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THE MEMOIRS
OF THE
CONQUISTADOR BERNAL DIAZ DEL CASTILLO

WRITTEN BY HIMSELF

CONTAINING A TRUE AND FULL ACCOUNT
OF THE
DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST
OF
MEXICO AND NEW SPAIN

TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL SPANISH BY
JOHN INGRAM LOCKHART, F.R.A.S.
AUTHOR OF "ATTICA AND ATHENS"

IN TWO VOLUMES
VOL. I

LONDON
J. HATCHARD AND SON, 187, PICCADILLY
MDCCCXLIV.

C. AND J. ADLARD, PRINTERS, BATHOLOMEW CLOSE.




TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.


The History of the Conquest of New Spain is a subject in which great
interest is felt at the present day, and the English public will hail
these memoirs, which contain the only true and complete account of that
important transaction.

The author of this original and charming production, to which he justly
gives the title of 'The True History of the Conquest of New Spain,' was
himself one of the Conquistadores; one who not only witnessed the
transactions which he relates, but who also performed a glorious part in
them; a soldier who, for impartiality and veracity, perhaps never had
his equal. His account is acknowledged to be the only one on which we
can place reliance, and it has been the magazine from which the most
eloquent of the Spanish writers on the same subject, as well as those of
other countries, have borrowed their best materials. Some historians
have even transcribed whole pages, but have not had sufficient honesty
to acknowledge it.

The author, while living, was never rewarded for the great services he
had rendered his country, and it is remarkable that, after his death,
his very memoirs were pillaged by court historians, to raise a literary
monument to themselves.

Most of the other writers on the conquest, particularly the Spanish,
have filled their works with exaggerations, to create astonishment and
false interest; pages are filled with so termed philosophical remarks,
which but ill supply the place of the intelligent reader's own
reflections. Bernal Diaz differs widely from those writers, for he only
states what he knows to be true. The British public, fond above all
others of original productions, will peruse with interest and delight a
work which has so long been the secret fountain from which all other
accounts of the conquest, with the exception of those which are least
faithful, have taken life.

In respect of its originality, it may vie with any work of modern times,
not excepting 'Don Quixote.' The author seems to have been born to show
forth truth in all its beauty, and he raises it to a divinity in his
mind. Can anything be more expressive of an honest conscience than what
he says in his own preface: "You have only to read my history, and you
see it is true."

The reader may form a general idea of this work from the following
critique, which Dr. Robertson, the historian, passes upon it: "Bernal
Diaz's account bears all the marks of authenticity, and is accompanied
with such pleasant naivete, with such interesting details, with such
amusing vanity, and yet so pardonable in an old soldier, who had been,
as he boasts, in a hundred and nineteen battles, as renders his book one
of the most singular that is to be found in any language."

One circumstance, and that very justly, he is most anxious to impress on
your mind, namely, that all the merit of the conquest is not due to
Cortes alone; for which reason he generally uses the expression "Cortes
and all of us."

This is an allowable feeling in our old soldier, and it must be
remembered that the greater part of the men who joined Cortes were of
good families, who, as usual on such expeditions, equipped themselves at
their own expense, and went out as adventurers of their own free choice.

With respect to our author's style of writing, it is chiefly
characterized by plainness and simplicity, and yet there are numerous
passages which are written with great force and eloquence, and which, as
the Spanish editor says, "could not have been more forcibly expressed,
nor with greater elegance." Some readers may at first feel inclined to
censure our author for going into minute particulars in describing the
fitting out of the expedition under Cortes; for instance, his describing
the qualities and colours of the horses; but all this, it will be seen,
was of the utmost importance to his history, and of the horses he was
bound to take special notice, for they performed a conspicuous part in
the conquest. The honest old soldier even devotes a couple of his last
chapters to the whole of his companions in arms, in which he mentions
them all by name, describes their persons, their bravery, and the manner
in which they died.

To conclude these few remarks on this work, I must observe, that it not
only surpasses Cortes' despatches in completeness, but also in truth and
naivete. He represents the whole to you with a simplicity truly sublime;
at times he astonishes with a power of expressing his sentiments
peculiar to himself, and with a pathos that goes to the very heart.

Bernal Diaz was of a respectable family, and born in Medina del Campo, a
small town in the province of Leon. He was what in Spain is termed an
hidalgo--though by this little more was signified than a descent from
Christian forefathers, without any mixture of Jewish or Moorish blood.
With respect to the precise year of his birth he has left us in the
dark, but, according to his own account, he first left Castile, for the
New World, in the year 1514; and as, on his first arrival in Mexico, in
the year 1519, he still calls himself a young man, we may safely
conclude that he was born between 1495 and 1500. In the year 1568 he
completed his work, at which time there were only six of the
Conquistadores alive, and he must then have been about seventy years of
age, but there is every reason for supposing that he reached the
advanced age of eighty-six. Endowed with singular nobleness of mind, he
had the happiness to enjoy an unblemished reputation.

The excellent Torquemada, in speaking of him in his voluminous work
entitled 'Monarchia Indiana,' says, "I saw and knew this same Bernal
Diaz in the city of Guatimala; he was then a very aged man, and one who
bore the best of reputations." Quoting him in another passage, he has,
"Thus says Bernal Diaz del Castillo, a soldier on whose authority and
honesty we can place reliance." He was a man devoted to his religion,
and it must be particularly borne in mind that the Catholic faith was
never stronger than at that time; yet we find him the least
superstitious of all the Spanish historians on the Conquest, and, in the
34th Chapter, he has shown a mind superior to the times in which he
lived.

If we contemplate the period in which the conquest of New Spain took
place, we can easily imagine that Cortes considered it imperative on
him to plant his religion among the Indians by the power of the sword,
if he could not by kind remonstrances; and we are often reminded of
Joshua in the Old Testament. The Spaniards themselves certainly
entertained that idea; for in the edition of Cortes' despatches
published at Mexico in 1770, his sword is termed, "Gladius Domini et
Gideonis:" yet the Spaniards were not the cruel monsters they have
generally been described during those times. As far as the conquest of
New Spain is concerned, they were more humane than otherwise; and if at
times they used severity, we find that it was caused by the horrible and
revolting abominations which were practised by the natives. We can
scarcely imagine kinder-hearted beings than the first priests and monks
who went out to New Spain; they were men who spent their lives under
every species of hardship to promote the happiness of the Indians. Who
can picture to his mind a more amiable and noble disposition than that
of father Olmedo? He was one of the finest characters, Dr. Robertson
says, that ever went out as priest with an invading army!

We may have become exceedingly partial to a work which has now been
constantly before our eyes for the last two years, yet we can scarcely
imagine that any one could take up a volume, whether a novel or a
history, which he would peruse with more delight than these memoirs.

With regard to the translation, which is from the old edition printed at
Madrid in 1632, we have acted up to the author's desire, and have
neither added nor taken anything away, and have attempted to follow the
original as closely as possible. To the original there is not a single
note, and particular care has been taken not to overburden the
translation with them. In the spelling of the names of the Indian
chiefs, the townships, and of the provinces, we have mostly followed
Torquemada, who is considered more correct on this point, for he lived
fifty years in New Spain, was perfect master of the Mexican language,
and made the history of that country his peculiar study.




AUTHOR'S PREFACE.


I, Bernal Diaz del Castillo, regidor of the town of Santiago, in
Guatimala, author of this very true and faithful history, have now
finished it, in order that it may be published to the world. It treats
of the discovery and total conquest of New Spain; and how the great city
of Mexico and several other towns were taken, up to the time when peace
was concluded with the whole country; also of the founding of many
Spanish cities and towns, by which we, as we were in duty bound,
extended the dominion of our sovereign.

In this history will be found many curious facts worthy of notice. It
likewise points out the errors and blunders contained in a work written
by Francisco de Gomara, who not only commits many errors himself in what
he writes about New Spain, but he has also been the means of leading
those two famous historians astray who followed his account, namely, Dr.
Illescas and the bishop Paulo Jovio. What I have written in this book I
declare and affirm to be strictly true. I myself was present at every
battle and hostile encounter. Indeed, these are not old tales or
romances of the seventh century; for, if I may so say, it happened but
yesterday what is contained in my history. I relate how, where, and in
what manner these things took place; as an accredited eyewitness of this
I may mention our very spirited and valorous captain Don Hernando
Cortes, marquis del Valle Oaxaca, who wrote an account of these
occurrences from Mexico to his imperial majesty Don Carlos the Fifth,
of glorious memory; and likewise the corresponding account of the
viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza. But, besides this, you have only to read
my history and you see it is true.

I have now completed it this 26th day of February, 1568, from my
day-book and memory, in this very loyal city of Guatimala, the seat of
the royal court of audience. I also think of mentioning some other
circumstances which are for the most part unknown to the public. I must
beg of the printers not to take away from, nor add one single syllable
to, the following narrative, etc.




CONTENTS

OF

THE FIRST VOLUME.


                                                                       PAGE

  CHAP. I. The time of my departure from Castile, and what farther
  happened to me                                                          1

  CHAP. II. Of the discovery of Yucatan, and the battle we fought there
  with the natives                                                        3

  CHAP. III. Discovery of the coast of Campeachy                          6

  CHAP. IV. How we landed in a bay close to some maise plantations, near
  the harbour of Potonchan, and of the attack that was made upon us
  there                                                                   9

  CHAP. V. We resolve to return to Cuba. The extreme thirst we suffered,
  and all the fatigues we underwent until our arrival in the port of
  Havannah                                                               12

  CHAP. VI. How twenty of us went on shore in the bay of Florida with the
  pilot Alaminos in search of water; the hostilities which the natives of
  this country commenced with us; and of all that further befel us on our
  passage to the Havannah                                                13

  CHAP. VII. The fatigues I had to undergo until my arrival in the town of
  Trinidad                                                               17

  CHAP. VIII. How Diego Velasquez, governor of Cuba, sent out another
  armament to the country we had discovered                              19

  CHAP. IX. How we landed at Champoton                                   23

  CHAP. X. We continued our course and ran into Terminos bay, as we named
  it                                                                     24

  CHAP. XI. How we came into the Tabasco river, which we termed the
  Grijalva, and what happened to us there                                25

  CHAP. XII. We come in sight of the town of Aguajaluco, and give it the
  name of La Rambla                                                      28

  CHAP. XIII. How we arrive on the Bandera stream and gain 1500 pesos    29

  CHAP. XIV. How we come into the harbour of San Juan de Ulua            32

  CHAP. XV. Diego Velasquez sends out a small vessel in quest of us      33

  CHAP. XVI. What befel us on our coasting voyage along the Tusta and
  Tuspa mountains                                                        34

  CHAP. XVII. Diego Velasquez despatches one of his officials to Spain   38

  CHAP. XVIII. Of some errors in the work of Francisco Lopez de Gomara   39

  CHAP. XIX. How another armament was fitted out for a voyage to the newly
  discovered countries; the command of which was given to Hernando Cortes,
  afterwards Marquis of the Vale of Oaxaca; also of the secret cabals
  which were formed to deprive him of it                                 42

  CHAP. XX. Of the designs and plans of Hernando Cortes after he had
  obtained the appointment of captain                                    45

  CHAP. XXI. Cortes' occupations at Trinidad, and of the cavaliers and
  warriors who there joined our expedition, and other matters            47

  CHAP. XXII. How the governor, Diego Velasquez, sends two of his
  officials in all haste to Trinidad, with full power and authority to
  deprive Cortes of his appointment of captain, and bring the squadron
  away, &c.                                                              49

  CHAP. XXIII. Cortes embarks with all his cavaliers and soldiers in order
  to sail along the south side of the island to the Havannah, and sends
  off one of the vessels to go around the north coast for the same port  51

  CHAP. XXIV. Diego Velasquez sends one of his officials, named Gaspar
  Garnica, with full authority to take Cortes prisoner, whatever might be
  the consequence; and what further happened                             54

  CHAP. XXV. Cortes sets sail with the whole squadron for the island of
  Cozumel, and what further took place                                   56

  CHAP. XXVI. Cortes reviews his troops, and what further happened       57

  CHAP. XXVII. Cortes receives information that two Spaniards are in the
  power of the Indians at the promontory of Cotoche: the steps he took
  upon this news                                                         58

  CHAP. XXVIII. The manner in which Cortes divides the squadron. The
  officers whom he appointed to the command of the several vessels. His
  instructions to the pilots; the signals which were to be made with
  lanterns at night, &c.                                                 62

  CHAP. XXIX. How the Spaniard Geronimo de Aguilar, who was in the power
  of the Indians, came to us when he learnt that we had again returned to
  the island of Cozumel, and what further happened                       63

  CHAP. XXX. How we re-embark and sail for the river Grijalva, and what
  happened to us on our voyage there                                     66

  CHAP. XXXI. How we arrive in the river Grijalva, called in the Indian
  language the Tabasco; the battle we fought there; and what further took
  place                                                                  68

  CHAP. XXXII. How Cortes despatches two of our principal officers, each
  with one hundred men, to explore the interior of the country, and what
  further took place                                                     71

  CHAP. XXXIII. Cortes issues orders that we should hold ourselves in
  readiness to march against the Indians on the following day; he also
  commands the horses to be brought on shore. How the battle terminates we
  fought with them                                                       73

  CHAP. XXXIV. How we are attacked by all the caziques of Tabasco, and the
  whole armed force of this province, and what further took place        74

  CHAP. XXXV. How Cortes assembles all the caziques of this province, and
  what further happened                                                  77

  CHAP. XXXVI. How all the caziques and calachonis of the river Grijalva
  arrive with presents, and what happened after this                     80

  CHAP. XXXVII. How Dona Marina herself was a caziquess, and the daughter
  of distinguished personages; also a ruler over a people and several
  towns; and how she came to Tabasco                                     84

  CHAP. XXXVIII. How we arrive with our vessels in San Juan de Ulua, and
  what we did there                                                      86

  CHAP. XXXIX. How Teuthlille makes his report to Motecusuma, and gives
  him our presents; as also what further took place in our camp          90

  CHAP. XL. How Cortes goes in search of another harbour and a good spot
  to found a colony, and what further happened                           92

  CHAP. XLI. What happened on account of our bartering for gold, and of
  other things which took place in our camp                              94

  CHAP. XLII. How we elected Hernando Cortes captain-general and chief
  justice until we should receive the emperor's commands on this head; and
  what further happened                                                  97

  CHAP. XLIII. How the partisans of Diego Velasquez would not acknowledge
  the power we had conferred upon Cortes, and what further took place   100

  CHAP. XLIV. How Pedro de Alvarado was ordered to make an excursion into
  the interior of the country, in order to procure maise and other
  provisions; and what further happened                                 101

  CHAP. XLV. How we marched into Sempoalla, which at that period was a
  very considerable township, and what we did there                     104

  CHAP. XLVI. How we march into Quiahuitzlan, which was a town with
  fortifications, and were most friendly received                       106

  CHAP. XLVII. How Cortes ordered the five Mexican tax-gatherers to be
  imprisoned, and no further obedience to be paid Motecusuma, nor tribute
  to be exacted; and of the rebellion which was now excited against this
  monarch                                                               109

  CHAP. XLVIII. How we resolved to found Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz, and
  construct a fortress on the low meadows, in the neighbourhood of some
  salt springs and the harbour, where our vessels were anchored; and what
  further happened                                                      111

  CHAP. XLIX. How the fat cazique and other chief men of the country come
  and complain to Cortes that a garrison of Mexicans had been thrown into
  the strong fortress of Tzinpantzinco, committing great depredations; and
  what further took place                                               114

  CHAP. L. How some of Diego Velasquez's adherents refused to take any
  further part in our proceedings, and declared their determination to
  return to Cuba, seeing that Cortes was earnestly bent upon founding a
  colony, and had already commenced to pacify the inhabitants           115

  CHAP. LI. What happened to us at Tzinpantzinco, and how, on our return
  to Sempoalla, we destroyed all the idols; likewise of other matters   117

  CHAP. LII. How Cortes erects an altar, and places thereon the image of
  the blessed Virgin with a cross; after which mass was said, and the
  eight Indian females were baptized                                    121

  CHAP. LIII. How we arrived in our town of Vera Cruz, and what happened
  there                                                                 123

  CHAP. LIV. Concerning the account of our adventures, with the letter,
  which we sent his majesty the emperor, through Puertocarrero and
  Montejo, the letter being attested by some officers and soldiers      125

  CHAP. LV. How Diego Velasquez is informed by his agents that we had sent
  messengers with letters and presents to our king, and what further took
  place                                                                 127

  CHAP. LVI. How our agents passed through the Bahama channel with the
  most favorable wind, and arrived in Castile after a short passage; and
  of our success at court                                               129

  CHAP. LVII. What took place in our camp after the departure of our
  agents to his majesty with the gold and the letters; and the instance of
  severity which Cortes was compelled to give                           132

  CHAP. LVIII. How we came to the resolution of marching to Mexico, and of
  destroying all our vessels, which was done with the sanction and by the
  advice of all Cortes' true adherents                                  133

  CHAP. LIX. Of the speech which Cortes made to us after our vessels were
  destroyed, and how we prepared for our march to Mexico                135

  CHAP. LX. How Cortes arrived with us at the spot where the vessel lay at
  anchor, and captured six soldiers and sailors of the said vessel who had
  stepped on shore; also what further took place                        136

  CHAP. LXI. How we set out on our march to the city of Mexico, and, upon
  the advice of the caziques, take our road over Tlascalla. What took
  place here, and of the battles we fought                              138

  CHAP. LXII. How we commenced our march upon Tlascalla, and sent
  messengers before us, to obtain the sanction of the inhabitants to pass
  through their country; how they took our messengers prisoners; and what
  further happened                                                      143

  CHAP. LXIII. Of the terrible battles we fought with the Tlascallans, and
  what further happened                                                 146

  CHAP. LXIV. How we quartered ourselves in the township of Tehuacacinco,
  and what we did there                                                 149

  CHAP. LXV. Of the great battle we fought with the Tlascallans, and what
  further took place                                                    150

  CHAP. LXVI. How we sent a message next day to the caziques of Tlascalla
  to bring about peace between us, and the determination they came to upon
  this                                                                  153

  CHAP. LXVII. How we again sent messengers to the caziques of Tlascalla
  in order to induce them to make peace, and the resolution they came to
  upon this                                                             157

  CHAP. LXVIII. How we came to the determination of marching to a township
  in the neighbourhood of our camp, and what happened upon this         158

  CHAP. LXIX. How we found, on our return to our encampment, that new
  intrigues had been set on foot; and the answer Cortes gave to certain
  representations which were made to him                                160

  CHAP. LXX. How the captain Xicotencatl assembled 20,000 chosen warriors
  to make an attack upon us in our camp, and what happened upon this    165

  CHAP. LXXI. How four chief personages arrived in our camp to negotiate
  terms of peace with us, and what further happened                     167

  CHAP. LXXII. How ambassadors arrive in our camp from Motecusuma, and of
  the presents they brought with them                                   170

  CHAP. LXXIII. How the captain-general Xicotencatl arrives in our camp to
  negotiate terms of peace; the speech he made, and what further happened
                                                                        171

  CHAP. LXXIV. How the old caziques of Tlascalla arrived in our camp and
  invited Cortes and all of us to visit their city, and what further
  happened                                                              175

  CHAP. LXXV. How we marched into the city of Tlascalla, and were received
  by the old caziques; of the present they made us, and how they brought
  us their daughters and nieces; and what further happened              176

  CHAP. LXXVI. How mass was said in the presence of a great number of
  caziques, and of the present the latter brought us                    178

  CHAP. LXXVII. How the caziques presented their daughters to Cortes and
  all of us, and what further happened                                  180

  CHAP. LXXVIII. How Cortes gained some information respecting Mexico from
  Xicotencatl and Maxixcatzin                                           183

  CHAP. LXXIX. How our captain Hernando Cortes and all our officers and
  soldiers determine to march to Mexico                                 187

  CHAP. LXXX. How the great Motecusuma despatched four ambassadors to us,
  all men in high authority, with presents in gold and cotton stuffs, and
  what they said to our captains                                        190

  CHAP. LXXXI. How the inhabitants of Cholulla despatched four Indians to
  us, all men of no distinction, to apologise for not having visited us in
  Tlascalla, and what further happened                                  192

  CHAP. LXXXII. How we arrived in the town of Cholulla, and the brilliant
  reception we met with                                                 193

  CHAP. LXXXIII. How the inhabitants of Cholulla concerted a plan, at the
  instigation of Motecusuma, to murder us all, and what further happened
                                                                        195

  CHAP. LXXXIV. The negotiations we set on foot with the great Motecusuma,
  and the ambassadors we sent him                                       208

  CHAP. LXXXV. How the powerful Motecusuma sends a valuable present in
  gold to us, and the message which accompanied it, and how we all agree
  to commence our march upon Mexico; and what further happened          210

  CHAP. LXXXVI. How we set out on our march to Mexico; what happened to us
  on our route; and the message Motecusuma sent us                      212

  CHAP. LXXXVII. How the powerful Motecusuma again sends ambassadors to us
  with a present of gold and cotton stuffs: that monarch's message to
  Cortes, and the answer he returns                                     216

  CHAP. LXXXVIII. The magnificent and pompous reception which the powerful
  Motecusuma gave to Cortes and all of us, on our entrance into the great
  city of Mexico                                                        220

  CHAP. LXXXIX. How Motecusuma, accompanied by several caziques, pays us a
  visit in our quarters, and of the discourse that passed between him and
  our general                                                           223

  CHAP. XC. How our general, the day following, paid a visit to
  Motecusuma, and of the discourse that passed between them             225

  CHAP. XCI. Of Motecusuma's person, disposition, habits, and of his great
  power                                                                 228

  CHAP. XCII. Our general takes a walk through Mexico, and views the
  Tlatelulco, (the great square,) and the chief temple of Huitzilopochtli
                                                                        235

  CHAP. XCIII. How we erect a chapel and altar in our quarters with a
  cross on the outside; discover the treasure of Motecusuma's father; and
  determine to seize the monarch's person and imprison him in our quarters
                                                                        244

  CHAP. XCIV. Of the battle which the Mexican generals fought with
  Escalante and the Totonaque tribes                                    247

  CHAP. XCV. Of the imprisonment of Motecusuma, and what further happened
                                                                        249

  CHAP. XCVI. How our general appoints Alonso Grado lieutenant of Vera
  Cruz, and Sandoval alguacil-major of the same place                   255

  CHAP. XCVII. How we entertained and amused Motecusuma during his
  confinement, and granted him permission to visit his temple           258

  CHAP. XCVIII. How Cortes orders two large brigantines to be built for
  the navigation of the lake of Mexico; Motecusuma begs permission to
  visit his temples to offer up his prayers there; and what Cortes said to
  him when he granted this permission                                   261

  CHAP. XCIX. How our two brigantines are launched, and Motecusuma,
  expressing a wish to go a hunting, sails in one of these vessels to a
  river where he usually went for that purpose                          263

  CHAP. C. How the nephews of Motecusuma assembled the principal
  personages of the empire, and formed a conspiracy to rescue the monarch
  from confinement, and beat us out of the city                         265

  CHAP. CI. How the powerful Motecusuma, with several caziques and chief
  personages of the country, declare themselves vassals of our emperor;
  and of other occurrences which happened then                          271

  CHAP. CII. How Cortes sends out some of our men to explore the gold
  mines and those rivers which wash down gold; also the harbours from the
  Panuco to the Tabasco, but particularly the river Guacasualco         273

  CHAP. CIII. How the officers whom Cortes had despatched to the gold
  mines and the river Guacasualco returned to Mexico                    274

  CHAP. CIV. How Cortes desired the powerful Motecusuma to order all the
  caziques of the empire to bring in the tribute of gold due to our
  emperor                                                               277

  CHAP. CV. How all the gold presented by Motecusuma, and collected from
  the different townships, was divided; and what happened to one of our
  soldiers on the occasion                                              280

  CHAP. CVI. Of the high words which arose between Velasquez de Leon and
  our treasurer Gonzalo Mexia on account of the gold which was missing
  from the heap, and how Cortes put an end to that dispute              282

  CHAP. CVII. How Motecusuma offers one of his daughters in marriage to
  Cortes, who accepts her, and pays her the attention due to her high
  station                                                               284

  CHAP. CVIII. How the powerful Motecusuma acquaints Cortes that it is
  requisite for his safety to quit Mexico, with the whole of his men, as
  all the caziques and papas were upon the point of rising up in arms to
  destroy us all, in compliance with the advice given them by their gods:
  the steps which Cortes took upon this news                            286

  CHAP. CIX. How the governor of Cuba, Velasquez, in all haste fits out an
  armament against us, the command of which he gives to Pamfilo de
  Narvaez, who was accompanied by the licentiate Lucas Vazquez de Aillon,
  auditor of the royal court of audience at St. Domingo                 289

  CHAP. CX. How Narvaez arrives with the whole of his flotilla in the
  harbour of San Juan de Ulua, and what happened upon this              290

  CHAP. CXI. How Pamfilo Narvaez despatches five persons to Sandoval, the
  commandant of Vera Cruz, with summons to surrender up the town to him
                                                                        293

  CHAP. CXII. How Cortes, after he had gained every information respecting
  the armament, wrote to Narvaez, and several of his acquaintances who had
  come with him, and particularly to Andreas du Duero, private secretary
  to Velasquez; and of other events                                     296

  CHAP. CXIII. The high words which arose between the auditor Vazquez de
  Aillon and Narvaez, who orders him to be seized and sent back prisoner
  to Spain                                                              298

  CHAP. CXIV. Narvaez marches, with the whole of his troops, to Sempoalla;
  his proceedings there; and how we in Mexico determine to march against
  him                                                                   300

  CHAP. CXV. How the powerful Motecusuma inquires of Cortes whether it was
  really his intention to march out against Narvaez, though the latter's
  troops were double the number of ours                                 302

  CHAP. CXVI. How we determined once more to despatch father Olmedo to
  Narvaez's head-quarters, and what we commissioned him to say          306

  CHAP. CXVII. How father Olmedo arrived in Narvaez's head-quarters at
  Sempoalla, and what he did there                                      308

  CHAP. CXVIII. How Cortes reviews the whole of his troops, and we are
  supplied with two hundred and fifty very long new lances, by the
  Tchinantecs                                                           310

  CHAP. CXIX. How Duero, with the soldier Usagre and two of his Indian
  servants from Cuba, arrived in our camp; who this Duero was, and the
  reason of his visit, &c.                                              311

  CHAP. CXX. How Juan Velasquez arrives in Narvaez's head-quarters, and
  what took place there                                                 314

  CHAP. CXXI. What took place in Narvaez's quarters after the return to
  our camp of the ambassadors we had sent there                         318

  CHAP. CXXII. The order of our march against Narvaez; the speech Cortes
  made to us; and our reply to it                                       320

  CHAP. CXXIII. How the 2000 Indians of Chinantla, whom Cortes had
  demanded of the caziques there, arrived at Sempoalla after Narvaez's
  defeat                                                                329

  CHAP. CXXIV. How Cortes despatches Francisco de Lugo, with two men who
  had formerly been ship-builders, to the harbour where Narvaez's flotilla
  lay, to bring all the captains and pilots of the vessels to Sempoalla
                                                                        329

  CHAP. CXXV. How we all, including Narvaez's troops, hasten to Mexico by
  forced marches                                                        333

  CHAP. CXXVI. How the Mexicans made war upon us, and the battles we
  fought with them                                                      337

  CHAP. CXXVII. Cortes determines to announce Motecusuma's death to the
  Mexican generals and chiefs who are at war with us                    345

  CHAP. CXXVIII. How we come to the determination of leaving Mexico
  secretly at night; and what further happened                          347

  CHAP. CXXIX. How we quartered ourselves in the metropolis of Tlascalla,
  and what we did there 359

  CHAP. CXXX. How we marched into the province of Tepeaca, what we did
  there, and of other things which happened                             365

  CHAP. CXXXI. How a vessel, which had been sent by Diego Velasquez from
  Cuba, arrived at Vera Cruz, commanded by the captain Pedro Barba, and
  the manner in which Caballero captured her                            369

  CHAP. CXXXII. How the inhabitants of Quauhquechola called upon Cortes,
  and begged of him to drive out the Mexican troops from their town, as
  they were plundered and ill-used by them                              370

  CHAP. CXXXIII. How one of the vessels which Francisco de Garay had
  fitted out for the object of forming settlements on the river Panuco,
  put in at Vera Cruz, and what further happened                        373

  CHAP. CXXXIV. How Cortes despatches Sandoval with 200 men, among which
  were twenty horse and twelve crossbow-men, to punish the tribes of
  Xalatzinco and Zacatemi, for having put some Spaniards to death, and to
  demand restitution of the gold they had robbed us of; and also further
  to explore the country                                                375

  CHAP. CXXXV. How all the slaves we had taken in Tepeaca, Quauhquechola,
  Tecalco, and Castilblanco, were brought together in our head-quarters,
  and branded with an iron, in his majesty's name                       379

  CHAP. CXXXVI. How the chief officers and principal personages of
  Narvaez's troops request leave to return to Cuba, which Cortes grants,
  and they accordingly leave; also how our general sends ambassadors to
  Spain, St. Domingo, and Jamaica                                       381

NOTES                                                                 387


[Transcriber's Notes: The errata below have been corrected in the
text. Footnote 24 has also been moved to its correct position in the text.]


ERRATA.

    P.  17, _l._  3, _for_ Fronseca, _read_ Fonseca.
        17,      24, _for_ dubbloons, _read_ doubloons.
        20,      18, _for_ Chaopa, _read_ Chiapa.
        20,      26, _for_ Mautanzas, _read_ Matanza.
        31,       8, _for_ this, _read_ their.
        31,      28, _for_ surrounded, _read_ surmounted.
        51,      17, _for_ his, _read_ its
    P.  53, _l._ 19, _read_ whom the king Quauhtemoctzin took.
       126,       2, _for_ which, _read_ whom.
       230,      22, _for_ were, _read_ was.
       355,       9, _for_ when, _read_ where.
       365,      33, _for_ were the townships, _read_ was the township.




CONQUEST

OF

MEXICO AND NEW SPAIN.




CHAPTER I.

    _The time of my departure from Castile, and what further happened to
    me._


In the year 1514 I departed from Castile in the suite of Pedro Arias de
Avila, who had just then been appointed governor of Terra Firma. At sea
we had sometimes bad and sometimes good weather, until we arrived at
Nombre Dios, where the plague was raging: of this we lost many of our
men, and most of us got terrible sores on our legs, and were otherwise
ill. Soon after our arrival, dissensions arose between the governor and
a certain wealthy cavalier, named Vasco Nunez de Balboa, who had brought
this province to subjection, and was married to one of the daughters of
Avila. As, however, suspicion had been excited against him, owing to a
plan he had formed of making a voyage to the South Sea at his own
expense, for which he required a considerable body of troops, his own
father-in-law deposed him and afterwards sentenced him to decapitation.

While we were spectators of all this, and saw, moreover, how other
soldiers rebelled against their superior officers, we learnt that the
island of Cuba had just been conquered, and that a nobleman of Quellar,
named Diego Velasquez, was appointed governor there. Upon this news some
of us met together, cavaliers and soldiers, all persons of quality who
had come with Pedro Arias de Avila, and asked his permission to proceed
to the island of Cuba: this he readily granted, not having sufficient
employment for so great a number of men as he had brought with him from
Spain. Neither was there any further conquest to be made in these parts;
all was in profound peace, so thoroughly had his son-in-law Balboa
subdued the country, besides which it was but small in extent and thinly
populated. As soon, therefore, as we had obtained leave, we embarked in
a good vessel and took our departure. Our voyage was most prosperous, so
that we speedily arrived at Cuba. The first thing we did was to pay our
respects to the governor, who received us with great kindness, and made
us a promise of the first Indians that might be discharged. Three years,
however, passed away since our first arrival in Terra Firma and stay at
Cuba, still living in the expectation of the Indians which had been
promised us, but in vain. During the whole of this time we had
accomplished nothing worthy of notice: we therefore, the 110 who had
come from Terra Firma, with some others of Cuba, who were also without
any Indians, met together to concert measures with a rich cavalier named
Francisco Hernandez de Cordoba, who, besides being a person of wealth,
possessed great numbers of Indians on the island. This gentleman we
chose for our captain; he was to lead us out on voyages for the
discovery of new countries, where we might find sufficient employment.

We purchased three vessels, two of which were of considerable burden;
the third was given us by the governor, Diego Velasquez, on condition
namely, that we should first invade the Guanajas islands, which lie
between Cuba and the Honduras, and bring him thence three cargoes of
Indians, whom he wanted for slaves; this he would consider as payment
for the vessel. We were, however, fully aware that it was an act of
injustice which Diego Velasquez thus required at our hands, and gave him
for answer: that neither God nor the king had commanded us to turn a
free people into slaves. When he learnt our determination, he confessed
that our project for the discovery of new countries was more
praiseworthy, and he furnished us with provisions for our voyage.

We had now three vessels and a sufficient supply of cassave bread, as it
is there made from the juca root. We also purchased some pigs, which
cost us three pesos a piece; for at that time there were neither cows
nor sheep on the island of Cuba: to this I must also add a scanty supply
of other provisions; while every soldier took with him some glass beads
for barter. We had three pilots; of whom the principal one, who had the
chief command of our vessels, was called Anton de Alaminos, a native of
Palos; the two others were, Camacho de Triana, and Juan Alvarez el
Manquillo of Huelva. In the same way we hired sailors, and furnished
ourselves with ropes, anchors, water-casks, and other necessaries for
our voyage, all at our own expense and personal risk.

After we had met together, in all 110, we departed for a harbour on the
north coast of Cuba, called by the natives Ajaruco. The distance from
this place to the town of San Christoval, then recently built, was
twenty-four miles; for the Havannah had then only been two years in our
possession. In order that our squadron might not want for anything
really useful, we engaged a priest at the town of San Christoval. His
name was Alonso Gonzalez, and by fair words and promises we persuaded
him to join us. We also appointed, in the name of his majesty, a
treasurer, called Beruardino Miguez, a native of Saint Domingo de la
Calzada. This was done in order that if it pleased God we should
discover any new countries, where either gold, silver, or pearls were to
be found, there might be amongst us a qualified person to take charge of
the fifths for the Emperor.[1] After everything had been thus properly
ordered and we had heard mass said, we commended ourselves to God, our
Lord Jesus Christ, and the virgin Mary his blessed mother, and set out
on our voyage, as I shall further relate.

[1] During the first conquests of the Spaniards in New Spain, one half
of the profits arising from the gold mines was paid to the crown; but
the ill effects of this exorbitant demand soon began to show themselves,
and it was reduced to one third, and then to a fifth, called the real
quinto, which continued for a length of time, until it was further
reduced. I must take this opportunity of observing, that the Spanish
"peso" is equal to about 4s. 6d. of our money. (p. 3.)




CHAPTER II.

    _Of the Discovery of Yucatan, and the battle we fought there with
    the Natives._


We sailed in the year 1517 from the harbour of Jaruco and left the
Havannah. This harbour lies on the north coast of Cuba, and is so called
by the natives. After twelve days' sail we had passed the coast of Saint
Antonius, which in Cuba is called the country of the Guanatavies, a wild
tribe of Indians. We now made for the wide ocean, steering continually
towards the west, totally ignorant of the shoals and currents or of the
winds which predominate in this latitude. Certainly most hazardous on
our part, and indeed we were very soon visited by a terrible storm,
which continued two days and two nights, in which the whole of us had
nigh perished.

After the storm had abated and we had changed our course, we came in
sight of land on the twenty-first day after our departure from Cuba,
which filled every heart with joy and thanks towards God. This country
had never been discovered before, nor had any one ever heard of it. From
our ships we could perceive a considerable sized town, which lay about
six miles from the sea shore. On account of its magnitude, and because
it was larger than any town in Cuba, we gave it the name of _Grand
Cairo_.

We resolved that our smallest vessel should near the shore as much as
possible, to learn the nature of the spot and look out for a good
anchorage. One morning, the 5th of March, we perceived five large canoes
full of men coming towards us as swift as their paddles and sails could
bring them from the town just mentioned. These canoes were hollowed out
of the trunks of large trees, after the manner of our kneading troughs.
Many of them were big enough to hold from forty to fifty Indians.

As these Indians approached us in their canoes, we made signs of peace
and friendship, beckoning at the same time to them with our hands and
cloaks to come up to us that we might speak with them; for at that time
there was nobody amongst us who understood the language of Yucatan or
Mexico. They now came along side of us without evincing the least fear,
and more than thirty of them climbed on board of our principal ship. We
gave them bacon and cassave bread to eat, and presented each with a
necklace of green glass beads. After they had for some time minutely
examined the ship, the chief, who was a cazique, gave us to understand,
by signs, that he wished to get down again into his canoe and return
home, but that he would come the next day with many more canoes in order
to take us on shore. These Indians wore a kind of cloak made of cotton,
and a small sort of apron which hung from their hips half-way down to
the knee, which they termed a maltates. We found them more intelligent
than the Indians of Cuba, where only the women wear a similar species of
apron made of cotton, which hangs down over their thighs, and is called
by them a nagua.

But to continue my narrative. Very early the morning following, our
cazique again called upon us: this time he brought with him twelve large
canoes and a number of rowers. He made known to our captain, by signs,
that we were good friends and might come to his town: he would give us
plenty to eat with everything we wanted, and could go on shore in his
twelve canoes. I shall never forget how he said, in his language, _con
escotoch_, _con escotoch_, which means, come with me to my houses yonder.
We therefore called the spot Punta de Cotoche, under which name it
stands on the sea charts.

In consideration of all these friendly invitations from the cazique to
accompany him to his village, our captain held a short consultation with
us, when we came to the resolution to lower our boats, take the smallest
of our vessels with us, and so proceed together with the twelve canoes
all at once on shore, as the coast was crowded with Indians from the
above-mentioned village. This was accordingly done, and we all arrived
there at the same time. The cazique seeing us now landed, but that we
made no signs of going to his village, again gave our captain to
understand, by signs, that we should follow him to his habitation,
making at the same time so many demonstrations of friendship, that a
second consultation was held as to whether we should accompany him or
not. This was carried in the affirmative, but we took every precaution
to be upon our guard, marching in close order with our arms ready for
action. We took fifteen crossbows with a like number of matchlocks, and
followed the cazique, who was accompanied by a great number of Indians.

As we were thus marching along, and had arrived in the vicinity of
several rocky mountains, the cazique all at once raised his voice,
calling aloud to his warriors, who it seemed were lying wait in ambush,
to fall upon us and destroy us all. The cazique had no sooner given the
signal, than out rushed with terrible fury great numbers of armed
warriors, greeting us with such a shower of arrows, that fifteen of our
men were immediately wounded. These Indians were clad in a kind of
cuirass made of cotton, and armed with lances, shields, bows, and
slings; with each a tuft of feathers stuck on his head. As soon as they
had let fly their arrows, they rushed forward and attacked us man to
man, setting furiously to with their lances, which they held in both
hands. When, however, they began to feel the sharp edge of our swords,
and saw what destruction our crossbows and matchlocks made among them,
they speedily began to give way. Fifteen of their number lay dead on the
field.

At some distance from the spot where they had so furiously attacked us
was a small place in which stood three houses built of stone and lime.
These were temples in which were found many idols made of clay which
were of a pretty good size; some had the countenances of devils, others
those of females: some again had even more horrible shapes, and appeared
to represent Indians committing horrible offences. In these temples we
also found small wooden boxes containing other of their gods with
hellish faces, several small shells, some ornaments, three crowns, and
other trinkets, some in the shape of fish, others in the shape of ducks,
all worked out of an inferior kind of gold. Seeing all this, the gold,
and the good architectural style of the temples, we felt overjoyed at
the discovery of this country; for Peru was not discovered till sixteen
years after. While we were fighting with the Indians, the priest
Gonzalez ordered the gold and small idols to be removed to our ships by
two Indians whom we had brought with us from Cuba. During the skirmish
we took two of the natives prisoners, who subsequently allowed
themselves to be baptised and became Christians. One was named Melchior
and the other Julian; both were tattooed about the eyes. The combat
with the natives now being at an end, we resolved to re-embark, and
prosecute our voyage of discovery further along the coast towards the
west. Having dressed the wounds of our men we again set sail.




CHAPTER III.

    _Discovery of the Coast of Campeachy._


Continuing the course we had previously determined upon, more westward
along the coast, we discovered many promontories, bays, reefs, and
shallows. We all considered this country to be an island, because our
pilot, Anton de Alaminos, persisted in it. During daytime we proceeded
with all caution, but lay to at nights. After sailing in this way for
fourteen days, we perceived another village which appeared to us of
considerable magnitude. Here was a bay with an inner harbour, and it
appeared to us that there might also be some river or small stream where
we could take in fresh water, which latter had become very scarce, as
our supply in the casks, which were none of the best, was fast
diminishing; for, as the expedition was fitted out solely by persons in
poor circumstances, we had not been able to purchase good ones. It
happened to be Sunday Lazari when we landed, and we therefore named this
place in honour of this day, although we were well aware that the
Indians called it the land of _Campeachy_.

In order that the whole of us might land at the same time, we determined
to go on shore in our smallest vessel and three boats, all of us well
armed, to be ready in case we should meet with a similar rencontre as at
the cape of Cotoche. The sea in these bays and roads is very shallow, so
that our vessels were forced to anchor at more than three miles distance
from the shore. Thus precautious we landed near the village, but were
still a good way from the place were we intended to fill our casks. From
this spot the natives also had their water; for we now found that there
was no rivulet in the neighbourhood.

When we had brought our casks on shore, filled them with water, and were
about to embark again, about fifty Indians from the village came up to
us. They all wore stately mantels made of cotton, appeared friendly
disposed, and to be caziques. They asked us, by signs, what our business
was there? We told them to take in water, and that we were about to
re-embark. They further pointed with their hands to the rising of the
sun, and asked us whether we came from that quarter, at the same time
pronouncing the word _Castilan_, _Castilan_; but at that moment we did not
pay any particular attention to the word Castilan. In the course of this
interview, however, they gave us to understand that we might go with
them to their village.

We held a consultation amongst ourselves as to whether we should accept
the invitation, and at length unanimously agreed to follow them, but to
use the utmost circumspection. They took us to some large edifices,
which were strongly put together, of stone and lime, and had otherwise a
good appearance. These were temples, the walls of which were covered
with figures representing snakes and all manner of gods. Round about a
species of altar we perceived several fresh spots of blood. On some of
the idols there were figures like crosses, with other paintings
representing groups of Indians. All this astonished us greatly as we had
neither seen nor heard, of such things before. It appeared to us that
the inhabitants had just been sacrificing some Indians to their gods, to
obtain from them the power to overcome us.

There were great numbers of Indians with their wives who received us
with pleasing smiles, and otherwise made every show of friendship; but
their numbers gradually increasing we began to entertain fears that it
would end in the same hostile manner as at Cape Cotoche. While we were
thus looking on, a number of Indians approached us clad in tattered
cloaks, each carrying a bundle of dried reeds, which they arranged in
order on the ground. Among them we also perceived two troops of men
armed with bows, lances, shields, slings, and stones, having their
cotton cuirasses on. At the head of these, and at some distance from us
stood the chiefs. At this moment ten Indians came running out of another
temple, all dressed in long white robes, while the thick hair of their
heads was so entangled and clotted with blood that it would have been an
impossibility to have combed or put it in order without cutting it off.
These personages were priests, and in New Spain are commonly termed
_Papas_.[2] I repeat it, that in New Spain they are termed papas, and I
will therefore in future call them by that name. These papas brought
with them a kind of incense, which looked like resin, and is termed by
them copal. They had pans made of clay filled with glowing embers, and
with these they perfumed us. They also gave us to understand, by signs,
that we should leave their country before the bundles of reeds, which
had been brought and were going to be set fire to, should be consumed,
otherwise they would attack and kill us every man.

Upon this they ordered the bundles to be lighted, and as soon as they
began to burn, all were silent, nor did they utter another syllable.
Those, on the contrary, who had ranged themselves in order of battle,
began to play on their pipes, blow their twisted shells, and beat their
drums. When we saw what their real intentions were, and how confident
they appeared, it of course reminded us that our wounds which we had
received at Cape Cotoche were not yet healed; that two of our men had
died of the consequences, whom we had been obliged to throw overboard.
As the number of Indians continued to increase, we became alarmed, and
resolved to retreat to the shore in the best order we could. In this way
we marched along the coast until we arrived at that spot where our boats
and the small vessels lay with the water-casks. Not far distant from
this place stood a rock in the midst of the sea; for, on account of the
vast numbers of Indians, we durst not venture to re-embark where we had
at first landed, as they would no doubt have fallen upon us while we
were getting into our boats.

After we had thus managed to get our water safe on board and re-embark
at the small harbour which the bay here forms, we continued our course
for six days and six nights without interruption, the weather being very
fine. But now the wind suddenly veered round to the north and brought
stormy weather, as is always the case with a north wind on this coast.
The storm lasted twenty-four hours, and indeed we had nearly all of us
met with a watery grave, so boisterous was the sea. In order to save
ourselves from total destruction we cast anchor near the shore. The
safety of our ship now depended upon two ropes, and had they given way
we should have been cast on shore. Oh, in what a perilous situation we
were then placed! had we been torn away from our anchors we must have
been wrecked off the coast! But it was the will of Providence that our
old ropes and cables should preserve us. When the storm had abated we
continued our course along the coast and kept in as much as possible,
that we might take in water when required. For, as I have before stated,
our casks were old and leaky; nor was the best economy used with the
water, for we thought by going on shore we should be certain either to
meet with some spring or obtain it by digging wells. Thus coasting along
we espied a village from our ships, and about three miles further on
there was a kind of inner harbour, at the head of which it appeared to
us there might be some river or brook; we therefore resolved to land
here.

The water, as I have above mentioned, being uncommonly shallow along
this coast, we were compelled to anchor our two larger vessels at about
three miles distance from the shore, fearing they might otherwise run
aground. We then proceeded with our smallest vessel and all our boats in
order to land at the above-mentioned inner harbour. We were, however,
quite upon our guard, and carried along with us, besides the
water-casks, our arms, crossbows, and muskets.

It was about midday when we landed. The distance from here to the
village, which was called Potonchan, might be three miles. Here we found
some wells, maise plantations, and stone buildings. Our water-casks were
soon filled, but we could not succeed to get them into our boats on
account of an attack made upon us by great numbers of the inhabitants. I
will, however, break off here and relate the battle we fought, in the
next chapter.

[2] Bernal Diaz is thus particular in laying stress on this remarkable
circumstance, because the pope of Rome, in Spanish, is termed papa. (p.
7.)




CHAPTER IV.

    _How we landed in a bay close to some maise plantations, near the
    harbour of Potonchan, and of the attack that was made upon us
    there._


While we were busy taking in water, near the above-mentioned houses and
maise plantations, great numbers of Indians were making towards us from
the village of Potonchan, as it is termed by the natives. They had all
their cotton cuirasses on, which reached to their knees, and were armed
with bows, lances, shields, and swords. The latter were shaped like our
broadswords, and are wielded with both hands. They also had slings and
stones, their bunches of feathers on, and their whole bodies painted
with white, brown, and black colours. They approached us in profound
silence, as if they came with the most peaceable intentions, and
inquired of us by signs if we came from the rising of the sun, thereby
pronouncing the very same words which the inhabitants of St. Lazaro had
used: namely, _Castilan, Castilan_. We told them, likewise by signs,
that we indeed came from the rising of the sun. We certainly did not
understand what they meant; nevertheless it was something for us to
reflect on, while it at the same time gave rise to a variety of
conjectures, since the natives of St. Lazaro had used the identical
words.

It was about the hour of Ave Maria, when the Indians approached us in
this manner. A few country houses were scattered round about the
neighbourhood. We took the precaution to post watches in different
quarters, and upon the whole kept a sharp look out, as the manner in
which the natives were assembling seemed to forebode very little good.
When we had closed our ranks and taken every necessary precaution, our
ears were assailed by the cries and yells of large bodies of Indians who
were advancing from different quarters. As they were all armed for
battle we could no longer doubt that some evil design was lurking
behind; we therefore held a consultation with our captain as to the
course we should adopt. Many were of opinion that the best we could do
would be to re-embark ourselves in all haste; but, as is always the case
in critical moments, one advised this and another that, and so this
proposal was overruled as unadvisable, for the vast numbers of Indians
would certainly fall upon us while we were getting into our boats and we
should all stand in danger of being killed. Others again, among which
number I also was, were of opinion that the enemy should be attacked
that very night; for, according to the old saying, he who strikes the
first blow remains master of the field; but we might make up our minds
that each of us singly would have to encounter thirty Indians at least.

Day now began to dawn, and we emboldened each other to meet the coming
severe conflict by putting our trust in God and commending our cause to
him, while every one was determined to defend himself to the utmost. As
soon as daylight had fully broken forth, we perceived more troops of
armed natives moving towards the coast with flying colours. They had on
their feather-knots, and were provided with drums, bows, lances,
shields, and joined themselves to the others who had arrived in the
night. They divided themselves into different bodies, surrounded us on
all sides, and commenced pouring forth such showers of arrows, lances,
and stones, that more than eighty of our men were wounded at the first
onset. They next rushed furiously forward and attacked us man to man:
some with their lances, others with their swords and arrows, and all
this with such terrible fury that we were compelled also to show them
earnest. We dealt many a good thrust and blow amongst them, keeping up
at the same time an incessant fire with our muskets and crossbows; for
while some loaded others fired. At last, by dint of heavy blows and
thrusts we forced them to give way; but they did not retreat further
than was necessary, in order that they might still continue to hem us in
in all safety; constantly crying out in their language, _Al calachoni,
al calachoni_; which signifies, kill the chief! And sure enough our
captain was wounded in no less than twelve different places by their
arrows. I myself had three; one of which was in my left side and very
dangerous, the arrow having pierced to the very bone. Others of our men
were wounded by the enemy's lances, and two were carried off alive; of
whom, one was called Alonzo Bote, the other was an old Portuguese.

Perceiving how closely we were hemmed in on all sides by the enemy, who
not only kept constantly pouring in fresh troops but were copiously
supplied on the field of battle with meat, drink, and quantities of
arrows, we soon concluded that all our courageous fighting would not
advance us a step. The whole of us were wounded, many shot through the
neck, and more than fifty of our men were killed. In this critical
situation we determined to cut our way manfully through the enemy's
ranks and make for the boats, which fortunately lay on the coast near at
hand. We therefore firmly closed our ranks and broke through the enemy.
At that moment you should have heard the whizzing of their arrows, the
horrible yell they set up, and how the Indians provoked each other to
the combat, at the same time making desperate thrusts with their lances.
But a still more serious misfortune awaited us; for as we made a
simultaneous rush to our boats, they soon sunk or capsized, so that we
were forced to cling to them as well as we could; and in this manner by
swimming we strove to make the best of our way to the small vessel,
which was now in all haste coming up to our assistance. Many of our men
were even wounded while climbing into the vessel, but more particularly
those who clung to its side; for the Indians pursued us in their canoes
and attacked us without intermission. With the greatest exertions and
help of God we thus got out of the hands of this people.

After we had gained our vessels we found that fifty-seven of our men
were missing, besides the two whom the Indians had carried off alive,
and five whom we had thrown overboard, who had died in consequence of
their wounds and extreme thirst. The battle lasted a little longer than
half an hour. The spot where it took place was certainly called
Potonchan. Our seamen, however, gave it the name of Bahea de mala Pelea,
(the bay of the disastrous engagement,) as it stands on the maps. As
soon as we found ourselves in safety we returned thanks to Almighty God
for the preservation of our lives. Our wounded, however, had still great
sufferings to undergo, as we had nothing but salt water to wash their
wounds with, which caused them to swell very much. Some of our men swore
most bitterly against our chief pilot Alaminos, and the conduct he had
pursued; he having steadfastly maintained that this was an island and
not a continent. I must, however, break off here, and relate what
further happened to us, in the next chapter.




CHAPTER V.

    _We resolve to return to Cuba. The extreme thirst we suffered, and
    all the fatigues we underwent until our arrival in the port of
    Havannah._


After we had got into our vessels, as above related, and returned thanks
to God for our preservation, we commenced dressing our wounds. None of
us had escaped without two, three, or four wounds. Our captain had as
many as twelve, and there was only one single soldier who came off
whole. We therefore determined to return to Cuba; but as most of the
sailors who had accompanied us on shore were also wounded, we had not
sufficient hands to work the sails, we were therefore forced to set fire
to our smallest vessel and leave it to the mercy of the waves, after
taking out all the ropes, sails, and anchors, and distributing the
sailors, who were not wounded equally among the two other vessels. We
had, however, to struggle with another far greater evil. This was our
great want of fresh water; for although we had filled our barrels and
casks near Potonchan, we did not succeed to bring them off, owing to the
furious attack of the natives and the hurry we were in to get on board:
thus we had been compelled to leave them behind and return without a
single drop of water. We suffered most intensely from thirst, and the
only way we could in some measure refresh our parched tongues was to
hold the edges of our axes between our lips. Oh, what a fearful
undertaking it is to venture out on the discovery of new countries, and
place one's life in danger, as we were obliged to do! Those alone can
form any idea of it who have gone through the hard school of experience.

We now kept as close into the shore as possible, to look out for some
stream or creek where we might meet with fresh water. After thus
continuing our course for three days we espied an inlet or mouth of some
river as we thought, and sent a few hands on shore in the hopes of
meeting with water. These were fifteen sailors who had remained on board
during the battle at Potonchan, and three soldiers who had been only
slightly wounded. They carried along with them pickaxes and three small
casks. But the water in the inlet was salt, and wherever they dug wells
it was equally bad. They nevertheless filled the casks with it, but it
was so bitter and salty as to be unfit for use. Two soldiers who drank
of it became ill of the consequences. The water here swarmed with
lizards; we therefore gave this place the name of Lizard Bay, under
which name it stands on the sea charts.

But, to continue my history, I must not forget to mention that while
our boats were on shore in search of water, there suddenly arose such a
violent tempest from the north-east, that our ships were nigh being cast
on shore. For, as we were forced to lay to, the wind blowing hard from
the north and north-east, our position was extremely dangerous, from a
scarcity of ropes.

When the men who had gone on shore with our boats perceived the danger
we were in, they hastened to our assistance, and cast out additional
anchors and cables. In this way we lay for two days and two nights.
After the expiration of that time we again heaved our anchors and
steered in the direction of Cuba. Our pilot Alaminos here held a
consultation with the two others, when they concluded that the best plan
would be to get, if possible, into the latitude of Florida, which,
according to their charts and furthest measurement, could not be more
than 210 miles distant; for they assured us if we could get into the
latitude of Florida, we should have a better and speedier sail to the
Havannah. It turned out exactly as they had said; for Alaminos had been
in these parts before, having accompanied Juan de Leon when he
discovered Florida, about ten or twelve years previously. After four
days' sail we crossed this gulf and came in sight of Florida.




CHAPTER VI.

    _How twenty of us went on shore in the bay of Florida with the pilot
    Alaminos in search of water; the hostilities which the natives of
    this country commenced with us; and of all that further befel us on
    our passage to the Havannah._


As soon as we had arrived off the coast of Florida we determined that
twenty of our men, who had almost recovered from their wounds, should go
on shore. Among the number was myself and the pilot, Alaminos. We each
took a mattock and a small cask, being, moreover, well armed with
crossbows and muskets. Our captain, who was dangerously wounded and very
much weakened by the extreme thirst he suffered, begged of us, in the
name of God, to bring him some sweet water, as he was almost dying of
thirst. Indeed, the water, as I have before said, which we then had was
quite salty and not drinkable. We landed in a creek, and our pilot again
recognized this coast, which he had visited ten or twelve years
previously with Ponce de Leon, when he discovered these countries. They
had here fought a battle with the natives, and lost many of their men.

We therefore took every precaution lest the natives should also fall
upon us unawares. We posted two sentinels at a spot where the stream had
a considerable breadth. We then dug deep wells where we thought fresh
water was likely to be found. The sea was just ebbing, and it pleased
God that we should find sweet water there.

With joyful hearts we then took our fill of the refreshing beverage, and
washed the bandages of our wounded. A good hour's time was spent in
this, and as we were on the point of re-embarking with the casks of
water, quite overjoyed at our success, one of the men whom we had placed
sentinel on the coast came running towards us in all haste, crying
aloud, "To arms! to arms! numbers of Indians are approaching, both by
land and sea." And indeed the Indians came up to us almost at the same
time with the sentinel.

They had immense sized bows with sharp arrows, lances, and spears--among
these some were shaped like swords--while their large powerful bodies
were covered with skins of wild beasts. They made straightways to us,
let fly their arrows, and wounded six of our men at the first onset. I
was also slightly wounded in my right arm. We, however, received our
enemies with such well-directed blows and musket-shots that they very
soon quitted us who had been digging the wells, and turned towards the
creek to assist their companions who in their canoes were attacking
those left behind in the boat. The latter had been forced to fight man
to man, and had already lost the boat, which the Indians were towing off
behind their canoes. Four of the sailors had been wounded, and the
pilot, Alaminos, himself severely so in the throat. We, however,
courageously faced our enemy, went up to our middles in the water, and
soon compelled them, by dint of our swords, to jump out of the boat
again. Twenty-two of the enemy lay dead on the shore; three others, who
were slightly wounded, we took on board with us, but they died soon
after.

After this skirmish was ended, we questioned the soldier who had stood
sentinel as to what had become of his companion, Berrio. He related that
his comrade had left him with an axe in his hand, in order to go and cut
down a palm-tree, and that this was near the inlet where the Indians
first made their appearance. He had also heard him cry out in Spanish,
upon which he himself had immediately hastened to give us the
information. His companion, no doubt, had been murdered by the Indians.
Singular that this man should have lost his life here, he being the only
one who escaped without a wound at the battle of Potonchan. We made
every search for him, and followed the track of the Indians who had just
attacked us; this indeed led us to a palm-tree which had been recently
cut, around which were numerous foot-marks. We could, however, discover
no marks of blood; and concluded, therefore, that the Indians had
carried off the man alive. After we had fruitlessly searched for him in
every quarter for upwards of an hour, and repeatedly called out aloud to
him, without receiving any answer, we returned to our boat, and brought
the water on board. The joy of our men was as great as if we had brought
them new life; and one of the soldiers, from excessive thirst, leaped
from the vessel into the boat, seized one of the small casks, and poured
such an abundance of water into his body, that he instantaneously
swelled out and expired.

Having brought the water on board our vessels, hauled in our boats, we
hoisted our sails and stood direct for the Havannah. The day and
following night the weather was most beautiful as we passed the Martyr
Islands and sand-banks of the same name. We had only four fathoms water,
where the sea was deepest; our principal ship consequently struck
against the rocks and became very leaky, so that all hands were engaged
at the pumps, without then being able to get the water under, while we
every moment feared the vessel would go down. I never shall forget the
answer which some sailors from the Levant, who were among the crew, made
when we cried out to them: "Come on, my boys, help us to pump out the
water, or we shall all be lost! you see how our wounds and hard labour
have debilitated us." "That's your own look out," said they; "we get no
pay, suffer both from hunger and thirst, and have, in the bargain, to
share your fatigues and wounds." Nothing now remained but to drive them
to the pumps by main force; and in this way we had alternately to work
the sails and the pumps, however distasteful to us, until the Lord Jesus
brought us into the port of Carena, where now the town of Havannah
stands, the latter being previously called Puerto de Carenas, and not
the Havannah.

As soon as we had set foot on shore we returned thanks to the Almighty
for our safe return, and got the water out of our principal ship, in
which a Portuguese diver, who happened to be on board another vessel,
greatly assisted us. We also immediately wrote to the governor, Diego
Velasquez, giving him an account of the countries we discovered with
large townships and houses built of stone, whose inhabitants were clad
in cotton, and wore maltates; likewise of the gold and the regular
maise-plantations of the country. Our captain journeyed overland to
Santispiritus, where he had his Indian commendary: he died, however, ten
days after his arrival there, from his wounds. The rest of our men
became dispersed through the island, and three more of our men died of
their wounds at the Havannah.

Our vessels were taken to Santiago de Cuba, where the governor resided.
Here the two Indians were brought on shore whom we had taken with us
from the Punta de Cotoche, as above related, called Melchorillo and
Julianillo. When, however, we brought forth the box with the crowns, the
golden ducks, the fish, and the idols, more noise was made about them
than they really merited, so that they became the common topics of
conversation throughout the islands of St. Domingo and Cuba; indeed the
fame thereof even reached Spain. There it was said that none of the
countries which had hitherto been discovered were as rich as this, and
in none had there been found houses built of stone. The earthen gods, it
was said, were the remains of the ancient heathen times; others again
went so far as to affirm that they were descendants of the Jews whom
Titus and Vespasian had driven from Jerusalem, who had been shipwrecked
off this coast. Peru, indeed, was not then known, and in so far the
countries we had discovered were justly considered of the greatest
importance. Diego Velasquez closely questioned the two Indians as to
whether there were any gold mines in their country. They answered in the
affirmative; and when they were shown some of the gold-dust found in the
island of Cuba, they said there was abundance of it in their country. In
this they told an untruth, as it is very well known there are neither
goldmines on the Punta de Cotoche nor even in whole Yucatan. They were
likewise shown the beds in which the seeds of that plant are sown from
whose root the cassave bread is made, and in Cuba called yuca: they
assured us that the same plant grew in their country, and was called by
them tale. As the cassave-root at Cuba is called yuca, and the ground in
which it is planted by the Indians tale, so from these two words arose
the name of the country, Yucatan; for the Spaniards who were standing
around the governor at the time he was speaking to the two Indians said,
"You see, sir, they call their country Yucatan." And from this
circumstance the country retained the name of Yucatan, although the
natives call it otherwise.

In this beautiful voyage of discovery we had spent our all, and returned
to Cuba covered with wounds, and as poor as beggars; yet we had reason
to congratulate ourselves that it had not been equally disastrous to us
all as to many of our companions who had lost their lives. Our captain,
as I have already mentioned, died soon after his return; and all of us
suffered for a considerable time after from our wounds. Our whole loss
amounted to seventy men, which was all we had gained by this voyage of
discovery.

Concerning all this the governor Diego Velasquez wrote to those
gentlemen in Spain who at that time managed the affairs of India, and
boasted of the discoveries _he_ had made, and of the vast expense it had
put _him_ to. This actually obtained credit, and the bishop of Burgos,
Don Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, who also bore the title of archbishop of
Rosano, and was president of Indian affairs, wrote in that strain to his
majesty, in Flanders, vastly extolling the merit of Diego Velasquez, at
the same time not as much as even mentioning the names of any of us who
had really discovered the country.

I will, however, break off here, and relate in the following chapter
what further fatigues I and three more of my companions in arms had to
undergo.




CHAPTER VII.

    _The fatigues I had to undergo, until my arrival in the town of
    Trinidad._


I have already above related that I with some other soldiers who had not
quite recovered from our wounds remained behind in the Havannah. As soon
as the latter began to heal a little we three made up our minds to go in
company with a certain Pedro d'Avila, an inhabitant of the Havannah, to
the town of Trinidad. This man was going to make a voyage in a canoe
along the south coast, and had taken a lading of cotton shirts, which he
intended to dispose of in Trinidad. As I have above stated, these canoes
are hollowed out of the trunks of trees, after the manner of our bakers'
troughs: in this country they are used for coasting; and we had to pay
Pedro d'Avila ten doubloons for the voyage.

As we were coasting along, sometimes rowing, sometimes sailing, we
arrived after the eleventh day in sight of an Indian village, subject to
the Spaniards, and called Cannareon; there arose at night-time such a
terrible gale of wind, that, although we rowed with all our strength, we
could not keep the sea any longer. Notwithstanding every exertion of
Pedro d'Avila, of some Indians from the Havannah, and several other good
rowers we had with us, nothing at last remained but to run the canoe
aground between the steep rocks. The canoe was dashed to pieces, the
whole lading of Pedro d'Avila went to the bottom, and we made the best
of our way on shore, naked as the day we were born, our bodies cut and
bruised all over by clambering over the rocks, for we had stripped
ourselves of our clothes in order to be the better able to swim, and
also, if possible, to save the canoe. As we had only escaped with our
lives among these rocks, none other choice was left us than to continue
our road over them to Trinidad, which lay along the coast through a
barren country full of rugged rocks, where our feet soon became
blistered and wounded; as to think of getting anything to eat was quite
out of the question; while we had continually to struggle with a
terrific gale of wind and the sea breaking over the rocks. Although we
had not neglected to cover our bodies as much as possible with leaves
and herbs, we nevertheless got sore boils between our legs, which bled
very much. At last we could proceed no further; for the sharp stones had
covered our feet with wounds: we managed, however, with considerable
trouble to reach a more elevated spot. None of us having his sword left,
we contrived by means of sharp stones to loosen the bark of some trees
and bind it as well as we could under the soles of our feet, with the
tendrils of climbers, which grew among the wood. And in this way, after
suffering great fatigues we reached a sandy district on the coast,
whence in a couple of days we arrived in the Indian village Yeguarama,
at that time the property of Bartholomeus de las Casas,[3] who was a
priest. I knew him afterwards when he belonged to the order of the
Dominicans, and became bishop of Chiopia. Here the Indians gave us to
eat, and on the following day we arrived at another village, called
Chipiona, which was the joint property of Alonso de Avila, and of
Sandoval, but this was not the captain of the same name who gained such
vast renown in New Spain. From this place we at last came to Trinidad,
where I had an acquaintance, by name Antonio de Medina, who provided me
with a suit of clothes as they were worn in that town; my comrades were
similarly provided by other of the inhabitants. Quite worn out by
fatigue and miserably poor, I set off for Santiago de Cuba, where the
governor Diego Velasquez resided. He was just then busily engaged
fitting out another squadron, and was highly delighted at seeing me
again when I called upon him, for we were related to each other: and as
one word led to another, he asked me if my wounds were sufficiently
healed to make another trip to Yucatan? I could not help smiling at this
and said, who gave the country that name? for the natives do not call it
so. "So Melchior, whom you brought with you, calls it," resumed he.
"Call it rather, (said I,) the land where they killed one half of our
men and wounded the other." "Well, (said he,) if you have undergone many
fatigues, you have only shared the same fate with all others who have
ventured out on the discovery of new countries. But, on the other hand,
you will not fail to be highly honoured and rewarded by his majesty the
king, to whom I will transmit a faithful account of all this.
Therefore, my friend, you may in all safety join yourself to the
squadron I am now fitting out, and I will take care that you shall have
an honorable post." What further happened I will next relate.

[3] This is the celebrated Las Casas, the protector of the rights of the
Indians. (p. 18.)




CHAPTER VIII.

    _How Diego Velasquez, governor of Cuba, sent out another armament to
    the country we had discovered._


It was in the year of our Lord 1518, after Diego Velasquez had learnt
the good account we gave of the newly-discovered country, called
Yucatan, that he determined to send thither another expedition. For this
purpose he selected four vessels, among which were the two in which we
warriors had accompanied Cordoba on our recent voyage to Yucatan,
purchased at our own expense. At the time this squadron was fitting out
there were staying at Santiago de Cuba, Juan de Grijalva, Pedro de
Alvarado, Francisco de Montejo, and Alonso de Avila; who had
commendaries of Indians in these islands, and had come to transact
business with the governor. As these were all men of courage and energy,
Velasquez soon made arrangements with them to take part in this
expedition, on the following terms: that Juan de Grijalva, who was
related to him, should have the chief command of the whole expedition as
captain-general, while Pedro de Alvarado, Francisco de Montejo, and
Alonso de Avila, should be appointed to the command of the three other
ships. They had also to furnish the vessels with provisions of cassave
bread and pickled meat; Diego Velasquez had, on the other hand, to
procure the four vessels, furnish the necessary crossbows, muskets,
goods for barter, and other matters of less importance. Our account that
the houses in the newly-discovered country were built of stone and lime,
had spread a vast idea of its riches, added to which the Indian
Melchorejo had given to understand by signs that it abounded in gold
mines. All this created a great desire among the inhabitants and
soldiers throughout the island, who possessed no commendaries of
Indians, to go in quest of such a rich country; consequently, in a very
short time, we mustered 220. Each person, moreover, furnished himself
with additional provisions, arms, and other matters which might be
useful.

Thus I again took my departure for that country, under the same
commanders I subsequently once more visited it. The instructions which
our commanders received from Diego Velasquez, were to this effect, that
they should barter for as much gold and silver as they could get, and if
they deemed it advisable settle colonies, but left this entirely to
their own judgment. A person of the name of Penolosa accompanied us in
the capacity of comptroller; for priest we had a certain Juan Diaz. We
had also the same three pilots who accompanied us on our former voyage;
and a fourth, whose name I do not remember. Each had charge of one of
the vessels; but the first in command, as chief pilot, was Anton de
Alaminos.

But before I proceed with my narrative, I must here remark, that it is
not for want of deference on my part, that I barely give the names of
the noblemen who were our commanding officers, without adding their
titles and describing their several escutcheons, but shall simply call
them thus, Pedro de Alvarado, Francisco de Montejo, and Alonso de Avila.
I therefore now take this opportunity of saying, that Pedro de Alvarado
was a bold cavalier, who, subsequent to the conquest of New Spain,
became governor and chief justice of the provinces of Guatimala,
Honduras, and Chaopo, and comptoir of Santiago. In like manner Francisco
de Montejo, a man of great courage, subsequently was governor and chief
justice of Yucatan. I shall merely call them by their proper names, up
to that time when his majesty conferred on them honorary titles and
sovereign authority.

But to return to my subject, our four vessels lay in the harbour of
Matanza on the north coast, not far from the old Havannah, which at that
time was not built where it now stands. In this harbour, or at least in
its neighbourhood, most of the inhabitants had their stores of cassave
bread and pickled meat. Here consequently our vessels were provided with
everything they further required. This place moreover had been appointed
the rendezvous for all the officers and men.

But, before I continue my narrative, I will explain how this harbour
obtained the name of Matanza,[4] though it may seem rather out of place
here; yet, as so many persons have asked me how it originated, there is
some excuse.

Some time ago, when Cuba was not quite subdued, it happened that a
vessel, bound from the island of St. Domingo to the Luccas, during a
heavy storm, was wrecked off the coast. This took place near the river
and harbour of Matanza; there were thirty Spaniards and two Spanish
ladies on board. In order to convey them across the river, numbers of
Indians had collected together from the Havannah and other districts.
They appeared most friendly inclined, and offered to carry the
shipwrecked across in their canoes and take them to their habitations,
where they would give them to eat. The Spaniards accepted this offer;
when the Indians, however, had arrived in the midst of the stream, they
upset their canoes and drowned them all, save three of the men and one
of the females. The men were allotted to the other Indians, but the
female, a very beautiful woman, was given to the most powerful of the
caziques, the person who had concocted this piece of treachery. From
this circumstance it was that the harbour got the name of Matanza.

I was personally acquainted with the female whose misfortune I have just
related. After the total conquest of Cuba, she left the cazique in whose
power she then was, and married a citizen of Trinidad, by name Pedro
Sanchez Farsan.

I was also acquainted with the three Spaniards whose lives had been
spared. One was Gonzalo Mexia, an old man, and native of Xeres; the
other, Juan de Santiste-ban, from Madrigal; and the third was Cascorro,
a sailor and fisherman, of Huelva. The cazique in whose power he was,
had given him his daughter in marriage, and bored holes through his ears
and nose, after the Indian fashion.

Having thus detained the reader for a while with these old stories, it
is time I return to the thread of my narrative.

On the 5th of April, 1518, all of us having met together, the officers
and soldiers, the pilots made acquainted with the signals, and the hour
of departure fixed, we attended mass with fervent devotion, and weighed
anchor. After ten days' sail, we passed the cape of Guaniguanico, called
by the sailors San Anton. Eight days after, we came in sight of the
island of Cozumel; it happened to be the feast of the Holy Cross. This
time our ships were carried further off by the currents than the time
before under Cordoba; the consequence was that we now landed on the
south coast of the island. We here espied a village, and found a
good anchorage near it, perfectly free from all rocks. Our
commander-in-chief, therefore, went on shore here with a good body of
soldiers. The inhabitants, who had never witnessed such a sight before,
immediately took to flight when they saw our vessels approaching, so
that not a single one of them had remained in the village. At length we
discovered two Indians among the recently cut maise plants, who had not
been able to get off quick enough. We brought them into the presence of
our captain, who spoke to them with the help of Julianillo and
Melchorejo, whom we had captured at the Punta de Cotoche, and who
understood their language. The distance between their countries was only
four hours' sail, which accounts for the inhabitants of Cozumel
speaking the same language. Our commander was very kind to them, gave
each some green glass beads, and sent them away to bring the Calachoni
of the district, (so the caziques are termed here;) they, however, never
returned. While we were still waiting for them, an Indian woman came
towards us, comely in appearance, and who spoke the language of Jamaica.
She told us that the Indians had fled, out of fear, to the mountains. As
I myself and many others among us understood her language, which is the
same as that of the island of Cuba, we were quite astonished at the
circumstance, and inquired of her how she had got here.

She told us that, two years ago, she had left Jamaica with ten Indians,
in a large canoe, in order to go fishing among the islands in this
neighbourhood, but had been driven on shore by the currents, when the
inhabitants killed her husband with most of her companions, and
sacrificed them to their gods.

It struck our commander, as soon as he had learnt this, that the woman
might be employed as a negotiator. He therefore desired her to go and
fetch the inhabitants and cazique of the district, and gave her two days
to return in. We durst not send Melchorejo and Julianillo with her, lest
they should run away and return to their own country.

The day following, the Indian woman returned, but informed us that,
notwithstanding all her representations, she could neither persuade the
Indians nor their wives to accompany her. We called this place Santa
Cruz, because we had discovered it four or five days before the feast of
the Holy Cross. In this neighbourhood there was plenty of honey, manioc,
patates, and large herds of musk swine, which have their navels on their
backs.[5] This island contains three poor villages, of which the one I
am now speaking of is the largest; the two smaller ones were both
situated on a promontory at about six miles distance from each other.
Our commander Grijalva, perceiving that it was mere loss of time to make
any further stay here, gave orders for re-embarking. The Indian woman of
Jamaica went along with us, and we continued our voyage.

[4] Puerto de Matanza, the harbour of the massacre. (p. 20.)

[5] The sus tajassu, pecary, or Mexican musk hog; but what our old
soldier, with other writers, mistook for a navel, is an open gland on
the lower part of the back, which discharges a fetid ichorous liquor.
(p. 22.)




CHAPTER IX.

    _How we landed at Champoton._


From this point we sailed in the same direction we had taken under
Cordoba, and arrived after eight days' sail off the coast of Champoton,
the place where the Indians had so ill used us, as has been related in
the proper place. The sea being very shallow in these parts we dropt our
anchor at about three miles distance from the shore, and immediately
landed in all our boats with half of our men, as near to the village as
possible. The inhabitants and other Indians in the neighbourhood
gathered themselves together as they had the time before, when they
killed fifty-six of our men and wounded all the rest of us. From their
bearing and proud demeanour we could easily perceive that they had not
forgotten their victory. They were all well armed according to their
fashion, with bows, lances, shields, and broadswords, which they wield
with both hands. Added to all this they had slings, cotton cuirasses,
drums and trumpets, while most of them had their faces painted black and
white. They had arranged themselves along the sea shore in order to fall
upon us as soon as we landed. But, as our previous loss had taught us
prudence, we took with us this time some falconets, and otherwise well
armed ourselves with crossbows and matchlocks.

When we were near enough they let fly such a shower of arrows and lances
that the half of our men were speedily wounded. As soon, however, as we
got on shore, we quickly gave them an evil return with our matchlocks
and sabres. Nothing daunted by this they each selected their man, whom
they particularly aimed at with their arrows, but we had taken the
precaution to put on cotton cuirasses. They continued to combat with us
for some time, until the arrival of another of our long boats, when we
drove them back to the wells near the village. In this conflict we lost
Juan de Quitera and many other soldiers. Our commander, Juan de
Grijalva, got three arrow wounds and lost two of his teeth, and above
sixty of our men were wounded. Immediately upon our putting the enemy to
flight, we entered the village, dressed our wounds, and buried the dead.
Not a single person had remained behind in the village, and even those
whom we had driven back to the wells had merely staid there a sufficient
time to carry off their property. In this skirmish we made three
prisoners, one of whom was a person of rank. Our commander set them at
liberty, desiring them to go and call the cazique of the district. He
also presented them with green glass beads and small bells to distribute
among the inhabitants, in order to gain their friendship. We treated the
three prisoners upon the whole with every kindness, and gave them glass
corals to encourage them and gain their good faith. They left us indeed,
but took good care not to return; we thought it possible, however, that
Julianillo and Melchorejo had misrepresented our commission to them. We
staid four days in this place, and I shall never forget it on account of
the immense sized locusts which we saw here. It was a stony spot on
which the battle took place, and these creatures, while it lasted, kept
continually flying in our faces; and as at the same moment we were
greeted by a shower of arrows from the enemy, we also mistook these
locusts for arrows. But, as soon as we had discovered our mistake, we
deceived ourselves in another more direful way, for we now mistook
arrows for locusts, and discontinued to shield ourselves against them.
In this way we mistook locusts and arrows to our great sorrow, were
severely wounded in consequence, and otherwise found ourselves in a very
awkward predicament.




CHAPTER X.

    _We continued our course and ran into Terminos bay, as we named it._


On our further voyage we came to an opening on the coast, which to us
appeared to be the mouth of some broad and large river. It was, however,
not a river as we had supposed, but a good harbour, which reached so far
inland, and had such a considerable breadth, that it appeared like a
sea; and our pilot Anton de Alaminos confidently asserted that this was
an island whose two promontories reached nigh to the continent. We,
therefore, termed this opening the Boca de Terminos, under which name it
may be found on the sea charts. Our commander and the other officers
went on shore here with the greater part of our men, among which number
I also was. We remained three whole days in this place in order
thoroughly to explore the opening and sail through it in all directions.
We discovered, however, that it was no island, but a deep indented bay,
formed by the continent, affording us a most commodious harbour. As we
also found temples here built of stone and lime, full of idols made of
wood or clay, with other figures, sometimes representing women,
sometimes serpents, also horns of various kinds of wild animals, we
concluded that an Indian village must be near at hand: we considered,
moreover, that this would be a most excellent spot to found a colony. We
had, however, deceived ourselves in one thing, the district being quite
uninhabited. The temples most probably belonged to merchants and
hunters, who on their journies most likely ran into this harbour and
there made their sacrifices. Fallow deer and rabbits abounded in this
neighbourhood, and with one greyhound only we killed ten of the former
and great numbers of the latter. Our dog took such a liking to this spot
that it ran away while we were busy reimbarking, nor did we see it again
until we visited this place subsequently with Cortes, when it appeared
in excellent condition, quite plump and sleeky.

Having thoroughly explored Terminos harbour, and sounded it throughout,
we pursued our course along the coast to the river Tabasco, which at
present, after the name of its discoverer, is called the river Grijalva.




CHAPTER XI.

    _How we came into the Tabasco river, which we termed the Grijalva,
    and what happened to us there._


As we thus by day sailed along the coast of the continent, for at night
we lay to on account of the shallows and rocks, we perceived on the
third morning a very broad mouth of some river. We approached the shore
as near as possible, thinking we should find a good harbour here. As we
came closer to the mouth we saw that the waves broke over its shallows:
we consequently lowered our boats to make soundings, and found that our
two larger vessels could not come in here. It was therefore immediately
resolved that they should anchor further out at sea, but that the two
remaining vessels which did not draw so much water, with all our boats
well manned, should proceed up the river. We could perceive in the
canoes along the shore numbers of Indians with bows and arrows, and in
other respects armed exactly like those of Champoton. We concluded from
their numbers that a village could not be far off; we also found as we
proceeded further up the river along the banks, basket kiddles put out,
from two of which we took the fish and placed them in a boat a-stern of
our principal ship.

This river was previously called after the cazique of the district, the
Tabasco; as we, however, discovered it during this expedition, we gave
it the name of the Grijalva river, in honour of our chief commander,
under which name it stands on the sea charts.

We might still have been about two miles from the village when we
distinctly heard the crackling noise of the felling of trees; for the
Indians were constructing barricades and making other preparations of
war against us, of the issue of which they entertained no doubts, as
they had been duly advertised of the occurrence at Potonchan. As soon as
we learnt this, we disembarked our men on a projecting point of land,
about two miles from the village, where some palm trees were growing. As
soon as they perceived this, about fifty canoes with Indians completely
armed after their fashion made towards us, while many other canoes,
manned in the same way, lay dispersed about the haven, at a greater
distance, not daring to approach us so near as the first.

Seeing how ready they were for action, we were just upon the point of
firing off our great guns, and giving them a volley of musket-shots,
when it entered our minds, through a merciful Providence, that we ought
first to try if we could not gain their friendship. We therefore by
means of Julianillo and Melchorejo, (who were natives of the Punta de
Cotoche, and certainly understood the language spoken here,) told the
chiefs they had nothing to fear from us: we were desirous of discoursing
with them and had things to disclose, which, as soon as they had learnt,
would make our arrival pleasing to them: they should come to us and we
would gladly give them of the things we had brought.

Upon this invitation four of the canoes approached us, containing thirty
Indians, or thereabouts. We showed them necklaces of blue glass beads,
small mirrors, and green imitation corals. At the sight of the latter
they appeared quite delighted; for they thought them to be chalchihuis
stones, which are highly esteemed in their country.

Our captain then told them, by means of our interpreters, that we came
from a distant country, and were the subjects of a great emperor, whose
name was Don Carlos, who had numerous sovereigns and caziques among his
vassals: they should likewise acknowledge this emperor as their lord and
master, for then it would go well with them;--he further desired them to
give us fowls in exchange for our glass beads.

Two of the Indians, one of whom was the chief and the other a papa--this
is a kind of priest, who performs the ceremonies in presence of their
idols--answered and said, "they would bring the provisions we required
and commence a trade of barter with us.--For the rest they had already
a master, and could not help feeling astonished that we, who had but
just arrived and knew nothing of them, should that instant wish to
impose a master on them. We had better consider a bit before we
commenced war with them, as we had with those at Potonchan. That already
all the warriors of the country had been ordered out against us, and two
armies, each composed of 8000 men were ready for action. They certainly
had learnt that a few days ago we had killed and wounded 200 men; but
they were more powerful than the inhabitants of that country, which was
the reason why they first wished to know what our intentions were. Our
declaration would be communicated to the caziques of the numerous
districts, who had united themselves for war or for peace."

Upon this they embraced our commander, in token of peace, who presented
them with necklaces of glass beads, and desired them to return as
quickly as possible with an answer; adding that if they did not return
we would enter their town by main force, though we had no evil
intentions whatever.

These delegates communicated with the caziques and papas--the latter
having also a voice in their councils,--and they declared that our offer
of peace was acceptable to them. Provisions were ordered to be sent us,
and all present agreed that they themselves with the neighbouring tribes
should each contribute their quota in order to make us a present in gold
to insure our good friendship, and obviate a recurrence of what had
taken place at Potonchan. From what I subsequently learnt and witnessed
I found that it was customary with the inhabitants of these countries to
make each other presents whenever they were in treaty about peace.

All I have been relating took place on the promontory where the palm
trees stood. About thirty Indians soon arrived, laden with broiled fish,
fowls, fruit, and maise-bread. They also brought pans filled with
red-hot embers, on which they strewed incense, and perfumed us all.
After this ceremony was ended they spread some mats on the ground, over
which they laid a piece of cotton cloth; on this they put some trifling
ornaments in gold in the shape of ducks and lizards, with three
necklaces made of gold, which had been melted into the shape of round
balls. All these things, however, were of an inferior kind of gold, not
worth 200 pesos. They next presented us with some mantles and
waistcoats, as they themselves wore, and begged of us to accept them in
good kind; saying they had no more gold to give us, but that further on
towards the setting of the sun there was a country where it was found in
great abundance; hereby often repeating the word Culba, Culba, and
Mexico, Mexico. We however did not understand what they meant. Although
the presents they had brought us were of little value, we nevertheless
rejoiced exceedingly on account of the certainty we had gained that
there was gold in this country. Having handed over the presents to us
with due formality they told us we might now continue our voyage. Our
captain thanked them; presenting each at the same time with some green
beads. We now determined to re-embark, for the vessels were in great
danger on account of the north wind, which in our present situation was
quite contrary. We had, moreover, to go in quest of the country, which,
according to the assurances of the Indians, abounded in gold.




CHAPTER XII.

    _We come in sight of the town of Aguajaluco, and give it the name of
    La Rambla._


Having again re-embarked we continued our course along the coast, and
perceived on the second day a town close to the sea shore, called
Aguajaluco. We could discern numbers of Indians hurrying to and fro with
huge shields made out of large tortoise-shells, which glittered so
beautifully in the sun, that some of our men believed they were made of
an inferior species of gold. The inhabitants appeared to be walking up
and down the shore in great consternation, which induced us to call the
village La Rambla, under which name it stands on the sea charts.

As we proceeded further along the coast we came to a bay, into which the
river Tonola empties itself: it was this same river we entered on our
subsequent voyage. We gave it the name of Sant Antonio, which it still
retains on the maps. We next passed the mouth of the great river
Guacasualco, and would gladly have run into the bay which it forms if
contrary winds had not prevented us. We now came in sight of the great
Snow Mountains--Sierras Nevadas. These are covered the whole year round
with snow. There were also other mountains, nearer the coast, to which
we gave the name of _Holy Martin_, because a soldier of the name of San
Martino, a native of the Havannah, first descried them. One of the
commanders, Pedro de Alvarado, whose vessel was the fastest sailer of
the whole, being a great way ahead of the others, ran his ship up a
river called by the natives Papalohuna: this we termed the Alvarado,
after the name of the discoverer. Some Indian fishermen of the village
Tlacotalpa gave him fish: we could perceive this, though at a great
distance from him. Alvarado was followed by two more of our ships; we
were therefore obliged to wait until they returned. This digression
without the general's leave occasioned ill blood; and Grijalva forbade
Alvarado in future to sail in advance of the squadron, fearing he might
meet with some accident or other before the rest could possibly come up
to his assistance. From this time the four vessels kept close together.
We soon after arrived at the mouth of another river, which we termed the
Bandera's Stream, (Flag Stream,) from the circumstance that the banks of
the river were crowded with Indians bearing small flags of white cloth
attached to their lances. They called out and invited us to come on
shore: but I will relate in the next chapter what further took place
here.




CHAPTER XIII.

    _How we arrive on the Bandera's Stream, and gain 1500 pesos._


By this time the existence of the great city of Mexico must be known
throughout the major part of the Spanish provinces and the greater part
of Christendom: how, like Venice, it was built in the water; and of the
mighty monarch who resided there, king of many provinces and lord of all
these countries, which in extent were more than quadruple that of Spain.
The name of this monarch was Motecusuma: his power was so great that he
would gladly have extended it to places where it was impossible, and he
wished to know things which he never could learn. He had, however, heard
of our first visit under the command of Cordoba, and of our battle at
Cotoche and Champoton, also of the second engagement we had had at the
last-mentioned spot. He was moreover aware that we had been but a
handful of men in comparison with the multitude of the inhabitants; and
lastly, it had been made known to him that we gladly exchanged our goods
for gold. All this information had, from time to time, been sent him by
means of painted figures or signs, drawn, as is the custom with this
people, on a thick kind of cloth manufactured from the maguey,[6] very
much resembling our linen. Being also informed that we were continuing
our course along the coast, he issued orders to the governors of the
several districts that at every place where we landed they should
exchange their gold for our glass beads, but particularly for the green
ones, which so much resembled their chalchihuis stones; and further he
commanded them to gain every information with respect to our intentions.
What made him dwell more particularly upon the latter was the ancient
tradition in the country, which spoke of a people that would come from
the rising of the sun who would at some future period get the dominion
of the country.

For whatever purpose it may have been I will leave, but certain it is
that the powerful Motecusuma had ordered sentinels to be posted along
the banks of the river above mentioned. These sentinels had all small
flags attached to the points of their lances, and called out aloud,
inviting us to come to them. While we were contemplating from our
vessels this, to us, so novel a sight, our commander-in-chief with the
other officers and soldiers came to the determination to inquire their
meaning. We therefore lowered two of our boats and manned them with
twenty soldiers, well armed with crossbows and muskets. The command of
this was given to Francisco de Montejo. I was likewise among the number.
Our instructions were to send immediate information to the
commander-in-chief if anything of a hostile nature should take place and
in general to let him know how matters stood. It pleased God that the
weather should be calm, which is seldom the case on these coasts. We all
got safe on shore, and were met by three caziques, one of whom was a
governor under Motecusuma. These were attended by great numbers of
Indians, carrying fowls, maise-bread, pines, sapotas, and other
provisions; they spread some mats in the shade of the trees, on which
they invited us to sit down. All this was done by signs, as Julianillo
did not understand their language. Next they brought pans made of clay,
filled with glowing embers, on which they strewed a species of resin,
smelling very much like our incense, with which they perfumed us.

Francisco de Montejo sent information of all this to our
commander-in-chief, who immediately resolved to run the whole squadron
into the bay, and proceed on shore with all our men.

When the caziques and the governor saw our general on shore, who, they
had been given to understand, was our chief officer, they paid him in
their way the greatest possible respect, and perfumed him most
vehemently. We thanked them kindly, and in return made many
protestations of friendship, also presenting each with white and green
glass beads, desiring them at the same time to bring us gold in exchange
for our commodities. Motecusuma's governor strongly advised the Indians
to comply with our request; the consequence of which was that the
inhabitants of the surrounding districts soon brought us every trinket
they possessed in the shape of gold, and commenced a trade of barter
with us. During the six days we stayed in this spot we obtained upwards
of 1500 pesos' worth of gold trinkets, of various workmanship, but of
inferior quality. The historians Francisco Lopez de Gomara and Gonzalo
Hernandez de Oviedo have also mentioned this circumstance in their
works. They err, however, when they say it took place in the Tabasco or
Grijalva river; for it is a well-authenticated fact that there is no
gold found in the provinces which border on the river Grijalva, and,
upon the whole, very few ornaments of gold. I will not, however, detain
my reader with their account, but rather inform him that we took
possession of this country for his imperial majesty the Emperor, in the
name of Diego Velasquez, the governor of Cuba. This being done, our
general told the Indians that he was now desirous of re-embarking, and
presented them with some Spanish shirts. We took one of the Indians with
us, who subsequently learnt our language and was converted to
Christianity, when he took the name of Francisco. I met with him
afterwards at Santa Fe, where he had settled himself after the conquest
of Mexico. Our commander, finding that the inhabitants brought no more
gold, and considering that we had already been here six days, and that
our present anchorage was rather dangerous on account of the contrary
winds, gave orders for re-embarking. Pursuing our voyage, we came to an
island which was quite covered with white sand, lying above nine miles
from the main land. We gave it the name of Isla Blanca, as it stands on
the sea charts. Not far from this lay another island, nearly five miles
from the main land, which offered us a very commodious landing-place.

Our general, therefore, ordered the boats to be lowered, and landed,
with the greater portion of our men, in order to explore the island. We
found two houses, which were strongly built of stone and lime; both were
ascended by a flight of steps, and surmounted by a species of altar, on
which stood several abominable idols, to whom, the previous evening,
five Indians had been sacrificed. Their dead bodies still lay there,
ripped open, with the arms and legs chopped off, while everything near
was besmeared with blood. We contemplated this sight in utter
astonishment, and gave this island the name of Isla de Sacrificios.
Quitting this place, we landed on the neighbouring continent, where we
constructed ourselves huts on one of the large downs, with some sails
and the branches of trees. Numbers of Indians soon made their
appearance, bringing with them small pieces of gold for barter, in the
same way as at the Bandera stream, according to the commands of
Motecusuma, as we subsequently learnt. The inhabitants, however,
approached us in great fear, and what they brought with them was a mere
trifle. Our captain, therefore, soon weighed anchor again. The next
place we landed at was in view of another island, which lay about two
miles from the continent. This at present is considered the best harbour
of the country. What happened to us in this place I will relate in the
next chapter.

[6] The author sometimes also calls this nequen, of which the garments
of the poorer classes were manufactured. The maguey is the well-known
agava Americana, the sap of which formed the national drink of the
Indians, and the Mexicans were accustomed to write most of their
hieroglyphics on the cloth manufactured from the leaves. (p. 29.)




CHAPTER XIV.

    _How we came into the harbour of San Juan de Culua._


Having disembarked on a part of the coast where it was very sandy, we
were annoyed by such multitudes of muschetoes that we were forced to
construct ourselves huts on the great downs and in the tops of trees:
this, being done, we carefully examined the harbour in our boats, and
were fully satisfied that it contained a good anchorage, it being
moreover sheltered against the north wind by the island, to which our
general now proceeded with thirty men all well armed. Here we found a
temple on which stood the great and abominable-looking god
Tetzcatlipuca, surrounded by four Indians, dressed in wide black cloaks,
and with flying hair, in the same way as our canons or Dominicans wear
it. These were priests, who had that very day sacrificed two boys, whose
bodies they had ripped up, and then offered their bleeding hearts to the
horrible idol. They were going to perfume us in the same way they had
done their gods; and though it smelt like our incense, we would not
suffer them, so shocked were we at the sight of the two boys whom they
had recently murdered, and disgusted with their abominations. Our
captain questioned the Indian Francisco whom we had brought with us from
the Bandera stream as to what was meant by all this, for he seemed
rather an intelligent person; having, at that time, as I have already
stated, no interpreter, our captain put these questions to him by means
of signs. Francisco returned for answer that this sacrifice had been
ordered by the people of Culua; but, as it was difficult for him to
pronounce this latter word, he kept continually saying _Olua_, _Olua_.
From the circumstance of our commander himself being present, and that
his Christian name was Juan, and it happening to be the feast of St.
John, we gave this small island the name of San Juan de Ulua. This
harbour was ever after much frequented. Great numbers of ships have been
refitted there, and all merchandise for Mexico and New Spain are here
shipped or unladen. During the time we were encamped on these downs,
numbers of Indians from the surrounding districts, brought us their gold
trinkets in exchange for our goods; but there was so little of it, and
that so very inferior in quality, that we scarcely troubled ourselves
about it. We remained, nevertheless, seven days in the huts we had
constructed, though we were constantly annoyed by swarms of muschetoes,
which rendered our stay most uncomfortable. As we had now been so long
at sea, and had fully convinced ourselves that it was no island, but a
continent, we had discovered, containing considerable towns; as our
cassave-bread was become quite mouldy and unfit for eating; considering,
moreover, that our numbers were too small to think of making any
settlement here, particularly as we had lost ten of our men in
consequence of their wounds, besides having four others dangerously
ill,--we determined to forward Diego Velasquez an account of the state
of affairs, and desire him to send us succours; indeed Grijalva had a
great mind to have founded a colony even with the few men we had to
spare. Our captain had throughout shown a magnanimous spirit, and proved
himself a brave soldier, let the historian Gomara say anything to the
contrary he likes. Pedro de Alvarado was selected to go on this mission
to Cuba, with the ship San Sebastian, which had become rather leaky:
this vessel could be refitted there, and return with succours and
provisions. He also took with him all the gold we had bartered for, the
cotton stuffs presented us by the Indians, and our sick. Our principal
officers, moreover, each sent Diego Velasquez a written account,
according to their several views, of all we had seen. We will now leave
Pedro de Alvarado to his own good fortune on his voyage to Cuba, and
relate what happened to the vessel which Diego Velasquez sent in quest
of us.




CHAPTER XV.

    _Diego Velasquez sends out a small vessel in quest of us._


From the very moment in which Juan de Grijalva had quitted Cuba for the
wide ocean, Diego Velasquez became downcast and thoughtful; he was
constantly harassed by the idea that some misfortune would befall us. In
the height of his impatience he at last sent out a small vessel, with
seven men, in quest of us. The command of this was given to a certain
Christobal de Oli, a man of great courage and energy. His instructions
were to follow the same course in which Cordoba had sailed, until he
should have met with us. It appears, however, that Christobal de Oli,
while riding at anchor near the coast, was overtaken by a violent
storm, and found himself compelled, in order to save his vessel from
being cast ashore, to cut the cables; at least he had no anchor left on
his return to Santiago de Cuba, nor had he been able to bring the
governor any information respecting us.

Diego Velasquez now despaired more than ever. The arrival of Pedro de
Alvarado with the gold and other things, fortunately set his anxiety at
rest, who, moreover, detailed to him the discoveries we had made. His
joy was excessive when he saw the gold, and how it was worked into
various shapes; from which very circumstance it appeared to him and
others who happened to be present on business, of much greater value
than it really was; nor were his majesty's officials, who had to take
the fifth part, less astonished at the riches of the countries we had
discovered. Pedro de Alvarado, who knew how to humour Diego Velasquez,
afterwards related that the governor had continually embraced him,--that
festivities and tournaments were celebrated for eight successive days.
If the fame of the riches of these countries had been rumoured abroad
before, it was now, on account of the gold we had sent, the more so; it
soon spread through all the islands, and the whole of Spain.

I shall have occasion to speak of this hereafter, and will also leave
Diego Velasquez to his festivities, and return to our vessels at San
Juan de Ulua.




CHAPTER XVI.

    _What befell us on our coasting voyage along the Tusta and Tuspa
    mountains._


After Pedro de Alvarado had set sail for Cuba, our general and other
officers held a consultation with the pilots, when it was determined
that we should continue our course along the coast, and push our
discoveries as far as possible. As we sailed along, we first came in
view of the Tusta, and, two days after, of the more elevated mountains
of Tuspa, both of which take their names from two towns lying close to
the foot of these mountains. On the whole, we saw numbers of towns lying
from six to nine miles inland, now the province of Panuco. At last we
arrived at a large stream, to which we gave the name of Canoe river, and
dropped anchor at its mouth.

While our vessels were lying at anchor here, and our men had become less
careful than usual, sixteen large canoes full of Indians, all equipped
for battle, with bows, arrows, and lances, came down the stream and made
straight for our smallest vessel, commanded by Alonso de Avila, which
lay nearest the shore. They greeted our men with a shower of arrows,
wounding two of the soldiers, and then lay hold of the vessel as if they
meant to carry her off, after they had cut one of the cables. We now
hastened to the assistance of Alonso, who was still bravely repelling
his assailants, and had capsized three of their canoes. We were well
armed with crossbows and muskets, and very soon wounded at least above a
third of our enemies, who speedily retreated to where they had come
from, not exactly in the best of spirits. Upon this we weighed anchor
and continued our course along the coast until we arrived at a wide
projecting cape, which, on account of the strong currents, we found so
difficult to double that we considered our further course now impeded.
The chief pilot, Alaminos, here told our commander that it was no longer
advisable to sail on at a venture, for which he gave us many plausible
reasons. This matter being duly considered in council, it was
unanimously agreed that we should return to Cuba.

To this step we were, moreover, induced by the approach of winter,
scarcity of provisions, and the bad condition of one of our vessels
which had become very leaky. To this may also be added the disagreement
between our commanders; for Juan de Grijalva persisted in his opinion
that they should make an attempt to leave a colony behind, while
Francisco de Montejo and Alonso de Avila, on the contrary, maintained
that any such attempt would be fruitless, considering the multitude of
warriors which inhabited these countries: to all this may be added that
our men were heartily sick of the sea. We therefore turned our vessels
about, hoisted all the sails, and arrived in a few days, being greatly
assisted by the currents, in the wide waters of the Guacasualco river.
We could not make any stay here on account of the boisterous state of
the weather, and therefore continued our course along the coast until we
arrived at the mouth of the river Tonala, to which we gave the name of
St. Antonio. We ran up this river and careened the leaky vessel, which
had struck there several times against the rocks.

While we were busily engaged at this work, numbers of Indians came up to
us from the harbour of Tonala, which lay about four miles from this
place, bringing with them maise-bread, fish, and fruits, which they
readily gave us. Our commander was particularly kind to them, and
presented each with white and green glass beads, giving them at the same
time to understand by signs that they should bring us gold in exchange
for our goods. They soon complied with our wishes, but their gold was of
a very inferior quality, for which they received imitation corals. As
soon as the inhabitants of Guacasualco and the neighbouring districts
had learnt that we offered our goods for barter, they brought us all
their golden ornaments, and took in exchange green glass beads, on which
they set a high value. Besides ornaments of gold, every Indian had with
him a copper axe, which was very highly polished, with the handle
curiously carved, as if to serve equally for an ornament as for the
field of battle. At first we thought that these axes were made of an
inferior kind of gold; we therefore commenced taking them in exchange,
and, in the space of two days, had collected more than 600, with which
we were no less rejoiced as long as we were ignorant of their real
value, than the Indians with our glass beads. One of our sailors, who
had by stealth bought seven of these axes and was secretly
congratulating himself on this piece of good fortune, was betrayed to
our commander-in-chief, who, ordering the man in his presence, commanded
him to deliver up his treasure. Still of opinion that these axes were of
gold, the poor fellow, though forced, reluctantly parted with them. This
brings to my mind what befell one of our men, named Bartolome Prado:
this fellow had managed to get inside of a temple, called by the Indians
a cue,[7] which stood upon an elevated spot, and had found in it
numerous idols, and some copal, which is the incense of the Indians;
also knives made of hard flint, with which they cut their meat
offerings, and otherwise make use of in their sacrifices. Besides these
things, he found two small wooden boxes, filled with golden trinkets
which are worn about the head and neck; also small idols, and other
ornaments somewhat resembling our pearls. The idols he brought to his
commander, but took care to keep the gold himself. It seems, however,
that some one had been watching him all the time, who reported what he
had seen to our captain. We all felt concerned at this, and spoke a good
word for him, as he was a kind-hearted being: we begged hard of our
commander that he might be allowed to retain his treasure, minus the
fifth part claimed for the emperor, which being granted, the man had
nigh upon eighty pesos left for himself. In this place I must also
acquaint my readers how I sowed some orange seeds close to one of these
temples. On account of the numbers of muschetoes which swarm along this
river, I had, being tired, laid myself down to rest on the summit of a
high temple: in gratitude for the quiet slumber I enjoyed there, I
sowed, at the foot of this building, eight orange seeds which I had
brought with me from Cuba. These seeds grew very fast, and when grown
to small plants, were most probably watered and preserved from the ants
by the papas, as soon as they perceived the new plant. I have merely
related this in order to acquaint my reader that these were the first
orange seeds that were planted in New Spain. Subsequent to the conquest
of Mexico and friendly subjection of the Indian tribes on the
Guacasualco, this province, being excellently situated, was considered
of greater importance than any other, no less on account of its mines
than for its beautiful harbour. The country, moreover, abounded in gold,
and contained fine pastures for sheep, which was the reason why the most
illustrious of the conquistadores[8] of Mexico settled themselves there;
among which number was myself,--and I did not forget to look for my
orange trees, which, indeed, I transplanted, and they afterwards
flourished uncommonly.

I am well aware that it will be said, such old tales as these are quite
out of character here; I will not, therefore, say another syllable on
the subject, but merely acquaint the reader that the inhabitants of
these districts were all very much pleased with us, and embraced us at
our departure. We set sail for Cuba, and arrived there in the space of
forty days, during which time the weather was sometimes favorable and
sometimes boisterous. We were most friendly received by the governor
Diego Velasquez, who was highly delighted with the additional gold we
brought him. Altogether it was well worth 4000 pesos; so that with the
16,000 brought over by Alvarado, the whole amounted to 20,000 pesos.
Some make this sum greater, some less; but one thing is certain, the
crown officials only took the fifths of the last-mentioned sum. When
they were about to take this also of the Indian axes, which we had
mistaken for gold, they grew excessively angry on finding them to be
merely of a fine species of copper; nor did this circumstance fail to
produce the usual laughter at the expense of our trade of barter. Diego
Velasquez, however, appeared perfectly satisfied, though not so with his
relative Grijalva. This was wrong on his part, for it originated solely
in the misrepresentations of Alonso de Avila, a man of a bad
disposition, who did all he could, backed by Montejo, to lower Grijalva
in his eyes. All this--rumour spread--was done in order to fit out
another armament, and select a new commander.

[7] According to Humboldt, the word cue was imported by the Spanish into
New Spain from Cuba. The great temple of Mexico was called by the
Indians teocalli; a word which Torquemada (Monarchia Indiana) thus
explains: "Que es come decir, templo, u casas de Dios;" i.e. "As much as
to say, a temple, or house of God." (p. 36.)

[8] So those Spaniards, who made the first conquests in New Spain,
termed themselves, by way of preference, which name they ever after
retained as an honorary title. Even to this day in Spain it is
considered very distinguishing to be descended from one of the
Conquistadores, and some of the first families there date all their
greatness from one of these bold adventurers. (p. 37.)




CHAPTER XVII.

    _Diego Velasquez despatches one of his officials to Spain._


My readers may perhaps think, that what I am now about to relate does
not exactly belong to this history; but in the course of it they will
readily perceive that I have been obliged to notice many circumstances
before I could introduce them to the captain, Hernando Cortes. They
ought also to bear in mind, that it often happens that two or three
things take place at the same moment; in which case there only remains
for the historian to treat of one circumstance after the other, and
begin with that which lies nearest at hand. In this place the following
comes first under our consideration.

After the arrival of Pedro de Alvarado with the gold which we had made
in the newly-discovered country, Diego Velasquez began to fear that some
one at court, who might have received private information of all this,
would anticipate him, in forwarding his imperial majesty the first news
of our important discovery, and so rob him of the reward. He, therefore,
despatched one of his chaplains, named Benito Martinez, a thorough man
of business, to Spain, with letters and a few of the valuable things, to
Don Juan Rodriguez Fonseca, bishop of Burgos, and archbishop of Rosano.
He wrote at the same time to the licentiate Louis Zapata, and the
secretary Lope Conchillos, who at that time had the conduct of all
Indian affairs under the archbishop.

Diego Velasquez was quite devoted to these gentlemen, and had presented
them with considerable Indian villages in Cuba, with the inhabitants of
which they worked their gold mines. But he took particular care to
provide well for the archbishop, troubling himself very little about his
majesty, who was at that time in Flanders.

He sent moreover to these, his patrons, a great portion of the gold
trinkets which Alvarado had brought with him; for everything that was
determined in the imperial council of India depended upon these
gentlemen. Diego Velasquez therefore sought, by means of his chaplain,
to obtain unlimited permission to fit out armaments at any time he might
think proper to make voyages of discovery, and to found colonies in the
new countries as well as in those that might subsequently be discovered:
in the accounts he transmitted to Spain, he spoke of the many thousands
of gold-pesos which he had already spent in like undertakings; thereby
giving such a favorable direction to the negotiations of his chaplain,
Benito Martinez, that his expectations were more than fulfilled, who
even obtained for him the additional title of Adelantado of Cuba. This
latter appointment, however, did not arrive until the new expedition
under Cortes had left. I will not make any further remarks on these
matters at present, but rather say a few words respecting Francisco
Lopez de Gomara's History of the Conquest of New Spain and Mexico. His
history fell into my hands while I was writing my own, and I soon
foresaw that I should have to contradict him in many instances. My
intention is to give a faithful account, and that in due order, of every
circumstance; this will greatly differ from his narrative, which is
quite at variance with truth.




CHAPTER XVIII.

    _Of some errors in the work of Francisco Lopez de Gomara._


While busily engaged writing this narrative, the eloquent History of the
Conquest of Mexico and New Spain, by Gomara, fell into my hands; and
when I perceived the elegance of his style, and considered the rudeness
of my own, I laid down my pen, ashamed at the very thoughts of its being
read by men of distinction. With my spirits thus damped, I once more
undertook to go through his history; it was then I, for the first time,
discovered how mistaken this author was with respect to the occurrences
which had really taken place in New Spain. He is equally bad whenever he
writes about the magnitude of the towns and number of the inhabitants;
in which, whenever it suits him, he does not, for instance, hesitate a
moment to put 8000 for eight. In the same way he mentions the extensive
buildings we were stated to have commenced, though, in fact, we were
only 400 in number when we first went out to war, and had sufficient
work to defend ourselves and prevent the victory from going over to our
enemies. Though the Indians may have been timid, we were, nevertheless,
guiltless of such wholesale slaughter and other barbarities as Gomara
would lay to our doors. On the contrary, such was our situation, and I
hereby seal my words with an oath when I state, that we daily offered up
our prayers to God and the Holy Virgin to preserve us from destruction.

Alaric was certainly a most courageous monarch, and Attila a soldier
whose excessive pride would not allow him to shrink back from anything;
yet they never slaughtered such multitudes of human beings on the
Catalonian plains as we do in the book of Gomara!

In the same way he mentions what numbers of towns and temples we either
burnt or destroyed. I am speaking of the Indian temples, called by the
inhabitants cues. This latter circumstance would certainly be most
pleasing to his readers; but he never gave it a thought, when he was
writing, that the conquistadores themselves, and those better informed,
would detect his errors and falsehoods. Even in his other works,
whenever he speaks about New Spain, he immediately commits blunders. In
one place he praises a commander far above his merits, for which very
reason he in another most unjustly diminishes that of a second. In
another place again, he gives many a one a command who was not even in
the army during the conquest: he gives, for instance, the chief command
at the battle fought near the town afterwards called Almeria, to Pedro
d'Irico, when, in fact, it was Juan de Escalante who commanded on that
occasion, and was killed with seven of his men. Again he says, that Juan
Velasquez de Leon founded the colony of Guacasualco, although it was
Gonzalo de Sandoval, of Avila. There is as much truth in his account
when he says that Cortes ordered the Indian Quezal Popoca, one of
Motecusuma's chiefs, to be burnt, together with the village in which it
was stated he had hid himself. Equal reliance may be placed in his
description of our entry into the town and fortress of Anga Panga, where
everything happened exactly contrary to what he has stated. In his
narrative of our proceedings on the downs, when we had appointed Cortes
captain-general and chief justice, he has allowed himself to be deceived
by false information, while he has totally misrepresented our taking of
the town Chamula, in the province of Chiapa. A still greater blunder he
commits when he states that Cortes issued his orders secretly for the
destruction of the eleven vessels which had brought us to New Spain, for
it is perfectly well known that the ships were run on shore by our
unanimous consent, and in presence of us all, in order that the sailors
might also be armed and accompany us on our march.

In like manner he lowers the merits of Juan de Grijalva, although he had
proved himself such a worthy officer; while he passes by Hernandez de
Cordoba in silence, though he was the first who discovered Yucatan: of
Francisco de Garay he says, that he had accompanied us on the previous
expedition under Grijalva, though he first visited New Spain during this
last expedition. In the account he gives of the arrival of Narvaez, and
the victory we gained over him, he is certainly more faithful, and has
been well informed of all the circumstances; but, with respect to the
battles with the Tlascallans, up to the time when peace was concluded
with them, he has again diverged from the truth. Concerning the battle
we fought in the city of Mexico itself, in which we were worsted and
beaten back with the loss of 860 of our troops, of whom a great portion
was sacrificed to the idols,--I repeat, where above 860 of our men were
killed, for out of 1300 soldiers who had marched into the town to the
relief of Pedro de Alvarado, which made out the united forces of Narvaez
and Cortes, only 440 escaped, and even these were all wounded,--of this
great and important deed of arms he speaks as if it were a mere nothing.
He says as little of the subsequent conquest we made of the great city
of Mexico, or the manner in which we accomplished it, and omits to
mention the number of our killed and wounded; as if this undertaking had
merely been a jolly marriage-procession. But why should I continue to
enumerate all these particularities one by one, it is a mere waste of
ink and paper! I can only say that it is a great pity if Gomara pursues
the same course in all his works; for in the beautiful style in which he
writes, he ought to make truth perceptible, and distinguish himself
therein. But enough of Gomara; I have sufficiently proved, to the sorrow
of his readers, how far he has gone beside the truth. I will now return
to my history, and strive to act up to the advice of wise men, who say
that honesty and truth are the true ornaments to history. Indeed, my
rude style of writing would be insupportable without truth, and
therefore I was determined to put my trust in it, and continue my
narrative in the way I had begun, that it might go to the press, and
publish to the world the conquest of New Spain, as it really took place.
In this way his imperial majesty will also learn the great services
which we, the true conquistadores, have rendered to the crown; how small
our numbers were when we first arrived in this country, under the
command of our highly-favoured and faithful captain, Hernando Cortes;
what dangers we had to brave; and, lastly, how we conquered this
kingdom, which forms a great part of the New World, and for which reason
his majesty, our most christian king and master, has so often ordered
that we should be rewarded. However, I will not say anything further on
this head, though much might be said. In resuming my pen I will, like a
careful pilot who throws out the lead when he is in danger of shallows,
search after truth, where the historian Gomara flies away from it. I
will not, however, detain my readers by entering into minute
particulars, but always keep the whole in view, in order that the costs
of gathering the leasings may not amount to more than the value of the
full vintage. If other historians should further swell out my narrative,
and bestow on Cortes, our commander, and on the brave conquistadores in
this great and holy expedition, their just measure of praise, I can at
least say that I have witnessed for the truth. These, indeed, are not
stories about strange countries, or dreams, or contradictory statements;
everything I relate, if I may so say, happened but yesterday, and the
whole of New Spain can test these representations, and judge how far
those are correct who have written on the same subject. I will relate
that of which I myself was an eyewitness, facts which I know to be true,
and will pay no attention to the contradictory statements of those who
merely write from hearsay, for truth is a sacred thing. I will therefore
say no more on this head, though I could, if I liked, say a good deal;
and merely add, that there are good grounds for believing that when
Gomara was writing his history, he had been deceived by false
information: with him, every circumstance is made to turn to the glory
and honour of Cortes, while no mention is made of the other brave
officers and soldiers; but, the partiality of this author is
sufficiently seen from the circumstance of his having dedicated his work
to the present Marquis del Valle, son of Cortes, and not to his majesty
the king. But, alas! these untruths and errors are not peculiar to
Francisco Lopez de Gomara, but have also been the means of leading many
other writers and historians who had followed his work into like error,
as for instance, Doctor Illescas and Paulo Jovio, who have exactly
copied Gomara's account, without adding or taking away a single word.
For all their blunders they are indebted to Gomara.




CHAPTER XIX.

    _How another armament was fitted out for a voyage to the newly
    discovered countries. The command of which was given to Hernando
    Cortes, afterwards Marquis of the Vale of Oaxaca; also of the secret
    cabals which were formed to deprive him of it._


Immediately after the return of Juan de Grijalva from our last voyage of
discovery, in the year 1518, Diego Velasquez issued orders for the
fitting-out of a more considerable armament than the foregoing. For this
purpose he had ten vessels lying in the harbour of Santiago de Cuba, at
his disposal. Among these were the four vessels in which we had just
returned with Grijalva, which had been immediately refitted and
careened. The six others had been collected from the different ports of
the island. The vessels were provided with sufficient provisions,
consisting in cassave-bread, tobacco, and smoked bacon, to last us on
our voyage to the Havannah, where they were to be fully equipped, for at
that time there was neither beef nor mutton to be had in Cuba. In the
meantime, however, Diego Velasquez could not make up his mind to whom
he should intrust the command. Some cavaliers certainly mentioned Vasco
Porcallo, a captain of great renown, and related to the earl of Feria,
who, it was said, would shortly arrive to take the command. This man,
however, did not suit Diego Velasquez; he feared his daring spirit, and
was apprehensive that once having the armament under his command he
would declare himself independent of him. Others again spoke of Augustin
Bermudez, Antonio Velasquez Borrego, and Bernardino Velasquez, who were
all three relatives of Velasquez. We soldiers, however, would not hear
of any other than Juan de Grijalva, who, besides being a brave officer,
bore an unblemished character; a man moreover who fully understood the
art of commanding. While such like rumours were afloat, the affair was
secretly settled, by two confidants of Diego Velasquez, Andreas de
Duero, secretary to the governor, and Almador de Lares, the royal
treasurer, with Hernando Cortes. Cortes was a cavalier of rank, a native
of Medellin, and son of Martin Cortes de Monroy, and of Catalina Pizarro
Altamirano, both descendants of two ancient noble families of
Estremadura, though then in rather straitened circumstances. Cortes had
an Indian commendary in Cuba, and had been recently married to Dona
Catalina Suarez Pacheco, daughter of the late Diego Suarez Pacheco of
Avila, and of Maria de Mercaida of Biscay; and sister to Juan Suarez
Pacheco, who, subsequent to the conquest of New Spain, took up his abode
in Mexico, where he had a commendary. This marriage proved very
expensive to Cortes, and had even occasioned his imprisonment. Diego
Velasquez favoured the family of Cortes's wife, who had been averse to
the match: but I must leave this for others to expatiate upon, and
rather confine myself to the principal subject in this place, which is,
to acquaint my reader that the above-mentioned confidants of Diego
Velasquez did all in their power to obtain the appointment of
commander-in-chief for Cortes; who, on the other hand, had promised to
share equally with them all the profits arising from the gold, silver,
and jewels, which pending this expedition should fall to his share,
which might turn out very considerable, since the real design of Diego
Velasquez, in fitting-out this expedition, was not to make settlements,
but that a trade of barter should be carried on with the natives. Duero
and the royal treasurer, therefore, employed all their cunning with the
governor. They took every opportunity of placing Cortes in the most
favorable light--extolling his great courage, in a word, declared him to
be the most proper person whom he could intrust with the command. In him
he might place implicit confidence, the more so since he himself had
been present as a witness at Cortes's marriage, and given the bride
away, and was thus spiritually related to him. Their endeavours were
indeed crowned with success, by Diego Velasquez conferring the
appointment of captain-general of the expedition on that gentleman. The
secretary Duero did not fail on this occasion, as the saying is, to
write out the commission with the best of ink, to word it agreeably to
Cortes's wishes, and finish it in all haste. When the appointment became
known to the public, some approved of it and others not.

On the Sunday following, as Diego Velasquez was on his way to church,
accompanied by the principal personages in the town, as was due to him
in his capacity of governor, it happened that he did Cortes the honour
of placing him on his right side; on the road they were met by a jester,
nick-named the fool Servantes: this fellow kept in front of the
governor, cutting all manner of ridiculous figures and playing all sorts
of pranks. "Well-a-day, friend Diego, (commenced this jack-pudding,)
what manner of a captain-general have you appointed? He of Medellin and
Estremadura! A captain who wants to try his fortune in no small way. I
am afraid he will cut his sticks with your whole squadron; for he is a
terrible fellow when he once begins, this you may read in his
countenance." As he was chattering on in this strain for some time and
growing more severe in his observations, Andreas de Duero, who was
walking by the side of Cortes, hit him a good blow on the head, crying
out at the same time, "begone you drunken fool! I am sure these
scandalous pleasantries never emanated in your brain." The buffoon,
however, took no notice of this, but commenced a-new. "Long live my
friend Diego and the bold captain Cortes! Upon my life, master Diego, I
must really go myself with Cortes to those rich countries, in order that
you may not repent of the bargain you have made!" Nobody doubted for a
moment that it was Velasquez, the governor's relative, who had feed the
jester with a few pesos to utter these complaints, all emanating from a
bad feeling. Everything this fool had predicted, however, took place to
the very letter, and only proves that fools often speak the truth. It is
nevertheless certain that the appointment of Hernando Cortes was
pleasing in the eyes of God, a blessing to our holy religion, and of the
first importance to his majesty, as will be clearly proved in the
sequel.




CHAPTER XX.

    _Of the designs and plans of Hernando Cortes after he had obtained
    the appointment of captain._


After Hernando Cortes had thus been appointed captain, he immediately
set about to collect all manner of arms and ammunition, consisting of
matchlocks, crossbows, powder, and the like; in the same way he took
care to provide a large stock of goods for barter, and other necessaries
requisite for our expedition. He was now also most particular in
adorning his outward person, more than ordinarily: he stuck a bunch of
feathers in his cap, to which he fastened a golden medal, which gave him
a very stately appearance. Notwithstanding all this he was at that time
greatly pinched for money to purchase the things he required, being, in
addition, head and ears in debt: for, though his commendary was a
lucrative one, and his gold mines very productive, he required it all
for his own person and the dress of his young wife. For the rest his
countenance was most winning, his conversation agreeable, while he was
beloved by every one. He had been twice Alcalde of Santiago de Boroco,
where he resided, which is esteemed a great honour in these parts. When,
therefore, his friends among the merchants, Jaime Tria and a certain
Pedro de Xeres, heard of his appointment, they lent him 4000 gold pesos
and other merchandise, upon the income arising from his commendary. With
this money he bought a state robe with golden trains, ensigns bearing
the arms of our sovereign the king, on each side of which was the figure
of a cross, beneath this a Latin inscription, the meaning of which was:
"Brothers, let us in true faith follow the cross, and the victory is
ours!" He then made known by sound of drum and trumpet, in the name of
his majesty and Diego Velasquez the governor, that all those who felt
inclined to accompany him to the conquest and colonization of the
newly-discovered countries, should have a share in the gold, silver, and
jewels they might gain; also that, when any one settled himself there,
he should be presented with an Indian commendary, the distribution of
which his majesty had confided to Diego Velasquez.

Although this proclamation was made previous to the return of the
chaplain Benito Martinez, whom Diego had despatched to Spain to procure
for him such authority and other powers, yet it made a deep impression
among the inhabitants of the island. Cortes, also, at the same time
wrote to all his friends, inviting them to join the expedition. Many
there were who sold all they were possessed of, to buy themselves arms
and a horse; others purchased stores of cassave-bread and salted bacon
to provision the ships, and otherwise equipped themselves as well as
they could. Our numbers had increased to 300 soldiers when we left
Santiago de Cuba: we were even joined by some of the principal
personages of Diego Velasquez's household; among the number was Diego de
Ordas, his steward. To this he had certainly been advised by his master,
to see that nothing was done opposed to his interests, as he did not
altogether trust Cortes. There was also Francisco de Morla, Escobar,
Herredia, Juan Ruano, Pedro Escudero, and Martin Ramos de Pares of
Biscay, with many other friends and acquaintances of Velasquez. Myself I
speak of last. Though I have merely enumerated these warriors as they
came to my memory; without wishing, however, to give one any preference
above the other. I intend hereafter to give the names of them all in the
proper place.

While Cortes was thus making every exertion to expedite the equipment of
the vessels, the malice and envy of the relatives of Velasquez was not
silent, who felt themselves most grievously neglected that the command
should have been intrusted to Cortes. Velasquez had only shortly
beforehand shown his hatred to Cortes on account of his marriage, and
even persecuted him; they were therefore the more spiteful, and in every
way strove to lower him in the eyes of the governor, hoping thereby to
deprive him of the command. Cortes, who was fully acquainted with this,
took care to be always at Velasquez's side. He took every opportunity of
showing his attachment to him, and spoke of nothing but of the glory of
this undertaking, and of the vast riches it could not fail, in a short
time, to bring his patron Velasquez. Even Andreas de Duero urged Cortes
by all means to hasten the embarkation, as the relatives of Velasquez
had already succeeded in altering his sentiments with regard to Cortes.
The latter therefore desired his wife to send him on board the
provisions and other presents which women under such circumstances are
accustomed to give their husbands. He made known to the masters and
pilots of the different vessels the day and hour of departure, and
ordered all the men to be on board by a certain day.

Everything being now ready for his departure, and all the men on board,
Cortes called upon the governor to take leave of him, and was
accompanied on this occasion by his best friends and companions in arms,
Andreas de Duero, the royal treasurer, Almador de Lares, and the
principal inhabitants of the town. Velasquez and Cortes vowed eternal
friendship, and did not part until they had several times embraced each
other.

The next morning early we attended mass, after which we marched to our
vessels accompanied by the governor and a number of cavaliers in
honorable escort.

The weather being very fine, we arrived, after a few days' sail, safely
in the harbour of Trinidad, and landed there.

From what has already been said, and will further be seen in the
following chapter, the reader may easily imagine the various
difficulties Cortes had to struggle with; though, when my narrative is
confronted with that of Gomara, it will be found how greatly they
differ. Gomara, for instance, will have that Andreas de Duero was a
merchant, though, as private secretary to the governor, he had
considerable weight in the island; and of Diego de Ordas, he says, that
he accompanied the expedition under Grijalva, though he never went out
until this time with Cortes. But I will leave Gomara and his miserable
history, and relate our doings in the town of Trinidad.




CHAPTER XXI.

    _Cortes's occupations at Trinidad, and of the cavaliers and warriors
    who there joined our expedition, and other matters._


On the first notice of our arrival at Trinidad, the inhabitants came out
to welcome us and our commander Cortes. Among the great body of
cavaliers in this place, every one strove hardest to have Cortes for his
guest. Cortes immediately planted his standard in front of his dwelling,
and made the public acquainted with the particulars of the expedition in
the same way as he had done at Santiago, and further collected whatever
he could in the shape of firearms with other necessaries. Here we were
also joined by the Alvarados, namely, Pedro, who has often been
mentioned in this history, his brothers Gonzalo, Jorge, Gomez, and his
natural brother the elder Juan Alvarado. Further we were here joined by
Alonso de Avila of Avila, who had a command in the last expedition,
under Grijalva; Juan de Escalante, Pedro Sanchez Farsan of Sevilla;
Gonzalo Mexia, subsequently treasurer at Mexico; Vaena, Juanes de
Fuentarabia, and Christobal de Oli, who had a command at the taking of
Mexico, and in all the battles fought in New Spain. Further, Ortiz, the
musician, and Gaspar Sanchez, nephew to the treasurer of Cuba; Diego de
Pinedo, Alonzo Rodriguez, who possessed some lucrative gold mines, and
Bartolome Garcia. To which may be added many other cavaliers whose
names at present I cannot remember, all personages of influence and
respectability. From this place Cortes also wrote letters to
Santispiritus, fifty-four miles from Trinidad, and made our expedition
known to the public there. He knew so well how to mix up his sentences
with inviting expressions and great promises, that many of the first
personages of that town were thereby induced to join us. These were
Hernando Puertocarrero, cousin to the earl of Medellin, and Gonzalo de
Sandoval, who had been eight months alguacil-major and governor, and was
afterwards a commander in New Spain; also Juan Velasquez de Leon, a
relation of Diego Velasquez; Rodrigo Rangel, Gonzalo Lopez de Ximena,
with his brother Juan Lopez, and Juan Sedeno. This latter gentleman was
an inhabitant of Santispiritus, and had joined Cortes because of the two
other Sedenos who were among us. These gentlemen, who were all men of
consequence, had arrived at the same time in Trinidad, when Cortes,
accompanied by the whole of us, went out to meet them. Cannons were
fired, and other rejoicings took place on this occasion, while
professions of esteem and friendship were past from one party to the
other. All these men possessed land in the neighbourhood of this town,
where they ordered cassave-bread to be made, and bacon to be cured, and
otherwise collected all the provisions they possibly could for our
vessels. Here also we hired soldiers, and purchased some horses, which
latter, at that time, were very scarce, and only to be had at exorbitant
prices. Alonso Hernandez de Puertocarrero, whom I had previously known,
had not sufficient money to purchase himself a horse; Cortes, therefore,
bought one for him, and paid for it with the golden borders of the
velvet robe he had procured at Santiago. About this time there also
arrived in the port of Trinidad a vessel belonging to a certain Juan
Sedeno, of the Havannah, laden with cassave-bread and salted meat, which
was destined for the mines of Santiago. This Sedeno, who had called upon
our commander to pay his respects, was soon persuaded, by the eloquence
and address of Cortes, to sell him his ship with the lading and all, and
himself to join the expedition. We had now eleven ships in all, and
everything, thanks to Providence, was going on well, when letters
arrived from Diego Velasquez with peremptory orders that Cortes was to
be deprived of the command. But I will detail this matter in the
following chapter.




CHAPTER XXII.

    _How the governor Diego Velasquez sends two of his officials in all
    haste to Trinidad, with full power and authority to deprive Cortes
    of his appointment of captain, and bring the squadron away, &c._


I must now carry my narrative back a few days, in order to relate what
happened at Santiago de Cuba after our departure. We had scarcely set
sail when Diego Velasquez's friends left him not a moment's peace,
harassing him until they had totally revolutionised his sentiments with
regard to Cortes. They now plainly told him that he might consider
Cortes as lost to his interests from his having so secretly sneaked away
from the harbour. Neither had he made any secret of his determination to
have the chief command of the armament, whether Diego might wish it or
not; for which reason he had embarked his men at night-time, that if any
attempt were made to deprive him of the squadron, he would resist it by
main force. He, the governor, had been deceived by his private secretary
Duero, and De Lares the royal treasurer, who had both made some previous
agreement with Cortes to procure him the command. But in particular the
relatives of Velasquez were constantly urging him to cancel the recent
appointment of Cortes, in which they were backed by a certain old man,
named Juan Millan, commonly termed the astrologer, who was considered by
many not to be exactly in his proper senses. This old man repeatedly
told the governor that Cortes would now revenge himself for his having,
some time ago, thrown him into prison: "Sly and artful as he is, he will
be the means of ruining you, if you are not upon your guard."

These hints were not thrown away upon Velasquez; they brought about a
revolution in his mind, which ended in his despatching two trustworthy
persons out of his establishment, with private instructions to his
brother-in-law Francisco de Verdugo, then alcalde major of Trinidad, by
which he was peremptorily commanded, under all circumstances, to deprive
Cortes of the squadron, whose appointment of captain had been withdrawn,
and given to Vasco Porcallo. At the same time he wrote letters to Diego
de Ordas, Francisco de Morla, and to his relations and friends, desiring
them, at all events, to leave the squadron.

As soon as Cortes got information of this, he had a secret interview
with Ordas and all those officers and inhabitants of Trinidad, who, he
thought, might feel inclined to obey the orders of Velasquez. To these
he spoke so feelingly, and in such kind terms, accompanied by such great
promises, that they were all soon gained over to his side. Diego de
Ordas even undertook to advise the alcalde major Francisco de Verdugo
not to put these commands immediately into execution, and to keep them
secret; telling him, at the same time, he had seen nothing in Cortes
which gave the slightest reasons for suspecting him of anything wrong;
on the contrary, he had, on every occasion, given proofs of his
adherence to the governor. He assured him, moreover, that it would be an
impossibility to deprive Cortes of the command of the squadron, in which
he had so many friends among the cavaliers, and Diego Velasquez so many
enemies, who would not easily forgive him that he had neglected to
bestow on them more profitable commendaries. Besides the number of
friends Cortes had among the officers, he could rely upon most of the
soldiers, and thus it would be useless to attempt anything against him.
The whole town would become mixed up in the quarrel, which would be
plundered by our men, and even worse consequences might follow. By these
arguments, Ordas prevented all violent measures; and one of the
above-mentioned officials, whom Diego had sent with despatches to his
nephew, named Pedro Laso, even joined our expedition. The other, Cortes
sent back with a letter to the governor, in which he made use of every
kind sentiment, and expressed his utter astonishment at the resolution
he had taken, particularly as he had no other design than to serve God,
his majesty the king, and the governor. He earnestly advised him not to
listen any further to his cousin Velasquez, nor to allow the kind
feeling he entertained for him to be poisoned by such an old fool as
Juan Millan. Cortes, at the same time, wrote to his other friends, and
in particular to his two confederates, the private secretary and royal
treasurer.

The next step he took was to command his men to put their arms into good
repair. Every smith in the town was set to work to fix points to our
lances, and the gunners were ordered to search every magazine for
arrows. He at last even persuaded the very smiths to join the armament.

We remained altogether twelve days at Trinidad, and thence sailed for
the Havannah. From the foregoing statement, the reader will readily
perceive how differently all this has been related by Gomara, who even
makes Velasquez confer the chief command on Ordas; the latter, he says,
invited Cortes to dine with him on board his vessel, had him seized
while at dinner, and taken off prisoner to Santiago. I could cite many
similar errors from Gomara's history, and thereby convince the reader
that it is better to believe an eyewitness than an author who writes
about things he never saw. However, enough of Gomara; let us return to
our subject.




CHAPTER XXIII.

    _Cortes embarks with all his cavaliers and soldiers in order to sail
    along the south side of the island to the Havannah, and sends off
    one of the vessels to go around the north coast for the same port._


Cortes, finding that he had nothing further to do at Trinidad,
acquainted his officers and men with the hour of departure, leaving it
to each one's choice either to proceed to the Havannah by sea, or march
thither overland, under the command of Pedro de Alvarado, who would be
joined by some men from one of the colonies, on his road. Alvarado was a
kind-hearted man, who knew best how to deal with soldiers; wherefore I
myself, with fifty other military men, gladly joined him; our numbers
were, moreover, increased by all our horse. Cortes also sent a vessel,
under the command of Juan de Escalante, which was to shape its course
around the north coast to the Havannah. Cortes then embarked, and
proceeded, with the whole squadron, for the same port. The transport
ships must, however, have missed the vessel of our commander-in-chief in
the night, as they all arrived safe at the Havannah without it. The
troops under Pedro de Alvarado also arrived in good time, and the vessel
under the command of Escalante, which had sailed around the north coast.

Cortes alone remained behind; nor could any one account for his delay,
or what could possibly have detained him. Five days passed away without
our obtaining the least tidings of him, and we already began to fear
that he had been shipwrecked off the Jardines,[9] which lie from thirty
to thirty-six miles from the Havannah, near the Pinos isles, where the
sea is very shallow: we therefore determined to send out our three
smaller vessels in quest of her; but what with the fitting-out of these
vessels, added to the manifold opinions and advices, two more days
elapsed, and Cortes still remained behind. All manner of artifices were
now had recourse to, as to whom the command should be given, until some
certainty was gained respecting the fate of Cortes, in which Diego de
Ordas, in his capacity of steward over the household of Velasquez, and
secret observer of our movements, was most active.

The following misfortune had befallen Cortes. When his vessel, which was
of considerable tonnage, had arrived off the Pinos isles on the shallows
of the Jardines, there was not sufficient depth of water to carry her,
and she consequently got aground. The ship had now to be unladen, which
was an easy matter, on account of the nearness of the shore. As soon as
she was set afloat again and brought into deeper water she was reloaded
and pursued her voyage to the Havannah. The joy among the officers and
soldiers was very great as soon as she became visible in the horizon, to
those excepted who had prized themselves with the command, to whose
machinations, however, there was now an end. We accompanied Cortes to
the house of Pedro Barba, Velasquez's lieutenant at Trinidad, where
quarters had been got ready for his reception. He immediately hoisted
his standard in front of his dwelling, and by public proclamation
invited the inhabitants to join the expedition.

It was here that Francisco de Montejo first joined us, of whom I shall
often have to speak in the course of this history: subsequent to the
conquest of Mexico he became adelantado and governor of Yucatan and the
Honduras. Here we were also joined by Diego de Soto of Toro, namely, who
afterwards was Cortes's steward in Mexico; further, Angula and Garci
Caro, Sebastian Rodriguez, Pacheco, Gutierras, Royas (this is not he
commonly called the wealthy); also by a young fellow of the name of
Santaclara; the two brothers, Martinez del Frexenal and Juan de
Najara--not the deaf one of the tennis-court at Mexico: all of whom were
men of rank and quality. There were also other soldiers who joined us,
whose names I have forgotten.

When Cortes, therefore, beheld all these cavaliers together, his heart
leaped with joy, and he sent off another ship for a further supply of
provisions to the promontory of Guaniguanico, where Velasquez had landed
property. Here was a village where cassave-bread was made, and
quantities of swine's flesh cured. He gave the command of this vessel to
Diego de Ordas, who, as Velasquez's steward, ordered matters on his
master's property as he liked. Cortes wished to keep him out of the way,
having learnt that Ordas had not spoken in very favorable terms of him
during the dispute as to whom the command should be given, when he was
detained off the Pinos isles. Ordas's instructions were to remain in the
harbour of Guaniguanico, after he had taken in his lading, until the
arrival there of the vessel which was to sail around the north coast,
with which he was then to proceed to the island of Cozumel, provided he
received no further instructions by Indian canoes.

Francisco de Montejo and other cavaliers of the Havannah likewise
furnished quantities of cassave-bread and cured bacon; there being no
other kind of provisions to be had. In the meantime Cortes ordered all
our heavy guns, consisting in ten copper cannons and a few falconets, to
be brought on shore and given in charge of an artilleryman, named Mesa,
a certain Arbenga who traded to the Levant, and Juan Catalan, to prove
them, and otherwise put them into good repair; also to furnish for each
the right-sized balls and proper quantity of powder. He also gave them
an assistant, named Bartolome de Usagre, and furnished them with vinegar
and wine to polish the copper pieces. In the same way all our crossbows
were inspected, and their strength ascertained by shooting at the
target. Cotton being very plentiful here we constructed ourselves
cuirasses with it, which form the most efficient protection against
Indian arrows, pikes, and slings. Here it was also that Cortes put his
establishment on a much superior footing, and had himself served as a
person of the first quality. He took for his butler a certain Guzman,
who was subsequently killed by the Indians; he must not, however, be
confounded with Christobal de Guzman, who afterwards became his steward,
and was the man whom took the king Quauhtemoctzin prisoner, during the
battle in the suburbs of Mexico. Rodrigo Rangel he appointed his
chamberlain, and Juan de Caceres his house-steward, who after the
conquest of Mexico was considered a man of great wealth. Having ordered
all these things, he commanded us to hold ourselves in readiness for
embarking, and to distribute the horses among the vessels, for which the
necessary quantity of maise and hay had been provided.

For memory's sake I will here likewise describe the horses and mares
which we took with us on our expedition. Cortes had a dark chesnut
stallion, which died afterwards at St. Juan de Ulua. Pedro de Alvarado
and Hernando Lopez d'Avila had jointly an excellent brown mare, which
had been broken-in for the field of battle as well as for tournaments.
After our arrival in New Spain, Alvarado bought Lopez's share, or
perhaps took forcible possession of it. Alonso Hernandez Puertocarrero
had a grey- mare, which Cortes had purchased for him with the
golden borders of his state-robe, it was capitally trained for the field
of battle. Juan Velasquez de Leon's mare was of the same colour, a noble
and powerful animal, full of fire and eager for battle: we commonly
termed it the "short tail."

Christobal de Oli had a dark brown fine-spirited horse. Francisco de
Montejo and Alonso de Avila had between them a sorel- horse, but
of little use in battle. Francisco de Morla had likewise a dark chesnut
stallion, one full of fire and wonderfully swift. The light-
horse of Juan de Escalante was not worth much. The grey- mare of
Diego de Ordas, which would never foal, was neither very swift. Gonzalo
Dominiguez had a small dark-brown nag, a very swift and noble animal.
Also the brown- horse of Pedro Gonzalez de Truxillo was a swift
animal. Moron, who was a native of Vaimo, had a small horse which was
pretty well trained. Vaena, of Trinidad, had a darkish- horse,
though a bad leaper. The light- chesnut galloway of De Lares
was, on the other hand, a splendid animal and a capital runner.

Ortiz, the musician, and a certain Bartolome Garcia, who had applied
himself to the art of mining, had between them a very good dark-
horse, which they named the Arriero (mule-driver,) and was one of the
best animals of the whole corps. Juan Sedeno, of the Havannah, had a
fine chesnut mare, which foaled on board. This Sedeno was considered to
be the most wealthy man amongst us; for he had a ship of his own, a
horse, a few <DW64>s to attend upon him, and his own lading of cassave
and cured bacon. Just about this time horses and <DW64>s were only to be
purchased for very high prices, which accounts for the small number of
the former we had with us on this expedition.

However, I will stop here, and relate in the next chapter what happened
as we were just about to embark.

[9] Jardines, or the Caribbee islands, lying along the south coast of
Cuba, better known as the Windward and Leeward islands. (p. 51.)




CHAPTER XXIV.

    _Diego Velasquez sends one of his officials, named Gaspar Garnica,
    with full authority to take Cortes prisoner, whatever might be the
    consequence; and what further happened._


In order that my history may be perfectly intelligible to my readers, I
must sometimes recur to prior events. In this place I have to return to
Diego Velasquez, who, when he learnt that his brother-in-law, Francisco
Verdugo, sub-governor of Trinidad, had not only confirmed Cortes in his
appointment over the squadron, but even, conjointly with Diego de Ordas,
lent him every possible assistance, fell into such a rage that he roared
like a wild beast. He accused his private secretary Andreas de Duero,
and the royal treasurer Almador de Lares, of a conspiracy to cheat him,
adding, that Cortes had run off with the whole squadron. Nor did
Velasquez stop here, but despatched one of his officials with
imperative commands to Pedro Barba, sub-governor of the Havannah, at the
same time writing to all his relatives in that town, to De Ordas and to
Juan Velasquez de Leon, who were his special confidants, requiring them
to swear, by the friendship they bore him, not, under any pretence
whatsoever, to allow the squadron to depart, but to send Cortes prisoner
to Santiago. As soon as Garnica, the bearer of these despatches,
arrived, it was immediately guessed for what purpose he came. Cortes was
even apprized of it by means of the very bearer himself: for one of the
brethren of Charity, who was much in company with Velasquez, and greatly
in favour with him, had forwarded by this same Garnica a letter to a
brother of the same order, named Bartolome de Olmedo, who had joined our
expedition. By means of this letter, Cortes was apprized of the whole
posture of affairs by those interested with him, Andreas de Duero and
the royal treasurer. Ordas, as we have above seen, having been sent off
in quest of provisions, Cortes had now only to fear opposition from Juan
Velasquez de Leon; but even him he had half gained over to his side, not
being on the best of terms with his relative the governor, who had only
presented him with a very poor commendary. Thus it was that the design
of Velasquez was frustrated by those very persons to whom he had
written. Indeed, from that very moment, these personages only united
themselves the closer to Cortes, particularly the sub-governor Pedro
Barba, the Alvarados, Puertocarrero, Montejo, Christobal de Oli, Juan
de Escalante, Andreas de Monjaraz, and his brother Gregorio, who, with
all of us, were ready to stake our lives for Cortes. Had the orders of
Velasquez been kept secret in Trinidad, they were now the more so in
this place; and Pedro de Barba despatched Garnica to Diego Velasquez
with the information that he durst not venture to take Cortes into
custody, as he was too powerful and too much beloved by the soldiers;
fearing, if he should make the attempt, that the town would be
plundered, and the whole of the inhabitants forcibly dragged away. For
the rest, he could assure Diego Velasquez that Cortes was quite devoted
to him, and did nothing that could be said to militate against his
interests. Cortes himself also wrote a letter couched in those smooth
terms he so very well knew how to employ, assuring Velasquez of the
unabated friendship he entertained for him, and that he was going to set
sail the very next day.




CHAPTER XXV.

    _Cortes sets sail with the whole squadron for the island of Cozumel,
    and what further took place._


Cortes deferred the review of his troops until we should have arrived at
the island of Cozumel, and gave orders for the embarking of our horses.
Pedro de Alvarado, in the San Sebastian, which was a very fast sailer,
was ordered to shape his course along the north coast, and his pilot
received strict orders to steer direct for the cape of St. Antonio,
where all the other vessels would meet and set sail for Cozumel: like
instructions were forwarded to Diego de Ordas. Mass having been said,
the nine remaining vessels set sail, in a southerly direction, on the
10th of February, 1519. There were sixty soldiers on board the San
Sebastian, under Alvarado, among which number I was myself. Camacho, our
pilot, took no notice of the orders he had received from Cortes, but
shaped his course direct for Cozumel, so that we arrived two days
earlier there than the rest. We landed our men in the same harbour I
before mentioned in our expedition under Grijalva. Cortes had been
detained on his passage by the breaking of the rudder of Francisco de
Morla's vessel, which had to be replaced from what they had at hand.

Our vessel, as I have stated above, arrived two days earlier at Cozumel
than the rest, and the whole of the men proceeded on shore. We did not
meet with a single Indian in the village of Cozumel, as all the
inhabitants had fled away. Alvarado, therefore, ordered us to another
village at about four miles distance from the latter. Here the
inhabitants had likewise fled to the woods, without, however, being able
to carry off all their property, so that we found numbers of fowls and
other things; of the former, Alvarado would not permit us to take more
than forty. Out of a temple near at hand we took several cotton mats,
and a few small boxes containing a species of diadem, small idols,
corals, with all manner of trinkets made of an inferior sort of gold. We
also took two Indians and a female prisoners, after which we returned to
the village near which we had landed.

In the meantime Cortes had arrived with the remaining vessels. He had
scarcely stepped on shore when he ordered our pilot Camacho to be put in
irons, for having followed a contrary course to what he had been
ordered. But his displeasure was still greater when he learnt that the
village was quite deserted, and that Alvarado had taken away, besides
the fowls, the religious implements and other matters, though of little
value, being half copper. Having shown no lenity to Camacho, he now also
gave Alvarado an earnest reproof, telling him that it was not the way to
gain the love of the inhabitants by beginning to rob them of their
property. He then ordered the two Indians and the female whom we had
taken prisoners to be brought into his presence, and put several
questions to them. Melchorillo, whom we had captured at the promontory
of Cotoche, (Julianillo had since died,) and taken with us, perfectly
understood the language of this country, and interpreted on the
occasion. Cortes sent the three Indians to the cazique and the
inhabitants, desiring them to state that they had nothing to fear from
us, and to return to their village. He also restored to them the
religious implements, with the golden trinkets, and gave them glass
beads in exchange for the fowls, which we had eaten: besides this, he
presented each of them with a Spanish shirt. They faithfully executed
Cortes's commission; for the very next day the cazique returned with the
whole of the inhabitants, and so confidently did they converse with us
as if they had known us all their lives: indeed, Cortes had given
peremptory orders that they should in no wise be molested. It was here
also that Cortes began strict discipline, and set to work with
unremitting assiduity, to which Providence lent his blessing; for
everything in which he concerned himself went well, particularly with
regard to making peace with the tribes or inhabitants of these
countries. This the reader will find fully confirmed in the course of my
history.




CHAPTER XXVI.

    _Cortes reviews his troops, and what further happened._


On the third day after our arrival at Cozumel, Cortes reviewed the whole
of his troops. Without counting the pilots and marines, our number
amounted to 508 men. There were 109 sailors, and sixteen horses, which
were trained equally for tournaments or for war. Our squadron consisted
of eleven vessels of different tonnage; among these, one was a kind of
brigantine, the property of a certain Gines Nortes. The number of
crossbow men was thirty-three, and of musketeers thirteen: add to this
our heavy guns and four falconets, a great quantity of powder and balls.
As to the precise number of crossbow men I cannot exactly swear, though
it matters not whether there were a few more or less.

After this review, Cortes ordered the artillerymen Mesa, Bartolome de
Usagre, Arbenga, and a certain Catalonier whose name I forget, to keep
all our firearms bright and in good order, to see that each cannon had
its right-sized ball, to prepare the cartridges, and distribute the
powder properly. The chief care of our gun department he confided to a
certain Francisco de Oroze, who had proved himself a brave soldier in
the Italian wars. Juan Benitez and Pedro de Guzman had to inspect the
crossbows, and see that they were supplied with two or three nuts and as
many cords. They had also to superintend the exercise of shooting at the
target, and the breaking-in of our horses, particularly to accustom them
to the noise of our firearms. I have now said sufficient of our
armament: indeed, Cortes was most particular with the merest trifles in
these matters.




CHAPTER XXVII.

    _Cortes receives information that two Spaniards are in the power of
    the Indians at the promontory of Cotoche: the steps he took upon
    this news._


As Cortes paid attention to every circumstance, he ordered myself and
Martin Camos of Biscay into his presence, and asked us what our opinion
was of the word _Castilan_, _Castilan_, which the Indians of Campeachy
had so often repeated when we landed there, under the command of
Hernandez de Cordoba.

We again informed him of every circumstance that had there taken place.
He said, he had often turned this matter over in his mind, and could not
help thinking but that the inhabitants must have some Spaniards among
them, and he thought it would not be amiss to question the caziques of
Cozumel upon this head. This Cortes accordingly did, and desired
Melchorejo, who by this time had gained some little knowledge of the
Spanish, and perfectly understood the language of Cozumel, to question
the chiefs about it. Their several accounts perfectly corresponded; and
they satisfactorily proved that there were several Spaniards in the
country, whom they had seen themselves; that they served the caziques,
who lived two days' march inland, as slaves, and that it was only a few
days ago some Indian merchants had spoken with them.

We all felt overjoyed at this news. Cortes told these chiefs that he
would send the Spaniards letters, which they call amales in their
language, in which he would desire them to come to us. The cazique and
other Indians who undertook to forward these letters were most kindly
treated by Cortes, who gave them all kinds of presents, and promised
them more on their return. Upon which the cazique remarked to Cortes,
that it would be necessary to send a ransom to the chiefs whom the
Spaniards served as slaves before they would let them go. Various kinds
of glass beads were therefore given to the messengers for this purpose,
and Cortes sent two of the smaller vessels, armed with twenty crossbow
men and a few musketeers, under command of Diego de Ordas, to the coast
of Cotoche, with orders to remain there for eight successive days with
the larger of the two vessels, and to send him information from time to
time by the other vessel, while the messengers brought letters to and
fro; for the distance to the promontory of Cotoche from this place was
only nine miles, the whole appearing, moreover, to form but one country.
The following were the contents of the letter which Cortes wrote to the
Spaniards:

"Dear Sirs and Brothers,--Here, on the island of Cozumel, I received
information that you are detained prisoners by a cazique. I beg of you
to come here to me on the island of Cozumel. To this end I have sent out
an armed ship, and ransom-money, should it be required by the Indians. I
have ordered the vessel to remain stationary off the promontory of
Cotoche for eight days, to wait for you. Come as speedily as possible;
you may depend upon being honorably treated by me. I am here with eleven
vessels armed with 500 soldiers, and intend, with the aid of the
Almighty and your assistance, to proceed to a place called Tabasco, or
Potonchon; etc."

With this letter the two Indian merchants embarked on board our vessel,
which passed this narrow gulf in three hours, when the messengers with
the ransom-money were put on shore.

After the lapse of a couple of days they actually handed over the letter
to one of the Spaniards in question, who, as we afterwards learnt, was
called Geronimo de Aguilar, and I shall therefore in future distinguish
him by that name. When he had read the letter and received the
ransom-money we had forwarded, he was exceedingly rejoiced, and took the
latter to the cazique his master to beg for his liberation. The moment
he had obtained this he went in quest of his comrade, Gonzalo Guerrero,
and made him acquainted with all the circumstances; when Guerrero made
the following reply:

"Brother Aguilar,--I have united myself here to one of the females of
this country, by whom I have three children; and am, during wartime, as
good as cazique or chief. Go! and may God be with you: for myself, I
could not appear again among my countrymen. My face has already been
disfigured, according to the Indian custom, and my ears have been
pierced: what would my countrymen say if they saw me in this attire?
Only look at my three children, what lovely little creatures they are;
pray give me some of your glass beads for them, which I shall say my
brethren sent them from my country."

Gonzalo's Indian wife followed in the same strain, and was quite
displeased with Aguilar's errand. "Only look at that slave there, (said
she,) he is come here to take away my husband from me! Mind your own
affairs, and do not trouble yourself about us."

Aguilar, however, afterwards made another attempt to induce Gonzalo to
leave, telling him to consider that he was a Christian, and that he
ought not to risk the salvation of his soul for the sake of an Indian
woman. Moreover, he might take her and the children with him if he could
not make up his mind to separate himself from them. Aguilar, however,
might say what he liked, it was all to no purpose; he could not persuade
Gonzalo to accompany his heretofore companion in good and ill fortune.
This Guerrero was most probably a sailor, and a native of Palos.[10] He
remained among the Indians, while Geronimo de Aguilar alone took his
departure with the Indian messengers, and marched towards the coast
where our ship was to have waited for them: but she had left; for De
Ordas, after staying there the eight days, and another in addition,
finding that no one appeared, again set sail for Cozumel. Aguilar was
quite downcast when he found the ship was gone, and he again returned to
his Indian master.

Ordas, however, did not meet with the best of reception when he returned
without the ransom-money or any information respecting the Spaniards,
and even without the Indian messengers. Cortes said to him, with great
vehemence, he expected he would have fulfilled his commission better
than to return without the Spaniards, and even without bringing him any
information respecting them, although well aware they were staying in
that country. Cortes had, moreover, just that moment been greatly put
out by another circumstance. A soldier, called Berrio, had accused some
sailors of Gibraleon of having stolen from him a couple of sides of
bacon, which they would not return. They positively denied that they had
committed the robbery, and even took an oath to that effect; however,
after a good search, the bacon was found among their clothes. There were
seven sailors who had been concerned in the robbery, and Cortes,
notwithstanding their officers interceded in their behalf, ordered them
to be severely whipped.

The island of Cozumel, it seems, was a place to which the Indians made
pilgrimages; for the neighbouring tribes of the promontory of Cotoche
and other districts of Yucatan, came thither in great numbers to
sacrifice to some abominable idols, which stood in a temple there. One
morning we perceived that the place where these horrible images stood
was crowded with Indians and their wives. They burnt a species of resin,
which very much resembled our incense, and as such a sight was so novel
to us we paid particular attention to all that went forward. Upon this
an old man, who had on a wide cloak and was a priest, mounted to the
very top of the temple, and began preaching something to the Indians. We
were all very curious to know what the purport of this sermon was, and
Cortes desired Melchorejo to interpret it to him. Finding that all he
had been saying tended to ungodliness, Cortes ordered the caziques, with
the principal men among them and the priest, into his presence, giving
them to understand, as well as he could by means of our interpreter,
that if they were desirous of becoming our brethren they must give up
sacrificing to these idols, which were no gods but evil beings, by which
they were led into error and their souls sent to hell. He then presented
them with the image of the Virgin Mary and a cross, which he desired
them to put up instead. These would prove a blessing to them at all
times, make their seeds grow and preserve their souls from eternal
perdition. This and many other things respecting our holy religion,
Cortes explained to them in a very excellent manner. The caziques and
priests answered, that their forefathers had prayed to their idols
before them, because they were good gods, and that they were determined
to follow their example. Adding, that we should experience what power
they possessed; as soon as we had left them, we should certainly all of
us go to the bottom of the sea.

Cortes, however, took very little heed of their threats, but commanded
the idols to be pulled down, and broken to pieces; which was accordingly
done without any further ceremony. He then ordered a quantity of lime to
be collected, which is here in abundance, and with the assistance of the
Indian masons a very pretty altar was constructed, on which we placed
the image of the holy Virgin. At the same time two of our carpenters,
Alonso Yanez and Alvaro Lopez made a cross of new wood which lay at
hand, this was set up in a kind of chapel, which we built behind the
altar. After all this was completed, father Juan Diaz said mass in front
of the new altar, the caziques and priests looking on with the greatest
attention.

Before I close this chapter, I have to remark that the caziques on the
island of Cozumel, like those on the land of Potonchan, are likewise
termed Calachionies.

[10] Palos, a small town of Spain, lying on the river Tinto. This port
produced the best Spanish sailors during the early voyages of discovery,
and here also the expedition under Columbus was fitted out. (p. 60.)




CHAPTER XXVIII.

    _The manner in which Cortes divides the squadron. The officers whom
    he appointed to the command of the several vessels. His instructions
    to the pilots; the signals which were to be made with lanterns at
    night, &c._


The following were the officers which commanded the several vessels.

Cortes himself commanded, in the principal vessel, over the whole
squadron. To the San Sebastian, which was a very capital sailer, he
appointed Alvarado and his brother. The other vessels were severally
commanded by Alonso Hernandez Puertocarrero, Francisco de Montejo,
Christobal de Oli, Diego de Ordas, Juan Velasquez de Leon, Juan de
Escalante, Francisco de Morla, and Escobar the page. The smallest
vessel, a kind of brigantine, was commanded by its owner, Gines Nortes.

Every vessel had its own pilot, who received his instructions, and also
the signals with the lanterns from Alaminos.

As soon as Cortes had ordered these matters he took leave of the
caziques and priests, commended them most emphatically to the image of
the holy Virgin and to the cross, desiring them to pray before it, not
to damage either but continually to decorate them with green boughs. He
assured them that thereby they would derive great benefit. They promised
to comply with all his wishes, presented him with four more fowls and
two jars of honey, and then took leave of us under the most friendly
embraces. It was some day in the month of March, in the year 1519, when
we again set sail; we were pursuing our course with the most favorable
of winds, when on the very first day at ten o'clock in the morning,
signals of distress were made on board one of our vessels, both by flags
and the firing of guns. As soon as Cortes saw and heard this, he looked
over the poop of his vessel, and found that the ship commanded by Juan
de Escalante was making straight again for the island of Cozumel. What
is the matter there? What does all this mean? cried out Cortes to the
vessel nearest him. A soldier, named Zaragoza replied, that the vessel
of Juan de Escalante, laden with cassave-bread, was sinking fast. God
forbid! cried Cortes, that any misfortune should befall us here, and
desired our chief pilot, Alaminos, to make signals for all the vessels
to return to the island Cozumel. So we again put into the harbour we had
just left: we unloaded the cassave-bread; and found, to our great joy,
that the image of the holy Virgin and cross were in the best condition,
and that incense had been placed before them. It was not long before the
caziques and priests again made their appearance, and asked what had
caused us to return so speedily. Cortes told them that one of our
vessels was leaky and had to be repaired, begging of them to assist us
with their canoes in unloading our cassave-bread. This they most readily
complied with, and it took us four more days to repair the vessel.




CHAPTER XXIX.

    _How the Spaniard Geronimo de Aguilar, who was in the power of the
    Indians, came to us when he learnt that we had again returned to the
    island of Cozumel, and what further happened._


When the Spaniard, who was in the power of the Indians got certain
information that we had again returned to the island Cozumel, he
rejoiced exceedingly and thanked God with all his heart.

He immediately hired a canoe, with six capital rowers, for himself and
the Indians who had brought him the glass beads. The former being richly
remunerated with these, so valuable in their estimation: they performed
their work so well, that the channel between the island and mainland, a
distance of about twelve miles, was soon crossed. After they had arrived
off the island and stepped on shore, some soldiers who were returning
from the chase of musk swine, informed Cortes that a large canoe had
just arrived from the promontory of Cotoche. Cortes immediately
despatched Andreas de Tapia with a few men to learn what news they had
brought. As Tapia with his men approached the shore, the Indians, who
had arrived with Geronimo, evinced great fear and ran back to their
canoe in order to put off to sea again. Aguilar, however, told him in
their language they need have no fear; for we were their brothers.
Andreas de Tapia, who took Aguilar also for an Indian, for he had every
appearance of one, sent to inform Cortes that the seven Indians who had
arrived were inhabitants of Cozumel. It was not until they had come up
to them and heard the Spaniard pronounce the words--God, holy Virgin,
Sevilla, in broken Spanish, and ran up to Tapia to embrace him, that
they recognized this strange-looking fellow. One of Tapia's men
immediately ran off to inform Cortes that a Spaniard had arrived in the
canoe, for which news he expected a handsome reward.

We all greatly rejoiced at this information, and it was not long before
Tapia himself arrived with the strange-looking Spaniard. As they passed
by us many of our men still kept inquiring of Tapia which among them was
the Spaniard? although he was walking at his very side, so much did his
countenance resemble that of an Indian. His complexion was naturally of
a brownish cast, added to which his hair had been shorn like that of an
Indian slave: he carried a paddle across his shoulder, had one of his
legs covered with an old tattered stocking; the other, which was not
much better, being tied around his waist. An old ragged cloak hung over
his shoulders, his maltatas was in a much worse condition. His
prayerbook, which was very much torn, he had folded in the corner of his
cloak.

When Cortes beheld the man in this attire, he, as all the rest of us had
done, asked Tapia where the Spaniard was? When Geronimo heard this, he
cowered down after the Indian fashion, and said: "I am he." Upon this
Cortes gave him a shirt, a coat, a pair of trousers, a cap and shoes,
from our stores. He then desired him to give us an account of the
adventures of his life, and explain how he had got into this country.

He said, though still in broken Spanish, that his name was Geronimo
d'Aguilar, and was a native of Ecija. About eight years ago he had been
shipwrecked with fifteen men and two women, on a voyage between Darien
and the island of St. Domingo, which they had undertaken on account of a
lawsuit between a certain Enciso and a certain Valdivia. They had 10,000
pesos on board, and papers relating to the lawsuit. The ship struck
against a rock, and they had not been able to get her off again. The
whole of the crew then got into the boat, in the hopes of making the
island of Cuba or Jamaica, but were driven on shore by the strong
currents, where the Calachionies had taken them prisoners and
distributed them among themselves. The most of his unfortunate
companions had been sacrificed to their gods, and some had died of
grief, of which also both the women pined away; being soon worn out by
the hard labour of grinding, to which they had been forced by the
Indians. He himself had also been doomed as a sacrifice to their idols,
but made his escape during the night, and fled to the cazique, with whom
he had last been staying, whose name, however, I cannot now remember. Of
all his companions, he himself and a certain Gonzalo Guerrero, were only
living. He had tried his best to induce him to leave, but in vain.

When Cortes heard this, he returned thanks to the Almighty, and told the
Spaniard that he hoped, with the blessing of God, he would never find
reason to regret the determination he had taken. He then put some
questions to him about the country and its inhabitants. Aguilar said he
was not able to give him much information about either, as he had been
treated like a slave, having been merely employed to fetch wood, water,
and to work in the maise-plantations. It was only upon one occasion he
was sent on some business to a distance of about twelve miles from his
village, but, owing to a heavy burden he had to carry and the weak state
of his body, he had not even been able to reach that distance; for the
rest, he had been given to understand that the country was very thickly
populated. With regard to his companion Alonso Guerrero, he had married
an Indian woman, and was become the father of three children. He had in
every respect adopted the Indian customs,--his cheeks were tattooed, his
ears pierced, and his lips turned down. He was a sailor by profession,
native of Palos, and was considered by the Indians to be a man of great
strength. It might have been about a year ago that a squadron,
consisting of three vessels, had touched at the promontory of Cotoche,
(probably the expedition under Hernandez de Cordoba,) when Guerrero
advised the inhabitants to commence hostilities, who, in common with the
caziques of a large district, commanded on that occasion. Cortes here
remarked, that he very much wished to get the man into his power, for
his staying among the Indians would do us no good.

The caziques of Cozumel showed Aguilar every possible friendship when
they heard him speak in their language. Aguilar advised them always to
do honour to the image of the holy Virgin and cross we had set up, as
they would prove a blessing to them. It was also upon his advice they
begged of Cortes to give them letters of recommendation to other
Spaniards who might run into this harbour, in order that they might not
be molested by them. Cortes readily complied with this request; and,
after mutual protestations of friendship had passed between us, we
weighed anchor, and set sail for the river Grijalva.

For the rest, I can assure the reader that what I have related of
Aguilar is all the man told us himself, although the historian Gomara
gives a very different account; which, however, should not excite our
surprise, as he merely thereby intended to divert his readers with some
strange story.




CHAPTER XXX.

    _How we re-embark and sail for the river Grijalva, and what happened
    to us on our voyage there._


On the 4th of March, 1519, the day after we had had the good fortune to
obtain such an excellent and trustworthy interpreter, Cortes gave orders
for re-embarking. This took place in the same way as before, and similar
instructions were issued with regard to the night signals with the
lanterns. For some time we had the most favorable weather imaginable;
when, towards evening, it suddenly changed, the wind blowing most
violently against us, so that all our vessels were in danger of being
cast on shore. Towards midnight, it pleased God the wind should abate,
and, when daylight broke forth, our vessels again joined each other; one
only was missing, that namely of Velasquez de Leon, which occasioned a
good deal of anxiety, for we concluded she had been wrecked off some of
the shallows. We did not discover her loss until midday; and as night
was now fast approaching, and the vessel still nowhere to be seen,
Cortes told our principal pilot Alaminos that we ought not to continue
our course without gaining some certain knowledge as to her fate:
signals were, therefore, made for all the vessels to drop anchor, to
give the missing ship time to come up with us, on the supposition it had
been driven into some harbour and there retained by contrary winds.
Alaminos, still finding she did not make her appearance, said to Cortes,
"You may be sure, sir, that she has run into some harbour or inlet along
this coast, where she is now wind-bound; for her pilot Manquillo has
twice before visited these seas, once with Hernandez de Cordoba, the
second time under Grijalva, and is acquainted with this bay." Upon this
it was resolved that the whole squadron should return to the bay which
Alaminos was speaking of, in search of the vessel: to our great joy we
indeed found her riding there at anchor, and we all remained here for
one day. During this time, Alaminos, with one of our principal officers
named Francisco de Lugo, went on shore in two boats; they found the
country inhabited, and saw several regular maise-plantations: they
likewise met with places where salt was manufactured, and saw four cues,
or large temples, with numerous figures, mostly in the shape of women,
and of considerable height; whence this promontory was called _la punta
de las Mujeres_, (the promontory of women.) Aguilar observed that this
was the spot where he was once a slave among the Indians; here his
master had found him sunk beneath the weight of the heavy burden which
he had forced him to carry: neither was the township far off where
Alonso Guerrero had settled himself. Every inhabitant possessed gold,
but in small quantities; he would show us the way, if we were desirous
of going there. To which Cortes said, laughingly, he had not gone out
for the sake of such trifles, but to serve God and his king. In the
meantime he despatched Escobar, one of our commanders, with a
fast-sailing vessel of small tonnage, to the Terminos bay, there to
examine the country and search for a secure spot to found a colony; also
to inform us whether game really was so abundant there as had been
represented. All this was done according to the advice of our chief
pilot, to save the trouble of running in there with the whole fleet on
our passing by. Escobar, when he had explored the harbour, was merely to
leave some sign on both sides of the entrance, either by felling trees
or by leaving something in writing, from which we should know that he
had entered safely, or that, having fully explored the harbour, he was
tacking about until we fell in with him again.

With these instructions Escobar set sail, and ran into Terminos bay,
where he executed the commands he had received: he likewise found the
greyhound which had run away from us when we landed there with Grijalva.
It was quite glossy and fat, and immediately knew the ship again as it
entered the bay, wagging its tail, and jumping up against our men as it
followed them on board. Escobar now quitted the bay, and intended
laying-to until the rest of our vessels should come up, but was driven a
considerable way out to sea by a strong south wind. We must now return
to our squadron, which we left at the punta de las Mujeres. Having left
this spot next morning with a stiffish breeze blowing from the land, we
arrived at the entrance of Terminos bay, without, however, seeing
anything of Escobar. Cortes ordered a boat to be lowered, armed with ten
crossbow-men, to run into the bay, or search whether Escobar had left
any sign or written paper as desired. Some trees were found cut down,
and near them a small paper, on which was written, that both the bay and
country round about were charming, that the spot abounded with game, and
that they had found the dog. Our principal pilot here remarked to Cortes
that it would be most advisable for us to continue our course, for the
south wind had no doubt obliged Escobar to hold out to sea, though he
could not be far off, as he must have sailed in a slanting direction.
Cortes, however, still apprehended some accident must have befallen him:
nevertheless, he ordered the sails to be set, and we very soon came up
with Escobar, who related all he had seen, and explained what had
prevented him from waiting for us. In this way we arrived in the waters
off Potonchan, and Cortes ordered Alaminos to run into the inlet where
Cordoba and Grijalva had met with such disastrous treatment. Alaminos,
however, declared that it was a dangerous station for the vessels, as
the waters were very shallow off the coast, and we should be forced to
anchor six miles from the land. Cortes's intention was to punish the
inhabitants severely, and many of us who had been present at those
engagements begged of him to run in that we might revenge ourselves upon
them. But Alaminos and the other pilots said we should lose more than
three days by running in, and, if the weather became unfavorable, we
might be detained there above eight: the wind, moreover, being now most
favorable to reach the Tabasco river, which was our chief object, and
where we might arrive in a couple of days. We accordingly put out to
sea, and reached the Tabasco after three days' sail.




CHAPTER XXXI.

    _How we arrive in the river Grijalva, called in the Indian language
    the Tabasco; the battle we fought there; and what further took
    place._


On the 12th of March, 1519, we arrived with our whole squadron in the
mouth of the Tabasco. As we had experienced, under the expedition with
Grijalva, that no vessels of any considerable burden could enter the
mouth of the river, our larger ones anchored out at sea, while the
smaller ones only, followed by our boats, carrying the whole of our men,
sailed up the river, in order to disembark at the promontory where the
palm trees grew, about four miles from the town of Tabasco; the same
spot where Grijalva had landed.

We perceived numbers of Indians, all under arms, lurking between the
almond trees along the shore. This circumstance greatly astonished those
among us who were here before with Grijalva. Besides this, more than
12,000 men, all armed after their fashion, had assembled at the town
itself in order to attack us. This town was very powerful at that time,
many others being subject to it. These warlike preparations were
occasioned by the following circumstances: The inhabitants of Potonchan,
of Lazaro, and other neighbouring tribes, had accused the Tabascans of
cowardice, for having given Grijalva their gold trinkets mentioned
above: they reproached them the more because their population was more
extensive, and their warriors much more numerous than those of the
tribes just mentioned, who had courageously attacked and killed
fifty-six of our men. It was owing to these reproaches that they now
likewise took up arms against us. Cortes observing these preparations,
desired our interpreter Aguilar, who perfectly understood the language
of Tabasco, to ask some Indians who were passing by in a large canoe,
what the meaning was of all this noise? we had not come to do them any
harm; on the contrary, we were disposed to treat them as our brethren,
and share our victuals with them: they should be careful how they went
to war with us, for they would certainly have to repent it. This and
many other things were told them by Aguilar, to incline them to peace,
but the more he said the more insolent they became, threatening to
destroy us all should we dare to set foot on their territory or in their
town, which they had fortified by means of heavy trees felled for the
purpose, and a strong stone wall. Aguilar, however, made another attempt
to bring about peace, and obtain us permission to take in fresh water,
barter for provisions, and incline them to listen to the disclosures we
came to make in the name of our God. They, however, persisted we should
not pass beyond the palm trees; if we did, they would kill us all.

When Cortes found that all attempts to make peace were fruitless, he
ordered the small vessels and boats to prepare for battle. Three pieces
of cannon were put on board of each of the former, the crossbow-men and
musketeers being equally distributed among them. We remembered, during
the expedition under Grijalva, that a narrow road ran from the palm
trees along some quagmires and wells to the town. Cortes here posted
three sentinels to watch whether the Indians went home at night, if so,
to send him immediate notice. Information was soon brought in the
affirmative. The rest of the day was now spent in reconnoitring the
territory, and fitting out the vessels. The next morning early, after we
had attended mass and well armed ourselves, Cortes despatched Alonso de
Avila with one hundred men, among whom were ten crossbow-men, along the
narrow road above mentioned, leading to the town, which, as soon as he
should hear the firing of cannon, he was to attack on one side, while we
did the same from the other; Cortes himself, with the rest of our
officers and men, moving up the river in the small vessels and our
boats.

When the Indians, who were standing under arms along the coast between
the palm trees, saw us approaching, they leaped into their canoes and
stationed themselves where we were going to land, in order to prevent
us. The shore was covered with warriors armed with all kinds of
weapons, while a terrible noise assailed our ears from their twisted
shells, drums, and fifes. Cortes ordered us to halt for a few moments
and not to fire as yet. As he was very particular in doing everything in
proper form, he desired the royal secretary, who was with us, and Diego
de Godoy, once more to request the inhabitants to allow us to come
peaceably on shore to take in fresh water. Aguilar acted as interpreter.
They were also to give them some notion, if possible, of the Lord God,
and his imperial majesty, and explain to them, that if they attacked us,
and we in defending ourselves killed any of their men, the guilt would
be upon their heads, not ours. The Indians, however, continued their
defiances, threatening to destroy us all if we came on shore. Indeed the
battle now soon began, for immediately after they commenced pouring
forth showers of arrows, the drummers to give signals for the other
troops to fall upon us in a body, and in an instant they rushed bravely
forward. They completely surrounded us with their canoes, and shot off
their arrows so quickly, that many of us were soon wounded, we being
moreover compelled for a length of time to fight up to our waists, and
sometimes even higher in the water. The place where we were attempting
to land was disadvantageous in another way, for the ground was composed
of mud and clay, in which it was impossible to move very fast,
particularly as at the same time we had to defend ourselves against the
enemy's arrows and the thrusts of their lances. Cortes himself, while
fighting in this way was obliged to leave one of his shoes sticking in
the mud in order to get on firm land. We had all, indeed, hard work to
do before we could gain the dry ground; but having once obtained this we
fell so furiously upon our enemies, under the cry of our patron St.
Jacob! that they began to retreat, but immediately again drew themselves
up in order of battle behind the wood and the trees they had cut down.
Here they made an obstinate resistance, until we likewise drove them
from this place, having forced some passages leading to the town, which
latter we entered fighting our way in. The battle now continued in the
streets, until our progress was impeded by another barricade of fallen
trees, defended by a fresh set of men. Here the conflict was continued
with renewed obstinacy, the Indians incessantly crying out: _ala lala,
al calachoni, al calachoni!_ meaning in their language, kill the
commander-in-chief. While we were thus busily engaged, Alonso de Avila
appeared with his men, who had marched along from the palm-trees. He had
been detained by the morass and pools of water which lay in his road.
This delay now proved an advantage to us, as we had also lost time in
striving to make peace with the enemy by means of our two
parliamentaries, and the difficulty we had had to fight our way on
shore. With our united troops we now beat the Indians from this strong
post; though, like brave warriors, they set vigorously upon us with
their arrows and lances, which latter had been hardened in the fire; nor
did they turn their backs, until we had forced our way into a large
courtyard, adjoining which were several spacious apartments and halls.
Here also stood three temples, but the Indians had carried off all the
religious implements with them.

The enemy being now put to flight, Cortes ordered his men to halt, that
we might take formal possession of the country, in the name of his
majesty. He performed this ceremony by drawing his sword, and giving
therewith two deep cuts into a large ceiba tree, which stood in the
courtyard, crying out at the same time, that he would defend the
possession of this country with sword and shield against any one who
should dare dispute it. The whole of us who were present gave our assent
to these proceedings, swearing we would support him in its defence; all
of which was formally registered by the royal treasurer. The adherents
of Diego Velasquez alone were not pleased because the name of the latter
had not at all been mentioned therein.

In this engagement fourteen of our men were wounded, I myself was of the
number, being wounded by an arrow in the thigh, though not severely. The
Indians lost, altogether, eighteen men. We passed the night in this
spot, having taken the precaution to post sentinels in different places,
so necessary did we deem it to be upon our guard here.




CHAPTER XXXII.

    _How Cortes despatches two of our principal officers, each with one
    hundred men, to explore the interior of the country, and what
    further took place._


The next day Cortes despatched Alvarado with one hundred men, among whom
were fifteen crossbow-men and musketeers, to march six miles inland, in
order to explore the country. He was to take along with him Melchorejo,
of the punta de Cotoche, but he could nowhere be found. He had most
probably gone off in a canoe the night before with the inhabitants of
Tabasco. We conjectured this at least, because the day previous he had
left all his Spanish clothes behind him hanging in a tree. Cortes was
greatly vexed at his escape, as he might betray many things to the
inhabitants that would do us no good.

I will, however, leave the fugitive to his own fate, and continue my
narrative.

Cortes also sent out a second of our chief officers, named Francisco de
Lugo, with another hundred men; among whom were twelve crossbow-men and
musketeers, with similar instructions as to Alvarado, but to take
another direction and return to head-quarters towards evening.

Francisco de Lugo may have reached the distance of about four miles when
he fell in with vast numbers of Indians, commanded by their several
chiefs. They were armed as usual, immediately advanced towards our men,
whom they surrounded on all sides, and began pouring forth a shower of
arrows. The Indians, indeed, were in too great numbers for our small
detachment. They first threw in their lances and the stones from their
slings, then fell upon our men with sharp swords, which they wield with
both hands. Though De Lugo and his men defended themselves bravely, they
were unable to drive back such overwhelming numbers. They therefore
began to retreat in the best order possible to our head-quarters, having
first despatched an Indian of Cuba, who was a swift runner, to inform
Cortes of their situation and beg of him to send a reinforcement. During
all this time De Lugo and his troops, particularly the crossbow-men and
musketeers bravely withstood the whole body of the enemy.

In the meantime Alvarado had marched about four miles in the direction
he was commanded to take, when he came to an inlet which he was unable
to pass. Here the good Lord fortunately gave him the thought to return
in a direction which led to the spot where De Lugo was fighting with the
Indians. The firing of the muskets, the noise of the drums and trumpets,
with the yelling of the Indians, soon convinced Alvarado that the latter
had again commenced hostilities; he therefore marched in a direct line
to the place whence the noise came, and found De Lugo in the heat of an
engagement with the enemy, of whom five were already killed. Both
detachments now fell with their united forces upon the Indians, who were
speedily dispersed, yet they were unable to put them totally to the
rout; on the contrary, they would certainly have followed us to our
head-quarters, if Cortes had not come up with the rest of our troops,
when, after some sharp firing and heavy blows, they were obliged to fall
back. Cortes, on receiving information of De Lugo's dangerous position,
had immediately repaired to his assistance with the whole of his men,
and came up with the two commanders at about two miles from our
head-quarters. In this engagement we did not escape without some loss,
for two of De Lugo's detachment were killed and eight wounded; Alvarado
had only three of the latter. Having arrived at our head-quarters, we
dressed the wounds of our men, buried the dead, and posted sentinels in
proper places, that we might not be fallen upon unawares. In this
battle, the enemy lost fifteen men killed, and three were taken
prisoners, of whom one appeared to be a chief. Our interpreter Aguilar
asked them what madness could have induced them to attack us? One of the
Indians returned for answer, that Melchorejo, whom we brought with us
from the punta de Cotoche, had come over to their camp the night
previous, advising them to fall upon us, and continue to do so night and
day, for, in the end, they would, no doubt, be able to conquer our small
numbers: so that Cortes's apprehensions with respect to the flight of
this fellow were verified.

We now despatched one of our prisoners to the caziques with green glass
beads, and offers of peace: this personage, however, never returned to
bring any answer. We also learnt from our two other prisoners, who were
closely questioned by Aguilar, that the day previous all the caziques of
the neighbouring districts had been under arms to fall upon us, and that
the next day they would return to storm our head-quarters. All this was
likewise done by the advice of Melchorejo.




CHAPTER XXXIII.

    _Cortes issues orders that we should hold ourselves in readiness to
    march against the Indians on the following day; he also commands the
    horses to be brought on shore. How the battle terminates we fought
    with them._


Cortes being now certain that the Indians would renew the attack,
immediately ordered all our horses to be brought on shore, and every
one, our wounded not excepted, to hold himself in readiness. When our
horses, which had been such a length of time at sea, now stepped on firm
ground again, they appeared very awkward and full of fear; however, the
day following, they had regained their usual liveliness and agility.
There were also six or seven of our men, all young and otherwise strong
fellows, who were attacked with such severe pains in the groins that
they could not walk without support. No one could guess the cause of
this; it was only said they had lived too freely at Cuba, and that the
pain was occasioned by the heat, and the weight of their arms; Cortes,
therefore, ordered them again on board. The cavaliers, who were to fight
on horseback, were commanded to hang bells around their horses' necks,
and Cortes impressed on their minds not to rush at the Indians with
their lances before they had been dispersed, and then even to aim at
their faces only. The following men were selected to fight on horseback:
Christobal de Oli, Pedro de Alvarado, Alonso Hernandez Puertocarrero,
and Juan de Escalante. Francisco de Montejo and Alonso de Avila were to
use the horses of Ortiz the musician, and of a certain Bartolome Garcia,
though neither were worth much. Further, there were Velasquez de Leon,
Francisco de Morla, and one of the Lares, (for there was another
excellent horseman among us of that name,) and Gonzalo Dominiguez, both
superior horsemen; lastly, there were Moron de Bayamo and Pedro de
Truxillo. Then comes Cortes, who placed himself at their head. Mesa had
charge of the artillery, while the rest of our men were commanded by
Diego de Ordas, who, though he knew nothing of the cavalry service,
excelled as a crossbow-man and musketeer. The morning following, which
was the day of annunciation to the holy Virgin, we attended mass very
early, and arranged ourselves under our ensign Antonio de Villareal. We
now put ourselves in motion, and marched towards some extensive bean
fields, where Francisco de Lugo and Pedro de Alvarado had fought the
previous battle. There was a village in this neighbourhood called
Cintla, belonging to the Tabascans, which lay about four miles from our
head-quarters. Cortes, on account of the bogs which our horse could not
pass, was obliged to take a circuitous route. Our other troops, however,
under Diego de Ordas, came up with the Indians near Cintla, where they
had arranged themselves on the plain: if they felt equal ardour for the
combat as we did, they could now satisfy themselves,--for this was a
battle in every sense of the word which we here fought, fearful in the
extreme, as will be seen.




CHAPTER XXXIV.

    _How we are attacked by all the caziques of Tabasco, and the whole
    armed force of this province, and what further took place._


The Indians were already moving forward in search of us, when we came up
with them: every one had a large bunch of feathers on his head, a cotton
cuirass on, and their faces were daubed with white, black, and red
colours. Besides having drums and trumpets, they were armed with huge
bows and arrows, shields, lances, and large broadswords; they had also
bodies of slingers, and others armed with poles hardened in the fire.
The Indians were in such vast numbers that they completely filled the
bean fields, and immediately fell upon us on all sides at once, like
furious dogs. Their attack was so impetuous, so numerous were the
arrows, stones, and lances with which they greeted us, that above
seventy of our men were wounded in no time, and one named Saldana, was
struck by an arrow in the ear, and instantly dropt down dead. With like
fury they rushed at us with their pikes, at the same time pouring forth
showers of arrows, and continually wounding our men. However, we fully
repaid them with our crossbows, muskets, and heavy cannon, cutting right
and left among them with our swords. By this means we forced them to
give ground a little, but only that they might shower forth their arrows
at a greater distance, where they thought themselves more secure from
our arms. Even then our artilleryman Mesa made terrible havoc among
them, standing as they did crowded together and within reach of the
cannon, so that he could fire among them to his heart's content.
Notwithstanding the destruction we made among their ranks, we could not
put them to flight. I now remarked to our commander Diego de Ordas that
we should rush forward upon the Indians and close with them. My motive
for advising this was, because I saw that they merely retreated from
fear of our swords, but still continued to annoy us at a distance with
arrows, lances, and large stones. De Ordas, however, considered this not
expedient, as the enemy's numbers were so vast that every single man of
us would have had to encounter 300 of the enemy at once.

My advice, however, was at length followed up, and we fell so heavily
upon them that they retreated as far as the wells. All this time Cortes
still remained behind with the cavalry, though we so greatly longed for
that reinforcement: we began to fear that some misfortune might also
have befallen him. I shall never forget the piping and yelling which the
Indians set up at every shot we fired, and how they sought to hide their
loss from us by tossing up earth and straw into the air, making a
terrible noise with their drums and trumpets, and their war-whoop _Ala
lala_.[11]

In one of these moments Cortes came galloping up with the horse. Our
enemies being still busily engaged with us, did not immediately observe
this, so that our cavalry easily dashed in among them from behind. The
nature of the ground was quite favorable for its manoeuvres; and as it
consisted of strong active fellows, most of the horses being, moreover,
powerful and fiery animals, our small body of cavalry in every way made
the best use of their weapons. When we, who were already hotly engaged
with the enemy, espied our cavalry, we fought with renewed energy, while
the latter, by attacking them in the rear at the same time, now obliged
them to face about. The Indians, who had never seen any horses before,
could not think otherwise than that horse and rider were one body. Quite
astounded at this to them so novel a sight, they quitted the plain and
retreated to a rising ground.

Cortes now related why he had not come sooner. First, he had been
delayed by the morass; then again he was obliged to fight his way
through other bodies of the enemy whom he had met, in which five men and
eight horses were wounded.

Having somewhat rested from our fatigue under the trees which stood on
the field of battle, we praised God and the holy Virgin, and thanked
them with uplifted hands for the complete victory they had granted us:
and, as it was the feast of the annunciation to the holy Virgin, the
town which was subsequently built here in memory of this great victory,
was named Santa Maria de la Vitoria. This was the first battle we fought
under Cortes in New Spain.

After this pious solemnity we bandaged the wounds of our men with linen,
which was all we had for that purpose. Those of our horses we dressed
with melted fat, which we cut from the dead bodies of the Indians. We
likewise took this opportunity of counting the number of killed left by
the enemy on the field of battle. We found above eight hundred, numbers
still showing signs of life. Our swords had done the most carnage among
them, though many were killed by our cannon. Wherever the cavalry made
its appearance the enemy had most work to do. The fighting lasted about
an hour; and our enemies maintained their ground so well, that they did
not quit the field of battle until our horse broke in among them. There
were two caziques among the five prisoners we made.

As we were quite fatigued and hungry we returned to our quarters, buried
the two soldiers, one of whom had been shot in the neck and the other in
the ear, posted strong watches, then ate our supper and retired to rest.

Francisco Lopez de Gomara, in his account of this battle, says, that
previous to the arrival of Cortes with the cavalry, the holy apostle St.
Jacob or St. Peter in person had galloped up on a gray- horse
to our assistance. I can only say, that for the exertion of our arms
and this victory, we stand indebted to our Lord Jesus Christ; and that
in this battle every individual man among us was set upon by such
numbers of the enemy, that if each of them had merely thrown a handful
of earth upon us we should have been buried beneath it. Certain it is,
therefore, that God showed his mercy to us here, and it may, indeed,
have been one of the two glorious apostles St. Jacob or St. Peter who
thus came to our assistance. Perhaps on account of my sins I was not
considered worthy of the good fortune to behold them; for I could only
see Francisco de Morla on his brown horse galloping up with Cortes, and
even at this very moment, while I am writing this, I can fancy I see all
passing before my eyes just as I have related it; although I, an
unworthy sinner, was not considered worthy of beholding one of the
glorious apostles face to face: yet again I never heard any of the four
hundred soldiers, nor ever Cortes himself, nor any of the many
cavaliers, mention this wonder, or confirm its truth. We should
certainly have built a church, and have called the town _Santiago_, or
_San Pedro de la Vitoria_, and not _Santa Maria de la Vitoria_. If,
therefore, what Gomara relates is true, then we must indeed have been
bad Christians not to have paid greater respect to the assistance which
God sent us in the person of his holy apostles, and for having omitted
to thank him daily for it in his own church. Nevertheless, I should feel
delighted if this historian has spoken the truth, although I must
confess that I never heard this wonder mentioned before reading his
book, nor have I ever heard any of the conquistadores speak of it who
were present at the battle.

[11] Ala lala. What a striking similarity there is between this cry and
the Turkish Alla il Allah, of which, as Byron says, in one of his notes
to the 'Bride of Abydos,' the Turks are very profuse in battle! (p. 75.)




CHAPTER XXXV.

    _How Cortes assembles all the caziques of this province, and what
    further happened._


I have above related that in this battle we took five prisoners, among
whom were two chiefs. Aguilar, who understood their language, often
discoursed with them, and from some remarks which they made, concluded
that we might employ them as delegates to their countrymen. Having
communicated his thoughts to Cortes, he proposed they should be set at
liberty, and despatched with a message to the caziques and other
inhabitants of the district. To this Cortes assented, ordering both the
prisoners to be presented with blue glass beads, while Aguilar told them
many things which he knew would please the inhabitants and prove
advantageous to us. He assured them, that after this battle, which had
been entirely of their own seeking, they had nothing further to fear
from us, and commissioned them now to assemble all the caziques of the
district, for we were very desirous of communicating with them.
Everything Aguilar said was done with the view of inclining the Indians
to make peace with us. The prisoners most willingly complied with our
wishes, which they communicated to the caziques and principal personages
among the inhabitants, telling them how we longed to become their
friends. This message was in so far successful, that they resolved to
send us fifteen of their Indian slaves with fowls, baked fish, and
maise-bread. These slaves had their faces blackened, and were completely
covered with ragged cloaks. When these personages appeared in the
presence of Cortes he received them very friendly: Aguilar, on the
contrary, asked them in an angry tone, why they had come with such
painted faces--appearing rather to seek war than peace? If they were
desirous of making peace, continued he, persons of rank should be
deputed to us, not slaves. This they were to communicate to those who
had sent them. We, however, treated these black faces very kindly,
presenting them moreover with blue beads in token of peace, and in order
to gain the good wishes of the inhabitants. And sure enough the very
next day above thirty of the principal Indians, well dressed, appeared
in our quarters, bringing with them, fowls, fruits, and maise-bread, and
begged permission of Cortes to burn and bury the bodies of their fallen
countrymen, in order that they might not create a pestilence in the air,
or become a prey to the lions and tigers. This being granted, they
brought along with them a great number of Indians to burn the bodies,
and bury them according to their custom. Cortes himself went to watch
their proceedings, when they assured him they had lost above 800 killed,
without counting the wounded; adding, that at present they durst not
enter into any treaty with us, as the day following all the chiefs and
principal personages of the district would assemble to take our offers
of peace into consideration.

Cortes, who profited by every circumstance, said smilingly to us: "It
appears to me, gentlemen, that the Indians stand in great awe of our
horses, and imagine that these and our guns alone fight the battle. A
thought has just struck me which will further confirm them in this
notion. You must bring here the mare of Juan Sedeno which foaled on
board a short time ago, and fasten her here where I am now standing.
Then bring also the stallion of the musician Ortiz, which is a very
fiery animal, and will quickly scent the mare. As soon as you find this
to be the case, lead both the horses to separate places, that the
caziques may neither see the horses, nor hear them neigh, until I shall
be in conversation with them." All this was accordingly done. He
likewise ordered our largest cannon to be heavily loaded with gunpowder
and ball.

A little after midday, forty caziques arrived in great state and richly
clothed according to their fashion. They saluted Cortes and all of us,
perfumed us with their incense, begged forgiveness for what had
happened, and promised to be friendly for the future. Cortes answered by
our interpreter Aguilar, reminding them, with a very serious look, how
often he had wished them to make peace with us, and how, owing to their
obstinacy, we were almost upon the point of destroying them with the
whole of the inhabitants of this district. We were vassals of the mighty
king and lord the emperor Charles, he further added, who had sent us to
this country with orders to favour and assist those who should submit to
his imperial sway, which we would assuredly do if they were amicably
inclined towards us. If, however, they were not so, the _tepustles_ (so
the Indians called our cannon) would be fired off, which were already
embittered against them in some measure on account of the attack they
had made upon us. Cortes, at this moment, gave the signal for firing our
largest cannon. The report was like a sudden clap of thunder, the ball
whizzing along the hills, which could be distinctly heard as it was
midday and not a breath of air stirring. The caziques who had never seen
this before appeared in dismay, and believed all Cortes had said; who,
however, desired Aguilar to comfort and assure them he had given orders
that no harm should be done them. At this moment the stallion was
brought and fastened at a short distance from the spot where Cortes and
the caziques were holding the conference: as the mare was likewise near
at hand, the stallion immediately began to neigh, stamp the ground and
rear itself, while its eyes were continually fixed on the Indians who
stood in front of Cortes's tent, as the mare was placed behind it. The
caziques, however, thought the animal was making all these movements
against them and appeared greatly agitated. When Cortes found what
effect this scene had made upon the Indians, he rose from his seat, and
walking to the horse, took hold of the bridle, and desired his servant
to lead it away. Aguilar, however, was to make the Indians believe that
he had ordered the horse not to do them any injury.

While all this was going on above thirty Indian porters (whom they term
tamemes) arrived with fowls, baked fish, and various fruits: these
porters, on account of their loads, had perhaps not been able to follow
the caziques fast enough. A lively discourse was now kept up between
Cortes and the caziques, who in the end left us perfectly contented,
with the assurance that the following day they would return with a
present.




CHAPTER XXXVI.

    _How all the caziques and calachonis of the river Grijalva arrive
    with presents, and what happened after this._


On the following morning, it was one of the last days in March, 1519, a
number of caziques, with the principal personages of the Tabasco
district and surrounding neighbourhood arrived. They paid us profound
reverence, and brought a present, consisting in four diadems, some
lizards, ear-rings, four ducks, figures like dogs, others with Indian
faces, two sandals with golden soles, and various other trifling
trinkets of gold,[12] whose value I have forgotten. There were also
cloaks as the Indians wear them, which are very commodious. The present
altogether was of little value, (most likely the province altogether
possessed few riches,) and was certainly not to be compared to the
twenty females with which they presented us, among whom one was a very
fine woman, who subsequently became a convert to Christianity, and was
named Dona Marina. Cortes was vastly pleased with this present, and
held, by means of Aguilar, a long discourse with the caziques, telling
them among other things, that their present was very acceptable; but he
had something further to beg, namely, that they should again return to
their dwellings with their wives and children. He should not consider
the peace really concluded unless within the space of two days all the
inhabitants had returned to the village. The caziques upon this issued
the necessary orders, and in a couple of days all the families had
returned. They showed the same readiness to comply with Cortes's wishes
when he desired them to do away with their idols and human sacrifices.
He likewise, as well as he could, gave them some idea of our holy
Christian faith, and how we only adored one God. We also showed them a
very pious figure, representing the mother of God holding her blessed
Son in her arms, and explained to them how we paid reverence to this
figure, and by it to the mother of God who was in heaven. Hereupon the
caziques answered, that they were much pleased with this great
_Tecleciguata_, and that they should much like to keep it in their
village. In their language, _Tecleciguata_ means a woman of distinction.
Cortes promised them they should have it, and for this purpose ordered a
pretty altar to be built. In the same way our carpenters, Alonso Yanez
and Alvaro Lopez, were desired to construct a very high cross.

Cortes also further asked the caziques, why they had thus for the third
time commenced war with us, though we had always sought to be at peace
with them? They answered, that they were sorry enough for it, and we had
forgiven them; for the rest it was at the instigation of their brother,
the cazique of Champoton, who had previously accused them of cowardice
for not having attacked us when we arrived off the coast with four ships
under another commander, meaning most probably Grijalva. The same advice
was also given them by our Indian interpreter, who had run away from us
in the night-time, telling them not to leave us any peace day or night,
as we were but few in number. Cortes desired that he should be delivered
up to us, but they declared they did not know what had become of him, as
on the unfortunate termination of the battle he had immediately took to
flight. This, however, was an untruth, as we were well aware how dearly
the poor devil had paid for his advice, as shortly after the battle he
was seized and sacrificed to their gods.

On being questioned as to where they got their gold and the trinkets,
they answered from the country towards the setting of the sun, and
pronounced the words _Culhua_ and _Mexico_. As at that time we did not
comprehend the meaning of these words, we paid little attention to them.
We, however, questioned our other interpreter Francisco, who remained
with us from our former expedition under Grijalva, but he knew very
little of the Tabasco language, being only acquainted with the Culhuan,
that is to say the Mexican. He told Cortes, partly by signs, that
_Culhua_ lay at a great distance before us, at the same time continually
mentioning the word Mexico, Mexico. We were then still ignorant what he
wished to convey to us.

The day following the cross and altar were erected, and the figure of
the holy Virgin being placed thereon: we all fell down upon our knees
before it, while father Bartolome de Olmedo read mass. The caziques and
chief Indians were present. On this occasion also the village of Tabasco
was in all solemnity named Santa Maria de la Vitoria; and father Olmedo,
with the assistance of Aguilar, said many excellent things to the twenty
females who were presented to us, concerning our holy religion; that
they should abandon their belief in idols, and no longer bring them
sacrifices, for they were not gods but evil spirits; they had up to
this moment lived in gross error, and should now adore Christ, our Lord.
After this address the women were baptized, and she of whom I have
already spoken was named Dona Marina. This was a lady of distinction,
the daughter of a powerful cazique and a princess who had subjects of
her own, which, indeed, you might see from her appearance. The
circumstances which occasioned her being brought into our power I will
relate hereafter. The names of the other Indian females who were
baptized I cannot now bring to mind; but these were the first who were
converted to Christianity in New Spain, and were distributed among
Cortes's chief officers. Dona Marina, who was the prettiest, the most
active and lively of the number, was given to Puertocarrero, who was a
stout cavalier and cousin to the earl of Medellin. When he subsequently
left for Spain, Cortes took Marina unto himself, and had a son by her,
who was named Don Martin Cortes, and became Comptoir of Santiago.

We remained five days in this spot, partly to cure our wounds, partly
for the sake of those who suffered from pain in the groins, but who soon
recovered here. Cortes employed these days in useful conversation with
the caziques, and talked to them about the emperor, our master, of his
numerous lordly vassals, and the advantage they would gain by having
subjected themselves to him; as, for the future, in all their
difficulties they would only have to apply to him, and wherever he might
be he would come to their assistance.

The caziques thanked him for this offer; they solemnly declared
themselves to be vassals of our great emperor, and these were the first
among the inhabitants of New Spain who subjected themselves to his
majesty. As the day following was Palm Sunday, Cortes desired them to
come early in the morning to pray before the holy mother of God and the
cross. He also sent for six Indian carpenters to assist ours in making a
cross on a high ceiba tree,[13] near the village of Cintla, where the
Lord had granted us the great victory. This cross was made in a manner
so as to be very durable, for the bark of the tree, which always grows
to again, was so cut as to form that figure. Lastly, Cortes desired the
Indians to bring out all their canoes in order to assist us in
re-embarking, for we were desirous of setting sail on that holy day, as,
according to our pilots, our present station was not secure from the
north winds.

Early the next morning the caziques and the principal personages, all
with their wives and children, made their appearance in the courtyard,
where we had erected the altar and cross, and collected the palm
branches for our procession. Upon this Cortes, with the officers and
all our men, rose and made a solemn procession. Both our priests, the
father Bartolome de Olmedo, belonging to the order of the charitable
brethren, and Juan Dias, were dressed in their full canonicals, and read
mass. We prayed before the cross and kissed it, the caziques and Indians
all the while looking on. After the ceremony was finished the principal
Indians brought ten fowls, baked fish, and all kinds of greens, which we
enjoyed very much. We now took our leave, and Cortes repeatedly
recommended them to take care of the image of the holy Virgin and the
cross, and to hold the chapel in due reverence, in order that salvation
and blessings might come upon them.

We all embarked in the evening, and on Monday morning we set sail with a
good wind. We always kept close to the shore, and steered in the
direction of San Juan de Ulua. As we coasted along, the weather being
most favorable, we who had been here with Grijalva, and were well
acquainted with these parts, pointed out to Cortes La Rambla, which the
Indians call Aguajaluco; further on, the coast of Tonala or San Antonio,
the great river Guacasualco, the elevated snow mountains (sierras
nevadas), and those of San Martin. We also showed him the split rock
forming two points, which stretch out into the sea, and somewhat
resemble the figure of a chair. We then showed him the river Alvarado;
further on the river Banderas, where we made the 16000 pesos; the Isla
Blanca and Isla Verde, also the Isla di Sacrificios, where, under
Grijalva, we found the idols with the Indians who had been recently
sacrificed.

In this way we pretty quickly arrived at San Juan de Ulua, which we
reached on Holy Thursday about noon. I shall never forget how Alonso
Hernandez Puertocarrero just about this time remarked to Cortes:
"Methinks we are now certainly arrived in that country, of which those
gentlemen who have been here twice before, sung:[14]

    'Cata Francia, montesinos!
    Cata Paris, la Ciudad,
    Cata las aguas de Duero,
    Do van a dar en la mar!'

"I tell you, only look at this rich country, and keep strict command
over us." Cortes, who well knew what he meant, said in return: "If God
will only grant us that good fortune in arms which he gave to Roland,
the Paladin, then with your assistance and that of the other gentlemen
cavaliers, we shall succeed in everything else." This happened just at
the moment when Cortes was entering the river Alvarado, which
circumstance is also mentioned by Gomara.

[12] This passage is very important, as it shows to what degree of
civilization the inhabitants of this district had arrived, and that they
were at least skilful in the working of gold. The Spanish words are:
"Quatro diademas, unas lagartijas, y dos como perillos, y orejeras, y
cinco anades, y dos figuras de caras de Indios, y dos Suelas de Oro,
como de sus Cotoras."

The Caras de Indios (faces of Indians) were most probably shaped like
masks, for similar ones, made of clay, are found to this day in the vale
of Mexico. "Suelas de Oro, como de sus Cotoras," we have ventured to
translate "Sandals with golden soles," particularly as Bernal Diaz, in a
subsequent chapter, expressly remarks that Motecusuma wore a kind of
half-boot with soles of gold. (p. 80.)

[13] The bombax ceiba of Linnaeus, and one of the tallest trees growing
in America. The fruit produces a very fine cotton, resembling silk, used
for stuffing bolsters and chair seats. (p. 82.)

[14] Cata Francia, Montesinos, &c. This is the first strophe of an old
Spanish romance, in which Montesinos the father desires his son to
revenge him of his mortal enemy Tomillas:

"Montesinos cast a glance On your lands, the soil of France; See how the
Duro's sportive motion Carries its waters to the ocean!" (p. 83.)





CHAPTER XXXVII.

    _How Dona Marina herself was a caziquess, and the daughter of
    distinguished personages; also a ruler over a people and several
    towns, and how she came to Tabasco._


Previous to going into any details here respecting the powerful
Motecusuma, his immense kingdom of Mexico, and its inhabitants, I must
relate what I know of Dona Marina. She was born a ruler over a people
and country,--for her parents had the dominion of a township called
Painala, to which several other townships were subject, lying about
twenty-four miles from the town of Guacasualco. Her father died when she
was very young, and her mother married another young cazique. By him she
had a son, of whom it appears they were both very fond, and to whom,
after their death, they designed to leave their territories. In order,
however, that the daughter of the first marriage might not stand in his
way, she was conveyed secretly during night-time to an Indian family in
Xicalango, they spreading the rumour she had died, which gained further
belief from the circumstance that a daughter of one of her female slaves
happened to die at the time. The Indians of Xicalango did not keep the
young girl themselves, but gave her to the inhabitants of Tabasco, by
whom she was presented to Cortes. I knew her mother and half-brother
myself, the latter having already reached manhood, and governed the
township jointly with his mother. When they were subsequently both
converted to Christianity, the latter was named Martha and her son
Lazaro. I was well acquainted with the whole of this circumstance; for
in the year 1523, when Mexico and several other provinces had been
subdued, and Christobal de Oli had rebelled in the Higueras, Cortes came
to Guacasualco, and on that occasion visited Marina's birth-place. Most
of the inhabitants of Guacasualco accompanied Cortes on this expedition;
I myself was also among the number. As Dona Marina, in all the wars of
New Spain, Tlascalla, and at the siege of Mexico, had rendered the
greatest services in capacity of an interpretress, Cortes carried her
everywhere with him. During this journey it also was that he married her
to a cavalier of the township of Orizava, named Juan Xaramillo. Among
others, there was present as a witness a certain Aranda of Tabasco,
through whom this circumstance became immediately known. These are the
true particulars of the whole case, not, however, as related by Gomara.
For the rest, Marina had the most extensive influence in New Spain, and
did with the Indians what she pleased.

While Cortes was staying in Guacasualco, he ordered all the caziques of
the province to assemble, and advised them to adopt our holy religion.
On this occasion the mother and brother of Dona Marina also made their
appearance with the other caziques. They recognized each other
immediately; the former, however, appeared to be in the greatest
anxiety, thinking that they had merely been called there to be killed.
Dona Marina, however, desired them to dry away their tears, and
comforted them by saying they were unconscious of what they were doing
when they had sent her away to the inhabitants of Xicalango, and that
she freely forgave the past. By this means God certainly directed
everything for her best, turned her away from the errors of heathenism,
and converted her to Christianity.

Thus destined, she likewise bore a son unto her master Cortes, and then
married a cavalier named Juan Xaramillo. All this I consider of much
greater importance than if she had been presented with the sole dominion
of the whole of New Spain. She likewise gave presents to her relatives
on their return home. What I have related is the strict truth, and can
swear to it. Gomara's account respecting this is wholly erroneous, and
he adds many other circumstances which I shall leave without comment.
This, however, is certain, that the whole affair reminds one of the
history of Joseph and his brethren in Egypt, when they came into his
power. After this diversion into matters which subsequently took place,
I must relate how we first managed to understand Dona Marina. She was
conversant with the language of Guacasualco, which is the Mexican, and
with that of Tabasco. Aguilar, however, merely understood the latter,
which is spoken throughout the whole of Yucatan. Dona Marina had,
therefore, first to make herself understood to Aguilar, who then
translated what she said into Spanish. This woman was a valuable
instrument to us in the conquest of New Spain. It was, through her only,
under the protection of the Almighty, that many things[15] were
accomplished by us: without her we never should have understood the
Mexican language, and, upon the whole, have been unable to surmount many
difficulties.

Let this suffice respecting Dona Marina; I will now relate how we
arrived in San Juan de Ulua.

[15] On this woman the captain Cadahalso, in his 'Cartas Marruecas,'
passes the following encomium: "Primera muger, que no ha prejudicado en
uno exercito;" i.e. "The first woman who ever accompanied an army
without being a prejudice to it." (p. 85.)




CHAPTER XXXVIII.

    _How we arrive with our vessels in San Juan de Ulua, and what we did
    there._


On Holy Thursday, in the year of our Lord 1519, we arrived with our
whole squadron in the harbour of San Juan de Ulua. As Alaminos well
remembered this spot from the expedition under Grijalva, he brought our
ships to anchor in a place where they were sheltered from the north
wind. We had scarcely lain here half an hour when we espied two large
canoes, which are called here pirogues, filled with a number of Indians,
making straight for Cortes's vessel, which, from the large flag hanging
from the mast-head, they recognized as our commander's ship. They
climbed on board without any ceremony, and inquired for the _Tlatoan_,
which, in their language, means master. Dona Marina understood their
question, and pointed to Cortes; they, therefore, turned to him, paying
him great reverence after the Indian fashion, and bid him welcome. Their
master, they said, who was a servant of the great Motecusuma, had sent
them in order to ascertain who we were and what we came to seek in his
country. We had only to inform them of what we wanted for our ships, and
they would see that it was provided.

Cortes thanked them for their kindness, through Aguilar and Dona Marina,
presented them with some blue glass beads, and ordered some meat and
drink to be placed before them. After they had taken some refreshment,
he told them we were merely come here to make their acquaintance, and
open a trade with them: we had not the remotest intention of doing them
an injury, nor need they apprehend anything from our arrival. The
ambassadors now returned, well contented, to their homes. The following
morning, Good Friday, we disembarked our horses and cannon near some
sand-hills which here run along the whole coast. Our artilleryman Mesa
placed the cannon on a very advantageous spot, and we erected an altar
where mass was immediately performed: for Cortes and the other chief
officers huts were constructed of green boughs; the rest of us likewise
constructed huts, and slept three together: the horses also were well
provided for. The whole of Good Friday was spent in this work; and on
the Saturday many Indians arrived, who had been sent by a man of
distinction, named Quitlalpitoc, governor under Motecusuma: this
personage was afterwards christened Ovandillo. They had axes with them,
and cut off an additional quantity of branches to make a better finish
to Cortes's hut, which they then overhung with large pieces of cloth,
to keep out the heat, which was already very great. They also brought
along with them fowls, maise-bread, and plums, which were then nice and
ripe; also, if I rightly recollect, they had with them some gold
trinkets. All these things they handed over to Cortes, adding, that the
governor himself would come the next day and bring with him a further
supply of provisions. Cortes joyfully accepted of these presents, and
ordered various kinds of toys we had brought for barter to be given
them, with which they were uncommonly delighted. On Easter day, the
governor indeed appeared in person, as had been assured us. His name was
_Teuthlille_, and he was one of the farmer generals of the Mexican
empire. He was accompanied by another person of distinction, called
Quitlalpitoc. We subsequently learnt that both these personages were
appointed governors over the provinces Cotastlan, Tustepec,
Guazpaltepec, and Tlatateteclo, and other townships recently subdued.
They were followed by a great number of Indians, carrying the presents,
consisting of fowls and greens. Teuthlille having ordered the others to
stand back a little, walked up to Cortes, and made him three most
reverential bows, after the Indian fashion, which he repeated on turning
to us who stood nearest. Cortes bid both welcome, then embraced them,
and desired them to wait a little, as he would afterwards give them a
more circumstantial answer. In the meantime he ordered the altar to be
fitted up as prettily as possible. Francisco Bartolome and father Juan
Diaz performed mass. Both the governors and the principal personages of
their suite were present during the ceremony, after which Cortes sat
down to dinner with them.

After the table had been cleared, Cortes, with the assistance of Aguilar
and Dona Marina, entered into conversation with the Mexican officials
and the caziques, telling them we were Christians, and subjects of the
greatest monarch of the world, whose name was emperor Charles, and that
he had many great personages among his vassals and servants. We had come
by his command to their country, of which and its powerful monarch who
now reigned over it, his majesty had heard long ago. As far as regarded
himself, he was desirous of becoming his friend, and had to disclose
many things to him, in the name of his emperor, which he would listen to
with delight. In order that a good understanding might be established
between him and his subjects, they should acquaint him with the place
where their monarch resided, that he might pay his respects to him, and
make the necessary disclosures. To which Teuthlille answered in a rather
imperious tone, "Since you are but just arrived, it would be more
fitting that you, previous to your desiring an interview with my
monarch, should accept this present, which we have brought you in his
name, and disclose your wishes to me." He then brought forth, out of a
species of box, a quantity of gold trinkets, of beautiful and skilful
workmanship, besides more than twenty packages of stuffs very prettily
worked of white cotton and feathers. These they presented to Cortes,
with various other costly things, which, owing to the number of years
which have since elapsed, I cannot now remember, besides provisions,
consisting in quantities of fowls, fruits, and dried fish. Cortes
accepted all this with a joyful countenance, presenting these gentlemen
in return with glass beads resembling brilliants, and other things we
brought from Spain. He begged of them to desire the inhabitants of the
different districts to commence trading with us, as we possessed various
articles which we were desirous of exchanging for gold; this they
promised to do.

Cortes then ordered an arm-chair to be brought, beautifully painted and
adorned with inlaid work, some pieces of precious stones, wrapt in
cotton cloth, perfumed with musk, a necklace of imitation pearls, a
scarlet cap, with a medal, on which was represented the holy St. George
on horseback, with lance in hand, killing the dragon. Cortes addressed
Teuthlille, and said, that he presented this chair to his monarch
Motecusuma, that he might sit in it when he should pay him a visit, and
the string of pearls to wind around his head on the same occasion; all
of which were presents from the emperor our master, who had sent these
things to his monarch in token of friendship and as a proof of the
esteem in which he held him: he ought now to inform us where and when he
could personally wait upon him. Teuthlille accepted the presents, and
said, in return, that his master Motecusuma, as he was also a great
monarch, would on his side be equally delighted to learn something about
our great emperor: he would hasten to lay the presents before him, and
return with his answer.

Teuthlille had with him very clever painters, for there were such in
Mexico, and he ordered them to sketch the likeness and whole person of
Cortes, with the dress he wore; also all the other chief officers, the
soldiers, our vessels, horses, Dona Marina, and Aguilar; even our two
dogs, the cannon, the balls; in short, everything they could fix their
eyes on belonging to us: these paintings they took along with them to
show to their monarch. In order, however, to convey to him a still
greater idea of our power, Cortes ordered our cannon to be heavily laden
with powder, so as to produce a very loud report, commanding also
Alvarado and the other cavaliers to mount their horses, to hang bells
around the necks of the latter, and to gallop up in full speed in
presence of Motecusuma's ambassadors. Cortes also mounted his horse, and
said to the others, "It would be capital if we could gallop across these
sand-hills at full speed; but, as we should so easily stick in the sand,
it will be better for us to ride two and two along the sea-shore at low
water." He then gave the command of the horse to Alvarado, whose brown
mare was a spirited animal, and very swift. All this was done in
presence of the Mexican ambassadors; but, that they might likewise see
the cannon fired, Cortes, under the pretence of having something further
to communicate, took them and several other principal personages to a
spot where they might have a good view of it. The weather was perfectly
calm; and when the cannon was fired, the stone balls flew with a
tremendous crash along the sand-hills, re-echoing for a length of time.
The Indians were terribly startled, and ordered their painters to
represent this likewise, to them so novel a sight, that they might show
it to Motecusuma.

One of our men had on a casque, which was partly gilt; Teuthlille, who
was much more enlightened than any of his companions, remarked, when his
eye fell upon it, that it bore a great resemblance to a helmet which
belonged to their most ancient forefathers, and now adorned the head of
their warrior-god Huitzilopochtli. Motecusuma, he further added, would
certainly be uncommonly pleased if he could likewise see this casque.
Cortes, on hearing this, ordered the casque to be presented to him,
thereby expressing the wish, that he should like to satisfy himself that
the gold of this country was similar to what we find in our rivers. If
they would send him the casque full of gold dust, he would send it to
our great emperor. Upon this Teuthlille took leave of Cortes and all of
us, promising to return speedily, while Cortes, under the most tender of
embraces, made him every profession of friendship.

After this personage had taken his departure, we learnt that he was not
merely a distinguished statesman, but also the most nimble pedestrian at
Motecusuma's court. He did, indeed, use the utmost expedition to bring
his monarch information, and hand over to him the paintings and
presents. The great Motecusuma was vastly astonished at everything he
heard and saw, and yet he was pleased. But, when at last he espied the
casque, and compared it with that of the idol Huitzilopochtli, he no
longer doubted for an instant that we belonged to that people, whom his
forefathers had prophesied would, one time or other, come and subdue the
country.

Concerning these things Gomara has adduced much of which he had been ill
informed; I will not, however, detain myself by contradicting him, but
continue my narrative.




CHAPTER XXXIX.

    _How Teuthlille makes his report to Motecusuma, and gives him our
    presents; as also what further took place in our camp._


After the departure of Teuthlille with the presents which Cortes sent to
his monarch, Motecusuma; the other governor, Quitlalpitoc, remained
behind in our camp. He took up his quarters in a kind of hut, at a
distance from ours, and ordered Indians to bake maise-bread, procure the
fowls, fruits, and fish, which the province had to furnish, for the
table of Cortes and his officers. We other soldiers, if we wished to get
our bellies full were compelled to catch shell and other fish ourselves.
In the meantime numbers of Indians arrived from the above-mentioned
provinces, over which the two officials sent by Motecusuma were
governors, bringing with them some gold trinkets of small value, and
fowls, which they gave us in exchange for our goods, consisting in glass
pearls and such like; with which we were all provided, having
experienced the value of these during the expedition under Grijalva.

Six or seven days may have thus been spent, when Teuthlille returned in
the morning with more than a hundred Indian porters, all heavily laden,
accompanied by a great Mexican cazique, who both in countenance,
stature, and deportment, greatly resembled Cortes, and on that account
only had been selected by his monarch to accompany the deputation; for,
as was related, when Teuthlille brought forth the picture representing
Cortes, all the grandees who were present with their monarch Motecusuma,
immediately observed that he resembled a person of distinction named
Quintalbor. This was the same person who now accompanied Teuthlille, we
therefore called one the Cortes of this place, and the other the Cortes
of that place. We must now, however, learn what the ambassadors did when
they came into the presence of Cortes. First of all they touched the
ground at his feet with the hand, they then perfumed him and all the
Spaniards who were present, with pans made of clay. Cortes gave them a
most cordial reception, and desired them to sit down at his side. The
cazique Quintalbor was commissioned to discuss matters jointly with
Teuthlille. Both, therefore, told Cortes he was most welcome in their
country; and after a good deal of talking on both sides, they produced
the presents and spread them out on a mat, over which they had first
thrown some cotton cloths. The first was a round plate, about the size
of a waggon wheel, representing the sun, the whole of the finest gold,
and of the most beautiful workmanship; a most extraordinary work of art,
which, according to the account of those who weighed it, was worth
above 20,000 gold pesos. The second was a round plate, even larger than
the former, of massive silver, representing the moon, with rays and
other figures on it, being of great value. The third was the casque,
completely filled with pure grains of gold, as they are found in the
mines, worth about 3000 pesos, which was more to us than if it had been
ten times the value, as we now knew for certain there were rich gold
mines in the country. Among other things there were also thirty golden
ducks, exactly resembling the living bird, and of splendid workmanship;
further figures resembling lions, tigers, dogs and apes; likewise ten
chains with lockets, all of gold, and of the most costly workmanship; a
bow with the string and twelve arrows, and two staffs five palms in
length, like those used by the justices, all cast of the purest gold;
further, they brought small cases containing the most beautiful green
feathers, blended with gold and silver, and fans similarly worked; every
species of game likewise cast in gold. In short such a number of
objects, which from the many years since elapsed I cannot now altogether
remember.[16] There were alone above thirty packages of cotton stuffs,
variously manufactured and interworked with variegated feathers. When
the great cazique Quintalbor and Teuthlille handed over these presents
to Cortes, they begged of him to accept of them in the same friendly
disposition with which their monarch sent them, and to distribute them
among his Teules. Upon this they began to unfold what their monarch had
in particular commissioned them to say, which was as follows: "He,
Motecusuma, was delighted with the arrival of such courageous men in his
states, as we, according to the accounts he had received and judging
from the occurrence at Tabasco, certainly must be. He wished very much
to see our great emperor, who was such a powerful monarch, of whom,
although residing at such a vast distance, he had already gained some
knowledge, and he would send him a present of some valuable stones. He
was likewise ready to furnish us with everything we might require during
our stay. But as for Cortes calling upon him, we had better give up all
thoughts of that, as it was not necessary, and would be accompanied with
great difficulties."

Cortes thanked them most sincerely for their kindness, gave to each a
couple of shirts made of holland, blue beads, and other trifles, begging
of them to return to their great monarch Motecusuma, and tell him that
our emperor and master would take it very unkind, after we had come from
such distant countries and crossed such vast seas, merely with the
intention of paying our respects to Motecusuma, if we returned without
fulfilling this object. He wished, therefore, to proceed to his
residence and himself to receive his commands. The ambassadors answered,
that they would mention all this to their monarch, but that any waiting
upon him would be superfluous. Cortes upon this gave them out of our
poverty a cup, of Florentine workmanship, gilt and surrounded with a
quantity of relieved foliage, besides those shirts made of holland, and
other things; all these were to be presented to Motecusuma, and he
desired them to take his answer to him. Both the delegates then
departed, while Quitlalpitoc remained alone behind in our camp,
commissioned, it appeared, by the two other officials of Motecusuma, to
provide provisions for us out of the neighbouring districts.

[16] These remarkable presents have all been enumerated by Torquemada,
(Monarchia Indiana, i, iv, c. 17;) and we cannot do better than give his
minute description of them here: "The ambassador of Motecusuma ordered
mats to be spread on the ground before Cortes, and over them some cotton
cloths, on which he arranged the presents, consisting of large
quantities of cotton shirts and other cotton stuffs, beautifully
manufactured, and interwoven with feathers of the most splendid colours;
bucklers made of the purest white staffs, decorated with feathers, gold,
silver, and pearls, surpassing everything in beauty and skilfulness of
workmanship that was ever seen. There was also a helmet, tastefully
carved out of wood, filled with grains of gold; a casque, made of thin
plates of gold, decorated with tassels and stones, resembling the
smaragdus; numerous large bunches of feathers of diversified colours,
fastened in silver and gold; fans for keeping off flies, made of the
rarest feathers; a thousand lockets of gold and silver, of the most
curious and beautiful workmanship; bracelets and military decorations of
gold and silver, splendidly embossed with green and bright yellow
feathers; leather made of deer skin, curried and  in the best
possible manner; shoes and sandals of the same leather, sewn with thin
gold wire, and the soles made of splendid white and blue stone. There
were other kinds of shoes, most tastefully manufactured of cotton;
mirrors of marcasite, globular shaped, of the size of a fist, and most
ingeniously set in gold, the small frame itself being very valuable, and
worthy of the acceptance of any crowned head; coverings and curtains to
beds, manufactured of various  cotton, more glossy and of finer
texture than silk; a number of other gold and silver trinkets; a
necklace of gold, decorated with upwards of a hundred emeralds, rubies,
and various other ornaments of gold; a second necklace, consisting of
numbers of large pearls and emeralds, all of the most exquisite
workmanship; numerous other gold trinkets in the shape of frogs and
animals; jewels in the form of medals, the shrines being even more
valuable than the precious stones they contained; a quantity of large
and small grains of gold. The most valuable of these presents, however,
were two round plates, one of gold, on which was a sun with rays and the
zodiac; this weighed above one hundred marks: the other was of silver,
which in a similar manner represented the moon, weighing above fifty
marks: both were massive, and of the thickness of the Spanish coin of
four silver reals, and as large as a waggon wheel. Those who saw these
splendid presents said that, without considering the beautiful
workmanship, the value of the gold and silver alone amounted to 25,000
castellanos de oro; so that the whole together may well be estimated at
50,000 ducats." (p. 91.)




CHAPTER XL.

    _How Cortes goes in search of another harbour and a good spot to
    found a colony, and what further happened._


After the Mexican ambassadors had again taken their departure, Cortes
ordered two vessels to sail further on and explore the coast. The
command of these was given to Francisco de Montejo, with orders to
follow the same course taken by Grijalva. He was to sail on for the
space of ten days, and search for a good harbour and convenient spot to
form a settlement; for in the sandy region we were now staying it was
impossible to live, on account of the gnats; the inhabited districts,
moreover, being too far distant. Alaminos and el Manquillo who were
already acquainted with these waters, piloted the vessels. Montejo
departed and arrived in the waters of Rio Grande, near Panuco, as far as
we had gone with Grijalva, but on account of the heavy currents there he
could proceed no further; he, therefore, returned to San Juan de Ulua,
bringing us no other news than that they had seen at a distance of about
thirty-six miles further on a town, which to all appearance was
fortified. This place was called Quiahuitzlan, having a harbour, which,
according to the opinion of Alaminos, was secure from the north wind.
Ten or twelve days were spent by Montejo in this expedition out and
home. Quitlalpitoc, who had remained to furnish us with provisions, soon
ceased to do so altogether, which, of course, created a great scarcity
of food: our cassave-bread had likewise become quite mouldy and swarmed
with worms, so that we had nothing to eat if we did not procure
ourselves shellfish. In the commencement the Indians had certainly
brought us gold and fowls for our goods, but now they no longer came in
such great numbers as at first, and those who did come appeared quite
shy and reserved. We, therefore, anxiously awaited the return of the two
ambassadors from Mexico.

After some days had elapsed Teuthlille indeed returned with a great
number of Indians. They observed the same courteous behaviour as on the
previous occasion, perfuming Cortes and all of us, and then brought
forth their presents, consisting in ten packages of mantles, richly
worked in feathers; further, four _chalchihuitls_, a species of green
stone of uncommon value, which are held in higher estimation with them
than the smaragdus[17] with us; lastly, there were also all kinds of
gold trinkets, which I heard valued at 3000 pesos. The great cazique
Quintalbor had fallen ill on the journey, and consequently remained
behind. Teuthlille and Quitlalpitoc, therefore, alone fulfilled
Motecusuma's commission, and assured us that he had most graciously
accepted of our present. Regarding the four chalchihuitls they observed,
that those were intended as a present to our emperor, as each of them
was worth, more than a load of gold. For the rest it was unnecessary to
send any more messengers to Mexico, neither was there any further
mention to be made of a personal interview between their monarch and
Cortes.

Although, it was very unpleasant to the latter that his visit to
Motecusuma should thus be declined in dry words, yet he thanked them
most kindly; and added to some of us who were present: "Really this
Motecusuma must be a great and rich gentleman; nevertheless, if God be
willing, we shall one day visit him in his palace!" "We only wish,
(returned we soldiers,) that we were once nicely engaged with him."

All this took place just about the hour of Ave Maria; the bell,
therefore, announced that we should assemble ourselves around the cross,
which we had erected on an elevated sand-hill. While we were all on our
knees before it, and repeating the Ave Maria, Teuthlille and
Quitlalpitoc inquired why we thus humbled ourselves so greatly before
that pole.

Cortes immediately turned to Bartolome de Olmedo, and remarked to him:
"This is a good opportunity, father, to give these people some notion of
our holy religion through our interpreters." This father Olmedo
accordingly did in a manner which would have done honour to the greatest
of theologians. He first of all explained that we were Christians, and
then expatiated on the whole substance of our belief; he then proved
that their idols were useless things, evil spirits, which fled away from
the presence of the cross. On such a cross, he continued, the Lord of
heaven and earth suffered death, we believed in him only, and prayed to
him as the only true God, Jesus Christ, who suffered death for the
salvation of the human race; who rose again on the third day, and
ascended into heaven, that he would again appear to hold judgment over
the living and the dead. Upon this followed everything that was
edifying, which the Indians comprehended well, and which they assured us
they would relate to their monarch.

Cortes then explained to them, that among the many reasons which had
induced our great emperor to send us here, one was that they should
abandon for ever the religion of their cursed idols, abolish human
sacrifices, and abstain from kidnapping. He, therefore, must beg of them
to erect crosses like this in their towns and on their temples, and also
the figure of the holy Virgin, with her most excellent Son, then God
would bestow great blessings on them. In short, there were many
expressions replete with excellent feeling, which I am unable wholly to
report, and therefore will rather leave in my pen.

Our men now commenced to barter with the Indians, who had arrived with
Teuthlille for what they had brought, and obtained various kinds of
things, all of inferior gold, which we gave to our sailors for catching
us fish; this was the only means we had of stilling our hunger. Cortes
was well aware of this, and secretly enjoyed the idea; however, the
creatures of Diego Velasquez drew his attention to it, and thought he
ought not to permit such a species of traffic. We shall further see what
happened on this account.

[17] Chalchihuitls; Bernal Diaz calls these Chalchuites. This stone is
of a light green colour, at first held in great estimation by the
Spaniards, but Torquemada, a contemporary of our author, remarks,
(Monarchia, Ind. i, p. 462,) it is a stone on which the Indians set a
high value, but not so the Spaniards. He calls it a kind of smaragdus,
"the polishing of which the Indians say was taught them by the god
Quetzalcohuatl." Bustamente (Historia de la Conquista de Mexico escrita,
por Fr. Bernardino Sahagun, Mexico, 1829,) calls it, "Piedra jaspe, mui
verde, o sea esmeralda ordinaria," i.e. "A jasper of a very green
colour, or a common smaragdus."

This stone represented among the Mexicans everything that was excellent
in its kind, for which reason they put such a stone in the mouth of the
distinguished chiefs who died. (p. 93.)




CHAPTER XLI.

_What happened on account of our bartering for gold, and of other things
which took place in our camp._


This bartering for gold being continued with the Indians, the adherents
of Diego Velasquez remonstrated with Cortes, and asked him how he could
suffer such a thing? Diego Velasquez, they added, had not sent him
hither, that the soldiers should put most of the gold in their pockets.
It ought to be made known, that henceforth no one but Cortes himself
should barter for gold, and that every one should render an account of
the gold in his possession, in order that the emperor's fifths might be
deducted therefrom. It was, moreover, necessary to appoint a treasurer.
Cortes confessed they were in the right, and allowed them to choose a
treasurer themselves. But, not until their choice had fallen on one
Gonzalo Mexia, did he show what his real intentions were; then he said
to them with a heavy frown on his brow: "Only consider, gentlemen, how
hard our comrades have to fare, since provisions totally fail! In order
that they might not hunger, I have up to this moment overlooked this
system of bartering, and indeed it produces but a mere trifle. I hope,
with the assistance of God, that our affairs will take a better turn by
and bye. Everything has its two sides to be looked at, and as we have
now, in compliance with your wishes, ordered that no more bartering for
gold shall be allowed in future, we have to see whence we are henceforth
to obtain provisions."

Gomara is in the wrong, when he relates, that Cortes issued that order,
on this occasion, to make Motecusuma believe we cared little about gold.
This monarch knew very well how the matter stood on this point, from the
time of our arrival under Grijalva in the Bandera stream; he might also
easily guess what we were after, when we begged of him to send us the
casque full of golden grains, and our daily bartering for that metal.
The Mexicans, indeed, are not the kind of folks to be thus imposed upon.

However this may be, one fine morning the Indians, who had resided near
us in the huts and were accustomed to furnish us with provisions and
bring gold for barter, had all secretly left with Quitlalpitoc. This, we
subsequently learnt, was done by the commands of Motecusuma, who had
forbidden all intercourse with Cortes, which he had been induced to do
from his attachment to his idol-gods. These were named _Tetzcatlipuca_
and _Huitzilopochtli_, the former being the god of hell and the latter
the god of war, to whom Motecusuma daily sacrificed some young children,
that they might disclose to him what he should do with us. His intention
was to take us prisoners if we would not re-embark, and employ some to
educate children, while others were to be sacrificed. For his idol-gods,
as we afterwards discovered, advised him not to listen to Cortes, and to
take no notice of what we had sent him word concerning the cross and the
figure of the blessed Virgin. This was also the reason why his men had
gone away so secretly.

Affairs having assumed such a posture, we now daily expected that
hostilities would break out, and were particularly on our guard. It was
during one of these days that I was standing sentinel on the sand-hills
with another soldier, when we espied five Indians approaching along the
shore. Not to alarm our camp with such a trifle we allowed them to come
up. They all appeared very good humoured, made their obeisance to us
after their fashion, and begged of us, by signs, to conduct them to our
camp. Upon which I said to my companion, I will take them there, while
you remain where you are, for at that time my legs were not so infirm as
they are now, in my old age. When I presented them to Cortes, they paid
him the profoundest respect, and continually repeated the word,
_Lopelucio_, _Lopelucio_, which in the Totonaque language means Lord,
great God. In dress and language this people differed entirely from the
Mexicans, whom Motecusuma had sent to our camp. They had large holes
bored in their under-lips, in which they wore pieces of blue speckled
stone, or thin plates of gold; the holes in their ears were still larger
in size, and adorned with similar ornaments. Neither Aguilar nor Dona
Marina understood their language; but the latter inquired of them
whether there was any _Naeyavatos_, or interpreter, among them? Upon
which two of them answered that they understood the Mexican language,
and now the discourse immediately commenced. They bid us welcome, and
stated that their ruler had sent them hither to inquire who we were, and
that he would be delighted to be of any use to such powerful men as we
were. They would have waited upon us earlier if they had not shunned the
people of Culhua, namely, the Mexicans (meaning as much as villains,)
who had been with us. Most probably these people had heard of our
battles at Tabasco and Potonchan; they at least knew that the Mexicans
had secretly departed from us three days ago. Cortes learnt from them
many things which were of the greatest importance to him, particularly
respecting the enemies and opponents of Motecusuma: Cortes, therefore,
was most friendly to these people, gave them various kinds of presents,
and desired them to return to their ruler and acquaint him that he would
visit him shortly in person. From this moment we called these Indians by
no other name than Lopelucios. However, it was impossible for us to
remain on these sand-hills, on account of the long-legged and small
gnats, which they call chechenes, and are the worst of all: we could get
no sleep for them. Moreover, we had no kind of provisions left; our
cassave-bread was quite mouldy and uneatable, on account of the worms,
with which it swarmed: it was, therefore, no wonder that several of our
men, who had Indian possessions in the island of Cuba, should wish to
return home, which was in particular the case with all the friends and
creatures of Velasquez. Cortes, observing this disposition, gave orders
for our departure to Quiahuitzlan, which had been seen by Montejo and
Alaminos, and where the vessels would be secure from the north winds,
being sheltered by the rock above mentioned.

While preparations were making for our departure, the whole of Diego
Velasquez's adherents united to remonstrate with Cortes. They asked him
how he was to commence the march without provisions; it was, indeed,
quite impossible to proceed further on by sea. Already thirty-five of
our men had died either of the wounds they received at Tabasco, of
sickness, or of hunger. The country we were now in was extensive, the
population numerous, and the inhabitants would, no doubt, attack us in a
few days. It was, therefore, most advisable to return to Cuba, and
render an account to Diego Velasquez of the gold we had bartered for, of
which we possessed a good deal: to this might be added the presents sent
by Motecusuma, the golden sun, silver moon, the casque full of gold
dust, and all the other precious things, which I have above mentioned.
To which Cortes answered, "that he did not consider it advisable to
return without having even seen the country. Up to this moment we had no
reason to complain of ill luck; on the contrary, God had everywhere lent
us his support. If we had lost any of our men, such things were to be
expected in warlike undertakings. We should first explore the country
more thoroughly; and with regard to provisions, there was sufficient
maise in the country, with which we must make a shift for the present."

By these arguments Cortes succeeded in quieting the partisans of Diego
Velasquez; yet it was of short duration, for they held secret meetings,
and commenced setting all manner of intrigues on foot to bring about our
return to Cuba: how far they succeeded we shall presently see.




CHAPTER XLII.

    _How we elected Hernando Cortes captain-general and chief justice
    until we should receive the emperor's commands on this head; and
    what further happened._


I have already remarked how the relatives and friends of Diego Velasquez
united to stop our further progress, and bring about our return to Cuba.
Cortes, on his part, however, was no less active, and managed with his
friends to get himself appointed our captain-general. In this the
following personages acted the chief part: Alonso Hernandez
Puertocarrero, Pedro de Alvarado, with his four brothers Jorge, Gonzalo,
Gomez, and Juan; further, Christobal de Oli, Alonso de Avila, Juan de
Escalante, Francisco de Lugo, myself, and many other cavaliers and
officers.

Francisco de Montejo soon perceived what our intentions were, and kept a
sharp look-out upon everything that was going on. I was drawn into this
affair in the following manner: at midnight, Puertocarrero, Escalante,
and De Lugo, to whom I stood somewhat related, both of us, moreover,
being born at the same place, called upon me in my quarters, and said,
"Bernal Diaz del Castillo, take your arms and follow us: we are to
accompany Cortes, who is going to make the rounds." When we had arrived
at some distance from my hut, they again commenced, "We have something
to tell you, sir, but you must keep it a secret, for it is of great
importance, and those of Diego Velasquez's partisans who mess with you
must know nothing about it. We are of opinion that Cortes does not act
rightly towards us. At Cuba he made known that he was going out to found
a colony, and now we hear that he was not empowered to do so, but was
merely sent out to barter for gold, and then to return to Cuba with all
we should make. If this takes place, we are altogether ruined men, and
Diego Velasquez will himself comfortably pocket the gold, and keep it,
as he has on previous occasions. Do but reflect, sir, that this is the
third expedition of the kind which you have accompanied, that you have
spent your whole in them, and undergone so many fatigues, risked your
life, and suffered from wounds, all for nothing. This we cannot allow.
We cavaliers are sufficient in number, your friends one and all, and we
must insist that Cortes founds a colony here, in the name of his
majesty; we must also find means to acquaint our sovereign immediately
with this. Promise that you also will be one of us. We have united to
elect Cortes our captain-general. It would, indeed, be rendering God and
our king a great service."

To all this I answered that I considered it equally inadvisable to
return to Cuba, and that I was quite ready to give my consent towards
electing Cortes captain-general and chief justice, until his imperial
majesty should have communicated his wishes to us on that point. As this
plan went round from one to another, the partisans of Diego Velasquez,
who were much more numerous than we, soon got wind of it, and boldly
asked Cortes what intrigues had been set on foot to form a colony here?
and why he should shirk from rendering the account which was due to him
by whom he had been appointed head of the expedition? Diego Velasquez
would certainly be ill pleased with such proceedings: we could not do
otherwise than re-embark: all his intrigues with the men were useless:
to found a colony, we were in want both of provisions, men, and
everything else to ensure success. Cortes, without showing the least
irritability, answered, that he was quite of their opinion, and had not
the remotest intention to act contrary to the instructions and wishes of
Diego Velasquez, and immediately issued orders that every one who had
come with him should repair on board by the next day.

As soon as we others, who had confederated, heard this, we declared to
Cortes that he was doing wrong in thus wishing to deceive us. At Cuba he
had publicly announced that he was going out to found a colony, and now
it appeared it was merely for the sake of trafficking. We begged of him,
for the sake of God and our king, not to break his word, but to found a
colony, as was required of us, to promote the interests of his majesty
and the service of God. It would be impossible for us to return here at
any future time, as the inhabitants would certainly not permit us to
land: but, if a colony was once founded, soldiers from every island in
these parts would come flocking hither in order to assist us. Diego
Velasquez had deceived us when he falsely announced that he was
empowered by his majesty to found colonies: we were, therefore,
determined to found one, and left it to the choice of the others if they
wished to return to Cuba. Cortes at first refused to comply, and only
submitted after much begging and entreating; as the saying goes,

    What you desire
    Is my wish.

He, however, made the condition that we should nominate him chief
justice and captain-general, and, what was worse, that a fifth part of
the gold should fall to his share which remained after deducting the
fifths for his majesty: concerning all which and everything else, the
royal secretary Godoy was to draw up a formal deed. Upon this we
resolved that a town should be built, and called _Villa Rica de la Vera
Cruz_, as we arrived off this coast on Holy Thursday, and stepped on
land on Good Friday. The addition of Villa Rica (rich town) was owing to
what Puertocarrero had some time previous said to Cortes, "He might look
upon these rich countries,--he would know how to govern them;" meaning
to say thereby, that he wished Cortes to be appointed captain-general.

After the ceremony of laying the first stone of the town was ended, we
nominated the alcaldes and regidors. The chief alcaldes were Alonso
Puertocarrero and Francisco de Montejo: Cortes purposely appointed the
latter because he was not on the best terms with him. To give all the
names of the regidors would be superfluous, and it must suffice to
mention their names as they appear in the course of this narrative. We
also erected a pillory inside the town, and a gallows outside. Pedro de
Alvarado was appointed city-major; Christobal de Oli, colonel; Juan de
Escalante, alguacil-major; treasurer, Gonzalo Mexi Mexia; book-keeper,
Alonso de Avila; standard-bearer, a certain Corrar, as Villareal, who
first filled this post, had got into disgrace with Cortes about an
Indian female of Cuba, and was obliged to relinquish it. Achoa of Biscay
and Alonso Romero were nominated alguacils of the camp.

The reader will wonder that I have not yet mentioned the name of one of
our principal men, Gonzalo de Sandoval, though he was such a renowned
officer, being second to Cortes only, and particularly distinguished by
our emperor himself. There is no other reason than that Sandoval was
still very young, and that we did not make so much of him and other
brave officers then as we did subsequently, when we saw all his real
qualities developed in a manner that drew forth unbounded praise from
Cortes and every soldier: indeed he was considered equal to Cortes
himself.--Gomara has likewise related a good deal respecting these
matters, of which he has been ill informed. I could not leave this
unnoticed, however beautiful his style of writing may be, in which his
strength really lies.




CHAPTER XLIII.

    _How the partisans of Diego Velasquez would not acknowledge the
    power we had conferred upon Cortes, and what further took place._


The partisans of Diego Velasquez, finding we had elected Cortes
captain-general, and appointed the other officers just mentioned, were
terribly annoyed and vexed. They armed themselves in small troops, and
threw out the most insolent language against Cortes and those among us
who had chosen him captain-general. All this they considered should not
have been done without the consent of the whole of the officers and
soldiers. Diego Velasquez had merely empowered Cortes to barter with the
natives. In short, their dissatisfaction rose to such a pitch, that our
party was afraid matters would be carried much farther, and end in
hostilities. Cortes now secretly desired Juan de Escalante to intimate
that we should demand the instructions to be produced which he had
received from Velasquez. This was accordingly done, and Cortes pulled
them out from under his waistcoat, handing them over to the royal
secretary to be read aloud. And sure enough the words were, _After you
have bartered for as many precious things as possible, you shall return
home._ This document was signed by Velasquez, and countersigned by his
private secretary Andreas de Duero. Upon this we desired of Cortes that
these instructions should be entered into the appointment we had given
him, and announced by a public crier, as had been done at Cuba, in order
that his majesty might convince himself of the true state of things, and
that everything was done to further his sovereign interest only. This
step was most agreeable to our purpose, as the bishop of Burgos, Don
Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, was wrongly informed respecting these
proceedings, and only laboured to ruin us, as we subsequently learnt.
The partisans of Diego Velasquez, however, were not to be silenced by
this; and as the election had been made without their knowledge, they
considered it illegal, and maintained that they were not called upon to
obey his commands, but were determined to return to Cuba. Cortes
answered, that he would not compel them to remain, but would discharge
any one who might wish it, even if he himself should, in the end, remain
alone behind. By this some were silenced. Juan Velasquez de Leon, (who
was closely related to Velasquez,) Diego de Ordas, Escobar, (whom we
commonly termed the page,) Pedro de Escudero, and others of Velasquez's
party, still continued refractory, and things at last came to such a
pass, that, in the end, they formally refused to obey Cortes. In such a
state of affairs it was necessary to adopt some stronger measure, which
was carried into execution with our consent. We seized the persons of
the above-mentioned refractory officers, bound them in chains, and kept
watch over them as if they had been prisoners.

Respecting these circumstances Gomara has again been misinformed, and
not a word is to be credited of anything he says on the subject.




CHAPTER XLIV.

    _How Pedro de Alvarado was ordered to make an excursion into the
    interior of the country, in order to procure maise and other
    provisions; and what further happened._


It was now resolved that Pedro de Alvarado should make an excursion into
the interior to explore the country, gain further knowledge of some
townships which we knew by name, and procure maise and other provisions,
of which we were in the greatest want. For this purpose 100 men were
selected, among whom were fifteen crossbow-men and six musketeers; above
half, moreover, were adherents of Velasquez: the rest of us, on whom
Cortes could fully depend, remained with him, in order that no
conspiracy might be set on foot against him.

Alvarado, during this expedition, visited some small townships which
were subject to a greater one, called, in the Aculhua language,
_Costatlan_.[17*] This language is that of Mexico and Motecusuma; and
when we speak of persons of Aculhua, we must always understand subjects
of his empire. Alvarado nowhere met with any inhabitants, but found
sufficient proofs in the temples that boys and full-grown people had
very recently been sacrificed; for the altars and walls were covered
with drops of fresh blood. The flint knives with which the unfortunate
victim's breast is cut open to tear the heart away, and the large stones
on which they are sacrificed, still lay in their proper places. Most of
the bodies thus seen by our men were without arms or legs, which,
according to the accounts of the Indians, had been devoured. Our men
were perfectly horror-struck at such barbarities: however, I will not
waste another word on the subject, for we found the same thing over
again in every district we visited in this country. Alvarado found these
districts well stocked with provisions, but so completely deserted by
the inhabitants that he could only find two Indians to assist the men in
carrying maise: every soldier, therefore, was compelled to take a load
of greens and fowls, and in this way the detachment returned to our camp
with a good supply of provisions, and without having encountered any
disaster. This was all the damage our men did, although they had so many
opportunities of doing more, Cortes having most strictly forbidden any
wanton outrage, that there might not be a repetition of what happened on
the island of Cozumel.

We were overjoyed with the provisions; for when man can satisfy his
appetite, he forgets half his sufferings. Gomara mentions another
expedition in this place, which, he says, Cortes himself undertook, with
400 men, to explore the interior of the country: but here again he must
have been misinformed; for there was no other made than the one I have
just mentioned. In the meantime Cortes was not inactive, but did all in
his power to gain the adherents of Diego Velasquez: one was presented
with some of the gold we had made,--for with gold mountains are removed;
another was silenced by considerable promises. He likewise set the whole
of them at liberty, excepting Juan Velasquez de Leon and Diego de Ordas,
who were lying bound in chains on board a vessel: however, both these
were also shortly after released, and they became true friends to him,
of which they subsequently gave sufficient proofs. Gold, indeed, was
not spared on this occasion, for they were only to be tamed by that
means. As soon as greater union was thus restored, it was resolved that
we should march for the township Quiahuitzlan, which I have above
mentioned. Our vessels were also at the same time to set sail and run
into the harbour, lying about four miles from the latter place.

Our march lay along the coast, and on our route we killed a large fish
which had been thrown on shore; we then came to a pretty deep river, on
whose banks the town of Vera Cruz at present lies: this we crossed by
means of some old canoes we found here, and by ferryboats; I, however,
swam across. On the opposite bank of the river lay several small
townships, subject to one more extensive called Sempoalla. This was the
home of the five Indians who came to Cortes in the character of
ambassadors, and who were called by us _Lopelucios_. We found the
idol-temples stained with spots of blood, the apparatus for perfuming
and sacrificing, a quantity of parrot feathers, and several packages of
paper stitched one over the other, resembling our Spanish linen. We
nowhere met any Indians; for as they had never before seen people like
unto us, nor any horses, they had all run away from fear, so that we
were forced to go hungry to bed. The next day we marched inland in an
easterly direction: of course we had not the least knowledge of the road
we were taking, and we turned at a venture into a beautiful meadow,
where we found wild deer grazing. Pedro de Alvarado chased one of these
on his brown mare, and managed to wound it with his lance; but the
animal escaped over some heights.

In the meantime twelve Indians made their appearance, inhabitants of the
district, where we were encamped for the night, bringing with them some
fowls and maise-bread, which, they told Cortes, by means of our
interpreter, had been sent us by their cazique, who had likewise desired
we should visit his township, which lay at a distance of one sun, say a
day's march, from our present station. Cortes returned them sincere
thanks for their great kindness, and we marched on until we came to a
small township, where a short time previous several human beings had
been sacrificed. As the kind reader would be disgusted with hearing of
the numbers of male and female Indians we found butchered along every
road and in every village we passed through, I will be silent on that
head, and merely add that a supper was provided for us in the small
village where we had arrived. Here we also learnt that the road to
Quiahuitzlan, which latter lay on a hill, passed through Sempoalla,
where we next arrive.

[17*] Costatlan, Bernal Diaz also adds here, "Y este nombre de Culua es
en aquella tierra, como si dixessen los Romanos hallados." As this
passage is rather obscure, we thought it best to insert it here. The
literal translation is: "And this appellation of Culua, in this country,
means as much as when one would say, 'the merry Romans.'" In the 31st
chapter he makes a similar remark. (p. 102.)




CHAPTER XLV.

    _How we marched into Sempoalla, which at that period was a very
    considerable township, and what we did there._

After we had slept in the village, where the twelve Indians had
quartered us, and accurately ascertained the road we were to take to
Quiahuitzlan, we left very early in the morning for that place. Cortes
sent six of the Indians before us to acquaint the caziques of Sempoalla
that we were approaching, and to beg permission to visit them. The six
other Indians remained behind as our guides. The whole of us marched
forward in the best order, while our cannon and other arms were ready
for use at a moment's notice; besides this sharp-shooters were always in
advance, all strong active fellows, whom as well as the horse no one
could elude.

We were not further than three miles from Sempoalla, when we were met by
twenty Indians who came to welcome us in the name of their cazique.
These carried in their hands pine-apples, most deliciously scented, and
of a deep red colour, which they presented to Cortes and the others who
sat on horseback, adding that their ruler awaited us in his quarters,
for on account of his corpulency he had been prevented from coming out
to meet us himself. Cortes thanked them kindly for their attentions, and
we marched forward. As we passed along the houses of the town we were
greatly surprised, for a town of such magnitude we had not yet met with.
And when we saw that all around had the appearance of a luxurious
garden, and that the streets were filled with people of both sexes, we
returned most fervent thanks to God for having allowed us to discover
such a country. The vanguard of our horse was naturally very much in
advance, and had arrived in the great square and up to the dwellings
where our quarters were prepared. As the walls a few days previous had
been newly plastered with lime, (which these Indians prepare uncommonly
well,) and the sun was shining full upon them at the time, one of our
horse soldiers came galloping up to Cortes at full speed to inform him
that the walls here were built of silver. Aguilar and Dona Marina
immediately saw that this was lime fresh laid on; which of course
created abundance of laughter. We never omitted on subsequent occasions
to remind the man of it, joking him that everything white appeared to
him like silver.

When we arrived at our quarters the fat cazique came out in the
courtyard to receive us. The man was, indeed, excessively corpulent,
wherefore I shall always distinguish him thereby. He paid Cortes the
greatest respect, and perfumed him according to the custom of the
country, who then embraced him in return. After these welcomes we were
shown into our quarters, which were very comfortable, and so spacious
that there was sufficient room for us all. Food was next set before us,
among which there was maise-bread and several basketsful of plums, of
which there were great quantities, these being just then in season. As
we were greatly famished, and had not for a length of time seen such
quantities of provisions at once, some of us called the place
Villariciosa (luxurious town), and others Sevilla. Cortes gave strict
orders that the inhabitants should not be molested in the slightest
degree, and also that none of us should leave our quarters.

It being announced to the fat cazique that we had finished dining, he
sent word to Cortes that he was desirous of paying him a visit, and
immediately after he arrived with a considerable number of distinguished
personages, who wore heavy golden ornaments and richly-worked mantles.
Cortes rose to meet them at the entrance of our quarters, and received
them most kindly. After the first compliments were passed the fat
cazique handed a present to him which he had brought, consisting in
golden trinkets and cotton stuffs, but of little value. The cazique
constantly repeated: "Lopelucio, Lopelucio, accept this in favorable
kind; if we had more to give we should have brought it."

Cortes desired Dona Marina and Aguilar to acquaint him how grateful he
was for so much kindness, and he had merely to inform him in what way he
in return could be of service to him and his people. We were the vassals
of the great emperor Charles, who had dominion over many kingdoms and
countries, and who had sent us out to redress wrongs wherever we came,
punish the bad, and make known his commands that human sacrifices should
no longer be continued. To all this was added a good deal about our holy
religion.

After the fat cazique heard this he sighed deeply, and complained most
bitterly about Motecusuma and his governors. It was not long ago that he
had been subdued by the former, and robbed of all his golden trinkets.
His sway was so excessively oppressive, that he durst not move without
his orders; yet no one had sufficient courage to oppose him, as he
possessed such vast towns and countries, such numbers of subjects and
extensive armies. Cortes answered that he would relieve him of the
oppression under which he groaned, but for the present moment he could
not occupy himself with such matters. He had first of all to pay a
visit to his _acales_, (so ships are termed in their language,) and
prepare our quarters in Quiahuitzlan, where they would further talk the
matter over. The fat cazique said he was perfectly satisfied with this,
and the next morning we left Sempoalla. Four hundred Indian porters,
who, in this district, are termed tamenes, were sent to accompany us.
Each of these porters is capable of carrying a weight of fifty pounds to
a distance of twenty miles. We were all highly delighted that each of us
had a man a piece to carry our baggage; for previously every one had to
carry his own knapsack, the five or six Cuba Indians we had with us
being of little use. Dona Marina and Aguilar said that according to the
custom of this country the caziques were bound in times of peace to lend
their porters to any one who required them. From this moment we always
demanded them wherever we came. After the first day's march we staid the
night at a small township not far from Quiahuitzlan. It was wholly
uninhabited, and the people of Sempoalla furnished us with food for
supper. Gomara allows Cortes to pass several days at Sempoalla, and then
form the confederacy and rebellion against Motecusuma. This, together
with the account he gives of the number of Cuba Indians we were said to
have brought with us, is wholly false; for, as I have stated, we left
Sempoalla immediately on the following morning after our arrival. Where
and what caused the different tribes to revolt I will afterwards relate.
For the present we shall make our entry into Quiahuitzlan.




CHAPTER XLVI.

    _How we march into Quiahuitzlan, which was a town with
    fortifications, and were most friendly received._


The next morning about ten o'clock we arrived in the principal township
Quiahuitzlan, which is built on the steep declivity of a rock, and would
certainly be difficult to take if defended. We put no trust in the peace
which reigned through the country, and marched in the best order with
the greatest precaution. Our troops were preceded by the cannon, that it
might be ready at hand if required. Here it was that Alonso de Avila, a
severe and haughty man, ran a soldier named Alonso of Villanueva, who
had only one arm, through the empty sleeve of his coat, with the point
of his lance, because he marched out of the ranks. From that moment we
termed the man the one-armed of Villanueva. However, I shall likewise
be accused of marching out of the ranks, if I relate such trifles: I
cannot deny it, and will, therefore, immediately fall in again. We
arrived in the midst of the town without meeting any one, and were not a
little surprised at this circumstance, as the inhabitants had left that
very morning, when they found we were approaching their dwellings. On
the most elevated point of the fortress there was an open space in front
of the cues and large houses of their idols; and here we first met with
fifteen well-dressed Indians, who were carrying perfuming pans. With
these they went up to Cortes, perfumed him and all who were near at the
time, bid us welcome, and most humbly begged forgiveness for not having
come out to meet us, and confessed that fear of ourselves and horses had
prevented them, and that they had first wished to know who we were. We
had now only to make ourselves comfortable, they added, and that very
evening they would see that all the inhabitants returned to their
houses.

Cortes thanked them most kindly for their good reception, and told them
many things about our holy religion and our great monarch, as was
customary with us wherever we came. He also presented them with a few
green glass beads and other trifles we had brought from Spain; they
supplying us with fowls and maise-bread in return.

While the first welcomings were going on it was announced to Cortes that
the fat cazique of Sempoalla was approaching in a sedan, supported by
numbers of distinguished Indians. Immediately upon his arrival he
renewed his complaints against Motecusuma, in which he was joined by the
cazique of this township and the other chief personages. He related so
much of the cruelties and oppression they had to suffer, and thereby
sobbed and sighed so bitterly that we could not help being affected. At
the time when they were subdued, they had already been greatly ill used;
Motecusuma then demanded annually a great number of their sons and
daughters, a portion of whom were sacrificed to the idols, and the rest
were employed in his household and for tilling his grounds. His
tax-gatherers took their wives and daughters without any ceremony if
they were handsome, merely to satisfy their lusts. The Totonaques, whose
territory consisted of upwards of thirty townships, suffered like
violence.

Cortes consoled them as well as he could by means of our interpreters.
He promised and assured them that he would put an end to such oppression
and ill usage. It was particularly for this object that his majesty had
sent us to their country; they should, therefore, keep up their spirits,
and they would soon see what he was about to do for their good. This in
some measure seemed to comfort them; though Cortes was unable wholly to
allay the fear in which they stood of the great Motecusuma.

We soon had proof of this on the very spot; for, during our discourse
with these caziques, some Indians belonging to the district announced
that just then five Mexican tax-gatherers had arrived. At this
information the caziques turned quite pale with fear; they left Cortes
and hastened to receive the unexpected guests, for whom an apartment was
immediately cleared and dinner set on table. Cacao in great quantities
was in particular served up to them, which is the principal beverage of
the Indians. As the house of the cazique was in the neighbourhood, the
Mexicans passed by our quarters; but behaved with such reserve and so
haughtily, that they neither addressed Cortes nor any of us. They wore
richly-worked mantles and maltatas similarly manufactured, which were
then still in fashion among them. The hair of their head was combed out
quite glossy and tied up in a knot in which were stuck some sweet
scented roses. Every one carried a stick with a hook, and had an Indian
slave with a fan to keep off the flies. They were accompanied by a great
number of distinguished personages from the country of the Totonaques,
who remained around them until they arrived in their quarters and had
sat down to dinner. After this was finished they sent for the fat
cazique and the other chiefs of the townships, and scolded them under
severe threats for having received us. They had no business with us,
added they; this was by no means the wish of their master Motecusuma,
without whose command and permission they ought not to have provided us
with quarters, nor given us any golden trinkets. They would have to pay
dearly for all this; at present, however, they must find twenty Indians
and an equal number of females, in order that by sacrificing them they
might appease the gods for the evil service which had thus been
rendered.

Cortes, who observed how restless every one appeared, desired Dona
Marina and Aguilar to explain the reason of all this, and who the
strange Indians were. Marina knew all that had passed, and told him
accordingly; upon which he sent for the fat cazique, with the chiefs of
the townships, and questioned them himself as to who the strangers were
whom they treated so ceremoniously? They answered, that these were
tax-gatherers of the great Motecusuma, who had remonstrated with them
for having received us without his previous permission, and now required
twenty persons, of both sexes, for a sacrifice to the god of war, in
order that he should grant them the victory over us. They had likewise
been assured, that Motecusuma would take us prisoners and turn us into
slaves.

Upon this Cortes consoled and bid them take courage, assuring them he
would punish the Mexicans for it, as both he himself and his troops were
willing, and had the power to do so.




CHAPTER XLVII.

    _How Cortes ordered the five Mexican tax-gatherers to be imprisoned,
    and no further obedience to be paid Motecusuma, nor tribute to be
    exacted; and of the rebellion which was now excited against this
    monarch._


Cortes further said to the caziques, they were aware he had already
assured them that the emperor, our master, had specifically commissioned
him to punish all those who did evil, and in particular, no longer to
suffer kidnapping nor human sacrifices.

As the Mexican tax-gatherers now required human beings of them for those
sacrifices, he would take and keep them prisoners until Motecusuma
should learn the reason why he had done so, and was made acquainted with
the other violent measures they were accustomed to commit against them,
their wives and daughters.

The caziques were excessively alarmed that Cortes should require this at
their hands, and durst not venture to lay hands on the tax-gatherers of
the mighty Motecusuma. But Cortes exhorted them for such a length of
time that they at last took courage, seized their persons, and fastened
them, in their fashion, to long poles, by collars, which went round the
neck, so that they could not even move themselves. One of them, who made
resistance, was whipped into the bargain.

Upon this Cortes commanded the caziques no longer to obey the mandates
of Motecusuma, nor to pay him tribute, and to make these his wishes
known to all those tribes with whom they were allied and friendly,
adding that they should inform him, whether there were tax-gatherers in
other districts, that he might also send to take them prisoners.

The rumour of all this quickly spread through the whole country, as the
fat cazique despatched messengers to that end, while the chiefs, who had
accompanied the Mexican tax-gatherers, hastened back to their townships
to relate the wonderful news. When the Indians learnt this astounding,
and to them so important an occurrence, they said to one another, that,
such great things could not have been done by men, but only by _teules_,
which sometimes mean gods, sometimes demons, here in the former sense;
which was the reason they termed us teules, from that moment; and I beg
the reader to observe, that whenever in future I speak of teules in
affairs relating to us, that we are meant thereby.

All the caziques were of opinion that we should sacrifice the prisoners,
that they might not return to Mexico and relate what had befallen them.
Cortes, however, strictly forbade this, and placed a strong watch over
them. About midnight he ordered the sentinels into his presence, and
said to them: "Pay particular attention to what I say. Take two of the
most active of the prisoners, now in our hands, and bring them into my
quarters. This must be done with great circumspection, so that the
Indians of this township may know nothing of it."

When the two men were brought before Cortes, he did as if he was
unconscious they were Mexicans, and questioned them, by means of
interpreters, as to whence they came, and why they had been taken
prisoners? To which they answered, "that the caziques of Sempoalla, and
of this township, had seized upon their persons in secret understanding
with us." Cortes, however, positively assured them, that he was totally
ignorant of the whole matter, and was very sorry it should have
happened. He immediately ordered food to be given them, and otherwise to
be kindly treated, and commissioned them to acquaint their monarch,
Motecusuma, that we were all his sincerest friends and most devoted
servants. That they might not suffer any further ill treatment, he
added, they should be set at liberty and he would severely reprimand the
caziques, by whom they had been imprisoned. He was ready to render them
any service in his power, and he would likewise release their three
companions; they themselves, however, had better get out of sight as
quickly as possible, that they might not be retaken by the inhabitants
and killed. Both the prisoners said, they should be very thankful for
their liberty, but were afraid of falling again into their enemies'
hands, as they were compelled to pass through their country. Cortes
therefore ordered six sailors to take the Mexicans in a boat to a
certain point on the coast, twelve miles distant, where they would be
out of the Sempoallan territory. All this was dexterously managed, and
when daylight appeared the caziques and other chiefs were not a little
surprised to find only three prisoners remaining. These they insisted
should be sacrificed, but Cortes feigned to be highly incensed at the
escape of the two, and said he was determined to guard the others
himself. To this end he ordered chains to be brought from our vessels,
with which the prisoners were bound, and in that way taken on board,
where their chains were taken off again. They received the kindest
treatment, and were assured they would be sent back to Mexico in a very
short time.

The caziques of Sempoalla, Quiahuitzlan, and those from the country of
the Totonaques, now assembled and explained the position in which they
were placed at present, as no doubt Motecusuma, upon the first
intelligence of the imprisonment of his tax-gatherers, would put his
army in motion and fall upon them, the consequence of which would be
their total extirpation.

But Cortes assured them, with the most pleasing smile on his
countenance, that he and his brothers who were with him would be their
protection, and he who should dare to molest them, should forfeit his
life. Upon this the caziques, one and all, promised to unite their whole
armed force to ours against Motecusuma and his allies. On this occasion
Diego de Godoy drew up a formal deed of their subjection to the sceptre
of his majesty the emperor, and notice was sent of this to the different
townships of the province. As there was no further talk of tribute, and
tax-gatherers no longer made their appearance, these people were almost
out of their senses for excessive joy in having shaken off the Mexican
yoke.




CHAPTER XLVIII.

    How we resolved to found Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz and construct a
    fortress on the low meadows, in the neighbourhood of some salt
    springs and the harbour, where our vessels were anchored; and what
    further happened.


After we had thus formed an alliance with the thirty townships of the
Totonaque mountains, which had revolted from Motecusuma and submitted of
their own free will to the sceptre of our sovereign, we immediately
hastened to profit by the circumstance and found Villa Rica de la Vera
Cruz. The spot we made choice of lay at about two miles distance from
the fortress of Quiahuitzlan, in the valley beneath. We first of all
marked out the ground for the church, the market, the magazines and
other public buildings belonging to a town. We then set off part of the
ground to form a fortress, and nothing could exceed the assiduity with
which the walls of the foundation were carried up, the woodwork
completed, the turrets and loopholes constructed with the parapets.
Cortes himself put the first hand to it, carried a basket filled with
stones and earth on his shoulders, and worked at the foundations. The
caziques and all of us followed his example, and every part of the work
was carried on with like vigour. Some were mixing mortar, fetching
water, burning chalk, baking bricks and tiles, others prepared the food
and cut wood. The smiths hammered hard at the nails and other ironwork.
In short, from the highest to the lowest showed the greatest activity,
while the Indians lent us such efficacious aid, that in a short time the
church and other buildings were quite finished, and the fortress nearly
so.

In the meantime Motecusuma received the intelligence at Mexico, that
his tax-gatherers had been imprisoned by our allies; that the latter had
renounced obedience to him, and that all the Totonaque townships had
revolted. He was excessively enraged against Cortes and the whole of us,
and ordered one of his powerful chiefs to make war upon the tribes which
had revolted, and extirpate them to a man. Against us he would march in
person at the head of an immense army, commanded by many generals. While
preparations for this purpose were being made, the two prisoners whom
Cortes had liberated arrived in Mexico. When Motecusuma learnt that
Cortes had restored them to liberty, and himself sent them to Mexico
with the commission to offer his services to their monarch, the Almighty
softened down the hardness of his heart, and he resolved to make
inquiries as to what our intentions were. To this end he despatched two
of his young nephews, accompanied by four aged men, who were caziques of
distinction, to our quarters, sending with them a present consisting in
gold and cotton stuffs. These men were commissioned to thank Cortes for
the liberation of his two tax-gatherers, but at the same time to make
heavy complaints respecting these tribes who had presumed to revolt from
him, merely because we had taken them under our protection, and now
refused all further obedience and to pay tribute. At present he was
merely withheld from putting his threat into execution of exterminating
them totally, out of consideration for us, since we inhabited their
dwellings; for, in our persons he recognized that people whose arrival
in this country had been foretold by his ancestors, and who were of the
same lineage with himself. However, they would not long rejoice in their
treachery, and he should know how to deal with them at some future
period.

Cortes received these messengers very kindly and accepted their
present, which was worth above 2000 pesos. He assured them that he as
well as all the rest of us were friendly disposed, and ready to serve
Motecusuma, and that it was in this spirit we had taken the three other
tax-gatherers under our protection, who were now immediately brought
forth from our vessels, clothed and delivered up to the ambassadors.
Neither did Cortes on his part suppress the complaints he had to make
against Motecusuma, for he told them, that Quitlalpitoc, his governor,
had passed a night in our quarters, and had been uncourteous enough not
to call upon him. He was, certainly, convinced that such behaviour had
not been commanded by Motecusuma, but had emanated from the natural
ill-breeding of the man. Honorable treatment, however, had so much worth
in our estimation, that for this reason only had we paid a visit to the
townships where we now were. Motecusuma, therefore, ought to pardon the
people for our sakes. But as to their complaints respecting the refusal
to pay tribute, it was to be imagined that they could not serve two
masters at once, as they had, during our stay here, sworn allegiance to
our emperor. For the rest, he and his companions would shortly wait upon
Motecusuma himself, when these matters could be altogether amicably
adjusted.

After this and other declarations, Cortes presented both these
distinguished young personages and their four venerable companions, who
were men of the first consequence, with blue and green  beads,
paying them the greatest possible respect.

As the meadows in this neighbourhood were well adapted for cavalry
exercise, Cortes desired Alvarado, who had an excellent brown mare, and
our other good riders, to go through the different manoeuvres, by which
we quite won the hearts of these messengers, who returned highly
satisfied to Mexico. About this time Cortes lost his horse; for which
reason Ortiz, the musician, and Bartolome Garcia, the mountaineer, gave
up their dark brown horse to him, which was one of the best among the
whole troop.

For the rest, our allies in the mountains and the inhabitants of
Sempoalla had stood in no little awe of Motecusuma, as they believed
nothing less than that he would instantly invade their country with a
great army to extirpate them. But, when they found that even several of
his relatives arrived, bringing presents, and that they comported
themselves so submissively to Cortes, they began more and more to fear
us, and the caziques said to one another, these must necessarily be
teules, as even Motecusuma himself stood in awe of us and sent us
presents. If they had previously formed a great idea of our power, it
was now vastly augmented by this unexpected circumstance.




CHAPTER XLIX.

    _How the fat cazique and other chief men of the country come and
    complain to Cortes, that a garrison of Mexicans had been thrown into
    the strong fortress of Tzinpantzinco, committing great depredations;
    and what further took place._


After the Mexican messengers had taken their leave, the fat cazique with
several other distinguished personages from among our allies called upon
Cortes, and begged of him to repair to a township called Tzinpantzinco,
two days' journey, or about from thirty-two to thirty-six miles from
Sempoalla; as a number of Mexican warriors had assembled there,
destroying their fields and plantations, falling upon their subjects,
and doing all manner of mischief. Cortes manifested great sympathy for
them, but scarcely knew what answer he should give, as he had promised
them every assistance. He, therefore, desired them to retire, until he
should have considered the matter a little.

After he had bethought himself for a short time, he turned smilingly
round to us who were standing near him and said: "Methinks, gentlemen,
we already pass here for great heroes; indeed, after what has happened
with the tax-gatherers these people must look upon us as gods, or a
species of beings like their idols. Now, I am of opinion it is best to
strengthen them in this notion; and that they may think that one single
man of us is sufficient to dislodge the Mexicans from the fortress of
Tzinpantzinco, we will send thither old Heredia of Biscay. The
malignancy of his features, his huge beard, his half-mangled
countenance, his squinting eyes and lame leg, constitute him the most
fitting person for this object, besides which he is a musketeer."

Cortes then sent for the man and said to him: "You must go with the
caziques to the river which flows about a mile from this spot. When you
have arrived there do as if you were thirsty, and wished to wash your
hands; then fire off your musket. This shall be a signal for me to send
some one after you, who will, in my name, desire you to return. All this
is done in order that the Indians may suppose us to be deities, and as
you have not one of the most pleasing countenances, I trust they will
take you by preference to be some idol."

Heredia, who had served many years in Italia, perfectly well knew how to
perform his part, and gladly undertook this matter. Cortes now ordered
the fat cazique, and the other chief Indians who were expecting succours
from us, into his presence again, saying to them: "I send this my
brother with you to drive the Mexicans out of the fortress, and to bring
those whom he does not kill prisoners to me."

When the caziques heard this they stood in utter amazement, not knowing
whether Cortes was in earnest; but finding he did not change
countenance, they began to convince themselves that this was really his
intention, and marched away in company of Heredia. When he had arrived
between the mountains he loaded his musket and shot it off in the air,
that it might be heard by every Indian in the district. The caziques
themselves sent notice to the different townships, that they had a teule
with them, and were marching to Tzinpantzinco in order to kill the
Mexicans there.

I have mentioned this laughable circumstance, that the reader may see
what artifices Cortes employed to throw dust into the eyes of the
Indians. Of course, when Heredia arrived at the river he was recalled;
the caziques returning with him, to whom Cortes said, he had formed a
different plan. His friendship for them was so great, that he would
accompany them himself with some of his brothers, in order to take a
survey of the country and the fortress. They had only to furnish four
hundred porters to convey the cannon, and to return to us next morning
early. All this was accordingly done, and as soon as daylight had broken
forth, we moved forward, four hundred in number, with fourteen horse and
a sufficient number of matchlocks and arquebuses.

On this occasion some of Diego Velasquez's adherents again began to
murmur, declaring that Cortes might proceed further with those who
wished to follow him; but as for themselves they were determined to
return to Cuba.

How this matter terminated we shall see in the following chapter.




CHAPTER L.

    _How some of Diego Velasquez's adherents refused to take any further
    part in our proceedings, and declared their determination to return
    to Cuba, seeing that Cortes was earnestly bent upon founding a
    colony, and had already commenced to pacify the inhabitants._


Next morning when our petty officers went round to our different
quarters and called upon the men to march out with their arms and
horses, the partisans of Velasquez insolently answered, that they would
take no further part in any expedition, but wished to return home to
their possessions in Cuba. They had already lost enough, by allowing
themselves to be led away by Cortes to join him in the first instance;
they now, however, would desire him to fulfil the promise, which he had
made in the camp on the downs, namely, to grant those their discharge
who wished to return to Cuba, and provide them a vessel and the
necessary provisions.

Seven men now declared they were positively determined to return home;
Cortes, therefore, desired they should be brought before him, and asked
them, "Why they wished to play him such a vile trick?" They answered in
rather an angry tone, "That they could not help feeling astonished, he
should think of founding a colony with a handful of men in a country
full of towns possessing many thousands of inhabitants. They were
suffering from indisposition, quite tired of roving about, and desired
to return to their settlements in Cuba; he ought, therefore, to grant
them their discharge according to promise."

To this Cortes answered, in the mildest manner possible, that he had
made such promise indeed; but, that they would be acting in a manner
forgetful of their duty to desert the standard of their captain at a
time when he was meditating an expedition: at the same time he commanded
them to embark themselves immediately, and provided them with a vessel,
cassave-bread, a bottle of oil, a quantity of vegetables, and such
things as ships generally take on distant voyages. One of these men, a
certain Moron of Delbayamo, had a well-trained horse, and exchanged it
most profitably with Juan Ruano for some valuable property the latter
had at Cuba.

When these men were about to set sail, the rest of our troops, headed by
the alcaldes and regidors of the town of Vera Cruz, repaired to Cortes
and begged of him to issue an order that no one should leave the
country, an order which both the service of God and his majesty
required, declaring that they considered every one merited death who
could think of such a thing, surrounded as we were by such numerous
enemies, nor could we look upon them in any other light than men who
wished to desert their commander and his standard in the midst of battle
and in the moment of the greatest danger. Cortes, nevertheless, did as
if he was desirous of discharging the malcontents, but soon after
countermanded this order. All they got for their pains was contempt and
disgrace, while Moron in the bargain was done out of his horse, which
Juan Ruano had no wish to return him. Upon this Cortes gave orders for
our march, and we arrived without any accident in Tzinpantzinco.




CHAPTER LI.

    _What happened to us at Tzinpantzinco, and how, on our return to
    Sempoalla, we destroyed all the idols; likewise of other matters._


The first day we marched twenty miles, and arrived at Sempoalla, where
we passed the night: here 2000 Indian warriors, divided into four
troops, stood ready to join us. The second day, towards nightfall, we
arrived at the plantations in front of Tzinpantzinco, and took the road
leading into that fortress, which wound up between large and steep
rocks. The inhabitants were most likely apprized of our approach; for
immediately eight Indians of distinction and several papas came out to
us, making signs of peace, and asked Cortes, with tears in their eyes,
why we were going to kill them, as they had done nothing against us? We
bore the character of doing good only wherever we might come, and of
putting a stop to the oppression of nations, and for that reason had
even imprisoned the tax-gatherers of Motecusuma: between the warriors of
Sempoalla, who accompanied us, and themselves there existed an inimical
feeling, already of ancient date, respecting a dispute of territory and
boundaries, and these people had no other object in view than to plunder
and destroy them, under our protection: there was, indeed, generally
speaking, a Mexican garrison in their township, which, however, had
returned home, upon the news that we had imprisoned the tax-gatherers;
they, therefore, begged of us not to proceed any further, and to be
merciful towards them.

When these representations were made known to Cortes through our
interpreters, he immediately ordered Alvarado and Christobal de Oli,
with us who were nearest to him, to march off to the Sempoallans and
command them not to advance any further. Though we used the utmost
expedition to fulfil these orders, yet we already found them plundering
the plantations. This made Cortes excessively angry; he ordered the
chiefs of the Sempoallans into his presence, and severely remonstrated
with them for such behaviour: he commanded them, with heavy threats, to
bring him all the plunder, and not to set a foot into the town. They had
trumped up a false story to us, he told them, merely to be enabled,
under our protection, to plunder their neighbours and then to sacrifice
them, whereby they had deserved death. Our emperor had not sent us to
this country to commit such crimes, and they had better mind not again
to fall into such guilt, as none of them would escape alive if it
happened again.

After this earnest reproof, the caziques and chiefs of Sempoalla
brought the prisoners and the turkey-fowls they had captured: the first,
Cortes ordered to be set at liberty, and the latter were restored to
their owners; upon which he commanded the Sempoallans, in a very angry
tone, to return to their camp and there remain for the night.

The caziques and papas of Tzinpantzinco, with other inhabitants of the
surrounding neighbourhood, having witnessed this act of justice, and
seeing altogether how friendly Cortes was disposed, and the good deeds
which he manifested, were the more susceptible of the things he told
them about our holy religion,--respecting the abolishment of their human
sacrifices and kidnapping, the discontinuation of other abominations and
obscenities, with other matters salutary to their well being. They
appeared so well inclined that they assembled the inhabitants of the
surrounding districts, and formally declared themselves vassals of the
emperor, our master. On this occasion, likewise, numerous complaints
were made against Motecusuma, which all terminated with instances of his
oppression similar to what we had heard from the Sempoallans and
Quiahuitzlans.

The next morning very early Cortes sent for the chiefs and caziques of
the Sempoallans. In fear and anxiety had they passed the while, in
consequence of his anger for having attempted to deceive us with a pack
of lies. He brought about a reconciliation and good understanding
between them and the inhabitants of Tzinpantzinco, which was never
afterwards interrupted. Upon this we again put ourselves in motion, and
marched back to Sempoalla, but took a different route over two townships
friendly with the Tzinpantzincans, where we rested ourselves, as we were
greatly fatigued, and the sun was excessively hot. In one of these
townships, a certain Mora, of Ciudad-Rodrigo, took some fowls out of an
Indian hut, which so greatly incensed Cortes that he ordered a rope to
be tied around the fellow's neck, and would have had him hung up if
Alvarado, who was standing next to Cortes, had not cut the rope in two
with his sword, and thus released the poor devil, who had the fear of
death before his eyes.

I have merely mentioned this trait to convince the curious reader how
exemplary Cortes acted, and of the necessity of being strict under
similar circumstances. Mora subsequently lost his life in a battle we
fought on a mountain in the province of Guatimala. After we had left
these two townships in peace, we found the fat cazique with the chiefs
of Sempoalla in some huts which they had constructed for us, where they
were waiting our arrival with various kinds of provisions which they had
brought with them. Although Indians, they readily perceived what a good
and holy thing is justice, and that Cortes' declaration of our having
come into these countries to put an end to all oppression, perfectly
agreed with his conduct on our entry into Tzinpantzinco; they,
therefore, became the more united to us. We passed the night in these
huts, and returned next morning, in company of our Indian friends, to
Sempoalla. Indeed, the only wish of the Sempoallans was now, that we
should never leave their country again, fearing Motecusuma would send an
army about their ears; they, therefore, proposed to Cortes, since such a
close and friendly alliance now subsisted between us, and we could look
upon each other as brothers, that we should choose wives from among
their daughters and relatives, that our posterity might descend from one
and the same stock. In order that this more intimate connexion might be
brought about, they immediately made a good beginning by presenting us
with eight females, all daughters of caziques: one of these, the niece
of the fat cazique, was given to Cortes, and Puertocarrero was presented
with the daughter of another powerful cazique, whom they called Cuesco.
All these young women were finely dressed out after the fashion of the
country: they wore beautiful shifts, had golden chains about their
necks, golden rings in their ears, and had other Indian females to wait
upon them.

When the fat cazique presented these, he said to Cortes, "_Tecle_,
(which signifies sir, in their language,) these seven women are intended
for your chief officers, and this my niece, who herself holds dominion
over a country and a people, I have destined for you." Cortes joyfully
accepted of the young women, and returned thanks to the chiefs,
remarking, at the same time, that he should gladly recognize in these
women, the bonds of brotherly union between us. But now they should
likewise renounce their idols, and no longer bring them human
sacrifices. It grieved him sorely whenever he reflected on the monstrous
heresy in which they lived; henceforth he would neither see nor hear of
these abominations, of human sacrifices and unnatural offences: then
only could a permanent and brotherly union subsist between us. Above all
things the women must be converted to Christianity, before we could
think of taking them. Further, all unnatural crimes must be put a stop
to, and young men must cease to go about in female garments, to make a
livelihood by such cursed lewdness. Indeed, hardly a day passed by that
these people did not sacrifice from three to four, and even five
Indians, tearing the hearts out of their bodies, to present them to the
idols and smear the blood on the walls of the temple. The arms and legs
of these unfortunate beings were then cut off and devoured, just in the
same way we should fetch meat from a butcher's shop and eat it: indeed I
even believe that human flesh is exposed for sale cut up, in their
_tiangues_, or markets.

"All these atrocities," added Cortes, "must cease from this moment; then
only could our union be sincere, and should we be able to make them
lords over additional countries." To this the caziques, the papas, and
all the other personages answered, "That it would be impossible to
abolish their idols and the human sacrifices: for everything that was
good they received from these idols; they made their seeds grow and
granted them all necessaries; but with regard to the unnatural crimes,
they would strive in future to put an end to them."

This unsatisfactory answer made a most disagreeable impression on Cortes
and all of us; for, indeed, we could no longer bear to look upon their
barbarities and the dissolute life which they led. Cortes spoke a long
time to us upon the subject; he brought many holy and useful lessons to
our mind, and observed "That we could do nothing which would be more
beneficial to this people, and more to the glory of God, than to abolish
this idolatry with its human sacrifices. It was certainly to be expected
that the inhabitants would rise up in arms, if we proceeded to destroy
their idols: we should, however, make the attempt, if even it were to
cost us our lives."

Upon this we all arrayed ourselves as if we were preparing for battle,
and Cortes acquainted the caziques that we were now going out to destroy
their idols. When the fat cazique heard this he ordered the other chiefs
to call out the warriors in their defence, and when we were about to
mount up a high temple where the sacrifices were made,--I forget now how
many steps led to the top,--he and the other chiefs became outrageously
furious. They went menacing up to Cortes, and asked him, "Why he was
going to destroy their gods? such an insult they would not suffer; it
would be their and our destruction."

Cortes now also lost patience, and answered, "He had already told them
several times they should not sacrifice to these monsters, who were
nothing more than deceivers and liars. There was now, therefore, no
alternative left him than to lay violent hands on them himself, and hurl
them from their bases. He must look upon them as his worst enemies, and
not as friends, since they would put no faith in his advice. He was well
aware what design their chiefs and armed warriors had in hand; his
forbearance was at last exhausted, and any opposition would cost them
their lives."

These threats were most intelligibly interpreted to the Indians by Dona
Marina, who also put them in mind of Motecusuma's army, which every
moment might fall upon them. They, therefore, turned the question
another way, and declared, "That they were not worthy of laying hands on
their gods. If we durst venture to do so, they supposed we must, for we
could not resist the temptation; but they would never give their
consent."

They had scarcely done speaking when more than fifty of us began to
mount the steps of the temple. We tore down the idols from their
pediments, broke them to pieces, and flung them piecemeal down the
steps. Some of these idols were shaped like furious dragons, and were
about the size of young calves; others with half the human form; some
again were shaped like large dogs, but all were horrible to look at.

When the caziques and papas thus beheld these monsters lying crumbled on
the ground, they set up a miserable howl, covered their faces, and
begged forgiveness of the idols in the Totonaque language, as they were
unable to protect them against the teules, nor durst they attack us for
fear of Motecusuma. It did not, however, end here, for their armed
warriors who had now come up began to fly their arrows at us. Finding
matters had taken such a turn, we seized the fat cazique, six papas, and
several of the chief personages; and Cortes declared to them, that if
the attack was not instantly staid they should all forfeit their lives.
Upon this the fat cazique commanded his men to desist, and when quiet
was somewhat restored they began to negotiate about terms of peace,
which was concluded as shall shortly be related.

In this place I have only further to add, that our march to
Tzinpantzinco was the first expedition Cortes made towards the interior
of New Spain, and that it turned out greatly to our advantage. The
historian Gomara here again tells his fables of the many thousands of
human beings we destroyed at Tzinpantzinco; the curious reader, however,
may sufficiently convince himself from my account what little faith is
to be placed in his history, however beautiful the style may be in which
it is written.




CHAPTER LII.

    _How Cortes erects an altar, and places thereon the image of the
    blessed Virgin with a cross; after which mass was said, and the
    eight Indian females baptized._


After peace had been restored between us, the caziques, papas, and other
chiefs, Cortes ordered the fragments of the idols we had destroyed to be
carried away and burnt. These orders were executed by six papas who
came forth from a particular house, into which they carried the broken
pieces and burnt them. The dress of these priests consisted in a long
black cloak, white cassock, without sleeves, which hung down to the
feet, and in a species of hood, which some wore greater, some less in
size. Their dress was completely clogged together with blood, with which
they were besmeared from head to foot, and impeded in their walk: they
likewise smelt most offensively of sulphur and putrid flesh. We
subsequently learnt that these papas were sons of distinguished
personages. They were forbidden to marry, but were wholly given to
unnatural offences, and fasted on certain days. Generally speaking, I
never saw them eat anything else than the seeds of the cotton tree; they
may, however, have partaken of other food for all I know.

When the idols were burnt, Cortes said everything that was edifying to
the Indians by means of our interpreters. "Now," he said, "we could look
upon them as our true brothers, and lend them every powerful assistance
against Motecusuma and the Mexicans, he having already acquainted the
former that he was no longer to make war upon them, nor to exact
tribute. Instead of their idols, he would give them our own blessed
Virgin and Sainte, the mother of Jesus Christ, in whom we believed, and
to whom we prayed, that she might intercede and protect them in heaven."

The Indians listened with great good nature to this and many other
things, which Cortes explained to them, concerning our holy religion.
Every mason in the town was now set to work to bring chalk, which was in
great abundance here, to clean away the blood from the walls of the
cues, and plaster them well over. The day following this work was
finished and an altar erected, which was covered with cotton cloth. The
Indians were likewise ordered to bring a quantity of their splendid and
sweet-scented roses with small branches of trees. Of these a garland was
plaited, which was constantly to be renewed, that the place might remain
pure and undefiled. Four papas were selected by Cortes to take charge of
this; but their hair was previously shorn off, which they wore, as I
have before remarked, very long and bristly; their dirty cloaks were
taken off, and white ones put on, which, with the other part of their
dress, they were in future to keep perfectly clean. In order, however,
that they might have some one to look over them in their new occupation,
Cortes nominated Juan de Torres, an old lame invalid of Cordova, to
dwell near the altar, in the capacity of anchorite. The carpenters
likewise made a cross which we erected on an elevated base, well
plastered over with lime.

The next morning early father Olmedo said mass. A regulation was also
made that in future the copal of this country should be used instead of
our usual incense, and the inhabitants were taught to make wax candles
from the wax of the country; of which, up to this moment, they had made
no manner of use: these candles were always to be kept burning on the
altar. The principal caziques of the district and village attended mass.
But the chief ornaments there were the eight Indian females, who in the
meantime had remained with their parents and relatives. These were now
baptized after an edifying discourse had preceded the ceremony. The
niece of the fat cazique, a very ugly woman, was named Dona Catalina,
and presented to Cortes, who accepted her with every appearance of
delight. The daughter of Cuesco, on the other hand, was most beautiful
for an Indian female, and received the name of Dona Francisca, and fell
to the lot of Puertocarrero. The six remaining young women, whose names
I have totally forgotten, were given to some other of our soldiers.

The mass and baptismal ceremony being concluded, the caziques and
principal personages took their leave, and from this moment the best
feeling subsisted between us, for they were highly delighted that Cortes
had accepted their daughter. We, therefore, returned to our new town
Vera Cruz amidst the most joyous professions of friendship, and we shall
soon see what happened there.

The good reader, however, may feel assured that nothing of any
consequence further took place at Sempoalla than what I have related,
and that herein Gomara and the other historians have completely erred.




CHAPTER LIII.

    _How we arrived in our town of Vera Cruz, and what happened there._


We arrived at Vera Cruz, in company of the most distinguished personages
of Sempoalla, on the same day that a ship had run in there from Cuba.
The captain's name was Francisco de Saucedo, but we always called him
the gallant, from his extravagance in beautifying his outward person,
being altogether a perfect <DW2>. He was said to have been at one time
butler to the admiral of Castile, and was born at Medina de Rioseco.
Along with him were ten soldiers, and a certain Luis Marin, a most
distinguished officer, who afterwards became one of our chief commanders
in the Mexican campaigns. Both the former had horses, one a stallion,
and the other a mare. These men brought us intelligence that Diego
Velasquez had obtained authority from Spain to trade and found colonies
wherever he liked, and was appointed adelantado of Cuba. All this
pleased his adherents excessively, in particular the latter preferment.

The building of the fortress having solely occupied us for a length of
time, and now in such a forward state that we could lay the woodwork, we
began to grow tired of doing nothing. Almost the whole of us, therefore,
addressed Cortes in a body: representing to him, that we had now been
three months in this country, and high time we should just convince
ourselves how much truth there was in the boasted power of Motecusuma,
of which so much had been said: we would gladly risk our lives in it,
and therefore begged he would make preparations for this expedition.
But, previous to commencing our march, we ought first to give some proof
of our most humble submission to his majesty our emperor, by forwarding
him a complete account of everything that had befallen us since our
departure from Cuba. We also proposed that all the gold we had bartered
for, and the presents sent by Motecusuma, should be forwarded to his
majesty.

In answer to which Cortes said, that our ideas accorded exactly with his
own, and that he had already spoken to the same effect to several of the
cavaliers. There was merely one circumstance which caused him to
hesitate, namely, that if each person took the portion of gold which
fell to his share, too little would remain to be worthy of his majesty's
acceptance. For this reason he commissioned Diego de Ordas and Francisco
de Montejo, who were thorough men of business to see what they could
make out of those men whom they might expect would demand their share.
This was accordingly done, and they represented to every one that we
were desirous of sending his majesty the emperor a present in gold,
which, considering it was the first, ought indeed to be something
valuable. In order, however, to make this possible, nothing remained but
that each one should give up his share of the gold which had been made
up to this moment. A great number of officers and soldiers had already
signed their hands to that effect; yet every one was at liberty to act
herein as he thought proper. Here was the paper, which every one who
chose could put his hand to.

Every one, without exception, signed his name to the document, and
agents were chosen to be despatched to Spain. These were Alonso
Puertocarrero and Francisco de Montejo, to whom Cortes himself had
already given above two thousand pesos. The best vessel of our squadron,
furnished with the necessary provisions and manned with fifteen sailors,
was selected to convey them. The charge of the vessel was given to two
pilots, one of whom was Anton de Alaminos, from his being so well
acquainted with the passage through the Bahama channel, and the first
who had ventured that road. Upon this all of us, in common, drew up an
account of our adventures expressly for his majesty, relating everything
that had happened to us, and Cortes himself, as he assured us, likewise
wrote a very circumstantial narrative, which, however, was not given us
to read.[18] The account was signed by all the authorities of the new
town and ten soldiers, of which I myself was one. But there was likewise
another account drawn up by all the officers and soldiers, the contents
of which will be fully explained in the following chapter.

[18] Most probably Cortes' despatches of the 16th of July, 1519, which
were lost. (p. 125.)




CHAPTER LIV.

    _Concerning the account of our adventures, with the letter, which we
    sent his majesty the emperor, through Puertocarrero and Montejo, the
    letter being attested by some officers and soldiers._


This account very properly opened with those distinguished marks of
respect which were due to our great emperor and master. Then followed a
complete account of our expedition, from the day of our departure from
Cuba up to our arrival on the coast of Mexico, and the day the account
was drawn up. We did not omit to state that we had merely been induced
to join the expedition from a promise that we were going to found a
colony, and how Diego Velasquez had given Cortes secret instructions
merely to confine himself to the trade of barter. That Cortes,
conformably to this, had indeed wished to return to Cuba with the gold
we had made; that, however, we had compelled him to remain here and
found a colony, for which purpose we had elected him captain-general and
chief justice, until we should receive his most gracious majesty's
pleasure on this head. We had, moreover, promised him a fifth part of
all the gold that should remain after deducting the fifths for his
majesty. We then mentioned the name of Francisco Hernandez de Cordoba,
as the first discoverer of this country; the expedition which followed
upon that under Juan de Grijalva; of our landing on the island of
Cozumel, and of our fortunate discovery of Geronimo de Aguilar, and
other things. We described our negotiations with the great Motecusuma,
mentioning his power and riches, of which the things he had given us to
present to his majesty, consisting in the sun of gold and moon of
silver, and the casque of gold dust, as it is found in the mines, as
also the other articles of solid and manufactured gold, were small
proofs.

After this we spoke about the extent of the country, its population, the
arts, customs, and religion of the inhabitants, of whom we sent four as
a sample, whom we had liberated from a wooden cage at Sempoalla, where
they were being fattened for a sacrificial feast. We then mentioned
something about ourselves; how we were in all 450 armed men in the midst
of so many warlike tribes; how our expedition had merely for its object
to serve God and his majesty; and, in the position we were now placed,
how much depended upon a man being at our head who was acquainted with
the country, and in whom we could repose all trust. We most humbly
begged of his majesty not to confer the command of this country upon any
one of his officers; from its extent and vast riches, it was worthy of
being ruled by a royal prince or some other great personage. We all
feared that the archbishop Don Rodriguez de Fonseca, whom his majesty
had intrusted with the government of Indian affairs, had destined the
command to one of his own creatures, namely, a certain Diego Velasquez,
who was then viceroy of Cuba; this favour, however, was entirely owing
to the presents which the bishop received from Velasquez, consisting in
the most valuable townships of his imperial domains wherever any gold
was to be found. As his majesty's most humble and faithful servants, we
could not neglect to bring this under his imperial notice, and we had
resolved to wait until our agents had thrown themselves at his majesty's
feet to hand over our letters, and his majesty should have acquainted
them with his imperial wishes, which we, whatever they might be, would
honour in the very dust. If the archbishop Fonseca in the meantime sent
any one to take the command, we should not obey him until we had
informed his majesty of it, wherever he might be. We begged of his
majesty, for the present, to confer the command on Cortes. This prayer
we accompanied by such high-flown praise of Cortes,--how faithful and
devoted he was to his majesty; that we elevated him to the very skies.
This closed the letter, which was drawn up with great discernment, and
divided into chapters. This letter was signed by all the officers and
soldiers who belonged to Cortes' party. We also took the precaution of
keeping other copies.

After the letter was quite finished, Cortes desired to read it, and when
he found how faithfully the account was drawn up, and himself so highly
praised, he was vastly pleased, returned us hearty thanks, and promised
us golden mountains. He, however, observed, that it would be better to
make no allusion to the fifth part of the gold which we had promised
him; also to suppress the names of the first discoverers of the
country. Indeed, we subsequently learnt that Cortes, in his account,
never mentioned a word either about Cordoba, or of Grijalva, but
reserved all the honour and merit to himself.

Nevertheless the men were not wanting among us who answered the
objections made by Cortes, saying it was our bounden duty to narrate
every circumstance to his majesty as it had really taken place.

Our agents took charge of the letters, and were bound down by a promise
not to touch at the Havannah under any pretence whatever, nor run into
the harbour of El Marien, where Francisco de Montejo had possessions.
This was done that Velasquez might receive no intelligence of our
doings. They certainly promised, but neglected to observe these orders,
as will be seen.

Everything being now ready for their departure, father Olmedo said mass,
and we commended them to the guidance and protection of the Holy Ghost.
On the 26th of July, 1519, they set sail from San Juan de Ulua, and
arrived pretty soon at the Havannah. Here Francisco de Montejo left our
chief pilot Alaminos no peace, persuading him to sail along the coast in
the direction of his settlement, where he pretended he would take in a
fresh supply of cassave-bread and bacon. Puertocarrero was greatly
displeased with this conduct; however, the landing was effected. The
night following a sailor swam secretly on shore, and forwarded Diego
Velasquez letters from his adherents, giving him an account of all that
had passed. We afterwards learnt that Montejo himself had sent this man,
who, besides this, spread the news everywhere along the route he
journeyed. We shall now see what steps Velasquez took upon this.




CHAPTER LV.

    _How Diego Velasquez is informed by his agents that we had sent
    messengers with letters and presents to our king, and what further
    took place._


Diego Velasquez received intelligence of everything we had done, partly
by the letters which had been secretly conveyed to him, and were said to
be of Montejo's own writing, and partly from the sailor, who swam on
shore for that purpose. When he heard of the valuable present which we
sent to his majesty, and of the agents we had selected for the purpose,
he grew excessively angry, and threw out the most heavy curses against
Cortes, against his own private secretary Duero, and the treasurer
Almador de Lares. He then immediately ordered two small but very swift
sailing vessels to be fitted out, and furnished with as great a number
of men and firearms as could be got together at the moment. These
vessels were given in command of two officers named Gabriel de Rojas and
Guzman, who were ordered to repair to the Havannah, and to capture the
vessel which conveyed our agents and the gold.

Both vessels arrived, after two days' sail, in the Bahama roads, and
made every inquiry of the fishermen and coasters whether they had seen a
ship of considerable tonnage pass that way. All the accounts they
received went to show that she must have left the roads, as the wind had
constantly been favorable: they, therefore, tacked up and down a
considerable time, but, discovering no trace of her, they returned to
Santiago.

If the first accounts had made Diego Velasquez dispirited, he was now
the more so when he found the ship had escaped. His friends now advised
him to send some one to Spain to lay his complaints before the president
of Indian affairs, with whom he stood in great favour. Velasquez also
laid a formal accusation against Cortes and all of us, in the royal
court of audience at Santo Domingo, and also before the Hieronymite
brethren, who were viceroys of that island. These brothers were then
three in number, father Luis de Figueroa, father Alonso de Santo
Domingo, and father Bernardino de Mancanedo: they lived together in the
cloister of Mejorada, eight miles from Medina del Campo. The answer they
gave Diego Velasquez was not very consoling; for, when they found, from
our papers, what great things we had done, they declared that no
reproach could be made either to Cortes or his troops: we had merely
addressed the emperor our master, and sent him a present of such
considerable value as had not been seen in Spain for a length of time,
(this they might say in all justice, for Peru was then still unknown;)
on the contrary, we had merited a most noble remuneration at his
majesty's hands.

Besides coming to this decision, the Hieronymite brothers commissioned
the licentiate Zuazo, who was either purposely sent to Cuba for this
purpose, or at least had arrived there only a few months previous, to
examine into this affair of Velasquez on the spot itself. The turn which
this matter had taken completely prostrated his spirits for many days
together. At last he again aroused himself, and gave orders to fit out
every ship in the island, and to enlist officers and men: his intention
was to send out such a powerful fleet as would soon overcome Cortes and
the whole of us: indeed he spared no trouble; he travelled himself from
place to place, and from one settlement to another, and where he could
not call in person, he at least sent letters, and invited all his
friends to join the armament. In this way he succeeded, after the space
of eleven or twelve months, to fit out a fleet of eighteen sail,
carrying 1300 soldiers and sailors: for, as the affair was carried on
with great party spirit, his relations and every distinguished person of
Cuba, as well as every one who had a commendary, considered themselves
bound to take part in the undertaking. The command of this fleet was
given to a cavalier named Pamfilo de Narvaez, a man of high stature and
great bodily strength, with a voice amazingly powerful, and an imperious
look in his countenance: he was a native of Valladolid, very wealthy,
and had married a widow at Cuba named Maria de Valenzuela, who possessed
several lucrative Indian townships.

For the present, however, we will leave this expedition to itself, and
turn to our agents, who had most favorable weather for their voyage, and
arrived safe at the place of destination, as we shall see in the
following chapter. The good reader will do me the justice to consider,
with respect to the irregular mode of narrating which I appear to
pursue, that I am bound to mention the occurrences in this my history in
the order they follow each other.




CHAPTER LVI.

    _How our agents passed through the Bahama channel with the most
    favorable wind, and arrived in Castile after a short passage; and of
    our success at court._


Our agents had a most favorable voyage to the Havannah, and thence
through the Bahama roads: their further course was equally prosperous,
and they very soon arrived at the Tercera isles, and from there to
Sevilla, where they hired a carriage and posted to the imperial court
residence, at that time in Valladolid. Here the archbishop Fonseca
governed at will, he being, moreover, president of Indian affairs, and
the emperor then still very young, and residing in Flanders.

Our agents waited upon the archbishop, in the full expectation of being
well received with thanks. They handed over to him the letters with the
details of our adventures, also the presents, with the valuable things,
and begged of him to forward all this to his majesty by a courier, whom
they would accompany themselves. However, instead of meeting with a
kind reception, they were very coolly received, and dismissed with a few
dry and harsh words. They begged of him to mention the great services
which Cortes and his men had rendered his majesty, and repeatedly urged
him to send the letters and presents to the emperor, that he might learn
everything as it had really taken place. He, however, answered in a very
haughty tone, desiring them not to give themselves any further trouble:
he would fully inform his majesty of what had taken place; not, however,
according to their story, but conformably to truth; that, namely, we had
rebelled against Velasquez. This was followed by many other sharp
rebukes.

About this time also, Benito Martin, chaplain to Velasquez, arrived in
Valladolid, preferring heavy accusations against Cortes and all of us,
which set the archbishop more and more against us. Francisco de Montejo
had not the courage to step forward and defend our cause; but
Puertocarrero, as cousin to the earl of Medellin, durst presume the
more: he therefore took up the question, and most urgently begged of the
archbishop to give them a quiet hearing, and not to answer them so
harshly. They demanded nothing further of him than to forward the
presents to his majesty; they had a right to ask this, for we were
servants of the crown, and merited a remuneration, but not the remarks
he had allowed himself to make.

These words so greatly incensed the archbishop, that he ordered
Puertocarrero to be thrown into prison, on account of some previous
affair which had come to his ears; he having, namely, three years ago,
carried off a married woman, named Maria Rodriguez, of Medellin, and
taken her to India. Such was the first reception which our presents and
services met with in Spain, and nothing remained for our agents but to
hold their tongues for the present, and wait until a more favorable time
and opportunity should present itself. The archbishop now forwarded his
account to the emperor, who was then in Flanders, in which he extolled
the merits of his creature Velasquez to the very skies, saying
everything that was bad of Cortes and all of us; nor did he mention one
single word about our letters.

Upon this Puertocarrero, Montejo, Martin Cortes, the father of our
general, the licentiate Nunez, who was reporter to the royal council,
and a near relation to Cortes, determined to despatch a courier of their
own to the emperor in Flanders. They fortunately possessed duplicates of
all our despatches and letters, as also a list of all the presents we
had destined for his majesty.

With these papers they likewise sent a separate letter to the emperor
with complaints against the archbishop and the whole of his doings with
Diego Velasquez. In this resolution they were backed by other cavaliers
who were at variance with the archbishop, who, upon the whole, had many
enemies on account of his haughty behaviour and the abuse he made of the
important offices he filled. And as the great services we had rendered
to God and his majesty, in whom we had alone reposed our trust, were
looked upon in a favorable light, it also happened that his majesty made
the strictest inquiries into the whole affair. His majesty was so highly
pleased with what we had done, that the dukes, marquisses, earls, and
other cavaliers, for days together spoke of nothing but Cortes, our
courageous behaviour, our conquests, and of the riches we had sent over.
It was owing to this as well as to the unfaithful and distorted account
which the archbishop had drawn up respecting these matters, and
particularly because he had not sent all the presents, but kept the
major part to himself, that he fell from that moment into his majesty's
displeasure. In the meantime the archbishop's agents in Flanders had
sent him information of all that had passed, which vexed him in no small
degree, and if previously he had blackened Cortes and all of us to his
majesty, he now boldly accused us of high treason. But the Lord very
soon bridled his rage; for two years after he received his dismissal,
and then in his turn experienced the curse of malice and contempt. We,
on the contrary, were looked upon as loyal men who had rendered services
to the crown, as shall be mentioned in the proper place. For the present
the emperor informed our agents, that he would himself shortly visit
Spain to investigate the matter more closely and reward us. Our agents,
therefore, awaited his majesty's arrival in Spain.

Before I proceed any further with my narrative, I must answer one
question, which several cavaliers have very justly put to me; namely,
how it was possible for me to relate these things, as I was not present
myself, but making the campaign in New Spain, when our agents were
despatched with the letters and presents, and met with this ill
treatment from the archbishop of Rosano? To which my answer is, that our
agents forwarded to us, the true conquistadores, verbatim all that had
passed between them and the latter, as also the favorable decision which
the emperor came to in our behalf; of which Cortes sent copies to all
the towns where we happened to be stationed, to show us how favorably
everything had terminated, and what a great enemy we had in the
archbishop. After this digression we will return to our quarters in New
Spain, and see what happened there in the meantime.




CHAPTER LVII.

    _What took place in our camp after the departure of our agents to
    his majesty with the gold and the letters; and the instance of
    severity which Cortes was compelled to give._


The suspicions of Velasquez's adherents were again aroused at the
departure of our agents, and the following occurrence took place a few
days after. A conspiracy was set on foot by Pedro Escudero, Juan
Cormeno, Gonzalo de Umbria, a pilot, the priest Juan Diaz, Bernardino de
Coria, (who afterwards became a citizen of Chiapa, and was father of a
certain Centeno,) and some seamen of Gibraleon. All these were
excessively embittered against Cortes; some because he had refused to
grant them the promised discharge to return to Cuba; others because they
had lost their share of the gold by the present which had been sent to
the emperor; and the seamen because they could not forget the lashes
which he had given them on the island of Cozumel for stealing the
flitches of bacon. They had determined to seize upon one of our small
vessels, to sail to Cuba, and acquaint the viceroy Diego Velasquez that
he had merely to send to the Havannah and the possessions of Montejo in
order to capture our agents with all the riches. We concluded from this
that the conspirators had been counselled by persons of authority among
our officers, since they knew that Montejo, notwithstanding the strict
injunctions which he had received to the contrary, had landed at his
commendary. The affair was already so far advanced that the conspirators
had sent on board the necessary provisions of cassave-bread, oil, dried
fish, water, and such like, and were about to set sail, when one of
them, Bernardino de Coria, began to repent, called upon Cortes at
midnight, and discovered the whole plot to him.

Cortes first of all made an accurate inquiry into the names and number
of the conspirators, as also into the reasons and the way they intended
carrying out the plot; he then ordered the sails, the compass, and the
rudder to be taken from the vessel which was to have conveyed them. Upon
which he closely examined the conspirators, when they immediately made a
full confession, and mentioned the names of others who were implicated.
These names were for the present very prudently suppressed, and
proceedings were merely taken against those who stood most prominent in
the affair. A council of war having been held with all the usual
formalities, Pedro Escudero and Juan Cormeno[19] were sentenced to be
hung; the pilot Gonzalo de Umbria to have his feet cut off, and the
sailors to receive two hundred lashes each. If father Juan had not been
a priest he would likewise have shared a similar fate; as it was he
merely suffered for a time the dread of suspense which indeed must have
been terrible enough. I shall never forget how Cortes cried out, with a
sigh, and deeply affected, at the moment he signed the death-warrants:
"What a fortunate thing if I were unable to write; then should I neither
be able to sign a death-warrant!" This same exclamation likewise
frequently falls from judges who have to decide over life and death; in
which expression, however, they merely repeat the words of the barbarous
emperor Nero, when in the commencement of his reign he showed so goodly
a disposition.

The sentences being executed, Cortes immediately set out for Sempoalla,
having previously ordered that 200 men, with all our horse, should
follow him. The distance to this place was a good twenty miles. Pedro de
Alvarado was absent during this time, having three days beforehand been
sent with 200 men into the mountains in search of provisions, which were
extremely scarce. Orders were, therefore, left behind for him to march
to Sempoalla on his return, where arrangements would be made for our
further route to Mexico. Alvarado, consequently, was not present when
the executions took place.

[19] Torquemada (Mon., Ind. i, iv, c. 25) gives some additional
circumstances respecting this conspiracy; among other things he says,
that the pilot Cermeno was so remarkably nimble, that if two of the
tallest men held up a lance as high as they could horizontally, he would
bound over it with ease by means of another lance. Also that his sense
of smelling was so acute that he could scent the land at a distance of
sixty miles when at sea; but adds, "aunque no olio esta muerte;" yet he
could not smell the nature of his death. (p. 133.)




CHAPTER LVIII.

    _How we came to the resolution of marching to Mexico, and of
    destroying all our vessels, which was done with the sanction and by
    the advice of all Cortes' true adherents._


While preparations were going on at Sempoalla for our march into the
interior numerous consultations were held with Cortes respecting
everything connected with it, we, his trustworthy adherents, proposed
that all the vessels should be run on shore, in order at once to cut off
all possibility of further mutiny, when we should have advanced far into
the interior of the country. In which case, likewise, the pilots and
sailors would be of greater use to us than by idling their time away in
the harbour. I am well aware that the idea of destroying our vessels
originated with Cortes himself, and that he merely shoved it on our
shoulders for this reason, that if payment for the vessels should be
demanded of him, he could throw the blame on us, and say that all was
done at our own request; so that we both individually and collectively
should have to assist in repaying the damages. This resolution was
immediately adopted, and Cortes ordered the alguacil-major, Juan de
Escalante, a young man of very great courage, and who was a close
adherer to him, utterly hating Diego Velasquez because he had neglected
to give him any considerable commendary in Cuba, to take all the
anchors, ropes, sails, in short everything that might be of use to us
out of the vessels, and run the latter all on shore, with the exception
of the boats. The pilots, the old ships' masters, and those seamen who
were unable to make the campaign with us, were to remain behind in the
town, and employ themselves in catching fish with our two drag-nets in
the harbour, where the former were in great abundance.

Juan de Escalante punctually obeyed these orders, and arrived in
Sempoalla with an additional company formed of the sailors, of whom
several became very excellent soldiers. The next thing Cortes did was to
call all the caziques of the mountain tribes together, who had revolted
from Motecusuma, and formed an alliance with us. He gave them to
understand that they were to assist in the building of the church, the
fortresses, and houses of our new town. "This man," continued he, taking
Juan de Escalante by the hand, "is my brother; him you must obey in
everything; and to him you must apply if you require assistance against
the Mexicans. He will himself at all times march out in your defence."
The caziques in reply, said, "They were ready to obey him in
everything," and perfumed Juan de Escalante after their fashion, which I
can still well remember he unwillingly submitted to. For the rest he was
a man you could trust in all matters, and who fully possessed the
confidence of Cortes; for which reason the latter intrusted him with the
command of the town and harbour, as one in whom he could place implicit
reliance, in case, during his absence, Diego Velasquez should set
anything on foot against him.

Gomara here relates, that Cortes ordered the vessels to be sunk, and
that he did not disclose his intentions to us of visiting the great
Motecusuma himself at Mexico. But we Spaniards are, indeed, not the
people who require so much pressing to move forward, or who desire to
sit quietly down in a place where neither advantage nor military honour
is to be gained. Gomara also says, that Pedro de Irico was the person
left behind in command of Vera Cruz. This, however, is quite erroneous,
for it was Juan de Escalante who was appointed commander and
alguacil-major of New Spain. Pedro de Irico, indeed, would scarcely
have been intrusted with the command of a company, much less, therefore,
with such an important post. Nothing should be given to a man that does
not belong to him, and nothing should be taken from him to which he is
entitled.




CHAPTER LIX.

    _Of the speech which Cortes made to us after our vessels were
    destroyed, and how we prepared for our march to Mexico._


After the vessels had been run ashore before our eyes, and we the
officers and soldiers were one morning after mass all standing around
Cortes, the discourse turned upon various military topics, when he
begged our attention for a few minutes, as he had some proposal to make
to us. He then addressed us at great length, as near as possible, to the
following effect. We already knew of the campaign which was in
contemplation. It was of such a nature, that the aid of Jesus Christ,
our Lord, only could bring us forth victorious from all the battles and
engagements which awaited us; but, notwithstanding all the trust we
reposed in God, we should not ourselves be wanting in courage and
activity; should we be worsted, which Almighty God forbid, considering
our small numbers we could expect no other assistance than from above,
and that of our own arms, as we had no longer any vessels to return to
Cuba. Cortes then adduced many beautiful comparisons from history, and
mentioned several heroic deeds of the Romans. We answered him, one and
all, that we would implicitly follow his orders, as the die had been
cast, and we, with Caesar, when he had passed the Rubicon, had now no
choice left; besides which, everything we did was for the glory of God
and his majesty the emperor.

After this speech, whose penetrating eloquence and charming powers I am
unable to repeat, Cortes ordered the fat cazique into his presence, and
reminded him of the care and reverence which was due from him to the
church and the cross. For himself he was now about leaving for Mexico;
he added, to oblige Motecusuma, for the future to abolish all robbery
and the human sacrifices. He also told him he should require two hundred
porters to transport our cannon, and fifty of his best warriors to
accompany us.

When we were about to put ourselves in motion a soldier arrived from
Vera Cruz, whom Cortes had despatched there to fetch more men. He
brought a letter from Juan de Escalante, announcing that a vessel had
been seen off the coast, to which he had made various signals by means
of smoke and other things; had hung out white flags and rode up and down
the coast on horseback dressed in scarlet, to attract the attention of
those on board. He did not doubt for an instant but all this had been
observed by the men on-board, yet they made no signs of running into the
harbour. He had made inquiries along the coast as to where the vessel
had put in, and found she was lying at anchor in the mouth of a small
river, at the distance of about nine miles; he therefore awaited Cortes'
orders as to what further steps he was to take. As soon as Cortes had
read the letter he gave the command of all the troops, then at
Sempoalla, to Alvarado conjointly with Gonzalo de Sandoval. This was the
first time Sandoval had been put in command, for those military
qualities, by which he so greatly distinguished himself all the rest of
his life, now began to develop themselves. Properly speaking, the
command ought to have devolved upon Alonso de Avila, which therefore
created ill blood between him and Sandoval. Upon this Cortes mounted
horse, selected four of our cavalry, and fifty of the most nimble-footed
men amongst us, and marched to Vera Cruz, where we arrived that very
night.




CHAPTER LX.

    _How Cortes arrived with us at the spot where the vessel lay at
    anchor, and captured six soldiers and sailors of the said vessel,
    who had stepped on shore; also what further took place._


As soon as we had arrived at Vera Cruz, Juan de Escalante came up to
Cortes and told him, it would be best to make off for the strange vessel
that very night, otherwise she might heave anchor and steer for the wide
ocean. Cortes himself might take his rest and allow him to manage the
affair with twenty men.

To this Cortes answered, he could not rest as long as there was any
thing to be done, and he was determined to go in person with the men he
had brought along with him. We accordingly set off on our march along
the coast, without even tasting a morsel of food before we left. On our
road we soon captured four Spaniards, who had been ordered to take
possession of the country in the name of Francisco de Garay, viceroy of
Jamaica. They had been sent on shore by an officer named Alonso Alvarez
de Pinedo, who a few days previous had left a settlement on the banks of
the Panuco. One of the four Spaniards, named Guillan de la Loa, had
drawn up a formal deed of having taken possession of the country, which
was signed by the three others.

After the prisoners had made this disclosure to Cortes, he inquired of
them under what pretence Garay had sent them out to take possession of
the country? To which they gave the following answer. In the year 1518,
when the fame of our having discovered this country, under Cordoba and
Grijalva, and of the twenty thousand pesos which it produced Diego
Velasquez, had spread through the whole of the West Indies, Anton de
Alaminos and another pilot who had made the voyage of discovery with us,
persuaded Garay to petition his majesty, that the discovery of all the
countries which might lie to the north of the river St. Peter and Paul
might be granted to him. Trusting to the patrons he had at the court of
Madrid, he despatched his house-steward, Torrolva, to Spain, who managed
to obtain for him the appointment of adelantado, and vice-regent of all
countries north of the river just mentioned. Garay, in consequence of
this appointment, fitted out three vessels with two hundred and seventy
men, besides horses and the necessary provisions. The command of these
he intrusted to an officer named Alonso Alvarez Pinedo, who at present
was lying at a distance of about 280 miles from this place, in the river
Panuco, where he intended to found a colony. For the rest, added the
prisoners, they had merely obeyed the commands of that officer, and were
therefore not answerable for anything they had done. Cortes was very
much pleased with these fellows, on account of the disclosure they had
made; he tried to gain them over to his interest, and inquired of them,
if it were possible to capture the vessel? Guillan de la Loa, the most
distinguished of the prisoners, thought it might be done, and he, with
his comrades, would hail the ship's shallop on shore. This they
accordingly tried, but, notwithstanding all their shouting and signals,
no one moved from the vessel. No doubt we must have been observed by
them, for the captain knew all about us, and he had particularly
cautioned his men to be upon their guard, not to fall into the hands of
Cortes. We had now, therefore, no other course left than to try to
entice the shallop on shore by some other stratagem. For this purpose
Cortes desired the prisoners to take off their clothes, and four of our
men to put them on, who were to remain behind. The rest of us marched
back along the road we had come, and halted behind a mountain, as soon
as we were out of sight of the vessel. Here we remained until midnight,
when all was dark around; we then, without the least noise, put
ourselves in motion, and made for the landing-place, in the
neighbourhood of which we concealed ourselves, so as to be invisible to
any one excepting our four disguised soldiers.

As soon as daylight had broken forth, the latter made signals to the
vessel with their cloaks and hats; upon which the shallop put off with
six sailors, two of whom had water-bottles in their hands, and
immediately stepped on shore. We watched until the four others should
have done the same. Our four disguised men were in the meantime washing
their hands, and doing everything else to hide their faces. Those in the
shallop cried out, "What the deuce are you about there? why don't you
come on board?" One of our men then answered, "Come on shore for a few
minutes, and see what the place is like!" They found, however, the voice
to be that of a stranger, and put off with the shallop to the vessel
again, notwithstanding all the signals our men were making. We others
were very desirous of sending a few musket-shots after them, but Cortes
would not permit us, saying, we ought to allow them to go off quietly,
and he would communicate with their commander himself. All the prisoners
we made, therefore, were the four above-mentioned, and the two who had
stepped out of the shallop, and we returned to Vera Cruz without having
tasted a morsel of food. Such are the true particulars of the whole
matter, and not as Gomara relates, who even makes Garay himself present
on this occasion, though he did not visit these parts in person until
some time after, having sent the three officers with the vessels before
him. I shall speak more particularly of this in the proper place.




CHAPTER LXI.

    _How we set out on our march to the city of Mexico, and, upon the
    advice of the caziques, take our road over Tlascalla. What took
    place here, and of the battles we fought._


After we had got all in readiness for our march to Mexico, we held a
consultation as to the route we should take. The chiefs of Sempoalla
preferred the road through the province of Tlascalla, as the inhabitants
were friendly with them and deadly enemies of the Mexicans. They had
likewise equipped forty of their best warriors to accompany us, who,
indeed, proved of the greatest utility to us on this journey. They also
gave us 200 porters to convey our cannon; for, at that time, we poor
soldiers had no other baggage than our weapons, with which in hand we
stood, walked, and slept: we had not even any other covering to our
feet than light shoes, but we were always ready for battle. It was about
the middle of the month of August, 1519, that we broke up our quarters
at Sempoalla. During our march we observed the strictest order, while
our sharp-shooters and a great number of our most active men were always
in advance. On the first day we arrived in the township of Xalapa, and
from there to Socochina, which is very strongly situated, the access to
it being very dangerous, and surrounded by numerous trained vine
trees.[20] Dona Marina and Aguilar told the inhabitants a good deal
about our holy religion, and how we were subjects of the emperor Don
Carlos the Fifth, who sent us out to bring them back from kidnapping and
sacrificing human beings. As they were in friendship with the
Sempoallans, and paid no tribute to Motecusuma, we found them very well
inclined towards us, and we received hospitable treatment. We erected a
cross in every township, and explained its signification to the
inhabitants, and what great veneration was due to it. From Socochina we
marched over a high mountain, through a pass, to Texutla: here,
likewise, the inhabitants were friendly to us, because they refused to
pay any further tribute to Motecusuma. It was from this township that we
first arrived into a rugged and wild mountain district; the population
ceased, and, in the very first night, we had excessive cold, with hail
showers; add to which, our provisions were totally gone, and the wind so
keen which blew across the snow mountains, that we shook again with the
frost: indeed, no one can wonder at this, for we had come so suddenly
from the hot climate of Cuba, the town of Vera Cruz, and the
neighbouring coast, into a cold country. Whatever calamity might befall
us, we had only our weapons for protection, and were, moreover, totally
unaccustomed to the cold. From this place we arrived at another mountain
pass, where we found some houses and huge temples for human sacrifices;
near these, heaps of wood were piled up for the use of the idol-worship.
Neither did we here again meet with any food, the weather continuing
bitterly cold.

Our route now lay across the territory of the township Xocotlan. We sent
before us two Indians of Sempoalla to the cazique, to acquaint him of
our approach, and beg of him to give us an hospitable reception. As the
inhabitants of this district were subject to Motecusuma, everything wore
a different aspect, and we marched forward with the utmost precaution
and in close array. For the rest, we were as much pleased with this spot
as with many a Spanish town, on account of the numerous and beautifully
whitewashed balconies, the dwellings of the caziques, and the elevated
temples wholly built of stone and lime. We, therefore, called it
Castilblanco, which name it still retains; for a Portuguese soldier, who
was among our troops, assured us, the place was very like the town of
Casteloblanco in Portugal. The cazique, on receiving information of our
arrival, came out to meet us with the principal inhabitants. His name
was Olintecle, and he led us into his habitation, where he gave us but
little to eat, and that with bad will.

After the repast, Cortes, by means of our interpreters, put all manner
of questions to the cazique respecting the affairs of his monarch.
Motecusuma, and we learnt a good deal about the great armies which were
stationed in the conquered provinces, besides those on the boundaries
themselves, and the provinces which bordered on them. He spoke of the
great and strong city of Mexico, how it lay in the midst of the waters,
and that it was only by means of bridges and canoes that a person could
go from one house to another: every house was provided with a balcony at
the top, and was so completely isolated by means of moats, that they
might separately be considered as so many castles, and, as such, capable
of defence. The town was approached by three roads, each of which was
cut through in four or five several places, to admit the water; across
these sections, wooden bridges were built: it was merely requisite to
break down these bridges, and all access to Mexico was cut off. Lastly,
the cazique also mentioned the great quantity of silver and gold, the
numerous precious stones and great riches of Motecusuma; in fact, there
was no end to the praises he bestowed upon his monarch.

Cortes and all of us were vastly astonished at everything the man
related of Motecusuma's power and greatness. However, instead of being
thereby disheartened, we only the more earnestly desired to try our
fortune against the fortresses and bridges, for such is the very spirit
of a Spanish soldier; while the impossibility of which Olintecle spoke
seemed to us a mere nothing. Mexico was, indeed, strongly fortified, and
even more so than mentioned by the cazique: a person ought to have seen
it himself to form an idea of it,--a description can convey none. For
the rest, added the cazique, Motecusuma is accustomed to obedience from
every one, and he feared Motecusuma's resentment when he should learn
that we had entered the township without his permission, and had been
provided with provisions.

Upon which Cortes, by means of our interpreters, spoke to him as
follows: "I give you to understand that we have come here from very
distant countries, by command of our emperor and master Don Carlos, who
has among his numerous vassals many powerful princes, to acquaint your
great Motecusuma that he shall no longer permit kidnapping and human
sacrifices, nor conquer any more territories, and that he must obey the
commands of the emperor our master. In the same way I also declare to
you Olintecle, and the other caziques now present that you must
relinquish those human sacrifices, no longer eat human flesh, and
abstain from committing unnatural offences and other abominations
customary with you; for such are the commandments of the God in whom we
believe, and whom we adore, from whom come life and death, and who will
once receive us into his heaven."

As the Indians made no answer to all this and many other things he said
of our holy religion, Cortes turned to us, and said, "I think,
gentlemen, we can do nothing further here than erect a cross:" to which
father Olmedo answered, "I think, sir, that even this would be doing too
much at present, for these people, as subjects of Motecusuma, are
neither afraid nor shy of us, and would undoubtedly destroy the cross.
What we have disclosed to them concerning our religion is sufficient
until the time they shall be susceptible of understanding more of it."

In compliance with this advice, no cross was erected here.

On this expedition we had a large dog with us, the property of Francisco
de Lugo. As the animal did nothing but bark the whole night, the
caziques asked our friends of Sempoalla whether it was a lion or a tiger
which we employed for the purpose of tearing the Indians to pieces? The
Sempoallans answered that we indeed let it loose upon those who attacked
us. They gave similar answers to questions concerning our cannon,
telling them we loaded these with stones, and killed every one therewith
at whom we shot: that our horses were as nimble as deer; that they
galloped against whomsoever we desired. "Certainly these must be
teules!" said Olintecle and the other chiefs. "That they are indeed as
you see them now before you, (continued the Sempoallans,) therefore take
great care not to arouse their displeasure. Whatever you may do, they
are sure to know: they penetrate your very thoughts, and have even
imprisoned the tax-gatherers of your great Motecusuma, and commanded the
inhabitants of the mountains and us of Sempoalla not to pay any more
tribute. They have likewise torn down our teules from the temples, and
placed theirs there instead. The tribes of the Tabasco and Tzinpantzinco
were conquered by them; and, however powerful Motecusuma may be, he
nevertheless sent them presents. Now they have visited you, and you have
given them nothing; therefore you cannot too speedily correct the
mistake you have made."

From this it may be seen that our confederates perfectly understood how
to boast of us: nor was it long before the caziques brought us four
chains, three neck ornaments, and a few lizards, all of gold, though of
an inferior quality; besides this there was a package of cotton cloths,
and four women to bake our bread. Cortes thanked them very kindly for
these presents, and offered to render them services in return.

One certain spot in this township I never shall forget, situated near
the temple. Here a vast number of human skulls were piled up in the best
order imaginable,--there must have been more than 100,000; I repeat,
more than 100,000. In like manner you saw the remaining human bones
piled up in order in another corner of the square; these it would have
been impossible to count. Besides these, there were human heads hanging
suspended from beams on both sides. Three papas stood sentinel on this
place of skulls, for which purpose, it was told us, they were
particularly appointed.[21]

Similar horrible sights we saw towards the interior of the country in
every township, and even in Tlascalla.

Cortes inquired of the cazique Olintecle, which was the best and most
easy road to Mexico. "That one," answered the cazique, "over Cholulla,
which is a very large town." Our friends of Sempoalla, however, advised
us not to take that road, as the inhabitants of Cholulla were a
treacherous people, and Motecusuma had always a strong garrison in that
town. We had better choose the road over Tlascalla was their opinion;
for there the inhabitants were their friends, and sworn enemies to the
Mexicans. This advice was followed by Cortes, and the Almighty blessed
his choice. Before our departure we required an additional twenty of
their best warriors to join our ranks, which were accordingly granted us
by the cazique.

The next morning we commenced our march to Tlascalla, and first arrived
in the small township of Xacatcinco. From this place we sent before us
to the Tlascallans two of the principal men of Sempoalla, who well knew
how to blazon forth our praise, and were upon intimate terms of
friendship with the latter. We gave them a letter to these, although we
knew they could not read it, and a Flanders hat surmounted by a 
feather, as they were worn at that time. I will relate in the following
chapter what further took place.

[20] It may appear astonishing to some that grape trees should have been
found here, as it is well known that this tree was introduced from
Europe into the West Indies; yet it is certainly true that the Spaniards
found the wild vine growing in the New World. Oviedo, in his valuable
work entitled 'Historia general y natural de las Indias,' says, "These
wild vines bear good black grapes, and I have often eaten them myself. I
say good, for considering the wild state in which they grow, they are
really good. These grapes are found throughout the whole of the West
Indies, and I do believe that all other vines have originated from these
wild trees." (p. 133.)

[21] Of the township of Xocotlan, Torquemada gives some further account,
from which we learn more of the condition of the country at the time of
the conquest. Olintecl, he says, was lord of 20,000 subjects, and he had
thirty wives, who were attended upon by one hundred female servants. The
township contained thirteen temples, full of various shaped idols made
of stone, to whom were sacrificed men, women, children, pigeons, and
quails. Here the Mexican monarch had a garrison of 5000 men, and couriers
were stationed at particular distances from each other all the way from
the town to the city of Mexico. These nimble pedestrians were always in
pairs, that all news might be conveyed to the metropolis with the utmost
speed. (p. 142.)




CHAPTER LXII.

    _How we commenced our march upon Tlascalla, and sent messengers
    before us, to obtain the sanction of the inhabitants to pass through
    their country; how they took our messengers prisoners, and what
    further happened._


On our march from Castilblanco we were, if possible, doubly precautious.
Our sharp-shooters were always in advance, the cavalry kept surrounding
our troops, our muskets were loaded, the matches lighted, and, in short,
we were ready for action at a moment's notice.

We first arrived in the small township of Xacatcinco, where the
inhabitants presented us with a golden chain for the neck, some packages
of cotton stuffs, and two Indian females. As above remarked, we
despatched two distinguished personages of Sempoalla to Tlascalla, who
were to announce our approach, and say we came as friends, and hoped
they would receive us as such. We found it the more necessary to send
this message, as we learnt in Xacatcinco, that the whole of Tlascalla
was up in arms against us. They were already informed of our having left
that place, and concluded from the number of warriors we had with us out
of Sempoalla and Xocotlan, tributary to Motecusuma, that we came with
hostile intentions. They had quite concluded we were going to act like
the Mexicans, who always, under some fraudulent pretence or other,
marched into their country when intent upon plunder.

When, therefore, the messengers arrived with our letter and the Flanders
hat, and were about to deliver our commission, they were even refused a
hearing, and immediately thrown into prison. We awaited their return for
two days, during which time Cortes explained to the inhabitants as
usual, the nature of our holy religion, who our emperor was, the
sinfulness of human sacrifices, and the other abominations they
practised. He also demanded twenty of their warriors to accompany us.

These they readily furnished us, and after we had commended ourselves to
the protection of the Almighty, we broke up our quarters on the third
day and marched for Tlascalla. On our route we were met by our two
messengers, who had been secretly released by their friends. All
Tlascalla was making warlike preparations against us. They appeared
quite downcast, and durst scarcely inform us of what they had seen and
heard. Having at last taken courage, they related how they had been
immediately seized and thrown into prison, and what terrible threats had
been thrown out against us and themselves. "Now we will rise up," it
had been told them, "and destroy those whom yon term teules. We shall
soon see whether they are so courageous as you have mentioned. We will
devour both you and them together, for you are come under fraudulent
pretences, and at the instigation and in the spirit of the traitor
Motecusuma."

The messengers might say what they liked in contradiction to this it was
all to no purpose. When Cortes and we others heard this lofty language,
and how they awaited us completely equipped for war, we did not think
altogether so light of the matter; nevertheless, we one and all cried
out, "Well, then, since it cannot be otherwise, forward! for good or ill
luck." We commended ourselves to the protection of God, and unfurled our
standard, which was borne by the ensign Corral. The inhabitants of the
small township, where we passed the night, informed us, that the
Tlascallans would march against us to prevent our entering into their
country. Of this opinion were also our friends of Sempoalla.

As we were marching along, our only discourse was how we should attack
the enemy. Our cavalry was to gallop up three abreast, with lances
fixed, and run the Indians full in the face. At the same time they were
to be particularly upon their guard that the enemy did not lay hold of
the lances with their hands; should such, however, be the case, the
rider was to keep the tighter hold of his lance, give his horse the
spur, and either by a sudden jerk wrest it out of the enemy's grasp, or
drag him along with it.

The reader will perhaps ask, why we took these precautions though we had
not yet come in sight of the foe? I can answer this with Cortes' own
words, who spoke to us as follows: "You are aware, gentlemen, of the
smallness of our numbers, we must, therefore, be the more upon our
guard, and fancy the enemy will each moment fall upon us. Nor is this
sufficient, we must imagine ourselves already fighting, as if the battle
was begun. Every soldier is fond of catching hold of the enemy's lance
with his hand, but considering the smallness of our numbers, we must now
particularly guard ourselves against it. For the rest, you are not in
need of my advice, for I have always found that you do things much
better than I am able to instruct you."

Under similar discourses we had already advanced about eight miles, when
we came up to an enormous entrenchment, built so strongly of stone,
lime, and a kind of hard bitumen, that it would only have been possible
to break it down by means of pickaxes, and if defended would have with
difficulty been taken. We halted on purpose to inspect this
fortification, and Cortes inquired of the Xocotlans, for what purpose it
stood there. They told him that it was built by the Tlascallans, on
whose territory we were now entering, against the great Motecusuma, with
whom they were continually at war, to protect them against his hostile
incursions.[22]

After we had examined this structure for some time, and each expressed
his opinion upon it, Cortes cried out, "Let us follow our standard,
gentlemen! It bears the figure of the holy cross, and in that sign we
shall conquer." To which we unanimously added: "Forward! whatever may
happen; for God is our only strength."

We now continued our march onwards in the cautious manner above
mentioned, and had not proceeded far when our vanguard observed at no
very great distance about thirty Indians, who had been sent out to
reconnoitre; this was immediately communicated to us. They had broad
swords, which are used with both hands, the edges of which are made of
hard flint, and are sharper than our steel swords. They were also armed
with shields, lances, and had feathers stuck in their hair. Cortes
ordered some of our cavalry to go in among them, and try, if possible,
to capture one, but not to inflict any wounds. These were followed at a
distance by five others, to assist them should they fall into an ambush;
the rest of our army marched direct for the narrow pass, but with the
utmost circumspection, as our friends had assured us that we should
undoubtedly meet with a large body of the enemy in some hiding place or
other. When the thirty Indians above mentioned found our cavalry
approaching them, and saw how they beckoned to them with their hands,
they began to retreat slowly, and arranged themselves again in order,
whenever our men attempted to take any of them prisoners. They defended
themselves right valiantly with their swords and lances, wounding
several of our horses. The blood of our men now also began to boil, who,
in return, killed five of the Indians. At that moment a swarm of more
than 3000 Tlascallans rushed furiously from an ambush, pouring forth a
shower of arrows upon our cavalry, who now immediately closed their
ranks. At the same time we fired among them with our cannon, and so at
last we obliged the enemy to give ground, though they fought bravely and
with a good deal of manoeuvring. On our side we had four wounded, of
whom one died a few days after, if I still remember rightly. Seventeen
of the enemy lay dead, and the number of their wounded was very
considerable. As it was growing very late they continued to retreat, and
we to follow them.

As soon as we had passed over the mountain we came into a plain, and
found numerous plantations of maise and maguey,[23] from which the
inhabitants make their wine. We took up our night's quarters near a
brook, and for want of oil we dressed the wounds of our men with the fat
of a corpulent Indian who had been killed. We made our supper off young
dogs, which we found here in great numbers; for, although the
inhabitants had left all their plantations and taken the dogs with them,
these animals during the night time had come back to their old places
again; and we were thus able to catch a good many, and so procured
ourselves some very delicious joints. The whole of this night we kept a
most vigilant look-out. We placed outposts in all quarters; our horses
stood ready saddled and bridled, and the rounds were regularly made. I
will, however, break off here, and relate our further battles in the
next chapter.

[22] Of this fortification Torquemada gives a different account. He says
it was a wall of twenty feet in thickness, that it could be defended
from the top; had only one entrance, defended by other works within, and
was built by a cazique of the country, whom he calls Yztacmixtitlan, to
protect the boundaries of his country against the incursions of the
Tlascallans. (p. 145.)

[23] Agava Americana. (p. 145.)




CHAPTER LXIII.

    _Of the terrible battles we fought with the Tlascallans, and what
    further happened._


The next morning, after we had commended ourselves to God in prayer, we
broke up our quarters. Each company marched in close order, and our
cavalry were to be particularly upon their guard; were either to advance
suddenly, or fall back upon us, according as circumstances might be, and
at all events to watch that our ranks were nowhere broken, and that no
one strayed from his own company.

After we had marched onwards for some time we came up with two large
bodies of the enemy, amounting to about 6000 men. They set up a most
terrific noise with their drums and trumpets, and yelled awfully. They
then let fly their arrows, threw their lances at us, and upon the whole
were most daringly valiant. Cortes now ordered us to halt, and
despatched three Indians, whom we had made prisoners the day before, to
the enemy, requesting them to stay hostilities, as we were very desirous
of looking upon them as brothers and friends. At the same time he
ordered one of our warriors, Diego de Godoy, who was the royal
secretary, to pay particular attention to everything that should take
place, in order that if any reproach were made us for having destroyed
any of the Indians, he might give evidence, and be able to prove that we
on our side had shown every disposition for peace.

The prisoners went off with this message to the enemy, but not the
slightest notice was taken of it; on the contrary, they attacked us so
furiously that we could no longer look idly on. "Forward! St. Jacob is
with us! On to the enemy!" cried Cortes; and in an instant we greeted
the Indians so sharply with our firearms, that numbers were immediately
killed and wounded; among the former three chiefs. After this first
volley they fell back to about the distance of a musket-shot, where they
took up their position. Here an army of above 40,000 warriors, commanded
by their general-in-chief Xicotencatl, lay in ambush. Their standards
bore his colours, white and variegated. As the ground here was full of
deep cavities our cavalry were completely useless, until by using the
greatest precaution they managed to pass over these. This was not done
without considerable risk, for the enemy plied their bows and lances
with great dexterity, having, moreover, the advantage of the higher
ground. The stones from their slings were no less annoying; but all this
only lasted until we had gained the level ground. For now we richly
rewarded them for their pains, and killed great numbers. Yet we durst
not venture to open our ranks; for the instant any one stepped out to
assist any other soldier or officer he was that moment dangerously
wounded. We were, therefore, obliged to keep our ranks firmly closed,
and by degrees had to contend with more than twenty different divisions,
which was, indeed, pretty hot work. Besides all this the Indians kept
continually throwing sand in our faces to blind us. Here, indeed, the
great mercy of God alone could save us. The chief object of the enemy
was to capture one of our horses, in which they did not altogether fail;
for, as Pedro de Moron on his well-trained mare, attended by three
others of our cavalry, was attempting to break through the enemy's
ranks, the Indians wrenched the lance out of his hand, and fell
furiously upon him with their broad swords, wounding him severely. They
gave his mare such a terrific cut with the same weapon in the neck, that
the animal instantly fell down dead. If Moron's three companions had not
immediately hastened to his assistance, he would have shared his horse's
fate; for this gave our whole company time to come up.

I must again repeat, that the worst was, we had to keep ourselves so
close together in order not to run the danger of being cut off, which of
course greatly encumbered our movements. Nevertheless, we were obliged
to open our ranks to rescue the mare and Moron whom they were already
dragging off half dead. The mare we were obliged to relinquish, though
we managed to cut the girth asunder in order at least to save the
saddle. In this battle we had nine wounded. As for the enemy I believe
on this occasion we killed four of their chiefs. We pushed forward
shoulder to shoulder, and made considerable havoc with our swords. The
enemy retreated, carrying off the dead mare, which was subsequently cut
into pieces to be sent into every township of Tlascalla. As we
afterwards learnt, the horse's shoes, the Flanders hat, and the letter
we sent them, were brought as an offering to their idols. The mare
belonged to Juan Sedeno, who, on the previous day, was wounded in three
several places, and had, therefore, lent her to Moron. This Moron was a
capital horse soldier, and died a few days after; at least, I do not
remember to have seen him again after this battle.

We had fought for a good hour, and our firearms must have done
considerable destruction among the enemy who stood so crowded together.
Every man among us did his duty, and we fought away like brave warriors,
for in all truth we were placed in greater jeopardy this time than we
had ever been before. Numbers of the Indians lay dead on the field of
battle; among whom were eight of the principal chiefs, all sons of old
caziques, who dwelt together in the chief town of the country. At last
our enemies retreated in good order, which we were glad enough to see,
for we could scarcely stand any longer from over-fatigue, nor durst we
think of following the enemy. Add to which, the ground was greatly to
our disadvantage, partly on account of the number of straggling houses,
partly on account of a species of pits in which many of the inhabitants
dwelt. This battle was fought on the first two days of September, 1519,
near the village of Tehuacacinco, and we returned fervent thanks to God
for having rescued us from such great peril and for the victory we had
gained.

After the battle, we fell back to some temples, which were very high,
and large enough to serve us for castles. We dressed the wounds of our
men with the fat of Indians, as we had done on previous occasions. Five
of our horses were wounded, and fifteen men, of whom one subsequently
died. Upon this we took our suppers, and made a good meal off the number
of dogs and fowls which we found in the dwellings. Before, however, we
lay down to rest, we posted our sentinels, and continually patrolled
during the night: not before all these things were properly ordered did
we lie down, and slept till morning.

For the rest, we made fifteen prisoners, among whom were two of the most
distinguished personages; but we could never discover how many we killed
or wounded, as it was customary with the Tlascallans immediately to
carry off the wounded and dead from the field of battle.[24]

[24] (This note refers to the last sentence of the chapter.) To this
custom of the Tlascallans of carrying off their killed and wounded from
the field of battle, the historian de Solis partially attributes Cortes'
great success in these battles; for as a great number of the enemy were
constantly occupied in this work, they naturally offered a less
formidable front, and considerable openings were made in their ranks.
(p. 147.)




CHAPTER LXIV.

    _How we quartered ourselves in the township of Tehuacacinco, and
    what we did there._


As the battles we fought had greatly fatigued us, besides that several
of our men and horses were wounded, we made a day of rest, repaired our
crossbows, and supplied ourselves with arrows. The next morning Cortes
said to us, "It would be no harm if our horse were to gallop up and down
the country a little; the Tlascallans might otherwise think we had had
enough of it in the last battle: we must show them that we are
constantly at their heels." And indeed it was better that we began
ourselves than wait until we should be attacked, that the enemy might
not suppose we had been too greatly weakened, and had lost our courage.
Besides this, the country round about was quite level, and thickly
populated. We therefore ordered out seven horse, some crossbow-men, and
several musketeers, in all 200 men, without including our confederates.
Every possible precaution had been previously made to secure our camp.
On our march through the townships we captured twenty Indians of both
sexes, but in no way molested them. Our allies, however, who were
barbarous characters, could not refrain from setting fire to many houses
where they had found quantities of fowls and young dogs. After we had
again returned to our quarters, Cortes ordered the fetters to be taken
off the prisoners, and food to be given them. Dona Marina and Aguilar
then addressed them very affectionately, and gave to each some glass
beads, adding, at the same time, that in future they should not be so
foolish, but make peace with us, as we were very desirous of looking
upon them as brothers, and would protect them as such.

We also set the first two Indians at liberty whom we had captured, and
gave them a letter with the commission to tell the chief of the
provinces that we were not come in any way to injure the Tlascallans,
but merely wished to take the road through their country to Mexico,
there to have an interview with Motecusuma.

Both these delegates punctually followed our orders, and arrived at the
head-quarters of Xicotencatl, which lay, if I remember rightly, about
six miles from our camp, in the township of Tehuacinpacingo. Having, in
the absence of the father, fulfilled our commission to the younger
Xicotencatl, he told them, we had only to come to his father's township,
there they would make peace, after they had satiated themselves with the
flesh of our bodies, and had honoured their gods with the sacrifice of
our blood and hearts. The next morning we should behold his answer with
our own eyes.

As the last battles were still fresh in our memories, we did not exactly
relish the haughty answer with which our delegates returned. Cortes,
nevertheless, received them most kindly, perceiving, from their return,
that they no longer stood in awe of us; and with the view that they
should once more be despatched as messengers of peace, he gave them some
additional strings of beads. For the rest he made the most minute
inquiries respecting the commander Xicotencatl, and the number of his
troops, and found that the latter were much more numerous than in the
last battle: he had now five chiefs under him, each of whom commanded
10,000 men. These troops were enumerated in the following manner: First
of all came the 10,000 men of Xicotencatl's division; next a similar
number under another powerful cazique called Maxixcatzin; then a like
number under the distinguished cazique Chichimeclatecl; 10,000 under the
cazique of Topoyanco, named Tecapaneca; and an equal number under the
cazique Quaxobcin;--altogether thus 50,000 men. Each troop had its
standard and arms, the latter being a large white bird, with outspread
wings, as if preparing to fly, and resembled an ostrich.[25] Besides
this, every chief had his particular insignia of war and colours, in the
same way as our Spanish dukes and earls. At first we did not believe
anything of all this, but found afterwards that it was perfectly true;
and since we were human beings, and feared death, we all confessed to
father Olmedo and the priest Juan Diaz, which occupied them the whole of
the night: neither did we fail to offer up fervent prayers to the
Almighty to grant us victory. Under such like occupations the following
day broke forth on which we were to fight the battle, of which I shall
speak in the next chapter.

[25] This is a very remarkable observation of Bernal Diaz, for the
ostrich with outspread wings is also found on the ancient Persian
monuments; and this bird, it is well known, is not common to the New
World. If we add to this circumstance the repeated questions which were
put to the Spaniards by the inhabitants of New Spain, as to whether they
came from the region where the sun rises, there is reason for supposing
that the tradition which came down to them from their forefathers was
not altogether vague; namely, that a people would come from the east and
take possession of their country. (p. 150.)




CHAPTER LXV.

    _Of the great battle we fought with the Tlascallans, and what
    further took place._


It was the following morning, on the 5th of September, 1519, that we
equipped ourselves for battle. Our horse were first arranged in order,
then the foot soldiers, and even our wounded were forced to go along
with us, if only to swell out our numbers, and do what lay in their
power. The crossbow-men received orders that some were merely to load,
while others fired, and this always in platoons. The musketeers received
similar orders, and the remaining portion of our men, who were armed
with swords and shields, were principally to strike at the enemy in the
region of the belly, in order to stop them from venturing so near to us
as they had the time before. Every one was also particularly cautioned
not to leave the ranks. It was also the particular duty of our cavalry
not to leave each other in the lurch, always to attack in full gallop,
and only aim at the face and eyes. The ensign Corral received a guard of
four men, and in this way we sallied forth from our camp, with our
standard flying.

We had scarcely proceeded a quarter of a mile when we found the fields
covered with warriors; they had large feather-knots on their heads,
waved their colours, and made a terrific noise with their horns and
trumpets: indeed, the pen that would wish to describe everything we saw
here, would not find it such an easy task! this was indeed a battle of
as fearful and dubious an issue as well could be. In an instant we were
surrounded on all sides by such vast numbers of Indians, that the plain,
here six miles in breadth, seemed as if it contained but one vast body
of the enemy, in the midst of which stood our small army of 400 men, the
greater part wounded and knocked up with fatigue. We were also aware
that the enemy had marched out to battle with the determination to spare
none of us, excepting those who were to be sacrificed to their idols.
When, therefore, the attack commenced, a real shower of arrows and
stones was poured upon us; the whole ground was immediately covered with
heaps of lances, whose points were provided with two edges, so very
sharp that they pierced through every species of cuirass, and were
particularly dangerous to the lower part of the body, which was in no
way protected. They fell upon us like the very furies themselves, with
the most horrible yells; we employed, however, our heavy guns, muskets,
and crossbows, with so much effect, and received those who pressed
eagerly upon us with such well-directed blows and thrusts, that
considerable destruction was made among their ranks, nor did they allow
us to approach so near to them as in the previous battle: our cavalry,
in particular, showed great skill and bravery, so that they, next to the
Almighty, were the principal means of saving us.

Indeed our line was already half broken; all the commands of Cortes and
our other officers to restore order and form again were fruitless, the
Indians continually rushing upon us in such vast crowds that we could
only make place with sword in hand to save our line from being broken.
Our only safety was owing to the great number of the enemy itself; for
they stood so closely crowded that each shot we fired must have done
great execution among them. They left themselves altogether no room to
manoeuvre in, while many of the chiefs, with their men, were not even
able to mix at all in the engagement. Besides this, disagreements and
inimical feelings had arisen out of the previous battle between the
commander-in-chief Xicotencatl and another chief, the son of
Chichimeclatecl. Xicotencatl had accused the latter of not having done
his duty, who, in reply, said, he had discharged it better than he; so
that in this battle neither lent the other any assistance, and
Chichimeclatecl had even commanded Huexotzinco not to take any part in
the combat. To all this must be added, that the enemy had been taught in
the former battle to fear our horse, cannon, swords, and crossbows, not
to forget the courage we displayed. It must likewise be borne in mind
that a merciful God had lent us extraordinary powers during the
engagement. As Xicotencatl met with no obedience from two of his
principal officers,--we, on the contrary, fighting on the more bravely,
and killing great numbers of their men, who, as well as the wounded,
were immediately hurried from the field of battle, so that we never came
to see any of their killed,--the Indians at length grew exasperated
against those two chiefs who had thus left them in the lurch, and now
fought with less vigour. It is, however, probable that one of their
chief commanders had fallen, for they retreated in good order: our
cavalry, indeed, pursued them a short distance in full gallop, but were
soon compelled to return, from fatigue.

As soon as we had got rid of this vast crowd, we returned most fervent
thanks to the Almighty. We had, however, only lost one man, but, on the
other hand, sixty of us were wounded, with all our horses. I myself
carried off two wounds, one of which was on my head from the stone of a
sling, and the other by an arrow piercing my ankle; but neither of them
were so bad as to compel me to leave the battle, or disable me from
doing duty. This, however, was the same case with the majority of my
comrades; for, if a wound was not dangerous, they still continued to
perform duty, as the number of those who came off whole would have been
too small to make head against the enemy. We now returned to our
quarters, overjoyed at our victory, and offered up fervent thanks to
God. We buried our dead in one of the subterranean dwellings, that the
Indians might not discover us to be mortal as well as themselves, but
still continue to fancy us gods: we, therefore, heaped up a quantity of
earth over the spot, that even the stench of the decomposing body might
not betray the dead. The fat of the Indians, as before, served us to
dress our wounds. Oh, the distress we suffered here! We had neither oil
for our wounds nor salt to our food. To all this was added the
misfortune of having nothing to shelter us from the keen wind, which
blew across the Sierra Nevada, and made us shake again with cold. We,
nevertheless, kept up our spirits, and this night we slept more soundly
than on the previous one, as we had better regulated our outposts and
the patrols.




CHAPTER LXVI.

    _How we sent a message next day to the caziques of Tlascalla to
    bring about peace between us, and the determination they came to
    upon this._


In the last battle we had taken three distinguished personages
prisoners. These Cortes sent with the two others whom we had previously
taken, and once before despatched with a message to the caziques of
Tlascalla, desiring them in our name to make peace with us, and allow us
to march through their country to Mexico, as we had before requested of
them. If they still refused, we would exterminate them all. It would,
however, grieve us if they drove us to such extremities, as we were well
inclined, and would gladly look upon them as brothers; nor should we
have done thus much if they themselves had not driven us to it. Besides
this, Cortes said many other kind things to gain their friendship.

The delegates arrived betimes in the chief town of Tlascalla, and
delivered their message in a full assembly of the caziques, whom they
found conversing with several old men and papas. Every one still
appeared very downcast on account of the unfavorable issue of the
battle, the loss of their chiefs, their sons and relations who had
fallen; and at first would not even listen to our messengers. At last
they came to the resolution to consult all the astrologers, papas, and
fortune-tellers, a species of conjurors whom they call _Tacalnaguas_.
These being assembled, they were desired to discover by their witchcraft
and enchantments, what sort of people we were, and whether it was
possible to overcome us if they continued to harass us night and day.
They were also to give a decisive answer as to whether we were really
teules, that is to say evil spirits, as the inhabitants of Sempoalla had
assured them; and lastly, what nourishment we took. All this they were
most minutely to investigate.

The soothsayers, conjurors, and papas, who were in great numbers,
immediately began their exorcisms and enchantments, after their fashion;
and they pretended to have discovered, by means of their art, that we
were human beings made of flesh and bone; that we ate dogs, fowls, bread
and fruits, as they did, if we could get them; and that we did not
devour the Indians, and much less the hearts of those we had slain. Our
friends of Sempoalla, namely, had told them all manner of foolish things
about us; not only that we were teules, but that we devoured the hearts
of the Indians; that the flashes of our bombards, shot off like
lightning; that our dog was a tiger or a lion, and that we let loose our
horses upon the Indians when we wished to kill them. But the worst thing
these soothsayers and papas affirmed was, its being impossible to
conquer us excepting during the night-time, for we were helpless as soon
as the sun, from which we received all our strength, had gone down.

This affirmation seemed a capital hint to the caziques, they therefore
sent orders to their captain-general, Xicotencatl, to fall upon us as
soon as possible with a large force during night-time. This, Xicotencatl
did not fail to do. He drew out ten thousand of his bravest troops,
marched towards our quarters, and fell upon us from three several points
at once, with the utmost fury. They made this attack with perfect
assurance, believing they had merely to show themselves and they should
be able to capture us immediately, and sacrifice us to their idols. But
the Almighty had ordered things differently. For, however silently they
approached, they found us perfectly upon our guard, as the outposts and
patrols had come running in at the first noise they heard and given the
alarm. As, moreover, we were accustomed to sleep in our clothes with our
weapons in our hands, the horses always ready bridled and saddled, and
our cannon loaded, we gave the enemy such a rough reception with our
muskets and crossbows, and cut among them so vigorously with our swords,
that they soon had enough of it and turned their backs. The country
before us was quite level, and the moon shone bright, so that our
cavalry were able to follow the flying enemy to a considerable distance.
Next morning we found about twenty of them dead and wounded, so that
their loss must have been considerable, and they experienced, no doubt,
that this fighting at night-time was not exactly so pleasant. It is also
said they were so exasperated against the soothsayers and papas, that
two of them were butchered for a sacrifice. In this night's combat we
lost one of our friends of Sempoalla, and two of our men besides a horse
were wounded. The number of prisoners we made were four. The kind reader
may well conceive that we were not a little overjoyed that this affair
terminated so fortunately. We fervently thanked God for the assistance
he had lent us, buried our friend of Sempoalla, dressed our wounds, and
lay ourselves down to rest for the remaining part of the night; but not
without previously taking every precaution to secure our camp as usual.
It was only the following morning we were able to discover our true
condition. There was not one among us who had not, up to this moment,
received one, two, or three wounds, and all were more or less weakened
by fatigues and hardships. Xicotencatl continued to hover around us, and
we had already lost fifty-five of our men, some of whom were killed on
the field of battle, others had died of disease and from excessive cold.
Twelve of our men were knocked up with fatigue, and even our
commander-in-chief himself and father Olmedo were suffering from fever.
But no one can wonder at this; for among all the hardships we had to
undergo, we never durst for one moment leave our heavy weapons out of
our hands; to all these discomforts was added the severity of the
weather, and particularly our great want of salt, which we could find no
means of obtaining. It was also natural that we should begin to think
what would be the final issue of this campaign, and if we once got out
of the present snare where we were next to bend our steps; for the idea
of penetrating into Mexico appeared to us perfectly laughable, when we
considered the great power of that state. If even we succeeded in making
the same good terms with the people of Tlascalla as we had done with the
Sempoallans, what would become of us if we ever came to an engagement
with the great armies of Motecusuma? We were totally ignorant as to how
matters stood in our fortress at Vera Cruz, and our men there knew as
little what had become of us. Certainly there were among us plenty of
valiant cavaliers and soldiers of great courage in battle, who showed no
less wisdom in our councils, nor did Cortes ever speak or do anything
without previously consulting them. With the historian Gomara it is
always thus: Cortes did this, Cortes did that, Cortes was there, Cortes
left there; just as if all this had been a mere nothing. If even, as
Gomara affirms, Cortes had had an iron frame, he could not possibly have
been everywhere, and have done everything himself. What good is it to
make use of such expressions? He could only say, that Cortes was an
excellent captain, as indeed he was, and this would have been enough! I
was forced to make this remark, for besides the protection which the
Almighty lent us in all our undertakings, his blessing was upon the arm
of us soldiers and the advice we gave Cortes, and it was only in this
way all things could have terminated so well.

I will not, however, detain the reader with this preamble of great
deeds, for it has little to do with the principal object of this
history. I am more pleased to relate, that we unanimously swore to
protect his person, and begged of him, that as God had rescued us out of
such extreme danger and spared our lives, to set our prisoners at
liberty and send them again to the caziques, and desire of them to
conclude peace with us, adding, that we should pardon what had taken
place, as also the death of the horse.

Neither must I omit to mention the fine manly spirit which Dona Marina,
though one of the daughters of the country, showed upon every occasion.
We heard nothing the whole day long but of being butchered and devoured
by the inhabitants; she had with her own eyes beheld how we had been
completely surrounded by our enemies in the recent battles; how we were
all wounded and suffering from disease; yet she never appeared
disheartened; but, on the contrary, displayed a courage much beyond that
of her sex. When the prisoners were about departing, again to make
offers of peace to the enemy, she and Aguilar gave them every
instruction as to what they were to say; that peace was to be concluded
within the space of two days, otherwise we would march forward, lay
waste the whole country, force our way into their towns, and put every
living being to the sword. I must, however, again return to Gomara, who
never mentions a single word about our killed and wounded, or the
hardships we underwent; as if everything of itself turned to our
advantage. Indeed, those who furnished him with the account must have
been badly informed themselves. Did it never once occur to him, that his
work would be highly interesting to all of us conquistadores, and that
we would not repress the truth when we had read it?

But to return to my narrative, our delegates went straightway to the
chief town of Tlascalla, where the elder Xicotencatl abode. If I still
remember rightly, we sent a letter with them, although we knew the
Indians could not understand it; there was likewise an arrow with the
letter. They found the two chief caziques in council with the other
principal personages. I will give their answer in the following
chapter.




CHAPTER LXVII.

    _How we again sent messengers to the caziques of Tlascalla in order
    to induce them to make peace, and the resolution they came to upon
    this._


The two chief caziques to whom our messengers addressed themselves were
Maxixcatzin and the elder Xicotencatl, father of the captain-general of
the same name, who was commonly termed the younger. They fulfilled their
commission, and the caziques remained for a time silent and undecided,
when the Almighty inclined their hearts to conclude a peace with us.
They called a meeting of all the caziques and chief personages who had
weight in the townships, as also of their friends from the province of
Huexotzinco. All having met in the township of Maxixcatzin and the elder
Xicotencatl, which held the first rank, the latter who were men of good
understanding addressed the meeting to the following effect. Though we
may not, perhaps, give the exact words, yet, from what we afterwards
learnt, it was to this effect: "Brothers and friends! You yourselves
know how often these teules, who are now in our country, ready to fight
at a moment's notice, have offered us peace, and assured us that they
have come as friends to our assistance. Nor can you have yet forgotten
the numbers of prisoners they have taken, though they never do them any
harm, but always restore them to liberty. Thrice have we attacked them
with the whole of our forces, both by day and by night, but we have not
been able to conquer them. On the contrary, they have killed many of our
subjects, numbers of our sons, relations, and chiefs in these battles.
They now again request us to come to terms of peace, and those of
Sempoalla who are encamped with them, assure us they are enemies to
Motecusuma and the Mexicans, and have commanded them and the tribes of
the Totonaque mountains not to pay any more tribute to him. We all very
well know that the Mexicans for a space of more than one hundred years
have annually made incursions into our country. Indeed, they have
completely shut us up within our own territory. We cannot get beyond to
fetch salt for our victuals, nor cotton for our clothing. If any one of
us ever ventures beyond the mountains, he very seldom returns home
alive. The treacherous Mexicans and their allies kill all our people
that fall into their hands, or at least make slaves of them. Our
tacalnaguas, soothsayers, and papas have told us their opinion of these
teules; that they are very powerful and courageous we have experienced
ourselves. We feel, therefore, inclined to make peace with them. Whether
they are men or teules, in both cases an alliance with them will be
useful to us. Let us, therefore, despatch four of our chiefs to their
camp with good provisions, and show them love and an inclination to make
peace, that they may assist and protect us against our enemies. We will
invite them into our country, and present them with females from among
our countrywomen, that we may become one people with them; for,
according to the assurance of the messengers whom they have sent to
offer us peace, they have women with them." The caziques upon hearing
this proposition all declared they were agreeable to it, and resolved
that a treaty for peace should be set on foot, and the captain-general
Xicotencatl and the other commanders should be ordered to stay all
hostilities; for which end they instantly despatched messengers. The
younger Xicotencatl, however, would by no means listen to these orders,
but evinced excessive grief and used harsh language. "As affairs stood
there was no need of sueing for peace," he said. "Many of the teules
were already killed, besides one of their horses; he would fall upon us
the night following and destroy us all."

When the elder Xicotencatl, Maxixcatzin, and the other caziques received
this answer, they were so exasperated, that they immediately sent orders
round to all the officers and the whole army not to obey Xicotencatl in
anything which related to an attack upon us, and altogether to stay all
hostilities against us. Neither would Xicotencatl submit to these
orders, so that it was found necessary to send the four old men, who
were appointed to make a treaty of peace between us, the Tlascallans and
inhabitants of Huexotzinco, to these refractory fellows in order to
bring them to reason. These four men, however, stood in such awe of the
young hothead that they neglected to fulfil their commission.

As two or three different occurrences took place at the same time, I
must relate what comes first in order, and give an account of our
excursion to another township which lay in the neighbourhood.




CHAPTER LXVIII.

    _How we came to the determination of marching to a township in the
    neighbourhood of our camp, and what happened upon this._


After two days had passed by without our doing anything worthy of
notice, we proposed to Cortes that we should make an excursion to a
township situated about four miles from our encampment, to the
inhabitants of which we had fruitlessly made overtures of peace. We
determined upon taking them by surprise during night-time; not with the
intention of injuring, killing, wounding, or taking the inhabitants
prisoners, but merely to procure provisions, frighten them a little, and
make new offers of peace according as circumstances might be. This
township was called Zumpanzingo, and was the chief of many smaller ones.
The district Tecodcungapacingo, where we had taken up our quarters,
stood likewise under it; the whole country round about moreover being
covered with straggling houses and villages. Cortes fell in with this
proposal, and we accordingly commenced our march shortly before daybreak
with all our men who were best able to bear the fatigue, six of our
cavalry, ten crossbow-men, and eight musketeers. The command was taken
by Cortes himself, although he was suffering from the tertian ague. For
the rest all necessary precautions were taken for our camp.

We had marched to a distance of about six miles before daylight
appeared, and the wind which blew across the snow mountains was so keen,
that we shook again with cold. Our horses likewise felt the frost very
sensibly. Two of them indeed got the gripes and trembled like aspen
leaves, at which we were greatly concerned, for we thought they would
have died. Cortes therefore ordered them back to our camp. We arrived in
front of Zumpanzingo before sunrise. The inhabitants, having observed
our approach, had fled from their dwellings. Their minds full of the
most horrible ideas they had formed of us, they kept crying out to one
another to beware of the teules. They kill all, it was said, and spare
neither young nor old. Finding how greatly they feared us, we halted in
a courtyard until daylight had fully broken forth, that we might not
injure any of the people in the dark. On the summit of the highest
temples in the township we observed some papas and other old men of
distinction, who, when they found we remained quiet without doing the
least harm, took courage and came down to Cortes. They commenced by
making excuses for not having sent us provisions, or any one with offers
of peace, though we had demanded both of them. They assured us that no
one was to blame for all this but the commander Xicotencatl, who had
forbidden them, and was at that moment stationed in the immediate
neighbourhood. They could not help feeling afraid of this man, as he had
all their warriors as well as all those out of the land of Tlascalla
under his banners. Cortes answered them by means of our interpreters,
Dona Marina and Aguilar, whom we carried along with us wherever we went.
They were told to allay their fears, and desire the caziques of the
chief township to come and make peace with us, as war would only bring
misfortune down upon them.

This was the message which the papas were to deliver; for we had not yet
received any answer from the other ambassadors whom we had sent to the
chiefs of Tlascalla, neither had their four distinguished personages yet
arrived. Previous to their departure the papas, however, brought us more
than forty fowls and turkeys, besides two women to bake our bread.
Cortes thanked them very kindly for this present, and demanded twenty
Indians to carry them to our camp. These immediately came forward
without evincing any signs of fear, carried the provisions and remained
with us until evening. After presenting them with a few trifles they
returned highly delighted to their homes. As we did no one any injury,
the inhabitants greatly extolled our kind behaviour; the papas and chief
personages also informing the captain-general, Xicotencatl, that they
had given us provisions and two females; which grieved him sorely. The
same information was sent to the elder caziques, who were delighted when
they learnt how we could have destroyed them all during the night, but
that instead of doing any harm we had only made offers of peace. They,
therefore, ordered provisions to be sent us daily, with everything else
we might require. The orders to the four principal personages who were
commissioned to make terms of peace with us were also renewed; they now
no longer delayed, but repaired to our quarters and brought us
provisions and other presents. We then returned to our camp, much
pleased with the victuals and the Indian females.




CHAPTER LXIX.

    _How we found on our return to our encampment that new intrigues had
    been set on foot; and the answer Cortes gave to certain
    representations which were made to him._


On returning to our head-quarters from Zumpanzingo with a good supply of
provisions, and delighted with the peace we had concluded with the
inhabitants, we met with nothing but complaints and discontent. We heard
of nothing else than the imminent dangers we were daily exposed to in
this campaign; nor did our arrival mend matters. Foremost among the
discontented were those again who possessed settlements and Indian
commendaries at Cuba, nor did they confine themselves to murmuring in
secret, but seven of them, whose names, for honour's sake, I will
refrain from mentioning, confederated together, and repaired to the
quarters of Cortes. One of them was chosen spokesman. He was a man
eloquent in address, and perfect master of the subject he was about to
speak on.

He began in the kindly tone of giving advice, and desired Cortes to
consider our wounds, how disabled and knocked up we were by the
excessive hardships we had to undergo day and night, by constant
battling, patrolling the country, standing at the outposts, and
reconnoitring about. They had calculated, he said, that we had already
lost fifty-five of our men since our departure from Cuba. Neither did we
know how matters stood with our garrison at Vera Cruz. Though the
Almighty had everywhere granted us victory, it was merely out of the
abundance of his mercy towards us. It was not right to calculate too
long upon his mercy and forbearance, for that would be tempting him. The
pitcher goes to the well until it is broken, and one morning or other we
should undoubtedly be sacrificed to the idols. God in his mercy might
certainly avert this; but then also it was necessary we should return to
Vera Cruz and there remain quiet, where we should be surrounded by our
friends and allies, the tribes of the Totonaque mountains, until we had
fitted out a vessel and sent to Diego Velasquez and to the islands for a
fresh supply of men and other necessaries. What a good thing if our
vessels had been preserved, or at least a couple, in case of accident.
But, alas! he had followed the advice of men who did not consider the
instability of fortune, and who had totally destroyed the last means of
escape.

"May God forbid," said they, "that you and those whose advice it was,
may not yet have to rue it. The measure of our miseries is already full;
our condition begins to be insupportable, and the life we lead is worse
than that of beasts of burden. When these have gone their day's journey,
their load is taken off, food is given them, and they are allowed to
take rest; we, on the contrary, are always under arms, nor do we ever
take our clothes off. He might compare the histories of the Romans, of
Alexander the Great, and of the most celebrated generals," continued
they, "and he would find that none of them ever destroyed a fleet, when
similarly situated as we were, a mere handful of men amidst numerous and
warlike tribes. He would have to answer for his own death and the
destruction of us all. He should at least attempt to save ours and his
own life, and march back to Vera Cruz, while we were still at peace with
the country. They would gladly have mentioned all this earlier to him;
but the vast numbers of the enemy by which we had been daily surrounded
had given them no opportunity; this, however, was now at last presented
them by the quiet demeanour of the foe. For the rest, the enemy would
certainly return, the three days which Xicotencatl had allowed to pass
by was merely in expectation of a fresh supply of men. We could not
think of coming to another trial of strength as we had done up to this
moment."

These and other representations they made to Cortes, and held up their
heads pretty high the whole time. As, however, all was said under the
guise of giving good advice, Cortes answered them very mildly, as nearly
as possible in these words: "Much of what you have been representing to
me has not escaped my own notice; but, what I have seen above all
things, and of which I have gained the most convincing proofs, is this,
that the whole world could not produce Spaniards who are so brave, and
fight so courageously, and who could bear hardships as well as we do.
Indeed, we should have been inevitably lost if we had not continually
held our weapons in our hands, kept patrolling and watching day and
night, and boldly encountered all weathers. We are indebted to our
safety by having manfully borne these and other greater hardships. The
Almighty certainly lent us his aid, yet I cannot imagine to myself a
greater piece of heroism, when I bring back to my recollection the vast
crowds of the enemy, how they locked us in on all sides with their
troops, and fell upon us with their broad swords, particularly in that
battle where they killed one of our horses. At that critical moment I
learnt more of your noble character than on any former occasion. And
since the Almighty rescued us out of that battle I have gained the hope
that our future endeavours will be crowned with success. I can call you
to witness, that I was never found for an instant to lack courage in any
of the dangers I have shared with you; nor have you, I must add, ever
proved unworthy of the trust I reposed in you."

It was perfectly true what Cortes said of himself, for he was always
found foremost in battle.

"Neither must you forget, gentlemen," continued he, "that up to this
moment the Almighty has lent us his protection, and we may confidently
hope he will not desert us in future, for, from our first arrival in
this country we have announced his holy religion to the different tribes
according to the best of our abilities and destroyed the idols. We may
also, in trusting to God and our mediator the holy apostle Peter,
consider the war in this province at an end, since Xicotencatl and the
other chiefs no longer show themselves, because they fear us on account
of the destruction we made among their troops in the late battles, or it
may be they are unable to rally their men again. The inhabitants of
Zumpanzingo willingly furnish us with provisions, while the surrounding
tribes continue peaceably in their villages. With regard to our vessels,
it was, indeed, requisite they should be destroyed, and if I did not
consult all of you on the occasion I had sufficient reason for pursuing
that course after the occurrence on the downs, which, however, I will
not enter into here. The course you advised me to adopt on the former
occasion, and your present discontent, both emanate from the same bad
feeling; but you should remember that there are several cavaliers among
our troops who are not of the same opinion with yourselves, who request
and counsel that we should continue as heretofore to repose our trust in
God alone, and faithfully fulfil our duties in his holy service. You
are, however, perfectly justified in saying that the most renowned
generals of Rome even cannot boast of such military exploits as we can.
Future historians will also have to relate, if God be willing, greater
things of us than of them. We shall continually be reaping harvests of
glory, because strict justice and christian feeling are everywhere our
guides, and also because our endeavours are exerted in the service of
God and of our emperor. You cannot, gentlemen, have weighed the matter
well if you suppose we could save ourselves by a retreat: for the
instant these people were to observe this, and though we should depart
from them in profound peace, the very stones of the ground would be
raised up against us. And in the same way the Indians now stare at us as
if we were beings of a superior order, or rather gods, as they term us,
they would then consider us cowards and poltroons. We might, you say,
settle ourselves quietly down among our allies, the tribes of the
Totonaque mountains! To which my answer is, that even they would rise up
against us immediately they perceive we are turning back without
marching on to Mexico; for if we leave them, and they refuse to pay
tribute to Motecusuma as heretofore, he will send his armies against
them not merely to subdue, but to compel them to declare war with us;
and if they are not desirous of being annihilated, what other course
could they pursue? In this way, where we had thought to have friends, we
should be preparing ourselves enemies. What reflections would the
powerful Motecusuma make, and what judgment would he pass upon our
previous speeches and the messages we sent him if we were to turn back?
He would think we had been jesting with him. Thus you see, gentlemen, it
looks bad one way and worse another. The most prudent step we can take
for the present is to maintain our ground here in this thickly populated
valley where we can obtain provisions in abundance. To-day we have
fowls, to-morrow dogs, and thus, thank God, we shall always have plenty
of food. Salt and warmer clothing are really at present the only great
privations we suffer. You further state, that we have lost fifty-five
men since our departure from Cuba from famine, cold, fatigue, disease,
and from wounds: that our numbers are very small, and all of us more or
less suffering from ill health. But, on the other hand, you must
remember that God has given us the power of numbers, and that war is
ever accompanied by loss of men and horses. To-day we have provisions,
the next day none. And you must also bear in mind that we are not come
into this country to seek repose, but to fight valiantly about whenever
it may be necessary. I, therefore, beg of you, gentlemen, who are
cavaliers, and who have up to this moment behaved so courageously, and
whom despondency so ill suits, to drive from your minds all remembrance
of Cuba and everything you have left behind there. Show yourselves brave
soldiers as you have hitherto, for next to God, who is our strength, all
depends upon the valour of our arms."

With this answer the deputies repaired to their partisans, who all
declared they could not contradict anything our general had stated, and
remarked that we had certainly departed from Vera Cruz with the full
intention of marching to Mexico; but that at present we were better
informed as to the strength of that city and its numerous troops. The
Tlascallans themselves never mentioned the Mexican name but with terror.
We said the Sempoallans were at peace with us, but we had as few certain
proofs of that as of the state of affairs in Mexico. Up to this moment
we had altogether suffered so much that if we were once again so
furiously attacked as we had been in the late battles, we should be
unable to stand against them. Suppose even they were to remain quiet for
the present, our march to Mexico would, nevertheless, be a monstrous
undertaking; and they were surprised at the man who could desire it and
issue commands to that effect. To all this Cortes replied rather
angrily: "Even then it is better to die like a brave warrior, as the
poets say, than to live a coward!" We others who closely adhered to our
general, and had consented to the destruction of our vessels, and
appointed him captain-general, agreed with all he had said, and desired
him in a loud voice not to trouble himself any further about their talk
and complaints, but to order everything, with the aid of God, as
circumstances might require, and to rely on our faithful assistance.

Herewith an end was put to all their cabals. They certainly continued
their murmurings against Cortes, and cursed us who adhered to him, and
the Sempoallans for having proposed this route; making altogether use
of language which little beseemed them; but for the time being they
remained quiet, and obeyed our general even to a wink.

In the meantime the elders of Tlascalla again sent peremptory orders to
Xicotencatl not to attack us, but to send us provisions and repair to
our camp in person to conclude a treaty of peace with us. This was the
desire of all the caziques and principal personages of Huexotzinco and
Tlascalla. A message was at the same time forwarded to each of his
officers, commanding them not to obey him in anything which had not
reference to a conclusion of peace. These orders were despatched no less
than three successive times to Xicotencatl, information having been
received that he was not only determined to lend a deaf ear to these
injunctions, but to fall upon us the very next night, for which purpose
he had assembled 20,000 warriors. Thus ever presumptuous and haughty, he
now again refused to listen to their commands, and we shall see in the
following chapter how this terminated.




CHAPTER LXX.

    _How the captain Xicotencatl assembled 20,000 chosen warriors to
    make an attack upon us in our camp, and what happened upon this._


The caziques, Maxixcatzin and the elder Xicotencatl, with all the chief
personages of the principal town of Tlascalla, had now for the fourth
time issued orders to their captain-general not to approach our camp,
and commanded the other officers not to accompany him unless he called
upon us to make peace. Xicotencatl lay in our immediate neighbourhood,
and was terribly exasperated at this; yet he determined to send us forty
Indians with provisions, consisting in fowls, bread, and fruits.[26]
This present was also accompanied by four disgusting old Indian females
and a quantity of copal and parrot feathers.

We, of course, concluded that these people came with peaceable
intentions. They perfumed Cortes when they were brought into his
presence, and thus addressed him, without observing the courtesies
customary among them: "These presents are sent you by the general
Xicotencatl, that you may eat, in case you are teules, as the people of
Sempoalla have assured us. If you require a sacrifice with them, kill
these four women, and devour their flesh and their hearts. As we do not
know what your wish is on this head we have not sacrificed them for you.
But if you are human beings, be contented with the fruit and the fowls;
and if you are kind-hearted teules, take the copal and the parrot
feathers as an offering."

Cortes answered, by means of our interpreters, that he was desirous of
making peace, not war, which he had already made known to them. He was
come into their country to beg of them, in the name of our Lord Jesus
Christ, and of our great emperor Don Carlos, to abstain from human
sacrifices. We were all human beings made of flesh and bone like
themselves, and not teules, but Christians. We killed no one, excepting
when we were attacked, then, indeed, we destroyed our enemies, whether
it happened to be day or night. He was very thankful for the provisions,
but now they should likewise have the good sense to send us messengers
of peace.

We readily perceived that these people whom Xicotencatl had despatched
to us were spies, who came to gain the necessary information respecting
the accesses to our camp, and the number of our troops, of the horses
and the cannon, and everything else. They remained with us the whole day
and following night. From time to time some returned to Xicotencatl, and
others again arrived in their stead. All this greatly surprised our
friends of Sempoalla, as it was not customary with them to stay night
and day in an enemy's camp without some particular design. This
accordingly aroused their suspicions, which were further confirmed by
some hints which fell from two old men of Zumpanzingo that Xicotencatl
stood ready with a large army to fall upon us unawares. At first they
had laughed at the idea, thinking it a mere piece of bragging, and had,
therefore, not mentioned it to Cortes. Dona Marina, to whom they had
made this known, immediately brought the intelligence to our general,
who, to fathom this matter more deeply, ordered two of the Tlascallans,
who appeared to be honest fellows, to be seized, when they confessed
that Xicotencatl had sent them as spies into our camp. These men were
then liberated, and several others seized, who all gave the same answer,
adding, that their commander Xicotencatl was merely waiting their
information to fall upon us the following night with the whole of his
troops.

After Cortes had convinced himself of the true state of affairs, he
commanded us to be upon our guard, and to hold ourselves ready for
action; he also imprisoned seventeen other of the spies, some of whom he
ordered to have their thumbs cut off, others the whole hand, and to be
sent back in that condition to Xicotencatl, with the information, "That
this was his mode of punishing such messengers. He might now come
whenever he liked in the night or by daytime, we would wait for him here
two whole days: if we had not been peaceably inclined, we should
ourselves have attacked and annihilated both his army and himself long
before this: it was now, however, high time he should desist from his
folly, and send us a sincere token of peace."

The unfortunate beings who had thus been dismembered, arrived in
Xicotencatl's head-quarters just as he was on the point of marching off
with his whole army to fall upon us in the dark. When he saw his spies
before him in that condition, and learnt why they had been so treated,
his pride and conceit fell at once. To this was added, that a certain
chief, with whom he had quarrelled on account of the late battles, had
left the camp with the men under his command.

[26] During this war the Tlascallans frequently sent provisions to
Cortes' troops. This they did partly out of pride, that it might not be
said they conquered the Spaniards by famine; partly that the latter
might not become meagre in body, but that their flesh might taste
savoury when they sacrificed them to their gods, so sure were these
brave warriors of victory! (p. 165.)




CHAPTER LXXI.

    _How four chief personages arrived in our camp to negotiate terms of
    peace with us, and what further happened._


We now despaired of concluding the peace we so greatly desired, and
therefore began to prepare for battle. We cleaned and sharpened our
weapons, provided ourselves with arrows, and were making other
preparations for an engagement, when one of our outposts came suddenly
running up with the tidings that a number of Indians of both sexes were
advancing along the principal road of Tlascalla, straightway to our
quarters, laden with packages. One of our horse had rode up to watch
their movements more closely, and now also came galloping up with the
news that the procession was fast approaching our camp, and merely
halted from time to time to take a little rest.

Cortes and all of us were highly delighted with this piece of news, for
we hoped they were coming with tidings of peace, which, indeed, was
really the case. He issued orders that no alarm should be sounded, and
for all of us to remain quiet in our huts as if we were unconscious of
their approach. When the Indians had arrived at our camp, four principal
personages stepped forth from among the porters, who had been
commissioned by the elder caziques to conclude a treaty of peace with
us. They made the sign of peace, which consisted in bending the head
forwards; they then walked straightway to the hut which Cortes
inhabited. They first touched the ground with their hands, and then
kissed it, bowed themselves three times, and perfumed with copal. They
then began as follows: "All the caziques of Tlascalla, with their
subjects, allies, friends, and confederates, make peace and friendship
with Cortes and his brothers, the teules. They beg forgiveness for
having commenced hostilities, instead of uniting in friendship with
them, which had merely been done under the impression that we were
friends of Motecusuma and the Mexicans, who had been their most deadly
enemies from time immemorial; and what had strengthened them in this
suspicion was, our being accompanied by such numbers of the tribes who
were tributary to that monarch, who was accustomed to fall into their
country under various pretences, and carry off their wives and children.
They had this time again feared some foul stratagem was on hand, and
therefore had put no faith in our ambassadors. They had not commenced
the attack in the first instance when we marched into their country,
neither was it done at their instigation or command, but assured us it
was the Chontal-Otomies, a rude and wild mountain tribe, who imagined
they would have been easily able to overcome our small numbers, carry us
off prisoners, and send our hearts to the Tlascallan chiefs, in order to
gain their good wishes. They now came to beg forgiveness, and would
daily bring us a sufficient supply of provisions. They hoped we would
accept of these they now brought with the same kind feeling in which
they were offered. In the space of two days the chief commander
Xicotencatl, with the other caziques, would call himself, and further
prove how fervently the whole of Tlascalla desired to make peace and
friendship with us."

After the chiefs had done speaking, they again bowed themselves, touched
the ground with their hands, and kissed it. Cortes, with great dignity
and earnestness depicted in his countenance, returned them the following
answer through our interpreters: "He had certainly great cause to refuse
them a hearing, or to make any compact of friendship with them; for,
upon our first entering into their country, he had offered them peace,
and announced that he intended to assist them against their enemies the
Mexicans; yet they would not believe him, and had even been upon the
point of killing our ambassadors, and had made three murderous attacks
upon us; and, by way of a finish, had also sent spies into our camp. In
the battle we had fought with them, we could have killed many more of
the troops; and we even grieved for those whose lives had thus been
sacrificed, but we had been driven to it. He had resolved to carry the
war into the very town where the old caziques dwelt; but as they now
came to sue for peace, he was willing to receive them kindly in the name
of our emperor, and was also pleased to accept of the provisions which
they had brought. They should now tell their chiefs to repair hither in
person, or send him some better warranty of peace. If they refused to
come, he would put his army in motion, and attack them at their very
doors. They were, moreover, to approach our camp during daytime only,
for if they came at night, we would put them all to the sword without
mercy."

After Cortes had given them this answer, he presented the messengers
with blue beads for the caziques, in token of peace. They then took
leave, and turned off to some Indian dwellings which lay in the
neighbourhood, leaving there the Indian females whom they had brought
along with them to prepare the bread, fowls, and a dinner for us;
besides this there were twenty Indians who furnished the wood and water
for cooking; and indeed they prepared us a most delicious meal. Being
now convinced that they earnestly desired peace, we returned hearty
thanks to God, who had thus ordered things: indeed it was high time, for
we were all in a terrible state of exhaustion, and were sick of a war to
which there seemed no end, as the good reader may well imagine.

With respect to these proceedings, Gomara has again mixed up many
untruths. One time he makes Cortes mount up to the top of a mountain,
and thence look over the township of Zumpanzingo, and yet it lay quite
close to our camp, and he must have been blind indeed who could not see
it straight before him. He also relates that the soldiers said things
which I will not repeat here, though he would make one believe he had
all from good authority. There is not the slightest foundation for all
his assertions. There never was a commander in this world who was so
strictly obeyed as Cortes, nor will it ever again fall to the lot of any
man to be so. No such thought ever entered the minds of our men,
excepting on the occasion which I have related above. Even the
representations which were made to Cortes, mentioned in the preceding
chapter, were all given in the tone of advice. Those who made them did
so with a good intention, and imagined they were in the right, and
though they differed with him in opinion, they paid him strict
obedience. Is it, then, any wonder that a general should listen to good
advice from intelligent soldiers, particularly when his troops are so
awkwardly situated as ours were? I am only sorry when I reflect that all
Gomara's untruths will be credited, because his style of writing is so
eloquent.




CHAPTER LXXII.

    _How ambassadors arrive in our camp from Motecusuma, and of the
    presents they brought with them._


After the Almighty, in his great mercy, had granted us the victory in
the battles against the Tlascallans, our fame was spread to every
district, and even reached the ears of the mighty Motecusuma, in the
great city of Mexico. If we had been previously looked upon as teules,
or a species of gods, their idea of our bravery now became the more
exalted, and terror seized the whole country when we had broken the
great power of the Tlascallans with such a handful of men, and compelled
them to sue for peace.

And so it also happened that the powerful king of Mexico, Motecusuma,
either in the great goodness of his heart, or because he began to fear
our approach to his metropolis, despatched five men of distinction to
our camp in the land of Tlascalla to welcome us on our arrival, and to
assure us of the excessive delight he felt at the great victories which
we had gained over such numerous armies. This message was accompanied by
a valuable present in gold trinkets of various workmanship, worth about
1000 pesos, and of packages of cotton stuffs as much as twenty men could
carry. He likewise wished us to know that it was his desire to become a
vassal of our emperor, and the great pleasure he felt to find that we
were so near his metropolis, that he was every way well disposed towards
Cortes and all the teules his brothers: he likewise wished to know from
us what annual tribute in gold, silver, jewels, and cotton stuffs he was
to forward to our great emperor, which would save us the trouble of
coming to Mexico: he should, indeed, be pleased to see us, but our march
there would be a terrible one, through a sterile and rocky country, and
the fatigues which we should have to undergo grieved him the more when
he considered the impossibility to remove those difficulties out of our
way.

To this Cortes answered, that he was very thankful for such kind
feeling, as also for the presents, and the offer to pay tribute, but he
must beg of the ambassadors not to leave again before we had reached the
metropolis of Tlascalla, when he would deliver to them his answers for
their monarch.

The real fact was, he did not feel well enough just then, as the day
previous he had taken a purgative of manzanilla,[27] which latter is
found on the island of Cuba, and is very wholesome when its use is
rightly understood.

[27] This name Oviedo gives to the fruit of a tree, which he calls
macanna, growing in Cuba. (Hippomane Mancinella of Linn.) From the same
fruit, according to this historian, the inhabitants prepare the deadly
poison in which they dip the points of their arrows. (p. 170.)




CHAPTER LXXIII.

    _How the captain-general Xicotencatl arrives in our camp to
    negotiate terms of peace; the speech he made, and what further
    happened._


Cortes was still discoursing with the ambassadors of Motecusuma, and
about to dismiss them, to retire to rest, for the fit of ague was again
coming upon him, when it was announced that the general Xicotencatl was
approaching, with several caziques. They were clothed in cloaks, white
and parti-, that is, one half of the cloak was white and the
other , for these were their national colours in time of peace.
The number of distinguished personages who accompanied Xicotencatl
amounted altogether to about fifty. When they had arrived in Cortes'
quarters, they paid him the most profound reverence, after their
fashion, and burnt a quantity of copal before him. Cortes received them
most friendly, and desired them to take place near him; upon which
Xicotencatl said, "He came, in the name of his father, of Maxixcatzin,
and of all the caziques of the republic of Tlascalla, to beg of us to
admit them to our friendship: he, at the same time, in their name, came
to do homage, and promise obedience to our emperor and master, and to
beg forgiveness for having taken up arms against us. They had done this
because they were ignorant as to who we were: indeed, they believed we
had been sent by their enemy Motecusuma, who had often before used fraud
and treachery to enter their country for the sake of plunder, and they
now thought he contemplated another attack upon them: they, therefore,
considered themselves bound to advance boldly into the field to protect
their persons and their country. They were, however, very poor, and
possessed neither gold, silver, jewels, nor cotton stuffs: they were in
want of salt to savour their victuals, as Motecusuma would not allow
them to stir out of their country to procure it. Their forefathers had
certainly possessed some gold and precious stones, but this had from
time to time been delivered up to Motecusuma, to prevent their total
destruction. All this had happened a long time ago, and now they had
nothing left wherewith to make us a present. It was not their fault, but
their poverty, yet they were well disposed."

After this preamble Xicotencatl brought various other accusations
against Motecusuma and his allies. "The latter," he said, "were all
hostile to their country, and left them no peace. They had certainly, up
to this moment, defended themselves bravely at all times, but found that
all their endeavours were fruitless against us, although they had
renewed the conflict three several times; we were invincible. Hard
experience at length taught them who we were, and they now desired to
become our friends, and the vassals of the great emperor Don Carlos;
for, they were convinced, that in alliance with us, they would be able
to live in security and peace with their wives and children, and not be
each moment exposed to the incursions of the treacherous Mexicans."

Xicotencatl made various other offers of his services in the name of his
country. This Xicotencatl was a tall man, broad shouldered, and well
built, with a large fresh <DW52> face, full of scars, as if pitted
with the smallpox. He may have been about thirty-five years of age, and
was earnest and dignified in his deportment. Cortes thanked him most
sincerely, saying, "he would acknowledge them as vassals of our emperor,
and would, for the future, look upon them as our friends."

Upon this Xicotencatl begged he would repair to the metropolis of his
country, where all the caziques, elders, and papas were expecting us
with impatience. Cortes answered, that he would comply with his request
as soon as possible; for the present he had still some business to
transact with the ambassadors of Motecusuma, and as soon as he had
finished this he would visit them. He then continued to address them in
a harsher tone of voice, and mentioned the repeated attacks they had
made upon us. He would certainly bear them no malice, and freely forgave
all the past, but they must sacredly observe the peace which he had
granted them, and show no inconstancy in their conduct. If they did he
would assuredly destroy their town and put all the inhabitants to the
sword, and no longer listen to them, but carry on a war of extirpation
to the very last. Xicotencatl, and all the distinguished personages who
were with him, assured Cortes they would faithfully abide by their
promise, and that they were ready to offer themselves as hostages in
proof of their sincerity. Upon this followed various other discourses
between Cortes, Xicotencatl, and the principal men of his suite. We
presented them with blue beads for themselves, the elder Xicotencatl and
most of the other caziques, with the assurance that we intended soon to
visit their metropolis, which we desired they would announce to their
countrymen.

The Mexican ambassadors were present during the whole of this interview,
and heard the friendly offers which the Tlascallans made us of their
services; and were not at all pleased with the peace we had concluded,
and easily foresaw it would prove disadvantageous for their country.
When, therefore, Xicotencatl had taken his leave, they remarked rather
smilingly to Cortes, that he should not repose any trust in their
assurances of friendship and kind offers. All this was sheer deceit,
and nothing but treachery was hidden in their sentiments. They merely
wished thereby to entice us into their town, when they could fall upon
us unawares and destroy us all. We should remember how often they had
attacked us with their whole army, but finding open force of no avail,
they now, after so many of their numbers had been killed and wounded,
would try their chance with fine words and a pretended show of peace.

To this Cortes answered with an air of determination, that he no way
troubled himself about their intentions. If their suspicions proved true
he would put the Tlascallans all to death. They might attack him by
night or day, in the open field or in the town, it was all the same to
him, and to convince himself as to how matters really stood he was
determined to visit their metropolis. When the Mexican ambassadors found
him thus determined, they begged of him to remain for at least another
six days in his present quarters, that they might first send messengers
to communicate with Motecusuma, and would return again with his answer
in the time specified.

To this Cortes consented, partly on account of his ague, partly because
he thought the warnings the Mexicans had given him might not be
altogether so unfounded as he imagined. In that time he could also gain
more certain proofs of the real intentions of the Tlascallans.

As everything now wore a peaceable aspect, and the whole country from
the town of Vera Cruz up to our present quarters, was inhabited by
friendly tribes and our allies, Cortes ventured to forward a letter to
Juan de Escalante, who had remained behind there in garrison. He desired
him to complete the buildings, and then gave him an account of the great
victories we had gained since our arrival in Tlascalla, and how we had
compelled the inhabitants to sue for peace. He also desired him to make
a day of thanksgiving, and in every way to favour our allies of the
Totonaque mountains. Lastly, he requested him to send two bottles of
wine which he had buried in a certain corner of his quarters there, and
some holy wafers, as we had none left. Escalante sent a speedy answer
with the things Cortes required. It may easily be imagined how joyously
this news was received at Vera Cruz, without my spending many words upon
it.

During these days we erected a majestic cross in our quarters, and
Cortes had one of the temples in our neighbourhood cleansed and fresh
plastered by the inhabitants of Zumpanzingo, and some other Indians.
But, to return to our new friends, the caziques of Tlascalla; the
postponement of our visit greatly distressed them, yet they continued to
send us fowls and figs,[28] which were now just in season, and a daily
supply of provisions. This they did with the best of good will, nor
would they ever take anything in return; on the contrary, they daily
more earnestly begged of Cortes not to delay his visit any longer. Our
general, however, was desirous of waiting the six days for the return of
the Mexican ambassadors, and he each time put off the Tlascallans with
some friendly excuse.

The Mexicans faithfully kept their word, and at the expiration of the
above-mentioned time six distinguished personages arrived from Mexico
with a rich present from Motecusuma, in value above 3000 pesos,
consisting in gold trinkets of various workmanship, two hundred pieces
of cotton stuffs, interwoven with feathers and other productions of
Mexican art.

When they handed over these presents to Cortes they informed him that
Motecusuma was greatly delighted at the successful state of our affairs.
For the rest he requested us most urgently not to bring any Tlascallans
into his dominions, for whatever purpose it might be, and upon the whole
not to trust them. They were merely watching to rob us of our gold and
other valuables, as they were quite poverty-struck themselves, and
possessed no fine cotton cloaks. This evil design they cherished the
more fervently, as they knew that we were on friendly terms with them,
and had received presents in gold and cotton stuffs. Cortes accepted
these presents with every appearance of delight, and thanked them, with
the assurance that he would render Motecusuma good services in return.
If he should discover that the Tlascallans really bore treachery at
heart they would have to pay very dearly for it. He, however, trusted
that such thoughts were remote from their minds, and he would now repair
thither in person to see how much truth there was in their statement.

In the midst of this discourse several messengers arrived from
Tlascalla, bringing Cortes information that all the old caziques of the
country were on their road to pay us a visit, and conduct us into their
city. On learning this, Cortes requested the Mexican ambassadors to stay
with us three days before they departed again to their monarch with his
answer; for that, at present, he was about to grant terms of peace to
the Tlascallan chiefs.

[28] These figs, Bernal Diaz calls Tuna, which is the Cactus Tuna of
Linnaeus. (p. 173.)




CHAPTER LXXIV.

    _How the old caziques of Tlascalla arrived in our camp and invited
    Cortes, and all of us to visit their city, and what further
    happened._


The old caziques of Tlascalla finding that we did not arrive in their
city, determined to call upon us themselves, and set out, some on foot
and some in sedans and a species of hand-barrow. Besides those I
mentioned above, (Maxixcatzin and the blind Xicotencatl, the elder,)
there were Guaxolacima, Chichimeclatecl, and Tecapaneca of Topoyanco.
Their suite was composed of several distinguished personages. When they
arrived in presence of Cortes they paid him the profoundest respect,
making him and us who stood around three deep bows. They likewise
perfumed with copal, touched the ground with their hands, and kissed it.

The elder Xicotencatl then addressed Cortes as follows:

"Malinche! Malinche! often have we begged of you to forgive the hostile
attacks we made upon you. We have already explained to you that we
imagined you were in league with Motecusuma. Indeed, if we had known
before what we now do, instead of refusing you admission, we would not
only have marched out to meet you by the shortest route with a quantity
of provisions, but have come to the very coast where your vessels lie,
in order to conduct you hither. But, as you have now pardoned all this,
I am come with all the caziques to beg of you to accompany us
immediately to our city, and to construct in good part the reception
which we intend to give you there according to the best of our
abilities. Stay all other business for the present, Malinche, we beg of
you, and go with us now. We greatly deplore that the Mexicans should
have attempted to poison your mind with all manner of falsehoods
respecting us, and that this should alone have withheld you from paying
us a visit. We are quite accustomed to their slanders. You must not
believe them, no, nor even listen to them, for all their actions and
words are full of deceit."

To which Cortes said, with serenity depicted on his countenance, "He
knew years ago that we should one time visit this country. They were a
brave people, and he was astonished they should have treated us as
enemies. With regard to the Mexicans who were now present, they were
merely waiting his commands to return to their monarch Motecusuma. He
joyously accepted of their invitation to visit their city, and thanked
them for the provisions they had sent, and also for all their other
kind offers; they might depend upon our services in return. The reason
why he had not visited them before this was solely owing to our want of
men to transport the tepuzques," so they termed our cannon. When they
heard this, they appeared exceedingly pleased, and immediately cried
out, "How! was it nothing but this, and you would not tell us?" And,
sure enough, scarcely half an hour elapsed before there were 500 porters
on the spot, so that next morning early we were enabled to set out for
the metropolis of Tlascalla. We marched forward as usual, with the heavy
guns, the horse, the crossbow-men, and musketeers, in close order.
Cortes had also requested the Mexican ambassadors to accompany us, in
order that they might convince themselves that the people of Tlascalla
were sincere. To allay their apprehensions, he assured them they should
live in his own quarters, and not be molested.

Before, however, I proceed with my narrative, I must explain how it
happened that Cortes was termed Malinche by all the tribes through whose
territories we had passed. I myself in future will call him by that
name, excepting there where it would be improper. This name was given to
him because our interpretress Dona Marina was always about his person,
particularly when ambassadors arrived, and in our negotiations with the
several caziques, as on those occasions she interpreted for both
parties. They therefore called him the captain of Marina, and contracted
that appellation in the word Malinche.[29] This name was likewise given
to Juan Perez de Artenga of Puebla, because he always accompanied Dona
Marina, and to Geronimo de Aguilar for a similar reason. The former of
these two even retained the name of Juan Perez Malinche. Our entry into
the metropolis of Tlascalla took place twenty-four days after we had
crossed the confines of the country, the 23d day of September, in the
year of our Lord 1519.

[29] For Marina, as appears from several passages in Torquemada and
other writers, was called by the inhabitants Malintziu. (p. 176.)




CHAPTER LXXV.

    _How we marched into the city of Tlascalla, and were received by the
    old caziques; of the present they made us, and how they brought us
    their daughters and nieces; and what further happened._


When the caziques found that our baggage was moving forward, they
hastened before us to make the necessary preparations for our reception,
and to adorn our quarters with green boughs. We had arrived within a
mile of their city when they again came out to meet us, accompanied by
their daughters, nieces, and other distinguished personages, in which
those of the same kin or same family or tribe kept together. Without
that of Topoyanco, which held the fifth degree, there were four tribes.
The inhabitants of the other townships also kept flocking up, all
distinguished by the national colours of their respective dresses,
which, for want of cotton, were very prettily and neatly manufactured of
 nequen. Next came the whole body of papas, of whom there were
great numbers in the temple service. They carried the pans with glowing
embers, and perfumed us. Some of them had on long white cloaks, after
the fashion of surplices with capes, as worn by our canons. The hair of
their heads was long and matted together, so that it would have been an
impossibility to have put it in any shape or order without cutting it
off: besides this, it was completely besmeared with blood, which
trickled down over their ears, for they had been sacrificing that very
day. The nails of their fingers were uncommonly long, and they held down
their heads on approaching us, in token of humility. It was told us that
these men were greatly revered for their religion. The principal
personages now gathered themselves around Cortes' person, and formed a
guard of honour. When we entered the town, the streets and balconies
could scarcely contain the numbers of men and women who had come out to
see us: delight was depicted on every countenance, and twenty baskets
full of roses were brought us, of various colours and sweetly scented,
which were presented to Cortes and the other soldiers whom they
considered officers, and particularly to those who sat on horseback. In
this way we gradually arrived to some spacious courtyards, where
quarters had been prepared for us. Here Xicotencatl the elder and
Maxixcatzin took Cortes by the hand and conducted him into his
apartments. For each of us there was a separate bed, filled with a
species of dried grass, and covered with cloaks of nequen. Our friends
of Sempoalla and Xocotlan were quartered in our vicinity in a similar
manner. Cortes then requested that the ambassadors of Motecusuma might
lodge with him. We soon discovered that good-will and friendly feeling
were universal towards us here, and we therefore somewhat relaxed in our
ordinary precautions. The officer whose duty it was to post our
sentinels and order the patrols, remarked to Cortes, that, as everything
wore such a friendly aspect there, our usual watchfulness would not be
required. "This may be very true," answered our general, "yet we will
not relinquish that excellent custom. Though the people here may be very
good, we must not trust too much to this peace, but always be upon our
guard as if we expected each moment to be attacked. Many a general has
been ruined by carelessness and over-confidence. We, who are a mere
handful of men, and have been precautioned by Motecusuma himself, though
he may not exactly have been in earnest, must be ready for action at a
moment's notice."

The two chief caziques, the elder Xicotencatl and Maxixcatzin, were very
much hurt at the military precautions we took, nor did they strive to
hide their feelings from Cortes, but spoke to him as follows: "Malinche,
if we are to draw a conclusion from the steps you are taking, you either
look upon us as your enemies, or at least you place no confidence in us
and the treaty of peace which has been concluded between us. You post
sentinels and order your men to patrol the streets as formerly, when
both armies stood in hostile array against each other. This you have not
done of your own accord, Malinche, but because the Mexicans have
secretly whispered to you fears of treachery, wishing thereby to
estrange you from us. Believe us, you cannot put any faith in what they
say. You are now in the midst of us; everything we have is at your
service--our own persons and our children; and we are ready to suffer
death for you. Ask for as many hostages as you like, and you shall have
them."

Cortes and all of us admired and were moved at the kind and graceful
manner in which the old men expressed themselves. Our captain said he
required no hostages; he had merely to make use of his eyes to convince
himself that all was perfectly safe. These military precautions were
ever customary with us, and they were not to take umbrage on that
account. He thanked them for their kind intentions, and promised to
render them great services in return.

After this explanation, other persons of distinction arrived with a
quantity of provisions, consisting of fowls, maise-bread, figs, and
vegetables. We had, indeed, everything in the greatest abundance during
the whole of the twenty days we lay in this town.




CHAPTER LXXVI.

    _How mass was said in the presence of a great number of caziques,
    and of the present the latter brought us._


The next morning early Cortes ordered an altar to be constructed, and
mass to be said, as we now again had a supply of wine and holy wafers.
Father Olmedo lying ill of the fever, which had greatly weakened him,
the priest Juan Diaz officiated for him: Maxixcatzin, the elder
Xicotencatl, and several other caziques were present.

After mass, Cortes retired to his quarters. Those among us who were
always about his person accompanied him: we were also followed by the
old caziques and our interpreters, who were indispensable in such
company. The elder Xicotencatl now informed Cortes that it was the
general wish of the inhabitants to make him a present, if agreeable to
him. Cortes answered that he should at all times be most happy to
receive one: they accordingly spread some mats on the floor, and over
these a few cloaks, upon which they arranged five or six small pieces of
gold, a few stones of trifling value, and several parcels of
manufactured nequen, altogether a very poor present, and not worth
twenty pesos. The caziques, on presenting these things to Cortes, said
to him, with a smile on their countenance, "Malinche! we can easily
imagine that you will not exactly experience much joy on receiving a
present of such wretched things as these; but we have told you before
that we are poor, possessing neither gold nor other riches, as the
deceitful Mexicans, with their present monarch Motecusuma, have by
degrees despoiled us of everything we had. Do not look to the small
value of these things, but accept them in all kindness, and as coming
from your faithful friends and servants." These presents were at the
same time accompanied by a quantity of provisions.

Cortes accepted of all this with every appearance of delight, and
assured the old men that, since these things came from them, and were
given with such great good will, they had more value in his estimation
than a whole house full of gold, and that he accepted of them in that
light. These words he accompanied with numerous other kind sayings and
assurances of the esteem he entertained for them.

The caziques had also agreed among themselves to present us the most
beautiful of their daughters and nieces. The old Xicotencatl, therefore,
again addressed Cortes: "In order, Malinche, that you may have a still
clearer proof of our good feeling towards you, and to show you how glad
we are to do anything which we imagine may please you, we have resolved
to give you our daughters in marriage, that they may have children by
you. We should like to be completely fraternized with such good and
brave men as you are. I myself have a daughter, who is very beautiful,
and has never been married, whom I have destined for you."

Maxixcatzin and most of the other caziques continued in the same strain,
begging of us to take their daughters for our wives. These requests were
accompanied by various other proffers of friendship, and Maxixcatzin
and Xicotencatl passed the whole day with us: the latter was blind with
age; in order, therefore, to form to himself some idea of Cortes, he
drew his hand over his hair, his face, his beard, and the whole of his
body.

Cortes answered, with respect to the women, that he himself and all of
us were very grateful for them, and that we should take the first
opportunity of rendering them a kindness in return.

"What is your opinion," said Cortes, turning to father Olmedo, "would
this not be the proper moment to desire these people to abolish their
idols and the human sacrifices? From fear of the Mexicans, they will
undoubtedly do anything we require of them." "It will be time enough,"
answered the priest, "when they bring us their daughters: then we shall
have the best opportunity of telling them that we cannot accept of them
until they have promised to abstain from their human sacrifices. If they
comply, it is well; if they refuse, we know what our duty and our
religion require of us."




CHAPTER LXXVII.

    _How the caziques presented their daughters to Cortes and all of us,
    and what further happened._


The day following, the old caziques came and brought five young women
with them, who, for Indian females, were in every sense handsome, and
neatly dressed. Each had, in addition, a young woman as maid in waiting,
and all were daughters of caziques. On this occasion, Xicotencatl thus
spoke to Cortes: "Malinche, this is my daughter; she is still a virgin,
and has never been married: take her to yourself, and give the others to
your officers."

Cortes received the young women from his hand, and appeared very
pleased, declaring that he would now consider these females as our own,
but desired that they should, for the present, remain with their
fathers. The caziques inquired the reason of this, when Cortes replied:
"I have no other reason than that I am bound first to fulfil my duty to
the God whom we adore, and to the emperor our master, which is to
require of you to abolish your idols, the human sacrifices, and other
abominations practised among you, and exhort you to believe in him in
whom we believe, who alone is the true God." Besides this, he told them
many other things concerning our holy faith, which Dona Marina and
Aguilar explained right well to them. Similar discourses took place on
every occasion: Cortes at the same time showed them the image of the
holy Virgin, holding her inestimable Son in her arms, and he explained
to them how that represented the blessed Virgin Mary: she was now high
in the heavens above, and was the mother of our Lord Jesus Christ, whom
she held in her arms, conceived by the Holy Ghost; that she was a virgin
before, after, and during his birth. She was our mediator with her
heavenly Son, our God.

To this he added many other things concerning our holy religion, and
concluded by saying: "If you are, indeed, our brothers, and you are
really inclined to conclude a lasting peace with us, and if we are to
take and keep your daughters as affectionate husbands should do, they
must abandon their horrible idols, and believe in the Lord God whom we
adore. They would soon discover the beneficial effect of this; blessings
would be showered down upon them, the seasons would be fruitful, and all
their undertakings would prosper; after death their souls would be
transplanted to heaven, and partake of eternal glory; for, by the human
sacrifices which they made to their idols, who were nothing but devils,
they would be led to hell, where eternal fire would torment their
souls." For the present Cortes said nothing further to them respecting
their idols, as he had often before spoken to them concerning these.

In answer to all this, they said to Cortes: "Malinche, we have heard all
this from you on former occasions, and willingly believe that this your
God and this illustrious woman are right good beings. But you should
reflect how very recently you have arrived in our country, and you have
but just entered our city. You should certainly give us time to learn
more of your doings, manner of behaviour, and nature of your gods; and
when we shall have satisfied ourselves respecting their qualities, we
shall certainly make choice of those we consider best. How can you ask
us to abandon our gods whom we have adored for so many years, and prayed
and sacrificed to them? But if we should even do so to please you, what
would our papas, our young men, yes, even our boys, say to it? Believe
us, they would all rise up in arms. The papas, indeed, have already
spoken to our teules, who have told them not to abolish our human
sacrifices, nor any other of our ancient customs, otherwise they would
destroy our whole country by famine, pestilence, and war."

We might conclude from this straightforward and fearless answer, that it
would be useless to insist any longer on this point, and that they would
rather allow themselves to be killed than abolish their human
sacrifices. Even father Olmedo, who was a profound theologian, found
himself compelled thus to address Cortes on the subject: "My opinion is,
sir, that you should no longer urge this matter with these people. It is
not acting right to force them to become Christians. I could likewise
wish that we had not destroyed the idols at Sempoalla. This I am
convinced ought not to be done until the people have gained some
knowledge of our holy religion. What, indeed, do we gain by pulling down
their idols from the temples? They have merely then to repair to another
temple. But, on the other hand, we should never cease to exhort them
with our pious lessons. In this way the time will certainly arrive, when
they will find that our intentions and our advice are good."

In this same strain the three cavaliers Alvarado, Leon, and Lugo
likewise spoke to Cortes; assuring him that father Olmedo was in the
right, and that they perfectly agreed with him, that it would be
inadvisable again to touch upon this point with the caziques.

Here, accordingly, the subject was dropped, and Cortes confined himself
to ordering the idols to be taken down from a temple which had been
recently built in the neighbourhood. The latter to be cleansed and fresh
plastered, and the image of the blessed Virgin to be placed on it. To
this the caziques readily consented, and when all was finished mass was
said, and the daughters of the caziques were baptized. Xicotencatl's
daughter was named Dona Louisa,--when Cortes took her by the hand and
presented her to Alvarado, saying, at the same time, to Xicotencatl,
that he to whom he had given her was his brother and a chief officer
under him, who would certainly treat her well, and with whom she would
live happily; to this Xicotencatl said he was perfectly agreeable.

The niece or daughter of Maxixcatzin received the name of Dona Elvira.
She was very beautiful, and was presented, if I still remember rightly,
to Leon. The others were given to Oli, Sandoval, and Avila, who all
subjoined their Christian names to theirs as if they had been young
ladies of noble birth.

Upon this it was also explained to the caziques why we always erected
two crosses wherever we formed a camp and passed the night: assuring
them amongst other things that their gods feared them. All this the
caziques listened to with great attention. But before I continue my
narrative I must add a few words about Xicotencatl's daughter, Dona
Louisa, who was given to Alvarado.

The whole of Tlascalla took the greatest interest in her welfare, and
honored her as a woman invested with command. Alvarado, who was a
bachelor, got a son by her, who was named Don Pedro; and also a
daughter, Dona Leonora, who is now the wife of Don Francisco de la
Cueva, a cavalier of distinction, and a relation of the duke of
Albuquerque. She is already the mother of four or five sons, all valiant
cavaliers. She is an excellent lady, and a daughter worthy of such a
father, who, as every one knows, is comptoir of Santjago and chief
justice and viceroy of Guatimala; nor is she less worthy of the house of
Xicotencatl, for the latter ranked very high in Tlascalla, and was
looked upon as a king.




CHAPTER LXXVIII.

    _How Cortes gained some information respecting Mexico from
    Xicotencatl and Maxixcatzin._


Cortes one day took the caziques aside, and put several questions to
them respecting the situation and affairs of Mexico. Xicotencatl, as the
more intelligent and distinguished personage, answered his queries, and
Maxixcatzin, who was likewise a man of high rank, assisted him from time
to time.

"Motecusuma," said Xicotencatl, "had such a vast army, that when he
intended to conquer any large township, or of falling into any province,
he invariably ordered 100,000 warriors into the field. They, the
Tlascallans, had often experienced this in the many wars which they had
waged with the Mexicans for upwards of 100 years."

When Cortes here interrupted them with the question: "How they had
managed to escape from being in the end subdued by such a vast army?"
They replied, "That they had, indeed, often been worsted by the
Mexicans, and lost many of their men, who were either killed in battle,
or taken prisoners and sacrificed to the idols; but that they likewise
had slain numbers of the enemy and taken many of them prisoners. Neither
did the Mexicans ever approach so unobserved, but that they received
some previous notice of their movements. In these cases they made every
effort that lay in their power; could always depend on the assistance of
the Huexotzincans; and, according to circumstances, either assailed the
enemy or pursued a system of defence. Besides this, another circumstance
was greatly in their favour, namely, that the Mexicans were excessively
hated in all the provinces and among all the tribes which Motecusuma had
subdued and plundered, and that the warriors who were forced to serve in
his army fought with reluctance and with little courage. In this way,
then, they defended their country as well as they could. The greatest
overthrow they ever experienced was from the Cholullans, whose town lay
about a day's march from Tlascalla. The inhabitants there were a most
deceitful set. In that town it was that Motecusuma usually assembled his
troops, whence they generally commenced their march during night-time."

Maxixcatzin here observed, "That Motecusuma had strong garrisons in
every town, besides the warriors who marched out from the metropolis to
the field of battle. Every province was compelled to pay him tribute,
consisting in gold, silver, feathers, precious stones, cotton stuffs, as
well as Indians of both sexes: some of whom he took into his service,
and some were sacrificed. He was altogether such a powerful and wealthy
monarch, that he accomplished and obtained everything he desired. His
palaces were filled with riches and chalchihuis stones, on which he
seized wherever he came. In short, all the wealth of the country was in
his possession."

They then gave such an account of the magnificence and splendour of his
court, that if I here felt inclined to repeat what they told us, I
should never finish; also of the number of his wives; some of whom he
now and then gave in marriage to his relations; the great strength of
his metropolis, how it lay in the midst of a lake, and the great depth
of the latter. Several causeways, they added, led to this city, which
were intersected in various places, over which wooden bridges were
built, under which canoes could pass; but, if they were removed, the
space between every two sections became an island, and all entrance to
the town was completely cut off. Nearly the whole of the houses of the
city were built in the water, and it was only possible to get from one
building to another by means of drawbridges or canoes. Balconies were
attached to each house, which were provided with a kind of breastwork,
so that the inhabitants were able to defend themselves from the tops of
the houses. Yet the whole town was well supplied with sweet water from
the spring of Chapultepec, which lay about two miles from the town,
whence the water was partly conveyed to the houses by means of pipes,
partly in boats through the canals, and then retailed to the
inhabitants.

With respect to the weapons employed by this nation, they consisted in
two-edged lances, which they threw by means of a thong, and would
penetrate through any cuirass. They were likewise excellent shots with
the bow and arrow, and carried pikes with blades made of flint, which
were of very skilful workmanship and as sharp as razors. Besides these,
they carried shields, and wore cotton cuirasses. They likewise employed
a great number of slingers, who were provided with round stones, long
pikes, and sharp swords, which are used with both hands.

To explain all this they brought forth large pieces of nequen, on which
were depicted their battles and their art of warfare. When Cortes and we
others considered we had gained sufficient information of these things,
the discourse turned on subjects of greater importance. Our friends told
us how and whence they came into this country, and how they had settled
themselves there; how it came that, notwithstanding their vicinity to
the Mexicans, they resembled each other so little, and lived in
perpetual warfare with each other. The tradition was also handed down
from their forefathers, that in ancient times there lived here a race of
men and women who were of immense stature with heavy bones, and were a
very bad and evil-disposed people, whom they had for the greater part
exterminated by continual war, and the few that were left gradually died
away.

In order to give us a notion of the huge frame of this people, they
dragged forth a bone, or rather a thigh bone, of one of those giants,
which was very strong, and measured the length of a man of good stature.
This bone was still entire from the knee to the hip joint. I measured it
by my own person, and found it to be of my own length, although I am a
man of considerable height. They showed us many similar pieces of bones,
but they were all worm-eaten and decayed; we, however, did not doubt for
an instant, that this country was once inhabited by giants. Cortes
observed, that we ought to forward these bones to his majesty in Spain
by the very first opportunity.

The caziques also mentioned another tradition which had come down from
their forefathers. A certain god, to whom they paid great honours, had
informed them that there would one time come from the rising of the sun,
out of distant countries, a people who would subject and rule over them.
If we were that people they should feel delighted, for we were
courageous and good-hearted. This old prophecy was also brought up when
we were negotiating terms of peace with them, and they had chiefly
offered us their daughters in order to bring about a relationship
between us and themselves, and to obtain assistance against the
Mexicans; this they had communicated to their idols.

We were all greatly astonished at this account, and inquired of each
other in amazement, whether all they told us could be true. Cortes said
to them, "That we came, indeed, from the rising of the sun. The emperor,
our master, had purposely sent us, that we might become their brothers,
as he had had some previous knowledge respecting their country. May God
in his mercy grant," continued Cortes, "that we may be the means of
saving you from eternal perdition!" To which we all added, "Amen!"

The good reader will now, no doubt, have heard sufficient of our
discourses with the people of Tlascalla. And I myself shall be glad to
cut them short here, as I have many other things to relate besides
these.

Among others, in particular, the burning mountain of Huexotzinco, which,
at the time we were in Tlascalla, happened to be emitting more flames
than usual, and Cortes and all of us, to whom a volcano was something
new, regarded it in astonishment. Diego de Ordas, one of our chief
officers, entertained the bold idea to inspect this wonder more
minutely, and begged leave of our general to ascend the mountain, who
granted this request.

Ordas took two of our men with him, and desired some of the chief
personages of Huexotzinco to accompany him. They certainly did not
refuse, but tried to deter him by assuring him, that when he should have
ascended the Popocatepetl, for so they termed this volcano, half way, he
would not be able to advance further on account of the trembling of the
earth, and the flames, stones and ashes which were emitted from the
crater. They themselves never durst venture higher than to where some
temples were built to the teules of Popocatepetl. And indeed they left
Ordas when he arrived at that spot. The latter, however, boldly
continued to ascend with our two soldiers until he had reached the
summit.

While they were still ascending, the volcano began to emit huge flames
of fire, half burnt and perforated stones, with a quantity of ashes; and
the whole mountain shook under their feet to the very foundation. They
then halted for an hour, until they found that the smoke and fire
gradually began to diminish and less ashes to fall; they then continued
to ascend until they reached the crater, which was perfectly round and
about a mile in diameter. From this elevation they could plainly discern
the great city of Mexico, with the whole of its lake, and the
surrounding townships; for this mountain only lies about forty-eight
miles from Mexico.

After Ordas had well viewed everything and sufficiently enjoyed and
wondered at the sight of Mexico and its suburbs, he again returned with
the two soldiers and the Indians of Huexotzinco to Tlascalla. The
inhabitants there considered this undertaking to be extremely
venturesome, and even we ourselves who had never seen a burning mountain
before, were perfectly astonished at the account which Ordas gave Cortes
of his hazardous enterprise. Indeed at that time it might well be
termed hazardous! Subsequently, to be sure, several other Spaniards and
Franciscan monks ascended to the mouth of this volcano, but Ordas was
nevertheless the first who had ventured. When, therefore, he afterwards
again returned to Spain, he begged permission of his majesty to bear a
volcano in his coat of arms. These arms are at present borne by his
nephew of the same name, living at Puebla. As long as we remained in
this country we never again saw the mountain throw out so much fire, or
heard of its making such a heavy rumbling noise, as on this occasion,
and not until the year 1539 did it burst out again.

Enough, however, of this mountain; we now pretty well know what it is.
Subsequently we saw many other volcanoes, as those of Nicaragua and
Guatimala; after which that of Huexotzinco is scarcely worth noticing. I
have still to mention that in Tlascalla we found houses built of wood,
in the shape of cages, in which numbers of Indians, of both sexes, were
confined, and fattened for their sacrifices and feasts. We never
hesitated a single moment to break them down and liberate the prisoners.
These unfortunate beings, however, never durst leave our side, and this
was the only means of saving them from being butchered. From this moment
Cortes gave orders to break open these cages wherever we came, for we
found them in every township. We all showed our horror of these
atrocities, and earnestly reproved the caziques for it, who then
promised no longer to kill and devour human beings. I say they promised,
but that was all, and if we were but an instant out of sight the same
barbarities were committed. It is now, however, high time to think of
our march to Mexico.




CHAPTER LXXIX.

    _How our captain Hernando Cortes and all our officers and soldiers
    determine to march to Mexico._


We had now been seventeen days in Tlascalla, and had heard so much
during that time respecting the immense treasures of Motecusuma, and the
splendour of his metropolis, that Cortes resolved to hold a consultation
concerning our march to Mexico, with all those officers and soldiers
amongst us whom he presumed were inclined to advance further on. In this
council of war it was agreed that we should commence our march thither
without delay; various opinions, however, were expressed on the occasion
in our camp. Many maintained that it would be acting over-rashly to
venture with a mere handful of men into a strongly fortified city,
whose monarch had such vast numbers of warriors at his command. But
Cortes declared that all arguing on this point was useless; we could not
alter the resolution we had come to, and we had on every occasion
expressed our desire to pay our respects personally to Motecusuma. When
those who were averse to this step saw his determination, and that the
majority of us warriors were devoted with our very hearts to him, crying
out, "Forward, now or never!" they ceased to make any further
opposition. Those who opposed us were those again who had possessions in
the island of Cuba; we other poor soldiers were ready to sacrifice our
very existence in battle, and to undergo all manner of fatigues for God
and our sovereign. When Xicotencatl and Maxixcatzin were convinced that
it was our determination to march to Mexico, they grew anxious on our
account. They urgently dissuaded Cortes from it, and warned him not to
put the slightest trust in Motecusuma, nor altogether in any of the
Mexicans,--to put no faith in his show of veneration, his courteous and
humble talk. All their professions of friendship, said they, and even
their very presents had treachery at the bottom; for what they give at
one moment they take away at another. They advised us to be upon our
guard night and day; for they were perfectly assured that the Mexicans
would fall upon us when we were least prepared to defend ourselves.
Neither were we to spare life to any of them, if it should come to a
battle;--to the young man that he might not again take up arms against
us, to the old man that he might not do us injury by his counsel.

They gave us many similar precautions, and our captain assured them how
grateful he was for it, and otherwise showed them every possible
kindness, made them and the other caziques various presents, and divided
among them a great portion of the fine stuffs which had been presented
to him by Motecusuma. Cortes at the same time remarked to the caziques,
that it would be the best possible thing if peace and friendship could
be brought about between themselves and the Mexicans, that they might no
longer continue in the disagreeable necessity of making shift with other
things for want of cotton, salt, and other wares.

To this Xicotencatl immediately replied, "That with the Mexicans a
treaty of peace was a mere formality: enmity, nevertheless, always clung
fast to their hearts. It was the characteristic of this people to plot
the foulest treacheries under the semblance of profound peace. No
reliance could be placed on their promises, their words were empty
sounds, and he could not remind and beg of us too often to be upon our
guard against the snares of this vile people."[30]

Next came into consideration the route we should take in our march to
Mexico. Motecusuma's ambassadors, who still remained with us, and wished
to act as our guides, maintained that the best and most level road lay
through the town of Cholulla, whose inhabitants, as subjects of
Motecusuma, would be ready to lend any assistance.

We were also unanimously of opinion that this was the road we ought to
take; but the caziques of Tlascalla, on the contrary, were quite
downcast, when they learnt our determination, and maintained that we
ought to march over Huexotzinco, whose inhabitants were their relatives
and friends, and that we ought not to take our road through Cholulla,
where Motecusuma was accustomed to form his vile stratagems. Their
arguments, however, were of no avail: Cortes adhered to his resolution
of marching over that town. His reason for taking that road was because
this town, according to general report, was thickly populated, had many
beautiful towers, and large cues and temples, and lay in a beautiful
valley, surrounded by extensive townships well stocked with provisions.
Indeed, at that time even, Cholulla, when viewed at a distance, had the
appearance of our great city of Valladolid of Old Castile. At Cholulla,
moreover, we should have our friends of Tlascalla in the immediate
neighbourhood; we could not, therefore, select a more proper spot to
form our plans of reaching the city of Mexico without coming into
contact with the great body of its troops. For in all truth, if God had
not mercifully assisted us with his heavenly arm, and lent us strength
in the moment of need, it would not have been possible for us to have
achieved what we did!

After a long deliberation thus, the route over Cholulla was fixed upon,
and Cortes sent to acquaint the inhabitants with our intentions, more
particularly as, notwithstanding they dwelt so near, they had despatched
no ambassadors to us, nor shown any of those attentions which were due
to us who came in the name of our great monarch, who, he added, had the
good of the people of Cholulla at heart. He at the same time desired
that all the caziques and papas of the town should repair to our
quarters, and swear allegiance to our sovereign and master, otherwise he
should look upon them as our enemies.

While Cortes was despatching this message, and making other
arrangements, it was announced to him that four ambassadors had arrived
with presents in gold from the powerful Motecusuma, who, indeed, never
despatched any messengers from his court if not provided with presents
by him. He would have considered it an insult offered to us if he had
not done so. I will relate in the following chapter what message these
ambassadors brought.

[30] In all the conferences which Cortes had with the Tlascallan chiefs,
they showed an excessive hatred to the Mexicans, from which the
Spaniards derived great advantages: Gomara, however, would make it
appear that the Mexicans could at any time have given the Tlascallans a
total overthrow if they had felt so inclined, but that they considered
it better policy to attack them from time to time, when they wanted
victims for their sacrifices; and then also the younger warriors of
Mexico could have frequent opportunities of learning the art of war near
to the metropolis, without marching to the distant boundaries of the
empire for that purpose. This supposition of Gomara, however, is not
founded on anything like fact. (p. 188.)




CHAPTER LXXX.

    _How the great Motecusuma despatched four ambassadors to us, all men
    in high authority, with presents in gold and cotton stuffs, and what
    they said to our captains._


When Cortes admitted the four ambassadors into his presence they paid
him and we other warriors, who stood around his person, the most
profound respect, and placed before him the presents, consisting of
valuable gold trinkets of various workmanship, worth about 10,000 pesos;
and in ten packages of cotton stuffs, most beautifully interwoven with
feathers: all of which our general received with a friendly smile. They
then said that their monarch could not help feeling astonished that we
had made such a long stay among a poor and uncivilized people, who were
even not fit for slaves, but at the same time so viciously disposed, so
treacherous and thievish, that some day or night when we least expected
it they would murder us merely for the sake of plunder. Motecusuma
begged of us rather to visit his town, where, at least, we might enjoy
the good things it offered, though even these should be below our
deserts, and not equal to what he could wish. We should be regularly
supplied with the necessary provisions, though these had all to be
brought into their city from other parts.

These expressions of friendship were merely sent by Motecusuma in order
to entice us from Tlascalla, being aware that we stood in close
friendship with its inhabitants, and that the caziques to strengthen the
union had given their daughters to Malinche and his officers. For he
would easily conjecture that nothing good could ensue to the Mexicans
from our alliance with them, and this was the reason why he baited us
with gold and other presents that we might enter into his territory, or
that we should, at least, quit the country of the Tlascallans.

The Tlascallans were personally acquainted with these ambassadors, and
they told our captain that all of them were great personages and landed
proprietors, who had subjects of their own. These ambassadors Motecusuma
employed on the most important matters only. Cortes returned them many
thanks, in the most flattering manner, for their civilities and the
expressions of friendship they made in the name of their monarch, and he
desired them to say that in a short time he would pay his respects to
him. He then invited them to pass some time amongst us.

About this time Cortes also sent two of our chief officers in advance to
communicate with Motecusuma and view the great city of Mexico, and
inspect its strong fortifications and other works of defence. These
officers were Alvarado and Vazquez de Tapia. They set out on their
march, and the four ambassadors who had brought the last present
remained with us as hostages. Our two officers were accompanied by the
other messengers who had previously arrived. At that time I was
suffering from a severe wound, accompanied by fever, and could procure
no medicine to relieve my sufferings, so that I cannot now recall to my
memory how far these two officers proceeded on their journey: this,
however, I have not forgotten, that as soon as it was known that Cortes
had sent these cavaliers at a venture to Mexico, it met with universal
disapprobation, and we desired that they might be recalled from their
journey, as nothing could ensue from this but a mere view of that city;
and a despatch was accordingly sent after them, with orders for their
immediate return to our camp. They were not long returning, as Tapia had
been attacked by fever on the road. When the ambassadors who accompanied
them related this to Motecusuma, he was very curious to know something
about the features and the height of these two teules, who had been on
their way to Mexico, and whether they were officers. These ambassadors,
it appears, informed him, that Alvarado was a man whose countenance was
particularly graceful and noble, shone like the sun, and that he was an
officer. They had indeed taken a faithful likeness of him, and gave him
the name of _Tonatio_,[31] which he retained ever after among them, and
signifies the _Sun, son of the Sun_. Of Tapia, that he was a man of a
very stately deportment, powerful, and likewise a chief officer.
Motecusuma was sorely grieved to hear of their return; his ambassadors,
however, had correctly delineated their physiognomies and stature: for
Alvarado was in every sense beautifully proportioned in body, noble in
his gait, had very pleasing features, and an amiable manner of
expressing himself, so that there always appeared a smile on his
countenance; in the same way Tapia, notwithstanding a certain expression
of bodily strength which he had about him, had great nobleness in his
carriage.

For the rest, we were not a little delighted when they reappeared in our
quarters; nor did we make a secret of our opinion, that their mission
had not exactly been the most prudent of Cortes' resolves. But I will
say nothing further of this matter, as it has little to do with my
history.

[31] The name which the Mexicans gave to Alvarado was Tonatiuh, the sun.
It may naturally be supposed that when the Spaniards first arrived in
New Spain, they did not catch the true sound of names. Torquemada, who
spent nearly the whole of his life in New Spain, is considered the most
correct in this respect. (p. 191.)




CHAPTER LXXXI.

    _How the inhabitants of Cholulla despatched four Indians to us, all
    men of no distinction, to apologise for not having visited us in
    Tlascalla, and what further happened._


I mentioned in the preceding chapter that our captain had sent a message
to Cholulla, inviting the inhabitants of that town to visit us in
Tlascalla. When the caziques there received this message, they merely
thought proper to send us four Indians of mean rank, and apologised for
not appearing themselves, on account of indisposition. These messengers
neither brought any provisions nor anything else with them, but in a few
dry words offered the excuse just mentioned.

The caziques of Tlascalla who were present when these messengers
arrived, were struck with their appearance, and remarked to Cortes that
this message was a real insult to him and all of us, since these
messengers were _Macehuales_,[32] and people of mean condition.

This circumstance induced Cortes to despatch four Indians of Sempoalla
to Cholulla, telling them to acquaint the inhabitants there that he
should expect an embassy from them within the space of three days,
consisting of men of rank and authority. The distance between them and
him was merely twenty miles, and if no one appeared within the stated
time, he should consider the town of Cholulla in rebellion against us.
If, however, the embassy he required did make its appearance, it was his
intention to reveal matters of importance to them, for the salvation of
their souls, and salutary to their whole existence; he would then also
look upon them as friends and brothers, in the same way as he considered
their neighbours the Tlascallans. If, however, our proposals met with
their entire disapprobation, and if they did not consider our friendship
worthy of acceptance, we should be far from troubling them with our
presence.

When the inhabitants of Cholulla were made acquainted with this friendly
declaration, they sent word that the reason why they could not come to
Tlascalla was, because they were at enmity with the inhabitants, and
were well aware how they and their ruler Motecusuma had been slandered
by them: we had merely to quit the town of Tlascalla and the boundaries
of that province, and if then they did not do their duty towards us, we
might look upon them in the light we had threatened, and treat them
accordingly.

Our captain considered this excuse perfectly reasonable, and we
therefore resolved upon marching to Cholulla. When the caziques of
Tlascalla saw that our determination was fixed, they thus addressed
Cortes: "Then you rather put your trust in what the Mexicans say, than
in us who are your friends? We have often impressed on your mind how
particularly you should be upon your guard with the people of Cholulla,
and against the power of Mexico in general; however, in order that you
may have assistance in case of need, we have armed 10,000 of our
warriors to accompany you."

Cortes expressed his thanks to these excellent men for their good
wishes, and deliberated with us as to the policy of entering with such a
large army into a country whose friendship we were desirous of gaining.
After mature consideration, we came to the conclusion that 2000 men
would be a sufficient number to join us, and Cortes accordingly begged
our friends for so many, and the rest were thus forced to remain at
home.

[32] Bernal Diaz writes, incorrectly, Macegales. By this word the
Mexicans denoted the country people, who formed the great mass of the
population, who also tilled the ground, and paid to the landowners a
third part of the produce. Landed proprietors in Greece, at the present
day, are not so generous, for they take two thirds of the produce and
allow the tenant only one. (p. 192.)




CHAPTER LXXXII.

    _How we arrived in the town of Cholulla, and the brilliant reception
    we met with._


Early one morning we broke up our quarters, and left for the town of
Cholulla. We marched onward in the best order possible; for, as I have
before remarked, we were always doubly on our guard wherever we
suspected hostilities. The first day's march brought us to a river which
flows about four miles this side of Cholulla, and we took up our night's
quarters at a spot where now a stone bridge is built across the river.
Here, huts and messrooms had been erected for our accommodation.

This same night ambassadors arrived from the caziques of Cholulla, all
personages of the first rank, to bid us welcome in their territory. They
brought us provisions, consisting of fowls and maise-bread, and
announced to us that all the caziques and papas would call to give us a
friendly reception, and begged we would excuse them for not having come
out immediately. Cortes returned them thanks through Dona Marina and
Aguilar for the provisions and their kind intentions; we then laid
ourselves down to rest, after we had posted the necessary sentinels and
ordered the patrols.

With break of day we put ourselves in motion, and marched direct for the
town, within a short distance of which we were met by the caziques,
papas, and numbers of other Indians who had come out to welcome us.
Most of them were clad in a species of cotton cloak, similar in shape to
our marlotas.[33] These cloaks are also worn by the Capotecas Indians.
They all appeared friendly, and well-disposed towards us. The papas
carried along with them earthern censors, with which they perfumed our
officers and those soldiers who stood nearest.

When the papas and other chief Indians saw the Tlascallans who had
accompanied us, they begged of Dona Marina to remind Cortes that it was
not proper for their enemies to enter into the town with weapons in
their hands. Cortes then ordered the officers and the whole of us to
halt, and spoke to us as follows: "I am of opinion, gentlemen, that,
previous to our entering into Cholulla, we should, by kind words, elicit
from these papas and caziques what their real intentions are. They seem
hurt that these our friends the Tlascallans should have accompanied us,
and are, indeed, perfectly right in what they say; wherefore it is my
intention to acquaint them, in a mild manner, with our reasons for
visiting their city. You know already, from the Tlascallans, that these
people are treacherous by nature; it is, therefore, most prudent we
should first desire them to take an oath of allegiance to our
sovereign."

He then desired Dona Marina to call the caziques and papas around him
where he sat on horseback, all of us being close at his side. Three of
the principal caziques and two papas immediately appeared in Cortes'
presence, and addressed him thus: "Malinche, you must not harbour any
suspicion against us for not having come to Tlascalla to pay our
respects to you there, and because we did not send you any provisions.
We were not wanting in good wishes towards you, but Maxixcatzin,
Xicotencatl, and the whole of Tlascalla are at enmity with us. They have
too grossly slandered us and our great monarch, and now they no longer
abide by words, but have the audacity to be upon the point of entering,
all armed, into our city, under your protection. We earnestly beg you
will tell them to return to their own country, or at least command them
to remain outside in the fields, and not to march into our city in such
a manner. The rest of you are at liberty to enter at any time, and are
perfectly welcome."

As soon as our captain was informed of this their reasonable request he
sent for Alvarado and Oli, and commissioned them to beg of the
Tlascallans to erect themselves huts and barracks outside the town, and
not to follow us there except those of them who transported our heavy
guns, and our friends of Sempoalla. These officers were, at the same
time, to inform them what had occasioned these orders, and the great
fear in which all the caziques and papas stood of them; that they should
be duly informed of the day when we commenced our march through Cholulla
to Mexico; lastly, they were desired not to grieve on account of this
change.

When the inhabitants of Cholulla perceived the arrangements which Cortes
had made respecting the Tlascallans, they appeared more easy; upon which
Cortes acquainted them that our sovereign and master, whose subjects we
were, was a powerful monarch, who had under his command many great kings
and caziques. We were sent by him into this country to acquaint them, in
his name, that, in future, they were no longer to worship idols, make
human sacrifices, eat human flesh, and were to abstain from committing
unnatural crimes, and all other abominations. We had come to their town
because the road to Mexico lay through it, whither we were going to hold
a conference with the great Motecusuma; and we were also desirous of
considering them as brothers. Cortes further said that other great
caziques had already sworn obedience and submission to our sovereign,
and he hoped they would follow their example.

In answer to this, they said that we really demanded too much; we had
scarcely seen them before we required of them to abolish their teules,
which they could not think of complying with; but as regarded doing
homage to our sovereign, in so far they would yield to our wishes. They
accordingly made a verbal promise of allegiance, but not with the usual
formalities, in presence of a royal notary; upon this we made our entry
into the city of Cholulla. The tops of the houses and streets were
everywhere crowded with people to gaze upon us. And who can wonder? They
had never before seen men like ourselves, nor any horses! Through this
mass of people we were conducted to our quarters, consisting of several
large apartments, in which all of us, with our friends of Sempoalla and
the Tlascallans who transported our baggage, found plenty of room, and
we were immediately supplied with abundance of good victuals.

[33] A small kind of cloak, a part of the old Moorish dress, still worn
in Spain during festivals. (p. 194.)




CHAPTER LXXXIII.

    _How the inhabitants of Cholulla concerted a plan, at the
    instigation of Motecusuma, to murder us all, and what further
    happened._


The splendid reception we met with at Cholulla was certainly well meant
and honest on the part of the inhabitants, yet a most rapid change took
place. Motecusuma, namely, through his ambassadors, had concocted a plan
with the inhabitants to murder us all. The latter were ordered to arm
themselves in all secrecy, and act in concert with 20,000 of his troops,
who were already on their road, and would enter Cholulla by stealth,
when they were to fall upon us unawares in a body, harass us day and
night, take as many of us prisoners as they could, and send us bound to
Mexico. These orders were accompanied with great promises and presents
of jewels, and other precious things,--among them a golden drum. The
papas also received instructions to sacrifice twenty of us to their
idols.

All this was nicely planned, and ready to burst forth. Motecusuma's
troops lay for a part hid among the woods, about two miles from
Cholulla; another portion had been secretly admitted into the dwellings
of the Cholullans. All were well armed, and the balconies of the houses
had been strengthened by breastworks, the streets barricaded by heaps of
earth, and intersected by deep holes, so as to render our horse useless.
Some houses had even been filled with neck-straps, ropes made of twisted
hides, and long poles, to which we were to be bound and transported to
Mexico. But the Almighty had willed this otherwise, and all their
designs were frustrated, as the kind reader will shortly see.

For the present we were lodged in good quarters, and received a regular
and plentiful supply of provisions during the first days; and though all
seemed in profound peace, we did not relax in our excellent custom of
keeping a sharp look-out: and, indeed, a visible change was taking
place, for, on the third day, provisions were no longer brought us, nor
did any cazique or papa make his appearance among us: if any Indian did
approach our quarters from curiosity, he merely came with derisive
smiles, as if to convey that something unexpected was going to befall
us. Cortes, perceiving this, desired the ambassadors of Motecusuma, who
still remained with us, to order the caziques to send us provisions as
usual. Some wood and water was now indeed brought us, but the old man
who came with it assured us that there was no more maise left in
Cholulla. That very day even other ambassadors had arrived from
Motecusuma, who joined those staying with us, and delivered their
monarch's message to Cortes without any show of courtesy, and in an
impudent tone of voice, saying that their monarch desired we should not
come to his city, as he could not provide for our sustenance there. To
this they required an immediate answer, they being in a hurry to return
with our reply to Mexico. As soon as Cortes saw what a sad turn affairs
had taken, he spoke with much reserve, and answered the ambassadors in
the most courteous manner possible, telling them how greatly he was
astonished that so powerful a monarch as Motecusuma should so often
change his mind: in the meantime he begged of them to postpone their
return until the following day, when he would be able to say in how far
we could comply with their monarch's wishes.

If my memory is correct, he likewise presented them with a few strings
of glass pearls. It is, however, certain that they promised to remain
until the morrow.

As soon as this conference had ended, Cortes called us all together, and
told us to be particularly upon our guard, as the inhabitants, no doubt,
had some evil design in hand. He then sent for the principal cazique,
whose name has slipped my memory, and desired him, if he could not come
in person, to send some one else; but received an answer that he was
indisposed, and that neither he nor any other of the chiefs could come.

Cortes, perceiving this unfavorable aspect of affairs, ordered two papas
to be brought into his presence from a large cu[34] adjoining our
quarters, where several other papas had assembled together. This was
accordingly done with every mark of respect due to their persons.

Cortes commenced by presenting each with a chalchihuis, a stone which
they prize as much as we do a smaragdus. He then, in a most affectionate
manner, inquired of them what had caused the fear which had seized the
caziques, the other chiefs, and the papas, and why they no longer called
upon us, though we had sent them invitations? One of these papas
appeared to hold a superior rank, as of a bishop, above the others; all
the cues of the town stood under him, and the inhabitants paid him the
profoundest veneration. This personage stated, in reply to Cortes, that
the papas did not entertain any fear for us: if the cazique and other
chief personages would not make their appearance, he was very willing to
call upon them, and he doubted not for an instant but that they would
immediately repair to our quarters.

Cortes desired him accordingly to go and call them; in the meantime he
would detain the other papa. It was not long before this chief priest
reappeared in our quarters, bringing along with him the caziques and the
other principal personages of the district. Cortes inquired of them what
cause they had had to fear us, and why they no longer sent us anything
to eat? adding, that if our stay in their town was burdensome to them,
we would leave the very next morning for Mexico, to pay our respects to
their monarch Motecusuma: they had merely to furnish us with a requisite
number of their porters to convey our baggage and the tepuzques, (that
is, our cannon,) and to send us provisions.

The cazique was so embarrassed at what Cortes had said, that he scarcely
durst open his mouth; but at length promised us the provisions we
required, although he had been, he added, commanded by Motecusuma, his
sovereign, to withhold them, and not to allow us to proceed any further
on our march.

During this conference, three of our Sempoallan friends entered, and
secretly acquainted Cortes that they had found deep holes in the streets
adjoining our quarters, which were thinly covered over with sticks and
earth, so as to be imperceptible to the eye, unless by close inspection;
they had the curiosity to remove the earth from off one of these holes,
and found, sticking up at the bottom, numbers of short stakes sharply
pointed, and no doubt placed there to wound our horse when they fell
into the holes: heaps of stones had been gathered on the tops of the
houses, and the latter strengthened by breastworks made of burnt bricks.
Every preparation had been made for an attack, and another street was
strongly barricaded by large wooden beams. At this same moment eight
Tlascallans also arrived from their quarters outside the town, and said
to Cortes, "Are you ignorant, Malinche, of the treacherous designs which
are going on in this town? We have been given to understand that the
Cholullans last night sacrificed seven persons to their god of war,
among them five children, in order to obtain from him a promise of
victory over you. And we also know that all their goods, wives, and
children have been sent out of the town."

On learning this piece of news, Cortes desired these men to return to
their quarters and tell their chiefs to hold themselves in readiness to
fall into the town at a moment's notice. Then, turning to the cazique,
papas, and chiefs of Cholulla, he told them to allay their fears; to
remain true to the promise they had made with respect to our monarch,
otherwise he should find himself obliged to punish them severely: he had
already acquainted them that, on the following morning, he intended to
take his departure for Mexico, and he should require 2000 of their
warriors to join his army, a like number having been furnished by the
Tlascallans.

The chiefs, in reply, assured Cortes of their willingness to comply with
his wishes; they would find him the number of warriors and porters he
required; they then took their leave to make the necessary preparations,
and appeared perfectly confident, for they thought we should not be able
to stand against their warriors and the army of Motecusuma, which lay in
ambush in the defiles, and that they should be able either to kill us or
take us prisoners, as we should be unable to use our horses on account
of the deep holes. They likewise ordered their men to block up all the
outlets of the town, and so inclose us in the narrow streets, as we
intended leaving next morning. Every one was to be particularly on his
guard, and to perform his part at the right time. They would also send
2000 men in advance, and as we did not dream of what was going to take
place, they would make easy work with us, take us prisoners without
danger, and carry us off bound to Mexico. There was no doubt as to their
success, for they had sacrificed to their god of war, and obtained a
promise of victory from him.

While they were thus making sure of victory, Cortes made every effort to
discover their plans, and commissioned Dona Marina to present the two
papas, he had first spoken to, with additional chalchihuis stones, and
acquaint them that Malinche was very desirous of having a second
interview with them. Dona Marina was quite an adept in such matters, and
succeeded by means of the presents, to induce them to accompany her into
our general's quarters, who then desired them to disclose everything
faithfully to him, which, as priests and men of rank, who would disgrace
themselves by telling lies, they were doubly bound to do. He also
assured them that the trust they reposed in him should not be betrayed,
particularly as we were going to leave next day; and in order to give
more weight to his words, he made them considerable promises. The papas
then confessed that their sovereign Motecusuma could come to no
resolution with himself as to whether he ought to allow us to march
towards his metropolis, and that he changed his mind several times in
one day. At one time he sent orders, that when we should arrive in
Cholulla, we were to be treated in the most respectful manner, and they
were to accompany us to his city; at another time he sent word that our
march to Mexico was contrary to his wishes; and now his gods,
Tetzcatlipuca and Huitzilopochtli, in whom he reposed all confidence,
had advised him to kill us, or have us taken prisoners in Cholulla. The
day before he had sent 20,000 warriors to this place, of whom one half
was already secreted in the town, the other among the mountain defiles
in the neighbourhood. These troops had been informed of our intended
departure, and of the mode in which the attack was to be made upon us,
as also of the 2000 men of Cholulla who were to accompany us, and how
twenty of our men were to be sacrificed to the idols of Cholulla.

After Cortes had elicited all this from them, he presented both the
papas with several of the most beautiful cloaks, enjoining them to
betray nothing of what had passed between him and themselves, if they
did they should certainly forfeit their lives on his return from Mexico.
That very night our general called a council of war, consisting of the
most sensible and experienced soldiers of our small army, to deliberate
what our next step should be. Opinion, as generally happens under such
circumstances, was much divided. Some proposed that we should change our
route altogether and take the road over Huexotzinco. Others were of
opinion that we should preserve peace at any sacrifice and return to
Tlascalla. We others, however, maintained, that if we left the
contemplated treachery of the Cholullans unpunished, the Mexicans would
play us worse tricks in other places, and as we had once gained a
footing in this vast territory, it would be better for hostilities to
break out here, where, besides that, provisions were plentiful, we could
do more execution than in the open field; and immediately to acquaint
the Tlascallans with our determination, that they might join us in the
combat.

This plan, in the end, received unanimous consent, and the following
morning was fixed on for the day of our departure. We therefore fastened
up our knapsacks, which indeed was no great trouble, as we had very
little baggage with us. Our attack upon the Indians was to be made in
the spacious square adjoining our quarters, which was surrounded by high
walls, here we should be able to pay them out according to their
deserts. As to the ambassadors of Motecusuma, we merely told them, that
some villains of Cholulla had formed a conspiracy against us, and had
attempted to lay it all to the door of their sovereign Motecusuma and
his ambassadors; but that we could not for a moment give credence to
this, though for the present we must beg of them not again to leave our
general's head-quarters, and to break off all further intercourse with
the inhabitants of the town, in order to erase from our minds all
suspicion of an understanding between the latter and themselves; they
could also act as our guides on our march to Mexico.

The ambassadors assured us that neither their sovereign Motecusuma, nor
they, were aware of anything we had mentioned to them. We, however,
placed a guard over their persons, fearing they might depart without our
knowledge, and relate to Motecusuma how we had discovered the
conspiracy.

During the whole of this night we were particularly on our guard and all
under arms, the horses were ready saddled and bridled, strong watches
were posted in various places, and one patrol followed the other, as we
were sure we should be attacked that night by the united forces of
Mexico and Cholulla. Of this we obtained further certainty from an old
Indian female, the wife of a cazique, who taking compassion on the youth
and good looks of Dona Marina, knowing at the same time that she
possessed many fine things, had induced her to follow her home to save
her from the impending carnage; for, according to her account, we were
all to be killed that night or the day following. This woman assured her
that Motecusuma had issued the most peremptory orders to this effect,
and had therefore sent an army of Mexicans, who were to join the
Cholullans and spare none of us alive, excepting those they could make
prisoners, who were to be sent bound to Mexico. On hearing this, the old
woman added, she was induced from a compassionate feeling to disclose it
to her. She advised her to pack up her goods in all haste and come and
live in her house. She should have her second son for husband, the
brother of the young man then present.

Dona Marina, who was altogether very shrewd, thus answered the old
woman: "I am thankful indeed, good mother, for your kind warning; I
would go with you this instant if I could find any one to carry away my
mantles and gold trinkets, for I have a pretty good quantity of both.
Wherefore I beg of you, good mother, wait a few moments here with your
son, and we will leave together during the night; for these teules have
their ears and eyes everywhere."

The old woman placed perfect confidence in what she had said, and
continued chatting with her for some time. Dona Marina then put several
other questions to her, as to the manner in which we were to be killed?
How and when the plan had been formed? The answers which the old woman
returned perfectly agreed with the account of the two papas. Marina then
questioned her as to how she had come to the knowledge of that, which
the Cholullans had thought to keep so secret? "I know all this from my
husband," returned she, "who is the chief of one of the quarters of this
town, and who has already joined the men under his command, to make the
necessary preparations, and join the troops of Mexico in the mountain
defiles. Both armies will meet and cut down all the teules. All this I
have known three days ago, for my husband has been presented with a
golden drum, and the three other chiefs with splendid cloaks and gold
trinkets, with orders to take all the teules prisoners and send them to
Mexico."

Dona Marina artfully concealed the real impression all this made upon
her mind, and said to the old woman: "How delighted am I to learn that
your son, to whom you intend to marry me, is a man of high rank! We have
now been discoursing about matters which were intended to be kept a
secret. I will now go and pack up my things; in the meantime you wait
for me here, for I cannot carry all my goods alone; you, your son, my
future brother, must assist me to decamp."

The old woman swallowed all this, and stationed herself at some
particular spot with her son. In the meantime Dona Marina related to our
general the whole of the discourse she had had with the old woman.
Cortes immediately ordered the latter into his presence, and put further
questions to her respecting the plans of the treacherous Cholullans.
Everything she related corresponded with the account of the two papas;
Cortes then ordered her to be detained in close custody that she might
not return and disclose anything to her companions.

When morning arrived it was quite amusing to behold the air of contempt
and the confidence which was depicted in the countenances of the
caziques, the papas, and of the Indians in general. They appeared as if
they had already caught us in a snare. They sent a larger body of their
troops than we had demanded of them; yet there was sufficient room to
hold all these besides our own men in the square adjoining our quarters,
which may be seen to this hour as a memento of that bloody day. Though
it was very early when the troops of Cholulla arrived in our quarters,
yet they found us quite ready for the day's work.

The largest gate of this inclosed square was occupied by that portion of
our troops who were armed with swords and shields, who were ordered not
to allow egress to any Indian who bore arms. Our general had mounted his
horse, surrounded by several of us as a guard to his person, and when he
saw how early all the caziques, papas, and warriors had assembled in the
morning, he cried out in a loud voice: "How impatient these treacherous
people are to get us among the defiles and satiate themselves with our
flesh: but the Almighty will order things differently from what they
expect!"

He then inquired for the two papas who had disclosed the plot to him;
and was informed that they were waiting outside with other caziques, and
wished to be admitted; upon which Cortes sent our interpreter, Aguilar,
to desire them to return home, as he had no occasion for them at that
moment. This was done that no harm might befall them when we should fall
upon the Indians, and as a recompense for the services they had rendered
us.

Our general, seated on horseback, with Dona Marina at his side, then
severely upbraided the caziques and papas. "Why had they," said he to
them, "wished to murder us all the preceding night, though we had not
done them the smallest injury? Had we said or done anything to justify
this treacherous movement? Had he done anything more than exhorted them,
as he had all the different tribes through whose territories he had
passed, to abolish their human sacrifices and abstain from eating human
flesh, to commit no unnatural crimes, and to lead a better life than
they had hitherto? He had, further, merely spoken to them about our holy
religion, and certainly thereby done them no violence. For what purpose
had they collected all those long poles with the nooses and ropes in the
house adjoining the large cue? Why had they during the last three days
barricaded the streets, intersected the latter by deep holes, and
fortified the tops of their houses with breastworks? Why had they sent
away from the town their wives, children, and all their goods? All this
sufficiently proved their treacherous designs, which were no longer to
be concealed; they had even refused to provide us food, and in mockery
had sent us merely wood and water, as if to make us believe they had no
maise left. He was perfectly aware that large troops of warriors had
secreted themselves in the defiles near the town, laying in wait for us
when we should be on our road to Mexico. During the past night they had
been joined by several other troops. In reward for our having looked
upon them as brothers, and announced what our God and our sovereign had
commissioned us to reveal to them, they wished to murder us, and eat our
flesh, for which purpose they had already prepared the dishes, the salt,
the pepper, and the tomates. If they intended to kill us, why did they
not attack us boldly in the open field as beseemed brave warriors, as
their neighbours the Tlascallans had done? He was fully acquainted with
all their designs, how they had promised to sacrifice twenty of us to
their god of war; and that they had sacrificed seven Indians three
nights ago to him, that he might grant them victory over us. But all his
promises were full of lies and deceit. Their gods had no power whatever
over us, and their evil deeds, with all their treachery, would recoil
upon themselves."

When the caziques, papas, and the other principal personages heard this,
all of which Dona Marina most intelligibly interpreted to them, they
confessed that what Cortes had said was perfectly correct, but added,
that they were not the guilty persons, everything having been done at
the instigation of Motecusuma's ambassadors, in accordance with his
commands. To which Cortes answered, "That the Spanish laws did not allow
such treachery to pass by unpunished, and that they would be punished
for it with the loss of their lives." At this moment he ordered a cannon
to be fired, which was the signal for us to fall upon them.

A great number of these people were put to the sword, and some were
burnt alive, to prove the deceitfulness of their false gods. Before a
couple of hours had elapsed our friends of Tlascalla came storming out
of their camp into the town, and fought courageously with the troops of
Cholulla in the streets, who strove to drive them back. They then
dispersed themselves about the town for the sake of plunder, and taking
prisoners; nor were we able to prevent them. The following day more
troops arrived from Tlascalla, who committed worse depredations, so
deeply rooted was their hatred against Cholulla. At length our
compassion was aroused, and we ordered the Tlascallans to stay all
further hostilities, and Cortes commanded all the chiefs into his
presence, when he addressed them at some length, and requested them to
return to their camp, which they accordingly complied with, the
Sempoallans alone remaining within the town.[35]

While all this was going on, several caziques and papas arrived from
other quarters of the town, who were said to have taken no part in this
treacherous movement; which may, indeed, have been the case, as in this
large town every quarter had its own regiment and peculiar regulations.
These people begged Cortes and all of us to pardon them, as the real
traitors had now received their deserved punishment. In this prayer they
were joined by our friends, the two papas, who had first discovered the
plot to us, and the old wife of the Indian chief, who was to have been
Dona Marina's mother-in-law.

Cortes at first appeared very little disposed to listen to their
prayers; but at length he sent for the two ambassadors of Motecusuma,
whom we had kept in close confinement. He began by telling them, that
though the whole town, with all its inhabitants, had merited total
destruction, he would, nevertheless, substitute mercy for justice in
consideration of their monarch Motecusuma, whose subjects they were; but
he expected they would in future show a better disposition towards us,
and give us no further cause to renew such a scene as had just taken
place, otherwise they would undoubtedly forfeit their lives. He next
sent for the caziques of the Tlascallan camp, and ordered them to
liberate the prisoners they had taken, as they had now sufficiently
revenged themselves. It was with difficulty we could persuade the
Tlascallans to comply with this, for they maintained that the Cholullans
had deserved a good deal more at their hands for the many times they had
suffered from them; however, as it was Cortes' wish, they liberated a
great number of their captives; but carried off a great deal of booty,
consisting in gold, cloaks, cotton, salt, and other matters.

Cortes then brought about a reconciliation between these two tribes, and
as far as I know, the good understanding which grew up between them was
never after disturbed. He then desired the caziques and papas to order
all the inhabitants into the town again, and to open the tiangues[36] or
markets, at the same time assuring them that no further harm should
befall them. The chiefs accordingly promised that all the inhabitants
should return to the town within the space of five days, as most of them
had fled to the woods; and added, that they feared Cortes would elect a
cazique to whom they might be averse in the room of him who had been
killed in the recent attack. Our general, however, merely inquired who
the rightful successor was according to their laws; and on being
informed the late cazique's brother, he appointed him governor.

As soon as the town was again filled with people, and the markets
frequented as usual, Cortes assembled the papas, chiefs, and the
principal inhabitants, and explained to them the nature of our holy
religion, and showed them the necessity of abolishing their idolatry and
human sacrifices, and their other abominations. He likewise showed them
the delusion they lived under with respect to their idols, which were
nothing but evil spirits from whom they could expect nothing but
falsehood. They should remember how these had lately promised them the
victory over us, and how all their promises had terminated. They should,
therefore, pull down and destroy those lying and deceitful idols, or
leave that work to us, if they declined doing it themselves. At present
he desired they would clear and fresh plaster one of their temples, that
we might fit it up for a chapel and erect a cross there. These words
seemed to cheer them up a little, and they gave a solemn promise to
destroy their idols, but continually postponed the fulfilment whenever
we put them in mind of it. On this matter father Olmedo set Cortes' mind
at ease, by assuring him it would be of little use if even the Indians
did abolish their idols, unless they had previously received some notion
of our religion and faith. We ought first to see what impression our
march into Mexico would make upon them. Time alone could be our surest
guide as to our further proceedings. For the present we had done
sufficient by admonishing them to piety, and by erecting a cross there.

Respecting the town of Cholulla, I have further to remark; that it lay
in a valley, and was surrounded by the townships Tepeaca, Tlascalla,
Chalco, Tecamachalco, Huexotzinco, and so many others that I am unable
to enumerate them all. The country furnished quantities of maise and
various leguminous plants, and particularly maguey, from the sap of
which the inhabitants make their wine.[37] In the town itself various
kinds of earthenware pots are made, embellished with black and white
colours, which are burnt in; with these it supplies Mexico and the
neighbouring provinces. In this respect Cholulla is equally celebrated
in this country, as the towns Talavera and Valencia are in Spain. At
that time Cholulla had above a hundred very high towers, the whole of
which were cues or temples, on which the human sacrifices were made and
their idols stood. The principal cu here was even higher than that of
Mexico, though the latter was, indeed, magnificent and very high.[38] It
is said to have contained one hundred courts, and an idol of enormous
dimensions, (the name of which I have forgotten,) which stood in great
repute, and people came from various parts to sacrifice human beings to
it and bring offerings for the dead.[39] I well remember when we first
entered this town, and looking up to the elevated white temples, how the
whole place put us completely in mind of Valladolid.

I must now say a few words respecting the troops which Motecusuma had
despatched here. These lay in ambush in the immediate vicinity of the
town, and had planted stakes in the ground, and dug deep holes to render
our cavalry incapable of acting. But when they were informed of what had
taken place there, they immediately returned to Mexico to bring the
intelligence to Motecusuma. However rapidly their departure may have
been, we, nevertheless, were immediately apprized of it by the two
distinguished personages who were with us. Motecusuma was excessively
vexed and grieved at the news, and instantly ordered a number of Indians
to be sacrificed to his warrior god Huitzilopochtli, that he might
reveal to him whether he should obstruct our march to Mexico, or allow
us peaceable entrance into his metropolis. Two whole days did he spend
with his papas in devotional exercises, and in sacrificing human beings
to his idols, and at length was advised by them to send us ambassadors
to apologise for the occurrence at Cholulla. He was further to allow us
to march into Mexico, under every show of friendship; but when we had
entered the town to deny us provisions and water, break down the
bridges, shut us in, and put us all to the sword. If they attacked us in
a body, and from all sides at once, not one of us could escape. Not till
then were the great sacrifices to be instituted, as well in honour of
the warrior-god Huitzilopochtli, who had given the oracle, as in that of
the god of hell, Tetzcatlipuca. Our legs, thighs, and arms were to be
eaten at their feast, and our entrails, with the remaining part of our
bodies, were to be thrown to the serpents and tigers, which they kept
confined in wooden cages, as will be mentioned in the proper place.

It may well be imagined that the chastisement we gave the inhabitants of
Cholulla spread like wildfire through the whole of New Spain. If,
previously, the battles of Potonchan, Tabasco, Cingapacinga, and
Tlascalla, had spread the fame of our invincible courage, and obtained
for us the name of teules or gods of a fearful nature, we were now
looked upon as divinities of a superior order, from whom nothing could
be kept a secret, and the greatest veneration was consequently paid to
us.

The kind reader has now, no doubt, heard enough of this occurrence at
Cholulla, and I myself would gladly break off here, but must add a word
or two about the wooden cages we saw in this town. These were
constructed of heavy timber, and filled with grown-up men and little
boys, who were fattening there for the sacrifices and feasts. These
diabolical cages Cortes ordered to be pulled down, and sent the
prisoners each to their several homes. He likewise made the chiefs and
papas promise him, under severe threats, never again to fasten up human
beings in that way, and totally to abstain from eating human flesh. But
what was the use of promises which they never intended to keep?

These are, among others, those abominable monstrosities which the bishop
of Chiapa, Las Casas, can find no end in enumerating. But he is wrong
when he asserts that we gave the Cholullans the above-mentioned
chastisement without any provocation, and merely for pastime. I can,
however, produce as witnesses to the contrary the pious Franciscan
friars who were the first monks our emperor despatched thither after the
conquest of New Spain. These venerable men were purposely sent to
Cholulla to make the minutest investigation into this affair. They
gained all their information from the elders and papas of the town
itself, and they were fully convinced that everything had really taken
place as I have related above: and, indeed, if we had not made an
example here, we should have lived in constant alarm, as we were
completely surrounded by Mexican and Cholullan troops, who were
everywhere lying in ambush. If we had been destroyed at that time, New
Spain would certainly not have been so speedily conquered; a second
armament would not so easily have found its way there; and if it had,
there would have been hard work with the Indians who defended the
coasts; and they would have continued in their idolatrous worship. I
have myself heard the very pious Franciscan brother Toribio Motelmea[40]
say that it would certainly have been better if we could have avoided
spilling so much blood, and the Indians had not given us the cause to do
so; but it had this good effect, that all the inhabitants of New Spain
became convinced that their idols were nothing but deceitful demons, and
they experienced how much happier they were when they discontinued to
worship them or sacrifice to them; and it is a fact, that the
inhabitants of Cholulla, from that moment, cared very little about their
idols: they took down the large one from the principal cu, and either
hid it somewhere or destroyed it altogether: we, at least, never saw
that one again, and they placed another there in its stead.[41]

[34] A temple where human beings were sacrificed to idols. (p. 197.)

[35] Cortes, in his despatches to the emperor, mentions that three
thousand Cholullans were killed on this occasion; but Torquemada gives
double the number, which is nearer the truth, particularly as Gomara
agrees with him.

Respecting this massacre, Torquemada gives the following remarkable
account: The Cholullans, he says, expected that their god Quetzalcohuatl
would come to their assistance with some miracle. They believed that at
any time, by removing part of the white plaster from the temple, a
strong flood of water would instantly burst out, and they were therefore
very particular in repairing any little damage that might happen in this
way to the temple, by means of chalk mixed with the blood of children
two and three years of age, killed for the purpose. It was on this
temple that the Cholullans defended themselves with the greatest
obstinacy; but the victory soon declaring in favour of the Spaniards,
the inhabitants began to loosen the plaster off the outside, firmly
believing that a deluge of water would instantly burst forth, and drown
the assailants; when finding themselves disappointed in their
expectations, they complained bitterly to their god for not rendering
them any assistance; refused, however, to capitulate; and numbers flung
themselves headlong from the top of the temple, to seek death that way.
(p. 204.)

[36] Torquemada sometimes writes this word Tianquitz, sometimes
Tiangues, but we find it also written Tianquiztli. By the terminating
syllable most likely some particular market is meant; for it is peculiar
to the Mexican language to modify the meaning of words in that manner.
(p. 205.)

[37] Termed by the inhabitants Pulque. (p. 205.)

[38] An interesting account of this remarkable building, of which
considerable remains are still to be seen, is given by Humboldt, in the
'Atlas Pittoresque.' (p. 206.)

[39] It was the god Quetzalcoatl, of whom also an account will be found
in the above-mentioned work of Humboldt. (p. 206.)

[40] The name is correctly written Motolinia. This was the excellent
brother Toribio Benavente, who so greatly exerted himself in converting
the Indians to Christianity. He adopted the name of Motolinia on his
arrival in New Spain, and the word means, _O! the poor man!_ which the
Indians exclaimed when they first beheld the meanness of his attire. (p.
207.)

[41] Respecting the castigation of the inhabitants of Cholulla, Las
Casas, (Brevissima Relacion de la destrucyon de las Indias) asserts,
though merely from hearsay, that Cortes, while cutting down the Indians,
repeated this verse:

Miro Nero de Tarpeya, A Roma como se ardia, Gritos dan Ninos y' viejos,
Y el de nada se dolia.

A translation of these lines will be found in a subsequent note. (p.
208.)




CHAPTER LXXXIV.

    _The negotiations we set on foot with the great Motecusuma, and the
    ambassadors we sent him._


We had now lain a fortnight in Cholulla, and any further stay there
would have been waste of time. All the inhabitants had returned to their
dwellings, and the markets were again filled with goods and merchants;
peace had been concluded between them and their neighbours the
Tlascallans; a cross erected, and much of our holy faith explained to
the inhabitants. Besides this, we discovered that Motecusuma had sent
spies into our quarters to gain intelligence as to our future plans, and
whether we really intended marching to his metropolis. His two
ambassadors, who were still with us, also forwarded him due information,
from time to time, of all that was going on.

Our captain now called a council of war of those officers and soldiers
in whom he could place implicit confidence, and of whose wisdom and
courage he entertained the highest respect. In this council it was
resolved we should despatch a most friendly and flattering message to
Motecusuma, as near as possible to the following effect: "We had now, in
compliance with the commands of our sovereign, journeyed over many seas,
and through far distant countries, solely for the object of paying our
personal respects to him, the monarch of Mexico, and of disclosing
things to him which would prove of the greatest advantage to him. We
chose the road over Cholulla because his ambassadors had proposed that
route, and had assured us that the inhabitants were his subjects. We met
with the best of receptions, and were well treated during the first two
days of our stay there, when we discovered that a vile conspiracy had
been set on foot to destroy us all; which, however, could not prove
otherwise than a failure, as we were endowed with the faculty of knowing
things beforehand, and it was utterly impossible to do anything without
our knowledge: we had, therefore, punished a number of those who had
concocted that treacherous movement, but we had, at the same time,
abstained from punishing all those who had taken part in it, in
consideration that the Cholullans were his subjects, and from the deep
veneration we entertained for his person, and the great friendship we
bore him. It was, however, to be regretted that the caziques and papas
should have unanimously declared that all had been done at his commands,
and planned by his own ambassadors. Of this, however, we had not
believed a single word, as it seemed impossible to us that so great a
monarch, who always styled himself our friend, could have consented
thereto. On the contrary, we expected from him that, in case his gods
had whispered to him to treat us hostilely, he would have attacked us in
the open field, although it was all the same to us whether we were to
fight about in a town or in the open field, or during night or daytime,
as we easily overthrew those who ventured to attack us. As we were fully
convinced of his friendship, and were very desirous to make his personal
acquaintance, and to discourse with him, we intended marching to Mexico
to lay our monarch's commission before him."

When Motecusuma received this message, and found that we in no way
considered him implicated in the occurrence which had taken place at
Cholulla, he again, as we were told, began to fast with his papas, and
to sacrifice to his gods, of whom he wished to know whether he was to
admit us into his metropolis or not. They pronounced in the affirmative,
as, when we were once there, he would be able to slay us at his
pleasure. His chief officers and papas were of the same opinion, and
thought that, if he did not admit us into the city, we might commence
hostilities against his subjects, and call in the assistance of the
Tlascallans, the Totonaque, and other tribes who were at enmity with the
Mexicans, and in alliance with us. To obviate all this, the surest way
would be to follow the wise counsel which Huitzilopochtli had given.

The day had now arrived which had been fixed for our departure, and,
just as we were about to break up our quarters, other ambassadors
arrived, with presents from Motecusuma.




CHAPTER LXXXV.

    _How the powerful Motecusuma sends a valuable present in gold to us,
    and the message which accompanied it, and how we all agree to
    commence our march upon Mexico; and what further happened._


When Motecusuma was made acquainted with what we said concerning our
friendship towards him, and the confident manner in which we had
expressed ourselves, he again felt embarrassed, and was amazed at the
idea that nothing could be concealed from us, and that he might attack
us whenever he liked, within the city walls or in the open field, by day
or by night, it was all the same to us. He thought of our war with the
Tlascallans, of the battles we had fought at Potonchon, Tabasco,
Cingapacinga, and Cholulla, and grew quite perplexed and dispirited. He
several times altered his resolutions, until at last he determined upon
sending us six of his principal courtiers with a present in gold and
trinkets of various workmanship, worth altogether above 2000 pesos,
besides several packages of cotton stuffs most beautifully manufactured.

When these messengers were introduced into Cortes' presence, they
touched the ground with their hands, and kissed it, and thus addressed
our general, with signs of the deepest veneration: "Malinche! our ruler
and monarch, the mighty Motecusuma, sends you this present, and begs you
will accept of it with the same kind feeling he bears you and your
brothers: he at the same time desires us to express his regret for the
late occurrence at Cholulla, and to assure you it would be pleasing to
him if you would castigate that evil-minded and lying people more
severely, since they had wished to heap the infamy of their vile
proceedings upon him and his ambassadors. We might (they continued) rest
assured of his friendship, and repair to his metropolis as soon as we
should think proper. Being as we were men of vast courage, and the
ambassadors of so great a monarch, he would receive us with due honours,
and only regretted that, owing to the situation of his metropolis in the
midst of a lake, he should not be able to furnish our table with the
victuals he otherwise could wish. The greatest respect would everywhere
be paid us, and he had also sent orders to the different townships we
should pass through to furnish us with everything we required." Besides
these, there were many other civilities they mentioned in their
monarch's name.

Cortes, to whom our interpreters had explained this message, accepted
the present with every appearance of delight. He embraced the
ambassadors, and presented them with various articles of cut glass.
Every officer and soldier amongst us congratulated himself upon this
favorable turn which affairs had taken, and at the monarch's invitation
to visit Mexico,--for our desire to see that city daily grew upon us,
particularly upon those who had no possessions in Cuba, and had
accompanied the previous expeditions under Cordoba and Grijalva.

Cortes returned the ambassadors a kind answer to all they had said, and
arranged that three of them should remain with us to show us the road,
while the others were despatched to Mexico, to acquaint their monarch
that we had already set out on our march thither.

When the two old caziques of Tlascalla found that Cortes was earnestly
bent on marching to Mexico, they appeared excessively grieved, and
reminded Cortes how frequently they had warned him, and could not do so
too often, to dissuade him from marching into a town of such vast extent
and power, and which possessed various means of carrying on a murderous
war. The Mexicans would certainly, one day or other, fall upon us
unawares, and it would be a wonder if we escaped alive out of their
hands. To convince us how well they were inclined towards us, they
would, however, gladly furnish us with 10,000 of their warriors, under
the command of their most able generals, with a sufficient supply of
provisions.

Cortes thanked them for their kind offers, and explained to them that it
would not be proper to enter Mexico at the head of so large an army,
particularly as the hatred between themselves and the Mexicans was so
excessive. One thousand men was all he required to transport our cannon
and baggage, and clear the road before us.

These 1000 men were immediately upon the spot, all strong and fine young
fellows, and we were just upon the point of commencing our march when
the caziques and chiefs of Sempoalla, who had remained with us all this
time, and rendered us such valuable services, called upon Cortes and
hoped he would return with them to Sempoalla. They were determined, they
said, not to march over Cholulla to Mexico, as they were quite convinced
it would be ours and their destruction; theirs, because they were the
most distinguished personages of Sempoalla, who had not only been the
chief means of inducing their countrymen to refuse all further obedience
and to pay tribute to Motecusuma, but also of seizing his tax-gatherers.

Cortes, in answer to this, desired them to allay their fears; he was
sure no harm would befall them, for, if they marched along in our
company, who would dare to molest either? He therefore begged of them to
alter their determination, and remain with us, and promised them all
manner of riches. But all his entreaties, added to Marina's friendly
advice, were fruitless, and they refused to accompany us: upon which
Cortes cried out, "God forbid that we should force these people, who
have rendered us such valuable services, to go with us against their
inclination!" He then ordered several packages of the very finest cotton
stuffs to be divided among them, and likewise sent the fat cazique two
packages for himself and his nephew Cuesco, who was also a powerful
cazique. He wrote, at the same time, to his lieutenant Juan de
Escalante, who was alguacil-major of Vera Cruz, mentioning all that had
befallen us, and that we were on our march to Mexico. He particularly
cautioned him to keep a sharp look out upon the inhabitants of the
country, desired him by all means to hasten the completion of the
fortress, and to take the inhabitants there under his protection against
the Mexicans, and also not to suffer our men to molest them in any way.
This letter was given in charge of the Sempoallans, and we then
commenced our march forward with every military precaution.




CHAPTER LXXXVI.

    _How we set out on our march to Mexico; what happened to us on our
    route; and the message Motecusuma sent us._


On our march from Cholulla, we adopted our usual precautions. A few of
our cavalry were always in advance to explore the territory, and these
were closely followed by a number of our best foot to assist them in
case of an ambush, and to clear any obstruction from the road. Our
cannon and muskets were ready loaded, while our cavalry rode three and
three together on the flanks of our troops to lend immediate assistance
should anything occur, all the rest of our men marching in close order.
I am very particular in mentioning all this that my readers may convince
themselves of the great precautions we observed on this march.

On the first day we arrived at a spot where there were a few scattered
dwellings on a rising ground, subject to Huexotzinco, and, if I mistake
not, bear the name of Iscalpan, and lie about nine miles from Cholulla.
Here we found all the caziques and papas of Huexotzinco assembled, who
were friendly with the Tlascallans. They had brought along with them
other tribes from the neighbourhood of the volcano, and presented Cortes
with a quantity of provisions and a few trinkets of gold, begging him,
at the same time, not to consider the small worth of the latter, but
the good will with which they were given. They then one and all
dissuaded him from marching to Mexico, representing to him the strength
of the city, the vast numbers of warriors there, and all the dangers we
should be exposed to. Seeing, however, that they could not alter our
determination, they instructed us as to the road we should take, and
told us that, as soon as we had laid back the mountain pass, we should
come to two broad roads, one of which led to Chalco, the other to
Tlalmanalco, both of which townships were subject to the Mexican empire.
One of these roads was in excellent condition, and passable, and in so
far it would be the best we could take; the other had been rendered
impassable by numbers of large pine and other trees which had been
felled and thrown across the road to prevent our marching that way. A
little way further up the mountain, the good road along which it was
supposed we would march had been intersected and palisaded, and Mexican
troops were lying in ambush there, and others had been stationed in this
pass to fall upon us and put us to the sword. They therefore advised us
to leave the good road, and turn into the one leading to Tlalmanalco,
which had been rendered impassable by the fallen trees. They would lend
us sufficient hands to clear away the latter, in which they would be
assisted by the Tlascallans who were with us.

Cortes returned them many thanks for their present and good advice,
assuring them he was determined, with the assistance of Providence, to
continue his march, and would take the road they had pointed out.

The next morning very early we again moved forward, and, towards noon we
reached the summit of the mountain, where we found the two roads exactly
as described by the inhabitants of Huexotzinco. Here we halted for a
short time to reconsider what had been told us respecting the Mexican
troops which we should find stationed in the pass. Cortes then inquired
of the two Mexican ambassadors which of the two roads they would advise
him to turn into,--the one which had been blocked up by a fall of
timber, or the smooth road? They told him into the latter, because it
led to Chalco, a town of considerable magnitude, where we should meet
with a good reception, as it was subject to Motecusuma; the other road,
blocked up by the trees, was very dangerous in places, and was rather
round about, leading, moreover, to a township much inferior to Chalco.
Cortes, however, determined for the other road, and we marched through
the mountains in the closest possible order. Our Indian friends set
diligently to work to clear away the heavy trees, and even to this day
many of the latter are still to be seen lying on the roadside. When we
had reached the summit of the mountain, it began to snow so fast that
the ground was soon covered with it. We now began to descend, and we
took up our night's quarters in some scattered huts, which had the
appearance of taverns for the accommodation of Indian merchants. We
likewise found abundance of food here, and, notwithstanding the severity
of the weather, we posted our sentinels as usual, and made regular
patrols.[42]

The next morning we broke up our quarters, and arrived, about the hour
of high mass, in the township of Tlalmanalco, where we met with very
kind and hospitable treatment. Immediately upon the news of our arrival,
numbers of people gathered about us from the neighbouring townships of
Chalco, Amoquemecan, Ayotzinco, and from various other small places
whose names I have forgotten. The last-mentioned town has a harbour,
where canoes ply up and down. These tribes made us a present in common,
consisting in gold, worth about 150 pesos, two packages of cotton
stuffs, and eight females. "Malinche," said they, in handing these over
to Cortes, "may it please you to accept of the present we have here
brought you, and from this moment we hope you will look upon us as your
friends!"

Cortes received it with every appearance of delight, and promised to
assist them whenever they might require his aid. While we were thus
standing around him, he desired father Olmedo to give them some notion
of the Christian religion, and to admonish them to abolish their
idol-worship, with which the father complied, and made similar
disclosures to them as we had done to the inhabitants of the other
townships we had visited. They acknowledged that all was very good which
he told them, and that they would consider that matter more maturely at
some future period. We likewise spoke to them about the vast power of
our emperor, and how he had sent us to this country to put an end to all
robbery and oppression.

We had scarcely touched this string when they began to throw out bitter
accusations against Motecusuma and his tax-gatherers, but out of the
hearing of the Mexican ambassadors. The Mexicans, they said, robbed them
of everything they possessed; abused the chastity of their wives and
daughters, before their eyes, if they were handsome, and carried them
forcibly away to toil hard in base servitude. They themselves were
compelled to transport wood, stones, and maise, both by water and by
land, to the monarch's extensive maise plantations, and to relinquish
the produce of their own land for the maintenance of the great temple:
in short, their complaints knew no end, and, owing to the many years
which have since elapsed, I cannot now remember them all.

Cortes, in the most affectionate manner, gave them every consolation in
his power, which Dona Marina interpreted to them exceedingly well,
adding, however, that, at present, our general could not redress their
wrongs. They would have to bear with these hardships for some time yet,
when they would certainly be released from this state of oppression. He
then requested two of their principal personages to repair in all
secrecy, with four of our friends from Tlascalla, to the spot where the
other road had been intersected, mentioned by the inhabitants of
Huexotzinco, to ascertain how matters stood, and if any troops were
stationed there. But the caziques assured our general that it was not
necessary to repair thither for that purpose, as all the palisades had
been taken away, and the hole filled up again. The Mexicans had, indeed,
cut through a dangerous pass some six days ago, and stationed a strong
body of troops there to prevent our passing that way; but, since that
time, they had been advised by their god of war to allow us to march
forward unmolested, and not to attack us until we should be within the
city, and then to kill us all. The caziques likewise begged of us to
remain with them, and they would provide us with everything we might
require. "Believe us," they added, "you must not go to Mexico, for we
know how great the strength of that city is, and what large bodies of
troops are there: if you once enter that city, you will all be put to
death."

Cortes replied to this well-meant advice with the serenest countenance
in the world, and assured them that neither the Mexicans nor any other
people had the power to deprive us of life,--this was in the hands of
the God in whom we believed. We had to fulfil our commission to
Motecusuma, to all the caziques and papas, and were therefore determined
to march straightway to Mexico. We should only require twenty of their
men to accompany us. He would do his utmost for them, and, immediately
upon his arrival there, demand justice for them; and that neither
Motecusuma nor his tax-gatherers should oppress them as heretofore.

These promises spread an expression of joy over the countenance of every
Indian present, and the twenty men whom Cortes required, instantly
joined us; and, just as we were about to leave, other ambassadors
arrived from Motecusuma, whose message I will relate in the next
chapter.

[42] It was here probably that Cortes was nigh being shot by one of his
own sentinels. Late at night he visited the outposts himself, and one of
the sentinels was just upon the point of firing at him, when Cortes
fortunately made himself known. (p. 214.)




CHAPTER LXXXVII.

    _How the powerful Motecusuma again sends ambassadors to us with a
    present of gold and cotton stuffs: that monarch's message to Cortes,
    and the answer he returns._


As I have before said, we were about to continue our march, when four
distinguished Mexicans arrived in our quarters, with a message from
Motecusuma, accompanied by a present in gold and cotton stuffs, and thus
addressed Cortes, after they had shown the usual signs of veneration:
"Malinche! our sovereign, the mighty Motecusuma, sends you this present.
He desires us to express his sorrow for the many hardships which you
have been compelled to undergo on your tedious journey from such distant
countries to behold his person. He now likewise, again renews the offer
to pay you a quantity of gold, silver, and chalchihuis stones, in shape
of tribute to your monarch, and as a present to you and the other teules
who are with you; but, at the same time, he again begs of you not to
advance any further, but to return from whence you came. He promises to
send abundance of gold, silver, and jewels, for your emperor, to the
harbour on the sea coast; he will present you with four loads of gold,
and your companions with one each:[43] but he altogether forbids you to
enter into Mexico, as all his troops are under arms to oppose you; add
to which, the only access to the metropolis is by one narrow causeway,
and we could not supply you with provisions there."[44]

Besides these, the ambassadors offered many other reasons in order to
dissuade us from advancing any further. However unpleasant this
disclosure might sound in his ears, Cortes, nevertheless, embraced the
ambassadors most affectionately, and accepted the presents, the value of
which I cannot now remember. I must also remark that Motecusuma never
sent any message to us which was not accompanied by some present in
gold.

On this occasion Cortes again told the ambassadors that he was surprised
how their master, who had styled himself our friend so very many times,
and was so powerful a monarch, could so often change his mind. Desire a
thing one day, to countermand it the next. With respect to his offer of
the gold for our emperor and ourselves, we were thankful for his kind
intentions, as also for the presents they now brought with them, and he
would certainly some day render him valuable services in return. He
would ask them himself if it would be acting right after we had advanced
within such a short distance of his metropolis, to turn back without
fulfilling our monarch's commission? Motecusuma should place himself in
our position and consider, if he had sent ambassadors to a monarch of
his own rank, how he would like it, if they returned home after arriving
almost at his palace, without once seeing that monarch or fulfilling
their commission to him? How would he receive these ambassadors when
they appeared before him? Would he not look upon them as cowards and
spiritless beings? Our emperor, at least, would not look upon us in any
other light, and treat us accordingly if we returned so to his court. We
had now no choice left, and we must get into his metropolis one way or
other. In future, therefore, we begged their monarch would not send any
more ambassadors with such messages. He, Cortes, was determined to see
and speak to Motecusuma himself personally, to acquaint him with the
object of our mission. All we required of him was merely an audience,
for the moment our stay in his metropolis became irksome to him we would
leave and return to the place whence we had come. With regard to the
alleged scarcity of provisions, we were accustomed to content ourselves
with little. He had better, therefore, make up his mind to receive our
visit, as we could not possibly relinquish our purpose of seeing Mexico.
With this answer Cortes sent the ambassadors back to their monarch, and
we continued our march. As we had been so often warned by the people of
Huexotzinco and Chalco, and we were aware that Motecusuma had been
advised by his idols and papas to allow us to enter the city and then
fall upon us, we became more thoughtful, for we were likewise mortals
and feared death. We were now, therefore, doubly upon our guard, more
particularly as the country was thickly populated; and we made short
days' marches. We arranged the manner in which we were to enter the
city, and commended ourselves to the protection of God, and we felt
confident hopes, that as the Lord Jesus had up to this moment watched
over us in all our perils, he would also shield us against the power of
Mexico.

We took up our night's quarters in Iztapalapan, where we found an
excellent supper awaiting us. This town lay half in the water and half
on the dry land, on the <DW72> of a small hill, where, at present, a
public-house is built.

After Motecusuma had learnt our answer to his message, he despatched his
nephew Cacamatzin, prince of Tezcuco to us, in great pomp, to bid us
welcome. The first intimation of this prince's approach was brought in
by our outposts, who announced to our general that a great number of
Mexicans were advancing, arrayed in their most splendid mantles and
showed signs of peace. It was still early in the day, just as we were
about to break up our quarters, and Cortes consequently ordered us to
halt, until we should learn the purport of this visit.

At this moment four distinguished personages came up to him, and made
signs of the profoundest veneration, and announced to him that
Cacamatzin, prince of Tezcuco, and nephew to Motecusuma, was approaching,
and they begged that Cortes would await his arrival, as he would come
almost immediately. It was indeed not long before this prince made his
appearance in such splendour and magnificence as we had not yet seen in
any of the Mexican chiefs. He was seated in a beautiful sedan, which was
decorated with silver, green feathers, and branches made of gold, from
which hung quantities of precious stones. This sedan was supported on
the shoulders of eight distinguished personages, who, we were assured,
were likewise caziques over townships.

When the procession had arrived in front of Cortes' quarters, they
assisted the prince out of the sedan, and swept clean every inch of
ground before him, and then introduced him into the presence of our
commander. After the usual compliments, Cacamatzin addressed Cortes as
follows: "Malinche! I and these chiefs are come here to wait upon you,
and to provide all those things for you and your companions which you
may require, and to conduct you to the quarters we have prepared for you
in our city. All this is done at the command of our monarch, the
powerful Motecusuma."

When we contemplated the splendour and majesty of these caziques, and
particularly of the nephew of Motecusuma, we could not help remarking to
each other, if these appear in so much splendour what must not the power
and majesty of the mighty Motecusuma himself be![45]

When Cacamatzin had done speaking, Cortes embraced him, and said many
fine things to this prince and the great personages around him, and
presented the former with three pieces of polished stone, of a pearly
hue, containing various figures in different colours;[46] and the other
chiefs with blue glass beads. He then again thanked him for the
attentions which Motecusuma had thus far shown him, and inquired what
day he should be able to thank Motecusuma in person?

This conference being ended, we continued our march; we were accompanied
by the caziques who had come out to meet us and their numerous suite,
with all the inhabitants of the surrounding neighbourhood, so that we
could scarcely move along for the vast crowds of people.

The next morning we reached the broad high road of Iztapalapan, whence
we for the first time beheld the numbers of towns and villages built in
the lake, and the still greater number of large townships on the
mainland, with the level causeway which ran in a straight line into
Mexico. Our astonishment was indeed raised to the highest pitch, and we
could not help remarking to each other, that all these buildings
resembled the fairy castles we read of in Amadis de Gaul; so high,
majestic, and splendid did the temples, towers, and houses of the town,
all built of massive stone and lime, rise up out of the midst of the
lake. Indeed, many of our men believed what they saw was a mere dream.
And the reader must not feel surprised at the manner in which I have
expressed myself, for it is impossible to speak coolly of things which
we had never seen nor heard of, nor even could have dreamt of,
beforehand.

When we approached near to Iztapalapan, two other caziques came out in
great pomp to receive us: one was the prince of Cuitlahuac, and the
other of Cojohuacan; both were near relatives of Motecusuma. We now
entered the town of Iztapalapan, where we were indeed quartered in
palaces, of large dimensions, surrounded by spacious courts, and built
of hewn stone, cedar and other sweet-scented wood. All the apartments
were hung round with cotton cloths.

After we had seen all this, we paid a visit to the gardens adjoining
these palaces, which were really astonishing, and I could not gratify my
desire too much by walking about in them and contemplating the numbers
of trees which spread around the most delicious odours; the rose bushes,
the different flower beds, and the fruit trees which stood along the
paths. There was likewise a basin of sweet water, which was connected
with the lake by means of a small canal. It was constructed of stone of
various colours, and decorated with numerous figures, and was wide
enough to hold their largest canoes. In this basin various kinds of
water-fowls were swimming up and down, and everything was so charming
and beautiful that we could find no words to express our astonishment.
Indeed I do not believe a country was ever discovered which was equal in
splendour to this; for Peru was not known at that time. But, at the
present moment, there is not a vestige of all this remaining, and not a
stone of this beautiful town is now standing.[47]

We had not been long here before the caziques of this town, and of
Cojohuacan arrived with a present, worth about 2000 pesos, for which
Cortes returned them many thanks, and showed the caziques every possible
kindness, and explained, by means of our interpreters, many important
things to them relative to our holy religion, and the great power of our
emperor.

Iztapalapan was at that time a town of considerable magnitude, built
half in the water and half on dry land. The spot where it stood is at
present all dry land; and where vessels once sailed up and down, seeds
are sown and harvests gathered. In fact, the whole face of the country
is so completely changed that he who had not seen these parts
previously, would scarcely believe that waves had ever rolled over the
spot where now fertile maise plantations extend themselves to all sides;
so wonderfully has everything changed here in a short space of time!

[43] Clavigero says, that a Mexican load was equal in weight to fifty
Spanish pounds, or eight hundred ounces, and values the gold which
Motecusuma offered to Cortes on this occasion at above three millions of
ducats! (p. 216.)

[44] Torquemada (Monarch. Ind. lib. iv) gives many reasons why
Motecusuma was so undecided as to whether he should allow the Spaniards
to enter his metropolis. (p. 216.)

[45] Other writers say, that several of the Spaniards could not be
persuaded for a length of time that it was not the monarch himself. (p.
218.)

[46] Bernal Diaz says, "Tres piedras que se llaman margaritas."
Margarita is Spanish for a pearl; yet it is evident our old soldier is
not speaking of pearls here, and most likely what he calls stones were
nothing more than  Venetian glass, which was formerly held in
great estimation; for in the next chapter he further describes these
stones by "piedras de vidrio," stones of glass. (p. 218.)

[47] Cortes, in his despatches, gives even a more glowing description of
this charming spot; a strong proof that Bernal Diaz has not said too
much of it. (p. 219.)




CHAPTER LXXXVIII.

    _The magnificent and pompous reception which the powerful Motecusuma
    gave to Cortes and all of us, on our entrance into the great city of
    Mexico._


The following morning we left Iztapalapan accompanied by all the
principal caziques above mentioned. The road along which we marched was
eight paces in breadth, and if I still remember ran in a perfectly
straight line to Mexico. Notwithstanding the breadth, it was much too
narrow to hold the vast crowds of people who continually kept arriving
from different parts to gaze upon us, and we could scarcely move along.
Besides this, the tops of all the temples and towers were crowded, while
the lake beneath was completely covered with canoes filled with Indians,
for all were curious to catch a glimpse of us. And who can wonder at
this, as neither men like unto ourselves, nor horses, had ever been seen
here before!

When we gazed upon all this splendour at once, we scarcely knew what to
think, and we doubted whether all that we beheld was real. A series of
large towns stretched themselves along the banks of the lake, out of
which still larger ones rose magnificently above the waters. Innumerable
crowds of canoes were plying everywhere around us; at regular distances
we continually passed over new bridges, and before us lay the great city
of Mexico in all its splendour.

And we who were gazing upon all this, passing through innumerable crowds
of human beings, were a mere handful of men, in all 450, our minds still
full of the warnings which the inhabitants of Huexotzinco, Tlascalla,
and Tlalmanalco, with the caution they had given us not to expose our
lives to the treachery of the Mexicans. I may safely ask the kind reader
to ponder a moment, and say whether he thinks any men in this world ever
ventured so bold a stroke as this?

When we had arrived at a spot where another narrow causeway led towards
Cojohuacan we were met by a number of caziques and distinguished
personages, all attired in their most splendid garments. They had been
despatched by Motecusuma to meet us and bid us welcome in his name; and
in token of peace they touched the ground with their hands and kissed
it. Here we halted for a few minutes, while the princes of Tetzcuco,
Iztapalapan, Tlacupa, and Cojohuacan hastened in advance to meet
Motecusuma, who was slowly approaching us, surrounded by other grandees
of the kingdom, seated in a sedan of uncommon splendour. When we had
arrived at a place not far from the town, where several small towers
rose together, the monarch raised himself in his sedan, and the chief
caziques supported him under the arms, and held over his head a canopy
of exceedingly great value, decorated with green feathers, gold, silver,
chalchihuis stones, and pearls, which hung down from a species of
bordering, altogether curious to look at.

Motecusuma himself, according to his custom, was sumptuously attired,
had on a species of half boot, richly set with jewels, and whose soles
were made of solid gold. The four grandees who supported him were also
richly attired, which they must have put on somewhere on the road, in
order to wait upon Motecusuma; they were not so sumptuously dressed when
they first came out to meet us. Besides these distinguished caziques,
there were many other grandees around the monarch, some of whom held the
canopy over his head, while others again occupied the road before him,
and spread cotton cloths on the ground that his feet might not touch the
bare earth. No one of his suite ever looked at him full in the face;
every one in his presence stood with eyes downcast, and it was only his
four nephews and cousins who supported him that durst look up.

When it was announced to Cortes that Motecusuma himself was approaching,
he alighted from his horse and advanced to meet him. Many compliments
were now passed on both sides. Motecusuma bid Cortes welcome, who,
through Marina, said, in return, he hoped his majesty was in good
health. If I still remember rightly, Cortes, who had Marina next to him,
wished to concede the place of honour to the monarch, who, however,
would not accept of it, but conceded it to Cortes, who now brought forth
a necklace of precious stones, of the most beautiful colours and shapes,
strung upon gold wire, and perfumed with musk, which he hung about the
neck of Motecusuma. Our commander was then going to embrace him, but the
grandees by whom he was surrounded held back his arms, as they
considered it improper. Our general then desired Marina to tell the
monarch how exceedingly he congratulated himself upon his good fortune
of having seen such a powerful monarch face to face, and of the honour
he had done us by coming out to meet us himself. To all this Motecusuma
answered in very appropriate terms, and ordered his two nephews, the
princes of Tetzcuco and Cojohuacan, to conduct us to our quarters. He
himself returned to the city, accompanied by his two other relatives,
the princes of Cuitlahuac and Tlacupa, with the other grandees of his
numerous suite. As they passed by, we perceived how all those who
composed his majesty's retinue held their heads bent forward, no one
daring to lift up his eyes in his presence; and altogether what deep
veneration was paid him.

The road before us now became less crowded, and yet who would have been
able to count the vast numbers of men, women, and children who filled
the streets, crowded the balconies, and the canoes in the canals, merely
to gaze upon us? Indeed, at the moment I am writing this, everything
comes as lively to my eyes as if it had happened yesterday; and I daily
become more sensible of the great mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ, that
he lent us sufficient strength and courage to enter this city: for my
own person, I have particular reason to be thankful that he spared my
life in so many perils, as the reader will sufficiently see in the
course of this history: indeed I cannot sufficiently praise him that I
have been allowed to live thus long to narrate these adventures,
although they may not turn out so perfect as I myself could wish.

We were quartered in a large building where there was room enough for us
all, and which had been occupied by Axayacatl, father of Motecusuma,
during his life-time. Here the latter had likewise a secret room full of
treasures, and where the gold he had inherited from his father was hid,
which he had never touched up to this moment. Near this building there
were temples and Mexican idols, and this place had been purposely
selected for us because we were termed teules, or were thought to be
such, and that we might dwell among the latter as among our equals. The
apartments and halls were very spacious, and those set apart for our
general were furnished with carpets. There were separate beds for each
of us, which could not have been better fitted up for a gentleman of the
first rank. Every place was swept clean, and the walls had been newly
plastered and decorated.[48]

When we had arrived in the great courtyard adjoining this palace,
Motecusuma came up to Cortes, and, taking him by the hand, conducted him
himself into the apartments where he was to lodge, which had been
beautifully decorated after the fashion of the country. He then hung
about his neck a chaste necklace of gold, most curiously worked with
figures all representing crabs. The Mexican grandees were greatly
astonished at all these uncommon favours which their monarch bestowed
upon our general.

Cortes returned the monarch many thanks for so much kindness, and the
latter took leave of him with these words: "Malinche, you and your
brothers must now do as if you were at home, and take some rest after
the fatigues of the journey," then returned to his own palace, which was
close at hand.

We allotted the apartments according to the several companies, placed
our cannon in an advantageous position, and made such arrangements that
our cavalry, as well as the infantry, might be ready at a moment's
notice. We then sat down to a plentiful repast, which had been
previously spread out for us, and made a sumptuous meal.

This our bold and memorable entry into the large city of
Temixtitlan-Mexico[49] took place on the 8th of November, 1519. Praise
be to the Lord Jesus Christ for all this. If, however, I have not
exactly related every circumstance that transpired at the moment, the
reader must pardon me for the present.

[48] Of this building Torquemada says, it contained apartments in which
one hundred and fifty Spaniards slept, each in a separate bed; and that,
notwithstanding the magnitude of the building, every place was kept
remarkably clean; the floors were covered with mats, and the walls were
hung with tapestry of cotton decorated with feathers, and in every room
there was a fire, which threw out a delightful perfume. (p. 222.)

[49] The real name was Tenuchtitlan, and it was not known by any other
name when Cortes first visited the country; for Mexico was a more modern
name for this city. (p. 223.)




CHAPTER LXXXIX.

    _How Motecusuma, accompanied by several caziques, pays us a visit in
    our quarters, and of the discourse that passed between him and our
    general._


After Motecusuma had dined, and was informed that we had likewise left
table, he set out from his palace in great pomp, accompanied by a number
of his grandees and all his relations, to pay us a visit. Cortes, being
apprized of his approach, advanced to the middle of the apartment to
receive him. Motecusuma took him by the hand, while others brought in a
species of chair of great value, decorated, according to Mexican
fashion, with gold beautifully worked into various shapes; the monarch
then invited our general to seat himself next to him.

Motecusuma then began a very excellent discourse, and, first of all,
expressed his delight to entertain in his kingdom and city such
courageous cavaliers as Cortes and all of us were. A couple of years ago
he had received intelligence that some other officer had made his
appearance in the province of Champoton; and a year later, of a second,
who had been off the coast with four vessels. He had long desired to
see Cortes, and, since his wishes were now fulfilled, he was ready to
render us any services, and provide us with everything we might require.
He was now convinced that we were those people of whom his earliest
forefathers had spoken,--a people that would come from the rising of the
sun and conquer these countries. After the battles we had fought at
Potonchan, Tabasco, and those against the Tlascallans, which had been
represented to him by pictures, all further doubt had vanished from his
mind.[50]

To which Cortes answered, that we should never be able to repay him for
all the kindnesses he had shown us. We indeed came from the rising of
the sun, and were servants and subjects of a powerful monarch, called
Don Carlos, who had numerous distinguished princes among his vassals.
Our monarch had received intelligence of him, Motecusuma, and of his
great power, and had expressly sent us to his country to beg of him and
his subjects to become converts to the Christian faith, for the
salvation of their souls; and that we only adored one true God, as he
had previously, in some degree, explained on the downs to his
ambassadors Teuthlille, Cuitalpitoc, and Quintalbor, all of which,
however, would be more fully explained to him at some future period.
When this discourse was ended, Motecusuma presented to our general
various kinds of valuable gold trinkets, and a smaller portion of the
same kind to each of our officers, with three packages of cotton stuffs,
splendidly interwoven with feathers; and to every soldier two similar
packages. All this he gave with every appearance of delight, and in all
he did he showed his excellent breeding. He likewise inquired, after the
presents had been distributed, whether we were all brothers, and
subjects of our great emperor? To which Cortes replied in the
affirmative, assuring him we were all united in love and friendship
towards each other. In this way a pleasant discourse was kept up between
Motecusuma and Cortes, though it was of short duration, as this was the
monarch's first visit, and he was unwilling to be too troublesome thus
early. He then ordered his house steward to provide us the necessary
provisions, consisting in maise, fowls, and fruits, and also grass for
our horses; to furnish women to grind our corn with stones, and bake the
bread: after which the monarch took leave of us with great courtesy,
Cortes and all of us conducting him to the door.

Our general now issued strict commands that no one should stir from
head-quarters until we had gained some certain knowledge as to how
matters really stood.

[50] Cortes, in his despatches to the emperor, says that the monarch
spoke as follows to him: "We have long known, from the historical books
of our forefathers, that neither I, nor the inhabitants of this country,
originally belonged to it, but that our forefathers came from distant
countries. We also know that the tribe we belong to was brought hither
by a monarch to whom it was subject; but this king returned to his own
country, nor did he return to visit his people till several years had
elapsed, after they had married the daughters of the land, and got large
families by them. The monarch came with the view of leading them back to
their old country again; however, they not only refused to accompany
them, but would no longer acknowledge him as their king. We have always
firmly believed that descendants of this monarch would one time or other
make their appearance among us, and obtain the dominion of the country.
As you, according to your assurances, come from the rising of the sun,
we doubt not, after what you have told us of your great monarch, who
sent you here, that he is our rightful sovereign; and we have the more
reason to believe this, since you tell us that he had some previous
knowledge of us." (p. 224.)




CHAPTER XC.

    _How our general, the day following, paid a visit to Motecusuma, and
    of the discourse that passed between them._


The next day Cortes determined to visit Motecusuma in his own palace. He
therefore first sent to inquire after his health, and whether it would
be agreeable to the monarch to receive a visit from him. Our general
took with him four of our principal officers, namely, Alvarado, Leon,
Ordas, and Sandoval, besides five soldiers, of whom I was one.

When our arrival was announced to Motecusuma, he advanced to the middle
of the apartment to meet us, being solely attended by his nephew, as the
other grandees were only allowed to enter his apartments upon very
important occasions. After the first compliments had passed between the
monarch and our general, they shook hands, and Motecusuma conducted
Cortes to an elevated seat, and placed him at his right hand. The rest
of us were also desired to sit down on chairs which were brought in for
us. Cortes then, by means of our interpreters, addressed Motecusuma at
considerable length: "He said that all his and our wishes were now
fulfilled, as he had reached the end of his journey, and obeyed the
commands of our great emperor. There only now remained to disclose to
him the commandments of our God. We were Christians, believing in one
true God only, Jesus Christ, who suffered and died for our salvation. We
prayed to the cross as an emblem of that cross on which our Lord and
Saviour was crucified. By his death the whole human race was saved. He
rose on the third day, and was received into heaven. By him, heaven,
earth, and sea, and every living creature was formed: and nothing
existed but by his divine will. Those figures, on the contrary, which he
considered as gods, were no gods, but devils, which were evil spirits.
It was very evident how powerless and what miserable things they were,
since in all those places where we had planted the cross, those gods no
longer durst make their appearance. Of this his ambassadors were fully
convinced, and he himself would, in the course of time, be convinced of
this truth. He begged he would also pay particular attention to
something else he had to communicate." Here Cortes very intelligently
explained to him how the world was created, how all people were
brothers, and sons of one father and mother, called Adam and Eve; and
how grieved our emperor was to think that so many human souls should be
lost, and sent to hell by those false idols, where they would be
tormented by everlasting fire; for this reason he had sent us hither to
put an end to so much misery, and to exhort the inhabitants of this
country no longer to adore such gods, nor sacrifice human beings to
them; and also to abstain from robbery and committing unnatural
offences. In a very short time our emperor would send to this country
men of great piety and virtue, of whom there were numbers in our
country, and who would explain these things more fully to them. Of all
this we were merely the first messengers, and could only beg of them to
support us in our labours, and assist us in their completion.

As Motecusuma was about to answer, Cortes stopped short, and, turning to
us, said, "Verily, I am determined they shall comply with this, and let
this be the commencement of our work!"

Motecusuma, in reply, expressed himself as follows: "Malinche! What you
have just been telling me of your God has, indeed, been mentioned to me
before by my servants, to whom you made similar disclosures immediately
upon your arrival off the coast. Neither am I ignorant of what you have
stated concerning the cross and everything else in the towns you passed
through. We, however, maintained silence, as the gods we adore were
adored in bygone ages by our ancestors. We have, once for all,
acknowledged them as good deities, in the same way as you have yours,
and therefore let us talk no further on this subject. Respecting the
creation of the world, we likewise believe it was created many ages ago.
We likewise believe that you are those people whom our ancestors
prophecied would come from the rising of the sun, and I feel myself
indebted to your great emperor, to whom I will send a present of the
most valuable things I possess. It is now two years ago that I received
the first intelligence of him by some vessels which appeared off my
coast belonging to your country, the people on board of which likewise
called themselves subjects of your great emperor. Tell me, now, do you
really all belong to the same people?"

Cortes assured him we were all servants of the same great emperor; that
those vessels were merely sent out in advance to explore the seas and
the harbours, to make the necessary preparations for our present
expedition.

Motecusuma likewise remarked that then even he had contemplated allowing
some of those men to penetrate into the interior of his country, from
his great desire to see them, and had intended to pay them great
honours. Since the gods had now fulfilled his greatest desires, and we
now inhabited his dwellings, which we might look upon as our own, we
could rest from our fatigues, and enjoy ourselves, and we should not
want for anything. Although he had sometimes sent us word not to repair
to his metropolis, he had done so with great reluctance. He had been
forced to act so on account of his subjects, who stood in great awe of
us, and believed that we whirled fire and lightning around us, and
killed numbers of men with our horses; that we were wild and unruly
teules, and such like nonsense: as he had now gained personal knowledge
of us, and convinced himself that we were likewise formed of flesh and
bone, and men of great understanding, with great courage, he entertained
even a more elevated opinion of us than he had previously, and was ready
to share all he possessed with us.

Upon this, Cortes assured him that we felt ourselves vastly indebted to
him for the very kind feeling he evinced on our behalf.

Motecusuma, who was always of a merry disposition, though never, for an
instant, forgetful of his high station, now continued in a more humorous
style, as follows: "I am perfectly well aware, Malinche, what the people
of Tlascalla, with whom you are so closely allied, have been telling you
respecting myself. They have made you believe that I am a species of
god, or teule, and that my palaces are filled with gold, silver, and
jewels. I do not think, for an instant, that reasonable men as you are
can put any faith in all their talk, but that you look upon all this as
nonsense: besides which, you can now convince yourself, Malinche, that I
am made of flesh and bone as you are, and that my palaces are built of
stone, lime, and wood. I am, to be sure, a powerful monarch; it is
likewise true that I have inherited vast treasures from my ancestors;
but with regard to anything else they may have told you respecting me,
it is all nonsense. You must just think of that as I think of the
lightning and burning flames which you are said to whirl about in all
directions."

To this Cortes answered, likewise laughingly, "We knew, from old
experience, that enemies neither tell the truth nor speak well of each
other. We had, however, long ago convinced ourselves that there was not
another such a noble-minded and illustrious monarch as himself in this
quarter of the world, and that the great idea our emperor had formed of
him was well founded."

During this discourse, Motecusuma secretly desired his nephew to order
his house-steward to bring in some gold trinkets and ten packages of
fine stuffs, which he divided among Cortes and the four officers who
were present. We five soldiers obtained each two gold chains for the
neck, in value about ten pesos each, besides two packages of cotton
stuffs.

The gold which Motecusuma gave away upon this occasion was estimated at
above 1000 pesos. But what was more, everything he gave away was given
with the best of good will, and with an air of dignity which you might
expect in so great a monarch.[51]

As it was already past noon, Cortes began to fear that any longer stay
might be troublesome to the monarch, and said to him, in rising from his
seat, "We are daily becoming more and more indebted to your majesty for
so many kindnesses; at present it is time to think of dinner."

The monarch, in return, thanked us for our visit, and we took leave of
each other in the most courteous manner imaginable. We now returned to
our quarters, and acquainted our fellow-soldiers with the kind reception
the monarch had given us.

[51] Torquemada relates that the monarch had made minute inquiries of
the interpreters respecting the rank of each Spaniard, and that the
value of the presents he intended to give them was to be according to
their respective ranks. (p. 228.)




CHAPTER XCI.

    _Of Motecusuma's person, disposition, habits, and of his great
    power._


The mighty Motecusuma may have been about this time in the fortieth year
of his age. He was tall of stature, of slender make, and rather thin,
but the symmetry of his body was beautiful. His complexion was not very
brown, merely approaching to that of the inhabitants in general. The
hair of his head was not very long, excepting where it hung thickly down
over his ears, which were quite hidden by it. His black beard, though
thin, looked handsome. His countenance was rather of an elongated form,
but cheerful; and his fine eyes had the expression of love or severity,
at the proper moments. He was particularly clean in his person, and took
a bath every evening. Besides a number of concubines, who were all
daughters of persons of rank and quality, he had two lawful wives of
royal extraction, whom, however, he visited secretly without any one
daring to observe it, save his most confidential servants. He was
perfectly innocent of any unnatural crimes. The dress he had on one day
was not worn again until four days had elapsed. In the halls adjoining
his own private apartments there was always a guard of 2000 men of
quality, in waiting: with whom, however, he never held any conversation
unless to give them orders or to receive some intelligence from them.
Whenever for this purpose they entered his apartment, they had first to
take off their rich costumes and put on meaner garments, though these
were always neat and clean; and were only allowed to enter into his
presence barefooted, with eyes cast down. No person durst look at him
full in the face, and during the three prostrations which they were
obliged to make before they could approach him, they pronounced these
words: "Lord! my Lord! sublime Lord!" Everything that was communicated
to him was to be said in few words, the eyes of the speaker being
constantly cast down, and on leaving the monarch's presence he walked
backwards out of the room. I also remarked that even princes and other
great personages who come to Mexico respecting lawsuits, or on other
business from the interior of the country, always took off their shoes
and changed their whole dress for one of a meaner appearance when they
entered his palace. Neither were they allowed to enter the palace
straightway, but had to show themselves for a considerable time outside
the doors; as it would have been considered want of respect to the
monarch if this had been omitted.

Above 300 kinds of dishes were served up for Motecusuma's dinner from
his kitchen, underneath which were placed pans of porcelain filled with
fire, to keep them warm. Three hundred dishes of various kinds were
served up for him alone, and above 1000 for the persons in waiting. He
sometimes, but very seldom, accompanied by the chief officers of his
household, ordered the dinner himself, and desired that the best dishes
and various kinds of birds should be called over to him. We were told
that the flesh of young children, as a very dainty bit, was also set
before him sometimes by way of a relish. Whether there was any truth in
this we could not possibly discover; on account of the great variety of
dishes, consisting in fowls, turkeys, pheasants, partridges, quails,
tame and wild geese, venison, musk swine, pigeons, hares, rabbits, and
of numerous other birds and beasts; besides which there were various
other kinds of provisions, indeed it would have been no easy task to
call them all over by name. This I know, however, for certain, that
after Cortes had reproached him for the human sacrifices and the eating
of human flesh, he issued orders that no dishes of that nature should
again be brought to his table. I will, however, drop this subject, and
rather relate how the monarch was waited on while he sat at dinner. If
the weather was cold a large fire was made with a kind of charcoal made
of the bark of trees, which emitted no smoke, but threw out a delicious
perfume; and that his majesty might not feel any inconvenience from too
great a heat, a screen was placed between his person and the fire, made
of gold, and adorned with all manner of figures of their gods. The chair
on which he sat was rather low, but supplied with soft cushions, and was
beautifully carved; the table was very little higher than this, but
perfectly corresponded with his seat. It was covered with white cloths,
and one of a larger size. Four very neat and pretty young women held
before the monarch a species of round pitcher, called by them Xicales,
filled with water to wash his hands in. The water was caught in other
vessels, and then the young women presented him with towels to dry his
hands. Two other women brought him maise-bread baked with eggs. Before,
however, Motecusuma began his dinner, a kind of wooden screen, strongly
gilt, was placed before him, that no one might see him while eating, and
the young women stood at a distance. Next four elderly men, of high
rank, were admitted to his table; whom he addressed from time to time,
or put some questions to them. Sometimes he would offer them a plate of
some of his viands, which was considered a mark of great favour. These
grey-headed old men, who were so highly honoured, were, as we
subsequently learnt, his nearest relations, most trustworthy counsellors
and chief justices. Whenever he ordered any victuals to be presented
them, they ate it standing, in the deepest veneration, though without
daring to look at him full in the face. The dishes in which the dinner
was served up were of variegated and black porcelain, made at Cholulla.
While the monarch was at table, his courtiers, and those who were in
waiting in the halls adjoining, had to maintain strict silence.

After the hot dishes had been removed, every kind of fruit which the
country produced was set on the table; of which, however, Motecusuma ate
very little. Every now and then was handed to him a golden pitcher
filled with a kind of liquor made from the cacao, which is of a very
exciting nature.[52] Though we did not pay any particular attention to
the circumstance at the time, yet I saw about fifty large pitchers
filled with the same liquor brought in all frothy. This beverage was
also presented to the monarch by women, but all with the profoundest
veneration.

Sometimes during dinner time, he would have ugly Indian humpbacked
dwarfs, who acted as buffoons and performed antics for his amusement. At
another time he would have jesters to enliven him with their witticisms.
Others again danced and sung before him. Motecusuma took great delight
in these entertainments, and ordered the broken victuals and pitchers of
cacao liquor to be distributed among these performers. As soon as he had
finished his dinner the four women cleared the cloths and brought him
water to wash his hands. During this interval he discoursed a little
with the four old men, and then left table to enjoy his afternoon's nap.

After the monarch had dined, dinner was served up for the men on duty
and the other officers of his household, and I have often counted more
than 1000 dishes on the table, of the kinds above mentioned. These were
then followed, according to the Mexican custom, by the frothing jugs of
cacao liquor; certainly 2000 of them, after which came different kinds
of fruit in great abundance.

Next the women dined, who superintended the baking department; and those
who made the cacao liquor, with the young women who waited upon the
monarch. Indeed, the daily expense of these dinners alone must have been
very great!

Besides these servants there were numerous butlers, house-stewards,
treasurers, cooks, and superintendents of maise-magazines. Indeed there
is so much to be said about these that I scarcely knew where to
commence, and we could not help wondering that everything was done with
such perfect order. I had almost forgotten to mention, that during
dinner-time, two other young women of great beauty brought the monarch
small cakes, as white as snow, made of eggs and other very nourishing
ingredients, on plates covered with clean napkins; also a kind of
long-shaped bread, likewise made of very substantial things, and some
pachol, which is a kind of wafer-cake. They then presented him with
three beautifully painted and gilt tubes, which were filled with liquid
amber, and a herb called by the Indians tabaco. After the dinner had
been cleared away and the singing and dancing done, one of these tubes
was lighted, and the monarch took the smoke into his mouth, and after he
had done this a short time, he fell asleep.[53]

About this time a celebrated cazique, whom we called Tapia, was
Motecusuma's chief steward: he kept an account of the whole of
Motecusuma's revenue, in large books of paper which the Mexicans call
_Amatl_. A whole house was filled with such large books of accounts.[54]

Motecusuma had also two arsenals filled with arms of every description,
of which many were ornamented with gold and precious stones. These arms
consisted in shields of different sizes, sabres, and a species of
broadsword, which is wielded with both hands, the edge furnished with
flint stones, so extremely sharp that they cut much better than our
Spanish swords:[55] further, lances of greater length than ours, with
spikes at their end, full one fathom in length, likewise furnished with
several sharp flint stones. The pikes are so very sharp and hard that
they will pierce the strongest shield, and cut like a razor; so that the
Mexicans even shave themselves with these stones. Then there were
excellent bows and arrows, pikes with single and double points, and the
proper thongs to throw them with; slings with round stones purposely
made for them; also a species of large shield, so ingeniously
constructed that it could be rolled up when not wanted: they are only
unrolled on the field of battle, and completely cover the whole body
from the head to the feet. Further, we saw here a great variety of
cuirasses made of quilted cotton, which were outwardly adorned with soft
feathers of different colours, and looked like uniforms; morions and
helmets constructed of wood and bones, likewise adorned with feathers.
There were always artificers at work, who continually augmented this
store of arms; and the arsenals were under the care of particular
personages, who also superintended the works.

Motecusuma had likewise a variety of aviaries, and it is indeed with
difficulty that I constrain myself from going into too minute a detail
respecting these. I will confine myself by stating that we saw here
every kind of eagle, from the king's eagle to the smallest kind
included, and every species of bird, from the largest known to the
little colibris, in their full splendour of plumage. Here were also to
be seen those birds from which the Mexicans take the green-
feathers of which they manufacture their beautiful feathered stuffs.
These last-mentioned birds very much resemble our Spanish jays, and are
called by the Indians quezales. The species of sparrows were
particularly curious, having five distinct colours in their
plumage--green, red, white, yellow, and blue; I have, however, forgotten
their Mexican name. There were such vast numbers of parrots, and such a
variety of species, that I cannot remember all their names; and geese of
the richest plumage, and other large birds. These were, at stated
periods, stripped of their feathers, in order that new ones might grow
in their place. All these birds had appropriate places to breed in, and
were under the care of several Indians of both sexes, who had to keep
the nests clean, give to each kind its proper food, and set the birds
for breeding. In the courtyard belonging to this building, there was a
large basin of sweet water, in which, besides other water fowls, there
was a particularly beautiful bird, with long legs, its body, wings, and
tail variously , and is called at Cuba, where it is also found,
the ipiris.

In another large building, numbers of idols were erected, and these, it
is said, were the most terrible of all their gods. Near these were kept
all manner of beautiful animals, tigers, lions of two different kinds,
of which one had the shape of a wolf, and was called a jackal; there
were also foxes, and other small beasts of prey. Most of these animals
had been bred here, and were fed with wild deers' flesh, turkeys, dogs,
and sometimes, as I have been assured, with the offal of human beings.

Respecting the abominable human sacrifices of these people, the
following was communicated to us: The breast of the unhappy victim
destined to be sacrificed was ripped open with a knife made of sharp
flint; the throbbing heart was then torn out, and immediately offered to
the idol-god in whose honour the sacrifice had been instituted. After
this, the head, arms, and legs were cut off and eaten at their banquets,
with the exception of the head, which was saved, and hung to a beam
appropriated for that purpose. No other part of the body was eaten, but
the remainder was thrown to the beasts which were kept in those
abominable dens, in which there were also vipers and other poisonous
serpents, and, among the latter in particular, a species at the end of
whose tail there was a kind of rattle. This last-mentioned serpent,
which is the most dangerous, was kept in a cabin of a diversified form,
in which a quantity of feathers had been strewed: here it laid its eggs,
and it was fed with the flesh of dogs and of human beings who had been
sacrificed. We were positively told that, after we had been beaten out
of the city of Mexico, and had lost 850 of our men, these horrible
beasts were fed for many successive days with the bodies of our
unfortunate countrymen. Indeed, when all the tigers and lions roared
together, with the howlings of the jackals and foxes, and hissing of the
serpents, it was quite fearful, and you could not suppose otherwise than
that you were in hell.

I will now, however, turn to another subject, and rather acquaint my
readers with the skilful arts practised among the Mexicans: among which
I will first mention the sculptors, and the gold and silversmiths, who
were clever in working and smelting gold, and would have astonished the
most celebrated of our Spanish goldsmiths: the number of these was very
great, and the most skilful lived at a place called Escapuzalco, about
four miles from Mexico. After these came the very skilful masters in
cutting and polishing precious stones, and the chalchihuis, which
resemble the emerald. Then follow the great masters in painting, and
decorators in feathers, and the wonderful sculptors. Even at this day
there are living in Mexico three Indian artists, named Marcos de Aguino,
Juan de la Cruz, and El Crespello, who have severally reached to such
great proficiency in the art of painting and sculpture, that they may be
compared to an Apelles, or our contemporaries Michael Angelo and
Berruguete.[56]

The women were particularly skilful in weaving and embroidery, and they
manufactured quantities of the finest stuffs, interwoven with feathers.
The commoner stuffs, for daily use, came from some townships in the
province of Costatlan, which lay on the north coast, not far from Vera
Cruz, where we first landed with Cortes.

The concubines in the palace of Motecusuma, who were all daughters of
distinguished men, were employed in manufacturing the most beautiful
stuffs, interwoven with feathers. Similar manufactures were made by
certain kind of women who dwelt secluded in cloisters, as our nuns do.
Of these nuns there were great numbers, and they lived in the
neighbourhood of the great temple of Huitzilopochtli. Fathers sometimes
brought their daughters from a pious feeling, or in honour of some
female idol, the protectress of marriage, into these habitations, where
they remained until they were married.

The powerful Motecusuma had also a number of dancers and clowns: some
danced in stilts, tumbled, and performed a variety of other antics for
the monarch's entertainment: a whole quarter of the city was inhabited
by these performers, and their only occupation consisted in such like
performances. Lastly, Motecusuma had in his service great numbers of
stone-cutters, masons, and carpenters, who were solely employed in the
royal palaces.[57] Above all, I must not forget to mention here his
gardens for the culture of flowers, trees, and vegetables, of which
there were various kinds. In these gardens were also numerous baths,
wells, basins, and ponds full of limpid water, which regularly ebbed and
flowed. All this was enlivened by endless varieties of small birds,
which sang among the trees. Also the plantations of medical plants and
vegetables are well worthy of our notice: these were kept in proper
order by a large body of gardeners. All the baths, wells, ponds, and
buildings were substantially constructed of stonework, as also the
theatres where the singers and dancers performed. There were upon the
whole so many remarkable things for my observation in these gardens and
throughout the whole town, that I can scarcely find words to express the
astonishment I felt at the pomp and splendour of the Mexican monarch.

In the meantime, I am become as tired in noting down these things as the
kind reader will be in perusing them: I will, therefore, close this
chapter, and acquaint the reader how our general, accompanied by many of
his officers, went to view the Tlatelulco, or great square of Mexico; on
which occasion we also ascended the great temple, where stood the idols
Tetzcatlipuca and Huitzilopochtli. This was the first time Cortes left
his head-quarters to perambulate the city.

[52] This was something like our chocolate, and prepared in the same
way, but with this difference, that it was mixed with the boiled dough
of maise, and was drunk cold. (p. 230.)

[53] Respecting the custom of smoking among the Mexicans, Humboldt gives
the following, in his work on New Spain: "The Mexicans called tobacco
_yetl_, which they not only considered a remedy against toothach, cold
in the head, and bowel complaints, but they likewise used it as a
luxury, by smoking and snuffing it. At Motecusuma's court it was used as
a narcotic, not only after dinner, but also after breakfast, to produce
a comfortable nap, as is still the custom in many districts of America.
The leaves were rolled together like cigars, and then stuck in tubes
made of silver, wood, or of shell." (p. 231.)

[54] The revenue of Motecusuma we know consisted of the natural products
of the country, and what was produced by the industry of his subjects.
Respecting the payment of tribute, we find the following story in
Torquemada: "During the abode of Motecusuma among the Spaniards, in the
palace of his father, Alonso de Ojeda one day espied in a certain
apartment of the building a number of small bags tied up. He imagined at
first that they were filled with gold dust, but on opening one of them,
what was his astonishment to find it quite full of lice? Ojeda, greatly
surprised at the discovery he had made, immediately communicated what he
had seen to Cortes, who then asked Marina and Aguilar for some
explanation. They informed him that the Mexicans had such a sense of
their duty to pay tribute to their monarch, that the poorest and meanest
of the inhabitants, if they possessed nothing better to present to their
king, daily cleaned their persons, and saved all the lice they caught,
and that when they had a good store of these, they laid them in bags at
the feet of their monarch. Torquemada further remarks, that his reader
might think these bags were filled with small worms (gasanillos), and
not with lice; but appeals to Alonso de Ojeda, and another of Cortes'
soldiers, named Alonso de Mata, who were eyewitnesses of the fact."

This story, no doubt, is founded on something like truth, and most
probably these bags were filled with the coccus cacti, the famous
cochineal insect, then unknown to the Spaniards, who might easily have
mistaken them in a dried state for lice. (p. 231.)

[55] This weapon, called by the Mexicans maquahuitl, was much dreaded by
the Spaniards; and the historian Acosta relates that the Mexicans would
cut off the head of a horse with it at one blow. (p. 231.)

[56] Alonso Berruguete, a Spanish artist, who rose to great eminence in
painting, architecture, and sculpture. He received great protection from
Charles the Fifth, who employed him in considerable works in the
Alhambra of Granada and elsewhere. (p. 233.)

[57] Bernal Diaz, unfortunately, gives no description of Motecusuma's
palace; we will therefore give Torquemada's account of this remarkable
building. He himself, however, never saw it, but chiefly gained his
information from the Mexicans themselves, who may have exaggerated a
little: Motecusuma's palace had twenty doors, which either opened into
the large square or into the principal streets of the city; it had three
large courts, and in one of them was a tank, supplied with water by the
aqueduct of Chapultepec. The palace contained a number of halls, and a
hundred rooms twenty-five feet long and as many broad, each provided
with a bath. Everything was built of stone and lime. The walls were
covered with beautiful stones, marble, jasper, porphyry, and a block
stone, which is so highly polished that you might use it for a
looking-glass; besides these, there was a white stone, almost
transparent. All the woodwork was made of white cedar, palm, cypress,
pine, and other fine woods, adorned with beautiful carved-work. In one
of the apartments, which was one hundred and fifty feet long and fifty
broad, was Motecusuma's chapel, which was covered with plates of gold
and silver almost the thickness of a finger, besides that it was
decorated with innumerable emeralds, rubies, topaz, and other precious
stones. (p. 235.)




CHAPTER XCII.

    _Our general takes a walk through Mexico, and views the Tlatelulco,
    (the great square,) and the chief temple of Huitzilopochtli._


We had already been four days in the city of Mexico, and neither our
commander nor any of us had, during that time, left our quarters,
excepting to visit the gardens and buildings adjoining the palace.
Cortes now, therefore, determined to view the city, and visit the great
market, and the chief temple of Huitzilopochtli: he accordingly sent
Geronimo Aguilar, Dona Marina, and one of his pages named Orteguilla,
who, by this time, understood a little of the Mexican language, to
Motecusuma, to request his permission to view the different buildings of
the city. Motecusuma, in his answer to this, certainly granted us
permission to go where we pleased, yet he was apprehensive we might
commit some outrage to one or other of his idols: he, therefore,
resolved to accompany us himself, with some of his principal officers,
and, for this purpose, left his palace with a pompous retinue. Having
arrived at a spot about half way between his palace and a temple, he
stepped out of his sedan, as he would have deemed it a want of respect
towards his gods to approach them any otherwise than on foot. He leant
upon the arms of the principal officers of his court; others walked
before him, holding up on high two rods, having the appearance of
sceptres, which was a sign that the monarch was approaching. He himself,
whenever he was carried in his sedan, held a short staff in his hand,
one half of gold, the other of wood, very much like that used by our
judges. In this way he came up to the temple, which he ascended, in
company with many papas. On reaching the summit he immediately began to
perfume Huitzilopochtli, and to perform other ceremonies.

Our commander, attended by the greater part of our cavalry and foot, all
well armed, as, indeed, we were at all times, had proceeded to the
Tlatelulco: by command of Motecusuma, a number of caziques had come to
meet us on our road there. The moment we arrived in this immense market,
we were perfectly astonished at the vast numbers of people, the
profusion of merchandise which was there exposed for sale, and at the
good police and order that reigned throughout. The grandees who
accompanied us drew our attention to the smallest circumstance, and gave
us full explanation of all we saw. Every species of merchandise had a
separate spot for its sale. We first of all visited those divisions of
the market appropriated for the sale of gold and silver wares, of
jewels, of cloths interwoven with feathers, and of other manufactured
goods; besides slaves of both sexes. This slave market was upon as great
a scale as the Portuguese market for <DW64> slaves at Guinea. To prevent
these from running away, they were fastened with halters about their
neck, though some were allowed to walk at large. Next to these came the
dealers in coarser wares--cotton, twisted thread, and cacao. In short,
every species of goods which New Spain produces were here to be found;
and everything put me in mind of my native town Medina del Campo during
fair time, where every merchandise has a separate street assigned for
its sale. In one place were sold the stuffs manufactured of nequen;
ropes, and sandals; in another place, the sweet maguey root, ready
cooked, and various other things made from this plant. In another
division of the market were exposed the skins of tigers, lions, jackals,
otters, red deer, wild cats, and of other beasts of prey, some of which
were tanned. In another place were sold beans and sage, with other herbs
and vegetables. A particular market was assigned for the merchants in
fowls, turkeys, ducks, rabbits, hares, deer, and dogs; also for
fruit-sellers, pastry-cooks, and tripe-sellers. Not far from these were
exposed all manner of earthenware, from the large earthen cauldron to
the smallest pitchers. Then came the dealers in honey and honey-cakes,
and other sweetmeats. Next to these, the timber-merchants,
furniture-dealers, with their stores of tables, benches, cradles, and
all sorts of wooden implements, all separately arranged. What can I
further add? If I am to note everything down, I must also mention human
excrements, which were exposed for sale in canoes lying in the canals
near this square, and is used for the tanning of leather; for, according
to the assurances of the Mexicans, it is impossible to tan well without
it. I can easily imagine that many of my readers will laugh at this;
however, what I have stated is a fact, and, as further proof of this, I
must acquaint the reader that along every road accommodations were built
of reeds, straw, or grass, by which those who made use of them were
hidden from the view of the passers-by, so that great care was taken
that none of the last-mentioned treasures should be lost. But why should
I so minutely detail every article exposed for sale in this great
market? If I had to enumerate everything singly, I should not so easily
get to the end. And yet I have not mentioned the paper, which in this
country is called amatl; the tubes filled with liquid amber and tobacco;
the various sweet-scented salves, and similar things; nor the various
seeds which were exposed for sale in the porticoes of this market, nor
the medicinal herbs.

In this market-place there were also courts of justice, to which three
judges and several constables were appointed, who inspected the goods
exposed for sale. I had almost forgotten to mention the salt, and those
who made the flint knives; also the fish, and a species of bread made of
a kind of mud or slime collected from the surface of this lake, and
eaten in that form, and has a similar taste to our cheese.[58] Further,
instruments of brass, copper, and tin; cups, and painted pitchers of
wood: indeed, I wish I had completed the enumeration of all this
profusion of merchandise. The variety was so great that it would occupy
more space than I can well spare to note them down in; besides which,
the market was so crowded with people, and the thronging so excessive in
the porticoes, that it was quite impossible to see all in one day.

On our proceeding to the great temple, and passing the courtyards
adjoining the market, we observed numbers of other merchants, who dealt
in gold dust as it is dug out of the mines, which was exposed to sale in
tubes made of the bones of large geese, which had been worked to such a
thin substance, and were so white that the gold shone through them. The
value of these tubes of gold was estimated according to their length and
thickness, and were taken in exchange, for instance, for so many
mantles, xiquipiles[59] of cacao[60] nuts, slaves, or other merchandise.

On quitting the market, we entered the spacious yards which surround the
chief temple. These appeared to encompass more ground than the
market-place at Salamanca, and were surrounded by a double wall,
constructed of stone and lime: these yards were paved with large white
flag-stones, extremely smooth; and where these were wanting, a kind of
brown plaster had been used instead, and all was kept so very clean that
there was not the smallest particle of dust or straw to be seen
anywhere.

Before we mounted the steps of the great temple, Motecusuma, who was
sacrificing on the top to his idols, sent six papas and two of his
principal officers to conduct Cortes up the steps. There were 114 steps
to the summit, and, as they feared that Cortes would experience the same
fatigue in mounting as Motecusuma had, they were going to assist him by
taking hold of his arms. Cortes, however, would not accept of their
proffered aid. When we had reached the summit of the temple, we walked
across a platform where many large stones were lying, on which those who
were doomed for sacrifice were stretched out. Near these stood a large
idol, in the shape of a dragon, surrounded by various other abominable
figures, with a quantity of fresh blood lying in front of it. Motecusuma
himself stepped out of a chapel, in which his cursed gods were
standing, accompanied by two papas, and received Cortes and the whole of
us very courteously. "Ascending this temple, Malinche," said he to our
commander, "must certainly have fatigued you!" Cortes, however, assured
him, through our interpreters, that it was not possible for anything to
tire us. Upon this the monarch took hold of his hand and invited him to
look down and view his vast metropolis, with the towns which were built
in the lake, and the other towns which surrounded the city. Motecusuma
also observed, that from this place we should have a better view of the
great market.

Indeed, this infernal temple, from its great height, commanded a view of
the whole surrounding neighbourhood. From this place we could likewise
see the three causeways which led into Mexico,--that from Iztapalapan,
by which we had entered the city four days ago; that from Tlacupa, along
which we took our flight eight months after, when we were beaten out of
the city by the new monarch Cuitlahuatzin; the third was that of
Tepeaquilla. We also observed the aqueduct which ran from Chapultepec,
and provided the whole town with sweet water. We could also distinctly
see the bridges across the openings, by which these causeways were
intersected, and through which the waters of the lake ebbed and flowed.
The lake itself was crowded with canoes, which were bringing provisions,
manufactures, and other merchandise to the city. From here we also
discovered that the only communication of the houses in this city, and
of all the other towns built in the lake, was by means of drawbridges or
canoes. In all these towns the beautiful white plastered temples rose
above the smaller ones, like so many towers and castles in our Spanish
towns, and this, it may be imagined, was a splendid sight.

After we had sufficiently gazed upon this magnificent picture, we again
turned our eyes toward the great market, and beheld the vast numbers of
buyers and sellers who thronged there. The bustle and noise occasioned
by this multitude of human beings was so great that it could be heard at
a distance of more than four miles. Some of our men, who had been at
Constantinople and Rome, and travelled through the whole of Italy, said
that they never had seen a market-place of such large dimensions,[61] or
which was so well regulated, or so crowded with people as this one at
Mexico.

On this occasion Cortes said to father Olmedo, who had accompanied us:
"I have just been thinking that we should take this opportunity, and
apply to Motecusuma for permission to build a church here."

To which father Olmedo replied, that it would, no doubt, be an excellent
thing if the monarch would grant this; but that it would be acting
overhasty to make a proposition of that nature to him now, whose consent
would not easily be gained at any time.

Cortes then turned to Motecusuma, and said to him, by means of our
interpretress, Dona Marina: "Your majesty is, indeed, a great monarch,
and you merit to be still greater! It has been a real delight to us to
view all your cities. I have now one favour to beg of you, that you
would allow us to see your gods and teules."

To which Motecusuma answered, that he must first consult his chief
papas, to whom he then addressed a few words. Upon this, we were led
into a kind of small tower, with one room, in which we saw two basements
resembling altars, decked with coverings of extreme beauty. On each of
these basements stood a gigantic, fat-looking figure, of which the one
on the right hand represented the god of war Huitzilopochtli. This idol
had a very broad face, with distorted and furious-looking eyes, and was
covered all over with jewels, gold, and pearls, which were stuck to it
by means of a species of paste, which, in this country, is prepared from
a certain root. Large serpents, likewise, covered with gold and precious
stones, wound round the body of this monster, which held in one hand a
bow, and in the other a bunch of arrows. Another small idol which stood
by its side, representing its page, carried this monster's short spear,
and its golden shield studded with precious stones. Around
Huitzilopochtli's neck were figures representing human faces and hearts
made of gold and silver, and decorated with blue stones. In front of him
stood several perfuming pans with copal, the incense of the country;
also the hearts of three Indians, who had that day been slaughtered,
were now consuming before him as a burnt-offering. Every wall of this
chapel and the whole floor had become almost black with human blood, and
the stench was abominable.

On the left hand stood another figure of the same size as
Huitzilopochtli. Its face was very much like that of a bear, its shining
eyes were made of tetzcat, the looking-glass of the country. This idol,
like its brother Huitzilopochtli, was completely covered with precious
stones, and was called _Tetzcatlipuca_. This was the god of hell, and
the souls of the dead Mexicans stood under him.[62] A circle of figures
wound round its body, resembling diminutive devils with serpents' tails.
The walls and floor around this idol were also besmeared with blood, and
the stench was worse than in a Spanish slaughter-house. Five human
hearts had that day been sacrificed to him. On the very top of this
temple stood another chapel, the woodwork of which was uncommonly well
finished, and richly carved. In this chapel there was also another idol,
half man and half lizard, completely covered with precious stones; half
of this figure was hidden from view. We were told that the hidden half
was covered with the seeds of every plant of this earth, for this was
the god of the seeds and fruits: I have, however, forgotten its name,
but note that here also everything was besmeared with blood, and the
stench so offensive that we could not have staid there much longer. In
this place was kept a drum of enormous dimensions, the tone of which,
when struck, was so deep and melancholy that it has very justly been
denominated the drum of hell. The drum-skin was made out of that of an
enormous serpent; its sound could be heard at a distance of more than
eight miles. This platform was altogether covered with a variety of
hellish objects,--large and small trumpets, huge slaughtering knives,
and burnt hearts of Indians who had been sacrificed: everything clotted
with coagulated blood, cursed to the sight, and creating horror in the
mind. Besides all this, the stench was everywhere so abominable that we
scarcely knew how soon to get away from this spot of horrors. Our
commander here said, smilingly, to Motecusuma: "I cannot imagine that
such a powerful and wise monarch as you are, should not have yourself
discovered by this time that these idols are not divinities, but evil
spirits, called devils. In order that you may be convinced of this, and
that your papas may satisfy themselves of this truth, allow me to erect
a cross on the summit of this temple; and, in the chapel, where stand
your Huitzilopochtli and Tetzcatlipuca, give us a small space that I may
place there the image of the holy Virgin; then you will see what terror
will seize these idols by which you have been so long deluded."[63]

Motecusuma knew what the image of the Virgin Mary was, yet he was very
much displeased with Cortes' offer, and replied, in presence of two
papas, whose anger was not less conspicuous, "Malinche, could I have
conjectured that you would have used such reviling language as you have
just done, I would certainly not have shown you my gods. In our eyes
these are good divinities: they preserve our lives, give us nourishment,
water, and good harvests, healthy and growing weather, and victory
whenever we pray to them for it. Therefore we offer up our prayers to
them, and make them sacrifices. I earnestly beg of you not to say
another word to insult the profound veneration in which we hold these
gods."

As soon as Cortes heard these words and perceived the great excitement
under which they were pronounced, he said nothing in return, but merely
remarked to the monarch with a cheerful smile: "It is time for us both
to depart hence." To which Motecusuma answered, that he would not detain
him any longer, but he himself was now obliged to stay some time to
atone to his gods by prayer and sacrifice for having committed
_gratlatlacol_, by allowing us to ascend the great temple, and thereby
occasioning the affronts which we had offered them.

"If that is the case," returned Cortes, "I beg your pardon, great
monarch." Upon this we descended the 114 steps, which very much
distressed many of our soldiers, who were suffering from swellings in
their groins.[64] The following is all I can communicate with respect to
the size or circumference of this temple; but previously reckon upon the
reader's kind indulgence, if I should make any misstatement; for at the
time when all these things were going on, I was thinking of anything but
writing a book, but rather how best to fulfil my duty as a soldier, and
to act up to the commands of our general Cortes. However, if I remember
rightly, this temple occupied a space of ground on which we should erect
six of the largest buildings, as they are commonly found in our
country.[65] The whole building ran up in rather a pyramidical form, on
the summit of which was the small tower with the idols. From the middle
of the temple up to the platform there were five landings, after the
manner of barbacans, but without any breastworks. A perfect idea of the
form of this temple may be gained from the pictures which are in the
possession of several of the Conquistadores, (I have one myself,) which
every one must have seen by this time. The following is what I learnt
respecting the building of this temple. Every inhabitant had contributed
his mite of gold, silver, pearls and precious stones thereto. These
gifts were then buried in the foundations, and the ground sprinkled with
the blood of a number of prisoners of war, and strewed with the seeds of
every plant growing in the country. This was done in order that the gods
might grant the country conquest, riches, and abundant harvests. The
reader will here naturally ask the question: how we got to know that its
foundations were thus filled with gold, pearls, silver, precious stones,
seeds, and sprinkled with human blood, as this building had stood there
for the space of one thousand years? To this I answer, that subsequent
to the conquest of this large and strongly fortified city, we found it
to be a positive fact; for when new buildings were being erected on the
place where this temple stood, a great part of the space was fixed upon
for the new church dedicated to our patron Saint Santiago, and the
workmen, on digging up the old foundations to give more stability to
the new ones, found a quantity of gold, silver, pearls, chalchihuis
stones, and other valuable things. A similar discovery was made by a
citizen of Mexico, to whom also a portion of this space had been
allotted for building-ground, but the treasure was claimed for his
majesty; and parties went so far as to commence a lawsuit about it, I
cannot however now recollect how it terminated. Besides all this, the
accounts of the caziques and grandees of Mexico, and even of
Quauhtemoctzin himself, who was alive at that time, all correspond with
my statement. Lastly, it is also mentioned in the books and paintings
which contain the history of the country.[66]

With respect to the extensive and splendid courtyards belonging to this
temple I have said sufficient above. I cannot, however, pass by in
silence a kind of small tower standing in its immediate vicinity,
likewise containing idols. I should term it a temple of hell; for at one
of its doors stood an open-mouthed dragon armed with huge teeth,
resembling a dragon of the infernal regions, the devourer of souls.
There also stood near this same door other figures resembling devils and
serpents, and not far from this an altar encrusted with blood grown
black, and some that had recently been spilt. In a building adjoining
this we perceived a quantity of dishes and basins, of various shapes.
These were filled with water and served to cook the flesh in of the
unfortunate beings who had been sacrificed; which flesh was eaten by the
papas. Near to the altar were lying several daggers, and wooden blocks
similar to those used by our butchers for hacking meat on. At a pretty
good distance from this house of horrors were piles of wood, and a large
reservoir of water, which was filled and emptied at stated times, and
received its supply through pipes underground from the aqueduct of
Chapultepec. I could find no better name for this dwelling than the
house of satan!

I will now introduce my reader into another temple, in which the
grandees of Mexico were buried. The doors of which were of a different
form, and the idols were of a totally different nature, but the blood
and stench were the same.

Next to this temple was another in which human skulls and bones were
piled up, though both apart; their numbers were endless. This place had
also its appropriate idols; and in all these temples, we found priests
clad in long black mantles, with hoods shaped like those worn by the
Dominican friars and choristers; their ears were pierced and the hair of
their head was long and stuck together with coagulated blood. Lastly, I
have to mention another temple at no great distance from this place of
skulls, containing another species of idol, who were said to be the
protectors of the marriage rights of the men, to whom likewise those
abominable human sacrifices were made. Round about this large courtyard
stood a great number of small houses in which the papas dwelt, who were
appointed over the ceremonies of the idol-worship. Near to the chief
temple we also saw an exceedingly large basin or pond, filled with the
purest water, which was solely adapted for the worship of
Huitzilopochtli and Tetzcatlipuca, being also supplied by pipes
underground from the aqueduct of Chapultepec. There were also other
large buildings in this neighbourhood, after the manner of cloisters, in
which great numbers of the young women of Mexico lived secluded, like
nuns, until they were married. These had also two appropriate idols in
the shape of females, who protected the marriage rights of the women,
and to whom they prayed and sacrificed in order to obtain from them good
husbands.

Although this temple on the Tlatelulco, of which I have given such a
lengthened description, was the largest in Mexico, yet it was by no
means the only one; for there were numbers of other splendid temples in
this city, all of which I am unable to describe. I have to remark,
however, that the chief temple at Cholulla was higher than that of
Mexico, and was ascended by 120 steps: also the idol at Cholulla stood
in greater repute; for pilgrimages were made to it from all parts of New
Spain, to obtain forgiveness of sins. The architecture of this building
was also different, but with respect to the yards and double walls they
were alike. The temple of the town of Tetzcuco was also of considerable
height, being ascended by 117 steps, and had broad and beautiful
courtyards, equal to those of the two last mentioned, but differently
constructed. It seems indeed quite laughable that each province and
every town should have its own peculiar idols, which, however, never
interfered with each other, and the inhabitants severally sacrificed to
them.

Cortes, and the whole of us at last grew tired at the sight of so many
idols and implements used for these sacrifices, and we returned to our
quarters accompanied by a great number of chief personages and caziques,
whom Motecusuma had sent for that purpose.

[58] This slimy substance the Mexicans called tecuitlatl, or excrement
of stone. It was made into various shapes, and dried in the sun. (p.
237.)

[59] According to Torquemada, this word expressed the number 8000 of
anything, whether of cacao beans, troops, or other matters. (p. 237.)

[60] Cacao nuts should be cacao beans; they were used by the Mexicans as
small coin, and even to this day, according to Humboldt, they form the
smallest coin among the inhabitants of New Spain. (p. 237.)

[61] In the large work of Ramusio, entitled 'Raccolta delle Navigazioni
e Viaggi,' there is a very interesting account of the city of Mexico.
There we find that this market was about three times larger than the one
at Salamanca, and surrounded by porticos. Every five days was a great
market day, and from forty to fifty thousand people come to buy and sell
there. (p. 238.)

[62] With regard to Mexican mythology, Bernal Diaz is, perhaps, not
quite so correct in general. The abbe F.S. Clavigero, who wrote a
history of Mexico, in two volumes quarto, is more intelligent in this
respect. (p. 239.)

[63] This note refers to the idol, half hidden from view, of which
Bernal Diaz has forgotten the name; it was probably the goddess
Centeotl, sometimes called Tonacajohua. (p. 240.)

[64] The Spanish is, "Estavan malos de bubas o humores, les dolieron los
muslas de baxar!" bubas I have everywhere translated by the general term
of swellings in the groin, though it is quite evident, from the 68th
letter of Petrus Martyr ab Angleria, (De Rebus Oceanicis el Novo orbe
decades tres) that this disease was the syphilis, which was then
spreading so dreadfully. (p. 241.)

[65] The best-informed writers agree with Bernal Diaz as to the vast
extent of this temple. It was so extensive, says Torquemada, that an
arrow shot from a crossbow would not reach the length of one of its
sides. A few lines lower he says, that each of these sides was three
hundred and sixty feet long! The wall which surrounded this huge temple
was entirely built of hewn stone. (p. 241.)

[66] Bernal Diaz is here speaking of the Mexican picture writing or
hieroglyphics. (p. 242.)




CHAPTER XCIII.

    _How we erect a chapel and altar in our quarters with a cross on the
    outside; discover the treasure of Motecusuma's father; and determine
    to seize the monarch's person and imprison him in our quarters._


Our general and father Olmedo readily perceived that Motecusuma would
never give his consent to our erecting a cross on his chief temple, nor
that we should build a chapel there. We had, upon our arrival in Mexico,
fitted up some tables as an altar; but we were not satisfied with this,
and therefore begged of Motecusuma's house-steward to order his masons
to build us a church in our quarters, who referred us to the monarch
himself, upon which Cortes sent him with our interpretress and the page
Orteguilla to Motecusuma, who immediately gave his consent and issued
orders accordingly.[67]

In three days our church was finished, and a cross planted in front of
our quarters. Mass was now regularly said every day as long as our wine
lasted, which indeed was very short, as Cortes and father Olmedo, during
their illness in Tlascalla, had used the wine destined for the mass.
Nevertheless we went daily to church and prayed on our knees in front of
the altar and before the holy images; because it was our Christian duty,
and that Motecusuma and his grandees might notice it, and become
accustomed to these holy things, from seeing us kneel down in devotion
before them, particularly when we repeated the Ave Maria.

Wherever we went it was our custom to examine everything about us, and
consequently we searched every corner and nook in our quarters; and so
it happened, as we were looking for a proper spot to erect our altar,
that two of our men, one of whom was Yanez our carpenter, found the
traces of a doorway in the wall of one of the apartments, which had been
carefully walled up and neatly plastered over; and as we all very well
knew that the treasure of Motecusuma's father was secreted somewhere in
our quarters, these two men soon conjectured that this doorway might be
the entrance to the treasury. Yanez communicated his suspicions to the
chief officers, Leon and Lugo, who were relatives of mine; and at last
it got to the ears of Cortes. The consequence was, that the doorway was
in all secrecy broken open, and Cortes, with some of our officers,
entered the hidden apartment.

Their expectations were fully realized; for they found here such a vast
quantity of trinkets, thick and thin plates of gold, chalchihuis, and
other precious things heaped up together, that they were perfectly
astounded and were almost speechless at the sight of such immense
riches. This matter soon became known to all of our men, who now also
paid a visit to this secret treasure. I also followed their example, and
as at that time I was still a young man, and had never before beheld
such vast treasures, I concluded that the whole of the remaining part of
the world, put together, could not produce such a vast collection of
riches. However, all our officers and soldiers unanimously agreed to
leave everything untouched, and that the doorway should be walled up
again as before, nor was Motecusuma to be informed of our discovery.

As all of us, officers as well as privates, were men of experience, full
of energy and very determined, who never lost sight that the Lord Jesus
Christ had assisted us with his divine hand in all our undertakings, we
deputed four officers and twelve of our most trustworthy and faithful
soldiers, myself being among the number, to Cortes, and represented to
him how we were cooped up in this strong city, as if we had been caught
in a net or cage. We begged of him to remember the bridges and
causeways, how we had been cautioned in every town we passed through
against Motecusuma, and were assured that Huitzilopochtli had advised
him to allow us to enter the city quietly, and when once there to fall
upon us unawares and destroy us all. He ought to remember the
inconstancy of the human mind in general, and of the Indians in
particular; and not trust to the kindness and friendship which
Motecusuma showed us. All this might change in an instant, and if
Motecusuma did not exactly fall upon us with sword in hand, he had
merely to cut off our supply of provisions and water, or break down some
of the bridges, and we should be lost. He, Cortes, ought to consider
what a large body of warriors always surrounded the monarch, and how
powerless we should be and ill able to defend ourselves, since all the
houses stood in the water. We could not count upon the assistance of our
friends the Tlascallans, as they would be totally cut off from us.

Taking all this into consideration our opinion was, that we had no other
resource left by which we could place our own lives in safety than by
seizing the monarch's person without delay. All the gold this monarch
had given us, all we had seen in the treasury of his father, and all the
fine provisions he had set before us, could not induce us to hide our
sentiments. These reflections harassed us night and day, and if some of
our men did appear heedless as to our present position, these were
merely a few narrow-minded folks, who, on account of the vast quantity
of gold after which their mouths watered, were unable to see the death
which stood before them.

Cortes, in reply to their representations said: "Do not imagine,
gentlemen, that I either sleep so peaceably, or that what you have just
been stating has not also caused me much anxiety. But we ought first to
weigh well whether you think we are sufficiently strong in numbers for
so bold an attempt as to take this mighty monarch prisoner in his own
palace, amidst his body-guard and other warriors. I cannot see how we
can manage this matter without running the risk of being attacked by his
troops."

Our four officers, namely, Leon, Ordas, Sandoval, and Alvarado, said,
that the only way would be by some means or other to entice the monarch
out of his palace, then to conduct him to our quarters, and then inform
him that he was our prisoner. If he offered any resistance or made any
noise, then to knock him down at once. If Cortes himself objected to
have any hand in it, they begged he would give them permission to carry
it out themselves. There was as much danger on one side as on the other;
but it was certainly more advisable to take the monarch prisoner than to
wait until he made war upon us; for what chance of escape should we then
have?

To all this was added, that several of us had of late remarked, that
Motecusuma's house-steward appeared to become haughty in his manners,
and that he did not supply our table so abundantly as on the first few
days. Lastly, our friends of Tlascalla had secretly informed Aguilar
that the Mexicans, for the last two days, appeared to have some evil
design on hand.

One hour was thus spent in deliberating as to whether we should take
Motecusuma prisoner, and the manner in which it was to be done. At last
we came to the resolution of seizing the monarch's person on the
following day, and Cortes gave his full consent. The whole of that night
was spent in prayer with father Olmedo, to ask the Almighty's support in
this holy cause.

The following morning two Tlascallans arrived secretly in our quarters,
with a letter from Vera Cruz, announcing to Cortes that Juan de
Escalante had been slain with six other Spaniards in an engagement with
the Mexicans. A horse had likewise been killed, and all the Totonaques
who had joined him had been slain. All the mountain tribes as well as
the Sempoallans had turned against us. They would neither any longer
furnish the town with provisions nor assist in building the
fortifications, and the garrison scarcely knew what to be about in its
present distress.

After this overthrow, the belief that the Spaniards were teules had
altogether vanished. The Totonaque tribes, as well as the Mexicans,
began to throw out threats, and the profound veneration in which they
before held us was now changed for utter contempt.

God only knows what a terrible sensation this news created among us. It
was the first defeat we had sustained in New Spain, and the good reader
may easily see from this how rapidly the wheel of fortune turns from
good to bad. She had but just seen us enter this great metropolis, and
meet with a splendid and triumphant reception. We already believed we
were on the sure road to wealth, from the many presents which Motecusuma
gave us daily. We had had a peep into Axayacatl's treasure; we had, up
to this moment, been regarded as teules who could not fail to come off
victorious in battle. This delusion had now flown all at once. We
appeared, like all other men, vincible, and the Indians had already
began to be insolent and haughty in their demeanour towards us.

We had now the more reason to strike some determined blow, and we
therefore resolved to get possession of Motecusuma's person some how or
other, if we were even to forfeit all our lives in the attempt.

I will, however, first relate the battle in which Escalante and the six
other Spaniards lost their lives.

[67] This passage fully proves the kind disposition of the monarch, for
he even overcame his religious scruples to please the very men who came
to take his kingdom from him. (p. 244.)




CHAPTER XCIV.

    _Of the battle which the Mexican generals fought with Escalante and
    the Totonaque tribes._


The reader will remember, some chapters back, how we lay quartered in
the township of Quiahuitzlan, and that several of the confederate
tribes, friendly with Sempoalla, assembled around us there. Above thirty
townships, on this occasion, at the command of Cortes, refused to pay
any further tribute to Motecusuma, and threw off his yoke. It was during
that time also that the Mexican tax-gatherers were imprisoned by the
Sempoallans, at our instigation. After all this had taken place we broke
up our quarters at Sempoalla and began our march towards Mexico, leaving
Juan de Escalante behind, as governor of Vera Cruz, who received
particular instructions to protect our allies.

Motecusuma had garrisons in every province of his empire, which were
always stationed on the confines. Such garrisons, for instance, lay in
Xoconoctico, for the protection of Guatimala and Chiapa, another in
Coatzagualco, a third in Mechoacan, and a fourth on the confines of
Panuco, between Tuzapan and a township lying on the north coast, which
was called Almeria.[68] When the garrison of the latter place demanded
the tribute of Indians with the provisions from the neighbouring
townships, they refused to pay it, (as they were in alliance with
Sempoalla, and had assisted Escalante in the building of the fortress,)
and gave for reason that Malinche had so commanded it, and that the
powerful Motecusuma had consented thereto.

The Mexican chiefs, however, were not to be put off with this answer,
and declared they would destroy every township which refused to pay the
tribute, and carry off the inhabitants as slaves, as they were bound to
obey the commands which Motecusuma had recently issued.

On hearing these threats the Totonaque tribes applied to Escalante for
assistance against the Mexicans, who were coming to plunder them.
Escalante accordingly sent off messengers to the Mexican chiefs,
commanding them to leave those tribes at peace, as that was the wish of
their monarch, Motecusuma, with whom we stood on very friendly terms;
and if they refused compliance with his commands he would march into the
field against them in person, and treat them as enemies.

The Mexicans received these threats with utter contempt, and returned
the haughty answer, "that they would meet him on the field of battle!"
Escalante, who was a man of great courage, and very prompt in what he
did, issued orders to our mountain allies to equip themselves for
battle, and he selected those from among his own men who were in the
best health, and most able to bear fatigue.

In this way he marched out against the Mexicans, with two cannon, a
small supply of powder, three crossbow-men, two musketeers, besides
forty Spanish soldiers and above 2000 Totonaques. The Mexicans were
double the number of our Totonaque auxiliaries, who, besides this, had
become intimidated by former battles; so that they left Escalante in the
lurch after the very first attack. Escalante now forced his way to
Almeria, which he set fire to. Here he halted for a short time, as he
was dangerously wounded. In the several engagements which here took
place Escalante lost one horse, and one of his men, named Arguello, a
young man of amazing bodily strength, with a wild-looking countenance, a
large head, and black curly beard, who was carried off alive by the
Mexicans. Six others of his men were likewise dangerously wounded; the
only alternative, therefore, which Escalante had left was to return to
Vera Cruz, where he and six others of his men died three days after
their arrival.

This is exactly what took place at Almeria; and not as Gomara relates,
who says, that all this happened under Pedro de Ircio, who had marched
out on this occasion with a few men to Panuco, in order to found a
colony there; though we had scarcely sufficient troops in Vera Cruz to
place the necessary sentinels; how much less, therefore, could the
thought have entered our mind to send out a colony to Panuco? Besides
which, Ircio was not an officer at that time; no, nor even a corporal;
had altogether nothing to do with the whole affair, being at the time
with us in Mexico. In the same way Gomara tells his tales about our
imprisoning Motecusuma, without for a moment reflecting that several of
the Conquistadores were still alive; who, when they had perused his
work, would be able to say so and so such a thing happened, and not
otherwise.

We must now turn to the Mexican generals, and relate how they announced
their victory to Motecusuma, and sent him the head of Arguello, who most
likely died on the road of his wounds. We afterwards learnt that
Motecusuma was quite horror-struck at the sight of this enormous head
with the thick curly beard. He could not bear to look at it, and would
not allow the head to be brought near any of the temples in Mexico, but
ordered it to be presented to the idols of some other town; yet he
inquired how it came that his troops, which had been many thousands in
number, had not been able to overthrow such a handful of teules? His
captains replied, that notwithstanding all their courageous fighting
they had not been able to make the Spaniards give way, because a great
Spanish _tecleciguata_[69] had stood at their head, who had filled the
Mexicans with fear, and animated the teules by her speeches.

Motecusuma was convinced that this illustrious warrior was the Virgin
Mary, who, we had told him, with her heavenly Son, whom she held in her
arms, was our strong rock.

This wonderful apparition I did not behold with mine own eyes, as I was
at the time in Mexico. However, several of the Conquistadores spoke of
it as a fact; and may it please God that it was so. It is, however,
certainly true that the blessing of the Virgin Mary was always upon us.

[68] The Mexican name of this township was Nauhtlan. (p. 248.)

[69] The Mexican name for goddess. (p. 249.)




CHAPTER XCV.

    _Of the imprisonment of Motecusuma, and what further happened._


After we had come to the determination of seizing the person of
Motecusuma, and had been on our knees the whole night in prayer, to
supplicate the Almighty's assistance in this bold attempt, and that it
might redound to the glory of his holy religion, we made the necessary
arrangements when morning came for that purpose.

Every one received orders to be ready to march out at a moment's notice,
and the horses were to be kept saddled. It is not necessary for me to
repeat here that our arms were always in readiness; for they were never
out of our hands either day or night; while our alpargates, the only
covering we had to our feet, were never taken off.

Our general now sallied forth, accompanied by our five chief officers,
Alvarado, Sandoval, Lugo, Leon, and Avila; besides our interpreters,
Marina, and Aguilar. Cortes and his officers were completely armed; yet
this would not appear strange to Motecusuma, as he had never seen them
otherwise whenever they paid him a visit. Cortes, as on the former
occasion, sent some one before him to announce his approach, that
Motecusuma might not perceive any change in our behaviour, and feel no
uneasiness at our unexpected visit. His conscience, however, was not
altogether easy, on account of the affair which had taken place at
Almeria, and he had a misgiving that it would bring down evil upon him.
Yet he sent word that our visit would be agreeable to him.

After Cortes had entered his apartment, and the usual compliments had
been passed, he thus addressed Motecusuma: "I am greatly astonished that
a prince of such power, who styles himself our friend, should have
commanded his troops, which lie on the coast near Tuzapan, to take up
arms against my Spanish troops, and presume to demand a certain number
of men and women for the sacrifices from those townships which have put
themselves under the protection of our emperor. But this is not all;
they have plundered those places, and even killed one of my brothers,
and a horse."

Cortes very prudently omitted to mention the death of Escalante and the
six others; for Motecusuma at that time knew as little of that as his
generals who had commanded on the occasion.

"How very differently we acted on our side!" continued Cortes. "I had
put implicit reliance in your friendship, and desired my officers in
every way to comply with your wishes. You, on the contrary, have
commanded your officers the very opposite. You once likewise sent a
large body of troops to Cholulla to destroy us all there. At that time,
from the friendship I bore you, I would not notice to you that I was
aware of that. At the present moment your generals have the audacity to
plot in secret to put us all to death. However, notwithstanding all this
treachery, I will refrain from making war upon you, which would only
end in the total destruction of this city; but in order that peace may
be maintained between us, you must make a small sacrifice, which is, to
follow us quietly into our quarters, and take up your abode there. There
you will receive the same attention, and be treated with the same
respect as if you were in your own palace. But if you make any alarm
now, or call out to your attendants, you are a dead man; and it is for
this reason only that I have this time brought these officers with me."

Motecusuma was seized with such sudden terror at these words, that he
remained speechless for some time. At length, however, he took courage,
and declared he had never given any one orders to take up arms against
us. He would that instant send for his generals, and learn from them the
truth of the whole matter, and give exemplary punishment. For this
purpose, he loosened the seal and mark of Huitzilopochtli, which he
always wore around his wrist. This he only did when he issued orders of
the first importance, and that those who had the seal might be
immediately obeyed. He was quite astonished, he said, we should presume
to take him prisoner, and lead him away out of his palace against his
wishes. No one had a right to demand that of him, he added; and
altogether he felt no inclination to comply with our request.

Cortes, in answer to this, gave him very good reasons for our having
come to this determination; but Motecusuma continually brought in
stronger reasons why he should not comply; and was resolved not to leave
his palace.

As this dispute had now lasted above half an hour, our officers began to
lose all patience, and said to Cortes with great warmth, "What is the
use of throwing away so many words? He must either quietly follow us, or
we will cut him down at once. Be so good as to tell him this; for on
this depends the safety of our lives. We must show determination, or we
are inevitably lost."

These words were uttered by Juan Velasquez in a loud and harsh tone of
voice. When, therefore, Motecusuma heard this, and perceived the dark
looks of the officers, he asked Marina what the man had said who spoke
so loud.

Marina, who was uncommonly shrewd, and well knew how to help us out with
a good answer, said, "Great monarch, if I may be allowed to give you
advice, make no further difficulties, but immediately follow them to
their quarters. I am confident they will pay you every respect, and
treat you as becomes a powerful monarch. But if you continue to refuse,
they will cut you down on the spot."

Motecusuma then turned to Cortes, and said: "Malinche, since then you
repose no trust in me, take my son and my two legitimate daughters as
hostages; only do not disgrace me, by demanding my person. What will the
grandees of my empire say, if they see me taken prisoner?"

Cortes, however, said that his own person would be the only guarantee of
our safety, and that there was no other means of quieting our fears. At
last Motecusuma, after a good deal of altercation, made up his mind to
go quietly with us.

As soon as he had declared this his intention, our officers showed him
every possible civility, and hoped that he would excuse the grief they
had occasioned him, and desired him to acquaint his generals and his
body-guard that he had chosen, of his own free will, to take up his
abode in our quarters; and also upon the advice of Huitzilopochtli and
his papas, who considered it necessary for his health, and for the
safety of his life.

His rich and splendid sedan was then brought in, which he commonly used
when he left his palace with his whole suite, and he followed us to our
quarters, where we took every precaution to secure his person. Every one
of us strove hardest to make him happy, and procured him every
entertainment we could think of, to make his confinement as pleasant as
we could.

Shortly afterwards all the Mexican grandees, with his nephew, called
upon him, to inquire the reason of his imprisonment, and ask him if they
should commence hostilities against us? But Motecusuma told them he
wished to do himself the pleasure of passing a few days with us, and
that this change of abode was of his own free choice. He would make his
wishes known to them as soon as he found reason to complain. They might
allay their fears, and keep the metropolis quiet, and not trouble
themselves any further about him. The determination he had thus taken
was fully consented to by Huitzilopochtli, as many priests, who had
purposely consulted him, had admitted.

These are the true circumstances relative to the imprisonment of
Motecusuma. He was always surrounded by the whole of his household, and
had all his wives with him, and continued to bathe himself daily, as he
had been accustomed to, in his own palace. He was likewise always
attended by twenty of his generals and counsellors, nor did he show the
least signs of grief on account of his confinement. Disputes from the
most distant parts were laid before him, as usual, for his decision; the
tribute was collected, and he continued to attend to the most important
affairs of state as before. His subjects paid the same veneration to his
person, and the most distinguished princes who waited on him, or came
upon business, always took off their fine garments, to put on a meaner
dress of nequen cloth, and came so, barefoot, into his presence. Neither
did they enter at the principal gate, but sought for some side door, and
approached with eyes downcast, and made three prostrations, and
pronounced the words Lord, my lord, great lord! They then acquainted him
with their business, by means of pictures drawn on nequen cloth; and
made use of thin sticks, with which they pointed to the different
objects, to explain what they wanted, or the nature of the lawsuit they
came about.

Motecusuma had constantly two old distinguished caziques at his side,
who, as judges, gave their opinion in every case, after due
deliberation; and the monarch then, in few words, gave his decision. The
parties then, without uttering a syllable, or turning their backs to
him, left the apartment with three deep bows; and on arriving outside,
they again put on their fine garments, and took a stroll in the
metropolis.

After some time had elapsed, the generals who had fought against
Escalante were brought in prisoners to the monarch. What he told them on
this occasion I do not know; but he sent them to Cortes to pronounce
judgment on them himself. These unfortunate men confessed they had
merely acted up to the commands of their monarch, which was, to levy the
tribute by force of arms; and if the teules should protect the rebels,
to attack them also, and put them to the sword.

Cortes acquainted Motecusuma with what these men had said, but declared
that the monarch had sufficiently exculpated himself from any guilt in
the affair. According to the laws of our emperor, that man suffered
death who had killed another, whether he deserved killing or not;
however, his love for Motecusuma was so great, that he would rather take
the responsibility of this matter upon himself than allow it to rest
with him; but as he still seemed anxious about it, our general made no
further ceremony with these Mexicans, but sentenced them to death, and
they were burnt alive in front of Motecusuma's palace.[69*]

And that no impediment might be thrown in the way while these sentences
were being put into execution, Cortes ordered chains to be put on
Motecusuma. At first he certainly did not approve of this at all, but,
in the end, quietly submitted, and grew even the more tractable
afterwards. When the executions had taken place, Cortes approached him,
with five of our officers, and himself took off his chains again, with
the assurance that he loved him more than a brother. He likewise told
him, however great a monarch he might be at present, that additional
countries should be annexed to his empire, and he was at liberty to
visit any of his other palaces whenever he felt inclined.

At these words Motecusuma became affected, and big tears rolled down his
cheeks; and though he felt that all was mere empty sound he had heard,
he nevertheless thanked Cortes for his kindness, adding, that at present
he felt no inclination to go anywhere.

His nephews, relations, and grandees daily stormed him with petitions to
allow them to make war upon us, and release him from confinement. And,
indeed, it required all his persuasion to prevent them from rising up in
arms immediately. If he were once, said they, outside of our quarters,
they would take forcible possession of his person. The whole of the
inhabitants in his metropolis would rise up in arms, and if then he
would not join them, they would care little about him, and elect a new
king. Motecusuma, however, succeeded in silencing them by the assurance
that Huitzilopochtli had himself advised him to bear with his
confinement.

To account for Motecusuma thus quietly submitting to his confinement, I
must here remark that Cortes ordered Aguilar to acquaint him secretly
that if even our general himself gave his consent to his liberation, it
would be of no avail, as all our officers and soldiers would oppose it.
Cortes feigned to be unconscious of all this, and embraced the monarch
under the assurances of sincere friendship. He likewise gave him his
page Orteguilla, who had already gained some knowledge of the Mexican
language, the monarch having expressed a wish to have a Spanish
attendant. This young man was of the greatest utility both to Motecusuma
and ourselves, the monarch learning many things from him relating to
Spain, and we again a good deal of the discourses which passed between
the former and his generals: he was in every way attentive to the
monarch, who became exceedingly fond of him. On the whole, Motecusuma
appeared perfectly content with the civilities we showed him, and he
continually felt greater delight in our company; for whenever any one of
us passed by him, he immediately entered into discourse with us: we were
quite at our ease with him, even when Cortes was present, and took off
our helmets in his presence, which, as well as our weapons, we never
laid aside; and the monarch always treated us with great respect.

The severe example which Cortes had made of the Mexican generals had had
its full effect. The news thereof ran like wildfire through the whole of
New Spain; the tribes along the coast, by whom our troops of Vera Cruz
had been defeated, were seized with terror, and again offered their
services to the garrison there.

I must now beg the kind reader to pause a moment upon the heroic deeds
we performed, and consider their magnitude! First of all, we destroy all
our vessels, and thereby cut off all hopes of escaping from this
country. We then venture to march into this strong city, though we were
warned against it on all sides, and assured we should merely be allowed
a peaceable entrance to be the more easily destroyed. We then have the
audacity to imprison the monarch of this vast empire, the powerful
Motecusuma, in his own metropolis, in his very palace, amidst his
numerous troops. At last, we even fearlessly burn some of his generals
to death in front of his own palace, and throw the monarch himself in
chains while this was being executed! Even now, in my old age, the
heroic deeds we then accomplished come vividly to my memory. I imagine I
see all passing before me now, but must also acknowledge that, although
we had our hands full, we were aided by Divine Providence. When again on
earth will be found such a handful of soldiers, in all scarcely 550, who
would dare to penetrate, at a distance of above 6000 miles from their
native country, into the heart of such a strong city, larger than
Venice, take its very monarch prisoner, and execute his generals in his
very presence? These things, indeed, ought to be deeply pondered on, and
not mentioned so briefly as I here have done! But it is time I should
continue my history.

[69*] Bernal Diaz only mentions three of these generals by name:
Quetzalpopoca, Coatl, and Quiahuitle, which we thought better to insert
here. When Quetzalpopoca, says Torquemada, was brought into the presence
of the Spaniards, and asked whether he was a vassal of Motecusuma, he
replied: "Is it possible in this world to be the vassal of any other
monarch." (p. 253.)




CHAPTER XCVI.

    _How our general appoints Alonso Grado lieutenant of Vera Cruz, and
    Sandoval alguacil-major of the same place._


After the execution of the Mexican generals, and Motecusuma had become
pacified again, Cortes despatched one of our officers, named Alonso de
Grado, a very active, handsome, and sensible man, to Vera Cruz, with the
appointment of lieutenant, who, besides being an excellent musician, was
a capital penman.

This Grado was one of those who had always opposed our march to Mexico,
and particularly on the occasion when the intrigues were set on foot by
the discontented during our stay in Tlascalla: he then insisted on our
return to Vera Cruz, and, upon the whole, spoke in severe terms against
our general. He was very expert in various matters, and was successful
in his undertakings, and hence again obtained the command of Vera Cruz,
though he was not a very good soldier. Cortes, well acquainted with the
man's character, that he was not one of the most courageous, said to
him, in giving him the appointment, rather jokingly, "Your desire of
going to Vera Cruz, Alonso de Grado, is about to be fulfilled. There you
must continue the building of the fortress with assiduity; but have
nothing to do with any warlike movements: it might end equally
disastrous for you as it did for Juan de Escalante!"

While Cortes was thus addressing him, he winked his eye to those who
were present, as much as to say if he were required on the field of
battle, we should have to drag him there by the hair of his head.

When Grado's appointment and instructions were about to be drawn up, he
likewise begged Cortes to confer on him the appointment of
alguacil-major, which Escalante had enjoyed with that of lieutenant. Our
commander, however, told him it had already been conferred upon
Sandoval, but, in a short time, he would give him some further
appointment. He particularly desired him to watch over the interests of
the inhabitants of Vera Cruz as a father, and not allow any harsh
measures to be practised against the Indian population. Lastly, he
desired him to order the smith at Vera Cruz to make two heavy iron
chains, and to forward them, with the anchors we had taken out of our
vessels, immediately to Mexico.

Alonso de Grado's conduct, however, very little corresponded with the
instructions he had received. His behaviour towards the Spanish garrison
at Vera Cruz was haughty to a degree. He required the men to wait upon
him, as if he had been a grandee, and demanded golden trinkets and
beautiful females from the thirty surrounding tribes which were friendly
with us. He no way troubled himself about completing the fortress, and
spent all his time in feasting and gambling. He went even further than
this, and gave way to his former ill-will towards Cortes, by seeking to
gain his friends and others over to the interest of Diego Velasquez, and
proposed that if the latter himself, or any one sent by him, should
appear off the coast, to make common cause with him, and deliver up
possession of the country to him.

Cortes was duly apprized of all this, and sadly repented in the choice
of this man, whose character and artful disposition, however, he had
known beforehand.

As Cortes was still afraid that Diego Velasquez might somehow or other
obtain information of the purport of our mission to the emperor, and not
merely frustrate our designs, but also send out an armament against us,
he considered it necessary to send a trustworthy man to Vera Cruz. His
choice fell upon Sandoval, who became alguacil-major of the town after
the death of Escalante. Sandoval was accompanied by Ircio, the same
who, Gomara affirms, founded a settlement in Panuco. This Ircio had been
groom to the earl of Urena, and likewise to Don Pedro Giron, and knew
well how to entertain Sandoval with the various adventures of his life:
hereby he succeeded in gaining the intimate friendship of this excellent
man, who was innocence itself, and, by degrees, he obtained a captaincy.
He, however, repaid him with ingratitude, and calumniated him so grossly
that he might have been punished according to law, but Sandoval
contented himself by giving him a severe reprimand.

I will, however, leave this subject, and relate that Sandoval,
immediately upon his arrival at Vera Cruz, fulfilled Cortes' orders,
took Grado prisoner, and sent him under a strong escort of Indian
auxiliaries to Mexico. Sandoval very soon gained the good wishes of the
whole garrison, for he began his work by providing food for the sick,
and treating the inhabitants with every possible kindness, and was most
particular in promoting the interests of the surrounding townships which
were friendly with us. In the same way he set diligently about the
completion of the fortress, and every way proved himself an active and
vigilant commander, who afterwards, as will be seen, rendered vast
services to Cortes and all of us.

I must now return to Grado, who soon arrived at Mexico in custody of our
Indian auxiliaries. His request to obtain a hearing from Cortes was not
only refused, but he was thrown into a wooden cage which had just been
constructed. I can still well remember that the wood of this cage smelt
strongly of garlic and onions. However, our prisoner was obliged to pass
two whole days in it; yet, like a clever fellow, who is never at a loss,
he found means to soften Cortes' resentment by making him solemn
promises of future obedience, and not only obtained his liberty again,
but, from that moment, as I witnessed myself, became very intimate with
our general, who, however, never again intrusted him with any military
command, but employed him in matters which suited his talents.
Subsequently he appointed him auditor of the army accounts, which Avila
had previously filled, and whom Cortes had despatched, as his attorney,
to St. Domingo, as will subsequently be seen.

Before I close this chapter, I have to observe that Cortes desired
Sandoval, on his arrival at Vera Cruz, to send him the two smiths of
that town, with all their apparatus, a quantity of iron, besides the two
heavy iron chains which were already finished; and likewise a supply of
sails, some rigging, pitch, and a compass; all of which Cortes required
for the brigantines which he intended building to navigate the lake of
Mexico.




CHAPTER XCVII.

    _How we entertained and amused Motecusuma during his confinement,
    and granted him permission to visit his temple._


Our general was a man who thought of everything, and strove as much as
possible to enliven the monarch in his confinement, that he might not
feel the weight of his misfortune too deeply. Cortes, therefore, every
morning after we had said prayers, visited the monarch with four of our
principal officers, to inquire after his health and after his wants, and
otherwise to amuse him in every way; in which they succeeded so well
that Motecusuma one day himself declared his confinement was not irksome
to him, as our gods had given us the power to take him prisoner, and
Huitzilopochtli had allowed it.

Sometimes also Motecusuma played at a certain game with Cortes, which
the Mexicans call the game of _totoloc_: it is played with small round
glossy balls, which here were made of gold, and are pitched at a certain
mark, also of the same metal: five throws finished the game, and the
stakes were for valuable gold trinkets and jewels. I still remember once
when Motecusuma and Cortes were playing at this game, Alvarado scoring
for Cortes, and a distinguished cazique (his nephew) for the monarch,
that Alvarado continually scored one too many for Cortes. This was
observed by Motecusuma, who said, with a pleasing smile, that he was not
exactly pleased when _Tonatio_ (so they termed Alvarado) marked the game
for Cortes, for he was guilty of _Ixoxol_ in scoring, which means that
he scored falsely, by continually marking one more than he ought.

Cortes, and we others who happened to be on duty at the time in the
apartment, could not resist laughing at the observation of the monarch.
And why, it will be asked, did we find that expression so amusing?
Because Alvarado, notwithstanding the handsome and refined man he was,
could not resist the temptation of scoring falsely, and had been
discovered. However, all the gain was divided among those present; for
what Cortes won he presented to the monarch's nephew and his servants;
Motecusuma dividing his gains among those who happened to be on duty at
the time.[70] And not a day passed that he did not present Velasquez de
Leon, who was very kind to him, and was captain of the guard, and those
who were on duty, with valuable gold trinkets and manufactured stuffs.

One night a sailor, named Truxillo, stood sentinel in the monarch's
apartment. This fellow was very stout and strongly-built; he happened
to forget himself, for a moment, in a way which, out of respect for the
reader, I will not describe more minutely here. Motecusuma, who was a
monarch of refined manners, happened to hear it at the moment, and
considered himself grossly insulted. He inquired of his page Orteguilla
who the low-bred fellow was? Orteguilla replied that the man was a
sailor, and that such persons were little acquainted with good manners.
It was upon this occasion also that Orteguilla explained to him the rank
of every individual soldier, who were cavaliers and who were not, and
many other things the monarch wished to know. Motecusuma, however, had
not forgotten the insult which the sailor had offered to his person, for
daylight had scarcely broken forth when he sent for him, and reproached
him for his disrespectful behaviour, and advised him to mend his manners
for the future; but sweetened down this lecture by presenting him with
some gold trinkets, worth about five pesos. This kind treatment,
however, had little effect on the rough sailor, who repeated his filthy
conduct the following night, in the hopes of getting a second present
when morning came. Motecusuma, however, disdained speaking to him any
more, but complained to the captain of the guard, and desired that the
fellow might be severely reprimanded and never allowed again to stand
sentinel there.

Something similar happened to a soldier named Lopez, who was an
excellent crossbow-man, and had a fine figure, though otherwise a man of
little understanding. As he was one night on duty in the monarch's
apartment, and the corporal came to make the rounds, he remarked to the
latter, "A curse upon this dog, I am sure this standing sentinel at
night will be my death!"

Motecusuma heard these words, and considered his feelings deeply
wounded. When, therefore, Cortes came in the morning to pay the monarch
his usual visit, he complained bitterly to him about the insult that had
been offered him. Cortes was exceedingly vexed, and was so enraged with
Lopez that he ordered him to be whipped. From that day every one who
stood sentinel in the monarch's apartment maintained a respectful
silence; though, as far as regarded myself and others of my companions
who often stood sentinel in the same apartment, we needed no
instructions as to how we were to behave in the presence of such a great
monarch, who soon got to know all our names and peculiarities, was
exceedingly kind towards us, and often distributed gold trinkets among
us, besides manufactured cottons and pretty females. At that time I was
yet a young fellow, and whenever I stood sentinel in the monarch's
apartment, I always behaved with the greatest respect, and uncovered my
head on passing by him. This drew his attention towards me, and, on
inquiring who I was, Orteguilla informed him that I had accompanied the
two former voyages of discovery to these parts. When, therefore,
Orteguilla, at my desire, hinted to him that I should be much pleased
with a pretty Mexican female, he sent for me, and said, "I understand,
Bernal Diaz del Castillo, that you have abundance of gold and cotton
stuffs, wherefore I will now give you a pretty young female. Treat her
well, for she is the daughter of distinguished parents, who will,
besides, give you more gold and cotton stuffs with her."

I very respectfully thanked the monarch for his kindness, and hoped God
would bless him for it. When the page interpreted my answer, he said,
"Bernal Diaz appears to me to have the true feelings of a well-bred
man," and ordered three small plates of gold and two additional packages
of cotton stuffs to be given me.

With respect to Motecusuma's mode of life, it was his custom to say his
prayers the first thing in the morning, and sacrifice to his gods: he
then partook of a little breakfast, which consisted not in meat, but
solely in _agi_.[71] This being finished, he gave an hour's audience to
the caziques, who came from distant parts in great numbers to lay before
him certain disputes, and obtain his judgment. The remaining part of the
day was then spent in amusement, particularly with his concubines, of
whom he had a great number; some of these, at times, he gave in marriage
to his generals, principal favorites, and likewise to us soldiers; as I,
for instance, obtained Dona Francisca, whom you might well see was a
woman of distinction. Now and then the monarch would laugh, and then
again he was pensive, and seemed to reflect on his confinement.

I must once more return to the soldier whom Cortes had so severely
punished for calling Motecusuma a dog. Many to whom I have related this
were surprised at the severity of his punishment, as the man had not
said it to the monarch's face; besides that, our numbers were so small,
and that the Mexicans would be sure to hear of it. My reply to this is,
that all of us, even Cortes himself, paid Motecusuma the most profound
respect, and no one passed by him without uncovering his head: add to
all this, he was so very kind, and so courteous in his behaviour towards
us, that we should have considered ourselves bound to pay his person and
good breeding every possible respect, though he had not been the monarch
of New Spain.

Lastly, it must be remembered that our lives were in his hands; for, at
his very wink, his subjects would have flown to his rescue. When we saw
how he was continually surrounded by so many distinguished personages,
and the numbers of princes who came to wait upon him from distant parts
of his empire, in the same way as if he had still been at liberty in his
own palace, can we at all feel surprised, then, that Cortes should so
severely have punished on the spot an insult offered to this monarch?
Assuredly he did nothing more than the circumstances of the moment
required!

[70] Alvarado, who sometimes also played a game with Motecusuma, showed
little generosity, according to other writers. If he lost, he paid with
chalchihuis stones; if he won, he was paid with bars of gold, each worth
at least fifty ducats. Motecusuma frequently lost in one evening from
forty to fifty of such gold bars to Alvarado; but the more he lost, the
more good-humoured he appeared. (p. 258.)

[71] A kind of soup or broth, of which the so termed Spanish pepper
formed the chief ingredient. (p. 260.)




CHAPTER XCVIII.

    _How Cortes orders two large brigantines to be built for the
    navigation of the lake of Mexico; Motecusuma begs permission to
    visit his temples to offer up his prayers there; and what Cortes
    said to him when he granted this permission._


After the necessary materials had arrived for constructing the two
brigantines, Cortes informed Motecusuma that he intended to build two
small pleasure yachts to navigate the lake of Mexico, and requested him
to allow his carpenters to cut wood for the purpose, and assist our ship
carpenters, Martin Lopez and Alonso Nunez, in the building of the
vessels.

There was plenty of wood at a distance of about sixteen miles from the
town, which could easily be transported hither. The building of these
vessels went on very fast, as our men were assisted by numbers of
Indians. These brigantines, therefore, were very soon completed and
rigged; besides which, each was provided with an awning to keep out the
heat of the sun. Both vessels turned out very good, and sailed
uncommonly fast.

This Lopez was not only an excellent soldier, but also a very clever man
in his profession, and subsequently built the thirteen brigantines which
were of the most valuable assistance to us in the conquest of Mexico, as
will be seen in the proper place.

About this time, Motecusuma expressed a wish to visit his temple, in
order to make his devotions there, and sacrifice to his idols. His
motive for wishing this he declared was not merely to fulfil his
religious duties, but also to convince his generals, his courtiers, and
particularly some of his relatives, who daily begged he would allow them
to rescue him from his confinement, and commence hostilities with us,
that it was his own choice to dwell with us, to which Huitzilopochtli
had given his consent.

In answer to this request, Cortes said, he was afraid it would cost him
his life, as his generals and papas might suddenly form the idea of
taking forcible possession of his person on the occasion, and fall upon
us, and his life would become endangered in the struggle. He was,
however, no way inclined to oppose his wishes, and he might repair there
early in the morning, but was not to sacrifice any human beings, as that
was a great sin against the only true God, whom we had made known to
him. Neither could he help remarking that it would be much more
profitable to him to make his devotions before our altars and the image
of the holy Virgin.

Motecusuma then assured Cortes he would not permit any human sacrifices
to take place. The monarch then, with Cortes' permission, made a
procession to the temple, dressed in his splendid garments, and
surrounded by his most distinguished courtiers, with the usual display
of pomp, preceded by the staff of honour, to announce the monarch's
approach. Four of our principal officers, Leon, Alvarado, Avila, and
Lugo, with 150 soldiers, accompanied him as a guard, and father Olmedo
to restrain the monarch from instituting any human sacrifices.

When Motecusuma had arrived at the cursed temple of Huitzilopochtli, he
was assisted out of the sedan by his nephews and other caziques. As the
procession moved along, all the Mexican grandees kept their eyes fixed
to the ground, not daring to look up in the monarch's face. At the foot
of the temple he was met by a number of papas who assisted him in
mounting the steps. The night previous, they had sacrificed four
Indians; for, notwithstanding all Cortes and father Olmedo might say,
they were not to be deterred, and continued those abominations. At that
time, indeed, all we could do was to feign ignorance of their having
taken place; for Mexico and other great towns had already been aroused
into rebellion by Motecusuma's nephews, as will be presently seen.

The monarch having finished his devotions, which were of short duration,
again returned with us to our quarters. He appeared now in better
spirits, and presented each of us who had accompanied the procession
with trinkets of gold.




CHAPTER XCIX.

    _How our two brigantines are launched, and Motecusuma, expressing a
    wish to go a hunting, sails in one of these vessels to a river where
    he usually went for that purpose._


When both our brigantines were launched, and completely rigged and
manned with sailors, Motecusuma expressed a wish to take a trip by water
to a river where he was accustomed to go for the purpose of hunting,
situated at the foot of a mountain along the banks of the lake. No one,
not even his principal officers, durst visit this spot for the sake of
killing game, under pain of death. Cortes answered, that, as far as
regarded himself, he in no way objected, but again impressed upon his
mind what he had told him on his visit to the temple: and he would
advise him to make use of one of the brigantines on the occasion, which
were much more safe than the canoes or pirogues.

Motecusuma was vastly pleased with this offer, and went on board the
better of the two, with a great number of his principal officers: the
other brigantine conveyed a son of the monarch, attended by numbers of
caziques; and the royal huntsmen followed in the canoes of the country.
Cortes took along with him Leon, Alvarado, Oli, and Avila, besides 200
of our troops, bidding them to pay particular attention to everything
that passed, and narrowly watch the person of Motecusuma. Besides this,
four cannon were brought on board, with the necessary powder, and our
artillerymen; so that every precaution was taken. A stiffish breeze
fortunately rose just as the brigantines were leaving, so that we were
able to make the best use of the sails, and the monarch was greatly
delighted at thus, as it were, flying across the lake: nor could the
canoes, filled with the huntsmen and other Mexican chiefs,
notwithstanding the number of their rowers, any way keep up with us,
which amused the monarch uncommonly, and he said it showed great skill
thus to be able to unite the power of the sails and the oars.

The desired river, therefore, which was not very far distant, was soon
reached. Here Motecusuma created terrible destruction among the deer,
hares, and rabbits, and returned highly delighted to his metropolis.
When we had arrived near to Mexico, he begged our officers to fire the
cannon, which gave him a new pleasure; and as we found that he was open
and frank, we experienced a real pleasure in paying him the same respect
as was shown him by his own grandees. But if I were to attempt a
description of his grandeur, and the perfect submission and deep
veneration which every prince of New Spain and other provinces evinced
towards his person, I should, perhaps, find no end. He had merely to say
the word, and everything was brought he desired, as the following
instance will prove. One day, as many of us officers and soldiers were
with Motecusuma, a hawk pounced upon a quail, which, with others, and
numbers of pigeons, was kept by his Indian major domo, whose business it
was to see that our quarters were always clean and tidy. This hawk
succeeded in seizing its prey, and flew off with it. As we were all
looking on, one of our men, Francisco de Azenedo, cried out, "O! what a
fine bird! how beautifully it flies away with its prey!" We were all of
the same opinion, and remarked, that this country altogether abounded
with birds that might be capitally trained for hawking.

Motecusuma, observing how lively we were discoursing together, was
curious to know what it was, and inquired the reason of his page
Orteguilla, who told him we were admiring the hawk which had pounced
upon the quail, and added, that if we had such a bird in our power, we
could teach it to fly from the hand, and attack a bird of any size and
kill it.

Then, returned Motecusuma, I will have this same hawk caught, and we
shall see whether they can teach it all they say. Upon which, we all
took our caps off and thanked him for his kindness. Motecusuma then sent
for his birdcatchers, and commanded them to bring him the hawk above
mentioned. These immediately set to work, and before the hour of Ave
Maria they actually caught the bird, and presented it to Azenedo, who
immediately recognized, by the plumage, that it was the identical one we
had seen. We saw many similar instances, and even stronger proofs of the
punctuality with which this monarch's orders were fulfilled. Even now,
in his confinement, his subjects not only continued to bring him tribute
from the most distant parts of New Spain, but they likewise obeyed his
commands implicitly, and stood in such great awe of him, that even the
birds which flew in the skies above were brought down for him if he
expressed a wish that way.

It is now, however, time to relate how suddenly the wheel of fortune
turned against us, by a conspiracy, which was set on foot by the
inhabitants, to put us all to death.




CHAPTER C.

    _How the nephews of Motecusuma assembled the principal personages of
    the empire, and formed a conspiracy to rescue the monarch from
    confinement, and beat us out of the city._


When Cacamatzin, the prince of Tezcuco, which, next to Mexico, was the
largest town of all New Spain, was informed of his uncle Motecusuma's
imprisonment, and that we seized everything we could lay our hands
on,--that we had even opened the treasure of his ancestor Axayacatl,
though left it entire as yet,--he determined to put an end to our
dominion before we should likewise take him prisoner.

For this reason he assembled all the chiefs of Tezcuco, and with them
the prince of Cojohuacan, who was his cousin, and nephew to Motecusuma;
likewise the princes of Tlacupa and Iztapalapan, and another powerful
cazique, prince of Matlaltzinco, a man of great courage, and so nearly
related to Motecusuma, that many even believed the crown of right should
have devolved upon him.

These powerful caziques accordingly, with other Mexican generals, fixed
a day when all their warriors were to meet and fall upon us with their
united forces. It appeared, that the prince of Matlaltzinco, who was
considered to be the most courageous man in the kingdom, and who had
such great pretensions to the crown, had only consented to join the
conspiracy, on condition that he should be elevated to the throne. He
would himself, first of all, force his way into Mexico with the whole of
his army, drive us out of the city, or put us all to the sword.
Cacamatzin, however, it is said, had declared that the crown would
sooner devolve upon him, as nephew of Motecusuma, and that he should be
able to overcome us without paying so dearly for the prince
Matlaltzinco's assistance. It is nevertheless certain, that Cacamatzin,
and the before-mentioned princes, agreed to meet on a certain day before
Mexico, and that the troops there should, at a certain signal, rise up
in arms and admit them into the city.

Motecusuma received due intelligence of all this, through the prince of
Matlaltzinco, who had disagreed with Cacamatzin. The former to gain
surer proofs of the whole affair, summoned all the grandees of Mexico
into his presence; who then confessed that Cacamatzin had gained them
over by presents and promises to join him in the attack upon us, and to
liberate the monarch his uncle.

Motecusuma, who was extremely prudent and not willing that his
metropolis should be the scene of rebellion and bloodshed, informed
Cortes of the conspiracy. Our commander, however, as well as every
soldier among us, was perfectly aware of what was going on, though
perhaps not of all the particulars. He, therefore, proposed to
Motecusuma that he should put all his troops under his command, when in
concert with ours he would fall upon Tezcuco, destroy the town and lay
waste the whole province.

But as Motecusuma was unwilling to fall in with this advice, Cortes sent
word to Cacamatzin, that if he commenced hostilities against us it would
be his death; that it was our wish to live in friendship with him and to
render him good services.

Cacamatzin, however, was a young hothead, and supported in his views by
a great number of chiefs, who constantly kept urging him on to fall upon
us. He, therefore, sent word to Cortes that he had already heard too
much of his smooth words, and desired he would send him no more of his
messages; it would be quite time enough to talk with each other when
their armies stood one against the other in the field of battle.

Cortes, however, sent him a second warning, and desired him to pause a
little before he insulted our emperor in our persons. He would have
dearly to pay for such presumptuous behaviour, and certainly be put to
death.

To which this prince returned the haughty answer: He knew nothing of our
emperor, and wished also he had never known anything of Cortes, since he
had so grossly deceived his uncle with his vile flattery.

When Cortes received this answer he begged Motecusuma to use his own
authority against the rebels, observing at the same time, that in
Tezcuco there were many powerful men and relatives of his, who bore
Cacamatzin ill blood, on account of his persecution and haughty
behaviour towards them, and that he himself harboured one of his
brothers, a young man of great promise, who had fled from Tezcuco to
evade death, with which Cacamatzin had threatened him; for he could not
forgive him the hopes he entertained of succeeding to the throne. He
should therefore, continued Cortes to the monarch, issue orders to the
grandees of Tezcuco to take Cacamatzin prisoner, or by some means or
other try to entice him to Mexico, where he could be seized and kept in
confinement until his reason had returned. He should also transfer the
sovereign power over Tezcuco upon the brother, who had fled for
protection to Mexico. Moreover, Cacamatzin had already forfeited all
right to sovereign power, as he had attempted to revolutionize the whole
of New Spain, and by that means to make himself master of Motecusuma's
throne.

The monarch now no longer hesitated, and promised to send for him,
expressing, however, his doubts as to whether he would make his
appearance; but if he did he would order his officers to seize his
person. Cortes returned him many thanks for his ready compliance, and
said: "Great monarch, if you should feel desirous of returning to your
palace I myself would willingly let you go, for I now see how upright
your intentions are towards us; I feel such an excess of friendship for
you, that I would long ago have conducted you back to your palace with
every magnificence, if it had depended solely upon me, and you yourself
did not consider it good policy to stay with us, that you may not be
hurried into the rebellious movement which your nephews have set on
foot. Indeed, I myself should never have deprived you of your liberty if
I had not been compelled to give way to my officers on that point, who
think they see a guarantee of our own safety in detaining possession of
your person." Motecusuma was now the more inclined to give Cortes credit
for his good wishes towards him, and considered himself greatly indebted
to him, and more so since Orteguilla had likewise assured him, that his
imprisonment was entirely owing to our officers, and that Cortes would
not be able to act according to his own wishes in this matter.
Motecusuma, therefore, answered Cortes, "that he in every way preferred
staying with us, until he should have gained more certain intelligence
as to the real designs of his nephews." He now sent some trustworthy
personages to Cacamatzin to invite him to Mexico, under the pretence
that he was desirous of becoming reconciled to him. He told him, at the
same time, not to feel any solicitude on account of his confinement, for
it depended upon himself to leave our quarters whenever he thought
proper; and Malinche himself had twice invited him to take up his abode
in his own palace again. But he had refused to do so, that he might not
go against the commandments of his gods, who had told him, through his
priests, to continue our prisoner for a certain space of time, if he was
desirous of preserving his life. It was therefore his interest to remain
on good terms with Malinche and his brothers.

Motecusuma also sent similar messages to the other chiefs of Tezcuco,
adding, that he had invited his nephew to Mexico, to bring about
friendship between him and us again. They were therefore to thwart all
attempts the young hothead might make of commencing war upon us. On the
receipt of this message, Cacamatzin with his principal adherents met to
consult what steps they should take. He opened the assembly with a
haughty and turbulent speech, assuring them he would destroy us all
within the space of four days. His uncle was a faint-hearted old woman
for not having fallen upon us as he had been advised on our descending
the mountain of Chalco, and when all their warriors stood in readiness.
Motecusuma, indeed, had invited us into the city as if we were going to
do him some good. He gave us all the gold that was collected by tribute,
and we had even broken open the secret treasury of his ancestor
Axayacatl. We detained the monarch himself in prison, and continually
admonished him to abolish his gods and adopt ours in their stead. The
injury we had done was already great, but in order to put a stop to
this, and that such injustice might not remain unpunished, he begged of
them to lend him their powerful aid. All he had been stating they knew
to be true, and had beheld with their own eyes how Motecusuma's generals
were burnt at the stake: nothing now remained but to fall upon us in
good earnest.

These representations were accompanied, not only by promises when he
should have ascended the Mexican throne of raising them all to great
dignity, but he likewise presented them on the spot with all kinds of
valuable things; assuring them he was in perfect understanding with the
princes of Cojohuacan, Iztapalapan, Tlacupa, and other places, who would
all join him with their troops. Even in Mexico itself he had drawn over
a large number of the principal personages to his side, who would rise
up in arms to assist him at a moment's notice. Nothing would be easier
than to force their way into Mexico. Some of the troops were to march
along the causeways, but the main body would be conveyed thither by
canoes and pirogues. They would nowhere meet with any opposition, for
his uncle was in confinement, and could issue no orders to the
inhabitants of Mexico. There was no reason to fear us, for his uncle's
generals had a few days ago killed several of the teules and one of
their horses, near Almeria. Both the dead horse and head of one of the
former had been shown to every one in Mexico. In the short space of one
hour they would be able to capture the whole of us and feast sumptuously
off our flesh.

As soon as Cacamatzin had done speaking, the generals stood gazing at
each other in silence, each one waiting to hear his neighbour's answer
first. At last four or five of the most distinguished personages broke
silence, declaring, if they were to commence hostilities in the very
metropolis of their monarch, without his command, it was their duty,
first of all, to apprize him of it. If he gave his consent, they would
join him heart and soul; but would consider themselves traitors, if they
acted contrary to his wishes.

This answer displeased Cacamatzin uncommonly, and in the heat of his
anger he threw three of the generals who thus opposed him into prison.
As there were a great number of his relatives, and boisterous young men,
like himself, at the meeting, the majority was for supporting him until
death. Cacamatzin, therefore, sent the following answer to Motecusuma:
"He might have spared himself the trouble of exhorting him to make
friendship with people who had insulted him, Motecusuma, so greatly, by
keeping him prisoner. They could only account for the conduct he had
pursued from our being enchanters, who had bound down both his mind and
energies by witchcraft, or that our gods, and the great Spanish woman,
whom we termed our protectress, gave us power to accomplish everything
we might wish."

Herein Cacamatzin was certainly right; for the great mercy of God and of
the blessed Virgin was certainly our greatest support. This message of
Cacamatzin closed thus: "It was his intention to pay both his uncle and
us a visit, to our sorrow, and speak words of death to us."

Motecusuma was highly incensed at this impudent answer, and that instant
sent for six of his most trustworthy generals, handed over to them his
seal, with various other valuable things, and commissioned them to
repair to Tezcuco, and secretly show his signet to all his relations,
and those chiefs of the city whom they knew were ill inclined towards
Cacamatzin, on account of his haughty behaviour, and command them to
seize him, and those who supported him, and bring them to Mexico.

These officers accordingly set out immediately for Tezcuco, and
fulfilled their orders so promptly, that they seized Cacamatzin in his
own palace amidst his adherents, five of whom were also taken. They were
bound hand and foot, thrown into canoes, which were lying ready, well
manned, and so brought to Mexico.

When the officers had arrived there with the prisoners, they allowed
Cacamatzin to mount his royal sedan, and so conducted him, with every
respect due to his station, into the presence of Motecusuma.

In his discourse with Motecusuma, Cacamatzin showed even more audacity
than before; and when the monarch learnt from the other five prisoners
that he had designed to deprive him of the crown, and place it on his
own head, he grew terribly exasperated. He ordered the five other
prisoners to be released, but Cacamatzin to be conducted into the
presence of Cortes, that the latter might take him into his own custody.

Upon this, Cortes repaired to the monarch, thanked him for this great
proof of his friendship, and, with the approbation of Motecusuma, raised
the brother of Cacamatzin, who, as above related, had fled for
protection to Motecusuma, to the throne of Tezcuco. This was done with
great pomp and ceremony, and the election of this new king was hailed by
the inhabitants of that great city, and all the influential men of the
province. The young king of Tezcuco received the name of Don Carlos.[71*]

After the other nephews of Motecusuma, the princes of Cojohuacan,
Iztapalapan, and Tlacupa, had learnt the fate of Cacamatzin, they
naturally concluded that Motecusuma was informed of their having joined
in the conspiracy, and they durst not come, as usual, to pay their court
to him; but the former, in understanding with Cortes, likewise ordered
them to be seized; and scarcely eight days had elapsed before we had the
satisfaction of seeing them all securely locked in chains in our
quarters.

The reader may well imagine from all this that our lives hung, as it
were, by a short thread, and we heard of nothing on all sides than how
we should be cut off to a man, and our bodies devoured. Here a merciful
Providence was our only protection. To him we are alone indebted that
the excellent Motecusuma himself should have furthered all our designs,
and that his subjects, even in his confinement, should have paid
implicit obedience to all his commands. We therefore every way strove to
show the monarch our gratitude for his great kindness; we took every
possible means to amuse him; no one was allowed for one moment to treat
him with disrespect; and Cortes himself even never sat down in his
presence unless he desired him to do so. We not only treated him with
profound respect, but we really loved him; for in all his actions he
indeed proved himself a great monarch. Father Olmedo from time to time
would also speak to him about our holy religion. We also acquainted him
with the great power of our emperor, and the immense extent of his
territories. All of this he would listen to with delight; then again he
would play a game at totoloc with Cortes, and always divided his gains
among us; for liberality was a leading feature in his character.

[71*] The name of the prince was Cuicuitzcatl. (p. 270.)




CHAPTER CI.

    _How the powerful Motecusuma, with several caziques and chief
    personages of the country, declare themselves vassals of our
    emperor; and of other occurrences which happened then._


As peace was again restored to the country after the imprisonment of the
petty kings, Cortes reminded Motecusuma of the offers he had made,
previously to our entering Mexico, to pay tribute to our emperor;
observing at the same time that he must now be sufficiently convinced of
the power and the vast extent of his empire, the number of his vassals,
among whom even there were distinguished sovereigns. It would be good,
therefore, if he, with all his subjects, likewise acknowledged
themselves vassals of our emperor; and it was customary for this act of
submission to be preceded by payment of tribute.

In answer to this, Motecusuma said he was quite willing to assemble all
the grandees of his empire, and deliberate the matter with them: and
after the space of ten days the greater part of the caziques from the
surrounding districts assembled together, with the exception, however,
of the cazique of Matlaltzinco, who was a near relation of Motecusuma,
and considered a man of uncommon bravery; at least his demeanour and
bodily frame fully bespoke it, and he was looked upon as Motecusuma's
successor to the throne of Mexico.

But even this man, it would appear, was seized with terror; for he sent
Motecusuma word from Tula, where he was then staying, that it was
impossible for him to be present at the meeting, and he was unable to
pay tribute; indeed scarcely able to live himself on what his province
produced him.

Enraged at this unexpected answer, Motecusuma despatched some of his
generals to take the refractory prince prisoner. But as he was a very
powerful cazique, he had, of course, numerous adherers, who sent him
intelligence of the steps Motecusuma had determined to take against him;
so that he had sufficient time to retreat into the interior of the
country, where he was quite out of his monarch's reach.

The other chiefs, however, duly assembled at their monarch's bidding;
but neither Cortes nor any of us were present at the meeting, save the
page Orteguilla, from whom we learnt what follows:--Motecusuma opened
the assembly by reminding the caziques of the ancient tradition of their
forefathers, written down in their historical records, of a people that
would one time come from the quarter where the sun rose, who were
destined to rule this country, and put an end to the Mexican empire.
That tradition referred to us, as he concluded, from the declarations of
his gods. The priests of Huitzilopochtli had expressly demanded an
oracle of that god on this point, and had instituted sacrifices for that
purpose; but the god, contrary to his usual custom, had refused the
oracle, and merely referred them to his previous declaration; wherefore
they had not dared to put any further questions. We may therefore
conclude, continued Motecusuma, that Huitzilopochtli meant to say we
were even to take the oath of allegiance to the king of Spain, whose
subjects the teules are. For the present we cannot do otherwise than act
accordingly: we must wait to see if our gods will give a better response
some time hence, we can then act as circumstances require. He therefore
desired and commanded them, for their own good, cheerfully to give some
proof of their allegiance to the Spanish monarch. Malinche had been
importunate on this point, and it would not be well to refuse him. For
the eight or ten years he had ruled over them they had obeyed him like
faithful servants; for which reason he had enriched them, enlarged their
territories, and elevated them to high dignities. They were to consider
his present confinement as the will of Huitzilopochtli, who had
particularly advised him to it, as he had so often assured them on other
occasions.

After this reasoning and statement of Motecusuma, all present declared
themselves willing to comply with his wishes, but broke out into tears,
and sighed deeply, Motecusuma himself being most vehemently affected. He
then immediately despatched one of his principal officers to Cortes with
the information that the day following they would again meet, and take
the oath of allegiance to the emperor.

The next day accordingly this was done in the presence of Cortes, of our
officers, and the greater part of the soldiers. All the Mexicans seemed
deeply grieved, and Motecusuma himself could not refrain from shedding
tears. Even we ourselves, from the great affection we bore this monarch,
became quite affected at the sight of his tears, and many of us wept as
much as the monarch himself. We therefore strove, if possible, to
redouble our attention towards him, and Cortes, with Father Olmedo, who
was a man of great intelligence, scarcely left him for a moment; and
while we employed every means to cheer him, we never lost an opportunity
of exhorting him to abolish his false gods.




CHAPTER CII.

    _How Cortes sends out some of our men to explore the gold mines and
    those rivers which wash down gold; also the harbours from the Panuco
    to the Tabasco, but particularly the river Guacasualco._


Cortes one day, as usual, sitting with Motecusuma, the discourse, among
other things, turned upon mining, and he inquired of the monarch where
the gold mines and those rivers were situated where gold dust was found,
and what method they pursued to collect the same, as he intended sending
out two of his men for that purpose, who were great proficients in the
art of mining.

Motecusuma answered, that gold was found in three different parts of the
country; but more abundantly in the province of Zacatula, from ten to
twelve days' journey south of Mexico. There the earth which contained
the gold was washed in wooden vessels, and the gold dust sunk to the
bottom. At present gold was likewise brought from the northern province
of Tustepec, near to where we had landed. There it was collected from
the beds of the rivers; and very productive gold mines were also worked
in this province by the Chinantecs and Tzapotecs, two tribes which were
not subject to him. If Cortes was desirous of sending some of his men
there, he was very willing himself to despatch several distinguished
officers with them.

Cortes accepted of this offer, and thanked Motecusuma for his kindness,
and sent off our pilot Gonzalo de Umbria, with two miners, to Zacatula.
This Umbria was the same person whom Cortes sentenced to have his feet
cut off, while we were staying at San Juan de Ulua.[72] He and his
companions were to return within the space of forty days. To the mines
in the north he despatched an officer, named Pizarro, a young man
twenty-five years of age, whom he treated as one of his own relations.

At that time Peru was still unknown, and the name of Pizarro not thought
of. This young officer was accompanied by four miners and an equal
number of distinguished Mexicans. A space of forty days was likewise
allowed him to return to Mexico, as he had to travel a distance of 320
miles.

Motecusuma on that occasion likewise presented Cortes with a piece of
nequen cloth, on which all the rivers and indentures along the coast
running northwards of Panuco to Tabasco, a distance of 560 miles, were
very accurately described and drawn. By this chart our observation was
drawn to the river Guacasualco, and as we were well acquainted with all
the harbours and indentures there noted down, from our voyage under
Grijalva, but knew nothing of that river, which the Mexicans described
as very broad and deep, Cortes determined also to send some one there to
make soundings at its mouth, and further explore the country; Diego de
Ordas, a man of great intelligence and courage, offered himself for this
purpose, if two of our men, and some Mexicans, might accompany him.

Cortes was at first very loth to part with him, as he was so useful to
him in various ways, but at last gave his consent, to keep him in good
humour. Motecusuma likewise expressed his fears about this journey, as
the land of Guacasualco was not subject to him, and inhabited by a very
warlike people. He cautioned Ordas to be particularly on his guard, and
hoped that no reproach would be made him if any harm befel him. But if
Ordas should think proper, he would order a sufficient number of his
troops, which lay on the confines, to accompany him into Guacasualco.
Cortes and Ordas returned Motecusuma many thanks for his kindness, and
the latter then set out on his journey, accompanied by two of our men
and several distinguished Mexicans.

Here again the historian Gomara commits another blunder similar to the
one he previously made, respecting Pedro de Ircio, whom he sends to
Panuco; for here he despatches Juan Velasquez with 100 men to form a
colony in Guacasualco. In the next chapter I will give an account of
what these officers saw, and the samples of gold they brought with them.

[72] According to Torquemada, Umbria was only scourged, which appears
more probable. (p. 273.)




CHAPTER CIII.

    _How the officers whom Cortes had despatched to the gold mines and
    the river Guacasualco[73] returned to Mexico._


The first who returned to Mexico was Gonzalo de Umbria, with his
companions. He brought with him about 300 pesos worth of gold dust,
which they had collected in the township of Zacatula. There, he related,
the caziques of the province employed numbers of the inhabitants at the
rivers to wash gold out of the sand in small troughs. There were two
rivers from which gold dust was collected, and if clever miners were set
to work there, and the mining carried out in the same way as at St.
Domingo and Cuba, they would prove very profitable.

Four distinguished chiefs of that province had accompanied Umbria to
Mexico, with a present in gold trinkets for our emperor, valued at about
200 pesos. Cortes was as much pleased with this small quantity of gold
as if it had been worth 3000 pesos, as he now knew for a certainty that
there were rich mines in those parts. He treated the caziques who
brought this present very kindly, gave them glass beads, and promised
them all manner of good things; so that they returned home highly
delighted.

Besides this, Umbria spoke about many other large townships in the
neighbourhood of Mexico, and of a province on the confines, called
Matlaltzinco. We could well perceive that Umbria and his companions had
not forgotten themselves, for they had well stuffed their pockets with
gold. This Cortes had readily foreseen, and purposely selected Umbria
for that journey, to regain his friendship, and that he might forget the
severe sentence which he had passed upon him.

Neither did Diego de Ordas, who had been sent to the river Guacasualco,
return with empty hands. He had likewise passed through large townships,
all of which he mentioned by name, and had everywhere been received with
great respect. Every town he came to he had met with endless complaints
from the inhabitants respecting the depredations and cruelties exercised
upon them by the Mexican troops stationed on the confines. Ordas, and
the distinguished Mexicans who accompanied him, had severely reprimanded
the officers who commanded these troops, and threatened to acquaint
Motecusuma with every circumstance, who would certainly send for and
punish them with equal severity as he had Quauhpopoca for similar
misconduct. These remonstrances had the desired effect, and on his
further journey Ordas was only accompanied by one of his Mexican
fellow-travellers. Tochel, cazique of the province of Guacasualco,
having received information of Ordas's approach, sent out several
distinguished personages to meet him. Everywhere he met with the kindest
reception, for the inhabitants had learnt to know what kind of people we
were, from the expedition under Grijalva.

In order to assist him in exploring this river, the cazique Tochel not
only lent him several large canoes, but himself, accompanied by a number
of his officers, had accompanied him to the river Guacasualco. At the
mouth of this river Ordas found a depth of three fathoms, but higher up
the river became gradually deeper, and was navigable for large vessels;
and near a certain Indian village there was depth enough to carry a
Spanish carack. In this village the inhabitants presented Ordas with
some gold trinkets and a pretty Indian female. They likewise declared
themselves vassals of our emperor, and complained bitterly of
Motecusuma, and the cruelties exercised by his troops. It was only a
short time ago they had fought a battle against the latter, and slain
great numbers of them; for which reason they had named the small
village where the engagement took place _Cuitlonemiqui_, which in their
language means the _spot where the Mexican beasts fell_. Ordas thanked
them very kindly for the great respect they had shown him, and presented
them with some glass beads. He likewise said that the country was well
adapted for the breeding of cattle, and the harbour excellently situated
for trading with Cuba, St. Domingo, and Jamaica, but too far distant
from Mexico; and, what was worse, full of shallows; which was the reason
we seldom made use of this harbour for commerce, or transporting goods
from Mexico.

With respect to Pizarro, he returned, with only one of the Spaniards who
accompanied him to Tustepec, but he had been more fortunate in the
discovery of gold, of which he brought with him dust of that metal to
the value of 1000 pesos. He related that he had himself commenced
washing for gold dust in the provinces of Tustepec and Malinaltepec, and
neighbouring districts; for which purpose he had employed a considerable
number of Indians, whom he remunerated for their labour with two thirds
of the gold they found. He had likewise visited other provinces higher
up in the mountains, called the country of the Chinantecs. Here he was
met by a number of Indians, armed with bows, arrows, shields, and
lances, of much greater length than ours. They declared that no Mexican
should set foot in their territory, under pain of death, but that the
teules were very welcome. The Mexicans consequently remained behind, and
Pizarro pursued his journey with the Spaniards only. The Chinantec
caziques then ordered a number of the inhabitants to repair to the
river, to wash the gold dust from the sand. The gold dust here found is
of a curly shape, and the inhabitants said that the mines, where the
metal was found in that shape, were much more productive and the metal
more solid. Pizarro was likewise accompanied by two caziques of that
country, who, in the name of the inhabitants, came to make friendship
with us, and declare themselves vassals of our emperor. They also
brought a present in gold, and complained bitterly of the Mexicans, who
were held in such utter abhorrence by them, on account of their lust
after plunder, that they could not endure the sight of a Mexican, or
bear to hear their name pronounced.

Cortes received Pizarro and the caziques with every possible kindness,
and returned the latter many thanks for their present, assuring them of
our friendship, and readiness to serve them at all times, and then
dismissed them. That, however, they might travel in safety through the
Mexican territories, he desired two distinguished Mexicans to accompany
them to the confines, for which they were very thankful. Cortes then
inquired of Pizarro what had become of the other Spaniards who had
accompanied him. Pizarro replied, that he had ordered them to remain
behind there, as the soil seemed so rich, and abounded in gold mines,
and the inhabitants so peaceably inclined. He had desired them to form a
small settlement there, and lay out extensive grounds for cacao, maise,
and cotton plantations; also to promote the breed of cattle, and explore
the gold mines of the country. Cortes greatly disapproved of his having
exceeded his commands, and upbraided him severely in private, telling
him that it betrayed a low disposition instantly to begin thinking of
speculation in cacao plantations and breeding of cattle. Cortes then
despatched a soldier, named Alonso Luis, to the Spaniards left behind,
with orders for their immediate return to Mexico.

[73] At the present day even this river is known in New Spain by the
name of Huasacualco, and even Guacasualco. (p. 274.)




CHAPTER CIV.

    _How Cortes desired the powerful Motecusuma to order all the
    caziques of the empire to bring in the tribute of gold due to our
    emperor._


As Diego de Ordas and the other officers whom Cortes had sent out for
the discovery of gold mines had all returned with samples of that metal,
and brought the most satisfactory accounts concerning the wealth of the
country, our general, after long deliberation with his officers and
several of the soldiers, resolved that Motecusuma should now be desired
to send round to all his caziques, and to every township of his empire,
and require them to bring in tribute to our emperor, and that he
himself, as the most wealthy of his vassals, should pay the same from
his own private treasures.

In answer to this request, Motecusuma said that he would forward the
necessary orders for this purpose to every township; but he was
compelled to inform us that many of them would be unable to fulfil those
commands, who could merely contribute some trifling trinkets in gold
which they had inherited from their forefathers.

Motecusuma then sent several of his principal officers to the districts
where there were gold mines, desiring the inhabitants of such places to
forward him the usual weight and number of gold bars they were
accustomed to pay as tribute, and forwarded them two bars as a sample.
He despatched similar orders to the province which stood under his
relative, who behaved so refractory. This prince, however, sent him word
that he would neither send any gold nor pay any attention to
Motecusuma's commands, and that he had as much right to the throne of
Mexico as he who thus dared to demand tribute of him.

The monarch was so incensed at this answer that he instantly despatched
some of his most active officers, with his seal, to seize the rebel and
bring him to Mexico. These officers were more successful than the former
had been, and brought in the rebel prince prisoner. When he was led into
the presence of Motecusuma, he not only evinced no fear, but was
impudent to a degree, and expressed himself so disrespectfully that his
conduct could only be accounted for by madness, as he, it was said, was
subject to fits of insanity. Cortes, who received information that
Motecusuma had given orders for his execution, begged the latter he
might be sent to him, that he might take him into his own custody. The
former complied with this request, and when the prince was brought into
our general's presence, he spoke very kindly to him, and begged of him
not to act the madman with his monarch, and assured him he would obtain
his liberty again. But Motecusuma was of a very different opinion, and
desired he might be heavily chained, as the other princes had been.

After the lapse of twenty days, all the officers whom Motecusuma had
sent out into the provinces to collect the tribute, had returned to
Mexico. He then sent for Cortes, his officers, and several of us who had
been accustomed to stand sentinel in his apartment, and spoke to us as
follows: "Malinche, and you other officers and soldiers, I consider
myself greatly indebted to your emperor for his having thought it worth
his while to send from such distant countries to make inquiries after
me; but what more deeply occupies my thoughts is the tradition of our
ancestors, which has been fully confirmed by the oracles of our gods,
that, namely, the dominion of these countries was destined to devolve
upon him. Receive, therefore, this gold for him; I have no more at
present, as the notice to collect it was too short. With regard to
myself, I have destined the whole of my father's treasure for him as my
share of the tribute, which lies secreted in your quarters. I am well
aware that you have inspected it, but closed up the opening as before.
When, however, you transmit this treasure to your emperor, you must say
in your letter, this is sent you by your faithful vassal Motecusuma. To
this I will also add a few chalchihuis, of such enormous value that I
would not consent to give them to any one save to such a powerful
emperor as yours: each of these stones are worth two loads of gold. I
further think of sending him three crossbows, with the small balls, and
bag which contains them, all richly ornamented with jewels, which will
certainly please him much. I should like to give him all I possess; now
I have very little left, as I have from time to time given you the
greater portion of my gold and jewels."

Cortes and all of us were astonished at this generosity and great
goodness of the monarch, and we took off our caps very respectfully, and
thanked him. Cortes, at the same time, assured him he would send our
majesty an accurate description of all these splendid presents.
Motecusuma did not delay one instant to fulfil his promise, for that
very same hour his house-stewards arrived to hand us over all the
treasures contained in the secret chamber. There was such a vast heap of
it that we were occupied three days in taking all out of the different
corners of this secret room, and in looking them over; we were even
obliged to send for Motecusuma's goldsmiths from Escapuzalco to assist
us. The reader may form some notion of this treasure when I tell him
that, when all the articles were set apart in three heaps and weighed,
the gold alone, not counting the silver and other precious things, was
found to be worth above 600,000 pesos: in this are not included the gold
plates, bars, and the gold dust contributed by the other provinces. All
this treasure we ordered the goldsmiths of Escapuzalco to smelt into
bars measuring three inches square.

Besides all this, Motecusuma brought another present, consisting in gold
and jewels of enormous value. There were also chalchihuis stones of
extreme beauty and size, which were considered of immense value among
the caziques of the country. Further, there were three crossbows, with
their cases set in jewels and pearls, besides a number of pictures made
of feathers and small pearls, all of great value: indeed, it would be no
easy task to describe all these splendid things one by one.

Upon this Cortes ordered an iron stamp to be made, about the size of a
Spanish real, bearing the arms of Spain, with which the royal treasurers
were to mark all the gold, with the exception of that set in jewels,
which we were loth to pull to pieces. As we possessed neither scales nor
weights, we cast the latter in iron, from twenty-five pounds to half a
pound weight, and to four ounces; for we cared very little to weigh to a
nicety of half an ounce or so. When the gold, without including the
silver and jewels, was weighed, we found, as I have before stated, that
it amounted to 600,000 pesos, though many of our men valued it at much
more.

Nothing now remained but to deduct the emperor's fifths therefrom, and
divide the remainder among the officers and soldiers, including those
left behind at Vera Cruz. Cortes, however, was of opinion that the
division should be postponed until our stock should be further
increased, but most of our officers and soldiers desired that it might
take place forthwith, for they asserted that above one third had already
disappeared since the three heaps had been first collected together.
They greatly suspected that Cortes and his principal officers had
secretly taken away the greater part. The weighing of the gold,
consequently, was commenced immediately, that the division might take
place on the following day. In what way this was done, and how most of
it fell into the hands of Cortes and others, I will relate in the
following chapter.




CHAPTER CV.

    _How all the gold presented by Motecusuma, and collected from the
    different townships, was divided; and what happened to one of our
    soldiers on the occasion._


First of all, one fifth of the treasure was set apart for the crown, and
a second for Cortes, as had been promised him when we elected him
captain-general and chief justice. After this had been deducted, Cortes
brought in the expenses of fitting out the armament at Cuba; then the
sum due to Velasquez for the vessels we had destroyed, and, lastly, the
travelling expenses of our agents whom we sent to Spain. Next were
deducted the several shares due to the garrison at Vera Cruz, which
consisted of seventy men; then the value of the two horses which had
been killed, one in the engagement with the Tlascallans, the other at
Almeria.

Not until all this had been deducted were the rest of our men allowed to
take their shares. Double shares were also set apart for the two
priests, the officers, and the cavalry, likewise for the musketeers and
crossbow-men. After these and other nibblings, there remained, for the
greater part of our men, who could only claim one share, such a mere
trifle, that many of them would not even accept of it, which Cortes then
took himself. At that time, indeed, we thought it best to say nothing
about this unjust division; for what would it have availed us had we
demanded justice? Besides which, Cortes had secretly bribed some with
presents and large promises, and many of the most noisy he presented
with a hundred pesos to stop their mouths.

The portion belonging to the garrison at Vera Cruz was forwarded to
Tlascalla for safe keeping. Most of our officers employed Motecusuma's
goldsmiths of Escapuzalco to make them heavy chains of the gold; and
Cortes, among other things, ordered a grand dinner service. Several of
our soldiers, who had learnt how to fill their pockets, had other things
made; and it was not long before a number of the stamped bars and
trinkets came into circulation; for gambling was now commenced to a
great extent, after a certain Pedro Valenciano had managed to
manufacture playing cards from parchment, which were as well painted and
as beautiful to the eye as those manufactured in Spain.

I will, however, show what impression this unfair division of the gold
made upon our men. Among our troops there was a man named Cardenas, a
sailor by profession, who had left behind him in Spain a wife and
children in great want, and had the ill-luck, with many of us, to
continue in poverty.

When this man beheld the great heap of gold piled up in bars, plates,
besides the gold dust, and found his share of the spoil was a mere
hundred pesos, he became excessively low-spirited. One of his friends,
who had observed this, asked him the cause of his grief and heavy sighs?
He answered, "Why, how the devil can I do otherwise, when I see the gold
which we have so hardly earned find its way into Cortes' pockets, with
his fifths, monies laid out for horses, vessels, and other such like
vile trickeries, while my wife and children are perishing at home for
want of food? I could even have sent them a little help when our agents
went to Spain, for there was sufficient gold at that time to have
divided it among us." "What gold are you speaking of?" inquired his
friend. "Why," answered Cardenas, "of that which our agents took with
them to Spain. If Cortes had granted me my share of that, my wife and
children would not have wanted: but he employed every species of
artifice to persuade us to send the whole treasure as a present to the
emperor, with the exception, however, of above 6000 pesos to Martin
Cortes, his father: I will not even mention the gold which he has
secretly stowed away. We others who have fought about courageously night
and day at Tabasco, Tlascalla, Zinpantzinco, and Cholulla; we who at
present live in continual fear, with almost certain death before our
eyes as soon as the inhabitants of this great city get it into their
heads to rise up against us,--we all remain, as before,
poverty-stricken, and all our remonstrances are in vain! Cortes, on the
contrary, acts as if he were the emperor himself, and runs away with a
fifth of our hard earnings!"

In this strain the poor fellow continued his complaints, and was of
opinion that we should not have allowed Cortes to deduct a fifth for
himself; and that we required no other sovereign than our own emperor.

"And are you really," returned the other, "going to embitter your
happiness with such thoughts? All this will avail you nothing. You know
we fare equally bad with respect to provisions, for Cortes and his
officers nearly eat up all themselves; but it is of no use for us to
complain, therefore drive away, all such melancholy thoughts from your
mind, and pray to the Almighty that we may not meet with our total
destruction in this city."

Cortes was duly apprized of all this and similar complaints; and as the
discontent among the men respecting the unfair division of the gold
became pretty general, he ordered the whole of us into his presence, and
addressed us in a speech abounding with the sweetest sentences
imaginable. He was indebted, he said, for all he had to us; that he had
not required the fifth part, but the share which was promised him when
we elected him captain-general, and he was quite ready to bestow
something on those who stood in need. The gold we had collected up to
this moment, he continued, was a trifle to that which was to come. We
ought to remember what great cities were dispersed through the country,
and the rich mines which were in our possession; these certainly would
enrich every man in his army. In this way he continued for some time,
and spoke feelingly to the heart! but, finding all this had no effect,
he employed other means. Many he secretly silenced with gold, and others
by great promises, and the provisions sent us by Motecusuma's orders
were from this moment justly divided, so that every man among us had an
equal share of food with himself. He likewise took Cardenas aside, and
quieted him with a present of 300 pesos, and the promise that he would
allow him to return home to his family with the first vessel that left
for Spain. This Cardenas I shall have occasion to mention on some future
occasion, for he did Cortes considerable injury in Spain during the
subsequent complaints which were laid before the emperor against him.




CHAPTER CVI.

    _Of the high words which arose between Velasquez de Leon and our
    treasurer Gonzalo Mexia on account of the gold which was missing
    from the heap, and how Cortes put an end to that dispute._


Since gold, generally speaking, is the great desire of man, and that the
more he possesses of it the more avaricious he grows, it also happened
here that many pieces of gold were missing from the heaps, which I have
mentioned above; and as one of our officers named Leon had ordered
Motecusuma's goldsmiths to make him heavy gold chains and other
ornaments, the royal treasurer Gonzalo Mexia suspected something wrong,
and secretly observed to him that the emperor's fifths had not been
deducted from several of the bars he had sent to be smelted. Leon, who
stood in high favour with Cortes, answered, that it was not his
intention to return anything. The gold he possessed he had not taken
himself, but had received all from Cortes before it had ever been
smelted.

The royal treasurer, however, was not to be silenced by this, but
affirmed, that, besides the gold Cortes had secretly taken away, and of
which he had deprived his companions in arms, there was a good deal
elsewhere from which the royal fifths had not been deducted, and that,
in his capacity of royal treasurer, he could not suffer the emperor's
interest to be thus prejudiced.

This, consequently, led to high words between both parties, so that they
drew swords, and would certainly have killed each other if we had not
instantly parted them; for both were high-spirited men and excellent
swordsmen, and each had already wounded his antagonist.

As soon as Cortes was informed of this affair, he ordered both to be
arrested and heavily chained. As, however, he always had been heart in
hand with Leon, many were of opinion that all this was a mere blind to
make us believe that he preferred justice to friendship; besides which
it was whispered that he secretly visited him during his arrest, and
assured him that he should not be confined beyond a couple of days, when
he and Mexia would again be set at liberty. But all this did not go to
quiet our suspicions, and now Mexia, in his turn, was reproached for not
having fulfilled the duties of royal treasurer, and he was compelled by
the soldiers to inquire of Cortes what had become of the missing gold?

I will, however, cut this matter short here, and return to Leon, who was
confined in a room not far from the apartments occupied by Motecusuma.
When Leon, therefore, who was a tall powerful man, paced up and down his
room, his heavy chains dragged along the floor, so that the monarch
could plainly hear the jingling noise, and he inquired of Orteguilla who
the prisoner was? His page then told him that it was Leon, who had
previously been captain of the guard, an appointment now filled by Oli,
and told him that the reason of his confinement was on account of some
gold that was missing.

When Cortes that day, as usual, paid his visit to the monarch, and the
first compliments had passed between them, the latter inquired of our
general how it came that such a distinguished officer as Leon should
have been thrown into chains? To which Cortes answered, jokingly, that
all was not as it should be with him, he having threatened, because he
had not received sufficient gold, to travel around to the different
towns, and demand gold of the caziques. Fearing, therefore, he might put
his threats into execution, and kill one or other chief, he had thrown
him into prison. Motecusuma, on hearing this, begged Cortes to set him
at liberty again, and promised he would soon drive such thoughts from
his mind by presenting him with gold from his own private treasure.

Cortes feigned great unwillingness to grant the monarch's request, but
at length assured him he would comply merely on account of the affection
he bore him, Motecusuma. Leon was, consequently, released, and Cortes
brought about a reconciliation between him and Mexia; then despatched
him with some of Motecusuma's principal officers to raise gold at
Cholulla, from which place he did not return till the end of six days,
and now he had more gold than ever. Mexia, however, never forgot this
affair, and a coolness ever after existed between him and our general.

I have related this story, though foreign to my narrative, to show the
reader what artful devices Cortes was accustomed to set on foot, and
what a show he made of justice to make us fear him.




CHAPTER CVII.

    _How Motecusuma offers one of his daughters in marriage to Cortes,
    who accepts her, and pays her the attentions due to her high
    station._


I have often related how we strove, in every possible manner, to amuse
Motecusuma in his confinement, and daily visited him in his apartments.
It was on one of these occasions that the monarch said to our general,
"Malinche! in order to prove the great affection I have for you, I must
acquaint you that it is my intention to give you one of my prettiest
daughters in marriage."

Cortes took his cap off, and thanked him for the honour he was going to
confer upon him, and said he was already married, and that the religion
and laws of our country would not allow a man to have more than one
wife; but that he would accept her and treat her with the respect due to
her high rank, and it was requisite she should become converted to
Christianity, as the daughters of many of his grandees had been.

Motecusuma readily agreed to this, as he did in everything else we
desired, save the sacrificing of human beings, which nothing could
induce him to abolish; day after day were those abominations committed:
Cortes remonstrated with him in every possible way, but with so little
effect, that at last he deemed it proper to take some decided step in
the matter. But the great difficulty was to adopt a measure by which
neither the inhabitants nor the priesthood would be induced to rise up
in arms. We, however, came to the determination, in a meeting called for
the purpose, to throw down the idols from the top of Huitzilopochtli's
temple; and should the Mexicans rise up in arms for their defence, then
to content ourselves by demanding permission to build an altar on one
side of the platform, and erect thereon the image of the holy Virgin
with the cross.

Thus determined, Cortes, accompanied by seven officers and soldiers,
repaired to Motecusuma, and spoke to him as follows: "Great monarch, I
have already so many times begged of you to abolish those false idols by
whom you are so terribly deluded, and no longer to sacrifice human
beings to them; and yet these abominations are continued daily: I have,
therefore, come to you now, with these officers, to beg permission of
you to take away these idols from the temple, and place in their stead
the holy Virgin and the cross. The whole of my men feel determined to
pull down your idols, even should you be averse to it; and you may well
suppose that one or other of your papas will become the victim."

When Motecusuma heard this, and saw how determined our officers were, he
said to Cortes, "Alas, Malinche! why is it you wish to compel me to
bring down total destruction on this town? Our gods are already angry
with us, and who can tell what revenge they contemplate against you? I
will, however, assemble all the papas, to know their opinion."

Cortes made a sign with his hand for the other officers to retire, and
begged of Motecusuma to grant him and father Olmedo a private audience.
Cortes then told the monarch he only knew one way of saving the town
from open rebellion, and the idols from destruction, namely, by our
being allowed to erect an altar, with the cross and Virgin Mary, on the
top of the great temple. He would then pledge himself to silence the
murmurs of his men, and the Mexicans themselves would soon be convinced
how greatly such a change would benefit their souls, what great
blessings would be showered down upon them, and how abundant their
harvests would be.

To this Motecusuma likewise answered, with a deep sigh, and a
countenance full of sorrow, that he would discuss the matter with his
papas. At length, after a good deal of arguing between the papas and
himself, we were allowed to erect an altar, with the cross and holy
Virgin, on the top of the temple, opposite the cursed idol
Huitzilopochtli. We returned heartfelt thanks to the Almighty, and
father Olmedo, assisted by the priest Juan Diaz, and many of our
soldiers, celebrated high mass.[74]

Cortes appointed an old soldier to keep watch over this altar, and
begged, at the same time, of Motecusuma to order his papas not to
obstruct the man in his duty, which was to keep the place clean, burn
incense before the altar, keep the candles lighted there night and day,
and decorate it from time to time with fresh branches and flowers.

I must, however, break off here, and relate something we little
expected.

[74] For a further account of what happened after the building of this
altar, I must refer the reader to the oft-quoted work of Torquemada
(Monarchia, Ind. iv, 53.) (p. 286.)




CHAPTER CVIII.

    _How the powerful Motecusuma acquaints Cortes that it is requisite
    for his safety to quit Mexico, with the whole of his men, as all the
    caziques and papas were upon the point of rising up in arms to
    destroy us all, in compliance with the advice given them by their
    gods: the steps which Cortes took upon this news._


From the very moment we had erected this altar and cross on the great
temple, and had celebrated high mass there, a storm began to gather over
our heads.

About this time Huitzilopochtli and Tetzcatlipuca are said to have
addressed the papas, and acquainted them they were desirous of leaving
the country, as the teules had treated them with such great contempt,
and that it was impossible for them to dwell in the same spot with that
image and cross. If they were desirous they should remain in Mexico,
they were to kill us all. These were the last words they should utter;
they were to be communicated to Motecusuma and his grandees, and the
papas were at the same time to put them in mind how we had melted all
the gold into bars, with which previously the gods had been honoured;
how we ordered things as if we had been lords of the country, and kept
five powerful princes bound in chains.

All this was faithfully reported to Motecusuma, who then sent word to
Cortes he should like to see him, as he had things of the utmost
importance to disclose to him.

The page Orteguilla, who had been despatched to Cortes for this purpose,
informed the latter that Motecusuma appeared quite changed and
spiritless; that, the day previous, several papas and distinguished
officers had had secret interviews with him, and they uttered words of
which he had not understood one syllable.

Upon this, Cortes, accompanied by Oli, four other officers, and our two
interpreters, immediately called upon the monarch, and, after the usual
courtesies had passed between them, the latter broke out as follows:
"Alas! Malinche and you other officers, how grieved I am at the commands
which our gods have imparted to our papas, myself, and my chief
officers!

"They most earnestly demand of us that we shall commence hostilities
with you, and put you to death, or drive you away from this country by
some other means. My advice is, that you had better leave of your own
accord, than allow hostilities to commence.

"This, Malinche, I could not help disclosing to you, that you might come
to some determination or other. For myself, I have no doubt that all
your lives are at stake here."

The reader may easily imagine that Cortes and his officers did not treat
all this so very lightly, and that they were not a little surprised at
this disclosure. No one could have suspected that affairs would have
taken such a turn; but the monarch had spoken in such a positive tone as
to leave no doubt on our minds that we lived in imminent danger. Cortes,
however, hid his fears from the monarch, and thanked him for his
information, adding, that he was sorry we had no vessels left in which
we could leave the country; and that if we even did leave it, we must
take him, the monarch, along with us, that he might be presented to our
emperor: he therefore begged of him to amuse his priests and officers
until we should have constructed three vessels on the sea-coast. And if
they commenced war with us, they would undoubtedly all be killed. And
that Motecusuma might convince himself that he would fulfil his promise,
he desired he would despatch two of his chief officers with our
carpenters to the coast to cut wood for the building of the vessels.

Motecusuma was now more dispirited than ever when he heard Cortes say
that he himself must accompany us; that he was to issue the necessary
orders to his carpenters, and act and not talk. Our general also desired
him to call the papas and officers to acquaint them that it was
unnecessary to raise the town into open rebellion; they might, for the
present, appease the gods by offerings, but we forbade any sacrifice of
human beings.

After this important disclosure Cortes left the monarch, and we now
lived in constant fear of hostilities breaking out. Cortes, however,
fulfilled his promise, and sent for Martin Lopez and Andreas Nunez,
described to them the size of the three vessels he wished them to
build, and to march to Vera Cruz with the Mexican carpenters, where all
the necessary materials, consisting in iron, rigging, tar and tow would
be found. These orders were promptly obeyed. The necessary quantity of
wood was cut on the coast of Vera Cruz, and the building of the vessels
was commenced with all assiduity. Whether Cortes gave Lopez any secret
instructions I do not know; but I cannot pass by this circumstance in
silence, as Gomara mentions it likewise in his history, and maintains
that all this building of the vessels was mere artifice to amuse
Motecusuma. May those who know more about this matter publish the truth.
There are certainly numbers of our men alive who would be able to give a
true account of this. All I know is that Lopez told me in confidence,
that the building of the vessels was really commenced, and that the
three vessels were actually lying on the staples.

At present, however, we will leave them quietly there, and acquaint the
reader that we grew much alarmed at our situation in this great city,
and momentarily expected an attack upon our friends of Tlascalla, as
Dona Marina had informed our general to that effect. The page,
Orteguilla, shed tears all day long, and we others narrowly watched the
monarch's person. I must here for the last time acquaint the reader,
that whether night or day, we never took off our gorgets or our armour,
while our arms were never for a moment out of our hands. A bundle of
straw and a mat formed a couch; our horses stood ready saddled, and in
short every soldier was ready for action at a moment's notice.

At night we also took the precaution of posting such numbers of
sentinels, that each of us in turn, had at least one watch every night.
I do not mention this in praise of myself; but I grew so accustomed to
being armed night and day, as it were living in armour, that after the
conquest of New Spain I could not accustom myself for a length of time
to undress on going to lie down, or make use of a bed, but slept better
in soldier fashion than on the softest down. Even at the present day, in
my old age, I never take a bed with me when I visit the townships
belonging to my commendary; and if I do take one, it is merely because
the cavaliers who accompany me may not think I take no bed with me,
because I have no good one. From continued watching at night it has
become quite natural to me to sleep for a short time together only, and
get up at intervals to gaze upon the heavens and the stars, and take a
couple of turns in the open air. Neither do I wear a nightcap or wind a
kerchief around my head; and thanks be to God! this has become so
natural to me, that I never feel any inconvenience from it. I have
merely mentioned all this to convince the reader how we, the true
Conquistadores, were always obliged to be upon our guard, and what
hardships we had to undergo.




CHAPTER CIX.

    _How the governor of Cuba, Velasquez, in all haste fits out an
    armament against us, the command of which he gives to Pamfilo de
    Narvaez, who was accompanied by the licentiate Lucas Vazquez de
    Aillon, auditor of the royal court of audience at St. Domingo._


In order to explain what I am now about to relate I must refer to prior
events.

I have already mentioned, in the proper chapter, that Diego Velasquez
got information of our having sent agents to our emperor with all the
gold and presents we had received; and also of the bad reception they
had met with from the bishop of Burgos; who not only favoured Velasquez
in various ways, but even commanded him to fit out an armament against
us, for which he himself would be responsible to the emperor.

The governor of Cuba accordingly used the utmost exertions and assembled
a flotilla, consisting of nineteen sail, on board of which were 1400
soldiers, above forty cannon, with a quantity of powder, balls, and
gun-flints, besides two artillerymen, who, with the artillery stood
under the immediate command of the captain Rodrigo Martin. To this was
added eighty horse, ninety crossbow-men, and seventy musketeers. Fat and
corpulent as he was, Velasquez had, nevertheless, in the height of his
passion, visited every township in Cuba, to hasten the equipment of the
flotilla, and invited every inhabitant who had either Indians,
relations, or friends who could manage their estates, to join the
standard of Pamfilo Narvaez, and share the honour of taking Cortes and
all of us prisoners, or at least to blow out our brains. He had even
advanced as far as the promontory of Guaniguanico, in the height of his
zeal, though that promontory was above 240 miles from the Havannah.

Before this armament quitted the harbour, the royal court of audience at
St. Domingo, and the Hieronymite brothers, who were viceroys there, were
determined to look into the matter a little; as the licentiate Suazo,
who was their agent in Cuba, had sent them information of the
extensiveness of the armament.

As the great and valuable services which we had rendered God and his
majesty were very well known at St. Domingo, as also the fact of our
having sent valuable presents to our emperor, it was considered there
that Velasquez was not justified in fitting out an armament to revenge
himself upon us, but that his only way was to pursue us in a court of
law. These impartial men well foresaw how this armament would impede the
conquest of New Spain. They therefore despatched the licentiate Lucas
Vazquez de Aillon, who was auditor of the court of audience at St.
Domingo, to Cuba, with peremptory commands to Velasquez not to allow the
flotilla to leave the harbour.

The auditor punctually fulfilled these commands, and in due form
protested against the flotilla leaving the harbour; but Diego Velasquez,
who had spent all his property in fitting out this armament, relied upon
the good favour of the bishop of Burgos, and took no notice of the
protest. Upon this Vazquez de Aillon determined upon embarking himself
on board one of the vessels, to try at least if he could not prevent
hostilities between Narvaez and Cortes. Many even maintained that he
came to Mexico with the secret intention to side with our party, or, if
we could not succeed in defeating Narvaez, himself to take possession of
the country in the name of our emperor. At all events he embarked with
Narvaez and arrived in the harbour of San Juan de Ulua, of which we
shall hear more presently.




CHAPTER CX.

    _How Narvaez arrives with the whole of his flotilla in the harbour
    of San Juan de Ulua, and what happened upon this._


When Narvaez had arrived with the flotilla off the mountains of San
Martin, a north wind arose, which is always dangerous on these coasts.
One of the vessels commanded by a cavalier, named Christobal de Morante,
of Medina del Campo, was wrecked during night-time off the coast, and
the greater part of the men perished. The other vessels, however,
arrived safely in the harbour of San Juan de Ulua.

This armament, which may indeed be considered extensive, considering it
was fitted out at Cuba, was first of all seen by some soldiers whom
Cortes had sent out in search of gold mines. Three of these, Cervantes,
Escalona, and Alonso Carretero, did not hesitate a moment to go on
board the commander's ship, and are said, as soon as they stepped on
board to have praised the Almighty for having rescued them out of the
hands of Cortes and the great city of Mexico, where death stood daily
before their eyes.

Narvaez ordered meat and drink to be set before them, and as their
glasses were abundantly filled, they said to one another in his
presence: "This is indeed leading a different sort of life with a glass
of good wine in one's hand, when compared to the slavery under Cortes,
who allows a person no rest either night or day; where a person dares
scarcely say a word, and death is always staring him in the face."

Cervantes, however, who was a low buffoon, even addressed Narvaez
himself, and exclaimed: "O Narvaez! Narvaez, what a fortunate man you
are, that you just arrive at the moment when the traitor Cortes has
heaped together above 700,000 pesos, and the whole of his men are so
enraged with him for his having cheated them out of the greater part of
the gold, that many even disdain to accept of their shares."

Such was the language which these low-minded and worthless fellows
uttered, and they told Narvaez more than he was desirous of knowing.
They likewise informed him that thirty-two miles further on he would
come to a town we had built, called Vera Cruz, which had a garrison of
sixty men, all invalids, under an officer named Sandoval, and he had
merely to show himself with a few men there and they would immediately
deliver up the town to him.

Motecusuma was immediately apprized of the arrival of this flotilla, and
without saying a single word to Cortes despatched several of his chief
officers to Narvaez, with a present in gold and other things; and
commanded the inhabitants to furnish him with provisions.

Narvaez, in his message to Motecusuma, calumniated Cortes and all of us,
telling him we were nothing but a parcel of thieves and vagabonds, who
had fled from Spain without the knowledge of our emperor, but his
imperial majesty having been informed that we were in this country
committing all manner of depredations, and that we had even imprisoned
its monarch, had ordered him to repair hither with his flotilla and
troops, to put an end to these disorders and liberate the monarch. He
had likewise received orders to put Cortes and all his men to the sword,
or take them alive and send them prisoners to Spain, where death awaited
them. This sober language the three soldiers, who understood the Mexican
language were to translate to Motecusuma's messengers, to whom Narvaez
at the same time sent a present of some Spanish goods.

Motecusuma was not a little delighted with this message, particularly
when he learnt the number of Narvaez's vessels, of his cannon, and his
1300 soldiers. He, of course, thought it would be an easy matter for
Narvaez to overcome us, and as his messengers had seen the three
treacherous rascals who had deserted to Narvaez, he found the more
reason to believe all the scandal the latter had said concerning Cortes.
Besides which he received an accurate description of the whole armament
from his artists, who had immediately depicted on cotton cloth
everything they saw. He therefore sent a second message, accompanied by
more valuable presents in gold and cotton stuffs to Narvaez, with strict
commands to the inhabitants of the coast to supply him with plenty of
provisions.

Motecusuma had received intelligence of the arrival of the flotilla off
the coast three days before Cortes. When the latter, as usual, one day
paid a visit to the monarch he found him in particular good spirits, and
asked him what had occasioned it? Motecusuma replied, that he found
himself in better health than he had done for some time past.

Cortes, who was very much surprised at this sudden change in the
monarch, called upon him a second time that day, and now the latter
began to fear our general was cognizant of the arrival of the flotilla.
To remove all suspicion from his mind, therefore, he thought it better
to break the news to him himself. "I have just this moment, Malinche,"
said he, "received the information that an armament of eighteen vessels,
with a great number of soldiers and horses, has arrived in the harbour
where you landed. Pictures of the whole armament have been transmitted
to me. This, no doubt, is no news to you, and I thought from your second
visit to me this day, you came to bring me the intelligence yourself,
and that now there was no need for you to build new vessels. Though I
may have felt hurt that you wished to keep all this a secret from me,
yet, on the other hand, I am delighted at the arrival of your brothers,
with whom you can now return to Spain; which thus removes all
difficulties at once."

When Cortes heard this and saw the painting which the Mexicans had made
of all the vessels, he exclaimed in the excess of his delight: "Praise
be to God, whose assistance always comes at the right time!" Indeed the
whole of us greatly rejoiced at this news, we galloped about on our
horses, and fired salute after salute.

Cortes, however, began to consider it in a more serious light than he
had done in the first moments, as he now plainly saw that this armament
was sent out against us by Velasquez; and he communicated his
suspicions to us all, and by great presents and promises he made us
pledge ourselves not to act any way against his interests; which we did
the more readily, as the commander of this new armament was totally
unknown to us. Our joy was now excessive, not only on account of the
gold which Cortes gave us from his private purse, but at the arrival of
this flotilla, which we saw the Almighty had sent to us in our distress.




CHAPTER CXI.

    _How Pamfilo Narvaez despatches five persons to Sandoval, the
    commandant of Vera Cruz, with summons to surrender up the town to
    him._


After Narvaez had received every information about Vera Cruz from the
three deserters, he determined to despatch thither a priest named
Guevara, who was a capital hand at talking, and a certain Amaya, a man
of great distinction, and a relative of Velasquez; besides a secretary
named Vergara and three witnesses, whose names I have forgotten. These
gentlemen were to announce his arrival, and summon the town to
surrender; and, to make sure work, were provided with a copy of Narvaez
appointment.

Sandoval had already been apprized of the arrival of Narvaez by the
inhabitants. But as he was a man who was always upon the alert, and
possessed of great penetration, he immediately guessed that the armament
was fitted out by Velasquez, and that his object was to gain possession
of Vera Cruz; he therefore instantly adopted every precaution, and
commenced by sending all the invalid soldiers to the Indian township
Papalote, merely retaining those who were in good health. He then posted
watches along the road leading to Sempoalla, which Narvaez would be
obliged to take if he marched to Vera Cruz. Sandoval also made his men
promise him neither to surrender the town to Velasquez nor any one else,
and that none of his men might forget their promise he ordered a gallows
to be erected on an elevated spot outside the town.

When the outposts brought Sandoval information that six Spaniards were
approaching the town, he retired into his own house to await their
arrival; for he was determined not to go out to receive these guests,
and had also issued orders to his men not to quit their quarters, nor
exchange a single word with the strangers.

When, therefore, the priest Guevara and his companions arrived in the
town, they only saw some Indians, who were working at the
fortifications, but not a Spaniard to speak to; they walked straightway
into the church to pray, and then repaired to Sandoval's house, which
they recognized from its being the largest one in the town.

After the first greetings had passed between them, the priest began his
discourse by stating to Sandoval what large sums of money Velasquez had
expended on the armament which went out under the command of Cortes,
who, with the whole of the men, had turned traitors to the governor; and
concluded by saying, that he came to summon him in the name of Narvaez,
whom Velasquez had appointed captain-general, to deliver up the town to
him.

When Sandoval heard this, and the expressions which reflected dishonour
on Cortes, he could scarcely speak, from downright vexation; at length
he replied: "Venerable sir, you are wrong to term men traitors who have
proved themselves better servants to our emperor than Velasquez has, or
your commander; and that I do not now this instant punish you for this
affront, is merely owing to your being a priest. Go, therefore, in the
name of God, to Mexico; there you will find Cortes, who is
captain-general, and chief justice of New Spain. He will answer you
himself; here you had better not lose another word."

At this moment the priest, with much bravado, ordered the secretary
Vergara to produce the appointment of Narvaez, and read it to Sandoval,
and the others present. Sandoval, however, desired the secretary to
leave his papers quietly where they were, as it was impossible for him
to say whether the appointment was a lawful one or not. But as the
secretary still persisted in producing his papers, Sandoval cried out to
him: "Mind what you are about, Vergara! I have already told you to keep
your papers in your pocket; go with them to Mexico! I promise you, the
moment you proceed to read a single syllable from them, 100 good lashes
on the spot. How can I tell whether you are a royal secretary or not?
First show me your appointment; and if I find you are, I will listen to
your papers. But, even then, who can prove to me whether your papers are
true or false?"

The priest, who was a very haughty man, then cried out, "Why do you
stand upon any ceremony with these traitors? Pull out your papers, and
read the contents to them!"

To which Sandoval answered: "You lie, you infamous priest!" and ordered
his men immediately to seize those gentlemen, and carry them off to
Mexico.

He had hardly spoken, when they were seized by a number of Indians
employed at the fortifications, bound hand and foot, and thrown upon
the backs of porters. In this way they were transported to Mexico, where
they arrived in the space of four days; the Indian porters being
constantly relieved by others on the road.

These gentlemen were not a little surprised at this rough treatment; but
the deeper they advanced into the country, the more astonished they
grew, at the sight of the large towns and villages, where they stopped
to take refreshment. They were, it is said, very doubtful within
themselves whether all was not enchantment, or merely a dream.

Sandoval had sent Pedro de Solis, Orduna's son-in-law, as alguacil, to
accompany the escort; and he likewise informed Cortes, by letter, of
everything that was going on at the coast, and of the name of the
captain who commanded the flotilla. The letter even arrived before the
prisoners in Mexico; so that Cortes was apprized of their approach when
they were still at some distance from the town.

He immediately despatched some men with a quantity of the best
provisions, and three horses, for the most distinguished of the
prisoners, with orders that they should be immediately released from
their fetters. He likewise wrote them a letter, in which he expressed
his regret that they should have met with such harsh treatment from
Sandoval, and that he would give them the most honorable reception.
Indeed he even went out to meet them himself, and escorted them into the
town.

The priest and his companions--after they became acquainted with the
vast extent of Mexico, and the number of other towns built in the lake,
saw the quantity of gold which every one of us possessed, and the noble
and open countenance of Cortes--were quite enchanted; and they had not
been above a couple of days with us before Cortes succeeded so well to
tame them, by kind words, fair promises, jewels, and bars of gold, that
they, who had come like furious lions, now returned back to Narvaez as
harmless as lambs, and offered to render our general every service in
their power. Indeed, when they had arrived in Sempoalla, and given
Narvaez an account of all they had seen, they spoke of nothing else to
his men than of the policy to make common cause with us.

I will, however, break off here, and acquaint the reader with the letter
which Cortes wrote to Narvaez.




CHAPTER CXII.

    _How Cortes, after he had gained every information respecting the
    armament, wrote to Narvaez, and several of his acquaintances who had
    come with him, and particularly to Andreas du Duero, private
    secretary to Velasquez; and of other events._


Cortes was a man who never allowed the smallest advantage to escape; and
whatever difficulty he might be in, he managed to get out of it. But it
must also be remembered, that he had the good fortune to command
officers and soldiers on whom he could place every reliance under all
circumstances, who not only lent a powerful arm in battle, but likewise
assisted him with their prudent counsel. In this way, then, it was
unanimously resolved in council, that a letter should be despatched by
Indian couriers to Narvaez, written in the most affectionate tone, with
offers of our services to him, and begging of him not to excite a
rebellion in the country, which would certainly be the case if the
Indians observed we were at enmity with each other. This letter was to
be delivered to Narvaez before the return there of Guevara. We expressly
wrote in this friendly tone, as our numbers were so very small in
comparison to his, and because we were first desirous of knowing how he
was inclined. Besides this, we employed other means to gain friends
among Narvaez's officers, which seemed no great difficulty, as Guevara
had assured Cortes that the latter were not on the best terms with their
commander, and that a few bars of gold, with a few chains of the same
metal, would soon pave the way. In this letter Cortes informed Narvaez
how both he and all his men were rejoiced at his arrival here; in
particular himself, as they were old friends. He also desired he would
not connive at the liberation of Motecusuma, as the consequences would
be a rebellion in the city, and throughout the whole country, which
would be the destruction of both his troops and ours, as we should be
overwhelmed by numbers. He could not help drawing his particular
attention to this circumstance, as Motecusuma of late seemed greatly
changed in his behaviour towards him, and the inhabitants were upon the
point of rising up in arms, from the message which Motecusuma had
received in Narvaez's name; but he was convinced that he was too prudent
and sensible a man, and would not have sent such a dangerous message at
such a critical period, if he had not been misled by the three
scoundrels who had run over to him. To make a good finish to the letter,
he begged to say that Narvaez was at liberty to dispose of his person
and of his purse, and he would await his commands.

Cortes at the same time wrote to Andreas de Duero and Vazquez de Aillon,
and accompanied these letters with some gold for themselves and his
other friends. Aillon, besides this, privately received some other gold
bars and chains. He also despatched father Olmedo to Narvaez's
head-quarters with a good stock of these persuasive articles, consisting
in various trinkets of gold and precious stones of great value.

The first letter which Cortes had sent by the Indian courier reached
Narvaez's quarters before Guevara had returned there. This Narvaez read
aloud to his officers, and kept the whole time making merry at the
expense of Cortes and all of us. One of his officers, named Salvatierra,
even blamed him for reading the letter of such a traitor as Cortes was,
to his men. Narvaez, continued he, should immediately march out against
us, and put us all to death. He himself, he swore, would cut off Cortes'
ears, broil them, and eat them up; and all such like folly. He said the
letter ought not to be answered, and he did not care a snap of the
fingers for us.

In the meantime the priest, Guevara, and his companions, had returned,
and the latter gave Narvaez a circumstantial account of Cortes, showing
him what an excellent cavalier he was, and what a faithful servant he
had proved himself to our emperor. He spoke about the great power of
Motecusuma, and the number of towns through which he had journeyed, and
that Cortes would gladly submit to him. He also added, that it was for
the advantage of both to remain on friendly terms with each other. New
Spain was large enough to afford room for them both, and Narvaez might
choose which part of the country he would occupy with his troops.

These statements, which Amaya and Guevara had accompanied by some good
advice, so greatly incensed Narvaez, that he would neither see nor speak
to them from that moment. The impression, however, it produced on the
troops was various; for when they saw the gold these two men returned
with, and heard so much good of Cortes and all of us, and heard them
speak of the wondrous things they had seen, and the vast quantity of
gold, and how we played at cards for gold only, many of them longed to
join our corps.

Shortly after this, father Olmedo likewise arrived in Narvaez's quarters
with bars of gold and secret instructions. When he called upon him to
pay him Cortes' respects, and said how ready he was to obey Narvaez's
commands, and remain on terms of peace with him, the latter grew more
enraged than before. He even refused to listen to him, and called Cortes
and all of us traitors; and when Olmedo denied this, and told him we
were the most faithful of the emperor's servants, he grossly insulted
him. All this, however, did not deter Olmedo from fulfilling his secret
mission, and distributing the bars of gold and golden chains among those
for whom Cortes had destined them; and he strove in every way to draw
over Narvaez's principal officers to our side.




CHAPTER CXIII.

    _The high words which arose between the auditor Vazquez de Aillon
    and Narvaez, who orders him to be seized and sent back prisoner to
    Spain._


The auditor Aillon, as I have before mentioned, was most favorably
inclined towards Cortes, and had purposely come to New Spain with
instructions from the royal court of audience at St. Domingo and the
Hieronymite brothers, who were aware of the great and important services
we had rendered to God and the emperor, to promote our cause in every
possible manner. After he had carefully perused Cortes' letters, and
received the bars of gold, he no longer made a secret of his sentiments,
but spoke without any reserve of the scandalous piece of injustice which
had been perpetrated in fitting out this armament against such
well-deserving men as we had proved ourselves, and was so eloquent in
the praise of Cortes and his companions in arms, that the feeling in our
favour became almost universal in Narvaez's head-quarters. The meanness
of the latter's disposition served to increase this feeling, who
retained all the presents sent by Motecusuma entirely to himself,
without offering any part of them either to his officers or men. Indeed,
he even said haughtily to his steward, "Mind that not the smallest
matter is taken away from these things; every article has been carefully
noted down." When this conduct was compared with that pursued by Cortes
towards his soldiers, his men almost broke out into open insurrection.

Narvaez looked upon the auditor as the cause of all this bad feeling,
and brought it so sensibly home to him that no one durst give him or his
adherents the smallest morsel of the provisions which were sent by
Motecusuma. This circumstance of itself caused a good deal of
quarrelling among the troops; but when Narvaez's principal adherents,
Salvatierra, whom I have above mentioned, and a certain Juan Bono, from
Biscay, with a certain Gamarra, continually added fuel to the flame, he,
relying on the mighty support of Fonseca, lost sight of every
consideration, imprisoned the auditor, with his secretary and all his
attendants, threw them on board a vessel, and so sent them off either to
Spain or Cuba.

His behaviour towards Gonzalo de Oblanco, a cavalier and a scholar, was
even more severe,--when the latter boldly told him to his face that
Cortes had proved himself a faithful servant to the emperor, that we all
had merited a reward from his majesty, and that it was scandalous to
brand us with the name of traitors, and great presumption to imprison
one of his majesty's auditors, Narvaez instantly threw him into chains,
and Oblanco, who was a high-spirited soul, was so hurt at this
ill-treatment, that he died within the space of four days. Two other
soldiers were thrown into prison merely because they had spoken well of
Cortes; one of whom was Sancho de Barahona, who afterwards settled down
in Guatimala.

But to return to the auditor, who was to be sent prisoner to Spain; he
was scarcely at sea, when he prevailed upon the captain and pilot, by
means of good words, or threats to hang them immediately on their
arrival in Spain, instead of paying them for the passage, to steer for
St. Domingo.

As soon as the auditor had arrived at St. Domingo, and the royal court
of audience and viceroys there were informed of Narvaez's scandalous and
presumptuous ill treatment of the licentiate Lucas Vazquez, they
considered it in the light of an insult offered to themselves, and made
heavy complaints to the supreme council of Castile. But as the bishop
Fonseca was still president of that council, and, during his majesty's
continued absence in Flanders, ruled affairs as he thought proper, no
justice could be expected from Spain. The bishop had even the
shamelessness openly to express his joy when he supposed that Narvaez
had already subdued us. The bishop, himself, however, suffered from the
consequences which ensued from this affair; for, when our agents in
Flanders received intelligence of Velasquez's expedition, and found that
it had been fitted out without his majesty's permission, and merely by
authority of Fonseca, they drew great advantage from this illegal mode
of proceeding during the investigation which was shortly after set on
foot respecting Cortes and all of us.--The harsh treatment which the
auditor Lucas Vazquez was subjected to had a bad effect upon Narvaez's
troops, and many of his friends and relatives whom he regarded with a
mistrustful eye, went over to Sandoval, lest they should experience
similar treatment with Oblanco. Sandoval, as may well be imagined,
received them with open arms, and learnt from them all that had passed
in Narvaez's quarters; likewise that he contemplated sending men to Vera
Cruz to take him prisoner.




CHAPTER CXIV.

    _Narvaez marches, with the whole of his troops, to Sempoalla; his
    proceedings there; and how we in Mexico determine to march against
    him._


After Narvaez had sent off the auditor prisoner, he marched with the
whole of his men, the baggage, and the cannon, to Sempoalla, and
quartered himself in that town, which was then very thickly populated.
His first act there was to take away from the fat cazique, as we termed
him, the cotton stuffs, gold trinkets, and other fancy articles he
possessed. He likewise took the Indian females forcibly away who had
been presented to us by the caziques of Sempoalla, and whom we had left
behind with their parents and relatives, as they were daughters of
distinguished personages, and much too delicate to bear the fatigues of
a campaign.

The fat cazique had often warned Narvaez not to touch the women, or
anything which Cortes had left behind in the shape of gold or cotton
stuffs, as he would certainly be greatly incensed, hasten from Mexico,
and not only cut off Narvaez, but also him, for suffering his property
to be touched.

All the complaints this cazique might make respecting the depredations
committed by Narvaez's troops in Sempoalla were equally fruitless. And
it was of no avail for him to repeat that Malinche and his men had never
taken the smallest thing from them, and had proved themselves altogether
kind-hearted teules; Narvaez and Salvatierra, whose conduct in general
was the most heartless, merely mocked at the cazique, the latter often
repeating to Narvaez and the other officers, "Only just imagine in what
fear these caziques stand of that paltry little fellow Cortes!"

May the good reader learn from this how wrong it is to speak evil of
honest folks; for I am ready to swear that this very Salvatierra behaved
in the most pitiable and cowardly manner when the battle was fought
between Narvaez and us, and yet his build and bones were powerful enough
to have defended himself right well; however, he was a mere braggadocio,
and I believe he was a native of Burgos.

We must now, however, return to Cortes, and acquaint the reader that
Narvaez despatched his secretary, Alonso Meta, who subsequently settled
in Puebla, with three other great personages, to Mexico, commanding us
and our general, by virtue of the copies of his appointment by
Velasquez, to submit to him.[75]

Cortes, who received daily intelligence of what was going on in
Narvaez's head-quarters and at Vera Cruz, was duly informed by Sandoval
how Narvaez had thrown Vazquez de Aillon into chains, and sent him to
Spain or Cuba, and that, owing to such violent proceedings, five of his
principal officers had come over to him, who feared, since so little
respect had been paid to the person of a royal auditor, they, as
Aillon's relatives, might expect worse treatment. From them Sandoval
learnt everything that was passing in Narvaez's head-quarters, and that
it was his intention to march shortly in person to Mexico to take us all
prisoners. Cortes, on receiving this intelligence, assembled his
officers and all those whom he was accustomed to consult in matters of
great moment, and were men entirely devoted to him. In this council it
was determined we should anticipate Narvaez, and immediately march out
against him. Pedro de Alvarado was to remain in Mexico, with all those
who were not over-anxious to make this campaign, to guard the person of
Motecusuma; and we likewise took care to leave all those behind who, as
partisans of Velasquez, were not altogether to be trusted.

Cortes had fortunately ordered a quantity of maise from Tlascalla
previous to the arrival of Narvaez, for the harvest had altogether
failed about Mexico, owing to a continued drought: we, indeed, required
a great quantity of provisions for the numbers of Naborias[76] and
Tlascallan troops we had with us. This and other necessaries of life,
consisting in fowls, fruits, &c., arrived at the time appointed, and
were given in charge of Alvarado. We likewise took the precaution of
fortifying our quarters,--we mounted four pieces of heavy cannon on the
most commanding point, and left Alvarado a few falconets and all the
powder we could spare, with ten crossbow-men, fourteen musketeers, and
seven horse soldiers; the latter were, indeed, more than he required, as
the cavalry was of little use in the courtyards attached to our
quarters. The number of soldiers we left behind in Mexico was altogether
eighty-three.

Motecusuma easily conjectured what our designs were against Narvaez;
yet, though Cortes daily called upon him, he was equally upon his guard
as Cortes was in not throwing out any hints of his (Motecusuma's)
sending Narvaez gold and provisions. It was only at the very last that
the monarch made some inquiries respecting our intended movements, which
will be found in the chapter following.

[75] This Alonso Mata, as we afterwards see, was met on his way to
Mexico by Cortes. (p. 300.)

[76] Naborias, Indian servants. (p. 301.)




CHAPTER CXV.

    _How the powerful Motecusuma inquires of Cortes whether it was
    really his intention to march out against Narvaez, though the
    latter's troops were double the number of ours._


The monarch, one day discoursing as usual with Cortes, spoke to him as
follows: "Malinche! I have for some time past observed all your officers
and soldiers going up and down in great uneasiness: even you yourself do
not visit me so frequently as you were wont; and the page Orteguilla
informs me that you are about to march against your brothers who have
just arrived, and that you are going to leave Tonatio (so Alvarado was
termed by the Mexicans) behind, to guard my person. Do tell me if there
is any truth in all this? for if, in any way, I can be of service to you
in this matter, it will be a great pleasure to me. I have great fears of
your success, for your teules are too few in numbers in comparison to
those just arrived. They have five times the number of troops you have;
they also, as well as yourself, maintain to be Christians, and subjects
of your emperor; they pay homage to the same image and cross, read the
mass as you do, and everywhere spread the rumour that you have fled away
from Spain from your emperor, and that he has sent them to take you back
again, or put you to death. Really I scarcely know what to think of all
this: one thing, however, I must tell you, to use great circumspection
in what you are about to do."

In reply to this, Cortes told the monarch, with the most cheerful
countenance in the world, that he had studiously avoided mentioning
anything of all this up to the present moment, from his great affection
towards him, to spare him the anxiety he would feel on our account. It
was very true, the newly arrived teules were also subjects of our
emperor, and Christians; but it was a falsehood to assert that we had
fled away from the territory of our emperor. On the contrary, our great
monarch had expressly sent us out to visit him, Motecusuma, and make
those disclosures to him, in his imperial name, which Motecusuma had
heard. With regard to the numbers of those just arrived, we felt quite
unconcerned, however great they might be in comparison to ours, as our
Lord Jesus Christ and his blessed mother would lend us strength, and
clothe us with superior power to those bad men who came with such evil
designs. His emperor, continued Cortes, swayed the sceptre over so many
countries and kingdoms, that the people who inhabited them were of
various kinds, and differed in courage and manly spirit. We were born
in the heart of Spain, which was termed Old Castile, and therefore bore
the additional name of Castilians; those, on the other hand, who were
now quartered at Sempoalla, came from another province called Biscay,
where the inhabitants spoke a perfectly spurious language, in the same
way as the Otomies do in Mexico. He need be in no apprehension about us,
but might depend upon it we should very soon manage those fellows, and
speedily return victorious to his metropolis. At present we merely
begged of him to remain on terms of friendship with Tonatio, who would
remain behind in Mexico with eighty men; and to prevent any insurrection
from breaking out, and not to allow his generals and papas to disturb
the peace; for, in case they did, he should be compelled to put them all
to death on his return. He also desired he would furnish those who
remained behind with the necessary provisions.

After this explanation, Motecusuma and Cortes embraced each other twice
successively, while the sly Dona Marina observed to the monarch that he
ought to show some signs of grief at our departure: upon which he again
commenced speaking, and offered to comply with any wish Cortes might
express, and promised to give him 5000 of his troops to accompany us on
our march. Cortes, who well knew they would not have been forthcoming,
thanked him for his kind offer, and assured him we stood in no need of
his assistance, as we found our true support in the Lord our God: but
begged of him to see that the image of the holy Virgin and the cross
were constantly decorated with green boughs; that the church was kept
clean, and wax-lights burning night and day on the altar; and not to
allow his papas to sacrifice any human beings; and in his compliance
with these things we should best be able to convince ourselves of the
sincerity of his friendship.

After this Cortes told the monarch he must excuse him for breaking off
the discourse now, as he had many things to regulate before commencing
his march; he then once more embraced the monarch, and so they parted
from each other.[77]

Cortes now ordered Alvarado and all those who were to remain behind in
Mexico into his presence. He desired them to observe the utmost
vigilance, and not to give Motecusuma a chance of escaping out of their
hands, and commanded the soldiers to pay the most implicit obedience to
Alvarado, promising, if God were willing, to enrich them all.

Among those who stayed with Alvarado was the priest Juan Diaz, and many
others whom we suspected of ill will towards Cortes, whose names I do
not choose to mention. We nevertheless embraced each other on leaving,
and then marched out without any females or servants, with as little
baggage as possible, and took the road to Cholulla. From this town
Cortes sent to our friends Xicotencatl, Maxixcatzin, and the other
caziques of Tlascalla, desiring them to send us immediately 4000 of
their troops. To which they returned the answer, that if we were going
to war with Indians as they were, they would gladly send us the required
troops and many more; but if we intended fighting against teules, like
unto ourselves, against cannon and horses, we were not to think ill of
them if they refused our request. This answer was accompanied by as many
fowls as twenty men could carry.

Cortes then sent a courier with a letter to Sandoval, desiring the
latter to join him as speedily as possible with all his men; we intended
to march to within forty-eight miles of Sempoalla, in the neighbourhood
of the provinces of Tampanicita[78] and Mitalaguita, which are at
present comprehended in the commendary of Pedro Moreno Mediana, who
resides at Puebla; he particularly cautioned him to keep out of the way
of Narvaez, and carefully to avoid coming to any engagement with any
part of his troops.

We ourselves marched forward with every military precaution, and were
ready for action at a moment's notice. Two of our most trustworthy men
who were remarkably swift of foot and unwearied pedestrians, were
constantly a couple of day's march in advance, and lurked along the
byways, where the cavalry could not penetrate, to gain information of
the Indians respecting Narvaez. Besides these we had always immediately
in advance of us a small detachment of sharp-shooters, to seize any of
the men who strolled from Narvaez's camp, and if possible the latter
himself. It was not long before they came up with a certain Alonso Mata,
who termed himself a royal secretary, and was commissioned, he said, by
Narvaez, to show us the copy of his appointment. This Mata was
accompanied by four others, who were to act as witnesses on this
occasion. When these people had arrived near enough they greeted Cortes
and all of us in the most humble manner possible, and our general
dismounted when he learnt who they were.

Alonso Mata began immediately to read his documents to us, but Cortes
interrupted him, and asked him whether he was a royal secretary, and he
replying in the affirmative, Cortes desired him to produce his
appointment. If this was all regular, he added, he was at liberty to
fulfil his commission, and he should know himself what was due from him
as a servant of the emperor. But, if it was not, it was useless for him
to read his papers; besides which, it was requisite the papers should
contain the original appointment signed by the emperor himself, if he
wished him to acknowledge his authority.

Mata was not a little staggered at being thus addressed, for he himself
was well aware that he was no royal secretary. He was therefore unable
to utter a single word, and those who accompanied him remained equally
mute. Cortes excused their embarrassment, and desired some victuals to
be set before them; and we halted for a few moments, when Cortes
informed them we were marching to the township of Tampanicita, in the
vicinity of Narvaez's head-quarters, where, if the latter had any
further communications to make, he was to be found. During the whole of
this discourse Cortes showed such self-command, that he never so much as
uttered a single reproachful word against Narvaez; he had also a private
discourse with them, and thrust a few pieces of gold into their hands;
so that they left us highly delighted, and on their return to Narvaez
they could scarcely say sufficient in praise of Cortes and of us all.

While these men were still with us, many of our soldiers, for the sake
of ostentation, had decorated themselves with gold chains and jewels,
which spread a vast idea of our splendour. All this produced such a
favorable impression in Narvaez's head-quarters, that many of his chief
officers desired that peace might be brought about between both
generals.

In the meantime we continued our march, and arrived in Tampanicita,
where Sandoval the day following likewise appeared with his small
detachment, consisting of sixty men; the old and infirm of the garrison,
as I have above mentioned, having been previously quartered among our
allies, the Papalote Indians. He likewise brought along with him the
five friends and relatives of Aillon, who had deserted from Narvaez, and
had long desired to pay their respects to Cortes, who gave them the most
friendly reception, and then entered into a private conversation with
Sandoval, who related to him all the particulars respecting the affair
with the furious priest Guevara and his companion Vergara. Sandoval
likewise told him how he had sent two Spanish soldiers into Narvaez's
head-quarters disguised as Indians. They had the exact appearance of
natives, took each a basket of cherries with them, and did as if they
were desirous of selling them. They soon met with a purchaser, in the
person of the braggadocio Salvatierra, who gave them a string of glass
beads for their fruit, and fully believing they were Indians, sent them
to cut some grass for his horse. It was about the hour of Ave-Maria,
when they returned with a load of grass, and carried it to the shed,
where the horse was tied up. They then cowered down, after the fashion
of Indians, near Salvatierra's quarters, and overheard a discourse
between him and several others of Narvaez's officers. Among other things
they heard Salvatierra exclaim, "O! at what a fortunate time we have
arrived in this country, just as the traitor Cortes has collected above
700,000 pesos! We shall all become wealthy; for his officers and
soldiers all together cannot have a much less sum than that in their
pockets."

They listened to many similar fine speeches till a late hour at night,
when they stole off silently to the shed where Salvatierra's horse was
fastened up, which they very quietly saddled and bridled, and so rode
off with it. In the same way they managed to capture a second horse on
their road home, and brought them both safely to Sandoval.

Cortes was very desirous to see those horses, but Sandoval told him he
had left them with the invalid soldiers in Papalote, as he had marched
along a very steep and rugged road over the mountains, where horses
could not pass, which he had done that he might not fall in with
Narvaez's troops.

Cortes was vastly pleased with the trick which had been played off upon
Salvatierra, and the manner in which he had lost his horse, and
exclaimed, "He will now threaten us with more vengeance than ever!" The
following morning, we were told, when he found the two Indians, who sold
him the cherries had decamped with his horse, saddle, and bridle, he
threw out language really laughable, particularly when he discovered
they had been disguised Spaniards belonging to Cortes' troops.

[77] According to Torquemada, Motecusuma, accompanied by a distinguished
suite, conducted the Spaniards as far as Iztapalapan. (p. 303.)

[78] Probably Topaniqueta, which sounds more like an Indian name. (p.
304.)




CHAPTER CXVI.

    _How we determined once more to despatch father Olmedo to Narvaez's
    head-quarters, and what we commissioned him to say._


As soon as all our troops had arrived at Tampanicita, we determined to
despatch father Olmedo, who was a remarkably shrewd man, to Narvaez with
a letter, which, after expressing the usual courtesies, ran nearly as
follows:

We all rejoiced at his arrival in this country, as we were confident
that, in conjunction with such a valiant captain as he was, we should be
able to render important services to God and to our emperor. It was true
he had not only neglected to answer our previous letter, but had even
branded us, his majesty's faithful subjects, with the name of traitors;
and, by means of the message he had conveyed to Motecusuma, the whole
country was about to burst out into open insurrection. We hereby begged
of him to select that province which he fancied most for himself and
troops; we were very willing to make room for him, and to act in every
respect as beseemed faithful servants of the emperor. We had likewise
requested him to forward us the original papers of his appointment, if
he possessed any such, that we might convince ourselves they were signed
by his majesty. However, he had not even listened to this request, but
had thrown out abusive language against us, and incited the inhabitants
of the country to revolt. We now again begged of him, in the name of
God, and the emperor our master, to forward us his papers within the
space of three days by a royal secretary, that he might read them to us;
as we were ready, and also promised to act up strictly to his majesty's
commands, if his documents were correct. For this purpose we had
expressly come to Tampanicita, to be near his person. If he was unable
to produce any such appointment direct from his majesty, and he was
again desirous of returning to Cuba, he was at liberty to do so; we
merely desired him to desist from stirring up the inhabitants into open
insurrection, or we should consider ourselves bound to treat him as an
enemy, take him prisoner, and send him in chains to the emperor, without
whose authority he had commenced war upon us, and revolutionised all the
towns of the country. Every drop of blood that was spilt, all
destruction of property which would ensue from fire or otherwise, he
would himself have to answer for.

Our reason for communicating these things to him by letter only was,
because no royal secretary durst venture to convey them in person,
fearing he might share a similar fate with the auditor Aillon; and we
were astonished how he durst presume to act so daringly. Cortes
considered himself bound in honour and justice to his majesty not to
allow such a heavy offence to pass by unpunished; and he hereby summoned
him, by virtue of his office as captain-general and chief-justice of New
Spain, to appear before him and answer the charge preferred against him
of _criminis laesae majestatis_. Lastly, he earnestly begged of him to
return the cotton stuffs and gold trinkets he had forcibly taken away
from the fat cazique; to deliver up to their parents again the Indian
females who had been presented to us; and to command his men in no way
to touch the property of the inhabitants.

This letter, which closed with the usual courteous expressions, was
signed by Cortes, the officers, and other soldiers, among whom was
myself. With this letter father Olmedo, accompanied by one of our men,
named Bartolome de Usagre, who had a brother serving in Narvaez's
artillery, went off to the latter's head-quarters. What kind of
reception they met with will be found in the chapter following.




CHAPTER CXVII.

    _How father Olmedo arrived in Narvaez's head-quarters at Sempoalla,
    and what he did there._


As soon as father Olmedo had arrived at Narvaez's head-quarters, he
began to fulfil the orders which Cortes had given him. He made secret
disclosures in Cortes' name to a number of cavaliers in Narvaez's corps,
also to the artillerymen Rodrigo, Mino, and Usagre; and gave them the
bars of gold which our general had destined for them. He likewise
proposed to Andreas de Duero to pay a visit to our camp, and then called
upon Narvaez himself.

Although Olmedo comported himself particularly humble in presence of
Narvaez, yet the latter's confidants had their suspicions, and advised
their general to throw the father into prison, which was just about
being carried into effect, when Duero, private secretary to Velasquez,
was secretly apprized of it.

Duero was a native of Tudela, on the Duero, and Narvaez came from the
neighbourhood of Valladolid, or from the town itself, and they were not
only countrymen, but also related to each other. This Duero had vast
influence, stood high in the estimation of the men, and durst take more
upon himself than others; he therefore called upon Narvaez, and told him
he had been informed of his intention to imprison father Olmedo; and he
considered himself called upon to observe, that no good could flow from
such a step; for though there might be sufficient grounds for supposing
he was intriguing for Cortes, yet, as a messenger from him, he ought not
to be ill treated; the more so, because Cortes had honorably received
all those whom Narvaez had despatched to him, and dismissed them with
presents. Ever since father Olmedo had been here, he had himself
frequently discoursed with him; but from all he had uttered could only
conclude that Cortes, with the whole of his officers, was desirous of
being on friendly terms with Narvaez. He ought likewise to remember that
Cortes took every opportunity of speaking in his praise; indeed Cortes,
as well as all his men, never pronounced the name of Narvaez but with
profound respect, and it would be a small piece of heroism to seize upon
the person of a priest; and the other man, who had come with him, was
brother to the artilleryman Usagre; it would be therefore better in
every respect if they received polite treatment; and he would advise him
to ask the father to dinner, when he could himself fish out from him
what the views of Cortes were.

With these and such like kind-words, Duero succeeded in softening down
Narvaez's anger; upon which the former immediately communicated to
father Olmedo all that had transpired. Narvaez then sent for the father
to dine with him, and received him most courteously.

Father Olmedo, who was a remarkably judicious and shrewd man, requested
Narvaez, with a pleasing smile, to grant him a private interview; and
they walked up and down together in the courtyard, when Olmedo addressed
him to the following effect: "I am well aware that your excellency had
the intention to take me prisoner; though I can assure you there is not
a person belonging to your staff more devoted to you than I am. I am
likewise convinced that several cavaliers and officers in Cortes' troops
would gladly see the latter in your power; indeed I am altogether
convinced that we shall all soon stand under your commands. In order to
make the necessary preparations for such a step, they have written you a
letter full of extravagant expressions, and got it signed by several of
our men. This letter I was ordered to hand over to your excellency; but,
on account of its contents, I could not make up my mind to do so, but
felt more inclined to throw it into the river."

Narvaez then expressed a desire to see this letter, and father Olmedo
told him he had left it in his room, but would go for it, and left
Narvaez for that purpose. In the meantime Salvatierra, the braggadocio,
had come up to the latter; while Olmedo hastened to Duero, requesting
him to be present when he handed over the letter to Narvaez, and bring
with him as many other soldiers as possible, that its contents might be
made known to all. Olmedo now returned to Narvaez, and presented him
Cortes' letter, with these words: "Your excellency must not feel
astonished if in this letter you find Cortes speaking out a little at
random; however, notwithstanding all this, I can assure you, if you
express yourself in kind terms to him, he will submit to you, with the
whole of his troops."

All the bystanders now pressed Narvaez to read the letter; some were
greatly annoyed, but Narvaez and Salvatierra merely laughed, and made
game of the contents. Duero, however, said: "Really I am unable to make
anything out of all this! The reverend father has assured me, that
Cortes and the whole of his men are ready to join our standard, and yet
they presume to write such nonsense to our general." Augustin Bermudez,
who was a captain and alguacil-major of Narvaez's camp, followed in the
same strain and said: "Father Olmedo has likewise assured me privately,
that it merely required some little mediation between them, and Cortes
would himself wait upon our general and join his standard with the
whole of his men. As he is encamped not far from here, we could
certainly do no better than despatch Senor Salvatierra and Senor Duero
thither, and I will accompany them myself." This Bermudez merely said to
see what Salvatierra would say, who immediately declared that he felt no
inclination to visit a traitor.

Do not speak quite so rashly, Senor Salvatierra, said father Olmedo; for
by showing a little more moderation you will be able, in a few days, to
have him in your power.

However it was resolved that Duero should be despatched to Cortes, and
Narvaez held a private conference with him and three other officers,
desiring them to try and persuade Cortes to meet him at an Indian
village on the road between the two encampments, where they might come
to an understanding with each other respecting the division of the
country and the boundaries of their respective territories. Narvaez was
quite earnest in this matter, and had expressed himself to that effect
to about twenty of his men, who were particularly devoted to him. This
circumstance soon came to the ears of father Olmedo and Duero, who
immediately apprized Cortes of it.

We must now, for a time, leave father Olmedo in Narvaez's camp, where he
soon became very intimate with Salvatierra, as the latter was a native
of Burgos and he himself of Olmedo, and he dined with him every day. In
the meantime we will likewise allow Duero to make preparations for his
journey, on which he was accompanied by Usagre, that Narvaez might not
fish anything out of him. We must now see what took place in our own
camp during this interval.




CHAPTER CXVIII.

    _How Cortes reviews the whole of his troops, and we are supplied
    with two hundred and fifty very long new lances, by the
    Tchinantecs._


As soon as Cortes was apprized of Narvaez's arrival in New Spain, and
had received every information respecting the magnitude of his armament,
he despatched a soldier who had served in the Italian campaigns, and who
possessed an extensive knowledge of weapons and of the best method of
fixing points to lances, into the province of the Tchinantecs,[78*] where
some of our men had gone in search of gold mines. The Tchinantecs were
deadly enemies to the Mexicans, and had only a few days previously made
an alliance with us. This people used a species of lance, which was
much longer than our Spanish lances, and furnished with a sharp
double-edged point made of flint.[79]

Cortes had heard of this weapon, and sent word to the Tchinantecs to
forward him three hundred of such lances, from which however he desired
they would take off the flint points and substitute a double one of
metal, as they had abundance of copper in their country. The soldier who
was despatched with these orders took a pattern of the point required
with him. Cortes' wishes were readily complied with, and as the
inhabitants of every township of that province set diligently to work,
the lances were soon finished and they turned out most satisfactory.
Besides this, Cortes desired the soldier Tovilla to ask the Tchinantecs
to send 2000 of their warriors, all armed with similar lances, on Easter
day, into the district of Panguenequita,[80] and there make inquiries
for our camp. The caziques willingly complied with our request, and they
also gave Tovilla above 200 of their warriors, all armed with the same
lances, to accompany him now on his return to our camp. The rest were to
follow with another of our men, called Barrientos, who had been
despatched into their country in search of mines, and he may have been
from forty to forty-eight miles further inland. The lances which Tovilla
brought with him proved most excellent, and he immediately taught us how
to use them, particularly against the cavalry.

Upon this Cortes reviewed the whole of his troops, and we found,
including all the officers, drummers and pipers, without father Olmedo,
our numbers amounted to 260 men, among whom were five cavalrymen, a few
crossbow-men, less musketeers, and two artillerymen. Considering the
smallness of our numbers we reposed our greatest hopes in the use we
intended making of our lances, in which fortunately we were not
disappointed, as will afterwards be seen.

[78*] The real name of this province was Chinantla, but our author calls
the inhabitants Chichinatecas. (p. 310.)

[79] Hierro is the Spanish word for iron, and Bernal Diaz always uses
Hierro for the point of a lance; otherwise one would suppose,--when he
says of the Chinantecs, "Hizieron los hierros muy mas perfetamente,"
etc., i.e. "they made the irons (points) much more perfect;"--that the
working of iron was known in the country long before the arrival of the
Spaniards; but it is evident, from what he says four lines below, that
these points were made of copper. (p. 311.)

[80] Panguenequita, probably another name for Tapanigueta. (p. 311.)




CHAPTER CXIX.

    _How Duero, with the soldier Usagre and two of his Indian servants
    from Cuba arrived in our camp; who this Duero was, and the reason of
    his visit, &c._


I must now trouble the reader to turn back to the first part of this
history where I explained how Cortes obtained the appointment of
commander-in-chief through the instrumentality of Duero and Amador de
Lares: both of whom were on the most confidential terms with Diego
Velasquez; the former as his private secretary, the second as royal
treasurer. They had by their joint exertions procured Cortes the
appointment, who, on his part, again promised to divide with them all
the gold, silver, and jewels which should fall to his share.

When Duero arrived in our camp he was convinced, from what he saw, of
the vast riches and power of Cortes, and he came not merely to bring
about a good understanding between both generals, but also to take
possession of his share of the acquired riches; as Amador de Lares had
died.

Cortes, who was a cunning and far-sighted man, promised Duero not only
vast treasures but a command, which would give him the same importance
with himself, and he would bestow a vast extent of territory upon him.
In consideration of which the latter was to engage to gain Augustin
Bermudez, and other chief officers, whose names I will not mention; who
were to swear upon their life and honour to oppose Narvaez in every way,
and thwart him in all his designs upon us. If Narvaez was killed or
taken prisoner, and his army defeated, all the gold and the townships of
New Spain were to be divided among the three. To this Bermudez was to be
bound down by affixing his signature to these conditions. In order,
however, to strengthen the number of their party, Duero took along with
him as much gold as two men could carry, besides a quantity of other
valuable things, for Bermudez, the two priests, Guevara and Juan de
Leon, and other chief personages who were to be let into the secret.
Cortes and Duero then carefully talked over how the matter was to be
carried out.

Duero arrived in our quarters on the eve of Easter day, and stayed until
the evening following. During this time he had several private
conversations with Cortes, and before mounting his horse he again called
upon the latter, who was heard to say on taking leave of him: "Well,
Senor Duero, may God bless you. Remember to abide by all you have
promised! Before three days have passed I shall be with my troops in
your head-quarters; if, however, I find you have not remained true to
your word, upon my conscience, (an oath he often used,) you will be the
first my lance shall pierce."

To which Duero answered smilingly: "You need be under no apprehension, I
assure you. Nothing shall be omitted on my part to further your ends."

Duero then mounted his horse and returned to Narvaez with the most
satisfactory accounts, and assured him that Cortes and all of us desired
nothing more ardently than to stand under his command. As soon as Duero
had left, Cortes sent for Juan Velasquez de Leon, one of his chief
officers, a man who had great authority, and although a near relative to
the governor of Cuba, was entirely devoted to Cortes. Cortes had also
gained him over to his interest by valuable presents and promises of an
important command in New Spain, even to raise him as high in command as
himself; and, indeed, Velasquez always evinced the most honest
attachment to our general, and was unremitting in his services to him,
as will sufficiently be seen hereafter.

When Velasquez de Leon came into Cortes' presence, and inquired his
commands, the latter said to him with a pleasing smile on his
countenance, "I have sent for you, Velasquez, because Duero had assured
me it is rumoured among Narvaez's officers that you and I have
quarrelled, and that you intend siding with their party. I am,
therefore, resolved that you shall ride on your powerful gray mare to
Narvaez's head-quarters, taking with you all your gold, besides your
_fanfarrona_, (so Velasquez termed a heavy gold chain he possessed,) and
other valuable matters I shall give you, among which there will be a
fanfarrona double the weight of yours. When there, you must try to fish
out what Narvaez's intentions are. After you, Ordas shall likewise
repair thither, as if he came to pay his respects to Narvaez in his
capacity of house-steward to the governor of Cuba."

To this Juan Velasquez answered, that he would gladly fulfil his
commands, but must refuse either to take his gold or his chain with him.
If he were desirous of furnishing him with any valuable trinkets for
some other persons, he would promise to deliver them safely; where he
went himself, he thought, he would be better able to serve him by his
proper wits than with all the gold and jewels put together. "Of this,"
replied Cortes, "I am also fully convinced, which is the reason I made
choice of you; but if you refuse to take all your gold and valuables
with you, you had much better remain here."

Juan Velasquez still refused to comply for some time, when Cortes took
him aside, and spoke a few words to him in private; Velasquez then
yielded to his request, and set out on his journey, accompanied by Juan
del Rio, one of Cortes' servants.

As soon as Velasquez, whom Cortes had merely despatched to Narvaez to
annoy the latter, had departed, he issued orders to the drummer
Canillas, and our piper Benito, to sound their instruments, and desired
Sandoval to draw up the troops in marching order, and we moved briskly
forward to Sempoalla. On our road we killed two musk swine,[81] which
our soldiers construed into a token of victory. The night following, we
encamped on the <DW72> of a hill near to a brook, made, as was our
custom, bolsters of large stones, carefully posted our sentinels, and
ordered the patrols.

The next morning we marched forward in a straight line, and arrived
towards midday at that river on whose banks the town of Vera Cruz at
present stands, and goods are landed which arrive from Spain. At that
time we found merely a few Indian huts and straggling trees there, under
which we rested ourselves for a considerable time, as we found the heat
very oppressive. We must now return to Juan Velasquez, and see what
befel him in Narvaez's camp.

[81] Respecting this animal, see note 5, p. 22. (p. 313.)




CHAPTER CXX.

    _How Juan Velasquez arrives in Narvaez's head-quarters, and what
    took place there._


Juan Velasquez travelled so fast that he arrived at Sempoalla towards
daybreak. He alighted at the house of the fat cazique; as the servant
whom Cortes had sent with him had no horse, he therefore walked on foot
to Narvaez's quarters. The Indians of Sempoalla all recognized him, and
were highly pleased to see and converse with him again. When, however,
some of Narvaez's men, who were quartered in the cazique's house, heard
the Indians say that it was Velasquez de Leon, one of Malinche's
officers, they hastened to Narvaez, and told him they brought a piece of
news for which they might expect a reward. And before Leon had arrived
at the latter's quarters, Narvaez, who was highly delighted to hear of
his arrival, hastened out, accompanied by several of his officers, to
meet him, and received him with a hearty embrace. After they had entered
his abode, he requested Velasquez to take a chair, (for in this
expedition they had even furnished themselves with such things,) and
reproached him in a friendly tone for not having alighted at his
quarters, and immediately sent some of his men for his horse and
baggage, as he would not hear of his staying in any house but his own.
Velasquez, however, observed, that he could not stay long, as he had
merely come to pay his respects to him and his officers, and try if
peace and friendship could not be brought about between his excellency
and Cortes.

Narvaez's blood rose to his cheeks at this expression, and he asked
Velasquez how he could talk of peace and friendship with a man who had,
like a traitor, run away with the whole armament of his own cousin, the
governor of Cuba?

Juan Velasquez replied, in an equally sharp tone of voice, that Cortes
was not a traitor, but a faithful servant to his emperor; that such
services as he had rendered to the crown could not be termed the
actions of a traitor, and he must beg of him not again to make use of
such expressions in his presence.

Upon this Narvaez assumed a different tone, and made Velasquez vast
promises if he would remain with him; even promised him, and sealed it
with an oath, that he would elevate him to second in command to himself,
if he would manage to induce Cortes' troops to join his standard of
their own free will. Velasquez, however, assured him he should consider
himself the vilest of traitors if he deserted a general to whom he had
sworn fidelity, and of whom he was convinced that everything he had done
in New Spain was for the emperor's best interest. On the contrary, he
was determined to remain as faithful and true to Cortes as to the
emperor himself, and he earnestly begged of him not to touch upon that
string again.

During this conversation, Narvaez's chief officers had, by degrees, all
arrived to pay their respects to Velasquez, which they did with every
show of courtesy, as Velasquez was a man of elegant carriage and
powerful stature, and had a winning countenance; his beard looked
majestic, a heavy gold chain hung from his shoulder in graceful folds,
and sat well on this courageous and spirited officer. After this
discourse with Narvaez, Velasquez turned to the other officers, and
entered into private conversation with father Olmedo, Duero, and
Bermudez.

Narvaez's party, however, were of a different opinion with respect to
Velasquez, and some of the officers, among whom were Gamarra, Juan
Yuste, Juan Bono de Quexo, and the braggadocio Salvatierra, pressed
Narvaez very hard to throw him into chains, as he was secretly striving
to gain over his men in favour of Cortes. This Narvaez was very willing
to do, and had already issued orders to that purpose, when Bermudez,
Duero, and several others who favored our general, received intimation
thereof, and remonstrated with Narvaez as to the policy of such a step,
and the benefit he would derive from it, as Cortes, though he had an
additional hundred officers such as Velasquez, would be unable to cope
with him. He should also bear in mind how Cortes had received all those
who visited his camp; how well he had treated every one, and presented
them so plentifully with jewels and other matters, that every one, up to
the present moment, had left him laden like bees returning to their
hives. It was equally in Cortes' power to have detained Duero, the
priest Guevara, and others; this, however, he had not done, but, on the
contrary, had shown them every possible respect. It would certainly be
more to Narvaez's advantage to behave courteously to Velasquez in
return, and invite him to dinner on the following day.

Narvaez was fully convinced of the truth of these arguments, and
requested Velasquez, in the kindest terms, to become mediator between
Cortes and himself, and try if he could not succeed to induce the former
and his troops to join his standard; and then invited him to dinner on
the next day. Velasquez promised to make the attempt, but, at the same
time, stated that he entertained few hopes of success, as Cortes was
very determined on that head. The best method of settling the matter, in
his opinion, was, by a division of the provinces between both generals,
and Cortes would gladly leave the choice to him.

Velasquez, however, merely made this observation to make Narvaez a
little more tractable. During this discourse, father Olmedo stepped up,
and, as one of Narvaez's confidential friends and advisers, (for thus
far he had succeeded with him,) proposed, that he should draw out the
whole of his troops, with the cavalry and artillery, before Velasquez
and his servant Juan, to show them the powerful army he commanded, and
that they might relate what they had seen to Cortes, which would
certainly produce the desired effect, and convince him he could not do
better than submit to him. Narvaez followed this counsel, which Olmedo
had merely advised to vex all his cavaliers and soldiers. The alarm was
accordingly sounded, and the whole of the troops were thus obliged to
march out before Velasquez, his servant Juan, and father Olmedo.

After Velasquez had gazed upon the troops for some time, he said to
Narvaez, "Certainly, your excellency's power is considerable, and may
God grant you a further increase of it!"

"Well," replied Narvaez, "are you now not fully convinced that it would
merely cost me a day's march to overthrow Cortes and the whole of you?"

"I will not say anything about that," said Velasquez; "but you may
depend upon it we should not sell our lives cheaply."

The following day Velasquez was to dine with Narvaez. At table he
likewise met a nephew of the governor of Cuba, who bore the same name,
and had the command of a company. During dinner-time, the conversation
turned upon Cortes' obstinacy, and the letter he had written to Narvaez;
and, one word leading to another, Diego Velasquez asserted, at length,
that Cortes and all those who sided with him were traitors for not
submitting to Narvaez.

At this expression, Juan Velasquez rose up from his seat, and said, with
much warmth, "General Narvaez, I have once previously begged of you not
to allow such language in my presence against Cortes or any man of his
troops. It is really scandalous to speak ill of us who have served his
majesty so faithfully."

"And I," interrupted Diego Velasquez, in an angry tone, "maintain that I
have merely spoken the truth in calling you traitors. You are a traitor,
and all the rest of you, and you are unworthy the name of Velasquez
which you bear."

Leon now laid hand on his sword, and called Diego a liar; swearing he
was a better nobleman than he or his uncle, and that the house of
Velasquez to which he belonged was a very different one to Diego's or
his uncle's. Of this he would give instant proof if General Narvaez
would allow him.

As many of Narvaez's officers and a few of Cortes' were present during
this scene, they interfered and prevented any open violence, as Leon was
just about to draw his sword against his opponent.

The other officers now advised Narvaez to order Juan Velasquez, his
servant, and father Olmedo to quit their camp without any further
ceremony, as their stay there would only cause worse blood. Orders to
this effect were accordingly issued, and our men delayed not an instant
to hasten their departure. Leon was seated on his fine mare, and clad in
his coat of mail, which he scarcely ever put off, and had his helmet on,
when he once more called upon Narvaez to take leave. Young Diego
Velasquez was standing next to the latter at the time, and when Leon
inquired of Narvaez if he had any message to Cortes, he replied, in
great ill humour, "I beg of you to leave this instant, and it would have
been much better if you had stayed away altogether." Young Velasquez
then opened his mouth, and threw out most abusive language against him.
Leon, in return, assured him his insolence would meet with its due
reward, and a few days would show whether the bravery of his arm
corresponded with the boldness of his tongue. As they were continually
growing more bitter in their expressions, five or six of Cortes'
adherents among Narvaez's officers, who intended to escort Leon, came
up, and told him, rather harshly, it was time to be moving, and no
longer to spend his breath in useless words. They merely assumed this
tone to get him as quickly out of the way as possible, for they
afterwards told him that Narvaez had already issued orders for seizing
his person; indeed, he had every reason to make haste, for a numerous
body of cavalry was already hard at his heels when he arrived at the
river above mentioned.--We were just taking our midday's nap when our
outpost brought information that two or three men on horseback were
approaching our camp, and we immediately concluded it must be Leon, his
servant Juan, and father Olmedo.

Cortes and all of us were delighted to see them safely returned. Leon
then related what the reader has just heard, and how he had secretly
distributed the presents as Cortes had desired. We were particularly
amused with what father Olmedo related as to the manner in which he had
flattered Narvaez, and in mockery advised him to sound an alarm and
sally out with his heavy guns; and also with the cunning he had employed
to introduce Cortes' letter. But when he came to Salvatierra, and drew a
picture of what had taken place between the latter and himself, how he
had made out that they were relations, and the intimate friendship which
grew up between them, and the bold language Salvatierra had presumed to
throw out when he spoke of taking Cortes and all of us prisoners, and
how he swore to revenge himself upon the soldiers who had run off with
his and another officer's horse, we really laughed and rejoiced as if
nothing but mirth and pleasure awaited us, and we no longer gave it a
thought we should have to fight a battle next day, and measure our
strength with five times our numbers, no other choice being left us but
victory or death.

When the heat of the day had somewhat cooled, we continued our march to
Sempoalla, and encamped for the night near a brook about four miles from
the town, at a spot where, at that time, there was a bridge, and, at
present, a farm-house is built.

I must again, however, return to Narvaez's head-quarters, and relate
what happened there after the departure of Leon and father Olmedo.




CHAPTER CXXI.

    _What took place in Narvaez's quarters after the return to our camp
    of the ambassadors we had sent there._


The effect of Leon's and father Olmedo's visit to Narvaez's camp soon
showed itself. Several of the officers who had got some hints of the
valuable presents which Cortes had sent to be distributed among some of
them, found that a party was forming in his favour, and advised that the
utmost vigilance should be observed; orders were therefore issued that
both foot and horse should always hold themselves ready for action.

The fat cazique whom I have so often mentioned was in great fear for
having delivered up to Narvaez the women, cotton stuffs, and gold of
which we had given him charge. For this reason only, therefore, he would
have acted as a spy upon our movements had Narvaez even not strictly
commanded him to do so.

When his spies brought him intelligence that we were advancing towards
Sempoalla, he said to Narvaez, "How can you remain so quiet and
careless? Do you imagine that Malinche and his teules are people like
yourselves? I assure you, if you don't keep a sharp look out, he will
some time or other fall upon you unawares, and destroy you all."

Narvaez and his partisans, though they could not help laughing at these
warnings of the fat cazique, nevertheless thought it necessary to adopt
some decisive step. He first formally declared open war against us with
fire and sword. This we learnt from a soldier named Galleguillo, who had
deserted to us from Narvaez during the night, or perhaps had been
secretly sent to apprize us of it by Duero.

Narvaez then encamped with the whole of his troops, taking the cannon
and all with him, at about a mile from Sempoalla, in order the better to
watch our movements and not to allow any of our men to pass without
killing or taking them prisoners. But as it rained heavily just about
this time, his men soon got tired of standing in the water to await our
arrival, and Narvaez's officers, who were neither accustomed to dampness
nor the fatigues of war in general, and imagined it would be an easy
matter to overcome us, advised him to return with the troops to their
former quarters. They likewise pretended it would be a reproach to them
if they all marched out against a handful of men as we were, and
considered it sufficient if they placed their artillery, which consisted
of eighteen heavy guns, in front of their camp. Forty of the cavalry
would be sufficient at night to guard the road leading to Sempoalla,
along which we should be compelled to advance: besides which, pickets of
cavalry and light-armed foot could watch the spot where we should have
to pass the river, to give notice of our approach; and another twenty of
the cavalry were always to stand in readiness during night-time in the
courtyard adjoining Narvaez's quarters.

All this his officers merely advised to return to their former
comfortable quarters again. "Do you, then," continued they to Narvaez,
"stand in such awe of Cortes as to believe, on the assertion of the fat
cazique, that he will dare to push forward to our very quarters with his
paltry numbers? Only let him come, we will give him the reception he
merits."

Narvaez allowed himself to be convinced by these arguments, and returned
with the whole of his troops to the former quarters. He then made known
that he who brought him Cortes or Sandoval dead or alive, should receive
the reward of 2000 pesos.

The command of the small detachment at the river he gave to a certain
Hurtado and Gonzalo Carrasco, who is now living at Puebla. The
watch-word of Narvaez's men, during the battle, was to be Santa Maria!
Santa Maria! It was also regulated that a strong body of men should be
posted in his quarters during night-time, and like divisions in those of
Salvatierra, Gamarra, and Juan Bono.

These were Narvaez's preparations; we must now see what was going on in
our camp.




CHAPTER CXXII.

    _The order of our march against Narvaez; the speech Cortes made to
    us; and our reply to it._


After we had arrived at the above-mentioned brook, about four miles from
Sempoalla, we halted in a beautiful meadow by which it was skirted, and
posted our sentinels, consisting entirely of men on whom we could place
implicit reliance. Cortes, seated on horseback, ordered all the officers
and men to assemble around him; he then craved a few moments' silence,
and addressed us in a speech replete with flattering expressions and
vast promises.

He began with our departure from Cuba, mentioned all the fatigues we had
undergone up to that moment, and then continued: "You are perfectly
aware, gentlemen, that the governor of Cuba did appoint me
captain-general of the armament, though many cavaliers among you were
equally deserving of it; you must also remember that you left Cuba with
the supposition you were going to found a colony in this country. It was
under this pretence that the public were invited to join the expedition,
and yet it afterwards appeared that the armament was merely fitted out
for commercial speculation. I was preparing to act up to the
instructions I had received, and was ready to return to Cuba, in order
to render Diego Velasquez a full account of all our proceedings, when
you desired me,--yes, you compelled me, to form a settlement here in the
name of our emperor, in which we, with God's assistance, have indeed so
far succeeded. You then elected me captain-general and chief justice of
New Spain, to continue vested with such power until we should know his
majesty's pleasure on that head. Once, subsequently, there indeed again
arose a dispute respecting the necessity of returning to Cuba; but this
I need not mention, as it is still fresh in every one's memory; however,
it became afterwards our universal conviction, that the determination we
had come to, to remain in this country, had met with grace in the sight
of God, and he has blessed all our endeavours in his holy cause, and
granted us success in our undertakings in the emperor's service. Above
all, however, I must put you in mind of the promise we made the emperor
when we forwarded him a full account of our great deeds, with a
description of the country. We begged his majesty not to confer the
government of this country on any one before our agents had obtained a
hearing, as we had all reason to fear that the powerful bishop of Burgos
would strive to obtain that appointment for Diego Velasquez, or for one
of his friends or relatives. We assured his majesty that this country
was of such vast extent as to merit being governed by an infante or
grandee of his empire, and that we were only awaiting his most gracious
commands which we should obey with the deepest veneration, and would not
acknowledge any appointment unless it came from his majesty himself.
With this account we sent our monarch all the gold, silver, jewels, and
other valuable things we had collected. These had been, up to that time,
our only remuneration for the many fatigues we had undergone; and how
often had not death stood before our eyes in the battles we had fought!
what various kinds of hardships we have suffered! we have slept on the
bare ground both in the rain and snow, and never lay our arms aside.
When we reflect on all these hardships, it really sends a thrill through
the heart. In the several battles we have fought, we have lost above
fifty of our men, and we are all covered with wounds, and many a one
still suffers severely from them. First we had to brave all the dangers
of the sea; then followed the battles of Tabasco, Almeria, Cingapacinga,
with the ambushes which were laid for us in the mountains, defiles, and
the villages. How nigh we were being totally worsted in the battles of
Tlascalla! We had scarcely time allowed us to take breath, when the
affair at Cholulla awaited us, where the pots stood ready in which our
flesh was to be cooked for the inhabitants to feast on! None of us can
ever forget our march through the mountain passes, where Motecusuma had
posted the whole of his troops, and blocked up the road by a heavy fall
of trees, intending that none of us should escape death! Notwithstanding
all this, we march into Mexico, and quarter ourselves in the very heart
of that city; but how oft there again has death not stood before our
eyes! Really no human being could have imagined such a series of
dangers! And yet there are many among us who have even experienced
additional fatigues, those I mean who have twice before visited these
coasts, under Cordoba and Grijalva. In these voyages of discovery they
suffered hardships of various natures, lost numbers of their companions,
were themselves covered with wounds, and lost everything they possessed.
But it would be impossible to enumerate all the miseries that have been
suffered; nor have I any time, if I could, for night is fast
approaching; and now, after we have undergone all this, Pamfilo Narvaez
comes tearing along, like a mad dog, to destroy us all; calls us
villains and traitors, and makes disclosures to Motecusuma, not like a
prudent general, but with the spirit of a rebel; he has even presumed to
throw one of the emperor's auditors into chains--of itself a criminal
act; and to sum up, has declared a war of extermination against us, just
as if we had been a troop of Moors."

Upon this Cortes launched out in praise of the courage we had shown in
every battle: "Up to this moment," he continued, "we have fought to
defend our lives, but now we shall have to fight valiantly for our lives
and our honour. Our enemies have nothing less in contemplation than to
take us all prisoners, and rob us of our property. No one could tell
whether Narvaez was commissioned by the emperor himself; all this was
merely done at the instigation of our most deadly enemy, the bishop of
Burgos. If we were subdued by Narvaez, which God forbid, all the
services we had rendered to the Almighty and our emperor would be
construed into as many crimes. An investigation would be set on foot
against us, and we should be accused of murder, of rapine, and of having
revolutionised the country, though the real guilty person would be
Narvaez; and the things which would be considered meritorious in him
would be construed as criminal in us. As all this must be evident to
you," said Cortes, in conclusion, "and we, as honest cavaliers, are
bound to defend the honour of his imperial majesty, as well as our own,
and all our property, I have marched out from Mexico, reposing my trust
in God and your assistance, to bid defiance to such injustice."

Several of our officers and soldiers then answered, in the name of the
rest, that he might rely upon our determination either to conquer or to
die.

Cortes was excessively rejoiced at our reply, and said he had not
expected less. We should find no cause for regret, as wealth and honour
would be the reward of our courage and our valour. He then once more
begged our attention, and reminded us that, in battle and time of war,
prudence and experience accomplished more than the utmost bravery. He
was well aware of our great courage, and how every man among us strove
who should be the first to dash among the enemy's ranks. At present the
first object must be to capture the eighteen pieces of ordnance which
Narvaez had arranged in front of his camp. For this purpose he selected
sixty of our youngest men, of which number I also was, and placed them
under the command of Pizarro, who at that time was a daring young
fellow, but in those days as little known to the world as Peru itself.
As soon as we should have captured these cannon, we were to storm
Narvaez's quarters, which were on the summit of a very high temple.
Sandoval, with other sixty men, was ordered to seize Narvaez's person,
and his commands were exactly as follow: "Gonzalo de Sandoval,
alguacil-major of New Spain, I hereby command you to seize the person of
Pamfilo Narvaez, and to kill him in case he will not surrender. This we
are called upon to do as faithful servants of God and the emperor, and
in revenge for the ill-treatment he, the said Narvaez, presumed to
exercise against one of his majesty's auditors. Given at our
head-quarters. Signed, Hernando Cortes; and countersigned, Pedro
Hernandez, secretary."

Cortes at the same time promised a reward of 3000 pesos to the first man
who should lay hands on Narvaez, 2000 to the second, and 1000 to the
third.

Leon likewise received the command of sixty men, with instructions to
seize the person of Diego Velasquez, with whom he had had such high
words. Cortes himself retained twenty men around his person, to render
assistance wherever it might be most required; his principal object,
however, was to get the persons of Narvaez and Salvatierra into his
power.

After Cortes had issued these commands in writing to his principal
officers, he said: "I am fully aware that Narvaez has four times the men
we have; but most of them are not accustomed to arms. A great number are
adverse to their general, many are sick, and we shall fall upon them
unawares. All opposition on their part will be fruitless, and I am fully
confident the Almighty will grant us the victory. Narvaez's men also
know they will lose nothing by the change, and would fare better in
every respect by being with us than with him. Thus, gentlemen, after
God, our lives and honour entirely depend upon the valour of our arms.
The praise of future generations lies in our hands, and it is more
honorable to die on the field of battle than to lead a life of
dishonour." With this Cortes ended, as it was beginning to rain and
getting late.

I have often subsequently, when thinking of this speech of Cortes,
wondered that he did not mention a single word of the secret
understanding he had with some of Narvaez's officers, but merely
impressed upon our minds the necessity of employing our utmost courage.
By degrees, however, it became obvious to me that by that very
circumstance he had shown the prudence of a great general, for by making
us believe that our only hope was in God and our own bravery, he
compelled us to exercise the utmost of our power.

The most dangerous part of the work was assigned to us, who were to
capture the cannon, under the command of Pizarro: we had to commence the
attack and storm up against the cannons' mouths. Pizarro, therefore,
gave us very strict commands, and showed us how we were to push forward
with our lances lowered, and fight on boldly until we had taken the
cannon, when the artillerymen, Mesa and Amenga, were immediately to load
the guns with the balls at hand, and fire away at Salvatierra's
quarters.

We were altogether in want of defensive armour, and on that night many
of us would have given all we possessed for a cuirass, helmet, or steel
gorget.

Our watch-word was: _Espiritu Santo! Espiritu Santo!_ for such words in
time of war are given to soldiers in secret, in order that the men may
recognize each other. That of Narvaez's men was: _Santa Maria! Santa
Maria!_

As I stood in great favour with Sandoval, he begged of me, when we had
captured the cannon, should my life be spared, instantly to repair to
him and not leave his side; which I promised and fulfilled, as will be
seen.

We remained in our camp during the first part of the night, and spent
our time in making preparations, and thinking on the arduous task which
awaited us; for it was useless to think of any supper, as we had not a
morsel of food with us. We sent out the pickets and posted our
sentinels, of which I happened to be one. I had not stood long when one
of our outposts came up and asked me whether I had not heard a noise? To
which I answered no, and immediately after one of our corporals
approached and told me that Galleguillo, who had deserted from Narvaez
to us, was nowhere to be found, and that he must have been a spy; and as
it was certain he had by this time betrayed our approach to the enemy,
Cortes had given orders for our immediate advance upon Sempoalla. An
instant after I heard the drum and pipe, and we all marched forward.
Galleguillo, however, was found a few minutes after fast asleep under
some cloaks he had thrown over him, as damp and cold were two things to
which the poor devil was wholly unaccustomed.

Cortes now ordered the drum and pipe to be silenced, and we marched
steadily forward, until we arrived at the river where, as I have above
mentioned, Carrasco and Hurtado were posted with a detachment of the
enemy. This, our sudden visit, was the last thing they could have
thought of, and we succeeded in capturing the former, but the other
escaped and ran to give the alarm.

I shall never forget our crossing this river, how it was swoln by the
rain, and the difficulty we experienced in passing over the stones which
had become loosened and were very slippery; while, at the same time, we
were greatly incommoded by our weapons which we had slung to our backs.
I well remember Carrasco, when he was taken prisoner, crying out aloud:
"Mind what you are about Senor Cortes, for Narvaez has marched out with
all his troops to receive you." As Hurtado had already ran off to give
the alarm, it mattered very little whether Carrasco thus strove to
inform his general of our approach by his loud cries. Cortes gave him in
charge of his secretary Hernandez, and commanded us to the attack. We
immediately lowered the points of our lances and made so violent a rush
at the cannon, that the artillerymen had scarcely sufficient time to
fire off four pieces, every ball of which passed over our heads,
excepting one, which killed three of our men. At the same moment our
respective officers, with their men, forced their way up under the sound
of our drum and pipe. Several of Narvaez's cavalry certainly offered
some resistance, but for a short time only, while six or seven of their
number lay stretched on the field of battle. We, under Pizarro, had the
good fortune to capture all the cannon, but durst not leave them in
charge of our artillerymen alone, as Narvaez continued to shower down
arrows and musket-balls upon us from the top of the temple. Sandoval now
likewise came up with his detachment, and though Narvaez bid a powerful
resistance, he nevertheless continued advancing up the steps of the
building, and broke through the pikes and lances of his opponents.
Seeing this, and that the enemy had given up all attempts to recover the
cannon, we gave them in charge of our artillerymen, and flew under the
command of Pizarro to Sandoval's assistance. We just arrived at the
moment when Narvaez had beaten him back down five or six of the steps;
our arrival turned the scale against the enemy, and Sandoval now pushed
forward again with renewed vigour. Indeed we had some hard work to do
with our long lances before we could clear our way through the enemy's
ranks; all at once I heard some one, and it must have been Narvaez, cry
out in a loud voice:--"Assist me, oh blessed Virgin! I am a dead man!
One of my eyes has been thrust out!" At the same moment we all cried
out, "_Victory! Victory!_ for those of the watch-word _Espiritu Santo!
Narvaez is fallen!_" Yet we were unable for some time to gain entire
possession of the temple, not until Martin Lopez, who built the
brigantines, hit upon the thought of setting fire to the straw that lay
on the top of the temple, which he immediately set about with his gaunt
figure. Narvaez's men now came rolling down the steps one after the
other, and he himself was taken prisoner. A certain Pedro Sanchez Farsan
was the first to lay hold of him, and I mentioned this to Sandoval and
several of Narvaez's officers, who were standing by at the time. In an
instant a thousand voices filled the air with cries of: "_Long live the
emperor and general Cortes, in his imperial name!_ Victory, victory!
Narvaez is dead!"

The battle, however, was still continued at various points, as several
of Narvaez's officers maintained their positions on the tops of other
temples. Cortes, however, with his accustomed forethought, sent round a
herald to summons Narvaez's men, under pain of death, immediately to
join the imperial standard. This, with the firing of the cannon, our
hurrahing, and the belief that Narvaez was dead, had the desired effect,
and only the troops of young Diego Velasquez and of Salvatierra, who had
taken up a position with the troops under their command, on the summit
of a very high temple, where it was difficult to get at them, refused to
submit. Sandoval, however, was not to be deterred by their advantageous
position. He took the half of his men with him, while the rest remained
below, and we attacked them so vigorously with our swords, that at last
they surrendered, and we took Salvatierra and Diego Velasquez prisoners.

In the hurry of the moment we had merely fastened fetters around
Narvaez's legs; but Sandoval now, ordered him to be better secured.
Cortes happened to come up at the time, when Leon, with Ordas, brought
in Salvatierra, Diego Velasquez, and other chief officers prisoners; he
was still in full armour, and had heated himself to such a degree by
riding up and down, the weather besides being very hot, that the
perspiration literally dropped from him, and he could scarcely breathe
from over-exertion; he twice said to Sandoval, who was unable to catch
his words at first, "Where is Narvaez? Where is Narvaez?" "Here he is!
here he is!" cried Sandoval, "and quite safe." "That is all right, my
son Sandoval," said Cortes in a voice still somewhat feeble; "do not
leave this spot for the present, nor suffer any of your men to stir
away, and keep a strong guard over the officers you have taken prisoners;
I will see now how the battle is going on at the other points."

With these words Cortes rode off, and as he still found Narvaez's men
offered resistance, he again sent round a herald to summon them to
surrender, and to deliver up their arms to the alguacil.

All this took place during night-time, and it rained at intervals. When
we first forced our way into the town it was as dark as pitch, and it
rained heavily, the moon did not rise until some time after; but even
the darkness itself favoured us, for in the midst of darkness numbers
of shining beetles[82] kept continually flying about, which Narvaez's
men mistook for the lighted matches of our firearms,[83] and this gave
them a vast idea of the number of our matchlocks.

Narvaez having lost an eye and being otherwise dangerously wounded, he
begged of Sandoval to allow the surgeon he had brought with him to dress
his and the other officers' wounds. This the latter unhesitatingly
complied with, and while the surgeon was dressing Narvaez's wounds,
Cortes stepped up, as he imagined unknown, to see what was going
forward. Some one, however, remarked to Narvaez that Cortes was standing
near; when the former turned round and said: "Indeed, general, you have
reason to be proud of this victory, and of my being taken prisoner!"

"I am," replied Cortes, "every way thankful to God for it, and likewise
for the brave companions he has given me; but I can assure you that this
victory is the least brilliant we have yet gained in New Spain."

With this Cortes broke off the conversation, and again cautioned
Sandoval to guard the prisoners well. As I have above remarked, we had
merely thrown fetters about Narvaez's legs, but we now secured him
better, and placed a strong guard over him. I was among the latter, and
Sandoval gave me secret orders not to allow any of his men to see him
until next morning, when Cortes would make further arrangements
respecting his person. We did not feel quite safe yet; for the reader
will remember that Narvaez had detached forty of his cavalry to oppose
our crossing the river. This body was still hovering about, and we
feared would fall upon us unawares and release both Narvaez and the
other officers again. We therefore kept a sharp look out, while Cortes
despatched Oli and Ordas to persuade them, by enticing promises, to
surrender quietly. For this purpose these officers were obliged to take
a couple of horses of Narvaez's troops, as ours had been left at the
back of a rising ground near Sempoalla.

When Oli and Ordas came up with them, they said so many fine things, and
made such vast promises in Cortes' name, that they speedily came to
terms, and surrendered themselves.[84]

Daylight in the meantime had broken forth, when this detachment reached
our camp again; and the drummers and pipers of Narvaez's corps, without
instructions from Cortes or from any one else, suddenly sounded their
instruments, and cried out, "Long live these brave Romans, who, though
small in numbers, have gained the victory over Narvaez and his troops!"
And another merry-making fellow, called Guidela, a <DW64>, cried out at
the top of his voice, "Hark ye! the Romans themselves could never boast
of so brilliant a victory as this!" Whatever we might say, we were
unable to stop their hurrahing or their instruments, until Cortes had
ordered one of the drummers, named Tepia, who was half mad, to be
seized.

At this moment Oli and Diego de Ordas made their appearance with the
detachment of cavalry, accompanied by Duero, Bermudez, and several other
friends of our general. These now all came in a body to pay their
respects to Cortes, who had taken off his armour, and was seated in an
arm-chair, dressed in a wide orange- surtout. It was really a
most interesting sight to behold the serenity and joy which sat upon his
countenance as he welcomed each, and amusing to hear the fine things he
told them. He had indeed every reason to be proud of the power and the
greatness he had so suddenly acquired!

After these officers had thus paid their respects to him, they repaired
to their respective quarters. And now we must look over the list of the
dead and wounded on both sides. Among the former was Narvaez's
standard-bearer, named Fuentes, of a noble family of Seville; and three
of his chief officers, one of whom was named Rojas, a native of Old
Castile. One of the three soldiers, named Carretero, who deserted to the
enemy, was likewise killed; and the number of their wounded was very
great.

On our side we lost four killed, and had several wounded; the fat
cazique himself being of this number; who, when he heard that we were in
the vicinity of Sempoalla, had fled to Narvaez's quarters, and was
wounded there. Cortes ordered his wound to be dressed, then sent him
home, and desired that no one should molest him.

Cervantes and Escalona, who had deserted to Narvaez, derived very little
benefit from their treachery; the latter had been dangerously wounded,
and the other Cortes ordered to be well whipped.

Here I must also not forget the braggadocio Salvatierra, whose cowardice
his own men declared was beyond all belief. They all swore never in the
course of their lives to have witnessed such extreme fear as he evinced
when he first heard the clashing of our arms at a distance; and when he
heard the cry of _Victory! Victory! Narvaez is fallen!_ he became quite
ill, and threw down his arms.

Diego Velasquez had almost escaped my memory! He was also wounded, and,
as had been previously settled, was taken prisoner by Leon, with whom he
had quarrelled at Narvaez's dinner table. The victor, however, acted
magnanimously; he took him to his own quarters, had his wounds dressed,
and treated him with great respect.

Such is the history of our battle with Narvaez, and now we must see what
further took place.

[82] The clater nocturnus. (p. 327.)

[83] It need scarcely be remarked that the Spanish guns at that time
were fired by means of matches, which were made of hempen tow, boiled in
the lees of old wine, and when dry and once lighted they burn on until
consumed. (p. 327.)

[84] Bernal Diaz has forgotten some circumstances relative to this
battle. Three hundred of Narvaez's troops defended themselves bravely
for a length of time on one of the temples, nor did they surrender until
all their powder was spent. (p. 327.)




CHAPTER CXXIII.

    _How the 2000 Indians of Chinantla, whom Cortes had demanded of the
    caziques there, arrived at Sempoalla after Narvaez's defeat._


Late in the evening of the same day on which we had gained the victory
over Narvaez, the 2000 Indian troops arrived which Cortes had requested
the caziques of Chinantla to send us. They came under the command of
their caziques, and one of our soldiers named Barrientos, and marched
into Sempoalla in the best military order possible, two abreast. They
were all tall and powerful men, armed with their immense-sized lances
and huge shields; every lancer was followed by a bowman. In this manner,
under the sound of drums and trumpets, they marched in, with their
feathers waving on their head and their colours flying, and continually
cried out, "_Long live the emperor! long live Cortes!_" They made such a
grand show, that though they were only 2000 in number, one would have
thought at first sight there had been 3000. Narvaez's men were not a
little astonished when they beheld these men, and remarked to each other
that they would have fared worse if they had had to encounter these
people, or if they had joined us in the attack.

Cortes received the Chinantlan chiefs most kindly, thanked them for the
trouble they had put themselves to, and desired them to return to their
homes, after presenting them with various things of Spanish manufacture.
Barrientos likewise returned with them, and Cortes particularly
admonished him not to allow these Indians to commit any depredations in
the townships they passed through.




CHAPTER CXXIV.

    _How Cortes despatches Francisco de Lugo, with two men who had
    formerly been ship-builders, to the harbour where Narvaez's flotilla
    lay, to bring all the captains and pilots of the vessels to
    Sempoalla._


After the whole of Narvaez's troops had been disarmed, Cortes despatched
Francisco de Lugo to the harbour where the flotilla lay, in order to
bring all the captains and pilots of the eighteen vessels to Sempoalla.
He was likewise to convey on shore all the sails, rudders, and
compasses, so as to render it impossible for the governor of Cuba to
gain any information respecting the fate of his armament. Whoever
refused to submit to Lugo was immediately to be thrown into chains.
Cortes likewise ordered the latter to bring along with him a certain
Sancho de Barahona, whom Narvaez had imprisoned along with some other
soldiers. This Barahona was a man of great wealth, and had settled in
Guatimala. He was in very ill health when he arrived in Cortes'
quarters, who desired that every attention should be paid him.

When the captains and pilots of the several vessels appeared in Cortes'
presence, he made them take a solemn oath to obey his commands in all
matters. A certain Pedro Caballero, captain of one of Narvaez's vessels,
he appointed admiral of the flotilla. This man, it was rumoured, had
been bribed with some bars of gold to favour Cortes' party. Caballero
received instructions not to allow any vessel to leave the harbour, and
if any others should arrive there from Cuba--for Cortes had received
information that there were two other ships fitting out there for this
harbour--he was to seize them, send their sails, rudders, compasses on
shore, and await further orders. This, as we shall afterwards see,
Caballero punctually obeyed.

In our head-quarters the following important arrangements were made:
Leon was to be sent to subdue the province of Panuco, and to make a
settlement there; for which purpose 120 men were placed under his
command, of whom 100 were of Narvaez's troops, the rest being made up of
our own, who were better acquainted with the mode of warfare in this
country. To this detachment were likewise added two vessels, in order
more thoroughly to explore the coast and the river Panuco.

A similar commission, with an equal number of troops, composed as the
former, and also to be accompanied by two vessels, was given to Diego de
Ordas, to form a settlement on the river Guacasualco. He was likewise to
despatch some of his men to the island of Jamaica to purchase cows,
horses, pigs, goats, sheep, and Spanish fowls, for breeding; the
province of Guacasualco being particularly adapted for the breed of
cattle.

Cortes now ordered all Narvaez's officers and soldiers to be liberated,
with the exception of Salvatierra, who feigned to be taken suddenly ill
during the late battle. When their arms were to be returned to them, it
occasioned a good deal of ill blood, for many of our men had taken
possession of their horses, swords, and other matters, and no one felt
inclined to return what he had once taken. When Cortes, therefore,
issued orders that every one was to receive his own again, it caused
great discontent among our troops; for we maintained we were justified
in retaining what we had taken, as Narvaez had declared a war of
extermination against us; had literally come with the intention to
destroy us, and rob us of all our property; besides that, we, the
well-deserving servants of the emperor, had been branded by him with the
name of traitors. Cortes, however, was determined upon this point, and
as we had elected him our captain-general, we could not do less than
obey him. I myself had taken possession of two swords, three daggers,
and a target, all of which I had to return.

Alonso de Avila, who was a captain, and one who durst speak out boldly
to Cortes, privately reproached him, in conjunction with father Olmedo,
for acting thus; and remarked to him, that he was performing the part of
Alexander the Macedonian, who, whenever he gained a splendid victory,
rewarded and honoured the vanquished instead of the officers and
soldiers who had procured him the victory. They had every reason to make
this observation, as we had to look quietly on and see Cortes give all
the provisions and valuable matters, which the Indians of the
surrounding country brought in as presents, to the officers of the
vanquished general, and leave us unnoticed. This they maintained was not
acting justly, and had every appearance of ingratitude towards them, who
by their valour had raised him to the proud position in which he then
stood.

Cortes, who was never wanting for an answer, replied, that for all he
possessed he was indebted to us; but under existing circumstances he
could not act otherwise. It was for the advantage of all to gain the
troops of Narvaez by fair words, presents, and promises; their numbers
were too great in comparison to ours; and if they were once to rise up
in anger, they might easily put us all to the sword.

To this Avila replied in a very haughty manner, which obliged Cortes to
exclaim, "Those who do not feel inclined to obey are at liberty to leave
my standard; Spanish women bring forth sufficient children into the
world, and every son is a soldier in Spain!"

"That is very true," answered Avila, rather disrespectfully; "and among
these sons there are also numbers of generals and governors as well as
soldiers."

As matters then stood, Cortes was compelled to put on the best
countenance he could to this reproof, and to silence this open-hearted
man by promises and presents; for the determined and bold character of
Avila was too well known to him, and he feared his resentment. He
therefore suppressed his injured feelings, and from that moment took
every opportunity of sending him to some distance on one or other
important commission; so he despatched him some after to St. Domingo,
and subsequently to Spain, to present the garderobe and the treasure of
Motecusuma to the emperor. This latter voyage, however, terminated very
unfortunately, for Avila, with the whole of those treasures, was
captured by the redoubted French pirate Jean Florin, as we shall see in
the proper place.

But to return to Narvaez. He happened to have a <DW64> servant with him
ill with the smallpox, through whom this terrific disease, which,
according to the accounts of the inhabitants, was previously unknown in
the country, spread itself through New Spain, where it created the
greater devastation, from the poor Indians, in their ignorance, solely
applying cold water as a remedy, with which they constantly bathed
themselves; so that vast numbers were cut off before they had the
blessing of being received into the bosom of the Christian church.[85]

It was also about this time that the garrison of Vera Cruz demanded the
portion of the gold which fell to their share in the division at Mexico.
These men maintained, that, though they had not made the campaign of
Mexico with us, they had shown themselves no less deserving in the cause
of God and the emperor than ourselves, as they had guarded the coast and
built a fortress; and that many of them who had fought at the battle of
Almeria were still suffering from their wounds, while others again had
been taken prisoners by Narvaez, who had treated them with great
severity: they concluded, therefore, they were justly entitled to a
share of the treasure found in Mexico.

Cortes acknowledged the justness of their claim, and requested them to
despatch two of the principal men from among them to take charge of
their respective share, and, if I am not mistaken, he added that it had
been deposited for safe keeping in Tlascalla: at least, they immediately
after sent two of their numbers there to take possession of it, of whom
Juan de Alcantara the elder was one. We shall, however, soon see what
became of Alcantara with all the gold; how quickly the wheel of fortune
turned against us, and trouble and sorrow followed peace and joy; for we
received intelligence that all Mexico had risen up in arms, that
Alvarado was besieged in his quarters, and that the Mexicans were
attempting to set fire to the new fortifications at every point. Seven
of our men had already been killed, many were wounded, and immediate
assistance was required.

This information was first brought us by two Tlascallans, and that
without any letter from Alvarado. Soon after, however, two other
Tlascallans arrived with a letter from him confirmatory of this bad
news. God knows how shocked we were at this intelligence! We immediately
resolved to hasten to Mexico by forced marches. Narvaez and Salvatierra
were sent under escort to Vera Cruz, where Rodrigo Rangel, whom Cortes
had just appointed commandant of that place, was made responsible for
the safe custody of their persons. Besides these, Rangel took along with
him several of Narvaez's men, who were suffering from ill-health.

Just as we were about to commence our march to Mexico, four
distinguished personages arrived from that town, who had been sent by
Motecusuma to complain to our general of the conduct of Alvarado. They
told us, with tears in their eyes, that he had, without any provocation,
sallied out with the whole of his troops, and fallen unawares upon their
chiefs and caziques while they were celebrating a feast in honour of
their gods Huitzilopochtli and Tezcatlipuca, Alvarado himself having
previously given his consent to the celebration of that feast. Many of
their chief personages had been killed and wounded, so that, at last,
they were compelled to defend themselves, and six Spaniards were killed
in the affray. To this and other complaints against Alvarado, Cortes
told them, with a dark frown on his brow, that he would repair
immediately in person to Mexico, and look into the matter. With this
message the Indians returned to their monarch, who, it is said, was
anything but pleased with it. Cortes, at the same time, wrote word to
Alvarado that we were advancing by forced marches upon Mexico, and
particularly cautioned him not to let Motecusuma escape out of his
hands. He likewise informed him of the victory we had gained over
Narvaez, though he had no doubt already been apprized of this, for it
was known to Motecusuma.

[85] Of this dreadful disease Gomara says, that it spread from Sempoalla
through the whole of New Spain, and that in the greater part of the
townships half of the inhabitants were carried off by it. It was a
custom among the inhabitants to go immediately from a hot bath into a
cold one, so that it was a wonder any escaped death. Those that survived
could not help scratching themselves, which naturally left large scars,
and rendered them hideous to look at. Torquemada agrees with Gomara, but
adds, from the authority of the Indians, that this and other
pestilential diseases spread at certain times through the whole of the
country; and Bernal Diaz, in describing the person of the younger
Xicotencatl, says his face was pitted as if with the smallpox. (p. 332.)




CHAPTER CXXV.

    _How we all, including Narvaez's troops, hasten to Mexico by forced
    marches._


On receiving the intelligence that Mexico was in rebellion, and Alvarado
besieged in his quarters, the plan of forming settlements in Panuco and
Guacasualco was for the present abandoned, and Leon and Ordas were again
ordered to join the main body.

Cortes soon found that Narvaez's troops were very unwilling to join us
in the Mexican campaign; but he desired them, in a most kind manner, to
forget the old enmity which had existed between Narvaez and himself, and
assured them that their only way to wealth and eminence was to join us
in this campaign; by so doing they would enter into a country where they
would be able to render services unto God and the emperor; and this,
too, was an opportunity which perhaps would not so readily present
itself again. In short, he told them so many fine things, that they one
and all agreed to accompany us: if, however, they had had any idea of
Mexico's vast power, not one of them would have been so ready to join
us.

We now broke up our quarters, and marched forward with all expedition.
In Tlascalla, we were informed that the Mexicans had continued their
hostilities against Alvarado as long as Motecusuma and his generals
believed we were at war with Narvaez. They had killed seven of our men
and burned down a portion of our quarters there, and had not stayed
hostilities until they heard of the recent victory we had gained: they
still, however, refused to supply Alvarado with either water or food.
This information was received in Tlascalla the moment we arrived there.

Cortes now reviewed the whole of his troops, which amounted to 1300 men,
96 horses, 80 crossbow-men, and a like number of musketeers. This body
of troops Cortes considered sufficiently strong to venture fearlessly
into Mexico with, particularly as the caziques of Tlascalla had
furnished us with 2000 of their warriors.

We now continued our march with the same briskness until we came to
Tezcuco. It was in this large town we began to discover the ill-feeling
that was abroad against us. Not the slightest mark of respect was shown
us here, nor did any of the chiefs call upon us. It was on St. John's
day, in the month of June of the year 1520, we, for the second time,
entered the city of Mexico. No cazique, none of the principal officers,
none of our Mexican friends made their appearance, and the houses were
deserted. It was not until we had arrived in front of our quarters that
Motecusuma came out into the courtyard to welcome Cortes, and
congratulate him on his victory over Narvaez. Our general, however, was
flushed with the recent victory, and would not listen to him, so that
the monarch returned pensive and sad to his apartments.

We soldiers again took possession of our old quarters, and Narvaez's men
were provided with similar ones. Alvarado's men and ours, who had just
arrived, now began to relate what had taken place during this interval
of separation. The former related how they had been attacked by the
Mexicans, and the terrible resistance they had been forced to make. Then
we followed, and related how we had defeated Narvaez's troops, and taken
him prisoner.

The next thing Cortes did was to inquire into the real cause of the
insurrection of the Mexicans. Several soldiers, who were displeased
with Alvarado, affirmed that Motecusuma had evinced excessive grief on
account of these troubles, and they were quite confident that not a
single one of the men under Alvarado would have been spared alive if
Motecusuma had been in secret understanding with his subjects; on the
contrary, he continually strove to quiet them, and to put down the
insurrection. Alvarado, on his part, represented all this to our general
in a very different light. According to his assurances, the Mexicans had
risen up in arms to liberate their monarch, and to take revenge upon us,
by the express command of their god Huitzilopochtli, for our having
erected a cross and the image of the holy Virgin on his temple. Several
Mexicans, he added, had tried to remove the holy image from the altar on
which it is raised, but they had not been able to do so. Even the
inhabitants themselves had looked upon this circumstance as a great
wonder, and had mentioned it to Motecusuma, who then issued orders that
it should not be touched. It was, however, not true, continued Alvarado,
that Narvaez had sent word to the monarch he was coming to release him
from his confinement, and lead us all away in chains: on the contrary,
after Motecusuma found that though we were in possession of a sufficient
number of vessels, but made no preparation for embarking, he well
foresaw we never intended to leave the country again, but that more of
us would continually arrive, and that we should return to Mexico
accompanied by Narvaez's troops.

Upon this it was resolved they should put Alvarado with the whole of his
men to the sword, and liberate the monarch. The less doubt they had
entertained of Narvaez's being able to defeat us, the more sure they
made of carrying out their plan successfully. This Alvarado considered
sufficient to justify the conduct he had pursued. Cortes then wished to
know why he had fallen upon the Mexican chiefs while they were
celebrating a feast? Because, replied Alvarado, he had been assured by
two of the principal men of the town, by one of the papas, and by other
of the inhabitants, that the Mexicans intended falling upon him
immediately after the feast had ended.

But the Mexicans, interrupted Cortes, maintain that they had asked your
permission to celebrate the feast, and that you granted their request!

Alvarado could certainly not deny this, but assured him he had selected
that opportunity to punish them that it might come the more
unexpectedly, and strike the greater terror among them, and to
anticipate them in their premeditated attack upon him.

These statements were by no means satisfactory to Cortes, and he told
Alvarado, rather sharply, that he saw very little truth in all this,
but a good deal of irregularity hurtful to the Spanish cause: "For it is
very certain," added Cortes, "if the Almighty did not allow Motecusuma
to regain his liberty, it was because his idols might not construe it
into their own merit." Herewith Cortes turned his back upon him, and
desired him to say nothing further on the subject.

Besides this, Alvarado related many other things which happened during
the interval we had been absent from Mexico; one time, for instance,
when he sallied out upon the Mexicans, who were rushing forward in vast
numbers to set fire to his quarters, he ordered a cannon, heavily laden
with ball and small shot, to be fired against them; this piece, however,
did not go off until he had fought his way into the thickest of the
enemy, who were forcing him back to his quarters again: it then went off
of itself, and committed terrible havoc among the advancing foe.
Alvarado assured us, that, without this wonderful assistance, he would
certainly have been cut to pieces with all his men; as it was, he lost
only two of his soldiers, whom the Mexicans carried off alive. This and
many other circumstances were related by Alvarado: the following,
however, was told me by several of his men. At one time they were
entirely without any water to drink; they dug a well in the yard
adjoining their quarters, and behold! they found sweet water, whereas in
every other place where wells had been sunk in Mexico, nothing but salt
water was to be found. The hand of Providence was certainly often
stretched out to our aid; yet I must observe, in behalf of truth, that
there was another well in the town, which often, and, indeed, almost
always, contained fresh water.

For the rest, there were men who asserted that Alvarado merely made this
murderous attack upon the Mexicans from avaricious motives, to possess
himself of the splendid garments, the gold, and the jewels which they
wore at such festivals. This I do not believe, nor did I ever hear such
a thing mentioned at the time, although this and many other
circumstances were asserted by the bishop de las Casas, in which,
however, there is not a syllable of truth. For myself, I am convinced
that Alvarado merely struck this blow to terrify the Mexicans, and to
follow up the old saying, "He who attacks first gains the victory." The
consequences were certainly different to what he had expected, and bad
became worse.[86]

We have, however, obtained satisfactory proof that no guilt can be
imputed to Motecusuma respecting the hostilities which subsequently
burst out: on the contrary, he commanded the Mexicans not to attack
Alvarado, but they replied that they could no longer endure to see him
kept in confinement, and their countrymen murdered in the midst of
their festivities. They were determined to set him at liberty, and to
kill every teule who resisted them.

These and many other facts I learnt from credible persons who were
present with Alvarado all the time. I have now, however, to speak of the
terrible battles which we fought in this city.

[86] A formal inquiry was made into this circumstance, by order of
Charles the Fifth. The excellent Bartholomew de las Casas gave judgment,
and he pronounced the Mexicans entirely innocent of having had any
intention to massacre the troops under Alvarado, but that the latter had
massacred the Mexicans without any provocation, merely for the purpose
of striking terror among them. In pronouncing this judgment, however,
Las Casas may have been carried away by his excessive zeal for humanity
towards the Indians. Herrera (Historia de las Indias occidentales,
decade ii, b. x,) says: "The fact, however, is, that the Mexicans
intended to have murdered all the Spaniards on this occasion; for which
purpose they had concealed their arms in the buildings adjoining the
temple. This was told the Spaniards by the women, from whom they always
learnt the truth." (p. 336.)




CHAPTER CXXVI.

    _How the Mexicans made war upon us, and the battles we fought with
    them._


Cortes, on his march to Mexico, had often bragged to his officers of the
great authority and power he then possessed. They should see how the
inhabitants would come out from all parts to meet him, and receive him
with every splendour; that he was now complete master of Mexico, and
Motecusuma and his grandees would not dare to dispute his commands
henceforth, but would bring him gold in abundance.

But when Cortes found how the aspect of affairs had changed at Tezcuco,
that no one stirred a foot to give the splendid reception he had boasted
of, that none of the principal personages showed themselves, that even
the worst of provisions were brought him with great reluctance, and
found this ill feeling towards us show itself even more strongly in
Mexico, and that although he had returned with additional troops, the
inhabitants no longer furnished him with provisions, his pride turned
into moroseness and anger, so much so that when Motecusuma sent two of
his grandees to announce that he was desirous of paying Cortes a visit,
as he had something to communicate to him, he said, "He might go to the
devil! since he would not allow any weekly markets to be held, nor any
provisions to be sent us."

When our other chief officers, Leon, Oli, Avila, and Lugo heard this,
they said to him, "Moderate your anger, general, and remember what great
honours this monarch has heaped upon us, the kindnesses we have received
from him, and how amiable his disposition is: for, had he not existed,
the Mexicans would long ago have feasted on our bodies; nor ought you to
forget that he has sought your alliance by offering you his daughter in
marriage."

These words carried with them the idea of a reproach, and, consequently,
only served the more to embitter his feelings, and he burst out as
follows: "Why should I stand upon any further ceremony with this dog?
Did he not secretly connive with Narvaez, and now refuses us
provisions?"

"Our opinion is," returned the other officers, "that he does nothing
more than his present situation would prompt him to do, and that he acts
most prudently."

Cortes, however, relied upon the strength of his troops, and would not
allow his anger to be pacified in any way, but commissioned the two
Mexican grandees to tell their master that he must issue immediate
orders for the re-opening of the markets, otherwise he should find
himself obliged to take other steps. Both these Mexicans had understood
the reviling language used by Cortes against their monarch, and also how
our other officers had remonstrated with him on that account. They knew
these officers well; for they had by turns been captains of the guard
which was placed over their monarch's person, and knew they were greatly
attached to him. They therefore repaired, either in the bitterness of
their hearts, or because the attack upon us had already been determined
upon, and related to Motecusuma what they had heard; and scarcely a
quarter of an hour had elapsed before one of our men came running up
heavily wounded. He had been at Tlacupa, a town near Mexico, to fetch
thence some women belonging to Cortes' household, and the daughter of
Motecusuma, whom Cortes had given in charge of the king of Tlacupa, her
relative, when we marched against Narvaez. This man also related that he
had found the town of Tlacupa and the high road filled with warriors.
They took the women away and wounded him in two different places. If he
had not escaped out of their hands, they would have thrown him into a
canoe, and have sacrificed him to their gods. They had also destroyed
one of the bridges over the causeway.

When Cortes and some of us soldiers heard this, we began to look very
serious, for those among us who had been several times engaged with the
Indians knew, from experience, with what vast crowds they always entered
the field of battle, and, although our numbers had been greatly
augmented, and that there was little doubt but we should defend
ourselves courageously, yet we were well aware of our dangerous
position. We soldiers also knew that we should run great risk of losing
our lives either from hunger or from the advantages which the enemy
would have over us in such a strongly fortified city. Cortes, after
questioning the man who had come from Tlacupa, despatched Ordas with 400
men, mostly armed with crossbows and muskets, and a few horse, to see
what truth there was in his statement. He recommended him, however, to
avoid, if possible, all hostilities, and to settle the affair amicably.
Ordas had scarcely reached half-way down the causeway when he was met by
a vast body of Mexicans, who, with those posted on the tops of the
houses, attacked him so furiously that eight of his men were killed at
the first onset, and most of them wounded, Ordas himself in three
several places. He found it impossible to move on any further, and he
therefore gradually retreated to our quarters. On his retreat he lost
another excellent soldier named Lezcano, who had done wonders with his
broadsword.

If the body of warriors was vast which had fallen upon Ordas, that which
at the same instant attacked our quarters was by far more so; and so
vigorously did they assail us with lances, arrows, and stones, that, in
an instant, forty of our men were wounded, twelve of whom subsequently
died. The numbers who attacked us in front, from behind, and from the
tops of the houses, were so vast that Ordas was unable, for a length of
time, to cut his way through. Our cannon, muskets, crossbows, and
lances, did, certainly, great havoc among the enemy's ranks, who, in
fact, rushed in upon our weapons; yet they continued the combat with the
same fury, and closed their ranks more firmly, nor could we drive them
back a single inch. It was only after a good deal of hard fighting that
Diego and his men were able to regain our quarters, though with
twenty-three soldiers less than when he had left it, and the rest all
wounded: add to which, the enemy's numbers were every moment increasing;
nor did they spare abusive language, calling us old women, ragged
scoundrels, and such like beautiful names. But the loss we sustained at
present was nothing to what we subsequently suffered. They even carried
their audacity so far as to throw fire into our quarters, while one body
attacked us in front and another from behind, so that we should soon
have been suffocated by the flames and smoke if we had not succeeded in
putting out the fire by throwing quantities of earth on it, and by
pulling down the apartments from which the fire was spreading.

The combat continued the whole day until late at night, during which
time they continued to throw such quantities of stones and lances into
our quarters, that the place was literally covered with them. In the
meantime we had to dress our wounds, to repair the damage done to our
buildings, and get some rest till the next morning. As soon as day began
to dawn, Cortes determined to sally out with the whole of his troops,
including those of Narvaez and the cannon, either to beat the enemy out
of the field altogether, or at least to give them a greater proof of our
power than we had been able to do on the previous day. The Mexicans, it
seemed, had also determined to do their utmost, and they not only
fought with uncommon bravery but came in overwhelming numbers, so that
every instant they poured in fresh men to the attack. Indeed ten
thousand Trojan Hectors, and as many Rolands, would in vain have tried
to break through the enemy's ranks! At this moment even, that battle is
fresh in my memory; but no words can describe the unyielding
stubbornness of the foe. All the volleys from our heavy guns and muskets
were to no purpose; it was in vain we rushed forward upon them, and
killed from thirty to forty of their numbers at a time; their ranks
still remained firmly closed, while their courage seemed to increase
with every loss. Whenever we did drive them back into the streets to
some distance, they had merely retreated in order that we should follow
them, and by so doing be drawn further away from our quarters, when they
hoped more easily to surround us, and so render our escape impossible.
And sure enough by these retrograde movements they invariably made the
greatest destruction among our ranks. Neither did it avail us anything
whenever we set fire to any of the houses; for, as I have above
mentioned, it was only possible to pass from one house to another by
means of wooden drawbridges. If the latter were drawn up we had to wade
through deep water to gain another house. But our men suffered most from
those of the enemy's troops who pelted them with stones and lances from
the housetops. Indeed I cannot imagine how I thus coolly relate all that
passed. Three or four of our men who had previously served in the
Italian wars, swore over and over again that they had never witnessed
such furious fighting, neither in the wars with the king of France, nor
even in those with the grand Turk himself. Indeed it was no easy matter
for us to retreat to our head-quarters, so desperately did they assail
us under the most horrible sound of drums, pipes and trumpets,
accompanied by the most obscene and abusive language. This day we lost
ten or twelve men, and none of us escaped without a wound. We passed the
night in deliberations and in preparing for another attack. We now
resolved that after the lapse of two days as many of us as were healthy
should sally out with two moving towers. These we had strongly put
together of wood, and were so constructed, that under each of them
twenty-five of our men could stand to move them along. These towers
contained loopholes, from which our heavy guns could be fired; besides
that there was space enough for a number of musketeers and crossbow-men.
At the side of these towers marched a strong body of musketeers and
crossbow-men, as also the whole of our horse, who were from time to time
to charge the enemy at full gallop. The construction of these towers
and the repairing of several small breaches which the enemy had made in
our quarters, occupied us the whole of the following day, so that we
could not sally out till the next.

The enemy, however, continued their attacks upon our quarters, not
merely from ten or twelve, but from twenty different points at once; so
that what with the constructing of the towers, repairing the breaches,
and beating off our assailants who had fixed ladders to our quarters, we
had enough to do. The whole of us, they cried out, were to be sacrificed
to their gods, our hearts were to be torn from our bodies, the blood was
to be drawn from our veins, and our arms and legs were to be eaten up at
their festivals. The remaining parts of our bodies would be thrown to
the tigers, lions and serpents, which they kept in cages; these had not
been fed for these two days, in order that they might devour our flesh
the more greedily. Our gold and other things would be their booty, and
they told the Tlascallans they should be locked up in cages where they
fattened people for their sacrifices. Only deliver us up our monarch
Motecusuma,--added they with great vehemence; while their noise and
their attacks continued through the whole night.

As soon as day had fully broken forth, we commended ourselves to the
Almighty, and sallied out with our war-towers. This time again we killed
a great number of the enemy; but with all our fighting we could not
force them to yield ground, and if they had fought courageously the two
previous days, they stood the more firm this time, and fought
desperately. We however determined, if it were even to cost us all our
lives, to push forward to the great temple of Huitzilopochtli. I will
not detail the severe struggle we had against one house in particular,
which was very strongly fortified, nor the critical position our horse
were placed in. For whenever our cavalry galloped in upon the enemy's
ranks, our horses were assailed by so many arrows, stones and lances,
that they were immediately covered with wounds; while their riders,
however courageously they fought, could make but little impression upon
the foe. If they pushed further on, the Mexicans either jumped into the
canals or into the lake, where the cavalry could not follow them, and
where a whole forest of lances stared them in the face: equally
fruitless were all our attempts to set fire to their houses, or pull
them down, as they stood, in the midst of the water, and were connected
to each other by drawbridges only. If at times we did succeed in firing
a house, it took a whole day in burning down, nor did the fire spread,
from the buildings being at too great distance from each other, and
their being surrounded by water, so that all our efforts that way
completely failed. At last we succeeded in fighting our way up to the
foot of the great temple, but at that instant a body of above four
thousand of the enemy rushed up the steps for its defence; besides that,
other troops were already stationed on the top of this building, armed
with long lances, stones and arrows. For a length of time the guns of
our towers and the attacks of our cavalry could make no impression on
the enemy, while our horses were scarcely able to step firmly on the
smooth pavement of the court yards, but every moment slipped out and
fell down. Though our cannon mowed down ten or fifteen of the enemy at a
time, and a great many others were cut down by our sabres, yet their
numbers were so vast that we could not beat them back, we therefore now
determined to quit our towers, which were almost broken into pieces; and
leaving them at the foot of the temple, we began fighting our way up the
steps of the building.

Here Cortes displayed astonishing courage, though this, I may say, was
never wanting in him. What a bloody and terrific conflict was this! The
reader should have seen how we were covered with blood and wounds! Above
forty of our men lay dead at our feet; but at last, with the aid of
Providence, we succeeded in reaching the point where we had erected the
image of the holy Virgin. It was, however, no longer there; for
Motecusuma, as we subsequently learnt, had either, out of veneration or
fear, taken it away, and put it carefully by. We now set fire to the
Mexican idols, and part of the chapel was on this occasion burnt down,
with Huitzilopochtli and Tetzcatlipuca. While we were occupied with this
work, the battle on the platform continued without intermission; for
here stood a number of priests, and more than three or four thousand of
the principal Mexicans, who fell upon us with great fury, and even beat
us back again down the steps of the temple. Nor was it these alone who
here set upon us; but numbers of warriors also annoyed us from the
landings and battlements of this building, so that we scarcely knew
which way to turn our arms.

We had now made every possible exertion, and undergone the greatest
perils. Our towers were smashed to pieces, the whole of us were covered
with wounds, and forty-six of our men had been killed. We therefore
determined to retreat to our quarters in the best way we could. But our
position for the moment was not bettered by this step; for the Mexicans
now fell upon us in terrific crowds both in our rear and in our flanks:
it is impossible to imagine the sight unless one had seen it. Neither
have I at all mentioned the numbers who attacked our quarters after we
had sallied out, and the difficulty our men had who were left behind to
prevent the enemy from setting fire to them. In this battle we took two
chief papas prisoners, whom Cortes ordered to be kept in close custody.

I have seen many pictures among the Mexicans and Tlascallans which
represented our storming this great temple. In their eye it was
considered a piece of astonishing heroism. In these pictures they had
not omitted to depict our killed, and how great numbers of us were
wounded, with the blood streaming from our bodies. And indeed it was no
trifling matter, after our towers had been destroyed, to storm this
great building, and set fire to the idols, considering that it was
defended so vigorously by large bodies of the enemy, both from the
platform and from the landings, and by those who were stationed in the
open space below.

The retreat to our quarters was no less perilous; and if the multitude
through which we had to cut our way was vast, that in front of our
quarters was no less so. We just arrived in time, for the enemy had
already made breaches in the walls, and a good many had forced their way
through them into the rooms. Our arrival certainly put a stop to their
dangerous progress, but they did not discontinue, during the rest of the
day and all night, to annoy us with their lances, stones, and arrows,
under the most terrible yells. Notwithstanding all this, we had during
the night to assist our wounded, to bury our dead, repair the breaches,
and take repose for the next day's battle. We also held a council of
war, to deliberate what mode of attack we should next adopt, that we
might not sustain so great a loss of men; but every plan that was
proposed seemed insufficient. To all our calamities was added the bad
disposition of Narvaez's soldiers, who cursed Cortes, and even the
governor of Cuba in every possible manner, who they said had torn them
away from the delightful repose and security which they enjoyed on their
respective farms, to be harassed to death in this country. These fellows
seemed altogether to have lost their senses, and they lent a deaf ear to
everything that was said to them.

After lengthened deliberations, we came to the determination of suing
the Mexicans for peace, and asking their permission to quit the city.
But daylight had scarcely broken forth when our quarters were again
attacked at all points by innumerable bodies of the enemy. Their
excessive fury in attack, their stubborn firmness, their desperate
thrusts and yells, were all more terrific than on the previous days;
while our cannon and other firearms seemed to make no impression on
them.

In this moment of danger Cortes determined that Motecusuma should
address the infuriated multitude from the top of the building, and
desire them to stay hostilities, as we had determined to leave the city.
When this offer was made known to Motecusuma in the name of Cortes, he
is said to have exclaimed, in the height of grief, "Why does Malinche
now turn to me?--to me, who am tired of life, and who could wish never
again to hear his name mentioned, for it is he who has plunged me into
all this misery!" Motecusuma obstinately refused to comply with Cortes'
request, and is said to have further exclaimed, "I will neither see nor
hear anything more of this man. I put no longer any faith in his
deceitful words, his promises, and his specious lies."

Upon this father Olmedo and Oli went and spoke to him in the most
affectionate terms, to persuade him to alter his determination. "Alas!"
replied the monarch, "for all this, it is now too late. I am convinced
that the Mexicans, whatever my wishes might be, will not grant any
cessation of arms. They have already raised another cazique to the
throne, and are fully determined that none of you shall leave this place
alive. For myself, I am convinced you will every one of you meet with
your death in this city."

In the end, however, Motecusuma was prevailed upon to accompany them.
Under cover of a strong division of our troops he advanced to the
battlements of our quarters, and began to address the Mexicans in the
most affectionate manner, desiring them to put a stop to their
hostilities, for the teules were going to leave the city. The instant
the Mexican generals recognized their king they ordered their men to
cease firing. Four of them advanced to a spot where they could easily
discourse with the monarch; and thus, with tears in their eyes, they
addressed him: "Alas! great king, your own misfortune, and that of your
children and your relatives, afflicts us sorely. But we dare not hide
from you that we have raised one of your cousins to the throne of this
country."

Here they named the new monarch. It was the king of Iztapalapan,
Cuitlahuatzin, and not Quauhtemoctzin, for he did not ascend the throne
until two months after. "They were forced," continued they, "to
prosecute the war, for they had promised their gods to do so, and had
sworn to them not to desist until every one of the teules was killed.
They had daily in vain prayed to their gods Huitzilopochtli and
Tetzcatlipuca to deliver him out of the enemy's power, and they would
hold him in greater veneration than before; and they hoped he would
pardon their present conduct."

Several of our men had covered Motecusuma with their shields while he
was addressing the enemy; but as the attack was now momentarily
suspended, they were not so very particular in shielding his person.
Unfortunately, the hostilities immediately again commenced, and before
it could be prevented he was struck by an arrow, and three stones from a
sling, by which he was wounded in the arm, leg, and in his head; so that
the unhappy monarch was forced to be carried back to his apartment. We
were immediately going to bandage up his wounds, and begged of him to
take something strengthening; but he refused everything, and, contrary
to all expectation, we soon heard that he had expired. Cortes, his
officers, and all of us, shed tears for this unfortunate monarch; indeed
many of our men, who had been in constant attendance on him, mourned for
him as if they had lost a parent. Even father Olmedo himself, who never
for a moment left his side, and who, notwithstanding all his efforts,
had not been able to convert him to Christianity, could not refrain from
shedding tears. And no one will feel surprised at this who knew what a
very kind-hearted person Motecusuma was.

He was said to have reigned seventeen years up to the day of his death.
Mexico never had a better monarch; and, with regard to his personal
courage, he had fought three several duels respecting some disputed
territory, and had each time come off victorious.




CHAPTER CXXVII.

    _Cortes determines to announce Motecusuma's death to the Mexican
    generals and chiefs who are at war with us._


After various deliberations on our present critical position, Cortes
determined that one of the distinguished Mexicans and one of the papas
whom we had taken prisoners should be despatched to the cazique of
Cuitlahuatzin, whom the Mexicans had raised to the throne, to announce
to him and his officers the death of Motecusuma, and explain to them the
manner in which it had taken place; they were to assure them that they
themselves had not only witnessed his death, but that his own subjects
were guilty of it, and that we were deeply distressed at the melancholy
circumstance. We also desired they would take charge of his body, to pay
it the last honours, and to place the crown on the head of that cousin
of Motecusuma who was staying with us, and who was entitled to it by
right of inheritance; or to elect one of his sons, as the prince they
had raised to the throne had no real claim to it. For the rest, we were
ready to make a treaty of peace with them, and quit Mexico; they should
not allow this opportunity of concluding peace with us to pass by, for,
up to the present moment, we had refrained from destroying the city
merely from our love and respect of the deceased monarch. If, however,
they compelled us to the combat, we would burn down all their houses and
cause no end of destruction. Upon this we handed over the corpse of
Motecusuma to six other Mexican chiefs and a large body of papas whom we
had taken prisoners. All these men had been present when the monarch
expired, and they informed Cuitlahuatzin faithfully of every
circumstance connected with it; how the Mexicans themselves had caused
his death by the shot of an arrow and three stones from a sling.

As soon as the Mexicans espied the dead body of their monarch, they
broke out into loud lamentations, and moaned bitterly; but still
continued the attack upon us, and that with increased fury. "Now," they
hollowed out, "we will make you pay dearly for the death of our monarch,
and the insult you have offered to our gods! Is it now you beg peace of
us? Only come out, and we will show you what terms we mean to make with
you!" Many such like insulting speeches they threw out against us, and
added, that they had now selected a monarch whose heart was placed in
the right spot, and whom we should not so easily deceive with our lies
as we had the good-natured Motecusuma. "Don't trouble yourselves,"
continued they, "about his burial, but think of your own graves, for, in
a couple of days, not a single one of you will be left alive!"

Under such like threats, and vehement yells, they attempted to fire our
quarters at various points. As it was very evident to us that we could
not hold out much longer, it was determined, in a council of war, that
we should abandon the metropolis, and continue the war outside on the
main land, where we could destroy the plantations.

In this our proposed retreat, the cavalry was to form the vanguard, and
at all stakes to break through the enemy's ranks, or drive them into the
lake, even if we were to sacrifice all our horses in the attempt.
Previous to taking this step, we determined on making such dreadful
havoc among the Mexican troops, that they might allow us to depart in
peace from the fear of still greater losses. This resolve was carried
out the day following with unshaken bravery. We mowed down great numbers
of the enemy, set fire to about twenty houses, and had fought our way
almost up to the main land; but though we suffered much, and purchased
this partial success with above twenty killed, it availed us nothing,
for we could not gain possession of any of the bridges, which, besides
being half burnt down, were defended by strong bodies of the enemy. Even
those places where the horse might have found a way through the water,
the enemy had now rendered impassable by sharp stakes which they had
driven in. Thus we were beset on all sides by perils of various natures.
In this last sally of our cavalry, which happened on a Thursday, there
were, besides Sandoval, Lares, Dominiguez, Leon, Morla, and other brave
cavalry officers, many of Narvaez's horse, who, however, showed the
utmost fear, as they had not yet experienced, as we old soldiers of
Cortes had, what it was to fight against Indians.




CHAPTER CXXVIII.

    _How we come to the determination of leaving Mexico secretly at
    night; and what further happened._


In this way our strength daily diminished, while that of the enemy
increased. Several of our men had been killed, and most of us were
wounded. Our courage was of no avail against such vast crowds, who kept
up a constant attack upon us both during day and night time. Our powder
was fast diminishing,[87] and provisions and water were beginning to
fail. Motecusuma was gone, and the peace we solicited was refused. All
the bridges on the causeways, along which we had to make good our
retreat, had been destroyed by the enemy; in short death was staring at
us on every hand. It was, therefore, at last determined, in a council of
war, that we should leave the city, and choose the night-time to effect
our purpose, when the enemy was generally less vigilant. To make more
sure, we resolved to despatch one of the chief papas we had taken with
many other prisoners, to the Mexicans on the evening preceding the night
we contemplated making our retreat, to request of them to allow us to
march quietly out of the city within the space of eight days, as we
intended to leave them all the gold we possessed.

On this our determination one of the soldiers named Botello had had
great influence. This man was an Italian by birth, and was remarkable
for his honesty and great intelligence. He had been at Rome, and many
believed he could conjure up the dead; some said he had a _spiritus
familiaris_, and many of us commonly called him the astrologer.

Botello had, four days previously, announced, that, by means of his
secret art, he had discovered that every one of us would be killed if we
did not leave Mexico on a certain night. He had likewise prophesied of
Cortes that great misfortunes awaited him; he would lose his property
and honour, but again rise to eminence and riches. Similar horoscopes
drawn by him were frequently mentioned by our men.

As we shall again have to mention this Botello, we must now see what
preparations were going on for our retreat; the first and most important
of which was, the construction of a moveable bridge, out of strong
beams, which was to serve in passing the canals where the former bridges
had been burnt down by the enemy. Four hundred Tlascallans, assisted by
150 of our men, were to take charge of this bridge; were to fix it in
the proper place each time it was required, then remove it again, and so
on, until the whole of us with our baggage and cannon had passed the
several openings. The transport of our heavy guns was intrusted to 250
Tlascallans and fifty of our men. Sandoval, Lugo, Ordas, and Tapia,
formed the vanguard; these were to clear the streets of the enemy, and
for that purpose were reinforced by eight or ten of Narvaez's officers,
whose names I will not mention, and 100 of our strongest and most nimble
young soldiers. Cortes himself was to take his station, supported by
Oli, Avila, Bernardino de Tapia, besides other officers and fifty
soldiers, between the baggage, our Indian female servants and the
prisoners, in order to render assistance wherever it was most required.
The rear-guard was to be commanded by Leon and Alvarado, consisting of
the main body of the cavalry, 100 foot, and the greater part of
Narvaez's troops. Dona Marina and Dona Luisa, with the prisoners, were
to be guarded by 300 Tlascallans and thirty Spaniards.

After these arrangements had been made, and night was fast approaching,
Cortes ordered his chamberlain Christobal de Guzman to see that all the
gold, silver, and other valuable matters were brought together in one
apartment. The royal treasurers, Alonso Avila and Gonzalo Mexia, were
then desired to deduct the emperor's portion, and load eight of our
wounded horses and eighty Tlascallans with it. The greater part of the
treasure consisted of broad bars of gold, with which the horses and men
were as heavily laden as possible.

Cortes then called his private secretary Pedro Hernandez, and the other
royal secretaries, and spoke to them as follows: "Put down in writing
and bear witness that I have done all which lay in my power to save this
treasure, which is valued at 700,000 pesos. You see it is impossible to
load any more of it on the Indian porters and the eight horses; I will,
therefore, allow the soldiers to take as much away with them as they can
conveniently carry, that this treasure may not fall into the hands of
these Mexican dogs."

As soon as Narvaez's men and many of our old soldiers heard this, they
stowed away as much as they could. For myself, whose failing had never
been to covet gold, I took four chalchihuis stones out of a small box,
and secreted them between my cuirass. Cortes soon after gave this box in
safe keeping to his steward, and I do think he would have demanded the
said four chalchihuis stones back again of me if I had not quickly
secreted them. This small treasure proved afterwards of the greatest
value to me towards the curing of my wounds, and in procuring myself
food.

All matters being now properly ordered, and the mode of our retreat
settled, we began to move forward. It was about the hour of midnight,
and rather dark, a thin mist hung over the town, and a gentle rain was
falling.

The moment we began to move forward in the above-mentioned order, the
rear-guard being already in motion, and our moveable bridge fixed, and
Sandoval, with his body of horse, and Cortes, with those under his
command, and many other soldiers, had passed across, the wild war music
and loud yells of the Mexicans suddenly burst forth. "Up, up,
Tlatelulco!" they cried; "out with your canoes! The teules are running
away: cut off their retreat over the bridges!"

And before we had time to look about us, we were attacked by vast bodies
of the enemy, and the whole lake was instantly covered with canoes, so
that we were unable to move on any further, although many of our men had
already passed the moveable bridge. Now the most obstinate conflict
ensued for the possession of this, and, as misfortunes never come
singly, it happened that two of our horses should slide out on the wet
planks, become unmanageable, and roll over into the lake. This caused
the bridge itself to overbalance and fall down. A number of Mexicans
that instant fell furiously on us, and, though we exerted ourselves to
the utmost, and cut down numbers of the enemy, we were unable to recover
the bridge. As, however, those behind, kept continually pushing on those
in front, the opening in the canal was speedily filled up with dead
horses and their riders, who were inevitably lost if they were unable to
swim. The unmerciful enemy now attacked us from all sides. A number of
Tlascallans and our Indian female servants were carried off, with the
baggage and cannon; numbers of our men were drowned, and no less a
number, who were trying to save themselves by swimming, were taken
prisoners by those in the canoes. It was heart-rending to behold this
scene of misery, and to hear the moans and pitiful cries for assistance.
"Help! help! I am drowning," cried one here: "help me, they are killing
me!" cried another there. Here one called upon the name of the Virgin
Mary for assistance; and there another upon Santiago de Compostella!
Here another, who had managed to get to the water's edge, implored us to
lift him out; yonder, again, was another clambering over the dead
bodies. Many, when they had reached the high road, imagined themselves
safe, but here they only met with denser crowds of the foe. Does any
believe that there was a man amongst us who still observed the order of
retreat as it was first regulated? That man would, indeed, have been a
fool who had thought of anything else but of his own safety! Cortes,
with the officers and soldiers who were with him, acted similarly, and
dashed away, unmindful of the men, at full gallop, over the bridge, and
strove to gain the main land: besides which, it must be acknowledged
that our cavalry was quite useless here. Exposed on every side to the
enemy's arrows and lances, pelted with stones from the housetops, they
had also to encounter a forest of our own swords, which the enemy had
captured and fixed to their long lances, so that it was a wonder each
time a horse with its rider escaped. Neither could we defend ourselves
in the water, as the wet had rendered our muskets and crossbows totally
useless, while the darkness of the night made every movement uncertain.
All our attempts to keep together were fruitless. What did it avail us
if, at times, thirty or forty of us managed to make a stand, and boldly
faced about? By this means we certainly advanced forward a little, yet
none of us would have escaped alive, if, in the end, every one had not
strove to save his own life. Thus sadly did we fare in that night, and
had it been day we should have fared much worse. Indeed, if the Almighty
had not lent us extraordinary powers, every man of us would have been
killed! It was really terrific to see the immense crowds which fell upon
us from all sides, and the number of canoes which were merely waiting
for the moment to carry off the prisoners, all of whom were destined to
be sacrificed to their gods! It was a fearful sight indeed!

I shall never forget how at one time about fifty of us had got together,
and the Mexicans, while they fell upon us, constantly cried out, "O, O,
Luilones!" meaning thereby, You wish to live, do you, you varlets? It
was only by dint of heavy blows and hard fighting we were able to cut
our way through.

At last, as we were approaching the main land near Tlacupa, where the
vanguard, under Sandoval, with a large body of the cavalry and of our
foot had arrived, we recognized the voices of Oli, Morla, and Sandoval,
who were thus addressing Cortes: "Only consider for a moment, general,
we are here indeed on safe ground, but there are still such numbers of
our men in the streets behind the bridges, who will be inevitably lost
unless we hurry back to their assistance. Up to this moment but few have
been able to cut their way through, and these are all covered with
wounds."

To which Cortes gave the sorrowful answer, "That it was a real wonder
every time one of us escaped; if, however, they turned back to the
bridges, they would certainly be lost with horses and all."

Nevertheless Cortes, Oli, Avila, Sandoval, Morla, and Dominiguez, turned
back and took with them six or seven of the cavalry and a few of the
foot who had escaped without a wound. They had not advanced far before
they came up with Alvarado. He had lost his brown mare and was coming on
limping with one foot, heavily wounded, with lance in hand, having only
seven of his Spanish soldiers and eight Tlascallans left, all dripping
with blood.

Cortes and those who had accompanied him now returned, and we took up a
position close to Tlacupa. But even here the Mexicans had by this time
arrived, and were stirring up the inhabitants of this town, of
Escapuzalco, and of Tenayuacan against us.

Here again the Mexicans, who had fastened on our swords to their long
pikes, set hard upon us, and we had enough to do to maintain our ground.

When Cortes came up with Alvarado and his few followers, and learnt the
fate of those left behind, tears flowed from his eyes; for Alvarado and
Leon had had above twenty horse and more than one hundred foot with them
in the rear-guard. All these, with nearly the whole of the cavalry, and
above one hundred and fifty other men of the old and new troops, had
perished with Leon. Alvarado related, that after he and his men had all
lost their horses, he managed to get together about eighty men, and with
these he succeeded in passing over the first opening by clambering over
the baggage, dead men and horses. Although I am not sure whether he said
that he passed the opening by stepping over the dead bodies, I know that
at this bridge more than 200 men, with Leon at their head, were cut to
pieces by the enemy, notwithstanding all their courageous fighting. At
the second bridge again, it was merely through God's mercy that Alvarado
had saved himself, as all the canals and streets were crowded by the
enemy.

It was also at this bridge of sorrows that the well-known leap of
Alvarado was said to have taken place. At that time, indeed, none of us
took notice whether he leaped well or not; for every one had enough to
do to escape from the hands of the merciless enemy. I am, however,
inclined to believe that this leap was nothing more than what Alvarado
told Cortes himself, how he had made his bridge over the canal by
clambering over the baggage, dead bodies, and drowned horses; for the
water was too deep in that place for him to have swung across the
opening by means of his lance, and the width of the canal too great,
however nimble Alvarado may have been, for him to have leaped across. It
would have been an impossibility I am sure to have crossed it by means
of his lance or by leaping. I myself can speak from eyewitness; for the
following year when we marched against Mexico, and surrounded the town
on all sides, I often came in contact with the enemy at that bridge
which now bears the name of Alvarado's leap. At that time the Mexicans
had blocked up the passage with palisade and breastwork, and I very
frequently spoke with my fellow-soldiers about the circumstance, but
none of them ever thought such a leap possible. What people thought of
it at the time itself the reader will see from the following anecdote.

Among Garay's troops there was a certain Ocampo who came to Mexico: this
man possessed much wit and was always writing pasquils, or libelling
some one or other. Among other things he wrote a good deal of scandal
and falsehood respecting our officers, and accused Alvarado, that he had
left Leon with upwards of 200 men and the whole of our cavalry which
composed the rear-guard, in the lurch, and that in order to save his own
life he had taken the Alvarado's leap indeed, in accordance with the old
proverb: Leap and save your life![88]

As I have above mentioned, we had certainly reached Tlacupa, but had not
escaped all danger there, for here again great numbers of Mexicans, with
the troops of Tlacupa, Escapuzalco, Tenayuacan, and of the surrounding
districts, continually assailed us; but it was from the maise
plantations they did us most injury, and here we lost three more of our
men, who had been previously wounded. The best thing we could therefore
do was to quit this terrible neighbourhood as soon as possible. Some few
of the Tlascallans knew a bye-road to Tlascalla, and they safely
conducted us to a row of houses which stood on a rising ground, and here
we quartered ourselves in a temple, which had also the appearance of a
fortress. During the whole of this march the Mexicans continually
harassed our troops, and greatly annoyed us with their arrows, slings,
and lances. The reader must not be displeased if I am forced to depict
the same miserable scenes over again.

It was not until we had reached this temple that we were able to defend
ourselves successfully. Here we lighted several fires, and dressed our
wounds.

After the conquest of Mexico, we turned this building into a church,
and dedicated it to our dear lady _de los remedios_. This church in
course of time became very celebrated, and to this day numerous people
make pilgrimages to that place, particularly females, from Mexico.

We found, however, nothing to eat here, and it was grievous indeed to
see with what miserable rags we were obliged to dress our wounds, which
had become chilled by the cold, and this increased their severity. But
what grieved us most was the great loss of horses, and of so many of our
brave companions. Of our old troops there were missing Leon, Salcedo,
Morla, the brave lancer Lares, and several others. And yet I merely
mention these few; for if I wished to mention the names of all those
whom we had to mourn, I should not finish so easily. Most of Narvaez's
men met with their death at the bridges, from the weight of the gold
with which they had overburdened themselves. The Tlascallans, who had
charge of the crown treasures, shared a similar fate. The astrologer
Botello[89] found no protection in all his art, and perished with many
others. Even Motecusuma's sons,[90] and other princes we had taken
prisoners, met with their deaths in that dreadful night.[91]

Before coming to any determination as to what our next step should be,
we proceeded to consider our present condition. The whole of us were
wounded, and only twenty-three horses had escaped alive; our cannon were
all lost, and we had not a grain of powder left; there were but few
crossbows remaining, though these, with the arrows, might speedily be
replaced. Besides all this, the enemy were day and night at our heels,
and we no longer knew on what footing we stood with our friends of
Tlascalla. Nevertheless, we resolved to continue our march towards that
country, and we set out at midnight. Our guides, with the Tlascallans,
marched in advance; those who were more severely wounded, and obliged to
use the support of a stick, were placed in the centre; and those who
were not capable of moving at all were bound fast to the horses of those
who were unable to fight. All who could bear arms were stationed in the
flanks, and had some of the cavalry to support them; while the
rear-guard was composed of the remaining horse. The Tlascallans who were
wounded likewise marched in the centre, and those who were still capable
of defending themselves joined our ranks, that we might be ready to
receive an attack at any point, as the Mexicans were still close at our
heels, yelling most hideously, and crying out from time to time, "Go on!
go on! not one of you will escape alive!" At that moment we did not
exactly understand what they meant, but soon after we discovered it, as
we shall presently see.

I must not, however, forget to mention how greatly rejoiced we were to
find that Dona Marina and Dona Luisa, who had left Mexico with the
vanguard, were quite safe; but the greater part of our other Indian
females, who had been presented to us by the Mexicans and Tlascallans,
had not been so fortunate; almost the whole of these perished at the
bridges.

On this day's march we arrived at a considerable township, named
Quauhtitlan, once the property of Alonso de Avila; there likewise we
were received with reviling language, stones, and arrows, all of which
we patiently endured. We fared no better in the numerous other small
villages we passed through, while the pursuing Mexicans were continually
increasing in numbers. They strove to lock us in on all sides, and sent
forth so many stones, arrows, and lances upon us, while we were passing
through a narrow defile, that two more of our men were killed who had
been dangerously wounded in the last conflict, and also one of our
horses; besides that, numbers of us were wounded. We certainly destroyed
some of the enemy in return, but the number was small.

This night we quartered ourselves in a few straggling houses, and supped
off the horse which had been killed.[92] The next morning early we
continued our route, and marched in closer order than on the day
previous, the half of our cavalry being always in advance. We had
marched to the distance of about four miles along an open plain, where
we considered ourselves in safety, when three of our horse came
galloping up to inform us that the fields were covered with Mexicans,
who were lying in wait for us. We were not a little dismayed at this
intelligence; however, our courage did not flag so far as to prevent us
from making immediate preparations for battle, and we determined to
defend ourselves to the last. We halted for a few moments, and Cortes
gave instructions for the cavalry to dash in a body full gallop upon the
enemy, to aim at the face, and break their line. Our infantry were to
direct their blows and thrusts at the enemy's lower quarters. In this
way it was said we should be certain to revenge our dead and wounded, if
it pleased the Almighty to spare our lives in the approaching battle.

We then commended ourselves to God and the holy Virgin, and boldly
rushed forth upon the enemy, under the cry of _Santiago! Santiago!_ Our
cavalry charged the enemy's line five abreast, and broke it, we rushing
in after them close at their heels. What a terrific battle and
remarkable victory was this! How we fought man to man! and those dogs
like the very furies themselves! and many of our men did they kill and
wound with their pikes and huge broad swords.[93]

The level ground, however, was uncommonly favorable for the manoeuvres
of our horse, which every now and then gallopped at full speed in upon
the enemy, and then retired, to watch another favorable opportunity.
Although both horse and rider were severely wounded, yet they continued
to fight most valiantly. It seemed as if we who formed the cavalry had
double our usual strength; for, though we were covered with wounds, and
each moment received fresh ones, yet we never gave them thought, but
kept dashing in upon the foe without intermission. Cortes, Oli, Alvarado
(who had borrowed a horse from one of Narvaez's men), and Sandoval,
though all covered with wounds, were always present where the danger was
greatest. Neither did Cortes omit to cheer us on by the most animating
words, and to bring under our notice what a fine booty we should make of
the enemy's rich apparel and ornamental weapons. But it was above all
glorious to hear the brave and spirited Sandoval cry out, "On, my
fellow-soldiers? this day the victory must be ours! Our trust is in God!
We shall not lose our lives here, for God has destined us for better
things!"

In this way we continued fighting courageously, for God and the blessed
Virgin strengthened us, and St. Santiago de Compostella certainly came
to our assistance; and one of Quauhtemoctzin's chief officers, who was
present at the battle, beheld him with his own eyes, as he afterwards
affirmed. At this moment it pleased the Almighty that Cortes' attention
should be drawn to that part of the enemy's troops where the Mexican
general-in-chief was stationed with the flying standard, clothed in the
richest armour, shining with gold, and a penache of large white feathers
on his head. As soon as Cortes espied him among his glittering retinue,
he cried out to Alvarado, Sandoval, Oli, Avila, and many other officers,
"Follow me, my brave companions; these are the men we must attack!" The
words were scarcely out of his mouth, when they commended themselves to
God, and gallopped among the enemy; Cortes poised his lance, and made a
rush at the Mexican commander-in-chief, who dropped the standard; our
other officers at the same moment cutting down the other chiefs, by whom
he was immediately surrounded.[94]

The Mexican generalissimo was about to snatch up the standard again and
flee; but Juan de Salamanca, a native of Ontiveras, gallopped after him
on his splendid horse, and brought him to the ground, wrested the
standard from his hand, and the rich bunch of feathers from his head,
and presented both to Cortes, who had made the first run at the chief.
Salamanca was subsequently rewarded for this piece of heroism; for a few
years afterwards the emperor allowed him to assume a bunch of feathers
in his coat of arms, which his descendants bear to this day.

After the Mexican chief had fallen and the royal standard was lost, and
numbers of the enemy killed, they began to give way, and then fled. Our
cavalry, however, kept close at their heels, and punished them severely.
Now, indeed, we no longer felt our wounds, nor hunger, nor thirst, and
it appeared to us all as if we were beginning the attack with renewed
vigour! Our friends of Tlascalla had likewise changed into real lions,
and hacked in furiously among the enemy with, the broad swords they had
captured.

After our cavalry had returned from the pursuit, we offered up thanks
unto the Almighty for this victory, and our escape from the hands of so
numerous an enemy; for the Spaniards had never before in India
encountered so vast an army as on this occasion. It was composed of the
flower of the joint armies of Mexico, Tezcuco, and of Xaltocan; while
every Indian had entered the battle with the determination that not a
soul of us should escape alive. It was also evident, from the richness
of their arms and apparel, that a greater portion were officers and men
of distinction.

Near to the place where this terrible and bloody battle was fought lay
the township of Otumpan, by which name this battle will be known through
all times to come. The Mexicans and Tlascallans have given a faithful
representation of it in their numerous paintings of the battles we
fought up to the conquest of Mexico.

For memory's sake, I must here note down that we marched into Mexico on
the 24th of June, 1520, to Alvarado's assistance, with an army of nearly
1400 men, among which there were seventy-nine horse, eighty
crossbow-men, and a like number of musketeers, with above 2000
Tlascallan troops, and a fine park of artillery. On the 10th[95] of July
following we commenced our retreat, and on the 14th we fought the battle
of Otumpan.

I must now likewise recount the loss we sustained in that time. In five
days, including the battle of Otumpan, we lost in killed, and those who
were taken prisoners, above 870 of our troops, and above 1200
Tlascallans; to which must be added 72 men and five Spanish females, all
of Narvaez's division, whom the Mexicans put to death in Tustepec. About
the same time the Mexicans likewise murdered old Juan de Alcantara, and
three others, who were on their road from Vera Cruz to Mexico to receive
their share of the gold. Thus these persons not only lost their gold,
but their lives also. Indeed, if it be well considered, it will be found
that none of us derived any blessings from the gold the Indians gave us.
The reason why Narvaez's troops suffered more at the bridges than those
of Cortes', was from their having overloaded themselves with gold, the
weight of which prevented them from swimming, and otherwise encumbered
their movements.

After this splendid victory, we dined off some gourds which grew in the
fields, and joyfully continued our march to Tlascalla. We carefully
avoided passing through any villages, as our enemies still continued at
a distance to fly their arrows at us, and to pour out abusive language.
It was not until the approach of evening that we resolved to enter a
Mexican township, because it contained a temple and a large building, in
which we could fortify ourselves. Here we quartered our troops for the
night, dressed our wounds, and enjoyed a little repose. The Mexicans had
certainly followed us, but without venturing too nigh, and it was
visible in their countenances what they would say: "A good journey to
you, you will now quickly have passed our boundaries!" Soon after we had
left this place, the range of hills near Tlascalla came into view, and
we felt equal joy at beholding these as if our native country had been
there; yet we could not tell what the present feeling of that people
towards us might be, or whether they had remained faithful! And we were
also quite ignorant as to how matters stood at Vera Cruz, where the
enemy might also have cut the garrison to pieces.

Our whole strength now merely consisted in 440 men, twenty horses,
twelve crossbows, and seven muskets; besides that, we were all
excessively weak, and covered with wounds; our cannon, with our store of
powder lost; we were at present, therefore, doubly vigilant, and
returned fervent thanks to God for having so miraculously rescued us out
of the enemy's hand. Our troops, Cortes said, were now dwindled down
again to the same number of men with which we had first set sail from
Cuba, and entered the city of Mexico. We should therefore be
particularly cautious not to give the Tlascallans any reason of
complaint. This was especially intended for Narvaez's men, who were not
so accustomed to subordination as we were. For the rest, continued
Cortes, he hoped to God we should find the Tlascallans as faithful and
true to us as before. If, however, they should have turned against us,
we were not therefore to lose courage, but to trust in our strong arm,
which had the power to overcome any foe.

We now continued our march with every military precaution, and arrived
at a fountain on the <DW72> of a hill, near to which were standing the
walls and inclosures of ancient temples. These the Tlascallans said
formed the boundaries between their territory and the Mexican empire.
Here therefore we felt in greater safety, washed ourselves, and ate some
little food. After we had sufficiently rested from our fatigues, we
again marched forward, and arrived at a township called Gualiopar,[96]
situated in the Tlascallan territory, where the inhabitants allowed us
to quarter, and furnished us with food; but we were obliged to give them
small pieces of gold or chalchihuis in exchange. In this spot we
remained a whole day, to dress our wounds and those of our horses.

When the news of our arrival was received in the metropolis of
Tlascalla, Maxixcatzin, the old Xicotencatl, and Chichimeclatecl,
accompanied by the principal inhabitants of that town, and those of
Huexotzinco, immediately set out to welcome us. They gave us the most
hearty reception, and several of the chiefs wept aloud. "Alas! Malinche,
Malinche," cried they, "how deeply we take your misfortune to heart, and
lament the death of so many of your brothers, and of our countrymen, who
have perished with them! How oft have we not warned you not to trust to
the Mexicans, and told you they would certainly, one time or other, fall
suddenly upon you; but you would not believe us. However, what has
happened cannot be recalled; the only thing you must think of at present
is, to cure your wounds and strengthen yourselves with good food. Do,
therefore, just as if you were at home in your own country. Rest
yourselves a little and then proceed to our town, where we will find you
quarters. For the rest, Malinche, you may look upon it as no small piece
of heroism that you fought your way out of that strong city after the
bridges had been destroyed; and if we previously looked upon you as men
of extraordinary courage, we do so now in a much wider sense. We are
well aware that numbers of men and women of this country have to mourn
the loss of their sons, their husbands and their brothers, but let not
this be matter of too much grief to you. You have likewise great reason
to be thankful to your gods who have conducted you here in safety, and
who gave you power to gain the victory over that vast army, which we
were well aware had been lying four days in wait for you at Otumpan. It
was our intention to have come to your assistance with 30,000 men, but
we were unable to collect such a body of troops in sufficient time."

Cortes, with the whole of the officers and soldiers embraced these
excellent men in the most affectionate manner, and we made them a
present in gold and jewels, to which every man among us was glad to
contribute his mite. They were also extremely rejoiced to find that Dona
Marina and Dona Luisa had escaped the carnage; but their joy soon turned
into lamentations when they discovered what numbers of their countrymen
were missing; and Maxixcatzin evinced excessive grief at the loss of
Dona Elvira his daughter, and of Leon, to whom he had presented her.

We now, in company of all the caziques marched into the metropolis of
Tlascalla. Cortes was quartered in the house of Maxixcatzin, and
Alvarado in that of Xicotencatl. We dressed our wounds with great care,
and patiently awaited their cure; four of our men, however, soon after
died, and many others suffered for a length of time before they were
completely restored.

[87] The daily allowance of a soldier during this time was only fifty
grains of maise! (p. 347.)

[88] According to other accounts, it certainly appears that Alvarado
made this astonishing leap. (Monarchia In., iv, c. 71.) We find that
Alvarado was distinguished from his brother by the surname of _Alvarado
of the leap_. Humboldt, in his interesting work on New Spain, has
thought it worth his while to rescue the honour of this brave officer
with regard to this leap. Even to the present day there is a small
bridge near Bonavista, called Salto de Alvarado. (p. 352.)

[89] According to other accounts Cortes put great faith in the secret
art of this man. It was upon Botello's advice that he also attacked
Narvaez in the night time. He had likewise advised the retreat from
Mexico in the night time, although he knew, he said, that neither
himself, his brother, nor several others of his company would escape
alive. (p. 353.)

[90] During this retreat three of Motecusuma's sons lost their lives;
but there were two other sons of this monarch who survived the fall of
their house and became the founders of the distinguished grandee
families of Spain, the earls of Montezuma and Tula; one was called Cano
and the other Andrada Montezuma. (p. 353.)

[91] One circumstance Bernal Diaz has omitted to mention. After the
enemy had taken possession of the bridges there were one hundred
Spaniards, who, seeing no further chance of making good their retreat,
fortified themselves on a teocalli or temple. Here these brave men
maintained their position against the whole armed force of the town for
three days, but hunger at length compelled them to surrender, and the
whole of them were sacrificed to the idols. (p. 353.)

[92] The hunger which the Spaniards suffered during these days must have
been excessive; for Torquemada states it as a fact, that one of the
soldiers had cut out the liver from the body of another and devoured it;
for which Cortes was nearly going to hang the man. (p. 354.)

[93] Torquemada says, "That the Spaniards stood like a small island in
the midst of the ocean, against which the rolling billows beat on every
side." When Cortes decided the fate of the day by his courageous attack
upon the Mexican commander, the battle had lasted five hours. (p. 354.)

[94] The Mexican general's name was Cihuacatzin; he was the
Matlaxopilli, commander-in-chief, and carried the imperial standard,
called Tlahuizmatlaxopilli, being a golden net ten palms in length. (p.
355.)

[95] Bernal Diaz errs here with respect to dates, for the disastrous
retreat from Mexico, according to Cortes' despatches and other accounts,
took place on the 1st of July, and thus la noche triste (the night of
sorrows) was on the night between the 1st and 2d of July, and the battle
of Otumpan took place on the 7th. There must either have been some
mistake in the original manuscript or in the printing, for the years are
also dated erroneously. (p. 356.)

[96] This is certainly a corrupted name, for it is dissimilar in sound
to all others, and terminates differently. (p. 358.)




CHAPTER CXXIX.

    _How we quartered ourselves in the metropolis of Tlascalla, and what
    we did there._


I have already mentioned that we rested a day at Gualiopar, where we
were visited by the caziques of Tlascalla, who kindly offered us every
assistance, which was the more praiseworthy in them when we take the
time and circumstances into consideration.[97]

As soon as we had arrived in the Tlascallan metropolis, Cortes made
inquiries respecting the 40,000 pesos worth of gold which he had
forwarded to the latter place for the garrison of Vera Cruz; when
Maxixcatzin, Xicotencatl, and one of our soldiers who had remained behind
in Tlascalla on account of ill health, informed him that a certain Juan
de Alcantara, with two others of the garrison lying in Vera Cruz had
arrived there and taken all the gold with them, as they had produced a
written permission to that effect signed by Cortes, which he,
Maxixcatzin, had carefully saved. Upon being questioned as to the time
they had left with the gold, we found it must have been during the days
we had the severe engagements with the Mexicans. Subsequently we learnt
that Alcantara and his companions had been murdered and robbed of their
treasure on their road to Vera Cruz. Cortes was sorely grieved at this
loss, and was most anxious to know how matters stood in the latter
place. He therefore despatched three Tlascallans to that town with a
letter, in which he gave a full account of all that had transpired at
Mexico, but very wisely omitted to mention the number of men we had lost
there. He likewise admonished the garrison to observe the utmost
vigilance, and to keep Salvatierra and Narvaez close prisoners. They
were desired to send their sick to Tlascalla with all their store of
powder and crossbows. He at the same time wrote to Caballero, and
particularly cautioned him not to allow any vessel to depart for Cuba,
and to see that Narvaez did not escape. If he considered the two
vessels of Narvaez which lay in the harbour there unfit for use, he was
to run them on shore, and immediately send him the sailors and as many
arms as he could spare.

These three messengers made all haste and soon returned with an answer
from Vera Cruz, which gave us the good news that they had enjoyed the
profoundest peace there, but had been apprized of our misfortune at
Mexico by the fat cazique of Sempoalla. They also informed us that Juan
de Alcantara and his companions had been murdered on their return.

Pedro Caballero sent word that all Cortes' commands should be attended
to. One of the two vessels was still in good condition, but with the
other he would act as he had been ordered and send the men to us, though
he had not over-sufficient hands, as many of the sailors were sick and
several had died.

All the reinforcement we received, on this occasion, consisted in seven
men, of whom three were sailors. They arrived in Tlascalla under the
command of a certain Lencero, to whom the tavern belonged, known to this
day by the name of Venta de Lencero. Every one of these men were in bad
health; five of them were covered with sore swellings, and the two
others limped helplessly about with their bellies enormously swollen, so
that the succours brought by Lencero became quite a byword among us.

I must now, however, relate something of a more serious nature. The
reader cannot have forgotten the younger Xicotencatl, who commanded the
whole armed power of Tlascalla against us, and who had always shown his
hatred of us. This feeling was again aroused in him when the news of our
flight from Mexico, and of the number of troops we had lost arrived in
Tlascalla; and how we were marching towards the latter place to seek
protection and assistance. Xicotencatl now, therefore, assembled his
relations and friends, with all those whom he thought would enter into
his views, and proposed that they should select some favorable
opportunity, either in the day or night-time to fall upon us unawares
and destroy us all. "He would," he said, "form a friendly alliance with
the Mexican monarch, for which the present moment was particularly
favorable, as the Mexicans had just elected a new monarch in the person
of Cuitlahuatzin. We had," he continued, "left quantities of cotton
stuffs and gold behind us in Tlascalla, and had brought an additional
quantity with us, and they would all become wealthy personages by such a
booty."

When the elder Xicotencatl received information of this rebellious
movement, he grew excessively angry, and commanded his son to banish
all such thoughts from his mind. Such a step as that, he said, would be
altogether unjustifiable, and he might be sure, if Maxixcatzin and
Chichimeclatecl got intelligence of it, they would certainly order him
to be put to death, to which he himself would give his consent. Old
Xicotencatl, however, might say what he liked, his son remained firm to
his purpose, and set earnestly about to make the necessary preparations,
when Chichimeclatecl, who was at enmity with the younger Xicotencatl,
got secret information of his intentions, which he instantly
communicated to Maxixcatzin, and both determined to call a meeting of
the chief personages of the town, with the elder Xicotencatl and the
caziques of Huexotzinco, and commanded the younger Xicotencatl to appear
before them.

After all had been assembled, Maxixcatzin addressed the meeting as
follows: "I ask you, do you yourselves think, or have you ever heard
others say that such riches or so much prosperity was ever known for the
last hundred years in the land of Tlascalla as since the time these
teules have appeared among us? Were we ever so much respected by all our
neighbours? It is only since their arrival we possess abundance of gold
and cotton stuffs; it is since that time only we eat salt again, of
which we had been deprived for such a length of time. Wherever our
troops have shown themselves with these teules, they have been treated
with the utmost respect; and if many of our countrymen have lately
perished in Mexico, they certainly fared no worse than the teules
themselves. All of you must likewise bear in mind the ancient tradition
handed down to us by our forefathers, that, at some period or other, a
people would come from where the sun rises, to whom the dominion of
these countries was destined. How dare Xicotencatl, taking all this into
consideration, contemplate this horrible treachery, from which nothing
can flow but war and our destruction? Is this not a crime which ought
not to be pardoned? Is it not exactly in accordance with the evil
designs with which this man's head always runs full? Now that misfortune
has led these teules to us for protection, and that we may assist them
with our troops to renew the war with Mexico, are we to act
treacherously to these our friends?"

To these reproaches, in which his own blind father joined, the younger
Xicotencatl replied, that he persevered in his opinion that, under the
present circumstances, it would be most politic to form an alliance with
the Mexicans; and allowed himself many other impudent expressions, which
so enraged the old chiefs that Maxixcatzin, Chichimeclatecl, and the
elder Xicotencatl, notwithstanding his blindness, rose up from their
seats, then fell upon the young man, and pushed him down the steps of
the building, under the most abusive language. He would certainly have
been killed on the spot, if respect for his aged father had not withheld
them. In the meantime they imprisoned all those who had sided with him.
To punish Xicotencatl himself, this was not exactly the time, and Cortes
refused in any way to meddle in the matter. I have mentioned this
circumstance to convince the reader how loyal and honest the Tlascallans
were towards us, and how much we were indebted to them, particularly to
the elder Xicotencatl, who, it is even said, had given orders for his
son to be put to death, as soon as he had been informed of all his
intrigues and treacherous designs.[98]

We had now rested twenty-two days, and had patiently awaited the cure of
our wounds; and Cortes now determined upon making an incursion into the
neighbouring province of Tepeaca, where several of Narvaez's men and
some of ours had been killed on their march to Mexico. He accordingly
told our officers what his plan was; but when Narvaez's men heard of a
new campaign, they became quite low-spirited. The latter were not
accustomed to war, and had had a sufficient taste of it in our overthrow
at Mexico, the carnage at the bridges, and in the battle of Otumpan; and
were very clamorous in their requests to our general to return to their
commendaries and their gold mines in Cuba. They peremptorily refused to
obey him any longer, and declared they would take no further part in his
conquests; and Duero, who, from the very beginning, had been in secret
understanding with Cortes, protested most loudly against this
contemplated invasion of Tepeaca. They cursed the gold Cortes had given
them, which had all been lost again in their flight from Mexico, and
assured him they were glad enough to have escaped with their lives from
that terrific battle. They were unanimously determined to return to
Cuba, and said they were not desirous of suffering any further losses
than they already had in this expedition.

Cortes, however, did not so soon give up all hopes of persuading them to
join him in this campaign. He spoke to them in a very quiet and kind
manner, and made many very excellent remarks, but all to no purpose; and
when they found that Cortes persevered in his determination, they
desired one of the royal secretaries to draw up a formal protest, in
which they gave a circumstantial account of our present position, how we
were in want of horses, muskets, crossbows, and even cords for the
latter; in short, of everything necessary to carry on a war. They
further went on to say, that the whole of us were covered with wounds,
and that only 440 men remained of the united troops of Narvaez and
Cortes; the Mexicans occupied every pass and every mountain, and the
vessels would rot away with the worm if they lay any longer in the
harbour; and so on.

After they had presented this protest in form to our general, he
altogether objected to it, and we others of his old troops begged of him
most earnestly not to allow any of Narvaez's men to return to Cuba, as
it would every way prove injurious to the cause of God and the interest
of our emperor.

When they found that all the steps they had taken were fruitless, and
that we maintained they were imperatively called upon to remain, both
for the service of God and of our emperor, they at last consented to
stay, and declared their willingness to join us in the contemplated
campaign; but Cortes was obliged to promise that he would allow them to
depart for Cuba as soon as ever circumstances would permit. This,
however, did not put an end to their murmurs. We heard nothing but
complaints against Cortes and his conquests,--how dearly they had paid
for all this, left comfortable homes, and peace and security, to serve
in a country where they lived in constant danger of losing their lives.
They likewise considered it would be unpardonable in us to commence a
second war with the Mexicans, with whom we should never be able to cope
in the open field for any length of time, after what we had seen of
their vast power both in Mexico and at Otumpan. Cortes, they continued,
would not relinquish his purpose as long as his ambition to command was
satisfied, and we others merely stuck to him because we had nothing to
lose but our lives. Many similar reproaches did they throw out against
Cortes, who, under the present circumstances, thought it was best to
leave them unnoticed; and he was glad, a few months after, to send them
home, as will be related in the proper place.

Here again I am bound to notice a number of errors in Gomara's history;
in order, however, not to go too much into detail, I will confine myself
to the following remarks.

Respecting the above-mentioned protest against the projected campaign of
Tepeaca, Gomara does not exactly state with which party it originated,
whether from Cortes' old troops or those of Narvaez. Everything he
relates concerning this matter merely goes to raise Cortes to the skies
and to cast the rest of us in the shade. We, the true Conquistadores, on
reading his work, soon discovered that Gomara had been bribed by
presents to relate the circumstances in that way. Were we not the very
men who supported Cortes in all the battles, and in every other matter?
and yet Gomara has the impudence to consider this as nothing, and
affirms that we protested against the further conquest of New Spain.
Gomara likewise commits a terrible blunder when he makes Cortes say, in
answer to this protest, in order to inspire us with courage, that he
would recall Leon and Ordas, of whom one, he says, was engaged forming a
settlement with 300 men in Panuco, and that the other, with a like
detachment, had been sent for a similar purpose to the river
Guacasualco. Every word of this is false; for, when we marched to
Alvarado's assistance in Mexico, those projected settlements were
relinquished, as I have above mentioned, and both these officers went
along with us to Mexico. Leon even met with his death at one of the
bridges, as we saw, and Ordas was severely wounded in three several
places. What a great pity it is that Gomara does not write with equal
veracity as he does beauty!

I was likewise amazed to read what he says of the battle of Otumpan. He
boldly asserts that we should have been defeated if Cortes had not been
present, for he alone decided the fate of the day by his attack upon the
Mexican commander-in-chief, who carried the royal standard. I should
indeed be loth to do Cortes an injustice, and, as an excellent and brave
general, I have the highest esteem for him; but certainly we have, above
all, to thank the Almighty, who mercifully protected us in all the
dangers we encountered, and who put under Cortes' commands such
courageous officers and soldiers. The second praise is certainly due to
us, whose valiant arms overcame every obstacle. We it were who firmly
withstood the enemy's attack, who broke their line, and who punctually
obeyed the commands of our general and his officers. And yet Cortes is
said to have done all himself at the battle of Otumpan! Why does this
Gomara not mention as well the heroic deeds of the officers and soldiers
in that battle? But it is quite evident that all he relates in his book
is intended for the praise of Cortes only, otherwise he could not have
passed by all the rest of us in silence. He should have asked how often
the brave Christobal de Olea had saved Cortes' life, until he met with
his death in a similar attempt during the subsequent siege of Mexico?

I had nearly forgotten to mention the battle near Sochimilco, where Olea
again saved Cortes' life, but which had nearly cost him his own, for he
was severely wounded.

In order not to confound names, I must observe that we had among our
troops a Christobal de Olea and a Christobal de Oli.

Gomara is right when he says that Cortes made a run at the Mexican
commander-in-chief, which caused the latter to drop the standard from
his hands; but then it is also a fact that Juan Salamanca, of Ontiveras,
who became alcalde mayor of Guacasualco after the fall of Mexico,
killed that chief with a thrust of his lance, tore away the splendid
crest of plumes which adorned his head, and presented it to Cortes; for
which reason he was subsequently permitted to add a bunch of feathers to
his armorial bearings.

I do not mention these things to diminish Cortes' glory, for the praise
and merit of all the victories we gained, and of the battles we fought,
down to the total conquest of New Spain, are due to him, and he has
deserved those honours with which the Castillians were wont to crown
their generals after some splendid victories, and the triumphs which the
Romans decreed to Pompey, Julius Caesar, and the Scipios. Cortes, indeed,
has merited greater honours than all these Romans!

Gomara further relates that Cortes ordered the younger Xicotencatl to be
secretly executed in Tlascalla as punishment for his treacherous designs
against us; but this likewise is an untruth, for Cortes ordered him to
be hung in a village near Tezcuco, as will be seen hereafter.

In the same way Gomara sends so many thousands of Indians with us into
the field of battle, that there is neither sense nor meaning in what he
says; and he likewise gives a very exaggerated account of the numbers of
cities, towns, and villages, of which not one fifth part ever existed;
and if we sum up what he says of the population, we shall find there are
more millions than there are villages in Spain. Wherever he speaks of
80,000, we must really write down 1000. Everything certainly sounds very
fine in his work, because he never at any time relates all that
happened. When, therefore, the reader compares his account with mine, he
must not allow himself to be blinded by the ornaments of his beautiful
style, for mine is plain and rude, but truth supplies the place of art
and eloquence. How much it is to be regretted that Dr. Illescas and Paul
Jovio should have copied him so closely!

I must, however, return to my history on the campaign of Tepeaca.

[97] According to Torquemada, Cortes had left one of his officers, named
Juan Perez, with eighty Spaniards in Tlascalla, when he first marched to
Mexico. On learning from this officer that Maxixcatzin had offered to
march at the head of 100,000 men to his assistance, he grew excessively
angry with him, and reproached him in the severest terms for not having
accepted of the offer. (p. 359.)

[98] Torquemada throws more light on the reason of the younger
Xicotencatl's wishing to form an alliance with Mexico. The Mexicans
being aware that the Spaniards would derive great advantages by their
alliance with Tlascalla, sent an embassy of six distinguished personages
to draw this republic into an alliance with them. The matter was
formally discussed by the Tlascallan chiefs in council, and though the
Mexican ambassadors tried their utmost to persuade them into an
alliance, the majority decided against it.

At the head of the minority stood the younger Xicotencatl, and the
debate was carried on with such asperity that the young hero, who had
more penetration than the rest, was at length forcibly expelled the
meeting. (p. 362.)




CHAPTER CXXX.

    _How we marched into the province of Tepeaca, what we did there, and
    of other things which happened._


Cortes had desired the caziques of Tlascalla to furnish him with 5000
men to join him on his march into the province of Tepeaca, whose
inhabitants he was going to punish for the murder of several Spaniards.
It was the township of Tepeaca, Quauhquechola, and Tecalco, which lay
from twenty-four to twenty-eight miles from Tlascalla, against which
our arms were particularly bent. If our desire to be revenged upon them
was great, that of Maxixcatzin and the elder Xicotencatl was more so, as
the inhabitants of those places had done great damage to their
plantations; four thousand Tlascallan warriors, therefore, stood ready
equipped to join us. All the provinces, however, which we intended to
invade were quite prepared to receive us; for when the inhabitants there
learnt that we had met with a kind reception in Tlascalla after our
overthrow in Mexico, they did not doubt for an instant that, after we
had recruited our strength a little, we should invade their territories
in conjunction with the armed force of the former republic. Mexican
troops were therefore stationed everywhere on the confines, and Tepeaca
itself was strongly garrisoned. Maxixcatzin and the elder Xicotencatl
were well aware of this, and, consequently, not without their fears.
Notwithstanding all this, we commenced our march thither, but without
either cannon or matchlocks, for we had lost all these in our flight
from Mexico: though we had saved a few of the latter, we could make no
use of them as we had not a grain of powder left.

Our small army now consisted of seventeen horse, six crossbow-men, and
420 Spaniards, most of whom were only armed with swords and shields, and
4000 Tlascallans. We merely took a single day's provision with us, as
the provinces we were going to invade were very populous, and contained
quantities of maise, fowls, and musk swine. We observed our usual good
custom of sending out a few scouts in advance, and we quartered
ourselves for the first night about twelve miles from Tepeaca. The
inhabitants, upon the news of our approach, had everywhere fled away,
and carried off everything they could with them, so that we only found
six men and four women in a small settlement near Tepeaca. Cortes, who
always observed the strictest justice and order in all matters,
questioned these prisoners respecting the eighteen Spaniards who had
been murdered without any cause, and for what reason such vast numbers
of Mexican troops had arrived, and why the property of our friends the
Tlascallans had been destroyed?

He desired these prisoners whom he sent to Tepeaca to ask the
inhabitants there these same questions, and they were to signify to them
that they should send away the Mexicans who were there, and conclude a
treaty with us, otherwise we should look upon them as rebels, murderers,
and robbers, desolate their country with fire and sword, and carry off
all the inhabitants into slavery.

These prisoners fulfilled their commission faithfully, and returned with
two Mexicans. If we had sent a haughty message to our enemies, they
returned answer in a still haughtier tone. The two Mexicans came with
perfect confidence, as they well knew it was our custom to treat all
ambassadors with great courtesy, and even make them presents. In this
they had certainly not deceived themselves; and, still puffed up with
the recent victory, they spoke with terrible assurance. Cortes, after
they had done speaking, presented each with a mantle, and sent them back
with offers of peace, adding, at the same time, he was well aware they
could not return him his Spaniards alive; but if they would sue for
peace, he would pardon the past. With this message he likewise sent a
letter containing the same offers, though we very well knew they could
not read it, yet by this time they had learnt so much as to know it
contained some command, and Cortes desired the ambassadors to return
with an answer. This they speedily brought, and was to the following
effect: "We were to return to where we had come from; and if we refused
to do so immediately, they would fall upon us the next day, and procure
themselves a more abundant repast from the flesh of our bodies than they
had done at the bridges of Mexico and in the battle of Otumpan."

On receiving this declaration Cortes called a council of war, in which
the whole of these circumstances were taken down in writing by a royal
secretary, and it was further resolved that whichsoever of the allies of
the Mexicans had been found guilty of murdering Spaniards should be
turned into slaves, since, after swearing allegiance to his majesty,
they had rebelled, and caused us so great a loss of men and horses. This
determination was likewise made known to the enemy, and they were again
admonished to make peace with us; but we met with nothing but defiance
in return; and if we did not quit the province they would march against
us and put us all to death. Both sides thus made preparations for war,
and a severe battle ensued the day after; but as the level ground, which
consisted entirely of maise and maguey plantations, was particularly
favorable for our manoeuvres, the bravery of our enemies availed them
very little, and our few horse soon put them to the route. The rest of
us likewise fell vigorously upon them, and our friends of Tlascalla
behaved most valiantly, and pursued the enemy with great loss.
Considerable numbers of Tepeacans and Mexicans were killed, while on our
side we lost only three Tlascallans. Twelve Spaniards were slightly
wounded, and one of our horses so severely that it died soon after. The
consequence of this victory was, that numbers of women and children were
brought in prisoners to us,--for the men we turned over to the
Tlascallans, who made slaves of them all.

The Tepeacans, seeing that the Mexican garrison was no protection to
them, and that they would only become the victims of any further
opposition, without so much as consulting the Mexicans, now sent
messengers of peace to us, who were very kindly received by Cortes;
these Tepeacans then, for the second time, took the oath of allegiance
to our emperor, and sent off the Mexicans.

We now, therefore, entered Tepeaca, and founded a town there, to which
we gave the name of Villa de Segura de la Frontera, from its lying on
the road to Vera Cruz, in a populous district, very productive of maise,
and because it was covered by the close neighbourhood of Tlascalla.
Alcaldes and regidors were appointed, and a regular government
introduced.

We likewise visited all the districts where Spaniards had been murdered,
and we cast an iron mark, with the letter G, meaning _guerra_, (war,)
with which those were to be branded whom we turned into slaves. In this
way we severally visited the townships Quauhquechola, Tecalco, Las
Guayavas, and others whose names I have forgotten. In the former place
alone, fifteen Spaniards had been murdered in their quarters; we
therefore spared this township least of all, and turned a vast number of
its inhabitants into slaves.

About this time another king had been raised to the throne of Mexico, as
the former, who beat us out of the town, had died of the smallpox. The
new monarch was a nephew, or, at least, a very near relative of
Motecusuma, and was called Quauhtemoctzin. He was about twenty-five
years of age, and a very well-bred man for an Indian. He was likewise a
person of great courage, and soon made himself so greatly feared among
his people that they trembled in his presence. His wife was one of
Motecusuma's daughters, and passed for a great beauty among her
countrywomen.

When this new king received intelligence of the overthrow of his troops
at Tepeaca, and of the consequent submission of that province to the
emperor Charles the Fifth, he began to fear for his other provinces. He
therefore despatched messengers to every township, commanding the
inhabitants to hold themselves ready for action; and in order that he
might make sure of their obedience to his commands, he sent one cazique
a present, and another he freed from paying tribute. His most able
generals were despatched with troops to protect the boundaries, and he
admonished them to behave better than they had done at Tepeaca.

That the reader may not confound the two names, I must take the
opportunity to acquaint him that there was a Cachula and Guacachula. I
must, however, defer for the present what I have to say about the
last-mentioned place, to relate the news we received from Vera
Cruz.[99]


[99] According to Torquemada, these two townships were called
Quauhquechulla and Quauhquechola. (p. 368.)




CHAPTER CXXXI.

    _How a vessel, which had been sent by Diego Velasquez from Cuba,
    arrived at Vera Cruz, commanded by the captain Pedro Barba, and the
    manner in which Caballero captured her._


We had scarcely punished these Tepeacans for the murder of our eighteen
companions, and restored peace to the country, when letters arrived from
Vera Cruz with the information that a vessel had run in there, commanded
by a good friend of Cortes named Pedro Barba, who had been sub-governor
of the Havannah under Velasquez. He had brought along with him thirteen
soldiers and two horses, besides letters for Pamfilo Narvaez, whom
Velasquez thought had by this time taken possession of New Spain in his
name. In these letters, Velasquez desired Narvaez, if Cortes were yet
alive, to transport him, with the whole of his principal officers, to
Cuba, whence he would send them to Spain, for such were the commands of
Don Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, bishop of Burgos, and archbishop of
Rosano, and president of the council of India.

As soon as Barba had entered the harbour and cast anchor, Caballero went
on board to pay his respects to him. The boat he went in was well manned
with sailors, and the arms they carried were carefully hidden from view.

After both parties had welcomed each other, Caballero inquired after the
health of the governor of Cuba, and Barba, on his side, asked after
Narvaez, and what had become of Cortes. Caballero gave him the most
favorable account of Narvaez, spoke about his power, wealth, and his
vast authority in these countries; as for Cortes, he had escaped with
twenty men, and was wandering about from place to place.

Upon this, Caballero proposed to Barba that he should disembark at the
next township, where he would meet with excellent quarters. This he
readily agreed to, and stepped into Caballero's boat, which, by this
time, had been joined by those of the other vessels, and so all went on
shore; but he had scarcely set foot on land when Caballero exclaimed,
"Sir, you are my prisoner, in the name of the captain-general Cortes!"
One can easily imagine the astonishment of Barba and his men; however,
they could do no better than patiently submit. The sails, compass, and
rudder were immediately taken out of the vessel, and were all sent to
Cortes' head-quarters at Tepeaca.

Our joy was excessive when these succours arrived, and certainly they
could not have come more opportunely, for we had not yet recovered from
our wounds, or regained our usual strength. Every one of us suffered
more or less from ill health, and as blood and dust had coagulated in
our entrails, we consequently emitted nothing else. Add to all this, we
were obliged to be under arms both night and day, and thus it may be
imagined our condition was truly pitiable; and five of our men had died
within the last fortnight of pleurisy.

There likewise arrived with Barba a certain Francisco Lopez, who settled
at Guatimala, and became regidor of that place.

Cortes received Pedro Barba with every mark of distinction, and
immediately gave him a company of crossbow-men. He likewise learnt from
him that there was another smaller vessel at Cuba, which was taking in a
cargo of provisions, and was also destined by the governor for New
Spain. This vessel actually arrived at Vera Cruz eight days after, and
was commanded by a cavalier, named Rodrigo Morejon. She had on board
eight soldiers, a mare, six crossbows, and other kinds of ammunition.
Morejon, with his vessel, was captured by Caballero in the same manner,
and sent to Segura de la Frontera. Our joy at the arrival of these new
guests was, if possible, greater than on the previous occasion. Cortes
received them most kindly, gave each an appointment, and we thanked God
most heartily for this reinforcement of men, arms, and horses.

We must now, however, return to the Mexican troops, which lay on the
confines of Quauhquechola.




CHAPTER CXXXII.

    _How the inhabitants of Quauhquechola called upon Cortes, and begged
    of him to drive out the Mexican troops from their town, as they were
    plundered and ill-used by them._


The new king of Mexico had thrown strong garrisons into all the
townships which lay on the boundaries, particularly into Quauhquechola
and Ozucar,[100] which lay about twelve miles from each other, as he was
sure we should enter his territories at those points. These garrisons
allowed themselves excessive liberties under their new master, and
committed so many atrocities against the inhabitants, that these were
determined to bear it no longer. They not only complained of being
robbed of their garments, their maise, their fowls, and their gold, but
that the Mexicans likewise forcibly carried off their daughters and
wives, if they were pretty, and violated them in the presence of their
parents and their husbands.

When the Quauhquechollans saw how peaceably and quiet the Cholullans
lived ever since they had been without a Mexican garrison, and that the
same happiness and security might be enjoyed in Tepeaca, Tecalco, and in
Quauhquechola, they secretly despatched four distinguished personages to
Cortes, begging of him to send them his teules, with their horses, to
rid them of their oppressors. They themselves, with the inhabitants of
the whole district, would assist us, and both together could easily
overcome the Mexican troops. Cortes, on this representation, resolved to
send thither, under Oli, a strong detachment, consisting of 300 men,
with the greater part of our cavalry and crossbow-men, besides a
numerous body of Tlascallans, who had greatly increased in numbers since
the rich booty they had made in Tepeaca.

Among the 300 of our own troops there were many of Narvaez's men who
became quite terrified when they understood they were going to march
against Indians; besides which, they had been informed that all the
fields and houses were filled with Mexican troops, and that their
numbers were even greater than at the battle of Otumpan, and that
Quauhtemoctzin commanded in person. They had, indeed, from the beginning
showed great unwillingness to join us in this new campaign, and all
their thoughts were bent upon their return to Cuba. Now again all their
late misfortunes, and the perils they had undergone, came forcibly to
their minds: the lamentable flight out of Mexico, the terrible struggle
at the bridges, and the battle of Otumpan. Such dangers, they said, they
would not run the risk of encountering again, and they most earnestly
begged of Oli to return to head-quarters, as this expedition could not
fail to end more seriously than all the foregoing, and every man of them
would perish. It was in vain that Oli expostulated with them, and told
them they were bound to march forward, and were in every way a match for
the Mexicans; that a retreat would inspire the enemy with fresh courage,
and that the level country was remarkably favorable for the manoeuvres
of the cavalry; they absolutely refused to advance another step. Cortes'
old soldiers, however, were determined to march forward, saying they had
braved greater dangers than this; that a merciful Providence had
everywhere protected them, and brought them forth victorious. But all
these arguments were fruitless, and at last they succeeded in persuading
Oli, by their prayers and lamentations, to turn back; and he took the
road to Cholulla, from whence he wrote Cortes word of the state of
things.

When the latter received this information he was greatly vexed, and he
immediately despatched two crossbow-men with a letter to Oli, in which
he expressed great surprise at his indetermination and weakness of mind;
as on former occasions no arguments had ever been able to dissuade him
from fulfilling the commands he had once received.

When Oli had read this letter he became furious with chagrin, and
bitterly reproached those who had advised the retreat, and thereby
induced him to disobey his general's commands. He immediately issued
orders for every one to join his standard, and those who refused should
be sent back to our head-quarters, there to be punished by Cortes as
cowards and deserters.

The vexation which this matter occasioned Oli had converted him into a
very lion, and in this mood he marched his men onwards to Quauhquechola.
He had scarcely arrived to within four miles of this place, when he was
met by the caziques, who pointed out to him the best mode of attacking
the Mexicans, and assured him he would be assisted by the inhabitants.
They had hardly done speaking, when the Mexicans, who had received
intelligence of Oli's approach, marched boldly against him. The battle
now soon commenced, and the Mexicans certainly fought courageously for a
considerable time, wounded several Spaniards, killed two horses, and
wounded eight others from out a species of fortification which they had
constructed here; but after an hour's fighting they were completely
beaten out of the field. The Tlascallans behaved with uncommon bravery,
and killed many of the enemy, besides taking a great number of
prisoners; and as they were joined by the inhabitants of the surrounding
country, the carnage among the Mexican troops was very great. The latter
now retreated, and fortified themselves in a township named Ozucar,[101]
which had been garrisoned by another body of Mexicans. This place was
even rendered strong by nature, and the enemy had burnt down a bridge,
to prevent our cavalry from entering the town. But, as I have before
stated, vexation had turned Oli into a very lion, and he was determined
that nothing should obstruct his progress. He therefore marched, with
all those who would follow him, immediately upon Ozucar, passed the
river with his new allies of Quauhquechola, and fell so furiously upon
the Mexicans, that they soon gave way, and fled in disorder. Here again
two horses were killed, Oli himself wounded in two places, and his horse
very severely.

He remained two days at Ozucar, during which time the caziques of the
whole surrounding country came to sue for peace, and declared
themselves vassals of our emperor. After he had thus restored
tranquillity to the whole country he returned to Villa Segura.

I myself was not present at this battle, and I therefore merely relate
what I learnt from others respecting it. Cortes and the whole of us
marched out to meet the returning conquerors, and the rejoicings, as may
be imagined, were very great on this occasion. The retreat to Cholulla
was now turned into matter of ridicule. Oli himself could not help
laughing at it, and observed, that many of his troops thought more of
their mines in Cuba than of their arms, and he swore that he would never
again command any of those rich followers of Narvaez on such occasions,
but only take with him a few of the poor soldiers of Cortes.

On this occasion Gomara relates, that Oli turned back in consequence of
a mistake between the interpreters, and had feared there was some
treachery on hand. This, however, is incorrect; for his return to
Cholulla was entirely owing to the fear and anxiety of Narvaez's men,
whom the Indians had crammed with all manner of fearful tales.

Gomara likewise says, that Cortes commanded in person on this occasion,
but this is an untruth, for it was Oli. It is equally erroneous when he
says that it were the Huexotzincans who had alarmed Narvaez's men with
the exaggerated account respecting the Mexicans, when the former passed
through their town. This is a shocking blunder, for it would be equally
absurd for any one who wished to go from Tepeaca to Quauhquechola, to
turn back to Huexotzinco, as it would be in going from Medina del Campo
to Salamanca, to take the road over Valladolid. In the meantime other
news had arrived from Vera Cruz, which will be found in the following
chapter.

[100] Most probably Iztucan. (p. 370.)

[101] Cortes, in his despatches, calls this place Izzucan; the same, no
doubt, as Iztucan. (p. 372.)




CHAPTER CXXXIII.

    _How one of the vessels which Francisco de Garay had fitted out for
    the object of forming settlements on the river Panuco, put in at
    Vera Cruz, and what further happened._


While we were lying at Villa Segura, Cortes was informed by letter that
one of the vessels which Garay had fitted out for the object of forming
settlements on the river Panuco had arrived at Vera Cruz. This vessel
was commanded by a certain Comargo, and had on board above sixty
soldiers, but who were all in very bad health, with their stomachs
largely swelled.

This Comargo related how unfortunately Garay's expedition to the river
Panuco had terminated. The Indians had massacred the commander-in-chief
Alvarez Pinedo, with the whole of his troops and horses, and then set
fire to his vessels. Comargo alone had been fortunate enough to escape
with his men on board one of the vessels, and had steered for Vera Cruz,
where they arrived half famished, for they had not been able to procure
any provisions from the enemy. This Comargo, it was said, had taken the
vows of the order of the Dominicans.

Comargo and his men, by degrees, all arrived at Villa Segura; which
indeed took a considerable time, for they were so weakened that they
could scarcely move along. When Cortes saw in what a terrible condition
they were, he recommended them to our care, and showed Comargo and all
his men every possible kindness. If I remember rightly, Comargo died
soon after, and also several of his men. We used to call them, jokingly,
_verdigris bellies_, from the immense size to which the latter were
swollen, and the death-like appearance of the men.

In order not to break the thread of my history too frequently, I will
take this opportunity of enumerating the different vessels of Garay's
expedition which arrived by degrees in Vera Cruz.

The first which came after Comargo was commanded by a native of Aragon,
named Miguel Diaz, whom Garay had sent with succours to Alvarez Pinedo,
who, he imagined, had run up the river Panuco. Diaz, however, meeting
nowhere with any traces of him, had soon got into a conflict with the
natives, by whom he was informed of the unfortunate termination of that
expedition; he then again hoisted sail and made for Vera Cruz, where he
disembarked his troops, consisting of upwards of fifty men and seven
horses, with which he immediately repaired to Cortes' head-quarters.
These were the most valuable succours we ever received, and certainly
they could not have come more opportunely.

This Miguel Diaz subsequently rendered our emperor the most signal
services in the conquest of New Spain. He was for some time engaged in a
lawsuit respecting the possession of half Mistitan, with a
brother-in-law of Cortes, named Andreas de Barrios, of Seville, whom he
commonly termed the dancer. This lawsuit terminated in his favour in
this way, that he was to receive the whole of the yearly rents of that
estate, amounting annually to above 2500 pesos; but he himself was
prohibited from setting foot in that district for the space of two
years, for having there, as well as in other townships belonging to him,
put several Indians to death.

A few days after this vessel another arrived in Vera Cruz, which Garay
had likewise despatched for the protection of his armament in the river
Panuco, where he thought all was going on prosperously. This vessel
brought above forty men, ten horses, and various kinds of ammunition,
and was commanded by an elderly man named Ramirez, whom we called the
elder to distinguish him from another Ramirez, who served in our troops.
In this way Garay lost one ship after another, and no one derived any
advantage from them excepting Cortes and ourselves. All these troops
arrived by degrees in Tepeaca, and respectively obtained some by-name or
other from our men. Those of Diaz, who were all stout, fat fellows; were
called the _stiff-backs_, and those of Ramirez, _pack-saddles_, because
they all wore heavy cotton cuirasses, which no arrow could pierce. The
officers, as the reader may imagine, received most distinguished
treatment from Cortes.

I have now, however, to speak of another expedition, of which Cortes
gave the command to Sandoval, and was directed against the tribes of
Xalatzinco and Zacatemi.




CHAPTER CXXXIV.

    _How Cortes despatches Sandoval with 200 men, among which were
    twenty horse and twelve crossbow-men, to punish the tribes of
    Xalatzinco and Zacatemi, for having put some Spaniards to death, and
    to demand restitution of the gold they had robbed us of; and also
    further to explore the country._


After we had received these reinforcements, first the twenty-five men
and three horses, which arrived in the two small vessels sent by Diego
Velasquez, and then the 120 men, with the seventeen horses which arrived
in Garay's vessels, we learnt that many of Narvaez's men on their
retreat from Mexico had been murdered in the townships of Zacatemi and
Xalatzinco; likewise that the inhabitants of these places had plundered
and killed Juan de Alcantara and his two companions who were returning
from Tlascalla with the gold above mentioned. Cortes, therefore, ordered
Sandoval, a remarkably bold and clever officer, to march against them
with 200 men, composed for the greater part of Cortes' old soldiers,
among which there were twenty horse and twelve crossbow-men, to which
was added a strong body of Tlascallans.

Sandoval, on his march thither, received intelligence that the
inhabitants were all under arms, and had put these towns in a good
state of defence; and were, moreover, assisted by a powerful body of
Mexicans. They well foresaw that we should equally chastise them for the
Spaniards they had murdered, as we had the Tepeacans, Quauhquechollans,
and Tecalcans.

Sandoval placed his troops in the most advantageous manner, and
explained to the cavalry how they were to break through the enemy's
line. But previous to entering on the enemy's territory he sent
messengers with offers of peace to them, and to demand the gold they had
stolen, with promises that he would pardon the murder of the Spaniards.
These messengers went several times to the enemy with these offers, but
each time returned with the same answer, namely, that they would serve
Sandoval and his soldiers in the same manner as they had those teules,
respecting whom he now came to make inquiries. Sandoval then sent them
word that he would treat them as traitors and highwaymen, and turn them
all into slaves; they might therefore prepare for a struggle for life or
death. He then fell upon them from two several points at the same time,
and though the Mexicans, as well as the inhabitants, defended themselves
with great bravery, he nevertheless soon put them to flight, and
captured numbers of the commoner people, whom, however, he set at
liberty again, for want of men to guard them. In one of the temples he
found a quantity of clothes, arms, and horse-trappings, among which were
two saddles; all of which the Indians had brought as offerings to their
idols.

In this place Sandoval stayed three days, during which time the caziques
of the country came to beg pardon of him, and to take the oath of
allegiance to his majesty; but he informed them they must return the
stolen gold before he could think of granting their request. To which
the caziques answered, that the Mexicans had taken away all the gold,
and presented it to their new king. Upon this Sandoval referred them to
Cortes himself, and he marched back to our head-quarters, with a great
number of women and young men, whom he had taken prisoners, and marked
with the iron.

Cortes was highly delighted at beholding these troops return in so good
a condition, though they had three horses killed and eight men heavily
wounded, among whom was Sandoval himself, who had been struck by an
arrow. For myself, I was not present in this expedition, for I was
suffering severely at the time from fever and spitting of blood; but
thank God I recovered, after frequent bleeding.

The caziques of Xalatzinco and Zacatemi, besides several other chiefs of
the neighbouring districts, now came to Cortes; they begged for peace,
took the oath of allegiance to our emperor, and furnished us with
provisions.

This expedition was attended by many beneficial results; for the whole
country was thereby tranquillized, while it spread a vast idea of
Cortes' justice and bravery throughout the whole of New Spain; so that
every one feared him, and particularly Quauhtemoctzin, the new king of
Mexico. Indeed Cortes' authority rose at once to so great a height, that
the inhabitants came from the most distant parts to lay their disputes
before him, particularly respecting the election of caziques, right of
tenure, and division of property and subjects. About this time thousands
of people were carried off by the smallpox, and among them numbers of
caziques; and Cortes, as though he had been lord of the whole country,
appointed the new caziques, but made a point of nominating those who had
the best claim.

Such a case happened with a near relative of Motecusuma, who was married
to the sovereign of Itztucan, by whom she had a son, who was
acknowledged as nephew to Motecusuma; the point in dispute being who the
heir was to that principality, this nephew, or some other grandee of the
country. Cortes decided in favour of Motecusuma's nephew, and they
adhered to his decision. Numerous similar disputes were brought for
Cortes' arbitration, even from the most distant districts.

About this time we also learnt that nine of our countrymen had been put
to death in the township Cocotlan, called by us Castel Blanco, being
about twenty-four miles from our head-quarters. Sandoval therefore was
ordered thither, with thirty horse, one hundred foot, eight
crossbow-men, five musketeers, and a strong body of Tlascallans, who
always proved themselves faithful friends and brave warriors. Here again
Sandoval sent five distinguished personages of Tepeaca to the Cocotlans
with the usual offers of peace, accompanied by threats; but as there was
a strong garrison of Mexicans lying in the town, they returned for
answer that they had already a king in Quauhtemoctzin, and wanted no
other; nor did they see any reason why they should send us ambassadors.
They would meet us on the field of battle; their strength was as great
now as it was in Mexico, at the bridges, and the canals; and how much
our valour had availed us there they had sufficiently experienced.

On receiving this answer, Sandoval regulated the order of attack, in
which the instructions he gave the Tlascallans were remarkable, namely,
that they should not rush in upon the enemy at the same moment with the
Spaniards, for fear of shying our horses, and lest they should expose
themselves to the fire of our muskets, as had often been the case on
previous occasions. They were commanded to remain stationary until the
enemy was routed, and then follow in pursuit.

Having made these regulations, Sandoval marched towards the township. He
had not advanced far before he came up with two bodies of the enemy, who
had taken up a position in a hollow at the back of a barricade, which
had been constructed of trees cut for the purpose. For a time the
enemy's troops fought with desperate courage; but Sandoval kept up so
sharp a fire upon them with the crossbows and muskets, that he soon was
enabled to force a passage with the horse. In this attack four of his
men and nine horses were wounded, one of which died soon after. Though
the number of loose stones here were great obstacles to the cavalry, yet
he succeeded in breaking through the enemy's ranks, and he advanced up
to the town itself, in front of which stood a large building and
fortification, besides several temples, in which other detachments of
the enemy were stationed. Here Sandoval encountered a momentary and
desperate resistance, but the Indians were again beaten, with seven
killed. The Tlascallans now no longer waited the signal for pursuit, but
rushed forward the more bravely, as this district lay near to their own
territory. Numbers of females and people of the lower classes were taken
prisoners.

After this victory, Sandoval remained there two days, and despatched one
of the Tepeacan chiefs to the caziques of the district to summon them
into his presence. They were not long before they made their appearance,
and begged forgiveness for the murder of the Spaniards. He told them
this would be granted on condition they delivered up all the property
they had found on those they had put to death. They answered, however,
that this was out of their power, since everything had been burnt, but
owned that the greater part of the Spaniards had been eaten up by
themselves, and that five had been sent alive to Quauhtemoctzin in
Mexico. They had now, they thought, received sufficient chastisement for
those they had murdered by the losses they had sustained in this battle;
they hoped, therefore, he would pardon them, and they would, in return,
furnish us with excellent provisions, and also forward a large supply to
Malinche's head-quarters. Sandoval, finding that nothing further was to
be got out of them, granted their request, for which they appeared very
grateful, and offered to do him all manner of good services. Sandoval
now returned with his troops to Tepeaca, and met with a most hearty
reception from us all.




CHAPTER CXXXV.

    _How all the slaves we had taken in Tepeaca, Quauhquechola, Tecalco,
    and Castilblanco, were brought together in our head-quarters, and
    branded with an iron, in his majesty's name._


After peace had thus been restored to the whole province, and the
inhabitants had submitted to the sceptre of his majesty, Cortes, finding
there was nothing further to be done at present, determined, with the
crown officers, to mark all the slaves with the iron, and set apart the
fifth of them for his majesty. Notice was, therefore, given that every
person was to come with his slaves to a certain house appointed for the
purpose, that they might be marked with the red-hot iron. Every man,
accordingly, brought the females and young men he had taken prisoners;
for grown-up men were of no use to us, as they were so difficult to
watch, and we cared not to admit them into our service, as we were well
satisfied with the Tlascallans. After all the slaves had been brought
together and severally marked with the letter G, the emperor's fifths
and then Cortes' were deducted before we were aware of it; and, besides
this, on the night preceding, the finest of the Indian females had been
secretly set apart, so that when it came to a division among us
soldiers, we found none left but old and ugly women. This occasioned
excessive murmuring against Cortes and all those who had thus picked and
chosen before us; and some of Narvaez's men told Cortes to his face that
they were not aware, up to the present moment, there were two kings in
the Spanish dominions, and that two royal fifths could be demanded. A
certain Juan Bono, who was also loud in his complaints, added, that such
proceedings should not be permitted in New Spain, and that he would send
information of it to his majesty and the council of India. Another
soldier asked Cortes if the division he had made of the gold in Mexico
was not a sufficient imposition? for, at first, he had merely spoken of
300,000 pesos, but when we were obliged to retreat from the city, it was
estimated at 700,000 pesos. And now he was going to deprive the poor
soldier, who had undergone so many hardships, and suffered from
innumerable wounds, of this small remuneration, and not even allow him a
pretty Indian female for a companion! When notice was given, continued
he, that each person was to produce his prisoners, in order that they
might be marked, it was thought they would have been valued, and that
the emperor's fifths would have been deducted therefrom in money, and
that no mention would have been made of fifths for Cortes.

Similar and even severer speeches were in every one's mouth respecting
Cortes' fifths, until the latter began to consider it high time to
pacify these daring spirits. He stated, therefore, and swore upon his
conscience, (for this was his usual oath,) that it should not happen in
future, but that all the prisoners should be valued, and sold at their
valuation, which would put a stop to all further discontent on that
head. This resolution was subsequently adhered to, particularly after
the conquest of Tezcuco, where we took a vast number of prisoners.

If this circumstance had occasioned ill blood, another of a different
nature occasioned worse. The reader will remember that, on the night of
sorrows, after as much of the gold had been stowed away as could be,
Cortes had given what remained as prize-money to the soldiers. Many of
Narvaez's men and several of ours had dived deep into the gold, and most
of those who had overloaded themselves with it lost their lives in the
retreat. Several, however, had had the good fortune to escape with their
treasures, but had paid dearly for it with severe wounds and the risk of
their lives.

When Cortes learnt that there were still a great many bars of gold among
the men, and heavy gambling in consequence, (for, according to the old
saying, gold and love cannot lie long concealed,) he made known, under
threats of severe punishment, that every one should produce the gold he
had obtained on the night of our retreat from Mexico, of which one third
was to be returned to him; but that any one who refused to pay this,
should have the whole taken from him. Many of our men refused downright
to comply with this; yet Cortes managed to extort a good deal of it
under the pretence of a loan: but, as most of the officers and crown
officials had also well stocked themselves with gold on that occasion,
Cortes suddenly dropped the question, and nothing further was heard of
it. It is certain, however, that this circumstance injured him vastly in
every one's opinion.




CHAPTER CXXXVI.

    _How the chief officers and principal personages of Narvaez's troops
    request leave to return to Cuba, which Cortes grants, and they
    accordingly leave; also how our general sends ambassadors to Spain,
    St. Domingo, and Jamaica._


The officers of Narvaez's troops and those who had come from Jamaica in
Garay's expedition, seeing that the whole province of Tepeaca was now
tranquillized, begged Cortes would fulfil his promise, and allow them to
depart for Cuba; who not only granted them their request, but promised
them, and particularly Duero and Bermudez, that he would give them much
more gold after the total conquest of New Spain and Mexico, than they
had previously received. In the meantime he furnished them with
provisions of the kinds we had, consisting in maise, salted dog's flesh,
and fowls. He likewise gave them one of our best vessels, and sent by
them letters to his wife Catalina Suarez de Mercayda, and to his
brother-in-law Juan Suarez, who was then staying at Cuba. These letters
were accompanied by a few bars of gold and some jewels, and contained,
among other things, an account of our overthrow at Mexico.

All those who left New Spain on that occasion had accumulated great
riches, and I will give their names, as far as my memory permits. Duero,
Bermudez, Bono, Bernardino Quesada, Francisco Velasquez, with the
hunchback, a relation of the governor of Cuba; Carrasco, who afterwards
returned to New Spain, and now lives at Puebla; Melchior de Velasco, of
Guatimala; a certain Ximenes, who lives at Quaxaca, and was obliged to
go to Cuba on account of his son; the accountant Leon de Cervantes, who
made the same excuse to see his daughter there, for whom he concluded a
most excellent match after the conquest of Mexico; Maldonado de Medellin
was forced to leave on account of ill health; the other of that name,
who was surnamed the proud, and was married to a lady named Maria Arias,
likewise left us; further, a certain Vargas, of Trinidad, who, at Cuba,
was commonly called the gallant; lastly, one of Cortes' old warriors,
the pilot Cardenas, who said to one of his companions, "We soldiers may
now take our repose, since New Spain has two kings." Cortes had
presented him with 300 pesos, to induce him to return with his wife and
family. Besides these men, there were many others whose names I have
forgotten, which, indeed, is a good thing, for it prevents me from
going too much into detail.

As soon as Cortes had given them permission to leave, we asked him why
he had allowed them to depart, as he knew there would be so few of us
remaining? Cortes said he had done so to rid himself of their eternal
complaints and solicitations. We likewise knew that many of them were
not fit for service, and it was better to be alone than in bad company.

Pedro de Alvarado was commissioned to see them safe on board, with
orders to return immediately to head-quarters after they had left.

About this time Cortes also despatched Ordas and Alonso de Mendoza on
business to Spain, but for what particular purpose he never told us. We
only heard that the bishop of Burgos told Ordas to his face that we were
all villains and traitors, and that Ordas had boldly defended us. The
latter, on this occasion, was made comptoir of Santiago, and received
permission from the emperor to assume a burning mountain in his coat of
arms. What he further did in Spain I will relate hereafter.

Alonso de Avila, who was treasurer of New Spain, and Alvarez Chico,
another thorough man of business, were despatched in another vessel to
St. Domingo to render an account of all we had done to the royal court
of audience there, and to the Hieronymite brothers, who were appointed
viceroys over the whole of the islands, to gain their approbation of our
proceedings against Narvaez, and their sanction of the manner in which
we had enslaved and punished the inhabitants who had murdered the
Spaniards and rebelled against his majesty: and their opinion as to
whether Cortes should not similarly punish all those tribes who, as
allies of the Mexicans, had been guilty of like offences. Lastly, Cortes
begged of them to inform his majesty of all this, and of the great
services we had rendered and still daily rendered to the crown; and
requested them to favour our just cause against the bishop of Burgos,
who was striving to work out our ruin.

A third vessel was despatched by Cortes to Jamaica, to purchase horses
there, the command of which was given to Solis, who was the son-in-law
of the bachelor Ortega. Here the reader might be induced to ask whence
Cortes obtained the money to do all this? In reply to which, I can only
say that of the gold stowed away by Narvaez's and our own troops,
particularly by the horse, a great quantity was certainly saved. Besides
that, many of the eighty Tlascallans, who were loaded with the gold, and
retreated from Mexico in the vanguard, got safely over the bridges. We
poor soldiers, who had not to command but to obey, cared very little at
that time whether there was plenty of gold or not, but were happy if we
escaped alive and were able to cure our wounds. However, of the gold
that was saved, Cortes received as much back as he could possibly lay
his hands on; our men likewise suspected that he had put into his own
pocket again the 40,000 pesos, being the share of the Mexican treasure
belonging to the garrison of Vera Cruz. With this money he sent persons
to Spain and St. Domingo on his own private business, and others to
Jamaica to purchase horses.

Perfect tranquillity being now again restored to the province of
Tepeaca, Cortes marched back with his troops to Tlascalla, and left
Francisco de Orozco behind, with twenty invalid soldiers, as commandant
of Villa Segura.

Cortes then ordered the necessary quantity of wood to be felled for
building thirteen brigantines, with which another attack was to be made
upon Mexico; for we were convinced we should not be able to make any
impression upon that town without a small fleet, nor ever again be able
to enter it by the causeways. Martin Lopez was appointed by Cortes to
superintend the important business of constructing these brigantines,
for he was not only a good soldier, but, upon the whole, rendered his
majesty the greatest services in all our warlike operations. On this
occasion again, he set to work with his usual assiduity, and it was very
fortunate that this man had been with us from the beginning; for, if we
had been forced to send for a ship-builder from Spain, we should have
lost much valuable time, and we might not have found a man who suited so
well.

On our arrival in Tlascalla, we found that our old friend Maxixcatzin,
one of his majesty's most faithful vassals, was no more, he having died
of the smallpox. We were all sorely grieved at this loss, and Cortes
himself, as he assured us, felt it as much as if he had lost his own
father. We put on black cloaks in mourning for him, and paid the last
honours to the remains of our departed friend, in conjunction with his
sons and relations.

A dispute having arisen in Tlascalla respecting the heir to the
caziquedom, Cortes pronounced in favour of the deceased's son, in
accordance with the last wishes of his late father. Maxixcatzin, on his
death-bed, strongly advised his whole family to remain faithful to
Malinche and his brothers; for they, he said, were certainly those
people for whom the dominion of these countries had been predestined.

However, let us leave the dead in peace, and turn to the living. The
elder Xicotencatl, Chichimeclatecl, and the other caziques of
Tlascalla, one and all gladly offered their assistance to Cortes in
cutting wood for the building of the brigantines, and generally to aid
in prosecuting the war against Mexico.

Cortes gave them all a hearty embrace, and thanked them for their great
kindness, especially Chichimeclatecl and Xicotencatl, the latter of whom
eventually became a convert to Christianity, and was baptized by father
Olmedo with every solemnity, and received the name of Don Lorenzo de
Vargas.

In the meantime the preparations for the building of our brigantines
were going on very fast; the wood being soon felled and prepared for use
with the assistance of the Indians; an excellent soldier named Andreas
Nunez, and Ramirez the elder, an old carpenter who had been lamed by a
wound, rendering most efficient services. Matters being thus far
advanced, Cortes sent for a quantity of ironwork, anchors, sails, and
ropes, from the vessels which had been destroyed at Vera Cruz, and
ordered all the smiths of that town to repair to Tlascalla. Above 1000
Indians were despatched thither to transport these things. The cauldrons
for boiling and preparing the tar were likewise brought from Vera Cruz,
and we were now only in want of the materials for making it, the
preparation of which was wholly unknown to the Indians; but here again
Cortes was not at a loss, for he picked out four men from among the
sailors who understood its preparation, and for that purpose sent them
off to a forest of pine trees near Huexotzinco.

Though it may, perhaps, be rather out of place here, I must answer a
question which has been put to me by several cavaliers respecting Alonso
de Avila, with whom they were well acquainted. They knew that this man,
though treasurer of New Spain, was, at the same time, an excellent
soldier, and felt more inclination for the life of a warrior than for
business; they could not, therefore, imagine why Cortes should exactly
have selected him to confer with the Hieronymite brothers at St.
Domingo, and that he had not rather chosen some person of more
business-like habits; as, for instance, Alonso de Grado, or Juan de
Cacares, called the wealthy, or others whose names they mentioned to me.
Cortes had no other motive than to get Avila out of the way, because he
spoke his mind too freely, and took every occasion to side with us
soldiers if he saw we were unjustly dealt with. To this was added, that
the latter had fallen out with several of our officers, from a frankness
of disposition displeasing to them. And, lastly, Cortes was desirous of
conferring the command of a company on Andreas de Tapia, and of
appointing Alonso de Grado treasurer, both of which were only possible
by removing Avila.

Cortes now determined to march, with the whole of his men, to Tezcuco,
as the wood for constructing the brigantines was ready prepared, and we
had got rid of Narvaez's men, who made difficulties in all our
expeditions, and always argued against any attempt to besiege Mexico,
maintaining we were not sufficiently numerous for that purpose; by which
means they infected others with their cowardice. Previous to our leaving
for Tezcuco, however, various deliberations took place as to which would
be the most eligible spot for launching our brigantines. Some of our men
maintained that Ayotzinco, near to Chalco, on account of its canals and
harbour, was better adapted for this purpose; others, again, preferred
Tezcuco, and were of opinion that, once having taken possession of that
town, standing as it did in the midst of so many other populous
townships, we should be better able to plan our operations against
Mexico.

We had scarcely decided in favour of the latter place, when three men
arrived with the news from Vera Cruz that a large Spanish vessel had run
in there from the Canaries, having on board a quantity of crossbows,
muskets, powder, and other ammunition, besides three horses and thirteen
soldiers. The owner of the cargo was a certain Juan de Burgos, and the
captain of the vessel was named Francisco Medel.

The reader may easily imagine our joy at this news; and if we had
previously felt in good spirits for our intended expedition, we now felt
the more so on hearing of the arrival of these timely succours. Cortes
immediately bargained with Burgos for the whole of the ammunition and
cargo, who himself, with Medel and all the passengers, came to our
head-quarters, where they met with the kindest reception. Among the
passengers there was a certain rich man, named Juan del Espinar, who
once lived in Guatimala; further, a certain Sagredo, from Medellin; a
Biscayan, named Monjaraz, uncle of the other two of that name serving
among us. This Monjaraz had a very beautiful daughter, who subsequently
came to Mexico, and was commonly called Monjaraza. But this Monjaraz did
not accompany us in any of our expeditions, as he was always suffering
from ill health. It was not until we had laid regular siege to Mexico
that he came to us in good health, and told us he was desirous of seeing
how we carried on this war, and our mode of attacking the Mexicans, of
whose bravery he entertained a very mean opinion. On this occasion he
mounted to the top of an Indian temple, which was shaped like a tower;
from that moment, however, we never saw him again, nor did we ever learn
how the Mexicans got at him, or what became of him. Many persons who
had known him on the island of St. Domingo saw the hand of God in his
sudden death: for they related that he had put his own wife, a most
virtuous, excellent, and beautiful woman, to death, without any cause or
provocation; and that he had escaped punishment for his crime by
proving, through false witnesses, she had attempted to poison him. I
must, however, leave these old tales, and begin earnestly to think of
our march to Tezcuco.

[Transcriber's Note: Notes to the First Volume, that is, endnotes at the
end of this volume, have been included as footnotes under the relevant
chapter.]

END OF VOL. I.





End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Memoirs of the Conquistador Bernal
Diaz del Castillo, Vol 1 (of 2), by Bernal Diaz del Castillo

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