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THE STORY OF MAJORCA AND MINORCA




  THE STORY OF

  MAJORCA AND MINORCA

  BY

  SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B.

  AUTHOR OF
  ‘RICHARD  III: LIFE AND CHARACTER’ ‘THE LIFE OF THE GREAT LORD FAIRFAX’
  ‘EDWARD VI: AN APPRECIATION’ ETC.

  _WITH TWO MAPS_

  LONDON
  SMITH, ELDER, & CO., 15 WATERLOO PLACE
  1908

  [All rights reserved]




PREFACE


The story of the Islands of Majorca and Minorca has never been told
in our language in a condensed form, although the interest is great
from an historical point of view, and the materials sufficient, though
not perhaps abundant. It is so closely connected with the history of
Aragon and the recovery of the Sicilies from the intruding Angevins
that the two cannot be altogether separated. The most that can be done
is, as far as practicable, to treat the Aragonese and Sicilian events
from a Majorcan point of view. This has been attempted. The stirring
events of the conquest of Majorca by Jayme I., the latter part of the
reign of his son, and the reigns of Sancho and Jayme III., as well
as the adventures and death of Jayme IV., the last of his race, all
belong strictly to Majorcan history, as do the chapters on Balearic
navigators and the revolt of the ‘Comunidades.’ The story fills a gap
in the history of Mediterranean countries which may not be altogether
unacceptable to students. This has been one object of the writer.

Another object has been to supply more detailed information respecting
the events of former times in the islands, for the use of the
considerable number of visitors who resort to them. The interest of the
scenery and of many localities cannot fail to be much increased by a
detailed knowledge of the historical associations connected with them.

My principal authorities have been the autobiography of Jayme I., the
Chronicle of Muntaner, Desclot, Zurita, and the histories of Dameto
and Mut, edited by Bover. My thanks are due for much courtesy and
assistance from the Count of Montenegro, H.M. Consul Don Bartolomè
Bosch y Cerda, and Señor Albareda of the Grand Hotel at Palma, and
to Mr. Gilbert Ogilvy for having kindly made sketches for me of the
memorial chair at Alfavia.

The story of Minorca necessarily embraces an account of the several
British occupations, and of some of the operations of the British fleet
with Minorca as a base.

    September 1908.




CONTENTS


                                                                Page

  PREFACE                                                          v


  PART I

  _MAJORCA_


  CHAPTER I

  Of King Jayme I. of Aragon, and how he resolved to conquer
  Majorca and drive out the Moors                                  1


  CHAPTER II

  Tells how King Jayme won a victory over the Moors of
  Majorca, and gives some account of the Moorish capital          16


  CHAPTER III

  Tells how En Jayme besieged and took the capital, conquered
  the whole island, and became the first Christian King of
  Majorca                                                         25


  CHAPTER IV

  King Jayme’s last visits. Settlement of the island--Acts
  and death of Jayme I.                                           39


  CHAPTER V

  Tells how the King of Aragon took up Conradin’s glove,
  how the Pope’s curses went home to roost, and how En
  Pedro kept his tryst                                            54


  CHAPTER VI

  Tells how the Queen of Aragon went to Sicily with her sons,
  how Admiral Lauria won new victories, and how more of
  the Pope’s curses went home to roost                            76


  CHAPTER VII

  Tells how young Federigo held Sicily against all odds, how
  the Catalan Company went to the east, and how Jayme II.
  of Majorca was restored to his island home                      96


  CHAPTER VIII

  Tells how King Jayme II. at last reigned in peace, and how
  his page, Raymondo Lulio, attained the crown of martyrdom      107


  CHAPTER IX

  The career of Prince Fernando of Majorca, and tells how the
  orphan was taken home to its grandmother                       120


  CHAPTER X

  King Sancho of Majorca                                         136


  CHAPTER XI

  King Jayme III. of Majorca                                     141


  CHAPTER XII

  Relates the adventures of Jayme and Isabel, describes the
  memorial chair, and records the end of the Majorcan
  dynasty                                                        151


  CHAPTER XIII

  Relates the story, so far as it concerns Majorca, of the last
  Kings of Aragon                                                160


  CHAPTER XIV

  The Majorcans as navigators                                    170


  CHAPTER XV

  The ‘Comunidades’                                              180


  CHAPTER XVI

  The Majorcan historians--War of Succession--Families
  ennobled--Cotoners, Raxa, and Cardinal Despuig--Country
  houses                                                         190


  CHAPTER XVII

  The Marquis of Romana and the patriot Jovellanos               201


  CHAPTER XVIII

  Conclusion                                                     213


  PART II


  _MINORCA_


  CHAPTER I

  Minorca--Its prehistoric remains--Mago the Carthaginian        219


  CHAPTER II

  Conquest by Alfonso III.--Barbary pirates                      230


  CHAPTER III

  British occupation                                             242


  CHAPTER IV

  Minorca as a base                                              253


  CHAPTER V

  Minorca under British rule                                     263


  CHAPTER VI

  Minorca twice lost                                             272


  CHAPTER VII

  Third occupation--Loss of British rule                         282

  INDEX                                                          291


  MAPS

  MAJORCA                                           _to face p._ 218

  MINORCA                                                  ”     290




THE STORY OF MAJORCA AND MINORCA




PART I

_MAJORCA_




CHAPTER I

Of King Jayme I. of Aragon and how he resolved to conquer Majorca and
drive out the Moors


Majorca has a very interesting history under its Aragonese princes, and
a history which has been well told by those princes themselves and by a
loyal vassal who was a diligent seeker after truth. But to understand
it we must turn first to the gorges of the Pyrenees and the ports of
Catalonia.

By the middle of the eighth century the Moors had overcome Spain up
to the Pyrenees, and established their rule and their religion in all
parts of the country. But there they had to stop. They could not subdue
the mountaineers of Asturias and the Basque provinces. Strong in their
almost inaccessible valleys in the southern <DW72>s of the Pyrenees,
the ancestors of the nobles of Aragon also held their Moslem enemies at
bay. Wild as those valleys were, they were beautiful and productive.
Evergreen oaks clothed the lower <DW72>s, succeeded by pine forests,
and still higher up are the bushes and trees of box so characteristic
of the Pyrenees. The mountaineers had their flocks and herds, crops of
barley and oats, and abundance of timber. But there was a long struggle
before them.

The little kingdom of Navarre was founded by Garcia Jimenes as early
as 758, and Louis, the son of Charlemagne, drove the Moors out of
Barcelona and established a Christian country there about fifty years
afterwards. At length the kingdom of Aragon was founded by Ramiro I.,
a son of the King of Navarre, and Buesca was taken from the Moors and
became the first capital of Aragon. Then the great Alonso, surnamed ‘El
Batallador,’ having firmly established his power in the plains, drove
the Moors out of Zaragoza in 1118, which was thenceforth the capital of
Aragon.

The marriage of Petronilla, the heiress of Aragon, with Raymond
Berenger, the Count of Barcelona, raised the kingdom to a position
of importance among the nations of the Middle Ages. The Counts of
Barcelona during three centuries had ruled over a maritime people
of great energy. These rulers were, for the most part, capable men,
whether in war or peace. The Berengers were great warriors. It is
related that the first of the family passed his hand, covered with
blood, down the face of his golden shield after a battle, and ever
afterwards the arms of Barcelona, granted by the Emperor Charles the
Bald in 873 and eventually adopted by Aragon, were _or four pales
gules_.[1] The old arms of Aragon were a cross of St. George between
four Moors’ heads. They were quartered with those of Barcelona after
the union; but latterly those of the Counts of Barcelona only were
used. Sicily was _per saltire_ the arms of Aragon (Barcelona) above and
below, imperial eagles dexter and sinister. As rulers of a maritime
and commercial people, the Counts were not found wanting. Count
Raymond, called the ‘Old,’ gave the Catalans a code of laws and began
the cathedral at Barcelona, and his successors fostered the rising
importance of Catalan enterprise.

Aragon, like England, was a constitutional monarchy, with the ‘Fueros
de Sobrarbe’ as its Magna Charta. The King could do nothing, in peace
or war, without the counsel of the nobles, called ‘Ricos Hombres,’[2]
and there was a court of appeal in the ‘Justicia Mayor.’ The Parliament
was composed of the ‘Ricos Hombres’ and the ‘Syndicos’ of the towns.
Next in rank to the ‘Ricos Hombres’ were the ‘Infançones,’ equivalent
to ‘Hidalgos’ in Castille. The prefix ‘En’ was used in Aragon as
equivalent to ‘Don’ in Castille. The Catalan language, allied to
the Provençal, was spoken by the people, and written by lawyers,
chroniclers, and troubadours. It was extended to Valencia and the
Balearic Isles, and claims great antiquity. It was the language of an
enterprising commercial people, and was well adapted to be a vehicle
for romantic and national songs.

The exact identity of duration of the two dynasties of Plantagenets
and Aragonese sovereigns invites comparison. The heiress Petronilla
was the contemporary of our Empress Maud; and Ferdinand, the last male
of his race, was the contemporary of our last Plantagenet, Richard
III. They were neighbours, the Pyrenees only separating Gascony of
the Plantagenets from Aragon and Catalonia. They were cousins through
Eleanor of Provence. They were more than cousins, for Raymond, the
husband of Petronilla, chose our Henry II. for the guardian of his
children, and the greatest of our kings, Edward I., was the trusted
umpire selected by Pedro III. of Aragon, and the intended father-in-law
of his son. Both families were composed of remarkable men, renowned for
chivalry, bravery, and, in more instances than was the case in most
dynasties, for wisdom as rulers.

Pedro II. of Aragon reigned from 1196 to 1213. He and his cousin En
Nuño de Sans fought at the battle of Las Navas de Tolosa side by side
with the kings of Castille and Navarre. It was the great conflict which
finally settled the preponderance of Christians over Moors. After that
famous victory the expulsion of the latter was only a question of
time. Pedro married the heiress of Montpellier and became the Lord of
that barony, as well as of Roussillon and Cerdaña. This brought him in
contact with Simon de Montfort; and the King of Aragon appears to have
made an agreement with Simon by which he gave his only son Jayme to be
brought up at Carcassonne with a view to his eventual marriage with a
daughter of De Montfort. Afterwards a war broke out between Aragon and
Carcassonne, and Pedro was slain in a battle near the castle of Muret.

The heir of Aragon was at Carcassonne, in the power of his father’s
enemy, and was only six years of age. He was born on February 8,
1208. Simon de Montfort at first refused to give him up; but, owing
to the intervention of the Pope, he was restored to his subjects, and
arrived at Montpellier in safety with his cousin Ramon Berenguer of
Provence, who was the same age. This companion of Jayme was the future
grandfather of Edward I. of England.

Jayme I. of Aragon, surnamed the Conqueror, was among the greatest
sovereigns in an age of great sovereigns, the age of Edward I. of
England, of St. Louis of France, of St. Fernando of Castille, of
Frederick II. of Germany. Accepted by his Parliament and guarded by his
nobles during his minority, Jayme entered upon his duties as ruler of a
free people with every advantage. His person is described by Desclot.
He was very tall--over six feet--with broad shoulders, small waist, and
well-proportioned limbs. He had a fair rosy complexion, blue eyes, and
auburn hair. He was strong and active, very expert in all exercises on
foot or horseback, valiant and well-practised in arms. He was courteous
and affable to all classes of people, and he was as merciful as he was
brave. There is one charming incident which throws a very pleasant
light on his character. It is related in his own journal. His tent had
been pitched in one place for a considerable time, and when the camp
was moving it was found that a swallow had built its nest between the
tent-poles. The King ordered that the tent was to remain pitched and
guarded until the young swallows could fly, saying that the mother-bird
had put herself under his protection, and that he could not disappoint
her. Jayme, when a boy, was married to a princess of Castilla and had
a son by her named Alonso, who died young. But the mother of his other
children was Violante, daughter of King Andrew of Hungary and sister of
St. Isabel.

The first great enterprise undertaken by King Jayme was the expulsion
of the Moors from the Balearic Islands, which they had possessed for
five hundred years.

Majorca, with its satellites Minorca and Iviça, forms a very fine
possession. The largest of the islands, with its fifty miles of extent
and area covering 1,300 square miles, is nearly square, with its two
large bays of Palma and Alcudia on either side and a projection to the
south-west; but the grace and beauty of its outline should have saved
it from being called a ‘quadrilateral trapezoid.’ A fine range of
mountains, mainly of Jurassic limestone (lias), occupies the western
and northern sides of the island, with peaks rising to near 5,000
feet. The ‘Puig Galatzo,’ in sight from Palma, is 3,500, and the ‘Puig
Major,’ farther north, 4,700 feet in height. The mountainous part
contains lovely valleys, with much terrace-cultivation of oranges and
olives, many flowering shrubs, and with the higher <DW72>s clothed in
forests of Aleppo pines. From this deep green vegetation perpendicular
cliffs and peaks of white marble stand out against the deep blue sky.
There are lower hills near the south coast, but the rest of the island
is a most fertile _huerta_ or garden, covered with almond and apricot
trees, and crops or pasture beneath them. In the early spring the whole
is one vast sea of almond-blossom. Ancient olive and carob trees take
the place of almonds near the skirts of the mountains. On the northern
side of the mountains, especially at Miramar, with the sea far below
and the white peaks shooting up into the sky, the scene is a perfect
dream of loveliness.

The Arab conquerors fully appreciated the beauty and advantages of
Majorca, with its inheritance of Carthaginian and Roman traditions,
ruins, and aqueducts. For does not the chronicler Ask-shakandi describe
the island as ‘one of the most fertile and best cultivated countries
that God ever made, and the most abundant in provisions of all kinds’?
while the poet Ibn-al-labneh tells us that to its capital ‘the ringdove
lent the prismatic colours of his collar, and the peacock his beautiful
variegated plumage’!

It was in 716 that Abdallah, the son of Musa, overran the Balearic
Islands, and they became part of the empire of the Beni Umiyyah.
During this period they were fully occupied by Moors and Arabs. When
the great Cordovan empire fell to pieces, a man of remarkable courage
and ability was governor of the town of Denia, on the Valencian coast.
This was Mujahid ibn Al Amíri, surnamed Abu-l-jayush, or the father
of the army. He was a Cordovan, and a freed man of Abdu-r-rahman,
son of the great conqueror Almanzor. Mujahid retained possession of
Denia, and made himself Amir of the Balearic Islands in 1015. He was
an undaunted warrior, an experienced sailor, and his large fleet
dominated the eastern Mediterranean. His son Ali, surnamed Al Muhtadi,
succeeded him in 1045, and was in close alliance with the Christian
Count of Barcelona, Raymond Berenger I. A remarkable grant has been
preserved by which Ali ordered that all the Christian clergy of Denia
and the Balearic Islands were to be under the jurisdiction of the
Bishop of Barcelona. It is a proof of the liberal and tolerant spirit
which actuated the Spanish Muhammadan princes. Ali was dethroned by
one of this officers named Mubashir, who reigned until 1114, and
from that time, though the islanders throve and their capital was
enriched, the rulers became aggressive and piratical. They were kept in
check to some extent by the fleets of the republic of Pisa; but they
made raids on the Catalonian coast, and even sacked Barcelona on one
occasion and killed its Count. No Christian ship was safe, and at last
the cup of their iniquity was full. King Jayme resolved that Majorca
must be conquered and that the Moorish must be replaced by a Catalan
population. It was time. The chroniclers call the Moor who was then
ruling at Majorca ‘Sheikh Bohibe,’ but his real name appears to have
been Abu Yahye ibn Ali Imran At-tinmeleli.

King Jayme, by keeping a journal, had an immense advantage over other
sovereigns. His autobiography is deeply interesting in itself: its
truthfulness is self-evident, and it checks and sometimes disproves the
tales of careless chroniclers. It was printed at Valencia in 1474 in
Catalan, the language in which it was written; was printed in Spanish
for Philip II. in 1557; and Mr. Forster’s English translation, edited
by Don Pascual Gayangos, was published in 1883. Here we have a detailed
narrative of the conquest of Majorca at first hand.

The young King was only in his twentieth year when the great enterprise
was undertaken. He ruled over a free people, and it was necessary to
call together the Ricos Hombres, the prelates, and the procurators of
towns, and to submit his project for their approval. They assembled in
the old palace of the Counts of Barcelona. Their assent was unanimous
and enthusiastic. The Archbishop of Tarragona, too old to go himself,
promised to equip one hundred knights and one thousand infantry. Then
up rose En Berenguer de Palou, the Bishop of Barcelona, who was not
to be outdone. He declared that he would go himself with 130 knights,
one thousand soldiers, and a galley, and that he would not return
until the conquest was complete. Other prelates--canons, abbots, and
monks--followed these examples, down to the sacristan of Gerona, who
promised to equip ten knights. The most able and experienced general
among the nobles was the King’s cousin En Nuño Sans, the Count of
Roussillon, and he spoke in the names of the principal Ricos Hombres,
who were En Guillem de Moncada, Viscount of Bearne by marriage, a very
great vassal; Ponce Hugo, Count of Ampurias; Ramon de Moncada; Bernardo
de Santa Eugenia de Torrella; Jofre, Viscount of Rocaberti; Hugo de
Mataplana--all promising to equip knights and foot soldiers according
to their means. The young son of a German count, named Carroz, and many
other volunteers, also followed the King.

Ramon de Plegamans, a wealthy merchant of Barcelona, contracted to
supply arms, siege equipage, and provisions; and the thoroughness with
which this was done impresses the reader, more than the numbers of
troops, with the wealth and resources of the great Catalonian seaport.
As many as 143 vessels were assembled, including 25 full-sized ships,
18 undecked ‘taridas,’ and 100 flat-bottomed boats. The largest ship
came from Narbonne, and had three decks. The army consisted of 15,000
infantry and 1,500 cavalry. All the latest machines for hurling
stones and protecting the besiegers were provided by the enterprising
Plegamans.

The vessels were assembled at the small ports of Salou and Cambrils,
near Tarragona, and the expedition sailed on September 1, 1229. The
King’s orders were that the ship of Captain Nicolas Bonet, with En
Guillermo de Moncada on board, should lead, and that young Carroz
should command the rear ship. The King was in a galley belonging to
Montpellier, his birthplace. There was a light wind from the shore,
but before evening it began to blow hard from the south-west, with
a very heavy sea. The ships were close-hauled, and making such bad
weather that the pilot wanted to put back. The King would not hear of
it. Towards sunset of the following day the land was in sight, and
next morning the fleet was off Pollenza, the north-east extreme of
Majorca. But suddenly a strong ‘Provençal’ wind sprang up, and the
ships were in great danger of being driven on shore. By advice of an
experienced sailor, they stood along the north-west coast of the island
until the south-west extremity was reached at a place called Palomera.
The King’s galley arrived first, and was followed by the rest of the
fleet, not one being missing. There was a consultation with En Nuño and
the Moncadas, when it was agreed that the galleys should examine the
south-west coast for a good place to land, while the rest of the fleet
remained at anchor. The King landed on a rock between the island of
Dragonera and the main, called Pantaleu, where he passed the following
Sunday. The Moors had discovered the hostile fleet, and lined the shore
with a strong force of horse and foot.

At midnight the fleet was got under way, with all lights out, and in
profound silence. The main portion anchored in the bay of Santa Ponza,
and the rest in a neighbouring roadstead called Porrasa. Thence the
coast runs south to Cape Calafiguera, and sweeps round the bay of
Palma. Here King Jayme landed with his army.




CHAPTER II

Tells how King Jayme won a victory over the Moors of Majorca; and gives
some account of the Moorish capital


The little bay of Santa Ponza was alive with boats from the ships,
pulling to the shore. The first to land was a young Catalan ensign
named Bernardo de Riudemeya, who waved his pennon as a sign for the
others to follow him. As a reward the King granted him the estate of
Santa Ponza in fee-simple. He was followed by 700 men and the chief
officers, including En Nuño, En Ramon de Moncada, En Bernardo de Santa
Eugenia de Torrella, Bernardo de Champans, the Master of the Temple,
and his knights, making about 150 horse. A reconnaissance by Ramon de
Moncada found an advanced guard of Moors about a mile away, which was
attacked and put to flight. When the King landed, he heard that this
encounter was proceeding, so he galloped off to the scene of action
with forty attendant knights. Seeing a body of 400 Moorish infantry on
a spur of the hills, he attacked them furiously, put them to flight,
and returned well pleased. He found his nobles in some alarm for his
safety, and he was seriously taken to task for running such risks when
so much depended on his life. Guillem de Moncada told him that he ought
to recollect that the lives of all of them depended upon his safety.

The rest of the cavalry had arrived in the rear squadron and had been
landed at Porrasa, where it was ascertained that the Moorish Amír with
a large army was at Porto Pi, a small harbour between Porrasa and the
capital of the island. This news was brought to the King at midnight,
and he called a council of war, when it was determined to give the
troops a good night’s rest before the expected battle. At dawn Jayme
and his nobles heard Mass, and a sermon was preached by the Bishop
of Barcelona. All prayed fervently, and were resolved upon victory.
The King and most of his friends had received the Sacrament before
starting, at Salou; but En Guillem de Moncada had delayed until this
moment, desiring to do so on the very eve of battle.

Then the Moncadas, Mataplana, and some other knights, with 5,000 men,
commenced a rapid advance against the enemy, apparently without
orders. The Count of Ampurias followed with his men. A desperate fight
was commenced, the Moors being in overwhelming numbers. Seeing the
danger, the King galloped forward with a single knight, named Rocafort,
in hopes of being in time to make the vanguard halt until the rest of
the army could come up. He sent back Rocafort, when he heard the clang
of arms; with an urgent message to En Nuño to bring up supports, as the
vanguard was surrounded. Jayme was in extreme anxiety. He was heard to
say to himself, ‘En Nuño delays much. The Holy Virgin preserve us!’ An
experienced veteran, En Nuño saw that all was in order before he led
the main body of the army into battle.

In about an hour En Nuño came to where the King was, who had galloped
forward without arming himself. Bertran de Naya, one of his servants,
brought the royal accoutrements, and Jayme put on his quilted coat,
his coat of mail, and iron cap in the field. He told the general that
the vanguard was engaged with the whole force of the enemy, and a
rapid advance was made to the scene of action. Here the King met a
knight named En Guillem de Mediona, who had great fame as a jouster
in tournaments. He was coming out of the battle. He said he had been
wounded by a stone on the lip. In a severe tone, King Jayme said that
it was not seemly to retire owing to so slight a hurt. Mediona blushed
with shame, turned his horse’s head and galloped into the thick of the
fight, where he found a soldier’s death.

The King had been delayed by the necessity of putting on his armour.
He then advanced up a hill which to this day is called ‘El Collado
del Rey,’ attended by only twelve soldiers. On reaching the summit he
found En Nuño marshalling his forces for the battle, and close at hand
the vast army of the Moors, with the Amír’s red-and-white banner, the
staff surmounted by a human head. The King, full of martial ardour,
wanted to charge at once, but was restrained by En Nuño. Both armies
joined battle, and, after a long contested engagement, the Moors broke
and fled. The rout was so complete that the Amír took refuge in the
mountains instead of returning to his capital. The Aragonese troops
were too tired to continue the pursuit, and soon very sad news was
brought respecting the fate of the vanguard.

The Bishop of Barcelona had to announce to the King that both En
Guillem de Moncada, Viscount of Bearne, and En Ramon Moncada were
slain, and that nearly all their men were cut to pieces before the main
body of the army arrived on the field. Hugo de Mataplana was also among
the slain. Young Jayme burst into tears at the loss of so many dear
friends and comrades. The whole army mourned with their King. But they
were now in sight of the beautiful city, the capture of which would
be the crown of their enterprise. The King was dead tired and nearly
famished, for he had eaten nothing all day. Going down a mountain
spur, in company with En Nuño, they came upon a tent pitched under the
pine-trees, amidst brushwood consisting of tree heaths, lentisco, and
wild lavender. There was the smell of a good dinner in preparation,
and here the tired warriors appeased their hunger, their host being En
Oliver de Termens, a gallant Frenchman of Roussillon. When the King
rose from an excellent meal he said, ‘Ben dinat,’ which in Catalan
means ‘well dined.’ The spot retains the name to this day. Long the
property of the Caro family, from which sprang that gallant Marquis
de la Romana who brought the Spanish troops from Denmark to join in
the War of Independence, the historical spot has been much changed in
recent times. A stately castle with towers at the angles, surrounded
by gardens and orange-groves, has taken the place of En Oliver’s tent
where the young King dined so well 680 years ago. It was built in
recent years by the Hungarian Marquesa de la Romana, who afterwards
sold it. The castle of Bendinat is now owned by the Marquis de la Torre.

The interment of the great lords who were slain in the vanguard
was conducted with all the pomp that was possible. A stone pillar
surmounted by an iron cross now marks the spot. On one side is the
date, September 12, 1229; on another the date of erection, 1884; and
on a third the arms of Barcelona impaling those of Moncada (_gules,
four bezants in pale_). It is on the left-hand side of the road, just
halfway between Palma and Andraix, under the shade of a fine old
pine-tree.

The scene of these military operations is exceedingly beautiful. The
spurs from the main chain of mountains by the western sea are well
covered with pine and ilex forests, and rise one behind the other. From
them spurs covered with olives and carob-trees and an undergrowth of
bright green crops and grass <DW72> down to the sea. Some of the spurs
form a lower chain, called the Sierra de Burguesa, overlooking Porto
Pi and the capital.

The exposed bay of Palma, fifteen miles across, has the little harbour
of Porto Pi on the west side, and the city of Mallorca, afterwards
called Palma, in its centre. In Moorish times the city was an important
commercial port, with a great fleet of piratical galleys. It had a
strong wall and ditch, and eight gates. The bed of a mountain torrent
formed the moat on the west side. On the sea-face there were three
gates: one leading to the mole, called ‘the Gate of Chains’; another
to the west, called _Balbelet_, leading from the _Dar-as-Sanâá_ or
arsenal, corrupted by the Catalans into ‘_Atarazana_.’ In the east
of the sea-wall was the _Hicolbelet_. On the right of the Gate of
Chains, within the walls, stood the Moorish palace, which appears to
have been a small town in itself, called _El Medînah_, and by the
Spaniards to this day _Almudaina_. On the east side there was a gate
near the south-east angle, since closed up. Near the north-east angle
was the _Belalcofol_, called by the Spaniards ‘_Pintada_.’ On the north
side was the _Barbolet_, now the _Puerto de Jesus_. The Moors had two
gates on the side of the torrent, facing west, the _Belalbelet_, since
closed, and the gate of Porto Pi, now called _Catalina_. Altogether
there seem to have been eight gates in the Moorish walls. Besides the
_Almudaina_ there was a strong castle near the south-east angle of the
town, which was given to the Knights Templars, and near the centre
stood the chief mosque. Of other public buildings in Moorish times
there is no notice.

The city of the Moors, owing to its wealth and importance, must
have contained many fine and richly furnished houses; but such an
active energetic people as the Catalans very soon replaced them with
churches, convents, and houses in their own style, and there is but
one vestige left. Walking down a street at the back of the cathedral,
called ‘Serra,’ to the sea-face, the shrubs and flowers of a garden
show themselves over a high wall. A flight of steps leads to the
garden, and in one corner an archway opens on the ruins of a Moorish
bath, though nothing is left but the bare brickwork. There is a dome
supported by twelve pillars, with capitals apparently from the ruins of
a Roman temple, the pillars about eight feet high, and the conventional
leaf capitals not exactly fitting them. Round the dome there is a
vaulted passage, with recesses for piping. This is all that remains
to bear witness of the Moorish palaces and houses, with their wealth
of arabesque work and bright colouring, their marble pillars and
pavements, their cool gardens and fountains and luxurious baths. All is
now a dream of the long-buried past.




CHAPTER III

Tells how En Jayme besieged and took the capital, conquered the whole
island, and became the first Christian King of Majorca


The rout of the Moorish army removed any obstacle to the commencement
of the siege of the capital. The western side of the walls faced the
Catalans as they approached from the hills above Porto Pi, but it was
defended by a torrent-bed. After a careful reconnaissance, it was
resolved to deliver the main attack on the north-east side, at the
_Belalcofol_ gate, called by the Spaniards ‘_Pintada_.’ Accordingly
the King formed his camp facing this gate and about a mile distant, at
a place still called ‘El Real,’ or ‘the camp.’ It was surrounded by
a ditch and strong palisades, for it appears that the infantry went
to sleep on board the ships every night, leaving only the knights and
artillery in the camp.

Mallorca was very strongly fortified, the walls being of great
thickness, with towers at intervals. It was therefore determined
to batter down the walls and make a breach with the artillery so
efficiently provided by the zealous contractor, Ramon de Plegamans.
The King mentions four kinds of artillery for hurling rocks against
the walls, which he calls _trebuchets_ or catapults, _almajanachs_,
_algarradas_, and _fonebols_, the latter being the stone balls
themselves, not the machines. These were the latest things in siege
artillery; but the King was not content with them and ordered a still
larger machine to be constructed out of the yards and masts of the
ships, as well as _mantellos_ for the protection of the workmen. The
Moors had similar artillery within the walls, one of their machines
with such a range as to reach the Christian camp.

The zealous ardour of the Catalan army was stimulated and kept alive
not only by the example of the young King, but also by the fiery
eloquence of a friar preacher named Miguel Fabra. All worked alike,
from the King himself to the meanest labourer. But although a continual
watch was kept round the walls, the Amír succeeded one dark night in
effecting an entrance with a number of his followers.

The Moors were not without supporters outside the town, who were
ready to harass the Christians. One of the principal Moslem chiefs in
the mountains was Fatih-billah (‘Conqueror by the grace of God’), a
word corrupted by the Spaniards into ‘Infantilla.’ About two Spanish
leagues[3] from the town there was an abundant spring, with a channel
leading from it, bearing a copious supply of good water. The Christian
camp was pitched by the side of this channel. The place where the
spring rises is called Canet, near the foot of the mountains. The
actual spring was on a wooded hill sloping down to a beautiful little
valley, with the main range of the mountains on the other side.
Fatih-billah hoped to do irreparable injury to the besiegers by
cutting off their water-supply. So one night he went to Canet with
500 footmen and 100 horse, occupied the hill where the spring rises,
and began to turn the water into another channel. Directly this was
known at the camp, the King despatched a much larger force under En
Nuño and Torrella, which surprised the Moors at their work. There
was a desperate encounter on the hillside; Fatih-billah was killed,
his men were cut to pieces, and the spring remained in possession of
the Catalans. How changed is now the scene! The large country house
of the descendants of Torrella dominates the valley of Canet, with
its beautiful gardens and woods of fir-trees and heath beyond. The
hillside is terraced for olive-trees and carobs; and a few years ago a
stalactite cave was discovered there, several hundred yards in length,
the entrance to which is close to the spot where the battle between
En Nuño and Fatih-billah must have been fought. The cave was then
unknown. It would easily have held the whole of the Moorish force, and
the Catalans would have been unaware of their proximity. The discovery
appears to have been made owing to a perforation in the roof of the
cave which made a hole in a field above.

This was the last attempt to molest the besiegers from outside, or by
sallies in force. Nevertheless the King caused a tower called ‘El Torre
de las Lanoveras,’ between the capital and Porto Pi, to be fortified,
and a guard to be stationed there, so as to keep a close watch on the
movements of the enemy.

The Catalans received important assistance from the friendship of a
very influential Moor named Benahabet, who was anxious to be on the
winning side. He was highly connected, was Governor of Pollenza and
Inca, and owner of the beautiful country seat of Alfavia. He sent a
messenger declaring that he would place a third of the island in the
power of King Jayme. Soon afterwards he came himself with a very large
supply of fresh provisions, and was received into the King’s grace. The
supply was renewed every week. Benahabet suggested that, as the towns
in his jurisdiction had submitted, two principal Christian officers
should be sent to bear rule over them and to administer justice. Two
such officers--one a native of Barcelona, the other of Montpellier were
appointed with the title of ‘Baile,’ or Judge.

The besiegers continued to work hard at the approaches and mines, both
sides receiving much injury from the stone-hurling artillery. Seeing
the rapid progress of the Christians, the Amír made a request that the
King would send some one to treat with him. En Nuño went, with a dozen
attendant knights and an interpreter. The Amír offered to pay all the
expenses of the expedition if the Christians would depart; but the King
positively refused to consider any such terms. The Amír then prayed for
a second interview, and pitched a sumptuously furnished tent near Porto
Pi. Hostilities were suspended, and En Nuño came again. The Amír made
a dissertation on the impossibility of taking so strong a place, and
merely offered the same terms. When this was again refused, he offered
five besants for each man, woman, and child, and to surrender the town,
if he was allowed a number of ships sufficient to take all his people
to Barbary. En Nuño came back with this offer, but the relations and
friends of the Moncadas insisted that the place should be taken without
any treaty or agreement. At first En Jayme was inclined to accept the
Moor’s offer, but eventually he gave way to the strong feeling of his
nobles, and all negotiations were broken off.

As soon as he found that there was no hope from negotiation, the Amír
resolved upon a desperate defence. He addressed his people, urging them
to defend their religion, their liberty, and their homes to the death.
He met with a determined response, and the resistance became more
fierce and desperate than ever. The Count of Ampurias conducted the
mining operations, and eventually at least forty yards of the wall fell
in. The breach was defended with such furious valour that the besiegers
were forced to retire, while the Moors hastily built up another wall.
A few days afterwards, on the Saturday after St. Andrew’s,[4] another
piece of the wall, with a tower, fell in heaps. With the accord of the
army, the King then resolved to deliver the assault on the following
Sunday morning. Still the resistance was so resolute, the furious
struggles for positions so prolonged, that it was the last day of
December before the general assault could be given.

At dawn the troops heard Mass and received the Sacrament. The King
made a speech to animate the men, with whom he promised to conquer or
die. They advanced to the ruined walls, where the ‘_Puerta Pintada_’
stood, and 300 footmen rushed over the breach, followed by cavalry.
The Moorish Amír was at the head of his bravest warriors, and soon a
desperate battle was raging in the street now called ‘San Miguel.’
Mounted on a white horse, and armed at all points, the gallant Moor
courted death, and kept shouting to his men, ‘Stand firm! Stand firm!’
The brave defenders died in heaps where they stood, but the impulse of
the Catalans was irresistible, and they reached the front of the chief
mosque, leaving heaps of dead behind them.

This mosque was turned into the first Christian place of worship, and
is now the church of San Miguel. The figure-head of the King’s galley
was a Virgin and Child. It was placed in the church of San Miguel,
where it remains to this day.

Here there was a pause. The Moors still fought hard to prevent a
further advance into their city, while stones and timber were hurled
upon the assailants by women and children on the roofs. So long as
their Amír led them the Moors continued the struggle, but at last he
retired in despair. Then the inhabitants began to pour out of the
gates now called Jesus and Catalina, and fled towards the mountains.
The dead could be counted by thousands. The King placed himself at the
head of his troops and led them through the town until he reached the
‘Almudaina’ palace on the sea-face. Those within it surrendered on
condition that their lives were spared.

The house in which his brave antagonist the Amír Abu Yahye had taken
refuge was pointed out to King Jayme. He went there, accompanied by
his cousin En Nuño. When he entered the room, the Amír, who was in a
white burnous and quilted coat, stood up and tendered his submission.
The King received it with courtesy, promised the Amír his life, and
treated him with consideration, giving him in charge to two of his
nobles. En Jayme found the Amír’s son, a boy aged about fourteen, in
the ‘Almudaina.’ He adopted the young Moorish prince, converted him,
and eventually granted him a considerable estate in Aragon, where he
married the fair Eva de Roldan and became Baron of Hillueca and Gotor.

Having placed a strong guard over the treasury in the ‘Almudaina,’
the King, quite worn out by the fatigue of so many days of anxiety
and fighting, retired to rest in the Moorish palace. On the following
morning the city was given up to sack, and the spoils were enormous,
consisting of great quantities of gold and silver in many shapes, rich
clothing, arms, horses, and a thousand other forms of riches. The
soldiers were well repaid for their labours. The sacking of the town
was allowed to proceed for eight days continuously. As many as 180
Christian captives were found and liberated. Efforts were then made to
bury the dead, but they were ineffectual, and a terrible pestilence
broke out. One of the first victims was the Count of Ampurias; many
other leading nobles perished, and great ravages were made among the
soldiers before the pestilence subsided.

The Catalan force had been much reduced by losses during the siege, by
some having returned home, and by the pestilence, and no reinforcements
had arrived. Yet the King insisted upon attacking a large body of Moors
who had taken refuge in the mountains. Fortunately, the impregnable
castle of Alaro, which he left on his right as he advanced, had been
secured by his ally Benahabet, and was not in the hands of the Moors.
The King led his men to the skirts of the mountains, at a place called
Buñola, where he appears to have sustained a serious reverse. The
Catalans fed before the mountaineers, and never stopped until they
reached Benahabet’s town of Inca, near the centre of the island. The
King followed the fugitives with only forty attendant knights, and
sternly upbraided them for their cowardice. He then returned to Palma
with his beaten troops.

Soon afterwards a welcome reinforcement arrived, which, however, only
consisted of fifteen well-armed knights. But their leader was a man of
exceptional importance. Hugo de Folch Alguer was Master of the Knights
of St. John of Jerusalem in Aragon and Catalonia, and was a veteran for
whom the King had a great regard. His request for a grant of land for
his Order was opposed at first by the nobles who had borne the heat
and burden of the day. It speaks much for the tact and conciliatory
skill of the young King that he eventually succeeded in making the
grant to the Master with the consent and approval of all concerned in
the division of the land.

En Jayme then resolved to lead an expedition against the Moors who had
taken refuge in the hills towards the south-east angle of the island.
Accompanied by En Nuño, the Bishop of Barcelona, and the Master of the
Hospitallers, the King advanced to the site of Manacor, now the centre
of a vine-growing district. Here the news came that many Moors were
concealed, with their riches, in almost inaccessible caves near the
south coast.

On the coast near Manacor is the _Cueva del Drach_, one of the largest
stalactite caves in Europe, with several subsidiary caves and an
underground lake, over which the myriads of stalactites present a
fairy-like scene. Farther to the eastward the caves of Arta are of
still greater extent, nearly 300 yards long, in three vast vaulted
halls, roofed by magnificent stalactites, some of them assuming
marvellous shapes. The approach to the entrance, where there is a
splendid view over the sea, has now been made easy enough. In the
thirteenth century it was extremely difficult and perilous. The young
King led an assault on the caves of Arta, but, unable to face the hail
storm of missiles on so narrow and dangerous a path, his men were
repulsed. A retreat was unavoidable, and En Jayme went to dinner. The
Master of St. John, with his knights, then endeavoured to set fire
to some huts built round the entrance of the caves. The plan was to
send two knights on to the heights above the entrance, whence they
were to shower down darts made with artificial fire, so as to burn
the huts and fill the cave with suffocating smoke. Two brothers named
Antonio and Perote Moix volunteered for this dangerous service. The
plan was successful, and the Moors, from fear of suffocation, offered
to surrender if no succour reached them in eight days. Meanwhile the
Catalans were suffering from want of provisions. The King himself,
with En Nuño and a hundred followers, only had seven loaves of bread
amongst them for a whole day. The rest of the army fed on corn stored
in the farms. The young son of Ramon de Moncada, who secured the bread,
received for his arms ‘_on a field gules seven loaves or_.’

On Palm Sunday, 1230, the Moorish fugitives in the various caves
surrendered, to the number of 1,500 men, women, and children, with
an immense quantity of wheat and barley, cows and sheep, and jewels
of gold and silver. En Jayme returned in triumph to Palma, where his
satisfaction was increased by the arrival of a large reinforcement.
Soon afterwards some of the Moors in the western mountains submitted to
the conqueror.

The King busied himself with the political settlement of the land,
dividing the estates among his nobles and knights, and granting very
extensive privileges to the Catalan settlers. He then resolved to
return to his Continental dominions. En Bernardo de Santa Eugenia,
Lord of Torrella, was appointed the first Governor and Captain-General
of the kingdom of Majorca. His descendants still enjoy the _quinta_
of Canet and other estates granted to him. His brother was the first
Bishop. The Moorish prisoners were made to labour on the public works.
Those who had submitted voluntarily were allowed to retain houses and
lands, paying rent and cultivating the ground. Some became Christians.
Soon many settlers arrived with their wives, while many wives of the
soldiers joined their husbands.

At length the day came for the King to depart. He was much beloved,
and there was general mourning. He made a farewell speech, and the
knights who had gone through so many dangers and hardships with him
were affected to tears. With only two galleys King Jayme embarked at
the port of Palomera on October 28, 1230, and landed near Tarragona. He
was received with great rejoicings by all classes of the people.




CHAPTER IV

King Jayme’s last visits--Settlement of the island--Acts and death of
Jayme I., first King of Majorca


The settlement of the country was continued under Bernardo de Torrella,
though there were still about two thousand Moors holding out in the
mountains under a chief called by the Spaniards Xoarp. Soon alarming
news arrived that the King of Tunis was preparing to reconquer
Mallorca with a large army, and that he had collected a great number
of ships to transport it. The tidings were sent to the King, and were
confirmed by Plegamans, who was a newsagent as well as a contractor. En
Jayme resolved to go in person to defend his island, in spite of the
remonstrances of many of his councillors, who deprecated his exposure
to so many dangers. The old Archbishop of Tarragona went so far as to
try and hold him round the waist when he was getting into the boat at
Salou.

This time the King brought with him a cousin to be Viceroy of Mallorca,
in the person of the Infante Pedro of Portugal. This prince’s mother
was Aldonza, sister of Alonso II. of Aragon and wife of Sancho, King of
Portugal; so that Pedro was a first cousin of King Jayme’s father--the
same relation as En Nuño. He married the Countess of Urgel, the
greatest heiress in Aragon, and acquired a position of importance in
the country. The Countess had died without children, and Pedro received
Mallorca on condition that he surrendered all his rights in the county
of Urgel. He seems to have been a weak man, fond of his ease, and all
real power remained with Torrella and others trusted by the King.

En Jayme, accompanied by En Nuño and the Portuguese prince, sailed
from Salou, and in two days his little fleet was anchored in the port
of Soller, where the joyful news was received that the King of Tunis
had abandoned his intended invasion, at all events for that year. The
port of Soller is on the north side of the island, about two miles
from the town, which is in the midst of a lovely valley surrounded
by magnificent mountain peaks. Rich in the products of its harvests,
Soller was even then a place of trade, and En Jayme found a Genoese
vessel loading in its port. The King must have been struck by the
wonderful beauty of this side of his island, which he had not seen
before. Suliar (Soller) in Arabic means a shell, like the golden shell
at Palermo. It is now, and probably was then, golden with orange and
lemon gardens; the higher <DW72>s of the mountains covered with pine and
carob trees, and the grand peaks raising their heads into the sky. The
loftiest peak in the island, ‘Puig Mayor d’en Torrello’ (4,700 feet)
is not in sight, being concealed by the second highest, the ‘Puig de
Massonella’ (4,400 feet), on which the King probably saw patches of
snow. To the north-east is a striking peak, called ‘Puig de L’Ofre’
(3,500 feet), and to the south the ‘Teix’ of Valdemosa (3,400 feet). In
the division the King gave two-thirds of the Soller valley to the Count
of Ampudia, and one-third to Gaston de Moncada, whose father was slain
in the battle of Santa Ponza. In riding from Soller to Palma King Jayme
had to cross a mountain saddle 2,000 feet high, whence he had glorious
views of the Soller valley on one side, and of the fertile ‘garden’ of
Palma on the other. At the end of the descent is the estate of Alfavia,
the enchanting country seat of Jayme’s Moorish ally, Benahabet. The
estate had been granted to En Nuño, but the Moorish owners were
allowed to retain it on paying a quit-rent. Here the King probably
rested before riding across the ‘_huerta_,’ or garden, to Palma, where
he was received with transports of joy by the people.

The King was unable to remain long away from his Continental dominions.
He left the Infante Pedro of Portugal as Viceroy, Bernardo de Torrella
and a knight named Pedro Maza being the real governors.

There were still over two thousand insurgent Moors in the recesses of
the mountains, and their leader refused to surrender to anyone but the
King himself. On this being represented to En Jayme, he resolved to
pay a third visit to his island kingdom, and sailed from Salou with
three galleys in May 1232. He landed at Porto Pi, and was joyfully
received by his loyal subjects, who were able to show him great
progress in the public works at Palma. The cathedral had been traced
out on a site facing the sea, close to the east wall of the Almudaina,
and the royal chapel, which was to be the apse containing the high
altar, was actually finished. Between the long lancet windows there
are marble statues of saints and angels on corbels and under richly
carved canopies, placed there at the cost of the Oleza family. This
chapel and one on either side were to form the eastern ends of the nave
and two aisles, not yet commenced. The King was much pleased at the
progress that had been made.

The time had now come for the submission of the other Balearic islands;
but first the King received the surrender of the Moorish mountain
chief, he and his followers being allowed to retain their homes, paying
rent to their overlords. A few obstinate fanatics refused the terms,
and had to be starved out.

The Master of the Templars in Majorca, Friar Ramon Serra, was the
first to suggest to the King that his galleys should be sent to
Minorca, demanding immediate submission and threatening that the King
would himself come with a large army to punish any disobedience. The
three knights, Torrella, Maza, and Serra himself, were accordingly
ordered to proceed to Minorca with an interpreter, and the King’s
demand written in Arabic. The Moorish Alcaide and headmen of the town
received the knights with much respect. The letter was read to them,
and they asked for time to deliberate. This was granted. On that very
evening the King, with only six knights, was stationed on Cape Pera,
the eastern extreme of the island of Majorca, near Arta, with Minorca
clearly in sight. As soon as the sun set they fired some immense piles
of _lentisco_ bushes, to make the Minorcans believe that a great army
was encamped there. When the chief men of Minorca saw the fires, they
hurried to the Catalan knights to inquire what they were. ‘It is the
great army,’ they were told, ‘that will come directly the King hears
of a refusal of his demands.’ Next day they submitted, surrendered all
their strong places, and declared that they trusted in the clemency of
the King. Meanwhile En Jayme remained on the Cape of Pera, continuing
the stratagem of the bonfires for four days, when the news of the
submission of Minorca without bloodshed was brought and gave him great
satisfaction. Iviza and Formentera submitted in the following year.

The King was in Majorca during July and August 1232. He granted very
liberal _Fueros_ to the people and completed the settlement of the
island. The final document in which the distribution of lands among
the conquerors is recorded was signed on July 1, 1232. The lands were
divided into _jovadas_, and these were subdivided into _cuarteradas_, a
_cuarterada_ being a certain portion of squared land, with each side
forty _brazas_ in length. A _braza_ was the length of King Jayme’s arms
from finger-tips to finger-tips, and, as he was over six feet, this was
a good fathom. The length of each side of a _cuarterada_ was therefore
eighty English yards. A _jovada_ was originally the portion of land
that a yoke of bullocks could plough in one day; but in the Majorca
division it was counted at sixteen _cuarteradas_. The Arabic names were
used, _rahal_ being a house or property near a town; _alqueria_ a farm,
a word still in use; _beni_ preceding a place-name meaning ‘the house
of.’ As many as 573 _rahales_ and _alquerias_ were thus granted by the
King, the grantees paying certain dues to the four great feudatories,
En Nuño, Count of Roussillon, the Count of Ampurias, Gaston de Moncada,
and the Bishop of Barcelona. But this only includes half the grants,
the rest having been made by the great feudatories themselves to their
own followers. Altogether upwards of fifteen hundred farms must have
been distributed. There was also a division of the mills, and of the
rights to running water. The number of farms gives an idea of the
flourishing condition of the island in the time of the Moors. They were
succeeded by an equally energetic and intelligent race of farmers and
artisans.

The Knights Templars received the strong castle near the south-eastern
angle of the city walls, afterwards called the Temple, and a great
number of farms. The Knights Hospitallers also acquired very
considerable landed property.

On a small island the population, under circumstances like the conquest
of Mallorca, is soon changed. A great number of the Moors perished,
many escaped to Muhammadan Spain or Africa, many were taken away by
their new masters. There is certainly no trace of Moorish blood among
the present inhabitants.

The government of Majorca, according to the _Fueros_ of King Jayme I.,
granted in 1240, consisted of six persons, elected annually, called
_Jurados_, who formed the municipal authority. The president, called
_Jurado en cap_, belonged to the class of nobles; two were citizens
liable for military service, two were of the merchant class, and one
of the labouring class. Until 1447 the _Jurados_ were co-opted, but
afterwards a sort of ballot was adopted. There was a General Council of
143 deputies, the _Jurado en cap_ presiding. The deputies consisted of
a fixed number of representatives of the capital and other towns, and
of knights, merchants, and artisans. There was one judge, called the
_Bayle General_, until the institution of the Audiencia in 1576.

This was a remarkably liberal constitution for the thirteenth century,
and indicates the trust and reliance felt by King Jayme in the loyalty
and good sense of his people. In this, as in other respects, we are
reminded of our own Edward I., his parliaments and legislation.

The conquest of Majorca was a matter of the greatest importance to
the island, but it was only a brief episode in the long reign of more
than sixty years. En Jayme showed ceaseless activity in the work
of government, consulting assemblies of his people, framing laws
and granting privileges, and settling complicated disputes. Popular
representation was strengthened under Jayme I. He sometimes met the
Cortes of Aragon in the capital or one of the towns, and the Council of
Catalonia separately; at other times the representatives, for special
reasons, met in one assembly, usually at Monzon. In one case the
meeting was called a parliament, in the other ‘Cortes Generales.’ Mr.
Hallam, in his ‘Middle Ages,’ has given a good general account of the
Aragonese Constitution. En Jayme frequently visited the whole of his
dominions, and thus became intimately acquainted with his people and
their needs. In 1238, nine years after the conquest of Majorca, King
Jayme found it necessary, owing to the frequent and audacious inroads
of the Moors, to undertake the conquest of the rich and important
kingdom of Valencia. The capital city was taken at Michaelmas, and a
Christian population substituted; but it was a much longer military
operation to reduce the numerous strongholds up to the frontier of
Murcia. The work was finally completed, and King Jayme, well named ‘El
Conquistador,’ granted _Fueros_ to his new kingdom of Valencia, and a
representative assembly, or Cortes.

It now becomes necessary to allude to the King’s children and family
relations. By his wife Violante of Hungary Jayme I. had eight children.
Pedro, his successor in Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia, was born
in 1243. In July 1262, at the age of nineteen, he was married to
Constance, daughter of Manfred, King of Sicily, son of the Emperor
Frederick II., by Beatrice, daughter of Amadeo, Count of Savoy. The
marriage took place at Montpellier. The second son was Jayme, who
was to succeed his father as King of Majorca, as well as to the
possessions in the south of France. King Jayme married his second
son to Esclaramunda, sister of the Count of Foix, the most powerful
nobleman in Gascony. The third son, Fernando, did not turn out well. Of
the daughters, Violante married Alonso X., King of Castille, in 1248;
Isabel became the wife of King Philip III. (_le Hardi_) of France; and
Constance of the Infante Don Manuel of Castille. Maria was a nun, and
Leonor, the youngest, died in childhood.

The Infante Pedro of Portugal died childless in 1244, and was buried
in the cathedral at Palma. En Nuño, the King’s cousin and most able
general, also dying childless, left all his vast possessions to the
master he had served so long and so well. He was Count of Roussillon,
Cerdaña, and Conflent.

After the marriages of his children, the last great enterprise of En
Jayme was undertaken at the earnest request of his son-in-law, Alonso
X. of Castille. This was the conquest of the Muhammadan kingdom of
Murcia, in which his son Pedro took a prominent part. The campaign was
a complete success, and King Jayme honourably handed over to Alonso X.
the prize he had won at great cost and no little trouble. He also made
some liberal grants in the south of Valencia to his other son-in-law,
the Infante Manuel.

Jayme was happy in his two sons Pedro and Jayme, both brave,
accomplished, and dutiful. He determined to provide for both. Pedro was
to succeed his father as King of Aragon, King of Valencia, and Count of
Barcelona. He thus, by the addition of Valencia, gave to his heir far
more extensive dominions than he had himself inherited. To his second
son, Jayme, he gave the kingdom of Majorca, the counties of Roussillon,
Cerdaña, and Conflent in the Pyrenees, inherited from En Nuño, and the
barony of Montpellier, the inheritance of his mother. He declared his
resolution to make this division on January 19, 1248, and his act was
recognised and confirmed by the Cortes in 1251, and again in 1262.
Pedro could have no cause for complaint, because he succeeded to all
that his father had inherited and a great deal more. The division was
confirmed many years before the death of King Jayme, so that both his
sons had ample time to become reconciled to an arrangement which was
perfectly fair and just in itself. Young Jayme, indeed, assumed his
position in Majorca as heir-apparent, and ruled there under his father
for several years.

One of the last acts of En Jayme was to attend a Papal Council at
Lyons, where he was magnificently fêted. This led to his contemplating
the command of a crusade, and his fourth and last visit to Majorca was
undertaken to raise recruits; but it came to nothing. The great King
died at Valencia on July 27, 1276, in his seventieth year, after a
reign of sixty-four years. He was buried with great pomp, but amidst
the heartfelt sorrow of his people, in the monastery of Poblet, near
Tarragona. Here his body rested in peace for 560 years. But in 1835
a vile mob sacked and destroyed the monastery. The King’s coffin was
eventually taken to the cathedral of Tarragona. It has found a final
resting-place at Valencia, where his sword is also preserved.

King Jayme I. of Aragon, ‘El Conquistador,’ was a remarkable man--one
of the greatest men of the thirteenth century. In his long reign he
consolidated his dominions, while preserving the autonomy of each
part which possessed a separate history and separate interests. He
rendered the national assemblies more popular. He granted privileges
most liberally to his subjects, encouraging agriculture and commerce.
He gave an impulse to municipal government by the appointment of
_jurados_ and by instituting the ‘Council of One Hundred’ at Barcelona,
a model for a popular magistracy. By the publication of his ‘Libro
del Consulado de Mar,’ the first code of maritime law of its kind,
he formed a pattern which was adopted by all other naval Powers. He
compiled the _Fueros_ of Aragon and Valencia, and granted those of
Huesca on the model of the famous _Fueros_ of Sobrarbe. He was a
patron of learning; and the arts, especially architecture, flourished
under his fostering care. He founded the university of Lerida. In his
warlike undertakings he planned all his operations with such care and
forethought that he was always successful. The institutions perfected
by King Jayme were so thoroughly based on the interests and genius of
the people, that they lasted, with modifications, for more than four
centuries. Just, affable, and sympathetic, the memory of Jayme the
Conqueror is enshrined in the hearts of the descendants of his people,
and when the seventh centenary of his birth came round, on February 8,
1908, it was seen that the great King is not forgotten. In Majorca, on
the day of St. Silvester, the day on which Palma was taken, there was
an annual procession in which the bishop and the authorities joined,
with En Jayme’s banner borne before them; followed by a high Mass in
the cathedral, when all the people prayed for the soul of their beloved
King. Relics of King Jayme, consisting of his saddle, a stirrup, and a
helmet, were long preserved at Palma. They are now in the royal armoury
at Madrid; and the procession which revived old memories and aroused
patriotic feelings has itself become a thing of the past.




CHAPTER V

Tells how the King of Aragon took up Conradin’s glove; how the Pope’s
curses went home to roost; and how En Pedro kept his tryst


For fifty years after the death of Jayme I. we have the guidance of
that delightful old chronicler En Ramon Muntaner, who had seen many
years of active service in the field before he took up his pen to
record the events of which he had personal knowledge. He was born in
his father’s house at Peralada, near the frontier of Catalonia and
Roussillon, and thought he could just remember the great King Jayme
having been his father’s guest for one night. But he left his home when
only eleven years of age, having been born in 1275, the year before the
death of the ‘Conquistador.’ After knocking about the world for half a
century and doing much faithful and honourable service by sea and land,
the old warrior retired to a farm in the ‘garden’ of Valencia, called
Xiluella. There, in the year 1335, and at the age of sixty, he tells
us that a vision appeared to him when he was sleeping on his couch.
It was revealed to him that it was God’s will that he should arise and
write the story of his life and of the great marvels he had witnessed,
that they might be made manifest. So the veteran wrote his story for
the honour of God, of His blessed Mother, and of the House of Aragon.
Muntaner is the Froissart of Catalonia.[5]

Transparently honest and trustworthy, the warrior-historian is a sure
guide through the very complicated events in which Jayme II., the first
separate King of Majorca, and his sons were more or less concerned
during those fifty years of which Muntaner treats.

Pedro III. succeeded to the kingdoms of Aragon and Valencia and the
county of Barcelona. His brother Jayme was present at the coronation
at Zaragoza. Jayme then proceeded to Majorca, and was crowned King
in the cathedral. He had practically ruled the Balearic islands for
several years before his father’s death, and was very popular with the
islanders. He also took possession of his Continental dominions of
Roussillon, Cerdaña, Conflent, and Montpellier.

The two brothers appear to have had very different dispositions. Pedro
was ambitious, bold almost to rashness, and enterprising. Jayme was
more inclined to a life of quiet and peace. Both had been devotedly
loyal to their great father during his life. Circumstances almost
forced upon Pedro a very glorious career of successful warfare in
a good cause. The same circumstances placed Jayme in a position of
extreme difficulty as regarded his relations with his brother.

Jayme I. was scarcely in his grave when the troubles commenced in the
south of Italy and Sicily with which the House of Aragon became so
closely connected. They arose entirely from the malignant hatred of
the Popes for that great and enlightened Emperor, Frederick II., King
of Sicily, and from their unscrupulous ambition. When the Emperor was
succeeded by his son Manfred, the papal enmity was transferred to him;
and the Pope appealed to all the Christian kings to drive him from his
dominions. St. Louis of France refused to perpetrate this iniquity,
being a friend of the late Emperor. King Edward of England refused, his
aunt having married Frederick II. The King of Castille refused. Above
all, the King of Aragon denounced the scheme, his wife Constance being
a daughter of Manfred.

Still the Pope succeeded in his wicked design in an unexpected way.
The Kings of England, France, and of the Romans, and Charles of Anjou,
brother of the King of France, had married four sisters, the daughters
of the Count of Provence.[6] All were queens except the wife of Charles
of Anjou, and she was the eldest. This filled her with envy and
jealousy, and she tormented her husband until he bethought him of a way
to make her a queen by doing the Pope’s dirty work and becoming the
papal King of Sicily. So, without his brother’s knowledge or consent,
he went to Rome, and made the offer on condition that the treasure of
the Church was placed at his disposal. The compact was made, the Pope
crowned Charles, and he raised an army to invade the territory of King
Manfred.

Muntaner says truly that Manfred was one of the most valiant kings
in the world. He assembled his army and met the invading host under
Charles of Anjou near the frontier of his dominions. The battle raged
fiercely, and Manfred would have been victorious had not bribes,
applied with the help of the treasure of the Church, turned the
scale. There was treachery. The gallant King was slain, his army was
scattered, and the Pope’s _protégé_ was enabled to occupy Naples and
overrun Sicily, which was occupied by the licentious soldiery of
Charles of Anjou. The papal nominee used his success with unrelenting
cruelty. The wife and children of Manfred were shut up in a dungeon.
Conradin, the nephew and heir, came from Germany with a small force,
but was defeated and taken prisoner. Charles caused him to be beheaded
at Naples, and, as is well known, the young prince, when on the
scaffold, threw his glove into the crowd, praying that some one would
take it to King Pedro of Aragon, who would avenge his wrongs.

Pedro III. took up Conradin’s glove to some purpose. His death was the
last success of Charles of Anjou. The Pope had cursed the family of
the good Emperor. Never did curses more persistently come home to roost.

The Catalans were fast becoming an important naval power in the
Mediterranean, and their King fostered its growth with care. He
established arsenals and dockyards at Barcelona, Tortosa, Cullera, and
Valencia, and ordered smaller yards to be formed at every port where
there was anchorage for his galleys. Cullera and Tortosa were his
principal dockyards. The men were so well trained, the galleys and arms
were kept in such a state of efficiency, that Pedro was well able to
take up Conradin’s glove and to avenge the death of Manfred, the father
of his beloved wife Constance.

The call soon came. The King of Aragon was moved to anger when he
heard of the death of his father-in-law and of young Conradin. Before
taking any steps against the usurper, he thought it well to secure
himself from attacks on the side of France. His brother of Majorca was
also anxious for his Continental dominions. St. Louis of France had
been succeeded in 1270 by his son Philip _le Hardi_, who had married
Pedro’s sister. An interview was arranged between the Kings of France,
Aragon, and Majorca at Toulouse. The negotiation which followed was
so far satisfactory that Philip solemnly swore never to interfere in
the affairs of Montpellier, and professed warm friendship for both the
Aragonese Kings.

At this juncture the tyranny of the French led to the ‘Sicilian
Vespers.’ The people rose throughout Sicily while Charles of Anjou
prepared to wreak vengeance upon them, collecting a large army and
fleet. The Sicilians turned to the King of Aragon, whose wife was the
heir to their King, for help in their sore need, and their appeal
was not in vain. He was engaged in some successful operations on the
coast of Barbary, with a large, well-appointed fleet, when the message
reached him. Pedro did not hesitate. He would take up Conradin’s glove
and defend the right. With a fair wind, he caused his fleet to shape a
course for Sicily.

The King of Aragon landed at Trapani on August 28, 1282. The whole
population of Sicily was overjoyed. The march from Trapani to Palermo
was a triumphal procession. Pedro was crowned King of Sicily at
Palermo, and immediately afterwards he marched to Messina, to resist
any attempt to invade the island on the part of the French forces of
Charles of Anjou.

Charles arrived before Messina with his army, where he received envoys
from the King of Aragon. They told him, in the name of their master,
that he was a usurper; that he knew well that he had no right to the
kingdom, which belonged to the Queen of Aragon and her sons as heirs
of King Manfred, and demanded that he should leave it. Charles replied
defiantly, and Pedro, calling all the able-bodied men of Sicily to
arms, prepared to advance to Messina and attack the usurper, who was
besieging the town, by sea and land.

It is here necessary to give some account of a peculiar body of light
infantry which formed an important part of the Aragonese army, and was
now destined to take a very active lead in sending the Pope’s curses
home to roost.

The origin of these troops, called _Almogavares_, is said by Desclot
and others to be as follows: After Spain was overrun by the Arabs,
many of the fugitive inhabitants took refuge in fastnesses of the
mountains, whence they made incursions into the open country, their
necessities obliging them to make no distinction between friends and
enemies. In course of time these outlaws were organised into tribes,
and generations of men who were always leading lives of danger and
hardship produced a race of most formidable fighting soldiers. The
Kings of Aragon transformed these fierce wanderers into a new military
organisation. They became fanatically loyal troops, while retaining
their old customs and habits. They were divided into companies, each
under a captain, named _almogadan_. They also had officers named
_adalid_,[7] who were guides for the routes, and who also had authority
to judge of what occurred in the forays, and to divide the spoils.
The dress of an _almogarave_ consisted of a smock, breeches, leather
gaiters, hide sandals called _abarcas_, a sort of knapsack on the back
to hold a day’s food, and a belt round the waist with a dagger, and a
small bag containing flint and steel. The _almogarave_ never shaved and
never cut his hair, which was confined in a net. His arms were a short
lance and a few darts slung on his back. In an ambush or night-attack
they first made innumerable sparks with their flints and steels in all
directions, then rushed furiously upon their enemy with the war-cry of
‘_Desparte ferres!_’[8] and shouts of ‘_Al mugabar_.’ This word may be
allied to the Hebrew ‘_muhavar_,’ which means a companion.

The _almogavares_ were an exceedingly formidable body of light
infantry. Pedro sent 2,000 to Messina by forced marches, while he
followed with the main strength of his army. Arriving at Messina, they
were received into the town, but the inhabitants were in despair at
their ragged and wild appearance, and feared that men like these could
never cope with the soldiers of Charles. Their answer was, ‘We will
show you what we are like’; and at dawn they sallied out of Messina
and attacked the besieging army with such fury that it was thrown into
confusion. Charles of Anjou thought the whole Aragonese army was upon
him. He hastily ordered his troops to embark, and fled to the opposite
coast; but his rearguard was cut to pieces and all his baggage was
captured. The galleys of Aragon then attacked the usurper’s fleet off
Nicotera, capturing many vessels and driving the rest on shore. A body
of _almogavares_ was next taken over to the coast of Apulia, where they
defeated a French force at Catona, the Comte d’Alençon, brother of the
King of France, being among the slain. Thus was Sicily permanently
delivered from the yoke of Charles of Anjou, and restored to its
rightful heir, the daughter of Manfred. King Pedro himself crossed
the Strait of Messina and captured several towns in Apulia, including
Reggio.

Charles of Anjou, beaten in every encounter, sent a challenge to the
King of Aragon, proposing that their quarrel should be settled by one
combat, a hundred on each side. Pedro consented, and it was arranged
that the battle should take place at Bordeaux, King Edward I. of
England being the umpire.

Before returning to Aragon to prepare for this duel, En Pedro made a
very important appointment. En Roger de Lauria had been brought up with
the King as a boy, and his mother was for many years in attendance on
Queen Constance. En Roger had since proved himself to be a valiant
and enterprising commander and an expert sailor. The King appointed
him Admiral of Catalonia, Valencia, and Sicily; and he was by far the
greatest admiral of the thirteenth century. When it was known that En
Roger had received his _bâton_ there was great rejoicing in the fleet
and in the city of Messina, a week of holidays, dancing, and festivity,
ending with a General Council, when the King delivered a farewell
speech. Next to En Roger de Lauria, the most trusted naval captains
were En Ramon Marquet and En Berenguer Mallol. Leaving the kingdom of
Sicily in peace and well ordered, King Pedro sailed from Trapani with
his two captains and only four galleys, arriving safely at Barcelona.
The rest of the great fleet remained under the command of En Roger.

The beaten usurper went crying to Pope Martin for more curses against
the rightful heirs of Sicily, and for more treasure from the coffers of
Holy Church. The requests of Charles of Anjou were promptly complied
with. The King of Aragon was excommunicated, a crusade was declared
against him, and more funds were supplied to the papal King, who then
left Rome and proceeded to his nephew of France. Pedro III., with all
his bishops and a loyal and united people at his back, cared nothing
for the Pope’s curses. The Pope further gave orders to his Legate to
absolve King Philip of France from all the promises he had ever made to
the Aragonese kings; and to call upon him to engage in an iniquitous
crusade against his neighbour and brother-in-law.

The first act of hostility was the equipment of a fleet at Marseilles
with the object of seeking out and destroying the galleys commanded
by En Roger de Lauria. The Provençal Admiral Cornut had with him
twenty-two well-armed galleys, and shaped a course to Malta, where
he encountered the fleet of Lauria, numbering only eighteen sail.
The two fleets, in order of battle, rammed each other, and then came
to close quarters. The Catalans were well trained in the use of the
crossbow. Every shot told, and before long the decks of the Provençal
ships were cleared. The admiral of the Marseilles fleet, with his
friends and officers, perished in the thick of the fight. All the
twenty-two galleys became prizes to Lauria, and the glorious news was
at once sent to Syracuse, spreading joy and gladness throughout the
island. The castle and town of Malta surrendered, and both Malta and
Gozo were transferred from the possession of Charles of Anjou to that
of the Aragonese rulers of Sicily. The return of the fleet to Sicily
was the occasion of great rejoicing. En Roger was received as a hero
at Syracuse, Aci Reale, Taormina, and most of all at Messina, where
the victorious fleet finally anchored. Such was the next reply to the
Pope’s curses.

Very earnest requests had been made by both parties to King Edward of
England to act as umpire for the proposed duel, for he was known to
be the most upright and just prince in Christendom. Both Pedro and
Charles had sworn to be on the spot on the day appointed. But it came
to the knowledge of King Edward that his cousin of France and his
papal uncle were not playing the game. Instead of a hundred knights,
they were coming to the neighbourhood of Bordeaux with an army of
twelve thousand men, intending to kill En Pedro and all who came with
him. Edward therefore resolved not to come, for he would be unable to
ensure fair play; and he sent to tell the King of Aragon that, under
the circumstances, he was absolved from his oath. En Pedro then set out
upon the wildest and most romantic adventure that ever was undertaken
even in that age of romance. The French King and his uncle of Anjou
had actually come to Bordeaux with a large army; had set out the
field of combat, with a stand at one end for the King of England as
umpire, and a chapel at the other. The English Seneschal of Bordeaux
received them with courtesy, but told them the reason why his master
would not be present. In spite of the warnings from King Edward and
of his own intelligence, En Pedro was determined that nothing should
prevent him from keeping his oath to be at the appointed place on the
appointed day. He knew that his own people would never consent to his
entering upon such a madcap adventure. Whatever was done must be done
in profound secrecy. Pedro had an envoy in Bordeaux, named Gilbert
de Cruilles, who was empowered to treat with the English Seneschal;
but even he was not in the secret at first, though he constantly sent
reports of the French proceedings.

The King of Aragon went to Jaca, in the heart of the Pyrenees, with a
few attendants, and sent for a horse-dealer of his acquaintance, upon
whose secrecy and probity he could rely. This merchant, named Domingo
de la Figuera, was a man of considerable influence, carrying on an
extensive trade in horses between Bordeaux and Navarre, Castille, and
Aragon. He knew intimately every road and path in the Pyrenees, every
man who frequented them, and every post and tavern. The King explained
his wild scheme to En Domingo. The horse-dealer was to provide
twenty-seven horses, nine to be stationed along the road from Jaca to
Bordeaux, nine on the route from Bordeaux to Navarre, and nine for a
return journey in Castille. En Domingo was to ride post as master,
while the King and a young knight named Bernardo de Peratallada, son of
the envoy Gilbert de Cruilles, were to follow as his servants, suitably
dressed, with light saddle-bags. They were to ride at a great pace
all day, stopping at an inn at dusk. At early dawn they were to mount
fresh horses, which were to be ready saddled. The King was to act as a
squire, holding the stirrup of En Domingo when he mounted, serving him
at table, while En Bernardo fed the horses; and then the King and En
Bernardo were to sup together at a table apart, before lying down to
sleep. En Domingo was to post the horses at proper distances in charge
of men on whom he could rely, but who were not to be in the secret. En
Domingo undertook to arrange all these details, and a day was fixed
for departure which would bring them to Bordeaux on the eve of the
appointed time. Not a soul was in the secret save the King himself, En
Domingo, and En Bernardo.

All being settled, the King went to Zaragoza to pass a few days
with his wife and children, taking a tender farewell of them on his
departure; but they little knew why he took leave of them with more
affection than usual and to what risks he was about to expose himself.

All being prepared, the three companions started from Jaca. The King
wore strong gaiters, a doublet of canvas, and over all a very old and
shabby smock, with a cap, and a kind of hood concealing his face. En
Bernardo was dressed in the same way; while En Domingo rode as their
master in a handsome dress and broad hat, fine gauntlets, and with a
smart saddle-cloth. En Bernardo carried a great sack, containing six
loaves of bread to be eaten during the day, without stopping. At the
first inn the people asked En Domingo why he came so late, to which
he replied that it was to keep the horses out of the sun; and while
he conversed with people outside, the King got the supper ready and
En Bernardo fed the horses. The King then held the ewer of water for
En Domingo’s hands, served him at table, and when En Bernardo came
in, he and the King had their suppers together at another table, then
lying down and sleeping until dawn. Fresh horses were ready, and they
went off at a gallop. On the third evening they were within a league
of Bordeaux, where they stopped at a house whose owner was a friend
of En Domingo. Here they had supper and rested for the night. At dawn
they were mounted again and riding to the field, it being the actual
day appointed for the duel. The master of the house went to Gilbert de
Cruilles, who was lodged near, to tell him what had happened, and both
rode off to the field, where, to his amazement, Gilbert saw the King
and his own son. En Pedro took him aside and told him to go at once to
the English Seneschal of Bordeaux and tell him that a knight from the
King of Aragon had arrived and wished for speech with him; and to ask
him to bring with him his notary, six knights whom he could trust, and
no one else.

En Gilbert went at once to the Seneschal, who was with the King of
France, and delivered his message. The Seneschal then told the King
that a knight of Aragon had come who desired to speak with him. ‘Go,’
said the King, ‘and afterwards come and tell me what he had to say.’
So the Seneschal went at once, with the best notary at the English
Court and with six knights of distinction. He found the King on the
field, who saluted him courteously, saying: ‘Sir Seneschal, I am here
on the part of the King of Aragon, this being the day on which he
and King Charles have sworn to encounter each other in this field. I
therefore ask you whether the King can come in safety, in the event of
his appearing this day?’ The Seneschal replied, in the name of the
King of England, that he could in no way guarantee his safety; for he
knew for a certainty that, if he came, he, and all who came with him,
would be killed, that being the intention of the King of France and
his uncle Charles, who were here with twelve thousand armed horsemen.
‘Very good,’ replied En Pedro. ‘Let this be written down by the notary
and witnessed’; and the Seneschal gave the order for this to be done.
The notary wrote it down, and when he came to the name of the Aragonese
knight the Seneschal asked him for it. ‘Can all here be trusted?’ asked
En Pedro. ‘Certainly,’ was the answer, ‘on the faith of the King of
England.’ ‘Then, Seneschal, you know me,’ said the King of Aragon, and
he threw back his hood. The Seneschal recognised him at once, and went
down on his knee, saying, ‘Oh, sir, what is this that you have done?’
‘I have come here,’ replied the King, ‘to keep my oath; and I desire
that all you have told me and all I do may be written down in full by
the notary, certifying that I have come this day in person, and that
I have searched out all the field.’ He then rode down the field and
to every part of it, in the presence of the witnesses, and while the
notary was writing. After he had galloped up and down several times,
he dismounted at the chapel and offered up thanks to God that he had
been enabled to keep his oath. They then all rode back to the house of
the host of the previous night, and the King dismounted and went in to
thank and take leave of his hostess, who was overcome by the honour
when she heard who her guest was. En Pedro sent a request through
the Seneschal to the King of England that his host might receive a
suitable reward. He also requested that fair copies of the notary’s
statement might be drawn up, one to be delivered to the Seneschal
for transmission to the King of England, and the other to Gilbert de
Cruilles for the King of Aragon. The perilous return journey was then
commenced, the Seneschal accompanying the party for about a league.
On taking his leave he told En Domingo on no account to return by the
way he came, nor even by Navarre, because the King of France had sent
orders in all directions to seize anyone in the service of the King of
Aragon.

The travellers took the road to Castille, travelling with great speed,
not a single arrangement made by En Domingo failing them in their need.
They went by Soria and crossed the Aragonese frontier at Moanquels.
On reaching Calatayud the King found that the news of his gallant
adventure had preceded him, and the people were in transports of joy.
At Zaragoza there were processions headed by the bishops and clergy,
in spite of the Pope’s excommunication, to offer up thanks for their
chivalrous King’s safety.

When the Seneschal considered that the King of Aragon was safe, he
went to King Philip of France and his uncle Charles of Anjou and told
them all that had taken place. On hearing such news they made the
sign of the cross more than a hundred times, and were dumfounded.
Then they went to the field to see the marks of King Pedro’s horse’s
hoofs; and Philip expressed admiration at the chivalrous daring of
his brother-in-law. Next day he broke up his camp and marched away to
Toulouse, with his uncle of Anjou.

During four days there were festivities at Zaragoza, joined in by the
Queen and her children, when the two faithful companions of the King,
En Bernardo and En Domingo, were fêted and richly rewarded. Then En
Gilbert de Cruilles arrived from Bordeaux with the attested copy of
the notary’s statement, and with the news of the astonishment and
departure of the French King and his uncle of Anjou: how they kept
watch all night, expecting to be attacked, and how they went to look
at En Pedro’s horse’s hoof-marks; which gave rise to much laughter at
Zaragoza. In this way did the brave and chivalrous King of Aragon keep
his tryst.




CHAPTER VI

Tells how the Queen of Aragon went to Sicily with her sons, how Admiral
Lauria won new victories, and how more of the Pope’s curses went home
to roost


The connection of Majorca and its Princes with the operations of the
Aragonese in Sicily was so intimate that their story would not be clear
without some account of the recovery of Manfred’s kingdom for his
descendants. We now come to a time when Jayme II. of Majorca was placed
in a most difficult and embarrassing dilemma, owing to the position of
his Continental possessions between France and Aragon.

After his return from the perilous journey to Bordeaux, Pedro III.,
with the concurrence of the Cortes of Aragon and Catalonia, came to a
very important decision. His queen, daughter and heir of King Manfred,
was to proceed to her Sicilian possessions and thus ensure the loyalty
and devotion of the people who had been delivered from the tyranny of
Charles of Anjou by her husband. She was to be accompanied by her
two younger sons, Jayme and Federigo. The latter was quite a young
boy, there being an interval of seven years between the two brothers.
The eldest son, Alfonso, was to remain with his father. As a measure
of State policy it was wise and judicious. But the separation was a
sacrifice to duty and a cause of grief and anxiety both to En Pedro and
to Queen Constance. They never saw each other again.

A fleet was fitted out at Barcelona with great care, and every known
appliance for ensuring a safe voyage was brought into requisition.
Even the use of compasses is mentioned by Muntaner. The discovery has
usually been attributed to one Flavio Gioia of Amalfi and to the year
1302. But here we have evidence of their use a quarter of a century
earlier; while at about the same time Raimundo Lulio of Majorca (I
quote from a note of Antonio de Borafull) wrote these words in his work
‘De Contemplatione’: ‘Sicut acus per naturam vertitur ad septentrionem
dum sit tacta a magnete.’ The ships, thus quite exceptionally provided
and well manned with Catalan crossbowmen, were to be under the guidance
of those trusty sea-captains, Ramon Marquet and Berenguer Mallol.

There were religious services, but En Pedro felt the parting with
his beloved Constance so deeply that he could not go with her to the
ship. He shut himself up alone for several hours. It was his brother
Jayme, the King of Majorca, who accompanied the Queen and his two
nephews to the ship and saw them safe on board. The two brothers
spent that evening together, and next day the King of Majorca set
out for Perpignan. Up to this time En Pedro and En Jayme were on
friendly terms. After a successful voyage the Queen and her sons
arrived at Palermo. They were received with extraordinary enthusiasm,
and messengers with the joyful news were sent all over the island.
This return to the home of her childhood, with such a reception, must
have been a cause of delight for the daughter of Manfred, though
not unmixed with sorrow. For one of her sisters still lingered in a
dungeon at Naples, while the rest of her family had been relieved by
death. A vessel was at once sent back to Barcelona with news of the
safe arrival. The Queen had a wise and loyal councillor in John of
Procida, and by his advice she assembled the Parliament of the kingdom
at Palermo. A letter was read from Pedro III., announcing that he had
sent his beloved wife to take her place as rightful Queen of Sicily.
All the members swore allegiance to her and her sons amidst a scene
of enthusiasm which was quite unanimous. The proceedings terminated
with a blessing from the Queen and a prayer for the well-being of the
representatives and of the people they represented, who returned to
their homes. The Queen and her sons then proceeded by land to Messina.

In the Admiral Roger de Lauria Sicily had a defender whose invariable
success since the battle of Malta had filled his enemies with dread.
The young Prince En Jayme also gained a victory at sea, and reduced the
two castles still held by Charles’s garrisons, Augusta and Cefalu.

The admiral was ready to sail from Messina in June 1284 with forty
armed galleys, besides smaller vessels. With this force he gained
one of his most brilliant victories. He shaped a course for Naples,
and formed in line of battle about two bow-shots from the mole, as a
defiance and a challenge. Charles of Anjou was intriguing at Rome,
but his eldest son and heir was in Naples, and ready to accept the
challenge. His followers were not equally willing. The name of Roger
de Lauria was one of dread, and the Neapolitans held back. The younger
Charles was furious. He embarked himself, and shame obliged his
officers to follow. A fleet of thirty-eight galleys and many smaller
vessels was got ready, and came forth to encounter the terrible Roger
de Lauria. A battle raged in the Bay of Naples from nine in the morning
until dusk, but as usual victory attended on the banners of the
admiral of Aragon. The Prince’s galley was surrounded and boarded by
En Roger himself, to whom Charles, after a long and brave resistance,
was forced to surrender. The admiral said to the usurper’s son: ‘You
must do two things. If not, be sure that the death of Conradin will
be avenged.’ The Prince answered that he would do anything to save
his own life. ‘The first thing,’ continued the admiral, ‘is that you
order the daughter of King Manfred to be released from her prison and
brought safely on board my galley.’ This demand was complied with. The
long-imprisoned princess was taken from the Castel del Novo and brought
safely on board the flagship, where the admiral joyfully received the
sister of his Queen, kneeling before her and treating her with all
honour and respect. ‘The second thing,’ continued he to Charles, ‘is
that you deliver up to me the town and castle of Ischia.’ This also was
done.

The victorious fleet then returned to Messina with the released
princess and the captive prince. Never had there been seen such
rejoicings in Messina as greeted the admiral on his return. The Queen
and her sons went on board the galley to receive their long-imprisoned
relation. It was a most affecting scene. The two sisters embraced each
other, weeping for joy mingled with sorrow. Since they had seen each
other their father Manfred and their cousin Conradin had been killed;
their mother and all the rest of their family had died in prison. The
crowd of spectators was equally moved when the sisters, with the young
princes, walked together from the landing-stage to the palace. Charles
was sent to the castle of Matagrifone.

The Sicilian Parliament met at Messina soon afterwards and decreed the
death of the younger Charles, as a reprisal for the death of Conradin.
He would certainly have been executed if the young Prince En Jayme
had not interfered, preferring the more generous course of returning
good for evil. Charles was confined for some time in the castle of
Cefalu, and eventually removed, by order of King Pedro, to a prison at
Barcelona.

The Pope’s curses kept coming home to roost, but this failed to divert
him from his vindictive course. His _protégé_, Charles of Anjou, was
at Rome when the disastrous news arrived, and must have felt that
retribution was overtaking him. The usurper hurried back to Naples,
but died at Foggio on January 7, 1283. The Pope was furious, and was
more liberal than ever with his curses. He placed the kingdom of Aragon
under an interdict, decreed the dethronement of En Pedro, declared a
crusade against him, made Charles of Valois, the younger son of France,
King of Aragon, ordering him to be crowned, and called upon the King of
France to attack Aragon with all his forces by land and sea. He further
absolved Philip of France from keeping his oaths and treaties made
with his brother-in-law of Aragon. A papal Legate was to accompany the
invading army.

En Pedro sent an embassy to Rome, consisting of grave and learned
counsellors. In a dignified speech their spokesman remonstrated with
the Pope and his cardinals. They were, however, obdurate, and all the
answer they would give was that the Holy See could do no wrong. Finally
the ambassadors made a solemn appeal from an unjust vicegerent to St.
Peter himself and to God, who would defend the right, and so departed.

En Pedro prepared to defend his country, confident in the loyalty of
his people and the justice of his cause. He had an interview with his
nephew Sancho, the usurping King of Castille, who promised to give him
all the assistance in his power. He also discussed the situation with
his brother of Majorca. They were several days together at Gerona. The
position was a most difficult one. If Jayme opposed the advance of the
French army through his Continental dominions their permanent loss to
the house of Aragon would be inevitable. If he offered no opposition he
would be giving an advantage to his brother’s enemy. The brothers chose
what appeared to be the least of two evils. En Jayme was to allow the
French army to march across his territories, and to avoid any action
which would furnish a pretext for their annexation.

Philip (_le Hardi_) can hardly have had any heart in the enterprise
which was forced upon him by the Pope. His eldest son, who had a
strong feeling of regard and admiration for his uncle En Pedro, openly
disapproved. When his younger brother, Charles of Valois, talked of
himself as King of Aragon, Philip said to him: ‘You, little brother,
are not fit to take the place of our uncle. You are scarcely fit to
be king of what is under your cap. You will never be King of Aragon.’
There was an angry quarrel, and their father had to separate them. But
Charles got the name of King Cap, ‘_le roi du chapeau_.’ Nevertheless,
it was generally believed that little Aragon would have no chance
against the whole power of France, and that the campaign could have
but one result, and would be over in a few weeks. The oriflamme was
unfurled, and a great army, led by the King of France and accompanied
by the Cardinal Legate, advanced to the Catalonian frontier. A
formidable fleet was also equipped, to overpower the naval forces of
Aragon and to keep up the supplies for the army in the bay of Rosas. In
April 1285 King Philip encamped with his army at Perpignan. The French
were constantly harassed by night attacks from the Aragonese; and at
last, after a fortnight of hesitation, Philip determined to attempt a
passage into Catalonia by the hill of Panisars. Here he was attacked on
all sides, suffering very serious losses. Then young Philip turned to
his brother and said: ‘See now, pretty brother, how glad your subjects
are to see you!’ His father overheard the sneer and was very angry.
‘Hold your tongue, Philip. They will be made to repent what they are
doing.’ ‘Ah, Sire,’ answered his son, ‘I mourn for your honour and for
the evil that is being done you. The Pope and cardinals have brought
this upon you, and have made my brother king of the wind, while they
take their pleasure, caring little for the danger and evil with which
you are menaced.’ The King was silent, for he knew very well that his
son had merely spoken the truth. But it was too late to repent and turn
back.

Following the advice of some monks, Philip got possession of another
pass, known as the ‘Collado de Masona,’ and his army was thus enabled
to invade Catalonia. The little town of Peralada was taken after
a brave resistance, and siege was laid to the city of Gerona. But
the French army was harassed by incessant attacks, and was entirely
dependent for supplies on the navy which guarded the transports
conveying provisions from Marseilles and Cette to the bay of Rosas.
Here was the weak point.

En Pedro received information from the gallant sea-captains Marquet
and Malliol, who were ever on the watch, that the French King had 160
galleys; that his admiral kept sixty well-armed in the port of San
Felio; that another fifty cruised between San Felio and the bay of
Rosas; while twenty-five plied between those ports and Marseilles with
provisions. Another twenty-five remained in the bay of Rosas, under the
command of a brave knight, M. de Lodève. The proposal of the Catalan
captains was to watch for an opportunity when the other cruisers were
out of sight, and to fall upon the twenty-five French galleys in Rosas
Bay at early dawn. The King approved of their daring scheme, and at the
same time he sent to Sicily for the Admiral Roger de Lauria to come
with sixty galleys and attack the rest of the French fleet.

Marquet and Malliol set out on their enterprise with eleven galleys
and two small vessels. But never were crews better disciplined or more
carefully trained. They made sail for the Cape of Creus, where they
ascertained that the twenty-five French galleys were in Rosas Bay. As
soon as the Catalans came in sight, M. de Lodève sent fifteen galleys
to dispute their entrance into the bay; while he intended to manœuvre
with the rest so as to cut off their retreat, that none might escape.
Marquet and Malliol formed in close order to prevent the enemy from
dividing their line, and ran on with a view of boarding. Their trust
was in their crossbowmen. The Catalans considered that no one was a
crossbowman unless he was so familiar with every part of his weapon
that he could make it or repair it. Each man carried a box containing
all the tools necessary; and the Catalans were so constantly trained in
the use of the crossbow that no other people could compete with them.

The Catalan captains manœuvred so as to secure the greatest advantage
for their special weapon. Every shot told; while the French, with
swords and lances, were unable to return the attack, being shot down
when they attempted to board. When the French decks were nearly
cleared, Marquet and Malliol ordered the trumpets to be sounded as a
signal for his galleys to separate under oars and attack the enemy
on their broadsides. Then began an unequal combat, the Catalans
boarding at the sword’s point, while the French had already suffered
so severely as only to be able to offer a feeble resistance. The whole
of the twenty-five galleys were captured, with a loss of upwards of
four thousand on the part of the French, and of barely a hundred on
the Catalan side. This naval battle was a combination of consummate
seamanship with consummate gunnery practice, the one of little avail
without the other.

M. de Lodève had sent a boat to apprise fifty French galleys cruising
in the offing of the approach of the Catalans, and they made sail for
Rosas Bay. The winds were light and baffling, and the Catalans, with
their prizes, were only sighted after the battle was over. The French
admiral could not overtake his victorious enemy, but he stationed
twenty-five more galleys in Rosas Bay, and returned to San Felio.

As soon as the Admiral Roger de Lauria received his orders he left
Messina with sixty-six well-armed galleys in search of the French
fleet, steering for a rendezvous at the island of Cabrera. Here he
received tidings from the Captains Marquet and Malliol that there were
eighty-five French galleys in Rosas Bay. They informed the Admiral
that they would join him, with sixteen galleys, off a cape known as
Aygua Freda, near some small islets called the Formigueras.[9] Admiral
Lauria ordered that each galley should have three lights ready--one in
the bows, another amidships, and a third at the stern. If the French
fleet approached at night, all were to be suddenly lighted, that the
enemy might believe each light to be on a separate vessel. Towards
dawn the French fleet approached, and all the lights suddenly appeared
between the fleet and the shore. Before it was broad daylight Lauria
had entirely defeated his adversary, capturing fifty-four galleys,
driving fifteen on shore, and putting twenty-five Genoese auxiliaries
to flight. Marquet and Malliol completed the rout by capturing the
remaining French galleys in Rosas Bay, and taking or destroying all the
stores and provisions for the French army. The admiral proceeded to
Barcelona, having by this great naval victory obtained complete command
of the sea.

There was nothing left for the great French army but an ignominious
flight. The Cardinal Legate said that the Aragonese must be devils.
King Philip told him that they were nothing of the kind, but brave and
loyal soldiers, defending their King against an unjust invasion; and
he expressed his regret that he had ever undertaken it at the Pope’s
urgent call. The Cardinal remained silent. En Pedro assembled his army
on the hill of Panisars to intercept the retreat. The French King
raised the siege of Gerona and fell back on Peralada with the remnant
of his forces. Many had died of sickness, while the losses in numerous
harassing encounters had been most serious. The King of France was very
ill, anxiety and regret hastening his end. Feeling that he was dying,
he sent for his son, and said: ‘You were wiser than I. Had I followed
your advice I should not now be on my death-bed; nor would the many
brave men have been lost who have died and will die in this war. Send
a message to your uncle of Aragon and ask him to allow my body to pass
with yourself and your brother. For I am certain that it rests with him
whether a single Frenchman shall ever return, dead or alive.’ The dying
King then obtained a promise from his son that he would be a friend and
protector of his brother Charles. The King died on September 30, 1285,
in the house of a knight named Vilanova, about two miles from Peralada.
When En Pedro received the message from the young King Philip he sent
orders that the late King’s body was to be allowed to pass with its
escort, and requested his brother of Majorca to meet it with a body of
cavalry and protect it from attacks. For Lauria and his sailors were
watching on one side, and bands of wild _almogavares_ on the other. But
safety could only be assured to those who passed with the corpse and
the oriflamme. The Count of Foix with five hundred horsemen went first,
then the young King and his brother with the oriflamme, following their
father’s body. The Cardinal Legate came close behind, careful of his
own safety. He said that the rest would go to Paradise. The Aragonese
could no longer be restrained, and fell furiously on the remainder of
the retreating host and on the baggage. The Cardinal was so terrified
that he died of fright a few days afterwards; while the King of Majorca
escorted his nephew, the young King of France, with his brother Charles
and the body of the late King, through his dominions.

The victorious King En Pedro, after making liberal grants to the towns
of Peralada and Gerona, returned to Barcelona with his principal
nobles. On the same day the Admiral Roger de Lauria arrived with the
fleet, and there was great rejoicing.

This time the Pope’s curses went home to roost with a vengeance. En
Pedro was firmer on his throne than ever. Sicily was safe. The Pope’s
_protégé_ was in prison at Barcelona. The Pope’s King of Aragon was
only king of what was under his own cap. The Pope’s machinations were
scattered to the winds.

Yet the papal intrigues continued to cause trouble and dissensions.

Jayme II., the King of Majorca, was obliged, owing to the exigencies
of the times, to reside in his Continental dominions. By his wife,
Esclaramunda, sister of the Count of Foix, he had four sons, Jayme,
Sancho, Fernando, and Felipe, and two daughters named Isabel and
Sancha. Isabel was the wife of the Infante Juan Manuel, brother of
the King of Castille. Sancha married King Robert of Naples. Jayme and
Sancho were at Paris, detained by the King of France, practically as
hostages. Fernando’s age was then about eight, the elder brothers ten
and twelve.

There had been an understanding between the brothers Pedro and Jayme
during the war, and communications had passed between them respecting
the safe passage of the French King’s body, and on other matters. Soon
after the final rout of the French strange tidings reached En Pedro
from his agents in Italy. He was assured that the Pope would induce the
King of France to seize Majorca, and that Jayme would be forced to
give his consent, because his two sons were in the French King’s power
in Paris, and Montpellier, Roussillon, and Conflent would otherwise
be taken from him. En Pedro resolved to prevent this. He did not see
how, in the face of these threats, his brother could refuse, and he
must therefore act promptly; but he sent a letter to his brother Jayme
explaining the motives of his action. The force destined for Majorca
was placed under the command of the King’s eldest son, Alfonso, and
consisted of knights, men-at-arms, and two thousand _almogavares_.

The King of Aragon was incensed with his nephew Sancho IV., the
usurping King of Castille, because he had broken his promise and given
him no help whatever in the war with France. Fernando, the eldest son
of Alfonso X., had died before his father, leaving two sons, Alfonso
and Fernando, known as the ‘Infantes of La Cerda.’ The next son,
Sancho, had usurped the throne, and the ‘Infantes de La Cerda’ had
escaped into Aragon. En Pedro was having them educated in the castle of
Jativa in Valencia. He was so angry with Sancho that he contemplated
setting up the eldest Infante as a claimant for the throne of Castille.
Having taken leave of his son on the eve of his departure for Majorca,
En Pedro commenced a journey to Jativa to see the Infantes of La Cerda.
He was feeling unwell when he started, and on reaching the town of
Villafranca de Panales he was in a high fever. His son was on board,
but had not sailed, when he got the news. He hurried to Villafranca,
but his father ordered him to return to his ship and make sail at
once. Receiving his father’s blessing, the young Prince departed and
embarked at the port of Salou. He landed with his forces at Porrasa,
and no resistance was made to his occupation of the capital of Majorca.
En Pedro was dying. He had made his will and received the Sacraments,
but neither wife nor sons were at his bedside. He died on November 11,
1285, and was buried in the abbey of Santa Creus, about twenty miles
from Villafranca. His great admiral, Roger de Lauria, died a few years
afterwards, and his body was laid to rest near that of the King he had
served so well. In 1835 a vile mob of ruffians destroyed the church and
scattered the remains to the winds. By his wife Constance he left four
sons and two daughters. The eldest succeeded him as Alfonso III. The
second succeeded his brother as Jayme II. Federigo, the third, was King
of Sicily. The fourth was Pedro. Of the daughters, Isabel was Queen of
Portugal, and Violante of Naples.

Pedro III., if not equal in all respects to his father, was a great
king. Fortune smiled upon him. He was happy in all relations of life.
His career was one long romance. Chivalrous to recklessness, he was at
the same time prudent and circumspect--a rare combination. Even in his
wild gallop into imminent peril at Bordeaux he thought out every part
of the enterprise down to the minutest detail. He was invariably well
served, and invariably successful. This cannot be ascribed to luck. A
king who succeeds in all he undertakes must have rare gifts of head and
heart to plan out the details of his undertakings and to secure the
sympathy and devotion of those who serve him. Pedro was thus gifted,
while his administrative ability ensured the prosperity of his country.
Under him Aragon became a great naval Power, and Sicily was freed from
a foreign yoke.




CHAPTER VII

Tells how young Federigo held Sicily against all odds, how the Catalan
Company went to the east, and how Jayme of Majorca was restored to his
island home


The news of the King’s death was at once sent to Majorca and to
Sicily. Alfonso was only in his twenty-second year--an impulsive,
quick-tempered youth, intolerant of opposition, but not guilty of the
cruelties imputed to him by some writers. He refused to surrender the
Balearic Islands to his uncle again, and there was trouble about it
during the five years that his reign lasted. He returned at once to
Barcelona and went to mourn at his father’s grave in the church of
Santa Creus, previous to the coronation at Zaragoza. His brother Jayme
was crowned King of Sicily at Palermo, and in a successful campaign
subdued all the mainland of Calabria.

Through the intervention of King Edward I. of England, negotiations
were set on foot to reconcile the King of Aragon with France and the
Pope; to make a compromise with his uncle, of Majorca, and for a
marriage between Alfonso III. of Aragon and the Princess Eleanor of
England, a daughter of Edward I. by his second marriage. Young Alfonso
spent some time with Edward I. and the intended bride at Bordeaux.
He was induced to liberate Charles II. of Naples on receiving his
three sons and twenty nobles of Provence in exchange. The other
important questions were in a fair way of solution through the tact and
diplomatic skill of the wise King Edward, when a sudden stop was put to
the negotiations by the wholly unexpected death of Alfonso. A neglected
tumour on his thigh brought on a fever of which he died at Barcelona
when only in his twenty-seventh year.

The Count of Ampudia and other great nobles at once proceeded to Sicily
to announce his accession to Jayme. The new king embarked at Trapani,
landed at Barcelona, and was crowned at Zaragoza as Jayme II. of
Aragon. Sicily remained under the rule of Queen Constance and her son
Federigo, who had now attained to years of discretion and gave promise
of becoming a very able and resolute leader of men.

History is rarely quite symmetrical. One would have wished to see the
noble policy of En Pedro continued as firmly and resolutely by his
son. But this was not to be. Jayme II. of Aragon was weak, and fell
under papal influences. There was a new Pope, and Boniface VIII. was
more diplomatic. Jayme first abandoned his cousins of La Cerda, and
made an alliance with the usurping Sancho of Castille. He next made his
peace with France and the Holy See, and acknowledged Charles II. of
Naples as King of the Sicilies. The treaty was signed at Anagni, under
the supervision of Pope Boniface. Jayme was to marry Blanche of Anjou,
to give up all prisoners, and, worst shame of all, Sicily was to be
handed over to the Pope again. In return the excommunication was taken
off, and, in defiance of all right, Corsica and Sardinia were to be
handed over to Jayme if he could drive out the Genoese and Pisans who
possessed those islands; but he was to hold them in fief of the Pope.

Sicily was abandoned without the assent of En Federigo, who was now
grown up and was a prince to be reckoned with. He sent Sicilian envoys
to remonstrate with his brother, but without avail. He then resolved
to resist the iniquity and to defy his brother and the Pope. He had
against him the King of Aragon and his forces, France and Naples,
and the whole influence of the papacy. He had no ally. Yet he defied
them all, and swore that Sicily should be free. Many of the Catalonian
nobles who revered the memory of his father rallied round the gallant
young prince. He was a true son of En Pedro. Volunteers flocked to
his standard. Above all, the _almogavares_ were staunch to a man. En
Federigo was proclaimed King of Sicily.

The Pope gave Jayme II. the titles of Gonfalonier, Admiral, and
Captain-general of the Church; and, in addition to his marriage with
Blanche of Anjou, he married his sister, the granddaughter of King
Manfred, to the French heir of Naples.

Jayme II. received the standard of the Church at Rome, collected
eighty-three galleys, and sailed to form a junction with the forces
of Naples and overwhelm his brother. En Federigo had an able admiral
in Conrad Doria, while Blasco de Alagon commanded the land forces.
The allies made their first attack on Syracuse, where they suffered
disastrous defeats both by sea and land. Charles of Naples then sent
a force of 1,200 men, in fifty galleys, under the command of his son,
the Prince of Tarentum, to effect a landing at Trapani. En Federigo,
with some of his Catalan supporters, Moncadas and Entenzas, was
ready to defend the coast. The gallant young King of Sicily led on
the _almogavares_, who shouted ‘Dispierto hierro!’ and fell with such
fury on the invaders that they broke and fled. En Federigo himself
fought his way straight for his enemy’s standard, and encountered the
Prince of Tarentum. After a short combat the Prince was unhorsed, and
would have been killed if Federigo had not protected him. He was taken
prisoner and sent to the castle of Cefalu.

Charles and the Pope appealed to France for help, dispatching
ambassadors with an urgent request that the King would send his brother
Charles of Valois, ‘the Cap King,’ with a large force to invade Sicily.
Accordingly he came to Naples with four thousand men, landed at Termini
in Sicily, and besieged Sciacca. His people were decimated by disease,
the siege had to be raised, and the expedition was a complete failure.

En Federigo had the rare gift, of surrounding himself with the ablest
and most efficient men. Among these was the famous Roger de Flor. The
good Emperor Frederick II. had a German falconer named Richard de Flor,
who married the daughter of a rich proprietor at Brindisi. When Prince
Conradin came to regain his right, Richard fought for him and was
killed in the battle. All his property was confiscated and his widow
was left penniless, with two boys to support, Jacobo and Roger. A ship
belonging to the Knights Templars, and commanded by a Serjeant Friar
named Vassayll, was wintering at Brindisi when Roger was about eight
years old. The little fellow went up and down the rigging with such
agility that Vassayll took a fancy for him, and persuaded his mother
to let him go to sea and learn a sailor’s duties. By the time he was
twenty he had become a very expert seaman, and the Master of the Temple
conferred on him the mantle of the Order. He was then given the command
of a large ship called the _Falcon_. Friar Roger de Flor soon acquired
renown as a very able naval commander. He was captain of another ship,
called the _Oliveta_, when he entered the harbour of Messina and
offered his services to En Federigo. He was most cordially received,
and he swore allegiance to the young King of Sicily, with all his crew.
His first service was to capture several large Neapolitan vessels laden
with wheat and other supplies, with which the garrisons of Syracuse,
Augusta, and Lentini were to be provisioned. He also captured much
treasure, enabling him to make liberal presents to the nobles and to
pay the wages of the garrisons. For these services the King made him
Vice-Admiral of Sicily.

The Neapolitans were besieging Messina by land and sea, led by Robert,
the heir of Charles II. When the town was almost at the point of
starvation, Friar Roger de Flor, the Vice-Admiral, manned ten galleys,
loaded them with corn, and waited at Syracuse for a fair wind. It came
on to blow very fresh from the south, and he made sail in the night,
reaching the _faro_ of Messina just before dawn. By that time it was
blowing very hard and a heavy sea was raging in the strait, with many
cross-currents. The besieging ships saw the galleys, but feared to
raise their anchors in such a sea. Friar Roger, with sails split and
top masts sprung, led all the ten galleys safely into the harbour. Next
day Duke Robert raised the siege.

Jayme II. of Aragon was half-hearted in this papal war against his
young brother. He obtained a grant from the Cortes of Catalonia, and
sailed for Sicily with fifty-six galleys. Federigo put to sea with only
forty vessels, and there was a long-contested fight off Cape Orlando,
a most fratricidal and unnatural strife. Jayme had with him Almenany,
Cabrera, and other great Aragonese names. Round Federigo were Blasco de
Alagon, Hugo Count of Ampurias, Gombau de Entenza, and others. It was
a drawn battle, and, in spite of the prayers of Charles of Naples and
of Pope Boniface, Jayme returned to Barcelona to fight no more. He must
have been ashamed of the part he had been taking.

Very tardily the Pope came to see that all his curses in a bad cause
were of no avail, and that they persistently came home to roost. He at
length consented that his _protégé_ of Naples should negotiate with
En Federigo, and acknowledge him as King of Sicily. Charles of Naples
met the King of Sicily at Calatabellota, and agreed to acknowledge him
as king, and to give him his daughter Leonor for his wife. In return
Federigo consented to evacuate Calabria. The marriage took place at
Messina in May 1302.

A very large army remained in Sicily without employment. Friar Roger
de Flor conceived the idea of offering his services to the Emperor
of the East and of enlisting the Aragonese and Catalonian soldiers
to fight against the Turks. Berenger de Entenza, Berenguer Rocafort,
and many other Aragonese nobles and knights agreed to accompany the
renowned Templar, and more than four thousand _almogavares_ enlisted.
An envoy was sent to Constantinople, and the Emperor Andronicus, with
his son Michael, agreed to the terms proposed, including the scale of
pay. Friar Roger was to be a Grand Duke and to marry the Emperor’s
niece; while liberal allowances were promised to his companions. Among
them was our good and faithful chronicler Ramon Muntaner himself. En
Federigo furnished ten galleys to transport the company of adventurers,
provisioning them well, and supplying his faithful Admiral Friar Roger
de Flor with necessary funds. The whole party which finally sailed
for the East consisted of 1,500 cavalry, 4,000 _almogavares_, 1,000
other foot-soldiers, besides wives and children. There were twenty-six
sail of vessels, and all embarked well pleased with the liberality
of the good King of Sicily and with the prospect before them. At
first the Emperor received them with much cordiality, and the company
landed near Cyzicus on the Asiatic side, gaining some victories over
the Turks. Friar Roger was rewarded with the title of Cæsar, which
had not been conferred during four hundred years, and the company
went into winter quarters at Gallipoli. Michael, the Emperor’s son,
had conceived an intense feeling of jealousy on account of the great
honours conferred on Friar Roger. He sent an invitation to him to come
to Adrianople, where he and all his companions were massacred. Another
massacre was perpetrated at Constantinople; but the treacherous Greeks
were defeated with great slaughter when they attacked the company at
Gallipoli. The company made several retaliatory incursions, Muntaner
being left in charge at Gallipoli; but there were disputes between the
leaders, Entenza and Rocafort, and much need of proper guidance and of
a leader acknowledged by all. At this time a Prince of Majorca began
to take a part in the affairs of the company and of Greece; but before
narrating his adventures we must return to the island itself and to its
restoration to its rightful King.

King Jayme of Majorca had been unjustly deprived of his islands by his
nephew Alfonso III., and, while constantly protesting, he was obliged
to remain at Montpellier and Perpignan. But after he had made his peace
with the Pope, Jayme of Aragon sought an interview with his uncle of
Majorca, greeted him affectionately, and restored to him the Balearic
Islands. Both the King of Majorca and the King of Aragon, uncle and
nephew, were Jayme II., which might cause some confusion. For the next
twelve years Jayme, the uncle, reigned peacefully in Majorca.




CHAPTER VIII

Tells how King Jayme II. at last reigned in peace, and how his page
Raimondo Lulio attained the crown of martyrdom


King Jayme II. of Majorca returned to his island dominions in 1294 with
fifteen years of life before him, which he devoted to the restoration
of prosperity to Majorca. He was now advanced in years, and was far
better fitted for peaceful administration and the work of promoting the
good of his people than for steering safely through the entanglements
and difficulties caused by the war between his brother and his
brother-in-law of France.

His wife, Esclaramunda of Foix, was still by his side, and his children
were taking their places in the world. His eldest son, Jayme, had
adopted a religious life and had become a Franciscan friar. His second
son, Sancho, was therefore to be his successor, and was recognised as
the heir by the Cortes of Gerona in 1302. The third son, Fernando, was
one of the ablest and most valorous soldiers of that chivalrous age,
with honour bright as his sword. The youngest son, Felipe, entered
holy orders. The two daughters married well--Isabel to the Infante Juan
Manuel of Castille, and Sancha to Robert, King of Naples.

Majorca had suffered during the usurpation of young Alfonso. Her
commercial interests had been neglected, and the foreign rule had been
tyrannical. At the same time the population was increasing, and there
was need for the foundation of towns as centres of trade and protection
in the different districts. The companions of Jayme I., forming the
nobility of the island, held large estates. The twenty most prominent
names were:

    Surnames            Later titles

  [10]Berga                ----
  [10]Burgues              ----
  [10]Canet            Viscount of Canet, 1322
      Caro             Marquis of Romana, 1739
      Cotoner          Marquis of Ariañy, cr. 1717
  [10]Dameto           Marquis of Bellpuig, 1625
      Despuig          Count of Montenegro, 1658
      Fortuñy              ----
  [10]Morey                ----
      Oleza                ----
  [11]Puigdorfila          ----
  [11]Rocaberti        Count of Campofranco, 1718
      Sureda           Count of Desbrull, 1717
  [11]Santa Cilia          ----
  [11]Sant Marti           ----
      Togores          Count of Ayamans, 1634
      Torrella             ----
      Truyolls         Marquis of La Torre, 1728
      Villalonga           ----
      Zaforteza            ----
  [11]Gual                 ----

With the aid and consent of these nobles and of the Jurados, Jayme II.
founded several towns which have continued to flourish to this day. One
of the first was Felanitx, on the plain to the east of the capital. The
next was Santañi, on the estate of Sant Marti; and the King, owing to
the want of water, caused large cisterns to be constructed. Binisalem,
near Inca, was founded, and is now a centre of apricot cultivation.
Porreras, Sineu, and Manacor were also founded; the latter is now a
flourishing town and a centre of the vine industry. Lluchmayor, the
scene of his grandson’s fatal overthrow, was also founded by this
King. These towns formed markets and homes for the farmers of the
surrounding districts.

King Jayme next established a coinage, which for its purity and
accuracy of weight was very highly esteemed in all the Mediterranean
commercial marts. Gold coins began to be issued in 1310, but none are
now known to exist. The silver reals and double reals are handsome
coins. They are excessively rare. The silver coinage began to be issued
in 1300. The Mint-master was Bernardo de Oleza, whose arms were gules a
rose argent. The rose appears on each side of the crowned head, and in
the four angles of the cross on the reverse of the silver money.[12]

The representatives of the people agreed to pay a tax, called
_fogatje_, for the support of the mint, assessed on all houses having
hearths.

A pure currency is a great aid to commerce, and the trade of Majorca
increased rapidly under the auspices of En Jayme. Shipbuilding
progressed, and the rich and fertile soil began to yield abundant
crops. The cultivation of olive-trees, though many of them now present
such an extraordinarily antiquated appearance, was introduced into the
island by the Catalans, and not by the Arabs.[13] The raising of stock
also received much attention from the King, who in this as in other
measures for the prosperity of the island, was well supported by his
‘Ricos hombres.’

The ‘Almudaina,’ or alcazar of the Moors, is a huge bastille on the
right of the landing-place. The lofty walls still stand, enclosing
a large space, with square towers at intervals. The exterior has
undergone considerable modern alterations, but it is still quite easy
to make out the appearance of the original building. King Jayme II.
brought artists and expert artificers from Perpignan to convert this
ancient alcazar of the Almudaina into a palace. The royal apartments
were decorated with paintings and bas-reliefs, the beautiful oratory
of Santa Ana was built as the royal chapel, pleasant balconies were
erected, and gardens were laid out in the courts and on the terraces.
The sculptor François Camprodon was employed to adorn the halls and
gardens with statues. A code of palace etiquette was drawn up, and the
Majorcan Court was ceremoniously conducted, while at the same time it
was a home of pleasure and festivity.

To the east of the Almudaina there was a space, said to have been
occupied by a garden in Moorish times, on a high platform overlooking
the Mediterranean. No finer site could be found for a cathedral. The
Capilla Real had been finished in the time of the Conqueror, but during
the usurpation work had been stopped. Funds were raised under Jayme
II. and the construction of this beautiful edifice was continued. All
the stone came from the quarries of Santañi, on the south coast of
the island. The cathedral presents rather a curious appearance from
the sea, owing to the crowd of flying buttresses and the absence of
windows, which are only allowed to give full light through stained
glass in the apse. The nave is very lofty, with eight arches on each
side, between seven high and slender pillars supporting a finely
vaulted roof. There is a clerestory with windows blocked, but no
triforium. The aisles are lower and rather narrow, with side chapels.
The lofty and slender pillars rising to the vault, less than three feet
in diameter, give a peculiarly solemn effect which is alike pleasing
and imposing.[14] The Bishop’s palace, built round a courtyard, is to
the east of the cathedral, and also overlooks the sea.

The King’s eldest son had devoted his life to religion and had become
a Franciscan monk. Out of affection for him Jayme II. founded a large
Franciscan monastery. A fine church rose up in due time, with a very
picturesque cloister of two storeys, other buildings used as schools,
and a large library with a richly carved wooden ceiling. All came to
ruin on the expulsion of the monks in 1835.

En Jayme also planned and commenced one of the finest military works
of his time. The castle of Belver is a beautiful object from the sea,
standing on the summit of a pine-clad hill, with a background of more
distant mountains. It is elliptical in shape, with a large courtyard in
the centre. The accommodation is spacious. On the ground floor there
is a series of vaulted chambers suitable for barracks, guard rooms, or
prisons. Above there is a vaulted gallery opening on numerous large
rooms, also vaulted, including a large hall and a chapel. The roof is
flat and paved. Standing by itself there is a tall tower, called ‘el
Torre de Homenaje,’ connected with the roof by an arch. The whole is
surrounded by a deep moat. Pedro Salva, the architect, was a native
of Majorca. The hill on which the castle stands, 450 feet above the
sea, is entirely covered with pine-trees (_Pinus Halepensis_), with an
undergrowth of _lentisco_-bushes, wild lavender, and a purple cistus.
Between the bushes the ground is covered with asphodel and the leaves
of an arisarum.

En Jayme brought architects, sculptors, and decorators to Majorca, as
well as troubadours and musicians, and he encouraged native talent.
But the great ornament of his reign was an eminent philosopher and
theologian. Ramon Lull, or Raimundo Lulio of Barcelona, was one of the
companions of Jayme I., and received two _alquerias_ or farms at the
partition. He was married to Heril de Cataluña, and their son Raimundo
was born in the capital of Majorca in about the year 1235. His parents
wished him to learn to read, but he cared for nothing but arms, and
became a page to En Jayme. He neglected his duties to the Prince and
gave up nearly all his time to rather scandalous love affairs. His
parents thought that the only cure was marriage, and they married him
to a girl named Catalina Labots; but this only appeared to increase his
devotion to other married women. His conversion was miraculous. He had
a celestial vision in the garden of the bishop’s palace, and another
in his own house, when he heard the words, ‘Raimundo, follow me!’ He
sold all his property, only reserving a small portion for his wife and
children, and in 1266 he embarked for Barcelona to visit the shrines
of Montserrat and Santiago. He then returned home to cause edification
by his example in the same place where his former life had been so
scandalous. He was well past his thirtieth year.

Lulio then began to learn Arabic from a slave, with the intention
of preaching to the Moors; but one day he flogged his teacher for
blaspheming God, who retaliated by stabbing Lulio in the breast.
The new convert then left the abodes of man and went up an isolated
hill called Randa, well in sight from the anchorage off the capital
of Majorca. Here his life was a continual succession of prayers,
penitence, and tears. He was favoured with more celestial visions.
His mind seems to have been filled with zeal for the conversion of
unbelievers; and he also developed some crude philosophical ideas in
his solitude. Jayme II. was at this time at Montpellier, and, hearing
of the miraculous conversion of his former page, he sent for him. En
Jayme was struck by the earnestness, the eloquence, and the ability of
the new convert. When Lulio entreated the King to establish a school in
Majorca for teaching Arabic, with a view to preaching to the infidels,
he consented. He made a grant of money sufficient to sustain thirteen
monks, and assigned for their college a farm in a lovely spot on the
north coast of the island, overlooking the sea, called Miramar. Here
Lulio studied, and wrote his theories and ideas; but his plan did not
succeed, and the college was a failure.

Lulio went to Rome, and then to Paris, where he read his system and
argued some points with the famous Duns Scotus and his disciples.
In 1290 he was at Montpellier and Genoa, whence he embarked for
Tunis. Here he preached the faith of Christ openly, was beaten, and
eventually banished. He travelled through Armenia and the holy Land;
and afterwards wandered over Europe, preaching a crusade to recover
Jerusalem. Another year found him at Paris once more, reading his
system, which at length received the approbation of the University. In
1314 Lulio was again travelling through Egypt and the Holy Land; and
two years afterwards we find him in England, studying physics as then
understood. During the intervals of travel he diligently wrote books on
every imaginable subject. He reached his eightieth year, and longed for
martyrdom. So he embarked in a vessel bound for Tunis, and went thence
to Bugia. He preached Christ openly and persistently until he was taken
out of the town and stoned. Some Genoese begged for the martyr’s body,
and conveyed it to Majorca. The date of the martyrdom was June 29,
1315. Lulio was buried in the church of San Francisco. The effigy of
the martyr rests sideways and rather high up on the wall of a transept;
above it two angels are bearing up his soul, below are the arms of
Lulio and Majorca, at the sides angels in niches.

The philosophy of Lulio is part of the intellectual history of his
century, and can have no place here; but this meagre sketch of his life
and acts is sufficient to show that he was one of the most remarkable
men of his time. Majorca has good reason to be proud of him. His works
were read and taught in the Franciscan monastery and elsewhere, and
his statue at Palma is a sufficient proof of the appreciation of his
countrymen.

Raimundo Lulio survived his old master by four years. Jayme II.
continued to maintain an excellent understanding with his nephew and
namesake of Aragon, affording him assistance in ships and men in his
conquest of Corsica and Sardinia. He died in his palace of Almudaina on
May 28, 1371, and was succeeded by his second son, Sancho. Among many
adherents, his most faithful friend through all his troubles was his
secretary, Guillermo de Puigdorfila. This noble Majorcan was possessed
of a large fortune, which he devoted to the service of his master, and
was his most trusted councillor to the last. His descendants continued
to flourish in Majorca for 540 years, the last male dying in 1846.

Jayme II. was buried in the Royal chapel of the cathedral at Majorca,
and in 1779 Charles III. of Spain erected a monument to his memory, in
doubtful taste. On a parchment at the lid of the shroud it is recorded
that: ‘Here is Jayme (Jacma) of worthy memory, King of Majorca, Count
of Roussillon and Cerdaña, Lord of Montpellier, who departed this life
in this city on the 28th of May, vigil of Pentecost, 1311, son of en
Jayme, King of Aragon, who delivered this city from the heathens.’
The body is well preserved as a mummy. Jayme II. of Majorca was an
excellent king for peaceful times, and in the last fifteen years of his
life his administration was most useful and serviceable to his country.




CHAPTER IX

The career of Prince Fernando of Majorca; and tells how the orphan was
taken home to its grandmother


Fernando, the third son of King Jayme II. of Majorca, was a splendid
type of a chivalrous knight, trained to arms from early youth, eager
to win renown, but placing honour and his word before all earthly
considerations. He was very young when he left his home in Majorca to
fight for his gallant cousin, Federigo of Sicily. After the peace with
Naples, Fernando still remained with his cousin. Then news came of the
murder of Friar Roger de Flor, and of the critical position of the
Catalan company at Gallipoli, which place they had held for several
years, making occasional raids into Roumania. The King of Sicily
proposed to his cousin Fernando that he should assume command of the
company in the name of Federigo as over-lord. Fernando accepted the
charge. He arrived at Gallipoli with four galleys, and announced that
he came only as lieutenant and representative of the King of Sicily.
Ramon Muntaner, our worthy chronicler, who was in charge at Gallipoli,
received the young Prince in the capacity announced in the diplomas he
brought from King Federigo as chief and commander of the company. En
Rocafort, with the greater part of the forces, was besieging a town
called Nona, sixty miles from Gallipoli, and he requested the Prince to
join him. The other two chiefs of the company, En Berenguer de Entenza
and En Ferrar Ximenes, remained at Gallipoli; but the Prince, with
Muntaner, proceeded to Nona, where he was received with great honour.
Rocafort was at enmity with Entenza and Ximenes, and secretly wished
to get rid of the Prince so as to have sole command of the company.
He therefore intrigued with all the chiefs and officers, persuading
them to accept the Prince as their lord, but not as a representative
of the King of Sicily. They all agreed, and Rocafort knew what the
Prince’s answer, as a man of honour, must necessarily be. When the
Prince announced his decision, he was entreated to remain until they
reached Salonica, to which place the company intended to march, it
being represented to him that he might compose the differences between
Rocafort and the other leaders. The Prince consented to remain with
them for a short time with that object.

Gallipoli was to be abandoned, and the duty of destroying the castle
there and bringing away the wives and children of the company was
entrusted to Muntaner. He did this, and brought the people to
Cristopol, at the entrance of the Salonica territory, in thirty-six
vessels, consisting of galleys, armed _leños_, and armed boats.

The whole company, including Entenza and Ximenes with their troops,
then began their march to Salonica. On the second day there was an
affray in which Entenza was killed, Rocafort pretending that his men
mistook Entenza’s men for enemies. Ximenes fled. The Prince, who now
saw through the designs of Rocafort, was in a very difficult position,
when his four galleys most opportunely arrived at the part of the coast
where the company was encamped. A council was called, and the Prince
told Rocafort and his party plainly that if they would not receive him
as vicegerent of the King of Sicily, he would leave them. Rocafort
induced the leaders to declare that they would receive him only as
their lord, independent of any one else. Prince Fernando therefore
embarked and went with his four galleys to the island of Thasos.

Rocafort’s ambition led to his ruin, for his own people became tired
of his tyranny and greed. He wanted to make himself King of Salonica,
but there was a mutiny; he was delivered over to the commander of some
Venetian galleys and taken to Naples with his brother. The Venetians
gave him up to King Robert of Naples, who put him and his brother into
a dungeon in the castle of Aversa, where they were left to die of
starvation. The company took service under the French Duke of Athens.

Thasos is by far the most beautiful island in the Archipelago. It has
pleasant meads, wooded glens, and picturesque mountain scenery. There
are many remains of ancient Greece, and on a green hill rise the ruins
of a fine old castle built by the Genoese. In this delightful retreat
Prince Fernando rested for a few days after the troubles and anxieties
caused by his brief connection with the company. He was joined by Ramon
Muntaner with his followers, who was devoted to the House of Aragon.

In returning to Sicily they were attacked off Negropont by a superior
force of Venetians, and the Prince was taken prisoner. He was
delivered over to King Robert of Naples, who kept him in captivity
until, through the intervention of the King of France, he was allowed
to return to his home in Majorca.

The next enterprise in which Prince Fernando was engaged was against
the Moors of Granada. The King of Aragon agreed with Fernando IV.
(‘the Summoned’[15]) of Castille to carry on this war from two
different directions. One was to attack Almeria, while the other
besieged Algesiras, and there was a promise that neither should retire
without the consent of the other. The object was to divide the Moslem
forces. The Prince of Majorca went with his cousin of Aragon to the
siege of Almeria. This seaport town, very beautifully situated at the
entrance of a fertile valley backed by mountains, was a place of great
commercial importance in the days of the Beni Omeyya Khâlifas, and here
they had their naval dockyard. Almeria continued to flourish under the
Kings of Granada, and at one time it had kings of its own. The siege
lasted for nine months, and the Aragonese brought with them all the
artillery of the day to batter the walls. Prince Fernando was well
fitted out by his father. He had under his command a hundred Majorcan
knights, many foot soldiers, with galleys and _leños_ to convey the
horses, provisions, and artillery. During the siege Fernando proved
himself to be a good knight by his valorous deeds--‘One of the best
knights in the world,’ Muntaner says. Among other combats, he had three
hand-to-hand fights with Moorish warriors, and won the palm of a good
knight in each encounter, in sight of both armies.

Fernando IV. (the Summoned One) broke his word, raised the siege of
Algesiras, and retreated. This liberated a large Moorish force, which
was at once sent to Almeria. It was done without informing the King of
Aragon, who suddenly found himself confronted by the whole power of
Granada. On the eve of St. Bartholomew a great Moorish army suddenly
attacked the besiegers. The King of Aragon was surprised, but not
dismayed. He ordered Prince Fernando to remain near the town with
his contingent, at a place called the ‘Esperonte’[16] of Almeria, to
attack and drive back the besieged, if they sallied out to fall upon
the Aragonese rear while they were engaged with the Moorish army in
front. This was a most honourable post, and Fernando held it gallantly.
The ‘Esperonte’ faced the seashore. While the battle was raging a son
of the Moorish King of Guadix sallied forth at the head of a large
force with loud shouts and war-cries. Fernando was well prepared. His
men were formed to resist attack. The Moor was one of the most famous
warriors of Granada. He was well in front, scimitar in hand, shouting,
‘Ani ibn es-Sultan.’ ‘What does he say?’ asked Fernando. ‘He says that
he is the King’s son,’ replied the interpreter. ‘If he is a King’s son,
so am I,’ answered the Prince; and, putting spurs to his horse, he
attacked the Moor. Before he could reach him he had killed six of the
enemy with his own hand, breaking his lance on the sixth. He then drew
his sword and closed with the Moorish King’s son. The Moor struck such
a wonderful blow that he cut off a quarter of the Prince’s shield, and
again shouted ‘Ani ibn es-Sultan.’ But the Prince delivered such a blow
that he cut open the Moor’s head down to his teeth, and he fell dead.
His followers were routed, and few escaped back into the town.

Meanwhile the great Moorish army was entirely defeated. The King of
Aragon returned victorious to his tent, to hear of the great service
performed by his cousin and of his deeds of derring-do, equalling,
says Muntaner, those of the famous Roland. The King then raised the
siege and returned to Barcelona for three reasons. The winter was
approaching, the Castillian King had broken faith, and he of Aragon had
gained a greater success by the liberation of many Christian captives
which he made a condition of his truce, than if he had taken Almeria.
Prince Fernando joined his father and mother at Perpignan, who rejoiced
at his safe return.

En Fernando remained at home until he heard that Robert of Naples, who
had married his sister Sancha, was making war on the King of Sicily.
Ever true to his cousin En Federigo, the young Prince assembled his
knightly followers, and, with a good contingent of Majorcans, he
joined his cousin of Sicily. En Federigo was delighted to see him, for
they had not met since En Fernando set out to join the company. The
King granted the Majorcan prince the city of Catania for his life,
and two thousand _onzas_ a year from his treasury. The cousins lived
very happily together until King Robert of Naples landed an army at
Palermo and besieged Trapani. Prince Fernando was sent to occupy Mount
St. Julian, where once stood the famous temple of Venus, whence his
_almogavares_ gave a very bad time to the besieging host. The King
of Sicily fitted out a large fleet of galleys to prevent any escape,
and then joined Prince Fernando on Mount St. Julian, to attack the
besiegers with a superior force. At this critical juncture the Dowager
Queen of Naples, sister of Jayme II. of Aragon, intervened, and a truce
was arranged, Robert of Naples surrendering all he had gained and
evacuating Sicily.

During the rest of his life Prince Fernando was connected with the
affairs of Greece. Long before, the Duke of Burgundy and the Comte
de la Marche, grandsons of the King of France, had invaded the
Morea, driven out the Grecian rulers, founded the city of Patras,
and established the French dukedom of Athens and principality of the
Morea. The Catalan company finally put an end to the Athens dukedom by
killing the Comte de Brienne and all his nobles. In the Morea, Louis,
the fifth in descent from the Duke of Burgundy, died without male
heirs, but left two daughters. One inherited the Morea, and the other
the Barony of Matagrifon. One was married to Felipe, a younger son of
Charles of Anjou, and the other to his friend the Count of Andria.
Felipe was recognised as Prince of the Morea, and his friend as Baron
of Matagrifon. Philip died childless, and his widow married a Comte de
Nevers. The Count of Andria died, leaving a daughter Isabel, who was
unjustly deprived of her inheritance. Her mother thought that there was
no knight in Christendom who would be more likely to take up the cause
of an injured and dispossessed princess than En Fernando of Majorca.

The mother, with her beautiful daughter, came to Messina, where they
were hospitably received by the King of Sicily. Muntaner says that
Isabel was the fairest, the rosiest, the most discreet maiden he had
ever seen. The marriage of En Fernando with the fair Isabel of Andria
took place at Messina, and, after several days of festivity, the Prince
took his bride to Catania. Muntaner was then in command of the island
of Gerbes, on the African coast, but he at once complied with a request
that he should join En Fernando. He arrived at Catania a few days
before the Princess gave birth to a fine boy. He brought with him great
store of wedding presents, consisting of richly embroidered dresses,
slippers of finely dressed leather, cloth of various colours, and
jewels. He spread them all out before the Prince and Princess, to their
great delight. The birthday was on the first Saturday in April 1315.
The child received the name of Jayme in the cathedral of St. Agatha at
Catania.

There was a melancholy termination to the bright prospect which seemed
to open before the young married pair. En Fernando had no sooner
completed his preparations to sail for the Morea with a well-equipped
force and recover his wife’s dominions, than Isabel was seized with
a fever and died a month after the birth of her child. She died
in her husband’s arms, who was thus plunged in grief and was long
inconsolable. He buried his bride under a monument near the tomb of St.
Agatha.

In sorrow the bereaved Prince commenced his campaign. He was joined at
Messina by the faithful Ramon Muntaner, whose guidance as a chronicler
we are soon to lose. He had been governor of the Isle of Gerbes for
seven years, but resigned that important appointment to share the
fortunes of his beloved Prince. En Fernando told Muntaner that he owed
more to him than to any other man on earth; but that he was now going
to ask him the greatest favour of all. The little child at Catania
was most in need of a valiant defender. The Prince entreated Muntaner
to give up the campaign in the Morea and to convey his motherless boy
safely to its grandmother at Perpignan. He would have letters to her,
to the King of Majorca, and to the Prince’s procurator, En Berenguer
Despuig, and he would be supplied with well-fitted galleys for the
voyage. With a heavy heart Muntaner undertook the charge, and took
leave of the Prince who had won his devoted affection.

Prince Fernando then made sail for the Morea with a strong force of
cavalry and of _almogavares_. He landed near Clarencia, a small seaport
on the coast, south-west of Patras, and, after a feeble resistance,
captured the town. The people swore allegiance to him, for Clarencia
was part of his wife’s inheritance. He then proceeded with the conquest
of the rest of the Morea, and when he seemed well established he
sent envoys to the King of Cyprus, asking for the hand of his niece
Isabella. The marriage took place at Clarencia, and there was a son,
named Fernando, born after his father’s death.

Louis of Burgundy, who had married Mahault of Hainault, Princess of
Achaia, set out to dispute the possession of the Morea with Prince
Fernando in 1315. Landing at Patras, he advanced towards Clarencia, and
Fernando came out to meet him. There was a battle at a place called
Esfero on July 7, 1316, when the gallant young Prince was slain. He
had sent for reinforcements, but his impetuosity prevented him from
waiting for them. Muntaner received the sad news in Majorca, and
declared that this was the greatest loss the House of Aragon had ever
sustained. ‘For,’ he added, ‘this was the best and most valiant knight
to be found among the sons of kings in that age, the most just, and
the one who best knew how to order his actions.’ The body was conveyed
to Perpignan, and arrived just after his mother’s death. The widow
returned to Cyprus, where her child was born.

But we must return to the orphan boy at Catania. Having selected a
galley of Barcelona for the voyage, Muntaner chose an excellent person
as head nurse, a native of the Ampurdan, named Na Ines de Adri, who
was experienced in nursing, having had twenty-two children herself.
He also engaged a very robust young woman of Catania as wet-nurse, and
several maids. These particulars are mentioned to show with what care
the old soldier entered upon his new duties. He took with him attested
proofs signed by those who were present at the birth and baptism. On
the day appointed for sailing Muntaner left the city with the infant
in his arms, followed by more than two thousand people. As he was
embarking, a messenger arrived from King Federigo with two dresses of
cloth of gold as a present to his little cousin. On August 1, 1315,
Muntaner made sail from Catania. On arriving at Trapani he received
tidings that four galleys were waiting for him, to seize the infant
and thus dispose of the heir to Clarencia and Matagrifon. Muntaner
therefore took more armed men on board and waited to join a fleet of
twenty-four Catalan vessels. He then put to sea. After a few days a
storm raged so furiously that seven ships sank and the rest were in
great danger. At length he let go his anchor in the port of Salou.
The child had never been out of his arms during the whole time that
the storm lasted, either by night or day, the nurse being dreadfully
seasick; nor could any of the other women stand on their legs.

En Pedro de Rocaberti, the Archbishop of Tarragona, sent good horses to
Salou, and the party went by easy stages to Barcelona, where the King
of Aragon received them with much hospitality, kissing and blessing the
little child. Muntaner caused a litter to be made at Barcelona for the
nurse and child, which was borne on the shoulders of twenty men; and so
by very easy stages they reached Perpignan in twenty-four days. They
proceeded to the castle, where the Queens of Majorca then resided. When
they reached the gates Muntaner took the child in his own arms and with
great joy brought it into the presence of its grandmother, who, with
its aunt-in-law, the reigning Queen, was seated to receive it. ‘God,’
he exclaims, ‘does not give a greater joy than that which my lady the
Queen, its grandmother, then felt on seeing the child so well nurtured,
with its face wreathed with smiles, and its body wrapped in cloth of
gold.’ Muntaner knelt and kissed the hands of the two Queens, making
the child do the same. He declared that this was the infant Jayme, son
of the Prince En Fernando and of Isabel his wife. Its grandmother
then took it in her arms and kissed it many times. Soon afterwards
the King of Majorca, who had been in France, arrived at Perpignan,
and very joyfully received his nephew, making all the usual rules and
regulations for his being brought up as if he was his own son.

It must have been a great relief to En Ramon Muntaner to have performed
this last and most responsible duty for his beloved Prince. He had been
recruiting for him in Valencia and was in Majorca, preparing to join
him, when the sad news of his death arrived. The kind old grandmother,
En Fernando’s mother, Esclaramunda de Foix, died in the sane year.
Alas! the good Muntaner had preserved a life destined in the years to
come to more than the usual share of sorrow, misfortune, and disaster.
The child became the unhappy Jayme III., last reigning King of Majorca,
Count of Roussillon, Cerdaña, and Conflent, and Lord of Montpellier. He
was also Lord of Clarencia in the Morea and of Matagrifon.

Besides little Jayme, Prince Fernando had three illegitimate sons,
named Fernando, Pagano, and Sancho. They came to Majorca, and were ever
the loyal and devoted brothers and friends of their young master Jayme,
in prosperity and in adversity.




CHAPTER X

King Sancho of Majorca


Sancho, the second son of Jayme II., succeeded as King of Majorca on
June 4, 1311. He was a just and peace-loving sovereign, beloved by his
people, always on excellent terms with his cousins of Aragon, and he
reigned prosperously for thirteen years. Majorca was a feudatory of
Aragon, with the duty of assisting in the wars of the suzerain; and
the King was required to attend the Cortes of the Aragonese kingdom to
arrange the nature and amount of aid to be contributed to the feudal
overlord.

As a boy Sancho had suffered imprisonment with his brothers Felipe and
Fernando, when they were captured by the young tyrant Alfonso III.,
first at Torrella de Monguin, then at Gerona, and finally at Barcelona,
where they were released on Alfonso’s death. The misfortunes of his
boyhood were not continued in after-life. His reign was prosperous. On
his accession he swore to maintain the privileges and freedom of his
people; and the commerce of the island made great progress under his
fostering care.

Sancho married Maria, daughter of the Angevin King of Naples, but had
no children by her. They both adopted the infant son of the chivalrous
younger brother Fernando. The King of Majorca was in a position
calling for much tact and diplomatic skill on the one hand, and for
energetic defensive measures on the other. He had to be well prepared
against attacks of pirates from the coasts of Barbary, to preserve his
Continental dominions from French encroachments, and to maintain a good
understanding with his cousin of Aragon.

A fleet of armed ships was equipped for defence against piratical
attacks, half by the King and half by the Jurados. It consisted of
four galleys, two galleots, and several smaller vessels. Later, the
_atalayas_, or watch-towers, were built along the coasts, which gave
notice of the approach of an enemy by fire-signals. In 1316 King Sancho
proceeded from Perpignan to Avignon for an interview with the Pope
respecting French claims on the Barony of Montpellier. The negotiations
were transferred to Paris, and a satisfactory settlement was arrived
at. With Aragon Sancho continued to maintain the most friendly
relations. When the conquest of Sardinia and Corsica was resolved to be
undertaken, he attended personally at the Cortes held at Gerona in June
1322 as a feudatory of Aragon. The result was that Majorca contributed
twenty new galleys to the expedition, two hundred mounted knights,
besides a contingent of foot soldiers. King Jayme II. of Aragon was so
much pleased with this evidence of good will on the part of his cousin
of Majorca that he expressed his satisfaction by exempting King Sancho
from the duty of personal attendance at the Cortes of Aragon.

King Sancho built a castle for his residence in the lovely ravine of
Valdemosa, in the mountains on the north-west coast, to the west of
Soller. From Palma the way is across the fertile _huerta_, or garden,
for eight miles, when the hilly region is entered. There is terraced
cultivation up the mountain-sides with orange-trees and olives; higher
up, woods of Aleppo pines; and above them the marble cliffs rise
perpendicularly, their irregular outline standing out against the
blue sky. The castle stood across the highest part of the pass, a
picturesque line of masonry rising from the groves of orange and lemon
trees. The first Alcaide, or Castellan, of the castle of Valdemosa was
Martin de Muntaner, a relation of the chronicler. Here King Sancho
held his court, and here he enjoyed hawking and other sports of the
field. He had a special breed of falcons, which was famous all over
Europe, and he introduced partridges into the island. Beyond Valdemosa
the scenery increases in beauty as the sea on the north side of the
island comes in sight. Here was the college founded by Jayme II. at the
request of Raimundo Lulio, but soon abandoned. King Sancho suffered
from asthma, and he found relief in the climate of Miramar, passing
much time in the building which had been erected for an Arabic college.
Far below is the sea, the steep <DW72>s descending to it being covered
with flowering shrubs and Aleppo pines, while behind the marble cliffs
shoot up into peaks and ridges. His infirmity increasing, Sancho was
advised to try the climate of his Continental dominions. The heat was
very great in the summer of 1324, and he retired to the cooler air of
the Pyrenees. There he died in the little village of Santa Maria de
Formiguera, in the county of Cerdaña, on September 4, 1324. The King’s
body was conveyed to Perpignan, where it was interred in the church of
San Juan.

Sancho left a will in the custody of his friend Bernardo Truyolls. In
it he declared his infant nephew Jayme to be his heir, and appointed
his brother, the priest Felipe, to be Regent during the minority. His
widow, daughter of Charles II. of Naples, married secondly Jayme, Lord
of Ezerica, son of another Jayme, the illegitimate son of Jayme I. (the
Conqueror).

Sancho was a wise and just sovereign, and secured a period of peace and
prosperity for the islands and the islanders he loved so well.

There is a very rare gold coin of King Sancho, a two-real piece, and a
_dobler de potin_, the two latter resembling those of Jayme II.




CHAPTER XI

King Jayme III. of Majorca


The little child who was brought home with such care and through so
many dangers from Catania now succeeded his uncle Sancho as Jayme III.,
King of Majorca, Count of Roussillon, Conflent, and Cerdaña, Lord of
Montpellier, and, in his own right, as the heir of his mother, Lord of
Clarencia in the Morea[17] and of Matagrifon.

Jayme had a happy childhood, and there was no premonition of the
sorrows and calamities of his after-life. His clerical uncle Felipe
was accepted as Regent by the Ricos Hombres of Majorca and the Cortes
of Aragon, and, after some demur, by Roussillon and Cerdaña. The young
King received a good education under the supervision of En Felipe,
and was brought up with his elder half-brothers Fernando, Pagano,
and Sancho, who trained him in martial exercises. Among his dearest
friends was Arnaldo de Santa Cilia. This noble and loyal Majorcan was
the son of Pedro Juan Santa Cilia, a knight of the conquest, whose
original home was a castle of the same name on the banks of the river
Ter, near Vich in Catalonia. Pedro Juan married Leonor Ben-nasser, the
baptized heiress of the Arab chief Benahabet, who helped King Jayme in
the conquest. Through her the Santa Cilias became the owners of the
beautiful country seat of Alfavia.

The Regent Philip continued the wise policy of his brother. He took the
boy King to Barcelona to do homage to King Jayme II. of Aragon, and
furnished a strong contingent to his suzerain for the Sardinian war. He
also negotiated a marriage between Jayme III. of Majorca and Constance,
the young granddaughter of the King of Aragon, daughter of his heir
Alfonso (who succeeded as Alfonso IV. in 1327) by Teresa de Entensa of
Urgel.

Jayme III. was an amiable and gallant prince, always loyal and correct
in all his dealings with his suzerain and beloved by his subjects. Of
his elder half-brothers, Fernando appears to have retired to Italy.
But Pagano and Sancho were his tutors in arms, counsellors, staunch and
loyal friends through life. Pagano was married to Blanca, daughter of
Ramon Sabellos, and Sancho to Sauria, daughter of Ferrario Rossello.

All went well until the accession, in 1335, of Pedro IV., son of
Alfonso IV. and brother of Constance, the wife of Jayme III. of
Majorca. She had another brother, Jayme, Count of Urgel, a far better
man. Pedro was an odious character. Jayme III. came to Barcelona with
his wife Constance, and did homage to his brother-in-law for his
Balearic and Continental dominions, proceeding thence to Perpignan.
There he was joined by Pedro, and the two Kings went together to
Avignon--Pedro to do homage to the Pope for the new conquests of
Sardinia and Corsica.

On his return to Aragon Pedro soon began to show himself in his true
character. From the first he coveted the Balearic Islands, and resolved
to seize them in defiance of right and justice. With such a man, a
hatred of his unfortunate brother-in-law and cousin, who stood in the
way of his ambition, was the inevitable consequence of his greed.

Pedro IV. combined the evil qualities of our two Henry Tudors. He had
all the avarice and cunning meanness of the father and the heartless
cruelty of the son, together with his love of display and magnificence.
Hence he was called ‘Pedro the Ceremonious.’ He soon began to seek
for excuses for his contemplated usurpation. His first accusation
was that the King of Majorca allowed French money to circulate in
his Continental dominions, which he alleged to be derogatory to
his suzerainty. He then wrote letters to the Jurados of Majorca,
accusing their King of contumacy. Their reply was that their King had
done nothing opposed to the dignity, honour, or rights of the King
of Aragon; but, on the contrary, that he had complied with all his
obligations loyally and faithfully, and that they would stand by him as
devoted subjects. This reply was dated June 18, 1342.

Jayme III. had returned to Majorca, and his son, also named Jayme, was
born in the Almudaina in 1334. Isabel, his daughter, followed in 1338,
just when the dark clouds were gathering around their father’s horizon.

Pedro found that the accusation about the currency was absurd and
untenable. He therefore deliberately concocted an infamous lie,
declaring that his brother-in-law intended to kidnap him at Barcelona
and carry him off to a dungeon in Majorca. He added that God, Who never
failed those that trusted in Him, had, by reason of the piety and
goodness of the Ceremonious one, disclosed the treason.

A fleet was prepared at Barcelona for the conquest of Majorca, and
on February 21, 1343, Pedro published what he called the sentence,
declaring the King of Majorca to be contumacious and guilty of treason
against his suzerain, and that he was therefore deprived of all his
dominions. Jayme III., through his procurator Pedro Pascual, published
a complete refutation of the false statements in the so-called
sentence, and a well-reasoned proof of his rights. Pedro’s aunt Sancha,
the Queen of Naples, entreated him to refrain from hostilities and to
let the questions be settled by arbitration.

All was of no avail. On May 10, 1343, Pedro embarked with 110 sail of
vessels, 29 being war-galleys, arriving on the coast of the island
on the 23rd. King Jayme had hastily collected some troops to resist
this unjust invasion. But they were quickly routed by the vastly
superior force of the invaders, and the unfortunate King took ship and
retired to Perpignan. There was a great slaughter, and the city had no
alternative but submission. The usurper entered in triumph, declaring
Majorca and its dependent islands to be annexed to the crown of Aragon.
Nicolas de Marin, the loyal castellan of Belver, held out for a short
time, but he was forced to capitulate. A cruel persecution of all the
friends of the King of Majorca was then commenced. The Queen and her
two children were captured, and kept in close imprisonment at Barcelona.

In July Pedro returned from Majorca, assembled troops at Gerona, and
prepared to attack his brother-in-law’s Continental dominions. He
advanced to Figueras, where he received a letter from the unfortunate
Jayme asking for an interview. The only reply was a threat that
Perpignan should be destroyed. But the town was faithful, though Jayme
was scarcely able to maintain the troops that remained loyal to him.
At last, in January 1344, poor Jayme humbled himself to the extent of
entreating mercy from his coldblooded and relentless brother-in-law. He
submitted entirely, in the hope of some feeling of generosity or pity
on the part of the usurper of his dominions. But of any such feeling
the Ceremonious one was quite incapable. He seized upon Perpignan,
and sent the King of Majorca to Berga, where he was offered a pension
on condition that he abandoned all his rights of every description.
The object of Pedro was to drive his brother-in-law to despair and
exterminate his family.

Jayme was indeed in despair. His wife, in spite of her entreaties, was
not allowed by her unfeeling brother to join him. But the imprisonment
of the two innocent children was more than some noble Catalans could
stand. They broke into the prison, killed the jailer, and contrived
that Prince Jayme and his sister should escape to their father. At
the same time there was a revulsion of feeling in favour of the
persecuted King. The French Court interceded in his favour, and he
received letters and messages from Majorca inviting him to return. He
still retained the Barony of Montpellier. He sold it to King Philip of
France for 120,000 _escudos de oro_, with which he raised troops and
equipped vessels for the invasion of Majorca. The King of France and
the Queen of Sicily assisted him, especially with ships. King Jayme
collected eight galleys and many smaller vessels, on board of which he
embarked 3,000 infantry and 400 cavalry. His half-brothers, Pagano
and Sancho, faithful to the end, were with him. There, too, was his
young son Jayme, just escaped from the dungeon at Barcelona. Carlos de
Grimaldi, of the noble Genoese family, was one of his chief commanders.
He had been granted the towns of Soller and Alcudia, while his brother
Ayto was to have the estate of Buñola, both with the title of Count.
Thus the ill-fated King sailed from the coast of Provence on his last
disastrous attempt to regain his kingdom.

En Gilabert de Centelles was then Governor of Majorca for the usurper,
and he had a large force under his command. King Jayme landed with
his little army on the south coast of the island, and advanced with
some hope of success. But Centelles had an overwhelmingly superior
force of 20,000 infantry and 800 cavalry. The hostile armies met near
the town of Lluchmayor, to the south-east of Palma. The King led a
small squadron of cavalry and some French infantry in the van, and
was the first to encounter the enemy. But there was a panic, and his
troops fled in confusion. With only a few faithful knights he fought
valorously until, covered with wounds, he fell from his horse. When
on the ground a brutal soldier cut off his head. He had reigned for
twenty-five years, from 1324 to 1349, the first eleven years happily
and in peace, the last fourteen bowed down by calamity and sorrow.
Jayme III. was a prince of many virtues. He was conscientiously
religious, well versed in the learning of his time, animated and
eloquent, and devoted to the interests of his subjects. His wife
Constance was faithful to him throughout his misfortunes, though long
separated from him by the heartless cruelty of her brother. His young
son loved him with a passionate fondness, which led to his giving up
his whole life to avenge his father’s death. His half-brothers fought
by his side at Lluchmayor, and their wives were thrown into prison.
Sancho, the youngest, lead a daughter named Esclaramunda, who married
Antal, Count of Foix, and was buried in the cathedral of Palma.

For more than a hundred years the Aragonese Kings of Majorca had ruled
over the islands well and prosperously and to the great good of the
inhabitants. They were an exceptionally noble and high-souled race,
worthy of their descent from the ‘great Conquistador.’

The body of Jayme III. is said to have been buried at Valencia. Born at
Catania on April 5, 1315, his age was thirty-four and some months. The
fatal battle of Lluchmayor was on August 25, 1349.




CHAPTER XII

Relates the adventures of Jayme and Isabel, describes the memorial
chair, and records the end of the Majorcan dynasty


Never did sovereign ascend a throne under such appalling circumstances
as did Jayme IV., the last King of Majorca. The young Prince was little
more than fifteen years of age, yet he fought by his father’s side and
was severely wounded. He was carried to Belver Castle by the side of
his father’s corpse. As soon as he was well enough to be moved, he was
again taken to Barcelona and thrown into prison, where his uncle, the
Ceremonious one, intended him to rot and die. The intercessions of his
relations and of the Pope were all useless.

There were people in Catalonia to whom this tormenting of children was
hateful and intolerable. The escape was no easy task. The guards were
carefully chosen, and changed every week. The prison was a disgrace to
Pedro IV. as a place for the confinement of an innocent relation. The
boy had to sleep in a sort of iron cage, and the guards never left him
by night or day. Jayme de San Clemente, an official of the cathedral,
was shocked at the treatment of the young Prince. He and a few friends
succeeded in getting impressions of the keys of the castle doors and
in making false ones; and they had the aid of some merciful officials
within. The rescuers killed Nicolas Rovira, the captain of the guard,
and liberated the prisoner, who escaped out of Barcelona. It does not
appear where he was during the next two or three years, but probably
in some safe refuge with his mother and sister. The brother and sister
were devoted to each other.

In 1362, the year when her second husband died, a handsome youth
appeared at the court of Queen Juana of Naples. She fell in love with
him, and they were married in the same year. This was Jayme IV., King
of Majorca, who thus became also King of Naples. Juana committed
many crimes, especially as regards her first husband; but all may be
condoned in consideration of her unchanging loyalty and generosity to
young Jayme. The exiled King told his wife from the first that his
life must be devoted to the recovery of his dominions and to avenge
the cruel treatment of his father. With these objects he opened
communications with Pedro of Castille, who was at enmity with his
namesake, the Ceremonious one of Aragon. Jayme, supported by funds
supplied by his Queen, joined the Black Prince, and distinguished
himself by his valour in the battle of Najara.

Soon afterwards the cause of Pedro of Castille became hopeless. His
illegitimate brother Henry of Trastamara, aided by the Ceremonious
tyrant of Aragon, advanced into Spain with an army and besieged the
castle of Burgos, which had been occupied by Jayme and his troops. The
King of Majorca made a gallant defence, but at last he was obliged to
surrender. His odious uncle of Aragon tried to get his unfortunate
nephew into his clutches again; but love was ready to make greater
sacrifices than hatred. The Queen of Naples ransomed her husband for
sixty thousand _doblas_.

In March 1369 Jayme was safe in the territory of the Count of Foix.
Thence he proceeded to Avignon and began to collect troops, intending
to invade Roussillon, which had been unjustly occupied by the usurper.
His whole heart was devoted to what he considered the duty of avenging
his father’s death. He looked upon his uncle Pedro as a usurper and
murderer, and his hatred for the Ceremonious one was intense. Friends
represented to him that he should be satisfied with the kingdom of
Naples and a devoted wife. But he answered that he was bound to avenge
his father. When it was represented to him that attacks with inadequate
forces on so powerful an enemy could only lead to his own destruction,
he replied that he could not die in a better cause.

The Companies were then overrunning France. Young Jayme enlisted
Englishmen, Frenchmen, and Provençals, the funds being supplied by
his Queen. He advanced with his little army to Narbonne, and thence
to Toulouse. His beloved sister Isabel, who had become the wife of
the Marquis of Monserrat, joined her brother when he invaded his own
territory of Roussillon. The town of Perpignan was too strong for
attack, and the Ceremonious one was making great preparations for the
defence of Catalonia. His army was assembled in the Ampurdan to oppose
an entry by the Pass of Panizas. The young King of Majorca therefore
crossed the Pyrenees, entering by the Puig-cerdan Pass, and occupied
the county of Urgel. His uncle of Aragon resorted to a way more in
accordance with his nature than a fair fight. He poisoned his nephew.
The secret crime was perpetrated at Valderan, near Urgel. Jayme died in
his sister’s arms, rendering up a life which had been devoted to the
memory of his unhappy father. It was in January 1375 that the last King
of Majorca and King Consort of Naples expired within his own rightful
dominions of Cerdaña. His body was buried in the Franciscan monastery
of Soria. His sister Isabel returned into Gascony, and died in 1379,
the last of her race.

Pedro IV., the Ceremonious, after a turbulent reign of fifty years,
occupied chiefly in unjust quarrels with his relations and neighbours,
at last died in 1396. His sons, Martin and Juan, were rightful heirs to
Majorca, the family of their Majorcan cousins having become extinct.
His daughter Leonor, wife of Juan I. of Castille, was the mother of
Henry III. of Castille, and also of Fernando (surnamed of Antequera
from having taken that town from the Moors), who, when the male line of
Aragon failed on the death of King Martin, became King of Aragon.

An ancient and most touching memorial of Jayme IV. and his sister
Isabel is still preserved at Alfavia by the descendants of their true
and faithful friends of the Santa Cilia family. The estate was held by
the Santa Cilia family for five generations, when the heiress Leonor
married Gabriel de Berga. The heiress of Berga married Zaforteza, and
Don Josè Burguez Zaforteza is now the owner of Alfavia and guardian of
the relic.

The country seat of Alfavia, at the foot of the mountain pass leading
to the valley of Soller, is surrounded by enchanting scenery. In front
there are two fir-clad mountain-peaks, with just a peep between them
of the garden of Palma, the cathedral, and the blue Mediterranean. All
round there are precipitous mountains, the lower <DW72>s in terraces
planted with lemon and orange trees. The beautiful garden is famous
for a long pergola covered with flowing creepers, having a fountain
in each arch on either side. The entrance to the courtyard is by a
wide and lofty passage, and the first compartment of its roof is a
reminder of the Moorish origin of the house. It is a dome in the style
of the roofs at the Alhambra, the colours still visible. Round the
margin, or cornice, there is an Arabic inscription, which has been thus
translated:

‘Precept is of God: power is of God: mercy is of God: God is most
great, there is no God but Him: wealth consists in God.’

On the walls of the passage the coats-of-arms are painted of the
families which have owned Alfavia since Moorish times:

    I. Ben nassar (_or a lion rampant gules_).
   II. Santa Cilia (_argent three bars gules_).
  III. Berga (_azure five crescents or_).
   IV. Burgues (_or twelve crescents azure_).
    V. Zaforteza (_gules three fleurs-de-lys or_).

But the great treasure of Alfavia is the memorial of the unfortunate
brother and sister, Jayme IV. and Isabel. It consists of a solid oaken
armchair of the fourteenth century, designed and carved for Arnaldo de
Santa Cilia in loving memory of his ill-fated friends. The workmanship
and the costumes of the figures carved on it are the evidence of
its date. The carvings represent the sorrows of the two unfortunate
children of Jayme III. On each end of the back there are lions séjant.
On the back, facing the seat, two figures are carved, a prince and
a lady, in costumes of the fourteenth century. They are seated at a
table, supposed to be a chessboard, but the surface is smooth. A small
dog is under the table. Over them there is a tree with three branches,
and foliage at the end of each. On each branch, among the foliage,
there is a bird of evil omen or of mourning--crows and owl--symbolising
the sorrows of the two young people beneath them. Below the seat there
are two fierce bloodhounds facing each other, one killing a rabbit.

At the back of the chair the carving is still more symbolical. A
laurel-tree rises out of a tomb, and among its foliage there is a
crowned head, intended for that of Jayme III. On either side of the
tree stand the same prince and princess, the prince with a hawk on his
wrist. Both point their hands down to the tomb, in which there is the
same crowned head.

In a lower compartment there is a fierce hound chasing a rabbit; and
beneath that again there is a rabbit sitting up and looking back behind
a mound, a second mound with a rabbit looking out of it, and the
hindquarters of another going into its hole. On the sides of the chair
there are niches with arches, and under two of them on either side are
armed figures in iron caps, shirts of mail, swords, and shields. One
is crowned and has a long mantle, and a bird with wings displayed is
carved on his shield.[18]

The whole composition is very curious and most interesting, alike a
touching memorial of the brother and sister, the last of their race,
and a very precious relic of antiquity.

The descendants of the second son of Jayme the Conqueror have left
a goodly record. To them Majorca owed her rights and liberties, the
settlement of her people, the founding of her towns, and all the
beginnings of her future prosperity. Devoted to the good of their
people, honourable and true to their word, wise in counsel, steadfast
in adversity, they produced also knights-errant of the most chivalrous
type, like En Fernando and like young Jayme IV., the last of his race.




CHAPTER XIII

Relates the story, so far as it concerns Majorca, of the last Kings of
Aragon


The extinction of their reigning dynasty was a great calamity to
the people of Majorca, especially during the prolonged life of the
Ceremonious one. At last he died in 1387. His sons were very different
in all respects. Juan I., surnamed the Huntsman, succeeded as King of
Aragon, and he was also the legitimate heir to the Balearic Islands.
A pestilence in Catalonia led him to visit Majorca. He and his Queen
were in different galleys, and were separated during bad weather.
Juan landed at Soller on July 16, 1394, and proceeded to the castle
of Valdemosa. The Queen, reached Palma safely. They were united at
the castle of Belver, where they spent six pleasant months. Devoted
to the chase, Juan went about over the island hawking the partridges
introduced by King Sancho. He also imported deer. Returning to Aragon,
he was unfortunately killed in the forest of Foxà, near his castle
of Uriols, when hunting a she-wolf. He only had a daughter named
Violante, who became Queen of Naples, mother of Louis, Duke of Calabria.

Juan I. was succeeded by his brother King Martin, an excellent prince,
surnamed ‘the Humane.’ At this time San Vicente Ferrer of Valencia
was flourishing and striving to create a religious revival, and his
zeal made an impression on the minds of King Martin and many of his
subjects. In 1413 San Vicente went to Majorca, where his preaching
aroused the people to make great demonstrations of their religious
fervour. It is even said that the saint wrought a miracle by bringing
down abundant rain during a season of drought. The Catholic zeal of
King Martin led him to grant Sancho’s castle of Valdemosa to the
Carthusians for a monastery on June 15, 1399. Large donations for
the building of the church were received from Majorcan nobles, and
the courtly apartments of King Sancho were converted into cells, a
refectory, and a cloister. The Cartuja of Valdemosa continued to
flourish on this beautiful site for more than four centuries. The
church is a fine edifice, containing the richly carved stalls of the
Carthusians, a profile in relief of King Martin, and a remarkably good
statue, carved in wood, of St. Bruno. After the suppression and the
expulsion of the Carthusians in 1834 their cells were let to families
from Palma and others for the summer. A large portion forms the summer
residence of Don Juan Sureda, who has converted the refectory into a
charming ballroom, with a stage and proscenium at one end for private
theatricals. Georges Sand, with the composer Chopin, occupied two of
the cells. Georges Sand afterwards wrote a book on her winter residence
in Majorca in 1835, animadverting on the country and the people. But
her strictures are unfair and, to a great extent, untrue, and have been
ably refuted by a native author. To this day the Cartuja on its ridge,
surrounded by orange-groves, is a beautiful object in the ascent from
the garden of Palma to Valdemosa, still looking more like the castle
of King Sancho than a Cartuja. Apartments are shown as having been the
residence of King Martin, but he never visited the island personally.

Martin died in 1410 without legitimate children, and there were
several claimants to the succession. The Count of Urgel represented
the male line, as the grandson of Jayme, brother of Pedro IV. Fernando
of Antequera, brother of the King of Castille, was a nephew of King
Martin through his mother, Leonor. Louis of Calabria was a grandson
of Juan I. and grand-nephew of King Martin. Alfonso, Duke of Gandia,
was a nephew of Alfonso IV. and first cousin of Pedro IV. There was
also Fadrique, Count of Luna, an illegitimate son of King Martin.
Altogether five claimants. Elected delegates from Aragon, Catalonia,
Valencia, and Majorca were assembled to examine the claims. There was
a strong feeling in favour of the Count of Urgel, as representing the
male line; but Fernando de Antequera was chosen, it is supposed through
the influence of San Vicente Ferrer. Fernando I. only reigned for four
years, from 1412 to 1416, and was succeeded by his son Alfonso V., who
devoted a long reign of forty-two years chiefly to the conquest of
Naples. He was surnamed ‘the Magnanimous.’

The Majorcans gave King Alfonso assistance in soldiers and in ships,
and many of their knights served in the King’s campaigns. Both the
Government and private persons co-operated with Barcelona in fitting
out armed ships for the protection of trade against the Barbary
pirates. Among the Majorcan nobles who equipped such vessels the
foremost was En Salvador Sureda, who also appeared at this time as a
knight of chivalry under the following circumstances.

A Catalan knight named Francisco de Valseca, who was famous for his
prowess in all jousting exercises, came to Palma to take part in a
tournament in 1442. He ran a lance with Salvador Sureda, and censured
his opponent for the way in which he had gained an advantage. Sureda
replied that he had used his lance and run the course as became a
knight, and that he was ready to encounter his adversary again as often
as he liked and at any place he might appoint. Valseca did not hear
these words because his vizor was down, and he was not told of them
until after his return to Barcelona. He then promptly sent a trumpet
to Sureda, challenging him to a combat. The two knights sent a joint
request to the King, Alfonso V. of Aragon, that he would appoint lists
and preside at the encounter. The King consented, naming his city of
Naples as the place and summoning the combatants to appear there on a
certain day. The royal missive was sent to Sureda, who, on August 23,
1443, sent his trumpet, named Agustin de Luna, with two letters--one
of thanks to the King; the other, with a copy of the royal letter,
to Valseca. The trumpet sailed from Porto Pi and duly delivered the
letters. The day appointed was January 5, 1444.

Both knights proceeded to Naples and made their appearance on the
appointed day. En Salvador Sureda wore a crimson surcoat embroidered
with gold, and his horse was similarly caparisoned. His device was a
small falcon’s cage, with the motto ‘dentro está quier le cage.’ He
was preceded by three knights richly dressed, and three pages with the
helmet and plumes. The route along which he came was kept by several
friends, bearing the well-known Majorcan names of Dameto, Zaforteza,
Bosch, Mari, and Vivot. In advance of all was a herald, with trumpets
and minstrels and the Sureda standard, which was a cork-tree on a
golden ground. Valseca also came splendidly accoutred and similarly
attended.

At each end of the lists there were tents for the combatants, and on
the side a very richly ornamented pavilion for King Alfonso and his
young son Fernando, of whom the King was very fond. Ten knights, called
the ‘ten faithful ones,’ guarded the lists, and two others, nominated
by the King, were named ‘preservers of peace.’ At least twenty thousand
spectators were present.

There was complete silence, until a clarion sounded and the two
knights came out of their tents and mounted. On a second blast of the
clarion the two knights put their lances in rest and commenced their
furious careers. At that moment the King threw his warder down, as
our poor Richard II. had done some fifty years before, but with very
different consequences. The ‘ten faithful ones’ then rushed between
the combatants and wrested their lances from them. Their astonishment
was mingled with anger not immediately appeased. Young Fernando then
came down from the pavilion and called the two knights, who had
dismounted. He told them that the King his father was unwilling that
either knight should be killed, both being so distinguished and both
having sufficiently proved their fortitude, resolution, and valour.
Valseca and Sureda both placed themselves under the orders of the
King. The young Prince took a position himself between the two, and,
taking a hand of each, he led them up to King Alfonso, at whose feet
they knelt and did homage. The King obliged them to make friends,
conferred several benefits on them, and the day ended in rejoicing and
festivities. The standard of Sureda was hung in the cathedral of Palma.
There it remained until 1819, when it was burnt at the fire of the
ancient chapel of San Pedro.

Alfonso V. had achieved the conquest of Naples, though he lost his
brother Pedro during the siege. When he died, in 1458, his illegitimate
son Fernando succeeded as King of Naples, followed by his sons Alfonso
and Federigo. On their deaths Naples became part of the vast dominions
of Fernando of Aragon and Castille. Thus Alfonso V. restored all the
dominions of King Manfred to his descendants.

The conqueror of Naples was succeeded as King of Aragon by his brother
Juan II., a very different man. Juan had married Blanche, the heiress
of Navarre, by whom he had a son Carlos, Prince of Viana, and a
daughter Leonor. Juan II. began to persecute his son in 1450, before
his accession, and when he was only King of Navarre by right of his
wife. Carlos, when he came of age, felt that he was the rightful King
of Navarre, and not his father. He took up arms, was defeated, and
taken prisoner. He was confined in the castle of Monroy, but he escaped
to Naples, and after the death of his uncle Alfonso he took refuge in
Sicily. Juan II. sent an envoy to induce the Prince of Viana to come
to Majorca, where he landed in August 1459, and was very cordially
received by the people. Juan II. published an order that all the
castles in Majorca were to be delivered over to the Prince; but he sent
a secret order at the same time that some of the strongest, including
the castle of Belver, were not to be given up, and that Carlos was
to be detained if he entered Belver. Knowing that the word of his
father could not be depended upon, and fearful of arrest, the Prince
resolved to proceed to Barcelona and seek an interview. He landed on
March 20, 1460, and his father pretended to be reconciled, fearing
insurrections in his son’s favour; but the Prince of Viana died, under
very suspicious circumstances, in the following year. His sister Leonor
then became Queen of Navarre, and by her marriage with Gaston de Foix
the title descended to Henry IV., and again became merged in the crown
of France.

Juan II. had married secondly Juana Henriquez, daughter of the Admiral
of Castille, and by her he had a son Fernando, and a daughter Juana,
Queen of Naples. After a reign of twenty years Juan II. died, and was
succeeded by his son Fernando II. in 1479. The marriage of Fernando
with Isabella of Castille united the two kingdoms, and Majorca, with
the other islands, became a part of the kingdom of Spain. But Majorca
retained her constitution and privileges during the sway of the
Austrian dynasty.




CHAPTER XIV

The Majorcans as navigators


The intelligence and energy of the Catalans of Barcelona and Majorca,
combined with their industry and perseverance, raised the kingdom
of Aragon to a very important position as a maritime Power in the
Mediterranean. Long the rivals of the Genoese, the Catalans at one time
gained complete ascendency. Their fleets dominated the western half of
the great inland sea, with Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, Malta, and the
Balearic Islands either under the sovereignty or in close alliance with
the Kings of Aragon. Their trading vessels frequented the Levant and
the Ægean Sea, and Catalan consulates and factories were established in
Macedonia, in Greece, and on the islands. Voyages were even undertaken
beyond the Pillars of Hercules.

The seamen of Majorca were as energetic and expert as those of the
mainland, and Palma had a great dockyard and arsenal where galleys of
thirty benches were built. But the success of the Catalans depended
more on their skill and superior knowledge of navigation than on the
size and number of their ships. In the middle of the fourteenth century
the marine service of Majorca consisted of 30,600 sailors, manning
460 vessels, of which twenty-four were of the largest size, and the
others were used for carrying merchandise.[19] Palma could fit out a
contingent of large ships as part of the armed fleet of Aragon, and the
safety of trade was provided for both by the Government and by private
enterprise. Salvador de Sureda was not the only Majorcan notable who
fitted out a ship at his own expense to resist the incursions of
Barbary pirates.

The natives of Majorca were for a long time the leading geographers,
inventors of instruments, and constructors of marine charts in Europe.
They used the magnetic needle long before its supposed discovery by
Gioia of Amalfi, and they could find the polar distance. The rudeness
of their instruments increases the merit of the results obtained with
them. Their _portolani_, or marine charts, were far more accurate
than any of the maps even of a later period. They were in constant use
before 1359, when every galley was ordered to carry two charts for
navigation.[20] Several Catalan _portolani_ have been preserved. The
most interesting, though not the oldest, is now in the possession of
the Count of Montenegro at Palma. It was drawn in 1439 by Gabriel de
Valseca, who in his own hand wrote the following inscription on it:
‘gabriell de ualsequa la feta en Malorcha an MCCCCXXXVIIII.’ It once
belonged to Amerigo Vespucci, as an inscription on the back testifies:
‘questa ampia pelle di geografia fue pagata de Amerigo Vespucio CXX
ducati di oro di marco.’ It was bought at Florence in the eighteenth
century by Cardinal Despuig, to form part of the library of his
nephew, the Count of Montenegro. A facsimile was made for the Spanish
Government at the time of the Columbus anniversary, and now hangs in
the museum of the Ministry of Marine at Madrid.

A curious accident happened to this priceless geographical document
in 1839. Georges Sand obtained leave to see it. Up to that time the
stiff parchment had been rolled up in a tin case. It was brought out
and spread on a table. The famous novelist, to keep it down, took up
an inkstand and placed it on the edge of the map. But the parchment,
which had been rolled up for centuries, was too strong. It flew back
and the ink was upset. Georges Sand, horrified at what she had done,
ran straight out of the house. Luckily the injury was not serious,
and is confined to the part outside the Mediterranean. The precious
map now has a room to itself in the Montenegro palace at Palma. It is
framed and glazed on both sides, and kept in a locked case covered with
crimson velvet.

The outline of the Mediterranean is almost exactly correct. The lines
of the Valseca _portolano_ placed over the coast-lines of a modern
chart correspond very nearly, especially the western part. Italy is
slightly out in longitude. The Valseca _portolano_ includes Great
Britain, Ireland, Jutland, the Euxine and Persian Gulf, and the Red Sea
painted bright red. The chart is covered with rhumb-lines. The Nile is
separated into two, one taken through Abyssinia and the other away to
the Niger region. There are kings on their thrones, and every country
has its arms painted on flags. The golden shield of Aragon, with its
four pales gules, flies over Aragon, Majorca, Sardinia, and Sicily. It
is interesting to see the south of Spain painted green, for the Moors
were still at Granada. There are several legends in minute handwriting
on the map. Majorca may well be proud of having in her island in this
priceless map the most valuable and interesting geographical document
of the fifteenth century. Next to it comes the _mapa mondi_ of Jayme
Cresques, also of Catalonian origin, and now in the Bibliothèque
Nationale of Paris.

The fame of the geographers of Majorca, for their profound knowledge
as navigators and skill as cartographers, spread over Europe. When
Prince Henry founded his celebrated school for pilots at Sagres,
as an essential part of his plans for the discovery of the African
coast, he found no one more competent to direct it than ‘Maestro
Jacome de Mallorca,’ a most able navigator and constructor of nautical
instruments. But the Majorcan sailors did not confine themselves to
these important studies, nor to cruises in the Mediterranean. They
undertook voyages beyond the Pillars of Hercules in very early times.
On August 10, 1346, Jayme Ferrar set sail from Palma, passed through
the Straits, and coasted along Africa as far as the mouth of the Rio
del Oro, five degrees south of that Cape Nun which the Portuguese did
not round until 1419.

The commercial prosperity of Majorca, derived from the enterprise of
her sailors, led to the building of the _Lonja_, or Exchange, which is
still one of the chief architectural ornaments of Palma. The architect
was Guillem Sagrera, who also built the Castel Nuovo at Naples for
Alfonso V.; and the work was undertaken by the principal merchants of
Palma. Finished in 1450, it consists of a lofty hall with a groined
roof supported by six tall slender pillars. The doorway is very richly
carved in the style of the north door of the cathedral, and at each
angle of the edifice there is a statue of a saint under a stone canopy:
San Nicolas in the angle facing Porto Pi, in the opposite niche San
Juan Bautista, in the angle looking towards the Ataranza (arsenal)
Santa Catalina, and Santa Clara looking towards the Almudaina.[21] Here
was the centre of commercial transactions during the Middle Ages, while
the wharves outside formed an active and busy scene, the ceaseless
ebb and flow of Mediterranean trade. The commercial ventures were not
without danger, the piratical States of Barbary continuing their raids
and depredations quite into modern times.

Barbarossa infested the seas and caused such havoc that the Emperor
Charles V. undertook punitive expeditions to Tunis in 1535 and to
Algiers in 1541. On the latter occasion he landed at Alcudia, and
proceeded thence to Palma on October 13. He was received with great
demonstrations of joy by all the chief people of the island, Nicolas
Cotoner and Pedro Juan de Santa Cilia, bearers of most ancient names,
walking by his horse to the cathedral, where Mass was said. The Emperor
was received in the Almudaina, and Leonardo Zaforteza superintended
the arrangements for lodging the other guests. Charles departed on
the 18th, taking with him a hundred Majorcan knights who joined his
expedition. But the elements were against them, and the invasion of
Algiers ended in failure.

The Moors were not slow to retaliate. Two years afterwards five hundred
of them landed at Pollenza, but were repulsed with heavy loss. Several
other descents were made on the island by Dragut and his subordinate
corsairs, and there was much hard fighting, with slaughter on both
sides, but serious loss of unfortunate people carried off into slavery.
It was in September 1552 that Valdemosa was attacked by the crews of
the Algerine galleots. About five hundred Moors landed in the night and
entered the town without opposition. Loading themselves with spoils and
taking four hundred captives with them, they began their retreat to the
ships. Raimondo Gual had command of only thirty-five men at Valdemosa.
Open resistance would have been futile; still, he watched his
opportunity. In a narrow pass, since called ‘Pàs dels Mòros,’ he made a
sudden attack on the retreating pirates, who were panic-stricken, and
very few escaped. No quarter was given to them. Their banner was hung
up in the parish church. Valdemosa was again unsuccessfully attacked by
the Moors in 1582.

Next it was the turn of the town of Andraix, at the south-west end of
the island, which was attacked by twenty-four piratical vessels in
1553. The inhabitants fled, some taking refuge in a small castle. Don
Jorge Fortuñy, a neighbouring proprietor, put himself at the head of a
small body of cavalry, and his name alone led the invaders to make a
hasty retreat to their ships. But Andraix was attacked and pillaged in
1555, and again in 1578.

In 1561 a piratical expedition was fitted out at Algiers, consisting
of twenty-two vessels, under the command of a renegade named Ochali,
to attack the town of Soller. Measures were taken for its defence, and
troops arrived under a commander named Miguel Angelats. Fearing the
fortress at the port of Soller, the pirates landed at a place called
‘Coll de la Illa’ 1,700 men in two divisions. One division marched
to the port, while the other advanced by the bridge of _Binibaci_
to attack the town. Angelats had left the town, leading his troops
to oppose the landing, but was too late. Thus the Moors entered and
pillaged Soller without opposition. But the Majorcans returned with all
speed and, in a desperate fight, completely routed the pirates, who
lost at least five hundred of their number. Don Guillem de Rocafull,
the Viceroy of Majorca, hurried across the island with succour, and
found that the victory was already won.

There were other piratical raids on the island, showing the great
need for vigilance and for a protecting fleet. But the maritime power
was not so strong or efficient in the sixteenth century as it had
been in the more flourishing times when the Aragonese kings reigned
and so successfully promoted the maritime eminence of their subjects.
Nevertheless, the sailors of Majorca continued to maintain the fair
fame of their ancestors, and have done so to the present day.




CHAPTER XV


The Comunidades


The rising of the people of Spain against their rulers coincided in
point of time with the accession of the Austrian dynasty in the person
of Charles V. In the Castilles it was a very noble attempt of the
towns, under the leadership of patriots such as Padilla, to preserve
the constitutional liberties of the people. It failed, but the best
feeling of the country will always look back to it with approval
and with pride. The picture of the execution of Padilla now has an
honoured place in the hall of the Cortes at Madrid, and the story of
the Comunidades of Castille has occupied the pen of one of Spain’s most
accomplished historians.

But in the risings of so-called Comuneros in Valencia and in Majorca
there is no such noble story to tell. These were mere insurrections
of artisans and peasantry, goaded on by the violent harangues of
leaders as ignorant as themselves, without fixed aims or objects,
and influenced only by envy and jealousy of those who were placed
above them. From Valencia the contagion spread to Majorca in 1521.
The people, called _pageses_, and inhabitants of the country towns,
complained that the nobles, living in their palaces at Palma, oppressed
them with taxes and misgoverned the country. The insurrection began
with a meeting of artisans in a house near the church of San Nicolas
in Palma, where an inflammatory speech was addressed to them by a man
named Juan Crespi. The movement rapidly spread, and came to the notice
of the Viceroy, Don Miguel de Gurrea. He called a meeting of officials,
but the only result was the arrest of a shoemaker named Pedro Begur and
three others. The Viceroy had no sufficient force at his command, and
the arrests only infuriated the mob, who flew to arms and liberated
the prisoners. The Viceroy then rode through the streets with some
attendants, calling on the rioters to disperse, and promising to listen
to their complaints. The insurgents then occupied the public buildings,
seized all the arms they could find, and chose Juan Crespi to be
their captain. This was in the end of January 1521. Crespi’s title
was ‘Instador del beneficio comun’; and the Viceroy, to gain time,
actually issued a decree conferring it upon him. In February both the
Viceroy and the insurgents sent letters to the King, giving different
versions of what had taken place. In March the insurgents had organised
a force of 1,800 men and had got possession of all the gates of the
city. Many of the nobles were killed, and the rest escaped to Alcudia,
a fortified town. The Viceroy escaped to the island of Iviça.

The Jurados, consisting of Juan de Puigdorfila, Jayme Marti, and
two others, were allowed to remain in office nominally; but fifteen
‘Conservadores’ were elected by the insurgents to introduce the reforms
they demanded. In April a reply came from the King to the ‘Instador’
and the ‘Conservadores,’ ordering them to obey the Viceroy, who
would do them justice. They declared the letter to be a forgery, and
proceeded to acts of violence, beheading all who openly opposed them.
The movement spread to the country towns, and the loyal people were in
a state of terror. Some of the nobles had taken refuge in the castle
of Belver, under the protection of Pedro Pax, the castellan. On July
29 the insurgents began the siege of the castle, which was gallantly
defended until all the ammunition was expended. The place was then
taken by assault. The insurgents beheaded the castellan and several
others. The castle was gutted and left in charge of three men to guard
it.

There is a long list of nobles who were put to death at Palma,
including a Cotoner, five Puigdorfilas, and a Despuig. Pedro Juan
Zaforteza took refuge in Valdemosa, whence he escaped, in the disguise
of a friar, to Alcudia, where the rest of the nobles had taken refuge.
In November 1521 the insurgents formed an army of six thousand men,
including cavalry, and six siege pieces, to lay siege to Alcudia. The
town was surrounded on November 20, 1521, the besiegers being busy
constructing scaling ladders and a battery for their artillery. The
nobles made a very resolute sally, capturing the battery with its guns
and stores, which disheartened the besiegers, upwards of a hundred
being killed. Antonio Sureda especially distinguished himself in this
sally, and the hopes of the besieged rose high. Pedro Pax, son of the
castellan of Belver, was chosen to command at Alcudia. He found that
provisions were running short, and resolved to attack the enemy with
his whole force, numbering 1,080. The battle was long contested, but
at last the insurgents broke and fled, thus raising the siege. Their
provisions and stores were captured, and the scaling ladders and other
siege appliances were burnt.

In August Charles V. sent Dr. Francisco Ubaque as Regent to restore
order, the Viceroy being still in the island of Iviça. He landed at
Alcudia. The insurgents were then in occupation of the neighbouring
town of Puebla. They resumed the siege of Alcudia in September, but
they were again repulsed after a very desperate attempt to carry the
place by assault.

The Emperor was at Brussels, and at last he was induced to attend to
the deplorable condition of Majorca. An expedition was ordered to be
fitted out in the Catalonian ports to restore order and punish the
delinquents. Four large galleys, thirteen ships, and several smaller
vessels were fitted out, and 1,200 men were embarked under the command
of Don Francisco Carroz and Don Juan Velasco. The expedition first went
to Iviça to embark the Viceroy, Don Miguel de Gurrea or Urrea.

On October 15 the fleet entered the port of Pollenza. The rescuers
were received with great joy at Alcudia, where the Viceroy proclaimed
a general pardon to those who laid down their arms and returned
to obedience. Many came in, surrendering under the terms of the
proclamation; but others held out. At Palma there was great confusion,
the Bishop, Dr. Pont, working incessantly to induce the people to
submit.

At Pollenza the insurgents made a desperate resistance and there was
great slaughter, no quarter being given. Very few escaped to the
mountains. On November 5 the Viceroy, with all the chief officers and
three thousand soldiers, left Alcudia and advanced to Puebla, where
they only found two labourers and a priest. Other towns were found
without inhabitants. At Inca the people came out with their priests to
meet the Viceroy, singing a _Te Deum_. On March 1, 1523, the Viceroy
invested Palma with his army. Priamo de Villalonga had held out in the
castle of the Templars, then called the Royal Castle, for many months.
He was now relieved, and this disastrous insurrection approached its
end.

The last act of this melancholy drama was performed and described
by young Don Alonzo Enriquez de Guzman in his very entertaining
autobiography. He was ordered by the Viceroy of Valencia to take
command of five hundred men, and to sail from Murviedro, to reinforce
the army that was employed in re-establishing order in Majorca.
But the five hundred men refused to embark until they had received
their arrears of pay. After a great deal of trouble he at length
persuaded them to go on board, and they sailed to join the army in
Majorca in nine small vessels. Arriving off Palma at nightfall, Don
Alonzo, a young man in his twenty-third year, but with an amount
of self-assurance beyond his age, announced the arrival of a very
important reinforcement. The report was spread that his force consisted
of five thousand men. Captain Crispin, the leader of the rebels, came
out of the town with a guard of fifty men and sought speech with Don
Alonzo. He besought the young commander to mediate between him and the
Viceroy and induce him to consent to a deputation being sent to the
Emperor. He proposed that, while the deputies were going and coming,
Don Alonzo should remain in the city with thirty men, Crispin promising
to deliver the place to whomsoever the King should command.

Don Alonzo, with the approval of the Viceroy, agreed to this and
entered the city, the Viceroy’s army being encamped outside. After a
month the deputies returned, reporting that the Emperor had listened
to them every day for two hours during eight days, and that they were
very well satisfied. Nine days afterwards an order came to Don Alonzo
from the Emperor, and another from the Viceroy, which were delivered to
him through the closed gates. The Emperor instructed him to obey the
Viceroy. The order of the Viceroy was that he should seize the person
of Crispin and those of the thirteen members of his Council, and open
the gates at four o’clock that afternoon, being March 7, 1522. If the
people would not let him do so, he was to come out himself.

The orders came to Don Alonzo at ten in the forenoon. He at once
proceeded to the Plaza de Cort, where he found Crispin with his guards
and five of his councillors. He told them that he had received orders
to deliver up the city to Don Miguel de Urrea, the Viceroy, and
expressed a hope that they would keep faith and give evidence to the
Emperor that they were honest men. Crispin replied that he would be the
first to obey the orders of his Majesty. The rest all said the same.

Don Alonzo then went to dinner in the Almudaina, and each man departed
to his own house. After dinner he called an assembly, ordering no
one to bring his arms. Then, with many kind words, he put Crispin
and all his councillors in irons. This manœuvre having been safely
accomplished, he formed processions, with all the women and children
barefooted on one side and all the men barefooted on the other, and
made them go to the gates and open them, with loud cries for mercy. The
Viceroy and Don Juan de Velasco entered at the head of their troops,
Don Alonzo meeting them with the keys of the city, and saying: ‘The
gates are now open, and the desires of the people are turned to serve
the King and your Lordship. They seek for pardon.’

The Viceroy did not answer. He entered the city and executed what
he called justice. Crispin was cut into four quarters, as were all
his thirteen councillors. The number of persons who were hanged and
quartered was 420.

Such is the account of the surrender of Palma given by an eyewitness
and actor in the sanguinary drama.[22] One side seems to have been
every bit as bloodthirsty as the other. Time alone could heal the
wounds. Don Alonzo was sent to Iviça with his five hundred men, where
he did good service against Barbarossa and his pirates.

From the first rising to the restoration of order, the troubles had
lasted for more than two years.

Don Miguel de Gurrea or Urrea, the Viceroy, who had shown so much
prudence at the commencement when he was powerless, and so much courage
as soon as he had troops at his disposal, sent the keys of the kingdom
to the Emperor. Keys finely worked in gold were sent in their place,
which the descendants of Gurrea preserve to this day. Alcudia received
the title of ‘the most faithful city.’

The principal nobles who valorously resisted the rebellion and restored
order were Priamo de Villalonga, Alfonso Torrella, Salvador Sureda,
Jayme Oleza, Matias Fortuñy, Mateo Togores, Albertin Damato, Antonio
Gual, Zaforteza, Despuig, Cotoner--all names which appear in the annals
of their country, from generation to generation, down to this day.

The insurrection caused great misery and destruction of property,
and it was quite a century before the islanders can be said to have
recovered from its evil effects, either morally or as regards their
industries and general well-being.




CHAPTER XVI

The Majorcan historians--War of succession--Families
ennobled--Cotoners--Raxa and Cardinal Despuig--Country houses


With the war of the ‘Comunidades’ the romance of Majorcan history ends.
During the seventeenth century the country was very slowly recovering
from the effects of that disastrous rising; but it was long before
the good relations between the different classes of the people were
restored. The island was governed under the Kings of the House of
Austria by Viceroys, of whom five were natives of Majorca. The names of
Moncada, Fuster, Pax, Zaforteza, and Sureda occur in the list.

But though the making of history seemed to be dead, the work of
recording the glorious annals of Majorca under her own kings was
zealously undertaken by natives of the island. The first official
chronicler, appointed by the Jurados, was Don Juan Dameto. He wrote the
‘Historia General del reino Balearico’ between 1621 and 1631, and died
prematurely in 1633. His work commences with the earliest Roman times
and is brought down to the death of Jayme II. Dameto had travelled
much and was an accomplished scholar. His work is by no means a mere
chronicle. The style is agreeable and full without being prolix, and
shows a sense of proportion and of the relative importance of events.

Don Vicente Mut, who was born at Palma in 1614, was the continuator of
Dameto. He was a military man and major of the militia of his island,
an accomplished mathematician, as well as a student of history. He
searched the archives with great diligence, and gives valuable details
respecting the administration of the island at different periods.
His history covers the ground from the accession of King Sancho to
the suppression of the ‘Comunidades,’ and contains spirited accounts
of the raids of Barbary pirates and histories of the monasteries and
hospitals. Mut died in 1687.

With him our accessible island histories end, for the history of
Geronimo Alemany, which would bring the record down to the death
of Charles II., the last King of the House of Austria, is still in
manuscript. We have to thank Don Miguel Moragues Pro and Don Joaquim
Maria Bover for having edited the histories of Dameto and Mut, with
very copious notes. The three thick volumes were published at Palma
in 1841, and a fourth volume containing the history by Alemany was
promised. Visitors to Palma who take an intelligent interest in the
history of the island will desire to possess and to read them. They
will find the three volumes at the excellent book-seller’s shop of Don
Felipe Guasp, No. 6 Morey Street, the first turn to the right after
crossing the Plaza de Santa Eulalia.

The eighteenth century opened with the war of succession. The French
claimant was a grandson of a sister of Charles II. The German claimant
was a grandson of Charles’s aunt. Catalonia and Majorca espoused the
cause of the German archduke, while the rest of Spain proclaimed the
French prince as Philip V. On October 1, 1706, Majorca was occupied
by the troops of the Archduke Charles, and all adherents of the
French claimant were persecuted or banished. Even after the fall of
Barcelona the Majorcans held out. But all was in vain. In June 1715
a large army landed and besieged Palma, which capitulated after a
siege of seventeen days, and the Bourbons forced the islanders to
submit to their yoke. All the ancient privileges and grants of the
Aragonese monarchs to the Majorcans were abolished, with their form of
government. Captains-general were substituted for the Viceroys, and the
present fortifications of Palma were constructed in the reign of Philip
V. Majorca suffered from the misgovernment of Bourbon rule with the
rest of Spain. From that time the people have had to rely upon their
own virility, energy, and skill for any advance in civilisation and
well-being, and not in vain. The Majorcans steadily progressed, while
their old families, claiming descent from the soldiers of King Jayme,
became distinguished in arms and letters and were ennobled, several as
early as the times of the Austrian kings. In 1625 the title of Marquis
of Bellpuig was given to the family of Dameto y Cotoner, in 1632 that
of Santa Maria de Formiguera to the family of Burgues Zaforteza y
Villalonga, in 1634 that of Count of Ayamans to the family of Togores
(formerly Moncada), in 1658 that of Count of Montenegro to the family
of Despuig, and in 1717 that of Count of Ariañy to the family of
Cotoner. Several titles were also conferred on Majorcan families during
the eighteenth century; generally well deserved.[23]

Among the distinguished sons of the Cotoner family was Rafael Cotoner,
who was Grand Master of Malta from 1660 to 1663. He built Fort Ricasoli
and the lines which are still known as the Cotonera. His brother,
Nicolas Cotoner, was Grand Master from 1663 to 1680. An almost equally
distinguished member of this family was the late General Cotoner, who
was Governor of Porto Rico, and was devotedly attached to his native
island and her interests.

But it was to members of the ancient family of Despuig that Majorca
owed its fame as a place of cultured learning during the eighteenth
century. Descended from Bernardo Despuig, a companion of the Conqueror
Jayme I., the family has always been closely connected with the history
of the island. Among them Juan Bautista Despuig served at Lepanto and
in Flanders; but his best title to fame was that he devoted his wealth
to the promotion of the well-being of his poorer neighbours and won the
title of ‘Father of the Poor.’ His grandson did such good service as
a military commander that in 1658 he was created Count of Montenegro.
The first Count’s son, Bernardo, was Grand Master of the Order of St.
John of Jerusalem at Malta from 1736 to 1741. Juan Despuig, the second
Count of Montenegro and also Count of Montoro by right of his mother,
espoused the Bourbon side in the War of Succession, and suffered a long
imprisonment in the castle of Belver from 1706 to 1715, the period of
the Austrian occupation of the island. Many other members of the family
were distinguished for their services to the State. The best-known is
Dr. Don Antonio Despuig, who was Archbishop of Valencia and of Seville
and Cardinal of San Calisto, a prelate not more famed for his learning
than for the love he always showed for his island home.

Cardinal Despuig has left many memorials which will ever secure for
him an honourable place in the island’s history. He devoted both time,
money, and a cultivated taste to enriching the country seat of his
nephew, the Count of Montenegro, as well as his palace in Palma, with
the most precious literary and artistic productions of Italy and Spain.

The country seat of Raxa is a place of enchantment at the foot of the
mountains, approached from Palma through miles of almond-groves in full
blossom during February. In Moorish times it was called Araxa, and
was granted by King Jayme I. to the Count of Ampurias, becoming the
property of the family of Despuig in 1620. Raxa is a large house of
three storeys, built round a courtyard, with an ancient elm-tree in the
centre. The rooms are exceedingly numerous, and all the furniture is
of a date at least 150 years ago. There are many beautiful Florentine
cabinets, some good pictures, and fayence. The dining-room has a carved
oak ceiling in squares, with an old fayence plate let into each. One
room is full of valuable Vatican engravings, another of paintings of
Rome as it was 150 years ago. One side of the house has balconies,
with arcades, looking on the garden and over a lovely view. The great
glory of Raxa is the museum of Roman sculpture. Cardinal Despuig
acquired a site near Albano, where once had stood the superb temple
to Egeria, built by the Emperor Domitian. Between 1787 and 1796 the
Cardinal conducted excavations which brought to light many statues,
busts, altars, and other remains, which he sent to Majorca to adorn his
nephew’s country seat. There is a very fine statue of Trajan, others of
Caligula, Hercules, a gladiator, &c. A full descriptive list is given
in Bover’s ‘Noticias Historico-topograficas.’[24] Opposite to the door
of the museum is that of the chapel, where there is a picture of Jesus
and the Woman of Samaria.

There is a charming garden, with fountains, in front of the house, and
orange-groves beyond. Behind there are garden terraces up the mountain
side, and two very large tanks. A long flight of steps, with statues
on either side and water flowing down in masonry channels, leads up to
loftier terraces with flower-beds and groves of cypress, pine-trees,
and laurustinus. It is like fairyland; and from a summer-house there
are views of the sea of almond-blossoms extending to Palma on one side,
and of the pine-clad mountains and serrated peaks on the other.

Many of the treasures collected by the Cardinal are in the Montenegro
palace in the city of Palma. This palace, in the street of the same
name, has a courtyard with palm-trees, whence a wide stone staircase
leads to a gallery, where is the front door. The rooms are large
and lofty, richly furnished, and warmed by _braseros_. At the back
of the house there is a good-sized garden with palm-trees and an
evergreen oak. In this palace are more of the treasures collected by
the Cardinal. The famous _portolano_ of Valseca has already been
fully described. At the top of the house is the magnificent library,
arranged in subjects. One of the most valuable books is a manuscript
‘Nobiliario’ of the Aragonese nobility of the fifteenth century,
with coats of arms beautifully painted. Here, too, is the original
manuscript of Alemany’s history. The poetical and historical works are
the most numerous, including fine editions of ‘Don Quijote.’ The room
is of great length, and at the end was the cabinet of coins, Roman
Consular and Imperial, Spanish-Arabian, Gothic, and Aragonese kings.
According to Bover, the finest collection of Majorcan coins is in the
cabinet of the Count of Ayamans.

Cardinal Despuig, who was an intimate friend of Pope Pius VI., died
at Lucca on May 2, 1813, leaving to his country a thousand memorials
which will give his name an honoured place in the Balearic _fasti_.
His nephew, for whom all these collections were made, died in the
same year. This Count’s son, Ramon, fifth Count of Montenegro, was
Captain-General of Majorca, and died in 1848. The present Count, to
whose great courtesy our knowledge of Raxa and the Cardinal’s treasures
is due, is a grandson of the Captain-General, and is the seventh Count
of Montenegro.

Majorca boasts other country houses almost as beautiful, though not
quite so interesting as Raxa. Alfavia has already been described, and
Canet, the home of the Torrellas, has been mentioned. Another charming
country seat is La Granja de Esporla, the home of the Fortuñy family.
It is in a valley, with mountain-spurs on either side and abundant
supplies of water. The house is built round a courtyard, one side
having a wide stone passage on the upper storey, with open colonnades.
Over the archway into the courtyard there is a stone coat of arms of
Fortuñy (_argent five pellets_, _two_, _two_, _and one_; quartering
Gual, Despuig, and Zaforteza). There is a very large stone-paved hall,
hung with pictures, which opens on to a narrow garden leading to
terraces up the mountain-side, fountains, and artificial grottos. In
front there is a long pergola of roses, orange and lemon groves, and a
splendid old yew-tree. The mountains are clothed with ilex as well as
pine-trees.

There are great advantages in the chief people of the island living in
their country houses during the summer and having personal intercourse
with their people. It encourages enterprise. Thus at Esporlas there are
extensive cloth-factories, and at Canet, under the patronage of the
Torrellas, there is a fayence-manufactory, producing vases with very
beautiful designs.




CHAPTER XVII

The Marquis of Romana and the patriot Jovellanos.


The romance of Majorcan history seemed to have come to an end with
young Jayme IV. and his sister; but it was renewed in the career of the
Marquis of Romana, the most distinguished of later Majorcans.

Like many other noble families of the Peninsula, the Caros derive their
coat-armour from an incident in the memorable battle of Las Navas de
Tolosa.[25] Juan Caro accompanied En Jayme in the conquest of Majorca.
His descendants were in the conquest of Almeria, the wars of Flanders,
the battle of Los Gelves, the sea-fight of Lepanto, and many other
combats against the enemies of Spain. They held estates in Orihuela,
Elche, Crevillente, and Novelda, and the feudal castle of Maza, as well
as extensive property in Majorca. Don José Caro was created Marquis
of La Romana and Viscount of Benaesa in 1739 for his great services
during the War of Succession. Don Pedro Caro, the third Marquis, was
born at Palma in 1761, and lost his father, a very distinguished naval
officer, when he was only fourteen. The third Marquis entered the
navy, rising to the rank of captain of a frigate, but exchanged into
the army in order to serve under his uncle, General Ventura Caro, in
the first war with revolutionary France. He had risen to the rank of
lieutenant-general when Mr. Hookham Frere came to Madrid as Ambassador
from England in 1803. They at once became great friends, the Marquis
being of immense use to the English diplomatist in explaining to him
the state of parties at the Spanish Court. Southey says of Romana
that he was ‘a man whose happy nature had resisted all the evil and
debilitating influences of the age and rank in which he was born. He
possessed a rare union of frankness and prudence, while he read with
unerring intuition the characters of others. Spain has never produced a
man more excellently brave, more dutifully devoted to his country, more
free from the taint of selfishness, more truly noble.’

When Napoleon got possession of the resources of Spain and was able to
issue his decrees through the corrupt government of Godoy, he sought
to weaken those resources in order that Spain might fall an easier
prey when the time was ripe. With this object the Marquis of Romana
was ordered to march with fourteen thousand men, being the best troops
in the Spanish army, to the other end of Europe. This was in August
1807, when Romana’s force was quartered at Hamburg and Lubeck. The
Spanish contingent was intended to form part of a Franco-Danish army
under Bernadotte for the invasion of Sweden. The Spanish regiments
were then placed in garrisons at Aarhuus, Ebeltoft, Mariager, Aalborg,
and Randers in Jutland, in the island of Funen, and two regiments in
Zeeland. They were closely watched and cut off from all intercourse
with Spain. But an English squadron under Saumarez effectually
prevented an invasion of Sweden.

When the whole of Spain rose against the usurping government of Joseph
Bonaparte it became a matter of the utmost importance to communicate
the news to Romana and his troops, and to restore them to their
country. But it was a service of extreme difficulty. The French cut
off all communication and vigilantly intercepted letters; while the
Spaniards in Denmark were informed that all their countrymen were
unanimous in their allegiance to Joseph. A priest named Robertson, an
accomplished linguist, was selected by Mr. Frere to convey the news
to Romana. To give him written credentials was too dangerous; but Mr.
Frere hit upon a way of convincing Romana that the message was genuine.
Robertson was to quote to him a line from the poem of the ‘Cid,’ with
an emendation. When Romana and Frere were at Madrid together, the
former advised his English friend to read that poem. One day Romana
called upon his friend, when Frere had just made a suggested emendation
in the line:

    Aun vea el hora que vos _merezca dos_ tanto.

Frere suggested _merezcades_, and Romana concurred in its propriety.
No one but Romana and Frere knew of this; so that, on quoting it, the
Marquis was convinced that Robertson came from Frere. Romana then
first heard the real situation of his country. They conversed in
Latin. The Spanish general at once resolved to effect his escape from
Denmark with his troops, if he could obtain the help of the British
naval commanders. So Robertson found his way to H.M.S. _Victory_, the
flagship of Admiral Saumarez in the Baltic, and told his story. The
Admiral at once saw that the matter was urgent, and sent a squadron
under Keats, his second in command, to communicate with Romana.

It was necessary to maintain the utmost secrecy while arranging for all
the Spanish garrisons to concentrate for embarkation, in defiance of
French and Danes. Romana and Keats worked in concert, but the operation
was extremely difficult. The various garrisons in Jutland were to seize
vessels in the different harbours, and come to the island of Funen,
where Romana had occupied the town of Nyborg on the Great Belt. Here
Admiral Keats waited with his ships.

All went well. The Jutland garrisons arrived and were embarked, in
spite of some opposition from two Danish gunboats. The Spanish troops
were taken to Gottenburg, where transports had been provided to convey
them to their native country. They were landed at Santander.

The Marquis de la Romana himself went to London to confer with the
British Government. He accompanied Mr. Hookham Frere to Spain, who
had been accredited as Envoy to the Central Junta. Both arrived at
Coruña on October 20, 1808, and Romana proceeded to take command
of the Spanish forces in Galicia. Here the indefatigable Majorcan
maintained an unequal contest with Soult and Ney. Routed in February
1809 at Monterey, he still kept the field, aroused the whole country by
his proclamations and by the sight of his patriotic zeal, and in the
following April captured the French garrison at Villa Franca.

Finding that Ney was collecting a great force to annihilate him, Romana
crossed the mountains at the passes of Cienfuegos and marched into
the Asturias. Leaving his army at Navia de Suara, the general went
on to Oviedo to organise the civil government of the province. Ney
then conceived a plan of surprising the troops at Navia de Suara and
securing the person of Romana. He sent Kellermann by forced marches to
Oviedo, but the Marquis was not to be caught. He galloped down to the
port of Gijon with his staff and returned by sea to Galicia. His troops
also retreated safely across the mountains.

In 1809 Romana was appointed to be a member of the Central Junta at
Seville, and he bade farewell to his faithful troops, who had escaped
with him from Denmark and shared all his desperate campaigning work in
Galicia. As a member of the Central Junta the Marquis drew up a very
able State paper for the better government of the country, which had
the concurrence both of Mr. Frere and of his successor, Lord Wellesley.
In January 1810 he was appointed to command the Spanish army in
Estremadura, where he did excellent service and saved Badajos at least
for the time. When Lord Wellington retreated behind the lines of Torres
Vedras, Romana joined him with four thousand men, and they then first
became acquainted.

Wellington concerted his plans with Romana, who was, in the ensuing
campaign, to keep open communications with Badajos, behind the Gevora.
The Marquis began his march thither, but died very suddenly of
heart-disease on January 23, 1811. A small edition of Pindar was found
in his pocket. His death was most disastrous, for the troops had no
confidence in his successor, and Badajos was lost.

Wellington appreciated the great qualities of this illustrious Majorcan
soldier. He recorded his sense of Romana’s services in the following
tribute to his memory: ‘In Romana the Spanish army has lost its
brightest ornament, his country their most upright patriot, and the
world the most strenuous and zealous defender of the cause in which we
are engaged. I shall always acknowledge with gratitude the assistance
which I received from him, as well by his operations as by his counsel,
since he had been joined with this army.’[26] The body of the great
Majorcan was conveyed to his native island. The funeral took place with
all possible solemnity on June 4, 1811, and a monument was voted by the
Cortes.

The monument is on the east wall of one of the northern side-chapels in
the cathedral. The recumbent figure of the Marquis of Romana rests on
a tomb, all in white marble, and beside it is another figure, pointing
upwards, supposed to be the Duke of Wellington. Below there is a
bas-relief with Romana and Admiral Keats superintending the embarkation
of Spanish troops and baggage at Nyborg, in the island of Funen.

The son of the great general, also named Pedro, succeeded as fourth
Marquis of Romana, and married Doña Tomas Alvarez de Toledo y Palafox,
Duchess of Montalto. He died in 1848, and was succeeded by Don Pedro
Caro, the fifth Marquis, who married a Hungarian lady of rank, Isabel
Szechenyi Zichy-Ferraris. She built the castle of Bendinat, as has
already been mentioned; but afterwards disposed of all the Caro
property in Majorca, and went to Madrid, where her son, the present and
sixth Marquis of La Romana, now resides.

Every visitor to Palma should go to the tomb of the illustrious
Majorcan, whose splendid career was so closely connected with most
interesting episodes in English history. Romana was the intimate friend
of Hookham Frere, one of the most distinguished among the diplomatists
and men of letters of the last century; and he won the esteem and
friendship of the great Duke of Wellington.

At the same time that the corrupt government of Godoy sent the Marquis
of Romana and fourteen thousand patriotic soldiers to Denmark, an
equally illustrious man was sent a prisoner to Majorca. Jovellanos is
connected with the island, not as a native, but as one whose iniquitous
imprisonment won for him the warm sympathy of the islanders.

Gaspar Melchior de Jovellanos was born at Gijon, the chief seaport
of the Asturias, in 1744, and received a liberal education. After a
close study of civil and canon law, he became a judge at Seville,
and afterwards at Madrid. He was a student of political economy and
history, while he also attained eminence as a poet. His prose writings
proved him to be a philosophical statesman as well as a very able man
of letters. His liberal views were not acceptable to the favourite of
Charles IV., and Jovellanos was sent into exile in his native province
of Asturias. In 1797 he was recalled and became Minister of Justice.
But Godoy still hated his enlightened opinions, and in the following
year he was again banished to the Asturias.

The wretched favourite of Charles IV. was not yet satisfied. In 1801,
in violation of law and decency, the illustrious statesman was seized
in his bed, hurried across Spain like a common criminal, and sent
a prisoner to Majorca. At first he was confined in the Cartuja at
Valdemosa, but after a year he was removed to a prison in the castle of
Belver. He was treated with such rigour that almost all communication
with the outer world was cut off.

Latterly he was allowed to receive papers, and was even enabled to
make researches in the archives. We are indebted to Jovellanos for an
excellent account of the building of the cathedral and for learned
pamphlets on the ‘Lonja’ and on the castle of Belver.

At last came the fall of the favourite and the abdication of Charles
IV. This at once led to the liberation of Jovellanos, who was welcomed
back and received the admiration of his countrymen for his great
services and for the calm patience with which he had endured his unjust
sufferings. He represented Asturias in the Central Junta at Seville,
and on its dissolution he returned to his home in the hope that he
would be allowed to end his days in peace. He was at Gijon, his native
town, when the French made the sudden incursion into the Asturias in
the hope of capturing the Marquis of Romana. He sought safety on board
a small vessel, which landed him at the little port of Vega. There he
died on November 27, 1811, at the age of fifty-seven. Ticknor, who was
well acquainted with the writings of Jovellanos, wrote of him that ‘he
left behind him few men, in any country, of a greater elevation of
mind, and fewer still of a purer or more irreproachable character.’[27]

The old castle of Belver continued to be misused during the dark
times of recent Spanish history for the imprisonment of Carlist and
other political victims. But the interesting building is now declared
to be ‘patrimonio real,’ is inhabited by courteous and intelligent
guardians, and is pen to the public.

In the gloomy vaulted room where Jovellanos was imprisoned for six
years his island admirers have put up a marble tablet recording the
fact and commemorative of his patriotic virtues.




CHAPTER XVIII

Conclusion


The story of Majorca has, in the course of its detailed narration,
included attempts to describe the scenery of various localities of the
island, the capital in ancient times, the mountains and caves, the
towns and country houses. With the conclusion of the story we turn
to the island as it is at present. We find areas of forest-covered
mountains, which are calculated to contain 25,000 acres of pines,
12,000 acres of ilex, and 2,000 of carob-trees; at least, this was the
calculation twenty years ago. The best account of the geology of these
mountains will be found in the work of M. Hermite.[28]

Turning to the trees grown to support the people in the fertile plains,
the same authority gives an area of 50,000 acres as covered by vines
and 33,000 by almond-trees, besides apricots. The olives cover 86,000
acres--70,000 in the mountains, and the rest for the most part near
their bases. The flora of the island is abundant and beautiful; and
there is an excellent book on the subject by Don Francisco Barcelo y
Combis.[29]

The people are the descendants of men who fought with En Jayme,
increased by a certain amount of immigration--Catalans who speak a
dialect of the Catalan language among themselves, but who nearly all
understand Spanish. Among the upper classes the names of Moncada or
Togores, Sureda, Cotoner, Fortuñy, Zaforteza, Despuig, Torrellas,
Truyolls, Villalonga, are as prominent now as they were six hundred
years ago and have been ever since. After a visitor has seen the
cathedral and churches, the Lonja with its slender pillars, and the
handsome Casa Consistorial with its frescoes and portraits of Majorcan
worthies, nothing can be more interesting than to saunter through the
streets and look at the old palaces of the nobility, with their quaint
architecture, coats of arms, and picturesque courtyards. In front of
the ‘Mercado’ is the great palace of the Burgues Zaforteza family. In a
street of the same name is the Montenegro palace. In the narrow Fortuñy
Street there is an ancient house with the name of Priamo Villalonga
carved over the lintel of the door. Here lived the gallant defender
of the royal castle against the rebels in 1522. The Villalongas are
no longer there, having moved to a more modern abode in another part
of the town. In nearly every street there is a palace or some other
building which is interesting either for its architecture or its
associations.

Among the leading people of Palma the name of Don Bartolomé Bosch y
Cerda, His Britannic Majesty’s Vice-Consul, cannot be overlooked, for
his courtesy and kindness and his thorough knowledge of the island have
largely increased the pleasure derived by many visitors from a sojourn
in Majorca.

The best-known visitor--if His Highness ought not rather to be called a
resident--was the Archduke Luis Salvator, whose magnificent monograph
of the Balearic Islands is well known. Miramar has been mentioned as
the abode of King Sancho, and afterwards as the place where Raimondo
Lulio founded his college. But it is better known as the spot which the
Archduke turned into an earthly paradise. He rebuilt the house which
existed on the site of the former convent, laid out the lovely garden,
and constructed roads and paths. He filled the house with old Majorcan
furniture and Majolica ware, some of it with the metallic lustre for
the manufacture of which the island was once famous. The Archduke also
restored a little chapel in the garden, which contains an ancient
picture of Raimondo Lulio. But it is now more than twelve years since
the Archduke has visited the island.

The Majorcans excel as masons and carpenters. The mole, which forms the
harbour, is as fine a piece of masonry work as is to be found in the
Mediterranean. All the ashlar work of public buildings is remarkable
for the fineness and exactness of the points of junction; and the
vaulting, especially in the churches, displays no small mechanical
skill, and even genius. Carpenters’ work is equally good; and it is
interesting to see them at work, with their shops open to the streets.
There are many factories in the island; and while one member of a
family works on a farm, others at trades, the rest can get employment
in factories. All help, and the cottage in which the family lives
generally has a small garden of flowers and vegetables. All the people
are decently dressed and shod and have sufficient food. The Majorcans
are certainly a handsome race, the men strongly built and well set up,
the young women comely and graceful.

There are no beggars, except a few <DW36>s. Begging or seeking
presents is not the habit of the people. If boys are offered small
change received in a shop they will generally refuse it, saying that
they have done nothing for it. The cathedral carpenter sent his boy up
a tree, at the request of a stranger, to get a leaf, and he was given
a shilling for want of change. Some time afterwards the same stranger
was passing, and the carpenter came out with the difference between
a shilling and a _peseta_, saying he thought that the present was
intended to be a _peseta_ and not a shilling. Information respecting
land tenures, mode of cultivation, exports, and other statistics will
be found in Mr. Bidwell’s ‘Balearic Islands.’[30]

The story of Majorca is necessarily very closely connected with the
general history of Aragon and its various dependencies. It is full of
chivalrous deeds and wonderful adventures, as well as of evidence of
those more solid and steady efforts which indicate fine qualities in
a race. Thus, in the course of centuries, the existing islanders have
been formed, and they are very much what might have been expected from
their history. It is a history which should have a place in the study
of European progress and development; for, small though the island
is, the Majorcans have been in the forefront during the Middle Ages,
and even in later times, alike as men of the sword and men of the pen.
A knowledge of the island’s story will furnish a number of historical
associations which will, as it were, clothe the beautiful scenery with
living interest. It thus appeals alike to the student who remains at
home and to the traveller who visits the island.

It seems desirable to conclude with some information for the latter
class of readers respecting accommodation at Palma. The hotel, which
was opened a few years ago by Señor Albareda, faces the old church of
St. Nicholas and the Zaforteza palace; while the avenue called the
‘Rambla’ is on one hand, and the ‘Paseo del Borne,’ leading to the
port, on the other. It possesses every comfort and convenience, is
admirably managed, and has a well-informed and most obliging landlord.
This ‘Grand Hotel’ has a pleasant annex in the country, at Porto Pi,
and the hotel in the beautiful valley of Soller is also comfortable
and well managed. The visitor to Majorca is thus able to make himself
acquainted with the lovely scenery, the history, and present condition
of the island under the most advantageous conditions.

[Illustration: MAJORCA]




PART II

MINORCA




CHAPTER I

Minorca--Its prehistoric remains--Mago the Carthaginian--Successive
occupations


The sister island of Minorca is some twenty miles E.N.E. of Majorca,
and is about the size of the Isle of Wight, twenty-one miles in length
by eight broad. But its smaller size and more exposed situation deprive
it of advantages enjoyed by its more favoured sister. Minorca is in the
shape of an irregular parallelogram, lying W.N.W. to E.S.E., and has an
area of 683 square kilometres. The island is divided into two distinct
regions of almost equal extent by a line running east and west. The
northern half is covered with hills, for the most part bare, with two
culminating points. Near the centre of the island is ‘Monte Toro,’
rising in the form of a sugarloaf to a height of 1,150 feet. Farther
west is the Monte de Santa Agueda, 850 feet high. The rock consists
of slates, with strata generally much contorted and of Devonian age,
but capped in some places by Jurassic rocks which contain fossils and
numerous impressions of plants.

Owing to the frequent northerly gales, especially in the winter, the
arboreal vegetation of the northern region, and indeed of the whole
island, is scanty. There are some woods of ilex and Aleppo pines in
sheltered places, and the shrub vegetation consists of myrtle, a
_Phillirea_ (wild olive?), and three species of _Erica_.

The southern region is more sheltered and more fertile. It consists
of an undulating tableland cut by profound ravines and sloping from
the hills to the southern coast, where it terminates in rocky cliffs.
The formation is a good building limestone of Miocene age with nearly
horizontal strata. In this southern region the shrubby vegetation
consists of a buckthorn (_Rhamnus Alaternus_) and the _lentisco_
(_Pistacia Lentiscus_). But there are few trees, and the ground is
excessively stony. In the ravines the vegetation becomes richer and
more varied.

There are no rivers or streams, and the people are entirely dependent
on wells and cisterns for their supply of water. The rocks abound in
caves, some natural, but many excavated in prehistoric times. There is
one vast stalactitic cave near the western coast, with smaller branch
caverns, and several other caves of the same kind on a smaller scale.

One of the principal features of interest in Minorca is the number of
prehistoric remains scattered over the southern region. There are a few
similar remains in Majorca, but they have been used almost entirely for
building materials; and in Minorca they are far more numerous and less
injured.

The primitive inhabitants appear to have been cave-dwellers. The
buildings may have belonged to a later period. They have been described
by several observers, notably by M. Emile Cartailhac in his ‘Monuments
primitifs des Iles Baléares’;[31] but never more clearly, and with
more competent knowledge of similar monuments in other parts of the
world, than by Dr. Guillemard in his very able paper read before the
Cambridge Antiquarian Society. Dr. Guillemard divides the Minorcan
prehistoric buildings into four classes: (1) the so-called towns, (2)
the _Naus_ or ship-like edifices, (3) the _Taulas_ or _Bilithons_, (4)
the _Talayuts_.

The towns, really the size of small hamlets, are surrounded by a wall
with a megalithic gateway, and sometimes with small towers on the
walls, which consist of large blocks of limestone. Inside there are
the remains of small square buildings, with underground low and narrow
passages or caves.

The _Naus_ is a building with a supposed resemblance to a ship, one end
being pointed and the other square. There are only a few on the island.
Cartailhac mentions nine. Their length is from twenty-five to forty
feet, height fifteen to eighteen. The finest, called ‘Nau d’Es Tudons,’
is near Ciudadela. It consists of large blocks of stone dressed with
a hammer. The entrance is three feet square, leading to a sort of
vestibule, whence another door opens into the main chamber, which is
supported by pillars down the middle. These edifices are carefully
built, and were evidently the tombs of great men.

The _Taulas_ are two massive stones joined by a deep tenon and mortise
and cut with remarkable care. The lower one is upright, and bears
the upper one horizontally, like a table. They are in the centre of
a building in the form of a semicircle forty feet across, the two
ends being joined by a wall. Some twelve or fourteen _taulas_ remain.
They must almost certainly have been altars, or the main features of
temples. These _taulas_ appear to be closely allied to such edifices as
Stonehenge or those at Avebury. In that case, they may be considered
to date from about the same period, a date which has been ascertained
astronomically by Sir Norman Lockyer--2000 B.C. The race of men who
built them extended over Europe. They had dolichocephalic heads of
average capacity, oval faces, aquiline noses, low foreheads, exactly
like the skulls from the Basque provinces. They were not only spread
over Europe, but established themselves in Mauritania (Morocco) and
were probably the ancestors alike of the Guanches of Tenerife and the
Baleares of these islands.

The fourth class of prehistoric edifices consists of the _Talayuts_,
so called from the Arabic ‘Atalaya’ or scout, hence watch-tower. Their
height is usually not more than twenty feet. The largest, called ‘Torre
Llafuda,’ is forty feet high. They are often forty feet in diameter
at the base and six or seven feet less at the top. In 1818 Ramis gave
a list of 195 of them, of which 142 were in fair condition. Since
that time many have been used for limekilns or as quarries in building
houses. They are all built of the rough vesicular limestone of the
surrounding land, and the stones are generally roughly dressed and
laid in courses. The walls are of enormous thickness, with a circular
chamber in the centre, supported by a pillar of massive stones. There
is usually a doorway on the south side.

Their object has been a puzzle. They were not watch-towers from the
positions of many of them; not fortresses, not dwellings, not temples,
not tombs, for no bones are found. I believe that Dr. Guillemard, whose
excellent descriptions of the Minorcan prehistoric remains I have been
quoting, has hit upon the right solution. The fields are covered with
stones, and one of the principal occupations of the husbandman is to
clear the stones off the cultivable land. In modern times they make
stone walls, for something has to be done with them. Dr. Guillemard
holds that the _talayuts_ are the stones cleared from the fields by the
ancient people. They built these very solid towers with them, which
served to house pigs and sheep at night; perhaps also as a look-out
place, where their positions would serve such a purpose. But clearing
the fields of stones was the primary object.

The Minorcan builders of stone temples, tombs, and dwellings, and
pilers up of stones were prehistoric beyond any doubt, and may have
worked and worshipped them four thousand years ago. The Phœnicians
probably found their descendants on the island, and they became subject
to the Semitic traders and their Carthaginian offshoots, who held
the Balearic Islands while they were dominant in Spain. Minorca was
best known as possessing the most capacious and safest harbour in the
Mediterranean, and its name of Port Mahon makes the giver of that name
an important factor in the story of the island.

Mago was the youngest son of Hamilcar Barca, and when he first began to
serve under his brother Hannibal in Italy, in B.C. 218, he must have
been very young; but his capacity and fitness for command were soon
realised by the great general. Mago was given command of the cavalry,
and led his troops across the river Po, each man swimming by the side
of his horse. Mago did distinguished service at the battle of Trebia,
and was by his brother’s side at Cannæ. He was then detached to reduce
Samnium and the Bruttii. In about B.C. 212 he was sent to reinforce
his other brother, Hasdrubal, in Spain. It was a losing cause, for
the Carthaginians vainly opposed the victorious career of Scipio. The
brothers resisted long. At last they were hopelessly defeated by Scipio
at a place called Silpia, apparently in the Sierra Morena. Mago long
held out at Gades. Here he received orders to collect troops and ships,
and to make a diversion by landing at Genoa and transferring the seat
of war to Italy. Having diligently assembled troops and the means of
transport, he left Spain for ever and made sail, shaping a course, in
compliance with his instructions, from Carthage. Mago wintered in the
splendid harbour at the eastern end of Minorca, which has ever since
borne his name--Portus Magonis, corrupted into Port Mahon.

Eventually he landed his army at Genoa, but was defeated by Quinctilius
Varro in a battle in Liguria, when he was severely wounded. Hannibal
and Mago were recalled from Italy B.C. 203, and the younger brother
died of his wounds on the voyage to Carthage, according to Livy. He
was probably not more than thirty-two years of age. The name of this
enterprising Carthaginian is immortalised in that of the harbour where
he wintered, and in those of an English earl’s second title and of a
Spanish dukedom.

During their occupation the Carthaginians had built three towns: the
Portus Magonis; the town at the west end of the island, called Jamno,
the modern Ciudadela; and one in the interior. In B.C. 121 Metellus
arrived with his fleet, and the Balearic Islands passed under the
dominion of Rome. For more than five hundred years the islands formed
part of the Roman Empire, Minorca always sharing the fate of her larger
and more important sister. These huge gaps in history leave everything
to conjecture. They may have been a time of peace and prosperity, or
they may have been a period of grinding oppression. The people were
probably still the descendants of the prehistoric builders. Certainly
no great event happened, or it would have been recorded. On the decay
of Roman power, in the days of Honorius, the Balearic Islands are said
to have been occupied for a time by the Vandals, from A.D. 426. It is
assumed that the islands formed part of the kingdom of the Spanish
Visigoths; but all that may have happened in that long period is buried
in oblivion. We only know that Christianity had been introduced, and
that at the Council of Toledo, celebrated in the year 675 A.D., there
were bishops of the Balearic Isles, dating for at least two hundred
years back, for Severo was Bishop of Minorca in 423.

Before the commencement of the ninth century the islands had fallen
entirely into the hands of the Moors, and formed part of the empire
of the Omeyad Khâlifas of Cordova, Minorca continuing through all the
long period of Moorish domination to share the fate of the larger
island. The aboriginal inhabitants must have entirely disappeared,
giving place to immigrants from Africa and Muhammadan Spain, chiefly
Arabs and Berbers. Minorca seems to have been ruled during a long
period by a Moorish family, son succeeding father, with a title which
the Spaniards called Almojarife. We have already seen how, after the
conquest of Majorca, King Jayme secured the submission of the Minorcan
Moors by a stratagem.[32] The great king, however, dealt very leniently
with the smaller island. The government of Minorca was confirmed to
the Almojarife and his family on condition of loyalty to the Aragonese
overlord and payment of tribute. This arrangement continued until
the usurpation of young Alfonso III., a very different man from his
illustrious grandfather. The Moors were established in Minorca for
nearly four centuries; but, by the use of ruthless methods, it is not
difficult to extirpate a whole population and to substitute another in
so small an island.




CHAPTER II

Conquest of Minorca by Alfonso III.--The Barbary pirates


The young King Alfonso III. of Aragon, having usurped the government
of Majorca, as has been related in the story of that island,[33] came
to a sudden determination to drive the Moors out of Minorca. He made a
pretext that the Almojarife had thwarted his father’s designs on the
coast of Barbary by giving early information to his co-religionists.
Alfonso also said that when his uncle’s dominions were restored to him,
the acquisition of Minorca would make up for the temporary deprivation.
This hopeful young king had not begun well. He was unjust, wayward,
and sometimes cruel. He acted on the spur of the moment. Had he lived,
the promised son-in-law of the great King Edward of England might have
become a more stable and right-minded prince. At this time he cared
very little for a pretext in making war, and his resolutions were very
hastily formed.

The consequence was that he chose the stormiest period of the winter
for his expedition, sending to his brother Fadrique, in Sicily, to
supply him with forty well-armed galleys. He then assembled the nobles
of his kingdom at Tarragona, and was granted five hundred cavalry
and a large army of _almogavares_.[34] The fleet of armed ships and
transports numbered 120 sail. En Pedro Cornel was appointed general of
the forces, and knights of the families of Luna, Entenza, Anglesola
accompanied the King. Garcia Gorcas de Aracuri of Aragon and Acart de
Mur of Catalonia were masters of the camp.

The terrible news reached the Almojarife[35] of Minorca. His
consternation was great, for the danger was imminent. The impulsive
young king cared less than nothing for the written grant given by En
Jayme to the Moorish chief. The Almojarife sent to Barbary to entreat
for help from the chiefs of Bugia, Bona, Tremecen, and Constantia. In
a short time 900 cavalry and 5,000 foot soldiers arrived from Africa,
which would enable the Moors to face their enemies with a respectable
force.

The King of Aragon left Salou with his fleet, arriving at Majorca on
December 2, 1285, where he passed Christmas. Muntaner tells us that the
cold of that winter was intense, and that a man might as well have been
in the frozen steppes of the Don. The hands of some of the oarsmen were
frostbitten, and the troops suffered from the severity of the winter.

After the Christmas festivities were over, the King ordered the fleet
to make sail in the worst possible weather. The ships were scarcely
clear of the land when a furious gale sprang up and scattered the
fleet. Alfonso arrived at Port Mahon with only twenty galleys, and
occupied one of the rocky islands in the harbour, waiting for the rest
of his forces.

The Moors were ready to receive him. They had a large army, composed
partly of the auxiliaries sent from Africa and partly of natives of
the island. Seeing them drawn up in battle array, the impetuous young
King resolved to attack them without waiting for reinforcements. He
had a few companies of _almogavares_ and four hundred horse. A very
desperate and well-contested battle was the result. Alfonso was in the
thick of the fight, giving many proofs of valour and dexterity as a
swordsman. In spite of the great inferiority in numbers, the Catalans
were victorious, the Moors retreating in confusion to a hill which,
owing to the great slaughter, received the name of ‘El Degollador.’ The
battlefield was situated on a plain a little to the westward of the
present castle of San Felipe.

A day or two afterwards there was another fight, owing to the conduct
of a young knight named Berenguer de Tornamira, who, to show his own
valour, attacked the Moors without orders with a small force. If
succour had not been promptly despatched he would certainly have been
overwhelmed. As it was, the Moors were driven back. The Almojarife then
took refuge, with the remnant of his forces, in the castle on Mount
Santa Agueda. Alfonso, always hasty and violent, ordered Tornamira’s
head to be cut off; but he afterwards yielded to the prayers and
remonstrances of his nobles and consented to spare the young knight’s
life. The losses in these two battles were very heavy, especially on
the side of the Moors. By this time the rest of the fleet, with troops
on board, had arrived at Port Mahon.

Alfonso then advanced to the castle of Santa Agueda, and made
preparations for a siege; but the Almojarife saw that all hope
was gone, and sent four of his principal ministers to ask for the
acceptance of the terms he offered. They were that he would surrender
the castle and the whole island if he and his people were provided with
shipping to proceed to Barbary, paying 7-1/2 _doblas_ a head for every
Moorish man or woman that embarked. The Almojarife also asked to be
allowed to take his books, clothes, and fifty swords. The ship was to
take him to Ceuta or some other port in Africa. The King consented to
the terms, and his favourite, Blasco Jimenes de Ayerba, was instructed
to make the necessary arrangement. There was a Genoese vessel at
Port Mahon, which was hired and supplied with provisions, and the
unfortunate chief, with his family and about a hundred other people who
were able to pay the ransom, embarked. Whether the ship went down in a
gale of wind, or whether there was foul play, no one will ever know. It
is certain that she never was heard of again. The story of Carbonell
that the unfortunate fugitives were thrown overboard by order of the
King, after paying their ransoms, need not be believed.

The rest of the population was at the mercy of the conquerors, to the
number of about twenty thousand. They were either forced to work at the
new buildings ordered to be erected, or sent to Sicily and Barcelona to
be sold as slaves.

The date of the capitulation was January 17, 1288, St. Anthony’s Day,
which was ever afterwards kept as a holiday, with processions and other
festivities. Alfonso remained in Minorca until the following March,
leaving orders for a town to be built, with a fortified wall, at Port
Mahon. He died three years afterwards at Barcelona, aged twenty-seven.

Don Juan Ramis y Ramis, the chronicler of Minorca, recorded the prowess
of the young King and the conquest of the island in a poem entitled
‘Alonsiada.’

Pedro de Lesbia, a native of Valencia, was left as the first Christian
Procurator-General of Minorca. The whole Moorish population appears to
have been rooted out of the island and replaced by Catalan settlers.
Ciudadela, at the western end, became the capital, as it was in Moorish
times; while Port Mahon was the principal commercial port.

In a small island like Minorca a population could soon be extirpated by
ruthless invaders without pity or remorse and actuated by unreasoning
bigotry. Their cruelties were not only condoned but encouraged by their
priests. It is a revolting picture. There was an industrious and happy
people, engaged in cultivating a not very grateful soil, which needed
much toil and no little skill to induce it to yield harvests sufficient
for the wants of a frugal population. In homes endeared to them by
centuries of occupation, and surrounded by their wives and children,
they were living in peace and comparative prosperity, and enjoying the
hard-earned fruits of their toil. The land tax, paid in kind, was the
regular source of revenue in all Muhammadan countries. In Minorca the
Almojarife, or collector, appears to have been the hereditary chief of
the island. Suddenly, like a bolt from the blue, in a few days total
destruction came upon them. Thousands were killed, all their chief men
with their families disappeared, all their property was seized, wives
were torn from husbands, children from parents, and sold into slavery.

Turning away from the horrors of this scene of cruelty and wrong, we
may assume an interval of confusion, and then the farms and villages
of the Moors are occupied by Catalan families equally industrious and
hard-working. The Christians were exposed to heavier exactions and
suffered under a less enlightened rule, so that perhaps we should give
them even greater credit than their predecessors for the way in which
they extracted the means of supporting themselves and their families
from the stony fields.

Minorca continued to share the fortunes of the larger island under her
own kings, under the Kings of Aragon, and under the Austrian dynasty of
Spain. The form of government was the same as that granted to Majorca
by En Jayme.

The smaller island suffered equally with Majorca from the raids of
Barbary pirates, who carried off many unfortunate people into slavery.
All the islanders rejoiced at the campaign against Tunis, led by the
Emperor Charles V. in person, who liberated several thousands of
Christian slaves in 1535. Yet the piracies did not cease, or only
for a time. Barbarossa, the piratical leader, undeterred by the fall
of Tunis, fitted out a fleet of eleven galleys and made sail for the
Balearic Islands. His fleet entered Port Mahon with Christian banners
flying, to deceive the soldiers in the fort and the inhabitants, who
were completely taken in. Bells were rung and guns fired in honour of
what was supposed to be a part of the Emperor’s fleet. A boat with some
Franciscan friars approached the galleys and discovered the mistake.
They pulled back to the shore, raised a warning, and the gates of the
town were closed.

Barbarossa landed 2,500 Moors and some guns, with which he battered
the walls of the town and made a breach. His assault was, however,
repulsed. The people of Ciudadela assembled three hundred men, but
seeing that the enemy was so powerful they did not venture upon an
attack at first. They sent a messenger to warn the besieged that they
should be ready to make a sortie when the relief approached. Then most
of the three hundred advanced, and occupied the attention of the enemy
while the besieged hastily repaired the breaches in the walls. A second
assault was gallantly repulsed, and the pirate chief began to feel
rather insecure at Port Mahon, expecting the return of the Emperor’s
fleet from Tunis.

Fortunately for Barbarossa, the besieged lost heart and surrendered the
town to him on terms which he never dreamt of keeping. He made slaves
of eight hundred of the inhabitants. The churches were pillaged and
profaned. The Guardian of San Francisco had partaken of the Sacrament
to save the Host from profanation. The Moors entered and seized all
the valuables, but did not find the Host in the pyx. Barbarossa asked
where it was, and when the Franciscan replied that he had eaten it to
preserve it from profanation, he was ordered out for execution and
suffered death with two other friars.

This was in the year 1536. The Governor of the island had remained at
Ciudadela, and when six citizens arrived from Port Mahon, who had been
released by Barbarossa because they advised the surrender, the Governor
ordered them to be put to death. Barbarossa and his Moors evacuated
Port Mahon and departed with his plunder and with many wretched people
to be sold into slavery. The Emperor was greatly distressed at these
repeated acts of piracy, and in 1541 he fitted out a second expedition,
this time against Algiers. Again he led the expedition in person; but
it was a failure owing to the furious gales and deluges of rain.

The islands were kept in a constant state of alarm. In 1558 a Turkish
fleet of 140 vessels hove in sight. Ciudadela and Port Mahon had been
put in the best possible posture of defence, when fifteen thousand
Turks were landed, under a leader named Mustapha. Having occupied
the open country, they laid siege to Ciudadela, which was held by a
garrison of seven hundred men. A battery of artillery was planted
against the walls, and, after making a breach, three assaults were
delivered and gallantly repulsed. The besieged Minorcans were resolved
to defend the place to the death, and they would have done so if it
had not been for a disastrous accident. The magazine caught fire and
all their powder was destroyed. The men proposed to their leaders,
Arquimbau, the Lieutenant-Governor, and Captain Noyet, to attempt to
fight their way to Port Mahon. They came out, the men of Alayor and
Mercadal leading, women and children in the centre, and the rest of
the garrison bringing up the rear, under Arquimbau. The Turks attacked
them furiously, and only 150 got back into the town. On July 10 another
assault was delivered, and at last the place was taken. Many of the
besieged were killed in cold blood, and the rest were carried off to be
sold as slaves. On the same day the Turks embarked and made sail.

The Viceroy, Don Guillermo Rocafull, was not in the island. He returned
at once and proceeded to repair the fortifications of Ciudadela,
bringing several families to re-people the place from Majorca and
Valencia. The castle of San Felipe at Port Mahon was also repaired and
strengthened.

The piracies continued until well into the eighteenth century, and kept
the people in a constant state of terror and alarm; but confidence
slowly returned, and Minorca had long been free from actual invasion
when the War of the Succession broke out, after the death of Charles
II., the last of the Austrian Kings of Spain.




CHAPTER III

British occupation of Minorca.


The people of Spain had long been misgoverned, impoverished, and
oppressed when the last king of the House of Austria died and left the
War of Succession as a legacy to his subjects.

The descendant of Maria Teresa, sister of Charles II. and wife of Louis
XIV. of France, would have had the best right if her marriage had
not been allowed on condition of the most solemn renunciation of the
crown of Spain for the offspring of it. The next heir was the Emperor
Leopold I., descended from a sister of Philip IV. of Spain, the father
of Charles II. He resigned his claim to his second son, the Archduke
Charles. Strongly in favour of the Austrian claim, the unhappy King was
forced by priestly threats on his deathbed to sign a will declaring
Philip, Duke of Anjou, grandson of Louis XIV. and Maria Teresa, to be
heir to the Spanish monarchy. Philip was then seventeen. The Archduke
Charles was fifteen.

Louis XIV. was strictly pledged to the Governments of England and
Holland not to allow his grandson to succeed. In February 1701,
in defiance of this solemn compact, Philip was sent to Madrid and
proclaimed as Philip V. Castille acknowledged him. Aragon, Catalonia,
and the Balearic Islands declared for the Archduke Charles as Charles
III. He was supported by England, Holland, Portugal, Savoy, and the
Empire. War was declared on May 15, 1702, and the War of the Spanish
Succession commenced. In March 1704 Charles III. arrived at Lisbon with
four thousand Dutch and eight thousand English troops, where he was
joined by Don Juan Henriquez, Admiral of Castille, one of the greatest
of the Spanish nobles. On August 3 Gibraltar was taken, and garrisoned
with two thousand men, the Prince of Hesse Darmstadt being the first
Governor. Charles III. then proceeded to Barcelona, the almost
impregnable castle of Monjuich having previously been captured by the
Earl of Peterborough. Amidst great rejoicings Charles made his public
entry on October 23, 1705. Peterborough entered Valencia in triumph on
February 4, 1706, and Majorca declared for King Charles.

General Stanhope was appointed Envoy Extraordinary to King Charles
and sent out in command of reinforcements. He was a grandson of the
first Earl of Chesterfield and son of Alexander Stanhope, who was
Ambassador at Madrid in the time of Charles II. Having passed his youth
in his father’s house, he was well acquainted with Spanish and with the
feelings of the people. He learnt the art of war under Marlborough.

The disastrous battle of Almanza was fought in April 1707, and for
some time the cause of King Charles seemed almost hopeless. The Duke
of Berwick entered Valencia and conquered Aragon, the French claimant,
Philip, abolishing all its provincial privileges; while General
Stanhope was reduced to a strictly defensive system. King Charles’s
base was the east coast of Spain and the Mediterranean Sea. The English
fleet was therefore of the utmost importance, and it became very urgent
that the ships should remain out, instead of returning home for the
winter. But, although Majorca was for Charles, the harbour of Port
Mahon was still occupied by French and Spanish troops for Philip.

Stanhope, with his German colleague Staremburg, after several weeks of
skilful but desultory manœuvres, obliged the French army to retreat
from Tortosa, to which place the enemy had advanced. In August of the
same year, 1707, Admiral Leake with the British fleet took Cagliari and
secured the island of Sardinia for King Charles. But the most important
enterprise was the capture of Minorca with its excellent harbour.

The Duke of Marlborough wrote to General Stanhope saying: ‘I am so
entirely convinced that nothing can be done effectually without the
fleet, that I conjure you, if possible, to take Port Mahon.’ Lord
Godolphin sent out instructions to the same effect, which reached
Stanhope when he was encamped at Cervera with Marshal Staremburg, at
the close of the campaign against the French.

Stanhope immediately set out for Barcelona in pursuance of his
instructions, but few men could be spared for the enterprise.
Fortunately, Charles was fully alive to its great importance. Admiral
Sir John Leake was still off Sardinia with the bulk of the fleet. There
were, however, six men-of-war at Barcelona; but some of the captains
hesitated to take any responsibility. The two who supported the General
were his brother Philip of the _Milford_, and Trevanion of the _York_.

Stanhope forced their hands by actually embarking in some transports
the troops he had been able to collect, and announcing his intention
of proceeding at once to Majorca, there to await reinforcements. This
made all the captains resolve to accompany him. One of the ships (the
_Milford_) was commanded by the General’s brother, Captain Philip
Stanhope, and the two brothers sailed together. The force consisted of
1,200 British troops, including marines, 600 Portuguese, and the rest
Spanish. The General wrote to Sir John Leake, who had just reduced
Sardinia to obedience to Charles, sending a copy of the letter from
Lord Godolphin, and entreating him to co-operate.

Sir John Leake was about to return with the Beet to England for the
winter, leaving a squadron to guard the Portuguese coast. He, however,
left Pula, near Cagliari, with the fleet on August 18, in compliance
with General Stanhope’s request, and arrived off Port Mahon on the
25th. He cruised off the island until September 14, when Stanhope
arrived on board the _Milford_, the transports following on October 3.

Stanhope’s plan was to land at once and lay siege to the castle of San
Felipe. Measures were accordingly arranged with the Admiral, who lent
all the marines and guns that could be spared. There were forty-two
guns and thirteen mortars. A spot was selected about two miles from
the castle to the south-west, and the troops were landed. All the
inhabitants received them joyfully, declaring for King Charles; and the
magistrates of Mahon came and delivered up the keys of their city. On
the 7th the _Dunkirk_, _Centurion_, and _York_ were anchored near the
south-east point of the island, to cover the landing of the heavy guns.
This was a service of great difficulty, for the only place for landing
them was in a creek within half gunshot of the enemy’s batteries.
Nevertheless it was attempted that very evening, and effected with
little loss. The country was found to be rocky and without roads,
and the beasts of burden that could be obtained were so few that it
was twelve days before the guns could be got into position ready to
commence the attack.

On the 8th the fleet, consisting of fifteen sail of the line, under the
command of Sir John Leake, sailed for England. The Admiral had lent the
General as many marines as could possibly be spared, and supplied him
with ammunition and some provisions. A squadron of seventeen sail was
left off Port Mahon, under the command of Sir Edward Whitaker, the hero
of Gibraltar, to assist in the reduction of the castle of San Felipe.

Two ships, the _Dunkirk_ (Captain Butler) and _Centurion_ (Captain
Fairborn), were detached to take possession of the castle and harbour
of Fornelle, on the north coast of the island. The _Dunkirk_ arrived
two hours before the _Centurion_, and opened a heavy fire, which was
returned with some effect; but when the _Centurion_ also hove in sight,
the garrison surrendered as prisoners of war. All the transports and
bomb-vessels were then sent to Fornelle creek, having previously had no
secure place to ride in.

On the 28th General Stanhope opened a battery of nine guns on two
towers flanking an outer line, which the garrison of San Felipe had
lately thrown up, beating them down and making some breaches in the
connecting walls. This was not difficult, as the works had been hastily
run up with loose stones. Brigadier Lane was stationed on the right
with two battalions. Captain Philip Stanhope commanded the marines.
Some of Wade’s men entered a breach in the wall without orders, and
as soon as he saw their advance he followed with all his men. Philip
Stanhope led on his marines, and there was a general advance, the
garrison, after a short resistance, abandoning all the outworks and
retreating into the castle. Next morning the enemy commenced a parley,
which was followed by their capitulation in the afternoon. They could
have held out for a long time. A hundred pieces of ordnance were
found in the castle, three thousand barrels of powder, and all things
necessary for a long defence. The victory was dearly bought with the
death of Captain Philip Stanhope, who fell mortally wounded. He was
struck by a ball on the forehead as he was held up by two sailors to
look over a wall seven feet high. He was interred in one of the vaults
of the castle. The General wrote: ‘The conquest has cost me very dear,
but since Philip died in doing service to Her Majesty and his country,
I shall think his life well bestowed, as I should my own.’

Ciudadela at once surrendered, and its garrison of a hundred men became
prisoners of war. There was no resistance in any other part of the
island. Stanhope wrote: ‘A great part of our success in reducing this
island is owing to the zeal and affection the people have for us, which
is beyond expression.’ Port Mahon was garrisoned by British marines,
and the fortifications were strengthened by new works at a cost of
about 60,000_l._ It was General Stanhope’s idea that Minorca should be
held as a sort of mortgage for the large sums advanced to King Charles.

A medal was struck at the Tower to commemorate the conquests of
Sardinia and Minorca.

    _Obv._: Bust of Queen Anne.

    _Rev._: Victory holding a palm-branch in one hand, and the
    Union Jack in the other. Two islands appearing in the distance,
    ‘SARDINIA ET BALEARIS MINOR CAPTÆ.’

    _Exergue_: MDCCVII.

Stanhope returned to his military duties in Spain. He was at Barcelona
again on November 9. It is not necessary to follow the course of
events. The death of the Emperor Joseph I. in 1711 opened the
succession to his brother Charles; while his want of success and the
animosity of the Castilians destroyed all chance of his succeeding to
the crown of Spain. In fact, he became Emperor of Germany as Charles VI.

The Ministry of Harley and St. John opened negotiations for peace.
The abandonment of the Catalans and Majorcans to their fate cast an
indelible stain of infamy on the British Government. Queen Anne had
several times pledged her royal word for the preservation of the lives
and liberties of the Catalans. In consequence of those promises the
Catalans had begun and maintained an insurrection. Yet no stipulation
was made in the treaty, and St. John had the effrontery to announce
that ‘it is not for the interests of England to preserve the Catalan
liberties.’

On April 11, 1713, the Peace of Utrecht was signed, the Emperor Charles
refusing to be a party to it. The French Prince was acknowledged
as King of Spain, being Philip V. of that country, but resigning
any right of succession to the French crown. The Duke of Savoy was
to have Sicily; Gibraltar and Minorca were ceded to England; the
Netherlands, Naples, Milan, and Sardinia to the Emperor. Lord Stanhope,
the descendant of the conqueror of Minorca, has pleaded with some
truth that, whilst the glories of the war belong to the whole British
people, the disgrace of the peace, the unworthy result of such great
achievements, rests on a small knot of factious politicians.

Their beloved King Charles, now Emperor of Germany, must be acquitted
of blame as regards the Catalans and Majorcans. He was powerless.
Writing to General Stanhope, he said: ‘Knowing as I do your goodness
of heart, I am persuaded that you and your friends will compassionate
the fidelity, firmness, and misfortune of my poor Catalans. No
difficulties, no dangers, no temptations could shake their generous
loyalty. All this pierces my heart. I leave you to judge whether it is
in my power to aid them without a naval force. I doubt not that you
will consider the dreadful state to which they have been reduced by
the evil-minded men of your country, contrary to the most solemn and
repeated engagements.’

Catalonia and Majorca were abandoned to the mean vengeance of Philip.
Minorca was more fortunate in becoming a British possession. In 1717
the conqueror of Minorca was created Viscount Stanhope of Mahon.




CHAPTER IV

Minorca as a base


Minorca was the chief gainer by the Peace of Utrecht. She secured many
years of good government and freedom from oppression by her connection
with her English friends. But England herself derived almost equal
advantage. She had become a Mediterranean Power. She had Gibraltar, but
it was necessary that she should also have a base within the inland sea
where her ships could refit and her sailors could be refreshed; and
this need was supplied in full measure by the splendid harbour of Port
Mahon. The value of such a possession was experienced a very few years
after the peace.

The Emperor had sent an army into Hungary against the Turks, and Philip
V. gave a solemn promise to the Pope that he would not undertake
anything against the interests of the Emperor while he was engaged
in so religious a cause. Yet, without regard to this promise and in
defiance of the duties imposed upon him by the treaty of peace, he
sent a fleet, with a land force of nine thousand men, from Barcelona,
which seized upon the island of Sardinia in July 1717. His excuse was
that King Charles had delivered up the towns in Catalonia and Majorca
to the inhabitants, thus putting Philip to the trouble and expense of
reducing those people to obedience.

In consequence of this aggression, the Powers made a treaty, called the
Quadruple Alliance, by which the Emperor was to give up his claim to
the crown of Spain, to receive Sicily from the Duke of Savoy, and to
give him Sardinia in its place, with the title of King. Philip would
not agree to this arrangement and continued his preparations for war,
without any regard to the remonstrances of England and even of France.
In this he was strongly influenced by his second wife and by his
Minister, Cardinal Alberoni.

In order to prevent farther mischief in the Mediterranean a formidable
fleet was got ready at Spithead, under the command of Admiral Sir
George Byng, with orders to hinder and resist all attempts of Spain
against Italy or Sicily. Byng sailed on June 25, 1718, with twenty
ships of the line, two fire-ships, two bomb-ships, a hospital-ship,
and a store-ship. Off Cape St. Vincent he sent a messenger, by way of
Cadiz, to convey a letter to Lord Harrington, the British Envoy at
Madrid, that the Spanish Government might be informed of the approach
of the British fleet and of Byng’s instructions.

The Envoy showed the letter to Cardinal Alberoni, who declared that his
master would run all hazards rather than recall his fleet and troops,
that the Spaniards would not be frightened, and that he had no fear of
the result if Admiral Byng attacked them. The Envoy then requested his
Eminence to look over a list of the British ships which he held in his
hand. Alberoni snatched it and threw it on the ground, trampling on it
in a great passion.

There was nothing more to be done with such a violent diplomatist. The
British fleet entered the Mediterranean, and arrived at Port Mahon on
July 23. Here the Admiral landed four regiments, and took the marines
forming the old garrison to serve in the fleet. On August 1 the Admiral
arrived at Naples, and conferred with Count Daun, the very popular
Viceroy for the Emperor Charles VI. It was found that the Spaniards had
landed an army in Sicily and were besieging Messina, and that there
was a large Spanish fleet there, consisting of twenty-nine ships of
the line and frigates, two being seventy-four-gun ships and eight with
sixty guns.

On August 9 Sir George Byng with his formidable fleet arrived off
Messina, and sent a letter to the Spanish General proposing to him that
he should grant a cessation of hostilities for two months, to give
time for the Powers to agree to a lasting peace, apprising him of his
instructions in case of refusal. The Spaniard replied that he had no
powers to treat, and that he would obey his orders, which were to seize
Sicily for the King of Spain.

The Spanish fleet had weighed the day before, and was out of sight
to the south. Byng went in chase, and before noon of the next day he
came in sight of their twenty-seven men-of-war in order of battle. Don
Antonio de Castaneta was the Admiral in command, and there were four
rear-admirals, one of them an Irish renegade named Cammock. On sighting
the English fleet they stood away, but still in order of battle. All
that day and the succeeding night the English Admiral followed them.
Early in the morning of the 11th one of the Spanish rear-admirals
parted company with six frigates and all the galleys, bomb-vessels,
and store-ships, standing for the Sicilian coast near Syracuse. Captain
Walton of the _Canterbury_, with five vessels under his command, was
detached in pursuit. Walton’s report of his proceedings is a model of
business-like brevity:

    ‘SIR,--We have taken and destroyed all the Spanish ships and
    vessels which were upon the coast, the number as per margin.’

Admiral Byng continued the pursuit of the main fleet and came up with
it off Cape Passaro. The _Orford_ and _Grafton_ were the foremost
ships, and the Spaniards fired their stern chase guns. The order was
given not to return the fire unless it was repeated. It was repeated,
and the _Orford_ promptly engaged the _Santa Rosa_, of sixty-four
guns, and took her. Next the _San Carlos_, of sixty guns, struck to
the _Kent_. The _Principe de Asturias_, with the flag of Rear-Admiral
Chacon, was dealt with by the _Breda_ and _Captain_. The Spanish
Admiral’s flagship, of seventy-four guns, made a running fight until 3
P.M., and then struck to the _Superbe_. Three other ships were taken.
Sir George Byng employed the next few days refitting and repairing
damages in the prizes. Nine of the Spanish ships escaped, thirteen
were taken and became prizes, three were burnt, three sunk. Practically
the Spanish fleet ceased to exist.

The value of Minorca as a base then became apparent. Rear-Admiral
Cornwall was sent to Port Mahon with the ships that required repairs
and all the prizes. On February 3, 1719, Sir George Byng went with
the rest of the fleet to Port Mahon, to refresh the men and refit the
ships. Returning to Naples in April, he found that Count Mercy had
been appointed to the command of a German army to expel the Spaniards
from Sicily. Mercy was a tall, soldier-like man, but excessively
short-sighted. He had great strength of mind and body, was very
ambitious, with an insatiable thirst for glory. He would have been a
greater general if he had been endowed with a cooler temper. The task
before him was a difficult one, although the English fleet gave him
command of the sea. All things being ready, Sir George Byng sailed from
Baia with eight men-of-war, escorting two hundred transports having on
board 10,000 infantry and 3,500 horse. By the advice of the Savoyard
Governor of Melazzo, the landing was effected on the coast about
twenty miles to the westward of that fortress. Count Seckendorf was
detached to reduce the Lipari Islands to the Emperor’s obedience--an
important matter, so as to keep the communications open between Naples
and Sicily.

The Sicilian campaign commenced in May 1719, and there was some very
severe fighting. Count Mercy found himself in considerable difficulties
in the interior; for the natives were on the side of the Spaniards.
He sent a message with an urgent request that Sir George Byng would
come to him for a consultation. The Admiral did not hesitate. He set
out with a strong escort, accompanied by his eldest son and Captain
Matthews of the _Kent_. The road was strewn with the dead bodies of
men and horses, and was very rugged, but they reached the Count’s
tent in the evening. A guard of honour was drawn up for the Admiral’s
reception, and one of the men was shot through the head at the door
of the tent by a musket-ball from the enemy’s camp. He fell dead at
the Admiral’s feet as he dismounted. Sir George found the Count very
weak from a wound, the ball not having yet been extracted. But he was
full of pluck, and desirous of again attacking the Spaniards in their
strong position, though his officers advised a retreat to the coast.
A council next day confirmed this opinion, and dwelt on the urgency of
receiving reinforcements. Sir George therefore returned to the coast
and immediately proceeded with two ships to Naples to represent the
state of things to the Viceroy. He then returned to Sicily, where he
found that Count Mercy had been disabled by an apoplectic seizure;
but that his second in command had taken Taormina by surprise and
advanced to Messina, where the siege was commenced on July 20. The town
surrendered and Sir George Byng took his fleet into the harbour, but
the citadel held out.

The Emperor had resolved to send troops from Milan, by way of Genoa,
to reinforce Count Mercy, and, knowing the extreme slowness of the
Germans, the Admiral resolved to superintend the business personally.
On August 23 he returned to Naples, arriving at Genoa on September 7.
He found everything extremely backward. After much worry and almost
incredible trouble, what with persuasion and threats, he got seven
thousand men on board the transports and brought them to Messina.
The whole army was overjoyed to see a man who always brought them
relief and succour. Count Mercy had returned from Reggio, but with
the ball not yet extracted. He was delighted at the Admiral’s success
in bringing him help. It decided the fate of the citadel, which
surrendered after a siege of ninety-one days. The Spanish General then
fortified the almost impregnable position at Castro Giovanni; but Count
Mercy and the Admiral thought it more important to occupy Palermo,
and while operations for that purpose were being pushed forward the
Spaniards offered to evacuate Sicily on terms.

Early in 1720 the news arrived that Philip V. had given up his
ambitious projects and joined the Quadruple Alliance. Sicily and
Sardinia were to be evacuated by the Spaniards within two months.
During May and June the Spanish troops were embarked in transports at
Termini and sent to Barcelona. The Duke of Savoy was then put into
quiet possession of Sardinia. Thus the work was completed for the
execution of which the British fleet under Sir George Byng had been
sent to the Mediterranean. The English Admiral certainly deserves the
highest credit. He was diligent in preparing his measures, attending
to every detail himself. In action he was alike careful and energetic.
His patience under the most trying circumstances was inexhaustible.
He was most successful as a diplomatist, and at length he acquired
such influence that he was looked to as an umpire in the numerous
misunderstandings and disputes of rival commanders. Thus the service
that was entrusted to him, a most harassing and difficult service, was
performed with remarkable ability and complete success. On his return
he was created Viscount Torrington, and in 1733 he died in harness as
First Lord of the Admiralty.

Minorca played an unostentatious but very important part in this
campaign. Without that base for refitting the ships and refreshing the
men the difficulties of Admiral Byng would have been increased tenfold.




CHAPTER V

Minorca under British rule


If the occupation of Minorca was very important to the British as
a base for their fleet, it was an even greater blessing to the
inhabitants. While the ancient rights and liberties of the Catalans and
Majorcans were ruthlessly destroyed by their Bourbon conqueror, the
Minorcans were treated very differently. Their religion, their form
of civil government, their customs and traditions were all respected
by the English, who came as friends rather than as masters. It will
be interesting to glance over the condition of the island during the
earlier years of British occupation.

Minorca was divided into five provinces, called _terminos_. At the
eastern end was the _termino_ of Mahon with the capital under British
rule, and at the western the _termino_ of Ciudadela, the ancient
capital. Between them were the _terminos_ of Alaior, Mercadal, and
Fererias, each with its chief village of the same name. Mercadal
included the greater part of the northern coast.

The principal feature of the island is the splendid harbour of Port
Mahon, with deep water, and capable in former days of sheltering
all the fleets of Europe. There are several small islands in the
harbour, and on one the hospital was built when Sir John Jennings
was Commander-in-Chief in the Mediterranean, 1711-13. The quarantine
station was on another island. The picturesque town of Mahon, built
entirely of freestone, rose up the side of a hill, with its great
church and monasteries showing above the roofs of the houses. The
streets were rocky and narrow, but the site was fresh and healthy.
Along the waterside there was a long quay, one end being reserved
for the navy and naval stores, and the other for trading vessels and
merchandise.

At the entrance of the harbour is the castle of San Felipe, on a neck
of land between Port Mahon and St. Stephen’s Cove. The main fort
consisted of four bastions connected by curtains, with a deep ditch
hewn out of the solid rocks. Within the area there were the Governor’s
house, barracks, guard-room, and chapel. In the centre there was a
pump to supply the troops with rain water from a large cistern. The
whole rock is undermined with subterranean passages and chambers. A
considerable suburb, including barracks and officers’ quarters, rose up
outside the castle. The plain beyond is stony and barren, but at the
head of St. Stephen’s Cove there is a _barranco_ or ravine, bounded by
rocks on either side, where there are fruit trees and garden vegetables
of all kinds. These _barrancos_ are the fertile and fruit-yielding
parts of the island. Originally long creeks penetrating into the land
from the sea, they have been gradually filled with rich soil by floods
from the hills on the north side, until they were raised above the sea
level. There is no tide to carry off the deposits brought down from
the hills. At the upper end of the harbour there is another extensive
_barranco_, known as the gardens of San Juan, which was the principal
source of supply of vegetables for Mahon. A few miles farther north is
the _albufera_, or salt lake, separated from the sea by a sand-spit,
and abounding in fish; and still farther to the north are the harbour
and beautiful valley of Adaia. Wild pigeons and rabbits frequent the
rocky cliffs and islands on the coast.

The interior of the island is barren and stony, except for the
_barrancos_. Alaior was a tolerably well-built town on an eminence; but
Mercadal and Fererias are only wretched villages. The north coast is
deeply indented, and Port Fornelle is a large harbour.

Ciudadela, at the head of an inlet on the western coast, was the
capital in the time of the Moors, and continued to be so during the
Aragonese and Austrian rule. It was then the place of residence of
the Governor, and was a flourishing and well-built town. Vessels of
small draft, trading with Majorca and Barcelona, came up the inlet
and supplied the island with foreign goods. The wall which encircled
Ciudadela dates from the time of the Moors, to which more modern
fortifications had been added. In the _plaza_ was the Government
House and the _Lonja_, or exchange, an ancient building raised on
lofty Gothic arches. Thence a passage led to a postern and, by a long
flight of stone steps, to the quay. The cathedral is in the centre
of the town, and the largest religious edifice in the island, with a
square tower and spire, all of freestone. It probably dates from the
thirteenth century. Near the Mahon gate was a large convent of Austin
friars, where there used to be public arguments on the philosophy of
the schools. There was an extensive Franciscan convent, and a nunnery
of Santa Clara. A fine _barranco_ to the north supplied Ciudadela with
fruit and vegetables.

The people of the island were well housed in solid stone buildings, the
farmhouses being generally of two storeys, with the granary under the
roof. The farmers have to contend against frequent and violent gales,
a very stony and shallow soil, and scarcity of water. They are very
laborious, and work under a system of partnership. There is an equal
division of produce between landlord and tenant, the landlord finding
buildings, implements, and cattle, the tenant seeds and labour. Very
few landlords cultivate their own land.

The government of the island was on the model of that of Majorca, as
established by En Jayme I. The Courts of Justice were removed from
Ciudadela to Port Mahon by the English; otherwise no change was made
in the civil government, which was left in the hands of the natives.
The magistrates were called Jurats, so many in each Termino; and
their duties were to impose taxes, see that the markets were properly
supplied, and lay the hardships or grievances of the people before the
Governor. These Jurats were chosen from all ranks. The Jurat-Major was
a gentleman, his colleagues being chosen from merchants, artisans, and
peasants--one from each class. They were elected for a year. The Jurats
of the island, with the consent of the Governor, could call a General
Council of their body, consisting of twenty-four members, which met at
Ciudadela. Their business was to settle the taxes and decide upon the
incidence of taxation, as well as to provide for special contingencies
and to represent grievances. Besides the Jurats, there was a Bayle or
Judge, who held a court and decided cases, there being an appeal to the
supreme court at Port Mahon. The ecclesiastical court was held by the
Vicar-General at Ciudadela. There were five parishes, and the Curas
received tithes, the other clergy being supported by Masses, fees, and
collections. In 1713 there were on the island 75 secular clergy, 140
friars, and 85 nuns--in all 300; a tolerably large proportion for a
population of 27,000.

Under British rule there was an end to the oppression and peculation
of Governors sent to the island to mend their broken fortunes; justice
was properly administered, and trade flourished. The condition of the
people visibly improved during Sir Robert Walpole’s long peace. The
island depended on foreign trade for a third of the corn that was
required, and all the oil and spirits, besides other things. It was the
English money circulated by the troops that preserved the islanders
from bankruptcy, and indeed enabled them to live in prosperity as
compared with their former lot.

The English garrison used to consist of five infantry regiments and a
company of artillery, in all 2,400 effective men. They were quartered
at San Felipe, Alaior, with a detachment at Fornelle, and Ciudadela,
the favourite quarters. The successive Governors took an almost
fatherly interest in the island, and British rule continued to be very
popular.

One of the best Governors was Brigadier Kane, who was many years
ruling in Minorca, and who died there. Soon after his arrival there
was a great scarcity of fresh provisions: the numbers of sheep and
bullocks had dwindled almost to nothing, and chickens had also become
scarce. Kane set to work to remedy the evil with great energy. He
procured and imported herds of cattle and flocks of sheep. He also got
large supplies of poultry from France, Italy, and the Barbary coast,
distributing them among the farmers and peasants; and he encouraged
the people to set to work improving their breeds. Kane also made an
excellent road for the whole length of the island, from Ciudadela to
Port Mahon.

The British occupation was not wholly without permanent record, both
as regards general history and some scientific results. Mr. John
Armstrong, the Government Engineer, described the island, its physical
aspects, antiquities, people, and institutions in a series of letters
which were published as ‘The History of the Island of Minorca’ in
1752. Dr. George Cleghorn resided for many years on the island as
Surgeon-Major to the garrison. In 1751 he published his ‘Observations
on the Epidemical Diseases in Minorca,’ a work which contains a list of
180 species of plants of the island, with Latin, English, and Minorcan
names.[36]

The first period of British rule lasted for nearly half a century, from
1708 to 1757, when there was a catastrophe.




CHAPTER VI

Minorca twice lost


The Seven Years’ War commenced in March 1756, and the first enterprise
of the French was designed against Minorca. The preparations at Toulon
were, however, concealed from a dull and apathetic English Ministry
by pretended activity in the ports of the Channel, to instil a belief
that an invasion of England was intended. Newcastle was Prime Minister,
Anson at the Admiralty, and Henry Fox Secretary of State. Pitt did
not take office until the following year. The English Ministers were
completely duped. Meanwhile the French had got ready thirteen sail of
the line and fifteen thousand troops; and at last, when the danger of
losing Minorca became apparent, hurry and confusion took the place of
sloth and apathy.

Even then only ten ships were ordered to the Mediterranean,
incompletely manned and without hospital or fire ships. The command
was given to Admiral John Byng, fourth son of Lord Torrington, who
had served under his father on board the _Superbe_ at the defeat of
the Spanish fleet off Cape Passaro. Byng sailed from Spithead on April
7, 1756, arriving at Gibraltar on May 2. Here he found the _Louisa_,
Captain Edgcombe, who reported that he had been driven from Minorca
by a French fleet of thirteen sail of the line, commanded by Admiral
Galissonière, who had landed the Duc de Richelieu on the island with
fifteen thousand men. Byng demanded a battalion of infantry from
General Fowke, the Governor of Gibraltar, to reinforce the Minorca
garrison. After consulting a council of war, this demand was refused
by the Governor. There was one regiment, commanded by Lord Robert
Bertie, in the fleet, and about thirty officers who had been on leave,
including General Stuart, Lord Effingham, and Colonel Cornwallis,
coming out to rejoin their regiments at Minorca.

While Byng was on his way, General Blakeney, the Governor of the
island, was besieged by the Due de Richelieu in the castle of San
Felipe. Byng sailed on May 8, and was off Majorca on the 10th, where
he was joined by the _Phœnix_ (Captain Hervey), who confirmed the news
brought by Captain Edgcomb to Gibraltar. Byng’s fleet consisted of
the--

  _Ramillies_ (90)  _Kingston_ (60)
  _Culloden_ (74)   _Defiance_ (60)
  _Buckingham_ (68) _Louisa_ (56)
  _Lancaster_ (66)  _Portland_ (48)
  _Trident_ (64)    _Deptford_ (48)
  _Intrepid_ (64)   _Chesterfield_ (40)
  _Captain_ (64)    _Phœnix_ (22)
  _Revenge_ (64)    _Dolphin_ (22)
  _Experiment_ (22)

On the 19th the British fleet was off Port Mahon. Byng saw the Union
Jack still flying on the castle of San Felipe, but several French
batteries were bombarding the walls. His orders were to save Minorca
at all hazards. These orders were positive and explicit, and it was
his duty to carry them out at whatever sacrifice. The sight of General
Blakeney still holding out and hoping for relief would have aroused
the ardour of most men. The French fleet came in sight, and Byng
stood towards it, making the signal for line of battle ahead at 2
P.M. The French, being about two leagues distant, tacked to gain the
weather-gage, and Byng did the same. Next morning was the 20th. It was
hazy in the forenoon, but at noon it cleared, and Byng made a signal to
bear away two points from the wind and engage the enemy.

Rear-Admiral West, with his division, bore away seven points, and
attacked the French fleet with such impetuosity that several of their
ships were put out of action. The French centre kept its position,
and Byng did not advance. This prevented West from following up his
advantage. If the Commander-in-Chief had shown equal zeal, the French
fleet would have been defeated and Minorca saved. As it was, by holding
back he gave Admiral Galissonière time to retreat out of danger. The
wind enabled Byng to fight if he would, when a complete victory would
have been the result. But he would not.

On the absurd plea that Gibraltar might be in danger, Admiral Byng
returned to that fortress, and Galissonière took up his former station
off the entrance to Port Mahon. Blakeney and his gallant companions
were abandoned to their fate. Nevertheless, they held out until June
28, after a brave defence of ten weeks, when the Governor surrendered
to the Duc de Richelieu on very honourable terms.

Admiral Byng arrived at Gibraltar on June 19, where he found
Commodore Broderick with a reinforcement of five ships of the line.
The Commander-in-Chief therefore resolved to return to Minorca, and
was making preparations for a second attempt. In the midst of this
tardy activity the _Antelope_ frigate arrived with Admirals Hawke and
Saunders and Lord Tyrawly on board. Their orders were to supersede
Admirals Byng and West and Governor Fowke, and to send them home under
arrest. Sir Edward Hawke at once sailed for Minorca, but found the
French flag flying over the castle of San Felipe. Admiral Galissonière
had retired to Toulon, and there was nothing left to be done.

The people of England were furious at the loss of Minorca, venting
all their rage on the unfortunate Admiral and none on the incapable
Ministry which had shown apathy and want of foresight and capacity, and
had neglected measures which, if taken in time, would have made Port
Mahon safe from attack.

The prisoners arrived at Portsmouth in July. Admiral West was
graciously received by the King and made a Lord of the Admiralty.
General Fowke was dismissed the service. Byng was taken to Greenwich,
where he remained a close prisoner until December. He was then brought
back to Portsmouth, to be tried by court-martial. The Court sat for a
month. Admiral West deposed that there was no reason why the rest of
the fleet should not have engaged the enemy as closely as he did; also
that there was no signal for giving chase when the enemy retreated.
General Blakeney said that boats might have passed between the garrison
and the fleet, and that if the troops ordered for his relief had been
landed he could have held out until the arrival of Sir Edward Hawke.
Captain Gardiner, of the flagship, deposed that he advised the Admiral
to bear down on the enemy, but without effect, and that the Admiral
took command of the _Ramillies_ entirely upon himself on the day of the
action. The court found that he had not done his utmost to destroy the
ships of the enemy that it was his duty to engage, but that this did
not proceed from want of courage or disaffection.

Lord Anson, the First Lord of the Admiralty, resigned, and was
succeeded by Lord Temple, who had to discuss the sentence with George
II. He drew a parallel between Byng’s conduct at Minorca and George’s
own conduct at Oudenarde in 1708; leaving the King to draw the
necessary inference that if Byng deserved to be shot, George deserved
to be hanged. The King said afterwards: ‘Temple is so disagreeable a
fellow that there is no bearing him.’

Admiral West, when he found that it was in tended to shoot Byng,
resigned his seat at the Admiralty. His evidence against Byng had been
damning, but he would not be a party to his execution. Nor would he
serve afloat under such a Ministry, saying that ‘he was determined to
forego anything rather than serve on terms which subject an officer to
the treatment shown Admiral Byng. He was not convicted of cowardice nor
of disaffection, but of misconduct, an offence never till now thought
capital.’ Admiral West was of opinion that the word ‘negligence’ in the
Article of War was only intended to refer to one of those two crimes,
cowardice or disaffection--‘that is, _negligence proceeding from
cowardice or disaffection_.’ He said that was the opinion of the House
of Commons when the Bill was before them. Admiral Forbes, another Lord
of the Admiralty, who held similar views, resigned at the same time.

Admiral Byng certainly deserved to be dismissed from the service;
but his execution was a political murder. He was shot on March 14,
1758, after eight months of close arrest. He had forty years of naval
service. George II. would show no mercy, and there was a malignant
political clique whose neglect of duty would be lost sight of through
this persecution of a scape-goat even unto death. The mistaken
resentment of a deluded populace was stimulated to the utmost. The loss
of Minorca was due quite as much to the neglect of Ministers in not
taking earlier steps for its defence as to the misconduct of Admiral
Byng.

At the peace in 1763 Minorca was restored to England, and enjoyed
another nineteen years of good government and prosperity, making
altogether sixty-seven years.

But when the American colonies broke out in rebellion and the chief
Powers of Europe seized the opportunity to attack our country in its
great difficulty--first France, then Spain, then Holland, England’s
enemies, thought their opportunity had come. They were mistaken,
for England is never greater than when surrounded by enemies. She
gave France her answer off Martinique; France and Spain together in
Gibraltar Bay. But she could not be everywhere, and poor little
Minorca was lost. While England was dealing back such telling blows
elsewhere, the French and Spaniards landed, and laid siege to the
castle of San Felipe. Their leader, De Crillon, pushed on the attack,
but the English Governor, General Murray, made a most gallant defence.
It was in 1782. Murray did not surrender until his garrison was reduced
to six hundred men, while the besiegers had twelve thousand. It was
typical of the whole war--England standing proudly at bay and dealing
out far more than she got, with rebels, French, Spaniards, Dutch, all
yelping round her. Peace was signed in 1783, but Minorca was lost.

Don Luis Berton de los Balbs, Duke of Crillon, Marquis of Valleron, and
Count of St. Pol, was made a Grandee of Spain and Duke of Mahon in 1790
for subduing six hundred English soldiers by starvation with an army
of twelve thousand men. He died in 1796. The second Duke of Mahon was
Viceroy of Navarre for Joseph Bonaparte, and a traitor to his country.
His niece Victoriana, Duchess of Mahon, succeeded to all the titles,
and was living in 1870.

Thus was Minorca twice lost, after most gallant defences against
tremendous odds by Generals Blakeney and Murray. The little island was
destined once more to become a British possession for a few years, and
then to be separated from her truest and best friends for ever.




CHAPTER VII

The third occupation of Minorca--Loss of British rule


When the War of the French Revolution broke out England had no base
within the Mediterranean. The necessity for such a base was very much
increased when Napoleon got possession of Malta. Lord St. Vincent had
taken the command of the Mediterranean station in December 1795; on
February 14, 1797, he fought the great battle which gave him his title,
and afterwards kept up the blockade of Cadiz. He knew that Napoleon was
meditating the Egyptian expedition, and detached Nelson with thirteen
sail of the line to watch and, if possible, to intercept the enemy. At
the same time he sent home an urgent appeal for reinforcements, and Sir
Roger Curtis was sent to him with eight sail of the line.

Lord St. Vincent came to the conclusion that the possession of a base
within the Mediterranean for the English fleet was of such importance
that it was necessary to occupy Minorca once more. He was not a man
to let the grass grow under his feet. He had no sooner come to this
conclusion than he proceeded to act upon it. He organised a squadron of
six ships, to be led by Commodore Duckworth:

  _Leviathan_ (74), Commodore Duckworth.
  _Centaur_ (74), Captain John Markham.
  _Argo_ (44), Captain J. Bowen.
  _Aurora_ (28), Captain Caulfield.
  _Cormorant_ (20), Captain Lord Mark Kerr.
  _Peterel_ (16), Captain Charles Long.

The squadron convoyed several transports with troops under the command
of General the Hon. Charles Stuart, a younger son of the Earl of Bute,
the Prime Minister. After a tedious passage, owing to contrary winds,
the squadron brought to within five miles of the port of Fornelle,
on the north coast of Minorca, on November 7, 1798. Fornelle is a
very large and spacious harbour, but it contains many shoals and much
foul ground. On the west side of the entrance there is an old fort,
consisting of four bastions connected by curtains. On the other side
there is an _atalaya_ or signal station. After a reconnaissance, it
was decided that Fornelle was not a desirable place for landing the
troops. It was decided to send the smaller ships and transports to
Addaya Creek, while the two line-of-battle ships stood off and on
outside.

Addaya forms a large harbour on the north-east coast of the island,
with a valley surrounded by lofty bare hills, which shelter it from
the bleak north-westerly winds. The valley produces every kind of
vegetable in abundance, while the vineyards and fruit gardens yield
grapes, oranges, and pomegranates in profusion. One of the very few
springs in the island sends down a stream, whence irrigating channels
were conducted to every part of the valley. This is one of the most
delightful spots in Minorca; but the harbour is full of rocks, and is
only safe for small vessels.

Here General Stuart landed his troops and immediately occupied the
surrounding heights, the Spaniards retreating to Ciudadela and Port
Mahon. There was no fighting, and the whole island surrendered to
General Stuart, including the castle of San Felipe, on November 15.

The Commodore, hearing a report of strange sail being in sight,
proceeded to Ciudadela with the _Leviathan_ and _Centaur_, and at
daybreak on the 13th five sail were reported from the _Centaur’s_
masthead. An exciting chase was at once commenced. The strangers were
large Spanish frigates, and they hauled their winds for Majorca. The
_Leviathan_ returned to Ciudadela that evening. Captain Markham of the
_Centaur_ set every stitch of canvas and continued the chase until the
14th, but he was completely outsailed by the Spaniards. He returned to
Port Mahon on the day of the surrender, writing home that ‘the whole
island is now in our possession, without loss of any kind.’ He received
884_l._ 6_s._ 8_d._ as his share of the capture of Minorca.

The possession of Port Mahon, in a war with France and Spain combined,
provided a base for the fleet whence the Spanish coast could be
harassed and the approaches to Toulon watched and hindered.

The _Centaur_ (Captain Markham) and _Cormorant_ (Captain Lord Mark
Kerr) cruised along the coast of Catalonia, doing some damage to the
enemy in February 1799. The ports of Cambrils and Salou, memorable as
the places of embarkation of En Jayme I. and his successors, received
unpleasant visits: the guns on the fort at Cambrils were dismounted,
and a large Spanish frigate was driven on shore and became a wreck. The
_Centaur_ and _Cormorant_ passed April at Port Mahon, and in May Lord
Mark Kerr received orders to take home General Stuart and his staff.

In the end of the year Lord Keith had arrived with eleven ships of
the line, as second in command to Lord St. Vincent, and continued the
blockade of Cadiz. The Commander-in-Chief, owing to ill-health, was
living on shore at Gibraltar. Suddenly the news arrived that Lord
Bridport had allowed the French fleet of twenty-five sail of the line,
commanded by Admiral Bruix, to give him the slip from Brest. On May 4
the French fleet came in sight of Lord Keith, who formed in line and
offered battle. But a gale of wind was blowing, and Bruix bore up for
the Mediterranean. Keith came to Gibraltar to report the great event to
Lord St. Vincent, and the old veteran at once hoisted his flag on board
the _Ville de Paris_ and took command, ill as he was. Taking Lord Keith
under his orders, he proceeded with the fleet to Port Mahon, the object
being to engage the enemy and prevent him from getting into Toulon.

At midnight on May 21 Lord St. Vincent made sail towards Toulon; but on
June 2 he became so ill that he was obliged to return to Port Mahon,
and on the 18th he resigned the command to Lord Keith and went home.
On July 3 the fleet came in sight of Toulon, the _Centaur_ (Captain
Markham) being ahead. Owing to some news he received, Lord Keith then
crowded all sail for the Bay of Rosas, in hopes of intercepting the
French fleet. But there was disappointment, and once more he shaped a
course for Toulon. The _Centaur_ was always the advanced ship, well
ahead, the frigate _Bellona_ being five miles astern, and the rest of
the fleet out of sight. At 9 A.M. on June 18 five strange sail were
reported from the masthead. A very exciting chase immediately began at
a distance of about sixty miles from Cape Sicie on the French coast.
The strangers proved to be three French frigates and two brigs. After
nine hours the _Centaur_ came up with the sternmost frigate, and
fired into her. She struck, and Captain Markham made a signal to the
_Bellona_ to take possession. Again making all sail, he came up first
with the second and then with the third frigate, which both struck, as
well as the brigs. The prizes were brought to Port Mahon, and all were
taken into the British Navy.

Lord Keith cruised off Toulon for some days and then went to Genoa; but
still there were no authentic tidings of the French fleet. Once more
he stood towards Minorca, and received a reinforcement of twelve sail
of the line under Admiral Collingwood. But on June 24 the French fleet
left the Mediterranean, and on July 12 it was at Cadiz. Lord Keith
determined to try for news at Gibraltar, arriving on the 14th, only to
receive the maddening intelligence that the enemy was just two days
ahead of him. Then began a desperate chase; for if the French fleet
could be forced to give battle, it would be the most momentous event in
the war. On the 30th Lord Keith left Gibraltar with thirty-one sail of
the line. He was just too late. The _Centaur_ looked into Brest and saw
forty sail of the line safely anchored there, being the French fleet
under Admiral Bruix and the Spanish fleet under Admiral Mazaredo. They
had got in only six hours before, and Keith was gaining on them fast.
Lord Keith, stung with anguish at the disappointment, sadly returned to
Port Mahon.

Minorca continued to be a very important base for the operations of the
British fleet, whence Lord Keith obtained his memorable successes on
the coast of Egypt. But when the Peace of Amiens was signed on March
26, 1802, Minorca was ceded to Spain. The long connection of the little
island with England was thus severed for ever, and to the Minorcans
was only left a tradition and a memory of happier and more prosperous
times.

Such prosperity as Minorca has since enjoyed has been due to her
excellent harbour, the fame of which as a safe place of refuge gave
rise to Andrea Doria’s well-known proverb:

    Los puertos del Mediterraneo son.
    Junio, Julio, Agosto y Puerto Mahon.

So long as sailing ships were the means of locomotion at sea, crowds
of merchant vessels frequented the port. It was also visited by the
British fleet in the Mediterranean, which always received a cordial
welcome in memory of the good old times. The Spanish Government
undertook stupendous works of fortification at Cape Mola, on the
eastern side of the entrance of Port Mahon. The introduction of steam
reduced the importance of the harbour, which became less and less
frequented. The garrison was withdrawn and the works at Cape Mola were
abandoned, all sources of wealth to the islanders. Minorca has indeed
fallen from its high estate. There is stagnation and poverty. A former
Consul,[37] in lamenting this decadence, truly said that ‘those who do
visit Minorca will find a bright little town and friendly inhabitants,
some of whom yet express in broken English their love for England,
while they speak joyously and feelingly of the good and flourishing
times when Minorca was under British rule.’

[Illustration: MINORCA]




INDEX


  Abdalla, son of Musa, conquered the Balearic Isles, 10

  Abu Yahye, Amír of Majorca, 11

  Acart de Mur, master of the camp in the Minorca conquest, 231

  Aci Reale, 66

  Adaia valley in Minorca, 265, 284

  Adrianople, 105

  Agnani, Treaty of, 98

  Alagon, Blasco de, Federigo’s general, 99, 103

  Alaro, 34

  Alayor in Minorca, 240, 263

  Albareda, Señor, Grand Hotel, Palma, and hotel at Porto Pi, 218

  Alberoni, Cardinal, his violence, 255

  Albufera in Minorca, 265

  Alcudia, 8;
    Charles V. landed at, 176;
    Majorcan nobles escape to, 182;
    Pedro Paz in command at, 183;
    siege, 183, 184;
    relieved, 185, 186;
    honoured, 189

  Aldonza, queen of Portugal, 40

  Alemany, Geronimo, historian of Majorca, 191, 198

  Alençon, Count of, slain, 63

  Aleppo pines, 9, 213, 220

  Alfavia, country seat of Benahabet, 28, 41;
    inherited by the Santa Cilia family, 156;
    passed to the Bergas and Zafortezas, 156;
    position and description, 156, 157;
    the memorial chair at, 157

  Alfonso I., El Batallador, took Zaragoza, 2

  Alfonso II., 40

  Alfonso III., 77;
    occupation of Majorca, 93, 94;
    accession, 96;
    to marry daughter of Edward I. of England, death, 97, 235;
    invaded Minorca, 230, 231, 232;
    victory over Moors, 233, 234;
    ordered Port Mahon to be built 235

  Alfonso IV., 142

  Alfonso V., conquered Naples, 163;
    duel before, at Naples, 164, 166

  Alfonso of Naples, grandson of Alfonso V., 167

  Alfonso, Duke of Gandia, 163

  Alfonso X. of Castille:
    married Violante of Aragon, 49;
    Murcia conquered for, by Jayme I., 49;
    Fernando, his eldest son, 93

  Algiers, expedition of Charles V., 176, 237, 239

  Ali al Muhtadi, 10

  Almanza, battle of, 244

  Almeria, siege of, 124

  Almogavares, light infantry, account of, 61, 62, 91, 93, 99, 128, 231,
      233

  Almojarife, title of the Moorish chief of Minorca, 228, 231 (_n_);
    sent to Barbary for help, 231;
    defeated, 233;
    surrender, 234, 236

  Almonds in Majorca, 9;
    extent of cultivation, 213

  Almudaina of Palma, 22;
    Jayme I. at, 32;
    restored as a palace, 111;
    Jayme IV. born at, 144

  Alonsiada, written by Ramis, 235

  Ampudia, Count of, 97

  Ampurdan, 132, 154

  Ampurias, Ponce Hugo, Count of, 12;
    advanced with his men, 18;
    conducted mining operations at the siege of Palma, 30;
    death, 33;
    one of the great feudatory families of Majorca, 45, 103, 195

  Andraix attacked by the Moors, 177

  Andrew, King of Hungary, 8

  Andria, Count of, married to an heiress of the Morea, 129;
    Isabel of, 130

  Andronicus, Emperor of the East, welcomed the Catalan Company, 104

  Angelats, Miguel, defended Soller against the pirates, 178

  Anglesola, serving in the Minorca conquest, 231

  Anjou. _See_ Charles of.

  Anson, Lord, 277

  _Antelope_, H.M.S., 276

  Antequera. _See_ Fernando of.

  Apricots in Majorca, 9, 109, 213

  Apulia, 63, 64

  Aracuri, Garcia Garces de, 231

  Aragon, ancestry of nobles, 2;
    kingdom, first king, 2;
    marriage of the heiress, 2;
    arms of, 3;
    constitution, titles, 4, 47;
    ancient families 4 (_n_);
    division by Jayme I., 50;
    interdict, 52, 65;
    kings compared with Plantagenets, 5;
    question of succession, 162, 163.
    _See_ Alfonso, Jayme, Juan, Martin Fernando, Pedro, Fueros.

  Archduke Luis Salvator at Miramar, 215;
    his work on the Balearic Isles, 215

  _Argo_, H.M.S., 283

  Ariañy. _See_ Cotoner.

  Armstrong, J., ‘History of Minorca,’ 270

  Arquimbau, Governor of Ciudadela when besieged by the Turks, 240

  Arta, cave of, attacked, 36

  Ash-shakandi, Moorish chronicler, 9

  Asturias, 1;
    Romana in, 206;
    Jovellanos born in, 209, 210, 211

  _Asturias, Principe de_, flagship of Chacon off Cape Passaro, 257

  Atalayas, or look-out towers, 137, 223

  Ataranza at Palma, 22

  Athens, Duke of, 123;
    dukedom, 128

  Augusta, 79, 101

  _Aurora_, H.M.S., 283

  Aversa, Castle of, 123

  Avignon, 137, 143, 153

  Ayamans. _See_ Togores.

  Ayerba, Blasco Jimenes de, arranged for the deportation of Moors of
      Minorca, 234

  Aygua Freda, 38


  Badajos, 297

  Balearic Isles overrun by the Moors, 10;
    Archduke Luis Salvator’s monograph, 215;
    Bidwell’s work on, 217, 289 (_n_);
    Phœnicians and Carthaginians, 225;
    Roman occupation, 229;
    Bishop of, at a Council of Toledo, 228.
    _See_ Majorca, Minorca.

  Barbarossa, pirate, 176, 188, 237

  Barbary, Pedro III. on coast of, 60;
    pirates, precautions against, 137, 163;
    incursions in Majorca, 177, 179;
    help to Moors in Minorca, 231, 232, 234;
    attacks on Minorca, 237

  Barcelo y Combis, work on Balearic flora, 214, 271 (_n_)

  Barcelona, conquered by Louis, son of Charlemagne, 2;
    marriage of Count with heiress of Aragon, 2;
    attack by the Moors, 11;
    Counts of, their coat of arms, 3;
    laws, 4;
    palace of Counts, 12;
    dockyard, 59;
    Queen Constance sailed from, 77, 78;
    Charles of Anjou in prison at, 81, 96;
    Jayme II. landed at, 77;
    sons of King of Majorca in prison at, 136, 147;
    rescue of Majorcan princes, 147;
    Jayme IV. in prison at, 151;
    measures against Barbary pirates, 163;
    death of the Prince of Viana at, 168;
    sailors of, 170, 171;
    fall of, 192;
    for the Archduke Charles, 243

  Barcelona, Bishop of:
    the Moorish chief placed the Balearic Isles under his jurisdiction, 10;
    joins in the invasion of Majorca, 12;
    Mass before the battle, 17;
    announced heavy losses, 19;
    with Jayme I. at the caves, 35;
    one of the great Minorca feudatories, 45

  Barrancas in Minorca, 265, 267

  Basque provinces, 1

  Bearne, Viscount de. _See_ Moncada.

  _Bellona_, H.M.S., 287

  Bellpuig. _See_ Dameto.

  Belver Castle, 113, 115;
    Jayme II. imprisoned at, 151;
    Juan I. at, 160;
    besieged and taken by Comuneros, 82;
    Order of Juan II., 168;
    Jovellanos imprisoned in, 210, 211;
    work of Jovellanos on, 210;
    declared a Patrimonio Real, 211, 212

  Benahabet, Moorish chief of Majorca, went over to King Jayme I., 28, 34,
      41;
    his heiress married Santa Cilia, 142;
    arms of Leonor Ben-nassar his daughter, 157.
    _See_ Alfavia

  Bendinat, 20; castle, 21, 208

  Beni Umiyyah dynasty, 10, 228

  Berga, 147

  Berga, noble family of Majorca, 108;
    inherited Alfavia, 156;
    arms, 157

  Bertie, Lord Robert, 173

  Berwick, Duke of, 244

  Bidwell’s ‘Balearic Islands,’ 217, 289 (_n_)

  Bilithon. _See_ Prehistoric Remains.

  Binisalem, 109

  Blakeney, General, gallant defence of Minorca, 273, 274;
    surrender, 275;
    evidence on Byng’s court martial, 277

  Blanche of Anjou to marry Jayme II. of Aragon, 98

  Bofarull, Antonio de, edition of Muntaner, 55 (_n_)

  Bona sent help to the Minorca Moors, 231

  Bonet, Nicolas, his ship to lead the fleet of Jayme I., 13

  Boniface VIII., Pope, gained over King Jayme II. of Aragon, 98;
    negotiated the treaty of Agnani, 98;
    ceded Corsica and Sardinia to Aragon, 98, 103

  Bordeaux, 64, 67, 71, 72, 73, 97

  Bosch, family of, 165

  Bosch y Cerda, Don Bartolomé, British consul, 215

  Botany of Majorca, 214;
    Minorca, 270 (_n_)

  Bover, his account of the coinage of Majorca, 110;
    edited the Majorca historians, 191;
    his ‘Nobiliario,’ 193 (_n_)

  Bowen, Captain, H.M.S. _Argo_, 283

  _Breda_, H.M.S., in battle of Cape Passaro, 257

  Brienne, Comte de, Duke of Athens, slain, 128

  Broderick, Commodore, arrived at Gibraltar, 276

  _Buckingham_, H.M.S., 274

  Buesca, first capital of Aragon, 2

  Bugia, Lulio martyred at, 231

  Burgos, 153

  Burgues, noble family of Majorca, 108;
    arms, 157;
    title given, 193

  Burgundy, Duke of, founded a principality in the Morea, 128, 129

  Butler, Captain H.M.S. _Dunkirk_, sent to capture Fornells, 248

  Byng, Admiral Sir George, sent to the Mediterranean to hinder Spanish
      designs on Sicily, 254;
    at Port Mahon and Naples, 255;
    chased the Spanish fleet, 256;
    victory off Cape Passaro, 257;
    visited Count Mercy, 258, 259;
    at Genoa, 260;
    success of all his measures, 262;
    created Viscount Torrington, 262

  Byng, Admiral John, sent to relieve Minorca, 273;
    with his father off Cape Passaro, 273;
    at Gibraltar, 273;
    off Minorca, 274;
    his fleet, 274;
    evaded an action, 275;
    his court martial, 277;
    executed, 279


  Cabrera, Isle, 88

  Calabria, 96, 103

  Calatabellota, 103

  Calatayud, 74

  Cambrils, Jayme’s fleet assembled at, 13, 285

  Cammock, Irish renegade, Spanish rear-admiral, 256

  Camprodon, François, architect of the Almudaina at Palma, 111

  Canet, fight for the water-supply, 27, 29;
    country house of the Torrellas, 27, 28;
    fayence factory at, 200;
    noble family of Majorca, viscounts, 108

  Cannæ, 225

  _Canterbury_, H.M.S., 257

  _Captain_, H.M.S., in Sir G. Byng’s action, 257;
    in Byng’s fleet off Minorca, 274

  Carbonell, his story not to be believed, 234, 235

  Carcassonne, 6

  Carlists imprisoned at Belver, 211

  Carlos (_see_ Viana, Prince of; _see_ Charles), 167

  Caro, noble family of Majorca, 108, 201.
    _See_ Romana.

  Carob-trees, area covered by, in Majorca, 213

  Carroz, Don Francisco, in command of the expedition to restore order in
      Majorca, 184

  Carroz, a German knight, 13

  Cartailhac, M., on prehistoric remains in Minorca, 221

  Carthaginians in Minorca (_see_ Mago), 225;
    founded Port Mahon, 227

  Cartuja at Valdemosa, 161, 162

  Castro Giovanni, 261

  Catalan language, 4;
    King Jayme’s Journal written in, 11;
    Chronicle of Muntaner, 55;
    dialect in Majorca, 214

  Catalans army, conquest of Majorca by, 26;
    naval power, 59;
    victory, 66;
    crossbowmen, 86, 87;
    naval victories, 85, 86;
    Company in the east (_see_ Company);
    as navigators, 170, 172;
    Portolani, 172;
    abandoned by Treaty of Utrecht, 251;
    grief of the Archduke Charles at their treatment, 252

  Catalonia, 1;
    French invasion, 84

  Catania, granted to Prince Fernando, 128, 129;
    death of Isabel of Andria at, 130

  Catona, 63

  Caulfield, Captain H.M.S. _Aurora_, 283

  Caves, description of the Cueva del Drachs, 35, 36;
    Cueva de Arta, fugitives in, 37;
    in Minorca, 221

  Cefalu, 79, 81, 100

  _Centaur_, H.M.S., Captain Markham, 283;
    chases Spanish frigates, 285;
    on coast of Catalonia, 285, 286;
    capture of French frigates, 287;
    off Brest, 288

  Centelles, Gilabert de, Governor of Majorca for Pedro IV., 148

  _Centurion_, H.M.S., off Minorca, 247;
    sent to Fornells, 248

  Cerdaña, 6, 49;
    Jayme I. succeeded to, 50, 56;
    King Sancho of Majorca died in, 139;
    Jayme IV. of Majorca died in, 155

  Cette, 85

  Ceuta, 234

  Chair of Alfavia, memorial to Jayme IV. and Isabel, 157;
    description, 155, 159

  Champans, Bernardo de. _See_ Templars

  Charles of Anjou:
    carried out the Pope’s designs against Sicily, 57;
    conquered Naples and Sicily, 58;
    cruelty to Manfred’s family, 58;
    driven out of Sicily by the King of Aragon, 60, 63;
    challenged Pedro of Aragon, 64;
    his appeal to the Pope against Aragon, 65;
    dispossessed of Malta, 66;
    came to Bordeaux, 67, 71;
    discomfited, returned to Toulouse, 74;
    Sicily delivered from, 76;
    intriguing at Rome, 79;
    death, 82

  Charles II. of Anjou taken prisoner, 79, 80;
    forced to liberate King Manfred’s daughter, 80;
    his life saved by Prince Jayme, in prison at Barcelona, 81, 90;
    released, 98;
    treaty with Federigo, 103

  Charles II. of Spain, 191;
    death, 241

  Charles III. of Spain, his monument to Jayme II., 118

  Charles IV. of Spain, 210, 211

  Charles V., expedition to Algiers, 176, 237;
    landed at Alcudia, 175;
    at Palma, 176;
    steps to restore order in Majorca, 184

  Charles of Valois, the Pope’s ‘King of Aragon,’ 82;
    mocked by his elder brother, 83, 84, 90;
    sent against Sicily, failure, 100

  _Chesterfield_, H.M.S., 274

  Chopin, 162

  Cienfuegos, 206

  Ciudadela, 222, 227, 235, 239;
    besieged by the Turks, 240;
    defences repaired, 241;
    under British rule, 263, 266, 284

  Clarenza, taken by Prince Fernando of Majorca, 131;
    Jayme III. of Majorca, Lord of, 141

  Cleghorn, Dr., on the botany of Minorca, 270

  Coinage of Majorca, 110;
    of King Sancho, 140

  Columbus centenary, copy of Valseca Portolano for, 172

  Company of Catalans under Roger de Flor, 103;
    massacre by Greeks, repulse Greeks at Gallipoli, 105;
    Prince Fernando arrived to take command, 120, 121;
    abandon Gallipoli, march on Salonica, 122;
    take service under the Duke of Athens, 123, 128;
    kill the Duke of Athens and his nobles, 128

  Compasses, early use of, 77, 171

  Comuneros of Majorca, 182;
    atrocities, 183;
    besiege Alcudia, 183, 184;
    defence of Pollenza, 185;
    vengeance on, 188

  Comunidades in Spain, 180;
    in Majorca, 180

  Conflent, 49;
    Jayme II. to succeed to, 50, 55, 56

  Conradin, beheaded by Charles of Anjou, appeals to the King of Aragon
      to avenge his death, 58, 59, 81

  Constance, daughter of Manfred of Sicily, wife of Pedro III. of
      Aragon, 48;
    rightful Queen of Sicily, 64;
    went to Sicily with two sons, 76;
    arrival at Palermo, 78;
    Sicilian Parliament swore allegiance to, 79;
    at Messina, meeting with her sister, 81;
    children, 94

  Constance of Aragon married to the Infante Juan Manuel, 49

  Constance of Aragon, wife of Jayme III. of Majorca, 142, 143, 149

  Constantia sent help to Minorca, 232

  Constantinople, 105

  _Cormorant_, H.M.S., 284, 285

  Cornel, En Pedro, General of the army of Alfonso III. against Minorca,
      231

  Cornut, E. Pedro, Admiral of the Provençal fleet, 66

  Cornwallis, Colonel, 273

  Corsica ceded to Aragon by the Pope, 98, 118, 138, 143

  Coruña, 205

  Cotoner, noble family of Aragon:
    Marquis of Ariañy, 108;
    Nicolas, at reception of Charles V., 176;
    some murdered by Comuneros, 183, 189;
    title given, 193;
    Grand Masters of Malta, 194;
    general, 194, 214

  Cotonera at Malta, 194

  Crespi, Juan, leader of Comuneros at Palma, 181, 186, 188;
    death, 188

  Creus, Cape of, 86

  Cristopol, 122

  Crossbowmen. _See_ Catalans.

  Cruilles, Gilbert de, envoy of Aragon at Bordeaux, 68;
    met King Pedro, 71;
    came with the attested copy of the notary’s statement, 75

  Cullera, Catalan dockyard at, 59

  _Culloden_, H.M.S., 274

  Cyprus, King of: niece married to Prince Fernando, 131, 134

  Cyzicus, 104


  Dameto, noble family of Majorca, Marquis of Bellpuig, 108;
    Albertin, served against the Comuneros, 189;
    Don Juan, historian of Majorca, 190

  Daun, Count, Viceroy of Naples, 253

  De Crillon, Duke of Mahon, 280

  _Defiance_, H.M.S., 274

  Denia, 10

  Denmark, Spanish troops in, and escape from, 205

  _Deptford_, H.M.S., 274

  Desbrull. _See_ Sureda.

  Desclot, on Jayme I., 7

  Dragonera Island, 14

  Dragut, Barbary pirate, 176

  Duckworth, Commodore, sent to re-take Minorca, 283;
    list of ships of his squadron, 283

  _Dunkirk_, H.M.S., off Minorca, 247;
    sent to Fornells, 248


  Edgcombe, Captain H.M.S. _Louisa_, 273, 274

  Edward I. of England:
    connection with Aragon, 5, 6, 7;
    refused to join with the Pope against King Manfred of Sicily, 57;
    umpire between Pedro III. and Charles of Anjou, 64, 67;
    does not come to Bordeaux owing to French treachery, 67;
    intervention to restore peace, 96, 97;
    his daughter Eleanor to marry Alfonso III. of Aragon, 97

  Edward the Black Prince joined by Jayme IV. of Majorca, 153

  Effingham, Lord, 273

  Eleanor, Princess of England, to marry Alfonso III. of Aragon, 97

  Enriquez de Guzman, Don Alonso:
    in command at Palma, 185;
    his account of the surrender of the Comuneros, 186

  Entenzas, supporters of Federigo of Sicily, 100;
    Gambon de, 103;
    Berenguer de, a leader of the Catalan Company, 103;
    disputes with Rocafort, 105;
    murder, 121, 122;
    knights of the family in the Minorca conquest, 231

  Esclaramunda de Foix, Queen of Majorca, 49;
    children, 92, 107;
    received the orphan of her son Fernando at Perpignan, 134;
    death, 135

  Espero, battle of, near Patras, Prince Fernando slain, 132

  Esporla, La Granja de, country seat of the Fortuñy family, 199;
    factories at, 200

  Estremadura, Romana in command in, 207


  Fabon, Miguel, preacher at the siege of Palma, 26

  Fadrique, Count of Luna, 163

  Fairborn, Captain H.M.S. _Centurion_, took Fornells, 248

  Falcons, King Sancho’s breed, 139

  Fatih Billah, Moorish chief: attempt to cut off the water, 26, 27

  Federigo of Naples, grandson of Alfonso V., 167

  Federigo of Sicily: Catalonia nobles rally round him, 99;
    defeated the Prince of Tarentum, 100;
    acknowledged as King of Sicily, 103;
    helped the Catalan Company, 104;
    friendship for Fernando of Majorca, 120, 122, 127;
    sent presents to Fernando’s orphan, 133;
    supplied Alfonso III. with galleys, 231

  Felanitx founded, 109

  Felipe, younger son of Charles of Anjou, married the heiress of the
      Morea, 129

  Felipe, youngest son of Jayme II. of Majorca, 92;
    entered holy orders, 108;
    regent for Jayme III., 140

  Felipe II. of Spain, Journal of Jayme I. translated for, 11

  Felipe V. of Spain proclaimed, 192, 193, 242;
    perfidy, 253;
    joined Quadruple Alliance, 261

  Fereiras in Minorca, 263

  Fernando I. (of Antequera), 155, 162, 163

  Fernando II. of Aragon, married to Isabella of Castille, 168

  Fernando III. of Castille, 7

  Fernando IV. of Castille:
    bad faith, 124, 125

  Fernando of Majorca, 49, 92, 107;
    went to fight in Sicily, 120;
    joined the Catalan Company, 120;
    refused to remain except as viceregent of the King of Sicily, 122;
    embarked and went to Thasos, 123;
    imprisoned at Naples: released, 124;
    at the siege of Almeria, 125;
    feats of arms, 125, 126;
    joined Federigo of Sicily, 127;
    married the heiress of the Morea, 129;
    landed in the Morea, captured Clarenza, 131;
    slain: Muntaner’s estimate of his character, 132;
    buried at Perpignan, 132

  Fernando, illegitimate son of Prince Fernando of Majorca, 135, 142, 143

  Fernando, son of Alfonso V. of Aragon, 165, 166

  Fernando, eldest son of Alfonso X. of Castille, 93

  Ferrar, Jayme, voyage of, 174

  Figuera, Domingo de la:
    horse dealer, 68;
    arranged the ride of Pedro III. to Bordeaux, 70;
    rewarded, 74

  Figueras, 146

  Flor, Roger de, some account of, 100;
    becomes a Templar, 101;
    vice-admiral of Sicily, 102;
    idea of forming a company to fight the Turks, 103;
    created Cæsar of the Eastern Emperor, 104;
    murdered by the Greeks, 105, 120

  Flora of Majorca (_see_ Barcelo y Combis);
    of Minorca, 270 (_n_)

  Foggio, death of Charles of Anjou at, 82

  Foix, Count of, 49, 91, 92, 153;
    Gaston de, married heiress of Navarre, 168;
    Esclaramunda, de, Queen of Majorca, 49, 92, 107, 134, 135

  Forbes, Admiral, disapproved of Byng’s execution, 278

  Fornells taken by British ships, 248, 269, 283

  Forster, Mr., translation of King Jayme’s Journal, 11

  Fortuñy, noble family of Majorca, 108, 214;
    Don Jorge opposed the Moors at Andraix, 177;
    Matias served against the Comuneros, 189;
    country seat at La Granja, 199

  Fowke, General, Governor of Gibraltar, 273, 276

  Franciscan monastery at Palma founded, 113;
    Lulio buried at, 116

  Frederick II., Emperor, 7, 48, 56

  French army invading Aragon, 84, 85;
    flight, 90, 91;
    fleet, positions, 86;
    disasters, 86, 87, 89;
    prepare to attack Minorca, 272, 274

  Frere, Mr. Hookham, 202, 207, 209

  Fueros of Sobarbe, 3;
    granted to Majorca, 44;
    compiled by Jayme I., 52;
    abolished by Felipe V., 192, 193

  Funen, Island of. _See_ Nyborg.

  Fuster, a Viceroy of Majorca, 150


  Gades, 226

  Galicia, Romana’s campaign in, 206, 207

  Galissonière, French Admiral, opposed to Byng, 273, 275

  Gallipoli, defended by the Catalan Company, 105, 120;
    arrival of Prince Fernando, 120;
    abandoned, 122

  Gandia, Duke of, claimant to crown of Aragon, 163

  Garcia Jimenes, first King of Navarre, 2

  Gardiner, flag captain:
    evidence at Byng’s court martial, 277

  Gayangos, Don Pascual, edited the English translation of the Journal
      of Jayme I., 11

  Genoa and Genoese ships, 89, 98, 123, 147, 170, 234

  Geographers of Majorca, 174

  Geology of Majorca, M. Hermite on, 213

  Gerbes Island, Muntaner Governor of, 129

  Gerona besieged by the French, 85;
    siege raised, 90, 91;
    Cortes at, 107;
    sons of Kings of Majorca in prison at, 136;
    Pedro IV. at, 146

  Gibraltar, 243, 253, 273, 275, 286, 288

  Gijon, Romana embarked at, 206;
    birthplace of Jovellanos, 209, 211

  Gioia of Amalfi, 171

  Godoy’s government, 209, 210

  Gottenburg, 205

  Gozo, 66

  _Grafton_, H.M.S., in battle off Cape Passaro, 257

  Granada, 124

  Grimaldi, Carlos and Ayto of Genoa, fighting for Jayme III. of
      Majorca, 148

  Guadix, 126

  Gual, noble family of Majorca, 109;
    Raimondo, defended Valdemosa, 177;
    Antonio, served against the Comuneros, 189

  Guasp, Felipe, bookseller at Palma, 192, 214 (_n_)

  Guillemard, Dr., on prehistoric remains in Minorca, 221, 224

  Gurrea. _See_ Urrea.


  Hallam, Mr., his account of the constitution of Aragon, 47

  Hamilcar Barca, 225

  Hannibal, 225

  Harrington, Lord, violent scene with Alberoni, 255

  Hasdrubal, 226

  Hawke, Admiral, superseded Byng, 276

  Henriquez, Juanade, Queen of Aragon, 168.
    _See_ Enriquez.

  Henry II. of England, 5

  Henry, Prince of Portugal, the Navigator, 174

  Hermite, M., on the geology of Majorca, 213

  Hernandez y Mercadal:
    botany of Minorca, 270

  Hervey, Captain H.M.S. _Phœnix_, joined Byng off Minorca, 270

  Historians of Majorca and Minorca. _See_ Bover, Dameto, Muntaner,
      Mut, Ramis.

  Hospitallers, grants to, 46

  Hungary. _See_ Andrew; Violante.


  Ibn-al-labneh, Moorish poet, 9

  Ilex in Majorca, area covered by, 213

  Inca, 28, 34, 185

  Infanzones, 4

  _Intrepid_, H.M.S., 274

  Isabel of Majorca, daughter of Jayme III., 144;
    in prison, rescued, 147;
    married, joined her brother, 154;
    death, 155;
    memorial.
    _See_ Chair of Alfavia.

  Isabel of Majorca, married to the Infanta Juan Manuel of Castille, 92

  Isabella of Andria married to Prince Fernando, 129;
    death, 130

  Isabella of Aragon, Queen of
  France, 49

  Isabella of Aragon, Queen of
  Portugal, 95

  Isabella of Castille, 168

  St. Isabel, 8

  Ischia, 80

  Iviça, 182, 184, 188


  Jaca, 68

  Jacomo de Mallorca, Director of Prince Henry’s navigation school at
      Sagres, 174

  Jativa, 93

  Jayme I., King of Aragon and Majorca:
    birth, 6;
    description of his person, 7;
    anecdote of the swallow, 8;
    marriage with Violante of Hungary, 8;
    his Journal, 11;
    prepared to conquer Majorca, 12;
    embarked: at sea, 14;
    landed in Majorca, 15;
    his first skirmish, 16;
    heard Mass, 17;
    put on his armour, 18;
    grief at the losses: ‘Bendinat,’ 20;
    began the siege of Palma, 25, 26;
    entered the town: Amír surrendered, 32;
    kindness to the Amír’s son, 33;
    reducing the island, 34-36;
    departure from Majorca, 37, 38;
    second visit to Majorca, 40;
    third visit, 43;
    on Cape Pera: Minorcans deceived, 44, 45;
    activity, administration, 47;
    his conquest of Valencia, 48;
    his children, 48;
    conquest of Murcia, 49;
    death: burial at Poblet, 51;
    his reign and administration, 51, 52;
    annual procession, relics, 52, 53;
    lenient treatment of Moors of Minorca, 228

  Jayme II., King of Aragon:
    went to Sicily with his mother, 77;
    his naval victory, 79;
    saved the life of Charles of Anjou, 81;
    King of Sicily, 94;
    subdued Calabria, 96;
    became King of Aragon, 97;
    change of policy, 98;
    attacked his brother Federigo, 102;
    besieged Almeria, 124-126;
    friendly relations with Majorca, 137

  Jayme II., King of Majorca, 48;
    marriage, 49;
    to succeed to Majorca, Montpellier, Roussillon, Cerdaña, and
      Conflent, 50;
    first separate King of Majorca, 55;
    character, 56;
    difficult position, 76;
    escorted Queen Constance to her ship,78;
    took leave of his brother, 78;
    neutrality in the war with France, 83;
    escorted his nephew from Catalonia, 91;
    children, 92;
    Majorca to be occupied, 93;
    Majorca restored to him, 105, 106;
    his administration of Majorca, 107, 112;
    his buildings, 113, 114;
    death, 118;
    coinage, 110;
    mummy, 119

  Jayme III., King of Majorca:
    birth, 130;
    brought to Perpignan by Muntaner, 133, 134;
    adopted by his uncle Sancho, 135;
    his education, 141, 142;
    homage to the King of Aragon, 142, 143;
    marriage with Constance of Aragon, 142;
    protest against Pedro’s usurpation, 145;
    submission to Pedro fruitless, 146;
    collected forces to recover Majorca, 147;
    defeat and death, 148, 149;
    his character, 149

  Jayme IV., King of Majorca:
    birth, 144;
    in prison at Barcelona, 147;
    rescued, 147;
    wounded and again in prison, 149;
    married to the Queen of Naples, 152;
    at the battle of Najara, 153;
    defence of Burgos, 153;
    ransomed, 153;
    marched into Urgel, 154;
    poisoned by Pedro IV.;
    buried at Soria, 154.
    _See_ Chair of Alfavia.

  Jayme, eldest son of Jayme II. of Majorca, 92;
    became a Franciscan, 107, 113

  Jayme, Count of Urgel, 143

  Jennings, Admiral Sir J., built the hospital at Port Mahon, 264

  Jovellanos, Don Gaspar Melchior:
    account of, 209;
    imprisonment of, 210;
    his works on edifices at Palma, 210;
    public services, 211;
    death, 211;
    memorial to, at Belver, 212;
    Ticknor on, 211

  Juan I., King of Aragon, 159;
    in Majorca, 160

  Juan II., King of Aragon:
    disputes with his son Carlos, 167;
    death, 168

  Juan Manuel, Infante of Castille, 92

  Juana of Aragon, Queen of Naples, 168

  Juana Henriquez, Queen of Aragon, 168

  Juana, reigning Queen of Naples, 152

  Junta, Central. _See_ Seville.

  Jurats in Minorca, 268

  Justicia, Mayor of Aragon, 4

  Jutland, Spanish garrisons in, 205


  Kane, British Governor of Minorca, 269

  Keats, Admiral, embarked Spanish troops at Nyborg, 205, 208

  Keith, Admiral Lord, 286, 287;
    chasing the French fleet, 288

  Kellerman, General, 206

  _Kent_, H.M.S., in battle off Cape Passaro, 257, 259

  Kerr, Captain Lord Mark, 283.
    _See Cormorant_, H.M.S.

  _Kingston_, H.M.S., 274


  Labots, Catalina, wife of Lulio, 115

  La Cerda, Infantes of, 93, 98

  La Granja. _See_ Fortuñy.

  _Lancaster_, H.M.S., 274

  Lane, Brigadier, at siege of San Felipe (Minorca), 248

  Lanoveras, Torre de las, 28

  Lanz, Dr., German translator of Muntaner, 55 (_n_)

  Las Navas de Tolosa, battle, 5

  La Torre (title of Truyalls), 109;

  Lauria, Roger de, Admiral of Sicily, 64;
    victory at Malta, 66;
    great victory at Naples, 79;
    to attack the French fleet, 86;
    victory over the French fleet, 88, 89, 91;
    death: buried near Pedro III., 94

  Law. _See_ Fueros, Jurats, Maritime Law.

  Leake, Admiral Sir John:
    took Cagliari, 245;
    co-operated with Stanhope in taking Minorca, 246, 247

  Lentini, 101

  Leonor, daughter of Jayme I., died young, 49

  Leonor, daughter of Pedro IV., married Juan I., King of Castille, 155

  Leonor, heiress of Navarre, 168

  Leonor of Anjou, married Federigo of Sicily, 103

  Lerida, university founded by Jayme I., 52

  Lesbia, Pedro de, first Procurator-General of Minorca, 235

  _Leviathan_, H.M.S., Duckworth’s flagship, 283;
    off Ciudadela, 285

  Lipari Isles, 259

  Livy, 226

  Lluchmayor founded, 109;
    battle of, 148, 149

  Lodève, M. de, in command of galleys in the Bay of Rosas, 86, 87, 88

  Long, Captain Charles, H.M.S. _Peterel_, 283

  _Lonja_, or exchange, at Palma, 175, 210

  Louis, son of Charlemagne, took Barcelona, 2

  Louis IX. of France, 57;
    refused to attack Manfred of Sicily, 57, 59

  Louis XIV. of France, broke his word as regards the Spanish
      succession, 243

  Louis, Prince of the Morea:
    his heirs, 129

  Louis of Burgundy came to dispute the rights of Prince Fernando, 132

  Louis of Calabria, 163

  _Louisa_, H.M.S., 273, 274

  Lulio, or Lul, Raimondo, mentioned early use of the compass, 77;
    account of, 114, 116, 215;
    martyrdom, 116;
    tomb, 116;
    picture of, 216

  Luna, Agustin de, 164

  Luna, Count of, 163

  Luna, a knight of the family in the Minorca conquest, 231

  Lyons Papal Council, King Jayme present, 51


  Mago, the Carthaginian: notice of, 225, 226;
    Port Mahon named from, 226

  Mahault of Hainault, 132

  Mahon. _See_ Mago, Port Mahon.

  Mahon, Dukes of, 280;
    second title of Earl Stanhope, 252

  Majolica ware, 215

  Majorca, 1, 8;
    description, 8, 9;
    praised by Arab writers, 9;
    under the Moors, 10, 11;
    Moorish Amír, 19, 26, 29, 30;
    defence of the Moorish capital, 30, 31;
    flight from the capital, 32;
    first Christian governor, settlement, 39;
    Fueros, distribution of land, 44, 45;
    change of the population, government, 46;
    made a separate kingdom, 50, 55;
    connection with the affairs of Sicily, 76;
    occupation by Aragon, 96;
    restored, 106;
    administration of Jayme II., 107-111;
    noble families, 108, 109;
    towns founded, 109;
    coinage, 110;
    usurpation of Pedro IV., 144, 145;
    royal family of, 149, 159;
    extinction of Majorca royal family, 155, 160;
    visit of Juan I. of Aragon, 160;
    help to Alfonso V. in conquest of Naples, 163;
    Prince of Viana at, 167;
    part of the kingdom of Spain, 169;
    Majorcans as sailors and navigators, 171-174;
    attacked by Barbary pirates, 137, 163, 177-179;
    rebellion of the Comuneros, 180-188;
    historians, 190-192;
    for the Archduke Charles, 192;
    liberties abolished by the Bourbons, 192, 193, areas of arborescent
      growth, 213;
    people, 214;
    excellent mechanics, 216;
    honesty of the people, 217;
    place in history, 217, 218

  Mallol, Berenguer, great sea captain, 65;
    escorted Queen Constance to Sicily, 77;
    on the watch, 85;
    victory in Rosas Bay, 85, 87, 89

  Mallorca. _See_ Majorca.

  Malta, Lauria’s naval victory at, 66;
    Majorcan Grand Masters, 194

  Manacor founded, 35, 109

  Manfred, King of Sicily, 48;
    enmity of the Pope, 56;
    invasion by Charles of Anjou, 58;
    death, 58;
    Queen of Aragon his heir, 76;
    his daughter rescued, 81

  Manuel, Infante of Castille, married Constance of Aragon, 49;
    grants to, in Valencia, 50

  Marche, Comte de la, 128

  Mari family (_see_ Sant Mari), 165

  Maria of Naples, wife of Sancho of Majorca, 137

  Maria, daughter of Jayme I., nun, 49

  Maritime law, code by Jayme I., 52

  Markham, Captain. _See Centaur_.

  Marlborough, Duke of, urged the capture of Minorca, 245

  Marquet, Ramon, great sea captain, 65, 77, 85;
    victory in Rosas Bay, 86, 87, 89

  Marseilles, fleets equipped at, 65, 85

  Marti, Jayme, 182

  Martin, Pope, his curses against Aragon, 65.
    _See_ Papal Aggression.

  Martin, King of Aragon, 155;
    founded the Cartuja at Valdemosa, 161, 162

  Matagrifone, 81, 129;
    Count of Andria recognised as Baron of, 129;
    Jayme III., Lord of, 141

  Mataplana, Hugo de, 13;
    slain, 20

  Matthews, Captain H.M.S. _Kent_, 259

  Maud, Empress, contemporary with Petronilla, 5

  Maza, Pedro, 42;
    went to reduce Minorca, 43

  Mediona, Guillem de, rebuked by King Jayme I. for coming out of
      action, 18

  Melazzo, 258

  Mercadal in Minorca, 240, 263

  Mercy, Count, Austrian general, to drive the Spaniards out of Sicily,
      258-260

  Messina, defeat of Charles of Anjou at, 60, 61, 63;
    Pedro III. at: speech to the Sicilians, 64;
    rejoicings at Lauria’s victories, 66;
    Queen Constance at, 79, 81;
    relieved by Roger de Flor, 102;
    heiress of the Morea married to Prince Fernando of Majorca at, 129;
    Sir George Byng off, 256;
    siege, 260

  Metellus and Romans occupied Minorca, 227

  Michael, son of the Emperor Andronicus: his hatred of the Company, 104;
    his murder of Roger de Flor, 105

  _Milford_, H.M.S., Captain Philip Stanhope, 245

  Minorca, 8;
    subdued, 43, 44;
    dimensions, 219;
    surface and vegetation, 220;
    plants, 220;
    stalactitic cave, 221;
    prehistoric remains, 221-224;
    Phœnicians and Carthaginians, 225;
    under the Romans, 227, and Moors, 228, 229;
    conquest by Alfonso III. of Aragon, 230-234;
    chronicler, 235;
    Moors expelled, 236;
    government under Aragon, 237;
    attacked by pirates, 237-240;
    British troops land, under Stanhope, 247;
    under British rule, 253, 263;
    magistracy, 267, 268;
    judiciary, 268;
    prosperity under British rule, 269;
    value as a naval base, 258;
    works on botany of, 270 (_n_);
    peasantry, 267;
    restored to England, 279;
    re-taken by the French, 280;
    recovered by England, 284;
    ceded to Spain, 288;
    subsequent condition, 289, 290

  Mint at Palma, tax for support of, 110

  Miramar, Lulio’s college at, 115;
    King Sancho at, 139;
    Archduke Luis-Salvator, 215, 216

  Moanquels on Aragonese frontier, 74

  Moix, Antonio and Perote, attack on the cave of Arta, 36

  Mola, Cape, 289

  Moncada, En Guillem de, Viscount of Bearne, 12;
    in the leading ship of the fleet to invade Majorca, 13, 14;
    rebuked the King’s foolhardiness, 17;
    killed in battle, 20;
    interment, 21

  Moncada, Ramon de, 12, 14, 16;
    slain, 20;
    his son: coat of arms granted, 36;
    Gaston de, grant of Soller to, 41;
    one of the great Majorca feudatories, 45

  Moncada, supporter of Federigo of Sicily, 100;
    a viceroy of Majorca 190

  Monjuich taken by Peterborough, 243

  Monroy, 167

  Monserrat, Marquis of, married Isabel of Majorca, 154

  Montalto, Duchess of, 208

  Monte Toro in Minorca, 219

  Montenegro, Counts of. _See_ Despuig;
    _see_ Raxa.

  Monterey, Romana defeated by French at, 206

  Montfort, Simon de, surrendered young Jayme, 6

  Montpellier, Pedro II. married to heiress of, 6;
    King Jayme in a ship of, 14;
    marriage of Pedro III. and Constance at, 48;
    Jayme II. of Minorca succeeded to, 50, 55, 56;
    promise of France never to interfere with, 60, 105, 137;
    sold to France by Jayme III., 147

  Montserrat, 115

  Monzon, Cortes meet at, 47

  Moors overrun Spain to the Pyrenees, 1;
    driven out of Barcelona and Zaragoza, 2;
    Majorca under, 8, 10, 11;
    of Majorca defeated, 16, 19;
    in the mountains of Majorca, 37, 39;
    surrender to Jayme I., 43;
    in Minorca, 228-235.
    _See_ Almeria; Barbary Pirates.

  Morea, French principality in, 128, 129;
    Louis, Prince of, his heirs, 129

  Morey, noble family of Majorca, 108

  Mujahid ibn al Amari, Amír of the Balearic Isles, 10

  Muntaner, his Chronicle, 54, 55;
    translations, 55 (_n_);
    his opinion of King Manfred, 58;
    a leader of the Catalan Company, 104;
    in charge at Gallipoli, 122;
    joined Prince Fernando at Thasos, 123;
    on the prowess of Prince Fernando, 129;
    Governor of Gerbes, 129;
    came to Catania with wedding presents, 130;
    takes Fernando’s child home, 131-134;
    on the cold of the Majorcan winter, 232;
    on Prince Fernando’s character, 132

  Mur. _See_ Acarte de Mur.

  Murat Castle, Pedro II. killed in battle near, 6

  Murcia, conquest by Jayme I., 49

  Murray, General, gallant defence of Minorca, 280

  Murviedro, 186

  Mustapha, Turkish leader who landed at Minorca, 240

  Mut, Don Vicente, historian of Majorca, 191


  Najara, battle of, Jayme IV. at, 153

  Naples occupied by Charles of Anjou, 58;
    naval victory of Roger de Lauria, 79;
    Charles II. acknowledged as king by Jayme II. of Aragon, 98;
    Queen married to Jayme IV. of Majorca, 152, 153;
    taken by Alfonso V., 163, 167;
    tournament at, 164, 166;
    Prince of Viana escaped to, 167;
    Sir George Byng’s fleet at, 255, 258

  Narbonne, ship from, 13, 154

  Naus. _See_ Prehistoric Remains.

  Navarre founded by Garcia Jimenes, 2;
    Juan II. of Aragon married heiress, 167;
    Leonor married Gaston de Foix, 168

  Navia de Suara, 206

  Naya, Bertram de, brought King Jayme’s armour to him, 18

  Negropont, 123

  Nevers, Comte de, married a co-heiress of the Morea, 129

  Ney, Marshal, 206

  Nicotera, 63

  Nobility of Majorca, 45, 108, 109;
    murders by the Comuneros, 183;
    take refuge at Alcudia, 182;
    services, 193

  Nona, besieged by the Company, 121

  Noyet, captain at Ciudadela when besieged by the Turks, 240

  Nuño de Sans at Las Navas de Tolosa, 5;
    Count of Roussillon, 12, 14;
    landed at Majorca, 16;
    defeated the Moors, 19, 20;
    fight for the water-supply, 27;
    negotiations with the Amír, 29, 30, 32;
    with Jayme I. at the caves, 35, 36;
    with Jayme on his second visit to Majorca, 40;
    one of the great feudatories of Majorca, 45;
    death, Jayme I. his heir, 49

  Nyborg in Funen, Spanish troops embarked at, 205, 208


  Ochali, a renegade, 178

  Oleza, noble family of Majorca, 108;
    Bernardo de, Master of the Mint, 110;
    Jayme served against Comuneros, 189

  Olive cultivation, 110, 111, 213

  Omeyya Khâlifahs, Balearic Isles under. _See_ Umiyyah.

  _Orford_, H.M.S., in battle off Cape Passaro, 237

  Oudenarde, 277

  Oviedo, Romana at, 206


  Pagano, illegitimate son of Prince Fernando of Majorca, 135, 142, 143;
    married to Blanca, daughter of Ramon Sabellos, 143;
    always faithful to Jayme III., 148

  Palermo, Pedro III. crowned at, 60;
    arrival of Queen Constance, 78;
    Robert of Naples landed at, 128, 261

  Palma, afterwards so called, Moorish capital of Majorca, 22;
    gates, 22;
    description, 23;
    siege, 25, 26;
    defence, 30;
    assault, 31;
    pillage, pestilence, 33;
    cathedral commenced, 42, 43;
    description of the cathedral, 112;
    monastery of San Francisco founded, 113;
    arsenal, 170;
    Lonja, 175, 214;
    Charles V. at, 176;
    Comuneros, 181-188;
    bookseller at, 192;
    besieged by the Bourbon party, 192;
    fortifications, 193;
    Montenegro palace, 197, 198;
    monument to Marquis of Romana in the cathedral, 208;
    edifices, streets, palaces, 214;
    Grand Hotel, 218;
    Rambla and Paseo de Borne, 218

  Palma Bay, 8, 22

  Palomera, 14, 38

  Palou, En Berenger de, Bishop of Barcelona, 12

  Panisars, Hill of, 84, 154

  Pantalen Island, King Jayme on, 14

  Papal aggression against King Manfred of Sicily, 56, 57, 58;
    against Aragon, 65, 82, 92;
    mediation of Edward I. of England, 96.
    _See_ Boniface VIII.; Martin.

  Pascual, Pedro, procurator of Jayme III., 145

  Passaro, Cape, defeat of Spanish fleet off, 257

  Pax, Pedro, defended Belver against the Comuneros, 182, 183;
    son commanded at Alcudia, 183;
    Viceroy of Majorca, 190

  Pedro II., King of Aragon, at Las Navas de Tolosa, 5;
    married the heiress of Montpellier, 6;
    father of Jayme I., 6

  Pedro III., King of Aragon, 5;
    birth and marriage, 40;
    succession, 53;
    character, 56;
    denounced the Pope’s plot against King Manfred, 57;
    took up Conradin’s glove, 58;
    arrived in Sicily, 60;
    crowned at Palermo, 60;
    accepted the challenge of Charles of Anjou, 64;
    speech to Sicilians at Messina, 64;
    resolved to keep his tryst, 67;
    preparations for his journey to Bordeaux, 68, 69;
    his disguise, 70;
    rode down the lists at Bordeaux, 73;
    return in safety, 73, 74;
    his horse’s hoof-marks, 74, 75;
    grief at parting with Queen Constance, 77, 78;
    embassy at Rome, 82;
    repulse of the French invasion, 84-91;
    reason for occupying Majorca, 92, 93;
    death, 94;
    character, 95

  Pedro IV., King of Aragon, the Ceremonious, 143;
    coveted Majorca, hated his cousin, 143, 144;
    his intrigues against Majorca, 144;
    his usurpation of Majorca, 145;
    hatred of Jayme IV., 154;
    death, 155

  Pedro, Infante of Portugal, Governor of Majorca, 40, 42;
    death, 49

  Pedro, youngest son of Pedro III., 95

  Pedro, brother of Alfonso V., killed at the siege of Naples, 167

  Pedro, King of Castille, joined by Jayme IV. of Majorca, 153

  Pera, Cape, King Jayme made bonfires at, 44

  Peralada, birthplace of Muntaner, 54, 85, 90, 91

  Peratallada, Bernardo de, companion of Pedro III. on his ride to
      Bordeaux, 69-70;
    rewarded, 74

  Perpignan, 78;
    French army at, 84, 105, 111, 127, 131, 148, 154;
    Prince Fernando buried at, 132;
    King Sancho buried at, 140;
    seized by Pedro IV., 147

  Peterborough, Earl of, 243

  _Peterel_, H.M.S., 283

  Petronilla, heiress of Aragon, marriage with the Count of Barcelona, 2

  Philip. _See_ Felipe.

  Philippe le Hardi, King of France:
    married Isabel of Aragon, 49;
    interview with the Aragonese kings, 59;
    absolved by the Pope from keeping faith with Aragon, 65;
    came to Bordeaux, 67;
    discomfited, 74, 75;
    called upon by the Pope to dethrone the King of Aragon, 82;
    invasion, defeat, and death, 83, 84, 90

  Philippe, eldest son of France:
    opposed to the invasion of Aragon, 83, 84;
    remonstrance to his father, 84;
    flight from Catalonia with his father’s body, 90

  Phœnicians at Minorca, 225

  _Phœnix_, H.M.S., 273, 274

  Pines (Aleppo), area covered with, in Majorca, 213

  Pirates. _See_ Barbary.

  Pisa, fleets of, oppose piracy of Majorcans, 11, 98

  Plegamans, Ramon de, contractor for the Majorca invasion, 13;
    newsagent, 39

  Pollenza, Jayme I. off, 14, 28;
    Moors land at, 176, relief expedition arrived at, 184;
    desperate resistance of Comuneros, 185

  Pont, Dr., Bishop of Palma, 185

  Porrasa, 15;
    cavalry landed at, 17, 94

  Porreras founded, 109

  _Portland_, H.M.S., 274

  Port Mahon, 225;
    founded, 227;
    Alfonso III. at, 232;
    built by order of Alfonso III., 235;
    taken by Barbarossa, 237, 238;
    joyfully received the British, 247;
    a base for the British fleet, 253, 285;
    Sir George Byng’s fleet at, 255;
    capital under the British, 263;
    description, 264

  Portolani. _See_ Valseca.

  Porto Pi, Moorish army at, 17, 28, 29;
    King Jayme landed at, 42, 165;
    hotel at, 218

  Portugal: Infante Don Pedro, 40;
    Isabel, Queen, 95

  Prehistoric remains in Minorca: (1) towns; (2) naus; (3) taulas or
      bilithons; (4) talayuts, 222-225

  Procida, John of, 78

  Provençal fleet, 66

  Provence, Count of: daughters all Queens, 57

  Puebla, 164, 186

  Puig Cerdan, pass in the Pyrenees, 154

  Puig Galatzo, 8

  Puig Mayor, 8, 41

  Puig de Massanella, 41

  Puig de l’Ofre, 41

  Puigdorfila, noble Majorcan family, 109;
    Guillermo de, friend of King Jayme II., 118;
    Juan de, 182;
    murdered by Comuneros, 183

  Pula, 246

  Pyrenees, 1;
    paths known to La Figuera, 63;
    crossed by Jayme IV., 154


  Quadruple Alliance, 254

  Quinctilius Varro, 226


  _Ramillies_, H.M.S., Byng’s flagship, 274

  Ramiro I., first King of Aragon, 2

  Ramis, Juan Ramis y, Chronicler of Minorca, wrote the ‘Alonsiada,’ 235;
    his list of ‘Talayots,’ 223;
    on the botany of Minorca, 270 (_n_)

  Randa, 115

  Raxa, country seat of the Counts of Montenegro, 195, 197

  Raymond, Berenger, Cousin of Jayme I., 6;
    Count of Barcelona 2, 4

  Reggio, 64

  _Revenge_, H.M.S., 274

  Richard III. of England, 5

  Richelieu, Duc de, captured Minorca, 273, 275

  Ricos Hombres, 4

  Robert, King of Naples, 92, 102;
    starved Rocafort to death, 123;
    designs against Federigo, 127;
    landed at Palermo, 128;
    besieged Trapani, truce, 128

  Robertson, Mr., sent by Mr. Frere to communicate with Romana, 204

  Rocaberti, Jofre, Viscount, 13;
    Count of Campofranco, 109;
    Pedro, Archbishop of Tarragona, 134

  Rocafort, a knight in attendance on Jayme I., 18;
    Berenguer de, a leader of the Catalan Company, 103;
    disputes with Entenza, 105;
    intrigues against Prince Fernando, 121, 122;
    deposed, miserable death, 123

  Rocafull, Don Guillem de, Viceroy of Majorca, 174, and Minorca, 241

  Rodriguez y Femanias on the botany of Minorca, 271 (_n_)

  Romana, Marquis de la (_see_ Caro):
    creation, 201;
    Pedro Caro, Marquis, his birth, 202;
    friendship with Hookham Frere, 202;
    character drawn by Southey, 202;
    sent to Denmark with Spanish troops, 203;
    return with troops, 205;
    campaign in Galicia, 206;
    on the Central Junta at Seville, 207;
    with Wellington at Torres Vedras, 207;
    death, appreciation by Wellington, 207;
    monument at Palma, 208, 209;
    later marquises and marriages, 209

  Rosas Bay, 84, 85;
    defeat of the French fleet, 87

  Roussillon, 6;
    Nuño do Sans, Count of, 12, 20, 49;
    Jayme II. to succeed to, 50, 55, 56, 153

  Rovira, Nicolas de, jailer of Jayme IV., killed, 152

  Ruidemeya, Bernardo de, first to land in Majorca, 16


  Sagrera, Guillem, architect of the Lonja at Palma, 175

  Sagres, 174

  Salonica, 122

  Salou, fleet of Jayme I. assembled at, 13, 40, 94, 134, 232, 285

  Salva, Pedro, architect of Belver, 114

  Samnium, 225

  Sancha, Princess of Majorca, married to King Robert of Naples, 92

  Sancho, King of Majorca, 92, 107;
    imprisoned by Alfonso III., 136;
    succeeded, 136;
    married Maria of Naples, 137;
    precautions against Barbary pirates, 137;
    negotiations respecting Montpellier, 137;
    aid in conquest of Corsica and Sardinia, 138;
    castle at Valdemosa, 138, 162;
    his falcons, at Miramar, 139, 160;
    death in the Pyrenees, 139;
    his will, 140;
    coinage, 140

  Sancho, illegitimate son of Prince Fernando of Majorca, 136, 142, 143;
    married Lauria, daughter of Ferrario Rossella, 143;
    always faithful to his brother, Jayme III., 148

  Sancho IV., usurping King of Castille:
    promise to help Pedro III. against France, 83;
    failure to keep his promise, Pedro incensed against him, 93;
    alliance with Jayme II. of Aragon, 88

  Sand, Georges, 162, 172, 173

  Sans. _See_ Aluño de Sans.

  Santander, 205

  Santa Agueda, Monte de, in Minorca, 220;
    surrender of Moors at, 234

  Santañi founded, 109;
    stones for Palma cathedral from, 112

  Santa Ana, chapel in the Almudaina, 111

  _San Carlos_ ship (sixty guns), 257

  Santa Cilia, noble family of Majorca, 109;
    inherited Alfavia, 142, 156;
    coat of arms, 157;
    Pedro Juan, received Charles V. at Palma, 176;
    origin, 142;
    friend of Jayme III., 142;
    Arnaldo de, 157

  San Clemente, Jayme de, rescued Jayme IV. from prison, 132

  Santa Cruz Abbey:
    Pedro III. and Admiral Roger de Lauria buried at, 94;
    Alfonso III. at his father’s tomb, 96

  San Felipe Castle, Minorca, 233;
    siege and capture by Stanhope, 248;
    description, 248;
    attacked by the French, 274;
    recovered, 284

  San Francisco Abbey. _See_ Palma.

  San Francisco at Port Mahon:
    Moorish atrocities, 239

  Santiago, 115

  St. Julian Mount, in Sicily, 128

  Santa Maria de Formiguera in Cerdaña, King Sancho died at, 134

  San Miguel Church at Palma, 32

  Sant Marti, noble family of Majorca, 109

  San Nicolas Church at Palma: meeting of Comuneros, 181, 218

  _Santa Rosa_, ship (sixty-four guns), 257

  St. Stephen’s Cave, Minorca, 264, 265

  San Vicente de Ferrer visited Majorca, 161, 163

  St. Vincent, Lord, resolved to recover Minorca, 282;
    resigned from ill health, 286

  Sardinia ceded to Aragon by the Pope, 98, 118, 138, 143;
    secured to Archduke Charles by Sir John Leake, 245;
    seized by the Spaniards, 254

  Saumarez, Admiral, in the Baltic, 202, 204

  Saunders, Admiral, 276

  Sciacca, 100

  Scipio, 226

  Seckendorf, Count, to occupy the Lipari Isles, 259

  Serra, Ramon, at conquest of Minorca, 43

  Severo, Bishop of the Balearic Isles, at the Council of Toledo, 228

  Seville, Central Junta at, Romana on, 206, 207;
    Jovellanos on, 211

  Sicily, arms, 3;
    Manfred, King of, 48;
    Sicilian Vespers, 60;
    delivered from the French yoke, 63;
    Parliament condemned Charles II. of Anjou, 81;
    abandoned to the Pope by Jayme II., defended by Federigo, 98;
    Spanish army landed, 255, 256.
    _See_ Pedro III., Constance, Federigo.

  Silpia, 226

  Sineu founded, 109

  Soller, King Jayme I. landed at, 40;
    peaks visible from, 40, 41;
    Juan I. landed at, 160;
    attacked by pirates, 178;
    hotel at, 218

  Soria, Jayme IV. of Minorca buried at, 155

  Soult, Marshal, 206

  Spanish Succession (_see_ Succession):
    fleet chased by Byng, 257, 258;
    troops evacuated Sicily, 261.
    _See_ Romana.

  Stanhope, General, account of, 244;
    letter from Duke of Marlborough to, urging the capture of Minorca,
      245;
    his Minorca expedition, 245, 246;
    captured the castle of San Felipe, 248, 249;
    letter of the Emperor Charles VI. to, on the abandonment of the
      Catalans, 251, 252

  Stanhope, Captain Philip, H.M.S. _Milford_, 245;
    death at siege of San Felipe, 249

  Staremburg, Baron, 244

  Stuart, General, 273;
    recovered Minorca, 283

  Succession to the crown of Aragon after the death of King Martin, 162;
    claimants, Count of Urgel, Fernando de Antiquera, Louis of Calabria,
      Duke of Gandia, Count of Luna (whom see);
    Spanish War of, 192, 242

  _Superbe_, H.M.S., flagship of Sir G. Byng, 257, 273

  Sureda, noble family of Majorca:
    Count of Desbrull, 109;
    Don Juan, 162;
    Salvador, equipped vessels against pirates, 163;
    duel with Valseca, 164, 166;
    served against Comuneros, 189;
    Viceroy of Majorca, 190, 214

  Syracuse, 99, 101, 257


  Talayots. _See_ Prehistoric Remains.

  Taormina, 66, 260

  Tarentum, Prince of, son of Charles II. of Anjou: sent to Sicily
      against Federigo, taken prisoner, 99, 100

  Tarragona, Archbishop of, 12;
    Cortes at, for the invasion of Minorca, 231

  _Taula. See_ Prehistoric Remains.

  Teix of Valdemosa, 41

  Templars, Master of the, lands, 16;
    grant to, 46

  Temple, Lord, 277, 278

  Termens, En Oliver de: his dinner to King Jayme I., 20

  Termini, 100, 261

  Terminos, administrative divisions of Minorca, 263

  Thasos, Prince Fernando and Muntaner at, 123

  Ticknor on Jovellanos, 211

  Togores, noble family of Majorca, Counts of Ayamans, 109;
    title granted, 193;
    Mateo, served against the Comuneros, 189, 214.
    _See_ Moncada.

  Toledo, Council of, Bishop of Balearic Isles at, 228

  Torella de Monguin, 136

  Tornamira, Berenguer de, 233

  Toro, Monte, in Minorca, 219

  Torre, Marquis de la (_see_ Truyalls), 21

  Torrella, Bernardo de Santa Eugenia de, 12;
    landed in Majorca with King Jayme, 16, 214;
    fight for the water-supply at Canet, 27;
    first Governor of Majorca, 37;
    his brother the first Bishop, 37;
    country seat at Canet, 37, 199;
    his settlement of the country, 39, 42;
    sent to subdue Minorca, 43;
    Alfonso, resisted the Comuneros, 189

  Torres Vedras, 207

  Tortosa, Catalan dockyard at, 59;
    retreat of the French from, 245

  Toulouse, 154

  Tournament at Naples, 164, 166;
    at Bordeaux. _See_ Pedro III.

  Trapani, 6, 57, 99, 128

  Trebia, battle of, 225

  Tremecen, sent help to Minorca Moors, 231

  Trevanion, Captain, H.M.S. _York_, 245

  Truyalls, noble family of Majorca, Marquis de la Torre, 109, 214;
    Bernardo, executor of King Sancho’s will, 140

  Tunis, King of, threatened invasion of Majorca, 39, 40

  Tunis, expedition of Charles V. to 176, 237

  Turks attack Minorca, 240

  Tyrawly, Lord, 276


  Ubaque, Dr. Francisco, sent to restore order in Majorca, 184

  Umiyyah Khâlifas, Balearic Isles under, 10, 228

  Urgel:
    heiress married Infante of Portugal, 40;
    occupied by Jayme IV., 154;
    Count of, represented male line of House of Aragon, 162, 163

  Uriols, 160

  Urrea, Don Miguel de, Viceroy of Majorca during the Comuneros
      troubles, 181-189

  Utrecht, Treaty of: Catalans abandoned, 251


  Valdemosa, Teix of, 41;
    castle of King Sancho, 138;
    Juan I. at, 160;
    King Martin founded the Cartuja, 161;
    summer residence of Don Juan Sureda, 162;
    Georges Sand and Chopin at, 162;
    attacked by pirates, 177, 183

  Valencia, conquest by Jayme I., 48;
    death of Jayme I. at, 56;
    home of Muntaner, 54;
    dockyard at, 59;
    Jayme III. buried at, 130;
    taken by Peterborough, 243

  Valseca, his duel with Sureda, 164, 166

  Valseca Portolano, description, 170-175;
    owned by Amerigo Vespucci, 172

  Velasco, Don Juan, 184, 188

  Venetians, 123

  Viana, Carlos, Prince of, 167, 168

  Villafranca captured by Romana, 206

  Villafranca de Panales, illness and death of Pedro III. at, 94

  Villalonga, noble family of Majorca, 109, 189, 214, 215

  Villalonga, Priamo de, 24;
    his defence of the castle of Palma, 85

  Villanova, a knight of Peralada, King of France died in his house, 90

  Vines in Majorca, extent of cultivation, 109, 213

  Violante of Aragon, Queen of Naples, 95

  Violante of Aragon, wife of Alfonso X., 49

  Violante of Hungary, Queen of Aragon, 8


  Walton, Captain H.M.S. _Canterbury_, his business-like report, 257

  Wellesley, Lord, 207

  Wellington, Duke of, his appreciation of the Marquis of Romana, 207, 209

  West, Rear-admiral, attacked the French ships of Minorca, 275;
    superseded, but conduct approved, 276;
    evidence of Byng’s court martial, 277;
    disapproved of the execution of Byng, 278

  Whitaker, Sir Edward, off Port Mahon, 248


  Xilvella, a farm in Valencia, home of Muntaner, 54

  Ximenes Ferrar, a leader in the Catalan Company, opposed to Rocafort,
      121;
    flight, 122

  Xoarp, Moorish chief holding out in the Majorca mountains, 39


  York, H.M.S., in Minorca expedition under Stanhope, 248;
    off Minorca, 247


  Zaforteza, noble family of Majorca, 109, 214;
    inheritors of Alfavia, 156;
    Don José Burguez Zaforteza, 156, 165;
    arms 157

  Zaforteza, Leonardo, 176

  Zaforteza, Pedro Juan, escaped to Alcudia, 183, 189

  Zaforteza, Viceroy of Majorca 190, 193

  Zaforteza Palace at Palma, 214, 218

  Zaragoza taken from the Moors, 2;
    coronation of Pedro III. at, 56;
    Pedro III. and his family at, 69, 74;
    coronation of Alfonso III., 96;
    coronation of Jayme II., 97


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FOOTNOTES:

[1] The more generally accepted story is that when the Count
of Barcelona was severely wounded in a battle between Charles the Bald
and the Normans, the Emperor came to the wounded Count’s tent and asked
what reward he could give to a warrior to whom he owed so much. The
Count asked for the grant of a charge on his plain gold shield. The
Emperor dipped his hand in the blood from the Count’s wound, and passed
his four fingers down the shield. ‘A device gained by blood,’ he said,
‘should be marked with blood.’

[2] The Teutonic word _Rik_ signified valiant or powerful, not rich in
our sense. It was a frequent ending to names, as Theodoric, Alaric. The
_Ricos Hombres_ of Aragon bore a caldron on their arms, as a sign that
they could maintain many men in the field, and they used a _señera_,
or banner. These were ‘Ricos Hombres do Señera.’ There were also nine
families of ‘Ricos Hombres’ ‘le naturaleza,’ nobles before the Moors
came. These were Cornelas, Lunas, Azagras, Forcas, Urreas, Alagones,
Romeos, Entenzas, Lizanas. Several Castilian nobles, especially the
Dukes of Medina Sidonia, also bore caldrons on their arms.

[3] Nine miles.

[4] November 30.

[5] The chronicle of Muntaner was written in the Catalan language,
and first published at Valencia in 1558, and next at Barcelona in
1562. Buchon published a French translation at Paris in 1827 in
the ‘Collection des croniques nationales Françaises.’ In 1844 an
Italian translation was published at Florence. Buchon published a new
translation in 1848 in the _Panthéon Littéraire_. Dr. Lanz published a
German translation in 1842 at Leipzig; and added the Catalan text in a
volume published at Stuttgart in 1844. In 1860 a Spanish translation,
with the Catalan text in parallel columns, edited by Don Antonio de
Bofarull, was published at Barcelona. As yet there is no English
translation of this charming historical narrative. It was used by
Gibbon.

[6] First cousin of En Pedro III. of Aragon.

[7] Aladil = [Illustration], ‘the Just.’

[8] ‘Awake iron!’

[9] Between Palamos and Palafurgall, or Capes Gros and San Sebastian.

[10] Extinct.

[11] Extinct.

[12] The best account of the coinage of Majorca is in the Appendix to
Bover’s _Historia de la casa real de Mallorca y noticia de las monedas
proprias de esta isla_ (Palma, 1855).

[13] So says Fray Pedro Marsilio, the editor in Latin of the _Journal_
of Jayme I. But the olive grows wild in Majorca. The cultivated olive
is grown from the plains to a height of two thousand feet in the
mountains.

[14] _Carta historico-artistica sobre el edificio de la Iglesia
Cathedral de Palma que escribio el Exmo Don Gaspar de Jovellanos_
(Palma, 1832).

[15] So called because, when he unjustly put the brothers Carbajal to
death, they summoned him to meet them before the judgment-seat of God
on a day which they named. Fernando IV. died suddenly on that very day.

[16] ‘Esperonte’ was a salient angle in the curtain of a fortified
place, generally in front of a gate.

[17] A princess of Hainault, through another descent from the Prince
of the Morea, also claimed the Lordship of Clarencia. Philippa of
Hainault, Queen of Edward III., inherited this honorary title, and it
was given to her second son Lionel. This is a more probable origin of
the title than that it was derived from the Lordship of Clare. In that
case it would be Clare, not Clarence.

[18] I have to thank Mr. Gilbert Ogilvy for the sketches of the chair,
and the photograph.

[19] ‘_Sentencias Morales_’ de Nicolas de Pacho, quoted by Miguel Mir
in his _Influencia de los Aragoneses en el descubrimiento de America_.

[20] Salazar, _Discursos sobre los progresos de la hidrografia_.

[21] See _Carta historico-artistica sobre el edificio de la Lonja de
Mallorca_, escribio en 1807 el Exmo Señor Don Gaspar de Jovellanos
(Palma, 1835).

[22] _Life and Acts of Don Alonzo Enriquez de Guzman_, translated and
edited by Clements R. Markham (Hakluyt Society, 1862).

[23] _Nobiliario Mallorquin_, por Don Joaquim M. Bover (Palma, 1850).
This is a very scarce book and difficult to get.

[24] Pp. 222-271. This excellent little book is also to be had in Mr.
Guasp’s shop.

[25] _Nobleza de Andalusia_, Argote de Molina.

[26] _Wellington Dispatches_, January 26, 1811, vol. vii. p. 190.

[27] _History of Spanish Literature_, vol. iii. p. 281.

[28] _Etudes géologiques sur les Iles Baléares_ (Paris, 1879).

[29] _Flora de las Islas Baleares_ (Palma, 1879-1881). This book may
also be got at the shop of Mr. Guasp, in Morey Street.

[30] _The Balearic Islands_, by Charles Toll Bidwell, H.M. Consul, 1876.

[31] Toulouse, 1892.

[32] See p. 44.

[33] See p. 94.

[34] See p. 62. Gayangos (in _Makkari_) says that ‘Almughawar,’ whence
the Spanish ‘Almogavar,’ means a soldier employed in border warfare.

[35] From the root _Kharaf_, to collect the harvest. The collector of
the land tax was called _Al-mokharif_.

[36] Since Dr. Cleghorn’s time, several natives of the island have
studied its botany.

Juan Cursach, a native of Ciudadela, who was educated at Montpelier
(1759-1837), published at Mahon his _Botanicus medicus ad medicinæ
alumnorum usum_. He enumerated 270 plants, of which 160 were said to be
natives.

Juan Ramis y Ramis, of Mahon (1746-1819), published at Mahon _Specimen
animalium vegetabilium et mineralium in insula Minoricæ frequentiorum,
ad normam Linneani sistematis._ He enumerates 140 plants.

Rafael Hernandez y Mercadal (1779-1857), a doctor of Mahon, formed a
Minorca herbarium of 500 species. It is now lost.

Rafael Oles y Cuadredo, of Ciudadela (1806-1879), in 1859 called the
_Droguero farmaceutico_. It includes an interesting account of the
topography of the island.

Don Juan Joaquin Rodriquez y Femanias studied the vegetation of Minorca
for many years, and published in 1865-68 a _Catalogo razonado de las
plantas vasculares de Minorca_.

See also the _Flores de las islas Baleares_, 1870-81, of Francisco
Barcelo y Combis.

[37] Bidwell, p. 308.


[Transcriber's Note:

Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation are as in the original.]





End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Story of Majorca and Minorca, by 
Clements R. Markham

*** 