



Produced by James Linden.  HTML version by Al Haines.








The addresses are separated by three asterisks: ***

Dates of addresses by John Adams in this eBook:

  November 22, 1797
  December 8, 1798
  December 3, 1799
  November 11, 1800


***

State of the Union Address
John Adams
November 22, 1797

Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

I was for some time apprehensive that it would be necessary, on account of
the contagious sickness which afflicted the city of Philadelphia, to
convene the National Legislature at some other place. This measure it was
desirable to avoid, because it would occasion much public inconvenience and
a considerable public expense and add to the calamities of the inhabitants
of this city, whose sufferings must have excited the sympathy of all their
fellow citizens. Therefore, after taking measures to ascertain the state
and decline of the sickness, I postponed my determination, having hopes,
now happily realized, that, without hazard to the lives or health of the
members, Congress might assemble at this place, where it was next by law to
meet. I submit, however, to your consideration whether a power to postpone
the meeting of Congress, without passing the time fixed by the Constitution
upon such occasions, would not be a useful amendment to the law of 1794.

Although I can not yet congratulate you on the reestablishment of peace in
Europe and the restoration of security to the persons and properties of our
citizens from injustice and violence at sea, we have, nevertheless,
abundant cause of gratitude to the source of benevolence and influence for
interior tranquillity and personal security, for propitious seasons,
prosperous agriculture, productive fisheries, and general improvements,
and, above all, for a rational spirit of civil and religious liberty and a
calm but steady determination to support our sovereignty, as well as our
moral and our religious principles, against all open and secret attacks.

Our envoys extraordinary to the French Republic embarked--one in July, the
other in August--to join their colleague in Holland. I have received
intelligence of the arrival of both of them in Holland, from whence they
all proceeded on their journeys to Paris within a few days of the 19th of
September. Whatever may be the result of this mission, I trust that nothing
will have been omitted on my part to conduct the negotiation to a
successful conclusion, on such equitable terms as may be compatible with
the safety, honor and interest of the United States. Nothing, in the mean
time, will contribute so much to the preservation of peace and the
attainment of justice as manifestation of that energy and unanimity of
which on many former occasions the people of the United States have given
such memorable proofs, and the exertion of those resources for national
defense which a beneficent Providence has kindly placed within their
power.

It may be confidently asserted that nothing has occurred since the
adjournment of Congress which renders inexpedient those precautionary
measures recommended by me to the consideration of the two Houses at the
opening of your late extraordinary session. If that system was then
prudent, it is more so now, as increasing depredations strengthen the
reasons for its adoption.

Indeed, whatever may be the issue of the negotiation with France, and
whether the war in Europe is or is not to continue, I hold it most certain
that permanent tranquillity and order will not soon be obtained. The state
of society has so long been disturbed, the sense of moral and religious
obligations so much weakened, public faith and national honor have been so
impaired, respect to treaties has been so diminished, and the law of
nations has lost so much of its force, while pride, ambition, avarice and
violence have been so long unrestrained, there remains no reasonable ground
on which to raise an expectation that a commerce without protection or
defense will not be plundered.

The commerce of the United States is essential, if not to their existence,
at least to their comfort, their growth, prosperity, and happiness. The
genius, character, and habits of the people are highly commercial. Their
cities have been formed and exist upon commerce. Our agriculture,
fisheries, arts, and manufactures are connected with and depend upon it. In
short, commerce has made this country what it is, and it can not be
destroyed or neglected without involving the people in poverty and
distress. Great numbers are directly and solely supported by navigation.
The faith of society is pledged for the preservation of the rights of
commercial and sea faring no less than of the other citizens. Under this
view of our affairs, I should hold myself guilty of a neglect of duty if I
forbore to recommend that we should make every exertion to protect our
commerce and to place our country in a suitable posture of defense as the
only sure means of preserving both.

I have entertained an expectation that it would have been in my power at
the opening of this session to have communicated to you the agreeable
information of the due execution of our treaty with His Catholic Majesty
respecting the withdrawing of his troops from our territory and the
demarcation of the line of limits, but by the latest authentic intelligence
Spanish garrisons were still continued within our country, and the running
of the boundary line had not been commenced. These circumstances are the
more to be regretted as they can not fail to affect the Indians in a manner
injurious to the United States. Still, however, indulging the hope that the
answers which have been given will remove the objections offered by the
Spanish officers to the immediate execution of the treaty, I have judged it
proper that we should continue in readiness to receive the posts and to run
the line of limits. Further information on this subject will be
communicated in the course of the session.

In connection with this unpleasant state of things on our western frontier
it is proper for me to mention the attempts of foreign agents to alienate
the affections of the Indian nations and to excite them to actual
hostilities against the United States. Great activity has been exerted by
those persons who have insinuated themselves among the Indian tribes
residing within the territory of the United States to influence them to
transfer their affections and force to a foreign nation, to form them into
a confederacy, and prepare them for war against the United States. Although
measures have been taken to counteract these infractions of our rights, to
prevent Indian hostilities, and to preserve entire their attachment to the
United States, it is my duty to observe that to give a better effect to
these measures and to obviate the consequences of a repetition of such
practices a law providing adequate punishment for such offenses may be
necessary.

The commissioners appointed under the 5th article of the treaty of amity,
commerce, and navigation between the United States and Great Britain to
ascertain the river which was truly intended under the name of the river
St. Croix mentioned in the treaty of peace, met at Passamaquoddy Bay in
1796 October, and viewed the mouths of the rivers in question and the
adjacent shores and islands, and, being of opinion that actual surveys of
both rivers to their sources were necessary, gave to the agents of the two
nations instructions for that purpose, and adjourned to meet at Boston in
August. They met, but the surveys requiring more time than had been
supposed, and not being then completed, the commissioners again adjourned,
to meet at Providence, in the State of Rhode Island, in June next, when we
may expect a final examination and decision.

The commissioners appointed in pursuance of the 6th article of the treaty
met at Philadelphia in May last to examine the claims of British subjects
for debts contracted before the peace and still remaining due to them from
citizens or inhabitants of the United States. Various causes have hitherto
prevented any determinations, but the business is now resumed, and
doubtless will be prosecuted without interruption.

Several decisions on the claims of citizens of the United States for losses
and damages sustained by reason of irregular and illegal captures or
condemnations of their vessels or other property have been made by the
commissioners in London conformably to the 7th article of the treaty. The
sums awarded by the commissioners have been paid by the British Government.
A considerable number of other claims, where costs and damages, and not
captured property, were the only objects in question, have been decided by
arbitration, and the sums awarded to the citizens of the United States have
also been paid.

The commissioners appointed agreeably to the 21st article of our treaty
with Spain met at Philadelphia in the summer past to examine and decide on
the claims of our citizens for losses they have sustained in consequence of
their vessels and cargoes having been taken by the subjects of His Catholic
Majesty during the late war between Spain and France. Their sittings have
been interrupted, but are now resumed.

The United States being obligated to make compensation for the losses and
damages sustained by British subjects, upon the award of the commissioners
acting under the 6th article of the treaty with Great Britain, and for the
losses and damages sustained by British subjects by reason of the capture
of their vessels and merchandise taken within the limits and jurisdiction
of the United States and brought into their ports, or taken by vessels
originally armed in ports of the United States, upon the awards of the
commissioners acting under the 7th article of the same treaty, it is
necessary that provision be made for fulfilling these obligations.

The numerous captures of American vessels by the cruisers of the French
Republic and of some by those of Spain have occasioned considerable
expenses in making and supporting the claims of our citizens before their
tribunals. The sums required for this purpose have in divers instances been
disbursed by the consuls of the United States. By means of the same
captures great numbers of our sea men have been thrown ashore in foreign
countries, destitute of all means of subsistence, and the sick in
particular have been exposed to grievous sufferings. The consuls have in
these cases also advanced moneys for their relief. For these advances they
reasonably expect reimbursements from the United States.

The consular act relative to sea men requires revision and amendment. The
provisions for their support in foreign countries and for their return are
found to be inadequate and ineffectual. Another provision seems necessary
to be added to the consular act. Some foreign vessels have been discovered
sailing under the flag of the United States and with forged papers. It
seldom happens that the consuls can detect this deception, because they
have no authority to demand an inspection of the registers and sea
letters.

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

It is my duty to recommend to your serious consideration those objects
which by the Constitution are placed particularly within your sphere--the
national debts and taxes.

Since the decay of the feudal system, by which the public defense was
provided for chiefly at the expense of individuals, the system of loans has
been introduced, and as no nation can raise within the year by taxes
sufficient sums for its defense and military operations in time of war the
sums loaned and debts contracted have necessarily become the subjects of
what have been called funding systems. The consequences arising from the
continual accumulation of public debts in other countries ought to admonish
us to be careful to prevent their growth in our own. The national defense
must be provided for as well as the support of Government; but both should
be accomplished as much as possible by immediate taxes, and as little as
possible by loans.

The estimates for the service of the ensuing year will by my direction be
laid before you.

Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

We are met together at a most interesting period. The situations of the
principal powers of Europe are singular and portentous. Connected with some
by treaties and with all by commerce, no important event there can be
indifferent to us. Such circumstances call with peculiar importunity not
less for a disposition to unite in all those measures on which the honor,
safety, and prosperity of our country depend than for all the exertions of
wisdom and firmness.

In all such measures you may rely on my zealous and hearty concurrence.

***

State of the Union Address
John Adams
December 8, 1798

Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

While with reverence and resignation we contemplate the dispensations of
Divine Providence in the alarming and destructive pestilence with which
several of our cities and towns have been visited, there is cause for
gratitude and mutual congratulations that the malady has disappeared and
that we are again permitted to assemble in safety at the seat of Government
for the discharge of our important duties. But when we reflect that this
fatal disorder has within a few years made repeated ravages in some of our
principal sea ports, and with increased malignancy, and when we consider
the magnitude of the evils arising from the interruption of public and
private business, whereby the national interests are deeply affected, I
think it my duty to invite the Legislature of the Union to examine the
expediency of establishing suitable regulations in aid of the health laws
of the respective States; for these being formed on the idea that
contagious sickness may be communicated through the channels of commerce,
there seems to be a necessity that Congress, who alone can regulate trade,
should frame a system which, while it may tend to preserve the general
health, may be compatible with the interests of commerce and the safety of
the revenue.

While we think on this calamity and sympathize with the immediate
sufferers, we have abundant reason to present to the Supreme Being our
annual oblations of gratitude for a liberal participation in the ordinary
blessings of His providence. To the usual subjects of gratitude I can not
omit to add one of the first importance to our well being and safety; I mean
that spirit which has arisen in our country against the menaces and
aggression of a foreign nation. A manly sense of national honor, dignity,
and independence has appeared which, if encouraged and invigorated by every
branch of the Government, will enable us to view undismayed the enterprises
of any foreign power and become the sure foundation of national prosperity
and glory.

The course of the transactions in relation to the United States and France
which have come to my knowledge during your recess will be made the subject
of a future communication. That communication will confirm the ultimate
failure of the measures which have been taken by the Government of the
United States toward an amicable adjustment of differences with that power.
You will at the same time perceive that the French Government appears
solicitous to impress the opinion that it is averse to a rupture with this
country, and that it has in a qualified manner declared itself willing to
receive a minister from the United States for the purpose of restoring a
good understanding. It is unfortunate for professions of this kind that
they should be expressed in terms which may countenance the inadmissible
pretension of a right to prescribe the qualifications which a minister from
the United States should possess, and that while France is asserting the
existence of a disposition on her part to conciliate with sincerity the
differences which have arisen, the sincerity of a like disposition on the
part of the United States, of which so many demonstrative proofs have been
given, should even be indirectly questioned.

It is also worthy of observation that the decree of the Directory alleged
to be intended to restrain the depredations of French cruisers on our
commerce has not given, and can not give, any relief. It enjoins them to
conform to all the laws of France relative to cruising and prizes, while
these laws are themselves the sources of the depredations of which we have
so long, so justly, and so fruitlessly complained.

The law of France enacted in January last, which subjects to capture and
condemnation neutral vessels and their cargoes if any portion of the latter
are of British fabric or produce, although the entire property belong to
neutrals, instead of being rescinded has lately received a confirmation by
the failure of a proposition for its repeal. While this law, which is an
unequivocal act of war on the commerce of the nations it attacks, continues
in force those nations can see in the French Government only a power
regardless of their essential rights, of their independence and
sovereignty; and if they possess the means they can reconcile nothing with
their interest and honor but a firm resistance.

Hitherto, therefore, nothing is discoverable in the conduct of France which
ought to change or relax our measures of defense. On the contrary, to
extend and invigorate them is our true policy. We have no reason to regret
that these measures have been thus far adopted and pursued, and in
proportion as we enlarge our view of the portentous and incalculable
situation of Europe we shall discover new and cogent motives for the full
development of our energies and resources.

But in demonstrating by our conduct that we do not fear war in the
necessary protection of our rights and honor we shall give no room to infer
that we abandon the desire of peace. An efficient preparation for war can
alone insure peace. It is peace that we have uniformly and perseveringly
cultivated, and harmony between us and France may be restored at her
option. But to send another minister without more determinate assurances
that he would be received would be an act of humiliation to which the
United States ought not to submit. It must therefore be left with France
(if she is indeed desirous of accommodation) to take the requisite steps.

The United States will steadily observe the maxims by which they have
hitherto been governed. They will respect the sacred rights of embassy; and
with a sincere disposition on the part of France to desist from hostility,
to make reparation for the injuries heretofore inflicted on our commerce,
and to do justice in future, there will be no obstacle to the restoration
of a friendly intercourse.

In making to you this declaration I give a pledge to France and the world
that the Executive authority of this country still adheres to the humane
and pacific policy which has invariably governed its proceedings, in
conformity with the wishes of the other branches of the Government and of
the people of the United States. But considering the late manifestations of
her policy toward foreign nations, I deem it a duty deliberately and
solemnly to declare my opinion that whether we negotiate with her or not,
vigorous preparations for war will be alike indispensable. These alone will
give to us an equal treaty and insure its observance.

Among the measures of preparation which appear expedient, I take the
liberty to recall your attention to the naval establishment. The beneficial
effects of the small naval armament provided under the acts of the last
session are known and acknowledged. Perhaps no country ever experienced
more sudden and remarkable advantages from any measure of policy than we
have derived from the arming for our maritime protection and defense.

We ought without loss of time to lay the foundation for an increase of our
Navy to a size sufficient to guard our coast and protect our trade. Such a
naval force as it is doubtless in the power of the United States to create
and maintain would also afford to them the best means of general defense by
facilitating the safe transportation of troops and stores to every part of
our extensive coast. To accomplish this important object, a prudent
foresight requires that systematic measures be adopted for procuring at all
times the requisite timber and other supplies. In what manner this shall be
done I leave to your consideration.

I will now advert, gentlemen, to some matters of less moment, but proper to
be communicated to the National Legislature.

After the Spanish garrisons had evacuated the posts they occupied at the
Natchez and Walnut Hills the commissioner of the United States commences
his observations to ascertain the point near the Mississippi which
terminated the northernmost part of the 31st degree of north latitude. From
thence he proceeded to run the boundary line between the United States and
Spain. He was afterwards joined by the Spanish commissioner, when the work
of the former was confirmed, and they proceeded together to the demarcation
of the line.

Recent information renders it probable that the Southern Indians, either
instigated to oppose the demarcation or jealous of the consequences of
suffering white people to run a line over lands to which the Indian title
had not been extinguished, have ere this time stopped the progress of the
commissioners; and considering the mischiefs which may result from
continuing the demarcation in opposition to the will of the Indian tribes,
the great expense attending it, and that the boundaries which the
commissioners have actually established probably extend at least as far as
the Indian title has been extinguished, it will perhaps become expedient
and necessary to suspend further proceedings by recalling our
commissioner.

The commissioners appointed in pursuance of the 5th article of the treaty
of amity, commerce, and navigation between the United States and His
Britannic Majesty to determine what river was truly intended under the name
of the river St. Croix mentioned in the treaty of peace, and forming a part
of the boundary therein described, have finally decided that question. On
the 25th of October they made their declaration that a river called
Scoodiac, which falls into Passamaquoddy Bay at its northwestern quarter,
was the true St. Croix intended in the treaty of peace, as far as its great
fork, where one of its streams comes from the westward and the other from
the northward, and that the latter stream is the continuation of the St.
Croix to its source.

This decision, it is understood, will preclude all contention among the
individual claimants, as it seems that the Scoodiac and its northern branch
bound the grants of land which have been made by the respective adjoining
Governments.

A subordinate question, however, it has been suggested, still remains to be
determined. Between the mouth of the St. Croix as now settled and what is
usually called the Bay of Fundy lie a number of valuable islands. The
commissioners have not continued the boundary line through any channel of
these islands, and unless the bay of Passamaquoddy be a part of the Bay of
Fundy this further adjustment of boundary will be necessary, but it is
apprehended that this will not be a matter of any difficulty.

Such progress has been made in the examination and decision of cases of
captures and condemnations of American vessels which were the subject of
the 7th article of the treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation between
the United States and Great Britain that it is supposed the commissioners
will be able to bring their business to a conclusion in August of the
ensuing year.

The commissioners acting under the 25th article of the treaty between the
United States and Spain have adjusted most of the claims of our citizens
for losses sustained in consequence of their vessels and cargoes having
been taken by the subjects of His Catholic Majesty during the late war
between France and Spain.

Various circumstances have concurred to delay the execution of the law for
augmenting the military establishment, among these the desire of obtaining
the fullest information to direct the best selection of officers. As this
object will now be speedily accomplished, it is expected that the raising
and organizing of the troops will proceed without obstacle and with
effect.

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

I have directed an estimate of the appropriations which will be necessary
for the service of the ensuing year to be laid before you, accompanied with
a view of the public receipts and expenditures to a recent period.

It will afford you satisfaction to infer the great extent and solidity of
the public resources from the prosperous state of the finances,
notwithstanding the unexampled embarrassments which have attended commerce.
When you reflect on the conspicuous examples of patriotism and liberality
which have been exhibited by our mercantile fellow citizens, and how great
a proportion of the public resources depends on their enterprise, you will
naturally consider whether their convenience can not be promoted and
reconciled with the security of the revenue by a revision of the system by
which the collection is at present regulated.

During your recess measures have been steadily pursued for effecting the
valuations and returns directed by the act of the last session, preliminary
to the assessment and collection of a direct tax. No other delays or
obstacles have been experienced except such as were expected to arise from
the great extent of our country and the magnitude and novelty of the
operation, and enough has been accomplished to assure a fulfillment of the
views of the Legislature.

Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

I can not close this address without once more adverting to our political
situation and inculcating the essential importance of uniting in the
maintenance of our dearest interests; and I trust that by the temper and
wisdom of your proceedings and by a harmony of measures we shall secure to
our country that weight and respect to which it is so justly entitled.

***

State of the Union Address
John Adams
December 3, 1799

Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

It is with peculiar satisfaction that I meet the 6th Congress of the United
States of America. Coming from all parts of the Union at this critical and
interesting period, the members must be fully possessed of the sentiments
and wishes of our constituents.

The flattering prospects of abundance from the labors of the people by land
and by sea; the prosperity of our extended commerce, notwithstanding
interruptions occasioned by the belligerent state of a great part of the
world; the return of health, industry, and trade to those cities which have
lately been afflicted with disease, and the various and inestimable
advantages, civil and religious, which, secured under our happy frame of
government, are continued to us unimpaired, demand of the whole American
people sincere thanks to a benevolent Deity for the merciful dispensations
of His providence.

But while these numerous blessings are recollected, it is a painful duty to
advert to the ungrateful return which has been made for them by some of the
people in certain counties of Pennsylvania, where, seduced by the arts and
misrepresentations of designing men, they have openly resisted the law
directing the valuation of houses and lands. Such defiance was given to the
civil authority as rendered hopeless all further attempts by judicial
process to enforce the execution of the law, and it became necessary to
direct a military force to be employed, consisting of some companies of
regular troops, volunteers, and militia, by whose zeal and activity, in
cooperation with the judicial power, order and submission were restored and
many of the offenders arrested. Of these, some have been convicted of
misdemeanors, and others, charged with various crimes, remain to be tried.

To give due effect to the civil administration of Government and to insure
a just execution of the laws, a revision and amendment of the judiciary
system is indispensably necessary. In this extensive country it can not but
happen that numerous questions respecting the interpretation of the laws
and the rights and duties of officers and citizens must arise. On the one
hand, the laws should be executed; on the other, individuals should be
guarded from oppression. Neither of these objects is sufficiently assured
under the present organization of the judicial department. I therefore
earnestly recommend the subject to your serious consideration.

Persevering in the pacific and humane policy which had been invariably
professed and sincerely pursued by the Executive authority of the United
States, when indications were made on the part of the French Republic of a
disposition to accommodate the existing differences between the two
countries, I felt it to be my duty to prepare for meeting their advances by
a nomination of ministers upon certain conditions which the honor of our
country dictated, and which its moderation had given it a right to
prescribe.

The assurances which were required of the French Government previous to the
departure of our envoys have been given through their minister of foreign
relations, and I have directed them to proceed on their mission to Paris.
They have full power to conclude a treaty, subject to the constitutional
advice and consent of the Senate. The characters of these gentlemen are
sure pledges to their country that nothing incompatible with its honor or
interest, nothing inconsistent with our obligations of good faith or
friendship to any other nation, will be stipulated.

It appearing probable from the information I received that our commercial
intercourse with some ports in the island of St. Domingo might safely be
renewed, I took such steps as seemed to me expedient to ascertain that
point. The result being satisfactory, I then, in conformity with the act of
Congress on the subject, directed the restraints and prohibitions of that
intercourse to be discontinued on terms which were made known by
proclamation. Since the renewal of this intercourse our citizens trading to
those ports, with their property, have been duly respected, and
privateering from those ports has ceased.

In examining the claims of British subjects by the commissioners at
Philadelphia, acting under the 6th article of the treaty of amity,
commerce, and navigation with Great Britain, a difference of opinion on
points deemed essential in the interpretation of that article has arisen
between the commissioners appointed by the United States and the other
members of that board, from which the former have thought it their duty to
withdraw. It is sincerely to be regretted that the execution of an article
produced by a mutual spirit of amity and justice should have been thus
unavoidably interrupted. It is, however, confidently expected that the same
spirit of amity and the same sense of justice in which it originated will
lead to satisfactory explanations.

In consequence of the obstacles to the progress of the commission in
Philadelphia, His Britannic Majesty has directed the commissioners
appointed by him under the 7th article of the treaty relating to the
British captures of American vessels to withdraw from the board sitting in
London, but with the express declaration of his determination to fulfill
with punctuality and good faith the engagements which His Majesty has
contracted by his treaty with the United States, and that they will be
instructed to resume their functions whenever the obstacles which impede
the progress of the commission at Philadelphia shall be removed. It being
in like manner my sincere determination, so far as the same depends on me,
that with equal punctuality and good faith the engagements contracted by
the United States in their treaties with His Britannic Majesty shall be
fulfilled, I shall immediately instruct our minister at London to endeavor
to obtain the explanation necessary to a just performance of those
engagements on the part of the United States. With such dispositions on
both sides, I can not entertain a doubt that all difficulties will soon be
removed and that the two boards will then proceed and bring the business
committed to them respectively to a satisfactory conclusion.

The act of Congress relative to the seat of the Government of the United
States requiring that on the 1st Monday of December next it should be
transferred from Philadelphia to the District chosen for its permanent
seat, it is proper for me to inform you that the commissioners appointed to
provide suitable buildings for the accommodation of Congress and of the
President and of the public offices of the Government have made a report of
the state of the buildings designed for those purposes in the city of
Washington, from which they conclude that the removal of the seat of
Government to that place at the time required will be practicable and the
accommodation satisfactory. Their report will be laid before you.

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

I shall direct the estimates of the appropriations necessary for the
service of the ensuing year, together with an account of the revenue and
expenditure, to be laid before you. During a period in which a great
portion of the civilized world has been involved in a war unusually
calamitous and destructive, it was not to be expected that the United
States could be exempted from extraordinary burthens. Although the period
is not arrived when the measures adopted to secure our country against
foreign attacks can be renounced, yet it is alike necessary for the honor
of the Government and the satisfaction of the community that an exact
economy should be maintained. I invite you, gentlemen, to investigate the
different branches of the public expenditure. The examination will lead to
beneficial retrenchments or produce a conviction of the wisdom of the
measures to which the expenditure relates.

Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

At a period like the present, when momentous changes are occurring and
every hour is preparing new and great events in the political world, when a
spirit of war is prevalent in almost every nation with whose affairs the
interests of the United States have any connection, unsafe and precarious
would be our situation were we to neglect the means of maintaining our just
rights. The result of the mission to France is uncertain; but however it
may terminate, a steady perseverance in a system of national defense
commensurate with our resources and the situation of our country is an
obvious dictate of wisdom; for, remotely as we are placed from the
belligerent nations, and desirous as we are, by doing justice to all, to
avoid offense to any, nothing short of the power of repelling aggressions
will secure to our country a rational prospect of escaping the calamities
of war or national degradation. As to myself, it is my anxious desire so to
execute the trust reposed in me as to render the people of the United
States prosperous and happy. I rely with entire confidence on your
cooperation in objects equally your care, and that our mutual labors will
serve to increase and confirm union among our fellow citizens and an
unshaken attachment to our Government.

***

State of the Union Address
John Adams
November 11, 1800

Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

Immediately after the adjournment of Congress at their last session in
Philadelphia I gave directions, in compliance with the laws, for the
removal of the public offices, records, and property. These directions have
been executed, and the public officers have since resided and conducted the
ordinary business of the Government in this place.

I congratulate the people of the United States on the assembling of
Congress at the permanent seat of their Government, and I congratulate you,
gentlemen, on the prospect of a residence not to be changed. Although there
is cause to apprehend that accommodations are not now so complete as might
be wished, yet there is great reason to believe that this inconvenience
will cease with the present session.

It would be unbecoming the representatives of this nation to assemble for
the first time in this solemn temple without looking up to the Supreme
Ruler of the Universe and imploring His blessing.

May this territory be the residence of virtue and happiness! In this city
may that piety and virtue, that wisdom and magnanimity, that constancy and
self-government, which adorned the great character whose name it bears be
forever held in veneration! Here and throughout our country may simple
manners, pure morals, and true religion flourish forever!

It is with you, gentlemen, to consider whether the local powers over the
District of Columbia vested by the Constitution in the Congress of the
United States shall be immediately exercised. If in your opinion this
important trust ought now to be executed, you can not fail while performing
it to take into view the future probable situation of the territory for the
happiness of which you are about to provide. You will consider it as the
capital of a great nation advancing with unexampled rapidity in arts, in
commerce, in wealth, and in population, and possessing within itself those
energies and resources which, if not thrown away or lamentably misdirected,
will secure to it a long course of prosperity and self-government.

In compliance with a law of the last session of Congress, the officers and
soldiers of the temporary army have been discharged. It affords real
pleasure to recollect the honorable testimony they gave of the patriotic
motives which brought them into the service of their country, by the
readiness and regularity with which they returned to the station of private
citizens.

It is in every point of view of such primary importance to carry the laws
into prompt and faithful execution, and to render that part of the
administration of justice which the Constitution and laws devolve on the
Federal courts as convenient to the people as may consist with their
present circumstances, that I can not omit once more to recommend to your
serious consideration the judiciary system of the United States. No subject
is more interesting than this to the public happiness, and to none can
those improvements which may have been suggested by experience be more
beneficially applied.

A treaty of amity and commerce with the King of Prussia has been concluded
and ratified. The ratifications have been exchanged, and I have directed
the treaty to be promulgated by proclamation.

The difficulties which suspended the execution of the 6th article of our
treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation with Great Britain have not yet
been removed. The negotiation on this subject is still depending. As it
must be for the interest and honor of both nations to adjust this
difference with good faith, I indulge confidently the expectation that the
sincere endeavors of the Government of the United States to bring it to an
amicable termination will not be disappointed.

The envoys extraordinary and ministers plenipotentiary from the United
States to France were received by the First Consul with the respect due to
their character, and 3 persons with equal powers were appointed to treat
with them. Although at the date of the last official intelligence the
negotiation had not terminated, yet it is to be hoped that our efforts to
effect an accommodation will at length meet with a success proportioned to
the sincerity with which they have been so often repeated.

While our best endeavors for the preservation of harmony with all nations
will continue to be used, the experience of the world and our own
experience admonish us of the insecurity of trusting too confidently to
their success. We can not, without committing a dangerous imprudence,
abandon those measures of self protection which are adapted to our
situation and to which, notwithstanding our pacific policy, the violence
and injustice of others may again compel us to resort. While our vast
extent of sea coast, the commercial and agriculture habits of our people,
the great capital they will continue to trust on the ocean, suggest the
system of defense which will be most beneficial to ourselves, our distance
from Europe and our resources for maritime strength will enable us to
employ it with effect. Seasonable and systematic arrangements, so far as
our resources will justify, for a navy adapted to defensive war, and which
may in case of necessity be quickly brought into use, seem to be as much
recommended by a wise and true economy as by a just regard for our future
tranquillity, for the safety of our shores, and for the protection of our
property committed to the ocean.

The present Navy of the United States, called suddenly into existence by a
great national exigency, has raised us in our own esteem, and by the
protection afforded to our commerce has effected to the extent of our
expectations the objects for which it was created.

In connection with a navy ought to be contemplated the fortification of
some of our principal sea ports and harbors. A variety of considerations,
which will readily suggest themselves, urge an attention to this measure of
precaution. To give security to our principal ports considerable sums have
already been expended, but the works remain incomplete. It is for Congress
to determine whether additional appropriations shall be made in order to
render competent to the intended purposes the fortifications which have
been commenced.

The manufacture of arms within the United States still invites the
attention of the National Legislature. At a considerable expense to the
public this manufacture has been brought to such a state of maturity as,
with continued encouragement, will supersede the necessity of future
importations from foreign countries.

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

I shall direct the estimates of the appropriations necessary for the
ensuing year, together with an account of the public revenue and
expenditure to a late period, to be laid before you. I observe with much
satisfaction that the product of the revenue during the present year has
been more considerable than during any former equal period. This result
affords conclusive evidence of the great resources of this country and of
the wisdom and efficiency of the measures which have been adopted by
Congress for the protection of commerce and preservation of public credit.

Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

As one of the grand community of nations, our attention is irresistibly
drawn to the important scenes which surround us. If they have exhibited an
uncommon portion of calamity, it is the province of humanity to deplore and
of wisdom to avoid the causes which may have produced it. If, turning our
eyes homeward, we find reason to rejoice at the prospect which presents
itself; if we perceive the interior of our country prosperous, free, and
happy; if all enjoy in safety, under the protection of laws emanating only
from the general will, the fruits of their own labor, we ought to fortify
and cling to those institutions which have been the source of such real
felicity and resist with unabating perseverance the progress of those
dangerous innovations which may diminish their influence.

To your patriotism, gentlemen, has been confided the honorable duty of
guarding the public interests; and while the past is to your country a sure
pledge that it will be faithfully discharged, permit me to assure you that
your labors to promote the general happiness will receive from me the most
zealous cooperation.










End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of State of the Union Addresses of John
Adams, by John Adams

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