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    LIFE AND TIMES

    OF

    HER MAJESTY CAROLINE MATILDA.




    LIFE AND TIMES

    OF

    HER MAJESTY

    CAROLINE MATILDA,

    QUEEN OF DENMARK AND NORWAY,

    AND

    SISTER OF H. M. GEORGE III. OF ENGLAND,

    FROM FAMILY DOCUMENTS AND PRIVATE STATE ARCHIVES.

    BY

    SIR C. F. LASCELLES WRAXALL, BART.

    IN THREE VOLUMES.

    VOL. III.

    LONDON:

    WM. H. ALLEN & CO., 13, WATERLOO PLACE, S.W.

    1864.

    [_All Rights reserved._]




LEWIS AND SON, PRINTERS, SWAN BUILDINGS, MOORGATE STREET.




CONTENTS OF VOL. III.


    CHAPTER I.

    THE TRIAL OF COUNT BRANDT.

          PAGE

    The Indictment--Brandt at Court--The Assault on the King--The
    King's Deposition--The Queen and Struensee--Duty of
    a Good Citizen--The Confidant--The Alleged Forgery--The
    Sentence Proposed--The Defence--The King at Home--Duties
    of the Favourite--A Man of Courage--The Royal Gift--Brandt's
    Letter to his Judges--A Modest Request--Hurried
    Proceedings      1


    CHAPTER II.

    THE TWO COUNTS.

    Struensee's Sentence--His General Conduct--The Maître des Requêtes--The
    German Language--Struensee's Despotism--The
    Council of the Thirty-two--The Cabinet Minister--The King's
    Presents--Struensee's Precautions--His Downfall--The Sentence
    Approved--Count Brandt--His Assault on the King--His
    Behaviour--The Royal Assent      33


    CHAPTER III.

    THE EXECUTION.

    Confirmation of the Sentence--Struensee's Correspondence--Rantzau's
    Treachery--An Unfeeling Court--Struensee's Penitence--The
    Scaffold--April 28--Execution of Brandt--Horrible
    Details--Death of Struensee--His Character--Enlightened
    Despotism--The First Servant of the State--The Queen
    Dowager      71


    CHAPTER IV.

    THE HIGH COMMISSION.

          PAGE

    The Ten Prisoners--The Report--Lt.-Colonel von Hesselberg--Etats-rath
    Willebrandt--Professor Berger--Unjust Sentences--Von
    Gähler--Falckenskjold and Struensee--Serious Crimes--The
    Sentence--The Royal Approval--The Fortress of Munkholm--The
    Commandant--Resignation--The Order of Release--Curious
    Conditions--Death of Falckenskjold            103


    CHAPTER V.

    DEPARTURE OF THE QUEEN.

    The British Fleet--Spirited Conduct of Keith--The Order of Release--The
    Prisoner Louisa Augusta--The Departure--The
    Landing at Stade--The Stay at Göhrde--Arrival in Celle--The
    Queen's Court--A Happy Family--Keith's Mission--Literary
    Pirates--Reverdil to the Rescue 141


    CHAPTER VI.

    THE SECRET AGENT.

    The Court at Celle--Mr. Wraxall--Presentation to the
    Queen--Hamburg--The Danish Nobility--The Proposition--The
    Credentials--Return     to Celle--Baron von Seckendorf--The
    Queen's Acceptance--Another Visit to Celle--The Interview
    in the Jardin François--Caroline Matilda's Agreement--The
    Inn in the Wood--Baron von Bülow--A Strange Adventure--Arrival
    in England                             167


    CHAPTER VII.

    'TWIXT THE CUP AND THE LIP.

    Baron von Lichtenstein--The King's Instructions--The Arrival
    from Hamburg--The Four Articles--A Terrible Journey--Arrival
    at Celle--Interview with the Queen--Baron von Seckendorf--The
    Answer from Copenhagen--The Appeal to George
    III.--The Counter-Revolution--Another Visit to Celle--The
    Last Interview--The Queen's Gratitude--Return to London--Waiting
    for the Answer--A Sudden Blow             202


    CHAPTER VIII.

    DEATH OF CAROLINE MATILDA.

          PAGE

    The Typhus Fever--Death of the Page--The Queen's Visit--Symptoms
    of Illness--Dr. Zimmermann--Pastor Lehzen--Caroline
    Matilda's Goodness of Heart--Her Death--The Funeral--General
    Grief--The Monuments--Letter to George III.--Proofs
    of Caroline Matilda's Innocence--The Queen's Character      242


    CHAPTER IX.

    WHEN ROGUES FALL OUT----.

    The Reaction--The King's Will--Köller-Banner--Rantzau's
    Dismissal--Prince     Charles of Hesse--Court Intrigues--Eickstedt's
    Career--Beringskjold's Career and Death--Von der Osten--The
    Guldberg Ministry--The Prince Regent--The Coup d'État--Uncle
    and Nephew--Fate of Guldberg--Death of Juliana Maria        259


    APPENDIX A.      291

    APPENDIX B.      307

    APPENDIX C.      313




LIFE AND TIMES

OF

CAROLINE MATILDA.




CHAPTER I.

THE TRIAL OF COUNT BRANDT.

    THE INDICTMENT--BRANDT AT COURT--THE ASSAULT ON THE KING--THE KING'S
    DEPOSITION--THE QUEEN AND STRUENSEE--DUTY OF A GOOD CITIZEN--THE
    CONFIDANT--THE ALLEGED FORGERY--THE SENTENCE PROPOSED--THE
    DEFENCE--THE KING AT HOME--DUTIES OF THE FAVOURITE--A MAN OF
    COURAGE--THE ROYAL GIFT--BRANDT'S LETTER TO HIS JUDGES--A MODEST
    REQUEST--HURRIED PROCEEDINGS.


On the same day that the Fiscal General Wiwet handed in his indictment
of Struensee, he delivered to the commission his charges against Count
Brandt, which were to the following effect:--

THE INDICTMENT OF COUNT BRANDT.

As concerns the second principal prisoner, Count Enevold Brandt,
we cannot say of him that he undertook something which he did not
understand, but he has committed actions in which he ought not to have
allowed himself to be used.

I have already most submissively stated how he, after being dismissed
from court, again returned to it; that it took place through the
intercession of Count Struensee, who required a person in whom he could
trust, who was bound to him, and who would neither betray Struensee's
enterprises, nor allow other persons to betray them. It was his function,
therefore, to pay attention to everything that his royal Majesty
undertook, in word and in deed, and to prevent any one having access to
the king who did not belong to the party.

The attendance of the valets was for this purpose shortened. On the other
hand, the king was to receive every morning the visit of a doctor, who
gave him powders, although there was nothing the matter with his Majesty,
and, as valet Torp stated, lit. F., p. 52, his Majesty was just as
healthy as he had been before, and demanded no attendance from a doctor.

This doctor, Professor Berger, who, as the chosen instrument of Counts
Struensee and Brandt, there can be no doubt indulged in thoughts about
great posts of honour to be acquired in Denmark, allowed himself to
be employed in incommoding his Majesty every morning. The two other
physicians in ordinary, Etats-rath von Berger and Piper, could not be
induced to do such useless things; and hence we see that Professor Berger
did not go solely on account of his Majesty's health, but in order that
the morning hour might be spent with him, the confidant of the counts.

It is not easy to understand how Count Brandt, of whom it must be
confessed that he possessed common sense, and might have been useful to
the king and country as a native, allowed himself to be persuaded to
become a promoter of the Struensian undertakings. Nor is it possible to
discover what could induce him, as a person of rank and family, to deny
that _hauteur_ which is generally observed toward people of low origin,
unless it was caused by an unbounded desire for honours and wealth, and
that he consequently behaved like those who consort with, and are the
accomplices of, thieves.

If Count Brandt, as he says and writes, wished to leave the court and
go on his travels, if only an income of 1,000 dollars were allowed
him, because he saw that his remaining would do him no good, why did
he remain? Why did he not say to his Majesty that he did not wish to
stay at court any longer? What Count Brandt alleges, therefore, is only
a subterfuge; and what he states in his memorials to Count Struensee
is not earnestness, but merely threats against Count Struensee, who
must effect that which Count Brandt desired to attain, as is visible
from the fact that Count Struensee appears to have employed soothing
language. For if Count Brandt regarded his position at court as a Hell
(his own expression), he was at liberty to get rid of it by sending in
his resignation. But it was not meant seriously. Hence he is not to be
excused for accepting a post of which himself says:--"Mais je le force
de vivre avec moi et pour comble de disgrâce je suis encore obligé à le
(the king) traiter durement, à ce qu'il l'appelle pour qu'il ne devient
insolent vis-à-vis de la Reine, et si cela arrive par hazard j'en porte
la faute: cela tout seul est un Enfer." In this position with his royal
Majesty he has proved himself guilty of the following capital crimes:--


I.

After free consideration and consultation he went in to the king his
master, and then challenged, abused, attacked, beat, and bit his Majesty.
This is certainly unheard of, and, I must say of this deed, "animus
meminisse horret luctuque refugit." But it happened so, and Count
Brandt's own confession and the statements of the witnesses confirm it.

Count Brandt confessed before the commission that he--after his royal
Majesty one day at breakfast had said something which he, Count
Brandt, considered insulting, and his Majesty had thrown a lemon at
him--consulted with Count Struensee on the matter, who advised him to
go to the king and demand satisfaction. In consequence of this, after
laying a riding-whip previously in a pianoforte standing in the king's
ante-chamber, in order to threaten the king with it, he went into the
king's cabinet, challenged, assaulted, and maltreated him. (_V._ his
confession, lit. F., pp. 309 and 322.)

This confession is confirmed by his Majesty's own declaration to valet
Schleel, who, on the morning after the assault, came to his Majesty,
and saw that the king's neck was scratched; by the statements of valet
Brieghil, page of the bed-chamber Schack, valet Torp, and also by the
evidence of the <DW64> boy Moranti. From all this it is indisputably fully
proved that Count Brandt laid hands on his Majesty in order to insult
him--an awful deed, as King David says in the second book of Samuel,
chap, i., vv. 14, 15, 16: "How wast thou not afraid to stretch forth
thine hand to destroy the Lord's anointed? * * * * Thy blood be on thine
own head."

It is true that Count Brandt has tried to excuse this audacious deed,
partly by the assurance that such things were frequently done to his
Majesty by Count Holck and Warnstedt, partly by asserting that his royal
Majesty has forgiven him this crime. But even if, as regards the first
apology, we were to assume for a moment that such audacious deeds were
really done by Count Holck and Von Warnstedt, this cannot exculpate Count
Brandt, who was not justified in acting thus because another before
him had committed these crimes and escaped punishment. And as regards
the second excuse, his royal Majesty never forgave him his crime, for
the witnesses I have mentioned declare, that after this occurrence his
Majesty could not endure Count Brandt, and was afraid of being attacked
by him; that his Majesty locked his door on the following night, which
was not usually the case, and thus revealed that his Majesty had not
forgiven Count Brandt the offence, and also that his Majesty ordered page
Schack[1] to denounce Count Brandt's treatment of him to this commission,
which would not have happened had the offence been pardoned. Although
such conduct toward a king can never meet with an apology, still, if
the assault had been made at the moment when Count Brandt considered
himself insulted, and if it might appear that he had undertaken it in an
outburst of excitement, a good deal might still be said against it. But
in this case, where he goes in to his king after reflection, and in cold
blood, orders out the persons present, so that there may be no witnesses
of the improper deed, locks the door, in order that no one may afford
assistance, seizes the king round the neck, threatens him with death; and
when he at length lets him loose, after the king has spoken soothingly,
threatens him that another time he shall not get off so cheaply; and,
in addition, abuses the king, as himself is obliged to confess--nothing
can be brought forward as the slightest excuse for him; he is a child of
death, and one of the greatest criminals that ever trod the earth. He has
acted against his oath, which commands him to risk his life and blood for
his king and the defence of his life; but exactly contrary to this oath
he attacks his king, and in such a way that the latter suffers a loss of
blood.

It is of no avail in his excuse that he alleges his royal Majesty
assaulted him first, unless this occurred at a time when his Majesty was
angry with him, and he merely defended himself, which is human; but still
could not be permitted to any subject against his king. But that he goes
in to the king at a time when he had no duties to perform, and only in
order to say harsh things to the king; that he goes in to terrify the
king; that he abuses him; that he defies the king,--all this leaves him
no other mode of escape but his statement, that the king assaulted him
first. But, in my opinion, every man who suffers such treatment in his
own house has the right to regale a man with a cudgel who comes into his
room for the purpose of prostituting him, and how much more so a king. If
his Majesty had killed him, Count Brandt, on the spot, it would have been
his well-merited reward, and could have been answered before God and man.

As concerns Count Brandt's general behaviour toward his royal Majesty;
for instance, his going in to the king in his _peignoir_, remaining with
his Majesty with his hat on, or entering the king's room while playing
the flute, this is really such conduct as no master would put up with
from his servant, much less a king from his subject.

Count Brandt, it is true, apologises for all this by saying that his
Majesty would have it so, and that the same thing was done in the time
of earlier servants in an even more indifferent way. But the former is
only a proof of his Majesty's gentleness and kindness, which do not like
to express what a man ought to say to himself, and the latter gives him
no right; for must I be a churl because my predecessor was one? In this
matter I could mention several instances of bad conduct on the part of
Count Brandt in treating his royal Majesty contemptuously. But as the
great crime swallows up all the rest, it is unnecessary to mention them
here, and so make the trial longer. _Crimine ab uno discimus omnia._

I will, therefore, now proceed to Count Brandt's second capital offence.


II.

Count Brandt has broken the fidelity which he owed to the king his master
by virtue of the oath he took to his Majesty, by being an accomplice in
the improper intercourse and intimacy which Count Struensee had acquired
with the person to whom he certainly owed reverence and affection, but
no tenderness. Count Brandt confesses this, and that Count Struensee
confided it to him is proved by his, Brandt's, own confession, lit. a,
pp. 40 and 41. It is true that Count Struensee, in his declaration, lit.
a, p. 50, will not quite admit Count Brandt's statement; but no doubt
can be possible when we remember that Count Brandt was placed about his
Majesty to prevent other persons having access to the king, in order that
Count Struensee might have the better opportunity to play his part. What
could induce Count Struensee to share the booty with him, and to allow
him to rise in honour equally with himself, unless it were done to render
him, Brandt, faithful, silent, and attentive?

That Count Brandt was cognizant of this illicit familiarity is
furthermore shown by Count Struensee's reply to Count Brandt's letter,
in which we read: "Je n'ai partagé avec personne la confiance que je
vous ai donné: vous êtes le seul qui possède mes secrets, et à qui je
m'explique sur tous les objets sans reserve." Count Brandt, generally
as a subject, and specially as a royal official, Danish count and
chamberlain, was commanded by the law to promote the king's welfare
and prevent his detriment by his utmost efforts. Hence two duties were
offered him: either to reveal the affair to the king, or to observe to
the guilty party that such things must not be allowed; to oppose such a
disgusting life, and threaten to reveal it to the king. I fancy I can
hear a sincere friend of the king and of the honour of the royal family
speaking thus to Count Struensee: "Audacious traitor and most impudent of
the human race! you who ought to recognise and honour the supremacy and
majesty, turn back from your impudence, and know that I, even through my
birth, am bound to avert everything that entails the dishonour of the
house of the king and his family." I believe that such language would
have had more effect than all the memoirs. But, unhappily, money flowed,
which Count Brandt needed; and hence he did not dare say, "May you be
damned with your money!" I certainly see that I may be answered: "Why did
not others do so? Why did the Fiscal General himself neglect it?" But to
this it may be answered: "No one knew so much about it as Count Brandt.
No one was so near the king as he; he kept every one away from the king,
for the purpose that his royal Majesty might learn nothing about it
from one or the other." But it was his duty, as he was always about the
king, and was accurately acquainted with everything. If he were, on the
contrary, to object that such matters did not concern him, although he
is forced to confess having warned Count Struensee of what happened to
them both on January 17, still he could have learned from Councillor of
Chancery Blechinberg and his wife, and Mesdames Schiötte and Buch, what
his duty was, and what he ought to have done. But as he not only omitted
to do this, but did everything that lay in his power to prevent the
affair reaching the king, and as Count Struensee has been found guilty in
this matter of an assault on the king's supremacy, Count Brandt must be
regarded as an accomplice, and punished in accordance with the paragraph
of the law 6--4--14.


III.

In the same way as Count Brandt displayed faithlessness toward his king
in the previous point, he furthermore showed it in the following affair,
by joining Count Struensee in robbing the royal treasury of various sums
of money.

It is an easy matter for a person who is daily with his king, and in
such a manner that no one else can reach him, to grow rich. But such
an enterprise cannot be so easily excused, even if there be the king's
assent to it, for the king's favour must be as little abused in money
matters as in other things. To pocket a sum of 60,000 dollars for so
short a period of service, because he annoyed the king, and waited on
him, not to his comfort, but to his vexation and that of others, seems
to denote audacity and impudence as well as slight reflection. To
appropriate so large a sum in so short a time, while the land was sunk in
debt, and seventy thousand human beings must contribute to it from their
poverty, and save it out of their food, was not a wise action on the part
of a man who wished to be regarded as a patriot. But his royal Majesty
did not give Count Brandt any such sum; but Count Struensee procured it
for him by converting 6,000 dollars into 60,000.

I produce here the questions laid before Count Brandt in respect to this
matter, and his answers. From these we learn that Count Brandt declares
he first received 10,000 dollars and afterwards 60,000, although he
alleges it was only 50,000, and lastly, at the new year, in addition to
300 dollars, 3,000 more.

Count Brandt is obliged himself to confess that there appears to him
something strange and very suspicious in the document in which credit
is taken for the 60,000 dollars, and which I have discussed more amply
in the indictment of Count Struensee. Count Brandt does not deny having
received the money, and that he gave no receipt for it, but thanked the
king for it, though without mentioning the amount. If we now take into
consideration what I said about this in my accusation against Count
Struensee, not the slightest doubt can exist that Count Brandt was an
accomplice in this audacious deed, and therefore was guilty of the crime
of forgery.

These are the principal crimes of Count Brandt as regards his own person.
In addition, he took part in all the crimes which Count Struensee
committed; he had confidants and instruments to set in work everything
that Count Struensee wished, instead of acting in accordance with his
oath and his duty, and avoiding those things which he knew would have
evil results. I may be permitted to regard it as superfluous to enter
more fully into these matters, as they are well known to the exalted
commission, and I have sufficient proofs for my proposed sentence, which
I most submissively offer for decision in the following terms:--

"That Count Chamberlain Enevold Brandt, who has not only forgotten the
most submissive veneration which he owed to the king his master, but
also had the audacity to go into the king's cabinet, and then not only
address his supreme royal Majesty in bad language, but also to commit
the most audacious and unheard-of deed of laying hands on his lord the
king, the anointed of God, as an insult to his royal Majesty, as well
as behaved in many points unfaithfully to his Majesty, and consented to
many things against his better knowledge, although his royal Majesty had
shown him great favour,--be condemned by virtue of the paragraphs of
the law 6--4--1--14, to forfeit his dignity as count and his office of
chamberlain as well as his honour, life and estate; that after his coat
of arms has been broken by the executioner, his right hand shall be cut
off while alive, the body quartered and exposed on the wheel, his head
and hands affixed to a pole, his fortune confiscated to the king, and his
heirs, should he possess any, lose their rank and name."

    _April_ 21, 1772.

    F. W. WIWET.

       *       *       *       *       *

As regards Brandt's confession of a knowledge of the familiarity between
the queen and Struensee, it is probable that Brandt was persuaded that
his life depended on what he might say about the _liaison_. What other
motive could he have had for making such a confession? If Brandt had
merely declared, like Berger and others, that he had suspicions on
the subject, it would have been of no use. Something positive being
required, he declared that he was informed of it. How could he be so? Was
it by Struensee, who concealed nothing from him?

But Struensee, instead of acknowledging this confidence, absolutely
denied it, and no confrontation was ventured. Again, if Brandt's
declaration was correct, why did Struensee repulse it so loudly? It
appears indisputable that he did so because it was false.

And the position in which Brandt placed himself by yielding to the
solicitations of the commissioners was very probably the cause of his
ruin. The mysteries of this trial must be buried with him. Without this
motive, what interest could there have been in destroying a man like
Brandt? Was there a shadow of justice in condemning him to death for
things which were quite common with the king?

Two days after this wretched indictment, which was merely handed in to
the commission as a matter of form, the defence was delivered by Advocate
Bang to the same judges, and was to the following effect:--


BANG'S DEFENCE OF COUNT BRANDT.

By the most gracious commands of his royal Majesty, of March 23,
which are attached to this under lit. A, I shall lay before this high
commission Count Brandt's defence--not the defence of the actions of
which he is accused, but his defence in so far as the accusations are
incorrect.

It must reasonably insult Count Brandt to find that he whom his Majesty,
through his own special favour, and as a reward for his faithful services
to his king and master, raised to the rank of Count, selected for his
daily intimate society, and honoured with many superfluous proofs of
favour and confidence,--that he, I say, should see himself condemned
to lose his dignity of count, his honour, life, and fortune, and have
his body ill-treated by the executioner. But, according to his own
declaration, made to me, his defender, neither his death, his disgrace,
nor his torture, will be so painful to him as the sole idea that he has
failed in the most submissive reverence, willingness, devotion, and
fidelity, which his duty to his king and benefactor commanded, and by
which he would have descended below humanity, and, so to speak, have
borrowed a model of his actions from the evil spirits. If his conscience
reproached him on these points, the bodily punishments would be no
torture as compared with this grief; but he has, with a calm conscience,
and unassailed by its gnawings, listened to the charges brought against
him, and requested me to bring forward the following in his defence:--


_Ad Præliminaria._

The Fiscal General accuses Count Brandt (_a_) that by Count Struensee's
regulation, and in _liaison_ with him, he was employed at court after his
foreign tour, so that Count Struensee might have in him a man in whom he
could trust, who would neither betray his designs, nor allow any one else
to reveal them; (_b_) that Count Brandt kept people from the king who did
not belong to the party; (_c_) that he shortened the attendance of the
valets on the king's person, and, instead of it, arranged that Professor
Berger, contrary to the king's wish, should wait on his Majesty in the
mornings for the purpose of giving him powders, which were innocent,
however; and (_d_) that he compelled the king to live with him, and
treated him harshly.

Count Brandt has never regarded it as a crime to have allowed himself
to be recommended to his Majesty by the man to whom the king granted
his favour and confidence. What he attained through Struensee's
recommendation was only a continuation of what Privy Councillors Saldern
and Bernstorff had begun. The aforesaid post was neither given him to
keep things secret, nor to conceal from the king things which, according
to the Fiscal General's opinion, his Majesty must not be allowed to know.
As it is not specially mentioned what the things were which must be
concealed from the king, while the counsel only appears to refer to that
which is alleged under the third chief point, I will reserve my special
reply to it, and here content myself with offering a general denial to
the general statement. I do not know what sort of party it was of which
the Fiscal General speaks when he says that Count Brandt prevented
persons having access to the king who were not useful to the party. He
probably supposes a party which was opposed to the king or the welfare of
the country; but as he does not state of what persons the assumed party
was composed, the nature of their actions, what designs they entertained,
or by what means they were to be realised, I am here dispensed from the
obligation of answering this specially, and can content myself with the
remark that there was no such party hostile to the king and country so
far as came to Count Brandt's knowledge. He certainly had the permission
to be near the king's person, but had neither the power nor the wish to
keep any one away from his Majesty; and the Fiscal General has not been
able to mention a single person of sufficient dignity to have access to
the king, and who was refused it by Count Brandt. I must remark here that
the king was lord and master, and had merely to command by a sign who was
to come and who to go, and how long each was to remain, in which Count
Brandt never opposed the king's will.

Had the king wished that the valets should remain longer with his
Majesty, Count Brandt would not have prevented him; and this charge can
the less be brought against him, as it can be seen from valet Schleel's
evidence, how it had been ordered long before that not the valet, but Von
Warnstedt, who formerly occupied Count Brandt's post, should dress and
undress the king; and after Count Brandt, the black boys were ordered to
perform this duty. Equally little can Professor Berger's morning visits
be brought as a charge against Count Brandt, even if they had had evil
consequences; while, on the contrary, the powders which the king took
did not impair his health. Berger paid these visits so long as the king
was willing to accept them; but when his Majesty no longer desired them,
Berger kept away.

The words in Count Brandt's letter to Count Struensee, which the Fiscal
General treats as a crime, have been so fully explained by Count Brandt's
reply to questions 92 and 93, p. 120 of the examination, that I have
nothing to add but refer to it, and this explanation deprives that
passage in the letter of all the harshness which might otherwise be
found in it. With what right Count Brandt could be accused of having an
understanding with Count Struensee, and of striving to sustain him, is
proved by his explanation to questions 64, 65, and 68 of the examination,
in which he gives a full account how he had resolved to overthrow Count
Struensee, from the time when he perceived the encroachments of the
latter; that he consulted with Count von der Osten about this operation,
by which Count Struensee was to be placed under arrest at Kronborg--a
proposal which was not carried into effect, solely through an earlier,
riper, and more successful interruption. As regards this disposition, the
count has appealed to the testimony of Privy Councillor von der Osten,
and I am convinced that this statement of Count Brandt has been imparted
to his excellency, who has not disavowed it. Count Brandt's letter to
Struensee, and the answer of the latter, which have been produced by
the Fiscal General, prove how little desire Count Brandt had to enter
into Count Struensee's views; that his whole conduct and thought was
to surrender the post which he occupied, and to be allowed to quit the
court. There is further evidence of this in the fact that when Count
Struensee offered him the ministerial post of Privy Councillor von
der Osten, he refused it, and preferred retirement from court to this
pleasant office. All this destroys the charges which the Fiscal General
has alleged in the preliminary part of his indictment of Count Brandt.


_Ad possum 1mum._

"According to the Fiscal General, Count Brandt, of his free will, and
after due reflection, went in to his master the king and challenged,
abused, attacked, and bit him."

If Count Brandt performed this execrable deed in the way the Fiscal
General represents it, his righteous king would not have hesitated
a moment to have had him thrown into fetters, and given him his
well-merited reward--the hardest death. His Majesty, however after this
event is stated to have occurred, namely, at the end of September, for
several months admitted him to his presence as before, and granted him
his most gracious daily intercourse, which satisfactorily proves that his
royal Majesty did not regard the aforesaid occurrence as criminal.

Count Brandt, for his part, equally little regarded it as audacious,
either when the affair occurred, or afterwards. For, just as he described
it, in its full details, in presence of the commission, when nothing
could induce him to do so but the innocence which, according to his
opinion, lay in the whole affair, if the circumstances connected with
it were taken into consideration in the same way, his open confession
proves the confidence he placed in his innocence, as the affair could
not be proved by witnesses; and the man who knows himself to be innocent
is never criminal. This confession of Count Brandt, therefore, must, as
the sole existing proof in the affair, be registered as credible, just
as well in those passages where it speaks for his acquittal as where it
serves to testify against him.

From this deposition, which perfectly agrees with Count Struensee's
statement before the commission on March 21, we see what in this strange
affair speaks in Count Brandt's defence. We must, therefore, regard
in the first instance the peculiar circumstance that his Majesty the
King, for the sake of enjoying the pleasures of private intercourse, as
people of equal rank carry it on together--although the "sweetness" of
such intercourse usually shuns thrones--commanded that the man whom
he selected as his intimate should not consort with him as the king,
but as his equal, or as one friend with the other. If Count Brandt,
through submissive respect, addressed him differently, the king answered
sarcastically, "Most submissive knave," in order to remind him of the
commands which had been given, that Count Brandt in daily intercourse
should forget he was the king, just as one of his Majesty's ancestors, of
most revered memory used to act, and at times remarked, "Now the king is
not at home;" and, again, when the free conversation was to have an end,
"The king is at home again now."[2] But his present Majesty never would
be at home, so to speak, for the man he had admitted to his intimacy, but
demanded equality.

From those men selected for his constant society, the king demanded what
is understood by the term _un homme fait_, that they should be smart
fellows, and before all, have their heart in the right place, of which
they must furnish a proof if he desired it, and he could not on any
terms endure cowards, because such disgusted his heroic nature. As now
his Majesty had seen no proof of this good quality from Count Brandt,
not even after many inducements had been given, because Count Brandt
always held back, his Majesty most effectually forced them from him by
threatening to cudgel him in the presence of the queen, Struensee, and
other persons. Count Brandt, who regarded this as a real sign of the
king's disfavour, fell into a state of desperation about it, until he was
informed by Struensee, who had spoken with the king on the subject, that
his Majesty's wishes and most gracious intentions were only directed to
obtain a proof of Brandt's courage. It was for this reason that Count
Brandt one evening, without feeling the slightest anger, went into
the king, and, after ordering out the lad, who was not to witness the
sport, stated to the king that he had been told by Count Struensee that
his Majesty wished him to prove himself a man of courage, and to do so
against the king. His Majesty, far from being offended at such a scene on
the part of Count Brandt, "admitted" him, in accordance with his given
order, at once to a fight, and the king himself made the first five or
six attacks. This would have assuredly taken a very different course if
the king had regarded it as an insult. On this occasion, his Majesty
involuntarily thrust a finger into Count Brandt's mouth, which the latter
quite as innocently seized with his teeth. The defence followed the
attack: the king demanded of Count Brandt, _presta te virum_. Upon this
Count Brandt seized the king by the coat, thrust him against the wall,
and thus proved that he was stronger than the king; and with this the
whole affair ended.

Count Brandt persistently denies having beaten the king, or audaciously
raised his hand against his Majesty; he only proved himself to be strong
and brave, without seriousness or passion, by his Majesty's commands.
His Majesty's own most gracious conduct to Count Brandt also proves that
everything passed off without anger and annoyance, as his Majesty showed
the count the signal favour of kissing him on the spot, and requesting
him to remain and kill the time with conversation, which Count Brandt
did by the king's orders, and all of which points to the disposition of
their minds, and proves that they were not excited, as is also confirmed
by Count Struensee's statement in the examination of March 21, that
Count Brandt, when he went in to the king, was not at all irritated,
but perfectly calm. After this time his Majesty also promoted him to
be _grand maître de la garderobe_, and carried on his confidential
intercourse with him for several months as before, all of which speaks
for the nature of this affair. In Count Brandt's heart reigned no
bitterness against the king, and no contempt: trembling from veneration,
he performed the action which he would have regarded as audacious, had
it not been for the king's command. It is true that Count Brandt, a few
days previously, laid a riding whip upon a pianoforte standing in the
king's ante-chamber, but only did so thoughtlessly, which he afterwards
regretted, and as ill-deeds consist in actions carried out but not in
inconsiderate designs, this occurrence cannot be reckoned as a crime on
the part of Count Brandt.

If Count Brandt employed some expressions against the king which,
according to the strict letter, would be highly criminal, he only
employed them in the tone of all the rest, and consequently only in jest.
I pass over the statements of the witnesses examined, as these people
neither heard nor saw the occurrence, but only testify what they heard
said about it. On the other hand, the declaration which his Majesty laid
before the commission, through his page of the chamber Schack, is of the
extremest importance. I read it to Count Brandt, and he has requested me
to make the following explanation about it:--

"He did not remember this 'passage' in the way that it flowed from the
page's lips: he considers himself too insignificant to contradict a
declaration which emanated from the king his master, and only emboldens
himself in dust and fetters to mention, that if his Majesty were most
graciously disposed to take this affair seriously, as the declaration
made by page of the chamber Schack appears to intimate, he regards
himself as lost, and will not from this moment attempt any further
justification, but will at once throw himself at his Majesty's feet, and
seek his salvation in the king's clemency; but in the most submissive
confidence in his Majesty's mercy, he would venture most humbly to remind
him of the circumstances already mentioned."

As concerns the charge which the Fiscal General derives from the fact
that Count Brandt at times went to the king playing the flute, and
with his hat on his head, and also in his _peignoir_, Count Brandt
acknowledges that this did occur when he returned from the chase and
was heated, but that it was not done through contempt of the king, but
because his Majesty preferred such conduct, and never evinced any anger
at it. He also dared to appear before the king in his _peignoir_, which
consisted of a cloth surtout, because it was his Majesty's wish that he
should come in the dress he was wearing when the king summoned him.


_Ad passum_ 2_dum_.

"That Count Brandt did not reveal to the king the improper intercourse
which is said to have taken place between the queen and Struensee, by
which he has rendered himself guilty of the punishment which the law
dictates for this in 6--4--14."

Although Count Brandt felt morally convinced of this improper intercourse
between the queen and Count Struensee, still he possessed no juridical
proof of it, much less such proofs as he could at once have produced in
his defence against the denial of the guilty parties. And what might
Count Brandt have reasonably expected if he had alleged such a crime
against a reigning queen, who at that time possessed the king's heart,
which would have disturbed the king, shamed the queen, and dishonoured
the royal house? In that case, 6--4--1 of the law would have been proper
for him, even if he could have proved his denunciation instantly. If,
for his own part, he could have proved this crime with his life, he
would, probably, not have spared his life. Things, however, under the
circumstances, remained as they were. Count Brandt would have been a
ruined man, without amending the business; and if such a sort of silence
were a neck-breaking crime, only few persons in the country would retain
their heads.


_Ad passum_ 3_tium_.

"That Count Brandt has been guilty of the crime of forgery."

Whatever forgery Count Struensee may have committed, it does not affect
Count Brandt. Even if Count Struensee may have converted the sum of
6,000 dollars, approved by the king into 60,000, Count Brandt knows
nothing about it. Count Brandt has not acknowledged this, and it has
not been proved against him, nor did he receive 60,000 dollars all at
once; but, on one occasion, 10,000 dollars, for which the king's note is
still in existence; and the other 50,000 dollars were paid him by Baron
Schimmelmann, and, according to Count Struensee's statement, were a
present to him from the king. Count Brandt thanked the king for this, who
answered him, "It was but fair he should give him a _douceur_, as he was
always with him." Count Brandt never asked for this sum, and if it was
given him by the king, he could not refuse it, the less so as, through
his daily intercourse with the royal family, he was compelled to play
high, in which he lost considerable sums. Count Brandt even declared on
this occasion that if the king were indisposed to grant such large sums,
he was ready to give the money back.

From all this I believe I have proved that the crimes alleged against
Count Brandt are exaggerated. I must therefore most submissively request
that Count Enevold Brandt may be acquitted from the accusation of the
Fiscal General.

In all the rest he submits himself to the clemency of his most gracious
king.

    O. L. BANG.

    _April_ 23, 1772.

So little did Brandt comprehend the danger of his position, that he
sent to the judges the following letter, in which, as Reverdil justly
remarks, the Don Quixotism, levity, and inconsequence of his character
are displayed in a manner which would be ridiculous under any other
circumstances:--


COUNT BRANDT'S PETITION.

"_Pro Memoriâ._"

I send you, my judges, a letter to his Majesty,[3] and leave it to you,
when you have read it and this pro memoriâ, whether you will then think
proper to have it delivered to the king or not. What I now write to you
is in the same manner no document which I wish to be placed with the
rest, or to be regarded as if it belonged to my trial.

The letter to the king is rather badly written, but the pens given me
were very bad. I beg the king's forgiveness, as I now know that in all
cases, none excepted, it is the duty of a subject to humiliate himself
before his monarch. Previously a flashing sword would not have brought me
to do so.

My letter could be more imploring and submissive, but I did not believe
that this would please his Majesty. I employ the expression which the
king so frequently used: "That no one knew so much about his affairs as I
did." This he was accustomed to say to me when he was in a good temper,
and I hope thus to recall his thoughts. He often added, that no one bore
such a resemblance to him as myself; but I have omitted this expression,
as the words would be too bold. I should prefer that this letter should
be read to the king at a favourable moment, than that he should read it
first himself.

I find it natural that a double doubt will arise with you, my judges, and
with all to whom you may show this letter:

(1) Does Brandt deserve, from the nature of the affair, that the king
should pardon him fully? and

(2) What more does he want?

With the same frankness with which I have explained myself during
the whole of my trial, I can assert, that you would at once feel the
heartiest compassion, if it were feasible to bring my affair entirely to
light, partly by summoning fresh witnesses, partly by cross-examining
those who have been heard: but I do not wish this, even though it might
cost me life and liberty. I will only mention a few slight but important
circumstances, which might induce you to believe that I must feel a
bitterness against the king:

(1) That I am said to have bitten the king's finger. My statement proves
that I did not hear of it till afterwards. Consequently, it was not done
_animo nocendi_, but was a natural movement for a man to close his mouth
when his tongue was caught hold of, and as soon as I perceived it, I
asked for pardon. The king tapped me on the cheek, and said: "It does not
hurt."

(2) I myself mentioned that I laid a riding whip on the pianoforte, with
the intention of taking it in with me to the king: but could that have
been known without my frankness? and woe to us, if every thought were to
be punished!

(3) On this occasion I employed improper language to the king, although
not that of which I am accused: but in the melancholy alternative of
displaying my courage either in words or deeds, I chose the former.

(4) An important circumstance, which rendered a proof of such courage
rather necessary, was that the king often said: "If I was certain you
were a coward, I would post myself behind the door and kill you."

(5) But why was the king so angry? Solely because, from that time, I was
more serious and submissive than before, which I did to render the king
more reserved, but which had the effect that he supposed I disliked him;
and a temper, which has been once rendered captious, soon places the
worst construction upon everything.

(6) I declare before God, who knows my heart, that a similar scene never
occurred before or afterwards. The king once threw his glove in my face:
I stooped, picked it up, and said: "Why do you do that? I am really not
cross with you;" and with this he was satisfied.

(7) That I never regarded this occurrence as anything but a joke, the
result of youth and eccentricity, is seen from the fact that when the
commission began sitting, I was not aware of my offence.

In this way I believe I have answered all doubts. I am quite ready to
die, and to endure all the punishments that are imposed upon me. It is
God's chastening hand, which I have deserved: but I consider it my duty
to speak this once.

His Majesty was angry with me: hence, I was imprisoned; hence, I was put
in fetters. I can offer no objection to this: I kiss the hand that smites
me, but the hand which smites me can also let loose and forgive, in the
same way as Henri IV. frequently forgave much greater offences. Even
should you consider that this is too great mercy, and if you wish that
I should humiliate myself, personally, before his Majesty, I should not
regard such a thing at all as a disgrace.

Oh! my judges, if you would only see what my situation with the king was!
and would you could feel as greatly, but forget quite as quickly, what
my present position is! Your eyes would assuredly shed tears, and your
hearts would be moved by the sincerest compassion! I commend my cause to
the hands of God, and beg you for what I have no occasion to beg, namely,
to follow your own convictions: with that I shall be perfectly satisfied.

In the letter to his Majesty, I have begged to be allowed to pass my days
in peace, and by that I mean a bailiwick in a remote province. I do not
know whether such a post is vacant, of which I might entertain hopes, but
I know that Bailiff Arnholdt, of Bramstedt[4] (in Holstein) has long
wished himself away from there, and that this post is one of the worst.
Further my wishes do not extend, and what right could I have to ask!

    BRANDT.

    _Frederikshaven, April_ 14, 1772.

The drama of the great trial rapidly approached the catastrophe after the
charges against Struensee and Brandt were delivered to the commissioners
on April 21. Struensee's defence followed on the 22nd; the Fiscal
General's reply and Brandt's defence on the 23rd; and so early as the
25th the sentences were promulgated. In Brandt's trial a reply was not
even considered necessary, for the accuser had announced this to be
superfluous in his sentence, _ab uno discimus omnia_. But the orders
from the highest quarters were for the greatest possible speed, and the
length of the sentence proves that it had been drawn up beforehand. That
two human lives were at stake, was only so far taken into consideration
as it was necessary to prove two judicial murders justifiable by every
resource of sophistry; but how little the venal judges succeeded in doing
so, will be seen from a perusal of the memorable documents which are here
published for the first time without any abbreviation.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: To form an idea of the pretended denunciation made by
the king to the commission, it is only necessary to observe that page
Schack, who was the intermediary, received for this gratifications and an
employment whose appointments amounted to 4,000 crowns a-year.--_Mémoires
de Falckenskjold_, p. 214.]

[Footnote 2: An allusion to King Frederick III., who was fond of the
bowl, and in his orgies permitted a general fraternity. In reference to
this remark of the advocate, Mr. Wraxall says (in his "Northern Tour"):
"This seems more like the speech of an Englishman than a Dane, and
breathes a manly and unfettered spirit."]

[Footnote 3: This letter no longer exists, and was, in all probability,
suppressed by the commission.]

[Footnote 4: On this point Reverdil writes: "The bailiwick of Bramstedt,
bordering that held by M. Brandt the elder, was situated in the
southernmost province of the kingdom, and near Hamburg. This remote
province, consequently, suited him better than any other, and what he
solicited as an exile, and to some extent as the equivalent of a capital
punishment, would have been to any other person a very considerable
recompense, and the end desired by some old servant of the state for a
life usefully devoted to the advantage of the country."]




CHAPTER II.

THE TWO COUNTS.

    STRUENSEE'S SENTENCE--HIS GENERAL CONDUCT--THE MAITRE DES
    REQUETES--THE GERMAN LANGUAGE--STRUENSEE'S DESPOTISM--THE
    COUNCIL OF THE THIRTY-TWO--THE CABINET MINISTER--THE KING'S
    PRESENTS--STRUENSEE'S PRECAUTIONS--HIS DOWNFALL--THE SENTENCE
    APPROVED--COUNT BRANDT--HIS ASSAULT ON THE KING--HIS BEHAVIOUR--THE
    ROYAL ASSENT.


STRUENSEE'S SENTENCE.[5]

Apart from the fact that Count John Frederick Struensee has already been
convicted, and has himself confessed that he has committed a terrible
crime, which involves in an eminent degree an assault on the king's
supremacy, or the crime of high treason, and according to the law
(especially art. 1 of cap. iv. of book vi.) deserves the severe penalty
of death; it is sufficiently notorious and proven that his whole conduct
and management during the time when he had a share in the administration
of the affairs was a chain, which, on one side, was composed of vain
and audacious impetuosity; on the other, of tricks and intrigues,
all of which operated to secure him the whole power and authority to
the exclusion of others. At the same time he boldly employed all the
measures which appeared to be useful in attaining his ends, without in
the slightest degree reflecting whether they were permitted or not, and
how far they accorded with the form of government and the constitution,
the genius of the nation and the regulations and laws, both civil and
fundamental, or were in strict opposition to them.

His great design was partly to become privy cabinet minister, with the
extraordinary and unparalleled authority which he filched in the last
month of July, partly to exclude all the subjects from their king, and
the king from them; partly to exercise at court and over his Majesty such
an unbridled power as has been seen with astonishment.

In order to attain this end, he strove, during his Majesty's foreign
journey, to gain his most gracious favour by proved care for the king's
health and pleasure. When his Majesty returned, Struensee behaved
quietly, and seemed to think of nothing less than the attachment of
charges and honours, although his ambition and his love of power desired
them.

He lived at court, amused himself, demanded no increase of his salary,
and seemed to satisfy himself with peace and voluptuousness; but in
secret he zealously strove to lay the foundation on which he intended to
raise his proud fortune.

It was not his business to learn the language of the country, to
study the position and true interest of the kingdom, and to learn its
civil laws and constitution. This was the way which he ought to have
chosen; but about all these things he was, and remained, in the deepest
ignorance. Instead of this, he preferred to establish the principles
which his Majesty should follow in the government, so that he might use
them in concealing his infamous propositions behind them, and as he had
every reason to apprehend that either faithfully minded men might reveal
his designs, or that the king himself should detect them; in order to
prevent the former effect, he calumniated without distinction all those
who had the honour of being allowed to approach the monarch, and in order
to secure the latter, he strove to acquire a powerful protection, and
to have in the king's neighbourhood so close, constant, and trustworthy
a friend, that it was rendered almost impossible for his Majesty to
penetrate this man's ways and designs.

No sooner had he got his machine in perfect readiness in the year 1770
than he at once set it in motion.

Since the sovereignty our kings have had a council, composed of men who
were experienced in the laws and customs of the country, and had studied
the true state-system and real interests of the land, while, at the same
time, they knew the rules which were applicable in cases that occurred.

It was their office to attend the king, as often as matters of importance
were to be laid before him, in order to afford his Majesty the necessary
explanations about everything he wished to know, so that he might give
his decision.

These men, however, as members of the council, had no vote, no
expedition, no secretaries; for everything depended on the king's will,
and everything was carried into effect by the departments concerned.

This traditional and so natural council Struensee and his adherents[6]
wished to have entirely abolished and quashed, for this man apprehended
that if such a council existed, and even if it were composed of his
own friends, the time would arrive when it would oppose his injurious
propositions, and reveal them to the king, as he could not exclude them
(the members) from speaking with his Majesty, and representing to him
what was best for him and the land.

For this end Struensee had previously calumniated the ministry by all
sorts of insinuations, and even depicted in the blackest colours those of
their actions which were evidently to the advantage of the king and the
state.

His Majesty the king, who heartily loves his people, only desires honest
officials, and jealously holds to his sovereign power, now lost his
confidence in the council, wished to appoint other men to it, and to give
it a different constitution; but Struensee, by false statements, and
the most cunning tricks, laid such obstacles in the king's way that the
council gradually ceased to meet, and was finally solemnly abolished by a
decree of December 27, 1770.

At the same time, he became _maître des requêtes_, and as it was his
plan that only he should have the right to speak to the king about the
affairs, and that all other persons should be excluded from doing so,
it appeared to him that the remaining colleges might still lay some
impediments in his way.

In order to prevent this, he represented to his Majesty the King, who
wished to be thoroughly acquainted with the affairs sent in from the
colleges for his most gracious decision, that nothing would be more
useful for this object than for the colleges to be ordered to deliver
their written requests in a portfolio, so that the king might be allowed
the requisite time to read through the memoirs and reflect.

By this brilliant, and apparently so useful advice, this man gained his
object of also "excluding" the colleges from the king.

He soon seizes the portfolios, and thus becomes the sole master to lay
matters before the king at his pleasure.

If the colleges wished to produce further reasons for the king's better
information, they must apply to Struensee, and thus he alone became what
the council and the colleges together had formerly been.

Under the pretext of a more rapid expedition of various matters, and in
order to display the royal authority in its right supremacy, he issued
cabinet decrees, which were carried out without the colleges concerned
being informed of them,--a conduct which necessarily produced the
greatest confusion, and which a man dared, who was neither acquainted
with the country nor its laws, its condition nor its language. But this
did not trouble him at all, so long as he could grasp all the respect and
all the power.

This ignorance of Count Struensee in everything, which every minister in
Denmark must know, and his extremely slight efforts to obtain a knowledge
of it, entailed innumerable disadvantages, both generally and for private
persons.

In the colleges, which were formerly accustomed to send in their reports
in Danish, a special official had to be appointed to translate them into
German, so that Count Struensee might read them in this language. The
Danish Chancery, the only college which continued to report in Danish,
had only too often opportunity for learning that these representations
were not read at all, as only an extract of the proposition, which, by
command, was inserted in what was called the Rotulus, was translated
into German and seen by Count Struensee, after which the resolution
ensued in the German language, and was again translated into Danish in
the Chancery. It could not fail but that the resolution often proved
equivocal, incomprehensible, and but little adapted to the affair, of
which the man who represented it to his Majesty had only rarely a correct
idea.

Private persons who wished to send in petitions to the cabinet, and
had drawn them up in the Danish language, ran about to find a German
translator, as they were of the possibly not incorrect opinion that their
memorial, if such was only in Danish, would not be read, while these
cheap translations often turned out so, that it was impossible to discern
what was the real object of the petition.

Count Struensee's ignorance of the organization of the colleges, his
unwillingness to instruct himself about it, and his exertions to reform
the entire old state constitution, and to increase the number of his
adherents by appointing persons everywhere, and to the highest offices,
who owed their fortune to him--all this led him to lay hands on one
college after the other. And as he would not and could not work himself,
he employed other men in carrying out the important reforms, several of
whom afterwards confessed that they had no knowledge of the advantages
and defects of the former organization of these colleges, nor attempted
to acquire it, as they were only ordered to draw up a plan of the new
arrangements after a certain predetermined date.

After Count Struensee had drawn all power and authority into his own
hands by removing the privy council, by weakening and reconstituting, and
by the exclusion of verbal reports, it was not long ere his Majesty's
subjects perceived the effects of his, Struensee's, despotic principles
and ideas.

As a consequence of the before-mentioned paternal and mild government, to
which people had been long accustomed in Denmark, and which had to some
extent acquired a traditional right, every one who had obtained a royal
appointment considered himself justified in believing that he should
retain it so long as he behaved himself properly and attended to his
duties, and therefore ran no risk of losing his post against his will, so
long as he was not declared unworthy of it through a judicial sentence
on account of malversation, errors, or negligence. These moderate
principles, which characterised the mildness of the government, and had
many excellent results, were not at all to Count Struensee's taste, who
did not wish to be in the least degree impeded when the object was to
ruin people, and imbue others with terror.

For this reason it was heard frequently, nay, almost daily, that first
one, then the other, royal official was removed by a cabinet order,
without their learning what error they had committed, or in what their
offence consisted.[7]

Several persons also lost their posts without any royal resolution on the
subject being imparted to them, and without knowing anything of it, till
they learned that their office had been given to another man by a cabinet
order. This conduct was even extended to the dismissal of entire colleges.

The entire magistracy, consisting of from eighteen to twenty, or even
more persons, was abolished, and a new magistracy was appointed by a
cabinet order addressed on April 3, 1771, to the president, who had been
appointed to this post only a few days previously, and also by a cabinet
decree, and who contented himself with informing the previous members
of the magistracy by letter that they were dismissed, and the new ones
that they were to assemble at the town-hall without the deposed members
learning what offence they had committed, or why they were discharged.

In addition to the magistracy, there was another college or public
assembly in Copenhagen, namely, the so-called thirty-two men, as, owing
to the bravery and fidelity so solemnly displayed by the Copenhageners
during the siege, and on the establishment of the sovereignty,[8] it was
conceded among the privileges granted to the citizens on June 24, 1664,
that they should be allowed to elect thirty-two of the best and most
respected citizens, who would, with the magistracy, consult about the
welfare of the city, and its revenues and out-goings. In these privileges
access to his Majesty's person was also granted to the city deputies and
the magistracy.

This assembly, which was regarded as the highest of these privileges, and
had had many good results, and, moreover, did not cost the king or city
a farthing, was also dissolved by the aforesaid cabinet order, by virtue
of which the chief president informed the men that they were no longer
permitted to meet, and ordered the council-hall to be closed. This, and
many other instances of a similar nature, which all proved that nothing
was sacred to this equally incautious and absolute man, and that he was
as great an enemy of all sense and mildness as he was of order and good
morals, produced a striking effect upon the nation, which fancied itself
suddenly removed under an "Oriental climate."

Some lamented and sighed, others expressed their amazement or bitterness
in one way or the other. But all were agreed that his Majesty's mild and
paternal heart for his subjects was still the same, if their complaints
and sighs could only penetrate to the throne, and the real posture of the
affair be represented to his Majesty.

This, however, seemed quite impossible, owing to the precautions which
Count Struensee had taken in this respect. He had placed his intimate
friend, Count Brandt, near the king,[9] and as he, in accordance with
the well-known proverb, _nulla amicitia nisi inter bonos_, was not fully
convinced of the duration of this friendship, he sought to insure its
permanence by a mutual interest, and, as will be shown presently, at the
expense of his Majesty and the royal treasury.

Count Brandt, who was always about the king, confirmed him in everything
that Count Struensee alleged or insinuated, and prevented everybody from
having an opportunity to convince his Majesty of the opposite truth.

There was no council, and, so to speak, no minister. No one succeeded in
speaking alone with the king, save those persons of whose devotion Count
Struensee considered himself assured and if it ever happened, it was only
for moments which admitted of no detailed explanation or discussion. All
the rest were held aloof from his Majesty, which was even extended to
his Majesty's own most exalted relatives and his nearest family, toward
whom the king had formerly displayed special tenderness and affection.
But from the time when Count Struensee had usurped the administration of
the court and of the whole country, the latter never had an opportunity
of conversing alone with the king, as they would not have omitted to
represent to his Majesty the good of his subjects and their grief,
of which these exalted personages afterwards, when the opportunity
was offered, have given incontrovertible proofs, which can never be
sufficiently praised and recognised.

It could not fail but that Count Struensee should render himself odious
to all, through such despotic, arbitrary, and unreasonable conduct.

His emissaries, and the adherents whom he still possessed, tried, even
though they did not dare to justify or excuse his undertakings, at least
to boast of his asserted disinterestedness, and to spread far and wide
that he was satisfied with his moderate salary, without asking either
money or honours for himself or his friends. How far this met with belief
may be left an open question. But it is certain that Count Struensee took
very carefully-devised measures to conceal his selfishness at that time,
and so long as it lasted. But it was afterwards seen only too plainly
that he was an extremely interested and selfish man, of whom it may be
justly said that he pillaged his Majesty's treasury.

He had a very respectable and considerable salary, which ought to have
been sufficient, as he had everything free at court down to the very
banquets he gave. He knew, and often enough proclaimed, in what a bad
state the public treasury and his Majesty's were from former times.

For all that, after the council was dissolved, and he had become _maître
des requêtes_, he allowed hardly three months to pass ere he, by an
abuse of his Majesty's good heart, demanded and received from his most
gracious lord a present of 10,000 dollars for himself, and a similar sum
for his friend Count Brandt. It might be supposed that so considerable
a present for these two persons, of whom one was _maître des requêtes_,
and the other _directeur des spectacles_, and who both had only held
these offices for a short time, would have satisfied their greediness for
a while. But, instead of this, we find that it grew and increased, for
Count Struensee, after receiving the above mentioned present in February
or March, again received in May, or at the end of two or three months,
from his Majesty 50,000 or 60,000 dollars, and Count Brandt the same sum,
so that these two persons, in the short time of three or four months,
cost his Majesty, in addition to their regular salary, 140,000 dollars,
or at least 120,000--for which of these two sums is the correct one
cannot as yet be stated with certainty, owing to the confusion prevailing
in Count Struensee's accounts--and this in addition to the presents which
before and after this date they procured for their good friends: such as
Justiz-rath Struensee 4,000 dollars, Countess Holstein 3,000, Chamberlain
Falckenskjold 3,500 or more, and so on.

That Count Struensee's irresponsible selfishness was duly considered and
intended, is seen from the artificial machinery which he formed, solely
that he might be able to take these sums without any one detecting it.

For this purpose, he first proposed the abolition of what was called
the "Trésor"--which consisted of a sum of money laid by for unforeseen
expenses, and that it should be paid into the public treasury. As the
Trésor, however, must pass through the cabinet on its way to the public
exchequer, he proposed to his Majesty to reserve 250,000 dollars of the
same, in order to form a special cabinet treasury which would stand under
his control.

In this way Count Struensee obtained a good opportunity for receiving
considerable sums, without any one being acquainted with the fact.

He behaved in such a way with this treasury, that after it was
established in April, 1771, and at that time consisted of 250,000
dollars, at the end of May only 118,000 dollars remained of the original
contents, although the king had no other out-goings but these presents.

The remaining 118,000 dollars would have gone by degrees the same road as
the others if Struensee had been allowed sufficient time.

Count Struensee's disgraceful avarice and selfishness are thus rendered
so evident, that those persons who proclaimed him as disinterested
must fairly confess that they knew him badly, and were not properly
informed.[10]

But this is not sufficient. There is the very strongest presumption that
Count Struensee in this traffic committed an impudent, disgraceful, and
highly criminal fraud. When the account found among Count Struensee's
papers, and approved by his Majesty, of the income and expenditure of
the special treasury for the months of April and May, was laid before
his Majesty, as it was considered suspicious, the king at once declared
that he perfectly well remembered having at that time given 10,000
dollars to the queen, 6,000 to Count Brandt, and other 6,000 to Count
Struensee, but no more. Just as these sums amount to 22,000 dollars, it
is on an inspection of the document as clear as the sun that the addition
was in the first instance 22,000 dollars, but the first figure two was
converted into a three--a change which is so visible that it is at once
noticed--and that a one was afterwards added, for which there was no
other room but in front of the line drawn underneath, which is quite
contrary to the practice in the other accounts, and in this very one on
the preceding page, where the in-comings are calculated. Hence, then,
the said sum of 22,000 dollars became 132,000, which is proved by the
fact that the two sums of 6,000 dollars for Struensee and Brandt were
converted into 60,000 by the addition of a cipher, and 2,000 dollars
were added for Falckenskjold. This last sum seems to have been added, in
order not to be obliged to convert the second two into a cipher in the
sum of 22,000 dollars, which had become 130,000.

These suppositions, the real strength of which only that man can
comprehend who has the document in question before him, is also confirmed
by other concurrent circumstances-as, for instance, that the account for
April and May is written by Struensee himself, while the other extracts
and calculations are written by the secretary of the cabinet, which
probably occurred because Count Struensee wished no one to be cognizant
of the embezzlement effected by him, and further by the fact that, from
this time, Count Struensee laid no account of the treasury before the
king until the end of October, although in June there was an out-going of
2,000 dollars, which were given to Justiz-rath Struensee.[11]

This negligence or omission appears to have taken place purposely,
so that his Majesty, after so long an interval, might not thoroughly
remember the real state of the treasury. To this must be added his
Majesty's own alleged and very natural conjecture that it cannot be
credited that he gave Counts Struensee and Brandt 50,000 or 60,000
dollars apiece, while he only made the queen a present of 10,000.

Count Struensee, who is obliged to confess the selfishness of having
requested this money of the king, will not, however, acknowledge this
embezzlement, but asserts that his Majesty at that time, on his request,
gave him 50,000 dollars, and Count Brandt the same sum, and that, as
the 10,000 dollars previously given had not been taken to account, they
were included in this amount. On the document being produced before the
commission, however, he was obliged to allow that all the facts concurred
against him to arouse such a presumption, which he had no evidence to
refute, while at the same time, he regretted his want of accuracy and his
negligence.

That Count Struensee's ambition was not less than his avidity, and that
his "moderation," as regards honours and titles, was in no way inferior
to that for money and resources, is equally self-evident.

Within two years he made such progress as others of greater nobility
and higher merit hardly make in thirty years and more. According to the
position which he occupied, he could not fail to stand in great honour
both at court and in the city. But all this was not enough for him.

Through constant persuasion he brought it about that his Majesty
appointed him on July 14, 1771, privy cabinet minister, which design he
contrived to conceal up to the last moment, even from his most intimate
friends, just as he, and Chamberlain Brandt were a few days later raised
to the rank of counts.[12]

Although as privy cabinet minister he regarded himself as the first
private person in the whole kingdom, still, the title and the authority
he had hitherto possessed did not suffice him; but he wished to have
prerogatives connected with them which were not at all seemly for a
subject, and involved a portion of the sovereign authority which belonged
to the king alone.

Count Struensee had already seized on all the power, and as those persons
who were about the king spoke in Struensee's behalf, and his Majesty
thus only heard praises of his minister, it was perfectly natural that
he should have a certain liking for him, and as he was nearly the only
person who discussed the affairs with his Majesty, it could not fail
that the latter should consent to everything he proposed. Thus he had
everything that he could crave; but this was not sufficient to satisfy
his immoderate ambition, as the colleges refused to obey unless they saw
the king's signature.

This did not suit Struensee, and there are grounds for believing that it
did not agree with his secret designs, and his wish that his signature
should be worth as much as the king's, and that the persons concerned
should obey both signatures.

This he attained by the royal order projected by himself, which was
issued to the colleges on July 15, 1771, with reference to his office as
privy cabinet minister, and was afterwards published by them; for in the
first article of this cabinet order the decrees signed by Struensee, and
provided with the cabinet seal, were placed perfectly parallel with those
signed by his Majesty himself, and countersigned by Struensee, and in the
fourth article it is expressly ordered that everybody should execute the
cabinet orders issued and expedited by Struensee. It is true that this
article seems to contain a certain limitation, where it states, "so far
as no royal regulation or resolution speaks to the contrary;" but what
follows on this may be rather regarded as an extension, for, instead of
stating, as might be expected, that in such a case execution was to be
deferred until a royal resolution was issued, it continues, "in which
case, the fact is to be immediately reported to the cabinet," so that
if any one thought it his duty to remonstrate against Struensee or his
order, he would have to apply to Struensee himself; and if the minister
then commanded him to obey his first order and carry it out, he must do
so. This is what Count Struensee intended and practiced. In this way,
however, he filched a portion of the sovereignty, and, from what had
previously happened, it might be concluded that he intended to exercise
it alone.

As Struensee acknowledges having read the _Lex Regia_, and as he as
minister must have been fully acquainted with its contents, he must have
known that article 7 resolves "that all government decrees, letters, and
documents shall be signed by the king himself." But the article of the
royal law most applicable here is the 26th, in which the most revered
king and first autocrat, Frederick III., appears to have had a species
of presentiment that a Struensee might one day arise in Denmark, because
it is stated in it how injurious it is when the mildness and kindness
of kings and masters are so abused that their power and authority are
cut away in an almost imperceptible manner, and for this reason it is
recommended to, and impressed on, the kings of Denmark zealously to watch
over their sovereignty and autocracy in order to keep it uninjured; and
the conclusion is, that if any one should dare to desire or appropriate
anything which might in any way be prejudicial to the sovereign authority
and monarchical power of the king, everything of the sort shall be
regarded as null and void, and those who have not hesitated to acquire
such a thing, or tried to do so, shall be punished as insulters of
majesty, because they have committed the greatest crime against the
supremacy of the royal autocracy.

Count Struensee could have read his sentence here, if he had not
committed another and equally coarse offense against the king's highness,
apart from the fact that he was not only an accomplice and adviser,
but also an inciter of the assault made on his Majesty's person by his
intimate friend Count Brandt.

The way in which Count Struensee exercised the power and authority
entrusted to him as privy cabinet minister does not excuse him, but, on
the contrary, incriminates him in the highest degree, because it is a
further proof that he regarded the welfare, honour, life, and property of
his Majesty's subjects as purely dependent on his discretion.

He revoked, by cabinet orders drawn up by himself, and under his hand,
former royal resolutions, of whose existence he was cognizant.

In the most important affairs he issued orders without his Majesty's
knowledge, and he partly neglected the extracts from cabinet decrees
imposed upon him as a duty by the resolution of July 15, which he was to
lay before the king every week, or drew them up in such a way that it was
impossible to discover the nature of the orders, or the effect they were
intended to produce.

When the direction of the privy treasury was entrusted to him--for
he wished to direct all the treasuries--he thought proper to give
the cashier fresh instructions from his hand; and when the cashier
represented to him that he held a royal instruction which could only
be revoked by another royal resolution, he gave him an answer which
contained a species of reprimand, and ordered him to obey the order and
instruction given by him, Struensee.

The pretty corps of Horse Guards, which was composed exclusively of Danes
and Norwegians, and consequently did not please Count Struensee--or, as
it only consisted of two squadrons, was not very expensive--was disbanded
in February, 1771, by Count Struensee's proposition, and in accordance
with his wish, but against the opinion of the college.[13]

The Fusilier Guards still remained. They consisted of five companies,
and were composed of none but clever and trustworthy men, to whom the
guard of the royal palace, and before the apartments of the royal house,
could be safely entrusted; but they possessed a "quality" which prevented
Struensee from being able to place confidence in them,--they were nearly
all Danes and Norwegians.

He had long resolved on the reduction of this corps, and spoken with
several persons about it, most of whom, however, dissuaded him. At length
he carried it through, and without his Majesty's knowledge (as the king
himself has declared)[14] issued, on December 21, 1771, a cabinet order
to the Generalty and Commissariat College, by which the five companies of
Foot Guards were to be transformed into five companies of grenadiers, and
one company of them be attached to each of the five regiments quartered
in Copenhagen.

He allowed December 21, 22, and 23 to pass without telling his Majesty
anything about it, although Struensee, on the 23rd, procured the
Generalty the royal approbation of the said order of the 21st, because
this college required a royal resolution, and refused without it to
execute the cabinet order, as it considered the affair of too great
importance, and foresaw the consequences that would result from it.

As, however, the Guards on December 24 declared that their capitulation
must be kept, and that it was contrary to it to make them serve in other
regiments, Struensee found himself compelled to lay the whole matter
before his Majesty, and advised that force should be employed, and the
Guards compelled to obey. However, a royal order was issued on December
24, by which those guards who would not serve as grenadiers were granted
their discharge.

The result of this operation of Count Struensee's therefore was, that his
Majesty lost from his military service several hundred brave, faithful,
and trustworthy men, who were all natives. Count Struensee's improper
and treacherous conduct in this affair is at once seen on comparing the
protocol kept about the cabinet orders, with the weekly extract from
them, which was laid before his Majesty.

In the protocol we find the said order of December 21, under No. 709,
quoted with the correct date. After this, several other cabinet orders
were drawn up, to No. 733, on December 22, 23, and 24; but the second
cabinet order of December 24 is not found among them, but a space is left
open at the very end, in order to book it afterwards. But in the extract
from the cabinet orders expedited from December 18 to 25, which was drawn
up on December 31, and afterwards laid before his Majesty, we find these
two orders of December 21 and 24 quoted together at the end, under the
numbers 22 and 23, just as if they had been expedited at the same time
and under the same date, while, on the contrary, the cabinet orders
issued from December 22 to 23 are omitted from this extract. From this
a general idea of the completeness and trustworthiness of these extracts
may be formed.

This protocol further proves how Count Struensee--although he had
long before sufficiently provided that no one should bring before the
king either verbally or in writing anything that might injure him,
Struensee--found himself obliged, at the time when the guards were
dismissed, to take just precautions. For under date of December 23 he
expedited two cabinet orders, one to (the Danish chief postmaster)
Etats-rath Waitz, in Hamburg, that the packets for his Majesty sent by
post should be addressed to the cabinet, the other to Court-Intendant
Wegener, by which all letters and parcels sent to the king, and letters
and portfolios that came in from Copenhagen, should not be delivered
in the king's ante-chamber, but in the cabinet. One of these orders,
though they immediately concerned the king, was entirely omitted in the
above-mentioned extract, while the other was quoted imperfectly, so that
his Majesty was not at all informed of these regulations.

Just as Count Struensee more and more evinced his distrust of the nation,
so the reciprocal hatred of the nation against him increased more and
more (and was expressed), in various ways. Thus, in the summer of 1771,
various pasquinades were in circulation, and although their contents and
style sufficiently proved that they emanated from the common people,
still they all displayed the strongest attachment to his Majesty's
person, and a readiness to sacrifice life and blood for him, while the
bitterness had no other object but the privy cabinet minister and his
adherents.

This, and the fact that a few sailors and others who believed themselves
insulted, went out to Hirschholm in order to lay their complaints before
his Majesty himself, caused Count Struensee such terror, that he made
preparations and was on the point of taking flight and running away.

As he, however--probably by the advice of his friends--desisted from
this design, it seemed as if he, on the other hand, prepared to maintain
himself in his post, and against everybody, in every possible way. This
gave cause to various hitherto unknown measures.

When their Majesties came to town, at which times Count Struensee always
accompanied them, they were surrounded by an unusual escort; wherever
they stopped in town, at the palace or in the theatre, double sentries
were posted, &c.

Such a course increased the bitterness of the nation, and especially of
the Copenhageners, against Count Struensee in more than one respect. They
saw in it a proof that he persuaded his Majesty to believe there were
among the inhabitants people who entertained bad designs against his
Majesty and the royal house. They were confirmed in their suspicion that
Count Struensee entertained other, more extensive, ambitious, and, at
the same time, most audacious and criminal designs.

It must also be confessed that much of what happened during this summer,
but more especially in autumn, must confirm them in this belief, and
produce a strong presumption of it, as he has himself been obliged to
confess that several of his measures were intended to maintain himself in
every way in the situation he occupied.

As already stated, the Horse Guards were disbanded.

As, however, Count Struensee, who always lived in fear, wished to have
some cavalry in the vicinity of the court, an exercising troop was
formed. But, ere long, he learned that both the officers and men of this
corps were natives, so that they were not at all the sort he wanted,
whence his confidence in them was lost, and this troop was also disbanded
in the autumn.

He then ordered the Seeland Dragoons to the court and the city, but they
have given incontrovertible testimony that they were no better disposed
toward him than the preceding dragoons.

He now obtained a resolution that two of the regiments lying in garrison
here should be removed to other towns in the spring. But, instead of
letting this fall on the two youngest regiments, as the rule was, he
wished--for reasons known to himself, and which it is not difficult to
conjecture--that they should be his Majesty the King's, and his brother
the Prince Frederick's, regiments, contrary to the opinion of the
Generalty, and without informing his royal highness, the colonel of the
latter regiment, or asking his assent to it. Furthermore, he managed to
have a new commandant of Copenhagen appointed, in whom he believed he
could place full confidence.

But what heightened the distrust most, and excited the inhabitants
of Copenhagen, was the following last-discovered circumstance, that,
according to Struensee's instructions to the commandant, cannon, with
cartridges and the proper complement of men, were held in readiness
at the arsenal, so that they could be used at the first signal,-a
regulation which was also concealed from his Majesty.[15]

The king and the royal house, as well as the whole nation, must at last
lose all patience when they were compelled to see, in addition to all the
rest, how audaciously he behaved in the harsh and extraordinary education
which he dared to give to the crown prince, and by which his royal
highness ran the greatest risk of losing his health and life.

Thus, then, the bitterness was raised to the highest pitch, and must
have had the most dangerous consequences, when a fortunate end was put
to the widely-extended designs and despotic administration of this vain,
thoughtless, arbitrary, and ambitious man.

As it is clear, therefore, that Count Struensee, in more than one way and
in more than one respect, has both himself committed the crime of high
treason in an eminent degree, as well as participated in similar crimes
with others; and that, further, his whole administration was a chain of
violence and selfishness, which he ever sought to attain in a disgraceful
and criminal manner; and that he also displayed contempt of religion,
morality, and good manners, not only by word and deed, but also through
public regulations, the following sentence is passed on him, according to
the words of article 1 of chapter iv. of the 6th book of the Danish law:--

Count John Frederick Struensee shall, as a well-deserved punishment for
himself and an example and warning for others of the same mind, have
forfeited honour, life, and property, and be degraded from his dignity
of count, and all other honours which have been conferred on him, and
his noble coat of arms be broken by the executioner: John Frederick
Struensee's right hand shall be cut off while he is alive, and then his
head, his body quartered and exposed on the wheel, but his head and hand
shall be stuck upon a pole.

The commission at the Christiansborg Palace, April 25, 1772.

    J. K. JUELL-WIND.
    H. STAMPE. LUXDORPH.
    KOFOD ANCHER.
    F. C. SEVEL.
    G. A. BRAËM.
    A. G. CARSTENS.
    J. C. E. SCHMIDT.
    O. GULDBERG.

Two days after this barbarous sentence was passed, it received the full
royal confirmation in the following words:--

_We hereby approve, in all points, the sentence passed by the Commission
of Inquiry appointed by us at our Palace of Christiansborg, which
declares John Frederick Struensee, on account of his crimen læsæ
Majestatis, in more than one point to have forfeited honour, life, and
property; he shall be degraded from his dignity of count, and all the
other dignities conferred on him; his coat of arms shall also be broken
by the executioner; his right hand shall be cut off while he is alive,
and then his head, his body quartered and exposed on a wheel, but his
head and hand stuck on a pole. To which those whom it concerns will pay
most submissive attention._

       *       *       *       *       *

Given at our Palace of Christiansborg, this April 27, 1772.

    CHRISTIAN.

    O. THOTT.
    LUXDORPH.      A. SCHUMACHER.
    DONS.      HOYER.


COUNT BRANDT'S SENTENCE.

By Count Brandt's own confession, the declaration of the ex-cabinet
minister John Frederick Struensee, and various circumstances, it has been
already proved that Count Enevold Brandt was not only Struensee's good
friend, but also his intimate, whom he (Struensee) entrusted with his
greatest secrets.

In consideration of the gracious intimacy in which he stood with his
Majesty the King, it would have been his duty, therefore, to prevent all
the things which, according to his own declaration when examined, he
disapproved, and must have recognised in Struensee's life, sentiments,
and undertakings, as foolish, audacious, and detrimental both for the
king and the government and the country.

Instead of this, he, as a criminal subject and unworthy confidential
servant of the king, made common cause with Struensee, continually
remained his confidant, and sought to sustain him.

He allowed himself to be employed by Struensee in keeping everybody
from the king, so that nothing should be revealed to his Majesty about
Struensee's criminal conduct, and the share himself had in it.

To the great concern of all his fellow-subjects he behaved haughtily, and
not with the due respect to his king, both in private and in the sight of
all men.

He did not show the submissive reverence to the king which every subject
owes him, and expresses voluntary from his heart on every occasion in
word and deed, but he rather opposed the king, in order to maintain
Struensee's favour, and acquire an extravagant fortune and special
advantages for himself.

The memoirs exchanged between him and Struensee furnish a proof of his
unreasonable pretension, and that he was conscious of his reprehensible
behaviour toward the king. From this cause he should have altered his
conduct, or sooner have resigned a post which was repulsive to him, and
for which he did not consider himself equal. But no, he did not wish to
oppose his patron and protector, who, for his own purposes, desired to
keep him, Brandt, about the king's person, while, on the other hand,
Count Brandt expected greater fortunes in service and pecuniary affairs
from him, Struensee.

As _directeur des spectacles_, he assisted Struensee in producing a
misunderstanding in the royal family by contriving that a separate box
should be given Prince Frederick in the playhouse, so that his royal
highness should not be in the king's box, and thus have an opportunity
for revealing to his Majesty, Brandt and his intimate friend's most
culpable conduct.[16]

He obtained through Struensee in a short period 60,000 dollars from the
royal treasury, although he must have known, or at least could not have
doubted, that he had not earned them by his services or general conduct.

When he thanked his Majesty for this large sum, he did not mention the
amount which Struensee had procured him, because he knew that the matter
was not all right, and Struensee had forbidden his doing so, lest his
Majesty might thus be informed of that which the approved extract, found
among Struensee's papers, has since revealed to his Majesty and every
other person who sees the extract.

Count Brandt has been guilty of all this criminality, although his
conscience must reveal to him at every moment that he was acting as an
unfaithful subject, and against the duty and the bond imposed on him by
the king's gracious familiarity, and in defiance of the warnings which
the two letters from an anonymous writer found in Brandt's pocket-book so
impressively and clearly contained, by reminding him of his duties, and
advising him what he should do if he did not wish to risk his head.

He only allowed himself to be ruled and guided by his arrogance,
fortune-hunting, and avarice.

But though the things mentioned appear so criminal, they cannot be
compared with the crime of laying hands on the exalted person of his
Majesty the King, which Count Enevold Brandt has himself clearly and
regularly confessed in his examination before the commission, and as it
has been proved and confirmed by several witnesses. For this crime may be
regarded as if Count Brandt wished to hazard the king's death, because
the result of such an assault cannot be foreseen, and an unlucky blow on
a tender part has frequently caused death.

He was angry with the king, and demanded satisfaction of his master,
whose well-deserved admonition he ought to have accepted in penitence for
his previous conduct, and have withdrawn himself from his (the king's)
countenance, in order not to irritate him more.

On the contrary, he consulted with his intimate friend Struensee how
and when he should assault the king, and reflected what sort of weapon
he should employ, and held it in readiness; but after more mature
reflection, made no use of it.

After he had been warned by Struensee that the king was now alone,
and the right time had arrived, he goes with reflection, and a firm
determination to avenge himself, in to the king, orders out the two lads
in attendance, and bolts the door, so that no one may come in to oppose
his resolution or to prevent his design, and forces his Majesty the King,
by language and assault, to offer resistance.

While doing so, he wounds his Majesty in the neck, bites his finger,
and at the same time insults his benefactor and king by audacious words
and expressions of such a nature that everybody must feel horrified at
repeating them.

It is true that Count Brandt has urged, in his excuse, that his Majesty
has pardoned him for this occurrence, yet, even were it so, it can only
be supposed that his Majesty wished to overlook so great an insult for
a time. Count Brandt, however, has produced no proof of this, and his
Majesty alone is in a position to judge how far this indulgence should
extend.

This most atrocious and audacious undertaking of Count Brandt cannot be
regarded otherwise than as an open attack on the king's person, and the
greatest crime of high treason, which deserves the punishment attached to
such a crime in art. 1, 4th chapter of the 6th book of the Danish law.

We, therefore, consider ourselves justified in condemning Count Brandt,
and passing the following sentence:--

Count Enevold Brandt shall have forfeited honour, life, and property,
and be degraded from his dignity of count, and all the other honours
conferred on him; his coat of arms shall be broken by the executioner on
the scaffold; his right hand cut off while he is still alive; then the
head; his body quartered and exposed on the wheel; but his head and hand
stuck on a pole.

The Commission at the Christiansborg Palace, this 25th April, 1772.

    J. K. JUELL-WIND.
    H. STAMPE. LUXDORPH.
    KOFOD ANCHER.
    F. E. SEVEL.
    G. A. BRAËM.
    A. G. CARSTENS.
    J. E. E. SCHMIDT.
    O. GULDBERG.

The royal confirmation of the sentence was to the following effect:--

_We hereby approve in all points the sentence passed by the Commission
of Inquiry appointed by us at the Christiansborg Palace, which declares
that Enevold Brandt, for his most atrocious and audacious design and
assault on our own person, shall have forfeited honour, life, and
property, and that he shall be degraded from his dignity as count, and
all the other honours conferred on him; that his coat of arms shall be
broken by the executioner on the scaffold; after that his right hand be
cut off while he is alive; and then his head; and that the body shall
be quartered and exposed on the wheel; but the head and hand stuck on a
pole. Whereupon those whom it concerns are ordered to act accordingly._

       *       *       *       *       *

Given at our Palace of Christiansborg, this April 27, 1772.

    CHRISTIAN.

            O. THOTT.
    LUXDORPH.    A. SCHUMACHER.
          DONS.    HOYER.

       *       *       *       *       *

These sentences are certainly among the rarest documents which the annals
of justice contain. Struensee was convicted of a single crime; Brandt was
innocent. In the sentence, Struensee's crime is not stated, and the whole
document is a disgustingly long narrative of undecided actions, not one
of which would offer grounds for a sentence of death. Reverdil, usually
so cool and impartial, cannot restrain his feelings when he writes about
these atrocious verdicts:--

"The sentences were minuted by Wiwet. They were inserted in the
newspapers; among others, the _Leyden Gazette_. They seem expressly drawn
up to dishonour the king, the judges, and the country. The crimes proved
are confounded in them with presumptions, offences with imprudences,
faults peculiar to favourites with those in which, as they were covered
by the king's authority, the culpability falls on him. In the fear of
not charging enough, intentions and passions are taken into account. In
the sentence passed on Brandt, after describing the scene of fisticuffs,
which so strongly revealed the king's imbecility, they were not ashamed
to add: 'Count Brandt has certainly alleged in his defence that the
king had pardoned him; but even supposing that the fact was proved, it
could not be understood otherwise than that his Majesty was kind enough
to suffer so great an extremity for a time. After all, the culprit has
proved nothing in this respect, and his Majesty is the sole judge of the
extent he gives to his own indulgence.' When this extraordinary document
was read to the man whom it concerned, he said very justly in his way,
that its author deserved a hundred lashes with a stirrup-leather."

It is not surprising to find that the authenticity of the sentences was
not believed when they were published in foreign countries. Thus we read
in the _Annales Belgiques_ for May, 1772:--

"A sentence ought to state the facts simply, and declare the penalty
which is pronounced against the man who has been guilty of them. Care
should be taken to avoid mixing up in it reasonings and epithets which
denote in the judge a disposition for vengeance or any passion: now this
pamphlet, which is offered us under the title of a sentence, displays
from one end to the other such marked characters of a violent prejudice
against the condemned, that this in itself would be sufficient to render
it suspicious. It forms a tissue of vague imputations which can be easily
destroyed."

But the dominant faction did not trouble itself about what might be said:
sentence had been passed, and the next matter of importance was to have
it executed before any revulsion took place in public opinion.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 5: This is translated _verbatim_ from the original, published
in 1772, a copy of which was forwarded me from the Danish Foreign Office.]

[Footnote 6: These adherents who aided in the suppression of the privy
council were Rantzau and Köller, that is to say, the men who figured
among the principal enemies and accusers of Struensee. It was Rantzau who
invented the decree that suppressed this council.--_Falckenskjold_, p.
205.]

[Footnote 7: Did they forget that the constitution which governs Denmark
gives the king absolute power? Could not the king dismiss one of his
officers without form of trial or the intervention of justice? Remember,
that those who brought this charge against Struensee also removed from
office persons who displeased them, and even deprived them of their
liberty and property. What I personally experienced certainly places me
in the position to judge.--_Falckenskjold_, p. 205.]

[Footnote 8: A reference to the sieges of Charles X. in 1658 and 1659,
and more especially to the violent assault by the Swedes on the night of
February 11, 1659, which was repulsed by the citizens, and to the conduct
of the Copenhageners at the Diet of 1660, when the sovereignty was handed
over to Frederick III., and the previous electoral kingdom was converted
into an agnatic-cognatic Denmark-Norway, exclusive of the German Duchies
and counties.]

[Footnote 9: This accusation is devoid of truth. Brandt could not always
be about his Majesty. The truth is, that the king was no more difficult
to approach under Struensee's administration than he had been under the
previous ministry. He was frequently alone, and I saw him arrive thus
at Gripsholm. It was after the fall of Struensee that the king, being
closely watched, was only accessible as far as pleased the dominant
party.-_Falckenskjold_, p. 205.]

[Footnote 10: I may remark that Struensee had a salary of 1,500 crowns as
secretary to the cabinet; that he afterwards had 3,000 in his quality of
councillor; that he lived inexpensively and dressed plainly; that only
a few days before his fall he set up his carriage, the magnificence of
which was imputed as a crime--it was a carriage in the English style,
without gilding or painting, lined with straw- cloth. Guldberg,
who charged him with avidity, afterwards thought proper to accept a
gratification of 100,000 crowns in one sum, by a note signed by the
king.--_Falckenskjold_, p. 208.]

[Footnote 11: If Struensee's enemies had not been his accusers and
judges, they would not have compared a small present made to the queen
with what the king gave to simple private persons without fortune, whom
he had summoned and admitted to his familiarity. They would not have
pretended to be ignorant why Struensee wrote the accounts of May, 1771,
and did not write the following accounts when he had ceased to be cabinet
secretary.-_Falckenskjold_, p. 206.]

[Footnote 12: Struensee had no more power on this account than when he
was merely master of requests and private secretary to the king. The
great reforms were effected while he occupied those two posts. Besides,
according to the royal law, "the king can appoint any minister under such
title and with such power as he pleases." It was no contravention of
the law to accept an office which the king could give and revoke at his
pleasure; but, with such a law as that of Denmark, weight may be attached
to any sort of accusation. Count de St. Germain was accused of infringing
the royal law, because he proposed to raze the useless fortresses
and dress the army in blue. The first Bernstorff was also accused of
contravention of the _Lex Regia_ when he was dismissed. The persons who
condemned Struensee to death for having encroached on the absolute power
of the king, issued the following decree on February 13, 1772, or while
the trial was going on:--

"All orders shall be drawn up by the council and through the council. No
order given directly by the king shall be carried into effect, unless the
bearer of it has made application to the department which it concerns,
and this department has acknowledged the said order."-_Falckenskjold_,
p. 208.]

[Footnote 13: It was, on the contrary, Struensee's principle to
purge the army and civil service of foreigners, and only to leave
natives; the reform had already been effected in this way in the
regiment of Seeland Dragoons. Braëm, one of the commissioners to try
Struensee, was well aware of this, as he was a member of the War
Department.--_Falckenskjold_, p. 209.]

[Footnote 14: The order concerning this reform is the only one which
Struensee was accused of having issued without the king's privity. The
War Department, of which I was a member, received on December 21 the
Minutes of this order for the disbandment of the Foot Guards; it made
no protest; it did not ask that the minute should be signed by the
king, which was not necessary; the patent was immediately drawn up, and
addressed, according to custom, to the king, that it might receive his
signature and seal; the king signed this patent on December 23; such is
the exact truth. How could it be stated in the sentence that the king had
no cognizance on December 21 of a minute the patent of which he ratified
on the 23rd by his signature? How could he be ignorant on December 24 of
an order he had signed on the 23rd?--_Falckenskjold_, p. 209.]

[Footnote 15: Struensee denied this: there were no proofs, and it is well
known that this minister only gave orders in writing.]

[Footnote 16: It is a curious fact that Brandt's having given Prince
Frederick a separate box was made a capital crime; that Baron de
Bülow, the king's equerry, was exiled for giving a separate stable to
the horses of Prince Frederick; and that I was cruelly prosecuted for
having allowed the band to play at a place which Prince Frederick was
passing.--_Falckenskjold_, p. 222.]




CHAPTER III.

THE EXECUTION.

    CONFIRMATION OF THE SENTENCE--STRUENSEE'S CORRESPONDENCE--RANTZAU'S
    TREACHERY--AN UNFEELING COURT--STRUENSEE'S PENITENCE--THE
    SCAFFOLD--APRIL 28--EXECUTION OF BRANDT--HORRIBLE DETAILS--DEATH OF
    STRUENSEE--HIS CHARACTER--ENLIGHTENED DESPOTISM--THE FIRST SERVANT OF
    THE STATE--THE QUEEN DOWAGER.


On the same day that the sentences were signed by the Commissioners,
Uldall, the counsel, went to Struensee, in order to inform him of the
termination of the trial.

When the advocate entered the cell, he said to the unhappy victim of a
conspiracy:

"Good count, I bring you bad news."

And with these scant words he drew a copy of the approved sentence out of
his pocket.

Calmly and silently the man condemned to such a cruel death perused the
sentence, but not the slightest alteration took place in his countenance.
Then, he handed the ominous paper to Dr. Münter, who happened to be with
him at the time.

While the latter was trembling as he read the sentence, Struensee began
to talk with composure with his counsel, and asked if all the points of
his accusation had been regarded in passing his sentence, especially that
about the education of the crown prince; to which Uldall answered in the
affirmative. Struensee added, that he must confess that, if he had had
children of his own, he would not have reared them in any other way.

"And what will Brandt's fate be?" he exclaimed.

"His sentence is exactly the same as yours," Uldall replied.

"And could his counsel do nothing to save him?" Struensee went on to ask.

"He said everything that could be urged in his favour, but Count Brandt
has too much laid to his charge."

This information caused Struensee greater emotion than the news of his
own fate. But he soon regained his composure, and added a few words about
a petition to the king for mercy, although he at the same time expressed
his conviction, that even this last step would meet with no success.

When Struensee and Münter were left alone again, the man who was now
Death's own assured his friend that his impending punishment did not
terrify him. He had thought that he might be broken on the wheel, and
was already considering whether he could suffer this kind of death with
patience.

"If I have deserved such a death," he then added, "my infamy would not
be removed, though those disgraceful circumstances were not annexed to
it. And if I had not deserved it, which I cannot assert, sensible people
would do me justice, and I should gain in point of honour. And upon the
whole, what is honour or infamy in this world to me? My judges had the
law before them, and therefore they could not decide otherwise. I confess
my crime is great: I have violated the majesty of the king. Many things
I might not have done if I had been sufficiently acquainted with the
law,--But why did I neglect it?"

These words, uttered by Struensee so shortly before his death, seemed
to reveal a doubt of his perfect innocence. Perhaps, however, this
uncertainty was rather produced by his conversion to the Christian
religion, by the recollection of past errors, and by the effect of a long
and painful imprisonment; while the imminent and awful close of his life
might also have produced impressions on him which made him fancy himself
guiltier than he really was. Or was it the voice of his conscience at the
remembrance of the ruin which he had brought on his young queen, which
spoke out of his soul, though he dared not clothe it in language?

My readers will remember how much this unhappy man was affected by a
letter which he received from his father, at the time when he still
maintained his irreligious principles. He now delivered to Dr. Münter a
letter for his parents, leaving him the option whether he would send it
at once, or after the execution. Münter chose the latter course, as he
knew Struensee's death was very near at hand, and he wished to save them
the anxiety of expecting the melancholy news of it. The letter was to the
following effect:--

    Your letters have increased my pain; but I have found in them that
    love which you always expressed for me. The memory of all the sorrow
    I have caused you, by living contrary to your good advice, and the
    great affliction my imprisonment and death must give you, grieve me
    the more, since, enlightened by truth, I see clearly the injury I
    have done. With the most sincere repentance I implore your pardon and
    forgiveness. I owe my present situation to my belief in the doctrine
    and redemption of Christ. Your prayers and your good example have
    contributed much toward it. Be assured that your son has found the
    great good, which you believe to be the only true one. Look upon his
    misfortune as the means which made him obtain it. All impressions
    which my fate could make or give will be weakened by this, as it has
    effaced them with me. I recommend myself to your further intercession
    before God. I pray incessantly to Christ, my Redeemer, that he may
    enable you to bear your present calamities. I owe the same to His
    assistance. My love to my brothers and sisters.

Brandt also received from his defender, Bang, a copy of the sentence
passed on him, and, like Struensee, sent in a petition for mercy. It
was reported that he would be pardoned. For Owe Guldberg, the most
influential of the judges at Christiansborg Palace, had thrown himself
at the feet of Queen Juliana Maria, who now held the authority in her
hands, and implored a mitigation of the punishment. But the queen dowager
absolutely refused to listen to him, not even when Guldberg earnestly
implored that at least Brandt's life might be saved. Crushed by such
harshness, and bitterly undeceived as to the extent of his influence, he
returned to his apartments, threw himself on the bed, refused to take
food, and passed several days in apathetic reflection.

Brandt's mother and brother asked permission to come to court to implore
the king's clemency, and, being unable to obtain it, they wrote to
the queen dowager and to Prince Frederick. The answers they received
were full of compliments, but gave them no hope. It was said, however,
that in the council, when the question of confirming the sentence was
discussed, there were voices for mercy; but that Counts von Rantzau and
Von der Osten absolutely opposed any being shown. The honour of the king
should have demanded that Brandt's life should be spared, in order to
conceal from the world what had passed between them, but the king had
an extreme repugnance to this; the mere name of the ex-favourite made
him tremble and turn pale. He positively declared that he would not save
Brandt unless Struensee were also spared, and the ministry considered
it necessary to immolate one of the victims, so as not to let the other
escape. The two sentences were consequently confirmed without the
slightest display of clemency.

Count von Rantzau more particularly displayed a sustained hardness and
fearful blackness of soul. He, doubtless, believed that by closing all
access to clemency, by forcing to the scaffold two intimate friends, one
of whom had been his benefactor, he should purge himself of the suspicion
of complicity, and that by sheer hypocrisy he should cause his connection
with the condemned men to be forgotten. At any other time, instead of
sitting in the council and determining the fate of the culprits, he would
have himself been the object of a severe sentence; instead of being
spared for having betrayed the favourites, there would have been an
additional charge against him, that of anticipating the royal commands to
arrest them; hence, being well aware that, in spite of his dignities, he
was marked, both as a restless and unbelieving man, he was more assiduous
than any one in his attendance at the court chapel, and joined in singing
hymns, which must have possessed all the charm of novelty for him.[17]

How little feeling that most miserable of monarchs, Christian, really had
in the whole matter, is seen by a perusal of the Danish journals at the
time. The amusements of the court offer a most revolting exhibition of
apathy and want of sympathy.

On April 23, there was a masked ball, _en domino_, at which the king,
the queen dowager, and their suite were present; on the 24th, instead of
the play, a concert at the Danish theatre, where the royal family were
present; on the 25th, the sentence on Counts Struensee and Brandt was
pronounced in open court; in the evening, the opera of _Adrien en Syrie_
was performed. The small-pox continuing its ravages, on the 26th, Sunday,
profane amusements were interdicted by the new government. On the 27th,
the king dined with his court at Charlottenlund, and returned to town at
7 P.M.; he signed the sentences, and proceeded to the Italian Opera. On
the 28th, the day of the execution, there was a grand concert at court.
Well may a writer in the _Annales Belgiques_ for May, 1772, remark:--

"If the king has unfortunately reached such a stage of unfeelingness,
what praise does not Caroline Matilda deserve for having succeeded
in captivating him so greatly that up to the present it was not even
suspected that he possessed such a disposition?"

In the meanwhile, Dr. Münter had informed Struensee, on April 26th, of
the promulgation of the sentences, and that they would be carried into
effect two days after. Struensee listened to him patiently, and then
remarked, as to the circumstances which were to throw infamy upon his
death--

"I am far above all this, and I hope my friend Brandt may be the same.
Here in this world--since I am on the point of leaving it--neither honour
nor infamy can affect me any more. It is equally the same to me after
death, whether my body putrifies under ground or in the open air; whether
it serves to feed the worms or the birds. God will know very well how to
preserve those particles of my body which, on the day of resurrection,
are to constitute my future glorified body. It is not my all which is to
be laid on the wheel. Thank God! I know now very well that this dust is
not my whole being."

After this they conversed quietly about various matters concerning
Struensee's administration. The decision whether his government had
been politically bad he left to posterity, and many times repeated his
assurance that he was not conscious of any wrong intentions. When Dr.
Münter left him, Struensee handed him the following letter for Frau von
Berkentin at Pinneberg. This was the patroness who, as chief gouvernante
to the prince royal, had recommended Struensee as physician in ordinary
for the king's foreign tour:--

    I make use of the first moments which permit me to write to you.
    Business, duties, and my late connexions have perhaps lessened in me
    the remembrance of my former friends, but they have been not able
    to obliterate their memory entirely. My present leisure has revived
    it. If my silence has aroused suspicion as to my former sentiments,
    I beg pardon of all those who are entitled to my gratitude, and
    of you, gracious lady, in particular. This however, is not the
    only advantage which the change of my fate has produced. I owe my
    knowledge of truth to it; it has procured me a happiness of which
    I had no further expectation, as I had already lost sight of it. I
    entreat you to consider my misfortunes in no other light but that of
    religion. I gain more by them than I can ever lose; and I feel and
    assure you of this with conviction, ease, and joy of heart. I beg you
    to repeat what I now write in the house of Count Ahlefeldt and at
    Rantzau. I am under great obligations to these two families, and it
    has grieved me far more to have drawn with me into misfortune persons
    who are related to them.

On the following day, April 27, Struensee also referred to his
administration, and assured Münter again, most sacredly, that he had not
falsified the accounts about the presents made by the king to him and
Brandt. Münter's remarks on this subject are worthy quotation:--

"It is difficult to dismiss every suspicion on this head against
Struensee; and if he were guilty, of how little value would be his
conversion! It has made me uneasy, frequently, and even now, still,
after his death. All manner of appearances, his own confession that he
could not free himself from all suspicion, and many other evidences,
are against him. However, on the other side, it makes me easy that he
confessed greater and more punishable crimes without constraint, but
denied this with a firmness, calmness of mind and confidence, which,
inexplicable as the matter remains, makes it difficult to believe him
guilty."

Struensee then handed to Münter the following letter to Chamberlain
Christian Brandt, which he desired him to get delivered:--

    Permit me to bewail with you and with the gracious lady your mother,
    the fate of our dear Enevold. Do not think me unworthy of sharing
    your grief with you, though, accidentally, I have been the cause of
    it. You know how much I love him. He was the man of all the world
    who possessed the largest share of my friendship. His misfortunes
    cause me the greatest anxiety, and my own have been on his account
    most painful to me. He has shared my prosperity with me, and I trust
    that we shall now together enjoy that happiness which our Redeemer
    has promised us. I do not know anything wherewith I could comfort
    you. You are acquainted with religion. In that I found a refuge to
    comfort me on account of my misfortune. I pray to God that he may at
    this very moment let you feel all its power. I shall not cease to
    entertain a most lively sense of gratitude toward all those persons
    who are dear to me at Rantzau. I am wholly yours, &c.

      April 27, 1772.

    P.S.--I have been in hopes, and still flatter myself, that the
    sentence of my friend will be mitigated.

To Münter, Struensee declared that Brandt's sentence of death could not
be signed with a good conscience; for, he said, he could not regard
the action for which his friend's life was forfeited as a crime, and
he, Struensee, did not repent having taken part in it. On the other
hand, he reproached Brandt, because in his intercourse with the king he
neglected the reverence he owed him, which had also been the reason why
he attracted the king's displeasure on himself.

Of all the letters written by Struensee, the one he addressed to Count
von Rantzau is assuredly the most remarkable. Instead of the reproaches
with which he might have justly overwhelmed him, he wrote in the
following forgiving spirit:[18]--

    This, Sir (Dr. Münter), is what I have begged you to say in my behalf
    to Count von Rantzau. I never entertained any feeling contrary to
    what his friendship had a right to expect. Though convinced long
    ago that he was acting against me, I did not venture to remove
    him from Copenhagen. The facilities I possessed for doing so,
    the solicitations addressed to me, and very powerful reasons not
    affecting me personally, could not induce me to do so. The Russian
    affairs will inform him of the measures taken against him, of which
    he is probably ignorant, as I never spoke to him about them in
    detail. I had conceived that his attachment to his master caused him
    to find the conduct of his friend blamable, but it did not enter my
    mind that he was capable of engaging any one to render his friend
    as unfortunate as possible. Still, convinced by experience, I have
    understood that the vivacity of zeal, circumstances, the persuasion
    of the peril with which the king was believed to be menaced, might
    stifle every other feeling. I have retained no bitterness against the
    count. Having been since enlightened by religion, I have preserved
    all the feelings of a personal attachment for him which, through
    various signs, his memory will, doubtless, bring before his eyes.
    I offer up vows for his prosperity. It is not in my power to give
    him stronger proofs than by ardently wishing that he may find the
    happiness which the truth of religion has taught me to know. I
    would desire the count, on this point, to remember, by analogy, his
    prejudices against medicine, and how he removed them by reading
    "Zimmermann," and by experiencing the good effects of the medicines
    I administered to him at Glückstadt. May these few words efface
    everything that the count nourishes against me in his mind! You
    will deliver this note to him, Sir, when no further motives are in
    existence which may make him attribute this step of mine to any other
    object.

    STRUENSEE.

    P.S. Having altered my mind, I have the honour to address this note
    directly to the count, instead of entrusting it to Dr. Münter.

    This 27th April, 1722.

      S.

Struensee did not wish to take a personal farewell of his brother,
Justiz-rath Struensee, because he was afraid that this might produce a
scene which would be too affecting for both of them. He therefore begged
Münter to do so for him. He entreated his brother's pardon for drawing
him into his misfortunes, but hoped and was certain that his affairs
would turn out well. He also assured him that he was leaving the world
with true brotherly affection for him. He also wished his brother to
be told of the sentiments in which he died. This commission Dr. Münter
discharged on the same evening, and carried back the answer of the much
afflicted brother.

Brandt also received on April 27, from his chaplain, Dean Hee, the news
of the confirmation of his sentence and the day of execution, which he
heard unconcerned, and said that he readily submitted to the will of God.

A report had been spread that Brandt had spoken recklessly while in
prison, and sung merry songs. Hence the dean made a proposition to him,
which he left to him to accept or not, that he should make a declaration
of what his real sentiments were, in the presence of witnesses. He
readily complied with the proposal, and Hee went to the commandant, who
came with four officers, in whose presence Brandt declared that he was
ready to die, and was not afraid of it; he likewise confessed before the
omniscient God, that he had without hypocrisy sought for God's mercy;
he likewise confessed, as he had done before, that he had acted very
inconsiderately, that his levity had been very great, and that he, on
this account, acknowledged God's mercy in suffering him to die, lest he
should be drawn away again from religion. He said, he knew very well
that the same levity of temper had induced him, in the beginning of his
imprisonment, to talk in a manner he was now ashamed of, though he was
sure in his conscience that many untruths were invented, and propagated
among the people, but he forgave those who had been guilty of such a
thing. Now, he wished that the gentlemen present would bear testimony to
what he should say. He acknowledged himself a great sinner before God:
a sinner who had gone astray, but was brought back by Christ. He then
begged the commandant and the other officers to forgive him, if, by his
levity, he had offended any one of them, and wished that God's mercy in
Christ might always attend them as the greatest blessing. He said all
this with such a readiness, and in such moving terms, that all who were
present were affected by it, and every one of them wished that God would
preserve him in this situation of mind to the last.

In the meanwhile, the town council, the police, and military
authorities, were making preparations for the execution. Copenhagen is
surrounded on the land side, next the three suburbs, by three large
fields bordered by neat _allées_, which are used as exercising grounds
for the garrison, and for public festivities. On the easternmost of these
fields, situated on the Sound, a scaffold, 8 yards long and broad, and
27 feet in height, was erected; and on the gallows hill, a mile distant,
and situated in the western suburb, two poles were planted, both of which
were surrounded by four wheel-posts. It took some trouble to complete
this job, because no artisans consented to undertake it. It was not until
other workmen were persuaded that a pleasure-house was to be built on the
field that the scaffold was completed. No wheelwright was willing either
to supply the wheels; so that the eight carriage wheels required had to
be begged from friends of the court party.

When dawn broke on the 28th of April, 1772, a day which inflicted an
eternal stain on the history of Denmark, the troops, consisting of 4,400
sailors belonging to the vessels in ordinary, and armed with pikes,
1,200 infantry, 300 dragoons, and, strange to say, the corps of military
cadets, marched through the gates, in order to form a large circle round
the stage of blood on the Osterfeld, keep back the eager countless
mob, and be ready for any eventualities. General von Eickstedt, town
commandant, had the supreme command of all the troops.

The two gates of the citadel were also kept shut till the departure of
the criminals; and the posts had been doubled in order to keep off the
pressure of the crowd, who also congregated eagerly here.

The two clergymen went at an early hour to the condemned men, and found
them both calm and easy in mind. When Münter entered, Struensee was
fully dressed, and lying on a couch. He was reading Schlegel's sermons
on Christ's Passion, and a religious conversation began between the two,
during which Münter looked very often toward the cell door with a fearful
expectation; but the count not once.

At length the officer on duty came in and requested Münter to step into
the coach, and precede Struensee to the place of execution. Münter was
greatly moved, but Struensee, as if it did not concern himself the least,
comforted him by saying:--

"Make yourself easy, my dear friend, by considering the happiness I am
going to enter into, and with the consciousness that God has made you a
means for procuring it for me."

Soon after, the two delinquents were requested to get into their coaches,
Brandt going on first. The latter, after praying fervently, had had
his chains, which were fixed in the wall, taken off, and he put on the
clothes in which he intended to appear on the scaffold. He then drank a
dish of coffee and ate something, walking up and down the room, which
he had not been able to do before. As often as Dr. Hee asked him how he
found himself, he said that he was not afraid of dying. He afterwards
asked Hee whether he had seen anybody executed before, and how far he was
to lay his body bare for the execution.

Struensee was dressed in a blue cut velvet coat with silver buttons;
Brandt in a green court dress richly embroidered with gold, and both had
costly fur pelisses thrown over them, but, as if in mockery, still had
a chain on their hand and foot. This gay attire had been given them in
order to remind the populace that the dizzy fall from the greatest power
to the scaffold was the just punishment of their unparalleled crimes. By
the side of each of the prisoners sat an officer, and opposite to them
two sergeants. The two coaches were surrounded by 200 infantry soldiers
with fixed bayonets, and an equal number of dragoons with drawn sabres.
The procession was opened by a third coach, in which the Fiscal General
and the king's bailiff were seated, and, facing them, the latter's
deputy, holding two tin shields, on which the arms of the two counts were
painted.

Half-past eight was striking from the tower of the citadel when the three
coaches began their progress to the scaffold, where they were expected by
upwards of 30,000 persons.

When the procession reached the spot, the Fiscal General and the king's
bailiff with his assistant first mounted the scaffold, on which the
executioner and his aids were awaiting their victims. They were followed
by Brandt; his features were so unchanged, and his bearing was so
perfectly calm, that it was generally supposed that a hope of mercy was
aroused in his mind at this supreme moment. Dean Hee mounted the scaffold
stairs immediately after him, and it was not till they reached the top
that the prisoner's fetters were removed. Even here he assured Hee that
his mind was composed, and that he was not afraid of death. The dean,
however, continued to encourage him, and concluded with the words:--

"Son, be of good cheer, for thy sins are forgiven thee."

To which Brandt replied:--

"Yes; they are all cast into the depths of the sea."

The king's bailiff, Etats-rath Ortwed, now read the sentence; and when
he had finished, the executioner advanced to receive the count's coat of
arms. He asked Brandt whether it was his escutcheon, to which the other
replied by a nod; he then swung it in the air, and broke it with the
words:--

"This is not done in vain, but as a just punishment."

After the clergyman had read Brandt those things from the ritual which
are usual on such occasions, Hee asked him whether, in addition to his
other sins, he repented of his great crime of high treason? Brandt
answered in the affirmative, and then added:--

"I pray God, the king, and the country, for forgiveness, and only wish
that God may bless the king and the whole land for the sake of Christ's
blood."

After these words the clergyman gave him the benediction, and, taking
him by the hand, delivered him over to justice. When the executioner
approached to assist Brandt in undressing, the latter said to him with
firmness, though not without mildness, "Stand off, and do not presume
to touch me!" He quickly let his pelisse fall, took off his hat, and
himself removed his coat and waistcoat. After previously feeling in all
the pockets, which he doubtless did out of habit, he also began to bare
the right arm, from which the hand was to be cut off, but the executioner
now advanced, and helped him to bare the whole arm as well as his
neck.[19] After this, Brandt knelt down, and laid his head on one block
and his hand on another. When the victim had thus offered himself for the
execution of the sentence, the clergyman reminded him of the posture of
the Saviour in the garden of Gethsemane, with his face on the ground, to
which Brandt, lying on the block, replied in a loud voice:--

"The blood of Christ intercedeth for me."

Hee stepped back, and while he was saying, "O Christ, in Thee I live, in
Thee I die! Oh! thou Lamb of God, that takest away the sins of the world,
be merciful!" the execution was over. Brandt did not die as a hypocrite,
but at the same time displayed no defiance.

Immediately after, the executioner's aids advanced, stripped the body,
and then divided it into four quarters with an axe. Each quarter was let
down separately by a rope into a cart standing below, and the vessels
with the entrails were also placed in it. Lastly, the head was held
up, shown to the spectators, and then let down into the cart, together
with the hand. After which the scaffold was strown with fresh sand, in
readiness for Struensee.[20]

During this awful tragedy Struensee sat in his coach, which was standing
near the scaffold. When Brandt went up, Münter ordered the coach to be
turned in such a way that they might not witness Brandt's execution. But
Struensee's eyes had already found his unfortunate friend, and hence he
said:--

"I have seen him already."

After some further exhortation, Münter said to the prisoner:--

"Christ prayed for his murderers even on the cross. May I rely upon your
leaving the world with the same sentiments of love toward those whom you
might have reason to think your enemies?"

"In the first place," Struensee replied, "I hope that there is no one who
has a personal hatred against me; but that those who have promoted my
misfortunes, have done it with the intention of doing good. Secondly, I
look upon myself already as a citizen of another world, and consider that
I am obliged to entertain sentiments conformable with this dignity; and
I am sure that if I were to see those who might perhaps be my enemies
here in the bliss of that world which I hope to enter into, it would give
me the highest satisfaction. I pray to God that if my enemies hereafter
repent of their behaviour toward me, this repentance may induce them to
look out for that salvation which I confidently promise myself through
the mercy of God."

Struensee, during this conversation, suffered no other change than that
he appeared very pale, and thinking and speaking evidently cost him more
trouble than they had done earlier in the morning. Still he retained
perfect composure, and saluted some of those around the coach by raising
his hat, or by friendly glances. From the motion of the spectators, Dr.
Münter, though he could not see the scaffold, guessed that Struensee's
turn to ascend it had arrived, and that, with Brandt's death, all hope of
a pardon had disappeared.

When summoned by name, Struensee stepped out of the coach, and went, led
by Münter, with dignity though humbly, through the ranks of favoured
spectators, and bowed to them also. With difficulty he ascended the
fifteen steps leading to the scaffold. When they reached the top, Münter
spoke very concisely, and in a low voice, upon the words, "He that
believeth in me, though he were dead, yet shall he live." After this the
sentence of the Commission of Inquiry and the royal confirmation were
read to Struensee, and the king's own signature was shown him. Then came
the breaking of the coat of arms, after which Struensee's chains were
taken off. The clergyman once again went up to Struensee, and asked him
various questions.

"Are you very truly sorry for all those actions by which you have
offended God and man?"

"You know my late sentiments on this point," Struensee replied, "and I
assure you they are this very moment just the same."

"Do you trust in the redemption of Christ as the only ground of your
being pardoned before God?"

"I know no other means of receiving God's mercy, and I trust in this
alone."

"Do you leave this world without hatred or malice against any person
whatever?"

"I hope nobody hates me personally; and as for the rest, you know my
sentiments on this head; they are the same as I told you before."

Doctor Münter then laid his hand upon Struensee's head, and said with
deep emotion, before he delivered him up to justice:--

"Then go in peace whither God calls you! His grace be with you!"

Struensee then took off his fur pelisse, removed his hat, and tried to
undress himself, but his strength failed him in doing so, and he was
obliged to ask the executioner's help. After this he produced a white
handkerchief to bind his eyes with, but the executioner said that it was
not necessary, and then assisted him in removing his shirt.

Struensee then walked with hesitating steps the few yards leading to
the block, which still reeked with the blood of his dearest friend; a
stronger mind than Struensee ever possessed might have been unhinged
by the dreadful scene before his eyes. He knelt down, but had great
difficulty in placing himself in the proper position. As the executioner
raised the axe to cut off his right hand, Münter began slowly pronouncing
the words:--

"Remember Jesus Christ crucified, who died, but is risen again."

The first blow fell, and with it, Struensee was attacked by violent
convulsions, the result of which was, that the second blow intended
to behead the poor wretch, failed. He sprang up convulsively, but the
assistant seized him by the hair, and pulled him down on the block by
force; even when the head was removed, a portion of the chin was left
behind.

The same horrors were committed on his poor corpse as on Brandt's, but
I have no heart to dwell on them: let us rather agree with the poet in
saying,

    "Excidat illa dies ævo: nec postera credant
    Sæcula: nos certé taceamus et obruta multa
    Nocte tegi nostræ patiamur crimina gentis."

The mangled remains, after they had been thrown into the cart, were
conveyed all through the city to the field at the other extremity, where
they were to be left to moulder or be devoured by the fowls of the
air. For each, four stout balks were, at equal distances, driven into
the earth; a taller pole was fixed in the centre; the entrails, &c.,
were buried in a hole dug at the foot of the central pole; on the top
the head was fixed, the pole being forced up inside the skull, through
which a spike was driven to make it fast; the hand was nailed on a piece
of board, placed transversely below the head; a cart wheel was fixed
horizontally on the top of each of the four posts or pillars, on which a
quarter of the body was exposed, made fast to the wheel by iron chains.

The countless crowd, whose curiosity was now fully satisfied, returned
to the city, shaken by the scenes they had witnessed, and the deep
impression produced by the awful drama could be noticed for a long time.
Convicts had to be employed on the next day in removing the scaffold, as
no honest man would have a hand in it; but Gallows Hill preserved its
decorations for some years, and even in 1775, Mr. Coxe saw Struensee's
and Brandt's skulls and bones there.[21] All this was done to satiate
the vengeance of the queen dowager. With a telescope in her hand,
Juliana Maria had witnessed the whole execution from the tower of the
Christiansborg, and when the turn arrived for the special object of her
hatred, Struensee, she rubbed her hands joyously, and exclaimed, "Now
comes the fat one."[22]

But the queen did not neglect to observe decorum even in this affair, and
hence, soon after the execution, sent for Dr. Münter, in order to hear
all the details of the judicial murder from this immediate witness of the
fearful scene. When he had ended his report, the queen burst into tears;
but, as our Danish authority remarks, "it is notorious that a crocodile
can weep." Then she said to Münter--

"I feel sorry for the unhappy man. I have examined myself whether in all
I have done against him I have acted through any feeling of personal
enmity; but my conscience acquits me of it."

After this, the queen dowager gave Dr. Münter a snuff-box of rock
crystal, while a similar gift in porcelain was forwarded to Dean Hee.[23]

But the historian, Suhm, who was attached to the court, and was one of
the most zealous enemies of Struensee, tells us how far we are justified
in believing the queen dowager's statement. As the queen occupied the
upper floor of Christiansborg Palace, whence a view of the Gallows Hill
was obtained, Chamberlain Suhm asked her some years later, why her
Majesty, who had so many splendid palaces at her service, inhabited these
unpretending rooms, and received the answer:--

"And yet these rooms are dearer to me than all my most splendid
apartments; for from these windows I saw my bitterest foe exposed on the
wheel."

Such was the end of a man whose miserable story is indubitably one
of the most romantic episodes of his century; and it only required a
Danish Walter Scott, in order to make of it an historical romance of
the first class. For such a work the matter is fully sufficient. But
for the same reason all efforts must fail to convert Struensee into the
hero of a tragedy. Many poets, some of them in the first flight, have
undertaken this ungrateful task, but have not attained any success worth
mentioning. The reason can easily be found. Struensee was no hero; not
even an original: he possessed no distinct character, but was merely
a type of his age, and in spite of his undeniable talents, he was an
ordinary adventurer after all. Fortune is as much the touchstone of
minds as misfortune is. It subjected this man to a trial, and he came
out of it badly. Arrogant and unbridled in fortune, he proved himself in
misfortune despondent, cowardly, and even worthless. The fortune which
he at first did not turn to a bad use, brought a king's sceptre into
his hand, and he allowed it to be shamefully torn from him by people
far inferior to him in intellect. A queen, young and beautiful as a May
morning, supported him, and he betrayed her. He had felt a pride in being
an avowed free-thinker, and he died with wailing and gnashing of teeth,
as a penitent sinner. No, he was not a tragic hero. Even the genius of a
Shakspere would have failed in rendering him one.

It is a fact worthy of attention that Struensee possessed none of the
qualities which generally presuppose success at court. He was not an
amiable man, in the conventional sense of the term. The English envoy,
Gunning, who was not ill-disposed toward him, expressly stated, in a
despatch of April, 1770, that Struensee did not at all display in his
conversation the liveliness and pleasantry by which other men pave the
way to fortune. "His mode of behaving and expressing himself is dry and
even unpleasant, so that it was a subject of general surprise how he
contrived to acquire such unbounded influence over the king and queen."
Further, the envoy allows the favourite "no inconsiderable acquirements,"
but denies him all statesman-like ability and political tact. At the same
time he was deficient in sufficient insight into Danish affairs. He was
tolerably free from vanity, but not from an immoderate self-confidence,
which not unfrequently degenerated into "impudence." The envoy, however,
supplies us with the key to the enigma of Struensee's sudden elevation,
when he mentions that he was "bold and enterprising," and such a man is
sure to make his way among women.[24]

Still, in spite of Struensee's deficiency and all his mistakes, so
much justice must be done him as to allow that he desired the welfare
of the state. He originally possessed a not ignoble mind, which was
lowered and degraded by his fabulous elevation and sudden fall. Being
formed of much softer and more worthless stuff than the metal out of
which great, or even second-rate statesmen are composed, he could not
endure either fortune or misfortune. An idealist, trained in the school
of enlightened despotism, he did not understand that a nation must be
raised from the bottom to the top. This was the mistake of the age.
The reasons of state of a Frederick the Great or a Joseph II. were,
after all, only an improvement of the breed. We have all due respect
for those enlightened despots who have so far freed themselves from the
swaddling-clothes of the Byzantine ideas about the divine right of kings,
as to wish themselves to be merely regarded as the first servants of the
state; but, at the same time, we are inclined to say with old Wieland,
"May Heaven protect us from the luck of being obliged to live under the
sceptre or stick of such first servants of the state." Struensee acted on
the principle that, in order to make nations progress, nothing further
was required than to realise by edicts the principles of the French
philosophers and German illuminati. After the fashion of many other
world-betterers of the age, he did not know or reflect that it is far
more difficult to lead the unjudging masses to what is good, than to what
is bad; that the most absurd prejudices of the plebs must be humoured
far more than the noblest human privileges; that the coarse diplomacy of
pot-house demagogues is sufficient to make the ignorant mob throw away
the diamonds of truth and eagerly clutch at the _strass_ of falsehood and
absurdity; and that, lastly, the people in all times are most willing, at
the desire of their enemies, to hate, persecute, stone, and crucify their
friends.

It is possible, even probable, that, if Struensee had held the power
longer, he would have passed from the experimentalising stage to really
beneficial results. The beginning of his display of power was not so bad.
Denmark had long sighed under the brutal dictatorship which the envoys
of Russia exercised. Struensee broke this yoke, and did it so cleverly,
that the ambitious czarina in Petersburg was obliged to give way, whether
she liked it or not. The management of the foreign policy by Struensee
least of all deserves blame, because it was based on the sensible
principle that Denmark must live in peace and amity with all states, but
not be subject to any one of them. The same praise cannot be afforded
to Struensee's home administration. The tendency generally was good and
reasonable here, but the execution left much, very much, to be desired.
We find everywhere hasty attempts, but no thorough carrying through. A
despotic theorising, which was followed by no energetic practice, and
the most correct designs destroyed and confused by the interference
of personal interests, sympathies, and antipathies, characterised the
administration.

Struensee's great fault was that he did not, and would not, understand
that in statesman-like calculations, not abstract ideas but men are the
figures employed in reckoning--men with all their weaknesses, follies,
prejudices, and passions. Through mistaking this great fact, he contrived
to embitter all classes of the nation. He offended the nobles without
winning the peasants; he made the officers, soldiers, and sailors his
enemies, without making the citizens his friends. And he did this among
a people whose education was behindhand, and to whom he was an object of
hatred, from the fact of his being a foreigner.

After his fall, which every one but himself had foreseen--and we may
fairly say that he signed his own death-warrant by the maniacal cabinet
decree which placed all the authority in his hands--Struensee behaved
like a miserable coward and traitor. It has been said that his judges,
or, more correctly, executioners, terrified the ruined man by a menace of
the torture, and, at the same time, deluded him by the idea that his sole
chance of salvation was in compromising Caroline Matilda most deeply.
But, for all this, a man would never do, and only a weakling and coward
would do what he did, when he confessed, on February 21, that he had
been the queen's lover. From this moment he could only lay claim to a
feeling of contempt. It would not even excuse him were it true, as has
been alleged, that a pretended confession of Caroline Matilda's guilt was
shown him.

Still the means employed to get rid of the favourites were most
reprehensible. It is true that the queen dowager and Prince Frederick
had a right to feel irritated at having no credit at a court where
a Struensee domineered, and that they wished to remove him and his
partisans. We can understand that Queen Juliana Maria, who had no
experience of business, and Prince Frederick, who had scarce emerged from
boyhood, should not suspect the extremities to which Guldberg's faction
would lead them; and it may be true that it was owing to their generosity
that the children of Caroline Matilda were not deprived of their rights.
Nor can we positively condemn Guldberg for wishing to tear from Struensee
powers which Struensee had torn from others. Perhaps Guldberg possessed
more capacity, or a better claim to hold the power than he. But, as to
the means employed in gaining the object, we cannot help agreeing with
Falckenskjold when he says:

"To make Struensee perish in order to seize on his office, was not this
purchasing it very dearly? and especially to add the punishment of the
unfortunate Brandt to that of Struensee, and to assail the liberties
and fortunes of so many persons who were innocent of the ambition of
these two men. And, in order to give a legal appearance to these
proscriptions, they do not hesitate to abuse whatever is most sacred in
human laws; they convert private intrigues into judicial proceedings;
they employ calumnious libels as authentic documents and sentences; they
raise the veil and expose to the public the domestic secrets of the
king's house! They do not fear violently to break the happy union of the
king with his consort; to render doubtful the rights of the issue of that
union, by compromising the future tranquillity of the state; and, lastly,
to cast on a young queen the affront of a mortal stain, and to condemn
her to expire in a lengthened agony!

"Was the post of a principal minister of the King of Denmark so
important, or desirable at such a price?"

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 17: Reverdil, p. 422.]

[Footnote 18: Reverdil is the only writer who produces this curious
document.]

[Footnote 19: Gespräch im Reiche der Todten.]

[Footnote 20: Gespräch im Reiche der Todten.]

[Footnote 21: Struensee's skull was eventually stolen by four English
sailors, belonging to a Russian man-of-war commanded by Admiral Greig.]

[Footnote 22: It has been said that Juliana Maria expressed a regret at
not seeing the decapitated corpse of Caroline Matilda by the side of
that of her accomplices. But such language would be quite contrary to
the reserve, prudence, and dissimulation of which she furnished so many
proofs during the whole of her life.]

[Footnote 23: The Commission of Inquiry has received orders to consider
in what manner the persons _employed in convicting_ the prisoners of
state should be rewarded; in consequence of which it was allotted that
Dr. Hee and Dr. Münter should each receive 300 rix dollars; but the court
was of a different opinion, and judged it most proper to make presents to
these ecclesiastics. The two civil officers who drew up the protocol each
received 150 Danish ducats.--_Annual Register_ for 1772.]

[Footnote 24: This letter I have found in Raumer's "Beiträge zur neueren
Geschichte," vol. i.]




CHAPTER IV.

THE HIGH COMMISSION.

    THE TEN PRISONERS--THE REPORT--LIEUT.-COLONEL VON
    HESSELBERG--ETATS-RATH WILLEBRANDT--PROFESSOR BERGER--UNJUST
    SENTENCES--VON GAHLER--FALCKENSKJOLD AND STRUENSEE--SERIOUS
    CRIMES--THE SENTENCE--THE ROYAL APPROVAL--THE FORTRESS OF
    MUNKHOLM--THE COMMANDANT--RESIGNATION--THE ORDER OF RELEASE--CURIOUS
    CONDITIONS--DEATH OF FALCKENSKJOLD.


After the execution of the two counts, the turn came for the other ten
prisoners of state to be disposed of. In order to justify in the sight
of Europe the sanguinary treatment of the two principal victims, these
prisoners must also appear in the light of state criminals, although no
actual offence could be proved against a single one of them. Although
the grounds for their sentences are of the most paltry description,
it is easy to discover in them that, after the removal of their real
enemies, the dominant faction wished to affect a display of mercy,
probably through fear of public opinion, which was beginning to be loudly
expressed both at home and abroad, about the cruel fate of the two
counts.

The court believed it necessary to lay before the nation in print the
sentences of Counts Struensee and Brandt, and with them a list of
the crimes for which they were tried. This measure, however, had the
contrary effect to what was expected. Nothing was seen in this sentence
but a desire to prove the counts guilty, and a long series of absurd
conclusions, by which it was sought to attain this object: the sentence
on Count Brandt, more especially, revolted every one, and the general
dissatisfaction was unmistakable.[25] Hence, although it was proposed in
the council to lop off one or two more heads, one of the judges, Kofod
Ancher, thought it was time to say to the king, as was said to Augustus,
_siste carnifex_. It was therefore decided that the only victim of
judicial vengeance should be Falckenskjold, who had dared to be an honest
admirer of Struensee, and was really at the same time an enlightened
statesman and politician.

On April 21 a royal command was sent to the commissioners to hand in an
accurate representation of the offences of all the other persons arrested
on January 17, and more especially those who had been guilty of minor
crimes. This order was executed in a "most humble" report, dated May
5. The poor wretches had been allowed to pass all this time in prison,
suffering from the most painful uncertainty.

Frau von Gähler was placed at the head of the list as the least guilty
sinner. She had attracted suspicion--so it was stated in the report--by
her intercourse with Struensee, by an uninterrupted correspondence
during the Holstein progress with her husband in Copenhagen, by her
being selected to be constantly in attendance on the queen, by her and
her husband's decoration with the queen's Order of Matilda; and lastly,
by the rumour that important papers had been entrusted to her care. As,
however, the closest investigation had not produced a tittle of proof
against her, and her correspondence with her husband proved to be of the
most innocent nature, while other ladies who stood under no suspicion had
enjoyed equal favour at court, the commission had discovered nothing that
could be brought as a charge against her.

A similar declaration was issued by the commission in the matter of
Lieutenant-Colonel von Hesselberg. This officer who--on account of the
acquirements he had gained on foreign service, and the intelligence
displayed by him while holding an appointment at the Academy of Military
Cadets, had been proposed by Falckenskjold as lieutenant-colonel of
the king's regiment, because the latter wished to have an efficient
representative, while he went on diplomatic business to Russia--had
received orders to have an eye on Struensee's youngest brother, who was
appointed to his regiment. Such was the state crime brought against this
man of honour by the exalted commissioners.

As an example of the condition of the Danish army at that day, the
circumstances connected with Hesselberg's appointment will be perused
with interest. When Falckenskjold, shortly after his arrival from Russia,
was appointed colonel of the king's regiment, the quartermaster delivered
to him an account of the state of the regimental chest, according to
which there ought to be 25,000 dollars in it. Falckenskjold replied, that
he would take over the chest after a committee of inquiry had sat. The
quartermaster objected that this was displaying an unusual suspicion,
but Falckenskjold stuck to his text, and lo and behold! there were
but 95 dollars in the chest. On his threatening to report the affair,
5,000 dollars were produced, and the quartermaster bolted. A close
investigation proved that the missing sum had been stolen by frauds, in
which the officers were mixed up, and Falckenskjold was at last obliged
to let the matter drop, but for this very reason selected Hesselberg, in
whom he could trust, as his second in command.

The third ill-used man, against whom the commission could not produce a
_scintilla_ of evidence either, was Rear-Admiral Hansen. He had first
formed Struensee's acquaintance when he received orders to join the
Algerine Committee, and afterwards assumed a special command in the
expedition. He had never spoken on any matters but those connected
with the navy to Struensee, and yet was kept for months in prison as a
dangerous criminal.

Equally little could be alleged against Councillor of Legation
Sturtz. His connection with Struensee had never possessed an intimate
character, which was proved by the fact, that he had remained attached
to Bernstorff. The sole reason for his lengthened residence at
Hirschholm, in the summer of 1771, was, that he, as a clever amateur in
portrait-painting, had received a commission to take the likeness of
the queen and prince royal, and the diamond ring presented to him by
the queen for his bride, was only an acknowledgment given him for these
works of art, which are still in existence, and said to be excellent
likenesses. Nor was anything in the slightest degree incriminating found
among his papers.

Lieutenant Aboe, of the navy, was the next prisoner declared to be
innocent. When a cadet he had formed the acquaintance of Brandt, and
became intimate with him, partly on account of the pecuniary assistance
the latter gave him, partly to be recommended to Chamberlain Struensee,
through whose application he obtained the interim post of master of the
crews at the navy docks, and of adjutant to the Algerine expedition. In
the latter capacity he frequently waited on Struensee, and handed in
some pretended ameliorations in the administration of the navy, which,
however, only proved his ignorance. He had no further connection with
Struensee, and was, indeed, offended with the cabinet minister, because
the latter did not sufficiently recognise his merits.

The examination had thus proved that five innocent persons had been
kept in a state of torturing uncertainty as to their fate, and in cruel
imprisonment for four months and a half, while their relatives were
exposed to public contumely.

Of Etats-rath Willebrandt it was alleged that he had been so simple and
bold as to wish to reform the Admiralty College, without having gained
a proper insight of the administration of the navy, much less of the
difference in the business of the department during peace and war, as
he had solely obeyed the order given him to establish the Admiralty
College after the pattern of that of the Generalty. The commissioners,
it is true, declared that it was not within their competence to judge
the value of a plan which in any case had been approved by his Majesty,
and for this reason did not dare to express dissatisfaction with it.
Still they thought themselves at liberty to state that which the result
proved, that a portion of the plan, owing to Willebrandt's ignorance,
produced irregularity and inconveniences, which could only be prevented
by alterations and fresh expenses for the king's treasury. After this, an
allusion was made to the affair with the enrolled sailors, who marched
on Hirschholm in 1771. Willebrandt's offence, therefore--the report
went on to say--consisted in his having undertaken to reform things of
which he had no thorough knowledge, and he thus produced scenes which
might easily have had dangerous consequences. It was not mentioned in
the report, however, that the king had given him this order, that Count
Haxthausen took part in it, and that both, when they drew up the plan,
expressly requested that the new scheme might be previously examined by
professional men.

Professor Berger, the physician in ordinary, also appeared to the
commission to have committed an offence. It was true that all the
medicines found in his house proved to be innocuous; there was no proof
that the steel cure attempted on his Majesty was improper; in the matter
of the rearing of the crown prince he had not agreed in all points with
Struensee, but rather had been the cause that warmer clothing and better
food were granted his royal highness toward the close: it was also true
that he expressed his anger at Struensee having acquired a power which he
considered prejudicial to the nation; but he had given serious offence
by concurring with Struensee, and giving his advice and propositions in
reforms of which he probably knew nothing, more especially in things
which did not concern his trade as physician, or the _res literariæ_
generally. As a proof of this, it was alleged that he had proposed some
persons to fill the places of the dismissed members of the magistracy,
and that Struensee requested him to mention a person who would be
suitable for the chief post in the navy yards. Still the commission would
not venture to judge of the use or disadvantage of such propositions, as
the papers found on the accused and the other prisoners, on which their
argument must be founded, contained no information about them.

This was everything that could be brought against a professional man,
who, in spite of his zealous attention to the king's health, and his
well-earned reputation, was dragged to the fortress, and, like a
murderer, prohibited the use of knife and fork, and was not allowed to
shave himself, or sleep on his own mattress.

If the conduct of the commission had hitherto retained a varnish of
justice, the royal resolution, minuted by Councillor of Conference
Schumacher, and issued on May 18, was a strange proof of tyranny, which
smote truth on the face with open falsehoods. For it was stated in this
resolution, that the persons who had been guilty of the "smallest crimes"
should be punished in the following way:--

Frau von Gähler would be set at liberty, but must refrain from appearing
at court so long as her husband's affair was not concluded.

Rear-Admiral Hansen and Lieutenant Aboe would be discharged from arrest,
and report themselves to the Admiralty College, where they would learn
the king's commands with respect to them.

Legations-rath Sturtz would also be released from arrest, and ordered to
proceed to Holstein. He would retain his pension of 500 dollars, which
had been granted him by the royal resolution of January 26, but must
expend it away from the court.

Etats-rath Willebrandt, after being discharged, would proceed to one of
the small towns in Seeland, where an annual pension of 300 dollars would
be paid him.

Professor Berger, lastly, after being set at liberty, would go to
Aalborg, in northern Jütland, where a pension of 300 dollars would be
paid him, until a post of provincial surgeon became vacant in Jütland.

These decisions the commissioners made known to the persons concerned
with the solemn warning that, after the king had pardoned them this time,
through special mercy, for their incautious, thoughtless, and criminal
conduct, they must be very careful not to give rise to greater suspicion
by word or writing, as, in that case, they would be subjected to a
further examination, and might expect the king's most serious displeasure.

The sovereign lord over the life and death of his subjects was
consequently of a different opinion from the commissioners, who had found
the accused guilty of no offence. But it was considered desirable to get
rid of those persons most hated, and, in order to convict them, it was
requisite to accuse them of offences at the expense of truth.

Lieutenant-Colonel von Hesselberg, who was referred to the Commissariat
College, learnt there that the king had appointed him Commander of the
2nd National Battalion of Schleswig-Holstein. This distinguished officer
afterwards became colonel of an infantry regiment in Norway, where he
died in 1808, a lieutenant-general, and commandant of the fortress of
Bergenhuus.

Rear-Admiral Hansen was informed by the Admiralty that he had forfeited
his post as deputy of the latter college, but would continue to serve the
state. He died a few years after the catastrophe.

Lieutenant Aboe, who also learnt his future fate from the Admiralty,
received orders to pass two years abroad, but retained his commission and
pay. Eventually, he left the service with the rank of captain, set up as
a merchant in Copenhagen, failed, made voyages to the East Indies, and
died after many hard adventures in Copenhagen.

The three exiles, Legations-rath Sturtz, Etats-rath Willebrandt, and
Professor Berger, in obedience to the royal commands, quitted the
capital, and proceeded to their several destinations. When Falckenskjold
was recalled from Switzerland by the crown prince in 1788, he found
Willebrandt still in exile: Berger was a practising physician at Kiel,
but Sturtz had died of grief.[26]

The public of Copenhagen were astonished at this mild treatment of
persons who had been kept in such close arrest. Much worse had been
anticipated. But three state criminals still remained in prison, and
what had been spared their associates, who were punished for having been
proved innocent, could be done to them.

Lieutenant-General von Gähler, Colonel and Chamberlain von Falckenskjold,
and Justiz-rath Struensee, were still awaiting their sentence. But on
May 10 an order had been issued to the commission to lay before the
king a full report of the crimes of these men, for his Majesty's most
gracious consideration and resolution. In obedience with this command,
the commission sent in its report on May 30.

With respect to Gähler, it was alleged that he was mixed up both in
the Traventhal league and the abolition of the council. It was true
that he had denied both, but, on the first point, the letters found
at his house contradicted him. As regards the council, he had not, as
his duty ordered, sufficiently represented the value of the council in
his answers to the questions laid before him for explanation on Sept.
24, 1770, and there were even strong reasons for conjecturing that he
proposed and promoted the abolition of the council, because he was
Struensee's principal adviser about this time. In the same way he had
recommended to his friend Struensee, the abolition of the verbal reports
of the colleges. By this, the general had helped to conceal Struensee's
audacious conduct from the king, and given him, Struensee, opportunity
for filching all the power and authority. It was allowed that Von Gähler,
by his propositions, had no intention of sustaining Struensee in his
situation and promoting his autocracy. Still, he ought, and must have
noticed Struensee's boundless ambition, when he perceived that the latter
"wished to apply the practice of his profession to the state, and began
by amputating from it so important a limb as the council was." General
von Gähler ought the less to have attempted to promote Struensee's views,
as he was not adapted either by nature or Providence to regulate or
remodel a state. He ought not to have furnished Struensee with projects,
all the consequences of which he could not foresee. More especially, he
ought not to have advised the suppression of verbal reports, but to have
always opposed it. But he appeared to have been possessed by a mania
for reformation. As a proof, it might be mentioned that he proposed the
reform for which was introduced into Norway by the regulation of January
14, 1771, that lands, after ten years' tenure, should become freehold,
which no man of perspicuity could have advised.[27] The commission found
a second instance in the reform of the two Chanceries, although the
division of business, according to provinces, had had the best results.

Before all, however, Von Gähler wished to remodel the navy. It was
quite incredible what tricks he employed to get it into his hands, and
the commission reports that the misfortune which befel the Algerine
expedition gave Von Gähler the desired opportunity for effecting it. Herr
von Gähler's crime, therefore, principally consisted in the fact, that
he interfered in everything, and wished to reform all the regulations
of the state, without possessing the requisite knowledge and insight,
without knowing the advantages or defects of what existed, and without
sufficiently pondering over the consequences of his propositions. The
commission, however, could find no excuse in the circumstance that Von
Gähler's proposed reforms only consisted of ideas and thoughts, whose
trial by experiments injured nobody, because most of the affairs in which
he interfered in no way concerned him, and the trouble he took in order
to obtain a justification for doing so, proved a greater offence; for he
had applied to Struensee, a man who was even more ignorant than himself
in such things, and blindly followed everything that was proposed to
him, especially when such propositions suggested radical changes. The
commission, however, would not omit mentioning that the general, since
May, 1771, had possessed no special influence over Struensee, because
he had joined the opposition against the reduction of the Horse Guards,
and besides, he had not commended himself to the cabinet minister, by
representing to him how little the power he had appropriated agreed
with the royal law. Lastly, the general also displayed firmness when
the Foot Guards were disbanded; he had likewise resisted the removal
of the two regiments, and in the Generalty represented to Chamberlain
von Falckenskjold how improper it was to propose the regiment of the
hereditary prince for such a dislocation, without first asking whether
this would be agreeable to the prince.

The second of the criminal three was Colonel and Chamberlain von
Falckenskjold. According to the opinion of the commission, he was the
man who, next to Brandt, stood in the closest intimacy with Struensee.
Perhaps, however, Falckenskjold's notorious dislike of the hereditary
prince, and his bold and manly behaviour in the presence of the
commission, had their share in prejudicing his judges against him, so
that they, through personal hatred, behaved in the most unscrupulous way
toward a man of honour. Professor Sevel acted as inquisitor, and seemed
to find a pleasure in insulting the fallen friend of Struensee by all
sorts of cruel questions. We can form an idea of this man's moral value
on seeing that Sevel, in his examination, so far forgot what he owed to
himself as a judge, as to express his regret that Struensee had not been
murdered by the sailors. In their report, the commissioners first made
Falckenskjold's intimacy with Struensee a capital offence, and asserted
that he had sought to maintain this intimacy so eagerly, because he and
Brandt had received the greatest benefactions from Struensee. The latter
not only conferred on him offices and honorary posts, but also gave him
money out of the royal treasury.

Thus, Falckenskjold, although on May 2, 1771, he had received from the
cabinet treasury, in payment of his travelling expenses to Petersburg,
the usual sum of 400 dollars, obtained on the 19th of the same month
2,000 dollars more, under the same excuse, from the private treasury,
and, after his return, or in a period of three months, a further sum of
3,500 dollars. Of these amounts, Struensee paid him 1,000 dollars under
the false allegation that Falckenskjold had spent them on the journey
from his private means, while the 2,000 dollars were paid him without
the king's cognizance. How he had earned these presents, neither he nor
Struensee would have been able to specify, and the assertion that the
king had promised to pay Von Falckenskjold's debts by degrees, was only
an empty pretext, for the latter had deposited 2,000 dollars with the
minister of finances, and therefore could only have had debts to the
amount of 400 dollars; and moreover, he never expressed the proper thanks
to his Majesty for such large gifts in money. The commission consequently
assumed that Struensee desired to acquire Falckenskjold's gratitude,
and declared in their report that they had strong grounds for believing
that it had been arranged between the couple, that Struensee should be
supported under all circumstances, and guarded against any possible
surprise, on which Falckenskjold's own fortunes also depended.

In understanding with Struensee, he proposed the abolition of the
Chevalier guard, and no other had been more busy than Falckenskjold in
setting at work the cabinet order of December 21. If any event occurred,
and Struensee believed himself in danger, Falckenskjold was immediately
at hand; he had not merely proved his devotedness to Struensee in this
way, but also, for the sake of pleasing the minister, had neglected the
reverence due to the hereditary prince, and in this had gone so far that
he had furnished proofs of it in the presence of the entire public.
Two facts had convinced the commission of this daring sentiment of
Falckenskjold, which was based on affection for Struensee, namely, the
removal of the prince's regiment, and more especially the occurrence on
the walls. The latter event, the commission represented as follows:--

In the spring of 1771, the prince was, one day, riding along the walls
at the moment when Colonel Falckenskjold was "exercising" his band,
composed of hautboists and fifers; the colonel blocked the road, and
marched straight upon the prince. Both majors of the regiment called
his attention to the fact, that the prince was coming toward them; but
Falckenskjold let his men march on. A groom of the prince's now rode
up, and requested room for his royal highness to pass. The adjutant
reported it to the colonel, and asked whether the band should not leave
off playing, and room be made for the prince? but Falckenskjold answered:
"No, not even if the good God were to come along Himself." He allowed the
band to continue playing, and the prince, in order to pass, was compelled
to ride close to the parapet.

Falckenskjold alleged, in his excuse, that he had orders to let the band
play in public places, especially when the king came past, and for this
reason there would have been an impropriety in his stopping the band on
the arrival of the prince. The colonel also observed that, in France,
where he had served a long time, an officer was rarely on guard without
hearing the sentinel shout, "_Aux armes! le bon Dieu arrive!_" when the
Catholic priests passed with the host, and hence it had grown into a
habit to confirm a negative by saying, "No, I would not do it, even if
_le bon Dieu_ were to come." The commission, however, considered that
this sort of defence contradicted itself, and the colonel ought certainly
to have made way for the prince.

Colonel Falckenskjold's crime, consequently, consisted in his having
sold himself to Struensee, in having always had an understanding with
him, in having advised the reduction of both Guards, in having expressed
himself for Struensee's conservation, in having given proofs, on every
occasion, how anxious he was that Struensee should escape a surprise, and
lastly, in having tried, for the sake of pleasing Struensee, to cause
annoyance to his Royal Highness Prince Frederick, and, for this object,
having been so audacious as to neglect the respect due to his royal
highness. Without dwelling on Falckenskjold's numerous and high services
to the king and country, the commission concluded their report with the
disgraceful statement, that they could not refrain from seeing in Colonel
and Chamberlain von Falckenskjold a foolhardy, detrimental, and the more
dangerous man, because he would do anything for money.

The third and last upon whom the commission had to express an opinion
was Justiz-rath Struensee. As he had only been released from his chains
by special favour, after his brother's execution, it might have been
expected that the commission would depict him as a great criminal. It was
quite different, however, though through no love of truth and justice on
the part of the Inquisition, but in consequence of commands from higher
quarters. For Frederick II. of Prussia, who had kept Struensee's place,
as professor at Liegnitz, open for him, while he went to try his luck,
allowed his minister, Herr von Arnim, whose tutor Struensee had been, to
employ his master's name in claiming him.[28]

The report on this prisoner of state, after opening with the statement
that Justiz-rath Struensee, though he only possessed a theoretical
knowledge of the laws and constitution of Denmark, readily accepted
a seat as deputy in the Financial Department, and had the special
inspection of the Mint, the Bank, and the course of Exchange--in the hope
of obtaining a better knowledge of these branches of the administration
by industry and work--acknowledged his irreproachable conduct in the
latter respect, and added the remark, that the commission could express
this with the greater confidence, as the College of Finances, at their
request, had had the matter examined by an authority on the subject.
As concerned his functions as deputy of the finances generally,
however, the commission must blame Justiz-rath Struensee for a tendency
to foolhardy boasting about services which he had not rendered, and
arbitrariness in financial matters, as he wrote to a friend that all the
others in the Financial College understood nothing, and eventually strove
to become _Contrôleur Général des Finances_.

Although, as regarded his official administration as deputy, there were
no positive proofs that he had abused his charge to the injury of the
king and country for his own interest, yet there was a tolerably strong
presumption that, with the help of his brother and his office, he wished
to render all the subjects in Denmark tributary to a few Brandenburg
partners, who were to hold the salt and tobacco monopolies, in exchange
for profits promised to him and his brother. As regards the salt-farming,
the commission allowed that the Justiz-rath had accepted no benefit
for himself, but annually paid over to the king the 10,000 dollars
intended for himself. In the matter of the tobacco-farming, however,
some suspicion clung to him that he, contrary to his brother's advice,
accepted the two shares offered him to promote the affair. But although,
in spite of all Justiz-rath Struensee's allegations to the contrary,
the strongest presumptions existed against him and his integrity,
the commissioners felt themselves bound to state that it was not his
intention to deprive the Danish tobacco-planters and spinners of their
livelihood, as the farming proposition was not carried into effect.[29]

However--thus runs the forced conclusion of the report:--the reports as
to the Justiz-rath's former life in Prussia are generally satisfactory,
and he is honoured with the distinguished favour of Prince Henry, the
brother of Frederick II., who takes a lively interest in him, and
considers him incapable of any serious crime. Besides, no traces had been
found that the Justiz-rath had intrigued with his brother, and just as
few that he had interfered in things that did not concern him. Finally,
it could not be alleged as an offence that he received 4,000 dollars
from the private treasury, under the title of gratifications, because
the first 2,000 were given him with the king's assent, and there was no
evidence of his being aware that the other 2,000 were paid him without
the cognizance of the king.

After the commissioners, probably with a heavy heart, had closed their
report in so mild a way, there followed, on June 12, 1772, a royal
resolution, containing his Majesty's "will and commands" respecting the
crimes of Lieutenant-General von Gähler, Colonel and Chamberlain von
Falckenskjold, and Justiz-rath and Deputy of Finances Struensee. The king
had learned from the report of the commissioners that--

Von Gähler generally undertook to remodel and reform the whole
arrangements of the state, though he possessed no vocation or knowledge
for it; further, that Von Falckenskjold devoted himself entirely to
Struensee, was joined with him in a portion of his injurious enterprises,
and declared himself in favour of his conservation, and on all occasions
furnished proof of this, and displayed a further audacious mode of
behaviour; and that, lastly,

Strong presumptions existed against Justiz-rath Struensee and his honest
performance of his duties, and that he had not fully consulted with
the other persons concerned on matters that came before the College of
Finances.

For this reason, the commission would make known to Lieutenant-General
von Gähler, that, on account of his thoughtless and improper undertaking,
he was dismissed from the king's service, had forfeited the royal favour
granted him in the decree of March 26, 1767,[30] and must at once
select a spot in the Danish monarchy--Seeland, Fühnen, and Schleswig
excepted--where he would permanently reside, and commence his journey to
it immediately after leaving the castle. At the same time, the commission
would seriously warn him, under threats of the royal displeasure, not to
speak or to write about public affairs, as his Majesty, through special
clemency, granted him a pension of 500 dollars, and the same to his wife.


The commission would demand of Colonel von Falckenskjold the
chamberlain's key and the Russian order, and announce to him that, in
consequence of his audacious and detrimental behaviour, he would be
conveyed to the fortress of Munkholm, and be imprisoned there for life,
half a dollar a day being allowed him from the treasury for his support.

Lastly, the commission would announce to Justiz-rath Struensee that, as
he had caused his arrest by his own suspicious behaviour, he was now
released from it, but he must leave the country at once, after making a
promise, on oath, to reveal neither in writing nor verbally anything he
knew about the Danish state affairs, and neither to write nor to speak
about the events which had lately occurred in Copenhagen, and he would
also begin his journey immediately he was released from the castle.

The fate of the three men was very different. Poor Von Gähler died in
exile; Justiz-rath Struensee became Minister of State in Prussia, where
he acquired a considerable fortune; he was ennobled in 1789 by the same
court of Copenhagen which had his brother's escutcheon broken by the
executioner.[31]

As for the third person, he shall tell us his story himself, as it throws
such an extraordinary light on the treatment of state prisoners at a
period within a hundred years of our own.


FALCKENSKJOLD'S ABODE AT MUNKHOLM.

On June 12, 1772, Sevel, accompanied by the commandant of the marines and
several officers, entered my prison and told me that the king stripped me
of all my offices and the military order of Russia, and that I should be
transported to a rock and be detained there for the rest of my days.

The crowd of people who entered with Sevel had so deafened me, that a
portion of what he said escaped me.

I begged him to repeat how long I was to remain in detention.

_For your whole life_, he replied, with a grin which I fancy I can still
see.

The commission had doubtless made a report. I requested the communication
of it--it was refused me. I was promised a copy of my examination, but
was unable to obtain it.

Thus I was deprived of every document that might one day be useful in
proving my innocence.

On June 26, I was taken on board a merchant vessel the Admiralty had
freighted in order to go to Munkholm, my place of destination; a sergeant
and four grenadiers of Prince Frederick's regiment, chosen by Eickstedt,
were ordered to guard me on board the vessel; two grenadiers with drawn
sabres were to watch me and prevent me from speaking.

I have since learned that the sergeant commanding this guard, had a
promise of being made lieutenant if he could induce me to take any step
which would cause me to be landed at Munkholm in chains. But the skipper
had declared to the Admiralty that he would not allow any one but himself
to give orders, and that if he required the guard, he would summon it.

This worthy man contrived to make himself respected, and to protect me
from ill treatment.

The vessel touched at Christiansund, where a part of its cargo was to be
delivered. A custom-house clerk came on board and wanted to speak with
me. He wished to insult me, as he had been dismissed in 1763 from his
rank of lieutenant; observe, that I had no part in military affairs till
1771. I heard his conversation on this subject with the master, who saved
me this annoyance.

The vessel arrived at Munkholm on August 4th, and I parted, not without
regret, from this honest skipper, who had so generously protected me.

The fort of Munkholm is situated on a barren rock four hundred paces
in circumference, in the middle of the sea, half a league from
Trondhjem,[32] toward the 64° of northern latitude. During the winter it
is covered with an almost continual fog; the snow hardly remains there
eight days in succession; but it freezes there from the beginning of
September, and snow falls in the month of June.

The only inhabitants of this place consisted of a detachment of the
garrison of Trondhjem, the fort commandant, the officers under him, and
the prisoners guarded there.

I was lodged in a low room a little above the ground-floor. Its planks
and walls were damp, and the snow fell into it in a fine rain when it
thawed. Under the window was a cistern of stagnant water; this lodging,
which was also surrounded by the quarters of the soldiers and the
prisoners, whose cries stunned me, was assuredly not good; but I was
alone in it, had plenty of books, enjoyed the liberty of walking on the
ramparts when I pleased, and I felt much less unhappy than in Copenhagen;
everything is relative.

I had been warned that the water of the fort was unhealthy, and produced
gravel. I asked if I could have any other, and they offered me spirits,
the beverage _par excellence_ at this spot, but it was worse for me than
bad water.

I could not procure good bread; old bread, partly spoiled, was purchased
for the prisoners, which cost 12 per cent. less than the ordinary bread.
Though the government had confiscated 8,000 crowns belonging to me, it
only allowed me half-a-crown a day for my subsistence.

A battalion of the Delmenhorst regiment was in garrison at Trondhjem; I
had served in this regiment, and found at Munkholm soldiers of a company
I had formerly commanded. They formed a plan for carrying me off and
deserting, but not having been able to communicate their plan to me, they
deserted without me, and tried to reach Sweden overland; a detachment,
sent in pursuit, caught them and brought them back.

The solders, generally, were in a profound state of wretchedness and
demoralisation; the spirits and herrings on which they lived diffused a
frightful stench, and I had a difficulty in protecting myself against
their uncleanliness.

Everything here depended on Lieut.-General von der Osten, grand bailiff
and governor of Trondhjem: he was said to be fond of presents, and did
not hesitate to ask them, and I had none to offer him. The commandant
of Munkholm, on my arrival, had been a servant and woodcutter to a
Copenhagen tradesman. He was first a gunner, then non-commissioned
officer in the militia, afterwards a spy, captain of a company of guides,
inspector of an hospital, and, lastly, commandant of Munkholm. This
man, who was extremely brutal and coarse, was frequently intoxicated;
he called himself an atheist, believed himself an engineer, astronomer,
tactician, and decided on everything without allowing an answer; he
declaimed a great deal, though I could not learn why, against Counts von
Bernstorff and St. Germain.

A poor author, a very pious man, who was placed here because he had the
simplicity to believe in the freedom of the press, had become, on account
of his devotion, odious to the commandant, who used to beat him. He also
treated very badly another person who had held a post at court, although
the latter made him presents.

The other officers were given up to the most disgusting intoxication.

I took great care to avoid these gentlemen, and only spoke to them when
I could not help it. I do not believe it would have been very difficult
for me to escape from this fortress, and, perhaps, Guldberg offered me
the means by proposing to me a retreat at Vardohuus,[33] under the polar
circle. But, I said to myself, what should I go so far to seek? more
injustice and persecution!

What had been done to me gave me a sort of disgust for human society. I
had wished to render myself illustrious by arms--the perusal of the lives
of celebrated warriors had inflamed my imagination at an early age. I
aspired to become one day the rival of the Löwendahls and the Münnichs.
My studies, my reflections, were all directed to this object. On emerging
from childhood I took up arms and sought combats--I followed this career
successfully. I was summoned to aid in the reformation of my country and
the amelioration of its condition. I quit with regret the mode of life I
had chosen and loved; I arrive, I consecrate my efforts, all my thoughts
to this new task, and persecution, exile and contumely are my reward! No,
I will not take a single step to return to society; I was never a man of
pleasures, though not at all insensible to the enjoyments designated by
that name; I shall, doubtless, learn to forget them. Society has rejected
me; they refuse to allow me any part in its joys and honours, and I have
been relegated to this rock. Well, then, let us perform our task apart,
let us work to render this state supportable, and to depend on others as
little as possible.

I daily confirmed myself in these thoughts--a favourite and habitual
subject of my reveries--and this has decided the rest of my life.

I should be satisfied if I had a healthy lodging, good water, and if I
were not obliged to speak to the people who surround me.

The taste for study is a great resource for me. I read a great deal with
a pen in my hand; on the margin of my books I note my souvenirs, my
reflections, and trace the details of the campaigns I have been through,
and develope the considerations I had sketched about the military
condition of Denmark. I still like to occupy myself with society as a
simple spectator, though I have no desire to act a part in it. I like
to dream awake while walking. The ramparts are the ordinary scene of my
promenades.

Thence, when the weather is fine, I perceive the mountainous coasts of
the mainland, the rocks, the valleys, the forests, the habitations,
which form varied scenes, the islets and shoals with which the coast
is studded. Sometimes I discern in the distance a vessel which is,
perhaps, bringing me books; more frequently I watch the departure of the
fishermen's boats, or else see them return, uttering shouts of joy and
triumph, with the booty they have gained by so much fatigue and boldness
in the dangerous Northern Seas.

I also take pleasure in contemplating the fury of the waves raised by
storms, and which break against the rock on which I am a captive.

In the months of July and August the coast of Norway offers an aspect
of magnificent vegetation; the navigation is active; clouds of birds
appear to animate the rocks that border the shore; the sky is pure, and
the view enjoyed from Munkholm is enchanting. The nights, especially,
have a peculiar charm; the air has something unctuous and _suave_, which
seems to soften my melancholy reveries; the nights at this period are a
species of twilight, for at midnight it is clear enough to read even the
finest type.

I have found in an external staircase a spot which has grown my favourite
asylum, even when winter has commenced. There I am sheltered against the
north winds; there, and in the company of my books, wrapped up in an old
bearskin coat, I feel less a prisoner than elsewhere; though the eyes of
the sentry plunge into the spot, my presence in it could not be suspected.

Since the commencement of my stay on the island, I have regulated the
employment of my time. I rise in summer at daybreak, and in winter at
eight o'clock. I employ the first hour of the day in pious meditations;
I then occupy myself with readings that require some mental effort; a
short walk precedes my dinner; I take a longer walk after the meal.
Reading the newspapers, romances, or theatrical pieces, generally ends my
evenings. The days on which the public papers arrive are holidays with
me. The fort chaplain pays me a visit now and then: the one who held this
office on my arrival has been removed to Bergen. His conversation caused
me pleasure, and that of his successor pleases me no less; I have found
them both enlightened, charitable, disposed to relieve me by consolatory
discourses, and by procuring me books. The Danish clergy, generally,
are distinguished from the rest of the nation by their virtues and
information.

When the weather is bad, I walk in a large room in the tower of the
fortress; this room served as a lodging for Count von Griffenfeldt. He
was the son of a wine-merchant, and rose by his merit to the place of
grand chancellor of the kingdom and the dignity of count. He governed
the state wisely; if he had retained the power, he would have prevented
the wars that ruined Denmark under Christian V. His enemies had him
condemned to the punishment which the unhappy Struensee underwent; but
on the scaffold itself the penalty of death, which had been too hasty,
was commuted, as if by mercy, into a confinement on this rock, where he
prolonged his wretchedness for nineteen years, and died of the gravel.

"Such," I said to myself, "is the fate which menaces me; but I shall
not wait so long for it, for I believe that I can already feel the same
malady."

In October, 1774, the marriage festival of Prince Frederick was
celebrated, and at this very period a despatch arrived for the commandant
of Munkholm. He was recommended greater severity with his prisoners, and
especially with me. This letter of General Hauch's was certainly not
written with the intention of my seeing it, but it was shown me by the
commandant. His attentions to me did not escape my notice; he, doubtless,
wished to make me feel them; what did he expect from me?

On March 1, 1775, a lodging was assigned me in another house, which
had just been finished. I was given two rooms, but did not gain by the
change. The other buildings of the fort, and in particular the one I
had inhabited, were sheltered by the ramparts, while the new house,
built in the angle of a lofty rock, was exposed to the north, east, and
west winds. The beams that formed the walls did not join, any more than
the planks of the floor; under my lodging a cellar seemed to breathe an
icy blast through the openings in the flooring. The stove intended to
heat the room could not protect me from the cold; yet its effect was
sufficient when the snow fell to dissolve it into rain in the apartment;
and it is in such a habitation, under the 64° of northern latitude, that
I write this description, which is not exaggerated.

In November, 1775, I was attacked by an hemorrhoidal colic, which caused
me such pain as to draw shrieks from me. The surgeon who attended me
evidently thought my condition desperate. The pain grew less, however;
I needed rest, and begged the sentry not to let any one enter. I was
beginning to sleep, when the commandant arrived; he entered in defiance
of my orders, woke me, and said that as I was on the point of death, I
ought to make haste, and leave a will in his favour; I evaded this by
answering him that I did not intend dying yet. He assured me again that
I must believe him, because he was commandant: I made no answer, and he
went off growling, and soon after made a frightful disturbance, alleging
that an attempt was going to be made to carry me off, and that a boat had
been noticed in the neighbourhood.

Early in 1776, the commandant of Munkholm was removed, and Major Colin
took his place.

This new commandant, two days after his arrival, sent me a bottle of good
water, bread, and fresh butter; this procured me the best meal I had yet
had. Under this commandant I enjoyed great tranquility and greater ease.
I relieved myself by writing these memoirs, and I fancied that I felt
less resentment at the evil that had been done me, in proportion as I
wrote the narrative of it.

It is certain that fate has been very contrary to me. I joined to the
passion of arms a taste for meditation, study, and retirement. I eagerly
desired to acquire glory, but an independence would have been sufficient
for me: I could not hope for either now.

Some one once said to Count de St. Germain, that it was surprising he
should resolve to quit the service of France, when he had 60,000 livres a
year from the king's bounty; he answered, that 100 crowns a year composed
his whole patrimony, but he would sooner live on that than endure
affronts.

This answer struck me, and I resolved to save all I could, so as to
acquire an independence. I possessed, in 1771, 8,000 crowns, which I had
entrusted to Schimmelmann, while awaiting the opportunity to sink them
in an annuity. If I did not succeed in a military career, I hoped with
this resource to procure a retreat in an agreeable country, and in a warm
climate.

Now, my money is lost, I have no longer a career to follow, and I am a
prisoner for life on a rock in 64° of northern latitude: but how great
was my folly in leaving the service of Russia to come to Denmark!

I was making these sad reflections when, on September 25, 1776, I was
informed by a note from Lieutenant-General von der Osten, grand bailiff
and commandant of Trondhjem, that I should receive a visit from him. I
had not recovered from the surprise this note caused me, when Von der
Osten himself appeared, followed by the commandant, a surgeon, and his
valet. He hurriedly entered my room, shouting, _Pardon, pardon, in the
king's name!_ He held in his hand a portfolio full of papers, among which
were--

1. An order for my release, addressed to General Hauch, in his quality of
first deputy of the College of War: this order was signed by the king,
and countersigned by Guldberg, under date, Frederiksborg, August 21, 1776.

2. An order to the same effect, addressed to the commandant of Munkholm.

3. An instruction referring to the engagement I was to sign and seal
before obtaining my release.

These three documents were to the effect that his Majesty, on the
intercession of his Royal Highness Prince Frederick, his beloved brother,
consented to pardon me by liberating me from the captivity in which I
was at Munkholm, upon the following conditions:--

I. That I should leave Trondhjem by sea, to proceed to the northern coast
of France, and thence directly and immediately either to Provence or
Languedoc, at my choice.

II. That I would pledge myself never to return to Copenhagen, or the
king's states.

III. That I would not leave the country to which I was sent without the
king's permission, and that I would not make frequent journeys.

IV. That I would not approach the town of Orange (where Rantzau had taken
up his abode).

V. That I would not enter the service of any foreign power.

VI. That I would not act, write, or speak in any way against the king or
the royal family.

VII. That I would take no part in affairs of state.

If there was no vessel ready for me to embark, I was allowed to remain
at Trondhjem; but I must not leave the town without the governor's
permission, or go further than a league from it. The king granted me for
my journey 800 crowns of the money which had belonged to me, and hopes
were held out of a pension.

The instruction concerning my engagement was very long. Guldberg, who had
drawn it up, had interlarded it with a good many religious motives: he
even alluded to the efficaciousness of Christ's blood; but, after all,
it was probably to him that I owed the amelioration in my fate.

General von der Osten added to the conditions various articles, by which
he hoped to pay court to the minister.

I signed what was asked, and though I felt perfectly well the value of
an engagement imposed on a man who had not been legally convicted of any
crime, I resolved to observe it. When this act was regularly drawn up,
the general, in order to give the circumstance greater _éclat_, had me
bled by his surgeon-major, after which he proposed to me a bottle of red
wine to restore my senses.

I excused myself by observing that I did not drink, and offered him a
liqueur, of which I possessed two bottles.

"I could carry them off," he said, after examining them; "but this
commission must be worth more than that."

This was giving me to understand that he reckoned on a goodly portion of
my 800 crowns. It may be supposed that my intentions on this point did
not at all accord with his.

There was no vessel at Trondhjem destined for France, and I could not
expect one for a long time, as from the beginning of September till the
end of April the sea is very stormy in these latitudes, and hence I
should have to wait eight full months before I could depart.

In this situation I wrote to the court to offer my thanks for the mercy
shown me, and to obtain permission to proceed to my destination by land.
In the meanwhile I remained at Munkholm, hoping to be less exposed there
to the importunities of the general. The court of Copenhagen rejected my
request, but allowed me to take ship for Holland.

Three vessels were preparing to sail for Amsterdam, one of which belonged
to Trondhjem, and General von der Osten wished me to take passage in it;
but I gave the preference to a Danish ship.

The general offered me the services of his valet, to prepare a gold-laced
coat; but this offer did not tempt me. I set out with my bearskin
pelisse, which composed my wardrobe. I also carried off my 800 crowns,
without leaving one for the general.

The three vessels bound for Amsterdam set sail from Trondhjem on October
16; two perished: the one I was on board reached Christiansund, where
we remained till February 16. After a stormy navigation, we reached
Amsterdam on March 10.

On April 12, 1777, I arrived at Montpellier, where I fixed my domicile.

       *       *       *       *       *

In 1780, Falckenskjold received permission to retire to the Pays de Vaud,
where his friend Reverdil invited him, and he established his home at
Lausanne. In 1787, the court of Petersburg proposed to him to re-enter
its service; he was offered the post of chief of the staff in the army
intended to act against the Turks. But, finding himself bound by the
engagements he had made, he replied, that he could not accept the offer
without the formal consent of the court of Copenhagen; and this court
refused its assent, under the pretext that it needed his services. At the
same time, it permitted Falckenskjold to return to Copenhagen, and seemed
disposed to revoke his order of banishment.

In the spring of 1788 he went to Copenhagen, but his reception there was
such that he longed to return to his retreat at Lausanne. He obtained
permission to go back, and, having recovered a portion of his property,
which the state had seized, he invested it in annuities in the French
funds. In the same year, war having broken out between Denmark and
Sweden, the Danish government recalled Falckenskjold, conferring on him
the rank and pay of a major-general; but when he was going to set out he
learned that peace was signed, and he was saved the journey.

His pay and savings enabled him to live comfortably, with such friends as
Gibbon and Reverdil; and he kept his health till the last two years of
his life, when he was attacked by a gouty rheumatism, the seeds of which
he had contracted in his Munkholm prison. He died on September 30, 1820,
at the age of eighty-two years and a few months.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 25: "Authentische Aufklärungen," p. 246.]

[Footnote 26: "Mémoires de Falckenskjold," p. 252.]

[Footnote 27: The judges could not have brought forward a greater proof
of their ill-will than this. For even the usurping faction did not
dare upset this regulation, which was so useful for the cultivation of
desolate districts in Norway.]

[Footnote 28: Reverdil, p. 437.]

[Footnote 29: The judges evidently acted on the principle that if they
threw mud enough, some of it would be sure to stick.]

[Footnote 30: The royal promise to grant him a pension of 3,000 dollars
when he retired from active service.]

[Footnote 31: Struensee's younger brother, the lieutenant in
Falckenskjold's regiment, also obtained employment in Prussia.]

[Footnote 32: Canute the Great, A.D. 1028, founded on Munkholm a
Monastery of Benedictines, the first of that order established in Norway;
a low round tower is all that remains of it, and this is within the walls
of the fortress. It was in a small gloomy chamber in this tower that the
Staats minister of Denmark, Graf von Griffenfeldt, was immured from 1680
to 1698. He was originally, Peter Schumacker. This dungeon is no longer
shown; but it is said that he had worn a deep channel in the pavement in
walking up and down, and indented the stone table where he had rested
his hand in passing it. This fortress has ceased to be used for state
prisoners, but it is still the dark and solitary rock which Victor Hugo
has described in his "Hans of Iceland," looking more like a prison-house
than a fortress.--_Murray's Handbook_ for Denmark, &c.]

[Footnote 33: A small fort built by King Christian IV., more than 200
years ago, as a protection for the Danish fisheries, and to guard against
Russian encroachments in the Varanger Fjord.--_Murray's Handbook_ for
Denmark, &c.]




CHAPTER V.

DEPARTURE OF THE QUEEN.

    THE BRITISH FLEET--SPIRITED CONDUCT OF KEITH--THE ORDER OF
    RELEASE--THE PRINCESS LOUISA AUGUSTA--THE DEPARTURE--THE LANDING AT
    STADE--THE STAY AT GOHRDE--ARRIVAL IN CELLE--THE QUEEN'S COURT--A
    HAPPY FAMILY--KEITH'S MISSION--LITERARY PIRATES--REVERDIL TO THE
    RESCUE.


We have seen that the sentence of the court, decreeing a dissolution of
the marriage, was announced to Caroline Matilda. From this moment she was
no longer regarded as queen, and all her ties with Denmark were broken
off with her marriage. After her condemnation, the ambassadors of the
foreign powers were convoked at the Christiansborg Palace. They proceeded
thither in mourning, and heard from the grand-master that, as the king no
longer had a consort, there was no longer a queen. The name of Caroline
Matilda was from this moment effaced from the public prayers. She became
a stranger to the country over which she had reigned.[34]

As was the case with the other prisoners, whose position was considerably
mitigated so soon as they had made satisfactory confessions in their
examination before the Commission of Inquiry, the queen, after the
separation, was granted better apartments in the first-floor of the
fortress, and was allowed to take the air on the ramparts. That Colonel
Keith was permitted to visit the queen was looked on as a further
concession, and that the envoy frequently took advantage of this
permission, may surely be regarded as a further and important proof how
greatly he was convinced of her innocence.

When her Majesty was informed of the circumstances connected with the
tragical death of the two prisoners, she said to Fräulein Mösting, her
maid of honour,

"Unhappy men! they have paid dearly for their attachment to the king, and
their zeal for my service."

No thought of self, it will be noticed: Caroline Matilda entirely forgot
the humiliation to which she had been exposed by Struensee's dastardly
confession, and only evinced sincere compassion for his undeserved and
barbarous fate. But she was ever thus: from the first moment to the last,
she sacrificed herself for others. Of this, the following anecdote will
serve as an affecting proof:--

The queen, having so fatally experienced the vicissitudes of human
grandeur, was not so deeply affected by her own disasters as to overlook
the sufferings and misery of some state prisoners, doomed to perpetual
exile in the Castle of Kronborg. Her Majesty's liberal beneficence was
never more conspicuous than in this period of affliction and distress.
She sent daily from her table two dishes to these forsaken objects of
compassion, and out of a scanty allowance, she sent, weekly, a small sum
to be distributed among them. The governor having requested her Majesty
to withdraw her bounty from an officer who had been closely confined for
some years past in a remote turret, debarred from all human intercourse,
on suspicion of a treasonable correspondence with the agent of a northern
power, who had enlisted, with the assistance of the prisoner, several
Danish subjects for his master's service, the queen merely replied with
the following line of Voltaire:--

    "Il suffit qu'il soit homme et qu'il soit malheureux."[35]

On one occasion, Caroline Matilda, conversing on the early commencement
of her misfortunes, observed that, since she was born to suffer, she
found some consolation in being marked out so soon by the hand of
adversity. "I may possibly live," said her Majesty, "to see Denmark
disabused with respect to my conduct: whereas my poor mother, one of the
best women that ever existed, died while the load of obloquy lay heavy
upon her, and went to the grave without the pleasure of a vindicated
character."[36]

Early in March, the charges against Caroline Matilda had been forwarded
to London, and were there submitted to the opinions of the first lawyers,
who, though consulted separately, all declared that the evidence brought
forward was so far from being legal conviction, that it scarce amounted
to a bare presumption of guilt: and they affirmed that they did not give
credit to any of the facts as lawyers, but even found themselves obliged
to disbelieve them as men. Upon this the court of St. James insisted
that no sentence should be passed on her Danish Majesty, as the evidence
against her was only presumptive, and very inconclusive.

A strong fleet was now fitted out, and universally supposed to be
destined for the Baltic; still the most prudent thought, or at least
hoped, that the fleet was only intended to intimidate the Danes, but
would not sail, as the king of Prussia would certainly march an army
immediately to Hanover, and then a new war would be kindled in the north.
On the 22nd, counter orders, for suspending the preparations, were sent
to Portsmouth. Horace Walpole, the omniscient, shall tell us what was the
generally accepted version of the affair:--

"The king, as Lord Hertford told me, had certainly ordered the fleet to
sail; and a near relation of Lord North told me that the latter had not
been acquainted with that intention. Lord Mansfield, therefore, who had
now got the king's ear, or Lord Sandwich, First Lord of the Admiralty,
must have been consulted. The latter, though I should think he would
not approve it, was capable of flattering the king's wishes: Lord
Mansfield assuredly would. The destination was changed on the arrival of
a courier from Denmark, who brought word that the queen was repudiated,
and, I suppose, a promise that her life should be spared: for, though
the Danes had thirty ships and the best seamen, next to ours, and though
we were sending but ten against them, the governing party were alarmed,
probably from not being sure their nation was with them. The queen had
confessed her intrigue with Struensee, and signed that confession. When
the counsellor, who was to defend her, went to receive her orders, she
laughed, and told him the story was true."

In this we have a favourable specimen of Walpole's talent as an
embroiderer of history. It is very evident that he had heard the facts
floating about society; but his additions to them were evidently pure
inventions. He shall give us one bit more of gossip, which may or may not
have been true, although there appears to be evidence in its favour in
the strange conduct of George III. toward his sister:--

"They gave her (Caroline Matilda) the title of Countess of Aalborg, and
condemned her to be shut up in the castle of that name. The King of
England had certainly known her story two years before. A clerk in the
secretary's office having opened a letter that came with the account,
told me that he had seen it before the secretaries gave it to the king.
It was now believed that this intelligence had occasioned the Princess
of Wales to make her extraordinary journey to Germany, where she saw
her daughter, though to no purpose. Princess Amelia told Lord Hertford,
on the 26th, that when the King of Denmark was in England, observing
how coldly he spoke of his wife, she asked him why he did not like her.
He answered, 'Mais elle est si blonde!' The princess added, that Queen
Matilda had a very high spirit, and that she believed the Danes would
consent to let her go to Hanover. 'But she will not be let go thither,'
added the princess, meaning that the queen's brother, Prince Charles of
Mecklenburg, commanded there, 'or to Zell, but she will not go thither
(another of the queen's brothers was there); perhaps she _may_ go to
Lüneburg."[37]

It is very probable, too, that the temper of the British nation, which
had undergone a complete revulsion on the announcement of the fleet
sailing, had something to do with its suspension. At any rate, we read in
the _General Evening Post_ for April 30, the following painful account:--

"Nothing, surely, is a greater impeachment of our laws, and more, of
our lawgivers and magistrates, than the unrestrained licentiousness
daily exhibited by the common people in this metropolis. Yesterday, in
some parts of the city, men were crying about printed papers containing
the most scandalous, ruinous, and impudent reflections on the Queen of
Denmark. The worst prostitute that ever Covent Garden produced could not
have had more gross abuse bestowed on her."

But Sir R. M. Keith had been working hard in the meanwhile, and on the
receipt of his letters of recall and news of the menaces of England in
equipping a fleet, the regency gave in at once, promised to repay the
queen's dowry, allow her five thousand a-year, and let her go to Hanover,
beyond Jordan, anywhere, so long as they could only be rid of her. In
reply to the despatch in which Sir R. M. Keith announced his success, he
received the following official letter:--


LORD SUFFOLK TO SIR R. M. KEITH.

    _St. James's, May_ 1, 1772.

    SIR,

Your despatches by King the messenger have been already acknowledged;
those by Pearson were received on Wednesday afternoon, and I now answer
both together.

His Majesty's entire approbation of your conduct continues to the last
moment of your success, and his satisfaction has in no part of it been
more complete than in the manner in which you have stated, urged,
and obtained the liberty of his sister. The care you have taken to
distinguish between a claim of right and the subjects of negotiation,
and to prevent the mixture of stipulations with a demand, is perfectly
agreeable to your instructions.

The national object of procuring the liberty of a daughter of England
confined in Denmark, after her connection with Denmark was dissolved, is
now obtained. For this alone an armament was prepared, and therefore,
as soon as the acquiescence of the court of Copenhagen was known, the
preparations were suspended, that the mercantile and marine interests
of this kingdom might be affected no longer than was necessary by the
expectation of a war.

Instead of a hostile armament, two frigates and a sloop of war are now
ordered to Elsinore. One of these is already in the Downs--the others
will repair thither immediately; and, so soon as the wind permits, they
will proceed to their destination. I enclose to you an account of them,
which you may transmit to Monsieur Ostein (Von der Osten) ministerially,
referring at the same time to the assurance of these pacific proceedings.

The compliance of the Danish court with his Majesty's demand is still
a compliance. Their continuing, unasked, the title of queen, and other
concessions, and the attainment of the national object accompanying
each other, his Majesty would think it improper to interrupt the
national intercourse from any personal or domestic consideration. You
will therefore inform Mr. Ostein that his Majesty intends to leave a
minister at the court of Copenhagen, the explanation you may give of this
suspension of former directions, and his determination, being left to
your own discretion.[38]

It was with feelings of pride that the British envoy passed through the
vaulted entrance of "Hamlet's Castle," to carry to an afflicted and
injured princess the welcome proofs of fraternal affection and liberty
restored. The feeling was reciprocal, for when Keith brought the order
for Caroline Matilda's enlargement, which he had obtained by his spirited
conduct, she was so surprised by the unexpected intelligence, that she
burst into a flood of tears, embraced him in a transport of joy, and
called him her deliverer.[39]

The queen from this time forth was more constantly than ever on the
ramparts watching for the arrival of the British flotilla. The squadron,
consisting of the _Southampton_, Captain McBride, the _Seaford_, Captain
Davis, and the _Cruizer_, Captain Cummings, left England on May 22, and
anchored off Elsinore on the 27th. In the meanwhile Caroline Matilda
wrote her brother a most affecting letter, asserting her innocence of
all the criminal accusations against her in the strongest manner, and
declaring that the strictness of her future life should fully refute
the slander of her enemies. She at the same time expressed a wish to be
allowed to return to England, but left her fate in his Majesty's hands.
A consultation had been held at Buckingham House on the subject, but it
was found too expensive, and it was finally settled that Caroline Matilda
was to take up her residence at Celle, in Hanover, George III. allowing
her £8,000 a year for the support of her dignity.

Very touching, too, is it to read that the queen at this time wore
nothing but deep mourning; and one of her ladies asking her why she
affected such a semblance of sorrow, she replied--

"It is a debt I owe to my murdered reputation."

Sir Robert Murray Keith supplies an interesting anecdote of the queen in
a letter to his sister:--

"Here I am, thank my stars, upon the utmost verge of Denmark. My ships
are not yet arrived, but a few days may conclude the whole affair; and
the weather is mild and agreeable. I return to Copenhagen this evening,
but only for a day or two, to wind up my affairs, and give my parting
advice to the little secretary, in whose success as _chargé d'affaires_
I take a particular interest. I am just returned from her Majesty, who
is, Heaven be praised, in perfect health, notwithstanding the danger she
has run of catching the measles from the young princess, whom she never
quitted during her illness. A more tender mother than this queen has
never been born in the world."

Caroline Matilda was at dinner when the imperial salute of the English
frigate and the castle guns informed her Majesty of Captain McBride's
arrival. This gallant officer met Sir R. Keith on shore, who, after a
mutual exchange of compliments, introduced the captain to her Majesty,
by whom he was most graciously received as a man destined to convey her
safe to her brother's electoral dominions; far from the reach of the
personal shafts of her enemies, and that land which had been the dismal
scene of her unparalleled misfortunes and humiliations. When the captain
had notified his commission, and said that he should await her Majesty's
time and pleasure, she exclaimed in the anguish of her heart, "Ah! my
dear children," and immediately retired. It was not for an insensible
monarch on a throne, on which she seemed to have been seated merely to
be the butt of envy, malice, and perfidy, that her Majesty grieved:
the excruciating idea of being parted from her dear children, and the
uncertainty of their fate, summoned up all the feelings of a tender
mother. She begged to see her son before he was torn for ever from her
bosom: but all her Majesty's entreaties were unsuccessful. Juliana
Maria envied her the comfort of the most wretched--that of a parent
sympathising in mutual grief and fondness with children snatched from her
embrace by unnatural authority.

A deputation of noblemen having been appointed by the queen dowager to
observe the queen after her enlargement till her departure, under the
fallacious show of respect for the royal personage so lately injured and
degraded--when they were admitted to Caroline Matilda's presence, and
wished her in her Majesty's name a happy voyage, she answered--

"The time will come when the king will know that he has been deceived and
betrayed; calumny may impose for a time on weak and credulous minds, but
truth always prevails in the end. All my care and anxiety are now for the
royal infants, my children."[40]

On May 30, a lady belonging to the court went to Kronborg in one of the
king's coaches to remove the young Princess Louisa Augusta, and conduct
her royal highness to Christiansborg Palace. Hence the last moments which
the feeling queen spent in Denmark were the most painful of all: she was
obliged to part from her only consolation, her only blessing, her beloved
daughter: she was forced to leave her dear child among her enemies. For
a long time she bedewed the infant with hot tears--for a long time she
pressed it to her heart. She strove to tear herself away; but the looks,
the smiles, the endearing movements of the infant, were so many fetters
to hold the affectionate mother back. At last she called up all her
resolution, took her once more in her arms, with the impetuous ardour of
distracted love imprinted on the lips of the child the farewell kiss,
and, delivering it to the lady-in-waiting, shrieked, "Away, away, I now
possess nothing here!"[41]

As the governor had behaved to the queen so as to merit her Majesty's
confidence and esteem, she entrusted him with a letter for the king,
which he promised faithfully to deliver into his Majesty's own hands. It
must have been very moving, as the king was observed to shed tears on
reading it.[42]

At six in the evening of May 30, Caroline Matilda proceeded in a royal
Danish boat on board the English frigate. Her suite consisted of Colonel
Keith, who would accompany her to Göhrde, and of Count Holstein zu
Ledreborg, his wife, Lady-in-waiting von Mösting, and Page of the Chamber
von Raben, who were ordered to convey her Majesty as far as Stade, and
then return by land. When the anchor was apeak, the fortress, and the
Danish guardship in the Sound, gave a salute of twenty-seven guns.

The queen remained on deck, her eyes immovably directed toward the
fortress of Kronborg, which contained her child, who had so long been her
only source of comfort, until darkness intercepted the view. The vessel
having made but little way during the night, at daybreak she observed
with fond satisfaction that the fortress was still visible, and could not
be persuaded to enter the cabin so long as she could obtain the faintest
glimpse of the battlements.

Among Sir R. M. Keith's papers was found the following copy of verses,
whose title speaks for itself. Unfortunately, there is no positive proof
that they were written by the queen herself, beyond the care that Sir
Robert took of them:--


WRITTEN AT SEA BY THE QUEEN OF DENMARK,

ON HER PASSAGE TO STADE, 1772.

    At length, from sceptred care and deadly state,
    From galling censure and ill-omened hate,
    From the vain grandeur where I lately shone,
    From Cronsberg's prison and from Denmark's throne,
    I go!
          Here, fatal greatness! thy delusion ends!
    A humbler lot thy closing scene attends.
    Denmark, farewell! a long, a last adieu!
    Thy lessening prospect now recedes from view;
    No lingering look an ill-starred crown deplores,
    Well pleased, I quit thy sanguinary shores!
    Thy shores, where victims doomed to state and me,
    Fell helpless Brandt and murdered Struensee!
    Thy shores where--ah! in adverse hour I came,
    To me the grave of happiness and fame!
    Alas! how different then my vessel lay;
    What crowds of flatterers hastened to obey!
    What numbers flew to hail the rising sun,
    How few now bend to that whose course is run!
    By fate deprived of fortune's fleeting train,
    Now, "all the oblig'd desert and all the vain."
    But conscious worth, that censure can control,
    Shall 'gainst the charges arm my steady soul--
    Shall teach the guiltless mind alike to bear
    The smiles of pleasure or the frowns of care.
    Denmark, farewell; for thee no sighs depart,
    But love maternal rends my bleeding heart.
    Oh! Cronsberg's tower, where my poor infant lies,
    Why, why, so soon recede you from my eyes?
    Yet, stay--ah! me, nor hope nor prayer prevails--
    For ever exiled hence, Matilda sails.
    Keith! formed to smooth the path affection treads,
    And dry the tears that friendless sorrow sheds,
    Oh! generous Keith, protect their helpless state,
    And save my infants from impending fate!
    Far, far from deadly pomp each thought remove,
    And, as to me, their guardian angel prove!
    Yes, Julia, _now_ superior force prevails,
    And all my boasted resolution fails!

Before taking leave of Kronborg, I may be permitted to insert an anecdote
related by my grandfather in his "Travels in the North." When he visited
Kronborg, in 1774, a poor fettered slave came up and addressed him in
French. Mr. Wraxall then commenced a conversation with him, and asked him
if he were here when Queen Matilda was in confinement.

"Ah! Monsieur," the prisoner replied, "I saw her every day. I had the
honour to turn the spit for her Majesty's dinner. She even promised to
endeavour to obtain me my liberty. I assure you," he added warmly, "that
she was the most amiable princess in the world."

Whether the man said this because he believed it would please an
Englishman, or whether it was the genuine effusion of respectful
gratitude, my grandfather was unable to say, but could not resist the
compliment to an English and injured queen.

By a royal resolution of March 18, 1773, all the documents connected
with the dissolution of the marriage of Queen Caroline Matilda were
made into four separate packets, and one of them, which contained
the orders, protocols, and examinations, was deposited in the secret
archives: the second, containing the perfect acts with the votes of all
the commissioners, and a copy of the examination of the witnesses, was
entrusted for safe keeping to the governor of Glückstadt: the third,
consisting of a copy of the original articles and the examinations, was
kept at the Norwegian fortress of Bergenhuus, in an iron chest, in a room
the keys of which were held by the commandant and the viceroy: and the
fourth packet, which only contained a copy of the articles, but not of
the depositions, was placed in the archives of the Danish Chancery. This
division of the documents also serves as a proof, how every possible care
was taken that the queen's posterity should not hereafter find the whole
of the documents at any one place.

The queen did not reach Stade till June 5, where she was received with
all the respect due to crowned heads. The Hanoverian Privy Councillor
von Bodenhausen, and the Land Marshal Chamberlain von Bülow, pulled on
board the flag-ship to welcome the queen. At the landing-place, where the
ladies and gentlemen selected to attend on her Majesty were awaiting her,
the Danish escort took leave. The queen gave Count Holstein a diamond
solitaire as a souvenir, and entrusted him with a gold snuff-box for the
wife of General von Hauch, commandant of Kronborg.

The new suite of the queen was composed of a grand lady, two
ladies-in-waiting, one chief chamberlain, a chamberlain, one page of
the bed-chamber, two pages and a number of servants. After remaining
for two days at Stade, she travelled with her suite, _viâ_ Harburg,
to the Château of Göhrde, thirty miles from Stade, where she intended
to remain till the palace at Celle was restored for her reception. At
Göhrde, Sir R. Keith took leave of her, and she received a visit from her
eldest sister, the Hereditary Princess of Brunswick Wolfenbüttel and her
husband.[43] These near relations, however, also belonged to the princely
family from which Juliana Maria was descended, and in consequence, were
rather suspicious friends for Caroline Matilda.

On October 20, the queen made her entrance into Celle, and took up her
abode in the royal château. This old residence of the former Dukes of
Lüneburg was at this time a fortified castle surrounded by moats and
walls. Although the apartments were spacious and habitable, and well
furnished, the exterior of the castle resembled a prison rather than
a palace. But the queen soon gained the hearts of all the inhabitants
by her amiability and resignation, and thus converted the unfriendly
asylum into an abode of peace and consolation. She frequently attended at
church, was fond of conversing on religious topics, and gave rich gifts
to the poor, both with her own hands and through the clergy of the town.
Treating all gracefully who approached her presence, she more especially
gave children an opportunity of telling their parents, with delight, that
they had been spoken to by the queen. If, at night, she fancied she had
not been so friendly as usual to any one during the day, she reproached
herself for it. Judging all persons indulgently, she could not endure
that absent persons should be harshly condemned in her presence, and, in
truth, she ruled her court, not alone by her rank, but even more through
the lovingness of her noble heart. But, whenever she was obliged to act
the queen, she did so, on the other hand, with a dignified demeanour and
with majesty.

Although Caroline Matilda excelled in all the exercises befitting her
sex, birth, and station, and danced the first minuet in the Danish court,
she never again indulged in this polite amusement, of which she had been
extremely fond, after the masked ball the conclusion of which had been
so fatal and disgraceful to her Majesty. As one of her pretended crimes
had been the delight she took in riding, and the uncommon address and
spirit with which she managed her horse, she also renounced this innocent
recreation, for fear of giving the least occasion to the blame and malice
of the censorious and the ignorant. Her Majesty had an exquisite taste
for music, and devoted much of her time to the harpsichord, accompanied
by the melodious voice of a lady of her court.

There was in the queen's dress a noble simplicity which exhibited more
taste than magnificence. As her mind had been cultivated by reading
the most eminent writers of modern times, she read regularly for two
hours before dinner with Fräulein Schülenburg, whatever her Majesty
thought most conducive to her instruction or entertainment, in poetry
and history, the ladies communicating their observations to each other
with equal freedom and ingenuity. The queen improved the knowledge she
had acquired of the German language, and had a selection of the best
authors of that learned nation. As her manners were the most polished,
graceful, and endearing, her court became the resort of persons of
both sexes, celebrated for their love of the fine arts. The contracted
state of her finances could not restrain the princely magnificence and
liberal disposition which made her purse ever open to indigent merit and
distressed virtue. Naturally cheerful and happy in the consciousness of
her innocence, adored and revered by the circle of a court free from
cabals and intrigues, even the dark cloud of adversity could not alter
the sweetness and serenity of her temper. She was surrounded by faithful
servants, who attended her, not from sordid motives of ambition, but from
attachment and unfeigned regard.

Peace, content, and harmony dwelt under her Majesty's auspices, and
her household was like a well-regulated family, superintended by a
mistress who made her happiness consist in doing good to all those who
implored her Majesty's compassion and benevolence. Banished with every
circumstance of indignity from the throne of Denmark, her noble soul
retained no sentiment of revenge or resentment against the wicked authors
of her fall, or against the Danish people. Ambition, a passion from which
she was singularly exempt, never disturbed her peace of mind; and she
looked back to the diadem which had been torn from her brow with wondrous
calmness and magnanimity.

It was not the crown Caroline Matilda regretted, for her children alone
occupied all her care and solicitude; the feelings of the queen were
absorbed in those of the mother; and if she ever manifested by tears her
inward grief and perplexity, maternal fondness caused all these fears and
agitations.[44]

In October of this year Sir R. Keith was requested by Lord Suffolk to
visit Caroline Matilda, and send in a minute account of her position and
feelings. How well the ambassador performed his task will be seen from
his letter.


SIR R. M. KEITH TO LORD SUFFOLK.

    _Zell_, _November_ 2, 1772.

    MY LORD,--

I arrived here on the 31st October, late in the evening, and the next day
had the honour of delivering the king's letter to her Danish Majesty,
whom I found in perfect health, and without any remains of pain from her
late accident. In two very long audiences, which her Majesty was pleased
to grant me, I endeavoured to execute, with the utmost punctuality,
his Majesty's command, and shall now lay before your lordship all the
lights those audiences afforded me, relative to the queen's wishes and
intentions. I cannot enter upon that subject without previously assuring
your lordship that the queen received those repeated proofs of his
Majesty's fraternal affection and friendship, which my orders contained,
with the warmest expressions of gratitude and sensibility; and that
nothing could be more frank or explicit than her answers to a great
number of questions, which she permitted me to ask upon any subject that
arose.

In regard to Denmark, the queen declares that, in the present situation
of the court, she has not a wish for any correspondence or connection
there, beyond what immediately concerns the welfare and education of her
children. That she has never written a single letter to Denmark since she
left it, or received one thence. That the only person belonging to that
kingdom from whom she hears lives in Holstein, and is not connected with
the court.

The queen having expressed great anxiety with respect to the false
impressions which may be instilled into the minds of her children,
particularly regarding herself, I thought it my duty to say that such
impressions, however cruelly intended, could not, at the tender age
of her Majesty's children, nor for some years to come, take so deep a
root as not to be entirely effaced by more candid instructions, and the
dictates of filial duty, when reason and reflection shall break in upon
their minds. The queen seemed willing to lay hold of that hope, yet could
not help bursting into tears, when she mentioned the danger of losing the
affections of her children.

Her Majesty appears very desirous to communicate directly to her royal
brother all her views and wishes in the most confidential manner, hoping
to obtain in return his Majesty's advice and directions, which she
intends implicitly to follow. She said that, in matters of so private and
domestic a nature, it would give her much greater pleasure to learn his
Majesty's intentions upon every point from his own pen, than through the
channel of any of his electoral servants.

It gave me great satisfaction to find her Majesty in very good spirits,
and so much pleased with the palace at Zell, the apartments of which are
very spacious, and handsomely furnished. She wishes to have an apartment
fitted up in the palace for her sister, the Princess of Brunswick, as she
thinks that the etiquette of this country does not permit that princess,
in her visits to Zell, to be lodged out of the palace, without great
impropriety. Her Majesty said that she intended to write herself to the
king on this head.

The queen told me that the very enterprising and dangerous part which
Queen Juliana has acted in Denmark, has created greater astonishment in
Brunswick (where the abilities and character of that princess are known)
than, perhaps, in any other city of Europe.

Her Majesty talked to me of several late incidents at the court of
Denmark, but without appearing to take much concern in them. She
mentioned, with a smile, some of the paltry things which had been sent
as a part of her baggage from Denmark, adding, that this new instance
of their meanness had not surprised her. But the Princess of Brunswick,
who happened to be present when the baggage was opened, expressed her
indignation at the treatment in such strong terms, that she (the queen)
could not help taking notice of it in her letters to the king.

She let me understand that a small collection of English books would be
very agreeable to her, leaving the choice of them entirely to his Majesty.

Her Majesty more than once expressed how much she considered herself
obliged to the king's ministers, for the zeal they had shown in the whole
of the late unhappy transactions relating to Denmark and to herself.
She is particularly sensible to the great share your lordship had in
all those affairs, and has commanded me to convey to your lordship her
acknowledgments for that constant attention to her honour and interests,
which she is persuaded the king will look upon as an additional mark of
your lordship's dutiful attachment to his royal person and family.

It only remains that I should beg your forgiveness for the great length
to which I have swelled this letter. The only excuse I can offer arises
from my ardent desire to excuse the king's orders with the utmost
possible precision.

    I am, &c., &c.,
    R. M. KEITH.[45]

       *       *       *       *       *

At home, Caroline Matilda appeared to have dropped out of memory with
her landing at Stade. Her name is never found in the journals of the
time. Grub-street alone took possession of her memory. In those days
many literary scoundrels earned a precarious livelihood by deliberately
forging pamphlets on topics of interest at the moment, and thought
nothing of trying to enhance their veracity by assuming names and titles
to which they had not the slightest claim. One of these hungry gentry
received a severe discomfiture, and must have felt ashamed, if he could
feel shame, from honest Reverdil, in the July number of the _Monthly
Review_. Reverdil's letter, written in English, is tremendously to the
point. The lie, with a circumstance, bore the title of--"The real Views
and Political System of the late Revolution of Copenhagen. By Christian
Adolphus Rothes, formerly Councillor of Conference, Secretary of the
Cabinet to his Majesty Christiern (_sic_) VII., and Great Assessor of the
Supreme Council at Altona."

To which Reverdil quietly makes answer:--

1. As I am pretty well acquainted with the Danish service, I can assure
you that there is not in Denmark, Norway, or any of the Danish dominions,
such a man as Mr. Christian Adolphus Rothes, in any employment whatever.

2. The dignity of Councillor of Conference being merely titular, there is
no _formerly_ Councillor.

3. The present king, Christian VII., has had three secretaries of the
cabinet: the first is now in London (himself); the second, who followed
his master on his voyage, is in the Court of Chancery at Copenhagen; the
third was beheaded on April 28.

4. There is no supreme council at Altona; that town, being no capital,
hath but a corporation, and no other council. In that corporation there
is no assessor, great or little.

To this crushing reply Reverdil adds that every circumstance in the book
is absolutely false, and grounded on facts and a state of things that
never existed. For instance, the conduct of the queen dowager in the
king's council is very circumstantially described; but she never sat in
the king's council.[46]

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 34: De Flaux: "Du Danemarc."]

[Footnote 35: "Memoirs of an Unfortunate Queen," p. 94.]

[Footnote 36: _General Evening Post_, May 14.]

[Footnote 37: "Walpole's Journal of the Reign of George III.," vol. i.
pp. 89-91.]

[Footnote 38: Sir R. M. Keith's "Memoirs," vol. i. p. 287.]

[Footnote 39: Coxe's "Travels," vol. v. p. 113.]

[Footnote 40: "Memoirs of an Unfortunate Queen," p. 98.]

[Footnote 41: "Authentische Aufklärungen," p. 252.]

[Footnote 42: The following interesting account, which I have found
in a pamphlet published under the title of "Sittliche Frage," was not
sufficiently authenticated to be embodied in my text. Still I do not
think it should be passed over, as it affords an idea of the sentiments
of the queen's party.

Keith laid before the king the letter of separation for his signature,
which the king was about to sign without reading. "No, no, your Majesty,"
the envoy said, "read it first. It concerns you. It is the separation
between yourself and your consort, which the court of England solicits
for the reasons given." The king cried in confusion, "What! I am to lose
my wife? State it even in writing? No, I cannot. I love and long for
her again. Where are Struensee and Brandt? I long for them too." "Your
Majesty," Keith replied, "they have been quartered, your Majesty signed
their sentences yourself, and as it is also wished to condemn the queen
to death, my court demands her back." The king became inconsolable. He
asked for the queen and his two counts, and dismissed the envoy.

That England imposed weighty points on the Danish court, and demanded
all possible satisfaction for the trick played the queen regnant, is
evident from the following facts:--The queen is still called Queen of
Denmark, even by the Danish court; her children by the king are brought
up royally, and called the crown prince of the Danish kingdom and the
king's daughter. When she set out from Kronborg for Celle, all royal
honours were granted (which could not have been the case had the fabulous
intercourse been true), and a pension of 30,000 rix-dollars is to be paid
her annually.

The king now lives very sadly, and his days pass away in melancholy. He
still exclaims, "My wife, my wife! she has been torn from me. I ask for
her again. My ministers, my Struensee and Brandt, where are they? They
have been condemned to death. They have passed over into eternity, and I
am left desolate."]

[Footnote 43: They write from Hanover that the Hereditary Princess of
Brunswick has been at Goerde, accompanied, contrary to expectation, by
her husband, which is looked upon as a convincing proof that a perfect
harmony subsists between these two illustrious personages. They stayed
four days with Queen Caroline Matilda of Denmark, who was overjoyed to
see her sister. It is since reported that the queen may possibly soon
make a tour to Brunswick.--_Annual Register_ for 1772.]

[Footnote 44: I am indebted for this account to the "Memoirs of an
Unfortunate Queen," and it the more confirms my opinion that the book was
written by some one immediately about her Majesty's person.]

[Footnote 45: "Memoirs of Sir R. M. Keith," vol. i., p. 304.]

[Footnote 46: I have, perhaps, dwelt more fully on this subject than
it deserves; but I have also suffered from this iniquitous system. My
agent in Germany wrote me some months ago that he had made an invaluable
_trouvaille_--no less than an apology for Caroline Matilda, written by
herself. Of course, I at once secured it; but was rather disappointed to
find that it was translated from the English. On reading, I found many
discrepancies, but did not give up all hope of being able to make use of
the pamphlet. I had the British Museum searched for the original, but in
vain; and I began to think that the alleged translation was only intended
to add value to a document which might have been drawn up by a German
from expressions which had fallen from the queen. Imagine my disgust
when, as the reward of all my trouble, I found in the list of pamphlets
in the _Gentleman's Magazine_ for 1772, the following:--

"The Queen of Denmark's own Account of the late Revolution in Denmark:
Written while her Majesty was a Prisoner in the Castle of Cronenburgh,
and now first published from the Original Manuscript sent to a noble
Earl." 8vo., 1s. 6d. Wheble.

The publisher and the title were quite sufficient to convince me that the
pamphlet issued from the great _officina_ of Grub Street.]




CHAPTER VI.

THE SECRET AGENT.

    THE COURT AT CELLE--MR. WRAXALL--PRESENTATION TO THE
    QUEEN--HAMBURG--THE DANISH NOBILITY--THE PROPOSITION--THE
    CREDENTIALS--RETURN TO CELLE--BARON VON SECKENDORF--THE QUEEN'S
    ACCEPTANCE--ANOTHER VISIT TO CELLE--THE INTERVIEW IN THE JARDIN
    FRANCOIS--CAROLINE MATILDA'S AGREEMENT--THE INN IN THE WOOD--BARON
    VON BULOW--A STRANGE ADVENTURE--ARRIVAL IN ENGLAND.


There is but little information to be derived about the life of Caroline
Matilda during the year 1773. All we know is, that she continued to
devote her life to charity and literary pursuits. Being endowed with a
rare desire for learning and a splendid memory, she soon became versed in
the beauties of German literature. Every evening before supper she had
either German works read to her or read them herself. "The Death of Abel"
moved her to tears, and Gellert was another of her favourite poets. She
knew many of his hymns by heart, and was fondest of the one beginning "I
ne'er will seek to injure him, who seeks to injure me." She arranged a
small hand library in a turret room hung with green damask, where she
liked most to sit, and amused herself in turn with music and reading.
Although she was a first-rate musician, she continued to take lessons in
the art; but only cared for serious and tragical compositions, and might
frequently be heard confiding to the instrument the grief that agitated
her sorrowing heart.

In order to distract her thoughts, a theatre was arranged in the palace.
On January, 1773, Schröder's celebrated company of comedians came to
Celle, and gave their first performance on the court stage, a spacious
box having been railed off in the pit for the queen, the court, and
the nobility. The queen attended nearly every performance, and the
court chamberlain carefully obeyed the instructions he had received
from London, only to allow amusing performances to take place, so
that Holberg's comedies were frequently played, but never tragedies,
or even serious dramas. That this precaution was necessary, was seen
on the performance of the play "Appearances are Deceptive," in which
the appearance of some children on the stage produced so violent an
impression on the queen, that she at once quitted the playhouse, and, in
spite of the rough breeze, was obliged to walk about for a long time in
the gardens ere she could regain her self-possession. Afterwards, the
court at times acted plays, in order to provide a slight amusement for
their beloved queen.

An idea of Caroline Matilda's mode of life will be best formed, however,
from a perusal of the following letter to her sister, written in the
summer of 1773:--

    MADAM AND DEAR SISTER,

    Thanks to Heaven for having made me sensible of the futility and
    delusion of all worldly pomp and stately nothingness. Believe me
    when I tell you that I have not once wished to be again an enthroned
    queen. Were my dear children restored to me, I should think, if
    there is on this earth perfect happiness, I might enjoy it in a
    private station with them; but the Supreme Disposer of all events
    has decreed that my peace of mind should be continually disturbed
    by what I feel on this cruel and unnatural separation. You are a
    tender mother, and I appeal to your own fondness. Pray give my love
    to the dear Augusta[47] and all her brothers; now that she is in her
    seventh year, she is, I dare say, an agreeable, chatty companion. As
    for Charles, he is, I understand, like his father, born a warrior:
    nothing but drums, swords, and horses can please his martial
    inclination. George, Augustus, and William equally contribute to your
    comfort and amusement. Tell them I have some little presents I shall
    send them the first opportunity.

    You desire to know how I vary my occupation and amusements in this
    residence. I get up between seven and eight o'clock; take a walk
    in the garden if the weather permits; give my instructions to the
    gardener for the day; observe his men at work with that contented
    mind which is a perpetual feast; return to my castle for breakfast;
    dress myself from ten to eleven; appear in my little circle at
    twelve; retire to my apartment about one; read, and take an airing
    till dinner; walk again about an hour in the garden with the ladies
    of my retinue; drink tea, play upon the harpsichord, sometimes a
    little party at quadrille before supper; and, am commonly in bed
    before twelve. Every Monday, I receive petitions from real objects
    of compassion, and delight in relieving their necessities according
    to my power; and thus, every week passes in a regular rotation
    of rational conversation, _lectures amusantes et instructives_,
    musical entertainments, walks, and a little curious needlework. I
    see everybody happy around me, and vie with each other in proofs of
    zeal and affection for my person. Now, I can truly say, I cultivate
    friendship and philosophy, which are strangers to the throne. I
    expect to see you soon, according to your promise; this visit will
    add greatly to the comfort of your most affectionate sister,

      CAROLINE MATILDA.

But all these efforts were impotent to dispel the expression of gnawing
sorrow, which was imprinted on the countenance of the queen, and was
spread over her whole manner. Toward the middle of 1774, a great
pleasure, however, was caused the queen, by the receipt of a portrait of
her son, the crown prince Frederick, which was sent her from Copenhagen.
Shortly after she had received the picture, her grande maîtresse, Madame
d'Ompteda, entered the room, because she had heard the queen speaking
loudly, and was much surprised at finding her alone. With tears in her
eyes, but with the sweet smile which, even in sorrowful moments, played
round her mouth, she said to the grand mistress:

"You cannot account for hearing me speaking loudly and yet not finding
any one with me? Well, do you know with whom I was conversing? It was
with this dear picture."

And she then produced the portrait of the youthful prince.

"And now that you have surprised me," the queen continued, "you shall
also know what I was saying to the picture. I employed the words which
you a few days ago placed in the mouth of a daughter who had found her
lost father again, except that I have altered them as follows:

    Eh! qui donc comme moi gouterait la douceur
    De t'appeler mon fils, d'être chère a ton cœur!
    Toi, qu'on arrache aux bras d'une mère sensible,
    Qui ne pleure que toi, dans ce destin terrible."[48]

On September 18, 1774, Mr. N. W. Wraxall, junior, arrived at Celle. This
gentleman had, at an early age, obtained a profitable employment in the
East Indies, and had even attained some dignity; he, however, threw up
his post for motives which may be made known hereafter but do not belong
here, and returned to England. He was very ambitious, and that ambition
had been fostered by the fact that, having in his youth ransacked the
muniments of Bristol, he had discovered that one of his ancestors was
bailiff of that city in the thirteenth century; but the difficulty
was, to what object would he turn that ambition: he was unknown and
friendless, while, at the same time, the _res angusta domi_ warned him
to be up and stirring. There was but one way of acquiring fame and
popularity: in those days, authorship was more respected, as being rarer,
than it is among ourselves. Mr. Wraxall, therefore, determined first to
make a tour, and then print an account of it, and, for this purpose,
resolved to visit a but little known part of Europe, and thus add novelty
to his descriptions. With this purpose he set out for the North, ran
through Denmark, a portion of Sweden and Russia, and, on his homeward
route, thought there would be no harm in going a little out of his way to
visit the Queen of Denmark: he had learned something about her sad fate
while in Copenhagen, and this had excited a wish to know more, literary
capital being left out of the question.

On September 18, then, Mr. Wraxall waited on Baron Seckendorf,
chamberlain to the queen, who presented strangers. The "Private Journal"
shall tell us how he fared:--

"I went, at half-past one, to the castle of Zell. Monsieur Seckendorf
introduced me to the grand maître of her Highness the Princess of
Brunswick. The princess herself entered in about a quarter of an hour:
she gave me her hand to kiss, and began conversation with me directly;
it was interrupted by the queen's entrance, to whom I was presented,
with the same ceremony. Her Majesty and the princess kept me in constant
talk before and after dinner; we talked of Denmark, of Prince Frederick,
his intended marriage, &c. 'He was a child,' said she (the queen),
'unknown while I was there.' Hirschholm, she said, was her favourite
palace. 'But, tell me,' said the princess, 'about the queen-mother:
she's my aunt, but no matter: say what you will, you may be free--and
for the king, how is he?' I very frankly expressed my sentiments. The
queen asked me a thousand questions about the court of Russia, Sweden,
my travels, &c. The queen asked me, also, about her children, the prince
in particular. I told her how they dressed him now: I assured her I
had been taken for a spy in Copenhagen. Her Majesty related to me Mr.
Morris's affair with Miss Calvert. She was very gay, and seemed in no
way a prey to melancholy. She was very fat, for so young a woman. She
asked me my age. I told her. 'You are, then,' said she, 'exactly as old
as I am; we were born in the same year.' Her features are pretty, and
her teeth very small, even, and white. She resembles his Majesty (George
III.) infinitely in face: but the princess said, not so strongly as she.
I don't think so, and told her royal highness so. Her Majesty appealed
to one of her maids of honour, who agreed in opinion with me. The queen
was dressed in a Barré  gown, or at least an orange red, so very
nearly resembling it that I could not distinguish the difference. I asked
her how many languages she spoke. 'Five,' she said, 'Danish, English,
French, German, and Italian.' The princess is much thinner in face, but
not a great deal less in her person: she wants the Queen of Denmark's
teeth, but has a very good complexion. She asked me about the Duchess of
Glo'ster, if I had seen her, if I knew her. 'She is a very fine woman,'
she added, 'even now.' Mrs. C---- was mentioned. 'She was a prodigious
favourite,' I remarked, 'of the Duke of York.' She replied, with a smile,
'For a moment.' She did me the honour to ask me to take Brunswick in my
way next summer, or whenever I visited Germany again. She said she might,
and should, have mistaken me for a Frenchman. 'You don't take that for
a compliment, do you?' the queen observed. 'Indeed, no! I was too proud
of my country.' Macaronies formed a part of our conversation. ''Tis all
over now,' I said, 'the word is quite extinct in England.' 'But, tell
me,' said her Majesty, 'tell me ingenuously, were you not a bit of a one,
while it lasted?' I assured her not. I took my leave soon after dinner.

"Tuesday, Sept. 20.--'Tis a very pleasant, delightful walk round the
ramparts, of a full English mile. The gardens, likewise, near the town
are very pleasant and well kept. The streets of Zell are for the most
part wide enough, and well paved, but the buildings are very old and very
miserable. The fortifications are merely nominal, of no sort of strength.
The castle stands detached from the town; it is a square building,
surrounded by a broad, wet ditch. There were formerly round towers at
the corners, but they have been pulled down. It was built by one of the
ancient dukes of Zell; within it is a quadrangle. About ten o'clock I
went to the Hôtel de Ville, where at this time the shops of the merchants
who come to the fair of Zell are held. Her Majesty the Queen, and her
sister the princess, were there. I had the honour to talk with them near
an hour; we conversed in English most familiarly on fifty subjects--the
Grand Duke of Russia, the empress, the peace between Russia and Turkey,
my travels, Dantzig, formed the chief articles. I showed her Majesty my
medals of the Empress of Russia and some other things. She was dressed
quite à l'Anglaise: a white bonnet, a pale pink nightgown, a gauze
handkerchief, a little locket on her bosom. Her face is very handsome:
they are his Majesty's features, but all softened and harmonized. Pity
she is so large in her person. The princess was quite English all over: a
black hat over her eyes, and a common nightgown with a black apron."

Little anticipating that he should see the Queen of Denmark so soon
again, Mr. Wraxall proceeded leisurely through Hanover, which he says
may be truly described as "a hungry electorate," to Verden and Bremen.
On Sept. 27 he reached Hamburg, and dined with Mr. Hanbury, the English
consul, on the following day. Among the company present were Baron von
Schimmelmann and his lady, Baroness von Bülow, "a very elegant woman,"
and M. le Texier, who had been treasurer to Christian VII. during the
memorable tour. On the next night Mr. Wraxall was gratified at the Opera
with a sight of the celebrated, or rather notorious, Countess Holstein,
of whom he says:--

"I examined her through my glass. She is doubtless pretty, though not in
my opinion so divinely fair as fame says. Her history at Hirschholm is
well known. There was no gallantry, I thought, marked in her features,
though 'tis said she certainly has that quality in her constitution. I
thought of the unhappy Brandt as I looked at her."

At this time the city of Altona, only half a mile from Hamburg, was
crowded with the adherents and partisans of the queen, many of them being
of the first families in Denmark. Hamburg offered more amusements than
Altona, and they were therefore constantly to be found in the houses of
the opulent citizens. Baron von Bülow, master of the horse to the Queen
of Denmark, who was arrested at the time of the palace revolution, and
eventually exiled to Altona, was among the number. They had already
conceived the plan of effecting a counter revolution, and of restoring
Queen Matilda, an enterprise to which they were urged by many motives.

The new ministry in Denmark was already growing unpopular from its
weakness, languor, and incapacity. It was understood that the king
ardently desired the return of his consort. The engaging qualities,
fortitude, and talents of that princess, rendered more interesting by
adversity, had awakened the attachment of the Danes. A numerous and
powerful party in the capital and throughout the nation anxiously desired
her restoration.

It was indispensable, in the first instance, previous to any attempt
on the part of the exiled nobility, to ascertain with precision the
sentiments of the queen herself. It was important for them to know
whether she was willing to return to Copenhagen to resume the sovereign
authority, which the king was incapable of exercising, and to co-operate
with her friends toward her re-establishment. But the attempt to open
any communication with the queen was equally dangerous and difficult.
Though Celle was only eighty English miles distant from Hamburg and
Altona, still, as the northern bank of the Elbe was in, or close to the
Danish territory, the journey to and from Celle was extremely perilous.
The latter court, as well as Altona, was full of spies and emissaries,
maintained by the party possessing the authority at Copenhagen. Such were
their suspicions, and so great was their vigilance, that no person could
have passed and re-passed between those places without being watched.
These impediments had hitherto prevented the queen's adherents from
venturing to send any of their own body to lay their projects before her
Majesty; nor did they appear to have found any other person to whom they
could confide the execution of so momentous a commission. They were still
under this embarrassment when chance threw Mr. Wraxall in their way.

Having supped at the house of Mr. Jerome Matthiesen, where several of the
Danish nobility were invited, Mr. Wraxall was led to talk about Denmark,
from which country he had so recently returned. He expressed, with the
warmth natural to a young man and an Englishman, his respect for Queen
Caroline Matilda, his concern for her sufferings, and his detestation
of the proceedings of her enemies. These sentiments, delivered without
reserve or disguise, impressed the persons present that he might be
induced to undertake the commission of repairing to Celle, negotiating
with the queen, and taking an active part in their intended enterprise
for her restoration.

Two or three of the principal persons concerned having met on the
following day, agreed to sound Mr. Wraxall's dispositions, and if they
found them such as they had reason to suppose, they determined to confide
their project to him. Mr. le Texier, brother-in-law of Mr. Matthiesen,
was selected to execute this task. From the nature of his employment at
the Danish court, this gentleman necessarily had an intimate knowledge
of all the political intrigues as well as the secret history of the
Danish court. At the revolution, he had been sent to Altona. This
gentleman cultivated Mr. Wraxall's friendship with marked assiduity,
visited him frequently, and turned the conversation on the affairs of
Denmark. In order to gain Mr. Wraxall's confidence, he unfolded to him
the concealed causes and springs alluded to. He inveighed against the
mal-administration of the Dowager Queen Juliana and her son Prince
Frederick; lamented the misfortunes of Queen Matilda, and expressed his
wishes for her restoration.

On October 3, 1774, Le Texier called again on Mr. Wraxall, and being
together alone, he asked him, after some rather mysterious and
preparatory conversation, "if he would be ready, and if he were disposed,
to serve the Queen of Denmark?"[49]

Mr. Wraxall immediately answered in the affirmative; and though he was
on the point of returning to England, assured his visitor that he was
ready to devote his labour, and risk his life, if necessary, in such a
cause. Le Texier expressed his strong satisfaction at the reply; conjured
Mr. Wraxall to be silent on everything that had passed, and undertook,
without delay, to take measures for introducing Mr. Wraxall to the
persons at whose request he had sounded him. Mr. le Texier then left his
new ally, in order, as he said, to make his report to his friends, which
they were expecting with anxiety and impatience.

On October 5, Mr. le Texier brought to Mr. Wraxall's lodgings the eldest
son of Baron von Schimmelmann, and left them together. The baron, after
exacting a solemn promise of secrecy, disclosed, not without marks of
great agitation and apprehension, a project which had been formed for
restoring the Queen of Denmark. He reminded his hearer that his life,
his fortune (one of the greatest in reversion of any in Denmark), were
entrusted to a stranger, as well as those of all the persons engaged in
the undertaking. They then entered upon business; and the baron divulged
the plans and the means by which it might be effected. At a second
interview on October 7, Baron von Schimmelmann informed Mr. Wraxall
that, as he was on the point of setting out for Copenhagen, in order
to arrange many circumstances preparatory to, and indispensable for,
carrying out this plan, the latter would receive his further instructions
from Baron von Bülow.

After several interviews with this nobleman, it was finally arranged that
Mr. Wraxall should set out for Celle with all practicable despatch. But
points of material consequence must previously be adopted. Among them,
the most important were the agent's credentials and despatches. It was
dangerous to commit anything to paper, as he might be stopped, searched,
and discovered on the road, which, in more than one place, ran through
the dominions of Denmark. On the other hand, it was indispensable to
convince the queen that he was invested with powers to treat with her, on
the part of the noblemen exiled to Altona, as well as other persons in
various parts of the Danish territories. To obviate these difficulties,
the following expedients were determined on:--

Baron von Bülow delivered to Mr. Wraxall in lieu of credentials a seal,
with which, when in Queen Matilda's family, he was accustomed to seal
those private or confidential communications that he often, from the
nature of his office, had occasion to make to her. He assured Mr. Wraxall
that, so soon as her Majesty should see it, she would have no doubt of
his coming from the baron, and would have faith in what he was empowered
to impart. This seal was to be produced in the event of Caroline Matilda
assenting to the plan.

The plan was, that a numerous and powerful party was disposed to restore
her to the throne, and that they had invested Mr. Wraxall, as their agent
and representative, with powers to treat with her. They were ready and
willing to incur all the dangers or hazard annexed to such an enterprise,
provided she, on her part, agreed to three conditions:--

_First._ That she assured them of her willingness to return to Denmark,
and to assume the reins of government, which the king was incapacitated
to direct in person.

_Secondly._ That she engaged to co-operate with, and to assist her
adherents in every way and by every mode in her power.

_Thirdly._ That she would endeavour to induce the King of Great Britain,
her brother, to extend his protection and assistance toward the success
of the enterprise.

As for obvious reasons it would have been imprudent and hazardous to
commit these propositions to paper, it was left to Mr. Wraxall to draw
up a letter to the queen as soon as he arrived at Celle. It was likewise
settled that, in order more effectually to evade suspicion or enquiry,
he should, on leaving Celle, proceed to Hanover, as if on his way to
Holland, and thence return by cross-roads to Hamburg. In case her
Majesty assented to the three propositions made her, Mr. Wraxall was
authorized to name Baron von Bülow, and young Baron von Schimmelmann, as
the two avowed chiefs of the proposed counter-revolution. No other names
were entrusted to him, as these two were judged sufficient in this early
stage of the business; eight days were calculated as adequate for the
purposes of the mission, and a spot was fixed on in the city of Hamburg
where Mr. Wraxall, on his return, should meet Baron von Bülow at a
certain hour.

Thus authorized and instructed, the agent set out from Hamburg on the
evening of October 8, 1774, travelled all night, and reached Celle on
the ensuing evening. He learned immediately, to his great regret, that
the Hereditary Princess of Brunswick was then in the castle, on a visit
to her sister, the queen. Her presence augmented the difficulties of his
errand, and the Danish nobility had warned him to be on his guard with
respect to her. They dreaded lest the queen, from motives of affection
and confidence, might communicate to her the nature or purpose of his
errand. They were equally afraid of her suspecting or discovering it.
These apprehensions were founded on the circumstance that the queen
dowager of Denmark, Juliana Maria, was sister to the then reigning Duke
of Brunswick, and aunt to the hereditary prince.

One great and important arrangement yet remained to be made ere Mr.
Wraxall could advance further,--the mode of delivering his despatches to
the queen. It was hardly practicable to present a letter to her, except
in public; and even to do that, a pretext was necessary, which might
have, at least, an air of plausibility. Mr. Wraxall, while at Hamburg,
had accidentally heard Mr. Mathias, the British minister, say that he
might have occasion to write to her Majesty at Celle on the subject of
a company of comedians, who were accustomed to repair thither annually
in the autumn, to play for the amusement of the queen. Mr. Wraxall,
therefore, determined to say that he was the bearer of such a letter from
Mr. Mathias, of which he had taken charge on his way back to England,
through Hanover and Holland. He was well aware that he should have the
honour of an invitation to dine at her Majesty's table, and as no better
mode of communicating his errand to her offered itself, he resolved to
give the letter into the queen's hand in the drawing-room, when he should
be presented to her before dinner.

Having formed this resolution, Mr. Wraxall sat down on the night of his
arrival in Celle and drew up a despatch, addressed to her Majesty, in
which he stated every circumstance relating to his mission. He entered
into the requisite detail, only reserving the names of the noblemen who
had sent him, until he should have the honour of being admitted to a
private interview with the queen. He stated the conditions demanded
of her, and concluded by entreating her to favour him with as quick
and explicit an answer as the nature of the subject would admit. He
especially requested her Majesty to take some occasion of re-delivering
his letter to him, for two reasons: one, that it might be unsafe for such
a document to remain in her hands; the other, that the contents of it
would be the best testimony to the persons for whom he was acting that he
had accurately conceived and faithfully executed the purpose for which he
was sent.

Conscious, nevertheless, that such a communication, made to the queen at
a moment when she was totally unprepared for it, before witnesses and in
the presence of the Hereditary Princess of Brunswick, might disconcert
and agitate her, Mr. Wraxall felt the necessity of guarding against so
dangerous an accident as far as possible. Hence he wrote on the first
page of the letter the following words:--

"As the contents of the subsequent letter are of a nature which involve
in them your Majesty's dearest interests, and even your crown and
dignity, it is my duty earnestly to supplicate you, that you will be
pleased on no consideration to peruse them at the present moment; but
to read them when alone. I am likewise bound to entreat you that, as
you regard the safety and welfare of those who are most devoted to your
service, you will endeavour not to betray any agitation or emotion in
your countenance or manner; and, above all, that you will observe the
strictest precaution to prevent her Royal Highness the Princess of
Brunswick from entertaining any suspicion."

These necessary and preparatory precautions having been taken, Mr.
Wraxall called next morning on Baron von Seckendorf, the queen's
chamberlain. Having mentioned that he had a letter for her Majesty from
the English minister at Hamburg relative, as he understood, to the
comedians who were accustomed to visit Celle in that season, the baron
waited on the queen to inform her of the fact. Mr. Wraxall received an
invitation to dine at court in consequence, and went at two o'clock to
the castle. When the queen and the Princess of Brunswick came together
out of their own apartments into the drawing-room, where the few persons
who composed the court were assembled, her Majesty, advancing toward Mr.
Wraxall, said:

"I am glad to see you here again: I understand that you have a letter for
me from Mr. Mathias?"

Mr. Wraxall presented it, and the queen withdrew a few steps to a window
to read it. At the same moment the princess addressed Mr. Wraxall, and he
contrived to detain her in conversation while the queen was employed with
the letter. He noticed her Majesty hastily put it in her pocket, while
her face betrayed the agitation of her mind in the most visible manner.
Fortunately, about that minute dinner was announced, and the company
followed the queen into the eating-room.

At table, Caroline Matilda recovered herself, and conversed with her
usual freedom and gaiety. The queen and princess were seated in two state
chairs, separated nearly five feet from each other. When the dessert
was brought, the queen, unable any longer to restrain her curiosity and
impatience, took the letter from her pocket, and, placing it in her lap,
perused it from the beginning to the end. From time to time she raised
her eyes, and took part in the conversation. The distance at which she
was from the Princess of Brunswick rendered it impossible for the letter
to be overlooked. After taking coffee, the two princesses withdrew, and
Mr. Wraxall returned to the inn where he lodged.

In about three hours Baron von Seckendorf waited on him, and informed
him that her Majesty had sent him in the quality of her confidential
agent: that she had perused with great attention the letter, the contents
of which she had communicated to him, and had chosen him from among
the persons composing her court to conduct the business on her part.
He added, that the queen would, with the utmost readiness, grant Mr.
Wraxall that same night the audience he desired, if the presence of the
princess her sister, who never quitted her for a moment, did not render
it dangerous and impossible. She fully felt the necessity of caution, and
the suspicions which even Mr. Wraxall's stay at Celle might occasion.
Under these circumstances, she wished and enjoined Mr. Wraxall to deliver
his credentials to Baron von Seckendorf, and confide to him the names
of the noblemen from whom he came, as well as every other particular not
contained in the letter.

Thus authorized, and after receiving from Baron von Seckendorf his most
solemn promises of fidelity and secrecy, Mr. Wraxall delivered to him
Baron von Bülow's ring, and acquainted him with everything necessary to
be laid before the queen. On the following morning the baron returned
with the queen's answer, which Mr. Wraxall at once committed to paper in
his presence. It was to the following effect:--

That her Majesty, being under the immediate protection, and depending
on the king her brother, could not consent to any proposition involving
her future destiny and interests, without obtaining his consent and
approbation. That, if she only consulted her own tranquillity and
happiness, she would never desire to revisit Copenhagen, where she had
been so unworthily treated. But that the duties of a mother, and a
queen, being superior to every other sentiment, impelled her not only to
forgive these outrages, but to resume her station in Denmark. That, as
far, therefore, as depended on herself, she agreed to the propositions
made by the Danish nobility, provided it should appear to her, on further
information, that they were sufficiently powerful to effect the intended
counter-revolution. That she desired to be more fully informed at Mr.
Wraxall's next visit of the names of the principal persons concerned,
and the means. Lastly, that she would write in the most pressing and
strenuous manner to his Britannic Majesty, whenever it should be judged
proper so to do, requesting of him to lend his aid and assistance toward
effecting her restoration.

The queen, at the same time, returned Mr. Wraxall Baron Bülow's seal,
which she had recognised, and the letter which he had addressed to
herself. In conformity with a request Mr. Wraxall had made, the queen had
subscribed on the first page of the letter the initials of her name C. M.
She likewise inclosed it in a cover, addressed in her own handwriting to
Baron von Bülow, and sealed with one of her private seals.

Baron von Seckendorf enjoined Mr. Wraxall from the queen to return as
soon as possible to Celle, where she hoped to be able to admit him to an
audience. She likewise desired that he would then give, on being stopped
at the gates, a French name, which she suggested, as by that means,
on seeing the report of all strangers who arrived at Celle, which was
brought to her every morning, she should be apprised of his return. It
was settled that on Mr. Wraxall's next visit to Celle he should take care
to arrive in the night, go round the city, and lodge at a little obscure
inn, called the "Sandkrug," in one of the suburbs.

Having received this satisfactory answer from her Majesty, Mr. Wraxall
left Celle immediately and proceeded to Hanover, where he remained two
days. He then crossed a large portion of the Electorate to Harburg,
and reached Hamburg on the evening of October 15, 1774. On the morning
of the 17th he repaired to the place when Baron von Bülow had arranged
to meet him. The latter affected not to notice him, and turning, Mr.
Wraxall followed him through a number of streets, till they arrived on
the ramparts of the city. There, upon a retired bastion, Mr. Wraxall
delivered the baron the letter, whose seal and address he immediately
recognised as those of the queen, saying, "Oui, bon, je reconnais bien
cette écriture." Mr. Wraxall then related to him all the circumstances
of his journey, the mode he employed to deliver his letter to the queen,
and the subsequent interview with Baron von Seckendorf. The baron
approved highly of all that had been done; promised to communicate the
particulars, and the queen's reply to his associates; and requested Mr.
Wraxall to hold himself in readiness to return to Celle.

During the next six days the couple contrived to meet several times,
though in the meanwhile the baron made excursions into Holstein, in order
to lay before his friends the state of the business, and to concert the
most judicious means for carrying it on to the desired completion. On
October 23, Mr. Wraxall received from him his instructions for his second
journey to Celle. They were, as before, only verbal, and the agent was
empowered to commit them to paper when he should arrive there, observing
the same precautions in receiving them back. They were to the following
effect:--

"That the Danish nobility were grateful for, and perfectly satisfied
with, the answer made by her Majesty to their proposals, and that they
should proceed, in consequence, to concert measures for executing at a
proper time the intended revolution in her favour. That Baron von Bülow,
in addition to his own name, and that of young Baron von Schimmelmann,
was empowered to vouch for Count von Laurvig, his father-in-law, the
viceroy of Norway, who was to secure that kingdom and its capital,
Christiania, for the queen. That old Baron von Schimmelmann, though he
refused to take any active part in the enterprise, or to risk by any
overt act his safety and fortune, was sincerely attached to the cause.
That the governor of Glückstadt, one of the most important places and
fortresses in Holstein, was disposed to aid the queen. That Rendsburg,
the key of the duchy of Schleswig, would open its gates, as the party had
secret adherents in the garrison, who would declare themselves, when it
should prove necessary.

"That their friends were numerous and powerful in the army, the navy,
the guards, in the metropolis, and even about the person of the king
himself. But, that they besought her Majesty to repose on the honour
and assurances given by Baron von Bülow, as representing the party,
and entreated her not to insist on the disclosure of their names--a
disclosure which could be of little or no advantage or gratification
to her, and which might be fatal to them. That they unanimously and
earnestly requested her to write to the King of England immediately, and
confide the letter to their agent, urging the indispensable necessity of
his sending a minister to the court of Copenhagen, where there was then
only a resident, and authorizing such minister to declare, at the time
when the counter-revolution was being effected, that the King of Great
Britain was acquainted with it, approved of it, and would maintain it
with all his power.

"That, as considerable expenses must necessarily be incurred in
conducting and executing a project of such magnitude and importance, they
hoped that the King of Great Britain, if he approved of the attempt to
restore his sister, would be graciously pleased to assist the persons
engaged in her cause with some immediate pecuniary assistance. They
besought the queen to recommend this object to her brother. That during
the winter they would perform everything for striking the blow, and
would, if the answer from England were favourable, proceed to execute it
as soon in the ensuing spring as the two Belts should be free from ice,
and the communication open between the island of Seeland and the mainland
of Jütland.

"That they hoped her Majesty would be pleased to communicate to Baron von
Bülow the tenor of her letter to the King of England, as on his reply,
in a great measure, depended the progress and success of the enterprise.
Baron von Bülow particularly enjoined Mr. Wraxall to ask the queen
whether she would consent to quit Celle and repair to Altona in disguise,
if such a step should at a future time be thought expedient or necessary."

Previous to Mr. Wraxall's departure from Hamburg, he agreed on a meeting
with Baron von Bülow, on October 28, at a posthouse in the wood of
Zährendorf, a solitary hamlet nearly equi-distant from Celle and Altona.
It was settled, that on leaving Celle, Mr. Wraxall should repair to
Zährendorf, _en route_ to Holland, and that the baron, disguised as a
dealer in goods, should go to the same posthouse, without any attendant.
As two travellers, it would be easy to meet and to pass some hours
together, in so unfrequented a place, during the night.

This matter adjusted, Mr. Wraxall set out on October 23rd, but, in
order to elude suspicion from passing the same road so frequently, he
took the Lüneburg road. Between three and four o'clock in the morning
of the 26th he reached the gates of Celle, and, after making use of
the name suggested by the queen, drove round to the little inn in the
suburbs. Baron von Seckendorf having set out on that very morning to pay
a visit to Hanover, Mr. Wraxall was obliged to send an express to him,
acquainting him with his arrival, and requesting his immediate return.
After which, Mr. Wraxall remained concealed in the inn the whole day, and
employed himself in drawing up his despatch to her Majesty.

Early on the following morning the baron entered Mr. Wraxall's room,
and informed him, to his no small satisfaction, that the Princess of
Brunswick was not then in Celle. Mr. Wraxall delivered his letters for
the queen, which the baron went immediately to the castle to deliver.
About four hours after he returned, and desired Mr. Wraxall to go without
the loss of a moment to the Jardin François, a large garden without the
city belonging to the Elector of Hanover, where her Majesty would go
to meet him. He had not arrived there more than ten minutes when the
queen drove up in her coach. She sent away the carriage and all her
attendants, except one lady, who remained the whole time. The interview
lasted about an hour, during the greater part of which they walked in
one of the private vistas of the garden. Toward the end of it, the queen
took Mr. Wraxall into a pavilion where a dessert of fruit was laid, and
he then withdrew by her Majesty's permission.[50] The substance of the
conversation was of so important a nature that I feel bound to quote it
_in extenso_.

       *       *       *       *       *

Having attentively perused the letter which I had written to her in the
name and by order of the Danish nobility, she was perfectly satisfied
with it in every particular. That the persons named as engaged in the
cause were sufficient to inspire confidence, and that, relying in a
special manner on the attachment, zeal, and talents of Baron von Bülow,
she would dispense with his divulging the names of any more of his
associates. That in compliance equally with their desire and with her
own wishes, she would, without loss of time, write to her brother. That,
if the time permitted, she would readily give in a copy of her intended
letter to be shown Baron von Bülow for his satisfaction, and that of his
friends; but that, as my interview with him in the wood of Zährendorf was
to take place on the following day, and could not be postponed, she must
of necessity delay writing the letter. That she would, therefore, send
it by the royal Hanoverian courier, who would set out for London in two
days, a conveyance, the expedition and safety of which might be relied on.

That, by so doing, his Britannic Majesty would not only be apprised
of my intended arrival, but also of my errand, and, as she hoped, be
disposed to give me a prompt and favourable reply. That Baron von Bülow
might trust to her for writing with energy and earnestness. That she
would press her brother to send a minister to Copenhagen without delay,
and would, in a peculiar manner, urge the necessity of advancing to the
party engaged in her restoration a sum of money. That she thought Baron
von Bülow must know her well enough to be convinced that she was ready
to repair to her friends in any disguise that could be pointed out; but
she was persuaded the king her brother would never permit it. Still, she
added, could I come, or did I come disguised, nobody would know me, as I
am much altered since I was in Denmark.

Her Majesty entered on the state of her own finances, and lamented to me
that the limited nature of her income, as well as some debts which she
had contracted in Holland, rendered it impossible for her to contribute
herself toward a cause in which she was so deeply interested. That she
had not any jewels, the Danes having taken from her everything of that
kind on her quitting Denmark. She was pleased to express her regret at
not having it in her power to give me any testimony of her approbation,
but she assured me of her future protection and recommendation to the
King of Great Britain. "You must," she said, "go very quietly to work
with my brother; if we manage with address, he will favour the attempt;
but it will be tacitly, not openly."

Her Majesty gave me very minute instructions for my conduct, in case I
should have the honour to be admitted by the king to an audience in
London. She moreover charged me with some private and confidential things
relative to her sister, the Princess of Brunswick, which she enjoined me,
on no consideration, to impart to any one, except to the king himself,
and not even to him, unless I should see an opening to do it with a
prospect of good.

On the mode and channel by which I should approach his Britannic Majesty,
she told me she had reflected seriously, and, after mature deliberation,
had determined on the following course:--That by the Hanoverian courier
she would write to Lord Suffolk, then secretary of state for the northern
department, and whose conduct toward her at the time of the revolution in
Denmark, she said, merited her utmost regard. That she would only say in
her letter to him, that "a gentleman, Mr. Wraxall, would shortly wait on
him, charged, on her part, with a very secret and important commission.
That she requested him to give credit to everything communicated to him
by Mr. Wraxall, and, above all, to aid and accelerate by every means in
his power the object of that commission."

As, however, it might be, she conceived, more grateful to the king,
her brother, that a negotiation so delicate and so peculiar should be
transacted through a private, rather than through a public, channel; she
likewise determined to write, by the Hanoverian courier, to the Baron
von Lichtenstein. That nobleman, who occupied the post of marshal of the
court of Hanover, was, she said, then on a visit to England. He had the
honour to be much distinguished by the king, and he had given many proofs
of his devotion to her interests; she, therefore, would write to him to
the same effect as to Lord Suffolk, leaving me at liberty, according
to my discretion, to apply to either on my arrival in London, but
preferring, as far as regarded her own predilection, the medium of Lord
Suffolk. She enjoined me, further, to write to her after I had met Baron
von Bülow, and likewise from England, only observing, in both cases, the
precaution of enclosing my letters, under cover, to Baron von Seckendorf.

       *       *       *       *       *

During the evening, Mr. Wraxall called on Baron von Seckendorf, from
whom be received a minute of the proposed letter to the King of England,
sent by the queen, which he would communicate to Baron von Bülow. At
ten o'clock at night, Mr. Wraxall started for Zährendorf, which place
he reached in the ensuing afternoon. A short time before nightfall, the
baron arrived, dressed as a tradesman, in an open post-waggon. The couple
passed more than eight hours together. Mr. Wraxall gave the baron the
documents; the latter approved of every measure taken, and authorized
Mr. Wraxall to assure the queen so by letter, as well as to renew to
her, in the name of the party, every possible protestation of zeal and
adherence. He also begged Mr. Wraxall to hasten back from England as soon
as he could, and to be assured of the gratitude of those persons in whose
service he was engaged.[51]

About one in the morning the baron and Mr. Wraxall parted. Previous
to the separation, the latter received a cypher for the future
correspondence, which it was agreed should be carried on under cover
to Mr. le Texier, as less likely to excite suspicion, and that all Mr.
Wraxall's letters should be addressed to Mr. Matthiesen, at Hamburg.
The baron then returned to Altona, by the same conveyance which had
brought him, and the next morning Mr. Wraxall started for England _viâ_
Osnabrück. In the latter city he had a trifling adventure, which seems
extracted from Casanova's Memoirs. I will give it in his own words:--

"I walked over the town, and returned to dinner at four. At about six
my servant announced a "gentleman," who would do himself the honour of
speaking to me. He came in, sat down, and stayed an hour. He requested
me to sup with him and Monsieur le Comte de Marazzani and his lady. I
excused myself on account of fatigue. He spoke English, French, Russian,
Italian, Latin: he was young, apparently of my own age. Finding I would
not accept his invitation, he took leave, first telling me he was the
Baron de Stampe, a German nobleman. I was, I must own, a little surprised
at his visit and manner of introducing himself--'twas odd!

"_Tuesday_, _November_ 1.--I went, at about nine, to visit the count,
countess, and baron. 'Twas a miserable apartment I was shown into. Madame
la Comtesse was a little woman, very young, pretty in face, and her
complexion fair. I kissed her hand, and must avow she had a very fine
hand. They pressed me to stay dinner, or at least to remain in Osnabrück
till two or three o'clock, after which time they would, if necessary,
submit to losing me. I saw at once the deception. She squeezed my hand,
and added a thousand pressing instances to induce me to stay. I pleaded
urgent business. The count insisted on accompanying me to the inn, and
would not be refused. When we arrived, he walked in, told me in a few
words that he just then was in need of a little money, that his letters
of credit were not arrived, that his servant had stolen seventy guineas
and his lady's gold watch; that, therefore, he must request me to lend
him a few ducats. I pitied him, and, had my fortunes been sufficient,
would not have hesitated an instant to have _given_ him what he asked.
But I could not, for I had not even enough to permit me diminishing my
stock, and most frankly told him so. He reasoned the point, pressed,
requested, but 'twas impossible to comply, so he very politely took
leave, promising to visit me in England. I might, I am convinced, have
received the payment from Madame la Comtesse--_there_ was the temptation,
but with such adventurers was too dangerous. They might have served me a
worse trick than Don Raphael and Lamela did by poor Gil Blas, and I might
have had more reason to remember the Countess Marazzani than he had Doña
Camilla. 'Twas a droll adventure: doubtless their intention was to have
won my money by cards or love."

On November 13, Mr. Wraxall embarked from Helvoetsluys, and arrived at
Harwich on the following day. To quote his own words: "This day shall
ever be sacred in my calendar. I had now finished my tour through the
northern kingdoms, and was once more in my native country, after being
absent seven months and three days, from the 10th of April last. I
returned thanks to the protecting gods who had carried me, unhurt,
through so many barbarous nations and Polar regions."

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 47: Eldest sister of H.R.H. Caroline, Princess of Wales.]

[Footnote 48: I found this anecdote carefully preserved among my
grandfather's papers. The person who wrote it down for him, added, "Tout
cœur capable de sentiment, pourra imaginer combien dans la situation
de la jeune Reine, si digne d'un meilleur sort, des scènes pareilles
devoient être attendrissantes, et à quel point on devoit être touché
et pénétré d'admiration, en voyant que ce n'étoit pas le Faste, les
grandeurs, ce trône, l'objet de l'ambition, même des plus grands heros:
mais l'éloignement de sa famille royale, et ses retours sur la situation
de celle ci, qui étoient la source de cette douleur et de ces larmes
d'autant plus amères qu'elle les cachait avec le plus grand soin." This
opinion my readers will assuredly endorse.]

[Footnote 49: My narrative is made up from the "Private Journal" already
mentioned, and a MS. entitled an "Historical Narrative of the Attempt to
Restore the Queen." In the former, my grandfather gives the following
account of the proposition:--"A momentary astonishment covered me, but
it neither altered my cheek nor faltered on my tongue. I felt in the
most unbounded degree where it might lead. I was conscious where it must
lead. I felt myself born for the achievement, and I ardently embraced it.
'Yes,' _I_ said in reply, 'I am the man you seek; give me the commission;
I am ready in a day, an hour, a minute. My life, my labour,--dispose of
them as your own. Enthusiasm I shall not want in such a cause so noble,
so honourable to me.' 'It is well,' he said. 'I am satisfied; wait till
this evening, or, at latest, to-morrow. You shall see and talk with this
person. At the Comédie Française we meet this night. Adieu.'"]

[Footnote 50: In the "Private Journal" I find: "We conversed most
closely, most familiarly, most unreservedly, more than an hour. Her
graciousness and goodness knew no bounds. She described (as to an equal)
the king, and her sister, the Princess of Brunswick, especially the
last. Her dress was very simple and plain. It could scarce be more so."
From the minutes of this conversation, I also find that the queen told
my grandfather that three emissaries had reached her from Copenhagen.
The first was a Dane of the name of Guldenstern, about a year and a half
previously; the second mentioned the name of Count Holstein; he was a
musician, and named some of the bourgeoisie, whom she had never heard of.
The third came about a year before, but his communication was nothing.]

[Footnote 51: The "Private Journal" adds:--"Toward eleven at night, as
we had finished business, our discourse took another turn, and fell on
the Danish affairs. The baron gave me a most interesting and masterly
account of Struensee's administration, his character, and his history.
He explained the manner in which he acquired his Majesty's graces, and
how he kept possession of them. He gave me the relation of the plot
for massacring them all at the "_Bœuf roti_," and how they escaped it.
He passed to the fatal night when the two counts were arrested, and
the wonderful incident of the tea-party, which Madame de Schimmelmann
broke off by her refusal. He ended with his own arrest and honorary
exile. 'Twas a relation to listen to; and I devoured his words. They are
inerasable from my memory."]




CHAPTER VII.

'TWIXT THE CUP AND THE LIP.

    BARON VON LICHTENSTEIN--THE KING'S INSTRUCTIONS--THE ANSWER
    FROM HAMBURG--THE FOUR ARTICLES--A TERRIBLE JOURNEY--ARRIVAL
    AT CELLE--INTERVIEW WITH THE QUEEN--BARON VON SECKENDORF--THE
    ANSWER FROM COPENHAGEN--THE APPEAL TO GEORGE III.--THE
    COUNTER-REVOLUTION--ANOTHER VISIT TO CELLE--THE LAST INTERVIEW--THE
    QUEEN'S GRATITUDE--RETURN TO LONDON--WAITING FOR THE ANSWER--A SUDDEN
    BLOW.


As the queen, in her instructions to Mr. Wraxall at Celle, had left it
entirely at his option, on his arrival in London, to wait either on
Lord Suffolk or Baron von Lichtenstein, though expressing a degree of
preference for the former, he went, on November 15, to Lord Suffolk's
residence in Downing Street. Being admitted, a private secretary
requested Mr. Wraxall to inform him of the nature of his business: Lord
Suffolk not only being confined to his bed-chamber by gout, but unable,
from the violence of his disorder, to see any one. Mr. Wraxall informed
him, in answer, that as his business was of a nature which could only be
communicated to Lord Suffolk in person, he would call again in a day or
two, by which time his lordship might be able to see him.

Conceiving it, however, injudicious to lose a moment that could be
avoided in opening the object of his mission, Mr. Wraxall went directly
to the lodgings of Baron von Lichtenstein, in Chidleigh Court, Pall Mall.
The baron was at home, and so soon as the agent acquainted him with
his name, he expressed his satisfaction at Mr. Wraxall's arrival; he
produced the queen's letter announcing the intended visitor, and assured
the latter that it would be as much his wish as he felt it his duty to
comply with the Queen of Denmark's commands. He added, that so soon as
Mr. Wraxall should have put him in possession of the necessary facts, he
would endeavour to find an occasion for laying the whole matter before
the king.

Mr. Wraxall informed the baron of his having been at Lord Suffolk's
house, but that he had not seen his lordship on account of his
indisposition. The baron entreated him not to call again on Lord Suffolk
till he should have seen his Majesty, and taken his pleasure on that
point, which he promised to do, as far as depended on himself, without
delay. In a long and confidential conversation, Mr. Wraxall laid before
the baron the proposals made to the queen by the Danish nobility, her
answer, and the objects intended to be effected by his present errand to
George III. The baron reiterated his assurances of co-operating toward
their success, and fixed a day for Mr. Wraxall coming again to him, to
know how he had proceeded in the business.

Three days afterwards, the two gentlemen had a second interview, when
the baron stated that he had conversed with his Majesty at the queen's
house on the matter; that he had to communicate to Mr. Wraxall, in the
first place, the king's positive injunctions not to mention the object of
his journey and negotiations to Lord Suffolk, but to consider him (Baron
von Lichtenstein) as the sole medium through which all matters relative
thereto were to pass to the king. His Majesty had received the queen his
sister's letters by the Hanoverian courier, and would maturely consider
their contents before he should give any answer to them. To prevent any
reflections on the part of the court of Copenhagen at his having seen and
conversed with an agent of the Danish nobility and the queen, in case
that the present attempt were either discovered or found unsuccessful,
the king judged it fit not to admit Mr. Wraxall to a personal interview.
It was therefore his pleasure that Mr. Wraxall should communicate to him
on paper, through Baron von Lichtenstein, every circumstance touching the
business; explaining the causes and reasons which had induced the exiled
nobility at Altona to confide to his honour so secret and delicate a
matter.

His Majesty also desired to know from Mr. Wraxall the names of the
principal persons concerned in the enterprise, and the precise time,
mode, and place, when and by which they proposed to accomplish the
queen's restoration. Baron von Lichtenstein added, that his Majesty
manifested favourable dispositions, but would give no opinion till he was
enabled to judge of the means possessed by the queen's adherents to carry
their proposals into effect.

Thus commanded, Mr. Wraxall sat down and drew up a statement of the
whole transaction, going into every point suggested by the king. In
so doing, he pointed out, to the best of his judgment or information,
the manner in which the queen's adherents had laid their plan for the
counter-revolution. Mr. Wraxall, however, was compelled to avow his
ignorance of many parts of their future plan, either as having never
been entrusted to him, or as being in their own nature incapable of
arrangement till the time of their accomplishment approached. Mr. Wraxall
transmitted this paper to the king through Baron von Lichtenstein.

On October 5, Mr. Wraxall received the king's answer to the propositions,
which the baron communicated to him. It was verbal, and to the following
effect:--

"His Majesty, relying on the means possessed by the Danish nobility
attached to the queen his sister to effect her restoration, and having
thoroughly considered their plans, consented to and approved of the
intended attempt in her favour. But the existing treaties between the two
courts of Copenhagen and St. James's did not allow him to lend any direct
assistance toward its execution. He, therefore, would not advance any
money at present, though he would not object to guarantee the restitution
of the sums necessarily expended in his sister's restoration, after the
completion of the enterprise. Finally, he should not be induced by any
entreaties of the queen, or by the applications of the Danish nobility,
to affix his signature to a paper promising aid, or even expressing his
approbation of the attempt itself."[52]

By Baron von Lichtenstein's advice, Mr. Wraxall transmitted on the
following day this answer of the king to Baron von Bülow, in cypher:
desiring directions for his future conduct. Mr. Wraxall also communicated
it to the queen and to Baron von Seckendorf. From the latter, he received
an answer on January 3, 1775, expressing the queen's satisfaction at the
king's consent, though she regretted the qualifications which accompanied
it.

In consequence of Baron von Bülow's absence from Hamburg, and other
impediments, Mr. Wraxall did not receive his answer till January 20,
1775: it was very short, and in cypher. The baron conjured Mr. Wraxall
not to lose a moment in returning to Hamburg with the king's approbation
of their conduct, authenticated in whatever way might be practicable.
He added, that his friends were busied in preparing everything for the
expected blow, and that their anticipations of success were sanguine.[53]
This letter Mr. Wraxall communicated at once to Baron von Lichtenstein,
and its contents were laid before the king.

On January 23, Baron von Lichtenstein informed Mr. Wraxall that the king
would despatch him, in a few days, to Celle and Hamburg, adding, that he
had reason to believe his Majesty intended to empower him (Lichtenstein)
to sign certain articles, of which Mr. Wraxall should be the bearer,
and which would, in a great measure, satisfy the Danish nobility. It
was not till February 2 that Mr. Wraxall received his final orders and
despatches; they were delivered to him by the baron, and consisted of a
letter from the king to his sister, together with a paper containing four
articles. The baron drew these up in Mr. Wraxall's presence; after which
he affixed his seal and signature to them, as representing the King of
Great Britain. The articles were to the following effect:--

_First._ His Britannic Majesty gives his consent and approval to the plan
concerted by the adherents of his sister, the Queen of Denmark, for
restoring her to the throne.

_Secondly._ His Britannic Majesty insists that, in the execution of it,
no blood be spilled, nor any measures of severity exercised toward the
present administration in Denmark, except such as are indispensable to
maintain the counter-revolution.

_Thirdly._ His Britannic Majesty guarantees the repayment of all the
money advanced or expended in the necessary prosecution of the Queen of
Denmark's revolution.

_Fourthly._ His Britannic Majesty will authorize and empower his Resident
at the court of Copenhagen to declare, in the most public manner, so
soon as the revolution in favour of the queen is accomplished, that the
King of Great Britain approves of it, and will maintain it against all
opposition.

Baron von Lichtenstein, when he had placed in Mr. Wraxall's hands these
articles, which the latter saw him seal up, and place in a cover without
an address, signified to him his Majesty's pleasure that he should set
out on the following day for Celle. After delivering his letter to the
queen, and the articles, signed in his name, for her perusal, Mr. Wraxall
would receive the latter back from the queen, and proceed with them to
the Danish nobility at Hamburg.

Accordingly, on the afternoon of February 3, 1775, Mr. Wraxall left
London, embarked at Harwich, and landed at Helvoetsluys on the evening
of the 6th. Passing through Holland by Utrecht and Deventer, he arrived
on Sunday morning, the 12th, at daybreak, at the bank of the little
river Dinckel, which divides the provinces of Over-Yssel from the circle
of Westphalia. From this point, the "Private Journal" shall speak for
itself, until the traveller arrives at Celle:--

       *       *       *       *       *

_February_ 12_th._--I arrived at the house near the bank of the Dinckel
as day broke: here I found the royal courier, who came over in the same
packet with me from England. He had arrived here on Friday morning, but
the waters were so deep that he had not dared to attempt the passage,
with two carts laden with boxes and coffers. The inn was misery itself:
oxen, pigs, men, and women all together. The courier assured me, that if
he had not provided himself with provisions very amply, he should have
been almost starved, nothing being procurable from the people. When I
had drunk my chocolate, we walked forward half a quarter of a mile, to
reconnoitre the spot, and see if it was practicable to pass over. After
a long debate, the landlord of the house offered, for a few stivers, to
mount one of the four horses, and endeavour to conduct us through it.
In consequence of this resolution, they raised my trunks, by putting
straw and turf under them to move them five feet from the surface of the
ground, to prevent the water from spoiling my clothes. They would have
persuaded me to get up behind the carriage, as, in case it overturned,
I might then have easily disengaged myself; but, notwithstanding, I got
in: as to my clothes and linen, I trusted them cheerfully to fortune,
and only reserved the letter with which I was charged, which I carried
in my bosom, resolved that it should not perish, except with myself. We
drove off about noon from the inn. When we came to the place, the two
fore horses plunged in; the water was as high as their backs, how much
deeper it might be I cannot pretend to say, as they immediately swam:
the carriage floated likewise, and the horses drew it about twelve or
fourteen paces in this manner, when we touched ground, and all the danger
was over. Had there been a very violent stream or had not the horses done
their part, the chaise must have inevitably been overturned--nothing
could have saved it.

* * * * * * Continuing my route from Bentheim,
I got in the evening at about eight o'clock to
Rheine. The roads were terrible, and I trembled
continually for my own and my servant's safety. The
moon, however, was our protection, and under her
auspices and guidance we arrived safe. We passed
through another small river, which was swollen with
the rains to the breadth of three or four hundred
paces. Happily, however, the depth was not above
three or four feet, and we got through without any
accident. The country all round us was deluged
with water, and scarce appeared like land. Rheine
is a small town belonging to the bishopric of Münster,
not fortified, though surrounded with old walls.
The postmaster appeared to be an obliging man, and
the horses being ready, I set out at about ten o'clock
at night. I had not driven more than a mile from the
place when the carriage overturned; my servant's
hand was cut by the glasses, which broke in pieces,
but I escaped unhurt. The horses stood still, without
attempting to drag the chaise, which, had they done,
the consequences to us must have been very fatal, as
some minutes elapsed ere we could get out at the
windows.

I despatched my servant back to the town for assistance, and the
postilion to a neighbouring village on the same errand, while I remained
alone with the carriage. My servant returned first, after an hour's
absence, with an old man, the postmaster not choosing, or not being
willing, to afford him any more help. We waited, therefore, for the
postilion, who came at length, to our great joy, with four villagers,
by whose endeavours we raised the carriage up once more, and returned
to Rheine about midnight. I am most fully of opinion that the postilion
did it purposely, and probably by his master's orders. The postmaster's
behaviour justified this conjecture: he neither blamed the man, nor
promised me any satisfaction; he only told me I had better forget it,
and go to bed in his house. I did so, for what other course could I
take in a country where I spoke the language very imperfectly, and in
which I was absolutely at their mercy? To proceed without glasses at
this season of the year, in the night, was not agreeable; and even if I
would, the postmaster said he could give me no other postilion till the
next morning, and to set out with the same would have been madness. I
was tempted to severely chastise the driver myself, but the consequences
which might have ensued deterred me. So I lay down in a miserable
apartment, as large as an Egyptian hall, where the winds whistled in
every corner. I made my servant lie in the same room, and held my pistols
ready, but all was very tranquil during the night. Why the landlord
should wish to overset my carriage, unless to make me return, and get a
couple of guilders for my lodging, I do not know, but I am convinced it
was a concerted affair.

_February_ 13_th._--The morning began most inauspiciously. It rained very
hard, and blew with equal violence. I thought of the poor courier, who
would be prevented by it from passing the Dinckel. I set out once more
at eight o'clock from Rheine in this dismal weather and without glasses,
not any being procurable at the place. It was, indeed, a terrifying view
on all sides, and resembled a deluge or inundation. I recommended myself
to God, and comforted myself by the thought that I undertook the journey
in the service of my royal mistress. That I was not repeatedly overturned
was almost a miracle; and had I been so in the great pieces of standing
water through which I passed, the consequences might have been of the
worst sort. I crossed the little river Aá, which was likewise swollen
by the rain to a considerable size. I got at one o'clock to Ippenburen;
from this place I had only eighteen miles to Osnabrück, but the road
was so horribly bad that all I had yet seen sunk before it. A peasant
who accompanied us on foot about four miles from Ippenburen supported
the carriage at different places with his hands, or we must have been
overset. The torrents of rain which had fallen made the highway so soft
that the wheels sank up to the axletrees at every step. There were
great holes made in the middle of the road large enough to take a man
and horse. In other places it was so rough, I expected each moment that
the axletrees, wheels, or brancards must go to pieces. We crossed two
very dangerous waters by moonlight, in one of which a single inch more
on one side must have precipitated us into a river, where we should, I
think, have been both inevitably drowned. How we escaped and got safe to
Osnabrück I do not know. In the bitterness of my heart, tired with such
incessantly-repeated dangers and vexations, I cursed the errand, and
swore that I would never again undertake a journey through Westphalia
in the winter, let the inducement be what it would; but this was only
momentary, and _now_ I am ready, at my sovereign's command, to return
through all if it should be necessary. 'Twas near ten o'clock at night
when I reached Osnabrück, to my no small comfort. I was fatigued and
sore with the continued shaking of the carriage; I wanted glasses to my
chaise; I wanted repose; so I determined to stay the night.

The landlord of the inn, after congratulating me on my safe arrival,
implored me not to attempt to pass the river Weser at Stolzenau, which
is the straight road to Hanover, but rather to go round ten miles by
Minden, where there is a bridge across it. He showed me a letter he had
just received from there, which said that the Weser was swollen to a
prodigious size; that twenty-two dead bodies had been taken up at the
bridge, floating on the water; that the danger of passing in a boat was
extreme, and the inundation beyond any ever remembered. This induced me,
though reluctantly, to take his advice as the safest, or at least the
most certain in every point of view.

About one o'clock in the afternoon I left Osnabrück, and arrived at
Boomele, which is fifteen miles distant, at six. The road was, if
possible, yet worse than all I had hitherto seen or passed, but of a
different kind, in some measure. There were no dangerous waters or
rivers; but such numbers of stones, and of so prodigious a size, that
it appeared astonishing in the highest degree that the carriage was not
totally demolished by them. I started at eight for Diepenau, which is
twenty English miles, but did not arrive there till half-past five the
next morning. I had here occasion for all my courage to support me.
The postmaster obliged me to take six horses, and they were indeed
most necessary. The country was all covered with water like a lake; and
I passed through a horse-pond, where I expected every instant to be
overset, and in which the horses were almost up to their shoulders. At
length we came to two vast hollows, not less than four-and-twenty feet
deep, and in which a great quantity of water had collected. Here I got
out, as did my servant. The postilions carried us on their shoulders
through it, the carriage followed, but I never expected to see it come
out, at least, without being broken to pieces. It did get through,
notwithstanding, to my astonishment; yet, at many other places I dreaded
every instant to be overturned at the hazard of my life. Still, I
proceeded, encouraged by the moon, which shone very brightly, and was
indeed my protectress amid so many and so repeated dangers. Yet the
continued anxiety of mind which prevented me from closing my eyes, and
the violent exercise of the body in such horrid roads--if roads they
could with propriety be called--at length wearied and fatigued me beyond
belief. I wished to be at the end of my journey. I wished I had never
undertaken it; I almost lost that animating principle, that enthusiasm
and hope, which had borne me up and made me with joy devote myself to
every untoward accident. In a word, I felt that I could brave death, but
not mental and corporeal agitation unusually continued. But what could I
do? I had passed the Rubicon.

_Wednesday, February_ 15_th._--In this frame of mind, after waiting from
five till three for horses at Diepenau, I again got into the carriage;
where to go, however, I really knew not. There were only three roads
to choose. If I went to Minden, which was only ten miles distant, I
could indeed get there and pass the Weser by the bridge; but then they
were unanimously agreed that the road from Minden to Hanover was not
practicable, or to be attempted. I would have gone north to Nienburg, and
have passed the Weser by _that_ bridge, but it was impossible; the Weser
had inundated the road, overflowed the bridge, left holes big enough to
hold a house in the highway; and there were at this time more than two
hundred carts belonging to the peasants which could not get out of the
town. The last resource was to go on straight to Stolzenau, and attempt,
at all events, to cross by boat to Leese on the eastern side. I embraced
this last proposal in consequence of the courier's advice, and followed
his waggons. While I was meditating on so many vexatious circumstances,
and going slowly along the pavé in the village of Diepenau, unsuspicious
at that moment of any immediate accident or danger, the postilion turned
the carriage short round a corner and flung it into a deep ditch. By a
good fortune, however, which never totally abandoned me, the chaise just
being in equilibrium, and a peasant running up came just at the instant
it was tumbling over, and supported it with the greatest difficulty with
his hands till more assistance arrived.

I must own, I thought myself lost, and do assuredly believe that, if the
chaise had fallen over, the violence must have broken it in pieces, and
both myself and my valet would in all probability have been cut most
miserably, or been possibly killed on the spot. I jumped out of the
carriage the instant I could. I drew my hanger, and, in the transports of
my resentment, I should most assuredly have made the postilion remember,
as long as he lived, his carelessness; but the fellow was gone far beyond
my reach long even before I could get out. The villagers helped out
the chaise, and happily no material injury was done it. This provoking
accident filled up the measure of my vexations. To have my life and
limbs every moment in extreme danger--to suffer by roads, by villany, by
heedlessness, by water, by a train of obstacles which increased instead
of diminishing--the river Weser before me, and yet to be passed--I lost
all patience, I believe I shed tears of anger and sorrow. "In the name
of Heaven!" I said to myself, "am I destined to perish in one of these
confounded ditches? And is this message, for which I so eagerly wished,
to be the last I shall ever carry?"

I trembled as I once more entered the carriage, which I began to think
was no other than my coffin. Another postilion mounted, and I fairly
told him that if he overset me I would put him to death on the spot,
whatever consequences might ensue. I abandoned myself to fortune; worn
and oppressed by such continued exertions, my senses sank under it, and
though in momentary expectation of being again overturned, I yet fell
asleep for a few minutes. I arrived safe, notwithstanding, at Stolzenau,
and walked down, accompanied by the courier, to view the Weser. What
a sight! it was more than a mile and a half wide, and ran with vast
rapidity. The meadows, the very hedges all under water, and extending
quite to the village of Leese on the other side. I was determined, if I
died, to attempt the passage. I agreed instantly with some boatmen to
take me and my carriage over in a boat. They would not go that night, but
agreed to carry me to-morrow morning at six o'clock. So I shall see some
end to my misadventures. I write this from Stolzenau. The courier left
all his waggons, for it was totally impossible to get them over in any
manner, and went away with his letters only to Hanover in a small boat.
I wrote to Baron von Seckendorf by him, telling him where I was, and my
resolution, my fixed determination, at all events, to cross to-morrow,
for I preferred anything to remaining in a vile inn, in a horrid village,
with the Weser in full view. At this moment my mind has somewhat
recovered, and I am calm and tranquil--yet some termination I will see to
these cursed disasters. And now for some rest. Sleep will, I doubt not,
be the kindest friend and restorer to me in nature.

_February_ 16.--Why should I quarrel so with fortune? why complain,
when as yet she smiles upon me? True, the roads are terrible, and the
dangers numerous beyond belief; but am I not already past the worst, and
hastening to a queen? This reflection ought to be alone sufficient in
every situation.

I got into my carriage, which was placed in a little boat, at about
seven in the morning, and, leaving Stolzenau, in about an hour and a
half I reached the opposite dry land, and set my foot again on shore. I
passed through meadows and fields, where the tops of the hedges and the
trees began to appear above the surface of the water for nearly a mile,
perhaps more. The inundation was amazingly extensive, and reminded me of
Deucalion's deluge. It cost me, I think, about a ducat to cross over from
Stolzenau. The water reached to about a quarter of a mile from Leese,
where the post is situate. I proceeded, as soon as I had drunk my coffee,
for Hanover, and got to Hazelberg, which is twelve miles from Leese, at
about three in the afternoon. The weather was beautiful, but the road
tremendous. I know not by what continued series of fortunate chances
we were not upset. I continued my journey, and arrived safe at Hanover
at about ten at night. This part of the Electorate, from the Weser to
Hanover, is the most beautiful I have seen, and finely cultivated; but
of all the roads conceivable, none ever, I believe, exceeded this in
badness. I drove in continual danger of my life, and, really, several
times, in the deep waters through which I passed, prepared myself for
instant death.

_February_ 17.--I left Hanover about noon, and took the road for Zell.
I do not believe the whole distance is more than twenty-two or three
English miles, though it is called five German ones. I arrived at Engsen,
which is exactly half way, as night set in. The road was still the same;
it was not worse, but one can hardly say it was better. I waited for
the moon to rise, and then proceeded for Zell. I arrived there at ten
o'clock, but that I ever did arrive is wonderful. One half of the road
from Engsen, which is five miles, lay almost entirely through water, and
in many places so deep, so wide, and so long, as might have inspired
terror in the boldest heart; but my near approach to the place of my
destination gave me courage, and supported me through everything. Once,
though, we were just lost in the water. The carriage balanced, and the
balance was in our favour. I thought of William Rufus crossing into
Normandy, and the boatmen. "Rascals," said he, "did you ever know a king
drowned?" "Was ever," I thought, "young man drowned in sight of his
port?" I drove to the same inn where I had been concealed before, and
gave the same name to the guard.

       *       *       *       *       *

On the following morning, Mr. Wraxall acquainted Baron von Seckendorf
with his arrival. The latter received the agent with the warmest marks
of joy and gladness, informed him that her Majesty, who was apprised of
his arrival by the name given at the gates, expected him with impatience,
and that she had already taken measures to admit him to an audience that
same afternoon. "When you hear the palace clock strike four," the baron
said, "set out from the inn, on foot, for the castle. Mantel, the queen's
valet, will wait to receive you, and conduct you to her."

Mr. Wraxall delivered to the baron the despatches for her Majesty, and
went at the appointed hour to the palace. Mantel was waiting, and carried
him round the great court through a number of apartments to a room, where
he was left alone. At one end of it was a staircase communicating with
the queen's chamber. In a minute afterwards, Caroline Matilda came in,
and her reception of her agent was most gracious. The account of the
interview shall be told from the "Journal:"--

"We conversed till about ten minutes past six, entirely alone, and in
the most unreserved, undisguised manner. Her Majesty made me the recital
of her reign, of the revolution, of her own conduct on that fatal night
when she lost her crown. I listened in silence and astonishment. What
an avowal, what a recapitulation did she not make me! Her words are
for ever graven on my heart. I could repeat her story almost verbatim.
I know what scarce any other man on earth _can_ know. I must own, her
unreserve, her goodness, her minute detail of circumstances the most
concealed in their nature, my situation quite alone with her, superadded
to some consciousness still more affecting, made me more than once forget
I was talking to a queen. She was dressed in a brown silk Polonaise,
trimmed with green silk. Her hair powdered. A locket on her bosom.
Her under-lip is too large, but her teeth are fine, and that family
violence in speaking becomes her. Her nose is finely shaped, and her
eyes are eloquent. She is thinner in the face than she was last October.
She showed me his Majesty's letters to her, and permitted me to carry
an extract from one away with me. She was obliged to leave me soon
after six, which, otherwise, she seemed in no way inclined to do. Her
talents are very good, and in mimicry she excels. Her specimen of Prince
Frederick of Denmark was excellent. She went, and I remained ten minutes
alone. The valet came again and conducted me to a distant chamber of the
palace, where the baron attended my coming. We conversed together till
near eight, then I returned home. The baron himself conducted me to a
private staircase, by which I descended into the great court, and thence,
under cover of the night, got home undiscovered. This was _one_ of the
singular days of my life!"

Mr. Wraxall passed nearly the whole of the next day with Baron von
Seckendorf, who returned him the articles from the queen, enclosed in a
cover addressed by herself to Baron von Bülow, and sealed with her own
cypher. She also transmitted to him assurances calculated to confirm the
zeal of her adherents. Mr. Wraxall proceeded toward Hamburg on the same
night, though the country between it and Celle was almost everywhere
under water. Crossing the Elbe, he arrived at Hamburg on the evening of
February 21, 1775, after a hazardous and fatiguing journey.

On the following day he wrote to Baron von Bülow, by means of Monsieur
le Texier, informing him of his return. The baron came to Mr. Wraxall on
February 23, about noon, and expressed great joy at his safe arrival.
The agent then delivered the papers containing the articles to the
baron, who perused them many times with the deepest attention. Of the
two first articles he expressed the highest approbation. He regretted
that the King of England would not advance any pecuniary assistance
toward accomplishing his sister's restoration. But he lamented much more
that the fourth article only stipulated or promised, on the part of his
Britannic Majesty, to avow the revolution _after it should be effected_,
instead of making that avowal _during the time that it should be actually
executing_.

"We must, however," the baron exclaimed, "transmit the articles to our
associates at Copenhagen, and receive their reply. That alone can enable
us to form our determination respecting the line to be pursued."

The baron then asked Mr. Wraxall if he should be willing to undertake
the commission of carrying the articles to Copenhagen, which he assured
him he would do at an hour's warning. After thanking the agent for so
unequivocal a proof of his attachment to the cause, and admonishing him
to be on his guard, as they were surrounded by spies, the baron left,
promising to return on the next day.

When they met on the 24th, the baron informed Mr. Wraxall that, having
maturely reflected on the proposition he had made the latter of going to
Copenhagen, and having consulted two of his friends upon it, they were
unanimously of opinion not to hazard such an experiment. Mr. Wraxall
being known in that capital, his return to it must, in the present
state of affairs, excite inquiry, and might expose the enterprise
itself to discovery or suspicion. They had, therefore, already selected
for that commission a gentleman attached to the cause, who would set
out immediately. He would return with all possible despatch, but, as
the passage of the two Belts was always uncertain in winter, it might
probably require two, or even three, weeks to receive an answer. During
this time the baron requested Mr. Wraxall, in the name of the party, to
remain quietly in Hamburg.

On March 14, Baron von Bülow came to Mr. Wraxall and informed him that
the expected answer from Copenhagen had arrived. "It is," he said,
"exactly such as I predicted and anticipated. Our friends had hoped that
his Britannic Majesty would have authorised his Resident to have come
forward _at the time that they were effecting_ the counter-revolution;
and that, as representing the king his sovereign, he would, in that
critical and decisive moment, have been empowered openly to avow and
justify it. This is the only request they make. They know that they are
powerful enough to _accomplish_ the queen's recall, but to maintain it
may be their difficulty."

After a little further conversation, the baron added:

"At the instant when the queen dowager and her son, Prince Frederick,
are put under confinement in their own apartments, when the principal
ministers are arrested, and the King of Denmark's order obtained for
Queen Matilda's immediate return to Copenhagen, all eyes will be turned
upon the conduct of the British Resident. If he shuts the gates of
his hôtel, and remains a silent or a passive spectator of so great a
change, men will naturally conceive that his court and his master are
unacquainted with, if not adverse to, the enterprise itself. It is even
possible that, encouraged by such inaction on the part of the English
representative, the adherents of the queen dowager may attempt, while
the counter-revolution is yet scarcely completed, to overturn it, or to
excite the populace of Copenhagen to insurrection. We may be the victims
of the King of England's reserve.

"But if, on the contrary, while Queen Matilda's friends are achieving the
counter-revolution, the English Resident goes to the palace, avows his
master's approbation of it, and adds, that every attempt to overturn
it, or to impede his sister's recall, will excite the resentment of his
Britannic Majesty, who will support it, if necessary, by force: all ranks
of men will remain in profound submission. The party is, therefore,
determined to draw up a letter to the above effect, addressed to the King
of England in their joint names, and to limit their requests to this
single point. That granted, they are ready, without delay, to proceed to
action."

Before they parted, it was settled that Baron von Bülow should draw up
the letter in question, and that as soon as matters were arranged Mr.
Wraxall should return once more to Celle, and thence to England.

As George III. had made choice of Baron von Lichtenstein as the medium
through which all immediate communications to him on the subject of the
queen his sister should pass, it was highly important to apprise the
baron of this intention. Mr. Wraxall accordingly wrote to him on the
same day by the post, expressing in very few words that, on account of
some circumstances which had arisen, he would probably see Mr. Wraxall
again in London early in the ensuing month. The writer added, that if,
unfortunately, the baron should have quitted England before his return,
he relied on his leaving accurate directions in writing how to proceed in
the affair. Mr. Wraxall also wrote to Baron von Seckendorf, apprising him
that he might be expected again in Celle in a few days.

On March 20, Baron von Bülow delivered Mr. Wraxall the letter for the
King of Great Britain. It was not signed by him or by any of the party,
on account of the danger incurred by such a signature. But it expressed
in very strong terms the united entreaties of the queen's adherents on
the single point already stated. This letter Mr. Wraxall was empowered to
deliver to the queen on his arrival at Celle, to request her to peruse
it, and afterwards to enclose it in a letter from herself to her brother,
supporting every argument contained in it by her entreaties. Mr. Wraxall
was, as on the two previous occasions, to draw up a letter to the queen,
and his further instructions for her were to the following effect:--

"To assure her Majesty, on the part of the Danish nobility engaged in
her cause, that they were unremittingly occupied in concerting measures
for her restoration. That they were so numerous and powerful a body,
possessed of such means, and inspired by motives so strong, as to render
their success almost infallible. That the consent of the King of Great
Britain to the only request preferred by them would, indeed, accelerate,
as his refusal might <DW44>, the accomplishment of the projected
enterprise, but that nothing could prevent its ultimate execution. That
even a discovery of the design would not frustrate it; and that, if the
executioner should strike off ten heads or twenty, a number sufficient
would still survive to seat her on the throne. That the plan, when ripe,
would be carried into execution in the following manner:--

"On the day fixed, certain of them would repair to the palace, obtain
access to the king, and either induce or compel him to affix his name to
an instrument ready drawn up for the purpose. The instrument would simply
contain an order to the queen dowager to retire to her own apartment
till his further pleasure was known; and to Prince Frederick, to remove
to one of the palaces, probably that of Frederiksborg, about twenty
miles from Copenhagen. That at the same time, by virtue of a similar
order, the ministers would be dismissed or arrested; and a messenger
sent off to invite the queen to return, without an instant's delay, to
Denmark, to resume her proper rank and authority. That their measures
would be so well concerted and so rapidly executed as to produce the
counter-revolution in the space of one or two hours.

"That they trusted, therefore, she, on her part, would repair with all
possible expedition to Copenhagen. That a proper escort, becoming her
dignity, should be formed, to accompany her from Altona through the
Danish territories, and that they calculated she might, with despatch,
reach Copenhagen in four days from the time of her quitting Celle, if
no extraordinary impediment arose in her passing the two Belts. That
her presence in the capital of Denmark would animate the courage of
her adherents, cover her enemies with consternation, and complete the
counter-revolution. Lastly, that though they could not yet name the
precise time when they hoped to proceed to action, which must in a
certain degree depend on the answer of his Britannic Majesty to their
present request, yet, that for many and urgent reasons, they neither
could nor would long defer the blow."

Having received the above-mentioned letter from Baron von Bülow, and
general directions for his conduct, Mr. Wraxall again set out from
Hamburg on March 21, 1775, and reached Celle on the following night, at
ten o'clock. He gave the same name to the sentinel at the gates, and
drove to the same obscure inn, as on former occasions. Next morning he
went to Baron von Seckendorf to inform him of his arrival. The baron
entreated him to remain concealed as much as possible, and not to stir
out by day, as the Princess of Brunswick was then on a visit to the
queen. But, he added, that her Majesty was determined to see Mr. Wraxall,
at all events, previous to his departure, as she had various matters to
impart to him of a confidential nature.

On Mr. Wraxall's return to the inn, Mantel, the queen's valet, came to
him. Mr. Wraxall gave him, in consequence of the order he brought, the
letter of the Danish nobility to George III., and also a letter from
himself, addressed to the queen, containing the heads of the instructions
with which he was charged. It was afterwards fixed, between Baron von
Seckendorf and Mr. Wraxall, that, on Saturday morning, March 25, as soon
as the hereditary princess had returned to Brunswick, Mr. Wraxall should
be brought to the castle, where the queen would be ready to receive him.
But, after mature deliberation, the baron thought that it would be safer
for him to repair to the castle during the night before the princess
left Celle. The circumstance of her then being at Celle was favourable,
because no one would be tempted to suppose that the queen could venture
on so hazardous an experiment when her sister was under the same roof. It
was therefore agreed, that precisely at eight o'clock on the evening of
the 24th, Mr. Wraxall should wrap himself in his great-coat, and proceed
to the entrance of the drawbridge over the great moat of the castle,
where Mantel should punctually meet him, and conduct him to the queen.
The circumstances of this last interview are so interesting, that I shall
allow Mr. Wraxall to speak in the first person.

       *       *       *       *       *

I set off about a quarter of an hour before eight for the inn. The
darkness of the night was accompanied by a tempest of wind and rain. When
I got to the spot, no valet appeared, and directly afterwards the guard
was relieved. I was therefore compelled to hide myself as well as I could
while the whole guard passed close to me. The rain was so heavy, and the
darkness such, that fortunately I was not discovered. I waited in this
unpleasant predicament a full quarter of an hour, anxious and impatient
to the greatest degree. At length Mantel came. He said not a word to me,
but, wrapping his cloak all over me, and covering me with his umbrella,
he led me in silence over the drawbridge, under the arch, into the square
court of the castle.

We went up a private staircase, and he conducted me along the great
gallery or corridor into the queen's library. Two candles were burning,
and the book-cases were thrown open, as it was uncertain at what hour
the queen could come to me. Mantel left me, but returned in less than
a quarter of an hour with a note from Baron von Seckendorf, to the
following effect:--

"Un mot pour vous, mon très cher, tout va bien. On espère même que
la princesse se retirera à neuf heures; alors sa Majesté pourra vous
parler jusqu'a onze heures, à son aise. Vouz pouvez lui dire tout ce
que vous avez sur le cœur. Le mauvais temps, m'annonce l'impossibilité
de me trouver demain matin au rendezvous: ainsi, ayez la grace, étant
d'ailleurs destiné d'être mouillé, de passer à huit heures chez moi.
Ordonnez les chevaux à neuf, et partez sous la garde de Dieu. Bon soir.
Je retourne le chiffre dont j'ai pris copie. Rapportez-moi demain tout ce
que vous avez de papiers ou d'ailleurs. Vous verrez la reine précisement
à neuf heures."

I had scarcely perused the note when I heard the queen's footstep on the
staircase. A moment afterwards she entered the room. She was charmingly
dressed, though without diamonds; she had on a crimson satin sack, and
her hair dressed. I drew a chair, and entreated her to allow me to stand
and receive her commands, while she was seated, but she declined it, and
we both stood the whole time. Our interview lasted about two hours. It
was a quarter past eleven when I asked her Majesty if I should retire,
and she signified her pleasure that I should. She approved of the letter
drawn up by the Danish nobility to the King of Great Britain, as well as
the request contained in it, which she confessed to be natural and just,
though she doubted his Britannic Majesty's consent to it.

"I will, however," she added, "write to my brother the letter requested
before I go to bed to-night, enforcing, as far as I am able, the petition
of the nobility. You shall receive it from Baron Seckendorf to-morrow
morning, and at the same time that of the Danish nobility shall be
returned to you."

Her Majesty ordered me to assure Baron von Bülow by letter that "she
was satisfied with all I had communicated to her on his part, and that
she should be ready on the shortest notice to mount on horseback in
men's clothes, in order more expeditiously to reach Copenhagen: there to
encounter every difficulty with her friends."

Her Majesty was gracious enough to express to me the strongest assurances
of her protection. She was pleased to say:

"I lament that I have no means left me of proving to you at this time my
satisfaction. You have run every hazard in order to serve me. I will,
whatever may be the event of the present attempt, recommend you to the
king, my brother. He can, and will, I have no doubt, recompense you
properly. Meanwhile, write to me freely and unreservedly from England on
every point, and rely on my recollection of your services."

When the queen was about to withdraw, she opened the door, but held it
a few minutes in her hand, as if she had something to say: she then
retired. I little thought her death was so near, and that I should
never see her again. In a short time afterwards, Mantel came to me,
and wrapping me up in his cloak as before, conducted me by a private
staircase out of one of the postern gates of the castle. It was quite
dark, and he therefore showed me the way through the suburbs to the inn.
When I got there, it was midnight.

       *       *       *       *       *

On the following morning, Mr. Wraxall waited on Baron von Seckendorf. The
latter delivered to him the two letters, one from the Danish nobility,
and one from the queen to George III. They were under separate covers,
but both were sealed and addressed by herself. Mr. Wraxall received
orders from her Majesty, concerning what he had written on March 14
from Hamburg, namely, to deliver the letters on his arrival in London to
Baron von Lichtenstein, if he was still there, and in case of his having
quitted England, he would follow the instructions which might be left by
him respecting the mode of conveying the despatches to the king.

Baron von Seckendorf, at the same time, communicated to Mr. Wraxall,
by the queen's command, a message with which she had charged him. It
contained the most gracious assurances of her favour and protection,
"as due," she was pleased to say, "to his zeal, exertions, and
disinterestedness."

Mr. Wraxall left Celle immediately afterwards, and took the road to
Osnabrück and Holland. From Rotterdam he wrote to Baron von Bülow, as
well as to Mr. le Texier, informing them of all that had happened at
Celle, and of his being on his way to England. On April 1, he embarked at
Helvoetsluys, and reached London on the morning of the 5th.

On the next day, Mr. Wraxall called at Baron von Lichtenstein's lodgings,
but, to his great mortification, learned that the baron had left England
ten days previously. He left behind him, however, the following letter
for the Queen of Denmark's agent:--

    J'ai reçu, monsieur, la lettre que vous m'avez fait l'honneur
    de m'écrire en date du 14 de Mars. Je suis très faché que mes
    occupations, et mon emploi à Hannovre, ne me permettent pas de
    m'arréter ici jusqu'au temps de votre retour, pour avoir la
    satisfaction d'apprendre le succès de votre voyage, n'en ayant pas
    eu, comme vous vous imaginez, des nouvelles par la personne en
    question. En attendant, j'ai donné l'avis de votre arrivée prochaine.
    Vous trouverez çi joint l'adresse de la personne à laquelle _on_
    veut que vous remettiez vos lettres, dont vous pourriez être chargé.
    Je dois vous dire de n'être pas surpris, se vous ne recevez point
    de réponse. _On_ l'adressera à moi. Des raisons que vous savez,
    c'est à dire qu'on ne donnera rien d'écrit de sa main touchant cette
    affaire, ne permettent pas d'agir autrement. Si _on_ ne change pas
    de sentiment, et si _on_ ne vous fait pas dire par celui auquel
    vous donnerez vos lettres, d'attendre ici, je ne vois pas d'autre
    expédient que de retourner dans une quinzaine de jours et de venir me
    trouver à Hannovre, où je compte d'être infailliblement vers la fin
    du mois d'Avril. J'ai l'honneur d'être avec la considération la plus
    distinguée,

    Monsieur,
    Votre très humble et
    Très obéissant serviteur,
    N. L.

      A Londres, ce 24 Mars, 1775.

Adresse de la personne à laquelle Mr. Wr. remettra ses lettres,

    MONSIEUR DE HINÜUBER,
    Jermain Street, St. James's.

In obedience to this order, Mr. Wraxall waited upon Mr. Hinüber on the
next morning. The latter received him with great politeness, and informed
him that he had the king's directions to take from Mr. Wraxall, and
forward immediately in a sealed-up box to the queen's house, whatever
letters Mr. Wraxall might give him. Mr. Wraxall, in consequence,
delivered to Monsieur de Hinüber two packets: one from the Queen of
Denmark, and another from the Danish nobility. To these he added a letter
addressed by himself to his Majesty. In the last, he thought it his duty
to request the king, in the name of all the adherents of his sister, to
admit him to an audience, as the only person who could, from his perfect
knowledge of the plan and the persons, satisfy any inquiries, or explain
any secret matters relative to the enterprise itself.

Mr. Wraxall also wrote to the queen, Baron von Seckendorf, and Baron
von Bülow, acquainting them with his arrival and his Majesty's orders.
During a fortnight, he waited in expectation that the king might possibly
signify to him his commands. But having received no communication, Mr.
Wraxall wrote, on April 21, to Baron von Bülow and Monsieur le Texier,
informing them how matters stood. He particularly requested to be told in
what manner he should act: whether they wished him to remain in London,
or return by Hanover and Celle to Hamburg. By the same post, he addressed
a letter to her Majesty at Celle, stating fully to her the facts which
he had communicated to the Danish nobility.

It was not till May 10 that Mr. Wraxall received an answer from the
Danish nobility. The letter was written by Le Texier in his own name
and that of Von Bülow. It was to the effect that the baron's absence
from Altona had occasioned the delay of some days in replying to Mr.
Wraxall's last despatch; but that, the baron being then returned,
they had maturely considered it together. They greatly regretted the
king's not having admitted their agent to an audience, as well as his
silence on the important point requested. The state of affairs at
Copenhagen was extremely critical; but till the return of young Baron
von Schimmelmann, whom they expected impatiently and daily, they were
in a degree unacquainted with the person, condition, or intentions of
their associates. The instant they were enabled to give Mr. Wraxall any
information on the subject, he should hear again. In the meanwhile, they
besought him, in the joint names of all the party, to remain quiet where
he was, and not to set out from London, either for Celle or Hamburg,
unless by his Majesty's positive directions.

In pursuance of this letter, Mr. Wraxall waited for further information,
and held himself in readiness, if it should be thought necessary, to
return to Germany, or to renew his application to George III. through Mr.
de Hinüber, if the Danish nobility should instruct him to do so; but
Providence had decreed that their efforts should be rendered vain. While
the measures concerted to restore the queen to the throne of Denmark
appeared to be near their accomplishment, she was no more. The melancholy
intelligence did not reach London till May 19, and it need hardly be
said that the news of so unexpected and lamentable an event produced a
terrible effect on her zealous agent.

On May 25, Mr. Wraxall received a letter from Baron von Seckendorf, which
I shall transcribe here, as it contains a singular and material fact,
that George III. had given, through Baron von Lichtenstein, an answer
to the request made him by the Danish nobility; but that, as the king's
letter arrived at Hanover when Caroline Matilda was either dying or dead,
the packet was returned to him unopened:--

    MON TRES CHER AMI,

    La mort également douleureuse et rapide de mon incomparable
    maîtresse, renverse tout d'un coup l'édifice de notre prospérité. Que
    nous sommes malheureux, et que sa perte est grande pour nos amis.
    Lepy (Baron von Bülow) a été incessamment informé par moi de cette
    triste catastrophe. Le paquet dont se trouvait chargé le courier, a
    été renvoyé, sans être décacheté au Sieur Abel (the King of England)
    par Alis (Lichtenstein) et j'ignore entièrement ce qu'auroit été la
    résolution qu'il comptait donner aux amis de Montpelier (Copenhagen).


    Alis m'a promis de faire en sorte que toutes les dépenses faites
    par eux et par vous, seroient remboursées par Abel, le plutôt que
    possible. Et sitôt que j'aurai des nouvelles sûres à cet égard, vous
    en serez instruit. En attendant, je vous prie de dire ceci à Lepy. Il
    est juste que personne ne perde son argent.

    Que deviendrons nous à cette heure, mon très cher ami? Resterez vous
    à Londres, oui ferez vous le voyage que vos parents avaient projetté?
    Puis-je me flatter de vous revoir jamais? Grand Dieu! quelle
    désolation en si peu de momens! Je ne pourrai jamais me remettre de
    ce coup. Vôtre dernière lettre parvint encore à la chère défuncte.

    Adieu, mon très cher ami! Je ne cesserai de ma vie de vous aimer
    et de conserver la mémoire de votre attachement sincère pour la
    precieuse Agujari (Queen of Denmark).

    Tout à vous,
    BROCARD.[54]

      Ce 16ᵐᵉ May, 1775.

From Baron von Bülow, Mr. Wraxall received a letter, in June, announcing
to him the same event; it was dated May 22nd, and I shall extract the
first part of it here, as it proves another very important circumstance,
that the enterprise would have been carried out whether George III. had
given the required promise or not:--

    MONSIEUR,

    La nouvelle la plus malheureuse du monde m'avait mis dans un tel état
    d'anéantissement, qu'il n'a été jusqu' ici pas possible de vous dire
    un mot.

    Occupé avec Grenier (Schimmelmann) à deliberer sur les moyens les
    plus prompts pour exécuter le plan, et rempli de nouvelles espérances
    non équivoques fixant, pour ainsi dire, malgré le silence opiniâtre
    d'Abel, le _jour_, le _moment_ tant désiré, je reçois une lettre de
    Brocard. Je l'ouvre avec précipitation, dans l'idée d'y trouver les
    choses les plus agréables: mais, au contraire, la première ligne
    annonce l'arrêt du Destin le plus cruel. Je ne dirai rien de ce que
    je sentis dans un moment aussi inattendu, puisque je suis sûr que
    vous vous en faites une idée exacte, par la situation dans laquelle
    vous vous serez trouvé vous même, en apprenant notre malheur.

    C'en est donc fait de notre bonheur! il s'est enfui pour toujours.
    Nous n'avons pas dû être heureux. Nous n'avons pas dû le rendre les
    autres. Il ne nous reste aucun espoir. Nous rentrons dans le néant
    dont nous voulions sortir! Mais que ce Fantome de bonheur envolé ne
    nous emporte pas votre amitié et attachement. Comptez jusqu'à la fin
    des mes forces, sur le mien. Mes amis vous assurent la même chose.
    Nous vous devons trop pour devenir ingrat. Tout ce qui dépendra de
    nous, pour vous le temoigner, ne sera jamais négligé. Parlez et
    disposez de ce qu'il y a en notre pouvoir.

Thus terminated, seemingly at the point of fruition, an enterprise in
which some of the first nobility of Denmark, Norway, and Holstein, were
engaged, and to which George III. had given his consent.[55]

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 52: George III., it must be borne in mind, considered his
public duties as superior to private feelings. In 1775, he, though
overwhelmed with grief at his sister's death, obtained from Christian
VII. a decree that the Danes were to give no sort of assistance to the
American rebels.]

[Footnote 53: The admirers of cryptography will find a specimen of the
baron's letters in the Appendix. To the same dreary limbo I have also
consigned my grandfather's letters to his father relating to this affair,
solely through a fear that I might be charged with giving him undue
prominence in a work purporting to be the life of Caroline Matilda.]

[Footnote 54: Seckendorf.]

[Footnote 55: Baron von Bülow and his friends nobly kept their word,
and constantly urged George III., through Lichtenstein, to reward my
grandfather for his great exertions on behalf of Caroline Matilda. It was
not, however, till 1781, or when Mr. Wraxall had a seat in the House of
Commons, and a useful vote, that Lord North brought up the subject. My
grandfather then received 1,000 guineas for his services, and the promise
of a seat at the Board of Green Cloth. The promise was not kept; for what
reason he shall tell us himself:--

"In November, 1783, on the meeting of Parliament, the memorable East
India Bill was introduced by Mr. Fox. Upon the first division that took
place on the bill, I quitted Lord North, notwithstanding the motives I
had to adhere to him; rather choosing to abandon my expectations, however
near their accomplishment, than give my support to a measure which I
considered to be pregnant with mischief to the country and constitution.
I joined Mr. Pitt in opposition, and was one of the one hundred and
twenty members who formed the minority on that evening against a majority
of two hundred and twenty-nine in favour of the bill."]




CHAPTER VIII.

DEATH OF CAROLINE MATILDA.

    THE TYPHUS FEVER--DEATH OF THE PAGE--THE QUEEN'S VISIT--SYMPTOMS
    OF ILLNESS--DR. ZIMMERMANN--PASTOR LEHZEN--CAROLINE MATILDA'S
    GOODNESS OF HEART--HER DEATH--THE FUNERAL--GENERAL GRIEF--THE
    MONUMENTS--LETTER TO GEORGE III.--PROOFS OF CAROLINE MATILDA'S
    INNOCENCE--THE QUEEN'S CHARACTER.


We have seen that in the early part of 1775 the queen of Denmark appeared
the picture of blooming health. Her _entourage_, and all who were of the
same age with her, consequently felt the most confident expectations that
they would long enjoy her pleasant and gracious society. But the news
from Altona, the hope of a justification in the sight of the world, and
of a reunion with her children, and at the same time apprehensions as to
the decisive result of Mr. Wraxall's mission to her obstinate brother,
kept her in a constant state of excitement, while she was obliged to
place a restraint on the feelings that disturbed her mind, in order not
to arouse any suspicion among her suite, or with her ever-watching
sister. Therefore, it was not surprising that her constitution, thus
rendered susceptible to external dangers, met a catastrophe half way,
which destroyed all the hopes of her friends about the apparently
blooming princess enjoying a long life.

A dangerous scarlet fever had spread over the neighbourhood after the
severe and tempestuous winter, and one of the queen's young pages was
attacked by it, and died in a few days. When he was dead, and laid in his
coffin for interment, her Majesty expressed a great desire to see him.
The ladies opposed this wish, and requested her not to do it. She still
persisted in her resolution, and went down to the apartment in which he
lay. Mantel, the queen's valet, had purposely locked the door and taken
the key, and when Caroline Matilda asked him for it, he answered her that
it could not be found. After several vain endeavours, therefore, she
went up-stairs again. Mantel carried in the tea to her Majesty. In a few
minutes the queen suddenly got up, and before any of her ladies could
stop or prevent her, she ran down to the chamber where the corpse lay.
Unfortunately, the door was then open. She stepped in, and stayed about
a minute--not more--looking at it. She expressed no particular horror or
emotion, more than was natural on looking at such an object.[56]

This took place on May 2nd, 1775. On the next morning the queen
complained to her bed-chamber woman that the image of the dead page had
appeared to her all through the night, and filled her with terror.[57]
Still she slightly recovered herself, although a little girl of four
years of age, Sophie von Benningsen, whom she had adopted when left an
orphan, and as some consolation for the loss of her own daughter, had
also been attacked by the disease, and filled her with fresh alarm. She
went as usual to the Jardin François, but felt unwell, and evidently had
the seeds of infection within her, for, on the third day after the visit
to the chamber of death, she was unable to ascend the stairs leading to
her apartments without the help of her lady-in-waiting.

"I must force myself to seem less tired than I really am," she said to
her companion, "so that my good Omptéda (the grand maîtresse), who did
not like my driving out, may not scold me."

She complained of sore-throat and chill, but sat down to dinner with
her court, though she was unable to eat anything. When the card-tables
were placed in the evening, the queen felt too indisposed to play. The
ladies proposed her having a sofa, and looking on at them; but Mantel
then presumed to speak, and advised her Majesty going immediately to bed.
The queen consented, and ordered her women to undress her. The illness,
however, made such alarming progress, that the grande maîtresse on the
next morning called in Dr. von Leyser, the physician in ordinary.

"You have twice," the queen said to the physician, "extricated me from a
dangerous indisposition since the month of October; but this exceeds your
skill: I know I am not within the help of medicine."

Leyser affected cheerfulness; but at once requested that Dr. Zimmermann,
a very celebrated physician at Hanover, might be called in.

In the meanwhile the queen's condition grew worse every moment, and she
requested to see Magister Lehzen, the pastor of the city church. The
latter at once arrived, and, in the ante-chamber, was informed by Dr.
Zimmermann of the great danger that menaced the queen's life. When he was
shown into the bed-room, the queen said to him, in a weak voice:

"You did not imagine me so ill as you find me."

Lehzen assured Caroline Matilda how greatly he lamented it, and tried to
console the exalted sufferer with the consoling words of faith, read her
spiritual hymns, more especially Gellert's beautiful canticle, "Ne'er
will I seek to injure him;" and concluded with a prayer on the text of
St. Paul's Epistle to the Ephesians:--

"Unto him that is able to do exceeding abundantly above all that we ask
or think."

The worthy clergyman returned in the afternoon, and again in the
evening, and found the queen, in spite of her indescribably violent
illness, rather more calm; and when he returned to the castle on the next
morning, he found that Superintendent General Jacob had already been with
the patient, and the two physicians were still with her. On the faces
of the physicians he fancied he could read a certain calmness, and, in
fact, the patient was better, as she herself said. It was the usual lucid
interval which takes place before departure from life, the harbinger
of imminent death, dressed in the garb of mercy for the friends of the
departing.

The queen employed these last moments in the exercise of a good deed.
She requested the clergyman to write a few words for her to her brother,
which would show that she had not forgotten her attendants, but
recommended them to the King of England. She tried to dictate the words
to him, but her tongue was already refusing to obey her, and she left it
to the pastor to write what he thought proper. When he had finished, she
took the paper in her hand, but returned it to him again immediately,
that he might read it to her and seal it before her eyes. The letter was
then handed by the queen to Director von Marenholz, whom she had ever
deeply respected, for transmission to the king.

Toward evening the condition of the queen had evidently grown so serious,
that her dissolution might be apprehended at any moment. She was told
that the whole city was alarmed about her, and that even the Jewish
community had offered up prayers for her.

"How this sympathy alleviates my sufferings!" the queen answered, in a
weak voice; and the clergyman offered up a prayer in words which her eyes
confirmed as her own.

Then she inquired after the condition of Sophie von Benningsen; and
when the physician gave her the assurance that the child was out of all
danger, she breathed the words, "Then I die soothed," and fell asleep not
to wake again.

Pastor Lehzen, who was present at the queen's death, describes it in the
following words:--

"My office has often enabled me to witness the last hours of my
fellow-mortals, but I never remember so easy a dissolution, in which
death loses all its terrors. The expression of the Scriptures was
literally true in this case: she fell asleep like a tired wayfarer."

Caroline Matilda died on May 11, 1775, at 10 minutes past 11 P.M., at the
age of twenty-three years, nine months, and twenty days.

As was very natural in those days, the queen's sudden death aroused
suspicions of poison. Mr. Wraxall, however, who asked Mantel about the
circumstances, gives us the following account, which may be regarded as
authentic:--

    I desired to know if there was the shadow of reason to suspect poison
    or any unnatural means.

    "Sir," said he, "God only knows, but I think not. The inhabitants of
    Zell are all as firmly persuaded of her having been poisoned, as if
    they had seen her swallow it. They accuse an Italian of it, though
    the man had not been near the queen's person for near or quite a year
    before. He had been in the service of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, and
    being recommended as an Intendant, was brought here from Vienna.
    He was a profligate, unprincipled man. He brought with him a very
    pretty young woman whom he called his daughter, but was in reality
    his mistress. While he stayed here, he contracted a number of debts,
    and being unable to discharge them, went off with his mistress to
    Brunswick and Berlin. He has not been heard of since. The prejudiced
    people accuse him of having been gained by the Danish court, and of
    having administered a slow poison to the queen before his departure,
    but I am really not inclined to believe this suspicion."

To this statement Mr. Wraxall adds: "Among the many princes and crowned
heads whom the ignorant and misjudging multitude have supposed to be
dispatched by poison, none seems to have less foundation for such an
apprehension than the Queen of Denmark. She was exactly a subject for
an inflammatory or malignant distemper. She had already had repeated
attacks of the same nature, though not so violent as the last. It was
in the beginning of May, and the weather remarkably hot. The queen was
accustomed to use great exercise, and probably overheated herself. She
was young, large, and of a plethoric habit of body. When all these
circumstances are considered, who can wonder at the nature of her
disorder and death? Nothing so likely or natural."

Owing to the mortification that at once set in, it was found absolutely
necessary to deposit the body in the vault of the Dukes of Celle until
the King of England had arranged the funeral ceremonies. This was done
at midnight, on May 13, with great order and decorum by Grand Maréchal
von Lichtenstein. At the sermons in the church, the whole congregation,
from the highest to the lowest, burst into tears. The queen's affability
and gentleness had gained her the hearts of even the lowest people, who
offered up heart-felt prayers for their _lieben und guten Königinn_. Her
Majesty's remains, accompanied by sixteen captains, were carried in a
hearse, drawn by six horses, and attended by a double guard of soldiers,
to the royal vault. The burial expenses, amounting to £3,000, though the
funeral was quite private, were defrayed, by order, out of George III.'s
privy purse.[58]

A general mourning was appointed in England, and on May 24 a committee
of the Lords, with staves, and also a committee of the House of Commons,
who were of the privy council, waited on his Majesty at St. James's, with
their address of condolence on the Queen of Denmark's death. To which
George III. replied: that "he returned his thanks to that House for the
concern they have expressed for the great loss which has happened to his
family by the death of his sister, the Queen of Denmark." The king also
recommended the succession of the late queen, for the advantage of her
children, to the care of the Regency of Hanover, and Baron von Seckendorf
was consequently entrusted with its administration.

The British court sent a formal notification of the death of Queen
Caroline Matilda to Copenhagen. It arrived on a day when a court ball
was appointed, and the vengeance of old Juliana Maria went so far, that,
careless of decency, she did not even order the ball to be put off.
The usual ceremonial, however, had to be observed--for instance, the
ordinary court mourning of four weeks--as for foreign reigning princes
and princesses, and the children of the deceased were placed in deep
mourning. It is nevertheless certain that this foolhardy behaviour on the
part of the Danish usurpers proved most offensive at the court of St.
James's, and heightened the aversion George III. felt for the Danes.

The unfortunate queen, however, was all the more regretted in the
land of her exile, and in the widest circles. The two Chambers of the
principality of Lüneburg, immediately after the death of this consoler
of all the poor and suffering in Celle, applied to her brother with a
request that they might be allowed to erect a monument to the deceased
queen, in that Jardin François of which she had been so fond, so that
there might be at this spot a memorial of the universal devotion with
which the great and noble qualities of the late Queen of Denmark were
revered among them, and to give remotest posterity an opportunity of
honouring, with silent emotion, the memory and reputation of the best and
most amiable of queens.

George III. expressed his thanks for this offer, and we can easily
understand how welcome to him was this public proof of the veneration and
love which were felt for his sister, who had been so cruelly hurled from
her throne.

After receiving the king's assent, the Chambers of Lüneburg had the
monument erected by Professor Oeser, of Leipzig, and to the present day
it is an ornament of the Jardin François, which travellers gaze on with
sympathy and regret.

The governor of Celle, a prince of Mecklenburg Strelitz, also had a
monument erected in memory of Caroline Matilda in his English garden, and
it is well known that the Danish poets Baggesen and Oehlenschläger have
erected permanent memorials to her in their works.

Some years ago, the following letter was discovered in the secret
archives of Hanover.[59] It was probably written by Caroline Matilda in
the first days of her illness, when she had a presentiment of her death.
When she was first attacked, she had said to her faithful valet--"Mantel,
I am very ill, and fully believe I shall die."

    SIRE,

    In the most solemn hour of my life, I turn to you, my royal brother,
    to express my heart's thanks for all the kindness you have shown me
    during my whole life, and especially in my misfortune.

    I die willingly, for nothing holds me back--neither my youth, nor
    the pleasures which might await me, near or remote. How could life
    possess any charms for me, who am separated from all those I love--my
    husband, my children, and my relatives? I, who am myself a queen and
    of royal blood, have lived the most wretched life, and stand before
    the world an example that neither crown nor sceptre affords any
    protection against misfortune!

    But I die innocent--I write this with a trembling hand, and feeling
    death imminent--I am innocent! Oh, that it might please the Almighty
    to convince the world after my death, that I did not deserve any
    of the frightful accusations, by which the calumnies of my enemies
    stained my character, wounded my heart, traduced my honour, and
    trampled on my dignity!

    Sire! believe your dying sister, a queen, and even more, a Christian,
    who would gaze with terror on the other world, if her last confession
    were a falsehood. I die willingly: for the unhappy bless the tomb.

    But more than all else, and even than death, it pains me that not one
    of all those whom I loved in life, is standing by my dying bed, to
    grant me a last consolation by a pressure of the hand, or a glance of
    compassion, and to close my eyes in death.

    Still, I am not alone: God, the sole witness of my innocence, is
    looking down on my bed of agony, which causes me such sufferings. My
    guardian angel is hovering over me, and will soon guide me to the
    spot, where I shall be able to pray for my friends, and also for my
    persecutors.

    Farewell, then, my royal brother! May Heaven bless you, my
    husband--my children--England--Denmark--and the whole world! Permit
    my corpse to rest in the grave of my ancestors, and now the last,
    unspeakably long farewell from your unfortunate

      CAROLINE MATILDA.

  We have further and valuable testimony to the unstained memory of
  Queen Caroline Matilda in the following extract from Falckenskjold's
  "Memoirs:"--

  In 1780, I had an opportunity at Hanover of forming the acquaintance
  of M. Roques, pastor of the French Protestant Church in Celle. One
  day, I spoke to him about Queen Caroline Matilda:--

  "I was summoned almost daily by that princess," he said to me,
  "either to read or converse with her, and most frequently to obtain
  information relative to the poor of my parish. I visited her more
  constantly during the last days of her life, and I was near her a
  little before she drew her last breath. Although very weak, she
  retained her presence of mind. After I had recited the prayers for
  the dying, she said to me, in a voice which seemed to become more
  animated:

    "_M. Roques, I am about to appear before_ GOD: _I protest that I
    am innocent of the crimes imputed against me, and that I was never
    faithless to my husband_."

  M. Roques added, that the queen had never spoken to him, even indirectly,
  of the accusations brought against her.

  I wrote down on the same day (March 7, 1780) what M. Roques said to me,
  as coming from a man distinguished by his integrity of character.

Such is everything that can be learned of the death of Caroline Matilda.
Sacrificed in the first bloom of youth, and decked with the fillets of
misery, she was sent, an inexperienced victim, to become the bride of
a man who was a compound of insanity and brutality. In less than seven
years she experienced all the honours, but also all the wretchedness,
which a royal throne can offer. Then she died in the flower of life in
exile, the victim of the most scandalous conspiracy.

Several descriptions of Caroline Matilda were written at the period of
her death in England--among others, one in the "Annual Register," by my
grandfather. From among them I have selected the one I consider the best,
which first appeared in the "Universal Magazine" for May, 1775:--

       *       *       *       *       *

The virtues of this unfortunate princess were many of them concealed with
as much art as if they had been her reproach. She had a ready and quick
apprehension, a lively and strong imagination, with a large compass of
thought. She excelled in an uncommon turn for conversation, assisted by
a natural vivacity, and very peculiar talents for mirth and humour. She
loved a repartee, was happy in making one herself, and bearing it from
others. And as this talent was rendered not only inoffensive, but amiable
by the greatest good-nature and cheerfulness of disposition, she was
the life of the company, and the delight of all that had the honour to
approach her. And though it generally requires much care and resolution
to govern any extraordinary degree of life and spirit, she had no pains
of that sort to overcome, having been blessed with a natural serenity and
calmness of mind that was inexpressible, and is hardly ever accompanied
with such uncommon share of vivacity; but in her it had so much the
ascendant, that it was invariably the same, and constantly remained with
her through the whole course of her misfortunes, so that she had reason
to express her thankfulness to God, as she often did, that he had given
her a temper which enabled her to support herself under the load of
injuries she sustained.

Her gentleness of nature showed itself in every instance, both in public
and private, and inclined her to study all the ways of making herself
agreeable, and of suiting her discourse to the persons with whom she
conversed. But though her general manner of receiving company in public
was very obliging and gracious, she knew how to distinguish persons of
real merit, and had an effectual way of making those for whom she had any
particular regard fully sensible of the distinction she made. The same
softness of behaviour, and the same command of herself that appeared in
the drawing-room, went along with her into her private apartments, and
delighted every one that was about her, down to her meanest attendant.

Her generosity was extended in the most impartial manner to persons of
different sects and parties; but her principal regards were paid to such
as were in the greatest distress, to those who were under the disability
of receiving a maintenance from the public, as well as to the widows
and children of clergymen and officers whose families, by their deaths,
were reduced at once from a state of plenty to a want of the common
necessaries of life.

In these acts of benevolence she avoided all appearance of show and
ostentation so much, that many persons who subsisted by her bounty were
really ignorant of their benefactor. She conversed in private with
persons of all the different turns of genius in the whole compass of arts
and sciences; and with a few whom she honoured with a more particular
regard, she entered into all the freedoms of private and familiar life,
and showed that she could let herself down from her dignity as if she had
never possessed it, and could resume it again as if she had never parted
with it.

It was this affability, however, that enabled her enemies to ruin her.
Perfectly innocent, and even virtuous in her conduct, her levity and
good humour threw her off her guard, and made her less circumspect than
her situation required. She conformed with difficulty to the strict
ceremonial which was observed at the court of Copenhagen; a vanity,
inseparable from the youthful part of the female sex, made her pleased
to see the influence of her beauty on all around her, and she indulged
herself in an easy familiarity with persons who were more remarkable for
their knowledge and abilities than the greatness of their rank. Wicked
instruments were planted by her unrelenting enemy the queen dowager,
who put a malignant interpretation on all the harmless liberties taken
by this amiable princess; and, paying no regard either to truth or
humanity in the calumnies which they suggested, insinuated the most cruel
suspicions into the king's ear, and took the most criminal methods to
destroy her character with the public.

To these infernal machinations the amiable Matilda fell a sacrifice,
in the bloom of youth and beauty, and the zenith of power. After her
retirement to Zell she was often heard to wish for death, which the
innocence of her life, as well as the misfortunes to which she had been
exposed, rendered a most welcome guest; and her last moments passed in
imploring forgiveness for her enemies, and recommending her children, for
whose safety she was exceedingly apprehensive, to the protection of the
Almighty.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 56: Mantel's own words to Mr. Wraxall in 1777. He added,
however, "I neither believe the body could communicate any infection, nor
that she stayed long enough, had there been any, to receive it. Whether
it might have made any deep or injurious impression on her mind, I cannot
say; but I cannot in any degree attribute her consequent illness and
death to this accident."]

[Footnote 57: Lehzen's "Die Letzten Stunden der Königinn von Danemark."]

[Footnote 58: It is a strange coincidence that the body of Caroline
Matilda should be deposited close to that of her unhappy ancestress,
Sophia Dorothea, whose fate was in so many respects like her own. Both
have been bespattered for many years by calumny, but Dr. Doran took up
the cause of Sophia Dorothea, and amply proved her innocence. My only
hope is that I may have been equally successful in the cause of Caroline
Matilda.]

[Footnote 59: The authenticity of this letter is incontestable. It has
reached me through the Duchess of Augustenburg, who was allowed to take a
copy by the late King of Hanover.]




CHAPTER IX.

WHEN ROGUES FALL OUT----.

    THE REACTION--THE KING'S WILL--KOLLER-BANNER--RANTZAU'S
    DISMISSAL--PRINCE CHARLES OF HESSE--COURT INTRIGUES--EICKSTEDT'S
    CAREER--BERINGSKJOLD'S CAREER AND DEATH--VON DER OSTEN--THE GULDBERG
    MINISTRY--THE PRINCE REGENT--THE COUP D'ETAT--UNCLE AND NEPHEW--FATE
    OF GULDBERG--DEATH OF JULIANA MARIA.


With Struensee fell all his reforms, and "the good old times" returned in
full force.

The detested cabinet minister had scarce been thrown into prison ere
the new holders of power hastened to overthrow all the creations of
the fallen man. As if anxious to give the country and all the persons
watching their movements a proof of their care for the general welfare,
they began by establishing justice on its old basis, and restored
the Commission of Inquiry, who were allowed by the criminal code to
extort confessions from prisoners with the lash. This care for the due
administration of justice was soon followed to the satisfaction of
the pietists and the orthodox clergy by the reintroduction of public
penance for sexual sins, so that the plebs very soon enjoyed once more
the edifying spectacle of hot-blooded sinners, male and female, being
insulted by bigoted priests in temples devoted to the adoration of the
Almighty. Still, they did not dare to abolish the court and city court
established by Struensee, because the recognition of this benefit was
universal. In the same way, a decided error on Struensee's part, and
which, it might be assumed, the reaction would at once reform--the
lottery, that plague-spot of the poorer classes--was allowed to exist,
of course, because it caused a deal of money to flow into the treasury
"of the dearly-beloved king who so dearly loved his nation," and cash
was pressingly needed to satisfy the claims of the friends of the new
government.

The spirit of the usurping party and its adherents was even more plainly
shown by the restoration of serfdom, so that the holders of estates could
treat their vassals as they pleased. The general dissatisfaction aroused
by this measure among the poor servile peasants is depicted by Suhm, who
once took the field so zealously against Struensee's "godless rule," in
an anecdote from Jütland.

"Professor John Egede," so Suhm tells us, "saw a man in ragged clothes
working in a field with some half-naked children to help him, a few years
after Struensee's fall. 'Will not the extra tax be soon removed?' he
asked the passing professor. The latter replied that he did not know.
'Oh! yes, I can quite believe that,' the peasant retorted, 'for you don't
think about things of that sort in Copenhagen. That was a worthy man who
gave us the regulations by which the _corvées_ were settled. But that was
the very reason, I fancy, why they cut his head off. The new regulation
is only made to torment us poor peasants till we cannot stand it any
longer.'"

It is notorious that serfdom was not abolished until the regency of the
Crown Prince Frederick. Under his long reign, which lasted from 1784 to
1839, nearly all Struensee's reforms, to which a more enlightened age did
ample justice, and which had obtained general recognition through the
ideas diffused by the French Revolution, were recalled to life. The task
was completed, greatly to his credit, by Christian VIII., the grandson of
Juliana Maria.

All that remains for us now to do, is to show by what means the new
faction sought to secure its position, and how at last Nemesis revenged
herself on the principal conspirators.

The usurpers did not consider themselves fully secured by having declared
the king's sole signature invalid, but they wished to make themselves
safe in the event of the weak king dying before the prince royal attained
his majority. For this object, they persuaded the king, after the queen's
matter had been amicably arranged with the English court, to sign a
will, a copy of which was handed to the colleges and courts, with orders
that the document was only to be opened after the king's death, in
case it took place during the crown prince's minority. As the presumed
event did not occur, however, the contents of the privy regulation have
remained a secret. It was generally supposed that the king's testament
contained an order that Queen Caroline Matilda should be excluded from
the guardianship of her son, and that the Hereditary Prince Frederick
should be appointed regent. Other suppositions hinted at still more
important regulations as to the successor, but it can hardly be believed
that the king, however imbecile he might be, would have signed such a
document.

A desire to prevent a possible surprise was certainly the motive for the
decree that for the future foreign envoys would only be admitted to an
audience with the king in the presence of the council of state; and yet
such a custom had been regarded as high treason on the part of Struensee.

The union among the conspirators, however, only lasted a short time after
the revolution had been carried out, and this was specially evident among
the military members. Generals Rantzau-Ascheberg and Eickstedt stood at
the head of two opposite parties.

Rantzau-Ascheberg, Köller-Banner, and Von der Osten, formed a triumvirate
dangerous to their opponents. As chief aide-de-camp, Köller-Banner
received apartments in Frederiksberg Palace, where the court resided in
the summer of 1772. Hence Rantzau also procured rooms in the palace; but,
as the number of doors and windows annoyed him, he hired lodgings in the
village adjoining the palace, and Von der Osten removed to the same spot,
so that the three friends were close neighbours. Rantzau also supported
in the Generalty College all the propositions that emanated from Köller,
while he said simultaneously to Eickstedt, who hated Köller:

"Do not suppose that I have any serious understanding with Banner.
Certainly not. I only pretend to be his partisan, in order that the
Pomeranian may burn his fingers in the candle."

Von der Osten displayed equal dissimulation in the council of state,
where he supported and praised everything proposed by Schack Rathlau,
while in secret calumniating him to the best of his ability.

The other conspirators, consequently, began to entertain doubts about
their three ambitious and intriguing colleagues, and apprehended that
they might even meditate evil designs against the queen dowager and
her son. Suddenly it was announced that Rantzau-Ascheberg, at his own
request, had been relieved of all his offices, and retired on a pension
of 8,000 dollars; and it was generally believed that Russia and Prussia
had insisted on his removal. There may be some truth in this, as the
Empress Catharine had just ratified the Holstein exchange, and naturally
expected something in return. In the highest circles, however, all were
glad at being freed from this dangerous man. Suhm, however, tells us,
that the decisive cause of Rantzau's dismissal was, that he said about
a letter written by the hereditary prince to Guldberg, "Yes, it can
be recognised by the style! But was not Struensee's head cut off for
the same thing?" Immediately after his retirement from active service,
Rantzau quitted Copenhagen, and went to his Holstein estates; but, on
October 16, the restless traitor proceeded to Kragsberg, near Odense,
in Fühnen, but whether with reactionary purposes remained an enigma. In
Copenhagen the return of the dangerous man occasioned such alarm among
his former confederates, that, on November 6, Major von Harboe suddenly
handed him a royal order to quit the island immediately. Under the
major's escort he returned to Ascheberg, and directly after went, _viâ_
Hamburg, to Frankfort, where he cashed a draft of 24,000 florins in
the assumed name of Juel. He left Frankfort again as quietly as he had
arrived there, and proceeded to the south of France, where he took up
his temporary abode at Orange, probably in obedience to royal commands.
Afterwards he removed to Avignon, where he spent the rest of his days,
and died there, in 1789, in his seventy-second year, without having once
revisited his country.

So soon as some order had been introduced in the course of business,
Köller-Banner, as representative of the infantry, produced in the War
College projects for the tactical remodelling of the battalions, which,
however, Eickstedt considered too expensive, and sought to prevent.
Köller-Banner's plans were on the point of failing, when, in the eleventh
hour, the government altered their mind, and temporarily assented to his
plans. Eickstedt felt so insulted by this, that he forwarded a letter to
the hereditary prince, in which he requested his discharge, and added,
that he desired no pension. Guldberg naturally undertook to answer this
request of one of the principal conspirators, and did it in his unctuous
way, by recalling to the petitioner's mind the Glorious 17th of January,
and reminding him of the necessity of all the sharers in it hanging
together. Eickstedt replied to this in his usual coarse way, that he was
sick and tired of constantly listening to the old chatter of January 17.
The object of that day had been to secure the king's person, maintain
the honour of the royal house, and promote the welfare of the country.
But, if that object could not be attained, it would have been better had
the events of January 17 never taken place. Such dangerous expressions
from a powerful member of the conspiracy induced the hereditary prince
himself to undertake satisfying the dissatisfied man; and he declared to
the petitioner in writing that the aid of so active and far-sighted a
man could not be dispensed with in the projected reforms, and hence his
resignation could not be accepted.

Although Eickstedt had not succeeded in overthrowing Köller-Banner,
another man completely effected it.

Directly after the revolution, Queen Juliana Maria invited to Copenhagen
Prince Charles of Hesse and his wife, but the death of one of their
children prevented the princely couple from reaching the capital until
October, at the time when the menacing measures of Gustavus III., for
the conquest of Norway, had aroused great terror among the incapable
members of the government, and caused the nomination of Prince Charles
as generalissimo in Norway. Immediately on his arrival the latter was
received by the queen; and, after a conversation about the dangers with
which Norway was menaced, was requested to examine Köller-Banner's
propositions; but, at the same time, was also warned by the crafty queen
against this dangerous man and Von der Osten. By the prince's advice, a
committee was appointed, under the presidency of the hereditary prince,
to investigate Köller-Banner's reforms: the other members being Prince
Charles, and Generals von Hauch and von Hobe, while the ministers
also took part in the discussions. This committee rejected nearly all
Banner's propositions, at which the latter was so offended, that he
not only forgot all the respect due to the king's brother-in-law, but
publicly declared that Frederick II. of Prussia would erect a statue to
him for reforms and ideas like his. When the authorities also learned
that Köller-Banner, wrapped in his cloak, paid nocturnal visits to the
French and Swedish envoys, his dismissal from his former posts, and his
appointment as governor of the fortress of Rendsburg, ensued, while the
Prince of Brunswick-Bevern was gazetted as commandant of the capital.
Still the hero of January 17 retained his full pay of 4,400 dollars, in
order not to offend him too greatly.[60]

Although the general might now be reckoned among the exiles, he had not
fallen into utter disgrace, for Juliana Maria afterwards took him under
her protection, and tried to keep him, for the purpose of intimidating
the violent ministerial opposition. For in July, 1774, he unexpectedly
received an invitation from her to come at once to Fredensborg, where the
court was residing at the time; but when the ministers heard of this,
they were penetrated with fear, and induced the War College to intimate
to the general that he was to remain at his post in Rendsburg, and send
an apology to the queen. Although Banner found himself compelled to obey
on this occasion, on receiving soon after another request from the queen
to come across, he informed her that he would accede to her wishes, and
appeared at Fredensborg in the beginning of August. As, however, he was a
thorn in the eye of the ministers, he soon began quarrelling with them,
the result of which was, that he was commanded by the Generalty, who
would not listen to his plans and complaints, to return to his post. This
induced him to send in his resignation; but it was not accepted. Hence
he imagined himself indispensable, and took a step by which he hoped
to overthrow his opponents in the War College. He sent into the privy
council a rambling plan for a thorough reconstruction of the army; but as
Eickstedt had anticipated him, and handed in a similar project, Banner's
was sent back to him unheeded. Infuriated at this, he again forwarded his
resignation, and dated his request on the eventful day, January 17th,
1775; but this artful trick did not avail him.

On January 23rd, a royal cabinet letter was sent to the Generalty, to the
effect that the king, in consideration of the proofs of fidelity, zeal,
and devotedness, which Lieut.-General von Köller-Banner had furnished,
felt himself induced to assent to his petition of January 17th in all
points. He would, however, retain his former pay of 4,400 dollars, of
which, 2,600 had been granted him for his meritorious services on January
17th, 1772. Furthermore, he would still remain in the king's service,
and be always ready to act as a Danish general whenever the king thought
proper, and as befitted a lieutenant-general; at the same time, he was
permitted to visit other armies, and take part in foreign campaigns.

Köller-Banner, after this, left the country and went to Vienna and the
Austrian army, but returned at the beginning of 1777 to Copenhagen, where
he was again most graciously received by the old queen. Soon afterwards,
however, he was mixed up in a scandalous affair with the magistracy about
a child an actress had given birth to. The excitement caused by this
was so general, that he received his full discharge from the military
service. But the protection which the hero of January 17th still enjoyed
was so great, that his 4,400 dollars were left him as a life pension.

When Köller went to take leave of his powerful patroness, Queen Juliana
Maria, he requested, as a last proof of her favour, that she should
inform him who it really was who had calumniated him so greatly to her
and the hereditary prince, and promised, at the same time, to make no
use of the information. The queen then acknowledged to him that it was
Admiral von Kaas.

"Is it possible!" Köller-Banner exclaimed, in the utmost surprise. "That
is the greatest insult that could be offered me! The unworthy wretch--a
man who has dishonoured the Danish flag--a man whose wickedness is only
comparable with his stupidity--has been able to overthrow a faithful and
zealous servant of the royal house by his calumnies! I never could have
believed that my hostile destiny would prepare such a humiliation for me."

Köller-Banner returned to his native land of Pomerania, but could not
stand it long there, and selected as his last residence the very city
where Struensee's memory was honoured. In this city, Altona, the
conspirator died in 1811, utterly forgotten, and avoided and detested by
everybody.

The Pomeranian knight of the Dannebrog, Hans Henry von Eickstedt, held
his ground the longest. In 1773, this utterly ignorant soldier was
entrusted with the supervision of the education of the crown prince by
a royal letter, which was at the same time a grand panegyric of the
nominee. The king, we read in it, had appointed him chief governor
of his beloved son, because he could trust to the general's faithful
devotedness, Danish heart, and judicious care. But this selection was
so bad a one, that the excellent son of Caroline Matilda frequently
complained loudly in his maturer years that he had been purposely kept
from learning anything. It was the design of the queen and Guldberg to
keep the crown prince a minor as long as possible, and the best means for
this unscrupulous object were certainly to allow the heir to the throne
to grow up in ignorance, to imbue him with an immoderate preference
for everything Danish, and to divert his inclinations to unimportant
state-matters, such as playing at soldiers. Although the two leaders of
the conspiracy succeeded in this treacherous design, the country yet had
the consolation and satisfaction that King Frederick VI. inherited the
clear natural intellect of his unfortunate mother, and thus made up for
his deficiency of knowledge, even though his neglected education entailed
other consequences.

In November, 1783, Eickstedt was given the order of the Elephant; and
when, in 1784, the education of the crown prince was said to be finished,
he was appointed his first chamberlain; but on the very next day after
the crown prince attained the government as regent, Eickstedt received
from his royal pupil his dismissal as member of the privy council and
commandant of the Horse Guards, with a pension of 5,000 dollars, which
was some time after raised to 7,000. This terrible fall so greatly
insulted the arrogant chamberlain, that he at once left the court and
retired to his estate of Boltinggaard, in the island of Fühnen, where he
died in the year 1801, in seclusion, and forgotten by the world.

Beringskjold could not endure the loss of his chamberlain's dignity and
his banishment to the island of Möen, which I have already described,
for it was asking this ambitious man to resign half his life. Hence he
left the island secretly a little while after, and went to Sweden. What
he undertook there remains a mystery; but it is known that he ordered
his wife during his absence to send in a petition for his pardon, and
compensation for the losses he had sustained by being deprived of
his domain of Nygaard. As no resolution to this effect was issued,
he, in the following year, requested, through the same intercessor,
pardon and permission to return to his native land. This request had a
better result, for he was not only allowed to return to Möen, but the
chamberlain's key was also restored him. He received a letter from
the king himself, in which his disobedience was graciously forgiven,
and he was requested to remain quietly in Möen, or, if he preferred
it, somewhere in Jütland, Fühnen, or the duchies, and there enjoy his
guaranteed pension of 2,000 dollars. At the same time, however, he was
prohibited from travelling again to Sweden, or carrying on a secret
correspondence with that country, or leaving Denmark at all; and for
his own good he was recommended not to show himself at Copenhagen,
or any place where the court was residing. This indulgence toward
the accomplices of 1772 was further shown in the fact that, in 1780,
Beringskjold's son, who was a page of the bed-chamber, was appointed a
conferenz-rath, and the other, who was a captain, a chamberlain. But all
this but little satisfied the restless father. He next asked leave to
reside at least in the same island where the court was; and when this was
granted him, he bought, in a mysterious way, three considerable estates,
situate in the southern part of Seeland: Rönnebeksholm, Sparresholm, and
Sortebrödre, and selected the first as his residence. When the court was
staying at Fredensborg in the summer, he went repeatedly to Elsinore,
which was only ten miles from the palace, and thence sent letter after
letter, first to one, then to the other of the persons belonging to the
king's immediate _entourage_, in order to obtain further favours; but all
these efforts proved unsuccessful.

When Beringskjold saw himself thus passed over, he formed a plan for
overthrowing the government, and laid his treacherous scheme before
a near relative of the royal family; but one of his own sons, the
chamberlain, betrayed his father's designs.

On June 4, 1781, a royal cabinet order was sent to Bailiff von Bielcke,
Bürgomaster Wulf, and Regimental Quartermaster Schiött, all of Nestved,
to seize Chamberlain von Beringskjold, on whom a strong suspicion rested
of carrying on a very treasonable correspondence, and sequestrate his
papers. These gentlemen enticed the chamberlain, by a business pretext,
to the town, read him the king's order, and the bürgomaster at once
conveyed him under escort to Copenhagen, where he was handed over to the
commandant of the citadel, who locked him up, and informed him that a
dollar a day was allowed for his maintenance. In the meanwhile, the two
other commissioners went to the prisoner's estate, packed up all the
papers they found there in a trunk, sealed it up, and the quartermaster
immediately started with it for Fredensborg, where the court was residing
at the time. Simultaneously with the order of arrest, the postmasters
of Nestved and Ringstedt received instructions, during the next eight
days, to stop all letters addressed to Rönnebeksholm, and send them to
the royal cabinet. A similar order was sent to Bürgomaster thor Straten
and the postmaster of Flensburg, concerning all letters arriving for, or
despatched by, a certain Comptroller Wildgaard.

On June 9, Bailiff von Bielcke and his fellow-commissioners were
instructed to restore to Frau von Beringskjold all the papers not
retained from the trunk which had been examined at Fredensborg, and to
give her and her sons, in the king's name, the assurance of his Majesty's
lasting favour. Frau von Beringskjold was allowed to remain on her
estate, and was only advised, in all future affairs, to consult with her
son, Conferenz-rath von Beringskjold.

After a survey of the sequestrated papers had proved the "continued bad
designs of this man"--such were the royal words about Beringskjold--a
commission of inquiry was appointed on November 13, 1781. In order that
this affair which, owing to its nature, demanded the greatest secrecy,
should be discussed with all due justice, the king selected those men
as judges of whose insight and integrity he and the whole country were
convinced, namely, the Justiciary of the Supreme Court, Privy Councillor
of Conferences von Rosenörn, the Director and Attorney-General of the
General Chancery, Privy Councillor Carstens, the Minister of Finances,
Privy Councillor von Stemann, and the Professor of Law, Etats-rath
Colbjörnsen.

The commissioners were ordered to assemble, after giving a solemn
pledge of secrecy, and, in accordance with the royal instructions, form
an opinion, from the papers laid before them, whether Chamberlain von
Beringskjold had not proved himself one of those restless subjects who
ought to spend the rest of their lives in imprisonment.

The choice of the commission in itself proved what weight was attached
to Beringskjold's detected conspiracy. It was a peculiar circumstance,
too, that secret instructions were given to the Hamburg post-office,
which led to the tolerably correct supposition, that the person related
to the royal house was no other than the king's brother-in-law. As early
as 1773, Juliana Maria had felt alarm about Christian VII.'s sister,
and was very glad at that time that the latter consented to accompany
her husband, when appointed generalissimo of Norway, to that distant
country.[61] At the period when the conspiracy was detected, Prince
Charles was a highly esteemed volunteer in the Prussian army, so that
he must naturally have been consulted by letters which must go _viâ_
Flensburg, after passing through Schleswig and Louisenlund. The result of
the investigation was, however, carefully kept private, and it is, up to
the present day, one of the state secrets of the Danish archives.

In the Beringskjold affair, a great number of witnesses was examined who
had been connected with the prisoner of state, and even persons who had
dined with him were asked what their host had said about the government
at dinner. After the witnesses had all been examined, the prisoner's turn
arrived, and his crimes, among which a conspiracy against the government
was the chief, were brought before him, and he learned for the first
time that his own son had denounced him. Beringskjold handed in his
counter-declaration, and requested, during the trial, the assistance of
Advocate Colbjörnsen, brother of the commissioner.

Finally, when all the regulations of the law, so far as the peculiar
nature of the affair allowed it, had been exhausted in the examination,
the commission sent in, on December 31, 1781, their opinion upon the
point laid before them by the king, which was to the effect, that
Chamberlain von Beringskjold was proved to be a restless man, and
dangerous to the general welfare and public order, and, as such, ought to
be imprisoned for life under a strict guard, according to the law.

When the king was on the point of confirming the sentence or opinion
of the commissioners, but at the same time of granting the accused
a considerable sum for his maintenance, the discovery was made that
the prisoner, in spite of his strict arrest, had carried on a secret
correspondence, and undertaken "another attempt at his old wickedness."
After such "mad disobedience of all royal orders,"--so says the royal
re-script of February 20, 1782,--all the proofs against the prisoner
were to be gathered, and laid before the commission for a final judicial
sentence.

On March 3, the sentence of the commissioners was made known,
which decreed the highest criminal penalty against Chamberlain von
Beringskjold, that is, like Struensee and Brandt, loss of honour, life,
and property.

The king resolved on this that Beringskjold, although he had added more
than one offence to his original crimes, should be spared the extreme
penalty, but as a dangerous criminal remain in secure arrest; be degraded
from his dignity as chamberlain; and be told that, on the slightest
attempt to renew his designs, he would suffer death. This penalty,
however, was in no way intended to degrade or humiliate his innocent wife
or her sons.

On April 9, the convict was informed of the royal pardon, and the
chamberlain's key taken from him for the second time. He was left in
the citadel under arrest, but no one was allowed access to him but Dean
Thybring. For all that, early in May he found means to write a letter
to his wife, which really reached its destination. In this letter he
complains of the "incredible godless treatment he had endured;" dropped
hints about the charges brought against him; and gave instructions for
further correspondence; stating, in conclusion, that he had already
written twice, for which purpose paper and pens were given him by special
orders of the commandant.

When Frau von Beringskjold received this letter, she was so affected by
its contents, that she was attacked by a mortal disease. In her dying
moments, however, she handed the letter to Quartermaster Schiött, who at
once forwarded a copy to Eickstedt, and shortly after, by the general's
orders, the original to Guldberg.

Beringskjold was now removed to Munkholm, where he took the place of
Falckenskjold, who had been overthrown by his machinations, and was kept
in the strictest arrest in the rock fortress. When, two years later, the
government passed into other hands, Beringskjold fancied that the hour of
his deliverance had arrived. He therefore hastened to send a petition to
Copenhagen, in which he requested a revision of his trial, but naturally
gained no hearing from the son of Caroline Matilda. However, the gentle
young prince allowed the originator of the conspiracy of 1772 to walk
about the fortress and pay visits, and his sons were ordered to give him
a portion of what they had inherited from their mother.

A few years later, Beringskjold obtained his removal to the fortress
of Bergenhuus, where he remained as a prisoner till 1795, but lived in
incessant contention with the commandant, Major-General de Mothe, and the
officers. In the last-named year he obtained the regent's permission to
end his days in the unfortified town of Stavanger, in Southern Norway,
where he was placed under the supervision of the bailiff. He lived here
eight years, and died in 1803, at the great age of upwards of eighty
years.

Count von der Osten, who became minister of foreign affairs through
the palace revolution of 1772, did not occupy his post long, but was
banished to Jütland in 1774, when, on the recommendation of Landgrave
Charles, Count Bernstorff's nephew, the afterwards so celebrated Peter
Andreas Bernstorff, was summoned to Denmark, and the foreign affairs
were entrusted to him. A few years after, however, Von der Osten was
recalled from his bailiff's post in Aalborg, and appointed president of
the Supreme Court; a little later, chief president of Copenhagen; and,
shortly before the downfall of the usurping government, was decorated
with the order of the Elephant. This participator in the conspiracy also
attained an age of upwards of eighty years, and died in 1797.

All that is left now is to describe the fate of the fifth principal
conspirator and actual manager of the palace revolution, Cabinet
Secretary Guldberg, after whom the misgovernment, from January 17, 1772,
to April 14, 1784, has been called the Guldberg Ministry.

Always keeping behind the scenes so long as he had any one to fear who
might contend with him for the supreme power, Guldberg accepted no seat
in the privy council established immediately after Struensee's fall, but
temporarily contented himself with his position as cabinet secretary to
the hereditary prince and intimate adviser of the queen dowager, though
he at the same time decided everything. But when the younger Bernstorff
undertook the foreign ministry in 1774, and Guldberg was alarmed at
the influence of this respected man, he effected his own appointment
to the hitherto vacant post of privy cabinet secretary to the king,
which ensued on the birthday of the hereditary prince. In this way,
the cabinet government, which had been charged as the highest crime
against Struensee, was re-established, and Guldberg granted official
interference in all higher affairs of state. External dignities speedily
followed; for the king, in 1777, raised him to the Danish nobility, with
precedence from January 29, 1773, the king's birthday, and granted him
the name of Höegh-Guldberg. In his new post of honour, he very soon made
Bernstorff tired of his ministerial functions;[62] so that the latter
sent in his resignation in 1780, and it was accepted. Immediately after,
Höegh-Guldberg was appointed a privy councillor, and it was at the same
time published that the king had also selected him as a member of the
privy council of state.

After three years' working in the dark, the cabinet secretary, who
occupied Struensee's post, had thus acquired the governmental authority.
The revolution was ostensibly undertaken with the object of bringing the
sovereign power again into the hands of the king alone; but as the mental
condition of Christian VII. did not permit this, Queen Juliana Maria
assumed Struensee's part, though only indirectly, and through the medium
of her other self, Guldberg, as her sex did not permit her to preside
in person over the council of state. For the hereditary prince, who held
this presidency, was regarded in public as a mere puppet, and, according
to the testimony of an eye-witness, valet Franz Goos, passed most of
the sessions in sleeping. Höegh-Guldberg, however, did not carry on so
aristocratic a rule as Struensee, but cleverly left the current affairs
of the administration to the several colleges. But the higher affairs of
state were entrusted entirely to his guidance.

Advancing gently, he contrived, by his defence of the principle of
nationality, to acquire some degree of respect among his countrymen, and
in this way concealed his utter want of statesman-like talent. In this
respect the introduction of what is called the Indigenate law of January
15, 1776, remains a lasting merit of his, for he was the concipient and
proposer of this law, even though he asked the advice of the two learned
brothers Colbjörnsen. By virtue of this law only natives could henceforth
hold office, though the king could naturalise deserving foreigners. The
motive for the law was so attractive as to gain its concipient great
praise. Justice demanded, the introduction said, that natives should eat
the bread of the country. The experience of all ages had proved that in
countries where the education of youth was attended to, there was never
any lack of useful people, if the regent sought them. In this respect,
the history of the country might be referred to with pleasure, which
could display men of all classes who had served the country, maintained
and saved its honour, and, with noble courage, sacrificed themselves for
their kings.

The consequences of this regulation led to a perfect Danish
administration in both kingdoms, so that every failing Struensee had
committed in this respect was removed. If this was just, however, it did
not compensate for the errors which constantly brought the state nearer
to ruin in other points, as all Struensee's beneficial arrangements were
revoked through sheer hatred of him, in so far as too evident proofs
of their value did not prevent the reactionary party from doing so.
The final sanction of the exchange of territory, by which the former
Russian share of Holstein was acquired by Denmark, was not Guldberg, but
Bernstorff's merit. On the other hand, the former deserves praise for
having effected the liberation of Falckenskjold.

In the meanwhile, the crown prince grew up; but his education was so
neglected under the coarse hands of Eickstedt and by the over-learned
Sporon, that, in truth, he only acquired a decided preference for
the Danish language, but never even learned to write it correctly.
Although the kings of Denmark are declared to be capable of governing
at the commencement of their fourteenth year, the confirmation of the
crown prince was deferred till his seventeenth year, and was only then
performed in the palace chapel on April 4, 1784,[63] because it could
not be delayed any longer. To this was joined the entrance of the crown
prince into the council of state, but the precaution was taken of
appointing, on April 6, Minister of Finance von Stemann and Secretary of
State Höegh-Guldberg, state ministers and members of the privy council,
so that these faithful adherents of the queen might check any possible
influence of the young crown prince. But the reckoning had been made
without the host.

The crown prince, who was endowed with sound sense and a strong will, had
already formed his resolution. As early as autumn, 1781, he had suffered
an insult from Guldberg, which he never forgot. He had expressed himself
in terms of dissatisfaction about the cabinet orders re-introduced by
Guldberg, which had been regarded as a crime in Struensee. Guldberg
observed to him, in reply, that the cabinet orders were the sole sign of
the sovereignty, as without them there would soon be as many kings as
there were colleges in the land, and then told him, through the tutor
Sporon, that, were it not for the cabinet decrees, he, the prince, would
himself be not worth more than the cat of Slangerup. The brutal Eickstedt
even forced the prince to make Guldberg an apology in writing. From this
moment, the crown prince formed the fixed resolution to render himself
independent, ere long, both of Guldberg and the other holders of the
power.

After carrying on a secret correspondence with Bernstorff, who had
retired to his estate of Borstel, near Hamburg, and receiving his ready
assurance that he would resume his ministerial functions in the event
of a change of government, the knowledge of the queen's ambitious plans
induced the prince to confide in other trustworthy opponents of the
Guldberg ministry, especially Privy Councillors Schack Rathlau and
Stampe, General Huth, and Count Reventlow, and arrange with them the
execution of his plan.

Thus arrived April 14, 1784, on which day the crown prince was to enter
the council of state. When the members assembled, and the king had taken
his presidential seat,[64] the two excellencies, Höegh-Guldberg and Von
Stemann, appointed ministers of state on April 7, and Count Rosencrone,
who had been granted a vote in the privy council, advanced, in order to
hand to the king the formulary of the oath, signed by themselves; but the
crown prince prevented them, and calmly requested them to desist until
his Majesty had most graciously permitted him to make a proposition. As
all remained silent in expectation, the crown prince produced a paper,
and read from it that he gratefully recognised the favour shown him
by the king, in his appointment as member of the privy council, but
requested his father to dissolve the cabinet, by which the intention
expressed in the declaration of February 13, 1772, would be fulfilled.
He also begged that two hitherto pensioned men--Privy Councilors von
Rosenkrantz and Von Bernstorff--might be recalled to the council of
state; and, further, Lieutenant-General von Huth and Privy Councillor
Stampe be appointed councillors of state.

After reading this proposal, the crown prince laid the paper for
signature before the king, who at once seized a pen, in order to fulfil
his son's wish; but the hereditary prince tried to prevent him, by saying
that the king must not be allowed to act with precipitation. Christian
did not allow himself to be checked by this objection, and tried to
complete his signature; but ere he could manage it, the pen fell from his
fingers. The crown prince handed it to him again directly, and the king
not merely completed his signature, but added his sanction, on his son
saying, "Will not my gracious father show me the affection of writing
'approved,' here?" When this was done, the hereditary prince attempted
to seize the paper; but the crown prince was too quick for him, and
put it in his pocket. Startled by this scene, the king hurried to his
apartment, whither the hereditary prince followed him with equal speed
and shot the bolt, so that the crown prince could not gain access to his
father. Embittered by this, the heir to the throne turned to the four
privy councillors, Moltke, Höegh-Guldberg, Stemann, and Rosencrone, with
the declaration that the king no longer required their services, and at
the same time announced the dismissal of the Supreme Marshal von Schack,
Conferenz-rath Jacobi, and Cabinet Secretary Sporon; and added, that the
first of them must not show himself before the king again.

After this, the crown prince retired in order to reach his father by
another route, but found that also barred against him. He was about to
have the door opened by force, when his companion, Marshal von Bülow,
contrived to appease him, and immediately after the door opened, and the
hereditary prince appeared, leading the king by the hand, and trying,
as it seemed against his wish, to conduct him to the queen. The crown
prince leaped forward, seized the king's other hand, and most earnestly
begged him to return to his apartment, and feel convinced that nothing
should be done without his gracious sanction, and only that be effected
which would prove to the advantage of the subjects and the country. As
the weak king was more inclined to respond to his son's wishes than go
with the hereditary prince, the latter so greatly lost his self-command
as to seize hold of the crown prince's collar and try to tear him away
from the king by force. But the son held his father so tightly with the
left hand, and used his right so energetically against the hereditary
prince, that the uncle was soon obliged to yield, especially when the
crown prince laid his hand on his sword for the purpose of driving him
back. The crown prince's page of the bed-chamber, Von Mösting, afterwards
so well known as minister of finances, ran up, however, and ere the
hereditary prince knew what was being done to him, he found himself at
the other end of the corridor. The terrified king took advantage of
this moment to fly to his apartment, and thus the victory of the palace
revolution of April 14, 1784, was decided. For, if the hereditary prince
had succeeded in carrying the king to his step-mother, the recently
approved ordinance would certainly have been revoked, and the humiliating
announcement which the queen had made to the crown prince just before he
entered the privy council, that henceforth Guldberg would report to him
the king's orders, would have become a truth.

We can imagine into what a fury Juliana Maria was thrown when her
beloved son told her of what had occurred in the council of state, and
the treatment he had undergone. She raved, wished to go to the king
even if it cost her life, called Count Reventlow, who threw himself at
her feet and implored her to be calm, a traitor, and said to the crown
prince that he was a treacherous gentleman, who always had honey in his
lips but poison in his heart, and that it was his intention to kill
his father. The hereditary prince, however, had so thoroughly lost all
courage for further resistance, that he wished himself dead. If we take
into consideration the energy of the intriguing lady, and the nimbus of
sovereignty which had surrounded her for twelve years, we must applaud
the precaution that the artillery under General Huth, and the palace
guard, were held in readiness, in case any further resistance should be
offered to the downfall of the late government, or the refusal of the
king to sign the order, had rendered the proclamation of the crown prince
as regent, which had been fully decided on, necessary. Still, all ended
with the fury and passion of the deposed Juliana Maria, and she had
rendered herself so odious to the nation, that the change of government
was greeted with universal joy, and the crown prince everywhere received
with applause. But the fury of the angry lady also became appeased when
the crown prince threatened serious measures and arrest.

In the meanwhile, the king's commands had been sent to the colleges
and courts, and Bernstorff invited by the crown prince to return
immediately.[65] Early in May, the future foreign minister and president
of the German Chancery arrived in Copenhagen. His practised diplomatic
pen communicated to foreign courts the overthrow of the Guldberg
ministry, and of the rule of Juliana Maria, with the postscript that
the government firm would still remain that of Christian VII., but the
government of the crown prince as regent had commenced on April 14, 1784.

Höegh-Guldberg was called on to pacify the old queen, and the regent
considered the deposed secretary of state's merit in effecting this so
great, that he contented himself with sending this concoctor of the
conspiracy against his mother, into the usual banishment in Jütland,
as bailiff of Aarhuus. The sudden removal from dignities held so long,
and from the sovereign authority, demanded resignation. The God-fearing
Höegh-Guldberg displayed it, at least externally, and retained his post
up to the year 1802, when he was dismissed, and retired to the fine
estate of Hald, near Viborg, which he had purchased, and where he died in
1806. He did not venture to present an order on the Treasury for 100,000
dollars given him as a reward by the queen dowager, possibly because,
as a judge of Struensee, he felt his conscience prick him too strongly;
and when, after his death, his sons had the courage to bring forward
this claim on the government, the crown prince laughingly referred their
impudent demands to the Greek Calends.

The enlightened statesman, Bernstorff, who afterwards acquired
world-renown by his decree of neutrality, was, from this time forth up
to his death in 1797, the adviser of the young, inexperienced, and,
unfortunately, poorly-educated crown prince. As such, he opposed
all odious measures in a reactionary sense, and it was to this mild
conduct that the queen dowager and Prince Frederick owed their security
as members of the royal house, though they were entirely excluded
from all participation in affairs of state. When the fire of 1794
completely destroyed the splendid Christiansborg Palace, these two
royal conspirators against Struensee and Caroline Matilda were left
without a roof in the capital, and were obliged to seek shelter with
private persons until their future abode was prepared for them in the
Amalienborg Palace. Here, mother and son lived quietly till their death:
the former, engaged with penances, for which her crimes against her own
daughter-in-law and an innocent minister were sufficient reason; the
latter, more honourably, in promoting the arts and sciences, for which
the appanage of 12,000 dollars, granted him on the exchange of territory
for resigning the coadjutorship of the principality of Lübeck, afforded
him the means. By his consort, a princess of Mecklenburg, he had two
sons and two daughters; of the latter, the youngest, the grandmother
of ALEXANDRA, PRINCESS OF WALES, is, in spite of her great age, still
remarkable for her beauty and grace.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 60: "Mémoires de mon Temps."]

[Footnote 61: "Mémoires de mon Temps."]

[Footnote 62: "Frederick II. of Prussia had, by means of his cousin the
queen dowager, gradually acquired an almost absolute sway in the cabinet
of Denmark, and directed the foreign affairs in subserviency to the views
of the French court, and in opposition to the interests of England. Count
Bernstorff being the only person in the Danish ministry who ventured in
any degree to oppose the French and Prussian policy, his dismissal was
resolved on in the cabinets of Versailles and Berlin; and his conduct
with regard to the armed neutrality offered an opportunity to effect
their purpose."--_Coxe's Travels_, vol. v.]

[Footnote 63: "The examination continued above an hour, and the prince
replied in a very sensible manner, sufficiently proving, from the
readiness and perspicuity of his answers, that the reports of his
incapacity were unfounded. He spoke in a loud, clear, manly voice, with a
dignity and propriety which astonished the assembly; and when he repeated
the oath, by which he swore to continue true to the Established Church,
he did it in so feeling a manner as absolutely to draw tears from the
eyes of many who were present."--_Coxe's Travels_, vol. v.]

[Footnote 64: During the early part of Juliana's regency--a French
tourist tells us--the king, in one of his lucid intervals, signed a state
paper in the following terms:--"Christian VII., by the grace of God, King
of Denmark, &c., in company with Juliana Maria and others, by grace of
the devil."]

[Footnote 65: The only foreigner who is supposed to have had any
knowledge of the transaction, was Mr. Elliot, who had left Berlin to come
to Copenhagen, in the capacity of British envoy: and the king of Great
Britain was the first sovereign to whom the prince-royal communicated his
success.--_Coxe's Travels_, vol. v.]




APPENDIX A.

    (_Extracts from the Correspondence of_ Mr. N. W. WRAXALL, Jun., _with
    his Father, relative to the Restoration of_ CAROLINE MATILDA).

       *       *       *       *       *


No. 1.

    LONDON, ADELPHI, _Saturday Night, Jan._ 21_st_, 1775.

I shall now endeavour to give my dearest father some idea of my present
views and plans. I have, after much time, labour, and trouble, deciphered
the letter pretty well. The Danish nobility wish impatiently my return,
and implore me not to delay it a day which I can prevent. They wait
in eager expectation of my arrival, with his Majesty's compliance and
support, to strike the blow, or lose all in the attempt. I went with
this letter to the Baron de Lichtenstein. He received himself a letter
yesterday from the queen, which orders him to give me another £100 from
her own moneys here, and superadded to these two sources, his Majesty
has promised to give an order on his Hanoverian Treasury, in case of
necessity, to supply me still further. So you see _they_ are all now in
earnest. I went to the merchant to-day, on whom my bill (received from
the Danish nobility yesterday) was drawn, and he gave me instantly a
bank note for £100 sterling, which I now have in my pocket book. How much
longer I shall stay in this kingdom I cannot say, nor can the Baron de
L---- say with any more certainty than myself. It absolutely and fully
depends on his Majesty's orders and pleasure. The baron will see him next
Tuesday morning (it is impossible sooner, two councils being held Sunday
and Monday at the queen's palace on American affairs), and communicate to
him my letter received from the Danish nobility. I shall write a number
of queries likewise for _Him_ on Monday, though I should not be surprised
if _He_ sees me before my departure. The baron thinks that I shall not
be sent away before the 6th or 7th of next month, when his Majesty will
have had time to give his full, clear, and mature reply, and some letters
are expected from Copenhagen, which will give a little light how to act.
I shall be glad if I am delayed yet some 2 or 3 weeks, as the spring
opens, and winter will begin to retire every day. 'Tis terrible to cross
Westphalia and Hanover at this season of the year; but that is nothing.

I presume you will now begin to imagine my scheme less romantic, and
my views more probable, than they have hitherto appeared; but believe
me, my dearest sir, on my honour, I am no more elated now than I was
depressed 12 days ago, when things had a very dubious, uncertain aspect.
If I return, and if the queen should be reinstated, I may, and I think,
must be rewarded in some way--honorary, or otherwise; but I depend on
nothing, and hold it as loose as ever I did; yet I now hope and believe
I shall go back to Zell, Hamburgh, and perhaps Copenhagen; but still I
can positively assert nothing till I have _His_ reply and commands for my
departure.

Though I have this hundred pounds now in my possession, yet I consider
it a sacred deposit, not to be touched or infringed on till I begin my
journey from hence, or the expenses immediately necessary to it. Even my
own interest would lead me to be very scrupulous and honourable on this
point. My reward is not yet come: it is to come, perhaps, bye-and-bye.

       *       *       *       *       *


No. 2.

    _Jan._ 23rd, 1775.

And now respecting the grand affair. I conversed two hours with the baron
this morning. He hopes to see his Majesty to-morrow evening, or Wednesday
morning. I then shall know his ultimate pleasure and commands. The baron
has, however, requested me to write in cypher to the Danish nobility
to-morrow, that "I have received their money: that, according to all
appearances and probability I shall leave London on my return about the
first day or week in February, and shall take the direct road to Zell,
and thence to Hamburgh." He likewise writes the same to Her to-morrow.
I have drawn up a paper of articles to be presented to his Majesty by
the baron when he obtains audience, which will contain his reply and
argument. In my own opinion, I own, it seems as far as human foresight
can now determine, that I shall be sent away in the course of next week:
but nothing is sure, nothing to be depended on, till his Majesty's answer
and orders are known. Then, I've demanded four days or five, to be
ready and prepare my little affairs. A carriage I must buy in Rotterdam
or Utrecht, as no carriage can pass by the packet from hence. I've a
servant in readiness, whom I can engage the minute I've my despatch or
orders to be gone. 'Tis very probable I shall be sent on from Hamburgh
to Copenhagen, to give notice then to the party of his Majesty's full
consent. Then business will begin. God grant it may be successful! If we
are, I may then presume to hope and think I shan't be forgotten.

       *       *       *       *       *


No. 3.

    _Jan._ 31, 1775.

I went to the baron. He was with the king last night, but the queen being
constantly at their elbow, he could not say one word to _Him_ respecting
audience. The king said: "venez Mercredi à onze heures." So, to-morrow
morning, at 11, he will see Him. I asked him if I might not, as 'twould
be very agreeable to me in many respects, stay till Monday next; he said
"I _might_ do it: but he must request me not to stay beyond Friday, if it
could be avoided by acquiescence, as the Danish nobility, and the queen
of Denmark, would expect me impatiently according to my promise, and I
should not fail to execute it, if to be done. Besides, I am sure," said
he, "the king won't delay for an hour, and will expect you to begone
before next Monday. Pray be ready! I hope to send you word to-morrow
evening all is done. So try, if you can, to be ready for Friday." I was
obliged, therefore, to submit, and expect surely to be gone next Friday
afternoon, though then I shall be confoundedly hurried and driven.

       *       *       *       *       *


No. 4.

    _Feb._ 2, 1775.

I am just returned from the baron's: I have received my ultimate
despatches: a letter from his Majesty to her Majesty the queen, and
lastly, the articles to which the king consents. All therefore is done,
finished completely. The baron wished me joy, bade me farewell, wished
me a very happy journey, and all success! I must, 'tis his Majesty's
pleasure, begone to-morrow night for Harwich, and must be at Harwich by
or before 3 in the afternoon, as the packet sails (unless the wind is
directly contrary) Saturday evening.

       *       *       *       *       *


No. 5.

    ZELL, _Feb._ 19, 1775.

Indeed, my dearest father, neither you nor I had any idea of the
tremendous roads through which I have passed, the continued and wondrous
chain of dangers, amid which I have as yet escaped unhurt. Imagination
cannot paint anything more horrid than the roads of Westphalia, of
Holland (beyond Utrecht), of Hanover, to the gates of Zell. But let me
continue my recital from Osnabrück. I quitted that city last Monday at
noon, and got to Diepenau by miracle almost next morning at daybreak. I
would willingly have gone round to Minden, or to Nienburg, two cities
situate on the river Weser, and at each of which there are bridges across
it--but this was impracticable. The river was so amazingly swelled by
the deluges of rain as to exceed all belief, and absolutely to cut off
all communication, in or out, with these two places. I had, therefore,
no partie left, but that of going on straight to Stolzenau, putting my
carriage into a boat, and crossing over at all events. I did so, and
succeeded. I arrived safe on the English bank of the Weser, Thursday
morning, after navigating more than a mile through fields and meadows,
the hedges of which only began to appear above water. It put me in mind
of Deucalion's deluge. Thence I had only 40 miles to Hanover. What
signifies it to repeat to you that I expected a hundred and a hundred
times to be lost! That I passed deep pieces of standing water, half a
mile in length! That several times I believed myself gone, and thought
never to see Zell alive! Here I am notwithstanding, unhurt, undismayed,
and ready to meet these dangers, if commanded, all again! Nor think that
I am unmindful of, or ungrateful to that Being, who protects the race
of man, and preserves us in every situation! I am not so wanting in the
noblest feeling of the human bosom; but as I feel, so I express myself
about it in very different language from you. I got here Friday night
by the kind assistance of the moon, without which 'twould indeed have
been an absolute impossibility ever to have got here in the mire; since
'twould be neither more nor less than madness and frenzy to attempt to
travel during a dark night. You may depend on it, my dear sir, I am not
desired to do this, and never shall, till the roads mend. As to the
rest, I know your parental anxiety will be all awake for me, and will
make you tremble for my preservation; but fear nothing. I have a noble
presentiment which never quits me, of future elevation! Some protecting
genius shelters me from danger, and averts every fatal accident from me.
I have no doubt I shall return to you bye-and-bye,--I cannot promise you
a richer man, but I can promise you, a wiser man. What passed last night
I cannot now mention to you. I may not trust to this uncertain, dangerous
conveyance. It is enough to say that all goes more than well, that I am
approved by my queen, that I am promised to share in the future happy
prospects, if we can realise them. That be my endeavour! I have devoted
myself to the enterprise. I have passed the Rubicon, and won't retreat.
If ever virtuous glory had power to animate a young man's bosom, it ought
to do so in mine!

This night, or rather early in the morning, by moonlight, I begin my
journey. It is only about 80 English miles; but I don't expect to reach
Hamburgh before Wednesday noon, as I shall only travel during that part
of the night when the moon lights me on the way. You may depend, my
dearest father, that I will indeed take every care of my safety possible.
They implore me here to do so. _She_ has laid her commands on me to be
careful of myself, for _Her_ sake. What more forcible motives can I have?
I half think I shall go on to Copenhagen; but 'tis dangerous, and that
point's not settled yet. At Hamburgh I shall know all. Hitherto, all
success attends us: nor do I doubt that it will attend us to the end.
"'Tis not in mortals to command success:" we must do our utmost, and
leave the rest to fate.

And now, my best, kindest, dearest father, I bid you and my mother
farewell! I am just going to set out for Hamburgh. Pray let me hear of
her story from you: 'twill be very inspiriting to a poor traveller, amid
the horrid roads of Westphalia and Lower Saxony.

       *       *       *       *       *


No. 6.

    HAMBURGH, _Feb._ 23, 1775.

I have received no money yet in repayment of the £100 I spent last
autumn; but _She_ has not only promised me, in the fullest terms, that
sum, but superior marks of her bounty, if all goes well. We must have
patience, my dear father: time will do more for us than anything else.
Hanbury wonders what the deuce has brought me here. I told him I came by
Osnabrück and Bremen, and said not a word of Zell or Hanover. "You're a
wicked fellow," he said to me. "You've done some mischief: some man's
wife, now, or some lady or other. You had better be candid, and tell me,
for your father will, I am sure, bye-and-bye." 'Twas just the pretext I
intended to screen myself with. So I told him that a little affair of
gallantry, harmless enough, had induced me just now to travel, and that
my intentions were for Berlin. _That_ has satisfied him.

Now, to continue my narrative. I wrote you from Zell. I left it on Sunday
at midnight, and arrived, though through a thousand hair-breadth escapes,
at this place, the day before yesterday. The country is an ocean. I
passed through towns so completely environed, as to resemble an island,
amid a vast lake or sea. Guess, then, what the roads must be. Surely, I
am protected from any harm in an extraordinary manner. I passed through
waters so deep, so long, so broad, that 'twas not in human nature to be
quite unmoved. I passed the Elbe very safely, about 20 miles higher up
than Hamburgh. 'Tis very, very happy, sir, yet here; for the rains have
begun afresh, and 'twill be impossible to travel for some time in these
countries. Here are not less than a dozen gentlemen now in Hamburgh, who
do not dare, though pressed by their affairs, to set out for Holland
and France. All the danger which threatened us, is, however, over: aye,
I believe I shan't quit this city this four weeks or more, and then
the spring will have mended the face of things. I have seen the Danish
nobleman to whom I am sent. To-morrow we shall have a long interview.
Then, as I can write with more certainty, I'll finish this letter.

       *       *       *       *       *

    _Feb._ 24.

At present, my dear sir, I am a little more in the light than I was
yesterday. I shall not assuredly be sent to Copenhagen, but remain here
at least 14 or 16 days, as a messenger is sent with what I brought. What
will be done in consequence I can't yet say; and if I could, cannot
communicate to you by this conveyance. Some few weeks are requisite to
ripen matters. I am promised on all hands to have my fortune made if we
succeed: but, as Hamlet says, there's the rub! Meanwhile, they supply
me with money for all my expenses; so, at the worst, I am taken off
your hands for the present. Even that is somewhat, you must allow. My
expectations are neither languid nor sanguine. If they succeed, _She_
neither can nor will forget me. If they fail, _She_ won't have it in her
power. That's exactly the case! So, I repeat, patience! The post which
ought to have arrived to-day from England is not come. No wonder, when
the rains continue, and all the country is deluged with water. I am happy
to find I shall have 15 days' respite from such perilous journeys.

       *       *       *       *       *


No. 7.

    LONDON, 7_th April_, 1775.

As the Baron de Lichtenstein had left orders for me to wait on the
Hanoverian Envoy with what letters I might have for his Majesty, I waited
on him this morning. He received me with distinguished politeness. I gave
him three letters; one from the queen, one from the Danish nobility,
and a third from myself; all addressed to the king. He said he had
received his orders to forward them instantly to the queen's palace to
his Majesty, which he would not delay one moment. So, I suppose, in the
course of 4 or 6 days I shall receive some orders or message from _Him_.
'Tis a most delicate and difficult affair in which they have engaged me;
but, as I exactly and minutely know my instructions, and the genius of
the party, I fear nothing; but, on the contrary, am conscious of being
able so to act, as to approve myself to those who have honoured me by so
noble a deputation. As soon as I know anything, I shan't fail to inform
you; but I shan't be surprised if I should be sent back again to Germany
in less than 12 or 14 days. Yet I know nothing, and can draw no certain
inferences at present. All depends on his Majesty's replies and pleasure.

       *       *       *       *       *


No. 8.

    JERMYN STREET, _April_ 11, 1775.

I would willingly give you a little light into the exact situation I am
in, and the views I have at this time. The nobility who sent me back
this second time to represent their requests, and notify their desires
to his Majesty, all men of the highest rank and eminence in Denmark and
Holstein, but being at present in a species of exile, unpensioned and
unofficed, were by no means capable of raising a large sum of money, or
supplying me with anything beyond the "de quoi vivre." They only give me
600 ducats, or near £300 per an.:--I mean, after that proportion, during
my stay in England as their agent or envoy. It is not from them--I mean
strictly, and in their own persons--that my reward must ultimately come.
It is from her Majesty the queen. If she returns to her kingdom, she
can highly honour and reward me, herself. If she does not, she can yet
recommend me so powerfully to her brother, that I shall be at least in
some manner or way taken care of. I do not account the money they give
me to procure bread and wine, while employed in their immediate service,
as in the minutest degree rewarding me. Neither do _they_ esteem it so.
Fond as I am of travelling, I am not desirous of repassing the circle
of Westphalia, at the continual hazard of my life and limbs; nor would
I do it in any cause less honourable, less noble, than that of seeing a
young and charming princess, whose graciousness and condescension have
attached me more to her, than any hopes of interest or even ambition.
Whether his Majesty rejects or consents to their request, alters not in
any degree the intentions of the party. His consent will accelerate the
blow; his refusal may <DW44>, but cannot, never will change the design.
They ordered me to tell _Her_ Majesty--and I did tell her so--that if
the executioner should strike off ten heads, or if the plague should
destroy as many more--enough would still remain alive to reseat her on
the throne, and doubted not to effect it. The time when cannot be fixed.
It must depend on many circumstances.

Her Majesty has written to the king, particularly requesting him, as the
nobility are poor, and cannot allow me much, to make me some genteel
present while in England--not as any reward to me, but to lighten their
burden. Whether he will, however, comply with this request, I very much
question. If I hear nothing in 8 or 10 days, I shall write to her Majesty
and the nobility, and request them to send more minute and precise
commands how to proceed. But surely I shall hear from the king in some
way or other within that time; at least, I can't but apprehend so.

       *       *       *       *       *


No. 9.

_April_ 10, 1775.

I sent the three letters to his Majesty last Friday. I've yet heard
nothing in answer. If I hear nothing in ten days from this time, I shall
then write to two of the nobility, and likewise to the queen (for she
expressly and personally enjoined me to write to Herself, and to address
all my letters immediately to her). This gracious and condescending
permission I won't fail to profit by. If his Majesty sees me, and gives
me a favourable answer to the request made him, I think, I believe, and
imagine, he will send me instantly back with it to Zell and Hamburgh.
Nay, the Queen has even requested him in her letter, in that case, to
honour me with some employ, or charge me with some ostensible message
or commission, to hide my real and actual errand. Her Majesty, in the
last interview I had with her at midnight, in an apartment of the castle
of Zell, where I was brought disguised, was most graciously pleased to
assure me that it was not only on account of my services that she would
endeavour to reward me, but that she was even _personally_ attached to
a man who would have rushed on certain death, to have had the glory of
sacrificing his life at such a shrine.

       *       *       *       *       *


No. 10.

    COCOA TREE, PALL MALL, _April_ 14, 1775.

I have finished my packet for Germany to the nobility, but I don't write
to her Majesty till Tuesday next, as 'tis not impossible I may hear from
his Majesty in or within that time. My motive for not quitting town
before next Sunday se'nnight is, that I would wait a decent, proper time,
in expectation of an answer, message, or order from the king, who may
be hindered by business, &c., and who would, doubtless, think me very
inattentive to the queen's concerns, and my so important commission, if
I ran away in a week after my arrival to visit my friends, regardless of
him or his reply. Even if I hear not a word, direct or indirect, yet,
when I leave London, I shall put into the Hanoverian Envoy's hand a few
lines, which, if his Majesty should send for me, or ask after me, during
my absence, he will, in that case, send or deliver to his Majesty. What I
shall say will be to this purport:--

Sir,--Not having received any message from your Majesty, and not
having seen my father or friends these eighteen months, and not being
immediately wanted in London on account of my commission, I have presumed
to leave town; but am ready at a moment's notice, and the signification
of your Majesty's pleasure, to be again in London with all possible
expedition.

This I shall give myself to the Hanoverian Envoy, and request him to give
me a line to Bristol, the instant he receives any message respecting
me from his Majesty, as, if wanted, I will, and shall hold myself in
readiness, to return to town without delay. This conduct will, I think,
obviate any censure or disapproval.

My stay, as I said yesterday, won't, I believe, exceed, if it reaches,
three weeks, as I expect within that time from my quitting London,
answers to my letters to Hamburgh and Zell, which will require my return
to town. I may even have letters sooner, so important as to keep me
here, or necessitate me, if at Bristol, to return directly; but I think
I shall have none sent; though, truly, I can't say. It depends on the
course of events in Denmark and Germany.

I think the king won't see me first or last, as envoy from the queen and
nobility; but I hope, that is, I half hope, that he'll, notwithstanding,
pay some sort of attention to her Majesty's recommendation of me, and
somehow or other, perhaps serve me, or employ me, or reward me--but yet I
doubt much even of that. If my fortune depended on the queen's goodness
and gratitude (for I have served her, and will with my life, if she bid
me), my life upon it, she would not leave me unprovided for. But she can
do nothing. Even if she should be restored, yet 'tis the king of England
must employ me. I neither could nor would profit by the Danish Majesty's
service. But we must leave all that to time. I expect nothing, nothing at
all; but I may have great things done for me. The latter won't give me
one moment's pain, the former not an hour's exultation. I have told you I
am in _omnia paratus_. Death or a ribbon are to me the same.

       *       *       *       *       *


No. 11.

    JERMYN STREET, _May_ 19, 1775.

Imagine, my dear father, the shock I have received on hearing this
moment, on my arrival here, that the Queen of Denmark is dead. I am wrapt
in horror, sorrow, and consternation. I went to St. James's Coffee House,
where Lord Hertford confirmed to me the sad news. A purple fever carried
her off. The courier arrived yesterday, late at night. His Majesty is
said to be much hurt by this so unexpected a blow. No doubt remains of
its unhappy authenticity. As to me, indeed, I feel as I ought, the loss I
sustain by her Majesty's death. I was even attached to her, and interest
conspires in the nobler emotions to make me weep at the funeral of so
young, so amiable, so unhappy a queen. What will be the consequences
to me I can't say exactly. That she should die at this critical time,
at the very moment, when she would, no doubt, have recommended me so
strongly to the king, is one of those events which may overcome a temper
more steady and uniform than mine.

No wonder now that I have no answer to the long letter which I addressed
to her three or four weeks ago, and which she graciously assured me at
my departure from Zell, she would certainly answer. My head sinks for a
moment under this very unexpected stroke; but it is really sorrow, more
than the mean consideration of self loss, that bend it down. True, I
have lost my patroness, my royal mistress; but, I have a hundred times
told you, that no accidents of fortune can permanently stagger me. I
am prepared to live or die; to be prosperous, or to stem the tide of
adversity--yet, I confess it lies heavy at my heart. I must have done.

To-morrow I'll write more, be assured. Don't you be hurt, my dear father
at this news! Fear not for me. I can't be depressed. His Majesty may yet
patronise me; nay, I fear not that he will do it. My spirit is unbroken,
and ten times defeated I shall rally, and conquer in the end.

Good night! I weep for the poor departed queen. Little did I think this,
when she so kindly bade me adieu, not two months since, in her library
at midnight. I remember her parting words, her look. She held the door a
moment in her hand before she went out. But I did not see, I did not know
that death followed her step, and shut the door for ever between her and
me.

P.S.--Lord Lumley (Lord Harborough's son) told me 'tis believed the queen
was poisoned.

       *       *       *       *       *


No. 12.

I have this very moment received a mournful letter from Baron de
Seckendorf, from Zell. I join my tears to his, on the loss of our royal
mistress, the gracious and amiable deceased queen. He says, the Baron
de Lichtenstein pledges himself that I shall be at least reimbursed
my expenses from his Majesty here. He mentions no circumstances of her
Majesty, the queen's death. He was too much oppressed with sorrow. Depend
on it, that in the end some notice from the throne will be taken of me.
It must be so, I think.

No letter yet from the poor, miserable, thunderstruck nobility at
Hamburgh.

       *       *       *       *       *


No. 13.

    LONDON, _May_ 26, 1775.

I have written, finished, sealed up, and put in the post this evening,
three very particular and minute letters. One to the Baron de
Lichtenstein, requesting him to recommend me to his Majesty, which I know
he will do, and which will be almost as effectual as the deceased queen's
recommendation. A second to Baron de Seckendorf, answering his letter
to me, and desiring him to strengthen my request made to Lichtenstein.
This, I know likewise, he'll do most cheerfully. I have also desired
him to send me the particulars of her Majesty's illness and death. The
third letter, and longest, is to the Danish nobility at Hamburgh. You may
almost divine its general meaning and contents. I condole with them on
our horrid loss in the dear departed queen: inform them I have written to
Lichtenstein, to the end that he may do his utmost, and what she would
have done, if she had only lived a few days longer, with his Britannic
Majesty. I offer them my further offices, if they have anything to employ
me in. I request the continuance of their friendship, and to hear from
them soon. This is, in general terms, the substance of my letter.

I allow, my dear father, that I am generally too sanguine in my
expectations, too enthusiastic and lively in my ideas and descriptions;
but yet remember I predict it--something must, and will yet be done
effectual for me, by the Danish nobility and Baron de Lichtenstein. They
are all conscious of and acquainted with my services; feeling satisfied
of my zeal, capacity, and address, and extremely desirous of procuring
me some reward, some sort of recompense for my dangers, fatigues, and
endeavours. The Baron de Lichtenstein managed the whole affair, knows me,
esteems me: knows her Majesty the queen's intentions of serving me with
her brother: and, superadded to all this, he is vastly beloved by the
king, who showed him a thousand marks of goodness when in England.

Attend the answer to their letters: they will come in three or four
weeks. I cannot, indeed, answer for his Majesty's conduct in consequence
of their recommendations; nor could I, even if the queen had recommended
me: but I think I may rely on their warm endeavours to procure me some
notice or reward from his Majesty; though what may be, whether greater or
smaller, must depend on his gracious pleasure.

Undoubtedly, my dear sir, when I reflect on the so unexpected, so sudden,
so critical death, of the poor, amiable, unhappy queen, I am covered with
amazement, and own it is a lesson _never to depend on anything_. Could
anything not actually done be surer? A young, gay, healthy woman, who had
every appearance of long life, snatched away in four days, and buried ere
we imagined she was ill. Probably, if I live to a hundred years, I shall
never meet with another, so wondrous, so extraordinary an adventure,
which is so incredible in its own nature, that I know not what to say to
it.

       *       *       *       *       *


No. 14.

    LONDON, _May_ 30, 1775.

I have received, my very dear father, a long and mournful letter from
the Baron de Bülow himself. You will see from it how ready the nobility
are to do any and every thing to conduce to my interests: how sensible
they are of my zeal, capacity, and unwearied fidelity in the execution
of their commands. I have already named the service, the only service,
they can do me. I mean that of requesting Baron de Lichtenstein to write
very strenuously in my favour to his Majesty. I shall reply to-morrow
or next day to this letter, and condole with them on our common, heavy,
and irreparable loss, in the dear, departed queen, and reiterate to
them my urgent request of being recommended to his Majesty, as the only
recompense I desire or ask. There is no shadow of doubt that they will
do their part. There is no doubt in nature of Lichtenstein's doing his;
but as to what notice our royal master may be pleased to take of their
recommendation, or how far he may be graciously disposed to extend his
favour or notice to this, I cannot presume or pretend to say, but must
leave to futurity to determine. That I shall be reimbursed seems clear;
but that's nothing. I aspire much beyond any pecuniary reward. Even if
his Majesty should not _now_ extend his munificence or protection to me,
yet I am at least known to him by character and reputation. I have served
without any reward his royal sister--I have claims--and some future time
may give me opportunity to renew or make them good.

[It may be added that the Danish nobility wrote a letter to George III.,
in which they formally renounced and refused all repayment of the sums
disbursed in the cause of the queen's restoration: which repayment was
expressly stipulated by his Britannic Majesty, in the third article of
the conditions which Mr. Wraxall carried over to Germany in February,
1775. They only asked that their agent might be honourably rewarded and
employed. But it was all of no avail.]




APPENDIX B.


The first letter of the word is marked by that which is above, excepting
in the case that it be lined under, when it signifies nothing (in itself).

The second letter--count back from the letter you have written to that
you would write, and mark the number or cypher.

One writes likewise in the syllables and words; letters of the upper
range with a line under, which _then_ marks nothing in itself; but you
must begin from that to count the number following, which deciphers the
true letter.

Every letter which is not _lined_--(so)--marks that which is under.

One writes at the end of every word one of those letters which signify
nothing; and sometimes in the middle of a word put two of them, to render
the cypher more difficult.

    2              2                                       2
    l + 13 u + 1 b c ÷ 3 ÷ 2. p ÷ 11. + 13. φ ÷ 17 + 8 a

    + 2 ÷ 12 ×

       *       *       *       *       *

    0 l ÷ 8 u l + 3 b p 3 a 1 + 3 ÷ z + 17 g 9 ÷ 7 + 4. ÿ i

    1 c 1 + 15 + 3 x o z ÷ 6 + 14 φ ÷ z ÷ 1 z + 13 b. i 1 e l

    ÿ 6 c l c z zz o z p 1 s i l + 1 + 1z ÷ 4 ÷ 4 ÷ 4 f + 3 a l +
                                                                ¯
    3 x c 1 c z + 4 + ll ÷ 2 + 7 ÷ 5 + 10 k. n + z ÷ 1 g p 3
            ¯
    p l r ÷ l y x + 3 + z x c l + 14 g e l ÷ 7 ÷ 8 y p 3 a 1 +

    3 + 10 ÷ l i z d + z h p l 9 + 5 + lz b a z + 4 + 10 x o

    1 d + z g r + 5 ÷ z g 9 ÷ 7 u z ÷ z ÷ z h u l ÷ 5 + 8 +
      ¯                         ¯¯¯
    8 m ÷ 3 k r p 1 p 3 + 4 + 9 + 8 ÷ 4 + 8. o z ÷ 10 b r h g
      ¯
    + z ÷ 1z + l3 c l + 8 + 6 a l + 3 s f e l ÿ 9 1 + 7 + 6 ÷
                              ¯
    z b c z ÷ z ÷ 3 0 3 + z + l + g + 1z d + z o 3 g e 1 i z c

    l h o z ÷ 6 f + 5 φ p 3 ÷ 1z : i 1 c l : d m ÷ 7 + l z i_ l +

                                                           2
    9 ÷ 6 ÷ z k. c l + 6 φ d + z b i z c l + 13 + 1 y. a y e 1 c 1

    + 8 k (d + 10 + l ÷ 6 ÷ 4) y a z + 4 o 1 + z y u 1 ÷ 5 +

    19 y x ÷ l x. d + z d ÷ z m ÷ 7 + 1z ÷ 6 ÷ z + lz h d +
                  ¯
    l0 ÷ l + 6 ÷ z ÷ 1z. y o z + 3 + 3 ÷ 8 ÷ z o 1 + 4 p l.

    o z k d + 5 ÷ z + l3, + l0 + z e l + 3 y a z a z p z + l0
                                                     ¯
    ÷ 11 y f y o 3 f ÷ l + 6 g n ÷ lz + 16 ÷ l + 4 + l0 g p

    1 g o z p l g i l + l3 ÷ 3 ÷ 5 + 10 ÷ l4 x r ÷ l 0 3 + z
                                                     ¯¯¯
    ÷ 3 x a z + 4 c l h d + z + 6 + 9 o l s p l g l ÷ 6 + l9 +

    8 m g c l. 9 s x y e l b o 3 b s + l ÷ l4 ÷ z + 6 k o z a l ÷

    l g o 3 ÷ 4 ÷ z φ m ÷ 3. y (z k) d + l l n n ÷ 7 x i z f e 1 o
                      ¯
    3 o 1 ÷ z + 6 + l + 3 ÷ 8 + 5 ÷ l + 5 6 d i z + l n a l
                                              ¯¯¯
    + 7 ÷ 4 + 8 s a z + 4 o l + z y. z + l0 ÷ 7 ÷ l9 ÷ z u

    l ÷ 5 p z + l φ + 3 ÷ 5 c z y. r ÷ l + 6 ÷ 3 x o z c l o 3
          ¯¯¯
    b u l + 1l + 9 + 8 k + 9 d + 1 t z + 1. 9 s f + z + 6 ÷ z
                             ¯
    y i z + l + 6 o 3. p l ÷ 5 ÷ 7 ÷ 1 + 5 g r + z ÷ lz + 1 c

    1 p 3 ÷ lz g i l c l. 9 x ÷ 7 h + 6 ÷ z h c l + 8 + 8 ÷ 7 f

    + 6 + lz x s + l ÷ 4 + 9 ÷ 1 ÷ 5 c z x c z ÷ z ÷ 3 r y o
               ¯
    z + 4 a 1 + 3 k s + 5 ÷ z ÷ 3 + l b r ÷ l0 + l5. g p l +
                    ¯
    z φ + l7 ÷ z d + z k n s o l g r p l p 3 y o z ÷ l0. r + z i 3
                                                                   ¯¯¯
    + 5 n o 1 ÷ 4 + lz c l k r ÷ 1 + 4 + l p l + 4. o z p l x
                                           ¯
    p 3 ÷ lz ÷ z c l i z + 7 + 4 ÷ l0 + 5 ÷ l x i l + l x +

    6 ÷ 10 o z ÷ 6 + 14 φ ÷ z ÷ l z y i l c l. d m p l. + lz ÷

    6 ÷ z g o z ÷ 6. 9 ÷ l6 + 1z ÷ 8 c z p l a l + 9 ÷ 6 g o l

    s + 6 p 3 a z + 4 ÷ l5 h 9 s e l ÷ z k p l f ÷ 3 s ÷ 9 o 3 x
                                               ¯     ¯
    u l + 3 + l4 + 7 h x r ÷ l + 6 p 3 y g ÷ 7 a z + 3 ÷ z

    ÷ 1 z g i l + 1 n + 3 ÷ l4 p 3 c z. d + z + 14. a z + 4 + 6
                    ¯                   ¯
    + lz ÷ 9 s p l r c l e l ÷ 5 + z ÷ lz o 3 o 3 + 3 o z + 3 o 3
                                              ¯¯¯             ¯¯¯
    + z ÷ z h o 3 + 1z + lz c l o 3. x o l d o l s 9 + l8 + 6 +

    23 g c l d + 14 h y ÷ 8 9 ÷ l i l + l o 3 p 1 + 4 + l4 a l
                                              ¯            ¯¯¯
    + 3 ÷ 17 g a z + 5 ÷ 7 + l0 + 6 r + 3 h y d + z c z φ ÷
               ¯¯¯
    14 y + 6 c l x c z y h φ p 3 c 1 y d + 1l ÷ z k φ ÷ 7 x i l c 1

    x ÷ z ÷ 14 ÷ 19 ÷ 1 e l ÷ 8 ÷ 7. k h g o z p l y p 3 p l +
                                                                    ¯
    4 r ÷ 1 ÷ l d a l + 3. i l e 1 g p 3 f o l h p z ÷ 5 f + 4 +
                  ¯                              ¯¯¯
    l b ÷ 1 ÷ 9 + 4 1 + 13 o z ÷ z ÷ 4 + lz u l ÷ l g f + l
                                            ¯
    g φ ÷ 8 g d + ll ÷ z + 3 p 3 o 3 ÷ 13 i z i l. h r + z ÷ 8
                                     ¯
    ÷ 4 + 8 ÿ p l ÿ + z + z x ÷ z n + z i z o 3 ÷ 13 i z c z c 1
                                            ¯¯
    n i z ÷ 8 i z c z y a z c l o l x + 4 ÷ 8. p 3 ÷ lz o 3 φ ÷ 13
      ¯¯¯
    n a l o z c l y r p l ÷ 8 g n + 14 o z h p l g e l ÷ 7 p 3 ÷

    lz + 1 + l4 ÷ z g h f ÷ 1 h φ p 1 h a l + 3 o 3 ÷ 4 ÷ 5
                  ¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯¯
    + 4 x i l c l g o 3 f i z. d + 10 ÷ 1 + 5 + 1z + 8 + 6 +
    ¯¯¯¯¯
    l1 + 7 c l + 8 + 6. c 1 + l4 x ÷ 15 + l + l3 p 1 r c 1 p.

    3 ÷ 5 ÷ 3 + g s x y φ ÷ g + 5 ÷ l g r f e 1 p 3 h u l p l o

    1 + 8 ÷ lz g e 1 ÷ 7 ÷ 8 g p 3 t l 9 f o z + g ÷ 1 ÷ 10 +

    5 ÷ l i l p l i z o 3 h e 1 ÷ 7 x ÷ 1z ÷ 6 ÷ l ÷ z ÷ lz g

    r ÷ 14 ÷ z ÷ 6 h g n p l o 1 o 3 d + z f + 4 + l h ÷ l ÷

    4 i z x o 3 ÷ 4 + 6 ÷ l ÷ 10 u l ÷ l + 8 h a z e l f i z h o
                                 ¯¯¯
    z e l o l g i l + l n ÷ l l i z i l c l y t 1 + 8. o z p l. y u l
                                                                  ¯¯¯
    ÷ 5 + 8 + g + 8 + 1z + 6. a z + 4 ÷ 6 ÷ 5 + 7 + 4 ÷

    6 ÷ 1 x φ ÷ 8 x + 6 + g o l x ÷ 8 ÷ z + 6 x r p 1 + l7 y

    ÷ l4 + l n i 3 ÷ l f ÷ 1 i l + l y ÷ l + zz p 3 f ÷ z ÷
               ¯¯¯
    4 i z + 6 y d c l o z p l x i l f o l c z h r ÷ l + 6 ÷ 3 + z

    p 1 + 1z + 6 h 4 l p l o l p 3 c 1 x + l0 + z3 ÷ lz n a l o

    z m ÷ 3 a z + l h a z + 4 d + z g + 6 c 1 g p 3 ÷ 3 o z ÷
      ¯     ¯¯¯               ¯                         ¯¯¯
    z h i z ÷ 8. 9 t 9 + l5 ÷ l k ÷ 4 + 1l o 3 g m p 1 i 3 p l p

    3 i l c l p 3 h e l i z h o 3 f e l ÷ z. a z + 4 + 6 i z i l h i z

    + 1 + 6 o 3 h ÷ 5 + l e 1 ÷ z a 1 + 3 ÷ 7 r ÷ l o 3 ÷ 4
                                  ¯¯¯
    ÷ 1 + 5 h p 1 n ÷ 3 + z g φ ÷ 6 i l ÷ 4 m + 5 l ÷ z +
                                                ¯
    l z + 1. c 1 c z p l 4 l φ p 3 f i z + 6 + 7 m + 5 + l h o z
                                                     ¯
    p l h + ll + z + 3 + z g c 1 + l4 o z ÷ 6 k c z ÷ 5 + 6

    ÷ 3 ÷ 5 ÷ 7 i z c z h r ÷ 1 + 6 ÷ 3 a z + 4 o l s i 3 + 1
                                                      ¯¯¯
    + 6 + z r + 3 φ ÷ 4 ÷ l + 5 h i z + 1 p 3 + 3 ÷ z 6 ÷
                                          ¯
    13 c z x ÷ 4 ÷ l + 6 ÷ 3 k a z + 4 ÷ ll. o 3 c 1 + lz ÷ 3

    ÷ 5 c z d + z y r + 3 ÷ g + 4 + l + 6 p 3 + 1 h + o z
                    ¯                     ¯
    + g m + l x i l c l n ÷ n m + l ÷ g o l f i z o 3 x i l c l
        ¯                     ¯
    p 3 + l x o 3 + z a l + 16 ÷ g d + 1 + l a z + z g ÷ l4
    ¯                                        ¯¯¯
    + l o 3 φ u l o z f c z h s c 1 o 3 h p 1 + 4 l ÷ z g ÷ 3 h p
                                              ¯¯¯         ¯¯¯
    l p 3 n c l o 3 h i z ÷ 8 + 13 + l + 9 + z h + l0 + ll p
                                                           ¯
    3 + 1 s r f + 6 ÷ 3 h o 3 + 8 h o 3 ÷ 4 ÷ g e l ÷ 3 x c l

    ÷ ll ÷ 1 ÷ g o z ÷ 10 + 5 u l ÷ 5 + 8 + 8 c l s + lz +

    l3 e l o 3 φ ÷ g c z k i z f b l ÷ 6 l + 6 c 1 c z o l o z b r p 1

    r + 3 ÷ l3 i 3 ÷ 6 s o z m + 6 ÷ l i z ÷ 8 r + 5 ÷ 3 l
    ¯          ¯¯¯                             ¯         ¯
    ÷ 1 l + 1 z x o z p l x + l4 ÷ l0 + 8 + 5 ÷ g f i z a z e l

    o l o z φ + g o 1 h r + 11 f + 6 h g φ n + 3 ÷ 4 + 3 + l0

    + 6 h o z c l + 14 c l n o 3. a z + 4 c 1 9 f e l o 3 c l c z ÷

    l4 o 3. x ÷ l3 i z d f p 3 c l 6 p l o z f i z i l p 3 c l x p l x o

    z c l o z e l o 1 x u l p l o l p 3 ÷ 1z h ÷ z + 11 ÷ z + 3

    + z c l i z i 1 p 3 + 13. p l o l f e l c z ÷ l4 o 3 f h a z e l

    c l x o 3 o l o z h + z ÷ 8 b 9 ÷ l6 e l ÷ l h i z f e l o 3 h

    o 3 f e l c z c 1 i z o l p 3 c. l i z g p 3 o l c 1 i z k g o z p l u

    l φ ÷ 5 + 8 p 3 c 1 h i z c l. r c 1 e l c z r p 1 o 3 x c l c z p

    3 ÷ u x φ i z c z p l n ÷ 7 c l x b h o l c l n ÷ 8 x u l + 3

    ÷ 4 x p l 9 l c z p 3 c 1. i l o l o 3 d p 3 c l c z o l f i z x o l

    c l o 3 c 1 p 3 f o l o 3 x u l p l d m ÷ 3 h r ÷ 1 + 6 p 3 k

    9 f + 6 ÷ z c l c z x o z p l 4 l s ÷ l i z ÷ 8 s d ÷ z ÷ 6

    ÷ z ÷ l3 s o 3 o l h φ ÷ 8 9 f ÷ 5 + g h o z o 1 c l e z i l

    c l i z x i 1 f e l ÷ l + 1l p 3 g e l i z. n + z n ÷ 7 i z c z

    b g p l i 1 o l c l e l x p 1 p 3 p 3 o l 9 + 9 y p l e l r o z e l

    c z s + a 5. b o z c l i l o l f x i l + l x o l ÷ i z + 8 o l c l

    p 3.


    1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 2 1 1 2 3   2 1   2 2   3 2 3 2 4 2 3 4 2 5 4
    p a d i c u l m o p o n i t r a p o c e q u e f i t a r a n t i m a t
    a b c d e f g h i k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z a b c d e f g h i k

    1 5   6 3 4 3 3 1 4   5 3 2 6. 2 6 3 7 4 2 3 7.
    b i x a n t e r v o k o m b o. s i c i n d i o.
    l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z. a b c d e f g h.

                             g. h. v. w. y. z.

            |N. W.----|

                             Lettre deux fois lignée ne signifié rien.


    The K. of England       Mr. Garrick.

    The Queen C. Matilda    Mrs. Yates.

          Lichtenstein
    Mr. Lug--n--st--n       Mr. Woodward.

          Seckendorf
    Mr. S--k--d--rf         Mr. Beard.

          Dieden
    Bn. D--d--n             Mr. Powel.

          Bülow
    Bn. B--l--w             Mr. Holland.

        Schimmelmann
    Bn. S--m--l--n          Mr. Foote.

    Ld. North               Mr. Mattocks.

    Mr. Delaval             Mr. Shutter.

        Ahlefeldt
    Ct. A--f--t             Mr. Reddish.

    Ld. Simpelton           Mr. Clarck.

    Texier                  Mdle. Louise Bonneval.

    Bulow                   Anne Moulin.




APPENDIX C.

(_Correspondence of M. le Texier_).


No. 1.

    DEAR SIR,

Having had nothing material to communicate to you since your departure
from hence, I would not trouble you with my letters till I did hear from
you, in consequence of our agreement, and now I find myself honoured with
your's of the 22nd November and 5th December; both which, for reason
of the early frost, and constant easterly wind, I did not receive but
lately, and at a short distance from one another. I congratulate you very
heartily upon the shortness of your passage, and happy arrival in London,
and beg you'll accept of my sincere thanks for the friendly expressions
of your letters, and the intelligence you are so obliging to impart to
me. I make not the least doubt but you'll be able to employ your time a
great deal better, and enjoy quite other pleasures in that great world,
where you must almost be lost in, than you did in our little trading
town of Hambro'. The inclosed letters which you transmitted to me, have
been deliver'd according to your direction. You'll certainly hear from
Mr. Holland directly. Mr. and Mrs. Matthiessen and their family, have
often enquired for you, are verry glad of the intelligence I gave them
from you, and that they may expect to see you, perhaps, in a short time,
back again in those quarters, and do return their best compliments to
you. I am glad to hear that Garrick approves of the new play that is
intended to be performed; but cannot help wondering at the same time of
his backwardness of concurring more effectually in its execution; but
this may perhaps comme in time, when he has more particularly digested
the plan, and seen the first actors in motion. You don't tell me of
having seen him yourself: this is, however, what I could have wished,
as you are by far better able than Woodward to give him a clear idea of
the whole, and remove such objection as he could have to it. I have not
yet heard from Beard, tho' I suppose, he must be in correspondence with
Holland. As to Foote, I had no letters from him, and none did I expect;
as we agreed, before his departure, that he should not write, but when
circumstances did absolutely require it. Do you think that Shutter will
have orders to advance the performance of this play on the stage he is at
this time engaged on, or that Garrick will, perhaps, chose somebody else
for having the management of it there. I cannot tell you anything more on
this subject till things are come to maturity. Meanwhile, if you hear of
something which you think will be worth transmitting, I'll be obliged to
you for the communication of it. Our German plays are interrupted till
the beginning of February, and the Cristmass vacancies won't allow the
balls at the Boselhoff till the latter end of this month. Last week I
heard at a verry grand concert the famous violin player, Lolly, who is,
perhaps, the greatest virtuoso on that instrument at present in Europe.
It is said he'll visit Engeland, where, I dare say, he'll be as much
admired as in the other places he has been. You don't tell me how you
deal with pleasures and amusements; for my part, my dear friend, I catch
as much of the sweets of life as time and circumstances will alow. You
must take up with this dish of broken English as it is, and excuse the
inaccuracies of it, provided only you are able to understand it. Let me
hear from you, and believe me, at all events, your devoted humble servant
and friend.

    _From Mons. T----r, written from Hamburgh,
    about the beginning of January_, 1775.


No. 2.

    MY DEAR FRIEND,

I have received consecutively, and very safely, four of your letters. The
first from Z----, the second from Rotterdam, and the two last ones, from
yᵉ 14th and 21st instant, from London, which give me a circumstantial
account of your journey, and your transactions after your arrival at
the last mention'd place. I should have answer'd them by the post of
last Friday, if it had not been for the absence of Holland, who having
been down to his estates for about 12 days, and beeing only return'd
yesterday, it was only this morning I could communicate to him the
contents of your last two letters. He is extremely satisfied; as, indeed,
he ought to be, of the activity, the zeal, skil, and affection, with
which you embrac'd and acted in the cause of Mrs. Yates, and pitty's
only that all the trouble you have taken, and our endeavours, cannot
prevail on Garrick's obstinacy to act his part in the _manner_ the
other actors desire it, in the new intended play, which may possibly be
deficient in succes, in case he should persist in his refusal. As we
have no intelligence as yet from Woodward or Beard (which we expect,
however, every moment), we can form no judgment about his intentions,
and therefore we are as little able to give you a cathegorical answer
upon your question, whether we can make any further use of your services,
or not? and, besides having no true account of the state of affairs
from the stage where the play is to be acted. If the comedians have not
been interrupted, if they know their parts, if the stage is adapted, if
the machinery's are readdy, &c., of which I doubt very much. You must
remember that at your departure things did not look very bright, and
that we were in apprehension of some disagreable news. Tho' we don't
know the circumstances of what has happened there, and tho' the pot is
not entirely _crack'd_, or has not _boil'd over_, as a certain person
express'd itself, something must, however, have been the matter, and
discomposed for the present the arrangements that were made, as _Mr.
Reddish_, and two others of the first actors, have left the playhouse,
and undertook a journey during this summer to the south of Germany,
till the suspicions that probably have been raised are dissipated, and
the difficulty's they met with have been removed, which we hope will be
towards the winter, when they will all meet again on the stage to make a
fresh rehearsal, of which the success may be less doubtfull, if Garrick
will second them as he ought. But be the case what it will, we expect
every day, and certainly in the course of next weak, ours and your good
friend, _Mr. Foote_, who will certainly relieve us of our anxiety, clear
our doubts, and lead us in the way to give you a clear and positive
decision. Till then, my dear, good friend, you must be quiet, and remain
where you are without taking any resolution (exept on Garrick's immediate
orders). This is what Holland entreats you to mind till he has explained
himself with Foote, which, as you see, will be very soon, assuring you
upon his honour, that his first business will be to settle with him in
what manner to employ you, and then to give you immediate and positive
resolution if you are to continue in the same station, and send you a
draught at the same time; or in case you were at present of no use for
to bring the play on the stage, to entreat Mrs. Yates (who is already
acquainted with your ability's), in the strongest terms to recommand
you to her friend, Mr. Garrick. This, my dear friend, is all I can, and
am commissioned to say to you upon this account. I hope my next will be
more satisfactory to you; meanwhile be assured that Holland, as well as
myself, we have the highest and best grounded esteem for your noble and
disinterested way of thinking, and whatever be the event, we shall always
congratulate ourself of having made your acquaintance, and cemented your
friendship.

Holland begs to be excused in not writing to you himself, as he is
extremely fatigued of his journey, and troubled with a vast deal of
business which he found at his return; he begs you'll be so good to
secure for him the chariot you have bespoke, for which he'll send you
the draught you require. I am extremely satisfied with the manner in
which you communicate to me what intelligence you give us, and which I
understand perfectly. I wish mine were as intelligible to you, which
however I doubt of. Be so good, my dear friend, to continue in the
same way, but observe at the same time, when you make the cover to Mr.
Matthiessen, to lay a small bit of paper between the seal of my letters
and Matthiessen cover, as one of them stuck so fast to it that it was
tore to pieces in the opening of it, but happily there remained just so
much of the seal that it could not be opened.

I'll be oblig'd to you for the books; my mother, brothers, sister, and
her children, make their best compliments to you, and wish you health and
pleasure. So do I do likewyse, my dear friend; farewell, and remember
your devoted friend and servant.

By my next you shall have more, and perhaps a little tit-tat, which time
won't allow at present.

_The_ 2_nd of May_, 1775.


No. 3.

    MY DEAR FRIEND,

I received in due time your favour of yᵉ 13th of June, which was soon
followed by that of yᵉ second of the same month, accompanying a parcel
of silk, and four books, three of which I delivered according to your
orders, and kept the fourth to myself, as you desir'd me. Be so good
to receive my most gratefull acknowledgement for this mark of your
friendship. I have not yet found time sufficient to go through it with
due attention, but I'll reserve the perusal of it for those hours which
free from business I can devote to friendship, and shall look upon it as
a conversation which cannot but afford me a great deal of pleasure, as
anything that comes from the author will always be dear to me. When I
deliver'd the silk to Holland, I communicated to him the contents of your
first of the 13th of June; he join'd with me in his commendations with
regard to your noble and disinterested way of thinking, and acknowledged
the justness of your expectations with respect to Garrick. He assures
you of the continuation of his friendship and esteem, and desir'd me to
tell you that he made repeated applications to _Beard_, for insisting
with _Woodward_ to recommand you to Garrick's remembrance; so that I
don't doubt but you'll have heard by this time of something beeing done
for you, the news of which will be most heartily wellcome to me, you may
be assured. Foote has left this place some time ago; but he is soon to
return, in order to be married to a young and amiable lady, one of the
first family's of this country. He jointly with _Holland_, is in hopes
that you have burnt all the letters and papers which you have received
from the latter one, as well as from Miss Bonneval, respecting the
unhappy affair that was the object of your correspondence; and they beg
that you'll be so kind to confirm them in these hopes, for their future
quiet and tranquillity. I expect, my dear friend, not only to receive of
your letters, before you leave England, but even during your new intended
travels, when you'll be at leisure, and your thaughts will bring you back
to this place, where you have undoubtedly left a great many friends, some
of which are strongly attach'd to you, and more particularly Bonneval's
family. They all of them beg that you'll accept of their best compliments
and hearty wishes for your wellfare.

It is with astonishment and sorrow I have read in the several papers the
account of the bloody scene exhibited in America. Is it possible that
the spirit of _rebellion_ (for as far as I am able to judge I cannot
call it _liberty_) has raised their madness so far as to make them run
blindly to their destruction? for what will be the consequence of all
this? a shocking bloodshed between children of the same mother, a total
destruction of their property, and the utter ruin of all commerce and
trade in those parts of the world, while a storm is preparing at this
side of the water, which may perhaps strike a fatal blow to Old England,
without being able to prevent it. What would become of Brittain's
grandeur, if this great Spanish Armada was intended on your coasts, or on
some of your American settlements? This opinion gains generally ground
here, and few people think this undertaking to be only for the barbarian
coast. But what is still more astonishing, is the spirit of division
that prevails in the metropolis, and the outrageous conduct of part of
its citisents; nothing remains but they should likewise take up arms, in
order to render the scene compleat. I pitty with all my heart those who
are at the helm; and from my peaceable hermitage (which you have seen),
when stretched upon my sopha, I cannot help smiling at the reading of
your brilliant regattas and sommer diversions, amidst all those clamours,
and while half of the nation is under arms, or preparing themselves to be
so. But enough of this. _Comment vont les plaisirs_, and _les amours_? I
wish you success in both. God bless you, my dear sir; remember him who is
very cordialy your devoted humble friend and servant.

_July the_ 18_th. N.B._ 1775.


No. 4.

    MY DEAR SIR,

It was not but yesterday I receiv'd your's of yᵉ 21st July, as we had
then two mails due from England, and much about the same time, or a
little after you have dispatch'd it, my last (which was wrote about the
middle of the same month) must have come to your hands, if it did come at
all, for I cannot account for its delay, having desired my sister to have
it put in the Post Office. I gave you an account in it of the several
applications Holland had made on your behalf to Beard, relative to
Woodward's putting Garrick in mind of you; the assurances we had got from
Beard of his having acted according to his promiss, and the ignorance
we then were in of its success. I have only the time to acquaint you
now, that I saw Holland this morning, who told me of Beard mentioning
in a letter he had lately receiv'd, that he hoped to have in a few days
something to communicate to him about you. That he, Holland, is expecting
this intelligence with the greatest impatience, and that as soon as he
shall have received it, he will immediately do himself the pleasure of
writing to you, in order to acquaint you of it. But, my dear sir, how
are we to act in directing our letters to you? as I see it is your
intention to set out from England after the 14th of this month. At all
events I'll direct what I have to send to you at the direction you left
me at your departure, and which I make use of now, in the supposition
that you'll leave such orders that anything will be transmitted to you.
I have likewise to acknowledge the favour of your former, including
a column of the newspapers, for the communication of which I am most
sincerely oblig'd to you. I find this account wrote with elegance, and
that warm interest the subject requir'd, and don't doubt it will answer
the intention it was design'd with. You see, my dearest friend, that our
ignorance is the sole cause of our silence, and thus I hope you'll be
persuaded to pardon it, and not adscribe it to ingratitude and oblivion,
which are sentiments that will never find entrance in our breast; but,
on the contrary, be assured that we wish nothing with more ardor then to
see you happy, and to see you rewarded, as you deserve it, by someboddy
else, it beeing not in our power to effect it, but by our repeated
intercessions, which I still hope will have their effect. I must finish
here, in order not to miss the time of the post office. Thus farewell,
and remember him who is with the sincerest affection your devoted friend
and servant.

_August the_ 4_th_, 1775.


No. 5.

    _July the_ 16_th_, 1776.

Not only, my dearest friend, several little excursions in the country,
but also our friend Holland's absence, who did return only since a couple
of days, have prevented my answering immediately the very kind letter
which you favour'd me with on the 18th of January. It gave me an uncommon
pleasure to hear of you, after so long a silence, which I could very well
account for, as I knew that you was again on a visit on the Continent.
I understand that you did not follow your first plan of crossing the
Pirrenean mountains, and going to the south of Spain, for else you would
have received a letter which I directed to you at Madrid, _a la poste
restante_, in September last, as we did agree. If it be lost, there is
no great news in it, as it contain'd nothing material. It was only _une
lettre d'amitié_, and an enquiry after your health, with a short account
of our doing here in the usual stile.

I give you my most sincere thanks for the sentiments of friendship and
affection which you honour me with; be assured of the most hearty return,
not only from me, but likewise from our friends Holland and Foote, and
of the gratefull sense we do all retain of your noble and generous
behaviour. Believe me, dear sir, that it gives us the greatest pain and
sorrow to hear that nothing has been done as yet on your behalf from
Garrick's side, notwithstanding Beard's strong recommendations thro'
Woodward's channel. Beard expresses his astounishment at it as well as
Holland, and we are entirely at a loss how to account for Garrick's
neglect, in not making you a return so justly deserved, and which
can come from _him_ only. I do not doubt a moment of Woodward having
made all possible applications, and in that supposition, the critical
circumstances of Garrick's own affairs, and the hurry and perplexity he
has been in, can alone account for his behaviour. Holland desires that
you will be assured of his esteem, of his attachment and friendship
for you, and how much he wishes to convince you of those sentiments,
nothing will be able to efface them out of his heart; and the same I dare
answer for Foote, whom we have not seen since last summer, but who is
expected here at the beginning of August. As all the hopes of renewing
a theatrical entertainement are entirely dropt, you may easily imagin
that Beard and Holland do but seldom correspond together, and yet only on
friendly terms.

I wish that the presenting the prints may open the way of helping you to
Garrick's remembrance, and if means could be found out of being presented
to him yourself, this, I dare say, would be of more effect.

I paid for the hire of the carriage at Utrecht according to your desire.
Caillé had an opportunity to send hither a person of his acquaintance,
to whom I paid the money, and who gave me a receipt for it, so that this
point is settled.

I was extremely welcome to my mother and brother, and likewyse to Mr.
M----'s family, with the news of having received a letter from you. They
were greatly rejoiced at hearing you were well, and safe return from
your late excursion. They beg you'll accept of the return of their best
compliments, and hearty sallutation to you. Mrs. S---- had the misfortune
of loosing again two childern last winter, but three weeks ago she was
brought to bed of a boy; this does partly make up the former loss.
However, her constitution is much hurt, and she enjoys but very little
health.--I would be much obliged to you, if at your leisure moments you
would favour me with a short account of your late excursion, and how you
was pleased in that tour; for such an attentive traveller as you are, I
dare say nothing will have escaped your inspection. I must acknowledge
to you that I am tired with the sedentary life I lead here, and the
insignificant business I am employ'd in; and between you and me I have
made application of beeing sent to England; in how far I shall be able
to succeed in this attempt I cannot tel, however, I have some hopes. How
happy should I be if I could have the pleasure of meeting you in England,
and embracing him whom I esteem and love with all my heart. This, my dear
sir, you may be assured of from your affectionate and most devoted friend
and servant.

_From Mons. Le T---- to N. W. W._


No. 6.

    _Sept. yᵉ_ 5th_, 1776.

You must pardon me, my dear friend, if I deferred returning an immediate
answer to your kind letter of yᵉ 30th July. Holland's absence, and Foote
not being at that time arrived, put it out of my power to give you a
satisfactory one, before I had seen either of them. They are both here
now, and have retain'd for you the same sentiments of friendship and
esteem which you have impress'd them with at the beginning of our mutual
acquaintance. They acknowledge the justice of your claim on their warmest
interest and recommendation on your behalf. They were even beforehand in
offering to renew them, and to do anything in their power which might be
of further service to you; but they cannot help beeing surprised that
all their wishes and join'd endeavours with Beard, have hitherto been
unsuccessfull on that subject. How is it possible that Garrick, who
makes pretention on feeling and sentiments, can be regardless to the
services you intended him, and in which you have so effectually been
employed? This strange behaviour is above their conception. However, as
they are willing to account for this, more than seeming, neglect, on
behalf of the hurry of business, and the many vexations he has labour'd
under this year past, they hope that repeated application will be of
better effect. Foote, you will remember, has never been in any direct
intercourse with Beard or Woodward. But Holland not only accepted writing
again in the strongest terms, but told me that having had some time ago a
_rendez-vous_ with _Beard_, you took up great part of their conversation,
in which he dwelt upon the absolute necessity that something ought to be
done for you, and that they both would write to Woodward on that subject;
so that you may be sure, my dear friend, if their goodwill can have any
effect, and their recommendation any weight upon Garrick, you cannot,
with the help of your friends in England, fail of being successful in
your attempt to get a place, the intelligence of which will give me,
as you may easily guess, the most complete satisfaction; and so I am
positive it would also to Foote and Holland, who, I can assure you, do
lament at each time that I do mention you to them, their incapacity of
serving you according to their heart's desire, and do constantly express
in the most distinguished expression, their high esteem for your personal
quality's and noble way of thinking, and their perfect gratitude for your
behaviour in general. Those sentiments they will certainly never part
with; and they beg that you will do them the favour to continue that
friendship for them, of which you have given them such uncontestable
proofs; and give me leave, my dear friend, to join my request to theirs,
that I may retain the same share in your remembrance.

Mr. and Mrs. M----, and their family, are highly pleased, as well as my
mother and brother, to hear of you; they desire that you'll be so good to
accept of their best compliments. Mr. Mathias is very much obliged to you
for your kind remembrance, wishes you a great deal of good, and gives his
best salutes to you.

I will be vastly obliged to you for the new production of your pen, which
you are so good to promiss me. I wait for them with impatience, as they
will in a manner make me amends for our separation, and let me enjoy your
company, at least, in idea.

I have but little hopes remaining of beeing successful in my application
for a change in my situation. Tho' I do not give them up entirely for the
future, I cannot flatter myself for the present of being so happy to make
a trip to Albion, unless some unexpected events would open the way for it.

I perceive that the last disagreable news from the North American
Continent, have but little influence on the uninterrupted pleasures of
your town. However, the success of the present civil war cannot fail of
drawing the most serious consequences at their issue, and of bringing on
a prodigious change in a great many fortunes. Well! but let them fight
and quarrel as long as they please, I won't much trouble my head about
it; but I will ever be ready to convince you that I am sincerely,

    My dear Sir,
    Your devoted friend and well-wisher.


No. 7.

I can now very easily account, my dear friend, for Beard's silence with
regard to your last letter. His absence from his ordinary place of abode,
is undoubtedly the only reason of your having been without any news from
him since the latter end of June. He has made a tour to Saxony, where he
intended staying two or three months, but would be back towards the end
of this month; this is what I could learn from our friend Holland, who
has likewise been a very long time without his letters (their litterary
intercourse being now almost dropt). He thinks your letter cannot be
lost, but supposes it has been left at Z----, or only been sent of
late to him on his tour; so that you will have receiv'd now, or will
probably in a short time, the answer you expected; meanwhile you may, my
dear sir, make yourself very easy about the fate of your letter, which
certainly cannot be lost. Surprising it is that all applications made
on your behalf have hitherto been without effect; nevertheless, I am of
opinion you must not give up the hope of success; a favourable moment
will probably come, and Woodward will no doubt sease it to remind Garrick
of your services. I cannot help having some apprehensions with regard
to your intention, which you communicate to me in your last letter, of
putting in order the anecdotes relative to Mrs. Yates, in a kind of
memoirs; not, my dear sir, that I have the least doubt of your prudence
and discretion; but you must know how easily an unforeseen accident may
happen which can occasion the los of such a paper, which falling in
other hands would certainly be published to the world, and what would
be the consequence for those who have had any share in its contents? at
least you will, no doubt, keep their names to yourself, and interwow the
whole in such a manner, that it must remain untelligible to all those
who are no knowing ones. I leave this to your caution, and we all depend
upon your known prudence. Both Holland and Foote, who is return'd about
a fortnight ago, where his business does call him in the winter time,
desire that you'll be assured of their everlasting friendship and esteem.

All your acquaintances here present their best compliments to you. There
is since a couple of days a general rumor here of an approaching war.
This will to all appearances occasion some more activity in trade, as
well as in polliticks. Adieu, my dear friend; I wish you health and
pleasure, and beg you will believe me very sincerly and faithfully, yours.

_Nov. yᵉ_ 12_th_, 1776.


No. 8.

Yours, my dear friend, of yᵉ 26th Nov. and 5th Dec., arrived at one
and the same day, as we had three English mails due, owing to the east
wind that has constantly blown this long while; and as I have desired,
once for all, that any letter which comes from you should remain at my
mother's house till I come to fetch it in person; they were not delivered
to me till the day before yesterday, so that you must not be surprised at
having received no immediate answer to them.

So agreeable your letters have hitherto been to me, so very deeply
has the last one affected me. The intelligence you give me, and which
accounts at the same time for the presentation of the memoirs in question
to Garrick, has afflicted me beyond expression. You cannot, you must not
doubt, my dearest friend, of the part I take in the most minutest thing
that may interest your wellfare. How should I not feel for your concerns?
but at the same time how great are you in my Eeyes, how great must you be
in the Eeyes of those who are acquainted with your principles, with the
motives that do lead you in this occasion? Be assured that if anything
could add to the esteem which you have commanded from me, from Holland
and Foote, it would be the disclosure you have now made. I do conceive
how it could have hurt your pride with narrow-minded souls; but with
us it cannot. Men of honour and feeling, like you, are much above the
caprices of fortune, and I am assured that its inconsistencies cannot
in any degree affect their way of thinking. We have too many proofs of
your strickt honour, disinterestedness, and even self-denial, to harbour
the least doubt of any change of sentiment on your side. Not indeed, be
easy on that account. Far from disapproving your plan, I would be the
first to advise it; so does Holland, so would Foote. Happy we would be
if we had interest enough with Garrick to contribute to its success. You
know, my dear friend, how deeply we are obliged to you, and how much we
have wished to convince you of our gratitude; but, at the same time how
unsuccessfull all our endeavours and applications have been. I approve
much of your letting Woodward know of your intended plan; he must, and
certainly will back it by his interest, and I hope that this will do at
least. We have almost lost sight of him, and so likewise of Beard; I
don't even know with certitude if he is returned, tho' I suppose he must
be so at this time. Holland, who is very sickly, and has been so the
whole winter, has not received any letters from him since his departure.
Foote is return to the capital, as I told you, and will not visit our
quarters before next summer.

Do believe me, my dear friend, that I don't mind any loss of time or
expence in our intercourse. I wish to hear from you; your letters are
always wellcome to me, and give me a particular satisfaction. This will
reach you by the new direction you have given me, and at the same time
you'll receive two lines by the former way in order to acquaint you of
it. Let me know by your first which of the two I shall keep for the
future. All your friends here return their best compliments to you, and
wish you well. So does he who is very sincerely and affectionately yours.

_The_ 25_th Dec._, 1776.


No. 9.

    MY DEAR SIR,

It is a long time since I had any of your letters, and it will be near
the same that I did not do myself the pleasure of writing to you. What is
become of you since, and what has been the success of your application
with Garrick? Those, my dear sir, are natural questions from the part of
him that interests himself so warmly for you as I do. It would afford
me the greatest pleasure if you could see the accomplishment of your
desires. Mine did not succeed according to the hopes I had form'd. I
have been obliged to relinquish the idea of beeing employed at London,
having lately been nominated to the post of Resident at Dantzig, where
I expect to be setled towards the end of this year; but first I'll
be obliged to go to C----, and intend setting out next week thither.
So, my dear friend, that if you do me the pleasure of giving me some
news of your welfare, you wil be so good to direct them, during the
remainder of this year, at our old direction, where I have given orders
that your letters should be kept til my return. You'll however observe
not to mention anything of the old topic in them, for fear of their
miscarrying, and when I shal have reach'd my new destination, I'll give
you another direction for the future, for I should be glad to cultivate
our correspondence, and the friendship which has subsisted between us.
Be assured, my dear friend, that where ever my fate may dispose of me,
I shall desire the continuance of it, for him that is for ever with a
sincere esteem, your devoted friend and servant.

_The_ 16_th of Aug._, 1777.


THE END.




INDEX TO VOL. III.

HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL.


A.

    Aalborg, castle of, 145;
      Caroline Matilda, designated the countess of, imprisoned there, _ib._

    Aboe, lieutenant, groundless charges brought against, 107;
      biographical notices of, _ib._;
      how disposed of, 110, 112;
      his death, 112.

    Alexandra, Princess of Wales, the great grand-daughter of Prince
      Frederick of Denmark, 290.

    Altona, Mr. Wraxall's visit to, 176;
      crowded with the partisans of Queen Matilda, _ib._

    Ancher, Kofod, one of the commissioners who passed sentence on
        Struensee and Count Brandt, 61, 67;
      mercifully disposed, 104.

    Arnholdt, bailiff of Bramstedt, 31.

    Arnim, Herr von, minister of the King of Prussia, intercedes on
        behalf of Justiz-rath Struensee, 120.

    APPENDIX, containing extracts from the correspondence of Mr. Wraxall
        with his father, relative to the restoration of Caroline Matilda,
        291 _et seq._


B.

    Bang, counsellor, defends Count Brandt, 14.

    Berger, professor, employed in incommoding his Majesty, 2;
      groundless charges brought against, 109;
        how disposed of, 111, 112.

    Beringskjold, his political career, 271, 272;
      his conspiracy, and arrest, 273;
      his trial and imprisonment, 277, 278;
      his death, 278.

    Beringskjold, Frau von, her death, 277.

    Berkentin, Frau von, chief gouvernante to the prince royal, and the
        early patroness of Struensee, 78.

    Bernstorff, Peter Andreas, foreign affairs entrusted to, 279;
      privy councillor, 285, 288.

    Bodenhausen, von, the Hanoverian privy councillor, receives Queen
        Matilda at Stade, 157.

    Braëm, G. A., one of the commissioners who sentenced Struensee, 61;
      and Count Brandt, 67.

    Bramstedt, bailiwick of, solicited by Count Brandt, 31;
      described, 32, _note_.

    Brandt, count Enevold, indictment of, 1;
      retrospect of his career and conduct, 3 _et seq._;
      his position at court, 3;
      the different charges against, 4, 8, 11;
      his assault on the king, 5;
      his presuming manners, 7;
      broke the fidelity due to his sovereign by being an accomplice
        with Struensee and the queen, 8;
      his neglect of duty, 9, 10;
      his joining Struensee in robbing the royal treasury, 11;
      injustice of the charges against, 14;
      defended by Counsellor Bang, _ib._;
      the different charges rebutted, 16 _et seq._;
      his character not affected by Struensee's forgery, 26;
      his Quixotism, 27;
      his letter to the judges, and petition to the king, 28;
      pleads his youth and eccentricity, 30;
      makes a modest request, 31;
      his punishment predetermined, 32;
      sentence on, promulgated, _ib._;
      the intimate friend of Struensee, 43;
      a close attendant on the king, _ib._;
      delivery of the sentence upon him, 62;
      the charges against him recapitulated, 63 _et seq._;
      his behaviour to the king, 63;
      assists Struensee in producing a misunderstanding, 64;
      obtains large sums from the royal treasury, _ib._;
      his assault and battery on the king, 65, 66;
      high treason thus committed, 67;
      his sentence, degradation from the dignity of count, and all
        other honours, his body to be quartered and exposed on the
        wheel, &c., 67;
      royal confirmation of the sentence, 67, 68;
      injustice of the sentence, and groundlessness of the charges, 68, 69;
      Reverdil's animadversions on the sentence, 69;
      his sentence announced to him by his defender Bang, 74;
      intercession of Owe Guldberg on his behalf, and the unfeeling
        treatment of the Queen Juliana Maria, 75;
      intercession of his mother and sister, 75;
      Struensee's letter to, 80;
      receives from Dean Hee the confirmation of his sentence and the
        day of execution, 83;
      confesses his real sentiments as to his religious belief and moral
        feelings, 13, 84;
      his penitence, 84;
      preparations for his execution, 85;
      his escutcheon broken, 88;
      his execution, 89;
      the body divided into four quarters, _ib._;
      his head exposed on a pole, 94.

    Brieghil, the valet, his evidence, 5.

    Brunswick, hereditary princess of, 157, _note_;
      her gracious reception of Mr. Wraxall at Celle, 174;
      difficulties created by her presence, 183, 229;
      niece to Queen Juliana Maria of Denmark, 183.

    Brunswick Bevern, prince of, appointed commandant of Copenhagen, 267.

    Bülow, baron von, receives Queen Matilda at Stade, 157;
      an exile at Altona, 177;
      his ring presented to the queen by Mr. Wraxall as proof of his
        mission, 188;
      his conferences with Wraxall, 190, 223, 224;
      gives instructions to him respecting his proposed visit to the
        queen, 190, 191;
      his letter to George III., 227;
      his letter on the queen's sudden death, 329;
      his despair, 240.

    Bülow, baroness von, an elegant woman, 176.

    Bülow, marshal von, appeases the crown prince, 286.


C.

    Cabinet orders issued by Struensee, 51;
      for disbanding the foot-guards, 55, 56.

    Caroline Matilda, no longer regarded as Queen of Denmark after the
        dissolution of her marriage, 141;
      all her ties with Denmark broken off, 142;
      her grief at the deaths of Struensee and Count Brandt, 142;
      her generosity of mind, 142, 143;
      the charges against her submitted to English lawyers, who declared
        them unsubstantiated by evidence, 144;
      the English court insisted that no sentence should be passed on
        her, and fitted out a strong fleet, _ib._;
      Walpole's version of the affair, _ib._;
      his gossip respecting her, 145, 146;
      title of "Countess of Aalborg" conferred on her, 145;
      temper of the English with regard to, 146;
      Sir R. M. Keith's active interference on her behalf, 147;
      concessions of the Danish ministry, 147;
      order of release presented to her by Keith, 149;
      arrival of a squadron to take her away, 149, 150;
      writes an affecting letter to her brother, _ib._;
      resolved that she should take up her residence at Celle in
        Hanover, and be allowed £8,000 a-year, 150;
      interesting anecdote of, _ib._;
      her affection for her children, 151, 152;
      leaves a letter for the king, 153;
      his grief at her departure, _ib._, _note_;
      her suite, 153, 154;
      her farewell to Denmark, 154;
      the documents connected with the dissolution of her marriage
        deposited in the secret archives, 156;
      her arrival at Stade, and her joyous reception, 157;
      her presents, _ib._;
      her new suite, _ib._;
      arrives at Celle, and takes up her abode in the royal chateau, 158;
      her amiability and charitable disposition, _ib._;
      her reading and studious pursuits, 159;
      the happiness of her home, 160;
      her great interest in her children, 162;
      her conversations with Colonel Keith, 162 _et seq._;
      Grub-street attacks on, exposed by Reverdil, 165, 166;
      her course of life at Celle, 167 _et seq._;
      her literary taste, 167, 168;
      her court theatricals, 168;
      her letter to her sister detailing her course of life at Celle, 169;
      her great pleasure at receiving the portrait of her son, 170, 171;
      Mr. Wraxall's introduction to, 173;
      her gracious reception of him, and confiding affability, 173, 174;
      again visited by Mr. Wraxall, who communicates a project, with
        certain conditions, for restoring her to the throne of Denmark,
        182, 186-9 (_see_ WRAXALL);
      instructions respecting the project, 191;
      her important conversations with Wraxall, and plans laid down for
        further proceedings, 195 _et seq._, 221, 232;
      her sudden death, 238, 302 (_see_ APPENDIX);
      details of her illness, death, and funeral, 242-9;
      suspected of having been poisoned, 248;
      general mourning for in England, 250;
      monuments erected to her memory, 251;
      letter to her brother, written during her illness, and published
        after her death, 252;
      evidences of her innocence and purity of mind, 254, 255;
      Mr. Wraxall's portraiture of her virtues and character, 255-8;
      correspondence of Mr. Wraxall with his father relative to her
        restoration, 291 _et seq._ (_see_ APPENDIX).

    Carstens, A. G., one of the commissioners who sentenced Struensee, 61;
      and Count Brandt, 67.

    Celle, Queen Matilda's residence at, 158;
      her course of life at, 160 _et seq._;
      Mr. Wraxall's frequent visits and interviews with the queen, 174,
        180, 186, 190, 195 _et seq._, 221, 230-3.

    Christian VII., Count Brandt's assault on, 5, 19;
      his profuse presents to Struensee and Count Brandt, 45;
      his power as sovereign, 50, _note_;
      confirms the atrocious sentences passed upon Struensee and Count
        Brandt, 67, 68;
      his court festivities and revolting apathy, 76, 77;
      grants a free pardon to Colonel Falckenskjold, and releases him
        from the fortress of Munkholm, 136;
      receives a letter from his wife previous to her departure for
        Hanover, 153;
      his expressions of affection for her, 153;
      at the instigation of the crown prince he dismisses his ministers,
        and appoints a new cabinet, 285, 286;
      drawn into personal collision with the hereditary prince, but the
        _coup d'état_ is accomplished, 287.

    Colin, Major, appointed commandant of the fortress Munkholm, 135.

    Colleges, impediments of the, 37;
      dismissal of the, 11.

    Commission of Inquiry, the members of, who tried and sentenced
        Struensee, 61;
      allot rewards to the persons employed in convicting the
        prisoners, 95, _note_;
      their proceedings against the minor prisoners of state, and charges
        brought against them, 104 _et seq._

    Copenhagen, bitterness at, against Struensee and his cabinet
        orders, 58;
      its suburban grounds, 85.

    Council, duties of the, 35;
      abolition of the, 36.

    Council of Thirty-two, established by Struensee, 41.

    Counter-revolution projected by the Danish exiles, 177.

    Court festivities, 76;
    exhibit a revolting exhibition of apathy and want of sympathy, 76.

    Crown prince of Denmark, begins to assume power, 283;
      his examination, 283;
      his determined spirit, 284;
      of age to enter the council of state, 284;
      spirited interference with the court forms of proceeding, 284;
      effects the overthrow of the ministry by a _coup d'état_, 285, 286;
      proclamation of, as regent, 288, 289;
      Count Bernstorff, the enlightened statesman, his adviser, 289.

    Cypher writing, adopted by Mr. Wraxall, 307;
      key to the fictitious names, 312 (APPENDIX).


D.

    Danish chancery, 38.

    Danish language, Struensee's ignorance of the, 38;
      frequently perverted in translation, _ib._

    DENMARK, the constitution of, gives the king absolute power, 40, NOTE;
      feeling of the nation at Struensee's conduct, 42;
      state trials, and execution of the ministers Counts Struensee and
        Brandt, 89, 93;
      Caroline Matilda's farewell to, 154, 155;
      counter-revolution in, proposed, 177;
      the new ministry growing unpopular, _ib._;
      plan for effecting the counter-revolution in, 225;
      terminated only by the death of the queen, 241, (_see_ CAROLINE
         MATILDA, and WRAXALL);
      retrospective view of, 259 _et seq._;
      political reaction in, 259;
      all the reforms of Struensee's government abolished, and the
        abuses of "the good old times" restored, 260 _et seq._;
      triumvirate in the government, 262;
      disunion among the conspirators, 263;
      fate of the ministers, 264 _et seq._;
      the indigenate law of, 281;
      the crown prince enters the council of state, 284;
      effects the overthrow of ministry by a _coup d'état_, 285, 286;
      the counter-revolution completely effected, 287.


E.

    Egede, Professor J., anecdote told by, 260.

    Eickstedt, Hans Henry von, his political career, 270;
      his sudden dismissal, 271;
      retires to the island of Fühnen, where he dies, _ib._

    Elliot, Mr., British envoy at Copenhagen, 288, _note_.

    England sends a squadron for the release of Caroline Matilda, 149.

    Exiles of Denmark, their project for effecting a
        counter-revolution, 177.


F.

    Falckenskjold, his notes on the trial of Struensee, 47, 48, 50,
        54, 55, 64, 101;
      decided that he should be the victim of judicial vengeance for his
        admiration of Struensee, 104;
      his detection of the quarter-master's roguery, 106;
      groundless charges against, 116-119;
      sentenced to be imprisoned for life in the fortress of Munkholm, 124;
      account of his voyage to Munkholm, 125;
      his description of the fortress, 126, 127;
      his treatment, 128 _et seq._;
      his solace and recreation, 130 _et seq._;
      his disposition to misanthropy, 130;
      increased severity in his treatment, 133;
      wretchedness of his domicile, 134;
      insulted by the commandant, _ib._;
      receives a royal pardon, and an order for his release, 136;
      conditions of his release, 137;
      allowed to take ship for Holland, 139;
      fixes his domicile at Montpellier, _ib._;
      receives permission to retire to the Pays de Vaud, _ib._;
      the court of Petersburg proposes to him the post of chief of the
        staff in the army, but the court of Copenhagen refuses its
        assent, 139, 140;
      in 1788 he visits Copenhagen, 140;
      the Danish government recalls him, and confers on him the rank and
        pay of a major-general, 140;
      ends his days in comfort, and dies at the advanced age of
        eighty-two, _ib._;
      his evidence of Queen Matilda's innocence and purity of mind, 254.

    Foot-guards, disbandment of the, 55.

    Forgery, charge of against Count Brandt rebutted, 26.

    Frederick II. of Denmark, gradually acquires absolute sway, 280,
        _note_.

    Frederick, prince of Denmark, the marriage festival of, 133;
      his contests with the crown prince, and overthrow of his party,
         284, 285;
      driven into obscurity, 290;
      marries a princess of Mecklenburg, _ib._;
      his youngest daughter the grandmother of Alexandra, present princess
        of Wales, _ib._

    Fusilier guards disbanded, 54.


G.

    Gähler, Frau von, charges brought against her, 105;
      how disposed of, 110.

    Gähler, general von, groundless charges brought against, 113 _et seq._;
      his principal crime that of interfering with everything without
        possessing requisite knowledge, 115;
      how disposed of, 123;
      his death, 124.

    Gallows Hill, where the skulls and bones of Counts Struensee and Brandt
         were exposed, 94.

    George III., Mr. Wraxall's communications with, 204 _et seq._;
      his instructions respecting his sister, the queen of Denmark, and
        the Danish nobles, 205;
      his assent to the project for restoring the queen under certain
        conditions, 207, 208;
      letter of the Danish nobility to, 229.

    German language encouraged by Struensee, 38.

    Göhrde, chateau of, 157;
      arrival of the queen at, and also of her sister, the hereditary
        princess of Brunswick, 157 _et note_.

    Griffenfeldt, count von, imprisoned in the fortress of Munkholm, 133;
      notices of, _ib._;
      his death, _ib._

    Guards, disbandment of the, by Struensee, 54.

    Guldberg, O., one of the commissioners who sentenced Struensee, 61;
      and Count Brandt, 67;
      his intrigues against Struensee, 101;
      draws up Falckenskjold's pardon and release, 136, 137;
      becomes cabinet secretary, 279;
      his ministry, _ib._;
      honours conferred upon him, 280;
      receives the name of Höegh-Guldberg, _ib._;
      opposed by the crown prince, 284;
      his overthrow, 285, 289;
      his death, 289.


H.

    Hanbury, Mr., English consul at Hamburgh, 176;
      invites Mr. Wraxall to dinner, _ib._

    Hansen, admiral, unfounded charges brought against, 106;
      how disposed of, 110, 112;
      his death, 112.

    Hauch, general, first deputy of the College of War, 136.

    Hee, Rev. Dr., the chaplain of Count Brandt, 83;
      attends Brandt to the scaffold, 88;
      rewards allotted to, 95 _et note_.

    Hesse, Prince Charles of, invited to Copenhagen, 266.

    Hesselberg, colonel von, charges brought against, 105;
      biographical notices of, 106;
      how disposed of, 111;
      his death, 112.

    Holck, count, his alleged freedom with the king, 5.

    Holstein, count, presented with a diamond solitaire by the queen, 157.

    Holstein, countess, her personal appearance, 176.

    Horse-guards, corps of, disbanded, 54.

    Huth, lieutenant-general von, councilor of state, 285.


I.

    Indigenate law of Denmark, 281.


J.

    Juell-Wind, J. K., one of the commissioners who sentenced
        Struensee, 61;
      and Count Brandt, 67.

    Juliana Maria, the dowager queen, her vengeance satiated in witnessing
         the execution of Counts Struensee and Brandt, 94, 95;
      her presents to the chaplains who attended the unhappy victims,
        95, _note_;
      Suhm's account of her avenging spirit, 96;
      her unnatural feelings, 151;
      her heartless conduct after the death of Queen Matilda, 250;
      her absolute sway, 280, 281;
      her fury at the overthrow of the Guldberg ministry, and at the
        insulting treatment of her son by the crown prince, 287, 288;
      her power at an end, 289;
      driven into obscurity, 290.


K.

    Keith, colonel Sir R. M., his visits to the Queen of Denmark, 142;
      his active interference on the queen's behalf, 147;
      Lord Suffolk's letter to, _ib._;
      his anecdote of the queen, 150;
      accompanies her to the chateau Göhrde, and then takes leave of
        her, 157;
      his letter to Lord Suffolk, 161;
      his interview with the queen, _ib._

    Köller-Banner, one of the triumvirate in the government of
        Denmark, 262;
      his projects for remodelling the army, 265;
      his plans examined, and rejected, 266;
      his dissatisfaction, and dismissal, 267;
      appointed governor of the fortress of Rendburg, _ib._;
      royal concessions made to him, 268;
      receives his discharge from the military service and retires to
        Altona, where he dies, 270.

    Kronsborg, anecdote of the fettered slave of, 155.


L.

    Lehzen, pastor, 245;
      his account of the queen's death, 247.

    Leyser, Dr. von, 245.

    _Lex Regia_, a law by which all government decrees, letters and
        documents, shall be signed by the king, 52.

    Lichtenstein, baron von, Mr. Wraxall's interviews with respecting
        the Queen of Denmark, 203, 204;
      communicates the king's views and intentions, 204 _et seq._;
      Mr. Wraxall's satisfactory interview with.

    Louisa Augusta, princess, separated from her mother, 152.


M.

    McBride, captain, arrives at Copenhagen, 150;
      introduced to Caroline Matilda, 151.

    Magistracy, abolition of the, 41.

    Mantel, the queen's valet, 221.

    Mathias, British minister at Hamburg, 184, 186.

    Mattheson, Mr. Wraxall's letters to be addressed to, 199.

    Matthiesen, Jerome, Mr. Wraxall and several Danish nobility sup
        with, 178.

    Moranti, the <DW64> boy, his evidence, 5.

    Mösting, von, minister of finances, 287.

    Munkholm, fortress of, 124;
      Colonel Falckenskjold sentenced to imprisonment for life there,
        _ib._;
      history of his abode there, 125 _et seq._;
      voyage to, 125, 126;
      description of the fort, 126;
      a monastery of Benedictines founded here by Canute the Great,
        _ib. note_;
      demoralised state of the soldiery, 128;
      Lieutenant-General von der Osten the commandant, _ib._;
      officers of, 129;
      the garrison chaplain, 132;
      a fresh commandant of the fortress, Major Colin, 135;
      imprisonment of Beringskjold, the political foe of
        Falckenskjold, 278.

    Münter, Dr., peruses the sentence against Struensee with trembling, 73;
      his communications with Struensee, 73 _et seq._;
      his opinions on Struensee's conduct, 79;
      his kindness to Struensee, 83;
      attends him to the scaffold, 90-3;
      rewards allotted to, 95 _et note_.


N.

    Norwegian coast, the, 131.


O.

    Ortwed, Etats-rath, the king's bailiff, 88.

    Osnabrück, strange adventure at, 199.

    Osten, lieutenant-general von der, commandant of Munkholm, 128;
      his brutal character, 129;
      brings a pardon to Colonel Falckenskjold, 138.

    Osten, count von der, one of the triumvirate in the government of
        Denmark, 262;
      banished to Jütland, 278;
      his subsequent appointment, 279;
      his death, _ib._


P.

    Prince Royal, Struensee's letter to his governess, 78.


Q.

    Queen Dowager (_see_ JULIANA MARIA.)


R.

    Rantzau, count von, his blackness of soul, 76;
      Struensee's letter to, 81, 82;
      no hostile feelings entertained against, 81;
      one of the triumvirate in the government of Denmark, 263;
      suddenly removed from his office, _ib._;
      ordered to quit the country, 264;
      settles at Avignon, _ib._;
      his death, _ib._

    Reforms, by Struensee, 39 _et seq._

    Reverdil's animadversions on Count Brandt's trial and sentence, 69;
      exposes the Grub Street libellers, 165.

    Roques, M., pastor of the French Protestant Church at Celle, 254;
      his testimony to the queen's innocence and purity of mind, _ib._

    Rosencrone, count, opposed by the crown prince, 284, 285.

    Rosenkranz, von, privy councillor, 285.

    Rothes, Christian Adolphus, an anonymous libeller, 165.

    Royal prerogative, 53.


S.

    St. Germain, count de, sentiment of, 135.

    "Sandkrug," the suburban inn of Celle, 189.

    Scarlet fever, prevalence of, in the neighbourhood of Celle, 243;
      the queen's illness and death caused by, 244 _et seq._

    Schack, supreme marshal von, dismissed, and expelled from the
        court by the crown prince, 286.

    Scheel, the valet, his evidence, 5.

    Schimmelmann, baron von, and his lady, 176;
      their son introduced to Mr. Wraxall, 180;
      his revolutionary project, 181.

    Schmidt, J. C. E., one of the commissioners who sentenced
        Struensee, 61, and Count Brandt, 67.

    Seckendorf, baron, chamberlain to the queen Matilda, 173;
      Mr. Wraxall's interview with, 186;
      acts as the confidential agent between the queen and Mr. Wraxall,
        188, 198;
      his warm reception of Mr. Wraxall, 221;
      his note, 231;
      Wraxall's interview with, 233;
      delivers important letters to him, _ib._;
      his letter respecting the queen's sudden death, 238.

    Seeland dragoons, reform in the regiment of, 54 _note_;
      ordered to the court and city, 59.

    Serfdom, restoration of, in Denmark, 261;
      its subsequent abolition, _ib._

    Sevel, professor F. C., one of the commissioners who sentenced
        Struensee and Count Brandt, 61, 67;
      acted as inquisitor, 116;
      his insulting treatment of Colonel Falckenskjold, 116, 125.

    Small-pox, ravages of the, 77.

    Sporon, tutor of the crown prince, 282, 283.

    Stade, the queen's arrival at, 157.

    Stampe, H., one of the commissioners who sentenced Struensee,
        61, and Count Brandt, 67.

    Stampe, baron de, an odd adventure with, 200.

    Stampe, privy councillor, 285.

    Stemann, von, minister of finance, 283;
      his overthrow, 285.

    Struensee, count Fred., his robbery of the royal treasury, 11;
      assisted by Count Brandt in all his crimes, 12;
      sentence on, 33;
      the charges against him recapitulated, 34 _et seq._;
      his general conduct and designs, 34;
      abolishes the council, 36;
      his impediments of the colleges, 37;
      his ignorance of the Danish language, 38;
      his important reforms 39;
      his despotism, 40;
      his dismissal of the ministry, 41;
      his establishment of the Council of Thirty-two, _ib._;
      his avarice and selfishness, 46;
      his salaries, _ib. note_;
      excludes all from the throne, excepting his intimate friends
        and relations, 43;
      his selfishness, 44;
      the large presents received from his Majesty, 45;
      his embezzlements, 47, 48;
      his ambition not less than his avidity, 49;
      his "moderation," _ib._;
      his assumed authority, 50;
      his cabinet orders, 51;
      his disregard of the _Lex Regia_, 52;
      contravenes the royal prerogative, 53;
      his disbandment of the guards, 54, 55;
      his cabinet extracts, 56;
      his despotic administration, 60;
      committed the crime of high treason in an eminent degree, 61;
      his sentence, degradation from the dignity of count and all other
        honours, his body to be quartered, &c., _ib._;
      royal assent given to the sentence, 62;
      his sentence announced to him by Commissioner Uldall, 71;
      his fortitude, 72;
      his deep concern for Count Brandt, _ib._;
      his doubts and ruminations, 73;
      his letter to his parents, 74;
      his conversations with Münter, 77, 78, 79;
      his letter to Frau von Berkentin, chief gouvernante to the
        prince royal, 78;
      his letter to Chamberlain Christian Brandt, 80;
      his letter to Count Rantzau, 81;
      his farewell to his brother Justiz-rath Struensee, 83;
      his procession to the place of execution, 86, 87;
      his hopes of salvation, 90;
      his behaviour, 91;
      his execution and horrible death, 93;
      his head exposed on a pole, 94;
      his skull eventually stolen by four English sailors, 94 _note_;
      his character, 96 _et seq._;
      in prosperity not a hero, in misfortune cowardly and worthless, 96;
      of the romantic episodes of his life, 96;
      his acquirements, 97;
      his enlightened despotism, 98;
      remarks on his administration, 99;
      his mistaken policy, 100;
      after his fall behaved like a coward and a traitor, 100;
      Baron Seckendorf's account of his administration and the plots
        against his life, 199 _note_.

    Struensee, Justiz-rath, his intercommunication with his brother, 83;
      charges brought against him, 120;
      his high character, 121;
      his honorable conduct while in Prussia, 122;
      honored with the distinguished favor of Prince Henry of
        Prussia, _ib._;
      released from prison, 124;
      becomes minister of state in Prussia and ennobled in 1789, 124.

    Sturtz, councillor, groundless charges brought against, 107;
      biographical notices of, _ib._;
      how disposed of, 110, 112;
      dies of grief, 112.

    Suffolk, lord, his letter to Sir R. M. Keith respecting queen
        Matilda, 147;
      Keith's letter to, 161; Wraxall's fruitless visit to, 202, 203.

    Suhm, the historian, 95;
      his anecdote of the dowager queen's avenging spirit, 96.


T.

    Texier, M. le, treasurer to Christian VII., 176;
      proposes to Mr. Wraxall a project for restoring the Queen of
        Denmark, 179, 180;
      letters to be addressed to, 199.

    Thirty-two, council of the, 41.

    Torp, the valet, his evidence, 5.

    Traventhal league, 113.

    "Trésor," the, reserved by Struensee as a special cabinet treasury,
        46, 47.

    Trondhjem, garrison of, 127, 128;
      (_see_ MUNKHOLM).


U.

    Uldall, commissioner, announces to Struensee the sentence passed
        upon him, 71.


V.

    Vardohuus, a small fort built by Christian IV., 129.


W.

    Walpole, Horace, his version of the sailing of the British fleet, 144;
      his gossip respecting Queen Caroline Matilda, 145.

    Warnstedt, count, his alleged freedoms with the king, 5.

    Willebrandt, Etats-rath, groundless charges brought against, 108;
      how he was disposed of, 111, 112.

    Wiwet, Fiscal General, his charges against Count Brandt, 1.

    Wraxall, Mr. N. W., anecdote related by, 155;
      his visit to Celle, 172;
      biographical notices of _ib._;
      his introduction to Queen Matilda and the Princess of Brunswick, and
        his gracious reception, 173;
      his varied conversations with the queen, 174, 175;
      proceeds to Hamburg, 176;
      dines with the English consul, _ib._;
      the distinguished company he meets with, _ib._;
      his sentiments in favour of the queen, 178;
      receives a proposal for undertaking her restoration to the throne of
        Denmark, accepts the offer, and proceeds to Celle as an agent of
        the conspiracy, 180 _et seq._;
      his communications with the queen, 186-9;
      his second visit to the queen, with full instructions, 190-4;
      his important conversations with the queen, and his plans laid down
        for future proceedings, 195 _et seq._;
      meets with a strange adventure, 199;
      his return to England, 201;
      his arrival in London, and introduction to Baron von Lichtenstein,
        203;
      his communications with the king respecting the Queen of Denmark,
        and the plans of her exiled nobility for her restoration, 204 _et
        seq._;
      receives the king's answer to his propositions, 205;
      the articles in favour of the revolution assented to by the
        king, 207, 208;
      leaves England for Celle, 208;
      account of his journey and its dangers, 209 _et seq._;
      his arrival at Celle, 220;
      his interesting interview with the queen, 221, 222;
      his departure from Celle, and arrival at Hamburg, 223;
      delivers his despatches, _ib._;
      again visits the queen with letters from baron Bülow, 229;
      his interesting interview with the queen, 230-3;
      his interview with Baron von Seckendorf, 233;
      his departure from Celle, and arrival in London, 234;
      delivers his letters to M. Hinüber, 236;
      the difficulties he has to encounter, 236, 237;
      receives intelligence of the death of the Queen of Denmark, 238;
      the termination of his enterprise, 241;
      through the interest of Lord North he receives 1,000 guineas for
        his services, and the promise of a seat at the Board of Green
        Cloth, 241, _note_;
      the promise never fulfilled on account of his adverse vote in
        Parliament, _ib._;
      extracts from his correspondence with his father, relative to
        the restoration of Caroline Matilda, 291 _et seq._, (APPENDIX);
      his remuneration for his outlay and services withheld, 306, 321;
      sample of his cypher writing, 307-312, (APPENDIX.)


Z.

    Zell, (see CELLE), the castle of, 175.

    Zimmermann, Dr., 245.


LEWIS & SON, PRINTERS, SWAN BUILDINGS, MOORGATE STREET. LONDON.




    13, WATERLOO PLACE, S.W.,
    LONDON, _May_, 1864.

MESSRS. Wᴹ H. ALLEN & CO.'S

PUBLICATIONS.


IN THE PRESS.

MEMOIRS OF CAROLINE MATILDA,

Queen of Denmark, Sister of George III.

In Three vols. 8vo.

From Family and State Papers in the possession of Sir Lascelles Wraxall,
Bart.

    [_In June._


THE MYSTERIES OF THE VATICAN.

From the German. In Two Vols. post 8vo.


HENRY VIII.: AN HISTORICAL SKETCH.

BY CHARLES HASTINGS COLLETTE.

_This Work contains a Reply to the several popular errors connected with
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him._

Post 8vo, 9s.

LONDON REVIEW, _March_ 19, 1864.--"Mr. Collette has furnished Protestants
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MORNING ADVERTISER, _March_ 22, 1864.--"We heartily commend this volume
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"THEIR MAJESTIES' SERVANTS:"

Annals of the English Stage.

ACTORS--AUTHORS AND AUDIENCES,

From THOMAS BETTERTON to EDMUND KEAN.

BY DR. DORAN, F.S.A.,

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2 vols. 8vo, 32s.


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VOL. I.

Prologue--The Decline and Fall of the Players--The "Boy Actresses,"
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Theatre--Garrick and Quin: Garrick and Barry--The Audiences of
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VOL. II.

Margaret Woffington--Colley Cibber--England and Ireland--Byan,
Rich, O'Brien--Susanna Maria Cibber--Re-appearance of Spranger
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Barry--David Garrick--Spranger and Anne Barry--Kitty Clive, Woodward,
Shuter--Samuel Foote--Supplemental Catalogue of New Plays from the
retirement of Garrick to the end of the Eighteenth Century--Of Authors,
and particularly of condemned Authors--The Audiences of the last half
of the Eighteenth Century--Charles Macklin--A Bevy of Ladies; but
chiefly, Mrs. Bellamy, Miss Farren, Mrs. Abington, and "Perdita"--A
Group of Gentlemen--John Henderson--Sarah Siddons--John Kemble--George
Frederick Cooke--Master Betty--Stage Costume and Stage Tricks--Prologues,
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New Theatres; New Authors; and the New Actors--Edmund Kean.

       *       *       *       *       *

ATHENÆUM, _Nov._ 21, 1863.--"Dr. Doran has contrived a couple of volumes
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as a treasury of amusing anecdote by the lovers of gossip. The stage of
any country, whether it flourishes or not, is sure to produce a crop of
good stories, and no one can tell good stories better than Dr. Doran."

DAILY NEWS, _Dec._ 29, 1863.--"An elaborate history of the drama in all
its aspects.... When once taken up it must be read through. Every page
of the work is barbed with wit, and will make its way point foremost....
These volumes provide entertainment for the most diverse tastes."

SATURDAY REVIEW, _Dec._ 26, 1863.--"As a collection of anecdotes and
brief biographies, Dr. Doran's book leaves little or nothing to desire."

MORNING POST, _Jan._ 16, 1864.--"Dr. Doran's book contains a copious
review of all subjects connected with dramatic literature, with the
lives of players, and with the business of the stage, during the whole
period of the rise and growth of theatrical representations in England.
The style of the volumes is clever and amusing in a high degree; and the
diversified stories of information which they condense entitle them to a
perusal by every lover of the drama, and especially by every aspirant to
the honours of the sock and buskin."




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GERMAN LIFE AND MANNERS,

AS SEEN IN SAXONY AT THE PRESENT DAY:

With an Account of Village Life--Town Life--Fashionable Life--Married
Life--School and University Life, &c., of Germany at the Present Time.

Illustrated with Songs and Pictures of the Student Customs at the
University of Jena.

BY HENRY MAYHEW,

Author of "London Labour and London Poor," "Great World of London," &c.

Two Volumes, 8vo, 32s.


ATHENÆUM, _December_ 5_th_, 1863.--"This is a work, which in its
outspoken and perhaps sometimes boisterous frankness, will shock many
admirers of Goethe and Schiller, and of the land they lived in; but
which, nevertheless, in despite of the honest, downright blows which
Mr. Mayhew distributes so freely with his English cudgel on the members
of almost every German class and profession, and on almost every German
custom and institution, is full of original thought and observation, and
may be studied with profit by both German and English--especially by the
German."

BELL'S MESSENGER, _January_ 23_rd_, 1864.--"Mr. Mayhew's very amusing
volumes well deserve careful perusal. The Luther exploration is deeply
interesting."

MORNING POST, _December_ 31_st_, 1863.--"Mr. Mayhew has made up two very
interesting volumes."

ILLUSTRATED TIMES, _January_ 16_th_, 1864.--"Mr. Mayhew has produced the
most entertaining and (to a careful reader) instructive book we have
seen for a long time--a book that will be greedily gone through and long
remembered by everybody that takes it up."

ILLUSTRATED NEWS, _January_ 2_nd_, 1864.--"To say that Mr. Henry Mayhew
has written two exceedingly entertaining volumes will appear, to those
who know anything of his writings, equivalent only to saying that he has
written two volumes. He has now left English for German life; so far,
at least, as Saxony offers a specimen of it, and his descriptions are
characterised by the same graphic, uncompromising, and, one is bound to
say, moreover, studded, as usual, by gems of wit, humour and anecdote,
and illustrated by comparisons or contrasts, drawn from that vast stock
of experiences with which his acquaintance with an extensive range of
society has supplied him."

GLASGOW MORNING JOURNAL, _April_ 18, 1864.--"Mr. Mayhew's work is
excessively interesting, and in many passages excessively amusing, there
can be no manner of of doubt, while we have every reason to believe
that the picture it presents of German life and manners is in the main
strictly and literally true."

LONDON REVIEW, _Jan._ 16_th_, 1864.--"We do not know where to look for a
better view of the student life of a German university than Mr. Mayhew
gives us _àpropos_ of that of Jena."




THE

FORESTS AND GARDENS OF SOUTH INDIA.

BY HUGH CLEGHORN, M.D., F.L.S.,

Conservator of Forests, Madras Presidency.

In post 8vo, with Map and numerous Illustrations, price 12s.


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SECOND EDITION.

Dedicated, by Permission, to the Bishop of Oxford.

SOCIAL LIFE OF MUNICH.

BY EDWARD WILBERFORCE, ESQ.

Post 8vo, cloth, 10s. 6d.


CONTENTS:

    Munich from the Outside.
    Manners and Customs.
    Royalty.
    "The Two Kings of ----"
    Public Buildings.
    Picture Galleries.
    Künstler Feste.
    Cornelius in Munich.
    Kaulbach.
    Munich Artistic.
    Practical Munich.
    Bavarian Railways.
    The Royal Library.
    The Theatre in Munich.
    Concerts in Munich.
    Beerhouses.
    Village Life in Bavaria.
    Laws of Trade.
    Laws of Marriage.
    Laws of Police.

       *       *       *       *       *

SPECTATOR, _Nov._ 21, 1863.--"The 'Social Life' is altogether an
admirable photographic picture, sharp and clear, and true in every line
of light and shade."

READER, _Nov._ 14, 1863.--"It will command the attention of every
thinking German. Mr. Wilberforce's interesting volume embraces nearly the
whole range of Munich life, political, social, and artistic. 'Social Life
in Munich' is entirely free from the scandalous anecdotes by which town
travels are so often disfigured. Written throughout in a pleasing lively
strain, it is evidently the work of a keen observer, who benefits the
Germans whilst he amuses his own countrymen."

GUARDIAN, _Dec._ 2, 1863.--"Mr. Wilberforce has written a clever and
characteristic account of this famous city of art."

SATURDAY REVIEW, _Dec._ 26, 1863.--"A very able volume. Mr. Wilberforce
is a very pleasant and agreeable writer, whose opinion is worth hearing
on the subject of modern art, which enters largely into the matter of his
discourse."

EDINBURGH COURANT, _Nov._ 14, 1863.--"We welcome this agreeable and
instructive book."


SIR EVERARD'S DAUGHTER.

A NEW NOVEL.

BY JOHN CORDY JEAFFRESON,

Author of "Live it Down," &c.

Second Edition, post 8vo, 10s. 6d.

ATHENÆUM, _July_ 11, 1863.--"It is, perhaps, the most remarkable work of
fiction that Mr. Jeaffreson has written."

BELL'S MESSENGER, _July_ 18, 1863.--"Compared with many of Mr.
Jeaffreson's larger literary productions, this tale is but a sketch; yet
as such it shows the hand of a master, and proves that had he been at the
pains to have elaborated his subject upon a broader canvas, it would have
been not only one of the most successful specimens he has ever prepared,
but one of the most remarkable, for a long time past, given to the public
by any other modern novelist."




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THE IONIAN ISLANDS

In the Year 1863.

BY PROFESSOR D. T. ANSTED, M.A., F.R.S.

8vo, cloth, with Maps and Cuts, 16s.

SATURDAY REVIEW, _Dec._ 5, 1863.--"What Mr. Ansted saw in the Ionian
Islands he saw well, and under good auspices, and has noted down
carefully."

NONCONFORMIST, _Dec._ 18, 1863.--"Professor Ansted's volume furnishes
interesting information on all points on which information might fairly
be looked for in such a work. His narrative is throughout light and
agreeable reading."

ATHENÆUM, _Dec._ 21, 1863.--"Through these Islands Professor Ansted has
accomplished a pleasant run, the incidents of which are as pleasantly
narrated. What Professor Ansted effected in his volume on the Channel
Islands for that insular group in our own seas, he has accomplished as
successfully for these Isles of Greece in the work which we now make over
to its assured public."

THE PRESS, _Jan._ 22, 1864.--"Highly interesting on account of the great
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for the impartiality with which the various data for judging of the
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placed before the reader."


TRAVELS IN MEXICO,

SOUTH AMERICA, &c., &c.

BY G. T. VIGNE, ESQ.,

Author of "A Personal Visit to Ghuzni and Affghanistan," and "Travels in
Kashmir, Ladak," &c.

With Illustrations, 2 vols. post 8vo, 21s.

OBSERVER, _Nov._ 15, 1863.--"The author seems to have travelled over
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towns and places worth seeing, and his observations, which are made with
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feeling, an unaffected style, and a conscientious truthfulness."

SPECTATOR, _Nov._ 28, 1863.--"While in Nicaragua the Filibusters were
attracting the attention of Europe, and his (Mr. Vigne's) sketch of
the fortunes of General Walker up to his execution forms an episode of
considerable interest. The special charm in Mr. Vigne's work is the
keenness of his observations as a naturalist in the country in which,
above all others, nature seems to have revelled in strange and fantastic
creations. Without attempting set descriptions of external scenery or
natural phenomena, he manages, by the fidelity and freshness of style, to
convey to the mind of the reader the pervading atmosphere of the scene
and circumstances with rare felicity."

READER, _Jan._ 16, 1864.--"We can recommend this work as a pleasantly
written narrative of travel in a most interesting and little known
region."




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VICTOR HUGO;

A LIFE RELATED BY ONE WHO HAS WITNESSED IT.

INCLUDING

An Original Drama, in Three Acts,

ENTITLED

"INEZ DE CASTRO."

FROM THE FRENCH.

Two Vols. post 8vo, £1 1s.

Contents:

    La Vendée.
    Marriage.
    Campaign of the Rhine.
    Fra Diavolo.
    Journey into Italy.
    Arrest of Lahorie.
    Meeting with Napoleon.
    Coucha the Monk.
    Story of General Louis Hugo.
    El Empecinado.
    An Idyll at Bayonne.
    Masserano Palace.
    College of the Noble.
    France Invaded.
    Bourbons.
    The Hundred Days.
    The Foolish Things Master Hugo did before he was fully fledged.
    First Introduction to the Academy.
    A Word for Chateaubriand.
    Death of the Mother.
    Lamennais becomes Victor Hugo's Confessor.
    A Wedding.
    A Visit to Blois.
    Coronation of Charles X.
    Visit to Lamartine.
    M. Victor Hugo's Recital.
    Letter from Lamennais.
    Cromwell.
    Amy Robsart.
    The Scaffold.
    The Consequences of "The Last Day of a Convict."
    Ernani.
    Notre Dame de Paris.
    Marion de Lorme.
    Lucrezia Borgia.
    Marie Tudor.
    La Esmeralda.
    Fête at Versailles.

       *       *       *       *       *

ATHENÆUM, _June_ 27, 1863.--"The story of such a life as M. Victor Hugo,
told by a witness, can hardly fail to be a tale which will make Europe
sit still to listen."

PRESS, _July_ 25, 1863.--"These volumes contain a wonderful wealth of
anecdote, and we predict that they will be read with great avidity."

LONDON REVIEW, _July_ 25, 1863.--"We have said enough, we hope, to show
our readers that the present volumes will repay perusal. From beginning
to end we have found them full of lively and interesting gossip, with
numerous passages which have also an historical value."

STANDARD, _Sept._ 29, 1863.--"This is altogether a very charming little
book; its contents are so various that no reader can fail to be pleased,
and the style--light, graceful, and piquant--is the perfection of chatty
biography."

NONCONFORMIST, _Sept._ 2, 1863.--"A work which is sure to attract much
attention."

EDINBURGH COURANT, _Sept._ 19, 1863.--"The anecdotes--the pictures--the
sketches of continental men and women--all of which follow each other
naturally in the story of the career of a famous Frenchman, make this
life as instructive as it is amusing to British readers."




13 Waterloo Place, S. W.


_In One handsome 8vo volume_, _with_ 72 _Illustrations on Wood by_
VIZETELLY, LOUDAN, NICHOLLS, _and_ HART, _also with a Map_, _price_ _£_1
6_s_.

THE CHANNEL ISLANDS:

CONTAINING

Part I.--PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY.

The Channe and Channel Islands--Alderney, Ortach, and the
Casquets--Island and Coast of Guernsey--Islands and Rocks near
Guernsey--Jersey and adjacent Rocks--Chaussey Archipelago and the
Minquiers--Climate, Meteorology, and Sanitary Condition.


Part II.--NATURAL HISTORY.

Vegetable productions natural to the Islands--Animals in the Islands
and adjacent Seas--Geology and Mineralogy, Ancient Formations--Modern
Destruction and Renovation--Fauna and Flora, considered in reference to
their Physical Geography and Geology.


Part III.--CIVIL HISTORY.

Pagan and Legendary Period--German Period--Norman Conquest to beginning
of Civil Wars--Civil Wars--Accession of William the Third to present
Time--Antiquities and Archæology--Language and Literature.


Part IV.--ECONOMICS and TRADE.

Agriculture--Horticulture--Trade, Commerce, and
Manufactures--Constitution and Laws--Manners and Customs--Principal
Public Institutions--Hints to Tourists--Money, Weights, and
Measures--Statistics.

BY DAVID THOMAS ANSTED, M.A., F.R.S., &c.,

AND

ROBERT GORDON LATHAM, M.A., M.D., F.R.S.

_The Illustrations drawn on Wood expressly for this Work, by_ PAUL J.
NAFTEL, _Member of the London Society of Painters in Water Colours_.

       *       *       *       *       *

SATURDAY REVIEW, _April_ 4, 1863.--"This is a really valuable work. A
book which will long remain the standard authority on its subject. No one
who has been to the Channel Islands, or who purposes going there, will be
insensible of its value."

ATHENÆUM, _Nov._ 16, 1862.--"It is the produce of many hands, and every
hand a good one. Nearly everything which a man can desire to know about
Jersey, Guernsey, Alderney, and Sark, about their history, geography, and
natural history, Professor Ansted and Dr. Latham have contrived to tell."

SPECTATOR, _Jan._ 24, 1863.--"We are quite sure that to all classes of
readers this work will prove exceedingly interesting, while scientific
men will acknowledge that it leaves no room for any future history of the
Islands."

LONDON REVIEW, _Jan._ 17, 1863.--"We can safely say that no one can visit
the Channel Islands without finding much to interest and inform in the
work before us."

OBSERVER, _Nov._ 30, 1862.--"As gems of art, these illustrations have
rarely been equalled, and certainly have never been surpassed. They are
alone sufficient to confer a lasting popularity and permanent value.
The volume however, possesses an intrinsic worth irrespective of all
its graces of adornment, which will not fail to command it the hearty
approbation of every reader."




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SECOND EDITION.

AN INQUIRY INTO THE THEORIES OF HISTORY, CHANCE, LAW, WILL;

With SPECIAL REFERENCE to the PRINCIPLES of POSITIVE PHILOSOPHY.

BY WILLIAM ADAM.

8vo, cloth, 15s.

WESTMINSTER REVIEW.--"The 'Inquiry into the Theories of History,'
although anonymous, is a first-rate book. Its object is to reconcile
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most able and effectual vindication of Theism, and of a rational, as
opposed to irrational, Positivism."

CORNHILL MAGAZINE.--"Written with remarkable ability, and, considering
its polemical spirit, with excellent temper. The style is always
animated, and at times felicitous. The volume gives ample proof
of metaphysical acuteness. One good service it will certainly
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great fundamental problems of historical science."

SPECTATOR.--"The whole book bears the evident mark of maturity of
thought. The third chapter is full of thoughtful and able argument, in
which the positions, not only of Comte, but often of Mill, are powerfully
and successfully assailed."

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but no competent critic will be prepared to pronounce it dull. It is
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of the entire problem before turning aside from the contemplation of it.
Be the writer who he may, he has the credit, at least, of producing a
highly original work."


THE POLISH CAPTIVITY:

An ACCOUNT of the PRESENT POSITION and PROSPECTS of the POLES in the
KINGDOM of POLAND,

AND IN THE POLISH PROVINCES OF AUSTRIA, PRUSSIA, AND RUSSIA.

BY SUTHERLAND EDWARDS.

Two Volumes, 8vo, with Chromo-Lithographic Illustrations, 26s.

TIMES, _April_ 2, 1863.--"A highly opportune production."

SPECTATOR, _March_ 28, 1863.--"The 'Polish Captivity' is full of light
but suggestive sketches, _pièces justificatives_ of historic value,
national songs and stories, descriptions of Polish towns, Polish
notabilities, and Polish women, and is, besides, a book an English lady
might read with twice the ease of Mr. Trollope's latest novel."

ATHENÆUM, _March_ 21, 1863.--"Mr. Edwards' book will be read with deep
interest. It is well written, and the narratives are well constructed."

LONDON REVIEW, _March_ 28, 1863.--"The book in which Mr. Sutherland
Edwards has depicted the 'Polish Captivity' would have been valuable at
any time, but the opportuneness of its arrival so enhances its merits,
that it is certain to command a greater than ordinary success."




13 Waterloo Place, S. W.


SECOND EDITION.

THE RUSSIANS AT HOME:

UNPOLITICAL SKETCHES.

Showing what Newspapers they read; what Theatres they frequent; and how
they eat, drink, and enjoy themselves; with other matter relating chiefly
to Literature, Music, and to Places of Historical and Religious Interest
in and about Moscow.

BY SUTHERLAND EDWARDS, ESQ.

Second Edition, in post 8vo, with Illustrations, price 10s. 6d.

EDINBURGH EVENING COURANT.--"It is a book that we can seriously
recommend, not only to those who are desirous of abundant and reliable
information respecting the social economy of the Russian people, but to
those who seek an entertaining volume, that may be perused in any part
with both profit and amusement."

GLOBE.--"This book is full of useful information and sensible comment on
a people and country which are very little known in England, even among
the cultivated and travelling classes."

ILLUSTRATED TIMES.--"The book may be recommended as embodying a large
amount of varied information concerning Russia in the pleasantest
possible form. Every page has the advantage of being readable, and is
always fresh in what it has to say and in the manner of saying it."

SPECTATOR.--"This is not only one of the most amusing books that we have
read for a long time, but also the best and most reliable account of
Russian life and manners which has hitherto been given to the public."


SECOND EDITION.

THE HISTORY OF THE OPERA,

From Monteverde to Donizetti.

BY SUTHERLAND EDWARDS, ESQ.

2 vols. post 8vo, 21s.

THE TIMES.--"The new history of the lyrical drama with which Mr.
Sutherland Edwards favours the public, has three qualities to recommend
it. In the first place, it contains, for its size, a very complete
account of the progress of an art, which now, beyond all others, occupies
the attention of the civilized world; in the second place, it is one of
those treasures of amusing anecdote that may be taken up and laid down at
a moment's notice; in the third place, it abounds with the observations
of a shrewd and independent thinker, who has seen much, read much, and
travelled much, and who approaches his subject less as a professed
musician than as one of those cultivated men who take a position between
the artist and the multitude, and who, after all, constitute the
body upon whom the general appreciation of every art depends.... The
anecdotes, which we have given in illustration of an extremely short
and inglorious period of operatic history, occupy but very few pages in
Mr. Edwards' book; and, when we inform our readers that his two volumes
are replete with matter of the same kind, they will easily judge of the
amount of entertainment to be derived from his labours. So abundant is
his material, that he might, if he had pleased, have filled a dozen
quartos; and, as he himself confesses, he found the task of omission
heavier than that of collection. Let us add, that he has omitted well,
and that he has seasoned a pleasant and instructive history with the very
concentrated essence of agreeable gossip."

HERALD.--"Mr. Edwards has here produced a work which ought to command
a great sale, if its merits and the great number of opera-goers may be
considered. Completely master of his subject, and possessing a ready
and pleasing pen, Mr. Edwards in these volumes gives us an exceedingly
interesting history of operatic performances."

SUN.--"We commend these light and pleasant volumes to all lovers
of musical and dramatic art, assuring them they will find ample
entertainment in their animated pages."




Wm. H. Allen & Co.


SECOND EDITION.

LADY MORGAN'S MEMOIRS:

Autobiography, Diaries, and Correspondence.

INCLUDING

LETTERS FROM

    KING JEROME,
    MADAME PATTERSON BONAPARTE,
    THE DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE,
    DUCHESS OF DEVONSHIRE,
    DUKE OF LEINSTER,
    MARQUIS WELLESLEY,
    MARQUIS OF ANGLESEY,
    MARQUIS OF ABERCORN,
    MARCHIONESS OF ABERCORN,
    THE EARL OF ABERDEEN,
    THE EARL OF CARLISLE,
    LORD MELBOURNE,
    LADY CAROLINE LAMB,
    LORD CLONCURRY,
    LADY STANLEY,
    LORD DARNLEY,
    THE COUNTESS OF CORK AND ORRERY,
    LADY LEITRIM,
    LORD DUNCANNON,
    LORD MACAULAY,
    LORD ERSKINE,
    JOSEPH HUME,
    DANIEL O'CONNELL,
    SHEIL,
    E. JENNER,
    LA FAYETTE,
    BYRON,
    COUNTESS GUICCIOLI,
    MOORE,
    DOUGLAS JERROLD,
    SIR E. BULWER LYTTON,
    THOMAS CAMPBELL,
    MRS. HEMANS,
    REV. SIDNEY SMITH.

       *       *       *       *       *

OBSERVER.--"Full of pleasant memoirs and piquant reading."

DAILY TELEGRAPH.--"The book that tells the story of Lady Morgan's life
will always be of value for its pictures of a state of society which,
with much of its good, and more of its evil, has passed away for ever."

DAILY NEWS.--"Surveying, as they do, considerably more than half the last
hundred years, and touching upon some of the most instructive events of
that period, these volumes, it need hardly be said, are most interesting.
Princes, dukes, and nobles, authors, artists, and _literati_ of every
profession, crowd the pages of the work."

MANCHESTER EXAMINER.--"One of the most pleasant books of its class with
which we are acquainted."

In Two Volumes, 8vo, price 26s.

With a Portrait of LADY MORGAN, by Sir Thomas Lawrence, and a Portrait of
SIR CHARLES MORGAN.


THE NATIONALITIES OF EUROPE.

BY DR. R. G. LATHAM.

Two Vols. 8vo, 32s.

OBSERVER.--"The mass of facts gathered from all quarters and crowded
together in the pages of these volumes is something wonderful."




13 Waterloo Place, S. W.


THIRD EDITION.

HISTORY OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE

IN INDIA.

BY EDWARD THORNTON, ESQ.

Containing a copious Glossary of Indian Terms, and a complete
Chronological Index of Events, to aid the aspirant for Public
Examinations.

One Vol. 8vo, with Map, price 16s.

THE TIMES.--"Mr. Thornton is master of a style of great perspicuity and
vigour, always interesting, and frequently rising into eloquence. His
power of painting character and of bringing before the eye of the reader
the events which he relates, is remarkable; and if the knowledge of India
can be made popular, we should say his is the pen to effect it."

GLOBE.--"Mr. Thornton's history is comprehensive in its plan, clear and
forcible in its style, and impartial in its tone."

EDINBURGH EVENING COURANT.--"The writer evinces diligence and research
into original authorities; his style is easy, and the intrinsic interest
of the important events of Indian history is thus increased by a popular
and amusing narrative."

PATRIOT.--"The style of the work is free, rapid, and spirited, and bears
marks of a thorough familiarity with the subject. Every Englishman ought
to be acquainted with the history of the British Empire in India, and we
therefore cordially recommend this work to our readers."

The LIBRARY EDITION in Six Vols. may be had, £2 8s.


A GAZETTEER OF INDIA,

Compiled chiefly from the Records at the India Office,

WITH NOTES, MARGINAL REFERENCES, AND MAP.

BY EDWARD THORNTON, ESQ.

*⁎* The chief objects in view in compiling this Gazetteer are:--

    1st. To fix the relative position of the various cities, towns, and
    villages, with as much precision as possible, and to exhibit with the
    greatest practicable brevity all that is known respecting them; and,

    2ndly. To note the various countries, provinces, or territorial
    divisions, and to describe the physical characteristics of each,
    together with their statistical, social, and political circumstances.

To these are added minute descriptions of the principal rivers and
chains of mountains; thus presenting to the reader, within a brief
compass, a mass of information which cannot otherwise be obtained, except
from a multiplicity of volumes and manuscript records. The work, in
short, may be regarded as an epitome of all that has been written and
published respecting the territories under the government or political
superintendence of the British power in India.

In Four Vols. 8vo, with Map, price £2 16s.




Wm. H. Allen & Co.


FOURTH EDITION.

AUTOBIOGRAPHY

OF

MISS CORNELIA KNIGHT,

Lady-Companion to the Princess Charlotte of Wales,

WITH EXTRACTS FROM HER JOURNALS AND ANECDOTE BOOKS.

In Two Vols. 8vo, with Portrait of the PRINCESS CHARLOTTE of WALES, price
26s.

TIMES.--"Why we should turn to these volumes as among the most
interesting of the recent season will be sufficiently evident as we
indicate their contents."

MORNING STAR, _July_ 22, 1861.--"Emphatically a readable book is
this autobiography. Indeed, having once opened it, the reader cannot
easily lay it aside until he has got through the whole. Not the least
interesting part is the collection of miscellaneous anecdotes of persons
and events which are clustered together as a sort of appendix at the
close. It is a book fit to be read, but fit also for something better
than a casual reading; worthy of a higher repute than an evanescent
popularity, merely founded upon the great names it introduces, and the
amusing scraps of gossip it contains."

ATHENÆUM, _June_ 8, 1861.--"Of the popularity of these volumes, on
account of their historical as well as gossiping merits, there can be no
doubt whatever."


THE REPUBLIC OF FOOLS:

BEING

THE HISTORY OF THE STATE AND PEOPLE OF ABDERA, IN THRACE.

TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN OF C. M. VON WIELAND,

BY THE REV. H. CHRISTMAS.

In Two Volumes, post 8vo, cloth, price 18s.

OBSERVER.--"As a prose satire, the History of the Abderites yields only
in breadth of humour and pungency of wit to Dean Swift's immortal Travels
of Captain Lemuel Gulliver; and of works of that class, we know of none
in any language that can compare with either of the two."

LONDON REVIEW.--"Here is enjoyment for many a Christmas to come, for
many thousands of English boys, and many thousands of English men and
women. Unfortunately for the world, Pisistratus Caxton departed this
life without having made any contribution towards the great history of
human folly, save, indeed, by the records of his own. Mr. Christmas has
given us something even better in his translation of Wieland's Abderites;
and in the simplest, most racy, and vernacular English, has enriched
our literature with another character of the family dear to mankind, of
the Quixotes, Gullivers and other human foils of human self-love and
vanity. If the addition to our shelves of a book to delight the young
and instruct the old, overflowing with wit, fun, drollery inexpressible,
wisdom, depth and knowledge, is an achievement deserving of national
thanks, we undertake to convey our share to Mr. Christmas, fearing only
lest we should not have thanked him sufficiently."

MORNING HERALD.--"There is, indeed, about it, nothing of the stiffness
of a translation; and the work reads with all the ease and freedom of an
original composition."




13 Waterloo Place, S. W.


THE HISTORY OF CHESS,

From the Time of the Early Invention of the Game in India till the Period
of its Establishment in Western and Central Europe.

BY DUNCAN FORBES, LL.D.

8vo, 15s.

HERALD.--"This volume will be a welcome addition to the library of every
lover of the noble game of chess. Our author makes a stout fight for the
Hindoos as the inventors of the game, and adduces many cogent proofs
in support of his opinion. He shows how the game is played in other
countries, how it has been modified both in the names of the pieces and
the names of the game by the peculiarities of the country or the national
temperament of the inhabitants; and then traces the steps by which it
has arrived at its present place of honour in civilized and intellectual
Europe. The book is, therefore, full of curious lore, that lean on other
and higher subjects than chess-playing, for it involves dissertations
on ethnology, comparative etymology, the dispersion and settlement of
nations, and the manners and customs of different countries, to a degree
that would not be at all anticipated by a person who contented himself
by reading the title-page. All this information is given, not in any
dry, repulsive, or even technical style, but freshly, clearly, and in an
animated manner--the style that would naturally be adopted by a gentleman
and man of the world."


THE ARMIES OF THE GREAT POWERS.

BY LASCELLES WRAXALL.

Post 8vo, 10s. 6d.

*⁎* "The object of this work is to furnish a correct and detailed account
of the amount and nature of the forces belonging to the Great Powers.
At a glance may be perceived the strength of the respective armies, and
characteristics of their troops, their drill, discipline, and uniform.
Although Mr. Wraxall treats more especially of the Armies of France,
Austria, England, Russia, and Prussia, he has not omitted those of
Sardinia, Turkey, and Anglo-India. The value of such a manual can hardly
be over-estimated at the present moment."

SATURDAY REVIEW.--"To all whose interest in the noble art of national
self-defence is as real as it should be, a compilation like Mr. Wraxall's
has considerable value."


SIN: ITS CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES.

AN ATTEMPT TO INVESTIGATE THE ORIGIN, NATURE, EXTENT, AND RESULTS OF
MORAL EVIL.

A Series of Lent Lectures.

BY THE REV. HENRY CHRISTMAS, M.A., F.R.S.

Post 8vo, cloth, price 5s.

CIVIL SERVICE GAZETTE.--"These lectures are learned, eloquent, and
earnest, and though they approach the 'limits of religious thought,'
they do not transgress those limits; and they present the reader with a
comprehensive review, based upon revelation, of the nature, extent, and
consequences of moral evil or sin, both in this world and the world to
come."




Wm. H. Allen & Co.


HUNGARY AND TRANSYLVANIA

In 1862.

BY PROFESSOR D. T. ANSTED, M.A., F.R.S., &c.

ATHENÆUM, _June_ 16, 1862.--"Professor Ansted's descriptions are written
with a neatness attesting the accuracy of a scientific observer's eyes.
His volume is one of both value and entertainment: a book calculated to
turn the thoughts of tourists down the Danube."

DAILY NEWS, _Sept._ 8, 1862.--"We have read many books on Hungary, but
not one which, in so brief a compass and on so many different aspects of
the land and its inhabitants, conveys an equal amount of information in
so satisfactory a style."


MEMORABLE EVENTS OF MODERN HISTORY.

BY J. G. EDGAR.

In One closely-printed post 8vo volume, with Illustrations, price 6s. 6d.

*⁎* A volume narrating the History of the Principal Events of Modern
Europe, and calculated to serve at once as an educational book, as a
reading book, and a book of reference.

PRESS, _Feb._ 2, 1862.--"Mr. Edgar is always pure, elegant, and vigorous.
He seems to have received from nature, what men vainly strive to acquire
from art, the power of writing narrative easily, clearly, and forcibly.
Goldsmith possessed this faculty, and Southey undoubtedly possessed it;
and we know of few contemporary writers in the English language who
possess it to an equal degree with Mr. Edgar. The book is a capital one,
and fully up to the higher level of educational literature, of which the
rising generation has the benefit. We confidently recommend it to the
public, and wish it, for their sakes, all the success which it deserves."

OBSERVER, _Feb._ 23, 1862.--"A most acceptable and useful present for the
youth of both sexes."


THE SCIENCE OF HOME LIFE:

CONTAINING

    Heat in its Relation to Things in General.

    On the Physical Relations of the Atmosphere as affected by Heat,
    Moisture, and Pressure.

    The Atmosphere in Relation to Vegetable and Animal Life.

    On Coal and Coal-Gas.

    On Flame, and the Chemistry of a Candle.

    The Physical and Chemical Properties of Water.

    On Soap, with some Account of Bleaching and Disinfecting Agents.

    Glass, China, and Earthenware.

    The Noble Metals.

    The Base Metals.

    On Fermentation and Fermented Liquors.

    The Breakfast Table.

    The Dinner Table.

    Ourselves in Relation to the External World.

In 8vo, with numerous Illustrations, 6s.




13 Waterloo Place, S. W.


A COURSE

OF

ELEMENTARY MATHEMATICS,

FOR THE USE OF CANDIDATES FOR ADMISSION INTO EITHER OF THE MILITARY
COLLEGES; OF APPLICANTS FOR APPOINTMENTS IN THE HOME OR INDIAN CIVIL
SERVICE; AND OF MATHEMATICAL STUDENTS GENERALLY.

BY PROFESSOR J. R. YOUNG.

In One closely-printed Volume, 8vo, pp. 648, price 12s.

ATHENÆUM, _March_ 9, 1861.--"In the work before us he has digested a
complete Elementary Course by aid of his long experience as a teacher
and a writer; and he has produced a very useful book.... Mr. Young has
not allowed his own taste to rule the distribution, but has adjusted his
parts with the skill of a veteran."

THE LONDON REVIEW, _April_ 6, 1861.--"Mr. Young is well known as the
author of undoubtedly the best treatise on the 'Theory of Equations'
which is to be found in our language--a treatise distinguished by
originality of thought, great learning, and admirable perspicuity. Nor
are these qualities wanting in the work which we are reviewing....
Considering the difficulty of the task which Mr. Young has undertaken
to discharge, and the extent of useful knowledge he has succeeded in
imparting accurately and lucidly in so small a compass, we can without
hesitation commend this work to the public as by far the best elementary
course of mathematics in our language."


ANOTHER BLOW FOR LIFE.

BY GEORGE GODWIN, ESQ., F.R.S.,

Author of "London Shadows, Town Swamps, and Social Bridges," Editor of
"The Builder," &c., &c.

ASSISTED BY JOHN BROWN.

WITH FORTY-ONE ILLUSTRATIONS.

In fcap. 4to, cloth.

OBSERVER, _Jan._ 3, 1864.--"This book should be studied by all who have
a grain of kindly feeling towards their poorer neighbours, and every one
should strive to find some means of alleviating the misery it points out.
The illustrations with which the book is liberally supplied will go far
to make the subject better understood."

BELL'S MESSENGER, _Jan._ 16, 1864.--"'Another Blow for Life' is a great
and good book, and does honour to its author's head and heart."

THE READER, _Jan._ 9, 1864.--"The author deserves honour for the
persevering and indomitable energy with which he has faithfully
chronicled all those material dilapidations and filth which are the
inevitable concomitants of moral decadence, and we hope his book will
fall into the thankful hands of every thinking man and escape the too
frequent fate of books chronicling disagreeable truths which come
unpleasantly, 'between the wind and our nobility.'"




Wm. H. Allen & Co.


THIRD EDITION.

ILLUSTRATED HORSE DOCTOR:

Being an Accurate and Detailed Account, accompanied by more than 400
Pictorial Representations, characteristic of the various Diseases to
which the Equine Race are subjected; together with the latest Mode of
Treatment, and all the Requisite Prescriptions written in Plain English.

BY EDWARD MAYHEW, M.R.C.V.S.,

Author of "The Illustrated Horse Management."

In 8vo, price 18s. 6d., cloth.

_Mr. Mayhew's_ ILLUSTRATED HORSE DOCTOR, _and his companion volume_, THE
ILLUSTRATED HORSE MANAGEMENT, _should be in the possession of all who
keep horses_.

CONTENTS:

    THE BRAIN AND NERVOUS SYSTEM.--Phrenitis; Abscess within the brain;
    Staggers; Sleepy Staggers and Mad Staggers; Megrims; Hydrophobia;
    Tetanus; Stringhalt; Partial Paralysis; Gutta Serena.

    THE EYES.--Simple Ophthalmia; Specific Ophthalmia; Cataract; Fungoid
    Tumours within the substance of the Eye; Lacerated Eyelid; Impediment
    in the Lachrymal Duct.

    THE MOUTH.--Excoriated Angles of the Mouth; Parrot Mouth; Lampas;
    Injuries to the Jaw; Aphtha; Lacerated Tongue; Teeth; Scald Mouth.

    THE NOSTRILS.--Cold; Nasal Polypus; Nasal Gleet; Highblowing and
    Wheezing.

    THE THROAT.--Sore Throat; Cough; Laryngitis; Roaring; Choking;
    Rupture and Stricture of the Œsophagus; Bronchocele.

    THE CHEST AND ITS CONTENTS.--Congestion in the Field; Congestion
    in the Stable; Bronchitis, or Inflammation of the Air Passages;
    Pneumonia, or Inflammation of the Lungs; Pleurisy; Hydrothorax;
    Disease of the Heart.

    THE STOMACH, LIVER, &C.--Spasm of the Diaphragm; Acute Gastritis;
    Chronic Gastritis; Bots; Chronic Hepatitis; Crib-biting.

    THE ABDOMEN.--Enteritis; Acute Dysentery; Chronic Dysentery; Acites,
    or Dropsy of the Abdomen; Influenza; Abdominal Injuries; Worms;
    Spasmodic Colic, Fret, Gripes; Windy Colic.

    THE URINARY ORGANS.--Nephritis, or Inflammation of the Kidneys;
    Cystitis, or Inflammation of the Bladder; Spasm of the Urethra;
    Calculi; Hæmaturia, or Bloody Urine; Diabetes Insipidus, or Profuse
    Staling; Albuminous Urine.

    THE SKIN.--Mange; Prurigo; Ringworm; Surfeit; Hide-bound; Lice;
    Larva in the Skin; Warts; Tumours; Swollen Legs; Sitfast; Grease;
    Mallenders and Sallenders; Cracked Heels.

    SPECIFIC DISEASES.--Broken Wind; Mellanosis; Water Farcy; Purpura
    Hæmorrhagica; Strangles; Glanders.

    LIMBS.--Osseous Deposits; Spavin; Splint; Ringbone; Strain of the
    Flexor Tendon; Clap of the Back Sinews; Sprain of the Back Sinews;
    Breaking Down; Curb; Occult Spavin; Rheumatism; Windgalls; Bog
    Spavin; Thoroughpin; Capped Knee; Capped Hock; Capped Elbow; Luxation
    of the Patella; Blood Spavin.

    THE FEET.--Lameness; Pumice Foot; Sandcrack; False Quarter; Seedy
    Toe; Tread and Over-reach; Corns; Quittor; Canker; Thrush; Ossified
    Cartilages; Acute Laminitis, or Fever in the Feet; Sub-Acute
    Laminitis; Navicular Disease.

    INJURIES.--Poll Evil; Fistulous Withers; Fistulous Parotid Duct;
    Phlebitis, or Inflammation of the Vein; Broken Knees; Open Synovial
    Cavities; Open Synovial Joints; Wounds.

    OPERATIONS.--Tracheotomy; Periosteotomy; Neurotomy; Division of the
    tendons; Quittor.


CRITICAL NOTICES.

FIELD, _July_ 28, 1863.--"The book contains nearly 600 pages of valuable
matter, which reflects great credit on its author, and, owing to its
practical details, the result of deep scientific research, deserves
a place in the library of medical, veterinary, and non-professional
readers."

ATHENÆUM, _August_ 4, 1860.--"Mr. Mayhew has written several works on
the diseases, with details of the anatomy, of animals. His accuracy is
great. The chapters are well arranged. Each speaks of the diseases of one
part of the equine frame. The illustrations to these are excellent. The
operations are accurately described; not the slightest useful hint is
forgotten; while to render this portion more intelligible, diagrams of
the parts to be operated on, with views of the instruments, are generally
given; and the prescriptions, as stated in the title-page, are made out
in English. The causes, symptoms, and treatment of diseases are briefly
recorded in a summary, forming an appendix. We conclude by commending Mr.
Mayhew's book, especially to every possessor of the most useful of the
'servants of man.'"

ILLUSTRATED NEWS.--"The great mass of the illustrations are wonderfully
faithful, and they are so varied and interesting that we would undertake
to get rid of the most confirmed bore that ever pressed heavily on
mankind for a good two hours by only handing him the book, and directing
his attention to them. It is a well-known fact that grooms only remember
the names of four or five diseases, and are sadly indiscriminate in
their knowledge of symptoms. This book furnishes at once the bane and
the antidote, as the drawings show the horse not only suffering from
every kind of disease, but in the different stages of it, while the
alphabetical summary at the end gives the cause, symptoms, and treatment
of each."

GLOBE.--"Every gentleman who possesses or cares for horses, would do well
to keep this book in his house."

ERA.--"We advisedly say that 'The Illustrated Horse Doctor' is the very
best book of the kind which we know; and what gives it an especial charm
is, that the author so thoroughly sympathises with the noble animal which
he describes. Without pretending to go into any analysis of this valuable
work, we at once pronounce it as scientific, yet intelligible; informing,
yet highly amusing; acceptable to the profound horse-doctor, yet the work
of all others for the bookshelves in every gentleman's sanctum."

ARMY AND NAVY GAZETTE.--"Mr. Mayhew's volume will, we imagine, meet with
a hearty welcome. It is just such a good practical work on the Veterinary
Art as most of us horse-using (and not unfrequently, we fear, abusing)
Englishmen have long felt the need of.--We must not conclude our remarks
without commenting on the numerous wood-cuts with which the volume is
embellished. It is truly, as it professes to be, an '_Illustrated Horse
Doctor_.'"

ILLUSTRATED TIMES.--"Many years ago the writer of these lines was
incidentally 'read up' in horse literature, and a good deal in the way
of sporting people. His reading and observation in that way have been
very pleasantly recalled by this _model_ book. We need not waste words
about this admirable volume--manual, we were going to say, but it is
more of an armful than a handful. It is quite beyond praise of ours in
its completeness and general excellence, concerned as it is our lot to
be with the study instead of the steed. But we showed it to a friend of
ours (living at Horsely-down), who spends his mornings at Tattersall's
and his afternoons at the Alhambra, and his evenings at Astley's, and
his criticism was conveyed in these emphatic words. 'Sir,' said he (his
name is Ryder), 'it is the Buchan's Domestic Medicine of the stable; the
mantle of Bucephalus has fallen upon Mr. Mayhew.' Every way the work is
interesting, and it is beautifully got up; the paper and print being the
best we have seen for some time."


TEA CULTIVATION,

COTTON AND OTHER AGRICULTURAL EXPERIMENTS IN INDIA.

BY W. NASSAU LEES, LL.D.

In 8vo, price 8s. 6d.




Wm. H. Allen & Co.


The Illustrated

HORSE MANAGEMENT,

CONTAINING

DESCRIPTIVE REMARKS UPON ANATOMY, MEDICINE, SHOEING, TEETH, FOOD, VICES,
STABLES;

LIKEWISE

A PLAIN ACCOUNT OF THE SITUATION, NATURE, AND VALUE OF THE VARIOUS POINTS;

TOGETHER WITH

COMMENTS ON GROOMS, DEALERS, BREEDERS, BREAKERS, AND TRAINERS;

ALSO ON CARRIAGES AND HARNESS.

Embellished with more than 400 Engravings from Original Designs made
expressly for this Work.

BY EDWARD MAYHEW, M.R.C.V.S.,

Author of "The Illustrated Horse Doctor," and other works.

In One Volume 8vo, pp. 612.

CONTENTS:

    THE BODY of the horse anatomically considered.

    PHYSIC.--The mode of administering it, and minor operations.

    SHOEING.--Its origin, its uses, and its varieties.

    THE TEETH.--Their natural growth, and the abuses to which they are
    liable.

    FOOD.--The fittest time for feeding, and the kind of food which the
    horse naturally consumes.

    THE EVILS which are occasioned by modern stables.

    THE FAULTS inseparable from most present erections which are used as
    stables.

    THE SO-CALLED "INCAPACITATING VICES," which are the results of injury
    or of disease.

    STABLES as they should be.

    GROOMS.--Their prejudices, their injuries, and their duties.

    HORSE DEALERS.--Who they are; their mode of dealing; their profits;
    their morality, and their secrets.

    POINTS.--Their relative importance, and where to look for their
    development.

    BREEDING.--Its inconsistencies and its disappointments.

    BREAKING AND TRAINING.--Their errors and their results.

    CARRIAGES.--Their cost; their make; their excellences and their
    management.

    SADDLERY, HARNESS, AND STABLE SUNDRIES.--Of what these consist; their
    application and their preservation.

_Mr. Mayhew's_ ILLUSTRATED HORSE DOCTOR, _and his companion volume_, THE
ILLUSTRATED HORSE MANAGEMENT, _should be in the possession of all who
keep horses_.

CRITICAL NOTICES.

ATHENÆUM, _Feb._ 20, 1864.--"Mr. Mayhew thoroughly comprehends the
matter, and all masters of studs--we may say, every owner of a single
pony or ass--will derive much profit and an equal amount of pleasure by
perusing this volume; for the book is not only distinguished by common
sense, but by its power of amusing. We never met with a volume which more
honestly and efficiently carried out the promise made on its title-page.
A large amount of English life, ways, manners, morals, dodges and doings
is described by Mr. Mayhew, as well as more serious matter connected with
the question which he so ably handles."

STANDARD, _Jan._ 27, 1864.--"It is, perhaps, the most perfect work yet
published upon the management of horses. Everywhere Mr. Mayhew writes
ably and readably, and with neither fear nor favour; his observations
always commend themselves to one's understanding, and he hits fairly
many blots in our present system of management. The engravings are
exceedingly well executed, and they illustrate the text actually as well
as nominally."

OBSERVER, _Jan._ 10, 1864.--"Mr. Mayhew is already favourably known to
a large number of persons interested in the management of horses by a
former work, with the title of the 'Illustrated Horse Doctor,' and the
volume under notice will certainly add considerably to his reputation for
extensive knowledge and thorough acquaintance with the subject with which
he professes to deal. Mr. Mayhew also has some very useful remarks on the
situation, nature and value of the various points to be looked for by
the purchaser of a horse, and this useful information is supplemented by
some very excellent and truthful remarks upon grooms, dealers, breeders,
breakers and trainers, the whole forming a most valuable work for
guidance and reference, and displaying in every page an earnest desire
to improve the condition and treatment of one of the noblest and most
serviceable animals provided for the use of man."

SPECTATOR, _Feb._ 6, 1864.--"No horseman who can afford to buy it will
regret the purchase of Mr. Mayhew's 'Illustrated Horse Management.'"

BELL'S MESSENGER.--"There can be no question that Mr. Mayhew is the
most competent man of the day for the task which he has undertaken, and
we must add most satisfactorily accomplished. 'The Illustrated Horse
Management' may be fitly termed an encyclopædia of all that relates
to the horse, and the several uses to which it can be applied. We,
therefore, earnestly recommend this handsome volume to our readers, with
the conviction that every one who cares for his horse can profitably and
pleasurably consult its well-stored pages."

SUN, _Jan._ 19, 1864.--"We have read Mr. Mayhew's book with all the
attention which it so eminently merits, and we have no hesitation in
asserting that it is the most comprehensive and instructive work on the
subject of horse management which we have ever had the luck to meet with.
The 'Illustrated Horse Management' is a work which should find a place
in the library of every country gentleman, for the most experienced may
derive benefit from its perusal."

NONCONFORMIST, _March_ 9, 1864.--"Grooms hate their masters to be too
knowing, but whoever shall quietly study this book, and make it his guide
for a few weeks in the observation and control of his own stable, will
not afterwards feel himself to be dependent on his servants. Mr. Mayhew
writes clearly, forcibly, and delightfully, and we earnestly recommend
his book to every one who is the owner of even a pony for his children's
use, while those who have extensive stables should read and read again
every paragraph of its closely packed contents."

GLOBE, _Feb._ 22, 1864.--"Mr. Mayhew writes on a subject of which he
is master; and his new book is a work of care, experience and general
enlightenment, as concerns the management of horses."

ECONOMIST, _March_ 5, 1864.--"The 'Illustrated Horse Management,' by
Edward Mayhew, is really a very useful book to all who are concerned
with horses, either for pleasure or profit. To English farmers, who may
be induced to breed horses, the various points of management which are
insisted on by Mr. Mayhew in ample detail have a money value."




Wm. H. Allen & Co., 13 Waterloo Place, S. W.


THE HORSES OF THE SAHARA,

And the Manners of the Desert.

BY E. DAUMAS,

General of the Division Commanding at Bordeaux, Senator, &c., &c.

WITH COMMENTARIES BY THE EMIR ABD-EL-KADER (Authorized Edition).

In 8vo, cloth, price 10s. 6d., by post 11s. 2d.

CONTENTS:

    =Part I.=

    SOURCES OF INFORMATION.

    Remarks by the Emir Abd-el-Kader.--Treatise on the Horse.

    ON THE ORIGIN OF THE ARAB HORSE.--Four great epochs; Creation of the
    horse; Change of coat; Moral qualities of the thorough-bred.

    THE BARB.--Oneness of the race; Letter from M. Lesseps on the
    Alexandria races; Weight carried by African horses.

    Traditional love of the horse; Arab proverbs.

    Superiority of the horses of the Sahara.

    BREEDS.--Incontestable purity of the Saharene Barb; Endurance of the
    Arab; Two varieties of the horse.

    THE SIRE AND THE DAM.--Mare and foal; Influence of the sire; Purity
    of race.

    REARING AND BREAKING IN.--Early training; Elementary Exercises; Names.

    DIET.--Camel's and ewe's milk; Dates; Green food; Repose and fat
    injurious to a horse.

    GROOMING, HYGIENE, PROPORTIONS.--Selection of food and water; How to
    foretell the size and character of a horse; Ingenious measurements.

    COATS.--Variety of colours; White spots; Tufts; Favourite coats;
    Objectionable coats.

    ON CHOOSING AND PURCHASING HORSES.

    SHOEING.--Farriers; their privileges and tools; Cold shoeing.

    THE HARNESS.--The Arab saddle; Advantages of the Arab system.

    MAXIMS OF THE ARAB CAVALIER.--Endurance; Making the horse a study.

    Horse-racing among the Arabs.

    ABD-EL-KADER ON THE ARAB HORSE.--Examples of endurance; Reasons for
    early training; High price of mares; Identity of the Arab and the
    Barb; General instructions; Draught horses.

    THE WAR HORSE.--His form and qualities.

    =Part II.--The Manners of the Desert.=

    The Arab horse derives his character from his Arab master.

    THE SAHARA, BY ABD-EL-KADER.

    THE RAZZIA.--Three kinds of razzia: the Tehha, the Khrotefa, the
    Terbigue; Episodes; Popular chaunt; The combat; Circumstantial
    details.

    THE KHRIANIA, OR THEFT.--Horse, camel, and sheep stealing;
    Superstitions.

    WAR BETWEEN DESERT TRIBES.--Motives; Proclamation of war; Summoning
    allies; Departure; Amorous intrigues; Thefts; Scouts; Preliminaries
    of peace; Saharene diplomacy; Conclusion of peace; Hostilities; The
    eve of battle; Challenges; War cries; The Battle; Defeat; Victory;
    Anecdotes.

    Lamentations of an Arab warrior.

    USAGES OF WAR.--Distribution of the plunder; The chief; Loan of a
    horse; Female spectators of the battle.

    The horse of noble race.

    OSTRICH HUNTING.--On horseback; Details of the excursion; From an
    ambush; Habits of the ostrich.

    GAZELLE HUNTING.--THE GREYHOUND.

    HAWKING.

    THE CHACE, BY ABD-EL-KADER.--The gazelle; The hyæna; The panther; The
    lion; modes of hunting.

    THE CAMEL.--Management, Diet, &c.

    THE SHEEP.--Immense flocks; Their usefulness in the Sahara.

    LIFE IN THE DESERT.--The villager; The master of the tent; Sobriety;
    Runners; Inventory of a wealthy Arab's fortune; His occupations;
    Armourers; Legislation; Women's employment; Hospitality; Mendicants;
    Sorcerers; Magic; Religion.

    THE ARAB ARISTOCRACY.--The thorny shrub and the date-tree; The
    Sherifs; The marabouts and the _djouad_; A great tent; The
    _vendetta_; Examples; Blood money; _Lex talionis_; Birth, education,
    and marriage; Polygamy; An Arab interior; Amusements; Death; Funeral
    rites.

       *       *       *       *       *

OBSERVER, _May_ 3, 1863.--"There is not a page in this book from which
we may not gather useful hints or valuable information respecting the
nature, habits and management of horses."

EDINBURGH COURANT.--"We have rarely read a work giving a more picturesque
and, at the same time, practical account of the manners and customs of a
people, than this book on the Arabs and their horses."

  +--------------------------------------------------------------------+
  |                    Transcriber Notes:                              |
  |                                                                    |
  | P. 109. 'prfoessional men.', changed 'prfoessional' to             |
  |           'professional'.                                          |
  | Changed all instances of 'negociation' to 'negotiation'.           |
  | P. 313. Changed 'verry' to 'very', in 'I congratulate you very'.   |
  | P. 318. Changed 'shokking' and 'childern' to 'shocking' and        |
  |        'children', in 'a shocking bloodshed between children'.     |
  | P. 320. Changed 'scilence' to 'silence', in 'so long a silence'.   |
  | P. 324. Added 'a' to 'wishes you a great deal of good'.            |
  | P. 325. Changed 'monts' to 'months', in 'two or three months'.     |
  | P. 329. Index: Arnim, Her, changed 'Her' to 'Herr'.                |
  | P. 334. Index: Schack, added 'from' to 'and expelled from the      |
  |           court'.                                                  |
  | Index: Struensee, his important reforms--added page number '39'.   |
  | Add 18: 'Breakinig and training', changed 'Breakinig' to           |
  |           'Breaking'.                                              |
  | Corrected various punctuation.                                     |
  +--------------------------------------------------------------------+





End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Life and Times of Her Majesty
Caroline Matilda, Vol. 3 (of 3), by Sir C. F. Lachelles Wraxall

*** 