refused so to doo, to
 declare and denounce vnto him open warres.

 Redwald incouraged by his wife (that counselled him in no wise to
 betraie his friend, to whome he had giuen his faith, for the menaces
 of his enimie) assembled foorthwith an armie, and at the sudden
 comming vpon Edelferd, assaulted him yer he could haue time to
 [Sidenote: 542.]
 assemble his people togither. But yet the said Edelferd, though he
 [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._]
 was beset and brought in danger at vnwares, died not vnreuenged: for
 putting himselfe in defense with such power as he could then get
 togither, he boldlie incountred the enimies, and giuing battell, slue
 [Sidenote: Ethelferd slaine.]
 Remerius the sonne of Redwald, and after was slaine himselfe, hauing
 reigned ouer the Northumbers about 22 yéeres. This battell was fought
 néere to the water of Idle.

 The said Edelferd had issue by his wife Acca, the daughter of Alla,
 and sister to Edwine, two sonnes, Oswald being about two yéeres of
 age, and Oswin about foure yéeres, the which (their father being thus
 slaine) were by helpe of their gouernours conueied awaie into Scotland
 with all spéed that might be made. Ceowlfe king of the Westsaxons,
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._ saith 34.]
 after he had reigned the space of 12 yeeres, departed this life, who
 in his time had mainteined great warre against manie of his
 neighbours, the which for briefenesse I passe ouer. One great battell
 [Sidenote: The Southsaxons susteine the greater losse.]
 he fought against them of Sussex, in which the armies on both sides
 sustained great damage, but the greater losse fell to the Southsaxons.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Cinegiscus and his sonne Richelinus reigne iointlie ouer the
 Westsaxons, they fight with the Britains; the indeuour of Laurence
 archbishop of Canturburie in setting religion at large, and seeking a
 vniformitie in catholike orders, he and his fellow-bishops write to
 the cleargie of Britaine and Scotland for a reformation, Melitus
 bishop of London goeth to Rome, the cause why, and what he brought at
 his returns from pope Boniface._

 THE XXIIJ CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: CINEGISCUS.]
 After the foresaid Ceowlfe reigned Cinegiscus, or Kingils, which was
 the sonne of Ceola, which was the sonne of Cutha or Cutwin, which was
 the sonne of Kenricke, which was the sonne of king Certicke. In the
 fourth yéere of his reigne, he receiued into fellowship with him in
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._ saith that Onichelinus was the brother of
 Cinegiscus.]
 gouernance of the kingdome his sonne Richelinus, or Onichelinus, and
 so they reigned iointlie togither in great loue and concord (a thing
 [Sidenote: Beandune or Beanton.]
 seldome séene or heard of.) They fought with the Britains at Beandune,
 where at the first approch of the battels togither, the Britains fled,
 but too late, for there died of them that were ouertaken 2062.

 [Sidenote: _Beda lib._ 2. _cap._ 4.]
 In this meane time, Laurence archbishop of Canturburie, who succéeded
 next after Augustine, admitted thereto by him in his life time (as
 before is said) did his indeuour to augment and bring to perfection
 the church of England, the foundation whereof was latelie laid by his
 predecessor the foresaid Augustine: who studied not onelie for the
 increase of this new church, which was gathered of the English people,
 but also he was busie to imploie his pastorlike cure vpon the people
 that were of the old inhabitants of Britaine, and likewise of the
 Scots that remained in Ireland. For when he had learned that the Scots
 there, in semblable wise as the Britains in their countrie, led not
 their liues in manie points according to the ecclesiasticall rules, as
 well in obseruing the feast of Easter contrarie to the vse of the
 Romane church, as in other things, he wrote vnto those Scots letters
 exhortatorie, requiring them most instantlie to an vnitie of catholike
 orders as might be agréeable with the church of Christ, spred and
 dispersed through the world. These letters were not written onelie in
 his owne name, but iointlie togither in the name of the bishops
 Melitius and Iustus, (as followeth.)

 "_To our deare brethren the bishops and abbats through all Scotland,
 Laurence, Melitus and Iustus bishops, the seruants of the seruants of
 God wish health._

 "WHEREAS the apostolike see (according to hir maner) had sent vs to
 preach vnto the heathen people in these west parts, as otherwise
 throgh the world, and that it chanced to vs to enter into this Ile
 which is called Britaine, before we knew & vnderstood the state of
 things, we had in great reuerence both the Scots & Britains, which
 beléeued, bicause (as we tooke the matter) they walked according to
 the custome of the vniuersall church: but after we had knowledge of
 the Britains, we iudged the Scots to be better. But we haue learned by
 bishop Daganus comming into this Ile, and by Columbanus the abbat
 comming into France, that the Scots nothing differ in their
 conuersation from the Britains: for bishop Daganus comming vnto vs,
 would neither eat with vs, no nor yet come within the house where we
 did eat."

 The said Laurence also with his fellow-bishops, did write to the
 Britains other letters woorthie of his degrée, dooing what he could to
 confirme them in the vnitie of the Romane church: but it profited
 litle, as appeareth by that which Beda writeth. About the same time
 Melitus the bishop of London went to Rome, to common with pope
 Boniface, for necessarie causes touching the church of England, and
 was present at a synod holden by the same pope at that season, for
 ordinances to be made touching the state of religious men, and sate in
 the same synod, that with subscribing he might also by his authoritie
 confirme that which was there orderlie decréed. This synod was holden
 the third kalends of March, in the last yéere of the emperour Phocas,
 which was about the yeere after the birth of our Sauiour 610. Melitus
 at his returne brought with him from the pope, decrees commanded by
 the said pope to be obserued in the English church, with letters also
 directed to archbishop Laurence, and to king Ethelbert.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Cadwan is made king of the Britains in the citie of Chester, he
 leuieth a power against Ethelfred king of the Northumbers, couenants
 of peace passe betwixt them vpon condition, the death of Ethelbert
 king of Kent, where he and his wife were buried, of his lawes; Eadbald
 succeedeth Ethelbert in the Kentish kingdome, his lewd and vnholie
 life, he is an enimie to religion; he is plagued with madnesse; Hebert
 king of the Eastsaxons dieth, his thre sonnes refuse to be baptised,
 they fall to idolatrie and hate the professours of the truth, their
 irreligious talke and vndutifull behauiour to bishop Melitus, he and
 his fellow Iustus passe ouer into France, the three sonnes of Hebert
 are slaine of the Westsaxons in battell, the Estsaxons by their
 idolatrie prouoke archbishop Laurence to forsake the land, he is
 warned in a vision to tarie, whereof he certifieth king Eadbald, who
 furthering christianitie, sendeth for Melitus and Iustus, the one is
 restored to his see, the other reiected, Melitus dieth, Iustus is made
 archbishop of Canturburie, the christian faith increaseth._

 THE XXIIIJ CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: CADWAN king of Britaine.]
 After that the Britains had c[=o]tinued about the space almost of 24
 yéeres without anie one speciall gouernour, being led by sundrie
 rulers, euer sithens that Careticus was constreined to flée ouer
 Seuerne, and fought oftentimes not onelie against the Saxons, but also
 [Sidenote: 613.]
 one of them against another, at length in the yéere of our Lord 613,
 they assembled in the citie of Chester, and there elected Cadwan that
 before was ruler of Northwales, to haue the souereigne rule &
 gouernement ouer all their nation, and so the said Cadwan began to
 reigne as king of Britaine in the said yéere 613. But some authors
 say, that this was in the yéere 609, in which yéere Careticus the
 British king departed this life. And then after his deceasse the
 Britains or Welshmen (whether we shall call them) chose Cadwan to
 gouerne them in the foresaid yéere 609, which was in the 7 yéere of
 the emperour Phocas, and the 21 of the second Lotharius king of
 France, and in the 13 yéere of Kilwoolfe king of the Westsaxons.

 This Cadwan being established king, shortlie after assembled a power
 of Britains, and went against the foresaid Ethelfred king of
 Northumberland, who being thereof aduertised, did associate to him the
 most part of the Saxon princes, and came foorth with his armie to méet
 Cadwan in the field. Herevpon as they were readie to haue tried the
 matter by battell, certeine of their friends trauelled so betwixt them
 for peace, that in the end they brought them to agréement, so that
 [Sidenote: _Gal. Mon._]
 Ethelfred should kéepe in quiet possession those his countries beyond
 the riuer of Humber, and Cadwan should hold all that which of right
 belonged to the Britains on the southside of the same riuer. This
 couenant with other touching their agréement was confirmed with oths
 solemnelie taken, and pledges therewith deliuered, so that afterwards
 they continued in good and quiet peace, without vexing one an other.

 What chanced afterward to Ethelfred, ye haue before heard rehersed,
 which for that it soundeth more like to a truth than that which
 followeth in the British booke, we omit to make further rehersall,
 passing forward to other dooings which fell in the meane season,
 whilest this Cadwan had gouernement of the Britains, reigning as king
 [Sidenote: _Iohn Hard._]
 ouer them the tearme of 22 or (as some say) but 13 yéeres, and
 finallie was slaine by the Northumbers, as before hath béene, and also
 after shall be shewed.

 In the 8 yéere after that Cadwan began to reigne, Ethelbert king of
 Kent departed this life, in the 21 yéere after the comming of
 Augustine with his fellowes to preach the faith of Christ here in this
 realme: and after that Ethelbert had reigned ouer the prouince of Kent
 the tearme of 56 yéeres (as Beda saith, but there are that haue noted
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: _Beda li._ 2. _cap._ 5.]
 thrée yéers lesse) he departed this world, as aboue is signified, in
 the yeere of our Lord 617, on the 24 day of Februarie, and was buried
 in the Ile of saint Martine, within the church of the apostles Peter
 and Paule, without the citie of Canturburie, where his wife quéene
 Bartha was also buried, and the foresaid archbishop Augustine that
 first conuerted him to the faith.

 Amongst other things, this king Ethelbert with the aduise of his
 councell ordeined diuers lawes and statutes, according to the which
 decrées of iudgements should passe: those decrées he caused to be
 written in the English toong, which remained and were in force vnto
 the daies of Beda, as he declareth. And first it was expressed in
 those lawes, what amends he should make that stole anie thing that
 belonged to the church, to the bishop, or to anie ecclesiasticall
 person, willing by all means to defend them whose doctrine he had
 receiued.

 [Sidenote: EADBALD.]
 After the deceasse of Etthelbert, his sonne Eadbald succéeded in the
 gouernment of his kingdome of Kent, the which was a great hinderer of
 the increase of the new church amongst the Englishmen in those
 parties: for he did not onelie refuse to be baptised himselfe, but
 also vsed such kind of fornication, as hath not béene heard (as the
 apostle saith) amongst the Gentiles, for he tooke to wife his mother
 [Sidenote: The princes example occasion of euill.]
 in law, that had béene wife to his father. By which two euill
 examples, manie tooke occasion to returne to their heathenish
 religion, the which whilest his father reigned, either for the prince
 his pleasure, or for feare to offend him, did professe the christian
 faith. But Eadbald escaped not woorthie punishment to him sent from
 the liuing God for his euill deserts, insomuch that he was vexed with
 a certeine kind of madnesse, and taken with an vncleane spirit.

 The foresaid storme or vnquiet troubling of the christian
 congregation, was afterwards greatlie increased also by the death of
 Sabert or Sebert king of the Eastsaxons, who was conuerted to the
 faith of Christ, and baptized by Melitus bishop of London (as before
 is mentioned) & departing this life to go to a better in the
 blissefull kingdome of heauen, he left behind him thrée sonnes as true
 successours in the estate of his earthlie kingdome, which sonnes
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Cest._]
 [Sidenote: _Beda li._ 2. _cap._ 5.]
 [Sidenote: Serred, Seward, and Sigebert, the sonnes of Sabert.]
 baptised. Their names were Serred, Seward, & Sigebert, men of an ill
 mind, & such as in whome no vertue remained, no feare of God, nor anie
 respect of religion, but speciallie hating the professours of the
 christian faith. For after their father was dead, they began to fall
 to their old idolatrie, which in his life time they séemed to haue
 giuen ouer, insomuch that now they openlie worshipped idols, and gaue
 libertie to their subiects to do the like.

 And when the bishop Melitus, at the solemnizing of masse in the
 church, distributed the eucharisticall bread vnto the people, they
 asked him (as it is said) wherfore he did not deliuer of that bright
 white bread vnto them also, as well as he had béene accustomed to doo
 to their father Saba (for so they vsed to call him.) Vnto whome the
 bishop made this answer: "If you will be washed in that wholesome
 fountaine, wherein your father was washed, ye may be partakers of that
 holie bread whereof he was partaker, but if you despise the washpoole
 of life, ye may by no meanes tast the bread of saluation." But they
 offended herewith, replied in this wise: "We will not enter into that
 fountaine, for we know we haue no néed thereof: but yet neuerthelesse
 we will be refreshed with that bread."

 After this, when they had beene earnestlie and manie times told, that
 vnlesse they would be baptised, they might not be partakers of the
 sacred oblation: at length in great displeasure they told him, that if
 he would not consent vnto them in so small a matter, there should be
 no place for him within the bounds of their dominion, and so he was
 constrained to depart. Wherevpon he being expelled, resorted into
 Kent, there to take aduise with his fellow-bishops, Laurence and
 Iustus, what was to be doone in this so weightie a matter. Who
 finallie resolued vpon this point, that it should be better for them
 to returne into their countrie, where with frée minds they might serue
 almightie God, rather than to remaine amongest people that rebelled
 against the faith, without hope to doo good amongest them. Wherefore
 Melitus and Iustus did depart first, and went ouer into France,
 minding there to abide till they might sée what the end would be. But
 shortlie after, those brethren the kings of Essex, which had expelled
 their bishop in maner aboue said, suffered woorthilie for their wicked
 dooings. For going forth to battell against the Westsaxons, they were
 [Sidenote: The sonne of king Sebert slaine.]
 ouerthrowen and slaine altogither with all their armie, by the two
 kings Kinigils and Quichelme. But neuerthelesse, albeit the authors of
 the mischiefe were thus taken awaie, yet the people of that countrie
 would not be reduced againe from their diuelish woorshipping of false
 gods, being eftsoones fallen thereto in that season by the
 incouragement and perilous example of their rulers. Wherefore the
 archbishop Laurence was in mind also to follow his fellowes Melitus
 and Iustus: but when he minded to set forward, he was warned in a
 dreame, and cruellie scourged (as hath béene reported by the apostle
 saint Peter, who reprooued him) for that he would so vncharitablie
 forsake his flocke, & leaue it in danger without a shepherd to kéepe
 the woolfe from the fold.

 The archbishop imboldned by this vision, and also repenting him of his
 determination, came to king Eadbald, and shewed to him his stripes,
 and the maner of his dreame. The king being herewith put in great
 feare, renounced his heathenish worshipping of idols, and was
 baptised, and as much as in him laie, from thenceforth succoured the
 congregation of the christians, and aduanced the church to his power.
 He sent also into France, and called home the bishops Melitus and
 Iustus, so that Iustus was restored to his sée of Rochester.

 But the Eastsaxons would not receiue Melitus to his sée at London, but
 continued in their wicked mawmetrie, in obeieng a bishop of their
 pagan law, whom they had erected for that purpose. Neither was king
 Eadbald of that authoritie and power in those parties, as his father
 was before, whereby he might constreine them to receiue their lawfull
 bishop. But suerlie the said king Eadbald with his people, after he
 was once conuerted againe, gaue himselfe wholie to obeie the lawes of
 GOD, and amongt other déeds of godlie zeale, he builded a church to
 [Sidenote: _Beda lib._ 2.]
 our ladie at Canturburie, within the monasterie of saint Peter,
 afterwards called saint Agnes. This church was consecrated by Melitus,
 who after the death of Laurence succéeded in gouernance of the
 [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 2. _ca._ 8.]
 archbishops sée of Canturburie. After Melitus, who departed this life
 in the yeare of our Lord 624, Iustus that before was bishop of
 Rochester, was made archbishop of Canturburie, and ordeined one
 Romanus to the sée of Rochester. About that time, the people of the
 north parts beyond Humber receiued the faith, by occasion (as after
 shall appéere.)

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Edwin reigneth ouer the Northumbers, his great power and reputation,
 a marriage betweene him and Ethelburga the sister of king Eadbald vpon
 religious couenants, the traitorous attempts of murtherous Eumerus
 against him, his wife Ethelburga is deliuered of a daughter, he
 assalteth the Westsaxons, and discomfiteth them, Boniface the fift
 writeth to him to desist from his idolatrie, and to his ladie to
 persist in true christianitie; the vision of Edwin when he was a
 banished man in the court of Redwald king of the Eastangles, whereby
 he was informed of his great exaltation and conuersion to christian
 religion._

 THE XXV CHAPTER.


 Ye haue heard how Edelfred the king of Northumberland was slaine in
 battell neere to the water of Idel by Redwald king of the Eastangles,
 in fauour of Edwin whom the said Edelfred had confined out of his
 dominion, 24 yéeres before. The foresaid Redwald therefore hauing
 obteined that victorie, found meanes to place Edwin in gouernement of
 that kingdome of the Northumbers, hauing a title thereto as sonne to
 [Sidenote: EDWIN.]
 [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 2. _ca._ 5.]
 Alla or Elle, sometime king of Northumberland. This Edwin prooued a
 right valiant prince, & grew to be of more power than anie other king
 in the daies of the English nation: not onelie ruling ouer a great
 part of the countries inhabited with English men, but also with
 Britains, who inhabited not onelie in Wales, but in part of Chesshire,
 Lancashire, Cumberland, and alongst by the west sea-coast in Galloway,
 and so foorth euen vnto Dunbritaine in Scotland: which I haue thought
 good to note, that it may appeare in what countries Cadwallo bare
 rule, of whome so often mention is made in this part of the historie.
 But as concerning Edwin, his reputation was such, as not onelie the
 English men, Britains and Scots, but also the Iles of Orknie, and
 [Sidenote: _W. Malm._ taketh Meuania to be Anglesey.]
 those of Man, and others the west Iles of ancient time called Meuaniæ,
 had him in reuerence, and feared his mightie power, so as they durst
 not attempt anie exploit to offend him.

 It chanced that shortlie after, king Redwald had aduanced him to the
 kingdom of Northumberland, to wit, about 6 yeares, the same Redwald
 deceassed, which made greatlie for the more augmentation of Edwins
 power. For the people of the Eastangles, which (whilest Edwin remained
 amongst them as a banished man) had conceiued a good opinion of him
 for his approoued valiancie and noble courage, offered themselues to
 [Sidenote: Carpwaldus.]
 be wholie at his commandement. But Edwin suffering Carpwald or Erpwald
 the sonne of Redwald to inioie the bare title and name of the king of
 that countrie, ruled all things at his owne will and pleasure. Neither
 was there anie prouince within Britaine that did not obeie him, or was
 not readie to doo him seruice (the kingdome of Kent onelie excepted)
 for he suffered the Kentishmen to liue in quiet, because he began to
 haue a liking to the sister of king Eadbald, namelie the ladie
 Ethelburga, otherwise called Tate or Tace.

 [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 2. _cap._ 9.]
 He made request therefore by sending ambassadours to hir brother, to
 haue the said ladie in marriage, and at length obteined hir, with
 condition that she being a christian woman, might not onelie vse the
 christian religion, but also that all those, whether men or women,
 priests or ministers, which came with hir, might haue licence to doo
 the same, without trouble or impeachment of anie maner of person.
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 2. _cap._ 9.]
 [Sidenote: 625.]
 Herevpon she being sent vnto him, there was appointed to go with hir
 (besides manie other) one Pauline, which was consecrated bishop by the
 archbishop Iustus the 21 of Iulie, in the yeare of our Lord 625, who
 at his comming into Northumberland thus in companie with Ethelburga,
 trauelled earnestlie in his office, both to preserue hir and such
 christians in the faith of Christ, as were appointed to giue their
 attendance on hir, least they should chance to fall: and also sought
 to win some of the Pagans (if it were possible) vnto the same faith,
 though at the first he little profited in that matter.

 In the yeare following, there came a murtherer vnto the court of king
 Edwin, as then soiourning in a palace which stood vpon the side of the
 riuer of Dorwent, being sent from Quichelme king of the Westsaxons, to
 the intent to murther Edwin, because he had of late sore damnified the
 countries of the Westsaxons. This murtherer was called Eumerus, &
 [Sidenote: Other say an axe, as _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: Emmerus.]
 caried vnder his coate a short double edged woodknife inuenomed of
 purpose, that if the king being but a little hurt therewith, should
 not die of the wound, yet he should not escape the danger of the
 poison. This Eumerus on Easter mondaie came to the king, and making
 foorth to him as it had béene to haue declared some message from his
 maister, when he had espied his time, drew his weapon, and offered to
 strike the king. But one of the kings seruants named Lilla, perceiuing
 this, stept betwixt the king and the blow. Howbeit the murtherer set
 the stripe forward with such force, that the knife running through the
 bodie of Lilla wounded also the king a little: and before this
 murtherer could be beaten downe, he slue another of the kings
 seruants, a knight that attended vpon him, called Fordher.

 [Sidenote: Eaufled borne.]
 The same night Ethelburga was deliuered of a daughter named Eaufled,
 for the which when king Edwin gaue thanks vnto his gods, in the
 presence of bishop Pauline, the bishop did admonish him, rather to
 giue thanks vnto the true and onelie God, by whose goodnesse it came
 to passe that the queene was safelie and without danger deliuered. The
 king giuing good eare vnto the bishops wholesome admonition, promised
 at that present to become a Christian, if he might reuenge his
 injuries receiued at the hands of the Westsaxons. And to assure
 Pauline that his promise should take place, he gaue vnto him his new
 borne daughter to be made holie to the Lord, that is to say, baptised.
 The bishop receiuing hir, on Whitsundaie next following baptised hir,
 with twelue other of the kings houshold, she being the first of the
 English Northumbers that was so washed in the founteine of
 regeneration.

 In the meane time K. Edwin being recouered of his hurt, assembled an
 armie, and went against the Westsaxons, with whome incountring in
 battell, he either slue or brought to his subiection all them that had
 conspired his death, and so returned as a conquerour into his
 countrie. But yet he delaied time in performance of his promise to
 become a Christian: howbeit he had left his dooing of sacrifice to
 idols, euer since he made promise to be baptised. He was a sage
 prince, and before he would alter his religion, he politikelie thought
 good to heare matters touching both his old religion, and the
 Christian religion throughlie examined.

 Now whilest he thus hoong in doubt vnto whether part he should
 incline, there came letters to him from pope Boniface the fift of that
 [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 2. _cap._ 10.]
 name, exhorting him by sundrie kinds of gentle perswasions, to turne
 to the worshipping of the true and liuing God, and to renounce
 worshipping of mawmets and idols. The pope wrote also to quéene
 [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 2. _cap._ 11.]
 Ethelburga, praieng hir to continue in hir good purpose, and by all
 meanes possible to doo what might be doone for the conuerting of hir
 [Sidenote: A vision.]
 husband vnto the faith of Christ. But the thing that most mooued the
 king, was a vision which sometime he had while he remained as a
 banished man in the court of Redwald king of the Eastangles, as thus.

 [Sidenote: _Beda. cap._ 12.]
 After that king Ethelfred was informed that the foresaid Redwald had
 receiued Edwin, he ceased not by his ambassadours to moue Redwald
 either to deliuer Edwin into his hands, or to make him awaie. At
 length by often sending, & promises made of large summes of monie,
 mixed with threatnings, he obteined a grant of his sute, so that it
 was determined that Edwin should either be murthered, or else
 deliuered into his enimies hands. One of Edwins friends hauing
 intelligence hereof, in the night season came to Edwins chamber, and
 leading him abroad, told him the whole practise, and what was purposed
 against him, offering to helpe him out of the countrie, if he would so
 [Sidenote: The honorable consideration of Edwin.]
 aduenture to escape. Edwin being woonderouslie amazed, thanked his
 friend, but refused to depart the countrie, sith he had no iust cause
 outwardlie giuen to play such a slipper part, choosing rather to
 ieopard his life with honour, than to giue men cause to thinke that he
 had first broken promise with such a prince as Redwald was, to whome
 he had giuen his faith.

 Herevpon his friend departing from him, left him sitting without the
 doores: where after he had reuolued manie things in his mind, and
 thought long vpon this matter, at length he perceiued one to come
 towards him vnknowne, and in strange apparell, séeming to him in
 euerie point a stranger, at which sight (for that he could not imagine
 who it should be) Edwin was much afraid: but the man comming to him
 saluted him, and asked of him what he made there at that time of the
 night when other were at rest. Edwin on the other part asked what he
 had to doo therewith, and whether he vsed to lie abroad in the night,
 or within house? Who answering said; Thinke not Edwin that I am
 ignorant of thy heauinesse, of thy watchings, and this thy solitarie
 sitting here without doores. For I know who thou art, wherefore thou
 art thus pensiue, and what euils thou fearest to be towards thée at
 hand. But tell me, what wouldest thou giue him, that could deliuer
 thée out of this heauinesse, and perswade Redwald that he should
 neither doo thée hurt, nor deliuer thée to thine enimies? Here with
 when Edwin said that he would gladlie giue all that in him might lie
 to such a one in reward: The other said; What wouldst thou giue then,
 if he should promise in good sooth that (all thine enimies being
 destroied) thou shouldest be king, and that thou shouldest passe in
 power all the kings which haue reigned in the English nation before
 thy time? Edwin being better come to himselfe by such demandes, did
 not sticke to promise that he would requite his friendship with
 woorthie thanks.

 Then replied he to his words and said; If he that shall prophesie to
 thée this good hap to come, shall also be able to informe thee in such
 counsell for thy health and life, as neuer anie of thy forefathers or
 kinsfolke yet haue heard, wouldest thou obey him, and also consent to
 receiue his wholesome aduertisement? Wherevnto without further
 deliberation Edwin promised, that he would in all points follow the
 instruction of him that should deliuer him out of so manie and great
 calamities, and bring him to the rule of a kingdome. Which answere
 being got, this person that thus talked with him, laid his hand vpon
 his head, saieng: When this therefore shall chance to thée, be not
 forgetfull of this time, nor of this communication, and those things
 that thou now dooest promise, sée thou performe. And therewith he
 vanished awaie. So that Edwin might well perceiue it was no man but a
 vision that thus had appeared vnto him.

 [¶ This vnaccustomed course it pleased God to vse for the conuersion
 of the king (to whose example it was no doubt but the people and
 inferiour sort would generallie be conformed) who otherwise had
 continued in paganisme and blind ignorance both of Gods truth and true
 christianitie. And it maie be that there was in him, as in other kings
 his predecessors, a settled perswasion in gentilish error, so that
 neither by admonition nor preaching (though the same had procéeded
 from the mouth of one allotted to that ministerie) he was to be
 reuoked from the infidelitie and misbeléefe wherein he was nuzzeled
 and trained vp. For it is the nature of all men, to be addicted to the
 obseruation of such rites and customes as haue béene established and
 left in force by their progenitors, and sooner to stand vnto a desire
 and earnest purpose of adding somewhat to their elders corrupt
 constitutions, and irreligious course of conuersation, than to be
 inclinable to anie article or point tending to innouation: so
 inflexible is the posteritie to swarue from the traditions of
 antiquitie, stand the same vpon neuer so grosse and palpable
 absurdities.]

 Edwin still reioising in the foresaid comfortable talke, but
 thoughtfull in mind what he should be, or from whence he came that had
 talked in this sort with him; behold his friend returned that first
 had brought him foorth of his chamber, and declared vnto him good
 newes, how the king by perswasion of the quéene had altered his
 determination, and minded to mainteine his quarell to the vttermost of
 his power: and so he did in déed. For with all diligence he raised an
 armie, and went against Ethelfrid, vanquished him in battell, and
 placed Edwin in the kingdome (as before ye haue heard.)

        *       *       *       *       *




 _King Edwin is put in mind of his vision by Pauline who sawe the same
 in spirit, he is licenced to preach the gospell, bishop Coifi
 destroieth the idols, Edwin and his people receiue the Christian
 faith, his two sonnes Osfride and Eadfride become conuerts, Redwald
 king of the Eastangles is baptised, he serueth God and the diuell,
 Sibert receiueth the faith, Felix bishop of Burgongne commeth ouer to
 Honorius archbishop of Canturburie, he preacheth to the Eastangles,
 the Northumbers and Lincolnshiremen are conuerted manie are baptised
 in the riuer of Trent; king Edwins iustice how effectuall and
 commendable, his care for the common-wealth, his prouidence for the
 refection of trauellers, pope Honorius confirmeth Pauline archbishop
 of Yorke, the tenor of his letters touching the mutuall election of
 the archbishop of Canturburie and Yorke, if either of them happened to
 suruiue other, his letters to the Scots touching the keeping of Easter
 and avoiding the Pelagian heresie, Cadwallo king of Britaine rebelleth
 against Edwin, Penda king of Mercia enuieth his good estate, Cadwallo
 and Penda inuade Northumberland, Edwin and his sonne Osfride are
 slaine, Penda putteth his other sonne Eadfride cruellie to death._

 THE XXVJ CHAPTER.


 Notwithstanding the former vision, king Edwin deferred time yer he
 would receiue the Christian faith, in somuch that Pauline vpon a daie
 came vnto him as he sat musing what he were best to doo, and laid his
 hand vpon his head, asking him if he knew that signe. Whereat when the
 king would haue fallen downe at his féet, he lifted him vp, and as it
 were in familiar wise thus said vnto him: "Behold, by the assistance
 of Gods fauour thou hast escaped the hands of thine enimies, whome
 thou stoodst in feare of: behold through his bountious liberalitie,
 thou hast obteined the kingdome which thou diddest desire, remember
 then that thou delaie no time to performe the third thing that thou
 diddest promise, in receiuing his faith, and kéeping his
 commandements, which deliuering thée from worldlie aduersities, hath
 thus aduanced thée to the honor of a king: and if from henceforth thou
 wilt obey his will, which by my mouth hée setteth and preacheth to
 thée and others, he will deliuer thée from euerlasting torments, and
 make thée partaker with him in his celestiall kingdome." It is to be
 thought that the vision which the king had in times past receiued, was
 in spirit reuealed vnto Pauline, wherevpon without delaie of time, he
 put him in remembrance of it in maner as aboue is mentioned.

 The king hauing heard his words, answered, that he would and ought to
 receiue the faith which he taught, but first he would conferre with
 his nobles, and if they would agrée to doo the like, then would they
 be baptised altogither at one time. Pauline satisfied herewith, Edwin
 [Sidenote: Edwin consulteth with his nobles.]
 did as he had promised, calling togither the wisest men of his realme,
 and of them asked the question what they thought of this diuinitie,
 which was preached vnto them by Pauline, vnto whome his chiefe bishop
 [Sidenote: The answere of an heathen bishop.]
 named Coifi, incontinentlie made this answer; that Suerlie the
 religion which they had hitherto followed was nothing worth. "For
 saith he, there is none of thy people that hath more reuerentlie
 woorshipped our gods than I haue doone, and yet be there manie that
 haue receiued far greater benefits at thy hands than I haue doone: and
 therefore if our gods were of anie power, then would they rather helpe
 me to high honor and dignitie than others. Therefore if it maie be
 found that this new religion is better & more auailable than our old,
 let vs with spéed imbrace the same."

 Finallie, when other of the kings councell & men of high authoritie
 gaue their consents, that this doctrine which Pauline taught ought to
 be receiued, if therein appeered more certeintie of saluation than
 [Sidenote: Pauline licenced to preach the gospell.]
 could be found in the other: at length the king gaue licence to
 Pauline openlie to preach the gospell, and renouncing his worshipping
 of false gods, professed the Christian faith. And when he demanded of
 his bishop Coifi who should first deface the altars of their idols,
 and the tabernacles wherewith they were compassed about? He answered,
 that himselfe would doo it. "For what is more méet (saith he) than
 that I, which thorough foolishnesse haue worshipped them, should now
 for example sake destroie the same, thorough wisedome giuen me from
 the true and liuing God?" And streightwaies throwing awaie the
 superstition of vanitie, required armour and weapon of the king, with
 a stoned horsse, vpon the which he being mounted, rode foorth to
 destroie the idols.

 This was a strange sight to the people: for it was not lawfull for the
 bishop of their law to put on armour, or to ride on anie beast, except
 it were a mare. He hauing therefore a swoord gird to him, tooke a
 speare in his hand, and riding on the kings horsse, went to the place
 where the idols stood. The common people that beheld him had thought
 he had béene starke mad, and out of his wits: but he without longer
 deliberation, incontinentlie vpon his comming to the temple, began to
 deface the same, and in contempt threw his speare against it, &
 reioising greatlie in the knowledge of the worshipping of the true
 God, commanded his companie to destroie & burne downe the same temple
 with all the altars. This place where the idols were sometime
 worshipped was not farre from Yorke, towards the east part of the
 riuer of Derwent, and is called Gotmundin Gaham, where the foresaid
 bishop by the inspiration of God defaced and destroied those altars,
 which he himselfe had hallowed.

 [Sidenote: King Edwin with his people receive the christian faith.]
 [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 2. _cap._ 14.]
 [Sidenote: 627.]
 King Edwin therefore with all the nobilitie, and a great number of his
 people, receiued the faith and were baptised, in the yéere of our Lord
 627, in the tenth yéere of his reigne, and about the 178 yéere after
 the first comming of the Englishmen into this land. He was baptised at
 Yorke on Easter daie (which fell that yéere the day before the Ides of
 Aprill) in the church of S. Peter the apostle, which he had caused to
 be erected and built vp of timber vpon the sudden for that purpose,
 and afterwards began the foundation of the same church in stone-woorke
 of a larger compasse, comprehending within it that oratorie which he
 had first caused to be built: but before he could finish the woorke,
 he was slaine (as after shall be shewed) leauing it to be performed of
 his successor Oswald.

 Pauline continued from thencefoorth during the kings life, which was
 six yéeres after, in preaching the gospell in that prouince,
 conuerting an innumerable number of people to the faith of Christ,
 among whom were Osfride and Eadfride the two sonnes of Edwin, whom he
 begot in time of his banishment of his wife Quinburga, the daughter of
 Cearlus king of Mercia. Also afterwards he begot children on his
 [Sidenote: Ediltrudis.]
 second wife Ethelburga, that is to say, a sonne called Edilhimus, and
 a daughter named Ediltrudis, and another sonne called Bustfrea, of the
 which the two first died in their cradels, and were buried in the
 church at Yorke. To be briefe: by the kings assistance & fauour shewed
 vnto Pauline in the woorke of the Lord, great multitudes of people
 dailie receiued the faith, and were baptised of Pauline in manie
 places, but speciallie in the riuer of Gleuie within the prouince of
 Bernicia, and also in Swale in the prouince of Deira: for as yet in
 the beginning thus of the church in those countries, no temples or
 fonts could be builded or erected in so short a time.

 Of such great zeale was Edwin (as it is reported) towards the setting
 [Sidenote: This chanced in the yéere 632, as _Matt. West._ saith.]
 foorth of Gods truth, that he persuaded Carpwald the sonne of Redwald
 king of the Eastangles to abandon the superstitious worshipping of
 idols, and to receiue the faith of Christ with all his whole prouince.
 [Sidenote: Redwald king of Eastangles baptised.]
 His father Redwald was baptised in Kent long before this time, but in
 vaine: for returning home, through counsell of his wife and other
 wicked persons, he was seduced, and being turned from the sincere
 puritie of faith, his last dooings were woorse than his first, so that
 according to the maner of the old Samaritans, he would séeme both to
 [Sidenote: Redwald would serve God and the diuell.]
 serue the true God and his false gods, (whom before time he had
 serued) and in one selfe church had at one time both the sacraments of
 Christ ministred at one altar, and sacrifice made vnto diuels at
 another.

 But Carpwald within a while after he had receiued the faith, was
 slaine by one of his owne countrimen that was an ethnike, called
 Richbert, and then after his death, that prouince for the tearme of
 [Sidenote: Sibert or Sigibert.]
 thrée yeeres was wrapped eftsoones in errour, till Sibert or Sigibert,
 the brother of Carpwald, a most christian prince, and verie well
 learned, obteined the rule of that kingdome, who whilest he liued a
 banished man in France during his brothers life time, was baptised
 there, and became a christian: and when he came to be king, he caused
 all his prouince to be partaker of the same fountaine of life, wherein
 he had beene dipped himselfe.

 Vnto this godlie purpose also, a bishop of the parties of Burgoigne
 named Felix was a great furtherer, who comming ouer vnto the
 archbishop of Canturburie Honorius that was successor vnto Iustus, and
 declaring vnto him his earnest desire, was sent by the same archbishop
 to preach the woord of life vnto the Eastangles, which he did with
 such good successe, that he conuerted the whole countrie to the faith
 [Sidenote: A bishop ordained at Dunwhich.]
 [Sidenote: _Beda lib._ 1. _cap._ 16.]
 of Iesus Christ, and placed the sée of his bishoprike at Dunwich,
 ending the course of his life there in peace after he had continued in
 that his bishoplike office the space of 17 yéeres. Moreouer Pauline,
 after that he had conuerted the Northumbers, preached the woord of God
 vnto them of Lindsey, which is a part of Lincolnshire: and first he
 [Sidenote: This chanced in the yéere 628, as _Matth. West._ saith.]
 persuaded one Blecca the gouernour of the citie of Lincolne to turne
 vnto Christ, togither with all his familie. In that citie he also
 builded a church of stone woorke. Thus Pauline trauelled in the woorke
 of the Lord, the same being greatlie furthered by the helpe of Edwin,
 in whose presence he baptised a great number of people in the riuer of
 Trent, néere to a towne, which in the old English toong was called
 _Tio vulfingacester._ This Pauline had with him a deacon named Iames,
 the which shewed himselfe verie diligent in the ministerie, and
 profited greatlie therein.

 But now to returne to king Edwin, who was a prince verelie of woorthie
 fame, and for the politike ordering of his countries and obseruing of
 iustice, deserued highlie to be commended: for in his time all robbers
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 by the high waie were so banished out of his dominions, that a woman
 with hir new borne child alone, without other companie, might haue
 trauelled from sea to sea, and not haue incountred with anie creature
 that durst once haue offered hir iniurie. He was also verie carefull
 [Sidenote: _Math. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Beda lib._ 2. _cap._ 16.]
 for the aduancement of the commoditie & common wealth of his people,
 insomuch that where there were any swéet and cleare water-springs, he
 caused postes to be set vp, and iron dishes to be fastened thereto
 with chaines, that waifaring men might haue the same readie at hand to
 drinke with: and there was none so hardie as to touch the same but for
 that vse. He vsed wheresoeuer he went within the cities or elsewhere
 abroad, to haue a banner borne before him, in token of iustice to be
 ministred by his roiall authoritie.

 In the meane season, pope Honorius the fift, hearing that the
 Northumbers had receiued the faith (as before is mentioned) at the
 preaching of Pauline, sent vnto the said Pauline the pall, confirming
 him archbishop in the sée of Yorke. He sent also letters of
 [Sidenote: _Beda lib_ 2. _cap._ 17.]
 exhortation vnto king Edwin, to kindle him the more with fatherlie
 aduise to continue and procéed in the waie of vnderstanding, into the
 which he was entered. At the same time also, bicause Iustus the
 archbishop of Canturburie was dead, and one Honorius elected to that
 sée, pope Honorius sent to the said elect archbishop of Canturburie
 [Sidenote: A decrée concerning the archbishops of Canturburie
 and Yorke.]
 his pall, with letters, wherein was conteined a decrée by him made,
 that when either the archbishop of Canturburie or Yorke chanced to
 depart this life, he that suruiued should haue authoritie to ordeine
 another in place of him that was deceassed, that they should not néed
 to wearie themselues with going to Rome, being so farre distant from
 them. The copie of which letter is registred in the ecclesiasticall
 historie of Beda, bearing date the third Ides of Iune, in the yéere of
 [Sidenote: 633.]
 633. The same pope sent letters also to the Scotish people, exhorting
 [Sidenote: The feast of Easter.]
 our Lord them to celebrate the feast of Easter in such due time as
 other churches of the christian world obserued. And also bicause the
 [Sidenote: The heresie of the Pelagians.]
 heresie of the Pelagians began to renew againe amongst them (as he was
 informed) he admonished them to beware thereof, and by all meanes to
 auoid it. For he knew that to the office of a pastor it is
 necessarilie incident, not onelie to exhort, teach, and shew his
 sheepe the waies to a christian life, but also stronglie to withstand
 all such vniust meanes, as might hinder their procéeding in the truth
 of religion. For as poison is vnto the bodie, that is heresie vnto
 veritie. And as the bodie by poison is disabled from all naturall
 faculties, and vtterlie extinguished, vnlesse by present meanes the
 force thereof be vanquished: so truth and veritie by errors and
 heresies is manie times choked and recouereth, but neuer strangled.

 But now that the kingdome of Northumberland flourished (as before is
 partlie touched) in happie state vnder the prosperous reigne of Edwin,
 at length, after he had gouerned it the space of 17 yeeres,
 [Sidenote: Cadwallin, or Cadwallo king of Britaine.]
 Cadwalline, or Cadwallo, king of Britaine, who succeeded Cadwane, as
 Gal. Mon. saith, rebelled against him. For so it commeth to passe,
 that nothing can be so sure confirmed by mans power, but the same by
 [Sidenote: Penda king of Mercia.]
 the like power may be againe destroied. Penda king of Mercia enuieng
 the prosperous procéedings of Edwin, procured Cadwallo to mooue this
 rebellion against Edwin: and ioining his power with Cadwallo, they
 inuaded the countrie of Northumberland iointlie togither. Edwin
 heereof aduertised, gathered his people, & came to incounter them, so
 that both armies met at a place called Hatfield, where was fought a
 [Sidenote: King Edwin slaine.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 verie sore and bloudie battell. But in the end Edwin was slaine with
 one of his sonnes named Osfride, and his armie beaten downe and
 dispersed. Also there was slaine on Edwins part, Eodbald king of
 Orkenie. Moreouer there was an other of Edwins sonnes named Eadfride
 constreined of necessitie to giue himselfe into the hands of Penda,
 and was after by him cruellie put to death, contrarie to his promised
 faith in king Oswalds daies that succéeded Edwin. Thus did king Edwin
 end his life in that battell, fought at Hatfield aforesaid, on the
 fourth ides of October, in the yere of our Lord 633, he being then
 about the age of 47 yéeres and vpwards.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The crueltie of Penda and Cadwallo after their victorie, the Britains
 make no account of religion, Archbishop Pauline with queen Ethelburga
 flie out of Northumberland into Kent, honorable personages accompanie
 him thither, Romanus bishop of Rochester drowned, Pauline vndertaketh
 the charge of that see; Osrilie is king of Deira, and Eaufride king of
 Bernicia, both kings become apostatas, and fall fr[=o] christianitie
 to paganisme, then are both slaine within lesse than a yeeres space;
 Oswald is created king of Northumberland, his chiefs practise in feats
 of armes, Cadwallo king of Britaine hath him in contempt, Oswalds
 superstitious deuotion and intercession to God against his enimies;
 both kings ioine battell; Cadwallo is slaine, Penda king of Mercia his
 notable vertues linked with foule vices, he maketh warre on whome he
 will without exception._

 THE XXVIJ CHAPTER.


 CADWALLO and Penda hauing obteined the victorie aforsaid, vsed it most
 cruellie. For one of the capteins was a pagan, and the other wanting
 all ciuilitie, shewed himselfe more cruell than anie pagan could haue
 doone. So that Penda being a worshipper of false gods with his people
 of Mercia, and Cadwallo hauing no respect to the Christian religion
 [Sidenote: The crueltie of Penda and Cadwallo.]
 which latelie was begun amongst the Northumbers, made hauocke in all
 places where they came, not sparing man, woman nor child: and so
 continued in their furious outrage a long time in passing through the
 countrie, to the great decay and calamitie of the Christian
 congregations in those parties. And still the christian Britains were
 lesse mercifull than Penda his heathenish souldiers. For euen vnto the
 daies of Beda (as he affirmeth) the Britains made no account of the
 faith or religion of the Englishmen, nor would communicate with them
 more than with the pagans, bicause they differed in rites from their
 accustomed traditions.

 [Sidenote: The archbishop Pauline flieth into Kent.]
 When the countrie of the Northumbers was brought into this miserable
 case by the enimies inuasion, the archbishop Pauline taking with him
 the quéene Ethelburga, whom he had brought thither, returned now
 againe with hir by water into Kent, where he was receiued of the
 archbishop Honorius, and king Eadbald. He came thither in the conduct
 of one Bassus a valiant man of warre, hauing with him Eaufred the
 daughter, and Vulfrea the sonne of Edwin, & also Iffi the sonne of
 Osfride Edwins sonne, whom their mother after for feare of the kings
 Edbold and Oswold did send into France where they died. The church of
 Rochester at that time was destitute of a bishop, by the death of
 Romanus, who being sent to Rome vnto pope Honorius, was drowned by the
 way in the Italian seas. Wherevpon at the request of archbishop
 Honorius, and king Eadbald, Pauline tooke vpon him the charge of that
 sée, and held it till he died.

 [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 3. _ca._ 1.]
 [Sidenote: OSRIKE KING OF DEIRA.]
 After it was knowne that Edwin was slaine in battell (as before ye
 haue heard) Osrike the sonne of his vncle Elfrike tooke vpon him the
 rule of the kingdome of Deira, which had receiued the sacrament of
 baptisme by the preaching and vertuous instruction of Pauline. But the
 [Sidenote: Eaufrid king of Bernicia.]
 other kingdome of Northumberland called Bernicia, Eaufride the son of
 Edelferd or Edelfride, tooke vpon him to gouerne. This Eaufride during
 the time of Edwins reigne, had continued in Scotland, and there being
 conuerted to the Christian faith was baptised. But both these princes,
 after they had obteined possession of their earthlie kingdoms, did
 forget the care of the heauenlie kingdome, so that they returned to
 their old kind of idolatrie. But almightie God did not long suffer
 this their vnthankefulnesse without iust punishment: for first in the
 next summer, when Osrike had rashlie besieged Cadwallo king of the
 Britains, within a certeine towne, Cadwallo brake foorth vpon him, and
 finding him vnprouided to make resistance, slue him with all his
 [Sidenote: The two kings of Northumberland slaine.]
 armie. Now after this, whilest Cadwallo not like a conqueror gouerned
 the prouinces of the Northumbers, but like a tyrant wasted and
 destroied them, in sleaing the people in tragicall maner, he also slue
 Eaufride, the which with twelue men of warre came vndiscréetlie vnto
 him to sue for peace: and thus within lesse than twelue moneths space
 both these runagate kings were dispatched.

 [Sidenote: OSWALD began his reigne in the yeare 635.]
 [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 3. _cap._ 3.]
 Then Oswald the sonne of Edelfred, and brother to the foresaid
 Eaufride was created king of the Northumbers, the sixt in number from
 Ida. This Oswald after that his father was slaine, liued as a banished
 person a long time within Scotland, where he was baptised, and
 professed the Christian religion, and passed the flower of his youth
 in good exercises, both of mind & bodie. Amongst other things he
 practised the vnderstanding of warlike knowledge, minding so to vse it
 as it might stand him in stead to defend himselfe from iniurie of the
 enimies that should prouoke him, and not otherwise. Herevp[=o]
 Cadwallo king of the Britains made in maner no account of him: for by
 reason that he had atchiued such great victories against the
 Englishmen, and hauing slaine their two kings (as before is expressed)
 he ceassed not to proceed in his tyrannicall dooings, reputing the
 English people for slouthfull, and not apt to the warre, boasting that
 he was borne to their destruction. Thus being set vp in pride of
 courage, he feared no perils, but boldlie (without considering at all
 the skilfull knowledge which Oswald had sufficientlie learned in
 feates of war) tooke vpon him to assaile the foresaid Oswald, that had
 brought an armie against him, and was encamped in a plaine field néere
 vnto the wall which the Romans had builded in times past against the
 inuasion of Scots and Picts.

 Cadwallo streight prouoked Oswald to trie the matter by battell, but
 Oswald forbare the first day, and caused a crosse to be erected in the
 same place where he was incamped, in full hope that it should be an
 ensigne or trophie of his victorie, causing all souldiers to make
 their praiers to God, that in time of such necessitie it might please
 him to succour them that worship him. It is said, that the crosse
 being made, and the hole digged wherein it should be set, he tooke the
 crosse in his owne hands, and putting the foot thereof into that hole,
 so held it till his souldiers had filled the hole, and rammed it vp:
 and then caused all the souldiers to knéele downe vpon their knées,
 and to make intercession to the true and liuing God for his assistance
 against the proud enimie, with whom they should fight in a iust
 quarell for the preseruation of their people and countrie.

 After this, on the next morning he boldlie gaue battell to his
 enimies, so that a sore and cruell fight insued betwixt them. At
 length Oswald perceiued that the Britains began somwhat to faint, and
 therfore caused his people to renew their force, and more lustilie to
 preasse forward, so that first he put that most cruell enimie to
 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 flight, and after pursuing the chase ouertooke him, and slue him with
 the most part of all his huge and mightie armie, at a place called
 Denisborne, but the place where he caused the crosse to be erected he
 named Heuenfield. Thus Cadwallo the most cruell enimie of the English
 name ended his life: he was terrible both in nature and countenance,
 for the which cause they say the Britains did afterwards set vp his
 image, that the same might be a terror to the enimies when they should
 behold it.

 ¶ But here is to be remembred by the British historie of Gal. Mon. it
 should appeare that Cadwallo was not slaine at all, but reigned
 victoriouslie for the space of 48 yéeres, and then departed this life,
 as in place afterwards it shall appéere. But for that the contrarietie
 in writers in such points may sooner be perceiued than reformed, to
 the satisfieng of mens fansies which are variable, we will leaue
 euerie man to his libertie to thinke as séemeth him good, noting now
 and then the diuersitie of such writers, as occasion serueth.

 [Sidenote: PENDA.]
 [Sidenote: 636.]
 PENDA the sonne of Wilba succéeded in the gouernement of the kingdome
 of Mercia after Ciarlus, and began his reigne in the yéere of our Lord
 636. He was fiftie yéeres of age before he came to be king, and
 reigned 30 yeres, he was a prince right hardie and aduenturous, not
 fearing to ieopard his person in place of danger, assured and readie
 of remembrance in time of greatest perill. His bodie could not be
 ouercome with anie trauell, nor his mind vanquished with greatnesse of
 businesse. But these his vertues were matched with notable vices, as
 first with such bitternesse of maners as had not béene heard of,
 crueltie of nature, lacke of courtesie, great vnstedfastnesse in
 performing of woord and promise, and of vnmeasurable hatred toward the
 christian religion.

 Now vpon confidence in these his great vertues and vices from that
 time he was made king (as though the whole Ile had bene due to him) he
 thought not good to let anie occasion passe that was offered to make
 war, as wel against his friends & confederats, as also against his
 owne sworne enimies. Part of his dooings ye haue heard, and more shall
 appeare hereafter. ¶ Of the kings of the Eastsaxons & Eastangles ye
 haue heard before: of whom in places conuenient ye shall find further
 mention also, and so likewise of the kings of the Southsaxons: but
 bicause their kingdom continued not past fiue successions, litle
 remembrance of them is made by writers.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Cadwallo king of Britain, diuers deeds of his as the British writers
 haue recorded them, wherevpon discord arose betweene Cadwallo & Edwin,
 who for two yeres space were linked in friendship, Cadwallo vanquisht,
 his flight, of Pelitus the Spanish wizard, Cadwallo ouerthroweth Penda
 and his power besieging Excester, he arreareth battell against the
 Northumbers, and killeth Edwin their king, he seeketh to expell the
 Saxons out of the land, Penda slaieth Oswald, whose brother and
 successor Osunus by gifts and submission obteineth peace, whom Penda
 spitefullie attempting to kill is killed himselfe, Cadwallo dieth, a
 brasen image on horssebacke set vp in his memoriall, saint Martins at
 Ludgate builded._

 THE XXVIIJ CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: CADWALLO, OR CADWALLINE.]
 CADWALLO or Cadwalline, (for we find him so named) began his reigne
 [Sidenote: 635.]
 ouer the Britains, in the yéere of our Lord 635, in the yéere of the
 reigne of the emperour Heracleus 35, and in the 13 yere of Dagobert K.
 of France. Of this man ye haue heard partlie before touching his
 dealings and warres against the Northumbers, and other of the English
 nation: but forsomuch as diuers other things are reported of him by
 the British writers, we haue thought good in this place to rehearse
 the same in part, as in Gal. Mon. we find writen, leauing the credit
 still with the author, sith the truth thereof may be the more
 suspected, bicause other authors of good authoritie, as Beda, Henrie
 Huntington, William Malmesburie, and others séeme greatlie to disagrée
 from him herein. But thus it is written.

 [Sidenote: Edwin was not sonne to Ethelfred, but to Alla, or Elle, as
 in other places plainlie appeareth.]
 This Cadwallo and Edwin the sonne of Ethelfred, as Galfride saith,
 were brought vp in France, being sent thither vnto Salomon king of
 Britaine, by king Cadwane, when they were verie yoong. Now after their
 returne into this land, when they were made kings, Cadwallo of the
 Britains, & Edwin of the Northumbers, there continued for the space of
 two yéeres great friendship betwixt them, till at length Edwin
 required of Cadwallo that he might weare a crowne, and celebrate
 appointed solemnities within his dominion of Northumberland, as well
 as Cadwallo did in his countrie. Cadwallo taking aduice in this
 matter, at length by persuasion of his nephue Brian, denied to grant
 vnto Edwin his request, wherewith Edwin tooke such displeasure, that
 he sent woord vnto Cadwallo, that he would be crowned without his
 leaue or licence, sith he would not willinglie grant it. Wherto
 Cadwallo answered, that if he so did, he would cut off his head vnder
 his diademe, if he presumed to weare anie within the confines of
 Britaine. Hereof discord arising betwixt these two princes, they began
 to make fierce and cruell warre either of them against the other, and
 [Sidenote: Cadwallo vanquished by Edwin.]
 [Sidenote: Cadwallo flieth the land.]
 at length ioining in batell with their maine forces, Cadwallo lost the
 field, with many thousands of his men, and being chased fled into
 Scotland, and from thence got ouer into Ireland, and finally passed
 the seas into Britaine Armorike, where, of his coosin king Salomon he
 was courteouslie receiued, and at length obteined of him 10000 men to
 go with him backe into his countrie, to assist him in recouerie of his
 lands & dominions, the which in the meane time were cruellie spoiled,
 wasted and haried by king Edwin.

 At the same time Brian the nephue of Cadwallo, whom he had sent into
 Britaine as little before to slea a certeine wizard or southsaier,
 whom king Edwin had gotten out of Spaine named Pelitus, that by
 disclosing the purpose of Cadwallo vnto Edwin, greatlie hindered
 Cadwallos enterprises, had fortified the citie of Excester, mening to
 defend it till the comming of Cadwallo, wherevpon Penda king of Mercia
 besieged that citie with a mightie army, purposing to take it, and
 Brian within it. Cadwallo then aduertised hereof, immediatlie after
 his arriuall hasted to Excester, and diuiding his people in 4 parts,
 set vpon his enimies, tooke Penda, and ouerthrew his whole armie.
 Penda hauing no other shift to escape, submitted himselfe wholie vnto
 Cadwallo, promising to become his liegeman, to fight against the
 Saxons in his quarrell. Penda being thus subdued, Cadwallo called his
 nobles togither which had bene dispersed abroad a long season, & with
 all spéed went against Edwin king of Northumberland, and slue him in
 battell at Hatfield (as before is mentioned) with his son Osfride, and
 Eodbold king of the Iles of Orknie, which was come thither to his aid.

 ¶ By this it should appeare, that Fabian hath gathered amisse in the
 account of the reignes of the British kings: for it appeareth by Beda
 [Sidenote: 634.]
 and others, that Edwin was slaine in the yéere of our Lord 634. And
 where Fabian (as before is said) attributeth that act & diuers other
 vnto Cadwan the father of this Cadwallo: yet both Gal. Mon. and Beda
 with the most part of all other writers signifie that it was done by
 Cadwallo. Harding assigneth but 13 yéeres to the reigne of Cadwan, and
 declareth that he died in the yéere of our Lord 616, in the which (as
 he saith) Cadwallo began his reigne, which opinion of his séemeth best
 to agrée with that which is written by other authors. But to returne
 to the other dooings of Cadwallo, as we find them recorded in the
 British storie. After he had got this victorie against the
 Northumbers, he cruellie pursued the Saxons, as though he ment so
 farre as in him lay, to destroie the whole race of them out of the
 coasts of all Britaine: and sending Penda against king Oswald that
 succéeded Edwin, though at the first Penda receiued the ouerthrow at
 Heauenfield, yet afterwards Cadwallo himselfe highly displeased with
 that chance, pursued Oswald, and fought with him at a place called
 [Sidenote: Oswald slaine.]
 Bourne, where Penda slue the said Oswald. Wherevpon his brother Osunus
 succéeding in gouernment of the Northumbers, sought the fauour of
 Cadwallo now ruling as king ouer all Britaine, and at length by great
 gifts of gold and siluer, and vpon his humble submission, obteined
 [Sidenote: Oswie.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: 654.]
 peace, till at length vpon spite, Penda king of Mercia obteined
 licence of Cadwallo to make warres against the said Osunus, in the
 which (as it hapned) Penda himselfe was slaine. Then Cadwallo after
 two yéeres granted that Vlfridus the sonne of Penda should succeed in
 Mercia.

 Thus Cadwallo ruled things at his appointment within this land. And
 [Sidenote: 678.]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._ saith 676.]
 finallie when he had reigned 48 yéeres, he departed this life the 22
 of Nouember. His bodie being embalmed and dressed with swéet
 confections, was put into a brasen image by maruelous art melted and
 cast, which image being set on a brazen horsse of excellent beautie,
 the Britains set vp aloft vpon the west gate of London called Ludgate,
 in signe of his conquests, and for a terror to the Saxons. Moreouer
 the church of S. Martin vnderneath the same gate, was by the Britains
 then builded. Thus haue the Britains made mention of their valiant
 prince Cadwallo, but diuerse thinke that much of this historie is but
 fables, bicause of the manifest varieng both from Beda and other
 autentike writers (as before I haue said.)

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The true storie of the forenamed king Oswald, his desire to restore
 christian religion, Cormans preaching taking small effect among the
 Northumbers, persuadeth him to depart into his owne countrie, he
 slandereth them before the Scotish clergie, Aidan a godlie man telleth
 the cause of the peoples not profiting by Cormans preaching, Aidan
 commeth into England to instruct the people in the faith, he varieth
 in the obseruation of Easter from the English churches custome, the
 Northumbers haue him & his doctrine in reuerence, Oswalds earnest
 zeale to further religion by Aidans preaching and ministerie, 15000
 baptised within 7 daies; Oswald hath the Britains, Scots, Picts, &
 English at his commandement, his commendable deed of christian
 charitie, the Westsaxons conuerted to the faith by the preaching of
 Birinus, king Kinigils is baptised, he maketh Birinus bishop of
 Dorcester, Penda king of Mercia maketh war against the christian kings
 of the Westsaxons, both sides after a bloudie battell fall to
 agrement, Ercombert the first English king that destroied idols
 throughout the whole land, he ordeineth Lent; why English men became
 moonks, and English women nunnes in monasteries beyond the seas; why
 Penda king of Mercia enuieth vertuous king Oswald, he is assaulted,
 slaine in battell, and canonized a saint after his death._

 THE XXIX CHAPTER.


 Now will we (after all these differing discourses of the British
 chronologers) approch and draw as néere as we can to the truth of the
 historie touching Oswald king of the Northumbers, of whom we find,
 [Sidenote: Oswald meaneth to be thankefull to God for his benefits.]
 [Sidenote: _Beda li._ 3. _cap._ 3. 5. 6.]
 [Sidenote: _Hector Boet._]
 that after he had tasted of Gods high fauour extended to himwards, in
 vanquishing his enimies, as one minding to be thankefull therefore, he
 was desirous to restore the christian faith through his whole
 kingdome, sore lamenting the decay thereof within the same, and
 therefore euen in the beginning of his reigne, he sent vnto Donwald
 the Scotish king (with whome he had béene brought vp in the time of
 his banishment the space of 18 yéeres) requiring him to haue some
 learned Scotishman sent vnto him, skilfull in preaching the word of
 life, that with godly sermons and wholesome instructions, he might
 conuert the people of Northumberland vnto the true and liuing God,
 promising to interteine him with such prouision as apperteined.

 [Sidenote: Corman.]
 At his instance, there was sent vnto him one Corman, a clerke
 singularlie well learned, and of great grauitie in behauiour: but for
 that he wanted such facilitie, and plaine vtterance by waie of gentle
 persuading, as is requisite in him that shall instruct the simple,
 onelie setting foorth in his sermons high mysteries, and matters of
 such profound knowledge, as the verie learned might scarselie perceiue
 the perfect sense and meaning of his talke, his trauell came to small
 effect, so that after a yéeres remaining there, he returned into his
 countrie, declaring amongst his brethren of the cleargie, that the
 people of Northumberland was a froward, stubborne and stiffe-harted
 generation, whose minds he could not frame by anie good meanes of
 persuasion to receiue the christian faith: so that he iudged it lost
 labour to spend more time amongst them, being so vnthankfull and
 intractable a people, as no good might be doone vnto them.

 Amongst other learned and vertuous prelats of the Scots, there chanced
 [Sidenote: Aidan.]
 one to be there present at the same time called Aidan, a man of so
 perfect life, that (as Beda writeth) he taught no otherwise than he
 liued, hauing no regard to the cares of this world, but whatsoeuer was
 giuen him by kings or men of wealth and riches, that he fréelie
 bestowed vpon the poore, exhorting other to doo the like. This Aidan
 hearing Cormans woords, perceiued anon that the fault was not so much
 in the people as in the teacher, and therefore declared, that (as he
 thought) although it were so that the people of Northumberland gaue no
 such attentiue eare vnto the preaching of that reuerend prelate
 Corman, as his godlie expectation was they should haue doone, yet
 might it be that his vttering of ouer manie mysticall articles amongst
 them, farre aboue the capacitie of the vnderstanding of simple men,
 was the cause why they so lightlie regarded his diuine instructions,
 [Sidenote: S. Paules counsell.]
 whereas if he had (according to the counsell of Saint Paule) at the
 first ministred vnto their tender vnderstandings, onelie milke,
 without harder nourishments, he might happilie haue woone a farre
 greater number of them vnto the receiuing of the faith, and so haue
 framed them by little and little to haue digested stronger food. And
 therefore he thought it necessarie in discharge of their duties
 towards God, and to satisfie the earnest zeale of king Oswald, that
 some one amongst them might be appointed to go againe into
 Northumberland, to trie by procéeding in this maner afore alledged,
 what profit would thereof insue.

 The bishops hearing the opinion of Aidan, and therewith knowing
 Cormans maner of preaching, iudged the matter to be as Aidan had
 declared, and therevpon not onelie allowed his woords, but also willed
 him to take the iournie vpon him, sith they knew none so able with
 [Sidenote: Aidan commeth into England to preach the gospell.]
 effect to accomplish their wished desires in that behalfe. Aidan, for
 that he would not seeme to refuse to take that in hand which he
 himselfe had motioned, was contented to satisfie their request, and so
 set forward towards Northumberland, and comming thither, was ioifullie
 receiued of king Oswald, who appointed him the Ile of Lindesfarne,
 wherein to place the see of his new bishoprike.

 [Sidenote: _Beda li._ 3. _ca._ 3.]
 [Sidenote: _Hector Boet._]
 This Aidan in one point varied from the vse of the new begun church of
 England, that is to say, touching the time of obseruing the feast of
 Easter, in like maner as all the bishops of the Scots and Picts
 inhabiting within Britaine in those daies did, following therein (as
 they tooke it) the doctrine of the holie and praise-woorthie father
 Anatholius. But the Scots that inhabited the south parts of Ireland,
 alreadie were agréed to obserue that feast, according to the rules of
 the church of Rome. Howbeit Aidan being thus come into Northumberland,
 applied himselfe so earnestlie in praier and preaching, that the
 people had him within short while in woonderfull estimation, chiefelie
 for that he tempered his preachings with such swéet and pleasant
 matter, that all men had a great desire to heare him, insomuch that
 sometime he was glad to preach abroad in churchyards, bicause the
 audience was more than could haue roome in the church.

 One thing was a great hinderance to him, that he had not the perfect
 knowledge of the Saxon toong. But Oswald himselfe was a great helpe to
 him in that matter, who being desirous of nothing so much, as to haue
 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 [Sidenote: Oswald an interpretor to the preacher.]
 the faith of Christ rooted in the harts of his subiects, vsed as an
 interpreter to report vnto the people in their Saxon toong, such whole
 sermons as Aidan vttered in his mother toong. For Oswald hauing béene
 brought vp (as ye haue hard) in Scotland during the time of his
 banishment, was as readie in the Scotish, as he was in the Saxon
 toong. The people then seeing the kings earnest desire in furthering
 the doctrine set foorth by Aidan, were the more inclined to heare it:
 so that it was a maruellous matter to note, what numbers of people
 [Sidenote: _Hector Boet._]
 dailie offred themselues to be baptised, insomuch that within the
 space of seuen daies (as is left in writing) he christened 15 thousand
 persons, of the which no small part forsaking the world, betooke
 themselues to a solitarie kind of life.

 Thus by his earnest trauell in continuall preaching and setting foorth
 the gospell in that countrie, it came to passe in the end, that the
 faith was generallie receiued of all the people, and such zeale to
 aduance the glorie of the christian religion dailie increased amongst
 [Sidenote: Oswalds zeale to aduance religion.]
 them, that no where could be found greater. Heerevpon were no small
 number of churches built in all places abroad in those parties by
 procurement of the king, all men liberallie consenting (according to
 the rate of their substance) to be contributorie towards the charges.
 By this meanes the kingdome of the Northumbers flourished, as well in
 fame of increase in religion, as also in ciuill policie and prudent
 [Sidenote: _Beda lib._ 5. _ca._ 6.]
 [Sidenote: Oswald had in estimation with his neighbours.]
 ordinances: insomuch that (as Beda writeth) Oswald atteined to such
 power, that all the nations and prouinces within Britaine, which were
 diuided into foure toongs (that is to say) Britains, Picts, Scots, and
 Englishmen, were at his commandement. But yet he was not lifted vp in
 anie pride or presumption, but shewed himselfe maruellous courteous
 and gentle, and verie liberall to poore people and strangers.

 It is said, that he being set at the table vpon an Ester day, & hauing
 bishop Aidan at diner then with him, his almoner came in as the bishop
 was about to say grace, and declared to the king that there was a
 great multitude of poore folks set before the gates to looke for the
 kings almes. The king héerewith tooke a siluer dish, which was set on
 the table before him with meate, & commanded the same meate
 streightwaies to be distributed amongst the poore, & the dish broken
 into small péeces, and diuided amongst them: for which act he was
 highlie commended of the bishop, as he well deserued. By the good
 policie and diligent trauell of this king, the prouinces of Deira and
 Bernicia, which hitherto had béene at variance, were brought to peace
 and made one.

 [Sidenote: _Beda lib._ 3. _ca._ 7.]
 [Sidenote: Birinus conuerteth the Westsaxons to the christian faith.]
 About the same time, the Westsaxons were conuerted to the christian
 faith, by the preaching of one Birinus a bishop, who came into this
 land at the exhortation of pope Honorius, to set foorth the gospell
 vnto those people which as yet were not baptised. By whose diligent
 [Sidenote: Kinigils king of Westsaxon becommeth a christian.]
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 trauell in the Lords haruest, Kingils or Kinigils, one of the kings of
 that countrie receiued the faith, and was baptised about the fiue &
 twentith yéere of his reigne. K. Oswald that should haue had his
 daughter in mariage, was present the same time, who first yer he
 became a sonne in law, was made a godfather vnto Kinigils (that should
 be his father in law) by receiuing him at the fontstone, in that his
 second birth of regeneration. To this Birinus, who was an Italian,
 king Kinigils (now that he was become a conuert or christian)
 [Sidenote: Dorcester ordeined a bishops sée.]
 appointed and assigned the citie of Dorcester, situat by the Thames,
 distant from Oxford about seuen miles, to be the sée of his
 bishoprike, where he procured churches to be built, and by his earnest
 trauell & setting foorth the woord of life, conuerted much people to
 the right beliefe. In the yéere following, Quichelmus the other king
 of the Westsaxons, and sonne to Kinigils was also christened, and died
 the same yéere, and so Cinigilsus or Kinigils reigned alone.

 [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._]
 In this meane while Penda king of Mercia that succéeded next after
 Ciarlus, being a man giuen to séeke trouble in one place or other,
 [Sidenote: This chancéd in the yéere 620, as _Matth. West._ saith.]
 leauied warre against the kings of Westsaxon, Kinigils and Quichelmus,
 the which gathering their power, gaue him battell at Cirenchester,
 where both the parties fought it out to the vttermost, as though they
 had forsworne to giue place one to another, insomuch that they
 continued in fight and making of cruell slaughter till the night
 parted them in sunder. And in the morning, when they saw that if they
 shuld buckle togither againe, the one part should vtterlie destroie
 the other, they fell to agréement in moderating ech others demands.

 [Sidenote: 640.]
 [Sidenote: _Beda lib._ 3. _cap._ 7.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 After this, in the yéere of our Lord 640, Eadbald king of Kent
 departed this life, after he had reigned 24 yéeres, leauing his
 kingdome to his sonne Ercombert. This Ercombert was the first of the
 English kings, which tooke order for the vtter destroieng of all idols
 throughout his whole kingdome. He also by his roiall authoritie
 [Sidenote: Lent first ordeined to be kept in England.]
 commanded the fast of fortie daies in the Lent season to be kept and
 obserued, appointing woorthie and competent punishment against the
 [Sidenote: Segburga.]
 [Sidenote: Aimoinus.]
 transgressors of that commandement. He had by his wife Segburga, that
 was daughter vnto Anna king of the Eastangles, a daughter named
 Eartongatha, a professed nunne within the monasterie of Briege or Cala
 in France: for in those daies, bicause there were not manie
 monasteries builded within this land, a great number of Englishmen,
 that tooke vpon them the profession of a religious life, got them ouer
 vnto abbeies in France, and there professed themselues moonks: and
 manie there were which sent their daughters ouer to be professed nuns
 within the nunneries there, and speciallie at Briege, Cala, and
 Andelie: amongst other, there were Sedrike the lawfull daughter, and
 Edelburgh the bastard daughter of the said king Anna, both which in
 processe of time were made abbesses of the said monasterie of Briege.

 Ye haue heard alreadie, how Oswald king of Northumberland bare
 himselfe in all points like a most woorthie prince, not ceasing to
 releeue the necessitie of the poore, aduancing the good, and reforming
 the euill, whereby he wan to himselfe excéeding praise and
 commendation of all good men, and still his fame increased for his
 vertuous dooings; namelie, for the ardent zeale he had to the
 aduancing of the christian faith. Herevpon Penda king of Mercia,
 enuieng the prosperous procéedings of Oswald, as he that could neuer
 abide the good report of other mens well-dooings, began to imagine how
 [Sidenote: Penda inuadeth the Northumbers.]
 [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 3. _cap._ 9.]
 to destroie him, and to conquere his kingdome, that he might ioine it
 to his owne. At length he inuaded his countrie by open warre, met with
 him in the field at a place called Maserfield, and there in sharpe and
 [Sidenote: King Oswald slaine.]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. Westm._ saith 644.]
 cruell fight Oswald was slaine on the fift day of August, in the yeare
 of our Lord 642, and in the 38 yeare of his age, after he had reigned
 the tearme of eight or nine yeares after some, which account that
 yeare vnto his reigne, in the which his predecessors Osrike and
 Eaufride reigned, whome they number not amongest kings, because of
 their wicked apostasie and renouncing of the faith which before they
 had professed. Such was the end of that vertuous prince king Oswald,
 being cruellie slaine by that wicked tyrant Penda. Afterwards, for the
 opinion conceiued of his holinesse, the foresaid Oswald was canonized
 [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._]
 a saint, and had in great worship of the people, being the first of
 the English nation that approoued his vertue by miracles shewed after
 his departure out of this life.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Oswie succeedeth Oswald in the kingdome of Northumberland, he is sore
 vexed by Penda, Oswie and Oswin are partners in gouernement, they fall
 at strife, Oswin is betræied into the hands of Oswie and slaine, a
 commendation of his personage and goodlie qualities, bishop Aidan
 dieth; Cenwalch king of the Westsaxons, Penda maketh warre against him
 for putting away his wife, his flight, he becommeth a christian and
 recouereth his kingdome, Bishop Agilbert commeth into Westsaxon, and
 afterwards departing (upon occasion) is made bishop of Paris, Wini
 buieth the bishoprike of London; Sigibert king of the Eastangles, the
 vniuersitie of Cambridge founded by him, he resigneth his kingdome and
 becometh a moonke, he and his kinsman Egric are slaine in a skirmish
 against Penda king of Mercia._

 THE XXX CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: OSWIE King of Northumberland.]
 [Sidenote: _Beda li._ 3. _ca._ 14.]
 After that king Oswald was slaine, his brother Oswie (being about 30
 yeares of age) tooke vpon him the rule of the kingdome of
 Northumberland, gouerning the same with great trouble for the space of
 28 yeares, being sore vexed by the foresaid Penda king of Mercia and
 his people, which as yet were pagans. In the first yeare of his
 [Sidenote: 644.]
 reigne, which was in the yeare of our Lord 644. Pauline the bishop of
 Rochester which had beene also archbishop of Yorke departed this life,
 and then one Thamar an Englishman of the parties of Kent was ordeined
 bishop of Rochester by Honorius the archbishop of Canturburie. King
 Oswie had one Oswin partener with him in gouernment of the Northumbers
 in the first beginning of his reigne, which was sonne to Osrike, so
 [Sidenote: Bernicia.]
 that Oswie gouerned in Bernicia, and Oswin in Deira, continuing in
 perfect friendship for a season, till at length, through the counsell
 of wicked persons, that coueted nothing so much as to sowe discord and
 variance betwixt princes, they fell at debate, and so began to make
 warres one against an other, so that finallie when they were at point
 to haue tried their quarrell in open battell, Oswin perceiuing that he
 had not an armie of sufficient force to incounter with Oswie, brake vp
 his campe at Wilfaresdowne, ten mile by west the towne of Cataracton,
 and after withdrew himselfe onelie with one seruant named Condhere
 vnto the house of earle Hunwald, whome he tooke to haue béene his
 trustie friend: but contrarie to his expectation, the said Hunwald did
 betraie him vnto Oswie, who by his captaine Edelwine slue the said
 Oswin and his seruant the forsaid Condhere, in a place called
 Ingethling, the 13 kalends of September, in the ninth yeare of his
 [Sidenote: 651.]
 reigne, which was after the birth of our Sauiour 651.

 This Oswin was a goodlie gentleman of person, tall, and beautifull,
 and verie gentle of spéech, ciuill in manners, and verie liberall both
 to high & low, so that he was beloued of all. Such a one he was, to be
 breefe, as bishop Aidan gessed that he should not long continue in
 life, for that the Northumbers were not woorthie of so good and
 vertuous a gouernour. Such humblenesse and obedience he perceiued to
 rest in him towards the law of the Lord, in taking that which was told
 him for his better instruction in good part, that he said, he neuer
 saw before that time an humble king. The same Aidan liued not past 12
 daies after the death of the said Oswin, whome he so much loued,
 departing this world the last daie of August, in the seuenteenth yeare
 after he was ordeined bishop. His bodie was buried in the Ile of
 Lindesferne. After Aidan, one Finan was made bishop in his place, a
 Scotishman also, and of the Ile of Hui, from whence his predecessor
 the foresaid Aidan came, being first a man of religion professed in
 the monasterie there (as some writers doo report.)

 [Sidenote: CENWALCH.]
 [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: 643.]
 In the meane time, after that Kinigils or Cinigilsus king of the
 Westsaxons had reigned 31 yeares, he departed this life Anno 643,
 leauing his kingdome to his sonne Cenwalch or Chenwald, who held the
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 same kingdome the tearme of 30 yeares, or 31 (as some write) in manner
 as his father had doone before him. In the third, or (as others saie)
 in the fift yeare of his reigne, Penda king of Mercia made sharpe
 warre against him, because he had put awaie his wife the sister of the
 said Penda, and in this warre Chenwald was ouercome in battell, &
 driuen out of his countrie, so that he fled vnto Anna king of the
 Eastangles, with whome he remained the space of a yeare, or (as other
 say) thrée yeares, to his great good hap: for before he was growen to
 be an enimie to the christian religion, but now by the wholesome
 admonitions and sharpe rebukes of king Anna, he became a christian,
 and receiued his wife againe into his companie, according to the
 prescript of Gods law, and (to be bréefe) in all things shewed
 himselfe a new man, imbracing vertue, & auoiding vice, so that
 shortlie after (through the helpe of God) he recouered againe his
 kingdome.

 [Sidenote: Agilbertus a bishop.]
 Now when he was established in the same, there came a bishop named
 Agilbertus out of Ireland, a Frenchman borne (but hauing remained in
 Ireland a long time) to reade the scriptures. This Agilbert comming
 into the prouince of the Westsaxons, was gladlie receiued of king
 Chenwald, at whose desire he tooke vpon him to exercise the roome of a
 bishop there: but afterwards, when the said king admitted another
 bishop named Wini, which had béene ordeined in France, and knew the
 toong better than Agilbert, as he that was borne in England: Agilbert
 offended, for that the king had admitted him without making him of
 anie counsell therein, returned into France, and there was made bishop
 of Paris: within a few yeares after, the foresaid Wini was expelled
 also by king Chenwald, who got him into Mercia vnto king Vulfhere, of
 whome he bought the bishoprike of London, which he held during his
 life, and so the countrie of Westsaxon remained long without a bishop,
 till at length the said Agilbert at the request of king Chenwald sent
 to him Elutherius that was his nephue.

 [Sidenote: SIGIBERT.]
 Ye haue heard that after Carpwald, his brother Sigibert succéeded in
 rule of the Eastangles, a man of great vertue and woorthinesse, who
 whilest he remained in France as a banished man, being constrained to
 flée his countrie vpon displeasure that king Redwald bare him, was
 baptised there, and after returning into his countrie, and obteining
 [Sidenote: _Beda lib._ 3. _cap._ 4.]
 at length the kingdome, those things which he had séene well ordered
 in France, he studied to follow the example of the same at home, and
 herevpon considering with himselfe that nothing could more aduance the
 state of the common-wealth of his countrie than learning & knowledge
 in the toongs, began the foundation of certeine schooles, and namelie
 [Sidenote: The vniuersitié of Cambridge founded by king Sigibert.]
 at Cambridge, where children might haue places where to be instructed
 and brought vp in learning vnder appointed teachers, that there might
 be greater numbers of learned men trained vp than before time had
 béene within this land, to the furtherance of true religion and
 vertue.

 So that England hath good cause to haue in thankfull remembrance this
 noble prince king Sigibert, for all those hir learned men which haue
 bin brought vp & come foorth of that famous vniuersitie of Cambridge,
 the first foundation or rather renouation whereof was thus begun by
 [Sidenote: _Bale_ saith 636.]
 him about the yeare of our Lord 630. At length when this worthie king
 began to grow in age, he considered with himselfe how hard a matter,
 and how painefull an office it was to gouerne a realme as apperteined
 to the dutie of a good king, wherevpon he determined to leaue the
 charge thereof to other of more conuenient yéeres, and to liue from
 [Sidenote: Sigibert resigneth his kingdome to Egricus.]
 thencefoorth a priuat kind of life, and so resigning the
 administration vnto his kinsman Egricus, he became a moonke, and led
 the rest of his life in a certeine abbeie.

 Shortlie after it so came to passe that Penda king of Mercia (that
 cruell ethnike tyrant) made sore warres vpon Egricus, whervpon the
 people of Eastangles compelled Sigibert to come foorth of his
 monasterie, & to go with them into the field against Penda. Sigibert
 being thus constreined against his will, would not put on armour or
 beare anie other kind of weapon, than onelie a wand in his hand in
 steed of a scepter, and so the armie of the Eastangles in hope of good
 spéed by the presence of Sigibert, ioined in battell with their
 enimies, but the Eastangles were finallie vanquished, and the more
 [Sidenote: Sigibert and Egricus slaine.]
 part of them slaine, togither with Sigibert and his coosen Egricus
 their king. This happened in the yere after the birth of our Sauiour
 [Sidenote: 652.]
 (as some haue noted) 652.

 [Sidenote: _Baleus._]
 [Sidenote: _Beda lib._ 3. _cap._ 19.]
 [Sidenote: Fuersus.]
 In the daies whilest Sigibert as yet ruled the Eastangles, there came
 out of Ireland a deuout person named Furseus, who comming into the
 countrie of the Eastangles, was gladlie receiued of king Sigibert, by
 whose helpe afterwards he builded the abbeie of Cumbreburge, in the
 which Sigibert (as some haue written) when he renounced his kingdome,
 was professed a moonke. Of this Furseus manie things are written, the
 which for briefenesse we ouerpasse. After that Felix the bishop of the
 Eastangles was dead, one Thomas was ordeined in his place, who after
 he had béene bishop fiue yéeres, died, and then one Beretgils was
 ordeined in his roome by Honorius the archbishop of Canturburie. The
 said Honorius himselfe when he had run the race of his naturall life,
 [Sidenote: 653.]
 deceassed also the last of September in the yéere of our Lord 653.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Anna king of Eastangles is slaine by Penda king of Mercia, his
 brother succeeding him is slaine also by Oswie king of Northumberland,
 the Mercians or Middleangles receiue the faith vnder vertuous Peda
 their prince, he requesteth Alchfled the king of Northumberlands
 daughter in mariage, he is baptised by bishop Finnan, by whose meanes
 the Eastsaxons imbraced christian religion vnder Sigibert their king,
 he is murthered of two brethren that were his kinsmen vpon a conceiued
 hatred against him for his good and christian life, how dangerous it
 is to keepe companie with an excommunicate person, the authoritie of a
 bishop._

 THE XXXJ CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: Anna.]
 [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._]
 After Egricus succeeded Anna the sonne of Enus in the kingdome of
 Eastangle, and is likewise slaine by Penda king of Mercia, with the
 most part of his armie, as he gaue battell vnto the said Penda that
 inuaded his countrie. He left behind him manie children, but his
 [Sidenote: Edelhere K. of Eastangle.]
 brother Edelhere succéeded him in gouernment of the kingdome, who was
 slaine by Oswie the king of Northumberland, togither with the foresaid
 Penda, and woorthilie, sith he would aid that tyrant which had slaine
 his kinsman and his brother that were predecessors with him in his
 kingdome. After this, when the sée of Canturburie had béene vacant by
 [Sidenote: Deus dedit.]
 the space of one whole yéere and six moneths, one Deus dedit of the
 countrie of the Westsaxons, was elected and consecrated by Ithamar the
 bishop of Rochester, on the 7 kalends of Aprill. He gouerned the
 church of Canturburie by the tearme of nine yéeres, foure moneths, and
 two daies. When he was departed this life, the foresaid Ithamar
 consecrated for him one Damianus of the countrie of Sussex.

 [Sidenote: _Beda hist. eccle. lib._ 3. _cap._ 21.]
 [Sidenote: 653.]
 About this time, the people of Mercia commonlie called Middleangles,
 [Sidenote: Peda or Peada king of Middleangles.]
 receiued the christian faith vnder their king named Peda or Peada, the
 sonne of Penda king of Mercia, who being a towardlie yoong gentleman,
 and woorthie to haue the guiding of a kingdome, his father Penda
 aduanced him to the rule of that kingdome of the Middleangles during
 his owne life. [¶ Héere maie you note, that the kingdome of the
 Middleangles was one, and the kingdome of Mercia another, though most
 commonlie the same were gouerned by one king.] This yoong Peda came to
 Oswie king of Northumberland, requiring of him to haue his daughter
 Alchfled in mariage: but when he was informed that he might not haue
 hir except he would become a christian, then vpon hearing the gospell
 preached, with the promise of the celestiall ioies and immortalitie,
 by the resurrection of the flesh in the life to come, he said that
 whether he had king Oswies daughter to wife or not, he would suerlie
 be baptised, and chieflie he was persuaded therevnto by his kinsman
 Alchfrid, who had in mariage his sister the daughter of Penda name
 Cimburgh.

 [Sidenote: Ad murum.]
 Wherefore he was baptised by bishop Finnan, with all those which came
 thither with him at a place called At the wall, and taking with him
 foure priests which were thought méete to teach and baptise his
 people, he returned with great ioy into his owne countrie. The names
 of those priests were as followeth, Cedda, Adda, Betti, and Diuna, of
 the which, the last was a Scot by nation, and the other were
 Englishmen. These priests comming into the prouince of the
 Middleangles, preached the woord, and were well heard, so that dailie
 a great number of the nobilitie & communaltie renouncing the filthie
 dregs of idolatrie, were christned. Neither did king Penda forbid the
 preaching of the gospell within his prouince of Mercia, but rather
 hated and despised those whome he knew to haue professed themselues
 [Sidenote: The saieng of king Penda.]
 christians, and yet shewed not the woorks of faith, saieng, that
 "Those were wretches and not to be regarded, which would not obeie
 their God in whome they beléeued." This alteration of things began,
 about two yéeres before the death of king Penda.

 [Sidenote: _Beda lib._ 3. _cap._ 22.]
 About the same time, the Eastsaxons at the instance of Oswie king of
 Northumberland, receiued eftsoones the faith which they had renounced,
 when they banished their bishop Melitus. Ye haue heard that Serred,
 Siward, and Sigibert brethren, and the sonnes of king Sabert (which
 brethren occasioned the reuolting of that prouince from the faith of
 Christ) were slaine in battell by the kings of Westsaxon, after whome
 succéeded Sigibert surnamed the little sonne to the middlemost brother
 Siward, as some write. This Sigibert the litle left the kingdome to an
 other Sigibert that was sonne to one Sigebald the brother of king
 Sabert, which second Sigibert reigned as king in that prouince of the
 Eastsaxons, being a most especiall friend of king Oswie, so that
 oftentimes he repaired into Northumberland to visit him, whervpon king
 Oswie ceassed not most earnestlie at times conuenient to exhort him to
 receiue the faith of Iesus Christ, and in the end by such effectuall
 [Sidenote: King Sigibert receiued the faith.]
 persuasions as he vsed, Sigibert gaue credit to his woords, and so
 being conuerted, receiued the sacrament of baptisme by the hands of
 bishop Finnan, at the kings house called, At the wall, so named,
 bicause it was built néere to the wall which the Romans had made
 ouerthwart the Ile, as is often before remembred, being twelue miles
 distant from the east sea.

 [Sidenote: This was about the yéere 649, as
 _Matth. West._ hath noted.]
 King Sigibert hauing now receiued the Christian faith, when he should
 returne into his countrie, required king Oswie to appoint him certeine
 instructors and teachers which might conuert his people to the faith
 of Christ. King Oswie desirous to satisfie his request, sent vnto the
 prouince of the Middleangles, calling from thence that vertuous man
 [Sidenote: Cedda.]
 Cedda, and assigning vnto him another priest to be his associat, sent
 them vnto the prouince of the Eastsaxons, there to preach the
 christian faith vnto the people. And when they had preached & taught
 through the whole countrie, to the great increase and inlarging of the
 church of Christ, it chanced on a time that Cedda returned home into
 Northumberland to conferre of certeine things with bishop Finnan which
 [Sidenote: Ced or Cedda bishop of the Eastsaxons.]
 kept his sée at Lindesferne, where vnderstanding by Cedda the great
 fruits which it had pleased God to prosper vnder his hands, in
 aduancing the faith among the Eastsaxons, he called to him two other
 bishops, and there ordeined the foresaid Cedda bishop of the
 Eastsaxons.

 Héerevpon, the same Cedda returned vnto his cure, went forward with
 more authoritie to performe the woorke of the Lord, & building
 churches in diuerse places, ordeined priests and deacons which might
 helpe him in preaching, and in the ministerie of baptising, speciallie
 [Sidenote: Tilberie.]
 in the citie of Ithancester vpon the riuer of Pent, and likewise in
 Tileburge on the riuer of Thames. Whilest Ced was thus busie to the
 great comfort and ioy of the king and all his people, in the setting
 forward of the christian religion with great increase dailie
 procéeding, it chanced thorough the instigation of the deuill, the
 common enimie of mankind, that king Sigibert was murthered by two of
 his owne kinsmen who were brethren, the which when they were examined
 of the cause that should mooue them to that wicked fact, they had
 nothing to alledge, but that they did it bicause they had conceiued an
 hatred against the king, for that he was too fauourable towards his
 enimies, and would with great mildnesse of mind forgiue iniuries
 committed against him: such was the kings fault for the which he was
 murthered, bicause he obserued the commandements of the gospell with a
 deuout hart.

 Notwithstanding, in this his innocent death, his offense was punished,
 wherein he had suerlie transgressed the lawes of the church. For
 whereas one of them which slue him kept a wife, whome he had
 vnlawfullie maried, and refused to put hir away at the bishops
 admonition, he was by the bishop excommunicated, and all other of the
 christian congregation commanded to absteine from his companie. This
 notwithstanding, the king being desired of him came to his house to a
 banket, and in his comming from thence met with the bishop, whome when
 the king beheld, he waxed afraid, and alighted from his horsse, and
 fell downe at his féet, beséeching him of pardon for his offense. The
 bishop, which also was on horssebacke likewise alighted, and touching
 the king with his rod which he had in his hand, as one something
 [Sidenote: The authoritie of a bishop.]
 displeased, and protesting as in the authoritie of a bishop, spake
 these words; "Bicause (saith he) thou wouldst not absteine from
 entring the house of that wicked person being accurssed, thou shalt
 die in the same house:" and so it came to passe.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Suidhelme king of the Eastsaxons, he is baptised, the bishoplike
 exercises of Ced in his natiue countrie of Northumberland; Ediswald K.
 of Deira reuerenceth him, the kings deuout mind to further and inlarge
 religion; the maner of consecrating a place appointed for a holie vse;
 the old order of fasting in Lent, bishop Ced dieth; warre betweene
 Oswie and Penda, Oswie maketh a vow to dedicate his daughter a
 perpetuall virgine to God if he got the victorie, he obteineth his
 request and performeth his vow, she liueth, dieth, and is buried in a
 monasterie, the benefit insuing Oswies conquest ouer his enimies, the
 first second and third bishops of Mercia, the victorious proceeding of
 king Oswie; prince Peado his kinsman murthered of his wife._

 THE XXXIJ CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: SUIDHELME. _Beda lib._ 3. _cap._ 22.]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 After Sigbert succeeded Suidhelme in the kingdome of the Eastsaxons,
 he was the son of Sexbald, and baptised of Ced in the prouince of the
 Eastangles, at a place of the kings there called Rendlessham. Ediswald
 king of the Eastangles (the brother of king Anna) was his godfather at
 the fontstone. Ced the bishop of the Eastsaxons vsed oftentimes to
 [Sidenote: _Beda lib._ 3. _cap._ 23.]
 visit his countrie of Northumberland where he was borne, and by
 preaching exhorted the people to godlie life. Whervpon it chanced that
 king Ediswald the son of king Oswald which reigned in the parties of
 Deira, mooued with the fame of his vertuous trade of liuing, had him
 in great reuerence: and therefore vpon a good zeale and great
 deuotion, willed him to choose foorth some plot of ground where he
 might build a monasterie, in the which the king himselfe and others
 might praie, heare sermons the oftener, and haue place where to burie
 the dead. The bishop consenting to the kings mind, at length espied a
 place amongst high and desert mounteins, where he began the foundation
 of a monasterie, afterwards called Lestinghem.

 Wherefore meaning first of all to purge the place with praier &
 fasting, he asked leaue of the king that he might remaine there all
 the Lent, which was at hand, and so continuing in that place for that
 [Sidenote: The maner of the old fast.]
 time, fasted euerie daie (sundaie excepted) from the morning vntill
 euening, according to the maner, nor receiued anie thing then but
 onlie a little bread, and a hens eg, with a little milke mixt with
 water: for he said that this was the custome of them of whome he had
 learned the forme of his regular order, that they should consecrate
 those places vnto the Lord with praier and fasting, which they latelie
 had receiued to make in the same either church or monasterie.

 And when there remained ten daies of Lent yet to come, he was sent for
 to the king: wherefore he appointed a brother which he had, being also
 a priest named Cimbill, to supplie his roome, that his begun religious
 woorke should not be hindered for the kings businesse. Now when the
 time was accomplished, he ordeined a monasterie there, appointing the
 [Sidenote: Lindisferne holie Iland.]
 moonks of the same to liue after the rules of them of Lindesferne
 where he was brought vp. Finallie this bishop Ced comming vnto this
 monasterie afterwards by chance in time of a sicknesse, died there,
 and left that monasterie to the gouernance of another brother which he
 had named Ceadda, that was after a bishop, as afterwards shall be
 shewed. There were foure brethren of them, and all priests, Ced,
 Cimbill, Ceulin, and Ceadda, of the which Ced and Ceadda were bishops,
 as before is said.

 [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 3. _cap._ 24.]
 About the same time, Oswie king of Northumberland was sore oppressed
 by the warres of Penda king of Mercia, so that he made great offers of
 high gifts, and great rewards vnto the said Penda for peace, but Penda
 refused the same, as he that meant vtterlie to haue destroied the
 whole nation of Oswies people, so that Oswie turning himselfe to seeke
 [Sidenote: War betwéene king Oswie & king Penda.]
 helpe at the hands of the almightie, said: If the pagan refuse to
 receiue the gifts which we offer, let us make offer vnto him that
 knoweth how to accept them: and so binding himselfe by vow, promised
 that if he might obtein victorie, he would offer his daughter to be
 dedicate to the Lord in perpetuall virginitie: and further would giue
 twelue manors, lordships or farmes to the building of monasteries: and
 so with a small armie he put himselfe in hazard of battell.

 It is said that Penda had thirtie companies of men of warre, furnished
 with thirtie noble capteins or coronels, against whome came Oswie with
 his sonne Alchfrid, hauing but a small armie, but confirmed yet with
 hope in Christ Iesus. His other son Ecgfrid remained in hostage at
 that time with quéene Cinnise. Edilwald the sonne of Oswald that
 gouerned Deira, & ought to haue aided Oswie, was on the part of Penda
 against his countrie, and against his vncle, but in time of the fight
 he withdrew himselfe aside, to behold what chance would follow. The
 [Sidenote: The victorie of the Northumbers.]
 battell being begun, the thirtie pagan capteins were ouerthrowne and
 put to flight, and those that came to aid Penda were almost all
 slaine, among whome was Edilhere king of the Eastangles, that reigned
 after his brother Anna, and was the procurer of this warre. This
 battell was fought néere to the water of Inwet, the which being risen
 as then by reason of great raine, drowned more of the enimies than
 died of the Northumbers swoords.

 After that Oswie had obteined this victorie, he performed promise in
 bestowing his daughter to the profession of virginitie, and also gaue
 the twelue manors, whereof six were in Deira, and six in Bernicia,
 [Sidenote: Elfled.]
 containing euerie of them ten housholds a péece. Elfled also king
 [Sidenote: Herteshey saith _Matt. West._]
 [Sidenote: Hilda.]
 Oswies daughter was professed in the monasterie of Herthew, where one
 Hilda was abbesse, which Hilda purchasing a lordship of ten housholds
 in Streanshall, now called Whitbie, builded a monasterie there, in the
 which first the said Elfled was a nouice, and after a ruler, till at
 length being of the age of fortie yéeres she departed this life, and
 was buried there, and so likewise was hir mother Eufled, and hir
 grandfather Edwin, with manie other high estates within the church of
 saint Peter the apostle. The victorie aboue mentioned got by king
 [Sidenote: Loides.]
 Oswie in the countrie of Loides on the 17 kalends of December, & in
 the thirtenth yéere of his reigne, happened to the great commoditie
 and gaine of both the people, for by the same he deliuered his
 countrie of Northumberland from the cruell destruction made in the
 same by the pagan people of Mercia, and conuerted those pagans
 themselues, and the countries néere adioining to them wholie vnto the
 faith of Iesus Christ.

 [Sidenote: The first bishop of Mercia.]
 The first bishop in the prouince of Mercia, and also of Lindesferne
 and the Middleangles was one Diuma, who died amongst the Middleangles.
 The second was Cellach, the which leauing his bishoprike returned into
 Scotland, for they were both of the nation of the Scots. The third was
 an Englishman named Trumhere, but instructed and ordeined of the
 Scots. He was abbat of the monasterie of Ingethlingum, being builded
 in that place where king Oswin was slaine (as before is mentioned.)
 For quéene Eufled that was his kinswoman got of hir husband king Oswie
 a place there for the foresaid Trumhere to build that abbeie vpon.

 [Sidenote: The victorious procéeding of king Oswie.]
 King Oswie hauing slaine king Penda, gouerned the people of Mercia,
 and also other of the south prouinces, & subdued a great part of the
 Pictish nation to the English dominion. About the same time king Oswie
 gaue vnto Peada the son of king Penda (bicause he was his kinsman) the
 [Sidenote: Southmercia.]
 countrie of the Southmercies, conteining 5000 housholds, and separated
 [Sidenote: Northmercia.]
 [Sidenote: 659.]
 from the Northmercies by the riuer Trent. The countrie of the
 Northmercies conteined in those daies 7000 housholds. But Peada in the
 next spring was wickedlie murthered through the treason of his wicked
 wife (as was said) in the feast of Easter.
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The dukes of Mercia rebell against Oswie, recouer their owne bounds,
 and create Wulfhere their king; Cenwald king of the Westsaxons
 fighteth with the Britaines and preuaileth, he is vanquished by
 Wulfhere; Adelwold king of Sussex hath the Ile of Wight giuen him, and
 why; succession of Edelher, Edelwald, and Aldulfe in the kingdome of
 Eastangles; Colman a Scot first made bishop of Northumberland,
 controuersie about the obseruation of Easter, about bald crownes or
 shauing the haire, superstition punished by God, Ceadda bishop of
 Yorke, his course of life and diligence in his office commended;
 Egbert king of Kent, the see of Canturburie void, the preferment
 thereto refused, Theodore a moonke supplieth the roome at the popes
 appointment, all the English clergie obey him as their head, his
 visitation and reformation, singing vsed in churches, Theodore and
 Adrian woorthilie praised, English men happie, glasiers first brought
 into this Iland._

 THE XXXIIJ CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 3. _cap._ 24.]
 After three yeeres were complet, next ensuing the death of king Penda,
 the dukes of the countrie of Mercia, Immin, Eaba, and Eadbert rebelled
 against king Oswie, aduancing one Wulfhere a yoong gentleman the sonne
 of Peda, and brother to Peada, whom they had kept in secret to be
 their king, and expelling the lieutenants of king Oswie, they
 recouered both their owne confines and libertie withall, and so liuing
 in fréedome with their owne naturall king the foresaid Vulfhere, they
 also continued with glad hearts in seruice of the celestiall king our
 God and Sauior.

 [Sidenote: VULFHERE.]
 [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 3. _cap._ 24.]
 This Vulfhere gouerned the Mercies seuentéene yeares, the which
 Mercies (during the reigne of the said Vulfhere) had foure bishops
 successiuelie gouerning the church of that prouince one after another,
 as the aboue mentioned Trumhere, Iaroman, Ceadda, and Winfrid, as
 hereafter shall more at large appeare.

 [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 About the beginning of king Vulfheres reigne, that is to say, in the
 seuentéenth yeare of the reigne of Chenwald king of the Westsaxons,
 the same Chenwald fought with the Britains at Pennum, where the
 Britains being assembled in great number, proudlie incountred with the
 Englishmen, and at the first put them to the woorst, but when the
 Englishmen would in no wise giue ouer, but did sticke to their tackle,
 [Sidenote: The Britains put to flight by Chenwald.]
 at length the Britains were put to flight, so that the posteritie of
 Brute receiued that day an incurable wound. But within thrée yeares
 after, that is, in the ninetéenth yeare of the reigne of the said
 Chenwald, he had not the like lucke in battell against the foresaid
 Vulfhere king of Mercia, as he had before against the Britains, for
 [Sidenote: Chenwald vanquished by Vulfhere.]
 the said Vulfhere vanquishing him in the field, passed through this
 countrie with a great armie vnto the Ile of Wight, which he conquered,
 [Sidenote: Adelwold of Sussex.]
 and deliuered it vnto Adelwold king of Sussex, as a gift at that time,
 when he receiued him at the fontstone after he had conuerted him to
 the faith. He gaue vnto Adelwold that Ile, to the end he should cause
 the people there to receiue the faith and religion of Christ. Now
 after that Edelhere king of Eastangles was slaine, as before is
 mentioned, his brother Edelwald succéeded him in that kingdome,
 reigning as king thereof by the space of nine yeares. Then after
 Edelwald succéeded Aldulfe the son of Edelhere in gouernment of that
 kingdome, and reigned 25 yeares.

 [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 3. _cap._ 24.]
 After Finan bishop of the Northumbers that held his see at
 [Sidenote: Colman ordeined bishop.]
 Lindesferne, as Aidan did before him, one Colman was ordeined bishop,
 a Scot borne, and an earnest obseruer of the customes vsed amongest
 them of his nation, so that when the controuersie began to be reuiued
 [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 3. _cap._ 25.]
 for the holding of the feast of Easter, he would by no meanes yéeld to
 them that would haue perswaded him to haue followed the rite of the
 Romane church. There was a great disputation kept about this matter,
 and other things, as shauing or cutting of heares, and such like in
 the monasterie of Whitbie, at the which king Oswie and his sonne
 Alcfrid were present, where Colman for his part alledged the custome
 of Iohn the euangelist, and of Anatholius; and the contrarie side
 brought in proofe of their opinion, the custome of Peter and Paule. At
 length, when bishop Colman perceiued that his doctrine was not so much
 regarded, as he thought of reason it ought to haue béene, he returned
 into Scotland with those, which taking part with him, refused to
 obserue the feast of Easter according to the custome of the church of
 [Sidenote: Controuersie about shauing of crownes.]
 [Sidenote: _Cap._ 6.]
 [Sidenote: 664.]
 Rome, nor would haue their crownes shauen, about which point no small
 reasoning had béene kept. This disputation was holden in the yeare of
 our Lord 664, and in the yeare of the reigne of king Oswie 22, and 30
 yeare after the Scotishmen began first to beare the office of bishops
 within Northumberland, which was (as W. Harison saith) 624. For Aidan
 gouerned 17 yeares, Finan 10 yeares, & Colman 3 yeares. After that
 [Sidenote: Tuda ordeined bishop.]
 Colman was returned into his countrie, one Tuda that had béene brought
 vp amongest the Southerne Scots, and ordeined bishop by them,
 succéeded in his roome, hauing his crowne shauen, and obseruing the
 feast of Easter according to the custome of the prouince and rite of
 [Sidenote: _Cap._ 27.]
 [Sidenote: An eclipse. Punishment of God for yelding to superstition.]
 the Romane church. ¶ The same yeare, there chanced a great eclipse of
 the sunne, the third of Maie about 10 of the clocke in the day. A
 great dearth and mortalitie insued, both in all the parties of this
 our Britaine, and likewise in Ireland. Amongest other, the foresaid
 bishop Tuda died, and was buried in the abbeie of Pegnalech. After
 this Tuda, succéeded in gouernement of the church of Lindesferne,
 [Sidenote: Wilfrid bishop.]
 otherwise called Holie Iland, one Wilfrid, which was sent by king
 Alcfrid into France, to be ordeined there.

 About the same time king Oswie, the father of king Alcfrid, mooued
 [Sidenote: _Cap._ 28.]
 with the good example of his sonne, sent Ceadda, the brother of Ced
 sometime bishop of the Eastsaxons into Kent, to be ordeined bishop of
 Yorke, but at his comming into Kent he found that Deus dedit the
 archbishop of Canturburie was dead, and none other as yet ordeined in
 [Sidenote: Ceadda ordeined archbishop of Yorke.]
 his place, so that Ceadda repaired into the prouince of the
 Westsaxons, where he was ordeined by bishop Wini, who tooke two other
 bishops of the British nation vnto him to be his associats, which vsed
 to obserue the feast of Easter contrarie to the custome of the Romane
 church. But there was no other shift, sith none other bishop was then
 canonicallie ordeined in the prouince of the Westsaxons in those
 daies, this Wini onlie excepted, and therefore was he constreined to
 take such as he might get and prouide.

 After that Ceadda was thus ordeined, he began forthwith to follow the
 true rules of the church, liued right chastlie, shewed himselfe humble
 and continent, applied his studie to reading, and trauelled abroad on
 foot and not on horssebacke through the countries, townes, and
 villages, to preach the word of God. He was the disciple of Aidan, and
 coueted by his example, and also by the example of Ced, to instruct
 his hearers with the like dooings & maners as he had knowen them to
 doo. Wilfrid also being consecrated bishop, and returned into England,
 indeuored to plant the orders of the Romane church in the churches of
 England, whereby it came to passe, that the Scots which inhabited
 amongst the Englishmen, were constreined either to follow the same, or
 else to returne into their owne countrie.


 [Sidenote: EGBERT king of Kent.]
 In this meane time, king Ercombert being departed this life, after he
 had gouerned the Kentishmen by the space of twentie yeares, his sonne
 Egbert succéeded him in the kingdome, and reigned nine yeares. There
 is little remembrance of his dooings, which in that short time were
 not much notable, except ye will ascribe the comming into this land of
 the archbishop Theodorus, and the abbat Adrian vnto his glorie, which
 chanced in his time. For in the yeare of the great eclipse and sore
 mortalitie that insued, it chanced that both king Ercombert, & the
 archbishop Deus dedit departed this life, so that the see of
 Canturburie was void a certeine time, in so much that king Egbert, who
 [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 3. _cap._ 9.]
 succéeded his father Ercombert, togither with king Oswie, did send one
 [Sidenote: Wighart.]
 Wighart a priest of good reputation for his excellent knowledge in the
 scriptures, vnto Rome, with great gifts and rich vessels of gold and
 siluer, to be presented vnto the pope, requiring him that he would
 ordeine the foresaid Wighart archbishop of Canturburie, to haue rule
 of the English church. But this Wighart comming vnto Rome, and
 declaring his message vnto Vitalianus then gouerning the church of
 Rome, immediatlie after he died of the pestilence (that then reigned
 in that citie) with all those that came with him.

 [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 4 _cap._ 1.]
 [Sidenote: _Adrian._]
 The pope then taking aduice whome he might ordeine vnto the sée of
 Canturburie, being thus destitute of an archbishop, appointed a moonke
 named Adrian to take that office vpon him, but Adrian excused himselfe
 as not sufficient for such a roome, and required the pope to appoint
 one Andrew a moonke also, wherevnto the pope consented. But when
 Andrew was preuented by death, eftsoones Adrian should haue béene made
 archbishop, but that he named one Theodore an other moonke that abode
 as then in Rome, but was borne in the citie of Tharsus in Cilicia,
 verie well learned both in the Greeke and Latine, and being of
 reuerend yeares, as of 76. This Theodore by the presentment of Adrian,
 was appointed to be ordeined archbishop of Canturburie, with
 condition, that Adrian should neuerthelesse attend vpon him into
 England, both for that he had béene twise before this time in France,
 and so knew the coasts; and againe, for that he might assist him in
 all things, and looke well to the matter, that Theodore should not
 bring into the church of England anie rite or custome of the Gréekes,
 contrarie to the vse of the Romane church. Theodore being first
 ordeined subdeacon, tarried foure moneths till his heare was growen,
 that he might haue his crowne shauen after the maner of Peter. For he
 was rounded or shauen after the maner of the East church, which was as
 they persuaded themselues, according to the vse of saint Paule the
 [Sidenote: Theodore ordeined archbishop of Canturburie.]
 [Sidenote: 668.]
 apostle. And so at length was this Theodore ordeined archbishop of
 Canturburie by pope Vitalianus in the yeare of our Lord 668, the sixt
 kalends of June, and with Adrian sent into Britaine.

 These with their retinue came to France, and being come thither,
 shortlie after king Egbert had knowledge thereof: wherevpon with all
 conuenient spéed he sent ouer one of his nobles named Redfrid to bring
 the archbishop into England, and so he did: but Adrian was staied for
 a time, because he was suspected to haue had some commission from the
 emperour to haue practised with the Englishmen, for the disquieting of
 the realme of France. Howbeit, after it was perceiued that this
 suspicion was grounded on no truth, he was also suffered to follow the
 archbishop, and so comming vnto Canturburie, he was made abbat of the
 monasterie of saint Augustines. The archbishop Theodore came thus vnto
 his church of Canturburie in the second yeare after his consecration,
 about the second kalends of June, being sundaie. He gouerned the same
 church also 21 yeares and 16 daies, and was the first archbishop to
 whome all the churches of England did acknowledge their obeisance.

 Being accompanied with the foresaid Adrian, he visited all the parts
 of this land, ordeined bishops and ministers in churches where he
 thought conuenient, and reformed the same churches as séemed to him
 néedfull, as well in other things which he misliked, as also in
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Cest._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 causing them to obserue the feast of Easter, according to the right
 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 and vsage of the church of Rome. Ceadda that was bishop of Yorke,
 because he was not lawfullie ordeined, as he himselfe confessed, was
 remoued from the sée of Yorke, and Wilfrid was therevnto restored, so
 that Ceadda (though he were not disgraded of his degrée of bishop)
 liued yet a priuat kind of life, till he was admitted bishop of
 Mercia, as after shall be shewed. Also whereas before time there was
 in maner no singing in the English churches, except it were in Kent,
 [Sidenote: Singing in churches brought in vse.]
 now they began in euerie church to vse singing of diuine seruice after
 the rite of the church of Rome. The archbishop Theodore finding the
 [Sidenote: Putta bishop of Rochester.]
 church of Rochester void by the death of the last bishop named Damian,
 ordeined one Putta a simple man in worldlie matters, but well
 instructed in ecclesiasticall discipline, and namelie well séene in
 song and musicke to be vsed in the church after the maner as he had
 learned of pope Gregories disciples.

 [Sidenote: The worthie praise of Theodore and Adrian.]
 To be bréefe, the archbishop Theodore, and the abbat Adrian deserued
 great commendation in this, that whereas they were notablie well
 learned themselues in the Greeke and the Latine toongs, and also had
 good knowledge as well in the liberall arts, as in the scripture, they
 tooke great paines to traine vp scholers in knowledge of the same, so
 [Sidenote: Englishmen happy and why.]
 that the Englishmen had not seene more happie times than in those
 daies, hauing as then kings of great puissance, so as strangers stood
 in feare of them; and againe, those that coueted learning, had
 instructors at hand to teach them, by reason whereof diuers being
 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 giuen to studie, prooued excellent both in knowledge of the Gréeke and
 Latine. There came in companie of the said archbishop from Rome, an
 [Sidenote: Benedict or Benet surnamed Biscop.]
 English man named Benedict Biscop, which had taken vpon him the habit
 of a moonke in Italie, and now returning into his countrie, builded
 two abbeis, the one named Wiremouth, because it was placed at the
 mouth of the riuer of Wire, and the other Girwie, distant from
 Wiremouth about fiue miles, and from the towne of Newcastle foure
 [Sidenote: 670.]
 miles, situated neere to the mouth of Tine. Wiremouth was built in the
 yeare 670, and Girwie in the yeare 673. There were a 600 moonks found
 [Sidenote: Glasiers first brought into England.]
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Cest._]
 in those two houses, and gouerned vnder one abbat. The said Benedict
 was the first that brought glasiers, painters, and other such curious
 craftsmen into England. He went fiue times to Rome, and came againe.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Sighere and Sebbie associats reigne ouer the Eastsaxons, the one
 falleth from, the other cleaueth to the faith, Vulfhere king of Mercia
 sendeth bishop Iaroman to redresss that apostasie of the prince and
 the people, Cead bishop of Mercia, the king of that countrie hath him
 in hie reputation, Egfrid king of Northumberland, a synod of bishops
 holden at Herford, articles propounded out of the canons by Theodore
 archbishop of Canturburie, Bisi unable to discharge his episcopall
 office, a remedie therefore; Kenwalke of a very euill prince becometh
 a verie good ruler, his wife gouerneth the kingdome after his death,
 Escuius succeedeth hir in the roome, of Thunnir a murtherer king
 Egberts principall vicegerent, bishop Winfrid deposed for
 disobedience, Sebbie king of the Eastsaxons a professed moonke, his
 death._

 THE XXXIIIJ CHAPTER.


 About the same time, after that Suidhelme king of the Eastsaxons was
 dead, Sighere the son of Sigbert the little, and Sebbie the son of
 Suward succéeded him in gouernement of that kingdome, albeit they were
 [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 3. _cap._ 30.]
 subiect vnto Vulfhere the king of Mercia. Sighere in that time, when
 the great mortalitie reigned, renounced the faith of Christ, with that
 part of the people which he had in gouernement, for both the same
 Sighere and others of his chiefest lords, and also part of his commons
 louing this life, and not regarding the life to come, began to repaire
 their idolish churches, and fell to the worshipping of idols, as
 though thereby they should haue beene defended from that mortalitie.
 But his associat Sebbie with great deuotion continued stedfast in the
 faith which he had receiued.

 King Vulfhere being informed of Seghers apostasie, and how the people
 in his part of the prouince of Eastsaxons were departed from the
 [Sidenote: Bishop Iaruman or Iaroman.]
 faith, sent thither bishop Iaruman or Iaroman, that was successour
 vnto Trumhere, which vsed such diligence and godlie meanes, that he
 reduced the said king and all his people vnto the right beliefe, so as
 the idolish synagogs were destroied, and the idols also with their
 altars quite beaten downe, the Christian churches againe set open, and
 the name of Christ eftsoones called vpon amongest the people, coueting
 now rather to die in him with hope of resurrection in the world to
 come, than to liue in the seruice of idols, spotted with the filth of
 errors and false beleefe. And thus when bishop Iaroman had
 accomplished the thing for the which he was sent, he returned into
 Mercia.

 After this, when the said Iaroman was departed this life, king
 Vulfhere sent vnto the archbishop Theodorus, requiring him to prouide
 the prouince of the Mercies of a new bishop. Theodorus not minding to
 ordeine anie new bishop at that time, required Oswie king of
 Northumberland, that Bishop Cead might come into Mercia to exercise
 the office of bishop there. This Cead liued as it were a priuat life
 at that time in his monasterie of Lestingham, for Wilfrid held the
 bishoprike of Yorke, extending his authoritie ouer all Northumberland
 & amongest the Picts also, so farre as king Oswies dominion stretched.
 Therefore Cead hauing licence to go into Mercia, was gladlie receiued
 of king Vulfhere, and well enterteined, in so much that the said king
 gaue vnto him lands and possessions conteining 50 families or
 housholds to build a monasterie in a certeine place within the
 countrie of Lindsey called Etbearne. But the sée of his bishoprike was
 assigned to him at Lichfield in Staffordshire, where he made him a
 house néere to the church, in the which he with 7 or 8 other of his
 brethren in religion vsed in an oratorie there to praie and reade, so
 often as they had leasure from labour and businesse of the world.
 Finallie, after he had gouerned the church of Mercia by the space of
 two yeares and an halfe, he departed this life, hauing 7 daies warning
 giuen him (as it is reported) from aboue, before he should die, after
 a miraculous maner, which because in the iudgement of the most it may
 séeme méere fabulous, we will omit and passe ouer. His bodie was first
 buried in the church of our ladie, but after that the church of saint
 Peter the apostle were builded, his bones were translated into the
 same.

 [Sidenote: 671.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 In the yeare of our Lord 671, which was the second yeare after that
 Theodorus the archbishop came into this land, Oswie king of
 Northumberland was attacked with a grieuous sicknesse, and died
 thereof the 15 kalends of March, in the 58 yeare of his age, after he
 had reigned 28 yeares complet.

 [Sidenote: EGFRID.]
 [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 4. _cap._ 5.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: 673.]
 After Oswie, his sonne Egfrid succéeded in rule of the kingdome of
 Northumberland, in the third yeare of whose reigne, that is to say, in
 the yeare of our Lord 673, Theodorus the archbishop of Canturburie
 [Sidenote: A synod holden at Herford.]
 kept a synod at Herford, the first session whereof began the 24 of
 September, all the bishops of this land being present either in person
 or by their deputies, as Bisi bishop of Estangle, Wilfrid of
 Northumberland by his deputie Putta bishop of Rochester, Eleutherius
 bishop of Westsaxon, and Wilfrid bishop of Mercia. In the presence of
 [Sidenote: Articles proponed by Theodore.]
 these prelats, the archbishop shewed a booke, wherein he had noted ten
 chapters or articles taken out of the booke of the canons, requiring
 that the same might be receiued.

   1 The first chapter was, that the feast of Easter should be kept
   on the sundaie following the fourtéenth day of the first moneth.

   2 The second, that no bishop should intermedle in an others
   diocesse, but be contented with the cure of his flocke committed
   to him.

   3 The third, that no bishop should disquiet in anie thing anie
   monasterie consecrated to God, nor take by violence anie goods
   that belonged vnto the same.

   4 The fourth, that bishops being moonks should not go from
   monasterie to monasterie, except by sufferance and permission of
   their abbats, & should continue in the same obedience wherein
   they stood before.

   5 The fift, that none of the cleargie should depart from his
   bishop to run into anie other diocesse, nor comming from anie
   other place should be admitted, except he brought letters of
   testimonie with him. But if anie such chanced to be receiued, if
   he refused to returne, being sent for home, both he and his
   receiuer should be excommunicated.

   6 The sixt, that bishops and other of the cleargie being
   strangers shold hold them content with the benefit of
   hospitalitie, & should not take in hand anie priestlie office,
   without licence of the bishop, in whose diocesse he chanced so
   to be remaining.

   7 The seuenth, that twice in the yeare a synod should be kept,
   but because of diuers impediments herein, it was thought good to
   them all, that in the kalends of August a synod should be kept
   once in the yeare, at a certeine place called Cloofeshough.

   8 The eighth chapter was, that no one bishop should by ambition
   séeke to be preferred aboue another, but that euerie one should
   know the time and order of his consecration.

   9 The ninth, that as the number of the christians increased, so
   should there be more bishops ordeined.

   10 The tenth was touching mariages, that none should contract
   matrimonie with anie person, but with such as it should be
   lawfull for him by the orders of the church: none should match
   with their kinsfolke, no man should forsake his wife, except (as
   the gospell teacheth) for cause of fornication. But if anie man
   did put awaie his wife which he had lawfullie married, if he
   would be accounted a true Christian, he might not be coopled
   with an other, but so remaine, or else be reconciled to his owne
   wife.

 These articles, being intreated of and concluded, were confirmed with
 the subscribing of all their hands, so as all those that did go
 against the same, should be disgraded of their priesthood, and
 separated from the companie of them all.

 [Sidenote: Bisi bishop of the Eastangles.]
 The forsaid Bisi that was bishop of the Eastangles, and present at
 this synod, was sucessor unto Bonifacius, which Bonifacius held that
 sée 17 yéeres, and then departing this life, Bisi was made bishop of
 that prouince, and ordeined by the archbishop Theodore. This Bisi at
 length was so visited with sicknesse, that he was not able to exercise
 the ministration, so that two bishops were then & there elected and
 consecrated for him, the one named Aecci, and the other Baldwin.

 [Sidenote: 672.]
 In this meane while, that is, about the yéere of our Lord 672, or
 in the beginning of 673, as Harison noteth, Kenwalch king of the
 Westsaxons departed this life, after he had reigned  30 yéeres. This
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West. de reg. lib._ 1.]
 Kenwalch was such a prince, as in the beginning he was to be compared
 with the woorst kind of rulers, but in the middest and later end of
 his reigne, to be matched with the best. His godlie zeale borne
 towards the aduancing of the christian religion well appéered in the
 building of the church at Winchester, where the bishops sée of all
 that prouince was then placed. His wife Segburga ruled the kingdome of
 Westsaxons after him, a woman of stoutnesse inough to haue atchiued
 acts of woorthie remembrance, but being preuented by death yer she had
 reigned one whole yéere, she could not shew anie full proofe of hir
 noble courage. I remember that Matth. West. maketh other report
 heereof, declaring that the nobilitie remooued hir from the
 gouernment. But I rather follow William Malmesburie in this matter.

 [Sidenote: Escuinus.]
 [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._]
 To procéed, after Segburga was departed this life, or deposed (if you
 will néeds haue it so) Escuinus or Elcuinus, whose grandfather called
 Cuthgislo, the brother of K. Kinigils, succéeding in gouernment of the
 Westsaxons, reigned about the space of two yéeres: and after his
 deceasse, one Centiuinus or Centwine tooke vpon him the rule, and
 continued therein the space of nine yeeres. But Beda saith that these
 two ruled at one time, and diuided the kingdom betwixt them. Elcuinus
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 fought against Vulfhere king of Mercia, a great number of men being
 slaine on both parties, though Vulfhere yet had after a maner the
 vpper hand, as some haue written.

 [Sidenote: _Beda lib. & ca. supr. dict._]
 In the same yéere that the synod was holden at Herford, that is to
 say, in the yéere of our Lord 673, Egbert the king of Kent departed
 [Sidenote: Io. Lothaire.]
 this life in Iulie, and left the kingdome to his brother Lothaire,
 which held the same eleuen yéeres, & seuen moneths. Some haue written
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: _Beda. de reg. lib._ 1.]
 that king Egbert by the suggestion of one Thunnir, who had the chiefe
 [Sidenote: Thunnir.]
 [Sidenote: A vile murther.]
 rule of the kingdome vnder him, suffered the same Thunnir in
 lamentable maner to kill the two innocent sonnes of Ermenredus the
 brother of king Ercombert, that was father vnto King Egbert, for doubt
 least they being towardlie yoong gentlemen, might in time grow so into
 fauour with the people, that it should be easie for them to depriue
 both Egbert, and his issue of the kingdome. Also, that they were
 priuilie put to death, and secretlie buried at the first, but the
 place of their buriall immediatlie being shewed after a miraculous
 maner, their bodies long after in the daies of king Egilred the sonne
 of king Edgar, were taken vp, & conueied vnto Ramsey, and there
 buried. And although Egbert being giltie of the death of those his
 coosens, did sore repent him, for that he vnderstood they died
 giltlesse, yet his brother Lothaire was thought to be punished for
 that offense, as after shall be shewed.

 [Sidenote: Bishop Winfrid deposed.]
 [Sidenote: Sexvulfe ordeined bishop of the Mercies.]
 [Sidenote: 685, as _Matth. Westm._ saith.]
 Winfrid bishop of the Mercies, for his disobedience in some point was
 depriued by archbishop Theodore, and one Sexvulfe that was the builder
 and also the abbat of the monasterie Meidhamsted, otherwise called
 Peterborough, was ordeined and consecrated in his place. About the
 [Sidenote: Bishop Erkenwald.]
 same time, Erkenwald was ordeined bishop of the Eastsaxons, and
 appointed to hold his sée in the citie of London. This Erkenwald was
 reputed to be a man of great holinesse and vertue. Before he was made
 bishop, he builded two abbeies, the one of moonks at Chertsey in
 Southerie, where he himselfe was abbat, and the other of nuns at
 [Sidenote: Ethelburga.]
 [Sidenote: _Iohn Capgraue._]
 Berking, within the prouince of the Eastsaxons, where he placed his
 sister Ethelburga, a woman also highlie estéemed for hir deuout kind
 of life. She was first brought vp and instructed in the rules of hir
 profession by one Hildelitha a nun of the parties beyond the seas,
 whome Erkenwald procured to come ouer for that purpose.

 [Sidenote: Waldhere.]
 [Sidenote: Sebbie king of Eastsaxons.]
 [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 4. _cap._ 16.]
 After Erkenwald, one Waldhere was made bishop of London, in whose
 daies Sebbie king of the Eastsaxons, after he had reigned thirtie
 yéeres, being now vexed with a gréeuous sicknesse, professed himselfe
 a moonke: which thing he would haue doone long before, if his wife had
 not kept him backe. He died shortlie after within the citie of London,
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 and was buried in the church of saint Paule. King Sighere, which in
 the beginning reigned with him, and gouerned a part of the Eastsaxons,
 was departed this life before, so that in his latter time, the
 foresaid Sebbie had the gouernment of the whole prouince of the
 Eastsaxons, and left the same to his sonnes Sighard and Sewfred. About
 [Sidenote: 675.]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malmes._]
 [Sidenote: But other affirme that he reigned 17 yéeres.]
 the yéere of our Lord 675, Vulfhere king of Mercia departed this life,
 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 [Sidenote: Peada or rather Weada.]
 after he had reigned (as some say) 19 yéeres, but (as other affirme)
 he reigned but 17 yéeres. Howbeit they which reckon 19, include the
 time that passed after the slaughter of Penda, wherein Oswie and Peada
 held the aforesaid kingdome.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Edilred king of Mercia inuadeth the kingdome of Kent, and maketh
 great waste without resistance of Lothaire the king thereof, Putta of
 a bishop becommeth a poore curat and teacheth musicke, Wilfred deposed
 from his bishoprike by king Egfrid vpon displeasure, he preacheth the
 gospell in Sussex by the licence of king Edilwalke, no raine in Sussex
 for the space of three yeeres, the woord and sacraments bring
 blessings with them; bishop Wilfrid the first teacher to catch fish
 with nets, the people haue him in great reuerence, a great and bloudie
 battell betweene Egfrid & king Edilred, they are reconciled by the
 meanes of archbishop Theodore; a synod holden at Hatfield, the clergie
 subscribe to certeine articles, of Hilda the famous abbesse of
 Whitbie._

 THE XXXV CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: EDILRED.]
 After Vulfhere, his brother Edilred or Ethelred succéeded in
 gouernment of the kingdome of Mercia. This Edilred inuaded the
 [Sidenote: 677.]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 kingdome of Kent with a mightie armie, in the yéere of our Lord 677,
 destroieng the countrie afore him, not sparing churches nor abbeies,
 but spoiling the same without respect, as well as other common places.
 King Lothaire durst not appéere in the field to giue him battell, so
 that Edilred went thorough the countrie, destroied the citie of
 Rochester, and with great riches gotten by the spoile he returned
 home. Putta the bishop of Rochester, after that his church was spoiled
 and defaced by the enimies, went to Sexvulfe bishop of Mercia, and
 there obteining of him a small cure, and a portion of ground, remained
 in that countrie, not once labouring to restore his church of
 Rochester to the former state, but went about in Mercia to teach song,
 and instruct such as would learne musicke, wheresoeuer he was
 required, or could get intertainment.

 Heerevpon the archbishop Theodore consecrated one William bishop of
 Rochester in place of Putta, and after, when the said William
 constreined by pouertie, left that church, Theodore placed one
 [Sidenote: 678.]
 [Sidenote: A blasing star.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 4 _ca._ 12.]
 [Sidenote: Bishop Wifrid banished.]
 Gebmound in his stéed. In the yéere of our Lord 678, in the moneth of
 August, a blasing starre appéered, with a long bright beame like to a
 piller. It was séene euerie morning for the space of thrée moneths
 togither. The same Egfrid king of Northumberland, banished bishop
 Wilfrid vpon displeasure taken with him, out of his sée, and then were
 two bishops ordeined in his place, to gouerne the church of the
 Northumbers, the one named Bosa at Yorke, and the other called Eata at
 [Sidenote: Hagustald.]
 [Sidenote: Hexham.]
 [Sidenote: Eadhidus.]
 [Sidenote: Lindesferne.]
 [Sidenote: Holie Iland.]
 Hagustald or Lindesferne. Also one Eadhidus was ordeined about the
 same time bishop of Lindsey, the which prouince king Egfrid had of
 late conquered and taken from Vulfhere the late king of Mercia, whome
 he ouercame in battell, and droue him out of that countrie. The said
 thrée bishops were consecrated at Yorke by the archbishop of
 Canturburie Theodorus, the which within thrée yéeres after ordained
 two bishops more in that prouince of the Northumbers, that is to say,
 Tumbert at Hagustald, Eata that was appointed to remaine at
 Lindesferne, & Trumuine was ordeined to haue the cure of the prouince
 of those Picts which as then were vnder the English dominion. Also
 bicause Edilred king of Mercia recouered the countrie of Lindsey, and
 ioined it to his dominion, bishop Eadhedus comming from thence, was
 [Sidenote: The church of Rippon.]
 appointed to gouerne the church of Rippon.

 After that bishop Wilfrid was expelled out of his diocesse and
 prouince of the Northumbers, he went to Rome, and returning from
 thence, came into the kingdome of the Southsaxons, the which
 conteining seuen thousand housholds or families, as yet was not
 [Sidenote: Wilfrid by licence of king Edilwalke preacheth the gospel
 to them of Sussex.]
 conuerted to the christian faith. Wherefore the said Wilfrid began
 there to preach the gospell with licence of king Edilwalke, who (as
 before is mentioned) was conuerted and baptised in Mercia by the
 procurement of king Wolfher, that then became his godfather, and gaue
 him at the same time the Ile of Wight, and the prouince of the people
 ancientlie called Meanuari, which he had woon from the Westsaxons.
 Bishop Wilfrid then by king Edilwalke his furtherance and helpe
 baptised the chiefest lords and gentlemen of that prouince. But
 certein priests baptised the residue of the people, either then or in
 the time following.

 [Sidenote: Lacke of raine.]
 ¶ It chanced that for the space of thrée yéeres (as it is said) before
 the comming thither of bishop Wilfrid, there had fallen no raine from
 the aire within that prouince of the Southsaxons, so that the people
 were brought into great miserie by reson of famine, which through want
 of necessarie fruits of the earth sore afflicted the whole countrie,
 insomuch that no small numbers threw themselues hedlong into the sea,
 despairing of life in such lacke of necessarie vittels. But as God
 would, the same day that Wilfrid began to minister the sacrament of
 baptisme, there came downe swéet and plentifull showers of raine, so
 watering the earth, that thereby great store of all fruits
 plentifullie tooke root, and yéelded full increase in growth, to the
 great comfort and reliefe of all the people, which before were in
 maner starued and lost through want of food.

 [Sidenote: Catching of fish with nets.]
 Bishop Wilfrid also taught them in that countrie the maner how to
 catch fish with nets, where before that time, they had no great skill
 in anie kind of fishing, except it were in catching éeles. Hereby the
 said bishop grew there in great estimation with the people, so that
 his words were the better credited amongst them, for that through him
 they receiued so great benefits, God by such meanes working in the
 peoples hearts a desire to come to the vnderstanding of his lawes. The
 king also gaue vnto Wilfrid a place called Sealesew, compassed about
 on each side (except on the west halfe) with the sea, conteining 87
 housholds or families, where he built an abbeie, and baptised all his
 tenants there, amounting to the number of 250 bondmen and bondwomen,
 [Sidenote: Bondmen made trulie free.]
 whome he made frée both in bodie and soule: for he did not onelie
 baptise them, but also infranchised them of all bodilie seruitude and
 bondage.

 In this meane while manie things happened in other parts of this land,
 and first in the yeere after the appéering of the blasing starre
 before mentioned, a mightie battell was fought betwixt the said Egfrid
 and Edilred king of Mercia, néere to the riuer of Trent, where Alswine
 the brother of king Egfrid was slaine, with manie other of the
 Northumbers, so that king Egfrid was constreined to returne home with
 losse. The archbishop of Canturburie Theodorus perceiuing that great
 warre and effusion of bloud was like to follow therevpon, trauelled so
 in the matter betwixt them, that they were made friends, and Egfrid
 had a péece of monie in recompense of his losses. The foresaid battell
 [Sidenote: 679.]
 was fought in the yéere of our Lord 679, and in the yeere following,
 [Sidenote: 680.]
 that is to say, in the yéere of our Lord 680, which was also in the
 tenth yéere of the reigne of Egfrid king of Northumberland, the sixt
 yéere of Edelred king of Mercia, the 17 of Aldvulfe king of
 Eastangles, and in the 7 of Lother king of Kent.

 [Sidenote: A synod at Hatfield.]
 The archbishop of Canturburie Theodorus held another synod at
 Hatfield, about the 15 kalends of October, in the which all the
 [Sidenote: Articles subscribed.]
 clergie there present subscribed to certeine articles touching the
 beléefe of the trinitie of persons, in vnitie of the Godhead of the
 like substance, and also of the same vnitie in trinitie, according to
 the true faith of the church of God. Moreouer, they acknowledged by
 the like subscription, the fiue generall councels, of Nice, of
 Constantinople the first, of Ephesus, of Calcedon, and of
 Constantinople the second, with the synod also holden at Rome in the
 daies of Martin bishop of Rome about the yéere of the emperour
 Constantine. At this synod holden at Hatfield, was present one Iohn
 the archchanter of S. Peters church at Rome, sent into this land of
 purpose to bring from hence a certificat vnto pope Agatho of the
 agréement of the English church in matters of faith, with other
 churches of the christian world: but the foresaid archchanter died by
 the way in France, as he returned homewards, and was buried at Towers
 in Towraine.

 [Sidenote: _Bale._]
 [Sidenote: The abbesse Hilda.]
 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 The same yéere that famous woman Hilda abbesse of Whitbie departed
 this life, or (as other say) fiue yéeres after, hauing first beene
 deteined long with gréeuous sickenesse. She was the daughter of one
 Herrericus the nephue of king Edwin, and conuerted to the faith of
 Christ at the preaching of bishop Pauline, and afterwards instructed
 by bishop Aidan, she professed hirselfe a nun, applieng hir whole
 studie to the reading of the scriptures, to praier, & other godlie
 exercises. She builded the abbeie of Whitbie, wherein were placed both
 men and women, with such an equalitie in all things, that there was no
 [Sidenote: _Bale._]
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Cest._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 rich person amongst them, nor anie that wanted things necessarie. She
 departed this life on the 15 kalends of December, being 66 yéeres of
 age. As some haue written she argued stoutlie on bishop Colmans part,
 at the disputation holden in the monasterie of Whitbie, in the yéere
 [Sidenote: _Henrie Hunt._]
 of Grace 664, whereof ye haue heard before. About the yéere of our
 Lord 682, that is to say, in the seuenth yere of Centwine or
 [Sidenote: The Britains discomfited.]
 Centiuinus king of Westsaxons, the same Centwine fought with the
 Britains, and ouercame them in battell, pursuing them with fire and
 sword vnto the sea side.

 ¶ Thus (at this time as also at diuerse other times) they were
 discomfited and put to flight, being a people allotted and shared out
 as it were to suffer many an ouerthrow, and abide manie a sharpe and
 shamefull repulse at the hands of their enimies, who conuerted the
 distresse of that people to their profit, and tooke pleasure in the
 extreamitie of the miseries wherein they were plunged, as may be
 obserued by the pitifull alteration of their state vnder diuers
 gouernours, and speciallie vnder the Danish dominion, who kept them in
 [Sidenote: _Gorop. in Gota danica lib._ 7. _pag._ 759.]
 no lesse vile seruitude than Pharao did the Hebrues at the making of
 bricke & chopping of straw. So that some thinke this land to be
 corruptlie named Britania, but ought rather to be called Bridania,
 that is, _Libera Dania, siue regio in qua Dani liberè viuant_, for
 they liued as lords in the land, & did (for the time being) what they
 listed. But of this matter more shall be spoken hereafter in place
 conuenient.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Cadwallader king of Britaine, the people are brought into great
 miserie, and he forced to flee the land, he dieth at Rome, the British
 writers noted of error, Ceadwalla king of the Westsaxons, the kingdome
 is diuided; the valorous mind of Ceadwalla, he is forced to forsake
 his countrie, he vanquisheth and killeth Edilwalke king of the
 Westsaxons, his returne into his kingdome with reuenge vpon Berthun
 duke of Sussex and other his heauie friends, his vow if he might
 conquer the Ile of Wight, his bountifull offer to bishop Wilfrid, the
 Ile of Wight receiueth the faith; Ceadwalla inuadeth Kent, of a
 barbarous warriour he becommeth a religious christian, his vertues,
 his death and buriall at Rome; Egfrid king of Northumberland inuadeth
 Ireland, he is slaine by Brudeus king of the Picts; the neglect of
 good counsell is dangerous; Etheldreda a wife and a widow (hauing
 vowed chastitie) liued a virgine 12 yeeres with hir husband Egfride,
 she was called saint Auderie of Elie._

 THE XXXVJ CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: CADWALLADER.]
 But now to returne vnto that which is found in the British histories,
 by the tenor wherof it should appeare, that when their king Cadwallo
 was dead, his son Cadwallader succéeded him in gouernement of the
 [Sidenote: 676 saith _Matth. West._]
 Britains, in the yéere of our Lord 678, which was about the 10 yéere
 of the emperour Constantius Paganotus, and in the 13 yéere of the
 [Sidenote: _Galfrid._]
 reigne of Childericus king of France. This Cadwallader, being the
 sonne of Cadwallo, was begot by him of the halfe sister of Penda king
 of Mercia, for one father begot them both, but of two sundrie mothers,
 for she had to mother a ladie descended of the noble blood of the
 Westsaxons, and was maried vnto Cadwallo when the peace was made
 betwixt him and hir brother the said Penda. After that Cadwallader had
 reigned the space of 12 yéers (as Geffrey of Monmouth saith) or (as
 others write) but 3 yéeres, the Britains were brought into such
 miserie through ciuill discord, and also by such great and extreme
 [Sidenote: Cadwallader constreined to forsake the land.]
 famine as then reigned through all the land, that Cadwallader was
 constreined with the chéefest part of his people to forsake their
 natiue countrie, and by sea to get them ouer into Britaine Armorike,
 there to séeke reliefe by vittels for the sustentation of their
 languishing bodies.

 ¶ Long processe is made by the British writers of this departure of
 Cadwallader, & of the Britains out of this land, and how Cadwallader
 was about to haue returned againe, but that he was admonished by a
 dreame to the contrarie, the which bicause it séemeth but fabulous, we
 passe ouer. At length he went to Rome, and there was confirmed in the
 christian religion by pope Sergius, where shortlie after he fell
 [Sidenote: 689.]
 sicke, and died the 12 kalends of May, in the yeere of our Lord 689.
 But herein appeareth the error of the British writers in taking one
 for another, by reason of resemblance of names, for where Ceadwalla
 king of the Westsaxons about that time mooued of a religious deuotion,
 after he was conuerted to the faith, went vnto Rome, and was there
 baptised, or else confirmed of the foresaid pope Sergius, and shortlie
 after departed this life in that citie in the foresaid yéere of 689 or
 therabouts. The Welshmen count him to be their Cadwallader: which to
 be true is verie vnlike by that which may be gathered out of the
 learned writings of diuers good and approoued authors.

 [Sidenote: CEADWALLA.]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 This Ceadwalla king of the Westsaxons succeeded after Centwine or
 Centiuinus, which Centwine reigned nine yéeres, though it should
 appeare by that which is written by authors of good credit, that
 during two of those yéeres at the least, the kingdome of Westsaxons
 was diuided betwixt him and Elcuinus or Escuinus, so that he should
 not reigne past seuen yeeres alone.

 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: _Ranulf. Cest._]
 But now to Ceadwalla, whome some take to be all one with Cadwallader,
 we find that he was lineallie descended from Cutha or Cutwine, the
 brother of Ceauline or Keuling king of Westsaxons, as sonne to Kenbert
 or Kenbright that was sonne to Ceadda the sonne of the foresaid Cutha
 or Cutwin. Thus being extract of the noble house of the kings of
 Westsaxons, he prooued in his youth a personage of great towardnesse,
 and such a one as no small hope was of him conceiued: he would let no
 occasion passe wherein he might exercise his force, to shew proofe of
 his high valiancie, so that in the end with his woorthie attempts
 shewed therein, he purchased to himselfe the enuie of those that ruled
 [Sidenote: Ceadwalla driuen to depart out of his countrie.]
 in his countrie, by reason whereof he was banished in a conspiracie
 made against him. Wherevpon he tooke occasion as it were in reuenge of
 such vnthankfulnesse to withdraw out of his countrie, leading with him
 all the principall youth of the same, the which either pitieng his
 present estate, or mooued with pleasure taken in his valiant dooings,
 followed him at his going into exile.

 The first brunt of his furious attempts after he was out of his
 countrie, Edilwalke the king of the Southsaxons tasted, who in defense
 of himselfe comming to trie battell with Ceadwalla, was slaine with
 the most part of all his armie. Ceadwalla then perceiuing the valiant
 courages of his souldiers, filled with good hope of this happie
 atchiued victorie, returned with good and prosperous spéed into his
 owne countrie, and that yer he was looked for, and earnestlie pursuing
 his aduersaries, droue them out of the kingdome, and taking vpon him
 to rule the same as king, reigned two yéeres, during the which he
 atchiued diuers notable enterprises.

 [Sidenote: _Beda lib._ 4. _cap._ 15.]
 And first, whereas Berthun and Authun dukes of Sussex & subiects vnto
 the late king Edilwalke, had both expelled him out of that countrie,
 after he had slaine the said Edilwalke, and also taken vpon them the
 rule of that kingdome, hauing now atteined to the gouernement of the
 [Sidenote: Berthun a duke of Sussex slaine.]
 Westsaxons, he inuaded the countrie of Sussex againe, and slue Berthun
 in battell, bringing that countrie into more bondage than before. He
 also set vpon the Ile of Wight, and well-néere destroied all the
 inhabitants, meaning to inhabit it with his owne people. Hee bound
 [Sidenote: Caedwalla his vow. The Ile of Wight conquered.]
 himselfe also by vow, although as yet he was not baptised, that if he
 might conquer it, he would giue a fourth part thereof vnto the Lord.
 And in performance of that vow, he offered vnto bishop Wilfride (who
 then chanced to be present) when he had taken that Ile, so much therof
 as conteined 300 housholds or families, where the whole consisted in
 1200 housholds. Wilfrid receiuing thankefullie the gift, deliuered the
 same vnto one of his clearks named Bernewine that was his sisters
 sonne, appointing to him also a priest named Hildila, the which should
 minister the word and the sacrament of baptisme vnto all those that
 [Sidenote: The Ile of Wight receiueth the faith.]
 would receiue the same. Thus was the Ile of Wight brought to the faith
 of Christ last of all other the parties of this our Britaine, after
 that the same faith had failed here by the comming of the Saxons.

 Moreouer, king Ceadwalla inuaded the kingdome of Kent, where he lost
 his brother Mollo, as after shall appéere, but yet he reuenged his
 death with great slaughter made of the inhabitants in that countrie.
 Finallie, this worthie prince Ceadwalla, turning himselfe from the
 desire of warre and bloudshed, became right courteous, gentle and
 liberall towards all men, so that ye could not haue wished more
 vertuous manners to rest in one as yet not christened. And shortlie
 after, willing to be admitted into the fellowship of the christians
 (of whose religion he had taken good tast) he went to Rome, where of
 pope Sergius he was baptised, and named Peter, and shortlie after
 surprised with sickenesse, he died, and was buried there within the
 [Sidenote: 689.]
 church of saint Peter in the yeere of our Lord 689.

 [Sidenote: _Beda lib._ 4. _cap._ 26.]
 [Sidenote: Ireland inuaded by the Northumbers.]
 In the meane while, that is to say, in the yeere of our Lord 684,
 Egfride king of Northumberland sent an armie vnder the guiding of a
 capteine named Bertus into Ireland, the which wasted that countrie,
 sparing neither church nor monasterie, sore indamaging the people of
 that countrie, which had euer beene friends vnto the English nation,
 and deserued nothing lesse than so to be inuaded and spoiled at their
 hands. The Irish men defended themselues to their power, beséeching
 God with manie a salt teare, that he would reuenge their cause in
 punishing of such extreme iniuries. And though cursers may not inherit
 the kingdome of heauen, yet they ceased not to curse, hoping the
 sooner that those which with good cause were thus accursed, should
 woorthilie be punished for their offenses by God, & so (peraduenture)
 [Sidenote: King Egfride slain by Brudeus king of the Picts.]
 it fell out. For in the yeere following, the said Egfride had lead an
 armie into Pictland against Brudeus king of the Picts, and being
 trained into straits within hils and craggie mounteins, he was slaine
 with the most part of all his armie, in the yeere of his age 40, and
 of his reigne 15, vpon the 13 kalends of June.

 There were diuers of Egfrides friends, and namelie Cutberd (whome he
 had aduanced the same yéere vnto the bishops sée of Lindesferne) that
 aduised him in no wise, either to haue taken this warre in hand
 against the Picts, or the other against them of Ireland, but he would
 not be counselled, the punishment appointed for his sinnes being such,
 that he might not giue eare to his faithfull friends that aduised him
 [Sidenote: These Britains were those vndouttedlie y't dwelt in the
 northwest parts of this Ile, and is not ment onlie by them of Wales.]
 for the best. From that time foorth, the hope and power of the English
 people began to decaie. For not onelie the Picts recouered that part
 of their countrie which the Englishmen had held before in their
 possession, but also the Scots that inhabited within this Ile, and
 likewise some part of the Britains tooke vpon them libertie, which
 they kept and mainteined a long time after, as Beda confesseth.

 Egfride died without issue, & left no children behind him. He had to
 wife one Ethelreda or Etheldrida, daughter vnto Anna king of the
 Eastangles, which liued with hir husband the forsaid Egfride twelue
 yéeres in perfect virginitie (as is supposed) contrarie to the purpose
 of hir husband, if he might haue persuaded hir to the contrarie, but
 finallie he was contented that she should kéepe hir first vow of
 [Sidenote: Ethelreda.]
 chastitie which she had made. She was both widow and virgine when he
 maried hir, being first coupled in wedlocke with one Eunbert a noble
 [Sidenote: Giruij.]
 man, and a ruler in the south parts of the countrie, where the people
 called Giruij inhabited, which is the same where the fennes lie in the
 confines of Lincolnshire, Norffolke, Huntingtonshire, &
 Cambridgeshire, howbeit he liued with hir but a small while. After she
 had obteined licence to depart from the court, she got hir first into
 Coldingham abbeie, and there was professed a nun. Then she went to
 Elie, and there restored the monasterie, and was made abbesse of the
 place, in the which after she had gouerned seuen yeeres, she departed
 this life, and was there buried. This same was she which commonlie is
 called saint Audrie of Elie, had in great reuerence for the opinion
 conceiued of hir great vertue and puritie of life.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Alfride (the bastard) king of Northumberland, his life and death,
 Iohn archbishop of Canturburie resigneth his see, Lother king of Kent
 dieth of a wound, Edrike getteth the regiment thereof but not without
 bloudshed, Ceadwalla wasteth Kent being at strife in it selfe, his
 brother Mollo burned to death; Withred made king of Kent, he
 vanquisheth his enimies, Inas king of Westsaxons is made his friend,
 Suebhard and Nidred vsurpers of the Kentish kingdome, the age and
 death of Theodore archbishop of Canturburie, Brightwald the first
 archbishop of the English nation; the end of the British regiment, and
 how long the greatest part of this Iland was vnder their gouernement._

 THE XXXVIJ CHAPTER.


 After that king Egfride was slaine (as before is mentioned) his
 [Sidenote: ALFRIDE.]
 [Sidenote: 685.]
 brother Alfride was made king of Northumberland. This Alfride was the
 bastard sonne of king Oswie, and in his brothers daies (either
 willinglie, or by violent means constreined) he liued as a banished
 man in Ireland, where applieng himselfe to studie, he became an
 excellent philosopher. And therfore being iudged to be better able to
 haue the rule of a kingdome, he was receiued by the Northumbers, and
 made king, gouerning his subiects the space of 20 yeares and more,
 with great wisedome and policie, but not with such large bounds as his
 ancestors had doone: for the Picts (as before is mentioned) had cut
 off one péece of the north part of the ancient limits of that
 [Sidenote: 698.]
 kingdome. About the 13 yeare of his reigne, that is to say, in the
 yeare of our Lord 698, one of his capteins named earle Berthred, or
 Bertus, was slaine in battell by the Picts, whose confins he had as
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 then inuaded. The curse of the Irish men, whose countrie in the daies
 of king Egfrid he had cruellie wasted (as before is mentioned) was
 thought at this time to take place. Finallie king Alfride, after he
 [Sidenote: 705.]
 had reigned 20 yeares & od months, departed this life, in the yeare of
 our Lord 705.

 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 In the beginning of king Alfrids daies, Eata the bishop of Hexham
 being dead, one Iohn a man of great holinesse was admitted bishop, and
 after that, bishop Wilfrid was restored, when he had remained a long
 [Sidenote: Iohn archbishop of Yorke.]
 time in exile. The said Iohn was remoued to the church of Yorke, the
 same being then void by the death of the archbishop Bosa. At length
 [Sidenote: He resigneth his sée.]
 the foresaid Iohn wearied with the cares of publike affaires resigned
 his sée, and got him to Beuerley, where he liued a solitarie life for
 [Sidenote: 721.]
 the space of foure yeares, and then died, about the yeare of our Lord
 721, king Osrike as then reigning in Northumberland. He continued
 bishop for the space of 24 yeares, and builded a church, and founded a
 colledge of priests at Beuerley aforsaid, in which church he lieth
 buried.

 [Sidenote: 686 saith _Matt. West._]
 [Sidenote: Lother king of Kent dieth of a wound.]
 The same yeare, or in the yeare after that king Egfrid was slaine,
 Lother king of Kent departed this life, the 8 Ides of Februarie, of a
 wound by him receiued in a battell which he fought against the
 Southsaxons, the which came in aid of Edrike, that was sonne vnto his
 brother Egbert, and had mainteined warre against his vncle the said
 Lother, euen from the beginning of his reigne, till finallie he was
 now in the said battell striken thorough the bodie with a dart, and so
 died thereof, after he had reigned 11 yeares, and seuen moneths. It
 was thought that he was disquieted with continuall warres and
 troubles, and finallie brought to his end before the naturall course
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 of his time, for a punishment of his wicked consent giuen to the
 putting to death of his cousins Ethelbert & Ethelbrit, as appeared, in
 that when they were reported to be martyrs, because it was knowen they
 died innocentlie, he mocked them and made but a iest at it, although
 his brother in acknowledging his fault, repented him thereof, and gaue
 [Sidenote: _Capgraue_ saith, their sister.]
 in recompense to their mother a part of the Ile of Thanet to the
 building of a monasterie.

 [Sidenote: EDRICKE.]
 The foresaid Edricke (after Lother was dead) got the dominion of Kent,
 and ruled as king thereof, but not without ciuill warre, insomuch that
 before he had reigned the full terme of two yeares, he was slaine in
 the same warre. Then Ceadwalla king of the Westsaxons being thereof
 aduertised, supposing the time now to be come that would serue his
 purpose, as one still coueting to worke the Kentishmen all the
 displeasure he could, entred with an armie into their countrie, and
 began to waste and spoile the same on ech side, till finallie the
 Kentishmen assembled themselues togither, gaue battell to their
 enimies, and put them to flight. Mollo brother to Ceadwalla was driuen
 from his companie, and constrained to take an house for his refuge:
 but his enimies that pursued him set fire thereon, and burned both the
 [Sidenote: Mollo brother to king Ceadwalla burnt to death.]
 house and Mollo within it to ashes. Yet did not Ceadwalla herewith
 depart out of the countrie, but to wreake his wrath, and to reuenge
 the griefe which he tooke for the death of his brother, he wasted and
 destroied a great part of Kent yer he returned home, and left (as it
 were) an occasion to his successor also to pursue the quarell with
 reuenging. Wherein we sée the cankerd nature of man, speciallie in a
 case of wrong or displeasure; which we are so far from tollerating &
 forgiuing, that if with tooth and naile we be not permitted to take
 vengeance, our hearts will breake with a full conceit of wrath. But
 the law of nature teacheth vs otherwise to be affected, namelie,

   ------ per te nulli vnquam iniuria fiat,
   Sed verbis alijsque modis fuge lædere quenquam,
   Quod tibi nolles, alijs fecisse caueto,
   Quódque tibi velles, alijs præstare studeto;
   Hæc est naturæ lex optima, quam nisi ad vnguem
   Seruabis, non ipse Deo (mihi crede) placebis,
   Póstque obitum infoelix non aurea sydera adibis.

 Which lesson taught by nature, and commanded of God, if these men had
 followed (as they minded nothing lesse in the fier of their furie)
 they would haue béene content with a competent reuenge, and not in
 such outragious maner with fier and sword haue afflicted one another,
 nor (which is more than tigerlike crueltie) haue ministred occasion to
 posterities to reuenge wrongs giuen and taken of their ancestors. But
 we will let this passe without further discourse, meaning hereafter in
 due place to declare the processe.

 The Kentishmen being destitute of a king, after that diuers had
 coueted the place, and sought to atteine thereto, as well by force as
 otherwise, to the great disquieting of that prouince for the space of
 6 yeares togither, at length in the 7 yeare after Edricks death,
 Withred an other of the sonnes of king Egbert, hauing with diligent
 trauell ouercome enuie at home, & with monie redéemed peace abroad,
 [Sidenote: Withred is made king of Kent.]
 was with great hope conceiued of his worthinesse made king of Kent,
 the 11 of Nouember, & 205 after the death of Hengist, he reigned 33
 yeares, not deceiuing his subiects of their good conceiued opinion of
 him: for ouercomming all his aduersaries which were readie to leuie
 ciuill warre against him, he also purchased peace of Inas king of the
 Westsaxons, which ment to haue made him warre, till with monie he was
 made his friend.

 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 5.]
 [Sidenote: Suebhard and Nidred kings by vsurpation and not by
 succession, as _Henr. Hunt._ writeth.]
 A little before that Withred was confirmed in the kingdome of Kent,
 there reigned two kings in that countrie, Suebhard and Nidred, or
 rather the same Withred, if the printed copie of Bedas booke intituled
 "Ecclesiastica historia gentis Anglorum" haue not that name corrupted:
 for where he sheweth that the archbishop Theodorus being of the age of
 88 yeares, departed this life in the yeare of our Lord 690, in the
 next chapter he declareth, that in the yeare 692, the first daie of
 Iulie one Brightwald was chosen to succéed in the archbishops sée of
 Canturburie, Withredus and Suebhardus as then reigning in Kent: but
 whether Withredus gouerned as then with Suebhardus, or that some other
 named Nidred, it forceth not: for certeine it is by the agréement of
 other writers, that till Withred obteined the whole rule, there was
 great strife and contention moued about the gouernement, and diuers
 [Sidenote: Brightwald the first archbishop of the English nation.]
 there were that sought and fought for it. But this ought to be noted,
 that the forenamed Brightwald was the eight archbishop in number, and
 first of the English nation that sat in the sée of Canturburie: for
 the other seuen that were predecessors to him, were strangers borne,
 and sent hither from Rome.

 ¶ Here endeth the line and gouernement of the Britains, now called
 Welshmen, which tooke that name of their duke or leader Wallo or
 Gallo; or else of a queene of Wales named Gales or Wales. But
 howsoeuer that name fell first vnto them, now they are called
 Welshmen, which sometime were called Britains or Brutons, and
 descended first of the Troians, and after of Brute, and lastlie of
 Mulmucius Dunwallo: albeit they were mingled with sundrie other
 nations, as Romans, Picts, &c. And now they be called English that in
 their beginning were named Saxons or Angles. To conclude therefore
 with this gouernement, so manie times intercepted by forren power, it
 appeareth by course of histories treating of these matters, that the
 last yeare of Cadwallader was the yeare of our Lord 686, which makes
 the yere of the world 4647. So that (as Fabian saith) the Britains had
 the greater part of this land in rule (reckoning from Brute till this
 time) 1822 yeares. Which terme being expired, the whole dominion of
 this realme was Saxonish.

   _Thus farre the interrupted regiment of the Britains, ending at
   the fift booke._

        *       *       *       *       *




 THE SIXT BOOKE

 OF THE

 HISTORIE OF ENGLAND.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Inas king of the Westsaxons, the whole monarchie of the realme
 falleth into their hands, Inas for a summe of monie granteth peace to
 the Kentishmen, whom he was purposed to haue destroied, he & his
 coosen Nun fight with Gerent king of the Britains, and Cheolred king
 of Mercia, and Ealdbright king of Southsaxons, the end of their
 kingdoms, Inas giueth ouer his roialtie, goeth in pilgrimage to Rome,
 and there dieth; his lawes written in the Saxon toong; of what
 buildings he was the founder, queene Ethelburgas deuise to persuade
 Inas to forsake the world, he was the first procurer of Peter pence to
 be paid to Rome; king Ethelred, king Kenred, and king Offa become
 moonks; the setting vp of images in this land authorised by a vision;
 king Ethelbalds exploits, he is slaine of his owne subiects by the
 suggestion of Bernred the vsurper, Boniface his letter of commendation
 to king Ethelbald, nuns kept for concubines, their pilgrimage._

 THE FIRST CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: INAS.]
 [Sidenote: 689.]
 After that Ceadwalla, late K. of the Westsaxons was gone to Rome,
 where he departed this life (as afore is shewed) his coosen Inas or
 Ine was made king of the Westsaxons, begining his reigne in the yéere
 of our Lord 689, in the third yeere of the emperor Iustinianus the
 third, the 11 yéere of the reigne of Theodoricus K. of France, and
 about the second yéere of the reigne of Eugenius king of Scots. Now
 [Sidenote: The Britains ceasse to reigne in this land.]
 because the rule of the Britains commonlie called Welshmen, ceassed in
 this realme, as by confession of their owne writers it appéereth, and
 that in the end the whole monarchie of the same realme came to the
 hands of the kings of Westsaxons, we haue thought méet to refer things
 generall vnto the reignes of the same kings, as before we did in the
 Britaine kings, reseruing the particular dooings to the kings of the
 other prouinces or kingdoms, as the same haue fallen out, and shall
 come to hand.

 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._]
 This Inas, whome some (mistaking N for V) doo wrongfullie name Iue or
 Iewe, prooued a right excellent prince, he was descended of the
 ancient linage of the kings of the Westsaxons, as sonne to one Kenred,
 that was sonne to Ceolwald the son of Cutha or Cutwine, that was sonne
 to Kenricke the sonne of Certicus, the first king of Westsaxons. But
 he was admitted to the kingdome more for the valiant prowes knowne to
 rest in his woorthie person, than for the successiue ofspring of which
 he was descended. The first voiage that he made, was against the
 Kentishmen, on whome he purposed to reuenge the death of his coosen
 [Sidenote: _Matt. Westm._]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 Mollo, the griefe whereof as yet he kept in fresh memorie. But when
 the Kentishmen perceiued, that to resist him by force, they were
 nothing able, they attempted by monie to buy their peace, and so
 obteined their purpose, vpon paiment made to him of thirtie thousand
 marks of siluer.

 [Sidenote: Anno 708 as is noted by _Matt. West._]
 [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._]
 After this, about the 21 yéere of his reigne, king Inas and his coosen
 Nun fought with Gerent king of the Britains. In the beginning of the
 battell, one Higelbald a noble man of the Westsaxons part was slaine,
 but in the end Gerent with his Britains was chased. In the 26 yéere of
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._ saith 718]
 his reigne; the same Inas fought a mightie battell against Cheolred
 king of Mercia, at Wodenessburie, with doubtfull victorie, for it
 could not well be iudged whether part susteined greater losse. In the
 36 yéere of his reigne, king Inas inuaded the Southsaxons with a
 mightie armie, and slue in battell Ealdbright or Aldinius king of the
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._ saith 722.]
 [Sidenote: The end of the kingdome of the Southsaxons.]
 Southsaxons, and ioined that kingdome vnto the kingdome of the
 Westsaxons: so that from thencefoorth the kingdome of those
 Southsaxons ceassed, after they had reigned in that kingdome by the
 space of five kings successiuelie, that is to say, Ella, Cissa,
 Ethelwalke, Berutius, and this last Aldinius or Ealdbright.

 Finallie, when Inas had reigned 37 yéeres, and 10 or 11 od moneths, he
 renounced the rule of his kingdome, togither with all worldlie pompe,
 [Sidenote: Inas went to Rome and there died.]
 and went vnto Rome as a poore pilgrime, and there ended his life: but
 before this, during the time of his reigne, he shewed himselfe verie
 deuout and zealous towards the aduancement of the christian religion.
 He made and ordeined also good & wholesome lawes for the amendment of
 maners in the people, which are yet extant and to be read, written in
 the Saxon toong, and translated into the Latine in times past, and now
 latelie againe by William Lambert gentleman, and printed by Iohn Day,
 in the yéere 1568, togither with the lawes and statutes of other kings
 before the conquest, as to the learned maie appéere.

 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 Moreouer, king Ine builded the monasterie of Glastenburie, where
 Ioseph of Arimathea in times past builded an oratorie or chappell (as
 before is recited) when he with other christians came into this land
 in the daies of Aruiragus, & taught the gospell heere to the Britains,
 conuerting manie of them to the faith. Moreouer, king Ine or Inas
 builded the church of Welles, dedicating it vnto saint Andrew, where
 afterwards a bishops sée was placed, which at length was translated
 [Sidenote: _Ethelburga._]
 vnto Salisburie. He had to wife one Ethelburga, a woman of noble
 linage, who had béene earnest with him a long time to persuade him to
 forsake the world: but she could by no meanes bring hir purpose to
 passe, till vpon a time the king and she had lodged at a manor place
 [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._]
 in the countrie, where all prouision had béene made for the receiuing
 of them and their traine in most sumptuous maner that might be, as
 well in rich furniture of houshold, as also in costlie viands, and all
 other things needfull, or that might serue for pleasure, and when they
 were departed, the quéene the foresaid Ethelburga caused the keeper of
 [Sidenote: The deuise of quéene Ethelburga to persuade hir husband to
 forsake the world.]
 that house to remooue all the bedding, hangings, and other such things
 as had béen brought thither and ordeined for the beautifull setting
 foorth of the house, and in place thereof to bring ordure, straw, &
 such like filth, as well into the chambers and hall, as into all the
 houses of office, and that doone, to laie a sow with pigs in the place
 where before the kings bed had stood. Héerevpon when she had knowledge
 that euerie thing was ordered according to hir appointment, she
 persuaded the king to returne thither againe, feining occasions great
 and necessarie.

 Now when he was returned to that house, which before séemed to the eie
 a palace of most pleasure, and now finding it in such a filthie state
 as might loath the stomach of anie man to behold the same, she tooke
 occasion therevpon to persuade him to the consideration of the vaine
 pleasures of this world, which in a moment turne to naught, togither
 with the corruption of the flesh, being a filthie lumpe of claie,
 after it should once be disolued by death: and in fine, where before
 she had spent much labour to mooue him to renounce the world, though
 all in vaine, yet now the beholding of that change in his pleasant
 palace, wherein so late he had taken great delight, wrought such an
 alteration in his mind, that hir woords lastlie tooke effect: so that
 he resigned the kingdome to his coosen Ethelard, and went himselfe to
 Rome (as aboue is mentioned) and his wife became a nun in the abbeie
 of Barking, where she was made abbesse, and finallie there ended hir
 [Sidenote: Peter pence.]
 life. This Inas was the first that caused the monie called Peter
 pence, to be paid vnto the bishop of Rome, which was for euerie
 houshold within his dominion a penie.

 [Sidenote: King Ethelred becommeth a moonk.]
 In this meane time Edilred or Ethelred, hauing gouerned the kingdome
 of Mercia by the tearme of 29 yéeres, became a moonke in the abbeie of
 Bardenie, and after was made abbat of that house. He had to wife one
 [Sidenote: Ostrida.]
 Ostrida the sister of Egfride king of Northumberland, by whome he had
 a sonne named Ceolred. But he appointed Kenred the sonne of his
 [Sidenote: _Beda in Epit._]
 brother Vulfher to succéed him in the kingdome. The said Ostrida was
 cruellie slaine by the treason of hir husbands subiects, about the
 [Sidenote: 697.]
 yéere of our Lord 697.

 [Sidenote: King Kenred.]
 And as for Kenred, he was a prince of great vertue, deuout towards
 God, a furtherer of the commonwealth of his countrie, and passed his
 life in great sinceritie of maners. In the fift yéere of his reigne,
 he renounced the world, and went to Rome, togither with Offa king of
 the Eastsaxons, where he was made a moonke: and finallie died there,
 [Sidenote: 711.]
 in the yéere of our Lord 711. By the aid and furtherance of this
 [Sidenote: _Nauclerus._]
 [Sidenote: Egwin bishop of Worcester.]
 Kenred, a moonke of saint Benets order (called Egwin) builded the
 abbeie of Eueshame, who afterwards was made bishop of Worcester.

 [Sidenote: A fabulous and trifling deuise.]
 ¶ We find recorded by writers, that this Egwin had warning giuen him
 by visions (as he constantlie affirmed before pope Constantine) to set
 vp an image of our ladie in his church. Wherevpon the pope approuing
 the testifications of this bishop by his buls, writ to Brightwald
 archbishop of Canturburie, to assemble a synod, and by authoritie
 thereof to establish the vse of images, charging the kings of this
 land to be present at the same synod, vpon paine of excommunication.
 [Sidenote: _Bale._]
 [Sidenote: 712.]
 This synod was holden about the yéere of our Lord 712, in the daies of
 Inas king of Westsaxons, and of Ceolred king of Mercia successor to
 the foresaid Kenred.

 After Kenred succéeded Ceolred, the sonne of his vncle Edilred, & died
 in the 8 yeere of his reigne, and was buried at Lichfield. Then
 [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._]
 succéeded Ethelbaldus that was descended of Eopa the brother of king
 Penda, as the fourth from him by lineall succession. This man gouerned
 a long time without anie notable trouble: some warres he had, and sped
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Cestren._]
 diuerslie. In the 18 yéere of his reigne, he besieged Sommerton and
 wan it. He also inuaded Northumberland, and got there great riches by
 spoile and pillage, which he brought from thence without anie battell
 offered to him.

 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 He ouercame the Welshmen in battell, being then at quiet, and ioined
 as confederats with Cuthred K. of Westsaxons. But in the 37 yéere of
 [Sidenote: Bereford.]
 [Sidenote: 755.]
 his reigne, he was ouercome in battell at Bereford by the same
 Cuthred, with whome he was fallen at variance, and within foure yéeres
 after, that is to say, in the 41 yéere of his reigne he was slaine in
 [Sidenote: Thrée miles from Tamworth.]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: 758.]
 battell at Secandon, or Sekenton, by his owne subiects, which arreared
 warres against him, by the procurement and leading of one Bernred, who
 after he had slaine his naturall prince, tooke vpon him the kingdome:
 but he prospered not long, being slaine by Offa that succéeded him in
 rule of the kingdome of Mercia, as after shall be shewed. The bodie of
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 Ethelbald was buried at Ripton.

 [Sidenote: The historie of Magd.]
 Bonifacius the archbishop of Mentiz or Moguntz, hauing assembled a
 councell with other bishops and doctors, deuised a letter, and sent it
 vnto this Ethelbald, commending him for his good deuotion and charitie
 in almes-giuing to the reliefe of the poore, and also for his vpright
 dealing in administration of iustice, to the punishment of robbers and
 such like misdooers: but in that he absteined from mariage, and
 wallowed in filthie lecherie with diuerse women, and namelie with
 nuns, they sore blamed him, and withall declared in what infamie the
 whole English nation in those daies remained by common report in other
 countries for their licentious liuing in sinfull fornication, and
 namelie the most part of the noble men of Mercia by his euill example
 did forsake their wiues, and defloured other women which they kept in
 [Sidenote: Nuns kept for concubines.]
 adulterie, as nuns and others. Moreouer, he shewed how that such euill
 women, as well nuns as other, vsed to make awaie in secret wise their
 children which they bare out of wedlocke, and so filled the graues
 with dead bodies, and hell with damned soules. The same Bonifacius in
 an other epistle wich he wrote vnto Cutbert the archbishop of
 [Sidenote: Pilgrimage of nuns.]
 Canturburie, counselled him not to permit the English nuns to wander
 abroad so often on pilgrimage, bicause there were few cities either in
 France or Lombardie, wherein might not be found English women, that
 liued wantonlie in fornication and whordome.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Offa king of the Eastsaxons with other go to Rome, he is shauen and
 becommeth a moonke, succession in the kingdome of the Eastsaxons and
 Eastangles, Osred king of Northumberland hath carnall knowledge with
 nuns, he is slaine in battell, Osrike renouncing his kingdome
 becommeth a moonke, bishop Wilfrid twise restored to his see,
 Westsaxonie diuided in two diocesses, bishop Aldhelme a founder of
 religious houses; Ethelard succeedeth Inas in regiment, two blasing
 starres seene at once, and what insued, the king dieth: the successiue
 reigne of Wichtreds three sonnes ouer Kent, what prouinces were
 gouerned by bishops; of what puissance Ethelbald king of Mercia was,
 Egbert archbishop of Yorke aduanceth his see; a notable remembrance of
 that excellent man Beda, his death._

 THE SECOND CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: Kings of the Eastsaxons.]
 [Sidenote: _Beda lib._ 5. _cap._ 20.]
 [Sidenote: Offa king of Eastsaxons.]
 In this meane time Sighard and Seufred, kings of the Eastsaxons, being
 departed this life, one Offa that was sonne to Sigerius succéeded in
 gouernment of that kingdome, a man of great towardnesse, and of right
 comelie countenance: but after he had ruled a certeine time, being
 mooued with a religious deuotion, he went to Rome in companie of
 Kenred king of Mercia, and of one Egwine bishop of Worcester, and
 being there shauen into the order of moonks, so continued till he
 [Sidenote: King Selred.]
 died. After him one Selred the sonne of Sigbert the good, ruled the
 Eastsaxons the tearme of 38 yéeres. After Aldulfe the king of
 [Sidenote: 688.]
 Eastangles departed this fraile life, which chanced about the yéere of
 our Lord 688, his brother Elcwold or Akwold succéeded him, and reigned
 about twelue yéeres. After whose decease one Beorne was made king of
 Eastangles, and reigned about 26 yéeres. In this meane while, that is
 [Sidenote: 705.]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: Osred king of Northumberland.]
 to say, in the yeere of our Lord 705, Alfride king of Northumberland
 being dead, his sonne Osred, a child of 8 yéeres of age succeeded him
 in the kingdome, and reigned 11 yéeres, spending his time when he came
 to ripe yeeres in filthie abusing his bodie with nuns, and other
 religious women.

 About the seuenth yéere of his reigne, that is to say, in the yéere of
 our Lord 711, one of his capteins named earle Berthfride fought with
 [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: Picts ouerthrowne by the Northumbers.]
 the Picts, betwixt two places called Heue and Cere, and obteining the
 victorie, slue an huge number of the enimies. At length king Osred by
 the traitorous means of his coosens that arreared warre against him,
 [Sidenote: King Osred slaine in batell.]
 was slaine in battell, and so ended his reigne, leauing to those that
 procured his death the like fortune in time to come. For Kenred
 reigning two yéeres, and Osricke ten yeeres, were famous onelie in
 this, that being worthilie punished for shedding the bloud of their
 naturall prince and souereigne lord, they finished their liues with
 dishonourable deaths, as they had well deserued. Osricke before his
 [Sidenote: 729.]
 death, which chanced in the yéere of our Lord 729, appointed Ceolwolfe
 the brother of his predecessor Kenred, to succeed him in the kingdome,
 which he did, reigning as king of the Northumbers by the space of 8
 yéeres currant, and then renouncing his kingdom, became a moonke in
 the Ile of Lindesferne.

 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 [Sidenote: Acca bishop of Hexham.]
 In this meane while, bishop Wilfride being dead, one Acca that was his
 chapline was made bishop of Hexham. The said Wilfride had béene bishop
 by the space of 45 yéeres: but he liued a long time in exile. For
 first being archbishop of Yorke, and exercising his iurisdiction ouer
 all the north parts, he was after banished by king Egbert, and againe
 restored to the sée of Hexham in the second yeere of king Alfride, and
 within fiue yéeres after eftsoones banished by the same Alfride, and
 the second time restored by his successor king Osred, in the fourth
 yeere of whose reigne, being the yéere after the incarnation of our
 Sauiour 709, he departed this life, and was buried at Rippon.
 Moreouer, after Iohn the archbishop of Yorke had resigned, one
 Wilfride surnamed the second was made archbishop of that sée: which
 Wilfride was chapline to the said Iohn, and gouerned that sée by the
 [Sidenote: 710.]
 space of fiftéene yéeres, and then died. About the yéere of our Lord
 710, the abbat Adrian which came into this land with Theodore the
 archbishop of Canturburie (as before ye haue heard) departed this
 life, about 39 yéeres after his comming thither.

 [Sidenote: Two bishops sées.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: Bishop Daniell.]
 Also Inas the king of Westsaxons, about the 20 yeere of his reigne,
 diuided the prouince of the Westsaxons into two bishops sées, whereas
 before they had but one. Daniell was ordeined to gouerne the one of
 those sees, being placed at Winchester, hauing vnder him Sussex,
 [Sidenote: Bishop Aldhelme.]
 Southerie and Hamshire. And Aldhelme was appointed to Shireburne,
 hauing vnder him, Barkeshire, Wiltshire, Sommersetshire, Dorsetshire,
 Deuonshire, and Cornwall. This Aldhelme was a learned man, and was
 [Sidenote: The abbeie of Malmesburie.]
 first made abbat of Malmesburie, in the yéere of our Lord 675 by
 Eleutherius then bishop of the Westsaxons, by whose diligence that
 abbeie was greatlie aduanced, being afore that time founded by one
 Medulfe a Scotish man, but of so small reuenues afore Aldhelms time,
 that the moonks were scarse able to liue thereon. Also the same
 Aldhelme was a great furtherer vnto king Inas in the building of
 Glastenburie.

 [Sidenote: ETHELARD.]
 [Sidenote: 728.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._ saith 727.]
 ETHELARD, the coosen of king Inas, to whome the same Inas resigned his
 kingdome, began to gouerne the Westsaxons in the yéere of our Lord
 728, or rather 27, which was in the 11 yéere of the emperor Leo
 Isaurus, in the second yeere of Theodorus king of France, and about
 the 8 or 9 yéere of Mordacke king of the Scots. In the first yéere of
 Ethelards reigne, he was disquieted with ciuill warre, which one
 Oswald a noble man, descended of the roiall bloud of the Westsaxon
 kings, procured against him: but in the end, when he perceiued that
 the kings power was too strong for him, he fled out of the countrie,
 leauing it thereby in rest.

 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: 729.]
 [Sidenote: Blasing stars.]
 In the yéere 729, in the moneth of Ianuarie there appeered two comets
 or blasing starres, verie terrible to behold, the one rising in the
 morning before the rising of the sunne, and the other after the
 setting thereof: so that the one came before the breake of the day,
 and the other before the closing of the night, stretching foorth their
 fierie brands toward the north; and they appeered thus euerie morning
 and euening for the space of a fortnight togither, menacing as it were
 some great destruction or common mishap to follow. The Saracens
 shortlie after entred France, and were ouerthrowne. Finallie, when
 king Ethelard had reigned the terme of fouretéene yeeres currant, he
 departed this life.

 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 Now when Wichtred king of Kent had gouerned the Kentishmen by the
 space of 33 yéeres, with great commendation for the good orders which
 he caused to be obserued amongst them, as well concerning matters
 ecclesiasticall as temporal, he departed this life, leauing behind him
 thrée sonnes, who successiuelie reigned as heires to him one after
 another (that is to say) Edbert 23 yéeres, Ethelbert 11 yeeres
 currant, and Alrike 34 yeeres, the which three princes following the
 steps of their father in the obseruance of politike orders &
 commendable lawes, vsed for the more part their fathers good lucke and
 [Sidenote: _Beda. lib._ 5. _cap._ 24.]
 fortune, except that in Ethelberts time the citie of Canturburie was
 burned by casuall fire, and Alrike lost a battell against them of
 Mercia, whereby the glorie of their times was somewhat blemished: for
 so it came to passe, that whatsoseur chanced euill, was kept still in
 memorie, and the good haps that came forward, were soone forgotten and
 put out of remembrance.

 [Sidenote: 731.]
 In the yéere of our Lord 731, Betrwald archbishop of Canturburie
 departed this life in the fift ides of Ianuarie, after he had gouerned
 that see by the space of 27 yéeres, 6 moneths, and 14 daies: in whose
 place the same yéere one Tacwine was ordeined archbishop, that before
 was a priest in the monasterie of Bruidon within the prouince of
 Mercia. He was consecrated in the citie of Canturburie, by the
 reuerend fathers Daniell bishop of Winchester, Ingwald bishop of
 London, Aldwin bishop of Lichfield, and Aldwulfe bishop of Rochester,
 the tenth day of Iune being sundaie.

 [Sidenote: Bishops what parishes they governed.]
 ¶ As touching the state of the English church for ecclesiasticall
 gouernours, certeine it is, that the same was as hereafter followeth.
 The prouince of Canturburie was gouerned touching the ecclesiasticall
 state by archbishop Tacwine, and bishop Aldwulfe. The prouince of the
 Eastsaxons by bishop Ingwald. The prouince of Eastangles by bishop
 Eadbertus and Hadulacus, the one kéeping his sée at Elsham, and the
 other at Dunwich. The prouince of the Westsaxons was gouerned by the
 foresaid Daniell and by Forthere, who succéeded next after Aldhelme in
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 the sée of Shereburne. This Forthere in the yéere of our Lord 738,
 left his bishoprike, and went to Rome in companie of the quéene of the
 Westsaxons. Many as well kings as bishops, noble and vnnoble, priests
 and laiemen, togither with women, vsed to make such iournies thither
 in those daies. The prouince of Mercia was ruled by the foresaid
 Aldwine bishop of Lichfield, and one bishop Walstod holding his sée at
 Herford gouerned those people that inhabited beyond the riuer of
 Sauerne toward the west. The prouince of Wiccies, that is, Worcester,
 one Wilfride gouerned. The Southsaxons and the Ile of Wight were vnder
 the bishop of Winchester. In the prouince of the Northumbers were
 foure bishops, that is to say, Wilfride archbishop of Yorke, Edilwald
 bishop of Lindisferne, Acca bishop of Hexham, and Pecthelmus bishop of
 Whiterne, otherwise called Candida Casa, he was the first that
 gouerned that church after the same was made a bishops sée. And thus
 stood the state of the English church for ecclesiasticall gouernors in
 that season.

 [Sidenote: Ethelbald K. of Mercia, of what puissance he was.]
 And as for temporall gouernement, king Ceolvulfe had the souereigne
 dominion ouer all the Northumbers: but all the prouinces on the
 southside of Humber, with their kings and rulers, were subiect vnto
 Edilbald or Ethelbald king of Mercia. The nation of the Picts were in
 league with the English men, and gladlie became partakers of the
 catholike faith and veritie of the vniuersall church. Those Scots
 which inhabited Britaine, contenting themselues with their owne
 bounds, went not about to practise anie deceitfull traines nor
 fraudulent deuises against the Englishmen. The Britains otherwise
 called Welshmen, though for the more part of a peculiar hatred they
 did impugne the English nation, & the obseruance of the feast of Ester
 appointed by the whole catholike church, yet (both diuine and humane
 force vtterlie resisting them) they were not able in neither behalfe
 to atteine to their wished intentions, as they which though they were
 partlie frée, yet in some point remained still as thrall and mancipate
 to the subiection of the Englishmen: who (saith Beda) now in the
 acceptable time of peace and quietnesse, manie amongst them of
 Northumberland, laieng armour and weapon aside, applied themselues to
 the reading of holie scriptures, more desirous to be professed in
 religious houses, than to exercise feates of warre: but what will come
 therof (saith he) the age that followeth shall sée and behold. With
 these words dooth Beda end his historie, continued till the yéere of
 our Lord 731, which was from the comming of the Englishmen into this
 land, about 285 yéeres, according to his account.

 [Sidenote: 732.]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 In the yéere following, that is to say 732, in place of Wilfrid the
 second, Egbert was ordeined bishop of Yorke. This Egbert was brother
 vnto an other Egbert, who as then was king of Northumberland, by whose
 helpe he greatlie aduanced the see of Yorke, and recouered the pall:
 so that where all the other bishops that held the same sée before him
 sith Paulins daies, wanted the pall, and so were counted simplie but
 particular bishops: now was he intituled by the name of archbishop. He
 also got togither a great number of good books, which he bestowed in a
 [Sidenote: 733.]
 librarie at Yorke. ¶ In the yéere 733, on the 18 kalends of September,
 the sunne suffered a great eclipse about three of the clocke in the
 after noone, in somuch that the earth seemed to be couered with a
 blacke and horrible penthouse.

 [Sidenote: 735.]
 [Sidenote: _Beda_ departed this life.]
 In the yéere 735, that reuerend and profound learned man Beda departed
 this life, being 82 yéeres of age, vpon Ascension day, which was the 7
 kalends of Iune, and 26 of Maie, as Matt. Westm. hath diligentlie
 obserued. W. Harison addeth hitherto, that it is to be read in an old
 epistle of Cutbert moonke of the same house vnto Cuthwine, that the
 said Beda lieng in his death-bed, translated the gospell of saint Iohn
 into English, and commanded his brethren to be diligent in reading and
 contemplation of good bookes, and not to exercise themselues with
 fables and friuolous matters. Finallie he was buried in the abbeie of
 Geruie, distant fiue miles from Wiremouth, an abbeie also in the north
 parts, not far from Newcastell (as is before remembred.) He was
 brought vp in those two abbeies, and was scholar to John of Beuerley.
 How throughlie he was séene in all kinds of good literature, the
 bookes which hée wrote doo manifestlie beare witnesse. His judgement
 also was so much estéemed ouer all, that Sergius the bishop of Rome
 wrote vnto Celfride the abbat of Wiremouth, requiring him to send Beda
 vnto the court of Rome for the deciding of certein questions mooued
 there, which without his opinion might séeme to rest doubtful. But
 whether he went thither or not we can not affirme: but as it is
 thought by men worthie of credit, he neuer went out of this land, but
 continued for the most part of his life in the abbeies of Geruie and
 Wiremouth, first vnder Benet the first abbat and founder of the same
 abbeies, and after vnder the said Celfride, in whose time he receiued
 orders of priesthood at the hands of bishop Iohn, surnamed of
 Beuerley: so that it may be maruelled that a man, borne in the
 vttermost corner of the world, should proue so excellent in all
 knowledge and learning, that his fame should so spread ouer the whole
 [Sidenote: _Crantzius._]
 earth, and went neuer out of his natiue countrie to séeke it. But who
 that marketh in reading old histories the state of abbeies and
 monasteries in those daies, shall well perceiue that they were ordered
 after the maner of our schooles or colleges, hauing in them diuerse
 learned men, that attended onelie to teach & bring vp youth in
 knowledge of good learning, or else to go abroad and preach the word
 of God in townes and villages adjoining.

 [Sidenote: 735.]
 The same yéere died archbishop Tacuine, and in the yéere following,
 that is to say 735, Nothelmus was ordeined archbishop of Canturburie
 in his place, and Egbert the archbishop of Yorke the same yéere got
 his pall from Rome, and so was confirmed archbishop, and ordeined two
 bishops, Fruidberd, and Fruidwald. But some refer it to the yéere 744.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Cuthred king of the Westsaxons, he is greatlie troubled by Ethelbald
 king of Mercia, they are pacified; Kenric king Cuthreds sonne slaine,
 earle Adelme rebelleth against him whom the king pardoneth; Cuthred
 fighteth with Ethelbald at Hereford, he hath the victorie, he falleth
 sicke and dieth; Sigebert succedeth him in the kingdome, he is cruell
 to his people, he is expelled from his roiall estate, murther reuenged
 with murther, succession in the kingdome of Eastangles, kings change
 their crownes for moonks cowles; the Britaines subiect to the king of
 Northumberland and the king of Picts, the moone eclipsed._

 THE THIRD CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: CUTHRED.]
 After the decease of Ethelard king of Westsaxons, his coosine Cuthred
 was made king and gouernour of those people, reigning the tearme of
 [Sidenote: 740.]
 16 yéeres. He began his reigne in the yeere of our Lord 740, in the
 twentie fourth yere of the emperour Leo Isaurus, in the 14 yéere of
 the reigne of the second Theodorus Cala K. of France, and about the 6
 yéere of Ethfine king of Scots. This Cuthred had much to doo against
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 Edilbald king of Mercia, who one while with stirring his owne subiects
 the Westsaxons to rebellion, an other while with open warre, and
 sometime by secret craft and subtill practises sought to disquiet him.
 Howbeit, in the fourth yeere of his reigne, a peace was concluded
 betwixt them, and then ioining their powers togither, they went
 against the Welshmen, & gaue them a great ouerthrow, as before is
 [Sidenote: Kenric the kings sonne slaine.]
 partlie touched. In the 9 yeere of this Cuthreds reigne, his sonne
 Kenric was slaine in a seditious tumult amongst his men of warre, a
 gentleman yoong in yeeres, but of a stout courage, and verie forward,
 [Sidenote: 749.]
 wherby (as was thought) he came the sooner to his wofull end.

 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: 751.]
 In the 11 yeere of his reigne, Cuthred had wars against one of his
 earls called Adelme, who raising a commotion against him, aduentured
 to giue battell though he had the smaller number of men, and yet was
 at point to haue gone away with victorie, if by a wound at that
 instant receiued, his periurie had not béene punished, and the kings
 iust cause aduanced to triumph ouer his aduersarie, whom yet by way of
 [Sidenote: 752.]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 reconciliation he pardoned. In the 13 yeere of his reigne, king
 Cuthred being not well able to susteine the proud exactions and hard
 dooings of Edilbald king of Mercia, raised his power, and encountered
 with the same Edilbald at Hereford, hauing before him the said earle
 Adelme, in whose valiant prowesse he put great hope to atteine
 victorie: neither was he deceiued, for by the stout conduct and noble
 courage of the said Adelme, the loftie pride of king Edelbald was
 [Sidenote: K. Edilbald put to flight.]
 abated, so that he was there put to flight, and all his armie
 discomfited, after sore and terrible fight continued and mainteined
 euen to the vttermost point. In the 24 yeere of his reigne, this
 Cuthred fought eftsoones with the Welshmen, and obteined the vpper
 hand, without anie great losse of his people: for the enimies were
 easilie put to flight and chased, to their owne destruction. In the
 yeere after, king Cuthred fell sicke, and in the 16 yéere of his
 reigne he departed this life, after so manie great victories got
 against his enimies.


 [Sidenote: SIGIBERT.]
 [Sidenote: 755.]
 After him succéeded one Sigibert, a cruell and vnmercifull prince at
 home, but yet a coward abroad. This Sigbert or Sigibert began his
 reigne in the yeare of our Lord 755, verie néere ended. He intreated
 his subjects verie euill, setting law and reason at naught. He could
 not abide to heare his faults told him, and therefore he cruellie put
 to death an earle named Cumbra, which was of his councell, and
 faithfullie admonished him to reforme his euill dooings: wherevpon the
 rest of his nobles assembled themselues togither with a great
 multitude of people, and expelled him out of his estate in the
 beginning of the second, or (as some say) the first yeare of his
 reigne. Then Sigibert, as he was fearefull of nature; fearing to be
 apprehended, got him into the wood called as then Andredeswald, and
 there hid himselfe, but by chance a swineheard that belonged to the
 late earle Cumbra at Priuets-floud found him out, and perceiuing what
 he was, slue him in reuenge of his maisters death.

 ¶ Lo here you may sée how the righteous iustice of God rewardeth
 wicked dooings in this world with worthie recompense, as well as in
 the world to come, appointing euill princes sometimes to reigne for
 the punishment of the people, according as they deserue, permitting
 some of them to haue gouernement a long time, that both the froward
 nations may suffer long for their sins, and that such wicked princes
 may in an other world tast the more bitter torments. Againe, other he
 taketh out of the waie, that the people may be deliuered from
 oppression, and also that the naughtie ruler for his misdemeanour may
 spéedilie receiue due punishment.


 [Sidenote: Ethelred.]
 [Sidenote: 738.]
 After Beorne king of Eastangles one Ethelred succéeded in gouernment
 of that kingdome a man noted to be of good and vertuous qualities, in
 that he brought vp his sonne Ethelred (which succéeded him) so in the
 feare of the Lord, that he prooued a right godlie prince. This
 Ethelbert reigned (as writers say) the terme of 52 yeares.

 [Sidenote: Egbert king of Northumberland.]
 [Sidenote: 758.]
 After that Ceolvulfe king of Northumberland was become a moonke in the
 abbie of Lindesferne, his vncles sonne Egbert (by order taken by the
 said Ceolvulfe) succeeded him in the kingdome, and gouerned the same
 right woorthilie for the terme of 24 yeares, and then became a moonke,
 by the example both of his predecessor the forsaid Ceolvulfe, and also
 [Sidenote: Changing of crownes for moonkes cowles.]
 [Sidenote: 756.]
 of diuers other kings in those daies, so that he was the eight king
 who in this land had changed a kings crowne for a moonks cowle (as
 Simon Dunel. writeth.)

 This Egbert (in the 18 yeare of his reigne) and Vngust king of Picts
 came to the citie of Alcluid with their armies, and there receiued the
 Britains into their subiection, the first-day of August: but the tenth
 day of the same month, the armie which he led from Ouan vnto
 Newbourgh, was for the more part lost and destroied. ¶ The same yeare
 on the 8 kalends of December, the moone being as then in hir full,
 appeared to be of a bloudie colour, but at length she came to hir
 accustomed shew, after a maruellous meanes, for a starre which
 followed hir, passed by hir, & went before hir, the like dist[=a]ce as
 it kept in following hir before she lost hir vsuall light.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Offa king of Mercia, his manhood and victories against the Kentishmen
 and Westsaxons, he killeth Egilbert king of Eastangles by a policie or
 subtill deuise of profered curtesie, he inuadeth his kingdome, and
 possesseth it, the archbishops see of Canturburie remoued to
 Lichfield; archbishop Lambert laboring to defend his prerogatiue is
 depriued by king Offa, he seizeth vpon churches and religious houses;
 mistrusting his estate, he alieth himselfe with other princes; he
 maketh amends for the wrongs that he had doone to churches and
 religious houses, he goeth to Rome, maketh his realme tributarie to
 the said see, Peter pence paid, he falleth sicke and dieth, places to
 this day bearing his name in memorie of him, the short reigne of his
 sonne._

 THE FOURTH CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: OFFA.]
 [Sidenote: 758.]
 After that Offa had slaine Bernred the vsurper of the kingdome of
 Mercia (as before is mentioned) the same Offa tooke vppon him the
 gouernment of that kingdome 758, a man of such stoutnesse of stomach,
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 that he thought he should be able to bring to passe all things
 whatsoeuer he conceiued in his mind. He reigned 39 yeares. His dooings
 were great and maruellous, and such as some times his vertues
 surpassed his vices, and sometime againe his vices seemed to ouermatch
 [Sidenote: The victories of king Offa.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: 779.]
 his vertues. He ouercame the Kentishmen in a great battell at
 Otteford, and the Northumbers also were by him vanquished, and in
 battell put to flight. With Kenvulfe king of Westsaxons he fought in
 open battell, and obteined a noble victorie, with small losse of his
 people, although the same Kenwulfe was a right valiant prince, and a
 good capteine.

 [Sidenote: Falsehood in fellowship.]
 Againe, perceiuing that to procéed with craft, should sooner aduance
 his purpose, than to vse open force against Egilbert king of
 Eastangles, vnder faire promises to giue vnto him his daughter in
 mariage, he allured him to come into Mercia, and receiuing him into
 his palace, caused his head to be striken off, and after by wrongfull
 meanes inuaded his kingdome, and got it into his possession: yet he
 caused the bones of the first martyr of this land saint Albane (by a
 miraculous meanes brought to light) to be taken vp, and put in a rich
 shrine adorned with gold and stone, building a goodlie church of
 excellent woorkmanship, and founding a monasterie in that place in
 honor of the same saint, which he indowed with great possessions. He

 [Sidenote: The archbishops sée remoued from Canturburie to Lichfield.]
 [Sidenote: 785.]
 remoued the archbishops see from Canturburie vnto Lichfield, thereby
 to aduance his kingdome of Mercia, as well in dignitie & preheminence
 of spirituall power as temporall. He made great suit to bring his
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 purpose to passe in the court of Rome, and at length by great gifts
 and rewards obteined it at the hands of pope Adrian the first, then
 gouerning the Romane sée. And so Eadulfus then bishop of Lichfield was
 adorned with the pall, and taken for archbishop, hauing all those
 bishops within the limits of king Offa his dominion suffragans vnto
 him; namelie, Denebertus bishop of Worcester, Werebertus bishop of
 Chester, Eadulfus bishop of Dorcester, Wilnardus bishop of Hereford,
 Halard bishop of Elsham, and Cedferth bishop of Donwich. There
 remained onelie to the archbishop of Canturburie, the bishops of
 London, Winchester, Rochester, and Shireburne.

 [Sidenote: The archbishop Lambert defended his cause.]
 This separation continued all the life time of the archbishop Lambert,
 although he trauelled earnestlie to mainteine his prerogatiue. Now,
 for that he still defended his cause, and would not reuolt from his
 will, Offa depriued him of all his possessions & reuenues that he held
 or inioied within anie part of his dominions. Neither was Offa
 satisfied herewith, but he also tooke into his hands the possessions
 of manie other churches, and fléeced the house of Malmesburie of a
 part of hir reuenues. Because of these & other his hard dooings,
 [Sidenote: Offa alieth himselfe with other princes.]
 doubting the malice of his enimies, he procured the friendship of
 [Sidenote: _Matt. Westm._]
 forren princes. Vnto Brightricke king of the Westsaxons he gaue his
 daughter Ethelburga in mariage. And sending diuers ambassadours ouer
 vnto Charles the great, that was both emperor & king of France, he
 purchased his friendship at length, although before there had depended
 [Sidenote: The intercourse of merchants staied.]
 a péece of displeasure betwixt them, insomuch that the intercourse for
 trade of merchandize was staied for a time. One of the ambassadours
 that was sent vnto the said Charles (as is reported) was that famous
 [Sidenote: Alcwine an Englishman.]
 clearke Albine or Alcwine, by whose persuasion the same Charles
 erected two vniuersities, as in place due and conuenient may more
 largelie appeare.

 Finallie king Offa (as it were for a meane to appease Gods wrath,
 which he doubted to be iustlie conceiued towards him for his sinnes
 and wickednesse) granted the tenth part of all his goods vnto
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 churchmen, and to poore people. He also indowed the church of Hereford
 with great reuenues, and (as some write) he builded the abbeie of
 Bath, placing moonkes in the same, of the order of saint Benet, as
 before he had doone at saint Albons. Moreouer he went vnto Rome, about
 [Sidenote: 775.]
 the yeare of our Lord 775, and there following the example of Inas
 king of the Westsaxons, made his realme subiect by way of tribute vnto
 [Sidenote: Peter pence, or Rome Scot.]
 [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._]
 [Sidenote: 797.]
 the church of Rome, appointing that euerie house within the limits of
 his dominions, should yearelie pay vnto the apostolike see one pennie,
 which paiment was after named, Rome Scot, and Peter pence. After his
 returne from Rome, perceiuing himselfe to draw into yeares, he caused
 [Sidenote: Offa departed this life.]
 his sonne Egfrid to be ordeined king in his life time: and shortlie
 after departing out of this world, left the kingdome vnto him, after
 he had gouerned it by the space of 39 yeares.

 Amongst other the dooings of this Offa, which suerlie were great and
 maruellous, this may not passe with silence, that he caused a mightie
 great ditch to be cast betwixt the marshes of his countrie, and the
 Welsh confines, to diuide thereby the bounds of their dominions. This
 [Sidenote: Offditch.]
 ditch was called Offditch euer after, and stretched from the south
 side by Bristow, vnder the mountaines of Wales, running northward ouer
 the riuers of Seuerne and Dée, vnto the verie mouth of Dee, where that
 riuer falleth into the sea. He likewise builded a church in
 Warwikeshire, whereof the towne there taketh name, and is called
 [Sidenote: Egfrid king of Mercia.]
 Offchurch euen to this day. Egfrid taking vpon him the rule, began to
 follow the approoued good dooings of his father, and first restored
 vnto the churches their ancient priuileges, which his father sometimes
 had taken from them. Great hope was conceiued of his further good
 procéeding, but death cut off the same, taking him out of this life,
 after he had reigned the space of foure moneths, not for his owne
 offenses (as was thought) but rather for that his father had caused so
 much bloud to be spilt for the confirming of him in the kingdome,
 which so small a time he now inioied.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Osulph king of Northumberland traitorouslie murthered, Edilwald
 succeedeth him, the reward of rebellion, a great mortalitie of foules
 fishes and fruits, moonkes licenced to drinke wine, great wast by
 fire, Edelred king of Northumberland is driuen out of his countrie by
 two dukes of the same, Ethelbert king of the Eastangles commended for
 his vertues, Alfred the daughter of king Mercia is affianced to him,
 tokens of missehaps towards him, his destruction intended by queene
 Quendred, hir platforme of the practise to kill him, Offa inuadeth
 Ethelberts kingdome, Alfred his betrothed wife taketh his death
 greuouslie, and becommeth a nun, the decaie of the kingdome of
 Eastangles, succession in the regiment of the Westsaxons, the end of
 the gouernement of the Eastsaxons, prince Algar is smitten blind for
 seeking to rauish virgine Friswide, and at hir praiers restored to his
 sight._

 THE FIFT CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: EADBERT king of Northumberland.]
 When Eadbert or Egbert K. of Northumberland was become a moonke, his
 sonne Osulphus succéeded him: but after he had reigned onelie one
 yeare, he was traitorouslie murthered by his owne seruants at
 [Sidenote: 758.]
 Mikilwongton, on the 9 kalends of August. Then succéeded one Moll,
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: Edilwold king of Northumberland.]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._]
 otherwise called Edilwold or Edilwald, but not immediatlie, for he
 began not his reigne till the nones of August in the yeare following,
 which was after the birth of our sauiour 759.

 This man prooued right valiant in gouernement of his subiects. He slue
 in battell an earle of his countrie named Oswin, who arrearing warre
 against him, fought with him in a pitcht field at Eadwines Cliue, and
 receiued the worthie reward of rebellion.

 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: 764.]
 This chanced in the third yeare of his reigne, and shortlie after,
 that is to say, in the yeare of our Lord 764, there fell such a
 maruellous great snow, and therwith so extreame a frost, as the like
 had not béene heard of, continuing from the beginning of the winter,
 almost till the middest of the spring, with the rigour whereof, trees
 and fruits withered awaie, and lost their liuelie shape and growth:
 and not onelie feathered foules, but also beasts on the land, & fishes
 in the sea died in great numbers. The same yeare died Ceolwulf then
 king of Northumberland, vnto whome Beda did dedicate his booke of
 histories of the English nation. After that he was become a moonke in
 [Sidenote: Moonks licenced to drinke wine.]
 the monasterie of Lindesferne, the moonks of that house had licence to
 drinke wine, or ale, whereas before they might not drinke anie other
 thing than milke, or water, by the ancient rule prescribed them of the
 bishop Aidan first founder of the place. The same yeare sundrie
 cities, townes, and monasteries were defaced and sore wasted with fier
 chancing on the sudden, as Stretehu, Giwento, Anwicke, London, Yorke,
 Doncaster, &c.

 After that Moll had reigned 6 yeares, he resigned his kingdome. But
 other write that he reigned 11 yeares, and was in the end slaine by
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: Altred began his reigne in the yeare 765 as _Sim. Dun._
 saith.]
 treason of his successor Altred. This Altred reigned ten years ouer
 the Northumbers, and was then expelled out of his kingdome by his owne
 [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: Ethelbert.]
 subiects. Then was Ethelbert, named also Edelred, the sonne of the
 foresaid Moll, made king of Northumberland, and in the fift yeare of
 his reigne, he was driuen out of his kingdome by two dukes of his
 countrie named Edelbald and Herebert, who mouing warre against him,
 had slaine first Aldulfe the sonne of Bosa the generall of his armie
 at Kingescliffe; and after Kinewulfe and Egga, other two of his dukes,
 at Helatherne in a sore foughten field: so that Ethelbert despairing
 of all recouerie, was constrained to get him out of the countrie. And
 thus was the kingdome of Northumberland brought into a miserable
 state, by the ambitious working of the princes and nobles of the same.

 [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Iohn Capgraue._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: and others.]
 [Sidenote: Ethelbert king of Eastangles.]
 After that Ethelbert king of Eastangles was dead, his sonne Ethelbert
 succéeded him, a prince of great towardnesse, and so vertuouslie
 brought vp by his fathers circumspect care and diligence, that he
 vtterlie abhorred vice, and delighted onelie in vertue and commendable
 exercises, for the better atteining to knowledge and vnderstanding of
 good sciences. There remaine manie sundrie saiengs & dooings of him,
 manifestlie bearing witnesse that there could not be a man more
 honorable, thankefull, courteous or gentle. Amongest other he had this
 [Sidenote: The saieng of king Ethelbert.]
 saieng oftentimes in his mouth, that the greater that men were, the
 more humble they ought to beare themselues: for the Lord putteth proud
 and mightie men from their seates, and exalteth the humble and méeke.

 Moreouer he did not onelie shew himselfe wise in words, but desired
 also to excell in staiednesse of maners, and continencie of life.
 Whereby he wan to him the hearts of his people, who perceiuing that he
 was nothing delighted in the companie of women, and therefore minded
 not mariage, they of a singular loue and fauour towards him, required
 that he should in anie wise yet take a wife, that he might haue issue
 to succéed him. At length the matter being referred to his councell,
 he was persuaded to follow their aduises. And so Alfreda the daughter
 of Offa king of Mercia was affianced to him: so that he himselfe
 appointed (as meanes to procure more fauour at his father in lawes
 hands) to go fetch the bride from hir fathers house.

 Manie strange things that happened to him in taking vpon him this
 iournie, put him in great doubt of that which should follow. He was no
 [Sidenote: Tokens of mishap to follow.]
 sooner mounted on his horsse, but that (as séemed to him) the earth
 shooke vnder him: againe, as he was in his iournie, about the mid-time
 of the day, such a darke mist compassed him on ech side, that he could
 not sée nor discerne for a certeine time anie thing about him at all:
 lastlie, as he laie one night asléepe, he thought he saw in a dreame
 the roofe of his owne palace fall downe to the ground. But though with
 these things he was brought into great feare, yet he kept on his
 [Sidenote: The innocent mistrustfull of no euill.]
 iournie, as he that mistrusted no deceit, measuring other mens maners
 by his owne. King Offa right honourablie receiued him: but his wife
 named Quendred, a wise woman, but therewith wicked, conceiued a
 malicious deuise in hir hart, & streightwaies went about to persuade
 hir husband to put it in execution, which was to murther king
 Ethelbert, and after to take into his hands his kingdome.

 Offa at the first was offended with his wife for this motion, but in
 the end, through the importunate request of the woman, he consented to
 [Sidenote: _Iohn Capgr._]
 [Sidenote: Winnebert.]
 hir mind. The order of the murther was committed vnto one Winnebert,
 that had serued both the said Ethelbert & his father before time, the
 [Sidenote: _Sim. Dun._ saith 771.]
 which feining as though he had béene sent from Offa to will Ethelbert
 [Sidenote: Offa conquereth Eastangles.]
 to come vnto him in the night season, slue him that once mistrusted
 not anie such treason. Offa hauing thus dispatched Ethelbert, inuaded
 his kingdome, and conquered it.

 But when the bride Alfreda vnderstood the death of hir liked make and
 bridegrome, abhorring the fact, she curssed father and mother, and as
 it were inspired with the spirit of prophesie, pronounced that
 woorthie punishment would shortlie fall on hir wicked mother for hir
 heinous crime committed in persuading so detestable a déed: and
 according to hir woords it came to passe, for hir mother died
 [Sidenote: Alfreda a nun.]
 [Sidenote: _Beda._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 miserablie within three moneths after. The maid Alfreda refusing the
 world, professed hirselfe a nun at Crowland, the which place began to
 wax famous about the yéere of our Lord 695, by the meanes of one
 Gutlake, a man esteemed of great vertue and holinesse, which chose to
 himselfe an habitation there, and departing this life about the yéere
 of our Lord 714, was buried in that place, where afterwards an abbeie
 of moonks was builded of saint Benets order. The bodie of K. Ethelbert
 at length was buried at Hereford, though first it was committed to
 buriall in a vile place, néere to the banke of a riuer called Lug.

 The kingdome of Eastangles from thencefoorth was brought so into
 decaie, that it remained subiect one while vnto them of Mercia, an
 other while vnto the Westsaxons, and somewhile vnto them of Kent, till
 that Edmund surnamed the martyr got the gouernment thereof (as after
 shall appéere.) After that Selred king of the Eastsaxons had gouerned
 [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._]
 the tearme of 38 yéeres, he was slaine, but in what maner, writers
 haue not expressed. After him succéeded one Swithed or Swithred, the
 11 and last in number that particularlie gouerned those people. He was
 finallie expelled by Egbert K. of Westsaxons, the same yéere that the
 said Egbert ouercame the Kentishmen (as after shall be shewed) and so
 the kings of that kingdome of the Eastsaxons ceassed and tooke end.

 [Sidenote: Friswide a virgine.]
 ¶ About this time, there was a maid in Oxford named Friswide, daughter
 to a certeine duke or noble man called Didanus, with whome one Algar a
 prince in those parties fell in loue, and would haue rauished hir, but
 God the reuenger of sinnes was at hand (as the storie saith.) For when
 Algar followed the maid that fled before him, she getting into the
 towne, the gate was shut against him, and his sight also was suddenlie
 taken from him. But the maid by hir praiers pacified Gods wrath
 towards him, so that his sight was againe restored to him. But whether
 this be a fable or a true tale, héereof grew the report, that the
 kings of this realme long times after were afraid to enter into the
 citie of Oxford. So easilie is the mind of man turned to superstition
 (as saith Polydor.)

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Kinewulfe king of Westsaxons, his conquest ouer the Britains, his
 securitie and negligence, he is slaine by conspirators, inquisition
 for Kineard the principall procurer of that mischiefe, he is slaine in
 fight; legats from the pope to the kings and archbishops of this land
 about reformation in the church, a councell holden at Mercia; iudge
 Bearne burnt to death for crueltie, Alfwold reigneth ouer
 Northumberland, his owne subiects murther him; a booke of articles
 sent by Charles king of France into Britaine quite contrarie to the
 christian faith, Albinus writeth against it; great waste by tempests
 of wind and rage of fire._

 THE SIXT CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: KINEWULF.]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: 756.]
 After that the Westsaxons had depriued their vnprofitable king
 Sigibert, they aduanced Kinewulfe, or Cinevulfus, the which began his
 reigne about the yéere of our Lord 756, which was in the 16 yéere of
 the emperor Constantinus, surnamed Copronimos, in the 6 yéere of the
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._ saith 755.]
 reigne of Pipin king of France, and about the 22 yéere of Ethfine king
 of Scots. This Kinewulfe prooued a right woorthie and valiant prince,
 [Sidenote: The Britains vanquished.]
 and was descended of the right line of Cerdicus. He obteined great
 victories against the Britains or Welshmen, but at Bensington or
 Benton he lost a battell against Offa king of Mercia, in the 24 yéere
 of his reigne: and from that time forward tasting manie displeasures,
 at length through his owne follie came vnto a shamefull end. For
 whereas he had reigned a long time neither slouthfullie nor
 presumptuouslie, yet now as it were aduanced with the glorie of things
 passed, he either thought that nothing could go against him, or else
 doubted the suertie of their state whom he should leaue behind him,
 and therefore he confined one Kineard the brother of Sigibert, whose
 fame he perceiued to increase more than he would haue wished.

 This Kineard dissembling the matter, as he that could giue place to
 time, got him out of the countrie, and after by a secret conspiracie
 assembled togither a knot of vngratious companie, and returning
 priuilie into the countrie againe, watched his time, till he espied
 that the king with a small number of his seruants was come vnto the
 house of a noble woman, whome he kept a paramour at Merton, wherevpon
 the said Kineard vpon the sudden beset the house round about. The king
 perceiuing himselfe thus besieged of his enimies, at the first caused
 the doores to be shut, supposing either by curteous woords to appease
 his enimies, or with his princelie authoritie to put them in feare.

 But when he saw that by neither meane he could doo good, in a great
 chafe he brake foorth of the house vpon Kineard, and went verie néere
 to haue killed him: but being compassed about with multitude of
 enimies, whilest he stood at defense, thinking it a dishonour for him
 [Sidenote: Kinewulfe slaine by conspirators.]
 to flée, he was beaten downe and slaine, togither with those few of
 his seruants which he had there with him, who chose rather to die in
 séeking reuenge of their maisters death than by cowardise to yéeld
 themselues into the murtherers hands. There escaped none except one
 Welshman or Britaine, an hostage, who was neuerthelesse sore wounded
 and hurt.

 The brute of such an heinous act was streightwaies blowne ouer all,
 and brought with speed to the eares of the noble men and peeres of the
 realme, which were not farre off the place where this slaughter had
 béene committed. Amongst other, one Osrike, for his age and wisedome
 accounted of most authoritie, exhorted the residue that in no wise
 they should suffer the death of their souereigne lord to passe
 vnpunished vnto their perpetuall shame and reproofe. Wherevpon in all
 hast they ran to the place where they knew to find Kineard, who at the
 first began to please his cause, to make large promises, to pretend
 coosenage, and so foorth: but when he perceiued all that he could say
 or doo might not preuaile, he incouraged his companie to shew
 themselues valiant, and to resist their enimies to the vttermost of
 their powers. Heerevpon followed a doubtfull fight, the one part
 striuing to saue their liues, and the other to atteine honour, and
 punish the slaughter of their souereigne lord. At length the victorie
 rested on the side where the right was, so that the wicked murtherer
 after he had fought a while, at length was slaine, togither with
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._]
 fourescore and eight of his mates. The kings bodie was buried at
 Winchester, & the murtherers at Repingdon. Such was the end of king
 Kinewulfe, after he had reigned the tearme of 31 yéeres.

 [Sidenote: _Eccle. hist._]
 [Sidenote: _Magd._]
 [Sidenote: 786.]
 In the yeere of our Lord 786, pope Adrian sent two legats into
 England, Gregorie, or (as some copies haue) George bishop of Ostia,
 and Theophylactus bishop of Tuderto, with letters commendatorie vnto
 Offa king of Mercia, Alfwold king of Northumberland, Ieanbright or
 Lambert archbishop of Canturburie, and Eaubald archbishop of Yorke.
 [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: Legats from the pope.]
 These legats were gladlie receiued, not onlie by the foresaid kings
 and archbishops, but also of all other the high estates, aswell
 spirituall as temporall of the land, & namelie of Kinewulfe king of
 the Westsaxons, which repaired vnto king Offa to take counsell with
 him for reformation of such articles as were conteined in the popes
 letters.

 [Sidenote: Twentie articles which the legats had to propone.]
 There were twentie seuerall articles which they had to propone on the
 popes behalfe, as touching the receiuing of the faith or articles
 established by the Nicene councell, and obeieng of the other generall
 councels, with instructions concerning baptisme and kéeping of synods
 yéerelie, for the examination of priests and ministers, and reforming
 of naughtie liuers. Moreouer touching discretion to be vsed in
 admitting of gouernors in monasteries, and curats or priests to the
 ministerie in churches: and further for the behauior of priests in
 wearing their apparell, namelie that they should not presume to come
 to the altar bare legged, lest their dishonestie might be discouered.
 And that in no wise the chalice or paten were made of the horne of an
 oxe, bicause the same is bloudie of nature: nor the host of a crust,
 but of pure bread. Also whereas bishops vsed to sit in councels to
 iudge in secular causes, they were now forbidden so to doo.

 Manie other things were as meanes of reformation articled, both for
 spirituall causes, and also concerning ciuill ordinances, as disabling
 children to be heirs to the parents, which by them were not begot in
 [Sidenote: Nuns concubines.]
 lawfull matrimonie but on concubines, whether they were nunnes or
 secular women. Also of paiment of tithes, performing of vowes,
 auoiding of vndecent apparell, and abolishing of all maner of
 heathenish vsages and customes that sounded contrarie to the order of
 christanitie, as

 [Sidenote: Curtailing of horsses.]
 curtailing of horsses, and eating of horsses flesh. These things with
 manie other expressed in 20 principall articles (as we haue said) were
 first concluded to be receiued by the church of the Northumbers in a
 councell holden there, and subscribed by Alfwold king of the
 Northumbers, by Delberike bishop of Hexham, by Eubald archbishop of
 Yorke, Higwald bishop of Lindisferne, Edelbert bishop of Whiterne,
 Aldulfe bishop of Mieth, Ethelwine also another bishop by his
 deputies, with a number of other of the clergie; and lords also of the
 temporaltie, as duke Alrike, duke Segwulfe, abbat Alebericke, and
 abbat Erhard. After this confirmation had of the Northumbers, there
 was also a councell holden in Mercia at Cealtide, in the which these
 persons subscribed, Iambert or Lambert archbishop of Canturburie, Offa
 king of Mercia, Hughbright bishop of Lichfield, Edeulfe bishop of
 Faron, with Vnwone bishop of Ligor, and nine other bishops, besides
 abbats; and thrée dukes, as Brorda, Farwald, and Bercoald, with earle
 Othbald.

 But now to returne backe to speake of other dooings, as in other parts
 [Sidenote: 764.]
 of this land they fell out. About the yéere of our Lord 764, the sée
 of Canturburie being void, one Iambert or Lambert was elected
 [Sidenote: _Sim. Dun._ saith 780.]
 archbishop there, and in the yéere 766, the archbishop of Yorke Egbert
 departed this life, in whose place one Adelbert succéeded. About the
 25 yéere of Kenwulf king of Westsaxons, the Northumbers hauing to
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 their capteine two noble men, Osbald and Ethelherard, burned one of
 their iudges named Bearne, bicause he was more cruell in iudgement (as
 they tooke the matter) than reason required. In which vengeance
 executed vpon the cruell iudge (if he were so seuere as this attempt
 of the two noble men dooth offer the readers to suspect) all such of
 his liuerie & calling are taught lenitie & mildnes, wherwith they
 should leuen the rigor of the lawe. For

 [Sidenote: _Ouid. lib._ 2. _de art. am._]

     -------- capit indulgentia mentes,
     Asperitas odium sæuáque bella mouet.
   Odimus accipitrem, quia viuit semper in armis,
     Er pauidum solitos in pecus ire lupos.
   At caret insidijs hominum, quia mitis hirundo est,
     Quásque colat turres Chaonîs ales habet.

 At the same time, one Aswald or Alfewald reigned ouer the Northumbers,
 being admitted K. after that Ethelbert was expelled, and when the same
 [Sidenote: He began his reigne _ann._ 779, as saith _Simon Dun._ and
 reigned but ten yéeres.]
 Alfwald had reigned 10, or (as some say) 11 yéeres, he was
 traitorouslie and without all guilt made away; the chéefe conspirator
 was named Siga. The same Alfwald was a iust prince, and woorthilie
 gouerned the Northumbers to his high praise and commendation. He was
 murthered by his owne people (as before ye haue heard) the 23 of
 September, in the yéere of our Lord 788, and was buried at Hexham.

 [Sidenote: 788.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: 792.]
 In the yéere 792, Charles king of France sent a booke into Britaine,
 which was sent vnto him from Constantinople, conteining certeine
 articles agreed vpon in a synod (wherein were present aboue the number
 of thrée hundred bishops) quite contrarie and disagréeing from the
 true faith, namelie in this, that images ought to be worshipped, which
 the church of God vtterlie abhorreth. Against this booke Albinus that
 famous clearke wrote a treatise confirmed with places taken out of
 holie scripture, which treatise, with the booke in name of all the
 bishops and princes of Britaine, he presented vnto the king of France.
 [Sidenote: _Sim. Dunel._]
 [Sidenote: 800.]
 ¶ In the yéere 800, on Christmasse éeuen chanced a maruellous tempest
 of wind, which ouerthrew whole cities and townes in diuerse places,
 and trees in great number, beside other harmes which it did, as by
 death of cattell, &c. In the yeere following a great part of London
 was consumed by fire.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Britricus K. of the Westsaxons, his inclination, Egbert being of the
 bloud roiall is banished the land, & why; crosses of bloudie colour
 and drops of bloud fell from heauen, what they did prognosticate; the
 first Danes that arriued on the English coasts, and the cause of their
 comming; firie dragons flieng in the aire foretokens of famine and
 warre; Britricus is poisoned of his wife Ethelburga, hir ill
 qualities; why the kings of the Westsaxons decreed that their wiues
 should not be called queenes, the miserable end of Ethelburga; Kenulfe
 king of Mercia, his vertues, he restoreth the archbishops see to
 Canturburie which was translated to Lichfield, he inuadeth Kent,
 taketh the king prisoner in the field, and bountifullie setteth him at
 libertie, the great ioy of the people therevpon; his rare liberalitie
 to churchmen, his death and buriall._

 THE SEUENTH CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: BRITRICUS.]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._ saith 787.]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._ saith 786.]
 After Kenwulfe, one Britricus or Brightrike was ordeined king of
 Westsaxons, and began his reigne in the yéere of our Lord 787, which
 was about the 8 yéere of the gouernment of the empresse Eirene with
 hir son Constantinus, and about the second yeere of the reigne of
 Achaius K. of Scots. This Brightrike was descended of the line of
 Cerdicus the first king of Westsaxons, the 16 in number from him. He
 was a man of nature quiet & temperate, more desirous of peace than of
 warre, and therefore he stood in doubt of the noble valiancie of one
 Egbert, which after succéeded him in the kingdome. The linage of
 Cerdicus was in that season so confounded and mingled, that euerie one
 as he grew in greatest power, stroue to be king and supreame
 gouernour. But speciallie Egbertus was knowne to be one that coueted
 that place, as he that was of the bloud roiall, and a man of great
 [Sidenote: Egbert banished.]
 courage. King Brightrike therefore to liue in more safetie, banished
 him the land, and appointed him to go into France. Egbert
 vnderstanding certeinlie that this his departure into a forreine
 countrie should aduance him in time, obeied the kings pleasure.

 [Sidenote: A strange woonder.]
 About the third yéere of Brightrikes reigne, there fell vpon mens
 garments, as they walked abroad, crosses of bloudie colour, and bloud
 fell from heauen as drops of raine. Some tooke this woonder for a
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: Danes.]
 signification of the persecution that followed by the Danes: for
 shortlie after, in the yeere insuing, there arriued thrée Danish ships
 vpon the English coasts, against whome the lieutenant of the parties
 adjoining made foorth, to apprehend those that were come on land,
 howbeit aduenturing himselfe ouer rashlie amongst them, he was slaine:
 but afterwards when the Danes perceiued that the people of the
 countries about began to assemble, and were comming against them, they
 fled to their ships, and left their prey and spoile behind them for
 that time. These were the first Danes that arriued here in this land,
 being onelie sent (as was perceiued after) to view the countrie and
 coasts of the same, to vnderstand how with a greater power they might
 be able to inuade it, as shortlie after they did, and warred so with
 the Englishmen, that they got a great part of the land, and held it in
 their owne possession. In the tenth yéere of king Brightrikes reigne,
 there were séene in the aire firie dragons flieng, which betokened (as
 [Sidenote: Famin & war signified.]
 was thought) two grieuous plagues that followed. First a great dearth
 and famine: and secondlie a cruell war of the Danes, which shortlie
 followed, as ye shall heare.

 Finallie, after that Brightrike had reigned the space of 16 yéeres, he
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Cest. lib._ 5. _cap._ 25.]
 [Sidenote: Brightrike departed this life.]
 departed this life, and was buried at Warham. Some write that he was
 poisoned by his wife Ethelburga daughter vnto Offa king of Mercia (as
 before ye haue heard) and he maried hir in the fourth yere of his
 reigne. She is noted by writers to haue bin a verie euill woman,
 proud, and high-minded as Lucifer, and therewith disdainful. She bare
 [Sidenote: Ethelburga hir conditions and wicked nature.]
 hir the more statelie, by reason of hir fathers great fame and
 magnificence: whome she hated she would accuse to hir husband, and so
 put them in danger of their liues. And if she might not so wreake hir
 rancour, she would not sticke to poison them.

 It happened one day, as she meant to haue poisoned a yoong gentleman,
 against whome she had a quarell, the king chanced to tast of that cup,
 and died thereof (as before ye haue heard.) Hir purpose indeed was not
 to haue poisoned the king, but onelie the yoong gentleman, the which
 drinking after the king, died also, the poison was so strong and
 [Sidenote: A decrée of the kings of the Westsaxons against their
 wiues.]
 vehement. For hir heinous crime it is said that the kings of the
 Westsaxons would not suffer their wiues to be called quéenes, nor
 permit them to sit with them in open places (where their maiesties
 should bée shewed) manie yéeres after. Ethelburga fearing punishment,
 fled into France with great riches and treasure, & was well cherished
 in the court of king Charles at the first, but after she was thrust
 [Sidenote: The end of Ethelburga.]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 into an abbeie, and demeaned hirselfe so lewdlie there, in keeping
 companie with one of hir owne countriemen, that she was banished the
 house, and after died in great miserie.

 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: Kenulfe.]
 Egbert king of Mercia departing this life, after he had reigned foure
 moneths, ordeined his coosine Kenulfe to succeed in his place, which
 Kenulfe was come of the line of Penda king of Mercia, as rightlie
 descended from his brother Kenwalke. This Kenulfe for his noble
 courage, wisdome, and vpright dealing, was woorthie to be compared
 with the best princes that haue reigned. His vertues passed his fame:
 nothing he did that enuie could with iust cause reprooue. At home he
 shewed himselfe godlie and religious, in warre he became victorious,
 [Sidenote: The archbishops sée restored to Canturburie.]
 he restored the archbishops sée againe to Canturburie, wherein his
 humblenes was to be praised, that made no account of worldlie honour
 in his prouince, so that the order of the ancient canons might be
 obserued. He had wars left him as it were by succession from his
 predecessour Offa against them of Kent, and thervpon entring that
 countrie with a mightie armie, wasted and spoiled the same, and
 encountering in battell with king Edbert or Ethelbert, otherwise
 [Sidenote: The king of Kent taken prisoner.]
 called Prenne, ouerthrew his armie, and tooke him prisoner in the
 field, but afterwards he released him to his great praise and
 commendation. For whereas he builded a church at Winchcombe, vpon the
 day of the dedication thereof, he led the Kentish king as then his
 prisoner, vp to the high altar, and there set him at libertie,
 declaring thereby a great proofe of his good nature.

 There were present at that sight, Cuthred whom he had made king of
 Kent in place of Ethelbert, or Edbert, with 13 bishops, and 10 dukes.
 The noise that was made of the people in reioising at the kings
 bountious liberalitie was maruellous. For not onelie he thus restored
 [Sidenote: Kenulfs liberalitie towards churchmen which was not
 forgotten by them in their histories.]
 the Kentish king to libertie, but also bestowed great rewards vpon all
 the prelates and noble men that were come to the feast, euerie priest
 had a peece of gold, and euerie moonke a shilling. Also he dealt and
 gaue away great gifts amongst the people, and founded in that place an
 abbeie, indowing the same with great possessions. Finallie, after he
 had reigned 24 yéeres, he departed this life, and appointed his
 buriall to be in the same abbeie of Winchcombe, leauing behind him a
 sonne named Kenelme, who succeeded his father in the kingdome, but was
 soone murthered by his vnnaturall sister Quendred, the 17 of Iulie, as
 hereafter shall be shewed.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Osrike king of Northumberland leaueth the kingdome to Edelbert
 reuoked out of exile, king Alfwalds sons miserablie slaine, Osred is
 put to death, Ethelbert putteth away his wife and marieth another, his
 people rise against him therefore and kill him, Oswald succeeding him
 is driuen out of the land; Ardulfe king of Northumberland, duke Wade
 raiseth warre against him and is discomfited; duke Aldred is slaine; a
 sore battell fought in Northumberland, the English men aflict one
 another with ciuill warres; king Ardulfe deposed from his estate; the
 regiment of the Northumbers refused as dangerous and deadlie by
 destinie, what befell them in lieu of their disloialtie; the Danes
 inuade their land and are vanquished; the roiall race of the Kentish
 kings decaieth, the state of that kingdome; the primasie restored to
 the see of Canturburie, Egbert (after the death of Britricus) is sent
 for to vndertake the gouernement of the Westsaxons, his linage._

 THE EIGHT CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: OSRED.]
 [Sidenote: 788.]
 When Aswald king of Northumberland was made away, his brother Osred
 the sonne of Alred tooke vpon him the rule of that kingdom anno 788,
 and within one yeere was expelled, and left the kingdome to Ethelbert
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 or Edelred as then reuoked out of exile, in which he had remained for
 the space of 12 yéeres, and now being restored, he continued in
 gouernement of the Northumbers 4 yéeres, or (as some say) 7 yéeres; in
 [Sidenote: Duke Ardulf taken and wounded.]
 the second yéere whereof duke Eardulfe was taken and led to Ripon, and
 there without the gate of the monasterie wounded (as was thought) to
 death by the said king, but the moonks taking his bodie, and laieng it
 in a tent without the church, after midnight he was found aliue in the
 church.

 Moreouer, about the same time the sonnes of king Alfwald were by force
 drawne out of the citie of Yorke, but first by a wile they were
 trained out of the head church where they had taken sanctuarie, and so
 at length miserablie slaine by king Ethelbert in Wonwaldremere, one of
 [Sidenote: 792.]
 them was named Alfus, & the other Alfwin. In the yéere of our Lord
 792, Osred vpon trust of the others and promises of diuerse noble men,
 secretly returned into Northumberland, but his owne souldiers forsooke
 him, and so was he taken, and by king Ethelberts commandment put to
 death at Cunbridge on the 14 day of September.

 The same yéere king Ethelbert maried the ladie Alfled the daughter of
 Offa king of Mercia, forsaking his former wife which he had, & hauing
 no iust cause of diuorce giuen on hir part, wherby his people tooke
 such displeasure against him, that finallie after he had reigned now
 this second time 4 yéeres, or (as other say) seuen yéeres, he could
 not auoid the destinie of his predecessors, but was miserablie killed
 by his owne subiects at Cobre, the 18 of Aprill. After whome, one
 Oswald a noble man was ordeined king, and within 27 or 28 daies after
 [Sidenote: Holie Iland.]
 was expelled, and constreined to flie first into the Ile of
 Lindesferne, and from thence vnto the king of the Picts.

 [Sidenote: Ardulfe.]
 Then Ardulfe that was a duke and sonne to one Arnulfe was reuoked out
 of exile, made king, & consecrated also at Yorke by the archbishop
 [Sidenote: 796.]
 Cumhald, and thrée other bishops, the 25 of June, in the yéere 796.
 About two yeeres after, to wit, in the yéere 798 one duke Wade, and
 other conspirators which had beene also partakers in the murthering of
 king Ethelbert, raised warre against king Ardulfe, and fought a
 [Sidenote: Walalege.]
 battell with him at Walleg, but king Ardulfe got the vpper hand,
 and chased Wade and other his enimies out of the field. In the yéere
 [Sidenote: 799.]
 799, duke Aldred that had murthered Ethelbert or Athelred king of
 Northumberland, was slaine by another duke called Chorthmond in
 reuenge of the death of his maister the said Ethelbert. Shortlie
 after, about the same time that Brightrike king of Westsaxons departed
 this life, there was a sore battell foughten in Northumberland at
 Wellehare, in the which Alricke the sonne of Herbert, and manie other
 with him were slaine: but to rehearse all the battels with their
 successes and issues, it should be too tedious and irkesome to the
 readers, for the English people being naturallie hard and high-minded,
 continuallie scourged each other with

 [Sidenote: The English men afflicted each other with ciuill warre.]
 intestine warres. About six or seuen yéeres after this battell, king
 Ardulfe was expelled out of the state.

 ¶ Thus ye may consider in what plight things stood in Northumberland,
 by the often seditions, tumults and changings of gouernors, so that
 there be which haue written, how after the death of king Ethelbert,
 otherwise called Edelred, diuers bishops and other of the chiefest
 nobles of the countrie disdaining such traitorous prince-killings,
 ciuill seditions, and iniurious dealings, as it were put in dailie
 practise amongst the Northumbers, departed out of their natiue borders
 into voluntarie exile, and that from thencefoorth there was not anie
 of the nobilitie that durst take vpon him the kinglie gouernement
 amongst them, fearing the fatall prerogatiue thereof, as if it had
 béene Scians horsse, whose rider came euer to some euill end. But yet
 by that which is héeretofore shewed out of Simon Dunelm, it is
 euident, that there reigned kings ouer the Northumbers, but in what
 authoritie and power to command, it may be doubted.

 Howbeit this is certeine, that the sundrie murtherings and banishments
 of their kings and dukes giue vs greatlie to gesse, that there was but
 sorie obedience vsed in the countrie, whereby for no small space of
 time that kingdome remained without an head gouernor, being set open
 to the prey and iniurie of them that were borderers vnto it, and
 likewise vnto strangers. For the Danes, which in those daies were
 [Sidenote: This chanced in the yéere of our Lord 700, as _Simon Dun._
 saith.]
 great rouers, had landed before in the north parts, & spoiled the
 abbeie of Lindesferne otherwise called holie Iland, and perceiuing the
 fruitfulnesse of the countrie, and easinesse for their people to
 inuade it (bicause that through their priuate quarelling there was
 little publike resistance to be looked for) at their comming home,
 entised their countriemen to make voiages into England, and so landing
 [Sidenote: The Danes inuade Northumberland.]
 in Northumberland did much hurt, and obtained a great part of the
 countrie in manner without resistance, bicause there was no ruler
 there able to raise anie power of men by publike authoritie to
 incounter with the common enimies, whereby the countrie was brought
 into great miserie, partlie with war of the Danes, and ciuill
 dissention amongest the nobles and people themselues, no man being of
 authoritie (I say) able to reforme such misorders. Yet we find that
 the nobles and capteines of the countrie assembling togither at one
 [Sidenote: The Danes vanquished.]
 [Sidenote: This was in anno 794 as _Simon Dun._ saith.]
 time against the Danes that were landed about Tinmouth, constreined
 them by sharpe fight to flée backe to their ships, and tooke certeine
 of them in the field, whose heads they stroke off there vpon the
 shore. The other that got to their ships, suffered great losse of men,
 and likewise of their vessels by tempest.

 ¶ Here then we are taught that the safest way to mainteine a
 monarchie, is when all degrées liue in loialtie. And that it is
 necessarie there should be one supereminent, vnto whome all the
 residue should stoope: this fraile bodie of ours may giue vs
 sufficient instruction. For reason ruleth in the mind as souereigne,
 and hath subiect vnto it all the affections and inward motions, yea
 the naturall actions are directed by hir gouernement: whereto if the
 will be obedient there cannot créepe in anie outrage or disorder. Such
 should be the sole regiment of a king in his kingdome; otherwise he
 may be called "Rex á regendo, as Mons a mouendo." For there is not a
 greater enimie to that estate, than to admit participants in roialtie,
 which as it is a readie way to cause a subuersion of a monarchie; so
 it is the shortest cut ouer to a disordered anarchie. But to procéed
 in the historie.

 After that Alrike (the last of king Witchreds sonnes, which reigned in
 Kent successiuelie after their father) was dead, the noble ofspring of
 the kings there so decaied, and began to vade awaie, that euerie one
 which either by flattering had got rithes togither, or by seditious
 partaking was had in estimation, sought to haue the gouernement, and
 to vsurp the title of king, abusing by vnworthie means the honor and
 [Sidenote: Edelbert.]
 dignitie of so high an office. Amongest others, one Edbert or
 Edelbert, surnamed also Prenne, gouerned the Kentishmen for the space
 of two yeares, and was in the end vanquished by them of Mercia, and
 taken prisoner, as before is said: so that for a time he liued in
 captiuitie; and although afterwards he was set at libertie, yet was he
 not receiued againe to the kingdome, so that it is vncerteine what end
 he made. Cuthred that was appointed by Kinevulfe the king of Mercia,
 to reigne in place of the same Edbert or Edelbert, continued in the
 gouernement eight yéeres as king, rather by name than by act,
 inheriting his predecessors euill hap and calamitie, through factions
 and ciuill discord.

 [Sidenote: Lambert.]
 After that Iambrith or Lambert the archbishop of Canturburie was
 departed this life, one Edelred was ordeined in his place, vnto whome
 the primasie was restored, which in his predecessors time was taken
 awaie by Offa king of Mercia, as before is recited. Also after the
 death of Eubald archbishop of Yorke, another of the same name called
 Eubald the second was admitted to succeed in that sée. After that
 Brightrike the king of Westsaxons was departed this life, messengers
 were sent with all spéed into France, to giue knowledge thereof vnto
 Egbert, which as before is shewed, was constreined by the said
 Brightrike to depart the countrie. At the first, he withdrew vnto Offa
 king of Mercia, with whome he remained for a time, till at length
 (through suit made by Brightrike) he perceiued he might not longer
 continue there without danger to be deliuered into his enimies hands;
 and so, Offa winking at the matter, he departed out of his countrie,
 and got him ouer into France. But being now aduertised of Brightriks
 death, and required by earnest letters sent from his friends to come
 and receiue the gouernement of the kingdome, he returned with all
 conuenient spéed into his countrie, and was receiued immediatlie for
 [Sidenote: Egbert receiued a king of Westsaxons His linage.]
 king, by the generall consent of the Westsaxons, as well in respect of
 the good hope which they had conceiued of his woorthie qualities and
 aptnesse to haue gouernement, as of his roiall linage, being lineallie
 descended from Inigils the brother of king Inas, as sonne to
 Alkemound, that was the sonne of one Eaffa, which Eaffa was sonne to
 Ope the sonne of the foresaid Inigils.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Egbert reigneth ouer the Westsaxons, his practise or exercise in the
 time of his exile, his martiall exploits against the Cornishmen and
 Welshmen, Bernulfe king of Mercia taketh indignation at Egbert for the
 inlarging of his roiall authoritie, they fight a sore battell, Egbert
 ouercommeth, great ods betweene their souldiers, bishop Alstan a
 warriour; Kent, Essex, Southerie, Sussex, and Eastangles subiect to
 Egbert; he killeth Bernulfe K. of Mercia, and conquereth the whole
 kingdome, Whitlafe the king thereof becommeth his tributarie, the
 Northumbers submit themselues to Egbert, he conquereth Northwales and
 the citie of Chester, he is crowned supreme gouernour of the whole
 land, when this Ile was called England, the Danes inuade the land,
 they discomfit Egberts host, the Welshmen ioine with the Danes against
 Egbert, they are both vanquished, Egbert dieth._

 THE NINTH CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: EGBERT.]
 [Sidenote: 802 as _Simon Dunel._]
 [Sidenote: and _M.W._ hath noted but 801.]
 This Egbert began his reigne in the yeare of our Lord 800, which was
 the 4 yeare almost ended, after that the emperour Eirine began the
 second time to rule the empire, and in the 24 yeare of the reigne of
 Charles the great king of France, which also was in the same yeare
 after he was made emperour of the west, and about the second yeare of
 Conwall king of Scots. Whilest this Egbert remained in exile, he
 turned his aduersaries into an occasion of his valiancie, as it had
 béene a grindstone to grind awaie and remoue the rust of sluggish
 slouthfulnes, in so much that hawnting the wars in France, in seruice
 of Charles the great, he atteined to great knowledge and experience,
 both in matters appertaining to the wars, and likewise to the well
 ordering of the common wealth in time of peace. The first wars that he
 tooke in hand, after he had atteined to the kingdome, was against the
 Cornishmen, a remnant of the old Britains, whome he shortlie ouercame
 and subdued. Then he thought good to tame the vnquiet Welshmen, the
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 which still were readie to moue rebellion against the Englishmen, as
 they that being vanquished, would not yet seeme to be subdued,
 wherefore about the 14 yeare of his reigne, he inuaded the countrie of
 Wales, and went through the same from east to west, not finding anie
 person that durst resist him.

 King Egbert hauing ouercome his enimies of Wales and Cornewall, began
 to grow in authoritie aboue all the other rulers within this land, in
 somuch that euerie of them began to feare their owne estate, but
 [Sidenote: Bernulf king of Mercia.]
 namelie Bernulfe king of Mercia sore stomached the matter, as he that
 was wise, and of a loftie courage, and yet doubted to haue to doo with
 Egbert, who was knowen also to be a man both skilfull and valiant. At
 length yet considering with himselfe, that if his chance should be to
 speed well, so much the more should his praise be increased, he
 determined to attempt the fortune of warre, and therevpon intimated
 the same vnto Egbert, who supposing it should be a dishonor vnto him
 to giue place, boldlie prepared to méete Bernulfe in the field.
 [Sidenote: A battell fought at Ellendon.]
 Herevpon they incountred togither at Ellendon, & fought a sore
 battell, in the which a huge number of men were slaine, what on the
 one part, and on the other but in the end the victorie remained with
 [Sidenote: Egbert won the victorie.]
 Egbert, although he had not the like host for number vnto Bernulfe,
 but he was a politike prince, and of great experience, hauing chosen
 his souldiers of nimble, leane, and hartie men; where Bernulfs
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: 826.]
 souldiers (through long ease) were cowardlie persons, and ouercharged
 with flesh. The battell was fought in the yeare of our Lord 826.

 King Egbert hauing got this victorie, was aduanced into such hope,
 that he persuaded himselfe to be able without great adoo to ouercome
 the residue of his neighbours, whose estates he saw plainlie sore
 weakened and fallen into great decaie. Herevpon before all other, he
 determined to assaile Edelvulfe king of Kent, whome he knew to be a
 man in no estimation amongest his subiects. A competent armie
 [Sidenote: Alstan bishop of Shireborn a warrior.]
 therefore being leuied, he appointed his sonne Ethelwulfe & Alstan
 bishop of Shireborne, with earle Walhard to haue the conduct therof,
 and sent them with the same into Kent, where they wrought such
 maisteries, that they chased both the king and all other that would
 not submit themselues, out of the countrie, constreining them to passe
 [Sidenote: The conquests of the Westsaxons.]
 ouer the Thames. And herewith the Westsaxons following the victorie,
 brought vnder subiection of king Egbert the countries of Kent, Essex,
 [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._]
 Southerie, and Sussex. The Eastangles also about the same time
 receiued king Egbert for their souereigne Lord, and comforted by his
 setting on against Bernulfe king of Mercia, inuaded the confines of
 his kingdome, in reuenge of displeasures which he had doone to them
 latelie before, by inuading their countrie, and as it came to passe,
 [Sidenote: Bernulf king of Mercia slaine.]
 incountring with the said Bernulfe which came against them to defend
 his countrie, they slue him in the field.

 Thus their minds on both parts being kindled into further wrath, the
 Eastangles eftsoones in the yeare following fought with them of
 Mercia, and ouercame them againe, and slue their king Ludicenus, who
 succéeded Bernulfe in that kingdome, with 5 of his earles. The state
 of the kingdome of Mercia being weakened, Egbert conceiued an assured
 hope of good successe, & in the 27 yeare of his reigne, made an open
 inuasion into the countrie, and chasing Whitlafe king of Mercia (that
 succéeded Ludicenus) out of his estate, conquered the whole kingdome
 of the Mercies. But yet in the yéere next following, or in the third
 yeare after, he restored it againe to Whitlafe, with condition, that
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 he should inioy the same as tributarie to him, and acknowledge him for
 his supreme gouernour. The same yeare that Bernulfe king of Mercia was
 slaine by the Eastangles, there was a sore battell foughten at
 [Sidenote: These were the Cornish men as is to be supposed.]
 Gauelford, betwixt them of Deuonshire, and the Britains, in the which
 manie thousands died on both parts.

 King Egbert hauing conquered all the English people inhabiting on the
 south side of Humber, led foorth his armie against them of
 Northumberland: but the Northumbers being not onelie vexed with ciuill
 sedition, but also with the often inuasion of Danes, perceiued not
 [Sidenote: King Egbert inuadeth Northumberland.]
 [Sidenote: The Northumbers submit themselues to king Egbert.]
 how they should be able to resist the power of king Egbert: and
 therefore vpon good aduisement taken in the matter, they resolued to
 submit themselues, and therevpon sent ambassadors to him to offer
 their submission, committing themselues wholie vnto his protection.
 King Egbert gladlie receiued them, and promised to defend them from
 all forren enimies. Thus the kingdome of Northumberland was brought
 vnder subiection to the kings of the Westsaxons, after the state had
 béen sore weakened with contention and ciuill discord that had
 continued amongst the nobles of the countrie, for the space of manie
 yeeres, beside the inuasion made by outward enimies, to the gréeuous
 damage of the people.

 After that king Egbert had finished his businesse in Northumberland,
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 [Sidenote: Northwales and the citie of Chester conquered by Egbert.]
 he turned his power towards the countrie of Northwales, and subdued
 the same, with the citie of Chester, which till those daies, the
 Britains or Welshmen had kept in their possession. When king Egbert
 had obteined these victories, and made such conquests as before is
 mentioned, of the people héere in this land, he caused a councell to
 be assembled at Winchester, and there by aduise of the high estates,
 he was crowned king, as souereigne gouernour and supreame lord of the
 whole land. It is also recorded, that he caused a commission to be
 directed foorth into all parts of the realme, to giue commandement,
 that from thence forward all the people inhabiting within this land,
 should be called English men, and not Saxons, and likewise the land
 [Sidenote: The name of this ile when it was changed.]
 should be called England by one generall name, though it should
 appéere (as before is mentioned) that it was so called shortlie after
 the first time that the Angles and Saxons got possession thereof.

 Now was king Egbert setled in good quiet, and his dominions reduced
 [Sidenote: The Danes.]
 out of the troubles of warre, when suddenlie newes came, that the
 Danes with a nauie of 35 ships, were arriued on the English coasts,
 and began to make sore warre in the land. K. Egbert being thereof
 aduertised, with all conuenient spéed got togither an armie, and went
 foorth to giue battell to the enimies. Heerevpon incountring with
 them, there was a sore foughten field betwixt them, which continued
 with great slaughter on both sides, till the night came on, and then
 by chance of warre the Englishmen, which before were at point to haue
 [Sidenote: The Englishmen discomfited by Danes.]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: 834.]
 gone awaie with victorie, were vanquished and put to flight, yet king
 Egbert by couert of the night escaped his enimies hands: but two of
 his chiefe capteins Dudda and Osmond, with two bishops, to wit,
 Herferd of Winchester, and Vigferd of Shireborne, were slaine in that
 battell, which was foughten at Carrum, about the 834 of Christ, and 34
 yéere of king Egberts reigne.

 In the yeere following, the Danes with their nauie came into
 Westwales, and there the Welshmen ioining with them, rose against king
 [Sidenote: Danes and Welshmen vanquished.]
 [Sidenote: 836.]
 Egbert, but he with prosperous fortune vanquished and slue both the
 Danes and Welshmen, and that in great number, at a place called
 Hengistenton. The next yéere after also, which was 836, he ouerthrew
 another armie of Danes which came against him, as one autor writeth.
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: Egbert departeth this life.]
 [Sidenote: 837.]
 Finallie, when king Egbert had reigned the tearme of 36 yéeres and
 seuen moneths with great glorie for the inlarging of his kingdome with
 wide bounds, which when he receiued was but of small compasse, he
 departed this life, leauing to his issue matter of woorthie praise to
 mainteine that with order which he with painefull diligence had ioined
 togither. His bodie was buried at Winchester, and he left behind him
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 two sonnes Ethelwulfe, otherwise named Athaulfe and Adelstan. The
 first he appointed to succéed him in the kingdome of Westsaxons, and
 Adelstan he ordeined to haue the gouernment of Kent, Sussex, and
 Essex.

 ¶ Héere we sée the paterne of a fortunate prince in all his affaires,
 as well forren as domesticall, wherein is first to be obserued the
 order of his education in his tender yéeres, which agreeing well with
 a princes nature, could not but in the progresse of his age bring
 great matters to passe, his manifold victories are an argument that as
 he lacked no policie, so he had prowesse inough to incounter with his
 enimies, to whome he gaue manie a fowle discomfiture. But among all
 other notes of his skill and hope of happie successe in his martiall
 affaires, was the good choise that he made of seruiceable souldiers,
 being such as knew how to get the victorie, and hauing gotten it, were
 not vntaught to vse it to their benefit, by their warinesse and
 héedtaking; for

   Sæpiùs incautæ nocuit victoria turbæ.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The kingdome of Kent annexed to the kingdome of the Westsaxons, the
 end of the kingdome of Kent and Essex; Kenelme king of Mercia
 murthered by the meanes of his owne sister Quendred, the order of hir
 wicked practise; his death prophesied or foreshewed by a signe, the
 kings of Mercia put by their roialtie one after another, the kingdome
 of Britaine beginneth to be a monarchie; Ethelwulfe king of the
 Westsaxons, he marrieth his butlers daughter, his disposition; the
 fourth destruction of this land by forren enimies, the Danes sought
 the ruine of this Ile, how long they afflicted and troubled the same;
 two notable bishops and verie seruiceable to king Ethelwulfe in warre,
 the Danes discomfited, the Englishmen chased, Ethelwulfs great
 victorie ouer the Danes, a great slaughter of them at Tenet, king
 Ethelwulfs deuotion and liberalitie to churches, Peter pence paid to
 Rome, he marieth the ladie Iudith, his two sonnes conspire (vpon
 occasion of breaking a law) to depose him, king Ethelwulfe dieth, his
 foure sonnes by his first wife Osburga, how he bequeathed his
 kingdoms._

 THE TENTH CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 When Cuthred K. of Kent had reigned 8 yeeres, as before is mentioned,
 he was constreined to giue place vnto one Baldred, that tooke vpon him
 the gouernment, & reigned the space of 18 yéeres, without anie great
 authoritie, for his subiects regarded him but sorilie, so that in the
 end, when his countrie was inuaded by the Westsaxons, he was easilie
 constreined to depart into exile. And thus was the kingdome of Kent
 annexed to the kingdome of the Westsaxons, after the same kingdome had
 continued in gouernment of kings created of the same nation for the
 space of 382 yéers, that is to say, from the yéere of our Lord 464,
 [Sidenote: The end of the kingdome of Kent.]
 [Sidenote: 827.]
 vnto the yéere 827. Suithred or Suthred king of Essex was vanquished
 and expelled out of his kingdome by Egbert king of Westsaxons (as
 before ye maie read) in the same yéere that the Kentishmen were
 subdued by the said Egbert, or else verie shortlie after. This
 [Sidenote: The end of the kingdome of Essex.]
 kingdome continued 281 yeeres, from the yéere 614, vnto the yeere 795,
 as by the table of the Heptarchie set foorth by Alexander Neuill
 appéereth. After the deceasse of Kenwulfe king of Mercia, his sonne
 Kenelme a child of the age of seuen yéeres was admitted king, about
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: 821.]
 the yeere of our Lord 821. He had two sisters, Quendred and Burgenild,
 [Sidenote: The wickedness of Quendred.]
 of the which the one (that is to say) Quendred, of a malicious mind,
 mooued through ambition, enuied hir brothers aduancement, and sought
 to make him awaie, so that in the end she corrupted the gouernour of
 his person one Ashbert, with great rewards and high promises
 persuading him to dispatch hir innocent brother out of life, that she
 might reigne in his place. Ashbert one day vnder a colour to haue the
 yoong king foorth on hunting, led him into a thicke wood, and there
 cut off the head from his bodie, an impe by reason of his tender
 [Sidenote: King Kenelm murthered.]
 yéeres and innocent age, vnto the world void of gilt, and yet thus
 traitorouslie murthered without cause or crime: he was afterwards
 reputed for a martyr.

 [Sidenote: _Sée legenda aurea. fol._ 165. in the life of S. Kenelme.]
 There hath gone a tale that his death should be signified at Rome, and
 the place where the murther was committed, by a strange manner: for
 (as they say) a white doue came and lighted vpon the altar of saint
 Peter, bearing a scroll in hir bill, which she let fall on the same
 altar, in which scroll among other things this was conteined, "In
 clenc kou bath, Kenelme kinbarne lieth vnder thorne, heaued bereaued:"
 that is, at Clenc in a cow pasture, Kenelme the kings child lieth
 beheaded vnder a thorne. This tale I rehearse, not for anie credit I
 thinke it woorthie of, but onelie for that it séemeth to note the
 place where the yoong prince innocentlie lost his life.

 [Sidenote: Ceolwulfe K. of Mercia 823.]
 After that Kenelme was thus made awaie, his vncle Ceolwulfe the
 brother of king Kenulfe was created king of Mercia, and in the second
 yéere of his reigne was expelled by Bernwulfe. Bernwulfe in the third
 yéere of his reigne, was vanquished and put to flight in battell by
 Egbert king of Westsaxons, and shortlie after slaine of the
 Eastangles, as before ye haue heard. Then one Ludicenus or Ludicanus
 was created king of Mercia, and within two yeeres after came to the
 like end that happened to his predecessor before him, as he went about
 to reuenge his death, so that the kingdome of Britaine began now to
 réele from their owne estate, and leane to an alteration, which grew
 in the end to the erection of a perfect monarchie, and finall
 subuersion of their particular estates and regiments. After Ludicenus,
 [Sidenote: _Matt. Westm._]
 [Sidenote: 728.]
 succeeded Wightlafe, who first being vanquisht by Egbert king of
 Westsaxons, was afterwards restored to the kingdome by the same
 Egbert, and reigned 13 yeeres, whereof twelue at the least were vnder
 tribute which he paied to the said Egbert and to his sonne, as to his
 souereignes and supreame gouernours. The kingdome of Northumberland
 was brought in subjection to the kings of Westsaxons, as before is
 [Sidenote: 828.]
 mentioned, in the yéere of our Lord 828, and in the yéere of the
 reigne of king Egbert 28, but yet héere it tooke not end, as after
 shall appéere.

 [Sidenote: ETHELWULFUS]
 ETHELWULFUS, otherwise called by some writers Athaulfus, began his
 reigne ouer the Westsaxons in the yéere 837, which was in the 24 yéere
 of the emperor Ludouicus Pius that was also K. of France, in the tenth
 yéere of Theophilus the emperor of the East, & about the third yéere
 of Kenneth, the second of that name king of Scots. This Ethelwulfe
 minding in his youth to haue béene a priest, entered into the orders
 as subdeacon, and as some write, he was bishop of Winchester: but
 [Sidenote: _Henrie Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 howsoeuer the matter stood, or whether he was or not, sure it is, that
 shortlie after he was absolued of his vowes by authoritie of pope Leo,
 and then maried a proper gentlewoman named Osburga, which was his
 butlers daughter. He was of nature courteous, and rather desirous to
 liue in quiet rest, than to be troubled with the gouernment of manie
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 countries, so that contenting himselfe with the kingdome of
 Westsaxons, he permitted his brother Adelstan to inioy the residue of
 the countries which his father had subdued, as Kent and Essex, with
 other. He aided Burthred the king of Mercia against the Welshmen, and
 greatlie aduanced his estimation, by giuing vnto him his daughter in
 mariage.

 [Sidenote: Foure especiall destructions of this land.]
 But now the fourth destruction which chanced to this land by forren
 enimies, was at hand: for the people of Denmarke, Norway, and other of
 those northeast regions, which in that season were great rouers by
 sea, had tasted the wealth of this land by such spoiles and preies as
 they had taken in the same, so that perceiuing they could not purchase
 more profit anie where else, they set their minds to inuade the same
 on ech side, as they had partlie begun in the daies of the late kings
 Brightrike and Egbert. The persecution vsed by these Danes séemed more

 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 gréeuous, than anie of the other persecutions, either before or
 sithens that time: for the Romans hauing quicklie subdued the land,
 gouerned it noblie without seeking the subuersion thereof. The Scots
 and Picts onelie inuaded the north parts. And the Saxons seeking the
 conquest of the land, when they had once got it, they kept it, and did
 what they could, to better and aduance it to a flourishing estate.

 The Normans likewise hauing made a conquest, granted both life,
 libertie, and ancient lawes to the former inhabitants: but the Danes
 long time and often assailing the land on euerie side, now inuading it
 in this place, and now in that, did not at the first so much couet to
 [Sidenote: The Danes sought the destruction of this land.]
 conquer it, as to spoile it, nor to beare rule in it, as to waste and
 destroie it: who if they were at anie time, ouercome, the victors were
 nothing the more in quiet: for a new nauie, and a greater armie was
 readie to make some new inuasion, neither did they enter all at one
 place, nor at once, but one companie on the east side, and an other in
 the west, or in the north and south coasts, in such sort, that the
 Englishmen knew not whether they should first go to make resistance
 against them.

 [Sidenote: How long the persecution of the Danes lasted.]
 [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._]
 This mischiefe began chieflie in the daies of this king Ethelwulfe,
 but it continued about the space of two hundred yeeres, as by the
 sequele of this booke it shall appéere. King Ethelwulfe was not so
 much giuen to ease, but that vpon occasion for defense of his countrie
 and subiects, he was readie to take order for the beating backe of the
 enimies, as occasion serued, and speciallie chose such to be of his
 counsell, as were men of great experience and wisedome. Amongst other,
 [Sidenote: Two notable bishops in Ethelwulfs daies.]
 there were two notable prelats, Suithune bishop of Winchester, and
 Adelstan bishop of Shireborne, who were readie euer to giue him good
 aduise. Suithune was not so much expert in worldlie matters as
 Adelstan was, & therefore chieflie counselled the king in things
 apperteining to his soules health: but Adelstan tooke in hand to order
 matters apperteining to the state of the commonwealth, as prouiding of
 monie, and furnishing foorth of men to withstand the Danes, so that by
 him manie things were both boldlie begun, and happilie atchiued, as by
 writers hath béene recorded. He gouerned the sée of Shireborne the
 space of 50 yéeres, by the good counsell and faithfull aduise of those
 two prelats.

 King Ethelwulfe gouerned his subiects verie politikelie, and by
 himselfe and his capteins oftentimes put the Danes to flight, though
 as chance of warre falleth out, he also receiued at their hands great
 losses, and sundrie sore detriments. In the first yéere of his reigne,
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 the Danes arriued at Hampton, with 33 ships, against whome he sent
 earle Wulhard with part of his armie, the which giuing battell to the
 [Sidenote: Danes discomfited.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 enimies, made great slaughter of them, and obteined a noble victorie.
 He sent also earle Adelhelme with the Dorsetshire men against an other
 number of the Danes, which were landed at Portesmouth, but after long
 fight, the said Adelhelme was slaine, and the Danes obteined the
 victorie. In the yéere following, earle Herbert fought against the
 [Sidenote: Englishmen put to flight.]
 [Sidenote: They are eftsoones vanquished.]
 Danes at Merseware, and was there slaine, and his men chased. The same
 yeere, a great armie of Danes passing by the east parts of the land,
 as through Lindsey, Eastangle, and Kent, slue and murthered an huge
 number of people. The next yéere after this, they entered further into
 the land, and about Canturburie, Rochester, and London, did much
 mischiefe.

 King Ethelwulfe in the fift yéere of his reigne, with a part of his
 [Sidenote: Carrum.]
 armie incountred with the Danes at Carrum, the which were arriued in
 those parties with 30 ships, hauing their full fraught of men, so that
 for so small a number of vessels, there was a great power of men of
 warre, in so much that they obteined the victorie at that time, and
 [Sidenote: The Danes wan the victorie in battell.]
 [Sidenote: Danes are vanquished.]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: 851.]
 put the king to the woorse. About the tenth yéere of king Ethelwulfs
 reigne, one of his capteins called Ernwulfe, and bishop Adelstan, with
 the Summersetshire men, and an other capteine called Osred, with the
 Dorsetshire men, fought against the Danes, at a place called
 Pedredesmuth, and vanquished them with great triumph. In the sixtéenth
 yeere of his reigne, king Ethelwulfe and his sonne Edelbald hauing
 [Sidenote: Ocley.]
 assembled all their powers togither, gaue battell at Ocley, to an huge
 [Sidenote: Two hundred and fiftie ships saith _Hen. Hunt._]
 host of Danes, the which with foure hundred and fiftie ships had
 arriued at Thames mouth, and destroied the famous cities of London and
 Canturburie, and also had chased Brightwulfe king of Mercia in
 battell, and being now entered into Southerie, were incountered by
 king Ethelwulfe at Ocley aforesaid, & after sore fight and incredible
 slaughter made on both sides, in the end, the victorie by the power of
 God was giuen to those that beléeued on him, and the losse rested with
 great confusion to the miscreants.

 [Sidenote: The Danes eftsoones vanquished. Danes ouercome by sea.]
 Thus king Ethelwulfe obteined a glorious victorie in so mightie a
 battell, as a greater had not beene lightlie heard of to chance within
 the English dominions. The same yeere also Athelstan king of Kent and
 duke Ealhere fought by sea with the Danes, and tooke 9 of their ships,
 and chased the residue. Moreouer, one earle Ceorle hauing with him the
 [Sidenote: The Deuonshire men vanquish the Danes.]
 power of Deuonshire, fought with the Danes at Winleshore, and got the
 victorie. This yéere was verie luckie to the English nation, but yet
 the armie of the Danes lodged all the winter season in the Ile of
 Tenet. And this was the first time that they remained héere all the
 winter, vsing afore time but to come and make an inuasion in one place
 or other, and immediatlie to returne home with the prey.

 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: 852.]
 In the 18 yeere of king Ethelwulfes reigne, he aided Burthred king of
 Mercia against the Welshmen (as before is mentioned) and gaue to him
 his daughter in marriage, the solemnization whereof was kept at
 Chipnham. The same yéere king Ethelwulfe sent his sonne Alured as then
 but fiue yeeres of age to Rome, where he was consecrated K. by pope
 Leo the fourth, and was receiued of him as if he had beene his owne
 sonne. Duke Ealhere or Eachere with the Kentishmen, and one Huda or
 rather Wada, with the men of Southerie, fought against the armie of
 [Sidenote: Great slaughter of Danes at Tenet.]
 Danes at Tenet, where great slaughter was made on both sides, the
 Englishmen preuailing in the beginning, but in the end, both their
 foresaid dukes or leaders died in that battell, beside manie other
 that were slaine and drowned.

 In the 19 yéere of his reigne, king Ethelwulfe ordeined that the
 tenths or tithes of all lands due to be paid to the church, should be
 frée from all tribute, duties, or seruices regall. And afterwards,
 with great deuotion he went to Rome, where he was receiued with great
 honour, and taried there one whole yéere: he tooke with him his sonne
 Alured, who had béene there before as ye haue heard. He repaired the
 [Sidenote: The Saxons schoole.]
 Saxons schoole, which Offa king of Mercia had sometime founded in that
 citie, and latelie had béene sore decaied by fire. He confirmed the
 grant of Peter pence, to the intent that no Englishmen from
 [Sidenote: King Ethelwulfs liberalitie to churches.]
 [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: Mancusæ.]
 thence-foorth should doo penance in bounds as he saw some there to doo
 before his face. It is also written, that he should acquit all the
 churches of his realme of paieng tribute to his coffers (as before ye
 haue heard) & moreouer couenanted to send vnto Rome euerie yéere three
 hundred marks, that is to say, one hundred marks to saint Peters
 church, an other hundred marks to saint Paules light, and the third
 hundred marks to the Pope.

 [Sidenote: The ladie Iudith.]
 In his returne thorough France, he married the ladie Iudith, daughter
 to Charles the bald, then K. of France, and bringing hir with him into
 his countrie, placed hir by him in a chaire of estate, with which déed
 he offended so the minds of his subiects, bicause it was against the
 order taken before him, for the offense of Ethelburga, that his sonne
 Ethelbald and Adelstan bishop of Shireborne, with Enwulfe earle of
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 Summerset, conspired to depose him from his kinglie authoritie; but by
 mediation of friends, the matter was taken vp, and so ordered, that
 the kingdome was diuided betwixt the father and the sonne, with such
 parcialitie, that the sonne had the better part lieng westward, and
 the father was constreined to content himselfe with the east part
 being the woorst.

 [Sidenote: 857.]
 Of this trouble of Ethelwulfe some write otherwise, after this manner
 word for word. ¶ Ethelwulfe king of the Westsaxons being returned from
 Rome & the parties beyond the seas, was prohibited the entrance into
 his realme by Adelstane bishop of Shireborne, and Ethelbald his eldest
 sonne; pretending outwardlie the coronation of Alfride, the mariage of
 Iudith the French kings daughter, and open eating with hir at the
 table, to be the onelie cause of this their manifest rebellion.
 Whereby he séemeth to inferre, that this reuolting of Adelstane and
 his son, should procéed of the ambitious desire of Ethelbald to
 reigne, and likelie inough, or else this vnequall partition should
 neuer haue béene made.

 But howsoeuer the matter stood, king Ethelwulfe liued not long after
 his returne from Rome, but departed this life, after he had ruled the
 kingdome of the Westsaxons the space of 20 yéeres and od moneths. His
 bodie was buried at Winchester. He left behind him foure sonnes,
 Ethelbald, Ethelbert or Ethelbright, Ethelred, and Alsred or Alured,
 which was begotten of his first wife Osburga. A little before his
 [Sidenote: Onelie Westsex saith _Matt. Westm._ and _Sim. Dunel._
 saith that Ethelbright had Sussex also, and so dooth _H. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. Paris._]
 death he made his testament and last will, appointing his sonne
 Ethelbald to succéed him in the whole regiment of his kingdoms of
 Westsex and Sussex, which he held by inheritance: but the kingdoms of
 Kent and Essex he assigned to his son Ethelbright. About the same time
 also the Danes soiourned all the winter season in the Ile of Shepie.

 ¶ The old Saxons doo bring the genealogie of this Ethelwulfe to Adam,
 after this maner following.

   Ethelwulfe the sonne of Egbert,
   the son of Alcmund,
   the son of Eaffa,
   the son of Eoppa,
   the son of Ingils,
   the son of Kenred,
   the son of Coelwald,
   the son of Cudwine,
   the son of Ceawlin,
   the son of Kenric,
   the son of Cerdic,
   the son of Eslie,
   the son of Gewise,
   the son of Wingie,
   the son of Freawin,
   the son of Fridagare,
   the son of Brendie,
   the son of Beldegie,
   the son of Woden,
   the son of Frethelwold,
   the son of Freolaffe,
   the son of Frethewolfe,
   the son of Finnie,
   the son of Godulfe,
   the son of *Geta,
   the son of Teathwie,
   the son of Beame,
   the son of Sceldie,
   the son of Seafe,
   the son of Heremod,
   the son of Itermod,
   the son of Hordie,
   the son of Wale,
   the son of Bedwie,
   the son of Sem,
   the son of Noah,
   and so foorth to Adam, as you
 [Sidenote: _*De quo Sedulius in car. pasch._]
 shall find it by retrogradation from the 32 verse vnto the first of
 the fift chapter of Genesis. Which genealogicall recapitulation in
 their nationall families and tribes, other people also haue obserued;
 as the Spaniards, who reckon their descent from Hesperus, before the
 Gothes and Moors ouerran their land; the Italians from Aeneas, before
 they were mingled with the Vandals and Lumbards; the Saxons from
 Woden, before they were mixed with the Danes and Normans; the
 Frenchmen at this day from the Thracians; the Germans from the
 children of Gwiston;

 [Sidenote: _Iohn Castor._]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. Parker._]
 [Sidenote: A kings son and heire a bishop.]
 and other people from their farre fetcht ancestrie. To conclude, of
 this Ethelwulfe it is written, that he was so well learned & deuout,
 that the clerks of the church of Winchester did chuse him in his youth
 to be bishop, which function he vndertooke, and was bishop of the said
 see by the space of seuen yéeres before he was king.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Bertwolfe king of Mercia tributarie to the Westsaxons, the fame of
 Modwen an Irish virgine, she was a great builder of monasteries, she
 had the gift of healing diseases, Ethelbald and Ethelbright diuide
 their fathers kingdome betwixt them, Ethelbald marieth his mother, he
 dieth, Winchester destroied by the Danes, they plaied the
 trucebreakers and did much mischiefe in Kent, Ethelbright dieth;
 Ethelred king of the Westsaxons, his commendable qualities, his
 regiment was full of trouble, he fought against the Danes nine times
 in one yere with happie successe, the kings of Mercia fall from their
 fealtie and allegiance to Ethelred; Hungar & Vbba two Danish capteines
 with their power lie in Eastangle, Osbright and Ella kings of
 Northumberland slaine of the Danes in battell, they set Yorke on fire,
 a commendation of bishop Adelstan, his departure out of this life._

 THE ELEUENTH CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: Bertwolfe. of Mercia.]
 After Wightlafe king of Mercia, one Bertwolfe reigned as tributarie
 vnto the Westsaxons, the space of 13 yeeres, about the end of which
 tearme he was chased out of his countrie by the Danes, and then one
 Burthred was made king of that kingdome, which maried Ethelswida the
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._ saith the daughter.]
 [Sidenote: _Ranulf. Cest._]
 [Sidenote: _Iohn Capgraue._]
 sister of Ethelwolfe king of Westsaxons. In this season, one Modwen a
 virgine in Ireland was greatlie renowmed in the world, vnto whome the
 forenamed king Ethelwolfe sent his sonne Alfred to be cured of a
 disease, that was thought incurable: but by hir meanes he recouered
 health, and therefore when hir monasterie was destroied in Ireland,
 Modwen came ouer into England, vnto whom king Ethelwolfe gaue land to
 build two abbeies, and also deliuered vnto hir his sister Edith to be
 professed a nun. Modwen herevpon built two monasteries, one at
 Pouleswoorth, ioining to the bounds of Arderne, wherein she placed the
 foresaid Edith, with Osith and Athea: the other, whether it was a
 monasterie or cell, she founded in Strenshall or Trentsall, where she
 hir selfe remained solitarie a certeine time in praier, and other
 vertuous exercises. And (as it is reported) she went thrice to Rome,
 and finallie died, being 130 yéeres of age. Hir bodie was first buried
 in an Iland compassed about with the riuer of Trent called Andresey,
 taking that name of a church or chappell of saint Andrew, which she
 had built in the same Iland, and dwelled therein for the space of
 seuen yéeres. Manie monasteries she builded, both in England (as
 partlie aboue is mentioned) and also in Scotland, as at Striueling,
 Edenbrough; and in Ireland, at Celestline, and elsewhere.

 [Sidenote: ETHELBALD AND ETHELBRIGHT.]
 [Sidenote: 857.]
 ETHELBALD and ETHELBRIGHT diuiding their fathers kingdom betwixt them,
 began to reigne, Ethelbald ouer the Westsaxons and the Southsaxons,
 and Ethelbright ouer them of Kent and Essex, in the yéere of our Lord
 857, which was in the second yéere of the emperor Lewes the second, &
 the 17 of Charles surnamed Caluus or the bald king of France, and
 about the first yéere of Donald the fift of that name king of Scots.
 [Sidenote: The vnlawful mariage of Ethelbald.]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 The said Ethelbald greatlie to his reproch tooke to wife his mother in
 law quéene Iudith, or rather (as some write) his owne mother, whom his
 father had kept as concubine. He liued not past fiue yéeres in
 gouernement of the kingdome, but was taken out of this life to the
 great sorrow of his subiects whome he ruled right worthilie, and so as
 they had him in great loue and estimation. Then his brother
 Ethelbright tooke on him the rule of the whole gouernment, as well
 ouer the Westsaxons & them of Sussex, as ouer the Kentishmen and them
 of Essex.

 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: Winchester destroied by Danes.]
 In his daies the Danes came on land, and destroid the citie of
 Winchester: but duke Osrike with them of Hamshire, and duke Adelwolfe
 [Sidenote: Danes vanquished.]
 with the Barkeshire men gaue the enimies battell, & vanquishing them,
 slue of them a great number. In the fift yeere of Ethelbrights reigne,
 a nauie of Danes arriued in the Ile of Tenet, vnto whome when the
 Kentishmen had promised a summe of monie to haue a truce granted for a
 time, the Danes one night, before the tearme of that truce was
 expired, brake foorth and wasted all the east part of Kent: wherevpon
 the Kentishmen assembled togither, made towardes those trucebreakers,
 and caused them to depart out of the countrie. The same yéere, after
 that Ethelbright had ruled well and peaceably the Westsaxons fiue
 yeeres, and the Kentishmen ten yéeres, he ended his life, and was
 buried at Shireborne, as his brother Ethelbald was before him.

 [Sidenote: ETHELRED.]
 [Sidenote: 867.]
 After Ethelbright succéeded his brother ETHELRED, and began his reigne
 ouer the Westsaxons and the more part of the English people, in the
 yéere of our Lord 867, and in the 12 yéere of the emperour Lewes, in
 the 27 yéere of the reigne of Charles Caluus king of France, and about
 the 6 yéere of Constantine the second king of Scots. Touching this
 Ethelred, he was in time of peace a most courteous prince, and one
 that by all kind of meanes sought to win the hearts of the people: but
 abroad in the warres he was sharpe and sterne, as he that vnderstood
 what apperteined to good order, so that he would suffer no offense to
 escape vnpunished. By which meanes he was famous both in peace and
 warre: but he neither liued any long time in the gouernement, nor yet
 was suffered to passe the short space that he reigned in rest and
 quietnesse.

 [Sidenote: Foure yéeres six moneths saith _Harison._]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: Ethelred fought with the Danes nine times in one yéere.]
 For whereas he reigned not past six yeeres, he was continuallie during
 that tearme vexed with the inuasion of the Danes, and speciallie
 towards the latter end, insomuch that (as hath béene reported of
 writers) he fought with them nine times in one yéere: and although
 with diuers and variable fortune, yet for the more part he went away
 with the victorie. Beside that, he oftentimes lay in wait for their
 forragers, and such as straied abroad to rob and spoile the countrie,
 whom he met withall and ouerthrew. There were slaine in his time nine
 earles of those Danes, and one king, beside other of the meaner sort
 without number.

 But here is to be vnderstood, that in this meane time, whilest
 Ethelred was busied in warre to resist the inuasions of the Danes in
 the south and west parts of this land, the kings and rulers of Mercia
 and Northumberland taking occasion therof, began to withdraw their
 [Sidenote: The kings of Mercia and Northumberland neglect their
 duties.]
 couenanted subiection from the Westsaxons, and tooke vpon them as it
 were the absolute gouernment and rule of their countries, without
 respect to aid one another, but rather were contented to susteine the
 enimies within their dominions, than to preuent the iniurie with
 dutifull assistance to those, whom by allegiance they were bound to
 serue and obeie.

 [Sidenote: The Danes grow in puisance.]
 By reason hereof, the Danes without resistance grew into greater power
 amongst them, whilest the inhabitants were still put in feare each day
 more than other, and euerie late gotten victorie by the enimies by the
 increase of prisoners, ministred occasion of some other conquest to
 follow. Euen about the beginning of Ethelreds reigne, there arriued
 vpon the English coasts an huge armie of the Danes, vnder the conduct
 [Sidenote: Hungar and Vbba.]
 of two renowmed capteins Hungar and Vbba, men of maruellous strength
 and valiancie, but both of them passing cruell of nature. They lay all
 the winter season in Estangle, compounding with them of the countrie
 for truce vpon certeine conditions, sparing for a time to shew their
 force for quietnesse sake.

 In the second yéere of king Ethelred, the said capteins came with
 their armies into Yorkshire, finding the country vnprouided of
 necessarie defense bicause of the ciuill discord that reigned among
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: King Osbright deposed and Ella placed.]
 the Northumbers, the which had latelie expelled king Osbright, that
 had the gouernement of those parts, and placed one Ella in his roome:
 howbeit now they were constreined to reuoke him home againe, and
 sought to accord him and Ella. But it was long yer that might be
 brought to passe, notwithstanding yet at length they were made
 friends, by reason of this inuasion attempted by forren enimies, and
 then raising their powers they came to Yorke, where the Danes, hauing
 wasted the countrie euen to the riuer of Tine, were lodged.

 The English host entring the citie, began to fight with the Danes, by
 reason whereof a sore battell insued betwixt them: but in the end the
 [Sidenote: Osbright and Ella kings of Northumberland slaine.]
 two kings Osbright and Ella were slaine, and a great number of the
 Northumbers, what within the citie, and what without lost their liues
 at that time, the residue were constreined to take truce with the
 [Sidenote: It must be vpon the 10 kalends of Aprill, or else it will
 not concurre with Palmsunday.]
 [Sidenote: Sée _Mat. West._]
 Danes. This battell was fought the 21 day of March being in Lent, on
 the Friday before Palmsunday, in the yere 657.

 ¶ Some haue written otherwise of this battell, reporting that the
 Northumbers calling home king Osbright (whome before they had
 banished) incountred with the Danes in the field, without the walles
 of Yorke, but they were easilie beaten backe, and chased into the
 [Sidenote: Yorke burnt by Danes.]
 citie, the which by the Danes pursuing the victorie, was set on fier
 and burnt, togither with the king and people that were fled into it
 for succour. How soeuer it came about, certeine it is, that the Danes
 got the victorie, and now hauing subdued the Northumbers, appointed
 one Egbert to reigne ouer them as king, vnder their protection, which
 Egbert reigned in that sort six yeares ouer those which inhabited
 beyond the riuer of Tine. In the same yeare, Adelstane bishop of
 Shireborne departed this life, hauing gouerned that sée the terme of
 [Sidenote: The commendation of Adelstan bishop of Shirborne.]
 50 yeares. This Adelstane was a man of high wisedome, and one that had
 borne no small rule in the kingdome of the Westsaxons, as hereby it
 may be coniectured, that when king Ethelwulfe returned from Rome, he
 would not suffer him to be admitted king, because he had doone in
 certeine points contrarie to the ordinances and lawes of the same
 kingdome, wherevpon by this bishops means Ethelbald the sonne of the
 same king Ethelwulfe was established king, and so continued till by
 agréement the kingdome was diuided betwixt them, as before is
 mentioned. Finallie, he greatlie inriched the sée of Shireborne, and
 [Sidenote: Bishop Adelstan couetous.]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 yet though he was feruentlie set on couetousnesse, he was
 neuerthelesse verie free and liberall in gifts: which contrarie
 extremities so ill matched, though in him (the time wherein he liued
 being considered) they might seeme somewhat tollerable; yet simplie &
 in truth they were vtterlie repugnant to the law of the spirit, which
 biddeth that none should doo euill that good may come thereof. Against
 which precept because Adelstane could not but offend in the heat of
 his couetousnes, which is termed the root of all mischiefe, though he
 was excéeding bountifull and large in distributing the wealth he had
 gréedilie gotten togither, he must néeds incur reprehension. But this
 is so much the lesse to be imputed vnto him as a fault, by how much he
 was ignorant what (by the rule of equitie and conscience) was
 requirable in a christian man, or one of his vocation.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Burthred king of Mercia with aid beseegeth the Danes in Notingham,
 Basreeg and Halden two Danish kings with their powers inuade the
 Westsaxons, they are incountred by Ethelwulfe earle of Barkeshire;
 King Ethelred giueth them and their cheefe guides a sore discomfiture;
 what Polydor Virgil recordeth touching one Iuarus king of the Danes,
 and the warres that Ethelred had with them, his death; Edmund king of
 Eastangles giueth battell to the Danes, he yeeldeth himselfe, and for
 christian religion sake is by them most cruellie murthered, the
 kingdome of the Eastangles endeth, Guthrun a Dane gouerneth the whole
 countrie, K. Osbright rauisheth the wife of one Bearne a noble man, a
 bloodie battell insueth therevpon, wherein Osbright and Ella are
 slaine._

 THE TWELFT CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: BURTHRED king of Mercia.]
 In the yeare following, that is to say, in the third yéere of
 Ethelreds reigne, he with his brother Alured went to aid Burthred king
 of Mercia, against the two foresaid Danish capteines Hungar and Vbba,
 the which were entred into Mercia, and had woon the towne for the
 winter season. Wherevpon the foresaid Ethelred and Burthred with their
 [Sidenote: Danes besieged in Notingham.]
 powers came to Notingham, and besieged the Danes within it. The Danes
 perceiuing themselues in danger, made suite for a truce & abstinence
 from war, which they obteined, and then departed backe to Yorke, where
 they soiourned the most part of all that yeare.

 In the sixt yeare of king Ethelreds reigne, a new armie of great force
 and power came into the countrie of the Westsaxons vnder two leaders
 [Sidenote: Basreeg and Halden.]
 or kings of the Danes, Basréeg and Halden. They lodged at Reding with
 their maine armie, and within thrée daies after the earle of
 [Sidenote: Edelwulfe, erle of Barkshire fought at Englefield with the
 Danes.]
 Berrockshire Edelwulfe fought at Englefield with two earles of those
 Danes, vanquished them, and slue the one of those earles, whose name
 was Sidroc. After this king Ethelred and his brother Alured came with
 a great host vnto Reding, and there gaue battell vnto the armie of
 Danes, so that an huge number of people died on both parts, but the
 Danes had the victorie.

 [Sidenote: The Danes wan the victory at Reading.]
 After this also king Ethelred and his brother Alured fought againe
 with those Danes at Aschdon, where the armies on both sides were
 diuided into two parts, so that the two Danish kings lead the one part
 of their armie, & certeine of their earles lead the other part.
 Likewise on the English side king Ethelred was placed with one part of
 the host against the Danish kings, and Alured with the other part was
 appointed to incounter with the earles. Herevpon they being on both
 parts readie to giue battell, the euening comming on caused them to
 deferre it till the morow. And so earlie in the morning when the
 armies should ioine, king Ethelred staied in his tent to heare diuine
 seruice, whilest his brother vpon a forward courage hasted to
 incounter his enimies, the which receiued him so sharplie, and with so
 cruell fight, that at length, the Englishmen were at point to haue
 turned their backs. But herewith came king Ethelred and manfullie
 ended the battell, staied his people from running away, and so
 encouraged them, and discouraged the enimies, that by the power of God
 [Sidenote: The Danes discomfited.]
 (whom as was thought in the morning he had serued) the Danes finallie
 were chased and put to flight, losing one of their kings (that is to
 say) Basreeg or Osreeg, and 5 earles, Sidroc the elder, and Sidroc the
 yoonger, Osberne, Freine, and Harold. This battell was sore foughten,
 and continued till night, with the slaughter of manie thousands of
 Danes. About 14 daies after, king Ethelred and his brother Alured
 fought eftsoones with the Danish armie at Basing, where the Danes had
 [Sidenote: A battell at Merton.]
 the victorie. Also two moneths after this they likewise fought with
 the Danes at Merton. And there the Danes, after they had béene put to
 the woorse, & pursued in chase a long time, yet at length they also
 [Sidenote: He was bishop of Shireborne as _Matt. West._ saith.]
 got the victorie, in which battell Edmund bishop of Shireborne was
 slaine, and manie other that were men of woorthie fame and good
 account.

 In the summer following, a mightie host of the Danes came to Reading,
 [Sidenote: _Polyd. Virg._]
 [Sidenote: Iuarus.]
 and there soiourned for a time. ¶ These things agrée not with that
 which Polydor Virgil hath written of these warres which king Ethelred
 had with the Danes: for he maketh mention of one Iuarus a king of the
 Danes, who landed (as he writeth) at the mouth of Humber, and like a
 stout enimie inuaded the countrie adioining. Against whome Ethelred
 with his brother Alured came with an armie, and incountring the Danes,
 fought with them by the space of a whole day togither, and was in
 danger to haue béene put to the woorse, but that the night seuered
 them asunder. In the morning they ioined againe: but the death of
 Iuarus, who chanced to be slaine in the beginning of the battell,
 [Sidenote: Danes put to flight.]
 discouraged the Danes, so that they were easilie put to flight, of
 whome (before they could get out of danger) a great number were
 slaine. But after that they had recouered themselues togither, and
 found but a conuenient place where to pitch their campe, they chose to
 [Sidenote: Agnerus and Hubba.]
 their capteines Agnerus, and Hubba, two brethren, which indeuored
 themselues by all meanes possible to repaire their armie: so that
 within 15 daies after, the Danes eftsoones fought with the Englishmen,
 and gaue them such an ouerthrow, that little wanted of making an end
 of all incounters to be attempted after by the Englishmen.

 But yet within a few daies after this, as the Danes attended their
 market to spoile the countrie and range somewhat licentiouslie abroad,
 they fell within the danger of such ambushes as were laid for them by
 king Ethelred, that no small slaughter was made of them, but yet not
 without some losse of the Englishmen. Amongest others, Ethelred
 himselfe receiued a wound, whereof he shortlie after died. Thus saith
 Polydor touching the warres which king Ethelred had with the Danes,
 who yet confesseth (as the trueth is) that such authors as he herein
 followed, varie much from that which the Danish writers doo record of
 these matters, and namelie touching the dooings of Iuarus, as in the
 Danish historie you may sée more at large.

 But now to our purpose touching the death of king Ethelred, whether by
 reason of hurt receiued in fight against the Danes (as Polydor saith)
 or otherwise, certeine it is, that Ethelred anon after Easter departed
 [Sidenote: Winborne abbeie.]
 this life, in the sixt yeare of his reigne, and was buried at Winborne
 [Sidenote: Agnerus.]
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 [Sidenote: 870.]
 [Sidenote: Edmund K. of the Eastangles.]
 abbey. In the daies of this Ethelred, the foresaid Danish capteins,
 Hungar, otherwise called Agnerus, and Hubba returning from the north
 parts into the countrie of the Eastangles, came vnto Thetford, whereof
 Edmund, who reigned as king in that season ouer the Eastangles, being
 aduertised, raised an armie of men, and went foorth to giue battell
 vnto this armie of the Danes. But he with his people was chased out of
 [Sidenote: Framingham castell.]
 the field, and fled to the castell of Framingham, where being
 enuironed with a siege by his enimies, he yéelded himselfe vnto them.
 And because he would not renounce the christian faith, they bound him
 [Sidenote: King Edmund shot to death.]
 to a trée, and shot arrowes at him till he died: and afterwards cut
 off his head from his bodie, and threw the same into a thicke groue of
 bushes. But afterwards his friends tooke the bodie with the head, and
 [Sidenote: Eglesdon.]
 buried the same at Eglesdon: where afterward also a faire monasterie
 was builded by one bishop Aswin, and changing the name of the place,
 it was after called saint Edmundsburie. Thus was king Edmund put to
 death by the cruell Danes for his constant confessing the name of
 Christ, in the 16 yeare of his reigne, and so ceased the kingdome of
 Eastangles. For after that the Danes had thus slaine that blessed man,
 they conquered all the countrie, & wasted it, so that through their
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: Eastangles without a gouernour.]
 tyrannie it remained without anie gouernor by the space of nine
 [Sidenote: Guthrun a Dane king of Eastangles.]
 yeares, and then they appointed a king to rule ouer it, whose name was
 Guthrun, one of their owne nation, who gouerned both the Eastangles
 and the Eastsaxons.

 Ye haue heard how the Danes slue Osrike and Ella kings of
 Northumberland. After which victorie by them obteined, they did much
 [Sidenote: _Polychron._]
 hurt in the north parts of this land, and amongest other cruell deeds,
 they destroied the citie of Acluid, which was a famous citie in the
 time of the old Saxons, as by Beda and other writers dooth manifestlie
 [Sidenote: _Caxton._]
 appeare. Here is to be remembred, that some writers rehearse the cause
 to be this. Osbright or Osrike king of Northumberland rauished the
 wife of one Berne that was a noble man of the countrie about Yorke,
 who tooke such great despight thereat, that he fled out of the land,
 and went into Denmarke, and there complained vnto the king of Denmarke
 his coosin of the iniurie doone to him by king Osbright. Wherevpon the
 king of Denmarke, glad to haue so iust a quarell against them of
 Northumberland, furnished foorth an armie, and sent the same by sea
 (vnder the leading of his two brethren Hungar and Hubba) into
 Northumberland, where they slue first the said king Osbright, and
 after king Ella, at a place besides Yorke, which vnto this day is
 called Ellas croft, taking that name of the said Ella, being there
 slaine in defense of his countrie against the Danes. Which Ella (as we
 find registred by writers) was elected king by such of the
 Northumbers, as in fauour of Berne had refused to be subiect vnto
 Osbright.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Alfred ruleth ouer the Westsaxons and the greatest part of England,
 the Danes afflict him with sore warre, and cruellie make wast of his
 kingdome, they lie at London a whole winter, they inuade Mercia, the
 king whereof (Burthred by name) forsaketh his countrie and goeth to
 Rome, his death and buriall; Halden king of the Danes diuideth
 Northumberland among his people; Alfred incountreth with the Danes
 vpon the sea, they sweare to him that they will depart out of his
 kingdome, they breake the truce which was made betwixt him and them,
 he giueth them battell, and (besides a great discomfiture) killeth
 manie of their capteines, the Danes and English fight neere Abington,
 the victorie vncerteine, seuen foughten fieldes betwixt them in one
 yeare, the Danes soiourne at London._

 THE XIIJ. CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: ALURED OR ALFRED.]
 [Sidenote: 871. as _Mat. West._ & _Sim. Dunelmen._ doo note it.]
 [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._]
 After the decease of king Ethelred, his brother Alured or Alfred
 succéeded him, and began his reigne ouer the Westsaxons, and other the
 more part of the people of England, in the yeare of our Lord 872,
 which was in the 19 yeare of the emperour Lewes the second, and 32
 yeare of the reigne of Charles the bald, king of France, and about the
 eleuenth yeare of Constantine the second king of Scotland. Although
 this Alured was consecrated king in his fathers life time by pope Leo
 (as before ye haue heard) yet was he not admitted king at home, till
 after the decease of his thrée elder brethren: for he being the
 yoongest, was kept backe from the gouernement, though he were for his
 wisdome and policie most highlie estéemed and had in all honour.

 [Sidenote: Alured persecuted by Danes.]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. Westm._]
 In the beginning of his reigne he was wrapped in manie great troubles
 and miseries, speciallie by the persecution of the Danes, which made
 sore and greeuous wars in sundrie parts of this land, destroieng the
 same in most cruell wise. About a moneth after he was made king, he
 [Sidenote: The Danes obteine the victorie.]
 gaue battell to the Danes of Wilton, hauing with him no great number
 of people, so that although in the beginning the Danes that day were
 put to the woorse, yet in the end they obteined the victorie. Shortlie
 after, a truce was taken betwixt the Danes and the Westsaxons. And the
 Danes that had lien at Reading, remoued from thence vnto London, where
 [Sidenote: The Danes wintered at London.]
 [Sidenote: 874.]
 they lay all the winter season. In the second yeare of Alured his
 reigne, the Danish king Halden led the same armie from London into
 Lindseie, and there lodged all that winter at Torkseie. In the yeare
 [Sidenote: Repton.]
 following, the same Halden inuaded Mercia, and wintered at Ripindon.
 There were come to him thrée other leaders of Danes which our writers
 name to be kings, Godrun, Esketell, & Ammond, so that their power was
 [Sidenote: Burthred king of Mercia.]
 greatlie increased. Burthred king of Mercia which had gouerned that
 countrie by the space of 22 yéeres, was not able to withstand the
 puissance of those enimies: wherevpon he was constreined to auoid the
 countrie, and went to Rome, where he departed this life, and was
 buried in the church of our ladie, néere to the English schoole.

 [Sidenote: 875.]
 In the fourth yeare of king Alured the armie of the Danes diuided it
 selfe into two parts, so that king Halden with one part thereof went
 [Sidenote: The Danes went into Northumberland.]
 into Northumberland, and lay in the winter, season néere to the riuer
 of Tine, where hee diuided the countrie amongest his men, and remained
 there for the space of two yeares, and oftentimes fetched thither
 booties and preis out of the countrie of the Picts. The other part of
 [Sidenote: The Danes at Cambridge.]
 [Sidenote: 876.]
 the Danish armie with the thrée foresaid kings or leaders came vnto
 Cambridge, and remained there a whole yeare. In the same yeare king
 Alured fought by sea with 7 ships of Danes, tooke one of them, &
 chased the residue. In the yeare next insuing, the Danes came into the
 countrie of the Westsaxons, and king Alured tooke truce with them
 [Sidenote: The Danes tooke an oth.]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 againe, and they sware to him (which they had not vsed to doo to anie
 afore that time) that they would depart the countrie. Their armie by
 sea sailing from Warham toward Excester, susteined great losse by
 tempest, for there perished 120 ships at Swanewicke.

 [Sidenote: The Danes went to Excester.]
 Moreouer the armie of the Danes by land went to Excester in breach of
 the truce, and king Alured followed them, but could not ouertake them
 till they came to Excester, and there he approched them in such wise,
 [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._]
 that they were glad to deliuer pledges for performance of such
 couenants as were accorded betwixt him and them. And so then they
 departed out of the countrie, and drew into Mercia. But shortlie
 after, when they had the whole gouernment of the land, from Thames
 northward, they thought it not good to suffer king Alured to continue
 in rest with the residue of the countries beyond Thames. And therefore
 the thrée foresaid rulers of Danes, Godrun, Esketell, and Ammond,
 [Sidenote: 877.]
 inuading the countrie of Westsaxons came to Chipnam, distant 17 miles
 from Bristow, & there pitched their tents.

 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 King Alured aduertised hereof, hasted thither, and lodging with his
 armie néere to the enimies, prouoked them to battell. The Danes
 perceiuing that either they must fight for their liues, or die with
 shame, boldlie came foorth, and gaue battell. The Englishmen rashlie
 incountered with them, and though they were ouermatched in number, yet
 with such violence they gaue the onset, that the enimies at the first
 were abashed at their hardie assaults. But when as it was perceiued
 that their slender ranks were not able to resist the thicke leghers of
 the enimies, they began to shrinke & looke backe one vpon an other,
 and so of force were constrained to retire: and therewithal did cast
 themselues into a ring, which though it séemed to be the best way that
 could be deuised for their safetie, yet by the great force and number
 of their enimies on each side assailing them, they were so thronged
 togither on heaps, that they had no roome to stir their weapons. Which
 disaduantage notwithstanding, they slue a great number of the Danes,
 [Sidenote: Hubba slaine.]
 and amongest other, Hubba the brother of Agner, with manie other of
 the Danish capteins. At length the Englishmen hauing valiantlie
 foughten a long time with the enimies, which had compassed them about,
 at last brake out and got them to their campe. To be briefe, this
 [Sidenote: The victorie doubtful.]
 battell was foughten with so equall fortune, that no man knew to
 whether part the victorie ought to be ascribed. But after they were
 once seuered, they tooke care to cure their hurt men, and to burie the
 dead bodies, namelie the Danes interred the bodie of their capteine
 Hubba with great funerall pompe and solemnitie: which doone, they held
 [Sidenote: Abington.]
 out their iournie till they came to Abington, whither the English
 armie shortlie after came also, and incamped fast by the enimies.

 In this meane while, the rumor was spread abroad that king Alured had
 béene discomfited by the Danes, bicause that in the last battell he
 withdrew to his campe. This turned greatlie to his aduantage: for
 thereby a great number of Englishmen hasted to come to his succour.
 [Sidenote: The Danes and Englishmen fight néer to Abington.]
 On the morrow after his comming to Abington, he brought his armie
 readie to fight into the field: neither were the enimies slacke, on
 their parts to receiue the battell, and so the two armies ioined and
 fought verie sore on both sides: so that it séemed the Englishmen men
 had not to doo with those Danes, which had béene diuerse times before
 discomfited and put to flight, but rather with some new people fresh
 and lustie. But neither the one part nor the other was minded to giue
 ouer: in so much that the horssemen alighting on foot, and putting
 their horsses from them, entered the battell amongst the footmen, and
 thus they continued with equall aduantage till night came on, which
 parted the affraie, being one of the sorest foughten fields that had
 [Sidenote: Vncerteine victorie.]
 [Sidenote: Thus farre _Polydor._]
 beene heard of in those daies. To whether partie a man might iustlie
 attribute the victorie, it was vtterlie vncerteine, with so like losse
 & gaine the matter was tried & ended betwixt them. With the semblable
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 chance of danger and glorie seuen times that yéere did the English and
 Danes incounter in battell, as writers haue recorded. At length, when
 [Sidenote: A peace agreed vpon.]
 their powers on both parts were sore diminished, they agréed vpon a
 peace, with these conditions, that the Danes should not attempt anie
 further warre against the Englishmen, nor bring into this land anie
 new supplie of souldiers out of Denmarke. But this peace by those
 peacemakers was violated and broken, in so much as they ment nothing
 lesse than to fall from the conceiued hope which they had of bearing
 rule in this land, and of inriching themselues with the goods,
 possessions, rents and reuenues of the inhabitants. The same yéere the
 [Sidenote: The Danes sojourned at London.]
 Danes soiorned in the winter season at London, according as they had
 doone often times before.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Rollo a noble man of Denmarke with a fresh power entreth England, and
 beginneth to waste it, king Alured giueth him batell, Rollo saileth
 ouer into France; who first inhabited Normandie, and whereof it tooke
 that name; the Danes breake the peace which was made betwixt them and
 Alured, he is driuen to his shifts by their inuasions into his
 kingdome, a vision appeereth to him and his mother; king Alured
 disguising himselfe like a minstrell entereth the Danish campe,
 marketh their behauiour unsuspected, assalteth them on the sudden with
 a fresh power, and killeth manie of them at aduantage; the Deuonshire
 men giue the Danes battell vnder the conduct of Haldens brother, and
 are discomfited; Alured fighteth with them at Edanton, they giue him
 hostages, Gurthrun their king is baptised and named Adelstan, a league
 concluded betwixt both the kings, the bounds of Alureds kingdome._

 THE XIIIJ. CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: Ann. 876. saith _Simon Dun._]
 About the same time, or shortlie after, there came into England one
 Rollo, a noble man of Denmarke or Norway, with a great armie, and
 (notwithstanding the peace concluded betweene the Englishmen and the
 Danes) began to waste and destroy the countrie. King Alured hearing
 these newes, with all spéed thought best in the beginning to stop such
 a common mischiefe, and immediatlie assembling his people, went
 against the enimies, and gaue them battell, in the which there died a
 great number of men on both sides, but the greater losse fell to Rollo
 his armie. Yet Matthew Westmin. saith that the Englishmen were put to
 flight. After this, it chanced that Rollo being warned in a dreame,
 left England, & sailed ouer into France, where he found fortune so
 [Sidenote: 30 yéeres after this he was baptised.]
 fauourable to him, that he obteined in that region for him and his
 people a countrie, the which was afterwards named Normandie, of those
 northerne people which then began to inhabit the same, as in the
 histories of France you maie sée more at large.

 The Danes which had concluded peace with king Alured (as before you
 haue heard) shortlie after vpon the first occasion, brake the same,
 and by often inuasions which they made into the countrie of
 Westsaxons, brought the matter to that passe, that there remained to
 [Sidenote: King Alured driuen to his shifts.]
 king Alured but onlie the three countries of Hamshire, Wiltshire, &
 Summersetshire, in so much that he was constreined for a time to kéepe
 himselfe close within the fennes and maresh grounds of Summersetshire,
 with such small companies as he had about him, constreined to get
 their liuing with fishing, hunting, and other such shifts. He remained
 [Sidenote: Edlingsey.]
 for the most part within an Ile called Edlingsey, that is to say, the
 Iland of noble men, enuironed about with fennes and mareshes.

 [Sidenote: A vision if it be true.]
 Whiles he was thus shut vp within this Iland, he was by dreame
 aduertised of better hap shortlie to follow: for as it hath béene
 said, saint Cuthbert appéered to him as he laie in sléepe, and
 comforted him, declaring to him, that within a while fortune should so
 turne, that he should recouer againe his kingdome to the confusion of
 his enimies. And to assure him that this should prooue true, he told
 him that his men which were gone abroad to catch fish, should bring
 home great plentie, although the season was against them, by reason
 that the waters were frosen, and that a cold rime fell that morning,
 to the hinderance of their purpose. His mother also at that time being
 in sleepe, saw the like vision. And as they had dreamed, so it came to
 passe: for being awakened out of their sleepe, in came his men with so
 great foison of fish, that the same might haue sufficed a great armie
 of men, for the vittelling of them at that season.

 [Sidenote: King Alured disguiseth himselfe.]
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 Shortlie after, king Alured tooke vpon him the habit of a minstrell,
 and going foorth of his closure, repaired to the campe of the Danish
 king, onelie accompanied with one trustie seruant, and tarrieng there
 certeine daies togither, was suffered to go into euerie part, and
 plaie on his instrument, as well afore the king as others, so that
 there was no secret, but that he vnderstood it. Now when he had séene
 and learned the demeanour of his enimies, he returned againe to his
 people at Edlingsey, and there declared to his nobles what he had
 séene and heard, what negligence was amongst the enimies, and how
 easie a matter it should be for him to indamage them. Wherevpon they
 conceiuing a maruellous good hope, and imboldened with his words, a
 power was assembled togither, and spies sent foorth to learne and
 bring woord where the Danes lodged: which being doone, and certificat
 [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: 877.]
 made accordinglie, king Alured comming vpon them on the sudden, slue
 of them a great number, hauing them at great aduantage.

 [Sidenote: 878.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 About the same time the brother of king Halden came with thirtie and
 three ships out of Wales into the countrie of Westsaxons, on the coast
 of Deuonshire, where the Deuonshire men gaue him battell, and slue him
 with 840 persons of his retinue. Other write, that Halden himselfe was
 present at this conflict, with Inguare, otherwise called Hungar, and
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 that they were both slaine there, with twelue hundred of their
 companie (before a certeine castell called Kinwith) receiuing as they
 had deserued for their cruell dealing latelie by them practised in the
 parties of Southwales, where they had wasted all afore them with fire
 and swoord, not sparing abbeies more than other common buildings.

 King Alured being with that good lucke the more comforted, builded a
 [Sidenote: Athelney.]
 fortresse in the Ile of Edlingsey, afterwards called Athelney, and
 breaking out oftentimes vpon the enimies, distressed them at sundrie
 times with the aid of the Summersetshire men, which were at hand.
 About the seuenth wéeke after Easter, in the seuenth yéere of his
 reigne, king Alured went to Eglerighston, on the east part of Selwood,
 where there came to him the people of Summersetshire, Wiltshire, &
 [Sidenote: Edantdune.]
 [Sidenote: This battell should séeme the same that _Polydor_ speaketh
 fought at Abingdon.]
 [Sidenote: _Polychron._]
 [Sidenote: _Iohn Pike._]
 of Hamshire, reioising greatlie to sée him abroad. From thence he went
 to Edanton, & there fought against the armie of the Danes, and chased
 them vnto their strength, where he remained afore them the space of
 fouretéene daies. Then the armie of the Danes deliuered him hostages
 and couenants to depart out of his dominions, and that their king
 [Sidenote: Gurthrun or Gurmund baptised, and named Adelstan is made
 king of Eastangle.]
 should be baptised, which was accomplished: for Gurthrun, whome some
 name Gurmond, a prince or king amongst these Danes, came to Alured and
 was baptised, king Alured receiuing him at the fontstone, named him
 Adelstan, and gaue to him the countrie of Eastangle, which he gouerned
 (or rather spoiled) by the space of twelue yéeres.

 Diuerse other of the Danish nobilitie to the number of thirtie (as
 Simon Dunelmensis saith) came at the same time in companie of their
 king Gurthrun, and were likewise baptised, on whòme king Alured
 bestowed manie rich gifts. At the same time (as is to be thought) was
 the league concluded betwixt king Alured and the said Gurthrun or
 Gurmond, in which the bounds of king Alureds kingdome are set foorth
 thus: "First therefore let the bounds or marshes of our dominion
 stretch vnto the riuer of Thames, and from thence to the water of Lée,
 euen vnto the head of the same water, and so foorth streight vnto
 Bedford: and finallie going alongst by the riuer of Ouse, let them end
 at Watlingstréet."

 This league being made with the aduise of the same sage personages as
 well English as those that inhabited within east England, is set
 foorth in maister Lamberts booke of the old English lawes, in the end
 of those lawes or ordinances which were established by the same king
 Alured, as in the same booke ye may sée more at large.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Th' English called diuers people Danes whom the French named Normans,
 whervpon that generall name was giuen them; Gurmo Anglicus K. of
 Denmark, whose father Frotto was baptised in England; the Danes
 besiege Rochester, Alfred putteth them to flight, recouereth London
 out of their hands, and committeth it to the custodie of duke Eldred
 his sonne in law; he assaulteth Hasting a capteine of the Danes,
 causeth him to take an oth, his two sonnes are baptised; he goeth
 foorth to spoile Alfreds countrie, his wife, children, and goods, &c:
 are taken, and fauourablie giuen him againe; the Danes besiege
 Excester, they flie to their ships, gaine with great losse, they are
 vanquished by the Londoners, the death of Alfred, his issue male and
 female._

 THE XV. CHAPTER.


 Here is to be noted, that writers name diuerse of the Danish capteins,
 kings (of which no mention is made in the Danish chronicles) to reigne
 in those parties. But true it is, that in those daies, not onelie the
 Danish people, but also other of those northeast countries or regions,
 as Swedeners, Norwegians, the Wondens, and such other (which the
 English people called by one generall name Danes, and the Frenchmen
 Normans) vsed to roaue on the seas, and to inuade forren regions, as
 England, France, Flanders, and others, as in conuenient places ye may
 find, as well in our histories, as also in the writers of the French
 histories, and likewise in the chronicles of those north regions. The
 [Sidenote: Gurmo.]
 writers verelie of the Danish chronicles make mention of one Gurmo,
 whome they name Anglicus, bicause he was borne here in England, which
 succeeded his father Frotto in gouernement of the kingdome of
 Denmarke, which Frotto receiued baptisme in England, as their stories
 tell.

 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: 878.]
 In the eight yéere of king Alfred his reigne, the armie of the Danes
 wintered at Cirencester, and the same yéere an other armie of
 strangers called Wincigi laie at Fulham, and in the yéere following
 departed foorth of England, and went into France, and the armie of
 [Sidenote: 879.]
 king Godrun or Gurmo departed from Cirencester, and came into
 Eastangle, and there diuiding the countrie amongst them, began to
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 inhabit the same. In the 14 yéere of king Alfred his reigne, part of
 [Sidenote: Rochester beseiged.]
 [Sidenote: 885.]
 the Danish armie which was gone ouer into France, returned into
 England and besieged Rochester. But when Alfred approched to the
 reskue, the enimies fled to their ships, and passed ouer the sea
 againe. King Alfred sent a nauie of his ships well furnished with men
 of warre into Eastangle, the which at the mouth of the riuer called
 Sture, incountering with 16 ships of the Danes, set vpon them, and
 ouercame them in fight: but as they returned with their prises, they
 incountered with another mightie armie of the enimies, and fighting
 with them were ouercome and vanquished.

 [Sidenote: 889.]
 [Sidenote: London recouered out of the hands of the Danes.]
 In the yeere following, king Alfred besieged the citie of London, the
 Danes that were within fled from thence, and the Englishmen that were
 inhabitants thereof gladlie receiued him, reioising that there was
 such a prince bred of their nation, that was of power able to reduce
 them into libertie. This citie being at that season the chiefe of all
 Mercia, he deliuered into the kéeping of duke Eldred, which had maried
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: Ethelfleda.]
 [Sidenote: Colwolphas.]
 his daughter Ethelfleda, & held a great portion of Mercia, which
 Colwolphus before time possesed by the grant of the Danes, after they
 had subdued K. Burthred (as before is said.) About the 21 yere of K.
 Alfred, an armie of those Danes & Normans, which had béene in France,
 [Sidenote: Limer, now Rother.]
 [Sidenote: Andredeslegia.]
 [Sidenote: A castell built at Appledore.]
 [Sidenote: 893.]
 returned into England, and arriued in the hauen or riuer of Limene in
 the east part of Kent, néere to the great wood called Andredesley,
 which did conteine in times past 120 miles in length, and thirtie in
 breadth. These Danes landing with their people builded a castle at
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: At Milton.]
 [Sidenote: Hasting the capteine of the Danes besieged.]
 [Sidenote: He receiueth an oth.]
 Appledore. In the meane time came Hasting with 80 ships into the
 Thames, and builded a castle at Middleton, but he was constreined by
 siege which king Alfred planted about him, to receiue an oth that he
 should not in any wise annoie the dominion of king Alfred, who vpon
 his promise to depart, gaue great gifts as well to him as to his wife
 and children. One of his sonnes also king Alfred held at the
 fontstone, and to the other duke Aldred was god father. For (as it
 were to win credit, and to auoid present danger) Hasting sent vnto
 Alfred these his two sonnes, signifieng that if it stood with his
 pleasure, he could be content that they should be baptised. But
 [Sidenote: Beanfield saith _M. West._]
 neuerthelesse this Hasting was euer most vntrue of word and déed, he
 builded a castle at Beamfield. And as he was going foorth to spoile
 and wast the kings countries, Alfred tooke that castle, with his wife,
 [Sidenote: This enterprise was atchiued by Etheldred duke of Mercia in
 the absence of the king, as _Matth. West._ hath noted.]
 children, ships and goods, which he got togither of such spoiles as he
 had abroad: but he restored vnto Hasting his wife and children,
 bicause he was their godfather.

 Shortlie after, newes came that a great number of other ships of Danes
 [Sidenote: Excester besieged.]
 were come out of Northumberland, and had besieged Excester. Whilest
 king Alfred went then against them, the other armie which lay at
 Appledore inuaded Essex, and built a castell in that countrie, and
 after went into the borders of Wales, and builded another castell
 [Sidenote: Seuerne.]
 neere vnto the riuer of Seuerne: but being driuen out of that
 countrie, they returned againe into Essex. Those that had besieged
 Excester, vpon knowledge had of king Alfreds comming, fled to their
 ships, and so remaining on the sea, roaued abroad, séeking preies.
 Besides this, other armies there were sent foorth, which comming out
 [Sidenote: Chester taken by Danes.]
 of Northumberland tooke the citie of Chester, but there they were so
 [Sidenote: Great famine.]
 beset about with their enimies, that they were constreined to eate
 their horsses. At length, in the 24 yéere of king Alfred, they left
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 that citie, and fetcht a compas about Northwales, and so meaning to
 saile round about the coast to come into Northumberland, they arriued
 in Essex, and in the winter following drew their ships by the Thames
 [Sidenote: The water of Luie, now Lée.]
 into the water of Luie. That armie of Danes which had besieged
 Excester, tooke preies about Chichester, and was met with, so that
 they lost manie of their men, and also diuerse of their ships.

 In the yéere following, the other armie which had brought the ships
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 into the riuer Luie, began to build a castell néere to the same riuer,
 twentie miles distant from London: but the Londoners came thither, and
 [Sidenote: The Londoners victors against the Danes.]
 giuing battell to the Danes, slue foure of the chiefe capteins. But by
 Simon Dunel. and Matt. Westm. it should seeme, that the Londoners were
 at this time put to flight, and that foure of the kings barons were
 slaine in fight. Howbeit Henrie Hunt. hath written as before I haue
 recited; and further saith, that when the Danes fled for their refuge
 to the castell, king Alfred caused the water of Luie to be diuided
 into thrée chanels, so that the Danes should not bring backe their
 ships out of the place where they laie at anchor. When the Danes
 perceiued this, they left their ships behind them, and went into the
 [Sidenote: Quathbridge or Wakebridge.]
 borders of Wales, where at Cartbridge vpon Seuerne they built another
 castell, and lay there all the winter following, hauing left their
 wiues and children in the countrie of Eastangles. King Alfred pursued
 them, but the Londoners tooke the enimies ships, and brought some of
 them to the citie, and the rest they burnt.

 Thus for the space of thrée yéeres after the arriuing of the maine
 armie of the Danes in the hauen of Luie, they sore indamaged the
 English people, although the Danes themselues susteined more losse at
 the Englishmens hands than they did to them with all pilfering and
 [Sidenote: The Danish armie diuided into parts.]
 spoiling. In the fourth yéere after their comming, the armie was
 diuided, so that one part of them went into Northumberland, part of
 them remained in the countrie of Eastangles, & another part went into
 France. Also certeine of their ships came vpon the coast of the
 Westsaxons, oftentimes setting their men on land to rob and spoile the
 countrie. But king Alfred tooke order in the best wise he might for
 defense of his countrie and people, and caused certeine mightie
 vessels to be builded, which he appointed foorth to incounter with the
 enimies ships.

 [Sidenote: The death of king Alfred.]
 Thus like a worthie prince and politike gouernor, he preuented each
 way to resist the force of his enimies, and to safegard his subiects.
 Finallie after he had reigned 29 yéeres and an halfe, he departed this
 life the 28 day of October. His bodie was buried at Winchester: he
 [Sidenote: His issue.]
 left behind him issue by his wife Ethelwitha the daughter vnto earle
 Ethelred of Mercia, two sonnes, Edward surnamed the elder, which
 [Sidenote: Elfleda.]
 succéeded him, and Adelwold: also thrée daughters, Elfleda or
 Ethelfleda, Ethelgeda or Edgiua, and Ethelwitha.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _How Elfleda king Alfreds daughter (being maried) contemned fleshlie
 pleasure; the praise of Alfred for his good qualities, his lawes for
 the redresse of théeues, his diuiding of countries into hundreds and
 tithings, of what monasteries he was founder, he began the foundation
 of the vniuersitie of Oxford, which is not so ancient as Cambridge by
 265 yéeres; king Alfred was learned, his zeale to traine his people to
 lead an honest life, what learned men were about him, the pitifull
 murthering of Iohn Scot by his owne scholers, how Alfred diuided the
 24 houres of the day and the night for his necessarie purposes, his
 last will and bequests; the end of the kingdome of Mercia, the Danes
 haue it in their hands, and dispose it as they list, Eastangle and
 Northumberland are subiect vnto them, the Northumbers expell Egbert
 their king, his death; the Danes make Guthred king of Northumberland,
 priuileges granted to S. Cuthberts shrine; the death of Guthred, and
 who succéeded him in the seat roiall._

 THE XVJ. CHAPTER.


 In the end of the former chapter we shewed what children Alfred had,
 their number & names, among whome we made report of Elfleda, who (as
 you haue heard) was maried vnto duke Edelred. This gentlewoman left a
 notable example behind hir of despising fleshlie plesure, for bearing
 hir husband one child, and sore handled before she could be deliuered,
 [Sidenote: The notable saieng of Elfleda.]
 she euer after forbare to companie with hir husband, saieng that it
 was great foolishnesse to vse such pleasure which therwith should
 bring so great griefe.

 To speake sufficientlie of the woorthie praise due to so noble a
 prince as Alfred was, might require eloquence, learning, and a large
 volume. He was of person comelie and beautifull, and better beloued of
 his father and mother than his other brethren. And although he was (as
 [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._]
 before is touched) greatly disquieted with the inuasion of forren
 enimies, yet did he both manfullie from time to time indeuour himselfe
 to repell them, and also attempted to sée his subiects gouerned in
 [Sidenote: King Alfred his lawes.]
 good and vpright iustice. And albeit that good lawes amongst the
 clinking noise of armor are oftentimes put to silence, yet he
 perceiuing how his people were gréeued with theeues and robbers, which
 in time of warre grew and increased, deuised good statutes and
 wholsome ordinances for punishing of such offenders.

 Amongst other things he ordeined that the countries should be diuided
 into hundreds and tithings, that is to say, quarters conteining a
 certeine number of towneships adioining togither, so that euerie
 Englishman liuing vnder prescript of lawes, should haue both his
 hundred and tithing; that if anie man were accused of anie offense, he
 should find suertie for his good demeanor: and if he could not find
 such as would answer for him, then should he tast extremitie of the
 lawes. And if anie man that was giltie fled before he found suertie,
 or after: all the inhabitants of the hundred or tithing where he
 dwelt, shuld be put to their fine. By this deuise he brought his
 countrie into good tranquillitie, so that he caused bracelets of gold
 to be hanged vp aloft on hils where anie common waies lay, to sée if
 anie durst be so hardie to take them away by stealth. He was a
 liberall prince namely in relieuing of the poore. To churches he
 confirmed such priuileges as his father had granted before him, and he
 also sent rewards by way of deuotion vnto Rome, and to the bodie of
 saint Thomas in India. Sighelmus the bishop of Shireborne bare the
 same, and brought from thence rich stones, and swéet oiles of
 inestimable valure. From Rome also he brought a péece of the holy
 crosse which pope Martinus did send for a present vnto king Alfred.

 [Sidenote: Foundation of monastaries.]
 Moreouer king Alfred founded three goodlie monasteries, one at
 Edlingsey, where he liued sometime when the Danes had bereaued him
 almost of all his kingdome, which was after called Athelney, distant
 from Taunton in Sumersetshire about fiue miles: the second he builded
 at Winchester, called the new minster: and the third at Shaftesburie,
 which was an house of nuns, where he made his daughter Ethelgeda or
 Edgiua abbesse. But the foundation of the vniuersitie of Oxford passed
 all the residue of his buildings, which he began by the good
 exhortation and aduise of Neotus an abbat, in those daies highlie
 estéemed for his vertue and lerning with Alfred. This worke he tooke
 in hand about the 23 yéere of his reigne, which was in the yéere of
 [Sidenote: 895.]
 our Lord 895. So that the vniuersitie of Cambridge was founded before
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 [Sidenote: The vniuersitie of Oxford erected.]
 this other of Oxford about 265 yéeres, as Polydor gathereth. For
 Sigebert king of the Eastangles began to erect that vniuersitie at
 Cambridge about the yéere of our Lord 630.

 King Alfred was learned himselfe, and giuen much to studie, insomuch
 that beside diuerse good lawes which he translated into the English
 toong, gathered togither and published, he also translated diuerse
 other bookes out of Latine into English, as _Orosius, Pastorale
 Gregorij, Beda de gestis Anglorum, Boetius de consolatione
 philosophiæ_, and the booke of Psalmes; but this he finished not,
 being preuented by death. So this worthie prince minded well toward
 the common wealth of his people, in that season when learning was
 little estéemed amongst the west nations, did studie by all meanes
 [Sidenote: The vertuous zeale of Alured to bring his people to an
 honest trade of life.]
 possible to instruct his subiects in the trade of leading an honest
 life, and to incourage them generallie to imbrace learning. He would
 not suffer anie to beare office in the court, except he were lerned:
 and yet he himselfe was twelue yéeres of age before he could read a
 [Sidenote: He is persuaded by his mother, to applie himselfe to
 learning.]
 word on the booke, and was then trained by his mothers persuasion to
 studie, promising him a goodlie booke which she had in hir hands, if
 he would learne to read it.

 Herevpon going to his booke in sport, he so earnestlie set his mind
 thereto, that within a small time he profited maruellouslie, and
 became such a fauorer of learned men, that he delighted most in their
 companie, to haue conference with them, and allured diuerse to come
 [Sidenote: Asserius Meuenensis.]
 [Sidenote: Werefridus.]
 [Sidenote: Iohn Scot.]
 vnto him out of other countries, as Asserius Meneuensis bishop of
 Shirborne, & Werefridus the bishop of Worcester, who by his
 commandement translated the bookes of Gregories dialogs into English.
 Also I. Scot, who whiles he was in France translated the book of
 Dionysius Ariopagita, intituled _Hierarchia_, out of Gréeke into
 Latine, and after was schoolemaister in the abbeie of Malmesburie, and
 there murthered by his scholars with penkniues. He had diuerse other
 about him, both Englishmen & strangers, as Pleimond afterward
 [Sidenote: Grimbald.]
 archbishop of Canturburie, Grimbald gouernor of the new monasterie at
 Winchester, with others.

 [Sidenote: Alured diuides the time for his necessarie vses.]
 But to conclude with this noble prince king Alured, he was so carefull
 in his office, that he diuided the 24 houres which conteine the day
 and night, in thrée parts, so that eight houres he spent in writing,
 reading, and making his praiers, other eight he emploied in relieuing
 his bodie with meat, drinke and sléepe, and the other eight he
 bestowed in dispatching of businesse concerning the gouernement of the
 realme. He had in his chapell a candle of 24 parts, whereof euerie one
 lasted an houre: so that the sexton, to whome that charge was
 committed, by burning of this candle warned the king euar how the time
 [Sidenote: His last will and testament.]
 passed away. A little before his death, he ordeined his last will and
 testament, bequeathing halfe the portion of all his goods iustlie
 gotten, vnto such monasteries as he had founded. All his rents and
 reuenues he diuided into two equall parts, and the first part he
 diuided into thrée, bestowing the first vpon his seruants in houshold,
 the second to such labourers and workemen as he kept in his works of
 sundrie new buildings, the third part he gaue to strangers. The second
 whole part of his reuenues was so diuided, that the first portion
 thereof was dispersed amongst the poore people of his countrie, the
 second to monasteries, the third to the finding of poore scholers, and
 the fourth part to churches beyond the sea. He was diligent in
 inquirie how the iudges of his land behaued themselues in their
 iudgements, and was a sharpe corrector of them which transgressed in
 that behalfe. To be briefe, he liued so as he was had in great fauour
 of his neighbours, & highlie honored among strangers. He maried his
 daughter Ethelswida or rather Elstride vnto Baldwine earle of
 Flanders, of whome he had two sonnes Arnulfe and Adulfe, the first
 succéeding in the erledome of Flanders, and the yoonger was made earle
 of Bullogne.

 The bodie of king Alured was first buried in the bishops church: but
 afterwards, because the Canons raised a fond tale that the same should
 walke a nights, his sonne king Edward remoued it into the new
 monasterie which he in his life time had founded. Finallie, in memorie
 of him a certeine learned clarke made an epitath in Latine, which for
 the woorthinesse thereof is likewise (verse for verse, and in a maner
 word for word) translated by Abraham Fleming into English, whose no
 litle labor hath béene diligentlie imploied in supplieng sundrie
 insufficiences found in this huge volume.


   NOBILITAS innata tibi probitatis honorem
   _Nobilitie by birth to the (ó Alfred strong in armes)_
   (Armipotens Alfrede) dedit, probitásque laborem,
   _Of goodnes hath the honor giuen, and honor toilesome harmes,_
   Perpetuúmque labor nomen, cui mixta dolori
   _And toilesome harmes an endlesse name, whose ioies were alwaies
           mext_
   Gaudia semper erant, spes semper mixta timori.
   _With sorow, and whose hope with feare was euermore perplext._
   Si modò victor eras, ad crastina bella pauebas,
   _If this day thou wert conqueror, the next daies warre thou dredst,_
   Si modò victus eras, in crastina bella parabas,
   _If this day thou wert conquered, to next daies war thou spedst,_
   Cui vestes sudore iugi, cui sica cruore,
   _Whose clothing wet with dailie swet, whose blade with bloudie
           stainte,_
   Tincta iugi, quantum sit onus regnare probârunt,
   _Do proue how great a burthen tis in roialtie to raine,_
   Non fuit immensi quisquam per climata mundi,
   _There hath not beene in anie part of all the world so wide,_
   Cui tot in aduersis vel respirare liceret,
   _One that was able breath to take, and troubles such abide,_
   Nec tamen aut ferro contritus ponere ferrum,
   _And yet with weapons wearie would not weapons lay aside,_
   Aut gladio potuit vitæ finisse labores:
   _Or with the sword the toilesomnesse of life by death diuide._
   Iam post transactos regni vitæque labores,
   _Now after labours past of realme and life (which he did spend)_
   Christus ei fit vera quies sceptrúmque perenne.
   _Christ is to him true quietnesse and scepter void of end._


 In the daies of the foresaid king Alured, the kingdome of Mercia tooke
 end. For after that the Danes had expelled king Burthred, when he had
 reigned 22 yeares, he went to Rome, and there died, his wife also
 Ethelswida, the daughter of king Athulfe that was sonne to king Egbert
 followed him, and died in Pauia in Lumbardie. The Danes hauing got the
 [Sidenote: Cewulfe.]
 countrie into their possession, made one Cewulfe K. thereof, whome
 they bound with an oth and deliuerie of pledges, that he should not
 longer kéepe the state with their pleasure, and further should be
 readie at all times to aid them with such power as he should be able
 to make. This Cewulfe was the seruant of king Burthred. Within foure
 yeares after the Danes returned, and tooke one part of that kingdome
 into their owne hands, and left the residue vnto Cewulfe. But within a
 few yeares after, king Alured obteined that part of Mercia which
 Cewulfe ruled, as he did all the rest of this land, except those
 parcels which the Danes held, as Northumberland, the countries of the
 Eastangles, some part of Mercia, and other.

 The yeare, in the which king Alured thus obteined all the dominion of
 that part of Mercia, which Cewulfe had in gouernance, was after the
 [Sidenote: 886.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 birth of our Sauiour 886, so that the foresaid kingdome continued the
 space of 302 yeares vnder 22 kings, from Crida to this last Cewulfe.
 But there be that account the continuance of this kingdome, onelie
 from the beginning of Penda, vnto the last yeare of Burthred, by which
 reckoning it stood not past 270 yeares vnder 18, or rather 17 kings,
 counting the last Cewulfe for none, who began his reigne vnder the
 subiection of the Danes, about the yeare of our Lord 874, where Penda
 began his reigne 604.

 The Eastangles and the Northumbers in these dales were vnder
 subiection of the Danes, as partlie may be perceiued by that which
 before is rehearsed. After Guthrun that gouerned the Eastangles by the
 [Sidenote: Guthrun K. of the eastangles died 890.]
 terme of 12 yeares, one Edhirike or Edrike had the rule in those
 parts, a Dane also, and reigned 14 yeares, and was at length bereued
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 of his gouernement by king Edward the sonne of king Alured, as after
 shall appeare. But now, although that the Northumbers were brought
 greatlie vnder foot by the Danes, yet could they not forget their old
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 accustomed maner to stirre tumults and rebellion against their
 [Sidenote: 872.]
 [Sidenote: Egbert king of Northumberland expelled from his kingdome.]
 gouernours, insomuch that in the yeare 872, they expelled not onelie
 Egbert, whome the Danes had appointed king ouer one part of the
 countrie (as before you haue heard) but also their archbishop
 [Sidenote: Egbert departed this life.]
 [Sidenote: Riesig.]
 Wilfehere. In the yeare following, the same Egbert departed this life,
 after whome one Rigsig or Ricsige succéeded as king, and the
 archbishop Wolfehere was restored home.

 [Sidenote: The Danes winter in Lindsie.]
 [Sidenote: 975.]
 In the same yeare the armie of Danes which had wintered at London,
 came from thence into Northumberland, and wintered in Lindseie, at a
 place called Torkseie, and went the next yeare into Mercia. And in the
 yeare 975, a part of them returned into Northumberland, as before ye
 [Sidenote: Riesig departed this life.]
 haue heard. In the yeare following, Riesig the king of Northumberland
 departed this life: after whome an other Egbert succéeded. And in the
 [Sidenote: 983.]
 yeare 983, the armie of the Danes meaning to inhabit in
 Northumberland, and to settle themselues there, chose Guthrid the
 sonne of one Hardicnute to their king, whome they had sometime sold to
 a certeine widow at Witingham. But now by the aduise of an abbat
 called Aldred, they redéemed his libertie, and ordeined him king to
 rule both Danes and Englishmen in that countrie. It was said, that the
 same Aldred being abbat of holie Iland, was warned in a vision by S.
 Cuthberd, to giue counsell both to the Danes and Englishmen, to make
 [Sidenote: Guthred ordeined king of Northumberland.]
 the same Guthrid king. This chanced about the 13 yeare of the reigne
 of Alured king of Westsaxons.

 [Sidenote: The bishops see remoued fr[=o] holie iland to Chester in
 the stréet.]
 When Guthrid was established king, he caused the bishops sée to be
 remoued from holie Iland vnto Chester in the stréet, and for an
 augmentation of the reuenues and iurisdiction belonging thereto, he
 assigned and gaue vnto saint Cuthbert all that countrie which lieth
 betwixt the riuers of Teise and Tine. ¶ Which christian act of the
 king, liuing in a time of palpable blindnesse and mistie superstition,
 may notwithstanding be a light to the great men and péeres of this age
 (who pretend religion with zeale, and professe (in shew) the truth
 with feruencie) not to impouerish the patrimonie of the church to
 inrich themselues and their posteritie, not to pull from bishoprikes
 their ancient reuenues to make their owne greater, not to alienate
 ecclesiasticall liuings into temporall commodities, not to seeke the
 conuersion of college lands into their priuat possessions; not to
 intend the subuersion of cathedrall churches to fill their owne
 cofers, not to ferret out concealed lands for the supporte of their
 owne priuat lordlines; not to destroy whole towneships for the
 erection of one statelie manour; not to take and pale in the commons
 to inlarge their seueralles; but like good and gratious
 common-wealth-men, in all things to preferre the peoples publike
 profit before their owne gaine and glorie, before their owne pompe and
 pleasure, before the satisfieng of their owne inordinate desires.

 [Sidenote: Priuiledges granted to S. Cuthberts shrine.]
 Moreouer, this priuiledge was granted vnto saint Cuthberts shrine:
 that whosoeuer fled vnto the same for succour and safegard, should not
 be touched or troubled in anie wise for the space of thirtie, & seuen
 daies. And this freedome was confirmed not onelie by king Guthrid, but
 also by king Alured. Finallie king Guthrid departed this life in the

 [Sidenote: 894.]
 yeare of our Lord 894, after he had ruled the Northumbers with much
 crueltie (as some say) by the terme of 11 yeares, or somewhat more. He
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._]
 is named by some writers Gurmond, and also Gurmo, & thought to be the
 same whome king Alured caused to be baptised. Whereas other affirme,
 that Guthrid, who ruled the Eastangles, was he that Alured receiued at
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: Sithrike.]
 the fontstone: William Malmesburie taketh them to be but one man,
 which is not like to be true. After this Guthrid or Gurmo his sonne
 Sithrike succeeded, and after him other of that line, till king
 Adelstane depriued them of the dominion, and tooke it into his owne
 hands.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Edward succeedeth his father Alured in regiment, he is disquieted by
 his brother Adelwold a man of a defiled life, he flieth to the Danes
 and is of them receiued, king Edwards prouision against the irruptions
 and forraies of the Danes, Adelwold with a nauie of Danes entreth
 Eastangles, the Essex men submit themselues, he inuadeth Mercia, and
 maketh great wast, the Kentishmens disobedience preiudiciall to
 themselues, they and the Danes haue a great conflict, king Edward
 concludeth a truce with them, he maketh a great slaughter of them by
 his Westsaxons and Mercians, what lands came to king Edward by the
 death of Edred duke of Mercia, he recouereth diuers places out of the
 Danes hands, and giueth them manie a foile, what castels he builded,
 he inuadeth Eastangles, putteth Ericke a Danish king therof to flight,
 his owne subiects murther him for his crueltie, his kingdome returneth
 to the right of king Edward with other lands by him thereto annexed,
 his sister Elfleda gouerned the countrie of Mercia during hir life._

 THE XVIJ. CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: EDWARD THE ELDER.]
 [Sidenote: 901.]
 After the deceasse of Alured, his sonne Edward surnamed the elder
 began his reigne ouer the more part of England, in the yeare of our
 Lord 901, which was in the second yeare of the emperor Lewes, in the
 eight yeare of the reigne of Charles surnamed Simplex king of France,
 and about the eight yeare or Donald king of Scotland. He was
 consecrated after the maner of other kings his ancestors by Athelred
 the archbishop of Canturburie. This Edward was not so learned as his
 father, but in princelie power more high and honorable, for he ioined
 the kingdome of Eastangles and Mercia with other vnto his dominion, as
 after shall be shewed, and vanquished the Danes, Scots, and Welshmen,
 to his great glorie and high commendation.

 In the beginning of his reigne he was disquieted by his brother
 [Sidenote: Winborne.]
 Adelwold, which tooke the towne of Winborne besides Bath, and maried a
 nun there, whome he had defloured, & attempted manie things against
 his brother. Wherevpon the king came to Bath, and though Adelwold
 shewed a countenance as if he would haue abidden the chance of warre
 within

 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: Adelwold fleeth to the Danes.]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 Winborne, yet he stole awaie in the night, and fled into
 Northumberland, where he was ioifullie receiued of the Danes. The king
 tooke his wife being left behind, and restored hir to the house from
 whence she was taken. ¶ Some haue written, that this Adelwold or
 Ethelwold was not brother vnto king Edward, but his vncles sonne.

 After this, king Edward prouiding for the suertie of his subiects
 against the forraies, which the Danes vsed to make, fortified diuers
 cities and townes, and stuffed them with great garrisons of souldiers,
 to defend the inhabitants, and to expell the enimies. And suerlie the
 [Sidenote: The English nation practised in wars go commonlie awaie
 with the victorie.]
 Englishmen were so invred with warres in those daies, that the people
 being aduertised of the inuasion of the enimies in anie part of their
 countrie, would assemble oftentimes without knowledge of king or
 capteine, and setting vpon the enimies, went commonlie awaie with
 victorie, by reason that they ouermatched them both in number and
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 practise. So were the enimies despised of the English souldiers, and
 laughed to scorne of the king for their foolish attempts. Yet in the
 third yeare of king Edwards reigne, Adelwold his brother came with a
 nauie of Danes into the parties of the Eastangles, and euen at the
 [Sidenote: Essex yéelded to Adelwold.]
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 first the Essex men yeelded themselues vnto him. In the yéere
 following he inuaded the countrie of Mercia with a great armie,
 wasting and spoiling the same vnto Crikelade, and there passing ouer
 the Thames, rode foorth till he came to Basingstoke, or (as some
 [Sidenote: Brittenden.]
 bookes haue) Brittenden, harieng the countrie on each side, and so
 returned backe vnto Eastangles with great ioy and triumph.

 [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._]
 King Edward awakened héerewith assembled his people, and followed the
 enimies, wasting all the countries betwixt the riuer of Ouse and saint
 Edmunds ditch. And when he should returne, he gaue commandement that
 no man should staie behind him, but come backe togither for doubt to
 [Sidenote: The Kentishmen disobeing the kings commandement, are
 surprised by the enimies.]
 [Sidenote: Adelwold king Edwards brother.]
 be forelaid by the enimies. The Kentishmen notwithstanding this
 ordinance and commandement, remained behind, although the king sent
 seuen messengers for them. The Danes awaiting their aduantage, came
 togither, and fiercelie fought with the Kentishmen, which a long time
 valiantlie defended themselues. But in the end the Danes obtained the
 victorie, although they lost more people there than the Kentishmen
 did: and amongst other, there were slaine the foresaid Adelwold, and
 diuerse of the chiefe capteins amongst the Danes. Likewise of the
 English side, there died two dukes, Siwolfe & Singlem or Sigbelme,
 with sundrie other men of name, both temporall and also spirituall
 lords and abbats. In the fift yéere of his reigne, king Edward
 concluded a truce with the Danes of Eastangle and Northumberland at
 Itingford. But in the yéere following, he sent an armie against them
 of Northumberland, which slue manie of the Danes, and tooke great
 [Sidenote: Fortie daies saith _Simon Dun._]
 booties both of people and cattell, remaining in the countrie the
 space of fiue weekes.

 The yéere next insuing, the Danes with a great armie entered into
 Mercia, to rob & spoile the countrie, against whome king Edward sent a
 mightie host, assembled togither of the Westsaxons & them of Mercia,
 which set vpon the Danes, as they were returning homeward, and slue of
 them an huge multitude, togither with their chiefe capteins and
 leaders, as king Halden, and king Eolwils, earle Vter, earle Scurfa,
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 and diuerse other. In the yéere 912, or (as Simon Dunel. saith) 908,
 the duke of Mercia Edred or Etheldred departed this life, and then
 king Edward seized into his hands the cities of London and Oxford, and
 all that part of Mercia which he held. But afterwards he suffered his
 sister Elfleda to inioy the most part thereof, except the said cities
 of London and Oxford, which he still reteined in his owne hand. This
 Elfleda was wife to the said duke Edred or Etheldred, as before you
 haue heard: of whose woorthie acts more shall be said heereafter.

 In the ninth yéere of his reigne, king Edward built a castell at
 [Sidenote: Wightham.]
 Hertford, and likewise he builded a towne in Essex at Wightham, and
 lay himselfe in the meane time at Maldon, otherwise Meauldun, bringing
 a great part of the countrie vnder his subiection, which before was
 subiect to the Danes. In the yéere following, the armie of the Danes
 [Sidenote: Chester, or rather Leicester, as I thinke.]
 departed from Northampton and Chester in breach of the former truce,
 and slue a great number of men at Hochnerton in Oxfordshire. And
 shortlie after their returne home, an other companie of them went
 [Sidenote: Digetune.]
 foorth, and came to Leighton, where the people of the countrie being
 assembled togither, fought with them & put them to flight, taking from
 them all the spoile which they had got, and also their horsses.

 In the 11 yéere of king Edward, a fleet of Danes compassed about the
 west parts, & came to the mouth of Seuerne, and so tooke preies in
 Wales: they also tooke prisoner a Welsh bishop named Camelgaret, at
 [Sidenote: Irchenfield.]
 Irchenfield, whome they led to their ships: but king Edward redéemed
 him out of their hands, paieng them fortie pounds for his ransome.
 After that the armie of Danes went foorth to spoile the countrie about
 Irchenfield, but the people of Chester, Hereford, and other townes and
 countries thereabout assembled togither, and giuing battell to the
 enimies, put them to flight, and slue one of their noble men called
 earle Rehald, and Geolcil the brother of earle Vter, with a great part
 [Sidenote: Danes discomfited.]
 of their armie, & draue the residue into a castell, which they
 besieged till the Danes within it gaue hostages, and couenanted to
 depart out of the kings land. The king caused the coasts about Seuerne
 to be watched, that they should not breake into his countrie: but yet
 they stale twise into the borders: neuerthelesse they were chased and
 slaine as manie as could not swim, and so get to their ships. Then
 [Sidenote: The Ile of Stepen.]
 [Sidenote: Deomedun.]
 they remained in the Ile of Stepen, in great miserie for lacke of
 vittels, bicause they could not go abroad to get anie. At length they
 [Sidenote: Danes saile into Ireland.]
 departed into Northwales, and from thence sailed into Ireland.

 The same yéere king Edward came to Buckingham with an armie, and there
 taried a whole moneth, building two castels, the one vpon the one side
 of the water of Ouse, and the other vpon the other side of the same
 [Sidenote: Turketillus an earle.]
 riuer. He also subdued Turketillus an earle of the Danes that dwelt in
 that countrie, with all the residue of the noble men and barons of the
 shires of Bedford and Northampton. In the 12 yéere of king Edwards
 reigne, the Kentishmen and Danes fought togither at Holme: but whether
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 partie had the victorie, writers haue not declared. Simon Dunelm.
 speaketh of a battell which the citizens of Canturburie fought against
 a number of Danish rouers at Holme, where the Danes were put to
 flight, but that should be (as he noteth) 8 yéeres before this
 supposed time, as in the yéere 904, which was about the third yéere of
 king Edwards reigne.

 [Sidenote: _Anno_ 911.]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 After this, other of the Danes assembled themselues togither, and in
 Staffordshire at a place called Tottenhall fought with the Englishmen,
 and after great slaughter made on both parties, the Danes were
 ouercome: and so likewise were they shortlie after at Woodfield or
 Wodenfield. And thus king Edward put the Danes to the woorse in each
 place commonlie where he came, and hearing that those in
 Northumberland ment to breake the peace: he inuaded the countrie, and
 so afflicted the same, that the Danes which were inhabitants there,
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 [Sidenote: Ericke king of Eastangles.]
 gladlie continued in rest and peace. But in this meane time, Ericke
 the king of those Danes which held the countrie of Eastangle, was
 about to procure new warre, and to allure other of the Danes to ioine
 with him against the Englishmen, that with common agréement they might
 set vpon the English nation, and vtterlie subdue them.

 [Sidenote: King Edward inuadeth the countrie of the Eastangles.]
 King Edward hauing intelligence héereof, purposed to preuent him, and
 therevpon entering with an armie into his countrie, cruellie wasted
 and spoiled the same. King Ericke hauing alreadie his people in armor
 through displeasure conceiued heereof, and desire to be reuenged,
 hasted foorth to incounter his enimies: and so they met in the field,
 and fiercelie assailed ech other. But as the battell was rashlie begun
 [Sidenote: Ericke put to flight.]
 on king Ericks side, so was the end verie harmefull to him: for with
 small adoo, after great losse on both sides, he was vanquished and put
 to flight.

 After his comming home, bicause of his great ouerthrow and fowle
 discomfiture, he began to gouerne his people with more rigor & sharper
 dealing than before time he had vsed. Whereby he prouoked the malice
 of the Eastangles so highlie against him, that they fell vpon him and
 murthered him: yet did they not gaine so much hereby as they looked to
 haue doone: for shortlie after, they being brought low, and not able
 to defend their countrie, were compelled to submit themselues vnto
 [Sidenote: The kingdom of the Eastangles subdued by K. Edward.]
 king Edward. And so was that kingdome ioined vnto the other dominions
 of the same king Edward, who shortlie after annexed the kingdome of
 Mercia vnto other of his dominions, immediatlie vpon the death of his
 sister Elfleda, whom he permitted to rule that land all hir life.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Elfleda the sister of king Edward highlie commended for government,
 what a necessarie staie she was vnto him in hir life time, what townes
 she builded and repared, hir warlike exploits against the Danes, hir
 death and buriall; the greatest part of Britaine in K. Edwards
 dominion, he is a great builder and reparer of townes, his death, the
 dreame of his wife Egina, and the issue of the same, what children
 king Edward had by his wiues, and how they were emploied, the decay of
 the church by the meanes of troubles procured by the Danes, England
 first curssed and why; a prouinciall councell summoned for the reliefe
 of the churches ruine, Pleimond archbishop of Canturburie sent to
 Rome, bishops ordeined in sundrie prouinces; dissention among writers
 what pope should denounce the foresaid cursse; a succession of
 archbishops in the see of Canturburie, one brother killeth another._

 THE XVIIJ. CHAPTER.


 Not without good reason did king Edward permit vnto his sister Elfleda
 the gouernment of Mercia, during hir life time: for by hir wise and
 politike order vsed in all hir dooings, he was greatlie furthered &
 assisted; but speciallie in reparing and building of townes & castels,
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 wherein she shewed hir noble magnificence, in so much that during hir
 government, which continued about eight yéeres, it is recorded by
 writers, that she did build and repare these towns, whose names here
 [Sidenote: Tamwoorth was by hir repared, anno 914.]
 [Sidenote: Eadsburie and Warwike.]
 [Sidenote: 915.]
 insue: Tamwoorth beside Lichfield, Stafford, Warwike, Shrewsburie,
 Watersburie or Weddesburie, Elilsburie or rather Eadsburie, in the
 forrest of De la mere besides Chester, Brimsburie bridge vpon Seuerne,
 Rouncorne at the mouth of the riuer Mercia with other. Moreouer, by
 [Sidenote: Chester repared, 905.]
 [Sidenote: _Sim. Dun._]
 hir helpe the citie of Chester, which by Danes had beene greatlie
 defaced, was newlie repared, fortified with walls and turrets, and
 greatlie inlarged. So that the castell which stood without the walls
 before that time, was now brought within compasse of the new wall.

 Moreouer she boldlie assalted hir enimies which went about to trouble
 the state of the countrie, as the Welshmen and Danes. She sent an
 [Sidenote: Quéene of the Welshmen taken.]
 [Sidenote: Brecenamere.]
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: 918.]
 [Sidenote: Darbie won from the Danes.]
 armie into Wales, and tooke the towne of Brecknocke with the queene of
 the Welshmen at Bricenamere. Also she wan from the Danes the towne of
 Darbie, and the countrie adioining. In this enterprise she put hir
 owne person in great aduenture: for a great multitude of Danes that
 were withdrawen into Darbie, valiantlie defended the gates and
 entries, in so much that they slue foure of hir chiefe men of warre,
 which were named wardens of hir person, euen fast by hir at the verie
 entrie of the gates. But this notwithstanding, with valiant fight hir
 people entered, and so the towne was woon: she got diuerse other
 places out of their hands, & constreined them of Yorkeshire to agree
 with hir, so that some of them promised to become hir subiects: some
 vowed to aid hir, and some sware to be at hir commandement.

 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Anno Christie_ 919.]
 Finallie, this martiall ladie and manlie Elfleda, the supporter of hir
 countriemen, and terrour of the enimies, departed this life at
 Tamwoorth about the 12 of Iune, in the 18 or rather 19 yéere of hir
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 brother king Edwards reigne, as by Matth. West. it should appeere. But
 Simon Dunelm. writeth, that she deceassed in the yeere of Christ 915,
 which should be about the 14 yéere of king Edwards reigne. Hir bodie
 was conueied to Glocester, and there buried within the monasterie of
 S. Peter, which hir husband and she in their life time had builded,
 and translated thither the bones of saint Oswill from Bardona. The
 [Sidenote: _Ranul._]
 same monasterie was after destroied by Danes. But Aldredus the
 archbishop of Yorke, who was also bishop of Worcester, repared an
 other in the same citie, that was after the chiefe abbeie there.
 Finallie, in memorie of the said Elfleds magnanimitie and valorous
 mind, this epitaph was fixed on hir toome.


   _O Elfleda potens, ô terror virgo virorum,
     O Elfleda potens, nomine digna viri.
   Te quóque splendidior fecit natura puellam,
     Te probitas fecit nomen habere viri.
   Te mutare decet sed solum nomina sexus,_
     _Tu regina potens rexque trophea parans.
   Iam nec Cæsareos tantum mirere triumphos,
     Cæsare splendidior virgo virago, vale._

 [Sidenote: Translated by _Abraham Fleming._]

   O puissant Elfled, ô thou maid
     of men the dread and feare,
   O puissant Elfled woorthie maid
     the name of man to beare.
   A noble nature hath thee made
     a maiden mild to bee,
   Thy vertue also hath procurde
     a manlie name to thee.
   It dooth but onelie thee become,
     of sex to change the name,
   A puissant queene, a king art thou
     preparing trophes of fame.
   Now maruell not so much at Cæsars
     triumphs [trim to vieu;]
   O manlike maiden more renowmd
     than Cæsar was, adieu.


 [Sidenote: This Alfwen was sister to Edelfled, as _H. Hunt._ saith.]
 After the deceasse of Elfleda, king Edward tooke the dominion of
 Mercia (as before we haue said) into his owne hands, and so disherited
 his néece Alfwen or Elswen, the daughter of Elfleda, taking hir awaie
 with him into the countrie of Westsaxons. By this meanes he so
 amplified the bounds of his kingdome, that he had the most part of all
 [Sidenote: Stratcluid or Stretcled, a kingdome in Wales.]
 this Iland of Britaine at his commandement: for the kings of the
 Welshmen; namelie the king of Stretcled, and of the Scots,
 acknowledging him to be their chiefe souereigne lord, and the Danes in
 Northumberland were kept so short, that they durst attempt nothing
 [Sidenote: K. Edward a great builder and reparer of townes.]
 [Sidenote: Notingham bridge built.]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 against him in his latter daies: so that he had time to applie the
 building and reparing of cities, townes, and castels, wherein he so
 much delighted. He builded a new towne at Notingham on the southside
 of Trent, and made a bridge ouer that riuer betwixt the old towne and
 [Sidenote: Manchester repared.]
 [Sidenote: Anno 816.]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 the new. He also repared Manchester beyond the riuer of Mercia in
 Lancashire, accounted as then in the south end of Northumberland, and
 he built a towne of ancient writers called Thilwall, neere to the same
 riuer of Mercia, and placed therein a garrison of souldiers: diuerse
 [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._]
 other townes and castels he built, as two at Buckingham on either side
 of the water of Ouse (as before is shewed) and also one at the mouth
 of the riuer of Auon. He likewise built or new repared the townes of
 Tocetor and Wigmore, with diuerse other, as one at Glademuth, about
 the last yéere of his reigne. Some also he destroied which séemed to
 serue the enimies turne for harborough, as a castell at Temnesford,
 which the Danes builded and fortified.

 At length, after that this noble prince king Edward had reigned
 somewhat aboue the tearme of 23 yéeres, he was taken out of this life
 at Faringdon: his bodie was conueied from thence vnto Winchester, and
 there buried in the new abbeie. He had thrée wiues, or (as some haue
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 written) but two, affirming that Edgiua was not his wife, but his
 concubine, of whome he begat his eldest sonne Adelstan, who succéeded
 [Sidenote: A dreame.]
 him in the kingdome. This Edgiua (as hath béene reported) dreamed on a
 time that there rose a moone out of hir bellie, which with the bright
 shine thereof gaue light ouer all England: and telling hir dreame to
 an ancient gentlewoman, who coniecturing by the dreame that which
 followed, tooke care of hir, and caused hir to be brought vp in good
 manners and like a gentlewoman, though she were borne but of base
 parentage.

 Heerevpon when she came to ripe yéeres, king Edward by chance comming
 to the place where she was remaining, vpon the first sight was
 streight rauished with hir beautie (which in déed excelled) that she
 could not rest till he had his pleasure of hir, and so begot of hir
 the foresaid Adelstan: by hir he had also a daughter that was maried
 vnto Sithrike a Dane and K. of Northumberland. The Scotish writers
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 name hir Beatrice, but our writers name hir Editha. His second or
 rather his first wife (if he were not maried to Eguina mother to
 Adelstan) was called Elfleda or Elfrida, daughter to one earle
 [Sidenote: The issue of K. Edward.]
 Ethelme, by whom he had issue; to wit, two sonnes Ethelward and Edwin,
 which immediatlie departed this life after their father; and six
 daughters, Elfleda, Edgiua, Ethelhilda, Ethilda, Edgitha, and Elfgiua.
 Elfleda became a nun, and Ethelhilda also liued in perpetuall
 virginitie, but yet in a laie habit.

 [Sidenote: Alias Edgiua.]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 Edgitha was maried to Charles king of France, surnamed Simplex. And
 Ethilda by helpe of hir brother Adelstan was bestowed vpon Hugh sonne
 to Robert earle of Paris, for hir singular beautie most highlie
 estéemed: sith nature in hir had shewed as it were hir whole cunning,
 in perfecting hir with all gifts and properties of a comelie
 personage. Edgiua and Elgiua were sent by their brother Adelstan into
 Germanie, vnto the emperor Henrie, who bestowed one of them vpon his
 sonne Otho, that was after emperor, the first of that name; and the
 other vpon a duke inhabiting about the Alpes: by his last wife named
 Edgiua, he had also two sonnes, Edmund & Eldred, the which both
 reigned after their brother Adestan successiuelie. Also he had by hir
 two daughters, Edburge that was made a nun, and Edgiue a ladie of
 excellent beautie, whom hir brother Adelstan gaue in mariage vnto
 Lewes king of Aquitaine.

 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 Whilest this land was in continuall trouble of warres against the
 Danes, as before is touched, small regard was had to the state of the
 church, in somuch that the whole countrie of the Westsaxons by the
 space of seuen yéeres togither (in the daies of this king Edward)
 remained without anie bishop, to take order in matters apperteining to
 [Sidenote: England first accurssed.]
 the church. Wherevpon the pope had accurssed the English people,
 bicause they suffred the bishops sees to be vacant so long a time.
 [Sidenote: Anno 903.]
 King Edward to auoid the cursse, assembled a prouinciall councell,
 905, in the which the archbishop of Canturburie Pleimond was
 president. Wherein it was ordeined, that whereas the prouince of
 Westsaxons in times past had but two bishops, now it should be diuided
 into fiue diocesses, euerie of them to haue a peculiar bishop.

 When all things were ordered and concluded in this synod (as was
 thought requisite) the archbishop was sent to Rome with rich presents,
 to appease the popes displeasure. When the pope had heard what order
 the king had taken, he was contented therewith. And so the archbishop
 returned into his countrie, and in one day at Canturburie ordeined
 seuen bishops, as fiue to the prouince of Westsaxons, that is to say,
 [Sidenote: Winchester.]
 [Sidenote: Cornewall.]
 [Sidenote: Shireborne.]
 [Sidenote: Welles.]
 [Sidenote: Kirton.]
 [Sidenote: Mercia.]
 Fridestane to the sée of Winchester, Adelstan to S. German in
 Cornwall, Werstan to Shireborne, Adelme to Welles, and Edulfe to
 Kirton. Also to the prouince of Sussex he ordeined one Bernegus, and
 to Dorchester for the prouince of Mercia one Cenulfus.

 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._ saith that pope Formosus pronounced this
 cursse.]
 [Sidenote: 904.]
 ¶ Heere ye must note, that where William Malme. Polychro. and other
 doo affirme, that pope Formosus did accursse king Edward and the
 English nation, for suffering the bishops sees to be vacant, it can
 not stand with the agreement or the time, vnlesse that the cursse
 pronounced by Formosus for this matter long afore was not regarded,
 vntill Edward had respect thereto. For the same Formosus began to
 gouerne the Romane see about the yéere of our Lord 892, and liued in
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 the papasie not past six yéeres, so that he was dead before king
 Edward came to the crowne. But how so euer this matter maie fall out,
 this ye haue to consider: although that Pleimond was sent vnto Rome to
 aduertise the pope what the king had decréed & doone, in the ordeining
 of bishops to their seuerall sées, as before ye haue heard, yet (as
 maister Fox hath noted) the gouernance and direction of the church
 depended chieflie vpon the kings of this land in those daies, as it
 manifestlie appeereth, as well by the decrees of king Alfred, as of
 this king Edward, whose authoritie in the election of bishops (as
 before ye haue heard) seemed then alone to be sufficient.

 Moreouer, I thinke it good to aduertise you in this place, that this
 Pleimond archbishop of Canturburie (of whome ye haue heard before) was
 the 19 in number from Augustine the first archbishop there: for after
 Brightwold that was the 8 in number, and first of the English nation
 that gouerned the sée, succeeded Taduin, that sat three yeeres,
 Notelin fiue yéeres, Cuthbert 18 yéeres, Brethwin thrée yéeres,
 Lambert 27 yéeres, Adelard 13 yéeres, Wilfred 28 yéeres, Theologildus
 or Pleogildus 3 yéeres, Celuotus or Chelutus 10 yéeres. Then succéeded
 Aldred, of whome king Edward receiued the crowne, and he was
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 predecessor to Pleimond. A litle before the death of king Edward,
 Sithrike the king of Northumberland killed his brother Nigellus, and
 then king Reinold conquered the citie of Yorke.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Adelstane succeedeth his father Edward in the kingdome, Alfred
 practising by treason to keepe him from the gouernement, sanke downe
 suddenlie as he was taking his oth for his purgation; the cause why
 Alfred opposed himselfe against Adelstane, whose praise is notable,
 what he did to satisfie the expectation of his people, ladie Beatrice
 king Edwards daughter maried to Sithrike a Danish gouernor of the
 Northumbers, by whose meanes Edwin king Edwards brother was drowned,
 practises of treason, the ladie Beatrice strangelie put to death by
 hir stepsons for being of counsell to poison hir husband Sithrike, hir
 death reuenged vpon the tormentors by hir father king Edward, and how
 chronographers varie in the report of this historie._

 THE XIX. CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: ADELSTAN.]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._]
 [Sidenote: 924.]
 ADELSTANE the eldest sonne of king Edward began his reigne ouer the
 more part of all England, the yeere of our Lord 924, which was in the
 6 yere of the emperour Henrie the first, in the 31 yéere of the reigne
 of Charles surnamed Simplex king of France, three moneths after the
 burning of Pauie, & about the 22 or 23 yéere of Constantine the third,
 king of Scotland. This Adelstane was crowned and consecrated king at
 Kingstone vpon Thames, of Aldelme the archbishop of Canturburie, who
 succéeded Pleimond. He was the 24 king in number from Cerdicus or
 Cerdike the first king of the Westsaxons. There were in the beginning
 [Sidenote: Alfred striueth in vaine to kéepe Adelstane from the
 gouernment.]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: See more hereof in the acts and monuments set foorth by _M.
 Fox_, vol. 1. leafe 195.]
 some that set themselues against him, as one Alfred a noble man, which
 practised by treason to haue kept him from the gouernement: but he was
 apprehended yer he could bring his purpose to passe, and sent to Rome
 there to trie himselfe giltie or not giltie. And as he tooke his oth
 for his purgation before the altar of saint Peter, he suddenlie fell
 downe to the earth, so that his seruants tooke him vp, and bare him
 into the English schoole or hospitall, where the third night after he
 died.

 Pope Iohn the tenth sent vnto king Adelstane, to know if he would that
 his bodie should be laid in Christian buriall or not. The king at the
 contemplation of Alfreds friends and kinsfolks, signified to the pope
 that he was contented that his bodie should be interred amongst other
 christians. His lands being forfeited were giuen by the king vnto God
 and saint Peter. The cause that mooued Alfred and other his complices
 against the king, was (as some haue alledged) his bastardie. But
 whether that allegation were true or but a slander, this is certeine,
 that except that steine of his honor, there was nothing in this
 Adelstane worthie of blame: so that he darkened all the glorious fame
 of his predecessors, both in vertuous conditions and victorious
 triumphs. Such difference is there to haue that in thy selfe wherein
 to excell, rather than to stand vpon the woorthinesse of thine
 ancestors, sith that can not rightlie be called a mans owne.

 After that king Adelstane was established in the estate, he indeuored
 himselfe to answer the expectation of his people; which hoped for
 [Sidenote: _Anno_ 925.]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 great wealth to insue by his noble and prudent gouernance. First
 therfore meaning to prouide for the suertie of his countrie, he
 concluded a peace with Sithrike king of the Northumbers, vnto whome
 (as ye haue heard) he gaue one of his sisters named Editha in mariage.
 Sithrike liued not past one yéere after he had so maried hir. And then
 Adelstane brought the prouince of the Northumbers vnto his subiection,
 expelling one Aldulph out of the same that rebelled against him. There
 be that write, that Godfrie and Aulafe the sonnes of Sithrike
 succéeding their father in the gouernement of Northumberland, by
 practising to mooue warre against king Adelstane, occasioned him to
 inuade their countrie, and to chase them out of the same, so that
 Aulafe fled into Ireland, & Godfrie into Scotland: but other write,
 [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._]
 that Godfrie was the father of Reignold which wan Yorke, after that
 Sithrike had slaine his brother Nigellus, as before is mentioned.

 [Sidenote: _Hect. Boetius._]
 [Sidenote: The Scotish writers varie from our English authors.]
 [Sidenote: Beatrice daughter to K. Edward as the Scotish writers say.]
 [Sidenote: Edwin was not brother to K. Edward but son to him.]
 ¶ The Scotish chronicles varie in report of these matters from the
 English writers: whose chronicles affirme, that in the life time of
 king Edward, his daughter Beatrice was giuen in mariage to Sithrike,
 the gouernor of the Danes in Northumberland, with condition that if
 anie male were procreated in that mariage, the same should inherit the
 dominions of king Edward after his decease. King Edward had a brother
 (as they say) named Edwin, a iolie gentleman, and of great estimation
 amongst the Englishmen. He by Sithrikes procurement was sent into
 Flanders in a ship that leaked, and so was drowned, to the great
 reioising of all the Danes, least if he had suruiued his brother, he
 would haue made some businesse for the crowne.

 [Sidenote: Adelstane flieth the realme.]
 About the same time Adelstane a base sonne of K. Edward fled the
 realme, for doubt to be made away by some like traitorous practise of
 the Danes. Shortlie after, king Edward vnderstanding that Sithrike
 went about some mischiefe toward him, persuaded his daughter to poison
 hir husband the said Sithrike. Then Aulafe or Aualassus, and Godfrie
 the sonnes of Sithrike, finding out by diligent examination, that
 Beatrice was of counsell in poisoning hir husband, they caused hir to
 [Sidenote: Beatrice put to death by hir stepsons.]
 be apprehended and put to death on this wise. She was set naked vpon a
 smithes cold anuill or stithie, and therewith hard rosted egs being
 taken out of the hot imbers were put vnder hir armepits, and hir armes
 fast bound to hir bodie with a cord, and so in that state she remained
 till hir life passed from hir. King Edward in reuenge of his daughters
 death mooued warre against the two brethren, Aulafe and Godfrie, and
 in battell finallie vanquished them, but was slaine in the same
 battell himselfe.

 Thus haue the Scotish chronicles recorded of these matters, as an
 induction to the warres which followed betwixt the Scots and Danes as
 confederates against king Adelstane: but the truth thereof we leaue to
 the readers owne iudgement. For in our English writers we find no such
 matter, but that a daughter of king Edward named Edgitha or Editha,
 after hir fathers deceasse was by hir brother king Adelstane, about
 the first yéere of his reigne, giuen in mariage (as before ye haue
 heard) vnto the foresaid Sithrike king of Northumberland, that was
 descended of the Danish bloud, who for the loue of the yoong ladie,
 renounced his heathenish religion and became a christian; but shortlie
 after, forsaking both his wife and the christian faith, he set vp
 againe the worshipping of idols, and within a while after, as an
 [Sidenote: Editha a virgine.]
 apostata miserablie ended his life. Whervpon the yoong ladie, hir
 virginitie being preserued, and hir bodie vndefiled (as they write)
 passed the residue of hir daies at Polleswoorth in Warwikeshire,
 spending hir time (as the same writers affirme) in fasting, watching,
 praieng, and dooing of almesdéedes, and so at length departed out of
 this world. Thus our writers differ from the Scotish historie, both in
 name and maner of end as concerning the daughter of king Edward that
 was coupled in mariage with Sithrike.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Adelstane subdueth Constantine king of Scots, Howell king of Wales,
 and Wulferth king of Northwales, the Scots possesse a great part of
 the north countries, Adelstane conquereth the Scots for aiding Godfrie
 his enimie; a miracle declaring that the Scots ought to obey the king
 of England; king Adelstane banisheth his brother Edwin, he is for a
 conspiracie drowned in the sea, Adelstane repenteth him of his rigour
 (in respect of that misfortune) against his brother; Aulafe sometimes
 king of Northumberland inuadeth England, he disguiseth himselfe like a
 minstrell and surueieth the English campe unsuspected, he is
 discouered after his departure, be assaileth the English campe,
 Adelstane being comforted with a miracle discomfiteth his enimies, he
 maketh them of Northwales his tributaries, be subdueth the Cornishmen,
 his death; the description of his person, his vertues, of what abbeis
 & monasteries he was founder, his estimation in forren realmes, what
 pretious presents were sent him from other princes, and how he
 bestowed them; a remembrance of Guy the erle of Warwike._

 THE XX. CHAPTER.


 After that king Adelstane had subdued them of Northumberland, he was
 aduertised, that not onelie Constantine king of Scots, but also
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 Huduale or Howell K. of Wales went about a priuie conspiracie against
 him. Herevpon with all conuenient spéed assembling his power, he went
 against them, and with like good fortune subdued them both, and also
 Vimer or Wulferth K. of Northwales, so that they were constreined to
 submit themselues vnto him, who shortlie after moued with pitie in
 considering their sudden fall, restored them all three to their former
 estates, but so as they should acknowledge themselues to gouerne vnder
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: The noble saieng of king Adelstane.]
 [Sidenote: 926.]
 him, pronouncing withall this notable saieng, that More honorable it
 was to make a king, than to be a king.

 Ye must vnderstand, that (as it appeareth in the Scotish chronicles)
 the Scotishmen in time of wars that the Danes gaue the English nation,
 got a part of Cumberland and other the north countries into their
 possession, and so by reason of their néere adioining vnto the
 confines of the English kings, there chanced occasions of warre
 betwixt them, as well in the daies of king Edward, as of this
 Adelstane his sonne, although in déed the Danes held the more part of
 the north countries, till that this Adelstane conquered the same out
 of their hands, and ioined it vnto other of his dominions,
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 constreining as well the Danes (of whome the more part of the
 inhabitants then consisted) as also the Englishmen, to obey him as
 their king and gouernour. Godfrie (as is said) being fled to the
 Scots, did so much preuaile there by earnest sute made to king
 Constantine, that he got a power of men, and entring with the same
 into Northumberland, besiged the citie of Duresme, soliciting the
 citizens to receiue him, which they would gladlie haue doone, if they
 had not perceiued how he was not of power able to resist the puissance
 of king Adelstane: and therefore doubting to be punished for their
 offenses if they reuolted, they kept the enimies out. King Adelstane
 [Sidenote: 934.]
 being sore moued against the king of Scots, that thus aided his
 enimies, raised an armie, and went northward, purposing to reuenge
 that iniurie.

 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 At his comming into Yorkshire, he turned out of the way, to visit the
 place where saint Iohn of Beuerlie was buried, and there offered his
 knife, promising that if he returned with victorie, he would redéeme
 the same with a woorthie price: and so proceeded and went forwards on
 [Sidenote: _Sim. Dun._]
 his iournie, and entring Scotland, wasted the countrie by land vnto
 Dunfoader and Wertermore, and his nauie by sea destroied the coasts
 alongst the shore, euen to Catnesse, and so he brought the king of
 [Sidenote: The Scots subdued.]
 Scots and other his enimies to subiection at his pleasure,
 constreining the same K. of Scots to deliuer him his son in hostage.

 [Sidenote: A token shewed miraculouslie that the Scots ought to be
 subiect to the kings of England.]
 It is said, that being in his iournie néere vnto the towne of Dunbar,
 he praied vnto God, that at the instance of saint Iohn of Beuerlie, it
 would please him to grant, that he might shew some open token, whereby
 it should appeare to all them that then liued, and should hereafter
 succeéd, that the Scots ought to be subiect vnto the kings of England.
 Herewith, the king with his sword smote vpon a great stone standing
 néere to the castle of Dunbar, and with the stroke, there appeared a
 clift in the same stone to the length of an elme, which remained to be
 shewed as a witnesse of that thing manie yeares after. At his comming
 backe to Beuerlie, he redéemed his knife with a large price, as before
 he had promised.

 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. Westm._]
 [Sidenote: 934.]
 After this was Edwin the kings brother accused of some conspiracie by
 him begun against the king, wherevpon he was banished the land, and
 sent out in an old rotten vessell without rower or mariner, onelie
 accompanied with one esquier, so that being lanched foorth from the
 shore, through despaire Edwin leapt into the sea, and drowned
 himselfe, but the esquier that was with him recouered his bodie, and
 brought it to land at Withsand besides Canturburie. But Iames Maier in
 the annales of Flanders saieth, that he was drowned by fortune of the
 seas in a small vessell, and being cast vp into a créeke on the coast
 of Picardie, was found by Adolfe earle of Bullongne that was his
 coosin germane, and honorablie buried by the same Adolfe in the church
 of Bertine. In consideration of which déed of pietie and dutie of
 mindfull consanguinitie, the king of England both hartilie thanked
 [Sidenote: Repentance too late.]
 earle Adolfe, and bestowed great gifts vpon the church where his
 brother was thus buried. For verelie king Adelstane after his
 displeasure was asswaged, and hearing of this miserable end of his
 brother, sore repented himselfe of his rigour so extended towards him,
 in so much that he could neuer abide the man that had giuen the
 information against him, which was his cupbearer, so that on a time as
 the said cupbearer serued him at the table, and came towards him with
 a cup of wine, one of his féet chanced to slide, but he recouered
 himselfe with the helpe of the other foot, saieng, "One brother yet
 hath holpen & succored the other:" which words cost him his life. For
 the king remembring that by his accusation he had lost his brother
 that might haue béene an aid to him, caused this said cupbearer to be
 straight put to death.

 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 In this meane while, Aulafe the sonne of Sitherike, late king of
 Northumberland (who is also named by writers to be king of the
 Irishmen, and of manie Ilands) assembled a great power of Danes,
 Irishmen, Scots, and other people of the out Iles, and imbarked them
 in 615 ships and craiers, with the which he arriued in the mouth of
 Humber, and there comming on land, began to inuade the countrie. This
 [Sidenote: 937.]
 Aulafe had maried the daughter of Constantine king of Scots, by whose
 procurement, notwithstanding his late submission, Aulafe tooke in
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 hand this iournie. King Adelstane aduertised of his enimies arriuall,
 gathered his people, and with all conuenient spéed hasted towards
 them, and approching néerer vnto them, pitcht downe his field at a
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 place called by some Brimesburie, by others Brimesford, and also
 Brunaubright, and by the Scotish writers Browmingfield.

 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Hector Boet._]
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 [Sidenote: Aulafe disguised, cometh to view the English camp.]
 When knowledge hereof was had in the enimies campe, Aulafe enterprised
 a maruelous exploit, for taking with him an harpe, he came into the
 English campe, offring himselfe disguised as a minstrell, to shew some
 part of his cunning in musicke vpon his instrument: and so being
 suffered to passe from tent to tent, and admitted also to plaie afore
 the king, surueied the whole state and order of the armie. This doone,
 he returned, meaning by a cammisado to set vpon the kings tent. But
 one that had serued as a souldier sometime vnder Aulafe, chanced by
 marking his demeanour to know him, and after he was gone, vttered to
 the king what he knew. The king séemed to be displeased, in that he
 had not told him so much before Aulafs departure: but in excusing
 himselfe, the souldier said: "Ye must remember (if it like your grace)
 that the same faith which I haue giuen vnto you, I sometime owght vnto
 Aulafe, therfore if I should haue betraied him now, you might well
 stand in doubt least I should hereafter doo the like to you: but if
 you will follow mine aduise, remoue your tent, least happilie he
 assaile you vnwares." The king did so, and as it chanced in the night
 [Sidenote: Aulafe assaileth the English camp.]
 following, Aulafe came to assaile the English campe, and by fortune
 comming to the place where the kings tent stood before, he found a
 bishop lodged, which with his companie was come the same day to the
 armie, and had pitcht vp his tent in that place from whence the king
 was remoued: and so was the same bishop, and most part of his men
 there slaine, which slaughter executed, Aulafe passed forward, and
 came to the kings tent, who in this meane time, by reason of the
 alarum raised, was got vp, and taking to him his sword in that sudden
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 fright, by chance it fell out of the scabbard, so that he could not
 find it, but calling to God and S. Aldelme (as saith Polychron.) his
 sword was restored to the scabbard againe. The king comforted with
 that miracle, boldlie preased foorth vpon his enimies, and so
 valiantlie resisted them, that in the end he put them to flight, and
 chased them all that morning and day following, so that he slue of
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: The enimies discomfited.]
 them an huge number. Some haue written, that Constantine king of Scots
 was slaine at this ouerthrow, and fiue other small kings or rulers,
 with 12 dukes, and welnéere all the armie of those strange nations
 which Aulafe had gathered togither. But the Scotish chronicles
 affirme, that Constantine was not there himselfe, but sent his sonne
 Malcolme, which yet escaped sore hurt and wounded from the battell, as
 in the same chronicles ye may sée more at large.

 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 When K. Adelstane had thus vanquished his enimies in the north parties
 of England, he went against them of Northwales, whose rulers and
 princes he caused to come before him at Hereford, and there handled
 them in such sort, that they couenanted to pay him yeerlie in lieu of
 [Sidenote: Tribute.]
 [Sidenote: The Cornish men subdued.]
 a tribute 20 pounds of gold, 300 pounds of siluer, and 25 head of
 neate, with hawks and hownds a certeine number. After this, he subdued
 the Cornishmen: and whereas till those daies they inhabited the citie
 of Excester, mingled amongest the Englishmen, so that the one nation
 was as strong within that citie as the other, he rid them quite out of
 [Sidenote: Excester repaired.]
 [Sidenote: 940.]
 the same, and repared the walles, and fortified them with ditches and
 turrets as the maner then was, and so remoued the Cornish men further
 into the west parts of the countrie, that he made Tamer water to be
 the confines betwéene the Englishmen and them. Finallie the noble
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: The decease of king Adelstane.]
 prince king Adelstane departed out of this world, the 26 day of
 October, after he had reigned the tearme of 16 yeares. His bodie was
 buried at Malmesburie.

 [Sidenote: The description of king Adelstane.]
 He was of such a stature, as exceeded not the common sort of men,
 stooping somewhat, and yellowe haired, for his valiancie ioined with
 courtesie beloued of all men, yet sharpe against rebels, and of
 inuincible constancie: his great deuotion toward the church appeared
 in the building, adorning & indowing of monasteries and abbeis. He
 built one at Wilton within the diocesse of Salisburie, and an other at
 Michelnie in Summersetshire. But besides these foundations, there were
 few famous monasteries within this land, but that he adorned the same
 either with some new péece of building, iewels, bookes, or portion of
 [Sidenote: Wolstan archbishop of Yorke.]
 [Sidenote: His estimation in forain realmes.]
 lands. He had in excéeding fauour Wolstan archbishop of Yorke that
 liued in his daies, for whose sake he greatlie inriched that
 bishoprike. His fame spread ouer all the parties of Europe, so that
 sundrie princes thought themselues happie if they might haue his
 friendship, either by affinitie or otherwise: by meanes whereof, he
 bestowed his sisters so highlie in mariage as before ye haue heard. He
 receiued manie noble and rich presents from diuers princes, as from
 Hugh king of France, horsses and sundrie rich iewels, with certeine
 relikes: as Constantines sword, in the hilt whereof was set one of the
 nailes wherewith Christ was fastened to the crosse, the speare of
 Charles the great, which was thought to be the same wherewith the side
 of our sauiour was pearced, the banner of saint Maurice, with a part
 of the holie crosse, and likewise a part of the thorned crowne: yet
 Mandeuile saw the one halfe of this crowne in France, and the other at
 Constantinople, almost 400 yeares after this time, as he writeth. Of
 these iewels king Adelstane gaue part to the abbie of saint Swithon at
 Winchester, and part to the abbie of Malmesburie. Moreouer, the king
 of Norwaie sent vnto him a goodlie ship of fine woorkmanship, with
 gilt sterne and purple sailes, furnished round about the decke within
 [Sidenote: _Harding._]
 with a rowe of gilt pauises. ¶ In the daies of this Adelstane reigned
 that right worthie Guy earle of Warwike, who (as some writers haue
 recorded) fought with a mightie giant of the Danes in a singular
 combat, and vanquished him.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Edmund succeedeth Adelstane in the kingdome, the Danes of
 Northumberland rebell against him, a peace concluded betwene Aulafe
 their king and king Edmund vpon conditions, Aulafe dieth, another of
 that name succeedeth him; king Edmund subdueth the Danes, and
 compelleth them to receiue the christian faith, Reinold and Aulafe are
 baptised, they violate their fealtie vowed to king Edmund, they are
 put to perpetuall exile; why king Edmund wasted all Northumberland,
 caused the eies of king Dunmails sonnes to be put out, and assigned
 the said countrie to Malcolme king of Scots; the Scotish chroniclers
 error in peruerting the time & order of the English kings, king
 Edmunds lawes, by what misfortune he came to his end, how his death
 was foreshewed to Dunstane in a vision, a tale of the vertue of the
 crosse, Dunstane reproueth duke Elstane, his dreame, and how the
 interpretation thereof came to passe._

 THE XXJ. CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: EDMUND.]
 After that Adelstane was departed this life, without leauing issue
 behind to succéed him in the kingdome, his brother Edmund, sonne of
 Edward the elder, borne of his last wife Edgiue, tooke vpon him the
 gouernement of this land, and began his reigne in the yeare of our
 Lord 940, which was in the fift yeare of the emperor Otho the 1, in
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: 940.]
 the 13 of Lewes surnamed Transmarinus king of France, and about the 38
 yeare of Constantine the third king of Scotland. The Danes of
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 Northumberland rebelled against this Edmund, and ordeined Aulafe to be
 their king, whom they had called out of Ireland. Some write that this
 Aulafe, which now in the beginning of Edmunds reigne came into
 Northumberland, was king of Norwaie, & hauing a great power of men
 with him, marched foorth towards the south parts of this land, in
 purpose to subdue the whole: but king Edmund raised a mightie armie,
 and incountred with his enimies at Leicester. Howbeit, yer the matter
 came to the vttermost triall of battell, through the earnest sute of
 [Sidenote: A peace concluded.]
 [Sidenote: 941.]
 the archbishop of Canturburie and Yorke Odo and Wolstan, a peace was
 concluded; so as Edmund should inioy all that part of the land which
 lieth from Watlingstréet southward, & Aulafe should inioy the other
 part as it lieth from the same street northward. Then Aulafe tooke to
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: Aulafe deceaseth.]
 [Sidenote: Another Aulafe taketh upon him to rule.]
 wife the ladie Alditha, daughter to earle Ormus, by whose counsell and
 assistance he had thus obtained the vpper hand. But this Aulafe in the
 yeare following, after he had destroied the church of saint Balter,
 and burned Tinningham, departed this life. Then the other Aulafe that
 was sonne to king Sithrike, tooke vpon him to gouerne the Northumbers.
 [Sidenote: 942.]
 After this, in the yeare 942, king Edmund assembling an armie, first
 subdued those Danes which had got into their possession the cities and
 towns of Lincolne, Leicester, Darbie, Stafford, and Notingham,
 constreining them to receiue the christian faith, and reduced all the
 countries euen vnto Humber vnder his subiection. This doone, Aulafe
 and Reinold the sonne of Gurmo, who (as you haue heard) subdued Yorke,
 [Sidenote: Gurmo or Godfrey.]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 as a meane the sooner to obteine peace, offered to become christians,
 & to submit themselues vnto him: wherevpon he receiued them to his
 peace. There be that write, that this Aulafe is not that Aulafe which
 was sonne to king Sithrike, but rather that the other was he with whom
 king Edmund made partition of the realme: but they agree, that this
 second Aulafe was a Dane also, & being conuerted to the faith as well
 through constraint of the kings puissance, as through the preaching of
 the gospell, was baptised, king Edmund being godfather both vnto him,
 and vnto the foresaid Reinold, to Aulafe at the verie fontstone, and
 to Reinold at his confirmation at the bishops hands. Neuerthelesse,
 [Sidenote: 944.]
 their wicked natures could not rest in quiet, so that they brake both
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 promise to God, and to their prince, and were therefore in the yeare
 next following driuen both out of the countrie, and punished by
 perpetuall exile. And so king Edmund adioined Northumberland, without
 admitting anie other immediat gouernor, vnto his owne estate.

 [Sidenote: Leolin king of Southwales aided king Edmund in this
 enterprise.]
 [Sidenote: 946.]
 Moreouer, he wasted and spoiled whole Cumberland, because he could not
 reduce the people of that countrie vnto due obeisance, and conformable
 subiection. The two sonnes of Dunmaile king of that prouince he
 apprehended, and caused their eies to be put out. Herewith vpon
 consideration either of such aid as he had receiued of the Scots at
 that time, or some other friendlie respect, he assigned the said
 countrie of Cumberland vnto Malcolme king of Scots, to hold the same
 by fealtie of him and his successors. The Scotish chronicles,
 peruerting the time and order of the acts and doings of the English
 kings which reigned about this season, affirme, that by couenants of
 peace concluded betwixt Malcolme king of Scotland, and Adelstan king
 of England, it was agréed, that Cumberland should remaine to the
 Scots: as in their chronicles you may find at full expressed. And
 againe, that Indulfe, who succéeded Malcolme in the kingdome of
 Scotland, aided king Edmund against Aulafe, whom the same chronicles
 name Aualassus, but the time which they attribute vnto the reignes of
 their kings, will not alow the same to stand. For by account of their
 writers, king Malcolme began not his reigne till after the deceasse of
 king Adelstan, who departed this life in the yeare 940. And Malcolme
 succéeded Constantine the third in the yeare 944, which was about the
 third yeare of king Edmunds reigne, and after Malcolme (that reigned
 15 yeares) succeeded Indulfe in the yeare 959. The like discordance
 precedeth and followeth in their writers, as to the diligent reader,
 in conferring their chronicles with ours, manifestlie appeareth. We
 therefore (to satisfie the desirous to vnderstand and sée the
 diuersitie of writers) haue for the more part in their chronicles left
 the same as we found it.

 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 [Sidenote: The lawes of king Edmund.]
 But now to the other dooings of king Edmund: it is recorded, that he
 ordeined diuers good and wholsome lawes, verie profitable and
 necessarie for the commonwealth, which lawes with diuers other of like
 antiquitie are forgot and blotted out by rust of time, the consumer of
 things woorthie of long remembrance (as saith Polydor:) but sithens
 his time they haue béene recouered for the more part, & by maister
 William Lambert turned into Latine, & were imprinted by Iohn Day, in
 the yeare 1568, as before I haue said. Finallie, this prince king
 [Sidenote: Five yeares and 7 months hath _Si. Dun._]
 Edmund, after he had reigned sixe yeares and a halfe, he came to his
 end by great misfortune. For (as some say) it chanced, that espieng
 where one of his seruants was in danger to be slaine amongest his
 enimies that were about him with drawen swords, as he stepped in to
 haue holpen his seruant, he was slaine at a place called Pulcher
 church, or (as other haue) Michelsbourgh.

 [Sidenote: Pridecire saith _Si. Dun._]
 [Sidenote: _Will. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: 946.]
 Other say, that kéeping a great feast at the aforesaid place on the
 day of saint Augustine the English apostle (which is the 26 of Maie,
 and as that yeare came about, it fell on the tuesday) as he was set at
 the table, he espied where a common robber was placed neere vnto him,
 whome sometime he had banished the land, and now being returned
 without licence, he presumed to come into the kings presence,
 wherewith the king was so moued with high disdaine, that he suddenlie
 arose from the table, and flew vpon the théefe, and catching him by
 the heare of the head, threw him vnder his féet, wherewith the théefe,
 hauing fast hold on the king, brought him downe vpon him also, and
 with his knife stroke him into the bellie, in such wise, that the
 kings bowels fell out of his chest, and there presentlie died. The
 theefe was hewen in péeces by the kings seruants, but yet he slue and
 hurt diuers before they could dispatch him. This chance was
 lamentable, namelie to the English people, which by the ouertimelie
 death of their king, in whome appeared manie euident tokens of great
 excellencie, lost the hope which they had conceiued of great wealth to
 increase by his prudent and most princelie gouernement. His bodie was
 buried at Glastenburie where Dunstane was then abbat.

 There be that write, that the death of king Edmund was signified
 aforehand to Dunstane, who about the same time attending vpon the same
 [Sidenote: _Capgraue._]
 [Sidenote: A vaine tale.]
 king, as he remooued from one place to an other, chanced to accompanie
 himselfe with a noble man, one duke Elstane, and as they rode
 togither, behold suddenlie Dunstane saw in the waie before him, where
 the kings musicians rode, the diuell running and leaping amongst the
 same musicians after a reioising maner, whome after he had beheld a
 good while, he said to the duke; Is it possible that you may see that
 which I sée? The duke answered that he saw nothing otherwise than he
 ought to sée. Then said Dunstane, Blesse your eies with the signe of
 [Sidenote: Crossing bringeth sight of the diuels, and crossing driueth
 them away.]
 the crosse, and trie whether you can see that I sée. And when he had
 doone as Dunstane appointed him, he saw also the féend in likenesse of
 a little short euill fauoured Aethiopian dansing and leaping, whereby
 they gathered that some euill hap was towards some of the companie:
 but when they had crossed and blessed them, the foule spirit vanished
 out of their sight.

 [Sidenote: Dunstane an interpreter of dreames.]
 Now after they had talked of this vision, and made an end of their
 talke touching the same, the duke required of Dunstane to interpret a
 dreame which he had of late in sléepe, and that was this: He thought
 that he saw in a vision the king with all his nobles sit in his dining
 chamber at meate, and as they were there making merrie togither, the
 king chanced to fall into a dead sléepe, and all the noble men, and
 those of his councell that were about him were changed into robucks
 [Sidenote: Dunstan séeth the diuell often, but now he was become a
 waiter at the table when Dunstane sat with the king.]
 and goats. Dunstane quicklie declared that this dreame signified the
 kings death, and the changing of the nobles into dum and insensible
 beasts betokened that the princes & gouernors of the realme should
 decline from the waie of truth, and wander as foolish beasts without a
 guide to rule them. Also the night after this talke when the king was
 set at supper, Dunstane saw the same spirit, or some other, walke vp
 and downe amongst them that waited at the table, and within thrée
 daies after, the king was slaine, as before ye haue heard.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Edred succedeth his brother Edmund in the realme of England, the
 Northumbers rebell against him, they and the Scots sweare to be his
 true subiects, they breake their oth and ioine with Aulafe the Dane,
 who returneth into Northumberland, and is made king thereof, the
 people expell him and erect Hericius in his roome, king Edred taketh
 reuenge on the Northumbers for their disloialtie, the rereward of his
 armie is assalted by an host of his enimies issuing out of Yorke, the
 Northumbers submit themselues, and put awaie Hericius their king,
 Wolstane archbishop of Yorke punished for his disloialtie, whereto
 Edred applied himselfe after the appeasing of ciuill tumults, his
 death and buriall, a speciall signe of Edreds loue to Dunstane abbat
 of Glastenburie, his practise of cousenage touching king Edreds
 treasure._

 THE XXIJ. CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: EDRED.]
 [Sidenote: 946.]
 EDRED the brother of Edmund, and sonne to Edward the elder and to
 Edgiue his last wife, began his reigne ouer the realme of England in
 the yéere of our Lord 946, or (as other say) 997, which was in the
 twelfe yéere of the emperor Otho the first, and in the 21 yéere of the
 reigne of Lewes K. of France, & about the third or fourth yéere of
 Malcolme the first of that name, king of Scotland. He was crowned and
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 annointed the 16 day of August by Odo the archbishop of Canturburie at
 Kingstone vpon Thames. In the first yéere of his reigne, the
 [Sidenote: The Northumbers rebell and are subdued.]
 Northumbers rebelled against him, wherevpon he raised an armie,
 inuaded their countrie, and subdued them by force. This doone, he went
 forward into Scotland: but the Scots without shewing anie resistance
 submitted themselues vnto him, and so both Scots and Northumbers
 receiued an oth to be true vnto him, which they obserued but a small
 while, for he was no sooner returned into the south parts, but that
 Aulafe which had beene chased out of the countrie by king Edmund, as
 [Sidenote: Aulafe returned into Northumberland.]
 before ye haue heard, returned into Northumberland with a great nauie
 of ships, and was ioifullie receiued of the inhabitants, and restored
 againe to the kingdome, which he held by the space of foure yéeres,
 and then by the accustomed disloialtie of the Northumbers he was by
 [Sidenote: Hirke or Hericius.]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: The disloialtie of the Northumbers punished.]
 them expelled, and then they set vp one Hirke or Hericius the sonne of
 one Harrold to reigne ouer them, who held not the estate anie long
 time. For in the third yeere of his reigne, Edred in the reuenge of
 such disloiall dealings in the Northumbers, destroied the countrie
 with fire & swoord, sleaing the most part of the inhabitants. He burnt
 the abbeie of Rippon, which was kept against him.

 As he was returning homeward, an host of enimies brake out of Yorke,
 and setting vpon the rereward of the kings armie at a place called
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: Easterford.]
 Easterford, made great slaughter of the same. Wherefore the king in
 his rage ment to haue begun a new spoile and destruction, but the
 Northumbers humbled themselues so vnto him, that putting awaie their
 forsaid king Hirke or Hericius, and offering great rewards and gifts
 to buy their peace, they obteined pardon. But bicause that Wolstane
 the archbishop of Yorke was of counsell with his countriemen in
 reuolting from king Edred, and aduancing of Hericius, king Edred tooke
 him and kept him in prison a long time after, but at length in respect
 of the reuerence which he bare to his calling, he set him at libertie,
 and pardoned him his offense. Matth. Westm. reciteth an other cause of
 [Sidenote: The archbishop of Yorke imprisoned.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: 951.]
 Wolstans imprisonment, as thus. In the yéere of Grace, saith he, 951,
 king Edred put the archbishop of Yorke in close prison, bicause of
 often complaints exhibited against him, as he which had commanded
 manie townesmen of Theadford to be put to death, in reuenge of the
 abbat Aldelme by them vniustlie slaine and murthered.

 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 After this, when Edred had appeased all ciuill tumults and dissentions
 within his land, he applied him selfe to the aduancing of religion,
 wholie following the mind of Dunstane, by whose exhortation he
 suffered patientlie manie torments of the bodie, and exercised
 himselfe in praier and other deuout studies. This Edred in his latter
 daies being greatlie addicted to deuotion & religious priests, at the
 request of his mother Edgiua, restored the abbeie of Abington which
 was built first by king Inas, but in these daies sore decaied and
 [Sidenote: Edredus departeth this life.]
 fallen into ruine. Finallie, after he had reigned nine yéeres and a
 halfe, he departed this life to the great gréeuance of men, and
 reioising of angels (as it is written) and was buried at Winchester in
 the cathedrall church there. ¶ Heere is to be noted, that the foresaid
 Edred, when he came first to the crowne, vpon a singular and most
 [Sidenote: Dunstane in fauour.]
 especiall fauour which he bare towards Dunstane the abbat of
 Glastenburie, committed vnto him the chiefest part of all his
 treasure, as charters of lands with other monuments, and such ancient
 princelie iewels as belonged to the former kings, with other such as
 he got of his owne, willing him to lay the same in safe kéeping within
 his monasterie of Glastenburie.

 Afterward, when king Edred perceiued himselfe to be in danger of death
 by force of that sickenesse, which in déed made an end of his life, he
 sent into all parties to such as had anie of his treasure in kéeping,
 to bring the same vnto him with all spéed, that he might dispose
 [Sidenote: But was not this a deuise thereby to deteine the treasure?
 for I doo not read that he deliuered it out of his hands.]
 thereof before his departure out of this life, as he should sée cause.
 Dunstane tooke such things as he had vnder his hands, & hasted forward
 to deliuer the same vnto the king, and to visit him in that time of
 his sickenesse according to his dutie: but as he was vpon the waie, a
 voice spake to him from heauen, saieng; Behold king Edred is now
 departed in peace. At the hearing of this voice, the horsse whereon
 Dunstane rode fell downe and died, being not able to abide the
 presence of the angell that thus spake to Dunstane. And when he came
 to the court, he vnderstood that the king died the same houre in which
 [Sidenote: An angell, or as some think a woorse creature.]
 it was told him by the angell, as before ye haue heard.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Edwin succeedeth Edred in the kingdome of England, his beastlie and
 incestuous carnalite with a kinswoman of his on the verie day of his
 coronation, he is reproued of Dunstane and giueth ouer the
 gentlewomans companie, Dunstane is banished for rebuking king Edwin
 for his unlawfull lust and lewd life, the diuell reioised at his
 exile, what reuenging mischiefs the king did for displeasure sake
 against the said Dunstane in exile, the middle part of England
 rebelleth against king Edwin, and erecteth his brother Edgar in roiall
 roome ouer them, he taketh thought and dieth; Edgar succeedeth him, he
 is a fauourer of moonks, his prouision for defense of his realme, his
 policie and discretion in gouernment, what kings he bound by oth to be
 true vnto him, eight princes row his barge in signe of submission, the
 vicious inconueniences that grew among the Englishmen vpon his
 fauouring of the Danes, a restraint of excessiue quaffing; Dunstane is
 made bishop of Worcester and Ethelwold bishop of Wincester; iustice in
 Edgars time seuerelie executed, theft punished with death, a tribute
 of woolfs skins paid him out of Wales, and the benefit of that
 tribute._

 THE XXIIJ. CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: EDWIN.]
 [Sidenote: 955.]
 After the deceasse of Edred, his nephue Edwin the eldest sonne of king
 Edmund was made king of England, and began his reigne ouer the same in
 the yéere of our Lord 955, & in the 20 yéere of the emperor Otho the
 first, in the 28 and last yéere of the reigne of Lewes king of France,
 and about the twelfe yeere of Malcolme the first of that name, king of
 Scotland. He was consecrated at Kingston vpon Thames by Odo the
 archbishop of Canturburie. On the verie day of his coronation, as the
 [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._]
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 lords were set in councell about weightie matters touching the
 gouernment of the realme, he rose from the place, gat him into a
 chamber with one of his néere kinswomen, and there had to doo with
 hir, without anie respect or regard had to his roiall estate and
 princelie dignitie. Dunstane latelie before named abbat of
 Glastenburie, did not onlie without feare of displeasure reprooue the
 K. for such shamefull abusing of his bodie, but also caused the
 archbishop of Canturburie to constreine him to forsake that woman whom
 vnlawfullie he kept.

 [Sidenote: _Iohn Capgrave._]
 There be that write, that there were two women, both mother and
 daughter, whome king Edward kept as concubines: for the mother being
 of noble parentage, sought to satisfie the kings lust, in hope that
 either he would take hir or hir daughter vnto wife. And therefore
 perceiuing that Dunstane was sore against such wanton pastime as the
 king vsed in their companie, she so wrought, that Dunstane was through
 [Sidenote: Dunstane banished the realme.]
 hir earnest trauell banished the land. This is also reported, that
 when he should depart the realme, the diuell was heard in the west end
 of the church, taking vp a great laughter after his roring maner, as
 [Sidenote: Dunstane séeth not the diuell.]
 though he should shew himselfe glad and ioifull at Dunstanes going
 into exile. But Dunstane perceiuing his behauiour, spake to him, and
 said: Well thou aduersarie, doo not so greatly reioise at the matter,
 for thou dooest not now so much reioise at my departure, but by Gods
 grace thou shalt be as sorrowfull for my returne.

 [Sidenote: Dunstane departed into exile.]
 Thus was Dunstane banished by king Edwine, so that he was compelled to
 passe ouer into Flanders, where he remained for a time within a
 monasterie at Gant, finding much friendship at the hands of the
 gouernor of that countrie. Also the more to wreake his wrath, the king
 spoiled manie religious houses of their goods, and droue out the
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: Edwine displaceth monks and putteth secular preists in
 their roomes.]
 monks, placing secular priests in their roomes, as namelie at
 Malmesburie, where yet the house was not empaired, but rather inriched
 in lands and ornaments by the kings liberalitie, and the industrious
 meanes of the same priests, which tooke vp the bones of saint Aldelme,
 [Sidenote: Rebellion raised against king Edwine.]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 and put the same into a shrine. At length the inhabitants of the
 middle part of England, euen from Humber to Thames rebelled against
 him, and elected his brother Edgar, to haue the gouernement ouer them,
 wherwith king Edwine tooke such griefe, for that he saw no meane at
 hand how to remedie the matter, that shortlie after, when he had
 [Sidenote: Edwin departeth this life.]
 reigned somewhat more than foure yéeres, he died, and his bodie was
 buried at Winchester in the new abbeie.

 [Sidenote: EDGAR.]
 [Sidenote: 959.]
 EDGAR the second sonne of Edmund late king of England, after the
 decease of his elder brother the foresaid Edwine, began his reigne
 ouer this realme of England in the yeere of our Lord God 959, in the
 22 yéere of the emperour Otho the first, in the fourth yéere of the
 reigne of Lotharius king of France, 510 almost ended after the comming
 of the Saxons, 124 after the arriuall of the Danes, and in the last
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 yéere of Malcolme king of Scotland. He was crowned & consecrated at
 Bath, or (as some say) at Kingstone vpon Thames by Odo the archbishop
 of Canturburie, being as then not past 16 yéeres of age, when he was
 thus admitted king. He was no lesse indued with commendable gifts of
 [Sidenote: Edgar a fauorer of moonks.]
 mind, than with strength and force of bodie. He was a great fauorer of
 moonks, and speciallie had Dunstane in high estimation. Aboue all
 things in this world he regarded peace, and studied dailie how to
 preserue the same, to the commoditie and aduancement of his subiects.

 [Sidenote: The diligent prouision of K. Edgar for defense of the
 realme.]
 When he had established things in good quiet, and set an order in
 matters as seemed to him best for the peaceable gouernement of his
 people, he prepared a great nauie of ships, diuiding them in thrée
 parts, he appointed euerie part to a quarter of the realme, to waft
 about the coast, that no forren enimie should approch the land, but
 that they might be incountered and put backe, before they could take
 land. And euerie yéere after Easter, he vsed to giue order, that his
 ships should assemble togither in their due places: and then would he
 with the east nauie saile to the west parts of his realme, and sending
 those ships backe, he would with the west nauie saile into the north
 parts; and with the north nauie come backe againe into the east. This
 custome he vsed, that he might scowre the seas of all pirats &
 theeues. In the winter season and spring time, he would ride through
 the prouinces of his realme, searching out how the iudges and great
 lords demeaned themselues in the administration of iustice, sharpelie
 punishing those that were found guiltie of extortion, or had done
 otherwise in anie point than dutie required. In all things he vsed
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 such politike discretion, that neither was he put in danger by treason
 of his subiects, nor molested by forren enimies.

 He caused diuerse kings to bind themselues by oth to be true and
 faithfull vnto him, as Kinadius or rather Induf king of Scotland,
 [Sidenote: Mascutius.]
 Malcolme king of Cumberland, Mascutius an archpirat, or (as we may
 [Sidenote: Kings of Welshmen.]
 call him) a maister rouer, and also all the kings of the Welshmen, as
 Duffnall, Girffith, Duvall, Iacob, and Iudithill, all which came to
 his court, and by their solemne othes receiued, sware to be at his
 commandement. And for the more manifest testimonie therof, he hauing
 them with him at Chester, caused them to enter into a barge vpon the
 [Sidenote: King Edgar roweth on the water of Dée.]
 water of Dée, and placing himselfe in the forepart of the barge, at
 the helme, he caused those eight high princes to row the barge vp and
 downe the water, shewing thereby his princelie prerogatiue and roial
 magnificence, in that he might vse the seruice of so manie kings that
 were his subiects. And therevpon he said (as hath bin reported) that
 then might his successours account themselues kings of England, when
 they inioied such prerogatiue of high and supreme honor.

 The fame of this noble prince was spred ouer all, as well on this side
 the sea as beyond, insomuch that great resort of strangers chanced in
 his daies, which came euer into this land to serue him, and to sée the
 state of his court, as Saxons and other, yea and also Danes, which
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 [Sidenote: King Edgar fauoureth Danes.]
 became verie familiar with him. He fauored in déed the Danes (as hath
 béene said) more than stood with the commoditie of his subiects, for
 scarse was anie stréet in England, but Danes had their dwelling in the
 same among the Englishmen, whereby came great harme: for whereas the
 Danes by nature were great drinkers, the Englishmen by continuall
 [Sidenote: English learned to quaffe of the Danes.]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 conuersation with them learned the same vice. King Edgar to reforme in
 part such excessiue quaffing as then began to grow in vse, caused by
 the procurement of Dunstane, nailes to be set in cups of a certeine
 measure, marked for the purpose, that none should drinke more than was
 assigned by such measured cups. Englishmen also learned of the Saxons,
 [Sidenote: Englishmen learne other vices of strangers.]
 Flemings, and other strangers, their peculiar kind of vices, as of the
 Saxons a disordered fiercenesse of mind, or the Flemings a féeble
 tendernesse of bodie: where before they reioised in their owne
 simplicitie, and estéemed not the lewd and vnprofitable manners of
 strangers.

 Dunstane was made bishop of Worcester, and had also the administration
 of the sée of London committed vnto him. He was in such fauor with the
 [Sidenote: Ethelwold made bishop of Winchester.]
 king, that he ruled most things at his pleasure. Ethelwold, which
 being first a moonke of Glastenburie, and after abbat of Abington, was
 likewise made bishop of Winchester, and might doo verie much with the
 [Sidenote: Oswald.]
 [Sidenote: Floriacum.]
 king. Also Oswald, which had beene a moonke in the abbeie of Florie in
 France, and after was made bishop of Worcester, and from thence
 remooued to the sée of Yorke, was highlie in fauor with this king, so
 that by these thrée prelates he was most counselled. Iustice in his
 [Sidenote: Moonks must néeds write much in praise of Edgar who had men
 of their cote in such estimati[=o].]
 daies was strictlie obserued, for although he were courteous and
 gentle towards his friends, yet was he sharpe and hard to offenders,
 so that no person of what estate or degree soeuer he was escaped
 worthie punishment, if he did transgresse the lawes and ordinances of
 the realme. There was no priuie theefe nor common robber that durst
 lay hands vpon other mens goods, but he might looke to make amends
 with losse of his life, if he were knowne to be giltie. For how might
 men that did offend, thinke to escape his hands, which deuised waies
 how to rid the countrie of all wild rauening beasts, that liued vpon
 sucking the bloud of others? For as it is said, he appointed Iudweall
 [Sidenote: A tribute instituted of woolf-skins.]
 or Ludweall king of Wales to present him thrée hundred woolues
 yéerelie in name of a tribute, but after thrée yéeres space, there was
 not a woolfe to be found, and so that tribute ceased in the fourth
 yéere after it began to be paid.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The death of Alfred king Edgars wife (or concubine) causeth him to
 fall into a fowle offense, an example teaching men to take heed how
 they put others in trust to woo for them; earle Ethelwold cooseneth
 the king of his wife, the danger of beholding a womans beautie with
 lustfull eies; king Edgar killeth earle Ethelwold to marrie faire
 Alfred his wife; the bloudie and unnaturall speach of Ethelwolds base
 sonne: examples of king Edgars great incontinencie and lewd life;
 Dunstane putteth the king to penance for his vnchastitie, the Welshmen
 rebell against him and are corrected, king Edgars vision before his
 death, of what religious buildings he was founder, his example a spur
 to others to doo the like, moonks esteemed and secular priests little
 regarded, king Edgars deformed reformation, his vices, stature, and
 bodilie qualities, he offereth to fight hand to hand with Kinadius
 king of Scots vpon occasion of words euill taken, Kinadius submitteth
 himselfe and is pardoned; his wiues and children, the good state of
 the realme in king Edgars time, the amplenesse of his dominions._

 THE XXIIIJ. CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: _Osborne_ and _Capgraue_ hold that she was not his wife but
 a nun.]
 In this meane time, Alfred the wife of king Edgar (as some say) or
 rather (as others write) his concubine died, of whome he had begot a
 sonne named Edward. The death of this woman caused the king to commit
 an heinous offense. For albeit at the same time the fame went, that
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: Horger.]
 Horgerius duke of Cornewall, or rather Deuonshire, had a daughter
 named Alfred, a damosell of excellent beautie, whome Edgar minding to
 haue in mariage, appointed one of his noble men called earle
 Ethelwold, to go with all speed into Cornewall or Deuonshire, to sée
 if the yoong ladies beautie answered the report that went of hir, and
 so to breake the matter to hir father in his behalfe: yet Ethelwold
 being a yong iollie gentleman, tooke his iournie into Cornewall, and
 comming to the duke, was well receiued, and had a sight of his
 daughter, with whose beautie he was streight rauished so far in loue,
 [Sidenote: Erle Ethelwold deceiueth the king of his wife.]
 that not regarding the kings pleasure, who had sent him thither, he
 began to purchase the good will of both father and daughter for
 himselfe, and did so much that he obteined the same in déed. Herevpon
 returning to the king, he informed him that the damosell was not of
 such beautie and comelie personage, as might be thought woorthie to
 match in mariage with his maiestie.

 Shortlie after perceiuing the kings mind by his wrongfull misreport to
 be turned, and nothing bent that way, he began to sue to him that he
 might with his fauour marie the same damosell: which the king granted,
 as one that cared not for hir, bicause of the credit which he gaue to
 Ethelwolds words. And so by this meanes Ethelwold obteined Alfred in
 mariage, which was to his owne destruction, as the case fell out. For
 when the fame of hir passing beautie did spread ouer all the realme,
 now that she was maried and came more abroad in sight of the people,
 the king chanced to heare thereof, and desirous to sée hir, deuised
 vnder colour of hunting to come vnto the house of Ethelwold, and so
 did: where he had no sooner set his eie vpon hir, but he was so farre
 wrapped in the chaine of burning concupiscence, that to obteine his
 [Sidenote: King Edgar séeketh the destruction of earle Ethelwold.]
 purpose, he shortlie after contriued Ethelwolds death, and maried his
 wife.

 Some say, that the woman kindled the brand of purpose: for when it was
 knowne, that the king would sée hir, Ethelwold willed hir in no wise
 to trim vp hir selfe, but rather to disfigure hir in fowle garments,
 and some euil fauored attire, that hir natiue beautie should not
 appeare: but she perceiuing how the matter went, of spite set out hir
 selfe to the vttermost, so that the king vpon the first sight of hir,
 became so farre inamored of hir beautie, that taking hir husband
 [Sidenote: King Edgar a murtherer.]
 foorth with him on hunting into a forrest or wood then called
 Warlewood, & after Horewood, not shewing that he meant him anie hurt,
 till at length he had got him within the thicke of the wood, where he
 suddenlie stroke him through with his dart. Now as his bastard son
 came to the place, the king asked him how he liked the maner of
 hunting, wherto he answered; "Verie well if it like your grace, for
 that that liketh you, ought not to displease me." With which answer
 the king was so pacified, that he indeuored by pretending his fauor
 towards the sonne, to extenuat the tyrannicall murther of the father.
 Then did the king marie the countesse Alfred, and of hir begat two
 sonnes, Edmund which died yoong, and Etheldred or Egelred.

 Besides this cruell act wrought by king Edgar, for the satisfieng of
 his fleshlie lust, he also plaied another part greatlie to the staine
 of his honor, mooued also by wanton loue, with a yoong damosell named
 Wilfrid, for after that she had (to auoid the danger of him) either
 professed hir selfe a nun, or else for colour (as the most part of
 writers agrée) got hirselfe into a nunrie, and clad hir in a nuns
 wéed, he tooke hir foorth of hir cloister, and lay by hir sundrie
 times, and begat on hir a daughter named Edith, who comming to
 [Sidenote: His licentious life & incontinencie.]
 conuenient age, was made a nun. A third example of his incontinencie
 is written by authors, and that is this. It chanced on a time that he
 lodged one night at Andeuer, and hauing a mind to a lords daughter
 there, he commanded that she should bee brought to his bed. But the
 mother of the gentlewoman would not that hir daughter should be
 defloured: and therefore in the darke of the night brought one of hir
 maidseruants, and laid hir in the kings bed, she being both faire,
 proper, and pleasant.

 In the morning when the day began to appeare, she made hast to arise:
 and being asked of the king why she so hasted; That I may go to my
 daies worke if it please your grace (quoth she.) Herewith she being
 staied by the king, as it were against hir will, she fell downe on hir
 knées, and required of him that she might be made frée, in guerdon of
 hir nights worke. For (saith she) it is not for your honor, that the
 woman which hath tasted the pleasure of the kings bodie should anie
 more suffer seruitude vnder the rule and appointment of a sharpe and
 rough mistresse.

 The king then being mooued in his spirits, laughed at the matter,
 though not from the heart, as he that tooke great indignation at the
 dooings of the dutchesse, and pitied the case of the poore wench. But
 yet in fine (turning earnest to a iest) he pardoned all the parties,
 and aduanced the wench to high honor, farre aboue those that had rule
 of hir afore, so that she ruled them (willed they nilled they:) for he
 vsed hir as his paramour, till he maried the foresaid Alfred.

 For these youthfull parts, & namelie for the rauishing of Wilfride
 (which though she were no nun, yet the offense seemed heinous, for
 that he should not once touch anie woman shadowed vnder that habit) he
 greatlie displeased Dunstane, so that by him he was put to his seuen
 [Sidenote: Note the déep hypocrisie of Dunstane.]
 yéeres penance, and kept from the crowne till the 12 yeere of his
 reigne or more. For some write that he was not crowned nor annointed
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 [Sidenote: _Fabian_ out of _Guido de Columna._]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 king, till the 30 yéere of his age, which should be about the 13 or 14
 yeere of his reigne by that account, sith he entred into the rule of
 the kingdome about the 16 yeere of his age. In déed one author
 witnesseth, that he was consecrated at Bath on a Whitsunday, the 13
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Ranul. Hig._]
 yéere of his reigne, and that by Dunstane archbishop of Canturburie,
 and Oswold archbishop of Yorke. But some which suppose that he was
 consecrated king immediatlie vpon the death of Edridus, affirme that
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 he was crowned and annointed king by the archbishop Odo, Dunstane as
 then remaining in exile, from whence he was immediatlie reuoked by
 Edgar, and first made bishop of Worcester (as hath beene said) and
 after the decease of Odo was aduanced to be archbishop of Canturburie.
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 But by some writers it appeareth, that Dunstane was reuoked out of
 exile immediatlie vpon partition of the realme betwixt Edwin and
 Edgar, which chanced in the yéere 957, by the rebellion of the people
 of Mercia, & others (as before ye haue heard:) and that in the yéere
 following the archbishop Odo died, after whome succéeded Alfin bishop
 of Winchester, who also died the same yéere that king Edward
 deceassed, as he went to fetch his pall from Rome, and then
 Brighthelme bishop of Dorchester was elected archbishop. But bicause
 he was not able to discharge so great an office, by K. Edgars
 commandement he was forced to giue place to Dunstane.

 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 [Sidenote: The Welshmen rebel and are chastised.]
 Toward the latter end of king Edgars daies, the Welshmen mooued some
 rebellion against him. Wherevpon he assembled an armie, and entering
 the countrie of Glamorgan, did much hurt in the same, chastising the
 inhabitants verie sharpelie for their rebellious attempts. Amongst
 other spoiles taken in those parties at that time by the men of war,
 the bell of saint Ellutus was taken away, and hanged about a horsses
 necke, and (as hath béene reported) in the after noone, it chanced
 that king Edgar laid him downe to rest, wherevpon in sleepe there
 appeared one vnto him, and smote him on the breast with a speare. By
 reason of which vision he caused all things that had beene taken away
 [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._]
 [Sidenote: King Edgar departeth this life.]
 to be restored againe. But within nine daies after the king died.
 Whether anie such thing chanced, or that he had anie such vision it
 forceth not. But truth it is, that in the 37 yeere of his age, after
 he had reigned 16 yéeres and two moneths he departed this life, the 8
 day of Iulie, and was buried at Glastenburie.

 [Sidenote: Wherefore Edgar is praised of some writers.]
 This Edgar is highlie renowmed of writers for such princelie qualities
 as appeared in him, but chieflie for that he was so beneficiall to the
 church, namelie to moonks, the aduancement of whome he greatlie
 sought, both in building abbeies new from the ground, in reparing
 those that were decaied: also by inriching them with great reuenues,
 and in conuerting collegiat churches into monasteries, remoouing
 secular priests, and bringing in moonks in their places. There passed
 no one yéere of his reigne, wherin he founded not one abbeie or other.
 The abbeie of Glastenburie which his father had begun he finished. The
 abbeie of Abington also he accomplished and set in good order. The
 abbeies of Peterborough & Thornie he established. The nunrie of Wilton
 he founded and richlie endowed, where his daughter Editha was
 professed, and at length became abbesse there. To be briefe, he
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 builded (as the chronicles record) to the number of 40 abbeies and
 monasteries, in some of which he placed moonks, and in some nuns. By
 his example in those daies, other nobles, as also prelates, & some of
 the laitie, did begin the foundation of sundrie abbeies and
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 monasteries: as Adelwold bishop of Winchester builded the abbeie of
 Elie, and (as some say) Peterborough & Thornie, though they were
 established by the king (as before is mentioned.) Also earle Ailewin,
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 at the exhortation of the same bishop Adelwold, builded the abbeie of
 Ramsey, though some attribute the dooing thereof vnto Oswald the
 archbishop of Yorke, and some to king Edward the elder.

 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 [Sidenote: Moonks estéemed & secular priests little regarded.]
 To conclude, the religious orders of moonks and nuns in these daies
 florished, and the state of secular priests was smallie regarded,
 insomuch that they were constreined to auoid out of diuerse colleges,
 and to leaue the same vnto moonks, as at Worcester and Winchester,
 wherein the new monasterie, bicause the kings liued not in such sort
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 [Sidenote: _lib._ 6. _cap._ 9.]
 as was then thought requisite, the prebends were taken from them and
 giuen to vicars. But when the vicars were thought to vse themselues no
 better, but rather worse than the other before them, they were
 likewise put out, and moonks placed in their roomes by authoritie of
 pope John the 13. This reformation, or rather deformation was vsed by
 king Edgar in many other places of the realme.

 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 [Sidenote: _Tho. Eliot._]
 He was (as appeareth by diuers writers) namelie in his beginning,
 cruell against his owne people, and wanton in lusting after yoong
 [Sidenote: Edgar small of stature but strong and hardie.]
 women (as you haue heard before.) Of stature & proportion of bodie he
 was but small and low, but yet nature had inclosed within so little a
 personage such strength, that he durst incounter and combat with him
 that was thought most strong, onelie doubting this, least he which
 should haue to doo with him should stand in feare of him. And as it
 chanced at a great feast (where oftentimes men vse their toongs more
 [Sidenote: Kenneth king of Scots.]
 liberallie than néedeth) Kenneth the king of Scots cast out certeine
 words in this maner: "It may (saith hée) séeme a maruell that so manie
 countries and prouinces should be subiect to such a little sillie
 bodie as Edgar is." These words being borne awaie by a iester or
 minstrell, and afterwards vttered to Edgar with great reproch, he
 wiselie dissembled the matter for a time, although he kept the
 remembrance thereof inclosed within his breast: and vpon occasion, at
 length feigned to go on hunting, taking the king of Scots forth with
 him: and hauing caused one of his seruants to conuey two swords into a
 place within the forrest by him appointed in secret wise, of purpose
 he withdrew from the residue of his companie, and there accompanied
 onelie with the Scotish king, came to the place where the swords were
 laid; and there taking the one of them, deliuered the other to the
 [Sidenote: The noble courage of king Edgar.]
 Scotish king, willing him now to assaie his strength, that they might
 shew by proofe whether of them ought to be subiect to the other;
 "Start not, but trie it with me (saith he:) for it is a shame for a
 king to be full of brags at bankets, and not to be readie to fight
 when triall should be made abroad." The Scotish king herewith being
 astonied and maruellouslie abashed, fell downe at his féet, and with
 much humilitie confessed his fault, & desired pardon for the same,
 which vpon such his humble submission king Edward easilie granted.


 This noble prince had two wiues, Egelfrida or Elfrida, surnamed the
 white, the daughter of a mightie duke named Ordiner, by whome he had
 issue a sonne named Edward that succéeded him. His second wife was
 called Alfreda the daughter of Orgar duke of Deuon or Cornewall (as
 some saie) by whome he had issue Edmund that died before his father,
 and Egelred which afterwards was king. Also he had issue a base
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 daughter named Editha, begotten of his concubine Wilfrid (as before ye
 haue heard.) The state of the realme in king Edgars daies was in good
 point, for both the earth gaue hir increase verie plentiouslie, the
 elements shewed themselues verie fauorable, according to the course of
 times: peace was mainteined, and no inuasion by forraine enimies
 attempted. For Edgar had not onelie all the whole Ile of Britaine in
 subiection, but also was ruler & souereigne lord ouer all the kings of
 the out Iles that lie within the seas about all the coasts of the same
 Britaine euen vnto the realme of Norwaie. He brought also a great part
 [Sidenote: Ireland subiect to king Edgar.]
 of Ireland vnder his subiection, with the citie of Dublin, as by
 authentike recordes it dooth and may appeare.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Contention amongest the peeres and states about succession to the
 crowne, the moonkes remoued and the canons and secular priests
 restored by Alfer duke of Mercia and his adherents, a blasing starre
 with the euents insuing the same, the rood of Winchester speaketh, a
 prettie shift of moonks to defeat the priests of their possessions,
 the controuersie betweene the moonks and the priests ended by a
 miracle of archbishop Dunstane, great hope that Edward would tread his
 fathers steps, the reuerent loue he bare his stepmother queene Alfred
 and hir sonne Egelred, hir diuelish purpose to murther Edward hir
 step-sonne accomplished, his obscure funerall in respect of pompe, but
 famous by meanes of miracles wrought by and about his sepulture,
 queene Alfred repenting hir of the said prepensed murther, dooth
 penance, and imploieth hir substance in good woorkes as satisfactorie
 for hir sinnes, king Edwards bodie remoued, and solemnlie buried by
 Alfer duke of Mercia, who was eaten up with lice for being against the
 said Edwards aduancement to the crowne, queene Alfreds offense by no
 meanes excusable._

 THE XXV. CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: EDWARD.]
 [Sidenote: Some write that the father king Edgar appointed Edward to
 succeed him.]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: _Iohn Capg._]
 After the deceasse of king Edgar, there was some strife and contention
 amongst the lords & péeres of the realme about the succession of the
 crowne: for Alfred the mother of Egelredus or Ethelredus, and diuers
 other of hir opinion, would gladlie haue aduanced the same Egelredus
 to the rule: but the archbishop Dunstan taking in his hands the baner
 of the crucifix, presented his elder brother Edward vnto the lords as
 they were assembled togither, and there pronounced him king,
 notwithstanding that both queene Alfred and hir friends, namelie Alfer
 the duke of Mercia were sore against him, especiallie for that he was
 begot in vnlawfull bed of Elfleda the nun, for which offense he did
 seuen yeares penance, and not for lieng with Wilfrid (as maister Fox
 [Sidenote: Alfer duke of Mercia and other immediately upon Edgars
 death before the crowne was established, renounced the moonks and
 restored the canons.]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 thinketh.) But Dunstane iudging (as is to be thought) that Edward was
 more fit for their behoofe to continue the world in the former course
 as Edgar had left it, than his brother Egelred (whose mother and such
 as tooke part with hir vnder hir sonnes authoritie were likelie inough
 to turne all vpside downe) vsed the matter so, that with helpe of
 Oswald the archbishop of Yorke, and other bishops, abbats, and
 certeine of the nobilitie, as the earle of Essex and such like, he
 preuailed in his purpose, so that (as before is said) the said Edward,
 being the second of that name which gouerned this land before the
 [Sidenote: 975.]
 conquest, was admitted king, and began his reigne ouer England in the
 yeare of our Lord 975, in the third yeare of the emperour Otho the
 second, in the 20 yeare of the reigne of Lothar king of France, and
 about the fourth yeare of Cumelerne king of Scotland. He was
 consecrated by archb. Dunstane at Kingston vpon Thames, to the great
 griefe of his mother in law Alfred and hir friends. ¶ About the
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 beginning of his reigne a blasing starre was seene, signifieng (as was
 thought) the miserable haps that followed. And first there insued
 barrennesse of ground, and thereby famine amongest the people, and
 morraine of cattell.

 [Sidenote: Alfer or Elfer, duke of Mercia.]
 Also duke Alfer or Elfer of Mercia, and other noble men destroyed the
 abbies which king Edgar and bishop Adelwold had builded within the
 limits of Mercia. The priests or canons, which had béene expelled in
 Edgars time out of the prebends and benefices, began to complaine of
 the wrongs that were doone to them, in that they had beene put out of
 possession from their liuings, alleging it to be a great offense and
 miserable case, that a stranger should come and remoue an old
 inhabitant, for such maner of dooing could not please God, not yet be
 allowed of anie good man, which ought of reason to doubt least the
 same should hap to him which he might sée to haue béene another mans
 vndooing. About this matter was hard hold, for manie of the temporall
 lords, and namelie the same Alfer, iudged that the priests had wrong.
 [Sidenote: _Iohn Capg._]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 In so much that they remoued the moonks out of their places, and
 brought into the monasteries secular priests with their wiues. But
 Edelwin duke of the Eastangles, & Alfred his brother, with Brightnoth
 or Brightnode earle of Essex, withstood this dooing, & gathering an
 armie, with great valiancie mainteined the moonks in their houses,
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 within the countrie of Eastangles. Herevpon were councels holden, as
 at Winchester, at Kirthling in Eastangle, and at Calne.

 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 At Winchester, when the matter was brought to that passe that the
 priests were like to haue had their purpose, an image of the rood that
 stood there in the refectorie where they sat in councell, vttered
 [Sidenote: A pretie shift of the moonks to disappoint the priests.]
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 certeine woords in this wise; God forbid it should be so, God forbid
 it should be so: ye iudged well once, but ye may not change well
 againe. As though (saith Polydor Virgil) the moonks had more right,
 which had bereft other men of their possessions, than the priests
 which required restitution of their owne. But (saith he) bicause the
 image of Christ hanging on the crosse was thought to speake these
 words, such credit was giuen thereto, as it had béene an oracle, that
 the priests had their sute dashed, and all the trouble was ceassed. So
 the moonks held those possessions, howsoeuer they came to them, by the
 helpe of God, or rather (as saith the same Polydor) by the helpe of
 man. For there were euen then diuers that thought this to be rather an
 oracle of Phebus than of God, that is to say, not published by Gods
 power, but by the fraud and craftie deceit of men.

 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 The matter therefore was not so quieted, but that vpon new trouble an
 other councell was had at a manour house belonging to the king, called
 Calne, where they that were appointed to haue the hearing of the
 matter, sat in an vpper loft. The king by reason of his yoong yéeres
 was spared, so that he came not there. Héere as they were busied in
 arguing the matter, either part laieng for himselfe what could be
 said, Dunstane was sore reuiled, and had sundrie reproches laid
 against him: but suddenlie euen in the verie heat of their
 communication, the ioists of the loft failed, and downe came all the
 [Sidenote: Dunstane by woorking miracles had his will, when arguments
 failed.]
 companie, so that manie were slaine and hurt, but Dunstane alone
 standing vpon one of the ioists that fell not, escaped safe and sound.
 And so this miracle with the other made an end of the controuersie
 betwéene the priests and moonks, all the English people following the
 mind of the archbishop Dunstane, who by meanes thereof had his will.

 In this meane while, king Edward ruling himselfe by good counsell of
 such as were thought discréet and sage persons, gaue great hope to the
 world that he would walke in his fathers vertuous steps, as alreadie
 he well began, and bearing alwaie a reuerence to his mother in law,
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 [Sidenote: _Will. Malms._]
 and a brotherlie loue to hir sonne Egelred, vsed himselfe as became
 him towards them both. Afterward by chance as he was hunting in a
 forrest néere the castell of Corfe, where his mother in law and his
 brother the said Egelred then soiourned, when all his companie were
 spred abroad in following the game, so that he was left alone, he
 tooke the waie streight vnto his mother in lawes house, to visit hir
 [Sidenote: The wicked purpose of quéene Alfred.]
 and his brother. The quéene hearing that he was come, was verie glad
 thereof, for that she had occasion offered to woorke that which she
 had of long time before imagined, that was, to slea the king hir sonne
 in law, that hir owne sonne might inioy the garland. Wherefore she
 required him to alight, which he in no wise would yéeld vnto, but said
 that he had stolne from his companie, and was onelie come to see hir
 and his brother, and to drinke with them, and therefore would returne
 to the forrest againe to sée some more sport.

 [Sidenote: The shameful murther of K. Edward.]
 The queene perceiuing that he would not alight, caused drinke to be
 fetched, and as he had the cup at his mouth, by hir appointment, one
 of hir seruants stroke him into the bodie with a knife, wherevpon
 féeling himselfe wounded, he set spurres to the horsse thinking to
 gallop awaie, and so to get to his companie. But being hurt to the
 death, he fell from his horsse, so as one of his féet was fastened in
 the stirrup, by reason whereof his horsse drew him foorth through
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 [Sidenote: _Sim. Dun._]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 woods and launds, & the bloud which gushed out of the wound shewed
 token of his death to such as followed him, and the waie to the place
 where the horsse had left him. That place was called Corphes gate or
 Corfes gate. His bodie being found was buried without anie solemne
 funeralls at Warham. For they which enuied that he should inioy the
 crowne, enuied also the buriall of his bodie within the church: but
 the memorie of his fame could not so secretlie be buried with the
 [Sidenote: Miracles.]
 bodie, as they imagined. For sundrie miracles shewed at the place
 where his bodie was interred, made the same famous (as diuerse haue
 reported) for there was sight restored to the blind, health to the
 sicke, and hearing to the deafe, which are easilier to be told than
 beleeued.

 Queene Alfred also would haue ridden to the place where he laie,
 mooued with repentance (as hath beene said) but the horsse wherevpon
 she rode would not come neere the graue, for anie thing that could be
 doone to him. Neither by changing the said horsse could the matter be
 holpen: for euen the same thing happened to the other horsses.
 Heerevpon the woman perceiued hir great offense towards God for
 murthering the innocent, and did so repent hir afterward for the same,
 that besides the chastising of hir bodie in fasting, and other kind of
 [Sidenote: Building of abbeies in those daies was thought to be a full
 satisfaction for all manner of sinnes.]
 penance, she imploied all hir substance and patrimonie on the poore,
 and in building and reparing of churches and monasteries. She founded
 two houses of nuns (as is said) the one at Warwell, the other at
 Ambresburie, and finallie professed hirselfe a nun in one of them,
 that is to say, at Warwell, which house she builded (as some affirme)
 in remembrance of hir first husband that was slaine there by king
 Edgar for hir sake (as before is mentioned.)

 The bodie of this Edward the second, and surnamed the martyr, after
 that it had remained thrée yéeres at Warham where it was first buried,
 was remooued vnto Shaftesburie, and with great reuerence buried there
 [Sidenote: Elferus.]
 by the forenamed Alfer or Elfer, duke of Mercia, who also did sore
 repent himselfe, in that he had beene against the aduancement of the
 said king Edward (as ye haue heard.) But yet did not he escape
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 woorthie punishment: for within one yéere after, he was eaten to death
 with lice (if the historie be true.) King Edward came to his death
 after he had reigned thrée yéeres, or (as other write) thrée yéeres
 and eight moneths. ¶ Whatsoeuer hath béene reported by writers of the
 murther committed on the person of this king Edward, sure it is that
 if he were base begotten (as by writers of no meane credit it should
 appéere he was in déed) great occasion vndoubtedlie was giuen vnto
 quéene Alfred to seeke reuenge for the wrongfull keeping backe of hir
 son Egelred from his rightfull succession to the crowne: but whether
 that Edward was legitimate or not, she might yet haue deuised some
 other lawfull meane to haue come by hir purpose, and not so to haue
 procured the murther of the young prince in such vnlawfull maner. For
 hir dooing therein can neither be woorthilie allowed, nor throughlie
 excused, although those that occasioned the mischiefe by aduancing hir
 stepsonne to an other mans right, deserued most blame in this matter.


   _Thus farre the sixt booke comprising the first arriuall of the
   Danes in this land, which was in king Britricus his reigne, pag.
   652, at which time the most miserable state of England tooke
   beginning._

        *       *       *       *       *




 THE SEVENTH BOOKE

 OF THE

 HISTORIE OF ENGLAND.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Egelred succeedeth Edward the martyr in the kingdoms of England, the
 decaie of the realme in his reigne, Dunstane refusing to consecrate
 him is therevnto inforced, Dunstans prophesies of the English people
 and Egelred their king, his slouth and idlenes accompanied with other
 vices, the Danes arriue on the coasts of Kent and make spoile of manie
 places; warre betwixt the king and the bishop of Rochester, archbishop
 Dunstans bitter denunciation against the king because he would not be
 pacified with the bishop of Rochester without moneie; Dunstans
 parentage, his strange trance, and what a woonderfull thing he did
 during the time it lasted, his education and bringing vp, with what
 good qualities he was indued, an incredible tale of his harpe, how he
 was reuoked from louing and lusting after women whereto he was
 addicted, his terrible dreame of a rough beare, what preferments he
 obteined by his skill in the expounding of dreames._

 THE FIRST CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: EGELRED.]
 In the former booke was discoursed the troubled state of this land by
 the manifold and mutinous inuasions of the Danes; who though they
 sought to ingrosse the rule of euerie part and parcell therof into
 their hands; yet being resisted by the valiantnesse of the gouernors
 supported with the aid of their people, they were disappointed of
 their expectation, and receiued manie a dishonorable or rather
 reprochfull repulse at their aduersaries hands. Much mischiefe
 doubtlesse they did, and more had doone, if they had not béene met
 withall in like measure of extremitie as they offred, to the offense
 and ouerthrow of great multitudes. Their first entrance into this land
 is controuersed among writers, some saieng that it was in the daies of
 king Britricus, other some affirming that it was in the time of king
 Egbert, &c: about which point (sith it is a matter of no great moment)
 we count it labour lost to vse manie woords: onelie this by the waie
 is notewoorthie, that the Danes had an vnperfect or rather a lame and
 limping rule in this land, so long as the gouernors were watchfull,
 diligent, politike at home, and warlike abroad. But when these kind of
 kings discontinued, and that the raines of the regiment fell into the
 hands of a pezzant not a puissant prince, a man euill qualified,
 dissolute, slacke and licentious, not regarding the dignitie of his
 owne person, nor fauoring the good estate of the people; the Danes who
 before were coursed from coast to coast, and pursued from place to
 place, as more willing to leaue the land, than desirous to tarrie in
 the same; tooke occasion of stomach and courage to reenter this Ile, &
 waxing more bold and confident, more desperate and venturous, spared
 no force, omitted no opportunitie, let slip no aduantage that they
 might possiblie take, to put in practise and fullie to accomplish
 their long conceiued purpose.

 Now bicause the Danes in the former kings daies were reencountred (and
 that renowmedlie) so often as they did encounter, and séeking the
 totall regiment, were dispossessed of their partile principalitie,
 which by warlike violence they obteined; and for that the Saxons were
 interessed in the land, and these but violent incrochers, vnable to
 kéepe that which they came to by constreint; we haue thought it
 conuenient to comprise the troubled estate of that time in the sixt
 booke; the rather for the necessarie consequence of matters then in
 motion: and héere déeme it not amisse, at so great and shamefull
 loosenesse (speciallie in a prince) ministring hart and courage to the
 enimie, to begin the seuenth booke. Wherin is expressed the chiefest
 time of their flourishing estate in this land; if in tumults, vprores,
 battels, and bloudshed, such a kind of estate may possiblie be found.
 For héere the Danes lord it, heere they take vpon them like
 souereignes, & héere (if at anie time they had absolute authoritie)
 they did what they might in the highest degrée: as shall be declared
 in the vnfortunate affaires of vngratious Egelred or Etheldred, the
 sonne of king Edgar, and of his last wife queene Alfred, who was
 ordeined king in place of his brother Edward, after the same Edward
 was dispatched out of the waie, and began his reigne ouer this realme
 [Sidenote: 979.]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 of England, in the yéere of our Lord 979, which was in the seuenth
 yéere of the emperor Otho the second, in the 24 of Lothaire K. of
 France, and about the second or third yeere of Kenneth the third of
 that name king of Scotland.

 This Egelred or Etheldred was the 30 in number from Cerdicus the first
 king of the Westsaxons: through his negligent gouernment, the state of
 the commonwealth fell into such decaie (as writers doo report) that
 vnder him it may be said, how the kingdome was come to the vttermost
 point or period of old and féeble age, which is the next degrée to the
 graue. For wheras, whilest the realme was diuided at the first by the
 Saxons into sundrie dominions, it grew at length (as it were
 increasing from youthfull yeeres) to one absolute monarchie, which
 passed vnder the late remembred princes, Egbert, Adelstane, Edgar, and
 others, so that in their daies it might be said, how it was growne to
 mans state, but now vnder this Egelred, through famine, pestilence,
 and warres, the state thereof was so shaken, turned vpside downe, and
 weakened on ech part, that rightlie might the season be likened vnto
 the old broken yéeres of mans life, which through féeblenesse is not
 able to helpe it selfe. Dunstane archbishop of Canturburie was thought
 to haue foreséene this thing, and therfore refused to annoint Egelred
 king, which by the murther of his brother should atteine to the
 gouernment: but at length he was compelled vnto it, and so he
 consecrated him at Kingston vpon Thames, as the maner then was, on the
 24 day of Aprill, assisted by Oswald archbishop of Yorke, and ten
 other bishops.

 [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._]
 But (as hath béene reported) Dunstane then said that the English
 people should suffer condigne punishment generallie, with losse of
 ancient liberties, which before that time they had inioied. Dunstane
 also long before prophesied of the slouthfulnesse that should remaine
 in this Egelred. For at what time he ministred the sacrament of
 baptisme to him; shortlie after he came into this world, he defiled
 the font with the ordure of his wombe (as hath beene said:) whervpon
 Dunstane being troubled in mind, "By the Lord (saith he) and his
 blessed mother, this child shall prooue to be a slouthfull person." It
 hath beene written also, that when he was but ten yeeres of age, and
 heard that his brother Edward was slaine, he so offended his mother
 with wéeping, bicause she could not still him, that hauing no rod at
 hand, she tooke tapers or sizes that stood before hir, and beat him so
 sore with them, that she had almost killed him, whereby he could neuer
 after abide to haue anie such candels lighted before him.

 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 This Egelred (as writers say) was nothing giuen to warlike
 enterprises, but was slouthfull, a louer of idlenesse, and delighting
 in riotous lusts, which being knowne to all men, caused him to be
 euill spoken of amongst his owne people, and nothing feared amongst
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 [Sidenote: 980.]
 strangers. Heerevpon the Danes that exercised rouing on the seas,
 began to conceiue a boldnesse of courage to disquiet and molest the
 sea-coasts of the realme, in so much that in the second yéere of this
 Egelreds reigne, they came with seuen ships on the English coasts of
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 Kent, and spoiled the Ile of Tenet, the towne of Southampton, and in
 the yeere following they destroied S. Petroks abbeie in Cornwall,
 Porthland in Deuonshire, and diuerse other places by the sea side,
 speciallie in Deuonshire & Cornwall. Also a great part of Cheshire was
 destroied by pirats of Norway.

 [Sidenote: 982.]
 [Sidenote: 983.]
 [Sidenote: Alfer or Elfer duke of Mercia departed this life.]
 [Sidenote: Alfrike or Elfrike duke of Mercia.]
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 The same yéere by casualtie of fire, a great part of the citie of
 London was burnt. In the yeere of our Lord 983, Alfer duke of Mercia
 departed this life, who was coosen to king Edgar, & his sonne Alfrike
 tooke vpon him the rule of that dukedome, and within thrée yéeres
 after was banished the land. About the eight yéere of his reigne,
 Egelred maried one Elgina or Ethelgina, daughter of earle Egbert. In
 the ninth yeere of his reigne, vpon occasion of strife betwéene him
 and the bishop of Rochester, he made warre against the same bishop,
 wasted his lordships, and besieged the citie of Rochester, till
 Dunstan procured the bishops peace with paiment of an hundred pounds
 in gold. And bicause the K. would not agrée with the bishop without
 moneie at the onelie request of Dunstane, the said Dunstane did send
 him woord, that sithens he made more account of gold than of God, more
 of monie than of S. Andrew, patrone of the church of Rochester, and
 more of couetousnesse than of him being the archbishop, the mischiefs
 which the Lord had threatned would shortlie fall and come to passe,
 but the same should not chance whilest he was aliue, who died in the
 yéere following, on the 25 of Maie, being saturdaie.

 [Sidenote: _Vita Dunstani._]
 [Sidenote: _Iohn Capgr._]
 [Sidenote: _Osborne._]
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 Of this Dunstane manie things are recorded by writers, that he should
 be of such holinesse and vertue, that God wrought manie miracles by
 him, both whilest he liued heere on earth, and also after his
 deceasse. He was borne in Westsaxon, his father was named Heorstan,
 and his mother Cinifride, who in his youth set him to schoole, where
 he so profited, that he excelled all his equals in age. Afterward he
 fell sicke of an ague, which vexed him so sore that it draue him into
 a frensie: and therefore his parents appointed him to the cure and
 charge of a certeine woman, where his disease grew so on him, that he
 fell in a trance, as though he had béene dead, and after that he
 suddenlie arose, & by chance caught a staffe in his hand, and ran vp
 and downe through hils and dales, and laid about him as though he had
 béene afraid of mad dogs. The next night (as it is said) he gat him to
 the top of the church (by the helpe of certeine ladders that stood
 there for woorkemen to mend the roofe) and there ran vp and downe
 verie dangerouslie, but in the end came safelie downe, and laid him to
 sléepe betwéene two men that watched the church that night, & when he
 awaked, he maruelled how he came there. Finallie, recouering his
 disease, his parents made him a priest, and placed him in the abbeie
 of Glastenburie, where he gaue himselfe to the reading of scriptures
 and knowledge of vertue. But as well his kinsmen as certeine other did
 raise a report of him, that he gaue not himselfe so much to the
 reading of scriptures, as to charming, coniuring and sorcerie, which
 he vtterlie denied: howbeit learned he was in déed, & could doo manie
 pretie things both in handie woorke and other deuises: he had good
 skill in musicke and delighted much therein. At length he grew in such
 fauour, that he was aduanced into the seruice of king Adelstane.

 Vpon a time, as he came to a gentlewomans house with his harpe, and
 hoong the same on the wall, while he shaped a priests stole, the harpe
 suddenlie began to plaie a psalme, which draue the whole houshold in
 such feare, that they ran out and said, he was too cunning, and knew
 more than was expedient: wherevpon he was accused of necromancie, and
 so banished out of the court. After this he began to haue a liking to
 women, and when Elfeagus then bishop of Winchester and his coosen,
 persuaded him to become a moonke, he refused it, for he rather wished
 to haue maried a yoong damesell, whose pleasant companie he dailie
 inioied. But being soone after striken with such a swelling disease in
 his bellie, that all his bodie was brought into such state, as though
 he had béene infected with a foule leprosie, he bethought him selfe,
 and vpon his recouerie sent to the bishop, who immediatlie shore him a
 moonke, in which life he liued in so great opinion of holinesse, as he
 in time became abbat of Glastenburie: where on a time as he was in his
 praiers before the altar of S. George, he fell asléepe: and imagining
 in his dreame, that an vglie rough beare came towards him with open
 mouth, and set his forefeet vpon his shoulders readie to deuoure him,
 he suddenlie wakening for feare, caught his walking staffe which he
 commonlie went with, and laid about him, that all the church rang
 [Sidenote: _Polychron._]
 thereof, to the great woonder of such as stood by. The common tale of
 his plucking the diuell by the nose with a paire of pinsors, for
 tempting him with women, while he was making a chalice: the great loue
 that the ladie Elfleda néere kinswoman to king Adelstane bare him to
 hir dieng day, with a great manie of other such like matters, I leaue
 as friuolous, and wholie impertinent to our purpose: onelie this I
 read, that through declaring of his dreames and visions, he obteined
 in the time of king Edgar, first the bishoprike of Worcester, after of
 London, & last of all the archbishoprike of Canturburie. But leauing
 Dunstane and the fond deuises depending vpon the commemoration of his
 life, we will now returne to the dooings of Egelred, and speake of
 such things in the next chapter as chanced in his time.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The Danes inuade England on each side, they are vanquished by the
 English, Goda earle of Deuonshire slaine; the Danes in a battell
 fought at Maldon kill Brightnod earle of Essex and the most of his
 armie, ten thousand pounds paid to them by composition that they
 should not trouble the English subjects, they cease their crueltie for
 a time, but within a while after fall to their bloudie bias, the
 English people despaire to resist them, Egelred addresseth a nauie
 against the Danes vnder the erles Alfrike and Turold, Alfrike
 traitorouslie taketh part with the Danes, his ship and souldiers are
 taken, his sonne Algar is punished for his fathers offense, the Danes
 make great wast in many parts of this Iland, they besiege London and
 are repelled with dishonor, they driue king Egelred to buy peace of
 them for _16000_ pounds; Aulafe king of Norwey is honorablie
 interteined of Egelred, to whome he promiseth at his baptisme neuer to
 make warre against England, the great zeale of people in setting
 forward the building of Durham towne and the minster._

 THE SECOND CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. Westm._]
 [Sidenote: The Danes inuade this land.]
 Shortlie after the decease of Dunstane, the Danes inuaded this realme
 on each side, wasting and spoiling the countrie in most miserable
 wise. They arriued in so manie places at once, that the Englishmen
 could not well deuise whither to go to encounter first with them. Some
 [Sidenote: _Alias_ Wecederport.]
 [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 of them spoiled a place or towne called Wichport, and from thence
 passing further into the countrie, were met with by the Englishmen,
 who giuing them battell, lost their capteine Goda: but yet they got
 [Sidenote: Danes vanquished.]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 the victorie, and beat the Danes out of the field, and so that part of
 the Danish armie was brought to confusion. Simon Dunel. saith, that
 the Englishmen in déed wan the field here, but not without great
 [Sidenote: Goda earle of Deuonshire slain.]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 losse. For besides Goda (who by report of the same author was Earle of
 Deuonshire) there died an other valiant man of warre named Strenwold.
 In the yeere 991, Brightnod earle of Essex, at Maldon gaue battell to
 an armie of Danes (which vnder their leaders Iustine and Guthmond had
 spoiled Gipswich) and was there ouercome and slaine with the most part
 of his people, and so the Danes obteined in that place the victorie.

 [Sidenote: 991.]
 In the same yéere, and in the 13 yeere of, king Egelreds reigne, when
 the land was on each side sore afflicted, wasted and haried by the
 Danes, which couered the same as they had béene grashoppers: by the
 aduise of the archbishop of Canturburie Siricius (which was the second
 of that sée after Dunstane) a composition was taken with the Danes, so
 [Sidenote: Ten thousand pounds paid to the Danes.]
 [Sidenote: Danegilt.]
 that for the sum of ten thousand pounds to be paied to them by the
 king, they should couenant not to trouble his subjects anie further.
 This monie was called Danegilt or Dane monie, and was leuied of the
 people. Although other take that to be Danegilt, which was giuen vnto
 such Danes as king Egelred afterwards reteined in his seruice, to
 defend the land from other Danes and enimies that sought to inuade his
 dominions. But by what name so euer this monie (which the Danes now
 receiued) was called, true it is that herevpon they ceassed from their
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: 992.]
 most cruell inuasions for a time. But shortlie after they had
 refreshed themselues, and recouered new strength, they began to play
 their old parts againe, dooing the like mischéefe by their semblable
 inuasions, as they had vsed before. By reason hereof such feare came
 vpon the English people, that they despaired to be able to resist the
 enimies.

 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: A nauie set forth.]
 The king yet caused a nauie to be set foorth at London, whereof he
 appointed earle Alfrike (whome before he had banished) to be high
 admerall, ioining with him earle Turold. This nauie did set forward
 from London toward the enimies, who hauing warning giuen them from
 Alfrike, escaped away without hurt. Shortly after a greater nauie of
 the Danes came, and incountered with the kings fléet, so that a great
 number of the Londoners were slaine, and all the kings ships taken:
 [Sidenote: Alfrike a traitour to his countrie.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 for Alfrike like a traitor turned to the Danes side. ¶ Matt. West.
 maketh other report of this matter, declaring that Alfrike in déed
 being one of the chiefe capteins of the fléet, aduertised them by
 forewarning of the danger that was toward them, and that when they
 should come to ioining, the same Alfrike like a traitor fled to the
 Danes, and after vpon necessitie being put to flight escaped away with
 them: but the other capteins of the kings fléet, as Theodred, Elstan,
 and Escwen, pursued the Danes, tooke one of their ships, and slue all
 those that were found therein. The Londoners also (as the same Matt.
 West, saith) met with the nauie of the Danish rouers as they fled
 away, and slue a great number, and also tooke the ship of the traitor
 Alfrike with his souldiers & armor, but he himselfe escaped, though
 with much paine, hauing plaied the like traitorous part once before,
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: The son punished for his fathers offense.]
 [Sidenote: 993.]
 and yet was reconciled to the kings fauor againe. Vpon this mischiefe
 wrought by the father, the king now tooke his sonne Algar, and caused
 his eies to be put out.

 About the same time was Bambrough destroied by the Danes, which
 arriued after in Humber, and wasted the countrie of Lindsey and
 Yorkeshire, on either side that riuer. And when the Englishmen were
 assembled to giue them battell, before they ioined, the capteines of
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 the English armie, Frena, Godwin, and Fredegist, that were Danes by
 their fathers side began to flie away, and escaped, so giuing the
 occasion of the ouerthrow that lighted on their people. But by some
 writers it should appéere, that after the Danes had destroied all the
 north parts, as they spred abroad without order and good arraie, the
 [Sidenote: Aulafe king of Norway, & Swein king of Denmarke were
 capteins of this fléet, as saith _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: 994.]
 people of the countrie fell vpon them, and slue some of them, and
 chased the residue. Other of the Danes with a nauie of 94 ships
 entered the Thames, and besieged London about our ladie daie in
 September. They gaue a verie sore assault to the citie, and assaied to
 set it on fire: but the citizens so valiantlie defended themselues,
 that the Danes were beaten backe and repelled, greatlie to their
 losse, so that they were constreined to depart thence with dishonor.
 Then they fell to and wasted the countries of Essex, Kent, Sussex, and
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: The king compounded with the Danes for monie.]
 Hamshire, and ceassed not till they had inforced the king to compound
 with them for 16 thousand pounds, which he was glad to pay to haue
 peace with them.

 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: Aufale king of Norwey baptised.]
 [Sidenote: His promise.]
 Moreouer, whereas they wintered that yéere at Southampton, the king
 procured Aulafe king of the Norwegians to come vnto Andeuer (where at
 that time he lay) vpon pledges receiued of the king for his safe
 returne. Elphegus bishop of Winchester, and duke Ethelwold were
 appointed by king Egelred to bring Aulafe vnto him in most honorable
 maner. The same time was Aulafe baptised, king Egelred receiuing him
 at the fontstone, and so he promised neuer after to make anie war
 within this land. And receiuing great gifts of the king, he returned
 into his countrie, and kept his promise faithfullie: but the euils
 tooke not so an end, for other of the Danes sprang vp, as they had
 béene the heads of the serpent Hydra, some of them euer being readie
 to trouble the quiet state of the English nation.

 [Sidenote: _Iohn Leland._]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: 995.]
 About this season, that is to say, in the yéere of our Lord 995,
 bishop Aldaine which was fled from Chester in the stréet (otherwise
 called Cunecester) with the bodie of saint Cuthbert for feare of the
 inuasion of Danes, vnto Rippon, brought the same bodie now vnto
 [Sidenote: The church of Durham builded.]
 there began the foundation of a church; so that the sée of that
 bishoprike was from thencefoorth there established, and the woods were
 there cut downe, which before that time couered and ouergrew that
 [Sidenote: Earle Vthred.]
 place, wherevpon it began first to be inhabited. Earle Vthred, who
 gouerned that countrie, greatlie furthered the bishop in this worke,
 so that all the people inhabiting betweene the riuers of Coquid and
 [Sidenote: Durham town and minster builded.]
 Theis, came togither to rid the woods, and to helpe forwards the
 building of the church and towne there.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The Danes inuading the west parts of this land make great hauocke by
 fire and sword, they arriue at Rochester, and conquer the Kentishmen
 in field, king Egelred ouercommeth the Danes that inhabited Cumberland
 and wasteth the countrie, the Summersetshire men are foiled; the
 miserable state of the realme in those daies; the English bloud mixed
 with the Danes and Britaines, and what inconueniencies grew thervpon,
 the disordered gouernement of king Egelred, sicknesses vexing the
 people, treason in the nobles, the tribute paid to the Danes
 vnmercifillie inhansed, the realme brought to beggerie; king Egelred
 by politike persuasion and counsell marrieth Emma the duke of
 Normandies daughter, vpon what occasion the Normans pretended a title
 to the crowne of England, they conquer the whole land, what order king
 Egelred tooke to kill all the Danes within his kingdoms, and what rule
 they bare in this realme yer they were murdered, the thraldome of the
 English people under them, whereof the word Lordane sprang._

 THE THIRD CHAPTER.

 [Sidenote: 997.]
 [Sidenote: The Danes inuade the west parts of this land.]
 In the nineenth yere of king Egelreds reigne, the Danes sailed about
 Cornewall, and comming into the Seuerne sea, they robbed & tooke
 preies in the coasts of Deuonshire & Southwales, and landing at
 Wicheport, they burned vp the countrie, and came about vnto
 Penwithstréet on the south coast, and so arriuing in the mouth of
 Tamer water, came vnto Lidford, and there wasted all afore them with
 force of fire. They burned, amongst other places, the monasterie of
 [Sidenote: Tauestocke.]
 saint Ordulfe at Essingstocke. After this they came into Dorcetshire,
 and passed through the countrie with flame and fire, not finding anie
 that offered to resist them. The same yéere also they soiourned in the
 [Sidenote: 998.]
 [Sidenote: 999.]
 [Sidenote: The Danes arriue in the Thames.]
 Ile of Wight, and liued vpon spoiles & preies which they tooke in
 Hampshire and Sussex. At length they came into the Thames, and so by
 the riuer of Medwey arriued at Rochester. The Kentishmen assembled
 togither and fought with the Danes, but they were ouercome, and so
 left the field to the Danes. After this, the same Danes sailed into
 Normandie, and king Egelred went into Cumberland, where the Danes
 [Sidenote: 1000.]
 inhabited in great numbers, whome he ouercame with sore warre, and
 wasted almost all Cumberland, taking great spoiles in the same. About
 the same time, or shortlie after, the Danes with their nauie,
 [Sidenote: 1001.]
 [Sidenote: Exmouth.]
 returning out of Normandie, came vnto Exmouth, and there assaulted the
 castell, but they were repelled by them that kept it. After this they
 spread abroad ouer all the countrie, exercising their accustomed trade
 of destroieng all before them with fire and sword. The men of
 [Sidenote: Pentho.]
 Summersetshire fought with them at Pentho, but the Danes got the vpper
 hand.

 Thus the state of the realme in those daies was verie miserable, for
 there wanted worthie chieftains to rule the people, and to chastise
 them when they did amisse. There was no trust in the noble men, for
 euerie one impugned others dooing, and yet would not deuise which way
 [Sidenote: Disagréement with councellors what fruit it bringeth.]
 to deale with better likelihood. When they assembled in councell, and
 should haue occupied their heads in deuising remedies for the
 mischiefe of the common wealth, they turned their purpose vnto
 altercation, about such strifes, contentions and quarels as each one
 against other, and suffered the generall case to lie still in the
 dust. And if at anie time there was anie good conclusion agreed vpon,
 for the withstanding of the enimie, & reléefe of the common wealth,
 anon should the enimie be aduertised thereof by such as were of
 aliance or consanguinitie to them. For (as Caxton, Polychr. and others
 say) the English bloud was so mixed with that of the Danes and
 Britains, who were like enimies to the Englishmen, that there was
 almost few of the nobilitie and commons, which had not on the one side
 a parent of some of them.

 Whereby it came to passe, that neither the secret purposes of the king
 could be concealed till they might take due effect; neither their
 assemblies proue quiet without quarelling and taking of parts. Manie
 also being sent foorth with their powers one way (whilest the king
 went to make resistance another) did reuolt to his enimies, and turned
 their swords against him (as you haue heard of Elfrike and his
 complices, and shall read of manie others) so that it was no maruell
 that Egelred sped no better, and yet was he as valiant as anie of his
 predecessors, although the moonks fauour him not in their writings,
 because he demanded aid of them toward his warres, and was nothing
 fauorable to their lewd hypocrisie. But what is a king if his subiects
 be not loiall? What is a realme, if the common wealth be diuided? By
 peace & concord, of small beginnings great and famous kingdomes haue
 oft times procéeded; whereas by discord the greatest kingdoms haue
 oftner bene brought to ruine. And so it proued here, for whilest
 priuat quarels are pursued, the generall affaires are vtterlie
 neglected: and whilest ech nation séeketh to preferre hir owne
 aliance, the Iland it selfe is like to become a desert.

 But to procéed with our monasticall writers: certes they lay all the
 fault in the king, saieng that he was a man giuen to no good exercise,
 he delighted in fleshlie lustes and riotous bankettings and still
 sought waies how to gather of his subiects what might be got, as well
 [Sidenote: The misgouernement of the king.]
 by vnlawfull meanes as otherwise. For he would for feined or for verie
 small & light causes disherit his natiue subiects, and cause them to
 redéeme their owne possessions for great summes of monie. Besides
 [Sidenote: Sicknesse vexeth the people.]
 these oppressions, diuers kinds of sicknesses vexed the people also,
 as the bloodie flix, and hot burning agues which then raged through
 the land, so that manie died thereof. By such manner of meanes
 [Sidenote: Treason in the nobilitie.]
 therefore, what through the misgouernance of the king, the treason and
 disloialtie of the nobilitie, the lacke of good order and due
 correction amongst the people, and by such other scourges and mishaps
 as afflicted the English nation in that season, the land was brought
 into great ruine, so that, where by strength the enimie could not be
 kept off, there was now no hope but to appease them with monie. By
 [Sidenote: The inhancing of the tribute paid to the Danes.]
 reason hereof from time of the first agréement with the Danes for 10
 thousand pounds tribute, it was inhanced to 16000 pounds, (as you haue
 heard) & after that to 20000 pounds, then to 24000 pounds, & so to
 30000 pounds, & lastlie to 40000 pounds, till at length the relme was
 [Sidenote: The death of quéene Elgina.]
 emptied in maner of all that monie and coine that could be found in
 it. In this meane time died Elgina or Ethelgina the quéene. Shortlie
 [Sidenote: Emma.]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 after it was deuised that the king should be a suter vnto Richard duke
 of Normandie, for his sister Emma, a ladie of such excellent beautie,
 that she was named the floure of Normandie. This sute was begun and
 [Sidenote: 1002.]
 [Sidenote: Emma daughter of R. duke of Normandie maried to K. Edgar.]
 tooke such good successe, that the king obteined his purpose. And so
 in the yeare of our Lord 1002, which was about the 24 yeare of king
 Egelreds reigne, he maried the said Emma with great solemnitie.

 This mariage was thought to be right necessarie, honorable, and
 profitable for the realme of England, because of the great puissance
 of the Norman princes in those daies: but as things afterward came to
 passe, it turned to the subuersion of the whole English state: for by
 such affinitie and dealing as happened hereby betwixt the Normans and
 Englishmen, occasion in the end was ministred to the same Normans to
 pretend a title to the crowne of England, in prosecuting of which
 title, they obteined and made the whole conquest of the land, as after
 shall appeare. Egelred being greatlie aduanced (as he thought) by
 reason of his mariage, deuised vpon presumption thereof, to cause all
 the Danes within the land to be murthered in one day. Herevpon he sent
 priuie commissioners to all cities, burrowes and townes within his
 dominions, commanding the rulers and officers in the same, to kill all
 such Danes as remained within their liberties, at a certeine day
 [Sidenote: 1012.]
 [Sidenote: The 18 of Nouember.]
 [Sidenote: The murder of the Danes.]
 prefixed, being saint Brices day, in the yeare 1012, and in the 34
 yeare of king Egelreds reigne. Herevpon (as sundrie writers agree) in
 one day & houre this murther began, and was according to the
 commission and iniunction executed. But where it first began, the same
 is vncerteine: some say at Wellowin in Herefordshire, some at a place
 [Sidenote: Hownhill, or Houndhill, a place within Merchington parish
 beside the forest of Néedwood, somewhat more than two miles from
 Vtoxcester.]
 in Staffordshire called Hownhill, & others in other places, but
 whersoeuer it began, the dooers repented it after.

 [Sidenote: The miserable state of this realme vnder the thraldome of
 the Danes.]
 But now yer we procéed anie further, we will shew what rule the Danes
 kept here in this realme before they were thus murthered, as in some
 bookes we find recorded. Whereas it is shewed that the Danes compelled
 the husbandmen to til the ground & doo all maner of labour and toile
 to be doone about husbandrie: the Danes liued vpon the fruit and
 gaines that came thereof, and kept the husbandmens wiues, their
 daughters, maids and seruants, vsing and abusing them at their
 pleasures. And when the husbandmen came home, then could they scarse
 haue such sustenance of meats and drinkes as fell for seruants to
 haue: so that the Danes had all their commandements, eating and
 drinking of the best, where the sillie man that was the owner, could
 hardlie come to his fill of the worst. Besides this, the common people
 were so oppressed by the Danes, that for feare and dread they called
 [Sidenote: _Hector Boet._]
 them in euerie such house where anie of them soiourned, Lord Dane. And
 if an Englishman and a Dane chanced to méet at anie bridge or streight
 passage, the Englishman must staie till the Lord Dane were passed. But
 in processe of time, after the Danes were voided the land, this word
 Lord Dane was in derision and despight of the Danes turned by
 [Sidenote: Lordane whereof the word came.]
 Englishmen into a name of reproch, as Lordane, which till these our
 daies is not forgotten. For when the people in manie parts of this
 realme will note and signifie anie great idle lubber that will not
 labour nor take paine for his liuing, they will call him Lordane. Thus
 did the Danes vse the Englishmen in most vile manner, and kept them in
 such seruile thraldome as cannot be sufficientlie vttered.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _A fresh power of Danes inuade England to reuenge the slaughter of
 their countrimen that inhabited this Ile, the west parts betraied into
 their hands by the conspiracie of a Norman that was in gouernement,
 earle Edrike feined himselfe sicke when king Egelred sent vnto him to
 leuie a power against the Danes, and betraieth his people to the
 enimies; Sweine king of Denmarke arriueth on the coast of Northfolke,
 and maketh pitifull spoile by fire and sword; the truce taken betweene
 him and Vikillus is violated, and what reuengement followeth; king
 Sweine forced by famine returneth into his owne countrie, he arriueth
 againe at Sandwich, why king Egelred was vnable to preuaile against
 him, the Danes ouerrun all places where they come and make cruell
 waste, king Egelred paieth him great summes of monie for peace; the
 mischiefes that light vpon a land by placing a traitorous stranger in
 gouernement, how manie acres a hide of land conteineth, Egelreds order
 taken for ships and armour, why his great fleet did him little
 pleasure; a fresh host of Danes vnder three capteines arriue at
 Sandwich, the citizens of Canturburie for monie purchase safetie, the
 faithlesse deeling of Edrike against king Egelred for the enimies
 aduantage, what places the Danes ouerran and wasted._

 THE FOURTH CHAPTER.


 Vpon knowledge giuen into Denmarke of the cruell murder of the Danes
 here in England, truth it is, that the people of the countrie were
 greatlie kindled in malice, and set in such a furious rage against the
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: The Danes returne to inuade England.]
 [Sidenote: Excester taken.]
 [Sidenote: 1002.]
 Englishmen, that with all spéed they made foorth a nauie full fraught
 with men of warre, the which in the yeare following came swarming
 about the coasts of England, and landing in the west countrie, tooke
 [Sidenote: Hugh a Norman conspireth with the Danes.]
 the citie of Excester, and gat there a rich spoile. One Hugh a Norman
 borne, whome quéene Emma had placed in those parties as gouernour or
 shirife there, conspired with the Danes, so that all the countrie was
 ouerrun and wasted.

 The king hearing that the Danes were thus landed, and spoiled the west
 parts of the realme, he sent vnto Edricus to assemble a power to
 withstand the enimies. Herevpon the people of Hampshire and Wiltshire
 rose and got togither: but when the armies should ioine, earle Edricus
 [Sidenote: The counterfait sicknesse of duke Edrike.]
 surnamed de Streona feigned himselfe sicke, and so betraied his
 people, of whome he had the conduct: for they perceiuing the want in
 their leader, were discouraged, and so fled. The Danes followed them
 [Sidenote: Wilton spoiled.]
 vnto Wilton, which towne they rifled and ouercame. From thence they
 went to Salisburie, and so taking their pleasure there, returned to
 their ships, because (as some write) they were aduertised that the
 king was comming towards them with an huge armie. In the yeare next
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: 1004.]
 insuing, that is to saie 1004, which was about the 24 yeare of
 [Sidenote: Swein king of Denmarke.]
 K. Egelreds reigne, Sweine or Swanus, king of Denmarke, with a mightie
 nauie of ships came on the coast of Northfolke, and there landing with
 [Sidenote: Norwich taken by the Danes.]
 [Sidenote: Thetford burnt.]
 his people, made toward Norwich, and comming thither tooke that citie,
 and spoiled it. Then went he vnto Thetford, and when he had taken and
 [Sidenote: Vikillus or Wilfeketell gouernour of Norffolke.]
 rifled that towne, he burnt it, notwithstanding a truce taken by
 Vikillus or Wilfketell gouernor of those parties with the same king
 Swaine after the taking of Norwich. In reuenge therefore of such
 breach of truce, the same Vikillus, or Wilfeketell, with such power as
 he could raise, assaulted the host of Danes as they returned to their
 ships, and slue a great number of them, but was not able to mainteine
 the fight, for his enimies ouermatched him in number of men. And so he
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 was constrained in the end to giue backe: and the enimies kept on
 their waies to their ships.

 [Sidenote: 1005.]
 [Sidenote: Swaine returned into Denmarke.]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 In the yeare following king Swaine returned into Denmarke with all his
 fléet, partlie constrained so to doo (as some write) by reason of the
 great famin & want of necessarie sustenance, which in that yeare sore
 [Sidenote: 1006.]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: Swaine returned into England.]
 oppressed this land. In the yeare of our Lord 1006, king Swaine
 returned againe into England with a mightie & huge nauie, arriuing at
 Sandwich, and spoiled all the countrie néere vnto the sea side. King
 Egelred raised all his power against him, and all the haruest time
 laie abroad in the field to resist the Danes, which according to their
 woonted maner spared not to exercise their vnmercifull crueltie, in
 wasting and spoiling the land with fire and sword, pilfering and
 taking of preies in euerie part where they came. Neither could king
 Egelred remedie the matter, because the enimies still conueied
 themselues with their ships into some contrarie quarter, from the
 place where they knew him to be, so that his trauell was in vaine.

 [Sidenote: The Danes winter in the Ile of Wight.]
 [Sidenote: They inuade Hampshire, Barkeshire, &c.]
 About the beginning of winter they remained in the Ile of Wight, & in
 the time of Christmasse they landed in Hampshire, and passing through
 that countrie into Barkeshire, they came to Reading, and from thence
 to Wallingford, and so to Coleseie, and then approching to Essington,
 came to Achikelmeslawe, and in euerie place wheresoeuer they came,
 they made cleane worke. For that which they could not carie with them,
 they consumed with fire, burning vp their innes and sleaing their
 hoasts. In returning backe, the people of the west countrie gaue them
 battell, but preuailed not, so that they did but inrich their enimies
 [Sidenote: Winchester.]
 with the spoile of their bodies. They came by the gates of Winchester
 as it were in maner of triumph, with vittels and spoiles which they
 had fetched fiftie miles from the sea side. In the meane time king
 Egelred lay about Shrewsburie sore troubled with the newes hereof, and
 [Sidenote: 1007.]
 in the yeare next insuing, by the aduise of his councell he gaue to
 [Sidenote: 36000 pound saith _Si. Dun._]
 king Swaine for the redeeming of peace 30000 pounds.

 [Sidenote: Edrike de Streona made duke or earle of Mercia.]
 In the same yeare K. Egelred created the traitor Edrike earle of
 Mercia, who although he had maried Edgiua the kings daughter, was yet
 noted to be one of those which disclosed the secrets of the realme,
 and the determinations of the councell vnto the enimies. But he was
 such a craftie dissembler, so greatlie prouided of sleight to
 dissemble and cloake his falshood, that the king being too much abused
 by him, had him in singular fauour, whereas he vpon a malicious
 purpose studied dailie how to bring the realme into vtter destruction,
 aduertising the enimies from time to time how the state of things
 stood, whereby they came to knowlege when they should giue place, and
 when they might safelie come forward. Moreouer, being sent vnto them
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 oftentimes as a commissioner to treat for peace, he persuaded them to
 warre. But such was the pleasure of God, to haue him and such other of
 like sort aduanced to honor in this season, when by his diuine
 prouidence he meant to punish the people of this realme for their
 wickednesse and sinnes, whereby they had iustlie prouoked his wrath
 and high displeasure.

 [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: An hundred acres is an hide of land.]
 [Sidenote: 1008.]
 In the 30 yeare of king Egelreds reigne, which fell in the yeare of
 our Lord 1008, he tooke order that of euerie thrée hundred and ten
 hides of land within this realme, there should one ship be builded,
 and of euerie eight hides a complet armor furnished. In the yeare
 following, the kings whole fléet was brought togither at Sandwich, and
 such souldiers came thither as were appointed to go to sea in the same
 fléet. There had not béene séene the like number of ships so trimlie
 [Sidenote: Provision for ships and armour.]
 rigged and furnished in all points, in anie kings daies before. But no
 great profitable péece of seruice was wrought by them: for the king
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 had about that time banished a noble yoong man of Sussex called
 Wilnot, who getting togither twentie sailes, laie vpon the coasts
 taking prices where he could get them. Brithrike the brother of earle
 Edrike, being desirous to win honor, tooke forth foure score of the
 said ships, and promised to bring in the enimie dead or aliue. But as
 he was sailing forward on the seas, a sore tempest with an outragious
 wind rose with such violence, that his ships were cast vpon the shore:
 and Wilnot comming vpon them, set them on fire, and so burned them
 euerie one. The residue of the ships, when newes came to them of this
 mishap, returned backe to London; and then was the armie dispersed,
 and so all the cost and trauell of the Englishmen proued in vaine.

 [Sidenote: Danes land at Sandwich.]
 [Sidenote: 1009.]
 After this, in the haruest time a new armie of Danes, vnder the
 conduct of thrée capteines, Turkill, Henning, and Aulafe landed at
 Sandwich, and from thence passed forth to Canturburie, and had taken
 the citie but that the citizens gaue them a 1000 pounds to depart from
 [Sidenote: 3000 pound saith _Sim. Dun._]
 thence, and to leaue the countrie in peace. Then went the Danes to the
 [Sidenote: Sussex and Hampshire spoiled.]
 Ile of Wight, and afterwards landed and spoiled the countrie of Sussex
 and Hampshire. King Egelred assembled the whole power of all his
 subiects, and comming to giue them battell, had made an end of their
 cruell harieng the countrie with the slaughter of them all, if earle
 Edrike with forged tales (deuised onelie to put him in feare) had not
 [Sidenote: The Danes returne into Kent.]
 dissuaded him from giuing battell. The Danes by that meanes returning
 in safetie, immediatlie after the feast of saint Martine, returned
 into Kent, and lodged with their nauie in the winter following in the
 Thames, and oftentimes assaulting the citie of London, were still
 beaten backe to their losse.

 [Sidenote: 1010.]
 [Sidenote: Oxford burnt.]
 After the feast of Christmasse they passed through the countrie and
 woods of Chilterne vnto Oxford, which towne they burned, and then
 returning backe they fell to wasting of the countrie on both sides the
 Thames. But hearing that an armie was assembled at London to giue them
 battell; that part of their host which kept on the northside of the
 [Sidenote: Stanes.]
 riuer, passed the same riuer at Stanes, and so ioining with their
 fellowes marched foorth through Southerie, and comming backe to their
 ships in Kent, fell in hand to repare & amend their ships that were in
 anie wise decaied. Then after Easter, the Danes sailing about the
 [Sidenote: Gipswich in Suffolke.]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 coast, arriued at Gipswich in Suffolke, on the Ascension day of our
 Lord: and inuading the countrie, gaue battell at a place called
 Wigmere or Rigmere, vnto Vikill or Wilfeketell leader of the English
 host in those parties, on the fift of Maie. The men of Northfolke and
 Suffolke fled at the first onset giuen: but the Cambridgeshire men
 sticked to it valiantlie, winning thereby perpetuall fame and
 commendation. There was no mindfulnesse amongest them of running
 awaie, so that a great number of the nobilitie and other were beaten
 [Sidenote: Capat formicæ.]
 downe and slaine, till at length one Turketell Mireneheued, that had a
 Dane to his father, first began to take his flight, and deserued
 thereby an euerlasting reproch.

 The Danes obteining the vpper hand, for the space of thrée moneths
 togither went vp and downe the countries, & wasted those parties of
 the realme, that is to say, Northfolke, and Suffolke, with the borders
 of Lincolnshire, Huntingtonshire, and Cambridgeshire where the fens
 are, gaining excéeding riches by the spoile of great and wealthie
 abbies and churches which had their situation within the compasse of
 [Sidenote: Thetford.]
 [Sidenote: Cambridge.]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 the same fens. They also destroied Thetford, and burnt Cambridge, and
 from thence passed through the pleasant mountaine-countrie of Belsham,
 cruellie murdering the people without respect of age, degrée or sex.
 After this also they entred into Essex. and so came backe to their
 [Sidenote: The Danes arrive in the Thames.]
 [Sidenote: 1011.]
 ships, which were then arriued in the Thames. But they rested not anie
 long time in quiet, as people that minded nothing but the destruction
 of this realme. So as soone after, when they had somwhat refreshed
 them, they set forward againe into the countrie, passing through
 Buckinghamshire, & so into Bedfordshire. And about saint Andrewes
 [Sidenote: Northampton burnt by Danes.]
 tide they turned towards Northampton, & comming thither set fire on
 that towne. Then turning through the west countrie, with fire & sword
 they wasted and destroied a great part thereof, & namelie Wiltshire,
 with other parties. And finallie about the feast of Christmas they
 came againe to their ships. Thus had the Danes wasted the most part of
 [Sidenote: How manie shires the Danes wasted.]
 16 or 17 shires within this realme, as Northfolke, Suffolke,
 Cambridgeshire, Essex, Middlesex, Hartfordshire, Oxfordshire,
 Buckinghamshire, and Bedfordshire, with a part of Huntingtonshire, and
 also a great portion of Northamptonshire. This was doone in the
 countries that lie on the northside of the riuer of Thames. On the
 southside of the same riuer, they spoiled and wasted Kent, Southerie,
 Sussex, Barkeshire, Hampshire, and (as is before said) a great part of
 Wiltshire.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _King Egelred offereth the Danes great summes of moneie to desist from
 destroieng his countrie, their unspeakable crueltie,
 bloudthirstinesse, and insatiable spoiling of Canturburie betraied by
 a churchman; their merciles murthering of Elphegus archbishop of
 Canturburie, Turkillus the Dane chiefe lord of Norfolke and Suffolke,
 a peace concluded betweene the Danes and the English vpon hard
 conditions; Gunthildis a beautifull Danish ladie and hir husband
 slaine, hir courage to the death._

 THE FIFT CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: The king sendeth to the Danes.]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 The king and the peeres of the realme, vnderstanding of the Danes
 dealing in such merciles maner (as is aboue mentioned) but not knowing
 how to redresse the matter, sent ambassadors vnto the Danes, offering
 them great summes of moneie to leaue off such cruell wasting and
 spoiling of the land. The Danes were contented to reteine the moneie,
 but yet could not absteine from their cruell dooings, neither was
 their greedie thirst of bloud and spoile satisfied with the wasting
 and destroieng of so manie countries and places as they had passed
 [Sidenote: 1011.]
 [Sidenote: Canturburie wonne by Danes.]
 through. Wherevpon, in the yeere of our Lord 1011, about the feast of
 S. Matthew in September, they laid siege to the citie of Canturburie,
 which of the citizens was valiantlie defended by the space of twentie
 daies. In the end of which terme it was taken by the enimies, through
 the treason of a deacon named Almaricus, whome the archbishop Elphegus
 had before that time preserued from death. The Danes exercised passing
 great crueltie in the winning of that citie (as by sundrie authors it
 [Sidenote: _Fabian ex Antonino._]
 dooth and maie appéere.) For they slue of men, women, and children,
 [Sidenote: The archbishop Elphegus taken.]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 aboue the number of eight thousand. They tooke the archbishop Elphegus
 with an other bishop named Godwine; also abbat Lefwin and Alseword the
 kings bailife there. They spared no degrée, in somuch that they slue
 and tooke 900 priests, and other men of religion. And when they had
 [Sidenote: _Antoninus._]
 [Sidenote: _Vincentius._]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Lamb. ex Asserio Meneuensi, & alijs._]
 taken their pleasure of the citie, they set it on fire, and so
 returned to their ships. There be some which write that they tithed
 the people after an inuerted order, slaieng all by nines through the
 whole multitude, and reserued the tenth: so that of all the moonks
 there were but foure saued, and of the laie people 4800, whereby it
 followeth that there died 43200 persons. Whereby is gathered that the
 citie of Canturburie, and the countrie thereabouts (the people whereof
 belike fled thither for succor) was at that time verie well inhabited,
 so as there haue not wanted (saith maister Lambert) which affirme that
 it had then more people than London it selfe.

 [Sidenote: 1112.]
 [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._]
 But now to our purpose. In the yéere next insuing, vpon the Saturday
 in Easter wéeke, after that the bishop Elphegus had béene kept
 prisoner with them the space of six or seuen moneths, they cruellie in
 [Sidenote: The archbishop Elphegus murthered.]
 a rage led him foorth into the fields, and dashed out his braines with
 stones, bicause he would not redéeme his libertie with thrée thousand
 pounds, which they demanded to haue beene leuied of his farmers and
 tenants. This cruell murther was commited at Gréenewich foure miles
 distant from London, the 19 of Aprill, where he lay a certeine time
 [Sidenote: Miracles.]
 vnburied, but at length through miracles shewed (as they say, for
 miracles are all wrought now by dead men, and not by the liuing) the
 [Sidenote: Elphegus buried in London.]
 Danes permitted that his bodie might be caried to London, and there
 was it buried in the church of S. Paule, where it rested for the space
 of ten yeeres, till king Cnute or Knought had the gouernment of this
 [Sidenote: Translated to Canturburie.]
 land, by whose appointment it was remooued to Canturburie.

 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malms._]
 [Sidenote: Turkillus held Norffolk and Suffolke.]
 Turkillus the leader of those Danes by whome the archbishop Elphegus
 was thus murthered, held Northfolke and Suffolke vnder his subiection,
 & so continued in those parties as chiefe lord and gouernor. But the
 residue of the Danes at length, compounding with the Englishmen for a
 [Sidenote: 48 thousand pound as saith _Sim. Dun._ and _M. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._]
 tribute to be paid to them of eight thousand pounds, spred abroad in
 the countrie, soiorning in cities, townes and villages, where they
 might find most conuenient harbour. Moreouer, fortie of their ships,
 or rather (as some write) 45 were reteined to serue the king,
 promising to defend the realme; with condition, that the souldiers and
 mariners should haue prouision of meate and drinke, with apparell
 found them at the kings charges. As one autor hath gathered, Swaine
 king of Denmarke was in England at the concluding of this peace, which
 being confirmed with solemne othes and sufficient hostages, he
 departed into Denmarke.

 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 The same author bringeth the generall slaughter of Danes vpon S.
 Brices day, to haue chanced in the yéere after the conclusion of this
 [Sidenote: Gunthildis the sister of K. Swaine murthered.]
 agreement, that is to say, in the yeere 1012, at what time Gunthildis
 the sister of king Swaine was slaine, with hir husband & hir sonne, by
 the commandement of the false traitor Edrike. But bicause all other
 authors agree that the murther of Danes was executed about ten yeeres
 before this supposed time: we haue made rehearsall thereof in that
 place. Howbeit, for the death of Gunthildis, it maie be, that she
 became hostage either in the yéere 1007, at what time king Egelred
 paied thirtie thousand pounds vnto king Swaine to haue peace (as
 before you haue heard) or else might she be deliuered in hostage, in
 the yéere 1011, when the last agréement was made with the Danes (as
 aboue is mentioned.) But when or at what time soeuer she became
 hostage, this we find of hir, that she came hither into England with
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 hir husband Palingus, a mightie earle, and receiued baptisme héere.
 Wherevpon she earnestlie trauelled in treatie of a peace betwixt hir
 brother and king Egelred: which being brought to passe chieflie by hir
 sute, she was contented to become an hostage for performance thereof
 (as before is recited.) And after by the commandement of earle Edrike
 she was put to death, pronouncing that the shedding of hir bloud would
 cause all England one day sore to rue. She was a verie beautifull
 ladie, and tooke hir death without all feare, not once changing
 countenance, though she saw hir husband and hir onelie sonne (a yoong
 gentleman of much towardnesse) first murthered before hir face.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Turkillus the Danish capteine telleth king Swaine the faults of the
 king, nobles, & commons of this realme, he inuadeth England, the
 Northumbers and others submit themselues to him, Danes receiued into
 seruice vnder Egelred, London assalted by Swaine, the citizens behaue
 themselues stoutlie, and giue the Danish host a shamefull repulse,
 Ethelmere earle of Deuonshire and his people submit themselues to
 Swaine, he returneth into Denmarke, commeth back againe into England
 with a fresh power, is incountred withall of the Englishmen, whose
 king Egelred is discomfited, his oration to his souldiers touching the
 present reliefe of their distressed land, their resolution and full
 purpose in this their perplexitie, king Egelred is minded to giue
 place to Swaine, he sendeth his wife and children ouer into Normandie,
 the Londoners yeeld vp their state to Swaine, Egelred saileth oner
 into Normandie, leauing his land to the enimie._

 THE SIXT CHAPTER.

 [Sidenote: Turkillus discloseth the secrets of the Realme to K.
 Swaine.]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 Now had Turkillus in the meanetime aduertised king Swaine in what
 state things stood here within the realme: how king Egelred was
 negligent, onlie attending to the lusts & pleasures of the flesh: how
 the noble men were vnfaithfull, and the commons weake and feeble
 through want of good and trustie leaders. Howbeit, some write, that
 Turkillus as well as other of the Danes which remained héere in
 England, was in league with king Egelred, in somuch that he was with
 him in London, to helpe and defend the citie against Swaine when he
 came to assalt it (as after shall appéere.) Which if it be true, a
 doubt may rise whether Swaine receiued anie aduertisement from
 Turkillus to mooue him the rather to inuade the realme: but such
 aduertisements might come from him before that he was accorded with
 Egelred.

 [Sidenote: Swaine prepareth an armie to inuade England.]
 Swaine therefore as a valiant prince, desirous both to reuenge his
 sisters death, and win honor, prepared an huge armie, and a great
 number of ships, with the which he made towards England, and first
 [Sidenote: He landeth at Sandwich.]
 [Sidenote: 1013.]
 [Sidenote: Gainsbourgh.]
 comming to Sandwich, taried there a small while, and taking eftsoones
 the sea, compassed about the coasts of Eastangles, and arriuing in the
 mouth of Humber, sailed vp the water, and entering into the riuer of
 Trent, he landed at Gainesbourgh, purposing to inuade the Northumbers.
 But as men brought into great feare, for that they had béene subiect
 to the Danes in times past, and thinking therefore not to reuolt to
 the enimie, but rather to their old acquaintance, if they should
 [Sidenote: The Northumbers yéeld to Swaine.]
 [Sidenote: The people of Lindsey yéeld themselues to him.]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 themselues to the Danes, streightwaies offered to become subiect vnto
 Swaine, togither with their duke named Wighthred. Also the people of
 Lindsey and all those of the northside of Watlingstréet yéelded
 themselues vnto him, and delivered pledges. Then he appointed his
 sonne Cnutus to haue the kéeping of those pledges, and to remaine vpon
 the safegard of his ships, whiles he himselfe passed forward into the
 [Sidenote: South Mercia.]
 countrie. Then marched he forward to subdue them of south Mercia: and
 so came to Oxford & to Winchester, making the countries subiect to him
 throughout wheresoeuer he came.

 With this prosperous successe Swaine being greatlie incouraged,
 prepared to go vnto London, where king Egelred as then remained,
 [Sidenote: _Sim. Dunel._]
 hauing with him Turkillus the Dane, which was reteined in wages with
 other of the Danes (as by report of some authors it maie appeare) and
 were now readie to defend the citie against their countriemen in
 support of king Egelred, togither with the citizens. Swaine, bicause
 he would not step so farre out of the way as to go to the next bridge,
 lost a great number of his men as he passed through the Thames. At his
 [Sidenote: Swaine assaulteth London.]
 comming to London, he began to assault the citie verie fiercelie, in
 hope either to put his enimie in such feare that he should despaire of
 all reliefe and comfort, or at the least trie what he was able to doo.
 The Londoners on the other part, although they were brought in some
 feare by this sudden attempt of the enimies, yet considering with
 themselues, that the hazard of all the whole state of the realme was
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 annexed to theirs, sith their citie was the chiefe and metropolitane
 of all the kingdome, they valiantlie stood in defense of themselues,
 and of their king that was present there with them, beating backe the
 enimies, chasing them from the walles, and otherwise dooing their best
 to kéepe them off. At length, although the Danes did most valiantlie
 assault the citie, yet the Englishmen to defend their prince from all
 iniurie of enimies, did not shrinke, but boldlie sallied foorth at the
 gates in heapes togither, and incountered with their aduersaries, and
 began to fight with them verie fiercelie.

 Swaine whilest he went about to kéepe his men in order, as one most
 desirous to reteine the victorie now almost gotten, was compassed so
 about with the Londoners on each side, that after he had lost a great
 number of his men, he was constreined for his safegard to breake out
 through the midst of his enimies weapons, and was glad that he might
 so escape: and so with the residue of his armie ceassed not to iournie
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: Erle of Deuonshire as saith _Matt. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 day and night till he came to Bath, where Ethelmere an earle of great
 power in those west parts of the realme submitted himselfe with all
 his people vnto him, who shortlie after neuerthelesse (as some write)
 was compelled through want of vittels to release the tribute latelie
 couenanted to be paied vnto him for a certeine summe of monie, which
 [Sidenote: Swaine returneth into Denmarke.]
 when hée had receiued, he returned into Denmarke, meaning shortlie to
 returne againe with a greater power.

 King Egelred supposed that by the paiment of that monie he should haue
 béene rid out of all troubles, of warre with the Danes. But the nobles
 of the realme thought otherwise, and therefore willed him to prepare
 [Sidenote: Swaine returneth into England to make warre.]
 an armie with all speéd that might be made. Swaine taried not long (to
 proue the doubt of the noble men to be grounded of foreknowledge) but
 that with swift spéed he returned againe into England, and immediatlie
 vpon his arriuall was an armie of Englishmen assembled and led against
 him into the field. Herevpon they ioined in battell, which was sore
 foughten for a time, till at length by reason of diuerse Englishmen
 [Sidenote: King Egelred discomfited in battell.]
 that turned to the enimies side, the discomfiture fell with such
 slaughter vpon the English host, that king Egelred well perceiued the
 state of his regall gouernement to bée brought into vtter danger.
 Wherevpon after the losse of this field, he assembled the rest of his
 people that were escaped, and spake vnto them after this manner.


   _The oration of king Egelred to the remanent of his souldiers._

 "I shuld for euer be put to silence, if there wanted in vs the vertue
 of a fatherlie mind, in giuing good aduise & counsel for the well
 ordering and due administration of things in the common wealth, or if
 there lacked courage or might in our souldiers and men of warre to
 defend our countrie. Trulie to die in defense of the countrie where we
 are borne, I confesse it a woorthie thing, and I for my part am readie
 to take vpon me to enter into the midst of the enimies in defense of
 my kingdome. But here I see our countrie and the whole English nation
 to be at a point to fall into vtter ruine. We are ouercome of the
 Danes, not with weapon or force of armes; but with treason wrought by
 our owne people: we did at the first prepare a nauie against the
 enimies, the which that false traitour Elfrike betraid into their
 hands. Againe, oftentimes haue we giuen battell with euill successe,
 and onelie through the fault of our owne people that haue beene false
 and disloiall: whereby we haue bin constreined to agree with the
 enimies vpon dishonorable conditions, euen as necessitie required,
 which to ouercome, resteth onelie in God. Such kind of agreement hath
 beene made in deed to our destruction, sith the enimies haue not
 sticked to breake it (they being such a wicked kind of people as
 neither regard God nor man) contrarie to right and reason, and beside
 all our hope & expectation. So that the matter is come now to this
 passe, that we haue not cause onlie to feare the losse of our
 gouernement, but least the name of the whole English nation be
 destroied for euer. Therefore sithens the enimies are at hand, and as
 it were ouer our heads, you to whom my commandement hath euer bene had
 in good regard, prouide, take counsell, and see to succor the state of
 your countrie now readie to decay and to fall into irrecouerable
 ruine."

 Herevpon they fell in consultation, euerie one alledging and bringing
 foorth his opinion as seemed to him best: but it appeared they had the
 woolfe by the eare, for they wist not which way to turne them. If they
 should giue battell, it was to be doubted least through treason among
 themselues, the armie should be betraied into the enimies hands, the
 which would not faile to execute all kind of crueltie in the slaughter
 of the whole nation. And if they stood not valiantlie to shew
 themselues readie to defend their countrie, there was no shift but
 yeeld themselues. Which though it were a thing reprochfull and
 dishonorable, yet should it be lesse euill, as they tooke the matter,
 for thereby might manie be preserued from death, and in time to come,
 be able to recouer the libertie of their countrie, when occasion
 should be offered. This point was allowed of them all, and so in the
 end they rested vpon that resolution.

 [Sidenote: King Egelred determineth to give place vnto Swaine.]
 [Sidenote: He sendeth his wife and sonnes ouer into Normandie.]
 [Sidenote: Richard duke of Normandie.]
 King Egelred therefore determined to commit himselfe into the hands of
 his brother in law Richard duke of Normandie, whose sister (as ye haue
 heard) he had maried. But bicause he would not doo this vnaduisedlie,
 first he sent ouer his wife quéene Emma, with his sonnes which he had
 begotten of hir, Alfred and Edward, that by their interteinment he
 might vnderstand how he should be welcome. Duke Richard receiued his
 sister and his nephues verie ioifullie, and promised to aid his
 brother king Egelred in defense of his kingdome. But in this meane
 while had Swaine conquered the more part of all England, and brought
 (by little and little) that which remained vnder his subiection. The
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: Turkill.]
 [Sidenote: 1014.]
 people through feare submitting themselues on each hand, king Egelred
 in this meane time (for the Londoners had submitted themselues to
 Swaine) was first withdrawne vnto Gréenwich, and there remained for a
 time with the nauie of the Danes, which was vnder the gouernement of
 earle Turkill, and from thence sailed into the Ile of Wight, and there
 remained a great part of the winter, and finallie after Christmas
 [Sidenote: King Egelred passeth into Normandie.]
 himselfe sailed into Normandie, and was of his brother in law
 ioifullie receiued & greatlie comforted in that his time of
 necessitie.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Swaine king of Denmarke is reputed king of this land, he oppresseth
 the English people cruellie, and spoileth religious houses, the
 strange and miraculous slaughter of Swaine vaunting of his victories;
 the Danish chronicles write parciallie of him and his end, Cnute
 succeedeth his father Swaine in regiment, the Englishmen send king
 Egelred woord of Swaines death, Edward king Egelreds eldest sonne
 commeth ouer into England to know the state of the countrie and people
 of certeintie; Egelred with his power returneth into England; what
 meanes Cnute made to establish himselfe king of this land, and to be
 well thought of among the English people, Egelred burneth vp
 Gainesbrough, and killeth the inhabitants therof for their
 disloialtie; Cnutes flight to Sandwich, his cruel decree against the
 English pledges, he returneth into Denmarke, why Turkillus the Danish
 capteine with his power compounded with the Englishmen to tarrie in
 this land, his faithlesse seruice to Egelred, his drift to make the
 whole realme subiect to the Danish thraldome._

 THE SEUENTH CHAPTER.


 SWAINE hauing now got the whole rule of the land, was reputed full
 king, and so commanded that his armie should be prouided of wages and
 vittels to be taken vp & leuied through the realme. In like maner
 Turkill commanded that to his armie lodged at Gréenewich, wages and
 vittels sufficient should be deliuered, for the finding, releeuing,
 [Sidenote: Swaine handleth the Englishmen hardlie.]
 succouring, and susteining thereof. Swaine vsed the victorie verie
 cruellie against the Englishmen, oppressing them on each hand; to the
 intent that them being brought low he might gouerne in more suertie.
 The yéere in which he obteined the rule thus of this realme, and that
 king Egelred was constreined to flie into Normandie, was in the 35
 yeere of the same Egelred his reigne, and after the birth of our Lord
 1014. Swaine being once established in the gouernment, did not onelie
 vse much crueltie in oppressing the laitie, but also stretched foorth
 his hand to the church, and to the ministers in the same, fléecing
 them and spoiling both churches and ministers, without anie remorse of
 conscience, insomuch that hauing a quarell against the inhabitants
 within the precinct of S. Edmunds land in Suffolke, he did not onelie
 harrie the countrie, but also rifled and spoiled the abbeie of Burie,
 where the bodie of saint Edmund rested.

 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 [Sidenote: S. Edmund fighteth for the wealth, but not for the
 slaughter of his people.]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: 1015.]
 Wherevpon shortlie after, as he was at Gainesbrough or Thetford (as
 some say) and there in his iollitie talked with his Nobles of his good
 successe in conquering of this land, he was suddenlie striken with a
 knife, as it is reported, miraculouslie, for no man wist how or by
 whome: and within thrée daies after, to wit, on the third of Februarie
 he ended his life with grieuous paine and torment in yelling and
 roring, by reason of his extreame anguish beyond all measure. There
 hath sproong a pleasant tale among the posteritie of that age, how he
 should be wounded with the same knife which king Edmund in his life
 [Sidenote: _Albertus Crantz._]
 [Sidenote: _Saxo Grammaticus._]
 time vsed to weare. Thus haue some of our writers reported, but the
 Danish chronicles report a farre more happie end which should chance
 to this Swaine, than is before mentioned out of our writers: for the
 said chronicles report, that after he had subdued England, he tooke
 order with king Egelred, whome they name amisse Adelstane, that he
 should not ordeine any other successor, but onlie the said Swaine.
 Then after this, he returned into Denmarke, where vsing himselfe like
 a right godlie prince, at length he there ended his life, being a
 verie old man.

 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malmes._]
 [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: Canute or Cnute.]
 Notwithstanding all this, when or howsoeuer he died, immediatlie after
 his deceasse the Danes elected his sonne Cnute or Knought to succeed
 in his dominions. But the Englishmen of nothing more desirous than to
 shake off the yoke of Danish thraldome besides their necks &
 shoulders, streightwaies vpon knowledge had of Swaines death, with all
 [Sidenote: Eglered sent for home.]
 spéed aduertised king Egelred thereof, and that they were readie to
 receiue and assist him if he would make hast to come ouer to deliuer
 his countrie out of the hands of strangers. These newes were right
 ioiful vnto Egelred, who burning in desire to be reuenged on them that
 had expelled him out of his kingdome, made no longer tariance to set
 [Sidenote: Edmund K. Egelreds eldest sonne.]
 that enterprise forward. But yet doubting the inconstancie of the
 people, he sent his elder son (named Edmund) to trie the minds of
 them, and to vnderstand whether they were constant or wauering in that
 which they had promised.

 The yoong gentleman hasting ouer into England, and with diligent
 inquirie perceiuing how they were bent, returned with like spéed as he
 came into Normandie againe, declaring to his father, that all things
 were in safetie if he would make hast. King Egelred then conceiued
 [Sidenote: King Egelred returneth into England.]
 an assured hope to recouer his kingdom, aided with his brother in laws
 power, and trusting vpon the assistance of the Englishmen, returned
 into England in the time of Lent. His returne was ioifull and most
 acceptable to the English people, as to those that abhorred the rule
 [Sidenote: Canutes endeuor to establish himselfe in the kingdome.]
 of the Danes, which was most sharpe and bitter to them, although Cnute
 did what he could by bountifulnesse and courteous dealings to haue
 reteined them vnder his obeisance.

 And of an intent to procure Gods fauour in the well ordering of things
 for the administration in the common wealth, he sought first to
 appease his wrath, and also to make amends to saint Edmund for his
 fathers offense committed (as was thought) against him: insomuch that
 [Sidenote: S. Edmunds ditch.]
 after he had obteined the kingdome, he caused a great ditch to be cast
 round about the land of saint Edmund, and granted manie fréedoms to
 the inhabitants, acquiting them of certeine taskes and paiments, vnto
 the which other of their neighbours were contributarie. He also
 builded a church on the place where saint Edmund was buried, and
 ordeined an house of moonks there, or rather remooued the canons or
 secular priests that were there afore, and put moonks in their roomes.
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 He offered vp also his crowne vnto the same S. Edmund, and redéemed it
 againe with a great summe of monie, which maner of dooing grew into an
 vse vnto other kings that followed him. He adorned the church there
 with manie rich iewels, and indowed the monasterie with great
 possessions.

 But these things were not done now at the first, but after that he was
 established in the kingdome. For in the meane time, after that king
 Egelred was returned out of Normandie, Cnute as then soiourning at
 Gainesbrough, remained there till the feast of Easter, and made
 agréement with them of Lindsey, so that finding him horsses, they
 should altogither go foorth to spoile their neighbors. King Egelred
 aduertised thereof, sped him thither with a mightie host, and with
 great crueltie burned vp the countrie, and slue the more part of the
 [Sidenote: Canute driven to forsake the land.]
 inhabitants, bicause they had taken part with his enimies. Cnute as
 then was not of power able to resist Egelred, and therefore taking his
 ships which lay in Humber, fled from thence, & sailed about the coast,
 [Sidenote: He was driuen thither by force of contrarie winds as should
 appeare by _Matth. West._]
 till he came to Sandwich, and there sore gréeued in his mind to
 remember what mischéefe was fallen and chanced to his friends and
 [Sidenote: The cruell decrée of Cnute against the English pledges.]
 [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._]
 subiects of Lindsey, onelie for his cause; he commanded that such
 pledges as had béene deliuered to his father by certeine noble men of
 this realme, for assurance of their fidelities, should haue their
 noses slit, and their eares stuffed, or (as some write) their hands
 and noses cut off.

 [Sidenote: This Turkill was reteined in seruice with Egelred, as I
 thinke.]
 When this cruell act according to his commandement was doone, taking
 the sea, he sailed into Denmarke: but yet tooke not all the Danes with
 him which his father brought thither. For earle Turkill perceiuing the
 wealthinesse of the land, compounded with the Englishmen, and chose
 rather to remaine in a region replenished with all riches, than to
 returne home into his owne countrie that wanted such commodities as
 were here to be had. And yet (as some thought) he did not forsake his
 souereigne lord Cnute for anie euill meaning towards him, but rather
 to aid him (when time serued) to recouer the possession of England
 againe, as it afterwards well appeared. For notwithstanding that he
 was now reteined by K. Egelred with fortie ships, and the flower of
 all the Danes that were men of warre, so that Cnute returned but with
 60 ships into his countrie: yet shortlie after, erle Turkill with 9 of
 those ships sailed into Denmarke, submitted himselfe vnto Cnute,
 counselled him to returne into England, and promised him the
 [Sidenote: _Encomium Emmæ._]
 assistance of the residue of those Danish ships which yet remained in
 England, being to the number of thirtie, with all the souldiers and
 mariners that to them belonged. To conclude, he did so much by his
 earnest persuasions, that Cnute (through aid of his brother Harrold
 king of Denmarke) got togither a nauie of two hundred ships, so
 roially decked, furnished, and appointed, both for braue shew and
 necessarie furniture of all maner of weapons, armor & munition, as it
 is strange to consider that which is written by them that liued in
 those daies, and tooke in hand to register the dooings of that time.
 Howbeit to let this pompe of Cnutes fléete passe, which (no doubt) was
 right roiall, consider a little and looke backe to Turkill, though a
 sworne seruant to king Egelred, how he did direct all his drift to the
 aduancement of Cnute, and his owne commoditie, cloking his purposed
 treacherie with pretended amitie, as shall appeare hereafter by his
 deadlie hostilitie.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _A great waste by an inundation or inbreaking of the sea, a tribute of
 30000 pounds to the Danes, king Egelred holdeth a councell at Oxford,
 where he causeth two noble men of the Danes to be murdered by treason,
 Edmund the kings eldest sonne marieth one of their wiues, and seizeth
 vpon his predecessors lands; Cnute the Danish king returneth into
 England, the Danish and English armies encounter, both susteine losse;
 Cnute maketh waste of certeine shires, Edmund preuenteth Edriks
 purposed treason, Edrike de Streona flieth to the Danes, the
 Westernemen yeeld to Cnute; Mercia refuseth to be subiect vnto him,
 Warwikeshire wasted by the Danes; Egelred assembleth an armie against
 them in vaine; Edmund & Vtred with ioined forces lay waste such
 countries and people as became subiect to Cnute; his policie to
 preuent their purpose, through what countries he passed, Vtred
 submitteth himselfe to Cnute, and deliuereth pledges, he is put to
 death and his lands álienated, Cnute pursueth Edmund to London, and
 prepareth to besiege the citie, the death and buriall of Egelred, his
 wiues, what issue he had by them, his unfortunatnesse, and to what
 affections and vices he was inclined, his too late and bootlesse
 seeking to releeue his decaied kingdome._

 THE EIGHT CHAPTER.


 But now to returne to our purpose, and to shew what chanced in England
 [Sidenote: 1015.]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 after the departure of Cnute. In the same yeare to the forsaid
 accustomed mischiefes an vnwoonted misaduenture happened: for the sea
 rose with such high spring-tides, that ouerflowing the countries next
 adioining, diuers villages with the inhabitants were drowned and
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 destroied. Also to increase the peoples miserie, king Egelred
 commanded, that 30000 pounds should be leuied to paie the tribute due
 to the Danes which lay at Gréenewich. This yeare also king Egelred
 [Sidenote: A councell at Oxford.]
 [Sidenote: Sigeferd and Morcad murdered.]
 held a councell at Oxford, at the which a great number of noble men
 were present, both Danes and Englishmen, and there did the king cause
 Sigeferd and Morcad two noble personages of the Danes to be murdered
 within his owne chamber, by the traitorous practise of Edrike de
 Streona, which accused them of some conspiracie. But the quarell was
 onelie as men supposed, for that the king had a desire to their goods
 and possessions. Their seruants tooke in hand to haue reuenged the
 death of their maisters, but were beaten backe, wherevpon they fled
 into the steeple of saint Friswids church, and kept the same, till
 fire was set vpon the place, and so they were burned to death. The
 wife of Sigeferd was taken, & sent to Malmsburie, being a woman of
 high fame and great worthinesse, wherevpon the kings eldest sonne
 named Edmund, tooke occasion vpon pretense of other businesse to go
 [Sidenote: Edmund the kings eldest sonne marrieth the widow of
 Sigeferd.]
 thither, and there to sée hir, with whome he fell so far in loue, that
 he tooke and maried hir. That doone, he required to haue hir husbands
 lands and possessions, which were an earles liuing, and lay in
 Northumberland. And when the king refused to graunt his request, he
 went thither, and seized the same possessions and lands into his
 hands, without hauing anie commission so to doo, finding the farmers
 and tenants there readie to receiue him for their lord.

 [Sidenote: Cnute returneth into England.]
 Whilest these things were a dooing, Cnute hauing made his prouision of
 ships and men, with all necessarie furniture (as before ye haue heard)
 for his returne into England, set forward with full purpose, either to
 [Sidenote: _Encomium Emmæ._]
 recouer the realme out of Egelreds hands, or to die in the quarrell.
 Herevpon he landed at Sandwich, and first earle Turkill obteined
 licence to go against the Englishmen that were assembled to resist the
 Danes, and finding them at a place called Scorastan, he gaue them the
 ouerthrow, got a great bootie, and returned therewith to the ships.
 After this, Edrike gouernor of Norwaie made a rode likewise into an
 other part of the countrie, & with a rich spoile, and manie prisoners,
 returned vnto the nauie. After this iournie atchiued thus by Edrike,
 Cnute commanded that they should not waste the countrie anie more, but
 gaue order to prepare all things readie to besiege London: but before
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Sim. Dun._]
 he attempted that enterprise, as others write, he marched foorth into
 Kent, or rather sailing round about that countrie, tooke his iournie
 westward, & came to Fromundham, and after departing from thence,
 wasted Dorsetshire, Summersetshire, & Wiltshire.

 [Sidenote: King Egelred sicke.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 King Egelred in this meane time lay sicke at Cossam; and his sonne
 Edmund had got togither a mightie hoast, howbeit yer he came to ioine
 battell with his enimies, he was aduertised, that earle Edrike went
 about to betraie him, and therefore he withdrew with the armie into a
 [Sidenote: Edrike de Streona fléeth to the Danes.]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: The west countrie The people of Mercia would not yéeld.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: 1016.]
 place of suertie. But Edrike to make his tratorous purpose manifest to
 the whole world, fled to the enimies with fortie of the kings ships,
 fraught with Danish souldiers. Herevpon, all the west countrie
 submitted it selfe vnto Cnute, who receiued pledges of the chiefe
 lords and nobles, and then set forward to subdue them of Mercia. The
 people of that countrie would not yéeld, but determined to defend the
 quarrell and title of king Egelred, so long as they might haue anie
 capteine that would stand with them, and helpe to order them. In the
 yeare 1016, in Christmas, Cnute and earle Edrike passed the Thames at
 Kirkelade, & entring into Mercia, cruellie began with fire and sword
 [Sidenote: Warwikeshire wasted by the Danes.]
 to waste and destroie the countrie, and namelie Warwikeshire.

 [Sidenote: King Egelred recovered of his sicknesse.]
 [Sidenote: He assembleth an armie in vaine.]
 In the meane time was king Egelred recouered of his sicknesse, and
 sent summons foorth to raise all his power, appointing euerie man to
 resort vnto him, that he might incounter the enimies and giue them
 battell. But yet when his people were assembled, he was warned to take
 héed vnto himselfe, and in anie wise to beware how he gaue battell,
 for his owne subiects were purposed to betraie him. Herevpon the armie
 brake vp, & king Egelred withdrew to London, there to abide his
 enimies within the walles, with whom in the field he doubted to trie
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: Edmund king Egelreds sonne.]
 the battell. His sonne Edmund got him to Vtred, an earle of great
 power, inhabiting beyond Humber, and persuading him to ioine his
 forces with his, forth they went to waste those countries that were
 become subiect to Cnute, as Staffordshire, Leicestershire, and
 Shropshire, not sparing to exercise great crueltie vpon the
 inhabitants, as a punishment for their reuolting, that others might
 take example thereby.

 [Sidenote: Cnute, what countries he passed through.]
 But Cnute perceiuing whereabout they went, politikelie deuised to
 frustrate their purpose, and with dooing of like hurt in all places
 where he came, passed through Buckinghamshire, Bedfordshire,
 Huntingtonshire, and so through the fens came to Stamford, and then
 entred into Lincolnshire, and from thence into Notinghamshire, & so
 into Yorkeshire, not sparing to doo what mischiefe might be deuised in
 all places where he came. Vtred aduertised hereof, was constreined to
 depart home to saue his owne countrie from present destruction, and
 therefore comming backe into Northumberland, & perceiuing himselfe not
 able to resist the puissant force of his enimies, was constreined to
 [Sidenote: Earle Vtred deliuered pledges to Cnute.]
 [Sidenote: _Aliùs_ Egricus.]
 deliuer pledges, and submit himselfe vnto Cnute. But yet was he not
 hereby warranted from danger, for shortlie after he was taken, and put
 to death, and then were his lands giuen vnto one Iricke or Iricius,
 whome afterward Cnute did banish out of the realme, because that he
 did attempt to chalenge like authoritie to him in all points as Cnute
 himselfe had. After that Cnute had subdued the Northumbers, he pursued
 Edmund, till he heard that he had taken London for his refuge, and
 staied there with his father. Then did Cnute take his ships, and came
 [Sidenote: Cnute prepareth to besiege London.]
 about to the coasts of Kent, preparing to besiege the citie of London.

 [Sidenote: King Egelred departed this life.]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 In the meane time, king Egelred sore worne with long sicknesse,
 departed this life on the 23 of Aprill, being saint Georges day, or
 (as others say) on saint Gregories day, being the 12 of March, but I
 take this to be an error growen, by mistaking the feast-day of saint
 [Sidenote: He is buried in the church of S. Paul at London.]
 Gregorie for saint George. He reigned the tearme of 37 yeares, or
 little lesse. His bodie was buried in the church of saint Pauls, in
 the north Ile besids the quéere, as by a memoriall there on the wall
 it maie appeare. He had two wiues (as before is mentioned.) By Elgina
 his first wife he had issue thrée sonnes, Edmund, Edwine, and
 Adelstane; besides one daughter named Egiua. By his second wife Emma,
 daughter to Richard the first of that name, duke of Normandie, and
 sister to Richard the second, he had two sonnes, Alfrid and Edward.

 This Egelred (as you haue heard) had euill successe in his warres
 against the Danes, and besides the calamitie that fell thereby to his
 people, manie other miseries oppressed this land in his daies, not so
 much through his lacke of courage and slouthfull negligence, as by
 [Sidenote: The pride of king Egelred alienated the harts of his
 people.]
 reason of his presumptuous pride, whereby he alienated the hearts of
 his people from him. His affections he could not rule, but was led by
 them without order of reason, for he did not onlie disherit diuerse of
 his owne English subiects without apparant cause of offense by plaine
 forged cauillations; and also caused all the Danes to be murdered
 through his realme in one day, by some light suspicion of their euill
 meanings: but also gaue himselfe to lecherous lusts, in abusing his
 bodie with naughtie strumpets, forsaking the bed of his owne lawfull
 wife, to the great infamie & shame of that high degrée of maiestie,
 which by his kinglie office he bare and susteined. To conclude, he was
 from his tender youth more apt to idle rest, than to the exercise of
 warres; more giuen to pleasures of the bodie, than to anie vertues of
 the mind: although that toward his latter end, being growen into age,
 and taught by long experience of worldlie affaires, and proofe of
 passed miseries, he sought (though in vaine) to haue recouered the
 decaied state of his common wealth and countrie.

 ¶ In this Egelreds time, and (as it is recorded by a British
 chronographer) in the yéere of our Lord 984, one Cadwalhon, the second
 sonne of Ieuaf tooke in hand the gouernance of Northwales, and first
 made warre with Ionauall his coosen, the sonne of Meyric, and right
 heire to the land, and slue him, but Edwall the yoongest brother
 escaped awaie priuilie. The yéere following, Meredith the sonne of
 Owen king or prince of Southwales, with all his power entered into
 Northwales, and in fight slue Cadwalhon the sonne of Ieuaf, and Meyric
 his brother, and conquered the land to himselfe. Wherein a man maie
 [Sidenote: Sée the historie of Cambria pag. 62, 63.]
 sée how God punished the wrong, which Iago and Ieuaf the sonnes of
 Edwall Voell did to their eldest brother Meyric, who was first
 disherited, and afterward his eies put out, and one of his sonnes
 slaine. For first Ieuaf was imprisoned by Iago; then Iago with his
 sonne Constantine, by Howell the son of Ieuaf: and afterward the said
 Howell, with his brethren Cadwalhon and Meyric, were slaine and
 spoiled of all their lands.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Edmund Ironside succedeth his father in the kingdome, the
 spiritualtie favouring Cnute would haue him to be king, the Londoners
 are his backe friends, they receiue Edmund their king honorablie and
 ioifullie, Cnute is proclaimed king at Southampton, manie of the
 states cleaue vnto him, he besiegeth London by water and land, the
 citizens giue him the foile, he incountreth with king Edmund and is
 discomfited, two battels fought betweene the Danes and English with
 equall fortune and like successe, the traitorous stratagem of Edrike
 the Dane, king Edmund aduisedlie defeateth Edriks trecherie, 20000 of
 both armies slaine, Cnute marching towards London is pursued of
 Edmund, the Danes are repelled, incountred, and vanquished; queene
 Emma prouideth for the safetie of hir sonnes; the Danes seeke a
 pacification with Edmund, thereby more easilie to betraie him; Cnute
 with his armie lieth neere Rochester, king Edmund pursueth them, both
 armies haue a long and a sore conflict, the Danes discomfited, and
 manie of them slaine; Cnute with his power assemble at Essex and there
 make waste, king Edmund pursuith them, Edrike traitorouslie reuolteth
 from the English to succour the Danes, king Edmund is forced to get
 him out of the field, the Englishmen put to their hard shifts and
 slaine by heapes; what noble personages were killed in this battell,
 of two dead bodies latelie found in the place where this hot and
 heauie skirmish was fought._

 THE NINTH CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: EDMUND IRONSIDE.]
 After that king Egelred was dead, his eldest sonne Edmund surnamed
 Ironside was proclaimed king by the Londoners and others, hauing the
 assistance of some lords of the realme, although the more part, and
 [Sidenote: The kingdom goeth where the spiritualtie fauoreth.]
 speciallie those of the spiritualtie fauoured Cnute, bicause they had
 aforetime sworne fealtie to his father. Some write, that Cnute had
 planted his siege both by water and land verie stronglie about the
 citie of London, before Egelred departed this life, and immediatlie
 vpon his deceasse was receiued into the citie; but the armie that was
 within the citie, not consenting vnto the surrender made by the
 citizens, departed the night before the day on the which Cnute by
 appointment should enter, and in companie of Edmund Ironside (whome
 they had chosen to be their king and gouernour) they prepared to
 increase their numbers with new supplies, meaning eftsoones to trie
 [Sidenote: The author of the booke intitled _Encomium Emmæ_ saith that
 it was reported that Edmund offered the combate unto Cnute at this his
 going from the citie but Cnute refused it.]
 the fortune of battell against the Danish power. Cnute perceiuing the
 most part of all the realme to be thus against him, and hauing no
 great confidence in the loialtie of the Londoners, tooke order to
 leauie monie for the paiment of his men of warre and mariners that
 belonged to his nauie, left the citie, and imbarking himselfe, sailed
 to the Ile of Shepie, and there remained all the winter. In which
 meane while, Edmund Ironside came to London, where he was ioifullie
 receiued of the citizens, and continuing there till the spring of the
 yeere, made himselfe strong against the enimies.

 [Sidenote: 1016.]
 This Edmund for his noble courage, strength of bodie, and notable
 patience to indure and suffer all such hardnesse and paines as is
 requisite in a man of warre, was surnamed Ironside, & began his reigne
 in the yéere of our Lord 1016, in the sixtéenth yéere of the emperor
 Henrie the second surnamed Claudius, in the twentieth yéere of the
 reigne of Robert king of France, & about the sixt yéere of Malcolme
 the second king of the Scots. After that king Edmund had receiued the
 crowne in the citie of London by the hands of the archbishop of Yorke,
 he assembled togither such a power as he could make, and with the same
 marched foorth towards the west parts, and made the countrie subiect
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 to him. In the meane time was Cnute proclaimed and ordeined king at
 Southampton by the bishops and abbats, and diuerse lords also of the
 temporaltie there tógither assembled, vnto whome he sware to be their
 good and faithfull souereigne, and that he would sée iustice trulie
 and vprightlie ministred.

 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: London besieged.]
 After he had ended his businesse at Southampton, he drew with his
 people towards London, and comming thither, besieged the citie both by
 water and land, causing a great trench to be cast about it, so that no
 man might either get in or come foorth. Manie great assalts he caused
 to be giuen vnto the citie, but the Londoners and others within so
 valiantlie defended the wals and gates, that the enimies got small
 aduantage, and at length were constreined to depart with losse. Cnute
 then perceiuing that he might not haue his purpose there, withdrew
 [Sidenote: Cnute at Gillingham in Dorsetshire put to flight.]
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 westward, and besides Gillingham in Dorsetshire, incountred with K.
 Edmund in the Rogation weeke, and after sore & sharpe battell was put
 to the woorse, and constreined to forsake the field by the high
 prowesse & manhood of the said Edmund. King Cnute the same night,
 after the armies were seuered, departed towards Winchester, so to get
 himselfe out of danger. Shortlie after, king Edmund hearing that an

 [Sidenote: Salisburie besieged.]
 other armie of the Danes had besieged Salisburie, marched thither to
 succour them within, and immediatlie Cnute followed him, so that at a
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: A battel with equall fortune.]
 place in Worcestershire called Scorastan, on the foure and twentith of
 June, they incountred togither, and fought a verie cruell battell,
 which at length the night parted with equall fortune. And likewise on
 [Sidenote: An other battel with like successes.]
 the next day they buckled togither againe, and fought with like
 successe as they had doone the day before, for towards euening they
 gaue ouer well wearied, and not knowing to whome the victorie ought to
 be ascribed.

 [Sidenote: Edrike de Streona his treason.]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 Writers haue reported, that this second day, when duke Edrike
 perceiued the Englishmen to be at point to haue got the vpper hand, he
 withdrew aside, and hauing by chance slaine a common souldier called
 Osmear, which in visage much resembled king Edmund, whose head he cut
 off, held it vp, & shaking his swoord bloudie with the slaughter,
 cried to the Englishmen; "Flée ye wretches, flee and get awaie, for
 your king is dead, behold heere his head which I hold in my hands."
 Héerewith had the Englishmen fled immediatlie, if king Edmund aduised
 of this stratagem, had not quicklie got him to an high ground where
 his men might seé him aliue and lustie. Héerewith also the traitor
 Edrike escaped hardlie the danger of death, the Englishmen shot so
 egerlie at him. At length, as is said, the night parting them in
 sunder, they withdrew the one armie from the other, as it had béene by
 consent. The third day they remained in armor, but yet absteining from
 battell, sate still, in taking meate and drinke to relieue their
 [Sidenote: Twentie thousand dead bodies.]
 wearied bodies, and after gathered in heapes the dead carcases that
 had béene slaine in the former fight, the number of which on either
 partie reckoned, rose to the point of twentie thousand and aboue.

 [Sidenote: The armies dislodged.]
 In the night following, Cnute remooued his campe in secret wise, and
 marched towards London, which citie in a maner remained besieged by
 the nauie of the Danes. King Edmund in the morning when the light had
 discouered the departure of his enimies, followed them by the tract,
 and comming to London with small adoo remooued the siege, and entered
 [Sidenote: The Danes ouercome at Brentford.]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 [Sidenote: _Caxton._]
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 the citie like a conqueror. Shortlie after he fought with the Danes at
 Brentford, and gaue them a great ouerthrow. In this meane while queene
 Emma the widow of king Egelred, doubting the fortune of the warre,
 sent hir two sonnes Alfred and Edward ouer into Normandie vnto hir
 brother duke Richard, or rather fled thither hirselfe with them (as
 some write.)

 Moreouer, earle Edrike, perceiuing the great manhood of king Edmund,
 began to feare, least in the end he should subdue and vanquish the
 Danes, wherefore he sought meanes to conclude a peace, and take such
 order with him as might stand with both their contentations, which yer
 long he brought about. This was doone (as you shall heare) by the
 [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._]
 consent of Cnute (as some write) to the intent that Edrike being put
 in trust with king Edmund, might the more easilie deuise waies how to
 betraie him. But Cnute disappointed of his purpose at London, and
 fetching a great bootie and preie out of the countries next adjoining,
 repared to his ships, to sée what order was amongst them, which a
 little before were withdrawen into the riuer that passeth by Rochester
 [Sidenote: The river of Medwaie.]
 called Medwaie. Héere Cnute remained certeine daies, both to assemble
 a greater power, and also to hearken and learne what his enimies ment
 to doo, the which he easilie vnderstood.

 [Sidenote: King Edmund's diligence.]
 King Edmund, who hated nothing woorse than to linger his businesse,
 assembled his people, and marching forward toward his enimies,
 approched néere vnto them, & pitcht downe his tents not farre from his
 enimies campe, exhorting his people to remember their passed
 victories, and to doo their good willes, at length by one battell so
 to ouerthrow them, that they might make an end of the warre, and
 dispatch them cleerelie out of the realme. With these and the like
 woords he did so incourage his souldiers, that they disdaining thus to
 haue the enimies dailie prouoke them, and to put them to trouble, with
 eger minds and fierce courages offered battell to the Danes, which
 Cnute had prepared to receiue whensoeuer the Englishmen approched: and
 heerewith bringing his men into araie, he came foorth to méet his
 [Sidenote: The battell is begun.]
 enimies. Then was the battell begun with great earnestnesse on both
 sides, & continued foure houres, till at length the Danes began
 somewhat to shrinke, which when Cnute perceiued, he commanded his
 horssemen to come forward into the forepart of his dawnted host.

 [Sidenote: The Danes put to flight.]
 But whilest one part of the Danes gaue backe with feare, and the other
 came slowlie forward, the arraie of the whole armie was broken, & then
 [Sidenote: The number of Danes slaine.]
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._]
 without respect of shame they fled amaine, so that there died that day
 of Cnutes side foure thousand and fiue hundred men; and of king
 Edmunds side, not past six hundred, and those were footmen. This
 battell was fought as should appéere by diuerse writers, at Okefort or
 Oteford. It was thought, that if king Edmund had pursued the victorie
 and followed in chase of his enimies in such wise as he safelie might
 haue doone, he had made that day an end of the warres: but he was
 [Sidenote: Edriks counsell.]
 counselled by Edrike (as some write) in no condition to follow them,
 but to staie and giue time to his people to refresh their wearie
 bodies. Then Cnute with his armie passed ouer the Thames into Essex,
 and there assembled all his power togither, and began to spoile and
 waste the countrie on each hand. King Edmund aduertised thereof,
 hasted foorth to succour his people, and at Ashdone in Essex three
 miles from Saffron Walden, gaue battell to Cnute, where after sore and
 cruell fight continued with great slaughter on both sides a long time,
 duke Edrike fled to the comfort of the Danes, and to the discomfort of
 the Englishmen.

 Héerevpon king Edmund was constreined in the end to depart out of the
 field, hauing first doone all that could be wished in a woorthie
 chieftaine, both by woords to incourage his men, & by deeds to shew
 them good example; so that at one time the Danes were at point to haue
 giuen backe, but that Cnute aduised thereof, rushed into the left wing
 where most danger was, and so relieued his people there, that finallie
 the Englishmen, both wearied with long fight, and also discouraged
 with the running awaie of some of their companie, were constreined to
 giue ouer, and by flight to séeke their safegard, so that king Edmund
 might not by anie meanes bring them againe into order. Héerevpon all
 the waies and passages being forelaid and stopped by the enimies, the
 [Sidenote: [*_Sic._]]
 Englishmen wanting both carriage* to make longer resistance, and
 perceiuing no hope to rest in fléeing, were beaten downe and slaine in
 heapes, so that few escaped from that dreadfull and bloudie battell.

 [Sidenote: Noble men slaine at the battell of Ashdone.]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 There died on king Edmunds side, duke Edmund, duke Alfrike, and duke
 Goodwine, with earle Vlfekettell or Vrchell of Eastangle, and duke
 Aileward, that was sonne to Ardelwine late duke of Eastangle; and to
 be briefe, all the floure of the English nobilitie. There were also
 slaine at this battell manie renowmed persons of the spiritualtie, as
 the bishop of Lincolne, and the abbat of Ramsey, with others: king
 [Sidenote: King Edmund withdraweth into Glocestershire.]
 Edmund escaping awaie, got him into Glocestershire, and there began to
 raise a new armie. In the place where this field was fought, are yet
 seuen or eight hils, wherein the carcases of them that were slaine at
 the same field were buried: and one being digged downe of late, there
 were found two bodies in a coffin of stone, of which the one laie with
 his head towards the others féet, and manie chaines of iron, (like to
 the water-chains of the bits of horsses) were found in the same hill.
 But now to the matter.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _London & other great cities & townes submit themselues to Cnute, he
 hasteth after Edmund with his power, both their armies being readie to
 incounter by occasion are staied, the oration of a capteine in the
 hearing of both hosts; the title and right of the realme of England is
 put to the triall of combat betweene Cnute and Edmund, Cnute is
 ouermatched, his woords to king Edmund, both kings are pacified and
 their armies accorded, the realme diuided betwixt Cnute and Edmund,
 king Edmund traitorouslie slaine, the dissonant report of writers
 touching the maners of his death, and both the kings dealing about the
 partition of the realme, Cnute causeth Edrike to be slaine for
 procuring king Edmunds death, wherein the reward of treason is noted;
 how long king Edmund reigned, and where he was buried, the eclipsed
 state of England after his death, and in whose time it recouered some
 part of its brightnesse._

 THE TENTH CHAPTER.

 In the meane while that Edmund was busie to leauie a new armie in
 Glocester, and other parties of Mercia, Cnute hauing got so great a
 victorie (as before is mentioned) receiued into his obeisance, not
 onelie the citie of London, but also manie other cities and townes of
 great name, and shortlie after hasted forward to pursue his enimie
 king Edmund, who was readie with a mightie host to trie the vttermost
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 chance of battell if they should eftsoones ioine. Héerevpon, both the
 armies being readie to giue the onset, the one in sight of the other
 at a place called Dearehurst, neere to the riuer of Seuerne, by the
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 drift of duke Edrike, who then at length began to shew some token of
 good meaning, the two kings came to a communication, and in the end
 concluded an agreement, as some haue written, without anie more adoo.
 Others write, that when both the armies were at point to haue ioined,
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._ saith this was Edrike.]
 one of the capteins (but whether he were a Dane or an Englishman, it
 is not certeinlie told) stood vp in such a place, as he might be heard
 of both the princes, & boldlie vttered his mind in forme following.

   _The oration of a capteine in the audience of the English and Danish
   armie._

 "We haue, most woorthie capteins, fought long inough one against
 another, there hath beene but too much bloud shed betweene both the
 nations, and the valiancie of the souldiers on both sides is
 sufficientlie seene by triall, & either of your manhoods likewise, and
 yet can you beare neither good nor euill fortune. If one of you win
 the battell, he pursueth him that is ouercome; and if he chance to be
 vanquished, he resteth not till he haue recouered new strength to
 fight eftsoones with him that is victor. What should you meane by this
 your inuincible courage? At what marke shooteth your greedie desire to
 beare rule, and your excessive thirst to atteine honour? If you fight
 for a kingdome, diuide it betwéene you two, which sometime was
 sufficient for seuen kings: but if you couet to winne fame and
 glorious renowme, and for the same are driuen to try the hazard
 whether ye shall command or obeie, deuise the waie whereby ye may
 without so great slaughter, and without such pitifull bloudshed of
 both your guiltlesse peoples, trie whether of you is most woorthie to
 be preferred."

 [Sidenote: The two kings appoint to try the matter by a combat.]
 [Sidenote: Oldney.]
 Thus made he an end, and the two princes allowed well of his last
 motion, and so order was taken, that they should fight togither in a
 singular combat within a litle Iland inclosed with the riuer of
 Seuerne called Oldney, with condition, that whether of them chanced to
 be victor, should be king, and the other to resigne his title for euer
 into his hands. The two princes entering into the place appointed, in
 faire armour, began the battell in sight of both their armies ranged
 in goodlie order on either side the riuer, with doubtfull minds, and
 nothing ioifull, as they that wauered betwixt hope and feare. The two
 [Sidenote: _Matt. Westm._]
 champions manfullie assailed either other, without sparing. First,
 they went to it on horssebacke, and after on foot. Cnute was a man of
 [Sidenote: Cnute of what stature he was.]
 a meane stature, but yet strong and hardie, so that receiuing a great
 blow by the hand of his aduersarie, which caused him somewhat to
 stagger; yet recouered himselfe, and boldly stept forward to be
 reuenged. But perceiuing he could not find aduantage, and that he was
 [Sidenote: Cnute ouermatched.]
 [Sidenote: Cnutes woords to Edmund.]
 rather too weake, and shrewdlie ouermatched, he spake to Edmund with a
 lowd voice on this wise: "What necessitie (saith he) ought thus to
 mooue vs, most valiant prince, that for the obteining of a kingdome,
 we should thus put our liues in danger? Better were it that laieng
 armour and malice aside, we should condescend to some reasonable
 [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._]
 agreement. Let vs become sworne brethren, and part the kingdome
 betwixt vs: and let vs deale so friendlie, that thou maist vse my
 things as thine owne, and I thine as though they were mine." King
 Edmund with those woords of his aduersarie was so pacified, that
 immediatlie he cast awaie his swoord, and comming to Cnute, ioined
 hands with him. Both the armies by their example did the like, which
 looked for the same fortune to fall on their countries, which should
 [Sidenote: They make vp the matter betwixt themselves.]
 happen to their princes by the successe of that one battell. After
 this, there was an agréement deuised betwixt them, so that a partition
 of the realme was made, and that part that lieth fore against France,
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 was assigned to Edmund, and the other fell to Cnute. There be that
 write, how the offer was made by king Edmund for the auoiding of more
 bloudshed, that the two princes should trie the matter thus togither
 in a singular combat. But Cnute refused the combat, bicause (as he
 alledged) the match was not equall. For although he was able to match
 Edmund in boldnesse of stomach, yet was he farre too weake to deale
 with a man of such strength as Edmund was knowne to be. But sith they
 did pretend title to the realme by due and good direct meanes, he
 thought it most conuenient that the kingdome should be diuided betwixt
 them. This motion was allowed of both the armies, so that king Edmund
 was of force constreined to be contented therewith.

 ¶ Thus our common writers haue recorded of this agréement, but if I
 should not be thought presumptuous, in taking vpon me to reprooue, or
 rather but to mistrust that which hath béene receiued for a true
 narration in this matter, I would rather giue credit vnto that which
 [Sidenote: _Encomium Emmæ._]
 the author of the booke intituled "Encomium Emmæ," dooth report in
 this behalfe. Which is that through persuasion of Edrike de Streona,
 king Edmund immediatelie after the battell fought at Ashdone, sent
 ambassadors vnto Cnute to offer vnto him peace, with halfe the realme
 of England, that is to say, the north parts, with condition that king
 Edmund might quietlie inioy the south parts, and therevpon haue
 pledges deliuered interchangeablie on either side.

 Cnute hauing heard the effect of this message, staied to make answer
 till he heard what his councell would aduise him to doo in this
 behalfe: and vpon good deliberation taken in the matter, considering
 that he had lost no small number of people in the former battell, and
 that being farre out of his countrie, he could not well haue anie new
 supplie, where the Englishmen although they had likewise lost verie
 manie of their men of warre, yet being in their owne countrie, it
 should be an easie matter for them to restore their decaid number, it
 was thought expedient by the whole consent of all the Danish capteins,
 that the offer of king Edmund should be accepted.

 Herevpon Cnute calling the ambassadors before him againe, declared
 vnto them, that he was contented to conclude a peace vpon such
 conditions as they had offered: but yet with this addition, that their
 king whatsoeuer he should be, should paie Cnutes souldiers their
 wages, with monie to be leuied of that part of the kingdome which the
 English king should possesse. "For (this saith he) I haue vndertaken
 to sée them paid, and otherwise I will not grant to anie peace." The
 league and agréement therefore being concluded in this sort, pledges
 were deliuered and receiued on both parties, and the armies
 [Sidenote: This is alleged touching the partiti[=o] of the kingdome.]
 discharged. But God (saith mine author) being mindfull of his old
 doctrine, that Euerie kingdome diuided in it selfe cannot long stand,
 shortlie after tooke Edmund out of this life: and by such meanes
 séemed to take pitie of the English kingdome, lest if both the kings
 should haue continued in life togither, they should haue liued in
 danger. And incontinentlie herevpon was Cnute chosen and receiued for
 absolute king of all the whole realme of England. Thus hath he written
 that liued in those daies, whose credit thereby is much aduanced.

 Howbeit the common report of writers touching the death of Edmund
 varieth from this, who doo affirme, that after Cnute and Edmund were
 made friends, the serpent of enuie and false conspiracie burnt so in
 the hearts of some traitorous persons, that within a while after king
 [Sidenote: K. Edmund traitorouslie slaine at Oxford.]
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 Edmund was slaine at Oxford, as he sat on a priuie to doo the
 necessaries of nature. The common report hath gone, that earle Edrike
 was the procurer of this villanous act, and that (as some write) his
 sonne did it. But the author that wrote "Encomium Emmæ," writing of
 the death of Edmund, hath these words (immediatlie after he had first
 declared in what sort the two princes were agréed, and had made
 partition of the realme betwixt them:) But God (saith he) being
 [Sidenote: This is alleged againe for the proofe of Edmunds natural
 death.]
 mindfull of his old doctrine, that Euerie kingdome diuided in it selfe
 can not long stand, shortlie after tooke Edmund out of this life: and
 by such meanes séemed to take pitie vpon the English kingdome, least
 if both the kings should haue continued in life togither, they should
 both haue liued in great danger, and the realme in trouble. With this
 agreeth also Simon Dunel. who saith, that king Edmund died of naturall
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 sicknesse, by course of kind at London, about the feast of saint
 Andrew next insuing the late mentioned agreement.

 [Sidenote: _Ranul. Hig._]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 And this should séeme true: for whereas these authors which report,
 that earle Edrike was the procurer of his death, doo also write, that
 when he knew the act to be done, he hasted vnto Cnute, and declared
 vnto him what he had brought to passe for his aduancement to the
 gouernment of the whole realme. Wherevpon Cnute, abhorring such a
 detestable fact, said vnto him: "Bicause thou hast for my sake, made
 away the worthiest bodie of the world, I shall raise thy head aboue
 all the lords of England," and so caused him to be put to death. Thus
 haue some bookes. Howbeit this report agreeth not with other writers,
 which declare how Cnute aduanced Edrike in the beginning of his reigne
 [Sidenote: Some thinke that he was duke of Mercia before, and now had
 Essex adioined thereto.]
 vnto high honor, and made him gouernor of Mercia, and vsed his
 counsell in manie things after the death of king Edmund, as in
 banishing Edwin, the brother of king Edmund, with his sonnes also,
 Edmund and Edward.

 [Sidenote: Diuerse and discordant reports of Edmunds death.]
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 But for that there is such discordance and variable report amongst
 writers touching the death of king Edmund, and some fables inuented
 thereof (as the manner is) we will let the residue of their reports
 passe; sith certeine it is, that to his end he came, after he had
 reigned about the space of one yéere, and so much more as is betwéene
 the moneth of Iune and the latter end of Nouember. His bodie was
 buried at Glastenburie, neere his vncle Edgar. With this Edmund,
 surnamed Ironside, fell the glorious maiestie of the English kingdome,
 the which afterward as it had beene an aged bodie being sore decaied
 and weakened by the Danes, that now got possession of the whole, yet
 somewhat recouered after the space of 26 yéers vnder king Edward,
 surnamed the Confessor: and shortlie therevpon as it had béene falne
 into a resiluation, came to extreame ruine by the inuasion and
 conquest of the Normans: as after by Gods good helpe and fauorable
 assistance it shall appeare. So that it would make a diligent and
 marking reader both muse and moorne, to see how variable the state of
 this kingdome hath béene, & thereby to fall into a consideration of
 the frailtie and vncerteintie of this mortall life, which is no more
 frée from securitie, than a ship on the sea in tempestuous weather.
 For as the casualties wherewith our life is inclosed and beset with
 round about, are manifold; so also are they miserable, so also are
 they sudden, so also are they vnauoidable. And true it is, that the
 life of man is in the hands of God, and the state of kingdoms dooth
 also belong vnto him, either to continue or discontinue. But to the
 processe of the matter.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Cnute vndertaketh the totall regiment of this land, he assembleth a
 councell at London, the nobles doo him homage, be diuideth the realme
 into foure parts to be gouerned by his assignes; Edwin and Edward the
 sonnes of Edmund are banished, their good fortune by honorable
 mariages, King Cnute marieth queene Emma the widow of Egelred, the
 wise and politike conditions wherevpon this mariage was concluded, the
 English bloud restored to the crowne and the Danes excluded, queene
 Emma praised for hir high wisedome in choosing an enimie to hir
 husband; Cnute dismisseth the Danish armie into Denmarke; Edrike de
 Streona bewraieth his former trecherie, and procureth his owne death
 through rashnesse and follie, the discordant report of writers
 touching the maner & cause of his death, what noble men were executed
 with him, and banished out of England, Cnute a monarch._

 THE XJ CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: CANUTE, KNOUGHT OR CNUTE.]
 CANUTE, or Cnute, whome the English chronicles doo name Knought, after
 the death of king Edmund, tooke vpon him the whole rule ouer all the
 [Sidenote: 1017.]
 realme of England, in the yéere of our Lord 1017, in the seuentéenth
 yeere of the emperour Henrie the second, surnamed Claudus, in the
 twentith yéere of the reigne of Robert king of France, and about the 7
 yeere of Malcolme king of Scotland. Cnute shortlie after the death of
 king Edmund, assembled a councell at London, in the which he caused
 all the nobles of the realme to doo him homage, in receiuing an oth of
 loiall obeisance. He diuided the realme into foure parts, assigning
 Northumberland vnto the rule of Irke or Iricius, Mercia vnto Edrike,
 and Eastangle vnto Turkill, and reseruing the west part to his owne
 gouernance. He banished (as before is said) Edwin, the brother of king
 Edmund; but such as were suspected to be culpable of Edmunds death, he
 caused to be put to execution: whereby it should appeere, that Edrike
 was not then in anie wise detected or once thought to be giltie.

 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 [Sidenote: King of churles.]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 The said Edwin afterwards returned, and was then reconciled to the
 kings fauor (as some write) but shortlie after traitorouslie slaine by
 his owne seruants. He was called the king of churles. Others write,
 that he came secretlie into the realme after he had béene banished,
 and kéeping himselfe closelie out of sight, at length ended his life,
 and was buried at Tauestocke. Moreouer, Edwin and Edward the sonnes of
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 king Edmund were banished the land, and sent first vnto Sweno king of
 Norweie to haue bin made away: but Sweno vpon remorse of conscience
 sent them into Hungarie, where they found great fauor at the hands of
 king Salomon, insomuch that Edwin maried the daughter of the same
 Salomon, but had no issue by hir. Edward was aduanced to marie with
 Agatha, daughter of the emperour Henrie, and by hir had issue two
 sonnes, Edmund and Edgar surnamed Edeling, and as many daughters,
 Margaret and Christine, of the which in place conuenient more shall be
 said.

 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 [Sidenote: King Cnute maried to quéene Emma the widow of Egelred,
 in Iulie, anno. 1017.]
 When king Cnute had established things, as he thought stood most for
 his suertie, he called to his remembrance, that he had no issue but
 two bastard sonnes Harold and Sweno, begotten of his concubine Alwine.
 Wherefore he sent ouer to Richard duke of Normandie, requiring to haue
 quéene Emma, the widow of king Egelred in mariage, and so obteined
 hir, not a little to the woonder of manie, which thought a great
 ouersight both in the woman and in hir brother, that would satisfie
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 the request of Cnute herein, considering he had béene such a mortall
 enimie to hir former husband. But duke Richard did not onelie consent,
 that his said sister should be maried vnto Cnute, but also he himselfe
 tooke to wife the ladie Hestritha, sister to the said Cnute.

 ¶ Here ye haue to vnderstand, that this mariage was not made without
 [Sidenote: The couenants made at the mariage betwixt Cnute and Emma.]
 great consideration & large couenants granted on the part of king
 Cnute: for before he could obteine queene Emma to his wife, it was
 fullie condescended & agréed, that after Cnuts decease, the crowne of
 England should remaine to the issue borne of this mariage betwixt hir
 & Cnute, which couenant although it was not performed immediatlie
 after the deceasse of king Cnute, yet in the end it tooke place, so as
 the right séemed to be deferred, and not to be taken away nor
 abolished: for immediatlie vpon Harolds death that had vsurped,
 Hardicnute succéeded as right heire to the crowne, by force of the
 agréement made at the time of the mariage solemnized betwixt his
 father and mother, and being once established in the kingdome, he
 ordeined his brother Edward to succéed him, whereby the Danes were
 vtterlie excluded from all right that they had to pretend vnto the
 [Sidenote: The English bloud restored.]
 [Sidenote: The praise of quéene Emma for hir wisdome.]
 crowne of this land, and the English bloud restored thereto, chieflie
 by that gratious conclusion of this mariage betwixt king Cnute and
 quéene Emma. For the which no small praise was thought to be due vnto
 the said quéene, sith by hir politike gouernement, in making hir match
 so beneficiall to hir selfe and hir line, the crowne was thus
 recouered out of the hands of the Danes, and restored againe in time
 [Sidenote: _Encomium Emmæ._]
 to the right heire, as by an auncient treatise which some haue
 intituled "Encomium Emmæ," and was written in those daies, it dooth
 and may appeare. Which booke although there be but few copies thereof
 abroad, giueth vndoubtedlie great light to the historie of that time.

 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 But now to our purpose. Cnute the same yeare in which he was thus
 maried, through persuasion of his wife quéene Emma, sent awaie the
 Danish nauie and armie home into Denmarke, giuing to them fourescore
 and two thousand pounds of siluer, which was leuied throughout this
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: 1018.]
 land for their wages. In the yeare 1018, Edrike de Streona earle of
 Mercia was ouerthrowen in his owne turne: for being called before the
 king into his priuie chamber, and there in reasoning the matter about
 some quarrell that was picked to him, he began verie presumptuouslie
 to vpbraid the king of such pleasures as he had before time doone vnto
 him; "I did (said he) for the loue which I bare towards you, forsake
 my souereigne lord king Edmund, and at length for your sake slue him."
 At which words Cnute began to change countenance, as one maruellouslie
 abashed, and straightwaies gaue sentence against Edrike in this wise;
 "Thou art woorthie (saith he) of death, and die thou shalt, which art
 guiltie of treason both towards God and me, sith that thou hast slaine
 thine own souereigne lord, and my déere alied brother. Thy bloud
 therefore be vpon thine owne head, sith thy toong hath vttered thy
 treason." And immediatlie he caused his throat to be cut, and his
 bodie to be throwen out at the chamber window into the riuer of
 [Sidenote: Edrike put to death.]
 Thames. ¶ But others say, that hands were laid vpon him in the verie
 same chamber or closet where he murdered the king, & straightwaies to
 preuent all causes of tumults & hurlieburlies, he was put to death
 with terrible torments of fierbrands & links; which execution hauing
 passed vpon him, a second succeeded; for both his féet were bound
 together, and his bodie drawne through the streets of the citie, & in
 fine cast into a common ditch called Houndsditch; for that the
 citizens threw their dead dogs and stinking carrion with other filth
 into it, accounting him worthie of a worse rather than of a better
 buriall. In such hatred was treason had, being a vice which the verie
 infidels and grosse pagans abhorred, else would they not haue said,
 _Proditionem amo, proditorem odi_; Treason I loue, but a traitor I
 hate. This was the end of Edrike, surnamed de Stratten or Streona, a
 man of great infamie for his craftie dissimulation, falshood and
 treason, vsed by him to the ouerthrow of the English estate, as
 partlie before is touched.

 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: _Encomium Emmæ._]
 But there be that concerning the cause of this Edriks death, séeme
 partlie to disagrée from that which before is recited, declaring that
 Cnute standing in some doubt to be betraied through the treason of
 Edrike, sought occasion how to rid him and others (whome he
 mistrusted) out of the way. And therefore on a day when Edrike craued
 some preferment at Cnuts hands, & said that he had deserued to be well
 thought of, sith by his flight from the battell at Ashendon, the
 victorie therby inclined to Cnutes part: Cnute hearing him speake
 these words, made this answere: "And canst thou (quoth he) be true to
 me, that through fraudulent meanes diddest deceiue thy soùereigne lord
 and maister? But I will reward thée according to thy deserts, so as
 from henceforth thou shalt not deceiue anie other," and so forthwith
 commanded Erike one of his chiefe capteines to dispatch him, who
 incontinentlie cut off his head with his axe or halbert. Verelie Simon
 Dunelmensis saith, that K. Cnute vnderstanding in what sort both king
 Egelred, and his sonne king Edmund Ironside had béene betraied by the
 said Edrike, stood in great doubt to be likewise deceiued by him, and
 therefore was glad to haue some pretended quarell, to dispatch both
 him and others, whome he likewise mistrusted, as it well appeared. For
 at the same time there were put to death with Edrike earle Norman the
 sonne of earle Leofwin, and brother to earle Leofrike: also Adelward
 the sonne of earle Agelmare and Brightrike the sonne of Alfegus
 gouernor of Deuonshire, without all guilt or cause (as some write.)
 And in place of Norman, his brother Leofrike was made earle of Mercia
 by the king, and had in great fauour. This Leofrike is commonlie also
 by writers named earle of Chester. After this, Cnute likewise banished
 Iric and Turkill, two Danes, the one (as before is recited) gouernor
 of Northumberland, and the other of Northfolke and Suffolke or
 Eastangle.

 Then rested the whole rule of the realme in the kings hands, wherevpon
 he studied to preserue the people in peace, and ordeined lawes,
 according to the which both Danes and Englishmen should be gouerned in
 equall state and degrée. Diuers great lords whome he found vnfaithfull
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: Lords put to death.]
 or rather suspected, he put to death (as before ye haue heard) beside
 [Sidenote: A taxe raised.]
 such as he banished out of the realme. He raised a tax or tribute of
 the people, amounting to the summe of fourescore & two thousand
 pounds, besides 11000 pounds, which the Londoners paid towards the
 maintenance of the Danish armie. But whereas these things chaunced not
 all at one time, but in sundrie seasons, we will returne somewhat
 backe to declare what other exploits were atchiued in the meane time
 by Cnute, not onelie in England, but also in Denmarke, and elsewhere:
 admonishing the reader in the processe of the discourse following,
 that much excellent matter is comprehended, whereout (if the same be
 studiouslie read and diligentlie considered) no small profit is to be
 reaped, both for the augmentation of his owne knowledge and others
 that be studious.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Cnute saileth into Denmarke to subdue the Vandals, earle Goodwins
 good seruice with the English against the said Vandals, and what
 benefit accrewed vnto the Englishmen by the said good seruice, he
 returneth into England after the discomfiture of the enimie, he
 saileth ouer againe into Denmarke and incountreth with the Sweideners,
 the occasion of this warre or incounter taken by Olauus, his hard hap,
 vnluckie fortune, and wofull death wrought by the hands of his owne
 vnnaturall subiects; Cnuts confidence in the Englishmen, his deuout
 voiage to Rome, his returne into England, his subduing of the Scots,
 his death and interrement._

 THE TWELFTH CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: 1019.]
 [Sidenote: King Cnute passeth into Denmarke.]
 In the third yeare of his reigne Cnute sailed with an armie of
 Englishmen and Danes into Denmarke, to subdue the Vandals there, which
 then sore annoied and warred against his subiects of Denmarke. Earle
 [Sidenote: Earle Goodwin his seruice in Denmarke.]
 Goodwine, which had the souereigne conduct of the Englishmen, the
 night before the day appointed for the battell got him forth of the
 campe with his people, and suddenlie assailing the Vandals in their
 lodgings, easilie distressed them, sleaing a great number of them, and
 chasing the residue. In the morning earlie, when as Cnute heard that
 the Englishmen were gone foorth of their lodgings, he supposed that
 they were either fled awaie, or else turned to take part with the
 enimies. But as he approched to the enimies campe, he vnderstood how
 the mater went; for he found nothing there but bloud, dead bodies, and
 [Sidenote: Cnute had the Englishmen in estimation for their good
 service.]
 the spoile. For which good seruice, Cnute had the Englishmen in more
 estimation euer after, and highlie rewarded their leader the same
 earle Goodwine. When Cnute had ordered all things in Denmarke, as was
 thought behoofefull, he returned againe into England: and within a few
 daies after, he was aduertised that the Swedeners made warre against
 his subiects of Denmarke, vnder the leding of two great princes, Vlfe
 [Sidenote: 1028.]
 [Sidenote: Cnute passeth againe into Denmarke.]
 [Sidenote: _Will. Malm._]
 and Vlafe. Wherefore to defend his dominions in those parts, he passed
 againe with an armie into Denmarke, incountred with his enimies, and
 receiued a sore ouerthrow, loosing a great number both of Danes and
 Englishmen. But gathering togither a new force of men, he set againe
 vpon his enimies, and ouercame them, constreining the two foresaid

 [Sidenote: _Matt. Westm._]
 princes to agrée vpon reasonable conditions of peace. Matth. West.
 recounteth, that at this time earle Goodwine and the Englishmen
 wrought the enterprise aboue mentioned, of assaulting the enimies
 campe in the night season, after Cnute had first lost in the day
 before no small number of his people: and that then the foresaid
 [Sidenote: _Albertus Crantz._]
 princes or kings, as he nameth them Vlfus and Aulafus, which latter he
 calleth Eiglafe, were constrained to agrée vpon a peace. The Danish
 chronicles alledge, that the occasion of this warre rose hereof. This
 Olauus aided Cnute (as the same writers report) against king Edmund
 and the Englishmen. But when the peace should be made betwéene Cnute
 and Edmund, there was no consideration had of Olauus: whereas through
 him the Danes chieflie obteined the victorie. Herevpon Olauus was sore
 offended in his mind against Cnute, and now vpon occasion sought to be
 reuenged. But what soeuer the cause was of this warre betwixt these
 two princes, the end was thus: that Olauus was expelled out of his
 kingdome, and constreined to flée to Gerithaslaus a duke in the
 parties of Eastland, and afterward returning into Norwaie, was slaine
 by such of his subiects as tooke part with Cnute, in manner as in the
 historie of Norwaie, appeareth more at large, with the contrarietie
 [Sidenote: Magnus Olauus.]
 found in the writings of them which haue recorded the histories of
 those north regions.

 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 But here is to be remembred, that the fame and glorie of the English
 nation was greatlie aduanced in these warres, as well against the
 Swedeners as the Norwegians, so that Cnute began to loue and trust the
 Englishmen much better than it was to be thought he would euer haue
 [Sidenote: Other say, that he went forth of Denmarke to Rome.]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: Anno 1031.]
 [Sidenote: 1032.]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: 1033.]
 doone. Shortlie after that Cnute was returned into England, that is to
 say (as some haue) in the 15 yeare of his reigne, he went to Rome to
 performe his vow which he had made to visit the places where the
 apostles Peter and Paule had their buriall, where he was honorablie
 receiued of pope Iohn the 20 that then held the sée. When he had doone
 his deuotion there, he returned into England. In the yeare following,
 [Sidenote: Scots subdued.]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: Anno 1035.]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: The death of king Cnute.]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Alb. Crantz._]
 he made a iournie against the Scots, which as then had rebelled; but
 by the princelie power of Cnute they were subdued and brought againe
 to obedience: so that not onelie king Malcolme, but also two other
 kings Melbeath and Ieohmare became his subiects. Finallie after that
 this noble prince king Cnute had reigned the tearme of 20 yeares
 currant, after the death of Ethelred, he died at Shaftsburie, as the
 English writers affirme, on the 12 of Nouember, and was buried at
 Winchester. But the Danish chronicles record that he died in
 Normandie, and was buried at Rome (as in the same chronicles ye may
 reade more at large.)

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The trespuissance of Cnute, the amplenesse of his dominions, the good
 and charitable fruits of his voiage to Rome redounding to the common
 benefit of all trauellers from England thither, with what great
 personages he had conference, and the honour that was doone him there,
 his intollerable pride in commanding the waters of the flouds not to
 rise, he humbleth himselfe and confesseth Christ Iesus to be king of
 kings, he refuseth to weare the crowne during his life, he reproueth a
 gentleman flatterer, his issue legitimate and illegitimate, his
 inclination in his latter yeares, what religious places he erected,
 repaired, and inriched; what notable men he fauoured and reuerenced,
 his lawes; and that in causes as well ecclesiasticall as temporall he
 had cheefe and sole gouernement in this land, whereby the popes
 vsurped title of vniuersall supremasie is impeached._

 THE XIIJ. CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: The large dominion of K. Cnute.]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Alb. Crantz._]
 This Cnute was the mightiest prince that euer reigned ouer the English
 people: for he had the souereigne rule ouer all Denmark, England,
 Norwaie, Scotland, and part of Sweiden. Amongest other of his roiall
 acts, he caused such tolles and tallages as were demanded of way-goers
 at bridges and stréets in the high way betwixt England and Rome to be
 diminished to the halfes, and againe got also a moderation to be had
 in the paiment of the archbishops fees of his realme, which was leuied
 of them in the court of Rome when they should receiue their palles, as
 may appeare by a letter which he himselfe being at Rome, directed to
 the bishops and other of the nobles of England. In the which it also
 appeareth, that besides the roiall interteinment, which he had at Rome
 of pope Iohn, he had conference there with the emperour Conrad, with
 Rafe the king of Burgongne, and manie other great princes and noble
 men, which were present there at that time: all which at his request,
 [Sidenote: Grants made to the benefit of Englishmen, at the instance
 of king Cnute.]
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 in fauour of those Englishmen that should trauell vnto Rome, granted
 (as we haue said) to diminish such duties as were gathered of
 passingers.

 He receiued there manie great gifts of the emperour, and was highlie
 honored of him, and likewise of the pope, and of all other the high
 princes at that time present at Rome: so that when he came home (as
 some write) he did grow greatlie into pride, insomuch that being néere
 [Sidenote: He caused his chaire to be set there, as _Matth. West._
 saith.]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 to the Thames, or rather (as other write) vpon the sea strand, néere
 to Southhampton, and perceiuing the water to rise by reason of the
 tide, he cast off his gowne, and wrapping it round togither, threw it
 on the sands verie neere the increasing water, and sat him downe vpon
 it, speaking these or the like words to the sea: "Thou art (saith he)
 within the compasse of my dominion, and the ground whereon I sit is
 mine, and thou knowest that no wight dare disobeie my commandements; I
 therefore doo now command thée not to rise vpon my ground, nor to
 presume to wet anie part of thy souereigne lord and gouernour." But
 the sea kéeping hir course, rose still higher and higher, and
 ouerflowed not onelie the kings féet, but also flashed vp vnto his
 legs and knees. Wherewith the king started suddenlie vp, and withdrew
 [Sidenote: The saieng of king Cnute.]
 from it, saieng withall to his nobles that were about him: "Behold you
 noble men, you call me king, which can not so much as staie by my
 commandement this small portion of water. But know ye for certeine,
 that there is no king but the father onelie of our Lord Iesus Christ,
 [Sidenote: Zealouslie inough, if it had bin according to true
 knowledge.]
 with whome he reigneth, & at whose becke all things are gouerned. Let
 vs therefore honor him, let vs confesse and professe him to be the
 ruler of heauen, earth, and sea, and besides him none other."

 From thence he went to Winchester, and there with his owne hands set
 his crowne vpon the head of the image of the crucifix, which stood
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 there in the church of the apostles Peter and Paule, and from
 thenceforth he would neuer weare that crowne nor anie other. Some
 write that he spake not the former words to the sea vpon anie
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 presumptuousnesse of mind, but onelie vpon occasion of the vaine
 title, which in his commendation one of his gentlemen gaue him by way
 of flatterie (as he rightlie tooke it) for he called him the most
 mightiest king of all kings, which ruled most at large both men, sea,

 [Sidenote: Flatterie reproued.]
 and land. Therefore to reprooue the fond flatterie of such vaine
 persons, he deuised and practised the déed before mentioned, thereby
 both to reprooue such flatterers, and also that men might be
 admonished to consider the omnipotencie of almightie God. He had issue
 by his wife quéene Emma, a sonne named by the English chronicles
 Hardiknought, but by the Danish writers Canute or Knute: also a
 daughter named Gonilda, that was after maried to Henrie the sonne of
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 Conrad, which also was afterwards emperour, and named Henrie the
 [Sidenote: _Alb. Cranz._]
 third. By his concubine Alwine that was daughter to Alselme, whome
 some name earle of Hampton, he had two bastard sonnes, Harold and
 Sweno. He was much giuen in his latter daies to vertue, as he that
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 considered how perfect felicitie rested onelie in godlines and true
 deuotion to serue the heauenlie king and gouernour of all things.

 He repared in his time manie churches, abbeies and houses of religion,
 which by occasion of warres had béene sore defaced by him and his
 father, but speciallie he did great cost vpon the abbeie of saint
 Edmund, in the towne of Burie, as partlie before is mentioned. He also
 [Sidenote: Which is supposed to be Barclow: for Ashdone it selfe
 is halfe a mile from thence.]
 [Sidenote: 1020.]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 built two abbeies from the foundation, as saint Benets in Norffolke,
 seuen miles distant from Norwich, and an other in Norwaie. He did also
 build a church at Ashdone in Essex, where he obteined the victorie of
 king Edmund, and was present at the hallowing or consecration therof
 with a great multitude of the lords and nobles of the realme, both
 English and Danes. He also holpe with his owne hands to remooue the
 bodie of the holie archbishop Elphegus, when the same was translated
 from London to Canturburie. The roiall and most rich iewels which he &
 his wife quéene Emma gaue vnto the church of Winchester, might make
 the beholders to woonder at such their exceeding and bountifull
 munificence.

 Thus did Cnute striue to reforme all such things as he and his
 ancestors had doone amisse, and to wipe awaie the spot of euill
 dooing, as suerlie to the outward sight of the world he did in deed;
 he had the archbishop of Canturburie Achelnotus in singular
 [Sidenote: Leofrike earle of Chester.]
 reputation, and vsed his counsell in matters of importance. He also
 highlie fauoured Leofrike earle of Chester, so that the same Leofrike
 bare great rule in ordering of things touching the state of the common
 [Sidenote: King Cnutes lawes.]
 wealth vnder him as one of his chiefe councellors. Diuerse lawes and
 statutes he made for the gouernment of the common wealth, partlie
 agréeable with the lawes of king Edgar, and other the kings that were
 his predecessors, and partlie tempered according to his owne liking,
 and as was thought to him most expedient: among the which there be
 diuerse that concerne causes as well ecclesiasticall as temporall.
 Whereby (as maister Fox hath noted) it maie be gathered, that the
 gouernment of spirituall matters did depend then not vpon the bishop
 of Rome, but rather apperteined vnto the lawfull authoritie of the
 temporall prince, no lesse than matters and causes temporall. But of
 these lawes & statutes enacted by king Cnute, ye may read more as ye
 find them set foorth in the before remembred booke of maister William
 Lambert, which for briefenesse we héere omit.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Variance amongest the peeres of the realme about the roiall
 succession, the kingdome is diuided betwixt Harold the bastard sonne
 and Hardicnute the lawfullie begotten son of king Cnute late
 deceassed, Harold hath the totall regiment, the authoritie of earle
 Goodwine gardian to the queenes sonnes, Harold is proclaimed king, why
 Elnothus did stoutlie refuse to consecrate him, why Harold was
 surnamed Harefoot, he is supposed to be a shoomakers sonne, and how it
 came to passe that he was counted king Cnutes bastard; Alfred
 challengeth the crowne from Harold, Goodwine (vnder colour of
 friendlie interteinment) procureth his retinues vtter vndooing, a
 tithing of the Normans by the poll, whether Alfred was interessed in
 the crowne, the trecherous letter of Harold written in the name of
 queéne Emma to hir two sons in Normandie, wherevpon Alfred commeth
 ouer into England, the vnfaithfull dealing of Goodwine with Alfred and
 his people, teaching that in trust is treason, a reseruation of euerie
 tenth Norman, the remanent slaine, the lamentable end of Alfred, and
 with what torments he was put to death; Harold banisheth queene Emma
 out of England he degenerateth from his father, the short time of his
 reigne, his death and buriall._

 THE XIIIJ. CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: HAROLD.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 After that Cnute was departed this life, there arose much variance
 amongst the peeres and great lords of the realme about the succession.
 The Danes and Londoners (which through continuall familiaritie with
 the Danes, were become like vnto them) elected Harold the base sonne
 [Sidenote: Controuersie for the crowne.]
 of king Cnute, to succéed in his fathers roome, hauing earle Leofrike,
 and diuerse other of the noble men of the north parts on their side.
 But other of the Englishmen, and namelie earle Goodwine earle of Kent,
 with the chiefest lords of the west parts, coueted rather to haue one
 of king Egelreds sonnes, which were in Normandie, or else Hardicnute
 the sonne of king Cnute by his wife quéene Emma, which remained in
 Denmarke, aduanced to the place. This controuersie held in such wise,
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: The realme diuided betwixt Harold and Hardicnute.]
 that the realme was diuided (as some write) by lot betwixt the two
 brethren Harold and Hardicnute. The north part, as Mercia and
 Northumberland fell to Harold, and the south part vnto Hardicnute: but
 at length the whole remained vnto Harold, bicause his brother
 Hardicnute refused to come out of Denmarke to take the gouernment vpon
 him.

 [Sidenote: The authoritie of earle Goodwine.]
 [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._]
 But yet the authoritie of earle Goodwine, who had the queene and the
 treasure of the realme in his kéeping, staied the matter a certeine
 time, (professing himselfe as it were gardian to the yoong men, the
 sonnes of the quéene, till at length he was constreined to giue ouer
 his hold, and conforme himselfe to the stronger part and greater
 number.) And so at Oxford, where the assemblie was holden about the
 election, Harold was proclaimed king, and consecrated according to the
 [Sidenote: The refusall of the archbishop Elnothus to consecrate
 king Harold.]
 maner (as some write.) But it should appeere by other, that Elnothus
 the archbishop of Canturburie, a man indued with all vertue and
 wisedome, refused to crowne him: for when king Harold being elected of
 the nobles and péeres, required the said archbishop that he might be
 of him consecrated, and receiue at his hands the regall scepter with
 the crowne, which the archbishop had in his custodie, and to whome it
 onelie did apperteine to inuest him therewith, the archbishop flatlie
 refused, and with an oth protested, that he would not consecrate anie
 other for king, so long as the quéenes children liued: "for (saith he)
 Cnute committed them to my trust and assurance, and to them will I
 kéepe my faith and loiall obedience. The scepter and crowne I héere
 lay downe vpon the altar, and neither doo I denie nor deliuer them
 vnto you: but I forbid by the apostolike authoritie all the bishops,
 that none of them presume to take the same awaie, and deliuer them to
 you, or consecrate you for king. As for your selfe, if you dare, you
 maie vsurpe that which I haue committed vnto God and his table."

 But whether afterwards the king by one meane or other, caused the
 archbishop to crowne him king, or that he was consecrated of some
 other, he was admitted king of all the English people, beginning his
 [Sidenote: 1036.]
 reigne in the yéere of our Lord a thousand thirtie and six, in the
 fouretenth yéere of the emperor Conrad the second, in the sixt yéere
 of Henrie the first, king of France, and about the seuen and twentith
 yéere of Malcolme the second, king of Scots. This Harold for his great
 [Sidenote: Harold why he is surnamed Harefoot.]
 swiftnesse, was surnamed Harefoot, of whome little is written touching
 his dooings, sauing that he is noted to haue béene an oppressor of his
 [Sidenote: Harold euill spoken of.]
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higa._]
 [Sidenote: _ex Mariano._]
 people, and spotted with manie notable vices. It was spoken of diuerse
 in those daies, that this Harold was not the sonne of Cnute, but of a
 shoomaker, and that his supposed mother Elgina, king Cnutes concubine,
 to bring the king further in loue with hir, feined that she was with
 child: and about the time that she should be brought to bed (as she
 made hir account) caused the said shoemakers son to be secretlie
 brought into hir chamber, and then vntrulie caused it to be reported
 that she was deliuered, and the child so reputed to be the kings
 sonne.

 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 Immediatlie vpon aduertisement had of Cnutes death, Alfred the sonne
 of king Egelred, with fiftie saile landed at Sandwich, meaning to
 challenge the crowne, and to obteine it by lawfull claime with
 quietnesse, if he might; if not, then to vse force by aid of his
 friends, and to assaie that waie foorth to win it, if he might not
 otherwise obteine it. From Sandwich he came to Canturburie: and
 shortlie after, earle Goodwine feining to receiue him as a friend,
 came to meet him, and at Gilford in the night season appointed a
 number of armed men to fall vpon the Normans as they were asléepe, and
 so tooke them togither with Alfred, & slue the Normans by the poll, in
 such wise that nine were shine, & the tenth reserued. But yet when
 those that were reserued, seemed to him a greater number than he
 wished to escape, he fell to and againe tithed them as before. Alfred
 had his eies put out, and was conueied to the Ile of Elie, where
 shortlie after he died.

 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 ¶ How Alfred should claime the crowne to himselfe I sée not: for
 verelie I can not be persuaded that he was the elder brother, though
 diuers authors haue so written, sith Gemeticensis, & the author of the
 booke called "Encomium Emmae," plainlie affirme, that Edward was the
 elder: but it might be, that Alfred being a man of a stouter stomach
 [Sidenote: Sée maister _Fox_ acts and monuments, pag. 112.]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 than his brother Edward, made this attempt, either for himselfe, or in
 the behalfe of his brother Edward, being as then absent, and gone into
 Hungarie, as some write: but other say, that as well Edward as Alfred
 came ouer at this time with a number of Norman knights, and men of
 warre imbarked in a few ships, onelie to speake with their mother, who
 as then lay at Winchester, whether to take aduise with hir how to
 recouer their right heere in this land, or to aduance their brother
 Hardicnute, or for some other purpose, our authors doo not declare.

 But the lords of the realme that bare their good wils vnto Harold, and
 (though contrarie to right) ment to mainteine him in the estate,
 seemed to be much offended with the comming of these two brethren in
 such order: for earle Goodwine persuaded them, that it was great
 danger to suffer so manie strangers to enter the realme, as they had
 brought with them. Wherevpon earle Goodwine with the assent of the
 other lords, or rather by commandement of Harold, went foorth, and at
 Gilford met with Alfred that was comming towards king Harold to speake
 with him, accordinglie as he was of Harold required to doo. But now
 being taken, and his companie miserablie murthered (as before ye haue
 heard) to the number of six hundred Normans, Alfred himselfe was sent
 into the Ile of Elie, there to remaine in the abbeie in custodie of
 the moonks, hauing his eies put out as soone as he entered first into
 the same Ile. William Malmesburie saith, that Alfred came ouer, and
 was thus handeled betwixt the time of Harolds death, & the comming in
 of Hardicnute. Others write, that this chanced in his brother
 Hardicnuts daies, which séemeth not to be true: for Hardicnute was
 knowne to loue his brethren by his mothers side too dearelie to haue
 suffered anie such iniurie to be wrought against either of them in his
 time.

 ¶ Thus ye sée how writers dissent in this matter, but for the better
 clearing of the truth touching the time, I haue thought good to shew
 also what the author of the said booke intituled "Encomium Emmæ"
 writeth hereof, which is as followeth. When Harold was once
 established king, he sought meanes how to rid quéene Emma out of the
 way, and that secretlie, for that openlie as yet he durst not attempt
 anie thing against hir. She in silence kept hir selfe quiet, looking
 for the end of these things. But Harold remembring himselfe, of a
 malicious purpose, by wicked aduise tooke counsell how he might get
 into his hands and make away the sons of quéene Emma, & so to be out
 of danger of all annoiance that by them might be procured against him.
 [Sidenote: A counterfet letter.]
 Wherefore he caused a letter to be written in the name of their mother
 Emma, which he sent by certeine messengers suborned for the same
 purpose into Normandie, where Edward and Alfred as then remained. The
 tenour of which letter here insueth.


   _The tenour of a letter forged and sent in queene Emmas name to hir
     two sonnes._

 "EMMA tantùm nomine regina filijs Edwardo & Alfredo materna impertit
 salutamina. D[=u] domini nostri regis obitum separatim plangimus
 (filij charissimi) dúmq; dietim magis magisque regno hæreditatis
 vestræ priuamini, miror quid captetis consilij, dum sciatis
 intermissionis vestræ dilatione inuasoris vestri imperij fieri
 quotidiè soliditat[=e]. Is enim incessanter vicos & vrbes circuit, &
 sibi amicos principes muneribus, minis, & precibus facit: sed vnum è
 vobis super se mallent regnare quàm istius (qui nunc ijs imperat)
 teneri ditione. Vnde rogo vnus vestrum ad me velociter & priuatè
 veniat, vt salubre à me consilium accipiat, & sciat quo pacto hoc
 negotium quod volo fieri debeat, per præsentem quóque internuncium
 quid super his facturi estis remandate. Valete cordis mei viscera."

   _The same in English._

 "EMMA in name onelie queene to hir sons Edward and Alfred sendeth
 motherlie greeting. Whilest we separatelie bewaile the death of our
 souereigne lord the king (most deare sonnes) and whilest you are
 euerie day more and more depriued from the kingdome of your
 inheritance, I maruell what you doo determine, sith you know by the
 delay of your ceassing to make some enterprise, the grounded force of
 the vsurper of your kingdom is dailie made the stronger. For
 incessantlie he goeth from towne to towne, from citie to citie, and
 maketh the lords his friends by rewards, threats, and praiers, but
 they had rather haue one of you to reigne ouer them, than to be kept
 vnder the rule of this man that now gouerneth them. Wherefore my
 request is, that one of you doo come with speed, and that priuilie
 ouer to me, that he may vnderstand my wholesome aduise, and know in
 what sort this matter ought to be handled, which I would haue to go
 forward, and see that ye send mee word by this present messenger what
 you meane to doo herein. Fare ye well euen the bowels of my heart."

 These letters were deliuered vnto such as were made priuie to the
 purposed treason, who being fullie instructed how to deale, went ouer
 into Normandie, and presenting the letters vnto the yoong gentlemen,
 vsed the matter so, that they thought verelie that this message had
 béene sent from their mother, and wrote againe by them that brought
 the letters, that one of them would not faile but come ouer vnto hir
 according to that she had requested, and withall appointed the day and
 time. The messengers returning to king Harold, informed him how they
 had sped. The yoonger brother Alfred, with his brothers consent, tooke
 with him a certeine number of gentlemen and men of warre, and first
 came into Flanders, where after he had remained a while with earle
 Baldwine, he increased his retinue with a few Bullogners, and passed
 ouer into England, but approching to the shore, he was streightwaies
 descried by his enimies, who hasted foorth to set vpon him; but
 perceiuing their drift, he bad the ships cast about, and make againe
 to the sea; then landing at an other place, he ment to go the next way
 to his mother.

 [Sidenote: Godwin was suspected to do this vnder a colour to betray
 as by writers it séemeth.]
 him But earle Goodwine hearing of his arriuall, met him, receiued him
 into his assurance, and binding his credit with a corporall oth,
 became his man, and therwith leading him out of the high way that
 leadeth to London, he brought him to Gilford, where he lodged all the
 strangers, by a score, a doozen, and halfe a score togither in innes,
 so as but a few remained about the yoong gentleman Alfred to attend
 vpon him. There was plentie of meat and drinke prepared in euerie
 lodging, for the refreshing of all the companie. And Goodwine taking
 his leaue for that night, departed to his lodging, promising the next
 morning to come againe to giue his dutifull attendance on Alfred.

 But behold, after they had filled themselues with meats and drinks,
 [Sidenote: Not onelie Goodwine but other such as king Harold
 appointed, took Alfred with his Normans.]
 and were gone to bed, in the dead of the night came such as king
 Harold had appointed, and entring into euerie inne, first seized vpon
 the armor and weapons that belonged to the strangers: which done, they
 tooke them, and chained them fast with fetters and manacles, so
 kéeping them sure till the next morning. Which being come, they were
 brought foorth with their hands bound behind their backs, and
 deliuered to most cruell tormentors, who were commanded to spare none
 but euerie tenth man, as he came to hand by lot, and so they slue nine
 and left the tenth aliue. Of those that were left aliue, some they
 kept to serue as bondmen, other for couetousnesse of gaine they sold,
 and some they put in prison, of whome yet diuerse afterwards escaped.
 This with more hath the foresaid author written of this matter,
 declaring further, that Alfred being conueied into the Ile of Elie,
 had not onelie his eies put out in most cruell wise, but was also
 presentlie there murthered. But he speaketh not further of the maner
 how he was made away, sauing that he saith he forbeareth to make long
 recitall of this matter, bicause he will not renew the mothers gréefe
 in hearing it, sith there can be no greater sorrow to the mother than
 to heare of hir sonnes death.

 ¶ I remember in Caxton we read, that his cruell tormentors should
 cause his bellie to be opened, & taking out one end of his bowels or
 guts, tied the same to a stake which they had set fast in the ground;
 then with néedels of iron pricking his bodie, they caused him to run
 about the stake, till he had woond out all his intrailes, & so ended
 he his innocent life, to the great shame & obloquie of his cruel
 aduersaries. But whether he was thus tormented or not, or rather died
 (as I thinke) of the anguish by putting out his eies, no doubt but his
 death was reuenged by Gods hand in those that procured it. But whether
 erle Goodwine was chéefe causer thereof, in betraieng him vnder a
 cloked colour of pretended fréendship, I cannot say: but that he tooke
 him and slue his companie, as some haue written, I cannot thinke it to
 be true, both as well for that which ye haue heard recited out of the
 author that wrote "Encomium Emmæ," as also for that it should séeme he
 might neuer be so directlie charged with it, but that he had matter to
 alledge in his owne excuse. But now to other affaires of Harold.

 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: Quéene Emma banished.]
 After he had made away his halfe brother Alfred, he spoiled his mother
 in law quéene Emma of the most part of hir riches, and therewith
 banished hir quite out of the realme: so that she sailed ouer to
 Flanders, where she was honourablie receiued of earle Baldwine, and
 hauing of him honourable prouision assigned hir, she continued there
 for the space of thrée yeeres, till that after the death of Harold,
 she was sent for by hir sonne Hardiknought, that succéeded Harold in
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 [Sidenote: Harold degenerateth from his father.]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 the kingdome. Moreouer, Harold made small account of his subiects,
 degenerating from the noble vertues of his father, following him in
 few things (except in exacting of tributes and paiments.) He caused
 indeed eight markes of siluer to be leuied of euerie port or hauen in
 England, to the reteining of 16 ships furnished with men of warre,
 which continued euer in readinesse to defend the coasts from pirats.
 [Sidenote: A nauie in a readinesse.]
 [Sidenote: Euill men, the longer they liue, the more they grow into
 miserie.]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 To conclude with this Harold, his spéedie death prouided well for his
 fame, bicause (as it was thought) if his life had béene of long
 continuance, his infamie had béene the greater. But after he had
 reigned foure yéeres, or (as other gathered) three yéeres and thrée
 moneths, he departed out of this world at Oxford, & was buried at
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 Winchester (as some say.) Other say he died at Meneford in the moneth
 of Aprill, and was buried at Westminster, which should appeare to be
 true by that which after is reported of his brother Hardiknoughts
 cruell dealing, and great spite shewed toward his dead bodie, as after
 shall be specified.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Hardicnute is sent for into England to be made king; alteration in
 the state of Norwaie and Denmarke by the death of king Cnute,
 Hardicnute is crowned, he sendeth for his mother queene Emma,
 Normandie ruled by the French king, Hardicnute reuengeth his mothers
 exile upon the dead bodie of his stepbrother Harold, queene Emma and
 erle Goodwine haue the gouernment of things in their hands, Hardicnute
 leuieth a sore tribute upon his subiects; contempt of officers &
 deniall of a prince his tribute sharpelie punished; prince Edward
 commeth into England; the bishop of Worcester accused and put from his
 see for being accessarie to the murthering of Alfred, his restitution
 procured by contribution; Earle Goodwine being accused for the same
 trespasse excuseth himselfe, and iustifieth his cause by swearing, but
 speciallie by presenting the king with an inestimable gift; the cause
 why Goodwine purposed Alfreds death; the English peoples care about
 the succession to the crowne, moonke Brightwalds dreame and vision
 touching that matter; Hardicnute poisoned at a bridall, his
 conditions, speciallie his hospitalitie, of him the Englishmen learned
 to eate and drinke immoderatlie, the necessitie of sobrietie, the end
 of the Danish regiment in this land, and when they began first to
 inuade the English coasts._

 THE XV. CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: HARDICNUTE, or HARDIKNOUGHT.]
 After that Harold was dead, all the nobles of the realme, both Danes
 and Englishmen agréed to send for Hardiknought, the sonne of Canute by
 his wife quéene Emma, and to make him king. Héere is to be noted, that
 by the death of king Canute, the state of things was much altered in
 those countries of beyond the seas wherein he had the rule and
 [Sidenote: Alteration in the state of things.]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._, & _Matt. West._ say, that he was at Bruges
 in Flanders with his mother when he was thus sent for, having come
 thither to visit hir.]
 [Sidenote: 1041.]
 dominion. For the Norwegians elected one Magnus, the sonne of Olauus
 to be their king, and the Danes chose this Hardiknought, whome their
 writers name Canute the third, to be their gouernor. This Hardiknought
 or Canute being aduertised of the death of his halfe brother Harold,
 and that the lords of England had chosen him to their king, with all
 conuenient speed prepared a nauie, and imbarking a certeine number of
 men of warre, tooke the sea, and had the wind so fauorable for his
 purpose, that he arriued upon the coast of Kent the sixt day after he
 set out of Denmarke, and so comming to London, was ioifullie receiued,
 and proclaimed king, and crowned of Athelnotus archbishop of
 Canturburie, in the yere of our Lord 1041, in the first yéere of the
 emperour Henrie the third, in the 9 yeere of Henrie the first of that
 name king of France, and in the first yéere of Magfinloch, aliàs
 Machabeda king of Scotland. Incontinentlie after his establishment in
 [Sidenote: Quéene Emma sent for.]
 the rule of this realme, he sent into Flanders for his mother quéene
 Emma, who during the time of hir banishment, had remained there. For
 Normandie in that season was gouerned by the French king, by reason of
 the minoritie of duke William, surnamed the bastard.

 Moreouer, in reuenge of the wrong offered to quéene Emma by hir sonne
 in law Harold, king Hardicnute did cause Alfrike archbishop of Yorke
 and earle Goodwine, with other noble men to go to Westminster, and
 [Sidenote: The bodie of king Harold taken vp, and throwen into
 Thames.]
 there to take vp the bodie of the same Harold, and withall appointed,
 that the head thereof should be striken off, and the trunke of it cast
 into the riuer of Thames. Which afterwards being found by fishers, was
 [Sidenote: S. Clement Danes.]
 taken vp and buried in the churchyard of S. Clement Danes without
 Temple barre at London. He committed the order and gouernement of
 things to the hands of his mother Emma, and of Goodwine that was erle
 [Sidenote: A tribute raised.]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 of Kent. He leuied a sore tribute of his subiects here in England to
 pay the souldiers and mariners of his nauie, as first 21 thousand
 pounds, & 99 pounds, and afterward vnto 32 ships there was a paiment

 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Sim. Dun._]
 made of a 11 thousand and 48 pounds. To euerie mariner of his nauie he
 caused a paiment of 8 marks to be made, and to euerie master 12 marks.
 About the paiment of this monie great grudge grew amongst the people,
 insomuch that two of his seruants, which were appointed collectors in
 the citie of Worcester, the one named Feader, and the other Turstane,
 were there slaine. In reuenge of which contempt a great part of the
 countrie with the citie was burnt, and the goods of the citizens put
 to the spoile by such power of lords and men of warre as the king had
 sent against them.

 Shortlie after, Edward king Hardicnutes brother came foorth of
 Normandie to visit him and his mother quéene Emma, of whome he was
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 [Sidenote: _Marianus._]
 most ioifullie and honorablie welcomed and interteined, and shortlie
 after made returne backe againe. It should appeare by some writers,
 that after his comming ouer out of Normandie he remained still in the
 realme, so that he was not in Normandie when his halfe brother
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 Hardicnute died, but here in England: although other make other
 report, as after shall bée shewed. Also (as before ye haue heard) some
 writers seeme to meane, that the elder brother Alfred came ouer at the
 same time. But suerlie they are therein deceiued: for it was knowne
 well inough how tenderlie king Hardicnute loued his brethren by the
 mothers side, so that there was not anie of the lords in his daies,
 [Sidenote: The bishop of Worcester accused for making away of Alfred.]
 that durst attempt anie such iniurie against them. True it is, that as
 well earle Goodwine, as the bishop of Worcester (that was also put in
 blame and suspected for the apprehending and making away of Alfred, as
 before ye haue heard) were charged by Hardicnute as culpable in that
 matter, insomuch that the said bishop was expelled out of his sée by
 Hardicnute: and after twelue moneths space was restored, by meanes of
 such summes of monie as he gaue by waie of amends.

 [Sidenote: Earle Goodwin excuseth himselfe.]
 Earle Goodwine was also put to his purgation, by taking an oth that he
 was not guiltie. Which oth was the better allowed, by reason of such a
 [Sidenote: The gift which earle Goodwin gaue to the king.]
 present as he gaue to the king for the redéeming of his fauour and
 good will, that is to say, a ship with a sterne of gold, conteining
 therein 80 souldiers, wearing on each of their armes two bracelets of
 gold of 16 ounces weight, a triple habergion guilt on their bodies,
 with guilt burgenets on their heads, a swoord with guilt hilts girded
 to their wastes, a battell-axe after the maner of the Danes on their
 left shoulder, a target with bosses and mails guilt in their left
 hand, a dart in their right hand: and thus to conclude, they were
 furnished at all points with armor and weapon accordinglie. It hath
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 béene said, that earle Goodwine minded to marie his daughter to one of
 these brethren, and perceiuing that the elder brother Alfred would
 disdaine to haue hir, thought good to dispatch him, that the other
 taking hir to wife, hée might be next heire to the crowne, and so at
 length inioy it, as afterwards came to passe.

 Also about that time, when the linage of the kings of England was in
 maner extinct, the English people were much carefull (as hath béene
 said) about the succession of those that should inioie the crowne.
 Wherevpon as one Brightwold a moonke of Glastenburie, that was
 afterward bishop of Wincester, or (as some haue written) of Worcester,
 studied oftentimes thereon: it chanced that he dreamed one night as he
 slept in his bed, that he saw saint Peter consecrate & annoint Edward
 the sonne of Egelred (as then remaining in exile in Normandie) king of
 England. And as he thought, he did demand of saint Peter, who should
 succéed the said Edward? Wherevnto answer was made by the apostle;
 Haue thou no care for such matters, for the kingdome of England is
 Gods kingdome. Which suerlie in good earnest may appeare by manie
 great arguments to be full true vnto such as shall well consider the
 state of this realme from time to time, how there hath béene euer
 gouernours raised vp to mainteine the maiestie of the kingdome, and to
 reduce the same to the former dignitie, when by anie infortunate
 mishap it hath beene brought in danger.

 [Sidenote: The death of K. Hardicnute.]
 [Sidenote: _Sim. Dunel._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: 1042.]
 But to returne now to king Hardicnute, after he had reigned two yéers
 lacking 10 daies, as he sat at the table in a great feast holden at
 Lambeth, he fell downe suddenlie with the pot in his hand, and so died
 not without some suspicion of poison. This chanced on the 8 of Iune at
 Lambeth aforesaid, where, on the same day a mariage was solemnized
 betwéene the ladie Githa, the daughter of a noble man called Osgot
 Clappa, and a Danish lord also called Canute Prudan. His bodie was
 buried at Winchester besides his father. He was of nature verie
 [Sidenote: K. Hardicnute his conditions and liberalitie in
 housekeeping.]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 curteous, gentle and liberall, speciallie in keeping good chéere in
 his house, so that he would haue his table couered foure times a day,
 & furnished with great plentie of meates and drinks, wishing that his
 seruants and all strangers that came to his palace, might rather leaue
 [Sidenote: Of whom the Englishmen learned excessiue féeding.]
 than want. It hath béene commonlie told, that Englishmen learned of
 him their excessiue gourmandizing & vnmeasurable filling of their
 panches with meates and drinkes, whereby they forgat the vertuous vse
 of sobrietie, so much necessarie to all estates and degrées, so
 profitable for all common-wealthes, and so commendable both in the
 sight of God, and all good men.

 [Sidenote: The end of the Danish rulers.]
 In this Hardicnute ceased the rule of the Danes within this land, with
 the persecution which they had executed against the English nation,
 for the space of 250 yeres & more, that is to say, euer since the
 tenth yeere of Brithrike the king of Westsaxons, at what time they
 first began to inuade the English coasts. Howbeit (after others) they
 should séeme to haue ruled here but 207, reckoning from their bringing
 in by the Welshmen in despite of the Saxons, at which time they first
 began to inhabit here, which was 835 of Christ, 387 after the comming
 of the Saxons, and 35 néere complet of the reigne of Egbert.

 ¶ But to let this péece of curiositie passe, this land felt that they
 had a time of arriuall, a time of inuading, a time of ouerrunning, and
 a time of ouerruling the inhabitants of this maine continent. Wherof
 manifest proofes are at this day remaining in sundrie places, sundrie
 ruines I meane and wastes committed by them; vpon the which whensoeuer
 a man of a relenting spirit casteth his eie, he can not but enter into
 a dolefull consideration of former miseries, and lamenting the
 defacements of this Ile by the crueltie of the bloudthirstie enimie,
 cannot but wish (if he haue but "Minimam misericordiæ guttam quæ maior
 est spatioso oceano," as one saith) and earnestlie desire in his heart
 that the like may neuer light vpon this land, but may be auerted and
 turned away from all christian kingdomes, through his mercie, whose
 wrath by sinne being set on fire, is like a consuming flame; and the
 swoord of whose vengeance being sharpened with the whetstone of mens
 wickednesse, shall hew them in péeces as wood for the fornace.

   _Thus farre the tumultuous and tyrannicall regiment of the Danes,
   inferring fulnesse of afflictions to the English people, wherewith
   likewise the seuenth booke is shut vp._

        *       *       *       *       *




 THE EIGHT BOOKE

 OF THE

 HISTORIE OF ENGLAND.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Edward the third of that name is chosen king of England by a generall
 consent, ambassadours are sent to attend him homewardes to his
 kingdome, and to informe him of his election, William duke of
 Normandie accompanieth him, Edward is crowned king, the subtill
 ambition or ambitious subtiltie of earle Goodwine in preferring Edward
 to the crowne and betraieng Alfred; the Danes expelled and rid out of
 this land by decree; whether earle Goodwine was guiltie of Alfreds
 death, king Edward marieth the said earles daughter, he forbeareth to
 haue carnall knowledge with hir, and why? he useth his mother queene
 Emma verie hardlie, accusations brought against hir, she is
 dispossessed of hir goods, and imprisoned for suffering bishop Alwine
 to haue the vse of hir bodie, she purgeth and cleareth hir selfe after
 a strange sort, hir couetousnesse: mothers are taught (by hir example)
 to loue their children with equalitie: hir liberall deuotion to
 Winchester church cleared hir from infamie of couetousnesse, king
 Edward loued hir after hir purgation, why Robert archbishop of
 Canturburie fled out of England into Normandie._

 THE FIRST CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: EDWARD.]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 Immediatlie vpon the deth of Hardiknought, and before his corps was
 committed to buriall, his halfe brother Edward, sonne of king Egelred
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 begotten of quéene Emma, was chosen to be K. of England, by the
 generall consent of all the nobles and commons of the realme.
 Therevpon were ambassadours sent with all spéed into Normandie, to
 signifie vnto him his election, and to bring him from thence into
 England in deliuering pledges for more assurance, that no fraud nor
 deceit was ment of the Englishmen, but that vpon his comming thither,
 he should receiue the crowne without all contradiction. Edward then
 aided by his coosine William duke of Normandie, tooke the sea, & with
 a small companie of Normans came into England, where he was receiued
 with great ioy as king of the realme, & immediatlie after was crowned
 [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: The third of Aprill. 1043.]
 at Winchester by Edsinus then archbishop of Canturburie, on Easter day
 in the yeare of our Lord 1043, which fell also about the fourth yeare
 of the emperour Henrie the third, surnamed Niger, in the 12 yeare of
 Henrie the first of that name king of France, and about the third
 yeare of Macbeth king of Scotland.

 This Edward the third of that name before the conquest, was of nature
 more méeke and simple than apt for the gouernement of the realme, &
 therefore did earle Goodwine not onelie séeke the destruction of his
 elder brother Alfred, but holpe all that he might to aduance this
 Edward to the crowne, in hope to beare great rule in the realme vnder
 him, whome he knew to be soft, gentle, and easie to be persuaded. But
 whatsoeuer writers doo report hereof, sure it is, that Edward was the
 elder brother, and not Alfred: so that if earle Goodwine did shew his
 furtherance by his pretended cloake of offering his friendship vnto
 Alfred to betraie him, he did it by king Harolds commandement, and yet
 it may be that he meant to haue vsurped the crowne to him selfe, if
 each point had answered his expectation in the sequele of things, as
 he hoped they would; and therfore had not passed if both the brethren
 had béene in heauen. But yet when the world framed contrarie
 (peraduenture) to his purpose, he did his best to aduance Edward,
 trusting to beare no small rule vnder him, being knowen to be a man
 more appliable to be gouerned by other than to trust to his owne wit:
 and so chieflie by the assistance of earle Goodwine (whose authoritie,
 as appeareth, was not small within the realme of England in those
 daies) Edward came to atteine the crowne: wherevnto the earle of
 Chester Leofrike also shewed all the furtherance that in him laie.

 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd. ex Mariano._]
 [Sidenote: _Alb. Crantz._]
 Some write (which seemeth also to be confirmed by the Danish
 chronicles) that king Hardiknought in his life time had receiued this
 Edward into his court, and reteined him still in the same in most
 honorable wise. But for that it may appeare in the abstract of the
 Danish chronicles, what their writers had of this matter recorded, we
 doo here passe ouer, referring those that be desirous to know the
 diuersitie of our writers and theirs, vnto the same chronicles, where
 they may find it more at large expressed. This in no wise is to be
 left vnremembred, that immediatlie after the death of Hardiknought, it
 was not onelie decreed & agreed vpon by the great lords & nobles of
 the realme, that no Dane from thenceforth should reigne ouer them, but
 also all men of warre and souldiers of the Danes, which laie within
 anie citie or castell in garrison within the realme of England, were
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 [Sidenote: Danes expelled.]
 then expelled and put out or rather slaine (as the Danish writers doo
 rehearse.) Amongst other that were banished, the ladie Gonild néece to
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: Gonill néece to K. Swaine.]
 king Swaine by his sister, was one, being as then a widow, and with
 hir two of hir sonnes, which she had then liuing; Heming and Turkill
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 were also caused to auoid. Some write that Alfred the brother of king
 Edward, came not into the realme till after the death of Hardiknought,
 and that he did helpe to expell the Danes, which being doon, he was
 slaine by earle Goodwine and other of his complices. But how this may
 stand, considering the circumstances of the time, with such things as
 are written by diuers authors hereof, it may well be doubted.
 Neuerthelesse, whether earle Goodwine was guiltie to the death of
 Alfred, either at this time, or before, certeine it is, that he so
 cleared himselfe of that crime vnto king Edward the brother of Alfred,
 that there was none so highlie in fauour with him as earle Goodwine
 [Sidenote: K. Edward marieth the daughter of earle Goodwine.]
 was, insomuch that king Edward maried the ladie Editha, the daughter
 of earle Goodwine, begotten of his wife Thira that was sister to king
 Hardiknought, and not of his second wife, as some haue written.
 Howbeit, king Edward neuer had to doo with hir in fleshlie wise. But
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 [Sidenote: K. Edward absteineth from the companie of his wife.]
 whether he absteined because he had happilie vowed chastitie, either
 of impotencie of nature, or for a priuie hate that he bare to hir kin,
 men doubted. For it was thought, that he estéemed not earle Goodwine
 so greatlie in his heart, as he outwardlie made shew to doo, but
 rather for feare of his puissance dissembled with him, least he should
 otherwise put him selfe in danger both of losse of life and kingdome.

 Howsoeuer it was, he vsed his counsell in ordering of things
 concerning the state of the common wealth, and namelie in the hard
 [Sidenote: K. Edward dealeth strictlie with his mother quéene Emma.]
 handling of his mother queene Emma, against whome diuers accusations
 were brought and alledged: as first, for that she consented to marie
 with K. Cnute, the publike enimie of the realme: againe, for that she
 did nothing aid or succour hir sons while they liued in exile, but
 [Sidenote: Quéene Emma despoiled of hir goods.]
 [Sidenote: She is accused of dissolute liuing.]
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 [Sidenote: She purgeth hir selfe by the law Ordalium.]
 that woorse was, contriued to make them away; for which cause she was
 despoiled of all hir goods. And because she was defamed to be naught
 of hir bodie with Alwine or Adwine bishop of Winchester, both she and
 the same bishop were committed to prison within the citie of
 Winchester (as some write.) Howbeit others affirme, that she was
 strictlie kept in the abbie of Warwell, till by way of purging hir
 selfe, after a maruellous manner, in passing barefooted ouer certeine
 hot shares or plough-irons, according to the law _Ordalium_, she
 cleared hir selfe (as the world tooke it) and was restored to hir
 first estate and dignitie.

 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 Hir excessiue couetousnesse, without regard had to the poore, caused
 hir also to be euill reported of. Againe, for that she euer shewed hir
 selfe to be more naturall to the issue which she had by hir second
 husband Cnute, than to hir children which she had by hir first husband
 king Egelred (as it were declaring how she was affected toward the
 fathers, by the loue borne to the children) she lost a great péece of
 good will at the hands of hir sonnes Alfred and Edward: so that now
 the said Edward inioieng the realme, was easilie induced to thinke
 euill of hir, and therevpon vsed hir the more vncurteouslie. But hir
 great liberalitie imploied on the church of Winchester, which she
 furnished with maruellous rich iewels and ornaments, wan hir great
 commendation in the world, and excused hir partlie in the sight of
 manie, of the infamie imputed to hir for the immoderate filling of hir
 coffers by all waies and meanes she could deuise. Now when she had
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 purged hir selfe, as before is mentioned, hir sonne king Edward had
 hir euer after in great honor and reuerence. And whereas Robert
 archbishop of Canturburie had béene sore against hir, he was so much
 abashed now at the matter, that he fled into Normandie, where he was
 borne. But it should séeme by that which after shal be said in the
 next chapter, that he fled not the realme for this matter, but bicause
 he counselled the king to banish earle Goodwine, and also to vse the
 Englishmen more strictlie than reason was he should.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Why Robert archbishop of Canturburie (queene Emmas heauie friend)
 fled out of England, the Normans first entrance into this countrie,
 dearth by tempests, earle Goodwines sonne banished out of this land,
 he returneth in hope of the kings fauour, killeth his coosen earle
 Bearne for his good will and forwardnes to set him in credit againe,
 his flight into Flanders, his returne into England, the king is
 pacified with him; certeine Danish rouers arriue at Sandwich, spoile
 the coast, inrich themselues with the spoiles, make sale of their
 gettings, and returne to their countrie; the Welshmen with their
 princes rebelling are subdued, king Edward keepeth the seas on
 Sandwich side in aid of Baldwine earle of Flanders, a bloudie fraie in
 Canturburie betwixt the earle of Bullongne and the townesmen, earle
 Goodwine fauoureth the Kentishmen against the Bullongners, why he
 refuseth to punish the Canturburie men at the kings commandement for
 breaking the kings peace; he setteth the king in a furie, his suborned
 excuse to shift off his comming to the assemblie of lords conuented
 about the foresaid broile, earle Goodwine bandeth himselfe against the
 king, he would haue the strangers deliuered into his hands, his
 request is denied; a battell readie to haue bene fought betweene him
 and the king, the tumult is pacified and put to a parlement, earle
 Goodwines retinue forsake him; he, his sonnes, and their wiues take
 their flight beyond the seas._

 THE SECOND CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: Robert archbishop of Canturburie.]
 [Sidenote: Frenchmen or Normans first entered into England.]
 Ye must vnderstand, that K. Edward brought diuerse Normans ouer with
 him, which in time of his banishment had shewed him great friendship,
 wherefore he now sought to recompense them. Amongst other, the
 forenamed Robert of Canturburie was one, who before his comming ouer
 was a moonke in the abbeie of Gemeticum in Normandie, and being by the
 king first aduanced to gouerne the sée of London, was after made
 archbishop of Canturburie, and bare great rule vnder the king, so that
 he could not auoid the enuie of diuerse noble men, and speciallie of
 earle Goodwine, as shall appéere. About the third yéere of king
 Edwards reigne, Osgot Clappa was banished the realme. And in the yéere
 [Sidenote: 1047.]
 [Sidenote: A great death.]
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 following, that is to say, in the yeere 1047, there fell a maruellous
 great snow, couering the ground from the beginning of Ianuarie vntill
 the 17 day of March. Besides this, there hapned the same yéere such
 tempest and lightnings, that the corne vpon the earth was burnt vp and
 blasted: by reason whereof, there followed a great dearth in England,
 and also death of men and cattell.

 [Sidenote: Swain Goodwines sonne banished.]
 [Sidenote: Edgiua abbesse of Leoffe.]
 About this time Swaine the sonne of earle Goodwine was banished the
 land, and fled into Flanders. This Swaine kept Edgiua, the abbesse of
 the monasterie of Leoffe, and forsaking his wife, ment to haue married
 the foresaid abbesse. Within a certeine time after his banishment, he
 returned into England, in hope to purchase the kings peace by his
 fathers meanes and other his friends. But vpon some malicious
 [Sidenote: This Bearne was the sonne of Vlfusa Dane, vncle to this
 Swaine by his mother, the sister of K. Swaine.]
 [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._]
 pretense, he slue his coosen earle Bearne, who was about to labour to
 the king for his pardon, and so then fled againe into Flanders, till
 at length Allered the archbishop of Yorke obteined his pardon, and
 found meanes to reconcile him to the kings fauour.

 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: The Danes spoile Sandwich.]
 In the meane time, about the sixt yéere of king Edwards reigne,
 certeine pirats of the Danes arriued in Sandwich hauen, and entring
 the land, wasted and spoiled all about the coast. There be that write,
 that the Danes had at that time to their leaders two capteins, the one
 named Lother, and the other Irling. After they had béene at Sandwich,
 and brought from thence great riches of gold and siluer, they coasted
 about vnto the side of Essex, and there spoiling the countrie, went
 backe to the sea, and sailing into Flanders, made sale of their
 spoiles and booties there, and so returned to their countries. After
 this, during the reigne of king Edward, there chanced no warres,
 neither forren nor ciuill, but that the same was either with small
 slaughter luckilie ended, or else without anie notable aduenture
 [Sidenote: Rise & Griffin princes of Wales.]
 changed into peace. The Welshmen in déed with their princes Rise and
 Griffin wrought some trouble, but still they were subdued, and in the
 end both the said Rise and Griffin were brought vnto confusion:
 although in the meane time they did much hurt, and namelie Griffin,
 who with aid of some Irishmen, with whome he was alied, about this
 time entred into the Seuerne sea, and tooke preies about the riuer of
 Wie: and after returned without anie battell to him offered.


 [Sidenote: 1049.]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 About the same time, to wit, in the yéere 1049, the emperor Henrie the
 third made warres against Baldwine earle of Flanders, and for that he
 wished to haue the sea stopped, that the said earle should not escape
 by flight that waie foorth, he sent to king Edward, willing him to
 kéepe the sea with some number of ships. King Edward furnishing a
 [Sidenote: _Hermanus._]
 [Sidenote: _Contractus._]
 [Sidenote: _Ia. Meir._]
 nauie, lay with the same at Sandwich, and so kept the seas on that
 side, till the emperor had his will of the earle. At the same time,
 Swaine, sonne of earle Goodwine came into the realme, and
 traitorouslie slue his coosen Bearne (as before is said) the which
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 trauelled to agrée him with the king. Also Gosipat Clappa, who had
 left his wife at Bruges in Flanders, comming amongst other of the
 Danish pirats, which had robbed in the coasts of Kent & Essex, as
 before ye haue heard, receiued his wife, and departed backe into
 Denmarke with six ships, leauing the residue, being 23 behind him.

 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 [Sidenote: 1051.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: The earle of Flanders commeth into England.]
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 About the tenth yéere of king Edwards reigne, Eustace earle of
 Bullongne, that was father vnto the valiant Godfrey of Bullongne, &
 Baldwin, both afterward kings of Hierusalem, came ouer into England in
 the moneth of September, to visit his brother in law king Edward,
 [Sidenote: Goda sister to K. Edward.]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: Douer saith _Matth. West._]
 whose sister named Goda, he had maried, she then being the widow of
 Gualter de Maunt. He found the king at Glocester, and being there
 ioifullie receiued, after he had once dispatched such matters for the
 which he chieflie came, he tooke leaue, and returned homeward. But at
 Canturburie one of his herbingers, dealing roughlie with one of the
 citizens about a lodging, which he sought to haue rather by force than
 by intreatance, occasioned his owne death. Whereof when the erle was
 aduertised, he hasted thither to reuenge the slaughter of his seruant,
 and slue both that citizen which had killed his man, and eightéene
 others.

 [Sidenote: A fraie in Canturburie betwixt the earle Bullongne and the
 townsmen.]
 [Sidenote: The earle complaineth to the king.]
 The citizens héerewith in a great furie, got them to armor, and set
 vpon the earle and his retinue, of whom they slue twentie persons out
 of hand, & wounded a great number of the residue, so that the earle
 scarce might escape with one or two of his men from the fraie, & with
 all spéed returned backe to the king, presenting gréeuous information
 against them of Canturburie, for their cruell vsing of him, not onlie
 in sleaing of his seruants, but also in putting him in danger of his
 life. The king crediting the earle, was higlie offended against the
 citizens, and with all speed sending for earle Goodwine, declared vnto
 him in greeuous wise, the rebellious act of them of Canturburie, which
 were vnder his iurisdiction.

 The earle who was a man of a bold courage and quicke wit, did perceiue
 that the matter was made a great deale woorse at the first in the
 beginning, than of likelihood it would prooue in the end, thought it
 reason therefore that first the answere of the Kentishmen should be
 heard, before anie sentence were giuen against them. Héerevpon,
 although the king commanded him foorthwith to go with an armie into
 Kent, and to punish them of Canturburie in most rigorous maner, yet he
 would not be too hastie, but refused to execute the kings
 commandement, both for that he bare a péece of grudge in his mind,
 [Sidenote: Earle Goodwine offended with the king for fauouring
 strangers.]
 that the king should fauour strangers so highlie as he did; and
 againe, bicause héereby he should séeme to doo pleasure to his
 countriemen, in taking vpon him to defend their cause against the
 rough accusations of such as had accused them. Wherefore he declared
 to the king that it should be conuenient to haue the supposed
 offenders first called afore him, and if they were able to excuse
 themselues, then to be suffered to depart without further vexation:
 and if they were found faultie, then to be put to their fine, both as
 well in satisfieng the king, whose peace they had broken, as also the
 earle, whom they had indamaged.

 Earle Goodwine departed thus from the king, leauing him in a great
 furie: howbeit he passed litle thereof, supposing it would not long
 continue. But the king called a great assemblie of his lords togither
 [Sidenote: A councel called at Glocester.]
 [Sidenote: Siward earle of Northumberland, Leofrike earle of Chester,
 Rafe earle of Hereford.]
 [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._]
 at Glocester, that the matter might be more déepelie considered.
 Siward earle of Northumberland, and Leofrike earle of Chester, with
 Rafe earle of Hereford, the kings nephue by his sister Goda, and all
 other the noble men of the realme, onlie earle Goodwine and his sonnes
 ment not to come there, except they might bring with them a great
 power of armed men, and so remained at Beuerstane, with such bands as
 they had leauied, vnder a colour to resist the Welshmen, whome they
 bruted abroad to be readie to inuade the marches about Hereford. But
 the Welshmen preuenting that slander, signified to the king that no
 such matter was ment on their parties, but that earle Goodwine and his
 sonnes with their complices went about to mooue a commotion against
 him. Héerevpon a rumor was raised in the court, that the kings power
 should shortlie march foorth to assaile earle Goodwine in that place
 where he was lodged. Wherevpon the same earle prepared himselfe, and
 sent to his friends, willing to sticke to this quarrell, and if the
 king should go about to force them, then to withstand him, rather than
 to yéeld and suffer themselues to be troden vnder foot by strangers.
 [Sidenote: Earle Goodwine meaneth to defend himself against the king.]
 [Sidenote: Swaine.]
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: Harold.]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 Goodwine in this meane time had got togither a great power of his
 countries of Kent, Southerie, and other of the west parts. Swaine
 likewise had assembled much people out of his countries of Barkeshire,
 Oxfordshire, Summersetshire, Herefordshire, and Glocestershire. And
 Harold was also come to them with a great multitude, which he had
 leuied in Essex, Norffolke, Suffold, Cambridgeshire, &
 Huntingtonshire.

 On the other part, the earles that were with the king, Leofrike,
 Siward, and Rafe, raised all the power which they might make, and the
 same approching to Glocester, the king thought himselfe in more
 suertie than before, in so much that whereas earle Goodwine (who lay
 with his armie at Langton there not farre off in Glocestershire) had
 sent vnto the king, requiring that the earle of Bullongne, with the
 other Frenchmen and also the Normans which held the castell of Douer,
 might be deliuered vnto him. The king, though at the first he stood in
 great doubt what to doo, yet hearing now that an armie of his friends
 was comming, made answere to the messingers which Goodwine had sent,
 that he would not deliuer a man of those whome Goodwine required, and
 héerewith the said messengers being departed, the kings armie entered
 into Glocester, and such readie good wils appéered in them all to
 fight with the aduersaries, that if the king would haue permitted,
 they would foorthwith haue gone out and giuen battell to the enimies.

 Thus the matter was at point to haue put the realme in hazard not
 onelie of a field, but of vtter ruine that might thereof haue insued:
 for what on the one part and the other, there were assembled the
 chiefest lords and most able personages of the land. But by the
 wisedome and good aduise of earle Leofrike and others, the matter was
 pacified for a time, and order taken, that they should come to a
 parlement or communication at London, vpon pledges giuen and receiued
 as well on the one part as the other. The king with a mightie armie of
 the Northumbers, and them of Mercia, came vnto London, and earle
 Goodwine with his sonnes, and a great power of the Westsaxons, came
 into Southwarke, but perceiuing that manie of his companie stale awaie
 and slipt from him, he durst not abide anie longer to enter talke with
 the king, as it was couenanted, but in the night next insuing fled
 awaie with all spéed possible.

 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: Swaine eldest sonne to Goodwine banished.]
 Some write, how an order was prescribed that Swanus the eldest sonne
 of Goodwine should depart the land as a banished man to qualifie the
 kings wrath, and that Goodwine and one other of his sons, that is to
 say, Harold should come to an other assemblie to be holden at London,
 accompanied with 12 seruants onelie, & to resigne all his force of
 knights, gentlemen and souldiers vnto the kings guiding and
 gouernment. But when this last article pleased nothing earle Goodwine,
 and that he perceiued how his force began to decline, so as he should
 [Sidenote: Earle Goodwine fled the realme.]
 not be able to match the kings power, he fled the realme, and so
 likewise did his sonnes. He himselfe with his sonnes Swanus, Tostie,
 and Girth, sailed into Flanders: and Harold with his brother Leofwine
 gat ships at Bristow, and passed into Ireland. Githa the wife of
 Goodwine, and Judith the wife of Tostie, the daughter of Baldwine
 earle of Flanders went ouer also with their husbands.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Goodwine and his sonnes are proclaimed outlawes, their lands are
 giuen from them, king Edward putteth awaie the queene his wife who was
 earle Goodwines daughter, she cleareth hir selfe at the houre of hir
 death from suspicion of incontinencie and lewdnesse of life, why king
 Edward forbare to haue fleshlie pleasure with hir; earle Goodwine and
 his sonnes take preies on the coasts of Kent and Sussex; Griffin king
 of Wales destroieth a great part of Herefordshire, and giueth his
 incounterers the ouerthrow; Harold and Leofwine two brethren inuade
 Dorset and Summersetshires, they are resisted, but yet preuaile, they
 coast about the point of Cornwall and ioine with their father
 Goodwine, king Edward maketh out threescore armed ships against them,
 a thicke mist separateth both sides being readie to graple and fight,
 a pacification betweene the king and earle Goodwine, he is restored to
 his lands and libertie, he was well friended, counterpledges of
 agreement interchangablie deliuered; Swanus the eldest sonne of
 Goodwine a notable rebell and pirat, his troubled conscience, his
 wicked life and wretched death._

 THE THIRD CHAPTER.


 The king hauing perfect knowledge, that earle Goodwine had refused to
 come to the court in such order as he had prescribed him, and that he
 [Sidenote: Goodwine and his sonnes proclaimed outlawes.]
 was departed the realme with his sonnes: he proclaimed them outlawes,
 and gaue the lands of Harold vnto Algar, the sonne of earle Leofrike,
 who guided the same verie woorthilie, and resigned them againe without
 grudging vnto the same Harold when he was returned out of exile. Also
 vnto earle Oddo were giuen the counties of Deuonshire and
 Summersetshire.

 [Sidenote: The king put awaie his wife Editha.]
 Moreouer, about the same time the king put his wife queene Editha from
 him, and appointed hir to streict keeping in the abbeie of Warwell.
 This Editha was a noble gentlewoman, well learned, and expert in all
 sciences, yet hir good name was stained somewhat, as though she had
 not liued so continentlie as was to be wished, both in hir husbands
 life time, and after his deceasse. But yet at the houre of hir death
 (which chanced in the daies of William Conqueror) she cleared hir
 selfe, in taking it vpon the charge of hir soule, that she had euer
 liued in perfect chastitie: for king Edward (as before is mentioned)
 neuer touched hir in anie actuall maner. By this streict dealing with
 the quéene that was daughter to earle Goodwine, now in time of hir
 fathers exile, it hath séemed to manie, that king Edward forbare to
 deale with hir in carnall wise, more for hatred of hir kin, than for
 anie other respect. But to proceed.

 [Sidenote: 1052.]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 In the second yéere of Goodwines banishment, both he and his sonnes
 hauing prouided themselues of ships and men of warre conuenient for
 the purpose, came vpon the coasts of England, and after the maner of
 rouers, tooke preies where as they espied aduantage, namelie on the
 [Sidenote: Griffin king of Wales destroieth Herefordshire.]
 coasts of Kent and Sussex. In the meane time also Griffin the K. of
 Wales destroid a great part of Herefordshire, against whom the power
 of that countrie, & also manie Normans that lay in garrison within the
 castell of Hereford, comming to giue battell, were ouerthrowne on the
 same day, in the which about two and twentie yéeres before, or (as
 some copies haue) thirtéene yéeres, the Welshmen had slaine Edwine,
 [Sidenote: Harold inuadeth the shires of Dorset and Summerset.]
 the brother of earle Leofrike. Shortlie after, earle Harold and his
 brother Leofwine returning out of Ireland, entered into the Seuerne
 sea, landing on the coasts of Summersetshire and Dorsetshire, where
 falling to spoile, they were incountred by a power assembled out of
 the counties of Deuonshire and Summersetshire: but Harold put his
 aduersaries to flight, and slue thirtie gentlemen of honor, or thanes
 (as they called them) with a great number of others. Then Harold and
 his brethren, returning with their preie and bootie to their ships,
 and coasting about the point of Cornwall, came and ioined with their
 father & their other brethren, then soiorning in the Ile of Wight.

 King Edward to withstand their malice, had rigged and furnished foorth
 sixtie ships of warre, with the which he himselfe went to the water,
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 not sticking to lie aboord at that season, although he had appointed
 for capteines and admerals two earles that were his coosins, Odo and
 Rafe, who had charge of the whole armie. Rafe was his nephue, as sonne
 to his sister Goda by hir first husband Gualter de Maunt. But although
 they were knowne to be sufficient men for the ordering of such
 businesse, yet he thought the necessitie to be such, as his person
 could not be presentlie spared. Therefore he was diligent in
 foreséeing of things by good aduise, although age would not giue him
 leaue to execute the same by his owne hand and force of bodie. But as
 the nauies on both parts were readie to haue ioined, they were seuered
 by reason of a thicke mist that then rose, wherby their furious rage
 was restreined for that time: and immediatlie therevpon, Goodwine and
 his complices were forced by a contrarie wind, to returne to the
 places from whence they came. Shortlie after by mediation of friends,
 a peace was made, and earle Goodwine restored home, and obteined
 againe both the kings fauour, and all his former liuings: for he was
 such an eloquent & wise man, that he clered and purged himselfe of all
 such crimes and accusations, as in anie sort had béene laid against
 him. Thus haue some written concerning this agréement betwixt king
 Edward and erle Goodwine, where other make somewhat larger report
 thereof, as thus.

 At the same time that the two sonnes of erle Goodwine Harold and
 Leofwine came foorth of Ireland, and inuaded the west countrie, king
 Edward rigged foorth fortie ships, the which throughlie furnished with
 men, munition, and vittels, he sent vnto Sandwich, commanding the
 capteines there to wait for the comming of erle Goodwine, whom he
 vnderstood to be in a readinesse to returne into England: but
 notwithstanding, there wanted no diligence in them to looke to their
 charge, erle Goodwine secretlie with a few ships which he had got
 togither, ariued in Kent; and sending foorth his letters and
 messengers abroad to the citizens of Canturburie, to them of Sussex,
 Southerie, & others, required aid of them, who with one consent
 promised to liue and die with him.

 The capteines of the nauie at Sandwich aduertised hereof, made towards
 the place where they thought to haue found earle Goodwine: but he
 being warned of their comming, escaped by flight, and got him out of
 their danger, wherevpon they withdrew to Sandwich, and after returned
 to London. Earle Goodwine aduertised thereof, sailed to the Ile of
 Wight, and wafted vp and downe those seas, till his sonnes Harold and
 Leofwine came and ioined their nauie with his, and ceassing from
 spoile, onlie sought to recouer vittels to serue their turne. And
 incresing their power by such aid as they might any where procure, at
 length they came to Sandwich, wherof king Edward hauing knowledge,
 [Sidenote: It séemeth that earle Goodwine was well friended.]
 being then at London, he sent abroad to raise all the power he might
 make. But they that were appointed to come vnto him, lingred time, in
 which meane while earle Goodwine comming into the Thames, & so vp the
 riuer, arriued in Southwarke, on the day of the exaltation of the
 crosse in September, being monday, and their staieng for the tide,
 solicited the Londoners, so that he obteined of them what he could
 desire.

 Afterwards, without disturbance, he passed vp the riuer with the tide
 through the south arch of the bridge, & at the same instant, a mightie
 armie which he had by land, mustered in the fields on that south side
 the same riuer, and herewith his nauie made towards the north side of
 the riuer, as if they ment to inclose the kings nauie, for the king
 had also a nauie & an armie by land: but yet sith there were few
 either on the one part or the other, that were able to doo anie great
 feat except Englishmen, they were loth to fight one against another,
 wherevpon the wiser sort on both sides sought meanes to make an
 atonement: and so at length by their diligent trauell, the matter was
 taken vp, and the armies being dismissed on both parts, earle Goodwine
 was restored to his former dignitie. Herevpon were pledges deliuered
 on his behalfe, that is to say, Wilnotus one of his sonnes, and Hacun
 the sonne of Swanus the eldest sonne of Goodwine. These two pledges
 were sent vnto William duke of Normandie, to be kept with him for more
 assurance of Goodwines loialtie.

 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 Some write that Swanus the eldest sonne of Goodwine was not reconciled
 to the kings fauour at this time; but whether he was or not, this is
 reported of him for a truth, that after he had attempted sundrie
 rebellions against king Edward, he lastlie also rebelled against his
 father Goodwine, and his brother Harold, and became a pirate,
 dishonouring with such manifold robberies as he made on the seas, the
 noble progenie whereof he was descended. Finallie vpon remorse of
 conscience (as hath béene thought) for murthering of his coosine (or
 as some say his brother) erle Bearne, he went on pilgrimage to
 Hierusalem, and died by the way of cold which he caught in returning
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 [Sidenote: _Will. Malms._]
 homeward (as some write) in Licia: but others affirme, that he fell
 into the hands of Saracens that were robbers by the high waies, and so
 was murthered of them.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _At what time William duke of Normandie came ouer into England, king
 Edward promiseth to make him his heire to the kingdom and crowne, the
 death of queene Emma, earle Goodwine being growne in fauor againe
 seeketh new reuenges of old grudges, causing archbishop Robert and
 certeine noble Normans his aduersaries to be banished; Stigand
 intrudeth himselfe into archbishop Roberts see, his simonie and lacke
 of learning; what maner of men were thought meet to be made bishops in
 those daies, king Edward beginneth to prouide for the good and
 prosperous state of his kingdome, his consideration of lawes made in
 his predecessours times and abused; the lawes of S. Edward vsuallie
 called the common lawes, how, whereof, and wherevpon instituted; the
 death of earle Goodwine being sudden (as some say) or naturall (as
 others report) his vertues and vices, his behauiour and his sonnes
 vpon presumption and will in the time of their authorities; his two
 wiues and children; the sudden and dreadfull death of his mother; hir
 selling of the beautifull youth male and female of this land to the
 Danish people._

 THE FOURTH CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: William duke of Normandie commeth ouer into England.]
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 [Sidenote: K. Edwards promise to duke William.]
 The foresaide William duke of Normandie (that after conquered this
 land) during the time of Goodwines outlawrie, came ouer into this land
 with a faire retinue of men, and was ioifullie receiued of the king,
 and had great chéere. Now after he had taried a season, he returned
 into his countrie, not without great gifts of jewels and other things,
 which the king most liberallie bestowed vpon him. And (as some write)
 the king promised him at that time, to make him his heire to the
 realme of England, if he chanced to die without issue. ¶ Shortlie
 after, or rather somewhat before, queene Emma the kings mother died,
 and was buried at Winchester.

 After that earle Goodwine was restored to the kings fauour, bicause he
 knew that Robert the archbishop of Canturburie had beene the chéefe
 procurer of the kings euill will towards him, he found means to weare
 him out of credit, and diuers other specially of the Normans, bearing
 the world in hand, that they had sought to trouble the state of the
 realme, & to set variance betwixt the king and the lords of the
 English nation: whereas the Normans againe alledged, that earle
 Goodwine and his sonnes abused the kings soft and gentle nature, &
 would not sticke to ieast and mocke at his curteous and mild
 [Sidenote: The archbishop of Canturburie banished.]
 procéedings. But howsoeuer the matter went, archbishop Robert was glad
 to depart out of the realme, and going to Rome, made complaint in the
 court there, of the iniuries that were offred him: but in returning
 through Normandie, he died in the abbeie of Gemmeticum, where he had
 bene moonke before his comming into England.

 Diuerse others were compelled to forsake the realme at the same time,
 both spirituall men and temporall, as William bishop of London, and
 [Sidenote: Normans banished the realme.]
 Vlfe bishop of Lincolne. Osberne named Pentecost, and his companion
 Hugh, were constreined to surrender their castels, and by licence of
 earle Leofrike withdrew thorough his countrie into Scotland, where, of
 king Mackbeth they were honorablie receiued. These were Normans: for
 (as partlie ye haue heard) king Edward brought with him no small
 number of that nation, when he came from thence to receiue the crowne,
 and by them he was altogither ruled, to the great offending of his
 owne naturall subiects the Englishmen, namelie earle Goodwine and his
 sonnes, who in those daies for their great possessions and large
 reuenues, were had in no small reputation with the English people.

 After that Robert the archbishop of Canturburie, was departed the
 [Sidenote: Stigand archbishop of Canturburie.]
 realme, as before ye haue heard, Stigand was made archbishop of
 Canturburie, or rather thrust himselfe into that dignitie, not being
 lawfullie called, in like manner as he had doone at Winchester: for
 whereas he was first bishop of Shireborne, he left that church, and
 tooke vpon him the bishoprike of Winchester by force, and now
 atteining to be archbishop of Canturburie, he kept both Winchester and
 Canturburie in his hand at one instant. This Stigand was greatlie

 [Sidenote: _Ranul. Hig._]
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 [Sidenote: Stigand infamed of simonie.]
 infamed for his couetous practises in sale of possessions apperteining
 to the church. He was nothing learned: but that want was a common
 fault amongest the bishops of that age, for it was openlie spoken in
 [Sidenote: What maner of men méet to be bishops in those daies.]
 those daies, that he was méet onelie to be a bishop, which could vse
 the pompe of the world, voluptuous pleasures, rich raiment, and set
 himselfe foorth with a iollie retinue of gentlemen and seruants on
 horsse-backe, for therein stood the countenance of a bishop, as the
 world then went; and not in studie how to haue the people fed with the
 word of life, to the sauing of their soules.

 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 King Edward now in the twelfth yeare of his reigne, hauing brought the
 state of the realme quite from troubles of warre both by sea and land,
 began to foresée as well for the welth of his subiects, as for
 himselfe, being naturallie inclined to wish well to all men. He
 therefore considered, how by the manifold lawes which had beene made
 by Britaines, Englishmen and Danes within this land, occasion was
 ministred to manie, which measured all things by respect of their owne
 priuate gaine and profit, to peruert iustice, and to vse wrongfull
 dealing in stead of right, clouding the same vnder some branch of the
 lawe naughtilie misconstrued. Wherevpon to auoid that mischiefe, he
 picked out a summe of that huge and vnmesurable masse and heape of
 lawes, such as were thought most indifferent and necessarie, &
 therewith ordeined a few, & those most wholesome, to be from
 thenceforth vsed; according to whose prescript, men might liue in due
 [Sidenote: The lawes of S. Edward instituted.]
 forme and rightfull order of a ciuill life. These lawes were
 afterwards called the common lawes, and also saint Edward his lawes;
 so much esteemed of the Englishmen, that after the conquest, when the
 Normans oftentimes went about to abrogate the same, there chanced no
 small mutinies and rebellions for retaining of those lawes. But heére
 is to be noted, that although they were called saint Edwards lawes,
 they were for the more part made by king Edgar; but now by king Edward
 restored, after they had bin abrogated for a time by the Danes.

 [Sidenote: 1053. or 1054.]
 [Sidenote: _Hector Boet._]
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 About this time, earle Goodwine died suddenlie (as some haue recorded)
 as he sat at table with the king: and vpon talke ministred of the
 death of Alfred the kings brother, to excuse himselfe, he tooke a
 peece of bread, and did eate it, saieng; God let me neuer swallow this
 bread downe into my chest, but that I may presentlie be choked
 therewith, if euer I was weetting or consenting vnto Alfreds death!
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 [Sidenote: _ex Mariano._]
 and immediatlie therewith he fell downe starke dead. Other say, that
 he ended his life at Winchester, where being suddenlie surprised with
 sicknesse, as he sat at the table with the king vpon an Easter monday;
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: This is the likeliest tale.]
 yet he liued till the Thursday following, and then died. His earledome
 was giuen vnto his sonne Harold; and Harolds earledome, which was
 Oxford, was giuen vnto Algar the sonne of Leofrike.

 This Goodwine, as he was a man of great power, wise, hardie, and
 politike; so was he ambitious, desirous to beare rule, and loth that
 anie other person should passe him in authoritie. But yet, whether all
 be true that writers report of his malicious practises to bring
 himselfe and his sonnes to the chiefe seat of gouernement in the
 kingdome, or that of hatred such slanders were raised of him, it may
 of some perhaps be doubted; because that in the daies of king Edward
 (which was a soft and gentle prince) he bare great rule and
 authoritie, and so might procure to himselfe euill report for euerie
 thing that chanced amisse: as oftentimes it commeth to passe in such
 cases, where those that haue great dooings in the gouernement of the
 common wealth, are commonlie euill spoken of, and that now and then
 without their guilt. But truth it is, that Goodwine being in
 authoritie both in the daies of king Edward and his predecessors, did
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 manie things (as should appeare by writers) more by will than by law,
 and so likewise did his sonnes; vpon presumption of the great
 puissance that they and their father were of within the realme.

 He had to wife Editha, the sister of king Cnute, of whome he begat
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 thrée sonnes (as some write) that is to say, Harold, Biorne, & Tostie:
 also his daughter Editha, whome he found meanes to bestow in mariage
 [Sidenote: _Will. Malm._]
 vpon K. Edward, as before ye haue heard. But other write, that he had
 but one son by Cnutes sister, the which in riding of a rough horsse
 was throwen into the riuer of Thames, and so drowned. His mother also
 was stricken with a thunderbolt, & so perished worthilie (as is
 reported) for hir naughtie dooings. She vsed to buy great numbers of
 yoong persons, and namelie maids that were of anie excellent beautie
 and personage, whome she sent ouer into Denmarke, and there sold them
 to hir most aduantage. After hir deceasse (as the same authors record)
 Goodwine maried another woman, by whome he had issue six sonnes,
 Swanus or Swaine, Harrold, Tostie or Tosto, Wilnot, Girth, and
 Leofrike; of whom further mention is & shall be made, as places
 conuenient shall serue thereto.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Edward earle of Northumberland discomfiteth Mackbeth the usurper of
 the Scotish kingdome and placeth Malcolme in the same, a controuersie
 whether Siward were at this discomfiture or no; his stout words when
 he heard that one of his sonnes was slaine in the field, bishop Aldred
 is sent to fetch home Edward the sonne of K. Edmund Ironside into
 England; earle Algar being banished ioineth with the Welshmen against
 the English and Normans, and getteth the victorie; Harold the son of
 earle Goodwine putteth earle Algar & his retinue to their shifts by
 pursute, pacification betweene the generals of both armies, their
 hosts, Siward earle of Northumberland dieth; his giantlike stature,
 his couragious heart at the time of his deceasse, why Tostie one of
 Goodwins sonnes succeeded him in the earledome._


 THE FIFT CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: 1054.]
 [Sidenote: _Hector Boet._]
 About the thirteenth yeare of king Edward his reigne (as some write)
 or rather about the ninetéenth or twentith yeare, as should appeare by
 the Scotish writers, Siward the noble earle of Northumberland with a
 great power of horssemen went into Scotland, and in battell put to
 flight Mackbeth that had vsurped the crowne of Scotland, and that
 doone, placed Malcolme surnamed Camoir, the sonne of Duncane, sometime
 king of Scotland, in the gouernement of that realme, who afterward
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: _M. West._]
 slue the said Mackbeth, and then reigned in quiet. Some of our English
 writers say, that this Malcolme was king of Cumberland, but other
 report him to be sonne to the king of Cumberland. But héere is to be
 noted; that if Mackbeth reigned till the yeare 1061, and was then
 slaine by Malcolme, earle Siward was not at that battell; for as our
 writers doo testifie, he died in the yeare 1055, which was in the
 yeare next after (as the same writers affirme) that he vanquished
 Mackbeth in fight, and slue manie thousands of Scots, and all those
 Normans which (as ye haue heard) were withdrawen into Scotland, when
 they were driuen out of England.

 It is recorded also, that in the foresaid battell, in which earle
 Siward vanquished the Scots, one of Siwards sonnes chanced to be
 slaine, whereof although the father had good cause to be sorowfull,
 yet when he heard that he died of a wound which he had receiued in
 fighting stoutlie in the forepart of his bodie, and that with his face
 towards the enimie, he greatlie reioised thereat, to heare that he
 died so manfullie. But here is to be noted, that not now, but a little
 before (as Henrie Hunt. saith) that earle Siward went into Scotland
 himselfe in person, he sent his sonne with an armie to conquere the
 land, whose hap was there to be slaine: and when his father heard the
 newes, he demanded whether he receiued the wound whereof he died, in
 the forepart of the bodie, or in the hinder part: and when it was told
 him that he receiued in the forepart; "I reioise (saith he) euen with
 all my heart, for I would not wish either to my sonne nor to my selfe
 any other kind of death."

 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: 1057.]
 Shortlie after, Aldred the bishop of Worcester was sent vnto the
 emperour Henrie the third, to fetch Edward the sonne of Edmund
 Ironside into England, whome king Edward was desirous to sée, meaning
 [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: 1055.]
 to ordeine him heire apparant to the crowne: but he died the same
 yeare after he came into England. This Edward was surnamed the outlaw:
 his bodie was buried at Winchester, or (as an other saith) in the
 church of S. Pauls in London.

 ¶ About the same time K. Edward by euill counsell (I wot not vpon what
 occasion, but as it is thought without cause) banished Algar the sonne
 of earle Leofrike: wherevpon he got him into Ireland, and there
 prouiding 18 ships of rouers, returned, & landing in Wales, ioined
 himselfe with Griffin the king or prince of Wales, and did much hurt
 on the borders about Hereford, of which place Rafe was then earle,
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 that was sonne vnto Goda the sister of K. Edward by hir first husband
 Gualter de Maunt. This earle assembling an armie, came forth to giue
 battell to the enimies, appointing the Englishmen contrarie to their
 manner to fight on horssebacke, but being readie (on the two &
 twentith of October) to giue the onset in a place not past two miles
 from Hereford, he with his Frenchmen and Normans fled, and so the rest
 were discomfited, whome the aduersaries pursued, and slue to the
 [Sidenote: The Welshmen obteine the victorie against Englishmen and
 Normans.]
 number of 500, beside such as were hurt and escaped with life. Griffin
 and Algar hauing obteined this victorie, entered into the towne of
 Hereford, set the minster on fire, slue seuen of the canons that stood
 to defend the doores or gates of the principall church, and finallie
 spoiled and burned the towne miserablie.

 The king aduertised hereof, gathered an armie, ouer the which Harold
 the sonne of earle Goodwine was made generall, who followed vpon the
 enimies that fled before him into Northwales, & staied not, till
 [Sidenote: Stratcluid.]
 [Sidenote: Snowdon.]
 hauing passed through Stratcluid, he came to the mountaines of
 Snowdon, where he pitched his field. The enimies durst not abide him,
 but got them into Southwales, whereof Harold being aduertised, left
 the more part of his armie in Northwales to resist the enimies there,
 [Sidenote: The citie of Hereford fortified by Harold.]
 & with the residue of his people came backe vnto Hereford, recouered
 the towne, and caused a great and mightie trench to be cast round
 about it, with an high rampire, and fensed it with gates and other
 fortifications. After this, he did so much, that comming to a
 communication, with Griffin and Algar at a place called Biligelhage, a
 peace was concluded, and so the nauie of earle Algar sailed about, and
 came to Chester, there to remaine, till the men of warre and marriners
 had their wages, while he went to the king, who pardoned his offense,
 & restored him to his earledome.

 [Sidenote: The decease of Siward earle of Northumberland.]
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 After this, in the verie same yeare, being the 15 of king Edwards
 reigne, as some writers affirme, Siward the noble earle of
 Northumberland died of the flix, of whom it is said, that when he
 perceiued the houre of death to be néere, he caused him selfe to be
 put in armour, & set vp in his chaire, affirming that a knight and a
 man of honour ought to die in that sort, rather than lieng on a couch
 like a féeble and fainthearted creature: and sitting so vpright in his
 chaire armed at all points, he ended his life, and was buried at
 Yorke. [O stout harted man, not vnlike to that famous Romane remembred
 by Tullie in his "Tusculane questions," who suffered the sawing of his
 leg from his bodie without shrinking, looking vpon the surgeon all the
 while, & hauing no part of his bodie bound for shrinking.] The said
 Siward earle of Northumberland was a man of a giantlike stature, &
 thereto of a verie stout and hardie courage, & because his sonne
 Walteif was but an infant, and as yet not out of his cradell, the
 earledome was giuen vnto earle Tostie one of Goodwins sonnes.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Edward the sonne of Edmund Ironside is sent for to be made heire
 apparant to the crowne, his death, the deceasse of Leofrike earle of
 Chester, the vertues and good deeds of him and his wife Gudwina,
 Couentrie free from custome and toll, churches and religious places
 builded and repared, Algar succedeth his father Leofrike in the
 earledome, he is accused of treason and banished, he recouereth his
 earledome by force of armes; Harold is sent with a power against
 Griffin king of Wales; the countrie wasted, and the people forced to
 yeeld, they renounce Griffin their king, kill him, and send his head
 to Harold, Griffins brethren rule Wales after him by grant of king
 Edward; Harolds infortunate going ouer into Normandie, the earle of
 Ponthieu taketh him prisoner, and releaseth him at the request of
 William duke of Normandie, for whose vse Harold sweareth to keepe
 possession of the realme of England, the duke promiseth him his
 daughter in mariage._

 THE SIXT CHAPTER.


 Not long after, in the yeare 1057, Aldred bishop of Worcester, was
 sent ouer vnto the emperour Henrie the third, to fetch Edward the
 sonne of Edmund Ironside into England, whome king Edward was desirous
 to sée, meaning to ordeine him heire apparant to the crowne: but he
 died the same yeare, after that he was returned into England. This
 [Sidenote: Edward the outlaw departed this life.]
 [Sidenote: 1057.]
 Edward was surnamed the outlaw: his bodie was buried at Westminster,
 or (as others say) in the church of S. Paule within London. The same
 yeare, that is to say, in the seuentéenth yeare or in the sixtéenth
 [Sidenote: Leofrike earle of Chester departed this life.]
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 [Sidenote: _Mat. West._]
 yeare of king Edwards reigne (as some write) Leofrike the noble earle
 of Chester, or Mercia, that was sonne to duke Leofwine, departed this
 life in his owne towne of Bromelie on the last day of August, and was
 buried at Couentrie in the abbeie there which he had builded. This
 earle Leofrike was a man of great honor, wise and discréet in all his
 dooings. His high wisdome and policie stood the realme in great stéed
 whilest he liued.

 [Sidenote: Couentrie made frée of toll and custome.]
 He had a noble ladie to his wife named Gudwina, at whose earnest sute
 he made the citie of Couentrie frée of all manner of toll, except
 horsses: and to haue that toll laid downe also, his foresaid wife rode
 naked through the middest of the towne without other couerture, saue
 onlie hir haire. Moreouer, partlie moued by his owne deuotion, and
 partlie by the persuasion of his wife, he builded or beneficiallie
 augmented and repared manie abbeies & churches, as the said abbeie or
 priorie at Couentrie, the abbeies of Wenlocke, Worcester, Stone,
 Euesham, and Leof besides Hereford. Also he builded two churches
 [Sidenote: Churches in Chester built.]
 within the citie of Chester, the one called S. Iohns, and the other
 S. Werbrough. The value of the iewels & ornaments which he bestowed on
 the abbeie church of Couentrie, was inestimable.

 After Leofriks death, his sonne Algar was made earle, and intituled in
 all his lands and seigniories. In the yeare following, to wit, 1058,
 the same Algar was accused againe (through malice of some enuious
 [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: Algar earle of Chester exiled.]
 [Sidenote: 1058.]
 persons) of treason, so that he was exiled the land, wherevpon he
 repaired againe vnto his old friend Griffin prince of Northwales, of
 whome he was ioifullie receiued, & shortlie after by his aid, & also
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: 1063.]
 by the power of a nauie of ships that by chance arriued in those parts
 at that selfe same season vnlooked for out of Norwaie, the said Algar
 recouered his earledome by force, as some haue written. King Edward
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: _Mat. West._]
 about the twentith yeare of his reigne, as then remaining at
 Glocester, appointed earle Harold to inuade the dominions of Griffin
 king of Wales. Harold taking with him a power of horssemen, made
 spéed, and came to Rutland, and there burned Griffins palace, and also
 his ships, and then about Midlent returned againe into England.

 After this, about the Rogation wéeke, Harold eftsoones by the kings
 commandement went against the Welshmen, and taking the sea, sailed by
 Bristow, round about the coast, compassing in maner all Wales. His
 brother Tostie that was earle of Northumberland, met him by
 [Sidenote: Wales destroied and harried by the Englishmen.]
 appointment with an host of horssemen, and so joining togither, they
 destroied the countrie of Wales in such sort, that the Welshmen were
 [Sidenote: The Welshmen agrée to pay their accustomed tribute.]
 [Sidenote: 1064.]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 compelled to submit themselues, to deliuer hostages, and conditioned
 to paie the ancient tribute which before time they had paied. And
 moreouer, they renounced their prince the forenamed Griffin, so that
 he remained as a banished person: and finallie, about the fift day of
 August, they slue him, and sent his head to earle Harold. Afterwards
 king Edward granted the rule of Wales vnto Blengent or Blethgent, &
 Riuall, Griffins two brethren, which did homage vnto him for the same,
 and had serued vnder Harold against their brother the foresaid
 Griffin. There be which write, that not onelie Griffin, but also
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 another of his brethren called Rice, was brought to his death by the
 manfull meanes and politike order of earle Harold, & all the sauage
 people of Wales reduced into the forme of good order vnder the
 subiection of king Edward.

 [Sidenote: Harold goeth ouer into Normandie.]
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 [Sidenote: _Edmerus._]
 Shortlie after, earle Harold chanced to passe ouer into Normandie,
 whither of hap or of purpose it is hard to define, writers doo varie
 so much in report thereof. Some write that he made earnest sute to
 king Edward, to haue licence to go ouer to sée his brother Wilnot, and
 his nephue Hacune, which (as ye haue heard) were deliuered as pledges
 to king Edward, & sent into Normandie to remaine there with duke
 William, and at length with much adoo, got leaue: but yet he was told
 [Sidenote: _Mat. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 aforehand of the king, that he would repent his iournie, and doo the
 thing that should be preiudiciall to the realme. Other write that
 Harold lieng at his manor of Bosham, went aboord one day into his
 fishers boat or craier, and caused the same to lanch forth to the sea
 for his pleasure: but by misfortune at the same time, a contrarie wind
 suddenlie came about, and droue the vessell on land into France vpon
 the coast of Ponthieu, where he was taken by the countrie people, &
 presented to the earle of Ponthieu named Guie or Guido, who kept him
 as prisoner, meaning to put him to a grieuous ransome. But Harold
 remembring himselfe of a wile, dispatched a messenger forth with all
 spéed vnto William, duke of Normandie, signifieng vnto him, that he
 being sent from king Edward to confirme such articles, as other meane
 men that had béene sent vnto him afore had talked of, by chance he was
 fallen into the hands of the earle of Ponthieu, and kept as prisoner
 against all order of law, reason, or humanitie. Duke William thus
 informed by the messenger, sent to the earle of Ponthieu, requiring
 him to set earle Harold at libertie, that he might repaire to him
 according to his commission. The earle of Ponthieu at the dukes
 request, did not onelie restore Harold to his libertie, but also
 [Sidenote: Harold is presented to William duke of Normandie.]
 brought him into Normandie, and presented him there to the duke, of
 whome he was most ioifullie receiued.

 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 There be that agrée partlie with this report, and partlie varie: for
 they write, that earle Harold tooke the sea vpon purpose to haue
 sailed into Flanders, and that by force of wind he was driuen to the
 coast of Ponthieu, and so after came into Normandie in maner as before
 is mentioned. But by what means or occasion soeuer he came thither,
 [Sidenote: Harold was highly welcomed of Duke William.]
 certeine it is, that he was ioifullie receiued, and had great chéere
 made him by the said duke William, who at that time was readie to make
 a iournie against the Britains, and tooke earle Harold with him to
 haue his companie in armes in that iournie, that he might haue the
 better triall of his valiancie. Earle Harold behaued himselfe so, that
 he shewed good proofe both of his wisedome and policie, and also of
 his forwardnesse to execute that with hand, which by wit he had
 deuised, so that duke William had him in high fauour, and (as it hath
 béene said) earle Harold (to procure him more friendship at the dukes
 hands) declared vnto him, that king Edward had ordeined him his heire
 if he died without issue, and that he would not faile to kéepe the
 realme of England to the dukes vse, according to that ordinance, if K.
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: Duke William promised to Harold his daughter in mariage.]
 Edward died without issue. And to performe this promise, he receiued a
 corporall oth, whether willinglie to win the more credit, or forced
 thereto by duke William, writers report it diuerslie. At the same
 time, duke William promised vnto him his daughter in marriage, whom
 Harold couenanted in like maner to take to wife.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Harold at his returne into England reporteth to K. Edward what he had
 doone beyond the seas, and what the king said vnto him in that
 behalfe, who foresaw the comming of the Normans into this land to
 conquer it; when and why king Edward promised to make duke William his
 heire, (wherein note his subtiltie) dissention betwixt Harold and
 Tostie two brethren the sonnes of earle Goodwine, their vnnaturall and
 cruell dealing one with another, speciallie of the abhominable and
 merciles murthers committed by Tostie, against whome the Northumbers
 rebell vpon diuerse occasions, and reward him with answerable
 reuengement; Harold is sent against them, but preuaileth not; they
 offer to returne home if they might haue a new gouernor; they renounce
 Tostie and require Marchar in his roome, Tostie displeased getteth him
 into Flanders; king Edward dieth, his manners and disposition
 note-woorthie, his charitie and deuotion, the vertue of curing the
 maladie called the kings euill deriued from him to the succéeding
 kings of this land, he was warned of his death by a ring, he is
 canonized for a saint, the last woords that he spake on his death-bed,
 wherein he vttered to the standers by a vision, prophesieng that
 England should be inhabited with strangers, a description of the kings
 person, of a blasing starre fore-telling his death, the progenie of
 the Westsaxon kings, how long they continued, the names of their
 predecessors and successors; whence the first kings of seuen kingdoms
 of Germanie had their pedegree, &c._

 THE SEUENTH CHAPTER.


 Now when Harold should returne into England, duke William deliuered
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 him his nephue Hacune, but kept his brother Wilnote with him still as
 a pledge. Then went earle Harold into England, and declared vnto king
 Edward what he had doone, who said vnto him; "Did not I tell thee that
 thou wouldest doo the thing whereof thou shouldest repent thee, and
 procure a mischiefe to follow vnto thy countrie? But God of his mercie
 turne that euill hap from this realme, or at the least, if it be his
 pleasure, that it must needs come to passe, yet to staie it till after
 my daies!" Some by Harolds purposed going ouer into Normandie, doo
 gather, that king Edward foresaw the comming of the Normans; and that
 [Sidenote: When the promise was made by king Edward to make duke
 William his heire.]
 he meant nothing lesse, than to performe the promise made vnto duke
 William, as to adopt him his heire, which promise should séeme to be
 made in time or his banishment, when he stood in néed of friendship;
 as the maner of men in such cases is, to promise much, how so euer
 they intend to fulfill. But rather it maie be thought, that king
 Edward had made no such promise at all, but perceiued the ambitious
 desire of duke William, and therefore would not that anie occasion
 should be ministred unto him to take hold of. Wherefore, he was loth
 that Harold should go ouer vnto him, least that might happen, which
 happened in déed.

 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Fabian._]
 [Sidenote: Falling out between brethren.]
 [Sidenote: The cruell dealing of earle Tostie.]
 In the foure and twentieth and last yéere of king Edward his reigne,
 or therabout, there fell variance betwixt the two brethren, earle
 Harold and earle Tostie at Windsor, where the court then lay, in so
 much that earle Harold caught Tostie by the haire of the head in the
 kings presence, and stroke him. Heervpon, Tostie departing from the
 court in great anger, came to Hereford in the marches of Wales, where
 Harolds seruants were preparing for the kings comming to their
 maisters house, which seruants he tooke and slue, chopping them in
 péeces, and threw into this hogshead of wine a leg, into that barrell
 of sider an arme, into this vessell of ale an head: and so into the
 lomes of meth and tubs of brine and other liquor he bestowed the parts
 of the dead carcasses of his brothers seruants, sending the king woord
 that he had prouided at his brothers manor, against his coming, good
 plentie of sowse & powdred meat, whatsoeuer he should find beside.

 The rumor of this cruell deed sprang ouer all the realme, wherevpon
 the Northumbers, whome he had gouerned for the space of ten yéeres
 [Sidenote: The Northumbers rebell against Tostie their earle.]
 verie cruellie, tooke occasion to rebell against him, and slue his
 seruants both Englishmen and Danes, spoiled his houses, and tooke
 awaie his horsses, his armour, and all other his goods and houshold
 stuffe. The chiefest cause (as is remembred by some writers) that
 mooued the Northumbers thus to rise and rebell against Tostie, was for
 the detestable murther of certeine gentlemen of their countrie,
 seruants unto Gospatrike, whom the queene in behalfe of hir brother
 had caused to be slaine in the court by treason, in the fourth night
 of Christmas last past, and also in reuenge of other noble men, which
 in the last yéere Tostie himselfe had commanded to be murthered in his
 owne chamber at Yorke, whither he had allured them to come vnder
 colour of concluding a peace with them. Also the gréeuous paiments,
 wherewith he charged the people of that countrie, set them in a great
 rage against him.

 But the king aduertised héereof, liked not their dooings, for that
 they had doone it without commandement or commission, and therefore
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 sent earle Harold with an armie to chastise them, but they were strong
 inough to withstand him, as those which were assembled in armour
 togither with the people of Lincolnshire, Notinghamshire, and
 Darbishire, and hauing with them Marcharus or Malcharus, the sonne of
 earle Algar, were come as farre as Northhampton, doing much hurt in
 the parts therabouts. Howbeit to haue the kings peace, they offered to
 returne home, so that they might haue an other earle appointed them,
 for that they plainlie protested, that they being freemen, borne and
 bred out of bondage, might not suffer anie cruell gouernor to rule
 ouer them, being taught by their ancestors, either to liue in
 libertie, or to die in defense thereof. If therefore it might please
 the king to assigne Marcharus the son of earle Algar to be their
 ruler, he should see how obedient subiects they would prooue & shew
 themselues to be, when they should be vsed after a reasonable and
 courteous manner. All things considered, their request seemed
 [Sidenote: Marcharus made earle of Northumberland.]
 reasonable, or at least it was thought necessarie that it should be
 granted. And so was Marcharus or Malcherus made earle of
 Northumberland. Tostie in great displeasure with his wife and children
 sailed ouer into Flanders, and there remained till after the deceasse
 of king Edward.

 [Sidenote: K. Edward departed this life.]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 Finallie, after that this courteous prince king Edward had reigned
 thrée and twentie yéeres, seuen moneths, and od daies, he departed
 this life at London the fourth of Ianuarie, and was buried in the
 church of Westminster, which he had in his life time roiallie repared,
 after such a statelie sort as few churches in those daies were like
 [Sidenote: K. Edvard his maners and disposition of mind described.]
 therevnto within this realme, so that afterwards the same was a
 paterne for other to be built after the same forme. This Edward was a
 prince of such a vertuous disposition of mind, that his fame of
 holinesse sprang ouer all. He abhorred warres and shedding of bloud,
 in so much that when he liued as a banished man in Normandie, he had
 this saieng oftentimes in his mouth, that he had rather liue a priuate
 life for euer, than to obteine the kingdome by the slaughter and death
 of anie man. He could not abide to haue the people oppressed with
 tributes or exactions, in so much that he caused the paiement called
 Danegilt (which had continued for the space almost of fortie yéeres)
 to ceasse. It hath beene said, that when the collectors of this monies
 or some other subsidie, had got an huge quantitie of treasure
 [Sidenote: A diuell fetching gambols.]
 togither, they brought it vnto him, and laid it altogither vpon an
 heape, so to delight his eies: but he declaring that he saw a diuell
 plaieng and fetching gambols about that heape of monie, commanded that
 it should be had awaie, and restored againe to them of whome it was
 leauied.

 In diet and apparell he was spare and nothing sumptuous: and although
 on high feasts he ware rich apparell, as became the maiestie of his
 roiall personage; yet he shewed no proud nor loftie countenance,
 rather praising God for his bountifull goodnesse towards him extended,
 than estéeming heerein the vaine pompe of the world. The pleasure that
 he tooke chieflie in this world for the refreshing of his wits,
 consisted onelie in hawking and hunting, which exercises he dailie
 vsed, after he had first beene in the church at diuine seruice. In
 other things he seemed wholie giuen to a deuout trade of life,
 charitable to the poore, and verie liberall, namelie to hospitals and
 houses of religion in the parties of beyond the sea, wishing euer that
 the moonks and religious persons of his realme would haue followed the
 vertue and holinesse of life vsed amongst them of forren parties. As
 hath béene thought he was inspired with the gift of prophesie, and
 also to haue had the gift of healing infirmities and diseases. He vsed
 to helpe those that were vexed with the disease, commonlie called the
 kings euill, and left that vertue as it were a portion of inheritance
 vnto his successors the kings of this realme.

 [Sidenote: A tale of a ring.]
 He was warned (as hath béene reported) of his death certeine daies
 before he died, by a ring that was brought him by certeine pilgrims
 comming from Hierusalem, which ring he had secretlie giuen to a poore
 man that asked his charitie in the name of God and saint Iohn the
 [Sidenote: King Edward canonized for a saint.]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malms._]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. Westm._]
 the Euangelist. But to conclude, such was the opinion conceiued of his
 holinesse of life, that shortlie after his decease, he was canonized
 amongst the number of saints, and named Edward the Confessor. Whilest
 he lay sicke of that sicknesse, whereof at length he died, after he
 had remained for two daies speechlesse, the third day after when he
 had laine for a time in a slumber or soft sléepe, at the time of his
 waking, he fetched a déepe sigh, and thus said; "Oh Lord God
 almightie, if this be not a vaine fantasticall illusion, but a true
 vision which I haue séene, grant me space to vtter the same vnto these
 that stand héere present, or else not." And herewith hauing his speech
 perfect, he declared how he had séene two moonks stand by him as he
 thought, whome in his youth he knew in Normandie to haue liued godlie,
 and died christianlie. "These moonks (said he) protesting to me that
 they were the messengers of God, spake these words; Bicause the chéefe
 gouernors of England, the bishops and abbats, are not the ministers of
 God, but the diuels, the almightie God hath deliuered this kingdome
 for one yéere and a day into the hands of the enimie, and wicked
 spirits shall walke abroad through the whole land. And when I made
 answer that I would declare these things to the people, and promised
 on their behalfe, that they should doo penance in following the
 example of the Niniuites: they said againe, that it would not be, for
 neither should the people repent, nor God take anie pitie vpon them.
 And when is there hope to haue an end of these miseries said I? Then
 said they; When a grene trée is cut in sunder in the middle, and the
 part cut off is caried thrée acres bredth from the stocke, and
 returning againe to the stoale, shall ioine therewith, and begin to
 bud & beare fruit after the former maner, by reason of the sap
 renewing the accustomed nourishment; then (I say) may there be hope
 that such euils shall ceasse and diminish." ¶ With which words of the
 king, though some other that stood by were brought in feare, yet
 archbishop Stigand made but a ieast thereof, saieng, that the old man
 raued now in his sickenesse, as men of great yéeres vse to doo.
 Neuerthelesse the truth of this prophesie afterwards too plainlie
 appeared, when England became the habitation of new strangers, in such
 wise, that there was neither gouernor, bishop, nor abbat remaining
 therein of the English nation. But now to make an end with king
 Edward, he was of person comelie, & of an indifferent stature, of
 white haire, both head and beard, of face ruddie, and in all parts of
 his bodie faire skinned, with due state and proportion of lims as was
 thereto conuenient. In the yéere before the death of king Edward, a
 blasing starre appeared, the which when a moonke of Malmesburie named
 Eilmer beheld, he vttered these words (as it were by way of
 prophesieng:) Thou art come (saith he) thou art come, much to be
 lamented of manie a mother: it is long agone sith I saw thée, but now
 I doo behold thee the more terrible, threatening destruction to this
 countrie by thy dreadfull appearance. In the person of king Edward
 ceased by his death the noble progenie of the Westsaxon kings, which
 had continued from the first yeare of the reigne of Cerdike or
 Cerdicius, the space of 547 yeeres complet. And from Egbert 266
 yéeres.

 Moreouer, sith the progenie of the Saxon kings seemeth wholie to take
 end with this Edward surnamed the Confessor, or the third of that name
 before the conquest, we haue thought good for the better helpe of
 memorie to referre the reader to a catalog of the names as well of
 those that reigned among the Westsaxons (who at length, as ye haue
 heard, obteined the whole monarchie) as also of them which ruled in
 the other seuen kingdomes before the same were vnited vnto the said
 kingdome of the Westsaxons, which catalog you shall find in the
 description of Britaine, pag. 31, 32, 33.

 Here is to be remembred, that as partlie before is expressed, we find
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 in some old writers, how the first kings of seuen kingdomes of the
 Germane nation that bare rule in this Ile, fetcht their pedegrées from
 one Woden, who begat of Frea his wife seuen sonnes, that is to say, 1
 Vecta, of whome came the kings of Kent, 2 Fethelgeta, or Frethegeath,
 from whome the kings of Mercia descended, 3 Balday, of whose race the
 kings of the Westsaxons had their originall, 4 Beldagius, ancestor to
 the kings of Bernicia, and the Northumbers, 5 Wegodach or Wegdagus,
 from whome came the kings of Deira, 6 Caser, from whome procéeded the
 kings of the Eastangles, 7 Nascad alias Saxuad, of whome the kings of
 the Eastsaxons had their beginning. And here you must note, that
 although the kings of the eight kingdome, that is, of the Southsaxons
 or Sussex, were descended of the same people, yet were they not of the
 same line. By other it should séeme, that Woden had but fiue sonnes:
 as Vecta, great grandfather to Hengist; Wepedeg, ancestor to the kings
 of the Eastangles; Viclac, from whome procéeded the kings of Mercia;
 Saxuad, from whom the kings of Essex came; and Beldag, of whose
 generation proceeded the kings of the Southsaxons, Westsaxons, and the
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 [Sidenote: _Io. Textor_.]
 Northumbers. Moreouer, there be that bring the genealogie from Noe to
 Noah, the sonne of Lamech, which Noe was the 9 in descent from Adam,
 and Woden the 15 from Noe, as you shall find in the historie of
 England, lib. 6. pag. 663. Noe was the father to Sem the father of
 Bedwi, the father of Wala, the father of Hatria or Hathra, the father
 of Itermod, the father of Heremod, the father of Sheaf or Seaf, the
 father of Seldoa or Sceldua, the father of Beatu or Beau, the father
 of Teathwij aliàs Tadwa or Teathwy, the father of Geta, reputed for a
 god among the gentiles, the father of Fingodulph otherwise Godulph,
 the father of Fritwolfe otherwise Friuin, the father of Freolaf aliàs
 Freolater, the father of Frethwold or Friderwald, the father of the
 aforenamed Woden or Othen.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The peeres are in doubt to whome the rule of the land should be
 committed, why they durst not that Edgar Edeling should vndertake it
 though he was interested to the same, how William duke of Normandie
 pretended a right to the crowne, Harold the sonne of earle Goodwine
 crowned, proclaimed, and consecrated king; his subtill and adulatorie
 meanes to win the peoples fauour; duke William sendeth ambassadors to
 Harold to put him in mind of a promise passed to the said duke for his
 furtherance to obteine the crowne; Harolds negatiue answer to the said
 ambassage, as also to the marieng of the dukes daughter which was
 Harolds owne voluntarie motion; he prouideth against the inuasions of
 the enimie as one doubting afterclaps, a blasing starre of seuen daies
 continuance._

 THE EIGHT CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: HAROLD.]
 [Sidenote: K. Edward departed this life.]
 [Sidenote: An. Christi. 1065, after the account of the church of
 England.]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 [Sidenote: Edeling, that is, a noble man, and such one as is come of
 the kings blood.]
 King Edward being thus departed this life, the péeres of the land were
 in great doubt & perplexitie to whome they might best commit the
 roiall gouernement of the realme. For there was not anie among them
 that had iust title thereto, or able and apt to take the charge vpon
 him. For although Edgar surnamed Edeling, the sonne of Edward the
 outlaw, that was sonne of Edmund Ironside, was at the same time
 latelie come into England, with his mother and sisters out of Hungarie
 where he was borne: yet for that he was but a child, & not of
 sufficient age to beare rule, they durst not as then commit the
 gouernement of the realme vnto him, least (as some haue thought) his
 tendernesse of age might first bréed a contempt of his person, and
 therewith minister occasion to ciuill discord, wherby a shipwracke of
 the estate might ensue, to the great annoie and present ouerthrow of
 such as then liued in the same. But what consideration soeuer they had
 in this behalfe, they ought not to haue defrauded the yoong gentleman
 of his lawfull right to the crowne. For as we haue heard and séene,
 God, whose prouidence and mightie power is shewed by ouerthrowing of
 high and mightie things now and then, by the weake and féeble hath
 gouerned states and kingdomes oftentimes in as good quiet and
 princelie policie by a child, as by men of age and great discretion.

 But to the purpose, beside the doubt which rested among the lords, how
 to bestow the crowne, the manifold and strange woonders, which, were
 séene and heard in those daies, betokening (as men thought) some
 change to be at hand in the state of the realme, made the lords
 afraid, and namelie bicause they stood in great doubt of William duke
 of Normandie, who pretended a right to the crowne, as lawfull heire
 appointed by king Edward, for that he was kin to him in the second and
 [Sidenote: Dukes of Normandie.]
 third degree. For Richard the first of that name duke of Normandie,
 begot Richard the second, and Emma; which Emma bare Edward by hir
 husband Ethelred. Richard the second had also issue Richard the third,
 and Robert, which Robert by a concubine had issue William, surnamed
 the bastard, that was now duke of Normandie, and after the death of
 his coosine king Edward, made claime (as is said) to the crowne of
 England.

 Whilest the lords were thus studieng and consulting what should be
 [Sidenote: Harold proclaimed king of England.]
 best for them to doo in these doubts, Harold, the son of Goodwine
 earle of Kent, proclaimed himselfe king of England: the people being
 not much offended therewith, bicause of the great confidence and
 opinion which they had latelie conceiued of his valiancie. Some write
 [Sidenote: Edmerus.]
 (among whome Edmerus is one) how king Edward ordeined before his
 death, that Harold should succéed him as heire to the crowne, and that
 therevpon the lords immediatlie after the said Edwards deceasse,
 crowned Harold for their king, and so he was consecrated by Aldred
 archbishop of Yorke, according to the custom and maner of the former
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 kings, or (as other affirme) he set the crowne on his owne head
 without anie the accustomed ceremonies, in the yéere after the birth
 of our sauiour 1066, or in the yéere of Christ 1065, after the account
 of the church of England (as before is noted.)

 But how and whensoeuer he came to the seat roiall of this kingdome,
 certeine it is, that this Harold in the begining of his reigne,
 considering with himselfe how and in what sort he had taken vpon him
 the rule of the kingdome, rather by intrusion than by anie lawfull
 [Sidenote: Harold séeketh to win the peoples hearts.]
 [Sidenote: _Sim. Dunel._]
 right, studied by all meanes which way to win the peoples fauour, and
 omitted no occasion whereby he might shew anie token of bountious
 liberalitie, gentlenesse and courteous behauiour towards them. The
 gréeuous customes also and taxes which his predecessors had raised, he
 either abolished or diminished: the ordinarie wages of his seruants
 and men of warre he increased, and further shewed himselfe verie well
 bent to all vertue and goodnesse, whereby he purchased no small fauor
 among such as were his subiects.

 [Sidenote: An ambassage from Normandie.]
 Whilest Harold went about thus to steale the peoples good willes,
 there came ouer vnlooked for sundrie ambassadours from William the
 bastard duke of Normandie, with commission to require him to remember
 his oth sometime made to the said William in the time of his
 extremitie, which was, that he the said Harold should aid him in the
 obteining of the crowne of England, if king Edward should happen to
 die without issue. This couenant he made (as it is supposed) in king
 Edwards daies, when (by licence of the same Edward, or rather (as
 Edmerus writeth) against his will) he went ouer into Normandie to
 visit his brethren, which laie there as pledges.

 [Sidenote: K. Harolds answer.]
 Howbeit at this present, Harolds answer to the said ambassadors was,
 that he would be readie to gratifie the duke in all that he could
 [Sidenote: _Eadmerus._]
 demand, so that he would not aske the realme, which alreadie he had in
 his full possession. And further he declared vnto them (as some write)
 that as for the oth which he had made in times past vnto duke William,
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 the same was but a constreined & no voluntarie oth, which in law is
 nothing; since thereby he tooke vpon him to grant that which was not
 in his power to giue, he being but a subiect whilest king Edward was
 liuing. For if a promised vow or oth which a maid maketh concerning
 the bestowing of hir bodie in hir fathers house, without his consent,
 is made void; much more an oth by him made that was a subiect, and
 vnder the rule of a king, without his souereignes consent, ought to be
 void and of no value. He alledged moreouer, that as for him to take an
 oth to deliuer the inheritance of anie realme without the generall
 consent of the estates of the same, could not be other than a great
 péece of presumption, yea although he might haue iust title therevnto;
 so it was an vnreasonable request of the duke at this present to will
 him to renounce the kingdome, the gouernance whereof he had alreadie
 taken vpon him, with so great fauor and good liking of all men.

 [Sidenote: Duke William eftsoones sendeth to king Harold.]
 Duke William hauing receiued this answer, and nothing liking thereof,
 sent once againe to Harold, requiring him then at the least-wise, that
 he would take his daughter to wife, according to his former promise;
 in refusing whereof he could make no sound allegation, bicause it was
 a thing of his owne motion, and in his absolute power, both to grant
 and to performe. But Harold being of a stout courage, with proud
 countenance frowned vpon the Norman ambassadors, and declared to them
 that his mind was nothing bent as then to yéeld therevnto in any maner
 of wise. And so with other talke tending to the like effect he sent
 them away without anie further answer. The daughter of duke William
 [Sidenote: _Gemeticensis._]
 whome Harold should haue maried, was named Adeliza, as Gemeticensis
 saith, and with hir (as the same author writeth) it was couenanted by
 duke William, that Harold should inioy halfe the realme in name of hir
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 dower. Howbeit some write that this daughter of duke William was
 departed this life before the comming of these ambassadors, and that
 Harold therevpon thought himselfe discharged of the oth and couenants
 made to duke William, and therefore sent them away with such an
 vntoward answer.

 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 But howsoeuer it was, after the departure of these ambassadors, king
 Harold (doubting what would insue) caused his ships to be newlie
 rigged, his men of warre to be mustered, and spéedilie put in a
 readinesse, to the end that if anie sudden inuasion should be made and
 attempted by his enimie, he might be able to resist them. ¶ About the
 same time also, and vpon the 24 of Aprill (whilest Harold was making
 prouision to withstand the Norman force) there appeared a blasing
 starre, which was séene not onelie here in England, but also in other
 parts of the world, and continued the space of seuen daies. This
 [Sidenote: _Rog. Houed._]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 blasing starre might be a prediction of mischéefe imminent & hanging
 ouer Harolds head; for they neuer appeare but as prognosticats of
 afterclaps. To be resolutelie instructed herein, doo but peruse a
 treatise intituled; A doctrine generall of comets or blasing starres
 published by a bishop of Mentz in Latine, and set foorth in English by
 Abraham Fleming vpon the apparition of a blasing starre séene in the
 southwest, on the 10 of Nouember 1577, and dedicated to the right
 worshipfull sir William Cordell knight, then maister of hir maiesties
 rolles, &c.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _Earle Tostie afflicteth his brother Harold on sea and land, he taketh
 the repulse, and persuadeth Harfager king of Norweie to attempt the
 conquest of England against Harold, Harfager & Tostie with their
 powers arriue at Humber, they fight with the Northumbers vnder the
 conduct of Edwine and Marchar, and discomfit them; Harold leuieth an
 armie against them, the rare valiantnes of a Norwegian souldior;
 Harfager and Tostie slaine in battell; the Norwegians are foiled and
 flie; Harolds vnequall and parciall dividing of the spoile, he goeth
 to Yorke to reforms things amisse._

 THE NINTH CHAPTER.


 Whilest Harold desirous to reteine, and verie loth to let go his
 vsurped roialtie, had crackt his credit with the duke of Normandie,
 and by his lewd reuolting from voluntarie promises ratified with
 solemne othes, had also kindled the fire of the dukes furie against
 him; it came to passe, that the proud and presumptuous man was (to
 [Sidenote: Tostie séekes to disquiets his brother.]
 begin withall) vexed in his owne flesh, I meane his owne kinred. For
 Tostie the brother of king Harold (who in the daies of king Edward for
 his crueltie had béene chased out of the realme by the Northumbers)
 returning out of Flanders, assembled a nauie of ships from diuers
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._ saith but 40.]
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 [Sidenote: _Ran Higd._]
 [Sidenote: _Sim. Dun._]
 parts to the number of 60, with the which he arriued in the Ile of
 Wight, & there spoiled the countrie, and afterward sailing about by
 the coasts of Kent, he tooke sundrie preies their also, and came at
 the last to Sandwich: so that Harold was now constreined to appoint
 the nauie which he had prepared against the Normans, to go against his
 brother earle Tostie. Whereof the said Tostie being aduertised, drew
 towards Lindsey in Lincolnshire, and there taking land did much hurt
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: Tosties repelled.]
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 [Sidenote: _Ran. Higd._]
 in the countrie, both with sword and fire, till at length Edwine earle
 of Mercia, and Marchar earle of Northumberland, aided with the kings
 nauie, chased him from thence, and caused him to flie into Scotland,
 not without some losse both of his men and ships.

 This trouble was scarse quieted, but streightwaies another came in the
 necke thereof, farre more dangerous than the first. For Tostie,
 perceiuing that he could get no aid in Scotland to make anie account
 [Sidenote: Harold Harfager king of Norweie.]
 of, sailed forth into Norweie, and there persuaded Harold Harfager
 king of that realme, to saile with an armie into England, persuading
 him that by meanes of ciuill dissention latelie kindled betwixt the
 king and his lords (which was not so) it should be an easie matter for
 him to make a conquest of the whole realme, and reigne ouer them as
 his predecessors had done before. Some authors affirme, that Harold
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 king of Norwey tooke this enterprise in hand of his owne mind, and not
 by procurement of Tostie, saieng, that Tostie méeting with him in
 Scotland, did persuade him to go forward in his purposed busines, and
 that the said Harold Harfager with all conuenient spéed passed foorth,
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._ saith 500.]
 & with a nauie of 300 saile entered into the riuer of Tine, where
 after he had rested a few daies to refresh his people, earle Tostie
 came also with his power (according to an appointment which should be
 made betweene them.) They ad furthermore, that they sailed forth
 [Sidenote: The Norwegians arriue in Humber.]
 [Sidenote: Richall.]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 alongst the coast, till they arriued in the mouth of Humber, & then
 drawing vp against the streame of the riuer Owse, they landed at
 length at a place called Richhall, from whence they set forward to
 inuade the countrie, & néere vnto Yorke on the northside of the citie,
 they fought with the power of the Northumbers, which was led by the
 [Sidenote: The English men discomfited.]
 earls Edwine and Marchar (two brethren) and there discomfited and
 chased them into the citie, with great slaughter and bloudshed.

 [Sidenote: This battell was fought on the even of S. Mattew the
 apostle, as saith _Si. Dun._]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Matt. West._]
 Harold king of England being aduertised of this chance, made the more
 hast forward (for he was alreadie in the field with his armie,
 intending also to come towards his enimies) so that vpon the fift day
 after he came to Stamford bridge, finding there the said king Harfager
 and Tostie readie imbattelled, he first assailed those that kept the
 bridge, where (as some writers affirme) a Norwegian souldier with his
 axe defended the passage, mauger the whole host of the Englishmen, and
 slue fortie of them or more with his axe, & might not be ouercome,
 till an Englishman went with a boat vnder the said bridge, and through
 an hole thereof thrust him vp into the bodie with his speare: yet
 Matt. West, saith that he was slaine with a dart which one of king
 Harold his seruants threw at him, & so ended his life. Which bridge
 [Sidenote: The Norwegians discomfited.]
 being woone, the whole host of the Englishmen passed ouer, and ioined
 with their enimies, and after a verie great and sore battell put them
 all to flight.

 [Sidenote: The king of Norwaie and Tostie slaine.]
 In this conflict Harold Harfager king of the Norwegians was slaine, &
 so was Tostie the king of England his brother, besides a great number
 of other, as well in the battell as in the chase: neither did the
 Englishmen escape all frée, for the Norwegians fought it out a long
 [Sidenote: This battell was fought on the 25 of September as saith
 _Si. Dun._]
 time verie stoutlie, beating downe and killing great numbers of such
 as assailed them with great courage and assurance. The residue of the
 Norwegians that were left to kéepe their ships vnder the guiding of
 Olaue sonne to the king of Norwaie, and Paule earle of Orkneie, after
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 they vnderstood by their fellowes that escaped from the field, how the
 mater went with Harfager and Tostie, they hoised vp their sailes and
 directed their course homewards, bearing sorowfull newes with them
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 into their countrie, of the losse of their king and ouerthrow of all
 his people. Some write, that the king of England permitted them
 franklie to depart with 20 ships, hauing first caused them to deliuer
 such hostages as they had receiued of the citizens of Yorke. Harold
 reioising in that he had atteined so glorious a victorie, and being
 now surprised with pride and couetousnesse togither, he diuided the
 [Sidenote: _M. West._]
 [Sidenote: Vnequall diuiding of the spoile.]
 spoile of the field nothing equallie, but to such as he fauored he
 distributed liberallie, and to other (though they had much better
 deserued) he gaue nothing at all, reteining still the best part of all
 to himselfe, by reason whereof he lost the fauor of manie of his men,
 who for this his discourtesie, did not a little alienate their good
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 willes from him. This doone, he repaired to Yorke, and there staied
 for a time to reforme the disordered state of the countrie, which by
 reason of these warres was greatlie out of frame.

 ¶ But Harold being more presumptuous and foole-hardie, than prouident
 and wise in his enterprise; bending all his force to redresse
 enormities in those quarters of Yorkeshire (much like vnto him, whom
 the Comediographer marketh for a foole, "Ea tantùm quæ ad pedes iacent
 contemplans, non autem ventura præuidens") neglected the kinglie care
 which he should haue had of other parts of his realme, from the which
 he had withdrawen himselfe, and (as it is likelie) had not left
 sufficientlie prouided of a conuenient vicegerent to gouerne the same
 by his warranted authoritie, and such fortifications as might expell
 and withstand the enimie. Which want of foresight gaue occasion to the
 enimie to attempt an inuasion of the English coasts, as in the next
 chapt. shall be shewed.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _William duke of Normandie prepareth to inuade England and to conquere
 it, the earle of Flanders and the French king assist him, the number
 of his ships, hir arriuall at Peuensey in Sussex, vpon what occasions
 he entred this realme; the pope liked well duke Williams attempt, why
 king Harold was hated of the whole court of Rome; why duke William
 would not suffer his souldiers to wast the countries where they came;
 Harold goeth towards his enimies, why his vnskilfull espials tooke the
 Normans (being old beaten souldiers) for priests; Girth dissuadeth his
 brother Harold from present incountering with the duke; where note the
 conscience that is to be had of an oth, and that periurie can not
 scape vnpunished._

 THE TENTH CHAPTER.


 WILLIAM duke of Normandie hauing knowledge after what maner K. Harold
 was busied in the north parts of his realme, and vnderstanding that
 the south parts thereof remained destitute of due prouision for
 necessarie defense, hasted with all diligence to make his purueiance
 of men and ships, that he might vpon such a conuenient occasion set
 forward to inuade his enimie. And amongest other of his friends, vnto
 [Sidenote: _Ia. Meir._]
 [Sidenote: Baldwine earle of Flanders aided duke William to conquere
 England.]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Geme._]
 whome he laboured for aid, his father in law Baldwine earle of
 Flanders was one of the chiefest, who vpon promise of great summes of
 monie and other large offers made, did aid him with men, munition,
 ships, and victuals, verie freelie. The French king also did as much
 for his part as laie in him to helpe forwards this so high an
 enterprise. Wherefore when all things were now in a readinesse, he
 came to the towne of S. Valerie, where he had assembled togither an
 [Sidenote: The chronicles of Normandie haue 896 ships.]
 huge nauie of ships, to the number (as some authors affirme) of three
 hundred saile; and when he had taried there a long time for a
 conuenient wind, at length it came about euen as he himselfe desired.
 Then shipping his armie which consisted of Normans, Flemings,
 [Sidenote: Duke William landed at Peuensey, now Pemsey.]
 Frenchmen, and Britains, with all expedition he tooke the sea, and
 directing his course towards England, he finallie landed at a place in
 Sussex, ancientlie called Peuensey, on the 28 day of September, where
 he did set his men on land, & prouided all things necessarie to
 incourage and refresh them.

 At his going out of his ship vnto the shore, one of his féet slipped
 as he stepped forward, but the other stacke fast in the sand: the
 which so soone as one of his knights had espied, and séeing his hand
 wherevpon he staied full of earth, when he rose, he spake alowd and
 said: "Now sir duke, thou hast the soile of England fast in thy hand,
 & shalt of a duke yer long become a king." The duke hearing this tale,
 laughed merilie thereat, and comming on land, by and by he made his
 proclamation, declaring vpon what occasion he had thus entered the
 realme.

 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: 1]

 The first and principall cause which he alleged, was for to chalenge
 his right, meaning the dominion of the land that to him was giuen and
 assigned (as he said) by his nephue king Edward late ruler of the same
 land.

 [Sidenote: 2]

 The second was, to reuenge the death of his nephue Alured or Alfred
 the brother of the same king Edward, whome Goodwine earle of Kent and
 his adherents had most cruellie murthered.

 [Sidenote: 3]

 The third was to be reuenged of the wrong doone vnto Robert archbishop
 of Canturburie, who (as he was informed) was exiled by the meanes and
 labor of Harold in the daies of king Edward.

 Wherein we haue to note, that whether it were for displeasure that the
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Lamb._]
 [Sidenote: The pope fauored duke Williams enterprise.]
 pope had sometime conceiued for the wrong doone to the archbishop, or
 at the onlie sute of duke William, certeine it is that the pope, as
 then named Alexander the second, fauored this enterprise of the duke,
 and in token thereof sent him a white banner, which he willed him to
 set vp in the decke of the ship, wherein he himselfe should saile. In
 déed (as writers report) the pope with his cardinals, and all the
 whole court of Rome had king Harold euer in great hatred and disdaine,

 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 because he had taken vpon him the crowne without their consent, or
 anie ecclesiasticall solemnitie or agréement of the bishops. And
 although the pope and his brethren the said cardinals dissembled the
 matter for the time, yet now beholding to what end his bold
 presumption was like to come, with frowning fortune they shewed
 themselues open aduersaries, inclining streightwaies to the stronger
 part, after the manner of couetous persons, or rather of the réed
 shaken with a sudden puffe of wind.

 [Sidenote: _Gemeticensis._]
 Duke William at his first landing at Peuensey or Pemsey (whether you
 will) fortified a péece of ground with strong trenches, and leauing
 therein a competent number of men of warre to kéepe the same, he sped
 him toward Hastings, and comming thither, he built an other fortresse
 there with all spéed possible, without suffering his souldiers to rob
 or harrie the countrie adioining, saieng that it should be great
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 follie for him to spoile that people, which yer manie daies to come
 were like to be his subiects. K. Harold being as yet in the north
 parts, and hearing that duke William was thus landed in England, sped
 him southward, and gathering his people togither out of the countries
 as he went forwards, at length came néere his enimies: and sending
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 espials into their campe to vnderstand of what strength they were; the
 vnskilfull messengers regarding smallie their charge, brought woord
 againe of nothing else, but that all duke Williams souldiers were
 [Sidenote: Normans berds shauen.]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Marle._]
 priests. For the Normans had at that time their vpper lips and chéekes
 shauen, whereas the Englishmen vsed to suffer the haire of their vpper
 lips to grow at length. But Harold answered, that they were not
 priests, but wether-beaten and hardie souldiers, and such as were like
 to abide well by their capteine.

 [Sidenote: Girth would not haue his brother king Harold fight
 himselfe.]
 [Sidenote: _Gemeticensis._]
 In the meane season, Girth one of Harolds yoonger brethren
 (considering that periurie is neuer left vnpunished) aduised his
 brother not to aduenture himselfe at this present in the battell, for
 so much as he had beene sometime sworne to duke William, but rather to
 suffer him and other of the nobilitie to incounter with the said duke,
 that were not bound to him by former oth, or otherwise: but Harold
 answered that he was free from anie such oth, and that in defense of
 his countrie he would fight boldly with him as with his greatest
 enimie. ¶ Where (by the waie) would be noted the conscience which
 Girth a yoonger brother made of an oth, not concerning himselfe
 directlie, but his elder brother Harold, who had sworne the same;
 meaning nothing lesse than the performance therof, as the sequele of
 his dooings to his discredit and vndooing euidentlie declared, which
 euents might séeme countable to him as due punishments and deserued
 plagues inflicted vpon him and others, for his sake; sith he made no
 reckoning of violating a vow ratified with an oth to a prince of no
 small puissance, who afterwards became a whip vnto him for his
 periurie; a sinne detested of the heathen, and whereof the poet
 notablie speaketh, saieng:

 [Sidenote: _Tibul, lib._ 1.]


   Ah miser, & si quis primò periuria celat,
     Sera tamen tacitis p[oe]na venit pedibus.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _After peace offered & refused on each side, both armies meete in the
 field, the order of the Englishmens attire & araie, the maner how the
 Normans were placed to fight in battell; the dissolute and droonken
 behauior of the Englishmen the night before the incounter farre
 differing from the Normans deuout demenour; duke Williams speech vpon
 occasion of wrong putting on his armour, the battell betwixt him and
 king Harold is valiantlie tried, the English by duke Williams politike
 stratagem are deceiued, king Harold slaine, his armie put to flight
 and manie of them slaine after a long and bloudie incounter, manie of
 the Normans pursuing the English ouerhastilie procure their owne
 death, they take the spoile of the English, the dead bodies of both
 armies are licenced to be buried; the differing reports of writers
 touching the maner of Harolds death, a description of his person, his
 ambition did him much hurt and hinderance, the number that were slaine
 on both sides, his bodie buried at Waltham, nothing dispraisewoorthie
 in him but his ambitious mind, a view of his valiantnesse in a
 conflict against the Welshmen, his rigorous or rather pitilesse
 handling of them, his seuere law or decree touching their bounds, they
 are vtterlie subdued, and (by the kings leaue) the Welshwomen marrie
 with the Englishmen, the Saxon line ceasseth, how long it lasted, and
 how long it was discontinued by the inuasion of the Danes._

 THE ELEUENTH CHAPTER.


 [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._]
 Now it fortuned that both armies, as well the kings as the earles,
 being prepared to battell, diuerse offers were made on each side
 (before they fell to the conflict) for an vnitie to haue béene had
 betwixt the two princes: but when no conditions of agreement could
 take place, they forthwith prepared themselues to trie the matter by
 dint of swoord. And so on the 14 day of October, being saturday, both
 hosts met in the field, at a place in Sussex not farre from Hastings,
 [Sidenote: The order of the Englishmen.]
 whereas the abbeie of Battell was afterward builded. The Englishmen
 were all brought into one entire maine batell on foot, with huge axes
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 in their hands, and paled a front with paueises, in such wise that it
 was thought vnpossible for the enimie to breake their arraie. On the
 other side, the Normans were diuided into seuerall battels, as first
 [Sidenote: The arraie of the Normans.]
 the footmen that were archers, and also those that bare gleiues and
 axes were placed in the forefront, and the horssemen diuided into
 wings stood on the sides in verie good order.

 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Will. Malmes._]
 All the night before the battell, the Englishmen made great noise and
 slept not, but sang and fell to drinking and making of reuell &
 pastime, as though there had beene no account to be made of the next
 daies trauell. But the Normans behaued themselues warilie and
 soberlie, spending all that night in praier and confessing their
 sinnes vnto God; and in the morning earelie they receiued the
 communion before they went foorth to the battell. Some write, that
 when duke William should put on his armour to go to the field, the
 backe halfe of his curasses by chance was set on before by such as
 holpe to arme him: at which chance he tooke occasion of laughter,
 saieng merrilie to them that stood by; "No force, this is good lucke,
 for the estate of my dukedome shall be yer night changed into a
 kingdome." Beside this, he spake manie comfortable woords vnto his
 men, to incourage them to the battell. Neither was Harold forgetfull
 in that point on his part. And so at conuenient time when both armies
 were readie, they made forward each to incounter with other, on the
 foresaid fouretéenth day of October, with great force and assurance.

 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 [Sidenote: The battell betwixt king Harold and duke William is begun.]
 In the beginning of the battell, the arrowes flue abroad freshlie on
 both sides, till they came to ioine at hand strokes, and then preassed
 each side vpon his counter part with swoords, axes, and other hand
 weapons verie egerlie. Duke William commanded his horssemen to giue
 the charge on the breasts of his enimies battels: but the Englishmen
 kéeping themselues close togither without scattering, receiued their
 enimies vpon the points of their weapons with such fiercenesse and in
 such stiffe order, that manie of the Norman horssemen were ouerthrowne
 without recouerie, and slaine at the first brunt. When duke William
 perceiued this inconuenience (as he that well and throughlie
 vnderstood the skilfull points of warre as well as the best) he gaue a
 signe to his men (according to an order appointed before hand vpon
 [Sidenote: The policie of duke William to disorder his enimies.]
 [Sidenote: _H. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 anie such occasion) that they should giue backe, and make a
 countenance as though they did flée, which was quicklie doone by the
 Normans, and withall they imbattelled their footmen in a new order, so
 that their horssemen shifted themselues on the wings, readie to rescue
 the footmen if their arraie should happen to be disturbed.

 By this wilie stratagem and policie of warre, the Englishmen were
 deceiued: for they beholding the Normans somwhat shrinking backe to
 bring themselues into the aboue said order, thought verelie that they
 had fled, and therevpon meaning to pursue them before they should
 recouer their ground, they brake their arraie, and began to follow the
 chase: wherevpon the Normans (perceiuing now that all things came to
 passe as they desired) spéedilie returned, and casting themselues
 togither quicklie into arraie, began to charge them againe afresh, and
 [Sidenote: A sore foughten battell.]
 [Sidenote: King Harold slaine.]
 so hauing them at that aduantage, they slue them downe on euerie side.
 The Englishmen on the other part fought sore, and though their king
 was beaten downe among them and slaine, yet were they loth to flée or
 giue ouer; so sharpe was the battell, that duke William himselfe had
 thrée horsses slaine vnder him that day, and not without great danger
 of his person.

 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 Some of the Englishmen got them to the height of an hill, and beate
 backe the Normans that forced themselues to win the hill of them, so
 that it was long yer the Normans could preuaile, being oftentimes
 driuen downe into the botome of the vallie beneath. At length the
 [Sidenote: The Englishmen put to flight.]
 Englishmen, perceiuing themselues to be ouermatched and beaten downe
 on euerie side, and therevnto greatlie discouraged with slaughter of
 their king, began first to giue ground, and after to scatter and to
 run away, so that well was he that might then escape by flight. When
 [Sidenote: _Chron. de bello._]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Geme._]
 [Sidenote: The Normans fall into a ditch.]
 they had fought the most part of all that saturday, the Normans
 followed the chase with such eger rashnesse, that a great number of
 them falling with their horsses and armour into a blind ditch
 (shadowed with reed and sedges which grew therein) were smouldered and
 pressed to death, yer they could be succoured or get anie reliefe. The
 next day the Normans fell to gathering in the spoile of the field,
 burieng also the dead bodies of their people that were slaine at the
 battell, giuing licence in semblable manner to the Englishmen to doo
 [Sidenote: _Giral. Camb._]
 the like. Of the death of Harold diuerse report diuerslie, in so much
 that Girald Cambrensis saith, that after king Harold had receiued
 manie wounds, and lost his left eie, he fled from the field vnto the
 citie of Westchester, and liued there long after, an holie life, as an
 anchoret in the cell of S. James, fast by S. Johns church, and there
 made a godlie end. But the saieng of Girald Cambren. in that point is
 not to be credited, bicause of the vnlikelihood of the thing it selfe,
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: _Hen. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Matth. West._]
 and also generall consent of other writers, who affirme vniuersallie
 that he was killed in the battell, first being striken thorough the
 left eie by the scull into the braine with an arrow, wherevpon falling
 from his horsse to the ground, he was slaine in that place, after he
 [Sidenote: _Floriac._]
 [Sidenote: _Simon Dun._]
 had reigned nine moneths and nine daies, as Floriacensis dooth report.
 He was a man of a comelie stature, and of a hawtie courage, & albeit
 that for his valiancie he was highlie renowmed and honored of all men,
 [Sidenote: _Henr. Hunt._]
 [Sidenote: _Polydor._]
 [Sidenote: The chronicles of Normandie haue of English men slaine
 67974, and of Normans 6013.]
 yet through his pride and ambition he lost the harts of manie. There
 were slaine in this battell, besides king Harold and his two brethren,
 Girth and Leofrike, what on the one side and on the other, aboue
 twentie thousand men.

 The bodie of king Harold being found among other slaine in the field,
 was buried at Waltham, within the monasterie of the holie crosse which
 he before had founded, and indowed to the behoofe of such canons as he
 had placed there, with faire possessions. Verelie (as some old writers
 [Sidenote: _Ex_ 6. _libro Polycraticon, side de nugis curialium._]
 [Sidenote: _John Sarisb._]
 haue reported) there was nothing in this man to be in anie wise
 dispraised, if his ambitious mind could haue beene staied from
 coueting the kingdome, and that he could haue béene contented to haue
 liued as a subiect. Among other manifest proofes of his high
 valiancie, this is remembred of him, that being sent against the
 Welshmen (as before is partlie mentioned) knowing their readie
 nimblenesse in seruice, and how with their light armed men they were
 accustomed to annoie and distresse those that should assaile them, he
 likewise (to match them) prepared light armed men for the purpose, &
 so being furnished with such bands of nimble men and light souldiers,
 entered vpon the mounteins of Snowdon, and there remained amongst the
 enimies for the space of two yéeres. He sore afflicted the Welsh
 nation, tooke their kings, and sent their heads vnto the king that
 sent him about his businesse, and proceeding in such rigorous maner as
 might mooue the hearers to lament and pitie the case, he caused all
 the male kind that might be met with, to be miserablie slaine: and so
 with the edge of his swoord he brought the countrie to quiet, and
 withall made this lawe; that if anie Welshman from thencefoorth should
 presume to passe the limits ouer Offas ditch with anie weapon about
 him, he should lose his right hand. To conclude, by the valiant
 conduct of this chieftaine, the Welshmen were then so sore brought
 vnder, that in maner the whole nation might séeme to faile, and to be
 almost vtterlie destroied. And therefore by permission of the king of
 England, the Women of Wales ioined themselues in marriage with
 Englishmen. Finallie, héereby the bloud of the Saxons ceassed to
 reigne in England after they had continued possession of the same,
 from the first comming of Hengist, which was about the yéere of our
 Sauiour 450, or 449, vntill that present yeere of king Harolds death,
 [Sidenote: 1069.]
 which chanced in the yéere 1069. So that from the beginning of Hengist
 his reigne, vnto Harolds death, are reckoned 916 yéeres, or (after
 some) 617, as by the supputation of the time will easilie appeere. By
 all the which time there reigned kings of the Saxons bloud within this
 land, except that for the space of twentie yéeres and somewhat more,
 the Danes had the dominion of the realme in their possession: for
 there are reckoned from the beginning of K. Swaines reigne (which was
 the first Dane that gouerned England) vnto the last yéere of K.
 Hardicnute (the last Dane that ruled heere) 28 yéeres, in which meane
 space Egelred recouering the kingdome reigned 2 yéeres, then after him
 his sonne Edmund Ironside continued in the rule one yéere; so that the
 Danes had the whole possession of the land but 25 yéeres in all.
 Touching this alteration, and others incident to this Iland, read a
 short aduertisement annexed (by waie of conclusion) to this historie,
 comprising a short summarie of the most notable conquests of this
 countrie one after an other, by distances of times successiuelie.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _The rule of this realme by Gods prouidence allotted to duke William,
 his descent from Rollo the first duke of Normandie downewards to his
 particular linage, he was base begotten vpon the bodie of Arlete duke
 Roberts concubine, a pleasant speech of hirs to duke Robert on a time
 when he was to haue the vse of hir person, a conclusion introductorie
 for the sequele of the chronicle from the said duke of Normandies
 coronation, &c: with a summarie of the notable conquests of this
 Iland._

 THE TWELFE CHAPTER.


 Now, forsomuch as it pleased God by his hid and secret iudgement so to
 dispose the realme of England, and in such wise, as that the
 gouernance thereof should fall after this maner into the hands of
 William duke of Normandie, I haue thought good before I enter further
 into this historie (being now come to the conquest of the realme, made
 by the foresaid duke of Normandie) to set downe his pedegrée, thereby
 to shew how he descended from the first duke of that countrie, who was
 named Rollo, and after by receiving baptisme called Robert.

 The said Rollo or Rou, was sonne to a great lord in Denmarke called
 Guion, who hauing two sons, the said Rou and Gourin, and being
 appointed to depart the countrie, as the lots fell to him and other
 (according to the maner there vsed, in time when their people were
 increased to a greater number than the countrie was able to susteine)
 refused to obeie that order, and made warre there against the king,
 who yet in the end by practise found meanes to slea the foresaid
 Guion, and his sonne Gourin; so that Rou or Rollo, hauing thus lost
 his father and brother, was compelled to forsake the countrie, with
 all those that had holpe his father to make warre against the king.
 Thus driuen to séeke aduentures, at length he became a christian, and
 was created duke of Normandie, by gift of Charles king of France,
 surnamed le Simple, whose daughter the ladie Gilla he also maried: but
 she departing this life without issue, he maried Popée daughter to the
 earle of Bessin and Baileux, whome he had kept as his wife before he
 was baptised, and had by hir a sonne named William Longespée, and a
 daughter named Gerlota.

 William Longespée or Longaspata, had to wife the ladie Sporta,
 daughter to Hubert earle of Senlis, by whome he had issue Richard the
 second of that name duke of Normardie, who married the ladie Agnes,
 the daughter of Hugh le grand, earle of Paris, of whome no issue
 procéeded: but after hir deceasse, he maried to his second wife a
 gentlewoman named Gonnor, daughter to a knight of the Danish line, by
 [Sidenote: Ye must note that there was one Richard duke of Normandie
 before Rollo.]
 whom he had thrée sonnes, Richard that was after duke of Normandie,
 the third of that name, Robert and Mauger. He had also by hir three
 daughters, Agnes otherwise called Emma, married first to Egelred king
 of England, and after to K. Cnute: Helloie, otherwise Alix, bestowed
 vpon Geffrey earle of Britaine: and Mawd coupled in marriage with
 Euldes earle of Charters and Blais. Richard the third of that name
 maried Iudith, sister to Geffrey earle of Britaine, by whome he had
 issue thrée sonnes, Richard, Robert, and William, and as manie
 daughters: Alix, married to Reignold earle of Burgogne, Elenor married
 to Baldwine earle of Flanders; and the third died yoong, being
 affianced to Alfonse king of Nauarre. Their mother deceassed after she
 had beene married ten yéeres, and then duke Richard married secondlie
 the ladie Estric, sister to Cnute king of England and Denmarke, from
 whome he purchased to be diuorsed, and then married a gentlewoman
 called Pauie, by whome he had issue two sonnes, William earle of
 Arques, and Mauger archbishop of Rouen.

 Richard the fourth of that name, duke of Normandie, eldest sonne to
 Richard the third, died without issue, and then his brother Robert
 succéeded in the estate, which Robert begat vpon Arlete or Harleuina
 daughter to a burgesse of Felais, William surnamed the bastard,
 afterward duke of Normandie, and by conquest king of England. Of whose
 father duke Robert, & his paramour Arlete, take this pleasant
 remembrance for a refection after the perusing of the former sad and
 sober discourses.

 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm. lib._ 3. _cap._ 1.]
 [Sidenote: _Ranulph. lib._ 6. _cap._ 19.]
 In the yéere of Christ 1030, Robert, the second sonne of Richard the
 second duke of Normandie, and brother to Richard the third duke of
 that name there hauing with great honour and wisedome gouerned his
 dukedome seuen yéeres, for performance of a penance that he had set to
 himselfe, appointed a pilgrimage to Jerusalem; leauing behind him this
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm. lib._ 3. _cap._ 1.]
 [Sidenote: _Ranulph. lib._ 6. _cap._ 19.]
 William a yoong prince, whome seuen yéeres before he had begotten vpon
 his paramour Arlete (whom after he held as his wife) with whose
 beautifull fauour, louelie grace and presence, at hir dansing on a
 time then as he was tenderlie touched, for familiar vtterance of his
 mind what he had further to say, would néeds that night she should be
 his bedfellow, who else as wiuelesse should haue lien alone: where
 when she was bestowed, thinking that if she should haue laid hir selfe
 naked, it might haue séemed not so maidenlie a part: so when the duke
 was about (as the maner is) to haue lift vp hir linnen, she in an
 [Sidenote: _Ran. li._ 6. _ca._ 19.]
 humble modestie staid hir lords hand, and rent downe hir smocke
 asunder, from the collar to the verie skirt. Heereat the duke all
 smiling did aske hir what thereby she ment? In great lowlines, with a
 feate question she answerd againe; "My lord, were it méet that any
 part of my garments dependant about me downeward, should presume to be
 mountant to my souereignes mouth vpward? Let your grace pardon me." He
 liked hir answer: and so and so foorth for that time.

 [Sidenote: _Wil. Malm._]
 [Sidenote: _lib._ 3. _cap._ 1.]
 [Sidenote: _Ran. ibid._]
 This duke before his voiage, calling at Fiscam all his nobilitie vnto
 him, caused them to sweare fealtie vnto his yoong sonne William, whome
 he then at his iournie betooke vnto the gouernance of earle Gilbert,
 and the defense of the gouernour vnto Henrie the French king. So
 Robert passing foorth in his pilgrimage, shewed in euerie place and in
 [Sidenote: _Ran. ibid._]
 all points a magnanimitie and honour of a right noble prince, and
 pleasant withall; who once in Iurie not well at ease, in a litter was
 borne toward Ierusalem vpon Saracens shoulders, & méeting with a
 subiect of his that was going home toward Normandie: Friend (quoth he)
 if my people at thy returne aske after me, tell them that thou sawest
 [Sidenote: _Ran. ibid._]
 [Sidenote: _Wil. Mal. idem._]
 [Sidenote: _Ran. idem._]
 their lord carried to heauen by diuels. The Norman nobilitie during
 duke Roberts life, did their dutie to the yoong prince faithfullie,
 but after they heard of his fathers death, they slackened apace,
 euerie one shifting for himselfe as he list, without anie regard
 either of oth or obedience toward the pupill their souereigne. Whereby
 not manie yéeres after, as Gilbert the gouernour, by Rafe the childes
 coosine germane, was slaine; the dukedome anon, by murther and
 fighting among themselues was sore troubled in all parts. Thus much a
 little of duke Robert the father, and of prince William his sonne for
 part of his tender yéeres.

        *       *       *       *       *




 _A notable aduertisement touching the summe of all the foresaid
 historie, wherin the foure great and notable conquests of this land
 are brieflie touched, being a conclusion introductorie, as is said in
 the argument._


 In the former part of this historie it is manifest to the heedful
 [Sidenote: Britaine inhabited by Brute.]
 reader, that (after the opinion of most writers) Brute did first
 inhabit this land; and called it then after his owne name, Britaine,
 in the yéere after the creation of the world 2855, and in the yéere
 before the incarnation of Christ 1108. ¶ Furthermore the said land of
 [Sidenote: 1 Britaine conquered by the Romans.]
 Britaine was conquered by C. Iulius Cesar, and made tributarie to the
 Romans in the 50 yéere before the natiuitie of Christ, and so
 continued 483 yéeres. So that the Britains reigned without tribute and
 vnder tribute, from Brute, vntill the fourth yeere of the reigne of
 king Cadwalladar, which was in the yéere of our Lord 686. And so the
 Britains had continuance of the gouernement of this land the space of
 1794 yéeres. Then was the realme of Britaine an heptarchie, that is,
 diuided into seuen kingdoms. And Britaine receiued the faith of Christ
 [Sidenote: 2 Britaine conquered and ouercome by the Saxons.]
 in the 7 yéere of the reigne of king Lucius, which was in the 187
 yéere after the birth of Christ. ¶ Next after the Britains entered the
 Saxons, in the third yéere of king Vortiger; and in the yéere of our
 Lord 450, and they gouerned vntill the last yéere of king Athelstane,
 which was in the yéere of Christ 938. So that the time of the Saxons
 first entrance into this realme, and the time of their regiment was
 the space of 487 yéeres. ¶ Howbeit, in the time of their gouernement,
 that is to say, in the 9 yéere of king Britricus, which was in the
 [Sidenote: 3 Britaine conquered and ouercome by the Danes.]
 yéere of our Lord 387, the Danes entred into this land, spoiling and
 persecuting the people therin most gréeuouslie. At the last, Sweno or
 Swaine the Dane obteined possession roiall, in the yéere of Grace
 1012, whose time of regiment lasted about three yéeres. After whom his
 sonne Canutus succeeded, and reigned 19 yéeres. After him Harold his
 sonne, who ruled thrée yeeres: and after him Hardicnute the sonne of
 Canutus, whose gouernement continued but thrée yeeres. This Hardicnute
 was the last king of the Danes, at which time the Danes were expelled
 and hunted out of the realme, which was in the yéere of our Lord 1042.
 So that it may appeare by this collection, that the Danes ruled as
 kings in this land by the space of 28 yéeres. Hereby also it is
 euident, that from the time of the first entrance of the Danes into
 [Sidenote: 4 Britaine conquered and possessed by the Normans.]
 this realme, vntill their last expulsion & riddance, was 255 yéeres. ¶
 Finallie the Normans entred this land likewise, and conquered the same
 as before is expressed, in the yéere of our Lord 1067, which is since,
 vntill this present yéere of our Lord 1585, drawing néere to the
 number of 600 and od yéeres.

 Now let these alterations of regiments be remembred [touching the
 which read a notable animaduersion in the description of Britaine,
 pag. 49, 50, 51] and teach vs that therein the iudgements of God
 reuealed themselues to speciall purposes. And whatsoeuer hath béene
 mentioned before, either concerning the subuersion of people, the
 desolation of prouinces, the ouerthrow of nobles, the ruine of
 princes, and other lamentable accidents diuerslie happening vpon
 sundrie occasions; let vs (I say) as manie as will reape fruit by the
 reading of chronicles, imagine the matters which were so manie yéeres
 past to be present, and applie the profit and commoditie of the same
 vnto our selues; knowing (as one wisely said) _Post sacram paginam
 chronica vivum veritatis typum gerere_, that next vnto the holie
 scripture, chronicles doo carie credit. But now to the sequele, and
 first to duke William of Normandie.

   _Thus farre the historie of England from Noah and his sonnes,
   &c; to William duke of Normandie. Hereafter followeth a
   chronologicall continuation beginning at the first yeere of the
   said dukes reigne ouer this land, vntill the 25 yeere of the
   Queenes most excellent maiestie Elizabeth, &c; whose daies God
   in mercie prolong (like the daies of heauen) in peace and
   prosperitie, &c._


 END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

        *       *       *       *       *




 Transcriber's Note (1)


 _ _ denotes italic text;

 = = denotes Old English script, which is also bold.

 [=a] (etc.) denotes a macron (straight line over a vowel).

 Macrons on vowels ([=a], [=e], [=i], [=o], [=u]) sometimes indicate
 that 'n' has been omitted from the word. (Abbreviation in Mediæval
 manuscripts).

 [Sidenotes] in the original were printed on the edge of the pages, as
 a type of index of the contents.

 Elizabethan words and spellings have been retained (e.g. 'height' and
 'heigth' are both used, sometimes in the same sentence;
 'hight' = 'known as, called, etc.').

 Only obvious printer's errors have been corrected, as when a letter
 seems to have been inverted ('n' for 'u').

 The letters 'u' and 'v' are mostly interchanged; as, e.g.,
 "in haruest time" and "vnder a bridge".

 If a word or name did not fit the context, it was researched, and
 corrections made, if necessary.

 There are a few printer's errors in this edition, which have been
 checked using the online 1587 edition (which itself is not without
 printing errors) as reference.

 (http://sceti.library.upenn.edu/sceti/PrintedBooksnew/
 index.cfm?TextID=holinshed_chronicle).

 Also used were the Oxford English Dictionary (OED), and online Middle
 English and Anglo-Saxon Dictionaries, as well as online Wikipedia.

 Some, but by no means all, of 'ee' has the first 'e' marked with an
 acute accent. This is not consistent. Where the 'é' is obviously
 missing from the scan, it has not been added to the text. This
 inconsistency in spelling and accents is an integral part of some very
 old books.

 There are some instances of round brackets which have been opened and
 not closed, or nested, with only one pair closed (or closed, without
 having been opened). These have been retained as such.

 Some placenames may have changed with the passage of time.

 Some damaged or missing punctuation has been restored, but the
 punctuation in the lists at the end of Description III is as it
 appeared in the scans, and in the online edition.

 There are a few instances of repeated word 'too'. These have been
 retained, being probably the author's personal style:

 'is too too plaine' 'being too too much' 'haue too too manie'. 'too
 too lewd'

 Page 43: "practise and put in vre within your realme and kingdome."

 'vre', or 'ure', is an antique word, which survives in the modern word
 'inure'.

 (Ure) n. [OE. ure, OF. oevre, ovre, ouvre, work, F. [oe]uvre, L.
 opera. cf. Inure.] Use; practice; exercise. [Obs.] (Ure), v. t. To
 use; to exercise; to inure; to accustom by practice. [Obs.]
 (Webster's online dictionary, 1913 edition).

 Page 67: 'barnacle'; 'barnacls'; 'barnacles' ... there were no
 spelling conventions in Holinshed's time. 'barnacls' matches 1587 ed.

 Page 110: Cainborne is possibly a misprint, or name change, for
 Camborne, a town in the relevant locality.

 "The Caine riseth southeast of Caineburne [or Camborne] towne a mile
 and more, from whence it goeth without increase by west of Gwethian,
 and so into the sea west of Mara Darwaie."

 Page 252: 'hanting' could mean 'haunting', or 'frequenting'.

 "... they ruffle and roist it out, excéeding in apparell, and hanting
 riotous companie (which draweth them from their bookes vnto an other
 trade.)"

 Page 255: 'Philip' is an abbreviation for Queen Philippa (Philippe
 (d'Avesnes) de Hainaut), Edward III's Queen.

 Page 347:
 [Sidenote: Gipping, of going vp to anie place.]
 Chipping Walden, of the Saxon word gipping (or ghipping) uses the
 insular 'g', variant of (lowercase) yogh.

 (http: //en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Insular_G)

 Page 358: 'cuphar'.

 "Of all the elms that euer I saw, those in the south side of Douer
 court, in Essex néere Harwich are the most notable, for they grow (I
 meane) in crooked maner, that they are almost apt for nothing else but
 nauie timber, great ordinance, and béetels: and such thereto is their
 naturall qualitie, that being vsed in the said behalfe, they continue
 longer, and more long than anie the like trées in whatsoeuer parcell
 else of this land, without cuphar, shaking, or cleauing, as I find."

 Possibly from 'ceorfan' to cut, cut down. (coppice?)

 Page 386: 'Bratius' is probably 'Gratius'.

 "Bratius De venatione, 1/386 - probably Faliscus Gratius, De
 venatione, 1534."

 (http://www.cems.ox.ac.uk/holinshed/
 Catalogue%20of%20additional%20sources....-1.pdf)

 Page 663: 'Sodulius in car. Pasch', 1/663  Caelius Sedulius (probably
 fl. mid 5th century), poet,. Carmen Paschale, 1475>.

 (www.cems.ox.ac.uk/.../Catalogue%20of%20additional%20sources...-1.pdf)


 Errata

 Page 1: 'used' corrected to 'vsed', and 'upon' to vpon', for
 consistency, and as in 1587 edition.

 "9 Of the ancient religion vsed in Albion." "10 Of such Ilands as are
 to be seene vpon the coasts of Britaine."

 Page 14: 'hane' corrected to 'haue', as in 1587 edition.

 "Besides these aforesaid nations, which haue crept (as you haue heard)
 into our Iland,"

 Page 26: 'Dehenbarth' corrected to 'Deheubarth'.

 "In the begining it was diuided into two kingdoms onelie, that is to
 saie, Venedotia or Gwynhedh (otherwise called Deheubarth)...."

 Page 42: 'who lieconsented' corrected to 'wholie consented', as in
 1587 edition.

 "and foorthwith wholie consented to make a diuision of this land...."

 Page 84: missing word "far" inserted, as in 1587 edition

 "... Helledon parish, not far from Danberie,..."

 Page 102: 'Ater' corrected to 'After', as in 1587 edition.

 "After this confluence it goeth on toward the south, till it méet with
 a pretie brooke rising northeast of Whettell...."

 Page 102: 'Done stroke' is probably a misprint for 'Dones broke' or
 'Danes broke' (brook), which actually exists in the place mentioned.
 And 'Hawkbridge' may be a misprint for 'Hawkridge'.

 "... on by west of the beacon that beareth the name of Haddon, & soone
 [Sidenote: Barleie.]
 after taketh in the Barleie, that receiueth in like sort the Done at
 [Sidenote: Done aliàs Dones broke.]
 Hawkbridge, and from hence goeth by Dauerton, and Combe, and then doth
 méet with the Exe, almost in the verie confines betwéene Dorset &
 Summersetshires."

 Page 128: 'Monemouch' corrected to 'Monemouth' as in 'Monemouth' in
 previous sentence, and in 1587 edition.

 "The Romenie ... is a goodlie water, and from the head a march betwéen
 Monemouth and Glamorgan shires."

 Page 128: 'pound.' corrected to 'pounds.' as in 1587 edition.

 Sidenote: "This Ile went fiftie yeares agone for x. pounds."

 Page 130: 'Wormeslead' corrected to 'Wormeshead'.

 "Then casting about by Oxwich point, we go onward there by, and
 sailing flat north by the Holme (hauing passed the Wormeshead and S.
 Kennets chappell) and then ... northeast by Whitford point,..."

 Page 135: 'Marierdiue' corrected to 'Marierdine', as above, and as in
 1587 edition. 'Monardiue' is as in 1587 edition. (It is now called
 'Manordeifi', or 'Maenordeifi', and is a small village in north
 Pembrokeshire http:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Manordeifi).

 "... goeth by Marierdine, and so to Cardigon, taking in one rill from
 by north descending by Penneralt, by north of Monardiue or
 Marierdine,..."

 Page 135: 'Oswid' corrected to 'Oscoid' as in 1587 edition.

 "... Lantwood north west of Oscoid Mortemer,..."

 Page 187: 'féeed' has been retained: 'fée-ed'?

 "... & that euerie one which by féeed friendship (or otherwise) dooth
 attempt to procure oughts from the prince, that may profit but few and
 proue hurtfull to manie,..."

 Page 202: 'Pits' corrected to 'Picts', as in 1587 edition.

 "... and in all these wars against them, he had the seruice and
 obeisance of Scots and Picts."

 Page 222: 'uame' corrected to 'name'

 "They beare also the name of their high chapleins continuallie,..."

 Page 223: (printer's error: long 's' confused with 't'): 'to'
 corrected to 'so', as in 1587 online edition.

 "... escaped to his ships, and so returned into Normandie."

 Page 243: 'iarror' is unknown. Perhaps misprint for 'terrier2', Land
 Register, which fits the context.

 From OED: terrier2, noun. Book recording site, boundaries, etc., of
 land of private persons or corporations; (hist.) collection of
 acknowledgements of vassals or tenants of a lordship.

 "I haue seene and had an ancient terrier of the lands of this
 monasterie,..."

 Page 244: 'Lindeffarne' corrected to 'Lindesfarne'.

 (Printer's confusion of 'f' with long 's'.
 Correct in 'Description 1').

 Page 254: 'hain' (a Middle English word meaning a park or enclosure),
 corrected to 'haue' which fits the context.

 "... so that there are not manie corporat townes now vnder the quéenes
 dominion, that haue not one Gramar schoole at the least, with a
 sufficient liuing for a maister and vsher appointed to the same."

 Page 256: 'I' corrected to "In"

 "In my opinion...."

 Page 260: 'fiue wapentaxes'. This may be correct, or an error for
 'wapentakes', which also appears.

 Page 269: 'Sir Sanchet Dambricourt' corrected to 'Sir Sanchet
 D'Abrichecourt'.

 Sir Sanchet D'Abrichecourt (c.1330-c.1360) was a French knight and a
 founder Knight of the Garter. His surname was alternatively spelt
 D'Abridgecourt, Dabridgcourt, Dabrichecourt or Aubréciourt and derived
 from the Hainault town of Auberchicourt. His father, Nicholas
 D'Abrichecourt, a nobleman from Hainault, had come to England in 1326
 as an escort of Queen Isabella. (Wikipedia)

 Page 274: 'ro corrected to 'or', and 'rae' corrected to 'are', as 1587
 online edition.

 "But these citizens or burgesses are to serue the commonwealth in
 their cities and boroughs,..."

 Page 282: 'savoureth' corrected to 'sauoureth', to match similar, and
 1587 online edition.

 "... their talke is now and then such as sauoureth of scurrilitie"

 Page 287: 'calla breakefast' corrected to 'call a breakefast', as 1587
 online edition.

 "... although a little something was allowed in the morning to yoong
 children which we now call a breakefast."

 Page 291: 'hous econsisting' corrected to 'house consisting', as 1587
 online edition.

 "... the higher or vpper house consisting of the nobilitie,..."

 Page 295: Southampton' corrected to 'Southhampton' to match online ed.

 "The borough of Southhampton."

 Page 296: 'The borough of Caine' corrected to 'The borough of Calne'.

 'The borough of Calne' is in Wiltshire; 'The borough of Caine' does
 not exist.

 Page 299: Grecklade corrected to 'Cricklade' (alternate spelling
 'Crekelade'). 'Cricklade' occurs earlier, in the list of Wilton
 (Wiltshire) boroughs.

 Page 332: 'alsolued' corrected to 'absolued' to match other instances
 on same page, and 1587 edition.

 "... till by repentance he deserue to be absolued."

 Page 344: 'inhabit' corrected to 'inhibit', as 1587 edition.

 "... till a law was made which did inhibit and restraine them."

 Page 350: 'CHAP. XIX.' (second instance) corrected to 'CHAP. XX.'
 (which was missing)

 Page 354: 'Cydims' corrected to 'Cydnus'.

 "The Cydnus in Tarsus of Cilicia, is of such vertue,..."

 Page 366: 'aeader' corrected to 'reader'.

 "... I might make a greater chapter than would be either conuenient or
 profitable to the reader:"

 Page 494: 'sush' corrected to 'such', as 1587 online edition.

 "... within the which they were accustomed to sacrifice such as they
 tooke prisoners,..."

 Page 497: 'increaes' corrected to 'increase', as 1586 online edition.

 "... onelie to the Romans the dead doo still liue, and all to
 increase their commoditie and gaine."

 Page 540: 'enterprisee' corrected to 'enterprises', as 1586 online
 edition.

 "¶ If therefore the Britaine writers had considered and marked the
 valiant exploits and noble enterprises which the Brittish aids, armies
 and legions atchiued in seruice of the Romane emperours...."

 Page 566: 'whreof' corrected to 'wherof', as 1587 online edition.

 "'but in stead of that which should haue brought him health, he gaue
 him poison, wherof he died shortlie after at Winchester aforesaid,"

 Page 577: 'buruished' corrected to 'burnished'.

 "... of colour like to the burnished gold, which being touched,
 immediatlie fell to dust."

 Page 600: 'Cantrburie' corrected to 'Canturburie', as 1587 online
 edition.

 "... the indeuour of Laurence archbishop of Canturburie in  setting
 religion at large,..."

 Page 605: 'shost' corected to 'short', as 1587 online edition.

 "... caried vnder his coate a short double edged woodknife inuenomed
 of purpose,..."

 Page 626: 'pope Grogories' corrected to 'pope Gregories', as 1587
 online edition.

 "after the maner as he had learned of pope Gregories disciples."

 Page 629: The year 872 would be a misprint for 672, which makes sense
 in the context.

 Page 640: 'espistle' corrected to 'epistle'.

 "The same Bonifacius in an other epistle wich he wrote vnto Cutbert
 the archbishop of Canturburie,..."

 Page 700: 'forvest' corrected to 'forrest', as 1587 online edition.

 "Afterward by chance as he was hunting in a forrest néere the castell
 of Corfe,..."




_Titles and filenumbers of the presently posted Project Gutenberg files
which are included in this "Complete" version._


Chronicles, Volume I: Descriptions  I - III   -   42506
by Raphaell Holinshed


[Holinshed Chronicles 1, the Histories, Volume 1]


The First Booke of the Historie of England    -   16496

The Second Booke of the Historie of England   -   13624

The Third Booke of the Historie of England    -   16511

The Fovrth Booke of the Historie of England   -   16536

The Fift Booke of the Historie of England     -   16555

The Sixt Booke of the Historie of England     -   16610

The Seuenth Booke of the Historie of England  -   16617

The Eight Booke of the Historie of England    -   16669







End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Holinshed Chronicles, Volume I,
Complete, by Raphaell Holinshed and William Harrison and John Hooker

*** 