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The Student's Companion

to Latin Authors


by

George Middleton, M.A.

Lecturer in Latin, Aberdeen University; Late Scholar of
Emmanuel College, Cambridge

and

Thomas R. Mills, M.A.

Late Lecturer in Greek, Aberdeen University, and Classical Lecturer,
Owens College, Manchester; formerly Scholar of Wadham College, Oxford


_with an Introductory Note by_

Prof. W. M. Ramsay, D.C.L., LL.D.

Aberdeen University


London
Macmillan and Co., Ltd.
New York: The Macmillan Co.
1896


_All rights reserved_


Glasgow: Printed at the University Press by
Robert Maclehose and Co.




PREFACE


The object of this book is to give in a convenient form all the facts
of importance relating to the lives and works of the principal Latin
Authors, with full quotation of original authorities on all the chief
points. It appears to us that these facts are not at present readily
accessible; for the ordinary histories of literature are compelled to
sacrifice much exact information to the demand for a critical
appreciation of the authors. The latter aspect does not enter into the
plan of this book, which may therefore, with advantage, be used side
by side with any work of the kind indicated, the two supplementing one
another. The authors have been, as far as possible, illustrated from
their own works. Special attention has been paid to the great writers,
as the book is meant for use in the upper forms of schools and by
students at the Universities. We had collected a considerable amount
of matter upon the minor authors, most of which it was thought
advisable to omit, so as not to extend the book unduly. An attempt,
however, has been made to retain the most important facts about these,
whenever they illustrated one of the great authors, or whenever it was
thought that they ought to be in the hands of a student. We have
attempted no treatment of early Latin as seen in inscriptions and the
like, but have started with the first literary author, Livius
Andronicus, and have gone down to Tacitus and the younger Pliny,
dealing with each author by himself. A section has been added on
Suetonius. A sketch of the chief ancient authorities on Roman writers
is given at the end of the book, as well as a selected list of
editions, which, without being exhaustive, will, we hope, be of
service to the average student.

Apart from our own study of the authors, our principal authority has,
of course, been the _History of Roman Literature_ by Teuffel and
Schwabe (translated by Prof. G. C. W. Warr), and we have made an
extensive use of editions and monographs both English and foreign,
which are mentioned where necessary. Ennius has been quoted from
Vahlen's edition, Plautus from the new edition of Ritschl, the
fragments of the tragedians and comedians from Ribbeck, of Lucilius
from L. Mueller, and of the minor poets from Baehrens, the minor
historians from Peter's _Fragmenta_, and Suetonius' fragmentary works
from Reifferscheid.

Some of our materials were originally prepared for the Humanity
classes in Aberdeen University, and the Latin Literary Club in
connexion with the Honours class. We have to thank some of our pupils
for help and criticism, particularly Mr. A. Souter, of Gonville and
Caius College, Cambridge, and Mr. A. G. Wright, of St. John's College,
Cambridge, the latter of whom prepared the materials for the article
on Tibullus, and gave us some useful suggestions. We are specially
indebted to Professor W. M. Ramsay, without whom the book would not
have been written. Professor Ramsay has read nearly the whole of the
work as it has passed through the press, and has all along given us
invaluable assistance and advice. For any errors in the following
pages we are, of course, solely responsible.

ABERDEEN, September, 1896.




CONTENTS


  CHAPTER I.--EARLY POETS AND PROSE WRITERS,                           1

  Livius Andronicus, 1; Naevius, 4; Plautus, 7; Ennius, 26; Pacuvius,
  34; Caecilius Statius, 37; Terence, 39; Early Minor Authors, 52; Cato,
  53; Accius, 55; Lucilius, 58; Atta and Afranius, 64; Minor Poets after
  Afranius, 65; Authors contemporary with Cicero's youth, 67.

  CHAPTER II.--THE CICERONIAN AGE,                                    69

  Cicero, 69; Q. Cicero, 89; Tiro, 90; Atticus, 90; Varro, 91; Laberius,
  97; Bibaculus, 99; Caesar and the Corpus Caesarianum, 100; Pollio,
  112; Nepos, 112; Lucretius, 119; Sallust, 125; Catullus, 132;
  Contemporary Poets (Cinna, Calvus, Varro Atacinus, Publilius Syrus,
  etc.), 140.

  CHAPTER III.--THE AUGUSTAN AGE,                                    147

  Virgil, 147; Horace, 163; Contemporary Poets, 180; Tibullus, 185;
  Propertius, 191; Ovid, 200; Manilius, 213; Livy, 215; Contemporaries
  of Livy, 223; Vitruvius, 224; Seneca the Elder, 226.

  CHAPTER IV.--POST-AUGUSTAN WRITERS,                                231

  Velleius Paterculus, 231; Valerius Maximus, 234; Celsus, 235;
  Phaedrus, 237; Seneca the Younger, 240; Curtius Rufus, 256; Columella,
  258; Pomponius Mela, 259; Persius, 260; Lucan, 264; Petronius, 272;
  Calpurnius Siculus, 275; Aetna (Lucilius Iunior), 277; Pliny the Elder,
  281; Valerius Flaccus, 286; Silius Italicus, 289; Statius, 291;
  Martial, 295; Quintilian, 302; Frontinus, 310; Juvenal, 312; Pliny the
  Younger, 326; Tacitus, 336; Suetonius, 348.

  APPENDIX A.,                                                       351

  APPENDIX B.,                                                       356

  INDEX OF SUBJECTS,                                                 368

  INDEX OF TITLES,                                                   378




INTRODUCTORY NOTE


The authors ask me to write a word of introduction to their book; but
an introduction is not needed when the book supplies a want and is
trustworthy in what it says. As to the second point, the text will
speak for itself. On the first, a word may be permitted about my own
experience in lecturing. The young student of Latin Literature
requires help in two ways. In the first place, he needs guidance in
learning to recognize and appreciate the literary merit of the
authors. Mr. Cruttwell's, and, still better, Mr. Mackail's book, will
serve his purpose well. They are interesting to read, and they tempt
him on to study for himself. Mr. Mackail's book, especially, shows
delicate literary feeling, and a remarkably catholic and true sense of
literary merit. But, secondly, the student wants a clear statement of
the facts, certain or probable, about the life of each author, the
chronology of his works, and their relation to the circumstances and
personages of the time. Neither of the books which I have named is
satisfactory in this respect. Both of them omit a large number of
facts and theories which the student ought to have before him: Mr.
Cruttwell occasionally even sinks to inaccuracy.

About three years ago I suggested to Mr. Middleton that he should try
to fill up this gap with a book, in which he should bring together all
the information that a student should have ready to his hand in
reading the more familiar classical authors, that he should keep down
the size of his book by omitting all that the student does not want,
and that he should set before his readers the evidence on which each
fact rests, so that they might be led to form opinions and judgments
of their own. Teuffel-Schwabe's great work contains a vast deal that
the ordinary student does not want; and it does not contain a certain
amount which will, I believe, be found in the present book, the
materials for which have been gathered from a wide range of reading.

I am convinced that much can be done to stimulate and invigorate the
young student's feeling for Latin literature by helping him to feel
for himself how each author's words spring from his life, and
conversely how facts and circumstances of his life can be elicited
from his words. There will always remain doubts as to the facts and
dates, _e.g._, in Horace's or in Catullus' life; but any reasoned
theory has its interest, and is better for the pupil than no theory.
The present book will, as I hope, be found useful as an aid to that
method of teaching and of study, provided that both teacher and pupil
bear in mind that it is a companion to other books--not a book
complete in itself.

W. M. RAMSAY.




COMPANION TO LATIN AUTHORS




CHAPTER I.

EARLY POETS AND PROSE WRITERS.



LIVIUS ANDRONICUS.


(1) LIFE.

L. Livius Andronicus, according to the poet Accius, was taken prisoner
at the capture of Tarentum by Q. Fabius Maximus in B.C. 209, and
exhibited his first play in B.C. 197.

Cic. _Brut._ 72-3, 'Accius a Q. Maximo quintum consule captum Tarenti
scripsit Livium annis xxx. postquam eum fabulam docuisse et Atticus
scribit et nos in antiquis commentariis invenimus: docuisse autem
fabulam annis post xi., C. Cornelio Q. Minucio coss. ludis Iuventatis,
quos Salinator Senensi proelio voverat.'

But ancient evidence is unanimous that he was the first literary
writer of Rome, and this is confirmed by his archaic language. Hence
the statement of Cicero _ibid._, that Livius produced his first play
in B.C. 240, must be accepted.

'Atque hic Livius, qui primus fabulam, C. Claudio Caeci filio et M.
Tuditano coss., docuit anno ipso antequam natus est Ennius; post Romam
conditam autem quarto decimo et quingentesimo ... In quo tantus error
Acci fuit, ut his consulibus xl. annos natus Ennius fuerit: cui si
aequalis fuerit Livius, minor fuit aliquanto is, qui primus fabulam
dedit, quam ei, qui multas docuerant ante hos consules, et Plautus et
Naevius.'

Cf. Cic. _Tusc._ i. 3, and Gell. xvii. 21, 42.

Probably Accius, finding in his authorities that Livius was taken
prisoner at the capture of Tarentum (_i.e._ in B.C. 272), wrongly
thought of the second capture by Fabius. In spite of Cicero's
correction, the error of Accius was, we may infer, reproduced by
Suetonius, and thus penetrated into Jerome, who says, yr. Abr. 1830 =
B.C. 187, 'T. [an error] Livius tragoediarum scriptor clarus habetur,
qui ob ingenii meritum a Livio Salinatore, cuius liberos erudiebat,
libertate donatus est.'

It is probable that Livius was the slave of C. Livius Salinator, the
father of the victor of Sena (M. Livius Salinator), and taught the
latter; for he must have been set free before B.C. 240, and the victor
of Sena could hardly have been born earlier than B.C. 258. This
connexion made M. Livius Salinator when consul, B.C. 207, select
Livius Andronicus to prepare a hymn of expiation to the Aventine Juno,
and, probably in the same year, to compose a hymn of thanksgiving for
the success of Rome in the Hannibalic War. For his services the
privileges of a guild were assigned to writers and actors.

Livy xxvii. 37, 'Decrevere pontifices ut virgines ter novenae per
urbem euntes carmen canerent ... conditum ab Livio poeta ... Carmen in
Iunonem reginam canentes ibant illa tempestate forsitan laudabile
rudibus ingeniis, nunc abhorrens et inconditum, si referatur.'

Fest. p. 333, 'Cum Livius Andronicus bello Punico secundo scripsisset
carmen quod a virginibus est cantatum, quia prosperius res publica
populi Romani geri coepta est, publice attributa est ei in Aventino
aedis Minervae, in qua liceret scribis histrionibusque consistere ac
dona ponere, in honorem Livi, quia is et scribebat fabulas et agebat.'

Livius had a twofold reason for writing, (_a_) To assist him in his
profession as a schoolmaster he published a translation of the
_Odyssey_; (_b_) as an actor, he wrote the plays he acted, and
afterwards published them.

Sueton. _Gramm._ 1, 'Livium et Ennium ... quos utraque lingua domi
forisque docuisse adnotatum est.'

Livy vii. 2, 8, 'Livius ... qui ab saturis ausus est primus argumento
fabulam serere, idem scilicet, id quod omnes tum erant, suorum
carminum actor.'


(2) WORKS.

1. _Tragedies._--From the scanty fragments extant and from the titles
(_Achilles_, _Aegisthus_, and six others are known) we see that these
were close imitations of Greek plays. Thus l. 38 (Ribbeck),

  'Quem ego nefrendem alui lacteam immulgens opem,'

is, according to Conington, a rendering of Aesch. _Choeph._ 883-4,

  +maston pros ho sy polla de brizon hama
  ouloisoin ezemexas eutraphes gala+.

2. _Comedies._--Slight fragments of three of these are extant.

3. A translation of the _Odyssey_ in Saturnians.[1] This, though rough
and incorrect, long remained a school-book. So Hor. _Ep._ ii. I, 69
_sqq._,

  'Non equidem insector delendave carmina Livi
  esse reor, memini quae plagosum mihi parvo
  Orbilium dictare: sed emendata videri
  pulchraque et exactis minimum distantia miror.'

For examples of translation, of. Gell, xviii. 9, 5, 'Offendi ...
librum ... Livi Andronici, qui inscriptus est Odyssea, in quo erat
versus primus ...,

  "Virum mihi Camena | insece versutum,"

factus ex illo Homeri versu,

  +Andra moi ennepe, Mousa, polytropon+.'

Fragments 2 and 3,

  'Mea puer, quid verbi | ex tuo ore supera
  fugit?
      neque enim te oblitus | Lertie, sum, noster,'

represent _Od._ i. 64,

  +teknon emon, poion se epos phygen herkos odonton?
  pos an epeit' Odyseos ego theioio lathoimen?+



NAEVIUS.


(1) LIFE.

Cn. Naevius' dates can only be given approximately as B.C. 269-199. As
he served in the First Punic War, he cannot in any case have been born
later than B.C. 257. He was a Campanian by birth.

Gell. i. 24, 2, 'Epigramma Naevi plenum superbiae Campanae, quod
testimonium esse iustum potuisset, nisi ab ipso dictum esset,

  "Inmortales mortales si foret fas flere,
  flerent divae Camenae Naevium poetam.
  Itaque postquam est Orci traditus thesauro,
  obliti sunt Romae loquier lingua Latina."'

Naevius' first play was produced B.C. 235; the fact that he served as
a soldier shows that he was not an actor.

Gell. xvii. 21, 45, 'Eodem anno (A.U.C. Dxix.) Cn. Naevius poeta
fabulas apud populum dedit, quem M. Varro in libris de poetis primo
stipendia fecisse ait bello Poenico primo, idque ipsum Naevium dicere
in eo carmine, quod de eodem bello scripsit.'

In his plays he attacked the senatorial party, particularly the
Metelli, and was imprisoned, but afterwards released.

Gell. iii. 3, 15, 'Sicuti de Naevio quoque accepimus, fabulas eum in
carcere duas scripsisse, Hariolum et Leontem, cum ob assiduam
maledicentiam et probra in principes civitatis de Graecorum poetarum
more dicta in vincula Romae a triumviris coniectus esset. Unde post a
tribunis plebis exemptus est, cum in his, quas supra dixi, fabulis
delicta sua et petulantias dictorum, quibus multos ante laeserat,
diluisset.'

Pseud.-Asconius on Cic. _in Verr. act. prior_, 29. 'Dictum facete et
contumeliose in Metellos antiquum Naevii est, "Fato Metelli Romai
fiunt consules," cui tunc Metellus consul (B.C. 206) iratus versu
responderat ..., "Dabunt malum Metelli Naevio poetae."'

Cf. the contemporary reference in Plaut. _Mil._ 212,

  'Nam os columnatum poetae esse indaudivi barbaro,[2]
  quoi bini custodes semper totis horis occubant.'

For Naevius' freedom of speech cf. his comedies, l. 113 (Ribbeck),

  'Libera lingua loquemur ludis Liberalibus';

l. 108 (on Scipio),

  'Etiam qui res magnas manu saepe gessit gloriose,
  cuius facta viva nunc vigent, qui apud gentes solus praestat,
  eum suus pater cum palliod unod ab amica abduxit.'

Naevius was banished and went to Utica, where he died, probably about
B.C. 199. It must have been after peace was concluded (B.C. 202), as
otherwise he could have reached Utica only by deserting to the
enemy.[3] Jerome gives B.C. 201, Cicero B.C. 204, although he says
Varro put the date later. The verses on Scipio quoted above could
hardly have been written before the battle of Zama.

Jerome yr. Abr. 1816 = B.C. 201, 'Naevius comicus Uticae moritur,
pulsus Roma factione nobilium, ac praecipue Metelli.'

Cic. _Brut._ 60, 'His consulibus (B.C. 204), ut in veteribus
commentariis scriptum est, Naevius est mortuus; quamquam Varro noster,
diligentissimus investigator antiquitatis, putat in hoc erratum
vitamque Naevi producit longius.'


(2) WORKS.

1. _Tragedies._--There are extant seven titles and a very few
fragments.

2. _Comedies._--There are titles of about thirty-four _palliatae_,[4]
and upwards of one hundred and thirty lines extant.

Naevius seems to have adopted _contaminatio_[5] in his plays. Ter.
_Andr._ prol. 15,

  'Id isti vituperant factum atque in eo disputant
  contaminari non decere fabulas ...
  qui quom hunc accusant, Naevium Plautum Ennium
  accusant.'

3. _Praetextae._--Tragedies on Roman subjects, 'Clastidium' and
'Romulus.' The _praetexta_ was invented by Naevius.

4. _Bellum Punicum_, an epic poem in Saturnians, divided later into
seven Books. About seventy-four lines are extant.

Sueton. _Gramm._ 2, 'C. Octavius Lampadio Naevii Punicum bellum, uno
volumine et continenti scriptura expositum, divisit in septem libros.'

Books i. and ii. contained the mythical origin of Rome and Carthage,
Aeneas' flight from Troy and his sojourn at the court of Dido in
Carthage. In Book iii. the history of the First Punic War commenced.
The work was imitated by Ennius and Virgil, sometimes closely by the
latter. Cf. Servius on _Aen._ i. 198-207, 'O socii,' etc. 'Et totus
hic locus de Naevio belli Punici libro translatus est.' _Ibid._ i.
273, 'Naevius et Ennius Aeneae ex filia nepotem Romulum conditorem
urbis tradunt.'

Macrob. _Saturn._ vi. 2, 31, 'In principio Aeneidos tempestas
describitur et Venus apud Iovem queritur ... Hic locus totus sumptus a
Naevio est ex primo libro belli Punici.'



PLAUTUS


(1) LIFE.

Plautus' full name, T. Maccius Plautus, was discovered by Ritschl in
the Ambrosian (Milan) palimpsest, which gives, _e.g._ after the two
plays named: 'T. Macci Plauti Casina explicit': 'Macci Plauti Epidicus
explicit.' In Plaut. _Merc._ l. 6, the MS. reading _Mactici_ was
emended by Ritschl to _Macci Titi_; and in _Asin._ prol. l. 11,
_Maccius_ is the right reading. The MSS. read _Maccus_, which Buecheler
(_Rhein. Mus._ 41, 12) takes to mean 'buffoon,' or 'writer of
comedies,' from which Plautus took his family name, Maccius, on
becoming a Roman citizen. 'M. Accius,' formerly supposed to be the
name, is found in no MS., but 'Accius' is found in _Epitome Festi_, p.
239, which gives us the poet's birthplace, Sarsina in Umbria, and
suggests another derivation for his name: 'Ploti appellantur, qui sunt
planis pedibus, unde et poeta Accius, quia Umber Sarsinas erat, a
pedum planitie initio Plotus, postea Plautus est dictus.'

In the corresponding passage of Festus, we have only '...us poeta,
quia Umber,' etc. The name of the poet is lost, and the epitomizer has
doubtless made a mistake.

Sarsina is mentioned once by Plautus, _Mostell._ 770,

  'Quid? Sarsinatis ecquast, si Umbram non habes?'

The year of his birth can only be conjectured; he died B.C. 184.

Cic. _Brut._ 60, 'Plautus P. Claudio L. Porcio coss. mortuus est.'

Jerome erroneously assigns Plautus' death to yr. Abr. 1817 = B.C. 200,
'Plautus ex Umbria Sarsinas Romae moritur, qui propter annonae
difficultatem ad molas manuarias pistori se locaverat; ibi quotiens ab
opere vacaret, scribere fabulas et vendere sollicitius consueverat.'

From this notice, and from the passage of Gellius below, we learn that
Plautus lost in foreign trade the money he had made as an assistant to
scenic artists, and had to work for his living in a flour mill at
Rome, during which time he wrote plays, and continued to do so
afterwards.

Gell. iii. 3, 14, 'Saturionem et Addictum et tertiam quamdam, cuius
nunc mihi nomen non subpetit, in pistrino eum scripsisse, Varro et
plerique alii memoriae tradiderunt cum, pecunia omni, quam in operis
artificum scaenicorum pepererat, in mercatibus perdita inops Romam
redisset et ob quaerendum victum ad circumagendas molas, quae
"trusatiles" appellantur, operam pistori locasset.'

We conclude from these varied employments that Plautus can hardly have
been less than thirty years old when he began to write plays. His
intimacy with the Scipios (Cic. _de Rep._ iv., apud Augustin. _Civ.
D._ ii. 9), who fell in Spain B.C. 212, leads to the conclusion that
he must have been well established as an author by that date, though
none of his plays can be proved to have been written so early. If we
suppose that his career as a playwright commenced at thirty, and that
his acquaintance with the Scipios lasted ten years, the year of his
birth must have been about B.C. 254. This view is supported (1) by the
notice in Cic. _Brut._ 73, that Plautus had produced many plays by
B.C. 197; (2) by Cic. _Cato maior_, 50, 'quam gaudebat ... Truculento
Plautus, quam Pseudolo,' where Plautus is said to have written these
plays as _senex_. Now the _Pseudolus_ was written B.C. 191; and
therefore, as a man could not be called _senex_ till he was at least
sixty, his birth must have been not later than B.C. 251.

Plautus is said to have written his own epitaph.

Gell. i. 24, 3, 'Epigramma Plauti, quod dubitassemus an Plauti foret,
nisi a M. Varrone positum esset in libro de poetis primo:

  "Postquam est mortem aptus Plautus, Comoedia luget,
  Scaena est deserta, ac dein Risus, Ludus Iocusque,
  et Numeri innumeri simul omnes conlacrimarunt."'


(2) WORKS.

Plautus' plays were early criticized as to their genuineness. Gell.
iii. 3, 1-3, after mentioning the canons of Aelius Stilo, Sedigitus,
etc., says that Varro admitted twenty-one plays which were given by
all the canons, and added some more. 'Nam praeter illas unam et
viginti, quae Varronianae vocantur, quas idcirco a ceteris segregavit,
quoniam dubiosae non erant, set consensu omnium Plauti esse
censebantur, quasdam item alias probavit adductus filo atque facetia
sermonis Plauto congruentis easque iam nominibus aliorum occupatas
Plauto vindicavit.'

About one hundred and thirty plays were current under the name of
Plautus; the theory of Varro (Gell. iii. 3, 10) that these were
written by a certain Plautius is improbable.

Gell. iii. 3, 11, 'Feruntur sub Plauti nomine comoediae circiter
centum atque triginta.'

There is little doubt that the 'fabulae Varronianae' are those which
have come down to us with the addition of the _Vidularia_, which was
lost between the sixth and the eleventh centuries. The number of
Varro's second class, consisting of those pieces that stood in most of
the indices and exhibited Plautine features, Ritschl has fixed at
nineteen, from citations in Varro _de lingua Latina_. Besides the
genuine plays the names of thirty-two others are known.

The extant plays[6] are as follows:

1. _Amphitruo_, a _tragicomoedia_, the only play of Plautus of the
kind. Prol. 59,

  'Faciam ut conmixta sit haec tragicomoedia.'

The original and the date are unknown. The play shows the features of
the Sicilian _Rhinthonica_.[7] About three hundred lines have been
lost after Act. iv., Scene 2. The scene is Thebes, which, with Roman
carelessness or ignorance, is made a harbour; cf. ll. 629 _sqq._

2. _Asinaria_ (sc. _fabula_), from the +Onagos+ of Demophilus,
supposed to have been a writer of the New Comedy. Prol. 10-12,

  'Huic nomen Graece Onagost fabulae;
  Demophilus scripsit, Maccius vortit barbare.
  Asinariam volt esse, si per vos licet.'

Authorities assign the play to about B.C. 194. The scene is Athens.

3. _Aulularia_ (from _aulula_, 'a little pot.')--Neither the original
nor the exact time of composition is known. From Megadorus' tirade
against the luxury of women, ll. 478 _sqq._, it has been inferred that
the play was written after the repeal of the Oppian Law in B.C. 195.
The end of the play is lost. The scene is Athens.

4. _Captivi_, a piece without active interest (_stataria_), without
female characters, and claiming a moral purpose; l. 1029,

  'Spectatores, ad pudicos mores facta haec fabulast.'

Some authorities think that the parasite (Ergasilus) is an addition to
the original play, which may have belonged to the New Comedy. The
scene is in Aetolia.

5. _Curculio_, so called from the name of the parasite. The Greek
original is unknown; but ll. 462-86 contain a speech from the
Choragus, in the style of the +parabasis+ of the Old Comedy. In
l. 509,

  'Rogitationes plurumas propter vos populus scivit
  quas vos rogatas rumpitis,'

there is probably an allusion to the Lex Sempronia de pecunia credita,
B.C. 193. The scene is Epidaurus.

6. _Casina_, so called from a slave-girl introduced. The original was
the +Kleroumenoi+ of Diphilus. Prol. 31,

  'Clerumenoe vocatur haec comoedia
  Graece, Latine Sortientes. Deiphilus
  hanc Graece scripsit.'

The inference from l. 979, 'Nam ecastor nunc Bacchae nullae ludunt,'
that the play was written after the S.C. de Bacchanalibus in B.C. 186,
is improbable; the words rather show, as Mommsen[8] believes, an
anterior date, when it was not yet dangerous to speak of the
Bacchanalia. Some authorities find support for the latter date in the
words of the prologue, ll. 9-20 (written after the poet's death). The
text of the play has suffered greatly. The scene is Athens.

7. _Cistellaria_.--This play contains a reference to the war against
Hannibal then going on; ll. 197 _sqq._,

             'Bene valete, et vincite
  virtute vera, quod fecistis antidhac, ...
  ut vobis victi Poeni poenas sufferant.'

According to Ritschl, about 600 verses have been lost. The scene is
Sicyon.

8. _Epidicus_.--This play is referred to in the _Bacchides_, ll. 213-5
(spoken by Chrysalus), where the unpopularity of the play is
attributed to the acting of Pellio.

  'Non res, sed actor mihi cor odio sauciat.
  Etiam Epidicum, quam ego fabulam aeque ac me ipsum amo,
  nullam aeque invitus specto, si agit Pellio.'

_Epid._ 222,

  'Sed vestita, aurata, ornata ut lepide! ut concinne! ut nove!' etc.,

shows that the piece was written after the repeal of the Lex Oppia
Sumptuaria, B.C. 195. The plot is complicated, and _contaminatio_ is
assumed by some authorities. The play contains only seven hundred and
thirty-three lines, and some believe it to be a stage edition. The
scene is Athens.

9. _Bacchides_.--The first part of this play, along with the last part
of the _Aulularia_,[9] has been lost, as also the prefaces of the
grammarians, so that we do not know what was in the first part. The
original was probably Menander's +Dis exapaton+. Plautus
appears to refer to this twice, l. 1090,

  'Perii: pudet. Hocine me aetatis _ludos bis factum_ esse indigne';

l. 1128,

  'Pol hodie altera iam _bis detonsa_ certost.'

The line, +hon hoi theoi philousin, apothneskei neos+, which
belongs to the same play (Stobaeus, _Serm._ 120, 8) is translated in
ll. 816-7,

    'quem di diligunt
  adulescens moritur.'

The date is pretty well fixed by l. 1073,

  'Quod non triumpho: pervolgatumst, nil moror.'

Now, triumphs were not frequent till after the Second Punic War, and
were especially frequent from B.C. 197 to 187. The play probably
refers to the four triumphs of B.C. 189, and may have been brought out
in that or the following year. The scene is Athens.

10. _Mostellaria_ (sc. _fabula_, 'a play dealing with a ghost,' from
_mostellum_, dim. of _monstrum_).--The play is quoted by Festus, p.
166, as 'Mostellaria'; pp. 162 and 305, as 'Phasma.' According to
Ritschl, the +Phasma+ of Philemon was Plautus' model. The
reference to _unguenta exotica_ (l. 42) points to a late date, when
Asiatic luxury was growing common. The play is imitated in Ben
Jonson's _Alchemist_. The scene is Athens.

11. _Menaechmi_.--If ll. 409 _sqq._, 'Syracusis ... ubi rex ... nunc
Hierost,' were written independently by Plautus, the date must be
before B.C. 215; but the reference may only mean that the Greek
original was composed between 275 and 215 B.C. It has been conjectured
that a comedy by Posidippus (possibly called +Didymoi+) was
the original, from Athenaeus, xiv. p. 658, +oude gar an heuroi
tis hymon doulon tina mageiron en komodia plen para Poseidippo
mono+. Now, the _Menaechmi_ is the only play of Plautus where a cook
is a house-slave, Cylindrus being the slave of Erotium; in his other
plays cooks are hired from the Forum. The scene is Epidamnus.

12. _Miles Gloriosus_.--In ll. 211-2 (the only personal allusion in
Plautus),

  'Nam os columnatum poetae esse indaudivi barbaro,
  quoi bini custodes semper totis horis occubant,'

we have a reference to the imprisonment of Naevius, which shows that
the play was written before his banishment, probably B.C. 206-5 (see
under 'Naevius'). Line 1016, 'Cedo signum, si harum Baccharum es,'
shows that the play is anterior to B.C. 186.

The original is the +Alazon+ of some Greek poet. Cf. ll. 86-7,

  'Alazon Graece huic nomen est comoediae:
  id nos Latine gloriosum dicimus.'

The play, however, exhibits _contaminatio_. Two distinct actions, the
cheating of Sceledrus (Act i.) and the cheating of the Miles (Acts ii.
and iii.), are united rather loosely; and it has been conjectured that
Menander's +Kolax+, or (according to Ritschl) Diphilus'
+Hairesiteiches+, was the play used. Ritschl's view is perhaps
supported by the word _urbicape_ in l. 1055. The play is the longest
_palliata_ preserved. The scene is Ephesus.

13. _Mercator_.--The original is Philemon's +Emporos+; ll. 5-6,

  'Graece haec vocatur Emporos Philemonis;
eadem Latine Mercator Macci Titi.'

Some light is thrown on the date by ll. 524-6.

  '_L._ Ovem tibi eccillam dabo, natam annos sexaginta,
  peculiarem. _P._ Mei senex, tam vetulam? _L._ Generis Graeci est.
  Eam sei curabeis, perbonast; tondetur nimium scite.'

This could not have been written before B.C. 196, the date of the
settlement of Greece. The play shows traces of two distinct editions.
The scene is Athens.

14. _Pseudolus_.--The Greek original is unknown. The date of
production (B.C. 191) is got from the didascalia, as restored by
Ritschl, 'M. Iunio M. fil. pr. urb. acta Megalesiis.' The Megalesian
games were held in that year in honour of the dedication of the temple
which had been vowed to Cybele, B.C. 204 (Livy, xxxvi. 36). 'Pseudolus'
= +Pseudylos+, but is connected by popular etymology with _dolus_. Cf.
the puns in l. 1205,

  'Edepol hominem verberonem Pseudolum, ut docte dolum
  commentust';

l. 1244,

  'Superavit dolum Troianum atque Ulixem Pseudolus.'

Several references to the play are found in Cicero: _Cato Maior_, 50
(quoted p. 9); _Phil._ ii. 15; _pro Rosc. Com._ 20. The scene is
Athens.

15. _Poenulus_.--The original was a Greek play, +Karchedonios+,
the author of which is unknown, as the fragments of Menander's
+Karchedonios+ do not fit in with Plautus' play. The play was called
by Plautus 'Patruus,' but posterity went back to the older name
'Poenulus.' Prol. 53,

  'Carchedonius vocatur haec comoedia
  Graece, Latine Patruus Pultiphagonidae.'[10]

Authorities assign the play to B.C. 189. The play is considerably
interpolated, one ending being at l. 1371, another at l. 1422, whence
some authorities have considered ll. 1372-1422 as spurious. Ritschl
thinks that the two endings are about the same age, and compares the
double ending of the _Andria_ of Terence. The play is noted for the
two Carthaginian renderings of the soliloquy of Hanno, ll. 930-9, and
ll. 940-9. The scene is Calydon in Aetolia.

16. _Persa_.--This play, the original of which is unknown, has been
variously assigned to 197 and 186 B.C. The play shows traces of two
distinct editions. The scene is Athens.

17. _Rudens_.--This play has been assigned to about B.C. 192. The
original is by Diphilus; and the scene is Cyrene. Prol., 1. 32,

  'Primumdum huic esse nomen urbi Diphilus
  Cyrenas voluit.'

18. _Stichus_, performed B.C. 200 _ludis plebeis_, as we learn from
the didascalia, 'Graeca Adelphoe Menandru acta ludis plebeis Cn.
Baebio C. Terentio aed. pl. ... C. Sulpicio C. Aurelio coss.' This
cannot be the _Adelphi_ imitated by Terence, the fragments of which do
not bear the least resemblance to the _Stichus_. It may be a second
_Adelphi_ by Menander. Others read 'Philadelphoe' in the above
didascalia. Part of the play has been lost, and it shows traces of two
distinct editions. The scene is Athens.

19. _Trinummus_.--The original was Philemon's +Thesauros+, as
seen from the didascalia, 'Graeca Thensaurus Philemonis acta ludis
Megalensibus.' Some indication of the date is got from l. 990,

  'Vapulabis meo arbitratud et novorum aedilium.'

The only festival that would suit the term _novi aediles_ is the _ludi
Megalenses_[11] as from B.C. 266 to 153 the new magistrates entered on
office on the Ides of March. This festival was not of a scenic
character till B.C. 194, consequently the _Trinummus_ must be after
that date. The mention of Syrian slaves in l. 542 also makes it
probable that this is one of the latest works of Plautus. The scene is
Athens.

20. _Truculentus_.--The original is unknown. The play was written in
Plautus' old age, probably about B.C. 189. The text has suffered
greatly. The scene is Athens.

21. _Vidularia_.--Only fragments are extant. It is thought to have
been modelled on a play called +Schedia+ by Menander.

_Argumenta._--These are in _senarii_, and give a summary of each play.
Two sets are found. The first set are acrostic, and are extant for all
the plays except the _Vidularia_ and the _Bacchides_. The second
series was probably written by Sulpicius Apollinaris in the second
century A.D. There are only five of them extant in the MSS., and
fragments of other two.

_Prologues._--These (which were usual in the Old and the New Comedy)
gave the name of the piece and the author, the original and its
author, the scene of the play, and a partial list of characters. In
the Prologue also the poet often asked the favour of the audience.
Prologues to fourteen plays are extant. The part of the prologue
Plautus (like the New Comedy) assigned either to a god, as in the
_Rudens_ to Arcturus, or to one of the characters, as in the
_Mercator_ to a youth (cf. _Mil._ and _Amph._), or to an actor
addressing the audience in the name of the poet, as in the
_Truculentus_. All the prologues have suffered from interpolation, but
those of _Amph._, _Merc._, _Rud._, and _Trin._, and the second parts
of those of _Mil._ and _Aul._, are founded on what Plautus wrote. The
prologues in _Cas._, _Poen._, and _Capt._, are due to later hands.
That the prologues are interpolated is shown by their diction; the wit
is often poor, and the language un-Plautine, or imitated closely from
Plautus' genuine works. The prologues in their present form probably
date from a period shortly after that in which Terence flourished,
when there was a want of new plays, and people went back to Plautus.
This is shown by the references to fixed seats for the spectators
(_Poen._ 15, _Amph._ 65, and _Capt._ 11), which were forbidden by a
S.C. passed in B.C. 154, when Cassius Longinus began to build a
theatre of stone--a law that was not repealed till some years later.
Cf. _Capt._ 11,

  'Negat hercle ille ultimis accensus. Cedito:
  si non ubi sedeas locus est, est ubi ambules.'

_The Acts._--The plays of Plautus probably went on with few breaks,
during which the audience were entertained with music. Cf. _Pseud._
573,

  'Tibicen vos interea hic delectaverit.'

_Diverbium and Canticum._--There was no chorus in Roman comedy, but
part of the play was set to music and sung to the flute. Some MSS.
denote this by C (Canticum); while DV (usually placed only over iambic
senarii) denotes dialogue or soliloquy (Diverbium). Iambic senarii
were spoken; other metres were sung; but the scenes in septenarii
stood midway between the dialogue and the _canticum_. Only about a
fourth of Plautus' verses are in iambic senarii, while in Terence, who
followed Menander in this respect, about half of the verses are in
this form.

_The Characters._--These, with the occasional exception of slaves, are
un-Roman, and exhibit Greek traits belonging to Athens of the time of
the New Comedy. Plautus, unlike Terence, usually alters the names used
in the original Greek plays, and substitutes 'tell-tale names'; so
Parmeno (+paramenon+), 'the faithful slave'; Polemo, 'the
soldier'; Misargyrides, playfully for the _tarpessita_ (banker). The
names are often of Latin derivation; thus Saturio, in _Pers._;
Peniculus, in _Menaech._; Curculio, in _Curc._

_The Language of Plautus_, in spite of the Greek dress his plays assume,
represents essentially the conversational language of his time. Many
Greek features in language are, however, retained. For words kept in the
original Greek cf. +pausai+, +oichetai+, +euge+, +palin+, +epitheken+
(all in the _Trin._); for Greek words Latinized cf. _gynaeceum_,
_parasitus_, _opsonium_, _dapsilis_ (= +dapsiles+); for hybrid new
formations based on Greek cf. _thensaurarius_, _plagipatidae_,
_opsonari_, _pultiphagus_.

_References to manners and customs._--(_a_) Many references to Greek life
are retained from the original, especially in matters relating to dress,
art, and money (Plautus has no reference to Roman money). Such are
_chlamys_, _petasus_, _pallium_, _cyathus_, _cantharus_, _thermopolium_,
_cerussa_, _melinum_ (_pigmentum_), _gynaeceum_, _balineae_,
_ambulacrum_, _porticus_, _fores Samiae_ (_Menaech._ 178), _nummus_ (=
drachma or didrachma), _nummi Philippei_, _mina_, _tarpessita_,
_symbolus_, _epistula_. Cf. also _Pseud._ 146-7,

  'Ut ne peristromata quidem aeque picta sint Campanica,
  neque Alexandrina beluata tonsilia tappetia.'

(_b_) There are, however, innumerable references to Roman public life
and manners and customs, even in passages manifestly close to the
original, although references to public events are rare.

1. _Military expressions._--These, many of which are used
metaphorically, were well adapted for an audience most of whom had seen
service. The following are from the _Miles_: _legiones_, _imperator_,
_peditastelli_, _rogare_, _latrocinari_, _stipendium_, _conscribere_,
_contubernales_, _eques_, _pedes_, _machinas parare_. Cf. also _Pseud._
148,

  'Dederamque suas provincias';

_Pseud._ 572,

  'Dum concenturio in corde sycophantias';

_Bacch._ 709,

  'De ducentis nummis primum intendam ballistam in senem:
  ea ballista si pervortam turrim et propugnacula,
  recta porta invadam extemplo in oppidum antiquom et vetus.'

All references, however, to the enrolment of mercenaries (_latrones_)
are probably Greek and belong to the original play.

2. _Political expressions._--(_a_) Names of officials, etc. So
_tresviri_, _quaestor_, _aedilis_, _praetor_, _senatus_. Cf. _Trin._ 879,

  'Census quom sum iuratori recte rationem dedi';

_Pseud._ 1232,

  'Centuriata habuit capitis comitia.'

(_b_) Law. So _advocatus_ (_Mil._ 663), _festuca_ (_Mil._ 961), _lege
agito_ (_Mil._ 453). Cf. _Menaech._ 571-95 (on patrons and clients);
_Trin._ 500-4, where Roman terms of _stipulatio_ are used.

3. _Festivals and localities._--References to these are rarer.
Examples are: _Mil._ 691,

  'Da, mi vir, Calendis meam qui matrem moenerem';

_Trin._ 545,

  'Campans genus';

_Trin._ 609,

  'Tam modo, inquit Praenestinus.'

_Mil._ 359,

  'Credo ego istoc exemplo tibi esse pereundum extra portam';

a reference to the Esquiline gate, outside which slaves were executed.

4. _Private life._--These references are mostly to the lower classes,
especially slaves, with whom Plautus was very familiar. Hence words
referring to household duties, as _promus_, _suppromus_, _cella_,
_cellarius_, _verna_, _pulmentum_ (from _Mil._) To their patois also
belong phrases for cheating, like _emungere_, _intervortere_, _sarcinam
imponere_, _ducere_, _ductare_, _circumducere_, and the very large
number of words relating to punishment, as: _furcifer_, _verbero_,
_supplicium virgarum_, _varius virgis_, _talos frangere_, _crux_,
_verberea statua_ (_Pseud._ 911); _gymnasium flagri_ (_Asin._ 297). Cf.
also _Epid._ 17,

  'Quid ais? perpetuen valuisti?--Varie.'

From slave life come also terms of abuse like _volturius_, _scelus_,
_odium populi_, _mers mala_, _lapis_, _saxum_. Note that cruelty in the
treatment of slaves is peculiarly Roman; but their familiarity with
their masters and their general situation are from Greek life.

_Prosody._[12]--Plautine prosody, which reflected the variation of
quantity found in the popular speech, was not properly understood even
in Cicero's time.

Cf. Cic. _Or._ 184, 'Comicorum senarii propter similitudinem sermonis
sic saepe sunt abiecti ut non numquam vix in eis numerus et versus
intellegi possit.'

The chief points are as follows:

1. Final -s is often lost. _Rud._ 103,

  'Pater, salveto, amboque adeo. Et tu salvos sis';

_Most._ 1124,

  'Quoque modo dominum advenientem servos ludificatus sit.'

2. A mute followed by a liquid does not make the preceding vowel long.
Thus _agris_, _libros_, _duplex_, are iambi.

3. Iambic words may become pyrrhics, on account of the stress accent
on the first syllable. So _domi_ and _cave_ have the last syllable
short.[13] _Trin._ 868,

  'Foris pultabo. Ad nostras aedis hic quidem habet rectam viam';

_Stich._ 99,

  'Bonas ut aequomst facere facitis, quom tamen absentis viros.'

4. The stress accent sometimes causes final syllables to be dropped,
and so to have no effect on quantity, as in _enim_, _apud_, _quidem_,
_parum_, _soror_, _caput_, _amant_, _habent_, etc. _Trin._ 77,

  'Qui in mentem venit tibi istaec dicta dicere?'

_Stich._ 18 (anapaestic),

  'Haec res vitae me, soror, saturant.'

No shortening, however, takes place when the accent goes back to the
antepenult (cf. _contine_), nor in words like _aetas_, _mores_, where
the first syllable is long, nor even in _abi_, _tene_, _tace_, and the
like, when the chief accent is weakened, i.e., where these words are
pronounced slowly and emphatically (especially before a pause).
_Asin._ 543,

  'Intro abi: nam te quidem edepol nihil est inpudentius.'

5. This influence of the chief accent affects also combinations of two
monosyllabic words which make an iambus, and combinations like _ego
illi_, _age ergo_, in which the second syllable of the second word is
elided. _Trin._ 354,

  'Is est inmunis, quoi nihil est qui munus fungatur suom';

_Trin._ 133,

  'Non ego illi argentum redderem? Non redderes';

_Stich._ 237,

  'Adibo ad hominem. Quis haec est quae advorsum venit?'

6. The chief accent could also affect a preceding syllable. In
polysyllables or polysyllabic combinations, when the chief accent was
on the third syllable, the second syllable, if long, could be
shortened, provided the first syllable were short. _Trin._ 456,

  'Ferentarium esse amicum inventum intellego';

_Stich._ 59,

  'Nec voluntate id facere meminit,' etc.;

_Stich._ 179,

  'Per annonam caram dixit me natum pater.'

7. The following common words have to be separately considered, _ille_,
_iste_, _unde_, _inde_, _nempe_. In the last three the liquid was
practically dropped; _iste_ was pronounced as _ste_; and in _ille_ only
one _l_ was heard, cf. _ellum_, _ellam_ (_en-illum_ = _en-ilum_ =
_en-lum_ = _ellum_). _Frustra_ is a trochee, as in _Menaech._ 692 (at
the end of a line), _frustra sis_; and the first _i_ of _fieri_ is
long. Cf. _Trin._ 532,

  'Si in opserendo possint interfieri.'

8. An original long vowel is sometimes kept when later authors have it
short. Examples are, _es_ (from _esse_), final _-or_, as _exertitor_,
_fateor_, _ecastor_; verbal endings, as _eris_, _eget_, _sit_, _det_,
_fuat_, _velit_.

9. _Synizesis._ _Deus_, _meus_, _tuos_, _suos_ (nom.), _eius_, _ei_,
_eum_, _quoius_, _quoi_, _huius_, _huic_, _rei_, etc., may be
monosyllables; _deorum_, _meorum_, _duorum_, _fuisti_, etc., may be
dissyllables; _diutius_, _exeundum_, etc., may be trisyllables. Other
examples are _proin_, _proinde_, _praeoptare_, _dehortor_, _aibam_,
_quator_.

10. _Hiatus._ This occurs, though not frequently, (_a_) at the natural
division of the metre. _Menaech._ 219,

  'Sportulam cape atque argentum. | eccos treis nummos habes.'

(_b_) At the natural break in the sense, especially with change of
speakers. _Trin._ 432,

  _PH._ 'Tempust adeundi.' _LE._ 'Estne hic Philto qui advenit?'

The hiatus is commonest in monosyllabic words, or words ending in a
short syllable followed by _m_, making the first syllable of an arsis
resolved into two shorts. _Trin._ 433,

  'Is herclest ipsus. Edepol _ne ego_ istum velim';

_Trin._ 305,

  'Qui <DW25> cum animo inde ab ineunte aetate depugnat suo.'

_Views on Plautus._--For Cicero's high opinion of Plautus cf. _de
Off._ i. 104, 'Duplex omnino est iocandi genus: unum inliberale
petulans, flagitiosum obscaenum, alterum elegans urbanum, ingeniosum
facetum. Quo genere non modo Plautus noster et Atticorum antiqua
comoedia, sed etiam philosophorum Socraticorum libri referti sunt.'

Horace's unfavourable judgment is well known.

_Ep._ ii, 1, 170,

         'Adspice Plautus
  quo pacto partis tutetur amantis ephebi,
  ut patris attenti, lenonis ut insidiosi,
  quantus sit Dossenus edacibus in parasitis,
  quam non adstricto percurrat pulpita socco.
  Gestit enim nummum in loculos demittere, post hoc
  securus cadat an recto stet fabula talo.'

Cf. _A.P._ 270-4. Cf. also Quint. x. 1, 99, 'In comoedia maxime
claudicamus, licet Varro Musas, Aelii Stilonis sententia, Plautino
dicat sermone locuturas fuisse, si Latine loqui vellent.'



ENNIUS.[14]


(1) LIFE.

Q. Ennius was born B.C. 239 at Rudiae in Calabria (about nineteen
miles south of Brundisium).

Gell. xvii. 21, 43, 'Consoles secuntur Q. Valerius et C. Mamilius,
quibus natum esse Q. Ennium poetam M. Varro in primo de poetis libro
scripsit eumque, cum septimum et sexagesimum annum haberet, duodecimum
annalem scripsisse, idque ipsum Ennium in eodem libro dicere.' (Cf.
Cic. _Tusc._ i. 3.) Enn. _Ann._ l. 440,

  'Nos sumus Romani qui fuimus ante Rudini.'

Servius, _in Aen._ vii. 691, '(At Messapus equom domitor): Ab hoc
Ennius dicit se originem ducere.' (Enn. _Ann._ xviii. fr. 6.)

Ennius knew Greek, Latin, and Oscan. Latin he may have known as a boy,
since the colony of Brundisium was founded B.C. 244; the use of Greek
had been widely spread in South Italy through the influence of the
Greek colonies.[15]

Gell. xvii. 17, 1, 'Q. Ennius tria corda habere sese dicebat, quod
loqui Graece et Osce et Latine sciret.'

Ennius came to Sardinia during the Second Punic War, probably with
other Calabrian auxiliaries, but in what year is doubtful. Silius
Italicus xii. 387 _sqq._, says he was centurion B.C. 215, and
distinguished himself greatly; but his account is quite untrustworthy.
In Sardinia he made the acquaintance of M. Porcius Cato, then
quaestor, who induced him to come to Rome B.C. 204.

Nep. _Cato_, i. 4, 'Praetor (B.C. 198) provinciam obtinuit Sardiniam,
ex qua, quaestor superiore tempore ex Africa decedens, Q. Ennium
poetam deduxerat.'

The poet's Graecizing influence seems to have led afterwards to
hostility between him and his patron, but in spite of this, Ennius
appears to have cherished warm feelings towards Cato, and praised his
exploits in the _Annals_.

Cic. _Tusc._ i. 3, 'Oratio Catonis, in qua obiecit ut probrum M.
Nobiliori quod is in provinciam poetas duxisset. Duxerat autem consul
ille in Aetoliam, ut scimus, Ennium.'

Cic. _pro Arch._ 22, 'In caelum huius proavus Cato tollitur: magnus
honos populi Romani rebus adiungitur.'

So far as is known, Ennius was at Rome B.C. 204-189. He lived plainly,
and supported himself by teaching Latin and Greek.

Jerome yr. Abr. 1777 = B.C. 240, 'Q. Ennius poeta Tarenti [an error]
nascitur, qui a Catone quaestore Romam translatus habitavit in monte
Aventino, parco admodum sumptu contentus, et unius ancillae
ministerio.'

Sueton. _Gramm._ 1, 'Livium et Ennium, quos utraque lingua domi
forisque docuisse adnotatum est.'

At Rome he was on familiar terms with the elder Scipio Africanus and
his brother Cornelius Nasica, and their circle.

Cic. _pro Arch._ 22, 'Carus fuit Africano superiori noster Ennius;
itaque etiam in sepulchro Scipionum putatur is esse constitutus ex
marmore.'

A pleasant story of his relations with Nasica is given by Cic. _de
Or._ ii. 276. Two epigrams on Scipio (Nos. 2 and 3) are extant.

In B.C. 189 Ennius accepted an invitation from M. Fulvius Nobilior to
accompany him in his campaign against the Aetolians, and be a witness
of his exploits. Fulvius' victory gave the poet materials for the
praetexta _Ambracia_, and Book xv. of the _Annals_.

Cic. _pro Arch._ 27, 'Ille qui cum Aetolis Ennio comite bellavit
Fulvius.' Cf. Cic. _Tusc._ i. 3 (above).

In B.C. 184 the poet received the Roman citizenship through the son of
Fulvius, Q. Nobilior. Hence 'nos sumus Romani, qui fuimus ante Rudini'
(above). He also received a grant of land at Potentia or Pisaurum from
Fulvius, who was then _triumvir coloniae deducendae_.

Cic. _Brut._ 79, 'Q. Nobiliorem M. f. ..., qui etiam Q. Ennium, qui cum
patre eius in Aetolia militaverat, civitate donavit, cum triumvir
coloniam deduxisset.'

Ennius probably spent the greater part of his days, after returning
from the Aetolian war, at Rome; and during this period he was on
intimate terms with the comic poet Caecilius Statius (see p. 37). He
was often in indifferent circumstances, in spite of the grant of land
he had received. Ennius died of gout B.C. 169.

Cic. _Cato Maior_, 14, 'Annos septuaginta natus--tot enim vixit
Ennius--ita ferebat duo quae maxima putantur onera, paupertatem et
senectutem, ut eis paene delectari videretur.'

Cic. _Brut._ 78, 'Hoc [C. Sulpicio Gallo] praetore ludos Apollini
faciente, cum Thyesten fabulam docuisset, Q. Marcio Cn. Servilio coss.
(B.C. 169) mortem obiit Ennius.'

Jerome yr. Abr. 1849 = B.C. 168, 'Ennius poeta septuagenario maior
articulari morbo periit, sepultusque est in Scipionis monumento via
Appia intra primum ab urbe miliarium. Quidam ossa eius Rudiam ex
Ianiculo translata affirmant.'

For his gout cf. Enn. _Sat._ 1. 8,

  'Numquam poetor nisi si podager';

Hor. _Ep._ i. 19, 7,

  'Ennius ipse pater numquam nisi potus ad arma
  prosiluit dicenda.'

'Ennius "equi fortis et victoris senectuti comparat suam"' (Cic. _Cato
Maior_, 14).

The lines are _Ann._ xviii. fr. 7,

  'Sic ut fortis equus, spatio qui saepe supremo
  vicit Olimpia, nunc senio confectus quiescit.'

His epitaph (_Epigr._ i) is quoted by Cic. _Tusc._ i. 34 and 117,

  'Aspicite, o cives, senis Enni imaginis formam!
    hic vestrum panxit maxima facta patrum;
  Nemo me dacrumis decoret nec funera fletu
    faxit. Cur? Volito vivus per ora virum.'

According to Aelius Stilo, Ennius has depicted his own character in
_Ann._ vii. fr. 10, wherein he portrays Servilius Geminus, the trusty
companion of a man of position (Gell. xii. 4). For Ennius'
self-appreciation cf. also his epitaph (if by himself) quoted above,
and _Ann._ i. fr. 4,

  'Latos per populos terrasque poemata nostra
  clara cluebunt.'

In philosophy Ennius was an eclectic. Cf. _Trag._ 1. 417,

  'Philosophari est mihi necesse, at paucis: nam omnino haut placet.
  Degustandum ex ea, non in eam ingurgitandum censeo.'

His rationalism is seen in _Telamo_, fr. 1,

  'Ego deum genus esse semper dixi et dicam caelitum,
  sed eos non curare opinor, quid agat humanum genus:
  nam si curent, bene bonis sit, male malis, quod nunc abest';

_ibid._, fr. 2,

  'Sed superstitiosi vates inpudentesque arioli,
  aut inertes aut insani aut quibus egestas imperat,
  qui sibi semitam non sapiunt, alteri monstrant viam,
  quibus divitias pollicentur, ab eis drachumam ipsi petunt.'

Traces of Epicureanism are seen in _Ann._ i. fr. 13,

  'Terraque corpus
  quae dedit ipsa capit neque dispendi facit hilum.'

Ennius also believed in the Pythagorean theory of metempsychosis, and
considered that his soul had animated the body of a peacock. _Ann._ i.
fr. 14,

  'Memini me fiere pavom.'

Persius 6, 10,

  'Cor iubet hoc Enni postquam destertuit esse
  Maeonides Quintus pavone e Pythagoreo.'

Cf. also Lucr. i. 120-6.


(2) WORKS.

1. _Tragedies._--Of those founded on mythology we have fragments of
twenty-two, eight at least of which were borrowed from Euripides. The
_Auct. ad Herenn._ ii. 34, quotes nine lines which are a literal
translation of the beginning of the _Medea_. The date of the
_Thyestes_, B.C. 169, is the only one known (Cic. _Brut._ 78, quoted
p. 28). Besides these, Ennius probably wrote a praetexta on 'the Rape
of the Sabines'; and his _Ambracia_ is probably a praetexta on the
capture of the town by M. Fulvius Nobilior in B.C. 189 (L. Mueller
includes it in the _Saturae_).

2. _Comedies._--There are very slight fragments of the _Cupuncula_ and
the _Pancratiastes_.

3. _Saturae._--A miscellaneous collection of poems.

Porphyr. ad Hor. _Sat._ i. 10, 47, 'Ennius quattuor libros saturarum
reliquit.'

The reference in Hor. _Sat._ i. 10, 66,

  'Quam rudis et Graecis intacti carminis auctor,'

is not to Ennius, as some have supposed, but to the inventor of
_satura_, whoever he may have been.

The _Saturae_ include (_a_) _Scipio_, probably a short epic. It was
mostly written in trochaic septenarii. (_b_) _Epicharmus_ (in trochaic
tetrameters), dealing with Pythagoreanism in the department of
physics. (_c_) _Euhemerus_ or _Sacra Historia_, modelled on Euhemerus'
+hiera anagraphe+,[16] the doctrines of which were applied
to the religion of Rome.

Cic. _N.D._ i. 119, 'Euhemerus, quem noster et interpretatus et
secutus est praeter ceteros Ennius.'

(_d_) _Protreptica_ or _Praecepta_, containing moral maxims. (_e_)
_Hedyphagetica_, 'On Gastronomy,' modelled on a hexameter poem by
Archestratus (about B.C. 310). (_f_) _Sota_, so called from
+Sotades+, after whom the Sotadean metre has been named. The book
was probably of a lascivious nature. (_g_) Epigrams; the chief of
which are mentioned above.

4. The _Annales_, an epic poem in hexameters, which dealt with the
history of Rome down to the beginning of the Third Macedonian War. It
contained eighteen Books; there are about six hundred lines extant.
The following is a sketch of the contents:

Book i., from Aeneas to the death of Romulus; ii., reigns of Numa
Pompilius, Tullus Hostilius, Ancus Martius; iii., the last three
kings; iv.-v., the republic down to the war with Pyrrhus; vi., the war
with Pyrrhus; vii., First Punic War, etc.; viii.-ix., Second Punic
War; x.-xii., Second Macedonian War, Cato's consulship; xiii.-xv., War
with Antiochus, subjugation of the Aetolians; xvi.-xviii., from
Istrian War to beginning of Third Macedonian War.

_Ennius' services_ to Latin literature lay partly in introducing the
use of the hexameter and other metres from Greek in place of the old
Saturnian metre. His versification is, of course, rough in comparison
with that of later writers, the principal points being

(1) Harsh elisions. _Ann._ l. 199,

  'Hos et ego in pugna vici victusque sum ab isdem.'

(2) Quadrisyllable endings; l. 23,

  'Est locus Hesperiam quam mortales perhibebant.'

(3) Absence of caesura, or abrupt break, l. 188,

  'Bellipotentes sunt magis quam sapientipotentes';

l. 511,

  'Cui par imber et ignis, spiritus et gravis terra.'

(4) Omission of _-s_ in scansion, as in the last two examples.

(5) Short vowels sometimes lengthened; l. 86,

  'Omnibus cura viris uter esset induperator.'

(6) Prosaic lines (often spondaic); l. 34,

  'Olli respondit rex Albai longai';

l. 174,

  'Cives Romani tunc facti sunt Campani.'

(7) Harsh instances of tmesis; l. 586,

  'Saxo cere comminuit brum':

l. 605,

  'Massili portabant iuvenes ad litora tanas.'

(8) Apocope; l. 451

  'replet te laetificum _gau_';

l. 561,

  'divom domus altisonum _cael_';

l. 563,

  'endo suam _do_' (= in suam domum).

(9) Alliteration used freely; l. 113,

  'O Tite tute Tati tibi tanta tiranne tulisti';

l. 452,

  'At tuba terribili sonitu taratantara dixit.'

(10) Non-elision; l. 275,

  'Miscent inter sese inimicitiam agitantes.'

_Influence of Ennius._--This is seen in Lucretius, and to a very great
extent in Virgil. For Lucretius' appreciation of Ennius see Lucr. i.
117-9. Cf. also _Ann._ l. 150,

  'Postquam lumina sis oculis bonus Ancus reliquit,'

and Lucr. iii. 1025,

  'Lumina sis oculis etiam bonus Ancus reliquit.'

Servius on Verg. _Aen._ viii. 630-4, says 'Sane totus hic locus
Ennianus est.' Cf. Servius also on _Aen._ i. 20; xi. 608, etc. A large
number of imitations are quoted by Macrobius, especially in _Saturn._
Book vi. Virgil modified and refined many of Ennius' rough
expressions. Thus _Ann._ l. 452 (above quoted), becomes, in Verg.
_Aen._ ix. 503,

  'At tuba terribilem sonitum procul aere sonoro
  increpuit';

_Ann._ l. 464,

  'irarumque effunde quadrigas'

becomes in Verg. _Aen._ xii. 499,

  'irarumque omnes effundit habenas.'

_Views on Ennius._--A very few of these may be quoted. Lucr. i. 117-9,

  'Ennius ut noster cecinit qui primus amoeno
  detulit ex Helicone perenni fronde coronam,
  per gentes Italas hominum quae clara clueret.'

Cic. _Opt. Gen. Or._ 2, 'Licet dicere Ennium summum epicum poetam, si
cui ita videtur.' Hor. _Ep._ ii. 1, 50,

  'Ennius et sapiens et fortis et alter Homerus,
  ut critici dicunt, leviter curare videtur
  quo promissa cadant et somnia Pythagorea.'

Propert. v. 1, 61,

  'Ennius hirsuta cingat sua dicta corona.'

Quint. x. 1, 88, 'Ennium sicut sacros vetustate lucos adoremus, in
quibus grandia et antiqua robora iam non tantam habent speciem quantam
religionem.'



PACUVIUS.


(1) LIFE.

M. Pacuvius, the son (not grandson as Jerome states) of Ennius'
sister, was born at Brundisium, B.C. 220, spent most of his life at
Rome, and died at Tarentum shortly before B.C. 130. He was a painter
as well as a poet.

Jerome yr. Abr. 1863 = B.C. 154, 'Pacuvius Brundusinus tragoediarum
scriptor clarus habetur, Ennii poetae ex filia nepos, vixitque Romae
quoad picturam exercuit ac fabulas venditavit, deinde Tarentum
transgressus prope nonagenarius diem obiit.'

Pliny, _N.H._ xxxv. 19, 'Celebrata est in foro boario, aede Herculis,
Pacuvii poetae pictura. Ennii sorore genitus hic fuit, clarioremque
eam artem Romae fecit gloria scaenae.'

Cic. _Brut._ 229, 'Accius isdem aedilibus ait se et Pacuvium docuisse
fabulam, cum ille octoginta, ipse triginta annos natus esset.'

As Accius was born B.C. 170, Cicero's words imply that Pacuvius was
born B.C. 220, and produced plays as late as B.C. 140, while from
Jerome we may conclude that he died shortly before B.C. 130. That
Pacuvius was taught by his uncle Ennius is shown by Varro, _Sat.
Menipp._ 356 (Buecheler),

  'Pacvi[17] discipulus dicor, porro is fuit Enni,
   Ennius Musarum: Pompilius clueor.'

He was a member of the literary circle of Laelius. Cf. Laelius' words
in Cic. _Lael._ 24, 'In hospitis et amici mei M. Pacuvi nova fabula.'
In his last years he was intimate with Accius: cf. Gell. xiii. 2, 'Cum
Pacuvius, inquiunt, grandi iam aetate et morbo corporis diutino
adfectus, Tarentum ex urbe Roma concessisset, Accius tunc, haut parvo
iunior, proficiscens in Asiam, cum in oppidum venisset, devertit ad
Pacuvium comiterque invitatus plusculisque ab eo diebus retentus,
tragoediam suam, cui Atreus nomen est, desideranti legit.'

Gell. i. 24, 4, gives Pacuvius' epitaph, as written by himself,
'Epigramma Pacuvii verecundissimum et purissimum, dignumque eius
elegantissima gravitate:

  "Adulescens, tam etsi properas, te hoc saxum rogat,
   ut sese aspicias, deinde quod scriptum est legas.
   Hic sunt poetae Pacuvi Marci sita
   ossa. Hoc volebam nescius ne esses. Vale."'


(2) WORKS.

1. _Tragedies._--Titles of twelve are known, and over four hundred
lines of fragments are extant. The _Antiopa_, which is the best known,
was from Euripides.

Cic. _de Fin._ i. 4, 'Quis enim tam inimicus paene nomini Romano est,
qui Enni Medeam aut Antiopam Pacuvi spernat aut reiciat quod se eisdem
Euripidis fabulis delectari dicat?'

The _Niptra_ is from Sophocles. Cic. _T.D._ ii. 49, speaking of ll.
256-8 (Ribbeck), says, 'Pacuvius melius quam Sophocles.'

Pacuvius also wrote one praetexta, _Paulus_, doubtless on L. Aemilius
Paulus, the victor of Pydna.

2. _Saturae_ (lost).

Sueton. p. 20 R., 'Carmen quod ex variis poematibus constabat satura
vocabatur, quale scripserunt Pacuvius et Ennius.'

Pacuvius, like Ennius, shows interest in philosophy, and attacks
superstition; l. 93,

  'Mater est terra: ea parit corpus, animam aeter adiugat';

ll. 366-75; cf. l. 372,

  'Sunt autem alii philosophi, qui contra fortunam negant
   esse ullam, sed temeritate res regi omnis autumant';

ll. 83-5,

        'Nam isti qui linguam avium intellegunt
   plusque ex alieno iecore sapiunt quam ex suo,
   magis audiendum quam auscultandum censeo.'

For Pacuvius' stilted expressions, cf. Quint. i. 5, 67, 'Ceterum etiam
ex praepositione et duobus vocabulis dure videtur struxisse Pacuvius

  "Nerei repandirostrum, incurvicervicum pecus"' (l. 408);

_Paulus_, l. 5

  'Qua vix caprigeno generi gradilis gressio est.'

Some views on Pacuvius may be referred to:

Cic. _de Opt. Gen. Or._ 1, 'Itaque licet dicere et Ennium summum
epicum poetam et Pacuvium tragicum et Caecilium fortasse comicum.'

Hor. _Ep._ ii. 1, 55,

  'Ambigitur quotiens uter utro sit prior, aufert
  Pacuvius docti[18] famam senis, Accius alti';

Mart. xi. 90, 5,

  'Attonitusque legis "terrai frugiferai,"
     Accius et quidquid Pacuviusque vomunt.'

Cf. also Gell. vi. 14, 6; Cic. _Brut._ 258; _Or._ 36; Quint. x. 1, 97;
Persius, 1. 76-8; Tac. _Dial._ 20.



CAECILIUS STATIUS.


(1) LIFE.

Jerome yr. Abr. 1838 = B.C. 179, 'Statius Caecilius comoediarum
scriptor clarus habetur, natione Insuber Gallus et Ennii primum
contubernalis. Quidam Mediolanensem ferunt. Mortuus est anno post
mortem Ennii [iii.] et iuxta eum in Ianiculo sepultus.'

iii. is an addition by Ritschl, as we know Caecilius to have been
alive in B.C. 166, when Terence's _Andria_ was performed. Some read
iv. The date of his death will then be B.C. 166 or 165. Caecilius
probably came to Rome among the Insubrian prisoners of war at some
time between B.C. 200 and 194. The year of his birth is unknown; he is
never mentioned, like other old writers, such as Plautus and Ennius,
as having lived to a great age. If he died B.C. 166, we might suppose
that he was born about B.C. 219, as that would make him of military
age when the Insubrian war began in B.C. 200. His name as a slave was
Statius. His patron is unknown.

Gell. iv. 20, 13, 'Statius servile nomen fuit ... Caecilius quoque ille
comoediarum poeta inclutus servus fuit; et propterea nomen habuit
"Statius." Sed postea versum est quasi in cognomentum: appellatusque
est Caecilius Statius.'

Elsewhere he is sometimes called merely Caecilius (as Cic. _de Or._
ii. 40), but never Statius alone.


(2) WORKS.

Caecilius' works were at first unsuccessful; cf. the actor Ambivius'
words in Ter. _Hec._ prol. ii. 6-7,

  'In eis quas primum Caecili didici novas,
  partim sum earum exactus, partim vix steti.'

Later he examined plays before they were acted, as, _e.g._ Terence's
_Andria_ in B.C. 166 (see under 'Terence,' p. 42). This implies that
he occupied a responsible and leading position in the guild of poets.

We have two hundred and ninety lines of fragments, and titles of
forty-two comedies, sixteen of which correspond with those of plays by
Menander. For Caecilius' imitation of Menander see Gell. ii. 23. Cf.,
_e.g._, 'Caecilii Plocium legebamus; hautquaquam mihi et qui aderant
displicebat... Sed enim postquam in manus Menander venit, a principio
statim, di boni, quantum stupere atque frigere quantumque mutare a
Menandro Caecilius visus est!'

Among the views on Caecilius are:

Cic. _ad Att._ vii. 3, 10, '(Caecilius) malus auctor Latinitatis est'
(probably because he was an Insubrian).

Cic. _de Opt. Gen. Or._ 1, 'fortasse summus comicus.' Sedigitus ap.
Gell. xv. 24,

  'Caecilio palmam Statio do mimico.'

Hor. _Ep._ ii. 1, 59,

  '(dicitur) vincere Caecilius gravitate.'

The contemporaries of Caecilius include _Trabea_, _Atilius_ ('poeta
durissimus,' Cic. _ad Att._ xiv. 20, 3), _Aquilius_ (possibly the
author of the _Boeotia_, attributed by Varro to Plautus, Gell. iii. 3,
4), _Licinius Imbrex_, _Luscius Lanuvinus_, all writers of _palliatae_.
Our chief information about Luscius Lanuvinus is got from the
prologues to Terence's plays (in all of which, except that of the
_Hecyra_, he is attacked), and from Donatus' commentary on these
passages. From Ter. _Eun._ prol. 9-13, we see that he did not tone
down his originals to suit a Roman audience,

  'Idem Menandri Phasma nuper perdidit
  atque in Thensauro scripsit, causam dicere
  prius unde petitur, aurum qua re sit suom,
  quam illic qui petit, unde is sit thensaurus sibi
  aut unde in patrium monumentum pervenerit.'

Donatus _ad loc._, 'Arguit Terentius quod Luscius contra consuetudinem
litigantium defensionem ante accusationem induxerit.'



TERENCE.


(1) LIFE.

Our chief source of information is Suetonius' life of Terence,
preserved by Donatus, who also makes a slight addition of his own.
Jerome's notice is also based on Suetonius.

P. Terentius Afer was born in Africa, and was brought in early life to
Rome, where he was a slave of P. Terentius Lucanus, by whom he was
educated and subsequently manumitted.

Sueton. _vit. Ter._ p. 26 R., 'P. Terentius Afer, Karthagine natus,
serviit Romae Terentio Lucano senatori, a quo ob ingenium et formam
non institutus modo liberaliter, sed et mature manu missus est. Quidam
captum esse existumant: quod fieri nullo modo potuisse Fenestella
docet, cum inter finem secundi Punici belli et initium tertii et natus
sit et mortuus.'

Terence's cognomen probably shows that he belonged to one of the
African peoples subdued by Carthage. It may be taken as certain that
he was not of Punic birth, and that he was brought to Rome in the
ordinary course of the slave trade.

The date of Terence's birth is not accurately known. Sueton. _ibid._
p. 32, 'Nondum quintum atque vicesimum ingressus annum ... egressus
urbe est neque amplius rediit,' which refers to his voyage to Greece
in B.C. 160, would make the year of his birth to be B.C. 185. This,
however, is an improbable assumption, which rests on the fact that
Roman scholars attributed to him the age of his intimate friend, P.
Scipio Africanus the younger. Thus Sueton. _ibid._ p. 27 (of Terence,
Scipio, Laelius), says, 'quamvis et Nepos aequales omnes fuisse
tradat'; with which contrast _ibid._ 'Fenestella ... contendens
utroque maiorem natu fuisse.' Terence must have been some years older,
as his first piece, the _Andria_, was produced B.C. 166. A successful
piece like it makes it probable that he had then passed his boyhood,
and it is likely that he was born about B.C. 190. The reproach of his
adversary in _Heaut. Tim._ prol. 23,

  '_repente_ ad studium hunc se adplicasse _musicum_,'

means only that he had not made himself prominent by previous
exercises in play-writing. Further in _H.T._ prol. 51-2, he describes
his opponents as _adulescentuli_,

  'Exemplum statuite in me, ut adulescentuli
  vobis placere studeant potius quam sibi.'

Terence was on intimate terms with P. Scipio Africanus and C. Laelius,
who were supposed to have helped him in the composition of his plays.

Sueton. _ibid._ p. 30, 'Non obscura fama est adiutum Terentium in
scriptis a Laelio et Scipione: eamque ipse auxit, numquam nisi leviter
se tutari conatus, ut in prologo Adelphorum (ll. 15-21),

  "Nam quod isti dicunt malivoli, homines nobiles
  hunc adiutare adsidueque una scribere,
  quod illi maledictum vehemens esse existumant:
  eam laudem hic ducit maxumam, quom illis placet
  qui vobis univorsis et populo placent,
  quorum opera in bello, in otio, in negotio
  suo quisque tempore usust sine superbia."

... Sciebat Laelio et Scipioni non ingratam esse hanc opinionem, quae
tum magis et usque ad posteriora tempora valuit.'

Sueton. p. 31, also repeats a story that C. Laelius was the author of
the lines _H.T._ 723 _sqq._

Cf. also Cic. _ad Att._ vii. 3, 10, 'Terentium, cuius fabellae propter
elegantiam sermonis putabantur a C. Laelio scribi.'

Quint. x. 1, 99, 'Licet Terentii scripta ad Scipionem Africanum
referantur.'

The remark that ll. 20-1 of the above extract from the _Adelph._ could
not refer to young men like Scipio and Laelius was made even in
antiquity.

Sueton. _ibid._ p. 31, 'Santra (a grammarian of the time of Augustus)
Terentium existimat, si modo in scribendo adiutoribus indiguerit, non
tam Scipione et Laelio uti potuisse, qui tunc adulescentuli fuerint,
quam C. Sulpicio Gallo, homine docto, quo console Megalensibus ludis
initium fabularum dandarum fecerit, vel Q. Fabio Labeone et M.
Popillio, consulari utroque ac poeta. Ideo ipsum non iuvenes designare
qui se adiuvare dicantur, sed viros quorum operam et in bello et in
otio et in negotio populus sit expertus.'

In K. Dziatzko's opinion (second edition of _Phormio_, p. 10, Leipzig,
1885), the expression 'homines nobiles' points to the literary circle
of Terence, including old as well as young men, while in what follows
he touches upon the general reputation of those noble families among
the Roman people. There is nothing to show that Terence got more than
general support and advice from his friends. That his diction reflects
the conversational language of the better classes is recognized.

In B.C. 166, Terence submitted to Caecilius Statius, the examiner of
plays, his first work, the _Andria_, which was accepted, and performed
in that year.

Sueton. _ibid._ pp. 28-9, 'Scripsit comoedias sex. Ex quibus primam
Andriam cum aedilibus daret, iussus ante Caecilio recitare ad cenantem
cum venisset, dicitur initium quidem fabulae, quod erat contemptiore
vestitu, in subsellio iuxta lectulum residens legisse, post paucos
vero versus invitatus ut accumberet cenasse una, dein cetera
percucurrisse non sine magna Caecilii admiratione.'

From the fact of Caecilius' not recognizing him we may conclude that
Terence had as yet no connexion with the guild of poets. This fits in
with _H.T._ prol. 23-4,

  'Repente ad studium hunc se adplicasse musicum,
  amicum ingenio fretum, haud natura sua.'

Hence probably arose the hatred of other writers, referred to as
_isti_ (_Andr._ 15; 21); _iniqui_ (_H.T._ 27); cf. also _Hec._ prol.
ii. 38,

  'Nolite sinere per vos artem musicam
  recidere ad paucos.'

As to further connexion between Caecilius and Terence, note (1) that
they had a common actor Ambivius; (2) that Terence sometimes imitates
Caecilius. Thus, according to Donatus, _Andr._ 805,

  'ut quimus, aiunt, quando ut volumus non licet'

is from Caecilius (l. 177 R.),

  'vivas ut possis quando nec quis ut velis.'

Cf. also _Adelph._ 985,

  'Quod prolubium? quae istaec subitast largitas?'

and Caecilius (l. 91 R.),

  'Quod prolubium, quae voluptas, quae te lactat largitas?'

Terence died B.C. 159, on his way home from Greece, where he had
probably gone the year before. The place of his death is uncertain.
Whatever plays he may have written while in Greece are lost.

Sueton. _ibid._ p. 32, 'Post editas comoedias, nondum quintum atque
vicesimum ingressus annum, causa vitandae opinionis qua videbatur
aliena pro suis edere, seu percipiendi Graecorum instituta moresque
quos non perinde exprimeret in scriptis, egressus urbe est neque
amplius rediit ... Q. Cosconius redeuntem e Graecia perisse in mari
dicit cum fabulis conversis a Menandro: ceteri mortuum esse in Arcadia
sive Leucadiae tradunt, Cn. Cornelio Dolabella M. Fulvio Nobiliore
coss., morbo implicatum ex dolore ac taedio amissarum sarcinarum quas
in nave praemiserat, ac simul fabularum quas novas fecerat.'

Terence's personal appearance is mentioned by Sueton. p. 33, who also
states that he had property, and left a daughter who afterwards
married a Roman knight. 'Fuisse dicitur mediocri statura, gracili
corpore, colore fusco. Reliquit filiam, quae post equiti Romano
nupsit: item hortulos xx. iugerum via Appia ad Martis.'


(2) WORKS.

1. _Andria_.--The particulars of its production are given above. Of
its success, Donatus in his commentary says, 'Successu adspecta
prospero hortamento poetae fuit ad alias conscribendas.' The
didascalia to the _Andria_ is lost, but we can restore it as follows
from Donatus' information, 'Incipit Andria Terenti. Acta ludis
Megalensib. M. Fulvio M' Glabrione aedil. curul. Egit L. Ambivius
Turpio.[19] Modos fecit Flaccus Claudi. Tibis paribus tota. Graeca
Menandru. Facta i. M. Marcello C. Sulpicio cos.'

The meaning of the didascalia is as follows: The piece was produced at
the Megalesian games (held at the beginning of April) under the curule
aediles mentioned; L. Ambivius Turpio undertook the representation;
the music was composed (as in all Terence's comedies) by Flaccus,
slave of Claudius, and given throughout _tibiis paribus_.[20] The Greek
original was by Menander; it was the first work of Terence, and the
year of production was B.C. 166.

The play is adapted from Menander's +Andria+ with additions
from his +Perinthia+. _Andr._ prol. 13,

  'Quae convenere in Andriam ex Perinthia
  fatetur transtulisse atque usum pro suis.'

The prologue dates from the first performance, though Wagner and
Ribbeck have inferred from l. 5,

  'Nam in prologis scribundis operam abutitur,'

that it was written for a second representation, possibly in B.C. 164.
There are two endings to the play; the shorter one is genuine, the
longer spurious, and omitted in the best MSS.

2. _Heauton Timorumenos_ is from Menander's +Heauton
timoroumenos+, 'self tormentor.' The title is referred to in l. 146,

  'hic me exerceo,'

l. 81,

  'An quoiquamst usus homini, se ut cruciet?'

and prol. 5,

  'Ex integra Graeca integram comoediam
  hodie sum acturus Heauton timorumenon.'

The play was produced at the Ludi Megalenses in B.C. 163, as is seen
from the didascalia, 'Incipit Heauton Timorumenos Terenti. Acta ludis
Megalensib. L. Cornelio Lentulo L. Valerio Flacco aedilib. curulib.
Egit Ambivius Turpio. Modos fecit Flaccus Claudi. Acta primum tibis
inparib., deinde duabus dextris. Graeca Menandru. Facta ii. M'
Iuventio Ti. Sempronio cos.'

The play is called 'stataria' in prol. 36,

                            'Date potestatem mihi
  statariam agere ut liceat per silentium.'

3. _Eunuchus_, 'contaminated' from Menander's +Eunouchos+ and
his +Kolax+. _Eun._ prol. 19,

                       'Nunc acturi sumus
  Menandri Eunuchum';

_ibid._ 30,

  'Colax Menandrist: in east parasitus colax
  et miles gloriosus: eas se non negat
  personas transtulisse in Eunuchum suam
  ex Graeca: sed eas ab aliis factas prius
  Latinas scisse sese, id vero pernegat.'

The didascalia shows that the piece was produced at the Ludi
Megalenses in B.C. 161, and from the MSS. we may conclude that it was
also acted in B.C. 146. The didascalia is, 'Incipit Eunuchus Terenti.
Acta ludis Megalensib. L. Postumio Albino L. Cornelio Merula aedilib.
curulib. Egit Ambivius Turpio. Modos fecit Flaccus Claudi. Tibis
duabus dextris _tota_. Graeca Menandru. Facta _iii._ M. Valerio C.
Fannio cos.'

Sueton. _vit. Ter._ p. 29, speaks of the success of the play,
'Eunuchus quidem his deinceps acta est meruitque pretium quantum nulla
antea cuiusquam comoedia, octo milia nummum.'

4. _Phormio_, the fifth comedy Terence composed, and the fourth
completely represented. It was first performed at the Ludi Romani,
B.C. 161. The Greek original was the +Epidikazomenos+ of
Apollodorus of Carystus. _Phorm._ prol. 24,

                             'Adporto novam
  Epidicazomenon quam vocant comoediam
  Graeci, Latini Phormionem nominant,
  quia primas partis qui aget, is erit Phormio
  parasitus, per quem res geretur maxume,'

The didascalia is, 'Incipit Terenti Phormio. Acta ludis Romanis. L.
Postumio Albino L. Cornelio Merula aedilib. curulib. Egit L. Ambivius
Turpio. Modos fecit Flaccus Claudi. Tibis imparib. tota. Graeca
Apollodoru Epidicazomenos. Facta iiii. C. Fannio M. Valerio cos.

From notices in the MSS. it is probable that a second representation
took place in B.C. 141 at the Megalesian games.

5. _Hecyra_ is founded on a play by Apollodorus of Carystus, doubtless
called +Hekyra+; cf. Donatus' preface, 'fabula Apollodori
dicitur esse Graeca.' The first attempted representation was in B.C.
165, at the Ludi Megalenses. _Hec._ prol. i. 1,

                            'Hecyra quom datast
  nova, ei novom intervenit vitium et calamitas,
  ut neque spectari neque cognosci potuerit:
  ita populus studio stupidus in funambulo
  animum occuparat.'

The second (unsuccessful) representation was at the ludi funerales of
Aemilius Paulus in B.C. 160. _Hec._ prol. ii. 38,

                                'Refero denuo.
  Primo actu placeo. Quom interea rumor venit
  datum iri gladiatores, populus convolat,
  tumultuantur clamant pugnant de loco:
  ego interea meum non potui tutari locum.'

Cf. _Phorm._ prol. 31,

  'Ne simili utamur fortuna, atque usi sumus
  quom per tumultum noster grex motus locost.'

The first prologue was written for the second performance; the second
(spoken by the actor Ambivius) for the third performance, also in B.C.
160. The didascalia is, 'Incipit Terenti Hecyra. Acta ludis
Megalensib. S. Iulio Caesare Cn. Cornelio Dolabella aedilib. curulib.
Egit L. Ambivius Turpio. Modos fecit Flaccus Claudi. Tibis paribus
tota. Graeca _Apollodoru_. Facta v. Cn. Octavio T. Manlio cos. Relata
est L. Aemelio Paulo ludis funeralib. Non est placita. Tertio relata
est Q. Fulvio L. Marcio aedilib. curulib.'

6. _Adelphoe_ is founded on Menander's +Adelphoi+ with a scene
added from Diphilus' +Synapothneskontes+. _Adelph._ prol. 6,

  Synapothnescontes Diphili comoediast;
  eam Commorientis Plautus fecit fabulam.
  In Graeca adulescens est, qui lenoni eripit
  meretricem in prima fabula: eum Plautus locum
  reliquit integrum; eum hic locum sumpsit sibi
  in Adelphos, verbum de verbo expressum extulit.'

That this was the first performance is shown by _novam_ in l. 12. The
part from Diphilus is Act ii., Scene 1. The play was produced in B.C.
160 at the ludi funerales of L. Aemilius Paulus, as shown by the
didascalia, 'Incipit Terenti Adelphoe. Acta ludis funeralib. L.
Aemelio Paulo. Fecere Q. Fabius Maxumus P. Cornelius Africanus. Egit
L. Ambivius Turpio. Modos fecit Flaccus Claudi. Tibis Sarranis tota.
Graeca Menandru. Facta vi. M. Cornelio Cethego L. Anicio Gallo cos.'

The order given above agrees essentially with the numbers denoting the
order of production, as given in the didascaliae. We must, however,
assume that the first representation of the _Hecyra_ remained
unnoticed, and must give the second place (instead of the third) to
the _H.T._, with a section of the MSS., and the third place to the
_Eun._ with Donatus against the MSS.

_Prologues._--Terence uses these as weapons against his enemies, the
chief of whom was Luscius Lanuvinus (see under his name), who attacked
Terence for 'contaminatio' and for want of spirit in his plays. Cf.
_H.T._ prol. 17,

  'Multas contaminasse Graecas, dum facit
  paucas Latinas';

_Phorm._ prol. 5,

  'tenui esse oratione et scriptura levi.'

Terence justifies repeatedly his use of 'contaminatio.' _H.T._ prol.
16,

  'Nam quod rumores distulerunt malivoli,
  multas contaminasse Graecas, dum facit
  paucas Latinas: id esse factum hic non negat,
  neque se pigere et deinde facturum autumat.
  Habet bonorum exemplum, quo exemplo sibi
  licere id facere quod illi fecerunt putat.'

Cf. _Andria_, prol. 15-21; _Adelph._ prol. 1-14; _Eun._ prol. 31-3.
Luscius also attacked him for not adhering more closely to his Greek
originals, in spite of the fact that, generally speaking, Terence
translated closely from these. Cf. _Adelph._ prol. 10-11, quoted
above. A piece was considered to be new if it had not previously been
presented to a Roman audience. So Terence justifies his originality in
_Adelph._ prol. 6-14, or excuses himself on the ground that he did not
know that a piece had been previously used: _Eun._ prol. 19-34.

_Representation of the plays._--Ambivius was the chief actor in all
the plays. He is the speaker of the prologue of _H.T._ and of the
second prologue of _Hec._ He calls himself _senex_, cf. _H.T._ prol.
1. For his popularity cf. _Hec._ prol. ii. 55,

  'Mea causa causam accipite et date silentium.'

The music was provided by Flaccus, slave of Claudius. The composer
himself was probably the instrumentalist. Four kinds of flutes are
mentioned as used by him: _tibiae pares_, _impares_, _sarranae_, and _duae
dextrae_ (see note p. 45). The scene of all the plays is at Athens.
There is no chorus. The form of the plays is modelled closely on
Greek. More than half of the verses are iambic senarii, the next
commonest being troch. septen. and iamb. octon. These are used in
dialogue. Trochaic octonarii are used in lyrical parts, other lyrical
metres being rare, and the anapaestic metre not being used. Short
lines are also found in the middle of lyrical pieces, or at the end of
pieces of dialogue. _Andr._ 605,

  'Sed eccum video ipsum: occidi.'

Single words sometimes stand at the head of a lyrical piece, as
_Phorm._ 485 'Dorio,' which makes a line.

The different kinds of scenes are under the same conditions as in
Plautus. We have (1) scenes provided with music, probably represented
in MSS. by C (Canticum). (2) Scenes sung as recitative, with musical
accompaniment, in MSS. denoted by M.M.C. (perhaps for 'Modi Mutati
Cantici'). (3) Scenes in senarii, without music, in MSS. denoted by DV
(Diverbium). The division into scenes is very ancient; but the
division into acts, though existing in the time of Terence (cf. _Hec._
prol. 39, 'primo actu placeo,'), is not marked in the MSS.

_Names of characters._--Terence uses only Greek names, which often
suit the characters of the persons, and many of which are repeated in
the different plays. Cf. Pamphilus and Glycerium, of the lovers in the
_Andr._; Chremes (+chremptomai+, 'cough'), for an old man, in
_Andr._, _H.T._, _Phorm._; Crito (+krino+, 'judge'), for an old
man, in _Andr._, _Phorm._; Sosia (+sozein+), for a freedman, in
_Andr._, _Hec._ So names of slaves as Davus (+Daos+, 'Dacian'),
Dromo, Geta, Syrus, all in several plays.

_The arguments_, consisting of twelve senarii each, were composed by
C. Sulpicius Apollinaris in the second century A.D.

_Prosody._--For the variations from later usage, see under 'Plautus.'
Terence is, of course, more regular in this respect than Plautus.

_Views on Terence._--To those given above the following may be added:

Gell. vi. 14, 6, 'Exempla in Latina lingua M. Varro esse dicit
ubertatis Pacuvium, gracilitatis Lucilium, mediocritatis
Terentium.'[21]

Sueton. _vit. Ter._ p. 34, 'Cicero in Limone hactenus laudat,

  "Tu quoque, qui solus lecto sermone, Terenti,
  conversum expressumque Latina voce Menandrum
  in medium nobis sedatis motibus effers,
  quiddam come loquens atque omnia dulcia miscens";

item C. Caesar,

  "Tu quoque, tu in summis, o dimidiate Menander,
  poneris, et merito, puri sermonis amator.
  Lenibus atque utinam scriptis adiuncta foret vis,
  comica ut aequato virtus polleret honore
  cum Graecis, neve hac despectus parte iaceres.
  Unum hoc maceror ac doleo tibi desse, Terenti."'



EARLY MINOR AUTHORS.


(_a_) POETS:

The poetical contemporaries of Terence were:

1. _Titinius_, the first writer of _togatae_; fifteen titles and about
one hundred and eighty lines of fragments are extant. He probably
began to write after Terence's death.

2. _Sextus Turpilius._--We have titles of thirteen of his _palliatae_,
six of which are probably from Menander. He died B.C. 103, probably
about eighty.

Jerome yr. Abr. 1914 = B.C. 103, 'Turpilius comicus senex admodum
Sinuessae moritur.'

3. _Iuventius_, _Valerius_, and _Vatronius_ wrote _palliatae_; _P.
Licinius Tegula_ a hymn to Juno, B.C. 200 (Livy xxxi. 12); _Q. Fabius
Labeo_ (cos. B.C. 183) and _M. Popillius Laenas_ (cos. 173) were poets.


(_b_) PROSE WRITERS:

_Fabius Pictor_ was the earliest Roman historian: Liv. i. 44,
2, 'scriptorum antiquissimus Fabius Pictor.' A relative of Q. Fabius
Maximus Cunctator (Plut. _Fab. Max._ 18), he took part in the war with
the Cisalpine Gauls, B.C. 225 (Eutropius, iii. 5), and after the
battle of Cannae was sent by the Senate on a mission to the oracle of
Delphi (Liv. xxii. 57, 5).

Fabius wrote in Greek an account of the Second Punic War, prefixed to
which was a sketch of the history of Rome from its foundation: Liv.
xxii. 7, 4, 'Fabium aequalem temporibus huiusce belli potissimum
auctorem habui.' There was also a Latin version, made either by Fabius
Pictor or by a namesake (Gell. v. 4, 3).

The same subject was treated by _L. Cincius Alimentus_, who was
praetor B.C. 210 (Liv. xxvi. 23, i), and took an active part in the
war in Sicily during the next two years (Liv. xxvii. 7, 12, and
throughout that Book). He was taken prisoner by Hannibal, and
conversed with him: Liv. xxi. 38, 3, 'L. Cincius Alimentus, qui captum
se ab Hannibale scribit, maxime auctor moveret ...'

Both Fabius and Cincius wrote in Greek, and both gave a cursory view
of the earlier history: Dion. Hal. i. 6, +Romaion hosoi ta
palaia erga tes poleos Hellenike dialekto synegrapsan, hon eisi
presbytatoi Kointos te Phabios kai Leukios Kinkios ... touton de ton
andron hekateros hois men autos ergois paregeneto, dia ten empeirian
akribos anegrapse, ta de archaia to meta ton ktisin tes poleos
genomena kephalaiodos epedramen.+



CATO.


M. Porcius Cato, the Censor (B.C. 234-149), born at Tusculum, of a
yeoman stock, was one of the most prominent figures of his time. For
the best account of his military and political career, including his
advancement to the Consulship (B.C. 195) and Censorship (B.C. 184),
and his economic and social reforms, the reader may be referred to
Mommsen, _R.H._, vol. ii. _passim_.

Cato was the founder of Latin prose, and the chief opponent of the
exaggerated Hellenism that was finding its way into Roman life and
literature (cf. his own words quoted by Pliny, _N.H._ xxix. 14,
'Quandoque ista gens suas litteras dabit, omnia corrumpet'); but even
he shows traces of Greek influence. Cato is represented now only by
(1) his treatise _De Agri Cultura_, the earliest extant work in Latin
prose, which, besides giving instruction for the husbandman, deals
with housekeeping, cookery, and medicine.

(2) His great work was the _Origines_, the earliest history in Latin
prose, the contents of which are enumerated by Nepos, _Cato_, 3, 3,
'Senex historias scribere instituit. Earum sunt libri vii. Primus
continet res gestas regum populi Romani, secundus et tertius unde
quaeque civitas orta sit Italica (ob quam rem omnes Origines videtur
appellasse); in quarto autem bellum Poenicum est primum, in quinto
secundum. Atque haec omnia capitulatim sunt dicta. Reliqua quoque
bella pari modo persecutus est usque ad praeturam Ser. Galbae, qui
diripuit Lusitanos (B.C. 151). Atque horum bellorum duces non
nominavit, sed sine nominibus res notavit.[22] In eisdem exposuit quae
in Italia Hispaniisque aut fierent aut viderentur admiranda: in quibus
multa industria et diligentia comparet, nulla doctrina.'

An attempt has been made by A. Bormann (_M. Porcii Catonis Originum
Libri vii._, Brandenburg 1858, p. 38) to prove that the principle of
division was geographical, and that history only came in incidentally
in connexion with the reduction of provinces; but as Nepos was writing
to an eminent authority on antiquities, his account is likely to be
right. The period between the kings and the Punic Wars was probably
omitted by Cato through want of authorities.

The title _Origines_ fails to indicate the scope of the work, which
was chiefly occupied with general history; it was probably taken, as
Nepos suggests, from the contents of Books ii. and iii., which seem to
have been the most novel and valuable part of the undertaking.
(Jordan, however, takes 'Origines' as equivalent, not to the Greek
+ktiseis+, but to 'res Romanae ab origine repetitae.')

(3) _Praecepta ad Filium_ was the general title of a didactic work
containing rules for medicine, husbandry, and rhetoric (_e.g._ 'Rem
tene, verba sequentur'). Cf. Quint. iii. 1, 19, 'Romanorum primus,
quantum ego quidem sciam, condidit aliqua in hanc materiam (rhetoric)
M. Cato ille Censorius.'

(4) _Speeches._--Fragments of eighty speeches, out of about two
hundred and thirty, are collected by Jordan. They are almost equally
divided between forensic and deliberative speeches: none is known of
earlier date than B.C. 195. Cato incorporated some of them in the
_Origines_, _e.g._ For the Rhodians (Gell. vi. 3, 7), and Against
Galba (Cic. _Brut._ 89).

Works on civil law are attributed to Cato, and we hear also of
+apophthegmata+ (Cic. _de Off._ i. 104), _Liber de re militari_ (Gell.
vi. 4, 5), and _Carmen de moribus_ (Gell. xi. 2, 2).



ACCIUS.


(1) LIFE.

The forms Accius and Attius are both found on inscriptions, _e.g._
from Pisaurum; but in the MSS. of Nonius Marcellus, who often quotes
Accius, and who is careful about his forms, 'Accius' is always found,
and generally in MSS. of other authors.

L. Accius was born B.C. 170 at Pisaurum (of. Pliny, _N.H._ vii. 128,
'Attio Pisaurense').

Jerome yr. Abr. 1878 = B.C. 139, 'L. Accius tragoediarum scriptor
clarus habetur, natus Mancino et Serrano coss. (B.C. 170) parentibus
libertinis et seni iam Pacuvio Tarenti sua scripta recitavit. A quo et
fundus Accianus iuxta Pisaurum dicitur, quia illuc inter colonos
fuerat ex urbe deductus.'

This last statement must refer to Accius' father, as the colony of
Pisaurum was founded B.C. 184. Jerome's chronology is corroborated by

Cic. _Brut._ 229, 'Accius isdem aedilibus (B.C. 140) ait se et
Pacuvium docuisse fabulam, cum ille lxxx., ipse xxx. annos natus
esset.'

Accius' friendship and influence with leading men is shown by Cic.
_pro Arch._ 27, 'D. Brutus, summus vir et imperator (cons. B.C. 138)
Acci amicissimi sui carminibus templorum ac monumentorum aditus
exornavit suorum.'

_Auct. ad Herenn._ i. 24, 'Mimus quidam nominatim Accium poetam
compellavit in scaena. Cum eo Accius iniuriarum egit'; ii. 19, 'P.
Mucius eum qui L. Accium poetam nominaverat condemnavit.'

The above shows his self-consciousness; cf. also Pliny _N.H._ xxxiv.
19, 'Notatum ab auctoribus et L. Accium poetam in Camenarum aede
maxima forma statuam sibi posuisse, cum brevis admodum fuisset.'

For Accius' friendship with Pacuvius, see p. 35. Accius must have
lived to about B.C. 86, as Cicero (born B.C. 106) talked with him on
literary subjects.

Cic. _Brut._ 107, 'D. Brutus M. filius, ut ex familiari eius L. Accio
poeta sum audire solitus.'

His _Tereus_ was produced in B.C. 104, as is seen from

Cic. _Phil._ i. 36 (B.C. 44), 'Nisi forte Accio tum plaudi et
sexagesimo post anno palmam dari, non Bruto, putabatis.'


(2) WORKS.

1. _Tragedies._--Titles of about forty-five plays, and about seven
hundred lines of fragments are extant. The fragments show imitation of
Aeschylus as well as of Sophocles and Euripides.

2. _Praetextae._--_Aeneadae_ or _Decius_, and _Brutus_. _Decius_
treated of the self-sacrifice of P. Decius Mus at Sentinum, B.C. 295.
Cf. l. 15, 'Patrio exemplo et me dicabo atque animam devoro (=
devovero) hostibus.' _Brutus_ treated of the overthrow of Tarquinius
Superbus and the establishment of the consulship.

3. _Didascalica_, in at least nine books, a history of Greek and Latin
poetry, with special attention to the drama. The few fragments are
mostly in Sotadean metre. Cf. Gell. vi. 9, 16, 'L. Accius in
Sotadicorum libro I.'

4. _Pragmaticon libri_ (in trochaic tetrameters) on literary subjects.

5. _Praxidica_, on agriculture. Two lines on ploughing are quoted from
'liber parergon,' i., but it is not certain whether this is an
independent work.

6. _Annales_, in hexameters.

7. A work in Saturnians.

Accius gave attention to points of language. Cf. Quint. i. 7, 14,
'Semivocales geminare diu non fuit usitatissimi moris, atque e
contrario usque ad Accium et ultra porrectas syllabas geminis, ut
dixi, vocalibus scripserunt.'

Accius, like Ennius and Pacuvius, attacks superstition. Cf. ll. 169-70,

  'Nil credo auguribus, qui auris verbis divitant
  alienas, suas ut auro locupletent domos.'

That Virgil imitated Accius is mentioned by Macrob. vi. 1, 58, who
compares, _e.g._, l. 156,

  'Virtuti sis par, dispar fortunis patris,'

and _Aen._ xii. 435-6,

  'Disce, puer, virtutem ex me verumque laborem,
  fortunam ex aliis.'

_Views on Accius._--A few of these may be referred to. Cic. _pro
Sest._ 120, 'Summi poetae ingenium.' Ovid. _Am._ i. 15, 19,

  'Animosi Accius oris.'

Cf. also Quint. x. 1, 97; Tac. _Dial._ 20; and Hor. _Ep._ ii. 1, 55
(see 'Pacuvius,' p. 37).

Of the prose writers contemporary with Accius, the most important were
the annalists _L. Cassius Hemina_ and _L. Calpurnius Piso Frugi_; the
orators _Ti._ and _C. Graccus_, and their opponent _C. Fannius_, and
_M. Aemilius Scaurus_, the _princeps senatus_, who also wrote an
autobiography (Cic. _Brut._ 112). _L. Coelius Antipater_ wrote a
history of the Second Punic War in seven Books, making use of Silenus,
whose account was favourable to the Carthaginians (Cic. _de <DW37>._ i.
49). His strength lay in style (Cic. _de Or._ ii. 53); though
painstaking, he was apt to exaggerate (Liv. xxvii. 27, 12; xxix, 25,
3).



LUCILIUS.


(1) LIFE.

C. Lucilius' dates are given by Jerome as B.C. 148-103.

yr. Abr. 1869 = B.C. 148, 'Lucilius poeta nascitur.'

yr. Abr. 1914 = B.C. 103, 'C. Lucilius satirarum scriptor Neapoli
moritur, ac publico funere effertur anno aetatis xlvi.'

If Jerome's notice were correct, Lucilius would have been only
thirteen years old at the time of the Numantine War (B.C. 134) in
which he served.

Velleius ii. 9, 4, 'Celebre et Lucili nomen fuit qui sub P. Africano
Numantino bello eques militaverat.'

It is probable that Jerome has confused the consuls of B.C. 180, A.
Postumius Albinus and C. Calpurnius Piso, with those of B.C. 148, Sp.
Postumius Albinus and L. Calpurnius Piso, and that Lucilius was born
B.C. 180. No reference is found in Lucilius to any event after B.C.
103, so that Jerome may be right in giving that as the year of his
death. In Hor. _Sat._ ii. 1, 34, Lucilius is called _senex_, which
shows that he lived a long life.

Lucilius was born at Suessa in Campania. He was an _eques_, and was
the great-uncle of Pompey. Juv. 1, 19,

  'Cur tamen hoc potius libeat decurrere campo,
  per quem magnus equos Auruncae flexit alumnus,
  si vacat ac placidi rationem admittitis, edam.'

Porphyr. ad Hor. _Sat._ ii. 1, 75, '"infra Lucili censum": Constat
enim Lucilium avonculum maiorem Pompei fuisse: etenim avia Pompei
Lucilii soror fuerat.'

Velleius ii. 29, 2, 'Fuit [Cn. Pompeius] genitus matre Lucilia,
stirpis senatoriae.' This Lucilia was Lucilius' niece, and her father,
Lucilius' brother, was a senator.

Lucilius was very intimate with Africanus the younger and Laelius, and
celebrated them in his works. Hor. _Sat._ ii. 1, 71,

  'Quin ubi se a volgo et scaena in secreta remorant
  virtus Scipiadae et mitis sapientia Laeli,
  nugari cum illo et discincti ludere, donec
  decoqueretur olus, soliti.'

Schol. Cruq. _ad loc._, 'Scipio Africanus et Laelius feruntur tam
fuisse familiares et amici Lucilio, ut quodam tempore Laelio circum
lectos triclinii fugienti Lucilius superveniens eum obtorta mappa quasi
feriturus sequeretur.'

Hor. _Sat._ ii. 1, 16,

  'Attamen et iustum poteras et scribere fortem,
  Scipiadam ut sapiens Lucilius.'

Lucil. _Sat._ xxx. 5 (of Scipio),

                   'Sicubi ad auris
  fama tuam pugnam clarans adlata dicasset.'

Such intimate association could not have existed if Lucilius had been,
as Jerome implies, only nineteen at Scipio's death in B.C. 129.

There are many references to Lucilius' attacks on public men. Cf. Hor.
_Sat._ ii. 1, 62,

                'Quid? cum est Lucilius ausus
  primus in hunc operis componere carmina morem,
  detrahere et pellem, nitidus qua quisque per ora
  cederet, introrsum turpis, num Laelius et qui
  duxit ab oppressa meritum Carthagine nomen
  ingenio offensi aut laeso doluere Metello
  famosisque Lupo cooperto versibus? atqui
  primores populi arripuit populumque tributim,
  scilicet uni aequus virtuti atque eius amicis.'

Lucil. lib. incert., ll. 63-4, quoted by Cic. _N.D._ i. 64,

             '"Tubulus si Lucius umquam,
  si Lupus aut Carbo, Neptuni filius,"

ut ait Lucilius, putasset esse deos, tam periurus aut tam impurus
fuisset?'

Pers. 1, 114,

                    'Secuit Lucilius urbem,
  te Lupe, te Muci, et genuinum fregit in illis.'

Juv. 1, 165,

  'Ense velut stricto quotiens Lucilius ardens
  infremuit, rubet auditor cui frigida mens est
  criminibus, tacita sudant praecordia culpa.'

_The Saturae._--There were thirty Books altogether, by whom arranged
is unknown. Fragments are extant from all the Books, except xxi. and
xxiv. (and possibly xxiii. and xxv.). Books i.-xx. and xxx. were in
hexameters; xxii. in elegiacs; xxvi.-xxvii. in trochaic septenarii;
and the next two in trochaic septenarii, iambic senarii, and
hexameters. Books xxvi.-xxix. were published first, then Book xxx. In
Book xxvi. Lucilius states his views of life, his poetic principles,
what led him to write satire, etc. Cf. l. 3,

  'Nunc itidem populum aucupamur istis cum scriptoribus.'

Lines 7-20 contain a conversation between Lucilius and a friend who
wishes him to engage in public life. Cf. ll. 16-7,

  'Publicanu' vero ut Asiae fiam scripturarius
  pro Lucilio, id ego nolo, et uno hoc non muto omnia.'

Two divisions of the work may be recognized--(i) Books i.-xxi. (to
which xxii.-xxv. may be an addition) in hexameters; these Books are
referred to as one collection by Varro, _L.L._ v. 17. (2) Books
xxvi.-xxx. in various metres.

_Dates of Composition._--Hor. _Sat._ ii. 1, 62-70 (quoted above),
shows that Lucilius attacked Lupus and Metellus while Scipio and
Laelius were still alive, _i.e._ not after B.C. 129; xxvi., ll. 88-9,
in which Lucilius sneers at marriage,

  'Homines ipsi hanc sibi molestiam ultro atque aerumnam offerunt.
  Ducunt uxores, producunt, quibus haec faveant, liberos,'

may have special reference to the attempts of Metellus in his
censorship (B.C. 131) to encourage it. If this is so, Books xxvi.-xxx.
were composed about B.C. 131-129. Book i. was composed after the death
of Carneades in B.C. 129 (cf. l. 12, 'nec si Carneaden ipsum Orcu'
remittat'), and probably soon after the death of Lupus, on whom the
gods are represented as sitting in judgment.

Serv. ad _Aen._ x. 104, 'Totus hic locus de primo Lucili translatus
est libro; ubi inducuntur di habere concilium et agere primo de
interitu Lupi cuiusdam ducis in re publica, postea sententias dicere.'

In B.C. 126 Lucilius was probably, along with other _peregrini_,
banished under the law of M. Iunius Pennus, trib. pl. in that year. He
probably returned in B.C. 124, when the law was repealed by C.
Graccus. Bk. xi. was composed after the condemnation of L. Opimius in
B.C. 110. Cf. ll. 19-21,

  'Quintus Opimius ille, Iugurtini pater huius,
  et formosus <DW25> fuit et famosus, utrumque
  primo adulescens, posterius dat rectiu' sese.'

_Subjects of the Satires._--These were very varied. Besides personal
satire, we have (1) ethical criticism, as ridicule of philosophers and
attacks on luxury.

Lib. incert. ll. 134-5 (imitated by Hor. _Sat._ i. 3, 132 _sqq._;
_Ep._ i. 1, 106-8),

  'Nondum etiam, qui haec omnia habebit,
  formonsus, dives, liber, rex solu' feretur?'

iv. 4-6 (cf. Hor. _Sat._ ii. 2, 46-8),

  'O Publi, o gurges, Galloni: es <DW25> miser, inquit,
  cenasti in vita numquam bene, cum omnia in ista
  consumis squilla atque acupensere cum in decimano.'

(2) Travels, as the account of the journey to the Sicilian Strait,
imitated by Hor. _Sat._ i. 5.

(3) Literary criticism. Lucilius jeers at Ennius' line,

  'Sparsis hastis longis campus splendet et horret,'

according to Servius ad _Aen._ xi. 601, 'Est versus Ennianus
vituperatus a Lucilio dicente per irrisionem eum debuisse dicere
"horret et alget."' Euripides is criticised in xxix., frag. 9. Points
of orthography and the like are also treated of, cf. ix. 11,

  'Iam puerei venere. E postremum facito atque i,
  ut pueri plures fiant. I si faci' solum,
  pupilli, pueri, Lucili hoc uniu' fiet.'[23]

Some other points may be noted:

(1) He addresses a large circle of readers, xxix. 99,

  'Persium non curo legere: Laelium Decumum volo.'

Cf. Cic. _de Or._ ii. 25, 'Hic [Persius] fuit enim, ut noramus, omnium
fere nostrorum hominum doctissimus: "Laelium Decimum volo," quem
cognovimus virum bonum et non inlitteratum sed nihil ad Persium.'

(2) For his self-esteem of. xxvi. 16, (quoted above). So xxx. 1,

  'Quoi sua conmittunt mortali claustra Camenae.'

(3) He often mixes Greek words with Latin. Cf. v. 12,

       'Hoc nolueris et debueris te
  si minu' delectat, quod +technion+ Eisocratiumst
  +lerodes+que totum ac +symmeirakiodes+,
  non operam perdo.'

(4) For his carelessness as to style of. Hor. _Sat._ i. 4, 9,

       'In hora saepe ducentos,
  ut magnum, versus dictabat, stans pede in uno:
  cum flueret lutulentus, erat quod tollere velles;
  garrulus atque piger scribendi ferre laborem,
  scribendi recte; nam ut multum, nil moror.'

For Lucilius' influence on other poets, see above; also under
'Persius,' p. 262. For Horace's views on Lucilius, see above; also
_Sat._ i. 4; i. 10; ii. 1.

Cf. Quint. x. 1, 93, 'Satira quidem tota nostra est, in qua primus
insignem laudem adeptus Lucilius quosdam ita deditos sibi adhuc habet
amatores, ut eum non eiusdem modo operis auctoribus sed omnibus poetis
praeferre non dubitent. Ego quantum ab illis tantum ab Horatio
dissentio, qui Lucilium "fluere lutulentum" et "esse aliquid, quod
tollere possis" putat. Nam eruditio in eo mira et libertas atque inde
acerbitas et abundantia salis.'



ATTA AND AFRANIUS.


Writers of _togatae_ were Atta and Afranius.

Sueton. p. 15 R., 'Togatas tabernarias in scaenam dataverunt praecipue
duo, L. Afranius et T. Quintius.'

T. Quintius Atta died B.C. 77, according to Jerome yr. Abr. 1940, 'T.
Quintius Atta, scriptor togatarum, Romae moritur.'

Eleven titles and about twenty lines of fragments are extant. Horace
refers to Atta in _Ep._ ii. 1, 79 _sqq._,

  'Recte necne crocum floresque perambulet Attae
  fabula si dubitem, clament periisse pudorem
  cuncti paene patres, ea cum reprendere coner
  quae gravis Aesopus, quae doctus Roscius egit.'

L. Afranius was probably born between B.C. 154 and 144. He was the
chief writer of _togatae_ (Quint. x. 1, 100, 'Togatis excellit
Afranius'), and also an orator.

Cic. _Brut._ 167, 'L. Afranius poeta, <DW25> perargutus, in fabulis
quidem etiam ut scitis disertus.'

There are extant forty-two titles (with Latin names) and more than
four hundred lines of fragments. The plays exhibit Roman surroundings,
and describe low life, especially of the provincial towns. Cf. the
title _Brundusinae_, also l. 136,

  'Ubi hice Moschis, quaeso, habet, meretrix Neapolitis?'

Afranius imitated Menander, and probably Terence.

Hor. _Ep._ ii. 1, 57,

  'Dicitur Afrani toga convenisse Menandro.'

Macrob. _Saturn._ vi. 1, 4, 'Afranius togatarum scriptor in ea togata,
quae Compitalia inscribitur, non inverecunde respondens arguentibus,
quod plura sumpsisset a Menandro,

  "Fateor" inquit "sumpsi non ab illo modo,
  sed ut quisque habuit conveniret quod mihi,
  quod me non posse melius facere credidi
  etiam a Latino"' (ll. 25-8).

Sueton. _vit. Ter._ p. 33 R., 'Terentium Afranius omnibus comicis
praefert.'



MINOR POETS:


(_a_) The poets immediately after Afranius include

(1) Hostius.--He was perhaps the grandfather of Cynthia (Hostia),
Propertius' mistress. Prop. iv. 20, 7,

  'Est tibi forma potens; sunt castae Palladis artes,
  splendidaque a docto fama refulget avo.'

There are nine lines extant from his epic poem _Bellum Histricum_,
which was probably on the war of B.C. 125. Frag. 5 (Baehrens),

    'Non si mihi linguae
  centum atque ora sient totidem vocesque liquatae,'

is from _Il._ ii. 489, and is imitated by Verg. _Aen._ vi. 625 (as
noticed by Macrob. _Saturn._ vi. 3, 6).

(2) Writers of epigrams--Pompilius, Valerius Aedituus, Porcius
Licinus, and Q. Lutatius Catulus (cons. B.C. 102).

(3) Q. Valerius Soranus wrote verse on philology and archaeology.

(4) Volcacius Sedigitus wrote verse on literary history up to the time
of the _fabula palliata_. He wrote _indices_ of Plautus (Gell. iii. 3,
1), and a work _De Poetis_, which included his canon on the comic
poets (Gell. xv. 24).

  'Caecilio palmam Statio do mimico.
  Plautus secundus facile exuperat ceteros.
  Dein Naevius, qui fervet, pretio in tertiost.
  Si erit, quod quarto detur, dabitur Licinio.
  Post insequi Licinium facio Atilium.
  In sexto consequetur hos Terentius,
  Turpilius septimum, Trabea octavum optinet,
  nono loco esse facile facio Luscium.
  Decimum addo causa antiquitatis Ennium.'

(_b_) The following poets wrote during Cicero's youth, B.C. 106-84:

(1) Cn. Matius, author of _Mimiambi_, and a translation of the
_Iliad_. An example of the last is Frag. I (Baehrens) = _Il._ i. 56,

  'Corpora Graiorum maerebat mandier igni.'

(2) Laevius, author of _Erotopaegnia_, of a lyrical character.
Porphyr. ad Hor. _Od._ iii. 1, 2, 'Romanis utique non prius audita,
quamvis Laevius lyrica ante Horatium scripserit; sed videntur illa non
Graecorum lege ad lyricum characterem exacta.'

About sixty lines are extant. Gell. xix. 7 speaks of Laevius' curious
vocabulary, and instances _oblittera_ for _oblitterata_;
_trisaeclisenex_, _dulciorelocus_, etc.

(3) A. Furius of Antium. Only six lines are extant.

(4) C. Iulius Caesar Strabo, a tragic writer and orator.

(5) Sueius. His works are (_a_) _Moretum_, an idyll; (_b_) _Pulli_, on
the breeding of fowls; (_c_) _Nidus_; (_d_) an epic poem, _Annales_.

(6) Writers of _fabula Atellana_;[24] Novius and L. Pomponius
(Bononiensis). Fronto p. 62 (ed. Naber), 'Elegantis Novium et
Pomponium et id genus in verbis rusticanis et iocularibus ac
ridiculariis.'

Of Novius forty-three titles and over one hundred lines are preserved,
and of Pomponius about seventy titles and two hundred lines. The
well-known characters of the _fabula Atellana_ are retained, as is
seen from the titles. Cf. _Duo Dosseni_, _Maccus Copa_ of Novius; _Bucco
Adoptatus_, _Maccus Miles_, _Maccus Sequester_, _Maccus Virgo_ of
Pomponius.



PROSE WRITERS OF THE SAME PERIOD:


_L. Cornelius Sisenna_ (praetor B.C. 78), author of _Historiae_ of the
Social and Civil Wars (Vell. Pat. ii. 9). Cicero thought him superior
to his predecessors, but childish (_Brut._ 228, _De Leg._ i. 7), and
Sallust remarks his want of frankness in speaking of Sulla's career
(_Iug._ 95). He avoided a piecemeal and desultory treatment of events;
cf. his own words quoted by Gell. xii. 15, 2, 'Nos una aestate in Asia
et Graecia gesta litteris idcirco continentia mandavimus, ne
vellicatim aut saltuatim scribendo lectorum animos impediremus.' His
translation of the +Milesiaka+ of Aristides is mentioned by Ovid,
_Tr._ ii. 443.

Contemporary with Sisenna were _Q. Claudius Quadrigarius_, and
_Valerius Antias_, whose narrative was  by partiality for the
Valerii and for Scipio Africanus (see under 'Livy').

_C. Licinius Macer_, father of the poet Calvus, was one of Livy's
sources for the early history. Dion. Hal. (vi. 11 and vii. 1)
complains of his carelessness and the weakness of his chronology. He
claimed that he used original authorities, _e.g._ the _libri lintei_,
lists of magistrates written on linen. He was a strong democrat, and
is looked upon by Mommsen (_R.H._ iv., p. 602) as manufacturing
authorities in support of his political views.

_Sulla_ wrote memoirs of his own life (Plut. _Lucull._ 1), and
_Lucullus_ composed in Greek a history of the Marsian War (_ibid._).



Footnotes to Chapter I


[1] The scheme of this old national metre, which depends on accent and
not on quantity, may be seen from the two examples given below.
Various forms are found, but one of the commonest types is identical
with the rhythm of the nursery rhyme,

  'The queen was in the parlour, eating bread and honey.'

[2] 'I have heard that a Roman poet is languishing in prison with head
on hand'--probably a metaphor from a pillar (but the sense is far from
certain).

[3] Utica was besieged by Scipio from 204 to 202 B.C.

[4] In the _fabula togata_ or _tabernaria_ the surroundings of the
comedy were Roman, in the _fabula palliata_ Greek, as in Plautus'
plays. _Togata_ in a wider sense included tragedy as well as comedy.

[5] This term means the construction of a new play by uniting two old
ones.

[6] The references are to the revised edition of Ritschl.

[7] A species of burlesque tragedy, called after its inventor
Rhinthon, who flourished B.C. 300.

[8] _R.H._ ii. p. 431 trans.

[9] This shows that the ancient (rough alphabetical) order has been
departed from. Some grammarian of the fifth century altered the
position of the play on account of the reference to it in _Epid._
213-5 (quoted above).

[10] I.e. the 'Patruus' written by the old Roman (lit., 'son of the
porridge-eater').

[11] These games were celebrated in April. Plays were exhibited also
at the _Ludi Romani_ (September) and the _Ludi Plebei_ (November).

[12] Much of the information on this head is taken from J. Brix's
edition of the _Trinummus_. Leipzig, 1888.

[13] This is shown in the universal classical usage of _bene_, _male_,
etc.

[14] The references are to Vahlen's edition.

[15] Thus the original name of Beneventum was Maleventum, i.e.
+MaloFenta+, accusative of +MaloFeis+; cf. Agrigentum from
+Akragas+, and Tarentum from +Taras+.

[16] Euhemerus of Messana, who wrote about the end of the fourth
century B.C., tried in this work to show that the worship of the gods
arose from the worship of deified kings and heroes.

[17] The Oscan form of _Pacuvi_.

[18] The term _doctus_ refers to his knowledge of the Greek laws of
artistic composition.

[19] After Ambivius' name appears in most of the didascaliae 'L.
Hatilius Praenestinus.' Probably this person was an actor at some
later productions, and his name has in this way crept into the MSS.

[20] _Tibiae_ were called _pares_ or _impares_ according as they were
or were not of the same length and key. _Duae dextrae_ were two pipes
both playing the treble. _Tibiae Sarranae_, from Sarra, the old Latin
name for Tyre, were a special form of _tibiae pares_.

[21] _Mediocritas_ = +to meson+, the intermediate style between
+to hadron+, 'the florid' (_ubertas_), and +to ischnon+,
'the simple' (_gracilitas_). See W. Peterson's note on Quint. x. 1,
44.

[22] For the omission of names, cf. iv. 12 (Jordan), 'dictatorem
Karthaginiensium magister equitum monuit' (of Hannibal and Maharbal).

[23] This means that Lucilius would represent the nom. plu. by _-ei_
and the gen. sing, by _-i_.

[24] The _fabula Atellana_ was a species of farce adopted by the
Romans from the Oscan town of Atella in Campania. See Livy, vii. 2,
for this and the early history of the Roman drama.




CHAPTER II

THE CICERONIAN AGE.



CICERO.


(1) LIFE.

M. Tullius Cicero, the son of a Roman knight, was born at Arpinum on
3rd January, B.C. 106. Jerome yr. Abr. 1911, 'M. Tullius Cicero Arpini
nascitur matre Helvia, patre equestris ordinis ex regio Volscorum
genere.' Cic. _ad Att._ xiii. 42, 3, 'Diem meum scis esse iii. Non.
Ian.'

He gives an account of his education in _Brut._ 306 _sqq._ In civil
law he was a pupil, in B.C. 89, of Q. Scaevola the Augur, and
afterwards of the pontifex of the same name (_de Am._ 1). In B.C. 88
he studied philosophy under Philo the Academic, and rhetoric under
Molo of Rhodes. Dialectic he practised with the Stoic Diodotus, who
lived and died in Cicero's house (B.C. 87-5). Other teachers of Cicero
were the poet Archias (_pro Arch._ 1), the orator Antonius (_de Or._
ii. 3), the actors Roscius and Aesopus (Plut. _Cic._ 5), the
rhetorician M. Antonius Gnipho (Sueton. _Gramm._ 7), and the
philosophers Phaedrus and Zeno.

After establishing a reputation at the bar by his defence of Quinctius
and of Roscius of Ameria, he visited Asia to recruit his health and
improve his oratorical style. On his way to the East he stayed six
months at Athens, where he renewed his philosophical studies under
Antiochus the Academic. In Asia he attended the leading rhetoricians,
especially his old teacher Molo at Rhodes, who endeavoured to chasten
the exuberance of his manner. At Rhodes he also made the acquaintance
of the famous Stoic Posidonius (_de Fin._ i. 6). After an absence of
two years he returned to Rome B.C. 77, and shortly afterwards married
Terentia.

Cicero, who had served in the Social War, B.C. 89 (_Phil._ xii. 27),
began his official career in 75 as quaestor of the district of
Lilybaeum in Sicily, where he won golden opinions from all classes
(_pro Planc._ 64). He headed the poll at the election of aediles for
69, and of praetors for 66 (_in Pis._ 2); as praetor he presided over
the court for the trial of cases of _repetundae_ (_pro Clu._ 147). His
canvass for the consulship of 63 began as early as July 65 (_ad Att._
i. 1, 1); he was returned with C. Antonius as his colleague (_in Pis._
3). His services to the State in 63 in the crushing of the
Catilinarian conspiracy need not be dwelt on here: his activity as an
orator in that year was great, and he passed a law against undue
influence by candidates, 'Lex Tullia de ambitu' (_in Vat._ 37). He
waived his right to a province, allowing Metellus Celer to take Gaul.

In 58 the hostility of P. Clodius effected Cicero's banishment, on the
ground that he had put the Catilinarian conspirators to death without
trial. Retiring at first to Vibo, in Lucania, he moved successively to
Sicily, Thurii, Tarentum, Brundisium, Dyrrhachium, Thessalonica, and
Athens. At Dyrrhachium he resided from November 58 to August 57, when,
after several unsuccessful efforts by his friends, a law was passed
for his recall.

In 53 he was chosen augur in succession to the younger Crassus (Plut.
_Cic._ 36), and two years later was appointed proconsul of Cilicia,
under the new arrangement providing for an interval of five years
between office in Rome and the government of a province. There he
carried on a petty warfare with the mountaineers, and captured the
fort of Pindenissus (a success for which the Senate decreed a
_supplicatio_), occupying the winter with judicial business in the
towns. His absence from the centre of affairs, though it lasted only a
year, was most distasteful to him; cf. _ad Att._ v. 11, 1, 'Ne
provincia nobis prorogetur, per fortunas! dum ades, quidquid provideri
potest, provide: non dici potest quam flagrem desiderio urbis, quam
vix harum rerum insulsitatem feram.' For his just dealing with the
provincials, cf. _ad Att._ v. 21, 5.

In November, 50, Cicero returned to Italy, to find a crisis imminent,
and finally cast in his lot with the senatorial party. He left Rome
with the consuls and the leading _optimates_, and for some time had
charge of the district of Capua (_ad Fam._ xvi. 11, 3, 'nos Capuam
sumpsimus'). On 7th June, B.C. 49, he embarked to join Pompey in
Epirus, though far from enthusiastic for his leadership (_ad Fam._
vii. 3, 2, 'mei facti poenituit... Nihil boni praeter causam.') The
chiefs of the party looked upon him with suspicion, and he was not
present at the battle of Pharsalus. After Pompey's overthrow he
returned to Brundisium, and in 47 was allowed by Caesar to return to
Rome (_ad Fam._ xiv. 23). His mode of life at this time he thus
describes (_ad Fam._ ix. 20, 3), 'Ubi salutatio defluxit, litteris me
involvo, aut scribo aut lego. Veniunt etiam qui me audiant quasi
doctum hominem, quia paullo sum quam ipsi doctior.'

In 46 he divorced his wife Terentia, of whose neglect he complains,
_ad Fam._ iv. 14, 3; and married Publilia, with whom he parted in the
following year. In 45 he lost his only daughter Tullia, who had been
thrice married; he tried to drown his grief by close application to
literary work, moving about from villa to villa, and it is to this
period that most of his philosophical works belong. In 44 he appeared
once more in Rome, and took a prominent part in the proceedings which
followed upon Caesar's death. April to July he spent at his various
villas (_ad Att._ xiv. _passim_), and then decided to visit Athens,
where his son (born B.C. 65) was studying. On 1st August he reached
Syracuse, but hearing at Leucopetra that his presence was required at
Rome, he gave up his plan of travel and returned to the city. With the
series of _Philippics_ against Antony (44-3) Cicero's career closes.
In the proscription agreed on by the triumvirs he was marked out as
one of the chief victims. A fragment of Livy, quoted by Seneca,
_Suas._ 6, 17, states that he fled first to Tusculum, then to Formiae,
and took ship from Caieta, but returned to land, exclaiming, 'Moriar
in patria saepe servata.' On his way from the shore to his villa he
was slain by a party of Antony's soldiers, and his head was carried to
Rome and exposed on the Rostra. The date of the assassination was 7th
December, B.C. 43 (Tiro quoted by Tac. _Dial._ 17).


(2) WORKS.

(a) Speeches.

1. The earliest extant speech is that _Pro Quinctio_, delivered B.C.
81 (Gell. xv. 28, 3) in an action before a iudex for restitution of
property. This was not Cicero's first appearance as an advocate: par. 4,
'quod mihi consuevit in ceteris causis esse adiumento.'

2. Next year (cf. Gell. _ibid._) Cicero made his first speech in a
criminal case, defending Sex. Roscius of Ameria on a charge of
parricide. By so doing he incurred the risk of Sulla's enmity, but at
the same time established his own position. _De Off._ ii. 51, 'contra
L. Sullae dominantis opes pro S. Roscio Amerino'; _Brut._ 312, 'prima
causa publica, pro Sex. Roscio dicta, tantum commendationis habuit, ut
non ulla esset quae non digna nostro patrocinio videretur.' In later
years he criticized the 'iuvenilis redundantia' of this speech
(_Orat._ 108).

3. The speech _Pro Roscio Comoedo_, usually assigned to B.C. 76, was a
defence of the famous actor in a civil case.

4. The year 70 B.C. is memorable for the group of speeches
('accusationis vii. libri,' _Orat._ 103), against Verres, accused of
_repetundae_ by the Sicilians, at whose urgent entreaty Cicero
undertook the prosecution. The preliminary question, who should
conduct the prosecution, is argued in the _Divinatio in Caecilium_. Q.
Caecilius Niger, Verres' quaestor, claimed the right to prosecute, but
this manoeuvre failed. Of the six speeches _in Verrem_ only one, the
_Actio Prima_, was delivered: Cicero, seeing that the other side were
anxious to carry the trial over into the next year, confined himself
to this short introductory speech (on 5th August, cf. par. 31), after
which he called his witnesses. Their evidence was so damaging that
Hortensius[25] threw up the defence, and Verres was sentenced to
banishment and his property confiscated. The five Books of the _Actio
Secunda_ were published afterwards in order that the facts might be
thoroughly known.

5. _Pro M. Fonteio_ (incomplete), for Fonteius, propraetor of Gallia
Narbonensis B.C. 75-3, on a charge of _repetundae_. This trial perhaps
took place B.C. 69, certainly after the equites had been placed on the
_iudicia_ by the Lex Aurelia of 70 (cf. par. 26).

6. To the same year probably belongs the speech _Pro Caecina_ in a
civil case.

7. In B.C. 66 Cicero made his first political speech, _Pro Lege
Manilia_, or _De Imperio Cn. Pompei_, in support of the bill of the
tribune Manilius for conferring on Pompey the command against
Mithradates.

8. In the same year he defended Cluentius, charged with murder, in the
speech _Pro A. Cluentio Habito_. The date is fixed as the year of
Cicero's praetorship by par. 147, 'mea quaestio de pecuniis repetundis.'

9. The three speeches _De Lege Agraria_ are concerned with the bill of
P. Servilius Rullus for the appointment of _decemviri_ with full power
to buy and sell land and to establish colonies. The first speech
(incomplete) was made in the Senate on 1st January, the second and
third before _contiones_.

10. The speech _Pro C. Rabirio perduellionis reo_ was delivered on
behalf of Rabirius, charged before the _comitia_ with the murder of
the tribune Saturninus in B.C. 100. The prosecution had been
instituted by the democratic party to vindicate the old right of
_provocatio ad populum_, and to establish the inviolability of the
tribunes.

11. Of the four speeches _In Catilinam_, i. was delivered in the
Senate on 8th November, and followed by Catiline's flight from Rome;
ii. to the people on 9th November; iii. to the people on 3rd December,
when the Allobroges gave their evidence about the conspiracy; iv. in
the Senate, on 5th December, calling for the capital punishment of the
conspirators.[26]

12. In this crisis Cicero made one of his most graceful and witty
speeches, the _Pro Murena_. The defendant was charged with bribery in
his candidature for the consulship, and among the prosecutors was
Cato.

13-14. In B.C. 62 Cicero defended P. Sulla, who was accused of
complicity with Catiline (_Pro Sulla_), and delivered the speech _Pro
Archia_ in support of his friend's title to the Roman citizenship.

15. In B.C. 59 L. Flaccus was accused of _repetundae_ as propraetor of
Asia 62-60, and defended by Cicero in the speech _Pro Flacco_.

16-19. After Cicero's return from exile he returned thanks to the
Senate in the speech _Cum Senatui gratias egit_, 5th September B.C. 57
(_ad Att._ iv. 1, 5), delivered from manuscript ('propter rei
magnitudinem dicta de scripto,' _Pro Planc._ 74). The genuineness of
the corresponding speech to the people, _Cum populo gratias egit_, is
suspected; it is mentioned by Dio. xxxix. 9, 1, but not by Cicero
himself. On 30th September (_ad Att._ iv. 2, 2) the speech _De Domo
Sua_ was delivered before the _pontifices_, who decided that the site
of Cicero's house, which Clodius had consecrated, should be restored
to its owner. Connected with this is the speech _De Haruspicum
Responsis_, of the year 56, rebutting the argument of Clodius that the
declaration of the _haruspices_, 'loca sacra et religiosa profana
haberi' (par. 9) referred to the restitution of Cicero's house.

20. The speech _Pro Sestio_ is in defence of one of Cicero's friends
who, as tribune, had worked energetically for his recall from exile,
and was now accused _de vi_ at the instigation of Clodius. Sestius was
acquitted in March, B.C. 56 (_ad Q.F._ ii. 4, 1).

21. The _Interrogatio in P. Vatinium testem_ was a successful attack
on the credibility of Vatinius, who had been one of the chief
witnesses against Sestius.

22. _Pro M. Caelio_.--The prosecution of Caelius on a charge of
poisoning was instigated by his former mistress, Clodia; it took place
in B.C. 56, for Cn. Domitius, who tried the case (par. 32), was praetor
in that year (_ad Q.F._ ii. 3, 6).

23. The speech _De Provinciis Consularibus_, B.C. 56, argues that
Caesar should be allowed to continue as proconsul of Gaul, and that
Syria and Macedonia should be taken away from Gabinius and Piso.
Mommsen[27] regards it as the +palinodia+ of _ad Att._ iv. 5,
1, and contrasts Cicero's tone to Caesar in this speech with his
attitude in the _Pro Sestio_, _In Vatinium_, and _De Haruspicum
Responsis_.

24. The speech _Pro Balbo_ deals with a case similar to that of
Archias. L. Cornelius Balbus, a native of Gades, and the trusted
friend of Caesar, had received the _civitas_ from Pompey, and this
speech is in defence of his right thereto (B.C. 56).

25. _In Pisonem_, an attack on Cicero's enemy (consul B.C. 58),
delivered in the Senate B.C. 55.

26. _Pro Plancio_, B.C. 54, on behalf of Cn. Plancius, accused of
organizing clubs to secure by bribery his election to the aedileship.

27. _Pro Rabirio Postumo_, B.C. 54. Rabirius was charged with
extortion in Egypt.

28. _Pro Milone_.--At the trial of Milo _de vi_ in B.C. 52 Cicero was
so intimidated by the uproar of the rabble that his speech was a
failure, and Milo was condemned. The speech now extant was written by
Cicero at his leisure. Both were known to Asconius,[28] who supplies a
valuable introduction.

29. For six years we have no speech; but in 46 Cicero broke his rule
of silence ('in perpetuum tacere,' _ad Fam._ iv. 4, 4), and in the
speech _Pro Marcello_ thanked Caesar for allowing Marcellus, the
consul of B.C. 51, to return to Rome.

30. On 26th November B.C. 46 he pleaded before Caesar the cause of Q.
Ligarius (_Pro Ligario_).

31. In the latter part of B.C. 45 he delivered in Caesar's house the
speech _Pro Rege Deiotaro_ on behalf of his 'hospes vetus et amicus,'
the tetrarch of Galatia, accused of treachery to Caesar.

32. Cicero's oratorical career closes with the fourteen speeches
against Antony, called _Philippics_, after the speeches of
Demosthenes. This title was suggested by the author himself; cf. the
letter of Brutus (_ad Brut._ ii. 5, 4), 'iam concedo ut vel
Philippicae vocentur, quod tu quadam epistula iocans scripsisti.' It
was the usual title in antiquity, though Gellius (xiii. 1, 1) uses the
alternative _Antonianae_. The _Philippics_ cover the period from 2nd
September 44 to 22nd April 43. They were all delivered in the Senate,
except iv. and vi., which are _contiones_, and ii., which was never
spoken, but published as a political pamphlet after Antony had left
Rome: for its fame cf. Juv. 10, 125,

  'Te conspicuae, divina Philippica, famae,
  volveris a prima quae proxima.'

There are fragments of about twenty speeches, and the titles of thirty
others are known. The invective _in Sallustium_, and the speech
_Pridie quam in exilium iret_, are undoubtedly spurious.

Many of the speeches were to a large extent extempore, the heads only
being committed to writing. These notes were afterwards collected by
Tiro (Quint. x. 7, 30-1). In publishing, Cicero occasionally omitted
some passages of the spoken oration, _e.g._ in _Pro Mur._ 57 only the
headings appear, 'De Postumi criminibus.' 'De Servi adulescentis': cf.
Plin. _Ep._ i. 20, 7, 'ex his apparet illum permulta dixisse, cum
ederet omisisse.' For the practice of reporting his speeches in
shorthand cf. Ascon. _in Mil._ 'manet illa quoque excepta eius oratio'
(his speech at Milo's trial). The only case in which Cicero appeared
for the prosecution was that of Verres: the part of an accuser was
generally distasteful to him; cf. _De Off._ ii. 50, 'duri hominis vel
potius vix hominis videtur, periculum capitis inferre multis.'


(b) Philosophical Works.

1. _De Re Publica_, a discussion of the ideal state and the ideal
citizen, was published before B.C. 51, for Caelius writes to Cicero in
Cilicia, 'tui politici libri omnibus vigent' (_ad Fam._ viii. 1, 4).
In this treatise Cicero made use of Plato, and of Aristotle,
Theophrastus, and other Peripatetics (_de <DW37>._ ii. 3). There were six
Books; but until 1822 the _Somnium Scipionis_, extracted by Macrobius
from Book vi., was the only portion of the work known to exist, with
the exception of a few fragments. In that year Mai published at Rome,
from a Vatican palimpsest, remains which make up about one-third of
the whole.

2. The _De Legibus_ succeeded the _De Re Publica_, as Plato's _Laws_
came after the _Republic_. The speakers in this dialogue are Atticus,
Cicero, and his brother Quintus. Book i. expounds the Stoic position
that the laws of the ideal state are made by the wise man in
accordance with the mind of God; this position is worked out in Book
ii. in the regulations for religion, and in iii. on the duties of
magistrates. The treatise was never completed, and was perhaps a
posthumous publication: it is not mentioned in the list in _De
Divinatione_ ii. 1-3, and there is no preface, though Cicero says (_ad
Att._ iv. 16, 2) 'in singulis libris utor prooemiis.' Certainly it had
not appeared in B.C. 46, the year of the _Brutus_ (_Brut._ 19). It was
composed after the murder of Clodius in January, B.C. 52 (ii. 42), and
in Pompey's lifetime (iii. 22): probably in 52, as the government of
Cilicia and the civil war left Cicero no time for literature during
the years 51-48.

3. In the spring of 46 was written the short tract _Paradoxa_, a
discussion of six Stoic paradoxes (_e.g._ that the wise man alone is
free). It was addressed to Brutus, and was later than the dialogue
which bears his name; cf. the preface, 'accipies hoc parvum opusculum,
lucubratum his iam contractioribus noctibus, quoniam illud maiorum
vigiliarum munus in tuo nomine apparuit.'

4. The death of Tullia in February, 45, led Cicero to write, at
Astura, a _Consolatio_, of which only fragments survive. Plin. _N.H._
praef. 22, quotes Cicero as saying that he here followed the Greek
philosopher, Crantor, +peri penthous+. It contained notices of
the deaths of great men, _De <DW37>._ ii. 22, 'clarissimorum hominum
nostrae civitatis gravissimos exitus in Consolatione collegimus.'

5. In the _Hortensius_ Cicero appeared as the champion of philosophy:
_De Fin._ i. 2, 'philosophiae vituperatoribus satis responsum est eo
libro, quo a nobis philosophia defensa et collaudata est, cum esset
accusata et vituperata ab Hortensio.' It cannot be traced beyond the
seventh century, and is now represented by a few fragments. In the
Middle Ages it was confounded with the _Prior Academics_, the speakers
in both dialogues being the same. The _Hortensius_ seems to have been
written before Cicero went to Astura in March, B.C. 45: there is no
allusion to it in his letters.

6. The treatise _De Finibus Bonorum et Malorum_ discusses various
theories of the _summum bonum_--the Epicurean in Books i.-ii., the
Stoic in iii.-iv., the Peripatetic in v. The scene of the dialogue
changes from Cumae to Tusculum and then to the Academy at Athens. The
work was dedicated to Brutus in June, 45 (_ad Att._ xiii. 12, 3).

7. The _Academics_ appeared in two editions. Of the original edition
Book ii., entitled _Lucullus_, has survived; the speakers in it are
Lucullus, Catulus, Hortensius, and Cicero, and the scene, Hortensius'
villa. Cicero was not satisfied with this arrangement (_ad Att._ xiii.
12, 3, 'homines nobiles illi quidem, sed nullo modo philologi, nimis
acute locuntur'), and after provisionally transferring the parts of
Lucullus, Catulus, and Hortensius, to Cato and Brutus, he finally
adopted the suggestion of Atticus to gratify Varro by giving him a
share in the dialogue together with Atticus and himself (_ad Att._
xiii. 13, 1, 'commotus tuis litteris, quod ad me de Varrone
scripseras, totam Academiam ab hominibus nobilissimis abstuli
transtulique ad nostrum sodalem et ex duobus libris contuli in
quattuor'). Of this second edition in four Books we possess only Book
i. (incomplete), and fragments of the others; the scene is at Cumae.
The dedicatory epistle to Varro is still preserved (_ad Fam._ ix. 8).

8. In the five Books of _Tusculanae Disputationes_, conversations
between Cicero and a friend at his Tusculan villa, the subject is the
chief essentials for happiness. Book i. inculcates the proper attitude
towards death, ii. to grief, iii. to pain, iv. to other trials, v.
asserts the sufficiency of virtue for happiness. The treatise is
dedicated to Brutus, and was finished by B.C. 44, in which year (_ad
Att._ xv. 2, 4) the first Book is known to Atticus.

9. _De Natura Deorum_, in three Books, is also addressed to Brutus.
The Epicurean, Stoic, and Peripatetic doctrines are represented by C.
Velleius, Q. Lucilius Balbus, and C. Aurelius Cotta, respectively.
This treatise was written after the _Tusculans_ (_de <DW37>._ ii. 3): in
July 45 (_ad Att._ xiii. 39, 2) Atticus is asked for the loan of
+Phaidrou peri theon+ and +peri Pallados+.

10. The essay _De Senectute_, called also _Cato Maior_ after the
principal speaker in the dialogue, was addressed to Atticus at the end
of 45 or early in 44 (_de <DW37>._ ii. 3; _ad Att._ xiv. 21, 3).

11. To a later date in the same year belongs the _Laelius_, or _De
Amicitia_ (_de Am._ 4 mentions the _de Sen._), in which Laelius
discourses on friendship. In this book, according to Gell. i. 3,
10-11, Cicero was under obligations to Theophrastus +peri philias+.

12. _De Divinatione_, in two Books, forms a supplement to the _De
Natura Deorum_. Cicero and his brother discuss, at Tusculum, the
nature and validity of 'divinatio,' which is defined (i. 9) as 'earum
rerum quae fortuitae putantur praedictio atque praesensio.' The date
is 44.

13. The incomplete essay _De Fato_ was written in 44, after Caesar's
death (cf. par. 2). The conversation takes place at Puteoli, between
Cicero and the consul-designate Hirtius.

14. On 11th July of the same year Cicero sent to Atticus his treatise
_De Gloria_, in two Books, now lost (_ad Att._ xvi. 2, 6; _de Off._
ii. 31).

15. The latest of the extant philosophical works is the _De Officiis_,
written for the instruction of the author's son. Cicero had completed
two Books by November, B.C. 44 (xvi. 11, 4), following the treatment
of Panaetius, and discussing in Book i. the issue between vice and
virtue, in Book ii. the expediency of a given action. In Book iii. he
was indebted to Posidonius, for the discussion of apparent conflict
between virtue and expediency.

There are traces of two other treatises, _De Virtutibus_ and _De
Auguriis_; and we possess fragments of a translation of Plato's
_Protagoras_ and _Timaeus_, which cannot be earlier than B.C. 45 (_de
Fin._ i. 7).

Cicero propounds no original scheme of philosophy, claiming only that
he renders the conclusions of Greek thinkers accessible to his own
countrymen. This sort of work cost him little trouble: _ad Att._ xii.
52, 3, '+apographa+ sunt; minore labore fiunt: verba tantum affero,
quibus abundo.' At the same time he is not a mere translator: _de
Fin._ i. 6, 'nos non interpretum fungimur munere, sed tuemur ea quae
dicta sunt ab eis quos probamus, eisque nostrum iudicium et nostrum
scribendi ordinem adiungimus.' His motives for entering upon this task
are explained in _De Nat. Deor._ i. 7-9: (1) he desired to do a
service to his country: 'ipsius rei publicae causa philosophiam
nostris hominibus explicandam putavi'; (2) he sought relief for his
own mind: 'hortata etiam est ut me ad haec conferrem animi aegritudo,
fortunae magna et gravi conmota iniuria.' Cicero is an eclectic, with
a leaning to the New Academy: _Tusc._ iv. 7, 'nullis unius disciplinae
legibus adstricti, quibus in philosophia necessario pareamus.'
Probability is all that he expects to reach: _ibid._, 'quid sit in
quaque re maxime probabile semper requiremus.' The philosophy most
attractive to him is that which best called forth the oratorical
faculty: _Tusc._ ii. 9, 'mihi semper Peripateticorum Academiaeque
consuetudo de omnibus rebus in contrarias partes differendi ...
placuit ... quod esset ea maxima dicendi exercitatio.'[29]


(c) Rhetorical Treatises.

1. The earliest of these is _De Inventione_, or _Rhetorica_, in two
Books, written probably for the author's own use during Sulla's
absence in Asia B.C. 87-83. In his mature years Cicero looked back
with contempt on this youthful effort: _de Or._ i. 5, 'quae pueris aut
adulescentulis nobis ex commentariolis nostris incohata ac rudia
exciderunt.' He borrows much from the _Rhet. ad Herenn._, and
frequently mentions and criticises the views of Hermagoras; but all
the best writers on rhetoric were laid under contribution: ii. 4,
'omnibus unum in locum coactis scriptoribus, quod quisque commodissime
praecipere videbatur, excerpsimus.'

2. The three Books _De Oratore_ were finished in 55: _ad Att._ iv. 13,
2, 'de libris oratoriis factum est a me diligenter: diu multumque in
manibus fuerunt: describas licet.' They were written at a time when
Cicero's voice was seldom heard: _ad Fam._ i. 9, 23, 'ab orationibus
diiungo me fere referoque ad mansuetiores Musas.' The dialogue takes
place in B.C. 91, at the Tusculan villa of L. Licinius Crassus; he and
the rival orator, M. Antonius, are the chief speakers.

3. The dialogue _Brutus_, or _De Claris Oratoribus_, after a brief
survey of Greek oratory, criticises the Roman orators from L. Brutus
to Cicero's own time. In spite of his intention to omit living persons
(par. 231), he discusses Caesar, M. Marcellus, and himself. The speakers
are Brutus, Atticus, and Cicero; and the date is probably 46, for the
_Brutus_ is earlier than the _Orator_, which refers to it (par. 23).

4. The _Orator_ or _De Optimo Genere Dicendi_ is a sequel to the _De
Oratore_ and the _Brutus_, adding practical rules to the exposition of
theory (_de <DW37>._ ii. 4). It was written at the request of Brutus, to
whom it is addressed, in the year 46 (_ad Fam._ xii. 17, 2).

5. _Partitiones Oratoriae_ is a catechism on rhetoric, in which the
questions are put to Cicero by his son.

6. The _Topica_ was written in response to repeated requests from
Trebatius for explanation of Aristotle's _Topics_. It was done by
Cicero, without the aid of books, on his voyage from Velia to Rhegium
in July, 44 (_Top._ 5; _ad Fam._ vii. 19).

7. The short treatise _De Optimo Genere Oratorum_ was introductory to
a version of the speeches of Demosthenes and Aeschines 'on the Crown,'
designed to show the Romans what the best Attic oratory was like.


(d) Letters.

Cicero's correspondence begins B.C. 68 with _ad Att._ i. 5, and ends
28th July, B.C. 43. Besides seven hundred and seventy-four letters
written by Cicero, we have ninety addressed to him by friends. The
collection was made by friends like Tiro and Atticus: cf. _ad Att._
xvi. 5, 5 (B.C. 44), 'Mearum epistularum nulla est +synagoge+, sed
habet Tiro instar septuaginta, et quidem sunt a te quaedam sumendae:
eas ego oportet perspiciam, corrigam; tum denique edentur.'

The letters now extant fall into four groups.

1. _Epistulae ad Atticum_, in sixteen Books, belonging to the years
B.C. 68-43, and valuable for their thorough frankness (_ad Att._ viii.
14, 2, 'ego tecum tamquam mecum loquor'). Nepos appreciates their
supreme importance for the history of Cicero's time, although he dates
the commencement of the correspondence wrongly: _Att._ 16, 'xvi.
volumina epistularum ab consulatu eius usque ad extremum tempus ad
Atticum missarum; quae qui legat, non multum desideret historiam
contextam eorum temporum.' Atticus' own letters were not published,
though Cicero preserved them: _ad Att._ ix. 10, 4, 'Evolvi volumen
epistularum, quod ego sub signo habeo servoque diligentissime.'

2. _Epistulae ad Quintum Fratrem_, in three Books, of the years B.C.
60-54.

3. _Epistulae ad Brutum_, originally in nine Books, of which only two
remain. The present Book i. was really Book ix., and Book ii., which
contains letters earlier than those in Book i., may have formed part
of the original Book viii.

4. _Epistulae ad Familiares_, in sixteen Books, letters to and from
friends, written B.C. 62-43. This title is not found in any MS. Late
MSS. and old editions have 'Epistulae Familiares': for the title 'Ad
Diversos' there is no authority. In the best MSS. the Books are titled
separately by the name of the person to whom the first letter in each
is written, _e.g._ 'M. Tulli Ciceronis epistularum ad P. Lentulum
liber i.'

For the colloquial style of the letters cf. _ad Fam._ ix. 21, 1 (to
Paetus), 'Quid tibi ego in epistulis videor? nonne plebeio sermone
agere tecum? nec enim semper eodem modo: quid enim simile habet
epistula aut iudicio aut contioni? ... epistulas vero cottidianis
verbis texere solemus.'

The following works are now lost: (_a_) _Miscellaneous prose
writings._--1. Panegyrics on Porcia (_ad Att._ xiii. 37, 3) and Cato,
B.C. 45; and funeral orations written for other people to deliver (_ad
Q.F._ iii. 8, 5, 'laudavit pater scripto meo').

2. Memoirs of Cicero's consulship, written B.C. 60, in both Greek and
Latin (_ad. Att._ i. 19, 10). He took great pains with this book, and
was anxious that it should be well circulated (_ad Att._ ii. 1, 1).

3. A secret history, _Anekdota_, mentioned in letters of B.C. 59 and
44 (_ad Att._ ii. 6, 2; xiv. 17, 6).

4. _Admiranda_, a collection of wonders (Pliny, _N.H._ xxxi. 51).

5. _Chorographia_, a book on geography, mentioned by Priscian. The
letters to Atticus show that Cicero was studying the subject in B.C.
59.

6. A work on law, _De iure civili in artem redigendo_ (Gell. i. 22,
7).

7. A translation of Xenophon's _Oeconomicus_, made when Cicero was
about the age of twenty (_de Off._ ii. 87).

(_b_) _Poems._--1. Cicero's earliest effort in verse was a poem in
tetrameters, entitled _Pontius Glaucus_: Plut. _Cic._ 2, +kai
ti poiemation eti paidos autou diasozetai Pontios Glaukos en
tetrametro pepoiemenon+.

2. In B.C. 60 he made a verse translation of the astronomical poems of
Aratus, _ad Att._ ii. 1, 2, 'Prognostica mea ... propediem exspecta.'
Quotations are given in _De Nat. Deor._ ii. 104 _sqq._

3. In the same year he wrote a poem _De Suo Consulatu_, in three
Books: _ad Att._ i. 19, 10, 'poema exspectato, ne quod genus a me ipso
laudis meae praetermittatur.' A long passage from Book ii., spoken by
the Muse Urania, is recited by Q. Cicero in _De <DW37>._ i. 17 _sqq._

4. Another poem in three Books, _De Temporibus Suis_, belonged
probably to the year 55. Cicero writes to Lentulus in 54 (_ad Fam._ i.
9, 23), 'scripsi versibus tres libros de temporibus meis, quos iam
pridem ad te misissem, si esse edendos putassem.'

5. In the letters to Quintus from June to December, 54, there is
frequent mention of a poem _Ad Caesarem_. Quintus is consulted for
information about Britain: _ad Q.F._ ii. 15, 2, 'mihi date Britanniam,
quam pingam coloribus tuis, penicillo meo.'

6. A poem on Cicero's great townsman Marius is quoted, _De <DW37>._ i.
106.

Among others quoted are _Limon_, in which Terence was praised (see p.
51), and _iocularis libellus_ (Quint. viii. 6, 73). Translations from
Greek poets occur in the philosophical works, e.g. _de Fin._ v. 49,
from Homer, _Odys._ xii. 184-191; _Tusc._ ii. 23, from various parts
of Aeschylus, _Prom. Vinct._

The ancient criticisms on Cicero's poetry are all unfavourable:

_De Off._ i. 77, 'Illud optimum est, in quo invadi solere ab improbis
et invidis audio:

  "Cedant arma togae, concedat laurea laudi."'

Juv. 10, 122,

  '"O fortunatam natam me consule Romam!"
  Antoni gladios potuit contemnere, si sic
  omnia dixisset.'

Tac. _Dial._ 21 (quoted p. 111).

Quint. xi. 1, 24, 'In carminibus utinam pepercisset, quae non
desierunt carpere maligni.'

_Rhetorica ad Herennium_.--This treatise on rhetoric in four Books,
addressed to the author's relative C. Herennius, is usually printed
among Cicero's works, and is attributed to him by the MSS. and by
Jerome and Priscian. But it is clearly not by Cicero, for (_a_) it
does not agree with his own description of his early rhetorical
writings as 'incohata ac rudia'; (_b_) the author's position, as
described by himself, is not Cicero's. It is generally held that one
Cornificius was the author; Quintilian (_e.g._ v. 10, 2) attributes to
a person of that name several expressions found in the _ad Herennium_.
He may have been the Q. Cornificius who opposed Cicero for the
consulship in B.C. 64. The date of the treatise is probably B.C.
86-84.



QUINTUS CICERO.


Q. Tullius Cicero, the brother of the orator, was born probably B.C.
102. He was aedile in 65 (_ad Att._ i. 4, 1); praetor in 62, when he
tried the case of Archias; propraetor of Asia 61-58 (_ad Q.F._ i. 1,
2). He acted as _legatus_ of Pompey in Sardinia B.C. 56 (_pro Scauro_,
39); of Caesar in Gaul, taking part in the second invasion of Britain
(Caes. _B.G._ v.); and of his brother in Cilicia (_ad Fam._ xv. 4, 8).
At the outbreak of the civil war he was with Marcus at Formiae and
Capua; but after the death of Pompey there was a breach between them.
Being proscribed by the triumvirs he took flight, but was betrayed by
his slaves and put to death, B.C. 43 (Plut. _Cic._ 47). His wife was
Pomponia, the sister of Atticus.

For the benefit of M. Cicero in his candidature for the consulship,
B.C. 64, Quintus wrote the _Commentariolum Petitionis_ (the title in par.
58) or _De Petitione Consulatus_. It is in the form of a letter, and
is headed in the best MSS. 'Q. M. Fratri S. D.' Quintus writes with
special reference to his brother's circumstances, but most of the
rules which he lays down are of general application. The authenticity
of this treatise has been called in question by Eussner, who ascribes
it to a clever imitator, partly on the ground of coincidences of
expression with Cicero's speech _in Toga Candida_; but his arguments
are refuted by Prof. Tyrrell (_Cicero's Correspondence_, i. pp.
110-121).

There are also extant three letters to Tiro and one to M. Cicero.
Quintus' poetry is now represented only by twenty hexameters on the
signs of the zodiac; but he wrote an epic poem, _Annales_ (_ad Att._
ii. 16, 4 [Quintus] 'ita remittit ut me roget ut annales suos emendem
et edam'), and composed tragedies with great rapidity (_ad Q.F._ iii.
6, 7, 'quattuor tragoedias xvi. diebus absolvisse cum scribas, tu
quidquam ab alio mutuaris?'). His admiration for Sophocles and
Euripides appears in _De Fin._ v. 3; _ad Fam._ xvi. 8, 2.



TIRO.


M. Tullius Tiro, the freedman of Cicero, who had a high opinion of his
worth and ability (_ad Fam._ xvi. 4, 3; _ad Att._ vii. 5, 2), wrote
(1) a biography of his patron: Ascon. p. 49, 'ut legimus apud Tironem
libertum Ciceronis in libro iiii. de vita eius.'

(2) Editions of Cicero's speeches and letters: Gell. i. 7, 1, 'in
oratione Ciceronis v. in Verrem, libro spectatae fidei, Tironiana cura
atque disciplina facto.' (See also p. 85.)

(3) A collection of Cicero's witticisms: Quint. vi. 3, 5, 'utinam
libertus eius Tiro aut alius, quisquis fuit, qui iii. hac de re libros
edidit, parcius dictorum numero indulsissent.'

(4) Grammatical works, as +pandektai+, mentioned by Gell. xiii.
9, 2.

For his system of shorthand, cf. Sueton. p. 136 R., 'Romae primus
Tullius Tiro, Ciceronis libertus, commentatus est notas, sed tantum
praepositionum.'



T. POMPONIUS ATTICUS (B.C. 109-32).


Author of (1) _Annalis_, a chronological table of the chief events in
Roman and foreign history, accompanied by genealogies (Nepos, _Att._
18, 1). As it was Cicero's _De Re Publica_ that suggested its
composition (Cic. _Brut._ 19), its date cannot be earlier than B.C.
54. (2) Family histories, _e.g._ of the Iunii (Nepos, _Att._ 18, 3),
published separately. (3) _De Imaginibus_, a collection of
inscriptions in verse for the busts of celebrated men (Nepos, _Att._
18, 5). (4) _De Consulatu Ciceronis_, in Greek (Nepos, _Att._ 18, 6),
written B.C. 60 (Cic. _ad Att._ ii. 1, 1).

Atticus is an interesting figure on account of the large publishing
business which he conducted (Nepos, _Att._ 13, 3); and the great care
with which he sought out good MSS. to reproduce in his establishment
makes him important in the history of the preservation of ancient
literature.



M. TERENTIUS VARRO.


(1) LIFE.

M. Terentius Varro was born B.C. 116 at Reate in the Sabine country.

Jerome yr. Abr. 1901, 'M. Terentius Varro philosophus et poeta
nascitur.' Symmachus, _Ep._ i. 2, calls him 'Terentius Reatinus'; and
he owned property in that district: _R.R._ ii. praef. 6, 'ipse
pecuarias habui grandes, in Apulia oviarias, et in Reatino equarias.'

Of his family nothing is known except that he had an uncle belonging
to the equestrian order (Plin. _N.H._ vii. 176). His philosophical
education was received at Athens, where he was a disciple of Antiochus
of Ascalon: Cic. _Ac. Post._ 12, 'Aristum Athenis [Brutus] audivit
aliquamdiu, cuius tu [Varro] fratrem Antiochum.'

He took part in the war with Sertorius in Spain, B.C. 76 (Sall. _Hist._
ii. fr. 69). In the war with the pirates, B.C. 67, he was one of
Pompeius' lieutenants, and received a _corona navalis_ for his services.
Varro _R.R._ ii. praef. 7, 'cum piratico bello inter Delum et Ciliciam
Graeciae classibus praeessem.' Plin. _N.H._ vii. 115, '[Varroni] Magnus
Pompeius piratico ex bello navalem [coronam] dedit.' Probably he was
also with Pompeius in the war with Mithradates (Plin. _N.H._ xxxiii.
136, xxxvii. 11; knowledge of the Caspian, vi. 38). To the coalition of
Pompeius, Caesar, and Crassus he was originally hostile, going so far as
to write one of his satires, +Trikaranos+, against them (Appian _B.C._
ii. 9); but in 59 he was a member of the commission appointed to
establish Caesar's veterans in Campania: Plin. _N.H._ vii. 176, 'Varro
auctor est xx. viro se agros dividente Capuae,' etc. He also held the
office of tribune (Gell. xiii. 12, 6), and was aedile with Murena (Plin.
xxxv. 173).

When the civil war broke out he was one of Pompeius' lieutenants in
Farther Spain, and resisted Caesar without success (Caes. _B.C._ ii.
17-20). From Spain he withdrew to Epirus, where he was coldly received
by the Pompeians (Cic. _ad Fam._ ix. 6, 3, 'crudeliter otiosis
minabantur, eratque eis et tua invisa voluntas et mea oratio'). We
hear of him at Corcyra (_R.R._ i. 4), and at Dyrrhachium a few days
before the battle of Pharsalus (Cic. _de <DW37>._ i. 68). After Caesar's
victory he lived quietly at his Tusculan villa (Cic. _ad Fam._ ix. 6,
4, 'his tempestatibus es prope solus in portu ... equidem hos tuos
Tusculanenses dies instar esse vitae puto'). He was more easily
reconciled than Cicero to the new government, and was made librarian
by Caesar: Sueton. _Iul._ 44, 'Destinabat bibliothecas Graecas
Latinasque quas maximas posset publicare, data M. Varroni cura
comparandarum ac digerendarum.' This, however, did not prevent him
writing a funeral oration on Cato's sister Porcia (Cic. _ad Att._
xiii. 48, 2).

After Caesar's death Varro was exposed to the persecution of Antonius,
whose raid on his villa at Casinum is vividly described by Cicero
(_Phil._ ii. 103 _sqq._). He was proscribed, but the devotion of his
friends secured his escape (Appian _B.C._ iv. 47).

His old age was spent in peace, the literary activity for which his
whole life was remarkable being maintained to the end. At the age of
eighty-three he was still writing: Plin. _N.H._ xxix. 65, 'Cunctarer
in proferendo ex his remedio, ni M. Varro lxxxiii vitae anno
prodidisset,' etc.

Varro's death took place in B.C. 27, in his ninetieth year. Jerome yr.
Abr. 1990, 'M. Terentius Varro philosophus prope nonagenarius moritur.'


(2) WORKS.

Cicero (_ad Att._ xiii. 18) calls Varro '<DW25> +polygraphotatos+,'
and Varro himself said that he had written four hundred and ninety
Books by the end of his seventy-seventh year: Gell. iii. 10, 17,
'Addit se quoque iam duodecimam annorum hebdomadam ingressum esse et
ad eum diem septuaginta hebdomadas librorum conscripsisse.' A letter
of Jerome[30] gives a list of thirty-nine works in four hundred and
ninety Books, admitting at the same time that these were only half of
the total number ('vix medium descripsi indicem'). The titles of
twenty-one other works are known from various sources.

1. _Agriculture._--Of this enormous number only one has survived in a
complete form, the treatise _De Re Rustica_ in three Books, in the
form of a dialogue. Book i. treats of agriculture; ii. of
stock-raising; iii. of poultry, game, and fish. It was written B.C.
37-6: _R.R._ i. 1, 1, 'Annus octogesimus admonet me ut sarcinas
colligam ante quam proficiscar e vita.'

2. _Grammar._--Of the twenty-five books _De Lingua Latina_, only v.-x.
have been preserved, but the scope of the whole is known from Varro's
own words. Book i. was introductory; ii.-vii. dealt with etymology;
viii.-xiii. with inflexions; xiv.-xxv. with syntax. Varro's
derivations are ridiculed by Quintilian i. 6, 37, 'Sed cui non post
Varronem sit venia, qui _agrum_ quia in eo _agatur_ aliquid, et
_graculos_ quia _gregatim_ volent dictos voluit persuadere Ciceroni?'
From Book v. onwards the work was dedicated to Cicero, in return for
his _Academics_; it is announced in Cic. _Ac._ i. 2, where Varro says,
'Habeo opus magnum in manibus, idque iam pridem: ad hunc enim ipsum
(me autem dicebat) quaedam institui, quae et sunt magna sane et
limantur a me politius.' The date of publication was probably B.C.
45-3.

Of the minor works on grammar, some at least were prior to the _De
Lingua Latina_: Cic. _Ac._ i. 9, 'Plurimum poetis nostris omninoque
Latinis et litteris luminis et verbis attulisti.' The titles known
are, _De sermone Latino_, _De origine linguae Latinae_, _De
similitudine verborum_, _De utilitate sermonis_, _De antiquitate
litterarum_, +Peri charakteron+.

3. _Roman History and Antiquities._ Varro's great work in this
department was the _Antiquitates rerum divinarum humanarumque_, in
forty-one Books. The arrangement, according to Augustine _De Civ.
Dei_, vi. 3, was as follows: (_a_) i.-xxv. _res humanae_; i.
introductory, ii.-vii. history of Rome down to its capture by the
Gauls, viii.-xiii. geography of Italy, xiv.-xix. Roman Calendar, with
dates of the chief historical events, xx.-xxv. Roman institutions, (_b_)
xxvi.-xli. _res divinae_; the persons who sacrifice, the places, the
times, the rites, and the gods were discussed in three Books each,
xxvi. being introductory. The second part, at least, was addressed to
Caesar as _pontifex maximus_. As it is mentioned by Cic. _Ac._ i. 9,
it must have been published before B.C. 45.

Minor works under this head were _Annales_, _Res urbanae_, _De gente
populi Romani_, _De vita populi Romani_, _De familiis Troianis_,
_Tribuum Liber_; _Aetia_ (+aitia+), explaining Roman usages, in the
form of a catechism; +Eisagogikos+ to Pompey on the duties of a
consul (B.C. 71), Gell. xiv. 7, 1; _De Pompeio_, _Legationum Libri_,
_De sua vita_.

4. _Geography._-(_a_) _Ephemeris navalis_, addressed to Pompey before
his departure for Spain about B.C. 77, a weather almanack for sailors;
_Ephemeris rustica_ or _agrestis_, for farmers. (_b_) _Libri navales_,
perhaps identical with the above, (_c_) _De ora maritima_.

5. _Law._--_De iure civili_ in fifteen Books.

6. _Rhetoric._--_Rhetorica_.

7. _Philosophy._-_De Forma Philosophiae_, _De Philosophia_.

8. _Mathematics_, etc.-_De mensuris_, _Mensuralia_, _De principiis
numerorum_, _Libri numerorum_, _De geometria_, _De astrologia_.

9. _Disciplinae_ in nine Books, forming a complete course of education
in the liberal arts.

10. _History of Literature and the Drama._--_De poetis_, _De
poematis_, _De lectionibus_, _De bibliothecis_, _De proprietate
scriptorum_, _De personis_, _De descriptionibus_, _De actis scenicis_,
_De scenicis actionibus_, _De originibus scenicis_, _Quaestiones
Plautinae_. In the _Hebdomades_ or _Imaginum Libri_ xv. Varro gave
short accounts in prose and verse of seven hundred famous Greeks and
Romans, with their portraits (Plin. _N.H._ xxxv. 11), the title being
derived from the arrangement in groups of seven. Aristotle's +Peplos+
had dealt similarly with the heroes of the Trojan War, and the
'+Peplographia+ Varronis' of Cic. _ad Att._ xvi. 11, 3 is usually
identified with the _Hebdomades_.

11. +Logistorikoi+, in seventy-six Books, were probably not a
mixture of fable and history, but essays enlivened by historical
examples. The titles were double, the chief speaker being named as
well as the subject of the essay, _e.g._ _Catus de liberis educandis_.
To this work Cicero probably refers, _Ac._ i. 9, 'Philosophiam multis
locis incohasti, ad impellendum satis, ad edocendum parum.'

12. Varro's poetical works are now represented only by fragments of
the _Saturae Menippeae_, a medley of prose and verse in one hundred
and fifty books (Cic. _Ac._ i. 9, 'Varium et elegans omni fere numero
poema fecisti'). They were so called by Varro himself (Gell. ii. 18,
7, 'In satiris quas alii Cynicas, ipse appellat Menippeas'), being
founded on the dialogues of Menippus, the Cynic of Gadara, of the
third century B.C. Their object was to present philosophy in a popular
dress: Cic. _Ac._ i. 8, 'Quae cum facilius minus docti intellegerent,
iucunditate quadam ad legendum invitati.' From the way in which they
are spoken of in the same passage ('in illis veteribus nostris'), most
of them must have been among Varro's earliest writings. The titles are
extremely curious, _e.g._ '+Dis paides hoi gerontes+,' 'Longe
fugit qui suos fugit.' Quintilian considers Varro as the founder of a
type of satire distinct from that of Lucilius, Horace, and Persius: x.
1, 95, 'Alterum illud etiam prius satirae genus sed non sola carminum
varietate mixtum condidit Terentius Varro, vir Romanorum
eruditissimus.' His other poetical works were ten books of _Poemata_,
four of _Satires_, and six of _Pseudotragoediae_ (tragi-comedy).

13. _Oratory._--Varro left twenty-two Books of _Orationes_ and three
of _Suasiones_, but he had no fame as an orator: Quint. x. 1, 95,
'Plus scientiae collaturus quam eloquentiae.'

14. _Letters._--Of these there seem to have been two collections: (_a_)
_Epistulae Latinae_, real letters to acquaintances; (_b_) _Epistolicae
Quaestiones_, discussing in epistolary form points of history,
grammar, etc.

The collection of maxims which passes under the name _Sententiae
Varronis_ is of uncertain authenticity.



LABERIUS.


The date of D. Laberius' birth is got from Sueton. _Iul._ 39, 'Ludis
D. Laberius eques Romanus mimum suum egit.' This event took place in
B.C. 45, and in the prologue to the piece (quoted below), l. 109,
Laberius says he is sixty years old; hence he was born about B.C. 105.
He died in January, B.C. 43.

Jerome yr. Abr. 1974 = B.C. 43, 'Laberius mimorum scriptor decimo
mense post C. Caesaris interitum Puteolis moritur.'

In B.C. 45 Laberius, although an _eques_, was, as a punishment for his
political opinions, compelled by Caesar to perform in one of his own
mimes, and was beaten by Publilius Syrus.

Macrob. _Saturn._ ii. 7, 2 _sqq._, 'Laberium asperae libertatis
equitem Romanum Caesar quingentis milibus invitavit, ut prodiret in
scaenam et ipse ageret mimos, quos scriptitabat. Sed potestas non
solum si invitet sed etiam si supplicet cogit, unde se et Laberius a
Caesare coactum in prologo testatur his versibus:

  "Necessitas, cuius cursus transversi impetum
  voluerunt multi effugere, pauci potuerunt,
  quo me detrusit paene extremis sensibus!
  Quem nulla ambitio, nulla umquam largitio,
  nullus timor, vis nulla, nulla auctoritas
  movere potuit in iuventa de statu:
  ecce in senecta ut facile labefecit loco
  viri excellentis mente clemente edita
  summissa placide blandiloquens oratio!
  Etenim ipsi di negare cui nil potuerunt,
  hominem me denegare quis posset pati?
  Ego bis tricenis annis actis sine nota
  eques Romanus e Lare egressus meo
  domum revertar mimus," etc.

In ipsa quoque actione subinde se, qua poterat, ulciscebatur inducto
habitu Syri, qui velut flagris caesus praeripientique similis
exclamabat

  "Porro Quirites libertatem perdimus"

et paulo post adiecit

  "Necesse est multos timeat quem multi timent."

Quo dicto universitas populi ad solum Caesarem oculos et ora
convertit, notantes inpotentiam eius hac dicacitate lapidatam. Ob haec
in Publilium vertit favorem ... [Publilius Syrus] cum mimos componeret
ingentique adsensu in Italiae oppidis agere coepisset, productus Romae
per Caesaris ludos, omnes qui tunc scripta et operas suas in scaenam
locaverant provocavit ut singuli secum posita in vicem materia pro
tempore contenderent. Nec ullo recusante superavit omnes, in quis et
Laberium. Unde Caesar adridens hoc modo pronuntiavit

  "Favente tibi me victus es, Laberi, a Syro"

statimque Publilio palmam et Laberio anulum aureum cum quingentis
sestertiis dedit.'

We have forty-three titles of mimes by Laberius, and about one hundred
and fifty lines of fragments. From the above we see that Laberius
criticized contemporary society with great vigour. Other features are

(_a_) His invention of words.

Gell. xvi. 7, 1, 'Laberius in mimis, quos scriptitavit, oppido quam
verba finxit praelicenter.' Examples are _manuatus est_ for _furatus
est_; _abluvium_ for _diluvium_.

(_b_) His use of plebeian expressions.

Gell. xix. 13, 3, 'quae a Laberio ignobilia nimis et sordentia in usum
linguae Latinae intromissa sunt.'

(_c_) His references to philosophy.

Cf. l. 17,

  'nec Pythagoream dogmam doctus';

l. 72,

  'Democritus Abderites physicus philosophus,' etc.

For views on Laberius cf. Hor. _Sat._ i, 10, 5,

    'Nam sic
  et Laberi mimos ut pulchra poemata mirer.'

Cic. _ad Fam._ xii. 18, 2 (written B.C. 46), 'Equidem sic iam obdurui
ut ludis Caesaris nostri animo aequissimo viderem T. Plancum, audirem
Laberi et Publili poemata.'

Contemporaries of Laberius were the satirist Abuccius, and Egnatius,
who wrote a didactic poem _de rerum natura_.



M. FURIUS BIBACULUS.


According to Jerome, Bibaculus was born B.C. 103, but, as he laughs at
the old age of the grammarian Orbilius (114-c. 17 B.C.), authorities
put the date twenty years later.

Jerome yr. Abr. 1914, 'M. Furius poeta cognomento Bibaculus Cremonae
nascitur.'

Sueton. _Gramm._ 9, '[Orbilius] vixit prope ad centesimum aetatis
annum, amissa iam pridem memoria, ut versus Bibaculi docet,

  "Orbilius ubinam est, litterarum oblivio?"'

Bibaculus wrote poems against the monarchical party; these are
referred to as _iambi_ by Quintilian, x. 1, 96.

Tac. _Ann._ iv. 34, 'Carmina Bibaculi et Catulli referta contumeliis
Caesarum leguntur: sed ipse divus Iulius, ipse divus Augustus et
tulere ista et reliquere.'

Two epics, _Aethiopis_ and _Bellum Gallicum_ (on Iulius Caesar's
exploits), are probably referred to by Hor. _Sat._ i. 10, 36,

  'Turgidus Alpinus iugulat dum Memnona, dumque
  diffingit Rheni luteum caput.'

Acron _ad loc._, 'Bibaculum quemdam poetam Gallum tangit.'

Cf. Hor. _Sat._ ii. 5, 40,

                'Seu pingui tentus omaso
  Furius hibernas cana nive conspuet Alpes.'

Acron _ad loc._, 'Furius Bibaculus in pragmatia belli Gallici:
Iuppiter hibernas,' etc.

It is probably from this epic that Macrob. _Saturn._ vi. 1, 31-4,
quotes passages imitated by Virgil. So, 'Furius in primo annali
"Interea Oceani linquens Aurora cubile."' (Cf. Virg. _Aen._ iv. 585.)

Bibaculus also wrote a prose work _Lucubrationes_. (Pliny _N.H._ xxiv.
praef.)



CAESAR.


(1) LIFE.

The main facts of C. Iulius Caesar's life are found in a compendious
form in the Life by Suetonius. The ancient authorities, who are
unanimous in stating that at the time of his death (15th March, B.C.
44) Caesar was in his fifty-sixth year (Sueton. _Iul._ 88, Appian
_B.C._ ii. 149, Plut. _Caes._ 69), must have placed his birth in B.C.
100. But if this date were correct Caesar must have held the various
magistracies two years before the legal time--a fact nowhere
mentioned, and in itself improbable; it is therefore natural to hold
that he was born in B.C. 102 (Mommsen, _R.H._ iv., p. 15, note). His
birthday was 12th July (Macrob. _Saturn._ i, 12, 34).

His father, C. Iulius Caesar, was praetor in B.C. 84, and died in the
same year; Aurelia, his mother, took great interest in his education
(Tac. _Dial._ 28). From the first Caesar was connected with the
leaders of the democratic party in the State. Marius, who had married
his father's sister Julia, conferred on him the office of _flamen
Dialis_ before he was sixteen years of age; and his first wife was
Cornelia, daughter of Cinna. His refusal to divorce her at the bidding
of Sulla drew down upon him the enmity of the dictator; and he fled in
disguise to the Sabine mountains, where he remained until Sulla
reluctantly consented to spare his life.

Caesar obtained his first experience of military service as a member
of the staff of M. Thermus, propraetor of Asia, who conferred on him
the _civica corona_ for saving the life of a fellow-soldier at the
siege of Mytilene. After serving for a short time under Servilius
Isauricus against the pirates in Cilicia, he returned to Rome on the
news of Sulla's death in 78, and in the following year commenced his
career as an orator with the prosecution of Cn. Cornelius Dolabella,
proconsul of Macedonia, for extortion.

Towards the end of that year Caesar left Rome for Rhodes--on his way
thither being captured by pirates near Miletus--and studied for a year
under the famous rhetorician Molo, taking part also in some operations
on the mainland against one of the officials of Mithradates. Having
been elected one of the _pontifices_ in the room of his uncle, C.
Aurelius Cotta, he returned to Rome in 74, and soon became a _tribunus
militum_. In the agitation for the restoration of the powers of the
tribunes of the _plebs_, Caesar took a prominent part; he also
supported the _Lex Aurelia_ of 70, which gave the _equites_ a share in
the _iudicia_, and the _Lex Plautia_, granting an amnesty to the
adherents of Lepidus and Sertorius.

The year 68 he spent as quaestor in Farther Spain, and on his return
to Rome strenuously advocated the claims of the Transpadane Gauls to
the Roman franchise. His first wife having died, he married Pompeia,
daughter of Q. Pompeius Rufus, and granddaughter of Sulla, whom he
divorced five years later on account of her alleged adultery with P.
Clodius. In 67 and 66 the bills of Gabinius and Manilius, conferring
extensive military powers upon Pompey, were supported by Caesar and
the other leading democrats.

Whether Caesar was concerned in the abortive attempt of Catiline at
revolution in 65, is a moot point. He was now aedile, and acquired
great popularity by the splendid shows which he gave to the people,
and by his restoration of the statue and trophies of Marius. In 64, as
president of the _quaestio de sicariis_, he condemned some of the most
active agents in Sulla's proscriptions. In 63 he supported the _lex
agraria_ of P. Servilius Rullus, and brought about the prosecution of
C. Rabirius for the murder of the tribune Saturninus. On the
re-enactment of the _Lex Domitia de sacerdotiis_, Caesar was elected
_pontifex maximus_. He was again suspected, probably with good ground,
of complicity with Catiline's designs; he certainly proposed in the
Senate that the conspirators should be punished with imprisonment
instead of death. Praetor in 62, he worked in Pompey's cause by
proposing that the charge of rebuilding the Capitoline temple should
be transferred to him from the aristocratic champion Catulus, and by
supporting the bill of the tribune Metellus Nepos for electing Pompey
consul in absence. Next year Caesar was propraetor of Farther Spain,
where he conquered the Lusitanians and Gallaecians, and amassed
considerable wealth. His coalition with Pompey and Crassus procured
for him the consulship of 59, rendered notable by the _Leges Iuliae_;
and before he went out of office his position was secured by the _Lex
Vatinia_, conferring on him the government of Cisalpine Gaul and
Illyricum for five years, with the command of three legions;
Transalpine Gaul and another legion were added by the Senate. The
following nine years (58-50) were occupied with the subjugation of
Gaul and the two invasions of Britain (55 and 54). At the conference
at Luca, in the winter of 57-56, it was agreed that Caesar should be
continued in office for a second period of five years, and be allowed
to increase the number of his legions to ten. In 50, realizing the
danger of his position if he returned to Rome as a private person, he
was anxious to be a candidate for the consulship _in absentia_; but
Pompey thwarted his plan. Caesar refused to disband his army at the
bidding of the Senate, and crossed the Rubicon early in 49. Italy soon
submitted; he defeated the Pompeians in Spain, captured Massilia, and
secured Sicily and Sardinia. Landing in Epirus in 48, he was defeated
at Dyrrhachium, and retreated to Thessaly, where he overthrew Pompey
at Pharsalus. Then followed his victories over the king of Egypt in
the Alexandrian war (48), Pharnaces in Asia Minor (47), the Pompeians
and Juba at Thapsus (46), and C. and Sex. Pompeius at Munda (45).

He had been created dictator in 49 and 48, with the tribunician power
in perpetuity; and on his return to Rome in 45 he was made consul for
ten years, dictator, and _praefectus morum_, with the title of
_imperator_ for life. In the intervals between his campaigns he
carried out numerous reforms, including the rectification of the
calendar, B.C. 46 (see p. 110). His assassination by Brutus and
Cassius and the other conspirators took place on 15th March, B.C. 44.


(2) WORKS.

1. _De Bello Gallico_, in seven Books. The title used by Caesar
himself was probably _Commentarii rerum suarum_ (as in Cic. _Brut._
262, and Sueton. _Iul._ 56; cf. Strabo, iv. 1, 1 +hypomnemata+),
although this does not appear in the best MSS., which give variously
_libri_, _historiae_, or _ephemeris rerum gestarum belli Gallici_.

The work describes Caesar's operations in Gaul, Germany, and Britain
during the years B.C. 58-52, the events of each year occupying a
separate Book. It was written and published as a whole, not in parts
at the end of each year's campaign. Otherwise it is difficult to see
why Cicero should not have heard of it from his brother Quintus or his
friend Trebatius, both of whom were with Caesar; or why Hirtius should
have spoken of the rapidity with which the work was composed (_B.G._
viii. praef. 6, 'Ceteri quam bene atque emendate, nos etiam quam
facile atque celeriter eos perfecerit, scimus'). This view is
corroborated by the statement of Asinius Pollio, that there were
mistakes in the work due to defective memory (Sueton. _Iul._ 56, 'quae
... memoria lapsus perperam ediderit'); and by some expressions in the
earlier Books pointing forward to events mentioned later (i. 28
compared with vii. 9, and iv. 21 with vii. 76).

The time of composition was probably the winter after the last
campaign narrated in the Book (B.C. 52-51). It was certainly published
before B.C. 46, the date of Cicero's _Brutus_, and probably before the
rupture with Pompey, of whom Caesar speaks with approbation (vii. 6,
'Cum iam ille urbanas res virtute Cn. Pompei commodiorem in statum
pervenisse intellegeret').

The aim of the book was twofold: (1) to provide material for professed
historians: Hirt. _B.G._ viii. praef. 5, 'qui sunt editi, ne scientia
tantarum rerum scriptoribus deesset'; (2) to furnish a defence of the
author's own conduct--an object carefully kept in the background. It
has been proved that Caesar suppressed facts which would have told
against him at Rome (_e.g._ his rapacity, Sueton. _Iul._ 54), and the
plausible motives which he assigns for some of his actions cannot be
accepted as genuine. Cf. the criticism of Asinius Pollio, Sueton.
_Iul._ 56, 'Pollio Asinius parum diligenter parumque integra veritate
compositos putat, cum Caesar pleraque et quae per alios erant gesta
temere crediderit, et quae per se vel consulto vel etiam memoria
lapsus perperam ediderit, existimatque rescripturum et correcturum
fuisse.' The style is remarkable for its brevity, directness, and the
absence of ornament and emotion (Cic. _Brut._ 262, 'Nudi sunt, recti
et venusti, omni ornatu orationis, tamquam veste, detracto').

Among the materials used by Caesar in writing the _Commentarii_ were his
own despatches to the Senate (ii. 35, iv. 38, vii. 90) and the reports
of his _legati_. Late writers speak of his +ephemerides+ (_e.g._ Plut.
_Caes._ 22), but there is no ground for supposing that he kept a regular
diary. He depended to a great extent on his own memory (cf. Pollio's
criticism, above).

2. _De Bello Civili_, in three Books, similar in plan to the _Bell.
Gall._ Book iii. ends abruptly with an event of no great importance,
and, as the death of Pompey would have formed a natural ending, we
must suppose that Caesar had intended to continue the narrative with
the Alexandrian, Spanish, and African wars, but was prevented from
carrying out his plan. The work was published after his death, without
undergoing revision (Sueton. _Iul._ 56, 'Pollio existimat rescripturum
et correcturum fuisse').

_Other works in the Corpus Caesarianum._--Sueton. _Iul._ 56 says,
'Alexandrini Africique et Hispaniensis [belli] incertus auctor est.
Alii Oppium putant, alii Hirtium, qui etiam Gallici belli novissimum
imperfectumque librum suppleverit.'

Suetonius evidently believed that Hirtius was the author of _B.G._
viii., for he introduces a quotation from the preface to that Book
with the words, 'Hirtius ita praedicat' (_ibid._). Hirtius is also
mentioned in the MSS. as the author of _B.G._ viii., and there is no
reason to doubt that this is the case. That he is the author of any of
the others is rendered doubtful by the fact that his bad health (which
lasted to November, B.C. 44) and his position as consul would leave
him little time for literature between the death of Caesar (15th
March, B.C. 44) and his own death at Mutina (27th April, B.C. 43).
Hirtius was thus able to carry out only the first part of the plan
sketched in _B.G._ viii. praef. 2, 'Caesaris nostri commentarios rerum
gestarum, non cohaerentibus superioribus atque insequentibus eius
scriptis, contexui, novissimumque imperfectum ab rebus gestis
Alexandriae confeci usque ad exitum non quidem civilis dissensionis,
cuius finem nullum videmus, sed vitae Caesaris.'

G. Landgraf, _Untersuchungen zu Caesar und seinen Fortsetzern_
(Erlangen, 1888), arrives at the following conclusions:

1. In the _Bellum Africum_ we possess the notes of Asinius Pollio, who
took part in the war. That the work partook of the nature of a journal
is shown by the style; _e.g._ _interim_ is used about eighty times as a
connecting link, and dates and hours of the day are given carefully.
Landgraf supports his position by instancing similarities of
expression in the _Bell. Afr._ and in three letters from Pollio to
Cicero (_ad Fam._ x. 31; 32; 33).

2. Ch. 48-64 of the _Bell. Alex._ on events in Spain in B.C. 48-7 were
sent to Hirtius by Pollio, who was governor of Hispania Ulterior in
B.C. 45, and as such was best acquainted with these incidents.

3. On the death of Hirtius, Pollio, on searching for his own papers
(which he had lent Hirtius to help him in his work), found Hirtius'
_Bell. Gall._ viii., and made some additions.

4. The _Bell. Civ._ was in Hirtius' possession unedited at his death.
Hirtius evidently intended to publish it along with _B.G._ viii. The
third Book had been left unfinished by Caesar, whose notes, some of
which were very brief, Hirtius had extended, and filled up the gaps in
the narrative. There were also some notes on the _Bell. Alex._ The
_Bell. Alex._ in the narrower sense (cc. 1-33) Hirtius began with, and
in the early chapters contented himself with making small additions.
In the later parts are found considerable additions both by Hirtius
and by Pollio. Landgraf attempts to distinguish the work of the two:
cc. 34-41, on the Bellum Ponticum, being mostly by Pollio, and cc.
65-76, on the wars in Illyria and against Pharnaces, mostly by
Hirtius.

5. The authorship of the _Bellum Hispaniense_, which in style is far
below the _Bellum Africum_, Landgraf leaves an open question.

E. Woelfflin (_Sitzungsberichte der k. b. Akad. der Wissenschaften zu
Muenchen_, 1889, pp. 323 _sqq._, and ed. of the _Bell. Afr._, 1889)
holds the same views as Landgraf, and gives many instances of
difference in diction between _Bell. Afr._ on the one hand, and
_Gall._ viii. and _Alex._ on the other; _e.g._

                       _Bell. Afr._    _Bell. Gall._ viii.; _Bell. Alex._
  _suppetiae_,      -   7 times    -   never.
  _convallis_,      -   5   "      -   _vallis_, 10 times.
  _convulnero_,     -   9   "      -   _vulnero_ (as in Caesar).
  _contendo_ + infin., 20   "      -   never.
  _adorior_,        -  14   "      -   only in _Gall._ viii. 34.
  _adgredior_,      -  never       -   14 times.
  _grandis_,        -   7 times    -   _magnus_.
  _subito_,         -  22   "      -   never.
  _repente_,        -  never       -   16 times.
  _postquam_,       -  34   "      -   not in _Gall._ viii.
  hist. infin.,     -  24   "      -   never.

On the other hand, Widmann, _Philologus_, L. (1891), p. 565, proves
that the author of the note-book worked up in the _Bell. Afr._ was an
officer of the 5th legion, that Pollio was not connected with the 5th
legion, and probably did not go through the whole African war, as the
author clearly must have done. This, of course, also proves that
Hirtius cannot have been the author.

On the whole, we think it proved that the _Bell. Afr._ was not written
by the author of _B. Gall._ viii. and _B. Alex._, and that the author
was not in any case Pollio. The _B. Alex._ is probably worked up from
note-books written by several hands. The attempt to distinguish the
work of Hirtius and another hand in _B. Gall._ viii. is against the
evidence of Suetonius; and though several hands have co-operated in
_B. Alex._, it is hardly possible to distinguish them precisely.

The _Bell. Hisp._ is evidently the work of an eye-witness, cf. c. 29,
'nostri ad dimicandum procedunt, id quod adversarios existimabamus
esse facturos.' He is apt to be bombastic (c. 5, 'hic alternis non
solum morti mortem exaggerabant, sed tumulos tumulis exaequabant'),
and makes a ridiculous show of learning (quoting the combat of
Achilles and Memnon, c. 25, and Ennius, c. 23, 'nostri cessere
parumper'; c. 31, 'pes pede premitur, armis teruntur arma.')


(3) CAESAR'S LOST WORKS.

1. _De Analogia_, a treatise on grammar in two Books, dedicated to
Cicero (Cic. _Brut._ 253) and composed in the interval between two of
the campaigns in Gaul. Sueton. _Iul._ 56, 'Reliquit et de Analogia
duos libros ... In transitu Alpium, cum ex citeriore Gallia
conventibus peractis ad exercitum rediret ... fecit.' It supported the
view that _analogia_, not _anomalia_, should be the governing
principle in grammar, _i.e._ that order should be introduced into the
chaos of varying usages. Gellius i. 10, 4 has a notable quotation from
the first Book, 'Habe semper in memoria atque in pectore, ut tamquam
scopulum sic fugias inauditum atque insolens verbum.'

2. _De Astris_, a book on astronomy, written apparently in connexion
with the rectification of the calendar, B.C. 46, perhaps in Greek.
Suetonius says nothing about it, but it was known to Macrobius,
_Saturn._, i. 16, 39, 'Iulius Caesar ... siderum motus, de quibus non
indoctos libros reliquit, ab Aegyptiis disciplinis hausit.' The _liber
de computatione_ and _liber fastorum_, attributed to Caesar by the
Scholiast on Lucan, x. 185, 187, may have formed part of the _De
Astris_.

3. _Anticatones_, written B.C. 45, in reply to Cicero's panegyric on
Cato, with flattering references to Cicero himself. Sueton. _Iul._ 56,
'Reliquit et de Analogia duos libros et Anticatones totidem. ... Sub
tempus Mundensis proelii fecit.' Cicero expresses himself as highly
pleased with the book, _ad Att._ xiii. 51, 'bene existimo de illis
libris, ut tibi coram'; but his tone is different in _Topica_, 94,
'quibus omnibus generibus usus est nimis impudenter Caesar contra
Catonem meum.'

4. _Apophthegmata_, a collection of notable sayings, probably growing
out of the _Dicta Collectanea_ of Sueton. _Iul._ 56, and completed
B.C. 46-5. Cic. _ad Fam._ ix. 16, 4, 'audio Caesarem, cum volumina iam
confecerit +apophthegmaton+, si quod afferatur ad eum pro meo, quod
meum non sit, reicere solere.'

5. _Letters._--In the time of Suetonius, Caesar's official despatches
to the Senate were extant, and also private letters to Cicero and
other friends, _e.g._ his confidants Balbus and Oppius. In these a
cypher was, where necessary, employed. Cf. Sueton. _Iul._ 56, and
Gell. xvii. 9, 1.

6. _Speeches._--About a dozen titles of speeches are known, but only a
few detached words and phrases survive. As an orator, Caesar stood in
the front rank (Sueton. _Iul._ 55). For encomiums on his style see
Cic. _Brut._ 252, and Quintilian, x. 1, 114, who considered him second
only to Cicero, and remarkable for _vis_, _acumen_, _concitatio_, and
_elegantia_. The language of Tac. _Dial._ 21 is less complimentary,
'Nisi forte quisquam aut Caesaris pro Decio Samnite aut Bruti pro
Deiotaro rege ceterosque eiusdem lentitudinis ac teporis libros legit,
nisi qui et carmina eorumdem miratur.'

7. _Poems._--Caesar in his youth composed a poem in praise of
Hercules, and a tragedy, _Oedipus_. Plutarch (_Caes._ 2) speaks of him
as reciting poems of his own composition to the pirates who took him
prisoner. On his journey from Rome to Spain, B.C. 46, he wrote a
descriptive poem with the title of _Iter_.

Sueton. _Iul._ 56, 'Reliquit ... poema quod inscribitur Iter ...
[fecit] dum ab urbe in Hispaniam ulteriorem quarto et vicensimo die
pervenit ... Feruntur et a puero et ab adulescentulo quaedam scripta,
ut Laudes Herculis, tragoedia Oedipus, item Dicta Collectanea: quos
omnes libellos vetuit Augustus publicari, in epistula quam brevem
admodum ac simplicem ad Pompeium Macrum, cui ordinandas bibliothecas
delegaverat, misit.'

Pliny the younger mentions Caesar as a love poet (_Ep._ v. 3, 5). His
poetry is spoken of by Tacitus in no flattering terms, _Dial._ 21,
'fecerunt enim [Caesar et Brutus] et carmina et in bibliothecas
rettulerunt, non melius quam Cicero, sed felicius, quia illos fecisse
pauciores sciunt.'

The only extant lines are those on Terence (_q.v._).



C. ASINIUS POLLIO.


C. Asinius Pollio (B.C. 76-A.D. 5), governor of Farther Spain B.C.
44, consul B.C. 40, retired from public life after his Dalmatian
triumph, B.C. 39. He was famous as an orator, and was the author of
(1) A history of the civil wars from B.C. 60 (Hor. _Od._ ii. 1, 1
_sqq._). (2) Tragedies (Verg. _Ecl._ 8, 10; Hor. _Sat._ i. 10, 42;
_Od._ ii. 1, 9 _sqq._) and love poems (Plin. _Ep._ v. 3, 5). (3) A
work in which the style of Sallust was criticized (Sueton. _Gramm._
10). His remarks on Caesar, Cicero, and Livy may be from the same book
(Sueton. _Iul._ 56; Quint. xii. 1, 22; i. 5, 56).

For Pollio's style, cf. Quint. x. 1, 113, 'A nitore et iucunditate
Ciceronis ita longe abest ut videri possit saeculo prior.' Pollio
founded the first public library at Rome, in the _Atrium Libertatis_,
B.C. 38 (Plin. _N.H._ xxxv. 10), For his intimacy with the poet Cinna,
who wrote the _Propempticon Pollionis_ in his honour, see p. 142; and
for his patronage of Virgil and Horace, see Verg. _Ecl._ 3, 84; 8,
6-13; Hor. _Sat._ i. 10, 42. Pollio, of course, belongs to the
Augustan Age, but is mentioned here because of his connexion with the
_Corpus Caesarianum_.



CORNELIUS NEPOS.


(1) LIFE.

The praenomen of Cornelius Nepos is unknown. In Pliny, _N.H._ iii.
127, he is called 'Padi adcola,' and in Pliny, _Ep._ iv. 28, 1 (to
Vibius Severus), he is mentioned as a townsman of T. Catius, 'Imagines
municipum tuorum, Cornelii Nepotis et T. Cati.' Now T. Catius was an
Insubrian (Cic. _ad Fam._ xv. 16, 1), and as the only Insubrian town
on the Padus was Ticinum, Nepos was probably born there.

There is no direct evidence as to the date of his birth but we may
infer from the following facts that he was born not long before B.C.
100.

1. Jerome puts his literary activity under B.C. 40 = yr. Abr. 1977,
'Cornelius Nepos scriptor historicus clarus habetur.'

2. A son of his died B.C. 44 while a boy, and unknown to Cicero.

Cic. _ad Att._ xvi. 14, 4, 'Male narras de Nepotis filio: valde
mehercule moveor et moleste fero; nescieram omnino esse istum puerum.'

3. The respect with which he looks up to Atticus, who was born B.C.
109.

4. A fragment of his _Exempla_ quoted by Pliny, _N.H._ ix. 136,
regarding the changes of fashion in purple robes: 'Nepos Cornelius,
qui divi Augusti principatu obiit, "Me," inquit, "iuvene violacea
purpura vigebat, ... nec multo post rubra Tarentina. Huic successit
dibapha Tyria... Hac P. Lentulus Spinther aedilis curulis (B.C. 63)
primus in praetexta usus improbabatur. Qua purpura quis non iam,"
inquit, "triclinaria facit?"'

Nepos held no public office, but confined himself to literature, in
which he was associated with Atticus. Their intimacy must have begun
after B.C. 65, when Atticus returned to Rome from Athens, where he had
lived more than twenty years.

Pliny, _Ep._ v. 3, 6, 'P. Vergilius, Cornelius Nepos ... Non quidem hi
senatores.'

Nep. _Att._ 13, 7, 'Atque hoc non auditum, sed cognitum praedicamus:
saepe enim propter familiaritatem domesticis rebus interfuimus.'

Nepos knew Cicero, doubtless, through Atticus, but there is no
evidence that they were intimate, except Gell. xv. 28, 1, who is
probably mistaken, 'Cornelius Nepos ... M. Ciceronis ut qui maxime
amicus familiaris fuit.' A fragment of a letter from Cicero to Nepos
is quoted by Sueton. _Iul._ 55; from Nepos to Cicero by Lactant.
_inst. <DW37>._ iii. 15, 10; and Fronto (p. 20, ed. Naber) speaks of a
collection of Cicero's works revised by Nepos and Atticus.

Nepos was on intimate terms with Catullus, whom, as coming from
Verona, he may have known in early life. Catullus, who is mentioned by
Nepos (_Att._ 12, 4), dedicated a collection of poems to him (Catull.
1). Nepos was alive in B.C. 29, in which, or the following year, he
completed the life of Atticus.

As regards Nepos' character and views, Pliny, _Ep._ v. 3, 6,
attributes to him _sanctitas morum_. The words of Cicero, _ad Att._
xvi. 5, 5, imply only a playful compliment, 'Et ais, "+met'
amymona+." Tu vero +amymon+, ille [Nepos] quidem +ambrotos+.'

Nepos' slight regard for philosophy is shown by a letter to Cicero
quoted by Lactant. _inst. <DW37>._ iii. 15, 10, 'Tantum abest, ut ego
magistram esse putem vitae philosophiam beataeque vitae perfectricem,
ut nullis magis existimem opus esse magistris vivendi quam plerisque,
qui in ea disputanda versantur.'

Cf. also Cic. _ad Att._ xvi. 5, 5, 'Nepotis epistulam exspecto.
Cupidus ille meorum? qui ea, quibus maxime +gaurio+, legenda non
putet.'

Philosophy, according to Nepos, ought to be practical.

Nep. _Att._ 17, 3, 'Nam principum philosophorum ita percepta habuit
praecepta, ut his ad vitam agendam, non ad ostentationem uteretur.'

Nepos, as is shown by his works, supported government by the Senate.


(2) WORKS.

1. Erotic poems; mentioned by Pliny, _Ep._ v. 3, 6.

2. _Chronica_, in three books, embracing universal history. Catull. 1,

  'Quoi dono lepidum novom libellum
  arida modo pumice expolitum?
  Corneli, tibi; namque tu solebas
  meas esse aliquid putare nugas
  iam tum, cum ausus es unus Italorum
  omne aevom tribus explicare chartis,
  doctis, Iuppiter, et laboriosis.'

It is clear, from the above, that Nepos had mentioned Catullus in the
work. That the mythical period was treated of is shown by Ausonius,
_Ep._ 16, 'Apologos Titiani et Nepotis chronica quasi alios apologos
(nam et ipsa instar sunt fabularum) ... misi ... ad institutionem
tuorum.'

From Catullus we may possibly infer that the _Chronica_ were written
before B.C. 63[31]; _unus Italorum_ would imply that they were written
before the similar works of Varro and Atticus.

3. _Exempla_, in at least five Books, treating of the history of Roman
manners.

Gell. vi. 18, 11, 'Cornelius Nepos in libro exemplorum quinto.'

4. _Life of the elder Cato_.

Nep. _Cat._ 3, 5, 'Huius de vita et moribus plura in eo libro
persecuti sumus, quem separatim de eo fecimus rogatu T. Pomponii
Attici. Quare studiosos Catonis ad illud volumen delegamus.'

5. _Life of Cicero_, written after his death (B.C. 43). Gell. xv. 28,
2, 'in primo librorum, quos de vita illius composuit.'

6. _A geographical work_, referred to by Pliny, _N.H._ v. 4, etc. All
the above works are lost.

7. _De Viris Illustribus_, his last work, was dedicated to Atticus
(praef. i); an addition to the life of Atticus was made after his
death.

_Att._ 19, 1, 'Hactenus Attico vivo edita a nobis sunt. Nunc, quoniam
fortuna nos superstites ei esse voluit, reliqua persequemur.'

From _Att._ 12, 1-2, we may conclude that the publication took place
between B.C. 35 and 33. The addition to the life of Atticus was
written at some time between B.C. 31 and 27, as in _Att._ 19, 2,
Octavian is called _imperator_, but not _Augustus_, a title which he
received in the last-mentioned year.

The work contained at least sixteen Books: cf. Charis. _G.L._ i. 141
(ed. Keil), 'Cornelius Nepos illustrium virorum libro xvi.'; and was
divided into sections of two Books each, the first on distinguished
foreigners, the second on distinguished Romans of the same class. We
possess the book _de excellentibus ducibus exterarum gentium_; from
_de historicis Latinis_ the lives of Cato the Censor and Atticus, and
fragments of the letters of Cornelia, mother of the Gracci. There are
also mentioned the books _de regibus_ (Nep. _de reg._ 1, 1; 3, 5); _de
excellentibus ducibus Romanorum_ (Nep. _Hann._ 13, 4); _de historicis
Graecis_ (Nep. _Dion,_ 3, 2); _de poetis_ (Sueton. p. 31 R.); _de
grammaticis_ (Sueton. p. 103 R.). The work probably dealt also with
_iurisconsulti_, _oratores_, and _philosophi_. The book is biographical
rather than historical, and is designed to compare foreigners with
Romans, and to please, as well as instruct, those ignorant of Greek
culture.

_Pel._ 1, 1, 'Vereor ... ne non vitam eius enarrare, sed historiam
videar scribere.'

_Hann._ 13, 4, 'Tempus est ... Romanorum explicare imperatores, quo
facilius collatis utrorumque factis, qui viri praeferendi sint, possit
iudicari.'

_Pel._ 1, 1, 'Medebor cum satietati tum ignorantiae lectorum.'

_Praef._ 2, 'Hi erunt fere, qui expertes litterarum Graecarum,' etc.

Besides tradition and his own recollection, Nepos mentions the
following sources: Thucydides (_Them._ 1, 4, etc.); Xenophon (_Ag._ 1,
1); Plato's _Symposium_ (_Alc._ 2, 2); Theopompus (_Alc._ 11, 1);
Dinon (_Con._ 5, 4); Timaeus (_Alc._ 11, 1); Silenus, Sosilus,
Polybius, Sulpicius Blitho, Atticus (_Hann._ 13, 1 and 3); the
writings of Hannibal (_Hann._ 13, 2); Speeches and _Origines_ of Cato
(_Cat._ 3, 2); Cicero's works, especially _Epp. ad Att._ (_Att._ 16,
3). The book contains lives of twenty Greek generals from the Persian
wars to the time of Alexander's successors; a short article on Persian
and Macedonian kings who were also generals; and the lives of Hamilcar
and Hannibal, Cato and Atticus. The work possesses little independent
value, and the following are the chief faults:

1. There are many mistakes in history and geography.

2. The biographies, and the events recorded in them, are badly
arranged; eulogy is employed indiscriminately, and petty anecdotes are
too frequent.

3. Important names, as Cimon and Lysander, are dismissed too briefly;
others, as Atticus and Datames, are treated too fully. Many are left
out altogether, as some of the leaders in the Peloponnesian war.

4. Important authorities are not used: so Herodotus, for Miltiades,
Themistocles, and Pausanias. No use is made of the _Hellenica_ of
Xenophon.

For views on Nepos, cf. Gell. xv. 28, 1, 'Cornelius Nepos rerum
memoriae non indiligens.'

Pliny, _N.H._ v. 4, 'Portentosa Graeciae mendacia ... quaeque alia
Cornelius Nepos avidissime credidit.'

Nepos is not mentioned by Quintilian in his list of Roman historians.

In the MSS. only the _Atticus_ and the _Cato_ are ascribed to Nepos,
the rest being entitled _Liber Aemilii Probi de excellentibus ducibus
exterarum gentium_. It has been suggested that this arose from a
misapprehension of _em_(_endavi_) _Probus_. There is an epigram by
this Probus in the MSS., referring to poems of his and standing after
the Life of Hannibal, which informs us that he was a contemporary of
Theodosius (probably Theodosius I., A.D. 379-395). That the work
cannot be by him is shown by the political references, which suit only
the beginning of the empire, by the mention of Atticus in the preface,
and by the correspondence in style between the book and the lives of
Atticus and Cato, admittedly the work of Nepos; also by the fact that
L. Ampelius, who probably wrote before the time of Diocletian, used
the work in his _Liber Memorialis_.



LUCRETIUS.


Our information about Lucretius' life is very scanty. Jerome yr. Abr.
1922 = B.C. 95, 'T. Lucretius poeta nascitur, qui postea amatorio
poculo in furorem versus, cum aliquot libros per intervalla insaniae
conscripsisset, quos postea Cicero emendavit, propria se manu
interfecit anno aetatis xliiii.' (B.C. 52 or 51).

Donatus, _vit. Verg._ 2, 'Initia aetatis Cremonae egit [Vergilius]
usque ad virilem togam, quam xv. anno natali suo accepit isdem illis
consulibus iterum duobus quibus erat natus, evenitque ut eo ipso die
Lucretius poeta decederet' (October 15).

Teuffel thinks xliiii. is wrong, and would read xlii., thus giving the
dates as B.C. 96-55, as he thinks that Jerome has fixed the date of
birth one year too late. Munro (vol. ii. p. 1) accepts xliiii., but
thinks that Jerome (as elsewhere) is a few years wrong in the date of
Lucretius' birth, and gives the dates as B.C. 99-55. It is impossible
to decide as to the date of birth, but most authorities agree on B.C.
55 as the date of death, a view which is supported by the only
contemporary reference to the poet: Cic. _ad Q.F._ ii. 11, 4 (written
in February, B.C. 54), 'Lucreti poemata, ut scribis, ita sunt: multis
luminibus ingeni, multae tamen artis; sed cum veneris. Virum te
putabo, si Sallusti Empedoclea legeris, hominem non putabo.'

The above extract is given in the reading of the MSS. Some editors
read _non_ before _multis_, others _non_ before _multae_, but it is
best to follow the MSS. (with Tyrrell), translating "But when you come
(we shall talk about it). I shall consider you a hero, if you read
Sallust's _Empedoclea_; I shall not consider you a human being."

As regards Lucretius' madness, there is no absolute impossibility in
the story. Munro (vol. ii. pp. 2, 3) accepts Jerome's account of
Cicero's editorship; others, less probably, believe that Q. Cicero was
editor. The first view is rendered probable by the high opinion
Lucretius had of Cicero, as seen from the frequency with which he
imitates his _Aratea_ (Munro on Lucr. v. 619), and from the knowledge
Cicero shows of Lucretius' work, as in _Tusc._ i. 48.

The poet's full name is given in the MSS. as T. Lucretius Carus.

This is all the direct evidence regarding Lucretius' life.[32] The _de
rerum natura_ is addressed to C. Memmius.[33] From Cic. _ad Fam._
xiii. 1 (where Cicero tells us he employed his good offices with
Memmius on behalf of Patro for the preservation of the gardens of
Epicurus), it appears that he was not an Epicurean. Memmius is the
only contemporary mentioned by Lucretius; i. 24,

  'Te sociam studeo scribendis versibus esse
  quos ego de rerum natura pangere conor
  Memmiadae nostro, quem tu, dea, tempore in omni
  omnibus ornatum voluisti excellere rebus.'

Many, arguing from the fact that Carus is not known elsewhere as a
cognomen of the gens Lucretia, think that the poet was a freedman or a
freedman's son, but from the tone of equality in which he addresses
Memmius, it is more probable that he was a patrician; cf. i. 140,

  'Sed tua me virtus tamen et sperata voluptas
  suavis amicitiae quemvis sufferre laborem
  suadet.'

Several personal characteristics may be inferred from the poem:

1. His earnestness and sincerity; iii. 28,

  'His ibi me rebus quaedam divina voluptas
  percipit atque horror,' etc.

Cf. the importance he attaches to his subject, i. 926,

  'Avia Pieridum peragro loca nullius ante
  trita solo.'

2. His admiration for the great men of the past. Cf. iii. 1024-52,
where Ancus, the Scipios, Homer, Democritus, and Epicurus are praised;
the introductions to Books i., iii., v., vi., on Epicurus; i. 716-33
on Empedocles; i. 117-9 on Ennius.

3. His powers of observation and love of nature. Cf. i. 716-25; ii. 29
_sqq._, 40 _sqq._; 323-32; iv. 572 _sqq._

4. His experience of women. Book iv. 1037-the end.

5. His wide reading. The poem shows knowledge of Epicurus, Empedocles,
Democritus, Anaxagoras, Heraclitus, Plato, the Stoic writers,
Thucydides, Hippocrates, Homer, Euripides. Among Latin writers Ennius,
Naevius, Pacuvius, Lucilius, and Accius are all imitated.

There is a reference to contemporary history in i. 41-3,

  'Nam neque nos agere hoc patriai tempore iniquo
  possumus aequo animo nec Memmi clara propago
  talibus in rebus communi desse saluti.'

Munro thinks that these lines were written B.C. 59, when Memmius was
_praetor designatus_, in fierce opposition to Caesar, and on the side
of the Senate. If this is so, the poem was probably written between
B.C. 60 and 55. The lines on ambition and its attendant evils (as iii.
931 _sqq._, v. 1117-35, etc.) may have been written with a special
view to the facts of Memmius' life. Lucretius may refer to his
recollection of the civil wars in v. 999,

  'At non multa virum sub signis milia ducta
  una dies dabat exitio.'

In ii. 40 _sqq._ there is perhaps a reference to Caesar's army in the
Campus Martius at the beginning of B.C. 58.

The _de rerum natura_ is an exposition of Epicureanism, especially on
its physical side; i. 54,

  'Nam tibi de summa caeli ratione deumque
  disserere incipiam et rerum primordia pandam,' etc.

The title is taken from Epicurus' +peri physeos+, which Lucretius
followed closely, as is evident from the account of the Epicurean
philosophy in Diogenes Laertius, x., and from the fragments of
Epicurean writers discovered at Herculaneum in 1752. He probably used
as his model Empedocles' poem +peri physeos+.

The object of the poem is to deliver men from the fear of death and of
the gods; iii. 37,

  'Et metus ille foras praeceps Acheruntis agendus';

i. 62-101; cf. l. 101,

  'Tantum religio potuit suadere malorum.'

Note that the invocation to Venus at the beginning of the poem is not
inconsistent, but is an address to the universal principle of
generation; cf. i. 21,

  'Quae quoniam rerum naturam sola gubernas.'

The scope of the Books is as follows: Books i. and ii. state the
physical theories of Democritus and Epicurus. Book i. states the
Atomic Theory of Democritus, held by Epicurus, that the world consists
of atoms and void. The theories of Heraclitus, Empedocles, Anaxagoras,
etc. are refuted; i. 740,

  'Principiis tamen in rerum fecere ruinas
  et graviter magni magno cecidere ibi casu.'

Book ii. treats of the combinations of atoms, and the principle of the
swerve introduced to explain free-will. The varieties of atoms are
shown to be limited. In Book iii. the nature of the mind and life is
shown to be material. _Religio_ and the fear of death (cf. ll. 978
_sqq._) are attacked principally in this Book; iii. 830,

  'Nil igitur mors est ad nos neque pertinet hilum,
  quandoquidem natura animi mortalis habetur.'

Book iv. treats of the theory of _simulacra_ or images, of the senses,
and particularly of love. Book v. treats of the formation of the earth
and the heavenly bodies, the origin of life, and the progress of
civilization. It is shown that nothing has been created, and that
everything must perish. Book vi. treats of abnormal phenomena, such as
thunder and lightning, tempests, volcanoes, earthquakes, etc. The
plague at Athens is described (from Thucydides). Books v. and vi. are
unfinished.

Ethical views are given only by the way, the poem being primarily on
physics. Pleasure is the end of action: ii. 172, 'dux vitae dia
voluptas.' This pleasure is the absence of disturbance (+ataraxia+),
hence all passion (as of love, iv. 1121-40) is deprecated; ii. 14,

  'O miseras hominum mentes, o pectora caeca!
  qualibus in tenebris vitae quantisque periclis
  degitur hoc aevi quodcumque est! nonne videre
  nil aliud sibi naturam latrare, nisi utqui
  corpore seiunctus dolor absit, mente fruatur
  iucundo sensu cura semota metuque?'

Lucretius, as Epicurus, is often weak in physics. Cf. v. 564 _sqq._,
of the sun's size,

  'Nec nimio solis maior rota nec minor ardor
  esse potest, nostris quam sensibus esse videtur.'

In i. 1052 _sqq._ he states well the theory of the antipodes but his
dependence on Epicurus will not allow him to accept it. Reasons are
sometimes given for a thing that never existed, as in iv. 710-21 for
the fear that a lion has for a cock. Some passages come near the
results of modern science, cf. v. 837 _sqq._ on extinct species; v.
855 _sqq._ on the struggle for existence; v. 610-3, on the invisible
rays of the sun.

The references to Lucretius by name are few.

Nep. _Att._ 12, 4, 'L. Iulium Calidum, quem post Lucreti Catullique
mortem multo elegantissimum poetam nostram tulisse aetatem vere videor
posse contendere.'

Ovid, _Am._ i. 15, 23,

  'Carmina sublimis tunc sunt peritura Lucreti,
  exitio terras cum dabit una dies.'

_Trist._ ii. 425,

  'Explicat ut causas rapidi Lucretius ignis.'

Stat. _Silv._ ii. 7, 76,

  'docti furor arduus Lucreti.'

Quint. x. 1, 87, 'Macer et Lucretius legendi quidem, sed non ut
phrasin, id est, corpus eloquentiae faciant; elegantes in sua quisque
materia, sed alter humilis alter difficilis.'

Cf. Tac. _Dial._ 23.

His influence on Virgil is seen _passim_. Cf. Gell. i. 21, 7, 'Non
verba sola sed versus prope totos et locos quoque Lucreti plurimos
sectatum esse Vergilium videmus.'

Verg. _Georg._ ii. 490 _sqq._ and _Ecl._ 6, 31 _sqq._ refer to
Lucretius. _Georg._ ii. 490,

  'Felix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas
  atque metus omnes et inexorabile fatum
  subiecit pedibus strepitumque Acherontis avari.'

Horace has also imitated him in several places: so _Sat._ i. 3, 99-110
(on primitive man) = Lucr. v. 1028 _sqq._; _Sat._ i. 5, 101 _sqq._ =
Lucr. v. 82 _sqq._ Most of the poets after him, particularly Manilius,
came under his influence.



SALLUST.


(1) LIFE.

C. Sallustius Crispus was born B.C. 86 at Amiternum, in the country of
the Sabines, and died B.C. 35.

Jerome yr. Abr. 1931 = B.C. 86, 'Sallustius Crispus, scriptor
historicus, in Sabinis Amiterni nascitur.' _Ibid._ 1982 = B.C. 35,
'Sallustius diem obiit, quadriennio ante Actiacum bellum.'

Sallust was of plebeian family, as is seen from the fact that he was
afterwards _tribunus plebis_. According to the Pseud.-Cic. _in
Sallustium declamatio_, 13-14, he led an evil life in youth, and
brought his father with sorrow to the grave.

Cf. par. 14, 'Cuiquam dubium potest esse, quin mori coegerit eum
[patrem]?'

There is a story that Milo punished him for an amour with his wife.

Gell. xvii. 18, 'M. Varro ... in libro quem scripsit "Pius aut de
pace," C. Sallustium scriptorem seriae illius et severae orationis, in
cuius historia notiones censorias fieri atque exerceri videmus, in
adulterio deprehensum ab Annio Milone loris bene caesum dicit et, cum
dedisset pecuniam, dimissum.'

The story is corroborated by Pseud.-Cic. _in Sall._ 15; by Macrob.
iii. 13, 9, '_alienae_ luxuriae obiurgator et censor,' and others; and
Sallust himself appears to admit that there was something wrong;
_Cat._ 4, 'a quo incepto studioque me ambitio mala detinuerat.'[34]

Sallust speaks of the political offices he filled, and of the class of
men who were unsuccessful candidates about the same time--a supposed
reference to M. Cato's candidature for the praetorship, B.C. 55.

_Iug._ 4, 'Qui si reputaverint, et quibus ego temporibus magistratus
adeptus sim et quales viri idem adsequi nequiverint,' etc.

After being quaestor (Pseud.-Cic. _in Sall._ 15), he was, in B.C. 52,
_tribunus plebis_, when he and other two tribunes opposed Cicero in
his defence of Milo.

Ascon. _in Cic. pro Mil._ p. 33 (Kiessl. and Schoell), 'C. Sallustius
et T. Munatius Plancus tr. pleb. inimicissimas contiones de Milone
habebant.'

In B.C. 50, Sallust was _legatus pro quaestore_ to Bibulus in Syria,
according to Mommsen (_Hermes_, i. 171), who thinks that the Sallust
to whom Cicero writes _ad Fam._ ii. 17 is the historian. In the same
year he was expelled from the Senate by the censors, Appius Claudius
and L. Piso.

Pseud.-Cic. _in Sall._ 16, 'neque post illum delectum senatus vidimus
te.'

In B.C. 49, Caesar reappointed him quaestor, and he resumed his place
in the Senate.

Pseud.-Cic. _in Sall._ 17, 'in senatum post quaesturam est reductus.'

In B.C. 48, he commanded a legion in Illyria without distinction
(Orosius vi, 15, 8), and next year he was Caesar's agent with the
insurgent legions in Campania (Appian, _B.C._ ii. 92). In B.C. 46 he
was praetor, and as such commanded successfully an expedition to seize
the enemy's stores in Cercina.

_Bell. Afr._ 8, 'Item C. Sallustium Crispum praetorem ad Cercinam
insulam versus, quam adversarii tenebant, cum parte navium ire iubet.'
(See also c. 34.)

At the end of the year he was appointed proconsul of Numidia.

_Ibid._ 97, 'Ibi Sallustio pro consule cum imperio relicto ipse Zama
egressus Uticam se recepit.'

As proconsul, he plundered the province, and bought, probably with the
spoils, the _horti Sallustiani_, which afterwards belonged to the
Roman emperors (see Tac. _Ann._ xiii. 47; _Hist._ iii. 82).

Pseud.-Cic. _in Sall._ 19, 'Nonne ita provinciam vastavit, ut nihil
neque passi sint neque exspectaverint gravius in bello socii nostri,
quam experti sint in pace hoc Africam interiorem obtinente?'

Sallust is said to have married Terentia, whom Cicero had divorced
(Jerome _adv. Iov._ 1). Probably he had no son, as he adopted a
grandson of his sister.

Tac. _Ann._ iii. 30, 'Crispum equestri ortum loco C. Sallustius, rerum
Romanarum florentissimus auctor, sororis nepotem in nomen adscivit.'

After Caesar's death, Sallust retired from public life, and, having no
taste for sport or agriculture, spent his leisure in writing history.

_Cat._ 4, 'Ubi ... mihi reliquam aetatem a re publica procul habendam
decrevi, non fuit consilium socordia atque desidia bonum otium
conterere, neque vero agrum colundo aut venando servilibus officiis
intentum aetatem agere; sed ... statui res gestas populi Romani
carptim, ut quaeque memoria digna videbantur, perscribere.'

Sallust, as above stated, died B.C. 35.


(2) WORKS.

1. _De Catilinae Coniuratione_ (so _Cat._ 4). The book is called
_bellum Catilinae_ by Quint. iii. 8, 9, and in some MSS.; in MSS. also
_bellum Catilinarium_. The work was written after Caesar's death
(_Cat._ 53-4). It is, as Mommsen (_R.H._ iv. 184, note) states, a
political pamphlet in the interests of the democratic party (on which
the monarchy was based), and tries to clear Caesar from the charge of
being implicated in the Catilinarian conspiracy, and collaterally
performing the same service for C. Antonius, the uncle of the
triumvir.

Cf. _Cat._ 49, 'Sed isdem temporibus Q. Catulus et C. Piso neque
pretio neque gratia Ciceronem inpellere potuere, uti per Allobroges
aut alium indicem C. Caesar falso nominaretur. Nam uterque cum illo
gravis inimicitias exercebant ... Sed ubi consulem ad tantum facinus
inpellere nequeunt,' etc. (Cf. also Caesar's speech in _Cat._ 51.)

_Cat._ 59, 'At ex altera parte C. Antonius pedibus aeger, quod proelio
adesse nequibat, M. Petreio legato exercitum permittit.' Dion Cassius,
xxxvii. 39, on the other hand, says that this was a pretence, Antonius
being unwilling to fight against his old confederate.

2. _Bellum Iugurthinum_. (So in MSS. and Quint. iii. 8, 9.)

_Iug._ 5, 'Bellum scripturus sum, quod populus Romanus cum Iugurtha
rege Numidarum gessit, primum quia magnum et atrox variaque victoria
fuit, dehinc quia tunc primum superbiae nobilitatis obviam itum est.'

The object of the book is to give a picture of the low state of the
oligarchical government (cf. _Iug._ 8, 'Romae omnia venalia esse'),
and to glorify Marius, the chief of the democratic party.

Of his sources, Sallust mentions Sisenna (_Iug._ 95) for information
about Sulla, and native authorities for African ethnography.

_Iug._ 17, 'Sed qui mortales initio Africam habuerint, quique postea
adcesserint, aut quo modo inter se permixti sint ... uti ex libris
Punicis, qui regis Hiempsalis dicebantur, interpretatum nobis est ...
dicam.'

Sallust probably also used the memoirs of Scaurus, Sulla, and Catulus.

3. _Historiae_.--This work dealt with the events from B.C. 78 to 67.
Cf. Ausonius, p. 264 (ed. Peiper),

  'Ab Lepido et Catulo iam res et tempora Romae
  orsus his senos seriem conecto per annos.'

There is no reference in the fragments to any event after B.C. 67. The
book took up the history where Sisenna had left off, B.C. 78. Cf. i.
_frag._ 1 (ed. Maurenbrecher), 'Res populi Romani M. Lepido Q. Catulo
coss. ac deinde militiae et domi gestas composui.'

Four speeches and two letters from the _Histories_ have been preserved
in a collection of Sallustian speeches and letters made for rhetorical
purposes, probably in the second century A.D. Besides these there are
considerable fragments, chiefly from Books ii. and iii. We may
conclude from _Iug._ 95, 'neque enim alio loco de Sullae rebus dicturi
sumus,' that the career of Sulla was not treated of in the
_Histories_. He is, however, repeatedly mentioned.

Two works are falsely attributed to Sallust:

1. _Oratio invectiva in Tullium_, composed, along with an _Oratio
invectiva in Sallustium_ falsely ascribed to Cicero, by the same
ancient rhetorician. The _Or. in Tull._ is quoted by Quintilian, if
the MSS. are right, _e.g._ iv. 1, 68.

2. An oration and an epistle _ad Caesarem senem de re publica_, both
probably belonging to the imperial period.

_Sallust as a historian._--1. He departed from the annalistic
arrangement, and took a broader view of his subject, endeavouring to
connect events together, and to trace the motives of actions.

2. He shows a want of precision in his facts. Instead of giving dates,
he often says vaguely _interea_; _isdem temporibus_; _dum haec
aguntur_. One year in the Jugurthine war is left unaccounted for, and
Marius is represented as consul in B.C. 105. So in geography and
ethnography (as in the _Iugurtha_) he is not to be trusted. In _Iug._
21 he forgets that Cirta is fifty miles from the sea, and that city is
besieged in the usual way, though surrounded on three sides by gorges.

He prides himself on his impartiality.

_Cat._ 4, 'Mihi a spe, metu, partibus rei publicae animus liber erat.'
So _Hist._ i. fr. 6.

His leaning to the popular party, however, has been shown above.

3. His speeches do not always suit the speaker or his audience, and
are not historical. Thus the speech of Catiline (_Cat._ 20) does not
suit his audience and is not authentic, and that of Marius (_Iug._ 85)
is too learned for the speaker.

4. His prefaces have little to do with what follows. Cf. Quint. iii.
8, 9, 'C. Sallustius in bello Iugurthino et Catilinae nihil ad
historiam pertinentibus principiis orsus est.'

5. He is too fond of hackneyed moral maxims and trite sayings. Thus:

_Cat._ i, 'Sed nostra omnis vis in animo et corpore sita est,' etc.

_Iug._ 2, 'Nam uti genus hominum compositum ex corpore et anima est,
ita res cunctae studiaque omnia nostra corporis alia, alia animi
naturam secuntur.'

His tone is that of a severe moralist.

_Cat._ 3, 'Sed ego adulescentulus initio sicuti plerique studio ad rem
publicam latus sum, ibique mihi multa advorsa fuere. Nam pro pudore,
pro abstinentia, pro virtute audacia, largitio, avaritia vigebant,'
etc.

As this moralizing did not fit in with the facts of his life he was
censured for it, as shown above.

_Sallust's authorities and models._--Besides the authorities mentioned
above, he used a _breviarium rerum omnium Romanarum_ prepared for him
by the grammarian Ateius (Sueton. _Gramm._ 10). He is said to have
borrowed phrases from Cato.

Quint. viii. 3, 29, 'Nec minus noto Sallustius epigrammate incessitur:

  "Et verba antiqui multum furate Catonis,
  Crispe, Iugurthinae conditor historiae."'

The similarity of Sallust's style to that of Thucydides, whom he tried
to emulate, was remarked by the ancients.

Quint. ix. 3, 17, 'Ex Graeco vero translata vel Sallustii plurima,
quale est "volgus amat fieri"' [_Iug._ 34, a poor instance, and
wrongly quoted]. Cf. _Cat._ 6, 'magisque dandis quam accipiundis
beneficiis amicitias parabant,' and Thuc. ii. 40, 4, +ou gar
paschontes eu alla drontes ktometha tous philous+: _Iug._ 73, 'in
maius celebrare,' and Thuc. i. 10, 3, +epi to meizon kosmesai+.

Sallust's popularity is shown by the numerous references to him,
particularly in Quintilian. Cf. Quint. x. 1, 101, 'At non historia
cesserit Graecis, nec opponere Thucydidi Sallustium verear'; par. 102,
'immortalem illam Sallustii velocitatem.' Cf. also Martial, xiv. 191,
'primus Romana Crispus in historia.' Tacitus is the most important
writer influenced by Sallust. For imitations cf. Tac. _Agr._ 37, where
part of the description of a battle is modelled on _Iug._ 101. Cf.
also _Cat._ 43, 'facto non consulto in tali periculo opus esse,' and
Tac. _Hist._ i. 62, 'ubi facto magis quam consulto opus esset.'



CATULLUS.


The poet's full name, C.[35] Valerius Catullus, is got from Jerome and
other authorities quoted below, as also his birthplace, Verona, to
which Catullus himself refers (c. 67, 34, 'Veronae meae'; 68, 27; 100,
2). The dates of his birth and death are uncertain. Jerome gives them
as B.C. 87-58.

Yr. Abr. 1930 = B.C. 87, 'Gaius Valerius Catullus scriptor lyricus
Veronae nascitur.'

Yr. Abr. 1959 = B.C. 58, 'Catullus xxx. aetatis anno Romae moritur.'
His early death is referred to by Ovid, _Am._ iii. 9, 61,

  'Obvius huic [Tibullo] venias hedera iuvenilia cinctus
  tempora, cum Calvo, docte Catulle, tuo';

but it is quite certain that the year of his death given by Jerome as
B.C. 58 is wrong. In c. 113, 2, the second consulship of Pompeius in
B.C. 55 is referred to, and cc. 11 and 29 were written after Caesar's
expedition to Britain in B.C. 55. C. 52 used to be taken as referring
to B.C. 47, from l. 3, 'per consulatum perierat Vatinius,' but, as
shown below, was written in B.C. 55 or 54. As no clear reference is
found to any event after B.C. 54 (a highly important time, which would
have been likely to produce some sarcastic poetry from Catullus), it
is best to accept the view that Catullus lived from 87 to 54 or 53
B.C. B. Schmidt (ed. mai. 1887, prolegomena), on the other hand, fixes
the dates as 82-52 B.C. (accepting Jerome's account of Catullus' age),
and attributes c. 38 (to Cornificius) to the latter year.

Catullus' family was wealthy and of good position, as is seen from his
having estates at Sirmio (c. 31) and Tibur (c. 44), and from the fact
that his father was a friend of Julius Caesar.

Sueton. _Iul._ 73, 'Hospitioque patris eius [Catulli], sicut
consueverat, uti perseveravit.'

Catullus went to Rome early, and there, as Schmidt thinks, was taught
by the grammarian Valerius Cato, to whom c. 56 is probably addressed.
From c. 68, 34-5, we see that he was settled at Rome.

                'Romae vivimus: illa domus,
  illa mihi sedes, illic mea carpitur aetas.'

Catullus wrote love-poetry soon after taking the _toga virilis_; c.
68, 15,

  'Tempore quo primum vestis mihi tradita purast,
    iucundum cum aetas florida ver ageret,
  multa satis lusi.'

Catullus' love for Lesbia is the outstanding fact of his life. Her
real name was Clodia, the sister of P. Clodius, nicknamed for her
immorality 'quadrantaria.'

Apuleius, _Apol._ 10, 'Accusent C. Catullum quod Lesbiam pro Clodia
nominarit.'

Ovid, _Trist._ ii. 427,

  'Sic sua lascivo cantata est saepe Catullo
    femina, cui falsum Lesbia nomen erat.'

The name Lesbia (which scans like Clodia) may be got from Sappho, the
Lesbian poetess, on whom c. 51 (probably the first addressed to
Clodia) is modelled. The facts known about Clodia all fit in with what
Catullus tells us of Lesbia. For Lesbia's beauty, cf. cc. 43 and 86;
Clodia was called +boopis+ from her large and lustrous eyes
(Cic. _ad Att._ ii. 9, 1; 12, 2, etc.). For her relations with her
husband, cf. Cic. _ad Att._ ii. 1, 5 (written B.C. 60), 'Est enim
seditiosa: cum viro bellum gerit.' A hint of the real name is got from
c. 79, where the Lesbius mentioned is Clodius, just as Lesbia is
Clodia,

  'Lesbius est pulcer: quid ni? quem Lesbia malit
    quam te cum tota gente, Catulle, tua.'

It is probable that the acquaintance began in B.C. 61. In B.C. 62
Clodia was the wife of Q. Caecilius Metellus Celer (Cic. _ad Fam._ v.
2, 6), and in that year Metellus was governor of Gallia Cisalpina. Now
from c. 83 it is evident that Lesbia's husband was in Rome when she
began to be annoyed by Catullus' attentions. We may conclude from c.
30 that P. Alfenus Varus introduced Catullus to Lesbia. In that poem
Catullus blames Varus for leading him on and then leaving him in the
lurch. M'. Allius is next mentioned (c. 68) as a friend in whose house
Catullus met Lesbia; and cc. 2, 3, 5, and 7 probably belong to this
fortunate period of the poet's love. C. 8 speaks of Lesbia's leaving
him (cf. c. 92), probably on account of her husband's suspicions. Cf.
c. 5, 1,

  'Vivamus, mea Lesbia, atque amemus,
  rumoresque senum severiorum
  omnes unius aestimemus assis.'

C. 107 speaks of an unexpected reconciliation (celebrated in c. 36).
C. 107, 5,

  'Restituis cupido atque insperanti, ipsa refers te
    nobis. O lucem candidiore nota!'

When Catullus, on account of his brother's death, left Rome for
Verona, he already knew that Lesbia had other lovers (c. 68, ll. 27
_sqq._, 135 _sqq._). There are many poems against his rivals: c. 82,
against Quintius; c. 40, against Ravidus; cc. 74, 80, 88-91, 116,
against Gellius; c. 77, against Rufus, who is attacked also in cc. 59
and 69 (this is M. Caelius Rufus, the orator, who intrigued with
Clodia: Cic. _pro Cael._ 17, etc.); c. 79, against Lesbius (see
above). After Catullus returned to Rome, he found that he had lost
Lesbia's affections. C. 70 was then written,

  'Nulli se dicit mulier mea nubere malle
    quam mihi, non si se Iuppiter ipse petat.
  Dicit: sed mulier cupido quod dicit amanti,
    in vento et rapida scribere oportet aqua.'

The words of this poem show that it must have been written after the
death of Clodia's husband Metellus, which took place in B.C. 59, and
it was probably written soon after that event, when Catullus had
returned to Rome from Verona.

Nos. 72, 85, and especially 58, show increasing bitterness, and must,
with the possible exception of 58, be assigned to the years B.C. 59 or
58. In c. 76 he prays for power to give Lesbia up; cf. ll. 23-6,

  'Non iam illud quaero, contra ut me diligat illa,
    aut, quod non potis est, esse pudica velit:
  ipse valere opto et taetrum hunc deponere morbum.
    O di, reddite mi hoc pro pietate mea.'

It is probable that the separation between the lovers occurred not
later than B.C. 58; otherwise Catullus would not have left for
Bithynia in the next year. In c. 11, the last poem that refers to
Lesbia, which, from the reference to Britain in l. 12, cannot have
been written before B.C. 55, we see that Catullus is cured of his
passion; cf. ll. 21-4,

  'Nec meum respectet, ut ante, amorem,
  qui illius culpa cecidit velut prati
  ultimi flos, praetereunte postquam
              tactus aratro est.'

In the spring of B.C. 57 Catullus went to Bithynia on the staff of the
propraetor C. Memmius (cc. 10 and 28). From c. 10, 29, 'meus sodalis
Cinna est Gaius,' we see that C. Helvius Cinna accompanied him. In c.
46, 9 he speaks of the pleasant meetings of the staff, 'O dulces
comitum valete coetus.' C. 46 shows that Catullus left Bithynia in the
spring of the following year: ll. 1-4,

  'Iam ver egelidos refert tepores ...
  Linquantur Phrygii, Catulle, campi.'

The dirge in c. 101 shows that Catullus, on his way to Italy, visited
his brother's tomb in the Troad, and paid the last rites to it. C. 4,
written soon after his return to Sirmio, tells us how he made his way
home again. About the same time was composed the address to Sirmio in
c. 31; c. 10 proves that he soon went back to Rome.

The poems against Caesar's party belong to the years B.C. 55 and 54.
In cc. 41 and 43 Catullus calls a Transpadane girl 'decoctoris amica
Formiani,' the reference being to Mamurra, 'the bankrupt from
Formiae,' who had been Caesar's _praefectus fabrum_ in Gaul, and who
may have been a successful rival of Catullus in love. C. 29, written
probably in B.C. 54, attacked Mamurra, and also his patrons, Caesar
and Pompey. From l. 24, 'socer generque, perdidistis omnia,' it is
clear that the poem was written before Julia's death in September,
B.C. 54; and from ll. 11-12,

  'eone nomine, imperator unice,
  fuisti in ultima occidentis insula,'

that it was written after Caesar's first expedition to Britain in B.C.
55. The poem is referred to by Sueton. _Iul._ 73, 'Valerium Catullum,
a quo sibi versiculis de Mamurra perpetua stigmata imposita non
dissimulaverat, satis facientem eadem die adhibuit cenae hospitioque
patris eius sicut consueverat uti perseveravit.'

C. 52 (against Vatinius) was written B.C. 55 or 54. It used to be
assigned to B.C. 47, when Vatinius was consul, but l. 3, 'per
consulatum perierat Vatinius' means 'Vatinius perjures himself by his
hope of the consulship' (his name stood on the list agreed on at Luca,
which is mentioned by Cic. _ad Att._ iv. 8_b_, 2); and l. 2, 'Sella in
curuli struma Nonius sedet,' cannot refer to B.C. 47, as the only
ordinary curule magistrates in that year were P. Vatinius and Q.
Fufius Calenus. Among other poems against personal enemies are c. 98,
against Vettius, and c. 108, against Cominius, both of them informers;
and c. 84, against Arrius, who aspirated his words wrongly, and who,
from l. 7, 'hoc misso in Syriam,' is supposed to have gone out to
Syria as _legatus_ to Crassus in B.C. 55. C. 49 is an attack on Cicero:

  'Disertissime Romuli nepotum,
  quot sunt quotque fuere, Marce Tulli,
  quotque post aliis erunt in annis,
  gratias tibi maximas Catullus
  agit, pessimus omnium poeta,
  tanto pessimus omnium poeta
  quanto tu optimus omnium patronus.'

The sting lies in the _double entendre_ in the last two lines, which
really mean 'so much the worst poet of all poets, as you are the best
advocate of all clients, good and bad.' So Cicero is called in a good
sense _omnium patronus_ by Caecina in Cic. _ad Fam._ vi. 7, 4. The
poem has special reference to B.C. 54, when Cicero defended Vatinius
(whom he had reviled two years before in the speech _Pro Sestio_),
when prosecuted by Catullus' friend, Calvus (cf. c. 14, 1-3); and
thanks Cicero ironically for some criticism he had passed on his
poems. Catullus attacks several contemporary poets; so in c. 22,
Suffenus, who in c. 14 is coupled with Caesius and Aquinus; Volusius
in cc. 36 and 95; cf. 36, 1, 'Annales Volusi, cacata charta.'[36]

Among Catullus' friends were Veranius and Fabullus (cc. 9, 28, etc.);
P. Alfenus Varus of Cremona (cc. 10, 22, 30), consul B.C. 39, and a
famous _iurisconsultus_. C. 61 celebrates the marriage of L. Manlius
Torquatus (who was praetor B.C. 49) and Vinia Aurunculeia. Several
poems are addressed to brother poets; c. 35 is to Caecilius of Novum
Comum; c. 38 to Cornificius, a writer of slight love poems (Ovid,
_Trist._ ii. 436) who died B.C. 41; c. 95 is on Cinna's _Zmyrna_; cc.
14, 50, and 96 are addressed to C. Licinius Calvus; c. 56 to Valerius
Cato (see above); c. 65 to Hortensius Ortalus, who asked Catullus to
translate Callimachus; c. 1, and possibly c. 102, to Cornelius Nepos.

_Catullus' longer poems._--These, unlike the shorter personal poems,
are mostly due to Alexandrian influence, to which Catullus may have
been introduced by his teacher, Valerius Cato. To these poems Catullus
owes his title _doctus_ (Tibull. iii. 6, 41; Martial, i. 62, 1, etc.).
They include: c. 66, 'coma Berenices,' from Callimachus; cf. c. 65,
ll. 15-6,

  'Sed tamen in tantis maeroribus, Ortale, mitto
    haec expressa tibi carmina Battiadae';

c. 68 to Allius, also Alexandrian; c. 64, the 'Nuptials of Peleus and
Thetis,' l. 30 of which,

  'Oceanusque, mari totum qui amplectitur orbem,'

is from Euphorion, fr. 158 (Meineke), +Okeanos, to pasa
perirrytos endedetai chthon+; c. 63, the 'Attis' in Galliambic metre;
c. 62, a translation of a Sapphic epithalamium. C. 51, and possibly
some parts of c. 61, are from Sappho. Catullus was the first Roman to
use the Sapphic measure (in cc. 11 and 51).

_Publication of the Poems._--From the arrangement of the poems, which
accords neither with chronology nor with subjects, and from the large
number of lines extant (2286), which does not suit _libellus_ (c. i.
1), it is highly probable that they were not left by Catullus as we
find them. C. 2, beginning 'Passer, deliciae meae puellae,' was the
first of a series of short poems. Cf. Martial, iv. 14, 13,

  'Sic forsan tener ausus est Catullus
  magno mittere passerem Maroni';[37]

the book being named from its first word, like _Arma virumque_ of the
_Aeneid_. C. 1 (to Cornelius Nepos) is the first of another series of
short pieces (cf. the epithet _nugae_ in l. 4). Catullus doubtless
published his larger pieces together. The traditional arrangement, due
to a later hand, is as follows: (1) The lyric poems in various metres;
(2) the larger poems and the elegies; (3) the shorter poems written in
elegiacs. Catullus began to be popular as soon as his works were
published; cf. Nep. _Att._ 12, 4 (quoted p. 124). He is imitated in
the _Priapea_, in Ovid, in Ausonius, in the _Ciris_, in Martial, etc.
C. 4 is closely parodied in Verg. _Catal._ 8.



CONTEMPORARY POETS:


(_a_) _Ticidas_ wrote the Hymenaeus and love-poems on Perilla. For the
latter cf. Ovid, _Trist._ ii. 433-4 and 437-8 (read by Riese
immediately after),

  'Quid referam Ticidae, quid Memmi carmen, apud quos
    rebus adest nomen nominibusque pudor,
  et quorum libris modo dissimulata Perillae
    nomine nunc legitur dicta, Metelle, tuo?'

(_b_) _C. Helvius Cinna_ was intimate with Catullus, who refers to him
in c. 10 as being along with him in Bithynia in B.C. 57. See p. 136.
From the reference to Gallia Cisalpina in Cinna, frag. I (Baehrens), we
might conclude that he was a countryman of Catullus,

  'At nunc me Cenumana per salicta
  bigis raeda rapit citata nanis.'

In Sueton. _Iul._ 52, Cinna is spoken of as a partisan of Caesar:
'Helvius Cinna tribunus plebis,' etc.; and he is probably identical
with the person mentioned _ibid._ 85, as put to death in mistake for a
man of the same name shortly after the murder of Caesar: 'Plebs statim
a funere ad domum Bruti et Cassii cum facibus tetendit, atque aegre
repulsa, obvium sibi Helvium Cinnam per errorem nominis, quasi
Cornelius is esset, quem graviter pridie contionatum de Caesare
requirebat, occidit caputque eius praefixum hastae circumtulit.'

Cf. especially Plutarch, _Brut._ 20, +en de tis Kinnas,
poietikos aner, ouden tes aitias metechon, alla kai philos Kaisaros
gegonos+, etc.[38]

Weichert (_Poet. Lat. Rell._ p. 157) thinks that Plutarch has confused
the tr. pleb. with the poet, and that Virgil's words (below) imply
that Helvius Cinna was alive when the _Eclogue_ was written (B.C.
41-39). The latest authorities, however, identify the two persons.
Verg. _Ecl._ 9, 35,

  'Nam neque adhuc Vario videor nec dicere Cinna
  digna, sed argutos inter strepere anser[39] olores.'

Cinna's works were:

1. _Zmyrna_, on the incestuous love of Myrrha for Cinyras. Cinna spent
nine years on this poem, which was very obscure. Catull. 95,

  'Zmyrna mei Cinnae nonam post denique messem
  quam coeptast nonamque edita post hiemem.'

Philargyrius ad Verg. _Ecl._ 9, 35, 'Fuit autem liber obscurus adeo ut
et nonnulli eius aetatis grammatici in eum scripserint magnamque ex
eius enarratione sint gloriam consecuti.'

2. _Propempticon Pollionis_, written on the occasion of Asinius
Pollio's visit to Greece.

3. _Epigrams and Love Poems._--For the latter cf. Ovid, _Trist._ ii.
435 (on the erotic poets),

  'Cinna quoque his comes est, Cinnaque procacior Anser,
    et leve Cornifici parque Catonis opus.'

(_c_) _C. Licinius Macer Calvus_ was the son of the annalist C.
Licinius Macer, and was born 28th May, B.C. 82.

Cic. _ad Q.F._ ii. 4, 1, 'Macer Licinius.'

Valer. Max. ix. 12, 7, 'C. Licinius Macer, Calvi pater.'

Pliny, _N.H._ vii. 165, 'C. Mario Cn. Carbone iii. coss. a. d. v. Kal.
Iun. M. Caelius Rufus et C. Licinius Calvus eadem die geniti sunt.'

Calvus probably died B.C. 47. Cf. Cic. _ad Fam._ xv. 21, 4, written to
C. Trebonius towards the end of that year. The letter refers to
correspondence with Calvus, and criticizes his oratory.

See also Cic. _Brut._ 279 and 283-4; and, for his relations with
Cicero, Tac. _Dial._ 18. Calvus vied with Cicero for the first place
in the forum. His best known speeches were _in Vatinium_, whom he
prosecuted at least three times (B.C. 58-54).

Seneca, _Controv._ vii. 4, 6-8, 'Calvus, qui diu cum Cicerone
iniquissimam litem de principatu eloquentiae habuit, usque eo
violentus actor et concitatus fuit, ut in media eius actione surgeret
Vatinius reus et exclamaret: Rogo vos, iudices, num si iste disertus
est, ideo me damnari oportet? Idem postea cum videret a clientibus
Catonis, rei sui, Pollionem Asinium circumventum in foro caedi, imponi
se supra cippum iussit; erat enim parvolus statura, propter quod etiam
Catullus in hendecasyllabis (c. 53) vocat illum "salaputtium
disertum." ... Solebat praeterea excedere subsellia sua et impetu
latus usque in adversariorum partem transcurrere. Et carmina quoque
eius, quamvis iocosa sint, plena sunt ingentis animi ... Compositio
quoque eius in actionibus ad exemplum Demosthenis riget: nihil in illa
placidum, nihil lene est, omnia excitata et fluctuantia.'

Catullus also refers to Calvus in c. 14, and in c. 96, where he speaks
of the 'mors immatura Quintiliae,' probably Calvus' wife.

Of the poems about nineteen lines are extant. They included: (1)
_ludicra_ (in hendecasyllables); (2) _epithalamia_; (3) _Io_; (4) _ad
uxorem_; (5) _epigrammata_. For the last cf. Sueton. _Iul._ 73, 'C.
Calvo post famosa epigrammata de reconciliatione per amicos agenti
ultro ac prior scripsit.' (6) 'Calvi de aquae frigidae usu,' which
forms the title of Martial xiv. 196, may have been a didactic poem.
Other references to Calvus' poetry are: Ovid, _Trist._ ii. 431,

  'Par fuit exigui similisque licentia Calvi,
    detexit variis qui sua furta modis';

Propert. iii. 34, 89,

  'Haec etiam docti confessast pagina Calvi
    cum caneret miserae funera Quintiliae';

Hor. _Sat._ i. 10, 16,

  'Illi, scripta quibus comoedia prisca viris est,
  hoc stabant, hoc sunt imitandi: quos neque pulcher
  Hermogenes umquam legit, neque simius iste
  nil praeter Calvum et doctus cantare Catullum.'

(_d_) _P. Terentius Varro Atacinus_ was born B.C. 82 in Gallia
Narbonensis near Atax (a river, not a town, as Jerome states).

Jerome yr. Abr. 1935 = B.C. 82, 'P. Terentius Varro vico Atace in
provincia Narbonensi nascitur; qui postea xxxv. annum agens Graecas
litteras cum summo studio didicit.'

Porphyr. ad Hor. _Sat._ i. 10, 46, 'Terentius Varro Narbonensis, qui
Atacinus ab Atace fluvio dictus est.'

Varro must have died before B.C. 35, when Horace, speaking of satire,
wrote, _Sat._ i. 10, 46,

  'Hoc erat, experto frustra Varrone Atacino
  atque quibusdam aliis melius quod scribere possem.'

Varro's works were:

1. _Bellum Sequanicum_, probably an epic on Caesar's war with
Ariovistus in B.C. 58.

2. _Saturae_, mentioned only in the above passage of Horace.

3. _Argonautae_, a translation from Apollonius Rhodius in four Books.
Probus ad Verg. _Georg._ ii. 126, 'Varro qui quattuor libros de
Argonautis edidit.'

Cf. Sen. _Controv._ vii. 1, 27, 'Illos optimos versus Varronis (=
Apoll. iii. 749-50),

  "Desierant latrare canes urbesque silebant;
  omnia noctis erant placida composta quiete."

Solebat Ovidius de his versibus dicere, potuisse fieri longe meliores,
si secundi versus ultima pars abscideretur et sic desineret "omnia
noctis erant."'[40]

Cf. also Quint. x. 1, 87; Ovid, _Am._ i. 15, 21; Stat. _Silv._ ii. 7,
77.

4. _Chorographia_, a geographical work, as the fragments show.

5. _Ephemeris_.--Serv. ad Verg. _Georg._ i. 375, 'Hic locus omnis de
Varrone est; nam et Varro et Vergilius Aratum secuti sunt.'

6. _Elegies._--One line is given by Baehrens. Cf. Propert. iii. 34, 85,

  'Haec quoque perfecto ludebat Iasone Varro,
    Varro Leucadiae maxima flamma suae.'

(_e_) _Publilius Syrus_ was a manumitted slave, a native of Syria,
probably of Antioch.

Jerome yr. Abr. 1974 = B.C. 43, 'Publilius mimographus natione Syrus
Romae scaenam tenet.'

Pliny, _N.H._ xxxv. 199, 'Est et vilissima [creta] qua circum
praeducere ad victoriae notam pedesque venalium trans maria advectorum
denotare instituerunt maiores talemque Publilium Antiochium (MSS.
lochium) mimicae scaenae conditorem et astrologiae consobrinum eius
Manilium Antiochum, item grammaticae Staberium Erotem eadem nave
advectos videre proavi.'

An account of Publilius' manumission, and his contest with Laberius in
B.C. 45, is given by Macrob. _Saturn._ ii. 7, 4-8, and is quoted under
'Laberius,' p. 97.

Publilius' works were:

1. _Mimi._--Two titles are quoted.

2. _Sententiae._--Six hundred and ninety-seven lines from his mimes
(unconnected and alphabetically arranged) are preserved from different
sources. Most are iambic senarii, some trochaic septenarii.

Macrob. _Saturn._ ii. 7, 10, 'Publili sententiae feruntur lepidae et
ad communem usum adcommodatissimae.'

Cicero heard his and Laberius' plays in B.C. 46. See _ad Fam._ xii.
18, 2, quoted under 'Laberius,' p. 99.

Sen. _de tranquill._ 11, 8, 'Publilius, tragicis comicisque
vehementior ingeniis, quotiens mimicas ineptias et verba ad summam
caveam spectantia reliquit, inter multa alia cothurno, non tantum
sipario fortiora, et hoc ait,

  "Cuivis potest accidere quod cuiquam potest."'

The lines are, like the above, proverbs of worldly wisdom, and seem to
have been used in schools.

Jerome _Ep. ad Laetam_, 107, 'Legi quondam in scholis puer,

  "Aegre reprendas quod sinas consuescere."'



Footnotes to Chapter II


[25] Q. Hortensius Hortalus (B.C. 114-50), Cicero's rival as an
orator, and author of _Annales_ (Vell. ii. 16, 3), a _Rhetoric_
(Quint. ii. 1, 11), and love poems (Ovid _Tr._ ii. 441).

[26] According to _ad Att._ ii. 1, 3 (if genuine), Cicero intended to
publish speeches 9-11 in a collection of 'orationes consulares' ('Hoc
totum +soma+ curabo ut habeas').

[27] _R.H._ iv. 311 (note).

[28] Q. Asconius Pedianus (A.D. 3-88), probably a native of Padua,
author of a commentary on Cicero's speeches. The extant part is on
_Pro Cornelio de maiestate_, _In toga candida_, _In Pisonem_, _Pro
Scauro_, and _Pro Milone_. The commentary on the Verrines and Divinatio,
which deals almost exclusively with the language, is spurious: the true
Asconius confines himself to the subject-matter.

[29] The Epicurean philosophy was expounded in the writings of C.
Amafinius, Rabirius, and T. Catius, whose opinions and literary style
were alike distasteful to Cicero (_Ac._ i. 5; _ad. Fam._ xv. 19, 2).

[30] F. Ritschl, _Opuscula_, iii., p. 525.

[31] L. Schwabe, _Quaest. Catull._, p. 296. B. Schmidt, however (ed.
of Catullus, p. 57), thinks that the _Chronica_ are not referred to
here.

[32] A life of Lucretius has been recently discovered by J. Masson
(_Journal of Philology_, xxiii. 46), which was written by Girolamo
Borgia in 1502. It gives B.C. 95-51 as the poet's dates. Several new
points were supposed to lend it a claim to authority, such as the
statement that he was 'matre natus diu sterili.' This, however, has
been shown to rest on a wrong reading of Q. Serenus Sammonicus' _Liber
Medicinalis_, xxxii., in a passage dealing with the barrenness of
women, 'hoc poterit magni quartus [liber] monstrare Lucreti,' where
_partus_, the reading of the oldest edition, was used. This, and other
considerations, show that the _vita_ does not rest on any ancient
sources, beyond those which are still extant.

[33] Memmius wrote love poems (Ovid, _Tr._ ii. 433).

[34] Some ascribe these stories to Lenaeus, a freedman of Pompey,
Sueton. _Gramm._ 15.

[35] Only inferior MSS. give Q., and the reading in c. 67, 12, 'verum
istud populi, fabula, Quinte, facit,' is not to be accepted.

[36] Some critics, without sufficient proof, identify Volusius with
the inferior poet Tanusius Geminus.

[37] Martial, of course, has here forgotten his dates.

[38] The incident has been borrowed from Plutarch by Shakespeare,
_Julius Caesar_, Act iii. Scene 3.

[39] See p. 184.

[40] This appears to us to be an indirect proof that the half lines in
Virgil are often complete as they stand.




CHAPTER III

THE AUGUSTAN AGE.



VIRGIL.


(1) LIFE.

Our chief authority for the life of Virgil, apart from his own
writings and those of his contemporaries, is Donatus, whose work is
probably based on Suetonius' _De Poetis_. Donatus' work, though not
free from romance, is much more valuable than the Life by Probus[41]
or the metrical account given by Phocas.[42] Some important details
are given in the Life wrongly attributed to Servius, and in an account
preserved in a Berne MS. of the tenth century.

The poet's name is correctly given as P. Vergilius Maro in all the
Lives. The balance of authority is decidedly in favour of the spelling
'Vergilius'; it is always so written in the early MSS. and in
inscriptions of the Republic and of the early centuries A.D. The
traditional form in modern literature, 'Virgil,' is here retained.

Virgil was born 15th October, B.C. 70, at Andes (identified
traditionally with Pietole)[43] near Mantua. Donatus, _vit. Verg._,
'Natus est Cn. Pompeio Magno et M. Licinio Crasso primum coss. iduum
Octobrium die, in pago qui Andes dicitur et abest a Mantua non
procul.'

He was of humble extraction, his father being originally either a
potter or a day-labourer.

Probus, _vit. Verg._, 'Matre Magia Polla, patre rustico.'

Donatus, 'Parentibus modicis fuit ac praecipue patre, quem quidam
opificem figulum, plures Magi cuiusdam viatoris initio mercennarium
mox ob industriam generum tradiderunt egregieque substantiae silvis
coemendis et apibus curandis auxisse reculam.' (Cf. Virgil's treatment
of bees in _Georgic_ iv.)

His early years were spent at Cremona, whence in B.C. 55 he went to
Mediolanum and then to Rome for his higher education. He studied
philosophy, medicine, mathematics, and rhetoric; but his shyness
prevented his being a success at the bar, where, we are told, he
appeared only once.

Donatus, 'Initia aetatis Cremonae egit usque ad virilem togam, quam
xv. anno natali suo accepit isdem illis consulibus iterum duobus
quibus erat natus, evenitque ut eo ipso die Lucretius poeta decederet.
De Cremona Mediolanum et inde paulo post transiit in urbem ... Inter
cetera studia medicinae quoque ac maxime mathematicae[44] operam
dedit. Egit et causam apud iudices unam omnino nec amplius quam semel;
nam et in sermone tardissimum ac paene indocto similem fuisse Melissus
[a freedman of Maecenas] tradidit.'

The Berne MS. above referred to says: 'Ut primum se contulit Romam,
studuit apud Epidium oratorem cum Caesare Augusto.'[45] For his
studies under the Epicurean Siron cf. _Catal._ 7, 8,

  'Nos ad beatos vela mittimus portus,
  magni petentes docta dicta Sironis,
  vitamque ab omni vindicabimus cura.'

Cf. also _Ecl._ 6, 31-40, where a brief sketch is given of the
Epicurean theory of creation.

For a few years we hear nothing of his life, but we may suppose that
he continued his studies in literature and philosophy, probably at his
farm, if we can draw any inference from the language of _Ecl._ 1,
especially l. 19 _sqq._ So far as is known, he took no part in the
civil wars. In B.C. 41, when lands were assigned to the troops of
Antonius, Virgil was dispossessed of his property. On the
recommendation of Asinius Pollio, who was _legatus_ of Gallia
Transpadana, he went to Rome and obtained from Octavian the
restitution of his land. The poet expresses his gratitude in _Ecl._ 1,
42,

  'Hic illum vidi iuvenem, Meliboee, quotannis
  bis senos cui nostra dies altaria fumant.
  Hic mihi responsum primus dedit ille petenti:
  "Pascite ut ante boves, pueri, submittite tauros."'

Cf. also ll. 70-3.

Donatus, 'Ad bucolica transiit maxime ut Asinium Pollionem, Alphenum
Varum, et Cornelium Gallum celebraret, quia in distributione agrorum
qui post Philippensem victoriam[46] veteranis triumvirorum iussu trans
Padum dividebantur, indemnem se praestitissent.'

Virgil was evicted a second time in the following year, after the
Bellum Perusinum, by the troops of Octavian. Conflicting accounts are
given by the Lives regarding the persons who seized his land.[47]

Servius, _vit. Verg._, 'Postea ortis bellis civilibus inter Antonium
et Augustum, Augustus victor Cremonensium agros, quia pro Antonio
senserant, dedit militibus suis. Qui cum non sufficerent, his addidit
agros Mantuanos, sublatos non propter civium culpam, sed propter
vicinitatem Cremonensium: unde ipse in Bucolicis (9, 28), "Mantua vae
miserae nimium vicina Cremonae."'

Virgil and his household found refuge on an estate which had once
belonged to his old master Siron: _Catal._ 10,

  'Villula, quae Sironis eras, et pauper agelle ...
                       Tu nunc eris illi [patri]
  Mantua quod fuerat quodque Cremona prius.'

Whether he recovered his old farm is uncertain: at all events he spent
most of his time in the south of Italy. Besides a house in Rome, he
seems to have had a country house near Nola, and we know that the
_Georgics_ (cf. iv. 563) were written at Naples.

Donatus, 'Habuit domum Romae Esquiliis iuxta hortos Maecenatis,
quamquam secessu Campaniae Siciliaeque plurimum uteretur.'

Gell. vi. 20, 1, 'Scriptum in quodam commentario repperi ... Vergilium
petivisse a Nolanis, aquam uti duceret in propinquum rus.'

He lived a retired life, seldom visiting Rome, and devoting most of
his time to poetical composition, in which he was regular and
painstaking.

Tac. _Dial._ 13, 'Securum et quietum Vergilii secessum, in quo tamen
neque apud divum Augustum gratia caruit neque apud populum Romanum
notitia: testes Augusti epistulae, testis ipse populus, qui auditis in
theatro Vergilii versibus surrexit universus et forte praesentem
spectantemque Vergilium veneratus est sic quasi Augustum.'

Quint. x. 3, 8, 'Vergilium paucissimos die composuisse versus auctor
est Varius.'

Cf. his own expression, quoted by Gell. xvii. 10, 2, 'parere se versus
more atque ritu ursino' (alluding to the notion that the bear licked
its young into shape).

He was already an influential member of Maecenas' literary circle, to
which, in B.C. 39, he introduced Horace. Cf. Hor. _Sat._ i. 6, 54,

                      'optimus olim
  Vergilius, post hunc Varius dixere quid essem.'

By Maecenas he was introduced to Augustus,[48] who treated him with
liberality. Cf. Hor. _Ep._ ii. 1, 246,

  'Munera quae multa dantis cum laude tulerunt
  dilecti tibi Vergilius Variusque poetae.'

He was on intimate terms with Horace, who addresses _Od._ i. 3 to him
on the occasion of a proposed visit to Greece. Cf. ll. 5-8,

    'Navis, quae tibi creditum
  debes Vergilium, finibus Atticis
    reddas incolumem, precor,
  et serves animae dimidium meae.'

In B.C. 37 he formed one of the party who travelled with Horace to
Brundisium: Hor. _Sat._ i. 5, 40 (see under 'Horace,' p. 167).

For the rest of his life we hear little of Virgil in any public
connexion. In B.C. 19 he started on a voyage to Greece and Asia,
intending to spend three years on the revision of the _Aeneid_, but
returned from Athens in bad health, and died at Brundisium on 21st
September. His remains were buried near Naples. The epitaph quoted by
Donatus is obviously not by Virgil: 'Anno aetatis lii. impositurus
Aeneidi summam manum, statuit in Graeciam et in Asiam secedere
triennioque continuo nihil amplius quam emendare, ut reliqua vita
tantum philosophiae vacaret: sed cum ingressus iter Athenis
occurrisset Augusto ab oriente Romam revertenti destinaretque non
absistere atque etiam una redire, dum Megara vicinum oppidum
ferventissimo sole cognoscit, languorem nactus est eumque non
intermissa navigatione auxit, ita ut gravior aliquanto Brundisium
appelleret, ubi diebus paucis obiit xi. Kal. Octobr. Cn. Sentio Q.
Lucretio coss. (21st September, B.C. 19). Ossa eius Neapolim translata
sunt tumuloque condita ... in quo distichon fecit tale:

  "Mantua me genuit, Calabri rapuere, tenet nunc
    Parthenope: cecini pascua, rura, duces."'

His personal appearance and character are thus described by Donatus:
'Corpore et statura fuit grandis, aquilo colore, facie rusticana,
valetudine varia: nam plerumque a stomacho et a faucibus ac dolore
capitis laborabat, sanguinem etiam saepe reiecit.' (Cf. Hor. _Sat._ i.
5, 48,

  'Lusum it Maecenas, dormitum ego Vergiliusque;
  namque pila lippis inimicum et ludere crudis.')

'Cibi vinique minimi, libidinis pronior ... cetera sane vita et ore et
animo tam probum constat, ut Neapoli Parthenias volgo appellatus sit,
ac si quando Romae, quo rarissime commeabat, viseretur in publico,
sectantes demonstrantesque se suffugeret in proximum tectum.'


(2) WORKS.

MINOR POEMS.--According to Donatus, these were: 'In Balistam ... deinde
Catalecton et Priapia et Epigrammata et Diras, item Cirim et Culicem,
cum esset annorum xvi.' Servius omits the boyish production 'in
Balistam,' and adds the 'Copa.' The 'Aetna,' mentioned with doubt by
Donatus, is, of course, not by Virgil. (1) _Catalecta_.-This seems
better than _Catalecton_; either would mean "a collection of poems."
Some give _Catalepton_ (= "trifles," like Aratus' work +ta
kata lepton+). Ribbeck thinks _Catalecta_ originally included the
_Priapea_, _Epigrammata_, and _Dirae_, but came to be restricted to
the fourteen short pieces given in our MSS. under that title. Some of
these, _e.g._ No. 5, are spurious. Quint. viii. 3, 28 vouches for No.
2. Virgil's friends, Tucca and Varius, are addressed in 1 and 9, and
10 (on Siron's villa) refers to an event in Virgil's life. In the vein
of Catullus are 3, 4, and 8, the last being an extremely close parody
of Catullus, c. 4. (2) _Priapea_, three in number. (3) _Dirae_,
spurious. (4) _Ciris_. The writer's reference to himself in l. 2,
'Irritaque expertum fallacis praemia volgi,' shows that Virgil is not
the author. (5) _Culex_. That Virgil wrote a poem with this title is
attested by Suetonius, Statius, and Martial; _e.g._ Mart. viii. 56, 19,

  'Protinus Italiam concepit et arma virumque
  qui modo vix Culicem fleverat ore rudi.'

The poem in its present form is accepted by Ribbeck, but it does not
correspond exactly to the account given by Donatus of the contents.
(6) The _Copa_ Ribbeck accepts as genuine, but other critics find in
it characteristics rather of Ovid or of Propertius. (7) The _Moretum_,
though found in MSS., is not mentioned by Donatus or Servius, a strong
argument against its being genuine.

BUCOLICA.--These ten poems are called in the MSS. _Eclogae_ ("selected
pieces"), and were composed B.C. 43-39. Probus, 'Scripsit Bucolica
annos natus xxviii., Theocritum secutus.'

Servius, 'Tunc ei proposuit Pollio ut carmen bucolicum scriberet, quod
eum constat triennio[49] scripsisse et emendasse.'

They were doubtless published separately as they were written, and
afterwards collected into a volume with _Ecl._ 1 (Tityrus) coming
first. Cf. _Georg._ iv. 565,

  'Carmina qui lusi pastorum, audaxque iuventa,
  Tityre, te patulae cecini sub tegmine fagi.'

The present order is certainly not the chronological order.

_Ecl._ 1 was written B.C. 41 as a thanksgiving to Augustus (see p.
150).

_Ecl._ 2 cannot be earlier than the end of 43 when Pollio was made
governor of Gallia Transpadana, and possibly should not be put earlier
than the summer of 42. The poem is written on his favourite slave
Alexis (see Serv. _ad loc._).

_Ecl._ 3 was probably written soon afterwards. Virgil refers in l. 84
to his intimacy with Pollio,

  'Pollio amat nostram, quamvis est rustica, Musam.'

_Ecl._ 2 and 3 are earlier than 5. Cf. 5, 86-7,

  'Haec nos "Formosum Corydon ardebat Alexim,"
  haec eadem docuit "Cuium pecus? an Meliboei?"'

_Ecl._ 4. The date is clear from l. 3,

  'Si canimus silvas, silvae sint _consule_ dignae.'

It must have been written in 40, when Pollio was consul. This eclogue,
which in the Middle Age was believed to be a prophecy of the Messiah's
coming, cannot be satisfactorily explained as referring to Pollio's
son Saloninus, or to the expected child of Augustus, Julia.

_Ecl._ 5. Spohn's view is highly probable, that it was written for the
first celebration of Caesar's birthday in July, 42.

_Ecl._ 6, to Varus, probably written B.C. 40 from Siron's villa.

_Ecl._ 7 contains no allusion to contemporary events: the tone is
purely pastoral.

_Ecl._ 8 was written while Pollio was on his way back to Rome from his
victory over the Parthini in Illyricum, for his triumph in B.C. 39.
Cf. ll. 6 and 12.

In _Ecl._ 9, written B.C. 40 at Siron's villa, the poet expresses his
grief at the second expulsion from his farm.

_Ecl._ 10 entitled 'Gallus' was written B.C. 39. For details see under
'Gallus,' p. 182.[50]

_Sources of the Eclogues._--Several of the Eclogues are modelled on
Theocritus (cf. 'Sicelides Musae' 4, 1; 'Syracosius versus' 6, 1),
_e.g._ _Ecl._ 8 on Theocr. 2 and 3; and close imitations are found
throughout. The poet Euphorion of Chalcis (of third century B.C.) is
alluded to in _Ecl._ 10, 50 in connection with Gallus. The names of
the shepherds are mostly from Theocritus, as Tityrus, Mopsus,
Damoetas. They are 'Arcades' (7, 4, etc.), but, like the scenery,
exhibit traits both of Sicily and of North Italy. Thus the scenery
never gives an accurate picture of any one locality: _e.g._ _Ecl._ 9,
ll. 1-10, 26-7, 36, 59-60, present features of the district around
Mantua, while in ll. 39-43 a Sicilian scene is introduced from
Theocritus. The lofty mountains, _e.g._ 1, 84, are Sicilian, and so are
many of the trees, as chestnut and pine, which are said not to be
found near Mantua. For Mantuan scenery cf. _e.g._ 7, 12,

  'Hic virides tenera praetexit harundine ripas
Mincius.'

The GEORGICS were written from B.C. 37 to 30 at the suggestion of
Maecenas. Cf. i. 1.

Serv. _vit. Verg._ 'Item proposuit Maecenas Georgica, quae scripsit
emendavitque septem annis.'

The poem was finished by B.C. 29. Cf. Donatus, 'Georgica reverso post
Actiacam victoriam Augusto atque Atellae ... commoranti per continuum
quadriduum legit.' It was written at Naples. Cf. iv. 559,

  'Haec super arvorum cultu pecorumque canebam ...
  Illo Vergilium me tempore dulcis alebat
  Parthenope, studiis florentem ignobilis oti.'

The concluding part of Book iv., originally a dirge on Cornelius
Gallus, was afterwards altered for the myth of Aristaeus, to please
Augustus.

Serv. _ad Ecl._ 10, 1, 'Fuit Cornelius Gallus amicus Vergilii, adeo ut
quartus Georgicorum a medio usque ad finem eius laudes teneret, quas
postea iubente Augusto in Aristaei fabulam commutavit.'

_Sources of the Georgics._--Besides his own observation, Virgil used
the following authorities:

1. Hesiod--mostly in Book i., _e.g._ ll. 276-286 (lucky and unlucky
days). Cf. ii. 176,

  'Ascraeumque cano Romana per oppida carmen.'

2. Books of the priests; _e.g._ i. 269 _sqq._ (what is lawful on holy
days), i. 338 _sqq._ (Ambarvalia).

3. For agriculture and natural history--Greek writers like Aristotle,
Theophrastus, Democritus, and Xenophon; and Latin writers like Cato
and Varro.

4. Alexandrian writers for science and mythology; _e.g._ Eratosthenes
for i. 233, 'quinque tenent caelum zonae,' etc.; i. 351-465, signs of
weather, from the +Diosemeia+ of Aratus; iii. 425 _sqq._, the
Calabrian serpent, from the +Theriaka+ of Nicander, whose
writings were also used for the subject of bees in Book iv.

5. Lucretius, to whom Virgil is chiefly indebted, ii. 475 _sqq._,
especially 490 _sqq._, 'felix qui potuit,' etc., refers to Lucretius.
The idea of Lucretius, cf. v. 206-217, that man has a perpetual
struggle with nature, is reflected in Virgil, but modified by his
acceptance of the argument from design. Cf. i. 99,

  '_Exercet_que frequens tellurem atque _imperat_ arvis,'

and the whole passage i. 118-159. Lucretian science is borrowed in
passages like i. 89,

  'Seu pluris calor ille vias et caeca relaxat
  spiramenta, novas veniat qua sucus in herbas';

l. 415-423 (of the habits of birds); iii. 242 _sqq._ (on the passion
of love). Notice also, with Munro, Lucretian phrases like _principio_,
_quod superest_, _his animadversis_, _nunc age_, _praeterea_, _nonne
vides_, _contemplator_, _genitalia semina_.

_Political purpose of the Georgics._--The political purpose of the
Georgics is to help the policy of Augustus, which aimed at checking
the depopulation of the country districts. Cf. i. 498-514, and
especially ll. 506-7,

                     'Non ullus aratro
  dignus honos: squalent abductis arva colonis.'

The Emperor is introduced throughout as the object of veneration. Cf.
i. 24-42.

_Natural scenery._--Virgil dwells on Nature in her softer aspects. Cf.
phrases like ii. 470, 'mollesque sub arbore somni,' and the passage
ii. 458-540 in praise of a country life. For the praise of Italy see
the beautiful passage ii. 136-176, where special districts are
mentioned.

AENEID.--Even before the _Eclogues_ were written, Virgil had meditated
the composition of an epic, perhaps, as Servius suggests, on the kings
of Alba. Cf. _Ecl._ 6, 3,

  'Cum canerem reges et proelia, Cynthius aurem
  vellit et admonuit: "pastorem, Tityre, pingues
  pascere oportet oves, deductum dicere carmen."'

The idea of a poem in honour of Augustus was present to his mind when
he wrote _Georg._ iii. 46,

  'Mox tamen ardentes accingar dicere pugnas
  Caesaris.'

The _Aeneid_ was commenced B.C. 29, and remained unfinished at
Virgil's death.

Servius, _vit. Verg._, 'postea ab Augusto Aeneidem propositam scripsit
annis undecim, sed nec emendavit nec edidit.'

His method of working at the poem is thus described by Donatus,
'Aeneida prosa prius oratione formatam digestamque in xii. libros
particulatim componere instituit, prout liberet quidque et nihil in
ordinem arripiens. Ut ne quid impetum moraretur, quaedam imperfecta
transmisit, alia levissimis verbis veluti fulsit, quae per iocum pro
tibicinibus interponi aiebat ad sustinendum opus donec solidae
columnae advenirent.'

In what order the Books were written it is impossible to decide; but
Book vi. was not read to Augustus till after the death of the young
Marcellus, B.C. 23.

Donatus, 'Cui [Augusto] multo post perfectaque demum materia tres
omnino libros recitavit, secundum quartum sextum, sed hunc notabili
Octaviae adfectione, quae cum recitationi interesset ad illos de filio
suo versus, "Tu Marcellus eris," defecisse fertur atque aegre
focillata est.'

Virgil, writing to the emperor, insists on the magnitude of the task
he had rashly undertaken.

Macrob. _Saturn._ i. 24, 11, 'Tanta incohata res est, ut paene vitio
mentis tantum opus ingressus mihi videar, cum praesertim, ut scis,
alia quoque studia ad id opus multoque potiora impertiar.'

Although in his will Virgil left instructions to Varius (and Tucca) to
destroy all his unpublished manuscripts, Varius was expressly desired
by Augustus to revise and publish the _Aeneid_.

Donatus, 'Egerat cum Vario, priusquam Italia decederet, ut si quid
sibi accidisset Aeneida combureret; sed is facturum se pernegarat ...
Edidit autem auctore Augusto Varius, sed summatim emendata, ut qui
versus etiam imperfectos sicut erant reliquerit.'

This account is corroborated by Pliny the elder, _N.H._ vii. 114,
Gellius, and Macrobius.

The rules laid down to the editors by the Emperor were, according to
Servius, 'ut superflua demerent, nihil adderent tamen.'

It seems probable that the _Aeneid_ was published B.C. 17, for it is
in the _Carmen Saeculare_ of that year that Horace first alludes to
the story of Aeneas (cf. l. 50, 'clarus Anchisae Venerisque sanguis'),
and in the fourth Book of the _Odes_ (four years later) it is more
than once introduced.

The _choice of the subject_ was influenced (1) by the personal desire
of the Emperor; (2) by the connexion of the Caesarian house with
Venus, through Iulus;[51] cf. the invention of Atys (_Aen._ v. 568) by
Virgil to please Augustus, whose mother was Atia; (3) by Virgil's
design to write an epic on the greatness of Rome, in the manner of
Homer.

_The Aeneas Legend._--Stesichorus of Himera, among other writers, made
Aeneas, a Homeric hero (cf. _Il._ xx. 307-8), settle in Italy; and
Naevius is said to have adopted the legend in the form given by
Timaeus, the Sicilian historian of the third century B.C. The legend
probably arose from the worship of Aphrodite on the coasts of Italy,
and was disseminated by the Greeks of Cumae to please the Romans. The
connexion of Rome with Troy had been officially recognized for two
hundred years (cf. Sueton. _Claud._ 25), and, though not a popular
belief, had been accepted in literature from the time of Naevius.

_Sources of the Aeneid._--1. Earlier Roman poets as Naevius, Ennius,
Pacuvius, Accius, Lucilius, Hostius, Varro Atacinus, Lucretius. For
details see under these names.

2. Cato's _Origines_ and Varro's _Antiquitates_, for Italian legends
and peoples.

3. _Ius pontificium_ and _ius augurale_, as found in the books of
sacred colleges (Macrob. i. 24, 16). Cf. the ritual meaning of
_porricio_ (v. 776), _porrigo_ (viii. 274), the habit of praying with
veiled head (iii. 405), prayer to Apollo of Soracte (xi. 785).

4. Greek sources: (_a_) particularly the _Iliad_ and _Odyssey_, but
also the Homeric Hymns and Cyclic Poems. Thus the games in Book v. =
the games in honour of Patroclus in _Il._ xxiii.; the shield of Aeneas
(viii. 626-731) = the shield of Achilles in _Il._ xviii.; (_b_)
Apollonius Rhodius, for the passion of Dido = that of Medea; (_c_)
Greek tragedies, _e.g._ the lost _Laocoon_ of Sophocles for ii. 40
_sqq._

_Religion in the Aeneid._--1. The mythology is mainly from Homer. From
Latin myths come Faunus, Saturnus, Janus, Picus. Euhemerism is shown
by the last three being represented as originally kings of Rome.

2. The power of the gods is denoted by _fatum_ or _fata_; cf. x. 112-3,

           'rex Iuppiter omnibus idem:
  fata viam invenient.'

3. The description of the lower world in Book vi. is from the descent
into Hades in _Od._ xi., but is modified by Pythagorean ideas (vi.
748-751, metempsychosis), Stoic ideas (vi. 724 _sqq._, pantheism, cf.
_Georg._ iv. 219-227) and Platonic myths (_e.g._ in the _Gorgias_,
_Phaedo_, and _Republic_), and rendered more definite by the
introduction of heroes of the Republic. Note that Virgil emphasizes
its mythical nature by dismissing Aeneas through the ivory gate (of
false dreams).

4. Other beliefs: (_a_) The golden bough (vi. 203-9) compared to the
mistletoe, the symbol of the lower world with many Indo-European
peoples; (_b_) Divinities attached to special places, _e.g._ viii.
349-354 of the _religio_ attaching to the Capitol, ii. 351-2 guardian
deities: cf. Carmentis, pater Tiberinus, etc.; (_c_) Worship of the
dead, and belief in their continued influence on human affairs, iii.
66-8, 301-5.

_Political significance._--1. The pre-eminence of the Julian race and
of Augustus himself. Cf. i. 286,

  'Nascetur pulchra Troianus origine Caesar,
  imperium Oceano, famam qui terminet astris,
  Iulius, a magno demissum nomen Iulo.'

So vi. 789 _sqq._

2. The idea of empire: cf. i. 33,

  'Tantae molis erat Romanam condere gentem';

and of Rome as the conqueror and civilizer of the world: vi. 851,

  'Tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento:
  hae tibi erunt artes, pacisque imponere morem,
  parcere subiectis et debellare superbos.'

3. The unity of Italy with Rome is seen in Aeneas and Turnus,
representing respectively the _pietas_ and the martial courage of a
past age. This is brought out also by the introduction of local names.
Cf. vii. 682-5, 710-7, 797-802.

4. Virgil shows here and there contempt for pure democracy: vi. 815,

                         'iactantior Ancus
  nunc quoque iam nimium gaudens popularibus auris.'

Cf. also i. 148-9.

_Authors influenced by Virgil._--Livy, Tacitus, Ovid, Tibullus,
Propertius, Manilius, Lucan, Silius Italicus, Statius, Valerius
Flaccus, Martial, Juvenal, the author of _Aetna_. See under each.



HORACE.


(1) LIFE.

Our chief source of information about Horace is his own works, and
some important details are added in a life of him by Suetonius.

Horace's full name is Quintus (_Sat._ ii. 6, 37) Horatius (_Od._ iv.
6, 44) Flaccus (_Sat._ ii. 1, 18). He was born 8th December, B.C. 65,
at Venusia in Apulia, on the frontier of Lucania.

Sueton. _vit. Hor._, 'Natus est vi. Id. Decembr. L. Cotta et L.
Torquato coss.'

_Ep._ i. 20, 26-8,

  'Forte meum siquis te percontabitur aevum,
  me quater undenos sciat inplevisse Decembris
  collegam Lepidum quo duxit Lollius anno.'

_Sat._ i. 1, 34,

                  'Lucanus an Appulus anceps:
  nam Venusinus arat finem sub utrumque colonus.'

There are a great many references to Apulia in Horace. So _Od._ iii.
4, 9 _sqq._,

  'Me fabulosae Volture in Appulo
  nutricis extra limina Pulliae' (his nurse's name), etc.

All Roman virtues are attributed to the Apulians, as in _Od._ i. 22,
13; iii. 5, 9; _Epod._ ii. 39-42.

Horace, though free-born (_Sat._ i. 6, 7) was the son of a freedman,
who was by profession a collector of debts, or, according to others, a
fishmonger. To this last story Horace probably refers with proud
humility in _Ep._ ii. 2, 60,

  'Bioneis sermonibus et sale nigro.'

Sueton. _vit. Hor._, 'Patre, ut ipse tradit, libertino et auctionum
coactore, ut vero creditum est, salsamentario.'

_Sat._ i. 6, 6,

  'Ut me libertino patre natum';

_ibid._ 85,

  'Nec timuit, sibi ne vitio quis verteret olim,
  si praeco parvas aut, ut fuit ipse, coactor
  mercedes sequerer.'

Stories of his childhood are given, _Od._ iii. 4, 9 _sqq._; _Sat._ i.
9, 29 _sqq._; _Sat._ ii. 2, 112 _sqq._

Horace speaks highly of his father, who took him from the village
school to Rome for his education. After speaking of his own freedom
from vice he says (_Sat._ i. 6, 71 _sqq._),

  'Causa fuit pater his, qui macro pauper agello
  noluit in Flavi ludum me mittere, ...
  sed puerum est ausus Romam portare docendum
  artis quas doceat quivis eques atque senator
  semet prognatos. Vestem servosque sequentis,
  in magno ut populo, si qui vidisset, avita
  ex re praeberi sumptus mihi crederet illos.
  Ipse mihi custos incorruptissimus omnis
  circum doctores aderat.'

He received instruction, both in Latin and Greek, from Orbilius,[52] a
teacher of conservative tendencies. _Ep._ ii. 1, 69,

  'Non equidem insector delendave carmina Livi
  esse reor, memini quae plagosum mihi parvo
  Orbilium dictare.'

_Ep._ ii. 2, 41,

  'Romae nutriri mihi contigit atque doceri
  iratus Graiis quantum nocuisset Achilles.'

His education was continued at Athens. _Ep._ ii. 2, 43,

  'Adiecere bonae paulo plus artis Athenae,
  scilicet ut vellem curvo dignoscere rectum
  atque inter silvas Academi quaerere verum.'

His studies were interrupted by the civil war; he joined Brutus (who
came to Athens in August, B.C. 44), was by him appointed _tribunus
militum_, and took part in the battle of Philippi, B.C. 42. _Ep._ ii.
2, 46,

  'Dura sed emovere loco me tempora grato
  civilisque rudem belli tulit aestus in arma
  Caesaris Augusti non responsura lacertis.'

_Od._ ii. 7, 9,

  'Philippos et celerem fugam
  sensi, relicta non bene parmula.'

In _Sat._ i. 7 Horace relates a scene at Clazomenae before Brutus and
his staff; and in _Ep._ i. 11 he speaks, as if with personal
knowledge, of places in Asia Minor and the islands of the Aegean,
which he probably visited then. He refers to the hardships of war in
_Od._ ii. 6, 7; ii. 7, 1; iii. 4, 26.

After the civil war his paternal property was confiscated, probably in
B.C. 41, and his poverty compelled him to seek the post of a clerk in
the quaestor's office, and, as he says, to write verses. (Some satires
and epodes were then written.)

Sueton. _vit. Hor._, 'Victis partibus, venia inpetrata, scriptum
quaestorium comparavit.'

_Sat._ ii. 6, 36,

  'De re communi scribae magna atque nova te
  orabant hodie meminisses, Quinte, reverti.'

_Ep._ ii. 2, 49,

  'Unde simul primum me dimisere Philippi,
  decisis humilem pennis inopemque paterni
  et laris et fundi paupertas inpulit, audax
  ut versus facerem.'

In the spring of B.C. 38 Horace was introduced to Maecenas[53] by
Varius and Virgil, and became intimate with him in the winter of B.C.
38-7.

Sueton. _vit. Hor._, 'Primo Maecenati, mox Augusto insinuatus non
mediocrem in amborum amicitia locum tenuit. Maecenas quanto opere eum
dilexerit satis testatur illo epigrammate:

  "Ni te visceribus meis, Horati,
  plus iam diligo, tu tuum sodalem
  Ninnio videas strigosiorem":

sed multo magis extremis iudiciis tali ad Augustum elogio: "Horati
Flacci ut mei esto memor!"'

_Sat._ i. 6, 54,

                     'Optimus olim
  Vergilius, post hunc Varius dixere quid essem ...
  Abeo, et revocas nono post mense iubesque          (l. 61)
  esse in amicorum numero.'

In _Sat._ ii. 6, 40-58 Horace describes how intimate he was socially
with Maecenas, who, however, did not make him a confidant in political
matters. The most noteworthy event of this period is described in
_Sat._ i. 5, viz. Horace's journey to Brundisium in the train of
Maecenas and Cocceius, who went to arrange some matters between
Augustus and Antony. His companions were Virgil, Varius, Plotius, and
the Greek rhetorician, Heliodorus. Plotius, Virgil, and Varius are
thus referred to (_Sat._ i. 5, 41):

        'Animae quales neque candidiores
  terra tulit neque quis me sit devinctior alter.'[54]

In B.C. 34 Maecenas gave Horace an estate in the country of the
Sabines. The question of its position was settled last century by the
abbe Capmartin de Chaupy. The only place that suits Horace's
description is east of Tivoli, and in the neighbourhood of Vicovaro,
which is the same as the Varia of Horace (_Ep._ i. 14, 3), the
market-town of his tenants. Near it is the stream Licenza, the
Digentia of Horace, on which stands Bardela (the Mandela of Hor.).
_Ep._ i. 18, 104,

  'Me quotiens reficit gelidus Digentia rivus,
  quem Mandela bibit, rugosus frigore pagus.'

The site of his villa may be pretty closely determined from _Ep._ i.
10, 49,

  'Haec tibi dictabam post fanum putre Vacunae.'

Vacuna is a Sabine goddess, identified with Victoria: near the village
an inscription has been found which was erected by Vespasian, 'Aedem
Victoriae vetustate dilapsam sua impensa restituit,' and the natural
inference is that this is the temple mentioned by Horace.[55] Horace
stayed a great deal at his country-house, and his works contain many
references to it.

Sueton. _vit. Hor._, 'Vixit plurimum in secessu ruris sui Sabini aut
Tiburtini, domusque eius ostenditur circa Tiburni luculum.'

_Sat._ ii. 6, 16,

  'Ubi me in mentis et in arcem ex urbe removi.'

Other references are _Ep._ i. 16, 1-14; _Od._ ii. 18, 14.

Augustus having tried unsuccessfully to induce Horace to become his
secretary, was not offended at the poet's refusal, but continued to
bestow his favour upon him.

Sueton. _vit. Hor._, 'Augustus epistularum quoque ei officium obtulit,
ut hoc ad Maecenatem scripto significat: "Ante ipse sufficiebam
scribendis epistulis amicorum, nunc occupatissimus et infirmus
Horatium nostrum a te cupio abducere. Veniet ergo ab ista parasitica
mensa ad hanc regiam et nos in epistulis scribendis adiuvabit." Ac ne
recusanti quidem aut succensuit quicquam aut amicitiam suam ingerere
desiit ... unaque et altera liberalitate locupletavit.'

Horace composed for Augustus the _Carmen Saeculare_; _Od._ iv. 4; iv.
14, celebrating the victories of Augustus' step-sons over the
Rhaetians and the Vindelici; also _Ep._ ii. 1.

Sueton. _vit. Hor._, 'Scripta quidem eius usque adeo probavit
mansuraque perpetuo opinatus est, ut non modo Saeculare carmen
componendum iniunxerit sed et Vindelicam victoriam Tiberii Drusique
privignorum suorum eumque coegerit propter hoc tribus carminum libris
ex longo intervallo quartum addere; post sermones vero quosdam lectos
nullam sui mentionem habitam ita sit questus: "Irasci me tibi scito,
quod non in plerisque eius modi scriptis mecum potissimum loquaris; an
vereris ne apud posteros infame tibi sit, quod videaris familiaris
nobis esse?" expresseritque eclogam ad se, cuius initium est:

  "Cum tot sustineas et tanta negotia solus,"' etc. (_Ep._ ii. 1).

Horace died 27th November, B.C. 8, and was buried near Maecenas. He
appointed Augustus his heir.

Sueton. _vit. Hor._, 'Decessit v. Kal. Decembris C. Marcio Censorino
et C. Asinio Gallo coss. lvii. aetatis anno, herede Augusto palam
nuncupato; ... et conditus est extremis Esquiliis iuxta Maecenatis
tumulum.'

In personal appearance Horace was 'brevis atque obesus,' according to
Suetonius, who quotes a joke of Augustus on the subject: 'Vereri autem
mihi videris ne maiores libelli tui sint, quam ipse es; sed tibi
statura deest, corpusculum non deest.' Cf. Hor. _Ep._ i. 20, 24,

  'Corporis exigui, praecanum, solibus aptum,
  irasci celerem, tamen ut placabilis essem';

_Ep._ i. 4, 15,

  'Me pinguem et nitidum bene curata cute vises,
  cum ridere voles, Epicuri de grege porcum.'

Cf. also _Ep._ i. 7, 25; _Od._ iii. 14, 25.


(2) WORKS.

_Chronology of the Works._--(1) _Satirae_, in two Books (called
_Sermones_ in all the MSS.).

Book i. It is clear from _Sat._ ii. 6, 40 that Horace was introduced
to Maecenas in the spring of B.C. 38. Now all the references to
Maecenas, with the exception of the prologue in _Sat._ 1 (written
last), are in the second half of the book, there being no mention of
him in _Sat._ 2; 3; and 4. It is therefore probable that these three
Satires were written when Horace knew Varius and Virgil, but not
Maecenas, _i.e._ B.C. 40-38. _Sat._ 2 is probably the oldest we have,
as is shown by other considerations, and by the number of archaisms it
contains. _Sat._ 5 (on the journey to Brundisium) was written shortly
after the spring of B.C. 37, when the events recorded took place. The
date of the publication of the book cannot be exactly fixed, the only
clue we have being the reference in _Sat._ i. 10, 86, to Bibulus, the
political agent of Antony, whose presence in Rome B.C. 35 may be
referred to. It cannot be proved that _Sat._ i. 1, 114 _sqq._, is
imitated from Verg. _Georg._ i. 512 _sqq._, published B.C. 35.

Book ii. and the _Epodes_ were published in B.C. 30 about the same
time. We have references to Actium (B.C. 31), as in _Sat._ ii. 5, 63;
and _Sat._ ii. 1 (written last) speaks of Augustus (ll. 11-15) as the
hero in war, not yet the bringer of peace, and was probably therefore
composed before the temple of Janus was shut in the beginning of B.C.
29.

(2) _Epodon liber_, B.C. 30, as above. _Epod._ 9 was written shortly
after the battle of Actium, 2nd September, B.C. 31, before it was
known whither Antony had fled.

(3) _Carmina_ (Odes) Books i.-iii., published B.C. 23. In _Od._ i. 12,
45,

  'Crescit occulto velut arbor aevo
  fama Marcellis,'

we have a reference to the marriage in B.C. 25 of Augustus' daughter,
Julia, to his nephew, Marcellus. Marcellus died in the autumn of B.C.
23, and the lines must have been written before his death. _Od._ ii.
10 and iii. 19 contain references to Licinius Murena, brother of
Terentia, Maecenas' wife. Murena was executed for his share in the
conspiracy of Fannius Caepio in the end of B.C. 23, and it is
improbable that Horace could have made these references after that
event.[56]

(4) _Epistles_, Book i., published B.C. 20. The date is fixed by _Ep._
i. 20, 26-8, already quoted, p. 164.

The year referred to is B.C. 21, and the book was therefore composed
in B.C. 20, before December of that year.

(5) _Carmen Saeculare_, composed for the _Ludi Saeculares_ of B.C. 17
(see Sueton. quoted above). An inscription commemorating these games
was discovered in 1890 on the left bank of the Tiber, and in it Horace
is mentioned: 'Sacrificioque perfecto pueri xxvi. quibus denuntiatum
erat patrimi et matrimi et puellae totidem carmen cecinerunt eodemque
modo in Capitolio. Carmen composuit Q. Horatius Flaccus.'[57]

(6) _Odes_, Book iv., published B.C. 13. _Od._ 4 and 14 celebrate the
campaign of Drusus and Tiberius in Rhaetia and Vindelicia B.C. 15.
_Od._ 2 and 5 were written just before Augustus' return, B.C. 13, from
Gaul, where he had been since B.C. 16.

(7) _Epistles_, Book ii. _Ep._ ii. 1, to Augustus, was written B.C. 14
in response (see the quotation from Suetonius above) to the emperor's
request for a poem addressed to himself, after seeing that no mention
was made of him in _Ep._ ii. 2 and the _Epistula ad Pisones_. These
are the _sermones quidam_ (both, like _Ep._ ii. 1, on literary
criticism) referred to by Suetonius, and not Book i. of the Epistles,
where Augustus is frequently mentioned. The date is fixed by l. 15,
'praesenti tibi maturos largimur honores,' etc., referring to the
worship of the _numen Augusti_, which was legalized B.C. 14, and by
the reference in ll. 252 _sqq._ to the victories of Drusus and
Tiberius, and their celebration in _Od._ iv. 4; iv. 14. _Ep._ ii. 2
(to Iulius Florus) was written B.C. 18. Horace hints (l. 25, ll. 84-6)
that he has not yet returned to lyric poetry; the epistle was
therefore written before B.C. 17. The _Epistula ad Pisones_ or _De
Arte Poetica_ was probably written B.C. 17 or 16 after the _Carmen
Saeculare_, but before Horace had entered on the composition of the
fourth Book of the Odes.

The _Satires_ are called _Sermones_ in all the MSS., but as Horace
gave this name both to his Satires (_Sat._ i. 4, 42) and to his
Epistles (_Ep._ ii. 1, 4; 250) it is convenient to call them
_Satirae_, the name which Horace also gives them (_Sat._ ii. 1, 1; 6,
17), and which represent their intended scope. Horace's chief model is
Lucilius, whom he wished to adapt to the Augustan age. _Sat._ i. 4, 56,

               'his, ego quae nunc,
  olim quae scripsit Lucilius.'

So _Sat._ ii. 1, 28 and 74. Lucilius' influence is seen most in _Sat._
i. 2; 5; 7; 8; ii. 2; 3; 4; 8. Horace, after the reception _Sat._ i. 2
met with, did not, like Lucilius, attack individuals; nor did his
position as a dependent (_Sat._ ii. 1, 60-79) allow him to do so. We
find, therefore, no political satire in Horace, who confines himself to
social and literary topics. He does not attack his contemporaries by
name, but (_a_) takes some names from Lucilius, as Albucius (_Sat._ ii.
1, 48), Opimius (_Sat._ ii. 3, 142); (_b_) invents 'tell-tale-names,' as
Pantolabus (_Sat._ i. 8, 11), Novius (_Sat._ i. 3, 21). In _Sat._ i. 4
and ii. 1 he defines the moral and social aim of his satire. In _Sat._
i. 4, 1-13 he criticizes Lucilius' style; this seems to have given
offence, and in _Sat._ i. 10 he gives reasons for his former criticism.
Horace's Epicureanism is more pronounced in Book i. than in Book ii. In
_Sat._ i. 1 and i. 3 (cf. ll. 99-124) the influence of Lucretius is
seen. In i. 3 he takes up an antagonistic position to Stoicism (cf. ll.
124-142). In ii. 3 he shows less hostility to Stoicism though he still
criticizes it.[58] In _Sat._ ii. 7, where the slave Davus enunciates the
Stoic doctrine, +hoti monos ho sophos eleutheros+, Davus' arguments from
l. 75 onwards have been taken by Horace from Cic. _Parad._ 5.

Horace does not pretend that his Satires (or Epistles) are poetry, and
makes several statements to that effect. _Sat._ ii. 6, 17,

  'Quid prius inlustrem satiris musaque pedestri?'

_Ep._ ii. 1, 250,

  'Sermones ... repentes per humum.'

So _Sat._ i. 4, 39-44.

The _Epodes_ are called _Epodi_ in the MSS. +Epodos+ was the
name given to a piece composed of couplets, the first line of which is
longer than the second. Horace calls them _iambi_ (_Epod._ 14, 7;
_Od._ i. 16, 3). Their style is an imitation of that of Archilochus of
Paros. _Ep._ i. 19, 23-5,

             'Parios ego primus iambos
  ostendi Latio, numeros animosque secutus
  Archilochi, non res et agentia verba Lycamben.'

This is seen in the personal attacks made in many of them, as well as
in the +aischrologia+ employed, and also in the versification.
The dates of several can be fixed. _Epod._ 16 was written B.C. 41, and
refers to the Perusian war. Horace takes no part with either side, but
advises his countrymen to leave Rome, like the Phocaeans of old.
_Epod._ 7 was written B.C. 39; and _Epod._ 1, 9, and 14, about B.C.
31. The order is strictly metrical. Epodes 1-10 are simple iambics
(trimeter and dimeter alternately); 11-16 more complicated forms; 17,
the last, in iambic trimeters.

The _Odes_ Horace himself calls _carmina_. The metres are nearly all
taken from Sappho and Alcaeus, the two poets whose works Horace wished
to present to his countrymen in a Roman dress. Cf. _Od._ iii. 30,
13-4,

  'Princeps Aeolium carmen ad Italos
  deduxisse modos.'

The metrical differences between himself and his originals are due to
the difference in the genius of the two languages and to the fact that
he adopted the views on metre current in his time. Catullus' metre, on
the other hand, was closely modelled on that of the Alexandrian poets.
The odes are largely founded on the best Greek lyric poetry, with
which Horace was thoroughly familiar; cf. his first intention to write
in Greek (_Sat._ i. 10, 31-5). Alexandrian influence is little seen,
and his mythological allusions are seldom obscure. Examples of
imitation (which is commonest in Book i.) are: _Od._ i. 9, the
beginning of which is from Alcaeus (so i. 10; 11; 18); i. 12
(beginning) is from Pindar; i. 27 from Anacreon. Bacchylides is
imitated, _e.g._ in ii. 18.

_Subjects of the Odes._--1. Love and wine form the themes of many.
_Od._ i. 6, 17,

  'Nos convivia, nos proelia virginum
  sectis in iuvenes unguibus acrium
  cantamus.'

Cf. _Od._ ii. 1, 37-40; iii. 3, 69-72.

The love-poems show no trace of personal passion, and the names of the
women whose charms are sung are taken from Greek; thus Pyrrha (a
well-known name from Attic comedy) i. 5; Lydia, i. 13, etc.; Lalage,
i. 22; ii. 5. Cinara (iv. 1; iv. 13) is probably the only one that
represents a real person. Wine is celebrated, _e.g._ in i. 9; 18; 27;
ii. 7; iii. 21. A tone of moderation is observed throughout the
drinking-songs. It is highly probable[59] that in _Od._ i. 27, 1-4 the
unrestrained bacchanalian spirit of Catullus (cf. c. 27) is reproved,

  'Natis in usum laetitiae scyphis
  pugnare Thracum est. Tollite barbarum
    morem verecundumque Bacchum
      sanguineis prohibete rixis.'

2. In _Od._ i. 24 we have the beautiful dirge on the death of
Quintilius Varus.

3. _On political subjects._--The chief of these are as follows: i. 2
(towards the end of B.C. 28); i. 12; i. 14; i. 35 (in B.C. 26); i. 37
(in B.C. 30); ii. 1. The most important, however, are _Od._ iii. 1-6,
which form one whole, and are written on the new name of Augustus, and
the ideas therewith connected. They were all written about B.C.
27.[60]

In iii. 1, which is general, the rising generation is addressed by the
prophet of the empire; ll. 3, 4,

                  'Musarum sacerdos
  virginibus puerisque canto.'

The lesson of the ode is 'A moderate life is the best. Lucky is the
man who is spared the trouble of managing the State.'

iii. 2 praises courage and honesty, but with special reference to two
institutions of Augustus: (1) the professional soldier as opposed to
the citizen-soldier of the republic. The officers were taken from the
two privileged classes, and there was no promotion from the ranks.
This is the explanation of ll. 1-4,

  'Angustam amice pauperiem pati
   robustus acri militia puer
     condiscat et Parthos ferocis
       vexet eques,'

lines which also refer to the resuscitation by Augustus of the
citizen-cavalry. The soldier is not to trouble about politics (ll.
17-20), and must not fear death (l. 13). (2) The new imperial
administrative officers, employed not only in collecting taxes, but in
administrative business of every kind. Speaking of them, Horace pays a
tribute to loyal silence, and emphasizes the curse that clings to
breach of faith; l. 25,

  'Est et fideli tuta silentio
    merces';

l. 31,

  'Raro antecedentem scelestum
    deseruit pede Poena claudo.'

iii. 3 touches intimately the political questions of the day. Pointed
reference is made to Cleopatra; she is the _mulier peregrina_ (l. 20),
the _Lacaena adultera_ (l. 25), who brought Troy low, and would bring
Rome low, if she and her _famosus hospes_ (l. 26) could raise Troy
again. The reference here is to a report current about Antony, that he
intended to make Troy the capital. It is certain that he intended to
restore to Cleopatra her kingdom with extended frontiers, and to make
himself ruler of the Eastern empire. This, which would have meant the
subjection of Rome to the Greeks and half-Greeks, was prevented by the
'iustum et tenacem propositi virum' (l. i), who for his services is
honoured as one of the gods; ll. 11-12,

  'Quos inter Augustus recumbens
  purpureo bibit ore nectar.'

In iii. 4 the poet's personality comes out strongest. He describes his
protection by the Muses in his early years, and this leads him to
speak of one of the monarch's chief works of peace, his encouragement
of literature; ll. 37-40,

  'Vos Caesarem altum, militia simul
  fessas cohortes abdidit oppidis,
  finire quaerentem labores
  Pierio recreatis antro.'

iii. 5 is a defence of Augustus' foreign policy. Publicly he kept up
Caesar's war policy, hence ll. 2-5,

  'Praesens divus habebitur
  Augustus adiectis Britannis
  imperio gravibusque Persis';

but that this concealed his real policy of non-intervention is shown
by his action regarding Parthia. Hence Horace, by a speech put into
the mouth of Regulus (l. 18 _sqq._) warns the Romans against trying to
rescue the survivors of Crassus' army, who, by becoming captives, had
ceased to be citizens. That some of the Senate wished to interfere in
this matter is probably shown by ll. 45-6,

  'Donec labantis consilio patres
  firmaret auctor numquam alias dato.'

iii. 6 refers (ll. 1-8) to Augustus' policy in restoring the ancient
religion, as is seen by the fact that he rebuilt 82 temples. Lines
21-32 refer to a law of Augustus on adultery, the date of which is
unknown.

In Book iv., Odes 2, 4, 5, 6, 14, 15, are political. They show traces
of adulation, and sing the praises rather of the imperial family than
of the nation. Cf. iv. 2, 37 (of Augustus),

  'Quo nihil maius meliusve terris
  fata donavere bonique divi,' etc.

The _Epistles_.--_Sermones_ is the name given them by Horace; they are
also called _Epistulae_ in the MSS. Social, ethical, and literary
questions are treated of, and the style is much more careful than that
of the Satires. The motto, one might say, of the book is _Ep._ i. 1,
10.

  'Nunc itaque et versus et cetera ludicra pono:
  quid verum atque decens, curo et rogo et omnis in hoc sum.'

The dates of _Ep._ ii. 1, 2, have already been mentioned. Both treat
of literary criticism, and the first deals particularly with that of
the drama. Iulius Florus, to whom _Ep._ ii. 2 is addressed, was the
representative of the younger literary school at Rome. The _Epistula
ad Pisones_ or _De Arte Poetica_ is an essay in verse on literary
criticism, specially pointing out how necessary art is to composition.
In it, according to Porphyrion, Horace 'congessit praecepta Neoptolemi
+tou Parianou+[61] de arte poetica, non quidem omnia, sed
eminentissima.' Horace probably was also indebted to Aristotle's
_Poetics_. Porphyrion says that Horace wrote the _Ars Poetica_ 'ad L.
Pisonem qui postea urbis custos fuit eiusque liberos.' This does not
fit in with the probable date, B.C. 17 or 16, as L. Piso was born B.C.
49, and his sons could not have been old enough for the letter to be
addressed to them. It is probable that Porphyrion is wrong, and that
the _A.P._ was addressed to Cn. Piso, who served with Horace under
Brutus, and his two sons.

_Horace and nature._--Besides references to his Sabine villa, Horace
refers to natural scenery in many passages. Such are _Epod._ 2; _Od._
i. 7, 10; ii. 6, 13; iii. 13, 9; _Sat._ ii. 6, 1 _sqq._; _Ep._ i. 10,
6 _sqq._, i. 16, 1 _sqq._[62] Horace is fond of comparing dangers to
the plague of floods,[63] a plague from which Italy has always
suffered. Cf. _Od._ i. 31, 7,

         'rura quae Liris quieta
  mordet aqua taciturnus amnis.'

So _Od._ iii. 29, 32 _sqq._, and many other passages.

_Popularity of Horace._--Horace's prediction that his works would
become school-books, _Ep._ i. 20, 17,

  'Hoc quoque te manet, ut pueros elementa docentem
  occupet extremis in vicis balba senectus,'

was early fulfilled. Cf. Iuv. 7, 226,

  'Quot stabant pueri, cum totus decolor esset
  Flaccus et haereret nigro fuligo Maroni.'



CONTEMPORARY POETS:


The following writers were friends of Horace:

(_a_) _C. Valgius Rufus_, consul suffectus B.C. 12, belonged to the
circle of Maecenas (Hor. _Sat._ i. 10, 82).

Valgius' works, of which only a few lines are extant, included (1)
Elegiae. Cf. Hor. _Od._ ii. 9, 9-12,

  'Tu semper urges flebilibus modis
  Mysten ademptum, nec tibi Vespero
    surgente decedunt amores
      nec rapidum fugiente solem.'

(2) Epigrammata, (3) Miscellanies, (4) A translation of Apollodorus'
+techne+. (See Quint. iii. 1, 18.) (5) A book on herbs.
(Pliny, _N.H._ xxv. 4.) An epic was also expected of him, but whether
written is unknown. Tibull. iv. 1, 179,

  'Est tibi, qui possit magnis se adcingere rebus,
    Valgius; aeterno propior non alter Homero.'

(_b_) _M. Aristius Fuscus_, a poet and grammarian (Porphyr. _ad Sat._
i. 9, 60); _Od._ i. 22, and _Ep._ i. 10, are addressed to him.

(_c_) The _Visci_. Comm. Cruq. _ad Sat._ i. 10, 83, 'Visci duo fratres
fuerunt optimi poetae et iudices critici.'

(_d_) _C. Fundanius_, wrote comedies (Porphyr. _ad Sat._ i. 10, 40).

(_e_) _Servius Sulpicius_, a love poet (Ovid, _Trist._ ii. 441; Hor.
_Sat._ i. 10, 86).

(_f_) _Iulius Florus_ was 'saturarum scriptor' (Porphyr. _ad Hor. Ep._
i. 3, 1). Hor. _Ep._ i. 3 and ii. 2, are addressed to him.

(_g_) _Titius_ wrote Pindaric odes, and tragedies, Hor. _Ep._ i. 3,
9-14.

(_h_) _Albinovanus Celsus_. See Hor. _Ep._ i. 3, 15-7.

(_i_) _C. Iullus Antonius_, B.C. 44-B.C. 2, was a son of the triumvir
M. Antonius. The Schol. on Hor. _Od._ iv. 2, 2, says of him, "Heroico
metro Diomedeam scripsit et nonnulla alia soluta oratione."

(_k_) _Furnius_, an orator; died B.C. 37. He is mentioned by Hor.
_Sat._ i. 10, 86.

Other poets contemporary with Virgil and Horace are:

(_a_) _L. Varius Rufus_ (cf. Verg. _Ecl._ 9, 35). His works were:

(1) Epics (_a_) on the death of Julius Caesar (Macrob. _Saturn._ vi.
1, 39), (_b_) in praise of Augustus. Hor. _Ep._ i. 16, 27-29 is a
quotation from this poem (Acron _ad loc._), and it is probably
referred to in _Od._ i. 6, 1 (to Agrippa),

  'Scriberis Vario fortis et hostium
  victor Maeonii carminis aliti,
  quam rem cumque ferox navibus aut equis
  miles te duce gesserit.'

(2) A tragedy, _Thyestes_, praised by Quint. x. 1, 98, 'iam Varii
Thyestes cuilibet Graecarum comparari potest.'

(3) Elegies: Porphyr. ad Hor. _Od._ i. 6, 1, 'fuit L. Varius et ipse
carminis et tragoediarum et elegiorum auctor.'

(_b_) _Aemilius Macer_ was a native of Verona, and died B.C. 16:
Jerome yr. Abr. 2001, 'Aemilius Macer Veronensis poeta in Asia
moritur.' He was a friend of Virgil, and was the 'Mopsus' of _Ecl._ 5,
according to Serv. _ad loc._ Ovid in his youth enjoyed his
acquaintance; cf. _Tr._ iv. 10, 43, where three didactic poems are
referred to: (1) _Ornithogonia_, on birds; (2) _Theriaca_, on venomous
serpents; (3) _De Herbis_, on plants.

For his obligations to Nicander, see under 'Virgil,' p. 158.
Quintilian calls him 'humilis' (x. 1, 87).

(_c_) _C. Cornelius Gallus_ was born at Forum Iulii B.C. 70, and died
by his own hand B.C. 27. Jerome yr. Abr. 1990, 'Cornelius Gallus
Foroiuliensis poeta ... xliii. aetatis suae anno propria se manu
interficit.' Having commanded a division in the war against Antony, he
was appointed by Octavian the first prefect of Egypt, B.C. 30, but
incurred his anger and was banished from Caesar's house and provinces
(Sueton. _Aug._ 66). The cause of his downfall was indiscreet language
about Augustus, according to Ovid, _Tr._ ii. 445,

  'Non fuit opprobrio celebrasse Lycorida Gallo,
    sed linguam nimio non tenuisse mero';

and _Am._ iii. 9, 63,

  'Tu quoque, si falsum est temerati crimen amici,
    sanguinis atque animae prodige, Galle, tuae.'

The tenth eclogue of Virgil is a testimony to his friendship for
Gallus, l. 2,

  'Pauca meo Gallo, sed quae legat ipsa Lycoris,
  carmina sunt dicenda; neget quis carmina Gallo?'

Lines 44-49 are said by Servius, _ad loc._, to be quoted from Gallus
('de ipsius translati carminibus'). For the tribute to Gallus in the
original draft of _Georgic_ iv. see under 'Virgil,' p. 157.

He wrote four Books of love-poems to Cytheris, the _liberta_ who
afterwards deserted him for Antony: Serv. _ad Ecl._ x. 1, 'amorum
suorum de Cytheride scripsit libros iv.' According to Servius he also
translated the poems of Euphorion of Chalcis. Cf. Verg. _Ecl._ x. 50,

  'Ibo et Chalcidico quae sunt mihi condita versu
  carmina pastoris Siculi modulabor avena.'

Compared with Tibullus and Propertius, he was 'durior' (Quint. x. 1,
93).

(_d_) _Codrus_, mentioned by Virgil, _Ecl._ 7, 22 and 26; 5, 11, was a
contemporary poet (Serv. _ad Ecl._ 7), and was praised by Valgius
(Schol. Veron. _ad loc._), but nothing is known of his writings. The
name is not Roman, and is probably a disguised form of Cordus. He is
sometimes identified with the Iarbitas of Hor. _Ep._ i. 19, 15.

(_e_) _Bavius_ and _Mevius_ were enemies of Virgil and Horace. Verg.
_Ecl._ 3, 90,

  'Qui Bavium non odit, amet tua carmina, Mevi.'

Horace, _Epod._ 10, prays for the shipwreck of Mevius. He wrote about
the prodigal son of the actor Aesopus (Porphyr. ad Hor. _Sat._ ii. 3,
239). Bavius died B.C. 35, according to Jerome.

(_f_) _Anser_ wrote a poem in praise of Antony, and was rewarded with
a grant of land (Serv. _ad Ecl._ 9, 36; Cic. _Phil._ xiii. 11). He is
mentioned by Ovid, _Tr._ ii. 435,

  'Cinna quoque his comes est, Cinnaque procacior Anser.'

Servius sees an allusion to him in _Ecl._ 9, 36,

  'Argutos inter strepere anser olores.'

(_g_) _Domitius Marsus_. His epigram on Tibullus (see p. 186) shows
that he was alive in B.C. 19; he was, however, dead when Ovid was
exiled in A.D. 8.

Ovid, _Ex Pont._ iv. 16, 3,

  'Famaque post cineres maior venit; et mihi nomen
    tunc quoque, cum vivis adnumerarer, erat,
  cum foret et Marsus, magnique Rabirius oris,
    Iliacusque Macer sidereusque Pedo.'

He was a member of Augustus' literary circle. Mart. viii. 56, 21,

  'Quid Varios Marsosque loquar, ditataque vatum
    nomina, magnus erit quos numerare labor?'

His works were:

1. _Cicuta_, a collection of epigrams, often referred to by Martial.
Cf. ii. 71, 3,

  'aut Marsi recitas aut scripta Catulli.'

2. _Amazonis_, an epic poem.[64] Mart. iv. 29, 7,

  'Saepius in libro memoratur Persius uno
    quam levis in tota Marsus Amazonide.'

3. _Amores_ or _Elegiae_. Mart. vii. 29, 7,

  'Et Maecenati, Maro cum cantaret Alexin,
    nota tamen Marsi fusca Melaenis erat.'

4. _Fabellae_.

5. _De Urbanitate_ (in prose). Quint. vi. 3, 102, 'Domitius Marsus,
qui de urbanitate diligentissime scripsit.'

(_h_) _Pupius_, a tragedian, sneered at by Hor. _Ep._ i. 1, 67,
'lacrimosa poemata Pupi.'

(_i_) _C. Melissus_, a freedman of Maecenas, invented the _trabeata_,
a variety of the _togata_.

Sueton. _Gramm._ 21, 'Fecit et novum genus togatarum inscripsitque
trabeatas.'



TIBULLUS.


(1) LIFE.

Albius Tibullus (his praenomen was perhaps Aulus, which, from the
abbreviation A. being followed by Albius, was lost in the MSS.) seems
to have been born near Pedum in Latium. (1) Horace, in _Ep._ i. 4, 2,
addressed to Tibullus, asks, 'Quid nunc te dicam facere in regione
Pedana?' apparently referring to the 'sedes avitae' of Tibullus
(Tibull. ii. 4, 53). (2) The Life contained in the best MSS., and
probably to be attributed to Suetonius, calls him 'Albius Tibullus,
eques Romanus' (codd. Paris. and Lips. 'regulis'). Baehrens
(_Tibullische Blaetter_) holds that _Romanus_ is an erroneous
correction of _regulis_, for which he proposes to read _R._ (=
Romanus) _e Gabis_ (= Gabiis). Gabii was within a short distance of
Pedum.

The date of his birth can be fixed only by indirect evidence.

(1) The Life says 'obiit adulescens,' and the epigram of Domitius
Marsus, found in the best MSS., calls Tibullus 'iuvenis' at the time
of his death, which must have occurred about the same time as
Virgil's, in B.C. 19,

  'Te quoque Vergilio comitem non aequa, Tibulle,
    mors iuvenem campos misit ad Elysios,
  ne foret aut elegis molles qui fleret amores
    aut caneret forti regia bella pede.'

(2) Ovid (_Tr._ iv. 10, 53) says of Tibullus,

  'Successor fuit hic tibi, Galle, Propertius illi.'

Since Gallus was born B.C. 70, and Propertius about B.C. 49, the birth
of Tibullus must have fallen between those years.

(3) Tibullus accompanied Messalla when he left for Aquitania, B.C. 30
or 29, according to the Life: 'Ante alios Corvinum Messallam oratorem
dilexit, cuius etiam contubernalis Aquitanico bello militaribus donis
donatus est.' Cf. Tibull. i. 7, 9,

  'Non sine me est tibi partus honos; Tarbella Pyrene
    testis et Oceani litora Santonici.'

Putting together these references we may place the date of Tibullus'
birth in B.C. 54. (The statement of the Life in the Codex
Guelferbytanus, 'Natus est Hyrtio et Pansa coss.' is clearly wrong).

He was of equestrian rank, and at one time possessed considerable
wealth, apparently inherited from a long line of ancestors; i. 1, 41,

  'Non ego divitias patrum fructusque requiro
    quos tulit antiquo condita messis avo.'

Cf. ii. 1, 1; ii. 4, 53; Hor. _Ep._ i. 4, 7,

  'Di tibi divitias dederunt.'

His family property, however, had been greatly diminished; i. 1, 19,

  'Vos quoque, felicis quondam nunc pauperis agri
    custodes, fertis munera vestra, lares:
  tunc vitula innumeros lustrabat caesa iuvencos;
    nunc agna exigui est hostia parva soli.'

Cf. i. 1, 5 and 37.

It has been supposed that Tibullus suffered these losses in the
agrarian disturbances of B.C. 41, and that his lands, like those of
Virgil and Propertius, were confiscated. No town in Latium, however,
is mentioned by Appian as having its territory thus assigned.
Tibullus' property may possibly have been restored to him through the
influence of Messalla.[65] Cf. Hor. _Ep._ i. 4, 11,

  'Et mundus victus non deficiente crumena';

also Tibull. i. 1, 77,

             'Ego composito securus acervo
  despiciam dites despiciamque famem.'

Of Messalla Tibullus always speaks with the greatest affection. He
refused at first to accompany him to the East after the battle of
Actium, but afterwards followed him, and was forced through illness to
remain at Corcyra: i. 1, 53,

  'Te bellare decet terra, Messalla, marique,
    ut domus hostiles praeferat exuvias:
  me retinent vinctum formosae vincla puellae';

i, 3, 3,

  'Me tenet ignotis aegrum Phaeacia terris.'

In the Aquitanian campaign he was Messalla's _contubernalis_, and had
military distinctions conferred on him (see p. 186).

No further particulars of Tibullus are known, save his love for his
mistresses Delia and Nemesis, and the fact mentioned by Ovid, in a
poem on his death, that his mother and sister survived him; _Amor._
iii. 9, 50,

    'Mater et in cineres ultima dona tulit.
  Hinc soror in partem misera cum matre doloris
    venit inornatas dilaniata comas.'

Delia's real name was Plania (+delos+ = _planus_): cf.
Apuleius, _Apol._ 10, 'eadem igitur opera accusent ... Tibullum quod
ei sit Plania in animo Delia in versu.' She was a _libertina_, for the
name is not known as a _nomen gentilicium_, and she had had a husband
(i. 2, 41, 'coniunx tuus'), who appears to have been serving with the
army in Cilicia: i. 2, 65,

  'Ferreus ille fuit, qui te cum posset habere,
    maluerit praedas stultus et arma sequi.
  Ille licet Cilicum victas agat ante catervas,' etc.

A divorce had probably taken place, as she was not entitled to wear
the distinctive dress of the Roman matron; i. 6, 67,

  'Sit modo casta, doce, quamvis non vitta ligatos
    impediat crines nec stola longa pedes.'

Nemesis was a _meretrix_; ii. 4, 14,

  'Illa cava pretium flagitat usque manu.'

She appears to be the 'immitis Glycera' of Hor. _Od._ i. 33, 2,
addressed to Albius (so Kiessling _ad loc._). Both Delia and Nemesis
are represented by Ovid as present at the funeral of Tibullus. _Amor._
iii. 9, 53,

  'Cumque tuis sua iunxerunt Nemesisque priorque
    oscula nec solos destituere rogos.'

Tibullus was on friendly terms with Horace, who addressed to him _Od._
i. 33 and _Ep._ i. 4. Horace was doubtless attracted by the frank
nature of Tibullus (_Ep._ i. 4, 1, 'Albi, nostrorum sermonum candide
iudex'), and by the community of taste which led them both to imitate
the classical Ionic rather than the Alexandrian elegy. Horace
corroborates the statement of Life i. ('insignis forma cultuque
corporis observabilis') that Tibullus had a fine presence; _ibid._ 1.
6,

  'Non tu corpus eras sine pectore: di tibi formam,
  di tibi divitias dederunt artemque fruendi.'

Ovid had met and admired him, and has numerous imitations of him in
his poems; but the difference of age and the early death of Tibullus
prevented any long acquaintance; Ovid, _Tr._ iv. 10, 51,

               'Nec amara Tibullo
  tempus amicitiae fata dedere meae.'

Of friendship between Propertius and Tibullus there is no evidence:
they never mention one another.


(2) WORKS.

Four Books of elegiac poems are attributed to Tibullus, who ranks
first among Roman elegists in the view of Quintilian, x. 1, 93,
'Elegia quoque Graecos provocamus, cuius mihi tersus atque elegans
maxime videtur auctor Tibullus.'

Book i., on the poet's love for Delia and Marathus (_El._ 7 is to
Messalla), was published by himself, and was apparently composed in
the years B.C. 31-27. This agrees with Ovid, _Tr._ ii. 463,

                    'Legiturque Tibullus
  et placet, et iam te principe notus erat,'

if we assume that 'principe' refers to the title of Augustus.

Book ii., the chief subject of which is Nemesis, appears to have been
written several years later. It is unfinished, not having received the
author's final revision, and was probably published soon after his
death, certainly several years before Ovid's _Ars Amatoria_ (cf.
_A.A._ 535 _sqq._).

Book iii. (six Elegies) is professedly the work of Lygdamus. No poet
of that name is mentioned in ancient literature, and it has been
suggested that the author may have been a young relative of Tibullus
who used a Greek adaptation of the gentile name Albius (+lygdos+
= white marble). He speaks as a man of good social position
(iii. 2, 22). From the fact that he belonged to the circle of
Messalla, his poems came to be added to those of Tibullus, whom he
constantly imitates. There are also many reminiscences of Horace,
Ovid, and Propertius. The six Elegies are addressed to Neaera, who was
probably the poet's cousin and was married or betrothed to him (iii.
1, 23; 2, 12). Lygdamus was born in the same year as Ovid, B.C. 43;
iii. 5, 17,

  'Natalem primo nostrum videre parentes,
    cum cecidit fato consul uterque pari.'

The remarkable coincidence between iii. 5, 15-20, and Ovid, _A.A._ ii.
669-70, _Tr._ iv. 10, 6, _Amor._ ii. 14, 23-4, is best explained by
Hiller (_Hermes_, xviii. 360-1), who suggests that Lygdamus may have
composed the poem in his earlier years merely to amuse Neaera, without
publishing it, and that after Ovid's works had appeared he may, to
oblige a friend or patron (_e.g._ Messalinus), have published his
collection of elegies, adding in the process of revision the lines
copied from Ovid.

The remaining poems belong to Book iii. in the MSS., but in most
editions are printed as a separate Book iv. iv. 1, in hexameters, is
the _Panegyricus Messallae_, written in honour of Messalla's
consulship, B.C. 31. Its rhetorical exaggeration and want of taste
forbid its being attributed to Tibullus, written, as it was, so
shortly before he reached the summit of his powers. Its date puts
Lygdamus out of question: doubtless it is by some young member of
Messalla's circle.

The rest of the Book has for its theme the love of Sulpicia, the
daughter of Servius Sulpicius and Valeria, the sister of Messalla, for
a young Greek named Cerinthus. _El._ 2-6 are apparently by Tibullus
himself, who may have amused himself by turning into verse the letters
of the young lovers. _El._ 7 is of disputed authorship; but it
resembles the work of Sulpicia rather than that of Tibullus. _El._
8-12 are by Sulpicia to Cerinthus. _El._ 13 purports to be by
Tibullus. _El._ 14 is an epigram, of doubtful authorship.

Two _Priapea_ are found in MSS. of Tibullus, but probably neither of
them is by him.



PROPERTIUS.


(1) LIFE.

The name by which the poet designates himself is Propertius simply;
the praenomen Sextus rests on the authority of Donatus. The additions
in some MSS., 'Aurelius' and 'Nauta,' are clearly erroneous.

He was certainly a native of the district of Umbria, and probably of
the town of Asisium (the modern Assisi). Cf. iv. 1, 121,

  'Umbria te notis antiqua penatibus edit,
    (mentior? an patriae tangitur ora tuae?)
  qua nebulosa cavo rorat Mevania campo,
    et lacus aestivis intepet Umber aquis,
  scandentisque Asisi consurgit vertice murus,
    murus ab ingenio notior ille tuo.'

'Asisi' in l. 125 is Lachmann's emendation for 'Asis' of the MSS., and
is rendered almost certain by the topography of the district. Asisium
agrees better than Hispellum (the modern Spello) with the description
in the passage quoted; with iv. 1, 65,

  'Scandentes quisquis cernet de vallibus arces,
    ingenio muros aestimet ille meo';

and with the epithet 'proxima' in i. 22, 9, as Asisium is nearer than
Hispellum to Perusia. Cf. i. 22, 3-10,

  'Si Perusina tibi patriae sunt nota sepulcra,
    Italiae duris funera temporibus, ...
  proxima supposito contingens Umbria campo
    me genuit terris fertilis uberibus.'

At Assisi, moreover, have been found several inscriptions of the
Propertii, one of which, C. PASSENNO | C. F. SERG. |, PAULLO |
PROPERTIO | BLAESO,[66] probably refers to the Passennus Paullus
mentioned by Pliny, _Ep._ vi. 15, as 'municeps Propertii.'

Propertius was younger than Tibullus, and older than Ovid. His birth,
therefore, took place between B.C. 54 and 43 (Hertzberg gives 46,
Postgate prefers 50). Cf. Ovid, _Tr._ iv. 10, 53,

  'Successor fuit hic [Tibullus] tibi, Galle; Propertius illi;
    quartus ab his serie temporis ipse fui.'

He came of a family well known in the neighbourhood (cf. iv. 1, 121,
'notis penatibus,' already quoted), but not 'noble' in the technical
sense; ii. 34, 55,

  'Aspice me, cui parva domi fortuna relictast,
    nullus et antiquo Marte triumphus avi.'

His childhood was clouded by the early death of his father, and by the
confiscation of his estate in B.C. 41; iv. 1, 127,

  'Ossaque legisti non illa aetate legenda
    patris; et in tenues cogeris ipse lares,
  nam tua cum multi versarent rura iuvenci,
    abstulit excultas pertica tristis opes.'

His mother then took him to Rome, where he studied law for a short
time after assuming the _toga virilis_, but abandoned it in favour of
poetry; iv. 1, 131,

  'Mox ubi bulla rudi demissast aurea collo,
    matris et ante deos libera sumpta toga,
  tum tibi pauca suo de carmine dictat Apollo
    et vetat insano verba tonare foro.'

Meanwhile he was engaged in his first love affair with Lycinna, who is
otherwise unknown (iii. 15, 3 _sqq._). In B.C. 29 or 28 his
acquaintance with Cynthia began. Her real name was Hostia (Apuleius,
_Apol._ 10, 'Accusent ... Propertium, qui Cynthiam dicat, Hostiam
dissimulet'), and she was possibly a grand-daughter of the poet
Hostius (p. 65). Cf. iii. 20, 8,

  'Splendidaque a docto fama refulget avo.'

A courtesan of the higher class, she is represented by Propertius as
possessed of great personal charms and varied accomplishments (i. 2,
30, 'Omnia quaeque Venus quaeque Minerva probat'), combined with many
faults of temper and character. She had a house at Rome in the Subura,
and we hear of her also at Tibur, where she was buried (iv. 7, 15;
85). She was considerably older than Propertius; ii. 18, 19,

  'At tu etiam iuvenem odisti me, perfida, cum sis
    ipsa anus haud longa curva futura die.'

At the end of two years the unfaithfulness of Propertius led to twelve
months of estrangement; iii. 16, 9,

  'Peccaram semel, et totum sum pulsus in annum.'

Cynthia was reconciled to him about the beginning of B.C. 25; but the
passion on both sides gradually cooled until, in 23, Propertius
harshly cast her off (iii. 24 and 25). Possibly there was a second
reconciliation before her death (iv. 7). The five years of bondage
(iii. 25, 3, 'Quinque tibi potui servire fideliter annos,') will thus
be B.C. 28, 27, 25-23.

Propertius lived chiefly at Rome; but i. 18 was written near the
Clitumnus, and in ii. 19 he promises to join Cynthia in that region.
In iii. 21 he contemplates a voyage to Athens; l. 1,

  'Magnum iter ad doctas proficisci cogor Athenas,
  ut me longa gravi solvat amore via.'

A few years earlier he had refused to accompany his friend Tullus to
Athens and Asia (i. 6).

Nothing is known of the subsequent life of Propertius, but from two
passages in the younger Pliny it is natural to infer that he married,
in obedience to the _Lex Iulia_ of B.C. 18, and had issue. Pliny,
_Ep._ vi. 15, 'Passennus Paullus ... inter maiores suos Propertium
numerat'; ix. 22, 'Propertium ... a quo genus ducit.'

We cannot tell even when he died. He must have been alive in B.C. 16,
because iv. 6 was written for the _ludi quinquennales_, which were
held for the first time in that year; and iv. 11. 65, is an allusion
to the consulship of P. Cornelius Scipio, also in B.C. 16.

In personal appearance Propertius was pale and thin, and rather fond
of dress; i. 5, 21,

  'Nec iam pallorem totiens mirabere nostrum,
    aut cur sim toto corpore nullus ego';

ii. 4, 5,

  'Nequiquam perfusa meis unguenta capillis,
     ibat et expenso planta morata gradu.'

He had been introduced to Maecenas after the publication of his first
Book, but naturally was not on such intimate terms with him as older
men like Virgil and Horace were. ii. 1 and iii. 9 are addressed to
Maecenas. In the first of these poems Propertius declares that he is
unequal to the composition of an epic, which his patron had urged upon
him, but adds (l. 17)

  'Quod mihi si tantum, Maecenas, fata dedissent
    ut possem heroas ducere in arma manus, ...
  bellaque resque tui memorarem Caesaris, et tu
    Caesare sub magno cura secunda fores.'

For poems referring to Augustus cf. ii. 10, iv. 6 (on Actium), iii. 18
(on the death of Marcellus).

Horace and Propertius do not mention each other by name. Chronology
forbids the identification of the bore in Hor. _Sat._ i. 9 with
Propertius, who, on the same ground, cannot be meant in _Sat._ i. 10,
18,

                     'Neque simius iste,
  nil praeter Calvum et doctus cantare Catullum.'

But Hor. _Ep._ ii. 2, 87-101, is undoubtedly aimed at Propertius. Cf.
especially l. 99,

  'Discedo Alcaeus puncto illius; ille meo quis?
  quis nisi Callimachus? Si plus adposcere visus,
  fit Mimnermus et optivo cognomine crescit.'

Though both poets belonged to the same literary circle, they differed
widely in temperament as well as in age. With Tibullus, who was a
member of Messalla's circle, Propertius may have had no personal
acquaintance; at all events, neither alludes to the other.

For Virgil Propertius expresses warm admiration in ii. 34, written
during the composition of the _Aeneid_. Ovid, who calls him 'blandus'
(_Tr._ ii. 465) and 'tener' (_A.A._ iii. 333), was an intimate friend
of his; cf. _Tr._ iv. 10, 45 (quoted p. 206). The minor poets to whom
he writes are Ponticus (i. 7 and 9), Bassus (i. 4), and a tragic poet,
Lynceus (a pseudonym, ii. 34, 25).


(2) WORKS.

The extant Elegies, divided in the MSS. into four Books, are probably
all that Propertius ever wrote. On account of the disproportionate
length of Book ii., and the number 'tres' (which, however, may be said
in anticipation) in ii. 13, 25,

  'Sat mea sat magna est si tres sint pompa libelli,
    quos ego Persephonae maxima dona feram,'

some editors make Book ii. consist only of _El._ 1-9, and assign the
remainder (10-34) to a new Book iii. Books iii. and iv. of the MSS.
then become iv. and v. respectively. In the most recent editions,
however, the MSS. arrangement is retained, and it is here followed.

_Book_ i.--All the Elegies in Book i., except the last two, are
amatory. _El._ 2-10 belong to the first months of the poet's love,
when Cynthia was gracious, though capricious. She had refused to
accompany a rival of his, who was going to Illyricum as praetor (_El._
8); but afterwards she left Rome for Baiae, and the rest of the Book
is full of complaints of her harshness. _El._ 1, written after the
year of separation, introduces the whole Book in a melancholy strain.

The clearest indication of date in Book i. is 8, 21, 'Nam me non ullae
poterunt corrumpere taedae,' where Propertius protests that he will
never marry, in spite of the _Lex Iulia_ of B.C. 27. (He could not
legally marry a woman of Cynthia's class.) The Book was published
probably in B.C. 25, under the title of 'Cynthia.' Cf. ii. 24, 1,

  'Cum sis iam noto fabula libro
  et tua sit toto Cynthia lecta foro.'

Her name was a recommendation for the Book, and it was probably her
satisfaction at the fame which it brought her that caused her to
relent towards Propertius. Cf. Mart. xiv. 189,

  'Cynthia, facundi carmen iuvenile Properti,
    accepit famam, nec minus ipsa dedit.'

At all events, a few months afterwards we find the old relations
re-established; ii. 3, 3,

  'Vix unum potes, infelix, requiescere mensem,
    et turpis de te iam liber alter erit.'

_Book_ ii.--Cynthia is the theme of nearly all the thirty-four poems
of Book ii., which give lively expression to her lover's varying
moods. Only three Elegies (1, 10, and 31) are given to other subjects.

Of the few poems to which dates can be assigned, the earliest is _El._
31 (on the dedication of the temple of the Palatine Apollo, B.C. 28),
and the latest is _El._ 10, to Augustus (written shortly before the
invasion of Arabia by Aelius Gallus in B.C. 24. Cf. l. 16, 'et domus
intactae te tremit Arabiae'). The Book was therefore published B.C. 24
at the earliest.

_Book_ iii.--In this Book the poems on Cynthia form a far smaller
proportion; 7, 12, and 22 show the warmth of the poet's friendship;
events of national interest are treated in 4, 11, and 18. In 5, 23-47,
Propertius looks forward to spending his later years in the study of
natural science ('naturae perdiscere mores,' l. 25).

There are few hints of the date of any of the poems in iii. _El._ 20
is apparently as early as B.C. 28; 18 certainly belongs to B.C. 23; 4
perhaps refers to the expedition against the Parthians planned in B.C.
22. The last-mentioned year is the earliest possible date of
publication.

_Book_ iv., in which there is no principle of arrangement, probably
appeared after the author's death. His archaeological tastes come out
in four Elegies written, in imitation of the +Aitia+ of
Callimachus, on Roman antiquities--_El._ 2 on Vertumnus, 4 on Tarpeia,
9 on Cacus, 10 on Jupiter Feretrius. In this way Propertius fulfilled
his promise to Maecenas, iii. 9, 49,

  'Celsaque Romanis decerpta Palatia tauris
    ordiar et caeso moenia firma Remo,
  eductosque pares silvestri ex ubere reges,
    crescet et ingenium sub tua iussa meum.'

_El._ 7 and 8 relate to Cynthia; in 7 her ghost appears to the poet.
_El._ 3, a letter from Arethusa to Lycotas, possibly suggested to Ovid
the plan of his _Heroides_, just as the antiquarian poems already
mentioned may have suggested the _Fasti_. The Book ends with a lament
for Cornelia, daughter of Scribonia, Augustus' first wife (_El._ 11).

The date of 6 and 11 is certainly not earlier than B.C. 16, while 8
seems to have been written before the rupture with Cynthia. The
antiquarian poems are considered by some to have been among
Propertius' earliest efforts.

Propertius was familiar with the whole range of Greek poetry--Homer
(iii. 1, 25-34), Mimnermus (i. 9, 11), Pindar (iii. 17, 40), the
dramatists, Theocritus, and Apollonius Rhodius. As his models he names
especially the Alexandrians Callimachus and Philetas, whom he claims
to follow more closely than any of his predecessors; iii. 1, 1,

  'Callimachi Manes et Coi sacra Philetae,
    in vestrum, quaeso, me sinite ire nemus.
  Primus ego ingredior puro de fonte sacerdos
    Itala per Graios orgia ferre choros.'

Cf. iv. 1, 64,

  'Umbria Romani patria Callimachi.'

In wealth of mythological illustration Propertius is peculiarly
Alexandrian. He is continually drawing parallels and contrasts from
Greek legend; _e.g._ i. 15, Cynthia how unlike Calypso! iii. 12, Aelia
Galla a modern Penelope. Of Roman poets, he names as his predecessors
in amatory verse Virgil, Varro Atacinus, Catullus, Calvus, and
Cornelius Gallus (ii 34, 61-92). Once he dreams of writing an epic on
the Alban kings in the vein of Ennius; iii. 3, 5,

  'Parvaque tam magnis admoram fontibus ora,
  unde pater sitiens Ennius ante bibit.'

In Propertius love of social pleasures appears side by side with a
strain of deep melancholy _e.g._ in. 5, 21,

  Me iuvat et multo mentem vincire Lyaeo
  et caput in verna semper habere rosa,

contrasted with the numerous passages where he is thinking of the
grave, _e.g._ ii. 1, 71,

  'Quandocumque igitur vitam mea fata reposcent,
  et breve in exiguo marmore nomen ero.'

There is no greater patriot than Propertius. Cf. the denunciation of
Cleopatra (iii. 11) and the frequency of the epithet 'Romanus.'



OVID.


(1) LIFE.

Ovid's own writings (especially _Tr._ iv. 10) supply nearly all the
information we possess regarding his life. The biographies in the MSS.
are valueless.

P. Ovidius Naso was his full name, in which the MSS. agree. He speaks
of himself as Naso simply, and Statius and Martial refer to him by
that name; Tacitus and the two Senecas use the _nomen_ Ovidius.

He was born in Sulmo, one of the three divisions of the Paelignian
country, B.C. 43--the year in which Hirtius and Pansa fell at Mutina.
_Tr._ iv. 10, 3,

  'Sulmo mihi patria est, gelidis uberrimus undis,
    milia qui novies distat ab urbe decem.
  Editus hic ego sum; nec non ut tempora noris,
    cum cecidit fato consul uterque pari.'

His birthday was 20th March--the second day of the festival of the
Quinquatria (cf. _Fast._ iii. 809-814), l. 13,

  'Haec est armiferae festis de quinque Minervae,
    quae fieri pugna prima cruenta solet.'

He belonged to an equestrian family, and he frequently contrasts
himself with those who had reached that dignity by military service or
by possessing the requisite fortune; _ibid._ l. 7,

  'Si quid id est, usque a proavis vetus ordinis heres,
    non sum fortunae munere factus eques.'

Cf. _Am._ i. 3, 7; iii. 8, 9; iii. 15, 5; _Pont._ iv. 8, 17.

Along with his elder brother, he received a careful education at Rome,
and studied also at Athens. He practised rhetoric under Arellius
Fuscus and Porcius Latro. _Tr._ iv. 10, 15,

  'Protinus excolimur teneri, curaque parentis
    imus ad insignes urbis ab arte viros.'

_Tr._ i. 2, 77,

  'Non peto quas quondam petii studiosus Athenas.'

Sen. _Contr._ ii. 10, 8, 'Hanc controversiam memini ab Ovidio Nasone
declamari apud rhetorem Arellium Fuscum, cuius auditor fuit, nam
Latronis admirator erat, cum diversum sequeretur dicendi genus.'
Seneca says that _Met._ xiii. 121, and _Am._ i. 2, 11, were borrowed
from Latro.

But, in spite of his father's remonstrances, Ovid preferred poetry to
public life. _Tr._ iv. 10, 19,

  'At mihi iam parvo caelestia sacra placebant,
    inque suum furtim Musa trahebat opus.
  Saepe pater dixit, "studium quid inutile temptas?
    Maeonides nullas ipse reliquit opes."
  Motus eram dictis totoque Helicone relicto
    scribere conabar verba soluta modis:
  sponte sua carmen numeros veniebat ad aptos;
    quicquid temptabam dicere, versus erat.'

In due time he assumed the _toga virilis_, and with it the broad
purple stripe worn by prospective senators. He also held two of the
minor offices of the _vigintiviratus_, the preliminary to a senatorial
career, being (1) triumvir capitalis or else triumvir monetalis, (2)
decemvir stlitibus iudicandis. _Tr._ iv. 10, 28,

    'Liberior fratri sumpta mihique toga est,
  induiturque umeris cum lato purpura clavo';

l. 33,

  'Cepimus et tenerae primos aetatis honores,
    deque viris quondam pars tribus una fui.'

_Fast._ iv. 384,

  'Inter bis quinos usus honore viros.'

In virtue of this second office he sat in the centumviral court;[67]
and he also acted as an arbitrator. _Tr._ ii. 93,

  'Nec male commissa est nobis fortuna reorum
    lisque decem deciens inspicienda viris.
  Res quoque privatas statui sine crimine iudex.'

He sought no higher office, having neither strength nor inclination
for the Senate; he assumed the narrow stripe of the _eques_, and
devoted himself to poetry and pleasure. _Tr._ iv. 10, 35,

  'Curia restabat: clavi mensura coacta est:
    maius erat nostris viribus illud onus.
  Nec patiens corpus, nec mens fuit apta labori,
    sollicitaeque fugax ambitionis eram.
  Et petere Aoniae suadebant tuta sorores
    otia, iudicio semper amata meo.'

He made a tour in Asia (including Troy) and Sicily in the company of
the poet Pompeius Macer: the date of this journey is unknown, but he
was almost a year in Sicily. _Pont._ ii. 10, 21-29 (to Macer),

  'Te duce magnificas Asiae perspeximus urbes,
    Trinacris est oculis te duce nota meis, ...
  Hic mihi labentis pars anni magna peracta est.'

_Fast._ vi. 423,

  'Cura videre fuit: vidi templumque locumque,'

(of the temple of Pallas at Troy).

Towards the end of A.D. 8, Ovid was banished by imperial edict to
Tomi, on the Black Sea, near the mouth of the Danube, the cause
alleged being the publication of the _Ars Amatoria_. Ovid mentions
this edict, but also hints at another reason, connected with the
imperial family. _Tr._ ii. 207,

  'Perdiderint cum me duo crimina, carmen et error,
    alterius facti culpa silenda mihi;
  nam non sum tanti renovem ut tua vulnera, Caesar,
    quem nimio plus est indoluisse semel.
  Altera pars superest, qua turpi carmine factus
    arguor obscaeni doctor adulterii.'

He was guilty of no crime of his own, but was banished for witnessing
the crime of another. Cf. _Tr._ iii. 5, 49,

  'Inscia quod crimen viderunt lumina, plector,
    peccatumque oculos est habuisse meum.'

It is probable that the real reason[68] of Ovid's banishment was that
he was privy to a guilty intrigue between D. Silanus and Julia, the
grand-daughter of Augustus. Julia was banished in A.D. 9, and Tacitus
(_Ann._ iii. 24) tells us of the intrigue, for which Silanus (like
Ovid) suffered _relegatio_. His knowledge of the offence was betrayed
by friends and domestics. Cf. _Tr._ iv. 10, 101,

  'Quid referam comitumque nefas famulosque nocentes?'

The date of his banishment is given _Tr._ iv. 10, 95,

  'Postque meos ortus Pisaea vinctus oliva
    abstulerat decies praemia victor equus,
  cum maris Euxini positos ad laeva Tomitas
    quaerere me laesi principis ira iubet.'

[Here an Olympiad is reckoned as five years.] His punishment was
_relegatio_, involving banishment to a fixed spot, but not
confiscation of property; _Tr._ ii. 135,

  'Adde quod edictum, quamvis immite minaxque,
    attamen in poenae nomine lene fuit;
  quippe relegatus, non exul, dicor in illo,
    privaque fortunae sunt ibi verba meae.'

In Tomi he spent the remaining years of his life, far from friends and
books; _Tr._ v. 12, 53,

  'Non liber hic ullus, non qui mihi commodet aurem,
    verbaque significent quid mea norit, adest';

suffering from illness (_Tr._ iii. 3) and the climate, and fighting
against the barbarians; _Tr._ iv. 1, 71,

  'Aspera militiae iuvenis certamina fugi,
    nec nisi lusura movimus arma manu:
  nunc senior gladioque latus scutoque sinistram,
    canitiem galeae subicioque meam.'

On the other hand he learned the language of the people, and actually
wrote poems in it; _Tr._ v. 12, 57,

  'Ipse mihi videor iam dedidicisse Latine:
    nam didici Getice Sarmaticeque loqui.'

_Pont._ iv. 13, 19,

  'A! pudet, et Getico scripsi sermone libellum,
    structaque sunt nostris barbara verba modis,
  et placui--gratare mihi--coepique poetae
    inter inhumanos nomen habere Getas!
  materiam quaeris? laudes de Caesare dixi.'

For his popularity with the natives cf. _Pont._ iv. 14, 53,

  'Solus adhuc ego sum vestris immunis in oris,
    exceptis si qui munera legis habent.
  Tempora sacrata mea sunt velata corona,
    publicus invito quam favor imposuit';

also _Pont._ iv. 9, 101.

Ovid's death took place in A.D. 18: Jerome yr. Abr. 2033, 'Ovidius
poeta in exilio diem obiit et iuxta oppidum Tomos sepelitur.' He was
thrice married; _Tr._ iv. 10, 69,

  'Paene mihi puero nec digna nec utilis uxor
    est data, quae tempus per breve nupta fuit;
  illi successit quamvis sine crimine coniunx,
    non tamen in nostro firma futura toro;
  ultima, quae mecum seros permansit in annos,
    sustinuit coniunx exulis esse viri.'

His third wife belonged to the _gens Fabia_. Cf. _Pont._ i. 2, 138 (to
Fabius Maximus),

  'Ille ego, de vestra cui data nupta domo est.'

The _filia_ mentioned _Tr._ iv. 10, 75, may have been either a
daughter or step-daughter of Ovid's. Some think that she is the
Perilla of _Tr._ iii. 7.

Ovid's social position was of the highest, as may be inferred from his
relations with the palace. He was intimate with Messalla, the patron
of Tibullus, and wrote an elegy on him (now lost). Cf. _Pont._ i. 7,
27 (to Messalinus),

  'Nec tuus est genitor nos infitiatus amicos,
    hortator studii causaque faxque mei:
  cui nos et lacrimas, supremum in funere munus,
    et dedimus medio scripta canenda foro.'

Among the friends to whom the _Epp. ex Ponto_ are written may be
mentioned Albinovanus, Carus, Rufus, Severus, Fabius Maximus Cotta,
Tuticanus, the younger Macer, all poets; and other literary men of
distinction, _e.g._ Graecinus, Atticus, Brutus, Sex. Pompeius, Gallio.
For his intimacy with the learned Hyginus cf. Sueton. _Gramm._ 20,
'fuit familiarissimus Ovidio poetae.'

He was old enough to have seen Virgil, and hear Aemilius Macer and
Horace recite; with Propertius, Tibullus, Ponticus, and Bassus he was
on terms of close intimacy (_Am._ iii. 9 is a lament for Tibullus),
_Tr._ iv. 10, 41-52,

  'Temporis illius colui fovique poetas,
    quotque aderant vates, rebar adesse deos.
  Saepe suas volucres legit mihi grandior aevo,
    quaeque necet serpens, quae iuvet herba, Macer.
  Saepe suos solitus recitare Propertius ignes,
    iure sodalicii qui mihi iunctus erat.
  Ponticus heroo, Bassus quoque clarus iambis
    dulcia convictus membra fuere mei.
  Detinuit nostras numerosus Horatius aures,
    dum ferit Ausonia carmina culta lyra.
  Vergilium vidi tantum; nec amara Tibullo
    tempus amicitiae fata dedere meae.'

Besides the _rura paterna_ at Sulmo, Ovid possessed an estate on the
_via Clodia_, near Rome; _Pont._ i. 8, 41,

  'Non meus amissos animus desiderat agros
    ruraque Paeligno conspicienda solo,
  nec quos piniferis positos in collibus hortos
    spectat Flaminiae Clodia iuncta viae.'

He cannot have been poor, in spite of his complaints, _e.g._ _Pont._ iv.
8, 32,

  'Carpsit opes illa ruina meas.'


(2) WORKS.

1. _Amores_, at first in five Books, but in a second edition reduced
to three; cf. the motto prefixed to the Book,

  'Qui modo Nasonis fueramus quinque libelli,
  Tres sumus.'

The poems are nearly all on Corinna, a name which probably does not
stand for any real person, but merely for an abstraction around which
Ovid groups his own fancies. To suppose, as Sidonius Apollinaris did
(23, 157)[69] that Augustus' daughter Julia was meant, is absurd, for
Corinna is a _meretrix_. The identity of Corinna was unknown; _Am._
ii. 17, 28,

    'Et multae per me nomen habere volunt.
  Novi aliquam, quae se circumferat esse Corinnam';

and twenty years afterwards Ovid could write (_A.A._ iii. 538),

  'Et multi, quae sit nostra Corinna, rogant.'

The _Amores_, in their original form, constituted Ovid's earliest
work, written in his youth. The extant poems are not all that he wrote
on Corinna; _Tr._ iv. 10, 57,

  'Carmina cum primum populo iuvenilia legi,
    barba resecta mihi bisve semelve fuit.
  Moverat ingenium totam cantata per urbem
    nomine non vero dicta Corinna mihi.
  Multa quidem scripsi; sed quae vitiosa putavi,
    emendaturis ignibus ipse dedi.'

The lament for Tibullus (iii. 9) must have been written in Ovid's
twenty-fourth year.

2. _Heroides_.--Some of these at least were written before the second
edition of the _Amores_, for in _Am._ ii. 18, 21-6 nine of them are
mentioned by name. The title _Heroides_ is due to the grammarian
Priscian; in the MSS. they are called _Epistulae_, and so Ovid himself
refers to them, _A.A._ iii. 345,

  'Vel tibi composita cantetur epistula voce:
    ignotum hoc aliis ille novavit opus.'

Of the twenty letters in our collection 1-14 are letters from heroines
to their lovers; 15-20 are in pairs, _e.g._ Paris to Helen and Helen
to Paris. The authenticity of these last six is doubted, partly
because the title _Heroides_ cannot apply to half of them, and also
because of their inferiority in style. In the use of the epistolary
form in love poetry Ovid had no predecessor, and he himself calls
attention to the novelty (_A.A._ above). The style shows the influence
of Ovid's rhetorical training: the Epistles are _suasoriae_ in verse,
and of _suasoriae_ we know that he was particularly fond (Sen.
_Contr._ ii. 10, 12, 'Declamabat Naso raro controversias et non nisi
ethicas: libentius dicebat suasorias. Molesta illi erat omnis
argumentatio.'). His matter he would naturally draw from Homer, the
_Cypria_, Apollonius Rhodius, and the Greek tragedians.

3. Between the two editions of the _Amores_ he wrote the lost tragedy
_Medea_. It was later than _Am._ iii. 1, where he pictures the Muses
of Elegy and Tragedy as contending for his homage, and he finally
decides (ll. 67-8),

  'Exiguum vati concede, Tragoedia, tempus:
  tu labor aeternus; quod petit illa breve est.'

On the other hand, it was earlier than _Am._ ii. 18, 13,

  'Sceptra tamen sumpsi, curaque tragoedia nostra
    crevit, et huic operi quamlibet aptus eram.'

The drama enjoyed a high reputation in antiquity. Cf. Quint. x. 1, 98,
'Ovidii Medea videtur mihi ostendere, quantum ille vir praestare
potuerit, si ingenio suo imperare quam indulgere maluisset.'

4. _Medicamina Faciei Femineae_, an incomplete poem of 100 lines,
giving directions for the toilet. Cf. _A.A._ iii. 205,

  'Est mihi, quo dixi vestrae medicamina formae,
    parvus, sed cura grande, libellus, opus.'

5. _Ars Amatoria_, a didactic poem in three Books, on the art of
love-intrigue. The title given by the MSS. is doubtless correct: Ovid
himself speaks of 'ars amandi,' or simply 'ars' or 'artes.' It was
written about B.C. 2, from the allusion, i. 171, to the 'naumachia' in
that year,

  'Quid, modo cum belli navalis imagine Caesar
    Persidas induxit Cecropiasque rates?'

The _Ars_ must have been in view when he wrote _Am._ ii. 18, 19,

  'Quod licet, aut artes teneri profitemur amoris--
    ei mihi, praeceptis urgeor ipse meis!'

6. _Remedia Amoris_, written next, while professing to be a
recantation of the last-named work, exhibits, if possible, a more
immoral tone. Cf. l. 487,

  'Quaeris, ubi invenias? artes, i, perlege nostras.'

7. Ovid now produced a work of greater compass, the _Metamorphoses_,
in fifteen Books of heroic verse. When it was composed is not known,
but he had the idea of it in his mind when he wrote _Am._ iii. 12,
21-40. At the time of his banishment the poem had been written, but
not revised. He committed his MS. to the flames, but copies were in
the hands of friends; _Tr._ i. 7, 13-16,

  'Carmina mutatas hominum dicentia formas,
    infelix domini quod fuga rupit opus.
  Haec ego discedens, sicut bene multa meorum,
    ipse mea posui maestus in igne manu.

  Quae quoniam non sunt penitus sublata, sed extant,      (l. 23)
    pluribus exemplis scripta fuisse reor.

  Ablatum mediis opus est incudibus illud,                (l. 29)
    defuit et scriptis ultima lima meis.'

The poem consists of a collection of stories of the transformation of
human beings into animals. Cf. i. 1,

  'In nova fert animus mutatas dicere formas
  corpora.'

The idea, title, and much of the subject-matter was borrowed from the
Alexandrians, _e.g._ the +Metamorphoseis+ of Parthenius, the
+Heteroioumena+ of Nicander.

8. In the _Fasti_, in six Books, Ovid furnishes a poetical calendar of
the Roman year. Each month has a Book allotted to it, and he speaks of
having written twelve Books; _Tr._ ii. 549,

  'Sex ego Fastorum scripsi totidemque libellos,
    cumque suo finem mense volumen habet.
  Idque tuo nuper scriptum sub nomine, Caesar,
    et tibi sacratum sors mea rupit opus.'

Probably the second six Books were never completed; but there are
references to portions of them, _e.g._ iii. 57,

  'Vester honos veniet, cum Larentalia dicam;
    acceptus Geniis illa December habet.'

The _Fasti_ had been written side by side with the _Metam._ and
interrupted at the sixth Book by Ovid's banishment. During his exile
he added some passages, but found that his Muse was fit only for
melancholy themes; iv. 81,

  'Sulmonis gelidi--patriae, Germanice, nostrae--
    me miserum, Scythico quam procul illa solo est!'

i. 540,

  'Felix, exilium cui locus ille fuit!'

The design is stated at the outset, i. 1-8,

  'Tempora cum causis Latium digesta per annum
    lapsaque sub terras ortaque signa canam ...
  Sacra recognosces annalibus eruta priscis,
    et quo sit merito quaeque notata dies.'

The work is thus a medley of religion, history, and astrology, and in
its explanations of customs may be compared to the +Aitia+ of
Callimachus. For information about religious rites, and for
derivations of names (_e.g._ _Agnalia_, i. 317-332), he would have
recourse to Varro; for history, to Livy (cf. ii. 193-242, the story of
the Fabii, from Livy, ii. 49, and vi. 587, etc., the story of Tullia,
from Livy, i. 48); for astronomy, to Clodius Tuscus.

It was begun some time after Augustus regulated the Julian calendar in
B.C. 8, and was originally addressed to Augustus, as Ovid himself says
(_Tr._ ii. 552 above); 'Caesar' is addressed ii. 15, vi. 763, and
elsewhere. After the death of Augustus, Ovid began to remodel it and
dedicate it to Germanicus. Cf. i. 3,

  'Excipe pacato, Caesar Germanice, voltu
    hoc opus et timidae dirige navis iter.'

But the task was stopped by his death; and while Book i. has the
remodelled form, Books ii.-vi. remain as first written.

_Poems written in exile._--9. _Tristia_, five Books of letters to
Augustus, to Ovid's wife and friends (who, however, are not named),
praying for pardon or for a place of exile nearer Rome. Book i. was
written on the journey to Tomi, the other books not after A.D. 11 or
12, Cf. v. 10, 1,

  'Ut sumus in Ponto, ter frigore constitit Hister.'

10. The _Ibis_ was written at the beginning of his exile. Cf. l. 1,

  'Tempus ad hoc, lustris bis iam mihi quinque peractis.'

The title was taken from the poem in which Callimachus attacked
Apollonius Rhodius under the name of Ibis. Cf. l. 55,

  'Nunc, quo Battiades inimicum devovet Ibin,
  hoc ego devoveo teque tuosque modo.'

Ovid studiously conceals the identity of the enemy whom he attacks; l.
61,

  'Et quoniam, qui sis, nondum quaerentibus edo,
  Ibidis interea tu quoque nomen habe.'

He had once been a friend of the poet, but had proved false to him,
doubtless in connexion with the circumstances which caused his
banishment; cf. l. 85, 'capiti male fido,' l. 130, 'perfide.' He
persecuted Ovid's wife, and tried to get possession of his property.

The conjectures that the unknown was Messalla Corvinus or the poet
Manilius may be dismissed at once. Many hold that Hyginus is meant;
Prof. Ellis suggests the _delator_ Cassius Severus (Tac. _Ann._ iv.
21), or T. Labienus (Sen. _Contr._ x. praef. 4), or the astrologer
Thrasyllus (Tac. _Ann._ vi. 20). To the same person probably are
addressed _Tr._ iii. 11, iv. 9, v. 8; _Pont._ iv. 3.

11. The _Epistulae ex Ponto_, in four Books, were written A.D. 12-16.
In tone they resemble the _Tristia_, but the composition is more
careless, and the friends to whom he writes are mentioned by name.

12. _Halieuticon_, a poem on fish, in hexameters, in a fragmentary
condition. Ovid wrote this towards the end of his life.

Pliny, _N.H._ xxxii. 152, 'His adiciemus ab Ovidio posita nomina quae
apud neminem alium reperiuntur, sed fortassis in Ponto nascentium, ubi
id volumen supremis suis temporibus incohavit.'



MANILIUS.


Manilius is not mentioned by any other writer, and his own poem gives
no particulars of his life. There is uncertainty even as to the true
form of his name, the MSS. giving variously M. Mallius, Manlius, or
Manilius, with the addition in one case of EQOM (probably = equitis
Romani). In some MSS. the poem is wrongly attributed to Aratus or
Boetius, both of whom wrote on the same subject as Manilius.

Bentley conjectured that Manilius was an Asiatic Greek, but the poet
speaks of Latin as 'nostra lingua' (ii. 889), while Greek is 'externa
lingua' (iii. 40), and he uses no Greek constructions.

His poem, the _Astronomica_, in its present form, consists of five
Books of hexameter verse: probably a sixth Book has been lost. It may
have been wholly composed in the reign of Tiberius, or begun under
Augustus. Book v. was written under Tiberius, if the burning of
Pompey's theatre in A.D. 22 is alluded to in ll. 513-515. The earlier
Books contain nothing which might not have been written after the
death of Augustus--the allusions to the disaster of Varus in A.D. 9
(i. 899), and to the sojourn of Tiberius at Rhodes (iv. 764). Either
Augustus or Tiberius may be the 'Caesar' of i. 7 and i. 386. On the
other hand, if Ovid is referring to Manilius (as Prof. Ellis suggests)
in _Tr._ ii. 485,

  'Ecce canit formas alius iactusque pilarum,
  hic artem nandi praecipit, ille trochi,'

it would follow that the whole poem had been published before the
death of Augustus, for the descriptions of ball-play and swimming
occur in v. 165-171 and 420-431.

Astronomy is treated only in Book i.; the rest of the poem is devoted
to astrology. This is in accordance with the author's statement of his
theme (i. 1-3), which he was the first Roman to treat in verse (i. 4,
113, ii. 57). As his object is to convey instruction rather than to
give pleasure (iii. 36-39), he does not scruple to use Greek technical
terms (ii. 693, 829, 897, iii. 40). The subject does not lend itself
readily to verse (i. 20, iii. 31), and the poem is intolerably dry,
except the introductions to each Book, which reveal considerable
poetical power. The chief peculiarities of Manilius' language are his
strange use of prepositions and his fondness for alliteration;
imitations of Virgil are found throughout.

Manilius is a fatalist (iv. 14 and 22): still fate does not abolish
the moral quality of actions (iv. 108-118). The universe is directed
by a 'vis animae divina' or 'divinum numen' (i. 250, 491).



LIVY.


There is no ancient biography of Livy, and very little light is thrown
on his life by his own writings or by allusions in other authors.

Titus Livius was born at Patavium (the modern Padua) B.C. 59: Jerome
yr. Abr. 1958, 'T. Livius Patavinus scriptor historicus nascitur.'
(The Armenian version gives _Ol._ 180, 4 = B.C. 57.) Near Patavium
there was a famous sulphur spring known as Aponus or Aponi fons,
whence Martial calls the district Apona tellus (i. 61, 3, 'Censetur
Apona Livio suo tellus'). There is no reason to suppose from this that
Livy's birthplace was not Patavium itself, but a village Aponus, which
is nowhere mentioned. Statius (_Silv._ iv. 7, 55) calls him 'Timavi
alumnus.' For Livy's acquaintance with Patavium cf. x. 2, 14 and 15.

From his tone we may infer that he came of a good family, and he must
have possessed a fair income. The charge against his style of
_Patavinitas_ implies that he spent a considerable part of his life in
his native town, but he probably settled at Rome about B.C. 30. That
he took no part in public life is clear from his own words: i. praef.
5, 'Hoc laboris praemium petam, ut me a conspectu malorum, quae nostra
tot per annos vidit aetas, tantisper certe, dum prisca illa tota mente
repeto, avertam, omnis expers curae, quae scribentis animum etsi non
flectere a vero, sollicitum tamen efficere posset.'

He enjoyed the intimacy of Augustus, whom he himself mentions, iv. 20,
7, 'hoc ego cum Augustum Caesarem ... se ipsum ... legisse audissem.'
Tac. _Ann._ iv. 34, 'T. Livius, eloquentiae ac fidei praeclarus in
primis, Cn. Pompeium tantis laudibus tulit, ut Pompeianum eum Augustus
appellaret; neque id amicitiae eorum offecit.' It was at Livy's
suggestion that the future emperor, Claudius, started to compose a
history: Sueton. _Claud._ 41, 'historiam in adulescentia, hortante T.
Livio, Sulpicio vero Flavo etiam adiuvante, scribere adgressus est.'
On the other hand, Caligula would have liked to remove Livy's writings
and his bust from all the libraries, calling him 'verbosum in historia
neglegentemque' (Sueton. _Calig._ 34).

Nothing more is known of his life, except that he visited Campania,
xxxviii. 56, 3, 'Nam et Literni monumentum monumentoque statua
superimposita fuit, quam tempestate disiectam nuper vidimus ipsi.'

He died at his native town, A.D. 17: Jerome yr. Abr. 2033, 'Livius
historicus Patavii moritur.'

He had at least one son (Quint. x. 1, 39, 'apud Livium in epistula ad
filium scripta'), and one daughter (Sen. _Contr._ x. praef. 2, 'L.
Magius gener T. Livi').

Livy wrote philosophical works, probably popular treatises like
Cicero's, some of them in the form of dialogues.

Sen. _Ep._ 100, 9, 'Nomina adhuc T. Livium. Scripsit enim et dialogos,
quos non magis philosophiae adnumerare possis quam historiae, et ex
professo philosophiam continentis libros.'

A book on rhetoric was known to Quintilian and Seneca the elder,
apparently in the form of a letter addressed to the author's son
(Quint. x. 1, 39, above).

Quint. ii. 5, 20, 'quemadmodum Livius praecipit' (on models of style);
Sen. _Contr._ ix. 2, 26, 'Livius de oratoribus ... aiebat' (on
obscurity of expression); Sen. _Contr._ ix. 1, 14, 'T. Livius tam
iniquus Sallustio fuit ut hanc ipsam sententiam ... obiceret
Sallustio.'

These minor works have perished, and of his great history only a
portion survives.

Its title, according to the oldest MSS., the summaries of the lost
Books, and the grammarians, was _Ab urbe condita libri_; and this is
corroborated by Livy's own language: i. praef. 1, 'si a primordio urbis
res populi Romani perscripserim'; and by Pliny, _N.H._ praef. 16, 'T.
Livium ... in historiarum suarum, quas repetit ab origine urbis,
quodam volumine.' Livy refers to it loosely as _meos annales_ (xliii.
13, 2). Separate parts may have had special titles: thus Books
cix-cxvi. were known as _Civilis belli libri_ viii. (Codex Nazarenus
of the Periochae).

The number of Books now extant is thirty-five, viz., i.-x., which
carry the history down to B.C. 293, and xxi.-xlv., covering the period
B.C. 218-167. Of these xli. and xliii. are incomplete. But we possess
summaries (_Periochae_ or _Argumenta_) of Books i.-cxlii., except
cxxxvi. and cxxxvii., which show that the narrative was continued to
the death of Drusus in B.C. 9. There is no evidence that it actually
went further; but as the death of Drusus is hardly an event of
sufficient importance to form the conclusion of so great a work, it
has been thought that Livy may have intended to finish with the death
of Augustus--the point from which Tacitus starts. The total number of
Books would then have been probably one hundred and fifty.

The division into Books (_libri_ or _volumina_) is due to the author:
vi. 1, 1, 'quae ab condita urbe Romani gessere quinque libris
exposui.' The division into decades (_i.e._ sets of ten Books) is
first mentioned towards the end of the fifth century; it is merely a
conventional arrangement, the subject-matter falling naturally into
sets of fifteen Books, which again sometimes embrace three
sub-divisions each a half-decade, or two, a half-decade and a decade.

An epitome was known to Martial, xiv. 190,

  'Pellibus exiguis artatur Livius ingens,
    quem mea non totum bibliotheca capit.'

The evidence of the date of composition is as follows:

(_a_) i. 19, 3, 'Bis deinde post Numae regnum [Ianus] clausus fuit,
semel T. Manlio consule post Punicum primum perfectum bellum, iterum,
quod nostrae aetati dei dederunt ut videremus, post bellum Actiacum ab
imperatore Caesare Augusto pace terra marique parta.' Now, as the
first closing of the temple of Janus by Augustus was in B.C. 29, and
as Livy is silent as to the second closing after the Cantabrian war in
25, it follows that this passage was written B.C. 29-25. The use of
the title Augustus, conferred on Octavian in 27, puts the earliest
possible date two years later. The history therefore was not begun
before B.C. 27.

(_b_) ix. 36, 1, 'Silva erat Ciminia magis tum invia atque horrenda
quam nuper fuere Germanici saltus.' In this Niebuhr found an allusion
to the campaigns of Drusus, B.C. 12-9, and accordingly assumed that
the first decade was not published till B.C. 9. But the passage may
equally well refer to earlier campaigns, _e.g._ of Julius Caesar. Nor
can it be shown that the history of Dionysius of Halicarnassus,
published B.C. 7, was used by Livy for Books viii.-x. Book ix. must
have been written before B.C. 20, or Livy would have mentioned the
recovery of the standards from the Parthians in ix. 18, 9.

(_c_) xxviii. 12, 12, 'Hispania prima Romanis inita provinciarum, quae
quidem continentis sint, postrema omnium nostra demum aetate ductu
auspicioque Augusti Caesaris perdomita.' This was written not earlier
than B.C. 19, if it refers to Agrippa's victory over the Cantabrians.

(_d_) Book lix. mentioned the _lex de maritandis ordinibus_, and
consequently cannot have been earlier than B.C. 18.

(_e_) The books in which Pompeius figured were composed in the
lifetime of Augustus (Tac. _Ann._ iv. 34, above).

(_f_) Book cxxi., according to the oldest MS. of the Periochae, was
published after the death of Augustus; so doubtless were the remaining
Books (A.D. 14-17).

A work of such compass, and occupying so many years of the author's
life, would naturally be published in sections. This _a priori_ view
is corroborated by several considerations: (_a_) There are separate
prefaces to various sections (vi. 1; xxi. 1; xxxi. 1); (_b_) Livy's
style was censured[70] by Asinius Pollio, who died A.D. 5; (_c_)
Augustus was acquainted with Livy's sympathetic treatment of Pompeius
(see above); (_d_) Livy had great fame in his lifetime: Pliny, _Ep._
ii. 3, 8, 'Numquamne legisti Gaditanum quemdam T. Livi nomine
gloriaque commotum ad visendum eum ab ultimo terrarum orbe venisse
statimque ut viderat abisse?'

The historians from whom Livy derived his materials, and whom he
himself mentions are: _Fabius Pictor_ (i. 44, 2, etc.). Livy refers to
him six times, but it may be questioned whether he used him at
first-hand. More probably he took his opinions on the authority of
later annalists like Macer, Antias, and Tubero. _Cincius Alimentus_
(xxi. 38, 3): the Cincius quoted in vii. 3, 7, may be the same, or an
antiquarian of the Ciceronian or Augustan age; _Cato_ (xxxiv. 15, 9);
_Calpurnius Piso_ (xxv. 39, 15); _Coelius Antipater_ (xxix. 25, 3);
_Claudius Quadrigarius_ (vi. 42, 5, etc.); _Valerius Antias_, quoted
thirty-five times--far more frequently than any other authority;
_Licinius Macer_; _Aelius Tubero_ (iv. 23, 1); _Clodius Licinus_
(xxix. 22, 10); _Rutilius_ (xxxix. 52, 1); _Polybius_; _Silenus_
(xxvi. 49, 3), a Greek, whose account of the Second Punic War was
favourable to the Carthaginians.

A criticism of Livy's use of these sources is impossible, except in
the case of Polybius, all the others having perished. His tone in
alluding to the Greek historian is remarkable for its coldness: xxx.
45, 5, 'Polybius haudquaquam spernendus auctor'; cf. xxxiii. 10, 8.
Although Polybius is not mentioned till Book xxx., he was undoubtedly
used throughout the third decade, as well as in the fourth and fifth.
Livy follows him very closely. Where Livy differs from Polybius he is
probably following the account of Coelius Antipater, who is his
leading authority for the Second Punic War.

Livy is not careful to reconcile his sources, and so frequently
contradicts himself. His way of explaining a discrepancy between his
authorities is by striking an average (xxvi. 49, 6, 'si aliquis
adsentiri necesse est, media simillima veris sunt'). His irresolution
was noted by Quintilian, ii. 4, 19, 'saepe quaeri solet de tempore, de
loco, quo gesta res dicitur, nonnumquam de persona quoque, sicut
Livius frequentissime dubitat.' This of course has its good side: it
saves him from dogmatizing on uncertain points, and he has a hearty
appreciation of the confusion in his authorities: xxxvii. 34, 5, 'is
ubi et quando et quo casu captus sit, sicut pleraque alia, parum inter
auctores constat.' He recognizes the value of contemporary evidence:
xxii. 7, 4, 'Fabium aequalem temporibus huiusce belli potissimum
auctorem habui'; xxi. 38, 3, 'L. Cincius Alimentus, qui captum se ab
Hannibale scribit, maxime auctor moveret.' Criticism of his
authorities is most conspicuous in the case of Valerius Antias, whom
at first he followed in good faith; he condemns him again and again
for exaggeration and credulity, _e.g._ xxxiii. 10, 8, 'si Valerio qui
credat, omnium rerum immodice numerum augenti'; xxxix. 43, 1,
'Valerius Antias, ut qui nec orationem Catonis legisset et fabulae
tantum sine auctore editae credidisset.' He also recognizes the bias
of Licinius Macer: vii. 9, 5, 'quaesita ea propriae familiae laus
leviorem auctorem Licinium facit.' For the untrustworthiness of family
records, cf. viii. 40, 4, 'vitiatam memoriam funebribus laudibus reor
falsisque imaginum titulis, dum familiae ad se quaeque famam rerum
gestarum honorumque fallenti mendacio trahunt.'

Livy often refers to authorities whom he does not name: 'invenio apud
quosdam,' 'satis constat'; and to tradition: 'fama est,' 'dicitur,'
'fertur,' 'traditur.' Tradition was the sole source for events prior
to the sack of Rome by the Gauls, cf. vi. 12, 2 _sqq._

There is no trace in Livy of any use of original documents.

He constantly resists the temptation to digress from his proper theme:
_e.g._ xxxix. 48, 6, 'cuius belli et causas et ordinem si expromere
velim, immemor sim propositi, quo statui non ultra attingere externa,
nisi qua Romanis cohaererent rebus.'

In spite of his love of truth (xxii. 7, 4, 'nihil haustum ex vano
velim, quo nimis inclinant ferme scribentium animi': cf. Tac. _Ann._
iv. 34, 'fidei praeclarus'), partiality blinds him to the faults of
his own countrymen, and he fails to do justice to opponents like the
Samnites and Carthaginians.

In dealing with the legendary period he admits that his narrative has
no trustworthy foundation, and gives it merely for what it is worth:
Praef. 6, 'Quae ante conditam condendamve urbem poeticis magis decora
fabulis quam incorruptis rerum gestarum monumentis traduntur, ea nec
adfirmare nec refellere in animo est. Datur haec venia antiquitati, ut
miscendo humana divinis primordia urbium augustiora faciat.'

The numerous speeches exemplify Livy's rhetorical tendency,
representing what he thought the speaker would have said under the
given circumstances: iii. 67, 1, 'ibi in hanc sententiam locutum
accipio.'

His power of describing character is noted by Seneca, _Suas._ vi. 21,
'Quoties magni alicuius viri mors ab historicis narrata est, toties
fere consummatio totius vitae et quasi funebris laudatio redditur. Hoc
... T. Livius benignius omnibus magnis viris praestitit.'

_Religion and morality._--Livy believes in the influence of the gods
on human affairs: ix. 1, 11, 'cum rerum humanarum maximum momentum
sit, quam propitiis rem, quam adversis agant dis.' Superior to the
gods is _necessitas_ (ix. 4, 16), and _fortuna_ is also powerful (ix.
17, 3; v. 37, 1). He condemns the irreligion of his own day (x. 40,
10, 'iuvenis ante doctrinam deos spernentem natus'), cf. iii. 20, 5;
viii. 11, 1. He retains the old belief in prodigies and portents,
every war being introduced by a list of them, but recognizes that many
reported instances were fictitious: xxi. 62, 1, 'Multa ea hieme
prodigia facta, aut, quod evenire solet motis semel in religionem
animis, multa nuntiata et temere credita sunt.'

He condemns the vices of his own age, and lauds the old Romans: Praef.
12, 'Nuper divitiae avaritiam et abundantes voluptates desiderium per
luxum atque libidinem pereundi perdendique omnia invexere.'

_Politics._--Livy is an aristocrat, with a poor opinion of the lower
orders: _e.g._ xxiv. 25, 8, 'Ea natura multitudinis est: aut servit
humiliter aut superbe dominatur; libertatem, quae media est, nec
cupere modice nec habere sciunt.' His political attitude is influenced
to a great extent by the earlier historians, who had mostly been on
the aristocratic side. Yet he is not a defender of the aristocratic
party through thick and thin; and though he admired the character of
some leading republicans, there can be no question of his loyalty to
the Empire. Cf. Tac. _Ann._ iv. 34, 'Scipionem, Afranium, hunc ipsum
Cassium, hunc Brutum nusquam latrones et parricidas, quae nunc
vocabula imponuntur, saepe ut insignes viros nominat.'

Livy's view of Caesar is quoted by Seneca, _N.Q._ v. 18, 4, 'in
incerto esse utrum illum nasci magis rei publicae profuerit, an non
nasci?'

_Contemporaries of Livy._--1. _Pompeius Trogus_, whose history is
known to us only through the abridgment made by M. Iunianus Iustinus,
probably in the time of the Antonines. Trogus was of Gallic descent.
His grandfather had received the Roman _civitas_ from Pompey; his
father was one of Caesar's officers, and is possibly to be identified
with the Cn. Pompeius of Caes. _B.G._ v. 36 (Iustin. xliii. 5, 11).
His chief work, _Historiae Philippicae_, in forty-four Books, was
concerned chiefly with the history of Macedonia and the Diadochi; but
it embraced also the empires of the East and the history of Greece
down to the time of Philip, as well as Parthia, Spain, Carthage, and
the early history of Rome.

2. _Fenestella_, who died, according to Jerome, in A.D. 19 at the age
of seventy. Nothing is known of his life, or of the poems which Jerome
attributes to him; but he certainly wrote _Annales_ (Nonius, p. 154).
He is also quoted as an authority on miscellaneous antiquarian and
constitutional points.

3. _M. Verrius Flaccus_, tutor to the grandsons of Augustus (Sueton.
_Gramm._ 17), was the author of _Fasti_, fragments of which have been
discovered near Praeneste, and which were used by Ovid for his poem of
that name. Of Verrius' grammatical works, the greatest was that
entitled _De verborum significatu_ (Gell. v. 17, 1), arranged
alphabetically. It is lost, but we possess part of an abridgment (nine
out of sixteen Books) made by _Sex. Pompeius Festus_ before the third
century A.D. The abridgment of Festus was in turn epitomized by
_Paulus Diaconus_ in the time of Charlemagne, and his work is extant
in a complete form.

4. _C. Iulius Hyginus_, a freedman of Augustus and librarian of the
Palatine library (Sueton. _Gramm._ 20), wrote _De vita rebusque
illustrium virorum_ (Gell. i. 14, 1); _Exempla_ (Gell. x. 18, 7); _De
situ urbium Italicarum_ (Serv. _ad Verg. Aen._ iii. 553); _De familiis
Troianis_ (ibid. v. 389); theological works, _e.g._ _De dis Penatibus_
(Macrob. _Saturn._ iii. 4, 13); commentaries on Virgil and Helvius
Cinna; and _De Agricultura_, a treatise to which Virgil was indebted
(Colum. i. 1, 13). The Hyginus who wrote _Fabulae_ and _De Astrologia_
probably lived in the second century A.D.



VITRUVIUS.


Vitruvius Pollio (the cognomen appears only in the abridgment of his
book) served under Caesar in Africa B.C. 46; viii. 3, 25, 'C. Iulius
Masinissae filius ... cum patre Caesari militavit. Is hospitio meo est
usus. Ita cottidiano convictu necesse fuerat de philologia disputare ...'

Under Augustus he was an officer of engineers, and was enabled to
spend the rest of his life in comfort through the liberality of that
prince and his sister Octavia: i. praef. 2, 'Cum M. Aurelio et P.
Minidio et Cn. Cornelio ad apparationem ballistarum et scorpionum
reliquorumque tormentorum refectionem fui praesto et cum eis commoda
accepi. Quae cum primo mihi tribuisti, recognitionem per sororis
commendationem servasti. Cum ergo eo beneficio essem obligatus, ut ad
exitum vitae non haberem inopiae timorem ...'

He wrote the treatise _De Architectura_, in ten Books, when he was no
longer young (ii. praef. 4, 'faciem deformavit aetas'), between the
years B.C. 16 and 13. The temple of Quirinus, mentioned iii. 2, 7, was
built in the former year; and he speaks of only one stone theatre in
Rome (iii. 2, 2), whereas in B.C. 13 there were three.

The arrangement of the subject-matter is as follows: Book i., sciences
on which architecture is based, chief divisions of the subject, choice
of site, and method of laying out a town; ii., building materials; iii.,
temples--Ionic order; iv., Doric and Corinthian orders; v., public
buildings, _e.g._, forum, theatre; vi., private houses--construction;
vii., decoration; viii., water-supply; ix., methods of measuring time,
_e.g._, sun-dials; x., engines and machines used in war and in the arts.

The work is dedicated to Augustus, who is addressed throughout, and is
meant to be of practical use to him in his building operations.

The body of the work is severely technical; the introductions to the
Books are in a more ambitious style. Vitruvius writes as a
professional man, not as a scholar: i. 1, 17, 'Non uti summus
philosophus nec rhetor disertus nec grammaticus summis rationibus
artis exercitatus, sed ut architectus his litteris imbutus haec nisus
sum scribere.' He freely confesses his obligations to Greek authors,
whom he enumerates vii. praef. 10-14. Diagrams were appended to the
text: i. 6, 12, 'Quoniam haec a nobis sunt breviter exposita, ut
facilius intellegantur visum est mihi in extremo volumine formas, sive
uti Graeci +schemata+ dicunt duo explicare.'



SENECA THE ELDER.


(1) LIFE.

Annaeus Seneca (for the praenomen Marcus, usually given, there is no
authority: in the best MSS. it is Lucius, possibly through confusion
with his son) was a native of Corduba: Mart. i. 62, 7,

  'Duosque Senecas unicumque Lucanum
    facunda loquitur Corduba.'

The date of his birth is probably about B.C. 55, for he was old enough
to have heard Cicero if the civil wars had not prevented him leaving
his native town: _Contr._ i. praef. 11, 'Omnes magni in eloquentia
nominis excepto Cicerone videor audisse: ne Ciceronem quidem aetas
mihi eripuerat, sed bellorum civilium furor, qui tunc orbem totum
pervagabatur, intra coloniam meam me continuit.'

He was of equestrian rank; cf. the speech of Seneca the younger, Tac.
_Ann._ xiv. 53, 'Egone, equestri et provinciali loco ortus, proceribus
civitatis adnumeror?'

Most of his life appears to have been spent in Rome, where alone he
could have acquired his vast knowledge of contemporary rhetoric.
Together with his countryman Porcius Latro, he attended the lectures
of the rhetorician Marullus: _Contr._ i. praef. 22, 'Hoc Latro meus
faciebat, ut sententias amaret. Cum condiscipuli essemus apud Marullum
rhetorem ...' Asinius Pollio he had heard at two different periods:
_Contr._ iv. praef. 3, 'audivi illum et viridem et postea iam senem.'

Seneca's wife was Helvia, whose noble character is described by her
son (_ad Helv._ 14, 3; 16, 3): by her he had three sons, M. Annaeus
Novatus, L. Annaeus Seneca, and M. Annaeus Mela.

He survived Tiberius; for (1) he alludes to events which happened
after his reign, (2) Sueton. _Tib._ 73, quotes from 'Seneca' an
account of the death of Tiberius, and we know that the elder Seneca
wrote history: that his son did likewise there is nothing to show.
Hence he was alive after A.D. 37. On the other hand, he was dead
before his son's exile in A.D. 43, for Sen. _ad Helv._ 2, 5, after
enumerating the calamities which had befallen his mother--among them
his father's death--concludes with the words 'raptum me audisti: hoc
adhuc defuerat tibi, lugere vivos.'

Seneca was a man of stern character: for his old-world views and
dislike of innovation cf. his son's words (_ad Helv._ 17, 3), 'Patris
mei antiquus rigor ... Virorum optimus, pater meus, maiorum
consuetudini deditus.' He disapproved of the higher education of
women, 'propter istas quae litteris non ad sapientiam utuntur, sed ad
luxuriam instruuntur.'


(2) WORKS.

The only extant works of Seneca are _Oratorum et Rhetorum Sententiae,
Divisiones, Colores Controversiarum et Suasoriarum_.

1. The _Controversiae_ were written at the request of his three sons,
but were intended for a wider circle of readers: i. praef. 10,
'Quaecumque a celeberrimis viris facunde dicta teneo, ne ad quemquam
privatim pertineant, populo dedicabo.' Seneca here gives a criticism
of the rhetoricians of his time, with specimens of the style of each:
i. praef. 1, 'Exigitis rem magis iucundam mihi quam facilem; iubetis
enim quid de his declamatoribus sentiam qui in aetatem meam inciderunt
indicare, et si qua memoriae meae nondum elapsa sunt ab illis dicta
colligere, ut quamvis notitiae vestrae subducti sint, tamen non
credatis tantum de illis, sed et iudicetis.' The specimens are given
from memory, and the arrangement is not systematic: i. praef. 4,
'Illud necesse est impetrem, ne me quasi certum aliquem ordinem
velitis sequi in contrahendis quae mihi occurrent.' Seneca treats only
of those rhetoricians whom his sons had not themselves heard: i.
praef. 4, 'Neque de his me interrogatis quos ipsi audistis, sed de his
qui ad vos usque non pervenerunt.' His hero is Cicero, since whose
time oratory has steadily degenerated: i. praef. 11, 'Illud ingenium
quod solum populus Romanus par imperio suo habuit'; _ibid._ 7, 'Omnia
ingenia quae lucem studiis nostris attulerunt tunc nata sunt: in
deterius deinde cottidie data res est.'

Of the ten Books of _Controversiae_ only five have come down to us,
viz., i., ii., vii., ix., and x. The deficiency is to some extent
supplied by an abridgment (_Excerpta_) made in the fourth or fifth
century A.D., which adds thirty-nine themes to the thirty-five
contained in the surviving part of the original work. Each Book had a
separate preface. Those to v., vi., and viii. are entirely wanting;
for the prefaces to ii., iii., and iv. we are indebted to the
abridgment.

The _Controversiae_ were written when Seneca was an old man, and when
his two elder sons were preparing for public life, probably about A.D.
20: x. praef. 1, 'Sinite me ab istis iuvenilibus studiis ad senectutem
meam reverti'; ii. praef. 4 (to Mela), 'Fratribus tuis ambitiosa curae
sunt foroque se et honoribus parant.'

As to the date of publication, it has been argued[71] that they
appeared after the fall of Seianus and before the death of Mamercus
Scaurus, _i.e._, between A.D. 31 and 34. Probably, however, the
publication did not take place till after the death of Tiberius, A.D.
37; the protest against the burning of books (x. praef. 6-7) would
have been as offensive to him as to Seianus.

2. There is only one book of _Suasoriae_, and the beginning of it is
lost. It gives specimens of the treatment of seven themes, _e.g._, 3,
'Deliberat Agamemnon an Iphigeniam immolet negante Calchante aliter
navigari fas esse.' It is certainly later than the _Controversiae_:
_Contr._ ii. 4, 8, 'Quae dixerit suo loco reddam, cum ad suasorias
venero.' One passage cannot have been written before A.D. 34: 2, 22,
'Scaurum Mamercum, in quo Scaurorum familia exstincta est.' It was not
published in the lifetime of Tiberius, for Seneca calls the accuser of
Scaurus '<DW25> quam improbi animi tam infelicis ingenii' (2, 22), and
quotes Cremutius Cordus (6, 19) whose books had been burned in
Tiberius' time.

3. Seneca wrote also on Roman history from the commencement of the
civil wars to his own time, but left the work of publication to his
son.

L. Seneca _de vita patris_ (Haase, vol. iii. p. 436), 'Si quaecumque
composuit pater meus et edi voluit iam in manus populi emisissem, ad
claritatem nominis sui satis sibi ipsi prospexerat ... Quisquis
legisset eius historias ab initio bellorum civilium, unde primum
veritas retro abiit, paene usque ad mortis suae diem,' etc.



Footnotes to Chapter III


[41] M. Valerius Probus of Berytus (Sueton. _Gramm._ 24) who
flourished, according to Jerome, A.D. 56, prepared critical editions
of Lucretius, Virgil, and Horace. A commentary on the _Eclogues_ and
_Georgics_ passes under his name, but most of it is spurious.

[42] A grammarian of the fifth century A.D., who merely versifies
Donatus.

[43] On this point Professor W. M. Ramsay writes to us: 'Virgil's farm
was certainly not at Pietole (which is two miles south of Mantua, out
in the flat plain): for (1) the farm was a long way from the city (cf.
_Ecl._ 9, 59 _sqq._); (2) it was beside hills (_ibid._ 7 _sqq._); (3)
woods were on or by it (cf. Donatus "silvis coemendis"), and the flat
fertile valley was certainly not abandoned to forests. After exploring
the country, I felt clear that the farm was on the west bank of the
Mincio, opposite Valeggio, where the northern hills sink to the dead
level of the Po valley.'

[44] His knowledge of science is reflected in his works. Cf.
_Georgics_, passim, and _Ecl._ 3, ll. 40-2.

[45] The latter part of this statement is worthless: Augustus was only
a child when Virgil came to Rome.

[46] Probus is manifestly wrong in saying that the distribution of
land took place 'post _Mutinense_ bellum.'

[47] For details see H. Nettleship, _Ancient Lives of Vergil_, who
holds that there was really only one eviction.

[48] The writings of Augustus are enumerated by Sueton. Aug. 85--(1)
_Rescripta Bruto de Catone_, a reply to Brutus' pamphlet on Cato; (2)
_Hortationes ad Philosophiam_; (3) _De Vita Sua_; (4) Life of Drusus
(Sueton. _Claud._ 1); (5) Poems: 'Sicily' in hexameters, Epigrams and
Fescennine verses; a tragedy, 'Ajax' (never finished).

[49] Servius wrote 'triennio' perhaps because he thought only of the
dates of _Ecl._ 1 and 10 (H. Nettleship, _ibid._).

[50] C. Schaper's view is that _Ecls._ 4, 6, and 10 were not written
till B.C. 27-25 for a second edition. He supposes _Ecl._ 6 to allude
to the marriage of Marcellus and Julia in 25 (referring 6, 3 to the
_Aeneid_), and _Ecl._ 10 to be a lament for Gallus, who committed
suicide B.C. 27.

[51] Iulus is properly spelt Iullus (as in inscriptions), and is for
Iovillos, a diminutive from the stem of Iuppiter.

[52] L. Orbilius Pupillus of Beneventum, who in his +Perialges+
complained of the wrongs of his profession (Sueton. _Gramm._ 4 and 9).

[53] Maecenas wrote, besides smaller prose works, a history of his own
times (Hor. _Od._ ii. 12, 9; Pliny, _N.H._ vii. 148).

[54] For Horace's relations to Propertius see _Ep._ ii. 2, 91-101, and
under '_Propertius_,' p. 196.

[55] See G. Boissier, _Nouvelles Promenades Archeologiques: Horace et
Virgile_ (Paris, 1886).

[56] Dr. A. W. Verrall's argument (_Studies in Horace_, pp. 25 _sqq._)
that _Od._ i.-iii. were published B.C. 19 is not convincing.

[57] Ed. by Mommsen in _Ephemeris Epigraphica_, 1892, p. 225.

[58] For Horace's eclectic position in philosophy, cf. _Ep._ i. 1,
14-15,

  'Nullius addictus iurare in verba magistri,
  quo me cumque rapit tempestas, deferor hospes.'

[59] As suggested to us by Prof. W. M. Ramsay. For Horace's opinion of
Catullus cf. _Sat._ i. 10, 18-9,

                            'Simius iste,
  nil praeter Calvum et doctus cantare Catullum.'

[60] See Th. Mommsen, _Sitzungsberichte der koenigl. preuss. Akad. der
Wissenschaften zu Berlin_. 24 Jan. 1889.

[61] A Peripatetic of the third century B.C., who wrote a popular
account of the literary and philosophical views of his school.

[62] E. Voss, _Die Natur in der Dichtung des Horaz_ (Duesseldorf,
1889).

[63] As pointed out by A. W. Verrall, _Studies in Horace_, p. 134
_sqq._

[64] This poem is probably referred to by Hor. _Od._ iv. 4, 19-22.

[65] M. Valerius Messalla Corvinus, author of memoirs of the Civil War
(Tac. _Ann._ iv. 34), love poems (Pliny, _Ep._ v. 3, 5), and works on
grammar (Quint. i. 7, 35).

[66] Dessau, _Inscr. Lat. Sel._ 2925. _Serg._ stands for _Serg[ia
tribu]_, and is not a cognomen _Sergio_.

[67] See Pliny, _Ep._ v. 9, 2.

[68] This question was first satisfactorily worked out by T. Dyer,
_Classical Museum_ for 1847, p. 229 _sqq._

[69] See under 'Juvenal,' p. 323.

[70] Pollio accused him of Patavinitas, _i.e._ the use of
provincialisms (_verba peregrina_, as opposed to _Latina_, Quint. i.
5, 55, _curiose loqui_ rather than _Latine_, Quint. viii. 1, 2).

[71] By A. Diepenbrock, _L. Annaeus Seneca_, p. 12 (Amsterdam, 1888).




CHAPTER IV.

POST-AUGUSTAN WRITERS.



VELLEIUS PATERCULUS.


C.[72] Velleius Paterculus was born at latest B.C. 19, as he was
quaestor-elect A.D. 6. He was descended from a distinguished family in
Campania (Vell. ii. 16, 2; Liv. xxiii. 7 _sqq._). His father was a
_praefectus equitum_ (ii. 104, 3). After some military experience in
Thrace and Macedonia, Velleius accompanied C. Caesar, the grandson of
Augustus, on his mission to the East, A.D. 1. His rank at this time
was _tribunus militum_.

ii. 101, 2 (of the meeting of C. Caesar and the Parthian king), 'Sub
initia stipendiorum meorum tribuno militum mihi visere contigit: quem
militiae gradum ante sub patre tuo, M. Vinici, et P. Silio auspicatus
in Thracia Macedoniaque, mox Achaia Asiaque et omnibus ad Orientem
visis provinciis et ore atque utroque maris Pontici latere, haud
iniucunda tot rerum, locorum, gentium, urbium recordatione fruor.'

In A.D. 4, as _praefectus equitum_, he accompanied Tiberius to
Germany: ii. 104, 3, 'Hoc tempus me, functum ante tribunatu, castrorum
Ti. Caesaris militem fecit; quippe protinus ab adoptione missus cum eo
praefectus equitum in Germaniam, successor officii patris mei,
caelestissimorum eius operum per annos continuos viii. praefectus aut
legatus spectator et pro captu mediocritatis meae adiutor fui.'

In A.D. 6, when quaestor-elect, he commanded reinforcements sent from
Rome to Tiberius in Pannonia, and at the expiration of his term of
office as quaestor in Rome, he returned to Tiberius as a _legatus_:
ii. 111, 3, 'Habuit in hoc quoque bello mediocritas nostra speciosi
ministerii locum. Finita equestri militia designatus quaestor necdum
senator aequatus senatoribus, etiam designatis tribunis plebei, partem
exercitus ab urbe traditi ab Augusto perduxi ad filium eius. In
quaestura deinde remissa sorte provinciae legatus eiusdem ad eumdem
missus sum.'

In A.D. 9 Velleius served in Dalmatia (ii. 115, 5), afterwards
spending two years in Germany (ii. 104, 3 above). In the winter of
A.D. 12-13 he took part in the triumph of Tiberius: ii. 121, 2, 'Ex
Pannoniis Delmatisque egit triumphum ... quem mihi fratrique meo inter
praecipuos praecipuisque donis adornatos viros comitari contigit.'

Velleius was praetor-elect in A.D. 14: ii. 124, 4, 'Quo tempore mihi
fratrique meo, candidatis Caesaris, proxime a nobilissimis ac
sacerdotalibus viris destinari praetoribus contigit, consecutis ut
neque post nos quemquam divus Augustus neque ante nos Caesar
commendaret Tiberius.'

The publication of his history, sixteen years later, is the only
circumstance recorded of Velleius after this date.

The _Historia Romana_, in two Books, was published A.D. 30, in the
consulship of M. Vinicius, to whom the book is addressed (i. 8, 1, and
often). The beginning of Book i. is lost; the first eight chapters in
our text are occupied with a rapid survey of the history of Greece
since the Trojan war, the Phoenician settlements in the Mediterranean,
and the chief events in the history of the world before the foundation
of Rome. C. 8 breaks off at the rape of the Sabine women, and there is
a great lacuna before we reach, in c. 9, the defeat of Perseus at
Pydna in B.C. 168. Ch. 9-13 carry the narrative down to the
destruction of Carthage and Corinth. Book ii. commences at that point,
and ends with the death of Livia, A.D. 29 (ii. 130, 5, 'cuius temporis
aegritudinem auxit amissa mater').

Velleius is constantly calling attention to the brevity and
compression of his treatment, in such phrases as 'omnia transcursu
dicenda' (ii. 55), 'artatum opus' (ii. 86), 'recisum opus' (ii. 89).
Much that the plan of his book compels him to omit, he promises to
publish later in a larger work, _e.g._ ii. 99, 3, 'iusto servemus
operi,' ii. 114, 4, 'iustis voluminibus ordine narrabimus.' Even as it
is, he occasionally pauses to describe a great character (ii. 41,
Caesar), or to express his personal opinion (ii. 66, 3, denunciation
of Antony for Cicero's murder). Specially noticeable are the
digressions on the Roman colonies (i. 14-15) and provinces (ii.
38-39), on the prominence of different types of genius at certain
epochs (i. 16-18), and on literary history (ii. 9, the chief writers
of the time of the Gracci; ii. 36, of the Ciceronian and Augustan
ages; i. 5, praise of Homer; i. 7, of Hesiod). As is natural in so
short a book, Velleius names very few authorities.

The motive of the history is evidently the glorification of the
author's old general, Tiberius, whose actual reign, however, he
dismisses in eight chapters. Probably he felt the subject too risky,
and devoted his strength to the earlier life of Tiberius, which
occupies the greater part even of the chapters nominally devoted to
the reign of Augustus (ii. 59-123). Tiberius is spoken of throughout
in terms of unqualified praise, and no hint is given of the darker
side of his character. Seianus also is extolled (ii. 127-8), as he was
in high favour at the time when Velleius wrote.



VALERIUS MAXIMUS.


Nothing is known of the life of Valerius Maximus beyond the fact that
he visited Asia in company with Sex. Pompeius, the friend of Ovid and
of Germanicus. Pompeius was consul A.D. 14, and between A.D. 27 and 30
became proconsul of Asia.

Val. Max. ii. 6, 8, 'Consuetudinem ... illam etiam in insula Cea
servari animadverti, quo tempore Asiam cum Sex. Pompeio petens Iulidem
oppidum intravi.'

Valerius dwells on his obligations to Pompeius in his chapter on
friendship (iv. 7, _ext._ 2).

His sole work, _Facta et Dicta Memorabilia_, in nine books, is a
collection of notable incidents and sayings, classified under
appropriate headings, for the convenience of speakers seeking
illustrations for their subject-matter. Cf. the preface, 'Urbis Romae
exterarumque gentium facta simul ac dicta memoratu digna, quae apud
alios latius diffusa sunt quam ut breviter cognosci possint, ab
illustribus electa auctoribus digerere constitui, ut documenta sumere
volentibus longae inquisitionis labor absit.'

The _illustres auctores_ from whom he draws most of his material are
Livy, Cicero (each mentioned only once), Sallust, and Trogus; but
thirteen Latin and twenty Greek authors are mentioned by name. He
frequently misrepresents his authorities.

Each book is divided into chapters on separate topics (_e.g._ _De
Pudicitia_), under each of which he gives (1) illustrations from Roman
history, (2) those from the history of other nations. The latter of
course are few in comparison.

Although Iulius Paris, the epitomizer of Valerius, speaks of ten
books, only nine are extant, and it may be doubted whether there ever
was a tenth. Book i. is mutilated.

There are only two passages which throw any light on the date of
composition--viii. 11, _ext._ 4, a denunciation of Seianus, obviously
written after his fall in A.D. 31; and vi. 1 praef., before the death
of Livia, A.D. 29. The work was published at latest in A.D. 37, for it
is dedicated to Tiberius, who is the object of the most servile
flattery (_e.g._ ii. 9, 6); similar language is used of Iulius Caesar
(iv. 5, 6), and Augustus (i. 7, 1), while Brutus and Cassius are
denounced as parricides (i. 5, 7; i. 8, 8).

Two abridgments of Valerius Maximus are extant.



CELSUS.


Of the life of Celsus nothing is known; but he was an older
contemporary of Columella. Colum. iii. 17, 4, 'Iulius Atticus et
Cornelius Celsus, aetatis nostrae celeberrimi auctores, patrem atque
filium Sasernam secuti.'

He wrote an encyclopaedic work on agriculture, medicine, war,
rhetoric, and philosophy, but only the section on medicine is extant.

Quint. xi. 12, 24, 'Cum etiam Cornelius Celsus, mediocri vir ingenio,
non solum de his omnibus conscripserit artibus sed amplius rei
militaris et rusticae et medicinae praecepta reliquerit.'

The first part consisted of five books on agriculture: cf. Colum. i.
1, 14, 'Cornelius totum corpus disciplinae quinque libris complexus
est.' This section of the work was probably written in the reign of
Tiberius, for it was known to Iulius Graecinus, whose execution took
place under Caligula. Plin. _N.H._ xiv. 33, 'Graecinus, qui alioqui
Cornelium Celsum transcripsit.'

There are eight books _De Re Medica_. The only indication of their
date is in iv. 7, where Celsus mentions a prescription as not found
'in monumentis medicorum.' As this prescription is given by Scribonius
Largus, who wrote about A.D. 47, Celsus must have written before that
year.

The section on war was used by Vegetius (_De Re Mil._ i. 8).

Rhetoric was also treated in the encyclopaedia. Quintilian, who
mentions him as one of the more careful writers on that subject (iii.
1, 21, 'accuratius scripsit Celsus'), frequently combats his opinions
and speaks of him rather contemptuously: _e.g._ ix. 1, 18, 'Cornelius
Celsus nimia profecto novitatis cupidine ductus. Nam quis ignorasse
eruditum alioqui virum credat,' etc. He may be the Celsus of Juv. 6,
245, who (according to the Scholiast) wrote a manual of rhetoric in
seven books.

There were also six books on the history of philosophy. Augustine _de
haeres. prol._, 'Opiniones omnium philosophorum qui sectas varias
condiderunt usque ad tempora sua vi. non parvis voluminibus quidam
Celsus absolvit; nec redarguit aliquem, sed tantum quid sentirent
aperuit. Cum ferme centum philosophos nominasset,' etc.

Celsus also wrote separate treatises (1) on philosophy, Quint. x. 1,
24, 'Scripsit non parum multa Cornelius Celsus, Sextios secutus, non
sine cultu ac nitore'; (2) on strategy (Lydus _de mag._ i. 47).



PHAEDRUS.


The title of Phaedrus' work, 'Phaedri Augusti liberti fabularum
Aesopiarum libri,' probably means that he was a freedman of Augustus.
Tiberius is called 'Caesar Tiberius' in ii. 6, 7; contrast the
reference to Augustus, iii. 10, 39, 'a divo Augusto.' Phaedrus was
born in Thrace, possibly in the district of Pieria; but the date is
unknown; iii. prol. 17,

  'Ego, quem Pierio mater enixa est iugo,
  in quo tonanti sancta Mnemosyne Iovi
  fecunda novies artium peperit chorum';

_ibid._ 54,

  'Ego, litteratae qui sum propior Graeciae,
  cur somno inerti deseram patriae decus?
  Threissa cum gens numeret auctores suos,
  Linoque Apollo sit parens, Musa Orpheo.'

Some wrongly take these allusions to mean that he belongs to the realm
of poesy. That he came to Rome early is shown by the knowledge of
Latin literature he acquired in his boyhood. Cf. iii. epil. 33, where
he quotes Ennius,

  'Ego, quondam legi quam puer sententiam,
  "Palam mutire plebeio piaculum est,"
  dum sanitas constabit, pulchre meminero.'

After publishing two books of fables, Phaedrus was persecuted by
Seianus, in some way unknown; iii. prol. 38,

  'Ego porro illius [Aesopi] semita feci viam,
  et cogitavi plura quam reliquerat,
  in calamitatem deligens quaedam meam.
  Quod si accusator alius Seiano foret,
  si testis alius, index alius denique,
  dignum faterer esse me tantis malis.'

This persecution may have arisen from references in his fables, such
as i. 1 (Lupus et agnus), l. 14,

  'Haec propter illos scripta est homines fabula,
  qui fictis causis innocentes opprimunt';

i. 6 (Ranae ad solem), which Nisard[73] thinks refers to the ambitious
marriage which Seianus projected with Livia, daughter of Germanicus,
'The sun dries up the ponds; what will happen if the sun marries and
has children?' l. 9,

  'Quidnam futurum est, si crearit liberos?'

Phaedrus survived the attacks made on him, and Book v. was written in
his old age (see below).

Several personal points are clear from his writings:

(1) He had to meet the attacks of critics; ii. epil. 10,

  'Si livor obtrectare curam voluerit,
  non tamen eripiet laudis conscientiam.'

(2) His desire for fame and his self-consciousness; iii. prol. 60,

  'Ergo hinc abesto livor, ne frustra gemas,
  quoniam sollemnis mihi debetur gloria.'

(3) His contempt for money; iii. prol. 21,

  'Curamque habendi penitus corde eraserim';

v. 4, 7,

  'Huius respectu fabulae deterritus
  periculosum semper vitavi lucrum.'

Phaedrus wrote five Books of fables. Many have certainly been lost.
Cf. his reference to tree-fables, none of which we have; i. prol. 6,

  'quod arbores loquantur, non tantum ferae.'

There are, besides the five Books, thirty fables usually printed as an
appendix, and probably composed by Phaedrus. The fables are all in
'impure' iambic senarii, like those of Terence and Publius Syrus.
Phaedrus followed Aesop, but, as he affirms, not slavishly; i. prol.
1,

  'Aesopus auctor quam materiam repperit,
  hanc ego polivi versibus senariis';

iv. prol. 10,

                     'fabulis
  quas Aesopias, non Aesopi, nomino.'

We have the Greek originals for about a third of the fables; but
Phaedrus speaks of his additions to Aesop; ii. prol. 8,

  'Equidem omni cura morem servabo senis;
  sed si libuerit aliquid interponere,
  dictorum sensus ut delectet varietas,
  bonas in partes, lector, accipias velim.'

Stories from contemporary or recent history are given in ii. 6, 7;
iii. 10; v. 7.

Books i. and ii. were published under Tiberius; Book iii. was
published after Tiberius' death (cf. iii. prol. 33), and is dedicated
to Eutychus, who has been identified with a favourite slave of
Caligula. Book iv. followed, addressed to Particulo (iv. prol. 10).
Book v., addressed to Philetes, was written in the poet's old age; v.
10, 7,

             'Cui senex contra Lacon:
  "Non te destituit animus, sed vires meae.
  Quod fuimus, lauda, si iam damnas, quod sumus."
  Hoc cur, Philete, scripserim, pulchre vides.'

Martial is the only classical writer who refers to Phaedrus; iii. 20,
5,

  'An aemulatur improbi iocos Phaedri?'



SENECA THE YOUNGER.


(1) LIFE.

L. Annaeus Seneca, the son of Annaeus Seneca, the rhetor, was born at
Corduba in Spain. For information about his family see under 'Seneca
the elder,' pp. 226-7. He was probably born about the beginning of our
era, as he seems to have remembered Asinius Pollio, who died A.D. 5,
and had passed his boyhood in A.D. 19, when the Jewish and Egyptian
rites were expelled from Rome.

Sen. _de tranquill. animi_, 17, 7, 'Qualem Pollionem Asinium
meminimus, quem nulla res ultra decimam [horam] retinuit.'

_Ep._ 108, 22, 'In Tiberii Caesaris principatum iuventae tempus
inciderat: alienigena tum sacra movebantur.'

At an early age Seneca was brought to Rome by his mother's sister, who
was probably the wife of Vitrasius Pollio, prefect of Egypt for
sixteen years.

_Ad Helv._ 19, 2, 'Illius manibus in urbem perlatus sum.'

Seneca's mother took a great interest in his education, which was
conducted under Fabianus Papirius (cf. _Ep._ 100, 9, etc.) and Sotion
the Pythagorean, of Alexandria, pupils of Sextius (for Seneca's study
of whom see _Ep._ 64).

_Ad Helv._ 15, 1, 'Vera vis materni doloris oritur ... "ubi studia,
quibus libentius quam femina, familiarius quam mater intereram?"'

_Ep._ 108, 17, 'Dicebat [Sotion] quare ille animalibus abstinuisset,
quare postea Sextius ... par. 22. His ego instinctus abstinere animalibus
coepi et anno peracto non tantum facilis erat mihi consuetudo, sed
dulcis.'

The elder Seneca put an end to this abstinence, which was associated
in the popular view with foreign superstitions (see _Ep._ 108, 17-23).
This must have happened about A.D. 19. The influence of Sotion is seen
in passages imitated from his book _de ira cohibenda_ by Seneca.
Seneca also studied under Attalus, a Greek Stoic, possibly about A.D.
20.

_Ep._ 108, 13-15, 'Ego certe cum Attalum audirem in vitia, in errores,
in mala vitae perorantem, saepe misertus sum generis humani et illum
sublimem altioremque humano fastigio credidi ... Inde mihi quaedam
permansere, Lucili. Magno enim in omnia inceptu veneram. Deinde ad
civitatis vitam reductus ex bene coeptis pauca servavi: inde ostreis
boletisque in omnem vitam renuntiatum est.'

Seneca speaks of his change of studies and occupations in _Ep._ 49, 2,
'Modo apud Sotionem philosophum puer sedi. Modo causas agere coepi.
Modo desii velle agere, modo desii posse.'

In A.D. 31 Seneca was probably still at Rome; cf. _N.Q._ i. 1, 3,
'Vidimus [prodigium] eo tempore, quo de Seiano actum est.' Lipsius'
inference[74] that Seneca made a voyage to Egypt about this time is
probable, though Seneca himself gives no direct information about it.
According to this theory his host was Vitrasius Pollio, prefect of
Egypt. While in Egypt, Seneca was attacked by illness, and escaped
death by his aunt's care. Cf. _ad Helv._ 19, 2, 'Illius pio maternoque
nutricio per longum tempus aeger convalui.' Seneca accompanied
Vitrasius when he resigned his office and returned with his wife to
Italy A.D. 32 (Dio, lviii. 19, 6). They suffered shipwreck, and
Vitrasius perished.

_Ad Helv._ 19, 4, 'Sed si prudentiam perfectissimae feminae novi, non
patietur te nihil profuturo maerore consumi et exemplum tibi suum,
cuius ego etiam spectator fui, narrabit. Carissimum virum amiserat,
avunculum nostrum, cui virgo nupserat, in ipsa quidem navigatione:
tulit tamen eodem tempore et luctum et metum evictisque tempestatibus
corpus eius naufraga evexit.'

This theory is supported by the fact that Seneca wrote a work 'de ritu
(al., situ) et sacris Aegyptiorum' (Serv. _ad Aen._ vi. 154).

Through his aunt's influence Seneca obtained the quaestorship.

_Ad Helv._ 19, 2, 'Illa pro quaestura mea gratiam suam extendit, et
quae ne sermonis quidem aut clarae salutationis sustinuit audaciam,
pro me vicit indulgentia verecundiam.'

Seneca's quaestorship must have been after the death of his aunt's
husband, in A.D. 32, as the above passage shows, and before the death of
Tiberius in A.D. 37, as it was with Tiberius that his aunt's influence
lay, on account of her husband's services. After his quaestorship Seneca
appears to have married (cf. _de ira_, iii. 36, 3, etc.). His wife must
have died before A.D. 57, as in that year Seneca married Pompeia
Paulina; cf. Dio, lxi. 10, 3, +gamon epiphanestaton egeme+. By his first
wife he had three sons (_ad Helv._ 2, 5).

While senator, Seneca incurred the jealousy of Caligula, and in A.D.
39 narrowly escaped death.

Dio, lix. 19, 7, +ho de de Senekas ... diephthare par'
oligon, met' adikesas ti, mete doxas, hoti diken tina en to
synedrio parontos autou kalos eipe+. For Seneca's attacks on Caligula
cf. _ad Helv._ 10, 4; _Apocol._ 15, etc.

Sueton. _Cal._ 53, 'Peroraturus "stricturum se lucubrationis suae
telum" minabatur; lenius comtiusque scribendi genus adeo contemnens,
ut Senecam, tum maxime placentem, "commissiones meras" componere, et
"harenam esse sine calce" diceret.'

In A.D. 41 Seneca was banished to Corsica, through the agency of
Messalina, on the charge of adultery with Iulia Livilla, sister of
Caligula, but really because he was suspected of belonging to the
faction of Agrippina.

Tac. _Ann._ xiii. 42, 'Nec Suillius questu aut exprobratione
abstinebat ... et Senecam increpans infensum amicis Claudii, sub quo
iustissimum exilium pertulisset ... Se quaestorem Germanici, illum
domus eius adulterum fuisse.'

Seneca was tried before the Senate, and Claudius prevented his
execution.

_Ad Polyb._ 13, 2, 'Deprecatus est pro me senatum, et vitam mihi non
tantum dedit, sed etiam petiit.'

While in Corsica he devoted himself to literature and science. Cf. _ad
Helv._ 20, 1 (written in exile), 'Animus omnis occupationis expers
operibus suis vacat et modo se levioribus studiis oblectat, modo ad
considerandam suam universique naturam veri avidus insurgit: terras
primum situmque earum quaerit.'

The _Consolatio ad Polybium_, written during this time, is full of
flattery of Claudius.

Dio, lxi. 10, 2, +ten Messalinan kai tous tou Klaudiou
exeleutherous ethopeuen hoste kai biblion sphisin ek tes nesou
pempsai epainous auton echon, ho meta tauta hyp' aischynes
apeleipse+.

Seneca was recalled at the beginning of A.D. 49, became Nero's tutor
(although he wished to visit Athens), and obtained the praetorship
through the influence of Agrippina, with whom his name was coupled by
popular rumour.

Tac. _Ann._ xii. 8, 'At Agrippina, ne malis tantum facinoribus
notesceret, veniam exilii pro Annaeo Seneca, simul praeturam inpetrat,
laetum in publicum rata ob claritudinem studiorum eius, utque Domitii
pueritia tali magistro adulesceret et consiliis eiusdem ad spem
dominationis uterentur, quia Seneca fidus in Agrippinam memoria
beneficii et infensus Claudio dolore iniuriae credebatur.'

Schol. on _Iuv._ 5, 105, 'Revocatus ... etsi magno desiderio Athenas
intenderet ab Agrippina tamen in palatium adductus.'

Dio, lxi. 10, 1, +ou gar apechresen auto ten Ioulian
moicheusai, oude beltion ek tes phyges egeneto, alla kai te
Agrippine eplesiazen.+

For Seneca's tutorship cf. also Sueton. _Nero_, 52, 'Liberales
disciplinas omnes fere puer attigit. Sed a philosophia eum mater
avertit, monens imperaturo contrariam esse: a cognitione veterum
oratorum Seneca praeceptor, quo diutius in admiratione sui detineret.'

It is probable that Seneca was, like Nero, privy to the murder of
Claudius in A.D. 54. Cf. his sarcasms against Claudius in his
_Apocolocyntosis_.

Sueton. _Nero_ 33 (of Nero), 'Cuius [Claudi] necis etsi non auctor, at
conscius fuit: neque dissimulanter, ut qui boletos, in quo cibi genere
venenum is acceperat, quasi deorum cibum, posthac proverbio Graeco
conlaudare sit solitus.'

Seneca wrote for Nero a speech which he delivered on the occasion of
Claudius' death.

Tac. _Ann._ xiii. 3, 'Die funeris laudationem eius princeps exorsus
est; dum antiquitatem generis, consulatus ac triumphos maiorum
enumerabat, intentus ipse et ceteri; liberalium quoque artium
commemoratio, et nihil regente eo triste rei publicae ab externis
accidisse, pronis animis audita. Postquam ad providentiam
sapientiamque flexit, nemo risui temperare, quamquam oratio a Seneca
composita multum cultus praeferret, ut fuit illi viro ingenium amoenum
et temporis eius auribus accommodatum.'

He acted as a check on Nero (Tac. _Ann._ xiii. 6; 11), and baffled
Agrippina's vengeance and ambition.

Tac. _Ann._ xiii. 2, 'Ibaturque in caedes, nisi Afranius Burrus et
Annaeus Seneca obviam issent. (Ch. 5) Quin et legatis Armeniorum
causam gentis apud Neronem orantibus escendere suggestum imperatoris
et praesidere simul parabat, nisi ceteris pavore defixis Seneca
admonuisset, venienti matri occurreret.'

Seneca interfered to shelter Nero in his amour with Acte, A.D. 55, and
used the occasion to stir up feud between Agrippina and Nero (Tac.
_Ann._ xiii. 13). Hence followed an attack by Agrippina on Seneca.

Tac. _Ann._ xiii. 14, 'Audiretur hinc Germanici filia, inde debilis
rursus Burrus et exsul Seneca, trunca scilicet manu et professoria
lingua generis humani regimen expostulantes.'

It is unlikely that Seneca opposed the murder of Britannicus (Feb.
A.D. 55). Cf. Tac. _Ann._ xiii. 17, 'Facinus cui plerique iam hominum
ignoscebant, antiquas fratrum discordias et insociabile regnum
aestimantes.'[75]

Seneca took part shortly afterwards in the trial in which Agrippina
was found not guilty (Tac. _Ann._ xiii. 20-21). There are many
references to Seneca's great power and wealth at this time.[76]

Cf. Dio, lxi. 4, 1, +autoi+ (Seneca and Burrus) +ten
archen hapasan parelabon kai diokesan eph' hoson edynethesan
arista kai dikaiotata.+

Tac. _Ann._ xiv. 53 (Seneca addressing Nero in A.D. 62), 'Quartus
decimus annus est, Caesar, ex quo spei tuae admotus sum, octavus, ut
imperium obtines: medio temporis tantum honorum atque opum in me
cumulasti, ut nihil felicitati meae desit nisi moderatio eius... At
tu gratiam immensam, innumeram pecuniam circumdedisti, adeo ut
plerumque intra me ipse volvam, "Egone, equestri et provinciali loco
ortus, proceribus civitatis adnumeror? ... Talis hortos extruit, et
per haec suburbana incedit, et tantis agrorum spatiis, tam lato
faenore exuberat?"'

Tac. _Ann._ xiii. 42 (speech of Suillius, A.D. 58), 'Qua sapientia,
quibus philosophorum praeceptis, intra quadriennium regiae amicitiae
ter miliens sestertium paravisset?' (Dio, lxi. 10, 2, gives his wealth
as 75,000,000 denarii).

Seneca had many estates both in Italy (_Ep._ 123, 1, etc.) and abroad,
and lent money abroad, even in Britain. His attraction to finance is
seen in the number of metaphors he draws from that subject.

Sen. _vit. beat._ 17, 2, 'Cur trans mare possides? cur plura quam
nosti?'

Dio, lxii. 2, 1 (of the rising of the Britons under Boudicca), +ho
Senekas chilias sphisi myriadas akousin epi chrestais elpisi tokon
daneisas, epeit' athroas te hama autas kai biaios eiseprassen.+

His attack on usury (_de ben._ vii. 10, 3) is a piece of theoretic
philosophy.

In A.D. 57 Seneca was consul suffectus (Ulpian, _Dig._ xxxvi. 1). In
A.D. 58 he brought about the downfall of the former delator, P.
Suillius. Cf. Tac. _Ann._ xiii. 42, 'Variis deinde casibus iactatus et
multorum odia meritus reus, haud tamen sine invidia Senecae damnatur.
Is fuit P. Suillius.' Seneca is thought to have been implicated in
Agrippina's murder in A.D. 59. He wrote to the Senate for Nero an
account of her death.

Tac. _Ann._ xiv. 7 (Nero says after the fruitless attempt of Anicetus
to kill Agrippina), 'Quod contra subsidium sibi nisi quid Burrus et
Seneca expedirent? Quos statim acciverat, incertum an aperiens, et
ante ignaros. Igitur longum utriusque silentium, ne inriti
dissuaderent; an eo descensum credebant, ut, nisi praeveniretur
Agrippina, pereundum Neroni esset? Post Seneca, hactenus promptius, ut
respiceret Burrum, ac sciscitaretur an militi imperanda caedes esset.
(Ch. 11) Ergo non iam Nero, cuius immanitas omnium questus anteibat,
sed Seneca adverso rumore erat, quod oratione tali confessionem
scripsisset.'

The death of Burrus in A.D. 62 weakened the power of Seneca, who
resolved to retire. His request, however, was not granted by Nero
(Tac. _Ann._ xiv. 55-6), but he reduced his establishment, and lived
in semi-privacy.

Tac. _Ann._ xiv. 52, 'Mors Burri infregit Senecae potentiam, quia nec
bonis artibus idem virium erat altero velut duce amoto, et Nero ad
deteriores inclinabat. Hi variis criminationibus Senecam
adoriuntur ... Certe finitam Neronis pueritiam, et robur iuventae
adesse. Exueret magistrum, satis amplis doctoribus instructus
maioribus suis. (Ch. 56) Instituta prioris potentiae commutat,
prohibet coetus salutantium, vitat comitantis, rarus per urbem, quasi
valetudine infensa aut sapientiae studiis domi attineretur.'

Later in A.D. 62, came an unsuccessful attempt to ruin Seneca. Tac.
_Ann._ xiv. 65, 'Romanus secretis criminationibus incusaverat Senecam
ut Gai Pisonis socium; sed validius a Seneca eodem crimine perculsus
est.'

In A.D. 64, on the occasion of the burning of Rome by Nero, Seneca
wished to retire. He is said to have offered money to repair the
disasters of the fire.

Tac. _Ann._ xv. 45, 'Ferebatur Seneca, quo invidiam sacrilegii a semet
averteret, longinqui ruris secessum oravisse, et postquam non
concedebatur, ficta valetudine, quasi aeger nervis, cubiculum non
egressus.'

Dio, lxii. 25, 3, +pasan auto ten ousian epi te ton
oikodomoumenon prophasei kecharismenos.+

The story given in Tac. _Ann._ xv. 45 of the attempt to poison Seneca
probably arose from his abstemious habits.

'Tradidere quidam venenum ei per libertum ipsius cui nomen Cleonicus
paratum iussu Neronis, vitatumque a Seneca proditione liberti seu
propria formidine, dum persimplici victu et agrestibus pomis, ac si
sitis admoneret, profluente aqua vitam tolerat.'

In A.D. 65 Seneca was implicated in the conspiracy of Piso, and was
forced to commit suicide. His wife wished to die with him, but was
prevented by Nero's orders.

Tac. _Ann._ xv. 60, 'Sequitur caedes Annaei Senecae, laetissima
principi, non quia coniurationis manifestum compererat, sed ut ferro
grassaretur, quando veneno non processerat ... (Ch. 63) Post quae
eodem ictu brachia ferro exsolvunt. Seneca, quoniam senile corpus et
parco victu tenuatum lenta effugia sanguini praebebat, crurum quoque
et poplitum venas abrumpit. Saevisque cruciatibus defessus, ne dolore
suo animum uxoris infringeret atque ipse visendo eius tormenta ad
impatientiam delaberetur, suadet in aliud cubiculum abscedere. Et
novissimo quoque momento suppeditante eloquentia advocatis
scriptoribus pleraque tradidit ... (Ch. 64) At Nero nullo in Paulinam
proprio odio, ac ne glisceret invidia crudelitatis, inhibere
mortem. ... Seneca interim, durante tractu et lentitudine mortis,
Statium Annaeum, diu sibi amicitiae fide et arte medicinae probatum,
orat, provisum pridem venenum, quo damnati publico Atheniensium
iudicio exstinguerentur, promeret; adlatumque hausit frustra, frigidus
iam artus, et cluso corpore adversum vim veneni. Postremo stagnum
calidae aquae introiit, respergens proximos servorum, addita voce,
libare se liquorem illum Iovi liberatori. Exin balneo inlatus, et
vapore eius exanimatus, sine ullo funeris sollemni crematur.'

There was a rumour that some of the conspirators intended to make
Seneca emperor.

Tac. _Ann._ xv. 65, 'Fama fuit Subrium Flavum cum centurionibus
occulto consilio, neque tamen ignorante Seneca, destinavisse, ut post
occisum opera Pisonis Neronem Piso quoque interficeretur,
tradereturque imperium Senecae, quasi insontibus claritudine virtutum
ad summum fastigium delecto.'


(2) WORKS.

The following prose works are extant:

1. _Dialogorum libri_ xii.

(1) _ad Lucilium: quare aliqua incommoda bonis viris accidant cum
providentia sit; sive de providentia_. This was probably a late work.

(2) _ad Serenum: nec iniuriam nec contumeliam accipere sapientem; sive
de constantia sapientis_: written in the first years of Nero's reign.

(3-5) _ad Novatum de ira libri_ iii., probably written in the first
year of Claudius' reign.

(6) _ad Marciam de consolatione_: written to console Marcia, the
daughter of Cremutius Cordus, for the death of her son Metilius. The
work may have been written in A.D. 41, as Caligula's name is
studiously avoided.

(7) _ad Gallionem de vita beata_. This book, addressed to Seneca's
brother Gallio (Novatus), was probably written shortly after A.D. 58,
and justifies his having wealth though a philosopher.

(8) _ad Serenum de otio_. This work, like the next, was addressed to
Annaeus Serenus, and was written probably about A.D. 62. Only a part
of it is extant. The book discusses whether a wise man should engage
in state affairs.

(9) _ad Serenum de tranquillitate animi_, probably written soon after
Seneca's recall.

(10) _ad Paulinum de brevitate vitae_. For the date cf. 13, 8, 'Sullam
ultimum Romanorum protulisse pomoerium.' Now, Claudius extended the
pomoerium in A.D. 50, so this must have been written in A.D. 49, as
the book was brought out after Seneca's return from exile.

(11) _ad Polybium de consolatione_. This book was addressed in A.D. 43
or 44 to Polybius, a favourite of Claudius, on the occasion of his
brother's death. The date is fixed by the reference to Claudius'
expedition to Britain in 12, 2-3. Cf. par. 3, 'Non desinam totiens tibi
offerre Caesarem. Illo moderante terras et ostendente, quanto melius
beneficiis imperium custodiatur quam armis, illo rebus humanis
praeside non est periculum, ne quid perdidisse te sentias.' For
similar flattery of Claudius, cf. 7,4; 12,5.

(12) _ad Helviam matrem de consolatione_, written during his
banishment.

2. _ad Neronem Caesarem de clementia_, in three Books, two of which
are extant. The work was written in A.D. 55-6, doubtless to show the
public what sort of instruction Seneca had given Nero, and what sort
of emperor they had to expect (cf. i, 1, 1). The date is settled by i.
9, 1, '[divus Augustus] cum hoc aetatis esset quod tu nunc es,
duodevicesimum egressus annum,' Nero having been born 15th December,
A.D. 37. The flattery contained in ii. 1, 1-2, and elsewhere, can be
justified to some extent by Nero's conduct at that time. Cf. Sueton.
_Nero_, 10, 'Neque liberalitatis, neque clementiae, ne comitatis
quidem exhibendae ullam occasionem omisit.'

3. _De Beneficiis_ in seven Books, addressed to Aebutius Liberalis of
Lugdunum. It is probable that Books i.-iv. were published first,
shortly after the death of Claudius (who is sneered at in i. 15, 6).
Books v.-vii. are probably a later addition. Cf. v. 1, 1, 'In
prioribus libris videbar consummasse propositum ... Quidquid ultra
moror, non servio materiae, sed indulgeo ... Verum quia ita vis,
perseveremus peractis.' The eulogy of Demetrius the Cynic in vii.
8-12, makes it probable that Book vii. at least was written in
Seneca's last years.

4. _Apocolocyntosis_, a political satire on Claudius, written shortly
after his death in A.D. 54. The explanation of the title is given by
Dio, lx. 35, 2, +Agrippina kai ho Neron ... es ton ouranon anegagon
hon ek tou symposiou phoraden exenenochesan. hotheuper Loukios Iounios
Gallion ho tou Seneka adelphos asteiotaton ti apephthenxato; synetheke
men gar kai ho Senekas syngramma, apokolokyntosin auto hosper tina
apathanatisin onomasas, ekeinos de en brachytato polla eipon
apomnemoneuetai ... ephe ton Klaudion ankistro es ton ouranon
anenechthenai+. The work does not bear this title in the MSS., and
there is no hint of the witticism in the book itself; the St. Gall
MS., however, has 'Divi Claudii +APOTHEOSIS+ Annei Senecae per
Saturam,' which may be a corruption of the proper title. The title is
derived from +kolokynte+, 'a gourd,' which was used to denote a fool.
Seneca (_Apocol._ 6) takes the official view that Claudius died of a
fever. The work may have been published at the Saturnalia, and written
shortly before, as Narcissus is represented as having just arrived in
Orcus. The personal animosity of Seneca against Caligula and Claudius
is everywhere apparent.

5. _Naturales Quaestiones_ in seven Books, addressed to Lucilius. Book
ii. was written after A.D. 57, as in ii. 9, 2 an amphitheatre is
mentioned which was built by Nero in that year. The work was finished
before the end of A.D. 64, for in Book vii. there is no mention among
other prodigies of the comet which appeared again at the end of that
year.

6. _Epistulae morales ad Lucilium_. These were addressed to Lucilius
Iunior, the author of 'Aetna' (see p. 277). There are extant one
hundred and twenty four letters, in twenty Books, but some Books have
been lost, as Gell. xii. 2, 3 quotes from Book xxii. Books i.-iii.
were probably published by Seneca, the rest after his death, generally
in chronological order.

The following poetical works are extant:

1. _Epigrams._--Nine on his exile are given in the editions; probably
only Nos. 1, 2, and 7 are genuine.

2. _Tragedies._--Some of these may have been composed during Seneca's
exile in Corsica. See _ad Helv._ 20 (quoted p. 243). The metrical
treatment is strict, especially in the senarii. Anapaestic, glyconic,
sapphic lines, etc., are used in the choral odes. There are only three
actors, except in the spurious _Octavia_. The plays are: (1) _Hercules
Furens_ and (2) _Troades_ or _Hecuba_, founded on Euripides. (3)
_Phoenissae_ or _Thebais_. The two parts do not correspond. In ll.
1-362, Oedipus and Antigone are on their way to Cithaeron; from l. 363
to the end we find Iocasta and Antigone in Thebes while it is besieged
by the Seven. (4) _Medea_, founded on Euripides. Ovid has also been
imitated; so ll. 56 _sqq._ from Ovid, _Heroides_, 12, 137. (5)
_Phaedra_ or _Hippolytus_. (6) _Oedipus_, after Sophocles. (7)
_Agamemnon_, after Aeschylus. (8) _Thyestes_. (9) _Hercules Oetaeus_,
of which the second part, at least, is spurious. (10) _Octavia_, a
praetexta, describing the death of Octavia, Nero's wife (A.D. 62).
Seneca himself appears in it. It cannot be by Seneca, as Nero's
downfall (A.D. 68) is mentioned in ll. 628-36.

The following works are lost or exist only in fragments:

i. Poems of a light nature (Pliny, _Ep._ v. 3). 2. _De motu terrarum_,
afterwards incorporated in _N.Q._ vi. (see _N.Q._ vi. 4, 2). 3. _De
lapidum natura_. 4. _De piscium natura_. 5. _De ritu et sacris
Aegyptiorum_ (see p. 242). 6. _De situ Indiae_. 7. _De forma mundi_.
8. _Exhortationes_. 9. _De officiis_. 10. _De immatura morte_. 11. _De
superstitione dialogus_. 12. _De matrimonio_. 13. _De amicitia_. 14.
_De vita patris_, along with an edition of his works. 15. Speeches by
himself or by Nero. 16. _Epistulae_ (a) _ad Novatum_, probably written
from Corsica, (b) _ad Caesonium Maximum_. 17. A book in praise of
Messalina, afterwards withdrawn (see p. 243). 18. _Moralis
philosophiae libri_ (see _Ep._ 106, 2). 19. _De remediis fortuitorum_,
addressed to Gallio. A synopsis with additions is extant. 20. _De
paupertate_. 21. _De formula honestae vitae_, probably founded on one
of Seneca's works. 22. _Notae_ (see Sueton. pp. 135-6 R.).

The following are spurious works:

1. 'Epistulae Senecae, Neronis imperatoris magistri, ad Paulum
Apostolum et Pauli Apostoli ad Senecam.' These letters, fourteen in
all, are accepted as genuine by Jerome, _de vir. illustr._ 12. 'Seneca
... quem non ponerem in catalogo sanctorum, nisi me epistulae illae
provocarent, quae leguntur a plurimis, Pauli ad Senecam et Senecae ad
Paulum.'

2. A work extant under the title of _Sententiae Rufi_ has been wrongly
thought to correspond to Seneca's dying words mentioned in Tac. _Ann._
xv. 63.

3. The book _De moribus_ or _Monita_ contains maxims by Christian
writers.

_Views and Character._--For Seneca's training in Stoic doctrines see
_Ep._ 108, 13 (quoted p. 241). With these views he generally
associates himself (cf. _Ep._ 113, 1; 117, 1), but does not bind
himself to one school.

Cf. _Ep._ 45, 4, 'Non enim me cuiquam emancipavi, nullius nomen fero.
Multum magnorum virorum iudicio credo, aliquid et meo vindico.'

Especially towards the end of his life, he came under the influence of
Demetrius the Cynic.

_Ep._ 62, 3, 'Demetrium, virorum optimum, mecum circumfero et relictis
conchyliatis cum illo seminudo loquor, ilium admiror. Quidni admirer?
vidi nihil ei deesse.'

In _de provid._ 5, 7, after quoting Demetrius' fatalistic views,
Seneca adds, 'Fata nos ducunt, et quantum cuique temporis restat,
prima nascentium hora disposuit.'

Seneca was one of the few Romans who condemned the butcheries
practised in the arena, and his views doubtless influenced Nero's
conduct in A.D. 58.

_Ep._ 95, 33, '<DW25>, sacra res homini, iam per lusum ac iocum
occiditur et quem erudiri ad inferenda accipiendaque volnera nefas
erat, is iam nudus inermisque producitur satisque spectaculi ex homine
mors est.'

Tac. _Ann._ xiii. 31, 'Edixit Caesar ne quis magistratus aut
procurator, qui provinciam obtineret, spectaculum gladiatorum aut
ferarum aut quod aliud ludicrum ederet.'

For Seneca's love of wealth see p. 246. For his estimate of riches cf.
_De vita beata_, 22, 5. 'Apud me divitiae aliquem locum habent, apud
te summum ac postremum. Divitiae meae sunt, tu divitiarum es.'

His simplicity of life has been already dealt with.

Dio, lxi. 10, 2, gives a most unjust account of Seneca's character:

+panta ta enantiotata hois ephilosophei poion elenchthe. kai
gar tyrannidos kategoron tyrannodidaskalos egineto, kai ton synonton
tois dynastais katatrechon ouk aphistato tou palatiou ... tois te
plousiois enkalon ousian heptakischilion kai pentakosion myriadon
ektesato.+

Seneca followed no traditional style. Cf. _Ep._ 100, 6, 'De
compositione non constat'; _Ep._ 114, 13, 'Oratio certam regulam non
habet.' Quintilian, x. 1, 125-131, attacks his style, though admitting
his great powers.



CURTIUS RUFUS.


The full name is Q. Curtius Rufus, given in the MSS. of his work,
'Historiarum Alexandri Magni Macedonis Libri x.', the first two Books
of which are lost. Curtius is not referred to by name by any ancient
writer, but is probably identical with the Q. Curtius Rufus mentioned
in the list prefixed to Sueton. _de claris oratoribus_ between M.
Porcius Latro and L. Valerius Primanus. This order favours the view
that he belonged to the reign of Claudius, a view supported by the two
contemporary references in Curtius:

iv. 4, 21 (of Tyre), 'nunc tandem longa pace cuncta refovente sub
tutela Romanae mansuetudinis adquiescit.'

x. 9, 3-6, 'Quod imperium sub uno stare potuisset, dum a pluribus
sustinetur, ruit. Proinde iure meritoque populus Romanus salutem se
principi suo debere profitetur, qui noctis, quam paene supremam
habuimus, novum sidus inluxit. Huius hercule, non solis ortus lucem
caliganti reddidit mundo, cum sine suo capite discordia membra
trepidarent,' etc.

This passage probably refers to the tumultuous scene on the night
between 24th and 25th Jan., A.D. 41, before Claudius' accession, after
the murder of Caligula (cf. the pun in _caliganti_), when rival
claimants to the throne were put forward, and the Senate wished to
restore the republic (cf. _discordia membra trepidarent_). Sen. _ad
Polyb._ 13, 1, uses similar language of Claudius, 'Sidus hoc, quod
praecipitato in profundum et demerso in tenebras orbi refulsit, semper
luceat.'

As Curtius says nothing but good about the reign of Claudius, he
probably wrote shortly after his accession. The passage in iv. 4, 21
(above) also fits in with this view, as there was little fighting in
the Roman world from 17 to 43 A.D. His bold tone with regard to rulers
would also suit this time, while it would have been dangerous under
Caligula, or from 43 to 54 A.D.

Cf. viii. 5, 6, 'Non deerat talia concupiscenti perniciosa adulatio,
perpetuum malum regum, quorum opes saepius adsentatio quam hostis
evertit.'

This tone also renders it impossible to identify him with Curtius
Rufus, mentioned in Tac. _Ann._ xi. 21, as governor of Africa, and as
'adversus superiores tristi adulatione, adrogans minoribus, inter
pares difficilis.'

Seneca is supposed to have quoted his contemporary Curtius once or
twice. Cf. Sen. _Ep._ 56, 9, 'Nihil tam certum est quam otii vitia
negotio discuti'; and Curt. vii. 1, 4, 'Satis prudens, otii vitia
negotio discuti.' Cf. also viii. 10, 29 with Sen. _Ep._ 59, 12.

Curtius claims to transcribe his authorities carefully. Cf. ix. 1, 34,
'Equidem plura transscribo quam credo: nam nec adfirmare sustineo, de
quibus dubito, nec subducere quae accepi.'

Curtius' statements are usually parallel to those of one or other of
the historians of Alexander, but he appeals only twice to other
authorities by name.

ix. 8, 15, 'Clitarchus (c. 300 B.C.) est auctor.'

ix. 5, 21, 'Ptolemaeum (c. 300 B.C.), qui postea regnavit, huic pugnae
adfuisse auctor est Clitarchus et Timagenes (c. 55 B.C.). Sed ipse ...
afuisse se missum in expeditionem memoriae tradidit.'

The rhetorical tone of the work is seen in the speeches and letters.
For the latter cf. iv. 1, 10-74. Curtius has little technical
knowledge of war or politics. Thus Alexander's assumption of oriental
pomp to conciliate the Asiatics is looked on as +hybris+. Cf.
iii. 12, 18. Like Livy, he attempts to depreciate Alexander's
abilities by unduly accentuating his good fortune.

Cf. viii. 3, 1, 'Sed hanc quoque expeditionem, ut pleraque alia,
fortuna indulgendo ei numquam fatigata pro absente transegit.'



COLUMELLA.


L. Iunius Moderatus Columella was a native of Gades: x. 185, 'mea
[lactuca] quam generant Tartessi littore Gades.' On an inscription he
is styled 'trib. mil. leg. vi. ferratae' (_C.I.L._ ix. 325), and it
was probably in the course of his military service that he visited
Cilicia and Syria: ii. 10, 18, 'hoc semen Ciliciae Syriaeque
regionibus ipse vidi.'

His uncle, M. Columella, was a leading man in the province of Baetica
(v. 5, 15); and he himself possessed land in Italy: iii. 9, 2, 'cum et
in Ardeatino agro, quem multis temporibus ipsi ante possedimus, et in
Carseolano itemque in Albano generis Aminei vites huius modi notae
habuerimus.'

He was a contemporary of the younger Seneca, who is spoken of as alive
(iii. 3, 3).

His chief work is _De Re Rustica_ in twelve Books, dedicated to P.
Silvinus--a practical treatise on husbandry for 'negotiosi agricolae'
(ix. 2, 5). Book x., on gardening, is in hexameter verse, and was
written at the suggestion of Silvinus and another friend, to fill the
gap which Virgil had left in the Georgics (iv. 147-8); cf. the
preface, 'Cultus hortorum ... sicut institueram, prosa oratione
prioribus subnecteretur exordiis, nisi propositum expugnasset frequens
postulatio tua, quae pervicit, ut poeticis numeris explerem Georgici
carminis omissas partes, quas tamen et ipse Vergilius significaverat,
posteris se memorandas relinquere.'

The last two Books were added as an afterthought; xi. 1, 2, 'numerum
quem iam quasi consummaveram voluminum excessi.'

Columella wrote before A.D. 65 (see above); later than Celsus, but
earlier than the elder Pliny.

There is also extant a book _De Arboribus_, which formed Book ii. of
an earlier treatise on agriculture: cf. i. 1, 'Quoniam de cultu
agrorum abunde primo volumine praecepisse videmur, non intempestiva
erit arborum virgultorumque cura.' It covers the same ground as _De
R.R._ iii.-v.

Columella also wrote 'adversus astrologos' (xi. 1, 31), and projected
a treatise on the religious rites connected with agriculture (ii. 22,
5, 'lustrationum ceterorumque sacrificiorum, quae pro frugibus fiunt,
morem priscis usurpatum').



POMPONIUS MELA.


The geographer Pomponius Mela was a native of Tingentera in Spain (ii.
96). His date can be inferred from iii. 49; the 'principum maximus'
mentioned there as triumphing over Britain might be either Claudius
(in A.D. 40) or Caligula (in 44); but the earlier date is favoured by
Mela's division of Africa according to the system abolished by
Caligula in 42 (i. 25-30). The title of his work is _De Chorographia_,
in three Books: the dryness of its details (i. 1, 'opus impeditum et
facundiae minime capax') is relieved by word-painting, _e.g._ the
description of Britain, iii. 49. The only authors to whom he
acknowledges obligations are Nepos (iii. 45) and Hanno (iii. 90).



PERSIUS.


(1) LIFE.

We possess a very full account of the life of Persius, which,
according to the MSS., is taken from Probus' commentary on the poet,
and may therefore be looked upon as trustworthy. According to Probus
(from whom are taken the quotations throughout), he lived from 34 to
62 A.D.: 'Aulus Persius Flaccus natus est pridie Non. Decembr. Fabio
Persico L. Vitellio coss., decessit viii. Kal. Decembr. Rubrio Mario
Asinio Gallo coss.' These dates are confirmed by Jerome.

He was born at Volaterrae in Etruria, and was the son of a Roman
knight who died when Persius was quite young:

'Natus in Etruria Volaterris, eques Romanus, sanguine et affinitate
primi ordinis viris coniunctus. Pater eum Flaccus pupillum reliquit
moriens annorum fere sex.'

'Fulvia Sisennia (his mother) nupsit postea Fuscio equiti Romano.'

After the completion of his early education (for which see _Sat._ 3,
44-51) he studied at Rome, where he came under the influence of the
Stoic Annaeus Cornutus:

'Studuit Flaccus usque ad annum xii. aetatis suae Volaterris, inde
Romae apud grammaticum Remmium Palaemonem et apud rhetorem Verginium
Flavum. Cum esset annorum xvi., amicitia coepit uti Annaei Cornuti,
ita ut nusquam ab eo discederet; inductus aliquatenus in philosophiam
est.'

In _Sat._ 5, 21-24 and 30-51, he speaks in the highest terms of
Cornutus as his guide in life and close friend: cf. esp. ll. 36-7,

             'teneros tu suspicis annos,
  Socratico, Cornute, sinu.'

Among his other friends were Caesius Bassus (to whom _Sat._ 6 is
addressed), Lucan, Seneca, and his own relative, Paetus Thrasea:

'Cognovit per Cornutum etiam Annaeum Lucanum, aequaevum auditorem
Cornuti. Lucanus adeo mirabatur scripta Flacci ut vix retineret se
recitante eo cum clamore quin illa esse vera poemata diceret, sua ipse
ludos faceret. Sero cognovit et Senecam, sed non ut caperetur eius
ingenio ... Idem decem fere annis summe dilectus a Paeto Thrasea est,
ita ut peregrinaretur quoque cum eo aliquando, cognatam eius Arriam
uxorem habente.'

Persius was a man of considerable means, as is shown by his will and
his landed property:

'Reliquit circa HS vicies matri et sorori; scriptis tamen ad matrem
codicillis Cornuto rogavit ut daret sestertia ut quidam centum, ut
alii volunt ..., et argenti facti pondo viginti, et libros circa
septingentos sive bibliothecam suam omnem. Verum a Cornuto sublatis
libris, pecuniam sororibus, quas heredes frater fecerat, reliquit.'

'Decessit ad octavum miliarium via Appia in praediis suis ... vitio
stomachi anno aetatis xxviii.'

His character was lofty and disinterested:

'Fuit morum lenissimorum, verecundiae virginalis, formae pulchrae,
pietatis erga matrem et sororem et amitam exemplo sufficientis. Fuit
frugi, pudicus.'


(2) WORKS.

1. His early works, which Cornutus caused to be destroyed at his
death, were:

(_a_) A praetexta, called _Vescia_ (?).

(_b_) One Book of +hodoiporika+, no doubt referring to his
travels with Thrasea.

(_c_) Some verses on Arria, the wife of Paetus.

'Scripserat in pueritia Flaccus etiam praetextam Vesciam, et
+hodoiporikon+ librum unum, et paucos in socrum Thraseae in Arriam
matrem versus ... Omnia ea auctor fuit Cornutus matri eius ut
aboleret.'

2. _Satires._ There are six of these (in hexameters), with a prologue
(in scazons). Persius wrote slowly, and the Book was left unfinished:

'Et raro et tarde scripsit. Hunc ipsum librum imperfectum reliquit.
Versus aliqui dempti sunt ultimo libro, ut quasi finitus esset.
Leviter retractavit Cornutus, et Caesio Basso petenti, ut ipsi
cederet, tradidit edendum.'

The prologue, and the first satire (on literary criticism)--the only
real satire he wrote--are said to be imitated from Lucilius. The other
five are largely Stoic dissertations in verse, and show throughout the
influence of Cornutus and Persius' other Stoic friends. Probus says he
attacked Nero's poetry in _Sat._ 1.

'Lecto Lucilii libro x. vehementer satiras componere instituit, cuius
libri principium imitatus est ... cum tanta recentium poetarum et
oratorum insectatione, ut etiam Neronem ... culpaverit, cuius versus
in Neronem cum ita se haberet:

  'Auriculas asini Mida rex habet,'

in eum modum a Cornuto, ipso iam tum mortuo, est emendatus:

  'Auriculas asini quis non habet?' [1, 121]

ne hoc Nero in se dictum arbitraretur.'

_Sat._ 1, 99-102 is said to be a travesty of Nero's poetry.

Very few passages, however, are quoted by the Scholiasts as modelled
on Lucilius.

Persius refers to Lucilius and Horace in 1, 114-8:

              'Secuit Lucilius urbem,
  te, Lupe, te, Muci, et genuinum fregit in illis;
  omne vafer vitium ridenti Flaccus amico
  tangit, et admissus circum praecordia ludit,
  callidus excusso populum suspendere naso.'

His obligations to Horace are paramount, imitations--often
unintentional burlesques--occurring everywhere. Examples are: 1, 42,

              'cedro digna locutus,
  linquere nec scombros metuentia carmina nec tus.'

from Hor. _A.P._ 331,

  'carmina ... linenda cedro';

and Hor. _Ep._ ii. 1, 269,

  'Deferar in vicum vendentem tus et odores
  et piper et quidquid chartis amicitur ineptis.'

Again, 5, 103,

             'exclamet Melicerta perisse
  frontem de rebus';

from Hor. _Ep._ ii. 1, 80,

     'clament periise pudorem
  cuncti paene patres.'

He even borrows Horace's names: Pedius (1, 85), Natta (3, 31), Nerius
(2, 14), Craterus (3, 65), Bestius (6, 37).

The statement of Joannes Lydus (i. 41) that Persius imitated the mimic
writer, Sophron, has little to support it.

Probus says the work became immediately popular: 'Editum librum
continuo mirari homines et diripere coeperunt.'

Cf. also Quint. x. 1, 94, 'multum et verae gloriae quamvis uno libro
Persius meruit'; Mart. iv. 29, 7,

  'Saepius in libro memoratur Persius uno
  quam levis in tota Marsus Amazonide.'



LUCAN.


(1) LIFE.

Besides references to Lucan in other writers, especially Statius,
Martial, and Tacitus, we have three biographies of him: (1) a short
and defective life, probably by Suetonius, and showing his well-known
hatred of the Annaei; (2) one by Vacca, a commentator on Lucan, who
lived probably in the sixth century, complete and favourable; (3) one
in Codex Vossianus ii. The last two are in part derived from the
first.

M. Annaeus Lucanus was born at Corduba in Hispania Baetica, and was
the son of M. Annaeus Mela, a Roman knight, and nephew of M. Annaeus
Novatus (the Gallio of Acts 18, 12-17) and L. Annaeus Seneca the
philosopher.

Vacca, _vit. Luc._, 'M. Annaeus Lucanus patrem habuit M. Annaeum Melam
ex provincia Baetica Hispaniae interioris Cordubensem equitem Romanum,
illustrem inter suos, notum Romae et propter Senecam fratrem, clarum
per omnes virtutes virum, et propter studium vitae quietioris ...
Matrem habuit et regionis eiusdem et urbis Aciliam nomine, Acilii
Lucani filiam ... cuius cognomen huic inditum apparet.'

Tac. _Ann._ xvi. 17, 'Mela, quibus Gallio et Seneca, parentibus
natus ... Idem Annaeum Lucanum genuerat, grande adiumentum
claritudinis.'

Lucan was born Nov. 3, A.D. 39, and was removed to Rome when eight
months old.

Vacca, _ibid._, 'Natus est iii. Non. Novembr. C. Caesare Germanico ii.
L. Apronio Caesiano coss. Octavum mensem agens Romam translatus est.'

He had a successful school and college career. One of his teachers was
Cornutus, through whom he knew Persius (see p. 261).

Vacca, _ibid._, 'A praeceptoribus tunc eminentissimis est eruditus
eosque intra breve temporis spatium ingenio adaequavit ... Declamavit
et graece et latine cum magna admiratione audientium.'

His first literary success was the _laudes Neronis_ in A.D. 60; this
led to his political advancement.

Sueton. _vit. Luc._, 'Prima ingenii experimenta in Neronis laudibus
dedit quinquennali certamine.'

Vacca, _ibid._, 'Ob quod puerili mutato in senatorium cultum et in
notitiam Caesaris Neronis facile pervenit et honore vixdum aetati
debito dignus iudicatus est. Gessit autem quaesturam, in qua cum
collegis more tunc usitato munus gladiatorium edidit secundo populi
favore; sacerdotium etiam accepit auguratus.'

Similarly Suetonius, who also tells us that Lucan had been in Athens.

Sueton. _ibid._, 'Revocatus Athenis a Nerone cohortique amicorum
additus atque etiam quaestura honoratus, non tamen permansit in
gratia.'

The reason of the strained relations between Lucan and the emperor
was, according to Suetonius, that Lucan had behaved rudely when
reciting in public. Vacca says the reason lay in the jealousy felt by
Nero, who forbade Lucan to write poetry or to plead causes.

Vacca, _ibid._, 'Quippe et certamine pentaeterico acto in Pompei
theatro laudibus recitatis in Neronem fuerat coronatus et ex tempore
Orphea scriptum in experimentum adversum conplures ediderat poetas et
tres libros, quales videmus. Quare inimicum sibi fecerat imperatorem.
Quo ambitiosa vanitate, non hominum tantum, sed et artium sibi
principatum vindicante interdictum est ei poetica, interdictum est
etiam causarum actionibus.'

Cf. Tac. _Ann._ xv. 49, 'Famam carminum eius premebat Nero
prohibueratque ostentare, vanus adsimulatione.'

Lucan replied by a poem satirizing Nero and his court.

Sueton. _ibid._, 'Sed et famoso carmine cum ipsum tum potentissimos
amicorum gravissime proscidit.'

Lucan joined the conspiracy of Piso which was started A.D. 62, but was
discovered, and compelled to commit suicide, 30th April, A.D. 65.

Sueton. _ibid._, 'Paene signifer Pisonianae coniurationis extitit.'

Vacca, _ibid._, 'A coniuratis in caedem Neronis socius adsumptus est,
sed parum fauste. Deceptus est a Pisone ... Sua sponte coactus vita
excedere venas sibi praecidit periitque pridie Kal. Maias Attico
Vestino et Nerva Siliano coss., xxvi. aetatis annum agens.'

Tac. _Ann._ xv. 70, 'Exin Annaei Lucani caedem imperat. Is, profluente
sanguine, ubi frigescere pedes manusque et paulatim ab extremis cedere
spiritum fervido adhuc et compote mentis pectore intellegit,
recordatus carmen a se compositum, quo volneratum militem per eius
modi mortis imaginem obisse tradiderat, versus ipsos rettulit, eaque
illi suprema vox fuit.'

Suetonius (corroborated by Tac. _Ann._ xv. 56) says that Lucan named
his mother as a fellow-conspirator.

'Verum detecta coniuratione nequaquam parem animi constantiam
praestitit. Facile enim confessus et ad humillimas devolutus preces
matrem quoque innoxiam inter socios nominavit, sperans impietatem sibi
apud parricidam principem profuturam.... Epulatus largiter brachia ad
secandas venas praebuit medico.'

Lucan married Polla Argentaria. Statius and Martial were her friends,
and seem to have kept up an observance of Lucan's birthday.

Cf. especially Statius, _Silvae_, ii. 7, on which the author, in his
preface to the book, says, 'Cludit volumen genethliacon Lucani, quod
Polla Argentaria, clarissima uxorum, cum hunc diem forte
consecraremus, imputari sibi voluit.'

Martial vii. 21, 22, and 23 are written on the subject of Lucan's
birthday.


(2) WORKS.

1. The only extant work of Lucan is _De Bello Civili_. This is the
title in the MSS., and in Petron. 118. The usual title comes from ix.
985, 'Pharsalia nostra vivet,' words which come after a list of places
in Greece and Asia immortalized by the poets, and which mean 'My story
of Pharsalus shall live.' There is no evidence that Lucan gave the
poem this title.

2. _Lost works._ Vacca mentions the following:

(_a_) In verse: Orpheus; Iliacon; Saturnalia; Catachthonion; Silvarum
x.; tragoedia Medea (imperfecta): Salticae Fabulae, xiv.; epigrammata.

(_b_) In prose: Oratio in Octavium Sagittam et pro eo; de incendio
urbis; epistulae ex Campania.

Suetonius also mentions 'Neronis laudes; famosum carmen in Neronem.'
Stat. _Silv._ ii. 7, 62, mentions another work--'allocutio ad Pollam'
(his wife).

Lucan's works became immediately popular.

Sueton. _ibid._, 'Poemata eius etiam praelegi memini, confici vero ac
proponi, non tantum operose et diligenter, sed et inepte quoque.'

Mart. xiv. 194,

  'Sunt quidam qui me dicunt non esse poetam:
  sed qui me vendit bibliopola putat.'

The epic poem _De Bello Civili_ in ten Books (the last incomplete)
carries the story of the Civil War down to the point where Caesar is
besieged in Alexandria. Vacca informs us that Lucan did not live to
correct the last seven Books.

'Ediderat ... tres libros quales videmus ... Reliqui vii. belli
civilis libri locum calumniantibus tamquam mendosi non darent, qui
tametsi sub vero crimine non egent patrocinio: in isdem dici, quod in
Ovidii libris praescribitur, potest: "emendaturus, si licuisset,
erat."'

_Lucan's political views._--The first three Books were published when
Lucan was still on good terms with Nero (cf. the gross flattery in i.
33-66), but practically the same view of the empire is taken
throughout the poem; only Lucan expresses his views with greater
vigour in the last seven Books; and, while in Books i.-iii. the
question is one between Caesar and Pompey, afterwards it is one
between Caesar and liberty. Even in Books i.-iii. Caesar is the
villain of the piece; Pompey embodies all that is good; Cato and
Brutus are highly spoken of; the former stands as the ideal Stoic. The
Senate, except in Book v. _ad init._, appears in a rather unfavourable
light, and so does the plebs. Lucan did not want the re-establishment
of the republican oligarchy, but acquiesced in the empire as being
ordained by fate. This is borne out by what we know of the Pisonian
conspiracy, the object of which was not to re-establish the republic,
but to put some leading man like Seneca on the throne. A few
quotations will exemplify these points:

(1) The empire; iv. 691,

           'Libyamque auferre tyranno
  dum regnum te, Roma, facit';

vii. 432,

  'Quod fugiens civile nefas redituraque nunquam
  libertas ultra Tigrim Rhenumque recessit';

vii. 442,

  'Felices Arabes Medique eoaque tellus,
  quam sub perpetuis tenuerunt fata tyrannis.
  Ex populis qui regna ferunt, sors ultima nostra est,
  quos servire pudet.'

(2) Pompeius; ii. 732-6,

  'Non quia te superi patrio privare sepulchro
  maluerint, Phariae busto damnantur harenae:
  parcitur Hesperiae; procul hoc et in orbe remoto
  abscondat fortuna nefas, Romanaque tellus
  inmaculata sui servetur sanguine Magni.'

Cf. ix. 601-4 (where apotheosis is assigned him).

(3) Cato (the hero of Book ix.) and Brutus; ii. 234,

  'At non magnanimi percussit pectora Bruti
  terror';

ix. 554,

  'Nam cui crediderim superos arcana daturos
  dicturosque magis quam sancto vera Catoni?'

Cf. ix. 186-9.

(4) Caesar; ii. 439,

  'Caesar in arma furens nullas nisi sanguine fuso
  gaudet habere vias';

v. 242,

  'perdere successus scelerum';

vii. 593,

               'nondum attigit arcem
  iuris et humanum columen, quo cuncta premuntur,
  egressus meruit fatis tam nobile letum.
  Vivat et, ut Bruti procumbat victima, regnet.'

Caesar's acts are sometimes unfairly represented, as in vii. 798
_sqq._, ix. 1035 _sqq._ (on viewing Pompeius' corpse); ll. 1038-9,

            'lacrimas non sponte cadentis
  effudit gemitusque expressit pectore laeto.'

_Lucan's philosophical and religious views._--His Stoicism comes out
strongly in the poem, ix. 566-84 (speech of Cato), especially 578-80,

  'Estque dei sedes, nisi terra et pontus et aer
  et caelum et virtus? Superos quid quaerimus ultra?
  Iuppiter est, quodcumque vides, quodcumque moveris?'

vii. 814,

  'Communis mundo superest rogus ossibus astra
  mixturus.'

Note especially the very frequent references to fate; i. 263-4,

              'cunctasque pudoris
  rumpunt fata moras.'

The gods are not introduced as chief agents; cf. the censure of
Petronius quoted below. Lucan prides himself on despising the gods,
and substitutes for them his favourite divinity, Fortuna; i. 128,

  'Victrix causa deis placuit, sed victa Catoni';

vii. 445,

      'Sunt nobis nulla profecto
  numina; cum caeco rapiantur saecula casu,
  mentimur regnare Iovem.'

_Rhetorical treatment_ is seen in (1) the vast amount of hyperbole
employed; cf. the account of the siege of Massilia, iii. 538-762; (2)
the geographical and mythological learning introduced. This is
sometimes inaccurate; the best known instance is his confusion of
Pharsalus and Philippi; cf. i. 1 and 688.

_Lucan's models._--(1) For diction, chiefly Virgil.[77] Horace and
Ovid are also imitated.

(2) For history Lucan is supposed to have used Livy mostly. How far he
used other authorities is unknown. His history is sometimes inexact.
In ii. 478 _sqq._ the character of L. Domitius Ahenobarbus is falsely
portrayed. So the journey of Cato to the shrine of Hammon, ix. 511
_sqq._

(3) Seneca is one of his authorities for science and philosophy. Thus
in describing the Nile, x. 194-331, Lucan has used Seneca, _Nat.
Quaest._ iv. 1-2. The biographer of the _Codex Vossianus_ ii.
attributes (probably wrongly) the first seven verses of Book i. to
Seneca.

'Seneca, qui fuit avonculus eius, quia ex abrupto incohabat, hos vii.
versus addidit: "Bella per Emathios" usque "et pila minantia pilis."'

_Criticisms of Lucan._--Petronius, in introducing his parody of Lucan,
says, par. 118, 'Ecce belli civilis ingens opus quisquis attigerit, nisi
plenus litteris, sub onere labetur. Non enim res gestae versibus
comprehendendae sunt, quod longe melius historici faciunt, sed per
ambages deorumque ministeria et fabulosum sententiarum tormentum
praecipitandus est liber spiritus.' See p. 275.

Quint. x. 1, 90, 'Lucanus ardens et concitatus et sententiis
clarissimus et, ut dicam quod sentio, magis oratoribus quam poetis
imitandus.'



PETRONIUS.


The _Satirae_ of Petronius are attributed in the MSS. to Petronius
Arbiter. It is practically certain that the author was C. Petronius,
once proconsul of Bithynia and afterwards consul, who was long a
member of Nero's inner circle, and who, in A.D. 66, when accused by
Tigellinus, anticipated execution by suicide.

Tac. _Ann._ xvi. 18, 'Proconsul Bithyniae, et mox consul, vigentem se
ac parem negotiis ostendit. Dein revolutus ad vitia, seu vitiorum
imitatione, inter paucos familiarium Neroni adsumptus est, elegantiae
arbiter, dum nihil amoenum et molle adfluentia putat, nisi quod ei
Petronius adprobavisset. Unde invidia Tigellini ... (Ch. 19) Forte ...
Campaniam petiverat Caesar, et Cumas usque progressus Petronius illic
attinebatur. Nec tulit ultra timoris aut spei moras. Neque tamen
praeceps vitam expulit, sed incisas venas, ut libitum, obligatas
aperire rursum, et adloqui amicos, non per seria aut quibus gloriam
constantiae peteret ... Flagitia principis sub nominibus exoletorum
feminarumque et novitatem cuiusque stupri perscripsit, atque obsignata
misit Neroni.'

The document mentioned above as sent to Nero has nothing to do with
the extant _Satirae_. That C. Petronius is the author of the work is
rendered even more certain from the fact that it was obviously written
in Nero's time by a man of high culture and knowledge of the world.

The novel contains an account of the adventures of a certain
Encolpius, as told by himself. Encolpius comes in contact with Priapus
in Massilia, Cumae, and Croton; and probably the wrath of Priapus (a
parody of the wrath of Poseidon in the Odyssey) is the leading motive
that binds the disjointed parts. Cf. ch. 139,

  'Me quoque per terras, per cani Nereos aequor
  Hellespontiaci sequitur gravis ira Priapi.'

The work, the extant parts of which are from Books xv. and xvi., is in
form a Satira Menippea,[78] alternately prose and verse. The longer
episodes, as the supper of Trimalchio and the story of the matron of
Ephesus, are exclusively prose. In the _Cena Trimalchionis_, where
Encolpius and his company are entertained by a rich freedman,
Petronius has given us a correct account of provincial life in South
Italy. Mommsen (_Hermes_, xiii. 106) has shown that Cumae was the town
where Trimalchio lived. It is a 'Graeca urbs' (ch. 81), and a Roman
colony (ch. 44, etc.), so that it cannot be Naples. The chief
magistrates are called _praetores_ (ch. 65), which suits Cumae alone
of the towns of this district. The only objection to Cumae being the
place is the passage in ch. 48, where an event at Cumae is given as
something wonderful and unusual:

'Nam Sibyllam quidem Cumis ego ipse oculis meis vidi in ampulla
pendere, et cum illi pueri dicerent: +Sibylla, ti theleis?+
respondebat illa: +apothanein thelo+.'

This, however, may simply be given for comic effect. Friedlaender
thinks _Cumis_ is a wrong reading. The date of Encolpius' adventures
cannot be under Tiberius, for the emperor is called 'pater patriae'
(ch. 60), a title which Tiberius refused. Mommsen thinks the dramatic
date is under Augustus; Friedlaender,[79] towards the end of Claudius'
or the beginning of Nero's reign. The cognomen of Trimalchio,
Maecenatianus (ch. 71), means that he was a freedman of the well-known
Maecenas. Trimalchio, therefore, came to Rome as a boy (ch. 29; 75)
before Maecenas' death (B.C. 8), and was probably born about B.C. 18.
He is represented as 'senex' (ch. 27), _i.e._ at least sixty, but may
have been over seventy. A.D. 57 is probably the later limit of date.
Mommsen thinks that the words (ch. 57), 'puer capillatus in hanc
coloniam veni: adhuc basilica non erat facta,' mean that when
Trimalchio came to Cumae it was not a Roman colony. Now, Cumae became
a colony between 43 and 27 B.C., and, on this supposition, the supper
of Trimalchio would have to be placed between A.D. 7 and A.D. 23, as
it is about fifty years since Trimalchio came to Cumae. Friedlaender,
however, thinks that the basilica would not have been put up
immediately the town became a colony.

The language of the narrative is that of the educated classes of the
time, and is in close agreement with the style of Seneca the younger.
The diction of Trimalchio and his fellow-freedman is the South Italian
popular speech of the time, filled with grammatical mistakes and
provincialisms, and rich in proverbial expressions. The longest poems
in the work are: (1) _Troiae halosis_ (ch. 89), 65 senarii, supposed
to be a parody of Nero's poem of the same name; (2) _De bello civili_
(ch. 119-124), 295 hexameters, in which Lucan's style is imitated and
sometimes parodied. Cf. ll. 26-7,

  'Et laxi crines et tot nova nomina vestis,
  quaeque virum quaerunt,'

with Lucan, i. 164-5,

         'Cultus gestare decoros
  vix nuribus rapuere mares';

and ll. 51-2,

  'Praeterea gemino deprensam gurgite plebem
  faenoris illuvies ususque exederat aeris,'

with Lucan, i. 181,

  'Hinc usura vorax, avidumque in tempora faenus.'



CALPURNIUS SICULUS.


Eleven eclogues used to be attributed to T. Calpurnius Siculus, but
only the first seven are his work, the last four being written by M.
Aurelius Olympius Nemesianus in the second half of the 3rd century
A.D. A MS. now lost gave before _Ecl._ 1, 'Titi Calphurnii Siculi
bucolicum carmen ... incipit'; and before _Ecl._ 8, 'Aurelii Nemesiani
poetae Carthaginiensis ecloga prima incipit.'

Some information about Calpurnius' life is got from his works. In 4,
17-8, he (as Corydon) mentions a brother; in 4, 155-6, he speaks of
his poverty; and in 4, 29 _sqq._, of Meliboeus as having come to his
assistance when about to leave for Spain; cf. _Ecl._ 4, 36-42,

  Ecce nihil querulum per te, Meliboee, sonamus;
  per te secura saturi recubamus in umbra,
  et fruimur silvis Amaryllidos, ultima nuper
  litora terrarum, nisi tu, Meliboee, fuisses,
  ultima visuri, trucibusque obnoxia Mauris
  pascua Geryonis.

The old theory was that Calpurnius lived in the time of Carus and his
sons (in the second half of the 3rd century A.D.), but the facts fit
in best with the view that he lived at the beginning of Nero's reign.
(1) Meliboeus in _Ecl._ 4 probably stands for Seneca (others suppose
Calpurnius Piso to be meant); 4, 53-7,

  Nam tibi non tantum venturos discere nimbos
  agricolis qualemque ferat sol aureus ortum,
  attribuere dei, sed dulcia carmina saepe
  concinis.

These lines agree with the fact of Seneca's being the author of
_Naturales Quaestiones_ and of tragedies. (2) _Ecl._ i. 77-83 refers
to the comet which appeared at the beginning of Nero's reign. (3)
References to Nero's youth and beauty, poetical gifts, the games he
gave, and the new era of peace he introduced; 1, 42-5,

  Aurea secura cum pace renascitur aetas,
  et redit ad terras tandem squalore situque
  alma Themis posito, iuvenemque beata secuntur
  saecula, maternis causam qui vicit in ulnis

7, 6,

  quae patula iuvenis deus edit harena.

Cf. also 1, 84-8; 4, 84-9; 7, 83-4. _Ecl._ 7 used to be taken as
referring to the Colosseum, which was not commenced till about A.D.
77; but the games may be those mentioned in Sueton. _Nero_, 11, and
the wooden amphitheatre in 7, 23-4, may be that mentioned by Sueton.
_Nero_, 12, and Tac. _Ann._ xiii. 31.

The difference of authorship of _Ecl._ 1-7 and of _Ecl._ 8-11 is shown
by the following: (1) Final _o_ shows classical usage in 1-7, but in
8-11 we have _expecto_ (9, 26), _coniungo_ (10, 14), _ambo_ (9, 17),
and the like; (2) 1-7 show only eight elisions, 7-11 show thirty-nine;
(3) no ending like _montivagus Pan_ (10, 17) is found in 1-7; (4)
_fateor_ and _memini_ used parenthetically are common in 1-7, and not
found in 8-11; (5) there are no allusions to the emperor in 8-11; (6)
_Ecl._ 9 shows imitations of _Ecl._ 2 and 3; (7) 8-11 agree in many
points with Nemesianus' _Cynegetica_.

The _Eclogues_ are modelled chiefly on Virgil and Theocritus, _e.g._
_Ecl._ 3 on Verg. _Ecl._ 7 and Theocr. 3, 14, and 23.

The poem _de laude Pisonis_ is now generally attributed to Calpurnius
Siculus. One point of similarity with Calpurnius' other poems is the
rareness of elision, there being only two instances (ll. 24, 259). The
description of Piso's liberality and eloquence (ll. 32, 88, 97 _sqq._)
and of his skill in draughts (ll. 178-96) corresponds with the
information given by Tac. _Ann._ xv. 48 and the Schol. on Iuv. 5, 109,
about Calpurnius Piso, who flourished under Claudius.



AETNA.


This poem, in 645 hexameter lines, is attributed to Virgil in the
MSS., but is probably by Lucilius Iunior, to whom Seneca addresses his
_Epistulae Morales_, _De Providentia_, and _Quaestiones Naturales_.
Lucilius was younger than Seneca (Sen. _Ep._ 26, 7, 'iuvenior es'),
and was born at Naples or Pompeii.

Sen. _Ep._ 49, 1, 'Ecce Campania et maxime Neapolis ad Pompeiorum
tuorum conspectum incredibile est quam recens desiderium tui
fecerint.'

Lucilius had held procuratorial offices in Alpes Graiae et Poeninae,
Epirus, Creta et Cyrene, and Sicily.

_Ibid._ 44, 2, 'Eques Romanus es et ad hunc ordinem tua te perduxit
industria.' _Ibid._ 31, 9, 'Quo modo, inquis, isto pervenitur? Non per
Poeninum Graiumve montem, nec per deserta Candaviae, nec Syrtes tibi
nec Scylla aut Charybdis adeundae sunt, quae tamen omnia transisti
procuratiunculae pretio.'[80]

Sen. _N.Q._ iv. praef. 1, 'Delectat te, Lucili, Sicilia et officium
procurationis otiosae.'

For his life cf. also the words put into his mouth by Sen. _N.Q._ iv.
praef. 15-17, which show his loyalty to his friends, 'Non mihi in
amicitia Gaetulici (died A.D. 39) vel Gaius fidem eripuit, non in
aliorum persona infeliciter amatorum Messalla et Narcissus ...
propositum meum avertere potuerunt ... videbam apud Gaium tormenta,
videbam ignes.'[81]

Seneca speaks of him as a pupil in philosophy in _Ep._ 34, 2, 'Adsero
te mihi: meum opus es.'

A literary work of his is spoken of by Seneca, also a poem in which he
mentions Alpheus and Arethusa:

_Ep._ 46, 1, 'Librum tuum, quem mihi promiseras, accepi. Levis mihi
visus est, cum esset nec mei nec tui corporis, sed qui primo adspectu
aut T. Livi aut Epicuri posset videri ... Non tantum delectatus, sed
gavisus sum.'

_N.Q._ iii. 26, 6, 'Hoc et a te traditum est ut in poemate, Lucili
carissime, et a Vergilio, qui adloquitur Arethusam.'

A poem on Aetna is referred to in _Ep._ 79, 5-7, 'Donec pudor obstet,
ne Aetnam describas in tuo carmine et hunc sollemnem omnibus poetis
locum adtingas; quem quo minus Ovidius tractaret, nihil obstitit, quod
iam Vergilius impleverat ... Aut ego te non novi aut Aetna tibi
salivam movet: iam cupis grande aliquid et par prioribus scribere.'

Some authorities think that Lucilius had meant to incorporate this
description in a larger poem, but changed his mind, and wrote a poem
on Aetna alone.

As regards the date of the poem: (1) It was written at a time when
imitation of Ovid was common. Cf. Sen. _N.Q._ iv. 2, 2, 'Quare non cum
poeta meo iocor et illi Ovidium suum impingo?' (2) There is no mention
of Vesuvius in the list of volcanoes in 1. 425 _sqq._ The poem must
therefore have been written before A.D. 79.

The following are the arguments for Lucilius having been the author:

(1) The poem was written by one who knew Aetna and the vicinity. Now
Lucilius was long procurator of Sicily.

(2) Military metaphors, as ll. 464-74, would fit in with his having
been a soldier.

(3) The author speaks as if he knew the neighbourhood of Naples well.

(4) However, the argument that the writer shows Epicurean views, and
that Lucilius was an Epicurean, has little weight. (_a_) There are
Stoical doctrines in the poem. Cf. ll. 33-5, 68-70, on the divinity of
the stars; ll. 173-4, which maintain that the world would come back to
its former state; ll. 536-9, where Heraclitus' doctrine of fire is
recommended. (_b_) The _Epistulae Morales_ only show that Lucilius had a
leaning to Epicureanism, not that he was an Epicurean. Cf. _Ep._ 23,
9, 'Vocem tibi Epicuri tui reddere,' and other playful references.

(5) The views on natural science given in the poem are sometimes the
same as those in Sen. _N.Q._ This would fix the date of the poem
between 65 and 79 A.D. Cf. _Aetna_, 123,

  'Flumina quin etiam latis currentia rivis
   occasus habuere suos: aut illa vorago
   derepta in praeceps fatali condidit ore
   aut occulta fluunt tectis adoperta cavernis
   atque inopinatos referunt procul edita cursus';

and Sen. _N.Q._ iii. 26, 3, 'Quaedam flumina palam in aliquem specum
decidunt et sic ex oculis auferuntur, quaedam consumuntur paulatim et
intercidunt. Eadem ex intervallo revertuntur recipiuntque et nomen et
cursum.' Cf. also _Aetna_, 96,

                   'Defit namque omnis hiatu,
  secta est omnis humus penitusque cavata latebris
  exiles suspensa vias agit';

and Sen. _N.Q._ v. 14, 1, 'Non tota solido contextu terra in imum
usque fundatur, sed multis partibus cava et caecis suspensa latebris.'
So the story of the Catanian brothers (ll. 624-45) is told by Sen. _De
Benef._ iii. 37, 2-3.

Imitations of Lucretius abound. Cf. ll. 219 _sqq._,

  'Nunc quoniam in promptu est operis natura solique,
   unde ipsi venti, quae res incendia pascit,' etc.

For the author's attacks on superstition, cf. ll. 91-3,

  'Debita carminibus libertas ista; sed omnis
   in vero mihi cura: canam quo fervida motu
   aestuet Aetna novosque rapax sibi congerat ignes.'

A version of the _Phaenomena_ of Aratus is extant, the author of which
is called in the MSS. 'Claudius Caesar,' or 'Germanicus.' He is
generally identified with Germanicus, the adopted son of Tiberius (so
Jerome and Lactantius), though in modern times the poem has been
ascribed to Domitian, who had the title of 'Germanicus' from A.D. 84.
There are also fragments of _Prognostica_, which are independent of
Aratus.



PLINY THE ELDER.


(1) LIFE.

There is a very brief life of Pliny by Suetonius, but most of our
information about him is derived from his own writings and the letters
of his nephew (Plin. _Ep._ iii. 5; v. 8; vi. 16; vi. 20).

C. Plinius Secundus was born A.D. 23 or 24, for at the time of his
death in A.D. 79 he was in his fifty-sixth year (Plin. _Ep._ iii. 5,
7, 'decessisse anno sexto et quinquagesimo'). His birthplace was Comum
in Cisalpine Gaul, according to Sueton. _vit. Plin._ In an anonymous
Life he is styled 'Veronensis,' probably on account of the phrase in
_N.H._ praef. 1, 'Catullum conterraneum meum,' where, however, _terra_
means Gallia, the province, not the city.

Pliny was the son of an _eques_, and had a sister married to L.
Caecilius of Novum Comum (see p. 139). He came to Rome not later than
A.D. 35 (_N.H._ xxxvii. 81, 'Servilii Noniani quem consulem vidimus'),
and was trained in poetry and literature, probably by P. Pomponius
Secundus[82]; his instructors in rhetoric are not known, but he
mentions as rhetoricians Remmius Palaemon (xiv. 49) and Arellius
Fuscus (xxxiii. 152). In botany he learned much from Antonius Castor
(xxv. 9).

At the beginning of the reign of Claudius, Pliny was an eye-witness of
the building operations at the harbour of Ostia, A.D. 42 (ix. 14): in
44 he practised in the law courts. Having decided on a military
career, he would begin, according to the regulation of Claudius
(Sueton. _Claud._ 25), with the command of a cohort of infantry. He
was next _praefectus alae_ (Plin. _Ep._ iii. 5, 3) under Corbulo, who
was _legatus_ of Germania Inferior, A.D. 47, in his campaign against
the Chauci: cf. _N.H._ xvi. 2, 'Sunt vero in septemtrione visae nobis
Chaucorum [gentes]'; and in A.D. 50 fought under Pomponius against the
Chatti. His 'castrense contubernium' with Titus (born A.D. 41) was
probably in 55 or 56, when he was in the army of Pompeius Paulinus:
cf. xxxiii. 143, 'Pompeium Paulinum XII pondo argenti habuisse apud
exercitum ferocissimis gentibus oppositum scimus.' Personal knowledge
of Germany appears in several passages of the _N.H._, e.g. xii. 98,
'extremo in margine imperii, qua Rhenus adluit, vidi'; xxii. 8, 'quem
morem etiam nunc durare apud Germanos scio.'

Pliny was present at the festivities at Lake Fucinus in A.D. 52
(xxxiii. 63). During Nero's reign he spent some time in Campania (ii.
180) and Cisalpine Gaul (xxxv. 20), was a spectator at the Vatican
games in A.D. 59, and saw the building of Nero's golden house after
the fire of A.D. 64 (xxxvi. iii).

Under Vespasian Pliny was procurator in Italy, and in several of the
provinces: Sueton. _vit._, 'Procurationes splendidissimas et continuas
summa integritate administravit.' (_a_) Hispania Tarraconensis: Plin.
_Ep._ iii. 5, 17, 'cum procuraret in Hispania'; (_b_) Gallia
Narbonensis: _N.H._ ii. 150, 'ego vidi in Vocontiorum agro'; (_c_)
Gallia Belgica: xviii. 183, 'nec recens subtrahemus exemplum in
Treverico agro tertio ante hoc anno compertum'; (_d_) Africa: vii. 36,
'ipse in Africa vidi.' For his intimacy with Vespasian cf. Plin. _Ep._
iii. 5, 9, 'ante lucem ibat ad Vespasianum imperatorem ... inde ad
delegatum sibi officium.'

In A.D. 79 Pliny was in command of the fleet at Misenum, when his
scientific interest in the eruption of Vesuvius led him to approach
too near the volcano, with the result that he was suffocated by the
ashes (24th August). For a detailed account of his death, see Plin.
_Ep._ vi. 16 (to Tacitus). Cf. Sueton. _vit._, 'Periit clade
Campaniae. Cum enim Misenensi classi praeesset, et flagrante Vesuvio
ad explorandas propius causas liburnica pertendisset, neque
adversantibus ventis remeare posset, vi pulveris ac favillae oppressus
est, vel, ut quidam existimant, a servo suo occisus, quem aestu
deficiens ut necem sibi maturaret oraverit.'


(2) WORKS.

A chronological list of Pliny's writings is given by his nephew (_Ep._
iii. 5).

1. _De iaculatione equestri_.--'Hunc, cum praefectus alae militaret,
pari ingenio curaque composuit.' This manual on the javelin as a
cavalry weapon is mentioned by Pliny himself, _N.H._ viii. 162, 'Nos
diximus in libro de iaculatione equestri condito.'

2. _De vita Pomponii Secundi_, in two Books, a tribute to the memory
of a valued friend, the tragic poet Pomponius. Cf. _N.H._ xiv. 56,
'referentes vitam Pomponii Secundi vatis.'

3. _Bella Germaniae_, in twenty Books, a narrative of the Roman wars
in Germany; begun by Pliny when serving in that country, the
apparition of Drusus having besought him to rescue his name from
oblivion (so Pliny the younger). Cf. Tac. _Ann._ i. 69, 'Tradit C.
Plinius, Germanicorum bellorum scriptor.'

4. _Studiosus_, in three Books or six parts, a treatise on rhetoric
from the very rudiments. Quintilian, though surprised at some of
Pliny's views (xi. 3, 143; 148), numbers him among the more careful
exponents of the subject (iii. 1, 21, 'accuratius scripsit'). The book
contained models of good style: Gell. ix. 16, 1, 'refert plerasque
sententias quas in declamandis controversiis lepide arguteque dictas
putat.'

5. _Dubius Sermo_, in eight Books, published A.D. 67, towards the end
of Nero's reign, when purely technical subjects alone could be treated
without danger to an author. Cf. _N.H._ praef. 28, 'libellos quos de
grammatica edidi.'

6. _A fine Aufidii Bassi_, in thirty-one Books. At what point Bassus'
history ended and Pliny's began is not known: but the latter certainly
dealt with the closing years of Nero's reign (_N.H._ ii. 199, 'anno
Neronis principis supremo, sicut in rebus eius exposuimus'), as well
as with the times of Vespasian and Titus (_N.H._ praef. 20, 'Vos
omnes, patrem te fratremque diximus opere iusto, temporum nostrorum
historiam orsi a fine Aufidii Bassi'). The work was completed in A.D.
77, but not published till after the author's death. His nephew says
he wrote with scrupulous care: _Ep._ v. 8, 5, 'historias et quidem
religiosissime scripsit.' The book was used by Tacitus (_Ann._ xiii.
20; xv. 53; _Hist._ iii. 28).

7. _Naturae Historiae_, in thirty-seven Books, is Pliny's only extant
work. As he speaks of Titus as 'sexies consul,' the date of its
presentation to him was A.D. 77. Book i. consists of a dedicatory
epistle to Titus and a table of contents. The body of the work is
arranged as follows: Book ii., the universe and the elements;
iii.-vi., geography of Europe, Asia, and Africa; vii., anthropology
and human physiology; viii.-xi., zoology; xii.-xix., botany;
xx.-xxvii., the use of vegetable substances in medicine;
xxviii.-xxxii., the use of animal substances in medicine;
xxxiii.-xxxvii., mineralogy applied to medicine and the fine arts.

This work, which was meant not for continuous perusal, but for
consultation as a book of reference, contained twenty thousand facts;
and its preparation involved the reading of about two thousand volumes
by one hundred authors (see _N.H._ praef. 17). The extracts he had
made from these sources Pliny bequeathed to his nephew in one hundred
and sixty volumes. He makes a point of acknowledging his obligations
to other writers (praef. 21, 'in his voluminibus auctorum nomina
praetexui, est enim benignum ... et plenum ingenui pudoris fateri per
quos profeceris'); cf. the lists of authorities, Roman and foreign,
prefixed to the work. Such devotion to natural science was unusual in
men of Pliny's class, and not generally appreciated; cf. xxii. 15,
'Plerisque ultro etiam irrisui sumus ista commentantes atque frivoli
operis arguimur.' As a scientific writer Pliny fails because he is not
an original investigator, and because he lacks the critical faculty.
For his method of working see Plin. _Ep._ iii. 5.

Politically, Pliny recognizes the necessity of the empire, but his
heroes are old Romans such as Cincinnatus and Cato. His Roman and
Italian feeling is intense: cf. xxxvii. 201, 'In toto orbe ...
pulcherrima omnium est in rebusque merito principatum naturae obtinet
Italia, rectrix parensque mundi altera.'

His view of life is gloomy (_N.H._ ii. 25, 'nec quidquam miserius
homine'), and through the _Naturae Historiae_ there runs a monotonous
strain of condemnation of the immorality of his day. He is uncertain
as to divine providence, but considers the belief in it salutary, and
he accepts portents (ii. 92). His tendency is, in the main, Stoic; he
was probably acquainted with Paetus Thrasea, who corresponded with
Pomponius.



VALERIUS FLACCUS.


His full name is given in the Vatican MS. as C. Valerius Flaccus
Setinus Balbus. It is doubtful (even if the last two names really
belong to the poet) whether _Setinus_ means from Setia in Italy or
from Setia in Spain. The poet's Latinity gives no evidence on the
point. Quintilian is the only Roman writer who refers to him; x. 1,
90, 'Multum in Valerio Flacco nuper amisimus'; which shows that he
must have died about A.D. 90. In the beginning of the first Book of
the _Argonautica_ (written shortly after A.D. 70), Valerius addresses
Vespasian, referring to his exploits in Britain, and to the capture of
Jerusalem by Titus; i. 7 _sqq._,

    'Tuque o, pelagi cui maior aperti
  fama, Caledonius postquam tua carbasa vexit
  oceanus Phrygios prius indignatus Iulos,
  eripe me populis et habenti nubila terrae,
  sancte pater, veterumque fave veneranda canenti
  facta virum. Versam proles tua pandet Idumen
  (namque potest), Solymo nigrantem pulvere fratrem
  spargentemque faces et in omni turre furentem.'

i. 5 _sqq._ probably shows that Valerius was a quindecimvir sacris
faciundis,

  'Phoebe, mone, si Cymaeae mihi conscia vatis
  stat casta cortina domo, si laurea digna
  fronte viret.'

Cf. the allusion in viii. 239 _sqq._ to Cybele's bath, which was under
the management of the xv.viri; and to the rites of lustration, iii.
417 _sqq._

There are several allusions to the eruption of Mt. Vesuvius in A.D.
79, _e.g._ iv. 507.

The _Argonautica_ is in eight Books, the last being incomplete, and
the story breaking off shortly before the death of Medea's brother,
Absyrtus. Valerius probably meant to write twelve Books, but it is not
known how much farther he actually proceeded in his work. There is
evidence to show that the last Books would have differed considerably
from the story as given by Apollonius Rhodius; _e.g._ the visit to
Phaeacia was probably omitted, as Jason was married at Peuce (Book
viii.).

Apollonius is followed very closely, many passages being translated
from him; thus iv. 236 = Apoll. ii. 38; vii. 404 = Apoll. in. 966.
Valerius, however, amplifies where Apollonius is brief, and vice
versa. Thus Apoll. ii. 948 _sqq._ is dismissed by Valerius v. 110
_sqq._ in a few words. The character painting of Valerius is superior
to that of the original, cf. the character of Jason and of Aeetes. So
for his artistic work; thus his portraiture of the gradual progress of
Medea's love is superior to Apollonius' description, and to Virgil's
of Dido.

The obligations to Virgil are paramount.

(1) Verbal; as i. 55,

  'Tu, cui iam curaeque vigent animique viriles,'

from _Aen._ ix. 311,

  'Ante annos animumque gerens curamque virilem.'

Cf. 'horrentem iaculis, nec credere quivi, heu quid agat, libans
carchesia, summa dies, miscere polum, rumpere questus,' in Book i.[83]

(2) In matter. The description of Fame, ii. 116 _sqq._, is from _Aen._
iv. The character of Styrus, the betrothed of Medea, is modelled on
that of Turnus.

After Virgil, Homer (esp. in Book vi.), Ovid, and Seneca's tragedies
are chiefly imitated. Statius is full of imitations of Valerius.

Valerius often tries to connect his subject with Rome.[84] Cf. ii.
304,

  'Iam nemus Egeriae, iam te ciet altus ab Alba
  Iuppiter et soli non mitis Aricia regi';

ii 573,

  'genus Aeneadum et Troiae melioris honores.'



SILIUS ITALICUS.


The full name of Silius is got from an inscription (_C.I.L._ vi.
1984), and is Ti. Catius Silius Italicus. Our chief information about
his life is found in Pliny, _Epist._ iii. 7, where his recent death is
mentioned. It was probably written A.D. 101, and as it states that
Silius was then 75 years old, the year of his birth was A.D. 25. His
birthplace is unknown, but was not Italica in Spain, otherwise Martial
would have claimed him as a countryman. Pliny tells us that Silius had
risen by acting as a _delator_ under Nero, who made him consul A.D.
68. He had taken the side of Vitellius in the war of the succession
A.D. 69[85] and had afterwards, as proconsul, governed Asia with
success (under Vespasian). After this he possessed great social
influence. Towards the end of his life, he retired to Campania, and
gave himself up to study. The account of his learned retirement,[86]
his reverence for Virgil,[87] the consulship of his son,[88] the death
of his younger son,[89] and other details, are corroborated by his
contemporary Martial.

The passage of Pliny is as follows:

'Modo nuntiatus est Silius Italicus in Neapolitano suo inedia finisse
vitam. Causa mortis valetudo. Erat illi natus insanabilis clavus,
cuius taedio ad mortem inrevocabili constantia decucurrit, usque ad
supremum diem beatus et felix, nisi quod minorem ex liberis duobus
amisit, sed maiorem melioremque florentem atque etiam consularem
reliquit. Laeserat famam suam sub Nerone, credebatur sponte accusasse:
sed in Vitelli amicitia sapienter se et comiter gesserat, ex
proconsulatu Asiae gloriam reportaverat, maculam veteris industriae
laudabili otio abluerat. Fuit inter principes civitatis sine potentia,
sine invidia: salutabatur, colebatur, multumque in lectulo iacens
cubiculo semper non ex fortuna frequenti doctissimis sermonibus dies
transigebat, cum a scribendo vacaret. Scribebat carmina maiore cura
quam ingenio, non numquam iudicia hominum recitationibus experiebatur.
Novissime ita suadentibus annis ab urbe secessit, seque in Campania
tenuit, ac ne adventu quidem novi principis inde commotus est ... Erat
+philokalos+ usque ad emacitatis reprehensionem. Plures isdem
in locis villas possidebat adamatisque novis priores neglegebat.
Multum ubique librorum, multum statuarum, multum imaginum, quas non
habebat modo verum etiam venerabatur, Vergilii ante omnes, cuius
natalem religiosius quam suum celebrabat, Neapoli maxime, ubi
monimentum eius adire ut templum solebat. In hac tranquillitate annum
quintum et septuagensimum excessit, delicato magis corpore quam
infirmo; utque novissimus a Nerone factus est consul, ita postremus ex
omnibus quos Nero consules fecerat decessit.'

Silius' career as an orator is mentioned by Martial vii. 63, 5-8,

  'Sacra cothurnati non attigit ante Maronis,
    implevit magni quam Ciceronis opus.
  Hunc miratur adhuc centum gravis hasta virorum,
    hunc loquitur grato plurimus ore cliens.'

The _Punica_ is an Epic in seventeen Books on the Second Punic War,
and treats of events down to the battle of Zama, B.C. 202. The
historical treatment is founded mainly on Livy, and in point of style
Silius has followed Homer and Virgil, imitations of whom are found on
every page. For Silius' reverence for Virgil, see above, and cf. viii.
593,

  'Mantua Musarum domus, atque ad sidera cantu
  evecta Aonio, et Smyrnaeis aemula plectris.'

Silius also follows Homer and Virgil in their mythology, bringing in
supernatural motives in a way unsuitable to a historical subject,
_e.g._ in xv. 20, where Scipio has, like Hercules, to choose between
Voluptas and Virtus.

The example of Hannibal's dream, iii. 163-182, will show these
different points. The story of the dream is got from Livy xxi. 22,
but, for _iuvenis divina specie_, Silius, like Virg. _Aen._ iv. 222
_sqq._ and 259 _sqq._ substitutes Mercury. Individual imitations in
the passage are: l. 172, 'Turpe duci totam somno consumere noctem,'
from _Il._ ii. 24, +ou chre pannychion heudein boulephoron
andra+; l. 168, 'umentem noctis umbram' is from _Aen._ iv. 7,
'umentemque Aurora polo dimoverat umbram'; l. 174, 'iam maria effusas
cernes turbare carinas,' from _Aen._ iv. 566, 'iam mare turbari
trabibus ... videbis'; l. 182, 'altae moenia Romae' is from _Aen._ i.
7; l. 181, 'respexisse veto' from _Ecl._ 8, 102, 'nec respexeris.'

The Epitome of the Iliad (in 1075 hexameters), which passes under the
name of _Homerus Latinus_, has been attributed to Silius. It is a
close adaptation from the original.



STATIUS.


(1) LIFE.

P. Papinius Statius was born at Naples (_Silv._ i. 2, 260, 'mea
Parthenope'), probably about A.D. 60, for he speaks of himself as on
the threshold of life at the time of his father's death, about A.D. 80
('limine primo fatorum,' _Silv._ v. 3, 72). The apparent discrepancy
in _Silv._ iv. 4, 69 (written A.D. 94-5), 'Nos facta aliena canendo
vergimur in senium,' may be explained by observing that 'senium' is
very often used for premature age induced by study (cf. 'insenuit,'
Hor. _Ep._ ii. 2, 82).

The father of Statius came of a distinguished but not wealthy family:
_Silv._ v. 3, 116,

  'Non tibi deformes obscuri sanguinis ortus
  nec sine luce genus, quamquam fortuna parentum
  artior expensis.'

He taught first at Naples (_ibid._ l. 146) and then at Rome (l. 176);
and died at the age of sixty-five (l. 252) soon after the eruption of
Vesuvius, which he had intended to make the subject of a poem (l.
205). It was from his learned father ('genitor perdocte,' l. 3) that
Statius derived his first impulse towards poetry, and to his training
he acknowledges deep obligations (ll. 209-214).

Statius won two prizes for poetry, at the _Augustalia_ in Naples and
at Alba; but was unsuccessful at the Capitoline competition, probably
in A.D. 94 (_ibid._ 225-232). In that year he seems to have removed
from Rome to Naples, and spent there the remainder of his days:
_Silv._ iii. 5, 12,

  'Anne quod Euboicos fessus remeare penates
  auguror et patria senium componere terra?'

The date of his death is unknown. The latest event mentioned in his
poems is the seventeenth consulship of Domitian, A.D. 95 (_Silv._ iv.
1).

Statius was married to a widow named Claudia (_Silv._ iii. 5, 51
_sqq._), but had no children (v. 5, 79).

He enjoyed the favour of Domitian ('indulgentissimus imperator,'
_Silv._ i. praef.) who granted him a supply of water for his country
house at Alba, and occasionally invited him to his table: _Silv._ iii.
1, 61,

  'Ast ego, Dardaniae quamvis sub collibus Albae
  rus proprium magnique ducis mihi munere currens
  unda domi curas mulcere aestusque levare
  sufficerent.'

_Silv._ iv. praef., 'Sacratissimis eius epulis honoratus.'

He more than once promises to write an epic on Domitian's career (e.g.
_Theb._ i. 32). The emperor's freedman Earinus (_Silv._ iii. 4) was
one of Statius' patrons.

His regard for the poet Lucan produced _Silv._ ii. 7, which is a poem
on Lucan's birthday, addressed to his widow (see p. 267). But his
chief admiration was reserved for the memory of Virgil: Naples and
Alba were endeared to him by their associations with the 'great
master' and the story of Aeneas: _Silv._ iv. 4, 53,

  'Tenues ignavo pollice chordas
  pulso, Maroneique sedens in margine templi
  sumo animum et magni tumulis adcanto magistri.'

For Alba cf. _Silv._ v. 3, 37. The _Thebais_ must recognize its
inferiority to the _Aeneid_: _Theb._ xii. 816,

  'Vive, precor; nec tu divinam Aeneida tempta,
  sed longe sequere et vestigia semper adora.'


(2) WORKS.

1. The _Thebais_, an epic poem in twelve Books, occupied Statius for
twelve years: xii. 811,

  'O mihi bis senos multum vigilata per annos
  Thebai.'

Cf. _Silv._ iv. 7, 26,

  'Thebais multa cruciata lima.'

The twelve years were probably 79-91 or 80-92 A.D. _Silv._ i. praef.
(written 91 or 92), 'Adhuc pro Thebaide mea, quamvis me reliquerit,
timeo.' The publication apparently did not take place till A.D. 95
(cf. _Silv._ iv. 4, 87 _sqq._ written in that year).

The subject of the poem is the strife between the brothers Eteocles
and Polynices, and the subsequent history of Thebes to the death of
Creon. The dedication is to Domitian. For the popularity of the
_Thebais_ cf. Juv. _Sat._ 7, 82,

  'Curritur ad vocem iucundam et carmen amicae
  Thebaidos, laetam cum fecit Statius urbem
  promisitque diem. Tanta dulcedine captos
  afficit ille animos tantaque libidine volgi
  auditur; sed, cum fregit subsellia versu,
  esurit, intactam Paridi nisi vendit Agaven.'

2. The _Achilleis_, also dedicated to Domitian, is an incomplete epic,
consisting of one Book and part of a second. It was later than the
Thebaid, for Statius was working at it in A.D. 95: _Silv._ iv. 4, 93,

  'Nunc vacuos crines alio subit infula nexu:
  Troia quidem magnusque mihi temptatur Achilles.'

The poem was intended to cover the whole career of Achilles, including
his retreat in Scyros before the Trojan War, and his exploits after
the death of Hector, which did not enter into the plan of the _Iliad_:
cf. l. 3,

      'Quamquam acta viri multum inclita cantu
  Maeonio, sed plura vacant: nos ire per omnem
  (sic amor est) heroa velis.'

3. The _Silvae_, which represent the poet in his less serious mood,
are occasional poems on miscellaneous subjects, published in five
separate Books. Cf. 1, praef. 'Diu multumque dubitavi ... an hos
libellos, ... cum singuli de sinu meo prodierint, congregates ipse
dimitterem.' Many of them were thrown off in haste at the command of
the Emperor or the request of friends: cf. such expressions as 'stili
facilitas' (ii. praef.), 'libellorum temeritas,' 'hanc audaciam stili
nostri' (iii. praef.). Of the poems in Book i. he says, 'nullum ex
illis biduo longius tractum, quaedam et in singulis diebus effusa' (i.
praef.). Each of the Books is introduced by a prose preface.

None of the _Silvae_ appeared before A.D. 92; for Rutilius Gallicus,
for whom i. 4 was written, died in that year, and the poem was not
published till after his death (i. praef.). Book v. was probably a
posthumous work: there is no proper preface, and the third and fifth
poems are incomplete.

Hexameter verse is employed for all the _Silvae_ except six. Of these,
four are in hendecasyllabics, one in the Alcaic and one in the Sapphic
stanza.

4. The only other poem of which there is distinct evidence is the
pantomime _Agave_, written not later than A.D. 84, the year in which
the player Paris was put to death (Juv. _Sat._ 7, 86, quoted above).



MARTIAL.[90]


(1) LIFE.

M. Valerius Martialis (Coquus is added in the old glossaries) was born
at Bilbilis in Hispania Tarraconensis on 1st March in one of the years
A.D. 38-41. His tenth Book, written A.D. 95-8, contains a poem (x. 24)
written on his fifty-seventh birthday. Cf. ll. 4-5,

  'quinquagesima liba septimamque
  vestris addimus hanc focis acerram';

ix. 52, 3,

  'ut nostras amo Martias Kalendas';

x. 103, 1,

  'Municipes, Augusta mihi quos Bilbilis acri
    monte creat, rapidis quem Salo cingit aquis.'

His parents' names are given, v. 34, 1, 'Fronto pater, genetrix
Flaccilla.' Martial went through the usual education at Bilbilis or at
a neighbouring town; ix. 73, 7,

  'At me litterulas stulti docuere parentes:
    quid cum grammaticis rhetoribusque mihi?'

Martial went to Rome A.D. 64, for in A.D. 98, when he left Rome, he
gives the length of his stay as thirty-four years; x. 103, 7,

  'Quattuor accessit tricesima messibus aestas,
    ut sine me Cereri rustica liba datis,
  moenia dum colimus dominae pulcherrima Romae.'

At Rome Martial became the client of the house of the Senecas, and was
on intimate terms with L. Calpurnius Piso, Memmius Gemellus, and
Vibius Crispus; xii. 36, 8,

  'Pisones Senecasque Memmiosque
  et Crispos mihi redde sed priores.'

The failure of Piso's conspiracy in A.D. 65 and the consequent
downfall of the Senecas must have affected Martial's position. In A.D.
96 Martial addresses as his patroness Argentaria Polla, Lucan's widow,
the only surviving member of the family; x. 64, 1,

  'Contigeris regina meos si Polla libellos,' etc.

From her he may have got the small vineyard near Nomentum which he
possessed by A.D. 84 (xiii. 42 and 119).

Little is known of Martial's life before the reign of Domitian. He may
have practised at the bar; cf. ii. 30, 5,

  'Is mihi "dives eris, si causas egeris" inquit';

and Quintilian appears to have advised this course (ii. 90). He
probably lived as a client of great houses to which he was recommended
by his early-developed poetical talents. Cf. i. 113, 1,

  'Quaecumque lusi iuvenis et puer quondam.'

In A.D. 80 he commemorated the opening by Titus of the Flavian
Amphitheatre by a collection of poems sent to the emperor. Cf.
_Spectac._ 32,

  'Da veniam subitis: non displicuisse meretur,
  festinat, Caesar, qui placuisse tibi.'

Martial received the 'ius trium liberorum' from two of the emperors.
This probably means that Titus bestowed it and Domitian ratified it.
Cf. ix. 97, 5,

  'tribuit quod Caesar uterque
  ius mihi natorum.'

Martial became a titular tribune, and consequently an _eques_, an
honour probably given him by Titus; iii. 95, 9

  'vidit me Roma tribunum';

v. 13, 1,

  'Sum, fateor, semperque fui, Callistrate, pauper,
  sed non obscurus nec male notus eques.'

Martial is unsparing in his flattery of Domitian and his freedmen. Cf.
ix. 79, iv. 45, of Parthenius, the emperor's chamberlain; vii. 99,
viii. 48, of Crispinus, the emperor's favourite. In A.D. 86 we find
his poems eagerly read by the emperor. Cf. iv. 27,

  'Saepe meos laudare soles, Auguste, libellos.'

He obtained citizen rights for several applicants; cf. ix. 95. 11,

  'Quot mihi Caesareo facti sunt munere cives';

and was occasionally invited to the emperor's table; cf. ix. 91.
Domitian, however, refused to assist him pecuniarily (vi. 10). A
description of Martial's life as a client of great houses is found,
_e.g._, in v. 20. Among the friends of high rank whom Martial made
after A.D. 86 were the poet Silius Italicus (iv. 14), the future
emperor Nerva (v. 28), the author S. Iulius Frontinus (x. 58), the
younger Pliny (x. 19). Martial also mentions Quintilian (ii. 90) and
other literary men from Spain, and Juvenal (vii. 24, etc.). Statius he
never mentions, and was probably at enmity with him; cf. his sneers at
mythological epics (x. 4, etc.), which hint indirectly at the
_Thebais_. Martial also attacks his critics (i. 3; xi. 20, etc.),
plagiarists (_e.g._ xi. 94), and those who wrote scurrilous verses in
his name (_e.g._ x. 3).

Martial received rewards in return for his poetry, and often begs for
gifts, and complains of his poverty and the unproductiveness of his
estate at Nomentum (xii. 57); v. 36,

  'Laudatus nostro quidam, Faustina, libello
    dissimulat, quasi nil debeat: imposuit';

vii. 16,

  'Aera domi non sunt, superest hoc, Regule, solum,
  ut tua vendamus munera: numquid emis?'

From 86 to 90 A.D. Martial lived in lodgings on the Quirinal, three
stairs up; i. 117, 6,

  'Longum est, si velit ad Pirum venire,
  et scalis habito tribus, sed altis.'

Later he had a house of his own (ix. 18, 2, etc.), and mentions his
slaves (i. 101; v. 34, etc.). That he was still poor in A.D. 98 is
evident from Pliny, _Ep._ iii. 21, 2, 'Prosecutus eram viatico
secedentem: dederam hoc amicitiae, dederam etiam versiculis quos de me
composuit.'

Martial was evidently never married (ii. 92). In A.D. 98 he left Rome
and went to Spain, where he had liberal friends, as Terentius Priscus
(xii. 4), and Marcella (xii. 21), who gave him an estate, described in
xii. 18. From xii. praef. we see his longing for Rome:

'In hac provinciali solitudine ... bibliothecas, theatra, convictus
... desideramus quasi destituti. Accedit his municipalium robigo
dentium et iudici loco livor,' etc.

Martial died, at latest, about A.D. 104, being from 63 to 66 years
old.

Pliny _Ep._ iii. 21 (written not after A.D. 104), 'Audio Valerium
Martialem decessisse et moleste fero.'

Martial does not disguise the bad points of his character. Cf. his
flattery of Domitian, and his continual begging (_passim_), his
cynical reasons for giving panegyrics (v. 36, quoted above); the
number of indecent poems he wrote, for which he apologizes (_e.g._ i.
praef.). Among his good points are his 'candor,' mentioned by Pliny,
_Ep._ iii. 21; his love of unadorned nature, _e.g._ iii. 58; his love
for his friends, _e.g._ i. 15.


(2) WORKS.

_Publication of the Poems._--_Liber Spectaculorum_ was published A.D. 80,
on the opening of Titus' Amphitheatre. The _Xenia_ and _Apophoreta_
were two collections of inscriptions for presents at the _Saturnalia_
in December 84 or 85 A.D. The numbering of these as Books xiii. and
xiv. has no ancient authority. Martial furnished the other Books with
numbers (cf. ii. 92, 1, 'primus liber'). Books i., ii., appeared
together A.D. 86. Then came Books iii.-xi. at intervals of about a
year to December, 96 A.D. Martial prepared a selection from Books x.
and xi. for Nerva's use (no longer extant). This was presented along
with xii. 5,

  'Longior undecimi nobis decimique libelli
  artatus labor est, et breve rasit opus.
  Plura legant vacui, quibus otia tuta dedisti;
  haec lege tu Caesar; forsan et illa leges.'

Book xii. appeared at the beginning of A.D. 102. and shortly
afterwards in an enlarged edition. An edition of all the Books
probably did not appear till after Martial's death.

For Martial's immediate popularity, cf. vi. 61,

  'Laudat, amat, cantat nostros mea Roma libellos,
  meque sinus omnis, me manus omnis habet';

xi. 3, 3,

  'Sed meus in Geticis ad Martia signa pruinis
    a rigido teritur centurione liber,
  dicitur et nostros cantare Britannia versus.'

Pliny _Ep._ iii. 21 (written just after Martial's death), 'Erat <DW25>
ingeniosus acutus acer, et qui plurimum in scribendo et salis haberet
et fellis nec candoris minus.'

_Martial's Models._--His manner is very original, but some of his
motives are taken from Greek epigrammatists, especially from
Lucillius, who flourished under Nero. Thus iv. 53 = Lucill. 30; v. 53
= L. 93; xii. 23 = L. 34. Many of his pieces are doubtless
improvisations, and consequently contain careless expressions and
errors as to facts. Thus, vii. 61, 2,

  'Inque suo nullum limine limen erat';

x. 2, 1,

  'Festinata prior decimi mihi cura libelli
    elapsum manibus nunc revocavit opus';

x. 93, 5,

  'Ut rosa delectat, metitur quae pollice primo'
         (= the rose which has not yet been plucked).

In iv. 55, 3, Arpi is given as Cicero's birthplace; in v. 30, 2, etc.,
Calabria instead of Apulia is given as Horace's native district.
Catullus is Martial's chief model for hendecasyllabics and
choliambics. He mentions no other poet so often. Cf. x. 103, 5,

  'Nec sua plus debet tenui Verona Catullo
    meque velit dici non minus illa suum.'

Ovid, of whom he has more than two hundred reminiscences, is Martial's
chief pattern for elegiacs. After these Martial's chief model is
Virgil, chiefly the _Priapea_; then Horace to a less extent;
Propertius; and Tibullus. Domitius Marsus, Gaetulicus, Calvus, etc.,
are mentioned frequently, and doubtless imitated.

For Martial's conception of himself as a painter of manners, cf. viii.
3, 19 (ad Musam),

  'At tu Romano lepidos sale tinge libellos:
    adgnoscat mores vita legatque suos.
  Angusta cantare licet videaris avena,
    dum tua multorum vincat avena tubas.'

x. 4, 7,

  'Quid te vana iuvant miserae ludibria chartae?
    hoc lege, quod possit dicere vita "Meum est."
  Non hic Centauros, non Gorgonas, Harpyiasque
    invenies: hominem pagina nostra sapit.'

Martial satirizes people under manufactured or arbitrarily chosen
names.

Cf. i. praef., 'Spero me secutum in libellis meis tale temperamentum,
ut de illis queri non possit, quisquis de se bene senserit, cum salva
infimarum quoque personarum reverentia ludant.'

Some are tell-tale names, as Vetustilla, 'an old woman,' iii. 93;
Dento, 'a gourmand,' v. 45; Eulogus, 'a herald,' vi. 8; but the same
names, _e.g._ Zoilus, are often used to denote different types.

The chief forms of verse used are the elegiac distich (most frequent),
scazons, and hendecasyllabics. In vi. 65 he apologizes for using the
pure hexameter, which is found only four times. Other metres are
extremely rare.



QUINTILIAN.


(1) LIFE.

M. Fabius Quintilianus was born at Calagurris in Spain. Auson. _prof._
i. 7, 'Adserat usque licet Fabium Calagurris alumnum.' Cf. Jerome yr.
Abr. 2104 (quoted below).

Quintilian came at an early age to Rome, where his father was a
rhetorician. Cf. his reminiscences:

x. 1, 86, 'Utar verbis isdem quae ex Afro Domitio (died A.D. 59)
iuvenis excepi.'

v. 7, 7, 'a Domitio Afro quem adulescentulus senem colui.'

vi. 1, 14, 'Nobis adulescentibus accusator Cossutiani Capitonis' (A.D.
57), etc.

From the above quotations, Quintilian must have been born somewhere
between A.D. 35 and 40. A.D. 35 is usually given as an approximation.
For Quintilian's father cf. ix. 3, 73, 'Et cur me prohibeat pudor uti
domestico exemplo? Pater meus contra eum qui,' etc. He is possibly the
person mentioned by Seneca, _Contr._ x. praef. 2, 'quo modo ...
Quintilianus senex declamaverit.'

For Quintilian's teachers of rhetoric, cf. Pliny, _Ep._ ii. 14, 10,
'Narrabat ille [Quintilianus], Adsectabar Domitium Afrum.' Others were
Iulius Africanus (Quint. x. 1, 118), Servilius Nonianus (x. 1, 102),
Galerius Trachalus (x. 1, 119), Iulius Secundus (x. 1, 120), Vibius
Crispus (xii. 10, 11), Remmius Palaemon (Schol. ad Iuv. 6, 452). After
his education Quintilian returned to Calagurris, but was brought back
to Rome by Galba in A.D. 68.

Jerome yr. Abr. 2084 = A.D. 68, 'M. Fabius Quintilianus Romam a Galba
perducitur.'

Quintilian engaged as a pleader at Rome, and makes some references to
his cases. Some of his speeches were published without his consent.

vii. 2, 24, 'In causa Naevi Arpiniani ... cuius actionem et quidem
solam in hoc tempus emiseram, quod ipsum me fecisse ductum iuvenili
cupiditate gloriae fateor. Nam ceterae, quae sub nomine meo feruntur,
neglegentia excipientium in quaestum notariorum corruptae minimam
partem mei habent.'

iv. 1, 19, 'Ego pro regina Berenice apud ipsam eam causam dixi.'

Cf. also vii. 2, 5; ix. 2, 73-4.

Quintilian was the first person who received an imperial grant as
teacher of oratory.

Jerome yr. Abr. 2104 = A.D. 88, 'Quintilianus ex Hispania
Calagurritanus primus Romae publicam scholam et salarium e fisco
accepit et claruit.' The date given by Jerome is much too late, as it
is Quintilian that is alluded to by Sueton. _Vesp._ 18, 'Primus e
fisco Latinis Graecisque rhetoribus annua centena constituit.' The
appointment must therefore have been made by A.D. 79. The
professorship is referred to by Mart. ii. 90, 1,

  'Quintiliane, vagae moderator summe iuventae,
    gloria Romanae, Quintiliane, togae.'

Cf. Pliny, _Ep._ ii. 14, 10, 'Ita certe ex Quintiliano, praeceptore
meo, audisse memini.' Quintilian's career as a teacher lasted for
twenty years.

i. prooem. 1, 'Post impetratam studiis meis quietem, quae per viginti
annos erudiendis iuvenibus impenderam.'

Teuffel thinks that the _Institutio_ was written A.D. 89-91, in which
case Quintilian's career as professor was from A.D. 68 to 88;
Peterson[91] thinks that Quintilian dated his educational work as from
A.D. 70 to 90, and that the _Institutio_ was begun A.D. 92.

Quintilian grew rich by the practice of his profession, from which he
ultimately retired. Iuv. 7, 186,

  'Hos inter sumptus sestertia Quintiliano,
  ut multum, duo sufficient; res nulla minoris
  constabit patri, quam filius. "Unde igitur tot
  Quintilianus habet saltus?"'

Quint. ii. 12, 12, 'quando et praecipiendi munus iam pridem deprecati
sumus et in foro quoque dicendi, quia honestissimum finem putamus,
desinere dum desideraremur.'

After his retirement Quintilian was appointed tutor of Domitian's
grandnephews, sons of his niece Flavia Domitilla and his cousin
Flavius Clemens.

Quint. iv. prooem. 2, 'Cum mihi Domitianus Augustus sororis suae
nepotum delegaverit curam.'

Through the influence of Clemens, he obtained the consulship.

Auson. _grat. act._ p. 23 (Schenkl), 'Quintilianus consularia per
Clementem ornamenta sortitus honestamenta potius videtur quam insignia
potestatis habuisse.'

Cf. Iuv. 7, 197,

  'Si Fortuna volet, fies de rhetore consul;
  si volet haec eadem, fies de consule rhetor.'

His gratitude led him into fulsome flattery of Domitian.

x. 1, 91, 'Germanicum Augustum ab institutis studiis deflexit cura
terrarum, parumque dis visum est esse eum maximum poetarum' (cf. iv.
prooem. 3-5).

Quintilian married late in life. His wife died at the age of eighteen,
his younger son soon afterwards at the age of five, the elder one
subsequently at the age of nine.

vi. prooem. S 2, 'Illum, de quo summa conceperam et in quo spem unicam
senectutis reponebam, repetito volnere orbitatis amisi'; par. 9, 'Non
flosculos, sicut prior, sed iam decimum aetatis ingressus annum,
certos ac deformatos fructus ostenderat'; par. 4, 'erepta prius mihi
matre eorumdem, quae nondum expleto aetatis undevicesimo anno duos
enixa filios ...'; par. 5, 'cum omni virtute, quae in feminas cadit,
functa insanabilem adtulit marito dolorem, tum aetate tam puellari,
praesertim meae comparata, potest et ipsa numerari inter volnera
orbitatis'; par. 6, 'Mihi filius minor quintum egressus annum prior
alterum ex duobus eruit lumen.'

The date of Quintilian's death is unknown. If he outlived Domitian it
was not for long, as Pliny in the letters quoted above (the earlier
written about A.D. 100) does not speak of Quintilian as alive.


(2) WORKS.

_Earlier works._--Quintilian refers to a work _de causis corruptae
eloquentiae_, and to an _ars rhetorica_ in two Books. For speeches of
his taken down and published, see vii. 2, 24, quoted p. 303.

vi. prooem. 3, 'eum librum, quem de causis corruptae eloquentiae
emisi.'

i. prooem. 7, 'Duo iam sub nomine meo libri ferebantur artis
rhetoricae neque editi a me neque in hoc comparati. Namque alterum,
sermone per biduum habito, pueri, quibus id praestabatur, exceperant;
alterum pluribus sane diebus, quantum notando consequi potuerant,
interceptum, boni iuvenes sed nimium amantes mei, temerario editionis
honore volgaverant.'

The _Institutio Oratoria_.--For the date of publication see p. 304.
The circumstances of publication are given by Quintilian in the
preface addressed to his bookseller Trypho.

'Efflagitasti cottidiano convicio, ut libros, quos ad Marcellum meum
de Institutione oratoria scripseram, iam emittere inciperem. Nam ipse
eos nondum opinabar satis maturuisse, quibus componendis, ut scis,
paulo plus quam biennium tot alioqui negotiis districtus impendi ...
Sed si tanto opere efflagitantur quam tu affirmas, permittamus vela
ventis et oram solventibus bene precemur.'

The work is dedicated to Vitorius Marcellus (to whom Statius'
_Silvae_, Book iv., is addressed), and was originally written in view
of the education of his son Geta.

i. prooem. 6, 'Quod opus, Marcelle Vitori, tibi dicamus ... quod
erudiendo Getae tuo ... non inutiles fore libri videbantur.'

Book iv. prooem. was written when Quintilian had been appointed tutor
to the young princes, who are mentioned along with Geta and
Quintilian's elder son; Book vi. prooem. was written not long
afterwards, and refers to his bereavements; in Book xii. prooem. no
names are mentioned.

The work deals with the whole education of the future orator.

i. prooem. 5, 'Nec aliter, quam si mihi tradatur educandus orator,
studia eius formare ab infantia incipiam.'

Quintilian himself gives a sketch of the contents:

i. prooem. 21-2, 'Liber primus ea quae sunt ante officium rhetoris
continebit [including grammar and philology]. Secundo prima apud
rhetorem elementa et quae de ipsa rhetorices substantia quaeruntur
tractabimus. Quinque deinceps (iii.-vii.) inventioni, nam huic et
dispositio subiungitur, quattuor (viii.-xi.) elocutioni, in cuius
partem memoria ac pronuntiatio veniunt, dabuntur. Unus (xii.) accedet,
in quo nobis orator ipse informandus est, ut qui mores eius, quae in
suscipiendis, discendis, agendis causis ratio, quod eloquentiae genus,
quis agendi debeat esse finis, quae post finem studia ... disseramus.'

The ordinary handbooks of rhetoric are attacked.

i. prooem. 24-5, 'Nam plerumque nudae illae artes nimia subtilitatis
affectatione frangunt atque concidunt quidquid est in oratione
generosius, et omnem sucum ingeni bibunt et ossa detegunt, quae ut
esse et adstringi nervis suis debent, sic corpore operienda sunt.
Ideoque nos non particulam illam, sicut plerique, sed quidquid utile
ad instituendum oratorem putabamus, in hos duodecim libros contulimus
breviter omnia demonstraturi.'

Quintilian uses his own experience and the best views of different
authorities.

vi. 2, 25, 'Quod si tradita mihi sequi praecepta sufficeret,
satisfeceram huic parti, nihil eorum, quae legi vel didici, quod modo
probabile fuit, omittendo; sed eruere in animo est, quae latent, et
penitus ipsa huius loci aperire penetralia, quae quidem non aliquo
tradente sed experimento meo ac natura ipsa duce accepi.'

Quintilian insists that the orator must be a good man (cf. the
importance he attaches to early education, i. 1, etc.).

xii. 1, 1, 'Sit ergo nobis orator, quem constituimus, is qui a M.
Catone finitur, vir bonus dicendi peritus; verum, id quod et ille
posuit prius, et ipsa natura potius ac maius est, utique vir bonus.'

Cf. i. prooem. 9-10; ii. 2 (the whole chapter); ii. 15, 1.

Quintilian's exposition is founded mainly on Cicero, from whom he
seldom differs. Cf. vii. 3, 8, 'Quamquam dissentire vix audeo a
Cicerone.'

Quintilian's illustrations are mainly drawn from classical writers.
Upwards of four hundred and fifty passages of Cicero and about one
hundred and forty of Virgil are referred to. Quintilian not only
attacks the modern style, but warns his pupils against the early
writers.

ii. 5, 21-2, 'Duo autem genera maxime cavenda pueris puto: unum, ne
quis eos antiquitatis nimius admirator in Graccorum Catonisque et
aliorum similium lectione durescere velit ... Alterum, quod huic
diversum est, ne recentis huius lasciviae flosculis capti voluptate
prava deleniantur, ut praedulce illud genus et puerilibus ingeniis hoc
gratius, quo propius est, adament.'

For Quintilian's high appreciation of Cicero see x. 1, 105-112; and
for his antagonism to Seneca, x. 1, 125-131, and to philosophers in
general, i. prooem. 10.

For Quintilian's authorities see iii. 1, 'Prooemium de scriptoribus
artis rhetoricae.' They include Dionysius of Halicarnassus; Caecilius;
Chrysippus (for education; cf. i. 1, 16, etc.); Cicero; _Auctor ad
Herenn._; Celsus, cf. iii. 1, 21, etc.; Rutilius, cf. ix. 3, 89;
Remmius Palaemon.

Literary criticism is treated of in Book X. as regards the Greek and
Latin authors useful to the orator. The principal authority used was
the +peri mimeseos+ of Dionysius Halicarnassius. Much of
Quintilian's criticism is traditional, and the lists of great writers
came ultimately from the critics of Alexandria. Roman literary critics
referred to were Cicero (_e.g._ on the Attic orators, x. 1, 76-80) and
Horace (x. 1, 24; 56, etc.).

_Spurious works._--These include two collections of _declamationes_.

1. Nineteen long pieces, ascribed to Quintilian by Jerome and others,
but much later than Quintilian's time.

2. One hundred and forty-five shorter pieces out of an original
collection of three hundred and eighty-eight, the first half being
lost. Some suppose they are the 'libri artis rhetoricae' (i. prooem.
7, quoted above), but this is not likely.



FRONTINUS.


(1) LIFE.

Iulius Frontinus (as he is called by Tacitus: inscriptions and some
MSS. give the _praenomen_ Sextus) was born at latest A.D. 41, for he
was _praetor urbanus_ A.D. 70.

Tac. _Hist._ iv. 39, 'in senatu quem Iulius Frontinus praetor urbanus
vocaverat ... Mox eiurante Frontino Caesar Domitianus praeturam cepit.'

He served in Gaul during the revolt of Civilis, and received the
submission of the Lingones (Front. _Strat._ iv. 3, 14[92]). Under
Vespasian he held the consulship, and preceded Agricola in the command
in Britain, where he conquered the Silures, probably A.D. 76-78.

Tac. _Agr._ 17, 'Et Cerealis quidem alterius successoris curam
famamque obruisset: sustinuit molem Iulius Frontinus, vir magnus,
quantum licebat, validamque et pugnacem Silurum gentem armis subegit,
super virtutem hostium locorum quoque difficultates eluctatus.'

His knowledge of the tactics of Domitian (_Strat._ i. 1, 8; i. 3, 10;
ii. 3, 23; ii. 11, 7) makes it probable that he took part in the war
with the Chatti, A.D. 83. In 97 he became _curator aquarum_ (_Aq._
102), and at the beginning of the following year was consul for the
second time (_C.I.L._ iii., p. 862); cf. Martial x. 48, 20, 'bis
Frontino consule.' In 100 he was once more consul (_C.I.L._ viii.
7066). He also held the office of augur, in which, A.D. 103 or 104, he
was succeeded by the younger Pliny; Plin. _Ep._ iv. 8, 'gratularis
mihi quod acceperim auguratum ... Successi Iulio Frontino, principi
viro.' His death then may be placed in A.D. 103.

Frontinus was a friend of Martial, who addresses to him _Epig._ x. 58.

We get a glimpse of his character from Pliny's words, _Ep._ ix. 19, 6,
'Vetuit exstrui monumentum: sed quibus verbis? "Impensa monumenti
supervacua est: memoria nostri durabit si vita meruimus."'


(2) WORKS.

During the reign of Domitian (A.D. 81-96) Frontinus composed two
works. One of these, of which only fragments survive, dealt with the
art of land-surveying and the laws relating to land. The other,
written after A.D. 84, when Domitian received the title of Germanicus
(_Strat._ ii. II, 7, 'eo bello quo victis hostibus cognomen Germanici
meruit'), is a manual of strategy, in three Books, entitled
_Strategemata_. It is a sequel to a previous work (now lost) on the
theory of the art of war, and illustrates its rules by historical
examples derived chiefly from Sallust, Caesar, and Livy. The purpose
of the book did not require the citation of authorities, and the
mention of Livy in ii. 5, 31 and 34, is probably spurious. Frontinus
gives either a paraphrase retaining some of the expressions of the
original (cf. _Strat._ i. 5, 16, with Liv. xxxv. 11, 2-13), or a bald
summary (cf. _Strat._ ii. 5, 1, with Liv. i. 14, 6-11). See G.
Gundermann, _Jahrb. f. class. Philol._, suppl. xvi., p. 315 _sqq._
(1888). Some later hand has added a fourth Book, which not only
presents marked differences in style and tone from the original three,
but deals with an entirely different subject--the maintenance of
discipline, and other duties of a commander.

Under Nerva and Trajan (A.D. 97-98) Frontinus wrote his treatise on
the Roman water-supply, _De Aquis Urbis Romae_. Having been appointed
_curator aquarum_, he considered it his first duty to acquaint himself
with the details of his department, and published the result of his
inquiries in the hope that they might be useful to his successors (cf.
the preface). The book was begun under Nerva (praef. 'cum ... sit nunc
mihi ab Nerva Augusto ... aquarum iniunctum officium'), but Nerva had
been succeeded by Trajan before it was completed (118, 'divus Nerva';
93, 'Traianum Augustum').



JUVENAL.


The sources for Juvenal's life are (1) his works; (2) an inscription
found at Aquinum; (3) thirteen extant _vitae_; (4) information of the
scholiasts; (5) references in Martial and other writers.

The inscription at Aquinum has been much debated; but it is safe to
follow the opinion of Mommsen, whose experience in identifying people
mentioned in inscriptions with historical characters depends upon a
width of knowledge that no other person possesses. The _vitae_ are all
early mediaeval works, probably founded on a brief account of the
poet's life composed by some unknown ancient writer, and existing at
the early Renaissance. The extant _vitae_ contain a very few facts
which appear to be derived from this source, together with a number of
inferences gathered, often incorrectly, from Juvenal's works. The most
important statement is that regarding Juvenal's birth, which is
contained in the _vita_ in the Codex Barberinus, 8, 18, discovered by
J. Duerr. The date is given in such precise and accurate terms, and is
in itself so probable as solving so many of the questions connected
with the poet's works, that to invent it requires an amount of
knowledge with which we cannot credit the writer of this otherwise
very poor account. The statements of the _vitae_ must be carefully
weighed, and accepted only when rendered probable by other
considerations.[93]

Juvenal's name is given in some of the MSS. as Decimus Iunius
Iuvenalis. He was born A.D. 55.

_Codex Barberinus_, 'Iunius Iuvenalis Aquinas Iunio Iuvenale patre,
matre vero Septumuleia ex Aquinati municipio Claudio Nerone et L.
Antistio consulibus natus est. Sororem habuit Septumuleiam, quae
Fuscino nupsit.'

The statement about his sister and mother is very doubtful; that about
Fuscinus is a bad inference from the fact that _Sat._ 14 (on the
education of children) is addressed to him. The name _Septumuleia_ may
be invented from 14, 105, _septima lux_. Juvenal's sister must have
been called Iunia after her father; the naming of a girl after her
mother was a mediaeval idea.

Juvenal was born at Aquinum, a town of the Volscians. Twelve of the
_vitae_ agree in this, and they are confirmed by the poet's own words
supposed to be addressed to him by his friend Umbricius: 3, 318-21,

                      'Quotiens te
  Roma tuo refici properantem reddet Aquino,
  me quoque ad Helvinam Cererem vestramque Dianam
  converte a Cumis.'

Cf. 6, 57,

  'agello cedo paterno.'

This is corroborated by the inscription found at Aquinum (_C.I.L._ x.
5382), which gives us other information about the poet:

      _cere_RI . SACRVM
  _d . iu_NIVS . IVVENALIS
  _trib_ COH_.i_.DELMATARVM
    II . VIR . QVINQ . FLAMEN
         DIVI . VESPASIANI
    VOVIT . DEDICAV_itq_VE
    SVA                   PEC

This inscription appears to have stood near the temple of Ceres
Helvina or Elvina, dedicated by a member of the gens Elvia, references
to which are found on inscriptions of the district.

The _vitae_ say that Juvenal was the son of a freedman.[94] Cf.
_Vitae_ i. _a_, i. _b_, ii. _c_ (Duerr): 'libertini locupletis incertum
filius an alumnus.' _Vita_ v. (Duerr), 'ordinis ut fertur
libertinorum.' This story is due to a misapprehension of some of
Juvenal's references. 1, 99-102,

               'Iubet a praecone vocari
  ipsos Troiugenas (nam vexant limen et ipsi
  nobiscum): "da praetori, da deinde tribuno."
  Sed libertinus prior est.'

_Libertinus_ here is not to be taken to mean that the entire set are
freedmen.

As to 4, 98,

  'unde fit ut malim fraterculus esse gigantis,'

it gives no evidence whatever of Juvenal's position. If it meant
anything, it would rather imply that Juvenal was the son of a poor
Italian and not of a foreign slave. So for 11, 145-6. His family was
respectable, his means were fair, and he could afford to look down on
upstarts in virtue both of his birth and of his property, although it
is clear from his own works that he had in Rome the position of a
rather humble dependent, who would be exposed to insult at the tables
of the rich and powerful. Cf. 3, 318; 6, 57 (above); 12, 89, 'laribus
paternis'; 1, 24,

  'patricios omnes opibus cum provocet unus,
  quo tondente gravis iuveni mihi barba sonabat.'

So 10, 225.

In _vita_ iv. he is said to have attained equestrian rank.
(Tribunician rank implied equestrian). This, on the whole, is
confirmed by the inscription, and may be founded on the original
_vita_.

Juvenal had a full course of education, first under the _litterator_
and the _grammaticus_, then under the _rhetor._[95] Cf. 1, 15,

  'Et nos ergo manum ferulae subduximus, et nos
  consilium dedimus Sullae, privatus ut altum
  dormiret.'

This would imply a good position, and a certain command of money. Such
_patres libertini_ as Horace's were very rare.

The inscription above quoted (_divi Vespasiani_ shows that its date is
after A.D. 79, and probably not long after) informs us that Juvenal
was (1) 'tribunus cohortis I. Delmatarum'[96]; (2) 'duumvir
quinquennalis'[97] and 'flamen divi Vespasiani' at Aquinum. The dates
when Juvenal held these posts cannot be determined exactly; but we can
infer certain points.

(1) There was a _certus ordo honorum_ in municipal life, and Juvenal
must have held the quaestorship and the aedileship before the
_duumviratus quinquennalis_. The lower limit of entering on a
municipal career was twenty-five, according to an order of Augustus,
and people did not usually begin it much later; we may therefore
conclude that these municipal posts were held by Juvenal somewhere
between A.D. 80 and 90. The last year is approximately fixed by the
way in which Martial in two of his epigrams (vii. 24 and 91) belonging
to A.D. 91 or 92 speaks of Juvenal; the words show that the latter
must have been established in Rome for some time.

(2) In ordinary course Juvenal would enter the army after the
completion of his seventeenth year. The short time he took to arrive
at the position of tribune, and the statement of _vita_ iv. 'cum ...
ad dignitatem equestris ordinis pervenire sua virtute meruisset,' make
it probable that he entered the army as _petitor militiae equestris_,
as a preliminary step towards entering on a political career.

The cohors Delmatarum I., which Juvenal commanded as tribune, was in
Britain in A.D. 106, and in A.D. 124.[98] Probably it had been
stationed there for a period of years, and it is likely that Juvenal
filled his tribuneship there. Now, all the _vitae_ inform us that
Juvenal was banished under the pretext of a military command. While
the other _vitae_ give Egypt as the place of his banishment, _vita_
iv. gives Scotland; and it seems highly probable that _vita_ iv. has
confused Juvenal's regular military command in Britain, and his
banishment, late in life, to Egypt. The words are:

'[Tyrannus] sub honoris praetextu fecit eum praefectum militis contra
Scotos, qui bellum contra Romanos moverant.'

This is supported by Juvenal's references to Britain. Some of these,
like his references to Egypt, seem, in contradistinction to most of
his references to foreign parts, to imply personal knowledge and
observation. They are as follows:

(1) 2, 159-161,

           'Arma quidem ultra
  litora Iuvernae promovimus et modo captas
  Orcadas ac minima contentos nocte Britannos.'

Here 'Iuverna' is the old name of Ireland, which is not mentioned even
in Tacitus' _Agricola_[99]; for the Orcades cf. Tac. _Agr._ 10; and
the excessive shortness of the summer nights mentioned in the last
clause is especially true of the north of Scotland.

(2) 10, 14,

  'Quanto delphinis balaena Britannica maior.'

This is also particularly applicable to the north of Scotland, whales
being frequently seen off the Orkney and Shetland Islands.

(3) 4, 141,

              'Rutupinove edita fundo
  ostrea.'

(4) 14, 196,

  'Castella Brigantum.'

(5) 15, 111,

  'Gallia causidicos docuit facunda Britannos,
  de conducendo loquitur iam rhetore Thule.'

Cf. Tac. _Agr._ 21.

(6) 15, 124, 'Brittones.' This form is rarely found except in military
inscriptions,[100] and could scarcely have been used except by one
familiar with the camp in Britain.[101]

That Juvenal came to Rome about A.D. 90 has been shown above. This
step he may have taken to forward his promotion in the army and
afterwards in the procuratorial service. His failure in this direction
may have led to his pessimism. His friendship with Martial (whom,
however, he does not mention) is shown by Mart. vii. 24 (cf. vii. 91),

  'Cum Iuvenale meo quae me committere temptas,
  quid non audebis, perfida lingua, loqui?' etc.

That he was still in Rome in B.C. 101, and had the entree of the atria
of rich nobles is shown by Mart. xii. 18, written in that year.

  'Dum tu forsitan inquietus erras
  clamosa, Iuvenalis, in Subura
  aut collem dominae teris Dianae,
  dura per limina te potentiorum
  sudatrix toga ventilat vagumque
  maior Caelius et minor fatigant,
  me multos repetita post Decembres
  accepit mea rusticumque fecit
  auro Bilbilis et superba ferro.'

From this we see that he lived in the Subura, the plebeian quarter.
Cf. 3, 5,

  'ego vel Prochytam praepono Suburae.'

While in Rome he still possessed his land at Aquinum and also a
property at Tibur; 11, 65,

  'de Tiburtino veniet pinguissimus agro
  haedulus.'

The statement of the _vitae_ that Juvenal studied rhetoric till middle
life is, as already stated, improbable, as being inconsistent with his
military and municipal career; 'facundus,' applied to him by Mart.
vii. 91, 1, does not mean 'declaiming,' but 'poetical' or
'oratorical.'

_Vitae_ i. _a_ and _b_ (and other seven) say, 'ad mediam fere aetatem
declamavit animi magis causa quam quod scholae se aut foro
praepararet.'

_Juvenal's literary life._--In the MSS. the satires are divided into
Books, and the division seems ancient. Book i. includes _Sat._ 1-5;
Book ii. = _Sat._ 6; Book iii. = _Sat._ 7-9; Book iv. = _Sat._ 10-12;
Book v. = _Sat._ 13-16.

Book i. was written under Trajan; certainly after A.D. 100, the date
of the trial of Marius Priscus [102]; 1, 49,

  'exul ab octava Marius bibit et fruitur dis
  iratis.'

Book ii. not earlier than A.D. 116. It is highly probable that 6, 407,
'instantem regi Armenio Parthoque cometen,' refers to a comet seen at
Rome in November A.D. 115; and 6, 411, 'nutare urbes, subsidere
terras,' to the earthquake at Antioch, 13th December, A.D. 115.

Book iii., probably about A.D. 120, was written under Hadrian, who is
eulogized in 7, 1-35. Duerr thinks it probable that 7, 36-243, was
written under Trajan, and that the introduction, in praise of Hadrian,
was written afterwards. This is also Friedlaender's view; cf. l. 1, 'Et
spes et ratio studiorum in Caesare tantum,' with Spart. _vit. Hadr._
14, 8, 'poematum studiosissimus.' This also supports the view that the
introduction was written not long after Hadrian's accession, when a
new era for poets was supposed to be beginning.

Book iv. was probably written about A.D. 125.

Book v. A clue to the date is found in 13, 16-7,

         'Stupet haec, qui iam post terga reliquit
  sexaginta annos, Fonteio consule natus.'

Fonteius Capito and C. Iulius Rufus were consuls A.D. 67, in which
year the sexagenarian friend whom Juvenal addresses was born. The date
of writing will therefore be A.D. 127.[103]

Cf. also 15, 27, 'nuper consule Iunco.' Iuncus was consul A.D. 127, so
that this satire could not have been written before A.D. 128. So 15,
44,

                 'Horrida sane
  Aegyptos, sed luxuria, quantum ipse notavi,
  barbara famoso non cedit turba Canopo.'

Juvenal must have added these lines to the satire while he was an
exile in Egypt, if he did not write the whole of it there. This is in
accordance with what _vita_ v. says, 'in exilio ampliavit satyras.'
Supposing this passage to be an addition, we may conclude that Book v.
was written about A.D. 128, but not before that year.

_Juvenal's banishment._--As before stated, all the _vitae_ but one
give Egypt as the place of Juvenal's exile. The exact place, according
to the scholiast on 1, 1 and 4, 38, was the Great Oasis (Hoasa:
Hoasis). Three _vitae_ (i. _a_, _b_, iii. _c_) state that he was at
that time _octogenarius_. This would make the date A.D. 135 or 136.
Most of the _vitae_ give as the reason of his exile the fact that he
wrote the lines,[104] 7, 90-2,

  'Quod non dant proceres dabit histrio. Tu Camerinos
  et Baream, tu nobilium magna atria curas?
  Praefectos Pelopea facit, Philomela tribunos.'

Now these lines, the first he ever wrote (_vita_ iii. _c_) were
composed in his youth as an epigram on Paris, Domitian's favourite,
probably about A.D. 81-3. The true story then is that, when Juvenal in
A.D. 135 or 136 published a new edition of _Sat._ 7, he added these
lines (_vitae_ i. _a_, _b_, 'ut ea quoque quae prima fecerat
inferciret novis scriptis').[105] Now it has been inferred from Spart.
_vit. Hadr._ 23 _sqq._ that at this time an actor had great influence
over Hadrian, and the lines were taken as referring to him. The
emperor in a rage banished Juvenal to Egypt _per honorem militiae_,
writing maliciously on his commission 'Et te Philomela promovit'
(_vita_ iv.). The banishment is assigned to the influence of Paris by
Iohannes Malalas, p. 262 _sqq._ (Dindorf), and by Suidas. Cf. also
_Sat._ 15, 44 _sqq._, already quoted, and Sidonius Apollinaris 9, 267
_sqq._,

  'Non qui tempore Caesaris secundi
  aeterno incoluit Tomos reatu:
  non qui consimili deinde casu
  ad volgi tenuem strepentis auram
  irati fuit histrionis exul.'

_Vita_ iii. _b_, 'Tristitia et angore periit anno aetatis suae altero
et octuagesimo.'

_Vita_ v., 'Decessit longo senio confectus exul Antonino Pio
imperatore.'

If this last statement is correct, Juvenal died after reaching the age
of eighty-two, as Antoninus came to the throne on 10th July, A.D. 138.
It follows from this also that he must have been born in the second
half of A.D. 55.

_The Satires._--The following are the more important points regarding
these:

(1) Juvenal's reasons for writing satire are given in _Sat._ 1, ll.
1-14. He is wearied with tragedies and epics on mythological subjects,
'Semper ego auditor tantum?'

He is resolved to follow in the footsteps of Lucilius; ll. 19-21,

  'Cur tamen hoc potius libeat decurrere campo,
  per quem magnus equos Auruncae flexit alumnus,
  si vacat ac placidi rationem admittitis, edam.'

His satire is due to indignation at the moral decay of the Roman
world.

l. 30, 'Difficile est satiram non scribere' (cf. ll. 63, 79).

However, he does not intend to satirize the living, at least under
their own names; and in fact he has in his mind particularly the times
of Domitian, while most of his names are those of persons living under
Claudius or Nero; l. 170,

        'Experiar quid concedatur in illos,
  quorum Flaminia tegitur cinis atque Latina.'

In the first nine Satires Juvenal's bitterness is directed mainly
against the senatorial class, possibly because they had given him no
support in his office-seeking. Even his violent attack on women in
_Sat._ 6 is launched chiefly against the women of the highest class.
Note also the unjust way in which he speaks of the government of the
provinces (_Sat._ 8, 87-139). Juvenal is very bitter against Greeks
and Orientals, most of all against Egyptians (cf. _Sat._ 15, and his
attacks on the Egyptian Crispinus in 4, 1-33, etc.). Cf. 3, 119-125,
for his attacks on foreigners.

(2) He claims a wide scope for his subject; 1, 85,

  'Quidquid agunt homines, votum timor ira voluptas
  gaudia discursus nostri farrago libelli est.'

(3) His pessimism is very marked; cf. 1, 147,

  'Nil erit ulterius, quod nostris moribus addat
  posteritas; eadem facient cupientque minores,
  omne in praecipiti vitium stetit. Utere velis,
  totos pande sinus.'

So 12, 48-9. His pessimism leads to extravagant language like 6, 29
_sqq._ He is as hard on trifling foibles as on the most heinous
offences. Cf. 6, 166 _sqq._, 185 _sqq._, 398 _sqq._, 434-56 (on
learned ladies).

(4) His rhetorical learning and style (found in all the Satires, but
particularly in the later ones) are shown by

(_a_) His metre and language. Thus we find rhetorical uses of _ergo_
(3, 104; 281, etc.); _nunc_ (3, 268; 10, 210); _porro_ (3, 126; 11,
9); and of other particles.

(_b_) The way in which he chooses themes for his Satires, and
subdivides them. Several of the Satires, as 5, 8, 10, 14, are
_theses_, _i.e._ problems of a general character worked out in the
manner of the rhetorical schools. Thus _Sat._ 5 discusses the
question, 'Is the position of a client worth having?' _Sat._ 8, 'Has
high birth a value in itself?' He sometimes uses the commonplaces of
the schools, as 8, 56,

             'Animalia muta
  quis generosa putet nisi fortia?'

So 8, 215-6. In the manner of a rhetorician he sometimes gives
superabundant details. The best example of this is 10, 190-250, on the
troubles of old age.

(_c_) His knowledge of mythology, history, law, and philosophy. This
is found mostly in the later Books. In the earlier Satires he dealt
more with life as he had known it. In the later Satires he has
recourse to republican times and to foreign history. His historical
examples Friedlaender thinks he took mostly from Valerius Maximus.
Juvenal's knowledge of philosophy was very superficial, and was
probably got from his rhetorical training. Errors occur; thus in 13,
121-2, Stoics and Cynics are looked upon as identical.[106]

(_d_) His high-flown language referred to above.

(_e_) His references to previous literature. Thus Horace is often
referred to (cf. 7, 62 and 227); Virgil with great frequency (cf. 1,
162; 6, 434 _sqq._; 7, 66 and 227; 7, 233 _sqq._). Mayor mentions
Homer, Herodotus, Plato, Lucilius, Cicero, Ovid, Manilius, Valerius
Maximus, Seneca, Lucan, and Martial among the authors imitated by
Juvenal.



PLINY THE YOUNGER.


Pliny's full name on the inscriptions of the later period of his life
reads 'C. Plinius L. f. Ouf. Caecilius Secundus.' This name he partly
got from his mother's brother C. Plinius Secundus (Pliny the elder),
who adopted him by will: cf. _Ep._ v. 8, 5, 'Avunculus meus idemque
per adoptionem pater.' Pliny's name before his adoption in A.D. 79
(see below) was P. Caecilius L. f. Ouf. Secundus. His birthplace was
Comum, and he belonged to the Oufentina, the tribe of the people of
Comum, as well on the side of his natural as on that of his adoptive
father. In an inscription preserved at Como (_C.I.L._ v. 5279) Pliny's
father, Cilo, is mentioned, and two men who are undoubtedly Cilo's
sons, the second mentioned being Pliny the younger, who had always
been called Secundus.

'L. Caecilius L. f. Cilo iiii.vir a(edilicia) p(otestate), qui
testamento suo (sestertium) n(ummum) xxxx. (milia) municipibus
Comensibus legavit, ex quorum reditu quotannis per Neptunalia oleum in
campo et in thermis et in balineis omnibus, quae sunt Comi,
praeberentur, t(estamento) f(ieri) iussit et L. Caecilio L. f. Valenti
et P. Caecilio L. f. Secundo et Lutullae Picti f. contubernali.'[107]

For Cilo's bequests here mentioned cf. Pliny, _Ep._ i, 8, 5; Comum is
referred to as 'patria mea' in _Ep._ iv. 30, 1. The Caecilii were a
family of station at Comum even in Caesar's time. Cf. Catull. 35,

  'Poetae tenero meo sodali
  velim Caecilio, papyre, dicas,
  Veronam veniat Novi relinquens
  Comi moenia Lariumque litus.'

Pliny inherited landed property there from his father and mother.

_Ep._ vii. 11, 5, 'Indicavit mihi cupere se aliquid circa Larium
nostrum possidere: ego illi ex praediis meis quod vellet ... optuli,
exceptis maternis paternisque.'

The above inscription shows that Pliny's father belonged to the
municipal nobility, and possibly had 'equestris nobilitas.'

Pliny was in his eighteenth year (_Ep._ vi. 20, 5, 'agebam
duodevicensimum annum') on 24th August, A.D. 79, when his uncle
perished in the eruption of Vesuvius, and he was therefore born in the
second half of 61 or in the first half of 62 A.D. Cilo died young,
before holding the chief municipal post, and before Pliny was of age;
and Verginius Rufus became Pliny's guardian.

_Ep._ ii. 1, 8, 'Ille mihi tutor relictus adfectum parentis
exhibuit.' Pliny was removed to Rome with his uncle, probably at the
end of A.D. 72. While at school he wrote poetry (_Ep._ vii. 4, 2,
quoted below), and studied philosophy and rhetoric.

_Ep._ vi. 6, 3, 'Quos tunc ego frequentabam, Quintilianum, Niceten
Sacerdotem.' Cf. also ii. 14, 10; i. 20, 4; vii. 4, etc. For literary
studies with his uncle cf. _Ep._ vi. 20, 5, 'Posco librum Titi Livi et
quasi per otium lego, atque etiam, ut coeperam, excerpo.'

His uncle, as above stated, died on 24th August, A.D. 79, and by his
will adopted Pliny, whose name thereafter was C. Plinius L. f. Ouf.
Caecilius Secundus. He therefore changed his praenomen to that of his
adoptive father, and put his former nomen among his cognomina. By his
contemporaries he is called Plinius (cf. Martial, x. 19), or Secundus,
as by Trajan. The name Caecilius was confined to formal inscriptions.

In A.D. 80 or 81 Pliny first appeared as an advocate. Cf. _Ep._ v. 8,
8, 'Undevicensimo aetatis anno dicere in foro coepi.' Before entering
the Senate, he held (as stated in the chief inscription, given below)
the decemvirate _litibus iudicandis_, the military tribunate in the
third Gallic legion, and the title of Sevir in the Roman knighthood.
Pliny probably held his military tribunate under Domitian (_i.e._,
after 13th September, A.D. 81) in Syria.

Cf. _Ep._ i. 10, 2, 'Hunc [Euphraten philosophum] ego in Syria, cum
adulescentulus militarem, penitus et domi inspexi.'

The date of Pliny's praetorship as A.D. 93 is settled by _Ep._ iii.
11, 2, the events recorded in which passage are known from Tac. _Agr._
45 to have taken place shortly after Agricola's death in August, A.D.
93.

'Fui praetor ... cum ... occisis Senecione Rustico Helvidio, relegatis
Maurico Gratilla Arria Fannia ... mihi quoque impendere idem exitium
certis quibusdam notis augurarer.'

The words in _Ep._ vii. 16 (of Calestrius Tiro), 'Simul quaestores
Caesaris fuimus: ille me in tribunatu liberorum iure praecessit, ego
illum in praetura sum consecutus, cum mihi Caesar annum remisisset,'
refer to the fact that the emperor did not insist on the year of
absence from office between the tribunate and the quaestorship. Pliny
was quaestor from 1st June, 89 to 31st May, 90 A.D., being nominated
by the emperor, as shown by the above passage. He was _trib. pleb._
from 10th December, 90 to 9th December, 91 A.D., and during his year
of office undertook no cases. Cf. _Ep._ i. 23, 2, 'Ipse cum tribunus
essem ... abstinui causis agendis.' By special favour he was allowed
to take office as praetor on 1st January, A.D. 93. In this year he
appeared before the Senate for the people of Baetica against the
procurator Baebius Massa.

_Ep._ vii. 33, esp. par. 4, 'Dederat me senatus cum Herennio Senecione
advocatum provinciae Baeticae contra Baebium Massam.'

The inscriptions of Pliny show that he was _praefectus aerarii
militaris_ between his praetorship in 93 and his _praefectura aerarii
Saturni_ (from 98 onwards), and this office he held either from 94 to
96 or from 95 to 97 A.D. Pliny tells us that he and Cornutus Tertullus
were designated consuls, when they had held the _praefectura aerarii
Saturni_ for less than two years.

_Paneg._ 91, 'Nondum biennium compleveramus in officio laboriosissimo
et maximo, cum tu nobis ... consulatum obtulisti.'

This _designatio_ took place on 9th January, A.D. 100, whence the
_praefectura_ must have been entered on shortly after 9th January,
A.D. 98. Pliny was probably nominated to it by Nerva and Trajan.

Cf. _ad Trai._ 3, 'Ut primum me, domine, indulgentia _vestra_ promovit
ad praefecturam aerarii Saturni.'

Mommsen[108] believes that this praefectura was held at the same time
as the consulship, and on to December, A.D. 101, an unusual length of
tenure. H. F. Stobbe, however, makes the trial of Classicus, on which
the last date depends, extend from September 99 to July 100 A.D.
(_Philologus_, xxx. 347 _sqq._).

_Paneg._ 92, 'Nobis praefectis aerarii consulatum ante quam
successorem dedisti.'

Pliny, along with Cornutus Tertullus, his colleague in the
_praefectura_, was made consul A.D. 100. He held the office in
September of that year, and the tenure was either from July 1 to
September 30, or from September 1 to October 31.

_Paneg._ 92, 'Ei nos potissimum mensi attribuisti quem tuus natalis
exornat.'

The _Panegyricus_ is a speech of thanks to Trajan spoken on this
occasion. In A.D. 99 Pliny, along with Tacitus, appeared for the
Africans against the proconsul Marius Priscus (see _Ep._ ii. 11 quoted
p. 338); and in A.D. 101, while still _praefectus aerarii_, he
appeared for the people of Baetica against the proconsul Caecilius
Classicus.

_Ep._ iii. 4, 2, 'Legati provinciae Baeticae questuri de proconsulatu
Caecili Classici advocatum me a senatu petierunt.'

Pliny obtained the augurship, probably in 103 or 104, in succession to
Sex. Iulius Frontinus, who probably died in 102 or 103 A.D. Cf. _Ep._
iv. 8, 3, 'Successi Iulio Frontino.' In 103 or 104 A.D. he appeared
against the Bithynians for the proconsul Iulius Bassus (_Ep._ iv. 9
etc.). He held the _cura alvei Tiberis et riparum et cloacarum urbis_
probably from 105 to 107 A.D. See Pliny's chief inscription (below),
and cf. _Ep._ v. 14, 1-2, 'Mihi nuntiatum est Cornutum Tertullum
accepisse Aemiliae viae curam ... aliquanto magis me delectat mandatum
mihi officium, postquam par Cornuto datum video.'

About A.D. 106 Pliny appeared against the Bithynians for the proconsul
Varenus Rufus (_Ep._ vi. 29, 11).

From 111-2 or 112-3 A.D. Pliny was governor of Pontus and Bithynia,
being sent out for a special purpose by the emperor as _legatus pro
praetore consulari potestate_. Cf. the chief inscription (below) and
the words of Trajan.

_Trai._ 32, 'Meminerimus idcirco te in istam provinciam missum, quoniam
multa in ea emendanda apparuerint.'

The date of Pliny's governorship is fixed by the mention of Calpurnius
Macer in the letters (_ad Trai._ 42; 61; 62) as the governor of the
nearest province. Mommsen has identified him with P. Calpurnius Macer
Caulius Rufus, who is shown by an inscription (_C.I.L._ iii. 7 and 17)
to have been governor of Lower Moesia in 112 A.D. This is corroborated
by the fact that no mention is made of Bithynia in the chief
collection of letters, which was not completed till A.D. 108 at least.
Therefore the governorship falls after that time. On the other hand,
Pliny must have been sent out not later than A.D. 113, as in the chief
inscription _Optimus_ does not appear in Trajan's name, and this
cognomen he assumed in A.D. 114. Finally, the fact that Trajan was at
Rome during Pliny's governorship points to a time between the end of
the second Dacian War in A.D. 107 and the outbreak of the Parthian War
in A.D. 113.

Our information about Pliny ends with the close of his correspondence
with Trajan. It is certain that he held no further office, and it is
probable that he died before A.D. 114 in his province or shortly after
his return to Rome.

As regards municipal relations, Pliny held the post of _flamen divi
Augusti_, according to the inscription which the corporation of
Vercellae erected to him at his own town (_C.I.L._ v. 5667).

'C. Plini[o L. f. O]uf. Caec[ilio] Secundo [c]os. augur. cur. alv.
Tib. [et ripa]r. et cloac. urb. [praef. a]er. Sat. praef. aer. mil.
[pr. tr. pl.] imp. sevir. eq. R. tr. m[i]l. leg. iii. Gall. x. viro
stl. iud. fl. divi T. Aug.'

For bequests to his native town see the chief inscription (below).
Besides these are mentioned gifts in his life-time. Under Domitian
Pliny presented his townspeople with a library (_Ep._ i, 8),
apparently worth 1,000,000 sesterces (v. 7), and endowed it with
100,000 sesterces. He also gave 500,000 sesterces for the support of
freeborn boys and girls (_Ep._ i, 8); and promised to pay one-third of
the salary of the professor of rhetoric at Comum (_Ep._ iv. 13, 5).

The following is the chief inscription of Pliny (as restored by
Mommsen), which was erected at the _Thermae_ which he presented to
Comum (_C.I.L._ v. 5262):

'C. Plinius L. f. Ouf. Caecilius _Secundus cos._ augur legat. pro pr.
provinciae Pon_ti et Bithyniae_ consulari potesta_t_. in eam
provinciam e_x. s. c. missus ab_ Imp. Caesar. Nerva Traiano Aug.
German_ico Dacico p.p_. curator alvei Ti_b_eris et riparum e_t
cloacar. urb_. praef. aerari Satu_r_ni praef. aerari mil_it. pr. trib.
pl_. quaestor imp. sevir equitum _Romanorum_ trib. milit. leg. _iii_.
Gallicae _x.vir stli_tib. iudicand. therm_as ex HS_ ... adiectis in
ornatum HS ccc ... _et eo amp_lius in tutela_m_ HS CC t. f. i. _item
in alimenta_ libertor. suorum homin. C. HS XVIII LXVI DCLXVI rei_p.
legavit, quorum inc_rement. postea ad epulum _pl_eb. urban. voluit
pertin_ere ... item vivus_ dedit in aliment. pueror. et puellar. pleb.
urban. HS D _item bybliothecam et_ in tutelam bybliothecae HS C.'

Pliny was also patron of Tifernum Tiberinum and of the Baetici.

_Ep._ iv. 1, 4, 'Oppidum est praediis nostris vicinum, nomen Tiferni
Tiberini, quod me paene adhuc puerum patronum cooptavit ... In hoc ego
... templum pecunia mea exstruxi, cuius dedicationem ... differre
longius inreligiosum est.'

_Ep._ iii. 4, 4, 'Legati ... inplorantes fidem meam, quam essent
contra Massam Baebium experti, adlegantes patrocini foedus.'

Pliny married three times, twice under Domitian. Cf. _ad Trai._ 2,
'Liberos ... habere etiam tristissimo illo saeculo volui, sicut potes
duobus matrimoniis meis credere.' For his third wife, Calpurnia, who
died A.D. 97, see _Ep._ iv. 19. Pliny had no children, but Trajan
conferred on him the _ius trium liberorum_ in A.D. 98. Cf. _ad Trai._
2, 'Me dignum putasti iure trium liberorum.'

_Pliny as orator and writer._--Most of Pliny's cases were before the
_centumviri_, who dealt with inheritances: cf. _Ep._ vi. 12, 2, 'in
harena mea, hoc est apud centumviros.' So Mart. x. 19, 14 (written
A.D. 96),

  'Totos dat tetricae dies Minervae
  dum centum studet auribus virorum
  hoc quod saecula posterique possint
  Arpinis quoque comparare chartis.'

For Pliny's five speeches in criminal trials before the Senate see
above. Cf. _Ep._ vi. 29, 7 _sqq._, 'Egi quasdam a senatu iussus ...
Adfui Baeticis contra Baebium Massam ... Adfui rursus isdem
querentibus de Caecilio Classico ... Accusavi Marium Priscum ...
Tuitus sum Iulium Bassum ... Dixi proxime pro Vareno.'

Pliny recited his speeches before delivering them, and subsequently
published them, sometimes with additions.

_Ep._ vii. 17, 2, 'Miror quod scribis fuisse quosdam qui
reprehenderent quod orationes omnino recitarem.'

_Ep._ iii. 18, 1 (of the _Panegyricus_), 'Quod ego in senatu cum ad
rationem et loci et temporis ex more fecissem, bono civi
convenientissimum credidi eadem illa spatiosius et uberius volumine
amplecti.'

Pliny speaks of his early attempts at poetry:

_Ep._ vii. 4, 2-3, 'Numquam a poetice (altius enim repetam) alienus
fui; quin etiam quattuordecim natus annos Graecam tragoediam scripsi.
Qualem? inquis: nescio: tragoedia vocabatur.'

In Books i.-iii. he appears only as a lover of poetry and a patron of
poets (cf. i. 16; iii. 15). From Book iv. (published A.D. 105) onwards
he appears as a poet. In _Ep._ vii. 4, 6 are thirteen poor hexameter
lines on Cicero; _ibid._ par. 7-8, 'Transii ad elegos: hos quoque non
minus celeriter explicui: addidi iambos, facilitate corruptus ...
Postremo placuit exemplo multorum unum separatim hendecasyllaborum
volumen absolvere, nec paenitet. Legitur, describitur, cantatur
etiam.' Pliny defends himself for writing light verses in _Ep._ v. 3,
etc. In the later books he refers to another proposed collection of
verses.

_Ep._ viii. 21, 3, 'Liber fuit et opusculis varius et metris.'

Pliny says he did not observe chronological order in publishing his
letters.

_Ep._ i. 1, 1, 'Collegi non servato temporis ordine (neque enim
historiam componebam), sed ut quaeque in manus venerat.'

This, however, is not convincing, as it falls in with
Pliny's wish to give an appearance of negligence to the work, and
besides it may apply only to Book i. Successive publication of the
different Books is shown by many references; so _Ep._ ix. 19,
'Significas legisse te in quadam epistula,' where _Ep._ vi. 10 is
referred to. So also contemporaneous events are always described in
the same Book or in two Books close together; and when a subject is
continued in another letter, the order of the two letters fits in with
chronology. So iii. 4 and iv. 1 deal with the building of a temple at
Tifernum; iii. 20 and iv. 25 with ballot at elections.

The following are the probable dates of publication: Book i. in A.D.
97; Book ii. in A.D. 100; Book iii. in A.D. 101 or 102; Book iv. in
A.D. 105; Book v. in A.D. 106; Book vi. possibly in A.D. 106; Book
vii. in A.D. 107; Book viii. not before A.D. 109; Book ix. probably
about the same time.

The correspondence with Trajan is independent of the nine Books of
letters. The epistles are roughly in chronological order. _Epp._ 1-14
range from 98 to 106 A.D. _Epp._ 15 to the end were probably all
written in Bithynia during Pliny's governorship there. Trajan's reply
is subjoined to most of the letters. The correspondence extant
stretches from September A.D. 111 over January A.D. 113.

Pliny had intimate relations with other writers, the principal being
Tacitus; Martial (cf. _Ep._ iii. 21); Silius Italicus (cf. _Ep._ iii.
7). See pp. 340, 298, 289. For his literary reputation see _Ep._ ix.
23, 2, quoted p. 338 and cf. _Ep._ i. 2, 6, 'Libelli quos emisimus
dicuntur in manibus esse, quamvis iam gratiam novitatis exuerint; nisi
tamen auribus nostris bibliopolae blandiuntur.'

_Pliny's character._--Pliny, without being a great man, is a more
favourable specimen of character, feeling, and gentlemanly tone, than
almost any other Roman author. He avoided censorious writing, and most
of the people he mentions are praised. The chief exception is Regulus
(_Ep._ i. 5, etc.), and possibly also Iavolenus Priscus (vi. 15). When
anybody is blamed, his name is omitted unless he is dead or has been
banished.

_Ep._ vii. 28, i, 'Ais quosdam apud te reprehendisse, tamquam amicos
meos ex omni occasione ultra modum laudem. Agnosco crimen, amplector
etiam. Quid enim honestius culpa benignitatis?'

For his desire of praise cf. _Ep._ ix. 23, 5, 'An ... ego celebritate
nominis mei gaudere non debeo? Ego vero et gaudeo et gaudere me dico.'

For his kindness to slaves cf. _Ep._ viii. 16, 1, 'Permitto servis
quoque quasi testamenta facere eaque ut legitima custodio' (and the
rest of the letter).

For his grief at the loss of friends cf. _Ep._ v. 21, 6, 'Sed quid ego
indulgeo dolori? cui si frenos remittas, nulla materia non maxima est.
Finem epistulae faciam, ut facere possim etiam lacrimis quas epistula
expressit.'

For his love of nature cf. Ep. i. 9, 6, 'O mare, o litus, verum
secretumque +mouseion+, quam multa invenitis, quam multa
dictatis!'

Cf. also descriptions of natural scenery, as in _Epp._ ii. 17, 3; v.
6, 13; vi. 31, 15; viii. 8.



TACITUS.


(1) LIFE.

The historian's full name is uncertain. Other writers, _e.g._ Pliny
the younger, call him Cornelius Tacitus, or simply Tacitus. His
praenomen is given as P. in the best Tacitean MS. (Mediceus I.), and
as C. in later MSS. and by Sidonius Apollinaris (_Ep._ iv. 14;
22).[109] His birthplace is unknown. The tradition that he was born at
Interamna in Umbria arose from the fact that the emperor Tacitus (A.D.
275-6), who claimed descent from the historian (Vopisc. _Tac._ 10, 3),
was born there.[110] The probable date of his birth is got from a
comparison of two passages:

_Dial._ 1, 'Disertissimorum ... hominum ... quos eamdem hanc
quaestionem pertractantes iuvenis admodum audivi.'

Pliny, _Ep._ vii. 20, 3, 'Erit rarum et insigne duos homines aetate
dignitate propemodum aequales ... alterum alterius studia fovisse.
Equidem adulescentulus, cum iam tu fama gloriaque floreres, te sequi,
tibi longo sed proximus intervallo et esse et haberi concupiscebam.'

The dramatic date of the Dialogue is A.D. 75 (_Dial._ 17), and at that
time Tacitus, as _iuvenis admodum_, must have been between seventeen
and twenty. From a consideration of the words of Pliny, who was born
A.D. 61 or 62, the later age seems nearer the mark, and we may
conclude that Tacitus was born A.D. 55 or 56.

We have no positive information about Tacitus' family, but his
education, political career, and marriage into a distinguished house,
prove that he belonged to a family of station. The first person of the
name we know of is mentioned by Pliny the elder as an _eques_, and may
have been Tacitus' father.

Pliny, _N.H._ vii. 76, 'Corneli Taciti, equitis Romani, Belgicae
Galliae rationes procurantis.'

Tacitus received the regular rhetorical training under the best
masters.

_Dial._ 2, 'M. Aper et Iulius Secundus, celeberrima tum ingenia fori
nostri, quos ego in iudiciis non modo studiose audiebam, sed domi
quoque et in publico adsectabar, mira studiorum cupiditate et quodam
ardore iuvenili, ut fabulas quoque eorum et disputationes et arcana
semotae dictionis penitus exciperem.'

That Tacitus had a very great reputation as a speaker is seen from
Pliny, _Ep._ ix. 23, 2, 'Numquam maiorem cepi voluptatem, quam nuper
ex sermone Corneli Taciti. Narrabat sedisse se cum quodam Circensibus
proximis: hunc post varios eruditosque sermones requisisse "Italicus
es an provincialis?" se respondisse "nosti me, et quidem ex studiis."
Ad hoc illum "Tacitus es an Plinius?"'

In A.D. 98 (according to others, 97) Tacitus delivered the funeral
oration over Verginius Rufus, and in A.D. 100 he and Pliny prosecuted
Marius Priscus, proconsul of Africa, for extortion.

Pliny, _Ep._ ii. 1, 6, 'Laudatus est [Verginius Rufus] a consule
Cornelio Tacito: nam hic supremus felicitati eius cumulus accessit,
laudator eloquentissimus.'

_Ibid._ ii. 11, 2, 'Ego et Cornelius Tacitus, adesse provincialibus
iussi.' par. 17, 'Respondit Cornelius Tacitus eloquentissime, et quod
eximium orationi eius inest, +semnos+.'

In A.D. 77 Tacitus was betrothed to the daughter of Agricola, then
consul, and in A.D. 78 he married her.

_Agr._ 9, 'Consul egregiae tum spei filiam iuveni mihi despondit ac
post consulatum collocavit, et statim Britanniae praepositus est.'

Tacitus gives us a clue to his political career in _Hist._ i. 1.

'Dignitatem nostram a Vespasiano incohatam, a Tito auctam, a Domitiano
longius provectam non abnuerim.'

This probably means that Vespasian granted him the _latus clavus_,
_i.e._ a place in the _ordo senatorius_, which was followed by the
_vigintiviratus_ given by the Senate, and a commission in the army as
_tribunus militum laticlavius_; that Titus appointed him quaestor A.D.
80-1; and that Domitian made him tribune or aedile (about 84), and in
A.D. 88 praetor. For the last office cf. _Ann._ xi. 11,

'Is [Domitianus] edidit ludos saeculares, eisque intentius adfui
sacerdotio quindecimvirali praeditus ac tunc praetor.'

That Tacitus was absent from Rome A.D. 90-93 we may infer from what he
says of Agricola's death (A.D. 93).

_Agr._ 45, 'Nobis tam longae absentiae condicione ante quadriennium
amissus est.'

He must have returned to Rome soon afterwards, for he says in the same
chapter: 'Mox nostrae duxere Helvidium in carcerem manus; nos Maurici
Rusticique visus, nos innocenti sanguine Senecio perfudit.'

Tacitus was appointed consul suffectus under Trajan A.D. 98 (see
Pliny, _Ep._ ii. 1, 6, above quoted).

An inscription found at Mylasa in Caria shows that Tacitus was
proconsul of Asia about 112-116 A.D.[111]

Tacitus probably died soon after the publication of the _Annals_ (A.D.
115-7), as he did not live to write his contemplated works on the
Augustan age and the reigns of Nerva and Trajan.

_Hist._ i. 1, 'Quod si vita suppeditet, principatum divi Nervae et
imperium Traiani ... senectuti seposui.'

_Ann._ iii. 24, 'Cetera illius aetatis [Augusti] memorabo, si effectis
in quae tetendi, plures ad curas vitam produxero.'

Tacitus was on intimate terms with Pliny, eleven of whose letters are
addressed to him. From vii. 20 and viii. 7 we see that they were in
the habit of "exchanging proof-sheets." To the same circle belonged
Fabius Iustus, to whom the _Dialogus_ is dedicated, and Asinius Rufus.

Pliny, _Ep._ iv. 15, 1, 'Asinium Rufum singulariter amo. ... Idem
Cornelium Tacitum arta familiaritate complexus est.'


(2) WORKS.

1. _Dialogus de Oratoribus_, an inquiry into the causes of the decay
of eloquence--'cur nostra potissimum aetas deserta et laude
eloquentiae orbata vix nomen ipsum oratoris retineat' (_Dial._ 1).
Some critics have supposed that Tacitus meant this work to be an
_apologia pro vita sua_, a justification of his preference for a
literary to a rhetorical career, but this cannot be proved. That
Tacitus is the author is clear from Pliny, _Ep._ ix. 10, 2, 'Itaque
poemata quiescunt, quae tu inter nemora et lucos commodissime perfici
putas'--a reference to _Dial._ 9, 'poetis ... in nemora et lucos, id
est in solitudinem, secedendum est.' The dramatic date is given in
_Dial._ 17 as A.D. 75; the statement there and in _Dial._ 24 that one
hundred and twenty years have passed since Cicero's death (which would
give A.D. 77) is made in round numbers. The date of composition is
uncertain. It was not under Domitian, as Tacitus remained silent
during his reign (_Agr._ 2). We can hardly suppose it to have been
written under Nerva, as its style is so different from that of the
_Agricola_; but it may have been written under Domitian, and published
after his death. Some authorities put it as early as A.D. 81.[112]

2. _De vita et moribus Iulii Agricolae liber_, an account of the life
of Cn. Iulius Agricola, Tacitus' father-in-law, and particularly of
his career in Britain. It was written early in the reign of Trajan,
and therefore after 27th Jan., 98 A.D., and probably in that year.

_Agr._ 3, 'quamquam primo statim beatissimi saeculi ortu Nerva Caesar
res olim dissociabiles miscuerit, principatum ac libertatem, augeatque
cottidie felicitatem temporum Nerva Traianus.'

3. _Germania_.--The Vatican MSS. give the title as _de origine et situ_
(another MS. adds _moribus ac populis_) Germanorum. The date of
publication, as seen from _Germ._ 37, was A.D. 98. The book is not
mentioned in _Agr._ 3 among the proposed works of Tacitus; and it has
therefore been supposed that the materials were collected for the
_Histories_, and that the work was published separately on account of
its length, and also the interest felt in Germany at the time. There
is nothing in the theory that the book is a political pamphlet, or
that it contains a moral purpose. Tacitus is by no means blind to the
faults of the Germans (c. 17 _sqq._, etc.), though he compares them
favourably in many respects with the Romans.

4. _Historiae_.--The title is guaranteed by Tertull. _apol._ 16,
'Cornelius Tacitus in quinta historiarum suarum.' The work embraced
the time from Galba to Domitian, _i.e._ 69-96 A.D. The first four
Books and part of the fifth are extant, and give the history of 69 and
most of 70 A.D. In MS. Mediceus II., the only ancient MS. that
contains _Ann._ xi.-xvi. and the _Histories_, there is no title, but
the Books are numbered continuously as belonging to the same work. Cf.
Jerome, _Comm. on Zacharias_, iii. 14, 'Cornelius Tacitus, qui post
Augustum usque ad mortem Domitiani vitas Caesarum triginta voluminibus
exaravit.' If, therefore, the _Annals_ contained sixteen Books, the
_Histories_ must have contained fourteen, supposing Jerome's statement
to be correct. Some authorities think the numbers were eighteen and
twelve respectively. The work was written under Trajan (cf. _Hist._ i.
1, 'principatum divi Nervae et imperium Traiani'), and was probably
brought out in instalments. Pliny's letters (vi. 16; 20; vii. 33),
written about A.D. 106-9, contain contributions to it.

5. _Annales_, or rather _Ab excessu divi Augusti_, the title given by
MS. Med. I. Tacitus often calls his work _annales_ (as in _Ann._ iv.
32), but uses the word to signify his plan of recording events by
their years. Cf. _Ann._ iv. 71, 'Ni mihi destinatum foret suum quaeque
in annum referre, avebat animus antire,' etc.

He occasionally apologises (as in xii. 40) for departing from this
order for the sake of clearness. The Books, the division into which
was made by Tacitus himself (cf. vi. 27, 'in prioribus libris'),
usually, however, end with some important event.

The _Annals_ deal with the time from the death of Augustus to that of
Nero, _i.e._ from 14 to 68 A.D. There are extant Books i.-iv. and a
part of v. and vi., and Books xi.-xvi., except the beginning of xi.
and the end of xvi. We have thus lost the whole of the reign of
Caligula and the reign of Claudius from 41-47 (part), and Nero's reign
from the close of 66 to 68. The work was published between A.D. 115
and 117. This is settled by _Ann._ ii. 61, 'Exin ventum Elephantinen
ac Syenen, claustra olim Romani imperii, quod nunc rubrum ad mare
patescit.'

The conquest here spoken of was made by Trajan A.D. 115, and his
successor Hadrian, soon after coming to the throne (August, A.D. 117),
gave up the regions beyond the Euphrates and Tigris (Spartianus,
_Hadri._ 5).[113]

_Tacitus' views on politics, philosophy, and religion._--

(1) The ideal mixed form of government Tacitus considers to be
impracticable.

_Ann._ iv. 33, 'Cunctas nationes et urbes populus aut primores aut
singuli regunt: delecta ex eis et consociata rei publicae forma
laudari facilius quam evenire, vel si evenit, haud diuturna esse
potest.'

Tacitus is essentially a conservative. Thus he always uses _antiquus_
and _priscus_ in a good sense (_H._ ii. 5; 64; _Ann._ vi. 32).

In _Ann._ iii. 60 he speaks with pride of the republic: 'Magna eius
diei species fuit, quo senatus maiorum beneficia, sociorum pacta,
regum etiam, qui ante vim Romanam valuerant, decreta ipsorumque
numinum religiones introspexit, libero, ut quondam, quid firmaret
mutaretve.'

See also the speech of C. Cassius in _Ann._ xiv. 43. As an aristocrat
Tacitus is sometimes unjust to men of low birth, as in _Ann._ iv. 3,
where he sneers at Seianus as 'municipali adultero,' and attaches
great value to high birth (cf. vi. 27). He is prejudiced against
slaves and barbarians.

Tacitus theoretically prefers a republic (cf. _Ann._ vi. 42, 'Populi
imperium iuxta libertatem, paucorum dominatio regiae libidini propior
est'), but admits the impossibility of a restitution of the free state
(_H._ ii. 37-8) and the necessity of empire. _H._ i. 1 (of Augustus),
'omnem potentiam ad unum conferri pacis interfuit.'

Cf. also Galba's speech in _H._ i. 16. The problem is to reconcile the
empire with freedom (see _Agr._ 3 quoted p. 341). One's duty is to
steer one's course _inter abruptam contumaciam et deforme obsequium_
(_Ann._ iv. 20). Tacitus gives only modified approval to patriots like
Paetus Thrasea (_Ann._ xiv. 12; 49) and Helvidius Priscus (_H._ iv.
6), and on the other hand gives praise for moderation to men like
Agricola (_Agr._ 42), M. Lepidus (_Ann._ iv. 20), L. Piso (_Ann._ vi.
10).

_Ann._ xiv. 12, 'Thrasea Paetus ... sibi causam periculi fecit,
ceteris libertatis initium non praebuit.'

_Agr._ 42, 'Non contumacia neque inani iactatione libertatis famam
fatumque provocabat.'

Tacitus blames those who despair of their own times. _Ann._ ii. 88,
'dum vetera extollimus recentium incuriosi.' He thinks that the
emperors, from their irresponsible position, were often gradually led
into wickedness, their downward career being helped by flatterers and
satellites, and draws a moral lesson from the servile Senate and the
_delatores_, who, like the emperors themselves, received punishment
for their conduct (_Ann._ i. 74; iii. 65 _sqq._).

_Ann._ vi. 48, 'Cum Tiberius post tantam rerum experientiam vi
dominationis convulsus et mutatus sit.'

_Ann._ iv. 33, 'Pauci prudentia honesta ab deterioribus utilia ab
noxiis discernunt, plures aliorum eventis docentur.'

_Ann._ vi. 6, 'Adeo facinora atque flagitia sua ipsi quoque in
supplicium verterant ... Quippe Tiberium non fortuna, non solitudines
protegebant, quin tormenta pectoris suasque ipse poenas fateretur.'

(2) Tacitus attaches himself to no particular school of philosophy,
and deprecates too close an attention to the subject.

_Agr._ 4, 'Memoria teneo solitum ipsum [Agricolam] narrare se prima in
iuventa studium philosophiae acrius, ultra quam concessum Romano ac
senatori, hausisse, ni prudentia matris incensum ac flagrantem animum
coercuisset.'

He cannot make up his mind as to freewill and predestination, but in
spite of this doubt expressly states his desire to find out the causes
of events.

_Ann._ vi. 22, 'Sed mihi haec ac talia audienti in incerto iudicium
est, fatone res mortalium et necessitate immutabili an forte
volvantur' (and the rest of the chapter, where the Stoic and Epicurean
views are mentioned). On the other hand, _H._ i. 4, 'Ut non modo casus
eventusque rerum, qui plerumque fortuiti sunt, sed ratio etiam
causaeque noscantur.'

He expresses his belief in divine agency, particularly in the
_Annals_, but sometimes adopts the pessimistic view that the gods take
little interest in mankind.

_Ann._ xiv. 5, 'Noctem sideribus inlustrem et placido mari quietam,
quasi convincendum ad scelus, di praebuere.'

_H._ v. 5, 'Pessimus quisque spretis religionibus patriis.'

_H._ i. 3, 'Nec enim umquam atrocioribus populi Romani cladibus
magisve iustis indiciis adprobatum est non esse curae deis securitatem
nostram, esse ultionem.'

_Ann._ xvi. 33, 'Aequitate deum erga bona malaque documenta.'

He believes in the science of divination (see especially _Ann._ iv.
58), but speaks contemptuously of the impostors found among
soothsayers and astrologers.

_H._ i. 22, 'Mathematicis ... genus hominum potentibus infidum,
sperantibus fallax, quod in civitate nostra et vetabitur semper et
retinebitur.'

Prodigies are recognized, but mentioned only in the _Histories_ and
the last books of the _Annals_ (from A.D. 51 onwards). See especially
_H._ ii. 50.

_Tacitus as a historian._--As regards his sources, Tacitus makes more
use of his predecessors than he does of original documents. Among the
latter he mentions _acta diurna_ (_Ann._ iii. 3) and _commentarii_ or
_acta senatus_ (_Ann._ xv. 74); but these he did not make much use of,
as they were apt to be falsified. He also refers to _publica acta_,
probably inscriptions (_Ann._ xii. 24); Tiberius' speeches (_Ann._ i.
81); memoirs of Agrippina, Nero's mother (_Ann._ iv. 53); and of
Domitius Corbulo on his campaigns in Parthia (_Ann._ xv. 16). He also
refers by name to several historians, especially in dealing with the
times after Nero, as C. Plinius (_Ann._ i. 69, quoted p. 284),
Vipstanus Messalla (_H._ iii. 25), Fabius Rusticus,[114] and Cluvius
Rufus[115] (_Ann._ xiii. 20).

Other writers are sparingly mentioned, as Sisenna (_H._ iii. 51),
Caesar (_Germ._ 28). It is certain that Tacitus made use of other
historians, but he generally refers to his sources without mentioning
names (as _Ann._ i. 29, 'tradunt plerique'). He sometimes weighs the
value of two conflicting accounts, or mentions a story only to reject
it.

_Ann._ iv. 11, 'Haec vulgo iactata, super id quod nullo auctore certo
firmantur, prompte refutaveris.'

Tacitus' credibility has been attacked, particularly as regards his
representation of the characters of Tiberius and Nero, but not very
successfully. He has, however, made mistakes, the most striking of
which are his view of the Christians (_Ann._ xv. 44) and his account
of the Jews (_H._ v. 2 _sqq._). The explanation is that he held the
view current in the upper classes, and did not take the trouble to
investigate these matters, as the Jews and Christians belonged mostly
to the lower orders.

Tacitus is not free from superstition (_Ann._ xi. 21; _H._ ii. 50,
etc.), but one must not suppose he believes the fables he relates (as
_Ann._ vi. 28; _H._ iv. 83) simply because he expresses no opinion of
them.

Tacitus is free from party spirit (_Ann._ i. 1, 'sine ira et studio,
quorum causas procul habeo'; cf. _H._ i. 1) and just in his judgment,
except in a few passages in the _Histories_, where he is rather unfair
(i. 42, ii. 95). He is milder in the _Annals_ through advancing years,
and from the better times he lived in. Generally he takes a lenient
view of things, except (1) in offences against the state (cf. the
character of Tiberius); (2) when the religious element comes in; cf.
what he says of Claudius' marriage with his brother's daughter
Agrippina: _Ann._ xiv. 2, 'Agrippina ... exercita ad omne flagitium
patrui nuptiis.'

He shows a somewhat lax morality occasionally, as in _Ann._ xiii. 17
_sqq._, when speaking of Nero's murder of his brother Britannicus. In
_Ann._ xi. 19 he approves of compassing a barbarian's death by
treachery.

For Tacitus' conception of history as dealing with great events cf.
_Ann._ xiii. 31, 'pauca memoria digna evenere, nisi cui libeat
laudandis fundamentis et trabibus, quis molem amphitheatri apud campum
Martis Caesar extruxerat, volumina implere, cum ex dignitate populi
Romani repertum sit res inlustres annalibus, talia diurnis urbis actis
mandare.'

His complaints as to his subject-matter in _Ann._ iv. 32, 'Nobis in
arto et inglorius labor,' must not be taken too seriously.



SUETONIUS.


(1) LIFE.

C. Suetonius Tranquillus was the son of Suetonius Laetus, a tribune of
the thirteenth legion, who took part in the battle of Bedriacum, A.D.
69 (Sueton. _Otho_, 10). His birth seems to have taken place soon
after that year,[116] for he was 'adulescens' twenty years after
Nero's death; _Nero_ 57, 'cum post viginti annos, adulescente me,
exstitisset condicionis incertae qui se Neronem esse iactaret.'

Suetonius was a friend of the younger Pliny, to whom he was indebted
for a military tribuneship, which he afterwards passed on to a
relative (Plin. _Ep._ iii. 8), and for assistance in the purchase of a
small estate (ibid. i. 24). Pliny encouraged him to publish some of
his writings (v. 10), and obtained for him from Trajan the _ius trium
liberorum_ (_ad Trai._ 94).

Under Hadrian he was _magister epistularum_, but was dismissed from
office in A.D. 121. Spartianus, _Hadr._ 11, 3, 'Septicio Claro
praefecto praetorio et Suetonio Tranquillo epistularum magistro
multisque aliis, quod apud Sabinam uxorem in usu eius familiarius se
tunc egerant quam reverentia domus aulicae postulabat, successores
dedit.' The remainder of his life appears to have been devoted to
literature.


(2) WORKS.

1. _De Vita Caesarum_, in eight Books (Books i.-vi. Iulius-Nero; vii.
Galba, Otho, and Vitellius; viii. Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian). It
was published A.D. 119-21, as it was dedicated (according to Joannes
Lydus) to C. Septicius Clarus, praetorian prefect, who held office
during those years. The preface and the beginning of the life of
Iulius are wanting. Suetonius is a conscientious and accurate writer
(cf. his discussion of Caligula's birthplace, _Calig._ 8), and he
makes use of good sources, e.g. the _Monumentum Ancyranum_, _Acta
populi_, _Acta senatus_, autograph documents of the emperors (_Aug._
87, _Nero_ 52); but there is in his work an almost entire absence of
dates, and the personal element is, from the point of view of history,
unduly prominent.

2. _De Viris Illustribus_, including poets, orators (beginning with
Cicero), historians (from Sallust onwards), philosophers, grammarians,
and rhetoricians. The greater part of the section _De grammaticis et
rhetoribus_ is extant, as well as lives of Terence, Horace, and Lucan
from the section _de poetis_, and of Pliny the elder from the section
_de historicis_. Extracts from the rest of the work are preserved by
Jerome. In each section there was (1) a list of the authors discussed,
(2) a general survey of their branch of literature, (3) brief notices
of the authors in chronological order. The publication took place,
according to Roth, 106-113 A.D.

3. Minor works, now lost (mentioned by Suidas), on Greek games, Roman
games, the Roman year, on critical marks, on Cicero's _Republic_, on
dress, on imprecations (+peri dysphemon lexeon etoi blasphemion kai
pothen hekaste+), on Roman laws and customs. Some of these were probably
only sections of the _Prata_, a miscellany in ten Books, which also
treated of natural science and philology. The books on Greek games and
on imprecations were almost certainly composed in Greek.



Footnotes to Chapter IV


[72] The praenomen 'Gaius' is rendered highly probable by the reading
of the _editio princeps_ and by an inscription found in Africa
(_C.I.L._ viii. 10311).

[73] _Les Poetes Latins de la Decadence_, vol. i., p. 8.

[74] Antwerp edition, p. 89.

[75] Tacitus does not say openly that Seneca was privy to the murder.
On the whole he is favourable to Seneca, either because he followed
the authority of Fabius Rusticus, a friend of Seneca, or because
Seneca perished afterwards through Nero's agency, or because he
thought Seneca deserved his consideration.

[76] Seneca's influence on the Imperial policy, especially in the
liberal view it took regarding religion, is well brought out by Prof.
W. M. Ramsay, in his book, _St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman
Citizen_, pp. 354 _sqq._

[77] See the very large list of parallels collected by Heitland,
_Introduction_ to Haskins' _Lucan_, par. 51.

[78] See under Varro, p. 96.

[79] Ed. of _Cena Trimalchionis_, p. 7.

[80] See O. Hirschfeld's note on this passage in _Roemische
Verwaltungsgeschichte_, p. 261.

[81] Messalla was a favourite of Gaius, Narcissus of Claudius.

[82] Pomponius was the author of _Aeneas_ and other tragedies. Pliny
calls him 'consularis poeta,' 'vates civisque clarissimus' (_N.H._
vii. 80, xiii. 83). Cf. Tac. _Ann._ xii. 28.

[83] Given with other examples by W. C. Summers, _Study of the
Argonautica_ (Camb. 1894), p. 27.

[84] Summers, _ibid._ p. 56.

[85] Cf. Tac. _Hist._ iii. 65.

[86] Mart. vii. 63.

[87] Mart. xi. 48; 49.

[88] Mart. viii. 66.

[89] Mart. ix. 68.

[90] The references are to L. Friedlaender's edition (Leipzig, 1886).

[91] Ed. of Book x., Introd. p. 9 (Oxford, 1891).

[92] A passage probably inserted by the pseudo-Frontinus from memoirs
of the genuine Frontinus to give an air of authenticity to his work.

[93] J. Duerr, _Das Leben Juvenals_ (Ulm, 1888). L. Friedlaender (ed. of
Juvenal: Leipzig, 1895) attaches little importance to this and the
other _vitae_, but his arguments do not appear to us to be convincing.

[94] E. G. Hardy (ed. of Juvenal: London, 1891, introd. p. 8) thinks
that this is supported by Juvenal's gentile name Iunius. As a
representative of the middle classes he (thinks Hardy) could not have
been related by blood to either of the two _gentes_ of that name.
Hardy also states that Decimus is a common _praenomen_ of the plebeian
_gens Iunia_, and suggests that Juvenal may have got his _praenomen_
from them. There is no reason, however, to think that every Iunius
must be related or associated in some way with one of these two
_gentes_.

[95] The statement of the _vitae_, 'ad mediam fere aetatem
declamavit,' may imply no more than that he continued his studies in
private; but it must be observed that the usual meaning of _declamare_
is 'to attend college classes'; and the statement, in whatever way it
is taken, must be looked upon as improbable.

[96] If the number I. is right, and this appears most likely. II. is
the only other possible reading, and it must be noted that the second
Dalmatian cohort was in Britain at the beginning of the second
century, and probably had been there for a considerable time. _Trib._
in the inscription is a conjecture suggested by the _vitae_: _praef._,
which is epigraphically possible, is preferred by some authorities.

[97] E. G. Hardy thinks that A.D. 87 was one of the years when
_duumviri quinquennales_ (appointed every five years) were elected in
Aquinum, and hypothetically assigns Juvenal's holding of the post to
that year.

[98] _C.I.L._ vii. 1195.

[99] Cf. E. G. Hardy, ed. of Juvenal.

[100] Cf. E. G. Hardy, _ibid._

[101] The reference in 4, 126, 'De temone Britanno excidet Arviragus,'
proves nothing. It is the sort of reference that would be made by an
Italian ignorant of Britain, and is, in fact, put into the mouth of
one.

[102] The view that _Sat._ i. 33 _sqq._ refers to M. Aquilius Regulus,
who died probably A.D. 105 (Pliny, _Ep._ i. 5, 14-15), is rejected by
Friedlaender _ad loc._

[103] H. Nettleship (_Journal of Philology_, xvi., p. 45) points out
that C. Vipstanus Apronianus and C. Fonteius Capito were consuls A.D.
59, and suggests that this may be the year meant. This would give A.D.
119 as the date of composition.

[104] The scholiast connects with 4, 37-8.

[105] This story is rejected both by Hardy and by Friedlaender.

[106] Juvenal had a leaning to Stoicism: cf. _Sat._ 10 _ad fin._, and
his references to fate, _e.g._ 7, 200; 10, 365; 12, 63. He believes in
the gods (13, 247-9), but disbelieves the doctrines of the popular
religion (2, 149 _sqq._).

[107] The inscription records the appointment of Cilo's sons and a
woman Lutulla as trustees of a fund, the interest of which was to be
disbursed to the people of Comum.

[108] _Hermes_, iii. 31 _sqq._

[109] The inscription in Caria, formerly supposed to give P. as
praenomen, is now shown to have been misread.

[110] The inhabitants of Terni (Interamna) erected a statue to Tacitus
as to a fellow-townsman in A.D. 1514.

[111] _Bull. de Corr. Hell._, 1890, p. 621, quoted by Prof. W. M.
Ramsay, _The Church in the Roman Empire_, p. 228.

[112] One of the speakers in the Dialogue, Curiatius Maternus, was the
author of tragedies _Medea_ and _Thyestes_, and of praetextae
_Domitius_ and _Cato_ (_Dial._ 2-3).

[113] Various attempts have been made, especially in a work published
in London, 1878, to prove, of course unsuccessfully, that the _Annals_
were forged in the fifteenth century by the Italian scholar Poggio
Bracciolini.

[114] Fabius Rusticus, a friend of Seneca, quoted also for the shape
of Britain (_Agr._ 10).

[115] Cluvius Rufus, governor of Hispania Tarraconensis B.C. 69 (_H._
i. 8). Mommsen considers that he is one of the historians censured in
_H._ ii. 101.

[116] Roth gives 71, Teuffel 75 at latest.




APPENDIX A

ON SOME OF THE CHIEF ANCIENT AUTHORITIES FOR THE HISTORY OF ROMAN
LITERATURE.


1. JEROME[117] (HIERONYMUS) was born about A.D. 335 at Stridon, on the
frontiers of Dalmatia and Pannonia, and died A.D. 420 at the monastery
of Bethlehem. His contributions to the history of Roman literature are
to be found in his translation of the Chronicle (+chronikoi
kanones+) of Eusebius, in which the dates are reckoned from the first
year of Abraham (= B.C. 2016 according to his chronology), the point
at which Eusebius commenced. On the period between the Trojan War and
A.D. 325 Jerome not merely translated the remarks of Eusebius, as he
had done in the earlier period, but also added numerous extracts from
authorities on Roman history and literature. The source from which he
derived nearly all his information on literature is universally
admitted to have been the work of Suetonius _De Viris Illustribus_.
With the statements in the surviving sections of that treatise the
observations of Jerome agree, and there can be no reasonable doubt
that he made a similar use of the parts no longer extant. It is a
significant fact that the important authors on whom Jerome is silent,
_e.g._ Tacitus, Juvenal, and the younger Pliny, are precisely those
whom Suetonius, as a contemporary, naturally could not discuss.

The statements of Jerome, based as they are on the high authority of
Suetonius, may be regarded as in the main trustworthy. Some of them,
however, are doubtful, and others manifestly wrong.

(_a_) Jerome's plan obliged him to fix every event to a definite year;
and this, in many cases, can only be guess-work, for Suetonius, as may
be seen from his extant writings, was often vague in his chronology.

(_b_) Comparison with the remains of Suetonius shows that Jerome's
claim to have made his extracts with care was not always well
grounded; _e.g._ his statement that Ennius was a native of Tarentum
(see p. 27).

(_c_) In reckoning, according to his system of dates, events dated by
one of the many confusing systems of chronology current in ancient
times, many openings for error presented themselves; _e.g._ he
sometimes erred through confusing consuls of the same or similar
names, as in the case of Lucilius (p. 59); or through confusing
similar events, as in the case of Livius Andronicus, although the
mistake about the latter was of long standing (p. 2). Once at least he
seems to have confused the date of an author's _floruit_ and that of
his death, making Plautus die in B.C. 200 instead of B.C. 184 (p. 8).

2. AULUS GELLIUS[118] was born probably about A.D. 123, and studied
under the most eminent teachers both at Rome and at Athens. Of his
subsequent life nothing is known except that he held some judicial
post at Rome. His work, the _Noctes Atticae_ in twenty Books (of Book
viii. only the headings of chapters are preserved), is a miscellany of
information on philology, philosophy, rhetoric, history, biography,
literary criticism, natural science, and antiquities. The title is due
to the fact that the book was commenced in the winter evenings during
the author's residence at Athens. The arrangement of the contents
simply follows the haphazard order of the notes which Gellius made in
the course of his reading of Greek and Roman authors. Those authors,
and the conversation of contemporaries, are Gellius' professed
sources, but in some cases the author he names is evidently quoted at
second-hand, and many of the conversations are doubtless quite
imaginary. Our obligations to Gellius are twofold.

(_a_) Innumerable extracts from ancient authors are preserved by him
alone. (No quotations are given from post-Augustan writers--a fact
which accords with the affected archaism of his style.)

(_b_) His remarks on incidents in the lives of the Roman poets are in
the main derived from Varro, whose work _De Poetis_ is quoted for the
epitaph of Plautus (see p. 9); elsewhere his source is indicated
either vaguely or not at all, e.g. iii. 3, 15, 'accepimus'; xii. 4, 5,
'ferunt.' For literary criticism Varro is quoted: iii. 3, 9, _sqq._;
vi. 14, 6 (see pp. 10, 51).

3. NONIUS MARCELLUS,[119] a Peripatetic, of Thubursicum in Numidia, is
identified by Mommsen with the Nonius Marcellus Herculius of _C.I.L._
viii. 4878 (date A.D. 323); but nothing is known of his life. His
work, _De Compendiosa Doctrina ad Filium_ in twenty Books (of Book
xvi. the title only is known; Book xx. is fragmentary), though
modelled on that of Gellius, is immeasurably inferior in execution.
According to the theory usually received Nonius borrowed largely from
Gellius; but it is possible that both compilers made independent use
of the same authorities, viz., scholars such as Verrius Flaccus,
Valerius Probus, and Suetonius, whose works they knew either directly
or through abridgments. The subjects with which Nonius deals are
grammar, lexicography, and antiquities; and he is often our sole
authority for the titles of works as well as for brief extracts.

4. AMBROSIUS THEODOSIUS MACROBIUS, doubtless identical with the
Macrobius who held, among other high offices, the proconsulship of
Africa A.D. 410, was probably, like Nonius, of African origin. Besides
his commentary on the _Somnium Scipionis_ of Cicero, Macrobius wrote a
work in seven Books on Roman literature and antiquities with the title
of _Saturnalia_. The imaginary conversations of which it consists are
supposed to take place during the festival of the Saturnalia at Rome
(hence the title); and the chief subject of discussion is the poetry
of Virgil. A remarkable feature of the book is its wealth of quotation
from Greek and Latin authors. Macrobius, like Gellius, bases his work
on extracts from older authorities; but, unlike him, arranges his
matter systematically.

5. AELIUS DONATUS, a grammarian who flourished at Rome about A.D. 350,
and was one of Jerome's teachers, extracted from the lost work of
Suetonius the Lives of Terence and Virgil, and prefixed them to his
own commentaries on Terence and on the _Georgics_ and _Aeneid_. The
latter is lost, and the commentary on Terence contains much that is
not from the hand of Donatus.

6. SERVIUS.--There are two versions of the Servian commentary on
Virgil. The shorter is the work of Maurus Servius Honoratus, who was
born about 350 A.D., and lived at Rome (Macrob. _Saturn._ i. 2, 15);
his topographical references show that he composed his commentary
there. Servius, whose notes are chiefly on the language of the poems,
gives illustrative quotations from Roman authors, in some cases from
memory and inaccurately. Donatus is the authority whom he mentions
oftenest, but he undoubtedly made extensive use of Suetonius.

The longer version contains learned additions to the work of Servius
by an anonymous Christian writer, who deals mainly with the
subject-matter of Virgil.

7. ACRO and PORPHYRIO.--Helenius Acro (probably about 200 A.D.) was
the author of commentaries on Horace and Terence, now lost. The
scholia on Horace extant under Acro's name are, with few exceptions,
taken from the commentary of Pomponius Porphyrio, which we possess in
a mutilated form. Porphyrio, who probably belonged to the 4th cent.
A.D., names among his sources Acro and Suetonius.

For ASCONIUS see p. 77; for VALERIUS PROBUS, p. 147.



Footnotes to Appendix A


[117] See _Quaestiones Suetonianae_ in Reifferscheid's _Suetonius_,
pp. 363 _sqq._

[118] See H. Nettleship, _Lectures and Essays_ (1885), p. 248 _sqq._

[119] See Nettleship, _ibid._ p. 277 _sqq._




APPENDIX B

SELECT LIST OF EDITIONS.


NOTE.--All editions mentioned have explanatory notes, except those
marked "text" (which are merely texts), and those marked "crit." (which
have an apparatus criticus).

Editions published in England and Germany have English and German
notes respectively, unless otherwise stated.

F.P.R. = Fragmenta Poetarum Romanorum, ed. E. Baehrens.

  *Livius Andronicus.*
    Plays--
      In Scaenicae Romanorum Poesis Fragmenta, ed.
        O. Ribbeck (vol. i. _Trag._, ii. _Com._) (crit.), Leip. '71-73
      Do. (with Naevius' plays), L. Mueller,                 Berl. '85
      Odisia, in E. Baehrens' Frag. Poet. Rom. (crit.),      Leip. '86

  *Naevius.*
    Bellum Punicum,      J. Vahlen,                          Leip. '54
          "              F.P.R.
    Plays (see above)

  *Plautus.*
    J. L. Ussing (Latin commentary),                    Copenh. '75-87
    F. Ritschl, revised by G. Loewe, G. Goetz, and F.
      Schoell (crit.),                                       Leip. '94
    Amphitruo,           A. Palmer,                          Lond. '90
    Asinaria,            J. H. Gray,                         Camb. '94
    Aulularia,           W. Wagner,                          Camb. '92
    Captivi,             J. Brix,                            Leip. '84
    "                    W. M. Lindsay,                       Oxf. '95
    "                    E. A. Sonnenschein,                 Lond. '80
    "                    A. R. S. Hallidie,                  Lond. '95
    Epidicus,            J. H. Gray,                         Camb. '93
    Mostellaria,         A. O. F. Lorenz,                    Berl. '83
    "                    E. A. Sonnenschein,                 Camb. '84
    Menaechmi,           J. Brix and M. Niemeyer,            Leip. '91
    "                    W. Wagner,                          Camb. '92
    Miles,               J. Brix,                            Leip. '82
    "                    A. O. F. Lorenz,                    Berl. '86
    "                    R. Y. Tyrrell,                      Lond. '94
    Pseudolus,           A. O. F. Lorenz,                    Berl. '76
    Rudens,              E. A. Sonnenschein,                  Oxf. '91
    Stichus,             C. A. M. Fennell,                   Camb. '93
    Trinummus,           J. Brix and M. Niemeyer,            Leip. '88
    "                    W. Wagner,                          Camb. '90
    "                    C. E. Freeman and A. Sloman,         Oxf. '96

  *Ennius.*
    F.P.R.
    J. Vahlen                                                Leip. '54
    Do. (with Naevius'
      Bell. Pun.),       L. Mueller,                  St. Petersb. '85

  *Pacuvius* and *Caecilius Statius.*
    Ribbeck, _Trag._ and _Com._

  *Terence.*
    K. Dziatzko (text),                                      Leip. '84
    W. Wagner,                                               Lond. '92
    Andria,              A. Spengel,                         Berl. '88
    "                    C. E. Freeman and A. Sloman,         Oxf. '93
    "  and Eunuchus,     T. L. Papillon,                     Lond. '70
    Heaut. Tim.,         E. S. Shuckburgh,                   Lond. '94
    "                    J. H. Gray,                         Camb. '95
    Phormio,             K. Dziatzko,                        Leip. '85
    "                    A. Sloman,                           Oxf. '94
    "                    J. Bond and A. S. Walpole,          Lond. '95
    Adelphoe,            K. Dziatzko,                        Leip. '81
    "                    A. Spengel,                         Berl. '79
    "                    A. Sloman,                           Oxf. '92
    "                    S. G. Ashmore,                      Lond. '93

  *Cato the Elder.*
    De Agricultura (and
      Varro, Res Rusticae), H. Keil (crit.),              Leip. '82-91
      Other fragments,      H. Jordan (crit.),               Leip. '60

  *Accius.*
    Ribbeck, and F.P.R.

  *Lucilius.*
    L. Mueller,                                              Leip. '72
    C. Lachmann (crit.),                                     Berl. '76
    F.P.R.

  *Atta, Afranius, Laberius.*
    Ribbeck.

  *Matius, Laevius, Bibaculus, Calvus, Cinna, Varro Atacinus.*
    F.P.R.

  *Auctor ad Herennium.*
    C. L. Kayser,                                            Leip. '54
    F. Marx (crit.),                                         Leip. '94

  *Varro.*
    Sat. Menipp., Logistorici,
      Sententiae Varronis,    A. Riese (crit.),              Leip. '65
    Sat. Menipp. (text in F. Buecheler's Petronius),         Berl. '95
    Antiquitates (text in R. Merkel's Ovid, Fasti),          Berl. '41
    De vita pop. Rom.,        H. Kettner (crit.),           Halle, '63
    De gente pop. Rom.,       H. Peter (Frag. Hist. Rom.),   Leip. '83
    De Lingua Latina,         A. Spengel (crit.),            Berl. '85
    Res Rusticae,             H. Keil (see 'Cato').
    Grammatical Works
      (except _De L. L._),    A. Wilmanns (crit.),           Berl. '64

  *Cicero.*
    1. _Speeches_--
      Pro Sex. Rosc. Amer.,   E. H. Donkin,                  Lond. '95
      Pro Sex. Rosc. Amer.,   G. Landgraf,               Erlangen, '84
      Pro Q. Rosc. Com.,      C. A. Schmidt,                 Leip. '39
      Verrines,               C. G. Zumpt,                   Berl. '31
      <DW37>. in Caec. and in
        Verr., Act. i.,       W. E. Heitland and H. Cowie,   Camb. '95
        Verr., Act. i.,       J. R. King,                    Lond. '87
      <DW37>. in Caec. and in Verr.
        Act ii., 4 and 5,     E. Thomas,                    Paris, '95
      Pro Caecina,            C. A. Jordan,                  Leip. '47
      De Imp. Cn. Pompei,     A. S. Wilkins,                 Lond. '94
      Pro Cluentio,           W. and G. G. Ramsay,            Oxf. '89
      Pro Cluentio,           W. Y. Fausset,                 Lond. '88
      De Lege Agraria,        A. W. Zumpt,                   Berl. '61
      Pro Rab. perd. reo,     W. E. Heitland,                Camb. '82
      In Catilinam,           A. S. Wilkins,                 Lond. '95
      Pro Murena,             W. E. Heitland,                Camb. '93
      Pro Murena,             J. H. Freese,                  Lond. '94
      Pro Sulla,              J. S. Reid,                    Camb. '91
      Pro Archia,             J. S. Reid,                    Camb. '95
      Pro Flacco,             A. du Mesnil,                  Leip. '83
      Pro Sestio,             H. A. Holden,                  Lond. '95
      In Vatinium,            C. Halm,                       Leip. '46
      De Prov. Cons.,         G. Tischer,                    Berl. '61
      Pro Balbo,              J. S. Reid,                    Camb. '90
      Pro Plancio,            H. A. Holden,                  Camb. '93
      Pro Milone,             J. S. Reid,                    Camb. '95
      Pro Milone,             A. C. Clark,                    Oxf. '95
      Pro Marcello, Ligario,
        Deiotaro,             W. Y. Fausset,                  Oxf. '93
      Philippics,             J. R. King.                     Oxf. '78
      II. Phil.,              J. E. B. Mayor,                Lond. '93
      II. Phil.,              A. G. Peskett,                 Camb. '91
    2. _Rhetorical Works_--
      De Oratore,             A. S. Wilkins,                  Oxf. '92
      De Oratore,             G. Sorof,                      Berl. '82
      De Oratore,             K. W. Piderit
                                and O. Harnecker,         Leip. '86-90
      De Inventione,          A. Weidner,                    Berl. '78
      Brutus,                 K. W. Piderit
                                and W. Friedrich,            Leip. '89
      Brutus,                 O. Jahn and A. Eberhard,       Berl. '77
      Orator,                 J. E. Sandys,                  Camb. '85
      Orator,                 K. W. Piderit,                 Leip. '76
      Orator, (with De Opt.
        Gen. Orat.),          O. Jahn,                       Berl. '69
      Partit. Orat.,          K. W. Piderit,                 Leip. '67
    3. _Philosophical Works_--
      De Re Publica,          F. Osann,                     Goett. '47
      De Legibus,             A. du Mesnil,                  Leip. '79
      Paradoxa,               G. H. Moser,                  Goett. '46
      De Finibus,             J. N. Madvig (Lat. comm.),   Copenh. '78
      "                       H. Holstein,                   Leip. '73
      Academica,              J. S. Reid,                    Lond. '85
      Tusc. Disp.,.           R. Kuehner (Lat.),          Hanover, '74
      "                       O. Heine,                   Leip. '92-96
      "                       G. Tischer and G. Sorof,    Berl. '84-87
      De Nat. Deor.,          J. B. Mayor,                Camb. '83-91
      "                       G. F. Schoemann,               Berl. '76
      De Senectute,           J. S. Reid,                    Camb. '94
      " Amicitia,             J. S. Reid,                    Camb. '93
      " Officiis,             H. A. Holden,                  Camb. '93
      " Divinatione, De
        Fato,                 G. H. Moser,                 Frankf. '28
    4. _Letters_--
      Correspondence of C.    R. Y. Tyrrell and
                                L. C. Purser,             Dubl. '85-94
      Selections,             A. Watson,                      Oxf. '91
      " (C. in his
      Letters),               R. Y. Tyrrell,                 Lond. '96
      Epp. ad Att.,           J. G. C. Boot (Lat.)           Amst. '86
      Epp. ad Fam.,           L. Mendelssohn (crit.),        Leip. '93
                              C. F. W. Mueller (crit.),      Leip. '96
    5. _Poems_--
      F.P.R.
      _Complete texts_--
      J. C. Orelli, J. G. Baiter, and C. Halm,.           Zuer. '45-61
      C. F. A. Nobbe,                                        Leip. '50
      C. F. W. Mueller, etc.,                             Leip. '90-96
      J. G. Baiter and C. L. Kayser,                      Leip. '60-69

  *Caesar.*
    B. Dinter (text),                                        Leip. '96
    B. Kuebler (text),                                    Leip. '93-94
    Bell. Gall.,          J. Bond and A. S. Walpole,         Lond. '87
    "                     A. G. Peskett,                     Camb. '78
    Bell. Gall.,          C. E. Moberly,                      Oxf. '90
    Bell. Gall.,          F. Kraner and W. Dittenberger,     Berl. '90
    Bell. Gall.,          A. Doberenz and B. Dinter,         Leip. '92
    Bell. Civ.,           C. E. Moberly,                      Oxf. '92
    Bell. Civ.,           F. Kraner and F. Hofmann,          Berl. '90
    Bell. Civ.,           A. Doberenz and B. Dinter,         Leip. '84
    Bell. Civ., (Bk. i.), A. G. Peskett,                     Camb. '90
    Bell. Alex.,          R. Schneider,                      Berl. '89
    Bell. Afr.,           E. Woelfflin and A. Miodonski,     Leip. '89

  *Nepos.*
    C. Nipperdey and B. Lupus,                               Berl. '95
    J. Siebelis and M. Jancovius,                            Leip. '96
    O. Browning and W. R. Inge,                               Oxf. '88
    E. S. Shuckburgh,                                        Camb. '95

  *Lucretius.*
    H. A. J. Munro,                                       Camb. '91-93
    C. Lachmann,                                             Berl. '82
    Books i.-iii.,            J. H. W. Lee,                  Lond. '93
    Book v.,                  J. D. Duff,                    Camb. '96

  *Sallust.*
    Cat. and Iug.,            W. W. Capes,                    Oxf. '89
    Cat. and Iug.,            C. Merivale,                   Lond. '84
    Cat. and Iug., (and
      frags. of Hist.),       R. Jacobs and H. Wirz,         Berl. '94
    Cat.,                     A. M. Cook,                    Lond. '88
    Hist. (text),             H. Jordan,                     Leip. '87
    Historiarum Reliquiae,    B. Maurenbrecher,           Leip. '91-93

  *Publilius Syrus.*
    Sententiae,               W. Meyer (crit.),              Leip. '80
    Sententiae,               R. A. H. Bickford Smith,       Camb. '95

  *Catullus.*
    A. Palmer (crit.),                                       Lond. '96
    R. Ellis (crit.),                                         Oxf. '78
    R. Ellis (commentary),                                    Oxf. '89
    B. Schmidt (introd. and text),                           Leip. '87
    F. P. Simpson (selections),                              Lond. '94
    (With Tibullus and
      Propertius), L. Mueller (text),                        Leip. '92

  *Horace.*
    E. C. Wickham,                                         Oxf. '90-96
    A. Kiessling,                                         Berl. '89-95
    J. C. Orelli, W. Hirschfelder, and W. Mewes,          Berl. '86-92
    Satires,                  A. Palmer,                     Lond. '96
    Odes and Epodes,          T. E. Page,                    Lond. '95
    "                         J. Gow,                        Camb. '96
    Epistles and A.P.,        A. S. Wilkins,                 Lond. '92

  *Virgil.*
    O. Ribbeck (crit.),                                   Leip. '94-95
       "       (text only),                                  Leip. '95
    T. E. Papillon and A. E. Haigh (text only),               Oxf. '92
           [The above include the minor poems.]
    J. Conington and H. Nettleship,                       Lond. '83-84
    T. E. Papillon and A. E. Haigh,                           Oxf. '92
    A. Sidgwick,                                          Camb. '90-94
    B. H. Kennedy,                                           Lond. '79
    T. Ladewig, C. Schaper, and P. Deuticke,                 Berl. '91
    K. Kappes,                                            Leip. '93-95
    Aeneid (i.-vi.),          T. E. Page,                    Lond. '94

  *Tibullus.*
    E. Hiller (text),                                        Leip. '85
    E. Baehrens (text),                                      Leip. '78
    L. Dissen,                                              Goett. '35

  *Propertius.*
    W. A. Hertzberg,                                     Halle, '43-45
    F. A. Paley,                                             Lond. '72
    A. Palmer (text),                                        Lond. '80
    J. P. Postgate (selections),                             Lond. '94
    "             (text),                                    Lond. '94

  *Ovid.*
    A. Riese (introd.),                                   Leip. '71-89
    Heroides,            A. Palmer,                          Lond. '74
    "                    E. S. Shuckburgh,                   Lond. '96
    Metam.,              J. Sibelis and F. Polle,         Leip. '92-96
    "                    M. Haupt, O. Korn, and
                           H. J. Mueller,                    Berl. '85
    Fasti,               G. H. Hallam,                       Lond. '93
    Fasti,               R. Merkel,                          Berl. '41
    "                    H. Peter,                           Leip. '89
    Tristia,             S. G. Owen (crit.),                  Oxf. '89
    "     (Bks. i., iii.), S. G. Owen,                     Oxf. '90-93
    "     and Ibis,      R. Merkel,                          Berl. '37
    Ibis,                R. Ellis (Lat.),                     Oxf. '82

  *Manilius.*
    F. Jacob,                                                Berl. '46
       [See also R. Ellis, _Noctes Manilianae_, Oxf. '91.]

  *Livy.*
    W. Weissenborn and H. J. Mueller,                     Berl. '73-96
    M. Hertz (introd. and text),                          Leip. '57-63
    Book i.,                      J. R. Seeley,               Oxf. '81
    Books iv., vi., ix., xxvii.,  H. M. Stephenson,       Camb. '90-94
    Book v.,                      L. Whibley,                Camb. '94
    Books xxi., xxii.,            M. S. Dimsdale,         Camb. '94-95
    "                             W. W. Capes,               Lond. '95

  *Trogus.*
    A. Bielowski,                                         Lemberg, '53

  *Verrius Flaccus.*
    (Festus and Paulus),          C. O. Mueller,             Leip. '80

  *Vitruvius.*
    V. Rose and H. Mueller-Struebing (crit.),                Leip. '67

  *Seneca the Elder.*
    H. J. Mueller (text),                                  Prague, '87
    A. Kiessling (text),                                     Leip. '72

  *Velleius.*
    C. Halm (crit.),                                         Leip. '76
    D. Ruhnken, ed. C. H. Frotscher,                         Leip. '39

  *Valerius Maximus.*
    C. Kempf (text),                                         Leip. '88

  *Celsus.*
    C. Daremberg (text),                                     Leip. '59

  *Phaedrus.*
    J. Siebelis and F. A. Eckstein,                          Leip. '89

  *Seneca the Younger.*
   Prose Works,           F. Haase (text),                Leip. '93-95
   Apocolocyntosis, in F. Buecheler's Petronius (text).
   Tragedies,             R. Peiper and G. Richter (text),   Leip. '67

  *Curtius Rufus.*
    T. Vogel,                                                Leip. '93

  *Columella.*
    In _Scriptores Rei Rusticae_,
                 ed. I. G. Schneider (Lat.),              Leip. 1794-7

  *Asconius.*
    A. Kiessling and R. Schoell,                             Berl. '75

  *Mela.*
    C. Frick (text),                                         Leip. '80

  *Persius.*
    O. Jahn and F. Buecheler (text),                         Berl. '93
    J. Conington, ed. H. Nettleship,                          Oxf. '93

  *Probus.*
    H. Keil,                                                Halle, '48

  *Lucan.*
    C. Hosius (text),                                        Leip. '92
    C. E. Haskins (introd. by W. E. Heitland),               Lond. '87
    Book i.,          W. E. Heitland and C. E. Haskins,      Camb. '95
    "                 Lejay,                                Paris, '94
    Books i.-v.,      C. M. Francken (Lat.),               Leiden, '96

  *Petronius.*
    F. Buecheler (text),                                     Berl. '95
    Cena Trimalchionis, L. Friedlaender (text, German
                          trans., and notes),                Leip. '91

  *Calpurnius Siculus.*
    H. Schenkl (text),                                     Prague, '85
    C. H. Keene,                                             Lond. '87

  *Aetna.*
    H. A. J. Munro,                                          'Camb. 67

  *Pliny the Elder.*
    L. van Jan and Mayhoff (text),                        Leip. '75-92
    J. Sillig,                                         Hamburg, '51-58
    J. Hardouin,                                           Paris, 1723
    D. Detlefsen (crit.),                                 Berl, '66-82
    (Selections) Chrestomathia
                 Pliniana,  L. Urlichs,                      Berl. '57

  *Valerius Flaccus.*
    J. A. Wagner,                                          Goett. 1805
    N. E. Lemaire,                                          Paris, '24
    G. Thilo (text),                                        Halle, '63

  *Silius Italicus.*
    A. Drakenborch (Lat.),                               Utrecht, 1717
    G. A. Ruperti, ed. Lemaire,                             Paris, '23
    L. Bauer (text),                                         Leip. '90

  *Statius.*
    Silvae,                 E. Baehrens (text),              Leip. '76
    Achilleis,              P. Kohlmann (text),              Leip. '79
    Thebais,                                                 Leip. '84

  *Martial.*
    L. Friedlaender,                                         Leip. '86
    (Selections,)           H. M. Stephenson,                Lond. '95
                            F. A Paley and W. H. Stone,      Lond. '82

  *Quintilian.*
    G. L. Spalding and C. G. Zumpt,                    Leip. 1798-1834
    F. Meister (text),                                  Prague, '86-87
    C. Halm (crit.),                                         Leip. '69
    Book X.,                J. E. B. Mayor,                  Lond. '72
    "                       W. Peterson,                      Oxf. '91
    "                       G. T. A. Krueger,                Leip. '88
    "                       E. Bonnell and F. Meister,       Berl. '82

  *Frontinus.*
    A. Dederich (text),                                      Leip. '55
    Strategemata,           G. Gundermann (text),            Leip. '88
    De Aquis,               F. Buecheler (text),             Leip. '58

  *Juvenal.*
    L. Friedlaender,                                         Leip. '95
    A. Weidner,                                              Leip. '89
    XIII. Satires,          J. E. B. Mayor,                  Lond. '93
    "                       C. H. Pearson and H. A. Strong,   Oxf. '92
    "                       E. G. Hardy,                     Lond. '95

  *Tacitus.*
    C. Halm (text),                                       Leip. '89-93
    Dialogus,            W. Peterson,                         Oxf. '93
    Germania,            H. Furneaux,                         Oxf. '94
    " and Agricola,      A. J. Church and W. J. Brodribb, Lond. '91-94
    "     "              H. M. Stephenson,                   Camb. '94
    Histories,           E. Wolff,                        Berl. '86-88
    "                    W. A. Spooner,                      Lond. '91
    " (Books i., ii.),   A. D. Godley,                       Lond. '94
    Annals,              K. Nipperdey and G. Andresen,    Berl. '84-92
    "                    A. Draeger and F. Becher,        Leip. '82-95
    "                    H. Furneaux,                      Oxf. '83-91
    "                    H. Furneaux (Books i.-iv.),          Oxf. '92

  *Pliny the Younger.*
    H. Keil (text),                                          Leip. '53
    H. Keil and Th. Mommsen (crit.),                         Leip. '70
    G. H. Schaefer,                                         Leip. 1805
    Epistles,         G. Cortius and P. D. Longolius,    Amsterd. 1734
    " (Book iii.),    J. E. B. Mayor,                        Lond. '89
    " (to Trajan),    E. G. Hardy,                           Lond. '89

  *Suetonius.*
    C. L. Roth (text),                                       Leip. '75
    C. G. Baumgarten-Crusius,                                Leip. '16
    Julius and Augustus,                H. T. Peck,      New York, '93
    Augustus,                           E. S. Shuckburgh,    Camb. '96
    Praeter Caesarum libros reliquiae,  A. Reifferscheid,    Leip. '60

  *Miscellaneous.*
    Aulus Gellius,                 M. Hertz (text),          Leip. '86
    Macrobius,                     F. Eyssenhardt (text),    Leip. '93
    Nonius Marcellus,              L. Mueller (crit.),       Leip. '88
    Servius,               G. Thilo and H. Hagen (crit.), Leip. '78-94
    Grammatici Latini, H. Keil (crit.),                   Leip. '56-80
    Corpus Poetarum Latinorum, ed. J. P. Postgate (crit.),   Lond. '94
      [Including Ennius, Lucretius, Catullus, Horace, Virgil,
      Tibullus, Propertius, Ovid; other parts to follow.]
    Oratorum Romanorum Fragmenta, H. Meyer (text),        Zuerich, '42
    Historicorum Romanorum Fragmenta, H. Peter (text),       Leip. '83
    Selected Fragments of Roman Poetry, W. W. Merry,          Oxf. '91
    Fragments and Specimens of Early Latin, J. Wordsworth,    Oxf. '74




GENERAL INDEX


  Abuccius, 99.

  Accius,
    birth, 55;
    literary activity, friendships with leading men, 56;
    character, 56;
    plays and other works, 57;
    Accius on philology and philosophy, 57;
    views on Accius, 58;
    relations with Pacuvius, 35;
    on the dates of Livius, 1;
    imit. by Lucr. 121;
    by Virg. 161.

  Acro, 354.

  Acta diurna and Acta senatus,
    used by Tac. 346;
    by Sueton. 349.

  Aedituus, _see_ Valerius.

  Aelius Stilo, 10, 25, 29.

  Aelius Tubero, 220.

  Aemilius Macer, 182.

  Aemilius Scaurus, 58.

  Aeschylus,
    imit. by Livius, 3;
    by Accius, 57;
    by Sen. 253;
    trans. by Cic. 88.

  Aesop, imit. by Phaedrus, 239.

  Aesopus, actor, 69.

  Aetna, _see_ Lucilius Iunior.

  Afranius, L. 64.

  Agricola, 338, 341.

  Agrippina, 243 _sqq._;
    her memoirs, 346.

  Albinovanus Celsus, 181.

  Albius, _see_ Tibullus.

  Alcaeus, imit. by Hor. 174 _sqq._

  Alexandrian influence on Catull. 139, 175;
    on Virg. 157;
    on Propert. 199;
    on Ovid, 210.

  Alimentus, Cincius, 53.

  Amafinius, 83.

  Ambivius Turpio, 38, 43 _sqq._

  Amiternum, birthplace of Sallust, 125.

  Anacreon, foll. by Hor. 175.

  Andes,
    birthplace of Virg. 148;
    its position, 148 note.

  Andronicus, Livius,
    dispute as to his dates, 1;
    facts of life, 2;
    actor and schoolmaster, 3;
    plays, 3;
    Odisia, 3;
    Hor.'s reference to, 165.

  Annaeus, _see_ Cornutus, Lucanus, Seneca.

  Anser, 184, 141-2.

  Antias, _see_ Valerius.

  Antioch, birthplace of Publilius Syrus, 145.

  Antiochus,
    teacher of Cicero, 70;
    of Varro, 91.

  Antipater, _see_ Coelius.

  Antonius, C. Iullus, 181.

  Antonius, M., the orator, 69.

  Antonius Gnipho, rhetorician, 69.

  Apollodorus, imit. by Ter. 46, 47.

  Apollonius Rhodius,
    trans. by Atac. 144;
    imit. by Virg. 161;
    by Val. Flaccus, 287.

  Aquilius, 39.

  Aquinum, birthpl. of Juv. 313.

  Aratus,
    trans. by Cic. 87;
    this trans. used by Lucr. 120;
    imit. by Atac. 145;
    by Virg. 157;
    trans. by Germanicus, 281.

  Archias, 69, 75, 89.

  Archilochus, imit. by Hor. 174.

  Argumenta,
    to Plautus, 18;
    to Ter. 51;
    to Livy, 217.

  Aristius Fuscus, 181.

  Aristotle,
    foll. by Cic. 79, 85;
    by Hor. 179.

  Arpinum, birthpl. of Cic. 69.

  Asconius Pedianus, 77.

  Asinius, _see_ Pollio.

  Asisium, birthpl. of Propert. 192.

  Atacinus, _see_ Varro.

  Ateius, foll. by Sall. 131.

  Atellana fabula, 67.

  Atilius, 39.

  Atta, T. Quintius, 64.

  Attalus, teacher of Seneca, 241.

  Atticus, T. Pomponius, 90, 85 _sqq._;
    on chronology, 1;
    friend of Nepos, 113.

  Attius, _see_ Accius.

  Augustus,
    works, 152;
    relations with Virg. 149, 152, 159;
    with Hor. 166 _sqq._
    with Gallus, 182;
    with Propert. 195;
    with Ovid, 211;
    with Livy, 215;
    with Vitruvius, 225.


  Bacchanalia, 12.

  Bacchylides, foll. by Hor. 175.

  Bassus, Aufidius, 284.

  Bassus, poet, 196, 206.

  Bavius, 183.

  Bibaculus, _see_ Furius.

  Bilbilis, birthpl. of Martial, 295.

  Britannicus, 245.

  Brundisium, birthpl. of Pacuvius, 34.

  Brutus,
    relations with Cic. 80 _sqq._;
    with Hor. 165 _sqq._;
    Lucan on, 269.

  Burrus, friend of Seneca, 245 _sqq._


  Caecilius of Novum Comum, 139.

  Caecilius Statius,
    dates, 37;
    comedies, 38;
    relations with Ter. 38, 42;
    views on Caecilius, 39;
    friend of Ennius, 28;
    imit. by Ter. 43.

  Caelius Rufus,
    defended by Cic. 76;
    enemy of Catull. 135.

  Caesar, C. Iulius,
    birth, 100;
    early connexion with democrats, 100;
    military and civil career, 101-2;
    supports Pompey, 102;
    first triumvirate, conquest of Gaul, civil war, 103;
    dictator, death, 104;
    _De Bello Gallico_, 104;
    its objects, style, 105;
    _De Bello Civili_, 106;
    other works in the Corpus Caesarianum, 106;
    theories on their authorship, 107;
    Caesar's lost works, incl. speeches and poems, 109;
    criticisms on his poems, 111;
    verses on Ter. 51;
    relations with Cic. 71, 77, 109, 110;
    with Varro, 92;
    with Sall. 127;
    with Laberius, 97;
    with Catull. 137;
    with Calvus, 143;
    celebrated by Bibaculus, 100;
    by Atac. 144;
    Livy on, 223;
    Lucan on, 268, 270;
    foll. by Frontinus, 311;
    by Tac. 346.

  Caesar Strabo, 66.

  Calagurris, birthpl. of Quintilian, 302.

  Calendar, Caesar's reform of, 104, 110.

  Calidus, Iulius, 124.

  Caligula, and Seneca, 242.

  Callimachus,
    imit. by Catull. 139;
    by Propert. 198-9;
    by Ovid, 211-2.

  Calpurnius Piso, 58;
    foll. by Livy, 220.

  Calpurnius Siculus, T. 275;
    discussion of his date, 276;
    _Eclogae_ and sequel by Nemesianus, his models, _De laude Pisonis_,
      277.

  Calvus, C. Licinius Macer,
    life, speeches, 142;
    poems, relations with Caes. 143;
    with Catull. 138-9, 143;
    Hor.'s opinion of, 143, 176.

  Canticum, 19, 50.

  Cassius Hemina, 58.

  Catilinarian conspiracy, 70, 75, 102.

  Catius, T. 83, 112.

  Cato, M. Porcius, the censor,
    date, 53;
    founder of Latin prose, 53;
    works, 54-5;
    patron of Enn. 27;
    foll. by Nep. 117;
    by Virg. 157, 161;
    by Livy, 219;
    imit, by Sall. 131.

  Cato Uticensis, Lucan on, 269.

  Cato, Valerius, teacher of Catullus, 133, 139.

  Catullus, C. Valerius,
    birth and dates, 132;
    family and education, 133;
    relations with Lesbia, 134;
    voyage to Bithynia, 136;
    attacks Caesar's party, 137;
    relations with contemporaries, 138;
    longer poems, Alexandrian influence, publication of poems, 139;
    metre, 175;
    friend of Nep. 114-5;
    of Calvus, 138-9, 143;
    of Cinna, 140;
    Hor.'s opinion of, 143, 176;
    imit. by Virg. 154;
    by Mart. 301.

  Catulus, _see_ Lutatius.

  Celsus, Cornelius,
    his encyclopaedia, 235;
    its subdivisions, extant part _De Re Medica_, 236;
    foll. by Quint. 309.

  Christians, Tacitus' view of, 347.

  Cicero, M. Tullius,
    birth, education, at the bar, 69;
    in the East, political career, Catilinarian conspiracy, banishment, 70;
    recall, proconsul of Cilicia, in civil war, 71;
    death, 73;
    speeches, 73;
    philosophical works, 79;
    Cic. as a philosopher, 83;
    rhetorical works, 83;
    letters, 85;
    their style, lost prose writings, 86;
    poems, 87;
    criticisms of his poetry, 88;
    on chronology, 1, 9;
    verses on Ter. 51;
    conversed with Accius, 56;
    criticises Sisenna, 67;
    attacked by Catull. 138;
    his reference to Lucr. 119;
    editorship of Lucr. 120;
    relations with Nep. 114;
    with Calvus, 142;
    foll. by Nep. 117;
    by Lucr. 120;
    by Hor. 174;
    by Val. Max. 234;
    largely quoted by Quint. 308;
    admired by elder Sen. 228.

  Cicero, Quintus, 89.

  Cincius Alimentus, 53;
    foll. by Livy, 219.

  Cinna, C. Helvius,
    friend of Catull. 136-9, 140;
    partisan of Caesar, discussion of his identity, 141;
    poems, 141;
    patronized by Pollio, 112.

  Claudius, emperor,
    relations with Livy, 216;
    with Sen. 243 _sqq._

  Claudius Quadrigarius, 67;
    foll. by Livy, 220.

  Clodia (Lesbia), 76;
    Catullus' relations with, 134 _sqq._

  Clodius, P. 70, 76.

  Clodius Licinus, 220.

  Cluvius Rufus, foll. by Tac. 346.

  Codrus, 183.

  Coelius Antipater, 58;
    foll. by Livy, 220.

  Columella,
    birth, military service, property, date, 258;
    works, 258-9.

  Comum, birthpl. of the two Plinii, 281, 326.

  Contaminatio, 6, 13, 46 _sqq._

  Corbulo, Domitius, memoirs of, 346.

  Corduba, birthpl. of the two Senecas and Lucan, 226, 240, 264.

  Corinna, celebrated by Ovid, 207.

  Cornelius, _see_ Celsus, Gallus, Nepos, Sisenna, Tacitus.

  Cornificius, 88.

  Cornificius, poet, 139.

  Cornutus, Annaeus,
    teacher of Persius, 260 _sqq._;
    of Lucan, 265.

  Corvinus, _see_ Messalla.

  Cremona, birthpl. of Bibaculus, 99.

  Crispus, _see_ Sallustius.

  Curtius Rufus,
    his date and identity, 256;
    _Historiae Alexandri_, 257.

  Cynthia (Hostia), Propertius' relations with, 65, 193, 197 _sqq._


  Delia (Plania), Tibullus' love for, 188-9.

  Demetrius the Cynic, 251, 254.

  Democritus, imit. by Lucr. 123.

  Demophilus, 11.

  Didascaliae, 15, 17, 44 _sqq._

  Diodotus, teacher of Cic. 69.

  Diphilus,
    imit. by Plaut. 12, 15, 17;
    by Ter. 48.

  Diverbium, 19, 50.

  Domitian,
    patron of Statius, 293;
    of Mart. 297 _sqq._;
    of Quint. 305.

  Domitius Marsus, 184;
    epigram on Tibull. 186.

  Donatus, Aelius, 354, 39, 44, 147 _sqq._

  Dossenus, in fabula Atellana, 25, 67.


  Eclecticism,
    of Enn. 29;
    of Cic. 83;
    of Hor. 173.

  Egnatius, 99.

  Empedocles, imit. by Lucr. 122.

  Ennius,
    birth, 26;
    in Sardinia, 26;
    life in Rome, 27;
    in Aetolia, a Roman citizen, death, 28;
    character and views, 29;
    plays, Saturae, etc. 30;
    _Annals_, 31;
    services to Latin literature--the hexameter, 32;
    influence on other poets, 33;
    views on Ennius, 34;
    criticised by Lucilius, 62;
    imit. by Lucr. 121;
    by Virg. 161;
    in _Bell. Hisp._ 109;
    imit. Naevius, 7;
    quoted by Phaedrus, 237;
    taught Pacuv. 35.

  Epicureanism, 83;
    in Enn. 30;
    discussed by Cic. 80 _sqq._;
    in Lucr. 120 _sqq._
    in Virg. 149;
    in Hor. 170, 173;
    in _Aetna_, 279.

  Epidius, teacher of Virg. 149.

  Euhemerism, 31, 162.

  Euphorion, 156, 183.

  Euripides,
    imit. by Enn. 30;
    by Pacuv. 36;
    by Accius, 57;
    by Sen. 253;
    criticised by Lucilius, 62.


  Fabianus, Papirius, 240.

  Fabius, _see_ Quintilianus.

  Fabius Labeo, 42, 52.

  Fabius Pictor, 52;
    foll. by Livy, 219.

  Fabius Rusticus, 245;
    foll. by Tac. 346.

  Fannius, 58.

  Fenestella, 40, 224.

  Festus, 8, 224.

  Flaccus, _see_ Horatius, Persius, Valerius, Verrius.

  Florus, Iulius, 181, 172, 179.

  Forum Iulii, birthpl. of Gallus, 182.

  Frontinus, S. Iulius,
    military and civil career, 310;
    works, 311-2;
    friend of Mart. 298.

  Fundanius, 181.

  Furius Antias, 66.

  Furius Bibaculus, 99.

  Furnius, 181.

  Fuscus, _see_ Aristius.


  Gades, birthpl. of Columella, 258.

  Gaetulicus, 301.

  Gallio, _see_ Novatus.

  Gallus, Cornelius,
    life, 182;
    poems, 183;
    relations with Virg. 150, 156.

  Gellius, Aulus, 352.

  Geminus, _see_ Tanusius.

  Germanicus Caesar, 281.

  Glycera, _see_ Nemesis.

  Gracci, 58.

  Guilds of poets, 2, 38.


  Hadrian,
    banishes Juv. 322;
    dismisses Sueton. 349.

  Helvia, 227, 240 _sqq._

  Helvius, _see_ Cinna.

  Hemina, _see_ Cassius.

  Herennium, Rhet. ad, 88;
    foll. by Quint. 309.

  Hesiod, imit. by Virg. 157.

  Hieronymus, _see_ Jerome.

  Hirtius and the Corpus Caes. 106 _sqq._

  Homer,
    trans. by Livius, 3;
    by Matius, 66;
    by Cic. 88;
    imit. by Hostius, 65;
    by Virg. 161;
    by Val. Flaccus, 288;
    by Silius, 291;
    parodied by Petron. 273.

  Horatius Flaccus, Q.,
    name, birth, 163;
    parentage, 164;
    education, in civil war, 165;
    clerkship, 166;
    introduction to Maecenas, journey to Brundisium, Sabine farm, 167;
    relations with imperial house, 168;
    death, personal appearance, 169;
    chronology of works, 170;
    _Satires_, 170, 172;
    _Odes_ and _Epodes_, 171, 174;
    _Epistles_, 171, 172, 179;
    _Carm. Saec._ 171;
    _Ars Poet._ 172, 179;
    nature of the Satires, 173;
    Odes, models of, 174;
    metre and subjects of, 175;
    Epistles, subjects of, 179;
    Hor. and nature, popularity of Hor. 180;
    relations with Virg. 151;
    with Tibull. 189;
    with Propert. 195;
    patronized by Pollio, 112;
    on Calvus and Catull. 143, 176;
    on Atac. 144;
    imit. Lucilius, 62;
    Lucr. 125;
    parodied Bibac. 100;
    imit. by Persius, 263;
    by Lucan, 271;
    by Mart. 301;
    by Juv. 325;
    foll. by Quint. 309.

  Hortensius, 74.

  Hostia, _see_ Cynthia.

  Hostius, 65;
    imit. by Virg. 161.

  Hyginus, C. Iulius, 224;
    friend of Ovid, 206.


  Iambi = satirical verses, 100, 174.

  Imbrex, Licinius, 39.

  Italicus, _see_ Silius.

  Iulia, grand-daughter of Augustus, 203.

  Iulius, _see_ Caesar, Calidus, Florus, Frontinus, Hyginus.

  Iunior, _see_ Lucilius.

  Iuvenalis, D. Iunius,
    sources for his life, 312;
    birth, 313;
    inscription at Aquinum, 314;
    parentage, position, and education, 314-6;
    military and civil career, 316;
    in Britain, 317;
    references to Britain, 318;
    life in Rome, 319;
    dates of Satires, 320;
    banishment, 322;
    death, 323;
    subjects of Satires, 323;
    pessimism, rhetorical learning and style, 324-6;
    friend of Mart. 298;
    imit. Virg. 163.

  Iuventius, 52.


  Jerome, 351;
    mistakes of, 2, 8, 58, 99, 144.

  Jews, Tacitus' view of, 347.


  Labeo, Fabius, 42, 52.

  Laberius,
    dates, 97;
    contest with Publ. Syrus, 97, 145;
    mimes, 98;
    language and views, 99.

  Laelius, literary circle of, 35, 41, 59.

  Laenas, _see_ Popillius.

  Laevius, 66.

  Lanuvinus, _see_ Luscius.

  Latro, Porcius,
    teacher of Ovid, 201;
    friend of Sen. 227.

  Lesbia, _see_ Clodia.

  Libri lintei, 68.

  Licinius Imbrex, 39.

  Licinius Tegula, 52.

  Licinius Macer, 67;
    foll. by Livy, 220.

  Licinius Macer Calvus, _see_ Calvus.

  Licinus, Porcius, 65.

  Livius, _see_ Andronicus.

  Livius, T.,
    birth, intimacy with imperial house, 215;
    death, 216;
    works on philosophy and rhetoric, 216;
    his history, the _Periochae_, number and scope of books, 217;
    date of composition, 218;
    publication, 219;
    his sources, 68, 319;
    comparison with Polybius, 220;
    characteristics of his history, 220-1;
    views on religion and morality, 222;
    politics, 223;
    imit. Virg. 163;
    foll. by Ovid, 211;
    by Val. Max. 234;
    by Lucan, 271;
    by Silius, 290;
    by Frontinus, 311.

  Lucanus, M. Annaeus,
    biographies of, 264;
    education, _Laudes Neronis_, political advancement, breach with Nero,
      265;
    satirizes Nero, joins Piso's conspiracy, suicide, 266;
    his wife, 267;
    lost works, 267;
    _De Bello Civili_ (Pharsalia), 267, 268 _sqq._
    popularity of his works, 268;
    his views on politics, 268;
    on philosophy and religion, 270;
    rhetorical treatment, 271;
    his models, 271;
    criticisms of Lucan, 272;
    friendship with Persius, 261;
    imit. Virg. 163;
    imit. by Juv. 326;
    admired by Statius, 293;
    parodied by Petron. 275.

  Lucilius,
    date, 58;
    birthpl. and rank, 59;
    his friends and enemies, 59-60;
    _Saturae_, dates of composition, 61;
    subjects of, 62;
    on philology, 62;
    style and character, 63;
    imit. by Lucr. 121;
    by Virg. 161;
    by Hor. 173;
    by Persius, 262-3;
    by Juv. 326.

  Lucilius Iunior, 277;
    official career, friendship with Sen. 278;
    date and authorship of _Aetna_, 279;
    imit. Sen. and Lucr. 280;
    imit. Virg. 163.

  Lucillius, epigrammatist, 301.

  Lucretius Carus, T.,
    his dates, 119;
    Cic.'s editorship of his works, recently discovered biography, 120;
    position and character, 121;
    _De rerum natura_, 122;
    his ethics and physics, 123;
    imit. Enn. 33;
    imit. by Virg. 158, 161;
    by Hor. 173;
    in _Aetna_, 280.
    Lucullus, 68.

  Ludi Megalenses, 15, 17, 44;
    Romani, 17;
    plebei, 17.

  Luscius Lanuvinus, 39, 49.

  Lutatius Catulus, 65.

  Lycinna, 193.

  Lygdamus, 190.

  Lynceus, 196.


  Maccius, _see_ Plautus.

  Macer, _see_ Aemilius, Calvus, Pompeius.

  Macrobius, 354.

  Maecenas, 166;
    relations with Virg. 151, 157;
    with Hor. 166 _sqq._;
    with Valgius, 180;
    with Propert. 195, 198.

  Mamurra, Catullus' hostility to, 137.

  Manilius, 213;
    imit. Lucr. 125;
    Virg. 163;
    imit. by Juv. 326.

  Marcellus, nephew of Augustus, 159, 171.

  Maro, _see_ Vergilius.

  Marsus, _see_ Domitius.

  Martialis, M. Valerius,
    birth, 295;
    education, life at Rome, patrons, 296;
    life under Domitian and Titus, 297;
    friends of Martial, 298;
    returns to Spain, 299;
    character, 299;
    publication of Epigrams, popularity, 300;
    models, mistakes, 301;
    satire and versification, 302;
    imit. Catull. 140;
    Virg. 163;
    friend of Lucan, 267;
    of Silius, 289;
    of Frontinus, 311;
    of Juv. 319;
    of Pliny the younger, 335;
    imit. by Juv. 326.

  Maternus, Curiatius, 341.

  Matius, Cn. 66.

  Maximus, _see_ Valerius.

  Mediocritas of Terence, 51.

  Mela, Pomponius, 259.

  Melissus, 149, 185.

  Memmius, C. 120, 122, 136.

  Menander,
    imit. by Plaut. 13, 15, 18;
    by Caecilius, 38;
    by Ter. 44 _sqq._;
    by Turpilius, 52;
    by Afranius, 65.

  Menippea Satira, 96, 273.

  Messalina, 243.

  Messalla Corvinus, 187;
    patron of Tibull. 186 _sqq._;
    relations with Ovid, 205.

  Mevius, 183.

  Molo,
    teacher of Cic. 69, 70;
    of Caes. 102.

  Murena, conspiracy of, 171.


  Naevius, Cn.,
    birth, 4;
    attacks Metelli, 5;
    banishment and death, 6;
    plays, 6;
    _Bellum Punicum_, 7;
    Plautus' reference to, 14;
    imit. by Lucr. 121;
    by Virg. 161.

  Naples, birthpl. of Statius, 291.

  Naso, _see_ Ovidius.

  Nemesianus, 275, 277.

  Nemesis (Glycera), Tibullus' love for, 188, 190.

  Neoptolemus, 179.

  Nepos, Cornelius,
    discussion of date, 113;
    intimacy with Atticus, 113;
    with Catull. 114;
    character and views, 114;
    minor works, 115;
    _De viris illustribus_, 116;
    sources, 117;
    value of his work, 117;
    authenticity of his works, 118;
    on Terence, 40;
    on Cato, 54;
    friend of Catull. 139;
    foll. by Mela, 259.

  Nero,
    relations with Sen. 244 _sqq._;
    with Lucan, 265;
    with Petron. 272;
    with Silius, 289;
    Calp. Sic. on, 276;
    his poetry parodied by Persius, 262;
    by Petron. 275.

  Nicander,
    foll. by Virg. 158;
    by Macer, 182;
    by Ovid, 210.

  Nonius Marcellus, 353.

  Novatus, M. Annaeus (= Gallio), 227, 250, 264.

  Novius, 67.


  Oppius, and the Corpus Caes. 106.

  Orbilius, 99, 165.

  Ovidius Naso, P.,
    name and birth, 200;
    rank and education, 201;
    official career, 202;
    travels, 203;
    banishment, 203;
    probable reasons for it, 203-4;
    life at Tomi, 204-5;
    death, 205;
    his literary friends, 206;
    his property, 206;
    poems, 207;
    relations with Aemilius Macer, 182;
    with Tibull. 189;
    with Propert. 196;
    imit. Catull. 140;
    Virg. 163;
    foll. Propert. 199;
    Verrius Flaccus, 224;
    imit. by Sen. 253;
    by Lucan, 271;
    in _Aetna_, 279;
    by Val. Flaccus, 288;
    by Mart. 301;
    by Juv. 326;
    on Varro Atac. 144;
    on Gallus, 182.


  Pacuvius,
    birth, 34;
    literary friends, 35;
    tragedies, saturae, 36;
    views and style, 36;
    views on Pacuvius, 37;
    imit. by Lucr. 121;
    by Virg. 161.

  Paetus Thrasea,
    relative of Persius, 261, 286;
    Tacitus' attitude to, 344.

  Palliata fabula, 6, 10 _sqq._, 39, 44 _sqq._, 52.

  Panaetius, 82.

  Papinius, _see_ Statius.

  Patavinitas, 215, 219.

  Patavium, birthpl. of Livy, 215.

  Paterculus, _see_ Velleius.

  Paul, St., and Seneca, 254.

  Paulus Diaconus, abridged Festus, 224.

  Pedianus, _see_ Asconius.

  Pedum, prob. birthpl. of Tibull. 185.

  Pellio, actor of Plautus, 12.

  Persius Flaccus, A.,
    dates, birthpl., rank, education, 260;
    his friends, property, and character, 261;
    early works, 261;
    Satires--their nature, 262;
    obligations to Hor. 263;
    popularity, 263-4;
    imit. Lucilius, 63.

  Petronius Arbiter, C.,
    life, 272;
    Satirae--their subject, 273;
    dramatic scene and date, 273-4;
    style, 274;
    poems in the book, 275.

  Phaedrus (philosopher), 69.

  Phaedrus (poet),
    life, 237;
    persecuted by Seianus, 237;
    personal points, 238;
    _fabulae Aesopiae_, 239;
    the five books, 239.

  Philemon, imit. by Plaut. 14, 15, 17.

  Philetas, imit. by Propert. 199.

  Philo, teacher of Cic. 69.

  Philology, 57, 63, 94, 307.

  Phocas, 147.

  Pictor, Fabius, 52.

  Pindar, foll. by Hor. 175.

  Pisaurum, birthpl. of Accius, 55.

  Piso, _see_ Calpurnius.

  Piso, conspiracy of, 248, 266, 296.

  Plania, _see_ Delia.

  Plato,
    trans. by Cic. 82;
    foll. by Nep. 117;
    by Virg. 162.

  Plautus, T. Maccius,
    name, 7;
    date and pl. of birth, 8;
    varied employments, 8, 9;
    intimacy with the Scipios, death, 9;
    Plautine canon, 10;
    extant plays, 10-18;
    argumenta, 18;
    prologues, 18;
    acts, diverbium, canticum, characters, 19;
    language, 20;
    references to Greek and Roman life, 20;
    prosody, 22;
    views on Plautus, 25;
    reference to Naevius, 5.

  Plinius Secundus, C. (the elder), 281;
    education, 282;
    military and procuratorial career, 282-3;
    death, 283;
    lost works, 284;
    _Naturae Historiae_, their contents and character, 285;
    views, 286;
    foll. by Tac. 346.

  Plinius Secundus, C. (the younger),
    name and birthpl. 326;
    date of birth, education, 327;
    adoption by his uncle, 328;
    at the bar, civil career, 328;
    _Panegyricus_, 330;
    governor of Pontus et Bithynia, correspondence with Trajan,
      municipal relations, 331-333;
    as orator and writer, 333;
    the Epistles, 334;
    relations with other writers, character, 335;
    love of nature, 336;
    friend of Silius, 289;
    of Mart. 298;
    of Frontinus, 310;
    of Tac. 340;
    of Sueton. 348.

  Polla Argentaria,
    wife of Lucan, 267;
    patroness of Mart. 297.

  Pollio, Asinius, 112;
    criticises Caesar, 105;
    connexion with Corpus Caes. 107 _sqq._;
    criticises Livy, 219;
    friend of Virg. 149, 154 _sqq._

  Pollio, _see_ Vitruvius.

  Polybius,
    foll. by Nep. 117;
    by Livy, 220.

  Polybius, favourite of Claudius, 250.

  Pompeius Macer, poet, 203.

  Pompeius Magnus,
    Livy a supporter of, 219;
    Lucan's view of, 268-9.

  Pompeius, _see_ Trogus.

  Pompilius, 65.

  Pomponius, _see_ Mela, Atticus.

  Pomponius Bononiensis, 67.

  Pomponius Secundus, 282, 284.

  Ponticus, 196, 206.

  Popillius Laenas, 42, 52.

  Porcius, _see_ Cato, Latro.

  Porcius Licinus, 65.

  Porphyrio, 355.

  Posidippus, 14.

  Posidonius, 70, 82.

  Praetexta fabula, 7, 30, 36, 57, 341.

  Probus, M. Valerius, 147;
    his life of Persius, 260.

  Probus, Aemilius, falsely credited with Nepos' works, 118.

  Prologues, 18, 49.

  Propertius, Sex.,
    name, 191;
    birth, 192;
    youth and education, 193;
    relations with Lycinna and Cynthia, 193-4;
    later life, 194-5;
    relations with Maecenas, Augustus, and contemporary poets, 195-6;
    elegies, 196;
    dates and contents of the four books, 196-9;
    his archaeological tastes, 198;
    character, 200;
    friend of Ovid, 206;
    imit. Virg. 163;
    imit. by Mart. 301.

  Prosody, 22, 32.

  Publilius Syrus,
    life and works, 145;
    views on, 146;
    contest with Laberius, 97, 145.

  Pupius, 185.

  Pythagoreanism,
    in Enn. 30;
    in Laberius, 99;
    in Virg. 162.


  Quadrigarius, _see_ Claudius.

  Quintilianus, M. Fabius,
    pl. of birth, 302;
    probable date of birth, his teachers, at the bar, 303;
    professor of oratory, date of the _Institutio_, retirement, 304;
    tutor to Domitian's grandnephews, consul, flattery of Domitian,
      domestic relations, 305;
    earlier works, 306;
    _Institutio_, 306;
    scope of work, 307;
    his authorities, 308;
    spurious works, 309;
    friend of Martial, 298;
    teacher of Pliny the younger, 327;
    views on Roman writers, _passim_.

  Quintius, _see_ Atta.


  Rabirius, 83.

  Reate, birthpl. of Varro, 91.

  Religion,
    in Enn. 29;
    in Pacuv. 36;
    in Accius, 57;
    in Lucr. 122;
    in Virg. 161;
    in Livy, 222;
    in Tac. 343.

  Rhinthonica, 11.

  Roscius, actor, 69, 73.

  Rudiae, birthpl. of Enn. 26.

  Rufus, _see_ Curtius, Valgius, Varius.

  Rusticus, _see_ Fabius.

  Rutilius, 220.


  Sallustius Crispus, C.,
    dates, youth, rank, 125;
    political and military life, 126-7;
    retirement, 128;
    _Bell. Cat._, object of work, 128;
    _Bell. Iug._, object of work, 129;
    _Hist._ 129;
    spurious works, 130;
    as a historian, 130;
    authorities and models, 131;
    style, popularity, 132;
    criticised by Livy, 216;
    foll. by Frontinus, 311;
    by Val. Max. 235;
    on Sisenna, 67.

  Santra, on Terence, 42.

  Sappho,
    imit. by Catull. 139;
    by Hor. 174.

  Sarranae tibiae, 45.

  Sarsina, birthpl. of Plautus, 8.

  Saturae, 30, 36, 61, 64, 172, 262, 320;
    Menippeae, 96, 273.

  Saturnians, 3, 7.

  Scaurus, _see_ Aemilius.

  Scipio Africanus the elder, friend of Enn. 27.

  Scipio Africanus the younger,
    friend of Ter. 40;
    of Lucilius, 59.

  Sedigitus, Volcacius, 66;
    on Plautus, 10;
    canon, 39, 66.

  Seianus,
    praised by Velleius, 234;
    relations with Phaedrus, 237.

  Seneca, Annaeus, the elder,
    birth, rank, 226;
    life in Rome, death, character, 227;
    _Controversiae_, 228-9;
    _Suasoriae_, 229;
    his history, 230.

  Seneca, L. Annaeus, the younger,
    birth, family, education, 240;
    voyage to Egypt, 241;
    political advancement, 242;
    banishment, recall, 243;
    tutorship of Nero, privy to Claudius' murder, 244;
    checks Nero, 245;
    power and wealth, 246;
    loss of power, 247;
    wishes to retire, 248;
    Piso's conspiracy, death of Seneca, 248;
    extant prose works, 249;
    extant poems, incl. tragedies, 252;
    lost works, 253;
    spurious works, views and character, 254;
    style, 255;
    imit. Curtius Rufus, 257;
    friend of Persius, 261;
    of Calp. Sic. 276;
    of Lucilius Iunior, 277 _sqq._;
    foll. by Lucan, 271;
    imit. by Lucilius, 280;
    by Val. Flaccus, 288;
    by Juv. 326;
    patron of Mart. 296;
    Quintilian's antagonism to, 309.

  Servius, 354, 147 _sqq._

  Sextius, 237, 240 _sqq._

  Siculus, _see_ Calpurnius.

  Silanus, D. 203.

  Silius Italicus,
    life, 289;
    _Punica_, 290;
    models, 291;
    Homerus Latinus, 291;
    friend of Mart. 298;
    of Pliny the younger, 335;
    on life of Ennius, 26;
    imit. Virg. 163.

  Siron, 149, 150.

  Sisenna, L. Cornelius, 67;
    foll. by Sall. 129;
    by Tac. 346.

  Sophocles,
    imit. by Pacuv. 36;
    by Accius, 57;
    by Virg. 161;
    by Sen. 253.

  Soranus, _see_ Valerius.

  Sotadean metre, 31, 57.

  Sotion, 240.

  Stataria, 11, 46.

  Statius, _see_ Caecilius.

  Statius, P. Papinius,
    birth, 291;
    poetical competitions, 292;
    patronized by Domitian, admiration for Lucan and Virgil, 293;
    works, 293-5;
    imit. Virg. 163;
    Val. Flaccus, 288;
    friend of Lucan, 267;
    sneered at by Mart. 298.

  Stilo, Aelius, 10, 25, 29.

  Stoicism,
    discussed by Cic. 79 _sqq._;
    in Virg. 162;
    Hor.'s attitude to, 173;
    in Sen. 241, 254;
    in Persius, 262;
    in Lucan, 270;
    in _Aetna_, 279;
    in Juv. 325.

  Sueius, 66.

  Suessa, birthpl. of Lucilius, 59.

  Suetonius Tranquillus, C.,
    life, 348;
    works, 349;
    biography of Lucan, 264.

  Sulla, 68, 129.

  Sulmo, birthpl. of Ovid, 200.

  Sulpicia, 191.

  Sulpicius, 181.

  Sulpicius Apollinaris, 18, 51.

  Syrus, see Publilius.


  Tabernaria fabula, 6, 64.

  Tacitus, Cornelius, 336;
    birth and rank, 337;
    reputation as an orator, 338;
    political career, death, 339;
    works, 340-3;
    views, 343;
    sources, 346;
    his credibility, 347;
    friend of Pliny the younger, 335;
    imit. Sall. 132;
    Virg. 163;
    Pliny the elder, 285.

  Tanusius Geminus, 138.

  Tegula, Licinius, 52.

  Terentius Afer, P.,
    date and pl. of birth, 39, 40;
    relations with Laelius, Scipio, and Caecilius, 41-2;
    death, 43;
    personal appearance, 44;
    comedies, 44;
    prologues, representation, 49;
    names of characters, 50;
    arguments, prosody, views on Ter. 51;
    imit. by Afranius, 65;
    relations with Caecilius, 38;
    attacks on Luscius, 39.

  Terentius, _see_ Varro.

  Theocritus,
    imit. by Virg. 156;
    by Calp. Sic. 277.

  Theophrastus, imit. by Cic. 79, 82.

  Thrasea, _see_ Paetus.

  Thucydides,
    imit. by Sall. 132;
    by Lucr. 123;
    foll. by Nep. 117.

  Tiberius,
    Tac.'s view of, 344 _sqq._;
    praised by Hor. 172;
    by Velleius, 233;
    by Val. Max. 235.

  Tibiae, 45, 50.

  Tibullus, Albius,
    birth, 185;
    rank and wealth, 186;
    friendship with Messalla, 187;
    relations with Delia and Nemesis, 188;
    with other poets, 189;
    poems, 189;
    imit. Virg. 163;
    friend of Ovid, 206;
    imit. by Mart. 301.

  Ticidas, 140.

  Ticinum, birthpl. of Nepos, 113.

  Tingentera, birthpl. of Mela, 259.

  Tiro, M. Tullius, 90;
    edits Cicero's works, 78, 85.

  Titinius, 52.

  Titius, 181.

  Togata fabula, 6, 52, 64, 185.

  Trabea, 39.

  Trabeata fabula, 185.

  Tragicomoedia, 10.

  Tranquillus, _see_ Suetonius.

  Trogus, Pompeius, 223;
    followed by Val. Max. 235.

  Tucca, 154, 160.

  Tullia, 72, 80.

  Tullius, _see_ Cicero, Tiro.

  Turpilius, 52.

  Tusculum, birthpl. of Cato, 53.


  Vacca, biographer of Lucan, 264.

  Valerius, _see_ Catullus, Probus, Martialis.

  Valerius, writer of palliatae, 52.

  Valerius Aedituus, 65.

  Valerius Antias, 67;
    foll. by Livy, 220.

  Valerius Cato, 133.

  Valerius Flaccus,
    life, 234.
    the _Argonautica_, 287;
    imit. Virg. 163.

  Valerius Maximus, 234;
    his _Facta et Dicta Memorabilia_, 234;
    foll. by Juv. 325.

  Valerius Soranus, 65.

  Valgius Rufus, 180.

  Varius Rufus, L., 181;
    friend of Virg. 154, 160;
    of Horace, 166 _sqq._

  Varro Atacinus, P. Terentius, 144;
    imit. by Virg. 161.

  Varro, M. Terentius,
    birth, 91;
    military and political career, 91-2;
    death, 93;
    works, 93-7;
    on chronology, 5, 6, 26;
    on criticism, 10, 51;
    on Sallust, 126;
    foll. by Virg. 157, 161;
    by Ovid, 211;
    friend of Cic. 81, 94.

  Vatinius,
    attacked by Cic. 76;
    by Catull. 137;
    by Calvus, 142.

  Vatronius, 52.

  Velleius Paterculus, C.,
    military and civil career, 231-2;
    his _Historia Romana_, 232.

  Venusia, birthpl. of Hor. 163.

  Vergilius Maro, P.,
    name, 147;
    parentage and education, 148;
    evictions from farm, 149, 150;
    friendship of Augustus, 149;
    literary life, 151;
    later years, 152;
    personal appearance and character, 153;
    minor poems, 153;
    _Bucolica_, 154;
    the separate Eclogues, 155;
    sources, 156;
    scenery in the Eclogues, 156;
    _Georgics_, 157;
    sources, 157;
    political purpose, 158;
    natural scenery, 158;
    _Aeneid_, 159;
    method of composition, 159;
    posthumous publication, subject, why chosen, 160;
    the Aeneas legend, 161;
    sources of _Aeneid_, religion in _Aeneid_, 161;
    political significance, 162;
    influence of Virg. 163;
    popularity of Virg. 180;
    patronized by Pollio, 112;
    imit. Naevius, 7;
    Enn. 33;
    Accius, 58;
    Lucilius, 62;
    Hostius, 65;
    Bibaculus, 100;
    Lucr. 125;
    Catull. 140;
    Atac. 145;
    Hyginus, 224;
    relations with Hor. 166 _sqq._;
    with Aemilius Macer, 182;
    with Gallus, 183;
    with Propert. 196;
    imit. by Manilius, 214;
    by Lucan, 271;
    by Calp. Sic. 277;
    by Val. Flaccus, 288;
    by Silius, 291;
    by Statius, 293;
    by Mart. 301;
    by Juv. 325;
    supplemented by Colum. 258;
    _Aetna_ attributed to, 277;
    quoted largely by Quint. 308;
    half-lines in, 144.

  Verona,
    birthpl. of Catull. 132;
    of Aemilius Macer, 182.

  Verrius Flaccus, 224.

  Visci, 181.

  Vitruvius Pollio, 224;
    his _Architectura_, 225.

  Volaterrae, birthpl. of Persius, 260.

  Volcacius, _see_ Sedigitus.

  Volusius, 138.


  Xenophon,
    trans. by Cic. 87;
    foll. by Nep. 117.


  Zeno, 69.




INDEX OF TITLES


  A fine Aufidii Bassi, 284
  Ab excessu divi Augusti, 342
  Ab urbe condita, 217
  Academica, 80
  Achilleis, 294
  Achilles, 3
  Actis Scenicis, De, 95
  Adelphoe, 48
  Admiranda, 87
  Aegisthus, 3
  Aeneadae, 57
  Aeneas, 282
  Aeneid, 159
  Aethiopis, 100
  Aetia, 95
  Aetna, 277
  Agamemnon, 253
  Agave, 295
  Agricola, 341
  Agricultura, De
    (Cato), 54
    (Hyginus), 224
  Ajax, 152
  Alexandri Historiae, 256
  Amazonis, 184
  Ambracia, 30
  Amicitia, De
    (Cic.), 82
    (Sen.), 253
  Amores
    (Marsus), 185
    (Ovid), 207
  Amphitruo, 10
  Analogia, De, 109
  Andria, 44
  +Anekdota+, 87
  Annales of
    Accius, 57
    Q. Cicero, 90
    Ennius, 31
    Fenestella, 224
    Hortensius, 74
    Sueius, 66
    Tacitus, 342
    Varro, 95
  Annalis, 90
  Anticatones, 110
  Antiopa, 36
  Antiquitate litterarum, De, 94
  Antiquitates, 94
  Antonianae orationes, 78
  Apocolocyntosis, 251
  Apophoreta, 300
  +Apophthegmata+
    (Cato), 55
    (Caes.), 110
  Aquis urbis Romae, De, 312
  Arboribus, De, 259
  Archia, Pro, 75
  Architectura, De, 225
  Argonautae, 144
  Argonautica, 287
  Ars Amatoria, 209
  Ars Poetica, 172, 179
  Asinaria, 11
  Astris, De, 110
  Astrologia, De, 95
  Astronomica, 213
  Attis, 139
  Auguriis, De, 82
  Aulularia, 11

  Bacchides, 13
  Balbo, Pro, 76
  Balistam, In, 153
  Bella Germaniae, 284
  Bello Civili, De (Lucan), 267
  Bellum
    Africum, 106
    Alexandrinum, 106
    Civile, 106
    Gallicum
      (Bibaculus), 100
      (Caes.), 104
    Hispaniense, 106
    Histricum, 65
    Iugurthinum, 129
    Punicum, 7
    Sequanicum, 144
  Beneficiis, De, 251
  Bibliothecis, De, 95
  Boeotia, 39
  Brevitate vitae, De, 250
  Brundusinae, 64
  Brutus
    (Accius), 57
    (Cic.), 84
  Bucco Adoptatus, 67
  Bucolica, 154

  Caecilium, Divinatio in, 73
  Caecina, Pro, 74
  Caelio, Pro, 76
  Caesarem, Ad, 87
  Caesaris, De morte, 181
  Captivi, 11
  Carmen Saeculare, 171
  Carmina
    (Catull.), 132
    (Hor.), 171, 172, 174
  Casina, 12
  Catachthonion, 267
  Catalecta, 153
  Catilinae coniuratione, De, 128
  Catilinam, In, 75
  Cato, 341
  Cato Maior, 82
  Catonis vita, 115
  Causis corruptae eloquentiae, De, 306
  Cena Trimalchionis, 273
  Chorographia
    (Atacinus), 145
    (Cic.), 87
    (Mela), 259
  Chronica, 115
  Ciceronis vita, 116
  Cicuta, 184
  Ciris, 154
  Cistellaria, 12
  Claris Oratoribus, De, 84
  Clastidium, 7
  Clementia, De, 251
  Cluentio, Pro, 74
  Coma Berenices, 139
  Commentarii
    (Caes.), 104
    (Donatus, Servius, etc.), 354
  Commentariolum petitionis, 89
  Compendiosa doctrina, De, 353
  Compitalia, 65
  Consolatio, 80
  Consolatione, De,
    ad Marc., 250
    ad Polyb., 250
    ad Helv., 251
  Constantia, De, 250
  Consulatu, De suo, 87
  Consulatu Ciceronis, De, 91
  Controversiae, 228
  Copa, 154
  Culex, 154
  Cum populo gratias egit, 75
  Cum senatui gratias egit, 75
  Cupuncula, 30
  Curculio, 11
  Cynegetica, 277

  Decius, 57
  Declamationes, 309
  Deiotaro, Pro rege, 77
  Descriptionibus, De, 95
  Dialogus de oratoribus, 340
  Didascalica, 57
  Diomedea, 181
  Dirae, 154
  Dis penatibus, De, 224
  Disciplinae, 95
  Divinatione, De, 82
  Domitius, 341
  Domo sua, De, 76
  Drusi vita, 152
  Dubius sermo, 284
  Duo Dosseni, 67

  Eclogae
    (Virg), 154
    (Calp. Sic.), 275
  +Eisagogikos+, 95
  Elegiae--of
    Atacinus, 145
    Marsus, 29
    Propert., 196
    Tibull., 189
    Valgius, 180
    Varius, 182
  Ephemeris, 145
  Ephemeris navalis, Eph. rustica, 95
  Epicharmus, 31
  Epidicus, 12
  Epigrammata--of
    Calvus, 143
    Ennius, 29
    Lucan, 267
    Marsus, 185
    Martial, 300
    Seneca, 252
    Valgius, 181
    Virgil, 154
  Epistolicae quaestiones, 97
  Epistula ad Pisones, 172, 179
  Epistulae--
    ad Atticum, 85
    ad Brutum, 86
    ad Caesonium, 253
    ad Familiares, 86
    ad Novatum, 253
    ad Paulum, 254
    ad Quintum fratrem, 86
    ad Traianum, 335
    ex Campania, 267
    ex Ponto, 213
    Latinae, 97
    morales, 252
    of Horace, 171, 172, 179
    of Ovid, 208
    of Pliny, 334
  Epithalamia, 143
  Epodi, 171, 174
  Erotopaegnia, 66
  Euhemerus, 31
  Excellentibus ducibus, De, 116
  Exempla
    (Nepos), 115
    (Hyginus), 224
  Exhortationes, 253

  Fabellae, 185
  Fabulae Aesopiae, 239
  Facta et dicta memorabilia, 234
  Familiis Troianis, De
    (Hyginus), 224
    (Varro), 95
  Fasti
    (Ovid), 210
    (Verrius), 224
  Fato, De, 82
  Finibus, De, 80
  Flacco, Pro, 75
  Fonteio, Pro, 74
  Forma mundi, De, 253
  Forma philosophiae, De, 95
  Formula honestae vitae, De, 254

  Gente populi Romani, De, 95
  Geometria, De, 95
  Georgica, 157
  Germania, 341
  Gloria, De, 82

  Halieuticon, 213
  Haruspicum responsis, De, 76
  Heauton Timorumenos, 45
  Hebdomades, 95
  Hecuba, 253
  Hecyra, 47
  Hedyphagetica 31
  Herbis, De, 182
  Hercules Furens; Herc. Oetaeus, 253
  Heroides, 208
  Hippolytus, 253
  Historia Romana, 232
  Historiae
    (Sall.), 129
    (Sisenna), 67
    (Tac.), 341
  Homerus Latinus, 291
  Hortationes ad philosophiam, 152
  Hortensius, 80
  Hymenaeus, 141

  Iaculatione equestri, De, 284
  Ibis, 212
  Iliacon, 267
  Imagines, 95
  Imaginibus, De, 91
  Immatura morte, De, 253
  Imperio Cn. Pompei, De, 74
  Incendio urbis, De, 267
  Institutio oratoria, 306
  Inventione, De, 83
  Io, 143
  Iocularis libellus, 88
  Ira, De, 250
  Iter, 111
  Iure civili, De, 95
  Iure civili in artem redigendo, De, 87

  Laelius, 82
  Lapidum natura, De, 253
  Lectionibus, De, 95
  Legationum libri, 95
  Lege agraria, De, 74
  Lege Manilia, Pro, 74
  Legibus, De, 79
  Ligario, Pro, 77
  Limon, 88
  Lingua Latina, De, 94
  +Logistorikoi+, 96
  Lucubrationes, 100
  Lucullus, 81
  Ludus de morte Claudi, 251

  Maccus Copa, Miles, Sequester, Virgo, 67
  Marcello, Pro, 77
  Marius, 88
  Matrimonio, De, 253
  Medea
    (Ennius), 30
    (Lucan), 267
    (Maternus), 341
    (Ovid), 208
    (Sen.), 253
  Medicamina, 209
  Menaechmi, 14
  Mensuralia, 95
  Mensuris, De, 95
  Mercator, 15
  Metamorphoses, 209
  Miles Gloriosus, 14
  Milone, Pro, 77
  Mimi
    (Laberius), 97
    (Syrus), 145
  Mimiambi, 66
  Monita, 254
  Moralis philosophiae libri, 254
  Moretum
    (Sueius), 66
    (Virg.), 154
  Moribus, De
    (Cato), 55
    (Sen.), 254
  Mostellaria, 14
  Motu terrarum, De, 253
  Murena, Pro, 75

  Natura deorum, De, 81
  Naturae historiae, 285
  Naturales quaestiones, 252
  Navales libri, 95
  Neronem, In, 268
  Neronis laudes, 267
  Nidus, 66
  Niptra, 36
  Noctes Atticae, 352
  Numerorum libri, 95

  Octavia, 253
  Octavium, Or. in, 267
  Odes (Hor.), 171, 172, 174
  +Hodoiporika+, 261
  Odyssea, 3
  Oedipus
    (Caes.), 111
    (Sen.), 253
  Officiis, De
    (Cic.), 82
    (Sen.), 253
  Optimo genere dicendi, De, 84
  Optimo genere oratorum, De, 85
  Ora maritima, De, 95
  Orator, 84
  Oratore, De, 84
  Origine linguae Latinae, De, 94
  Origines, 54
  Originibus scenicis, De, 95
  Ornithogonia, 182
  Orpheus, 267
  Otio, De, 250

  Pancratiastes, 30
  +Pandektai+, 90
  Panegyricus (Plin.), 330
  Panegyricus Messallae, 191
  Paradoxa, 80
  Partitiones Oratoriae, 85
  Paulus, 36
  Paupertate, De, 254
  Peleus et Thetis, 139
  +Perialges+, 165
  Persa, 16
  Personis, De, 95
  Petitione consulatus, De, 89
  Phaedra, 253
  Phaenomena, 281
  Pharsalia, 267
  Philippicae Historiae, 223
  Philippics, 78
  Philosophia, De, 95
  Phoenissae, 253
  Phormio, 46
  Piscium natura, De, 253
  Pisonem, In, 77
  Pisonis, De Laude, 277
  Plancio, Pro, 77
  Plocium, 38
  Poematis, De, 95
  Poenulus, 16
  Poetis, De
    (Sedig.), 66
    (Varro), 95
  Pollam, Ad, 268
  Pompeio, De, 95
  Pontius Glaucus, 87
  Ponto, Epp. ex, 213
  Praecepta, 31
  Praecepta ad filium, 55
  Pragmatica, 57
  Praxidica, 57
  Priapea, 154, 191
  Pridie quam in exilium iret, 78
  Principiis numerorum, De, 95
  Prognostica, 87, 281
  Propempticon Pollionis, 142
  Proprietate Scriptorum, De, 95
  Protreptica, 31
  Providentia, De, 250
  Provinciis consularibus, De, 76
  Pseudolus, 15
  Pseudotragoediae, 96
  Pulli, 66
  Punica, 290

  Quaestiones Plautinae, 95
  Quinctio, Pro, 73

  Rabirio Postumo, Pro, 77
  Rabirio perd. reo, Pro, 74
  Re medica, De, 236
  Re militari, De, 55
  Re publica, De, 79
  Re rustica, De
    (Varro), 93
    (Colum.), 258
  Remedia Amoris, 209
  Remediis fortuitorum, De, 254
  Rerum natura, De
    (Egnatius), 99
    (Lucretius), 120
  Res urbanae, 95
  Rescripta, 152
  Rhetorica
    (Hortens.), 74
    (Cic.), 83
    ad Herenn., 88
    (Varro), 95
    (Quint.), 306
  Ritu et sacris Aegyptiorum, De, 253
  Romulus, 7
  Roscio, Pro Sex., 73
  Roscio Comoedo, Pro, 73
  Rudens, 16

  Sacra Historia, 31
  Sallustium, In, 78, 130
  Salticae fabulae, 267
  Saturae Menippeae, 96
  Saturae
    (Enn.), 30
    (Pacuv.), 36
    (Lucil.), 61
    (Atac.), 144
    (Hor.), 170, 172
    (Persius), 262
    (Petron.), 272
    (Juv.), 320, 323
  Saturnalia (Lucan.), 267
  Saturnalia (Macrob.), 354
  Scenicis actionibus, De, 95
  Scipio, 31
  Senectute, De, 82
  Sententiae (Varro), 97
  Sententiae (Syrus), 145
  Sententiae Rufi, 254
  Sermone Latino, De, 94
  Sermones (Hor.), 170, 172, 179
  Sestio, Pro, 76
  Sicilia, 152
  Silvae (Lucan), 267
  Silvae (Statius), 295
  Similitudine verborum, De, 94
  Situ Indiae, De, 253
  Situ urbium Italicarum, De, 224
  Somnium Scipionis, 79
  Sota, 31
  Spectacula, 300
  Stichus, 17
  Strategemata, 311
  Studiosus, 284
  Suasiones, 97
  Suasoriae, 229
  Sulla, Pro, 75
  Superstitione, De, 253

  Temporibus suis, De, 87
  Tereus, 56
  Thebais (Sen.), 253
  Thebais (Stat.), 293
  Theriaca, 182
  Thyestes
    (Enn.), 30
    (Varius), 182
    (Sen.), 253
    (Maternus), 341
  Topica, 85
  Tranquillitate animi, De, 250
  Tribuum liber, 95
  +Trikaranos+, 92
  Trinummus, 17
  Tristia, 212
  Troades, 253
  Truculentus, 17
  Tullium, invectiva in, 130
  Tusculanae disputationes, 81

  Urbanitate, De, 185
  Utilitate sermonis, De, 94
  Uxorem, Ad, 143

  Vatinium, In, 76
  Verborum significatu, De, 224
  Verrem, In, 73
  Vescia, 261
  Vidularia, 18
  Viris illustribus, De
    (Hyg.), 224
    (Nep.), 116
    (Sueton.), 349
  Virtutibus, De, 82
  Vita beata, De, 250
  Vita Caesarum, De, 349
  Vita patris, De, 253
  Vita Pomponii, De, 284
  Vita populi Romani, De, 95
  Vita sua, De
    (Varro), 95
    (Aug.), 152

  Xenia, 300
  +Charakteron, peri+, 94
  +Chronikoi kanones+, 351

  Zmyrna, 141

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GLASGOW: PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS BY ROBERT MACLEHOSE AND CO.

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End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Student's Companion to Latin
Authors, by George Middleton and Thomas R. Mills

*** 