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  [Illustration: A MAP OF CAPE COD AS IT APPEARED AT
  THE BEGINNING OF THE 17TH CENTURY. See page 30.]




  THE
  PRE-COLUMBIAN
  DISCOVERY OF AMERICA
  BY
  THE NORTHMEN,

  ILLUSTRATED BY
  Translations from Icelandic Sagas,

  EDITED WITH
  NOTES AND A GENERAL INTRODUCTION,

  BY
  B. F. DE COSTA.

  [Illustration]

  _ALBANY_:
  JOEL MUNSELL.
  1868.




PREFACE.


The aim of the present work is to place within the reach of the English
reading historical student every portion of the Icelandic Sagas
essentially relating to the Pre-Columbian Discovery of America by the
Northmen. These Sagas are left, in the main, to tell their own story;
though, with the necessary introductions, notes have been added, either
to remove misconceptions, to give information in regard to persons and
places, or to show the identity of localities described.

So long ago as the year 1838, a distinguished writer in the _North
American Review_, in closing a valuable and appreciative article on the
Sagas relating to America, said: "We trust that some zealous student of
these subjects will be immediately found, who will put the Icelandic
authorities into an English dress, and prepare them, with proper
literary apparatus, for the perusal of the general reader."

Nevertheless, no one in this country has really undertaken the task
until now; for the dialogues of Joshua Toulmin Smith, however valuable
they may have proved at the date of their publication, can by no means
be regarded as constituting the strict historical work contemplated. The
English treatise by Beamish was conceived in the right spirit; but,
while encumbered with much irrelevant matter, it did not complete the
subject, and, together with Smith's work, long since went out of print.
Several of the brief Narratives are also given by Laing, buried in the
appendix of his valuable translation of the _Heimskringla_; but the
labors of these authors are not now available, and, if combined, would
not meet the present want. The author has therefore improved a favorable
occasion to present what may, perhaps, be regarded as an exposition of
the whole question. In doing so he has freely made use of such material
from the above mentioned writers as he considered valuable for the
purpose. The brief translations of Laing, being well done, have been
given entire, with the exception that particular expressions have been
improved upon; but such portions of the unsatisfactory and not
altogether ingenuous work of Smith as have been used have been somewhat
thoroughly recast. A better use could have been made of Beamish's work,
if the author had succeeded in obtaining a copy before he was on the
point of closing up his work.

No critical knowledge of the Icelandic tongue is claimed by the author,
yet he hopes that the text of the Sagas has not here been
misinterpreted, or left obscure, especially as the Sagas relating to the
Pre-Columbian voyages are given in Professors Rafn's work on the
antiquities of America, accompanied by versions in Latin and Danish. In
everything relating to the latter tongue, the author has had the
invaluable assistance and advice of one who has spoken it from
childhood.

The grammatical structure of the Icelandic is simple, and the aim has
been throughout to maintain this simplicity in the translations, so far
as the genius of our own tongue would permit. This work being strictly
historical, both in spirit and design, the poetical extracts which occur
here and there are translated as literally as possible, without any
attempt to garnish them with metre and rhyme. Nevertheless versions in
rhyme, by other hands, are sometimes given in the notes.

It will be seen that the author differs on some points from Professor
Rafn; yet it is believed that if he could have gone over the subject
again, studying it on the ground, and amid the scenes in which so many
of the exploits of the Northmen were performed, he would have modified
his views on some points.

On the other hand, the author has sought to strengthen several of the
conclusions of that noble and laborious investigator, and particularly
by bringing out more fully the truthfulness of the Icelandic
descriptions of the coast of Cape Cod, which centuries ago presented an
aspect that it does not now possess.

And let us remember that in vindicating the Northmen we honor those who
not only give us the first knowledge possessed of the American
continent, but to whom we are indebted for much beside that we esteem
valuable. For we fable in a great measure when we speak of our "Saxon
inheritance." It is rather from the Northmen that we have derived our
vital energy, our freedom of thought, and, in a measure, that we do not
yet suspect, our strength of speech. Yet, happily, the people are fast
becoming conscious of their indebtedness; so that it is to be hoped that
the time is not far distant when the Northmen may be recognized in their
right, social, political and literary characters, and at the same time,
as navigators, assume their true position in the Pre-Columbian Discovery
of America.

  STUYVESANT PARK,
      NEW YORK, 1868.




CONTENTS.


     I. Preface.

    II. General Introduction.--Historic Fancies; The Sea of Darkness;
          Juba's Expedition; Traditions; The Northmen; The Colonization
          of Iceland; Settlement of Greenland; Organization of the
          Church; Monuments and Ruins; Explorations in Greenland;
          The Decline of Greenland; Lost Greenland Found; The Character
          and Achievements of the Northmen; The Ships of the Northmen;
          The Literature of Iceland; The Manuscripts; The Truthfulness
          of the Narratives; The Absence of Monuments and Remains in
          Vinland.

   III. Gunnbiorn and his Rocks.

    IV. Eric the Red's voyages to Greenland and
          settlement,                                    A.D.  983-986.

     V. Biarne Heriulfsson's voyage to the coast of
          America,                                       A.D.  986.

    VI. Leif Ericson's voyage to Vinland,                A.D. 1000-1001.

   VII. Thorvald Ericson's voyage to Vinland,            A.D. 1002.

  VIII. Thorstein Ericson's attempt to Seek Vinland,     A.D. 1005.

    IX. Thorfinn Karlsefne's settlement in Vinland,      A.D. 1006-1009.

     X. Freydis's voyage and settlement in Vinland,      A.D. 1010-1012.


MINOR NARRATIVES.

     I. Are Marson's Sojourn in Hvitramannaland,         A.D.  983.

    II. Voyage of Biorn Asbrandson,                      A.D.  999.

   III. Gudleif Gudlangson's voyage,                     A.D. 1027.

    IV. Allusions to Voyages found in Ancient Manuscripts.

     V. Geographical Fragments.




GENERAL INTRODUCTION.




PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERY.




GENERAL INTRODUCTION.


HISTORIC FANCIES.

Before the plains of Europe, or even the peaks of Choumalarie, rose
above the primeval seas, the Continent of America emerged from the
watery waste that encircled the whole globe, and became the scene of
animate life. The so-called New World is in reality the Old, and bears
abundant proofs of hoary age. But at what period it became the abode of
man we are unable even to conjecture. Down to the close of the tenth
century of the Christian era it had no written history. Traces of a rude
civilization that suggest a high antiquity are by no means wanting.
Monuments and mounds remain that point to periods the contemplation of
which would cause Chronos himself to grow giddy; yet among all these
great and often impressive memorials there is no monument, inscription,
or sculptured frieze, that solves the mystery of their origin. Tradition
itself is dumb, and the theme chiefly kindles when brought within the
realm of imagination. We can only infer that age after age nations and
tribes continued to rise to greatness and then fall into decline, and
that barbarism and a rude culture held alternate sway.

Nevertheless, men have enjoyed no small degree of satisfaction in
conjuring up theories to explain the origin of the early races on the
Western Continent. What a charm lingers around the supposed
trans-Atlantic voyages of the hardy Phenician, the luxurious sailors of
Tyre, and, later, of the bold Basque. What stories might the lost
picture-records of Mexico and the chronicles of Dieppe tell. Now we are
presented with the splendid view of great fleets, the remnant of some
conquered race, bearing across the ocean to re-create in new and unknown
lands the cities and monuments they were forever leaving behind;[1] and
now it is simply the story of some storm-tossed mariner who blindly
drives across to the western strand, and lays the foundation of empire.
Again it is the devotee of mammon, in search of gainful traffic or
golden fleece. How romantic is the picture of his little solitary bark
setting out in the days of Roman greatness, or in the splendid age of
Charlemagne, sailing trustingly away between the Pillars of Hercules,
and tossing towards the Isles of the Blessed and the Fountains of
Eternal Youth. In time the _Ultima Thule_ of the known world is passed,
and favoring gales bear the merchant-sailor to new and wondrous lands.
We see him coasting the unknown shores passing from cape to cape, and
from bay to inlet, gazing upon the marvels of the New World, trafficing
with the bronzed Indian, bartering curious wares for barbaric gold; and
then shaping his course again for the markets of the distant East to
pour strange tales into incredulous ears. Still this may not be all
fancy.


THE SEA OF DARKNESS.

In early times the Atlantic ocean, like all things without known bounds,
was viewed by man with mixed feelings of fear and awe. It was called the
Sea of Darkness. Yet, nevertheless, there were those who professed to
have some knowledge of its extent, and of what lay beyond. The earliest
reference to this sea is that by Theopompus, in the fourth century
before the Christian era, given in a fragment of AElian,[2] where a vast
island is described, lying far in the west, and peopled by strange
races. To this we may add the reference of Plato[3] to the island called
Atlantis, which lay west of the Pillars of Hercules, and which was
estimated to be larger than Asia and Africa combined. Aristotle[4] also
thought that many other lands existed beyond the Atlantic. Plato
supposed that the Atlantis was sunk by an earthquake, and Crantor says
that he found the same account related by the Priests of Sais three
hundred years after the time of Solon, from whom the grandfather of
Critias had his information. Plato says, that after the Atlantis
disappeared navigation was rendered too difficult to be attempted by the
slime which resulted from the sinking of the land. It is probable that
he had in mind the immense fields of drifting sea-weed found in that
locality, and which Humboldt estimates to cover a portion of the
Atlantic ocean six times as large as all Germany.

It is thought that Homer[5] obtained the idea of his Elysium in the
Western ocean from the voyages of the Phenicians, who, as is well known,
sailed regularly to the British Islands. They are also supposed by some
to have pushed their discoveries as far as the Western Continent. Cadiz,
situated on the shore of Andalusia, was established by the Tyrians
twelve centuries before the year of Christ; and when Cadiz, the ancient
Gadir, was full five hundred years old, a Greek trader, Colaeus, there
bought rare merchandise, a long and severe gale having driven his ships
beyond the Pillars of Hercules.


THE PHENICIANS.

In the ninth century before the Christian Era, the Phenicians had
established colonies on the western coast of Africa; and three hundred
years later, according to Herodotus, Pharaoh Necho, son of Psammiticus,
sent an expedition, manned by Phenician sailors, around the entire coast
of Africa. Vivien de St. Martin fixes the date of this expedition at 570
before Christ. St. Martin, in his account of the voyage, improves
slightly upon the views of Carl Mueller, and is followed by
Bougainville.[6] This voyage, performed by Hanno under the direction of
Pharaoh, was inscribed in the Punic language in a Carthagenian temple,
being afterwards translated into Greek, and was thus preserved.

That the Canary Islands were discovered and colonized by the Phenicians,
there need be no doubt. Tradition had always located islands in that
vicinity. Strabo speaks of the Islands of the Blessed, as lying not far
from Mauritania, opposite Gadir or Cadiz. And he distinctly says, "That
those who pointed out these things were _the Phenicians_, who, before
the time of Homer, had possession of the best part of Africa and
Spain."[7] And when we remember that the Phenicians sought to monopolize
trade, and hold the knowledge of their commercial resorts a secret, it
is not surprising that we should hear nothing more of the Fortunate
Isles until about eighty-two years before Christ, when the Roman
Sertorius met some Lusitanian sailors on the coast of Spain who had just
returned from the Fortunate Isles. They are described as two delightful
islands, separated by a narrow strait, distant from Africa five hundred
leagues. Twenty years after the death of Sertorius, Statius Sebosus drew
up a chart of a group of five islands, each mentioned by name, and which
Pliny calls the Hesperides, including the Fortunate Isles. This mention
of the Canaries was sixty-three years before Christ.


JUBA'S EXPEDITION.

When King Juba II returned to Mauritania, he sent an expedition to the
Fortunate Isles. A fragment of the narratives of this expedition still
survives in the works of Pliny. They are described as lying southwest,
six hundred and twenty-five miles from Purpurariae. To reach them from
this place, they first sailed two hundred and fifty miles westward and
then three hundred and seventy-five miles eastward. Pliny says: "The
first is called Ombrios, and contains no traces of buildings. There is
in it a pool in the midst of mountains, and trees like ferules, from
which water may be pressed, which is bitter from the black kinds, but
from the light kinds pleasant to drink. The second is called Junonia,
and contains a small temple built entirely of stone. Near it is another
smaller island having the same name. Then comes Capraria, which is full
of large lizards. Within sight of these is Nivaria, so called from the
snow and fogs with which it is always covered. Not far from Nivaria is
Canaria, so called on account of the great number of large dogs therein,
two of which were brought to King Juba. There were traces of buildings
in these islands. All the islands abound in apples, and in birds of
every kind, and in palms covered with dates, and in the pine nut. There
is also plenty of fish. The papyrus grows there, and the silurus fish is
found in the rivers."[8] The author of _Prince Henry the Navigator_,[9]
says that in Ombrios, we recognize the Pluvialia of Sebosus. Convallis
of Sebosus, in Pliny, becomes Nivaria, the Peak of Teneriffe, which
lifts itself up to the majestic height of nine thousand feet, its
snow-capped pinnacle seeming to pierce the sky. Planaria is displaced by
Canaria, which term first applied to the great central island, now gives
the name to the whole group. Ombrios or Pluvialia, evidently means the
island of Palma, which had "a pool in the midst of mountains," now
represented by the crater of an extinct volcano. This the sailors of
King Juba evidently saw. Major says: "The distance of this island
[Palma] from Fuerteventura, agrees with that of the two hundred and
fifty miles indicated by Juba's navigators as existing between Ombrios
and the Purpurariae. It has already been seen that the latter agree with
Lancerote and Fuerteventura, in respect of their distance from the
continent and from each other, as described by Plutarch. That the
Purpurariae are not, as M. Bory de St. Vincent supposed, the Madeira
group, is not only shown by the want of inhabitants in the latter, but
by the orchil, which supplies the purple dye, being derived from and
sought for especially from the Canaries, and not from the Madeira group,
although it is to be found there. Junonia," he continues, "the nearest
to Ombrios, will be Gomera. It may be presumed that the temple found
therein, was, like the island, dedicated to Juno. Capraria, which
implies the island of goats, agrees correctly with the island of
Ferro, ... for these animals were found there in large numbers when the
island was invaded by Jean de Bethencourt, in 1402. But a yet more
striking proof of the identity of this island with Capraria, is the
account of the great number of lizards found therein. Bethencourt's
chaplains, describing their visit to the islands, in 1402, state: 'There
are lizards in it as big as cats, but they are harmless, although very
hideous to look at.'"[10]

We see, then, that the navigators of Juba visited the Canaries[11] at an
early period, as Strabo testifies was the case with the Phenicians, who
doubtless built the temple in the island of Junonia. And, for aught we
know, early navigators may have passed over to the Western continent and
laid the foundation of those strange nations whose monuments still
remain. Both Phenician and Tyrian voyages to the Western Continent, have
been warmly advocated; while Lord Kingsborough published his magnificent
volumes on the Mexican Antiquities, to show that the Jews settled this
continent at an early day.[12] And if it is true that all the tribes of
the earth sprang from one central Asiatic family, it is more than likely
that the original inhabitants of the American continent crossed the
Atlantic, instead of piercing the frozen regions of the north, and
coming in by the way of Behring Straits. From the Canaries to the coast
of Florida, it is a short voyage, and the bold sailors of the
Mediterranean, after touching at the Canaries, need only spread their
sails before the steady-breathing monsoon, to find themselves wafted
safely to the western shore.


TRADITIONS.

There was even a tradition that America was visited by St. Columba,[13]
and also by the Apostle St. Thomas,[14] who penetrated even as far as
Peru. This opinion is founded on the resemblance existing between
certain rites and doctrines which _seem_ to have been held in common by
Christians and the early inhabitants of Mexico. The first Spanish
missionaries were surprised to find the Mexicans bowing in adoration
before the figure of the cross, and inferred that these people were of a
Christian origin. Yet the inference has no special value, when we
remember that Christianity is far less ancient than the symbol of the
cross, which also existed among the Egyptians and other ancient people.

Claims have also been made for the Irish. Broughton brings forward a
passage in which St. Patrick is represented as sending missionaries to
the Isles of America.[15] Another claim has been urged of a more
respectable character, which is supported by striking, though not
conclusive allusions in the chronicles of the North, in which a distant
land is spoken of as "Ireland the Great." The Irish, in the early times,
might easily have passed over to the Western continent, for which voyage
they undoubtedly had the facilities. And Professor Rafn, after alluding
to the well known fact that the Northmen were preceded in Iceland by the
Irish, says, that it is by no means improbable that the Irish should
also have anticipated them in America. The Irish were a sea-faring
people, and have been assigned a Phenician origin by Moore and others
who have examined the subject.[16] If this is so, the tradition would
appear to be some what strengthened. Even as early as the year 296, the
Irish are said to have invaded Denmark with a large fleet. In 396, Niall
made a descent upon the coast of Lancashire with a considerable navy,
where he was met by the Roman, Stilicho, whose achievements were
celebrated by Claudian in the days of the Roman occupation of England.
At that period the Irish were in most respects in advance of the
Northmen, not yet having fallen into decline, and quite as likely as any
people then existing to brave the dangers of an ocean voyage.[17] The
Icelandic documents, possibly referring to the Irish, will be given in
their proper place, and in the meanwhile it need only to be added that
the quotation given by Beamish from such an authority as the _Turkish
Spy_ will hardly tend to strengthen their claims, especially where its
author, John Paul Marana, says that in Mexico "the British language is
so prevalent," that "the very towns, bridges, beasts, birds, rivers,
hills, etc., are called by the British or Welch[18] names."[19] In
truth, as the wish is so often father to the thought, it would be an
easy task to find resemblance in the languages of the aborigines to
almost any language that is spoken in our day.

But notwithstanding the _probabilities_ of the case, we have no solid
reason for accepting any of these alleged voyages as facts. Much labor
has been given to the subject, yet the early history of the American
continent is still veiled in mystery, and not until near the close of
the tenth century of the present era can we point to a genuine
trans-Atlantic voyage.


THE NORTHMEN.

The first voyage to America, of which we have any account, was performed
by Northmen. But who were the Northmen?

The Northmen were the descendants of a race that in early times migrated
from Asia and traveled towards the north, finally settling in what is
now the kingdom of Denmark. From thence they overran Norway and Sweden,
and afterwards colonized Iceland and Greenland. Their language was the
old Danish (_Doensk tunga_) once spoken all over the north,[20] but which
is now preserved in Iceland alone, being called the Icelandic or old
North,[21] upon which is founded the modern Swedish, Danish and Norse
or Norwegian.

After the Northmen had pushed on from Denmark to Norway, the condition
of public affairs gradually became such that a large portion of the
better classes found their life intolerable. In the reign of Harold
Harfagr (the Fair-haired), an attempt was made by the king to deprive
the petty jarls of their ancient udal or feudal rights, and to usurp all
authority for the crown. To this the proud jarls would not submit; and,
feeling themselves degraded in the eyes of their retainers, they
resolved to leave those lands and homes which they could now hardly call
their own. Whither, then, should they go?


THE COLONIZATION OF ICELAND.

In the cold north sea, a little below the arctic circle, lay a great
island. As early as the year 860, it had been made known to the Northmen
by a Dane of Swedish descent named Gardar, who called it Gardar's
island, and four years later by the pirate Nadodd, who sailed thither in
864 and called it Snowland. Presenting in the main the form of an
irregular elipse, this island occupies an area of about one hundred and
thirty-seven square miles, affording the dull diversity of valleys
without verdure and mountains without trees.[22] Desolation has there
fixed its abode. It broods among the dells, and looks down upon the
gloomy fiords. The country is threaded with streams and dotted with
tarns, yet the geologist finds but little evidence in the structure of
the earth to point to the action of water. On the other hand, every rock
and hillside is covered with signs that prove their igneous origin, and
indicate that the entire island, at some distant period, has already
seethed and bubbled in the fervent heat, in anticipation of the long
promised _Palingenesia_. Even now the ground trembles in the throes of
the earthquake, the Geyser spouts scalding water, and the plain belches
mud; while the great jokull, clad in white robes of eternal snow--true
priest of Ormuzd--brandishes aloft its volcanic torch, and threatens to
be the incendiary of the sky.

The greater portion of the land forms the homestead of the reindeer and
the fox, who share their domain with the occasional white bear that may
float over from Greenland on some berg. Only two quadrupeds, the fox and
the moose, are indigenous. Life is here purchased with a struggle.
Indeed the neighboring ocean is more hospitable than the dry land, for
of the thirty-four species of mammalia twenty-four find their food in
the roaring main. The same is true of the feathered tribes, fifty-four
out of ninety being water fowl. Here and there may be seen patches of
meadow and a few sheep pastures and tracts of arable land warmed into
fruitfulness by the brief summer's sun; yet, on the whole, so poor is
the soil that man, like the lower orders, must eke out a scanty
subsistence by resorting to the sea.

It was towards this land, which the settlers called Iceland, that the
proud Norwegian jarl turned his eyes, and there he resolved to found a
home.

The first settler was Ingolf. He approached the coast in the year 875,
threw overboard his seat-posts,[23] and waited to see them touch the
land. But in this he was disappointed, and those sacred columns, carved
with the images of the gods, drifted away from sight. He nevertheless
landed on a pleasant promontory at the southeastern extremity of the
island, and built his habitation on the spot which is called
Ingolfshofdi to this day. Three years after, his servants found the
seat-posts in the southwestern part of the island, and hither, in
obedience to what was held to be the expressed wish of the gods, he
removed his household, laying the foundation of Reikiavik, the capital
of this ice-bound isle. He was rapidly followed by others, and in a
short time no inconsiderable population was gathered here.

But the first settlers did not find this barren country entirely
destitute of human beings. Ari Frode,[24] than whom there is no higher
authority, says: "Then were here Christian people, whom the Northmen
called papas, but they afterwards went away, because they would not be
here among heathens; and left behind them Irish books, and bells, and
croziers, from which it could be seen that they were Irishmen." He
repeats substantially the same thing in the _Landanama Book_, the
authority of which, no one acquainted with the subject, will question,
adding that books and other relics were found in the island of Papey and
Papyli, and that the circumstance is also mentioned in English books.
The English writings referred to are those of the Venerable Bede. This
is also stated in an edition of King Olaf Tryggvesson's Saga, made near
the end of the fourteenth century.[25]

The monks or Culdees, who had come hither from Ireland and the Isles of
Iona, to be alone with God, all took their departure on the arrival of
the heathen followers of Odin and Thor, and the Northmen were thus left
in undisputed possession of the soil. In about twenty years the island
became quite thickly settled, though the tide of immigration continued
to flow in strongly for fifty years, so that at the beginning of the
tenth century Iceland possessed a population variously estimated from
sixty to seventy thousand souls. But few undertook the voyage who were
not able to buy their own vessels, in which they carried over their own
cattle, and thralls, and household goods. So great was the number of
people who left Norway at the outset that King Harold tried to prevent
emigration by royal authority, though, as might have been predicted, his
efforts were altogether in vain. Here, therefore, was formed a large
community, taking the shape of an aristocratic republic, which framed
its own laws, and for a long time maintained a genuine independence, in
opposition to all the assumptions and threats of the Norwegian king.


THE SETTLEMENT OF GREENLAND.

But as time passed on, the people of Iceland felt a new impulse for
colonization in strange lands, and the tide of emigration began to tend
towards Greenland in the west. This was chiefly inaugurated by a man
named Eric the Red, born in Norway in the year 935. On account of
manslaughter, he was obliged to flee from Jardar and take up his abode
in Iceland. The date of removal to Iceland is not given, though it is
said that at the time the island was very generally inhabited. Here,
however, he could not live in peace, and early in the year 982, he was
again outlawed for manslaughter by the public Thnig, and condemned to
banishment. He accordingly fitted out a ship, and announced his
determination to go in search of the land lying in the ocean at the
west, which, it was said, Gunnbiorn,[26] Ulf Krage's son, saw, when, in
the year 876, he was driven out to sea by a storm. Eric sailed westward
and found land, where he remained and explored the country for three
years. At the end of this period he returned to Iceland, giving the
newly discovered land the name of Greenland,[27] in order, as he said,
to attract settlers, who would be favorably impressed by so pleasing a
name.

The summer after his return to Iceland, he sailed once more for
Greenland, taking with him a fleet of thirty-five ships, only fourteen
of which reached their destination, the rest being either driven back or
lost. This event took place, as the Saga says, fifteen winters[28]
before the introduction of Christianity into Iceland, which we know was
accomplished in the year A. D. 1000. The date of Eric's second voyage
must therefore be set down at 985.[29]

But, before proceeding to the next step in Icelandic adventure, it will
be necessary to give a brief sketch of the progress of the Greenland
colony, together with a relation of the circumstances which led to its
final extinction.


THE PROGRESS OF THE GREENLAND COLONIES.

There is but little continuity in the history of the Icelandic
occupation of Greenland. We have already seen that the second voyage of
Eric the Red took place in the year 985. Colonists appear to have
followed him in considerable numbers, and the best portions of the land
were soon appropriated by the principal men, who gave the chief bays and
capes names that indicated the occupants, following the example of Eric,
who dwelt in Brattahlid, in Ericsfiord.

In the year 999, Leif, son of Eric, sailed out to Norway and passed the
winter at the court of King Olaf Tryggvesson, where he accepted the
Christian faith, which was then being zealously propagated by the king.
He was accordingly baptized, and when the spring returned the king
requested him to undertake the introduction of Christianity in
Greenland, urging the consideration that no man was better qualified for
the task. Accordingly he set sail from Norway, with a priest and several
members of the religious order, arriving at Brattahlid, in Greenland,
without any accident.[30] His pagan father was incensed by the bringing
in of the Christian priest, which act he regarded as pregnant with evil;
yet, after some persuasion on the part of Leif, he renounced heathenism
and nominally accepted Christianity, being baptized by the priest. His
wife Thorhild made less opposition, and appears to have received the new
faith with much willingness. One of her first acts was to build a
church, which was known far and wide as Thorhild's church.[31] These
examples appear to have been very generally followed, and Christianity
was adopted in both Iceland and Greenland at about the same period,[32]
though its acceptance did not immediately produce any very radical
change in the spiritual life of the people. In course of time a number
of churches were built, the ruins of which remain down to our own day.

In the year 1003, the Greenlanders became tributary to Norway. The
principal settlement was formed on the western coast, and what was known
as the eastern district, did not extend farther than the southern
extremity towards Cape Farewell. For a long time it was supposed that
the east district was located on the eastern coast of Greenland; but the
researches of Captain Graah, whose expedition went out under the
auspices of the Danish government, proved very conclusively that no
settlement ever existed on the eastern shore, which for centuries has
remained blocked up by vast accumulations of ice that floated down from
the arctic seas. In early times, as we are informed by the Sagas, the
eastern coast was more accessible, yet the western shores were so
superior in their attractions that the colonist fixed his habitation
there. The site of the eastern settlement is that included in the modern
district of Julian's Hope, now occupied by a Danish colony. The western
settlement is represented by the habitation of Frederikshab, Godthaab,
Sukkertoppen and Holsteinborg.


THE ORGANIZATION OF THE CHURCH.

In process of time the Christians in Greenland multiplied to such an
extent, both by conversions and by the immigration from Iceland, that it
was found necessary, in the beginning of the twelfth century to take
some measures for the better government of the church, especially as
they could not hope much for regular visits from the bishops of Iceland.
They therefore resolved to make an effort to secure a bishop of their
own. Eric Gnupson, of Iceland, was selected for the office, and
proceeded to Greenland about the year 1112, without being regularly
consecrated. He returned to Iceland in 1120, and afterwards went to
Denmark, where he was consecrated in Lund, by Archbishop Adzer. Yet he
probably never returned to his duties in Greenland, but soon after
resigned that bishopric and accepted another,[33] thus leaving Greenland
without a spiritual director.

In the year 1123, Sokke, one of the principal men of Greenland,
assembled the people and represented to them that both the welfare of
the Christian faith and their own honor demanded that they should follow
the example of other nations and maintain a bishop. To this view they
gave their unanimous approval; and Einar, son of Sokke, was appointed a
delegate to the court of King Sigurd, of Norway. He carried a present of
ivory and fur, and a petition for the appointment of a bishop. His
mission was successful, and in the year 1126 Arnald, the successor of
Eric,[34] came into Greenland, and set up the Episcopal seat at
Gardar.[35] Torfaeus and Baron Holberg,[36] give a list of seventeen
bishops who ruled in Greenland, ending with Andrew. The latter was
consecrated and went thither in 1408, being never heard of afterwards.

The history of Old Greenland is found in the _Ecclesiastical Annals_,
and consists of a mere skeleton of facts. As in Iceland and Norway there
was no end of broils and bloodshed. A very considerable trade was
evidently carried on between that country and Norway, which is the case
at the present time with Denmark. As the land afforded no materials for
ships, they depended in a great measure upon others for communication
with the mother countries, which finally proved disastrous.


MONUMENTS AND RUINS.

Their villages and farms were numerous. Together they probably numbered
several hundred, the ruins now left being both abundant and extensive.
Near Igaliko, which is supposed to be the same as the ancient
Einarsfiord, are the ruins of a church, probably the cathedral of
Gardar. It is called the Kakortok church. It was of simple but massive
architecture, and the material was taken from the neighboring cliffs.
The stone is rough hewn, and but few signs of mortar are visible. It is
fifty-one feet long and twenty-five wide. The north and south walls are
over four feet thick, while the end walls are still more massive.

Nor are other monuments wanting. At Igalikko, nine miles from Julian's
Hope, a Greenlander being one day employed in obtaining stones to repair
his house, found among a pile of fragments a smooth stone that bore,
what seemed to him, written characters. He mentioned the circumstance to
Mr. Mathieson, the colonial director at Julian's Hope, who inferred that
it must be a runic stone. He was so fortunate as to find it afterwards,
and he accordingly sent it to Copenhagen, where it arrived in the year
1830. The runes, which were perfectly distinct, showed that it was a
tombstone. The inscription was translated as follows:

  "VIGDIS MARS DAUGHTER RESTS HERE.
     MAY GOD GLADDEN HER SOUL."

Another found in 1831, by the Rev. Mr. De Fries, principal of the
Moravian Mission, bore the following inscription in the runic letter:

  "HERE RESTS HROAR KOLGRIMSSON."

This stone, now in the museum at Copenhagen, was found built into the
wall over the entrance of a Greenland house, having been taken for that
purpose from a heap of ruins, about two miles north of Friederichsthal.
This stone is more than three feet long, being eighteen inches wide in
the narrowest part, and about five inches thick. It bears every sign of
a high antiquity.

But one of the most interesting remains which prove the Icelandic
occupation of Greenland is the runic stone found by Parry, in 1824, in
the island of Kingiktorsoak, lying in 72 deg. 55' N. and 56 deg. 51' W. It
contained a somewhat lengthy inscription, and copies of it were sent to
three of the first scholars of the age, Finn Magnusson, Professor Rask,
and Dr. Bryniulfson, who, without consultation, at once arrived at the
same conclusion and united in giving the following translation:

  "ERLING SIGHVATSON AND BIORN THORDARSON AND
      EINDRID ODDSON, ON SATURDAY BEFORE
         ASCENSION WEEK, RAISED THESE
              MARKS AND CLEARED
              GROUND. 1135."[37]

The Icelandic colonists in Greenland do not appear to have been confined
to a small portion of territory. We find considerable relating to this
subject in the chronicle attributed to Ivar Bert,[38] the steward of one
of the bishops of Greenland; yet, though used extensively by Torfaeus,
modern researches in this country prove that it is in some respects
faulty. In this chronicle, as in the Sagas, the colonists are spoken of
as possessing horses, sheep and oxen; and their churches and religious
houses appear to have been well supported.


EXPLORATIONS IN GREENLAND.

Much was done, it appears, in the way of exploring the extreme northern
portions of the country known as _Nordrsetur_. In the year 1266, a
voyage was made under the auspices of some of the priests, and the
adventurers penetrated north of Lancaster sound, reaching about the same
latitude that was attained by Parry in 1827. This expedition was of
sufficient importance to justify some notice of it here. The account is
found in _Antiquitates Americanae_ (p. 269), and it sets out with the
statement that the narrative of the expedition was sent by Haldor, a
priest, to Arnald, the chaplain of King Magnus in Norway. They sailed
out of Kroksfiardarheidi in an open boat, and met with southerly winds
and thick weather, which forced them to let the boat drive before the
wind. When the weather cleared, they saw a number of islands, together
with whales and seals and bears. They made their way into the most
distant portion of the sea, and saw glaciers south of them as far as the
eye could reach. They also saw indications of the natives, who were
called Skraellings, but did not land, on account of the number of the
bears. They therefore put about, and laid their course southward for
nearly three days, finding more islands, with traces of the natives.
They saw a mountain which they call Snaefell, and on St. James day, July
25, they had a severe weather, being obliged to row much and very hard.
It froze during the night in that region, but the sun was above the
horizon both day and night. When the sun was on the southern meridian,
and a man lay down crosswise in a six-oared boat, the shadow of the
gunwale towards the sun would reach as far as his feet, which, of
course, indicates that the sun was very low. Afterwards they all
returned in safety to Gardar.[39] Rafn fixes the position of the point
attained by the expedition in the parallel of 75 deg. 46'. Such an
achievement at that day indicates a degree of boldness quite surprising.


THE DECLINE OF GREENLAND.

Of the reality and importance of the Greenland colony there exists no
doubt, notwithstanding the records are so meagre and fragmentary.[40] It
maintained its connection with the mother countries for a period of no
less than four hundred years; yet it finally disappeared and was almost
forgotten.

The causes which led to the suspension of communication were doubtless
various, though it is difficult to account for the utter extinction of
the colony, which does not appear ever to have been in much danger from
the Skraellings. On one occasion, in 1349 or later, the natives attacked
the western settlement, it is said, and killed eighteen Greenlanders of
Icelandic lineage, carrying away two boys captives.

We hear from the eastern colony as late as the middle of the fifteenth
century. Trade was carried on with Denmark until nearly the end of the
fourteenth century, although the voyages were not regular. The last
bishop, Andreas, was sent out in 1406, and Professor Finn Magnussen has
established the fact that he officiated in the cathedral at Gardar in
1409.[41]

From this time the trade between Norway and Greenland appears to have
been given up, though Wormius told Peyrere of his having read in a
Danish manuscript that down to the year 1484 there was a company of more
than forty sailors at Bergen, in Norway, who still traded with
Greenland.[42] But as the revenue at that time belonged to Queen
Margaret of Denmark, no one could go to Greenland without the royal
permission. One company of sailors who were driven upon the Greenland
coast, came near suffering the penalty of the law on their return.
Crantz[43] says, that "about the year 1530, Bishop Amund of Skalholt in
Iceland is said to have been driven by a storm, on his return from
Norway, so near the coast of Greenland by Heriulfness, that he could see
the people driving in their cattle. But he did not land, because just
then a good wind arose, which carried the ship the same night to
Iceland. The Icelander, Biaernvon Skardfa, who relates this, also says
further, that a Hamburgh mariner, Jon Greenlander by name, was driven
three times on the Greenland island, where he saw such fisher's huts for
drying fish as they have in Iceland, but saw no men; further, that
pieces of shattered boats, nay, in the year 1625, an entire boat,
fastened together with sinews and wooden pegs, and pitched with seal
blubber, have been driven ashore at Iceland from time to time; and since
then they found once an oar with a sentence written in Runic letters:
'_Oft var ek dasa, dur elk drothik_,' that is, 'Oft was I tired when I
drew thee.'"[44]


LOST GREENLAND FOUND.

But, whatever may be the value of the preceding extract, it is clear
that Greenland was never wholly forgotten. The first person who proposed
to reopen communication was Eric Walkendorf, Archbishop of Drontheim,
who familiarized himself with the subject, and made every preparation
necessary in order to reestablish the colony; but, having fallen under
the displeasure of King Christian II, he left the country and went to
Rome, where he died in the year 1521. Thus his plans came to
nothing.[45] Christian III abrogated the decree of Queen Margaret,
prohibiting trade with Greenland without the royal permission, and
encouraged voyages by fitting out a vessel to search for Greenland,
which, however, was not found. In 1578, Frederic II sent out Magnus
Henningsen. He came in sight of the land, but does not appear to have
had the courage to proceed further. Crantz, in his work on Greenland,
gives an account of a number of voyages undertaken to the coast, but
says that "at last Greenland was so buried in oblivion that one hardly
would believe that such a land as Greenland was inhabited by Christian
Norwegians."[46]

It remained, therefore, for Hans Egede,[47] in 1721, to reopen
communication, and demonstrate the reality of the previous occupation.
Columbus himself did not meet with greater trials and mortification than
did this good man for the space of eleven years, during which period he
labored to persuade the authorities to undertake the rediscovery. But
his faith and zeal finally overcame all hostility and ridicule, and on
the second day of May, 1721, he went on board the Hope, with his wife
and four young children, and landed at Ball's river in Greenland on the
third of the following month. Here he spent the best portion of his life
in teaching the natives Christianity, which had been first introduced
seven centuries before, and in making those explorations the results of
which filled the mind of Europe with surprise, and afforded a
confirmation of the truthfulness of the Icelandic Sagas.


THE CHARACTER AND ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE NORTHMEN.

Let us now return to the consideration of the Icelandic voyages to the
American Continent, though not without first seeking a better
acquaintance with the men by whom they were performed.

We have already seen that the Northmen were a people of no inferior
attainments. Indeed, they constituted the most enterprising portion of
the race, and, on general principles, we should therefore view them as
fitted even above all the men of their time for the important work of
exploration beyond the seas. They had made themselves known in every
part of the civilized world[48] by their daring as soldiers and
navigators. Straying away into the distant east from whence they
originally came, we see them laying the foundation of the Russian
empire, swinging their battle-axes in the streets of Constantinople,
carving their mystic runes upon the Lions of the Areopagus, and filling
the heart of even the great Charlemagne with dismay. Says Dasent, when
summing up their achievements: "In Byzantium they are the leaders of the
Greek emperor's body guard, and the main support of his tottering
throne. From France, led by Rollo, they tear away her fairest province
and found a long line of kings. In Saxon England they are the bosom
friends of such kings as Athelstane, and the sworn foes of Ethelred the
Unready. In Danish England they are the foremost among the thanes of
Canute, Swein and Hardicanute, and keep down the native population with
an iron heel. In Norman England," he continues, "the most serious
opposition the conqueror meets with is from the colonists of his own
race settled in Northumbria. He wastes their lands with fire and sword,
and drives them across the border, where we still find their energy,
their perseverance, and their speech existing in the lowland Scotch. In
Norway they dive into the river with King Olaf Tryggvesson, the best and
strongest champion of his age, and hold him down beneath the waves so
long that the bystanders wonder whether either king or Icelander will
ever reappear on the surface.[49] Some follow Saint Olaf in his crusades
against the old [pagan] faith.[50] Some are his obstinate foes, and
assist at his martyrdom. Many follow Harold the Stern to England when he
goes to get his 'seven feet' of English earth, and almost to a man they
get their portion of the same soil, while their names grow bright in
song and story." And finally, "From Iceland as a base, they push on to
Greenland and colonize it: nay, they discover America in those
half-decked barks."[51]


THE SHIPS OF THE NORTHMEN.

The Northmen were excellent navigators. They were, moreover, it has been
claimed, the first to learn the art of sailing on the wind. They had
good sea-going vessels, some of which were of large size. We have an
account in the Saga of Olaf Tryggvesson of one that in some respects was
remarkable. It is said that "the winter after King Olaf Tryggvesson came
from Halogeland. He had a great ship built at Ledehammer,[52] which was
larger than any ship in the country, and of which the beam-knees are
still to be seen. The length of the keel that rested upon the grass was
seventy-four ells. Thorberg Skafting was the man's name who was the
master builder of the ship, but there were many others besides; some to
fell the wood, some to shape it, some to make nails, some to carry
timber, and all that was used was the best. The ship was both long and
broad and high sided, and strongly timbered.... The ship was a dragon,
built after the one that the king had captured in Halogaland, but it was
far longer and more carefully put together in all her parts. The Long
Serpent [her name] had thirty-four benches for rowers. The head and
arched tail were both gilt, and the bulwarks were as high as in
sea-going ships. This ship was the best and most costly ever built in
Norway."[53]

Laing computes the tonnage of this ship at about nine hundred and
forty-two tons, thus giving a length of about one hundred feet, which is
nearly the size of a forty-two gun ship. By steam tonnage it would give
a capacity of a little less than three hundred tons, and one hundred and
twenty horse power. We apprehend, however, that the estimate is
sufficiently large; yet we are not concerned to show any great capacity
for the Icelandic ships. All the vessels employed in the early times on
the American coasts were small. Cabot sailed in Baffins Bay with a
vessel of thirty tons; and the Anna Pink, the craft that accompanied
Lord Anson in his expedition around the world, was only sixteen
tons.[54] The vessels possessed by the Northmen were everyway adapted
for an ocean voyage.

In nautical knowledge, also, they were not behind the age. The
importance of cultivating the study of navigation was fully understood.
The Raudulf of Oesterdal, in Norway, taught his son to calculate the
course of the sun and moon, and how to measure time by the stars. In
1520 Olaus Magnus complained that the knowledge of the people in this
respect had been diminished. In that noble work called _Speculum Regale_
the Icelander is taught to make an especial study of commerce and
navigation, of the divisions of time and the movements of the heavenly
bodies, together with arithmetic, the rigging of vessels and
_morals_.[55] Without a high degree of knowledge they could never have
achieved their eastern voyages.


THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.

We find that the Northmen were well acquainted with other parts of the
world, and that they possessed all the means of reaching the continent
in the west. We come, therefore, to the question: Did the Northmen
actually discover and explore the coast of the country now known as
America?

No one can say that the idea wears any appearance of _improbability_;
for there is certainly nothing wonderful in the exploit. And after
conceding the fact that the colonies of the Northmen existed in
Greenland for at least three hundred years we must prepare ourselves for
something of this kind. Indeed it is well nigh, if not altogether
unreasonable, to suppose that a sea-faring people like the Northmen
could live for three centuries within a short voyage of this vast
continent, and never become aware of its existence. A supposition like
this implies a rare credulity, and whoever is capable of believing it
must be capable of believing almost anything.

But on this point we are not left to conjecture. The whole decision, in
the absence of monuments like those of Greenland, turns upon a question
of _fact_. The point is this: _Do the manuscripts which describe these
voyages belong to the pre-Columbian age?_ If so, then the Northmen are
entitled to the credit of the prior discovery of America. That these
manuscripts belong to the pre-Columbian age, is as capable of
demonstration as the fact that the writings of Homer existed prior to
the age of Christ. Before intelligent persons deny either of these
points they must first succeed in blotting out numberless pages of well
known history. The manuscript in which we have versions of all the Sagas
relating to America is found in the celebrated _Codex Flatoeiensis_, a
work that was finished in the year 1387, or 1395 at the latest. This
collection, made with great care and executed in the highest style of
art, is now preserved in its integrity[56] in the archives of
Copenhagen. These manuscripts were for a time supposed to be lost, but
were ultimately found safely lodged in their repository in the monastery
library of the island of Flatoe, from whence they were transferred to
Copenhagen with a large quantity of other literary material collected
from various localities. If these Sagas which refer to America were
interpolations, it would have early become apparent, as abundant means
exist for detecting frauds; yet those who have examined the whole
question do not find any evidence that invalidates their historical
statements. In the absence, therefore, of respectable testimony to the
contrary, we accept it as a fact that the Sagas relating to America are
the productions of the men who gave them in their present form nearly,
if not quite, an entire century before the age of Columbus.

It might also be argued, if it were at all necessary, that, if these
Sagas were post-Columbian compositions drawn up by Icelanders who were
jealous of the fame of the Geneose navigator, we should certainly be
able to point out something either in their structure, bearing, or style
by which it would be indicated. Yet such is not the case. These writings
reveal no anxiety to show the connection of the Northmen with the great
land lying at the west. The authors do not see anything at all
remarkable or meritorious in the explorations, which were conducted
simply for the purpose of gain. Those marks which would certainly have
been impressed by a more modern writer forging a historical composition
designed to show an occupation of the country before the time of
Columbus, are wholly wanting. There is no special pleading or rivalry,
and no desire to show prior and superior knowledge of the country to
which the navigators had from time to time sailed. We only discover a
straightforward, honest endeavor to tell the story of certain men's
lives. This is done in a simple, artless way, and with every indication
of a desire to mete out even handed justice to all. And candid readers
who come to the subject with minds free from prejudice, will be
powerfully impressed with the belief that they are reading authentic
histories written by honest men.[57]


THE LITERATURE OF ICELAND.

Before speaking particularly of the substance of the Sagas it will be
necessary to trace briefly the origin and history of Icelandic
literature in general.

We have already mentioned the fact that Iceland was mainly settled by
Norwegians of superior qualities. And this superiority was always
maintained, though it was somewhat slow in manifesting itself in the
form of literature. Prior to the year 1000, the Runic alphabet had
existed in Iceland, but it was generally used for the simplest
purposes.[58] History and literature derived no advantage, as the runes
were used chiefly for monumental inscriptions, and for mottoes and
charms on such things as drinking cups, sacrifical vessels and swords.
Yet the people were not without a kind of intellectual stimulus. It had
long been the custom to preserve family and general histories, and
recite them from memory as occasion seemed to warrant. This was done
with a wonderful degree of accuracy and fidelity, by men more or less
trained for the purpose, and whose performances at times were altogether
surprising. They also had their scalds or poets, who were accustomed
both to repeat the old songs and poems and extemporize new ones. Every
good fighter was expected to prove himself a poet when the emergency
required it. This profession was strongly encouraged. When Eyvind
Skialdespilder sang his great song in praise of Iceland every peasant in
the island, it is said, contributed three pieces of silver to buy a
clasp for his mantel of fifty marks weight. These scalds were sometimes
employed by the politicians, and on one occasion a satire so nettled
Harold, king of Denmark, that he sent a fleet to ravage the island, and
made the repetition an offense punishable with death. These poets also
went to England, to the Orkneys and to Norway, where at the king's court
they were held in the highest estimation, furnishing poetical effusions
on every public or private occasion which demanded the exercise of their
gifts. The degree to which they had cultivated their memories was
surprising. Old Blind Skald Stuf could repeat between two and three
hundred poems without halting; while the Saga-men had the same power of
memory, which we know may be improved to almost any extent by
cultivation. But with the advent of Christianity came the Roman
alphabet, which proved an easy method of expressing thought.
Christianity, however, did not stop here. Its service was a reasonable
service, and demanded of its votaries a high intelligence. The priest of
Odin need do no more than to recite a short vow, or mutter a brief
prayer. He had no divine records to read and to explain. But the
minister of the new religion came with a system that demanded broader
learning and culture than that implied in extemporaneous songs. His
calling required the aid of books, and the very sight of such things
proved a mental stimulus to this hard-brained race. Besides,
Christianity opened to the minds of the people new fields of thought.
These rude sons of war soon began to understand there were certain
victories, not to be despised, that might be gained through peace, and
soon letters came to be some what familiar to the public mind. The
earliest written efforts very naturally related to the lives of the
Saints, which on Sundays and holy days were read in public for the
edification of the people. During the eleventh century these exercises
shared the public attention with those of the professional Saga-man, who
still labored to hand down the oral versions of the national history and
traditions. But in the beginning of the twelfth century the use of
letters was extended, and, ere-long, the Saga-man found his occupation
gone, the national history now being diligently gathered up by zealous
students and scribes and committed to the more lasting custody of the
written page. Among these was Ari Frode, who began the compilation of
the Icelandic _Dooms-day Book_, which contained the records of all the
early settlers. Scarcely less useful was Saemund the Wise, who collected
the poetical literature of the North and arranged it in a goodly tome.
The example of these great men was followed, and by the end of the
twelfth century all the Sagas relating to the pagan period of the
country had been reduced to writing. This was an era of great literary
activity, and the century following showed the same zeal. Finally
Iceland possessed a body of prose literature superior in quantity and
value to that of any other modern nation of its time.[59] Indeed, the
natives of Europe at this period had no prose or other species of
literature hardly worthy of the name; and, taken altogether, the Sagas
formed the first prose literature in any modern language spoken by the
people.[60] Says Sir Edmund Head, "No doubt there were translations in
Anglo-Saxon from the Latin, by Alfred, of an earlier date, but there was
in truth no vernacular literature. I cannot name," he says, "any work
in high or low German prose which can be carried back to this period. In
France, prose writing cannot be said to have begun before the time of
Villehardouin (1204), and Joinville (1202). Castilian prose certainly
did not commence before the time of Alfonso X (1252). Don Juan Manvel,
the author of the _Conde Lucanor_, was not born till 1282. The _Cronica
General de Espana_ was not composed till at least the middle of the
thirteenth century. About the same time the language of Italy was
acquiring that softness and strength which were destined to appear so
conspicuously in the prose of Boccaccio, and the writers of the next
century."[61]

Yet while other nations were without a literature the intellect of
Iceland was in active exercise, and works were produced like the _Eddas_
and the _Heimskringla_, works which being inspired by a lofty genius
will rank with the writings of Homer and Herodotus while time itself
endures.

But in the beginning of the sixteenth century the literature of Iceland
ultimately reached the period of its greatest excellence and began to
decline. Books in considerable numbers always continued to be written,
though works of positive genius were wanting. Yet in Iceland there has
never been an absence of literary industry, while during the recent
period the national reputation has been sustained by Finn Magnussen and
similar great names. One hundred years before the Plymouth colonists,
following in the track of Thorwald Ericson, landed on the sands of Cape
Cod, the people of Iceland had set up the printing press, and produced
numerous works both in the native language and the Latin tongue.

It is to this people, whom Saxo Grammaticus points out as a people
distinguished for their devotion to letters, that we are indebted for
the narratives of the pre-Columbian voyages to America. Though first
arranged for oral recitation, these Sagas were afterwards committed to
manuscript, the earliest of which do not now exist, and were finally
preserved in the celebrated Flatoe collection nearly a century before the
rediscovery of America by Columbus.

But it is no longer necessary to spend much time on this point, since
the character and value of the Icelandic writings have come to be so
generally acknowledged, and especially since scholars and antiquarians
like Humbolt have fully acknowledged their authenticity and authority.

It is proper to notice here the fact that not a few have imagined that
the claims of the Northmen have been brought forward to detract from the
fame of Columbus;[62] yet, nothing could be farther from the truth,
since no one denies that it was by the discovery of America by Columbus
that the continent first became of value to the Old World. The Northmen
came and went away without accomplishing any thing of lasting value;
yet, because the world at large derived no benefit from their discovery,
it is certainly unjust to deny its reality.

The fact that the Northmen knew of the existence of the Western
Continent, prior to the age of Columbus, was prominently brought before
the people of this country in the year 1837, when the Royal Society of
Northern Antiquarians at Copenhagen published their work on the
Antiquities of North America, under the editorial supervision of that
great Icelandic scholar, Professor Rafn. But we are not to suppose that
the first general account of these voyages was then given, for it has
always been known that the history of certain early voyages to America
by the Northmen were preserved in the libraries of Denmark and
Iceland.[63] Torfaeus, as early as 1706, published his work on Greenland,
which threw much light on the subject. We find accounts of these
discoveries in the works of Egede and Crantz. A very intelligent sketch,
at least for those times, was given by J. Reinhold Forster, who frankly
concedes the pre-Columbian discovery of America, in a _History of the
Voyages and Discoveries made in the North_. Robertson speaks of them in
his _History of America_, but says that he is unable to give an
intelligent opinion. Indeed, the most of the older and more
comprehensive writers give the Northmen recognition. Yet, owing to the
fact that the Icelandic language, though simple in construction and easy
of acquisition, was a tongue not understood by scholars, the subject has
until recent years been suffered to lie in the back ground, and
permitted, through a want of interest, to share, in a measure, the
treatment meted out to vague and uncertain reports. But the
well-directed efforts of the Northern Antiquarians of Denmark, supported
by the enlightened zeal of scholars and historians in England, France
and Germany, have done much to dispel popular ignorance, and to place
the whole question in its true bearing before the people of all the
principal civilized nations. In our own country, the work of Professor
Rafn, already alluded to, has created a deep and wide-spread conviction
of the reality of the Northman's claim, and has elicited confessions
like that of Palfrey, who is obliged to say of the Icelandic records
that, "their antiquity and genuineness appear to be well established,
nor is there anything to bring their credibility into question, beyond
the general doubt which always attaches to what is new or strange."[64]


THE NARRATIVES.

It now remains to give the reader some general account of the contents
of the narratives which relate more or less to the discovery of the
Western continent. In doing this, the order followed will be that which
is indicated by the table of contents at the beginning of the volume.

The first extracts given are very brief. They are taken from the
_Landanama Book_, and relate to the report in general circulation, which
indicated one Gunnbiorn as the discoverer of Greenland, an event which
has been fixed at the year 876. These fragments also give an account of
a voyage to what was called Gunnbiorn's Rocks, where the adventurers
passed the winter, and found in a hole, or excavation, a sum of money,
which indicated that others had been there before them.

The next narrative relates to the rediscovery of Greenland by the
outlaw, Eric the Red, in 983, who there passed three years in exile, and
afterwards returned to Iceland. About the year 986, he brought out to
Greenland a considerable colony of settlers, who fixed their abode at
Brattahlid, in Ericsfiord.

Then follows two versions of the voyage of Biarne Heriulfson, who, in
the same year, 986, when sailing for Greenland, was driven away during a
storm, and saw a new land at the southward, which he did not visit.

Next is given three accounts of the voyage of Leif, son of Eric the Red,
who in the year 1000 sailed from Brattahlid to find the land which
Biarne saw. Two of these accounts are hardly more than notices of the
voyage, but the third is of considerable length, and details the
successes of Leif, who found and explored this new land, where he spent
the winter, returning to Greenland the following spring.

After this follows the voyage of Thorvald Ericson, brother of Leif, who
sailed to Vinland from Greenland, which was the point of departure in
all these voyages. This expedition was begun in 1002, and it cost him
his life, as an arrow from one of the natives pierced his side, causing
death.

Thorstein, his brother, went to seek Vinland, with the intention of
bringing home his body, but failed in the attempt, and was driven back,
passing the winter in a part of Greenland remote from Brattahlid, where
he died before the spring fully opened.

The most distinguished explorer was Thorfinn Karlsefne, the Hopeful, an
Icelander whose genealogy runs back in the old Northern annals, through
Danish, Swedish, and even Scotch and Irish ancestors, some of whom were
of royal blood. In the year 1006 he went to Greenland, where he met
Gudrid, widow of Thorstein, whom he married. Accompanied by his wife,
who urged him to the undertaking, he sailed to Vinland in the spring of
1007, with three vessels and one hundred and sixty men, where he
remained three years. Here his son Snorre was born. He afterwards became
the founder of a great family in Iceland, which gave the island several
of its first bishops. Thorfinn finally left Vinland because he found it
difficult to sustain himself against the attacks of the natives. They
spent the most of their time in the vicinity of Mount Hope Bay in Rhode
Island. Of this expedition we have three narratives, all of which are
given.

The next to undertake a voyage was a wicked woman named Freydis, a
sister to Leif Ericson, who went to Vinland in 1011, where she lived for
a time with her two ships' crews in the same places occupied by Leif and
Thorfinn. Before she returned, she caused the crew of one ship to be
cruelly murdered, assisting in the butchery with her own hands.

After this we have what are called the Minor Narratives, which are not
essential, yet they are given that the reader may be in the possession
of all that relates to the subject. The first of these refers to a
voyage of Are Marson to a land southwest of Ireland, called
Hvitrammana-land, or Great Ireland. This was prior to Leif's voyage to
Vinland, or New England, taking place in the year 983. Biorn Asbrandson
is supposed to have gone to the same place in 999. The voyage of
Gudleif, who went thither, is assigned to the year 1027. The narrative
of Asbrandson is given for the sake of the allusion at the close.

Finally we have a few scraps of history which speak of a voyage of
Bishop Eric to Vinland in 1121, of the rediscovery of Helluland
(Newfoundland) in 1285, and of a voyage to Markland (Nova Scotia) in
1347, whither the Northmen came to cut timber. With such brief notices
the accounts come to an end.


THE TRUTHFULNESS OF THE NARRATIVES.

The reader will occasionally find in these narratives instances of a
marvelous and supernatural character, but there is nothing at all
mythological, as persons ignorant of their nature have supposed. Besides
there are multitudes of narratives of a later date, to be found in all
languages, which contain as many statements of a marvelous nature as
these Sagas, which are nevertheless believed to contain a substantial
and reliable ground-work of truth. All early histories abound in the
supernatural, and these things are so well known that illustrations are
hardly needed here. The relation of prodigies in no wise destroys the
credibility of historical statement. If this were not so, we should be
obliged to discard the greater portion of well known history, and even
suspect plain matters of fact in the writings of such men as Dr.
Johnson, because that great scholar fully believed in the reality of an
apparition known in London as the Cock-Lane Ghost. The Sagas are as free
from superstition and imagination as any other reliable narratives of
that age, and just as much entitled to belief.

There will also, in certain cases, be found contradictions. The
statements of the different narratives do not always coincide. The
disagreements are, however, neither very numerous nor remarkable. The
discrepancies are exactly what we should expect to find in a series of
narratives, written at different times and by different hands. The men
who recorded the various expeditions to New England in the eleventh
century agree, on the whole, quite as well as the writers of our own
day, who, with vastly greater advantages, undertake to narrate the
events of the second colonization in the seventeenth century.[65]

Therefore these marvelous statements and occasional contradictions in
nowise detract from the historic value of the documents themselves,
which, even in their very truthfulness to the times, give every evidence
of authenticity and great worth. To this general appearance of
truthfulness we may, however, add the force of those undesigned
coincidences between writers widely separated and destitute of all means
of knowing what had been already said. The same argument may be used
with the Sagas which has been so powerfully employed by Paley and others
in vindicating the historical character of the New Testament. In these
narratives, as in those of Paul and John, it may be used with
overwhelming effect. Yet we do not fear to dispense with all auxiliary
aids. We are willing _to rest the whole question of the value of these
narratives upon their age_; for if the Sagas date back to a period long
prior to the voyage of Columbus, then the Northmen are entitled to the
credit of having been the first Europeans to land upon these shores. But
the date of these narratives has now been settled beyond reasonable
question. The doubts of the ablest critical minds, both in Europe and
America, have been effectually laid to rest, and the only reply now
given to the Northern Antiquarian is some feeble paragraph pointed with
a sneer.

We need not, therefore, appear before the public to cry, Place for the
Northmen. They can win their _own_ place, as of old. They are as strong
to-day in ideas, as anciently in arms.


THE ABSENCE OF MONUMENTS AND REMAINS.

That the Northmen left no monuments or architectural remains in New
England is true, notwithstanding Professor Rafn supposed that he found
in the celebrated Dighton rock[66] and the stone mill at Newport,
indubitable evidences of the Icelandic occupation. Any serious efforts
to identify the Dighton inscription and the Newport Mill with the age of
the Northmen can only serve to injure a good cause. If Professor Rafn
could have seen these memorials himself, he would doubtless have been
among the first to question the truth of the theory which he set forth.

In regard to the structure at Newport, Professor Rafn says that he is
inclined to believe "that it had a sacred destination, and that it
belonged to some monastery or Christian place of worship of one of the
chief parishes in Vinland. In Greenland," he says, "there are to be
found ruins of several round buildings in the vicinity of the churches.
One of this description, in diameter about twenty-six feet, is situated
at the distance of three hundred feet to the eastward of the great
church in Igalliko; another of forty-four feet in diameter, at the
distance of four hundred and forty feet to the eastward of the church in
Karkortok; ... a third, of thirty-two feet diameter amongst the ruins of
sixteen buildings at Kanitsok."[67] He supposes that all these ancient
remains of the Icelanders, which are to be seen in Greenland to-day, are
baptisteries, similar to those of Italy.

According to this view, there must have been a considerable
ecclesiastical establishment in Vinland, which is not clearly indicated
by the Sagas, from which we learn no more than the simple fact that
Bishop Eric sailed on a voyage to this place in the year 1121. But is it
probable that the Northmen would have erected a baptistery like this,
and, at the same time, left no other monument? It seems hardly
reasonable. Besides, whoever examines this ancient structure must be
impressed by its modern aspect, so especially apparent in the
preservation of the mortar, which does not bear the marks of seven
centuries. The displacement of a portion of the masonry might perhaps
reveal some peculiarity that would effectually settle the question of
its antiquity to the satisfaction of all.[68]

In treating this subject we shall run into needless errors and
difficulties, if we attempt the task of discovering monuments of the
Northmen in New England. In Greenland these evidences of their
occupation are abundant, because they were regularly established on the
ground for generations, and formed their public and private edifices of
the only material at hand, which was well nigh imperishable. But their
visits to New England were comparatively few, and were scattered over
many years. Owing to the weakness of their numbers, they found
permanent colonies impracticable. Thorfinn Karlsefne deliberately gave
up the attempt at the end of a three years experiment, saying that it
would be impossible to maintain themselves against the more numerous
bands of natives. Their habitations were temporary. The various
companies that came into Vinland, instead of building new houses, took
possession of Leif's booths, and simply added others like them when they
afforded insufficient quarters. To ask for monuments of the Northmen is
therefore unreasonable, since their wooden huts and timber crosses must
soon have disappeared. The only memorial we have a right to expect is
some trifling relic, a coin or amulet, perhaps, that chance may yet
throw in the antiquarian's way.[69] In the meanwhile among scholars the
Icelandic narratives are steadily winning their way to unquestioned
belief. This is all the more gratifying in an age like the present, in
which large portions of history are being dismissed to the realms of
hoary fable, and all the annals of the past are being studied in a
critical spirit, with true aims and a pure zeal.




THE MAJOR NARRATIVES.




PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERY.




I. FRAGMENTS FROM LANDNAMA-BOK.


The following extracts from the _Landnama_,[70] give us the earliest
information on record, in regard to the westward movements of the
Icelanders. The men referred to were well known, and the mention of
their names and exploits in this great work, than which no higher
authority could be produced, is gratifying. These extracts, which are
given in the order in which they stand in vol. I. of _Groenland's
Historiske Mindesmaerker_, the greater portion of which work is the labor
of Finn Magnusen, have probably never appeared before in an English
dress. The first extract simply mentions Gunnbiorn and his Rocks; the
second shows that Eric the Red obtained his knowledge of the existence
of Greenland through this person; the third again gives the name of
Gunnbiorn: while the fourth furnishes a brief account of an early voyage
to the Rocks. It appears from these references, that, previous to the
sailing of Eric the Red, the existence of land at the west was well
understood, the report of Gunnbiorn's adventure having been quite
generally circulated amongst the people.

       *       *       *       *       *

1. There was a man named Grimkel, [A. D. 876.] son of Ulf Hreidarson,
called Krage, and brother to Gunnbiorn,[71] after whom Gunnbiorn's
Rocks[72] are named. He took possession of that piece of land that
extends from Berevigs Roein to Ness Roein, and out round the point oL the
cape. And he lived on Saxahval. He drove away Saxe, a son of Alfarin
Valeson, and he lived on the Roein of Saxahval. Alfarin Valeson had first
taken possession of the cape between Berevigs Roein and Enne.


2. Eric Red [A. D. 983.] said that he intended to find the land that was
seen by Gunnbiorn,[73] Ulf Krage's son, when he was driven by a storm
west from Iceland, and found Gunnbiorn's Rocks. [A. D. 876.] At the
same time he said if he did not find the land he would return to his
friends.


3. Two sons of Gunnbiorn, Ulf Krage's son, after whom Gunnbiorn's Rocks
were named, were called Gunstein and Haldor. They took possession of
Skoetufiorden, Loeigardelen and Ogursvigen to Mjorfiord. Berse was
Haldor's son, father to Thormod Kalbrunarskald.

Snaebiorn (Holmstein's son), called Galte, owned a ship [A. D. 970.] that
lay in the mouth of Grimsar (in Borgafiorden). Rolf, from Roedesand,
bought a half of the ship. Each of the parties mustered twelve men. With
Snaebiorn, was Thorkel and Sumarlide, sons of Thorgier Red, son of Einar,
from Stafholdt.

Snaebiorn also took Thorod from Thingness, his step-father and his five
sons, and Rolf took Staerbiorn. The last named recited the following
verse, after he had a dream:

  Both ours
  dead I see;
  all empty
  in Northwestern Sea;
  cold weather,
  great suffering,
  I expect
  Snaebiorn's death.[74]

They sought Gunnbiorn's Rocks and found land. Snaebiorn would not permit
any one to go ashore in the night. Staerbiorn landed, notwithstanding,
and found a purse[75] with money in an earth hole, and concealed it.
Snaebiorn hit him with an axe so that the purse fell down.

They built a cabin to live in, and it was all covered with snow. Thorkel
Red's son, found that there was water on a shelf that stood out of the
cabin window. This was in the month of Goe.[76] They shovelled the snow
away. Snaebiorn rigged the ship; Thorod and five of his party were in the
hut, and Staerbiorn and several men of Rolf's party. Some hunted.[77]
Staerbiorn killed Thorod, but both he and Rolf killed Snaebiorn. Red's
sons and all the rest were obliged to take the oath of allegiance to
save their lives. They arrived on their return at Helgeland, Norway, and
later at Vadil in Iceland.[78]




II. THE COLONIZATION OF GREENLAND.


The first document relating to the settlement of Greenland by the
Northmen, is taken from the Saga of Eric the Red, as given in Professor
Rafn's _Antiquitates Americanae_. Besides the history of Eric and his
sons, that Saga contains notices of other voyages. The following are
simply extracts. The whole Saga does not necessarily apply to the
subject under examination--the Discovery of America. The second extract,
which gives more of the particulars, is from _Groenland's Historiske
Mindesmaerker_, vol. II, p. 201. The third is also taken from the same
great historical depository.


FIRST NARRATIVE.

There was a man named Thorvald, son of Osvald, son of
Ulf-Oexna-Thorerisson. Thorvald and his son were obliged to leave
Jardar[79] and go to Iceland, on account of manslaughter. At that time
Iceland was generally colonized.[80] They first lived in Drangey, where
Thorvald died. Then Eric married Thorhild, daughter of Jorund and
Thorbiarg Knarrabringa, whom afterwards Thorbiorn of Haukdale married.
Eric moved from the north, and fixed his abode in Ericstad opposite
Vatshorn. The son of Eric and Thorhold was named Leif. But after Eyulf
Soers and Holm-Gang Rafn's murder, Eric was banished from Haukdale. Eric
went westward to Breidafiord and lived at Oexney in Ericstad. He lent
Thorgest his seat-posts,[81] and he could not get them again. He then
demanded them. Then came disputes and hostility between him and
Thorgest, which is told in the history of Eric. Styr Thorgrim's son,
Eyulf of Svinoe, the sons of Brand of Aptelfiord and Thorbiorn Vifilsson
plead the cause of Eric; Thorder Gellurson and Thorgeir of Hitardale
plead for Thorgest. Eric was declared outlawed by the Thing, and
prepared his ship for sea in Eric's Bay. Styr and the others went with
him beyond the island. [A. D. 982.] Then Eric declared it to be his
resolution to seek the land which Gunnbiorn, Ulf Krage's son, saw [A. D.
876.] when driven into the Western ocean, where he found Gunnbiorn's
Rocks, saying, that if he did not find the land he would return to his
friends. Eric set sail from Snaefellsjokul, and found land which from its
height he called Midjokul, now called Blaaserk. Thence he sailed along
the shore in a southerly direction, seeking for the nearest habitable
land. The first winter he passed in Ericseya,[82] near the middle of the
east district. The following year he came into Ericsfiord, where he
fixed his seat. The same summer he explored the western desert, and gave
names to many places. The following winter he passed on a holm opposite
Rafnsgnipa, and the third year he came into Iceland and brought his ship
into Breidafiord. The land which he found, he named Greenland, saying
that men would be persuaded to go to a land with so good a name. Eric
stayed in Iceland that winter, and the summer after he went over to the
land which he had found, and fixed his abode in Brattahlid in
Ericsfiord. [A. D. 986.] Men acquainted with affairs, say, that this
same summer in which Eric went to settle in Greenland, thirty-five ships
sailed from Breidafiord and Bogafjord, of which only fourteen arrived,
and the rest were driven back or lost. This event took place fifteen
winters[83] before the Christian religion was established in Iceland.
The same summer, Bishop Frederick and Thorvold Kodranson went from
Iceland.[84] Among those who emigrated with Eric and established
themselves, were Heriulf Heriulfsfiord who took Heriulfsness, and abode
in Heriulfsness, Ketil Ketilsfiord, Rafn Rafnsfiord, Solvi Solvidale,
Helgi Thorbrandson Alptafiord, Thorbjornglora Siglefjord, Einar
Einarsfiord, Hafgrim Hafgrimsfiord and Vatnahver, Arnlaug Arnlaugsfiord;
and other men went to the west district.


_The Baptism of Leif the Fortunate._

And when the sixth[85] winter had passed [A. D. 999.] since Eric Red
went to live in Greenland, Leif, son of Eric, went over from Greenland
to Norway, and in the autumn arrived in Throndheim and came north to
King Olaf Trygvesson,[86] from Hegeland. He brought his ship to Nidaros
and went at once to King Olaf. The king commanded Leif and some other
pagan men to come to him. They were exhorted to accept religion, which
the king having easily arranged with Leif, he and all his sailors were
baptized, and passed the winter with the king, being liberally
entertained.


SECOND NARRATIVE.

Thorvold the son of Usvold, son of Ulf, son of Oexne-Thorer, and his
son, Eric Red, left Jardar in Norway on account of manslaughter, and
took possession of a piece of land on Hornastrand [Iceland], and lived
there at Drangey. There Thorvold died. Eric then married Thorhild,
daughter of Jorund Atleson and Thorbiarg Knarrabringa, who was then
married to Thorbiorn of Haukdale. Then Eric went from the north and
ploughed the fields in Haukdale. Then he lived in Ericstadt by Vatshorn.
There his thralls[87] let a piece of rock tumble down over Valthiof's
house in Valthiofstadt. But his relation, Eyulf Soeirs, killed the
thralls at Kneide-Brinke above Vatshorn. For this cause, Eric killed
Eyulf Soeirs. He also killed Holm-Gang Rafn at Leikskaale. Geirstein and
Odd at Joerund Eyulf Soeirs relations brought a suit against the slayer.
Eric was then banished from Hauksdale, and took possession of the
islands, Brokoe and Oexno, but lived in Todum at Sydero, the first
winter. Then he loaned Thorgest his seat-posts. Then Eric moved to Oexno
and lived in Ericstadt. Then he demanded his seat-posts, but did not get
them. Eric took them thereafter from Bredobolstad, but Thorgest followed
him. They fought near the house at Drangey. Two sons of Thorgest fell,
and some other men. Thereafter they both kept their followers with them.
Styr, Eyulf of Svino, Thorbrand's sons of Alptefiord, and Thorbiorn
Vifilsson, were of Eric's party. But Thord Gelleirson, Thorgeir from
Hitardale, Aslak of Langedale, and Illuge's son helped Thorgest. Eric
and his party were sentenced to be banished at Thorsness Thing. He
fitted out a ship in Ericsfiord, but Eyulf concealed him in Dimonsvaag,
while Thorgest and his men sought after him on the highlands. Thorbiorn,
Eyulf and Styr followed with Eric out to sea beyond the islands. He said
that he meant to seek the land Gunnbiorn, Ulf Krage's son, saw [A. D.
876.] when he was driven by a storm west from Iceland, and found
Gunnbiorn's Rocks; though he said at the same time if he discovered the
land he would return to his friends. [A. D. 982.] Eric laid his course
to the west from Snaefieldness, and approached [Greenland] from the sea
to land at Midjokul, in that place that is called Blaesark. From thence
he went along the coast to the south, to see if the land was fit to live
in. The first year he stayed all winter in Ericksoe, nearly in the middle
of the west bygd. In the next spring [A. D. 983.] he went to Ericsfiord,
and there found a dwelling. Next summer he went to the western bygd, and
gave certain names to many places. The second winter he lived in
Ericsholm, at Hvarfo Fiedspidae, and at the third summer [A. D. 984.] he
went north to Snaefield, inside of Rafnsfiord. He thought then that the
place where Ericsfiord bent was opposite the place where he came. He
then returned and spent the third winter in Ericksoe opposite the mouth
of Ericsfiord. The next summer [A. D. 985.] he went to Iceland, and
landed at Breidafiord. The next winter he stayed at Holmstater, with
Ingolf. Next spring he fought with Thorgest and lost the battle. That
summer, Eric began to settle the land which he had discovered [A. D.
986.] and which he called Greenland, because he said that the people
would not like to move there, if the land did not have a good name.
Learned men say that twenty-five ships went that summer to Greenland
from Breidafiord and Borgafjord, but only fourteen arrived. Of the rest,
some were driven back and others were wrecked. This happened fifteen
winters before Christianity was introduced into Iceland.


THIRD NARRATIVE.

The land some call Greenland, was discovered and settled from Iceland.
Eric the Red was the name of the Breidafiord man, who [A. D. 986.] went
from here [Iceland] to there, and took possession of that part of the
land, which later was called Ericsfiord. He named the land and called it
Greenland, and said it would encourage people to come there, if the land
had a good name. They found there, both east and west, ruins of houses
and pieces of boats, and begun stonework. From which it is to be seen
what kind of people have lived in Vinland, and which the Greenlanders
call Skraelings and who had been there. He [Eric] began to settle the
land fourteen or fifteen years before the introduction of Christianity
in Iceland. Afterwards this was told of Greenland to Thorkel Gelleirson,
by a man who had himself followed Eric Red.




III. THE VOYAGE OF BIARNE.


The voyage of Biarne to Greenland was attended by many hardships. His
vessel was blown away from the course during a storm, at which time he
saw the shores of the American continent, yet he made no attempt to
land. Of this voyage we have two versions. The first is a translation of
a passage from _Codex Flatoeiensis_, given in _Antiquitates Americaae_, p.
17. The second is taken from _Groenland's Historiske Mindesmaerker_. The
date of this voyage is fixed by the fact that Biarne sailed the same
season that his father settled in Greenland, which, as we learn from the
narrative of Eric, was in the year 985. There is a complete agreement
between this account and the preceding.


FIRST NARRATIVE.

Heriulf was the son of Bard, Heriulf's son, who was a relation of Ingolf
the Landnamsman.[88] Ingolf gave Heriulf land between Vog and
Reikianess. Heriulf dwelt first at Dropstock. His wife was called
Thorgird, and their son was called Biarne. He was a promising young
man. In his earliest youth he had a desire to go abroad, and he soon
gathered property and reputation; and was by turns a year abroad, and a
year with his father. Biarne was soon in possession of a merchant ship
of his own. The last winter [A. D. 985.] while he was in Norway, Heriulf
prepared to go to Greenland with Eric, and gave up his dwelling. There
was a Christian man belonging to the Hebudes along with Heriulf, who
composed the lay called the _Hafgerdingar_[89] Song, in which is this
stave:

  May he whose hand protects so well
  The simple monk in lonely cell,
  And o'er the world upholds the sky,
  His own blue hall, still stand me by.[90]

Heriulf settled at Heriulfness [A. D. 985.] and became a very
distinguished man. Eric Red took up his abode at Bratthalid, and was in
great consideration, and honored by all. These were Eric's children:
Leif, Thorvold, and Thorstein; and his daughter was called Ferydis. She
was married to a man called Thorvald; and they dwelt at Gardar, which
is now a bishop's seat. She was a haughty, proud woman; and he was but a
mean man. She was much given to gathering wealth. The people of
Greenland were heathen at this time. Biarne came over the same summer
[A. D. 985.] with his ship to the strand[91] which his father had sailed
abroad from in the spring. He was much struck with the news, and would
not unload his vessel. When his crew asked him what he intended to do,
he replied that he was resolved to follow his old custom by taking up
his winter abode with his father. "So I will steer for Greenland if ye
will go with me." They one and all agreed to go with him. Biarne said,
"Our voyage will be thought foolish, as none of us have been on the
Greenland sea before." Nevertheless they set out to sea as soon as they
were ready, and sailed for three days, until they lost sight of the land
they left. But when the wind failed, a north wind with fog set in, and
they knew not where they were sailing to; and this lasted many days. At
last they saw the sun, and could distinguish the quarters of the sky; so
they hoisted sail again, and sailed a whole day and night, when they
made land. They spoke among themselves what this land could be, and
Biarne said that, in his opinion, it could not be Greenland. On the
question, if he should sail nearer to it, he said, "It is my advice that
we sail up close to the land." They did so; and they soon saw that the
land was without mountains, was covered with woods, and that there were
small hills inland. They left the land on the larboard side, and had
their sheet on the land side. Then they sailed two days and nights
before they got sight of land again. They asked Biarne if they thought
this would be Greenland; but he gave his opinion that the land was no
more Greenland, than the land they had seen before. "For on Greenland,
it is said, there are great snow mountains." They soon came near to the
land, and saw that it was flat and covered with trees. Now, as the wind
fell, the ship's people talked of its being advisable to make for the
land; but Biarne would not agree to it. They thought that they would
need wood and water; but Biarne said: "Ye are not in want of either."
And the men blamed him for this. He ordered them to hoist the sail,
which was done. They now turned the ship's bow from the land, and kept
the sea for three days and nights, with a fine breeze from southwest.
Then they saw a third land, which was high and mountainous, and with
snowy mountains. Then they asked Biarne if he would land here; but he
refused altogether: "For in my opinion this land is not what we
want."[92] Now they let the sails stand and kept along the land and saw
it was an island. Then they turned from the land and stood out to sea
with the same breeze; but the gale increased, and Biarne ordered a reef
to be taken in, and not to sail harder than the ship and her tackle
could easily bear. After sailing three days and nights, they made, the
fourth time, land; and when they asked Biarne if he thought this was
Greenland or not, Biarne replies: "This is most like what has been told
me of Greenland; and here we shall take to the land." They did so, and
came to the land in the evening, under a ness, where they found a boat.
On this ness dwelt Biarne's father, Heriulf; and from that it is called
Heriulfness. Biarne went to his father's, gave up sea-faring, and after
his father's death, continued to dwell there when at home.


SECOND NARRATIVE.

A man named Heriulf, son of Bard, son of Heriulf, a relation to
Landnamsman Ingolf, who gave the last named Heriulf the piece of land
that lies between Vaag and Reikianess. The younger Heriulf went to
Greenland, when Eric Red began to settle there, and on his ship was a
Christian man from the South Islands [the Hebrides] who was the author
of the poem, _Havgerdingar_, in which was the following verse:

  I to the monk's protector pray
  That he will give my voyage luck!
  The heaven's great Ruler
  Save me from danger.

Heriulf took possession of Heriulfsfiord, and became one of the chief
men. Eric Red took to himself Ericsfiord, and lived in Brattahlid, and
Leif, his son, after his death. Those men who at the same time went away
with Eric took possession of the following pieces of land: Heriulf
Heriulfsfiord, and he lived in Heriulfness, Ketil Ketilsfiord, Rafn
Rafnsfiord, Soelve Soelvedale, Snorro Thorbrandson Alptefiord,
Thorbiornglora Siglefiord, Einar Einarsfiord, Havgrim Havgrimsfiord and
Vatnahverf, Arnlaug Arnlaugfiord; but some went to the west bygd. A man
named Thorkel Forsark, cousin to Eric Red on their mother's side, went
to Greenland with Eric, and took possession of Hvalsoefiord, together
with the greater part of the piece of land between Eyolfsfiord and
Einarsfiord, and lived in Hvalosoefne. From him came the Hvalsoefiord
people. He was very strong. Once Eric Red visited him, and he would
welcome his guest in the best way possible, but he had no boats at hand
which he could use. He was compelled to swim out to Hvalsoe, and get a
full-grown sheep,[93] and carry it on his back home to his house. It was
a good half mile. Thorkel was buried in a cave in the field of
Hvalsoefiord.




IV. LEIF'S VOYAGE TO VINLAND.


This voyage is recorded in the _Flatoe Manuscript_, and is given in
_Antiquitates Americanae_, pp. 26-40. It contains the account of the
voyage of Leif, son of Eric the Red, who, following out the hints of
Biarne, sailed to discover the new land, which he called Vinland, on
account of the quantity of vines that he found growing wild. Several
extracts are appended, because of interest in connection with the
subject.

       *       *       *       *       *

[A. D. 984.] It is next to be told that Biarne Heriulfson came over from
Greenland to Norway, on a visit to Earl Eric, who received him well.
Biarne tells of this expedition of his, in which he had discovered
unknown land; and people thought he had not been very curious to get
knowledge, as he could not give any account of those countries, and he
was somewhat blamed on this account. [A. D. 986.] Biarne was made a
Court man of the earl, and the summer after he went over to Greenland;
and afterwards there was much talk about discovering unknown lands.
Leif, a son of Eric Red of Brattahlid, went over[94] to Biarne
Heriulfson, and bought the ship from him, and manned the vessel, so that
in all, there were thirty-five men on board. Leif begged his father Eric
to go as commander of the expedition; but he excused himself, saying he
was getting old, and not so able as formerly to undergo the hardship of
a sea voyage. Leif insisted that he among all their relations was the
most likely to have good luck on such an expedition; and Eric consented,
and rode from home with Leif, when they had got all ready for sea; but
when they were coming near to the ship,[95] the horse on which Eric was
riding, stumbled, and he fell from his horse[96] and hurt his foot. "It
is destined," said Eric, "that I should never discover more lands than
this of Greenland, on which we live; and now we must not run hastily
into this adventure."[97] Eric accordingly returned home to Brattahlid,
but Leif, with his comrades, in all thirty-five men, rigged out their
vessel. There was a man from the south country called Tyrker,[98] with
the expedition. [A. D. 1000.] They put the ship in order, and put to sea
when they were ready. They first came to the land which Biarne had last
discovered, sailed up to it, cast anchor, put out a boat and went on
shore; but there was no grass to be seen. There were large snowy
mountains[99] up the country; but all the way from the sea up to these
snowy ridges, the land was one field of snow, and it appeared to them a
country of no advantages. Leif said: "It shall not be said of us, as it
was of Biarne, that we did not come upon the land; for I will give the
country a name, and call it Helluland."[100] Then they went on board
again and put to sea, and found another land. They sailed in towards it,
put out a boat, and landed. The country was flat,[101] and overgrown
with wood; and the strand far around, consisted of a white sand, and low
towards the sea. Then Leif said: "We shall give this land a name
according to its kind, and called it Markland."[102] Then they hastened
on board, and put to sea again with the wind from the northeast, and
were out for two days and made land. They sailed towards it, and came to
an island[103] which lay on the north side of the land, where they
disembarked[104] to wait for good weather. There was dew upon the grass;
and having accidentally gotten some of the dew upon their hands and put
it in their mouths, they thought that they had never tasted anything so
sweet as it was.[105] Then they went on board and sailed into a
sound[106] that was between the island and a ness[107] that went out
northwards from the land, and sailed westward[108] past the ness. There
was very shallow[109] water in ebb tide, so that their ship lay dry; and
there was a long way between their ship and the water. They were so
desirous to get to the land that they would not wait till their ship
floated, but ran to the land, to a place where a river comes out of a
lake. As soon as their ship was afloat they took the boats, rowed to the
ship, towed her up the river,[110] and from thence into the lake,[111]
where they cast anchor, carried their beds out of the ship, and set up
their tents. They resolved to put things in order for wintering there,
and they erected a large house. They did not want for salmon,[112] both
in the river and in the lake; and they thought the salmon larger than
any they had ever seen before. The country appeared to them of so good a
kind, that it would not be necessary to gather fodder for the cattle for
winter.[113] There was no frost in winter,[114] and the grass was not
much withered. Day and night were more equal than in Greenland and
Iceland; for on the shortest day the sun was in the sky between
Eyktarstad[115] and the Dagmalastad. Now when they were ready with
their house building, [A. D. 1001.] Leif said to his fellow travellers:
"Now I will divide the crew into two divisions, and explore the
country. Half shall stay at home and do the work, and the other half
shall search the land; but so that they do not go farther than they can
come back in the evening, and that they do not wander from each other."
This they continued to do for some time. Leif changed about, sometimes
with them, and sometimes with those at home. Leif was a stout and strong
man, and of manly appearance; and was, besides, a prudent and sagacious
man in all respects.

It happened one evening that a man of the party was missing; and it was
the south country man, Tyrker. Leif was very sorry for this, because
Tyrker had long been in his father's house, and he loved Tyrker in his
childhood. Leif blamed his comrades very much, and proposed to go with
twelve men on an expedition to find him; but they had gone only a short
way from the station when Tyrker came to meet them, and he was joyfully
received. Leif soon perceived that his foster father[116] was quite
merry.[117] Tyrker had a high forehead, sharp eyes, with a small face,
and was little in size, and ugly; but was very dexterous in all feats.
Leif said to him, "Why art thou so late, my foster-father? and why didst
thou leave thy comrades?" He spoke at first long in German, rolled his
eyes and knit his brows; but they could not make out what he was saying.
After a while, and some delay, he said in Norse, "I did not go much
farther than they; and yet I have something altogether new to relate,
for I found vines and grapes."[118] "Is that true, my foster-father?"
said Leif. "Yes, true it is," answered he, "for I was born where there
was no scarcity of grapes." Now they slept all night, and the next
morning Leif said to his men, "Now we shall have two occupations to
attend to, and day about; namely, to gather grapes or cut vines, and to
fell wood in the forest to lade our vessel." And this advice was
followed. It is related that their stern boat was filled with grapes,
and then a cargo of wood was hewn for the vessel.[119] Towards spring
they made ready and sailed sway, and Leif gave the country a name from
its products, and called it Vinland.[120] They now sailed into the open
sea and had a fair wind until they came in sight of Greenland and the
lands below the ice mountains.[121] Then a man put in a word and said to
Leif, "Why do you steer so close on the wind?" Leif replied: "I mind my
helm and tend to other things too; do you notice anything?" They said
that they saw nothing remarkable. "I do not know," said Leif, "whether I
see a ship or a rock." Then they looked and saw that it was a rock. But
he saw so much better than they, that he discovered men upon the rock.
"Now I will," said Leif, "that we hold to the wind, that we may come up
to them if they should need help; and if they should not be friendly
inclined, it is in our power to do as we please and not theirs." Now
they sailed under the rock, lowered their sails, cast anchor, and put
out another small boat which they had with them. Then Tyrker asked who
their leader was. He said his name was Thorer, and said he was a
Northman;[122] "But what is your name?" said he. Leif told his name.
"Are you the son of Eric the Red of Brattahlid?" he asked. Leif said
that was so. "Now I will," said Leif, "take ye and all on board my ship,
and as much of the goods as the ship will store." They took up this
offer, and sailed away to Ericfiord with the cargo, and from thence to
Brattahlid, where they unloaded the ship. Leif offered Thorer and his
wife, Gudrid, and three others, lodging with himself, and offered
lodging elsewhere for the rest of the people, both of Thorer's crew and
his own. Leif took fifteen men from the rock, and thereafter was called,
Leif the Lucky. After that time Leif advanced greatly in wealth and
consideration. That winter, sickness came among Thorer's people, and he
himself, and a great part of his crew, died. The same winter Eric Red
died. This expedition to Vinland was much talked of, and Leif's brother,
Thorvald, thought that the country had not been explored enough in
different places. Then Leif said to Thorvald, "You may go, brother, in
my ship to Vinland if you like; but I will first send the ship for the
timber which Thorer left upon the rock." And so it was done.


SECOND NARRATIVE.

The same spring, King Olaf, as said before, sent Gissur[123] and
Hialte[124] to Iceland. The king also sent Leif to Greenland to proclaim
Christianity there. The king sent with him, a priest, and some other
religious men, to baptize the people and teach them the true faith. Leif
sailed the same summer to Greenland; he took up out of the ocean, the
people of a ship who were on a wreck completely destroyed, and in a
perishing condition. And on this same voyage he discovered Vinland the
Good,[125] and came at the close of summer to Brattahlid, to his father
Eric. After that time the people called him, Leif the Fortunate; but his
father Eric said that these two things went against one another; that
Leif had saved the crew of the ship, and delivered them from death, and
that he had [brought] that bad man into Greenland, that is what he
called the priest; but after much urging, Eric was baptized,[126] as
well as all the people of Greenland.


THIRD NARRATIVE.

The same winter, Leif, the son of Eric the Red, was in high favor with
King Olaf, and embraced Christianity. But the summer that Gissur went to
Iceland, King Olaf sent Leif to Greenland, to proclaim Christianity. He
sailed the same summer for Greenland. He found some men in the sea on a
wreck, and helped them; the same voyage,[127] he discovered Vinland the
Good, and came at harvest time to Greenland. He brought with him a
priest and other religious[128] men, and went to live at Brattahlid with
his father Eric. He was afterwards called, Leif the Fortunate. But his
father Eric said, that these two things were opposed to one another,
because Leif had saved the crew of the ship, and brought evil men to
Greenland, meaning the priests.




V. THORVALD ERICSON'S EXPEDITION.


The greater portion of this voyage appears to have been performed during
two summers, the expedition finally returning to Greenland on account of
the death of their leader. The narrative is taken from _Codex
Flatoeiensis_, as given in _Antiquitates Americanae_.

       *       *       *       *       *

Now Thorvald [A. D. 1002.] made ready for his voyage with thirty men,
after consulting his brother Leif. They rigged their ship, and put to
sea. Nothing is related of this expedition until they came to Vinland,
to the booths put up by Leif, where they secured the ship and tackle,
and remained quietly all winter and lived by fishing. In spring [A. D.
1003.] Thorvald ordered the vessel to be rigged, and that some men
should proceed in the long-boat westward along the coast, and explore it
during the summer. They thought the country beautiful and well wooded,
the distance small between the forest and the sea, and the strand full
of white sand. There were also many islands and very shallow water. They
found no abode for man or beast, but on an island far towards the west,
they found a corn barn constructed of wood. They found no other traces
of human work, and came back in autumn to Leif's booths. The following
spring, [A. D. 1004.] Thorvald, with his merchant ship, proceeded
eastwards, and towards the north along the land.[129] Opposite to a
cape[130] they met bad weather, and drove upon the land and broke their
keel, and remained there a long time to repair the vessel. Thorvald said
to his companions: "We will stick up the keel here upon the ness, and
call the place Kialarness," which they did. Then they sailed away
eastward along the country, to a point of land,[131] which was
everywhere covered with woods. They moored the vessel to the land, laid
out gangways to the shore, and Thorvald with all his ship's company,
landed. He said, "Here it is beautiful, and I would willingly set up my
abode here." They afterwards went on board, and saw three specks upon
the sand within the point, and went to them and found there were three
skin boats with three men under each boat. They divided their men and
took all of them prisoners, except one man, who escaped with his boat.
They killed eight of them, and then went to the point and looked about
them. Within this bay they saw several eminences, which they took to be
habitations. Then a great drowsiness came upon them and they could not
keep themselves awake, but all of them fell asleep. A sudden scream came
to them, and they all awoke; and mixed with the scream they thought they
heard the words: "Awake, Thorvald, with all thy comrades, if ye will
save your lives. Go on board your ship as fast as you can, and leave
this land without delay." In the same moment an innumerable multitude,
from the interior of the bay, came in skin boats and laid themselves
alongside. Then said Thorvald, "We shall put up our war screens[132]
along the gunwales and defend ourselves as well as we can, but not use
our weapons much against them." They did so accordingly. The
Skraellings[133] shot at them for a while, and then fled away as fast as
they could. Then Thorvald asked if anyone was wounded, and they said
nobody was hurt. He said: "I have a wound under the arm.[134] An arrow
flew between the gunwale and the shield under my arm: here is the
arrow, and it will be my death wound. Now I advise you to make ready
with all speed to return; but ye shall carry me to the point which I
thought would be so convenient for a dwelling. It may be that it was
true what I said, that here would I dwell for a while. Ye shall bury me
there, and place a cross at my head and one at my feet, and call the
place Crossness." Christianity had been established in Greenland at this
time;[135] but Eric Red was dead[136] before Christianity was
introduced. Now Thorvald died, and they did everything as he had
ordered. Then they went away in search of their fellow voyagers; and
they related to each other all the news. They remained in their dwelling
all winter, and gathered vines and grapes, and put them on board their
ships. Towards spring, they prepared to return to Greenland, where they
arrived with their vessel, and landed at Ericsfiord, bringing heavy
tidings to Leif.




VI. THORSTEIN ERICSON'S ATTEMPT TO FIND VINLAND.


This version is from _Codex Flatoeiensis_, and is given in _Antiquitates
Americanae_, pp. 47-55. The expedition was wholly unsuccessful, and the
leader finally died without reaching the desired land. One cannot help
feeling, notwithstanding the marvellous events recorded, that the basis
of this account, is formed of solid fact. The main narrative is not one
likely to have been invented by an impostor.

       *       *       *       *       *

In the meantime it had happened in Greenland, that Thorstein of
Ericsfiord had married, and taken to wife, [A. D. 1005.] Gudrid, the
daughter of Thorbiorn, who had been married, as before related, to
Thorer, the Eastman.[137] Thorstein Ericsson bethought him now, that he
would go to Vinland, for his brother Thorvald's body. He rigged out the
same vessel, and chose an able and stout crew. He had with him,
twenty-five men, and his wife Gudrid; and as soon as they were ready he
put to sea, and they quickly lost sight of the land. They drove about on
the ocean the whole summer, without knowing where they were; and in the
first week of winter,[138] they landed at Lysifiord in Greenland, in the
western settlement. Thorstein looked for lodgings for his men, and got
his whole ship's crew accommodated, but not himself and wife; so that
for some nights they had to sleep on board. At that time Christianity
was but recent in Greenland. One day, early in the morning, some men
came to their tent, and the leader asked them what people were in the
tent? Thorstein replies, "Two; who is it that asks?" "Thorstein," was
the reply, "and I am called Thorstein the Black, and it is my errand
here, to offer thee and thy wife lodging beside me." Thorstein said he
would speak to his wife about it; and as she gave her consent, he agreed
to it. "Then I shall come for you to-morrow with my horses,[139] for I
do not want means to entertain you; but few care to live in my house,
for I and my wife live lonely, and I am very melancholy. I have also a
different religion[140] from yours, although I think the one you have,
the best." Now the following morning he came for them with horses; and
they took up their abode with Thorstein Black, who was very friendly
towards them. Gudrid had a good outward appearance, and was knowing, and
understood well how to behave with strangers. Early in the winter, a
sickness prevailed among Thorstein Ericsson's people, and many of his
ship men died. He ordered that coffins should be made for the bodies of
the dead, and that they should be brought on board, and stowed away
carefully; for he said, "I will transport all the bodies to Ericsfiord
in summer." It was not long before sickness broke out in Thorstein
Black's house, and his wife, who was called Grimhild, fell sick first.
She was very stout, and as strong as a man, but yet she could not bear
up against the illness. Soon after, Thorstein Ericksson also fell sick,
and they both lay ill in bed at the same time; but Grimhild, Thorstein
Black's wife died first. When she was dead, Thorstein went out of the
room for a skin to lay over the corpse. Then Gudrid said, "My dear
Thorstein, be not long away;" which he promised. Then said Thorstein
Ericsson, "Our housewife is wonderful, for she raises herself up with
her elbows, moves herself forward over the bed-frame, and is feeling for
her shoes." In the same moment, Thorstein the Goodman, came back, and
instantly, Grimhild laid herself down, so that it made every beam that
was in the house, crack. Thorstein now made a coffin for Grimhild's
corpse, removed it outside, and buried it. He was a stout and strong
man, but it required all his strength to remove the corpse from the
house. Now Thorstein Ericsson's illness increased upon him, and he died,
which Gudrid his wife took with great grief. They were all in the room,
and Gudrid had set herself upon a stool before the bench on which her
husband Thorstein's body lay. Now Thorstein the goodman took Gudrid from
the stool in his arms, and set himself with her upon a bench just
opposite to Thorstein's body,[141] and spoke much with her. He consoled
her, and promised to go with her in summer to Ericsfiord, with her
husband Thorstein's corpse, and those of his crew. "And," said he, "I
shall take with me many servants to console and assist." She thanked him
for this. Thorstein Ericsson then raised himself up and said, "Where is
Gudrid?" And thrice he said this; but she was silent. Then she said to
Thorstein the Goodman, "Shall I give answer or not?" He told her not to
answer. Then went Thorstein the Goodman across the room, and sat down in
a chair, and Gudrid set herself on his knee; and Thorstein the Goodman
said: "What wilt thou make known?" After a while the corpse replies, "I
wish to tell Gudrid her fate beforehand, that she may be the better able
to bear my death; for I have come to a blessed resting place. And this I
have now to tell thee, Gudrid, that thou wilt be married to an Iceland
man, and ye will live long together; and from you will descend many men,
brave, gallant and wise, and a well pleasing race of posterity. Ye shall
go from Greenland to Norway, and from thence to Iceland, where ye shall
dwell. And long will ye live together, but thou wilt survive him; and
then thou shalt go abroad, and go southwards, and shall return to thy
home in Iceland. And there must a church be built, and thou must remain
there and be consecrated a nun, and there end thy days."[142] And then
Thorstein sank backwards, and his corpse was put in order and carried to
the ship. Thorstein the Goodman did all that he had promised. He sold in
spring [A. D. 1006.] his land and cattle, and went with Gudrid and all
her goods; made ready the ship, got men for it, and then went to
Ericsfiord. The body was buried at the church.[143] Gudrid went to
Leif's at Brattahlid, and Thorstein the Black took his abode in
Ericsfiord, and dwelt there as long as he lived; and was reckoned an
able man.




VII. THORFINN KARLSEFNE'S EXPEDITION TO VINLAND.


This was in many respects the most important expedition to New England,
both as regards the numbers engaged, and the information and experience
derived. We have three different accounts of this expedition. The first
is from the somewhat lengthy Saga of Thorfinn Karlsefne, from the
_Arnae-Magnaean Collection_; the second is from the Saga of Eric the Red,
being called "The Account of Thorfinn:" while the third is a briefer
relation from _Codex Flatoeiensis_. The two first may be found in Rafn's
_Antiquitates Americanae_, pp. 75-200; while the last is also given in
the same work, on pp. 55-64.

The Saga of Karlsefne is occupied largely at the beginning with accounts
of various matters connected with social life; yet, as such subjects are
not essential to the treatment of the subject, they are all omitted,
except the account of Thorfinn's marriage with the widow of Thorstein
Ericson.

The notes to the narrative of Leif's expedition, which precedes this in
the chronological order, supersede the necessity of treating a number of
important points suggested again in the present narrative.

It is believed that the principal manuscript of Thorstein Karlsefne is a
genuine autograph by one of his descendants, the celebrated Hauk
Erlander, the Governor or Lagman of Iceland, in 1295, who was also one
of the compilers of the _Landnama-bok_. Erlander was the ninth in
descent from Thorfinn. Torfaeus, who supposed that this manuscript was
lost, knew it only through corrupt extracts in the collection of Bioern
Johnson.

There will be found a substantial agreement between the different
accounts, notwithstanding they are not the work of eye witnesses. The
differences are evidently such as would not appear in the case of three
writers who had banded together for the purpose of carrying out a
historical fraud. The Saga of Thorfinn was written in Iceland, while
that of Eric was composed in Greenland. The account from the _Flatoe
Manuscript_, was, of course, written in the island which bears that
name, and is extremely brief, wanting many essential particulars.


NARRATIVE OF THORFINN KARLSEFNE.

There was a man named Thord, who dwelt at Hoefda, in Hoefda-Strand. He
married Fridgerda, daughter of Thorer the Idle, and of Fridgerda the
daughter of Kiarval, King of the Irish. Thord was the son of Biarne
Byrdusmjoer,[144] son of Thorvald, son of Aslak, son of Biarne Ironsides,
son of Ragnar Lodbrok. They had a son named Snorre, who married Thorhild
the Partridge, daughter of Thord Geller. They had a son named Thord
Horsehead. Thorfinn Karlsefne was his son, whose mother's name was
Thoruna. Thorfinn occupied his time in merchant voyages, and was thought
a good trader. One summer he fitted out his ship for a voyage to
Greenland, attended by Snorre Thorbrandson of Alptafiord, and a crew of
forty men. There was a man named Biarne Grimolfson of Breidafiord, and
another named Thorhall Gamlason of Austfiord. The men fitted out a ship
at the same time, to voyage to Greenland. They also had a crew of forty
men. This ship, and that of Thorfinn, as soon as they were ready, put to
sea. It is not said how long they were on the voyage; it is only told
that both ships arrived at Ericsfiord in the autumn of that year.
Leif[145] and other people rode down to the ships, and friendly
exchanges were made. The captains requested Leif to take whatever he
desired of their goods. Leif in return, entertained them well, and
invited the principal men of both ships to spend the winter with him at
Brattahlid. The merchants accepted his invitation with thanks.
Afterwards their goods were moved to Brattahlid, where they had every
entertainment that they could desire; therefore their winter quarters
pleased them much. When the Yule feast began, Leif was silent and more
depressed than usual. Then Karlsefne said to Leif: "Are you sick friend
Leif? you do not seem to be in your usual spirits. You have entertained
us most liberally, for which we desire to render you all the service in
our power. Tell me what it is that ails you." "You have received what I
have been able to offer you," said Leif, "in the kindest manner and
there is no idea in my mind that you have been wanting in courtesy; but
I am afraid lest when you go away, it may be said that you never saw a
Yule[146] feast so meanly celebrated as that which draws near, at which
you will be entertained by Leif of Brattahlid." "What shall never be the
case, friend," said Karlsefne, "we have ample stores in the ship; take
of these what you wish, and make a feast as splendid as you please."
Leif accepted this offer, and the Yule began; and so well were Leif's
plans made, that all were surprised that such a rich feast could be
prepared in so poor a country. After the Yule feast, Karlsefne began to
treat with Leif, as to the marriage of Gudrid,[147] Leif being the
person to whom the right of betrothal belonged. Lief gave a favorable
reply, and said she must fulfill that destiny which fate had assigned,
and that he had heard of none except a good report of him; and in the
end it turned out that Karlsefne married Gudrid, and their wedding was
held at Brattahlid, this same winter.


[A. D. 1007.] The conversation often turned at Brattahlid, on the
discovery of Vinland the Good, and they said that a voyage there had
great hope of gain. And after this Karlsefne and Snorre made ready for
going on a voyage there, the following spring. Biarne and Thorhall
Gamlason, before mentioned, joined him with a ship. There was a man
named Thorvard, who married Freydis, natural daughter of Eric Red, and
he decided to go with them, as did also Thorvald, son[148] of Eric. And
Thorhall, commonly called the Hunter, who had been the huntsman of Eric
in the summer, and his steward in the winter, also went. This Thorhall
was a man of immense size and of great strength, and dark complexion and
taciturn, and when he spoke, it was always jestingly. He was always
inclined to give Leif evil advice, and was an enemy of Christianity. He
knew much about desert lands; and was in the same ship with Thorvord
and Thorvald. These used the ship which brought Thorbiorn from Iceland.
There were in all, forty men and a hundred.[149] They sailed to the West
district [of Greenland], and thence to Biarney;[150] hence they sailed
south a night and a day. Then land was seen, and they launched a boat
and explored the land; they found great flat stones, many of which were
twelve ells broad. There were a great number of foxes there. They called
the land Helluland.[151] Then they sailed a day and a night in a
southerly course, and came to a land covered with woods, in which there
were many wild animals. Beyond this land to the southeast, lay an island
on which they slew a bear. They called the island Bear island,[152] and
the land, Markland. Thence they sailed south two days and came to a
cape. The land lay on the right [starboard] side of the ship, and there
were long shores of sand. They came to land, and found on the cape, the
keel of a ship, from which they called the place Kiarlarness,[153] and
the shores they also called Wonder-strand, because it seemed so long
sailing by. Then the land became indented with coves, and they ran the
ship into a bay,[154] whither they directed their course. King Olaf
Tryggvesson had given Leif two Scots,[155] a man named Haki and a woman
named Hekia; they were swifter of foot than wild animals. These were in
Karlfsefne's ship. And when they had passed beyond Wonder-strand, they
put these Scots ashore, and told them to run over the land to the
southwest, three days, and discover the nature of the land, and then
return. They had a kind of garment that they called kiafal, that was so
made that a hat was on top, and it was open at the sides, and no arms;
fastened between the legs with a button and strap, otherwise they were
naked. When they returned, one had in his hand a bunch of grapes, and
the other an ear of corn. They went on board, and afterwards the course
was obstructed by another bay.[156] Beyond this bay was an island,[157]
on each side of which was a rapid current, that they called the Isle of
Currents.[158] There was so great a number of eider ducks[159] there,
that they could hardly step without treading on their eggs. They called
this place Stream Bay.[160] Here they brought their ships to land, and
prepared to stay. They had with them all kinds of cattle. The situation
of the place[161] was pleasant, but they did not care for anything,
except to explore the land. Here they wintered without sufficient food.
The next summer [A. D. 1008.] failing to catch fish, they began to want
food. Then Thorhall the Hunter disappeared.

They found Thorhall, whom they sought three days, on the top of a rock,
where he lay breathing, blowing through his nose and mouth, and
muttering. They asked why he had gone there. He replied that this was
nothing that concerned them.[162] They said that he should go home with
them, which he did. Afterwards a whale was cast ashore[163] in that
place; and they assembled and cut it up, not knowing what kind of a
whale it was. They boiled it with water, and devoured it, and were taken
sick. Then Thorhall said: "Now you see that Thor[164] is more prompt to
give aid than your Christ. This was cast ashore as a reward for the hymn
which I composed to my patron Thor, who rarely forsakes me." When they
knew this, they cast all the remains of the whale into the sea, and
commended their affairs to God. After which the air became milder, and
opportunities were given for fishing; and from that time there was an
abundance of food; and there were beasts on the land, eggs in the
island, and fish in the sea.


They say that Thorhall desired to go northward around Wonder-strand to
explore Vinland, but Karlsefne wished to go along the shore south. Then
Thorhall prepared himself at the island, but did not have more than nine
men in his whole company, and all the others went in the company of
Karlsefne. When Thorhall was carrying water to his ship, he sang this
verse:

  "People said when hither I
  Came, that I the best
  Drink would have, but the land
  It justly becomes me to blame;
  I, a warrior, am now obliged
  To bear the pail;
  Wine touches not my lips,
  But I bow down to the spring."

And when they had made ready and were about to sail, Thorhall sang:

  "Let us return
  Thither where [our] country-men rejoice,
  Let the ship try
  The smooth ways of the sea;
  While the strong heroes
  Live on Wonder-strand
  And there boil whales
  Which is an honor to the land."

Afterwards he sailed north to go around Wonder-strand and Kiarlarness,
but when he wished to sail westward, they were met by a storm from the
west and driven to Ireland, where they were beaten and made slaves. And,
as merchants[165] reported, there Thorhall died.

It is said that Karlsefne, with Snorre and Biarne and his comrades,
sailed along the coast south. They sailed long until they came to a
river flowing out from the land through a lake into the sea, where there
were sandy shoals, where it was impossible to pass up, except with the
highest tide. Karlsefne sailed up to the mouth of the river with his
folk, and called the place Hop.[166] Having come to the land, they saw
that where the ground was low corn[167] grew, and where it was higher,
vines were found. Every river was full of fish.

They dug pits where the land began, and where the land was highest; and
when the tide went down, there were sacred fish[168] in the pits. There
were a great number of all kinds of wild beasts in the woods. They
stayed there half a month and enjoyed themselves, and did not notice
anything; they had their cattle with them. And early one morning, when
they looked around, they saw a great many skin boats, and poles were
swung upon them, and it sounded like reeds shaken by the wind, and they
pointed to the sun. Then said Karlsefne, "What may this mean?" Snorre
Thorbrandson replied, "It may be that this is a sign of peace, so let us
take a white shield and hold it towards them." They did so. Thereupon
they rowed towards them, wondering at them, and came to land. These
people were swarthy and fierce, and had bushy hair on their heads; they
had very large eyes and broad cheeks. They stayed there for a time, and
gazed upon those they met, and afterwards rowed away southward around
the ness.

Karlsefne and his people had made their houses above the lake, and some
of the houses were near the lake, and others more distant. They wintered
there, and there was no snow, and all their cattle fed themselves on the
grass.[169] But when spring came [A. D. 1009.] they saw one morning
early, that a number of canoes rowed from the south round the ness; so
many, as if the sea were sown with coal; poles were also swung on each
boat. Karlsefne and his people then raised up the shield, and when they
came together they began to trade; and these people would rather have
red cloth; for this they offered skins and real furs. They would also
buy swords and spears, but this, Karlsefne and Snorre forbade. For a
whole fur skin, the Skraellings took a piece of red cloth, a span long,
and bound it round their heads. Thus went on their traffic for a time;
then the cloth began to be scarce with Karlsefne and his people, and
they cut it up into small pieces, which were not wider than a finger's
breath, and yet the Skraellings gave just as much as before, and more.

It happened that a bull, which Karlsefne had, ran out of the wood and
roared aloud; this frightened the Skraellings, and they rushed to their
canoes and rowed away toward the south; and after that they were not
seen for three whole weeks. But at the end of that time, a great number
of Skraelling's ships were seen coming from the south like a rushing
torrent, all the poles turned from the sun, and they all yelled very
loud. Then Karlsefne's people took a red[170] shield and held it towards
them. The Skraellings leaped out of their vessels, and after this, they
went against each other and fought. There was a hot shower of weapons,
because the Skraellings had slings. Karlsefne's people saw that they
raised up on a pole, a very large ball, something like a sheep's paunch,
and of a blue color; this they swung from the pole over Karlsefne's men,
upon the ground, and it made a great noise as it fell down.[171] This
caused great fear with Karlsefne and his men, so that they only thought
of running away, and they retreated along the river, for it seemed to
them that the Skraellings pressed them on all sides; they did not stop
until they came to some rocks, where they made a bold stand. Freydis
came out and saw that Karlsefne's people fell back, and she cried out,
"Why do you run, strong men as you are, before these miserable
creatures, whom I thought you would knock down like cattle? And if I had
arms, methinks I could fight better than any of you." They gave no heed
to their words. Freydis would go with them, but she was slower, because
she was pregnant; still she followed after them into the woods. She
found a dead man in the woods; it was Thorbrand Snorreson, and there
stood a flat stone stuck in his head; the sword lay naked by his side.
This she took up, and made ready to defend herself. Then came the
Skraellings toward her; she drew out her breasts from under her clothes,
and dashed them against the naked sword;[172] by this the Skraellings
became frightened and ran off to their ships, and rowed away. Karlsefne
and his men then came up and praised her courage. Two men fell on
Karlsefne's side, but a number of the Skraellings. Karlsefne's band was
overmatched. And now they went home to their dwellings and bound up
their wounds; and considered what crowd that was that pressed upon them
from the land side, and it now seemed to them that it could have hardly
been real people from the ships, but that these must have been optical
illusions. The Skraellings also found a dead man, and an axe lay by him;
one of them took up the axe and cut wood with it; and then one after
another did the same, and thought it was a fine thing and cut well.
After that, one took it and cut at a stone, so that the axe broke, and
then they thought that it was of no use, because it would not cut stone,
and they cast it away.

Karlsefne and his people now thought that they saw, although the land
had many good qualities, that they still would always be exposed there
to the fear of attacks from the original dwellers.[173] They decided,
therefore, to go away, and to return to their own land. They coasted
northward along the shore,[174] and found five Skraellings clad in skins,
sleeping near the sea. They had with them vessels containing animal
marrow, mixed with blood.[175] Karlsefne's people thought that these men
had been banished from the land; they killed them. After that they came
to a ness, and many wild beasts were there, and the ness was covered all
over with dung, from the beasts which had lain there during the night.
Now they came back to Straumfiord, and there was a plenty of everything
that they wanted to have. [It is thus that some men say, that Biarne and
Gudrid stayed behind, and one hundred men with them, and did not go
farther; but that Karlsefne and Snorre went southward, and forty men
with them, and were not longer in Hop than barely two months, and the
same summer came back.][176] Karlsefne then went with one ship to seek
Thorhall the Hunter, but the rest remained behind, and they sailed
northward past Kiarlarness, and thence westward, and the land was upon
their larboard hand. There were wild woods over all, as far as they
could see, and scarcely any open places. And when they had sailed long a
river ran out of the land from east to west. They sailed into the mouth
of the river, and lay by its banks.[177]

       *       *       *       *       *

It chanced one morning that Karlsefne and his people saw opposite in an
open place in the woods, a speck which glittered in their sight, and
they called out towards it, and it was a Uniped,[178] which thereupon
hurried down to the bank of the river, where they lay. Thorvald Ericson
stood at the helm, and the Uniped shot an arrow into his bowels.
Thorvald drew out the arrow and said: "It has killed me! To a rich land
we have come, but hardly shall we enjoy any benefit from it." Thorvald
soon after died[179] of his wound. Upon this the Uniped ran away to the
northward; Karlsefne and his people went after him, and saw him now and
then, and the last time they saw him, he ran out into a bay. Then they
turned back, and a man sang these verses:

  The people chased
  A uniped
  Down to the beach.
  Behold he ran
  Straight over the sea--
  Hear thou, Thorfinn!

They drew off to the northward, and saw the country of the Unipeds; they
would not then expose their men any longer. They looked upon the
mountain range that was at Hop, and that which they now found,[180] as
all one, and it also appeared to be of equal length from Straumfiord to
both places. The third winter they were in Straumfiord. They now became
much divided by party feeling, and the women were the cause of it, for
those who were unmarried would injure those who were married, and hence
arose great disturbance. There was born the first autumn, Snorre,
Karlsefne's son, and he was three years old when they went away. When
they sailed from Vinland they had a south wind, and then came to
Markland, and found there, five Skraellings, and one was bearded; two
were females, and two boys; they took the boys, but the others escaped,
and the Skraellings sank down in the ground.[181] These boys they took
with them; they taught them the language, and they were baptized. They
called their mother Vathelldi, and their father, Uvaege. They said that
two kings ruled over the Skraellings, and that one was named Avalldania,
but the other Valldidia. They said that no houses were there; people lay
in caves or in holes. They said there was a land on the other side, just
opposite their country, where people lived who wore white clothes, and
carried poles before them, and to these were fastened flags, and they
shouted loud; and the people think that this was White-man's land, or
Great Ireland.[182]

       *       *       *       *       *

Biarne Grimolfson was driven with his ship into the Irish ocean, and
they came into a worm sea,[183] and soon the ship began to sink under
them. They had a boat which was smeared with sea oil, for the worms do
not attack that. They went into the boat, and then saw that it could not
hold them all. Then said Biarne: "As the boat will not hold more than
half of our men, it is my counsel that lots should be drawn for those to
go in the boat, for it shall not be according to rank." This, they all
thought so generous an offer, that no one would oppose it. They then did
so that lots were drawn, and it fell to Biarne to go in the boat, and
the half of the men with him, for the boat had not room for more. But
when they had gotten into the boat, an Icelandic man that was in the
ship, and had come with Biarne from Iceland, said: "Dost thou mean,
Biarne, to leave me here?" Biarne said: "So it seems." Then said the
other: "Very different was the promise to my father, when I went with
thee from Iceland, than thus to leave me, for thou said that we should
both share the same fate." Biarne said, "It shall not be thus; go down
into the boat, and I will go up into the ship, since I see that thou art
so anxious to live."[184] Then Biarne went up into the ship, and this
man down into the boat, and after that they went on their voyage, until
they came to Dublin, in Ireland, and there told these things; but it is
most people's belief that Biarne and his companions were lost in the
worm sea, for nothing was heard of them after that time.


THE ACCOUNT OF THORFINN.

That same winter [A. D. 1006-7.] there was much discussion about the
affairs of Brattahlid; and they set up the game of chess, and sought
amusement in the reciting of history,[185] and in many other things, and
were able to pass life joyfully. And Karlsefne and Snorre resolved to
seek Vinland, but there was much discussion about it. But it turned out
that Karlsefne and Snorre prepared their ships to seek Vinland the
following summer. [A. D. 1007.] And in this enterprise Biarne and
Thorhall joined as comrades with their own ship and crew, who were their
followers. There was a man named Thorvald, a relation[186] of Eric.
Thorhall was called the Hunter; he long had hunted with Eric in summer,
and had the care of many things. Thorhall was of great stature, large
and swarthy face, of a hard nature, taciturn, saying little of affairs,
and nevertheless crafty and malicious, always inclined to evil, and
opposed in his mind to the Christian religion, from its first
introduction into Greenland. Thorhall indulged in trifling, but
nevertheless Eric was used to his familiarity. He went in the ship with
Thorvald, and was well acquainted with uninhabitable places. He used the
ship in which Thorbiorn came; and Karlsefne engaged comrades for the
expedition; and the best part of the sailors of Greenland were with him.
They carried in their ships, forty and a hundred men. Afterwards they
sailed to West bygd and Biarney-isle. They sailed from Biarney-isle with
a north wind, and were on the sea day and night, when they found land,
and sending a boat to the shore, explored the land, where they found
many flat stones of such great size, that they exceeded in length the
size of two men. There were foxes there. And they gave the land a name,
and called it Helluland. After this, they sailed a night and a day with
a north wind. They came to a land in which were great woods and many
animals. Southwest, opposite the land, lay an island. Here they found a
bear, and called the island, Bear island. This land, where there were
woods, they called Markland. After a voyage of a day and a night, they
saw land, and they sailed near the land and saw that it was a cape; they
kept close to the shore with the wind on the starboard side, and left
the land upon the right side of the ship. There were places without
harbors, long shores and sands. When they went to the shore with a boat,
they found the keel of a ship, and they called the place,
Kiarlarness;[187] and they gave the shore a name, and called it
Wonder-strand, because they were so long going by. Then another bay
extended into the land, and they steered into the bay.[188] When Leif
was with King Olaf Tryggvesson, he sent him to establish the Christian
religion in Greenland; then the king gave him two Scots-folk, a man
named Hake, and a woman named Hekia. The king told Leif to take them
with his men, if he would have his commands done quickly, as they were
swifter than beasts. These folk, Leif and Eric gave to Karlsefne, as
followers. When they were come opposite Wonder-strand, they put the
Scots on the shore, and told them to run southward and explore the
country, and return before the end of three days. They were thus
clothed, having a garment called a Biafal;[189] it was made so that a
hat was on top, open at the sides, without arms, buttoned between the
legs, and fastened with a button and strap; and the rest was bare.

They came to anchor and lay by, until the three days passed, when they
returned, one having in his hand a vine, and the other, self-sown wheat.
Karlsefne said that they had found a fruitful land. Afterwards they were
received into the ship, and they went on their way until a bay
intersected the land. They steered the ship into the bay. On the outside
was an island, and there was a great tide around the island. This they
called, Straumey.[190] There was a great number of birds, and it was
scarcely possible to find a place for their feet among the eggs. Then
they steered into a long bay which they called Straumfiord, where they
landed from their ships and began to prepare habitations. They brought
with them all kinds of cattle, and they found sufficient pasturage.
There were mountains, and the prospect was pleasant. But they cared for
nothing, except to explore the land; there was a great abundance of
grass. Here they wintered, and the winter was severe, and they did not
have stores laid up, they began to be in want of food, and failed to
catch fish. So they sailed over to the island,[191] hoping that they
might find means of subsistence, either on what they could catch, or
what was cast ashore. But they found but little better fare, though the
cattle were better off. [A. D. 1008.] Afterwards they prayed to God, to
send them food; which prayer was not answered as soon as desired. Then
Thorhall disappeared, and a search was made, which lasted three days. On
the morning of the fourth day, Karlsefne and Biarne found him lying on
the top of a rock; there he lay stretched out, with open eyes, blowing
through his mouth, and muttering to himself. They asked him why he had
gone there. He replied that it did not concern them and not to wonder,
as he was old enough to take care of himself, without their troubling
themselves with his affairs. They asked him to go home with them; this
he did. After that a whale was cast up, and they ran down to cut it up;
nevertheless they did not know what kind it was. Neither did Karlsefne,
though acquainted with whales, know this one. Then the cooks dressed the
whale, and they all ate of it, and it made them all sick. Then Thorhall
said, "It is clear now that the Red-beard is more prompt to give aid
than your Christ. This food is a reward for a hymn which I made to my
god Thor, who has seldom deserted me." When they heard this, none would
eat any more, and threw what was left from the rock, committing
themselves to God. After this the opportunity was given of going after
fish, and there was no lack of food. They sailed into Straumfiord, and
had abundance of food and hunting on the mainland, with many eggs, and
fish from the sea.

And now they began to consider where they should settle next. Thorhall
the Hunter wished to go northward around Wonder-strand and Kiarlarness
to explore Vinland, but Karlsefne wished to go southwest, thinking
likely that there would be larger tracts of country the further they
went south. Thorhall made ready at the island, and only nine men went
with him, all the rest of the ship folk went with Karlsefne. One day
Thorhall was carrying water to his ship; he drank it and sang this
verse:

  "People promised me when hither I
  Came, then the best drink
  I should have; but the country
  I must denounce to all;
  Here you are forced by hand
  To bear the pail to the water,
  I must bend me down to the spring;
  Wine did not come to my lips."

Afterwards they left the land, and Karlsefne went with them to the
island. Before they hoisted sail, Thorhall sang these verses:

  "Let us return
  Home to our countrymen,
  Let the vessel try
  The broad path of the sea;
  While the persevering
  Men, who praise the land
  Are building, and boil the whales
  Here on Wonder-strand."

Thereupon they sailed northward around Wonder-strand and Kialarness. But
when they wished to cruise westward, a storm came against them, and
drove them to Ireland, where they were beaten and made slaves. There
Thorhall passed his life.[192]

Karlsefne, with Snorre and Biarne and the rest of his comrades, sailed
south. They sailed long until they came to a river, which flowed from
the land through a lake, and passed into the sea. Before the mouth of
the river were great islands, and they were not able to enter the river
except at the highest tide.[193] Karlsefne sailed into the mouth of the
river, and called the land Hop. There they found fields, where the land
was low, with wild corn, and where the land was high, were vines. And
every river was full of fish. They made pits in the sand, where the tide
rose highest, and at low tide, sacred fish were found in these pits, and
in the woods was a great number of all kinds of beasts. Here they stayed
half a month, enjoying themselves, but observing nothing new. Early one
morning, on looking around, they saw nine skin boats, in which were
poles that, vibrating towards the sun, gave out a sound like reeds
shaken by the wind. Then Karlsefne said: "What, think you, does this
mean?" Snorre said: "It is possible that it is a sign of peace; let us
raise up a white shield and hold it towards them:" this they did. Then
they rowed towards them, wondering at them, and came to land. These men
were small of stature and fierce, having a bushy head of hair, and very
great eyes and wide cheeks. They remained some time wondering at them,
and afterwards rowed southward around the cape. They built dwellings
beyond the lake, others made houses near the mainland, and others near
the lake. Here they spent the winter. No snow fell,[194] and all their
cattle fed under the open sky. They decided to explore all the
mountains[195] that were in Hop; which done, they [A. D. 1009.] went and
passed the third winter in Straum bay. At this time they had much
contention among themselves, and the unmarried women vexed the married.
The first autumn, Snorre, Karlsefne's son, was born, and he [was three
years old] when they went away. They had a south wind, and came to
Markland, and found five Skraellings, of whom one was a man, and two
women, and two were boys. Karlsefne took the boys, and the others
escaped and sank down into the earth. They carried the boys away with
them, and taught them the language, and they were baptized. And the name
of their mother was Vatheldi, and their father, Uvaege. They said that
two kings ruled over the Skraellinger's land, one was named Avalldania,
and the other, Valldidia; that they had no houses, but lived in dens and
caves. In another part of the country, there was a region where the
people wore white clothes, and shouted loud, and carried poles with
flags. This they thought to be White-man's land. After this they came
into Greenland, and passed the winter with Leif, son of Eric Red. Biarne
Grimolfson was carried out into the Greenland[196] sea, and came into a
worm sea, which they did not observe, until their ship was full of worm
holes. They considered what should be done. They had a stern boat,
smeared with oil; they say that wood covered with oil, the worms will
not bore. The result of the council was, that as many should go into the
boat as it would hold. It then appeared that the boat would not hold
more than one-half of the men. Then Biarne ordered that the men should
go in the boat by lot, and not according to rank. And as it would not
hold all, they accepted the proposition, and when the lots were drawn,
the men went out of the ship into the boat. And the lot was that Biarne
should go down from the ship to the boat with one-half of the men. Then
those to whom the lot fell, went down from the ship to the boat. And
when they had come into the boat, a young Icelander, who was the
companion of Biarne, said: "Now thus do you intend to leave me, Biarne?"
Biarne replied, "That now seems necessary." He replied with these words:
"Thou art not true to the promise made when I left my father's house in
Iceland." Biarne replied: "In this thing I do not see any other way;"
continuing, "What course can you suggest?" He said, "I see this, that we
change places and thou come up here and I go there." Biarne replied:
"Let it be so, since I see that you are so anxious to live, and are
frightened by the prospect of death." Then they changed places, and he
descended into the boat with the men, and Biarne went up into the ship.
And it is related that Biarne, and the sailors with him in the ship,
perished in the worm sea. Those who went in the boat, went on their
course until they came to land, where they told all these things.

After the next summer, Karlsefne went to Iceland with his son Snorre,
and he went to his own home at Reikianess. The daughter of Snorre, son
of Karlsefne, was Hallfrida, mother to Bishop Thorlak Runolfson. They
had a son named Thorbiorn, whose daughter was named Thoruna, mother of
Bishop Biarne. Thorgeir was the name of the other son of Snorre
Karlsefne's son, father to Ingveld, and mother of the first bishop of
Brand. And this is the end of the history.


THIRD NARRATIVE.

That same summer came a ship from Norway to Greenland. The man was
called Thorfinn Karlsefne, who steered the ship. He was a son of Thord
Hesthoefde, a son of Snorre Thordarson, from Hoefda. Thorfinn Karlsefne
was a man of great wealth, and was in Brattahlid with Leif Ericsson.
Soon he fell in love with Gudrid, and courted her, and she referred to
Leif to answer for her. Afterwards she was betrothed to him, and their
wedding was held the same winter. At this time, as before, much was
spoken about a Vinland voyage; and both Gudrid and others persuaded
Karlsefne much to that expedition. Now this expedition was resolved
upon, and they got ready a crew of sixty men, and five women;[197] and
then they made the agreement, Karlsefne and his people, that each of
them should have equal share in what they made of gain. They had with
them all kinds of cattle,[198] having the intention to settle in the
land, if they could. Karlsefne asked Leif for his houses in Vinland, but
he said he would lend them, but not give them. Then they put to sea with
the ship, and came to Leif's houses[199] safe, and carried up their
goods, They soon had in hand a great and good prize, for a whale had
been driven on shore, both large and excellent.[200] They went to it and
cut it up, and had no want of food. Their cattle went up into the land;
but soon they were unruly, and gave trouble to them, They had one bull
with them. Karlsefne let wood be felled and hewed for shipping it, and
had it laid on a rock to dry. They had all the good of the products of
the land, which were these: both grapes and wood, and other products.
After that first winter, and when summer came, [A. D. 1008.] they were
aware of Skraellings being there; and a great troop of men came out of
the woods. The cattle were near to them, and the bull began to bellow
and roar very loud, and with that the Skraellings were frightened, and
made off with their bundles--and these were of furs and sables and all
sorts of skins; and they turned and wanted to go into the houses, but
Karlsefne defended the doors. Neither party understood the language of
the other. Then the Skraellings took their bundles and opened them, and
wanted to have weapons in exchange for them, but Karlsefne forbade his
men to sell weapons. Then he adopted this plan with them, that he told
the women to bear out milk and dairy products to them; and when they saw
these things, they would buy them and nothing else. And now the trade
for the Skraellings was such, that they carried away their winnings in
their stomachs; and Karlsefne and his comrades got both their bags and
skin goods, and so they went away. And now it is to be told, that
Karlsefne let a good strong fence be made around the habitation, and
strengthened it for defense. At this time, Gudrid,[201] Karlsefne's
wife, lay in of a male child, and the child was called Snorre. In the
beginning of the next winter, came the Skraellings again to them, and in
much greater numbers than before, and with the same kind of wares. Then
said Karlsefne to the women, "Now ye shall carry out the same kind of
food as was best liked the last time, and nothing else." And when they
saw that they threw their bundles in over the fence: and Gudrid sat in
the door within, by the cradle of Snorre, her son. Then came a shadow to
the door, and a woman went in with a black kirtle on, rather short, with
a snood around her head; clear, yellow hair; pale; with large eyes, so
large that none ever saw such eyes in a human head. She went to where
Gudrid was sitting, and said: "What art thou called?" "I am called
Gudrid; and what art thou called?" "I am called Gudrid, said she." Then
the goodwife, Gudrid, put out her hand to her, that she might sit down
beside her. And at the same time Gudrid heard a great noise, and the
woman had vanished;[202] and at the same time one of the Skraellings was
killed by one of Karlsefne's house men, because he was about to take one
of their weapons; and they made off as soon as possible, leaving behind
them goods and clothes. No one had seen this woman but Gudrid. "Now,"
says Karlsefne, "we must be cautious, and take counsel; for I think
they will come the third time with hostility and many people. We shall
now take the plan, that ten men go out to the ness and show themselves
there, and the rest of our men shall go into the woods and make a
clearance for our cattle against the time the enemy comes out of the
forest; and we shall take the bull before us, and let him go in front."
And it happened so that at the place where they were to meet, there was
a lake on the one side, and the forest on the other. The plan which
Karlsefne had laid down, was adopted. The Skraellings came to the place
where Karlsefne proposed to fight; and there was a battle there, and
many of the Skraellings fell. There was one stout, handsome man among the
Skraellings people, and Karlsefne thought that he must be their chief.
One of the Skraellings had taken up an axe and looked at it awhile, and
wielded it against one of his comrades and cut him down, so that he fell
dead instantly. Then the stout man took the axe,[203] looked at it
awhile, and threw it into the sea as far as he could. They then fled to
the woods as fast as they could, and so ended the fight. Karlsefne
stayed there with his men the whole winter; but towards spring he made
known that he would not stay there any longer, and would return to
Greenland.[204] Now they prepared for their voyage and took much goods
from thence--vines, grapes and skin wares. They put to sea, and their
ship came to Ericsfiord, and they there passed the winter.

The following summer,[205] [A. D. 1011.] Karlsefne went to Iceland and
Gudrid with him, and he went home to Reikianess. His mother felt that he
had made a poor match, and for this reason Gudrid was not at home the
first winter. But when she saw that Gudrid was a noble woman, she went
home, and they got on well together. Halfrid was the daughter of Snorre
Karlsefnesson, mother to Bishop Thorlak Runolfson. Their son was named
Thorbiorn, and his daughter, Thoruna, mother to Bishop Biorne. Thorgeir
was the son of Snorre Karlsefnesson, father to Ingveld, mother of the
first Bishop Brand. Snorre Karlsefnesson had a daughter, Steinun, who
married Einar, son of Grundarketil, son of Thorvald Krok, the son of
Thorer, of Espihol; their son was Thorstein Rauglatr. He was father to
Gudrun, who married Jorund of Keldum. Halla was their daughter, and she
was mother to Flose, father of Valgerda, who was mother of Herr Erland
Sterka, father of Herr Hauk, the Lagman.[206] Another daughter of Flose
was Thordis, mother of Fru Ingigerd the Rich; her daughter was Fru
Hallbera, Abbess of Stad, in Reikianess. Many other distinguished men in
Iceland are the descendants of Karlsefne and Thurid, who are not here
mentioned. God be with us. Amen.




VIII. THE VOYAGE OF FREYDIS, HELGE AND FINBOGE.


This narrative is found in _Antiquitates Americanae_, p. 65. It shows
that history, among the Icelanders, was not made subservient to family
interests. At the conclusion we have a (supplementary) notice of
Thorfinn and Gudrid, after their return to Iceland.

       *       *       *       *       *

Now the conversation began again to turn upon a Vinland voyage, as the
expedition was both gainful and honorable. The same summer [A. D. 1010.]
that Karlsefne returned from Vinland, a ship arrived in Greenland from
Norway. Two brothers commanded the ship, Helge and Finboge; and they
remained that winter in Greenland. The brothers were of Icelandic
descent from Earlfiord. It is now to be told, that Freydis, Eric's
daughter, came home from Garda,[207] and went to the abode of Finboge
and Helge, and proposed to them that they should go to Vinland with
their vessel, and have half with her of all the goods they could get
there. They agreed to this. Then she went to the abode of her brother
Leif, and asked him to give her the houses he had built in Vinland; and
he answered as before, that he would lend, but not give the houses. It
was agreed upon between the brothers and Freydis, that each should have
thirty fighting men, besides women. But Freydis broke this, and had five
men more, and concealed them; and the brothers knew nothing of it until
they arrived in Vinland.[208] They went to sea, and had agreed
beforehand to sail in company, if they could do so: and the difference
was little, although the brothers came a little earlier, and had carried
up their baggage to Leif's houses. And when Freydis came to the land,
her people cleared the ship, and carried her baggage also up to the
house. Then said Freydis: "Why are you carrying your things in here?"
"Because we thought," said they, "that the whole of the agreement with
us should be held." She said, "Leif lent the houses to me, not to you."
Then said Helge, "In evil, we brothers cannot strive with thee:" and
bore out their luggage and made a shed, and built it farther from the
sea, on the borders of a lake,[209] and set all about it in order.
Freydis let trees be cut down for her ship's cargo. Now winter set in,
and the brothers proposed to have some games for amusement to pass the
time. So it was done for a time, till discord came among them, and the
games were given up, and none went from one house to the other; and
things went on so during a great part of the winter. It happened one
morning that Freydis got out of her berth, and put on her clothes, but
not her shoes; and the weather was such that much dew had fallen. She
took the cloak of her husband over her, and went out, and went to the
house of the brothers, and to the door. A man had gone out a little
before and left the door behind him, half shut. She opened the door, and
stood in the doorway a little, and was silent. Finboge lay the farthest
inside the hut, and was awake. He said: "What wilt thou have here,
Freydis?" She said, "I want thee to get up and go out with me, for I
would speak with thee." He did so: they went to a tree that was lying
under the eaves of the hut, and sat down. "How dost thou like this
place?" said she. He said, "The country, methinks, is good; but I do not
like this quarrel that has arisen among us, for I think there is no
cause for it." "Thou art right," says she, "and I think so too; and it
is my errand to thy dwelling, that I want to buy the ship of your
brothers, as your ship is larger than mine, and I would break up from
hence." "I will let it be so," said he, "if that will please thee." Now
they parted so, and she went home, and Finboge to his bed. She went up
into her berth, and with her cold feet awakened Thorvard, who asked why
she was so cold and wet. She answered with great warmth, "I went to
these brothers," said she, "to treat about their ship, for I want a
larger ship;[210] and they took it so ill, that they struck and abused
me. And, thou, useless man! wilt neither avenge my affront, nor thy own;
and now must I feel that I am away from Greenland, but I will
separate[211] from thee if thou dost not avenge this." And now he could
not bear her reproaches, and told his men to rise as fast as possible,
and take their weapons. They did so, and went to the tents of the
brothers, and went in as they lay asleep, and seized them all, bound
them, and led them out bound, one after the other, and Freydis had each
of them put to death, as he came out. Now all the men were killed; but
the women were left, and nobody would kill them. Then said Freydis,
"Give me an axe in my hand." This was done, and she turned on those five
women, and did not give over until they were all dead. Now they returned
to their own hut after this evil deed; and the people could only observe
that Freydis thought she had done exceedingly well; and she said to her
comrades, "If it be our lot to return to Greenland, I shall take the
life of the man who speaks of this affair; and we shall say that we left
them here when we went away." Now they got ready the ship early in
spring [A. D. 1011.] which had belonged to the brothers, with all the
goods they could get on, that the ship would carry, sailed out to sea,
and had a good voyage; and the ship came early in the summer to
Ericsfiord. Karlsefne was there still,[212] and had his ship ready for
sea, but waited a wind; and it was a common saying that never a richer
ship sailed from Greenland than that which he steered.

Freydis went home now to her house, which had stood without damage in
the meanwhile. She bestowed many gifts on her followers, that they might
conceal her wickedness; and she remained now on her farm. All were not
so silent about their misdeeds and wickedness, that something did not
come up about it. This came at last to the ears of Leif, her brother,
and he thought this report was very bad. Leif took three men of
Freydis's followers, and tortured them to speak, and they acknowledged
the whole affair, and their tales agreed together. "I do not care," says
Leif, "to treat my sister as she deserves; but this I will foretell
them, that their posterity will never thrive." And it went so that
nobody thought anything of them but evil, from that time.[213] Now we
have to say that Karlsefne got ready his ship, and sailed out to
sea.[214] He came on well, and reached Norway safely, and remained there
all winter and sold his wares; and he, and his wife, were held in
esteem by the best people in Norway. Now in the following spring, he
fitted out his ship for Iceland, and when he was quite ready, and his
ship lay outside the pier waiting a wind, there came to him a
south-country man, from Bremen, in Saxon land, who would deal with him
for his house-bar.[215] "I will not sell it," said he. "I will give thee
half a mark of gold for it," said the south-country man. Karlsefne
thought it was a good offer, and sold it accordingly. The south-country
man went away with his house-bar, and Karlsefne did not know what wood
it was. It was massur-wood[216] from Vinland. Now Karlsefne put to sea,
[A. D. 1012.] and his ship came to land north at Skagafiord,[217] and
there he put up his vessel for winter. In spring he purchased
Glambaeirland,[218] where he took up his abode, and dwelt there as long
as he lived, and was a man of great consideration; and many men are
descended from him and his wife Gudrid, and it was a good family. When
Karlsefne died, Gudrid took the management of his estates, and of Snorre
her son, who was born in Vinland. And when Snorre was married, Gudrid
went out of the country, and went to the south,[219] and came back again
to Snorre's estate, and he had built a church at Glambae. Afterwards
Gudrid became a nun, and lived a hermit's life, and did so as long as
she lived.[220] Snorre had a son called Thorgeir, who was father to
Bishop Brand's mother, Ingveld. The daughter of Snorre Karlsefnesson was
called Halfrid. She was mother of Runolf, the father of Bishop Thorlak.
Karlsefne and Gudrid also had a son called Bioern. He was father of
Thoruna, the mother of Bishop Bioern. Many people are descended from
Karlsefne, and his kin have been lucky; and Karlsefne has given the most
particular accounts of all these travels, of which something is here
related.




MINOR NARRATIVES.




MINOR NARRATIVES.




I. ARE MARSON IN HVITRAMANNA-LAND.


This narrative is from the _Landnama-bok_, No. 107. Folio; collated with
Hauksbok, Melabok and other manuscripts, in the _Arnae-Magnaean_
Collection.

It has frequently been observed that the _Landnama-bok_ is of the
highest authority; yet we must remember that it only proves the fact,
that Rafn, the Limerick merchant, conveyed the narrative to Iceland from
Ireland, where the circumstances were well known. The _Landnama-bok_,
while it gives a tacit approval of the statements of the narrative, does
not enter upon the question of the locality of the place to which Are
Marson went. Therefore while we accept the narrative as genuine history,
we should exercise due caution in determining the locality of
Hvitramanna-land. Nothing is to be gained by making any forced
deductions from the narrative; especially as the pre-Columbian discovery
of America is abundantly proved, without the aid of this, or any other
of the Minor Narratives.

       *       *       *       *       *

Ulf the Squinter, son of Hogni the White, took the whole of Reikianess
between Thorkafiord and Hafrafell; he married Bioerg, daughter of Eyvind
the Eastman,[221] sister to Helge the Lean. They had a son named Atli
the Red, who married Thorbiorg, sister of Steinolf the Humble. Their son
was named Mar of Holum, who married Thorkatla, daughter of Hergil
Neprass. She had a son named Are, who [A. D. 928.] was driven by a storm
to White-man's land,[222] which some call Ireland the Great, which lies
in the Western ocean opposite Vinland, six[223] days sail west of
Ireland. Are was not allowed to go away, and was baptized[224] there.
This was first told by Rafn, the Limerick trader, who lived for a long
time in Ireland. So also Thorkel, son of Geller, tells that certain
Icelanders said, who heard Thorfinn, Earl of the Orkneys, say, that Are
had been seen and known in White-man's land, and that, though not
allowed to leave, he was held in much honor. Are had a wife named
Thorgeir, daughter of Alf of Dolum. Their sons were Thorgils, Gudleif
and Illuge, which is the family of Reikianess. Jorund was the son of Ulf
the Squinter. He married Thorbiorg Knarrabringa. They had a daughter,
Thorhild, whom Eric the Red married. They had a son, Leif the Fortunate
of Greenland. Jorund was the name of the son of Atli the Red; he married
Thordis, daughter of Thorgeir Suda; their daughter was Thorkatla, who
married Thorgils Kollson. Jorund was also the father of Snorre.[225]




II. BIOeRN ASBRANDSON.


This narrative is taken from Eyrbyggia Saga, which contains the early
history of that part of Iceland lying around Snaefells, on the west
coast. The Saga is not of a later date than the thirteenth century. It
is given here, not because it applies largely to the question under
consideration, the pre-Columbian discovery of America, but rather
because it will make the reader fully acquainted with the hero, who
afterwards appears.

       *       *       *       *       *

Bork the Fat, and Thordis, daughter of Sur, had a daughter named Thurid,
who married Thorbioern the Fat, living on the estate of Froda. He was a
son of Orne the Lean, who held and tilled the farm of Froda. Thorbioern
had before been married to Thurid, daughter of Asbrand, of Kamb, in
Breidavik, and sister of Bioern Breidaviking the Athlete, soon to be
mentioned in this Saga, and of Arnbioern the Handy. The sons of Thorbioern
and Thurid, were Ketil the Champion, Gunnlaug and Hallstein.

Now this must be related of Snorre the Priest,[226] that he undertook
the suit for the slaying of Thorbioern, his kinsman. He also caused his
sister to remove to his own home, at Helgefell, because it was reported
that Bioern Asbrand, of Kamb, had come to pay her improper attention.

There was a man named Thorodd, of Medalfells Strand, an upright man and
a good merchant. He owned a trading vessel in which he sailed to distant
lands. Thorodd had sailed to the west,[227] to Dublin, on a trading
voyage. At that time, Sigurd[228] Hlodverson, Earl of the Orkneys, had
made an expedition towards the west, to the Hebrides and the Man, and
had laid a tribute upon the habitable part of Man. Having settled the
peace, he left men to collect the tribute; the earl himself returned to
the Orkneys. Those who were left to collect the tribute, got all ready
and set sail with a southwest wind. But after they had sailed some time,
to the southeast and east, a great storm arose, which drove them to the
northward as far as Ireland, and their vessel was cast away on a barren,
uninhabited island. Just as they reached the island, Thorodd the
Icelander came sailing by from Dublin. The shipwrecked men begged for
aid. Thorodd put out a boat and went to them himself. When he reached
them, the agents of Sigurd promised him money if he would carry them to
their home in the Orkneys. When he told them that he could by no means
do so, as he had made all ready to go back to Iceland, they begged the
harder, believing that neither their money nor their liberty would be
safe in Ireland or the Hebrides, whither they had just before been with
a hostile army. At length Thorodd came to this, that he would sell them
his ship's long-boat for a large sum of the tribute money; in this they
reached the Orkneys, and Thorodd sailed to Iceland without a boat.
Having reached the southern shores of the island, he laid his course
along the coast to the westward, and entered Breidafiord, and came to
the harbor at Doegurdarness. The same autumn he went to Helgefell to
spend the winter with Snorre the Priest; and from that time he was
called Thorodd the Tribute Taker. This took place just after the murder
of Thorbioern the Fat. During the same winter, Thurid, the sister of
Snorre the Priest, who had been the wife of Thorbioern the Fat, was at
Helgefell. Thorodd made proposals of marriage to Snorre the Priest, with
respect to Thurid. Being rich, and known by Snorre to be of good repute,
and that he would be useful in supporting his administration of affairs,
he consented. Therefore their marriage was celebrated during this
winter, at Snorre's house, at Helgefell. In the following spring,
Thorodd set himself up at Froda, and was thought an upright man. But
when Thurid went to Froda, Bioern Asbrandson often paid her visits, and
it was commonly reported that he had corrupted her chastity. Thorodd
vainly tried to put an end to these visits. At that time Thorodd Wooden
Clog lived at Arnahval. His sons, Ord and Val were men grown and youths
of the greatest promise. The men blamed Thorodd for allowing himself to
be insulted so greatly by Bioern, and offered him their aid, if desired,
to end his coming. It chanced one time when Bioern came to Froda, that he
sat with Thurid talking. It was Thorodd's custom when Bioern was there to
sit in the house. But he was now nowhere to be seen. Then Thurid said,
"Take care, Bioern, for I fear Thorodd means to put a stop to your visits
here; I think he has secured the road, and means to attack you, and
overpower you with unequal numbers." Bioern replied, "That is possible,"
and then sang these verses:

  O Goddess[229] whom bracelet adorns,
  This day (I linger
  In my beloved's arms)
  Stay longest in the heavens,
  As we both must wish;
  For I this night am drawn
  To drink myself the parentals[230]
  Of my oft-departing joys.

Having done this, Bioern took his weapons, and went to return home. As he
went up the hill Digramula, five men jumped out upon him from their
hiding place. These were Thorodd and two of his men, and the sons of
Thoror Wooden Clog. They attacked Bioern, but he defended himself bravely
and well. The sons of Thoror pressed him sharply, but he slew them both.
Thorodd then fled with his men, though he himself had only a slight
wound, and the others not any. Bioern went on until he reached home, and
entered the house. The lady of the house[231] ordered a maid to place
food before him. When the maid came into the room with the light, and
saw Bioern wounded, she went and told Asbrand his father, that Bioern had
returned, covered with blood. Asbrand came into the room, and inquired
what was the cause of his wounds. He said, "Have you and Thorodd had a
fight!" Bioern replied that it was so. Asbrand asked how the affair
ended. Bioern replied with these verses:

  Not so easy against a brave man
  It is to fight;
  (Wooden Clog's two sons
  Now I have slain).
  As for the ship's commander,
  A woman to embrace,
  Or for the cowardly,
  A golden tribute to buy.[232]

Asbrand bound up his son's wounds, and his strength was soon restored.
Thorodd went to Snorre the Priest, to talk with him about setting a suit
on foot against Bioern, on account of the killing of Thoror's sons. This
suit was laid in the court of Thorsnesthing. It was settled that
Asbrand, who became surety for his son, should pay the usual fines.
Bioern was exiled for three years,[233] and went abroad the same summer.
During that summer, a son was born to Thurid, who was called Kiarten. He
grew up at home, in Froda, and early gave great hope and promise.

When Bioern crossed the sea he came into Denmark, and went thence to
Jomsberg. At that time, Palnatoki was captain of the Jomsberg[234]
Vikings. Bioern was admitted into the crew, and won the name of the
Athlete. He was at Jomsberg when Styrbioern the Hardy, assaulted it. He
went into Sweden, when the Jomsberg Vikings aided Styrbioern;[235] he
was in the battle of Tynsvall, in which Styrbioern was killed, and
escaped with the other Joms-vikings in the woods. While Palnatoki lived,
Bioern remained with him, distinguished among all, as a man of remarkable
courage.

The same summer [A. D. 996.] the brothers, Bioern and Arnbioern returned
into Iceland to Roenhavnsos. Bioern was always afterwards called the
Athlete of Breidavik. Arnbioern, who had gotten much wealth abroad,
bought the Bakka estate in Raunhavn, the same summer. He lived there
with little show or ostentation, and in most affairs was silent, but
was, nevertheless, a man active in all things. Bioern, his brother, after
his return from abroad, lived in splendor and elegance, for during his
absence, he had truly adopted the manners of courtiers. He much excelled
Arnbioern in personal appearance, and was none the less active in
execution. He was far more expert than his brother in martial exercises,
having improved much abroad. The same summer after his return, there was
a general meeting near Headbrink,[236] within the bay of Froda. All the
merchants rode thither, clothed in  garments, and there was a
great assembly. Housewife Thurid, of Froda, was there, with whom Bioern
began to talk; no one censuring, because they expected their
conversation would be long, as they had not seen each other for a great
while. On the same day there was a fight, and one of the Nordenfield men
was mortally wounded, and was carried down under a bush on the beach; so
much blood flowed out of the wound, that there was a large pool of blood
in the bush. The boy Kiarten, Thurid of Froda's son, was there; he had a
little axe in his hand, and ran to the bush and dipped the axe in the
blood. When the Sondensfield's men rode from the beach south, Thord Blig
asked Bioern how the conversation between him and Thurid of Froda, ended.
Bioern said that he was well satisfied. Then Thord asked if he had seen
the boy Kiarten, their and Thorodd's son. "I saw him," said Bioern: "What
is your opinion of him?" asked Thord. Bioern answered with the following
song:

  "I saw a boy run
  With fearful eyes,
  The woman's image, to
  The wolf's well[237] in the wood;
  People will say,
  That his true father [was]
  He that ploughed the sea,
  This the boy does not know."

Thord said: "What will Thorodd say when he hears that the boy belongs to
you?" Then Bioern sung:

  "Then will the noble born woman [make]
  Thorodd's suspicion
  Come true, when she gives me
  The same kind of sons;
  Always the slender,
  Snow-white woman loved me,
  I still to her
  Am a lover."

Thord said, it will he best for you not to have anything to do with each
other, and that you turn your thoughts. "It is certainly a good idea,"
said Bioern, "but it is far from my intention; though there is some
difference when I have to do with such men as her brother Snorre." "You
must take care of your own business," said Thord, and that ended their
talk. Bioern afterwards went home to Kamb, and took the affairs of the
family into his own hands, for his father was now dead. The following
winter he determined to make a journey over the hills, to Thurid.
Although Thorodd disliked this, he nevertheless saw that it was not easy
to prevent its occurrence, since before he was defeated by him, and
Bioern was much stronger, and more skilled in arms than before. Therefore
he bribed Thorgrim Galdrakin to raise a snow storm against Bioern when he
crossed the hills. When a day came, Bioern made a journey to Froda. When
he proposed to return home, the sky was dark and the snow storm began.
When he ascended the hills, the cold became intense, and the snow fell
so thickly that he could not see his way. Soon the strength of the storm
increased so much that he could hardly walk. His clothes, already wet
through, froze around his body, and he wandered, he did not know where.
In the course of the night he reached a cave, and in this cold house he
passed the night. Then Bioern sung:

  "Woman that bringest
  Vestments,[238] would
  Not like my
  Dwelling in such a storm
  If she knew that
  He who before steered ships,
  Now in the rock cave
  Lay stiff and cold."

Again he sang:

  "The cold field of the swans,
  From the east with loaded ship I ploughed,
  Because the woman inspired me with love;
  I know that I have great trouble suffered,
  And now, for a time, the hero is,
  Not in a woman's bed, but in a cave."

Bioern stayed three days in the cave, before the storm subsided; and on
the fourth day he came home from the mountain to Kamb. He was very
weary. The domestic asked him where he was during the storm. Bioern sung:

  "My deeds under
  Styrbioern's proud banner are known.
  It came about that steel-clad Eric
  Slew men in battle;
  Now I on the wide heath,
  Lost my way [and],
  Could not in the witch-strong
  Storm, find the road."[239]

Bioern passed the rest of the winter at home; the following spring his
brother Arnbioern fixed his abode in Bakka, in Raunhafn, but Bioern lived
at Kamb, and had a grand house....

This same summer, Thorodd the Tribute Taker invited Snorre the Priest,
his kinsman, to a feast at his house in Froda. Snorre went there with
twenty men. In the course of the feast, Thorodd told Snorre how much he
was hurt and disgraced by the visits of Bioern Asbrandson, to Thurid, his
wife, Snorre's sister, saying that it was right for Snorre to do away
with this scandal. Snorre after passing some days feasting with Thorodd
went home with many presents. Then Snorre the Priest rode over the hills
and spread the report that he was going down to his ship in the bay of
Raunhafn. This happened in summer, in the time of haymaking. When he had
gone as far south as the Kambian hills, Snorre said: "Now let us ride
back from the hills to Kamb; let it be known to you," he added, "what I
wish to do. I have resolved to attack and destroy Bioern. But I am not
willing to attack and destroy him in his house, for it is a strong one,
and Bioern is stout and active, while our number is small. Even those who
with greater numbers, have attacked brave men in their houses, have
fared badly; an example of which you know in the case of Gissur the
White; who, when with eighty men, they attacked Gunnar[240] of Lithend,
alone in his house, many were wounded and many were killed, and they
would have been compelled to give up the attack, if Geir the Priest had
not learned that Gunnar was short of arrows. Therefore," said he, "as we
may expect to find Bioern out of doors, it being the time of haymaking, I
appoint you my kinsman, Mar, to give him the first wound; but I would
have you know this, that there is no room for child's play, and you must
expect a contest with a hungry wolf, unless your first wound shall be
his death blow." As they rode from the hills towards his homestead, they
saw Bioern in the fields; he was making a sledge,[241] and no one was
near him. He had no weapon but a small axe, and a large knife in his
hand of a span's length, which he used to round the holes in the sledge.
Bioern saw Snorre riding down from the hills, and recognized them. Snorre
the Priest had on a blue cloak, and rode first. The idea suddenly
occurred to Bioern, that he ought to take his knife and go as fast as he
could to meet them, and as soon as he reached them, lay hold of the
sleeve of Snorre with one hand, and hold the knife in the other, so that
he might be able to pierce Snorre to the heart, if he saw that his own
safety required it. Going to meet them, Bioern gave them hail; and Snorre
returned the salute. The hands of Mar fell, for he saw that if he
attacked Bioern, the latter would at once kill Snorre. Then Bioern walked
along with Snorre and his comrades, asked what was the news, keeping his
hands as at first. Then he said: "I will not try to conceal, neighbor
Snorre, that my present attitude and look seem threatening to you, which
might appear wrong, but for that I have understood that your coming is
hostile. Now I desire that if you have any business to transact with me,
you will take another course than the one you intended, and that you
will transact it openly. If none, I will that you make peace, which when
done, I will return to my work, as I do not wish to be led about like a
fool." Snorre replied: "Our meeting has so turned out that we shall at
this time part in the same peace as before; but I desire to get a pledge
from you, that from this time you will leave off visiting Thurid,
because if you go on in this, there can never be any real friendship
between us." Bioern replied: "This I will promise, and will keep it; but
I do not know how I shall be able to keep it, so long as Thurid and I
live in the same land." "There is nothing so great binding you here,"
said Snorre, "as to keep you from going to some other land." "What you
now say is true," replied Bioern, "and so let it be, and let our meeting
end with this pledge, that neither you nor Thorodd shall have any
trouble from my visits to Thurid, in the next year." With this they
parted. Snorre the Priest rode down to his ship, and then went home to
Helgefell. The day after, Bioern rode south to Raunhafn, and engaged his
passage in a ship for the same summer. [A. D. 999.] When all was ready
they set sail with a northeast wind which blew during the greater part
of that summer. Nothing was heard of the fate of the ship for a very
long time.[242]




III. GUDLEIF GUDLAUGSON.


This narrative, which shows what became of Bioern Asbrandson, whose
adventures are partially related in the previous sketch, is from the
Eyrbyggia Saga. Notwithstanding the somewhat romantic character of these
two narratives, there can be no doubt but that they are true histories.
Yet that they relate to events in America, is not altogether so certain.

       *       *       *       *       *

There was a man named Gudleif, the son of Gudlaug the Rich, of
Straumfiord and brother of Thorfinn, from whom the Sturlingers are
descended. Gudleif was a great merchant. He had a trading vessel, and
Thorolf Eyrar Loptson had another, when they fought with Gyrid, son of
Sigvald Earl. Gyrid lost an eye in that fight. It took place near the
end of the reign of King Olaf the Saint, that Gudleif went on a trading
voyage to the west to Dublin. On his return to Iceland, sailing from
the west of Ireland, he met with northeast winds, and was driven far
into the ocean west, and southwest, so that no land was seen, the summer
being now nearly gone. Many prayers were offered that they might escape
from the sea. At length they saw land. It was of great extent, but they
did not know what land it was. They took counsel and resolved to make
for the land, thinking it unwise to contend with the violence of the
sea. They found a good harbor, and soon after they went ashore, a number
of men came down to them. They did not recognize the people, but thought
that their language resembled the Irish.[243] In a short time such a
number of men had gathered around them as numbered many hundred. These
attacked them and bound them all and drove them inland. Afterwards they
were brought before an assembly, and it was considered what should be
done with them. They thought that some wished to kill and that others
were for dividing them among the villages as slaves. While this was
going on, they saw a great number of men riding[244] towards them with a
banner conspicuously lifted up, whence they inferred that some great man
was among them. And when the company drew near, they saw a man riding
under the banner, tall and with a martial air, aged and grayhaired. All
present treated this man with the utmost honor and deference. They soon
saw that their case was referred to the decision of this man. He
commanded Gudleif and his comrades to be brought before him, and coming
into his presence he addressed them in the Northern tongue, and asked
from what land they came. They replied that the chief part were
Icelanders. The man asked which of them were Icelanders. Gudleif
declared himself to be an Icelander, and saluted the old man, which he
received kindly, and asked what part of Iceland he came from. He replied
that he came from the district some called Bogafiord. He asked who lived
in Bogafiord, to which Gudleif replied at some length. Afterwards this
man inquired particularly about all the principal men of Bogafiord and
Breidafiord; and of these he inquired with special interest into
everything relating to Snorre the Priest, and of his sister Thurid, of
Froda, and for the great Kiarten, her son. In the meanwhile the natives
grew impatient about the disposition of the sailors. Afterwards the
great man left him and took twelve of the natives apart, and conferred
with them. Afterwards he returned. Then the old man spoke to Gudleif and
his comrades, and said: "We have had some debate concerning you, and the
people have left the matter to my decision; I now permit you to go where
you will, and although summer is nearly gone, I advise you to leave at
once; for these people are of bad faith, and hard to deal with, and now
think they have been deprived of their right." Then Gudleif asked, "Who
shall we say, if we reach our own country again, to have given us our
liberty?" He replied: "That, I will not tell you, for I am not willing
that any of my friends or kindred should come here, and meet with such a
fate as you would have met, but for me. Age now comes on so fast, that I
may almost expect any hour to be my last. Though I may live some time
longer, there are other men of greater influence than myself, though now
at some distance from this place, and these would not grant safety or
peace to any strange men." Then he looked to the fitting out of their
ship, and stayed at this place until a fair wind sprang up, so that they
might leave the port. Before they went away, this man took a gold ring
from his hand and gave it to Gudleif, and also a good sword. Then he
said to Gudleif: "If fortune permits you to reach Iceland, give this
sword to Kiarten, hero of Froda, and this ring to Thurid, his mother."
Gudleif asked, "Who shall I say was the sender of this valuable gift?"
He replied: "Say that he sent it who loved the lady of Froda, better
than her brother, the Priest of Helgafell. And if any man desires to
know who sent this valuable gift, repeat my words, that I forbid any one
to seek me, for it is a dangerous voyage, unless others should meet with
the same fortune as you. This region is large, but has few good ports,
and danger threatens strangers on all sides from the people, unless it
shall fall to others as yourselves." After this they separated. Gudleif,
with his comrades, went to sea, and reached Ireland the same autumn, and
passed the winter in Dublin. The next spring they sailed to Iceland, and
Gudleif delivered the jewel into the hand of Thurid. It was commonly
believed that there was no doubt but that the man seen, was Bioern
Breidaviking Kappa. And there is no other reliable report to prove this.




IV. ALLUSIONS TO VOYAGES FOUND IN ANCIENT MANUSCRIPTS.


Professor Rafn, in _Antiquitates Americanae_, gives brief notices of
numerous Icelandic voyages to America, and other lands at the west, of
which there is now no record. The works in which they are found are of
the highest respectability. It is only necessary here to give the facts,
which have been collected with much care. They show that the
pre-Columbian discovery of America has tinged nearly the whole body of
Icelandic history, in which the subject is referred to, not as a matter
of doubt, but as something perfectly well known. All these revelations
combine to furnish indisputable proof of the positions maintained in
this work, showing as they do, beyond all reasonable question, that the
impression which so generally prevailed in regard to the discovery of
this land, was not the result of a literary fraud. Some of the facts are
given below:

  1121. Eric, Bishop of Greenland,[245] went to search out Vinland.

        Bishop Eric Upse sought Vinland.

  1285. A new land is discovered west from Iceland.

        New land is found....[246]

        Adalbrand and Thorvald, the sons of Helge, found the new land.

        Adalbrand and Thorvald found new land west of Iceland.

        The Feather[247] Islands are discovered.

  1288. Rolf is sent by King Eric to search out the new land, and
          called on people of Iceland to go with him.

  1289. King Eric sends Rolf to Iceland to seek out the new land.

  1290. Rolf traveled through Iceland, and called out men for a
          voyage to the new land.[248]

  1295. Landa-Rolf died.

  1357. There came thirteen large ships to Iceland. Eindridesuden was
          wrecked in East Borgafiord, near Langeness. The crew and the
          greater part of the cargo was saved. Bessalangen was wrecked
          outside of Sida. Of its crew, Haldor Magre and Gunthorm Stale,
          and nineteen men altogether, were drowned. The cargo suffered
          also. There were also six ships driven back. There came
          likewise a ship from Greenland,[249] smaller than the smallest
          of Iceland ships, that came in the outer bay. It had lost its
          anchor. There were seventeen men on board, who had gone to
          Markland,[250] and on their return were drifted here. But here
          altogether that winter, were eighteen large ships, besides the
          two that were wrecked in the summer.

        There came a ship from Greenland that had sailed to Markland,
          and there were eight men on board.




V. GEOGRAPHICAL FRAGMENTS.


The first of these documents is from a work which professes to give a
description of the earth in the middle age. From this it appears that
the Icelanders had a correct idea of the location of Vinland in New
England, though they did not comprehend the fact that they had
discovered a new Continent. The document may be found in _Antiquitates
Americanae_, p. 283. In the appendix of that work may be seen a _fac
simile_ of the original manuscript. The second document is from
(_Antiquitates Americanae_, p. 292). It was found originally in the
miscellaneous collection called the _Gripla_.


A BRIEF DESCRIPTION OF THE WHOLE EARTH.

The earth is said to be divided into three parts. One of these is called
Asia, and extends from northeast to southwest, and occupies the middle
of the earth. In the eastern part are three separate regions, called
Indialand. In the farthest India, the Apostle Bartholomew preached the
faith; and where he likewise gave up his life (for the name of Christ).
In the nearest India, the Apostle Thomas preached, and there also he
suffered death for the cause of God. In that part of the earth called
Asia, is the city of Nineveh, greatest of all cities. It is three days'
journey in length and one day's journey in breadth. There is also the
city of Babylon, ancient and very large. There King Nebuchadnezzar
formerly reigned, but now that city is so thoroughly destroyed that it
is not inhabited by men, on account of serpents and all manner of
noxious creatures. In Asia is Jerusalem, and also Antioch; in this city
Peter the Apostle founded an Episcopal seat, and where he, the first of
all men, sang Mass. Asia Minor is a region of Great Asia. There the
Apostle John preached, and there also, in the city Ephesus, is his tomb.
They say that four rivers flow out of Paradise. One is called Pison or
Ganges; this empties into the sea surrounding the world. Pison rises
under a mountain called Orcobares. The second river flowing from
Paradise, is called Tigris, and the third, Euphrates. Both empty into
the Mediterranean (sea), near Antioch. The Nile, also called Geon, is
the fourth river that runs from Paradise. It separates Asia from Africa,
and flows through the whole of Egypt. In Egypt is New Babylon (Cairo),
and the city called Alexandria. The second part of the earth is called
Africa, which extends from the southwest to the northwest. There are
Serkland, and three regions called Blaland (land of blackmen or
<DW64>s). The Mediterranean sea divides Europe from Africa. Europe is
the third part of the earth, extended from west and northwest to the
northeast. In the east of Europe is the kingdom of Russia. There are
Holmgard, Palteskia and Smalenskia. South of Russia lies the kingdom of
Greece. Of this kingdom, the chief city is Constantinople, which our
people call Miklagard. In Miklagard is a church, which the people call
St. Sophia, but the Northmen call it, AEgisif. This church exceeds all
the other churches in the world, both as respects its structure and
size. Bulgaria and a great many islands, called the Greek islands,
belong to the kingdom of Greece. Crete and Cyprus are the most noted of
the Greek islands. Sicily is a great kingdom in that part of the earth
called Europe. Italy is a country south of the great ridge of mountains,
called by us Mundia [Alps]. In the remotest part of Italy is Apulia,
called by the Northmen, Pulsland. In the middle of Italy is Rome. In the
north of Italy is Lombardy, which we call Lombardland. North of the
mountains on the east, is Germany, and on the southwest is France.
Hispania, which we call Spainland, is a great kingdom that extends south
to the Mediterranean, between Lombardy and France. The Rhine is a great
river that runs north from Mundia, between Germany and France. Near the
outlets of the Rhine is Friesland, northward from the sea. North of
Germany is Denmark. The ocean runs into the Baltic sea, near Denmark.
Sweden lies east of Denmark, and Norway at the north. North of Norway is
Finnmark. The coast bends thence to the northeast, and then towards the
east, until it reaches Permia, which is tributary to Russia. From
Permia, desert tracts extend to the north, reaching as far as Greenland.
Beyond Greenland, southward, is Helluland; beyond that is Markland; from
thence it is not far to Vinland, which some men are of the opinion,
extends to Africa.[251] England and Scotland are one island; but each is
a separate kingdom. Ireland is a great island. Iceland is also a great
island north of Ireland. All these countries are situated in that part
of the world called Europe. Next to Denmark is Lesser Sweden; then is
Oeland, then Gottland, then Helsingeland, then Vermeland, and the two
Kvendlands, which lie north of Biarmeland. From Biarmeland stretches
desert land towards the north, until Greenland begins. South of
Greenland is Helluland; next is Markland, from thence it is not far to
Vinland the Good, which some think goes out to Africa; and if this is
so, the sea must extend between Vinland and Markland. It is told that
Thorfinn Karlsefne cut wood here to ornament his house,[252] went
afterwards to seek out Vinland the Good, and came there where they
thought the land was, but did not reach it, and got none of the wealth
of the land.[253] Leif the Lucky first discovered Vinland, and then he
met some merchants in distress at sea, and by God's grace, saved their
lives; and he introduced Christianity into Greenland, and it flourished
so there that an Episcopal seat was set up in the place, called Gardar.
England and Scotland are an island, and yet each is a separate kingdom.
Ireland is a great island. These countries are all in that part of the
world called Europe.


FROM GRIPLA.

Bavaria is bounded by Saxony; Saxony is bounded by Holstein, and next is
Denmark. The sea runs between the eastern countries. Sweden is east of
Denmark. Norway is to the north; Finmark is east of Norway; from thence
the land extends to the northeast and east, until you come to
Biarmeland; this land is under tribute to Gardaridge. From Biarmeland
lie desert places all northward to the land which is called Greenland,
[which, however, the Greenlanders do not affirm, but believe to have
seen it otherwise, both from drift timber, that is known and cut down by
men, and also from reindeer which have marks upon their ears, or bands
upon their horns, likewise from sheep which stray here, of which there
are some remaining in Norway, for one head hangs in Throndheim, and
another in Bergen, and many others are to be found.][254] But there are
bays, and the land stretches out towards the southwest; there are ice
mountains, and bays, and islands lie out in front of the ice mountains;
one of the ice mountains cannot be explored, and the other is half a
month's sail, to the third, a week's sail. This is nearest to the
settlement called Hvidserk. Thence the land trends north; but he who
desires to go by the settlement, steers to the southwest. Gardar, the
bishop's seat, is at the bottom of Ericsfiord; there is a church
consecrated to holy Nicholas. There are twelve churches in the eastern
settlement, and four in the western.

Now it should be told what is opposite Greenland, out from the bay,
which was before named. Furdustrandur[255] is the name of the land; the
cold is so severe that it is not habitable, so far as is known. South
from thence is Helluland, which is called Skraellings land. Thence it is
not far to Vinland the Good, which some think goes out to Africa.[256]
Between Vinland and Greenland, is Ginnungagah, which runs from the sea
called _Mare Oceanum_, and surrounds the whole earth.




FOOTNOTES:


[1] See Jones on _The Tyrian Period of America_.

[2] _Var. Hist._, lib. III, cap. xviii.

[3] See Plato's _Critias and Timaeas_.

[4] _De Mundo_, cap. III. See _Prince Henry the Navigator_, chap. VII,
by Major: London, 1868.

[5] _Odyssey_, book IV, l. 765.

[6] See _Prince Henry the Navigator_, p. 90.

[7] Strobo. lib. III.--_Plutarch._

[8] Pliny's _Natural History_, lib. VI, cap. 37.

[9] See p. 137.

[10] _Prince Henry the Navigator_, p. 137.

[11] After this mention by Pliny, the Canaries, or Fortunate Isles, are
lost sight of for a period of thirteen hundred years. In the reign of
Edward III of England, at the beginning of the fourteenth century, one
Robert Machin sailed from Bristol for France, carrying away a lady of
rank, who had eloped with him, and was driven by a storm to the
Canaries, where he landed, and thus rediscovered the lost Fortunate
Isles. This fact is curiously established by Major, in the _Life of
Prince Henry_, so that it can no longer be regarded as an idle tale (see
pp. 66-77). In 1341, a voyage was also made to the Canaries, under the
auspices of King Henry of Portugal. The report, so widely circulated by
De Barros, that the islands were rediscovered by Prince Henry is
therefore incorrect. His expedition reached Porto Santo and Madeira in
1418-20.

[12] He also speculates upon the probability of this continent having
been visited by Christian missionaries. See vol. VI, p. 410.

[13] Kingsborough's _Mexican Antiquities_, vol. VI, p. 285.

[14] Ibid., p. 332.

[15] _Monastikon Britannicum_, pp. 131-2-187-8. The fact that the word
_America_ is here used, seems quite sufficient to upset the legend.

[16] The Irish were early known as Scots, and O'Halloran derives the
name from Scota, high priest of Phoenius, and ancestor of Mileseuis.

  Me quoque vicins pereuntem gentibus, inquit,
  Munivit Stilicho. Totam cum Scotus Iernem,
  Movit et infesto spumavit remige Thetys.

  By him defended, when the neighboring hosts
  Of warlike nations spread along our coasts;
  When Scots came thundering from the Irish shores,
  And the wide ocean foamed with hostile oars.

[17] Speaking of Britain and Ireland, Tacitus says of the latter, that
"the approaches and harbors are better known, by reason of commerce and
the merchants."--_Vit. Agri._, c. 24. The Irish, doubtless, mingled with
the Carthagenians in mercantile transactions, and from them they not
unlikely received the rites of Druidism.

[18] As the tradition of a Welch voyage to America under Prince Madoc,
relates to a period _following_ the Icelandic voyages, the author does
not deem it necessary to discuss the subject. This voyage by the son of
Owen Gwyneth, is fixed for the year 1170, and is based on a Welch
chronicle of no authority. See _Hackluyt_, vol. III, p. 1.

[19] _Turkish Spy_, vol. VIII, p. 159.

[20] See "Northmen in Iceland," _Societa des Antiquaires du Nord, Seance
du 14 Mai_, 1859, pp. 12-14.

[21] It is sometimes, though improperly, called the _Norse_.

[22] In the time when the Irish monks occupied the island, it is said
that it was "covered with woods between the mountains and the shores."

[23] _Setstakkar._ These were wooden pillars carved with images usually
of Thor and Odin. In selecting a place for a settlement these were flung
overboard, and wherever they were thrown up on the beach, there the
settlement was to be formed. Ingolf, the first Norse settler of Iceland,
lost sight of the seat-posts after they were thrown into the water, and
was obliged to live for the space of three years at Ingolfshofdi. In
another case a settler did not find his posts for _twelve_ years,
nevertheless he changed his abode then. In Frithiof's Saga (American
edition) chap. III, p. 18, we find the following allusion:

  "Through the whole length of the hall shone forth the table of oak wood,
  Brighter than steel, and polished; the pillars twain of the high seats
  Stood on each side thereof; two gods deep carved out of elm wood:
  Odin with glance of a king, and Frey with the sun on his forhead."

[24] Ari Hinn Frode, or the Wise. The chief compiler of the famous
_Landnama Book_, which contains a full account of all the early settlers
in Iceland. It is of the same character, though vastly superior to the
English _Doomsday Book_, and is probably the most complete record of the
kind ever made by any nation.

It contains the names of 3000 persons, and 1,400 places. It gives a
correct account of the genealogies of the families, and brief notices of
personal achievements. It was begun by Frode (born 1067, died 1148), and
was continued by Kalstegg, Styrmer and Thordsen, and completed by Hauk
Erlandson, Lagman, or Governor of Iceland, who died in the year 1334.

[25] "Thus saith the holy priest Bede.... Therefore learned men think
that it is Iceland which is called Thule.... But the holy priest
Bede died DCCXXXV. years after the birth of our Lord Jesus Christ,
more than a hundred years before Iceland was inhabited by the
Northmen."--_Antiquitates Americanae_, p. 202. This extract is followed
by the statement of Ari Frode, and shows that the Irish Christians
retired to Iceland at a very early day. The Irish monk Dicuil also
refers to this solitary island, which, about the year 795, was visited
by some monks with whom he had conversed.

[26] All the information which we possess relating to the discovery by
Gunnbiorn is given in the body of this work, in extracts from
_Landanamabok_.

[27] Claudius Christophessen, the author of some Danish verses relating
to the history of Greenland, supposes that Greenland was discovered in
the year 770, though he gave no real reason for his belief. _M. Peyrere_
also tells us of a Papal Bull, issued in 835, by Gregory IV, which
refers to the conversion of the Icelanders and Greenlanders. Yet this is
beyond question fraud. Gunnbiorn was undoubtedly the first to gain a
glimpse of Greenland.

[28] The Northmen reckoned by _winters_.

[29] See the Saga of Eric the Red.

[30] The statement, found in several places, that he discovered Vinland
while on his way to Greenland, is incorrect. The full account of his
voyages shows that his Vinland voyage was an entirely separate thing.

[31] The author designs shortly to give some full account of the early
Christianity on the Western Continent in a separate work, now well
advanced towards completion. It will include both the _Pre_ and
_Post_-Columbian eras.

[32] Gissur the White and Hialte, went on the same errand to Iceland in
the year 1000, when the new religion was formally adopted at the public
Thnig.

[33] It will be seen hereafter that he went and established himself in
Vinland.

[34] See _Memoires des Antiquaires du Nord_, p. 383.

[35] The location of Gardar is now uncertain. At one time it was
supposed to have been situated on the eastern coast; but since it became
so clear that the east coast was never inhabited, that view has been
abandoned, though the name appears in old maps.

[36] See Crantz's _Greenland_, vol. I, p. 252.

[37] These inscriptions are all in fair runic letters, about which there
can be no mistake, and are totally unlike the imaginary runes, among
which we may finally feel obliged to class those of the Dighton rock.

[38] See Egede's _Greenland_, p. xxv; Crantz's _Greenland_, vol. I, pp.
247-8; Purchas, _His Pilgrimes_, vol. III, p. 518; _Antiquitates
Americanae_, p. 300.

[39] _Antiquitates Americanae_, p. xxxix.

[40] For the account of the manuscripts upon which our knowledge of
Greenland is founded, see _Antiquitates Americanae_, p. 255.

[41] In that year parties are known to have contracted marriage at
Gardar, from whom Finn Magnussen and other distinguished men owe their
descent.

[42] Egede's _Greenland_, p. xlvii.

[43] Ibid., xlviii.

[44] Crantz's _Greenland_, vol. I, p. 264.

[45] Crantz's _Greenland_, p. 274.

[46] Ibid., p. 279.

[47] Hans Egede was a clergyman in priest's orders, and minister of the
congregation at Vogen in the northern part of Norway, where he was
highly esteemed and beloved. He spent fifteen years as a missionary in
Greenland, and died at Copenhagen, 1758.

[48] The motto on the sword of Roger Guiscard was:

        "_Appulus et Calaber Siculus mihi Servit et Afer._"

[49] See Laing's _Heimskringla_, vol. II, p. 450. This refers to his
swimming match with Kiarten the Icelander, in which the king was beaten.

[50] See Saga of Saint (not king) Olaf.

[51] _Des Antiquaires du Nord_, 1859.

[52] Ledehammer. The point of land near the house of Lede, just below
Drontheim.

[53] Laing's _Heimskringla_, vol. I, p. 457. It is related that while
they were planking the ship, "it happened that Thorberg had to go home
to his farm upon some urgent business; and as he stayed there a long
time, the ship was planked upon both sides when he came back. In the
evening the king went out and Thorberg with him, to see how the ship
looked, and all said that never was seen so large and fine a ship of
war. Then the king went back to the town. Early the next morning the
king came back again to the ship, and Thorberg with him. The carpenters
were there before them, but all were standing idle with their hands
across. The king asked, 'What is the matter?' They said the ship was
ruined; for somebody had gone from stem to stern, and cut one deep notch
after another down the one side of the planking. When the king came
nearer he saw that it was so, and said with an oath, 'The man shall die
who has thus ruined the ship out of malice, if he can be found, and I
will give a great reward to him who finds him out.' 'I can tell you,
king,' says Thorberg, 'who has done this piece of work.' 'I don't think
that any one is so likely to find it out as thou art.' Thorberg says: 'I
will tell you, king, who did it, I did it myself.' The king says, 'Thou
must restore it all to the same condition as before, or thy life shall
pay for it.' Then Thorberg went and chipped the planks until the deep
notches were all smoothed and made even with the rest; and the king and
all present declared that the ship was much handsomer on the side of the
hull which Thorberg had chipped, and bade him shape the other side in
the same way and gave him great thanks for the improvement."

[54] A few years ago two very ancient vessels which probably belonged to
the seventh century were exhumed on the coast of Denmark, seven thousand
feet from the sea, where they were scuttled and sunk. The changes in the
coast finally left them imbedded in the sand. One vessel was seventy-two
feet long, and nine feet wide amid ships. The other was forty-two feet
long, and contained two eight-sided spars, twenty-four feet long. The
bottoms were covered with mats of withes for the purpose of keeping them
dry. Among the contents was a Damascened sword, with runes, showing that
the letter existed among the Northmen in the seventh century.

[55] The people of Iceland were always noted for their superiority in
this respect over their kinsmen in Denmark and Norway. There is one
significant fact bearing on this point, which is this: that, while a few
of the people of Iceland went at an early period to engage in piratical
excursions with the vikings of Norway, not a single pirate ship ever
sailed from Iceland. Such ways were condemned altogether at an early
day, while various European nations continued to sanction piracy down to
recent periods. Again it should be remembered that in Iceland duelling
was also solemnly declared illegal as early as 1011, and in Norway the
following year; while in England it did not cease to be a part of the
judicial process until 1818. See Sir Edmund Head's _Viga-Glum Saga_, p.
120.

[56] Those who imagine that these manuscripts, while of pre-Columbian
origin, have been tampered with and interpolated, show that they have
not the faintest conception of the state of the question. The accounts
of the voyages of the Northmen to America form the _framework_ of Sagas
which would actually be destroyed by the elimination of the narratives.
There is only one question to be decided, and that is the _date_ of
these compositions.

[57] The fact that Mr. Bancroft has in times past expressed opinions in
opposition to this view will hardly have weight with those persons
familiar with the subject. When that writer composed the first chapter
of his _History of the United States_, he might have been excused for
setting down the Icelandic narratives as shadowy fables; but, with all
the knowledge shed upon the subject at present, we have a right to look
for something better. It is therefore unsatisfactory to find him
perpetuating his early views in each successive edition of the work,
which show the same knowledge of the subject betrayed at the beginning.
He tells us that these voyages "rest on narratives _mythological_ in
form, and _obscure_ in meaning," which certainly cannot be the case.
Furthermore they are "not contemporary;" which is true, even with regard
to Mr. Bancroft's _own_ work. Again, "The chief document is an
interpolation in the history of Sturleson." This cannot be true in the
sense intended, for Mr. Bancroft conveys the idea that the principal
narrative _first_ appeared in Sturleson's history when published at a
_late day_. It is indeed well known that one version, but _not_ the
principal version, was interpolated in Peringskiold's edition of
Sturleson's _Heimskringla_, printed at Copenhagen. But Bancroft teaches
that these relations are of a modern date, while it is well known that
they were taken _verbatim_ from _Codex Flatoeiensis_, finished in the
year 1395. He is much mistaken in supposing that the northern
Antiquarians think any more highly of the narratives in question,
because they once happened to be printed in connection with Sturleson's
great work. He tells us that Sturleson "could hardly have neglected the
discovery of a continent," if such an event had taken place. But this,
it should be remembered, depends upon _whether or not the discovery was
considered of any particular importance_. This does _not_ appear to have
been the case. The fact is nowhere dwelt upon for the purpose of
exalting the actors. Besides, as Laing well observes, the discovery of
land at the west had nothing to do with his subject, which was the
history of the kings of Norway. The discovery of America gave rise to a
little traffic, and nothing more. Moreover the kings of Norway took no
part, _were not the patrons of the navigators_, and _had no influence
whatever in instituting a single voyage_. Mr. Bancroft's last objection
is that Vinland, the place discovered, "has been sought in all
directions from Greenland and the St. Lawrence to Africa." This
paragraph also conveys a false view of the subject, since the location
of Vinland was as well known to the Northmen as the situation of
Ireland, with which island they had uninterrupted communication. It is
to be earnestly hoped that in the next edition, Mr. Bancroft may be
persuaded to revise his unfounded opinions.

Washington Irving has expressed the same doubt in his Life of Columbus,
_written before the means of examining this question were placed within
his reach_, and in the appendix of his work he mixes the idle tales of
St. Brandan's Isle with the authentic histories of the Northmen. A very
limited inquiry would have led him to a different estimate.

[58] The word rune comes from _ryn_, a furrow. Odin has the credit of
the invention, yet they are probably of Phenician origin. They were
sometimes used for poetical purposes. Halmund, in the Grettir Saga (see
Sabing Baring Gould's _Iceland_), says to his daughter: "Thou shalt now
listen whilst I relate my deeds, and sing thereof a song, which thou
shalt afterwards cut upon a staff." This indicates the training the
memory must have undergone among the Northmen.

[59] For a list of many Icelandic works, see the Introduction of Laing's
_Heimskringla_.

[60] See Sir Edmund Head's _Viga Glum Saga_, pp. viii and ix.

[61] Ibid. Of course there was more or less poetry, yet poetry is
something that is early developed among the rudest nations, while good
prose tells that a people have become highly advanced in mental culture.

[62] As early as 1411, there was a considerable trade between Bristol
and Iceland, and Columbus visited Iceland in the spring of the year
1477, where he _might_ have met Magnus Eyolfson, the bishop of Skalholt,
or learned from some other scholar the facts in relation to the early
Icelandic discoveries. Though Rafn supposes that by his visit, his
opinions, previously formed regarding the existence of the Western
continent, were confirmed, this is not altogether clear, for the reason
that Columbus was not seeking a new continent, but a route to the
Indies, which he believed he should find by sailing west. Accordingly
when he found land he called it the _West_ Indies, supposing that he had
reached the extreme boundary of the _East_ Indies. Irving tells us that
Columbus founded his theory on (1), the nature of things; (2), the
authority of learned writers; (3), the reports of navigators.

[63] Adam of Bremen even heard of the exploits of the Northmen in
Vinland, and made mention of that country. But as it _might_ be said
that his work did not appear until after the voyage of Columbus, and
that the reference may be an interpolation, the author does not rest
anything upon it. Still he unquestionably knew of the voyages of the
Northmen, as he lived near the time they were made, and wrote his
ecclesiastical history in about the year 1075, after he had made a visit
to King Sweno of Denmark, and had accumulated much material. The passage
in question is as follows: "Besides, it was stated [by the king] that a
region had been discovered by many in that [the western] ocean, which
was called Winland, because vines grow there spontaneously, making
excellent wine; for that fruits, not planted, grow there of their own
accord, we know not by false rumor, but by the certain testimony of the
Danes."

The very ancient Faroese ballad of Finn the Handsome (see Rafn's
_Antiquitates Americanae_, p. 319), also contains references to Vinland,
which indicates that the country was known as well by the Irish as by
the Icelanders.

[64] _History of New England_, vol. II, p. 53.

[65] The liability of the best historians to fail into error, is
illustrated by Paley, who shows the serious blunders in the accounts of
the Marquis of Argyle's death, in the reign of Charles II: "Lord
Clarendon relates that he was condemned to be _hanged_, which was
performed the _same_ day; on the contrary, Burnet, Woodrow, Heath,
Echard concur in stating that he was _beheaded_, and that he was
condemned upon Saturday and executed on Monday."--_Evidences of
Christianity_, part III, chap. i. So Mr. Bancroft found it impossible to
give with any accuracy the location of the French colony of St. Savion,
established on the coast of Maine, by Saussaye, in 1613. Bancroft tells
us that it was on the north bank of the Penobscot, while it is perfectly
well known that it was located on the island of Mount Desert, a long way
off in the Atlantic Ocean.

[66] Dighton Rock known as the Writing Rock, is situated six and a half
miles south of Taunton, Mass., on the east side of Taunton river, formed
by Assonnet Neck. It lies in the edge of the river, and is left dry at
low water. It is a boulder of fire graywack, twelve feet long and five
feet high, and faces the bed of the river. Its front is now covered with
chiseled inscriptions of what appear to be letters and outlines of men,
animals and birds. As early as the year 1680, Dr. Danforth secured a
drawing of the upper portion; Cotton Mather made a full copy in 1712;
and in 1788, Professor Winthrop, of Harvard College, took a full-sized
impression on prepared paper. Various other copies have been made at
different times, all of which present substantially the same features.
Yet in the interpretation of the inscription there has been little
agreement. The old rock is a riddle, dumb as the Sphinx. A copy of the
inscription was shown to a Mohawk chief, who decided that it was nothing
less than the representation of a triumph by Indians over a wild beast
which took place on this spot. Mr. Schoolcraft also showed a copy to
Chingwank, an Algonquin well versed in picture-writing, who gave a
similar interpretation. The Roman characters in the central part of the
composition he was finally induced to reject, as having no connection
with the rest. And whoever compares this inscription with those of
undeniably Indian origin found elsewhere, cannot fail to be impressed
with the similarity. Nevertheless, members of the Royal Society of
Antiquarians, to whose notice it was brought by the Rhode Island
Historical Society, felt strongly persuaded that the rock bears evidence
of the Northman's visit to these shores. Mr. Laing, the accomplished
translator of the _Heimskringla_, in discussing the theories in regard
to the inscription, says, that the only real resemblance to letters is
found in the middle of the stone, in which antiquarians discover the
name of Thorfinn, that is, Thorfinn Karlsefne, the leader of the
expedition which came to New England in 1007. Just over these letters is
a character supposed to be Roman also, which may signify NA, or MA, the
letter A being formed by the last branch of M. Now MA in Icelandic is
used as an abbreviation of _Madr_, which signifies the original settler
of a country. Close to these two letters are several numerals, construed
to mean _one hundred and fifty-one_. And according to the account of the
voyage, Thorfinn lost _nine_ of the hundred and sixty men with whom it
is presumed he started, and therefore _one hundred and fifty-one_ would
exactly express the number with him at the time he is supposed to have
cut the inscription. This, then, would mean altogether, that Thorfinn
Karlsefne established himself here with one hundred and fifty-one men.
Yet, as the testimony of this rock is not needed, we may readily forego
any advantage that can be derived from its study. Besides, the history
of similar cases should serve to temper our zeal. In the time of Saxo
Grammatticus (1160), there was a stone at Hoby, near Runamoe, in the
Swedish province of Bleking, which was supposed to be sculptured with
runes. At a late day copies were furnished the antiquarians, who came to
the conclusion, as Laing tells us, that it was a genuine inscription,
referring to the battle of Braaville, fought in the year 680. It
afterwards turned out that the apparent inscription was made by the
disintegration of veins of a soft material existing in the rock. Yet the
Dighton inscription is beyond question the work of man. Mr. A. E.
Kendal, writing in 1807, says that there was a tradition that Assonnet
Neck, on which tongue of land the rock is situated, was once a place of
banishment among the Indians. He states, further, that the Indians had a
tradition to the effect, that in ancient times some _white_ men in a
_bird_ landed there and were slaughtered by the aborigines. They also
said thunder and lightening issued from the bird, which fact indicates
that this event, if it occurred at all, must be referred to the age of
gunpowder. Mr. Kendal mentions the story of a ship's anchor having been
found there at an early day. In former years the rock was frequently dug
under by the people, in the hope of finding concealed treasures. It is
said that a small rock once existed near by which also bore marks of
human hands. The Portsmouth and Tiverton Rocks, described by Mr. Webb
(_Antiquitates Americanae_, pp. 355-71), are doubtless Indian
inscriptions; while that on the island of Monhegan, off the coast of
Maine, may perhaps be classed with the rock of Hoby. Yet after all, it
is possible that the _central_ portion of the inscription on the Dighton
Rock, may be the work of the Northmen. That two distinct parties were
concerned in making the inscription is clear from the testimony of the
Indians, who did not pretend to understand the portion thought to refer
to Karlsefne. For the full discussion, see _Antiquitates Americanae_, p.
378, _et seq._

[67] _Memoirs des Antiquaires du Nord_, 1839-9, p. 377.

[68] The Old Mill at Newport stands on an eminence in the centre of the
town, being about twenty-four feet high, and twenty-three feet in
diameter. It rests upon eight piers and arches. It has four small
windows, and, high up the wall, above the arches, was a small fire
place. It is first distinctly mentioned in the will of Governor Benedict
Arnold, of Newport, where it is called, "my stone-built wind mill." It
is known that during the eighteenth century it served both as a mill and
powder house. Edward Pelham, who married Governor Arnold's
granddaughter, in 1740 also called it "an old stone mill." Peter Easton,
who early went to live in Newport, wrote in 1663, that "this year we
built the first windmill;" and August 28, 1675, he says, "A storm blew
down our windmill." What Easton relates occurred before Governor Arnold
writes about his stone windmill, and it is not unreasonable to suppose
that when the one spoken of by Easton was destroyed he built something
more substantial. Yet we cannot say that this was actually the case. The
old tower existing at the beginning of the settlement may have been
adapted by him for the purposes of a mill, when the one mentioned by
Easton was destroyed.

The family of the Governor is said to have come from Warwickshire,
England, and one of his farms was called the Leamington farm, as is
supposed, from the place by that name near Warwick. In addition to this,
in the Chesterton Parish, three miles from Leamington, there is an old
windmill similar in construction to that at Newport. It is supposed that
it was erected on pillars for pneumatic reasons, and also that carts
might thus go underneath and be loaded and unloaded with greater ease.
And it has been suggested, that _if_ Gov. Arnold came from Warwickshire,
of which the proof is not given, and _if_ the Chesterton Mill was
standing at the time of his departure for New England, he might have
built a mill at Newport after the same model. Yet this is something we
know little about. And whence came the Chesterton Mill itself? There was
a _tradition_ that it was built after a design by Inigo Jones, but this
is only a tradition. That structure also might have belonged to the
class of Round Towers in Ireland, of which one at least was built by
Northmen. All is therefore, in a measure, doubtful. It will hardly help
the Northmen to class this Newport relic with their works. See Palfrey's
_New England_, vol. I, pp. 57-9.

[69] Many have supposed that the skeleton in armor, dug up near Fall
River, was a relic of the Northmen, and one of those men killed by the
natives in the battle with Karlsefne. But it would be far more
reasonable to look for traces of the Northmen among the Indians of
Gaspe, who, at an early day, were distinguished for an unusual degree of
civilization. Malte Brun tells us that they worshiped the sun, knew the
points of the compass, observed the position of some of the stars, and
traced maps of their country. Before the French missionaries went among
them they worshiped the figure of the Cross, and had a tradition that a
venerable person once visited them, and during an epidemic cured many by
the use of that symbol. See Malte Brun's _Geography_ (English edition),
vol. V, p. 135. Malte Brun's authority is Father Leclerc's _Nouvelle
Relation de la Gaspesie_, Paris, 1672.

[70] _The Landnama-bok._ This is probably the most complete record of
the kind ever made by any nation. It is of the same general character as
the English _Doomsday Book_, but vastly superior in interest and value.
It contains the names of three thousand persons and one thousand four
hundred places. It gives a correct account of genealogies of the first
settlers, with brief notices of their achievements. It was commenced by
the celebrated Frode, the Wise, who was born 1067, and died 1148, and
was continued by Kalstegg, Styrmer and Thordsen, and completed by Hauk
Erlendson, _Lagman_, or Governor of Iceland, who died in the year 1334.

[71] Gunnbiorn appears to have been a Northman who settled in Iceland at
an early day. Nothing more is known of him.

[72] Torfaeus says that these rocks lie six sea miles out from
Geirfuglesker, out from Reikiavek, and twelve miles south of Garde in
Greenland, yet they cannot now be found. It is not too much to suppose
that they have been sunk by some of those fearful convulsions which have
taken place in Iceland; yet it is quite as reasonable to conclude that
these rocks were located elsewhere, probably nearer the east coast,
which was formerly more accessible than now. In the version of the
Account of Greenland, by Ivar Bardason (see _Antiquitates Americanae_, p.
301), given from a _Faroese Manuscript_, and curiously preserved by
Purchas, _His Pilgrimage_, vol. III, p. 518, we read as follows:

"_Item_, men shall know, that, between _Island_ and _Greenland_, lyeth a
Risse called _Gornbornse-Skare_. There were they wont to haue their
passage for _Gronland_. But as they report there is Ice upon the same
Risse, come out of the Long North Bottome, so that we cannot use the
same old Passage as they thinke."

[73] Torfaeus says (_Greenlandia_, p. 73), that "Eric the Red first lived
in Greenland, but it was discovered by the man called Gunnbiorn. After
him Gunnbiorn's Rocks are called."

[74] The translation is literal or nearly so, and the sense is obscure.

[75] This shows that others had been there before. They were doubtless
Icelanders who were sailing to Greenland. The place of concealment
appears to have been an excavation covered with stone or wood. That the
people were sometimes accustomed to hide money in this way, is evident.
We read in the Saga of Eric the Red, that this person at first intended
to go with his son, Leif, on his voyage to discover the land seen by
Heriulf, and which Leif named Vinland. On his way to the ship, Eric's
horse stumbled, and he fell to the ground seriously injured, and was
obliged to abandon the voyage. He accepted this as a judgment for
having, as one preparation for his absence, buried his money, where his
wife, Thorhild, would not be able to find it.

[76] This is believed to have been about February, which affords one of
many indications that the climate of that region has become more
rigorous than formerly. The fact that water did not freeze, indicates
mild weather, which we might infer from the rigging of their vessels,
and the preparation for sea. In regard to the term Goe, _Groenland's
Historiske Mindesmaerker_ (vol. I, p. 7), says: "This name was before
used in Denmark, which Etatsraad Werlauf has discovered on the
inscription of a Danish Rune-Stone."

[77] The facts that they engaged in hunting, and that they built a cabin
to live in, might at first lead some to suppose that the place contained
a forest or more or less trees, to supply wood. Yet this does not
follow, as drift wood might supply all their wants for building
purposes, where they could not obtain or use stone. Regarding drift
wood, Crantz says, in speaking of Greenland: "For as He has denied this
frigid, rocky region the growth of trees, He has bid the storms of the
ocean to convey to its shores a great deal of wood, which accordingly
comes floating thither, part without ice, but the most part along with
it, and lodges itself between the islands. Were it not for this, we
Europeans should have no wood to burn there.... Among this wood are
great trees torn up by the roots, which by driving up and down for many
years, and dashing and rubbing on the ice, are quite bare of branches.
A small part of this drift wood are willows, alder and birch trees,
which come out of the bays in the south; also large trunks of aspen
trees, ... but the greatest part is pine and fir. We find also, a good
deal of a sort of wood, finely veined, and with few branches; this, I
fancy, is larchwood.... There is also a solid, reddish wood of a more
agreeable fragrancy than the common fir, with visible cross veins, which
I take to be the same species as the beautiful silver firs, or zirbel,
that have the smell of cedar, and grow on the high Grison hills, and the
Switzers wainscot their rooms with them."--_History of Greenland_, vol.
I, p. 37.

[78] If any confirmation were needed of the truth of this narrative, or
of the killing of Snaebiorn and Thorod, we might look for it in the
equally well known fact, that after the return of the voyagers to
Iceland, the death of these two men was fearfully revenged by their
friends.

[79] In the southwest of Norway.

[80] See Colonization of Iceland, in the Introduction.

[81] See notes to Introduction.

[82] It is now impossible to identify these localities. The old view,
that what is called the East-bygd, or District, was on the eastern coast
of Greenland, is now abandoned. It is probable that no settlement was
ever effected on the east coast, though once it was evidently more
approachable than now. See Graah's _Expedition_.

[83] As we certainly know that Christianity was established in Iceland
in the year A. D. 1000, the final settlement of Eric and his followers
must have taken place during the year assigned, viz: 985.

[84] See _Antiquitates Americanae_, p. 15, note _a_.

[85] Evidently an error. See _Antiquitates Americanae_, p. 15, note 3.

[86] This king propagated Christianity by physical force, and marked the
course of his missionary tours with fire and blood; which might have
been expected from a barbarian just converted from the worship of Odin
and Thor.

[87] These thralls were slaves, though slavery in Iceland assumed
peculiar features. The following from the _Saga of Gisli the Outlaw_,
shows the relation that slaves held to freemen. We read, that on one
occasion, Gisli had borrowed a famous sword of Koll, and the latter
asked to have it back, but Gisli in reply asks if he will sell it,
receiving a negative reply. Then he says: "I will give thee thy freedom
and goods, so that thou mayest fare whither thou wilt with other men."
This is also declined, when Gisli continues: "Then I will give thee thy
freedom, and lease, or give thee land, and besides I will give thee
sheep, and cattle and goods, as much as thou needest." This he also
declines, and Kol, when Gisli asks him to name a price, offering any sum
of money, besides his freedom, and "a becoming match, if thou hast a
liking for any one." But Kol refused to sell it at any price, which
refusal led to a fight, and in the first onset, the slave's axe sank
into Gisli's brain, while the disputed sword, Graysteel, clove the thick
skull of Kol. See the _Saga of Gisli the Outlaw_, p, 6, Edinburgh, 1866.
Also the Saga of Eric Red, where Thorbiorn thinks it an indignity that
Einar should ask for the hand of his daughter in marriage, Einar being
the son of a slave.

[88] Original settler or freeholder, whose name and possessions were
recorded in the _Landnama-bok_.

[89] This poem no longer exists. Its subject, the _Hafgerdingar_, is
described as a fearful body of water, "which sometimes rises in the sea
near Greenland in such a way that three large rows of waves inclose a
part of the sea, so that the ship that finds itself inside, is in the
greatest danger."--_Groenland's Historiske Mindismaerker_, vol. I, p. 264.
There does not appear to be any better foundation for this motion of the
Hafgerdingar than of the old accounts of the Maelstrom, once supposed to
exist on the coast of Norway. The Hafgardingar may have originated from
seeing the powerful effect of a cross sea acting on the tide.

[90] To this translation may be added another in metre, by Beamish:

  O thou who triest holy men!
    Now guide me on my way;
  Lord of the earth's wide vault, extend
    Thy gracious hand to me.

This appears to be the earliest Christian prayer thus far found in
connection with this period of American history.

[91] _AEyrar._ This is not the name of a place--for Heriulf dwelt in
Iceland at a place called Dropstock--but of a natural feature of ground;
_eyri_, still called an ayre in the Orkney islands, being a flat, sandy
tongue of land, suitable for landing and drawing up boats upon. All
ancient dwellings in those islands, and probably in Iceland also, are
situated so as to have the advantage of this kind of natural wharf, and
the spit of land called an ayre, very often has a small lake or pond
inside of it, which shelters boats.--_Laing._

[92] The details of this voyage are very simple, yet whoever throws
aside his old time prejudices, and considers the whole subject with the
care which it deserves, cannot otherwise than feel persuaded that Biarne
was driven upon this Continent, and that the land seen was the coast of
that great territory which stretches between Massachusetts and
Newfoundland, for there is no other land to answer the description. Of
course, no particular merit can be claimed for this discovery. It was
also accidental, something like the discovery of America by Columbus,
who, in looking for the East Indies, stumbled upon a new world. Yet
Biarne's discovery soon led to substantial results.

[93] Considerable has been said at various times in opposition to these
accounts, because cattle and sheep, and sometimes horses, are mentioned
in connection with Greenland. Some have supposed that, for these
reasons, the Saga must be incorrect. Yet, in more modern times, there
has been nothing to prevent the people from keeping such animals, though
it has been found better to substitute dogs for horses. Crantz says,
that in "the year 1759, one of our missionaries brought three sheep with
him from Denmark to New Herrnhuth. These have so increased by bringing
some two, some three lambs a year, that they have been able to kill some
every year since, to send some to Lichtenfels, for a beginning there,
and, after all, to winter ten at present. We may judge how vastly sweet
and nutritive the grass is here, from the following tokens: that tho'
three lambs come from one ewe, they are larger, even in autumn, than a
sheep of a year old in Germany." He says that in the summer they could
pasture two hundred sheep around New Herrnhuth; and that they formerly
kept cows, but that it proved too much trouble.--_History of Greenland_,
vol. I, p. 74.

[94] He must have gone over to Greenland from Norway then, as in the
year 1000, he returned and introduced Christianity into Greenland. The
language used is indefinite.

[95] One recension of the Saga of Eric the Red, states that he went with
Leif on his voyage to Vinland. Finn Magnusen says that the error arose
from a change of one letter in a pair of short words. See _Groenland's
Historiske Mindesmaerker_, vol. I, p. 471.

[96] Horses could be kept in Greenland now, only with much expense. It
appears that anciently it was not so. Undoubtedly there has been more or
less of change in climate. Geologists find evidence that at one period,
a highly tropical climate must have existed in the northern regions.

[97] Superstition was the bane of the Northman's life. He was also a
firm believer in Fate. The doctrines of Fate held the finest Northern
minds in a vice-like grasp, so that in many cases their lives were
continually overshadowed by a great sorrow. One of the saddest
illustrations of this belief, may be found in the _Saga of Grettir the
Strong_ (given in Baring-Gould's work on Iceland), a Saga in which the
doctrine appears with a power that is well nigh appalling.

[98] Some suppose that he was a German, others claim that he was a Turk,
as his name might indicate.

[99] Snowy mountains, _Joeklar miklir_, such as Chappell mentions having
been seen on the coast, June 14, 1818.

[100] Helluland, from _Hella_, a flat stone, an abundance of which may
be found in Labrador and the region round about.

[101] This agrees with the general features of the country. The _North
American Pilot_ describes the land around Halifax, as "low in general,
and not visible twenty miles off; except from the quarter-deck of a
seventy-four. Apostogon hills have a long, level appearance, between
Cape Le Have and Port Medway, the coast to the seaward being level and
low, and the shores with white rocks and low, barren points; from thence
to Shelburne and Port Roseway, are woods. Near Port Haldiman are several
barren places, and thence to Cape Sable, which makes the southwest point
into Barrington Bay, a low and woody island."--_Antiquitates Americanae_,
p. 423.

[102] Markland is supposed, with great reason, to be Nova Scotia, so
well described, both in the Saga, and in the _Coast Pilot_. Markland
means woodland. Two days sail thence, brought them in view of Cape Cod,
though very likely the sailing time is not correct.

[103] This island has given the interpreters considerable trouble, from
the fact that it is said to lie to the northward of the land. And
Professor Rafn, in order to identify this island with Nantucket, shows
that the north point of the Icelandic compass lay towards the east. But
this does not fairly meet the case. There would, perhaps, have been no
difficulty in the interpretation, if the Northern Antiquarians had been
acquainted with the fact, that in early times an island existed
northward from Nantucket, on the opposite coast of Cape Cod. This
island, together with a large point of land which now has also
disappeared, existed in the times of Gosnold, who sailed around Cape
Cod, in 1602. The position of this island, together with the point of
land, is delineated in the map given in the Appendix. At one time, some
doubt existed in regard to the truthfulness of the accounts, for the
reason that those portions of land described, no longer existed. Yet
their positions were laid down with scientific accuracy; the outer
portion of the island being called Point Care, while the other point was
called Point Gilbert. Neither Archer nor Brereton in their accounts of
Gosnold's voyage, give the name of the island; but Captain John Smith,
in 1614, calls it "Isle Nawset." Smith's _History of Virginia_, vol. II,
p. 183. This island was of the drift formation, and as late as half a
century ago, a portion of it still remained, being called Slut Bush. The
subject has been very carefully gone into by Mr. Otis, in his pamphlet
on the _Discovery of an Ancient Ship on Cape Cod_. Professor Agassiz,
writing December 17, 1863, says: "Surprising and perhaps incredible as
the statements of Mr. Amos Otis may _appear_, they are nevertheless the
direct and natural inference of the observations which may be easily
made along the eastern coast of Cape Cod. Having of late felt a special
interest in the geological structure of that remarkable region, I have
repeatedly visited it during the past summer, and, in company with Mr.
Otis, examined, on one occasion, with the most minute care, the evidence
of the former existence of Isle Nauset and Point Gilbert. I found it as
satisfactory as any geological evidence can be. Besides its scientific
interest," he adds, "this result has some historical importance. At all
events it fully vindicates Archer's account of the aspect of Cape Cod,
at the time of its discovery in 1602, and shows him to have been a
truthful and accurate observer." But possibly the vindication may extend
back even to the Northmen, whom the learned professor and his colaborers
did not have in mind; especially as this discovery will help very
materially to explain their descriptions. Now, in the first account of
Thorfinn Karlsefne's passage around this part of the Vinland, it is said
that they called the shore _Wonder-strand_, "because they were so long
going by," Yet any one in sailing past the coast to-day will not be
struck with its length. But by glancing at the reconstructed map of Cape
Cod (see Appendix), the reader will find that the coast line is greatly
increased, so that in order to pass around the cape, the navigator must
sail a long distance; and, comparing this distance travelled with the
distance actually gained, the Northmen might well grow weary, and call
it Wonder-strand. This quite relieves the difficulty that was felt by
Professor Rafn, who labored to show that the island in question was
Nantucket, notwithstanding the fact that it lay too far east. For a
fuller knowledge of Isle Nauset, see _New England Historic and
Genealogical Register_, vol. XVIII, p. 37; and _Massachusetts Historical
Collections_, vol. VIII, series III, pp. 72-93.

[104] In speaking of the immediate vicinity of _Wonder-strand_, the
second account of Thorfinn's expedition says, "There were places without
harbors," which has always been the case, this coast being dangerous;
yet it is said above that "they landed to wait for good weather." This
would be impracticable _now_, except at Chatham; yet at that day,
notwithstanding the absence of harbors, they would find accommodation
for their small vessel somewhere between the island and the mainland.
From Bradford's _History_, p. 217, we learn that in 1626-7, there was at
this place "a small blind harbore" that "lyes aboute y^e middle of
Manamoyake Bay," which to-day is filled up by recently formed sandy
wastes and salt meadows. This "blind harbore," had at its mouth a
treacherous bar of sand. If this harbor had existed in the days of the
Northmen, they would not of necessity discover it; and hence while Leif
might have landed here and found protection, Thorfinn, in his much
larger ship, might have found it needful to anchor, as he appears to
have done, in the grounds between Isle Nauset and Point Gilbert, while
explorations were being made on the land.

[105] "Honey dew," says Dr. Webb, "occurs in this
neighborhood."--_Antiquitates Americanae_, p. 443.

[106] This sound may have been the water between Point Gilbert and Isle
Nauset.

[107] Archer says in his account of Gosnold's voyage: "Twelve leagues
from [the end of] Cape Cod, we descried a point [Point Gilbert] with
some beach, a good distance off." It is said that the ness, or cape,
went out _northward_ but we must remember that _eastward_ is meant.

[108] This is precisely the course they would steer after doubling that
ness or cape which existed in Gosnold's day, and which he named Point
Gilbert. The author does not agree with Professor Rafn, in making this
point to be at the eastern entrance to Buzzard's bay. If he had known of
the existence of the Isle Nauset, he would not have looked for the ness
in that neighborhood. At that time Cape Malabar probably did not exist,
as we know how rapidly land is formed in that vicinity; yet it would not
have attracted notice in comparison with the great broad point mentioned
by Archer.

[109] After passing Point Gilbert, shoal water may almost anywhere be
found, which appears to have been the case anciently.

[110] The river was evidently Seaconnet passage and Pocasset river.

[111] This lake is Mount Hope Bay. The writer of the Saga passes over
that part of the voyage immediately following doubling of the ness. The
tourist in travelling that way by rail will at first take Mount Hope Bay
for a lake.

[112] Salmon were formerly so plentiful in this vicinity, that it is
said a rule was made, providing that masters should not oblige their
apprentices to eat this fish more than twice a week.

[113] It is well known that cattle in that vicinity can pass the winter
with little or no shelter, and the sheep on Nantucket, can, when
necessary, take care of themselves.

[114] This is an exaggeration, or, possibly, the writer, who was not
with the expedition, meant to convey the idea that there was no frost,
compared with what was experienced in Greenland and Iceland. The early
narrator of the voyage unquestionably tried to make a good impression as
regards the climate. In so doing, he has been followed by nearly all who
have come after him. Eric the Red told some almost fabulous stories
about the climate of Greenland; and yet, because his accounts do not
agree with facts, who is so foolish as to deny that he ever saw
Greenland? And with as much reason we might deny that Leif came to
Vinland. With equal reason, too, we might deny that Morton played the
rioter at Merry Mount; for he tells us in his _New English Canaan_, that
coughs and colds are unknown in New England. Lieutenant Governor Dudley
of Massachusetts complained of these false representations in his day.

[115] This passage was misunderstood by Torfaeus, the earliest writer who
inquired into these questions, and he was followed by Peringskiold,
Malte-Brun and others, who, by their reckoning, made the latitude of
Vinland somewhere near Nova Scotia. Yet the recent studies of Rafn and
Finn Magnussen, have elucidated the point: "The Northmen divided the
heavens or horizons, into eight principal divisions, and the times of
the day according to the sun's apparent motion through these divisions,
the passage through each of which they supposed to occupy a period of
three hours. The day was therefore divided into portions of time
corresponding with these eight divisions, each of which was called an
_eykt_, signifying an eighth part. This _eykt_ was again divided, like
each of the grand divisions of the heavens, into two smaller and equal
portions, called _stund_ or _mal_. In order to determine these divisions
of time, the inhabitant of each place carefully observed the diurnal
course of the sun, and noted the terrestrial objects over which it
seemed to stand. Such an object, whether artificial or natural, was
called by the Icelanders, _dagsmark_ (daymark). They were also led to
make these daymarks by a division of the horizon according to the
principal winds, as well as by the wants of their domestic economy. The
shepherd's rising time, for instance, was called _Hirdis rismal_, which
corresponds with half-past four o'clock A. M., and this was the
beginning of the natural day of twenty-four hours. Reckoning from
_Hirdis rismal_ the eight _stund_ or eighth half _eykt_ ended at just
half-past four P. M.; and therefore this particular period was called
[Greek: kat' exochen], EYKT. This _eykt_, strictly speaking, commenced
at three o'clock P. M., and ended at half-past four P. M., when it was
said to be in _eyktarstadr_ or the termination of the _eykt_. The
precise moment that the sun appeared in this place indicated the
termination of the artificial day (_dagr_), and half the natural day
(_dagr_), and was therefore held especially deserving of notice: the
hours of labor, also, are supposed to have ended at this time. Six
o'clock A. M. was called _midr morgun_; half-past seven A. M., _Dagmal_;
nine A. M., _Dagverdarmal_. Winter was considered to commence in Iceland
about the seventeenth of October, and Bishop Thorlacius, the calculator
of the astronomical calendar, fixes sun-rise in the south of Iceland, on
the seventeenth of October, at half past seven A. M. At this hour,
according to the Saga, it rose in Vinland on the shortest day, and set
at half-past four P. M., which data fix the latitude of the place at 41 deg.
43' 10'', being nearly that of Mount Hope Bay." See _Mem. Antiq. du
Nord_, 1836-7, p. 165. Rafn's calculation makes the position 41 deg. 24'
10''. It is based on the view that the observation was made in Vinland
when only the upper portion of the disc had appeared above the horizon.
The difference, of course, is not important. Thus we know the position
of the Icelandic settlement in New England. See _Antiquitates
Americanae_, p. 436.

[116] In those turbulent times children were not brought up at home, but
were sent to be trained up in the families of trusty friends. This was
done to preserve the family line. Often, in some bloody feud, a whole
household would be destroyed; yet the children being out at foster,
would be preserved, and in due time come to represent the family. In
Leif's day, heathenism and lawlessness were on the decline. We have a
true picture given us by Dasent, of the way in which children were
treated in the heathen age.

He says: "With us, an old house can stand upon a crooked, as well as
upon a straight support. But in Iceland, in the tenth century, as in all
the branches of that great family, it was only healthy children that
were allowed to live. The deformed, as a burden to themselves, their
friends, and to society, were consigned to destruction by exposure to
the violence of the elements. This was the father's stern right, and,
though the mothers of that age were generally blessed with robust
offspring, still the right was often exercised. As soon as it was born,
the infant was laid upon the bare ground, and, until the father came and
looked at it, heard and saw that it was strong in lung and limb, took it
up in his arms, and handed it over to the nurse; its fate hung in the
balance, and life or death depended upon the sentence of its sire. That
danger over, it was duly washed, signed with the Thunderer's [Thor's]
holy hammer--the symbol of all manliness and strength--and solemnly
received into the family as the faithful champion of the ancient gods.
When it came to be named, there was what we should call the christening
ale. There was saddling, mounting and riding among kith and kin. Cousins
came in bands from all points of the compass: dependents, freedmen and
thralls all mustered strong. The ale is broached, the board is set, and
the benches are thronged with guests; the mirth and revelry are at the
highest, when in strides into the hall, a being of awful power, in whom
that simple age set full faith. This was the Norne, the wandering
prophetess, sybil, fortune teller, a woman to whom it was given to know
the weirds of men, and who had come to do honor to the child, and tell
his fortune.... After the child was named, he was often put out to
foster with some neighbor, his father's inferior in power, and there he
grew up with the children of the house, and contracted those friendships
and affections which were reckoned better and more binding than the ties
of blood."--_Antiquaires du Nord_, 1859, pp. 8-9.

[117] There is nothing in this to indicate that Tyrker was intoxicated,
as some have absurdly supposed. In this far off land he found grapes,
which powerfully reminded him of his native country, and the association
of ideas is so strong, that when he first meets Leif, he breaks out in
the language of his childhood, and, like ordinary epicures, expresses
his joy, which is all the more marked on account of his grotesque
appearance. Is not this a stroke of genuine nature, something that a
writer, framing the account of a fictitious voyage, would not dream of?

[118] Grapes grow wild almost everywhere on this coast. They may be
found on Cape Cod ripening among the scrub oaks, even within the reach
of the ocean spray, where the author has often gathered them.

[119] In Peringskiold's _Heimskringla_, which Laing has followed in
translating Leif's voyage for his appendix, this statement of the
cutting of wood is supplemented by the following statement: "There was
also self-sown wheat in the fields, and a tree which is called massur.
Of all these they took samples; and some of the trees were so large that
they were used in houses." It is thought that the massur wood was a
species of maple. Others have declared that it must have been mahogany,
and that therefore the account of Leif's discovery is false. They forget
that even George Popham, in writing home to his patron from Sagadahoc,
in 1607, says that among the productions of the country are "nutmegs and
cinnamon." Yet shall we infer from this that Popham never saw New
England?

[120] See Adam of Bremen's testimony in the Introduction.

[121] It will be noticed that they were close upon the Greenland coast.

[122] They were evidently Norwegian traders who were shipwrecked while
approaching the coast and sailing for the Greenland ports.

[123] Gissur, called the White, was one of the greatest lawyers of
Iceland. We read that "there was a man named Gissur White, he was Teit's
son, Kettlebiarne the Old's son, of Mossfell [Iceland]. Bishop Isleif
was Gissur's son. Gissur the White kept house at Mossfell, and was a
great Chief."--_Saga of Burnt Nial_, vol. I, p. 146.

[124] Hialte was doubtless the same person who entered the swimming
match with King Olaf. See Saga of Olaf Tryggvesson.

[125] This is an error, unless the writer means that the voyage to
Vinland, afterwards undertaken, was a part of the same general
expedition. Leif went to Greenland first, as we have already seen.

[126] These pagans did not always yield even so readily as Eric. Some in
Norway became martyrs to the faith of Odin. See _Saga of Olaf
Tryggvesson_ (_passim_), in vol. I _of Heimskringla_.

[127] See note to foregoing account.

[128] These appear to have been married men or secular clergy.

[129] This clearly indicates a voyage around Cape Cod.

[130] This cape was evidently, not Point Gilbert, but the terminus of
Cape Cod, known as Race Point, a dangerous place for navigation. It
would seem that this was the place referred to, for the reason that the
next place mentioned is the east shore, meaning the shore near Plymouth,
which is readily seen from the end of Cape Cod in a clear day. It was
undoubtedly the vicinity of Race Point that they called Kialarness, or
Keel Cape.

[131] Here the version in _Antiquitates Americanae_, p. 42, is followed,
instead of Peringskiold, whose version does not mention the point of
land. This place is regarded as Point Alderton, below Boston Harbor.
Thorvald evidently sailed along the shore to this point, which is the
most remarkable on the east coast.

[132] These screens were made of planks which could be quickly arranged
above the bulwarks, thus affording additional protection against arrows
and stones.

[133] These people are sometimes called Smaellingar, or small men. Others
deduce their name from _skraela_, to dry, alluding to their shriveled
aspect; and others from _skraekia_ to _shout_. It is evident from the
accounts of Egede and Crantz, that they formerly inhabited this part of
the country, but were gradually obliged to go northward. It is well
known that in other parts of America, these migrations were common. And
these people were more likely to take a refuge in Greenland than the
Northmen themselves.

[134] The conduct of Thorvald indicates magnanimity of character,
thinking first of his men, and afterwards of himself.

[135] Christianity was introduced by Leif, Thorvald's brother, in
1001-2.

[136] This is evidently an error, for Christianity was introduced by
Leif, _before_ he sailed on his voyage to Vinland. Errors like this
abound in all early annals, and why should the Icelandic chronicles be
free from them? Every such case will be impartially pointed out. The
treatment of this passage by Smith, in his _Dialogues on the Northmen_,
p. 127, is far from being candid. He translates the passage thus: "But
Eric the Red had died without professing Christianity," and refers the
English reader to the Saga of Thorfinn Karlsefne, _Antiquitates
Americanae_, pp. 119-20, as if he would there find a reason for his
rendering of the text, which is unequivocal, and is translated literally
above. On turning to the authority in question, we find nothing more
said than that "Eric was slow to give up his [pagan] religion," and that
the affair caused a separation between him and his wife. That he was
_slow_ to give up his pagan belief, would seem to indicate that he _did_
give it up eventually. Moreover, we have the direct statement that he
was baptized. Second Narrative of Leif, p. 38.

[137] Norway lay east of Iceland, and hence the people of that country
were sometimes called Eastmen.

[138] Winter began October 17. See p. 32, note 6.

[139] They probably had diminutive horses in Greenland, like this of
Iceland to-day.

[140] Thorstein Black was a pagan, who nevertheless saw the superior
value of the new faith.

[141] We must here remember the simplicity of manners, which then (as
now) prevailed among the Icelanders. The tourist in Iceland is always
surprised by the absence of all prudery.

[142] Whoever inclines to dismiss this whole narrative as an idle
fiction, must remember that all history is more or less pervaded by
similar stories. The Rev. Cotton, Mather, in his _Magnalia of New
England_, gives the account of a great number of supernatural events of
no better character than this related in the Saga. Some are ludicrous in
the extreme, and others are horrible, both in their inception and end.
Among other stories, is that of Mr. Philip Smith, deacon of the church
at Hadley, Mass., and a member of the General Court, who appears to have
been bewitched. He was finally obliged to keep his bed. Then it is said
that the people "beheld fire sometimes on the bed; and when the
beholders began to discourse of it, it vanished away. Divers people
actually felt something often stir in the bed, at a considerable
distance from the man; it seemed as big as a cat, but they could never
grasp it. Several trying to lean on the bed's head, tho' the sick man
lay wholly still, the bed would shake so as to knock their heads
uncomfortably. A very strong man could not lift the sick man, to make
him lie more easily, tho' he apply'd his utmost strength unto it; and
yet he could go presently and lift the bedstead and a bed, and a man
lying on it, without any strain to himself at all. Mr. Smith dies....
After the _opinion_ of all had _pronounc'd_ him dead, his countenance
continued as lively as though he had been alive.... Divers noises were
heard in the room where the corpse lay; as the clattering of chairs and
stools, whereof no account could be given."--_Magnalia_, ed. 1853, vol.
I, p. 455. The account is vouched for by the author, who was one of the
most learned divines of his day. Another is given, among the multitude
of which he had the most convincing proof. He writes: "It was on the
second day of May, in the year 1687, that a most ingenious, accomplish'd
and well-dispos'd young gentleman, Mr. Joseph Beacon by Name, about 5
o'clock in the morning, as he lay, whether sleeping or waking he could
not say (but he judged the latter of them), had a view of his brother,
then at London, although he was himself at our Boston, distanc'd from
him a thousand leagues. This his brother appear'd to him in the morning
(I say) about 5 o'clock, at Boston, having on him a Bengale gown, which
he usually wore, with a napkin ty'd about his head; his _countenance_
was very pale, ghastly, deadly, and he had a bloody wound on the side of
his forhead. 'Brother,' says the affrighted Joseph, 'Brother,' answered
the apparition. Said Joseph, 'What's the matter Brother? how came you
here?' The apparition replied: 'Brother I have been most barbarously and
inhumanly murdered by a debauch'd fellow, to whom I never did any wrong
in my life.' Whereupon he gave a particular description of the murderer;
adding, 'Brother, this fellow, changing his name, is attempting to come
over to New England, in _Foy_ or _Wild_: I would pray you on the arrival
of either of these, to get an order from the governour to seize the
person whom I now have describ'd, and then do you indict him for the
murder of your brother.' And so he vanished." Mather then adds an
account, which shows that Beacon's brother was actually murdered as
described, dying within the very hour in which his apparition appeared
in Boston. He says that the murderer was tried, but, with the aid of his
friends, saved his life. Joseph himself, our author says, died "a pious
and hopeful death," and gave him the account written and signed with his
own hand. And now, while New England history abounds with stories like
this, men incline to question an Icelandic writer, because he
occasionally indulges in fancies of the same sort. Rather should we
look for them, as authentic contemporary signs.

[143] Thorhild's Church. See _Antiquitates Americanae_, p. 119.

[144] Literally, Biarne _Butter-tub_, from which we may, perhaps, infer
his personal peculiarity.

[145] Throughout this narrative of Thorfinn, the name of Eric occurs
where that of Leif should be given. Eric died five years before Thorfinn
came over to Greenland. This account having been written in Iceland, the
author made a very natural mistake in supposing that Eric was still at
the head of the family. The proper change has been made in the
translation, to avoid confusion.

[146] _Yule_ was a pagan festival, held originally in honor of Thor, the
god of War, at the beginning of February, which was the opening of the
Northman's year. But as Christianity had been established in Greenland
for five years, the festival was now probably changed to December, and
held in honor of Christ.

[147] Widow of Thorstein Ericson. Rafn thinks, as she is mentioned in
this Saga by two names, Gudrid and Thurid, that one was her name in
childhood, and the other in her maturer years, when Christianity came to
have a practical bearing. Her father's name was Thorbiorn, derived from
Thor. It was supposed that those who bore the names of gods would find
in these names a charm or special protection from danger.

[148] This is a mistake, Eric's son was dead. It must have been another
Thorvald.

[149] The Northmen had two ways of reckoning a hundred, the short and
the long. The long hundred was a hundred and twenty. We read in Tegner's
_Frithiof's Saga_:

  "But a house for itself was the banquet hall, fashioned in fir wood;
  Not five hundred, though told _ten dozen_ to every hundred,
  Filled that chamber so vast, when they gathered for Yule-tide carousing."

    _American ed._, chap. III, p. 13.

Professor Rafn infers that the long hundred was here meant, because he
thinks that the inscription on Dighton Rock indicates CLI., the number
of men Karlsefne had with him, after losing nine.

[150] The present island of Disco, also called by the Northmen, Biarney,
or Bear island.

[151] The northern coast of America was called Helluland the Great, and
Newfoundland, Helluland, or Little Helluland.--_Antiquitates Americanae_,
p. 419.

[152] Supposed from the distance to be the Isle of Sable.

[153] Leif had left the keel of his vessel here on the point of this
cape, which was Cape Cod. In calling it by this name, they simply
followed his example.

[154] This bay was the bay then situated between Point Gilbert and Isle
Nauset, which Professor Agassiz proves to have existed. The writers do
not mention this island in either of the accounts of Thorfinn's voyage;
but it has been shown that Isle Nauset lay close to the shore, so that
they would not know that it _was_ an island without particular
examination; and if they were aware of its existence, it was not
necessary to speak of it. Leif landed upon it, therefore it was
mentioned by the author who wrote the account of his voyage. Yet
Thorfinn's chroniclers help to prove its existence, by showing that
beyond Wonder-strand there was a bay where they could safely ride at
anchor for three days.

It must be noticed that the events are not set down in their exact
order, for after the writer gets the vessels into the bay, he goes back
to speak of the landing of the Scots. Gosnold anchored in this same
place in the night, and in the morning he remarked the number of coves,
or as he calls them "breaches," in the land. The Saga mentions the same
thing, saying that the land "became indented with coves." These coves
have now disappeared, yet the testimony of Gosnold shows how accurately
the Northmen observed this part of the coast. Like Gosnold, they found
it convenient and safe to lie here for a while.

[155] This is the first time we hear of slaves being brought into
Vinland. We have already seen that with the proud Northman, slavery was
a reality. One of the near relatives of Ingolf, the first Northman who
settled in Iceland, was murdered by his Scotch (Irish) slaves.

[156] This was Nantucket or Martha's Vineyard, then probably united,
forming one island.

[157] Nantucket island, which then was probably united with Martha's
Vineyard.

[158] _Straumey_, or Straum Isle, which, perhaps, indicates their
knowledge of the Gulf stream.

[159] The gull, or some similar bird is here referred to.

[160] Buzzards Bay. The general positions are fixed by the astronomical
calculations from the data given in Leif's voyage. See note to p. 33.

[161] The shore opposite Martha's Vineyard.

[162] It would appear from what follows that he was engaged in a heathen
invocation. This is the only instance on record of honor being paid to
this heathen god on the shores of New England, yet we unwittingly
recognize him every time we say Thursday, that is, Thor's Day.

[163] In olden times a certain portion of every whale cast ashore on
Cape Cod, formed a perquisite of the clergy.

[164] Literally the Red-beard, as Thor is supposed to have had a beard
of that color. The principal deity of the Northmen was Odin, a king who
died in his bed in Sweden, and was afterwards apotheosized. He was
called the "Terrible god." The souls of men slain in battle were
received by him into the hall of the gods. Next was Frigga or Frey, his
wife, considered the goddess of earth and mother of the gods. She
finally fell into the place occupied by the classic Venus. Next was Thor
the Red-beard, synonymous with Jupiter. These three composed the supreme
council of the gods. Afterwards came the good and gentle Balder, the
Northman's Christ; then came Brage, patron of eloquence and poetry, and
his wife Iduna, charged with the care of certain apples, with Heimdal
the porter of the gods and builder of the rainbow, and Loke, a kind of
Satan or evil principle, aided by his children, the Wolf Fenris, the
Serpent Midgard, and Hela, or Death.

[165] We shall see from another part of this work, that the trade at
that period between Ireland and Iceland, was very large.

[166] This corresponds precisely to Mount Hope bay. The Taunton river
runs through it, and thence flows to the sea by Pocasset river and
Seaconnet passage. Hop is from the Icelandic _I Hopi_, to recede, hence
to form a bay. The coincidence in the names is striking.

[167] Perhaps wheat. _Sialfsana hveitiakrar._

[168] In Iceland the halibut is called the sacred fish. Pliny uses the
same name, which indicates that the water is safe where they were found.
The halibut and most of the flat fish, such as flounders, are plentiful
in that vicinity. The flounders are easily taken, and those who know
how, often find them in very shoal water, burrowing just under the
surface of the sand like the king crab.

[169] This is language that might be employed by an Icelander, to
indicate the difference between the new country and his own. It may have
been an intentional exaggeration, similar to those of Eric in describing
Greenland. Yet even if it were a serious attempt at history, it could
not be regarded as farther from the truth, than Dr. Cotton Mather's
description of the climate of New England, where he tells us that water
tossed up in the air, came down ice; and that in one place in
Massachusetts, it actually snowed wool, some of which, he tells us, he
preserved in a box in his study.

[170] The red shield was the sign of war, and the white, of peace.

[171] This account can hardly be explained. These people, doubtless, had
their own ideas of the best method of conducting a fight. They were
evidently Esquimaux, and formerly, according to Crantz, appear to have
lived on this coast before it was occupied by the Indians, who, being a
superior race, soon drove them away.

[172] This appears childish, yet there is nothing to indicate that it
was not so.

[173] Thiorfinn's experience was similar to that of most early colonists
in America.

[174] This, very likely, was a short exploration up Narragansett bay.

[175] The ancient Mexicans mixed human blood with bread offered on the
altar of their deities.

[176] The lines inclosed in brackets, convey what the writer understood
to be a mere rumor. This report was evidently untrue, yet it shows his
honest intentions.

[177] They appear to have sailed around Cape Cod, then steered across to
Plymouth, coasted up the shore towards Point Alderton, and entered
Scituate harbor, or some other river mouth on that coast.

[178] _Einfoetingr_, from _ein_, one, and _fotr_, foot. This term
appears to have been given by some old writers, to one of the African
tribes, on account of a peculiarity of dress, which Wormskiold describes
as a triangular cloth, hanging down so low, both before and behind,
that the feet were concealed. In an old work called _Rimbigla_,
a tribe of this class, dwelling in Blaland, Ethiopia, are thus
described.--_Beamish's Northmen_, p. 101. We do not say how far the Saga
writer employs his fancy on the Uniped, yet he is quite excusable,
considering the weakness of modern writers. In 1634, Hans Egede wrote as
follows about a hideous monster: "July 6th, a most hideous sea monster
was seen, which reared itself so high above the water, that its head
overtopped our mainsail.... Instead of fins, it had broad flaps like
wings; its body seemed to be overgrown like shell work.... It was shaped
like a serpent behind, and when it dived, ... raised its tail above the
water, a whole ship's length."--_Egede's Greenland_, p. 85; _Crantz's
Greenland_, vol. III, p. 116. Hudson even describes a mermaid.

The Rev. Dr. Cotton Mather, who has before been quoted, gives among
other notable facts in his _Magnalia_, the statement, that in June,
1682, Mary Hortado, of Salmon Falls, was going with her husband "over
the river in her canoe, when they saw the head of a man, and about three
foot off, the _tail_ of a cat, swimming before the canoe, but no body to
join them.... A stone thrown by an invisible hand after this, caus'd a
swelling and a soreness in her head: and she was _bitten_ on both arms
black and blue, and her breast scratch'd. The impression of the teeth,
which were like a man's teeth, were seen by many."--_Magnalia_, vol. I,
p. 454.

[179] See p. 41. This _may_ be a wrong version of the death of the son
of Eric.

[180] The Blue Hills, which extend to Mount Hope.

[181] That is, they fled into their abodes.

[182] The location of this place will be discussed in the Minor
Narratives.

[183] This was the teredo, which is often so destructive, and which
caused Columbus to abandon a ship at _Puerto Bello_, because he could
not keep her afloat. See Irving's _Columbus_, p. 287.

[184] This was truly in accordance with the noble spirit of the great
Northmen, who had no fear of death, which to heroes, is the shining gate
of Valhalla.

[185] This is one evidence that history was cultivated in Greenland.

[186] Here the writer is correct. See note 2, p. 51.

[187] See page 52.

[188] The same bay referred to in the previous account, and which lay
between Point Gilbert and Isle Nauset. Archer, in his account of
Gosnold's voyage, says, that when they rounded Point Care, the extremity
of Isle Nauset, "We bore up again with the land, and in the night, came
with it anchoring in eight fathoms, the ground good." Here it will be
seen that the Northmen lay safely for three days.

[189] In the first account it is called a Kiafal.

[190] The agreement with the first account is substantial.

[191] This was probably Martha's Vineyard.

[192] The first narrative says substantially the same thing, that
Thorhall died in Ireland.

[193] The first narrative speaks of the shoals. The islands and shoals
both doubtless existed then. Since that time great changes have taken
place in the physical aspects of that region.

[194] This might have been the case on some remarkable season.

[195] This range extends to the Blue Hills of Massachusetts, which
indicates considerable activity in exploration.

[196] Also called the Irish sea, and the sea before Vinland.

[197] There were three ships in the expedition, and this was doubtless
the company that went in one of them.

[198] These could be easily carried, especially as their cattle were
small. All the early Portuguese expeditions carried their live stock
with them. See _Prince Henry the Navigator_.

[199] The different events are here stated with some rapidity, and we
seem to reach Leif's booths or huts sooner than necessary. According to
the two previous accounts, they did not reach the locality of Leif's
booths until the summer after they found the whale. These booths were at
Mt. Hope Bay. This is either the result of confusion in the mind of the
writer, or else it is founded on the fact that Leif erected habitations
at _both_ places. In the two first accounts of Thorfinn Karlsefne's
expedition, they are not alluded to. There may be no real contradiction
after all.

[200] The other accounts say that the whale made them sick; but that was
not because the flesh of the whale was spoiled. Beamish, in his
translation of the song of Thorhall, indeed makes that disagreeable
pagan tell his comrades, that, if they wish, they

  "_Fetid_ whales may boil
  Here on Furdustrand
  Far from Fatherland;"

but there is nothing in the text to throw suspicion upon the whale. The
trouble was, that a sudden overfeeding caused nausea, and the whale was
thrown away afterwards in religious disgust. Yet the event is out of its
chronological order, and properly belongs in the account of the next
year.

[201] This event belongs to the previous year. These facts are not given
in the other accounts, the writer appearing to have different
information.

[202] This is another somewhat marvelous occurrence, similar to those
with which Cotton Mather and others were accustomed to embellish New
England history.

[203] For the previous versions of this affair of the axe, see pp. 60.
This last account appears a little plainer.

[204] It is true that he decided to leave the country, but he did not
carry out his intention until the following year, 1010. This narrative
skips over all the events of the third year. It is nevertheless given,
in order that the reader may have the fullest possible knowledge of any
shortcomings that may exist in the manuscripts. This is done with the
more confidence, for the reason that there is no doubt but that all the
narratives contain a broad substratum of solid truth.

[205] From the statement at the end of the voyage of Freydis (see p.
80), we learn that the summer in which he returned from Iceland,
Karlsefne went to Norway, and from thence the following spring, to
Iceland. This does not conflict with the statement in the above
narrative, though at first it may _appear_ to. It does not say that he
went the following summer from _Greenland_ to Iceland, but that on that
summer, he _went_ to Iceland, which is perfectly true, though poorly
stated, and his previous voyage to Norway being ignored.

[206] See p. 48.

[207] Garda was the Episcopal seat of Greenland. Freydis and her husband
went to Vinland with Karlsefne. It was she who frightened the
Skraellings.

[208] It appears that the route to Vinland had become so well known,
that the Saga writers no longer thought it necessary to describe it.

[209] Mount Hope bay is still often called a lake. These waters always
appear like lakes. Brereton, in his account of Gosnold's voyage, calls
these same bays, lakes. He writes: "From this [Elizabeth] island, we
went right over to the mayne, where we stood awhile as ravished at the
beautie and dilicacy of the sweetnesse, besides divers cleare lakes,
whereof we saw no end."

[210] Freydis was evidently the principal in all things.

[211] By the Icelandic law, a woman could separate from her husband for
a slight cause.

[212] According to this statement, the expedition returned very early,
as Karlsefne went to Norway the same season, as previously told.

[213] If this transaction had occurred during the previous century, when
paganism universally prevailed, this atrocious act of the cold-blooded
Freydis, would have been the prelude to almost endless strife.

[214] This account is supplementary to the foregoing, and is taken from
the same work. Karlsefne, of course, sailed from Greenland.

[215] _Husasnotru_ has been translated "house-besom." The exact meaning
is not known. A besom-shaft would be too small, however rare the wood,
to be made into anything of value. The bar for securing the house door
was as common as necessary in every house, and this, perhaps, is what is
referred to.

[216] See note 1, p. 36.

[217] In the north of Iceland.

[218] Not far from Skagafiord.

[219] It is understood that she went to Rome. It may be asked why she
did not spread the news of her son's voyage in those parts of Europe
whither she went, and make known the discovery of the New World. To this
it may be replied, that the Icelanders had no idea that they had found a
New World, and did not appreciate the value of their geographical
knowledge. Besides, there is nothing to prove that Gudrid, and others
who went to Europe at this period, did _not_ make known the Icelandic
discoveries. At that time no interest was taken in such subjects, and
therefore we have no right to expect to find traces of discussion in
relation to what, among a very small class, would be regarded, at the
best, as a curious story. See note on Adam of Bremen in the General
Introduction.

[220] It will be remembered that all this was foretold by her former
husband, Thorstein Ericson, when he returned to life in the house of
Thorstein Black, in Greenland; from which we must infer that the voyage
of Thorstein Ericson was composed after, or during, the second widowhood
of Gudrid, and that the circumstance of Thorstein's prophecy, was, in
accordance with the spirit of the age, imagined in order to meet the
circumstances of the case. See p. 46.

[221] That is, a Norwegian.

[222] _Hvitramanna-land._ It will be remembered that in the Saga of
Thorfinn Karlsefne (p. 63), this land was referred to by the natives
whom he took prisoners. They described it as a land inhabited by a
people who wore white clothes, carried poles before them, and shouted.
Yet the Saga writer there says no more than that the people _think_ that
this was the place known as Ireland the Great. What the Skraellings say
does not identify it with the land of Are Marson. Yet, in order to allow
Professor Rafn, who held that this country was America, the full benefit
of his theory, we give the following extract from Wafer's _Voyage_,
which shows that in the year 1681, when he visited the Isthmus of
Darien, there were people among the natives who answered tolerably well
to the description given in Karlsefne's narrative. Wafer says: "They are
white, and there are them of both sexes; yet there were few of them in
comparison of the copper , possibly but one, to two or three
hundred. They differ from the other Indians, chiefly in respect of
color, though not in that only. Their skins are not of such a white, as
those of fair people among Europeans, with some tincture of a blush or
sanguine complexion; neither is their complexion like that of our paler
people, but 'tis rather a Milk-white, lighter than the color of any
Europeans, and much like that of a white horse.... Their bodies are
beset all over, more or less, with a fine, short, milk-white down....
The men would probably have white bristles for beards, did they not
prevent them by their custom of plucking the young beard up by the
roots.... Their eyebrows are milk-white also, and so is the hair of
their heads." p. 107.

He also adds, that "The men have a value for Cloaths, and if any of them
had an old shirt given him by any of us, he would be sure to wear it,
and strut about at no ordinary rate. Besides this, they have a sort of
long cotton garments of their own, some white, and others of a rusty
black, shaped like our carter's frocks, hanging down to their heels,
with a fringe of the same of cotton, about a span long, and short, wide,
open sleeves, reaching but to the middle of their arms.... They are worn
on some great occasions.... When they are assembled, they will sometimes
walk about the place or plantation where they are, with these, their
robes on. And once I saw Tacenta thus walking with two or three hundred
of these attending him, as if he was mustering them. And I took notice
that those in the black gowns walked before him, and the white after
him, each having their lances of the same color with their robes." But
notwithstanding these resemblances, historians will ask for more solid
proof of the identity of the two people.

[223] Professor Rafn in, what seems to the author, his needless anxiety
to fix the locality of the White-man's land in America, says that, as
this part of the manuscript is difficult to decipher, the original
letters _may_ have got changed, and vi inserted instead of xx, or xi,
which numerals would afford time for the voyager to reach the coast of
America, in the vicinity of Florida. Smith in his _Dialogues_, has even
gone so far as to _suppress_ the term _six_ altogether, and substitutes,
"by a number of days sail unknown." This is simply trifling with the
subject. In _Groenland's Historiske Mindesmaerker_, chiefly the work of
Finn Magnussen, no question is raised on this point. The various
versions all give the number six, which limits the voyage to the
vicinity of the Azores. Schoening, to whom we are so largely indebted for
the best edition of Heimskringla, lays the scene of Marson's adventure
at those islands, and suggests that they may at that time have covered a
larger extent of territory than the present, and that they may have
suffered from earthquakes and floods, adding, "It is likely, and all
circumstances show, that the said land has been a piece of North
America." This is a bold, though not very unreasonable hypothesis,
especially as the volcanic character of the islands is well known. In
1808, a volcano rose to the height of 3,500 feet. Yet Schoening's
suggestion is not needed. The fact that the islands were not inhabited
when discovered by the Portuguese does not, however, settle anything
against Schoening, because in the course of five hundred years, the
people might either have migrated, or been swept away by pestilence.
_Groenland's Historiske Mindesmaerker_, (vol. I, p. 150), says simply,
that "It is _thought_ that he (Are Marson) ended his days in America, or
at all events in one of the larger islands of the west. Some think that
it was one of the Azore islands."

[224] The fact that Are Marson is said to have been baptized in Ireland
the Great, does not prove that the place, wherever located, was
inhabited by a colony of Irish Christians. Yet this view was urged by
Professor Rafn and others, who held that Great Ireland was situated in
Florida. A Shawanese _tradition_ is given to prove that Florida was
early settled by white men from over the sea. We read that in 1818, "the
Shawanese were established in Ohio, whither they came from Florida,
Black Hoof, then eighty-five years old, was born there, and remembered
bathing in the sea. He told the Indian Agent, that the people of his
tribe had a tradition, that their ancestors came over the sea, and that
for a long time they kept a yearly sacrifice for their safe
arrival."--_Archaeologia Americana_, vol. I, p. 273. Yet these Indians,
the supposed descendants of eminently pious Christians from Ireland,
were bitterly opposed to Christianity, and had no Christian traditions.
This view requires altogether too much credulity. Is it not more
reasonable, especially in view of the fact that this narrative is not
needed in demonstrating the pre-Columbian discovery of America--to seek
for the White-man's land in some island of the Atlantic; for if we were
to allow that six, should mean eleven or twenty days sail, we should not
be much better off, since there is so much difficulty in finding the
white men for the land in question.

[225] It will appear from this genealogical account, that Are Marson was
no obscure or mythological character. In 981 he was one of the principal
men of Iceland, and is highly spoken of. Yet his connection with Ireland
the Great, though undoubtedly real, hardly _proves_, what may
nevertheless be true--a pre-Scandinavian discovery of America by the
Irish. This, not improbable view, demands clearer proof, and will repay
investigation. The other characters mentioned are equally well known.
See _Antiquitates Americanae_, pp. 211-12.

[226] Priest or _Gode_. This was the heathen priest of Iceland, whose
duty was to provide the temple offerings, for which purpose a
contribution was made by every farm in the vicinity. This office was
also united with that of chief, judge, and advocate, and for the cases
conducted by him at the Thing, he received the customary fees; yet he
was obliged to depend for his support, mainly upon the products of his
farm. The office was hereditary, but could be sold, assigned, or
forfeited.

[227] It was west with regard to Norway, the people being accustomed to
use this expression.

[228] Killed in Ireland in a battle, 1013.

[229] Literally, _woman_, with reference to Joerd, the Earth, one of the
wives of Odin, and also mother of Thor.

[230] Funeral cups.

[231] Bioern's mother.

[232] This is a fling at Thorodd the Tribute Taker.

[233] This shows, that while Bioern killed the men in self defense, it
was the opinion of the court that he did not get what he deserved.

[234] Jomsberg was the head quarters of an order of vikings or pirates,
where a castle was also built by King Harold Blaatand, of Denmark. It
was situated on one of the outlets of the Oder, on the coast of
Pomerania. It was probably identical with Julian, founded by the Wends,
and was recognized as the island of Wallin, which Adam of Bremen, in the
eleventh century, described as the largest and most flourishing
commercial city in Europe. Burislaus, king of the Wends, surrendered the
neighboring territory into the hands of Palnatoki, a great chief of
Fionia, who was pledged to his support. Accordingly he built a
stronghold here, and organized a band of pirates, _commonly_ called
vikings, though it must be observed, that while every viking was a
pirate, every pirate was not a viking. Only those pirates of princely
blood, were properly called vikings, or sea-kings. The Jomsvikings were
distinguished for their rare courage, and for the fearlessness with
which they faced death. They were governed by strict laws, and hedged
about by exact requirements, and were also, it is said, pledged to
celibacy. Jomsberg was destroyed about the year 1175, by Waldemar the
Great, of Denmark, aided by the princes of Germany and the king of
Barbarrossa. Those of the pirates who survived, escaped to a place near
the mouth of the Elbe, where a few years after, they were annihilated by
the Danes, who in the reign of Canute VI, completely destroyed their
stronghold. Accounts of their achievements may be found in the Saga of
King Olaf Tryggvesson, in vol. I, of Laing's _Heimskringla_. The
Icelanders sometimes joined the Norway pirates, as was the case with
Bioern, but they did not fit out pirate ships. Palnatoki died in the year
993.

[235] Styrbioern, son of King Olaf, ruled Sweden in connection with Eric,
called the Victorious. Styrbioern's ambition, to which was added the
crime of murder, led to his disgrace. He joined the vikings, adding
sixty ships to their force. He was killed, as stated, in 984, in a
battle with his uncle near Upsula.

[236] Dasent says in describing the coast: "Now we near the stupendous
crags of Hofdabrekka, Headbrink, where the mountains almost stride into
the main."

[237] Referring to the dead man's blood.

[238] In Iceland the women are accustomed to bring travelers dry
clothes.

[239] All of these verses are extremely obscure and elliptical, though
far more intelligible to the modern mind than the compositions which
belonged to a still older period. All the chief men of Iceland practiced
the composition of verse. Chaucer makes his Parson apologize for his
inability to imitate the practice.

[240] See the Saga of Burnt Nial.

[241] These sledges were used in drawing hay, as the roads were then, as
now, too poor for carts.

[242] This is the only paragraph which applies directly to the subject
in hand. The following narrative will bring Bioern to notice again.

[243] Few persons will infer much from this; nothing is easier than to
find resemblances in language.

[244] The language indicates that they were riding horseback, though it
is not conclusive. And at the period referred to, there were no horses
in America, they having been introduced by the Spaniards, after the
discovery by Columbus. At least, such is the common opinion.

[245] This is found in _Annales Islandorum Regii_, which gives the
history of Iceland from the beginning down to 1307. Also in _Annales
Flateyensis_, and in _Annales Reseniini_. Eric was appointed bishop of
Greenland, but performed no duties after his consecration, and
eventually resigned that see, in order to undertake the mission to
Vinland. He is also spoken of in two works, as going to Vinland with the
title of Bishop of Greenland, a title which he had several years before
his actual consecration.

[246] The manuscript is deficient here.

[247] The Feather Islands are mentioned in the _Loegmanns Annall_, or,
Annals of the Governors of Iceland, and _Annales Skalholtini_, or Annals
of the Bishopric of Skalholt, written in the middle of the fourteenth
century, long before Columbus went to Iceland. Beamish suggests that
these are the Penguin and Bacaloa Islands.

[248] "The notices of Nyja land and Duneyjar, would seem to refer to a
re-discovery of some parts of the eastern coast of America, which had
been previously visited by earlier voyagers. The original appellation of
Nyja land, or _Nyjafundu-land_, would have naturally led to the modern
English name of Newfoundland, given by Cabot, to whose knowledge the
discovery would [might?] have come through the medium of the commercial
intercourse between England and Iceland in the fifteenth
century."--_Beamish._

[249] See the Decline of Greenland, in Introduction.

[250] Markland (Woodland) was Nova Scotia, as we know from the
description of Leif and others. These vessels doubtless went to get
timber. All these accounts show that the Western ocean was generally
navigated in the middle of the fourteenth century.

[251] In the face of this and a multitude of similar statements, Mr.
Bancroft endeavors to make his readers believe that the locality of
Vinland was uncertain. He might, with equal propriety, tell us that the
location of Massachusetts itself was uncertain, because, according to
the original grant, it extended to the Pacific ocean.

[252] See note 1, p. 81.

[253] This is a blunder. The writer must have been more of a geographer
than historian. See the Saga of Leif, p. 36.

[254] The part inclosed in brackets is an interpolation of a recent
date, and without any authority.

[255] Not to be confounded with, the place of the same name at Cape Cod.

[256] This is another passage upon which Bancroft depends, to prove that
the locality of Vinland was unknown, when in the Sagas the position is
minutely described, the situation being as well known as that of
Greenland.




INDEX.


  Adalbrand, 104.

  Adam of Bremen, xlix, _n_, 36.

  Adzer, Archbishop, xxviii.

  AEgisif, 107.

  AElian, xiii.

  Africa, 107, 108, 110.

  Agassiz, Prof., 30, _n_.

  Alf, of Dolum, 88.

  Alfarin Valeson, 12.

  Alfonso, xlvii.

  Alps, 107.

  Alteson, Jorund, 18.

  America, iii.

  Amund, Bishop, xxxiv.

  Andreas, xxxiii.

  Annales Flateyensis, 104, _n_.

  Annales Islandorum Regii, 104, _n_.

  Annales, Reseniini, 104, _n_.

  Anson, Lord, xxxviii.

  Antioch, 106, 107.

  Antiquarians, Royal Society of, lv, _n_.

  Antiquitates Americanae, lvii, _n_.

  Apulia, 107.

  Archaeologia, Americana, 88, _n_.

  Archer, 29, _n_, 31, _n_, 66, _n_.

  Argyle, Marquis of, liv, _n_.

  Aristotle, xiii.

  Arnae, Magnaean Collection, 48.

  Arnbiorn, 89, 94, 97.

  Arnlaug, 17, 25.

  Arnold, xxix, xxxii;
    Gov. Benedict, lviii, _n_.

  Asbrand, 92;
    Biorn, of Kamb, 89.

  Asia, 106;
    Minor, 106;
    Great, 106, 107.

  Aslak, 19, 49.

  Assonnet Neck, lv, _n_, lvii.

  Athelstane, xxxvii.

  Atlantis, xiii.

  Atli the Red, 86, 88.

  Avalldania, 63, 70.

  Azore, Island, 87, _n_.


  Babylon, 106;
    new, 107.

  Bacoloa, Islands of, 104, _n_.

  Bakka, 94.

  Balder, 55, _n_.

  Ball's River, xxxvi.

  Bancroft, 108, _n_, 110, _n_;
    Mr. George, xliii;
    his views controverted, xliii, liv, _n_.

  Baptistery, lvii.

  Bardarson, Ivan, 12, _n_;
    see Ivar Bert.

  Bartholomew, the Apostle, 106.

  Beacon, Mr. Joseph, 44, _n_.

  Beamish, iii, iv, xix, 104, _n_, 105, _n_.

  Bear Island, 67.

  Bede, the Venerable, xxiv, xxxiv, _n_.

  Behring Straits, xvii.

  Beresvig, Roin, 12.

  Bergen, 109.

  Berse, Haldor's son, 13.

  Bert, Ivar, xxxi, 12, _n_.

  Bessalangen, 105.

  Bethencourts, xvi.

  Biafal, 66;
    see Kiafal.

  Biarne, Bishop, 71, 76, 82;
    Butter-Tub, 49, _n_, 51.

  Biarney, Isle, 65.

  Biorn, Asbrandson Breidaviking, lii, 9, 91, 92;
    exiled, 93;
    returns, 94, 95, 96;
    goes abroad, 100, 103.

  Biorneland, 108, 109.

  Blaaserk, 16, 19.

  Blaland, 107.

  Blig, Thord, 95, 96.

  Blue Hills, 62, _n_.

  Bogafiord, 17, 20.

  Borgafiord, East, 105.

  Borgafiorden, 13.

  Bork, the Fat, 89.

  Bougainville, xiv.

  Bory, de St. Vincent, xvi.

  Braaville, lvii, _n_.

  Brage, 55, _n_.

  Brattahlid, xxvi.

  Bredobolstad, 19.

  Breidafiord, 17, 20.

  Breidavik, 89.

  Brereton, 29, _n_.

  Brokoe, 19.

  Broughton, xviii.

  Brun, Malte, lix, _n_, lx, _n_.

  Bulgaria, 107.

  Bull, Papal, xxv, _n_ 2.

  Burislaus, 93, _n_.

  Burnet, liv, _n_.

  Burnt, Nial, 98, _n_.

  Buynirlfson, Dr., xxxi.

  Buzzard's Bay, 31, _n_.

  Byrdusmior, Biarne, 49.

  Byzantium, xxxvi.


  Cabot, xxxviii, 105, _n_.

  Cadiz, viii.

  Canaria, xv.

  Canary Islands, xiv, xv, xvi, xvii, _n_.

  Canute, xxxvii.

  Cape Cod, v, xlvii, 29, _n_;
    old ship at, 30, _n_.

  Cape Farewell, xxviii.

  Cape Malabar, 31, _n_.

  Capraria, xv, xvi.

  Carl Muller, xiv.

  Chaplains, xvii.

  Chappell, 28, _n_.

  Chatham, 30, _n_.

  Chaucer, 98, _n_.

  Chingwank, lv, _n_.

  Christ, 55, 67.

  Christophersen, Claudius, xxv, _n_ 2.

  Cinnamon, 36, _n_.

  Clarendon, Lord, liv, _n_.

  Cock Lane ghost, liii.

  Codex Flatoiensis, xli.

  Colaens, xiii.

  Colonization of Greenland, 15;
    of Iceland, xxi.

  Columbus, xlviii, liv, 24, _n_, 104, _n_.

  Constantinople, xxxvi, 107.

  Crantor, xxii, 59, _n_, 61, _n_.

  Crantz, xxxv.

  Crete, 107.

  Cronica General de Espana, xlvii.

  Cross, worshiped, lx, _n_.

  Crossness, 42.

  Culdees, xxiv.

  Cyprus, 107.


  Dagmalstad, 33, _n_.

  Danforth, Dr., lv, _n_.

  Darien, Isthmus of, 86, _n_.

  Dasent, xxxvi.

  De Barros, xvii, _n_.

  De Fries, Rev., xxx.

  Denmark, 107, 109.

  Dicuil, xxiv, _n_.

  Dighton Rock, xxx, _n_, lv, lvi, lvii, _n_, 12, _n_.

  Digramula, 92.

  Dimonsvaag, 19.

  Disco, 32.

  Doegardarness, 91.

  Donsk tunga, xx.

  Drangey, 16, 19.

  Drapstock, 21, 23.

  Drift-wood, 14, _n_.

  Druidism, xix, _n_.

  Dublin, 64, 103.

  Dudley, Lieut. Gov., 32, _n_.

  Duneyjar, 104, _n_.


  Earl Sigvald, 100.

  Early Christianity in America, traces of, xviii;
    history of, xxvii, _n_ 2.

  Earth, brief description of, 106.

  East Indies, xlviii, _n_.

  Easton, Peter, lviii, _n_.

  Echard, liv, _n_.

  Egede, Rev. Hans, xxxv, 61, _n_.

  Egypt, 107.

  Einar, 13, 17, 19, _n_, 25.

  Eindridesuden, 105.

  Elysium, xiii.

  England, 106.

  Enne, 12.

  Ephesus, 106.

  Eric, Bishop, lvii.

  Eric, the Red, xxv, xxvi;
    accepts Christianity, xxvii;
    goes to Greenland, li, 17, 19;
    resolves to seek new land, 12, 18;
    banished, 19;
    returns to Greenland, 20, 22;
    his accident, 28.

  Ericksoe, 20;
    see Ericseya.

  Ericseya, 16.

  Ericsfiord, xxvi, 109.

  Ericson, Thovald, xlvii, li;
    goes to Vinland, 39;
    his death, 41, 62, 65;
    Thorstein, li, 22;
    sails for Vinland, 43;
    returns, 43;
    his death, 45.

  Ericstad, 16.

  Erie, Bishop Upse, liii, 104.

  Erlandson, Hauk, xxiii, _n_, 11, _n_, 48.

  Espihol, 76.

  Esquimaux, 59, _n_.

  Ethelred, xxxvii.

  Euphrates, 106.

  Europe, 107, 109.

  Eyktarstad, 32, 33, _n_.

  Eyolfson, Bishop Magnus, xlviii, _n_.

  Eyrbyggia Saga, 89.

  Eyvind, 85.


  Fall River, lix, _n_.

  Farm, Leamington, lviii.

  Faroese, Ballad of, xlix, _n_.

  Feather Islands, 104.

  Fenris, 55, _n_.

  Fiedspidae, 20.

  Finboge, 77;
    sailed for Vinland, 77;
    murdered, 79.

  Finn the Handsome, xlix, _n_.

  Finnmark, 107, 109.

  Flatoe, island of, xli.

  Florida, 87, _n_.

  Flose, 76.

  Forsark, Thorkel, swims for a sheep, 26.

  Forster, J. Reinhold, xlix.

  Fortunate isles, xiv, xv.

  Foster, Father, 34, _n_.

  Fragments, geographical, 105.

  France, 107.

  Frederick, bishop, 17.

  Frederikshab, xxviii.

  Frey, 55, _n_.

  Freydis, 51, 77, _n_;
    sailed for Vinland, 77;
    quarrels with the company, 78;
    murders the brothers and their company, 79;
    returns to Greenland, 80.

  Fridgerda, 49.

  Friederichstal, xxxi.

  Frisland, 107.

  Frithiof's Saga, xxiii, _n_, 52, _n_.

  Froda, 91, 95.

  Frode, Ari, xxiii, xxiv, _n_, xlvi.

  Fuerteventura, xvi.

  Furderstrand, 73;
    see Wonder-strand.

  Furdustrandur, 110.


  Galdrakin, Thorgrim, 96.

  Games, 64.

  Gamlason, Thorhall, 49.

  Ganges, 106.

  Gardar, xxi;
    location of, xxix, _n_;
    cathedral of, xxx;
    marriage in, xxxiii, _n_, 77, 109.

  Gardaridge, 109.

  Gaspe, lix, _n_.

  Geir, the Priest, 98.

  Gellarson, Thorgeir, 16.

  Geller, Thord, 49;
    Thorkel, 88.

  Geon, 107.

  Germany, 107.

  Geyser, xxii.

  Gilbert, 29, _n_ 3.

  Gisli, the Outlaw, 18, _n_.

  Gisser, 38.

  Gissur, the White, xxxii, _n_.

  Glambaerland, 81.

  Gnupson, Bishop Eric, xxviii.

  Gode, 89, _n_.

  Godthaab, xxviii.

  Goe, Month of, 14.

  Gomera, xvi.

  Gornbornese-Skare, 12, _n_;
    see Gunnbiorn's Rocks.

  Gosnold, 29, _n_, 53, _n_.

  Gottland, 108.

  Gould, Sabine-Baring, xliv, _n_.

  Graah, Captain, xxviii.

  Grammaticus, Saxo, lvi, _n_.

  Grapes, 54.

  Graysteel, 19, _n_.

  Great Ireland, 64, 86, 87, _n_.

  Greece, 107.

  Greenland, discovery of, xxv;
    progress of, xxvi;
    tributary to Norway, xxvii;
    church organized in, xxviii;
    monuments and ruins, xxx;
    explorations in, xxxii;
    trade of, xxxiii;
    last bishop of, xxxiii;
    decline of, xxxiii;
    lost Greenland found, xxxv;
    Queen Margaret prohibits trade, xxxv;
    ruins in, 21;
    cattle, 26;
    Christianity introduced, 108, 109.

  Greenlander, Jon., xxxiv.

  Gregory, iv, xxv, _n_ 2.

  Grettir, Saga, xliv, _n_, 28, _n_.

  Grimhild, her death, 44.

  Grimkel, 12.

  Grimolfson, Biarne, 49, 51;
    lost in the Worm Sea, 63, _n_.

  Gripla, 106, 109.

  Gudlaug the Rich, 100.

  Gudlaugson, Gudleif, lii;
    goes to Dublin, 100;
    carried to sea, 101, 102.

  Gudrid, 37, 44, 45;
    second marriage, 57, 72;
    goes to Vinland, 51, 64, 72;
    goes to Rome, 81, _n_;
    a nun, 82.

  Gudrun, 76.

  Gunnbiorn, xxv;
    his rocks, li, 11, 12, 13;
    money found at, 14.

  Gunnstein, 13.

  Gunthorm Stale, 105.


  Hafgerdingar, 22, _n_, 25.

  Hafrafell, 85.

  Haki, 53, 66.

  Haldor, xxxiii, 13.

  Halifax, 29.

  Halla, 76.

  Hallbera, Fru, Abbess of Stad, 76.

  Hallfrida, 71, 76, 82.

  Halmond, xliv, _n_.

  Halogaland, xxxviii.

  Hanno, xiv.

  Harald Harfagr, xxi.

  Hardicanute, xxxvii.

  Harold, The Stern, xxxvii.

  Harvard college, lv, _n_.

  Hauk, Herr, 76.

  Haukdal, 16, 18, 19.

  Havgrim, 17, 22.

  Head brink, 94.

  Head, Sir Edmund, xl, _n_, xlvi.

  Heath, lix, _n_.

  Hebrides, 25, 90.

  Heimdal, 35, _n_.

  Hekia, 53, 66.

  Heimskringla, iii, 87, _n_, xxxvii, _n_, xlvii, lvi, _n_.

  Hela, 55.

  Helge, 77;
    sailed for Vinland, 77;
    murdered, 79;
    the Lean, 86.

  Helgefell, 89, 91, 100.

  Helluland, liii, 65, 108, 110.

  Helsingeland, 108.

  Henningson, Magnus, xxxv.

  Heriulf, 21, 23, _n_, 25.

  Heriulfness, xxiv.

  Heriulfson, Biarne, li;
    goes to Norway, 27;
    goes to Greenland, 22;
    sees new land, 23, 24;
    settles, 25.

  Herodotus, xlvii.

  Hesperides, xv.

  Hialte, xxvii, _n_ 3, 38.

  Hispania, 107.

  Historic Genealogical Register, 30, _n_.

  Historiske Mindesmaerker, Groenland, 11, 15, 87, _n_.

  Hitardale, 16.

  Hoby, lvi, _n_.

  Hoefda-Strand, 49.

  Hoegni the White, 85.

  Holmgard, 107.

  Holstein, 109.

  Holsteinborg, xxviii.

  Homer, xiii, xlvii.

  Homstater, 20.

  Honey Dew, 31, _n_.

  Hop, 60, 70;
    see Mt. Hope.

  Horse head, Thord, 49.

  Hortado, Mary, 61, _n_.

  Hreidarson, Ulf, 12.

  Husasnotru, 81, _n_.

  Hvalsoe, 26.

  Hvalsoefiord, 26.

  Hvidserk, 109.

  Hvitrammana-land, lii, 86.

  Hymn to Thor, 55, 67.


  Iceland, discovery, xxi;
    colonization, xxi;
    birds of, xxii;
    mammalia, xxii;
    Christianity introduced, xxxi, 17;
    date of manuscripts, xli;
    the Saga-men, xii;
    printing press established, xlvii;
    The Eddas, xlvii.

  Icelandic, grammat. structure of, iv.

  Iduna, 55, _n_.

  Igaliko, xxx, lvi.

  Illuge, 19.

  India, 106.

  Indialand, 106.

  Indians, Gaspe, lix, _n_.

  Ingigerd, 76.

  Ingolf, xxii, 21, 25, 53, _n_.

  Ingolfshodi, xxii, _n_, xxiii.

  Iona, Isles of, xxiv.

  Ireland, 108, 109.

  Ireland the Great, xviii.

  Irish Monks, xxi, _n_;
    books of, xxiii;
    bells and croziers of, xxiv, 101.

  Ironsides, Biarne, 49.

  Irving, Washington, xliv, xlviii, _n_.

  Islands, Greek, 107.

  Isle, of Currents, 54;
    Nauset, 29, _n_, 31, _n_, 53, 66;
    of Sable, 52, _n_.

  Isles, of America, xviii;
    of the Blessed, xiv.

  Italy, lvii, 107.


  Jardar, xxv, 12, _n_, 15.

  Jerusalem, 106.

  John, the Apostle, 106.

  Johnson, Biorn, 48;
    Dr., liii.

  Joinville, xlvii.

  Jomsberg, Vikings, 93.

  Jones, Inigo, lix, _n_.

  Jord, the Earth, 91, _n_.

  Jorund, 16, 76, 88.

  Julian's Hope, xxviii, xxx.

  Juno, Temple of, xvi.

  Junonia, xv, xvi, xvii.


  Kakortok, xxx.

  Kalbrunarskald, Thormod, 13.

  Kallstegg, xxiii, _n_, 11, _n_.

  Kamb, 97.

  Kanitsok, lvii.

  Karkortok, lvii.

  Karlsefne, lix;
    Thorfinn, lii, lvi, _n_, 31, _n_;
    goes to Greenland, 49;
    marriage, 51, 72;
    sails for Vin, 51, 64, 72;
    sails past Wonder-strand, 55;
    trades, 58, 73;
    battle with natives, 59, 75;
    seeks Thorhall, 61;
    sails south, 55;
    kills some Skraellings, 60;
    returns to Greenland, 63, 75, 77;
    goes to Iceland, 71, 76;
    goes to Norway, 80;
    cuts wood, 108;
    Snorre, born, 74, 76, 82.

  Kendal, A. E., lvii, _n_.

  Ketil, 17, 25, 89.

  Kiafal, 53.

  Kialarness, 40, 52, 65.

  Kiarten, 93, 95, 103.

  King, Christian II, xxxv;
    Christian III, xxxv;
    Frederic II, xxxv;
    Henry of Portugal, xvii, _n_;
    Harold, xxiv, xlv, 93;
    Juba II, xv, xvi;
    Magnus, xxxii;
    Olaf the Saint, 100;
    Olaf Tryggvesson, Saga of, xxxviii, 18;
    accepts Christianity, xxvi;
    his swimming match, xxxvii;
    ship of, xxxviii;
    Sweno, xlix, _n_;
    Nebuchadnezzar, 106.

  Kingiktorsoak, xxxi.

  Kingsborough, xvii.

  Kittlebiarne, 38, _n_.

  Knarrabringa, Thorbiary, 16, 18, 88.

  Kodranson, Thorvold, 17.

  Kol, 18, _n_.

  Kolgrimsson, Hroar, xxx.

  Krage, Ulf, 113.

  Krok, Thorvald, 76.

  Kroksfiardarheidi, xxxii.

  Kvendland, 108.


  Labrador, 28, _n_.

  Laing, iii, iv, lvii, _n_;
    Prof., xxxix.

  Lake, 69;
    houses built at, 70.

  Lancerote, xvi.

  Landa-Rolf, 105.

  Landnama Book, xxiii, _n_ 1, 11.

  Law of matrimony, 79, _n_.

  Leamington, lviii, _n_.

  Leclerc, Father, lix.

  Ledehammar, xxxviii.

  Leif, xxvi, li, lii, 18, 22, 26;
    goes to Vinland, 27;
    returns to Greenland, 36;
    finds shipwrecked sailors, 36, 38, 39;
    sent to proclaim Christianity in Greenland, 38, 39;
    his Booths, lix, 40, 50, 72, 105, _n_;
    his judgment on Freydis, 80, 88;
    the Lucky, 108.

  Leikskaale, 19.

  Literature of Iceland, xliii;
    Anglo-Saxon, xlvi;
    of France, xlvii;
    Castilian, xlvii.

  Lizards, xvii.

  Lodbrok, Rognar, 49.

  Logman's Annall, 104, _n_.

  Loeigardelen, 13.

  Loke, 55, _n_.

  Lombardland, 107.

  Lombardy, 107.

  Long Serpent, xxxviii.

  Loptson, Thorolf Eyar, 100.


  Machin, Robert, xvii, _n_.

  Madeira, xvi.

  Madr, lvi, _n_.

  Magnus, Olaus, xl.

  Magnussen, Prof., Finn, xxxi, xxxiii, xlvii, 27, _n_, 87, _n_.

  Magre, Haldor, 105.

  Maine, liv, _n_.

  Major, xvi.

  Malte Brun, 32, _n_.

  Man, Isle of, 90.

  Manamoyake Bay, 31, _n_.

  Manuscripts, date of, xli.

  Manvel, Juan, xlvii.

  Mar, 86, 99.

  Marana, John Paul, xix.

  Markland, liii, 29, _n_, 65, 105, 108.

  Mars, Vigdis, xxx.

  Marson, Are, lii, 85, 86, _n_, 87, _n_, 88, _n_.

  Martha's Vineyard, 54, _n_.

  Massachusetts, 108, _n_.

  Massur Wood, 81.

  Mather, Dr. Cotton, lv, _n_, 46, _n_;
    his _Magnalia_, 46, _n_, 58, _n_, 61, _n_, 74, _n_.

  Mathieson, xxx.

  Mauritania, xx.

  Medafeels-strand, 90.

  Mediterranean, 106, 107.

  Merry Mount, 32, _n_.

  Mexico, British Language in, xix.

  Midgard, 35, _n_.

  Midjokul, 16, 20.

  Miklagard, 107.

  Milesieus, xix, _n_.

  Mill, Newport, lviii, _n_;
    Chesterton, lix, _n_.

  Minor Narratives, lii, 86.

  Missionaries, French, lix, _n_.

  Mjorfiord, 13.

  Money found, li.

  Monuments, absence of, lv.

  Moore, xix.

  Morton, New English Canaan, 32, _n_.

  Mossfell, 38, _n_.

  Mount Desert, liv, _n_.

  Mount Hope Bay, lii, 32, 56.

  Mundia, 107.


  Nadodd, xxi.

  Narragansett Bay, 60, _n_.

  Narratives, l;
    their truthfulness, liii;
    their age, liv;
    Major Narratives, 9;
    Minor, 83.

  Nantucket, 30, _n_, 32, _n_.

  Neprass, Hergill, 87.

  Ness Roein, 12.

  Newfoundland, liii.

  Newport, lviii, _n_, lix, _n_.

  Niall, xix.

  Nicholas, 109.

  Nidaros, 18.

  Nile, 107.

  Nineveh, 106.

  Nivaria, xv.

  Nordenfield, 95.

  Nordrsetur, xxxii.

  North American Review, iii.

  Northern Antiquarians, xlix, 29, _n_.

  Northmen, xviii, xx;
    character and achievements of, xxxvi;
    ships of, xxxvii;
    colonize Greenland, xxxvii;
    discover America, xxxvi;
    nautical knowledge of, xl.

  Northumbria, xxxvii.

  Norway, 107, 109.

  Nutmegs, 36, _n_.

  Nyja, 105, _n_.

  Nyja Land, 104, _n_.

  Nyjafundu-land, 105, _n_.


  Ocean, Pacific, 108.

  Oceanum, Mare, 110.

  Oddson, Eindrid, xxxi.

  Odin, xxii, _n_, xxiv, 18, _n_, 55, _n_.

  Oeland, 108.

  Ogursvigen, 13.

  O'Halloran, xix.

  Olaf, the Saint, xxxvii.

  Old Mill, lviii, _n_.

  Ombrios, xv, xvi.

  Orcobares, 106.

  Ord, 91, 82.

  Orkneys, 90.

  Ormuzd, xxii.

  Orne, the Lean, 89.

  Otis, Amos, 30, _n_.


  Paley, Dr., liv.

  Palfrey, lix, _n_.

  Palingenesia, xxii.

  Palma, xvi.

  Palnatoki, 93, _n_, 94.

  Palteskia, 107.

  Papey, Island of, xxiv.

  Papyli, Island of, xxiv.

  Paradise, 106, 107.

  Parentals, 92.

  Parry, xxxi.

  Peak of Teneriffe, xvi.

  Pelham, Edward, lviii, _n_.

  Penguin Islands, 104, _n_.

  Penobscot, liv, _n_.

  Peringskiold, 32, _n_, 36, _n_, 40, _n_.

  Permia, 108, 109.

  Peter, the Apostle, 106.

  Peyrere, xxv, _n_ 2, xxxiv.

  Pharaoh Necho, xiv.

  Phenicians, xiii, xiv, xvii.

  Phoenius, xix, _n_.

  Pillars of Hercules, xii, xiii.

  Pison, 106.

  Plato, xiii.

  Pliny, xv, xvi, 57.

  Pluviala, xvi.

  Plutarch, xvi.

  Plymouth Colonists, xlvii.

  Point Alderton, 40, _n_.

  Point Care, 66.

  Point Gilbert, 30, _n_, 31, _n_, 40, _n_, 53, _n_, 66, _n_.

  Popham, George, 36, _n_.

  Port Haldiman, 29.

  Priests of Sais, xiii.

  Prince Henry the Navigator, xvi, 72, _n_.

  Prince Madoc, xx.

  Purchas, His Pilgrimage, 12, _n_.

  Puerto Bello, 63, _n_.

  Purpurariae, xv, xvi.

  Pulsland, 107.


  Queen Margaret, xxxv.


  Race Point, 40, _n_.

  Rafn, Holm-Gang, 16, 19;
    Prof., iv, v;
    the Limerick merchant, 85, 86, 88, xviii, xxxiii, xlix;
    his Antiquities of America, xlix, lv, lvi, 15, 25, 30, _n_, 31, _n_,
          87, _n_, 103.

  Rask, Professor, xxxi.

  Raudulf, xxxviii.

  Rauglatr, 76.

  Red-beard, 67;
    see Thor.

  Reikiavik, xxiii, 12, 76.

  Rhine, 107.

  Rhode Island, li;
    Historical Society of, lvi.

  Robertson, Rev. Dr., xlix.

  Rocks, Portsmouth, lvii, _n_;
    Tiverton, lvii, _n_.

  Rofnsgripa, 17.

  Roger Guiscard, xxxvi, _n_.

  Rolf of Roedesand, 13, 104.

  Rollo, xxxvii.

  Roenhavnos, 94, 100.

  Round Towers, lix, _n_.

  Runamoe, lvi, _n_.

  Runic Letters, on an oar, xxxiv;
    age of Alphabet, xviii;
    in Grettir Saga, xliv, _n_.

  Runolfson, Bishop Thorlak, 71, 76, 82.

  Russia, 107, 108.


  Sacred Fish, 57, 69.

  Saemund the Wise, xlvi.

  Sagadahoc, 36, _n_.

  Sagas, iii, iv, 110, _n_;
    general knowledge of, xlix.

  St. Columba, xviii;
    Paul, liv;
    Patrick, xviii;
    John, lii;
    Savior, liv, _n_.

  St. Sophia, 107.

  Salmon, 32.

  Saxavol, 12.

  Saxe, son of Alfarin Valeson, 15.

  Saxo Grammaticus, xlviii.

  Saxon, v.

  Schoening, 87, _n_.

  Schoolcraft, Henry, lv, _n_.

  Scotland, 108.

  Scots, 53.

  Sea of Darkness, xii.

  Seat, Episcopal, 106;
    of Gardar, 108, 109.

  Seat Posts, 19;
    see Setstakkar.

  Serkland, 107.

  Sertorius, xiv.

  Setstakkar, xxii, _n_.

  Shawanese Indians, 87, _n_.

  Sicily, 107.

  Sida, 105.

  Sighvatson, Erling, xxxi.

  Sigurd, Earl of the Orkneys, 90.

  Skagafiord, 81.

  Skalholt, xxxiv.

  Skardfa, Biaeren von, xxxiv.

  Skeleton in armor, lix, _n_.

  Skialdespilder, Eyvind, xlv.

  Skoetufiorden, 13.

  Skraellings, xxxii, xxxiii, 21, 41, 57;
    Trade with Karlsefne, 58, 69, 70, 73;
    one killed, 74.

  Skraellings land, 110.

  Slaves, 18, _n_, 19, 53.

  Sledges, 98.

  Slut Bush, 30, _n_.

  Smaellingar, 41, _n_.

  Smalenskia, 107.

  Smith, Capt. John, 29, _n_;
    Joshua Toulmin, iii, iv;
    Mr. Philip, 46, _n_.

  Smith's Dialogues, 42.

  Snaebiorn, Galte, 13;
    killed, 14, 15, _n_.

  Snaefell, mountain of, xxxii.

  Snoefellsjokull, 16.

  Snorre, 89, 91, 93, 96, 97, 98, 99, 102.

  Snow, 70.

  Snowland, xxi.

  Soers, Eyulf, 16.

  Sokke, xxix.

  Solon, xiii.

  Solvi, 17, 25.

  Sondensfield, 95.

  Spainland, 107.

  Speculum Regali, xl.

  Staerbiorn, 13.

  Stafholt, 13.

  Statias Sebosus, xv, xvi.

  Steinum, 76.

  Sterka, Herr Ereland, 76.

  Stilicho, xix, _n_ 1.

  Strabo, xix, xvii.

  Straum Bay, 54, 70;
    see Stream Bay.

  Straumey, 66.

  Styrbiorn, 93, 94, _n_, 97.

  Straumfiord, 100.

  Stream Bay, 54.

  Stuf, the Skald, xlv.

  Sturlingers, 100.

  Styrmer, xxiii, _n_, 11, _n_.

  Sukkeroppen, xxviii.

  Sumarlide, 13.

  Superstition, 28, _n_.

  Sweden, 107;
    the lesser, 108.

  Swein, xxxvii.

  Sydero, 19.


  Tacenta, 86, _n_.

  Tacitus, xix, _n_ 2.

  Taunton, lv, _n_.

  Thor, xxii, _n_, xxiv, 9, _n_, 35, _n_, 54, 55.

  Thorberg, xxxviii, _n_.

  Thorbiorg, 86.

  Thorbiorn, 65;
    the Fat, 89, 91;
    Vifilson, 16.

  Thorbjornglora, 17, 25.

  Thorbrandson, Helgi, 17, 25;
    Snowe, 49.

  Thord, 49, 72.

  Thordarson, Biorn, xxxi;
    Snorre, 72.

  Thordsen, xxiii, _n_, 11, _n_.

  Thordis, 76.

  Thorer the Idle, 39.

  Thorfinn, Earl of the Orkneys, 88.

  Thorgeir, 71, 76;
    Red, 13.

  Thorgest, 16, 19, 20.

  Thorgills, Kollson, 88.

  Thorgird, 21.

  Thorgrim, Styr, 16.

  Thorhall the Hunter, 51, 54, 65, 67, 68.

  Thorhild, xxvii, 16;
    her church, 47;
    the Partridge, 49.

  Thorkafiord, 85.

  Thorkatla, 87.

  Thorkel, 13, 14.

  Thorlacius, Bishop, 32, _n_.

  Thorod, 13;
    killed, 14, 15, _n_.

  Thorodd, 90, 91, 92, 93, 95, 96, 97, 100;
    Wooden Clog, 91.

  Thoruna, 49.

  Thorsnesthing, 93.

  Thorstein Black, 44, 82, _n_.

  Thoruna, 71, 76, 82.

  Thorvald, son of Helge, 104;
    son of Osvald, 15, 16.

  Thorvord, 52.

  Theopompus, xii.

  Thingness, 13, 14.

  Throndheim, 18, 109.

  Thurid, 51, _n_, 76;
    of Froda, 89, 91, 102, 103.

  Tigris, 106.

  Timber cut, 73.

  Todum, 19.

  Torfaeus, xxxi;
    works of, xlix, 32, _n_, 48.

  Tradition, Indian, lvii, _n_.

  Traditions, xviii.

  Turkish Spy, xix.

  Tyrians, xiii.

  Tyrker, 28, 34, 35.


  Ulf Krage, xxv, 16.

  Ulf Oexna-Thorerisson, 15.

  Ulf the Squinter, 85, 88.

  Unipeds, 61.

  Uvaege, 63, 70.


  Vag, 21.

  Val, 91, 92.

  Valldidia, 63, 70.

  Valgerda, 76.

  Valthiof, 18.

  Vathelldi, 63, 70.

  Vatnahver, 17, 18, 25.

  Vatshorn, 16.

  Vermeland, 108.

  Villehardouin, xlvii.

  Vinland, xxvii, _n_ 1, lvii, 108;
    Bancroft's Views of, xliii, _n_;
    known by Adam of Bremen, xlix, _n_, 36, _n_;
    known by the Irish, xlix, _n_, liii, lvi;
    climate, 32, 67;
    situation of, 87;
    the Good, 108, 110.

  Vivien de St. Martin, xiv.

  Voyages--
    Eric the Red, 15-21;
    Biarne, 21-26;
    Leif's, 26-43;
    Thorstein's, 43-48;
    Karlsefne's, 48-76;
    Freydis, 77-82;
    Helge, 77-82;
    Finboge, 77-82;
    Marson's, 85-88;
    Asbrandson's, 89-100;
    Gudlangson's, 100-13;
    Miscellaneous, 103-105;
    Phenicians, xiv.


  Wafer, 86, _n_.

  Waldemar the Great, 93, _n_.

  Walkendorf, Archbishop Eric, xxxv.

  Wallin, 93, _n_.

  Warwick, lix, _n_.

  Warwickshire, lviii, _n_, lix, _n_.

  Webb, Dr., 31, _n_.

  Werlauf, 14, _n_.

  Whales, 54, 56, 73.

  Wheat, 54, 66.

  White-man's land, 63, 70, 86, 87, _n_, 88.

  Winthrop, Prof., lv, _n_.

  Wonder-strand, 30, _n_, 53, _n_, 66, _n_, 69.

  Woodland, 105, _n_.

  Woodrow, liv, _n_.

  Wormius, xxxiv.

  Worm Sea, 63, 70.

  Writing Rock; see Dighton Rock.


  Yule, 50.






End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Pre-Columbian Discovery of America
by the Northmen, by B. F. De Costa

*** 