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THE MEMOIRS
OF THE
CONQUISTADOR BERNAL DIAZ DEL CASTILLO

WRITTEN BY HIMSELF

CONTAINING A TRUE AND FULL ACCOUNT
OF THE
DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST
OF
MEXICO AND NEW SPAIN

TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL SPANISH BY
JOHN INGRAM LOCKHART, F.R.A.S.
AUTHOR OF "ATTICA AND ATHENS"

IN TWO VOLUMES
VOL. II

LONDON
J. HATCHARD AND SON, 187, PICCADILLY
MDCCCXLIV.


C. AND J. ADLARD, PRINTERS, BARTHOLOMEW CLOSE.




CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME.

                                                                       PAGE

    CHAP. CXXXVII. How the whole of us marched towards Tezcuco, and
    what happened to us on our way there                                 1

    CHAP. CXXXVIII. How we marched against Iztapalapan; Cortes taking
    along with him Alvarado and Oli; while Sandoval was left behind to
    protect Tezcuco                                                      6

    CHAP. CXXXIX. How ambassadors arrive in Tezcuco from three
    neighbouring townships, to sue for peace, and to beg forgiveness for
    the murder of several Spaniards who had fallen into their hands; and
    how Sandoval marched to Chalco and Tlalmanalco, to assist the
    inhabitants there against the Mexicans                               8

    CHAP. CXL. How Sandoval marches to Tlascalla in order to fetch the
    woodwork for building the brigantines, and what happened to him in a
    place which we termed the Moorish town                              15

    CHAP. CXLI. How Cortes marches against the town of Xaltocan, which
    lay in the midst of the lake, about twenty-four miles from Mexico,
    and from thence proceeds to other townships                         18

    CHAP. CXLII. How the captain Sandoval marches to Chalco and
    Tlalmanalco, and what he did there                                  26

    CHAP. CXLIII. How we marked our slaves at Tezcuco with a red-hot
    iron, and received intelligence that a vessel had run into Vera
    Cruz                                                                31

    CHAP. CXLIV. How Cortes made a hostile excursion to all the cities
    and larger townships which lay round about the lake, and what
    happened on that occasion                                           34

    CHAP. CXLV. The terrible thirst we suffered on our further march;
    our dangerous position at Xochimilco, and the many battles we fought
    there with the Mexicans, until our return to Tezcuco                42

    CHAP. CXLVI. How we discover, on our return to Tezcuco, that a
    conspiracy had been set on foot by the men of Narvaez's troops to
    murder Cortes, and all who were of his party; of the author of this
    conspiracy; his punishment; and of other matters                    53

    CHAP. CXLVII. How Cortes issues orders to the inhabitants of all the
    townships in the neighbourhood of Tezcuco which were allied with us,
    to furnish us with arrows and copper points for the same, and what
    further took place at our head-quarters                             55

    CHAP. CXLVIII. How Cortes reviews the whole of his troops at
    Tezcuco; and of his further dispositions for conducting the siege of
    Mexico                                                              57

    CHAP. CXLIX. The manner in which Cortes selects the men who were to
    row the brigantines; of the commanders who were appointed to each;
    and of other matters                                                58

    CHAP. CL. Of Cortes' further dispositions for the siege             60

    CHAP. CLI. How Cortes assigns particular stations to the twelve
    brigantines, the thirteenth being considered unfit for service      68

    CHAP. CLII. How the Mexicans defeated Cortes, and took sixty-two of
    his men prisoners, who were sacrificed to their idols; our general
    himself being wounded in the leg                                    81

    CHAP. CLIII. The new plan of operation which we adopt in the siege,
    and how all our allies return to their several homes                91

    CHAP. CLIV. How Cortes offers terms of peace to Quauhtemoctzin      97

    CHAP. CLV. How Gonzalo de Sandoval marches against the provinces
    which had sent their troops to cooperate with Quauhtemoctzin       100

    CHAP. CLVI. How Quauhtemoctzin was taken prisoner                  107

    CHAP. CLVII. How Cortes orders the aqueduct of Chapultepec to be
    restored; and of various other matters                             116

    CHAP. CLVIII. How a certain Christobal de Tapia arrived in Vera
    Cruz, with the appointment of governor of New Spain                122

    CHAP. CLIX. How Cortes and the officers of the crown forward to
    Spain the wardrobe of Motecusuma, and the emperor's share of the
    booty; and what further happened                                   131

    CHAP. CLX. How Sandoval arrives in the town of Tustepec; what he
    did there; his march to the river Guacasualco, and what further
    happened                                                           137

    CHAP. CLXI. How Alvarado marches to the province of Tutepec to build
    a town there; and how far he succeeded in subduing the country, and
    in founding a colony                                               145

    CHAP. CLXII. How Francisco de Garay arrives with an extensive
    armament in the river Panuco; how far he was successful; and of many
    other circumstances                                                148

    CHAP. CLXIII. How the licentiate Zuazo set sail for New Spain in a
    small vessel, accompanied by two monks of the order of Charity; and
    their remarkable adventures on this voyage                         163

    CHAP. CLXIV. How Cortes despatched Alvarado to subdue the province
    of Guatimala, and to found a colony there                          165

    CHAP. CLXV. How Cortes despatched an armament, under Christobal de
    Oli, to the Higueras and Honduras, to subject these provinces; and
    what further took place during this expedition                     173

    CHAP. CLXVI. How we who were left behind in Guacasualco were
    constantly occupied in tranquillising the rebellious provinces; how
    Luis Marin, by command of Cortes, marches into Chiapa, to subject
    that province; myself and father Juan de las Varillas being
    particularly desired by Cortes to join him in this campaign        177

    CHAP. CLXVII. How our agents in Spain brought certain accusations
    against the bishop of Burgos, and what further happened            195

    CHAP. CLXVIII. How Narvaez, Christobal de Tapia, the pilot Umbria,
    and the soldier Cardenas bring heavy accusations against Cortes, at
    the instigation of the bishop of Burgos, and what judgment his
    majesty pronounced                                                 198

    CHAP. CLXIX. Of Cortes' plans after he had obtained the appointment
    of governor of New Spain; the way in which he distributes the
    Indians; and of other matters                                      210

    CHAP. CLXX. How Cortes sends a present to his majesty; 80,000 pesos
    in gold and silver, besides a magnificent field-piece made of silver
    and gold, covered with various beautiful figures; also how he sends
    his father Martin Cortes above 5000 pesos                          219

    CHAP. CLXXI. How twelve monks of the order of St. Francis, with the
    vicar-general and father-superior Martin de Valencia, arrive at Vera
    Cruz, and how they are received by Cortes                          221

    CHAP. CLXXII. How Cortes sends his majesty 30,000 pesos worth of
    gold, with an account of the conversion of the Indians, the
    rebuilding of the city of Mexico, and of the expedition of
    Christobal de Oli to the Honduras; also how the vessel which
    conveyed this gold at the same time carried secret letters to Spain,
    written by the royal accountant Rodrigo de Albornoz, in which Cortes
    and the whole of the veteran Conquistadores were calumniated in the
    vilest manner                                                      224

    CHAP. CLXXIII. How Cortes sent out a captain named Francisco de Las
    Casas against Christobal de Oli, on receiving intelligence that this
    officer had made common cause with Diego Velasquez, and had
    renounced all further obedience to him                             228

    CHAP. CLXXIV. How Cortes himself marches at the head of his troops
    to the Honduras in search of Christobal de Oli; of the officers and
    men he selected on this occasion, and of other matters             233

    CHAP. CLXXV. How we commence our march from Guacasualco, and the
    terrible fatigues and hardship we had to undergo for the space of
    two years and three months                                         238

    CHAP. CLXXVI. How Cortes, on our arrival at Ciguatepec, despatches
    Francisco de Medina in search of Simon de Cuenca, with orders for
    the latter to repair with the two vessels to Triunfo de la Cruz; and
    what further happened                                              245

    CHAP. CLXXVII. Cortes' further plans after his arrival among the
    Acallan townships; how he orders the powerful cazique of Mexico
    Quauhtemoctzin and the king of Tlacupa to be hung; his reasons for
    doing this; and of other matters                                   250

    CHAP. CLXXVIII. We continue our march, and what further happened to
    us                                                                 255

    CHAP. CLXXIX. How Cortes entered the town founded by Gil Gonsalez de
    Avila; the great joy of the inhabitants at his arrival, and what he
    further did there                                                  265

    CHAP. CLXXX. How eighty of us, on the second day after our arrival
    in Buena Vista, marched out under the command of Luis Marin to
    explore the country and to search for provisions                   266

    CHAP. CLXXXI. How Cortes embarks, with the soldiers who accompanied
    him on this expedition, and with all the inhabitants of Buena Vista,
    for Puerto de Caballos, where he founds a colony, to which he gives
    the name of Natividad                                              269

    CHAP. CLXXXII. Sandoval commences to subdue the province of Naco,
    and the opposition he meets with from the natives                  272

    CHAP. CLXXXIII. How Cortes disembarks in the harbour of Truxillo,
    and the inhabitants rejoice at his arrival                         273

    CHAP. CLXXXIV. How Sandoval, during our stay at Naco, takes forty
    Spanish soldiers with their captain prisoners, who, on their march
    from the province of Nicaragua, had everywhere plundered and
    otherwise ill-used the inhabitants                                 277

    CHAP. CLXXXV. How Cortes receives a letter from the licentiate Zuazo
    out of the Havannah, and of its contents                           281

    CHAP. CLXXXVI. How Pedro Arias de Avila is apprized by two of his
    confidants that Francisco Hernandez was in close correspondence with
    Cortes, and about to declare his independence of him; the steps
    which Arias took upon this                                         289

    CHAP. CLXXXVII. How Cortes, after setting sail, was twice obliged to
    put back into the harbour of Truxillo; and what further happened   290

    CHAP. CLXXXVIII. How Cortes despatches one of his servants, named
    Martin de Orantes, to Mexico, with letters to Francisco de las Casas
    and Pedro de Alvarado, in which he empowers them to take upon
    themselves the chief government of New Spain; but in case they were
    absent he conferred the same power on Estrada and Albornoz         292

    CHAP. CLXXXIX. How the treasurer, with several other cavaliers,
    requested the Franciscan monks to despatch father Diego de
    Altamirano, a relation of Cortes, to Truxillo, to desire our general
    to hasten his departure for Mexico                                 296

    CHAP. CXC. Cortes sets sail from the Havannah, and has a favorable
    passage to Vera Cruz, where he is received with the greatest
    rejoicings                                                         300

    CHAP. CXCI. How the licentiate Luis Ponce de Leon, who was
    commissioned to make inquiries into Cortes' government of New Spain,
    arrives in the harbour of San Juan de Ulua                         303

    CHAP. CXCII. How the licentiate commences the investigation against
    Cortes, and all those persons who had filled judicial offices; and
    how he fell ill shortly after, and died                            309

    CHAP. CXCIII. How, after the death of Ponce de Leon, Marcos de
    Aguilar assumes the government; the disputes which arose in
    consequence, and of other matters                                  311

    CHAP. CXCIV. Marcos de Aguilar dies, and in his will appoints the
    treasurer Alonso de Estrada governor; and of other matters         318

    CHAP. CXCV. How Cortes receives letters from the Cardinal de
    Siguenza, then president of the council of the Indies, and from
    several other cavaliers, advising him to repair to Spain without
    delay; the death of his father Martin Cortes; and of other
    matters                                                            326

    CHAP. CXCVI. How the royal court of audience arrive in Mexico during
    Cortes' stay in Spain, and what their first occupations were       336

    CHAP. CXCVII. How Nuno de Guzman, on the intelligence that the
    emperor had cashiered the royal court of audience, determines to
    subdue the province of Xalisco, at present called New Galicia      343

    CHAP. CXCVIII. The arrival of the new members of the royal court of
    audience in Mexico                                                 344

    CHAP. CXCIX. Cortes returns to New Spain as marquis del Valle
    Oaxaca, and captain-general of New Spain and of the South Sea,
    accompanied by his wife Dona Maria de Zuniga, and father Leguizamo
    and other monks                                                    348

    CHAP. CC. Of the vast expenses to which the marquis Hernando Cortes
    put himself in fitting out the expeditions to the South Sea, and of
    their unfortunate termination                                      349

    CHAP. CCI. Of the great festivities which took place in Mexico on
    account of the peace which was concluded between our emperor and the
    king of France; and of Cortes' second journey to Spain             355

    CHAP. CCII. How the viceroy sends out a squadron of three vessels
    into the South Sea to the assistance of Francisco Vasquez Coronado,
    in the conquest of Cibola                                          357

    CHAP. CCIII. Of a very extensive armament which was fitted out by
    Alvarado in the year 1537                                          ib.

    CHAP. CCIV. What befel the marquis del Valle on his second visit to
    Spain                                                              363

    CHAP. CCV. Of the brave officers and soldiers who sailed from the
    island of Cuba with the fortunate and spirited captain Hernando
    Cortes, afterwards marquis del Valle                               370

    CHAP. CCVI. Of the stature and outward person of several brave
    officers and soldiers, and of their age when they first joined
    Cortes                                                             383

    CHAP. CCVII. Of the great merit which is due to us, the true
    Conquistadores                                                     387

    CHAP. CCVIII. Of the human sacrifices and abominations practised by
    the inhabitants of New Spain; how we abolished these, and introduced
    the holy Christian faith into the country                          388

    CHAP. CCIX. How we introduced the Christian religion among the
    Indians; of their conversion and baptism; and of the different
    trades we taught them                                              390

    CHAP. CCX. Of other advantages which arose from our glorious
    conquests                                                          393

    CHAP. CCXI. The deliberations which took place at Valladolid in the
    year 1550, in the royal council of the Indies, respecting the
    distribution of Indians in perpetuity                              398

    CHAP. CCXII. Of various remarks which were made respecting my
    history, which the reader will be pleased to hear                  401

    CHAP. CCXIII. Of the planets and signs in the heavens which
    prognosticated our arrival in New Spain; how these were interpreted
    by the Mexicans; and of other matters                              406

    NOTES                                                              411


[Transcriber's Note: Footnote 54 was missing from the original text and
has, therefore, been inserted at the appropriate place.

The following errata have been corrected in the text.]


ERRATA.

    P. 141, _l._ 32, _for_ then, _read_ there.
       165,      19, _for_ Guanaca, _read_ Guaxaca.
       199,      15, _for_ with, _read_ and.
       345,      38, _omit_ to be.
       354,      22, _for_ forgot, _read_ forget.
       366,       6, _for_ enbonpoint, _read_ embonpoint.




CONQUEST

OF

MEXICO AND NEW SPAIN.




CHAPTER CXXXVII.

    _How the whole of us marched towards Tezcuco, and what happened to
    us on our way there._


When Cortes found himself so well provided again with muskets, powder,
crossbows, and horses, and observed how impatient the whole of us,
officers as well as soldiers, were to commence the siege of the great
city of Mexico, he desired the caziques of Tlascalla to furnish him with
10,000 of their troops to join us in the campaign of Tezcuco, as this
was one of the largest towns of New Spain, and next in importance to
Mexico. The elder Xicotencatl (now called Don Lorenzo de Vargas) assured
him that not only the 10,000, but many more troops were at his service,
and that the brave cazique Chichimeclatecl, our particular friend, would
himself march out at their head. Cortes returned him the most sincere
thanks, and, after having reviewed the whole of his troops, whose exact
number[1] I have forgotten, we commenced our march on the fourth day
after Christmas of the year 1520.

The first night we quartered in a township which was subject to Tezcuco,
and were provided with everything we required. From this place we
arrived on the Mexican territory, where, if possible, we observed still
greater precaution, and always had four of the horse-patrol and an equal
number of foot in advance to explore the defiles, as we had been
informed on our march that a very formidable mountain pass had been
blocked up by large trees which the enemy had felled when notice of our
approach was received in Mexico and Tezcuco. During this day's march,
however, we met with no kind of obstacle, and quartered ourselves for
the night about twelve miles further on, at the foot of a mountain.
Here we found it very cold, but kept a sharp look out. With break of day
we continued our march further up the mountain, and speedily arrived
where the mountain pass had been blocked up by felled trees, and a deep
hollow had been made; but as we had great numbers of Tlascallans with
us, we soon managed to clear away the trees, and to fill up the hole, so
as to enable our cavalry to pass over, a company of crossbow-men and
musketeers marching in advance. We now ascended the mountain for some
time, and then descended a little, until we came to a spot whence we had
a fine view of the lake of Mexico and its large towns standing in the
midst of the water.

As soon as we beheld this city again, we thanked the Almighty for having
conducted us thus far, and we promised ourselves to act more prudently
in this campaign against Mexico than we had done previously. On
descending this mountain, we observed numbers of signal fires about
Tezcuco and the townships subject to it, and when we had arrived at
another formidable pass, we came up with a large body of Mexicans and
Tezcucans. They were waiting our arrival near a bridge which had been
half burnt down, the water being of considerable depth. We, however,
soon put the enemy to flight, and got safely on the opposite side,
though our enemies still continued to yell fearfully from out the
defiles and other places where we could not get at them, but that was
all they did.

Although it was impossible for our cavalry to manoeuvre here, our
friends the Tlascallans did not remain inactive, for they spread
themselves about the country, and carried off everything they could lay
their hands on, although Cortes had ordered that no hostilities should
commence unless the enemy attacked us first; the Tlascallans, however,
maintained that if these Tezcucans had been friendly inclined towards
us, they would not have marched out against us as far as the bridge to
stop our further progress.

The night following we took up our quarters in another township under
Tezcuco. Here the whole of the inhabitants had fled; nevertheless we
took every precaution, as we were almost sure we should be attacked by a
vast body of Mexicans who were lying in wait for us in another mountain
pass; this we had learnt from five Mexicans whom we had taken prisoners
at the bridge just mentioned, but we afterwards heard that they had not
dared to run the risk of an engagement with us, and had, consequently,
marched off their troops; besides which, at that time, the Mexicans and
Tezcucans were not upon the best of terms with each other; and the
smallpox was raging throughout the whole of this district, so that they
were not able to bring many warriors into the field; while our recent
victories over the Mexican garrisons of Quauquecholla, Itztucan,
Tepeaca, Xalatzinco, and Castilblanco, had spread terror through the
country, and it was firmly believed that the united forces of
Huexotzinco and Tlascalla had joined us in this campaign.

The spot where we had encamped for the night may have been about eight
miles from Tezcuco, which we left at break of day, and observed every
military precaution as we passed along. We had scarcely proceeded a
couple of miles when our scouts came in with the glad tidings to Cortes
that about ten Indians were approaching, all unarmed, and bearing a
species of golden banner: neither had they, on passing by any dwellings
or plantations, been assailed by such terrible yells as on the day
before; but everything wore the aspect of peace. Cortes and the whole of
us were delighted with these good omens, and we halted for some time to
rest a little. Seven distinguished Tezcucans now came up, carrying a
golden banner at the point of a long lance, which they lowered, in token
of peace, as they approached nearer to us. When they had arrived in the
presence of Cortes, who had Dona Marina and Aguilar standing at his
side, they addressed him as follows: "Malinche, our lord and master
Coanacotzin,[2] the king of Tezcuco, has sent us to you to beg of you to
take him into your friendship. He awaits you in his city of Tezcuco;
and, in token of peace, he sends you this golden banner: at the same
time he requests you will command your brothers and the Tlascallans not
to commit any depredations in his country, and wishes you to take up
your quarters in his city, where he will provide you with everything you
may require."

These persons likewise assured us that the troops which lay in wait for
us in the defiles and mountain passes were not of Tezcuco, but the whole
of them were Mexicans sent out against us by Quauhtemoctzin. Cortes and
the whole of us were overjoyed at the message which the king of Tezcuco
had sent us. He embraced the ambassadors and three of them most
affectionately, for they were relatives of Motecusuma, and well known to
most of us as having been officers of that monarch. Our general then
ordered the Tlascallan chiefs into his presence, and strictly enjoined
them not to allow their men to commit any depredations in this country,
nor injure any one, as we were at peace with the inhabitants. These
orders they obeyed, though they were not so very particular as to the
manner in which they procured themselves provisions, as every house had
a plentiful supply of maise, beans, dogs, and fowls.

Cortes, however, suspected the Tezcucans were not in earnest in sueing
for peace, and deliberated with our officers on the subject, who were
all of the same opinion, and observed that if the Tezcucans had been
honestly inclined they would not have come in so great a hurry, and
would have brought provisions with them. Cortes, nevertheless, accepted
of the golden banner, which may have been worth about eighty pesos; he
thanked the ambassadors, and assured them that it was not our custom to
ill-use any of our emperor's subjects; on the contrary, they always
experienced the kindest treatment from us. This they themselves would
find to be true, if they abided faithfully by the peace they now sought
of us; he had also commanded the Tlascallans not to injure any of the
inhabitants; but as the Tezcucans on our retreat from Mexico had
murdered upwards of forty Spaniards and 200 Tlascallans, and plundered
them of all they possessed, he must demand of their king Coanacotzin,
and of the caziques of Tezcuco, restitution of the stolen property, and
if they delivered up this to him he would pardon the murder of the
Spaniards, whom they could not restore to us again. The ambassadors
replied, that they would faithfully communicate all this to their
monarch, but assured us that the teules he spoke of were, by order of
Cuitlahuatzin, all sent to Mexico with everything they had possessed,
and were there sacrificed to Huitzilopochtli.

Cortes, not wishing to intimidate them, made no further reply, but
desired one of them to remain with us and dismissed the others in peace.

The next place we came to was one of the suburban villages of Tezcuco,
but I have forgotten its name. Here we were furnished with excellent
provisions and every other necessary. On our road we destroyed some
idols which we found in a large building where we stopped. The next
morning we entered Tezcuco itself, and it immediately struck us as
singular that we should neither meet with women nor children, but only
with grown up men, who all appeared very shy of us, as if they were
about to commence hostilities. Notwithstanding this we took up our
quarters here, but Cortes gave strict commands that none of the officers
or men should stir out of the large courtyards adjoining our quarters,
and to be altogether upon their guard, as the inhabitants did not appear
very peaceably inclined, and it was necessary we should first see how
matters stood.

Alvarado and Oli with several soldiers, among which number I was myself,
were ordered to take possession of the great cu, which was very high,
and to take with us twenty musketeers as a guard. From which place we
were narrowly to watch the town and lake, of which we had an excellent
view from this height. We had no sooner arrived at the top of the temple
than we espied the inhabitants of this and the surrounding townships
running off with all they possessed; some fleeing to the mountains,
others again concealing themselves in those parts of the lake which were
thickly grown with reeds; the lake itself being crowded with large and
small canoes.

Information of this was immediately forwarded to Cortes, who then
determined to seize the king of Tezcuco, who had sent him the golden
banner, but was informed by the papas, whom he had despatched to call
their monarch, that he had fled with several distinguished personages to
Mexico.

In this way the first night passed away, during which time we kept a
vigilant look out, posted our sentinels in all directions, and made
frequent patrols. The next morning, very early, Cortes sent for the
chief authorities of the town, of whom many were opposed to the runaway
monarch, as they were at issue with him on various points respecting the
privileges he exercised in governing the town. When these made their
appearance, he desired them to detail every circumstance to him, and
inquired of them how long Coanacotzin had been king. They replied, that
Coanacotzin, in order to raise himself to the throne, had murdered his
elder brother, the former regent; and that this was done in secret
understanding with Cuitlahuatzin, who had attacked and driven us out of
Mexico after the death of Motecusuma; but that there were other persons
in the town who had a nearer claim to the crown of Tezcuco, particularly
one young man, who was indeed the rightful heir. This young man shortly
after became a convert to Christianity, and was baptized with great
solemnity by father Olmedo, and named after his godfather, Don Hernando
Cortes.[3] He was the lawful son of the former prince of Tezcuco,
Nezahal Pintzintli.[4] He was, therefore, without any further delay
raised to the throne, and installed with all due solemnity, to the great
satisfaction of the inhabitants, who obeyed the new king with the best
of good will. That, however, he might be thoroughly confirmed in our
holy religion, learn the art of governing, and the Spanish language,
Cortes gave him for stewards the bachelor Escobar, and Antonio de
Villareal, who was married to the beautiful Isabella de Ojeda. The brave
Pedro Sanchez Farsan, whose wife was the courageous and excellent Maria
de Estrada, was appointed commandant of the town, and he was
particularly cautioned not to allow the king to have any communication
with the Mexicans. This prince subsequently rendered us the greatest
services; and he was greatly esteemed and beloved by his subjects. The
first thing Cortes required of him at present was a sufficient number
of hands to assist us in launching the brigantines when they should be
completed, and to lengthen and deepen the canals where they were to be
launched; he then informed the king and chief personages of Tezcuco for
what he intended these vessels, and of his determination to inclose
Mexico on all sides. They not only declared their willingness to
cooperate with us, but even sent messengers to the neighbouring
townships, inviting them to seek our friendship, subject themselves to
our emperor, and declare war against Mexico.

The whole of our troops were now divided into companies, to each one was
assigned some particular station, which, indeed, was very necessary, as
Quauhtemoctzin sent out from time to time numbers of large pirogues and
canoes, to see whether we were off our guard or not.

About this time several tribes which were subject to Tezcuco came to sue
for peace with us and beg forgiveness, if we thought they had been any
way implicated in the late murders of our countrymen. Cortes received
them most kindly, and took them into his friendship. The building of our
brigantines was now rapidly continued, and there were every day from
seven to eight thousand Indians employed to lengthen and deepen one of
the canals. As we had an equal number of Tlascallans in our service, who
greatly desired to heap up honour for themselves in assisting us against
the Mexicans, Cortes easily persuaded them to accompany him in an
expedition against Iztapalapan, through which town we had passed on our
first march to Mexico. Cuitlahuatzin, the king of this township, had
been raised to the throne of Mexico, after the death of Motecusuma, and
the inhabitants had done us considerable damage, and were continually
committing their depredations on the townships of Chalco, Tlalmanalco,
Amaquemecan, and Chimalhuacan, because these had entered into alliance
with us. We had now been twelve days in Tezcuco without having achieved
any thing worthy of mention, and therefore determined to open the
campaign against Iztapalapan.




CHAPTER CXXXVIII.

    _How we marched against Iztapalapan; Cortes taking along with him
    Alvarado and Oli; while Sandoval was left behind to protect
    Tezcuco._


The expedition against Iztapalapan was principally undertaken to please
the Tlascallans, so great was their desire to try their strength again
with the Mexicans on the field of battle. Their patience was almost
exhausted, and they longed to revenge the death of their countrymen who
were slain in our disastrous flight from Mexico. To this was likewise
added, that the Tezcucans could scarcely supply the necessary provisions
for so great a body of men, and it was not our interest to be too
burdensome to them.

Cortes commanded this expedition in person, accompanied by Alvarado,
Oli, thirteen horse, twenty crossbow-men, six musketeers, and two
hundred Spanish foot. These troops were joined by the whole of our
Tlascallan friends, and twenty of the Tezcucan chiefs, all relations of
the Prince Don Hernando, and enemies to Quauhtemoctzin.

After the necessary arrangements had been made, we commenced our march
towards Iztapalapan, which lies above sixteen miles from Tezcuco, and,
as I have before stated, half the town stands in the lake itself. We
marched forward with every military precaution, as the Mexicans had
posted their scouts in all quarters to watch our movements, so that they
might be able to throw a body of troops into any place we might threaten
to attack.

On this occasion again they had received due information of our design,
and they had strengthened the garrison of Iztapalapan with above 8000
warriors; so that we found a considerable army ready to receive us in
front of that town. The enemy bravely stood their ground for a
considerable length of time, but at last gave way, so vigorously did we
set upon them with our horse, crossbows, and muskets; while our friends
of Tlascalla rushed upon them like so many furious dogs. The Mexicans
now retreated into the town itself, where we pursued them; but this it
appears was by a preconcerted plan, and had almost proved fatal to us.
The enemy retreated before us, threw themselves into their canoes, and
concealed themselves, partly in the houses which stood in the water, and
partly among the reeds which grew in the lake. By this time it was quite
dark, and as the enemy remained perfectly quiet, we contented ourselves
with the victory we had gained, and neglected to observe our usual
military precautions. While we thus thought ourselves secure, and least
of all imagined we were threatened by any danger, so vast a flood of
water rushed all of an instant into the town, that we must undoubtedly
have all been drowned, if the distinguished Tezcucans who were with us
had not given us timely notice to quit the houses. The enemy had cut
through two dams, and thereby at once inundated the town; so that many
of our Tlascallan friends, who were not accustomed to deep waters, and
consequently unable to swim, were drowned. We others likewise got a
thorough wetting, lost our powder, and were obliged to retreat from the
town in all haste, with great risk of our lives. And thus, with our
clothes completely drenched, with empty stomachs, and shivering with
cold, we passed a most terrible night, the enemy continually assailing
our ears with derisive shouts and horrible yells from their canoes and
houses. But something still worse awaited us, for the inhabitants of
Mexico, who had been apprized of our perilous situation, now came
advancing towards us in vast numbers, both by land and water, and fell
upon us the next morning with such dreadful fury, that it was only by
exerting ourselves to the utmost we were able to make a stand against
them. In this engagement we lost two Spaniards and one horse, and great
numbers of our men were wounded. By degrees, however, the enemy became
less furious in their attacks, and we were thus enabled to retreat to
Tezcuco, not a little annoyed at the defeat we had sustained. If we did
not reap much honour for ourselves in this last battle, it must be
remembered we had lost all our powder. We had, however, taught our
enemies to respect us a little, for they remained perfectly quiet after
our retreat to Tezcuco, and occupied their time in dressing their
wounds, burying the dead, and repairing the houses which had been
damaged. I must now return to Tezcuco, where in the meantime ambassadors
had arrived from other townships to sue for peace.




CHAPTER CXXXIX.

    _How ambassadors arrive in Tezcuco from three neighbouring
    townships, to sue for peace, and to beg forgiveness for the murder
    of several Spaniards who had fallen into their hands; and how
    Sandoval marched to Chalco and Tlalmanalco, to assist the
    inhabitants there against the Mexicans._


The second day after our return to Tezcuco, three of the neighbouring
townships sent to Cortes, to sue for peace, and beg forgiveness, for
having put some Spaniards to death; they strove to exonerate themselves
from all guilt, by stating that they had been compelled to march against
us by command of Cuitlahuatzin, who had ascended the Mexican throne
after Motecusuma's death; they had merely done, they said, what they
could not avoid, and had sent the Spaniards they had captured, with
their horses, and everything else belonging to them, to Mexico. These
townships, which thus came to sue for peace, were Tepetezcuco and
Otumpan; the name of the third I have forgotten. This was the same
Otumpan where the memorable battle took place which we fought against
the flower of the Mexican army.

The inhabitants of these townships were terrified when they heard of our
march against Iztapalapan, and concluded they might now also expect a
visit from us; and though they would have been pleased to hear that we
had perished in the water, or had been worsted in the last battle, yet
they considered it more advisable, by seeking peace of us, to avert the
castigation they feared.

Cortes, seeing he could not do better under the present circumstances,
granted them a pardon for the past, but made them give a solemn promise
to remain faithful to our emperor in future, to obey us in everything,
and never again to enter into an alliance with Mexico; to all of which
they faithfully adhered. After this, ambassadors arrived from another
township, which lay in the midst of the lake, and was called Mizquic,
though we called it Little Venice. The inhabitants of this place had
never been upon intimate terms of friendship with the Mexicans, and now
utterly detested them. An alliance with these people, from their
situation in the midst of the lake, was of the utmost importance to us,
and we also flattered ourselves we should, through them, gain the
friendship of the other townships which lay on the lake. These
ambassadors accordingly were most courteously received by our general,
and he dismissed them with the most flattering assurances of our
friendship and protection.

During this interview Cortes received information that a large body of
Mexican troops were marching against the four townships which had been
the first to solicit our friendship. The inhabitants there durst not
venture of themselves to bid any defiance to the enemy, but intended to
fly to the mountains, or seek refuge with us in Tezcuco. They begged so
hard for assistance, that Cortes at length complied with their request,
and marched thither with twenty horse, two hundred foot, thirteen
crossbow-men, and ten musketeers, accompanied by Alvarado and Oli. These
towns lay about nine miles from Tezcuco, and were threatened with total
destruction by the Mexicans for having concluded peace with us. In
particular they were afraid of losing the crops of maise in front of the
lake, which were now ready for harvesting, and from which the
inhabitants of Tezcuco and the four townships had thought to supply us.
The Mexicans declared they were coming to cut this maise, as it was
their property, and those townships had always till then cultivated
those lands for the papas of Mexico; and indeed many lives had already
been lost in disputes respecting these fields.

Cortes, being now well acquainted with the true state of the case, sent
word to the inhabitants of those places that they had nothing to fear,
but to remain quietly at home, and send him word when they were desirous
of harvesting their maise crops. He would then despatch an officer, with
several horse, to protect the reapers. With this they were perfectly
satisfied, and we returned to Tezcuco.

When we found that our stock of maise was nearly all gone, we sent
notice of it to those townships, and they immediately commenced reaping
their crops; and we marched thither to protect them, with ten horse, one
hundred foot, and a few musketeers and crossbow-men, besides the
Tlascallan troops, and we took up our position on the maise plantations.

I myself was twice present on these expeditions. On one occasion we had
a very sharp skirmish with the Mexicans, a large body of whom had
arrived in upwards of 1000 canoes, and secreting themselves among the
maise plantations, had commenced carrying off our allies. We instantly
fell upon them, and though they fought courageously, yet we compelled
them to take to their canoes again. In this skirmish we had one man
killed and twelve wounded, of the Tlascallans from fifteen to twenty
were killed, and five were carried off alive.

The day following this skirmish we learnt that the townships Chalco and
Tlalmanalco, with their dependent villages, were desirous of making
peace with us, but were prevented from doing so by the Mexican garrisons
stationed there. They complained bitterly of the treatment which they
suffered from them; their wives were dragged away, and if handsome were
often violated in the presence of their parents and husbands.

About this time our carpenters in Tlascalla had proceeded so far with
the building of the brigantines, that the timber was ready to be put
together; we were therefore very awkwardly situated, from being so
closely bound to Tezcuco, where we had no time to make any arrangements
for transporting the brigantines hither; for now the inhabitants of this
township, then those of Mizquic, or Little Venice, then again others
which stood in alliance with us, came to beg assistance against the
Mexicans; besides this, many of our Tlascallan friends longed to return
home with their booty, consisting in gold, salt, and other matters, but
durst not venture, on account of the insecurity of the road, as the
Mexican troops were spread in all directions.

Under these circumstances, Cortes deemed that the inhabitants of
Tlalmanalco and Chalco, before all others, required our more immediate
assistance, that they might be enabled to form an alliance with us. The
other townships might defend themselves as well as they could for the
present, as it would not do to leave Tezcuco without any troops; indeed
the utmost vigilance was necessary in that town. Lugo and Sandoval
therefore received instructions to march out, with fifteen horse, two
hundred foot, a few crossbow-men and musketeers, besides our friends of
Tlascalla. They were to dislodge the Mexican troops from Chalco and
Tlalmanalco, and clear the road leading to Tlascalla and Vera Cruz,
along which the enemy had stationed small detachments.

Information of all this was previously conveyed to the inhabitants of
Chalco by some trustworthy men of Tezcuco, that they might fall upon the
Mexicans at the same moment with our troops. Nothing could have been
more agreeable to the wishes of the inhabitants of Chalco, and they
accordingly held themselves in readiness to rise up against the enemy at
the proper time.

Sandoval composed his rearguard of five horse, an equal number of
crossbow-men, and the greater part of the Tlascallans, who had all their
booty with them. As the Mexicans had everywhere sent out scouts and
spies to watch our movements, our present march to Chalco was no secret
to them. They had therefore collected a strong body of their troops, and
fell upon our rearguard, which was chiefly composed of Tlascallans. It
may easily be supposed that our five horse and few crossbow-men could
not stand long against these overpowering numbers; two were very soon
killed, and the rest wounded. Sandoval had indeed hastened to their
assistance with the first alarm, had succeeded in driving back the
Mexicans, and killing seven of their men; yet they managed to gain their
canoes, and retreat to a place of safety, which was the more easy for
them to do, as the whole of the population of this district was subject
to the Mexicans.

Sandoval was uncommonly vexed when he found the five horses and their
riders covered with wounds, two crossbow-men killed, and the rest all
wounded. He severely reproached them for not having defended themselves
better, and for the little protection they had proved to our Tlascallan
friends. He could easily see, he added, that they had but recently
arrived from Spain, and knew very little about fighting.

His first care now was to provide for the safety of the Tlascallans and
their baggage, and to despatch the letters Cortes had given him to Vera
Cruz. In these letters our general had given the commandant of that town
an account of all our conquests, and of his determination to besiege
Mexico, and blockade it on all sides; the letter closed by desiring him
to observe the utmost vigilance, and with orders to send all those of
his men who were sufficiently strong for service to Tlascalla, where
they were to remain until the road should be cleared of the enemy.

After Sandoval had despatched his messengers with these letters, and
conducted our Tlascallan friends to where they were out of the enemy's
reach, he marched back to Chalco, which was not very far distant. On
this march he was particularly on his guard, since he was well aware
that Mexican troops were lurking about in all directions, and lay
concealed in every house. He had indeed not advanced far along a level
tract of country, covered with maguey and maise plantations, before he
was vigorously attacked. The enemy, on this occasion, carried, besides
their usual weapons, long pikes, which were especially intended against
the charge of our horse upon their line. Sandoval, however, twice broke
through their dense ranks, and, with the Spanish troops and small body
of allies we had still left, he drove the enemy completely out of the
field. Five Spaniards, six horses, and many of our allies, were wounded.
This time the enemy received a severe retribution for the fresh attack
they made upon our troops; and, among the eight prisoners which were
made, three were Mexicans of distinction.

When the inhabitants of Chalco, which lay at a small distance from the
field of battle, found Sandoval was approaching their town, they came
out to welcome him, and expressed their great joy at the victory he had
gained.

The next day Sandoval informed the inhabitants that he was obliged to
leave again for Tezcuco. They told him they were desirous of
accompanying him there, to pay their respects to Malinche, and to
present to him the two sons of their late cazique, who had died a few
days previously of the smallpox. On his death-bed, they said, he
expressed a wish to the chiefs of the country that his sons might be
introduced to Cortes to be installed by him as caziques of Chalco. The
dying man had likewise recommended them to subject themselves to the
great monarch of the teules, as it had been prophesied by their
forefathers that, at some period or other, there would arrive from the
rising of the sun a people with beards, for whom the dominion of these
countries was predestined, and there was not the least doubt that that
prophecy was fulfilled in our persons.

Sandoval returned to Tezcuco, taking along with him the two princes,
several distinguished personages of Chalco and the eight Mexican
prisoners. Cortes was highly delighted on seeing him again, and after
Sandoval had related all that had taken place, he retired to his own
quarters to receive the caziques of Chalco. He paid them every respect,
and, according to their request, acknowledged them as vassals of our
emperor, and then installed the two sons of the late cazique into their
government. After the caziques had fulfilled their commission, they
handed over their presents, which may have been worth about 200 pesos.

With the assistance of Dona Marina and Aguilar, Cortes had perfectly
comprehended what these caziques had said. He showed them every possible
kindness, and gave the government of Chalco to the elder prince, with
several towns which were subject to it, and to the younger the township
of Tlalmanalco, Chimalhuacan, Ayotzinco, and of other small towns, so
that the elder came in for a little more than half of his father's
dominions.

After Cortes had instilled many useful things into the hearts of these
men and the young caziques, he dismissed them; and they offered, in
return, to render us every service that lay in their power, assuring
him, at the same time, that they had been peaceably inclined from the
beginning, and that they had been prevented sooner taking the oath of
allegiance to our emperor from fear of the Mexican garrison. They
likewise informed Cortes that, previous to our retreat from Mexico, they
had concealed from the Mexicans two Spaniards who had been sent by him
to demand of them tribute in maise, and had conveyed them safely during
night-time to our friends of Huexotzinco, thereby saving their lives.
This we knew to be perfectly true, for we had been duly informed of it
by one of those two Spaniards who had escaped to Tlascalla.

Cortes returned these excellent men many hearty thanks for their kind
feeling, and invited them to stay a couple of days longer with us, lest
they should fall into the hands of the Mexicans, as he intended to
despatch one of his officers to Tlascalla to fetch the woodwork of which
our brigantines were to be made, they should then be safely conducted to
their homes.

After this interview with the caziques, Cortes determined to send the
eight Mexicans whom Sandoval had taken prisoners, to Mexico, and
commissioned them to make the following disclosures, in his name, to the
new monarch Quauhtemoctzin: "He, Cortes, was very anxious to preserve
the monarch of Mexico and his great city from destruction, and hoped,
therefore, he would send messengers of peace to us, in which case every
injury we had received at the hands of the Mexicans would be forgiven
them and altogether forgotten, nor should we demand restitution of the
things they had taken from us. It was an easy matter to make war, but it
always terminated in the destruction of those who first began it. We
were by no means ignorant of the vast preparations which were going on
for the defence of Mexico; it would all, however, prove useless, and the
only consequences would be the destruction of his metropolis, and of
all its inhabitants. He should bear in mind the amazing power of our
Lord God, who lent us his aid on all occasions, and remember also that
all the surrounding townships had declared in our favour. For the rest,
there was nothing the Tlascallans so greatly desired as a war with the
Mexicans, to revenge the death of their fellow-countrymen. We hoped,
therefore, he would send messengers to sue for peace, which we would
conclude with him on the most honorable terms."

With this message, to which Dona Marina and Aguilar joined some good
counsel, the eight prisoners repaired to Mexico. Quauhtemoctzin,
however, would not even deign an answer to our proposals of peace, but
continued his warlike preparations for the defence of his metropolis,
and sent orders to all his troops in the provinces to hold themselves in
readiness to march out at a moment's notice, and that every Spaniard who
was captured should be brought alive to Mexico, there to be sacrificed
to his gods. In order to gain the good wishes of his people, he exempted
many from paying tribute, and made a vast many promises.

About this time, the Quauhtitlans again arrived in our quarters, whom,
as we saw above, the Mexicans had ill-used for having formed an alliance
with us. The dispute, they said, respecting the maise plantations, which
had been formerly cultivated for the use of the priests of Mexico, was
renewed by the Mexicans, who each week returned to fall upon the
reapers, many of whom they had carried off prisoners to Mexico. Cortes,
therefore, determined to put an end to these depredations, and marched
thither in person at the head of a hundred foot, twenty horse, twelve
crossbow-men and musketeers. In order to make sure of success, spies
were posted at proper places, who were to bring immediate notice of the
enemy's approach. Thus prepared, we espied early one Wednesday morning a
strong body of Mexicans advancing towards us; and when they had come
near enough, we sallied out upon them, and drove them back to their
canoes; four of them were killed, and three taken prisoners.

After this skirmish, Cortes returned to Tezcuco, and the enemy ever
after left those townships in peace. I must now relate what happened to
Sandoval on his march to Tlascalla, whither he had been despatched to
fetch the materials for building our brigantines.




CHAPTER CXL.

    _How Sandoval marches to Tlascalla in order to fetch the woodwork
    for building the brigantines, and what happened to him in a place
    which we termed the Moorish town._


Having so long impatiently awaited the completion of the brigantines,
and ardently longed to commence the siege of Mexico, Cortes ordered
Sandoval, with two hundred foot, twenty horse, and twenty musketeers and
crossbow-men, besides a strong body of Tlascallans, and twenty of the
most distinguished persons of Tezcuco, to march to Tlascalla, in order
to fetch the woodwork for constructing the brigantines. He was also to
take along with him the aged persons and young children of Chalco, as
they would be in greater security there. Cortes had previously brought
about a friendly alliance between the Chalcans and Tlascallans; for as
the Chalcans, up to this moment, had belonged to the confederation of
Mexico, they had always joined the Mexicans in their expeditions against
Tlascalla, so that a deadly enmity existed between these two states. By
his mediation, Cortes now put an end to this ill-feeling, and made
friendship between them, which proved greatly to the advantage of both.

Sandoval, on this occasion, was also ordered to repair to another
township which lay close to the road leading to Tlascalla, in order to
chastise the inhabitants there. This township was subject to Tezcuco,
and was commonly termed by us the Moorish town.[5] Here, on our retreat
from Mexico, about forty of Narvaez's men and several of Cortes' old
soldiers, with numbers of Tlascallans, had been put to death, and the
latter plundered of three loads of gold. These people were now to be
severely punished for their conduct, although the principal guilt lay
with Tezcuco, which, at that time, was closely allied with the Mexicans,
and had had the chief hand in that affair.

After Sandoval had safely conducted the Chalcans into Tlascalla, he
marched on to the Moorish town, where, however, the inhabitants had been
duly apprized of our approach, and were all fled to the mountains.
Sandoval, however, pursued them, and killed three or four of the
inhabitants, and took four of the principal personages, and numbers of
women and children, prisoners. These people he treated very kindly, and
inquired of them how they had managed to defeat so many Spaniards in a
body? They replied, that great numbers of Mexicans and Tezcucans had
fallen upon them while passing through a very narrow defile in the
mountains, where the Spaniards could only march one abreast; some had
been killed, and the rest were taken prisoners. These were conveyed to
Tezcuco, where they were divided between the Mexicans and Tezcucans.
They themselves had certainly joined in that attack, but they had merely
followed the commands of their superiors. All this the Tezcucans had
done, they said, to revenge the death of Cacamatzin their king, whom
Cortes had taken prisoner, but who perished on the night of our
disastrous retreat from Mexico.

The blood of our unfortunate countrymen was even then sticking to the
walls of the temple in this township. Here were likewise found on an
altar the entire skins of the faces of two Spaniards, with the beards
still hanging to them. The skins had been dressed in the same way as the
leather we use for making gloves. In the same manner they had prepared
the skins of four horses. Great care had been taken of the hair and
horseshoes, which were suspended in the chief temple as tokens of
victory. Further were discovered numerous articles of Spanish dress
which had been brought as an offering to the idols; on one of the walls
of a house were found written in charcoal the following words: "Here the
unfortunate Juan Yuste, with several of his comrades, was imprisoned by
the enemy." This Juan Yuste was a cavalier who had served under Narvaez,
and was one of the most distinguished personages among his troops.

Sandoval and his men were sorely grieved at the sight of all this, but
what could they do better than show mercy in return? The whole of the
inhabitants had fled away, and those women they had captured were
sobbing for their husbands and fathers. Sandoval, therefore, set the
four distinguished prisoners with all the women at liberty, and
despatched them to bring back the inhabitants who had fled to the
mountains. These soon made their appearance, begged forgiveness for the
past, and declared themselves vassals of our emperor, with the promise
henceforth to be faithful to us and in every way to oppose the Mexicans.
In answer to the queries respecting the gold of which they had plundered
the Tlascallans, they replied, that the Mexicans and chiefs of Tezcuco
had taken it away with them under the pretence that Motecusuma had
robbed the temples of it to present it to Malinche.

Sandoval now marched into Tlascalla, and arrived safely in the
metropolis of that country, where the caziques had their residence. He
found everything in the best order possible, the whole of the woodwork
was quite finished and ready to be removed; for which 8000 Indians were
taken into our service, who transported the whole of the wood and other
materials on their shoulders. These were accompanied by an equal number
of warriors, besides an additional 2000 porters to convey our
provisions.[6]

Chichimeclatecl, who, the reader will remember was equally brave as he
was high in rank, took the chief command over the Tlascallans in person;
under him commanded two distinguished personages, named Teucepil[7] and
Teutical, besides other caziques. Martin Lopez, however, with the
assistance of other Spaniards, whose names I have forgotten, more
immediately superintended the transport itself. Sandoval had feared he
should be obliged to wait a few days in Tlascalla until the building
materials could be removed, but was highly delighted to find all went on
so expeditiously. His march towards Tezcuco was attended with the same
ease, so that after the space of two days all had arrived on the Mexican
territory. Here matters began to wear a different aspect, and his troops
were assailed by the enemy with hideous yells from out the fields and
mountain recesses where they were out of the reach of the cavalry and
musketeers. Martin Lopez, therefore, deemed it necessary that greater
military precaution should be adopted on their march, particularly as
the Tlascallans expressed their fears of being suddenly attacked by
large bodies of Mexicans. Sandoval, therefore, distributed the cavalry,
crossbow-men and musketeers, in such a manner that a portion were always
in advance of the transport, and the remainder he placed along the
flanks. Chichimeclatecl, who was commander-in-chief of the Tlascallans,
was ordered to bring up the rear, where Sandoval likewise took his
station. This chief was excessively hurt at this arrangement of the
troops, and considered from the post which had been assigned him, that
Sandoval put little trust in his bravery; but as the latter himself
followed in the rear, and he was informed that the Mexicans generally
attacked the rear first where the baggage was, he became satisfied,
embraced Sandoval, and thanked him for the honour he had thus conferred
upon him.

After another two days' march the transport arrived in front of Tezcuco,
and Sandoval made his entry with great magnificence. The Tlascallans had
expressly put on their finest mantles, had decorated their heads with
the most beautiful feathers, and marched into the town in the best
military order, while the drums and pipes were playing. Several hours
elapsed before the whole had entered the town, and yet none of our
Tlascallan friends moved out of the ranks, while they continually kept
crying out: _Long live the emperor, our master! Spain for ever!
Tlascalla for ever!_ Cortes and his officers came out to meet them, and
gave Chichimeclatecl and all of them the most hearty welcome.

The woodwork was carried to the neighbourhood of the canals and
harbours, where the brigantines were to be completed. Martin Lopez, who
had the chief conduct of these operations, now again set diligently to
work. His principal assistants were Andreas Nunez, the elder Ramirez, a
certain Diego Hernandez, with several other carpenters, and two smiths.
The work went on so expeditiously that the brigantines were finished in
a very short time, and had now merely to be caulked, provided with
masts, sails, and then to be rigged. We were obliged, however, to keep a
sharp look out, lest the Mexicans should destroy the brigantines, which
lay on the staples so very near to the lake; indeed they had three
several times attempted to set fire to them, on which occasions we took
fifteen of their numbers prisoners, who gave us a very minute account of
all that was passing in the city of Mexico, and of Quauhtemoctzin's
designs. He was determined, they said, not to make peace with us under
any consideration whatsoever; the Mexicans had resolved either to perish
in battle or to destroy us all. One despatch after the other was sent to
the townships subject to Mexico, commanding the inhabitants to make
vigorous preparations for war, and tribute was no longer to be demanded.
Night and day were the Mexicans toiling to deepen and widen the canals
which intersected the causeways, which were then strengthened by
fortifications and palisades. To defend themselves against our horses
they had constructed long pikes, to the end of which they had fastened
our own swords they had taken on the night of our retreat from Mexico.
They had furnished themselves with quantities of round stones for their
slings, and large broadswords, with abundance of other weapons.

We were no less assiduous in our warlike preparations, and the canals
which had been dug for the launch of our brigantines were now of
sufficient width and depth to swim vessels of considerable burden;[8]
which, however, is not surprising, as 8000 Indians were daily occupied
at this work.




CHAPTER CXLI.

    _How Cortes marches against the town of Xaltocan, which lay in the
    midst of the lake, about twenty-four miles from Mexico, and from
    thence proceeds to other townships._


The materials for building the brigantines were transported to Tezcuco
by about 15,000 Tlascallans, who in a few days grew weary of doing
nothing; added to which, our provisions were beginning to fail; and as
the Tlascallan general was excessively ambitious, and very courageous,
he told Cortes he was desirous of rendering our emperor some signal
service, and by measuring his strength with the Mexicans, give us some
proof of his loyalty, and convince us of his courage; and at the same
time to revenge the death of so many of his countrymen. Our general had
merely to inform him at what point he should attack the enemy.

Cortes returned him many thanks for his kind offers, and informed him
that he intended to march out himself on the following day with a body
of troops. His attack would be directed against the town of Xaltocan,
which lay twenty miles from Tezcuco, in the midst of the lake, and was
connected with the mainland by a causeway. He had already thrice
admonished the inhabitants of that town to sue for peace, and but very
recently made them offers of peace through their neighbours of Tezcuco
and Otumpan. However, they not only refused to send us messengers of
peace, but treated our ambassadors with contempt, and even laid violent
hands on them, and then sent them back with this answer to Cortes: "Only
come, you will not find us unprepared; come whenever you like, you will
always meet with the same reception, and death will be your portion!
This was the answer they were desired to give, by command of their
gods."

Cortes considered this expedition against the Xaltocans of no small
importance, and was therefore determined to command in person. The
troops he took with him consisted of two hundred and fifty Spanish foot,
thirty horse, with a good number of musketeers and crossbow-men;
accompanied by the whole of our Tlascallan friends, and a company of the
best warriors of Tezcuco. Of our own officers Cortes selected Alvarado
and Oli; Sandoval remaining behind for the protection of Tezcuco, and of
our brigantines. We were indeed obliged to be particularly on our guard,
for Mexico lay close at hand, nor could we altogether place confidence
in the Tezcucans, as the Mexicans had so many friends and relations
among them. Before his departure Cortes left especial orders with
Sandoval and Lopez to expedite the building of the brigantines, and only
allowed them fifteen days more to finish and launch them. He then, after
having attended mass, set out on his march. In the neighbourhood of
Xaltocan he came up with a large body of Mexicans, who had taken up a
strong position, from which they imagined to make a successful attack
upon the Spaniards and their horses. Cortes here placed himself at the
head of the cavalry, and, after our musketeers and crossbow-men had
fired in among the enemy, he charged their line full gallop, and killed
several of them. The Mexicans then retreated to the mountains, where
they were pursued by the Tlascallans, who slew above thirty more of
their numbers. The first night Cortes encamped in a small hamlet,
ordered frequent patrols, posted sentinels in all quarters, and observed
every military precaution, as there were many considerable townships in
this district. Here we learnt that Quauhtemoctzin had despatched large
bodies of troops to the assistance of Xaltocan, which were stationed in
canoes on the lake.

Very early next morning we were attacked by the joint forces of the
Mexicans and Xaltocans. They kept pouring forth showers of arrows and
stones upon us from the small islands which rose among the marshes, by
which ten Spaniards and numbers of Tlascallans were wounded. Here our
cavalry was completely useless, as they could not pass through the
water, which lay between them and the enemy; for they had previously cut
through the causeway which led to Xaltocan, and thereby inundated the
country. Our musketeers and crossbow-men certainly kept up a brisk fire
upon the Mexicans, but here again they had found means to shield their
bodies, by raising up boards alongside of their canoes.

Thus all our endeavours proved fruitless, while the enemy kept
continually mocking and jeering at us; in derision calling our men old
women, and Malinche himself a man of no courage, but whose whole art lay
in deceit and flattery. Cortes must certainly have returned without
accomplishing anything, if two Indians of Tepetezcuco--which was at
great enmity with Xaltocan, had not pointed out to one of his men a spot
which had been flooded three days previously, but was shallow enough for
them to wade through into the town.

On receiving this information Cortes ordered the crossbow-men,
musketeers, with our other troops, and several of the Tlascallans, to
step boldly into the water, which reached up to their middles, and push
forward, while he himself took up his position on the mainland, with the
cavalry to cover their rear, should the Mexicans feel inclined to attack
them from behind.

The enemy now fell furiously on those advancing through the water, and
wounded several of them; but our men were not to be daunted by this, and
kept moving forward steadily until they had reached the dry part of the
causeway. The road to the town was now open to them, and they made
terrible havoc among the enemy's ranks, and richly repaid them for the
abusive language they had thrown out. The Mexicans, with the
inhabitants, now took refuge in their canoes, and fled to Mexico. Our
men made a considerable booty, in cotton, gold, and other matters, then
set fire to some houses, and returned to the mainland, where Cortes was
stationed; for they feared to take up their night's quarters in the
town, as it was entirely surrounded by water.

In this engagement our troops captured several fine young females, who
had not been able to escape from the town. The Tlascallans likewise made
a rich booty, and loaded themselves with cotton stuffs, salt, gold, and
other matters.

The night following Cortes encamped in a hamlet about four miles from
Xaltocan, where our men dressed their wounds; but one Spaniard, who had
been shot in the throat by an arrow, died soon after. Sentinels were
posted as before, and frequent patrols made during the night, for the
country was very thickly populated.

The next day Cortes marched to another extensive township, called
Colvatitlan, but was everywhere met with yells and jeers from the
Mexicans and the inhabitants. Our men were obliged to bear all this
patiently, as our cavalry could not act here, and it was totally
impossible to get at the Mexicans, who had posted themselves on the
different small islands. Cortes, however, marched into Colvatitlan
without opposition, and found the town quite deserted by the
inhabitants. Here he took up his quarters for the night, and adopted
every military precaution.

The day following he marched to another large township, called
Tenayucan, which, on our first march to Mexico, we had termed the town
of Serpents, because we found in a large temple there two
horrible-looking idols, shaped like serpents. This town was likewise
deserted by its inhabitants, who had all fled to Escapuzalco, which lay
four miles further on. This was the same Escapuzalco where the great
Motecusuma had all his gold and silver articles manufactured; we
therefore called it the _town of Silversmiths_. About two miles from
this place lay Tlacupa, the same where we passed the latter part of the
night of sorrows, and the enemy killed several more of our men. Before
our troops reached this town they fell in with a numerous body of the
enemy, formed of the inhabitants of the towns they had passed through,
joined by those of Tlacupa and Mexico, which lay in the immediate
neighbourhood. They attacked our troops with such impetuosity, and with
their ranks so firmly closed, that it was with the utmost difficulty
Cortes was able to break their line with the cavalry, and then even our
foot had much hard fighting with sword in hand before they could compel
the enemy to retreat. Cortes quartered his men for the night in
Escapuzalco, and next morning continued his march. If, however, he had
been attacked the previous day by large bodies of the enemy, their
numbers were greatly increased on this, and they observed more method
in their manoeuvres, and wounded several of our men. They were, however,
compelled to fall back into their fortifications, and the Spaniards
forced their way into the town, where they plundered and set fire to a
great number of houses.

When the news of the unfortunate termination of the battle reached
Mexico, additional troops were immediately ordered to Tlacupa to oppose
Cortes, and received instructions first to attack the Spaniards, and
then to fall back upon Mexico, in order to entice the Spaniards to
pursue them along the causeway. This stratagem succeeded admirably, for
Cortes was deceived by their apparent flight, and pursued the enemy as
far as a bridge, thinking the victory was already his. When the Mexicans
considered they had caught the Spaniards sufficiently deep in the foil,
they turned suddenly round, and fell upon them with such terrific
numbers, by land, from their canoes, and from the house-tops, that
Cortes almost gave himself up for lost. In his hurried flight over the
bridge he was attacked by so vast a body, that all opposition was
fruitless. One of our ensigns, determined not to relinquish his hold of
the colours, was dangerously wounded in the struggle, and at last
tumbled headlong with them into the water, but was fortunate enough to
escape drowning, and, by dint of great bravery, succeeded to rescue
himself and his flag, just when the Mexicans laid hold of him, and were
about to drag him out of the water into a canoe.

In this unfortunate engagement we had five men killed and many wounded,
and it was with the greatest difficulty our men could fight their way
through the dense body of the enemy, and regain the main land.

After this battle Cortes stayed five more days in Tlacupa, during which
time he had another engagement with the Mexicans and their allies; after
which he began his march back to Tezcuco by the same road he had come.
The Mexicans, who construed this movement into a flight, and imagined
that Cortes had lost all courage, thought this was the moment to gain
great honour to themselves, by giving the Spaniards a signal defeat. For
this purpose they lay in wait for them in a spot where they could get
easily at our horse; but met with so rough a reception from our troops,
that a considerable number of them were slain. Cortes lost one man and
two horses; but had so far cooled the enemy's lust for battle, that they
no longer harassed him on his march, and in a few days he reached the
township of Aculman, about eight miles and a half from Tezcuco, to which
it was subject. When we were informed of his arrival there, Sandoval,
with all of us, accompanied by nearly the whole of the caziques and
troops of Tezcuco, went out to meet him. The joy at seeing each other
again was very great, for we had been without any tidings of Cortes or
his troops for fifteen days.

After the first welcomes had passed, and some arrangements made with
respect to our troops, we returned that same day to Tezcuco, as we durst
not leave that town unprotected at night. Cortes encamped for the night
at Aculman, and did not arrive at Tezcuco until the day following.

As the Tlascallans had made a considerable booty in this expedition,
they requested leave of our general to return to their country, which he
readily granted; and they took their route through a part of the country
where the Mexicans had omitted to station any troops; so that they
arrived safely in Tlascalla with all their spoils.

After the lapse of four days, during which time our general and his men
had rested from their fatigues, the chiefs of several townships in the
northern districts of the country arrived in Tezcuco, with a present of
gold and cotton stuffs, and desired to be admitted as vassals of our
emperor. These townships were Tucapan, Maxcaltzinco, Naultzan, and many
others of less note.

When the chiefs of these townships were brought into Cortes' presence
they paid him the profoundest veneration, and handed over the presents
to him; then informed him that they were desirous of being on terms of
friendship with us, and of becoming subjects of the king of Spain. They
likewise said, that these townships had assisted the Spaniards in the
battle of Almeria, where the Mexican commander Quauhpopoca, on whom we
had taken so direful a revenge, had put several teules to death.

Cortes, who had always thought to the contrary, was highly delighted on
hearing this; he showed these ambassadors every kindness, and graciously
accepted of their present. No inquiries were made as to what the conduct
of these townships had latterly been; but Cortes, without any
hesitation, acknowledged them vassals of our emperor, and then dismissed
them with flattering assurances of his friendship.

About this time messengers also arrived from other townships which were
in alliance with us, to beg our general's assistance against the
Mexicans, who had fallen hostilely into their country with a large body
of troops, and had carried off numbers of them prisoners, and scalped
many others. Similar bad tidings were likewise received from Chalco and
Tlalmanalco, the inhabitants of which towns stated that their
destruction was inevitable if they did not receive immediate assistance,
as the enemy was rapidly advancing against them in great numbers. They,
however, did not merely give a verbal description of the danger they
were in, but likewise brought forth a large piece of nequen cloth, on
which they had depicted the different squadrons of the enemy's troops
which were marching against them.

Cortes was greatly perplexed to know what he should do, and scarcely
knew what answer to give, nor how he should be able to send assistance
to both places at once; many of our men were wounded, and almost worn
out with fatigue; four had died of their wounds, and eight others of
pleurisy, and of bleeding profusely from the nose and mouth, occasioned
by the weight of our arms, which we durst never lay aside, and by the
forced marches and the quantity of dust which got down our throats.

Our general, however, informed the ambassadors of the first-mentioned
townships that he would soon repair to their assistance; but desired
them in the meantime to apply to their neighbours for help, and with
their united forces to oppose the advancing foe. It was their timidity,
he said, which inspired the Mexicans with courage; for the latter had
not so many troops at their command as formerly, from the vast increase
of their opponents on all sides.

By these representations Cortes succeeded in allaying their fears and
arousing their courage, but they requested some authority from him in
writing to show to their neighbours, in which he should command them to
repair to their assistance.

To explain their motive for desiring this, I must remark, that though
the Indians at that time could neither read nor understand our writing,
yet they looked upon any written document as signifying a more
particular and peremptory command. They were therefore highly delighted
when Cortes gave them the required letter, and they showed it to their
friends, who then instantly marched out their troops to join them, and
with their united forces they now boldly advanced against the Mexicans,
and fought with pretty good success in the battle which followed.

We must now return to Chalco, respecting the safety of which Cortes was
particularly solicitous; for it was of the greatest importance to him
that this province should be kept clear of the enemy. Our line of
communication with Vera Cruz and Tlascalla ran through this country, and
from which we also obtained the greater part of our provisions, as the
soil was uncommonly productive of maise. Sandoval, therefore, was
ordered to march thither very early next morning with 200 foot, twenty
horse, twelve crossbow-men, and ten musketeers, besides all the
Tlascallan troops which still remained with us,--though these had
greatly decreased in numbers; for, as I have above mentioned, most of
them had departed to their homes with the booty they had made. A company
of Tezcucans was therefore added to this detachment, and placed under
the immediate command of Luis Marin, an officer with whom Sandoval lived
on the most intimate terms of friendship. We others remained behind for
the protection of Tezcuco and our brigantines, nor did Alvarado or Oli
leave our head-quarters on this occasion.

Before accompanying Sandoval to Chalco, I must make a few comments on
some observations which fell from several cavaliers, who, on comparing
my account of Cortes' expedition to Xaltocan with that of Gomara,
discovered that I had omitted three things mentioned in his history. One
circumstance was, that Cortes had appeared before Mexico with the
thirteen brigantines, and fought a terrible battle with Quauhtemoctzin's
whole armed force, which had been distributed in the canoes and large
pirogues. The other, that Cortes, when he had advanced up to Mexico
along the causeway had held a parley with the Mexican chiefs, and
threatened to reduce the town by famine: and the third, that he had not
acquainted the inhabitants of Tezcuco with his intention of marching
against Xaltocan, from fear they might betray his designs to the
Mexicans.

The answer I made those gentlemen on these three points was, that at the
time of our expedition against the Xaltocans, our brigantines were not
completed, and that it must appear ridiculous in itself, for the
brigantines to have found their way overland thither, and that our
cavalry and other troops should have taken their road through the lake.
But as we have above seen, when Cortes had advanced along the causeway
from Tlacupa, it was with great difficulty he made his retreat good, nor
had we at that time besieged the town so closely as to be able to cut
off all its supplies of provisions; on the contrary, Mexico was then
still in possession of the districts whence it obtained those supplies.
Everything which Gomara relates as having taken place on that occasion
did not happen till some time after. It is equally untrue when this
historian states that Cortes took a roundabout way in order to conceal
his design upon Xaltocan from the Tezcucans on his march thither; he had
no choice of roads, as there was only one, which led through the
territory of Tezcuco.

These are indeed shocking blunders; but I am well aware that they must
not be laid entirely to the door of Gomara, but for the most part to the
false information which had been furnished him, and this expressly to
bestow all the renown of our deeds of arms on Cortes, and thereby throw
the heroic valour of his soldiers into the shade. What I relate is the
pure truth, and these same cavaliers were subsequently convinced that my
statements were correct. Having thus digressed for a short time I must
return to Sandoval, who, after he had attended mass marched out with his
troops from Tezcuco and arrived in front of Chalco by break of day.




CHAPTER CXLII.

    _How the captain Sandoval marches to Chalco and Tlalmanalco, and
    what he did there._


Sandoval set out with his troops on the 12th of March, 1521. The first
night he encamped at Chalco, and arrived the next morning early before
Tlalmanalco, where the caziques and inhabitants gave him a most hearty
welcome, and provided abundance of food for his troops; but the caziques
informed him he had still to march further on to the large township of
Huaxtepec, where a large body of Mexican troops was stationed, who would
be joined by all the warriors of the province.

Sandoval, on receiving this information, concluded that there was no
time to be lost, and immediately marched towards Chimalhuacan, which was
subject to Chalco, where he quartered his troops for the night. The
inhabitants of Chalco had sent out spies in every direction, and learnt
that the enemy was not far off, but lay in wait for the Spaniards in the
thickets and hollows of the mountains. Sandoval, who was an officer of
great determination and foresight, ordered his march as follows: the
musketeers and crossbow-men went in advance, the cavalry were to follow
three and three together, and when the former had discharged their
pieces, the horse were to charge the enemy's line at full gallop, and to
direct the point of their lances at the face, and continue the attack
until the enemy was put to flight. The infantry were to keep their ranks
firmly closed, and not to rush in upon the enemy until a signal for that
purpose was given. This order of attack Sandoval deemed necessary, as
the enemy's numbers were very great, and the nature of the ground
unfavorable for his manoeuvres; besides that, it was impossible to
discover whether the Mexicans had not dug pits or laid other snares to
entrap the Spaniards; so that it was quite necessary his small army
should keep close together in a body.

After Sandoval had marched a little further on he came up with the
Mexicans, who were advancing towards him in three distinct bodies, with
fearful yells and the horrible din of drums and shell trumpets, and
instantly fell upon our troops like so many furious lions. As soon as
Sandoval observed that the enemy intended to fall upon him in three
distinct bodies, he likewise changed his order of attack, and commanded
the cavalry to charge the foe without delay, and not wait for the rest
of the troops. He then placed himself at their head, encouraged his men
and rushed forward to the attack, under the cry of--"Santiago!" The
powerful shock which the enemy thus sustained certainly caused some of
them to recoil, but they immediately closed again and boldly advanced
against our horse, being greatly assisted by the unevenness of the
ground and a deep break, where it was difficult for our horse to
manoeuvre. Sandoval, perceiving the enemy's advantage, ordered his foot
to close their ranks again, placed the crossbow-men and musketeers in
front, and those who were armed with swords and shields on the flanks.
In this order they were again to advance to the attack as soon as they
heard a shot from the other side of the break, which would be a signal
to them that the cavalry had charged and driven the foe back on to the
level ground. Our allies were likewise ordered to follow the example of
the Spanish foot; this was accordingly done and the object accomplished.

In this attack the enemy had observed better order in their mode of
fighting, and our troops had many wounded. They certainly retreated, but
only to make a stand at another and more favorable position. Sandoval,
with the horse, followed close at their heels, but merely took three or
four prisoners, and lost Gonzalo Dominiguez, whose horse unfortunately
stumbled and fell with its whole weight upon him, and he expired a few
days after of the consequences.

I particularly mention the loss of Dominiguez, because he was one of the
most courageous men of our troops, and one of the best cavalry officers;
and considered equally brave in battle as Oli and Sandoval. Every one of
us deeply lamented the death of this excellent officer. Sandoval now
pursued the enemy with the whole of his troops up to the town of
Huaxtepec, where his further progress was arrested by an army of above
15,000 Mexicans, who completely hemmed him in on all sides. Numbers of
his men were wounded and five horses killed; but as the ground was level
here, he succeeded by a desperate charge of his cavalry to break the
enemy's line, and drove them back into the town. Here the Mexicans were
again about to make a stand behind some entrenchments which they had
thrown up; but the Spaniards and their allies allowed them no time to
rally, and our horse was so close at their heels, that at last they
shut themselves up in a strong part of the town where it was impossible
to get at them.

Sandoval concluded the enemy would remain quiet for the remainder of the
day: he therefore allowed his men to take a little rest, ordered the
wounded to be attended to, and provisions to be distributed, of which a
considerable booty had been made. Just as his men were in the midst of
their repast, two of the cavalry and other of the outposts came up in
all haste, crying out, "To arms! to arms! to arms! the Mexicans are
advancing in great numbers!" But as it was always the custom of our men
to have their weapons ready at hand, they instantly arranged themselves
in order of battle, and marched to a large open space, where the
conflict was renewed. Here again the Mexicans courageously maintained
their position for a short time behind some entrenchments which had been
thrown up, and wounded several of our men; but Sandoval attacked them so
vigorously with his cavalry, the musketeers, crossbow-men, and remaining
foot, that the enemy was completely beat out of the town, and offered no
further resistance that day.

Sandoval being now sure that he had gained a complete victory, offered
up thanks to the Almighty, and recreated himself in a garden of
extraordinary beauty, belonging to this township, in which there were
many spacious buildings, and altogether so many remarkable objects to be
seen, as were nowhere else to be found in New Spain. The whole of the
grounds were indeed laid out in a style worthy of a great monarch, and
it required some considerable time to visit all parts of it, as it was
above a mile long.

I was not present myself in this expedition, and did not see this garden
until twenty days after, when I accompanied Cortes on his excursion
through the different large townships which surround the lake. I had
been laid up with a severe wound in the throat, which I received from a
lance, in the battle of Iztapalapan, and had nearly cost me my life. The
scar is still visible.

But the reader will have already discovered, from my mode of describing,
that I was not present in this expedition; as I have never used the
expression--we did this, we marched thither; but always put--so and so
was done, our troops marched to this place, and to that place, and so
on. Nevertheless, everything took place exactly as I have related; for
at head-quarters the minutiae of every engagement soon become known, and
one cannot add to or suppress any facts.

When Sandoval on the following day found that the enemy had entirely
quitted the neighbourhood, he despatched five of the inhabitants, whom
he had taken prisoners in the late battles, two of whom were chiefs, to
the caziques of this township, desiring them to send him messengers of
peace, and assured them a free pardon for all the past. They, however,
sent word that they durst not comply with this summons, from fear of the
Mexicans. Offers of a similar nature, which Sandoval made to another
large township, met with no better success. This latter place was called
Acapalista,[9] and lay about eight miles from Huaxtepec. It was in vain
that Sandoval desired them to consider the difference between war and
peace, and to ask themselves what benefit their neighbours of Huaxtepec
had derived from all the Mexican troops they had harboured. He desired
them to drive away the Mexican garrison, or he would himself march
against them, and treat them as enemies. Their reply to this was as
follows: "He might come when he liked: they had made up their minds to
make a sumptuous repast off their bodies, and to offer up savoury
sacrifices to their gods."

The caziques of Chalco, who were with Sandoval being aware that there
was a much stronger body of Mexicans lying in Acapalista than had yet
appeared in the field of battle, and that they merely awaited a
favorable opportunity to renew the attack upon their town, urgently
requested him to march thither, and drive the enemy out of that town.
Sandoval at first refused to comply with their request, considering that
he himself, with many of his troops, and most of the horses, were
wounded, and that he did not wish to advance farther than Cortes had
ordered him; besides which, several cavaliers of Narvaez's troops urged
him to return to Tezcuco, and represented to him that Acapalista was a
town of great strength, where they might easily meet with a total
overthrow. But the captain Luis Marin strongly advised Sandoval to the
contrary, and thought he was not justified in returning before the work
was half finished, as the enemy would certainly renew the attack upon
Chalco, and thereby defeat the object of the expedition altogether. By
these arguments Sandoval was convinced of the necessity of marching
against this town, which lay only eight miles farther on, and he set out
for that place.

When he had arrived in the neighbourhood of the town, a large body of
Mexicans came advancing towards him, and attacked him so vigorously with
their lances, slings, and arrows, that three horses and several of his
men were instantly wounded, nor was Sandoval able to get at the enemy,
who immediately retreated to the rocks and the fortified heights above,
making a terrific noise with their drums, shell trumpets, and hideous
yells.

Sandoval now despatched a few horse in advance, to see whether the
Mexicans, in case he should attack the town itself, could march to its
assistance, and halted, with the rest of his troops, in the plain. As
the caziques of Chalco and the other Indian allies showed no desire to
come to an engagement with the enemy, Sandoval determined to put them to
the proof, and cried out to them: "Well, why do you stand looking idly
on there? Why don't you advance to the attack? Are we not come here to
protect you?" But they replied, they durst not attack this strong place,
and considered that the teules had come to do the hardest part of the
work for them.

Sandoval was soon convinced that there was not much dependence to be
placed in these Indians, and he therefore stormed the fortified heights
with the whole of his Spanish troops. Although numbers of his men were
wounded, and he himself severely so on the head, he continued to push
forward, and forced his way into the town, where considerable havoc was
made among the enemy's ranks, which was increased by the Chalcans and
Tlascallans, who now joined in the conflict with great intrepidity. Our
troops, indeed, gladly left the last part of the work to them, as soon
as the enemy was put to flight, for they felt compassion for the
inhabitants, and satisfied themselves by capturing some few pretty
females and other objects of value. The Spaniards even checked our
allies in their horrid cruelties, and rescued many a man and woman from
their grasp who otherwise would have been sacrificed to the idols.

The Mexicans had fled to some steep rocks beyond the town; and, as
numbers of them were wounded, they washed off the blood from their
bodies in a small brook, so that the very water was tinctured by it,
though for no longer a space of time than would take to repeat an Ave
Maria. Yet Gomara relates that the water was so completely mixed with
blood that our men would not quench their thirst at it.[10] But it was
not necessary for them to go to this brook for that purpose, as in the
town itself there were numbers of wells full of the purest water. After
this engagement, Sandoval marched back to Tezcuco, taking with him great
numbers of prisoners, among whom were many beautiful Indian females.

When Quauhtemoctzin received intelligence of this defeat of his troops,
he was excessively grieved; and the more so as the people of Chalco were
his subjects, and had now, for the third time, taken up arms against
him. He was, however, determined to be revenged; and while Sandoval was
marching back to Tezcuco, he assembled an army of upwards of 20,000 men,
and despatched these in 2000 canoes to Chalco. Here they arrived so
suddenly, that Sandoval had scarcely entered Tezcuco, and had but just
seen Cortes, when messengers arrived in canoes from Chalco to solicit
his immediate return. Cortes, who was speaking with Sandoval when this
message arrived, was so enraged that he would not hear his report to the
end; accused him of having neglected his duty, and commanded him to
return immediately to Chalco with those of his men who were not wounded.
Sandoval's feelings were greatly hurt at Cortes' reproaches; but what
grieved him more than all was, that he would not even listen to him. He,
however, instantly returned to Chalco, which he and his men reached
excessively fatigued by the weight of their arms and the great distance
they had marched. The Chalcans, in the meantime, had begged assistance
from their neighbours the Huexotzincans and Tlascallans on the first
information they received that the Mexicans intended to invade their
territory again; and these two powers had made such haste that they
arrived that very night, with an army of above 20,000 men. This inspired
the Chalcans with fresh courage; they attacked the Mexicans in the open
field, fought with uncommon bravery, and of the enemy's chief officers
alone they killed and captured as many as fifteen, without mentioning
the numbers they made prisoners. This defeat was most humbling to the
Mexicans, and they were much more ashamed of it than if they had
suffered it from us.

When Sandoval arrived in Chalco, he found the enemy was already
vanquished; and, as there was no fear of the Mexicans returning, he
marched back to Tezcuco, taking the prisoners along with him, and now
Cortes appeared highly delighted. Sandoval, however, had not forgotten
the harsh treatment he had so recently suffered from him, and
peremptorily refused, in his anger, to call upon him, although Cortes
had sent an invitation to him, and assured him that he had now been
informed of the true state of the case, and was convinced that no blame
could be attached to him. They subsequently became reconciled, and
Cortes strove, by every means in his power, to regain Sandoval's
friendship.




CHAPTER CXLIII.

    _How we marked our slaves at Tezcuco with a red-hot iron, and
    received intelligence that a vessel had run into Vera Cruz._


As Sandoval had brought a great many slaves with him, and there were
besides numbers we had taken on previous occasions, Cortes resolved they
should be marked with a red-hot iron. It was, therefore, announced that
each person was to bring his slaves to a certain house for that purpose.
Our men accordingly came with their slaves, and imagined they would
merely have to pay the fifth of their value to the emperor, and that
then they would be entirely their own without any further deduction.

If, however, Cortes and others had acted meanly towards us in Tepeaca,
the meanness they now displayed was still greater. First, the emperor's
fifths were deducted; then a second fifth was set apart for Cortes, and
other portions for our officers; and, during the night preceding the
last division, all the finest females had disappeared. Cortes had
faithfully promised the men that all the slaves should be sold by public
auction, but this was not done, for the officers of the crown acted in
this matter just as they pleased. This was a good hint for us in future;
so that afterwards, when we had captured any beautiful Indian females,
we concealed them, and gave out that they had escaped, as soon as it
came to marking day; or if any one of us stood in favor with Cortes, he
got them secretly marked during the night-time, and paid a fifth of
their value to him. In a short time we possessed great numbers of such
slaves; and if we were questioned about them, we merely said they were
Naborias[11] of the neighbouring tribes near Tlascalla, who had come to
sue for peace. I must also observe that two months had scarcely elapsed
before some of our female slaves knew of every soldier in the troop
whether he behaved well to his Naborias or not; whenever, therefore,
these females were put up to auction, and they found they had been
bought by a man who bore a bad name in this way, they disappeared, and
were nowhere to be found. If they did not recapture them it was all the
same; they were still debited to the buyer in the royal accounts. Our
soldiers fared no better in the division of gold; for if any of them
went to demand their share, so many items were balanced against them
that they really considered themselves fortunate if they had not to pay
something into the bargain.

About this time a vessel arrived in Vera Cruz, from Spain, with the
following passengers: Julian de Alderete, a native of Tordesillas, who
had been appointed royal treasurer; further, the elder Orduna, from the
same place, who lived for some time in Puebla. After the conquest of
Mexico he brought over five or six daughters from Spain, all of whom he
married well. A Dominican friar, named Pedro Melgarejo de Urrea, from
Seville, who brought with him a papal bull,[12] by which we obtained
absolution for all the sins we may have been guilty of during these
wars. By means of this bull, Urrea amassed a large fortune in the space
of a few months, with which he returned to Spain, whither he was
accompanied by Geronimo Lopez, as a commissary of his holiness. This
same Lopez subsequently became the royal secretary in Mexico.

Among the numerous other passengers, I can still remember the following
names: Antonio de Caravajal, who commanded one of our brigantines, and
is still living at Mexico, far advanced in years; Geronimo Ruiz de la
Mota, of Burgos, who likewise commanded a brigantine, and, after the
conquest of Mexico, married a daughter of Orduna. There was also a
certain Briones, of Salamanca, who was hung four years ago for exciting
a revolt among the troops in the province of Guatimala; and, lastly,
there was Alonso Diaz de la Reguera, who lived for some time in
Guatimala, and is now residing at Valladolid.

This vessel had likewise a large store of arms, powder, and other
matters on board;[13] wherefore her arrival was hailed by us all. If I
remember rightly, we also heard on this occasion that the bishop of
Burgos stood no longer at the head of affairs, and that he had
altogether fallen into his majesty's disgrace ever since his majesty had
been convinced, by the reports of our agents, of the great and wonderful
services we had rendered the crown, and which the bishop above
mentioned, in his official reports, to favour Diego Velasquez, had
placed in the opposite light.

In the meantime our brigantines were fast approaching towards
completion, and we were all awaiting the moment with impatience when we
should be able to lay close siege to Mexico. We had just begun our
preparations when messengers arrived from Chalco with the information
that the Mexicans were again marching against that town, and they
therefore begged we would come immediately to their assistance. Cortes
promised them he would himself march with his troops to their relief,
and not rest until he had completely driven the enemy from their
territory. He therefore immediately issued orders that three hundred
foot, thirty horse, the greater part of our musketeers and crossbow-men,
with the troops of Tezcuco and Tlascalla, should hold themselves in
readiness to march out. Of our principal officers, Alvarado, Tapia, and
Oli accompanied him on this occasion. The royal treasurer Julian de
Alderete, and father Pedro Melgarejo, both of whom had just arrived from
Spain, also joined him. I myself accompanied Cortes in this expedition,
at his own particular desire.




CHAPTER CXLIV.

    _How Cortes made a hostile excursion to all the cities and larger
    townships which lay round about the lake, and what happened on that
    occasion._


Cortes now marched out with a considerable body of troops to fulfil the
promise he had made to the inhabitants of Chalco, in order at once to
put an end to the attacks which the Mexicans almost weekly made upon
this town. Sandoval was left behind with a strong detachment of foot and
horse for the protection of Tezcuco and our brigantines.

We set out on our march very early on the morning of the 5th of April,
1521, after we had attended mass, and took up our quarters the first
night in Tlalmanalco, where we were kindly entertained by the
inhabitants. The next day we reached Chalco, which lies in the immediate
vicinity of the former place; and Cortes instantly sent for all the
caziques of the province, whom he then addressed at some length by means
of our interpreters, informing them that his present expedition was
directed against the townships which lay on the borders of the lake, in
order to force them into obedience, and also to explore the territory,
and form his plans for blockading the city of Mexico. Our thirteen
brigantines, he told them, would shortly be launched, and he requested
them to assemble all their warriors by the next day, that they might
join our troops in this expedition. Upon which the caziques one and all
declared their willingness to comply with his desires.

The following morning we continued our march, and arrived as far as the
township of Chimalhuacan, which was subject to Chalco. Here we were
joined by upwards of 20,000 of our allies, who had assembled from
Chalco, Tezcuco, Huexotzinco, Tlascalla, and other townships. This was a
larger body of Indians than had ever, up to this time, joined our troops
in New Spain. All these warriors had been induced to join us in the
hopes of making a rich booty; but the expectation of plentiful repasts
off human flesh, which never failed after an engagement, was no less an
incitement; and I cannot better compare these many thousands of Indians
than to the large flocks of vultures, ravens, and other birds of prey
which, in the Italian wars, follow the armies, to satiate themselves on
the dead bodies which have fallen in battle.

This ferocious appetite of our Indian allies was but too soon to be
glutted; for we received information that large bodies of Mexican
troops, with their allies from the surrounding neighbourhood, stood
ready prepared to attack us in an adjoining valley. At this
intelligence, Cortes issued orders that we should equip ourselves for
battle early the following morning. We accordingly left Chimalhuacan
next day very early, after we had attended mass.

Our march lay through some steep rocks, and we soon arrived between two
small mountains whose tops had been fortified. Hither a vast number of
Indians, with their wives, had fled, who yelled excessively, and threw
out all manner of abusive language towards us. We, however, took no
notice of them, but marched on quietly to an extensive township called
Yauhtepec, which was quite deserted by its inhabitants. We made no stay
in this place, but marched on until we arrived in a plain where there
were several small wells, but little water. On one side of the plain was
a high rocky mountain, with a fortification which was most difficult of
approach. When we had arrived in the vicinity of this rock, we found
that it was crowded with Indians, who jeered at us and greeted us with a
shower of arrows, lances, and stones, by which three of our men were
wounded. Here Cortes ordered us to halt, and said, "It appears that the
Mexicans have everywhere taken up some stronghold, and mock at us,
because they imagine we cannot get at them." He then despatched a few of
the horse and crossbow-men to reconnoitre a part of the rock, in order
to discover some more favorable point to attack the enemy. They,
however, returned with the answer that the rock was only accessible at
the spot where we had halted, and that, on all other sides, it rose up
perpendicularly. Cortes then commanded us to ascend and storm the
enemy's fortresses. The first ensign Christobal del Corral and the other
ensigns were to lead the way, and all the remaining foot to follow them.
Cortes, with the cavalry, stationed himself in the plain beneath, to
cover our rear, and protect the baggage against other bodies of
Mexicans. As soon as we commenced this laborious ascent, the Indians
began rolling down large stones and huge lumps of rock upon us, and it
was terrible to behold how these heavy masses rebounded as they
thundered down the rugged steeps. It was a miracle that we were not all
crushed to pieces; and certainly Cortes had, in this instance, not acted
as a prudent general when he ordered this perilous attack. At my very
feet a soldier named Martinez, a native of Valencia, and who had been
butler to a gentleman of distinction in Castile, was completely smashed
by a piece of rock, and died without a single groan or sigh. Two other
soldiers, one of whom was named Gaspar Sanchez, a nephew of the
treasurer of Cuba, and the other, Bravo, met with a similar death from
the rolling masses of stone. We, nevertheless, continued the ascent with
great intrepidity: but scarcely a few moments had elapsed before another
brave soldier, named Alonso Rodriguez, with two of his companions, were
crushed to death, and most of us were struck on the head by the pieces
of stone which were split off the rock by the tumbling masses.

At that time I was still an active young fellow, so that I kept up close
with the ensign Corral, and we reached some hollows in the rock, along
which we continued to advance for some time, but at the imminent risk of
our lives, until Corral could proceed no further, and held himself fast
by one of the thick trees with prickly thorns which grew in these
hollows; his head was wounded all over, his face covered with blood, and
his colours torn into rags. Here he turned round to me, and said, "Alas!
Senor Bernal Diaz, it is impossible to advance further this way; for
even if the tumbling masses of rock do not crush us, we shall scarcely
be able to hold fast by our hands under these projecting masses." As we
were thus clinging to the rock by our hands, I espied Pedro Barba, who
commanded the crossbow-men, with two soldiers, likewise clambering up to
this projection, and I cried out to him, "Captain, don't give yourself
any further trouble; there is neither place here to put your hand or
foot, unless you wish to roll headlong down the mountain." To this he
answered, in the fulness of his courage, or because he thought he was
bound to speak as an officer in high command, "Here we have to do with
deeds, not words." I was obliged to swallow this reproach, and replied,
"Well, we shall see how well you will manage to get up here!" The words
were scarcely out of my mouth when other large pieces of the rock came
rolling down from the heights above, by which Pedro Barba was wounded,
and one of his men crushed to death. This seemed to deter Barba, and he
would not move a step further up.

The ensign Corral now called out to the soldiers to apprize Cortes that
it was impossible to ascend further, and that the descent was equally
dangerous. This information was conveyed from one man to the other until
it reached Cortes, who had even lost three men in the plain below, and
several others were severely wounded, by the lumps of rock which came
tumbling down. He had, however, not been able to see the perilous
situation we were in, from the winding of the rock, but had fully
expected to find that the greater part of us were either killed or
dreadfully wounded. He now immediately signified, by loud cries and a
few musket shots, that we should descend. This we accordingly did with
the utmost precaution, each one striving to assist his neighbour down
the steep rocks, until we all safely arrived in the plain beneath; our
heads were covered with wounds and blood, and the colours of our ensigns
were torn to rags. When Cortes saw the terrible condition we were in,
and was informed that we had lost eight men, he offered up thanks to the
Almighty that the rest of us had escaped so well.

Among other things that came to be spoken about were the few words which
passed between Pedro Barba and myself; indeed the latter mentioned it
himself; and the ensign Corral gave such a description of the terrible
masses of rock which came rolling down, that every one was astonished at
our escape, and the account of the great dangers we had had to brave was
noised about through the whole of our camp.

In the meantime a large body of Mexicans were lying in wait for us in a
spot where we could neither see nor imagine them to be. They had been
stationed there in case the other troops on the rock just mentioned
should require assistance; but when they were informed that our attempts
to storm this fortified rock had failed, both these bodies determined to
fall upon us from various points at once.

When Cortes received notice of their approach, he ordered the horse and
the whole of our troops to march against them. The ground we occupied
was quite level, and fertile meadows stretched along between the hills.
The enemy now retreated before us, and we pursued them until they took
up a strong position on another rock, without our being able to do them
much harm, as they continually fled to places where we could not
possibly get at them.

We therefore returned to our former position, in front of the first rock
we had attempted to ascend; but as not a single drop of water had passed
our lips the whole day, and as our horses were equally parched with
thirst, and the few wells here contained nothing but muddy water, for
the best were in the enemy's possession, we broke up our encampment, and
formed another, about six miles further on, at the foot of a mountain,
as before; but here also we found but little water.

Near this rocky mountain there stood several black mulberry trees and
about ten or twelve houses, and we had scarcely rested a few minutes
when the wild war-whoop of the Indians resounded from the mountain top,
and we were immediately greeted with a shower of arrows and lances,
while large masses of the rock came rolling down, as before. Here the
enemy were in greater numbers than on the former occasion, and their
position much stronger, as we soon discovered. All the firing of our
musketeers and crossbow-men was to no purpose, for the enemy was beyond
their reach, and too well protected by their entrenchments. An attempt
to ascend the rock was attended with no better success; twice had we
essayed this from the houses just mentioned, and some few of us had
reached a good way up; but we found it even more terrific than the
former rock; so that we did not exactly gain much honour in this affair,
and were forced to cede the victory to the Mexicans and their allies.

We encamped for the night beneath the mulberry trees, but were almost
dying with thirst. The following morning our crossbow-men and musketeers
were ordered to take up their position on a very steep rock, which lay
near to us, and to direct their fire at the enemy in their entrenchments
on the rock opposite.

Francisco Verdugo and Julian de Alderete, who were excellent
crossbow-men, joined this small detachment, which was placed under the
command of Pedro Barba. While these were on their way thither, the rest
of our troops once more attempted the ascent of the mountain from the
above-mentioned houses; but the enemy continually rolled down numbers of
large and small stones, that a great number of our men were soon
wounded; and even if we had not met with this opposition, our toil would
have been fruitless, for the rock was so steep that we could scarcely
move or hold fast by our hands. While we were thus fatiguing ourselves
to no purpose, the detachment of musketeers and crossbow-men had arrived
at their place of destination, but they were only able to kill and wound
a very few of the enemy.

The combat had lasted in this way for above half an hour, when matters
took a sudden change, and peace was concluded with the enemy, through
the interposition of a merciful Providence. This sudden change was owing
to the circumstance of a number of women, children, and poor people, who
had been carried to a level space on the top of the rock for safety,
having no water to quench their burning thirst. In order that we, who
were beneath, might know what they desired, the women waved their
cloaks, and made signs with their hands, to indicate they were willing
to bake bread for us; while the Indian troops discontinued to throw
their lances, arrows, and stones, upon us.

When Cortes learnt what they desired, he ordered all hostilities to be
stayed, and gave the Indians to understand by signs that they should
send down to us five of their most distinguished men, to conclude peace
with us. It was not long before these made their appearance, and with
profound respect begged forgiveness for the past, and assured our
general that it was fear for us only which had induced them to take up
this strong position on the mountain. Cortes answered them rather
harshly, that they had all deserved death, for having commenced
hostilities with us; but as they now came of their own accord to sue for
peace, he would substitute mercy for justice; but told them they must go
to the opposite rock, and call the chiefs of the other troops, that
they might likewise come and sue for peace; and inform them, that if
they refused we would continue to surround them until they died of
thirst, as we were well aware that they could get no water, there being
very little to be had in any part of this neighbourhood.

While these personages were on their way to the other rock, Cortes
entered into conversation with father Melgarejo, and the royal
treasurer, Alderete, and described to them the battles we had fought
previous to their arrival in New Spain; the great power of the Mexicans,
and the large cities we had seen up to the present moment in this
country; when they assured our general, that if the bishop of Burgos had
informed the emperor as faithfully of the truth as he was studious of
falsehood in his account, the emperor would certainly by this time have
nobly rewarded him and his troops. No monarch, they said, had ever been
rendered the vast services he had received at our hands, who had thus,
without his knowledge, subjected so many large cities to him.

After this discourse, Cortes ordered the ensign Corral and myself, and
two of our officers, Xaramillo and Pedro de Ircio, to ascend the rock,
in order to inspect the enemy's fortifications there, and whether our
musketeers and crossbow-men had killed or wounded many of the Indians;
and altogether to see what kind of people they were. "But I must desire
you not even to take as much as a grain of maise from them," added
Cortes; and I understood him to say, "Mind you look to your own
advantage."

We then began to ascend by a very dangerous path, and we found the
enemy's position here even more formidable than the first one, for the
rocks were perpendicular. There was only one entrance to the
fortification itself, which was not broader than double the width of the
mouth of a baker's oven. At the summit of this rock we found a spacious
greensward, on which were encamped great numbers of Indian warriors,
women, and children. All the loss they had sustained was twenty killed
and several wounded. There was not a drop of water for all this crowd of
human beings to drink. A considerable number of bundles of cotton stuffs
and other matters were lying about, destined as tribute for
Quauhtemoctzin. When I saw all these matters, and knew they were going
to be sent as tribute to Mexico, I ordered four Tlascallans who were
with me, and four Indians who had charge of these goods, to take each a
load and follow me. Just at that moment Pedro Ircio came up, and ordered
that everything should be left where it was. I first remonstrated with
him for this, but was forced in the end to obey his commands, because he
was an officer. "Did you not yourself," said he, "hear Cortes say that
we were not even to touch a grain of maise belonging to these people. I
will certainly inform against you if you do not leave these things where
they are." I acquiesced of course, but I told him I was of opinion that
these things were not comprehended in Cortes' commands. However, I
returned without taking a single thing with me.

When we had again arrived in the plain below, and given Cortes an
account of what we had seen, Pedro de Ircio thought our general would be
pleased to hear how he had restrained me from carrying off the packages
of cotton stuffs; but Cortes said to him angrily, "Why did you not allow
Bernal Diaz to take those things away? Really I am astonished that you
did not yourself stay with those people above! Is it thus that you
understood me, when I told you to look to your own advantage? Bernal
Diaz, who understood my meaning, was thus forced to return the things
which he had taken from those dogs! who now laugh in their sleeves at
having killed and wounded so many of our men!"

Upon this, Ircio offered to ascend the rock again, and to fetch the
packages; but Cortes said to him sharply, "There is no time for that
now."

In the meantime the caziques from the other rock had arrived in our
camp; and after giving many reasons why Cortes should pardon them, he
granted them their request, and declared them vassals of our emperor.

As water was so very scarce in the whole of this district, we marched
back to the town of Huaxtepec, where those extensive gardens where,
which I have mentioned above: and I must declare, that during the whole
course of my life I never beheld such a splendid spot! I therefore drew
the attention of Cortes to them, and he instantly repaired thither with
Alderete, the royal treasurer. They both walked about in the garden for
a length of time, and acknowledged they had never seen any thing so
beautiful in Spain.[14] The whole of us encamped for the night in this
garden, and the caziques of the township came to offer their services to
Cortes; for Sandoval, on his visit here, had concluded peace with them.
The following morning we marched towards Cuernavaca, and came up with a
strong body of Mexicans who had been drawn out of this town to oppose
us; but our cavalry charged them with great impetuosity, put them to
flight, and pursued them for about three miles, up to another large
township, called Teputztlan. Here the Mexicans were so very careless,
that our troops fell upon them before their spies could give notice of
our approach, and we made a considerable booty, besides taking many fine
female prisoners; but the Mexicans and the other inhabitants fled
precipitately from the town.

Cortes sent three or four several times to the caziques of this
district, desiring them to come and sue for peace, otherwise we should
burn down their town and put them all to death. However, they each time
sent word that they had no wish to come, and we set fire to half the
houses of the town, in order to frighten the other towns of this
district into obedience. It was not till then that the caziques of
Yauhtepec, through which we had passed this day, made their appearance,
and declared themselves vassals of our emperor.

The next day we marched to Coadalbaca, which we often erroneously termed
Cuernavaca.[15] In this town lay a strong garrison of Mexicans, besides
the troops of the place itself, and it was rendered difficult of access
from a hollow eight fathoms deep, which lay in front of the town, and
through which a small stream of water flowed. There was no other way for
our cavalry to get into the town than by two bridges, but these had been
burnt down by the enemy, who were strongly entrenched on the other side
of this deep hollow, and incessantly annoyed us with their arrows,
lances, and slings. While they were thus attacking us Cortes received
information that a couple of miles further up there was a spot where our
cavalry could pass over. Our general, therefore, immediately repaired
thither with the horse, while the rest of us strove to get over in the
best way we could. We succeeded above our expectations, by climbing up
and along the branches of the trees which grew on each side of this
hollow, but this was attended by considerable danger, and three of our
men fell down into the water, one of whom broke his leg. My head grew
quite dizzy as I thus passed across the depth; but as soon as twenty or
thirty of us, with a great number of Tlascallans had reached the
opposite side, we fell upon the rear of the Mexicans before they were in
the least aware of it; for they had considered it an impossibility for
us to pass the hollow, and imagined in their astonishment, when they saw
us approaching, that we were much more numerous than was really the
case, particularly as Oli, Alvarado and Tapia, with the greater part of
our cavalry who had risked their lives by crossing a bridge which had
been almost burnt down, appeared there at the same time. We now fell in
a body upon the enemy, who instantly turned round and fled to the
mountains, and other parts of this deep hollow, where we could not
possibly follow them. A short time afterwards Cortes arrived with the
remaining cavalry, and we now took possession of the town without any
further opposition. Here we took many fine Indian females prisoners, and
otherwise made a rich booty, particularly of large sized mantles. Our
general now allowed us to rest for the remainder of the day, and we all
quartered ourselves comfortably in a garden belonging to the chief of
the town.

We had not been long here before our outposts brought intelligence that
twenty Indians were approaching, who, to judge from their bearing, must
either be caziques or men of distinction, and seemed to be coming with
some message or to sue for peace. They proved, indeed, to be the
caziques of the town, who approached Cortes with the utmost veneration,
handed over to him a present in gold, and begged pardon for their recent
behaviour towards us. In excuse for not having come earlier to demand
peace of us, they said that Quauhtemoctzin had secretly commanded them
to treat us as enemies, and that they had not been able to avoid this as
their town formed one of the fortifications of the country, and was
occupied by a Mexican garrison. They were now, continued they,
convinced, that there was no fortification we could not take, and it was
therefore their sincere wish to become friendly with us.

Cortes was very kind to these caziques, and spoke to them of our
emperor, and of his mercy to all those who willingly obeyed him; and it
was in his name he now acknowledged them as his subjects. I still
remember the extraordinary expression these caziques made use of on this
occasion; namely, that our gods in punishment for their not having sued
earlier for peace, had given their gods authority to chastise their
persons and deprive them of their property.[16]




CHAPTER CXLV.

    _The terrible thirst we suffered on our further march; our dangerous
    position at Xochimilco, and the many battles we fought there with
    the Mexicans, until our return to Tezcuco._


From Cuernavaca we marched towards Xochimilco, a large town lying about
eleven miles from Mexico,[17] and of which the greater part was built in
the water. On our march we adopted our usual military precautions, and
arrived at a forest of pine trees, without being able to obtain a single
drop of water all the way. Our arms were very heavy, and the day, which
had been exceedingly hot, was now far spent, and we were almost parched
with thirst, yet we had still several miles to go, nor did we know for
certain whether we should find the wells, which, it was said, lay
further on.

By this time the whole of our troops were almost exhausted with fatigue,
and our Tlascallan friends lost all courage after one of their
countrymen and an old Spaniard died of thirst. Cortes, observing the
great distress we were in, ordered us to halt under the shade of the
pine trees, and despatched six of our horse in advance, along the road
leading to Xochimilco, in search of some town or village where it was
said we should find the wells, as our general proposed to encamp near
them for the night.

This small body of cavalry, among which were Oli, Valdenebro, Truxillo,
and other brave men, had scarcely left, when I slipt away without being
observed by Cortes and the others, taking with me three of my Tlascallan
naborias, who were active young fellows, and I followed the three
above-mentioned cavalry officers until I was observed, and they halted
to wait my coming up. They advised me to return immediately, that I
might not fall into the hands of the Mexicans. I was not, however, to be
deterred by this; and Oli, with whom I stood on a very friendly footing,
at length gave me permission to accompany them, but to hold my hands
ready for battle and my legs for flight. I would at that moment have
risked my life to obtain a drink of water, so painful was my thirst.

We may have advanced about a couple of miles in a straight line when we
came up to a number of country houses which lay scattered among the
hills, and were subject to Xochimilco. Our officers entered these
dwellings without delay, in search of water, which they found, to their
inexpressible joy. One of my Tlascallans, who had followed them,
instantly returned to me with a large earthen jug full of water, with
which I and my servants quenched our thirst. I now again returned to the
wood where Cortes had halted with our troops, and it was high time I
did, as the inhabitants were beginning to assemble, and they followed us
with hootings and yells. I had ordered the jug to be replenished with
water, and gave it to one of my Tlascallans to carry. On my return, I
met Cortes, who had again put his troops in motion. I informed him that
we had found water in a small village not far off, and that I had
brought him a jug full. My Tlascallans had taken the precaution to cover
up the jug carefully, that no one might take it from them, for thirst
knows no law. Cortes and the other officers by whom he was surrounded
were highly delighted, and drank their fill; we then continued our
march, and reached the small village before sunset. There was still some
water left in the houses, but not sufficient for the whole of our
troops, so that several of the men, in order at least to moisten their
mouths, chewed a kind of thistle, the sharp prickles of which wounded
their tongues and lips. The small detachment of horse now also returned,
and informed our general that they had found the wells where we were to
encamp for the night, but these were still a good way off, and the whole
neighbourhood was beating to arms.

We encamped near the wells for the night, ordered the pickets and
outposts as usual, and otherwise took every precaution. I myself formed
one of the night watch, and, if I still remember rightly, it blew a
strong gale of wind, and some rain was falling.

The next morning very early we marched towards Xochimilco, and arrived
in front of that town about eight in the morning. Here an immense body
of the enemy stood ready to oppose us, part of whom were stationed in
the open fields, and the rest in front of a bridge which had been
destroyed, and near which large entrenchments had been thrown up. At the
end of their pikes they had fastened the swords we had lost on our
unfortunate retreat from Mexico, and many of the chiefs were armed with
our own broadswords, which had been beautifully polished. The whole of
the Mexicans appeared to be well-armed, and the entire plain was filled
with warriors.

The conflict for the possession of the bridges lasted about half an
hour, yet, with all our firing and hard fighting, we were not able to
force them. Our situation became truly perilous, for large bodies now
fell upon our rear, so that the only choice we had left was to cross the
water at all hazards. In this we fortunately succeeded, partly swimming,
and partly wading through. Several of our men, while thus crossing over,
drank so much water that their stomachs swelled out to an enormous size.
In crossing this water, we lost two men, and had several wounded;
nevertheless, we succeeded, by dint of our swords, to drive the enemy
before us along a causeway which led to the main land. Cortes, who was
advancing with the cavalry from another quarter, fell in with a body of
more than 10,000 Mexicans, who were coming to the assistance of the
town. The Mexicans, on this occasion, received the charge of the cavalry
with fixed lances, and wounded four of our horses. Cortes himself had
got into the midst of the enemy, and rode a dark brown horse, which we
commonly termed the _flatnose_. Whether this animal, which was otherwise
an excellent horse, had become too fat, or was over-fatigued, I cannot
say; but, to be short, it fell down with its rider, and numbers of
Mexicans instantly laid hold of our general, tore him away from the
saddle, and were already carrying him off. When some of the Tlascallans
and the brave Christobal de Olea saw this, they immediately flew to his
assistance, and, by dint of heavy blows and good thrusts, they cut their
way through to our general, and assisted him into his saddle again.
Cortes fortunately escaped with only a wound on the head, but Olea had
received three very severe wounds.[17] Those of us who stood nearest now
also hastened to the assistance of Cortes; for, as every street was
crowded with the enemy, we were obliged to attack them in separate
bodies and from different points, so that, for some time, we had totally
lost sight of him; but we concluded, from the terrific yells of the
Mexicans, that there must be a severe struggle between them and the
cavalry. We therefore cut our way through the enemy, at the risk of our
lives, to the spot where Cortes, surrounded by only ten of the cavalry,
was bravely repelling the desperate attacks of the enemy. The Mexicans
had taken up a position behind a deep canal, which had been strengthened
by a palisade; they thus had the advantage ground: but we soon put them
to flight.

As Olea, who had saved our general's life, was severely wounded, and had
lost much blood, and the streets were still crowded by the enemy, we
advised Cortes to march back to some entrenchments, under cover of which
his own and Olea's wounds could be dressed. This retrograde movement was
not accomplished without considerable difficulty and danger; for the
Mexicans now imagined we were going to retreat altogether, and fell upon
us with redoubled fury.

In the midst of this second conflict, Alvarado Tapia and Oli, with the
main body of the cavalry, made their appearance, who had been attacking
the enemy at other points. The blood was trickling down Oli's face, nor
had any one of them escaped without a wound. They said they had been
attacked by terrific bodies of the enemy, in the open fields, and had
not been able to drive them back. The reason of their having been
separated from the rest of the cavalry was, because Cortes, after he had
passed across the water, ordered the horse to divide into two bodies,
and attack the enemy at different points.

While we were busily engaged dressing the wounds of our men, all at once
there arose from out of the streets and adjoining fields terrific yells,
with the wild war music of the enemy; the courtyard in which we had
stationed ourselves was suddenly filled with Mexicans, and, in a very
few moments, many more of our men were wounded. But the enemy drew very
little advantage from this bold enterprise; for we set upon them so
vigorously in return, that great numbers of them soon lay stretched on
the ground. Our cavalry also galloped in among them, and slew a great
many more. On our side, we had only one man killed and two horses
wounded.

We drove the enemy completely out of the open square, and took
possession of another more spacious, in which stood several large
temples, where we could rest ourselves in greater safety. Several of our
men mounted to the top of these temples, from whence they could see the
great city of Mexico and the extensive lake which it commanded; but at
the same time they espied more than 2000 canoes, all filled with
warriors, making straightway to us as fast as their paddles could bring
them.

These troops were commanded by Quauhtemoctzin to attack us immediately,
and to leave us no peace night or day. He had likewise despatched
another 10,000 men by land, to fall upon us from another quarter: and
another 10,000 men stood ready to march hither to relieve the first,
that not a single man of us might escape alive from Xochimilco. All this
we learnt the day following from the five Mexican chiefs whom we took
prisoners. But the Lord Jesus had disposed otherwise for us.

As soon as intelligence was received of the approach of this vast fleet
of canoes, we were doubly vigilant, and strong detachments were placed
at all the places and canals where we thought the enemy would disembark.
Our horses stood ready saddled, and every officer, including Cortes
himself, made the rounds during the whole of the night, and kept a sharp
look-out on the causeway and towards the mainland. I myself was posted
with ten men near a stone wall. We were furnished with stones,
crossbows, muskets, and long lances, and were to prevent the enemy from
landing in this quarter. Similar small detachments were stationed at the
other canals.

I and my comrades thus keeping a sharp look-out, we heard all at once
the noise of several canoes, which were advancing directly towards us;
but we gave the enemy so rough a reception with our slings and lances,
that they durst not venture to land; and while one of our men had
hastened to inform Cortes of what was going forward in this quarter, a
second and still more numerous squadron of canoes arrived, and attacked
us most vigorously with lances, stones, and arrows, wounding two of our
men; but we defended ourselves with no less vigour: and, as it was an
uncommon dark night, these canoes again joined the great body of the
fleet, which had repaired to some other small harbour or deeper canal,
where the whole of them disembarked. These troops, who, it seemed, were
not very willing to fight at night-time, joined those which
Quauhtemoctzin had sent by land, and both together formed an army of
above 15,000 men.

I must here mention a circumstance, which, however, I hope the reader
will not construe into vanity on my part.

When one of the men belonging to my small detachment brought Cortes
intelligence that a number of Mexican canoes had approached the spot
where we were stationed, he, with ten of the cavalry, was just coming
towards us. As they approached us with the utmost silence, I and Gonzalo
Sanchez cried out to them, "Who goes there? How? can't you open your
mouths?" and then slung three or four stones at them. But Cortes, who
immediately recognized us by our voices, remarked to Alderete, father
Melgarejo, and our quartermaster Christobal de Oli, who accompanied him,
"I am in no fear with regard to this quarter; for here are posted two
men who came with me when I first arrived in this country, and to whom I
would intrust a more important command than this!" He then came up and
spoke to us himself, and observed that our position was one of great
danger, and that, in case of need, we were instantly to send for
assistance. Our general had scarcely left us when we heard him driving a
soldier back to his post, which he had deserted. It was one of those who
came with Narvaez.

There is likewise another circumstance which I must not forget to
mention. In the battle of the previous day, our musketeers had spent all
their powder, and the crossbow-men their arrows; Cortes, therefore,
during the night-time, ordered us to collect all the arrows we could
find, and to furnish them with fresh feathers and points, of which we
had always a good stock by us. With this work our crossbow-men were
occupied the whole of the night, and Pedro Barba, captain of that
company, never left them for a moment; Cortes himself looking in from
time to time to see how they were getting on.

When daylight appeared, our camp was assailed by the whole of the
Mexican troops from different points at once; but as we were never
unprepared for an attack, our cavalry rushed out towards the land side,
and we others, with the Tlascallans, towards the lake, and fell so
vigorously on the Mexicans that we soon killed three of their chiefs,
and numbers of their troops died of their wounds the day following. The
Tlascallans behaved with uncommon bravery, and took five Mexican chiefs
whom they brought in prisoners, from whom we learnt the exact number of
troops which Quauhtemoctzin had ordered against us.

On our side we had only one killed, but a great number of wounded.

This battle, however, had not yet terminated; for our cavalry, in
pursuing the enemy, came up with the 10,000 warriors whom Quauhtemoctzin
had despatched to the assistance of the others. Several of the officers
who commanded these troops wore our Spanish swords, of which they were
not a little vain; and they said it was by our own swords we were to be
vanquished.

Our few horse durst not encounter so large a body of the enemy, and
therefore drew off to one side, until they should be joined by Cortes
with the rest of the troops. When our general was informed of their
critical position, he instantly sallied out, with the rest of our
cavalry, who had remained in the courtyard on account of their wounds,
and all our foot, with the Tlascallan troops. A most terrible and
obstinate conflict now ensued; but at length, by dint of heavy blows and
thrusts, we repulsed the enemy, with considerable loss. On this occasion
eight distinguished Mexicans fell into our hands, from whom we learnt
that Quauhtemoctzin had despatched against us another considerable fleet
of canoes, and other large bodies of his troops by land. These troops he
had sent off with the perfect assurance that, coming suddenly upon us,
they would complete the victory, after we had been fatigued by such
constant fighting, and weakened by loss of men and the number of our
wounded.

When we heard this we were doubly on our guard, and our general
determined to abandon the town on the following morning, and not wait
for any further attacks. We therefore made the best use of our time to
dress our wounds and repair our weapons.

During this interval, it appears that some prisoners of Xochimilco
pointed out to the Tlascallans several houses belonging to rich
individuals, in which were hidden many valuable things, such as
manufactured cotton interwoven with feathers, women's shifts, gold, and
other matters. These houses stood in the lake, but it was possible to
reach them by a causeway, and by passing over two or three bridges which
lay across the deep canals. The Tlascallans communicated this to several
of our men, who instantly repaired to these houses, which they found
quite unprotected, and, as they had been told, filled with various
articles of value. They stowed away as much as they possibly could, and
returned with a rich booty to our head-quarters. When others of our men
saw these rich spoils, they likewise paid a visit to these dwellings,
and were busily engaged in emptying some wooden cases, which were full
of different things, when a large fleet of Mexican canoes arrived with a
numerous body of troops, and suddenly fell upon the plunderers, of whom
they wounded the greater part, and carried off four alive to Mexico. It
was indeed a wonder that the rest escaped. Two of the four Spaniards
were Juan de Lara and Alonso Hernandez; the two others belonged to the
company which stood under the command of Andreas de Monjaraz, but I have
forgotten their names.

These unfortunate men were brought into the presence of Quauhtemoctzin,
who questioned them about the smallness of our army, the number of our
wounded, and the object of our present expedition: and when he thought
he had gained sufficient information, he ordered their arms and legs to
be chopped off, and to be sent to those towns which had concluded peace
with Cortes, accompanied by the message that he hoped to kill us all
before we could escape to Tezcuco, and with our hearts and our blood he
would make a savoury offering to his idols.

Quauhtemoctzin then despatched a large fleet of canoes filled with
troops, and a considerable army by land, to Xochimilco, with strict
commands not to allow one of us to escape alive out of that town.

Not to fatigue the reader with a description of the many battles we
fought with the Mexicans during these four days, I will confine myself
by stating that, with break of day, so vast a number of Mexicans rushed
all at once upon us from the inlets of the lakes, from the streets, and
from the mainland, that it was with the utmost exertions only we were
able to cut our way through them to a large square which lay at a short
distance from the town, and where the inhabitants usually held their
markets. There we halted for a few minutes, with the whole of our
baggage, to arrange the order of our march.

Previous to quitting this place, Cortes addressed a few words to us, in
which he reminded us of our perilous position, having still to pass by
several dangerous points, where the whole armed force of Mexico was
lying in wait for us. It would, therefore, be desirable, he said, to
leave behind as much of our baggage as we could possibly spare, for it
would only encumber our movements in battle.

To this we one and all replied, that we were men who had the power to
defend our baggage, ourselves, and his person, if God lent us his
protection; and that we considered it but a small sacrifice which he
required us to make. When he saw in what an excellent disposition we
were, he commended us all to God, and arranged the order of march. The
wounded and our baggage were placed in the centre, one half of the
cavalry formed the vanguard, and the other half the rearguard; and the
crossbow-men and Tlascallans were distributed in a similar manner: for
we purposely collected our chief strength around the baggage, as the
Mexicans invariably made their first attack upon this. Our musketeers
were of no use to us, as all their powder was consumed.

In this way we began to move forward; but as soon as the Mexicans found
we were leaving the square, they concluded it was from fear, as was
indeed the case; they sallied out upon us, wounded two of our men, and
attacked our centre with great intrepidity to make themselves master of
our baggage; but they were unable to make any impression on the close
order of our ranks.

During the whole of our march to Cojohuacan, which lay about eight miles
from Xochimilco, we had continual skirmishes with the Mexicans, who took
every favorable opportunity of annoying us with lances, stones and
arrows, and then suddenly retreated beyond the canals, where we could
not follow them. In this manner we reached Cojohuacan, at ten o'clock in
the morning, and found the town quite deserted by its inhabitants.

I must here observe that there are a number of towns lying round about
Mexico, all at about eight miles distance from each other. Of these,
Xochimilco, Cojohuacan, Iztapalapan, Chohuilobusco, Quauhnahuac,
Mizquic, and three or four other towns, are half-built in the lake
itself, and none of these towns lie at a greater distance from each
other than from six to eight miles, which accounts for the Mexicans
being able to assemble so vast a body of troops against us in
Xochimilco.

When we arrived in this deserted town, we dressed our wounds, furnished
ourselves with arrows, and rested for the remaining part of the day; and
indeed we required some repose, for we knew we should have to fight many
more battles before we reached Tezcuco.

The next morning very early we again continued our march, and took the
road towards Tlacupa, which lay about eight miles further on. Large
bodies of the enemy fell upon us at three different places along our
route, but we each time repulsed them, and pursued them to their canoes
in the inlets and canals.

On one occasion during this march, Cortes left the main body with ten of
the cavalry, among which were four of his grooms, to lay an ambuscade
for the Mexicans, who every now and then came suddenly upon us from the
inlets of the lake. Cortes attacked and routed a body of Mexicans, who,
after a short stand, fled with precipitation, and were pursued by our
general; in doing which he fell himself into a more terrible ambush,
from which the enemy suddenly burst upon him, and wounded two of his
men; and he, with all those who accompanied him, would undoubtedly have
been killed or taken prisoners if he had not instantly retreated. The
enemy, however, succeeded in capturing two of his grooms, who were
brought before Quauhtemoctzin, and afterwards sacrificed to his gods.

The main body of our army had, in the meantime, arrived with flying
colours in Tlacupa, while only Cortes, with the ten horse, remained
behind, and we began to fear that some misfortune had befallen him;
wherefore Alvarado, Oli, and Tapia immediately turned back with a strong
body of horse in the direction we had seen him take. They soon came up
with the two grooms who had escaped from the enemy, and who related how
they had been indebted for their lives to a precipitate retreat; and
that Cortes was following behind, as he was obliged to ride at a gentle
pace, his horse having been wounded. It was not long before our general
came up, to the great joy of all; but he appeared excessively grieved
at the loss of his two grooms, almost to shedding tears.

Just as Cortes entered Tlacupa, it began to rain very fast; for which
reason we rested here for a couple of hours in a large square of the
town. Our general, with several other officers, the treasurer Alderete,
(who fell ill here,) father Melgarejo, and several soldiers, including
myself, ascended to the top of the great temple of this town, from which
we beheld the neighbouring city of Mexico, with the numerous other towns
which stood in the lake. When father Melgarejo and Alderete beheld all
this splendour at once, they could scarcely find words to express their
astonishment; but when they contemplated the great city of Mexico more
minutely, and saw the numerous canoes hurrying up and down this immense
lake laden with merchandize or provisions for the city, or occupied in
fishing, they were actually terrified, and exclaimed to each other that
our arrival in New Spain could not be by the power of man alone, and
that it was through the great mercy of Providence that our lives were
still preserved. They had once before remarked, said they, that no
monarch had ever been rendered such signal services by his subjects as
we had rendered to our emperor; but now they were more convinced than
ever, and would duly inform his majesty of what they had seen.

Father Melgarejo then consoled our general for the loss of his two
grooms, which so greatly afflicted him. While we soldiers were thus
gazing upon the city of Mexico, we again by degrees recognized those
spots which had become so memorable to us, and we pointed out to each
other the great temple of Huitzilopochtli, the Tlatelulco, and the
causeways, with the bridges over which we made our disastrous retreat.
At this moment Cortes sighed more deeply than he had previously done for
the loss of his two grooms, whom the enemy had carried off alive. And it
was from this day our men began to sing the romance, which commences--

    "En Tacuba esta Cortes
    Con su esquadron esforsado,
    Triste estava y mui penoso
    Triste y con gran cuidado,
    La una mano en la mexilla
    Y la otra en el costado," etc.

As our general was thus standing in deep contemplation, the bachelor
Alonso Perez, who was appointed fiscal after the conquest of New Spain,
and lived in Mexico, stepped up to him and said, "General, you should
not thus give way to grief; it is ever so during war time, and men will
certainly never have occasion to sing of you as they did of Nero,--

    'Mira Nero de Tarpeya[18]
    A Roma como se ardia,
    Gritos dan ninos y viejos,
    Y el de nada se dolia.'"

To which Cortes replied, "How often have I not offered peace to that
city! But it is not that circumstance alone which causes my grief; I am
likewise thinking of the dreadful scenes we have to go through before we
can subdue this place; though, with the assistance of God, we shall
accomplish this also."

I must now, however, quit these discourses and romances; indeed the time
was ill suited for such things. Our officers now deliberated whether or
not we should march a short distance along the causeway, which lay near
to Tlacupa; but as we had no powder left, and only a few arrows, besides
that most of our men were wounded, and as a similar attempt which Cortes
had made a month earlier on this same causeway had ended so
disastrously, it was resolved we should continue our march, lest the
Mexicans should fall upon us this very day, or during the night. From
the near vicinity of the metropolis it was easy for Quauhtemoctzin to
send a body of troops against us at any moment. We therefore broke up
our quarters here, and marched straight forward to Escapuzalco, which we
found entirely deserted by its inhabitants. From this place we came to
Tenayucan, or the town of Serpents, as we called it; (the reader will
remember what I related in a former chapter respecting the origin of
this name.) The inhabitants of this place had likewise fled. We next
came to Quauhtitlan, and the rain came down in torrents during the whole
of the day, so that we could scarcely drag one foot after the other,
from the weight of our arms and of our clothes, which were completely
drenched with water.

It was perfectly dark when we entered this township, which was also
deserted by its inhabitants. The rain came down in torrents during the
whole night, which created a great deal of mire and dirt. The
inhabitants and Mexicans, who had fled to places where we could not get
at them, kept hooting at us from the evening until next morning, without
intermission. Owing to the extreme darkness of the night, and the heavy
rain which was falling, we neither posted sentinels nor made any rounds;
there was nothing but disorder to be seen in our camp, and no one
remained at his post. I can speak from experience, for the first watch
had been assigned to me; but no officer came to make the rounds, or see
that all was right.

The next day we marched to a large township, whose name I have
forgotten. The streets were covered with mud, and not an inhabitant was
to be seen. On the following morning we arrived at Aculman, which is
subject to Tezcuco; and the inhabitants of this place being apprized of
our approach, came out to meet us. They were accompanied by several
Spaniards, who had arrived from Spain during our absence. Besides these,
Sandoval, with the troops under his command, and Don Fernando, king of
Tezcuco, had likewise come out to welcome us. Every one was overjoyed at
our return, but particularly the inhabitants of the surrounding
neighbourhood, who brought us quantities of provisions.

Sandoval returned this same day to Tezcuco, fearing the enemy might make
an attack on this town in the night time. The following morning Cortes
also left, for this place, where we arrived quite fatigued, and covered
with wounds; besides that, we had to mourn the loss of many of our brave
companions in arms, whom the Mexicans had carried off alive, and
sacrificed to their idols. I must now inform the reader what a perilous
posture affairs had assumed at Tezcuco.




CHAPTER CXLVI.

    _How we discover, on our return to Tezcuco, that a conspiracy had
    been set on foot by the men of Narvaez's troops to murder Cortes,
    and all who were of his party; of the author of this conspiracy, his
    punishment; and of other matters._


During our absence a conspiracy had been set on foot by a most intimate
friend of the governor of Cuba, named Antonio de Villafana, a native
either of Zamora or Toro, in conjunction with others of Narvaez's
troops, whose names, for honour's sake, I will refrain from mentioning
here. The object of this conspiracy was to murder Cortes on his return,
which was to be done in the following manner.

The conspirators designed handing over a letter to Cortes while he sat
at dinner with his officers and other soldiers, which was to be securely
fastened and sealed, purporting to come from his father, with a vessel
that had just arrived from Spain. While he was occupied in the perusal
of this letter, he and the whole of the officers and soldiers who sat
at table with him, and offered any resistance, were to be poignarded to
death.

All this being settled, it pleased the Almighty that the conspirators
should also let two other distinguished officers into the secret, whose
names, however, I must likewise repress. Both these officers had
accompanied us on our recent expedition around the lake, and one of
these officers, after Cortes should have been killed, was to be
appointed one of the new captain-generals. In the same manner the other
chief appointments, besides all our property and horses, had already
been disposed of by the conspirators. The Almighty, however, in his
mercy, prevented this horrible deed from being carried into effect, the
consequences of which would have been continual divisions, the
inevitable loss of New Spain, and the total destruction of our troops.
The whole of this conspiracy was discovered to Cortes by one of our
soldiers a couple of days after his return to Tezcuco, and he had thus
sufficient time to adopt active measures for suppressing it before it
spread further. The honest man who made the discovery to him assured him
also that there were several men of rank among the conspirators.

Cortes, after he had handsomely rewarded this man, communicated the
whole affair, under the seal of secrecy, to the officers Alvarado, Oli,
Lugo, Sandoval, Tapia, and myself; also to the two alcaldes for the
year, and to all those in whom he could place confidence. He then
ordered us to arm ourselves without any further delay, and he then
proceeded with us to the quarters of Antonio de Villafana.

On entering his apartment we found him in conversation with several of
the conspirators, and the four alguacils who accompanied us immediately
arrested him. The rest instantly took to flight, but Cortes had many of
them seized. Villafana being thus in our power, Cortes thrust his hand
into that officer's bosom, and drew forth a paper, containing the whole
plan of the conspirators, to which all their names were attached.
Cortes, on perusing this paper, found the names of several men of
importance among the list of conspirators; and being desirous of saving
them from dishonour, he afterwards gave out that Villafana had swallowed
the paper, and that he had not read it himself, nor even so much as seen
it.

A criminal suit was now instituted against Villafana, when he, with
several others who were implicated in it, made a full confession of the
whole matter. Cortes, the two alcaldes, and the quartermaster Oli, who
formed the court-martial, then pronounced Villafana guilty, and
sentenced him to be hung; and, after he had confessed to father Juan
Diaz, he was executed in front of his own quarters.

Here Cortes allowed the matter to rest, though several of the
conspirators were kept in close confinement, and in order to frighten
them appearances were made as if they likewise would have to share a
similar fate with Villafana. Our general, however, was desirous of
saving their names from dishonour; to which may be added, that this was
not exactly the time to go to the utmost severity of the law.

From that moment our general had a body guard, consisting of the captain
Antonio de Quinones, a native of Zamora, and twelve trustworthy men, who
were to be near his person both night and day. In the same way he
likewise requested the rest of us in whom he could place confidence to
watch over the safety of his person. He never, however, evinced any
animosity in his subsequent behaviour towards the other conspirators,
though he took care to be particularly upon his guard against them.[19]

After this miserable affair was ended, notice was given that the
prisoners we had made in our expedition round the lake were to be
brought in to be marked within the space of two days. In order not to
waste many words on the subject, for the third time I will merely state
that our men were even more shamefully cheated on this occasion than on
the former. First the emperor's fifths were deducted, then those of
Cortes, and after him our chief officers committed their piracies. If,
therefore, any of us had an Indian female who was handsome or strong of
limb, we certainly took her to be marked with the iron, but stole her
away the night following, and took care not to show her again until some
considerable time had elapsed; so that numbers of our slaves were never
marked at all, and yet we employed them as our naborias.




CHAPTER CXLVII.

    _How Cortes issues orders to the inhabitants of all the townships in
    the neighbourhood of Tezcuco which were allied with us, to furnish
    us with arrows and copper points for the same, and what further took
    place at our head-quarters._


Our brigantines were now so far advanced towards completion, that they
had merely to be rigged. For each brigantine a number of spare oars had
been made in case of need. The canal in which these vessels were to be
launched, and through which they were to be conveyed into the lake, was
now also sufficiently deep and wide to swim these vessels.[20] Cortes
now, therefore, began to make active preparations for the siege of
Mexico. He issued orders to all the townships which lay in the vicinity
of Tezcuco, and were in alliance with us, for each of them to furnish
him with 8000 copper points for our arrows, to be made after the model
of our Spanish ones, of which some were sent them for that purpose. They
were also to furnish an equal number of arrows, which were to be made
from a wood particularly adapted for that use, and they received some of
our Spanish arrows to work by. He allowed them eight days for the making
and delivery of these; and indeed both the arrows and the copper points
arrived at Tezcuco in the time specified. Our stock of these now
consisted of 50,000 pieces, and the arrow points made by these people
were even better than those we brought from Spain.

Cortes then ordered Pedro Barba, who commanded the crossbow-men to
divide the arrows and copper points among his men, and see that every
man fixed the points neatly to the arrows, and attached the feathers
with strong glue. Every crossbow-man was also to furnish himself with
two closely twisted cords for his bow; further to provide himself with a
number of spare nuts for the bows, that if one should crack or fly off
he might have another in readiness. The crossbow-men were also to
exercise themselves in shooting at heaps of earth to ascertain the
strength of their bows. Care was therefore taken that they should not
want for Valencian strings to twist the cords of, for the vessel of Juan
Burgos, which had recently arrived from Spain, had fortunately brought a
good supply of these as well as of bows, powder, muskets and other arms,
besides a quantity of horseshoes. In the same way our cavalry were
ordered to equip themselves, have their horses fresh shod, and to
exercise them daily in all manner of cavalry evolutions.

Cortes then sent word to the elder Xicotencatl, his two sons, and to
Chichimeclatecl, informing them that we should leave Tezcuco after the
feast of Corpus Christi, and begin the siege of Mexico. He therefore
requested them to send him 20,000 warriors from their country, from
Huexotzinco, and from Cholulla, who were now all in friendly alliance
with each other. But it was unnecessary to inform the Tlascallans of our
intentions, for they were always duly apprized beforehand by those of
their countrymen who accompanied us in our expeditions and returned home
with the booty they had made. The inhabitants of Tlalmanalco and Chalco
were also requested to hold themselves in readiness to march out at a
moment's notice. These and all our other allies were informed of the day
when we proposed to commence operations against Mexico. From all sides
we received the most friendly assurances of assistance, and that Cortes'
orders would be punctually obeyed.




CHAPTER CXLVIII.

    _How Cortes reviews the whole of his troops at Tezcuco; and of his
    further dispositions for conducting the siege of Mexico._


After Cortes had thus acquainted our allies with his designs against
Mexico, he determined to review the whole of his troops, and selected
for this purpose the second day of Easter. This review was held in the
large square of Tezcuco, and our muster-roll gave the following numbers:
Eighty-four horse; six hundred and fifty foot soldiers, of whom some
were armed with swords and shields, and others with lances; one hundred
and ninety-four crossbow-men and musketeers.

Out of these troops he selected the men who were to serve on the
thirteen brigantines; each of which required twelve rowers and a
captain, with twelve crossbow-men and musketeers. In this way the
thirteen brigantines required two hundred and eighty men, who, with the
additional number of artillerymen, amounted to three hundred and
twenty-five. Next the cannon, with the necessary powder was distributed
among them; and when all this was done, Cortes published the articles of
war, which ran as follows:

First of all it was forbidden under a heavy penalty to blaspheme either
against our Lord Jesus Christ, his blessed mother, the holy apostles, or
against any of the saints in general.

Secondly, no one was to ill-use any of our allies, take anything from
them, not even of the booty they might make, whether this consisted of
gold, silver, jewels, or of anything else; for we were to bear in mind
that they joined us in this war at our own particular request.

Thirdly, none of the men, either during day or night time, were to leave
our head-quarters, whether to fetch provisions from any of the townships
allied to us, or for any other purpose whatever. Any one found guilty of
this would be severely punished.

Fourthly, every soldier was to supply himself with a sufficient number
of arms and keep them in proper order; for we were to remember how well
the Mexicans were provided with everything in the shape of weapons.

Fifthly, all gambling for horses or weapons was strictly forbidden.

Lastly, none of the men, whatever company they belonged to, were to lay
themselves down to rest without being completely armed and were to keep
their shoes on, to which an exception was merely granted in cases of
urgent necessity when a person was severely wounded, or unable to do
duty; for we should be prepared to receive the enemy at a moment's
notice.

Besides these the usual articles of war were again read over, which,
among other things, threatened punishment of death to the sentinel who
deserted his post or fell asleep while on duty. The same punishment
would be inflicted on any soldier who left his quarters without his
captain's permission, or who left his commanding officer in a moment of
danger and took to flight.




CHAPTER CXLIX.

    _The manner in which Cortes selects the men who were to row the
    brigantines; of the commanders who were appointed to each, and of
    other matters._


Cortes on selecting the men who were to serve on board the brigantines
could not find a sufficient number of sailors to row them. All the
sailors who had come with us, with Narvaez, and with the vessels which
had recently arrived from Jamaica, had been duly noted down, but even
then there was not a sufficient number. Besides which many would not
condescend to this work, saying, it was unreasonable to think of making
rowers of them.

Cortes then turned his attention to those who daily went out a fishing,
and found they were mostly natives of Palos, Moguer, Triana, or other
coast towns, which were celebrated for producing capital sailors. All
these persons were commanded under threats of severe punishment, to
enter without delay upon the service of the brigantines. Many, indeed,
who were men of noble birth, remonstrated with our general, and told
him, it was insulting to think of setting them to such work; but Cortes
paid no respect to persons, and by these means he mustered one hundred
and fifty capital oars, who indeed had better days of it than we who had
to fight on the causeways, and obtained a much greater share of booty
than we did, as will be sufficiently seen hereafter.

As soon as each brigantine was fully equipped for war, Cortes ordered a
flag, bearing the royal arms, to be hoisted; and a second one, bearing
the number of the vessel. The following were the commanders appointed:
viz. Pedro Barba, Garcia Holguin, Juan de Limpias, the deaf Carvajal,
Juan Xaramillo, Geronimo de la Mota, the other Carvajal, who now lives
at an advanced age in the street San Francisco; a certain Portillo, an
excellent soldier, who had just arrived from Spain and had brought a
beautiful wife with him. The naval captain Zamora, who lives at present
in Guaxaca. A certain Colmero, who was both a good sailor and a good
soldier. Further, Lerma, Gines, Nortes, Briones of Salamanca, Miguel
Diaz de Auz, and one other officer, whose name has slipped my memory.

The whole of the crews were strictly enjoined to pay implicit obedience
to their commanders; and any one who left his vessel was liable to
severe punishment. The several commanders then received their particular
instructions as to the manner in which they were to cooperate with the
land forces.

All these matters had just been arranged when Cortes received
intelligence that the Tlascallan chiefs were marching with a large body
of troops, consisting of Tlascallans and Huexotzincans. The chief
command of these had been intrusted to the younger Xicotencatl, the same
who commanded against us in our battles with Tlascalla. He was likewise
accompanied by his two brothers, the two younger sons of the excellent
Don Lorenzo de Vargas. One of the chiefs of Cholulla likewise made his
appearance, but with a very small body of men; for, though the
Cholullans had broken off their alliance with Mexico from the time we
had punished them so severely, yet they never stood upon the best of
terms with us; on the contrary, they appeared as if waiting to see how
matters would terminate, and then to side with the triumphant party.
After our direful retreat from Mexico, they were almost upon the point
of declaring against us.

When Cortes was informed of Xicotencatl's approach, who had come a day
before the time appointed, he went out with Alvarado and several other
officers to a distance of about a mile from Tezcuco, and welcomed him
and his brothers with every demonstration of joy. Xicotencatl, with his
men, marched forward in the best order, and all were accoutred in their
best garments. Every company had a standard, on which was embroidered a
white bird with expanded wings, being the arms of Tlascalla, and
resembled an eagle. Every one of the men had a bunch of plumes stuck on
his head; they struck up their war music, waved their flags, and
continually cried out, "Long live the emperor, our master! Spain for
ever! Tlascalla for ever!"

It took these troops about three hours before they had all entered the
town, and our general ordered them to be provided with good quarters,
and the best food we could get. When they had all entered the town, he
once more bid them heartily welcome, assuring them he would enrich them
all, and then desired them to rest from their fatigues, adding, that he
would let them know the next day the duty they would have to perform.

Almost at the very moment these Tlascallans were marching into Tezcuco,
a letter was put into Cortes' hands from Hernando de Barrientos, who was
at Chinantla, about 360 miles from Mexico. Barrientos related that,
while he was exploring the mines, being left behind for that purpose by
Pizarro, the Mexicans had attacked him, and killed three of his
companions, and that he alone had been fortunate enough to escape to the
inhabitants of Chinantla, who were at enmity with the Mexicans. This was
the same people who had furnished us with those long lances in our
battle against Narvaez.

Without wishing to repeat the whole contents of this letter, I will only
state that Cortes, in answer to it, told him he was about to besiege
Mexico, and cautioned him to keep on good terms with the caziques of the
country, and not to leave that place until he should receive further
intelligence from head-quarters; for he would run great danger of being
murdered on the road by the Mexicans.




CHAPTER CL.

    _Of Cortes' further dispositions for the siege._


Cortes now divided the whole of our troops into three divisions. The
first division, consisting of one hundred and fifty foot, all well armed
with swords and shields, thirty horse, and eighteen musketeers and
crossbow-men, was commanded by Alvarado, under whom Guiterrez de
Badajoz, Andreas de Monjaraz, and Jorge de Alvarado had each the command
of fifty men and a third part of the musketeers and crossbow-men; the
cavalry being under the immediate command of Alvarado himself. To this
division 8000 Tlascallans were added, and Alvarado, in whose division I
also was, received orders to take up his position in the town of
Tlacupa. Cortes particularly recommended us to furnish ourselves with
good weapons, helmets, gorgets, and steel coverings for the legs, to
protect our bodies from the destructive weapons of the Mexicans. These
precautions were, indeed, very necessary; but, notwithstanding all our
defensive armour, scarcely a day past by in which the enemy did not kill
or wound some of our men.

The second division was placed under the command of Oli, and consisted
of thirty horse, one hundred and sixty-five foot, and twenty
crossbow-men and musketeers. Andreas de Tapia, Verdugo, and Lugo
commanded under him, he himself having the immediate command of the
cavalry. To this division, likewise, 8000 Tlascallans were added, and
they were to take up their position in the town of Cojohuacan, about
eight miles from Tlacupa.

Sandoval was appointed to the command of the third division, consisting
of twenty-four horse, fourteen crossbow-men and musketeers, and one
hundred and fifty foot armed with shields and swords. To this division
were added 8000 Indians from the townships of Chalco, Huexotzinco, and
other places in alliance with us. Cortes appointed Luis Marin and Pedro
de Ircio, two intimate friends of Sandoval, to command under him, the
latter himself having the immediate command of the cavalry. This
division was to take up a position near Iztapalapan, and Sandoval's
instructions were to attack that town, and do as much damage there as he
could, until he received further orders. Sandoval did not leave Tezcuco
before Cortes was about to step on board, who himself took the chief
command of the brigantines. On this flotilla there were altogether 325
men. Thus Sandoval, Oli, and Alvarado were each ordered off to different
points: one marched to the left, the other to the right; and those who
are not acquainted with the situation of this town or of the lake in
general, would imagine that these divisions were removing from one
common centre rather than approaching it. Each of these three captains
received particular instructions for his plan of operation, and the next
morning was fixed for our departure.

In order to be detained as little as possible, we sent off the whole
body of Tlascallans in advance to the Mexican frontiers. These troops
marched out in the best possible humour, under their commander
Chichimeclatecl and other officers, but discovered that their
commander-in-chief, the younger Xicotencatl, had remained behind. After
considerable inquiries, it was found that he had secretly returned to
Tlascalla on the previous night to take forcible possession of the
caziquedom and territory of Chichimeclatecl. It appears, according to
the accounts of the Tlascallans, that he wished to avail himself of this
favorable opportunity of raising himself to supreme power in his own
country, which the absence of Chichimeclatecl offered to him, who, in
his opinion, was the only person that stood in his way since the death
of Maxixcatzin, as he did not fear any opposition from his old blind
father. This Xicotencatl, the Tlascallans further added, had never felt
any real inclination to join us in the war against Mexico, but had
frequently assured them it would terminate in the destruction of us
all.[21]

When Chichimeclatecl received information of this, he instantly returned
to Tezcuco in order to apprize Cortes of it. Our general, on hearing
this, despatched five distinguished personages of Tezcuco, and two
Tlascallans, who were his particular friends, after Xicotencatl, to
request his immediate return to his troops, in Cortes' name. They were
to remind him that his father Lorenzo de Vargas would certainly have
marched out against Mexico in person, if blindness and old age had not
prevented him; that the whole population of Tlascalla continued loyal to
his majesty, and that the revolt he wished to excite would throw
dishonour on his own country. These representations Cortes desired
should be accompanied by large promises, to induce him to return to
obedience. Xicotencatl, however, haughtily replied, that he was
determined to abide by his resolve, and our dominion in this country
would not have continued thus long if his father and Maxixcatzin had
followed his advice.

Upon this our general ordered an alguacil to repair in all haste with
four of our horse and five distinguished men of Tezcuco to Xicotencatl's
abode, to take him prisoner, and hang him without any further ceremony.
"All kindness," added Cortes, "is thrown away upon this cazique. His
whole time is spent in devising plots and creating mischief. I cannot
suffer this to continue any longer; the matter has now come to a
crisis."

As soon as Alvarado received information of these commands, he urgently
begged of Cortes to pardon Xicotencatl. Our general replied that he
would consider about it, though he secretly gave the alguacil peremptory
orders to put him to death, which was accordingly done. Xicotencatl was
hung in a town subject to Tezcuco, and thus an end was put to all his
plottings. Many Tlascallans assured us that the elder Xicotencatl
himself had cautioned Cortes against his son,[22] and had advised him to
put him to death.

This affair delayed our departure from Tezcuco for one day; and thus it
was not till the 13th of May, 1521, that we commenced our march. As our
road lay for a considerable distance in the same direction, our division
under Alvarado and that under Oli marched out at the same time. The
first night we encamped in the township of Alcuman, to which place Oli
had despatched some men in advance to prepare quarters for his troops,
and had ordered that the houses which they took possession of should, by
way of distinction, be decorated with green boughs. When we arrived with
Alvarado, we found, to our surprise, that every house had been taken,
and the two divisions were just about to settle the matter, sword in
hand, when the officers stepped in between, and thereby put a stop to
the dispute. But the insult which had thus been offered to us was not so
easily to be forgotten; when, therefore, this circumstance became known
to Cortes, he sent off father Melgarejo and Luis Marin to us, with
letters to every officer and soldier, in which he reproached us for
quarrelling, and admonished us to keep peace with each other. From this
moment Alvarado and Oli were never upon such friendly terms as formerly.

The following morning the two divisions continued their march, and we
encamped for the night in a town subject to Mexico, but which was quite
deserted by its inhabitants. This was likewise the case in Quauhtitlan,
where we took up our quarters the next night.

Tenayucan and Escapuzalco, through which we marched the day following,
were also quite deserted. Our Tlascallan friends spread themselves all
through these townships, and entered into every house during the fore
part of the evening, from which they brought in quantities of
provisions. We adopted every military precaution for the night, as we
were not far distant from Mexico, and could plainly hear the Mexicans,
who were lying in crowds in their canoes on the lake and along the
causeways, hooting and yelling fearfully throughout the whole of the
night, and challenging us to the combat. Their object, was to induce us
to fall upon them in the dark, when they would have had a great
advantage over us. We had, however, received a sufficient warning by our
former misfortune, and very wisely kept ourselves as quietly as possible
until next morning, which was a Sunday.

After father Juan Diaz had said mass, we commended ourselves to the
protection of the Almighty, and both divisions marched forward to cut
off the aqueduct of Chapultepec, which lies about two miles from
Tlacupa, and supplies Mexico with water. On our way thither, we fell in
with several bodies of Mexicans, who had received intelligence that this
was to be the commencement of our operations against Mexico. The enemy
had in every way the advantage ground over us, and attacked us
vigorously with lances, arrows, and stones, by which three of our men
were wounded; but we soon put them to flight, and they were so closely
pursued by the Tlascallans that they lost twenty killed, and seven or
eight were taken prisoners. We were now able to destroy the aqueduct
without any further opposition, and the city of Mexico was deprived of
this source of obtaining water during the whole of the siege.

As soon as we had destroyed this aqueduct, our officers determined to
make an attempt upon one of the bridges on the causeway leading from
Tlacupa. We had scarcely begun to move along the causeway when numbers
of canoes, filled with troops, advanced swiftly from both sides, while
other large bodies of the enemy came marching up the causeway against
us, so that we were quite astounded at the very sight. In the first
encounter thirty of our men were wounded and three killed.
Notwithstanding all this, we fought our way up to the first bridge.
According to what we afterwards heard, it was the wish of the Mexicans
that we should pass over the bridge; for we had no sooner done so than
we were assailed by such terrific crowds, as to be unable to move. What
indeed could we do on a causeway which was no more than eight paces in
breadth, where we were attacked on all sides at once? Our crossbow-men
and musketeers certainly kept up a continued fire on the canoes, but the
enemy received but a trifling loss this way, for they had raised boards
alongside of their canoes, by which their troops were sheltered from our
fire. Those of the enemy's troops which attacked us on the causeway
itself we certainly drove back each time into the water, but fresh
troops kept pouring in too fast for us to gain much advantage this way.
Here our cavalry was of no manner of use to us, while the horses were
greatly exposed to the attacks of the enemy on each side of the
causeway, and many were consequently wounded. If our cavalry attempted
to pursue the enemy into the water, the latter had provided against this
by palisades, behind which they retired, and stretched out against them
their long lances, to which they had fastened the swords we
unfortunately lost on our retreat from Mexico.

In this way the battle continued for upwards of an hour, the enemy each
time returning to the attack with such excessive fury that, at length,
we could stand our ground no longer: nor was this all, for we now saw
another large fleet of canoes approaching with a fresh body of men, who
were ordered to fall upon our rear. We therefore determined to retreat
back along the causeway, for which purpose we ordered the Tlascallans to
move off first, that we might effect our retreat in perfect good order.
Here the Tlascallans had greatly embarrassed us in our movements, who,
it is well known, never can fight standing in the water.

The instant the Mexicans perceived we were turning back, and saw the
Tlascallans moving off the causeway, they set up most distracting yells,
and attacked us man to man with great fierceness. It is indeed out of my
power to describe it. The whole of the causeway was instantly covered
with lances, arrows, and stones, besides that vast quantities fell into
the water. When we had again reached the mainland, we returned fervent
thanks to the Almighty for having rescued us from this severe battle.

Eight of our men were killed and fifty wounded: added to all this, we
were obliged to put up with the hootings and jeers of the enemy, who
kept calling upon the Tlascallans to come with double their numbers next
time, and they would very soon settle their impudence. Our first deeds
of arms, therefore, merely consisted in destroying the aqueduct of
Chapultepec, and in reconnoitring the lake along the causeway, in which
we did not exactly reap much honour.

For the rest, we passed the following night very quietly in our
quarters, posted our sentinels, and dressed our wounds. One of our
horses was so severely wounded that it died soon after.

The following morning Oli determined upon taking up the position
assigned to his division at Cojohuacan, about six miles further on; and
however Alvarado and the other cavaliers might beg of him not to
separate the two divisions, yet he would not alter his determination.
Christobal de Oli was a man of uncommon bravery, whose pride was wounded
at the unsuccessful attempt we had made upon the causeway, and he
accused Alvarado of inconsiderateness for having ordered the attack.
Nothing, therefore, could induce him to stay, and he marched off with
his men to Cojohuacan.

The separation of the two divisions was very impolitic at this juncture;
for if the Mexicans had been aware of the smallness of our numbers, and
had attacked either of the divisions during the five following days,
before the brigantines had arrived, we should with difficulty have
escaped destruction. Both divisions, therefore, remained as quiet as the
enemy would allow them, though not a day passed by that the Mexicans did
not land troops to annoy us in our camp, and, if possible, to entice us
into places where we should be unable to act, and they could attack us
to greater advantage.

Sandoval, as we have seen, left Tezcuco with his division four days
after the feast of Corpus Christi, and marched towards Iztapalapan. His
route lay through townships which were either subject to, or in alliance
with Tezcuco. As soon as he arrived at Iztapalapan, he commenced his
military operations by burning down the greater portion of the houses
which stood on the mainland.

It was not long before large bodies of Mexican troops arrived for the
protection of Iztapalapan, with whom Sandoval had a severe skirmish, and
drove them back again to their canoes; but still they continued to
shower their arrows and darts upon him, and wounded several of his men.

During this conflict a thick smoke was seen to rise from several signal
fires which had been lighted on the surrounding hills. This had been a
signal to call in all the canoes of Mexico and of the other towns
situated on the lake, as Cortes had just run out from Tezcuco with the
thirteen brigantines.

The first attack our general made with this fleet was against a rocky
height on an island near Mexico. This place had been strongly fortified,
and was garrisoned by a great number of Mexicans and inhabitants of
other townships. All the canoes of Mexico, Xochimilco, Cojohuacan,
Huitzilopuzco, Iztapalapan, and Mexicalzinco, had united in a body to
oppose Cortes, which was the reason why the attack was carried on with
so little vigour against Sandoval, who, however, was not able to do the
enemy much damage, as most of the houses stood in the water; though, in
the commencement of the attack, our allies had made many prisoners. In
Iztapalapan, Saudoval found himself on a peninsula in the lake, and the
only way by which he could reach Cojohuacan was by a causeway which ran
half way through the lake, on which he would have been assailed from
both sides by the enemy, without his being able to defend himself with
much advantage.

When Cortes observed the vast number of canoes which kept continually
crowding around the brigantines, he began to feel alarmed, and this not
without reason, for their number amounted to above 4000. He therefore
abandoned his attack upon the rock, and selected a position with his
brigantines, where he would be able to observe all the enemy's
movements, and steer off in any direction he might choose. He likewise
issued orders to the respective commanders of the brigantines not to
commence an attack on the canoes before the wind, which had just
commenced blowing from the land, should have increased. When the
Mexicans found our fleet was moving off again, they not incorrectly
ascribed it to fear, and they immediately advanced with their canoes to
fall upon the brigantines. There now suddenly arose a stiffish breeze,
our rowers pulled with all their might, and Cortes ordered the
brigantines to run right in among the canoes. Numbers were bored into
the ground, many of the enemy killed and wounded, and all the rest of
the canoes turned round, and made off at a rapid rate, to seek refuge
between the houses built in the lake, where they could not be followed
by the brigantines. This was our first naval engagement, and Cortes
gained the victory, thanks be to the Almighty.

After this encounter he steered for Cojohuacan, where Oli had taken up
his position. Here again he fell in with large bodies of the enemy, who
lay in wait for him at a point of considerable danger, and attempted to
carry off two of the brigantines. They attacked him at the same time
from their canoes, and from the tops of the temples. Cortes now fired
in upon them with the cannon, and killed great numbers. The artillerymen
fired away so incessantly upon this occasion, that all their powder was
consumed, and some of them had their faces and hands burnt. Cortes then
despatched the smallest brigantine to Iztapalapan, to bring away all the
powder Sandoval had with him there, and wrote word to him not on any
account to quit that place. He himself staid the two next days with Oli,
on whose position the enemy continued their attacks without
intermission.

I must now also relate what took place at this time in Tlacupa, where I
was stationed with Alvarado.

When we received intelligence that Cortes had run out with the
brigantines, we advanced along our causeway up to the bridge, but this
time with greater precaution. Our cavalry was stationed in front of the
causeway, while the remaining troops moved along in a close body up to
the bridge, the crossbow-men and musketeers keeping up an incessant fire
upon the enemy. In this way we renewed the attack each day, and repaired
the gaps in the causeway, but three of our men had been killed.

In the meantime the enemy did Sandoval considerable damage from the tops
of the houses which stood in the water, and he therefore resolved to
attack those which he was best able to get at. Quauhtemoctzin then sent
off a large body of troops to the assistance of the town, with commands
to cut through the causeway in Sandoval's rear. Cortes observing a vast
number of canoes going in the direction of Iztapalapan, instantly
steered with the brigantines for the same place, and ordered Oli, with
the whole of his division, to shape his course thither along the
causeway. They found the Mexicans already hard at work in cutting
through the causeway, and concluded from this that Sandoval was
destroying the houses which stood in the water. They found him, as they
had suspected, already in the heat of an engagement with the enemy, who,
however, retired on the approach of the brigantines.

Cortes now ordered Sandoval to quit Iztapalapan with his troops, and to
take up his position at Tepeaquilla, in front of the causeway, which
leads from this place to Mexico. This Tepeaquilla is at present
dedicated to our dear lady of Guadaloupe, where so many miracles have
happened, and still daily take place.




CHAPTER CLI.

    _How Cortes assigns particular stations to the twelve brigantines,
    the thirteenth being considered unfit for service._


Cortes, our officers, and the whole of the troops were now convinced
that it was impossible to fight our way to the city along the causeways,
unless we were covered on each side by a couple of the brigantines. Our
general therefore joined four of these to Alvarado's division, he
himself retaining six others near his head-quarters, which he had taken
up where Oli was stationed; the remaining two he sent to Sandoval, for
the smallest brigantine was not considered of sufficient bulk to make
head against the large canoes, and was taken out of the service
altogether, and the men distributed among the crews of the other twelve.

As soon as the brigantines arrived at our station Alvarado placed two on
each side of the causeway, which were to cover us as we advanced to the
attack of the bridges. We now fought with better success than we had
previously done for the brigantines kept off the canoes, and prevented
them from attacking our flanks; so that we now succeeded in forcing some
of the bridges, and in destroying several of the enemy's entrenchments.
The conflict, however, was no less severe; on the contrary, the Mexicans
made so good a use of their lances, arrows, and slings, that, although
our jackets were thickly quilted with cotton, they wounded the greater
part of our men; nor did they desist from the attack till night came on;
but they had the great advantage over us, that they could relieve their
troops from time to time, by pouring in fresh men, and could shower
innumerable quantities of stones, arrows, and lances, upon our
brigantines, from the tops of the houses. Indeed I cannot find a more
appropriate expression than shower, although they alone can feel its
full force who were present on the occasion. If we did at times succeed,
with the utmost exertion, to force an entrenchment or a bridge, and we
omitted to station a strong detachment to guard it, the enemy returned
in the night, made another opening in the causeway, threw up larger
entrenchments, and dug deep pits, which immediately filled with water,
and these they covered slightly over, that we might sink down into them
in the midst of the battle of the following day, when the canoes would
hasten up to profit by the confusion, and carry off our men prisoners.
For this purpose numbers of canoes were lying wait in places where they
were out of the reach of our brigantines, though they were always ready
at hand, if their assistance was required. But the enemy had provided
in another artful way to render our brigantines useless in certain spots
of the lake, by driving numbers of stakes into the water, whose tops
were just below the surface; so that it was often impossible for our
vessels to avoid them, and they consequently stuck fast, and left our
troops open to the attacks of the canoes.

I have before mentioned of what little use the cavalry was to us in our
operations on the causeway; for whenever they did drive the Mexicans
before them up to the bridges, the latter leaped into the water, and
retreated behind the entrenchments which they had thrown up on the
causeway itself, where other bodies of the enemy stood ready to receive
them armed with extremely long lances, with which, and various kinds of
projectiles, they severely wounded our horses; so that the owners of the
horses were very unwilling to risk them in such unequal conflict; for at
that time the ordinary price of a horse was from 800 to 1000 pesos.

When night came on, and released us from the attacks of the enemy, we
returned to our encampment, and attended to our wounds, which we dressed
with bandages steeped in oil. There was likewise a soldier among our
troops, named Juan Catalan, who charmed the wounds, and the Lord Jesus
blessed this man's exertions in a manner that he invariably succeeded in
his cures. Indeed, if all our wounded, each day we renewed the attack,
had remained behind in our camp, none of the companies could ever have
sallied out with more than twenty men at a time. When our friends of
Tlascalla observed how this man charmed the wounds, and how every one
who was wounded applied to him for assistance, they likewise brought him
all their wounded, and these were so very numerous, that his only
occupation throughout the day consisted in charming wounds.

Our officers and ensigns were most exposed to the enemy's weapons, and
were oftener wounded in consequence; for which reason a fresh set of men
were each day appointed to carry our tattered colours. With all these
hardships we had to suffer, it will at least be thought that we had
plenty of food. But of this we were likewise deprived, and we should
have thought ourselves fortunate if we had only had some refreshing food
for our wounded; we had not even a cake of maise! Miserable indeed was
our distress! The only means we had of keeping soul and body together
was by eating herbs and cherries, and at last we had nothing to subsist
on but wild figs; Cortes and Sandoval's divisions fared no better than
ours, and the Mexicans likewise continued the attack upon them from
morning to night. Every blessed day that came they were obliged to
advance fighting their way up to the bridges along the causeway; for the
Mexicans, and the troops which lay in the other towns of the lake,
merely awaited the morning dawn, when the signals were given from the
summit of the great temple of Huitzilopochtli to rush out upon us both
by land and water.

The operations of the besieged were carried on with perfect order, and
it was previously settled where the different bodies of their troops
were to direct the attack.

As we began to experience that our daily advancing along the causeway
each time cost us a loss of men, besides that we gained little advantage
by it, for the Mexicans returned in the night, and again took possession
of the points we had forced, we determined to alter our plan of
operations, and took up a position on a more spacious part of the
causeway, where several towers rose up together, and where we should be
able to quarter ourselves for the night. Though we were miserably off
here, and had nothing to protect us from the rain, nor to cover us from
the piercing rays of the sun, we were not to be deterred from our
purpose. The Indian females who baked our bread were obliged to remain
behind in Tlacupa, protected by our cavalry, and the Tlascallans, who at
the same time covered our rear, that the enemy might not fall upon us
from the mainland. After these precautions had been adopted, we began to
carry out our principal object, which was to make ourselves master of
the houses in the suburbs, and of the intervening canals. These last
were then immediately filled up, and the houses pulled down; for, as I
have before mentioned, it was difficult to destroy them by fire, as they
were detached, and stood in the water. It was from the tops of the
houses that we received most injury from the enemy; so that, by
destroying these, we gained a considerable advantage. Whenever we had
taken one of the enemy's entrenchments, a bridge, or forced any other
strong position, we were obliged to occupy the spot night and day with
our troops, which we regulated in the following manner:--Each company
watched by turns; the first from the evening time until midnight; the
second from midnight until a couple of hours before daylight; and the
third from that time till morning, when they were relieved by forty
other men. The watch was each time relieved by a like number, though
none of these watches left the spot; but when the following arrived, the
former lay themselves on the bare ground, and took a little repose; so
that when daylight came there were always one hundred and twenty men
collected together ready for action. On other nights, when we expected
some sudden attack, the whole of the men marched up at once, and
remained under arms until the enemy approached. We had every reason to
be upon our guard, for we learnt from several Mexican officers, whom we
had taken prisoners in the different engagements, that Quauhtemoctzin
and his generals had come to the determination of falling some day or
night suddenly upon our encampment on the causeway; and concluded that,
after they had destroyed us, they might easily make themselves masters
of the two other causeways occupied by Sandoval and Cortes. To
accomplish this finishing stroke, the nine towns lying in the lake,
besides Tlacupa, Escapuzalco, and Tenayucan, were to cooperate with
them. While we should thus be attacked on every side, they meant to
carry off the Indian females with our baggage, which we had left behind
in Tlacupa.

As soon as we received this information, we sent notice of it to the
Tlascallans and our cavalry, who were stationed at Tlacupa, and ordered
them to be particularly upon their guard, and to keep a sharp look out
all day and night. Nor was it long before the enemy put their scheme
into operation; for one midnight an immense body of Mexicans came
storming up against us; a couple of hours after another such a body; and
with daylight a third came pouring forth. At one time they moved up with
the utmost silence; at another they came fiercely along with hideous
yells; and it was terrible to behold the innumerable quantities of
lances, stones, and arrows they showered upon us. Though they wounded
many of our men, we valiantly maintained our ground, and drove them back
with great loss. The Mexicans had at the same time attacked the cavalry
and Tlascallans on the mainland at Tlacupa; the latter suffered
severely, as they were never much upon their guard during night-time.

In this way, amidst rain, wind, frost, up to our ancles in mud, and
covered with wounds, we patiently bore our fatigues, with a morsel of
maise cake, a few herbs and figs to stay our hunger, which was the more
gnawing from the incessant exertions of our bodily strength. Yet,
however bravely we might fight, we advanced but slowly, and the little
advantages we gained cost us a number of killed and wounded. The bridges
we forced were as often retaken by the enemy, and if we filled up an
opening in the causeway new gaps were made, and this continued day after
day, until the Mexicans altered their plan of operations, as will
shortly be seen.

After thus enumerating these continued scenes of bloodshed and slaughter
which took place at our station, and those of Cortes and Sandoval, the
reader will ask, what advantage we had derived in destroying the
aqueduct of Chapultepec? I must confess, very little; for the enemy
received, during the night-time, a plentiful supply of water as well as
of provisions from the towns surrounding Mexico, by means of their light
canoes.

In order to cut off these supplies, Cortes determined that two
brigantines should cruise about the lake during the whole of the night
to capture these canoes, and it was agreed that the provisions found in
them should be equally distributed among the three divisions. Although
we sensibly felt the absence of our brigantines during the attacks which
the enemy made upon us in the night-time, yet we soon began to find what
great advantage we had gained by thus diminishing the enemy's supplies.
No day passed without our brigantines capturing several of these
transports laden with maise, fowls, and other necessaries of life,
though a few always managed to elude our vessels and slip into the town.
The Mexicans, therefore, were determined if possible to rid themselves
of these troublesome brigantines, and thought of the following
stratagem: They fitted out thirty large pirogues, manned with their best
rowers and most courageous warriors, which they ran out during the
night-time and concealed them among the reeds of the lake, where they
could not be seen by the brigantines. At a short distance from the place
where the pirogues lay concealed, stakes had been driven into the water,
of which it was intended our two vessels should run foul. In the
twilight the enemy sent out two or three canoes which were covered with
green boughs, as if laden with provisions for Mexico; and these received
instructions to move off in a direction where it was presumed they would
be pursued by our brigantines.

As soon as our brigantines espied the two canoes they went in pursuit of
them, the latter keeping close into the reeds, and continually nearing
the spot where the pirogues lay in ambush. The greater exertions the
canoes made to escape, the more eager were our brigantines in pursuit,
and when these were close in upon the spot where the pirogues lay
concealed, the latter suddenly darted forth from the reeds, and attacked
the brigantines on all sides. In an instant all the officers, soldiers,
and sailors were wounded, nor could the brigantines seek refuge in
flight, as they had become entangled among the stakes. In this
unfortunate affair we lost one of the brigantines and two of our
officers, one of whom, named Portillo, a man of great courage, and who
had served in Italy, was killed on the spot; the other was Pedro Barba,
a very clever officer, who died of his wounds three days after. Both
these brigantines belonged to Cortes' division, and he was sorely
grieved at the loss we had thus sustained; but we very shortly after
paid the enemy out in their own coin, as will presently be seen.

In the meantime Cortes and Sandoval, with their divisions, had many
severe encounters with the enemy, but particularly Cortes, as he
insisted that all the houses which were taken should be immediately
pulled down, and the gaps in the causeway filled up. So that every inch
of ground was rendered secure and level, of which possession was taken.

Alvarado had received similar instructions from our general, and was not
to pass over any bridge or canal before the part which intersected the
causeway was completely filled up; nor to advance beyond any house until
it was levelled to the ground.

These commands were strictly adhered to, and with the woodwork and
stones of the houses which we pulled down we filled up the openings in
the causeways. In all these operations, and indeed during the whole of
the siege, our Tlascallan friends lent us the most efficient services.
When the Mexicans found we were thus by degrees pulling down their
houses and filling up the canals, they determined to alter their plan of
operation, and commenced by cutting a wide and deep opening in that part
of the causeway lying between us and the city; they deepened the lake on
each side of this opening, and threw up entrenchments near it; strong
stakes were then driven into the water to keep off our brigantines, or
that they might run foul of them on coming to our assistance. Besides
this, great numbers of canoes full of men were constantly lurking in
places where we could not see them, with orders not to rush out upon us
before we had advanced up to the entrenchments on the causeway.

One Sunday morning large bodies of the enemy came advancing towards us
from three different points, and fell so fiercely upon us that it was
with much difficulty we could maintain our ground. I had forgotten to
mention that Alvarado had posted half of the cavalry on the causeway,
for they no longer ran so great a risk of being killed, as most of the
houses lay in ruins, and there was more space for them to manoeuvre in,
without their being exposed to the attacks of the enemy from the
house-tops or from the lake. The enemy, as I have just said, advanced
bravely from three different points, one body from the quarter where the
deep gap had been made in the causeway, the other from the direction
where the houses lay in ruins, the third from the side of Tlacupa, so
that we were almost surrounded. Our cavalry, with the Tlascallans, had
the good fortune to cut their way through the dense crowds which fell
upon our rear, while our foot bravely opposed the two other bodies,
which, after a few moments' desperate fighting began to give ground; but
this was a mere stratagem of the Mexicans to allow us to take possession
of the first entrenchment, and after a short stand they even retreated
beyond the second. We thought we had already gained the victory, and
waded through the shallow part of the water in vigorous pursuit of the
enemy up to some large buildings and towers; while they, to deceive us
the more effectually, constantly faced about to fling their arrows at
us; and, when we in the least expected it, they suddenly turned round
upon us and in an instant we were surrounded and attacked with excessive
fury from all sides. It was impossible to resist their overwhelming
numbers, and we began to retreat towards the causeway in the best order
we could, with our ranks firmly closed. The first opening in the
causeway which we had just taken from the enemy was already occupied by
numerous canoes, so that we were compelled to make for the opening which
the enemy had recently cut, where the water was very deep, and
additional large holes had been dug. Here we had no other resource left
than to make our way, either by swimming or wading through; but most of
us got into the deep holes, when the canoes were instantly at hand to
take advantage of our perilous situation.

On this occasion five of our men were made prisoners, and immediately
taken into the presence of Quauhtemoctzin; and most of us were severely
wounded. The brigantines certainly made every attempt to assist us, but
were unable to come near enough, owing to the heavy stakes that had been
driven into the water, between which they stuck fast, and were instantly
assailed by showers of missiles from the house-tops and the numberless
canoes, by which two of the rowers were killed, and the greater part of
the troops on board wounded.

It was indeed a real wonder that all of us did not perish in these deep
gaps. I myself was in extreme danger, for several Mexicans had already
laid hands on me, but I succeeded in freeing one of my arms, and the
Almighty gave me power to cut my way through the enemy, though I was
severely wounded in the arm, and just as I had reached a place of safety
I fell down breathless and exhausted. This sudden prostration of
strength was no doubt owing to the extraordinary exertions I had made to
disengage myself from the enemy's grasp, and to the quantity of blood I
had lost. I gave myself up for lost when the Mexicans laid hold of me,
and commended my soul to God and the holy Virgin.

Alvarado, with the cavalry, had hard work to keep off the numerous
bodies who attacked our rear from the side towards Tlacupa, and had not
advanced up to this fearful passage; there was only one cavalry soldier,
recently arrived from Spain, who ventured too far, and perished with his
horse. Alvarado was already coming up to our assistance, with a small
body of horse, but fortunately not before we had made good our retreat
beyond the deep gap; for, had he arrived a few minutes earlier, we
should, no doubt, have faced about, fought our way back again into the
town, and the Mexicans would certainly have cut us off to a man.

This battle took place on a Sunday, and the Mexicans were so elated with
the victory they had gained over us, that they fell upon our camp with
renewed courage, and in so large a body that they would certainly have
taken it by storm but for our cannon and the desperate courage we
displayed for the preservation of our lives. During this night, the
whole of us remained under arms ready for action, and the horses stood
ready saddled and bridled. Cortes was excessively grieved at the defeat
we had sustained, and despatched a letter to Alvarado by one of the
brigantines in which he told him not, under any circumstances, in future
to pass beyond a gap or opening in the causeway before it had been quite
filled up; and to keep the horses saddled all day and night, and to
observe the utmost vigilance.

Our recent defeat having taught us prudence, we set about filling up the
larger opening with the utmost expedition, and completed the work in
four days; though it was a labour of great difficulty, and we were the
whole time exposed to the attacks of the enemy, who killed six of our
men and wounded several others. During the night, each company watched
by turns to prevent the Mexicans from destroying our day's work.

As the Mexicans were encamped over against us, we could observe how they
regulated their night watches: they were relieved four times during the
night, and the men posted at such distances around a large fire, which
was kept up till morning, that they could not be seen excepting at the
moments when they poked the fire or when the next watch came to relieve.
On some nights the fire became extinguished by the rain, but it was
instantly relit; though everything was done in the utmost silence and
not a word was exchanged, for they only communicated with each other by
whistling. Many a time when we heard the guard approaching to relieve
the watch, our crossbow-men and musketeers would shoot in among them at
random, but without doing them the slightest injury, as they were posted
in places which, even during broad daylight, were beyond the reach of
our fire, particularly behind a deep ditch, which they had recently dug,
and strengthened by a palisade and breastwork. The Mexicans never
omitted to return the compliment, and let fly many an arrow at us in the
same way.

The conflict on the causeway was daily renewed, and we always made our
attacks in the best order possible, so that we soon became masters of
the fosse just mentioned, behind which the enemy encamped at nights, but
we had each time to encounter vast bodies of men, and the whole of us
were more or less wounded. After fighting the whole day until nightfall,
there was naturally nothing further to be done than to return to our
former position; but each time we commenced our retreat, other bodies of
the enemy fell furiously upon us. The Mexicans were confident they
should, one time or other, be able to annihilate us during one of these
retreats, and they rushed upon us with the very fury of tigers, and came
in so close upon us that we were compelled to fight foot to foot. But
after a time, when we had got more accustomed to their mode of fighting,
we first ordered the Tlascallans off the causeway; for these were very
numerous, and delighted in combating with the Mexicans, under our
immediate protection, though they only embarrassed our movements, of
which the enemy were sly enough to take advantage. As soon as we
considered the Tlascallans sufficiently in advance of us, we firmly
closed our ranks and began our retreat, which was covered by our
crossbow-men and musketeers, and by the four brigantines, which kept up
with us, two on each side of the causeway. When we reached our
encampment we dressed our wounds with bandages steeped in warm oil, and
ate our supper off the maize-cakes, the herbs, and the figs which were
sent us from Tlacupa. When this was finished, a strong detachment was
again posted for the night at the opening in the causeway, and when
daylight broke forth the battle was renewed. Such was our life, day
after day; and however early we might march out, we always found the
enemy ready to receive us, or they had already advanced up to our
outposts and defied us to the combat under the most abusive language.
Cortes, with his division, fared no better than we did; the fighting was
continued night and day, and many of his men were killed and wounded.
For the rest, matters stood with him exactly as they did with us on the
causeway of Tlacupa, and two brigantines still continued cruizing on the
lake at night-time to intercept the canoes laden with water and
provisions for Mexico.

On one occasion two Mexicans of distinction were captured, who informed
Cortes that forty pirogues and a great number of canoes lay hid among
the reeds of the lake to make another attempt upon the two brigantines.
Our general returned these men many thanks for what they had
communicated, made them some presents, and promised to bestow
considerable lands upon them after Mexico should be taken; they then
described to him the spot where the armed pirogues lay in ambush, and
the different places where the heavy stakes had been driven in, of which
it was intended the brigantines should run foul while pursuing the
pirogues in their sham flight.

Cortes was now determined to pay the enemy out in their own coin, and in
the night-time concealed six of our brigantines in a place where the
reeds stood very thick, at about a mile distant from the spot where the
pirogues lay in ambuscade. Each brigantine was entirely covered with
green boughs, and the men on board were ordered not to make the least
noise during the whole of the night. Very early next morning, Cortes
ordered one of our other brigantines to run out as usual to waylay the
convoys of provisions going to Mexico. Both the above-mentioned
distinguished Mexicans were taken on board to point out the place where
the pirogues lay concealed, as our brigantine was purposely to steer in
that direction. As soon as the Mexicans observed the brigantine
approaching, they run out two of their canoes into the lake to allure
the brigantine to their pursuit. The stratagem was laid on both sides in
the very same way, and it was now only to be seen which should outdo the
other. Our brigantine sharply pursued the two canoes, which were moving
off in the direction of the concealed pirogues, but suddenly turned
round as if she durst not venture nearer land. The instant the pirogues
found the brigantine was turning back, they rushed forth out of the
reeds and pulled away at their utmost speed in pursuit of her. The
brigantine pretended to seek her safety in flight, and steered in the
direction where our six others lay concealed, the pirogues following
with the utmost confidence. When these were near enough, a shot was
fired as a signal to the Spanish vessels, upon which they, in their
turn, rushed out upon the pirogues and canoes with the utmost velocity,
and bored several of them into the ground. Now the other brigantine also
came up which had shammed flight, so that many of the canoes were
captured, and numbers of the enemy killed and wounded. From this moment
the Mexicans never again attempted similar stratagems on the lake, nor
durst they venture so close in our neighbourhood with their convoys of
provisions.

When the inhabitants of those towns which lay in the lake found that we
were daily gaining fresh victories both by land and water, and that our
allies of Chalco, Tezcuco, Tlascalla, and other districts, became more
and more closely united to us, they began to consider the great losses
they continually sustained, and the numbers of prisoners we took. The
chiefs of these towns, therefore, held a conference among themselves,
which ended in their sending an embassy to Cortes to sue for peace, and
humbly to beg forgiveness for the past; adding, that they had been
obliged to obey the commands of Quauhtemoctzin.

Cortes was uncommonly rejoiced to find these people were coming to their
senses, and we others belonging to the divisions of Alvarado and
Sandoval likewise congratulated ourselves on this circumstance.

Our general received the ambassadors kindly, and told them their towns
had certainly deserved severe punishment, but he would, nevertheless,
pardon them. The towns which sued for peace on this occasion were
Iztapalapan, Huitzilopuzco, Cojohuacan, Mizquic, and all the other towns
lying in that part of the lake which contained sweet water.

On this occasion Cortes declared that he would not alter his present
position until Mexico itself had sued for peace, or that the town was
conquered by force of arms.

The above-mentioned towns were now ordered to assist us with all their
canoes and troops in the siege of the metropolis, and to furnish us with
provisions. They promised faithfully to obey these commands, joined us
with all their armed men, but were very sparing with their supplies of
provisions.

In our division, under Alvarado, there was no room to quarter any of
these new troops, which those who have visited this country during the
months of June, July, and August, can easily imagine, as the whole
surrounding neighbourhood is covered with water. The fighting on the
causeways in the meantime continued without intermission, and by degrees
we had taken a number of temples, houses, bridges, and canals, which
latter we instantly filled up with the ruins of the buildings we pulled
down, and every foot of ground we gained from the enemy was instantly
secured by our troops; yet, with all our exertions and watchfulness, the
enemy still succeeded in making fresh apertures in the causeway, behind
which they threw up new entrenchments.

As the three companies of which our division was composed considered it
a dishonour that one company should constantly be employed in filling up
the canals, while the others were fighting, Alvarado, to put an end to
all feelings of jealousy, arranged that the three companies should
perform the same duties alternately.

By pursuing this mode of operation, in which we were ably assisted by
the Tlascallans, we by degrees pulled down everything before us, so that
at last the town lay open to our view. It was only in the evening, when
we returned to our encampment, that the whole of the three companies
were again under arms, as at that time we had most to fear from the
enemy.

Cortes and Sandoval had likewise similar toils to go through day and
night. On the land side they were incessantly attacked by immense bodies
of the enemy, and from the lake by innumerable armed canoes. Cortes on
one occasion marched with his division along the causeway, to force a
very broad and deep opening, which the Mexicans had strengthened by
means of a palisade and mound, defended by a large body of troops.
Cortes finding it was impossible to pass across this opening but by
swimming, ordered his men to make the attempt; but they were so
vigorously assailed by the enemy from the entrenchments, and those
stationed on the house-tops, who literally showered down stones upon
them, while the canoes attacked them from each side of the opening, that
a great number of his men were wounded, and a few killed. Here the
brigantines were rendered totally useless, by the large stakes which had
been driven into the water. Cortes and the whole of his troops were
often on the brink of destruction; as it was, he had four men killed,
and above thirty wounded. At length, by dint of hard fighting, he
succeeded in forcing this formidable point; but the day was already so
far advanced, that there was no time left to fill up the wide aperture,
and he therefore sounded a retreat, in which he had again to fight his
way through dense crowds of the enemy, who wounded the whole of his men,
and the greater part of the Tlascallans.

Quauhtemoctzin now determined to adopt a new plan of operation, and this
he commenced on St. John's day, in the summer month, the very day we
made our second entry into Mexico, after the defeat of Narvaez. This
day, it seems, the monarch had purposely fixed upon to attack the three
divisions at the same moment with the whole of his armed force, both by
land and water. It was his firm resolve to destroy us all at once, and
his idols encouraged him to make the attempt. The attack was to commence
before break of day, when it was yet dark, and the Mexicans had provided
against the possibility of our obtaining any assistance from the
brigantines, by driving numbers of additional stakes into the water.
They now fell upon us with such fierceness and determination, that they
would certainly have stormed our camp itself, if the one hundred and
twenty men who had the watch had not been veterans in service. We were
certainly very nigh our destruction, and had fifteen men wounded, of
whom two died within the space of eight days. The two following nights
the enemy sallied out in a similar manner, but we each time repulsed
them with considerable loss. Cortes and Sandoval were likewise attacked
in the same way.

Quauhtemoctzin, with his generals and papas, finding that no advantage
was to be gained over us in this way, determined to attack our position
at Tlacupa with his united forces. This was accordingly put into
practice as soon as day began to dawn, and they fell upon us from all
sides with great intrepidity, and threw our line into disorder; but at
this moment it pleased the Almighty to refresh our strength; our troops
rallied again, and in their turn fell courageously upon the infuriated
foe. Our brigantines too lent us what assistance they could, and the
cavalry, with lances fixed, spurred their horses on, while our
crossbow-men and musketeers, strove to do their utmost; we others, armed
with swords, thrusting and cutting in among the enemy most valiantly, so
that at last we drove them back. This was a more terrible battle than
any we had fought on the causeways. Alvarado himself was wounded in the
head, and eight of our men were killed. If the Tlascallans had likewise
encamped this night on the causeway, we should no doubt have suffered
more severely, as their numbers would have embarrassed our movements;
but experience had taught us prudence, and each night we ordered them to
draw off to Tlacupa, and we only considered ourselves safe when assured
they had left the causeway.

In this engagement we slew a great number of the enemy, and among the
many men we took prisoners there were four personages of high rank.

By this time the reader will certainly be wearied of reading of battles
which were every day renewed; but I have not exaggerated them, for
during the ninety-three days we lay before this great and strong city,
we were compelled to fight both day and night almost without
intermission; and certainly, of all these numerous engagements, I am at
least bound to mention the most striking occurrences. If I were desirous
of relating every circumstance I should never finish, and my book would
resemble 'Amadis de Gaule,' and other such romances, whose authors can
find no end to their pretty stories. I will, however, be as brief as
possible in my further account of this siege, and hasten on to St.
Hippolytus' day, when we subdued this vast city, and took
Quauhtemoctzin, with all his generals, prisoners. But, before we were so
far successful, we suffered great hardships, and the whole of us were
near perishing in the attempt, particularly the division under Cortes,
as the reader will shortly see.




CHAPTER CLII.

    _How the Mexicans defeated Cortes, and took sixty-two of his men
    prisoners, who were sacrificed to their idols; our general himself
    being wounded in the leg._


Cortes, finding at length that it was impossible to fill up all the
canals, gaps, and openings in the causeway, and that the Mexicans always
destroyed at night what we had completed in the day, reopening the
apertures we had filled up, and throwing up new entrenchments, called
the principal officers of his division together, to deliberate on the
present state of the siege. He told them the men would not be able to
continue this fatiguing mode of warfare much longer, and he therefore
proposed to them that the three divisions should fall upon the city at
the same moment, and fight their way up to the Tlatelulco, and there
encamp with the troops. Cortes at the same time wrote to Alvarado and
Sandoval, desiring them also to deliberate on this point with their
officers and soldiers. From that place, he added, they would be able to
attack the enemy in the streets, and not have to encounter such severe
engagements, or make those dangerous retreats every evening, nor have
everlastingly to toil in filling up the openings and canals.

As it always happens in such cases, opinions were very different. Some
pronounced this plan to be altogether unadvisable, and were for pursuing
the present plan of operation, which was, to pull down the houses as we
advanced, and fill up the openings. Those of us who were of this opinion
gave as our principal reason for so thinking, that if we fortified
ourselves in the proposed way on the Tlatelulco, the causeways must fall
into the hands of the Mexicans, who, with the vast number of men at
their command, would undoubtedly reopen the hollows we had filled up,
and make other fresh apertures in the causeways. In this great square we
should night and day be assailed by the enemy; while our brigantines
would not be able to come to our assistance, on account of the stakes
driven in the water. In short, we should be surrounded on all sides, and
the Mexicans would be masters of the town, of the lake, and of the
surrounding neighbourhood.

This, our opinion,[23] we took care to draw up in writing, to avoid a
recurrence of what took place on our unfortunate retreat from Mexico.

Cortes indeed listened to our reasons for objecting to his plan, but
nevertheless determined that the three divisions, including the cavalry,
should make an attempt on the following day to fight their way up to the
Tlatelulco, and that the Tlascallans, with the troops of Tezcuco, and
of the towns which had recently subjected themselves to our emperor,
should cooperate with us; the latter were more particularly to assist us
with their canoes.

The following morning, accordingly, after we had heard mass, and
commended ourselves to the protection of God, the three divisions
sallied forth from their respective encampments.

On our causeway we had forced a bridge and an entrenchment, after some
very hard fighting, for Quauhtemoctzin sent out terrific masses to
oppose us; so that we had great numbers of wounded, and our friends of
Tlascalla above one thousand. We already thought victory was on our
side, and we kept continually advancing.

Cortes, with his division, had fought his way across a very deep
opening, of which the opposite sides were merely connected by an
extremely narrow path, and which the artful Mexicans had purposely so
contrived, as they justly foresaw what would take place.

Cortes, with the whole of his division, now sure of victory, vigorously
pursued the enemy, who from time to time faced about, to fly their
arrows and lances at him; but all this was a mere stratagem on their
part, to entice Cortes further into the city; and this object was
entirely accomplished.

The wheel of fortune now suddenly turned against Cortes, and the joyous
feelings of victory were changed into bitter mourning; for while he was
eager in pursuit of the enemy, with every appearance of victory, it so
happened that his officers never thought to fill up the large opening
which they had crossed. The Mexicans had taken care to lessen the width
of the causeway, which in some places was covered with water, and at
others with a great depth of mud and mire. When the Mexicans saw that
Cortes had passed the fatal opening without filling it up, their object
was gained. An immense body of troops, with numbers of canoes, which lay
concealed for this purpose in places where the brigantines could not get
at them, now suddenly rushed forth from their hiding places, and fell
upon this ill-fated division with incredible fierceness, accompanied by
the most fearful yells. It was impossible for the men to make any stand
against this overwhelming power, and nothing now remained for our men
but to close their ranks firmly, and commence a retreat. But the enemy
kept rushing on in such crowds, that our men, just as they had retreated
as far back as the dangerous opening, gave up all further resistance,
and fled precipitately. Cortes indeed strove to rally his men, and cried
out to them, "Stand! stand firm, gentlemen! is it thus you turn your
backs upon the enemy?" But all his commands were fruitless here, and
every one strove to save his own life. Now the awful consequences of the
neglect to fill up the opening in the causeway began to show
themselves. In front of the narrow path, which the canoes had now broken
down, the Mexicans wounded Cortes in the leg, took sixty Spaniards
prisoners, and killed six horses. Several Mexican chiefs had already
laid hands on our general, but with great exertion he tore himself from
their grasp, and at the same moment the brave Christobal de Olea (who
must not be confounded with Christobal de Oli) came up to his
assistance, cut down one of the Mexican chiefs who had seized hold of
Cortes, and rescued his general, by cutting his way through the enemy
sword in hand, assisted by another excellent soldier, called Lerma. But
this heroic deed cost Olea his life, and Lerma was very nigh sharing a
like fate. During this dubious conflict for the rescue of our general's
person several other of our men had by degrees hastened up to his
assistance, who, though themselves covered with wounds, boldly risked
their lives for Cortes. Antonio de Quinones, the captain of his guards,
had likewise hastened up; they now succeeded in dragging Cortes out of
the water, and, placing him on the back of a horse, he reached a place
of safety. At this instant his major-domo, Christobal de Guzman, came up
with another horse for him; but the Mexicans, who had become excessively
daring, took him prisoner, and instantly carried him into the presence
of Quauhtemoctzin. The enemy in the meantime pursued Cortes and his
troops up to their very encampment, hooting and yelling most fearfully.

We under Alvarado had likewise advanced along our causeway with like
confidence of victory; but, when we least expected it, an immense body
of Mexicans, completely clothed in their military costume, rushed out
upon us with the most dissonant howls, and threw at our feet five bloody
heads of our countrymen, whom they had captured of Cortes' division.
"See these heads!" they cried; "we mean to kill you all in the same way
we have Malinche and Sandoval, with the whole of their troops! These are
some of their heads; you will certainly know them again." Under these
and similar threats they continued to surround us on all sides, and fell
so furiously upon us that all our courageous fighting was to no purpose:
yet they were unable to break through our firmly closed ranks, and we
began to retreat with a steady step, after we had sent the Tlascallans
in advance to clear the causeway and the dangerous passages. The
Tlascallans, at the sight of the five bleeding heads, had really
credited the enemy's shout of triumph, that Malinche, with Sandoval and
all their teules, had been killed; and they were seized with sudden
terror.

As we were thus retreating, we continually heard the large drum beating
from the summit of the chief temple of the city. Its tone was mournful
indeed, and sounded like the very instrument of Satan. This drum was so
vast in its dimensions that it could be heard from eight to twelve miles
distance. Every time we heard its doleful sound, the Mexicans, as we
subsequently learnt, offered to their idols the bleeding hearts of our
unfortunate countrymen. But we had not near accomplished our retreat;
for the enemy attacked us from the house-tops, from out their canoes,
and from the mainland at the same time, while fresh troops were
constantly pouring in. At this moment Quauhtemoctzin commanded the large
horn to be sounded, which was always a signal to his troops that he
allowed them no choice but death or victory. With this at the same time
was mingled the melancholy sound of the drum from the temple top, which
filled the Mexicans with terrific fury, and they ran headlong against
our swords. It was really a horrible sight, which I am unable to
describe, though even at this moment it comes vividly to my mind. If the
Almighty had not lent us additional strength, we must all have perished,
as the whole of us were wounded. To Him alone we are indebted for our
preservation, and without His aid we should never again have reached our
quarters. Indeed, I cannot sufficiently praise God, who this time again,
as on so many other occasions, rescued me out of the hands of the
Mexicans. When we had reached our encampment, a brisk charge of our
cavalry upon the enemy made somewhat open space for us; but we were
mostly indebted to our two brass cannon mounted in front of our camp,
which were continually fired among the dense crowds of the enemy on the
causeway, each shot mowing numbers of them down. But the Mexicans,
confident of victory, kept continually advancing to the attack, and
poured showers of stones and lances into our very quarters. No one
rendered more effectual service on this day than a cavalier named Pedro
Moreno, who is still living in Puebla: for, at this moment of imminent
danger, he himself served our cannon, as our artillerymen were all
either killed or unable to serve from their wounds. This Pedro Moreno
had indeed, on all occasions, proved himself an excellent warrior, yet
it was particularly on this day that we were so much indebted to his
assistance. The severity of our numerous wounds, and the distress we
were in, was all rendered more terrible from the uncertainty we were in
respecting the fate of Cortes' and Sandoval's divisions, as the distance
between us was full two miles. The words the Mexicans had uttered when
they threw the five bleeding heads at our feet, that Malinche and
Sandoval, with all their teules, had been cut to pieces, still rung in
our ears, and we suffered intense anxiety. Though we had firmly closed
our ranks, and were able to defend ourselves against the furious attacks
of the enemy, yet we thought we should be obliged to succumb in the end.

While we were thus assailed by the enemy by land, numerous canoes
attacked the brigantines, from one of which the enemy succeeded in
carrying off one man alive, besides killing three others, and wounding
the captain, with all the men on board. This brigantine would certainly
have fared much worse if the one under the command of Juan Xaramillo had
not come up to its assistance.

One of these brigantines, under Juan de Limpias Carvajal, had got so
jammed in between the stakes that it was with difficulty she was got
afloat again. It was on this occasion that Carvajal lost his hearing, by
over exertion of his strength. He now lives at Puebla, and fought on
that day so courageously, and knew so well how to spur on the men at the
oars, that he succeeded in breaking through the stakes and rescuing the
brigantine from falling into the enemy's hands. This was the first of
our brigantines which had succeeded in breaking through the stakes.

By this time, Cortes, with his division, had also reached his
encampment; but here the enemy fell upon him anew, threw three of our
countrymen's heads among his troops, crying out, at the same time, that
these were some of the heads of Sandoval's and Alvarado's men, whom they
had put to death, with all their teules!

At this sight Cortes was completely dismayed; nevertheless he strove to
hide his feelings, and commanded his officers to keep the ranks firmly
closed, and oppose a solid front to the enemy. At the same time he
despatched Tapia, with three horse, to Tlacupa, to see how matters stood
with our division, and, in case we had not suffered an entire defeat, to
keep in a firm body together, and observe the utmost vigilance both
night and day; but this we had of course done without requiring to be
reminded of it.

Tapia and his companions fulfilled their commands with the utmost
expedition; and, though they had a skirmish in a dangerous pass where
Quauhtemoctzin had posted a strong detachment, intending thereby to cut
off our line of communication, yet they arrived safe in our camp, though
all four were wounded. They still found us hotly engaged with the enemy,
but rejoiced exceedingly to see how courageously we defended ourselves.
After conveying Cortes' instructions to us, they related what had taken
place with his division, but took care not to tell the whole truth, for
they said there were only twenty-five killed, and that all the rest of
the troops were in excellent condition.

We must now turn to Sandoval, who was advancing victoriously along the
causeway, until the Mexicans, after Cortes' defeat, turned the great
body of their troops against him, and he was soon obliged to commence a
retreat. Two of his men were killed, and all the others wounded, he
himself in three different places, on the head, thigh, and arm. The
enemy likewise threw in among his men six bleeding heads of our fellow
soldiers, crying out that those were the heads of Malinche, Alvarado,
and other officers, and that he and his men would share a similar fate.
They then fell upon him with increased fury: but the brave Sandoval was
not to be discouraged by this; he ordered his men to close their ranks
more firmly, and, as the causeway was very narrow, he first ordered the
Tlascallans, who were in great numbers in his division, to march off the
causeway, and then commenced his retreat under cover of his brigantines,
the musketeers, and crossbow-men. It was, however, no easy task, as his
men were terribly wounded and altogether disheartened. As soon as
Sandoval had reached the end of the causeway, the Mexicans surrounded
him on all sides; but he emboldened his officers and soldiers so, that
they kept in a body together, cut their way through the enemy, and
arrived safely in their camp, where they were able to adopt every
military precaution for its defence.

Sandoval, now considering his troops out of danger, gave the command of
his division to captain Luis Marin; and, after his wounds were bandaged
up, he set off, accompanied by two horse, for Cortes' head-quarters. On
his road he was continually harassed by bodies of the enemy; for, as I
have above mentioned, Quauhtemoctzin had everywhere stationed troops in
order to cut off our communication.

Sandoval, on coming up to Cortes, said to him, "Alas! general, what a
shocking business this has been! Thus miserably have your great schemes
terminated!" At these words, tears started from Cortes' eyes, and he
cried out, "O! my son Sandoval! if this misfortune has befallen us for
my sins, I have not been so entirely the cause of it as you suppose. The
royal treasurer Juan de Alderete neglected to do his duty, and did not
obey my orders to fill up the opening in the causeway. The man is not
accustomed to war, nor does he know how to obey."

Alderete was standing by when Cortes uttered these words, and he could
not restrain himself from retorting the guilt upon Cortes, and
maintained that when the latter was advancing victoriously forward, he
had spurred his men on to follow quickly at his heels, and cried out,
"Forward, cavaliers!" Nothing had at all been mentioned about filling up
the opening in the causeway, otherwise he, with the company under his
command, would certainly have attended to it. Others again reproached
Cortes for not having sooner ordered off the numerous body of allies
from the causeway; and, in short, many disagreeable remarks were made on
both sides, which I would rather not repeat here.

During this sharp altercation, two of the brigantines which had
accompanied Cortes as he advanced along the causeway, made their
reappearance. Nothing had been seen or heard of these for a length of
time, and they had been given up as lost. It appears they had become
jammed in between the stakes, in which awkward position they were
attacked by numbers of canoes. At length, after a great deal of hard
fighting, they succeeded, with the assistance of a strong breeze, and
the utmost exertions of their oars, to break through the stakes and gain
the deep water, but the whole of the men on board were wounded. Cortes
was exceedingly rejoiced at their safe return, for he had given them up
for lost, but had not mentioned this to his troops, that they might not
become more disheartened than they already were.

Upon this Cortes despatched Sandoval in all haste to Tlacupa to see how
matters stood with our division, to assist us in the defence of our
encampment, if, at least, we were not totally overthrown. Francisco de
Lugo was ordered to accompany him thither, as it was naturally to be
supposed that small detachments of the enemy were everywhere dispersed.
Cortes acquainted Sandoval at the same time that he had previously
despatched Tapia with three horse there for the same purpose, but feared
they must have been killed on the road.

When Sandoval was about to mount his horse, Cortes embraced him, with
these words: "Go, for heaven's sake! You see I cannot be everywhere at
the same moment: to you I intrust the chief command of the three
divisions for the present, as I am wounded and almost exhausted with
fatigue. I beg of you rescue our three divisions from destruction. I
doubt not that Alvarado and his troops have defended themselves like
brave warriors; yet I cannot help fearing he has been forced to succumb
to the overwhelming numbers of these dogs, for you see how I have fared
with my division, and it may have gone worse with his."

Upon this Sandoval and Lugo threw themselves on horseback and galloped
off for our encampment, where they arrived about the hour of vespers,
but we had received intelligence of Cortes' defeat many hours
beforehand. They still found us engaged with the Mexicans, who were
doing their utmost to storm our camp from that side of the causeway
where we had pulled down several houses, while, at the same time, they
attacked us with their canoes from the side towards the lake. They had
driven one of our brigantines between the stakes, killed two of the men,
and wounded all the rest.

When Sandoval saw how I and many of my comrades stood up to our middles
in the water to get the brigantine clear of the stakes, he applauded our
courage, and bid us do our utmost to save the vessel from falling into
the hands of the enemy, as the Mexicans had already fastened many ropes
to her, and were trying to tow her off into the town behind their
canoes. Sandoval's encouraging words were not lost upon us, and we
fought with such determination that at length we rescued the vessel. On
this occasion I was wounded by an arrow.

While we were fighting for the possession of this brigantine, fresh
bodies of the enemy kept continually crowding up the causeway. We
received many more wounds, and even Sandoval was hit in the face by a
stone at the moment Alvarado was coming up to his assistance with
another small body of the cavalry; and when Sandoval saw how daringly I,
with many of my comrades, opposed the enemy, he ordered us to retreat
slowly, that all our horses might not be sacrificed. As we did not
immediately obey his commands, he cried out to us, "Are we then all to
perish for your sakes? For heaven's sake, my brave companions, make good
your retreat!" These words were scarcely out of his mouth when both he
and his horse were again wounded. We now ordered our Indian allies to
move off the causeway, and we began to retreat slowly but with our faces
always turned towards the enemy. Our musketeers and crossbow-men kept up
a continued fire upon them; the cavalry at intervals charged the enemy's
line at half speed, and Pedro Moreno thundered away with the cannon. But
whatever number of the infuriated enemy we might mow down, it mattered
not, they still continued to follow us, for they had made up their minds
to overcome us that very night and sacrifice us to their idols.

After we had at last, with excessive toil, crossed a deep opening, and
had arrived at our encampment, where we were pretty secure from the
enemy's attacks, Sandoval, Lugo, Tapia, and Alvarado stood together
relating what had befallen each of the respective divisions, when all in
a moment the large drum of Huitzilopochtli again resounded from the
summit of the temple, accompanied by all the hellish music of shell
trumpets, horns, and other instruments. The sound was truly dismal and
terrifying, but still more agonizing was all this to us when we looked
up and beheld how the Mexicans were mercilessly sacrificing to their
idols our unfortunate companions, who had been captured in Cortes'
flight across the opening.

We could plainly see the platform, with the chapel in which those
cursed idols stood; how the Mexicans had adorned the heads of the
Spaniards with feathers, and compelled their victims to dance round the
god Huitzilopochtli; we saw how they stretched them out at full length
on a large stone, ripped open their breasts with flint knives, tore out
the palpitating heart, and offered it to their idols. Alas! we were
forced to be spectators of all this, and how they then seized hold of
the dead bodies by the legs and threw them headlong down the steps of
the temple, at the bottom of which other executioners stood ready to
receive them, who severed the arms, legs, and heads from the bodies,
drew the skin off the faces, which were tanned with the beards still
adhering to them, and produced as spectacles of mockery and derision at
their feasts; the legs, arms, and other parts of the body being cut up
and devoured!

In this way the Mexicans served all the Spaniards they took prisoners;
and the entrails alone were thrown to the tigers, lions, otters, and
serpents, which were kept in cages. These abominable barbarities we were
forced to witness with our own eyes from our very camp; and the reader
may easily imagine our feelings, how excessively agonizing! the more so
as we were so near our unfortunate companions without being able to
assist them. Every one of us thanked God from the bottom of his soul for
His great mercy in having rescued us from such a horrible death!

While we were thus gazing upon this dismal scene, fresh troops of
Mexicans came storming along in great numbers, and fell upon us from all
sides with the fury of wild beasts; and continually cried, "Only look up
to the temple! such will be the end of you all! This our gods have often
promised us!" but the threats which they threw out against our
Tlascallan friends were even more terrible. They threw among them the
bones of the legs and arms of their countrymen and of ours which had
been roasted and the flesh torn off, crying out at the same time, "We
have already satiated ourselves with the flesh of your countrymen and of
the teules; you may, therefore, as well enjoy what remains on these
bones! Do you see the ruins of those houses there which you have pulled
down? you will soon have to build us up much larger and finer ones. Only
remain faithful to the teules, and we promise you you shall be with them
when we sacrifice them to our gods!"

Quauhtemoctzin, after gaining this victory, forwarded the feet and hands
of our unfortunate countrymen, with their beards and skins, as also the
heads of the horses they had killed, to all our allies and his own
relations, accompanied by the assurance that more than half of the
Spaniards had been killed, and that he would soon have the rest in his
power. He therefore ordered those towns which had entered into our
alliance immediately to send ambassadors to Mexico, otherwise he would
march against them and put the whole of the inhabitants to death.

From this moment the enemy attacked us without intermission day and
night; but as we were always upon our guard, and kept in a body
together, we gave them no opportunity of taking us by surprise.

Our officers shared the hardships with the meanest soldiers, and the
horses stood always ready saddled, one half on the causeway, the other
at Tlacupa. Whenever we filled up any opening, the Mexicans were sure to
return and open it again, and throw up more formidable entrenchments on
the opposite side. Our allies of the towns which lay in the lake, who
had up to this moment assisted us with their canoes, began to fall off
after they had lost so many of their men and numbers of their canoes,
and though they lent no aid to the Mexicans, yet they only awaited the
final issue of the siege to forsake us altogether.

Sandoval, Tapia, Lugo, and the other officers who had arrived from the
other divisions, now thought it high time to return to their own troops
and inform Cortes as to how matters stood with us. They accordingly
hastened back to our general's head-quarters, and told him how valiantly
Alvarado and his men were defending themselves, and the great vigilance
which was observed in his camp.

Sandoval, who was always a good friend to me, told Cortes on this
occasion how he had found me, with several others, up to my middle in
the water fighting away to rescue one of the brigantines; adding, that
had it not been for us, she must undoubtedly have been lost with all the
men on board. What he further added in my praise I will not mention, as
it concerns my own person, but it was often repeated by others and
sufficiently known to all the troops.

When Cortes learnt what excellent order we observed in our camp, his
heart grew lighter, and he commanded the divisions to keep out of the
way of the enemy as much as possible, and confine themselves to the
defence of the respective encampments, on which the Mexicans renewed the
attack every morning by throwing in darts, stones, and other missiles.
But after we had strengthened our encampment by a deep and broad ditch
we considered ourselves more secure, and remained quiet for the four
following days. Cortes and Sandoval allowing their troops a like period
of rest, and certainly we stood much in need of it, for we were all
wounded and quite enfeebled by continued fighting, and the little
nourishment we received. On that terrible day the loss of the three
divisions amounted to sixty men and seven horses. The short repose we
enjoyed was most beneficial to us, but we had now to deliberate on our
future plan of operation.




CHAPTER CLIII.

    _The new plan of operation which we adopt in the siege, and how all
    our allies return to their several homes._


For the next five days we stood at night under arms on the causeway, the
brigantines lying on each side in the lake, while one half of our
cavalry kept patrolling about Tlacupa, where our baggage and
baking-house were; the other half being stationed near our camp. As soon
as the day began to dawn, the Mexicans renewed the attack upon our
encampment, which they were determined to take by storm.

Similar attacks were likewise made on the encampments of Sandoval and
Cortes, until we changed our plan of operation. The Mexicans in the
meantime made solemn sacrifices every day in the large temple on the
Tlatelulco, and celebrated their feasts. Each time the infernal drum
resounded from the temple, accompanied by the discordant noise of shell
trumpets, timbrels, horns, and the horrible yells and howlings of the
Mexicans. Large fires were kept up on the platform of the temple during
the whole night, and each night a certain number of our unfortunate
countrymen were sacrificed to their cursed idols, Huitzilopochtli and
Tetzcatlipuca, who, in the discourses which the papas held with them,
promised that we should all be killed in a few days. As these gods were
lying and evil-minded beings, they deceived the Mexicans with these
promises in order that they might not be induced to sue for peace with
the teules. Unfortunately the Tlascallans and our other allies began to
put faith in these oracles after our last defeat.

One morning large bodies of Mexicans again fell upon us with the
intention of surrounding us on all sides. Each separate body of the
Mexicans was distinguished by a particular dress and certain warlike
devices, and regularly relieved each other in battle. In the midst of
their fierce attacks they constantly cried out, "You are a set of
low-minded scoundrels, you are fit for nothing, and you neither know how
to build a house nor how to cultivate maise. You are a pack of
worthless fellows, and only come to plunder our town. You have fled away
from your own country and deserted your own king; but before eight days
are past there will not be one of you left alive. Oh! you miserable
beings, you are so bad and beastly that even your very flesh is not
eatable. It tastes as bitter as gall!"

It is most probable that after they had feasted all the bodies of
several of our companions, the Almighty, in his mercy, had turned the
flesh bitter. Against the Tlascallans they threw out more terrible
language, threatening to turn them all into slaves, fatten some for
their sacrifices, and reserve others for rebuilding their houses and
tilling the ground.

All these abominable threats they uttered in the midst of fighting, and
they came pouring forth over the ruins of the houses we had destroyed,
or they fell upon us in the rear from their numerous canoes; but the
Almighty each time gave us fresh vigour, so that we were able to make a
good stand against the enemy and beat them back with considerable loss
in killed and wounded.

About this time our allies of Huexotzinco, Cholulla, Tezcuco, and
Tlascalla, had become wearied of the war, and secretly agreed with each
other to return to their homes. Without mentioning a single word either
to Cortes, Sandoval, or Alvarado, they all suddenly left our
encampments, only a few of the most faithful remaining with us. In
Cortes' division there remained a brother of the king of Tezcuco, the
brave Suchel, (who was subsequently baptized with the name of Don
Carlos,) with about forty of his relations and friends. In Sandoval's
division a cazique of Huexotzinco, with about fifty men: and in our
division the sons of our honest friend Don Lorenzo de Vargas, with the
brave Chichimeclatecl, and about eighty men.

We were not a little dismayed to find that our allies had thus suddenly
decamped, and when Cortes questioned those who remained as to the
motives which had induced their countrymen to desert us, they replied,
that their companions had at length began to fear the threats of the
Mexicans and the oracles of their idols, that we should all be
destroyed, particularly when they saw what numbers of our men were
killed and wounded; besides their own great losses, which already
amounted to above 1200 men. To all this was added the warnings of the
younger Xicotencatl, whom Cortes had caused to be hung at Tezcuco,
namely, that sooner or later we should all be put to death, as he had
been assured by his soothsayers.

Our general was greatly alarmed at this desertion, but took care to hide
his real feelings from those few of our allies who had remained
faithful, and merely remarked, with a placid smile on his countenance,
that there was nothing to fear, and he was surprised that their
countrymen did not see through the real design of the Mexicans in
promulgating the false oracles of their gods. By this and other
plausible speeches, added to vast promises, he strengthened them in
their fidelity.

On one of these occasions the above-mentioned Suchel, who was a man of
uncommon bravery, and a cazique in his own right, said to Cortes:
"Malinche, you should not humble yourself each day to renew the conflict
with the enemy. In my opinion you should rather command your officers to
cruize round the town with the brigantines, in order to cut off all its
supplies of water and provisions. In that city there are so many
thousands of warriors that their store of provisions must soon become
exhausted. The only supply of water they have is from the rain that
falls, and what they obtain from wells recently dug, which cannot be
wholesome to drink. What can they do if you cut off their supplies of
provisions and water? for a war against hunger and thirst is the most
direful of all calamities!"

When he had done speaking Cortes gave him a hearty embrace, thanked him
for his good advice, and promised to bestow valuable townships upon him.
To this he had been advised all along by many of us soldiers; but a
Spanish soldier has too much spirit to reduce a town by famine; he is
all impatience to fight his way in.

After Cortes had maturely considered this plan, he sent word by means of
brigantines to Alvarado and Sandoval to desist from the daily attacks
upon the town. This new method of conducting the siege was greatly
favoured by the circumstance that our brigantines stood no longer in
fear of the stakes which the enemy had driven into the lake, for if
there was a stiffish breeze and the men vigorously plied their oars, the
brigantines were sure each time to break through them. By this means we
became complete masters of the lake, and all the detached buildings
which stood in the water. When the Mexicans saw the great advantage we
gained over them in this way they became considerably disheartened.

In the meantime we continued the combat on the causeways, and in the
space of four days we had with great difficulty and labour filled up the
wide opening in front of our camp. Two companies repelling the attacks
of the enemy, while the third was occupied in filling up the aperture.
Cortes did the same with his division, and himself assisted in dragging
along beams and planks to make the causeway more safe. Sandoval was
similarly engaged on his causeway, and now the brigantines were able to
lend us considerable assistance, since they no longer feared the stakes.

In this way we continually kept advancing nearer and nearer to the city,
though the enemy constantly renewed their attacks upon us, and that with
so much fury and intrepidity that it was often with difficulty we could
repulse them. But the Almighty had strengthened our arms, and our
crossbow-men and musketeers did great execution among the crowded ranks
of the enemy; yet we had still every evening to retreat along the
causeway to our encampment, which was not the easiest part of the day's
work, as the enemy, still big with the recent victory they had gained
over us, fought with great confidence. At one time they fell upon us
from three sides, and wounded two horses, but thank heavens we cut our
way through, slaughtered a considerable number of them and made many
prisoners. On our side we had likewise several wounded, but this did not
discourage us, we each day returned to the conflict, dressed our wounds
at night with bandages steeped in warm oil, supped off vegetables,
maize-cakes, and figs, and then posted our watches for the night.

The hellish rejoicings on the summit of the large temple were still kept
up during the night. Really it is impossible to describe the dreadful
and dismal sound of this diabolical drum, with the yelling and other
dissonant noises which burst forth each time the Mexicans sacrificed one
of our countrymen between the large fires they had kindled on the summit
of the temple! For ten successive days were these inhuman sacrifices
continued, until all their prisoners were gone; Christobal de Guzman,
who was among the number, they had reserved for the last, and kept alive
for eighteen days.

During these sacrifices the idols delivered their oracles, and promised
the Mexicans our total destruction before ten days had expired, if they
only persevered in their attacks upon us. And thus it was they allowed
themselves to be deceived!

The following morning early the Mexicans again advanced in numerous
bodies to the attack, and would undoubtedly have forced their way up to
our encampment if we had not kept up a steady fire upon them with our
cannon, which Pedro Mareno served with great effect. I must not forget
to mention that they shot our own arrows at us from five crossbows which
they had captured, the use of which they had compelled the Spaniards
whom they had taken prisoners to teach them; but the injury they did us
with these was next to nothing.

Matters went on in the same way at the two other encampments, with which
we kept up a constant communication, by means of the brigantines, which
also conveyed Cortes' different commands, and these he always put down
in writing.

While the three divisions were thus steadily carrying on their
operations against the city, our brigantines were also continually on
the alert, and two of those belonging to Cortes' division diligently
chased the convoys of provisions and water going to Mexico. On one
occasion they captured a large canoe quite filled with a species of
slime,[24] which, when dried, tastes very much like cheese. The number
of prisoners our vessels took was likewise very great.

Twelve or thirteen days may now have passed away since our unfortunate
defeat; and as Suchel, the brother of the king of Tezcuco, became daily
more convinced that we had the advantage over the Mexicans, and that
their threats to destroy us all within ten days had been a mere trick of
their idols to delude them, he sent word to his brother to despatch the
whole armed force of Tezcuco to aid in the siege. The king of Tezcuco
soon complied with his brother's wishes, and before two days had elapsed
above 2000 of his warriors arrived in our camp. I still remember quite
well that they were accompanied by Pedro Sanchez Farsan and Antonio de
Villareal, who subsequently married the lady Ojeda. The first of these
gentlemen, it will be remembered, Cortes had appointed commandant of
Tezcuco, and the second chamberlain to the king of that place. Cortes
was not a little rejoiced at the arrival of this considerable body of
men, and did not forget to bestow his praises on them.

The Tlascallans followed the example of the Tezcucans, who shortly after
returned in great numbers, under the command of Tecapaneca, cazique of
Topoyanco. In the same way large bodies of men arrived from Huexotzinco,
but very few came from Cholulla.

Cortes commanded all these Indian troops to repair to his head-quarters,
having previously taken the precaution to station detachments along the
line of their march, to protect them against any attacks of the enemy.

When they had all arrived he stepped into the midst of them, and
addressed them in Spanish, which was interpreted by Aguilar and Dona
Marina. He assured them he had never doubted their being well and
faithfully inclined towards him, from the time they had become subjects
of our emperor, and experienced our bounty. When he invited them to join
him in this campaign against Mexico, he had had no other object in view
than that they might reap a real benefit by it, and return home laden
with booty; and to give them an opportunity of revenging themselves on
their old enemies, with whom they had never been able to cope previous
to our arrival in their country. Though they had fought bravely, and
stoutly assisted us on every occasion, they should nevertheless bear in
mind that each day we ordered their troops to draw off from the
causeways, because they embarrassed our movements; and though our
numbers had been so very scanty, yet we had never stood in need of their
assistance; for we had told them over and over again that the Lord Jesus
was our stronghold, from whom all victory comes. They were likewise
convinced that we were able to level houses to the ground, and pull up
the palisades, without their aid. For the rest, he was bound to make the
observation to them that, according to the strict articles of war, they
had deserved punishment of death, because they had deserted their
general at a time when the battle was at its height. He would, however,
pardon them, on account of their ignorance of our laws and articles of
war; he must now likewise forbid them, under any pretence whatever, to
kill any Mexicans that might be taken prisoners; for he was anxious to
make himself master of the city, by pacifying its inhabitants.

After Cortes had done speaking, he embraced Chichimeclatecl, the two
younger Xicotencatls, and Suchel of Tezcuco, bestowed great praise on
their faithful adherence to our emperor, promising to reward them with a
larger extent of territory than they already possessed, besides a gift
of numerous slaves. He was equally kind towards the caziques of
Topoyanco, Huexotzinco, and of Cholulla, and then distributed these
Indian auxiliaries equally among the three divisions.

As our battles with the Mexicans continued day after day in the same
manner, I will not go so much into particulars as heretofore. I have
merely to add, that during these days it began to rain very fast every
evening, and that the heavier the showers the more welcome they were to
us; for as soon as the Mexicans were wet they desisted from their
attacks, and did not molest us on our retreats at night. Neither must I
omit to mention that towards the close of the ninety-three days in which
we kept Mexico closely besieged, we upon one occasion fell with our
divisions at the same moment into the town, and fought our way up to the
wells, from which the Mexicans, as I have above mentioned, drew all
their drinkable water. These wells we completely destroyed; but we
certainly did not accomplish this without encountering a severe
opposition from the enemy, who directed their long lances more
particularly against our cavalry, which here galloped up and down on the
level dry ground in fine style.




CHAPTER CLIV.

    _How Cortes offers terms of peace to Quauhtemoctzin._


After we had by degrees gained so many advantages over the Mexicans,
taken most of the bridges, causeways, and entrenchments, and levelled so
many houses to the ground, Cortes determined to despatch three
distinguished Mexicans, whom we had taken prisoners, to Quauhtemoctzin,
to offer him terms of peace. At first the three men refused to accept of
this commission, assuring our general that Quauhtemoctzin would put them
to death if they came with such a message. But at length, by fair words
and promises, added to some valuable presents, he persuaded them into
compliance. He then desired them to take the following message to their
monarch: "He (Cortes) felt a great affection for Quauhtemoctzin, as he
was so near a relative, and son-in-law to his late friend, the powerful
Motecusuma. He should indeed feel sorely grieved if he compelled him to
destroy the great city of Mexico. He was also grieved to see so many of
its inhabitants, with his subjects of the surrounding country, daily
becoming victims to these continued battles. He now therefore, in the
name of our emperor, offered him terms of peace, with forgiveness for
all the injury he had done us. He advised him to take this offer, which
had now been made four several times to him, into his serious
consideration, and no longer allow himself to be deceived by the
inexperience of youth, and the bad advice of his evil-minded papas and
cursed idols. He ought to reflect on the vast number of men he had
already lost; that we were in possession of all the cities and towns of
the surrounding neighbourhood; that the number of his enemies daily
increased; and that, at least, he should have some compassion for his
subjects. He (Cortes) was also well aware that provisions began to fail
in Mexico, and that the inhabitants had no means of obtaining water."

By means of our interpreters these three distinguished personages
perfectly comprehended what Cortes said to them, yet they begged of him
to give them some written document which they might present to
Quauhtemoctzin, for they well knew we were accustomed to accompany every
message of this nature with a letter, or amatl, as they termed any
written order.

When these three personages arrived in the presence of Quauhtemoctzin
they fulfilled their commission with many tears and sighs. The Mexican
monarch on this occasion was surrounded by his chief officers, and at
first appeared inclined to be angry with those who thus presumed to come
with such a message. But as he was a young man of a kind and affable
disposition,[25] he assembled all his great officers, and the most
distinguished of his papas, and told them that he felt inclined to put
an end to the war with Malinche and his troops. The Mexicans, he
continued, had already tried every mode of attack, and put every species
of defence into practice, and had continually altered their plans of
operation; yet, when they thought the Spaniards vanquished, they each
time returned with renewed vigour. They were aware that a considerable
body of auxiliaries had recently joined their enemies; that every town
had declared against Mexico; the brigantines no longer feared the stakes
they had driven into the lake; the cavalry galloped without fear through
their streets, and they were threatened with the most terrible of
calamities, want of provisions and water. He now therefore demanded the
opinion of each person present, but more particularly of the papas, who
were acquainted with the wishes of their gods. He desired every one
fearlessly to speak his mind, and state his views of the matter.

Upon this, it is said, they declared themselves to the following effect:
"Great and mighty monarch! You are our lord and master, and the sceptre
you sway is in good hands. On every occasion you have shown great
penetration and power of mind, and you have deserved a crown, even had
it not been yours by inheritance. Peace is certainly an excellent thing,
but you must remember that, from the moment these teules set foot in
this country and in Mexico, our condition has daily grown worse.
Remember the many presents your uncle the late powerful Motecusuma
bestowed upon these teules, and the important services he rendered them,
and what treatment he received in return! Reflect on the fate of
Cacamatzin, the king of Tezcuco: and your uncle, how did he end his
days? What has become of your relatives the kings of Iztapalapan,
Cojohuacan, Tlacupa, and of Talatzinco? Have not even the very sons of
the great Motecusuma perished? All the gold and wealth of this great
city has vanished. Great numbers of the inhabitants of Tepeaca, of
Chalco, and even of Tezcuco, have been led away into slavery, and have
been marked in the face with a red-hot iron! Remember, therefore, above
all things, what our gods have promised you. Listen to their advice, and
put no trust in Malinche and his fine words. It is better to be buried
sword in hand under the ruins of this city than to submit to the power
of those who wish to turn us into slaves, and have prepared every
species of torture for us."

This speech the papas accompanied with the assurance that the gods, a
few nights ago, while they were sacrificing to them, had promised the
Mexicans victory.

"If," answered Quauhtemoctzin, rather sorrowfully, "these are your
wishes, let them be done! Make the most of the maise and other
provisions we have still left, and let us all die sword in hand! Let no
man presume, from this moment, to mention the word peace in my presence!
He who dares so to do I will put to death with my own hand."

Every one present then swore that they would exert themselves
unceasingly day and night, and sacrifice their lives in the defence of
the metropolis. They likewise found means to provide for their most
pressing wants by making arrangements with the inhabitants of Xochimilco
and other townships to provide them with water; and in Mexico itself new
wells were dug, from which, contrary to all expectations, they obtained
drinkable water. All hostilities had now been staid for two days in
expectation of an answer from Quauhtemoctzin; when all of a sudden our
three camps were attacked by immense bodies of the enemy with lion-like
fierceness, and with such confidence as though they were sure of
victory. During this attack, Quauhtemoctzin's horn was sounded, and it
was with great difficulty we prevented the enemy from disordering our
ranks; for the Mexicans now ran right upon our swords and lances, so
that we were obliged to fight them foot to foot.

We certainly each time remained master of the field, and at length got
more accustomed to these attacks; yet many of us were continually
wounded. In this way the infuriated enemy fell upon us at different
points for six or seven days consecutively, and great was the slaughter
we made among their ranks; but we could not give them a complete
overthrow.

One time the Mexicans cried out, "What does Malinche mean by his
repeated offers of peace? Does he imagine we are so foolish as to listen
to him? Our gods have promised us victory, and we have abundance of
provisions and water. Not one of you will escape alive from here;
therefore speak no more to us about terms of peace. Such things belong
to women; arms were made for man!"

With these words they fell upon us with the fury of mad dogs, and the
combat lasted until the darkness of night put an end to it. We then as
usual marched back to our encampment, having first ordered our Indian
auxiliaries from the causeway. We then posted our watches for the night,
and ate the little supper we could get under arms, after having fought
from the first dawn of day to the fall of night.

In this way the siege continued many days, until three townships in
alliance with Mexico, named Matlaltzinco and Malinalco, the third I have
forgotten, which lay about thirty-two miles from Mexico, agreed to fall
upon our rear with their united forces, while the Mexicans, at the same
moment, were to attack us from the city. In this way they thought they
could not fail to destroy the whole of us; but we shall soon see how
this scheme terminated.




CHAPTER CLV.

    _How Gonzalo de Sandoval marches against the provinces which had
    sent their troops to cooperate with Quauhtemoctzin._


In order that these events may be rendered more intelligible, I must
recur to the defeat which Cortes' division sustained on the causeway,
when sixty of his men, or rather sixty-two, as subsequently appeared,
were taken prisoners. The reader will remember that Quauhtemoctzin,
after that unfortunate day, sent the feet and hands, with the skins torn
from the faces of the murdered Spaniards, and the heads of the dead
horses to Matlaltzinco, Malinalco, and other townships. This he did to
blazon forth the victory he had gained over us; and he summoned the
inhabitants to cooperate with him, and carry on the war with us day and
night without intermission, and on a certain day to fall upon our rear,
while he with his troops sallied out upon us from the city; in that way,
he assured them, they could not fail to give us a total overthrow, as
above half of our men had been killed in the last battle. This message
from Quauhtemoctzin met with the more favorable reception in
Matlaltzinco, as the monarch had many relations on his mother's side in
this township. It was therefore resolved that the whole armed force of
the country should be called out, and march to the relief of Mexico.

The warriors of these three townships accordingly put themselves in
motion, and commenced hostilities by plundering and ill-using the
inhabitants of the districts they passed through, and carrying off their
children to sacrifice them to their idols. The inhabitants of these
places, therefore, applied to Cortes, who instantly despatched Andreas
de Tapia, with twenty horse, one hundred Spanish foot, and a strong body
of our allies to their assistance. Tapia soon dispersed the enemy, with
considerable loss, and they fled precipitately to their own country.

Cortes was excessively pleased with the promptness that Tapia had
displayed, who, however, had scarcely returned to head-quarters, when
messengers arrived from Quauhnahuac, praying for immediate assistance
against these same tribes of Matlaltzinco and Malinalco, who had fallen
hostilely into their country.

Cortes, on receiving this intelligence, instantly ordered off Sandoval
with twenty cavalry, eighty of his most nimble foot soldiers, and a
considerable body of allies to their assistance. God only knows how
perilous the situation of the three divisions became by the expedition
against these warlike tribes, as most of our troops were suffering from
severe wounds and lacked all manner of refreshments! Much indeed might
be said in praise of the victories which Sandoval gained over the enemy,
but I will not detain my reader with them, but merely state that he
speedily returned to his division. He brought in prisoners with him, two
of the most distinguished personages of Matlaltzinco, and restored peace
to the country. We certainly derived great advantages from this
expedition; our allies were protected from any further attacks, a new
and dangerous foe was put down, and it proved to Quauhtemoctzin that the
power of his allies in the provinces was very feeble; for the Mexicans
had triumphantly cried out to us in the last battles, that the warriors
of Matlaltzinco, and of other provinces, would march against us; and
then, as their gods had promised them, we should all be destroyed.

After the successful termination of this expedition Cortes again offered
terms of peace to Quauhtemoctzin, in the same way as on the former
occasion, and told him that the emperor, our master, again offered him
terms of peace, that the city might not be totally destroyed, which was
the only reason we had staid hostilities for the last five days. He
ought to reflect that he had scarcely any provisions and water left for
his troops and the unfortunate inhabitants, and that two thirds of the
city lay in ruins. He might convince himself by questioning the two
chiefs of Matlaltzinco, whom he expressly sent to him on this occasion,
what he had to expect from their country in the shape of assistance. To
this message, which Cortes accompanied by offers of sincere friendship,
Quauhtemoctzin would not deign an answer, but ordered the two chiefs of
Matlaltzinco to leave the city and return to their homes. Immediately
after this our three divisions were, if possible, attacked with greater
fury than on any previous occasion; and whatever numbers of these
infuriated beings we might kill, they were not to be deterred, and it
seemed as if they only sought death. Under the cry of, "Tenitoz rey
Castilla? Tenitoz Axaca?" which in their language means: What will the
king of Spain say to this? What will he now say? They showered forth
upon us volumes of lances, arrows, and stones, so that the whole
causeway was completely covered with them. However courageously the
Mexicans might defend themselves, we nevertheless each day made new
inroads upon the city. Their numbers had greatly decreased, nor did they
make any fresh openings in the causeway; though they never failed to
harass us every evening when we marched back to our encampment.

By this time there was not a grain of powder left among the three
divisions, when fortunately a vessel ran into Vera Cruz which had become
separated from an armament that had been fitted out by a certain
licentiate, named Lucas Vasquez de Aillon, but which had been
shipwrecked on the islands off Florida. This vessel had on board a
number of soldiers, with a good store of powder, crossbows and other
matters, of which we stood in need. All this was immediately forwarded
to us by Rodrigo Rangel, who kept Narvaez in close custody at Vera Cruz.

Cortes now carried on the siege with more determination, and issued
orders for the three divisions to advance as far as possible into the
city, and even to make an attempt to force the Tlatelulco, on which
stood the chief temples of Mexico.

Cortes, with his division, soon fought his way up to another square
where some smaller temples stood, in which were suspended from beams the
heads of several of my companions in arms who had been slain in the
different engagements. The hair of these heads and beards was much
longer than when on the living body, and I certainly should not have
believed this if I had not seen it with my own eyes three days after,
when our division had likewise advanced up to this spot. Among these
heads I recognized those of three of my companions in arms. At this
melancholy sight the tears rolled from our eyes, and we allowed these
sorrowful remains of our fellow-countrymen to hang there for the
present, until twelve days after, when we took them down with others we
found elsewhere in these temples, and buried them in a church we
founded, which is now called the Church of the Martyrs. Alvarado, with
his division, had fought his way up to the Tlatelulco, but found so
formidable a body of Mexican troops stationed there for the defence of
the temples and idols, that it took him a couple of hours' hard fighting
before he had entire possession of it. Here our cavalry was of the
greatest assistance to us, as they were less restricted in their
movements on this open space, and charged the crowded ranks of the enemy
with much success.

As the enemy attacked us in great numbers from three different points,
our three companies also fought in detached bodies, and one of these,
commanded by Guiterrez de Badajoz, was ordered by Alvarado to make an
attempt on the great temple of Huitzilopochtli. This company fought most
valiantly with the enemy, and particularly with the priests, who lived
in great numbers in houses near the temple, and our men were beaten back
down the steps of this building again, up which they had advanced to a
considerable distance. Alvarado seeing this, now also commanded the two
other companies who were fighting away in another direction to assist
the other in storming the temple. The body of the enemy's forces we thus
suddenly quitted, instantly followed us, yet this did not deter us from
ascending the steps of the temple. By heavens! it was a most terrific
piece of labour to take this elevated and strongly-fortified building,
and much might be said in praise of our courage for attempting it. We
were all dreadfully wounded, yet we were determined to gain the summit
to plant our standard there, and set fire to the idols. When we had
accomplished this, we had still to fight about with the Mexicans at the
foot of the temple until night came on; for owing to their immense
numbers it was impossible to give them an entire defeat.

While we were accomplishing this splendid deed of arms on the temple of
Huitzilopochtli, Cortes was hotly engaged with the enemy in another
quarter of the town, at a great distance from us. When he saw the flames
issuing on a sudden from the summit of the chief temple, and our
standard waving there, he expressed his joy aloud, and all his troops
would gladly have been with us at that moment. But they found too many
difficulties to surmount, as the distance between us was a good mile,
and a number of bridges and canals intervening, all of which they must
have forced. Besides this they everywhere met with so determined an
opposition that it was quite impossible for them to fight their way into
the heart of the city. It was not till four days after, when the three
divisions had cleared the streets of the enemy and could meet together
without any further obstacle, that they likewise advanced up to this
temple, and Quauhtemoctzin found himself obliged to retire with the
whole of his forces into a part of the city which lay in the midst of
the lake, after we had levelled all his palaces to the ground. But even
from this quarter the Mexicans continued their attacks upon us, and when
we commenced our retreat towards nightfall they followed us with greater
fierceness than on former occasions.

Cortes, finding that day after day passed away without the Mexicans
seeming any way inclined to sue for peace, determined to try if he
could not gain some decisive victory over them by suddenly falling upon
them from an ambush. For this purpose he selected thirty horse and one
hundred of the most active foot soldiers from the three divisions; these
troops were ordered to conceal themselves with 3000 Tlascallans very
early one morning in some extensive buildings which belonged to one of
the Mexican grandees. Cortes then marched as usual with the remaining
troops along the causeway into the city, the cavalry clearing the
streets in advance, followed by the musketeers and crossbow-men. When he
had arrived at a bridge which lay across a broad canal, and was defended
by a vast body of the enemy, he ordered his men to make a sudden
retreat, and our allies to move off the causeway. The Mexicans, who
imagined Cortes was retreating from fear, fell upon his rear with great
impetuosity; but as soon as he saw the enemy had passed the houses in
which we lay concealed, he fired a cannon, which was the signal
previously agreed upon; and we rushed forth from our ambush with the
cavalry at our head, and fell in our turn upon the enemy's rear. Cortes
then faced about with his men and our Tlascallan friends, and attacked
the enemy in front. A terrible slaughter now ensued in the ranks of the
Mexicans, and they never after showed any inclination to molest us when
we marched back to our encampments in the evening.

Alvarado, with his division, had in a similar manner attempted to entrap
the enemy by an ambush, but he was not equally successful.

As for myself I was not with my division on this occasion, Cortes having
purposely selected me to join his troops in the ambush above-mentioned.

We had now entire possession of the Tlatelulco, and Cortes ordered our
three companies to fortify themselves on this large square, to save the
men the trouble of marching thither every morning from the encampment
which was two miles off. Here we lay quietly for three days without
doing anything worthy of notice, and Cortes, in the hopes that the
Mexicans would now certainly sue for peace, would not allow any more
houses to be pulled down, nor any further attacks to be made on the
other parts of the city. He then forwarded another message to the
Mexican monarch, in which he desired him to surrender, and assured him
he would have nothing to fear for his own person; on the contrary, he
would meet with the most honorable treatment, and that he should
continue in possession of his dominions and cities as heretofore. This
message our general accompanied by a supply of provisions, consisting in
maize-cakes, fowls, venison, figs, and cherries, as he knew the monarch
had scarcely any food left. Quauhtemoctzin, on receiving this message,
called a council of war composed of his chief officers, in which it was
agreed that the monarch should return this answer to Cortes: "He,
Quauhtemoctzin, was now very desirous of putting an end to the war, and
wished to have a personal interview with Cortes in the space of three
days, to settle the terms of peace."

Four distinguished Mexicans accordingly arrived in our camp with an
answer to that effect. We really now thought Quauhtemoctzin earnestly
desired peace, and for this reason Cortes sumptuously regaled these four
ambassadors, and presented them on leaving with a further supply of
provisions for their monarch, who returned this civility by sending
other ambassadors with a present of two splendid mantles for our
general, with the assurance that he would meet Cortes according to his
promise.

But this message which Quauhtemoctzin had sent was a mere blind to gain
time in order to repair the bridges and deepen the canals, and get in a
fresh supply of arms; and, to be short, the three days expired, but no
Quauhtemoctzin made his appearance. His courtiers continually cautioned
him not to put any trust in Cortes, and supported their arguments by
reminding him of his uncle Motecusuma's miserable end; they assured him
that Cortes would exterminate the whole of the Mexican nobility, and
they advised him to excuse himself for not meeting Cortes, under the
pretence of ill health. They faithfully promised him to march out to a
man against the teules, and they despaired not of gaining a decisive
victory over us some day or other, for this had been promised them by
their gods.

When the three days had passed by and Quauhtemoctzin did not make his
appearance, we concluded that we had been imposed upon by the Mexicans,
who, however, did not leave us much time to vex ourselves about it, for
all of a sudden they renewed the attack upon us with their accustomed
fierceness, so that we were scarcely able to maintain our ground. The
same befell the divisions of Alvarado and Sandoval, and it was as if the
war had only just commenced.

As we had become rather careless from the certain expectation that peace
was going to be concluded, the enemy found us not quite so well
prepared, and wounded several of our men, one of whom died shortly
after. We likewise lost two horses, and many others were wounded; but we
did not leave them much room to brag of this sally, and made them pay
dearly for it, as Cortes now ordered us to penetrate into that part of
the town where Quauhtemoctzin had himself retreated; who, when he
perceived that he was upon the point of losing this last quarter of the
city, sent messengers to propose a parley between himself and Cortes on
the banks of a large canal, in such a manner that he was to stand on one
side of the canal and our general on the other. Cortes accepted of this
proposal and the following day was fixed for the interview. Our general
repaired to the spot which had been fixed upon at the proper hour, but
no Quauhtemoctzin came; however, he sent in his stead several
distinguished personages, who offered as an excuse for their monarch's
not coming, that he feared we should kill him with our crossbows and
muskets. Cortes assured them upon his oath that no injury should befall
their monarch; but all to no purpose, they were not to be persuaded.

During this discourse two of these Mexican grandees drew forth from a
small package they had with them some maize-cakes, a piece of broiled
fowl, and a few cherries, and began to eat, all which was only done that
Cortes might not think they were in want of provisions. Our general then
sent back word to Quauhtemoctzin by these messengers, that he was now
quite indifferent whether he came or not; he would himself soon come and
pay him a visit in his own house, and see all his stores of provisions.

For the five following days both armies remained perfectly quiet; but
during this interval a great number of poor people who were starving for
want of food deserted to our divisions, which was the principal reason
why Cortes ordered all hostilities to be staid, as he still lived in
expectation that the enemy would sue for peace. But we were again
disappointed in our hopes.

There happened to be in Cortes' division a soldier named Sotelo, who had
served in Italy under the great captain,[26] and who had fought at
Garayana,[27] and in other famous battles. This man was always talking
about the different battering engines which had been used in that war,
and said, he would himself engage to construct a species of catapult on
the Tlatelulco, and batter down the houses in which the enemy still held
out, and this so effectually that the Mexicans would soon find
themselves obliged to sue for peace.

Cortes allowed himself to be persuaded by the great things which this
man promised, and issued the necessary orders for the construction of
such a machine; and the stone, wood, lime, and iron, which this man
required for his wonderful machine were soon provided for him. Two of
these catapults were soon finished, by which large stones, of the size
of buckets, were to be cast upon the houses. But these machines proved a
complete failure, and the stones which they were to throw to a distance
fell at the foot of the engine itself. Cortes was excessively annoyed
with this soldier for having persuaded him to listen to his schemes, and
ordered the machines to be destroyed. Cortes then determined that an
attack should be made with the brigantines on that quarter of the town
where Quauhtemoctzin had retreated. The manner in which this was done I
will relate in the following chapter.




CHAPTER CLVI.

    _How Quauhtemoctzin was taken prisoner._


Cortes finding the catapult of no manner of use, and that the Mexicans
still refused to sue for peace, ordered Sandoval to penetrate with our
twelve brigantines into that quarter of the city where Quauhtemoctzin
had retreated with the flower of his army and the principal personages
of Mexico. He at the same time gave orders to the men not to kill nor
wound any Mexican, if it were at all possible to avoid it, and that they
should not be the first to attack, but to level the houses to the
ground, and destroy the numerous breastworks that had been constructed
on the lake.

Cortes then mounted to the summit of the chief temple on the Tlatelulco,
in order from thence to view Sandoval's manoeuvres, and was accompanied
by Alvarado, Luis Marin, Lugo, and other soldiers.

When Sandoval appeared with the brigantines in the quarter where
Quauhtemoctzin's palace stood, the latter soon saw it would be
impossible to hold out much longer, and he began to think of making his
escape, lest he should be put to death, or taken prisoner. He had for
some time past ordered that fifty large pirogues should always be ready
at hand, with which, when the danger was at its height, he intended to
escape to a part of the lake, which was thickly covered with reeds, and
from there to reach the mainland, and seek refuge in some township which
was friendly with the Mexicans. The same course he had also advised his
chief officers and grandees to adopt. Accordingly, as soon as the
principal inhabitants found Sandoval was penetrating into their very
houses with his troops, they began to carry off all the property they
could take with them in their canoes, and took to flight; so that the
lake was instantly covered with numbers of canoes. When Sandoval was
informed that Quauhtemoctzin, with the chief personages of Mexico, had
likewise fled, he immediately staid the work of destruction in which his
men were occupied, and ordered the brigantines to the pursuit of the
canoes, and particularly to look out for the pirogue which conveyed the
monarch himself. If they succeeded in taking him alive, they were not to
ill-use him, but to show him every courtesy, and to secure his person in
the most respectful manner possible.

Garcia Holguin, who was an intimate friend of Sandoval, commanded the
swiftest brigantine, and had the best rowers. Sandoval, therefore,
selected Holguin's vessel, and pointed out to him the direction in which
Quauhtemoctzin and his grandees were said to have steered with the large
pirogues. Holguin now flew in pursuit, and it pleased God that he should
overtake the canoes, and the fleet of large pirogues which conveyed
Quauhtemoctzin and the grandees of Mexico. He soon recognized the one in
which Quauhtemoctzin was himself, by the beautifully carved work with
which it was ornamented, by the tent, and other decorations. Holguin now
made a sign for the pirogues to stop, and as they did not instantly
comply, he ordered his men to level their crossbows and muskets at them.
When Quauhtemoctzin observed this, he began to fear, and he cried out,
"Forbid your men to shoot at me. I am the king of Mexico, and of this
country. I only beg of you not to touch my wife, my children, these
females, or anything else I have with me here, but take me alone to
Malinche."

Holguin was greatly rejoiced when he heard these words, and on coming up
to the pirogue he embraced the monarch, and assisted him most
courteously into his brigantine, with his wife and twenty of his
grandees. Soft mats and cloaks were then spread out on the poop of the
vessel for seats, and what food there was on board set before them. The
canoes in which the baggage was laden were not touched, but ordered to
follow the brigantine.

Sandoval had stationed himself at a spot whence he could watch the
movements of the other brigantines, and give signals to them. When he
was informed that Garcia Holguin had taken Quauhtemoctzin prisoner, and
that he was already on his way with the monarch to Cortes, he ordered
his men to pull with all their might to overtake Holguin, and cried out
to him, when he was come near enough, to deliver up his prisoner to him.
This Holguin refused to comply with, saying that _he_, and not Sandoval,
had taken the monarch prisoner; to which the latter replied, that that
had nothing to do with it, as he was commander-in-chief of the
brigantines, and he (Holguin) stood under his commands, and had acted
upon his orders; that he had purposely selected him for this purpose,
because he was his particular friend, and his brigantine the fastest
sailer.

While Sandoval and Holguin were thus disputing, another brigantine
hastened off to Cortes, (who was still standing on the summit of the
temple, watching Sandoval's movements), in order to obtain the reward
for bringing the first news of the monarch's capture. They at the same
time informed him of the dispute between Sandoval and Holguin as to whom
the honour was due of taking him prisoner.

On this news our general instantly despatched Luis Marin and Lugo to
settle the dispute, by telling Sandoval and Holguin that they were
jointly to bring in the monarch, his wife and family, captives, when he
himself would decide whose prisoner the monarch was, and to whom the
honour was due.

Our general in the meantime ordered some elevated seats to be erected,
and covered with soft cushions and mantles, and a good repast to be
prepared. Holguin and Sandoval soon after arrived with the monarch, and
conducted him into the presence of Cortes, who received him with the
utmost respect, and embraced him affectionately, at the same time
expressing the kindest feelings towards him and his officers.
Quauhtemoctzin then said to Cortes, "Malinche! I have done what I was
bound to do in the defence of my metropolis, and of my subjects. My
resources have now become entirely exhausted. I have succumbed to
superior power, and stand a prisoner before you. Now draw the dagger
which hangs at your belt, and plunge it into my bosom."

These words the monarch uttered under a flood of tears, and with heavy
sighs, while several of his officers broke out into loud lamentations.
Cortes assured him, by means of our interpreters, in the most kind
manner, that he esteemed him the more for his bravery, his powerful and
courageous defence of his city, and that, far from making him any
reproaches on that head, it redounded more to his honour than to his
shame. He certainly could have wished that he had accepted his offers of
peace, to save the city from destruction, and the lives of so many of
his subjects that had been sacrificed in battle; as, however, it had
been impossible to avoid all this, and it could not now be remedied, he
ought no longer to grieve, but compose his mind, and strive to raise the
desponding spirits of his officers; assuring him he should remain, as
heretofore, lord of Mexico, and of the other provinces attached to it.

Quauhtemoctzin and his officers thanked Cortes for this promise; upon
which the latter inquired after his wife and the other women, who, he
had been given to understand, had likewise accompanied him in the
brigantine. Quauhtemoctzin said that he had himself begged of Sandoval
and Holguin to leave them behind in the canoes until Malinche's
pleasure should be known. Our general then sent for them, and regaled
them with the best of everything he had at hand. As it was now getting
late, and beginning to rain, he commissioned Sandoval to convey the
monarch, with his family and suite, to Cojohuacan; Alvarado and Oli at
the same time being ordered off to their respective stations, and Cortes
himself returned to his head-quarters at Tepeaquilla.

Quauhtemoctzin was taken prisoner on St. Hippolytus' day, the 13th
August, 1521, about the hour of vespers. Praise and glory be to our Lord
Jesus Christ, and to his blessed mother, the Virgin Mary. Amen.

During the night of this day it thundered and lightened without
intermission, and about midnight with terrific vehemence.

Subsequent to Quauhtemoctzin's capture we soldiers had become so very
deaf that we could scarcely hear anything, and we felt a similar
sensation to what a person experiences when standing in a belfry and all
the bells are ringing at once, and then cease all of a sudden. The
reader will certainly not think this an ill-timed comparison if he only
considers how our ears were constantly assailed during the ninety-three
days which the siege of Mexico lasted, both night and day, with all
manner of noises. In one quarter rose the deafening yells, piping, and
war-whoop of the enemy; here some were calling out to the canoes to
attack the brigantines, the bridges, and the causeways; there the
Mexicans drove their troops together with loud yells to cut through the
<DW18>s, deepen the openings, drive in palisades, throw up entrenchments,
while others cried out for more lances and arrows; in another place the
Mexicans shouted to the women to bring more stones for the slings;
between all which was heard the dismal din of the hellish music of
drums, shell trumpets, and particularly the horrible and mournful sound
of the huge drum of Huitzilopochtli; and this infernal instrument, whose
melancholy tone pierced to the very soul, never ceased a moment. Day and
night did all this din and noise continue without intermission; no one
could hear what another said; and so my comparison of the belfry is the
most suitable I can imagine.

I will now add a few words about Quauhtemoctzin's outward appearance.
This monarch was between twenty-three and twenty-four years of age, and
could in all truth be termed a handsome man, both as regards his
countenance and his figure. His face was rather of an elongated form,
with a cheerful look; his eye had great expression, both when he assumed
an air of majesty or when he looked pleasantly around him; the colour of
his face inclined more to white than to the copper-brown tint of the
Indians in general. His wife was a niece of his uncle Motecusuma; she
was a young and very beautiful woman.

With regard to the dispute between Sandoval and Holguin as to which
could claim the honour of Quauhtemoctzin's capture, Cortes settled it
for the present by observing, that a similar dispute once happened among
the Romans between Marius and Lucius Cornelius Sylla, when the latter
took king Jugurtha prisoner, who had fled for safety to the house of his
father-in-law Bocchus. "When Sylla," said Cortes, "made his triumphal
entry into Rome, he led Jugurtha by a chain, among his trophies of
victory. This Marius considered Sylla had no right to do without asking
his permission, he (Marius) being commander-in-chief, and Sylla having
merely acted upon his orders; but as Sylla belonged to the order of the
patricians, these declared in his favour, they being opposed to Marius,
as a stranger of Arpinum, and a man who had risen from the lowest ranks,
though he had been seven times consul. From this circumstance arose
those civil wars between Marius and Sylla; but the question as to whom
the honour of Jugurtha's capture was due was never decided."

After relating this circumstance, Cortes added, that he would lay the
matter before the emperor for his imperial decision as to who could
claim some memento of the monarch's capture in his armorial bearings.
They would therefore have to await a decision on this point from Spain.
This, indeed, arrived after the lapse of two years, by which Cortes was
permitted to place a series of kings in his escutcheon; as, for
instance, Motecusuma and Quauhtemoctzin, kings of Mexico, Cacamatzin of
Tezcuco, the kings of Iztapalapan, Cojohuacan, and Tlacupa, and another
powerful king, who was a relative of Motecusuma, and lord of
Matlaltzinco and of other provinces, and was said to have the best claim
to the throne of Mexico. I must now say something of the dead bodies and
skulls which we saw in that quarter of the town where Quauhtemoctzin had
retreated. It is a real fact, and I can take my oath on it, that the
houses and the canals were completely filled with them, a sight which I
am unable to describe; and we were scarcely able to move along the
streets, and through the courtyards of the Tlatelulco, on account of the
number of dead bodies. I have certainly read of the destruction of
Jerusalem, but should not like to decide whether the carnage was equally
great there as it was here; but this I know, that most of the troops, as
well of the town itself as those from the townships and provinces which
stood under the dominion of Mexico, were most of them slain; that bodies
lay strewed everywhere, and the stench was intolerable; which was the
reason why, after the capture of Quauhtemoctzin, the three divisions
drew off to their former stations. Cortes himself became indisposed that
day, from the horrible stench.

Our troops in the brigantines had now a great advantage over us in
making booty, for they were able to get at all the houses that lay in
the lake, in which the Mexicans had concealed all their wealth; and also
to those places in the lake which were thickly grown with reeds, and
whither those Mexicans, whose houses were pulled down during the siege,
fled with all their property; besides which, they had had frequent
opportunities, while foraging in the country, to plunder several
distinguished Mexicans, who had fled to seek refuge among the Otomies.
We other soldiers, who fought away on the causeways and mainland,
derived no such benefits; all we got were severe wounds from arrows,
stones, and lances. Whenever we did penetrate into the houses, the
inmates had already escaped with their valuables; for we were unable to
get at the houses without first filling up a canal, or throwing a bridge
across, which took up a considerable time: and this was my reason for
observing in a former chapter, that the troops whom Cortes selected for
the service of the brigantines fared better than those who were
stationed on the mainland. There was not the slightest doubt about this;
for when Cortes asked Quauhtemoctzin after Motecusuma's treasure, he and
his generals declared that the greater part of it had been carried off
by the crews of the brigantines.

As the atmosphere of the town had become perfectly pestiferous, from the
decomposed bodies, Quauhtemoctzin requested Cortes to allow the whole of
the inhabitants, with the remaining part of his troops, to leave the
city. This our general readily granted, and the causeways were crowded
for three days and nights with men, women, and children, on their way to
the mainland. These poor beings were quite emaciated, and had a
death-like appearance; their bodies covered with filth, and they spread
around them so abominable a stench, that we grew miserable at the very
sight.

As soon as all the inhabitants had left the city, Cortes sent some
persons there to see how things looked in general. The houses were found
crammed with dead bodies, and among them several poor people were found
still alive, though too weak to stand, and lying in their own filth,
like those hogs which are fed upon nothing but grass. Every spot of
earth in the town looked as if it had been ploughed up, for the famished
inhabitants had dug up every root out of the ground, and had even peeled
the bark from the trees, to still their hunger; neither did we find any
fresh water, for that in the wells was of a salty flavour; and yet
during this horrible famine the Mexicans had not eaten the flesh of
their countrymen, though they so greedily devoured that of the
Tlascallans and Spaniards.[28] Certainly no people ever suffered so much
in this world from hunger, thirst, and the horrors of war, as the
inhabitants of this great city.

After we had thus subdued the great, the populous, and the celebrated
city of Mexico, a solemn service was performed, to offer up our thanks
to the Almighty. After this Cortes ordered a banquet to be prepared in
Cojohuacan, to celebrate the conquest with a joyous feast, at which the
wine which had come with a vessel recently run into Vera Cruz, and the
hog's meat from Cuba, were not spared.

To this banquet all the officers and soldiers were invited; but when the
guests arrived there was scarcely sufficient room at the table for one
third of them, which occasioned a good deal of ill-will, and it would
have been better if Cortes had never given the banquet at all; for many
curious things happened on this occasion, and Noah's tree gave rise to
many foolish pranks. There were some folks who, when they had eaten and
drank too much, instead of leaving the table, sicked all over it; others
declared that they possessed gold enough to buy themselves horses with
saddles of gold; and the crossbow-men swore they would for the future
not shoot another arrow unless its point was made of pure gold; some
kept stumbling about, and many rolled headlong down the steps.

After the banquet we had a ball, in which the ladies joined who had
accompanied our army; and nothing could be more ridiculous than to see
the leaps which their gallants took who were accoutred in full armour.
The ladies who danced were only few in number, and I will not mention
their names, nor should I like to repeat the satires which appeared at
their expense on the following day; but I must not forget to mention
that father Olmedo expressed his disapprobation aloud at the scandalous
conduct of the men during this banquet and dance, and observed to
Sandoval, that this was not the way to return thanks to God, or to
obtain his assistance for the future!

Sandoval mentioned this to Cortes, who, as he was always discreet in
what he did, instantly sent for this pious man, and said to him:
"Excellent father! it is impossible to restrain the soldiers when they
are enjoying themselves after their manner. I certainly should have done
better if I had withheld this inducement from them. It is, however, in
the power of your reverence to put a stop to all this, by ordering a
solemn procession to the church, where, in a sermon, you can give us a
severe reprimand from the pulpit. Then you will also have a good
opportunity of commanding the men not to rob the Indians of their
daughters, or of anything else, and in future to discontinue their
frequent disputes among each other, and to comport themselves as good
Catholic Christians, that the Lord may prosper their lives."

This proposal was highly approved of by father Olmedo, and he thanked
Cortes for it; though the idea had, in fact, originated with Alvarado. A
procession was therefore instantly ordered, which we joined with flying
colours and a few crosses, the image of the Virgin Mary being carried in
front, and we sang supplicatory hymns as we moved along.

The day following father Olmedo preached a sermon, and many soldiers,
with Cortes and Alvarado, made the communion, and we again offered up
our thanks to the Almighty for the victory.

There are several circumstances relating to this memorable siege which I
have omitted to mention, which, though they may appear out of place
here, I should feel loth to pass by in silence.

Above all things I have to notice the great courage which our friends
Chichimeclatecl and the two younger Xicotencatls displayed in our
battles with the Mexicans, and altogether what efficient services they
rendered us. The same I must say of Don Carlos, brother of the king of
Tezcuco, who proved himself a man of extraordinary bravery and valour.
There was also another chief, from one of the towns lying in the lake,
but whose name I have forgotten, who showed astonishing feats of
heroism; and many other chiefs among our allies signalised themselves in
this siege; for which reason Cortes addressed them at considerable
length in an eloquent speech, bestowing the highest praises on them,
with thanks for their powerful assistance, and dismissed them with the
promise that he would shortly present them with extensive territories,
and numerous vassals, so as to make them all great caziques. As they had
made a rich booty of cotton stuffs, gold, and other valuable matters,
they returned highly delighted to their several homes; neither did they
forget to carry away with them large quantities of the flesh of the
Mexicans they had slain, which they had salted down and smoked, for
their relations and friends, to regale them with it at their feasts.[29]

It is now a long time since we fought these terrible battles, which
continued without intermission day and night, and I cannot be too
thankful to the Almighty for my preservation; and now I must relate
something extraordinary which befel myself.

The reader will remember above that I stated how we could see the
Mexicans sacrificing our unfortunate countrymen; how they ripped open
their breasts, tore out their palpitating hearts, and offered them to
their abominable idols. This sight made a horrible impression on my
mind, yet no one must imagine that I was wanting either in courage or
determination; on the contrary, I fearlessly exposed myself in every
engagement to the greatest dangers, for I felt that I had courage. It
was my ambition at that time to pass for a good soldier, and I certainly
bore the reputation of being one; and what any of our men ventured, I
ventured also, as every one who was present can testify; yet I must
confess that I felt terribly agitated in spirit when I each day saw some
of my companions being put to death in the dreadful manner above
mentioned, and I was seized with terror at the thought that I might have
to share a similar fate! Indeed the Mexicans had on two different
occasions laid hold of me, and it was only through the great mercy of
God that I escaped from their grasp.

I could no longer divest myself of the thoughts of ending my life in
this shocking manner, and each time, before we made an attack upon the
enemy, a cold shudder ran through my body, and I felt oppressed by
excessive melancholy. It was then I fell upon my knees, and commended
myself to the protection of God and the blessed Virgin; and from my
prayers I rushed straightway into the battle, and all fear instantly
vanished. This feeling appeared the more unaccountable to me, since I
had encountered so many perils at sea, fought so many sanguinary battles
in the open field, been present on so many dangerous marches through
forests and mountains, stormed and defended so many towns; for there
were very few great battles fought by our troops in New Spain in which I
was not present. In these perils of various natures I never felt the
fear I did subsequent to that time when the Mexicans captured sixty-two
of our men, and we were compelled to see them thus slaughtered one by
one, without being able to render them assistance. I leave those
cavaliers to judge who are acquainted with war, and know from experience
what dangers a man is exposed to in battle, whether it was want of
courage which raised this feeling in me. Certain it is that I each day
pictured to myself the whole extent of the danger into which I was
obliged to plunge myself; nevertheless, I fought with my accustomed
bravery, and all sensation of fear fled from me as soon as I espied the
enemy.

Lastly, I must acquaint the reader that the Mexicans never killed our
men in battle if they could possibly avoid it, but merely wounded them,
so far as to render them incapable of defending themselves, in order
that they might take as many of them alive as possible, to have the
satisfaction of sacrificing them to their warrior-god Huitzilopochtli,
after they had amused themselves by making them dance before him,
adorned with feathers.




CHAPTER CLVII.

    _How Cortes orders the aqueduct of Chapultepec to be restored; and
    of various other matters._


The first duty which Cortes imposed upon Quauhtemoctzin was to repair
the aqueduct of Chapultepec, in order to supply Mexico with fresh water;
also to bury the dead and all other putrid remains of flesh; to clean
the streets, repair the causeways and bridges, and build up the houses
and palaces which had been pulled down during the siege. After the space
of two months the inhabitants were to return to the city, and the
quarter which they and that we were to inhabit was marked out. Besides
these, many other regulations were made, but which I have now forgotten.

Quauhtemoctzin and all his officers, after a time, complained to Cortes
that many of our officers and soldiers had carried off their wives and
daughters, whom they begged might now be restored to them. Cortes, in
answer to this request, told them it would be a difficult matter to get
the women out of the hands of the soldiers again, but promised he would
do his best for them. He then gave them permission to go in search of
the females they spoke of, and to bring those they found into his
presence, that he might see how many of them had become converts to
Christianity, and which of them felt a desire to return to their parents
and husbands, as he would restore all those to them who felt inclined to
leave. Cortes then issued orders to all three divisions to deliver up
all those females who felt any inclination to return to their families.

The Mexicans did not fail to profit by this permission; they went from
one quarter to another, and found most of the women again; but there
were only three that showed any desire to return to their homes; the
rest all remained with our soldiers. Many even concealed themselves on
hearing that their relations were coming in search of them; others
declared they would never again return to the worship of idols; and many
of them were with child.

We now likewise constructed a secure harbour for our brigantines, and
built a fort, to which a special alcalde was appointed, in the person of
Alvarado (if I remember rightly), who filled this command until it was
subsequently bestowed upon a certain Salazar de la Petrada, who came
from Spain for that purpose.

The next thing which Cortes did was to collect all the gold, silver, and
jewels that had been found in Mexico, of which, however, there was very
little; for Quauhtemoctzin, it was said, had ordered all the treasures
to be thrown into the lake four days previous to his capture. A great
quantity had likewise been purloined by the Tlascallans, Tezcucans,
Huexotzincans, Cholullans, and other auxiliary troops which had assisted
us in the siege, besides what had fallen into the hands of the troops on
board the brigantines.

The crown officials were positive that Quauhtemoctzin had concealed the
greater part, and asserted that Cortes was very pleased that the monarch
refused to say a word where it was hidden; for he would then be able to
get the whole treasure into his own possession.

The officers then proposed that Quauhtemoctzin and the king of Tlacupa,
his most intimate friend and cousin, should be put to the torture, in
order to extort from them a confession as to what had become of the
treasures: but Cortes could not make up his mind to insult so great a
monarch as Quauhtemoctzin, whose territory more than trebled that of
Spain, and that for mere lust after gold.[30] Moreover, the monarch's
household assured us they had given up all the gold they possessed to
the officers of the crown, which, it was well known, amounted to 380,000
pesos, the whole of which had been melted into bars; and one thing is
certain, that the emperor's and Cortes' fifths were deducted from that
sum; but the conquistadores were not at all satisfied, and considered
this sum much below the real amount, and several expressed their
suspicion to Alderete, the royal treasurer, that Cortes' only reason for
not wishing to put the monarch to the torture was, that he might
secretly take possession of all his riches. Cortes, not willing that
such a suspicion should any longer lie upon him, or that he should
afterwards be called to an account on this score, at last consented that
both should be put to the torture. Boiling hot oil was then applied to
their feet; upon which they confessed that, four days prior to
Quauhtemoctzin's capture, all the gold, with the cannon, crossbows, and
muskets, which we had lost in the night of sorrows, when we retreated
from Mexico, besides those which had been taken in Cortes' last defeat
on the causeway, had been thrown into the lake. A number of good
swimmers were then sent to dive for the treasure in the spot they
pointed out, but nothing was found. Yet there was some truth in the
statement; for I was myself present when Quauhtemoctzin led us to a
large and deep reservoir of water, built of stone, which lay near his
palace. From this reservoir we fished up a sun of gold similar to the
one sent us by Motecusuma, besides many jewels and other trinkets,
though all of little value. The king of Tlacupa also informed us that he
had hidden all manner of valuable things in some large houses, about
twelve miles from Tlacupa, and he would accompany us there to point out
the spot where he had buried them.

Alvarado was then despatched thither with six soldiers, among which
number I also was; but when we arrived at the spot, this king assured us
he had merely invented all this in the hopes that we would have killed
him in a moment of anger at our disappointment. We consequently returned
without the treasure, and thus there was no more smelting of gold into
bars for the present. But it is an undoubted fact that there was very
little left in the treasury of Motecusuma when it came into the hands of
Quauhtemoctzin; for by far the greater part had been taken out as a
present for our emperor.

Among the things which were collected together on this occasion, there
were various objects of beautiful workmanship, which it would be too
tedious to describe. One thing however is certain, and many were bold
enough to assert it, that the emperor's fifths were not taken of a third
part of what there really was.

I said above that there was some truth in what was stated by
Quauhtemoctzin with regard to his having ordered a quantity of gold and
other things to be thrown into the lake. I, with many of my companions
proved this to be a fact, for we frequently dived to the bottom of the
water in the spot which had been pointed out by the monarch. Each time
we brought up some trifling trinket or other, which were afterwards
demanded of us by Cortes and the royal treasurer. On one occasion they
both accompanied us to this spot, and took a number of good divers with
them, who brought up various ornaments of gold, worth altogether about
one hundred pesos; but this was nothing in comparison to the treasure
which was said to have been thrown in by the command of the monarch.

When the gold we took on this occasion came to be divided, the officers
and all our men were of opinion that what would fall to each one's share
would scarcely be worth accepting; wherefore father Olmedo, Avila,
Alvarado, and other cavaliers proposed to Cortes, that the whole should
be distributed among the invalids, the blind, the lame, the deaf, and
those who had been accidentally burnt by powder; assuring him that we
others who enjoyed good health, would gladly accede to this. Their
object in making this proposal was to induce Cortes to add so much to
each one's share as to make it worthy of our acceptance; for the
suspicion was become pretty general that he had concealed the greater
part of Quauhtemoctzin's treasure.

In answer to this Cortes said he would first see how much each man's
share amounted to, and he would try if he could not satisfy all
parties. Our officers and men now insisted that this calculation should
instantly be gone into, when it was found that every cavalry soldier
would have to receive 100 pesos, and the musketeers and crossbow-men I
forget how much. None of the men would accept of this miserable
pittance, and they began to throw out bitter complaints against Cortes
and the royal treasurer, who excused himself by saying, that there was
nothing more for them, as Cortes had deducted for himself an equal
portion with the crown, and had besides claimed large sums in payment
for the horses which had been killed, and such like; also, many curious
objects of value had not at all been added to the common stock, but had
been set apart as particular presents for the emperor. They should not,
therefore, concluded Alderete, cavil with him about it, but with Cortes.

As there were friends and partisans among our troops of the governor of
Cuba, and soldiers of Narvaez's corps who were besides this ill inclined
towards Cortes, they obstinately refused to accept of the gold which was
offered them, saying, they were entitled to much more.

About this time Cortes was staying at Cojohuacan, and inhabited a large
palace, the walls of which had been recently fresh plastered and
white-washed, so that they were well adapted for writing on with
charcoal or other colours. Every morning that came, a couple of biting
epigrams or satires were found written on these walls, either in prose
or rhyme. One time for instance you would read: _The sun, moon, stars,
firmament, the sea and the earth have their fixed course, and if ever
they do diverge from their regular course, they always correct
themselves again; may Cortes, in his love of power, take this as a
precept._ At another time: _We are much more conquered ourselves than
conquerors, and should not be called the conquerors of New Spain, but
the conquered of Cortes._ Then again: _Cortes is not content with taking
his share of the gold as general, but must also have his royal fifths._
Again: _Alas! how my heart does grieve, ever since I have seen my share
of the booty!_ And then again: _Diego Velasquez has spent all his
fortune to discover the coast up to Panuco, but Cortes has reaped the
harvest._ Such like sayings were numerous, many of which I should not
wish to repeat here.

Cortes never neglected to read these epigrams as soon as he rose in the
morning; the greater part of which were in rhyme, and not exactly so
homely as those above quoted. As he was himself a bit of a poet, he
wrote answers in verse beneath them, which had always reference to his
deeds of arms, and tended to lower those of Diego Velasquez, Grijalva,
and of Narvaez. These, his answers, were so pointed, that each day the
epigrams became more severe, when Cortes at length wrote: _White wall,
the paper of fools!_ And the following morning was found under it: _And
of the wise and honest!_ Our general very well knew who were the writers
of these verses; namely, a certain Tirado, one of Velasquez's partisans,
and son-in-law of the elder Ramirez, who lived in la Puebla; a certain
Villalobos, who returned afterwards to Spain; and one Mansilla, with
others, who were always ready to oppose Cortes in everything. These
verses grew at length of so scandalous a nature, that father Olmedo told
Cortes he ought to put a stop to them. Our general followed this good
advice, and ordered that no one henceforth should presume to dirty the
walls with any beastly sayings, under threats of severe punishment.

For the rest we were all deeply in debt. A crossbow was not to be
purchased for less than forty or fifty pesos, a musket cost one hundred,
a sword fifty, and a horse from 800 to 1000 pesos, and above. Thus
extravagantly had we to pay for everything! A surgeon, who called
himself Mastre Juan, and who had cured some very severe wounds, demanded
most exorbitant fees for his cures. There was also an apothecary and
barber, named Murcia, who likewise cured wounds. Various other
impositions were practised, and payment was demanded of the men as soon
as they had obtained their shares of the booty.

Serious complaints were made about this, and Cortes knew no other remedy
than to appoint two men of business-like habits and of well-known
honesty, to examine each demand and tax the amount. One of these persons
was named Santclara, the other Llerena, and no debt was considered valid
unless it had been examined by them; and two years were allowed to
liquidate a debt we were unable to pay at the moment.

In the smelting of the gold there was also allowed an eighth of alloy to
every ounce, to assist the men in the purchase of the necessaries of
life, as about that time a number of vessels had arrived at Vera Cruz
with various kinds of merchandise. But we derived no advantage from
this, on the contrary it proved very prejudicial to us; for the
merchants added the same per centage to the price of their goods, and
sold for five pesos what was only worth three, and so this alloy became,
as the Indians termed it, _tepuzque_, or copper. This expression
afterwards became so common among us, that we added it to the names of
distinguished cavaliers, to express the worth of their character; as for
instance we would say, Senor Don Juan of so much tepuzque.

Complaints were now made of the excess of alloy which was mixed with
the gold; at length two gold workers were even detected in stamping the
gold mark on pure copper, in punishment for which Cortes ordered them to
be hung. But all these are stories which do not exactly belong to my
history.

Our general becoming weary of the continued reproaches which were thrown
out against him, and the everlasting petitions for loans and advance in
pay, determined at once to get rid of the most troublesome fellows, by
forming settlements in those provinces which appeared most eligible for
this purpose. He accordingly despatched Sandoval to Tuztepec, to form a
settlement there, and punish the Mexican garrison lying in that
township, for having, about the time of our unfortunate retreat from
Mexico, put to death sixty Spaniards, and six Spanish ladies, all of
Narvaez's corps. He was, first of all, to leave a settlement at
Medellin, then to proceed to the river Guacasualco, form a settlement in
the harbour there, and then subdue the province of Panuco.

Rodrigo Rangel and Pedro de Ircio were ordered off to Vera Cruz; the
younger Juan Velasquez to Colima and Villa Fuerte, in the province of
Zacatula; Christobal de Oli, who about this time married a Portuguese
lady, named Dona Filipa de Araujo, was sent to Mechoacan; and Francisco
de Horozco was commissioned with the colonization of Oaxaca.

The inhabitants of the provinces I have just mentioned would not at
first credit that Mexico had fallen; but when they found it to be a
fact, the kings and caziques of those distant provinces sent ambassadors
to congratulate Cortes on his victory, and to declare themselves vassals
of our emperor; as also to convince themselves with their own eyes that
we had really levelled that terrible city to the ground. Each of these
ambassadors brought with them valuable presents in gold, and many had
their young sons with them, to whom they pointed out the ruins of
Mexico, just as we would show our children the spot where Troy once
stood.

I will now answer a question which the curious reader will surely ask
himself, namely, why we, the true Conquistadores of New Spain, and of
the strong city of Mexico, did not settle down there, but selected other
provinces by preference? The reason is, that we had learnt from
Motecusuma's rent-rolls where those districts lay from which he derived
the greatest quantity of gold, cacao, and cotton stuffs. All our
thoughts and desires were bent upon those provinces whence the monarch
obtained the largest tribute in gold, and when we found that even
Sandoval, one of our chief officers, and a particular friend of Cortes,
likewise left Mexico for the provinces, we no longer hesitated to follow
his example; the more so, as there were no gold mines in the
neighbourhood of Mexico, nor did it produce cotton or cacao, but merely
maguey and maise, from the former of which the inhabitants prepare their
wine. We therefore considered the country surrounding the metropolis
very poor, and we consequently settled in other provinces, though we
were greatly disappointed in our expectations! This Cortes had well
foreseen, and I still remember that he said to me, when I requested his
permission to accompany Sandoval: "Upon my conscience, brother Bernal
Diaz del Castillo, you are making a great mistake. I should feel
delighted if you would stay with me in Mexico; but if you have made up
your mind to accompany your friend Sandoval, I will not oppose your
wishes, and may God be with you. You may rely upon it I will take every
opportunity to promote your welfare; but I am sure you will soon regret
having left me."

Before we commenced our march each man received an account of his share
of the booty, when it was found that all our shares of the gold were due
to the officers of the crown, in payment for the slaves we had bought at
the auctions.

I will not here trouble the reader by enumerating what number of horse,
crossbow-men, musketeers, or other soldiers left for the provinces, nor
will I give the date of the month, but merely inform him that the first
troops left a few days after the capture of Quauhtemoctzin, and the
second expedition two months later.

I must now relate the important news which arrived about this time from
Vera Cruz.




CHAPTER CLVIII.

    _How a certain Christobal de Tapia arrived in Vera Cruz, with the
    appointment of governor of New Spain._


After Cortes had despatched these several detachments to bring the
provinces into complete subjection, and leave settlements in them, a
certain Christobal de Tapia, who had been veedor at St. Domingo, arrived
at Vera Cruz, with the appointment of governor of New Spain, which had
been procured him by Fonseca, bishop of Burgos. He likewise brought with
him several letters from the bishop for Cortes, and many others of the
conquistadores, as also for the officers of Narvaez's corps, by which
they were desired to support Tapia in the government. Besides this
appointment, which was drawn up in due form by the bishop, Tapia had
several other blank papers with him, which were merely signed, so that
he was at liberty to fill them up as he might think proper, by which
means he would obtain unlimited power in New Spain. He was ordered to
make us vast promises if we assisted him in his government, but to
threaten us with severe punishment if we refused to obey him.

As soon as Tapia arrived at Vera Cruz, he showed his appointment to
Gonzalo de Alvarado, who was then commandant of that place, as Rodrigo
Rangel, who had previously filled that office, had recently been
deprived of it by Cortes, but for what reason I cannot say.

Alvarado perused these papers with the most respectful veneration, as
containing the commands of his emperor and master; but as to acting up
to their contents, he told Tapia he must previously consult with the
alcaldes and regidors of the town, to take the matter into mature
consideration, and investigate as to how he had obtained the
appointment, as he (Tapia) could not expect that they should exactly
place implicit belief in what he said, and they should also like to
convince themselves whether his imperial majesty was really cognizant of
the drawing up of this appointment.

As Tapia was by no means satisfied with this answer, they advised him to
repair to Mexico, where he would find Cortes, with all his officers and
troops, who would, no doubt, on perusing his papers, pay him the respect
which was due to his appointment.

Upon this Tapia wrote to Cortes, and acquainted him in what capacity he
had come to New Spain. Now as Cortes was remarkable for his great tact,
he answered this man in much more courteous terms than the former had
used in his letter to him, saying the most obliging and pleasant things;
at the same time he despatched several of our principal officers to
visit Tapia at Vera Cruz. These were Alvarado, Sandoval, Diego de Soto,
Andreas de Tapia, and a certain Valdenebro, to all of whom Cortes sent
couriers with orders for their immediate return from the provinces, and
to repair to Vera Cruz. He likewise requested father Melgarejo to hasten
thither, in order to be present at the meeting; but Tapia had already
started for Mexico, to wait upon Cortes himself, and was met on his road
by our officers, who paid him the greatest respect, and proposed that he
should turn off with them to Sempoalla. When arrived there they
requested him to produce his papers, that they might convince themselves
whether or not he was really sent by his imperial majesty, and whether
his appointment bore the royal signature. If he could convince them of
this, continued our officers, they would immediately promise obedience
to him, in the name of Cortes and the whole of New Spain.

Tapia then produced his papers, and all the officers acknowledged, with
respectful veneration, that, to all appearances, his appointment came
direct from his majesty; but that it was impossible the emperor could be
cognizant of all the particulars, nor of how matters stood in general,
and they were determined to petition his majesty against his
appointment. They assured him he was not fit for the important office of
governor of New Spain; that the bishop of Burgos, the avowed enemy of
the Conquistadores, the faithful servants of his majesty, had procured
this appointment without first acquainting his majesty with the real
state of affairs, merely to favour the governor of Cuba, and him
(Tapia), to whom he had promised one of his own nieces in marriage, a
certain Dona Fonseca.

When Tapia found that all his eloquence, papers, letters, promises, and
threats availed him nothing, he fell ill from downright vexation. Our
officers then wrote Cortes word of everything that had transpired, and
advised him to forward a few bars of gold, with some jewels, to sooth
Tapia in his excessive disappointment; all of which our general sent
without delay, and our officers purchased some <DW64>s and three horses
from Tapia, who then returned to St. Domingo. Neither did he meet with
the best of receptions there, as the royal court of audience and the
Hieronymite brotherhood had been exceedingly vexed with him for having
persisted in going to New Spain, though they had so strongly advised him
not to do so, as the time was badly chosen, and his arrival there would
create disputes, and only tend to interrupt the progress of the conquest
of New Spain. But Tapia had placed all his reliance on the protection of
the bishop of Burgos, wherefore they had not dared to detain him by
force in St. Domingo, particularly as his appointment had been made out
by the president of the council of the Indies, and as the emperor
himself still continued in Flanders.

I will now return to Cortes' plan of forming settlements. Alvarado, as I
have mentioned above, was sent for this purpose to a province abounding
in gold, called Tuztepec, which must not be confounded with Tutepec,
whither Sandoval was despatched for the same end. Sandoval was also to
make a settlement on the river Panuco, as Cortes had received
intelligence that a certain Francisco de Garay had fitted out an
extensive armament for the same object, in which Cortes wished to
anticipate him.

About this time our general again sent Rodrigo Rangel to Vera Cruz as
commandant of that place, and ordered Gonzalo de Alvarado to conduct
Narvaez to Cojohuacan, where Cortes still occupied the same palace,
until the one should be finished which was building for him in Mexico.
Cortes' motive for ordering Narvaez to be brought to Mexico was,
because he had been informed that, in a conversation he had had with
Christobal de Tapia, he thus addressed him: "Senor, you are come here
with the same lawful authority as I came before you, but it will avail
you no more than it did me, who arrived, moreover, in this country with
so large a body of troops. I advise you to be upon your guard, lest they
put you to death. You have no time to lose; for the wheel of fortune
still turns in favour of Cortes and his men. Strive to get as much gold
out of them as you can, and with that journey to his majesty in Spain,
and relate to him how matters stand here; and if you can rely upon the
bishop Fonseca's protection, so much the better for your cause. This is
the best advice I can give you."

Narvaez, on his journey to Mexico, was greatly surprised at the large
towns he passed through; but when he came to Tezcuco, then to
Cojohuacan, and saw the lake, with the numerous other large towns, and
Mexico itself, he was perfectly astonished.

Cortes had given orders that he should be treated with the utmost
respect, and, immediately on his arrival, was to be brought into his
presence. Narvaez, on coming up to our general, fell down on one knee to
kiss his hand. Cortes, however, would not consent to this, but, raising
him up, embraced him affectionately, and desired him to take a seat next
to his person; when Narvaez thus addressed him: "General! I am now
convinced, from what I have seen of this vast country and its numerous
towns, that of all the deeds of arms which you have accomplished in New
Spain with your troops, the least victory has been that which you gained
over me and my troops; and had these even been much more numerous I am
sure we should have been defeated. You cannot be too highly honoured and
rewarded for having subjected so vast a territory, with so many large
cities, to the sceptre of our emperor. I am convinced that the most
famous generals of our time will agree with me, that what you have
accomplished surpasses everything that the greatest and most renowned
captains have ever done before you, in the same degree as the city of
Mexico surpasses every other town of the world in strength of position.
Indeed, you and your brave soldiers have merited the greatest rewards
from his majesty."

To these and other flattering speeches, Cortes answered, "What we have
done was certainly not of ourselves alone, but through the great mercy
of the Almighty, who protected us, and the good fortune which always
attends the troops of our great emperor."

Cortes now also began to make the necessary regulations for the
rebuilding of the great and celebrated city of Mexico; he marked out
the ground for the churches, monasteries, private dwellings, public
squares, and assigned a particular quarter of the town for the Mexican
population. This city was rebuilt with so much splendour, that, in the
opinion of those who have travelled through the greater part of
Christendom, Mexico, after its restoration, was a larger and a more
populous city than any they had seen, and the architectural style of the
houses more magnificent.

While Cortes was busily engaged with these matters, he received
intelligence that the province of Panuco had revolted, and the whole of
its numerous and warlike population had risen up in arms. Many of the
Spanish settlers had been murdered by the inhabitants, and the few who
had escaped begged for immediate assistance.

As soon as our general heard this bad news, he determined to march
thither in person, as all our chief officers were absent, with their
respective detachments, in the provinces. He therefore collected all the
cavalry, crossbow-men, musketeers, and other troops he could; and it
fortunately happened that considerable recruits arrived in Mexico about
this time from those who came in the suite of Tapia, and of the troops
of Vazquez de Aillon, whose expedition to Florida terminated so
miserably; besides that, numbers had arrived from the Caribbee and other
islands.

Cortes left a strong garrison in Mexico, under the command of Diego
Soto, and set out on his march with no more than 250 Spanish troops,
including the musketeers, crossbow-men, and 130 horse; but to this small
body he added 10,000 Mexican auxiliaries.

Before Cortes left, Christobal de Oli returned from the province of
Mechoacan, which he had completely subdued, and was accompanied by many
caziques, as also by the son of Consi, the great cazique of the
province. He likewise brought with him a large quantity of gold, but of
very inferior quality, being considerably mixed with copper and silver.

This expedition to the province of Panuco cost our general a large sum
of money, which he subsequently requested the emperor to reimburse him;
but the board of finance refused this, and told him he ought to bear all
the expenses himself, as he had subdued that province to suit his own
private views, and to anticipate Garay, who was fitting out an extensive
armament in Jamaica for the same purpose.

Cortes found the whole province of Panuco in a terrible state of
rebellion. He several times offered the inhabitants peace, but to no
purpose, and the consequence was a series of battles, of which ten were
very severe, three Spaniards and four horses being killed, besides one
hundred of the Mexican auxiliaries. In these battles the enemy had
brought 60,000 men into the field; yet Cortes defeated them with
considerable loss, and they never after felt any inclination to fight
against him.

Cortes, finding that the district he was in contained abundance of
provisions, staid eight days in a township near the field of battle,
and, ardently desirous of restoring peace to the country, he sent father
Olmedo and ten distinguished caziques he had taken prisoners in the last
battles, with Dona Marina and Aguilar, to the enemy. Father Olmedo then
addressed the several chiefs in a suitable speech, and asked them, among
other things, how they could have entertained a hope of maintaining
their independence, as they well knew that the city of Mexico, which had
been defended by so many brave warriors, was obliged to surrender to our
emperor. They ought, therefore, to sue for peace, and he promised them
that Cortes would pardon their past behaviour. By these and other
representations which the excellent father made to them, mixed up with a
few threats, they were brought to their senses, and began to reflect on
the large body of men they had lost, and the number of towns which had
been sacked and burnt to the ground; so that, at length, they agreed to
send a message of peace to Cortes, with a few ornaments of gold. Our
general received the ambassadors very kindly, and assured them of his
future friendship.

From this place Cortes marched, with half of his troops, to the river
Chila, which lay at about twenty miles from the sea shore, and requested
the tribes inhabiting the country on the opposite side to send him
messengers of peace. But as their bellies were still full of the flesh
of the many Spaniards they had killed belonging to the several
expeditions which had been sent thither during the two last years by
Garay, to form settlements, they imagined they would be able to
overthrow Cortes with the same ease. They likewise placed great
dependence in the inaccessibility of the places they inhabited, which
lay between large lakes, rivers, and morasses; they therefore not only
refused to return an answer, but murdered the ambassadors whom Cortes
had sent to them. He, however, still remained quiet for a few days, to
see whether they would not alter their minds; but, finding they
persisted in their hostile feeling towards him, he ordered all the
canoes which lay in the river to be seized; and with these, and some
boats he ordered to be constructed from the wrecks of the old vessels
belonging to Garay's expedition, he crossed the river with one hundred
and fifty men, among which there were fifty horse, the rest being, for
the greater part, crossbow-men and musketeers. The enemy, who had posted
strong detachments at different points along the banks of the river,
allowed our troops to cross unmolested, but were ready to receive them
on the opposite side.

If these Guastecs had come with great numbers into the field on previous
occasions, they came this time with more, and fell upon our men like so
many furious lions. In this encounter they killed two soldiers and
wounded above thirty others; three horses were likewise killed and
fifteen wounded. Our Mexican auxiliaries also suffered a considerable
loss; but Cortes gave the enemy so rough a reception that they soon took
to flight, leaving behind them great numbers of killed and wounded.

Cortes quartered his troops for the night in a township which was quite
deserted by its inhabitants, but where he found abundance of provisions.
The following morning, as his men were looking about the place, they
came to a temple, inside of which they found suspended various articles
of Spanish dress, the scalps and the tanned skins of the faces of
several Spaniards, with the beards attached to them. These were the
remains of the soldiers of Garay's expedition to the river Panuco. In
many of these skins our men recognized former acquaintances, and some
even their intimate friends. It was indeed a melancholy sight to them,
and they took down those miserable remains to give them Christian
burial.

From this place Cortes marched to another township, and observed every
military precaution, the men being each moment prepared for an attack,
as he well knew that the tribes of this province were very warlike. His
spies soon came in with the intelligence that large bodies of the enemy
lay in ambush to fall suddenly on our men while they should be dispersed
among the houses.

Our troops being thus apprized of the enemy's intentions, the latter
were unable to do them much injury; yet they bravely attacked our
troops, and fought with great intrepidity for about half an hour, when
our cavalry and musketeers succeeded in putting them to flight. In this
engagement Cortes had two horses killed, besides seven others wounded,
and fifteen of the men so severely that three died shortly after. These
Indians have the peculiar custom, when they are compelled to retreat, to
face about three several times to renew the attack, a mode of warfare
which has seldom been found among these tribes. After this battle, the
enemy retreated to a river which was of considerable depth, and very
rapid. Our cavalry and light-armed foot pursued them most vigorously,
and wounded great numbers.

The day following, Cortes marched further up the country, and passed
through several townships, but every one was deserted by its
inhabitants. In these towns they found, in subterranean vaults, a great
number of large earthen jars filled with the wine of the country.[31]
Our general, after marching in this way for another five days, and
nowhere meeting with any of the inhabitants, returned to the river
Chila.

Cortes now again invited the inhabitants on the opposite side of the
river to send ambassadors to conclude peace with him, and this time he
was more successful; for, as they had lost a great number of men, and
feared another incursion into their country, they sent word that they
would despatch messengers of peace to us after the lapse of four days,
which time they required to collect some gold for a present. Cortes
therefore patiently awaited the time specified; but, as no one came, he
then determined to attack a large township which lay on the banks of a
lake, surrounded by rivers and morasses. This place he was resolved to
attack from the lake side, to do which he had to cross the latter; and
this he accomplished by means of canoes fastened two and two together.
On these a part of our troops, with a great number of Mexicans, embarked
in a dark rainy night, passed unobserved across the lake, and fell into
the town before the inhabitants were in the least aware of it. The town
was completely destroyed, and most of the inhabitants killed, our
Mexican auxiliaries carrying off a rich booty.

As soon as the inhabitants of the surrounding neighbourhood received
information of this, they no longer hesitated as to what they should do;
and, in the space of five days, messengers of peace came pouring in from
all sides; the most distant mountain tribes, whose territory our troops
had not yet visited, alone refusing to send any ambassadors.

Cortes then laid the foundation of a town, about four miles from the
river Chila, and left there one hundred and fifty Spaniards, among whom
were twenty-seven horse, thirty-six musketeers and crossbow-men. The
whole of the townships which had sued for peace he divided among these
troops as commendaries. Of this town, which received the name of
Santisteban del Puerto, he appointed Pedro Vallejo commandant.

Cortes was just on the point of leaving this new town, and of marching
back to Mexico, when he received certain information that three
townships, which had previously stood at the head of the rebellion in
this province, had again conspired to revolt. The inhabitants of these
three townships had put a great number of Spaniards to death after they
had sued for peace and had declared themselves vassals of our emperor,
and now were using every means to persuade the population of the
surrounding neighbourhood to join them in an attack upon our new
settlement, and kill every Spaniard left behind when Cortes should have
departed with the remaining troops for Mexico. Cortes having convinced
himself of the truth of this report, burnt the three towns to the
ground, but they were subsequently rebuilt by these same tribes.

About this time the following misfortune happened. Cortes, previous to
leaving Mexico, had sent orders to Vera Cruz for a quantity of wine,
preserved fruits, and biscuits, besides a number of horse shoes, all of
which was to be forwarded to the province of Panuco. A vessel without
delay was despatched with these things from Vera Cruz, which arrived
safe off the coast of Panuco, where, unfortunately, it was overtaken by
a terrific storm from the south, and went to the bottom of the sea: only
three of the crew were saved, who clung to some loose pieces of wood and
were driven to a small island about sixteen miles from the mainland,
which was covered in places with white sand.

Every night great numbers of seals came on shore to sleep on the sand,
and these were the means of keeping the three men alive, who killed them
and roasted their flesh at a fire which they kindled after the Indian
manner, by rubbing two pieces of wood vehemently together. By digging a
well towards the middle of the island they procured themselves fresh
water, and at last even found a species of fig, so that they could not
at least die of hunger; and in this way they continued to live for the
space of two months, when they were rescued in the following manner.

Cortes having waited a length of time in vain at Santisteban del Puerto
for this vessel, wrote to his major-domo at Mexico to know the reason
why the things he sent for had not arrived. When his major-domo received
this letter he soon guessed that some accident must have happened to the
vessel, and instantly sent out another in search of her. It pleased God
in his great mercy that the vessel should approach the small island
where the three Spaniards had been cast on shore, who had had the good
sense to keep a large fire burning night and day.

The reader can easily picture to himself the great joy of these men when
this vessel arrived off the island: they immediately embarked in her,
and sailed for Vera Cruz. One of these men, whose name was Celiano,
subsequently lived in Mexico.

Cortes was on his way to Mexico when he received information that
several tribes which inhabited the wildest part of the mountains had
risen up in arms, and were committing every kind of depredation against
those of their neighbours who had entered into an alliance with us. He
therefore determined to put an end to these hostilities before he
returned to the metropolis; but these ferocious tribes being apprized of
his approach, lay wait for him in a dangerous mountain pass, attacked
his baggage, killed many of the Indian porters, and plundered them of
all they carried. Our cavalry, which now came up to the assistance of
those who had charge of the baggage, lost two horses from the rugged
state of the road. These Indians, however, had to pay dearly for all
this when our troops reached their towns, for the Mexican warriors
showed very little mercy, and killed and took numbers of them prisoners.
The cazique and his chief officer were hung, and the baggage of which
they had plundered our troops was retaken.

After the execution of these men, Cortes commanded the Mexicans to stay
hostilities, and he summoned the chiefs and papas of the province to
send him ambassadors, who now arrived without delay, and acknowledged
themselves subjects of our emperor. Cortes then appointed the brother of
him who had been executed, cazique of the place; and, after thus
restoring peace to the province, he continued his march to Mexico.

I must here observe that there is not a more wicked, a more uncivilized,
or a more filthy people in the whole of New Spain than the inhabitants
of the province of Panuco; and in no part were human sacrifices found to
be so frequent or so barbarous. The inhabitants were excessive
drunkards, and guilty of every kind of abomination: however, they met
with due punishment; for, after our troops had visited their country a
few times with fire and sword, they received, in the person of Nuno de
Guzman, who became governor there, a much severer scourge. He sold
almost the whole of them for slaves to the different islands, as we
shall see in the proper place.




CHAPTER CLIX.

    _How Cortes and the officers of the crown forward to Spain the
    wardrobe of Motecusuma, and the emperor's share of the booty; and
    what further happened._


After this campaign in the province of Panuco, Cortes was busily
occupied with the rebuilding of the city of Mexico.

Alonso de Avila, who had been despatched to the island of St. Domingo to
communicate there in Cortes' name with the royal court of audience and
the Hieronymite brotherhood, had by this time returned to Mexico, and
had obtained for Cortes the necessary powers from the above courts to
subdue the whole of New Spain, turn the inhabitants into slaves, mark
them with a red-hot iron, and distribute the Indians into commendaries
in the same manner as was customary at Hispaniola, Cuba, and Jamaica.
This power granted to Cortes was to remain in force until the emperor's
pleasure was known on this head. The Hieronymite brotherhood duly
apprized his majesty of all this, and despatched a vessel for that
purpose to Spain; and though the young emperor was at that time still in
Flanders, their despatches arrived safely in his hands. As the
Hieronymite brotherhood were well aware of the bad feeling which the
bishop of Burgos always had evinced towards us, they purposely omitted
to acquaint him with the nature of these despatches; and, upon the
whole, they never communicated with him excepting on matters of trifling
import.

Alonso de Avila, as I have before remarked, was a man who feared no one,
and had formerly held some office immediately under the bishop of
Burgos, so that it was fortunate he happened to be absent upon the
mission just mentioned, in St. Domingo, when Christobal de Tapia arrived
at Vera Cruz with the appointment of governor of New Spain, as the
latter had brought letters from the bishop to him, and on such an
occasion the determined character of Avila might have greatly injured
our general's cause.

Cortes, who was thoroughly acquainted with this man's disposition,
always strove to keep him at a distance from his person; and now again,
upon the advice of father Olmedo, he presented him with the lucrative
township of Quauhtitlan, which would give him constant occupation; and
Cortes added to this a considerable sum of money, by which he gained him
so completely over to his side, that he soon after intrusted him with a
most important mission, by despatching him and Quinones, the captain of
the guards, to Spain, as his own procuradores, and those of New Spain in
general; and provided them with two vessels which were to carry over to
the emperor 88,000 pesos, in gold bars, and the wardrobe of Motecusuma,
which had hitherto been in the possession of Quauhtemoctzin. The latter
was a valuable present, and well worthy of our great emperor's
acceptance, as it contained jewels of the most precious kind, pearls of
the size of hazel nuts, and various other precious stones, which I
should not like to enumerate singly, even if my memory would allow me.
At the same time were sent the bones of the giants which we found in the
temple of Cojohuacan, similar to those bones which were previously given
to us by the Tlascallans, and which we had sent to Spain on a former
occasion.

Three tigers, and several other curiosities, which I have now forgotten
by name, were likewise shipped on board these two vessels.

The chief magistrates of Mexico, on this occasion, wrote a letter to the
emperor, and we, the conquistadores, with father Olmedo and the royal
treasurer, drew up an humble address to our monarch, in which we first
of all mentioned with praise the many important and faithful services
which Cortes and all of us had rendered to his imperial majesty; we gave
him a full account of the siege of the city of Mexico and the discovery
of the southern ocean, and added we were convinced these countries would
prove a source of great wealth to Spain. We then requested his majesty
to send to New Spain a bishop and monks of different religious orders,
but all to be pious and well-informed men, that they might assist us in
extending the holy catholic faith in these countries. We likewise humbly
petitioned his majesty to appoint Cortes viceroy of New Spain, as he had
proved himself so meritorious and faithful an officer to the Spanish
crown. In the same way we begged the favour for ourselves, that all
appointments made by the crown in this country might exclusively be
given to us the conquistadores or to our sons. Further, we requested his
majesty not to send any lawyers into the country, as those persons, with
all their learning, would merely breed lawsuits, discord, and confusion
throughout the whole country. We then mentioned how Christobal de Tapia
had been sent as viceroy to New Spain by the appointment of the bishop
of Burgos, assuring his majesty that Tapia was not fit to fill such an
important situation, and that if he had been allowed to enter upon the
viceroyalty of New Spain, that country would undoubtedly have been lost
again to the Spanish crown. We were compelled to clear up all these
circumstances to his majesty, as we feared the bishop of Burgos had not
only omitted to lay before his majesty our previous despatches, but had
also misrepresented things to him, in order to favour his friends
Velasquez and Tapia, to the latter of whom he had promised the hand of
his niece Dona Petronella de Fonseca. Tapia had certainly produced
papers relative to his appointment, of the genuineness of which there
could really be no doubt, and we had indeed perused them with deep
veneration, and we would immediately have obeyed the instructions they
contained if we had considered Tapia a proper person to fill the
important office of governor; but as he was neither a soldier nor a man
of sufficient mind and determination of character, nor possessed of
talents requisite for a viceroy, we found ourselves necessitated to
inform his majesty of the whole state of affairs, which was the real
object of this present humble address of his majesty's faithful and
obedient servants. We then prayed his majesty to decide in these
matters, and particularly requested that he would not allow the bishop
of Burgos in any way to interfere in matters which concerned Cortes and
ourselves, as otherwise all further conquests we contemplated in New
Spain would be interrupted; nor should we even be able to maintain peace
in the provinces that were subdued. As a proof of the bishop's enmity
towards us, we mentioned that he had forbidden the two harbour masters
of Seville, Pedro de Isasaga and Juan Lopez de Recalte, to allow any
arms or soldiers which were destined for Cortes or our army in general,
to leave that place. We then gave his majesty an account of the recent
campaign of Panuco, how the inhabitants had been obliged to sue for
peace, and had declared themselves vassals of his majesty; what terrible
battles they had fought with Cortes, and how they had killed all the
officers and soldiers which Garay had sent thither from time to time.
This campaign, we went on to say, cost Cortes above 60,000 pesos, which
he had paid out of his own private purse, the reimbursement of which he
had in vain solicited from the royal treasurers; that Garay was fitting
out a new armament in Jamaica destined for the province of Panuco, but
it was advisable that his majesty should issue orders for him to
postpone that expedition until we should have completely subdued the
country, that he might not again sacrifice the lives of his men to no
purpose, and create an insurrection in the country, which would be sure
to ensue if he arrived there beforehand, as the Indians, and
particularly the Mexicans, would immediately conclude that there was no
unanimity in the operations of the Spanish generals; conspiracies would
be formed, and the whole country would rise up into open rebellion.

These and many other things we wrote to his majesty, nor was Cortes' pen
idle on this occasion, for he also sent the emperor an account of every
circumstance in a private despatch, which contained twenty pages, and I
know their contents pretty well, as I read them all through with great
attention. Among other things, he solicited his majesty's permission to
proceed to Cuba in order to take the viceroy Diego Velasquez prisoner,
and send him to Spain, there to stand his trial for having sent persons
to murder him, Cortes, and for having upon the whole endeavoured to
confuse the affairs of New Spain.

With these despatches, the money, and other valuable matters, Quinones
and Avila set sail from Vera Cruz on the 20th of December, 1522, and
safely passed through the straits of Bahama. On their voyage two of the
three tigers broke lose and made their escape, after wounding several
of the crew; it was then determined that the third should be killed,
which was in fact the most ferocious of the three. Without any further
accident they arrived off the island of Tercera, where they dropped
anchor. During their stay on this island, Quinones, who had a vast idea
of his courage and was of a very amorous disposition, got into a quarrel
about some female, and received such a terrible blow on the head that he
died a few days after of the consequences, so that Avila had to transact
all our business himself.

The two vessels then continued their voyage, but had not advanced far
beyond the island of Tercera when they fell in with the redoubted French
corsair Jean Florin, who attacked and took both vessels, carrying Avila
with the crews to France.

About this same time Jean Florin captured another vessel, bound from St.
Domingo, having on board above 20,000 pesos, besides a quantity of
pearls, sugar, and a great number of cow hides. With these valuable
prizes the corsair returned to France a wealthy man, and made the king
and the lord high admiral of France splendid presents out of the things
he had captured; and the whole of France was amazed at the treasures we
thus forwarded to our emperor. This very circumstance even created a
great desire in the mind of the French king to take possession of part
of the Caribbee islands; and it was upon this occasion he exclaimed that
our emperor could carry on the war with him solely with the riches he
drew from the West Indies! And yet at that time the Spaniards had not
subdued or even discovered Peru. The king of France on this occasion
also sent word to our great emperor, that as he and the king of Portugal
had divided the world between themselves, without offering him any part
of it, he should like them to show him our father Adam's will, that he
might convince himself whether he had really constituted them the sole
heirs to these countries. As long as they refused to comply with this,
he would consider himself justified to possess himself of everything he
could on the high seas: and indeed it was not long before he again sent
out Jean Florin with a small fleet, who took considerable prizes at sea,
between Spain and the Canaries; but as he was returning home with them
to France he fell in with three or four Biscay men of war, who attacked
him with such determination, that after a severe engagement he was
obliged to surrender, with the whole of his vessels, and he, with his
captains, was brought in a prisoner to Seville. These prisoners were
then immediately sent to the emperor, who, however, on the first
intelligence of their capture, ordered them to be tried, when they were
found guilty, and the whole of them were hung in the harbour of Pico.

Such was the miserable end of Jean Florin, who carried off to France all
the gold we had intended for our emperor! As for Avila, he was detained
a close prisoner in one of the French fortresses, as the king of France
expected a large ransom for a man who had been commissioned to convey so
vast a treasure from the new world to Spain; but Avila by some means or
other succeeded in bribing the commandant of the fortress, and secretly
sent intelligence to Spain of the object of his mission; he even managed
to forward Cortes' despatches, with all his papers and our letters,
either into the hands of the licentiate Nunez, who was a cousin of
Cortes, and reporter of the royal council of Madrid, or into those of
Cortes' father or of Diego de Ordas. These papers were instantly
despatched to his majesty in Flanders, without their being at all
noticed to the bishop of Burgos, who had not been able to hide his
pleasure when he heard that all the gold, with our despatches, had
fallen into the hands of the French corsair.

From this moment we had nothing further to fear from the bishop, for his
majesty now received full particulars of all the circumstances; and
though he felt grieved at the loss of so much gold, yet he was in one
sense pleased it had fallen into the hands of the French king, for it
would convince that monarch we should never let our emperor want for
money to wage war with him. He also sent peremptory orders to the bishop
of Burgos to aid Cortes in every way with regard to the affairs of New
Spain; adding, that he was shortly coming to Spain himself, in order to
investigate the dispute between Cortes and the governor of Cuba. When
news of the capture of Avila, with the loss of the whole treasure we
sent by him, reached New Spain, we all felt exceedingly grieved; but
Cortes immediately collected all the gold and silver he could, which had
recently been brought in from the province of Mechoacan, and of this he
ordered a cannon to be cast, which he intended as a present to the
emperor, and gave to it the name of phoenix.

The government of the township of Quauhtitlan was also carried on in the
name of Avila until the arrival, three years after, of his brother Gil
Gonsalez in New Spain, who was deputed by Avila to take the sole
government of his Indian property, as he himself was determined never
again to cross the sea, though he had obtained the appointment of
treasurer of Yucatan.

But all this is rather foreign to my narrative, and I will rather relate
what happened to Sandoval and the other officers whom Cortes sent out to
form settlements in the provinces. But so many circumstances happened in
the meantime, that I was obliged to break the thread of my history, and
they were certainly too important to withhold from the curious reader.
There was the arrival of Christobal de Tapia in Vera Cruz, which obliged
Cortes to recall Sandoval and Alvarado from their expeditions into the
provinces, in order that they might assist him with their excellent
support and counsel in a matter of so much importance. Then there was
the insurrection in the province of Panuco, and the mission to our
emperor; and so it happened that my narrative became rather confused.




CHAPTER CLX.

    _How Sandoval arrives in the town of Tustepec, what he did there;
    his march to the river Guacasualco, and what further happened._


As soon as Sandoval arrived in the township of Tustepec, messengers of
peace came to him from every part of the province, and there were only a
few Mexican chiefs who durst not make their appearance, on account of
the sixty Spaniards, with their wives, (all of Narvaez's corps,) who had
been massacred in this place. It was two months after this tragical
affair that I arrived at Tustepec with Sandoval, and I took up my
quarters in a kind of tower, which had been a temple. In this same tower
my unfortunate countrymen had sought refuge when they were attacked by
the inhabitants, and had defended themselves until hunger, thirst, and
wounds put an end to their existence. I selected this tower, which was
very high, to rid myself of the moschitoes, which swarmed in this
neighbourhood, and plagued us all day long; besides which, I was here in
the immediate vicinity of Sandoval's quarters, which rendered mine
doubly convenient to me.

Sandoval was very desirous of getting the above-mentioned chiefs into
his power, and at length succeeded in capturing the principal one, who
was tried, and sentenced to the stake. Several other Mexicans were
brought in at the same time with this chief, but though they had equally
deserved death, they were allowed to go at large, and thus one had to
suffer for all. Sandoval then sent to the townships of the province of
the Tzapotecs, which lay about forty miles further on, desiring them to
despatch messengers of peace to him; but they refusing to do so, he
ordered off the captain Briones (who had commanded one of the
brigantines, and had, as he himself assured us, signalized himself in
the Italian wars,) against them, with one hundred men, among whom there
were thirty crossbow-men and musketeers, besides one hundred auxiliaries
of the allied provinces. The Tzapotecs were duly apprized of Briones's
approach, and lay in ambush for him, from which they fell suddenly upon
him, and wounded more than a third part of his men, of whom one died
soon after. The Tzapotecs inhabit the most rugged and inaccessible
mountain districts, where no cavalry can approach, and even the foot
soldiers could with difficulty move along narrow paths, one behind the
other; besides which, these mountains are enveloped in everlasting
mists, and the dew is always falling, which renders the ground so
slippery that it is dangerous to move along. The lances of this people
were also very formidable, and much longer than ours, and provided with
a species of blade made of flint, which is much sharper than a Spanish
sword. They also had light shields, which covered the whole body, and
they use the bow, the pike, and the sling. When these wild people, who
are excessively nimble, bounded from one rock to another, where our men
could not get at them, they communicated with each other by means of
piping and shouting, and the noise rolled and resounded through the
mountains for a length of time, until lost in distant echoes.

The captain Briones then returned with a great number of his men
wounded, he himself having been struck by an arrow. The township where
he met with this defeat was called Tiltepec, and the inhabitants
subsequently submitted of their own accord, when the district was given
as a commendary to a soldier, named Ojeda, the one-eyed, who at present
lives in the town of San Ildefonso.

When Briones called upon Sandoval to give him an account of his
expedition, and said a great deal about the courage of the Tzapotecs,
Sandoval reminded him of the many bloody engagements he had spoken of in
his Italian campaigns, and added, "It appears, nevertheless, captain,
that you experienced hotter work on this occasion than in any of your
previous battles?"

Briones, who appeared greatly annoyed, swore that he would at any time
rather stand over against heavy cannon and a large army, would even
rather fight against the Turks and Saracens, than against the Tzapotecs;
and adduced good reasons for saying so.

To this Sandoval immediately answered, "Then I must say I am sorry I
gave you that command; but after the many things you have told us of
your Italian campaigns, I could not help thinking but this expedition
would be a mere frolic to you. In what light will these Tzapotecs look
upon us henceforth? At present they will certainly entertain a different
notion of our bravery to what they did previously!"

After this unfortunate expedition, Sandoval sent word to the inhabitants
of the province of Xaltepec that they should despatch ambassadors to us,
and declare themselves vassals of our emperor. This tribe also belongs
to the Tzapotecs, and their country is bounded by that of the Minxes,
another very courageous and warlike tribe, with whom the Xaltepecs
happened to be at war just then. Twenty of the caziques and principal
personages soon made their appearance, bringing with them a present of
gold dust in ten small tubes, besides various pretty ornaments. These
chiefs were clad in very large cotton cloaks, which hung down to their
feet, and were embroidered after the manner of the Moorish mantle. They
presented themselves to Sandoval with a most respectful demeanour, who
received them most courteously, and gave them some glass beads. This
kind reception emboldened them to beg of him that some of his teules
might accompany them home, in order to assist their country in a war
against the Minxes; but as Sandoval at that moment could not well spare
any of his men, as a great part of Briones' detachment was wounded, and
many suffering with fever, of which four men had recently died, he put
off these chiefs with many flattering assurances, and promised them he
would request Malinche, who was at Mexico, to send a strong body of
teules to their assistance; in the meantime he would send eight of his
companions with them to explore the dangerous passes and that part of
the country from which they intended to fall upon the Minxes. But
Sandoval's real motive in sending these ten soldiers with them was, that
they might visit those districts, and particularly the mines whence the
Xaltepecs obtained their gold. Three of the caziques Sandoval desired
should remain with him, and the rest left in our company. It happened
that there were three soldiers of the name of Castillo in Sandoval's
troops, who all accompanied the caziques on this occasion. One was
Alonso de Castillo, surnamed the _Discreet_, because he always gave a
ready and suitable answer to any question that was put to him; the
second was myself, whom the soldiers surnamed the _Gallant_, for at that
time I prided myself very much on my courteous behaviour: the third
Castillo had a very meditative countenance, and always took a long time
to consider before he replied; but when he did it was sure to be
something very ridiculous, and he was surnamed the _Deliberate_. But
enough of this. We arrived in the province, and began diligently to
explore the mines, accompanied by a great number of Indians, who washed
the gold dust for us in a kind of trough, from the sand of three
different rivers. In this way we obtained four tubes full of gold dust,
each about the thickness of the middle finger. Sandoval was highly
delighted when we brought him these, and concluded that the country must
contain rich gold mines. He then divided the townships of the province
among those of his men whom he intended leaving behind; for himself he
took the townships of Guazpaltepec, which at that time was by far the
best property in this province, and lay in the neighbourhood of the
mines, from which Sandoval collected above 15,000 pesos' worth of gold,
and he was quite surprised at his own good fortune. The chief command of
the province he gave to Luis Marin, and presented him with lands equal
to an earldom; in the course of time, however, these possessions turned
out less valuable than was at first expected. Sandoval also offered me
some very good and valuable townships in this province, and I wish to
heavens I had accepted of them. These places were called Maltlatan,
Ozotekipa, and Orizaba, where the viceroy at present has a mill. I
refused these possessions, because I considered that I was in honour
bound not to leave Sandoval, who was my particular friend. He was well
aware of my reasons, and in the subsequent campaigns I made with him he
strove in every way to further my views.

In this province Sandoval laid the foundation of a town, which, by the
desire of Cortes, he named Medellin, after the latter's native place, in
Estremadura. There was a bay in this province, into which the
Chalchocucea river[32] empties itself, or, as we termed it, the Banderas
stream, where we made the 16,000 pesos during the expedition under
Grijalva; at first all communication with Spain was from this harbour,
until Vera Cruz became the chief port.

We now marched towards the river Guacasualco, and we may have been about
240 miles from the last-mentioned town, when we arrived on the confines
of the province of Citla, the climate of which is the most bracing of
all, the country itself abounding in provisions, and more thickly
populated than any we had visited. It was of this province I remarked
that it was forty-eight miles long, as many in breadth, with a vast
population.

When we arrived at the river Guacasualco we sent for the caziques of the
different townships; but as three days passed by without any one making
his appearance, or our receiving any answer, we concluded the
inhabitants were preparing to attack us. At first, indeed, they had
resolved to oppose our crossing the river, but they soon came to a more
reasonable determination, and arrived in our camp on the fifth day with
a supply of provisions, and a few ornaments of very pure gold. They
immediately offered to furnish us with a sufficient number of large
canoes, if we felt any inclination to cross the river. Sandoval thanked
them for their kind offer, but previously held a consultation with us as
to whether it was advisable for all the troops to cross over at once;
and we resolved that four men should first pass over, to see how matters
stood in the township opposite, which lay close to the river side, and
to get the chief cazique, whose name was Tochel, into their power. Four
of our men accordingly went across the river, and after looking well
about them, they brought us word that everything wore the most peaceable
aspect, and were accompanied by the son of Tochel, who came with another
small present of gold. Sandoval was vastly pleased with this news, and
desired the caziques to furnish him with 100 canoes, which were fastened
two and two together, to convey the horses across the river. It happened
to be the day of Pentecost when we crossed over, and for this reason we
called the township, which lay on this river, Villa de Espiritu Santo;
also because it was the anniversary of the day on which we defeated
Narvaez under the cry of Espiritu Santo.

As this province submitted to our arms without offering any resistance,
the flower of the troops which went out with Sandoval on this occasion,
settled down here; as for instance, besides Sandoval himself, Luis
Marin, Diego de Godoy, Francisco de Medina, Francisco Marmolejo,
Francisco de Lugo, Juan Lopez de Aguirre, Hernando de Montes de Oca,
Juan de Salamanca, Diego de Azamar, Mexia Rapapelo, Alonso de Grado, the
licentiate Ledesma, Luis de Bustamente, Pedro Castellar, the captain
Briones, a certain Mantilla, myself and several other cavaliers and men
of distinction, all of whom I am unable to mention by name; but the
reader may have some idea of our numbers, when I inform him that on days
of parade, or whenever an alarm was sounded, we could always muster in
the great square above eighty men on horseback; and it must be
remembered that eighty horse at that time was more than five hundred at
the present day; for horses were very scarce then in New Spain,
excessively dear, and often not to be had at any price.

The following are the provinces which Sandoval divided into commendaries
on this occasion, after they had been fully explored by our
troops,--Guacasualco, Guazpaltepec, Tepeca, Chinanta, and the
Tzapotecas; along the banks of the river there were: Copilco, Cimatan,
Tabasco, the mountains of Cachula, the country of the Zoqueschas and of
the Quilenes; the districts of Tacheapa, Cinacatan and Papanachasta. All
these districts were divided among the inhabitants of the new town, and
as far as regards myself I should have been perfectly contented if I
could have kept what I obtained on this occasion; but the country was of
itself not very productive, and then we were led into ruinous lawsuits
with three towns, which had by degrees sprung up in these parts; for
instance, the town of Vera Cruz laid claim to Guazpaltepec, Chinanta,
and Tepeca; Tabasco to the province of the Quilenes and Zogues; and,
lastly, the town of Santo Ildefonso to the province of the Tzapotecs. If
we had been allowed to retain our original boundaries we should have
been rich men, but when his majesty issued an order that the boundaries
of every Indian township and of all the Spanish towns should be
accurately defined, our possessions became so terribly curtailed on
every side, that at last we had nothing but a blank remaining, which is
the reason why Guacasualco, which was at first the most beautiful and
most thriving settlement of all, and where the most noble of the
conquistadores of all New Spain had settled, fell to nothing again, and
is at present a mere village, with a scanty population. While Sandoval
was busily occupied with the founding of this town and in subduing other
provinces, intelligence arrived that a vessel had run into the river
Aguayalco, which forms a very bad harbour, and lies about sixty miles
from Guacasualco. The passengers on board this vessel were Donna
Catalina, the wife of Cortes; her brother Juan Juarez, who subsequently
settled in Mexico; the lady Gambrana, with her sons; Villegas, with his
daughters; and even their grandmother, besides several other married
ladies. If I am not mistaken there was also Elvira Lopez, the tall, the
wife of Juan Palma, who came with us to New Spain, but was subsequently
condemned to the gallows; after which his widow married a certain
Argueta. Of the number of gentlemen who came on this occasion, I
remember a certain Antonio Diosdato, who settled in Guatimala.

On the first intelligence of their arrival, Sandoval left with most of
the officers and several of the soldiers to pay his respects to these
ladies, and to those by whom they were accompanied. I still remember how
heavily it rained at the time, and the difficulty we experienced in
crossing the rivers, which had all overflowed their banks; heavy gales
were blowing from the north, and indeed it was from distress of weather
that the vessel had put into that harbour. Donna Catalina and all the
passengers were highly delighted at our arrival, and they immediately
accompanied us back to Guacasualco, from whence Sandoval despatched a
courier to Mexico to inform Cortes of the arrival of his wife; who, with
the other ladies, soon after left for the same place, accompanied by
Sandoval, Briones, Lugo, and other cavaliers.

It is said that Cortes was greatly vexed when he received intelligence
of their arrival, though he did not show it, and even issued the
necessary orders to give his wife a splendid reception. On the whole of
her road to Mexico, as may be imagined, the greatest honours were paid
to her, and when she arrived in the city itself all manner of
festivities and tournaments took place to welcome her arrival. But the
joy of this excellent lady was of short duration, for scarcely three
months had elapsed when we received intelligence of her death, from a
violent asthma.

I must now relate what befel Villafuerta, who was sent out to colonize
Zacatula, and Juan Alvarez Chico, who marched to Colima for a like
purpose. Both of them had encountered the most obstinate resistance from
the inhabitants, the whole of whom rose up in arms against them and
killed several of their men. Cortes was excessively annoyed at the
unfortunate termination of these expeditions; but as Oli happened to
return about the same time from Mechoacan with a great quantity of gold,
after having restored perfect tranquillity to that district, he looked
upon him as the most likely man to subdue the provinces of Zacatula and
Colima. He therefore despatched him thither as commander-in-chief with
fifteen horse and thirty musketeers and crossbow-men.

When Oli had arrived within a short distance of Zacatula, a large body
of the enemy suddenly fell upon his troops in a narrow pass, with great
dexterity; killed two of his men and wounded several others; he
nevertheless drove them back, and safely reached the town built by
Villafuerta, which with the whole settlement he found in a miserable
condition. No one durst stir out of the town to visit the townships
which had been bestowed upon him as a commendary; for the inhabitants
had already put four Spaniards to death who had attempted to collect
their rents.

In all the provinces where Spanish settlements are formed, the chief
colonists are presented with commendaries, and it is when these persons
travel to the different townships to demand their tribute, that the
inhabitants generally rise up in arms and murder every Spaniard they can
seize. Christobal de Oli, therefore, had to fight many a severe battle
before he could put down the insurrection, and he lost many of his men.
What became of Juan Alvarez Chico, who had been sent to form settlements
in Colima, I cannot exactly remember, though I think he was killed in
one of the battles he fought with the natives.

After Oli, as he thought, had restored peace to the province, he
returned to Mexico, he having a short time previously married a
beautiful Portuguese lady, named Filipa de Araujo; but he had scarcely
set foot in Mexico when he received intelligence that the two provinces,
Zacatula and Colima had again risen up in arms. This happened just about
the time when Sandoval reached Mexico with Cortes' wife, and our general
thought it best to despatch Sandoval to these rebellious provinces,
though he could only furnish him with a few horse, and fifteen
crossbow-men and musketeers; but every one of these men were of the
original conquistadores, who made very short work with the rebels,
punished two of the caziques of Colima, and completely quelled the
rebellion, nor did the inhabitants ever after break out into
hostilities. Sandoval was equally successful in Zacatula, so that he
soon returned to Mexico.

We who were stationed at Guacasualco, had in the meantime also our work
to do, for scarcely had Sandoval departed when most of the provinces in
which our commendaries lay again revolted, and it was with great
difficulty we at length succeeded in tranquillising the inhabitants. The
first district which had rebelled was that part of Xaltepec lying among
rugged and almost inaccessible mountains, inhabited by a tribe of the
Tzapotecs; this example was followed by Cimatan and Copilco, which are
situated between large rivers and morasses; and, within forty-eight
miles of Guacasualco, a Spaniard had been murdered on his own property.

While the whole of us regidors, with the captain Luis Marin, and one of
the alcaldes of the town were making arrangements for an expedition
against the rebellious provinces, we were informed that a small vessel
had run into the harbour, having on board Juan Bono de Quexo. This man
said he came with authority from our emperor, we therefore determined to
call upon him without delay to inquire the nature of his business.

This Bono had first arrived in New Spain with Narvaez, and thus he was
well known to us all. After he had given each of us a hearty embrace, he
desired us to call a council of the chief authorities of the town, that
he might notify to them certain powers with which he was invested by his
majesty, and lay before them the instructions he had received from the
bishop of Burgos, from whom he brought letters for all of us. He was
provided with a number of blank papers, with only the bishop's signature
attached to them, which Juan Bono now filled up with the names of the
regidors, accompanied by all manner of fine promises, according to the
instructions he had received from the bishop; these appointments were to
be presented to the proper persons mentioned therein, if we gave up
possession of the country to Cristobal de Tapia. This Bono was not at
all aware that Tapia had returned to St. Domingo; and the bishop had so
little suspected that we should not have acknowledged the authority of
Tapia, that he sent Bono after him with this commission. Among others,
my name was also put down in one of these appointments, as regidor.

Bono did not disclose any part of his commission, or produce any of his
papers, until we were all duly assembled in council; but as soon as he
mentioned the nature of his business, we stopped any discussion on the
matter, by telling him that Tapia himself had long ago left New Spain
again, and we advised him to repair to Mexico, and lay his commission
before Cortes.

When Bono, to his great surprise, found that Tapia had left the country,
he became quite downcast, set sail the very next day for Vera Cruz, from
whence he journeyed overland to Mexico. What passed between him and
Cortes I do not know, but I understood that the latter supplied him with
a certain sum of money to defray the expenses of his voyage back to
Spain.

I could say a good deal of the numerous battles we fought, and of the
great fatigues we underwent during our stay at Guacasualco, in putting
down the frequent insurrections in the provinces; but it is high time I
should relate something about the expedition of Alvarado to the province
of Tutepec.




CHAPTER CLXI.

    _How Alvarado marches to the province of Tutepec, to build a town
    there; and how far he succeeded in subduing the country, and in
    founding a colony._


To give an account of Alvarado's expedition to the province of Tutepec,
we must return to the period immediately following the conquest of
Mexico. It will be remembered that after the news of the fall of that
large city had spread through the provinces, ambassadors arrived from
all parts to congratulate Cortes on this great victory over the Mexican
power, and the different tribes declared themselves vassals of our
emperor. Among the more powerful tribes which submitted on this occasion
was that of the Tecuantepec--Tzapotecs, whose ambassadors brought with
them a present in gold, stating at the same time that they were at war
with their neighbours, the Tutepecs, who had commenced hostilities with
them, because they had submitted to the Spanish crown. This tribe
inhabited the coast on the South Sea, they added,--and possessed great
quantities of gold, both in the raw material and in ornaments; they
themselves now came to request Cortes to assist them against their
enemies with some of his cavalry, musketeers, and crossbow-men.

Cortes assured them, in a very affectionate manner, that he would send
Tonatio (as they called Alvarado) with them. He accordingly despatched
Alvarado thither with a considerable detachment, consisting of one
hundred and eighty men, among whom there were thirty-five horse; and a
further reinforcement of twenty men, most of whom were crossbow-men,
would join him in the province of Guaxaca, where the captain Francisco
de Orozco commanded in chief.

Alvarado left Mexico in the year 1522, and first of all marched to a
mountainous district, where it was said disturbances had recently broken
out; but he found all in profound peace here, and the inhabitants well
disposed towards the Spaniards; nevertheless, he appears to have been
very tardy in his movements, for he did not reach Tutepec until forty
days after. The inhabitants, who had received intelligence of his
approach, came out to meet him with every show of magnificence, and
conducted him to the most populous of all their townships, where stood
the temples and their largest buildings. The houses were very crowded,
and made of straw, for in this excessively hot climate the dwellings
have no upper stories, and are not built of stone. Father Olmedo here
observed to Alvarado, that it would not be advisable to quarter the
troops in the houses, for if the inhabitants were to take it into their
heads to set fire to the town there would be no possibility of escape.
Alvarado considered his apprehensions well founded, and encamped with
his men at the extremity of the town. The cazique soon after arrived
with a valuable present in gold, which he repeated almost every day, and
provided the troops with abundance of provisions. When Alvarado found
what a quantity of gold the inhabitants possessed, he ordered them to
make him a pair of stirrups of the finest gold, and gave them a couple
of his own for a pattern; and indeed those they made turned out very
good.

Notwithstanding all the gold which Alvarado received from this cazique,
he ordered him to be imprisoned a few days after his arrival, as the
people of Tecuantepec had assured him that the whole province was upon
the eve of rising up in arms against him, and that the chiefs of Tutepec
had only invited him to quarter his troops in the large houses in the
heart of their town, that they might set fire to them, and burn him,
with all his men, to death.

Many credible persons have asserted that Alvarado's only motive for ill
using this cazique was, to extort more gold from him; one thing,
however, is certain, that he gave Alvarado gold to the value of 30,000
pesos, and that he died in prison from excessive grief. Father Olmedo
indeed strove to give him every consolation in his last days, but all
his endeavours proved fruitless; melancholy had sunk too deeply into
his heart. The caziquedom then devolved upon his son, from whom Alvarado
extorted even more gold than from the father.

Alvarado then sent a small detachment of his troops to visit the other
townships of the province, and distributed these among the settlers of
the new town which he founded, to which he gave the name of Segura,
because most of the new inhabitants had formerly settled in the town of
Segura de la Frontera, or Tepeaca. After he had done all this, he
ordered the vast quantity of gold he had collected from the townships to
be securely packed, in order that he might take it with him to Mexico,
and hand it over to Cortes; for he pretended that the latter had desired
him to collect all the gold he possibly could, as it was to be forwarded
to his majesty, to make up for the loss of that which Jean Florin had
carried off to France; and that he had received particular instructions
from our general not to divide any of it among the men who accompanied
him on this expedition. When Alvarado was about to make preparations for
his departure, a certain portion of his troops, mostly musketeers and
crossbow-men, formed a conspiracy to put him and his brothers to death,
because he had refused, after their repeated solicitations, to give them
any share of the gold, or to distribute among them any very lucrative
Indian townships.

This plot was fortunately discovered to father Olmedo by one of the
conspirators, named Trebijo, the evening preceding the night on which
the bloody deed was to have been carried out. Father Olmedo instantly
communicated what he had heard to Alvarado, who was about to start, in
company of some of the conspirators, to go a hunting. Alvarado therefore
pretended to be taken with a sudden pain in his side, and turning to
those who were to have accompanied him, he said, "Gentlemen, I must
return to my quarters; let a barber immediately come to bleed me."

As soon as Alvarado had arrived in his quarters he sent for his brothers
Jorge and Gonzalo Gomez, with the alcaldes and alguacils; he then
ordered the conspirators to be seized, and two of them, after a short
trial, were sentenced to the gallows. One of these men was a certain
Salamanca, of Condado, who had formerly been a pilot; the other was
Bernardino Levantisco, and both of them died like good Christians, after
father Olmedo had fully convinced them of the enormity of their crime.
This example of severity brought the remaining conspirators to their
proper senses; so that Alvarado was enabled to depart with the gold for
Mexico without any fear.

Alvarado had certainly laid the foundation of a new town, but it soon
fell to nothing again; for the settlers had obtained very poor lands;
the climate was excessively hot, and very unhealthy; many of the
Spaniards soon fell ill, and the Indian naborias and slaves whom they
had brought with them died away very fast. The place swarmed with
moschitoes, mice, and even lice;--to which was added, that Alvarado had
carried off all the gold. The inhabitants therefore determined to leave
the new town, and to settle elsewhere; so that they soon dispersed, and
some returned to Mexico, some settled in Guaxaca, and others in
Guatimala. When Cortes received intelligence of this, he instituted a
formal inquiry into all the circumstances, and it was found that the
determination to abandon the new town had been agreed upon in a council
held by the alcaldes and regidors of the place. Sentence of death was
then pronounced against the guilty personages; but father Olmedo begged
so hard of Cortes to mitigate this severe sentence, that the latter at
length, though very reluctantly, yielded to his prayers, and altered the
sentence into that of banishment.

Such was the ill-fated termination of the colony of Tutepec, which never
after rose again, for every one feared the unhealthy climate, though the
country was uncommonly rich. When the inhabitants, who could not forget
Alvarado's cruel and unjust treatment, saw that all the Spaniards were
leaving, they revolted anew, which obliged Alvarado to return, and he
again forced them to lay down their arms and to sue for peace.




CHAPTER CLXII.

    _How Francisco de Garay arrives with an extensive armament in the
    river Panuco; how far he was successful; and of many other
    circumstances._


I have above mentioned that Francisco de Garay was governor of Jamaica,
and that he already possessed great wealth, when he heard of the rich
countries we had discovered in our expeditions under Cordoba and
Grijalva, and of the 20,000 pesos with which we returned to Cuba on our
second voyage.

When he therefore received information of a new armament that was
destined for New Spain, under command of Hernando Cortes, he himself was
seized with a great desire likewise to discover some new countries, and
certainly he had more wealth at his command than we had, to fit out an
armament for such a purpose. He had learnt a good deal about the new
countries from our old chief pilot Alaminos; of their riches, and how
thickly populated the provinces were on the river Panuco; and as several
other sailors who had accompanied us on those expeditions, confirmed
what Alaminos had told him, he thought it worth his while to request his
majesty to grant him the permission to make further discoveries on the
river Panuco, and to appoint him governor of all the lands he should
discover. For this purpose he despatched his major-domo, Juan de
Torralva, to Spain, with letters and presents for those gentlemen who at
that time governed the affairs of India, begging of them to procure him
the appointment above-mentioned.

His Majesty was at that time in Flanders, and the president of the
council of the Indies, Don Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, bishop of Burgos
and titular archbishop of Rosano, with the two licentiates Zapata and
Vargas, and the secretary Lopez de Conchillos, governed the affairs of
India just as they thought proper. Garay therefore easily obtained the
appointment of adelantado and governor of the provinces bordering on the
river St. Peter and St. Paul, and of all the countries he should
discover.

By virtue of this appointment he fitted out three vessels, having on
board 240 men; including a strong body of cavalry, crossbow-men, and
musketeers. The chief command of this armament he gave to Alonso Alvarez
Pinedo, who, as I have above mentioned, was soon cut off, with the
greater part of his men, by the Indians, so that there was only one
vessel with sixty men that escaped to Vera Cruz, who, with their
captain, Comargo, entered our army.

Garay, being ignorant of the miserable termination of this expedition,
sent out two more vessels, under command of Diaz de Auz and Ramirez,
with many soldiers, horses, a quantity of provisions, and a considerable
store of arms of various kinds; but when these vessels arrived in the
river Panuco, and nowhere met with any traces of the other armament,
excepting a few pieces of burnt wood of the first vessels, lying on the
shore, they likewise put into Vera Cruz. Though I have mentioned all
this above, it was nevertheless necessary to recapitulate these
circumstances here, to render the whole more intelligible to the reader.

After Garay had thus spent so much money to no purpose, and heard of the
great good fortune which attended Cortes; of the large towns he had
discovered, and of the vast treasures in gold and jewels which he had
accumulated in New Spain, envy, as well as thirst for riches, also rose
up in his breast to torment him; and he was resolved to fit out as
extensive an armament as he possibly could, and to take the command of
it himself. He accordingly equipped a small fleet, consisting of eleven
vessels and two brigantines, on board of which there were 130 horse and
840 foot, most of the latter being armed with muskets and crossbows. As
he was a man of great wealth, he spared no expense in fitting out this
splendid armament. With this fleet Garay left Jamaica in the month of
June, of the year 1523, sailed in the direction of Cuba, and thence ran
into the harbour of Xagua, where he learnt that Cortes had already
subdued the whole province of Panuco; that he had founded a colony
there, and that the expedition had cost him above 60,000 pesos; that he
had petitioned his majesty to unite the government of this province with
that of New Spain, and to appoint him the viceroy. This of itself was
disheartening to Garay; but when he further heard of the heroic deeds of
Cortes and his companions, and how we with a mere handful of men had
gained the victory over Narvaez, although he had an army of 1300 men,
besides eighteen heavy guns, he began to fear the good fortune of our
general. His apprehensions were further augmented by what he heard from
several distinguished personages of Cuba, who had come to pay their
respects to him at Xagua; among these was also the licentiate Zuazo,
whom the royal court of audience at St. Domingo had expressly sent to
Cuba, to reside near Diego Velasquez. From the different interviews
which Garay had with Zuazo, he soon foresaw that, if he proceeded to
Panuco, he would have to dispute its possession with Cortes; he
therefore proposed to Zuazo that he should accompany him thither, and
act as a mediator between himself and Cortes. To this Zuazo replied,
that he was not at liberty to leave his present abode without permission
from his superiors, but that he would follow him as soon as possible.

Garay then weighed anchor and sailed in the direction of Panuco. He
encountered very boisterous weather at sea, so that he was driven too
far north off the mouth of the river Palmas, which he entered with his
fleet on the day of Santiago de Compostella. Here he sent several of his
officers, with a small detachment of his troops, on shore, who returned
with so bad an account of the country that Garay determined to leave
this place and go in search of the river Panuco, and to repair to the
town Cortes had founded, where, at the same time, he would be nearer to
Mexico. Upon this, Garay again required the whole of the officers and
soldiers to take the oath of fidelity, and to promise implicit obedience
to him as captain-general. He likewise appointed the alcaldes, the
regidors, with all the chief authorities of a town he intended to found,
and to which he said he would give the name of Garayana. He now
disembarked the whole of his men and horses, and gave the command of the
fleet to an officer named Grijalva, whom he ordered to sail as close as
possible to the shore, while he marched with his troops along the coast.
The first two days he passed over a desolate and boggy country; he then
crossed a river, which took its source in the mountains, lying about
twenty miles inland, and arrived in a township which was quite deserted
by its inhabitants, but where he found abundance of maise and fowls,
besides the delicious fruit of the guayaba tree. The soldiers likewise
brought in a few of the inhabitants prisoners, who understood the
Mexican language; and Garay, after making them handsome presents, sent
them to the neighbouring townships to incline the inhabitants peaceably
towards him. He then marched round a large morass, and visited several
townships, everywhere meeting with the kindest reception from the
inhabitants, who brought him quantities of fowls, and a species of geese
which they catch among the swamps. Many of his men had by this time
become wearied of marching up and down the country; and having got it
into their heads that the officers withheld from them some kinds of the
provisions which the inhabitants brought in, a part of the troops
rebelled, and plundered these townships for three days successively. On
the fourth day, the whole of the troops again marched forward, with some
Indian guides, and arrived at a very broad river, which they had no
other means of crossing but by canoes which were furnished them by the
friendly townships just mentioned. The horses were obliged to swim
across, each rider in a canoe leading his horse by the bridle; but as
there were a considerable number of horses, it was a very tedious
business, and five were unfortunately drowned. At length the whole of
the troops had passed across, but they had to encounter another
formidable morass, through which they found their way after undergoing
many fatigues, and so reached the province of Panuco. Here Garay
expected to have found provisions in abundance; but the whole of the
townships had scarcely any food left for themselves, while the
inhabitants were still in a very excited state, owing to the recent
incursion which Cortes had made into this neighbourhood; and wherever
there were any provisions left, the Indians took care to hide them as
soon as they received information of the approach of so large a body of
troops and horses; indeed they even totally deserted their towns, so
that in the very place where Garay had thought to rest and refresh his
troops, he only encountered greater difficulties and fatigues. In the
deserted houses his men found nothing but mice, moschitoes, and lice,
which made an unmerciful attack upon the new comers. To all this misery
was added, that the fleet, which should have sailed close into the
shore, and on board of which there was abundance of food, had not
arrived in the harbour, nor had any tidings of it been received. The
information with respect to the non-arrival of the vessels was given
them by a Spaniard, who, on account of some misdemeanour or other, had
been obliged to quit the town of Santisteban del Puerto. This man
likewise informed Garay's men that there was a town not far off, and
also that the Mexican territory was not very distant, which, he added,
was amazingly fertile, and inhabited by wealthy personages. This account
greatly excited the men, so that they began to stroll about the country
in small bodies, plundered every place they came to, and took the road
leading to Mexico.

Garay, who was well acquainted with the turbulent spirit of his troops,
and fearing he should not be able to keep them much longer together,
despatched Diego de Ocampo, one of his chief officers, with a letter to
Pedro Vallejo, who was at that time Cortes' commandant of Santisteban,
to learn which way he was inclined. In this letter Garay informed
Vallejo that he had been appointed by his majesty governor of these
provinces; that he had disembarked his troops in the river Palmas; and
that at last, after undergoing excessive fatigues, he had reached the
land of his destination.

Vallejo gave Ocampo and those who accompanied him a very honorable
reception, answered in the most polite terms, and assured him Cortes
would be delighted to have for neighbour so distinguished a governor;
but he told him that he had expended a large sum of money in subjecting
this province, of which he also had been appointed governor by his
majesty. Garay, however, was at liberty, continued Vallejo, to march his
troops into the town of Santisteban whenever he thought proper, and he
would render him every service in his power; only he must beg of him not
to allow his men to ill-use the Indian population, of which two
townships had already complained to him.

Vallejo then sent an express to Cortes, inclosing Garay's letter to him,
and gave him at the same time a circumstantial account of the posture of
affairs, adding, that he must either send him a strong reinforcement of
troops, or repair in person to Santisteban.

Cortes, on the receipt of Vallejo's letter, sent for father Olmedo,
Alvarado, Sandoval, and Gonzalo de Ocampo, brother to him whom Garay had
despatched to Vallejo. These gentlemen he instantly sent off to Garay
with certain papers containing his appointment of governor of all the
countries he might subdue, granted to him by his majesty, until the
lawsuit should have terminated which was pending between him (Cortes)
and the governor of Cuba. The answer which Vallejo had given to Diego de
Ocampo was perfectly satisfactory to Garay, and he marched his troops
close up to the town of Santisteban; but Vallejo being informed that a
small detachment of the latter was strolling heedlessly about the large
and beautiful township of Nechaplan, he sent out a body of his own men
to attack them, who captured above forty of their numbers, and brought
them in prisoners to Santisteban, which, it appears, was the very thing
these men had desired. Garay was greatly incensed at this, demanded
Vallejo to deliver up the men to him again, and threatened, unless he
complied, to punish him by virtue of the royal authority with which he
was vested. Vallejo, however, answered, that his reason for seizing
these men was, because they were marching about the country without any
legal authority, and had plundered the inhabitants: and that he
(Vallejo) should act up to Cortes' instructions until he received some
especial command from his majesty to the contrary; adding, that he must
again request him not to allow his men to plunder and ill-treat his
majesty's subjects.

While this dispute was going on, father Olmedo, with Alvarado and the
other officers, arrived in Santisteban; and as Gonzalo de Ocampo was at
that time alcalde major of Mexico, it was his duty to give Garay notice
to quit that territory, of which the government had been conferred upon
Cortes by his majesty. Several days were spent in these negotiations,
which were carried on by word of mouth, between the two parties, by
father Olmedo, and Garay began to discover that numbers of his men
deserted to Vallejo, that Cortes' officers were accompanied by a
considerable body of horse and musketeers, and that they daily increased
in numbers. Two of his vessels had been lost in a heavy storm, and the
rest lay at anchor in the mouth of the harbour, and were summoned by
Vallejo to run in, otherwise he should be obliged to treat them as
corsairs; to which the captains replied, that it was no business of his
where they anchored their vessels, and he might keep his commands to
himself.

Garay, who greatly feared the good fortune which always attended Cortes'
arms, durst not take any decisive step; while, on the other hand, Ocampo
of Mexico, Alvarado, and Sandoval were carrying on their secret
negotiations with his troops, but particularly with the captains of the
vessels, with some of whom they came to a secret understanding that they
should run into the harbour and declare for Cortes. The first two
captains who ran in with their vessels were Martin Lepuzcuano and
Castromucho, and they surrendered to Vallejo, who then immediately
repaired to the mouth of the harbour with the two vessels, and commanded
Juan de Grijalva either to run into the harbour or to quit his present
station without delay and put to sea again. This message Grijalva
answered by firing a broadside at him; but Vallejo was not to be daunted
by this, and repaired on board Grijalva's vessel in one of his own
boats, accompanied by a royal secretary, and handed over to him letters
from Alvarado and father Olmedo, who made large promises to him in the
name of Cortes. While Grijalva was perusing these letters, the rest of
the vessels ran one after the other into the harbour, so that no other
resource was left him than to follow their example, and to yield up his
sword to Vallejo, who had demanded it of him in the name of Cortes,
though he, with all the other captains, were immediately set at liberty
again, according to the advice of father Olmedo, who always said it was
most pleasing to God and to our emperor when disputes were settled
without spilling any blood.

When Garay found what a miserable state his affairs were in, that a
portion of his men had deserted, and that the rest had rebelled against
him; how two of his vessels had foundered at sea, and the rest had
declared for Cortes, his despondency was at its height. He earnestly
requested Cortes' officers to deliver up to him again his troops and his
vessels, and declared that he would return to the river Palmas, and thus
put an end to all further disputes. These officers, in reply, wished him
every success in this undertaking, and said they would order all his men
who were strolling about the country to repair to his standard again,
and reembark with their general; they promised also to furnish him with
a good supply of provisions and other matters. Garay was highly
delighted with this offer, and the strictest orders were accordingly
issued to seize all the men who had rebelled, and to take them into the
presence of Garay: but all threats proved fruitless, and the few of
Garay's soldiers who were recaptured maintained that their agreement was
to serve in the province of Panuco, and that their oath did not bind
them to follow their general's standard anywhere else. They even used
stronger language than this; and declared, without any reserve, that
Garay did not possess the requisite talents for a commander, and that he
was altogether no soldier.

When Garay found that, notwithstanding all his remonstrances and
threats, he could not alter the minds of his men, he completely
despaired. Our officers then advised him to write to Cortes, and they
promised to use all their influence with the latter, and induce him to
assist Garay in his expedition to the river Palmas; indeed, father
Olmedo and Alvarado pledged their words to obtain this for him. Garay
accordingly wrote a letter to our general, in which he gave him an
account of his voyage, and of the fatigues he had undergone, then begged
his permission to visit him in Mexico, in order that they might come to
some understanding with each other, and consider what steps they could
take to promote his majesty's best interests in this matter. Father
Olmedo and our officers also wrote to Cortes, and strongly recommended
Garay's cause to him, adding, that he was a gentleman with whom he had
formerly lived on the most intimate terms of friendship.

When Cortes read Garay's letter, he could not help feeling excessively
grieved at his misfortunes, and sent him a most polite answer in return,
expressing his deep concern at the unfortunate position of his affairs,
and invited him to repair in person to Mexico, where he would feel happy
to aid him with his counsel, and otherwise to lend him every assistance
in his power to prosecute his further designs. Cortes then despatched
orders for the inhabitants of the towns through which Garay would have
to pass, to give him an hospitable reception, and even sent various
kinds of refreshments for him to the different stages along his route.
In Tezcuco a banquet was prepared in his honour, and when he had
approached to within a short distance of Mexico, Cortes went out to meet
him, accompanied by several officers.

Garay was not a little astonished when he beheld the many large towns,
and at length the city of Mexico itself. Cortes gave him his own new
palace to live in, and immediately began to converse with him about the
posture of his affairs, and to deliberate what further steps it would be
most advisable for him to adopt. Alvarado, Sandoval and father Olmedo
used their utmost influence with Cortes to further Garay's views; and
the latter had scarcely been four days in Mexico when father Olmedo, in
order to substantiate the good understanding which had arisen between
him and Cortes, brought about the preliminaries of a marriage between a
natural daughter of the latter, who was still very young, and the son of
Garay.

It was at length settled that Garay should continue commander-in-chief
of his fleet, and that he should colonize the country on the river
Palmas, for which purpose Cortes was to furnish him with everything that
was necessary, and even with officers and men. It was also agreed that
Cortes should give a very large sum of money as a marriage portion to
his daughter.

By these bright prospects and the friendly disposition which Cortes
evinced towards him, Garay's spirits were again raised, and I am sure
that everything would have been fulfilled as agreed upon between them,
if Providence had not disposed otherwise.

Garay soon after inhabited the house of Alonso Villanueva, as Cortes was
making great alterations in his palaces. This Villanueva had upon one
occasion been despatched by Cortes to purchase horses in Jamaica, but
really I am unable to say whether previous or subsequent to this time;
at all events, Garay and he were very intimate friends, wherefore he had
requested permission of Cortes to inhabit the latter's house.

Narvaez was still in Mexico at this time, and renewed his former
friendship with Garay. As may naturally be supposed, each related to the
other his misfortunes, and as Narvaez was a man of a haughty
disposition, he said smilingly to Garay on one occasion: "What very fine
things, Senor Adelantado, have been told me by several of the men who
have deserted your troops! They assert, that on every occasion when you
wished to encourage your officers you used to say: 'We must show
ourselves brave men and fight valiantly about with Cortes' soldiers, and
not allow ourselves to be cozened as Narvaez was.' But what say you now,
Senor? I lost one of my eyes in the battle I fought with Cortes; lost my
army and all my property in the courageous defence which I offered, and
indeed it was no joke to defeat me. No one in the world can have greater
luck than this man; but it must be remembered that he has officers and
soldiers who lend him the most vigorous assistance in all his
undertakings, which alone has rendered it possible for him to have the
good fortune of an Octavius, the victorious career of a Julius Caesar,
and the endurance of a Hannibal in battle."

To which Garay replied, "That it was unnecessary for him to mention all
this, for the deeds spoke for themselves;" and indeed, added he, "where
will you find another man who would dare, after destroying his fleet, to
penetrate with a handful of men in the midst of a country so thickly
populated, in order to wage war against powerful states and large
cities?"

Narvaez then mentioned other heroic deeds of our general, and in this
way they discoursed for a length of time with each other about the
wonderful conquest of New Spain! Garay, soon after, even begged Cortes
to grant Narvaez and his wife permission to return to the island of
Cuba. This lady, whose name was Maria Valenzuela, possessed great
wealth, and she had formerly known Cortes at Cuba, and was even related
to him. She had herself also petitioned Cortes to liberate her husband.
Our general now not only granted this request, but also gave Narvaez
2000 pesos to defray the expenses of his voyage. Narvaez could scarcely
find words to thank Cortes sufficiently for so much kindness, and
promised him, by everything that was holy, never under any circumstance
whatever to go against his interests.

But to return to Garay, whose unfortunate expedition terminated in the
following manner. On Christmas eve of the year 1523 he accompanied
Cortes to church in order to attend midnight mass, performed by father
Olmedo; after church they both returned home in high spirits and sat
down to breakfast, when it appears that Garay, who was not in very good
health, caught cold by standing in a draught, which ended in pleurisy,
accompanied by a violent fever. The medical men bled and purged him, but
the disease continually grew worse, so that father Olmedo was desired to
inform him of the danger he was in, that he might confess, while he was
yet able, and make his last will. Father Olmedo accordingly disclosed to
him that his end was drawing nigh, and he ought to think of preparing
for death as a good Christian and an honest cavalier, that he might not
lose his soul in the next world, as he had his riches in this. "Your
advice is good, father," answered Garay; "I wish to confess this very
night, to receive the holy sacrament, and to make my last will." All
this he fulfilled with great devotion, appointed Cortes with father
Olmedo his executors, and four days after rendered up his soul again to
his God and his Creator.

It is peculiar to the climate of Mexico that those who are attacked by
pleurisy, generally die within three or four days; this we experienced
to our great sorrow in Tezcuco and Cojohuacan, where we lost numbers of
our men from this disease. For the rest, every honour was paid to the
last remains of Garay; and Cortes, with several officers, put on
mourning. May his soul rest in peace. Amen! It is, however, to be
regretted that he died far away from his wife and family in the house of
a stranger. After his departure from Mexico pretty work was going on
with his troops in Panuco; for as the officers and soldiers had no
commander-in-chief, any one who got it into his head raised himself to
captain or general, and in this way there stood successively at the head
of the troops, Juan Grijalva, Gonzalo de Figueroa, Alonso de Mendoza,
Lorenzo de Ulloa, Juan Medina, Juan de Villa, Antonio de la Cada, and a
certain Taborda, who was the most rebellious of all. Garay's son, to
whom Cortes' daughter was betrothed, nominally indeed, had the chief
command, but the men troubled themselves very little about him; and they
dispersed themselves in small bodies of fifteen and twenty-five about
the country, plundered the townships, forcibly carried away the women,
and in every respect conducted themselves as if they were plundering
among the Moors. At last the inhabitants were resolved to suffer this no
longer, and they united in a body with the determination to destroy
these cruel invaders, and in the space of a few days they killed upwards
of 500 Spaniards, all of Garay's troops, the most of whom were
sacrificed to their gods and their flesh was devoured. In one township
alone, above one hundred were slaughtered in this way. Cortes' troops in
Santisteban were no longer able to quell these disturbances, nor did the
Indians any way fear them; for when the garrison had upon one occasion
marched out against them, they defended themselves so valiantly that our
troops were obliged to retreat back to the town, to which the Indians
had even the temerity to lay siege, and made repeated attacks upon it
both day and night, and they would certainly have taken it if there had
not been seven or eight of the veteran conquistadores among the
garrison, who, with Vallejo, continually spurred on the rest of the men,
and took every military precaution to prevent so terrible a disaster.
These determined men also lent every assistance they could to the rest
of Garay's troops, but at the same time showed the necessity of their
continuing to encamp outside the town, so as to prevent the enemy from
making a combined attack upon the latter. Three separate engagements
were fought between the Indians and the troops of Vallejo, joined to
those of Garay, and though the former was killed himself and many
Spaniards wounded, yet the Indians were each time defeated with
considerable loss. The inhabitants had altogether become so furious and
exasperated, that on one occasion during night-time they burnt alive in
one of their towns forty Spaniards and fifteen horses.

When Cortes received intelligence of this terrible state of things he
felt excessively annoyed, and was upon the point of marching himself to
Panuco at the head of his troops to quell these disturbances, but he was
still suffering from the consequences of a broken arm, so that he was
compelled to leave this to Sandoval, whom he instantly despatched
thither with one hundred foot, fifty horse, fifteen crossbow-men and
musketeers, two cannon, and a body of 10,000 Tlascallan and Mexican
auxiliaries. Sandoval's instructions were to punish the inhabitants in
such a manner as to discourage them from ever after breaking out into
rebellion. As Sandoval was a man who could not rest night or day
whenever he had any important business on hand, he never stayed a moment
longer in any place than was absolutely necessary. Having received
intelligence that the enemy had stationed the whole of their troops in
two narrow passes, he divided his men into two bodies, of which one was
to attack the first and the other the second pass. The crossbow-men and
musketeers were instructed to keep up a constant fire upon the enemy,
who, however, bid a stout resistance in their turn, and wounded several
of the Spanish and auxiliary troops. When Sandoval found that all his
attempts to force the first pass were fruitless, and having no better
fortune on the following day, he sent orders for the other body, which
had been equally unsuccessful at the second pass, to turn back upon the
road leading to Mexico, he himself drawing off his men in the same
direction. The enemy, who imagined he retreated from fear, likewise
quitted their position, and followed Sandoval with terrific yells. The
latter now encamped in a secure spot, where he remained quiet for three
days; and one midnight, when he thought the enemy less upon their guard,
he suddenly broke up his camp, and, with the cavalry in advance, forced
his way through the narrow passes, with the whole of his troops; but
even then it was with great difficulty he succeeded, and three of his
horses were killed, besides numbers of the troops wounded: however, as
soon as he had the advantage ground, he fell with great impetuosity upon
the enemy, who had received considerable reinforcements during the
night. So vastly had their numbers increased, that he began to entertain
serious doubts as to the issue of the battle; he therefore firmly closed
his ranks, and so continued to combat with the enemy, who rushed upon
the points of the swords with the savage ferocity of so many tigers, and
they even succeeded to wrest the lances from six of the less experienced
cavalry soldiers. Sandoval was terribly enraged at this latter
circumstance, and swore he would rather go to battle with a few men who
knew how to fight, than with a great number who did not: and he then
instructed the cavalry how to aim at the enemy's face; and if the
Indians grasped the lances, to hold them firmly with the hand placed
under the arm, give spurs to the horses, and, by a sudden jerk, wrest
the lance from the enemy's grasp, or drag him along with it.

After this battle, in which neither party had gained any advantage over
the other, Sandoval encamped for the night near a small river. Here he
carefully posted his watches, and, having been taught experience in our
battles with the Mexicans, he ordered his auxiliary troops to encamp at
a good distance from the Spanish, to avoid all confusion if the enemy
commenced the attack in the dark. Sandoval had indeed every reason to
suppose that the Indians would fall upon him in the night, for they had
taken up a position so very near to his camp that their war-whoop and
military music were quite audible; but they made so sure of victory,
they said, (as Sandoval learnt from his auxiliaries,) that they would
rather wait till morning, and then put him, with all his men, to the
sword.

As soon as daylight broke forth, Sandoval marched out, with the whole of
his troops in close order, towards some houses whence the enemy's
war-music resounded. He had scarcely proceeded a mile when he came up
with three large bodies of the enemy, who immediately began to hem him
in on all sides. Sandoval, observing this, placed half of his cavalry in
each wing, and attacked the enemy with such determination that he
completely routed them, and slew great numbers. Two Spaniards, who had
but recently come to New Spain, were killed in this battle, besides
three horses. The Mexicans and Tlascallans then spread themselves
through the different townships, killed several more of the enemy, set
fire to every place, and brought in great numbers of prisoners.

The road to Santisteban was now open, and when Sandoval arrived there he
found the garrison in a most deplorable condition: greater part of the
troops were either sick or wounded, but what was worse, they had neither
food for themselves nor their horses.

The reader may easily imagine how welcome Sandoval's arrival was, and he
soon learnt how Garay's troops had behaved, and how the garrison would
probably have been cut to pieces if it had not been for the assistance
of seven or eight veteran Conquistadores, who each day marched to the
field of battle, kept Garay's troops outside the city, and so occupied
the enemy's attention in another quarter that they did not even allow
them time to think of storming the town. Sandoval then embraced these
brave men, and gave to each of the Conquistadores, who were all his old
companions in arms, a separate command, and desired them to divide all
the foot and cavalry into two bodies, and so sally out of the town,
forage the country round, damage the enemy's property as much as
possible, and bring in as many prisoners as they could take,
particularly of the chiefs. He himself, to his great sorrow, was obliged
to remain behind, as he was severely wounded in the leg, and had been
struck in the face by a stone.

The two detachments obeyed his commands in every respect; they soon
brought in a quantity of maise and other provisions, with several women,
a number of poor people, and five chiefs who had fought in the recent
battles. Sandoval ordered all these prisoners to be released, with the
exception of the five last mentioned, and ordered his troops not to
bring in any other prisoners excepting those who had had a hand in the
murder of the Spaniards. The rest of the inhabitants they were to
encourage to approach the town peaceably, and to live on terms of
friendship with the Spaniards.

Several officers of distinction belonging to Garay's troops, who had
done their worst to create the insurrection in this province, had
remained behind in the town on this last occasion. These gentlemen,
whose names I have mentioned above, considered themselves grossly
insulted when they found that Sandoval had not intrusted them with any
command, but had selected the veteran Conquistadores. They therefore
began to murmur and to inveigh bitterly against the dispositions which
Sandoval had made, and even spoke to Garay's son of making common cause
with the inhabitants, and of revolutionizing the province. After
Sandoval had regarded their intrigues in silence for some time, he at
length addressed these discontented personages to the following effect:
"Instead, gentlemen, of being thankful to me for having marched into
this province to your assistance, and for rescuing you from the imminent
danger in which you lived, you have, I hear, thrown out language against
me which little becomes cavaliers of your stamp. It is no dishonour to
you that I put those in command who have proved themselves able
officers. I should, indeed, have been a fool had I not done so; and if
you had shown yourselves equally deserving, I should not have forgotten
you: but I should like to know whether you showed any fitness to command
when you allowed yourselves to be hemmed in on all sides by the Indians.
You yourselves have unanimously declared that you would have been on the
brink of destruction had it not been for the eight veteran
Conquistadores; it is for this reason, and because they are acquainted
with the country, that I intrusted them with the command. These
jealousies never entered our mind when we were besieging Mexico; our
only thoughts were how we should best be able to promote his majesty's
interests. Follow, therefore, our example for the future. I do not
intend staying much longer here, for I must soon return to Mexico, if,
at least, these Indians do not kill me; but he whom I shall leave behind
as Cortes' commandant of this town will not allow you much leisure time;
therefore, moderate your anger, and learn to judge better of me in
future!" Here Sandoval ended, but all he said produced very little
effect.

The following day Sandoval marched out with the whole of his troops, and
made so excellent a disposition of his men, that he captured above
twenty caziques who had all been concerned in the massacre of Garay's
troops and of several other Spaniards belonging to the colony. He then
invited all the townships to send him messengers of peace, which they
accordingly did, with the exception of a few. After this, he forwarded
an account to Cortes of every circumstance, and requested to know what
course he was to adopt with the prisoners, and whom he should appoint
commandant of Santisteban in the room of Vallejo; nor did he omit to
mention the courage and skill which the eight veterans above mentioned
had throughout displayed.

Cortes received this letter just at the moment when he was surrounded by
a great number of the old Conquistadores, and by several Spaniards who
had recently arrived from Spain. He was highly delighted to find that
Sandoval had so speedily quelled the disturbances, and exclaimed aloud,
in the presence of all, "O! Sandoval, how much am I not indebted to you,
and what vast fatigues do you not undergo for me?" Every person present
joined in the praise of Sandoval, declaring unanimously that he was a
most excellent officer, and might be compared with the most renowned
captains of any age.

Cortes, in answer to Sandoval's letter, told him that those of the
Indians who had been guilty of the murder of so many Spaniards, and had
wantonly killed so great a number of horses, were to be tried and
punished according to law; for which purpose he would despatch to him
the alcalde major Diego de Ocampo, who would investigate the matter in
due form. The remaining part of the population he was to treat with
every possible kindness, and strictly to forbid the troops of Garay or
any other Spaniards to plunder or in anywise to ill-use the inhabitants.

Sandoval was vastly pleased when Ocampo arrived, who, without delay,
brought the Indian caziques and chiefs to trial; and, as they themselves
confessed they had had a hand in the murder of the Spaniards above
mentioned, they were found guilty, and some were sentenced to be hung,
some to be burnt alive, and others were liberated altogether. The sons
and brothers of those who had been sentenced to death were appointed to
the vacant caziquedoms, according to their respective rightful claims.

Here Ocampo's business did not end, for he was likewise empowered by
Cortes to institute inquiries against those of Garay's troops who had
strolled about the country like so many banditti, and thereby caused the
insurrection among the Indian population. The whole of these fellows
Ocampo put on board one of the vessels, and sent them to the island of
Cuba. Grijalva he left the choice, by command of Cortes, either to
accept of 2000 pesos, which would instantly be paid down to him, and
sail with the others to Cuba, or to repair to Mexico and enter the
service of Cortes, by which he would benefit himself and be raised to
high honours; but he, with the whole of them, chose rather to return to
Cuba, where the greater part had Indian commendaries. This vessel was
therefore well victualled, and sailed under the command of a certain
Vallecillo for the last-mentioned island.

Ocampo and Sandoval, upon this, returned to Mexico, where they were
splendidly received by Cortes and the whole town; and the joy at
Sandoval's triumphant return was the greater, as every one had
entertained doubts as to the probable issue of this campaign. Father
Olmedo even proposed a day of thanksgiving, which was accordingly
celebrated in the church of our dear Lady. For the rest, this province
ever after remained very tranquil and obedient.




CHAPTER CLXIII.

    _How the licentiate Zuazo set sail for New Spain in a small vessel,
    accompanied by two monks of the order of Charity; and their
    remarkable adventures on this voyage._


I mentioned in a former chapter that the licentiate Zuazo promised
Garay, during the few days he stayed at Cuba, that he would repair in
person to Mexico, and try to settle the differences between him and
Cortes. He had first wished to render an account to the royal court of
audience at St. Domingo of his administration of justice in the island
of Cuba, after which he really set sail for New Spain. On this voyage he
took along with him two monks of the order of Charity, one of whom was
named Juan Varillas, and the other Gonzalo Pondevedra. The former was a
native of Salamanca, and a most intimate friend of father Olmedo, to
visit whom he had purposely asked permission of his superiors, and had
been staying some time at Cuba with father Gonzalo to await a favorable
opportunity of crossing over to New Spain. As he was a relation of
Zuazo, he begged he would allow father Gonzalo and himself to accompany
him on this occasion. This Zuazo readily granted, and they both
accordingly embarked with him in a small vessel. They had scarcely
doubled the cape of Sant Anton, (which is also called the land of
Gamatabeis, a wild tribe of Indians whom the Spaniards have not yet
subdued,) when, either through ignorance of the pilot or owing to heavy
currents, they were driven out of their right course, and were wrecked
off the Viboras isles, which lie between the shallows near the so termed
Alacranes sands. When large vessels get aground here, they are
inevitably lost; whereas the smallness of Zuazo's vessel was the very
means of his preservation. Yet, in order to lighten the vessel, they
were obliged to throw a great part of the cargo overboard, which, as it
principally consisted of smoked meat, soon brought great numbers of
sharks about the vessel. One of the sailors, who had ventured with some
others into the shallow water, was seized and devoured by one of these
monsters; the rest would, no doubt, have shared a similar fate if they
had not immediately hastened on board again. It was, therefore, with
great difficulty and much risk the whole of the crew at length managed
to get on to the island; but as they had thrown all their provisions and
their water-casks overboard, they had at first nothing to eat or drink;
at length, indeed, they managed to fish up a few pieces of their smoked
meat from the sea. They would even have been without fire had it not
been for two Cuba Indians, who, by rubbing two pieces of dry wood
together, soon kindled a flame. After searching about for some time,
they likewise had the good fortune to meet with fresh water; and as the
island was small and very sandy, numbers of turtles came to lay their
eggs in the sand. These creatures, which they found would lay one
hundred eggs each, the two Indians of Cuba easily captured by turning
them on their backs, so that they were unable to move. With these eggs,
the flesh of the turtle, and of seals which came on land during the
night, thirteen people nourished themselves for many days.

Among the hands on board this small vessel there happened to be two
carpenters of Ribera, who had fortunately rescued their tools; it was
therefore determined that they should construct a boat from the timber
of the vessel. When they had finished and completely rigged this boat, a
supply of turtles and smoked seals' flesh, with some water, was put on
board, besides a sea-chart and a compass. With this frail bark, three
Spanish sailors, and one of the Cuba Indians, boldly put out to sea in
quest of some harbour of New Spain, whence they might send a vessel to
the rescue of those left on the island. After encountering various kinds
of weather, they at length arrived safe in the river Bandera, where at
that time goods were landed from Spain. The three Spaniards immediately
repaired to Medellin, where a certain Simon de Cuenca was Cortes'
commandant, to whom they related their unfortunate shipwreck off the
Viboras isles. Cuenca, on hearing this, fitted out a small vessel, which
he despatched thither with a letter to Zuazo, in which he told him how
pleased Cortes would be to hear of his arrival in New Spain. Cortes, to
whom Cuenca had sent information of this circumstance, highly commended
the conduct he had pursued, and desired him, as soon as Zuazo and his
companions should arrive, to provide them with every necessary, and with
horses for their journey to Mexico.

This vessel had very favorable weather, and soon reached the little
island. The joy of Zuazo and his companions can easily be imagined; but
they had, in this interval, to their great sorrow, lost their friend
father Gonzalo, who gradually sunk under hardships to which he was
unaccustomed. They commended his departed soul to God, embarked on board
the vessel which had come to their deliverance, and, in a short time,
reached the coast of New Spain, from whence they arrived in Medellin,
where they met with a very kind reception. From this place they hastened
to Mexico, where Cortes gave them one of his own palaces to live in, and
shortly after appointed Zuazo his alcalde major.

What I have here related of Zuazo's voyage to New Spain I have copied
word for word from a letter which Cortes wrote to us the town council of
Guacasualco about it, which exactly corresponds with what the sailors
related themselves. The reader may, therefore, rely upon this as being a
true narrative.




CHAPTER CLXIV.

    _How Cortes despatched Alvarado to subdue the province of Guatimala,
    and to found a colony there._


Cortes strove to emulate Alexander the Macedonian in all things; his
thoughts were always busied with some grand scheme, and his love of
dominion knew no bounds: when, therefore, with the assistance of his
excellent officers and brave soldiers, he had rebuilt and repeopled the
great city of Mexico, and had founded the towns of Guaxaca, Zacatula,
Colima, Vera Cruz, Panuco, and Guacasualco, he also determined to subdue
the thickly-populated province of Guatimala, the inhabitants of which
were very warlike. Cortes knew that there were gold mines in this
country, and had several times invited the inhabitants to submit, but
received no answer in return; he therefore resolved to despatch Alvarado
thither to subdue the country and to found colonies in it. For this
important campaign he selected above 300 foot, of which 120 were
musketeers and crossbow-men, 153 horse, and four field-pieces, with an
abundant supply of powder. The chief artilleryman was Usagre, and above
300 auxiliary troops, composed of Tlascallans, Cholullans, and Mexicans
were joined to these forces. Father Olmedo, who was a most intimate
friend of Alvarado, also begged Cortes that he might join him in this
campaign, in order to preach the gospel to the inhabitants; but our
general, who always wished to have father Olmedo near his person,
refused his request, and appointed another excellent priest to this
expedition who had come to New Spain with Garay, and who gladly
undertook the office of missionary. Father Olmedo, however, left Cortes
no peace until he had obtained his consent, though this was given with
great reluctance, as the father was of valuable assistance to him, and a
man whom he consulted in all matters of importance.

The instructions which Alvarado received were, above all, to strive by
every means to gain the inhabitants by kindness and friendship; besides
which, father Olmedo was supplied with the necessary interpreters,
through whom he was to make every exertion to induce the inhabitants to
abolish their human sacrifices and other abominations, and to lead them
into the bosom of our holy Christian church. As soon as these troops
were in marching order, Alvarado took leave of Cortes, and left Mexico
on the 13th of December of the year 1523. He took his route over some
mountains in the province of Guantepec, and quelled an insurrection
there which had broken out among the inhabitants of the country. From
this place he marched to the large township of Tecuantepec, which is
inhabited by a tribe of the Tzapotecs, where he met with the kindest
reception, and was even presented with some gold. The province of
Soconusco, which he next came to, he also found in perfect peace. This
country was at that time thickly populated, and contained about 15,000
inhabitants, who all quietly submitted, and brought Alvarado a present
in gold; but as soon as he left this province, everything began to wear
a warlike appearance, and, on his next day's march, when he arrived in
the neighbourhood of the Zapotitlan townships, he came up to a bridge
which lay across a small river, near to which there was a dangerous
pass, and large bodies of the enemy were drawn up in order of battle, to
prevent Alvarado from crossing over. Here Alvarado encountered a severe
engagement, and lost one horse, and had many of his men wounded, of whom
one died shortly after. It was not only the warriors of Zapotitlan which
opposed Alvarado, but they were joined by so vast a body of the
inhabitants from the surrounding country, that, though the Spaniards
continually mowed down the enemy's ranks, they were obliged to renew the
attack three several times; and it was only after a good deal of hard
fighting that our troops at last gained a complete victory over them,
and they then submitted as vassals to our emperor. The next township
Alvarado came to was Quetzaltenanco, which had a considerable
population, and likewise bid an obstinate resistance to the Spaniards,
of whom a great number were wounded. The inhabitants of this place had
been joined by their neighbours of Utatlan, the chief of a series of
townships round about Quetzaltenanco: nevertheless, Alvarado put them to
flight, and strewed the field of battle with dead and wounded.

From this place his route lay through a dangerous and very narrow
mountain defile, about six miles in length. The troops therefore marched
forward with every military precaution, and began to ascend the
acclivity. When they had arrived at the most elevated point of the pass,
they found a fat old Indian female and a dog, which had been sacrificed
to their gods; a certain sign of war. This indeed was soon verified; for
they had not marched far before they came up with immense bodies of the
enemy, who were lying in wait for them, so that Alvarado stood in great
danger of being hemmed in on all sides. At this spot the pass was so
narrow, and the ground so thickly strewed with stones, that the horse
were scarcely able to render any assistance; but the crossbow-men,
musketeers, and the rest of the foot, armed with bucklers and swords,
closed the more bravely with the enemy, who retreated fighting, down the
narrow pass to some deep hollows, where other bodies stood drawn up in
order of battle. From this place the enemy, by a preconcerted plan, fell
back, as Alvarado advanced, to another position, where they had posted
above 6000 of their men. These were the warriors of Utatlan and their
subjects, who had made sure they would easily be able to cut off
Alvarado, with the whole of his men; but our troops fought with such
determination and courage, that they put the enemy to flight, having
only three of their men and two horses wounded. The enemy, however,
rallied again, were joined by other large bodies, and renewed the attack
with great intrepidity. The most desperate part of the action took place
near a fountain, where a strong body of the enemy rushed forth from an
ambush; so that the Spaniards were compelled to fight foot to foot with
the Indians, who had in particular singled out the cavalry, and each
horse was attacked by three of the enemy, while several others at the
same time strove to pull them to the ground, by hanging to their tails.
Here the Spaniards were placed in the utmost danger, for the enemy's
numbers were overwhelming; but father Olmedo encouraged the men,
reminding them that they were fighting with the intention of serving the
Almighty, and to promote His holy religion; that the Lord would assist
them, and that they must either conquer or die in this battle!

Notwithstanding this, and the utmost endeavours of the Spaniards, the
victory remained dubious for a length of time, until at last the enemy
began to give way. Now the cavalry were able to gain the open field, and
they dispersed the Indians on every side with considerable slaughter, so
that they were unable to show themselves for the next three days. During
this time Alvarado encamped on the field of battle, and sent out small
detachments to forage. He then marched, with the whole of his troops,
to the township of Quetzaltenanco, where he learnt that two caziques of
Utatlan were killed in the recent battles. In this place he allowed his
men to halt for some time, to dress their wounds, but soon received
intelligence that the surrounding tribes again contemplated an attack
upon him, for which purpose they had assembled an army of two
Xiquipiles, there being 8000 warriors to one Xiquipil. With this
formidable body of 16,000 men the enemy were determined to conquer or
die. On receiving this information Alvarado drew out his troops on the
open plain in order of battle; nor was it long before the enemy came
pouring forth with great force, and strove to surround him on all sides;
but as the cavalry were unrestricted in their movements on this level
plain, they made heavy charges on the enemy's line, who were soon put to
a disorderly flight. Several of Alvarado's men were wounded, but some of
the most distinguished chiefs had fallen in the battle; so that from
this moment the Indians really began to fear the Spaniards, and the
whole province came to the determination of suing for peace, and they
sent ambassadors to Alvarado with a small present in gold. But all this
was mere stratagem on the enemy's part, whose object was to entice the
Spaniards, under the assumed cloak of peace, to the strongly situated
town of Utatlan, which was surrounded by deep hollows, and there to put
them to death, when they least suspected any treachery.

As I have just stated, a great number of distinguished personages
arrived in Alvarado's camp to sue for peace; they handed over their
miserable present, were remarkably courteous in their behaviour, and
begged of Alvarado to pardon their late hostilities, and to acknowledge
them as vassals of our great emperor. This humble language they
accompanied by an invitation for him and his troops to return with them
to the town of Utatlan, which they said was very large, and they would
provide them excellent quarters, with every possible comfort.

Alvarado, who did not for an instant imagine they had any treacherous
designs, received the caziques very kindly, granted them the peace they
sued for, and accepted of their polite invitation. The next morning
early he drew out all his troops, and marched to Utatlan; but as soon as
the Spaniards arrived in this town they were struck with the warlike
aspect which everything wore. There were only two gates by which the
town could be entered, one of which was approached by a flight of
twenty-five steps, and the other by a causeway, which was intersected in
several places. There was also a large building, which was strongly
fortified; the houses of the town stood very close together, and the
streets were uncommonly narrow. There was neither a woman nor a child
to be seen anywhere, for these had all been concealed in the hollows
adjoining the town, and it was very late before the troops could obtain
any provisions, which even then were bad. The caziques had likewise
assumed a different tone to that of the previous day, and Alvarado was
secretly informed by some of the inhabitants of Quetzaltenanco that the
caziques of Utatlan intended to fall suddenly on his troops in the
night, and massacre them all; for which purpose they had concealed a
number of their warriors in the adjoining hollows, who were to rush
forth from their hiding-place the instant they observed the smoke rising
from the houses of the town which would be set on fire, and to fall upon
the Spaniards, who would be half suffocated by the smoke and flames,
while the inhabitants attacked them from another quarter.

The instant Alvarado was apprized of the imminent danger which
threatened him, he assembled the officers, with the whole of the men,
and informed them of what he had heard, adding, that their safety now
depended upon their leaving the town as quickly as possible, and in
gaining some level spot between the hollows, as it was then too late to
reach the open field. He then made the necessary arrangements for the
troops to abandon the place, and called upon the principal personages of
the town, as if he were quite unconscious of their designs; but in the
course of the conversation he remarked, as if by chance, that his horses
were accustomed to go to grass for a certain time each day, for which
reason he would be obliged to quit the town again, where altogether the
houses were too much crowded, and the streets too narrow for him. This
came like a thunderclap upon the caziques, nor could they hide their
inward grief and vexation when they saw the Spaniards marching out
again.

As soon as Alvarado was outside the town he threw off the mask, ordered
the chief cazique to be seized, and he was tried in due form by a
court-martial, which sentenced him to be burnt at the stake. Before this
sentence was put into execution father Olmedo begged permission of
Alvarado to make an attempt to convert this Indian to Christianity, for
which purpose he requested that his execution might be postponed for one
day; but of this one day came a second day, at the end of which it
pleased the Lord Jesus to incline the cazique's heart to Christianity,
and he allowed himself to be baptized by the father, who then prevailed
upon Alvarado to commute his sentence into that of hanging. The son of
this unfortunate man was then raised to the caziquedom. But matters did
not end here, for Alvarado was now attacked by the Indians, who lay
concealed in the hollows, but he soon put them to flight.

There was another large township in this province, called Guatimala, the
inhabitants of which had been duly apprized of all the battles which
Alvarado had fought since his arrival in the country, and how he had
each time come off victorious. They also knew that he was staying at
Utatlan, and that he made frequent incursions into the surrounding
townships, and compelled them to submit to his arms. As the inhabitants
of Guatimala were at enmity with the Utatlans, they despatched
ambassadors to Alvarado with a present of gold, and declared themselves
vassals of our emperor; adding, that they were ready to assist the
Spaniards in carrying on the war in that province. Alvarado received
these ambassadors in the kindest manner possible, thanked them for their
present, and he told them, in order to prove whether they were in
earnest in soliciting his friendship and in their offers of assistance,
that he would demand of them 2000 of their troops to join his army. He
was totally unacquainted, he continued, with the country, which was
besides so full of hollows and narrow passes, that he should be glad of
this reinforcement to clear the roads which had been barricaded by
trees, and to transport his baggage. The inhabitants of Guatimala soon
showed they were friendly disposed, and it was not long before the
required troops, with their generals, arrived in the Spanish camp.
Alvarado staid about eight days in the province of Utatlan, during which
time he made repeated incursions into the different townships, and as
several of these again revolted after submitting to the Spanish crown,
great numbers of the male and female inhabitants were carried off as
slaves and marked with the red-hot iron. Of these slaves a fifth were
set apart for his majesty, and the remainder were immediately divided
among the troops.

Upon this Alvarado marched to Guatimala, where the inhabitants gave him
a kind and hospitable reception. Here the men enjoyed some rest, and
they congratulated each other on the success that had attended their
arms, and now they thought with pleasure on the fatigues they had
undergone. Among other things, Alvarado declared to father Olmedo and
his officers, that he had not been in any battle where he considered
himself in greater danger than in the one they had recently fought with
the tribes of Utatlan, who had combined excessive ferocity with uncommon
bravery, and he considered that his men had done wonders on that
occasion. "It was the arm of God," remarked father Olmedo, "that was
with us, and that He may not desert us in future, let us appoint a day
of thanksgiving to the Almighty and the blessed Virgin, and celebrate
high mass, and I will preach a sermon to these Indians." Alvarado and
the other officers immediately fell in with this idea, and after an
altar had been erected the whole of the men made the communion, and high
mass was performed with every solemnity. A great number of Indians were
present on the occasion, to whom father Olmedo preached so many
excellent things, and gave so many convincing proofs of the truth of our
holy religion, that above thirty of them became converts to
Christianity. In the course of the two following days they were
baptized, and several others expressed a similar wish, when they found
that the Spaniards made more of the converts than of the others. Upon
the whole, there was nothing but rejoicing and happiness between the
troops of Alvarado and the inhabitants of this place.

I must now relate that the caziques of Guatimala drew Alvarado's
attention to some townships which lay at no great distance in front of a
lake. The inhabitants of these places were at enmity with Guatimala, and
their stronghold was a rock of great height, which they had further
strengthened by various outworks. Of these townships, Atatlan was the
principal one, and it was very evident the inhabitants bore the
Spaniards very little good will, since, notwithstanding their near
vicinity, they had not thought proper to send them any messengers of
peace. Alvarado, therefore, sent them a most polite invitation to come
and make a friendly alliance with him; but all the answer they returned
was to ill-use the messengers. This invitation Alvarado renewed three
several times, and as they still refused to despatch any ambassadors to
him, he determined to march thither in person, with 140 foot, 40 horse,
and 2000 auxiliaries of Guatimala. When he had approached within a short
distance of the township he again sent a friendly message to the
inhabitants, who replied by a flight of arrows; upon which he advanced
up to the water's edge. At this moment a vast body of Indians fell
suddenly upon him, under the sound of their wild music, the whole of
them accoutred in their full war costume, with lances of uncommon
length. This was a very severe conflict which lasted for some time, and
a good number of the Spaniards were wounded; but the Indians at last
fled precipitately and strove to regain the fortified rock, but Alvarado
followed so close at their heels that he carried the rock before they
could rally themselves, and he would have slaughtered a great number of
them if they had not leaped into the water and made for a small island
on the lake. He then permitted his troops to plunder the houses which
lay on the banks, and encamped on a plain which was covered with maise
plantations. The day following he marched to Atatlan, which he found
quite deserted by its inhabitants; from this place he sent out small
detachments to forage the country, and particularly the
cacao-plantations, which abounded in this neighbourhood. One of these
detachments succeeded in capturing two chiefs of the township, whom
Alvarado despatched with some others that had been taken prisoners on
the previous day, to the caziques, desiring them to come and sue for
peace; if they complied, he would liberate all the prisoners he had
taken, and they themselves should receive the most honorable treatment;
but if they still obstinately refused to submit, he would punish them as
he had the inhabitants of Quetzaltenanco and Utatlan, by cutting down
all their cacao trees, and otherwise damaging their property in every
possible manner. These threats had the desired effect, they sent
messengers with a present in gold, and submitted as vassals to our
emperor; when Alvarado again returned to Guatimala.

Father Olmedo, in the meantime, was doing all in his power to convert
the Indians to Christianity; he ordered an altar with a cross to be
erected, in front of which he regularly performed mass, and the
inhabitants, on these occasions, imitated the Spaniards in all their
religious ceremonies. Father Olmedo also placed on the altar an image of
the Virgin Mary, which had been presented to him by Garay in his dying
moments. This image was of such extreme beauty that the Indians became
quite enamoured of it, and father Olmedo explained what was meant by
such an image, and how Christians prayed before it.

Nothing now happened for several days worthy of mention, excepting that
by degrees every township of the surrounding neighbourhood sent
ambassadors to Alvarado, and declared themselves vassals of our emperor;
even the Pipiles, a tribe inhabiting the sea-coast along the southern
ocean. As most of the ambassadors complained that the inhabitants of a
township, named Izcuintepec, who were a very ill-disposed people, would
not allow them to pass through their territory; besides that they
committed all manner of depredations on their neighbours; Alvarado
determined that they also should sue for peace and submit to his power.
But as they showed no inclination to do either, and sent an insolent
answer to his message, he marched out one morning with the greatest part
of his troops, accompanied by a strong body of auxiliaries, and fell
suddenly upon this township before the inhabitants in the least
suspected his approach. But it would have been better if Alvarado had
never visited this ill-fated town, for he treated the inhabitants in a
manner that was neither conformable with justice nor with the wishes of
our emperor.

What I have related of this campaign in the province of Guatimala is
more minutely described in a memorial written by Gonzalo de Alvarado, a
brother of Pedro, and an inhabitant of Guatimala; by perusing which the
reader may gain further particulars, and will be enabled to correct any
errors I may have committed. I consider myself bound to make this
observation, as I was not present in this campaign, for I did not arrive
in Guatimala until the year 1524, when the inhabitants had again
revolted, just as we were about returning to Mexico from our expedition
to the Higueras and Honduras, under the captain Luis Marin. On that
occasion we had several engagements with the enemy, who had everywhere
dug deep holes and barricaded the narrow passes along the line of our
march. We were detained two whole days in the township of Juanagazapa,
or Petapa, the neighbourhood of which was full of deep hollows, and we
had several battles with the enemy, who strove to prevent our march
through a very dangerous mountain pass. Here I was slightly wounded by
an arrow, and it cost us much hard fighting before we could force this
passage. I could say a good deal of the battle we fought on this spot,
and it is with difficulty I restrain myself at present, in order to
relate all the circumstances more fully in the proper place. It was
about this time also that a rumour was spread of Cortes' death. With
respect to the inhabitants of Guatimala, I have merely further to remark
that they were not a very warlike people, nor did they ever bid any
stout resistance unless they were strongly posted in the hollows of the
mountains, and then even their arrows did us very little harm.




CHAPTER CLXV.

    _How Cortes despatches an armament, under Christobal de Oli, to the
    Higueras and Honduras, to subject these provinces; and what further
    took place during this expedition._


Cortes was informed that the provinces of Higueras[33] and Honduras were
uncommonly rich, and possessed lucrative gold and silver mines; in which
belief he had been further strengthened by the assertions of several
sailors who had visited these parts, and affirmed that they had
witnessed with their own eyes that the Indians there fastened pieces of
gold to their fishing nets instead of lead, in order to sink them;
besides which, these sailors were of opinion there must be somewhere in
that latitude a narrow arm of the sea, which ran into the southern
ocean, and this was another reason why Cortes was desirous of exploring
those parts, particularly as he had received instructions from his
majesty to use his utmost endeavours to discover some such passage to
the southern ocean, in order to promote the trade with the spice islands
by a shorter route. Cortes therefore determined to fit out an expedition
for this purpose, the command of which he gave to Oli, his
quartermaster-general. He was induced for various reasons to intrust
this man with so important a command; first of all, Oli was entirely
indebted to him for his successful career in life; secondly, he was a
married man; and lastly, he possessed considerable property in the
neighbourhood of Mexico; so that Cortes considered he could every way
place implicit reliance on his fidelity and obedience. As the route
overland to these provinces would have been too tedious, expensive, and
difficult, Cortes determined for an expedition thither by sea, and
fitted out five vessels and one brigantine, with three hundred and
seventy men, among whom there were one hundred musketeers and
crossbow-men, with twenty-two horse. In this corps there were also five
of the veteran Conquistadores, all men who had distinguished themselves
on every occasion. They had already settled themselves quietly down in
New Spain, and were in every respect entitled to enjoy the sweets of
repose; but Cortes was not the man to whom you could say, "I am now
tired, general, of military life, allow me therefore to spend the
remainder of my days in peace and quiet;" but he commanded you to go,
and if you would not, he forced you. Among other officers who
accompanied Oli was Briones of Salamanca, the same who commanded one of
the brigantines during the siege of Mexico, and who had formerly served
in the campaigns of Italy. This man was of a most irascible disposition,
and he hated Cortes from the bottom of his soul; but he was not the only
one, for several others took part in this expedition who were equally
ill inclined towards our general, who had made himself a great many
enemies among the troops, by neglecting to bestow upon them a fair
proportion of the Indians and of the gold.

Oli's instructions were to set sail from Vera Cruz, and shape his course
for the Havannah, where he would find Alonso de Conteras, one of Cortes'
veterans, whom the latter had despatched thither, in advance, with 6000
pesos, to purchase horses, cassave bread, and salted meat, for the
armament, all of which Oli was to take on board, and then sail straight
for the Higueras, to which place he would then have an easy voyage.
Cortes' further instructions were, that he should make every possible
effort to gain the Indians by kindness, and to build a town in some
advantageous spot, near some harbour, from whence he could by degrees
subject the whole country, and induce the inhabitants to bring in their
gold and silver; but he was, above all things, to search for the
passage to the southern ocean, and should he arrive there, to explore
the harbours on that coast, if he found any.

To this armament were also appointed two priests, one of whom understood
the Mexican language, and they were particularly desired to preach the
gospel among the Indians, and by kindly remonstrances, joined to
convincing arguments, induce them to abolish their human sacrifices,
with other abominations practised among them. Every place the troops
visited they were to look out for those diabolical cages in which the
Indians shut up those they intended as victims for their sacrifices;
these they were ordered to release, and the cages were to be destroyed.
The priests were also to erect crosses in every township, and they were
provided with a number of images of the Virgin Mary to present to the
inhabitants.

After Cortes had strongly impressed all this on Oli's mind, he bid him
and all his troops an affectionate farewell. When Oli arrived in Vera
Cruz he found everything in readiness, so that he was enabled to embark
immediately with his troops, and set sail; but I have forgotten both the
year and the day of the month when he left.[34] However, he had a very
favorable passage to the Havannah, where he found the horses, with the
provisions and other necessaries, in readiness. Here he was also joined
by five of the veteran Conquistadores, who had been banished from New
Spain by Diego de Ocampo, in the height of his wrath, during the
investigation into the affairs of Panuco, after Garay's troops had
occasioned an insurrection in that province. These men were the first
who whispered the idea into Oli's ear of revolting against Cortes, and
Briones had frequently spoken to him to the same effect; but Diego
Velasquez, governor of Cuba, and the mortal enemy of Cortes, urged him
in the strongest terms to refuse all further obedience to our general.
He even visited Oli on board the vessels, and they came to a secret
agreement between themselves jointly to subdue the Higueras and Honduras
in his majesty's name. Oli was to take upon himself the active part, and
Velasquez, on his side, was to procure him every necessary, and to
support him with his money. His majesty was to be duly apprized of all
this, and to be petitioned to confer upon them the government of all
their conquests.

With respect to Christobal de Oli, I must observe that he was a man of
uncommon bravery, and excelled both as a cavalry and foot soldier; but
he certainly did not possess sufficient talent for a commander-in-chief,
but was second to no man under command. About this time he may have been
in his forty-sixth year, and was either a native of Baeza or of Lunares.
His outward appearance was extremely handsome; high of stature,
carrying with it the very expression of muscular power; his limbs were
beautifully proportioned, and his shoulders broad, while a ruddy hue,
most pleasing to the eye, was constantly upon his cheek. There was only
one fault to be found with his features, which was a deep cut in his
under lip. In language he was rather imperious and coarse, but in other
respects very agreeable in conversation; he had, upon the whole, many
good qualities, particularly a noble frankness of disposition, which
gained him the confidence of every person. As long as he staid in Mexico
he was quite devoted to Cortes, but subsequently his ambitious desire
for command, and not to be commanded, with the bad advice of evil-minded
persons, completely blinded him. It must also be remembered that in his
early youth he had served under Velasquez, and he could not forget the
bread which, as a boy, he had eaten in his house. In this way it
happened that he quite forgot he was vastly more indebted to Cortes than
to Diego Velasquez.

After he had thus come to a secret understanding with the governor of
Cuba, he was visited by many of the inhabitants of this place, who all
strongly advised him to throw off the yoke of Cortes, thereby
strengthening him in his evil designs. The armament being now fully
equipped, he set sail from the Havannah, and arrived on the 3d of May,
after a very prosperous voyage, about sixty miles on the other side of
Puerto Caballo, and disembarked his men in a small bay, where he
immediately began to lay the foundations of a town, to which he gave the
name of Triunfo de la Cruz, and, according to the instructions he had
received from Cortes, he selected the alcaldes and regidors from among
the veteran Conquistadores above mentioned. He likewise took possession
of the country for his majesty in the name of Cortes, and otherwise
punctually obeyed the orders he had received, that the latter's friends
might not discover what his real intentions were, until a good
opportunity should offer itself of gaining them over to his side. I have
likewise been assured that, if he found these provinces did not produce
much gold or silver, he was determined to return to Mexico, and assure
Cortes that his only reason for making that secret agreement with
Velasquez was to procure troops and provisions at the latter's expense;
the best proof of which would be his having taken possession of the
country in Cortes' name.

Let us in the meantime allow Oli to build his new town, for it was not
till eight months after that Cortes received intelligence of his revolt,
when I will return to this subject. I must now relate what took place in
Guacasualco, and how I, with the captain Luis Marin, was despatched to
subdue the province of Chiapa.




CHAPTER CLXVI.

    _How we who were left behind in Guacasualco were constantly occupied
    in tranquillising the rebellious provinces; how Luis Marin, by
    command of Cortes, marches into Chiapa, to subject that province;
    myself and father Juan de las Varillas being particularly desired by
    Cortes to join him in this campaign._


A considerable number of us veteran Conquistadores and persons of
quality had settled ourselves in the province of Guacasualco, and the
lands which had been divided among us were of very considerable extent,
lying dispersed among the provinces of Guacasualco, Citla, Tabasco,
Cimatan, and Chontalpa, stretching across the mountains of Cachulazoque
and Guilenes as far as Cinacatan; including also Chamula, the town of
Chiapa, Papanaustla, and Pinula, in the neighbourhood of Mexico;
further, the provinces of Chaltepec, Guazcatepec, Chinanta, and Tepeaca,
besides several townships. But in the beginning most of the provinces we
had subdued in New Spain each time rebelled when the different
proprietors came to demand their tribute, and they were frequently put
to death by the inhabitants; which was also the case in Guacasualco,
where the whole of the townships had from time to time rebelled against
us; so that we were constantly obliged to march in small detachments
from one district to another, in order again to bring the inhabitants to
obedience.

Among others, the inhabitants of Cimatan likewise revolted, and
peremptorily refused to obey our mandates; and our captain Luis Marin,
not wishing to send any strong detachment of his troops thither at
first, despatched myself, Rodrigo de Enao, Francisco Martin, Francisco
Ximenes, with four Indians of Guacasualco, to the rebels, in order to
try if we could not induce them by kind remonstrances to return to their
duty.

In this province the generality of townships lie between marshes and
deep rivers; when, therefore, we had arrived within eight miles of the
place of our destination, we despatched a messenger to the inhabitants
to inform them of our arrival; but instead of returning any answer,
three separate bodies of their warriors, armed with bows and lances,
marched out against us, and attacked us so vigorously, that two of our
companions were instantly killed. I myself was dangerously wounded by an
arrow in the throat, from which the blood flowed so fast that my life
was in the utmost danger. Next Francisco Martin was wounded, who stood
close to me; and we, in our turn, certainly wounded several of the
enemy; but at length we were compelled to seek our safety in flight, and
try if we could not take possession of some canoes which lay near at
hand, in a river called the Macapa. While my comrades were striving to
accomplish this, I was obliged, though heavily wounded, to remain alone
behind; and in order not to be killed outright, I summoned what little
recollection I had, and hid myself between the bushes. Here I was again
enabled to take courage, and I swore to the blessed Virgin that these
dogs should not, at least, get me into their power this time! I then
collected all my strength, leaped forth from among the bushes, fell
vigorously upon the Indians, and I succeeded, by dint of heavy blows and
thrusts, to cut my way through them; so that I was enabled, though
wounded afresh, to reach the spot where Francisco Martin, with four
trustworthy Indians, was waiting with the canoes. Even then we must all
of us have undoubtedly been cut to pieces, if these faithful men had not
defended our baggage to the last, thereby drawing off the enemy's
attention from us; and while they were busily engaged in plundering our
trunks we found time to set the canoes afloat, and to push off from the
shore. Thus, through the great mercy of God, we made our escape by means
of these canoes, and passed across this deep and broad river, which
abounded with alligators; but in order to elude the pursuit of these
Cimatecs, we were obliged to conceal ourselves for the space of eight
days among the mountains. In the meantime the news of our disaster had
reached Guacasualco, and the four Indians, who had also been fortunate
enough to save themselves by flight, confidently asserted, as we were so
long in returning, that we must have been killed. Luis Marin, who
likewise gave us up for lost, had already, as was customary at that
time, divided our Indian commendaries among the other Conquistadores,
and had written to Cortes for fresh indentures to convey the property;
besides that, he had sold off all our moveable goods by public auction.
However, after the space of twenty-three days, we again, to the surprise
of all, made our reappearance in Guacasualco, where our friends were
indeed delighted to see us, but those who had obtained our possessions
drew very long faces.

Luis Marin was at length fully convinced that he should never be able to
put down the rebellion in the provinces, unless he was allowed a
stronger body of troops, for now he was sacrificing the lives of the few
men he had to no purpose. He resolved therefore to repair in person to
Mexico, and beg Cortes for a further reinforcement, and other
necessaries, to carry on a war. He particularly cautioned the Spaniards
to remain quiet during his absence, and ordered that they should not
move to a greater distance than twenty miles from the town, unless to
procure themselves provisions.

When Marin reached Mexico, and had given Cortes an account of the state
of affairs in Guacasualco, he only furnished him with twenty soldiers,
and desired him to return thither without delay. Among these was Alonso
de Grado, whom I have so often mentioned above, and father Juan de las
Varillas, who was a profound scholar, and had come to New Spain with
Zuazo. According to his own account, he had studied in the college of
Santa Cruz, at Salamanca, and he said he was of a very distinguished
family.

Marin's instructions from Cortes were to march with all the Spaniards
who had settled in Guacasualco, and the fresh troops he brought with
him, into Chiapa, to quell the disturbances, and found a new town in
this province. We therefore equipped ourselves in the best possible
manner for this campaign, and commenced operations by clearing the road
along the line of our route, for the country was full of swamps and
dangerous mountains. We had to carry along with us heavy beams, by means
of which our horse were to pass the marshes, but even those were
insufficient in many places. In this way, with the utmost difficulty, we
arrived at Tezpuatlan, which township we could only reach by ferrying
across a broad river in canoes, for which purpose we had first to run up
the river to a considerable distance. From this place we arrived at
Cachula, which lies high among the mountains, in the province of Chiapa,
and must not be confounded with a township of the same name, prettily
situated in the neighbourhood of la Puebla de los Angeles. Leaving
Cachula, we passed through several small townships dependent on it; here
we made ourselves a perfectly new road along the river, which flows from
Chiapa, for there was previously no road whatever in this place. The
inhabitants of the surrounding districts lived in perpetual fear of the
Chiapanecs, who at that time were the most warlike people of New Spain.
I will not even except the Tlascallans, the Mexicans, the Zapotecs, or
the Minges; nor were the monarchs of Mexico ever able to subdue them;
besides which, their population was extensive, and their warlike spirit
universally dreaded. They were continually at war with their neighbours
of Cinacatan, the tribes on the lake Quilenayas, and with the Zoques; in
short, they levied contributions on all the surrounding townships,
dragged the inhabitants forcibly away to sacrifice them to their gods,
and devoured their flesh at their festive orgies. They posted troops in
all the narrow passes of Teguantepec, to lay wait for the trading Indian
merchants, thereby often destroying all intercourse between the
different provinces. They had even carried off into slavery the
population of whole districts, and formed settlements of them in the
neighbourhood of Chiapa, compelling them to cultivate their plantations.

After we had marched to a considerable distance up this river towards
Chiapa, (it was during the lent of the year 1524,) we halted within a
short distance of this place. Here Marin reviewed his troops, which he
had been unable to do up to this moment, as a number of the inhabitants
of the country had been absent, besides many of the soldiers, to collect
the tribute of the townships, which lay dispersed among the Cachula
mountains. Our muster-roll gave twenty-five horse, but of which five
were scarcely fit for service; fifteen crossbow-men, and eight
musketeers. We had one field-piece, and one artilleryman, who had served
in the campaign of Italy; but that was all, for he was the most
determined coward I ever saw. The rest of our Spanish troops consisted
of those who were armed with swords and bucklers, amounting to sixty
men. Further we were joined by eighty Mexicans and the cazique of
Cachula, with several other distinguished personages. But the men of
this latter place stood in such dread of the enemy, that we could only
employ them in clearing the road as we advanced, and to transport our
baggage.

As we approached nearer to the enemy we conducted our march with greater
military precaution, and the nimblest of our men were always in front of
the troops. I myself formed one of the scouts on this occasion and had
left my horse behind, as the nature of the ground here was in every
respect unfavorable for the cavalry. We were continually a couple of
miles in advance of the main body, and as the inhabitants of Chiapa are
very expert huntsmen, we soon came up with some of them, and immediately
they kindled fires in various directions to assemble their warriors. In
the vicinity of their townships the road was uncommonly narrow, but the
country round about was beautifully cultivated with maise and different
kinds of leguminous plants. The first township we came to was Estapa,
which lay about sixteen miles from the chief town, and was totally
deserted by its inhabitants; but we found abundance of provisions,
consisting in fowls, maise, and other eatables, so that we had a right
good supper. As we had carefully posted our watches, and sent out the
patroles and pickets, we could not be taken by surprise, and two of the
horse came suddenly galloping up with the intelligence that a large body
of the enemy was approaching. However, we were always ready for action,
so that we marched out against them before they could enter the town. A
very severe conflict ensued, for the enemy were well provided with
bows, arrows, lances, pikes of uncommon length, and excellent cotton
cuirasses. Besides which they were armed with a species of club, shaped
like a scimitar, and as the ground was strewed with stones they did us
much injury with their slings, and by an artful manoeuvre attempted to
surround us, killing two of our men and four horses in the first
encounter. Besides which, father Juan and thirteen soldiers, with
several of our Indian auxiliaries, were wounded, and Luis Marin himself
in two places. The battle lasted until nightfall, when, to our great joy
the enemy retreated after we had severely punished them with our swords,
muskets, and other weapons. Fifteen of their number lay dead on the
field of battle, and several were so dreadfully wounded that they were
unable to move. Two of these, who appeared to be men of distinction,
assured us that we should be attacked on the following day by the whole
armed force of the country.

This night we spent in burying our dead and in dressing the wounds of
our men. Our captain was himself very unwell, as he had lost much blood;
and by standing so long on the field of battle had chilled his wounds.
We observed the utmost vigilance during this night: the horses stood
saddled, and the whole of us were ready for action at a moment's notice,
for we were almost certain that the enemy contemplated some sudden
attack. We considered our position in every respect dangerous, as with
all our firing and courageous fighting we had not been able to drive the
foe from the field of battle, and we soon discovered that we had to deal
with bold and intrepid warriors. Our cavalry were therefore commanded to
charge the enemy's line in small bodies, five abreast, and to poise
their lances at the face. Several of us veteran Conquistadores had
frequently cautioned the new recruits to adopt this mode of attack, but
many of them had neglected this good advice, and imagined they had done
enough by merely wounding their antagonist. Four of the less experienced
ones had paid dearly for this neglect, for the Indians wrested the
lances out of their hands and wounded them and their horses with their
own weapons. In this battle, six or seven of the enemy had boldly set
upon each horse at a time, and laid hold of them with their hands; one
of the men they had already dragged by force from his saddle, and they
would undoubtedly have carried him off and sacrificed him to their idols
if we had not hastened up to his assistance.

During this night we came to the determination of marching early the
next day against the town of Chiapa itself. And, indeed, it might in
every respect be termed a town, so fine an appearance had the houses,
besides being so regularly built. Its population amounted to above 4000
souls, in which that of the many surrounding townships is not included,
though the whole of them were subject to Chiapa. Early next morning,
accordingly, we marched forward for this place and observed the utmost
military precaution; but we had scarcely advanced one mile when we came
up with the united forces of this province. The enemy, with surprising
swiftness and accoutred in their most splendid war costume, fell upon us
from all sides at once under the most hideous yells, and fought with the
ferocity of infuriated lions. Our black artilleryman, (for he was every
way entitled to the appellation of <DW64>,) in the dread of the moment
had quite lost his senses, and forgot to fire the cannon; but when at
last, by hollowing out to him at the top of our voices, he summoned
sufficient courage to fire it with a trembling hand, he wounded three of
our own men, instead of committing any destruction among the enemy's
ranks. Our captain seeing how matters stood, now ordered the cavalry to
form themselves in the small bodies above mentioned, the rest of the
troops to close in a firm body together and in that way to fall
vigorously upon the enemy; but their numbers were too great, and if
there had not been many of us present who were accustomed to Indian
warfare, the rest of the troops would have been in the greatest
consternation. We were indeed astonished to find how firmly these
Indians maintained their ground. Father Juan kept constantly encouraging
us to the attack, by saying, "That our reward would lay with God and the
emperor." Our captain likewise animated us with the cry of: "Forward!
gentlemen, Santiago is with us!" And now we fell upon the enemy with
renewed courage and compelled them to give way. From the very
unfavorable state of the ground, which was covered with loose stones,
our cavalry were unable to pursue the enemy with any success; but we
kept as close at their heels as we possibly could, and marched with less
precaution, as we thought this day's work was at an end, and we offered
up thanks to God for our victory. However, when we had arrived near to
some small hills we found even larger bodies of men drawn up in order of
battle. Besides their usual weapons they had a number of ropes with
loops at the end, which they threw at the horses in order to pull them
to the ground. Strong nets which they use for the purpose of snaring the
wild deer were also fixed at certain distances to catch our horse, and
they had other smaller ropes with loops, which were to be thrown about
our necks to pull us towards them. The whole of these troops in an
instant fell upon us, pouring forth as they came along so vast a number
of stones, darts, and arrows, that almost every man of us received a
fresh wound. In this severe engagement we lost two Spaniards and five
horses, and four of the cavalry soldiers had their lances wrested from
their hands.

During this battle we saw a very fat old Indian female marching up and
down between the enemy's ranks. She was, we were told, venerated as a
goddess by these people. She had divined to her countrymen that we
should be vanquished the moment she appeared among them on the field of
battle. This woman carried in her hands an idol, carved of stone; and an
earthen censer, in which she burnt incense; her body was daubed all over
with various colours, and raw cotton was sticking to the paint. Without
evincing the least fear she walked into the midst of our Indian allies
while they were hotly engaged with the enemy; but this cursed witch met
with very little respect from them, for they tore her limb from limb.

When we saw what terrific bodies of the enemy attacked us from all
sides, and the astonishing bravery with which they fought, we began to
consider ourselves in a very critical position, and we begged of father
Juan to commend us in prayer to the protection of the Almighty. We then
once more fell vigorously upon the enemy and put them to flight. Numbers
concealed themselves in the fissures of the rocks, others threw
themselves into the river and sought to escape by swimming, of which art
these Indians are likewise perfect masters. We now halted for a short
time while father Juan sang a salve, in which those who had a good voice
joined in chorus. This melody was indeed pleasing to the ear, and we
thanked the Almighty the more fervently for this victory, when we
considered our great loss in killed and wounded. We then marched to a
small township at no great distance from the town, near the river side.
Here the cherry-trees were hanging full of ripe fruit, for it was then
lent, which is the season when cherries come to perfection in this
country, and they were of a most delicious flavour; we spent the whole
day here in order to bury our dead in places where they would not easily
be discovered by the inhabitants. Several of our men were wounded, and
ten of the horses very severely so; we therefore resolved to pass the
night in this township.

The hour of midnight was already past, when ten distinguished Indians
arrived in our camp from the townships in the neighbourhood of Chiapa.
They had crossed the deep and broad river with five canoes in the utmost
silence, in order to elude the vigilance of the Chiapanec troops, and as
they came creeping along the bank in a very suspicious manner they were
seized by our outposts and brought in prisoners, which was the very
thing they desired. When brought into the presence of our captain they
addressed him as follows: "We are not, sir, Chiapanecs, but natives of
the province of Xaltepec. The base Chiapanecs once commenced a
destructive war with us and put great numbers of our countrymen to
death, and after plundering us of all we possessed they carried off the
greater part of the inhabitants with our wives into slavery, to till
their grounds. It is now twelve years that we have toiled for them in
base servitude. We are compelled to labour in the plantations of our
oppressors, are obliged to fish for them and to do all manner of hard
work; but this is not all, for whenever it suits them they forcibly
carry off our wives and daughters. We now come to offer you a sufficient
number of canoes to pass the river, which we will despatch hither this
very night. We will also point out to you the safest ford, for we assure
you, without our assistance, you will have great difficulty and run
great risk in crossing over. In reward for this good office, we beg of
you when you shall have vanquished these Chiapanecs, to rescue us out of
their power and allow us to return to our homes. And in order that you
may place perfect reliance in what we have stated, we have brought as a
present for you three ornaments of gold in the shape of diadems, which
we have left behind in the canoes, besides some fowls and cherries."

They then begged permission of our captain to return to their canoes, in
order to fetch these presents, telling him what great precaution they
were obliged to use not to fall into the hands of the enemy, who had
posted watches everywhere along the river.

Our captain joyfully accepted of their kind offer, and not only promised
to grant them their wish of returning to their own country, but to give
them a share of the booty we should make in Chiapa. On further
questioning them respecting the last battle, they informed us that the
enemy had above 120 dead and wounded, but they were determined to attack
us the next day again with their united forces; besides that, they would
bring into the field the inhabitants of the townships which they, the
ambassadors, now represented, but assured our captain they had secretly
agreed among themselves to run over to him as soon as the action
commenced. The enemy intended, they further said, to fall upon us while
we were crossing the river, should we make this dangerous attempt.

Two of these Indians remained with us, while the others returned to
their townships, in order to make the necessary arrangements for
despatching twenty canoes to us by break of day, which arrived
punctually at the time mentioned. In the meantime we laid ourselves
down to enjoy a little rest, but took every precaution in posting our
watches, as we could plainly hear the wild music of shell-trumpets and
drums each time a fresh body of the enemy arrived on the banks of the
river.

When day began to dawn we again recognized our new friends as they were
secretly coming up with their canoes; but the Chiapanecs had already
suspected these people would turn their arms against them, and run over
to our side, and had taken several of them prisoners; the rest had fled
to the top of an elevated temple, where they fortified themselves, and
so it happened that the battle should first commence between the enemy
and their former slaves.

Our new allies now led us to the place where we were to ford the river,
and they exerted themselves to the utmost to hasten our passage across,
for they feared the enemy would sacrifice those of their countrymen whom
they had captured in the night, unless we arrived speedily to their
rescue. When we came to the ford our horse and foot united in a close
body together, in order to stand the better against the rapid stream; we
then boldly marched into the water, which reached up to our breasts; but
the canoes kept close up with us at our side, and in this way we
fortunately reached the opposite shore; but here we were suddenly
attacked by the enemy with excessive fury before the half of us could
get on dry ground. The greater part of us were instantly wounded, some
severely so in two places; two of the horses were lost, and one cavalry
soldier, named Guerra or Guerrero, a native of Toledo, had unfortunately
got with his horse into a whirlpool, where he himself was drowned, but
his horse swam on shore.

We were unable for a length of time to gain a firm footing on dry land,
and drive back the enemy; nor could we succeed till our new allies fell
upon their rear, and richly did they repay them for their last twelve
years of oppression. The whole of us now leaped on shore, and attacked
the enemy so vigorously that they fled away in disorder. Our captain
then drew up the troops in order of battle, desired our new allies, who
had assembled in great numbers, to join our ranks, and in this way, with
flying colours, we marched in a direct line for the metropolis itself.
When we arrived in the principal quarter of the town, where the temples
stood, we found the houses so crowded together, that we durst not risk
to quarter ourselves there, from fear of fire, but encamped in an open
space, where we were out of all danger. Our general then despatched
three of our new allies, and six Chiapanec chiefs, whom we had taken
prisoners, with a message to the enemy, desiring them to submit
peaceably to our emperor. These messengers were also commissioned to
inform the enemy that if they sued for peace without delay, their
recent hostilities would be pardoned; but in case they refused to do so,
we were determined to punish them severely, and would commence by
setting fire to the town. These threats soon brought the enemy to their
senses, and they immediately despatched ambassadors to us with a present
in gold, offered various excuses for having commenced hostilities with
us, and declared themselves vassals of our emperor. At the same time
they begged of our captain to forbid our allies setting fire to any more
of their dwellings; for they had burnt down several houses in a small
township near Chiapa. Luis Marin willingly complied with this request,
and strictly commanded both our allies and the inhabitants of Cachula
not to commit any further destruction of property.

In this town we found three large wooden cages filled with prisoners,
all of whom were merchants, who had been purposely waylaid on the high
road by the Chiapanecs, and thrown into these dens to fatten for their
sacrifices, and they were all fastened by means of collars to strong
beams. Some of these unfortunate beings belonged to the country of the
Tzapotecs, others to that of the Quilenes, and several of them were
inhabitants of Guautepec and of the province of Soconusco.

We instantly liberated the whole of these prisoners, and sent them to
their respective homes. We also found in the temples diabolical looking
idols, all of which father Juan ordered to be burnt on the spot, with
the remains of several old and young Indians who had been sacrificed in
these buildings. In the temples we also discovered traces of other
abominations of a most horrible nature.

Our captain now sent to every township in the neighbourhood, desiring
the inhabitants to come and sue for peace, and to declare themselves
vassals of our emperor. The first who came over were the people of
Cinacatan, Capanaustla, Pinola, Quehuiztlan, Chamula, and those of other
townships, whose names I have forgotten; after these came the Quilenes,
and other tribes who speak the Zoque language. All these tribes
expressed their utter astonishment that we should have been able to
vanquish the Chiapanecs with so small a body of men, but were
excessively rejoiced, for the whole of them were at enmity with this
people.

We remained altogether five days in Chiapa, during which time father
Juan celebrated the holy mass, confessed many of our men, and preached
several sermons to the Indians in their own language, of which he
possessed considerable knowledge. The inhabitants listened to him with
great delight, knelt down before the cross, and promised they would
allow themselves to be baptized. They became indeed excessively fond of
father Juan, and said we appeared to be a very good kind of people.
While we were thus living on the most friendly terms with the
inhabitants, one of our men, without asking our captain's leave, quitted
the camp with eight Mexicans, and marched to the township of Chamula,
which had already submitted to our arms without offering any resistance.
This man demanded, in the name of his captain, gold ornaments from the
inhabitants, of which they gave him a small quantity; but finding at
length he could exact no more from them, he took the principal cazique
prisoner, which presumptuous behaviour so exasperated the inhabitants,
that at first they were going to kill the Spaniard, but for the moment
contented themselves by rising up in arms, and persuaded their
neighbours of Quehuiztlan to do the same. When Luis Marin received
intelligence of this, he ordered the guilty Spaniard to be brought into
his presence, and immediately sent him off to Mexico, there to appear
before the tribunal of Cortes, being unwilling to punish him himself, as
he was a person in high authority; nor will I, for the sake of his
honour, mention his name at present, as I shall again have occasion to
speak about him, for he afterwards committed an offence of a more
criminal nature, and was, upon the whole, very cruel to the Indians.
Luis Marin then sent a messenger to the Chamulans, desiring them to
return to their former obedience, as he had sent the Spaniard who had
offended them to Mexico, where he would meet with severe punishment; but
they returned a most impudent answer to this message, which we were the
more determined to resent, as they had incited their neighbours of the
surrounding townships to join them in the revolt. We therefore resolved
to march against Chamula, and not to desist until we had thoroughly
subdued the inhabitants.

Before our departure, father Juan and our captain said many edifying
things to the inhabitants of Chiapa respecting our holy religion, and
admonished them to abolish their idol-worship, the sacrificing of human
beings, and other abominations which they practised. Father Juan then
placed a cross and the image of the blessed Virgin on the altar which
had been erected, and Luis Marin explained to them, among other things,
how we were all vassals of our great emperor, and then took possession
of above half their town, in which we intended to form a settlement. Our
new allies, who were so serviceable to us in assisting us across the
river, marched, with their wives, children, and all their property from
the land of the Chiapanecs, and settled themselves forty miles further
down the river, at a spot where at present Xaltepec stands, the
neighbouring township of Istatlan being also comprehended in their
territory.

Before we entered on our expedition against Chamula, we sent to the
inhabitants of Cinacatan, who are a people of sound understanding, and,
for the greater part, merchants, desiring them to provide us with 200
porters, as we should pass over their town on our way to Chamula. In the
same way we requested the Chiapanecs to furnish us with 200 of their
warriors to join us in this campaign; these they supplied without any
hesitation.

In this way we marched out one morning very early from Chiapa, and
arrived on the first day near some salt pits, where the people of
Cinacatan had erected huts for us made of green boughs; and about noon
on the following day, which happened to be Easter Sunday, we reached the
latter township itself. From this place we once more sent a message to
the Chamulans, desiring them to return to obedience; but as they still
obstinately refused, we were obliged to continue our march thither. The
distance from Cinacatan to Chamula may have been about twelve miles; the
town itself, from its natural position, was a perfect fortress, and on
the side we contemplated our attack was a deep ravine, which was even
more formidable and less easy of approach at other points. When we had
arrived near to the town, we were greeted by so vast a number of arrows,
darts, and stones from the heights above, that the ground was literally
covered with them, and five Spaniards, with four horses, were wounded;
the enemy, at the same time, yelling most hideously, accompanied by the
wild music of shell-trumpets, pipes, and drums, all of which must indeed
have terrified those who had never heard the like before. Our captain
soon discovered that the cavalry would not be able to act at all among
these rugged mountains, and therefore ordered them to move back again
into the plain beneath, and watch the movements of the Quiahuitlans, who
had likewise revolted, and might fall upon our rear while we were thus
hotly engaged with the Chamulans.

We now commenced an incessant fire upon the enemy with our muskets and
crossbows, but were unable to do them any injury, so securely were they
posted behind the breastworks, their position being in every respect
advantageous, and they continually wounded our men. In this way the
battle lasted until nightfall, and we were no further advanced than when
we commenced our attack in the morning. At one time we attempted to
force a passage which led between the ramparts; but here no less than
2000 Indians stretched out against us a forest of long lances; and if we
had entered this passage we should have run great danger of being pushed
headlong down the deep hollow, and so have been dashed to atoms. Finding
we should never be able to make any impression on the fortress in this
way, we determined to send to a small township in the neighbourhood for
some wood and other materials, and to construct a species of penthouse
sufficiently large to cover twenty men, who were to undermine the
fortress with mattocks and pick-axes. Accordingly, when the penthouse
was finished, our men set hard to work, and at length succeeded in
cutting an opening sufficiently large to admit one person at a time; and
by this means only was it possible to get into the town, for we had
carefully inspected the spot on all sides, full four miles in
circumference, and we found but one other entrance to this rocky height,
which would have been even more difficult to force, and a person might
as well have thrown himself at once down an abyss as to have attempted
an attack upon it, so very steep was the descent. While we were busily
at work under our penthouse in widening the breach, the enemy cast down
upon us a quantity of burning pitch and resin, boiling water and blood,
hot ashes and firebrands; but when they found we were not to be daunted
by this, they rolled down huge pieces of rock upon the penthouse, by
which it was shattered, and we were obliged to retire in order to
construct stronger ones.

When these were finished, and we were again moving on with them towards
the breaches we had made, four priests, with several distinguished
personages, all well covered with shields, appeared on the battlements,
and cried out to us, "As your only object is to obtain gold, come in
here, we have it in abundance!" With these words they threw towards us
seven diadems of very fine gold, besides various other trinkets, all of
which they accompanied by a cloud of stones, arrows, and darts. As we
had by this time made two considerable breaches, and it was growing dark
and beginning to rain, we retreated to our camp for the remaining part
of the day: our captain also sent orders to the cavalry not to quit
their position on the level plain, but narrowly to watch the enemy's
movements, and to keep their horses ready saddled and bridled.

The enemy continued their fearful yells during the whole of the night,
with the discordant sound of shell-trumpets, drums, and screeching
pipes. The next day, they said, we were all to be killed, for this had
been promised them by their gods. The following morning early, when we
again moved forward with our penthouses to widen the breaches, the enemy
defended themselves right valiantly, and wounded five of our men. I
myself received a heavy thrust from a lance, which completely pierced my
armour, and I should certainly have lost my life on the spot if my
cuirass had not been strongly quilted with cotton. Thus I fortunately
escaped with only a slight wound, and with my jacket considerably torn.

By this time it was mid-day, and rain fell in torrents, which was
followed by so dense a fog that we could scarcely see each other; for as
this township lay very high among the mountains, it either rained there,
or the place was enveloped in a mist. Owing to the great darkness, our
captain had ordered the men to desist from the attack; but, for myself,
as I was well acquainted with the Mexican mode of warfare, I soon
concluded, from the circumstance of the enemy's war music gradually
dying away, and their yells becoming less frequent, that they were
likewise desirous of retiring, on account of the fog. After a short time
I could not count above 200 of the enemy's lances; so that I, with one
of my companions, boldly entered one of the breaches, and we certainly
did not encounter a greater number of the enemy than I had counted
lances. In an instant they fell upon us, and we should undoubtedly have
been killed if some Indians of Cinacatan had not hastened to our
assistance and alarmed the rest of our troops, who now likewise forced
their way in between the breaches into the fortress. As soon as the
enemy espied our troops rushing in, they fled precipitately; the women
and children ran off to the other declivity, which was the most
difficult to reach; we, however, followed them closely, and took a
number of them prisoners, besides thirty men. The township was now
entirely in our possession, but we found nothing in it, with the
exception of a few provisions, and we quitted the place almost
immediately again. We then returned along the road leading to Cinacatan,
and formed our camp on the banks of the river where at present Ciudad
Real stands, which is also termed Chiapa de los Espanoles. When we had
arrived here, our captain liberated six of the women and a like number
of the men, and despatched them to their countrymen with offers of
peace, and also to assure them they had nothing further to fear from
us,--on the contrary, we would liberate all the prisoners we had taken.
This message met with a favorable reception, and ambassadors were sent
to us next morning by the inhabitants, who now, for the second time,
declared themselves vassals of our emperor, and, as we had promised, all
the prisoners were instantly restored to their families.

After we had satisfactorily arranged all matters here, Luis Marin
presented the township of Chamula to me as a commendary, for Cortes had
expressly desired him to give me some valuable possession in the
conquered countries. I always stood upon very good terms with Luis
Marin, and he had not forgotten that I was the first man who forced his
way into the town. This place, according to the deeds I received from
Cortes, was given to me in perpetuity, but I only enjoyed the rents
which it produced for little more than eight years, at the end of which
time Ciudad Real was founded, and my commendary became the property of
the inhabitants. When I entered into possession of it, I desired father
Juan to preach to the inhabitants, and to explain our holy religion to
them, with which he willingly complied, and ordered an altar to be
constructed in the town, on which he placed a cross and the image of the
blessed Virgin. Fifteen of the inhabitants allowed themselves to be
baptized, and the father said he hoped to God they might all become good
Catholic Christians. I felt highly delighted with all this; for, as
these people were my own property, I naturally took a more particular
interest in their welfare.

Though Chamula had again submitted to our arms, the townships of
Guegustitlan still obstinately held out, notwithstanding all our kind
messages to the caziques; we had, therefore, no other resource left than
to march against them, and subdue them by force of arms. Each of these
townships (for there were three) was strongly situated, and we therefore
left our allies, with the baggage, in the camp, our captain only taking
the most nimble and active of the Spanish troops with him, besides 300
warriors of Cinacatan. The distance to Guegustitlan was sixteen miles;
but the enemy had everywhere cut down trees and constructed barricades
along the line of our march to obstruct the cavalry; however, with the
assistance of our Indian friends, we soon cleared these obstacles out of
our way, and it was not long before we attacked one of the three
townships. The place was well fortified and filled with warriors fully
equipped for war; we, nevertheless, stormed the town, although it was
even more difficult of access than Chamula. The enemy had not waited to
offer any resistance to our arms, and we found the town quite deserted
by its inhabitants, who had also carried off all their store of
provisions; but it was not long before our Indian friends brought in two
of the inhabitants prisoners, whom our captain immediately liberated,
desiring them to go and call their countrymen. We staid one whole day in
this place, during which time the inhabitants of all three townships
submitted themselves as vassals to our emperor, and presented us with a
small quantity of gold and some quetzal feathers, which are of great
value in this country.

After we had returned to our camp we deliberated whether or not we
should follow up Cortes' instructions, and lay the foundations of a town
in this neighbourhood. Many of us were in favour of doing so, but
others, who had lucrative possessions in Guacasualco, were quite
opposed to it, and said we should have no shoes for the horses; that the
most of us were wounded, and we were altogether too small in numbers to
think of settling in a country so thickly populated: besides that, all
the townships were strongly situated among steep mountains, inaccessible
to our cavalry. But those who objected most to our founding a colony
here were Luis Marin himself and Diego de Godoy, a very blustering sort
of a man, both of whom felt more inclination to return to Guacasualco.

I have above spoken of a certain Alonso de Grado, who was a very
turbulent fellow, though but a poor soldier. This man had managed to
procure privately from Cortes a certain grant by which he was to have
half the gold we should find in Chiapa when we had subjected this
township. Grado now produced this document and claimed half of the gold
found in the temples of this place, and of that which we had obtained
from the inhabitants, altogether valued at about 15,000 pesos; but our
captain maintained that, out of this gold, the value of the horses was
to be deducted which had been killed in our recent campaign. This, added
to other circumstances, gave rise to high words between the two, and
Grado frequently made use of unbecoming expressions during the dispute;
and the secretary Godoy, to make matters worse, now also put in his
word, and things at length came to such a pass that Luis Marin lost all
patience, and threw both these gentlemen into chains. After they had
been in prison for about eight days, our captain sent Grado on his
parole to Mexico, and also released Godoy, who had shown full contrition
for his past behaviour. This was very impolitic on the part of Luis
Marin as far as regarded himself, for Grado and Godoy now concocted
measures together, and the latter wrote a letter to Cortes, in which he
scandalized our captain in every possible manner. Alonso de Grado also
requested me to draw up a letter to Cortes, in which he wished me to
exculpate him in this affair, for he had been assured by Godoy that
Cortes would believe me. I willingly complied with his request, and drew
up a faithful account of the whole matter, but stated that no blame
could be attached to Luis Marin. With these letters Grado set out for
Mexico, after our captain had made him promise on oath to appear before
Cortes within the space of eight days; for the distance from this place
to Mexico by the road we had marched was 760 miles.

Our next step was to march to Cimatan, in order to punish its
inhabitants, who, it will be remembered, killed two Spaniards on the
occasion when Francisco Martin and myself so narrowly escaped. When we
were on our march thither, and had arrived at no great distance from
Tapelola, we came to some large mountains, containing several dangerous
passes, through which our march lay to this township; Luis Marin,
therefore, sent to the caziques of this place, desiring them to clear
the roads for us that our horses might pass along in greater safety.
This they readily undertook to do; but even then it was with great
difficulty our cavalry could pass through the defiles. From Tapelola we
marched peaceably over the townships Silo, Suchiapa, and Coyumelapa, to
Panguaxaya, and it was not until we approached the townships of
Tecomayacatl and Ateapan, which then formed but one town, that matters
began to assume a different aspect. These were the most populous
townships in the province, and formed part of my commendary. As the
inhabitants of themselves were very numerous, and had besides called in
the assistance of their neighbours, they mustered a very considerable
body of troops, and attacked us as we were crossing the deep river which
flows through the midst of their town. Six Spaniards were wounded and
three of our horses killed, the battle continuing very sharply for a
length of time before we could reach the opposite shore and drive the
enemy back, who set fire to the houses in their flight, and then escaped
to the mountains. Here we rested for five days to cure our wounds, and
we sent out frequent foraging parties who captured many a fine Indian
female. We then forwarded a message to the inhabitants, inviting them to
return to obedience, with which they instantly complied, and their wives
and children were again restored to them. The secretary Godoy had indeed
advised Luis Marin not to return the prisoners, but to mark them with
the iron and retain them as slaves, a punishment to which all those were
subject who had once acknowledged themselves vassals of our emperor, and
afterwards revolted without any apparent reason. These people, Godoy
maintained, had commenced hostilities with us from sheer obstinacy, and
we ought at least to demand a sufficient number of slaves as a
compensation for the loss of our three horses. For myself, I loudly
protested against this, and said it would be unjust to punish these
people who had freely submitted again to our arms. At length Godoy and
myself got to high words about this matter, which ended in our drawing
swords and wounding each other, when our friends interfered and brought
about a reconciliation between us. Luis Marin, who was, upon the whole,
a very kind-hearted man, was convinced of the justness of my
observation, and ordered all the prisoners to be returned to the
caziques, and so we departed from them in perfect peace.

From this place we marched towards Cimatlan and Talatupan. At the
entrance of this township the Indians had constructed, on the top of a
hill, a species of rampart, with loop-holes, beyond which lay a marsh of
considerable extent. When we had arrived up to this outwork, the enemy
suddenly showered their arrows upon us, wounding above twenty of our men
and killing two horses; and if we had not made a hasty retreat our loss
might have been very serious.

The Indians of this province excel as archers, and fly their arrows with
so much strength that they will pierce a jacket doubly quilted with
cotton.

After this momentary attack upon us, the Indians drew back to the
marshes, and we remained two whole days in this place, during which time
we despatched several messages to them; but as they obstinately refused
to submit, and were securely posted between the swamps, where our horse
could not manoeuvre, nor would it have been an easy matter for the foot
to have got at them, and as we ourselves were quite tired of roving
about, we unanimously determined to march back to Guacasualco. We took
our route through the townships of Guimango, Nacaxu, Xuica,
Teotitan-Copilco, and several others, all belonging to the province of
Chontalpa. We then crossed the rivers Ayagualulco, and Tonala, and we
arrived safely in Guacasualco, when the owners of those horses which had
been killed in this campaign were reimbursed for their loss from the
gold collected in Chiapa and Chamula.

In the meantime Alonso de Grado reached Mexico, and presented himself to
Cortes; who, when he learnt the real state of the case, grew excessively
angry with this officer, and said to him, "It appears thus, Senor
Alonso, that you cannot live in peace with any one! I must earnestly
advise you to alter your bad disposition; if not, I will give you 3000
pesos, and send you off to Cuba. I cannot suffer you to go on in this
manner any longer!" Alonso de Grado then humbly begged his pardon, and
expressed his sorrow for what had happened, so that our general, and
even Luis Marin, became reconciled to him shortly after.

I must now conclude this chapter, in order to acquaint the reader with
what was going on at the imperial court in Spain respecting the bishop
of Burgos.




CHAPTER CLXVII.

    _How our agents in Spain brought certain accusations against the
    bishop of Burgos, and what further happened._


The reader must have seen, from what I have stated in former chapters,
that the bishop of Burgos and archbishop of Rosano, Don Juan Rodriguez
de Fonseca, favoured Diego Velasquez in every way, and that, on the
other hand, he took every opportunity of thwarting the designs of Cortes
and of all of us. But now, by divine permission of the Lord Jesus
Christ, the holy father Adrian[35] was elected Pope in the year 1521;
and as this happened at the time he was governor of Spain, our agents
repaired to the town of Vittoria, where he was then residing, to kiss
his holiness's feet. There arrived with them, at the same time, in
Vittoria, a German gentleman of distinction named La Chau,[36] who had
been despatched thither by the emperor to congratulate the new Pope. As
this gentleman had heard a great deal of the heroic deeds of Cortes and
his troops, how we had conquered New Spain, what great and memorable
services we had rendered to his majesty, and of the many thousands of
Indians we had converted to Christianity, he supplicated his holiness to
investigate the matter of dispute between Cortes and the bishop of
Burgos. To this his holiness consented, and he immediately took the
matter in hand, which he did the more earnestly, as the complaints of
our agents had emboldened several other men of distinction to prefer
charges of injustice and oppression against the bishop. This bishop was,
upon the whole, detested, as, in his capacity of president of the
council of the Indies, during the emperor's absence in Flanders, he had
governed in the most arbitrary manner; notwithstanding this, it was a
matter of no small difficulty for our agents to reject him as the judge
in our own affairs.

Francisco de Montejo, Diego de Ordas, the licentiate Francisco Nunez,
and Martin Cortes, were purposely staying at Valladolid to wait an
opportunity of preferring their charges against the bishop. In this
place they found great protection and favour from several distinguished
cavaliers and grandees of the court, particularly from the duke of
Bejar, so that our agents were emboldened to maintain with great
firmness that they could not acknowledge the bishop as judge in their
affairs, for which they gave the following reasons:

Firstly. Diego Velasquez had given the bishop of Burgos a very lucrative
commendary in Cuba, the gold mines of which the former worked with the
inhabitants of the island, and sent the produce to Spain for the
bishop. Not one of the townships of that island had Velasquez set apart
for the emperor, although he was so greatly indebted to him.

Secondly. In the year 1517 one hundred and ten of us, under an officer
named Cordoba, had fitted out an armament at our own expense, with which
we had discovered and explored the coast of New Spain. The circumstances
relative to the expedition had been so represented to his majesty by the
bishop of Burgos, as if Velasquez had fitted out the armament at his own
expense, and had discovered the country himself, although he had had
nothing to do with it either one way or the other.

Thirdly. It was not until this expedition returned that Velasquez sent
out one of his nephews, named Juan Grijalva, with a small armament to
make further discoveries. Grijalva returned to Cuba with above 20,000
pesos' worth of gold, the greater part of which found its way into the
pocket of the bishop, and not a fraction of it was paid into the royal
treasury.

Fourthly. When Cortes, during the progress of the conquest of New Spain,
despatched Montejo and Puertocarrero, cousin to the earl of Medellin, to
Spain, with the sun of gold, the moon of silver, and the gold dust, with
various kinds of jewels and trinkets as a present to his majesty,
accompanied by despatches from Cortes and all the Conquistadores,
containing a full account of our transactions in the new world, the
bishop refused to give our agents an audience, and abused them in a most
shameful manner, calling them traitors and the agents of a traitor, and
took away from them the present we had destined for his majesty. He
suppressed our despatches to the emperor, and sent his majesty an
account which was the very opposite of ours, and had represented matters
in such a way as though everything came from his creature Diego
Velasquez. But he did not stop here; for he retained the greater part of
the valuable present himself, and when Puertocarrero begged permission
of the bishop to repair in person to his majesty in Flanders, he cast
him into prison, where he died.

Fifthly. The bishop had forbidden the two chief harbour-masters of
Seville to allow any vessels having on board troops, ammunition, or
other matters for Cortes, to leave that harbour.

Sixthly. The bishop, without authority from his majesty, had wished to
give the most important appointments to men who neither possessed the
requisite talents nor merited to fill such offices: for instance, the
government of New Spain he had conferred upon Christobal de Tapia, who
could not even have been intrusted with an inferior command, and whose
only claim to that office was his marriage with Dona Petronella de
Fonseca, a niece of the bishop, and a near relative of Velasquez.

And lastly. The bishop lent a favorable ear to all the false statements
of Velasquez's agents, while he suppressed, distorted, and garbled the
true and faithful accounts which Cortes and the rest of us despatched to
his majesty.

These and other complaints against the bishop, which were accompanied by
undeniable proofs were properly drawn up by our agents, and with these
they repaired to Saragossa, where his holiness was staying, to whom they
handed over this document and challenged the bishop as an unfit person
to be judge in these matters.

After his holiness had perused this representation of the case, and had
convinced himself that there was very little truth with regard to the
enormous expenses to which Velasquez pretended to have put himself, and
that upon the whole he had only had the interest of his patron and the
bishop at heart; but that Cortes, on the other hand, had had the
interest of the emperor in view, his holiness not only declared that the
bishop was unfit to preside as judge in the dispute between Cortes and
Velasquez, but superseded him as president of the council of the Indies.

His holiness at the same time appointed Cortes governor of New Spain,
and decreed that Velasquez was to be reimbursed for his expenses in
fitting out the armament. His holiness also sent several papal bulls
with a number of indulgences for the hospitallers and the churches of
New Spain, and addressed a separate letter to Cortes, and the whole of
us Conquistadores, in which his holiness admonished us to use our utmost
endeavours to convert the Indians to Christianity; to abolish all human
sacrifices and other abominations from the country, and to gain the
friendship of the people: hereby we should merit the highest rewards
from his majesty, and his holiness, as the pastor of our souls, would
supplicate the Almighty in prayer to send a blessing on our endeavours
in the service of Christianity. This letter was likewise accompanied by
other bulls, by which absolution was granted us for all the sins we had
committed during the conquest.

After this very favorable decision of his holiness, both as supreme
pontiff and governor of Spain, our agents themselves wrote to his
majesty, who had just arrived from Flanders,[37] and inclosed certain
papers which had been drawn up by his holiness respecting the
subject-matter. His majesty, after making the most minute inquiries into
the affair, confirmed the decision of the pope, appointed Cortes
governor of New Spain, and also ordered that Velasquez should be
reimbursed the expenses of the expedition. But the emperor even went
further than this, and deprived Velasquez of the government of Cuba,
because he had fitted out the armament under Narvaez for New Spain
without his permission, and in opposition to the commands of the royal
court of audience at St. Domingo, and of the Hieronymite brotherhood;
also because he had refused to obey the orders of the auditor Vasquez de
Aillon, and had even had the audacity to throw him into prison, though
he had been expressly despatched to Cuba by order of the royal court of
audience to forbid the armament leaving this island.

When the bishop of Burgos was informed of the decision to which his
holiness and his majesty had come, he fell ill from excessive vexation,
quitted the court and retired to his country seat at Toro. His brother,
Don Antonio de Fonseca,[38] lord of Coca and Alaexos, tried all in his
power to get him reinstated into his late office, but all his endeavours
proved fruitless with the emperor.

Thus, all in a moment, everything terminated favorably for Cortes, but
the instability of good fortune soon began to show itself, for now
Narvaez, Christobal de Tapia, and the soldier Cardenas brought heavy
accusations against him. To all of which was added the charges preferred
against our general by the pilot Umbria, whom Cortes had sentenced to
have his legs cut off on the occasion when Cermenno and Escudero were
hung for a conspiracy they had formed against his life.




CHAPTER CLXVIII.

    _How Narvaez, Christobal de Tapia, the pilot Umbria, and the soldier
    Cardenas, bring heavy accusations against Cortes, at the instigation
    of the bishop of Burgos, and what judgment his majesty pronounced._


After the pope and the emperor, as I have just related, had pronounced
judgment in favour of Cortes, Pamfilo de Narvaez and Christobal de Tapia
arrived in Spain. They were accompanied by the soldier Cardenas and the
pilot Umbria, and immediately repaired to the bishop of Burgos at Toro,
and begged of him to aid in the accusations which they had determined to
bring against Cortes before his majesty. As nothing could be more
welcome to the bishop than this, he promised to lend them every support,
and upon his advice they joined Velasquez's agents, named Bernardino
Velasquez, Benito Martin, and Manuel de Rojas, and presented themselves
to his majesty, before whom they preferred the following charges against
Cortes:

Firstly. Diego Velasquez had sent out three several armaments for the
discovery and colonization of New Spain, in which he had expended large
sums of money. Of one of these expeditions he had appointed Cortes
commander-in-chief, but the latter had deserted with the whole armament
and had refused all further obedience to him.

Secondly. When Diego Velasquez upon this despatched Narvaez with
eighteen vessels, 1300 foot, a considerable body of horse, musketeers,
and crossbow-men to New Spain, Cortes not only refused to acknowledge
the papers in which the president of the council of the Indies conferred
the government of the country on Narvaez, but he had even attacked the
latter with his troops, killed several of his officers, and then, after
Narvaez had lost an eye in the battle, took him and the whole of his men
prisoners.

Thirdly. When upon this the bishop of Burgos conferred the appointment
of governor of New Spain upon Christobal de Tapia, and the latter
repaired in person thither to enter upon the government in the name of
his majesty, Cortes again refused all obedience and forced Tapia to
leave the country.

Fourthly. Cortes had demanded in the name of his majesty large
quantities of gold from all the townships throughout New Spain, which
the inhabitants accordingly had brought him, but he had put the whole of
it in his private purse.

Fifthly. Cortes had taken an equal fifth with his majesty of the booty
found in Mexico, which had created great discontent among the men.

Sixthly. He had tortured Quauhtemoctzin and other caziques, in order to
extort more gold from them.

Seventhly. Cortes never divided any of the gold among his troops, but
kept all to himself.

Eighthly. Cortes was building himself palaces and houses with
fortifications, which had the extent of whole townships; the inhabitants
of the surrounding districts were compelled to labour in the
construction of the edifices, and were obliged to fetch large cedar
trees and enormous blocks of stone from the most distant parts.

Ninethly. He had poisoned Francisco de Garay in order that he might get
possession of his vessels and of his troops.

Besides these they brought many similar charges against Cortes, so that
his majesty was excessively annoyed, imagining that all they said was
true, and he would not listen to any more, telling them that these
accusations were quite sufficient.

During this audience, Narvaez, with his stentorian voice, was heard to
express himself as follows: "Your majesty can easily imagine how matters
went with me on the night that Cortes attacked and defeated me; for when
his men thrust out one of my eyes, and I found my quarters all in
flames, I quickly secreted the deed by which I held my appointment from
your majesty, between my cuirass; but one of Cortes' officers took these
papers forcibly from me, nor could I obtain possession of them again.
They even spread the rumour that I had no appointment at all, but that
the papers they took from me were bonds of some kind or other."

The emperor could not help laughing at what Narvaez said, but promised
that he and the others should have justice done them. His majesty then
appointed a commission from the gentlemen of his court and of his privy
council, in whose honesty he could place the most implicit confidence to
make inquiries into the several charges, and to pronounce judgment upon
them. The names of the gentlemen who composed this commission were:
Mercurio Catarinario,[39] high chancellor of Italy; senor la Chau; the
doctor de la Rocha; Hernando de Vega, who was lord of Grajales and
comendador-mayor of Castile; the doctor Lorenzo Galindez de Caravajal,
and the licentiate Vargas, who was treasurer-general of Castile. His
majesty desired these gentlemen to make the most minute investigation
respecting the dispute between Velasquez and Cortes, and also into the
present charges which were preferred against the latter; and
particularly recommended them to have no regard to persons, but to give
their decision in conformity with strict justice. These gentlemen then
assembled in the house of the high chancellor, and ordered Narvaez, with
his three companions and the agents of Velasquez into their presence. In
the same way they cited before them Martin Cortes, the licentiate Nunez,
Montejo, and Ordas. These latter gentlemen being made acquainted with
the several charges which had been prepared against Cortes, replied to
the following effect:

That with regard to the assertion, that Velasquez was the first
discoverer of New Spain, and that he had expended large sums of money in
the discovery, it was entirely false, as the whole merit of it was due
to Cordoba, who had fitted out the armament at his own expense.
Velasquez, on the contrary, in many circumstances connected with this
expedition, had laid himself open to the imputation of guilt, as he had
tried all in his power to induce Cordoba and his companions, for certain
considerations, to land at the Guanajas islands, in order to carry away
forcibly from thence a great number of the inhabitants as slaves, to
work his mines in Cuba; of all of which our agents produced undeniable
proofs. Neither could Velasquez, they continued, claim any merit to
himself when he subsequently despatched his relative Grijalva to New
Spain, as he had not commissioned him to form any settlements, but he
merely desired him to carry on a trade of barter with the Indians. Nor
had Velasquez put himself to any great expense on this occasion, as the
greater part of the expenses in fitting out the armament had been borne
by the officers and soldiers themselves, one of whom, Francisco de
Montejo, now stood before the honorable commission. From this expedition
Grijalva had returned to Cuba with 20,000 pesos worth of gold, of which,
however, Velasquez had not paid one farthing into the royal treasury,
but claimed the whole amount for himself, and sent it to the bishop of
Burgos, to obtain further favours from him. In the same way he had
bestowed upon the bishop great numbers of Indians to work his gold mines
in Cuba, without his ever so much as thinking to set any of the
townships apart for the crown. Of all this they likewise produced
undeniable proofs.

If Velasquez, continued our agents, did give Cortes the chief command of
the armament he afterwards fitted out, his appointment was certainly by
divine ordinance, and it proved most fortunate for the emperor's
interest, as every other general must have succumbed to the immense
bodies of the enemy which everywhere opposed his march into the interior
of the country. However, Velasquez's intention in fitting out this
expedition was not to make any conquests, or form any settlements, but
merely to carry on a trade of barter with the Indians; in proof of
which, they could produce the original papers, containing his
instructions. Cortes had remained in that country, and founded a colony
there, because his troops had insisted on it, and because he himself was
convinced that it would be both serviceable to God and to his majesty.
Respecting all these circumstances, Cortes' troops drew up an account,
which they had despatched to his majesty, with all the gold they had
collected up to that moment; indeed Cortes and his men were never for a
moment forgetful of the deep veneration and the dutiful obedience which
they owed to their monarch. Our agents then gave a long description of
the great partiality which the president of the council of the Indies
had undisguisedly shown on every occasion for Velasquez; how he had
taken all the gold, with our despatches, from our agents, and put half
of the former into his own pocket; how he had calumniated us to his
majesty, purposely omitted to mention what great services we had
rendered to the crown, suppressed real facts, and altogether placed
things in a false light. But this was not all; for when our agents
wished to repair in person to Flanders, in order to throw themselves at
his majesty's feet, and give him a faithful account of all the
circumstances, the bishop cast one of those gentlemen, named
Puertocarrero, a relative of the earl of Medellin, into prison, where he
died. With the same hostile feeling and party spirit the bishop had
issued peremptory orders that neither ammunition, troops, nor anything
else destined for Cortes, should leave the port of Seville, and every
obstacle was to be laid in his way to thwart his designs. He had not
hesitated to term Cortes and the whole of his men a pack of traitors;
and the only cause of his hatred was his own interested connexion with
Velasquez, and the intended marriage of his niece with Christobal de
Tapia, in consideration of which the latter was to receive the
appointment of governor of New Spain.

In proof of this and other matters, our agents produced copies of
letters we had written to his majesty, besides other important
documents; so that Velasquez's party were unable to confute them on any
point.

With respect to the armament of Narvaez, continued our agents, Velasquez
had fully deserved punishment of death, as he had fitted it out against
Cortes without any authority from his majesty, and against the wishes
and express orders of the royal court of audience at St. Domingo, and of
the Hieronymite brotherhood, whom the emperor had appointed viceroys of
the West Indies. Diego Velasquez had, upon the whole, troubled himself
very little about his majesty, but had always applied to the president
of the council of the Indies. In his hatred he had forgotten the true
interests of the crown, for which reason he had continually bred
disturbances among the troops in New Spain, though it was so necessary
towards the conquest of the country, and the conversion of the
inhabitants, to maintain the strictest union among the men. Velasquez
had gone so far in his refractory and disrespectful behaviour towards
the authorities of St. Domingo, that he had ordered to be imprisoned and
sent back to Cuba the licentiate Vasquez de Aillon, whom the royal court
of audience had expressly despatched to New Spain to admonish Narvaez
not to commence hostilities with Cortes. As Narvaez was now himself
present, and had had the audacity to accuse Cortes and his troops of
_crimen laesae majestatis_, they must retort this charge upon him, and
they demanded that punishment of death might be pronounced against him,
as the moment he landed in New Spain he sent word to Motecusuma that his
only object for visiting his dominions was to liberate him from prison,
and to hang Cortes, with the whole of his men, as traitors. By this he
had caused an insurrection throughout the whole country, which up to
that moment had enjoyed perfect tranquillity. This conduct was the less
excusable in him, since Cortes, immediately upon Narvaez's arrival in
Vera Cruz, had written a most polite letter to him, and requested him to
produce his appointment, as, if he possessed such an instrument, signed
by his majesty, Cortes was ready to acknowledge his authority. To this
Narvaez not only refused to reply, but had called Cortes and the whole
of his men traitors, proclaimed war against them, and even declared them
outlaws. Notwithstanding all this, Cortes had repeatedly offered Narvaez
peace, and earnestly requested him not to create a rebellion in the
country; for this was threatened by his conduct, and New Spain would
certainly be lost again to the Spanish crown. Cortes had even offered to
share the government of New Spain between himself and Narvaez, and to
allow the latter his choice of the provinces. But even to this Narvaez
had returned no answer; so that Cortes found himself compelled to pursue
a more determined course, and to demand satisfaction of him for having
imprisoned a royal auditor. Cortes at length proposed a personal
interview with him, which Narvaez had certainly accepted, but this never
took place, for his intentions were to seize Cortes during the
conference. This could be proved by Duero, who now stood before the
honorable commissioners, as at that time he held a command under
Narvaez, and had himself warned Cortes of the latter's treacherous
designs against his life.

Neither could Velasquez's agents confute any part of these statements;
our agents therefore continued: With regard to the expedition of Garay,
Cortes had not been the cause of its failure, but the inhabitants of
Panuco, who had risen up in arms against the troops, the whole of whom,
with Garay, would certainly have been cut off to a man, if the latter
had not, in the imminent danger in which he was placed, begged
assistance of Cortes; for which purpose Garay had repaired in person to
Mexico, where he met with the kindest reception from Cortes; but that a
few days after he caught a violent cold, of which he died, and not of
poison, as had been imputed to Cortes, who could have had no cause
whatever to adopt such a course, even if he had in any way feared Garay,
as the latter did not possess the requisite talents for command, and had
himself caused great discontent among his troops, who even rebelled
against him, on account of his having marched them immediately upon
landing to a pestilential part of the country, full of swamps and
uninhabitable, on account of the vermin with which it swarmed. When his
men therefore heard of the riches of Mexico and the liberality of
Cortes, they dispersed of their own accord, and traversed the country
like so many banditti, plundered and burned the townships, and forcibly
carried off the females, until the natives rose up against them in a
body. Cortes' only reason for despatching several of his officers to
Garay was that they might assist him with their advice and authority; to
peruse his papers, and see how far they interfered with the powers which
Cortes had obtained from his majesty. When Garay found that the whole of
his men had deserted, and that the greater number of his vessels were
lost, he repaired in person to Mexico, to beg assistance from Cortes. On
his road thither he everywhere met with the heartiest reception; in
Tezcuco a splendid banquet took place in his honour, and when he had
approached within a short distance of Mexico, Cortes himself came out to
meet him, and quartered him in one of his own palaces. They became so
friendly with each other, that the preliminaries of a marriage were
settled between a daughter of Cortes and the eldest son of Garay, and in
consideration of this union it was particularly stipulated that Cortes
was to assist Garay in an expedition to the river Palmas. But because
Garay soon after fell suddenly ill, and it pleased the Almighty in his
wisdom to call him to another world, Velasquez's agents had thought
proper to reproach Cortes with his death! who, however, had given
sufficient proofs of the deep sorrow he felt at his untimely end, by the
funeral pomp with which he honoured his last remains, and the mourning
which he put on; besides which, the surgeons had stated on oath that
Garay died of pleurisy.

Cortes had likewise been reproached for subtracting an equal fifth with
the emperor from all the gold that was collected; but to this the answer
was, that the troops had unanimously agreed to allow him such a share of
the gold when they elected him captain-general and chief justice of New
Spain, with the proviso, however, that this should only remain in force
until his majesty should otherwise dispose. For the rest, Cortes was in
every way entitled to this portion, as he had embarked his whole fortune
in the service of his majesty, and on different occasions had paid large
sums out of his own private purse, as, for instance, in the expedition
against Panuco alone he had expended above 60,000 pesos; moreover, it
would have been impossible for Cortes to have sent those valuable
presents for his majesty to Spain unless the troops had allowed him this
fifth.

Against this justification of Cortes' conduct, Velasquez's agents were
also unable to bring in a word, and our agents continued:

Cortes had likewise been reproached for giving his men so trifling a
share of the gold; but how was it possible for him to give more than he
possessed; for the conquest of the city of Mexico had produced very
little gold, as the Tlascallans and other auxiliaries had carried off
the greater part of the booty. It was likewise a false accusation
against Cortes to say he had put Quauhtemoctzin and other caziques to
the torture, in order to extort more gold from them. Cortes indeed had
been quite averse to this inhuman act, but the officers of the crown had
insisted on it, in order to force from them a confession as to where
they had concealed Motecusuma's treasure.

It was certainly true, continued our agents, that Cortes was building
extensive and splendid mansions, but in this he had the emperor's
interest entirely at heart, for they were all built in his majesty's
name. It was, however, altogether false that he ordered the wood and
stone to be brought to Mexico from distant parts, for the wood grew near
to the city, and was conveyed thither by water; and as for the stones,
they had, in all truth, a sufficient supply in the place itself, from
the numerous temples which had been pulled down. Velasquez's agents had
altogether misrepresented things, with regard to the system of building
in Mexico. Cortes had certainly one great advantage with regard to
labourers, for he had only to say the word, and Quauhtemoctzin readily
furnished him with the necessary workmen from the surrounding townships;
but this was quite in accordance with the custom of the country, where
the subjects are always obliged to build the houses for their chiefs.

Narvaez's accusation, said our agents, is equally unfounded, when he
says that Alonso de Avila took the papers from him containing his
appointment, and had refused to return them, or that he had said these
papers were nothing but bonds. Cortes never saw Narvaez's appointment,
or gave any one orders to demand it of him; though it is a fact that all
the papers which were found upon Narvaez were three bonds or securities
for some horses which he had sold upon trust.

The complaints of the pilot Umbria and of the soldier Cardenas were mere
fabrications, continued our agents. The first had not had his feet cut
off without cause, but conformably to a just sentence, for having, with
two of his companions, who had suffered death for it, deserted his
general, and seized one of the vessels, with the intention of running
off with her to Cuba.

Cardenas, who complains that he had no share of the first gold we
collected, which was sent to his majesty, had himself, with several
others, signed his name to a certain document, by which he yielded up
all claim to his share, in order that the whole of the gold might be
forwarded as a present to the emperor. Nevertheless, Cortes had given
him 300 pesos from his own private purse, in order to induce him to
return with his wife and family to New Spain. With this sum of money he
had been richly renumerated, for he was quite unfit for military
service, and besides this was not altogether right in his head.

Our agents further continued to say, that they were quite surprised
accusations should be preferred against Cortes and his troops for having
marched against Narvaez, defeated his army, taken his officers
prisoners, and burnt his quarters to the ground! They had sufficiently
explained above what Narvaez's conduct had been in New Spain, and no
person could deny that he had compelled Cortes to take up arms against
him: and it appeared like a judgment from heaven that Cortes, with only
266 men, without cavalry, or cannon, or muskets, should have overthrown
Narvaez, with a body of 1300 men, who were fully equipped for war,
besides having a fine park of artillery. New Spain would undoubtedly
have been lost again to the Spanish crown, if Narvaez had entered upon
the government of that vast territory. It would have been the same case
if Christobal de Tapia had been allowed to assume that dignity, who,
however, had had sufficient common sense to see the difficulty of his
position, and had considered himself very fortunate in selling off to
Cortes the horses and <DW64>s which he brought over with him for a good
price, and to return from whence he came. However, if he had repaired to
Mexico, and had shown his appointment to Cortes, the latter would
certainly have obeyed him; but the cavaliers and the authorities of the
different towns would never have consented to the chief command of New
Spain passing from the hands of Cortes into those of an individual, whom
every one at the first sight could see had not the requisite talents to
fill an office of so much importance. Those cavaliers and distinguished
personages had even drawn up petitions to his majesty, in which they
humbly supplicated him to withdraw the appointment of Tapia.

Here our agents closed the defence; and as the complainants had nothing
further to say, and the pleadings of both parties had lasted five days,
the commission closed the court, and retired to deliberate on their
verdict, which ran as follows:

The commissioners were of opinion that Cortes and the other true and
only Conquistadores of New Spain had on every occasion proved themselves
loyal and faithful servants of his majesty. Great good fortune had
certainly attended all their undertakings, but the courage and
intrepidity which they had displayed in the terrible and bloody battles
with the Indians, the victory which they gained over the large body of
troops under Narvaez with a handful of men, fully merited this good
fortune. The commissioners declared that Velasquez was not justified in
commencing his suit respecting the government of New Spain; but that he
was at liberty to sue Cortes in the proper law courts for the monies he
had expended in fitting out the armament.

They confirmed the pope's appointment of Cortes as governor of New
Spain; every division of land which he had made should stand good, and
further power should be granted to him to distribute the lands in
future, according to the best of his judgment; as it was quite evident
that in everything he had done up to the present moment he had strove to
promote the service of God, and the best interests of his majesty; and
it was therefore to be supposed he would continue to do so in future.

With respect to the accusations brought against Cortes concerning
Garay's death, the commissioners could not pronounce judgment at
present, but would thoroughly investigate this matter on some future
occasion: neither could they at present come to any decision with regard
to Narvaez's charge that his papers had been taken away from him, as the
defendant Alonso de Avila was then a prisoner in France; but they would
apply to the French king for his release in order to examine him. With
respect to the pilot Umbria and the soldier Cardenas, the commissioners
would petition his majesty to grant them each a commendary in New Spain
that would produce them an annual rent of 1000 pesos.

With regard to the Conquistadores themselves, they would propose that
lucrative commendaries should be bestowed upon them all, and that they
should take precedence in the churches and in all other places.

These several decisions were then drawn up in proper form, and
despatched to the royal court at Valladolid to receive his majesty's
confirmation.

His majesty not only confirmed the decision to which the commissioners
had come, but issued other royal letters by which Cortes was empowered
to banish from New Spain all deserters and those Spaniards who strolled
about the country like vagabonds, as they obstructed the conversion of
the Indians to Christianity. Further, all lawyers were forbidden to
settle in New Spain for a certain number of years to come, for they only
created lawsuits, quarrels, and dissensions among the inhabitants.

These royal letters were given at the court of Valladolid on the 17th of
May, in the year one thousand five hundred and so many years,[40]
countersigned by the above commissioners, by Don Garcia de Padilla, and
by the royal secretary Don Francisco de los Cobos, who subsequently
became comendador-mayor of Leon. Besides all this, his majesty wrote
letters to Cortes and all of us the veteran Conquistadores, in which he
expressed his unqualified satisfaction with the great and excellent
services we had rendered the crown.

About this time also, Ferdinand king of Hungary and king of the Romans
wrote a letter to Cortes, in which he thanked him for the beautiful
present of gold ornaments and jewels which he had sent him, adding, that
he had heard, with much pleasure, of the great services he had above all
things rendered to God, and then to his master and brother the emperor,
and to the whole of Christendom, and that he should feel happy at all
times to promote his interests with the emperor. Thus much he thought
himself indebted to a man who possessed so many noble qualities, and who
had rendered himself so meritorious; in like manner he wished to express
his high esteem for his brave companions in arms.

This letter besides passed many high encomiums on the Conquistadores,
and I still remember that it was signed with the words, _I the king and
Infante of Castile_, countersigned by the private secretary Castillejo.
I read the letter myself two or three times at Mexico, for Cortes shewed
it to me in order to convince me of the great esteem in which we the
true Conquistadores were held by his majesty.

As soon as these royal mandates and letters had been put into the hands
of our agents, they despatched them in all haste to Mexico by a cousin
of Cortes named Rodrigo de Paz, who was accompanied by Francisco de las
Casas, a nobleman of Estremadura, and also a relative of our general.
These gentlemen embarked in an excellent sailing vessel, and had a most
favorable voyage. They stopped on their way at Cuba, and there, under
sound of trumpet, published the decision which his majesty had come to
in favour of Cortes, and they then demanded of Velasquez an account of
the monies which had been expended in fitting out the armament. The
governor of Cuba, however, took the unfavorable termination of his suit
so to heart, that he fell ill and died shortly after very poor and
unhappy.

In order to save myself the trouble of recurring to these matters, I
must observe that Francisco de Montejo and Diego de Ordas did not forget
to profit by their stay at the imperial court, and their endeavours
proved very successful. Montejo was appointed governor and chief-justice
of Yucatan and Cozumel, and was allowed to assume the Don before his
name; and Diego de Ordas was confirmed in his New Spanish possessions,
received a commendary of the order of St. Jago, and was allowed to
assume the volcano of Huexotzinco in his escutcheon.

After these high honours had been conferred upon them, both these
gentlemen returned to Mexico, though Ordas, after a lapse of three
years, again returned to Spain, and obtained permission from the emperor
to subdue the country on the river Marannon; he accordingly fitted out
an armament for this purpose, but lost both his property and his life in
the expedition.

When the bishop of Burgos found that everything had terminated in our
favour, and heard of the great honours which his majesty had bestowed
upon Cortes and upon all the Conquistadores, he naturally concluded that
the gentlemen who had formed the commission of inquiry must have soon
seen through all his doings with the governor of Cuba, and have been
convinced that he had kept back all the gold which we had sent for his
majesty to Spain, and that he had suppressed all mention of the great
services we had rendered to the crown. These reflections preyed so hard
upon his mind, that, like his creature Diego Velasquez, he fell
dangerously ill, in which miserable state he had the additional vexation
to see his nephew Don Alonso de Fonseca appointed to the archbishopric
of Santiago, on which he had himself calculated.

I must now return to Rodrigo de Paz and Francisco de las Casas, who were
sent to New Spain with the despatches containing Cortes' appointment of
governor. They made their entry into Mexico in the most splendid manner,
after which feasts and rejoicings took place, and couriers were
despatched to every part of the country where Spaniards resided, to
spread the happy news.

The gentlemen who had brought these despatches, and other persons who
had accompanied them from Medellin were not forgotten by Cortes.
Francisco de las Casas he appointed a captain, and afterwards bestowed
upon him the productive township of Anguitlan. Rodrigo de Paz was
likewise presented with extensive and lucrative commendaries, besides
that Cortes appointed him his private secretary and major-domo. This man
gained so much influence that he ruled all those about him, and even
Cortes himself. There was not a single person who had come to New Spain
with Rodrigo de Paz on this occasion that was not handsomely rewarded;
even the captain of the vessel in which they had arrived received so
large a sum of money from Cortes that he returned to Spain a rich man.

I must now answer some questions which were put to me by a few gentlemen
who had read this account; namely, how I, who was at that time in the
interior of New Spain, and certainly occupied very differently than in
relating what was going on in the other hemisphere, could vouch for the
truth of what I had written of the occurrences which then took place in
Spain; of the declaration of his holiness, of the accusations which
were preferred against Cortes, and his defence before the royal
commission by our agents, and of other matters?

My answer to them was, that, besides myself, the whole of my companions
the veteran Conquistadores were duly informed of every circumstance. We
had only to read the four or five accounts which our agents despatched
to us in New Spain, to convince us how warmly they had our interest at
heart; though I indeed remarked, as soon as I had perused these
despatches, that all the endeavours of our agents were only exerted in
behalf of Cortes and of themselves, and that we others, who had
undergone all the fatigues and perils to place Cortes in that high and
meritorious position, would have to toil to the last day of our lives.
However, we must pray to God mercifully to remember us, and to instil
the thoughts into our emperor's mind likewise of rewarding us according
to our merits, which we may fully hope for from his majesty, who is so
good a catholic.




CHAPTER CLXIX.

    _Of Cortes' plans after he had obtained the appointment of governor
    of New Spain; the way in which he distributes the Indians; and of
    other matters._


I and other of the most experienced and deserving of the veteran
Conquistadores had always made sure that, as soon as Cortes should
receive the appointment of governor of New Spain, he would remember the
day when he set sail from Cuba, and that he would bring back to his mind
the great troubles by which he was immediately after surrounded, and
that he would have remembered all those of the men who, soon after he
had landed with his troops in New Spain, had procured him the
appointment of captain-general and chief justice of the country, and
have borne in mind that we never for a moment left his side in all the
subsequent battles and dangers. By heavens! he ought never to have
forgotten any one of us,--we who always took his part, who exerted
ourselves to the utmost for him on the occasion when a portion of the
troops clamoured to return to Vera Cruz, and strove hard to persuade him
to abandon all thoughts of the campaign against Mexico, on account of
the vast power of this state and the great strength of its metropolis.
We were the same men who marched with him into Mexico, who assisted him
in taking the powerful Motecusuma prisoner in the midst of his warriors,
who lent him such efficient aid against Narvaez, and then instantly
marched back with him to Mexico to the assistance of Alvarado; the same
men who fought the terrific battles on the disastrous retreat from this
city, and who had to mourn the loss of so many of their brave companions
on that night of sorrows; the men by whose valour the memorable battle
was gained on the plains of Otumpan; who again put down the
insurrections in the provinces, conquered all the large townships which
lay around the lake, and subdued the country; who rallied round his
person when a conspiracy was set on foot by Villafana and others to put
him to death; who patiently endured the indescribable fatigues and
hardships of the ninety-three days' siege of Mexico, during which time
we had night and day encountered the attacks of an infuriated enemy
until at length we placed him in possession of that strong city. We
remained faithful to him when Christobal de Tapia arrived in New Spain
with the appointment of governor. We wrote three several times to his
majesty in praise of the great services he had rendered to the crown,
extolling his loyalty to the skies, and begging of his majesty to confer
upon him the appointment of governor. I will not even mention the many
other great services which we rendered to our general; but certainly,
after he had obtained the government of New Spain, he ought to have
remembered the brave and courageous men who also, subsequent to the
conquest of Mexico, made those severe campaigns to Colima, Zacatula, and
Panuco, and those of the troops who from extreme poverty were obliged to
relinquish the settlement founded by Alvarado at Tutepec.

We had altogether shared badly in the division of the Indians, and
miserable districts of the country had been allotted to us, although his
majesty had so often desired Cortes to reward our meritorious conduct,
and to give us the preference in all matters. In all his letters which
he wrote to his agents in Spain he ought never to have omitted
mentioning our names with unbounded praise, and ought to have made it a
point of obtaining from his majesty, for ourselves and children, the
preference in all official appointments in New Spain: but he never gave
this a thought; and on both occasions, the one when he obtained the
appointment of governor, and the other when he went to Spain himself and
became Marquis of Oaxaca, he only strove to further his own ends, and he
forgot his brave companions in arms. Indeed, the most sensible and
intelligent of the Conquistadores were quite of opinion that nothing
would have been juster on the part of Cortes, and nothing more
practicable at that time, than to have divided the whole of New Spain
into five equal parts: one fifth, containing the best townships, to have
been set apart for the crown; a second fifth for the churches,
hospitals, and cloisters, and for gifts which his majesty might think
proper of bestowing on those men who had distinguished themselves in the
Italian campaigns or elsewhere; the three remaining fifths to have been
divided among the whole of the true Conquistadores, according to their
respective stations and merits, and this in perpetuity. At that time his
majesty would have consented to such a division, as the whole of the
conquest of New Spain never cost the crown anything, and his majesty
himself had altogether a very imperfect notion of the country. Besides
which, his majesty was then still in Flanders, and would have been
pleased to know the country was in the hands of such faithful and
courageous subjects.

But nothing of all this ever entered Cortes' mind, while our condition
was daily growing worse; and at present there are even many of us
veteran Conquistadores who have not the common necessaries of life! What
will become of our children which we shall leave behind? But enough of
all this; let us now see to whom Cortes distributed the townships.

The first persons who were rewarded by the governor were Francisco de
las Casas and Rodrigo de Paz, with the royal factor, the inspector, and
treasurer, who had come from Spain with those gentlemen. Then came a
certain Avalos, and one Saavedra, both relatives of Cortes. Next follow
Barrios, who was married to his sister-in-law Dona Xuarez; a certain
Alonso Lucas, Juan and Luis de la Torre, Alonso Valiente, and the
squinting Ribera. But these are only a few instances; for a person had
only to come from Medellin,[41] or to stand in favour with some great
personage, and flatter Cortes a little, and he was presented with some
of the best lands in New Spain. I am not going to reproach Cortes for
having remembered all these people, for there was plenty to do all this
with, but certainly he should have given the preference to his soldiers,
as he had been recommended to do by his majesty; to those men through
whose assistance he was elevated to that high station. Whenever any
campaign was in contemplation, or any battles to be fought, he never for
an instant forgot where every individual man of us was to be found, and
his commands to march to the field of battle never failed to reach us.
But I will put an end to my complaints of the neglect which we suffered,
for now it cannot be remedied.

Though I must not forget to mention how conscious Cortes was of the
injustice which he had done us, and that he even acknowledged it. After
the death of Luis Ponce de Leon and of Marcos de Aguilar soon after,
whom the former, as will be seen in the proper place, appointed his
successor in the government, myself, with several officers and
cavaliers of the veteran Conquistadores called upon Cortes, and begged
of him, conformably to his majesty's commands, to give us some of the
numerous Indians which fell to his share on that occasion. To this he
replied, that we fared no worse than he himself did. "But," added he,
"if his majesty should again be pleased to appoint me governor of New
Spain, upon my conscience, I will repair the neglect you have suffered
at my hands, and will bestow the best commendaries on those for whom his
majesty intended them. You may depend upon it I will make good the great
errors I have committed."

With these fine words and flattering promises he thought to satisfy the
old and tried Conquistadores.

A little before Cortes received the appointment of governor, the new
officers of the crown arrived in Mexico: these were Alonso de Estrada,
of Ciudad Real, as royal treasurer; as factor, Gonzalo de Salazar; as
accountant, Rodrigo de Albornoz, of Paladinos, (Julian de Alderete
having died a short time previously); as veedor, Pedro Almindez
Chirinos, a native of Ubeda, or of Baeza, besides many others.

About this time Rodrigo Rangel, although he was neither present at the
siege of Mexico nor in many of the great battles we fought in New Spain,
all of a sudden got it into his head that he must also reap some glory
to himself; he therefore begged of Cortes to give him a small body of
troops in order to put down the rebellion which had arisen among the
Zapotec townships, and also that Pedro de Ircio might be allowed to join
the expedition in order to support him with his good counsel. Cortes
very well knew what kind of man Rangel was; that he was not fit for any
kind of service, as he constantly suffered from ill health. He was
gouty, had large swellings in his groins, was covered all over with
sores, and so debilitated in strength that he could scarcely move along
on his thin ulcerated legs. Cortes consequently refused this man his
unreasonable request, representing to him what a ferocious people the
Zapotecs were, and how excessively difficult it was to subdue a people
like this who inhabited rugged mountains covered with eternal mists;
that no cavalry could penetrate into their country, or, at most, they
were wholly useless there; how, owing to the narrow and steep mountain
paths, his men would only be able to march one abreast, and then with
great risk of their lives, from the slippery state of the ground, which
was covered with perpetual dew. For an expedition of this nature,
continued Cortes, the most experienced and robust of soldiers were
required, who thoroughly understood the art of war. Rangel, however, was
a very conceited fellow, and also a native of Medellin, and solicited so
strongly that Cortes at length granted him his request; but, from what
we afterwards heard, it would appear that Cortes only gave way to him to
rid himself for ever of this man, who was of a malicious disposition,
thinking he would never survive this campaign. However, this is very
little to the purpose, and I will rather acquaint the reader that
letters arrived from Cortes to twelve of us soldiers who had settled in
Guacasualco, with orders for us to accompany Rangel on this expedition.
I was likewise among the number, and it happened that all twelve of us
were neighbours.

I have already informed the reader, in a previous chapter, that the
country of the Zapotecs consists of high mountains; how nimble and
courageous the inhabitants are, and how they communicate with each other
by means of piping, the shrill sound of which reechoes through all the
valleys. In such a place it may readily be imagined that a man like
Rangel, and the troops under such a leader, would not be able to achieve
anything. Wherever we came, the inhabitants had fled away; besides
which, the houses were not built together as in other townships of New
Spain, but straggling about, some on the mountains, others in the
valleys. The rainy season had just set in when we arrived in this wild
country, and poor Rangel suffered so violently from the swellings in his
groins, that he cried out aloud in the agonies of pain. The rest of us,
therefore, were not a little annoyed that we were compelled to sacrifice
our time for such a man; however, he was soon convinced himself that all
his trouble was to no purpose, and he resolved to relinquish the
expedition, and to allow the men to return to their respective abodes.
Pedro de Ircio, whom Rangel had purposely taken with him to profit by
his good counsel, was the first who advised this latter step, and left
him to return to Vera Cruz, where he had settled. Rangel himself marched
back with us to Guacasualco, the warm climate of which he affirmed would
agree best with his health. This we looked upon as a greater calamity
even than marching out with him into the field of battle; however, we
were obliged to submit, and we put the best face we could on the matter.
When we had arrived in Guacasualco, he got it into his head to march to
Cimatan and Talatupan, in order to put down the insurrection which still
continued in these provinces. The inhabitants there principally confided
in the strength of their positions, which lay between rivers, swamps,
and marshy ground, where every step was attended with danger; besides
which, they were remarkably expert archers, and the arrow which flew
from their enormous bows seldom missed its aim.

In order that we might not dispute his word, Rangel produced his
instructions from Cortes, in which he was also commanded to march
against the rebellious provinces of Cimatan and Talatupan; he,
therefore, in his capacity of commander-in-chief, summoned all the
inhabitants of Guacasualco to join him in the expedition, and we stood
in such awe of Cortes' mandates that we durst not offer the slightest
opposition to Rangel's authority; and above one hundred of us, with all
our horses, about twenty-six musketeers and crossbow-men, marched out
with him. We passed through Tonala Ayagualulco, Copilco, Zacualco,
crossed several rivers in canoes; and then marched through Teutitan and
the townships of Chontalpa, until within twenty miles of Cimatan. Thus
far the whole country was in profound peace; but a little further on we
found the whole armed force of the country drawn up against us, strongly
posted between the swamps and dangerous passes, having fortified their
position by ramparts and a palisade, from which they flew their arrows
at us through loop-holes. When we had arrived near enough, the enemy
showered their arrows so quickly upon us, that six of our horses were
killed and eight men wounded. Rangel himself, who was seated on
horseback, received a slight wound in the arm. We, the veteran
Conquistadores, had often told him what bold, crafty, and expert
warriors he would have to encounter here, and now he began to believe so
himself; and as he was a man who talked a good deal, he said if he had
followed our advice this would not have happened to him; and, for the
future, he desired we would take upon ourselves the command of the
troops during this campaign.

After the wounds of our men and those of our horses had been dressed,
Rangel desired me to reconnoitre the enemy's position, and take with me
two of our most active musketeers, and a remarkably fierce dog which he
possessed; he himself, as he had been advised, would follow me at some
distance behind with the cavalry and the rest of our troops. When I,
with my two companions, approached near to Cimatan, we came up to other
fortifications equally as strong as the former, from out of which we
were greeted with a cloud of arrows and darts. The poor dog lay
instantly dead at our feet, and I myself should have shared a similar
fate if my jacket had not been very thickly quilted with cotton, for I
was wounded in no less than seven places by the enemy's arrows, one of
which struck my leg; nor did my two companions fare better. I now called
out to some of our Indian troops, who were close behind us, to hasten
back and call the whole of the foot to our assistance, but to desire the
cavalry not to advance, as they would not be able to manoeuvre here, and
would only expose their horses to the enemy's unerring arrows.

With the musketeers, crossbow-men, and the remaining foot, we now
marched forward in a body to the attack, and very soon beat the enemy
out of their entrenchments, who then retreated precipitately to the
swamps, where it was impossible to follow them without great risk, for
the ground was of so spongy a nature that the moment we set foot on it
we sank down, and it was with great difficulty a person was got out
again.

By this time Rangel had come up with the horse, and we quartered
ourselves in a number of houses which stood together, and were quite
deserted by the inhabitants; here we remained quiet for the remaining
part of the day and dressed our wounds. The next morning we marched
direct for Cimatan itself, and our route lay through extensive open
plains, in which there were many dangerous bogs. In one of these the
enemy lay in wait for us, and certainly they had calculated well in
taking up their position here, for they easily foresaw, when the
cavalry, in the heat of the battle, spread themselves in the open plain,
they could not fail to get into the swampy ground, where they would be
unable to move. We had many times cautioned Rangel about this, but he
refused to listen to our advice; and, indeed, he was the first to get
fixed in the bogs, where he lost his horse, and would himself
undoubtedly have been killed if several of us had not hastened to his
assistance, for several Indians had already laid hold of him to carry
him off and sacrifice him to their idols. He thus narrowly escaped with
his life, though his head, which, besides, was covered with sores, had
been shockingly beat about by the enemy.

As this district was very thickly populated, and there was another
township not very far off, we determined to march thither; but the
inhabitants, on our approach, fled precipitately. Here we halted for a
short time to dress Rangel's wounds and those of three other soldiers.

The next township we came to was likewise deserted by its inhabitants;
but in this neighbourhood the enemy had thrown up a very formidable
entrenchment, with a palisade of uncommon strength, supplied with
loop-holes. Here we had scarcely rested a quarter of an hour when the
enemy came suddenly pouring forth into the town from all sides, and fell
upon us with so much intrepidity that they killed one of our men and two
horses, and it was with the utmost difficulty we could succeed in
driving them back again.

Our friend Rangel suffered greatly from the wounds he had received on
his head; besides which he was tormented by the moschitoes and a large
species of bat which bite people and suck their blood, so that he could
get no rest day or night; and as it rained without intermission, he,
with several of the men who had recently arrived from Spain, grew
heartily sick of this mode of warfare; these soldiers brought forcibly
to his mind the bad state of his health, the little advantage we had
gained by the three several battles we had fought with the enemy, and
how we had lost eleven horses and two men, besides that numbers were
wounded, and that it would be impossible to accomplish anything more in
a country so full of swamps and morasses. All this Rangel listened to
with secret delight, for to turn back was the very thing he so ardently
desired himself; however, in order to save appearances, and that it
might seem as if his determination of marching back to Guacasualco was
upon the advice and at the request of the troops themselves, he called a
council of war, for which he selected those only whom he well knew would
be of the same opinion with himself. I, with twenty of the men, just at
that moment returned from a short excursion to some cacao plantations in
the neighbourhood to try if we could not capture a few of the natives,
and we had the good luck to bring in three females and two men
prisoners. When I arrived in Rangel's quarters, he took me aside; he
spoke a good deal about the terrible wounds on his head, and assured me
that the greater part of the troops had advised him to relinquish the
expedition and return to Cortes in Mexico.

I declared myself against this step without any hesitation; and, as we
had known each other for four years, even before we left Cuba, I said
boldly to him, "How, Senor; you have advanced up to Cimatan, and now
wish to return? What will Cortes think of this, and what will your
enemies say? How they will always throw in your teeth that you were
neither able to gain any advantage over the Zapotecs nor to subdue the
inhabitants of this province, although you had among your troops some of
the most experienced of the Conquistadores, of those who settled in
Guacasualco! Here not your honour alone is at stake but ours also;
wherefore I, with a number of my companions, have determined further to
explore these swamps and mountains, and to force our way into Cimatan,
the principal township of the province. My horse you may give to some
other soldier who is expert in handling the lance, it is of no use to me
in this country, for, on account of the bad state of the ground, the
cavalry are always obliged to remain behind the rest of the troops."

As Rangel was a great talker, and a man who soon fell into a passion, he
jumped up from his seat, immediately ordered all the troops to assemble
around him, and cried out to them, "The die is cast! by heavens! (for he
could scarcely say two words together without swearing.) We must march
forward! I am now convinced of the policy of so doing, since Bernal
Diaz del Castillo has explained to me what our duty is. He is perfectly
right in what he says."

Many of the men were certainly anything but pleased with this second
determination of Rangel; on the other hand, however, several were
delighted, and thus we marched forward again. I, at the head of the
musketeers and crossbow-men, marched in advance with every military
precaution, the cavalry following at some distance. The first town we
came to was quite deserted by the inhabitants; we therefore continued
our march towards Cimatan itself. Here we met with a very stout
resistance from the enemy before we could drive them to flight, and take
possession of the towns. Many of the Indians as they fled set fire to
their own dwellings, and all the prisoners we took were about fifteen
men and women, but we immediately set them at liberty again, and
despatched them with a kind message to their countrymen, desiring them
to send ambassadors to us, and conclude peace with us, when we would
freely pardon their past hostilities. These prisoners soon returned with
their relations and a great number of poor people, among whom we
distributed all the booty we had made. The whole of these people then
left, and promised they would persuade the enemy to send us messengers
of peace, and declare themselves vassals of our emperor; but they took
very good care neither to return themselves, nor to send us any message
whatever. Upon this Rangel turned to me, and said: "By heavens, you have
deceived me! You may now therefore go with some of your companions, and
just catch me an equal number of Indians, as I have lost by thus
following your advice." I did not give him an opportunity of repeating
this command, but I immediately marched off at the head of fifty men,
and attacked some houses which lay among the marshes. The inhabitants
fled precipitately, and sought refuge among the large thorn bushes,
which they term Xiguaquetlan, where it was impossible for any one to
penetrate without being severely wounded by the sharp prickles; we
managed, however, to capture twelve men and women among the cacao
plantations, whom we presented to our captain. This put him into so good
a humour again, that he liberated these prisoners, and despatched them
with a very friendly message to the enemy, but all to no purpose; the
Cimatecs still defied us, and we were thus obliged to return to
Guacasualco without accomplishing our object.

These are the two campaigns of Rangel, in which he thought to have
reaped so much glory, when he so ardently solicited Cortes to bestow the
chief command on him. Two years after we made a more successful
expedition against the Zapotecs, and we completely subdued them, and
other provinces in that quarter. The pious father Olmedo also did his
utmost to give them some notion of the holy Christian religion: he
taught them the articles of faith, preached to them, and of these
Indians alone he baptized above a hundred; but he was unable to continue
this holy occupation very long, as he was growing old and infirm;
besides that, his enfeebled frame could not stand the ruggedness of the
roads.

I must now, however, return to Mexico, and relate what magnificent
presents Cortes sent to his Majesty in Spain.




CHAPTER CLXX.

    _How Cortes sends a present to his majesty; 80,000 pesos in gold and
    silver, besides a magnificent field-piece made of silver and gold,
    covered with various beautiful figures; also how he sends his father
    Martin Cortes above 5000 pesos._


Cortes had by this time collected about 80,000 pesos, and now also the
field-piece was finished, which received the name of Phoenix, and was in
every way a present worthy of the acceptance of so renowned a sovereign
as our great emperor. This beautiful cannon was cast of silver, and bore
the following inscription:

    No bird like this was ever born,
    As a servant I have no second,
    And you have not your equal in the world.

Cortes therefore determined to forward all this treasure to his majesty
in Spain, and commissioned a nobleman of Toledo, named Diego de Soto to
be the bearer: whether Juan de Ribera, who squinted with one eye, and
had been Cortes' private secretary, accompanied this gentleman, I cannot
exactly remember; but one thing I know, that very little reliance could
be placed in his honesty. I also imagined that he played falsely at
cards and cheated at dice; besides which he possessed many other bad
qualities. I merely mention all this because he behaved so villanously
to Cortes in Spain, for he not only kept back the money which the latter
confided to his care for his father Martin Cortes,[42] but he repaid
kindness with ingratitude, and so far forgot all the favours which
Cortes had bestowed upon him, that, instead of speaking good of our
general, or even the truth, he calumniated his benefactor in every
possible manner. As this Ribera was a man who possessed considerable
eloquence, and as he had been private secretary to Cortes, his
aspersions were generally credited in Spain, by the bishop of Burgos in
particular; and he created the more evil, as at that time Narvaez,
Christobal de Tapia, and the agents of Velasquez had renewed their
charges against Cortes, complaining to his majesty that he could not
depend upon the honesty of the decision to which the commissioners had
come, as Cortes had bribed them all with valuable presents. All this
created a most unfavorable change in Cortes' affairs, and he fell so
greatly into his majesty's displeasure that matters, in all likelihood,
would have terminated most unfavorably for him if the duke of Bejar, who
was greatly attached to Cortes, had not employed his utmost endeavours
for him and become his bail until he should be summoned to take his
trial in due form. The duke's reason for espousing Cortes' cause so
warmly was, because the preliminaries of a marriage had been settled
between the latter and a niece of the duke. This lady's name was Juana
de Zunniga, daughter to the earl of Aguilar Don Carlos de Arellano, and
she had also a brother who was a great favorite with the emperor. As
about this time also the 80,000 pesos, with the other valuable presents
arrived in Spain, accompanied by letters from Cortes, in which he
expressed to his majesty his thanks for the great honours which his
majesty had bestowed upon him, and for the just sentence he had
pronounced in his favour; the inquiries which were going to be
instituted against him were dropped, and the storm which was gathering
over him blew over. But now again the proud inscription which he had
placed on the silver field-piece created a great deal of ill-feeling
towards him, and several of the dukes, marquisses and earls, who had
likewise rendered great services to our emperor, considered it amazingly
presumptuous that Cortes should attempt, by this inscription, to raise
his merits so far above all others. Even his greatest patrons, the
admiral of Castile, the duke of Bejar, and the earl of Aguilar, greatly
disapproved of this self-praise.[43] But why, I ask, should they term
this presumptuous in our general? Can any one mention to me another
general who has accomplished so many heroic deeds as Cortes, or who has
conquered for our emperor a country of the magnitude of New Spain, or
who has been the means of converting so many thousands of heathens to
Christianity? Though, to be sure, the merit and glory of all this is not
due to Cortes alone, but also to his brave companions in arms! We have
equally merited for ourselves grants of land and honorable escutcheons,
with those brave men of former times who were so honoured by their
monarchs!

With respect to the beautiful field-piece, we further received
information that it was presented to his majesty by the
comendador-mayor of Leon, Don Francisco de las Cobos, but that it was
never removed from Seville, for it was smelted there and the value of
the metal was altogether estimated at 20,000 ducats. This present, with
all those which Cortes sent on former occasions to Spain, though some
unfortunately never reached their place of destination, not only spread
the fame of Cortes to all parts of the empire, but throughout the whole
of christendom, and his name was in every person's mouth. Neither must I
forget to mention, that after Martin Cortes had in vain demanded of the
squinting Ribera to deliver up the money to him which had been sent by
our general, he commenced an action against him; to which, however, an
end was speedily put by the death of Ribera, who fell ill on a journey
to the town of Cadahalso, after eating too heartily of fat bacon. His
death was so sudden that he had not even time to confess his sins; may
God have mercy on his poor soul! Amen!

While all this was going on in Spain, Cortes was very busily employed in
rebuilding the city of Mexico, and he strove by every possible means to
increase its population by holding out rewards to the inhabitants of the
country to settle there. For this purpose he declared the town free from
all tribute, until all the buildings should be completed, the causeways,
aqueducts and bridges repaired, and the churches and the hospitals were
entirely finished both inside and out.[44] The superintendence of the
latter he gave to the excellent father Olmedo, who had already brought
together all the Indians who were suffering from ill health, and
attended to them with the most affectionate care. But about this time
there likewise arrived in Vera Cruz twelve Franciscan monks from Spain,
who were accompanied by the very pious father, Martin de Valencia, whom
his holiness had appointed vicar-general of New Spain. He was a native
of the village of Valencia de san Juan, in the district of Campo, and we
shall see in the following chapter how this reverend father was received
in Mexico.




CHAPTER CLXXI.

    _How twelve monks of the order of St. Francis, with the
    vicar-general and father-superior Martin de Valencia, arrive at Vera
    Cruz, and how they are received by Cortes._


The reader will remember my mentioning in a former chapter that we
begged of his imperial majesty to send to New Spain some really good
and pious monks of the Franciscan order, that they might assist us to
convert the Indians to Christianity, and preach the doctrine of our holy
faith to them, in which father Olmedo had made so good a beginning.
Cortes and the whole of us Conquistadores had also on the same occasion
written to the general of the Franciscan order, who was afterwards the
cardinal, brother Francisco de los Angeles, and begged of him to send us
some very pious men of his order, that we might be enabled to fulfil our
promise to the Indians, whom we had so often assured that the emperor
would despatch to them religious men, who led a much more pious life
than we did. This we had repeatedly told the Indians, and they always
inquired of us in return if those men would possess the same good
qualities as father Olmedo. To which we answered in the affirmative.

It was in compliance with this, our request, that the general of the
Franciscan order sent the twelve monks, with their superior, who arrived
in Vera Cruz. Among these religious men was also the father Toribio
Motalma, to whom the caziques and distinguished personages of Mexico
gave the name of _Motolinia_,[45] which signifies _the poor brother_,
because he distributed everything he received among the Indians; so that
it often happened he had nothing left to still his hunger. He was always
clad in the meanest garments, went barefoot, and was continually
preaching to the Indians, who became greatly attached to him, and they
revered him as a holy person.

When Cortes received intelligence of the arrival of these reverend
personages in Vera Cruz, he gave orders that they should be received
with the profoundest respect in every town they passed through on their
road to Mexico, whether Indian or Spanish. If they halted at a distance
from any habitations, huts were to be constructed for them; in every
township they came to the bells were to be rung, the whole of the
inhabitants were to go out to meet them with crosses, wax lights, and
flying colours; and in order to give the Indians some notion of humility
and veneration, the Spaniards were particularly instructed to fall down
on their knees before them, and to kiss their hands and their cowls.

Besides all this, Cortes sent refreshments for these monks to every
stage along their route, and wrote most affectionate letters to them.
When they had arrived within a short distance from Mexico, Cortes
himself, accompanied by father Olmedo, and the whole of his brave
officers and men, went out to meet them; as also Quauhtemoctzin, lord of
Mexico, with the most distinguished Mexicans, and a great number of
other caziques from the principal townships. As soon as we beheld these
pious men, Cortes and all the rest of us dismounted, and walked up to
them; and the first who went down on his knees before Francisco de
Valencia was our general himself; but when he was going to kiss the
reverend father's hand, the latter would not allow him, and Cortes then
only kissed his cowl.

The meeting between father Olmedo and the newly-arrived was of the most
affectionate kind, and they embraced each other most heartily; then we
officers and soldiers, with Quauhtemoctzin, and the other caziques,
likewise knelt down before them, and kissed their garments.

Cortes' respectful conduct towards these monks made a deep and
astonishing impression on the Mexican monarch, and the other grandees of
the country; and it served as an excellent precept to all Indians, when
they beheld the man whom they almost feared, and revered as a god,
humble himself before these religious men, and stand in their presence
with his head uncovered. In the presence of men who came without any
covering to their feet, their garments of the meanest kind, their
appearance altogether poverty stricken, and their countenances
emaciated, besides that they came on foot, and not on horseback; all
this amazed the Indians, who ever after throughout the whole country
paid the greatest veneration to these men.

Our reverend guests were quartered in a house which had been purposely
prepared for their reception; and father Olmedo, at the desire of
Cortes, acted as their host.

About four years afterwards twelve other monks of the Dominican order
arrived in New Spain, with their provincial or prior, father Thomas
Ortiz, a native of Biscay, and who had been prior in a cloister near
Punta del Drago, but unfortunately he and his companions were unable to
bear the hot climate; for they all fell ill, and most of them died;
however, I will relate these circumstances more fully in the proper
place. Subsequently several other very pious and excellent men of this
same order arrived from Spain, who were particularly assiduous in their
endeavours to convert the Indians of Guatimala to Christianity.

With all this, Cortes' mind was never at ease, and he constantly
apprehended that the bishop of Burgos and the agents of Diego Velasquez
would renew their complaints against him to his majesty, or injure him
in some way or other; and as his father, with Diego de Ordas, sent him
the most favorable account of their progress in settling the
preliminaries of marriage between himself and Dona Juana de Zunniga, he
considered it would be great policy on his part to send all the gold he
could possibly collect to Spain, partly to convince the duke of Bejar of
the riches he possessed, and of the magnitude of his conquests, but
particularly to ingratiate himself further with his majesty to obtain
additional honours and favours from him.




CHAPTER CLXXII.

    _How Cortes sends his majesty 30,000 pesos worth of gold, with an
    account of the conversion of the Indians, the rebuilding of the city
    of Mexico, and of the expedition of Christobal de Oli to the
    Honduras; also how the vessel which conveyed this gold at the same
    time carried secret letters to Spain, written by the royal
    accountant Rodrigo de Albornoz, in which Cortes and the whole of the
    veteran Conquistadores were calumniated in the vilest manner._


After Cortes had been appointed governor of New Spain, he considered
himself called upon to give his majesty a circumstantial account of what
was going on in the country; of the conversion of the Indians, the
rebuilding of the city of Tenochtitlan-Mexico, and of other important
circumstances; among which he mentioned, in the first place, the
expedition he had sent to Honduras, and he was very particular in
bringing under his majesty's notice the great expenses to which it had
put him. He then went on to state that he had conferred the chief
command of this armament on Christobal de Oli, who had allowed himself
to be bribed by Diego Velasquez to make common cause with him, and
renounce all further obedience to Cortes.

Our general then told his majesty that he was determined, if his majesty
should think proper, to despatch another officer to the Honduras, to
deprive Oli of the command, and cast him into chains; but if he
resisted, he would himself march against him. A severe punishment,
continued Cortes, ought to be inflicted in this instance, in order to
deter other officers who were sent out to subdue other provinces from
following Oli's example. He must therefore earnestly supplicate his
majesty's permission to march against this officer.

In these despatches Cortes preferred other much heavier charges against
Diego Velasquez, not only with regard to having bribed Oli to revolt,
but on account of the many conspiracies which he had caused to be formed
against his life during the expeditions to the rebellious provinces,
and, upon the whole, for having attempted to disturb the peace of the
country, which had obliged him to punish the more guilty ones with the
utmost rigour of the law. He then went on to say that he would have been
able to forward his majesty a much larger sum on this occasion than
30,000 pesos, if the revolutionary spirit which his enemies strove to
increase on all sides had not thrown obstacles in his way, and thereby
impeded his operations. Our general concluded by assuring his majesty he
would take every opportunity of sending as much gold as he possibly
could to Spain.

Cortes at the same time wrote to Diego de Ordas, to his father, and to
his relative, the licentiate Francisco Nunez, who was reporter to the
royal council, giving them a full account of the conduct of Rodrigo de
Albornoz; how this man secretly calumniated him in Mexico, because he
had omitted to give him as great a number of Indians as he had required,
and had refused to give him the daughter of the king of Tezcuco in
marriage, for whom he had contracted a better match with a gentleman of
quality; besides which he had been informed that this Albornoz had been
secretary to the bishop of Burgos in Flanders, and that he was a perfect
creature of this prelate. He constantly kept up a secret correspondence
with some one or other, even by means of figures, and Cortes thought it
most likely that he had on this occasion secretly written to his patron
the bishop, and slandered him in every possible manner; he therefore
cautioned his friends to be upon their guard, and narrowly to watch his
interests, for Cortes thought the bishop was at that time still
president of the council of the Indies.

In consequence of these apprehensions, Cortes sent duplicate copies of
all his despatches, so that if one set were seized at Seville by the
bishop's functionaries, the other might arrive safe in the proper hands.

The accountant Albornoz had indeed, as it proved, forwarded letters by
this same vessel to his majesty, to the bishop of Burgos, and to the
royal council of the Indies, in which he renewed all the late
accusations against our general, adding besides several new ones: among
others, he assured his majesty that Cortes levied vast quantities of
gold upon the caziques, under the pretext of forwarding it to his
majesty; thereby occasioning great discontent throughout the whole
country. He had assembled a considerable number of the distinguished
females of the country, in order to marry them to his Spanish soldiers;
but if honorable men requested any one of them in marriage, he was sure
to refuse them, and retained them rather as his own mistresses. The
caziques of the country in general looked upon him as a king; in fact,
they knew of no other king than Cortes, who took to himself an equal
fifth of the whole revenue of the country with the emperor, and he had
amassed immense treasures to himself. Yet he was so artful, that it was
impossible to divine his plans. He was building large fortresses, and it
might be his intention to declare his independence of the Spanish crown,
and turn traitor to his own country. It was, at all events, high time
for his majesty to adopt some decisive step to prevent this, and
despatch some personage of distinction to New Spain, in order to deprive
Cortes of the chief command, and of all sovereign power in the country.

Besides this, Albornoz slandered Cortes in various other ways, and the
bishop of Burgos determined to profit by it; and as Narvaez, Tapia, and
the agents of Diego Velasquez still continued their solicitations at
court, the bishop strenuously urged them to renew their accusations
against Cortes, and he strove to add further weight to their complaints
by the accounts which had just been received from Albornoz.

After his majesty had read these severe charges against our general, he
considered they were all true, and he said to Narvaez, who was spokesman
for the rest: "I am now determined that Cortes shall be punished! Though
he may send me a quantity of gold, yet the accusations that are brought
against him are becoming too frequent, and I love justice before all the
treasures he can procure me."

His majesty did not long delay to carry out his threats, for he
despatched orders to the admiral of St. Domingo to repair at the head of
600 men to Mexico, to seize Cortes' person, and if he found him guilty
to cut off his head without any further ceremony, and to punish all
those who assisted in the defeat of Narvaez. The emperor, in order to
spur the admiral on to fulfil his commands, even promised to appoint him
admiral of New Spain.

The admiral duly received these commands, but either from want of money
to fit out an armament sufficiently extensive for this purpose, or
whether he considered it a hazardous enterprise, he continually delayed
to act up to the emperor's commands. Certain it is, however, that his
friends cautioned him against Cortes' good fortune in arms, who, with a
handful of men, had defeated the large body of troops under Narvaez, and
they likewise assured him that he would not find Cortes or his
companions in arms guilty of anything wrong, but in every sense loyal
and faithful servants of his majesty. To all this was added, that it had
been observed to the emperor what a very distinguished appointment
admiral of New Spain would be, and that it was too great a reward to
bestow on any one for a mere expedition of this nature.

In the meantime while the admiral of St. Domingo was making preparations
for fitting out this armament, Cortes' agents, his father Martin Cortes
and father Melgarejo de Urrea, got information of all that was going
forward, and they no longer doubted from the letters they received from
Cortes himself, that the accountant Albornoz, or others of his enemies,
had been secretly plotting against him at court. These gentlemen,
therefore, called upon the duke of Bejar, to whom they gave a full
account of all the circumstances, and then laid before him Cortes' own
letters. When the duke saw how perilous the posture of affairs looked,
and how necessary it was to lend immediate assistance, he repaired to
his majesty without delay, accompanied by several of his distinguished
relatives, Martin Cortes, and father Melgarejo. After paying to his
majesty the deep respect which was due from them to their sovereign and
master, the duke humbly begged his majesty not to put any faith in what
the accountant Albornoz might say, who was the avowed enemy of Cortes,
and that his majesty would be pleased to countermand the orders he had
given to the admiral of St. Domingo, at least if less suspicious
witnesses than the accountant Albornoz did not come forward against
Cortes. As his majesty, continued the duke, was a monarch who loved
justice above all things, it was necessary to be doubly precautious in
taking proceedings against Cortes and his companions in arms, who had
rendered those services to their monarch, of which history could not
produce another example. He himself still continued to place implicit
confidence in the loyalty of Cortes towards his majesty, and in the same
way as he had previously offered to answer for Cortes with his head, he
was now quite ready to do the same again, and to stake the whole of his
possessions in the bargain. After the duke had thus declared himself to
the emperor, he gave his majesty an account of the letters which Cortes
had written to his own father, in which he had explained the reasons of
Albornoz's hatred to him. He then reminded his majesty of the vast
quantities of gold which Cortes had forwarded to Spain, and of the many
and great services he had altogether rendered to the crown, and brought
forth excellent arguments in justification of Cortes' conduct. His
majesty was so far convinced of the sound reasoning of the duke, that he
determined to despatch to New Spain a man of high rank, distinguished
talents, and of an unblemished character, there thoroughly to
investigate the matter on the spot itself.

The imperial court was at that time in Toledo, of which town a cavalier
and licentiate, named Luis Ponce de Leon, a cousin to the corregidor,
earl Don Martin de Cordoba, was then the vice-regidor. It was on this
gentleman that his majesty's choice fell, and Ponce de Leon accordingly
received the important commission to repair, without delay, to New
Spain, there to make the strictest inquiries into the accusations which
had been made against Cortes, and if he found him guilty to punish him
according to the utmost rigour of the law.

The licentiate Luis Ponce de Leon promised his majesty to employ his
utmost endeavours to bring the truth of the matter to light, and made
preparations for his journey to the New World; but he did not leave
Spain till two and a half years after, so that I shall subsequently
again have to recur to these circumstances. Nor did we receive any
information from Cortes' father of what had taken place in Spain until
after this time had elapsed. For the rest, Albornoz continued regularly
to despatch his slanders to the emperor, and even did not spare the
viceroy himself, Don Antonio de Mendoza, a man of exalted mind, worthy
of the most grateful remembrance, and whose name will be ever glorious.
However spotless the government of this gentleman might be, however
honest in his distribution of justice, yet this Albornoz presumed to
slander him to the emperor, and this merely because they were not upon
good terms with each other. Subsequently all the charges which Albornoz
had made against Cortes became known to this excellent viceroy, but he
contented himself by merely ordering Albornoz into his presence, and
laying before him the slanderous letters which he had written; he said
to him with his usual mildness and composure of countenance: "Since you
are so accustomed to write to his majesty, do not write falsehood, and
thereby wantonly precipitate others into ruin!" Albornoz, as may easily
be imagined, stood quite confounded and abashed.

I must now relate how Cortes, ignorant at that time of the secret
machinations of his enemies at the imperial court, sent out an armament
against Christobal de Oli.




CHAPTER CLXXIII.

    _How Cortes sent out a captain, named Francisco de las Casas against
    Christobal de Oli, on receiving intelligence that this officer had
    made common cause with Diego Velasquez, and had renounced all
    further obedience to him._


In order to render this chapter quite intelligible to the reader I must
recur to prior events. I mentioned above that Cortes fitted out an
armament for the Honduras and Higueras, the command of which he
intrusted to Christobal de Oli. It was not long before our general
received intelligence of the unfortunate termination of this expedition,
as far as regarded himself. When, therefore, he learnt that Oli had made
common cause with Diego Velasquez, and had determined to act independent
of him, he became very pensive. But, as he was remarkably spirited, and
not accustomed to joke in matters of this kind, he at once determined
either to march against Oli in person, or to send out an officer against
him on whom he could place implicit reliance, as he had previously
declared to his majesty.

About this time there had arrived in Mexico a cavalier, named Francisco
de las Casas. As he was a man in whom he could confide, being also
related to him, he resolved to send him against Oli. For this purpose he
fitted out a small armament, consisting of five vessels, well provided
with cannon and other ammunition. On board of this fleet he embarked one
hundred men, among whom were several of the veteran Conquistadores, as
for instance, Pedro Moreno Medrano, Juan Nunez de Mercado, Juan Vello,
and many others, whose names I will not mention, as they died on their
way thither.

Francisco de las Casas received full powers from Cortes to seize Oli and
throw him into chains. He set sail from Vera Cruz with very favorable
weather, and arrived in a short time in the bay of Triunfo de la Cruz,
where Oli had founded a town of the same name, and in front of which his
vessels lay at anchor. As Francisco de las Casas on entering the bay had
hoisted a white flag, Oli scarcely knew what to think at first, but
thought at all events it was better to be upon his guard, and ran out
two of his smallest vessels, well-armed with a strong body of men, in
order to prevent Las Casas from entering into the harbour and landing
his troops, though he was as yet quite ignorant who the new comers were.
Las Casas, who was a man of great courage and determination, immediately
lowered his boats, on board of which he placed one of the falconets and
the most active of his men, well armed with muskets and crossbows, being
resolved, he said, to land his troops some how or other. A severe
conflict now ensued, in which Las Casas bored one of Oli's vessels into
the ground, killed four of his men and wounded several others.

Christobal de Oli, seeing that matters were growing very serious,
thought it advisable on his part to stay hostilities, in order to gain
time to assemble all his troops about him; for he had, a few days
previously, despatched two companies to the river Pechin against a
certain Gil Gonsalez de Avila, who had begun to subdue the country
there. He therefore sent word to Las Casas that he was desirous of
making terms of peace with him; to which Las Casas so far consented that
he staid hostilities for the present, and lay out at sea with his
vessel for the night, in order to effect a landing in some other bay.
How much more fortunate it would have been for him if he had acted
according to the letter which was secretly thrust into his hand during
the engagement! In this letter namely, several of Oli's men who favoured
Cortes advised Las Casas by all means to land his troops without delay;
that they would all run over to his side and deliver up Oli a prisoner
to him. Fortunately for Oli, and unfortunately for Las Casas, a furious
north wind, which is the most dangerous of all on this coast, arose
during the night, and the whole of his vessels were wrecked; thirty of
his men were drowned, and all the ammunition and stores went to the
bottom. Las Casas and the rest of his men, after wandering about the
country for two days benumbed with wet and cold, without a morsel of
food to eat, were all taken prisoners by Oli's troops.

Christobal de Oli, it may be imagined, was excessively rejoiced that
things had thus terminated so unexpectedly in his favour, and he exulted
greatly in having the person of Las Casas in his power. He immediately
took the latter's troops into his service, and compelled them to take a
solemn oath never to desert him, but to oppose Cortes if he should come
with an army against him; not until they had promised all this did he
set them at liberty. Las Casas alone he kept a prisoner.

Shortly upon this the detachment also returned which had been sent
against Gil Gonsalez de Avila. This man had arrived in the country with
the appointment of governor of Golfo Dulce, and he had already founded,
at about four miles distance from the bay of the same name, a town which
he called San Gil de Buena Vista. The country bounding on the river
Chipin was at that time inhabited by a very warlike people; and as by
far the greater part of Gil Gonsalez's troops were suffering from ill
health, the latter had only been able to throw a feeble garrison into
the town of Buena Vista. Christobal de Oli had been duly apprized of
this, and ordered the town to be attacked; but his troops could not so
easily get possession of the place as they expected. Avila's small body
of men defended themselves most vigorously, and eight of the soldiers,
with a cousin of his, were killed. Christobal de Oli was both rejoiced
and proud to have taken prisoners the chief commanders of two separate
armaments; and as he bore the character of being an excellent soldier,
which, indeed, no one could deny, and it was of importance to him that
the success of his arms should be made known through the islands, he
immediately sent information of his good fortune to the governor of
Cuba.

After this victory he marched his troops towards the interior of the
country to a large township named Naco, which lay in a very populous
district. It was upon this occasion that Naco was completely destroyed,
and the whole of the surrounding country laid waste, and this I relate
from eyewitness, as I subsequently visited these parts myself, when I
accompanied Cortes on his expedition to the Honduras, of which a full
account will be given in the proper place.

From Naco, Oli sent out a strong detachment to forage the country, under
the command of Briones, who had been one of the first to advise Oli to
declare his independence of Cortes. This Briones was of a turbulent
disposition, besides being very passionate, and had only the upper half
of his ears left, having had the bottom halves, as he asserted, cut off
by the enemy, while he, with several other officers, was obstinately
defending some fortification. He terminated his life in a miserable
manner, for he was subsequently hung at Guatimala for creating a
sedition among the troops. Some time after Briones had been sent out by
Oli to a distant part of the country with a considerable body of his
troops, he received intelligence that he had deserted, with the whole of
the men under his command, and was marching in the direction of New
Spain; this news was indeed found to be perfectly correct.

This circumstance, Las Casas and Avila thought, presented to them a most
favorable opportunity to rid themselves of Oli, who still continued to
treat both of them as prisoners of war, though they were allowed to go
at large, for Oli depended too much upon his own personal courage to
fear anything from them. The whole of the adherents of Cortes secretly
joined Las Casas and Avila, and they agreed upon a certain signal to
fall upon Oli and stab him to death under the cry of "In the name of the
emperor and of Cortes, down with the tyrant!" Everything had been
arranged in the best possible manner for this purpose, and Las Casas, on
one occasion said to Oli: "Senor captain, do grant me my liberty and
allow me to return to New Spain, in order that I may render an account
to Cortes of the unfortunate termination of this expedition? I promise
you to become mediator between yourself and Cortes, and to procure for
you the government, with the chief military command of this country, and
I will myself see the appointment drawn up in due form. What can you
gain by detaining me a prisoner, for I am only a hindrance to you in all
your undertakings?" To this Oli replied, "That he was perfectly
contented with things as they were, and that he was delighted to have a
man of his worth about him."

"But have at least then," continued Las Casas, "some thought for your
own personal safety, for I might get it into my head some day or other
to put you to death!"

As Las Casas said all this in a joking humour, he took no notice of it,
and continued as little on his guard as ever.

One evening Las Casas, Avila, Juan Nunez de Mercado, and other soldiers
of Cortes' party were invited to sup with Oli. The first two, as
prisoners of war, were not allowed to carry arms, but had concealed on
their persons large knives, which were ground very sharp. The whole of
the company had already laid aside their cloaks to seat themselves at
table, and stood around Oli, discoursing on Cortes' good fortune and the
conquest of the strong city of Mexico. As Christobal de Oli was thus
quite off his guard, not in the least suspecting that there was any
design upon his life, Las Casas, on a sudden, seized forcibly hold of
his beard and stabbed him in the neck with his knife. Upon this the
other conspirators fell in a body upon him, and gave him so many stabs,
that he fell to the ground; but as he was a man of enormous muscular
power he regained his consciousness, while the conspirators were sitting
at table enjoying their suppers, and assembling all his strength he
started up from the floor with the cry of: "_My friends, assist your
captain!_" and then ran out to hide himself in the woods until his
adherents should have rallied round him. And, indeed, a great part of
his troops instantly assembled for this purpose; but Las Casas cried out
to them: "In the name of the emperor and of Cortes I command you to fall
upon the tyrant! His tyranny is no longer to be borne!"

As soon as these names were mentioned no one durst stir a finger in
Oli's defence; on the contrary, every one quietly submitted and
immediately obeyed Las Casas' commands, by hurrying off in search of Oli
to bring him in a prisoner. He then made known that any one who knew of
Oli's concealment and neglected to give information of it should suffer
death.

By this means it was soon discovered where Oli lay concealed, and after
he had been brought in a prisoner, a criminal suit was commenced against
him in due form, and sentence of death being passed on him he was
decapitated by order of these two officers, Las Casas and Avila on the
market-place at Naco.

Thus miserably did Christobal de Oli end his days by listening to the
advice of bad men, and forgetting how greatly he was indebted to Cortes,
who had appointed him quartermaster-general, and had bestowed upon him
lucrative commendaries. He had always proved himself a man of great
courage, and was recently married to a Portuguese lady, named Filipa de
Araujo, by whom he had a daughter.

As soon as Las Casas and Avila had got rid of their common enemy they
assembled all the troops; they divided the command equally between
themselves, and continued on the best terms with each other. Las Casas
soon after founded the town of Truxillo, which he so called from his
native place of Truxillo in Estremadura; and Avila despatched a small
body of troops to the town which he had previously founded, called Buena
Vista, in order to see what condition the colony was in. The command of
this small detachment he gave to an officer named Armenta, with orders
not to make any changes there, if at least he found everything in the
same condition as when he left it; but to await his return from New
Spain, whither he would immediately repair to beg Cortes for a fresh
supply of troops. Las Casas likewise determined to proceed with Avila to
Mexico, in order that they might jointly give Cortes an account of every
circumstance that had transpired.

I must, however, close this chapter here, for I shall have to return to
these occurrences in the proper part of my history; I have merely to
observe, that Cortes did not receive intelligence of what I have just
related till some considerable time after.




CHAPTER CLXXIV.

    _How Cortes himself marches at the head of his troops to the
    Honduras in search of Christobal de Oli; of the officers and men he
    selected on this occasion, and of other matters._


Several months having now elapsed since the departure of Las Casas with
the armament, and Cortes still without any tidings from him, he began to
fear that some misfortune had befallen him. The more he thought of the
many dangers to which vessels are exposed, and the various changes of
good and bad fortune which are inseparable from an expedition of this
nature, the more he regretted, notwithstanding all the confidence he
placed in Las Casas, that he had not gone in person at the head of the
armament. All this, added to the assurances he had received of there
being lucrative gold mines along the coast of the Honduras, determined
Cortes to march thither in person at the head of his troops.

His first care was to have the fortifications of Mexico well mounted
with cannon, and a good supply of ammunition to be laid by in the
arsenals for the protection of the city. The government of New Spain he
intrusted in his absence to the treasurer Alonso de Estrada and to the
accountant Albornoz. How he could make choice of the latter is quite
beyond my speculation; but he certainly would not have done so if he had
been aware of the infamous manner in which Albornoz had slandered him to
the emperor.

The licentiate Zuazo, who has so often been mentioned in the course of
this history, he appointed alcalde-mayor of Mexico, and the entire
management of his own private property he gave to his relative Rodrigo
de Paz.

After he had thus made every provision for the government and security
of Mexico, he particularly desired the crown officers, to whom he had
intrusted the chief government, the Franciscan friar Toribio Motolinia,
and the excellent father Olmedo, who was held in the highest estimation
in Mexico, and had deservedly the greatest influence on all classes of
people, to act in harmony to assist each other in the conversion of the
Indians and to maintain peace and good order throughout the provinces,
as well as in the city itself. In order, however, to deprive the
discontented of the Indian population in the city and in the provinces
of all possibility of choosing any leader of distinction, should they
take it into their heads to rise up in arms during his absence, he took
along with him Quauhtemoctzin, besides the king of Tlacupa, and several
others of the most distinguished caziques of the country, among whom the
chief of Tapiezuela held the first rank, and even despatched a message
to the caziques of Mechoacan, desiring them also to join his army.

As Geronimo de Aguilar had died some time previously, he only took Dona
Marina with him as interpretess. The suite of principal officers and
cavaliers who accompanied him in this expedition was very brilliant; of
which I shall only mention Sandoval, Luis Marin, Francisco Marmolejo,
Gonzalo Rodriguez de Ocampo, Pedro de Ircio, the brothers Avalos and
Saavedra, Palacios Rubios, Pedro de Sauzedo, Geronimo Ruiz de la Mota,
Alonso de Grado, Sante Cruz Burgales, Pedro de Solis, Juan Xaramillo,
Alonso Valiente, Navarrete, and Serna; further, Diego de Mazariegos,
cousin to the treasurer Gil Gonsalez de Benavides, Herman Lopez de
Avila, Gaspar Garnica, and several others, whose names I have forgotten.
The priests who joined this army were, father Juan de las Varillas, of
Salamanca, and two Flemish monks, who were profound theologians, and
preached a good deal. Besides these, there was another priest, whose
name has slipped my memory. Of the officers of his household, Cortes
selected his major-domo Carranza, his chief waiters Juan de Jasso and
Rodrigo Maneco, his butler Cervan Bejarano, and two stewards of the
kitchen department, San Miguel and Guinea.

As Cortes took with him a great quantity of gold and silver utensils
and ornaments, he gave the immediate charge of these to a certain Tello,
of Medina, and another person, named Salazar, of Madrid. As physician he
took the licentiate Pedro de Lopez, of Mexico, and as surgeon Diego de
Pedraza. To all these was added a number of pages, of whom Don Francisco
de Montejo was one, who subsequently commanded in Yucatan, and was son
to the oft-mentioned Montejo, adelantado of the latter province;
further, there were two pages appointed as his lance-bearers; his chief
equerry Gonzalo Rodriguez de Ocampo, with a number of grooms, and three
Spanish mule-drivers; two falconers, Garci Caro and Alvaro Montanes; a
number of performers on the sackbut, clarion, and dulcimer; lastly, a
buffoon and a juggler, who likewise entertained the men with
puppet-shows; further, he took with him a large herd of swine, in order
that the troops might have a constant supply of fresh meat on their
march. Besides the numbers of Indians which accompanied the several
caziques, a body of 3000 Mexican warriors were also joined to this army.

Just as Cortes was about to commence his march from Mexico, the factor
Salazar and the veedor Chirinos, who were both hurt and disappointed
that Cortes had not thought proper to give them any particular
appointment during the time he would be absent, urged on the licentiate
Zuazo and Rodrigo de Paz, besides all the veteran Conquistadores and
Cortes' intimate friends who remained behind in the metropolis,
earnestly to dissuade him from leaving Mexico, and not to intrust the
government of the country to other hands, as there was not the least
doubt but that the whole of New Spain would revolt in his absence. These
representations occasioned much debate between both parties; but as
Cortes abided by the resolution he had taken, the factor and veedor
begged of him to allow them, at least, to accompany him to Guacasualco,
through which his march lay, and so far to accept of their services.

Cortes thus left Mexico[45] at the head of his army, and took the road
leading to the last-mentioned province. The splendour with which he was
received in every township he came to, and the festivities which took
place in his honour, were really astonishing. On his march he was also
joined by fifty men who had but recently arrived from Spain, all
light-hearted extravagant young fellows.

In order that his troops might not be detained on the road for want of
provisions, and to procure these the more readily, he divided his army
into two bodies, which marched by different routes to Guacasualco.
Immediately about his person were Sandoval, the factor and the veedor,
who vied with each other in their attentions to him; but none of them
carried their politeness so far as the factor, who, whenever he
addressed Cortes, bowed himself almost double, with his head uncovered,
and took every opportunity, under the most flattering assurances of his
devoted attachment, to dissuade him from this tedious and perilous
expedition, and summoned to his aid all the subtlety of rhetoric in
representing to him the evils that might ensue from it, and the little
advantage he could gain. He would often sing out, when riding along at
the side of Cortes:

    Turn back, dear uncle, turn back;
    Dear uncle, turn back!

To this Cortes likewise replied, in a singing tone of voice:

    Forward, nephew; forward, nephew;
    Let not omens dishearten you;
    The will of God it must be done;
    Forward, nephew; forward, nephew!

When the division which was commanded by Cortes himself arrived in the
neighbourhood of Orizaba, the property of the squinting Ojedo, Dona
Marina was married to Juan Xaramillo, and the hymeneal knot was solemnly
tied in presence of witnesses.

The army now marched further on towards the extensive township of
Guazaltepec, which was comprised in the commendary of Sandoval. From
this place we received intelligence in Guacasualco of Cortes' approach,
and the whole of us officers and distinguished personages of the town,
with the alcaldes, regidors, and all the chief authorities, immediately
marched out, and we advanced about 132 miles into the country to receive
our general. This was done with such zeal on our part as if we were each
going to receive some large benefice; and I merely mention this
circumstance to show the reader how much Cortes was esteemed and feared
at the same time. He was always pleased to find this kind of respect
paid to his person, and it was impossible to go too far in your
attentions to him.

The army now continued its march from Guazaltepec further on towards
Guacasualco, and had to pass over a very broad and rapid river, when the
first ill omen showed itself; for three of the canoes, which were
conveying across considerable sums of money and other things, upset, and
all they contained went to the bottom. Upon this occasion Juan Xaramillo
lost the half of his baggage, nor was it possible to save any part that
floated down the river, on account of the enormous alligators with which
the water abounded.

From this place Cortes marched over the townships of Uluta up to the
broad river of Guacasualco, where every preparation had been made to
convey the army across, for which purpose a great number of canoes lay
ready fastened two and two together. In the town of Guacasualco itself
triumphal arches had been erected, and every preparation had been made
to entertain our general as magnificently as possible. Sham fights took
place between Christians and Moors, all kinds of fireworks were
displayed at night, and various other rejoicings were kept up.

Cortes staid altogether six days in Guacasualco, during which time the
veedor and factor left him not a moment's peace, with their
representations to relinquish the expedition, and return to Mexico. They
constantly reminded him of the men to whom he had confided the chief
government, and told him that the accountant Albornoz was a man fond of
innovation, restless of disposition, and double-faced; that the
treasurer openly prided himself on being a son of his catholic majesty;
so that very little trust could be placed in either of these gentlemen.
From the moment he had intrusted the government to them, and even
previously, they had laid their heads together, and determined upon some
secret movement. They likewise reminded Cortes of the letters he had
received on his march hither, from Mexico, in which it was stated that
his two representatives had already began to slander his government of
the country. In short, the veedor and factor spoke in such eloquent and
flattering terms of their great attachment to his person, and how much
more fitting persons they were themselves to have been intrusted with
the government in his absence than the two other gentlemen, that at last
they actually persuaded him to grant them equal power in the
administration; and not only this, but with the additional authority to
take the sole government into their own hands, if they saw that Albornoz
and Estrada acted against the true interests of his majesty.

The power which Cortes thus conferred upon the veedor and factor was the
source of many evils, and of the terrible insurrection which shortly
after burst out in Mexico, and of which I will give a full account in a
following chapter, when our army has fairly reached the town of
Truxillo, after a long and tedious march. I will only take this
opportunity of observing, that father Olmedo, and the Franciscan monks
who accompanied us, did not hesitate a moment to tell Cortes how greatly
they disapproved of this measure, and said, they hoped to God he would
not have to repent of this step: and indeed their apprehensions were but
too well confirmed by future events! Cortes, however, took little heed
of what the good Franciscans had said; for only the words of father
Olmedo, whom he consulted on most occasions, had ever any weight with
him.

When the factor and the veedor took leave of Cortes before returning to
Mexico, it was ludicrous to behold their reverential bows, and to hear
the compliments they paid him. The factor, in particular, had a manner
of sighing peculiar to himself, and he appeared ready to burst into
tears when he took leave of Cortes, and the deed of appointment, which
had been drawn out by his intimate friend, the secretary Alonso
Valiente, was put into his hands. Both these gentlemen now set out for
Mexico, whither they were accompanied by Hernan Lopez de Avila, as he
was suffering from severe pains in his joints and large swellings in his
groins, so that he could scarcely move along.

We will now wish them a pleasant journey, and begin to think of our
tedious march, during which we suffered so many hardships, that it was a
wonder any of us ever returned alive.




CHAPTER CLXXV.

    _How we commence our march from Guacasualco, and the terrible
    fatigues and hardship we had to undergo for the space of two years
    and three months._


The first thing Cortes did, after despatching the veedor and factor to
Mexico, was to write to his major-domo Simon de Cuenca, at Vera Cruz,
ordering him to load two small vessels with maise biscuits, six pipes of
wine, oil, vinegar, smoked hog's flesh, and other provisions, besides a
good quantity of horseshoes. Cuenca was himself to take charge of these
vessels, and to sail in along the coast until he should receive further
instructions as to the place he was to put into.

The next thing he did was to issue orders to all the Spanish settlers at
Guacasualco, with the exception of those who were ill, to join him in
this expedition. The reader will remember, from what I stated in a
former chapter, that the first Spanish colonists of Guacasualco were all
of the oldest Conquistadores of New Spain, and most of them were of
noble families. The whole of us had now hoped to enjoy some repose, and
that we should have been allowed to recover from all the great fatigues
and hardships we had undergone; and we were just bringing our lands into
a pretty good state of cultivation, when we received orders from Cortes
to accompany him in an expedition of above 2000 miles from Guacasualco,
the whole of our route lying through a hostile country; on an expedition
which lasted for two years and three months, and in which we lost
everything we took with us! Not one of us had sufficient courage to say
no; and if he had, it would have availed him nothing, for he would have
been compelled to go! We therefore equipped ourselves in the best
possible manner, caparisoned our horses, and patiently awaited our
general's commands to march out.

Cortes' whole force, including those of Guacasualco, consisted of above
250 foot, besides the musketeers and crossbow-men, 130 horse, and a
number of men recently arrived from Spain. Before leaving Guacasualco,
Cortes gave me the chief command of a detachment, consisting of 30
Spaniards and 3000 Mexicans, with instructions to march against the
Cimatans, and force them into obedience, as they still obstinately
refused to submit to our arms. The 3000 Mexicans were to be distributed
among the townships of the country, but I was particularly instructed to
abstain from all violent measures if the inhabitants were peaceably
inclined, and submitted as vassals to our emperor; neither was I to
demand anything further from them than the necessary provisions for the
troops. If they still persisted in their hostilities, I was thrice to
summon them to submit, in a manner intelligible to them, and in presence
of a notary and several witnesses; but if they refused to submit after
the third summons, I was to commence hostilities against them without
any further delay.

I am still in possession of the document containing these instructions,
which is signed by Cortes himself, and countersigned by his secretary
Alonso Valiente.

These commands I punctually obeyed, and I had the good fortune to
tranquillize the whole province; but this was of very short duration,
for when these Indians heard what a small number of Spaniards were left
behind in Guacasualco, and that the whole of the veteran Conquistadores
had marched out with Cortes, they again revolted, a few months after our
departure.

As soon as I had pacified the province of Cimatan, I again joined the
main body under Cortes, with which I came up near Iquinupa. Our general
had marched from Guacasualco to Tonala, a distance of about thirty-two
miles; he passed a river by means of canoes, and then came to the
township Ayagualulco. From this place he continued his march
twenty-eight miles further on, up to an arm of the sea, over which
Cortes threw a bridge, which was in every respect a work of wonder, and
was half a mile in length. During the whole of our march through this
country, two of our officers of Guacasualco had to go a considerable way
in advance of the army. One of these captains was Francisco de Medina, a
man of a peaceable disposition, and who knew best how to manage the
inhabitants of the country.

After we had crossed this estuary, we passed through several small
townships, until we arrived on the banks of the immense river Mazapa,
which flows from Chiapa, and is termed by the sailors _Rio de dos
bocas_. A large number of canoes lay ready for us here, fastened two and
two together, in which we ferried safely across this broad river. We
then passed through numerous small townships, and had to throw a bridge
across another estuary, and also a river, before we reached the
extensive township of Copilco, and here you enter the populous province
of Chontalpa. This country enjoyed the profoundest peace at that time,
and was everywhere covered with cacao plantations. From Copilco we
passed over Nacanuxuica to Zaqutan, after passing over another river, by
means of canoes. On our arrival in this township, the inhabitants
appeared very friendly disposed, but during the night they had all left,
and fled to the opposite shore of a broad river, between the swamps.
Cortes then ordered that we should march across the mountains, in search
of the inhabitants. This was indeed a most inconsiderate command, nor
was there any advantage to be gained thereby.

It was only with the greatest difficulty, after undergoing excessive
fatigues, that we succeeded in passing over this broad river, and all we
gained by it was the capture of seven Indian chiefs, with a few of the
common people; but even these soon ran away from us, so that at last we
had not even a single person left to guide us on our march.

While we were staying here, the chief caziques of Tabasco came to us
with fifty canoes, laden with maise and other provisions. Some of the
inhabitants of the Teapan townships, then comprehended in my commendary,
also arrived, with several canoes full of provisions.

Our further march now lay through Tepetitan and Iztapa. In our road we
had to pass the deep river Chilapa, where we were detained four days in
constructing boats to ferry over the army without danger. Further up
this river I knew there was a township, which likewise bore the name of
Chilapa. I therefore proposed to our general to despatch five of our
Indian guides to this place, and request the inhabitants to come down
with their canoes. To this Cortes readily agreed, and he ordered one of
our men to accompany the Indians thither, who succeeded so well, that
they returned with two caziques, besides six large canoes laden with
provisions. With these and the boats we had constructed, the whole of
the troops safely crossed the river; but, as I have said before, all
this cost us four whole days.

We then arrived in the township of Tepetitan, which was quite deserted
by its inhabitants, and every house had been burnt to the ground. The
inhabitants of this place, we were told, had been at war with their
neighbours, and a severe battle had recently been fought between them,
in which the former were defeated with great loss, when the enemy
destroyed their town by fire, and returned home with a great number of
prisoners.

For the next three days after we had passed the river Chilapa, our route
lay through one continued bog, in which our horses often sank up to
their girths. The next township we came to was Iztapa, where we did not
meet a living soul, for the inhabitants, from fear of us, had all fled
across a rapid river. We, however, went instantly in pursuit of them,
and after some time we came up with the caziques, and a number of men,
women, and children. Cortes, by means of Dona Marina, spoke very kindly
to them, and restored to their families four women and three men, whom
we had captured among the mountains. In gratitude for this, and in order
to show how friendly they were disposed towards us, these Indians
presented our general with several ornaments of gold, but the metal was
of an inferior quality. In this neighbourhood we halted three days, as
it contained plenty of good food for our horses, and a great abundance
of maise. Cortes considered this would be a most eligible spot to found
a colony in, as the country round about contained a number of wealthy
townships, from which a settlement would derive great advantages, and
have a constant supply of all necessaries. Here Cortes also made the
most minute inquiries of the caziques and Indian merchants as to the
route we were to take; for which purpose he laid before them a piece of
nequen cloth, he had brought with him from Guacasualco, and on which
were noted down all the townships we had to pass through up to Huyacala.
This place was termed by these Indians Great Acala, in order to
distinguish it from another, called Little Acala, and they assured us
that the greater part of our route lay through a country containing
numerous rivers, and was intersected in various places by arms of the
sea. Up to Tamaztepec alone, they said, which lay at a distance of three
days' journey, we should have to pass no less than three rivers, and one
estuary, which was exceedingly broad.

In consequence of this information, Cortes requested the caziques to
furnish us with canoes, and assist us in the construction of bridges.
This they readily consented to do, but took care not to fulfil their
promise. We, however, placed perfect confidence in what they had said,
and only took provisions for three days with us. But it appears they had
merely wished to get rid of us as speedily as possible; for, instead of
three, it took us seven days' march before we arrived at Tamaztepec, nor
did we find at any of the rivers either canoes or bridges; so that our
Indian friends had deceived us in every way. We were therefore
compelled to set to work ourselves, to construct bridges sufficiently
strong to carry our horses; every officer and soldier set diligently to
work in felling the heavy trees, and dragging them to the river side, in
all of which we were likewise greatly assisted by the Mexican warriors.
Three days were spent in the construction of this bridge, during which
time we had nothing to subsist on but grass, and a wild root called by
the Indians quecuenque, which burnt our lips and tongues. After we had
at length, with great difficulty, safely crossed this broad estuary, our
further progress was almost impeded by an impenetrable barrier of
thickets and woods, through which we were obliged to cut a road with our
swords. In this way we continued to move forward in a straight line, in
the hopes of reaching some township. One morning, as usual, when we had
again commenced marching forward in this laborious manner, Cortes
himself began to find that our position was truly miserable. He could
not help hearing how the men murmured against him, and cursed the whole
expedition, and the terrible hunger they sustained; uttering aloud that
he ought immediately to march back to Mexico, if at least he was not
desirous of starving us to death. To all this suffering was added, that
we now saw before us nothing but terrific mountains, which almost hid
the very heavens from our view. Though some of us climbed to the tops of
the highest trees, all we could see was one huge pile of mountains
frowning above the other on every side. Besides this, two of our Indian
guides had secretly decamped, and the third was so ill, that he was
unable to move along, and had so far lost his recollection, that he
could give us no information as to which way we were to bend our steps.
But as Cortes was a man who never shrunk back from any difficulty, and
whose active mind was never at a loss, he ordered the pilot Pedro Lopez
to bring him the compass, which he placed on our map of nequen cloth
above mentioned, and then desired him to point out the direction we were
to take, in order to reach the nearest township. In accordance with
Lopez's instructions, we commenced cutting our way through the woods in
an easterly direction, and moved up the mountains. It was here that our
general himself declared he should be quite at a loss what to do, if we
did not reach some township by the next day.

Although every one of us would gladly have marched back to New Spain at
this moment, yet, strengthened by hope, we continued our difficult
route, and in a short time it pleased God we should come up to a tree
which had been recently cut down, and a little further on to a small
footpath. Pedro Lopez and myself, who were a good bit in advance, with
several of the men, to explore the way, instantly hastened back to
inform Cortes of our discovery, and to assure him that some habitation
or other must be in the immediate vicinity. Our general, with the whole
of the men, were exceedingly rejoiced at this news; though we found that
we had to cross a river and several marshes before we could reach any
dwellings. By employing our utmost exertions, however, we soon
surmounted these difficulties, and we arrived at a township, from which
the inhabitants had fled on our approach, but leaving behind them a
quantity of maise, beans, and other vegetables, which tasted the more
savoury to us, as we were completely famished. Here our horses likewise
regained their strength, and we offered up our humble thanks to God for
so much mercy. On this last march, Cortes' buffoon and three soldiers,
who had recently arrived from Spain, died from exhaustion. A great
number of Mechoacan and Mexican Indians likewise perished, and many
others, who were unable to bear the fatigues, became ill, and in despair
sank down on the ground as we marched along.

As this township was quite deserted by its inhabitants, and we had no
guides left, Cortes despatched myself and another captain among the
mountains in search of other small villages. Others of our men also
crossed the broad river, which flows here, in some canoes they found,
belonging to this township, and they soon came up with a number of the
inhabitants, thirty of whom, for the greater part caziques and papas,
they persuaded, by kind words and promises, to accompany them to Cortes,
who, with the assistance of Dona Marina, spoke to them in an
affectionate manner; so that they brought us several more fowls, and a
quantity of maise. They then pointed out the route we were to take, in
order to reach the next township, which was called Izguatepec, the
distance to which place, they said, was three days' journey, or
sixty-four miles; but that on our road we should come up to another
small township, which was subject to Tamaztepec, where we were then
staying.

Before describing our further march, I must not forget to mention that a
few Mexican chiefs, who were unable to endure the pains of hunger any
longer, had secreted two or three Indians of the townships we had passed
through, among their baggage. These unfortunate beings they slaughtered
on our march, and baked them after the fashion of their country, between
heated stones, under ground, and then devoured their flesh. We
afterwards discovered that our two guides, whom we so suddenly missed,
had been served in a similar manner. When Cortes was informed of this
revolting circumstance, he ordered the caziques into his presence, and
reprimanded them for committing such atrocities, threatening to punish
them most severely if they repeated this abominable conduct. One of the
Franciscan monks likewise preached a sermon on the occasion, and he
told them many holy and edifying things. In order, however, to deter the
caziques from committing a similar offence, one of them was sentenced to
be burnt at the stake.[46]

I will not go further into the particulars of the many hardships and
privations we had to suffer. Our distress was so great, that even the
performers on the sackbut, clarion, and dulcimer, who were constantly to
have amused us with their instruments, the only hard work they had to
do, fell ill for want of food, and so an end was put to their music.

There was only one of them who managed to force out a tune now and then,
but we all grew so sick of his blowing and puffing that we told him it
sounded in our ears like the mingled howls of foxes and wolves, and that
a handful of maise to stay the cravings of hunger would be more
acceptable than all his music.

Several persons on reading this history have asked me, why we did not
kill the herd of swine which Cortes took with him? For you know, they
said, that necessity breaks through all law, and Cortes would
undoubtedly have distributed some of the flesh from time to time among
the troops. To this I answered, that Cortes' chief butler Guinea, a man
of a dubious character, gave out that the hogs had by degrees all been
devoured by the alligators and sharks in crossing the rivers. However,
in order that we might never catch sight of these swine, they were
always kept about four days' journey behind us; though I must confess
that the whole herd put together would not have fed our numerous troops
for one single day, and besides this, no one ever spoke of killing them
for fear of annoying Cortes.

In every township we came to, and in various other places wherever we
found proper trees for the purpose, particularly the ceiba tree, we cut
the form of a cross into the bark, these being much more durable than
those crosses usually constructed of two pieces of wood and stuck into
the ground; besides that, the former become more and more perceptible as
the bark grows. To these we likewise fastened scraps of paper, that
would immediately catch the eye, and on which was written: _Cortes
passed this way on such and such a day_, for the instruction of those
who might be sent after us. On our march to Ciguatepec we were
accompanied by above twenty Indians of Tamaztepec, in order to assist us
in crossing the rivers with their canoes; some of them likewise went in
advance, to acquaint the inhabitants of the townships that we came in a
friendly disposition. By this so much was gained, that those who would
otherwise have fled at our approach now quietly awaited our arrival
without evincing the least fear.




CHAPTER CLXXVI.

    _How Cortes on our arrival at Ciguatepec despatches Francisco de
    Medina in search of Simon de Cuenca, with orders for the latter to
    repair with the two vessels to Triunfo de la Cruz; and what further
    happened._


Cortes' first care on our arrival in Ciguatepec was to gain the
friendship of the caziques and of other distinguished persons of the
township, and for this purpose he presented them with a number of
Mexican chalchihuis stones. These people then gave him an account of a
very broad river which flowed at no great distance from their township,
and emptied itself into an arm of the sea, near to the township of
Gueyatasta, which lay close to the larger one called Xicalango. From
Ciguatepec Cortes, therefore, considered it most advisable to send some
one to the north coast in search of the two transports under Simon de
Cuenca, and after making the minutest inquiries respecting the route
they were to take, he despatched two Spaniards thither for this purpose,
the principal one of whom was Francisco de Medina, a man who was very
active and prompt in everything he undertook. This is the same officer
who caused an insurrection in Chamula, in our expedition under Luis
Marin against Chiapa, mentioned in a former chapter.

Cortes gave him full power to share the command between himself and
Cuenca, but it would have been much better if he had never given him
this authority, as will presently be seen. However, Medina went down the
river and found Cuenca lying at anchor with his vessels in front of
Xicalango, awaiting Cortes' further commands, according to the
instructions he had received. As soon as Medina stepped on board he
produced his authority from our general with respect to the command,
which gave rise to high words between both parties, and ended in so
bloody a conflict in which the crews mingled, that they slew each other
without mercy, and only seven men remained alive. But here misfortunes
were not at an end, for when the Indians of Xicalango and Gueyatasta saw
how the Spaniards quarrelled among themselves and weakened their
strength, they fell suddenly upon those that survived, put them to death
and then set fire to the vessels. Though we did not hear of all this
until two years and a half had elapsed.

The caziques of Ciguatepec informed us that we were still three days'
journey from Gueyacala, and that we should have to cross two rivers, of
which one was uncommonly deep and broad; after this our route would lay
through an extensive moorland, full of dangerous bogs, and they assured
us we should not be able to cross the rivers without canoes. Cortes
therefore despatched two Spaniards with three distinguished Indians in
advance, to bring him an accurate account of the state of the rivers and
the marshes, and inform him what would be the easiest method of crossing
them. The two soldiers who received these commands were, Pedro de Ribera
and Martin Garcia, of Valencia, who was alguacil of our army, and in
whom our general placed the greatest confidence. They set out on their
march, explored the rivers in small canoes, and were of opinion that the
only way to pass the former would be by throwing bridges across; but as
for the marshes, which lay four miles further on, they had never even
given them a thought, and they only brought word about the difficulty of
throwing bridges across the water. Cortes then sent for myself and
Gonsalo Mexia, and commissioned us to go in company of some of the
chiefs of Ciguatepec to the Acallan townships, and do all in our power
to gain the friendship of the inhabitants, that they might not run away
as our army approached.

These Acallan townships were above twenty in number, some built on the
mainland, some on the small islands which lay in the river and at the
head of the estuary, so that they could only communicate with each other
by means of canoes. We accordingly set out with our Indian friends, who,
however, deserted us on the first night, because they were at enmity
with these townships, as we subsequently learnt. We were, therefore,
obliged to continue our route in the best way we could without the help
of guides, and it was only with the greatest difficulty we found our way
through the morasses to the first of the Acallan townships. Although on
our approach the inhabitants immediately took up arms, we sought to gain
their friendship by kind words and presents of glass beads, begging of
them to accompany us to Malinche and take him something to eat. These
people were then not aware that Cortes was advancing with so large a
body of foot and horse, and showed little inclination to return with us.
It was not until the following day, when they learnt from some Indian
merchants what a large army Malinche had with him, that they evinced
greater willingness to supply him with provisions. Though, at the same
time, they told us he must wait for these until he arrived in person,
when they would gladly supply him with everything that lay in their
power. They could not think, they added, of entering upon the territory
of Ciguatepec, where their enemies lived. While we were thus holding a
conference with these people, two Spaniards arrived with a letter from
Cortes, in which he desired me to meet him on his march with as large a
quantity of provisions as I could possibly collect together, for the
whole of the inhabitants of Ciguatepec had suddenly fled, and not a
morsel of food was to be got; he was therefore compelled to commence his
march immediately, and I was to use all my endeavours to persuade the
caziques to remain in their townships.

These two Spaniards also told me that our general had despatched four
men up the river in search of provisions among the townships, which were
said to lie in that direction. But none of these men had returned,
having most probably been murdered by the inhabitants.

Cortes, therefore, began his march, and arrived in the space of two days
on the banks of the broad river above mentioned. Here he displayed his
usual activity of mind in superintending the construction of a bridge,
which, with the utmost exertions, was completed in the space of four
days of the tallest and thickest trees growing in the neighbourhood,
which greatly excited the astonishment of the inhabitants of Acala.
During these four days our troops had scarcely anything to eat, as they
had commenced their march without any provisions whatever. And what was
worse, they were totally ignorant whether any maise was to be had
further on, or whether the country was at peace. Some of the veteran
troops stopped the gnawing pain of hunger by cutting down a species of
very tall palm-tree, which bore on the topmost branches a kind of nut,
with an uncommon hard shell, these they roasted in the fire and ate the
kernel.

A short time after this strong bridge had been completed, I and my
companions returned to where the army lay encamped, bringing with us one
hundred and thirty loads of maise, eighty fowls, some honey, some salt,
and various kinds of vegetables. Though it was pretty late when we
arrived, yet the whole of the men were keeping a sharp look out for us,
as they were perfectly aware we had gone out in search of provisions;
our general, moreover, having assured them he had good hopes they would
shortly get something to eat, if at least the Indians did not kill me,
as they had the four other Spaniards he had despatched in search of
provisions.

As I was thus approaching the camp in the dark, the whole of our troops
suddenly fell upon the provisions like ravenous wolves, and took entire
possession of them, nor did they leave the smallest quantity, either for
Cortes, Sandoval, or the other superior officers. "This is for Cortes!"
cried they each time they forcibly carried off a load of provisions. His
major-domo Carranza, and his butler Guinea, certainly disputed the
possession with them, and tugged with all their might at the sacks, but
our men were determined to keep all to themselves, and continually cried
out: "Cortes and you regaled yourselves with the hogs while we were
famishing with hunger, and you never offered us a morsel; and now in our
turn we are determined to care for nobody but ourselves!" In short, all
Cortes' officials might say went for nothing, and they divided the whole
of the provisions among themselves.

When Cortes heard this he stamped the ground with rage, swore he would
bring the guilty persons to trial and punish them severely. However,
after he had given vent to his anger for some time, and had considered
the matter a little, he found that all his threats amounted to nothing.
Yet he sent for me, and asked me, in a tone of reproach, why I had not
defended the possession of the provisions more effectually? I replied,
"That he should have despatched a small detachment to meet me on the
road," although, added I, "if your excellency had formed one of the
guard yourself it would have been of no avail, for hunger knows no law."

When he saw that there was no remedy, and that extreme distress alone
had induced the men to act thus he became quite friendly again, and
praised me in the most flattering terms. Gonzalo de Sandoval happened to
be present when he was thus kindly addressing me, and I still well
remember how Cortes said to me, "O! senor Bernal Diaz del Castillo, for
the love you bear me, if you have concealed any provisions on the road
do, I beg of you, let me share them with you! You cannot certainly have
forgotten to stow some part away for yourself and your friend Sandoval!"

The tone in which he said this went to my very heart; besides that,
Sandoval exclaimed, at the same moment, "I declare to Heavens I should
feel grateful for a mere handful of maise to roast on the fire for my
supper!"

Well, said I, when all is quiet and the whole of the troops have retired
to rest, we will steal out in the depth of night and repair to the next
village, where the inhabitants have put by for me twelve loads of maise,
twenty fowls, three jars of honey, some salt, and have presented me
besides with two females to bake my bread. We must use the utmost
circumspection and fetch all this while it is yet dark, that our men may
not again waylay us on the road, and likewise deprive us of these
provisions.

Sandoval was so exceedingly thankful for this fair prospect of getting
something to eat in a short time, that he fell about my neck and
embraced me, with the assurance that he would march out with me that
very night. We accordingly left our camp in company, had the good
fortune to bring in these provisions unperceived, and we regaled
ourselves at our ease. Cortes upon this inquired whether the monks had
been provided for? To which I replied, that God took better care of them
than he did, for the soldiers had not forgotten to give them a share of
the provisions they had plundered, in order that they might not perish
of hunger.

I have merely mentioned all this in order to show the reader in what an
awful predicament a general may be placed who penetrates with an army
into an unknown country. Though Cortes was greatly feared by the troops,
yet they even to a man grudged him a handful of maise to still his
hunger, and Sandoval himself was obliged to go in search of provisions
when he wanted any, for he durst not trust any of his men. So little
confidence did one place in the other!

We had all safely passed the broad river, and marched about four miles
in a straight line, when we got fixed in a terrible morass. Here all
throwing in of trees and other materials to make a road was fruitless.
Our horses sunk in so deep, that often their heads alone were to be seen
above ground, and we thought we should never have rescued a single one
of them alive. Yet we were ordered to march forward, for we should again
be on firm ground at the distance of about half a bowshot. We thus
continued to move on, while our army left a deep hollow track behind it,
formed of mud and water, the horses swimming, sometimes wading, through
the deeper parts. At length we reached firm land, and we offered up
thanks to God for our escape.

Cortes now again despatched me to the Acallan townships, in order to
induce the caziques, with whom I had become very friendly, to send off
some provisions to him in advance. I instantly set out on my journey,
arrived towards evening in Acala, and despatched that very night three
Spaniards who had accompanied me, with about one hundred Indians, to
Cortes, laden with maise and other provisions. When our general gave me
these instructions, he added: "This time I will await the arrival of the
provisions, and stand guard over them, that I may not fare as badly as I
did before." And sure enough, when they arrived, he, Sandoval, and Luis
Marin took them into their own custody, and ordered them to be
distributed under their own eyes.

The following day, about noon, the army arrived in Acala, the caziques
of which place having met our general with a supply of provisions; but I
will break off here, and relate what further took place in the next
chapter.




CHAPTER CLXXVII.

    _Cortes' further plans after his arrival among the Acallan
    townships; how he orders the powerful cazique of Mexico
    Quauhtemoctzin, and the king of Tlacupa, to be hung; his reasons for
    doing this; and of other matters._


After Cortes had arrived in Gueacala, and had been thus kindly received
by the caziques, he told them all manner of fine things, through our
interpretess, Dona Marina, and he presented them with various kinds of
Spanish toys, all of which appeared vastly to amuse them. They willingly
supplied us with provisions, and Cortes questioned them as to the route
we were next to take, and whether they had seen other people like unto
us, with beards, and riding on horseback, or any strange vessels off the
coast?

To which they replied, that eight days further on there were numbers of
people with beards, who had women of Castile, horses, and three acales
(for so they term vessels) with them. Respecting our inquiries about the
direction in which we were to march, they answered by laying before us a
large piece of cotton cloth, on which were drawn all the rivers, swamps,
morasses, and townships of the country.

Cortes was excessively rejoiced at all this, and he requested the
caziques, as their population was so numerous, to bring their canoes,
and throw bridges across the river for us. To this they answered, that
their townships were indeed above twenty in number, but that the greater
part of these refused obedience to them, particularly those which lay
between the rivers. It would therefore be necessary, they added, for him
to send a number of his teules--so they termed us--thither, and command
them to furnish him with provisions.

Cortes followed their advice, and commissioned Diego de Mazariegos,
cousin to the treasurer Estrada, whom Cortes had appointed governor of
Mexico, to repair to the latter townships. Cortes was very partial to
Mazariegos, and was desirous of distinguishing the man, by conferring
this command upon him. But as Mazariegos had very little experience in
the manners and customs of these countries, Cortes desired him in
confidence to request me to accompany him, and advised him to act upon
my advice in all matters. This hint was not lost upon Mazariegos, who
did not neglect to follow our general's counsel. I have not mentioned
this in praise of myself, for it was well known to the whole of the
troops, and Cortes himself, in his despatches to the emperor respecting
the expedition to the Honduras, and which I read myself, also detailed
this circumstance.

The caziques readily furnished us with the necessary canoes, in which
eighty of us, with Mazariegos, set out. We arrived safely in the
townships above mentioned, met with the most friendly reception, and the
inhabitants gave us as large a quantity of provisions as they could
possibly spare. We therefore loaded one hundred canoes with maise,
fowls, honey, and salt, taking along with us besides ten female slaves,
who had been presented to us, and the caziques accompanied us themselves
on our return, to pay their respects to Cortes. After the lapse of three
days, however, most of the caziques suddenly left, and we had only three
guides remaining, with whom we continued our march. We had two rivers to
pass, one of which we crossed by means of a bridge, that broke down
before we had all stepped on land; the other we ferried over in canoes,
and in this way we reached another of the Acallan townships, which was
quite deserted by its inhabitants; but we found abundance of provisions,
which they had concealed among the hills on our approach.

I have now to relate a circumstance of a very different nature, which
occasioned much grief to us all. Quauhtemoctzin and other Mexican chiefs
who accompanied our army had, it would appear, spoken among themselves,
or secretly determined to put the whole of us to death, then march back
to Mexico, and assemble the whole armed power of the country against the
few remaining Spaniards, and raise an insurrection throughout the whole
of New Spain. This circumstance was discovered to Cortes by two
distinguished Mexican chiefs, one of whom was named Tapia, and the other
Juan Velasquez. This latter personage had been Quauhtemoctzin's
captain-general during our war with Mexico, and his testimony was borne
out by the investigation which Cortes made into the matter, and by the
confession of several of the caziques themselves who were implicated in
the conspiracy. These men fearlessly declared, that seeing how
carelessly and dispiritedly we roamed about; that numbers of the men
were ill from want of food; that four of our musicians, with the buffoon
and five soldiers, had died of hunger; and that three other men had
turned back, more willing to run the risk of reaching Mexico again than
of moving forward, the thought struck them that they could not do better
than fall suddenly upon us while we were crossing some river or marsh,
particularly as they were upwards of 3000 in number, all armed with
lances, and several of them with swords. Quauhtemoctzin did not hesitate
to acknowledge that these men had spoken the truth, but added that the
conspiracy did not emanate with him, and that he himself had never for
a moment contemplated carrying it into effect, but had merely spoken
about it with the other caziques. All the cazique of Tlacupa confessed
was, his having declared to Quauhtemoctzin that it was better to die at
once than daily to have death before their eyes on these fatiguing
marches, and see their countrymen and relations perish with hunger.

These were sufficient proofs for Cortes, and without any further
ceremony he sentenced Quauhtemoctzin and his cousin the king of Tlacupa
to the gallows. Before, however, this sentence was executed, the
Franciscan monks, with the assistance of Dona Marina, strove to comfort
these unfortunate men, and commended their souls to God. When they were
being led to the place of execution, Quauhtemoctzin turned to Cortes,
and said: "Oh Malinche! I have for a long time perceived, from your
false words, that you had destined me for such a death, because I did
not lay violent hands on myself when you entered my city of Mexico! Why
are you thus going to put me unjustly to death? God will one time ask
this of you!"

The king of Tlacupa said, he could only rejoice in a death which he
would be permitted to suffer with his monarch Quauhtemoctzin.

Previous to their being hung, both these unhappy caziques confessed to
father Juan, who understood the Mexican language, and they begged of him
to commend their souls to God. For Indians they were good Christians,
and they died in the true faith, and fully believed in our holy
religion.

The death of these two monarchs grieved me excessively, for I had known
them in all their glory, and on our march they honoured me with their
friendship, and showed me many little attentions; for instance, they
would often order their servants to go in quest of fodder for my horse;
besides which, they were innocent of the guilt imputed to them, and it
was the opinion of all who accompanied this expedition that they were
put to death unjustly.

But I will leave this miserable subject, and return to our march, on
which we henceforth observed the utmost vigilance, for we greatly feared
the Mexicans might rise up in arms against us, after they had thus
beheld their monarch ignominiously hung by the neck from a tree. But
hunger, fatigue, and sickness weighed heavier upon their minds than the
misfortune of Quauhtemoctzin.

On our further march we came up to a river, which we crossed by means of
canoes, and soon after we arrived in a township which was entirely
deserted by its inhabitants. However, in searching for provisions in
some houses lying in the neighbourhood, we discovered eight Indian
papas, who, after a little persuasion, followed us to the township,
where they were brought into the presence of Cortes, who, by means of
Dona Marina, spoke very kindly to them, telling them to banish all fear
from their minds, and to go and call their countrymen. The papas said
they were very willing to fulfil his commands, but they must beg of him
not to allow any one to touch the idols which stood in a building
adjoining Cortes' quarters. Our general promised them faithfully that no
harm should be done the idols, but observed, that they were mere lumps
of clay and wood, wicked things, which were unworthy of the veneration
they paid them, and that the whole of their idolatrous worship was the
work of Satan. The Franciscan monks also put several questions to the
papas respecting their idol worship, to which they returned very
intelligent answers, promising for the future to abolish it altogether.

Thirty loads of maise and some fowls were now soon brought us, and
Cortes inquired of the papas how many suns (that is to say days'
journey) it was from this place to the people with the beards and
horses. They replied, that it was seven suns to the township of Nito,
where the men with the horses had settled, and they would themselves
show us the way to the next township, but that on our road thither we
should have to pass one night in an uninhabited village.

Near to the building in which the idols were placed there stood a ceiba
tree of an immense size, in the bark of which Cortes ordered a large
cross to be cut. Our general had for some time appeared in low spirits,
and very pensive. The thoughts of our fatiguing march, the number of
Spaniards who had fallen ill, the still greater number of our Mexican
troops that died away, and perhaps also the regret he felt for having
put Quauhtemoctzin and the king of Tlacupa to death without any trial,
constantly preyed upon his mind, and left him no peace either night or
day; so that he would rise up from his bed in the depth of night to
stroll about, which also happened to be the case in this township. He
got up in the dark from his bed, in order to pass into an adjoining
large apartment, where a number of idols stood, and where the Indians
were accustomed to hold their meetings. It seems that he forgot the two
steps which led down into it, so that he fell rather heavily, and
bruised his head severely. This wound he had secretly dressed, nor did
he himself ever mention the accident to any one.

The next morning, very early, we again broke up our quarters, and our
guides led us exactly in the direction they had previously described,
and we arrived, without anything happening to us worthy of mention, in
front of a morass, which lay at the foot of very high mountains, where
we encamped for the night. With break of day we again continued our
march, and arrived about the hour of high mass, at a township which lay
in the midst of this extensive morass. This town had every appearance of
having been recently built, and indeed we found that the houses had only
been erected a few days before our arrival. It was surrounded by a
double entrenchment, formed of the trunks of large trees, encircled by
other huge poles stuck in perpendicularly, The approaches were secured
by a deep fosse, and they were protected by a double inclosure of a
circular form: one of which was supplied with a regular battlement,
small towers and loop-holes; the other was very high and strongly built
of large stones, and was likewise provided with a battlement. As the
other side was covered by the morass this place might, in every sense of
the word, be called a fortress.

When we entered the town we did not meet with a single inhabitant, but
were surprised to find in the houses quantities of boiled turkeys and
other fowls, dressed according to Indian fashion, with hot peppers and
maise cakes, which they call tamales. We were perfectly astonished at
this great abundance, and we made all manner of speculations on so
extraordinary a sight. Another large building we found filled with bows
and arrows and small darts. We now carefully searched the surrounding
neighbourhood, but we could nowhere see any maise plantations.

While we were thus looking about us we observed fifteen Indians
approaching from the side of the morass, who, on coming up, touched the
ground with their hands and kissed it. These were the chiefs of the
township, and they begged of Cortes, in a half-crying tone of voice, not
to set fire to their buildings. They had, they said, but recently
settled in this spot, and had been compelled to fortify themselves thus
strongly from fear of their enemies; whom, if I do not mistake, they
termed Lacandones. These people had burnt down their two former towns
which lay on the plain, had plundered them of all they possessed, and
had killed numbers of their countrymen. On our further march we should
pass over the ashes and ruins of their former habitations. These chiefs
then related the cause of their enmity, and described their mode of
warfare. Upon this Cortes inquired of them what had induced them to
dress so large a quantity of turkeys and other fowls? To which the
chiefs replied, that they again expected an attack from the Lacandones,
who would be sure, if victorious, to carry off all their property and
fowls; they had therefore determined to eat up all their provisions
before the enemy arrived; but if they themselves proved victorious,
they would march into the enemy's towns, plunder them in their turn, and
so make up for their recent losses.

Cortes told them he was extremely sorry to hear of their wars, but that
it was not in his power to render them any assistance at present, as he
was obliged to continue his march. This tribe, to whom the two other
large townships also belonged, through which we passed on the following
day, were termed the Mazotecs, a name which, in their language, denotes
the land or the nation of the wild deer, and this was indeed a most
appropriate appellation, as the reader will presently see.

From this place we took two guides with us, who led us over the ruins of
the two townships above mentioned, and gave us some further account of
the Spaniards whom we should find at a considerable distance further on.




CHAPTER CLXXVIII.

    _We continue our march, and what further happened to us._


After we had quitted this fortified township, we came into an extensive
open plain, on which, as far as the eye could reach, there was not a
tree to be seen, and the heat was more excessive than we had ever
experienced before. This plain abounded with wild deer, which were so
little shy that we could easily catch them with our horses, and in a
very short time we killed upwards of twenty. On questioning our guides
how it came that these animals were neither afraid of our horses nor
anything else, and so easily to be caught, they answered that the
Mazotecs revered them as beings of a superior nature, because they
appeared such to them from their external form, and their idols had
strictly commanded the people not to kill or in any way to scare them.

One of Cortes' relatives, named Palacios Rubios, lost his horse in
chasing these deer, for he galloped up and down the plain until the fat
melted in its body, and the poor animal dropped down dead all of a
sudden.[47]

It was not long before we came to the townships which had been
destroyed, and certainly they presented a most miserable picture to the
eye. On our further march, our scouts came up with two Indians who
belonged to a town which lay in advance of us. These men were returning
from the chase, and had killed a large lion and a number of iquanas,[48]
which resemble small serpents, and are excellent food. Our scouts then
inquired of these Indians whether there was any township in the
neighbourhood, to which they answered in the affirmative, and offered
their services to conduct them thither. This place lay on an island in
the fresh water, and could only be approached by means of canoes on the
side we were advancing, which compelled us to march to the distance of
two miles along the water until we came to a spot where the latter was
sufficiently shallow for us to wade through, though even then it reached
almost up to our arms. Only a few of the inhabitants had remained in the
town, the rest having fled immediately on our approach, with all their
property which they concealed among the reeds in the neighbourhood of
their cultivated fields; but several of our men quartered themselves for
the night among the maise plantations, feasted plentifully off the
fruit, and took care to provision themselves for the next day's march.

Adjoining this township lay a fresh water lake of considerable extent,
which abounded with large fish covered with sharp prickles, and very
much resembled the disgusting-looking and insipid-flavoured fish called
the shad. By means of a few old cloaks and tattered nets which we found
in the deserted habitations, we dragged the lake from one end to the
other, and succeeded in taking above 1000 of these ugly fish. Among the
fields we likewise captured a few of the inhabitants, who were requested
by Dona Marina to guide us to the towns where the men with the beards
and horses had settled. With this they readily complied, for they soon
perceived it was not our intention to harm them in any way, and five of
them immediately accompanied us. At first the road along which we
marched was very broad, but this gradually became narrower as we
approached a broad river or estuary, which was much frequented by
canoes. Here the inhabitants ferried across to the opposite township of
Tayasal, situated on an island, and of which the houses and temples were
covered with white plaster, so that they could be seen to a vast
distance. All the lesser townships in this neighbourhood were subject to
the first mentioned.

As our road was becoming very narrow, and we found that it terminated in
a small path, we resolved to encamp for the night in the vicinity of
some elevated mountains. During the night-time Cortes despatched four
companies along the footpaths which led to the estuary, in search of
guides; and, indeed, they had the good fortune to capture ten Indians
and two females, with two canoes laden with maise and salt. When these
people were brought into the presence of Cortes, he spoke to them in the
most affectionate terms, through Dona Marina, whom they informed that
they were inhabitants of a township which lay on an island sixteen
miles further on. Our general then despatched the lesser of the two
canoes, with four of the Indians and two Spaniards, thither, in order to
request the caziques to come with their canoes and ferry us over the
water, and our men were to present them with some Spanish toys, and
assure them that no harm should be done their persons.

The whole of the troops now marched forward until they arrived on the
banks of the broad river, where, to our great joy, we found the
caziques, besides several other distinguished personages waiting for us
with five canoes, a supply of maise, and a number of fowls. Our general
addressed the caziques very affectionately; and, after they had held
some excellent discourses with him, he embarked with thirty crossbow-men
in the canoes, and so proceeded with the chiefs to their town. When
arrived there, they set before him the best of everything in the shape
of provisions, and presented him with several of their cloaks and a
small quantity of gold, though of inferior quality. According to their
assurances, there were men like ourselves in two different townships,
namely, in Nito, which we called San Gil de Buena Vista, lying on the
north coast, and in Naco, which lay in the interior of the country.
According to their account, these two towns were ten days' journey
distant from each other. We were very much surprised that Oli should
thus have divided his troops, we being at that moment ignorant of the
existence of Buena Vista, founded by Avila.

The whole of our troops passed the broad river in canoes, and we
encamped for the night eight miles further on to wait for Cortes, who
still continued at the township above mentioned. On returning to the
main body, he ordered one of the horses, which had likewise been
overheated in chasing the deer, to be left behind. While we were staying
here, one of our <DW64>s and two female slaves ran away. Even three
Spaniards chose rather to stay here and run the risk of being murdered
by the Indians than to undergo the fatigues of our march for another
three days. I myself was far from well; the excessive heat of the sun
had affected my head, and I scarcely knew how to bear myself. But even
this distressing heat was more welcome to us than the torrents of rain
which began to fall, and lasted, without intermission, for three days;
nevertheless, we were obliged to continue our march, as we had not a
morsel of food left. In the space of two days we arrived at some small
hills, which were completely covered with stones, and these so sharp
that they cut like razors. Our men gave themselves considerable trouble
in searching for some other road in order to avoid these stones, but all
their endeavours were fruitless, though they went to a distance of
above four miles. This part of our march was most dangerous for the
horses; for, as it still continued to rain, they constantly stumbled,
and were sure to cut their knees, and even their bellies in the most
dreadful manner on the pointed stones; but the descent was still more
difficult, eight of the horses being killed and many others shockingly
lacerated, and one of the soldiers named Palacios Rubios, a relative of
Cortes, had the misfortune to break his leg. We could not, therefore,
feel sufficiently thankful to the Almighty when at last we got clear of
this mountain of flint, as we ever after termed it.

As we had now advanced within a short distance of the township Taica, we
were not a little rejoiced at the thoughts that we should again get some
food. In the neighbourhood of this place we came to a river which poured
down over the precipices of a very high mountain, and was so much
swollen by the rain of the three last days that it rolled down in
immense volumes, and the roaring noise of the flood, as it dashed from
one precipice to another, could be distinctly heard at the distance of
eight miles. There was no other possibility of passing this turbulent
river but by throwing a bridge across from one rock to the other. We
accordingly set to work with the utmost diligence, and in the space of
three days we constructed a bridge of the largest trees, and the whole
of us passed safely to the other side of these cataracts. While we were
engaged in building this bridge, the Indians of Taica had gained
sufficient time to run off and conceal all their provisions. When,
therefore, we arrived in this township and met not a single inhabitant,
nor found the smallest particle of food to still our hunger, we stared
at each other in dismay when we considered our dreadful position. The
hope of soon obtaining food had alone inspired us with sufficient
courage and strength to undertake the construction of this bridge. For
myself I do not hesitate to acknowledge that I never, in the whole
course of my life, felt so distressed in mind as on this occasion, when
I found that I could neither procure food for my men nor myself. Added
to all this, we had overheated ourselves by marching about the
neighbourhood in a burning sun for a couple of hours in search of the
inhabitants. It happened to be the eve of Easter day, and I shall never
forget this day as long as I live; and the reader can easily imagine
what a pleasant Easter we spent without a morsel of food. We should have
considered ourselves blessed and happy if we had only had a handful of
maise.

In this great distress Cortes despatched all his servants and grooms
with our guides to traverse the hills in search of maise plantations. On
the first day of Easter they indeed returned with some maise, but all
they had was scarcely a bushel, and what was this among so many mouths!
Cortes, seeing that our distress was each moment increasing, ordered
myself and several other soldiers, mostly of those who had settled in
Guacasualco, into his presence, and told us our condition was at present
so lamentable, that he must beg of us to search the whole country round
to procure some kind of provisions or other. Pedro de Ircio happened to
be present when Cortes was thus soliciting us; and as he was always
ready with a mouthful of words, he supplicated Cortes to give him the
command of this foraging party. As far as regards myself, replied our
general, go, and may God be with you! But as I was well aware that Ircio
was a miserable pedestrian, and, instead of being any assistance to us,
would only be a troublesome companion, I secretly communicated what I
thought to Cortes and my friend Sandoval, and requested that he might
not be sent with us, as a person with splay feet as he had was least of
all able to make his way through bogs and marshes; added to which, he
was all talk, but seldom acted, and altogether unable to bear the
fatigues of a long march. Our general, accordingly, followed my advice,
and he countermanded the order he had given to Ircio.

I now set out with four soldiers and two guides. First we passed several
rivers of considerable depth, then crossed some marshes until we arrived
at a small village, whither most of the inhabitants of the deserted
township had fled. Here we had likewise the good fortune to find four
houses, completely filled with maise, also about thirty fowls, and a few
melons. We captured four Indians and three women, and we now celebrated
Easter right jollily. Above a thousand Mexicans whom Cortes had sent
after us arrived in the night, and we immediately loaded as much of the
maise on them as they could carry, with which they returned to our camp:
we at the same time sent above twenty fowls for Cortes and Sandoval,
besides the prisoners we had taken, and then placed a watch over these
storehouses in order that the inhabitants might not set fire to them
during the night, or carry off their contents. The following day we
continued our march, and discovered some more buildings full of maise,
fowls, and various kinds of vegetables. Here I made myself a little ink,
and I wrote a letter to our general on a small piece of drum skin,
requesting him to send me a detachment of Indian troops, as we had found
another storehouse full of provisions. The next day, accordingly, above
thirty Spaniards and 500 Indians arrived, and each took as heavy a load
of provisions as he could possibly carry. In this way God in his great
mercy again relieved us in the utmost distress, and we halted five days
in Taica to rest from our fatigues.

The bridges which we threw across the numerous rivers we passed on our
march had been so strongly put together that several of them were still
to be seen for many years after; and subsequently, when all these
provinces were subjected to the Spanish crown, our countrymen regarded
them in astonishment, and exclaimed, _These are the bridges of Cortes!_
in the same way as people say, _These are the columns of Hercules!_

After marching forward for two more days, we arrived at a township
called Tania, which was also deserted by its inhabitants, though we
found some maise and other provisions, but not in sufficient quantity
for our troops. On thoroughly exploring the country round about, we
discovered that we were now completely surrounded by rivers and small
streams; the guides we had brought with us ran away in the night from
the soldiers who had charge of them. These men had but recently arrived
from New Spain, and it appears had been overtaken by sleep; our general,
on receiving the first information of their neglect of duty, was going
to have them severely punished; however, he was at length induced to
pardon them, and he sent out another party to explore our route; but as
this neighbourhood abounded with rivers, and it continued to rain very
fast, almost the whole of the country was inundated; besides which, we
could have no hopes of meeting with any of the inhabitants. Thus
situated, in the midst of the waters, we scarcely knew which way to
turn, and our distress and alarm were each moment increasing. Cortes
himself appeared considerably disheartened, and said, with a good deal
of ill humour, to Ircio, and other officers who came with him from
Mexico: "I should like to know which of you will volunteer to go out in
search of some Indian guide, or to discover a way out of these waters;
for it is shameful to leave everything to the veterans, who have
accompanied us from Guacasualco!"

After this reproach, Ircio, with some of his friends and acquaintances,
offered himself, and he actually marched out for this purpose.
Marmolejo, a person of distinction, likewise went out with six men; so
also Santacruz Burgales, with a like number. Each of these three small
detachments went off in a different direction, and they wandered about
for three days, but returned with the disheartening news, that wherever
they came there was nothing but water to be seen. Cortes was ready to
burst with vexation when they told him this, and he desired Sandoval to
go and speak with me, and request me, in his name, to try if I could not
discover some road, to rescue the army from its present perilous
position. All this he said in an affectionate and begging tone of voice,
as he very well knew that I was by no means in good health: and indeed
I was suffering with a bad fever, for which reason I had refused to
accompany my intimate friend Marmolejo, to whom I said: "You expect me
to do everything; let others bestir themselves as well!" First I refused
Sandoval also, but he came a second time to my hut, and begged very hard
of me to comply with our general's request, who had said, that next to
God he could only expect assistance from me at this juncture. Though I
felt very ill, yet my honour would not allow me to refuse any longer,
and I desired that Hernando de Aguilar and a certain Hinojosa might
accompany me, both of whom were men I well knew could bear any fatigues.

We three then set out from our camp, and followed the course of a
rivulet to some considerable distance, until we came in view of a hill
lying on the opposite side of the water, and on which we observed
several branches of trees that had been stuck in the ground as if to
serve for some signal. We now marched in this direction for upwards of
an hour, and after finding our way out between the rivers, we came to
some small huts, which had a short time previously been deserted by
their owners. Continuing our course in this direction, we observed at
some distance from us, on the <DW72> of a hill, some maise plantations
lying about an isolated dwelling, in which we distinctly heard the sound
of human voices. As the sun was by this time nearly gone down, we
concealed ourselves among the bushes until late in the night, when we
thought the inmates of the house were all fast asleep. We then moved
forward in the utmost silence up to this habitation, broke suddenly into
it, and captured three Indians, an old woman, and two other young
females, who were uncommonly pretty. We only found two fowls and a small
quantity of maise, with which, and the whole of these Indians, we
returned highly rejoiced to our encampment. Sandoval had kept a look out
for us until late in the evening, and he was the first to observe us at
a distance, on our return. He could scarcely contain himself for joy
when he recognized us, and he hastened to inform Cortes, to whom no news
could be more acceptable than the fact of our safe return. "Indeed,"
said Sandoval, on this occasion, to Pedro de Ircio, "Bernal Diaz del
Castillo remarked well some time ago, on going out in search of
provisions, that this required men of great activity, and not people who
thought of nothing else on the road but of their pretty stories of the
count of Urena and his son Don Pedro Giron!" for this was the constant
theme of friend Ircio. "He had good reasons for saying so, and you need
not reproach him, for speaking in your dispraise to our general and
myself."

These words caused a general laughter at Ircio's expense, and Sandoval
purposely procured me this little triumph, because he knew I owed the
former a grudge.

When I came into the presence of Cortes, he thanked me in the kindest
terms, and said: "I have never found you at a loss in time of need!"

But why should I repeat these flattering sentences? for at most they are
mere empty sounds, and little profit to any one: at least, I gained
nothing by these fine words, excepting that when this perilous
expedition was subsequently the topic of conversation in Mexico, my name
was always mentioned with praise.

Cortes, on questioning the Indians respecting the country, learnt from
them, that if we followed the course of a certain rivulet we should
arrive, after two days' journey, in a township called Oculizti, which
consisted of upwards of two hundred houses, but had been deserted a few
days previously by its inhabitants. We accordingly marched down the
rivulet, and arrived at several large huts belonging to Indian
merchants, who rested here on their journeys. We passed the night in
these dwellings, and the following day we continued our march along the
same stream for two miles, when we came to a good road, which brought us
before sunset to Coliste, where we found maise and plenty of vegetables,
and, suspended in a temple, an old Spanish cap and a shoe, which had
been dedicated to the idols there. Several of our men searched some
hollows in the neighbourhood, and soon discovered two aged Indians and
four women, who were immediately brought into the presence of our
general. On being questioned by Dona Marina about the town where the
Spaniards had settled, they answered, that it lay on the sea coast,
about five days' journey from our camp, but that on our road thither we
should not see a single Indian township.

On this information, Cortes instantly despatched Sandoval, with six men
on foot, to the sea coast, in the direction the Indians had pointed out,
in order to learn, if possible, what number of Spanish troops Christobal
de Oli had under his command, for at that time we were still ignorant of
what had taken place there.

Our general's plan was to fall upon Oli during the night, when he least
dreamt of our approach, and to take him prisoner, with all his troops.
Sandoval took three Indian guides with him from Oculizti, and set out on
his journey. When he had arrived on the north coast, and was marching
along the beach, he espied a canoe making for the land with sails and
paddles. He therefore hid himself behind a rising ground until the
vessel should have run ashore. This canoe belonged to some Indian
merchants, was laden with salt and maise, and was destined for the large
river which flows into the Golfo Dulce.

In the night time Sandoval sallied forth from his hiding place, captured
all the crew, then stepped into the canoe with two of his companions and
the three guides, and desired the Indian merchants to row him along the
coast, while the four other Spaniards followed by land. Sandoval was
sure the great river could not be far distant, and in this he was not
deceived, for he entered it soon after, and he had the good fortune to
come up with four Spaniards of the new town founded by Gil Gonsalez de
Avila. These men had just arrived in a canoe from an excursion in search
of provisions, of which there was an uncommon scarcity in the colony.
The whole of the inhabitants were suffering from ill health, and durst
not venture into the neighbourhood of the town to search for provisions,
as they were at enmity with the Indians, who had already killed ten of
their number since Avila's departure for Mexico.

When Sandoval was approaching in the canoe, he found these Spaniards
busily occupied in gathering cocoa nuts. Two of them, who had climbed up
the tree, were the first to observe the strange vessel, and they
immediately called out to their companions below. The whole of them were
so astonished and alarmed, that they scarcely knew whether they should
run away or stop where they were; but on Sandoval coming up, and
addressing them in a friendly manner, they took courage, and related to
him the whole history of the foundation of their colony, the misfortune
which befel the fleet of Las Casas, his and Avila's capture by Oli, the
execution of the latter at Naco, and the subsequent departure of the two
first-mentioned officers for Mexico: then gave him a full description of
the miserable condition of the colony mentioned, the number of the
inhabitants, and their great suffering from want of food; and stated,
that a few days previously they had hung the commandant of the town,
Armenta, because he had refused to grant them permission to return to
Cuba.

Sandoval considered it best to take these men along with him to Cortes,
in order that our approach might not be made known to the colony. One of
Sandoval's soldiers, named Alonso Ortiz, a native of the town San Pedro,
begged that he might be allowed to start an hour before the rest, to
gain a handsome reward, by being the first to announce this joyful news
to our troops. This favour Sandoval readily granted him, and certainly
no news could have been more welcome to us all; for we now fully
believed that all our fatigues and perils were at an end, and we never
thought for a moment that we should have to suffer even greater
hardships than we had hitherto. Alonso de Ortiz was well rewarded for
the haste he had made, for Cortes presented him with a fine gray horse,
which we generally termed the Moor's head; besides this, every one of us
gave him some other little presents. Shortly after, Sandoval himself
arrived, with the other Spaniards, who told Cortes what I have above
mentioned. They also informed him that two miles further on there was a
harbour, in which a vessel was being fitted out, to convey the colonists
to Cuba. The commandant Armenta, they added, had obstinately refused to
allow them to depart; for which reason, and because he had scourged a
Spanish priest, who had caused an insurrection in the town, the
inhabitants rebelled against him, hung him, and appointed a certain
Antonio Nieto commandant in his stead. In the meantime, at the town of
San Gil de Buena Vista, there was nothing but lamentation and grief,
when the Spaniards, who had been sent out in quest of provisions, did
not return in the evening, and every one thought they must either have
been massacred by the Indians or devoured by the wild beasts. One of the
Spaniards who had returned with Sandoval was a married man, and his wife
broke out into loud lamentations at his supposed death. The whole of the
inhabitants went to the church, and a funeral sermon was preached by the
priest Velasquez, and prayers were offered up for the souls of the dead.

Cortes now marched, with the whole of his troops, in the direction of
the sea coast, the distance to which was full twenty-four miles, but our
further progress was retarded for a considerable time by a deep arm of
the sea, where we were obliged to wait until low water before we could
pass over, partly swimming and partly wading across, which detained us
until noon. In this way we at length arrived at the broad river of the
Golfo Dulce, which Cortes and six soldiers were the first to cross, in
order to reach the new town. Two canoes, one which Sandoval had captured
on the coast, and the other belonging to the colonists, were fastened
together, in which our general, with six men, and a few of his servants,
embarked, and was ferried across the water. Upon this a few of the
horses were swum across, the grooms holding the animals by the bridles,
which were kept as short as possible, for fear of the former upsetting
the canoes.

Cortes left strict commands that no one was to pass the river until
further orders, which he would send in writing. The passage across this
rapid stream was indeed excessively dangerous, and Cortes himself
regretted that he had thus risked his life unnecessarily.




CHAPTER CLXXIX.

    _How Cortes entered the town founded by Gil Gonsalez de Avila; the
    great joy of the inhabitants at his arrival, and what he further did
    there._


The town of Buena Vista, which Avila had founded in this neighbourhood,
lay about eight miles from the broad river of the Golfo Dulce, near to
the sea shore, whither Cortes immediately repaired with his small body
of men, after crossing the river. When he entered the town, the arrival
of strangers on horseback and others on foot, in the first moments,
spread a great consternation among the inhabitants, but as soon as they
learnt that it was the man whose fame was spread through the whole of
these provinces and New Spain, they were almost overcome with joy. All
the inhabitants instantly assembled to wait upon him and to congratulate
him upon his safe arrival. Our general received them in the kindest
manner possible, and then ordered the commandant Nieto to load the two
boats belonging to the town, and all the canoes he could get with
cassave bread, and despatch them to Sandoval. The commandant immediately
set about to fulfil these commands, but was unable to collect more than
fifty pounds of this bread, as the colonists had had no other food than
the fruits which they gathered from the trees, some vegetables, and what
fish they could catch. Even this small quantity of cassave bread had
been set apart for their voyage to Cuba.

With these provisions the two boats, manned with eight sailors, left for
the place where Sandoval was encamped with our troops. Cortes, in a
letter to the latter officer, desired that he, with Luis Marin, should
cross the last over the broad river, and was particularly cautioned not
to allow more than a certain number of the men to be ferried across at a
time on account of the rapidity of the stream. No horses were to be
taken across by the canoes, and even the boats were not to take more
than two at a time.

When these vessels arrived there immediately rose a dispute as to whom
should be ferried across first, and Saavedra, with his brother Avalos,
pretended to have a prior claim, because they happened to be related to
Cortes, but Sandoval maintained that this honour was unquestionably due
to the three reverend monks. Saavedra persisted, however, that as a
relation of Cortes the precedence was due to him, and answered Sandoval
in very unbecoming terms, whose blood now also began to boil, and the
dispute rose to so high a pitch that Saavedra drew his dagger.
Sandoval, who was standing up to his knees in the water to prevent the
boats being overloaded, rushed upon his antagonist, and, seizing him by
the hand in which he held the dagger, he dragged him headlong into the
water. If the rest of us had not hastened up and parted them, Saavedra
would most likely have ended his life in this affray, for the troops,
almost to a man, were on Sandoval's side.

Four whole days were consumed before all our men had crossed over,
during which time we had nothing to eat but the nuts we gathered from
some low palm-trees, which we roasted on the fire and ate the kernels.
One of our soldiers, named Tarifa, ventured across the river with his
horse in a canoe, was upset, and both were most likely drowned, for no
traces could be found of either. Two other horses met with a similar
fate, one of which was the property of Solis Casquete, who behaved like
a madman when he found his horse was lost, and wished our general, with
the whole expedition, in the infernal regions.

The excessive hunger we endured during the time we were occupied in
ferrying across, created altogether great discontent among the troops,
and they murmured loudly against Cortes, and this dreadful march. When
we arrived in the town we found our condition very little bettered, for
there was neither any bread in the storehouses nor in the dwellings of
the colonists; who, in the bargain, were even unacquainted with the
surrounding neighbourhood, and only knew the way to two townships, which
had long ago been deserted by the inhabitants. Cortes' first care was to
adopt some means for obtaining provisions; he, therefore, instantly
despatched Luis Marin, with the soldiers of Guacasualco into the
country, in search of maise. How far we succeeded in this I will relate
in the following chapter.




CHAPTER CLXXX.

    _How eighty of us on the second day after our arrival in Buena
    Vista, marched out under the command of Luis Marin to explore the
    country and to search for provisions._


The population of the town of Buena Vista consisted of forty Spaniards,
four Spanish ladies and two mulattoes. The whole of these people were
suffering from ill health, and had a yellow sickly appearance about
them. They had no provisions, and suffered as much from hunger as we did
ourselves, nor could any one tell where we were to go in search of
maise for this purpose. Cortes, therefore, saw that there was not a
moment to be lost, and he despatched Luis Marin, with the men of
Guacasualco, into the country.

We were altogether eighty in number, and we all set out on foot, in
order first to see whether horses would be able to traverse the country.
An Indian, of Cuba, accompanied us as guide to some townships which lay
thirty-two miles further up the country. When we reached these we found,
to our inexpressible joy, that they contained great abundance of maise,
beans, and other vegetables; besides that, the whole neighbourhood was
literally sown with cocoa-nut trees. We first feasted sumptuously
ourselves and then despatched a courier to our general, desiring him to
send us all the Mexican troops to fetch away the maise, forwarding him
in advance ten bushels of the latter as a supply for the moment, and
begged of him to send our horses to us.

When Cortes learnt that we had arrived in so fertile a neighbourhood,
and was told by some Indian merchants that the road to Naco, where
Christobal de Oli was beheaded, led through the township where we were
staying, he ordered Sandoval to follow us with the greater part of the
remaining troops, and not to leave this township until he should receive
further instructions.

Sandoval, on arriving in our camp, was not a little delighted to find us
thus surrounded by plenty, and he immediately despatched the Mexicans
with thirty bushels of maise to Cortes, who distributed this welcome
supply among the colonists, and as they had not been accustomed for a
length of time to any other nourishment than fruit and a little cassave
bread, they ate so ravenously of the maise that the greater part fell
ill in consequence, and seven of them died.

During this great distress for want of provisions, it pleased the
Almighty that a vessel should run into the harbour from Cuba, having on
board seven passengers, seven horses, forty pigs, eight barrels of
pickled meat, and a large quantity of cassave bread. The cargo belonged
to a certain Antonio de Comargo, and Cortes purchased the whole of it
upon credit, distributing a great part of the provisions among the
colonists; but the consequences again proved fatal to many of these
unfortunate persons, for they had become so enfeebled, that their
stomachs were unable to bear this very nourishing food, which brought on
dysentery, and ten more of them died.

As this vessel had brought a few soldiers and had eight sailors on
board, Cortes determined to embark in her and sail up the river to visit
the townships which lay on the banks, and to explore the interior of the
country. He also ordered one of the brigantines of Gil Gonsalez de
Avila to be repaired, and a boat to be constructed in the shape of those
used in unloading vessels; also four canoes, to be securely fastened
together. On board these vessels Cortes embarked with thirty soldiers,
the eight sailors, and twenty Mexicans. He may have sailed up the river
to the distance of about forty miles, when he came to a large lake,
which, to judge from the measurement of the eye, was about twenty-four
miles in breadth, and its banks were quite uninhabited, as the whole
surrounding country was subject to frequent inundations. Further up, the
river continually became more rapid, until the vessels arrived at some
cataracts, which none of them were able to pass; Cortes, therefore,
landed his men here, and, after leaving six Spaniards in charge of the
vessels, he commenced his march up the country along a very narrow path.
First, he arrived at some townships which were deserted by the
inhabitants, and then to a few maise plantations, in which he captured
three Indians, whom he took along with him as guides. These people
conducted him to several small villages, where there was abundance of
maise and fowls. The inhabitants here also kept pheasants, (which they
call sacachueles,) tame partridges, and pigeons. This breeding of
partridges as domestic birds I never observed in any other part of the
country but in the townships on the Golfo Dulce. From this place Cortes
took new guides, and next arrived in some townships which are called
Cinacatan-Tencintle. The whole surrounding neighbourhood was covered
with maise, cacao, and cotton plantations. When Cortes had approached
within a short distance, he heard the sound of drums, trumpets, and a
noise as if the Indians were in the midst of some festive orgie. Our
general then concealed himself with his men on a rising ground, in order
to watch for a favorable opportunity of falling upon these
Bacchanalians. This he accordingly did before they were in the least
aware of it, and captured ten men and fifteen women. The rest of the
Indians fled to their town, armed themselves, and commenced flying their
arrows at us. Cortes immediately fell upon them, and very soon cut down
eight of their chiefs, which brought the others to their senses, and
they despatched four old men, of whom two were papas, to our general,
with a trifling present in gold, and begged hard that the prisoners
might be restored to them. Cortes spoke to them through Dona Marina, who
had accompanied the detachment with her husband Juan Xaramillo, and gave
them to understand that they should send maise, fowls, salt, and a large
supply of other provisions to our vessels. If they complied with this he
would immediately restore the prisoners to their families. They
accordingly set their canoes afloat, which lay in a hollow communicating
with the river, and loaded them with the required provisions; but as
Cortes did not release all the prisoners at once, and detained three men
with their wives to bake some bread, the whole of the inhabitants again
flew to arms, and showered forth their arrows, stones, and darts upon
our troops, wounding twelve men, and Cortes himself in the face. During
this skirmish one of the canoes upset, by which part of the provisions
was lost, and one Mexican killed.

There were such swarms of moschitoes along the banks of this river as to
render it impossible for a person to live there; but Cortes bore
everything with patience, and returned to Buena Vista, which had never
before been so well supplied with provisions. The last township, where
the inhabitants had attacked Cortes, was called Cinacan, and considered
to be about 280 miles from Guatimala. In this expedition up the river
our general had spent twenty-six days; but, notwithstanding the
fertility of the soil, he did not consider it an eligible spot for a
colony, as the population of the country was too small. He therefore
wrote word to Sandoval that he would shortly march to Naco himself, but
that he was first desirous of making a short expedition to Puerto de
Caballos, for which purpose he would require ten of the veterans of
Guacasualco, without whom it was impossible to undertake anything which
required activity and perseverance.




CHAPTER CLXXXI.

    _How Cortes embarks, with the soldiers who accompanied him on this
    expedition, and with all the inhabitants of Buena Vista, for Puerto
    de Caballos, where he founds a colony, to which he gives the name of
    Natividad._


Our general, considering the spot where Avila had built the town of
Buena Vista every way unfavorable for a colony, embarked, with the whole
of the inhabitants, in two vessels and the brigantine, and set sail for
the bay of Puerto de Caballos, where he arrived in the space of eight
days. Finding that there was an excellent harbour in this bay, and
having learnt from the Indians that there were numerous townships round
about, he determined to found a colony in this place, to which he gave
the name of Natividad, and appointed Diego de Godoy commandant of the
town. He then made an excursion into the interior of the country to
visit the several townships, but which, at the present day, are all
destroyed. The inhabitants assured him that there were several other
townships in the neighbourhood, and that Naco itself was not far off. He
well stocked the new town with provisions, and wrote word to Sandoval,
whom he imagined had already reached Naco, to send him ten of the men of
Guacasualco, without whom, he particularly remarked in his letter, no
undertaking could well succeed. From this place, he added, it was his
intention to repair to the bay of Honduras, in order to visit the new
town of Truxillo; and concluded by saying he was to continue the
conquest of the country, and to leave a settlement in some advantageous
place. Sandoval received this letter in the township where we had first
halted, for we had not yet broken up our quarters for Naco. At present,
therefore, we will leave Cortes in Puerto de Caballos, where, as we
understood, the inhabitants were so dreadfully tormented night and day
by innumerable moschitoes that every comfort was destroyed.

On the receipt of Cortes' letter, Sandoval would gladly that instant
have set out for Naco if he had not previously despatched a great part
of his troops into the surrounding townships in search of provisions and
fodder for our horses. He was therefore compelled to await the return of
these troops, which, moreover, had been detained in passing a river,
where they had left a small detachment to guard the canoe that had
ferried them across. Besides this, Sandoval had had daily skirmishes
with the Indians of the townships lying on the Golfo Dulce, so that he
deemed it necessary to send a further reinforcement of eight men, under
my command, as a further guard to the canoe. Here we were obliged to
observe the utmost vigilance, for one night a great body of Indians fell
suddenly upon us, in the hopes, if they found us off our guard, to
capture the canoe and set fire to our huts. However silently they came
creeping along, we received timely notice of their approach, and we
eight men, with four Mexicans, boldly advanced against them, and quickly
sent them back from whence they came, though two Spaniards and one of
the Mexicans were slightly wounded by the enemy's arrows. Upon this
three of us marched further on to some huts where several invalid
Mexicans and Spaniards had remained behind. These people we conducted
safely to Sandoval, with the exception of one Spaniard, who died of
exhaustion a couple of miles from the township, where the former was
quartered with the rest of the troops. This soldier was one of those who
had but recently arrived from Spain, and we were obliged to leave his
body on the road from want of sufficient hands to carry it.

When I had given Sandoval my report of everything that had befallen us
on our march, he was excessively angry with us for not having brought
the dead body either on our shoulders or on one of the horses. I told
him very coolly that each of the horses as it was had carried two sick
persons, and that we ourselves had been obliged to walk on foot. One of
my companions, however, a certain Villa Nueva, was not quite so cool as
myself, but told Sandoval in a passion that we had trouble enough to
drag ourselves along without loading ourselves with the dead, and as for
himself he was perfectly tired of the many fatigues he had to undergo in
the service of Cortes, and that all for nothing. Sandoval, however,
persisted that we should turn back and bury the dead body. Villa Nueva
and myself accordingly took two Mexicans and a spade with us, dug a deep
hole, in which we put our deceased companion, and placed a cross on it.
In one of his pockets we found a little gold, a number of dice, and a
small scrap of paper containing an account of his birthplace, his
parents, and of some property which he possessed in the island of
Teneriffe. This document we subsequently forwarded to the latter place.
May God have mercy on his soul: Amen.

We now marched further on to some townships, in the neighbourhood of
which gold mines were discovered three years afterwards. From this place
we came to Quinistan, and the following day in the forenoon we arrived
at Naco, which at that time was a township of considerable magnitude,
but there was not a single inhabitant to be seen, and we quartered
ourselves in a large courtyard, where Christobal de Oli was beheaded. In
some houses we were fortunate enough to find a good supply of maise,
beans, and even some salt, of which latter we were in great want. In
this place we quartered ourselves as comfortably as if we never meant to
leave the spot again.

In Naco there was a well which contained the most delicious water I ever
tasted in the New World. Here likewise stood a wide spreading tree,
under the shade of which, even during the hottest part of the day, the
air was so cool that our very hearts became refreshed and invigorated.
From this tree there also continually fell a very delicate dew, which
produced a most comfortable feeling to the head. The surrounding
neighbourhood abounded in various kinds of provisions, and numerous
small townships lay dispersed in all directions. But I will break off
here, and reserve what I have further to relate for the next chapter.




CHAPTER CLXXXII.

    _Sandoval commences to subdue the province of Naco, and the
    opposition he meets with from the natives._


Immediately upon our arrival at Naco we took possession of the
storehouses, and then dispersed ourselves among the maise plantations,
where we captured three of the chiefs of this township. Sandoval behaved
in the kindest manner to these men, presented them with some Spanish
toys, and begged of them to go and call the principal caziques, with
whom he was anxious to live on friendly terms. These personages
faithfully fulfilled their commission, and returned with two of the
caziques, though they had not been able to persuade the inhabitants to
return to their dwellings, who contented themselves by forwarding us
from time to time a small supply of provisions. In this way matters
continued for several days, and neither party thought of commencing
hostilities.

The reader will remember that Cortes had written to Sandoval for ten of
the veterans of Guacasualco, all of whom he had mentioned by name, and
mine was put at the head of this list; but as I was very unwell at the
time, I desired Sandoval to excuse me from leaving him on the present
occasion, and to acquaint our general that I should not be able to
accompany him, owing to the bad state of my health; which was really the
fact. Sandoval accordingly allowed me to stay behind, and he despatched
eight soldiers to Cortes, men who would face any danger; but on this
occasion they showed so much reluctance to march out that they cursed
Cortes' proposed expedition in the strongest terms: and certainly they
were in some manner justified, for it was impossible to say whether the
country whither they were going to march was friendly disposed or not.

Before these eight soldiers departed, Sandoval requested the caziques to
despatch five distinguished personages to accompany them to Puerto de
Caballos, declaring to the caziques at the same time that, if these
Spaniards received the slightest annoyance on their journey, he would
burn down their townships, and fall upon the inhabitants. He then
ordered them to provide our men with the best of provisions on their
route.

Cortes was just about embarking for Truxillo when the eight Spaniards
marched into Puerto de Caballos. He was greatly rejoiced at their
arrival, for he knew what excellent soldiers they were, and soon after
set sail with his troops, leaving Diego de Godoy as commander-in-chief
of the new colony, consisting of forty persons belonging to Buena Vista,
and of the passengers lately arrived from Cuba. Godoy had scarcely
sufficient patience to wait until Cortes' vessel was out of sight before
he marched out with those who were in tolerable good health to visit the
neighbouring townships, two of which he obliged to submit to his arms;
but as the Indians soon found that his men were in bad health, and daily
dying away, they troubled themselves very little about him, and withheld
their supplies of provisions. As the Spaniards themselves durst no
longer leave the town in search of these, a real famine existed among
them, which, in a short time, carried off half of the inhabitants, three
of whom deserted the spot altogether and fled to Naco.

Here affairs likewise began to assume a different aspect; for when
Sandoval found that the Indians obstinately refused to return to the
township, he determined to adopt some stronger measures, and to compel
them to reoccupy their dwellings. We therefore marched out and visited
Girimonga, Aculaco, and three other townships, which all lay in the
neighbourhood of Naco, and they submitted to the Spanish crown without
offering any resistance. We were equally successful in Quizmitan and
with the tribes which inhabited the mountains, who even came out to meet
us in order to declare themselves vassals of our emperor. In this way we
lived on terms of friendship with the inhabitants of the whole
surrounding country; and as we demanded nothing of them, but only
accepted of what they gave us of their own free choice, the inhabitants
of Naco at length also reposed more confidence in us, and returned to
their homes. In this peaceable condition the whole country continued
until Cortes founded the town called Puerto de Caballos.

We must now see how matters stood in Truxillo.




CHAPTER CLXXXIII.

    _How Cortes disembarks in the harbour of Truxillo, and the
    inhabitants rejoice at his arrival._


Cortes had embarked at Puerto de Caballos with a considerable body of
the best troops; and, after a favorable voyage of six days, he arrived
in the harbour of Truxillo. The colonists there were excessively
rejoiced on learning that Cortes himself was among the newly arrived.
The whole of the inhabitants assembled on the beach to receive him and
to pay their homage to him; and as great part of the colony was composed
of those who had been expelled from Panuco, and of those who had taken
an ostensible part in the revolt of Christobal de Oli, their very first
step was to beg forgiveness of Cortes for the past. This he granted them
without any hesitation, discoursed with them in a most friendly manner,
and in their company proceeded direct to church to make his devotions.
The most comfortable mansion was prepared for him, and the chief
inhabitants then detailed every circumstance respecting Francisco de las
Casas' arrival, his capture, with that of Gonsalez de Avila, and the
subsequent beheading of Christobal de Oli; how the two former officers
had then departed for Mexico, but that they themselves had in the
meantime subdued several of the townships of this province.

After our general had been apprized of everything that had taken place,
he expressed his satisfaction, and confirmed the several authorities of
the town in their respective offices, both civil and military, but
appointed his cousin Saavedra captain-general of the whole country,
which met with universal approbation. He then summoned the inhabitants
of the whole surrounding neighbourhood to send him ambassadors, and to
declare themselves vassals of our emperor, which they were not long in
complying with when they understood that Malinche, the conqueror of
Mexico, had arrived in person; and they brought at the same time a
quantity of provisions for him.

As the caziques of the four principal townships happened to stand all
together in the presence of Cortes, he took the opportunity of
addressing them at some length, which was interpreted to them by Dona
Marina. He first spoke to them about our holy religion, and then of our
great emperor Don Carlos of Austria, who had dominion over so many
countries and nations; how his majesty had sent us expressly into these
countries in order to abolish from among them all idolatry, theft, the
sacrificing of human beings, the eating of human flesh, and other
abominations; also to accustom them to live in peace and harmony with
each other. It was therefore their duty, he added, to subject themselves
to a monarch who was so mercifully inclined, and to lend us every
assistance in their power; but, on the other hand, he should be
compelled to punish those severely who in any way broke the peace.

After this, father Juan de las Varillas and the two Franciscan monks
preached an edifying sermon to them, which two Mexicans, who understood
the Spanish language, and other persons, interpreted to the caziques,
who listened with great attention to all that was said, and readily
acknowledged themselves vassals of our emperor, and promised to obey
Malinche in everything. Our general then ordered them to furnish the
colony with provisions, and to send a number of Indians with the
necessary tools to level a rising ground which lay in the town and
obstructed the view of the harbour and of the sea. He also desired them
to repair with their canoes to some townships of the Guanajas islands to
request the inhabitants there to supply him with fish, which they had in
abundance. The inhabitants of these islands readily complied, and
brought a present consisting in fowls and fish, Cortes, in return,
giving them some of the swine he had taken with him on this expedition;
for he had been assured by a Spaniard that these islands were peculiarly
adapted for breeding pigs, provided the animals were allowed to go at
large. This indeed was found to be a fact; for, a couple of years after,
they had so increased that people went thither regularly to hunt them.

But all this is rather foreign to my narrative, and I will rather
acquaint the reader that the caziques sent so large a body of Indians to
level the hill, that, in the space of two days, there was a good
prospect of the sea from the town. They likewise constructed fifteen
houses, of which one for Cortes was of larger dimensions. As there were
still a great number of townships which refused obedience, Cortes
desired the caziques of Papayeca, which, at that time, was a very
extensive township, to enumerate the several tribes which had omitted to
send ambassadors. The whole of them, he was informed, dwelt among the
mountains, and had equipped themselves for war. Our general then
despatched thither Saavedra, with a strong detachment of troops, among
whom were also the eight soldiers of Guacasualco, to compel these
Indians to sue for peace. Most of these townships, on the approach of
our troops, very wisely submitted without offering any resistance; but
there were three which obstinately refused to do so, and, if I am not
mistaken, are called the Acaltecas, against which Saavedra immediately
marched his men. Cortes' name was so feared and respected among all the
inhabitants of this country that even the distant tribes of Olancho,
where subsequently so many lucrative mines were discovered, sent
ambassadors to him to declare themselves vassals of our emperor.
Throughout this country Cortes was known by the name of the captain Hue,
Hue of Marina, which means the old captain who has Marina with him.

During our general's stay in Truxillo, his cousin Avalos, the two
Franciscan monks, the licentiate Pedro Lopez, the officers of his
household, Carranza and Guinea, Juan Tlamena and several of the men he
had brought with him, besides many of the colonists, were all suffering
from bad health. Cortes, therefore, determined to send the whole of
them, as soon as the weather was favorable, either to Cuba or to St.
Domingo. For this purpose he fitted out a vessel and sent on board the
best provisions that were to be had, and likewise took this opportunity
of forwarding despatches to the Hieronymite brotherhood, in which he
gave them a full account of the hazardous expedition to the coast of the
Honduras, and of the arrangements he had made in Mexico for the
government of New Spain, during his absence. He likewise mentioned every
circumstance from the day he had despatched Oli with an armament to the
Honduras, down to the tragical death of the latter; and concluded by
giving an account of the country and of the rich gold mines it
possessed.

In order that these passengers, on arriving at Cuba, might have
sufficient credit there, he gave them a number of valuable jewels out of
his private treasure, besides several pieces of his golden dinner
service. As chief in command of this vessel, he appointed his cousin
Avalos, whom he desired to touch at the island of Cozumel, and to carry
away prisoners from thence twenty-five soldiers, who had been left there
by some officer to levy contributions upon the inhabitants.

The vessel set sail with a favorable wind, and had alternately good and
bad weather. She had already doubled the cape of Sant Antonio, and had
arrived within seventy leagues of the Havannah, when a heavy storm
arose, in which she was wrecked off the coast. The Franciscan monks, the
captain Avalos, and a great number of others met with a watery grave;
only a few, by great exertions, saved themselves in the boat, and others
drifted on shore by clinging to pieces of wood.

The persons who thus luckily escaped soon spread the news through the
island of Cuba that Cortes, with his whole army, was still in existence.
The licentiate Pedro Lopez, who had also escaped destruction, hastened
to St. Domingo, and there related to the royal court of audience every
circumstance relative to Cortes' expedition to the Honduras, and how he
was then staying at Truxillo occupied in subduing the surrounding
country. He likewise stated that the troops were in great want of
provisions, wine, and horses; that he had despatched a vessel with a
quantity of gold to Cuba, in order to purchase these necessaries, but
which was unfortunately wrecked off the coast of the latter island, and
he himself had narrowly escaped destruction.

The news of Cortes being still alive and well spread universal joy, for
it was generally believed that he, with the whole of his troops, had
perished in the expedition to the Honduras. From Hispaniola the glad
tidings also reached New Spain, where Cortes' death had also been
currently reported. In St. Domingo the spirit of speculation was soon
stirred up and two vessels were quickly despatched to Truxillo, with
horses, shirts, military caps, and Spanish toys, to all of which these
speculating merchants unfortunately forgot to add provisions, and only
sent one pipe of wine.

Cortes himself had remained at Truxillo, where his time was fully
occupied in making various regulations. While he was staying here
several of the inhabitants of the Guanajas islands came and complained
to him about a vessel which lay at anchor in front of their township.
This vessel, they said, had a great number of Spaniards on board, all
armed with matchlocks and crossbows, and they were intent upon carrying
off the inhabitants into slavery. To all appearances, added they, these
Spaniards were pirates, and the same who had visited their country some
years previously in a similar manner, and forcibly dragged away a
considerable number of their countrymen.

Upon this information, Cortes hastily fitted out one of the brigantiues
with the largest piece of ordnance, and sent twenty men on board, under
the command of one of his best officers, who was ordered, at all events,
to bring the strange vessel, with all her hands, into the harbour of
Truxillo. The Indians likewise promised to man all their canoes and
accompany the brigantine to where the vessel lay moored.

When the strange vessel observed a well-armed brigantine approaching,
with several canoes belonging to these islands, she easily guessed how
matters stood, quickly weighed anchor, made off at the utmost of her
speed, and so eluded the pursuit of the brigantine. We subsequently
learnt that this vessel was commanded by the bachelor Moreno, whom the
royal court of audience at St. Domingo had despatched on certain
business to Nombre de Dios, and he had either been driven by contrary
winds off these islands, or had purposely repaired thither to carry away
a cargo of slaves.




CHAPTER CLXXXIV.

    _How Sandoval, during our stay at Naco, takes forty Spanish soldiers
    with their captain prisoners, who, on their march from the province
    of Nicaragua, had everywhere plundered and otherwise ill-used the
    inhabitants._


While Sandoval was staying at Naco, occupied in the friendly subjection
of the surrounding country, four caziques arrived in our camp from the
two townships of Quecuscapa and Tanchinalchapa, complaining bitterly of
some Spaniards, who, they said, had horses, and were otherwise armed
like ourselves. These men plundered the inhabitants of all their
property, and forcibly carried off their wives and daughters in iron
chains.

Sandoval, it may be imagined, was exceedingly vexed at this
intelligence. On inquiring of the caziques how far distant their
townships lay, they told him only one day's journey. He then immediately
marched out with sixty of us, all well-armed, and we arrived in the
above-mentioned townships before the Spaniards there had the least
notice of our approach; yet the instant they saw us they flew to their
arms, but we came so suddenly upon them, that we took the greater part
of the men with their captain prisoners, without so much as a drop of
blood being spilt on either side. Sandoval, to use a common phrase, blew
them up in fine style, and asked them whether theirs was justifiable
conduct thus to ill-use his majesty's subjects, and whether the course
they pursued was the proper method of making conquests in his majesty's
name? He then commanded the men and women they had taken prisoners, and
around whose necks they had fastened iron collars, to be instantly
released and restored to the caziques of the district.

We then marched back to Naco, carrying along with us our Spanish
prisoners and their captain, whose name was Pedro de Garro. Almost the
whole of these men had horses, and were followed by numbers of female
Indians of Nicaragua, some of whom were uncommonly handsome; besides a
great many female slaves to attend upon them. We others, who had
suffered so many hardships in this expedition, had none of these
comforts, and, in comparison with our miserable appearance, these
Spaniards looked like so many wealthy noblemen. When we arrived in Naco,
Cortes quartered each of them according to his respective rank and
station, as there were several men of distinction and quality among
them.

When these men found that we formed part of Cortes' troops, their
captain, Garro, did all in his power to ingratiate himself in Sandoval's
and our favour, and the whole of them declared they were delighted to be
with us. Respecting their arrival in this neighbourhood, they gave the
following explanation.

Pedro Arias de Avila was governor of Terra Firma, and had sent out
Francisco Hernandez, one of his most distinguished officers, with a
considerable body of foot and horse, in order to make conquests in the
provinces of Nicaragua and Leon, which he subdued and colonized.
Hernandez, finding that everything went on so successfully, and thinking
himself sufficiently far removed from Pedro Arias de Avila, to do what
he liked, listened to evil counsellors, and came to some secret
understanding with the bachelor Moreno, above mentioned, who had been
despatched, by the royal court of audience at St. Domingo, to Terra
Firma, to make inquiries into the death of Balboa, whom Arias de Avila
had most unjustly beheaded, after giving him his daughter in marriage.
This Moreno hinted to Hernandez, that it would not amount to treachery
if he strove to gain for himself the government of the countries he
should subdue, which would be the more easily obtained, since Pedro
Arias had acted so wickedly against Balboa, who had had the best claim
to be appointed adelantado of these countries, and indeed the first of
the two who memorialised his majesty to that effect. Francisco Hernandez
lent a willing ear to this advice, and began by despatching his chief
officer Pedro de Garro to the northern provinces, in search of some
harbour where he might found a colony, and send his majesty thence an
account of the countries he had subdued and colonized; and he doubted
not but that his endeavours would be crowned with success, since the
provinces of which he should petition to be the governor lay so far
distant from Terra Firma.

Respecting these matters, Sandoval and Garro had several secret
conferences with each other, which terminated in the former writing on
the subject to Cortes, at Truxillo, to induce him to confer on Hernandez
the government of Nicaragua. For this purpose he despatched five of our
men, and an equal number of Garro's troops, along the coast, to
Truxillo, in order to convey his letters to Cortes. These men took with
them twenty of Garro's Indians, in order to assist them in crossing the
rivers. Their march, however, was attended with very little success, for
they could neither pass the river Pichin nor the river Balama, both of
which were greatly swollen, so that they returned to Naco, after a
fortnight's absence. Sandoval was excessively annoyed at this
circumstance, and spoke in very severe terms to the person who had the
command of this small detachment. He then ordered captain Luis Marin,
with ten of us, and five of Garro's men, immediately to set out for
Truxillo, and to march thither in a direct line through the country. I
was likewise desired to accompany Luis Marin, and we all set out on
foot. We passed through a number of hostile townships, though, if I were
to relate all the battles we fought with the natives; the difficulties
we had to encounter on this journey; the rivers and estuaries we had to
cross, sometimes by means of swimming, sometimes in canoes; the hunger
we sustained for several days, I should not finish so easily. There
were days in which we crossed, either in canoes or by swimming, three
rapid streams. On approaching nearer to the coast, we had to pass arms
of the sea which abounded with alligators, and when we arrived at the
river Xaqua, which lay forty miles from Triunfo de la Cruz, it took us
two whole days before we reached the opposite shore, in canoes. Here we
saw the remains of seven horses which had belonged to Oli's troops. At
length we arrived in Triunfo de la Cruz, where we found nothing but the
wood of some vessels which had been wrecked. We then marched on for
another four days, and came to the township of Guemara, where the
inhabitants rose up in arms against us. These Indians were armed with
long heavy lances, which they use in the same way we do ours, covering
their bodies at the same time with a shield, which is fastened to the
left arm. They came out against us in a large body, and we were obliged
to fight foot to foot with them; though, after a short conflict, we cut
our way through their crowded ranks, with only two of our men wounded.
Their reason for attacking us was, because they thought we did not
belong to Cortes' troops, but to a body of adventurers, who had on a
former occasion committed depredations among them.

Two days' further march brought us into the neighbourhood of Truxillo.
It was about the hour of vespers, and we speedily came in sight of five
persons, who were strolling along the shore on horseback, one of whom
was our general himself, who soon recognized us at a distance, gave spur
to his horse, and galloped up to us. He instantly dismounted, embraced
us, with the tears flowing from his eyes, and cried out: "O, my
companions and brothers, how I have longed to see you, and to receive
some intelligence of you!"

Cortes looked exceedingly ill, and we felt sorely grieved to see him
thus. He had been suffering from a violent fever, which had nearly
proved fatal to him, and he felt the more downcast, as he had not
received any intelligence whatsoever as to how matters stood in Mexico.
Some of our men even assured me he had been so nigh his death, that the
Franciscan gown, in which he was to have been buried, had been got in
readiness.

After the first welcomes were past, Cortes accompanied us on foot to
Truxillo, where we were immediately shown to our quarters, and then
invited to sup with our general; but it was a very poor set out, for
there was not even cassave bread to be had. The letter we brought from
Sandoval he read to us at table, and he declared his willingness to do
all in his power for Francisco Hernandez.

Three days previously, as I mentioned above, the two small vessels from
St. Domingo ran into the harbour of Truxillo, but had unfortunately
brought nothing in the shape of provisions, excepting a pipe of wine. It
would, however, have been much better for us if these vessels had never
arrived, for the whole of us got greatly into debt, by purchasing
various articles of wearing apparel, and Spanish gewgaws.

We were still in conversation with Cortes, when some one came running in
with the information that another vessel was making full sail for the
harbour. This vessel came direct from the Havannah, and had been
despatched hither by the licentiate Zuazo, whom Cortes had appointed
alcalde-mayor of Mexico. Zuazo sent our general some refreshments by
this vessel, and a letter, the important contents of which I will give
as nearly as possible in the next chapter.




CHAPTER CLXXXV.

    _How Cortes receives a letter from the licentiate Zuazo out of the
    Havannah, and of its contents._


After this vessel had cast anchor, the captain, who was a person of
quality, stepped on shore, announced his arrival to Cortes, and handed
over to him a letter from the licentiate Zuazo. The grief which this
letter occasioned our general was so excessive, that he was heard to sob
aloud in his apartment, nor did he show himself again until the next
morning, which was a Sunday. The night previous he confessed to father
Juan, and had desired that the mass might be performed very early in the
morning, and he then made the communion. After mass had been said, he
ordered us all into his presence, and communicated to us the news he had
received with regard to the affairs of New Spain.

To begin, we now learnt, that on the bare rumour of our having perished
on the expedition to the Honduras, our property had been seized, and
sold to the highest bidder; and our Indians distributed among people who
were least deserving of them.

Upon this followed the intelligence which had been received from Diego
de Ordas, and our general's father, Martin Cortes, respecting the
slanderous letters which the accountant Albornoz had despatched to his
majesty against Cortes; and the commands which the emperor had, in
consequence, issued to the admiral of St. Domingo; and how the duke of
Bejar had, for a time, dispersed the storm which was thickening over our
general's head. Those two gentlemen at the same time mentioned that the
captain Narvaez had been empowered by his majesty to subdue the
countries lying on the river Palmas; that a certain Nuno de Guzman was
appointed governor of the province of Panuco; and that Cortes' great
enemy, the bishop of Burgos, was dead.

With respect to the affairs of New Spain, they were in a most dreadful
state of confusion. As soon as the factor Gonzalo Salazar and the veedor
Pedro Almindez Chirinos arrived in Mexico from Guacasualco, with their
credentials, by virtue of which they were empowered to take the
government of New Spain into their own hands if they observed that the
treasurer Alonso de Estrada and the accountant Albornoz began to govern
badly, they allied themselves with the licentiate Zuazo, alcalde-mayor
of Mexico, Rodrigo de Paz, alguacil-mayor, Andreas de Tapia, Jorge de
Alvarado, and the whole of the veteran Conquistadores then staying in
that city. When they thought their party was sufficiently numerous, they
came forth with their commissions, and maintained that they alone were
the real governors, and that neither the treasurer nor accountant ought
to have any share in it whatever. This created terrible factions in the
city, which ended in a regular battle, and many were killed on both
sides.

The factor and the veedor, in the end, gained the upper hand, and cast
their two opponents, with several of their adherents, into prison. But
the opposite party was not put down by this, and not a day passed
without a conflict between the two, while the inhabitants became
continually more embittered against the new governors, who distributed
the Indians among their creatures and other worthless fellows. Nor was
it long before the triumphant party fell out among themselves. The
licentiate Zuazo was obstructed, in every way, in the exercise of his
office, and Rodrigo de Paz was even thrown into prison for siding with
him. The latter had done all in his power to bring about a
reconciliation between the four claimants to the governorship, in which
he had fortunately succeeded; but this harmony was of no longer duration
than eight days, when hostilities again burst out between them.

About this time, also, the provinces of the Zapotecs and Minxes, besides
the extensive and well-fortified township of Coatlan, again revolted,
and the veedor Chirinos marched against them in person, at the head of
some Spanish soldiers, all of whom had but recently arrived from Spain,
and were, consequently, little accustomed to Indian warfare. This
campaign put the royal treasury to vast expense, although nothing but
debauchery and gambling went on in the camp; while the veedor put the
money into his own pocket which he ought to have given the Indians, in
exchange for their provisions. The inhabitants of Coatlan, finding the
Spaniards little upon their guard, fell suddenly upon their encampment
one night, killed a number of the men, and wounded a great many more.
The factor, upon this, despatched one of Cortes' officers, Andreas de
Monjaraz, who was a close adherent of his, to the assistance of his
associate in office; but Monjaraz's aid was of very little use, as he
was suffering severely from virulent swellings in his groins, so that he
was scarcely able to move about. The Indians were each time victorious,
and it was greatly feared the Mexicans themselves would rise up in arms.
Notwithstanding all these unfavorable circumstances, the factor was very
diligent in accomplishing his main object, which was, to forward his
majesty, and the comendador-mayor of Leon, Don Francisco de las Cobas,
as much gold as he could possibly scrape together, to gain their good
wishes, particularly as about that time the rumour was fast spreading
that Cortes and the whole of us had been cut off by the Indians in a
township called Xicalango.

During these troubles, Diego de Ordas, whom Cortes had despatched to
Spain, returned to Mexico, and had been, as I have above related, highly
honoured by his majesty. When he saw the party-spirit which was raging,
and that a total anarchy must soon follow, he united himself closely to
the factor, and declared that he would repair in person to the coast of
Honduras, to gain some certain information with regard to the fate of
Cortes. He actually fitted out a large vessel and a brigantine, and
sailed along the coast until he arrived at Xicalango, where, as I have
mentioned in a former chapter, Simon de Cuenca and Francisco de Medina
perished, with all their men. The accounts which Ordas could gather here
went to confirm all that had been rumoured respecting our total
destruction. He therefore returned to New Spain, and wrote word to the
factor, without going on shore, that there was now no doubt of Cortes
having perished, with all who accompanied him on the expedition. After
despatching this letter to Mexico, he immediately set sail for Cuba, in
order to purchase cows and horses there.

The factor, on receiving this intelligence from de Ordas, made it known
to every one, and subsequently the whole of Cortes' old soldiers and
friends put on mourning, and even a tomb was erected to his memory in
the chief church of Mexico. The factor then, under sound of trumpet and
drum, had himself proclaimed governor and captain-general of New Spain.
His next step was, to order the wives of those who were supposed to have
perished with Cortes to pray for their late husbands' souls, and to form
new marriages, all of which was likewise made known in Guacasualco and
other townships. He even went so far as to order the wife of a certain
Alonso Valiente to be publicly scourged for a witch through the streets
of Mexico, for having declared her determination not to marry again, as
she was sure that Cortes and the whole of us were still alive, and that
we should shortly make our appearance, for we, the veteran
Conquistadores, said she, were a very different kind of soldiers to
those who marched out under the veedor to Coatlan, against whom the
Indians made war, not they against the Indians. The veedor was soon
surrounded by a vile set of flatterers, who supported him in all his
measures; and one Spaniard, whom we had always considered to be a man of
honour, but whose name I will refrain from mentioning, had the
shamelessness to assure the factor, in presence of several persons, that
as he was one night passing over the Tlatelulco, near the church of
Santiago, where the great temple of Huitzilopochtli once stood, he had
seen the souls of Cortes, Dona Marina, and Sandoval burning in livid
flames in a courtyard near this church. This had frightened him to such
a degree, he added, that he fell ill in consequence.

There was also another Spaniard, whose name I will suppress, because we
had always greatly esteemed him, who related a similar circumstance,
telling the factor that evil spirits were seen flitting up and down the
great squares of Tezcuco, which the Indians said, were the departed
souls of Cortes and Dona Marina. But all these were of course infamous
lies, merely invented to flatter the factor, or most likely he had
promulgated them himself.

About this time Francisco de las Casas and Gil Gonsalez de Avila arrived
in Mexico, the officers who, we saw in a former chapter, ordered
Christobal de Oli to be decapitated at Naco. Las Casas, seeing the
disordered state of the government, and that the factor had proclaimed
himself governor of New Spain, publicly declared that the conduct which
had been pursued was bad, and that nothing of all this ought to have
been permitted, as Cortes was still alive. But even if he had perished,
which God forbid, the government ought to have devolved upon a person of
higher rank than the factor, a cavalier of distinction and merit; for
instance, on Pedro de Alvarado, whom, he maintained, ought to be called
to take the government into his hands. The latter's brother, indeed, and
even the treasurer, besides several other of the inhabitants of Mexico,
actually wrote to that officer, requesting him to march, without delay,
to this town, at the head of as large a body of troops as he could
possibly get together, and they would assist him in getting him
proclaimed governor, until some certainty was obtained respecting the
fate of Cortes, and his majesty's pleasure was known as to whom his
successor should be. In consequence of this letter, Alvarado set out on
his march to Mexico, but on the road he changed his mind and returned
to his province, when he heard that the factor threatened to put him to
death, and had already hung Rodrigo de Paz, and cast the licentiate
Zuazo into prison.

The factor had, shortly beforehand, scraped together as much gold as he
possibly could, which he intended forwarding, with secret despatches, to
his majesty in Spain, through his most confidential friend, a certain
Pennas. This was opposed by Las Casas, the licentiate Zuazo, Rodrigo de
Paz, the treasurer, and the accountant, who maintained that it was wrong
to announce Cortes' death to his majesty before they had gained some
certainty as to his fate; but they had no objection to forward the
emperor all the gold arising from the royal fifths; only this should be
done in common, and with the consent of the treasurer and of the
accountant, and not in the factor's name alone. As this gold was put on
board a vessel which was about to set sail for Spain, Las Casas, by
authority of the alcalde-mayor Zuazo, and in understanding with Rodrigo
de Paz and the other crown officers, repaired to the sea coast, in order
to detain the vessel until they should all have drawn up a faithful
account of the state of affairs in New Spain, and to despatch it to his
majesty by this same opportunity. As it was of the first importance to
the factor to prevent this if he wished to further his own ends, he
ordered Las Casas and the licentiate Zuazo to be imprisoned. He then
instituted a criminal suit against Las Casas and Gonsalez de Avila for
the execution of Christobal de Oli, when both were found guilty, and
sentenced to decapitation, which was very nigh being put into execution;
but they succeeded, by the utmost of their exertions, in obtaining an
appeal to his majesty. The factor, consequently, sent them prisoners to
Spain, and, to rid himself of Zuazo, he sent him on a mule to Vera Cruz,
where he ordered him to be put on board a vessel bound for Cuba, which
the factor maintained was his proper place of abode, as he had
previously filled the office of judge in that island. But the
unfortunate Rodrigo de Paz fared worse than all; him he cast into irons,
and wished to extort from him where Cortes' gold and silver lay hid,
which he must know, as he was the latter's major-domo. This treasure, he
said, he was desirous of forwarding to his majesty, whom Cortes had
secretly robbed of it; but as Rodrigo de Paz (against all probability
however) declared he knew nothing of any such treasure, the factor put
him to the torture by pouring boiling oil over the soles of his feet;
and after he had exhausted his strength by this, as well as by keeping
him in close confinement, he at length hung him for a rebel, in order to
put it out of his power of ever bringing any accusations against him for
so much ill-treatment. The factor at the same time issued orders for
the apprehension of the greater part of the soldiers and inhabitants of
Mexico who had remained true to Cortes. These persons, seeing the storm
that was brooding over them, retired with Jorge de Alvarado and Andreas
de Tapia into the cloister of the Franciscans, as their party was too
weak to bid defiance to the factor, and most of the veteran
Conquistadores were with Cortes in the Honduras, and a great number had
closely allied themselves to the factor, who had gained them over to his
side by bestowing lucrative commendaries on them. But as the factor
still feared the inhabitants of Mexico might each moment rise up in arms
against him, and a desperate conflict ensue, he ordered all the arms to
be taken out of the arsenal, and had them brought into his palace, in
front of which he mounted all the cannon of the fortress, and those
which served for the protection of the harbour. The chief command of
this park of artillery he gave to Don Luis de Guzman, a relative of the
duke of Medina Sidonia. In the same way he formed a body guard, in which
were found the names of Gines Nortes, Pedro Gonsalez Sabiote, and others
of Cortes' soldiers. A certain Artiaga he appointed captain of this
guard.

Zuazo advised our general to use the utmost circumspection, in case he
should repair in person to New Spain, as other things had happened even
of a worse nature; for instance, the factor had written to acquaint his
majesty that a stamp had been found in Cortes' bureau, with which he was
accustomed to mark the gold that was secretly brought to him by the
Indians, thereby to avoid paying the royal fifth.

In order that Cortes might form some notion as to how matters stood in
Mexico, he (Zuazo) would give him the following instance: One of the
Spanish inhabitants of Guacasualco had come to Mexico, to apply for some
property, which had become vacant by the death of one of the settlers
there. In Mexico he happened to lodge with a Spanish woman, who had
married a second time, on the supposition that her former husband had
perished with Cortes; he reproached her for having married again, and
assured her that Cortes and the whole of us were still alive. All this
was reported to the factor, who instantly despatched four alguacils to
bind him hand and foot, in which way he was dragged to prison. He would
even have hung him for creating sedition, but the poor fellow, whose
name was Gonsalo Hernandez, swore that he had only said it to console
the woman, for she still bitterly mourned the loss of her husband. He
further said, that he was quite sure we were all cut off to a man by the
Indians, for he had received positive information of it. This confession
of Hernandez made all right again; he obtained the property for which
he had petitioned, but was ordered to quit Mexico forthwith, and
assured that, if he ever again mentioned a word about Cortes being
alive, he would, undoubtedly, be put to death.

Zuazo also communicated the mournful death of the excellent father
Olmedo, who died shortly after Cortes' departure from Mexico; the whole
of the inhabitants of which city had shed tears for the loss of this
holy man. He was buried in the church of Santiago, and the Indians
fasted from the day of his decease up to the moment of his funeral. The
Franciscan monks held a beautiful funeral oration over his body, in
which they enumerated all his great virtues, and said that the emperor
was as much indebted to him as to us, the veteran Conquistadores, for
the conquest of New Spain; but the still greater praise was due to him
for giving the Indians a knowledge of God, and for having opened to them
the gates of heaven. They knew, these Franciscans said, that he alone
had baptized above 2500 Indians; that the good he had done by his advice
and kindness was endless; and that he had been a father to the poor. In
short, concluded Zuazo, all is lost in Mexico; and thus matters stood,
when I was thrown on the back of a mule, and sent in chains to the place
whence I date my letter.

When Cortes had finished reading this letter to us, our grief and
vexation were without bounds; nor did we spare our abuse of him who, in
addition to the many hardships and fatigues we suffered, had also
brought this calamity upon us. We vented a thousand curses upon Cortes,
as well as upon the factor, and every one expressed his sentiments
aloud, without any reserve. But Cortes himself could not refrain from
shedding tears. He again shut himself up for half a day with the letter,
and would not allow any one to come near him. When he made his
reappearance, we unanimously proposed to him immediately to embark with
the three vessels which lay in the harbour for New Spain. To this he
replied, in the most affectionate manner, as follows: "O! my sons and
companions, with so worthless a character as the factor a person must be
particularly on his guard. This man has at present the government in his
own hands, and is villain enough, if he should get us into his power, to
put us all to death. Wherefore I intend, with God's assistance, to
embark with no more than four or five of you gentlemen, and to land in
some harbour where my arrival will not be immediately known in Mexico;
not, until we are enabled to march with a considerable force into this
metropolis: besides which, Sandoval is with too small a body of troops
in Naco for you all to leave him; wherefore you, Luis Marin, must again
join him with your small detachment, and desire him to commence his
march as speedily as possible through the province of Guatimala to
Mexico."

Our general then wrote to the captain Francisco Hernandez, who was
staying at Nicaragua, offering to promote his interests to the utmost of
his power, and sent him two mules laden with horseshoes, of which he
knew he was in great want; a quantity of agricultural implements,
several splendid articles of dress, and four pieces of beautiful plate,
besides several golden ornaments. With these things a certain Cabrera,
one of the five men of Garro's troops, who had accompanied us to
Truxillo, was despatched to the camp of Hernandez. This Cabrera was a
hidalgo by birth, and a native of Old Castile, an officer of great
courage and muscular power, who subsequently gained so much renown as
captain under Benalcazar. He became quartermaster-general of Blasco
Nunez Vela, and fell in the same battle with the viceroy.

When I found that Cortes was determined to proceed to New Spain by
water, I earnestly begged he would allow me to accompany him, and
desired him to remember that, in all the dangers he had undergone, and
in the battles he had fought, I never had flinched from his side; how
faithfully I had always cooperated with him to accomplish his objects;
and that now he had an opportunity of showing me he valued the services
I had rendered to him. When I had done speaking, Cortes gave me a hearty
embrace, and said, "If I take you along with me, my son, who will be
with Sandoval? I therefore beg of you to remain with your friend, and I
swear to you by my beard that I will reward you for it, and believe me I
shall never forget the services you have rendered me." In short, all I
might say was to no purpose; he would not allow me to accompany him.

While we were still lying in Truxillo, a cavalier, named Rodrigo
Mannueca, wished by some means or other to enliven Cortes, who was
exceedingly downcast, and certainly required something to rouse his
spirits; for which purpose he, with several other cavaliers, clambered
suddenly, in full armour, to the top of a house, which the Indians had
recently built; but this bit of fun terminated fatally for Mannueca. The
house stood upon a hill of considerable height, and poor Mannueca fell
through the roof, broke his ribs, and died shortly after of the
consequences.

Another circumstance likewise caused our general much grief, which was,
that several of the cavaliers of the town, being dissatisfied with the
appointments he had given them, boldly refused to obey him, and he could
only succeed in quieting them by promising that they should accompany
him to Mexico, when he would bestow honorable appointments on them all.

He then desired Diego de Godoy, whom he had appointed commandant of
Puerto de Caballos, to repair to Naco with those of the inhabitants, who
were suffering from ill health, and unable to live any longer in the
former place, on account of the innumerable swarms of moschitoes and
flies. The rest of us, under command of Luis Marin, were to take our
route overland to Mexico, and, if possible, to march through the
province of Nicaragua, the government of which our general meant to
petition his majesty to join to that of New Spain.

We then took leave of Cortes, just as he was about embarking for Mexico,
and we marched in a direct line for Naco, in the best spirits, because
we were now on our return to New Spain. After suffering a great deal of
fatigue and hunger, we arrived safely in Naco, to the great joy of
Sandoval. Pedro de Garro had already left, with the whole of his men for
Nicaragua, to inform his captain, Francisco Hernandez, of the
arrangements he had made with Sandoval; neither did we lose a moment's
time, but broke up our quarters for Mexico the morning after we arrived
in Naco.

I will not tire the reader by relating to him what happened to us on
this long march, but rather acquaint him with the unfortunate end of
Francisco Hernandez.




CHAPTER CLXXXVI.

    _How Pedro Arias de Avila is apprized by two of his confidants that
    Francisco Hernandez was in close correspondence with Cortes, and
    about to declare his independence of him; the steps which Arias took
    upon this._


Among the troops under Francisco Hernandez there were two soldiers,
named Garavita and Zamorano, who were close adherents to Pedro Arias,
the governor of Terra Firma. When these men saw the presents which
Cortes had sent to Hernandez, and observed how the latter held secret
conferences with Garro and other of his officers, they suspected that
Hernandez designed giving Cortes possession of the province of
Nicaragua. They consequently hastened off to communicate their
suspicions to Arias. Garavita, in particular, evinced a considerable
degree of zeal in this matter, for he had an old spite against our
general; namely, when they were both young men, and living at St.
Domingo, they came to blows about some woman, and Garavita came off
worst, with a thorough good drubbing.

On receiving this information, Arias marched out in person, at the head
of a large body of troops, and soon arrived in Nicaragua, where he
instantly seized Hernandez. Pedro de Garro had been wise enough not to
await his arrival, and sought refuge in our camp. The former had had
sufficient time to have done the same, but, unfortunately for him, he
put his trust in the previous friendship which existed between himself
and Pedro Arias, and felt quite confident the latter would behave
leniently towards him. Arias, however, paid no respect to former
friendship, but immediately put him upon his trial, and as it was proved
that he intended to declare his independence of his commander-in-chief,
Arias sentenced him to decapitation, which was put into execution in the
town which he had himself founded shortly beforehand. This was all the
unfortunate Hernandez gained by the treaty of Pedro Garro with Cortes,
and the fine presents which the latter had sent him!




CHAPTER CLXXXVII.

    _How Cortes, after setting sail, was twice obliged to put back into
    the harbour of Truxillo; and what further happened._


Cortes, after setting sail from Truxillo two several times, was again
obliged to put back into the harbour; the first time on account of a
tremendous storm which arose, and the second time on account of the
foremast snapping in two. As our general was suffering both bodily and
mentally, and had been severely attacked by sea-sickness, he determined
to postpone his voyage to Mexico to a more favorable season of the year;
which he felt the more inclined to do, as he feared the factor might
seize his person, and throw him into prison. After he had put back for
the second time into Truxillo, he desired father Juan, who had set sail
with him, to perform the mass of the Holy Ghost, to make a solemn
procession, and to supplicate the Almighty, and the Holy Mary our Lady
the Virgin, to enlighten his understanding, and lead him in that path by
which he could exert himself most in the holy service of God. By this
means, it appears, he was enlightened by the Holy Spirit not to leave
this province at present, but to continue its colonization. He then
despatched three couriers to us in all haste, with orders for us to
discontinue our march to Mexico, and to proceed with the further
conquest of the country, as his guardian angel, he said, had pointed out
this course to him.

When these commands were made known to us, we were ready to burst with
rage; we poured out a thousand maledictions upon the man who seemed
entirely deserted by his previous good fortune, and who was now working
out our total ruin. We boldly told Sandoval to his face he might remain
in this country if he liked, but we were determined not to be completely
ruined, and would continue our march to Mexico. Sandoval acknowledged
that we were in the right, and said he would only request of us to halt
until he had informed Cortes of the resolution we had come to, and we
had received his answer in return.

We then drew up a letter, which was signed by every one of us, and we
despatched it to our general by the same couriers who had brought us his
commands. His answer speedily arrived, in which vast promises were made
to all those who would consent to remain in this country for the
present; but at the very top of the letter was put: "I have only to tell
those who do not choose to obey my commands, that there are plenty of
soldiers in Spain."

When we received this answer, we were determined to give ourselves no
further trouble about him, and forthwith to continue our march to
Mexico; but Sandoval entreated us so earnestly, and with so much
kindness, to have patience for a few days longer, as he would repair in
person to Truxillo, to persuade Cortes to embark, that we consented to
write an answer to his last letter, in which we requested him to take
our present position into his consideration, and to remember that all
our misfortunes were owing to this expedition. It was in supporting his
cause, we said, that our possessions had been sold by public auction,
and our Indians given away to other persons. Those among us who had left
wives and children in New Spain were up to this time without any tidings
of them. We therefore urgently begged of him to embark for Mexico
without delay. With respect to the taunt which he threw out against us,
of there being plenty of soldiers in Spain, we, in our turn, could
remind him that there were also numbers of governors and celebrated
captains in Mexico at present, who would be too happy to receive us, and
to return our Indians to us; wherefore we were not exactly dependent on
his kind considerations.

With this letter Sandoval set out for Truxillo, accompanied by Pedro de
Sauzedo the snub-nose, and Francisco Donaire the blacksmith. When
Sandoval was mounting his motilla, he made a solemn oath that he would
do all in his power to persuade Cortes to embark for Mexico.

Since I have mentioned Sandoval's motilla, I may as well take the
opportunity of saying a few words of this splendid horse. This animal
was remarkably well trained for the field of battle, was of a dark
chesnut colour, and so exquisitely beautiful in its proportions, that
there was nothing to equal it in New Spain. The fame of this horse was
so great, that it even reached the ears of the emperor, which induced
Sandoval to present it to his majesty. While I am speaking about horses,
I remember that Sandoval once offered to exchange one of his horses for
mine, which was likewise a powerful and well-trained animal; indeed I
had paid Avalos, the brother of Saavedra, 600 pesos for it, after I had
lost a former one in our attack upon the township of Zulaco, for which I
had paid a similar sum. I took Sandoval's offer, and we made an
exchange; but I had scarcely done so, when it was killed in an
engagement. I had now only a miserable young colt left, which I
purchased from the merchants who had put into Truxillo with the two
vessels above mentioned.

Sandoval, before his departure, addressed us in the most affectionate
terms, and appointed Luis Marin chief in command during his absence. We
quartered ourselves in the Marayani townships, and afterwards in the
large township of Acalteca, where we were to await Sandoval's return.
When Cortes had read our letter, he appeared greatly perplexed,
particularly as he had sent out all his troops under his cousin Saavedra
against the Indians, who had risen up in arms, and refused all further
obedience to him. Sandoval, with Pedro Sauzedo, and father Juan, who
likewise longed to return to Mexico, might say what they liked; it was
all to no purpose; our general obstinately refused to embark.




CHAPTER CLXXXVIII.

    _How Cortes despatches one of his servants, named Martin de Orantes
    to Mexico, with letters to Francisco de las Casas and Pedro de
    Alvarado, in which he empowers them to take upon themselves the
    chief government of New Spain; but in case they were absent he
    conferred the same power on Estrada and Albornoz._


As Cortes could not be persuaded to embark in person for New Spain, but
was determined to continue the colonization of the country about
Truxillo, although he could do no more than he had done, Sandoval and he
at length agreed to despatch to Mexico one of the officers of his
household, named Martin de Orantes, a remarkably shrewd and clever man,
who might have been intrusted with business of the greatest importance.
This Orantes was furnished with papers by Cortes, in which he gave Pedro
de Alvarado and Francisco de las Casas, if they were in Mexico, full
power to take upon themselves the chief government of New Spain until
Cortes' return thither. If, however, they were not staying there, then
he conferred this power on the treasurer Alonso de Estrada, and the
accountant Albornoz. Cortes, at the same time, deprived the factor and
veedor of any share in the government, and wrote very friendly letters
both to Estrada and Albornoz, although he was well aware how the latter
had calumniated him to his majesty. He likewise sent letters to all
those of the Conquistadores whom he knew favoured his party. Orantes
himself took the chief command of the vessel which was to convey him,
and he was instructed to run into a certain bay which lay between Vera
Cruz and Panuco. No one was to go on shore but Orantes, and the vessel
was instantly to return when he had landed, to which the pilot and
sailors were bound down by a solemn oath, and richly remunerated, that
they might not be induced to break it.

The best of the three vessels lying in the harbour was fitted out for
this purpose, and after Orantes, with all the crew had attended mass, he
set sail with a favorable wind. The Almighty prospered this voyage so
greatly that the vessel arrived in the bay determined upon, and Orantes,
according to his instructions, immediately disembarked. After he had
offered up his prayers to Heaven for his safe arrival, he disguised
himself in the dress of a labourer, and so set out on foot for Mexico.
He had taken the great precaution to conceal his papers next to his
skin, and as he was an excellent pedestrian he soon reached some Indian
townships, where also a few Spaniards were staying, whom he avoided as
much as he possibly could, that he might not be recognized by them. Now
and then, indeed, he could not help coming up with a Spaniard, yet they
did not recognize him, as he had been absent for two years and three
months, in which time he had allowed his beard to grow. If any one asked
him who he was and whence he came, he told them, that his name was Juan
de Flechilla, and that he was a poor labourer. By this means he passed
through the country without being recognized, and he made so much haste
that he arrived in Mexico on the fourth day after landing. It was in the
night-time he entered the town, and he instantly repaired to the
cloister of the Franciscans, where he found a considerable number of
Cortes' friends, who had sought refuge there from the factor's
persecutions. Of these the principal personages were Jorge de Alvarado,
Andreas de Tapia, Juan Nunez de Mercado, Pedro Moreno Medrano, and
several other of the veteran Conquistadores.

As soon as these men recognized Orantes, and learnt from him that Cortes
was alive and had despatched him with letters to them, they were almost
overcome with joy, and jumped about the room as if they had been out of
their senses. Even the Franciscan monks themselves, with brother Toribio
Motolinia, and brother Domingo Altamirano, danced about the room with
delight, and offered up fervent thanks to God for this good news. All
the doors of the cloister were immediately fastened and no one allowed
egress, as there were several persons among them who were not to be
trusted. About the hour of midnight the treasurer Estrada and the
accountant Albornoz were sent for, besides several other of Cortes'
adherents, the whole of whom hastened to the cloister in all secrecy.
The commissions which Orantes had brought were read aloud, and all
present were unanimously of opinion that their first step must be to
seize the factor's person. The whole night was spent in deliberations
and letting into the secret those in whom they could place confidence;
the necessary arms were got in readiness, and early in the morning a
sudden attack was to be made upon the factor's palace. Fortunately, the
veedor was still stationed with the troops in Coatlan, so that they had
not much opposition to fear. As soon as daylight appeared the whole of
Cortes' adherents sallied forth in a body from the cloister, accompanied
by Orantes, that every one might see him, and they hastened off to the
factor's abode, under the cry of: "_Long live the emperor, and in his
imperial name Hernando Cortes, who is still alive and will shortly
arrive in person! I, his servant Orantes, have come to announce his
approach._"

The inhabitants, hearing this sudden alarm so early in the morning, flew
as usual to arms, imagining their aid was required in the name of his
majesty; and scarcely had they recognized Orantes, and heard that Cortes
was alive, when they joined Estrada in great numbers. The accountant
Albornoz, however, though Cortes had appointed him joint governor with
the former, evinced very little zeal in this matter; the steps which had
been taken did not seem to meet with his approbation, and he expressed
himself in so dubious a manner that Estrada was obliged to put him in
mind of a few circumstances which soon brought him to his proper senses.

When they approached the dwelling of the factor, they found him quite on
his guard, for he had been secretly informed by the accountant Albornoz
of what was going to happen. The park of artillery, under the command
of Don Luis de Guzman, a nephew of the duke of Medina Sidonia, was ready
loaded, and the factor's body-guard, commanded by the captain Artiaga,
Gines Nortes, and Pedro Gonsalez, stood ready drawn out to defend any
attack upon the palace. But Jorge de Alvarado and the confederates were
not to be daunted by this, and forced their way into the palace, from
different sides, some even clambered to the top of the roof and forced
an entrance that way. The cannons were certainly fired off against them,
but the captain of the artillery, Guzman, fired in one direction and the
artillerymen in another; Artiaga, captain of the guards, concealed
himself, and Gines Nortes took to his heels. At last the factor had no
one about his person but Pedro Sabiote, and four of his servants.
Finding his men had thus deserted him, he seized a match in order to
fire the cannon himself; but the confederates rushed so suddenly upon
him that he was obliged to surrender himself prisoner. For the moment a
strong guard was put over him, until a cage was constructed of heavy
beams, in which he was then securely fastened.

Thus ended the power of this man, and couriers were despatched in all
haste to every town in New Spain, to spread the news. This change was
hailed by some, but others again, on whom the factor had bestowed
commendaries, seemed anything but pleased; and when intelligence of the
factor's overthrow reached the camps at Coatlan and Oaxaca, the veedor
was so excessively alarmed at the bad news that he fell ill, conferred
the chief command of the troops on Monjaraz, who was suffering
dreadfully from disease of the groins, and he actually sought refuge in
the Franciscan cloister at Tezcuco. By this time, however, the new
governors had despatched a number of Alguacils in search of him; when,
therefore, they learnt whither he had flown, they entered the cloister
without any ceremony, and carried him off prisoner to Mexico, where he
was locked up in a similar cage to that which the factor inhabited.

Upon this, couriers were sent to Guatimala, to inform Alvarado of the
fall of the factor and veedor. As the province he was then staying in
was not very distant from Truxillo, the confederates also conveyed to
him their letters to Cortes, containing an account as to how the whole
affair had been managed, and that it was necessary for him to repair to
Mexico in all haste. With these letters Alvarado was requested to set
off in person for Truxillo, and when there he was to urge Cortes to
leave without any further delay. The first thing which Estrada did was
to restore Juana de Mansilla to honour, whom, it will be remembered, the
factor had whipped for a witch through the streets of Mexico. The
following was the method which Estrada adopted to honour this injured
woman; the whole of the cavaliers were ordered to mount their horses, he
himself placing Juana Mansilla on his saddle behind him, and in this
way, at the head of the cavalcade, he paraded every street of the city.
"This woman," he said, "had behaved like the Roman matrons of old,
wherefore the insult which had been offered to her person by the factor,
should now be made to exalt her in the estimation of all honest men."
And, indeed, she could not be too highly honoured for the praiseworthy
conduct she had pursued, and ever after she was addressed as Dona Juana
de Mansilla. The factor could not induce her to form a second marriage,
and, notwithstanding all his persecution, she had steadfastly maintained
that her husband and all of us were still alive.




CHAPTER CLXXXIX.

    _How the treasurer, with several other cavaliers, requested the
    Franciscan monks to despatch father Diego de Altamirano, a relation
    of Cortes, to Truxillo, to desire our general to hasten his
    departure for Mexico._


The treasurer and other cavaliers of Cortes' party soon saw how
necessary it was that our general should lose no time in repairing to
New Spain, for a strong party was already forming against him, which
might become the more formidable, as no reliance was to be placed on
Albornoz. This man had, from the very commencement, greatly disapproved
of the imprisonment of the factor and veedor: his principal reason for
which was, that he feared Cortes might have received intelligence of the
infamous manner in which he had calumniated him in secret letters to the
emperor. Cortes' party, therefore, considered there was not a moment to
be lost, and begged of the Franciscan monks to despatch father Diego de
Altamirano to Truxillo, for which purpose they had already fitted out a
vessel, manned with the best sailors. They had purposely made choice of
father Diego, from his being related to Cortes, and because he had
formerly been a soldier, and was altogether a man of business-like
habits. Altamirano readily undertook to fulfil this commission, and the
other brothers gave their immediate consent to his departure.

Matters were now daily gaining a more unfavorable aspect in Mexico. The
accountant Albornoz, as I have already stated, bore a dubious character,
and was very adverse to the recent change; besides which, the factor
himself had still a number of adherents among the more turbulent
spirits, whose friendship he had gained with gold and lucrative
commendaries. These personages, therefore, secretly conspired with
several other men of distinction, to murder the treasurer, with the
whole of his party, and to liberate the factor and veedor from their
cages. When the accountant was let into this secret, it is said, he was
excessively delighted.

The conspirators commenced their operations by enlisting among their
number a locksmith, named Guzman, a very poor fellow, but much addicted
to low wit. They first made him take an oath of secrecy, and then
commissioned him to construct a key to open the cages in which the
factor and veedor were imprisoned, and to ensure his fidelity they gave
him a large piece of gold. This man declared he was ready to serve them
as much as lay in his power, and appeared the more eager to do so the
more they assured him of the importance of his services, and the more he
became acquainted with the extent of the conspiracy. He made every
appearance as if he wished nothing more sincerely than the liberation of
the factor and veedor, and inquired the names and number of the
conspirators, with the day and hour they intended to rise up in arms.
After he had gained sufficient information of every circumstance he
commenced making a key according to the impression they had given him,
but purposely constructed it in such a manner as not to open the lock,
that the conspirators might return with it to him. As in this way they
came several times backwards and forwards to his shop, he continually
gained further information respecting their plans. When the whole of the
conspirators stood ready armed, merely awaiting his key to commence the
murderous attack, the locksmith hastened to Estrada and discovered the
whole plot to him.

The treasurer, without saying a word to Albornoz, instantly assembled
the whole of Cortes' party, and repaired at their head to the house
where the conspirators had met for the purpose of sallying out in a body
at a preconcerted signal. Twenty of their number were soon seized, but
the rest saved themselves by a precipitate flight. The prisoners were
instantly put upon their trial, when it was clearly proved that they
contemplated murdering the treasurer and liberating the factor and
veedor. It was also discovered that Albornoz was cognisant of the
conspiracy, and that three or four very dangerous and rebellious fellows
were concerned in it, who had performed a conspicuous part in all the
disorders that had taken place in Mexico during Cortes' absence, one of
whom had even insulted a Spanish lady in the grossest manner. A
criminal suit was soon after instituted against these latter personages
by the bachelor Ortega, alcalde-mayor of Mexico. The whole of them were
found guilty of sedition, three were sentenced to be hung, and several
of the other conspirators to be scourged. Those sentenced to the gallows
were Pastrana, Valverde, and Escobar; the names of the others I have
forgotten.

As for the locksmith, he durst not venture out of doors for several
days; fearing the partisans of the factor would assassinate him in
revenge for having betrayed the secret.

Although it may be thought rather out of place here, I must observe that
the factor had indeed despatched to Spain the vessel, mentioned in a
former chapter, with the gold which he had collected for his majesty. In
his despatches he stated Cortes' death as a fact of which there was not
the slightest doubt; he then went on to magnify the great confidence
which all parties placed in him (the factor); and he concluded by
petitioning his majesty to confer the appointment of governor on him.
However, by this same vessel, other letters were secretly forwarded to
his majesty, in which his majesty was duly apprized of every
circumstance that had transpired in New Spain, with a full account of
the tyrannical and cruel government of the factor. His majesty was also
at the same time informed by the royal court of audience at St. Domingo
and the Hieronymite brotherhood that Cortes was alive and busily
occupied in subduing and colonizing the country along the coast of the
Honduras. When, therefore, the council of the Indies and the
comendador-mayor of Leon communicated with his majesty on the affairs of
New Spain, it is said that the emperor expressed himself as follows:
"The people of New Spain have done very wrong indeed in rising up
against Cortes, and have greatly injured the true interests of the
crown; but as Cortes is still alive, I trust that, on his return to
Mexico, he will severely punish the villains who have caused so much
disorder."

I must now return to father Altamirano, who set sail from Vera Cruz, and
arrived, after a most favorable passage of two days, in Truxillo. As
soon as the inhabitants of this town observed a large vessel in the
horizon, they immediately concluded it came from New Spain to convey our
general thither. Altamirano, the instant he arrived in the harbour,
stepped on shore, with several others, and repaired to Cortes' abode,
who gave them all a most hearty welcome, and again recognized several of
them whom he had previously known in Mexico. The whole of them then went
to church to offer up their prayers to God.

On their return to Cortes' quarters, Altamirano minutely related every
circumstance that had taken place in Mexico during his absence. Our
general was sorely grieved at what he heard, and yet he returned fervent
thanks to the Almighty that matters were not worse, and that peace had
been restored to the city. He said, however, that he would return to New
Spain by land, as he was afraid of the sea, after having twice set sail,
and each time been obliged, by contrary winds and heavy currents, to put
back into the harbour; besides which, he thought he was in too weak a
state of health to bear the fatigues of a sea voyage. The pilots,
however, assured him that, being now the month of April, there was less
apprehension of boisterous winds, and the best of weather was to be
expected at this time of the year. By these representations Cortes was
induced to alter his determination, and he made up his mind to journey
thither by sea, but would postpone his departure until the return of
Sandoval, whom he had despatched with a detachment of troops to Olancho,
a distance of about 600 miles from the coast, to drive out of this
province a captain named Rojas, who had been sent out to explore the
gold mines of the country by Pedro Arias, after the latter had beheaded
Francisco Hernandez.

The Indians of Olancho had journeyed all the way to Truxillo to make
bitter complaints to Cortes of the Spaniards at Nicaragua, who, they
said, had fallen hostilely into their country, plundering them with
impunity, and carrying off their wives and daughters.

Sandoval, on this expedition, was only accompanied by sixty men, and, on
arriving in Olancho, at first was going to imprison Rojas, but several
cavaliers stepping in as mediators between the two captains, they came
to more amicable terms, and parted the best of friends, after Rojas had
presented Sandoval with one of his Indian pages. While the latter was
yet here, he received Cortes' letter, in which, after giving him a short
account of what had taken place in Mexico, he was desired immediately to
repair with his troops to Truxillo. No intelligence could have been more
welcome to Sandoval; and, after arranging matters with Rojas, he marched
with the utmost expedition towards the coast.

Cortes conferred upon Saavedra the chief command of the provinces about
Truxillo, and gave him particular instructions as to what he was to do.
He also wrote to Luis Marin and we others who were under his command,
informing us of the arrival of father Altamirano, and desiring us to
march forward to Guatimala. The captain Diego de Godoy, who had
previously commanded in Puerto de Caballos, was ordered to march with
his men into the province of Naco. The letters which were destined for
us, Cortes gave in charge to Saavedra, with instructions that they were
to be forwarded to us immediately; but, from sheer malice, he neglected
to do so, and they never came to hand. To return to my narrative; I must
not forget to mention that Cortes, previous to embarking, fell so
dangerously ill again that his life was actually despaired of, and the
last sacrament was administered to him; yet he had the good fortune to
recover this time also, and he set sail from Truxillo with a
considerable suite. He had the most beautiful weather all the way to the
Havannah, where he put in to await a more favorable wind for his passage
to New Spain. The inhabitants of the last-mentioned town were
exceedingly rejoiced at seeing him again, and he greatly recruited his
strength in this place. While here, he even received very satisfactory
accounts from Mexico, where the news of his speedy return had produced
this good effect, that the Indians of Coatlan called of their own
account upon the treasurer Estrada, and again submitted, on certain
conditions, as vassals of our emperor.




CHAPTER CXC.

    _Cortes sets sail from the Havannah, and has a favorable passage to
    Vera Cruz, where he is received with the greatest rejoicings._


After Cortes had been five days at the Havannah, he began to grow very
impatient for the hour of his departure, so greatly did he long to be
once more in Mexico. He therefore gave orders for embarking without any
further delay, and arrived, after a very favorable passage of twelve
days, in the harbour of Medellin, opposite the island of Sacrificios,
where he dropped anchor for the night. He himself disembarked, with
twenty of his most trustworthy soldiers, intending to march to San Juan
de Ulua, which was only a couple of miles distant; but it fortunately
happened he should come up with a party of travellers who had a number
of horses with them, and were on their way to the harbour he had just
left to embark for Spain. Cortes took possession of the horses, and then
proceeded direct to Vera Cruz, which was distant about twenty miles.

When he stepped on shore, he had given strict orders that no one should
hasten to the last-mentioned town to announce his arrival. It was about
two o'clock in the morning when he entered Vera Cruz, and he immediately
repaired with his suite to the church, the door of which was open. After
they had been a short time in the church, the sacristan, who had but
recently arrived from Spain, walked in, and he was not a little
astonished to find the seats filled with strangers, of whom not a single
person was known to him. Quite alarmed, he instantly hurried out into
the streets, called out to the watch, and hastened to call up the chief
authorities to inform them that there were a great number of strangers
in the church. The alcalde-mayor soon made his appearance with the other
magistrates, three alguacils, and several of the inhabitants. The whole
of them marched armed into the church, and peremptorily commanded the
strangers to leave the church without delay. As Cortes was very much
fatigued with the journey, and scarcely looked himself, he was not
recognized by the inhabitants until they heard his voice. They then at
the same moment knew father Juan again by the white robe of his order,
though the former was become considerably the worse for wear. As soon as
they found that it was Cortes himself who stood in their presence, the
whole of them crowded up to pay their respects to him and to
congratulate him on his safe arrival. Among those present there were
several of the veteran Conquistadores, whom Cortes immediately addressed
by name, and embraced them under the most flattering assurances of his
friendship. Upon this, mass was read, and after it was finished the
magistrates conducted our general to his quarters, which were in one of
the most beautiful houses of the town. Here he stayed eight days, during
which time several festivities took place in his honour, and notice of
his arrival was instantly sent off to Mexico. He himself wrote letters
to the treasurer Estrada and to the accountant Albornoz, although he was
well aware that this person was very ill inclined towards him. If the
news of his arrival was hailed with joy in the metropolis, it was no
less so by the Indians of the country surrounding Vera Cruz, who sent
him numerous presents of gold, cotton stuffs, fruits, and of fowls. They
likewise cleared the roads for him all the way to Mexico, built huts for
his accommodation at different stages along his route, and furnished
provisions in abundance. Every one who could followed in his suite, and
his whole march to Mexico appeared like a triumphal procession. Presents
and refreshments came pouring in from all sides, ambassadors arrived
from the different townships to assure him that if the notice of his
approach had not been so short, they would have made more suitable
arrangements for his reception, begging of him at the same time to take
his route through their towns, when it would be in their power to give
him a more honorable reception. The Tlascallans, above all, were most
zealous to evince their attachment to him; the whole of the principal
caziques came out to meet him, and received him with dances, songs, and
all manner of rejoicings.

When he had arrived within twelve miles of Tezcuco, a town almost equal
in magnitude to Mexico, he was met by the accountant Albornoz, who stood
ready there to receive him, and, if possible, to regain his friendship,
for he greatly feared the resentment of our general. Besides Albornoz,
there were numbers of other Spaniards from this neighbourhood who came
out to meet him, and the caziques of the town had marched out to the
distance of eight miles, and performed various dances and games in his
honour, all of which pleased our general very much. In Tezcuco itself
other rejoicings took place, and here he passed the night, though he
might easily have reached Mexico on the same day, but he had been
requested by the treasurer, all the other chief authorities, and the
Conquistadores to defer his arrival thither until the morrow, in order
that they might make preparations to receive him in the most splendid
manner possible.

The following morning accordingly, the treasurer, accompanied by all the
city authorities, the officers of the crown, the Conquistadores, and all
Cortes' best friends came out to meet him, clothed in their full
uniform, and preceded by a large band of music. The Mexican caziques
then followed with their several devices, decked out in their full war
costume in which they had fought against us under their late monarch
Quauhtemoctzin; they celebrated all manner of games after their fashion,
while at the same time the lake was covered with canoes full of armed
Indians, just in the same manner as when they fought with us who were
stationed on the causeways. In short, the rejoicings in the city were so
manifold and great that a description can give no idea of them. During
the whole day there was dancing and music in every street, and in the
evening every house was illuminated. But what was better than all this,
the Franciscan monks, on the following day, formed a solemn procession
to the church, and public thanksgivings were offered up to the Almighty
for Cortes' safe return.

Cortes himself, immediately on his entering the city, had repaired to
their cloister to attend mass, and to offer up his thanks to God for
having preserved his life in all the dangers of the late campaign. Not
until he had performed this duty did our general repair to his dwelling,
which had been finished during his absence, and had indeed every
appearance of a magnificent palace, in which he was really courted and
feared as though he had been a king. From every province the Indians
sent ambassadors to him with presents, and even the caziques of Coatlan
came to pay their respects to him, and bring him presents.

Cortes' entry into Mexico took place in the month of June, 1524 or 1525,
I forget which.[49] He remained quiet for several days to rest from his
fatigues before he ordered the turbulent personages to be seized, and an
inquiry to be made into the late conduct of the veedor and factor. In
the same way Diego de Ocampo, or Gonzalo de Ocampo, I really cannot
remember which of the two it was on whom those libellous papers were
found against Cortes, was also thrown into chains. The scribe Ocana, an
old man, who was commonly called the life and soul of the factor, shared
a similar fate. Criminal suits, as they are termed, were certainly
instituted against these personages, and Cortes might have inflicted due
punishment upon them without any further ceremony, and his just
retribution would have met with every approbation in Spain; but he
neglected to do so, though his majesty himself had fully expected he
would have adopted such a course. This I can assure the reader to be a
fact, for I was told it by the members of the council of the Indies
themselves, when I was in Spain in the year 1540 on account of some
lawsuits which were pending between myself and others. The bishop
Bartolome de las Casas was present at the time. It was the opinion of
all that Cortes had been remarkably negligent in this matter, and that
he had shown very little of his wonted spirit on the occasion.




CHAPTER CXCI.

    _How the licentiate Luis Ponce de Leon, who was commissioned to make
    inquiries into Cortes' government of New Spain, arrives in the
    harbour of San Juan de Ulua._


I have already mentioned in a former chapter that the emperor, during
his stay at Toledo, had commissioned Luis Ponce de Leon to repair to
Mexico, and there to institute a formal inquiry against Cortes; and if
he found him guilty, to punish him so severely, that the whole world
might know it. He had been previously furnished with all the particulars
of the several accusations which had been brought against Cortes.

It was not for a length of time that this man received the necessary
despatches, which had greatly retarded his departure. At length,
however, he arrived, after a favorable passage, with three or four
vessels, in the harbour of San Juan de Ulua, where he immediately
landed, and repaired to the town of Medellin. As he made no secret of
the purport of his arrival, one of the officers of Cortes' household
immediately sent his master intelligence of the nature of this
gentleman's visit, so that Cortes was apprized of it four days after
Leon's arrival. When our general received these letters from Villalobos,
the officer above mentioned, he happened to be in the Franciscan
cloister, making the holy communion, and humbly supplicating the
Almighty to bless his endeavours. This news was the more disagreeable to
him, as Ponce de Leon seemed to hasten his journey to Mexico in such a
manner as if he did not wish to allow him time to make the necessary
arrangements for his reception. In the meantime, however, he despatched
some of his most confidential friends to learn something more of the
newly arrived, and whether they were really provided with a proper
commission from his majesty; but a couple of days after he had received
the first news, three couriers arrived from Leon with letters for
Cortes; among others there was one from the emperor, in which his
majesty acquainted him that an investigation would be instituted against
him on various accounts. Our general perused the emperor's letter with
the deepest veneration, and declared that it was a proof of great mercy
on the part of his majesty to have despatched a proper judge, that
justice might be done him against his enemies. Cortes returned an answer
to Leon by the same couriers, expressing himself in the most obliging
and friendly terms, requesting of him at the same time to state along
which road he intended journeying to Mexico, in order that he might make
the necessary preparations for his reception at the different stages
along his route.

The licentiate, in reply to this letter, returned Cortes the most
sincere thanks for his kind wishes, saying he was desirous of staying a
few days where he was, to rest from the fatigues of the sea voyage.

While staying at Medellin, various accusations were brought against
Cortes, both by letter and word of mouth, as the latter had many enemies
at Medellin, composed partly of those who had accompanied him on the
expedition to the Honduras, partly of those who had been previously
banished from Panuco; besides which, there were several discontented
persons in Mexico, who would gladly have worked out our general's ruin.
Here, it was said, Cortes was hastening to bring the trial of the factor
and the veedor to a close, before the licentiate Leon should arrive. The
latter had better be upon his guard; for Cortes, with his courteous and
flattering sentences, only wished to learn from him by which road he
intended journeying to Mexico, in order to put him to death by some
means or other. The same artifice he had employed against Narvaez and
Garay. Further, they assured Leon that Cortes had sacrificed the lives
of a considerable number of Spanish troops, and of above 3000 Mexicans,
in the expedition to the Honduras; that he had left there Diego de
Godoy, one of his officers, with thirty Spaniards, all suffering from
ill health; the whole of whom had since perished. This we found indeed
to be a fact. They then begged of the licentiate Leon to leave all other
considerations, to hasten to Mexico, and to remember what had befallen
Narvaez, Garay, and Tapia, to whom Cortes likewise made every show of
respect and affection, but had, some how or other, obliged them to
return home again without accomplishing their object. In short, they
calumniated our general in every possible manner, and actually succeeded
in persuading Leon that Cortes would not listen to his commission.

The licentiate was accompanied by several cavaliers, among whom were the
alguacil-mayor Proano of Cordoba and his brother, Salazar de Petraza,
who came with the appointment of alcalde of the fortifications of
Mexico, but he died shortly after of pleurisy; further, the bachelor or
licentiate Marcos de Aguilar, a soldier of the name of Bocanegra of
Cordoba, and several monks of the order of the Dominicians, with their
provincial father Thomas Ortiz, who had been for several years prior of
some cloister, but I forgot where; however, every one was of opinion
that he was better suited for business than for a religious life. With
these personages Leon held a consultation as to whether he should
proceed immediately to Mexico or not; and they were unanimously of
opinion that he should repair thither without delay.

The licentiate accordingly set out on his journey, and arrived in
Iztapalapan when Cortes was about to despatch other couriers with
letters and refreshments to him. Here, however, he met with a most
splendid reception, and a sumptuous banquet was prepared for him, at
which Andreas de Tapia figured as master of the ceremonies. Ponce de
Leon enjoyed himself very much at table, and was perfectly astonished
when fresh cream and cheese were also handed to him. He and the
cavaliers who accompanied him eat so heartily of these dainties, that
several of them were obliged to leave the table, having been seized with
sudden pains in their bowels. Although the others felt not the slightest
effects of the cream, father Thomas Ortiz instantly declared it had been
poisoned, and that he would take good care not to touch it. The other
gentlemen, however, who sat at table declared that he had stuffed down
as much of it as any of them; but as Tapia had been master of the
ceremonies on this occasion, the newly-arrived guests declared that all
was not right.

Cortes himself was not present at this banquet in Iztapalapan, but had
remained in Mexico, where a rumour was soon spread that he had
immediately forwarded to Leon a considerable present of gold bars.
Whether there was any truth in this I cannot say, though many persons
positively asserted there was no truth in it.

As Iztapalapan was only eight miles from Mexico, Cortes learnt the exact
hour when Leon would arrive in the city; he therefore went out to meet
him, accompanied by the whole of the cavalry then at Mexico, and
immediately around his person were Sandoval, the treasurer Alonso de
Estrada, the accountant Albornoz, Jorge and Gomez de Alvarado, and then
followed the whole of the chief authorities of the town and a number of
the Conquistadores. When Cortes and Leon met on the causeway, they
greeted each other in the most respectful manner imaginable. The latter
was not a little astonished at the courteous behaviour of our general,
and it was not till after much pressing that he would allow Cortes to
concede the place of honour to him. When he entered the city, beheld the
large fortifications, and the numerous towns lying around the lake, he
declared that no other general in the world, with so small a body of
troops, would have been able to take this strong city, and subdue so
vast a territory.

The procession then repaired to the Franciscan cloister, where mass was
said. When this was finished, Cortes begged Leon to produce his
commission, as the first thing he should demand was that the veedor and
factor might be put upon their trial. Leon, however, desired that this
might be postponed until the morrow, and Cortes then conducted him to
his palace, which had been hung with beautiful tapestry, and where a
splendid repast was awaiting them. Everything was served in gold and
silver, and the whole table was so beautifully arranged, that Leon could
not help remarking, in an under tone, to his alguacil-mayor Proano and
to Bocanegra, that Cortes, in his manners and conversation, had every
appearance of a man who had lived like a grand senor for many years.

The following day all assembled in the principal church of the city,
whither Cortes had desired all the civic functionaries, the officers of
the crown, and the Conquistadores to meet. After mass had been
celebrated, Leon, in due form, produced his royal commission, which
Cortes perused with deep veneration, kissed it, and declared that it
contained the mandates of his emperor and master, to which he would pay
implicit obedience.

Every one present then followed Cortes' example, by turns; upon which
Leon desired the alcalde-mayor, the ordinary alcaldes, the officers of
the Hermandad, and the alguacils, to hand him their several staffs of
office; which having been done, he immediately returned them to the
respective persons. He then turned to Cortes, and addressed him as
follows: "Senor capitan, his majesty has commanded me to take upon
myself the chief government of New Spain; not that I think you unworthy
of filling this office, and even others of greater importance, but
because our sovereign master so commands."

Cortes thanked him in the most respectful terms, with the assurance that
he was always ready to act strictly up to his majesty's commands; and
Leon himself, he added, would be convinced, from the investigation he
was ordered to set on foot, that he (Cortes) had always proved himself a
loyal and faithful subject of his majesty; and how falsely he had been
accused and calumniated by evil-minded persons.

To this the licentiate answered, that it was ever so in the world; that
where there were honest people, there were also others of a contrary
character; and that we must expect praise from those to whom we have
shown kindness, and calumny from those towards whom we have been obliged
to act harshly. This was all that took place on the first day.

On the following day, after mass, which was celebrated in the palace,
Ponce de Leon sent a cavalier with a most courteous message to our
general, desiring him to wait upon him. During the discourse which now
ensued, there was, besides themselves, no one present excepting the
prior Thomas Ortiz; and the licentiate thus addressed our general: "I
must, first of all, inform you, senor capitan, that his majesty has
particularly desired me to bestow lucrative commendaries on all the
veteran Conquistadores; those who first left the island of Cuba for the
conquest of New Spain and the city of Mexico; as also on those who
subsequently joined your troops, and likewise assisted in the conquest;
but to favour the former somewhat more than the latter. I announce
these, his majesty's commands, to you, as I have been informed that, in
the distribution of the Indians, you have but poorly remunerated several
of the veteran Conquistadores, who first landed with you in New Spain;
but that, on the other hand, you have presented considerable lands on
persons recently arrived from Spain, who had no claim thereto whatever.
If this is really true, I am bound to observe, that you have not acted
up to the views of his majesty, when he conferred upon you the
appointment of governor of these countries."

To this Cortes replied, that there was not one of the Conquistadores
whom he had not rewarded; that some, indeed, had fared better in the
distribution of the Indians than others; but that, owing to many
unforeseen circumstances, he had not been able to do justice to all; and
that, on this account alone, he hailed his arrival in New Spain, to
satisfy all parties; for the whole of the Conquistadores had every claim
to be handsomely rewarded.

The licentiate then questioned him respecting the expedition to the
Honduras, and asked him which of the Conquistadores had accompanied him
on that occasion, and how they had fared; but he wished particularly to
know what had become of the thirty or forty men whom he had left under
the command of an officer, named Diego de Godoy, to perish of hunger at
Puerto de Caballos?

This latter reproach was, unfortunately, too well founded in truth, as
we shall presently see; and certainly, as men who had been present at
the siege of Mexico, and assisted in the conquest of New Spain, they, at
least, had merited to live quietly in the enjoyment of the fruits of
their labour. Cortes ought rather to have taken along with him on that
expedition those troops only which had recently arrived from Spain.

Ponce de Leon then made inquiries after the captain Luis Marin, after
Bernal Diaz del Castillo, and the rest of the men who were with him.

To all these inquiries Cortes answered: "That it would have been useless
for him to have attempted an expedition to countries so far distant,
attended with so many difficulties, without those veterans who were
inured to the hardships of a military life. But he could assure him that
the troops which had been left behind were on their way to Mexico, and
that the whole of them were men whom he would particularly recommend to
his consideration, and who deserved to have the most lucrative
commendaries bestowed upon them."

The licentiate then continued in a more earnest tone of voice, and asked
Cortes: "How, without his majesty's permission, he had dared to set out
on so tedious an expedition, by which he knew he must absent himself for
so long a time from the seat of his government, and which had, as he
knew, almost proved the destruction of the city of Mexico?"

To this Cortes answered: "That as his majesty's captain-general he had
been bound to pursue such a course, for, if he had not taken some active
step, the example of revolt set by Oli would have been followed by other
officers. Besides which, he had previously announced his intention to
his majesty of marching thither."

After this explanation the licentiate touched upon the defeat and
imprisonment of Narvaez, the capture of Garay's vessels, the loss of his
troops, and his sudden death; and, lastly, on the manner in which he had
obliged Christobal de Tapia to reembark; besides these, he questioned
him on various other matters, which I will not enumerate here. To all of
which Cortes gave such excellent answers, that Ponce de Leon appeared
pretty well satisfied.

I have above remarked, there was no one present during this conference
excepting father Thomas Ortiz. This person, immediately after it was
ended, called upon three intimate friends, and assured them, in all
confidence, that it was Leon's intention to sentence Cortes to
decapitation, in accordance with the commands of his majesty, and that
it was for this purpose only he had put the above-mentioned questions to
him. Ortiz, the next morning, very early, called upon our general
himself, and said to him: "Senor capitan, the great respect I entertain
for you, my spiritual office, and the rules of the order I belong to,
make it imperative on me to warn people in cases like these; I will
therefore not hide from you that his majesty has given Leon full power
to put you to death."

This communication appeared to affect Cortes very much, nor could he
think lightly of it when he considered the questions which the
licentiate had put to him; yet, on the other hand again, he was well
aware that this monk was an evil-minded person, and that very little
reliance could be placed in what he said. Perhaps he had made up this
story himself, that Cortes might ask him to intercede for him with Leon,
for which the former, he naturally supposed, would not fail to
remunerate him with some gold bars. There were several persons who even
affirmed that Leon himself had secretly desired Ortiz to communicate
this to our general, to alarm him into a supplication of mercy. However,
Cortes replied to father Ortiz in the most courteous manner, thanked him
for the communication, and concluded by saying, "He had always
entertained hopes that his majesty would reward him for the many great
services he had rendered to the crown, and that he should still continue
to live in this hope, being conscious that he was perfectly innocent of
all guilt, and confident that Ponce de Leon was not the man to exceed
his emperor's commands."

By this reply the monk found himself excessively disappointed in his
expectations, nor could he hide his confusion. Cortes, however, remained
firm to his purpose, and never gave him a single farthing, although
Ortiz had reckoned upon so much.




CHAPTER CXCII.

    _How the licentiate commences the investigation against Cortes, and
    all those persons who had filled judicial offices; and how he fell
    ill shortly after and died._


Ponce de Leon publicly announced that a commission of inquiry would be
set on foot, against Cortes, and against all those who filled military
commands, or held judicial authority. As Cortes had many enemies, and
among them several who had real cause of complaint, various old
grievances were harrowed up, to substantiate which witnesses were
required, and thus it may be imagined the whole city presented one
continued scene of lawsuits. One brought his accusations against our
general respecting his unjust division of the gold; another complained
that, notwithstanding his majesty had particularly ordered Cortes to
give him a fair portion of the Indians, in their distribution, the
latter had neglected to do so, but had bestowed them on persons whose
only merit consisted in their having been servants of Martin Cortes and
of the grandees of Spain. Others again demanded an indemnification for
their horses which had been killed in the several campaigns, for they
did not consider the gold they had received a sufficient compensation
for their losses. Lastly, there were also persons who preferred their
charges against Cortes for injuries which they had suffered by his
orders. These investigations had, however, been scarcely set on foot,
when, to our great misfortune, it pleased the Almighty that the
licentiate Leon should fall ill.

It appears that he had been attending mass in the Franciscan cloister,
on leaving which he was seized with so malignant a fever that he was
obliged to be put to bed immediately, and he became so prostrate in
strength that he lay in a state of unconsciousness for four successive
days. He received every attention from his medical attendants, the
licentiate Pedro Lopez, the Dr. Ojeda, and a third physician, who had
come with him from Spain; but they were of opinion from the very first
moment that his illness was of a dangerous nature, and they advised him
to confess and make the holy communion. For this Leon was quite
prepared, and he received the holy sacrament with the greatest humility,
and then made his last will, in which he appointed the licentiate Marcos
de Aguilar, who had accompanied him from Hispaniola, to succeed him in
the government.

There were many persons who maintained that this Aguilar was not a
licentiate, but that he had only the degree of bachelor; and that,
properly speaking, he was not qualified to fill an appointment of this
nature. Ponce de Leon, however, seems to have been of a different
opinion, and he had his commission drawn out in such a manner that all
the actions and inquiries, including the criminal suits against the
factor and veedor, should remain as they then were, until his majesty
had been informed how far he himself had progressed in these matters;
for which purpose a vessel was immediately to be despatched to Spain.

After he had thus arranged his earthly affairs, and had performed the
last duties for the salvation of his soul, he died on the ninth day
after he had fallen ill, and delivered up his immortal soul into the
hands of his Maker. Great, indeed, was the grief and despondency which
his sudden death occasioned to all the Conquistadores. They mourned his
loss as if he had been their common father, because they were convinced
that it had been his real intention to reward and honour all those who
had proved themselves faithful servants to his majesty; for which
purpose his majesty had given him the necessary powers and instructions.
The Conquistadores, therefore, sincerely lamented the untimely end of
this gentleman; and even Cortes himself and the greater part of the
cavaliers in Mexico put on mourning for him. His interment took place in
the Franciscan cloisters with every pomp and ceremony.

Luis Ponce was very fond of music, and several cavaliers who attended on
him told me that, in the last days of his illness, he desired some one
to play on the guitar at his bedside, in order to cheer him up. In his
last moments even he desired the musician to play a dance, but as he was
not able to move his legs from excessive weakness, he at least
accompanied the movements with his lips, and this he continued to do
until he breathed his last.

The enemies of Cortes and Sandoval, on this occasion, again began to
whisper their calumnies abroad, and asserted that they had poisoned Leon
in the same manner as they had Garay. Loudest among these slanderers was
father Thomas Ortiz, but the latter himself, with several brothers of
his order, died of the same infectious disease a few months after. It
appears that the vessel which brought Leon from Spain was infected with
a kind of pestilential fever; for of above one hundred persons who were
on board, many had died during the passage, and a still greater number
perished of the same disorder soon after their arrival in Medellin. Most
of the monks, likewise, fell victims to this disorder; and it was even
said that the disease had spread to Mexico.




CHAPTER CXCIII.

    _How after the death of Ponce de Leon, Marcos de Aguilar assumes the
    government; the disputes which arose in consequence, and of other
    matters._


Those of the Conquistadores who were ill inclined towards Cortes,
desired that the commission of inquiry might be continued,
notwithstanding that Ponce de Leon had died, but our general declared
that this could not take place according to the wording of Leon's last
will; yet, if Aguilar was willing to proceed with the inquiry, he had no
objections.

But now the town-council of Mexico threw in their objections, and
maintained that Leon was not empowered to leave Marcos de Aguilar sole
governor. An important office of this kind required a very different
kind of person to Aguilar, who, besides being far advanced in years, was
quite infirm, eaten up with sores, and a man of no authority. (I must
say his outward appearance was anything but prepossessing, and bespoke
deficiency in every way; besides which he knew nothing of the country
nor of the persons who had proved themselves meritorious.) In short, the
town-council declared him to be a man for whom no one entertained any
respect, and it was necessary for a person who held the staff of justice
to be looked up to. They were therefore of opinion that the only thing
he could do would be to share the government equally with Cortes until
his majesty's further pleasure was known.

Marcos de Aguilar, however, was determined to act strictly up to the
contents of Leon's last will, by which he was appointed sole governor,
and added, that he would not submit, unless, in direct violation of his
majesty's commands, they chose to appoint another governor.

The procuradores of all the towns of New Spain urged Cortes, in every
possible manner, to take the government into his own hands; and they
assured him they would persuade Aguilar, by fair words, to agree to it,
particularly as he was always suffering from ill health, and it was
perfectly evident the service of God and the true interests of his
majesty must suffer in his hands. But whatever they might say to Cortes,
he would not enter into their schemes, and always repeated that old
Aguilar must govern alone.

Aguilar, indeed, was in a rapid decline, and so feeble, that to keep him
alive he was obliged to be suckled by a Spanish woman; besides that, he
drank quantities of goats' milk. He likewise about this time lost one of
his sons, whom he had brought with him, of the same pestilential fever
which hurried Ponce de Leon into the grave.

I must now go back in my history a little, and relate what befel the
captain Luis Marin, who, with the troops under his command, had remained
behind in Naco, where he was waiting to hear from Sandoval whether
Cortes had embarked for Mexico or not; but we never received any tidings
from him, as Saavedra, from sheer malice, had omitted to forward us the
letters of Sandoval and Cortes, in which they sent us information of
their intended departure for Mexico, with orders for us to march thither
overland. As we had thus waited in vain for a length of time for some
tidings from Truxillo, Luis Marin determined, with our unanimous
consent, to despatch a few horse thither, to ascertain how matters
stood. There were ten of us that left Naco on this occasion, under the
command of Francisco Marmolejo. We had already fought our way through
various hostile tribes up to Olancho, which at present is called
Guayape, abounding in lucrative gold mines, when we happened to meet two
Spanish invalids and a <DW64>, who assured us that Cortes had set sail
several days ago for Mexico, with Sandoval and all the other
Conquistadores who were with him. They then added, that he had been
induced to embark from the universal solicitations of the citizens of
Mexico, who had despatched one of the Franciscan monks to Truxillo, to
hasten his departure. Saavedra had been left behind in this latter town
as commandant, and was further to subdue the surrounding country.

This intelligence filled all our hearts with joy, and we immediately
despatched a letter by some of the inhabitants of Olancho to Saavedra
for further information, and in the space of four days we received an
answer from him, confirming the account of the two Spaniards. We offered
up thanks to God for this good news, and instantly set out on our march
for the place where Luis Marin was encamped. We found him in the
township of Acalteca, and he was not a little rejoiced at the good news
we brought him.

We now, without any further delay, broke up our camp, and commenced our
march towards Mexico. We took our route over the township of Mariani,
where we came up with six men of the troops under Alvarado, who was on
his road in search of us. One of these men was Diego de Villanueva, an
excellent soldier, and one of the veteran Conquistadores, who had
assisted in the founding of the town of Guatimala: he was a native of
Villanueva de la Serena, in the territory of the grand master of the
military order of Alcantara. As we were old friends, we gave each other
a hearty embrace, and he then told us that Alvarado was marching hither,
in company of several cavaliers, in search of Cortes, to hasten his
return to Mexico. He likewise gave us full particulars of everything
that had taken place in this town during our absence, and how the
government of New Spain had been offered to Alvarado, who had not dared
to accept of it, from fear of the factor.

After two days' further march, we came up with Alvarado himself, who was
encamped, with his men, in a township, called Choluteca Malalaca. It
would, indeed, be a difficult task for me to describe the delight he
experienced when we told him of Cortes' departure for Mexico, which was
the more excessive, as he was now spared the further fatigues of a long
march, on which his troops had already suffered many hardships. In this
township we likewise met several of Pedro Arias' officers, one of whom
was named Garavito, and another Campannon, who said they were despatched
by Arias to discover new countries, and to settle about some boundaries
with Alvarado. The whole of our troops, and the two officers of Arias,
remained three days in Choluteca, from which place Alvarado despatched a
certain Gaspar Arias de Avila, who had settled in Guatimala, to the
governor Arias, as we understood, respecting the preliminaries of a
marriage, which is indeed most likely, as Gaspar Arias was a great
adherer to Alvarado.

On the fourth day we left Choluteca, and continued our march to the
province of Guatimala, but before we could reach the territory of
Cuzcatlan, through which our route immediately lay, the rainy season set
in, and we found the river Lempa so greatly swollen, that it seemed an
impossibility for us ever to cross it. The only resource we had left was
to fell a ceiba tree of very large dimensions, of which we hollowed out
a canoe of such magnitude, that nothing was ever seen equal to it in
this country before. Even then it took us five whole days before we had
all passed across, during which time we suffered dreadfully from hunger,
as we had not a grain of maise left.

After we had passed the river, we came to the townships of Chapanastec,
where the inhabitants killed one of our men, named Nicuesa, and wounded
three others. These men had gone out in search of provisions, and were
attacked before we could come up to their assistance. As we did not wish
to be detained any longer, we would not give ourselves the trouble of
chastising the inhabitants for their murderous attack. This took place
in that province where at present the town of San Miguel is built. From
this place we came into the territory of Cuzcatlan, the inhabitants of
which we found very hostilely inclined towards us; nevertheless, we had
plenty of provisions; and we now came into some townships in the
neighbourhood of Petapa, where the Guatimaltecs were lying in wait for
us, in deep hollows, between steep rocks. It took us three days before
we could succeed in forcing this passage. Here I was slightly wounded by
an arrow.

In this way we at length reached Petapa, and the day following we
arrived in a valley, to which we gave the name of Fuerto, and in which
at present the town of Guatimala stands. At that time the whole of
Guatimala was up in arms against us, so that we had to fight our way
through the country. I shall never forget the dreadful earthquake we
felt here. We were marching steadily along the <DW72> of a rising ground,
when the earth began to tremble so strongly, that several of our
soldiers were no longer able to stand on their legs, and fell down; and
this fearful shaking continued for a considerable length of time. From
this place we had a good road to Old Guatimala, where the two caziques
Sacachul and Cinacan generally resided. However, the whole armed force
of Guatimala lay in wait for us, in a deep hollow, near the town, to
prevent our entry; but we soon dispersed them with considerable loss,
and we took up our quarters for the night in the town, which contained
many large and beautiful buildings, owing to the circumstance of all the
caziques, who governed the neighbouring provinces, residing there. The
next morning we again quitted the town, and encamped on the plain, where
we constructed ourselves huts. Here we lay for the space of ten days, as
Alvarado had twice summoned the inhabitants of Guatimala, and other
townships of the surrounding neighbourhood, to submit, and was desirous
of knowing what answer they would return; but as they neither sent any
message nor ambassadors to him, we again broke up our camp, and
continued to move forward by forced marches. We did not, however, pass
any way near to the district where Alvarado had left his brother Gonzalo
in command of the great body of his troops, for the whole country had
risen up in arms. The township we next came to was Olintepec, where we
halted for several days, to rest from our fatigues. From this place we
marched to Soconusco and Teguantepec, where two of our countrymen, and
the Mexican cazique Juan Velasquez, who had been commander-in-chief
under Quauhtemoctzin, died on the road. Here it was that we received the
first intelligence of the death of the licentiate Leon, which was the
more to be regretted, since so much good was expected from him, and the
excellent choice which his majesty had made in his person.

We now marched forward with the utmost expedition, so impatient were we
to see Mexico again. As, altogether, we were eighty in number, and that
under the command of Alvarado, we immediately sent Cortes notice, when
we had arrived in Chalco, that on the following day we intended making
our entry into Mexico, and we begged that quarters might be got in
readiness for us, as, during an absence of above two years and three
months, we should almost be strangers there. As soon as it was known in
Mexico that we had arrived in Iztapalapan, Cortes, accompanied by
several cavaliers, came out to meet us along the causeway. The first
building we visited in the town was the principal church, whither we
instantly repaired, to offer up our thanks to the Almighty for our safe
return. From the church we were conducted by Cortes to his palace,
where a sumptuous repast had been prepared for us. Alvarado took up his
quarters in his official dwelling, belonging to the fortifications, of
which he was alcalde at that time. Sandoval gave Luis Marin a lodging in
his house, and I, and one of my friends, the captain Luis Sanchez, were
invited by Andreas de Tapia to take up our abode with him, and we were
treated with every mark of respect. I now very soon received from
Sandoval, Cortes, and other of my old friends of this town, different
articles of wearing apparel, some gold, and a quantity of cacao, all of
which were sent as presents to me. The next day after our arrival, I and
my friend Luis Sanchez, having first attended mass, walked out together
in the town, first of all to pay our respects to the governor Marcos de
Aguilar. We requested Sandoval and Tapia to accompany us on this
occasion, to interest themselves for us with the governor; to which they
readily consented, and they explained to him who we were, what important
services we had rendered to the crown, and then begged of him to bestow
on us Indian commendaries in the neighbourhood of Mexico, as those we
possessed in the province of Guacasualco were of very little value.

Marcos de Aguilar, in reply, promised very kindly to do all he could for
us, but at the same time assured us that it was totally out of his power
either to grant or take away any commendary, as Ponce de Leon, in his
last will, had particularly ordered that all the lawsuits and the
unoccupied commendaries should remain as they were until his majesty had
otherwise disposed; and concluded by saying, that as soon as he should
receive full powers to distribute the Indians, he would present us with
the most lucrative commendaries in the whole country.

About this time, also, Diego de Ordas arrived from Cuba in Mexico, and
as it was said he had written the letters which the factor sent to
Spain, respecting the certainty of our all having perished with Cortes
in the late expedition, the latter, Sandoval, and several other
cavaliers, reproached him most bitterly for having written things of
which he had no certainty, and that by his letters he had brought New
Spain to the brink of destruction; but Ordas swore most solemnly that he
had never written any letter to that effect. He certainly had been, he
said, in a township called Xicalango, and had learnt that two Spanish
vessels had lain there for some time; that a dispute had arisen among
the men on board, who came to blows, and many on both sides were killed;
and that the few who remained were massacred by the Indians. It was
respecting this unfortunate affair that he had written to New Spain, and
this might, indeed, have caused the rumours to be set afloat of our
total destruction. Moreover, the letter he had written might still be
found among the factor's papers, by which they would best be able to
convince themselves of the truth of what he had said, and what bad use
the factor must have made of it, to serve his own ends.

As the factor and veedor were still kept in close confinement, and
Cortes, according to the arrangements made by Leon in his will, could
not at present continue the criminal suits against those two persons,
besides that he had many other unpleasant matters to attend to just
then, he determined to leave the case as it was until his majesty's
further pleasure should be known with regard to the government of New
Spain. The whole of his time was occupied for the present in reclaiming
a great part of his possessions which had been sold to raise a fund that
prayers might be offered up in the churches for his departed soul; but
this was done with an evil design, that people might think he was really
dead. All this property, besides that which had been set apart for the
masses for the repose of his soul, was purchased by an inhabitant of
Mexico named Juan Caceres the wealthy.

Diego de Ordas finding that Cortes, since the arrival of Leon, had lost
his former authority, and that many persons had even the shamelessness
to neglect and make him feel the little estimation in which they held
him, he, with his usual dexterity of mind, profited by this circumstance
to regain the good graces of our general, and advised him to assume all
the outward splendour of a grandee, to receive his visitors seated on a
canopied throne, and not to allow himself to be called merely Cortes,
but to be addressed as Don Hernando Cortes. He at the same time
particularly reminded him that the factor was a creature of the
comendador-mayor Don Francisco de los Cobos, whose influence in Spain
was immense. The protection of such a man, he said, might perhaps be of
the utmost importance to him, as his majesty and the council of the
Indies were much prejudiced against him; it would be altogether
injurious to his interests to act more severely against the factor than
the law permitted. This counsel Ordas thought proper to give Cortes, as
it was generally suspected in Mexico that he intended putting the factor
to death in his prison.

Before I proceed with my narrative I must inform the reader why, when
speaking of Cortes, I never call him Don Hernando Cortes, or marquis, or
by any other title, but plainly Cortes. The reason is, that he himself
was best pleased when he was simply addressed as Cortes; besides that,
he was not created marquis until some time after, and that the name of
Cortes stood in equal renown throughout the whole of Spain at that time
as in the Roman period the names of Julius Caesar and of Pompey; and in
the Carthaginian as that of Hannibal; or, in the earlier part of our
history, the name of the valiant and invincible knight Diego Garcia de
Paredes; or, in more recent times, the name of Gonzalo Hernandez,
surnamed the Great Captain.

I must also not forget to mention that, about this time, the treasurer
Alonso de Estrada married one of his two daughters to Jorge de Alvarado,
and the other to Don Luis de Guzman, son of Don Juan de Saavedra, earl
of Castellar. During the preliminaries of the marriage it was likewise
settled that Pedro de Alvarado should repair in person to Spain in order
to obtain from his majesty the appointment of governor of Guatimala for
himself, and that, during his absence, his brother Jorge was to take the
chief command of this province, and to continue to subdue the hostile
tribes. The latter officer, indeed, immediately made preparations for
this purpose, and took along with him two hundred Indian auxiliaries
from Tlascalla, Mexico, and other provinces.

Marcos de Aguilar at the same time despatched a cavalier named Don Juan
Enriquez de Guzman, a near relation of the Duke of Medina Sidonia, into
the province of Chiapa to found a colony there. A similar expedition
Aguilar sent out under the command of Baltasar Osorio, a nobleman of
Seville, to the province of Tabasco. A third expedition he sent out
under the command of Alonso Herrera, one of Cortes' soldiers, to subdue
the Zapotecs, who inhabit almost inaccessible mountains. I will relate
how far these several officers succeeded, in a subsequent page. I must
now speak of the speedy termination of Aguilar's government.




CHAPTER CXCIV.

    _Marcos de Aguilar dies, and in his will appoints the treasurer
    Alonso de Estrada governor; and of other matters._


I have already stated, in the former chapter, that Marcos de Aguilar was
in a miserable state of ill health, yet the physicians contrived to keep
him alive for the space of eight months by means of goats' milk and
other nourishing food; but, in addition to his other diseases, he was at
length attacked by a malignant fever, which soon put an end to all his
miseries. By his will he appointed Alonso de Estrada his sole successor
in the government, with the same restrictions as he himself had received
from Ponce de Leon.

The inhabitants of Mexico, however, and particularly those Spaniards
who had settled in the provinces, placed not the slightest confidence in
Estrada's capability of governing, as he did not evince sufficient
energy to offer any resistance to the tyrannical conduct of Nuno de
Guzman, who, a couple of years previously, had arrived from Spain with
the appointment of governor of Panuco. This man, without any ceremony,
added whole districts from the territory of Mexico to his province; he
paid not the least attention to the instructions he had received from
the emperor, and altogether behaved like a furious madman. Among other
things, he hung a nobleman of distinction named Pedro Gonzales de
Truxillo, who had settled in Mexico, without any form or trial, merely
because he had declared that his commendary was not subject to his
government but to that of Mexico, as his possessions were not
comprehended in the province of Panuco. In like manner he had the
audacity to serve several other Spaniards, and he paid not the slightest
attention to the remonstrances of the governor Estrada.

The chief authorities of Mexico and the rest of the distinguished
cavaliers of the town, seeing how little this tyrannical neighbour cared
for their governor, and what little support they had to expect from the
latter against the oppression and encroachments of the other, they
begged Estrada to give Cortes an equal share in the government with
himself, assuring him that the service of God and the true interests of
his majesty imperatively demanded this. However, Estrada obstinately
refused to listen to their proposal, though others again affirm that
Cortes himself was the person who declined in any way to interfere in
the government, to put it out of the power of his enemies to say that he
was striving by some means or other to raise himself to the head of the
government again, and thereby give them an opportunity of confirming
their suspicions which they had begun to rumour abroad against him,
namely, that Marcos de Aguilar had died by his hand. In short, after
many conferences, it was agreed that Sandoval, who was alguacil-mayor,
and highly respected by every one, should jointly govern with Estrada,
who himself approved of it in every way, though some persons maintained
he had merely conceded in the hopes of marrying his daughter to
Sandoval, and of obtaining for the latter the appointment of governor of
New Spain, which at that time was not considered of so much importance
as at the present day.

After every arrangement respecting the government of the country had
been settled between Sandoval and Estrada, the latter was advised by his
friends to despatch a vessel forthwith to Spain to forward his majesty
an account of everything that had taken place, and to draw up this
account in such a manner as if he had only taken Sandoval as a
colleague in order to avoid giving Cortes a share of the government.

Cortes' enemies also profited by this opportunity to despatch their
letters to Spain, in which they calumniated our general in the foulest
manner; they stated right out that he had poisoned Garay, Leon, and
Aguilar, and that it was his intention to put the veedor and factor to
death; the whole of which, however, were most barefaced and scandalous
lies. To all this was added, that about the same time the accountant
Albornoz, who was never well inclined towards Cortes, went to Spain to
injure him in every possible manner. After his majesty and the council
of the Indies had read all the letters and despatches, which seemed to
vie with each other in their complaints against Cortes, and were
moreover confirmed by Albornoz, all the former accusations respecting
his treatment of Narvaez, Tapia, and his conduct towards his first wife,
Dona Catalina Suarez la Marcaida, were harrowed up again, and actually
gained credit in all their distortion. The emperor, therefore, came to
the determination to appoint Estrada sole governor of New Spain; he
confirmed all his previous acts and deeds, gave him power to distribute
the commendaries according to the best of his judgment, and ordered that
the factor and veedor should again be set at liberty and reinstated in
all their former possessions.

A vessel was immediately despatched from Spain with these his majesty's
commands, which soon arrived in Mexico; but this was not all, for his
majesty also ordered the comendador-mayor of the order of Alcantara, Don
Pedro de la Cueva, to equip three hundred soldiers at Cortes' expense,
to repair with these to New Spain, there to make inquiries into the
complaints which had been made against Cortes, with full power, if he
should find them founded in truth, to cut off his head. In the same way
the comendador was to punish all those who had acted against the real
interests of the crown; he was to take away all the townships in
possession of Cortes, and to distribute them among the veteran
Conquistadores. His majesty likewise ordered that a royal court of
audience should be appointed at Mexico, as a supreme court of justice.

The departure of the comendador-mayor, however, was so long deferred,
that at last it was given up altogether; for it met with great
opposition at court, and the comendador was either not supplied with so
large a sum of money as he had asked for, or perhaps the duke of Bejar
had again espoused Cortes' cause, as on former occasions.

But to return to the treasurer Estrada. He grew excessively vain and
proud when he found himself so highly favoured by his majesty as to be
appointed sole governor of New Spain; and he had been assured that the
emperor knew he was a son of his catholic majesty king Ferdinand. The
first thing he did therefore was to despatch his cousin Diego de
Mazariegos as captain to Chiapa, to institute an inquiry into the
conduct of Don Juan Enriquez de Guzman, to whom Marcos de Aguilar had
intrusted the chief command in that province, but who plundered and
oppressed the inhabitants in the most shameful manner. In the same way
he began to make preparations to subject the townships of the Zapotecs
and of the Minxes, and to make success more sure they were to be
attacked from two different points at the same time. The troops which
were to operate on the north side he gave in command to a certain
Barrios, who had previously been captain in Italy. He was a man of great
courage, had but recently arrived from Spain, and must not be confounded
with Cortes' cousin Barrios, of Seville. The number of his troops, on
this expedition, amounted to above one hundred men, including several
musketeers and crossbow-men. But this expedition terminated very
unfortunately, for scarcely had he arrived in the Tiltepec townships,
when one night he was suddenly attacked by the natives, and Barrios
himself killed, with seven of his men. The greater part of the remaining
troops were wounded, and the whole of them would undoubtedly have been
cut to pieces if they had not made a precipitate retreat to Villa-Diego
and the neighbouring friendly districts.

This, I think, is a sufficient proof of the difference between the
veteran Conquistadores and the troops newly arrived from Spain, who have
not the slightest notion of a war with Indians or of their artifices;
and thus miserably did this expedition terminate.

The second body of troops were to fall into the Zapotec territory from
the side of Guaxaca, and were commanded by an officer named Figuero,
who, it was said, had likewise previously been a captain in Spain; one
thing is certain, he stood on a most confidential footing with the
governor Estrada. He had a like number of troops under his command as
Barrios, but also men recently arrived from Spain. As soon as he reached
the territory of the Zapotecs, he despatched a messenger to a certain
Alonso Herrera to repair to his camp. This Herrera had been sent with a
detachment of thirty men into these provinces, during the administration
of Marcos de Aguilar.

Figuero had, no doubt, been empowered to take the command over Herrera,
for the latter obeyed his orders and arrived in his camp; but they had
not been long there together before a terrible dispute arose between
them, which ended in their drawing swords, and in Herrera severely
wounding Figuero, besides three soldiers who came up to defend him. As
the latter officer, on account of his wounds was unable to use his arm,
he gave up all idea of marching to the mountains of the Minxes, which
were very difficult of access; besides which, his men had no notion of
the warfare of this country; so that in the end he solely turned his
attention towards discovering the burial places of the caziques, to open
their graves for the sake of the gold ornaments which the inhabitants of
olden times were accustomed to bury with their chiefs. This employment
he prosecuted with so much vigour, and his endeavours proved so
successful, that he collected in this manner above 100,000 pesos worth
of gold, and with this treasure, added to some other valuable matters he
had found in two of the townships, he determined to retire, and he
consequently relinquished the expedition against the Zapotecs and Minxes
altogether. He then returned to Mexico with the intention of spending
his money quietly in Spain; for which purpose he shortly after set sail
from Vera Cruz, but had not been long at sea before he was overtaken by
so terrific a storm that the vessel, he himself, with five other
passengers and all his gold went to the bottom.

Thus terminated all the governor Estrada's warlike undertakings against
these provinces, nor was the rebellion put down until we, the
inhabitants of Guacasualco, marched against them and completely subdued
the country; though it was no very easy matter for us either, and as the
cavalry was of no use among the high mountains there: I was obliged
three several times to march out against these tribes; for if we did
subdue them during the spring and summer months, they were sure to
revolt again when the rainy season set in, and they put every Spaniard
they could lay hold of to death. But as we each time vigorously pursued
them to their retreats, they at length sued for peace, and then it was
that the town of San Alfonso was founded in their country.

The governor Estrada, in the meantime, was determined that Herrera
should not go unpunished for wounding his friend Figuero, and issued
orders for his apprehension; but he had escaped to the mountains before
the arrival of the alguacils, who, in order not to return with empty
hands to Mexico, brought back with them in chains a soldier, whom
Herrera had generally about his person. This man's name was Cortejo, and
he was a hidalgo by birth, yet the governor without so much as bringing
him to trial, ordered his right hand to be cut off.

About this time also one of Sandoval's grooms got into high words with
one of the governor's servants, so that at length they drew swords and
wounded each other. Even this paltry affair the governor thought it
worth his while to resent, and he ordered one of the groom's hands to be
cut off. Cortes and Sandoval were not then in Mexico, but had retired to
Quauhnahuac, partly to enjoy more peace and get out of the way of the
constant cabals, and partly to bring about a good understanding between
two caziques of the latter place who had come to blows with each other.
They were, however, immediately informed of what had taken place in
Mexico, and with the severe punishment with which Sandoval's groom was
threatened. They hastened, therefore, to Mexico, but too late to prevent
the sentence being put into execution.

Cortes was so enraged at this insult, that he said the most bitter
things to the governor in Sandoval's presence, which alarmed him to such
a degree that he considered his life in danger from him, and he formed a
body guard for the protection of his person, and only selected for this
purpose men in whose fidelity he could place implicit reliance. In
order, however, still further to strengthen his party against Cortes, he
liberated the veedor and factor, who, in acknowledgment for this, hinted
to him that he ought to banish Cortes from Mexico, for he would never be
able to govern in peace, and the demon of party-spirit would always be
sowing discord as long as this man was allowed to remain in the city.
This counsel was followed by the governor, who signed the banishment of
Cortes, and ordered it to be notified to him. Cortes said he gladly
obeyed these commands, and thanked God from the bottom of his heart that
things had now come to such a pass, that persons of worthless character,
unworthy of the offices they filled, should banish him from a country
and a city, in the conquest of which he and his companions in arms had
endured every species of hardship, fought numerous severe engagements,
and so many brave soldiers had lost their lives. He was now himself
determined to repair to Spain, there to acquaint his majesty with what
was going on in Mexico, and to demand justice against people who repaid
all the past favours he had bestowed upon them with base ingratitude.

Cortes quitted Mexico without delay, and repaired to the township of
Cojohuacan, which was his own property, where, however, he only stayed
for a short time, but travelled from thence to Tezcuco, and a few days
after to Tlascalla. The governor Estrada, in the meantime, began to
repent of what he had done; for when his wife, Dona Marina Gutierrez de
la Caballeria, a most excellent and virtuous woman, learnt that her
husband had liberated the veedor and factor, and had then banished
Cortes from Mexico, she was seized with sudden grief, and said to her
husband, she hoped the Almighty would forgive him his ingratitude
towards a man who had befriended him in every way, and bestowed upon him
so many lucrative commendaries. She advised him to do all in his power
to regain his friendship, and to persuade him to return to Mexico; for
otherwise his own life would be in constant danger. These circumstances
are said to have made a deep impression on the governor, and he
regretted exceedingly that he had banished Cortes, and liberated the
factor and veedor; though they, as sworn enemies of the former, were
ready to serve him in every possible manner.

About this time, also, father Don Julian Garces arrived from Spain, in
order to enter upon the new bishopric of Tlascalla, of which he was
appointed bishop. He was a native of Arragon, and a very eloquent
preacher, and, in honour of the emperor, he took the name of Carolense.
This prelate highly disapproved of Cortes' banishment, and as soon as he
heard of it he determined to bring about peace and friendship between
the former and the governor. With this good object in view, he repaired
to Tezcuco, where he embarked in a couple of canoes, with two priests
and a monk, who had accompanied him, for Mexico. As intelligence of his
approach had reached this town, the whole of the clergy in grand pomp,
the chief authorities, the Conquistadores, and all the officers and
soldiers then in Mexico went out to meet him. Nor had he scarcely been a
couple of days here before the governor begged of him to become mediator
between himself and Cortes, and to persuade the latter to return to
Mexico; for which purpose he then withdrew the order of banishment. The
bishop, indeed, tried his utmost in this matter; but Cortes would listen
to no adjustment of differences, and continually moved about from place
to place, always accompanied by a considerable number of cavaliers and
other persons. Cortes' principal object at the present moment was to
collect as much gold as possible for his journey to Spain; for which
purpose he not only mortgaged his own property, but even that of his
friends who were resolved to stand by him. His example was followed by
Sandoval and Tapia, who were determined to accompany him on his journey.
Cortes, during his stay in Tlascalla, was likewise visited by several of
the inhabitants of Mexico and of other towns, as also by all those
soldiers who had not received any commendaries; even the caziques of
Mexico waited upon him, and offered him their services: and as at all
times there are persons fond of change and rebellion, who are most
pleased when everything is in uproar and confusion, many likewise
advised him to set himself up for king of New Spain, for which, they
said, he could not choose a more favorable opportunity than the present,
and they would lend him every support. Cortes, however, showed so little
inclination to listen to proposals of this nature, that he ordered two
persons, who had made similar proposals to him, to be imprisoned, as
guilty of high treason, and for a length of time made every semblance as
if he intended to hang them.

A proposal of the same nature was made to him, in a letter from Mexico,
by some turbulent characters of this town; though many persons were of
opinion that this was merely the vile attempt of a certain party to
catch some expression from Cortes which would lay him open to suspicion.
But as his fidelity to the emperor was not to be shaken, he dismissed
every one with indignation from his presence who durst whisper such
thoughts to him, threatening to have them hung immediately if they ever
again durst mention such things to him.

In the same way these rebellious spirits sought to arouse Cortes by
their vile projects; they did their utmost to alarm the governor and the
factor, assuring them that Cortes had not the remotest idea of leaving
for Spain, but had merely spread this rumour to hide his real
intentions, which were, to assemble as large a body of men as he
possibly could, to fall suddenly upon them; and that the caziques of
Mexico, Tezcuco, Tlascalla, and of all the townships situate on the
lake, were only awaiting the word from him to commence hostilities. The
governor, the factor, and the veedor were so excessively alarmed at
this, that they repeatedly importuned the bishop to inquire what Cortes'
real designs were; they even wrote to the latter himself, begged his
pardon, and made all manner of offers to him.

The bishop, therefore, repaired to Cortes, in order to make another
attempt to bring about a good understanding between all parties; but
when he found how kindly he was received in every part of the province,
when he found the excellent spirit which reigned among the inhabitants
themselves, and was informed how indignantly Cortes had sent away those
evil counsellors from his presence, he wrote word to the governor that
he was the most loyal cavalier and the most faithful servant of his
majesty, and that the present age could not show a second person of his
worth. The governor might rest assured that Cortes positively intended
to repair in person to the imperial court in Spain, and that he had no
other design whatever. For the rest, continued the bishop, he could
assure him that he had drawn universal odium on himself by Cortes'
banishment. This letter the bishop concluded with these words: "O, senor
tesorero Estrada, what a terrible affair is this, which you have so
wantonly caused!"

I forget whether Cortes, before leaving for Spain, again returned to
Mexico, to make the necessary arrangements for the care of his property
during his absence; I only know that he intrusted the licentiate
Altamirano, Diego de Ocampo, Alonso Valiente, and Santacruz Burgales,
but particularly the first mentioned, with the conduct of those matters.

Cortes had, among other things, a curious collection of the various
kinds of birds found in New Spain, besides two tigers, several small
jars of liquid amber, dried and fluid balsam, four expert Indian clowns,
several rope-dancers, and three dwarfs of so monstrous a shape, that one
could scarcely recognize the human form in them; also several Albinos of
both sexes, who could scarcely see out of their eyes: all of which were
objects that could not fail to create universal astonishment in Spain,
and the whole of them he intended as a present to his majesty. The
caziques of Tlascalla likewise begged he would take along with him three
young men of the most distinguished families of their country, one of
whom was the son of the old blind Xicotencatl. Besides these, several of
the Mexican caziques followed in his suite.

Cortes was just about preparing for his departure, when intelligence
arrived that two fast-sailing vessels had put into Vera Cruz, direct
from Spain, with letters, the contents of which will be found in the
following chapter.




CHAPTER CXCV.

    _How Cortes receives letters from the Cardinal de Siguenza, then
    president of the council of the Indies, and from several other
    cavaliers, advising him to repair to Spain without delay; the death
    of his father Martin Cortes; and of other matters._


Cortes was about taking his departure for Spain, when letters arrived
for him from Don Garcia de Loaysa, cardinal of Siguenza, president of
the council of the Indies and subsequently archbishop of Seville, and
from the duke of Bejar, and other cavaliers in Spain, all of whom
assured him that his enemies drew the greatest advantage from the
continued postponement of his arrival in Spain, and daily brought fresh
accusations against him. He was openly accused, they said, of the
foulest of crimes, and of having poisoned the different governors whom
his majesty had sent to New Spain. It was necessary, therefore, that he
should repair immediately to the imperial court, which could not fail to
produce a good effect, and all the calumnies which had been heaped upon
him would recoil upon his enemies, and prove the very means of raising
him to the highest honours. They at the same time announced to him the
death of his father Martin Cortes; and as he was still in mourning[50]
for his wife Dona Catalina Suarez, he put on additional mourning for his
father, to whose memory he in every way paid the highest honours. The
different accounts which he had received caused him altogether
considerable grief, and if he had previously felt a great desire to
return to Spain, he felt now the more so; and as he was informed that
the two vessels which had arrived in Vera Cruz were newly built, and
fast sailers, he despatched his mayor-domo Pedro Ruiz de Esquival
thither to purchase them. Various kinds of provisions were then
collected in great abundance, of the most expensive kinds, and
everything was regulated for his voyage in a manner due to so
distinguished and wealthy a person. The two vessels were so plentifully
provisioned, that they had sufficient victuals for a voyage of two
years, although the number of people on board was much greater than
ordinary.

The mayor-domo, who was to repair to Vera Cruz, had, in order to take
the shortest route thither, embarked in a canoe on the lake of Mexico,
for the township of Ayotzinco. This canoe, of considerable size, was
manned with six Mexican rowers, and Ruiz had with him a number of gold
bars, for the purchase of the vessels, and a <DW64> slave to attend upon
him. Whether he was waylaid by any one in the midst of the lake, and
murdered, could never be discovered, but certain it is that neither the
canoe, the rowers, nor the <DW64> were ever seen again; only the body of
Ruiz was found, four days after, on a small island of the lake, half
devoured by the birds of prey. Various conjectures were made respecting
the death of this man, and many persons said he had bragged too openly
of the great favours which were bestowed upon him by the ladies, and
that he had most likely boasted of things which never happened. Others
maintained that something much worse had taken place, which, however, I
will not go into here; in short, it was never known, nor was there ever
much trouble taken to investigate, how this man came to his end, and we
can only wish that his poor soul may rest in peace.

Cortes, on learning the untimely end of this man, despatched other
officers of his household to Vera Cruz, to make the necessary
preparations there for his departure, and he made it publicly known that
all those who were desirous of leaving for Spain, and could obtain the
governor's permission thereto, should have a free passage with him. He
then departed, in company of Sandoval, Andreas de Tapia, and of several
other cavaliers, for Vera Cruz, where the whole of them, after having
confessed, and made the holy communion, set sail for Spain.

Cortes had so very favorable a passage, that, without touching at the
Havannah or any other port, he arrived safe in forty-one days off the
coast of Spain, and cast anchor near the town of Palos, opposite the
church of our dear lady of Rabida. At the first sight of land every one
on board fell down on his knees, and with uplighted hands offered up
fervent thanks to God for this prosperous voyage. Cortes' arrival in
Spain took place in the month of December of the year 1527.

During this voyage Sandoval fell dangerously ill, and Cortes' joy at his
safe arrival in his native land was soon changed into excessive grief,
for a few days after it pleased the Almighty to take away this our
general's faithful companion in arms. Sandoval was still at Palos, and
lodged in the house of a rope-maker; and here, while lying on his
death-bed, he was forced patiently to behold the master of the house
open one of his trunks, and take out thirteen bars of gold. This fellow
had watched the favorable opportunity when Sandoval's servants had all
hastened to the Rabida, to call Cortes to his dying friend, so that he
was left quite alone; besides which, he was so helpless and weak, that
he durst not even cry out, lest the rope-maker, who had the very
countenance of a villain, should have smothered him with the cushions.
The thief immediately fled with the gold bars, and escaped to Portugal,
nor was he ever heard of again.

Cortes, on learning the dangerous state in which Sandoval lay, hastened
to his bedside, where he learnt what I have just stated, from the
latter's own mouth. Persons were immediately sent in pursuit of the
thief, but it was too late, the fellow got clear away.

Sandoval's health was daily growing worse, so that at length the
physicians gave up all hopes of his life, and told him his end was
drawing nigh. Saudoval then confessed, and received the last sacraments
with the greatest devotion. He made his last will, to which he appointed
Cortes executor, set apart large sums for the poor and the cloisters,
and left his sister or sisters heir to his property. I am not sure
whether he had more than one sister, but I know that subsequently a
sister of his married a natural son of the earl of Medellin. A short
time after he had made his will Sandoval rendered up his soul into the
hands of his Maker, and his death caused universal and heartfelt grief.
He was buried with every imaginable pomp in the monastery of our dear
lady of Rabida, and Cortes, with the whole of his suite, put on mourning
for him. May God have mercy upon his soul! Amen!

The next thing Cortes did was to announce his arrival to his majesty, to
the cardinal de Siguenza, the duke of Bejar, the earl of Aguilar, and to
many other cavaliers of distinction. He also mentioned Sandoval's
death, and was unbounded in the praise of his excellent character, of
the important services he had rendered to the crown, of his great
talents as a commander, and of his personal courage. Though the monarch
was greatly rejoiced at the arrival of Cortes in Spain, yet the death of
Sandoval caused him much grief, as he had been duly informed of the many
excellent qualities of this officer. The cardinal de Siguenza and the
whole of the council of the Indies were no less grieved at his death.
The duke of Bejar, the earl of Aguilar, and several other cavaliers
certainly evinced no less sorrow at the death of this brave officer, yet
it was soon lost in the joy they experienced at the arrival of Cortes.

The duke of Bejar and the earl of Aguilar now called upon his majesty,
who had already received Cortes' letter. During this audience the former
told his majesty that he himself had always been convinced of Cortes'
loyalty, and that a man who had rendered the greatest services to his
monarch could not fail to be equally faithful to that sovereign in all
other matters; and this was sufficiently evident in the conduct of
Cortes, who, placing all his reliance on a clear conscience, had
fearlessly come to Spain. The duke had every reason for thus expressing
himself, for during the time when various heavy accusations had been
brought against Cortes, he had become responsible for him and his
companions in arms with both his life and property; nor had he omitted
on any occasion to extol our loyalty and our services to the skies;
which at that time seemed the more meritorious, as Peru was not yet
discovered. The emperor, indeed, changed his sentiments with regard to
Cortes in so wonderful a degree as to issue orders that he was to be
received with the highest honours in every town he passed through. The
first person who gave Cortes a splendid reception was the duke of Medina
Sidonia, in Seville, who supplied him with beautiful horses. Having
rested in this town for a few days, Cortes hastened by long days'
journeys to the convent of our dear lady of Guadaloupe, there to make
his devotions. It happened fortunately for him that the distinguished
lady Dona Maria de Mendoza, wife of the comendador-mayor of Leon, should
arrive there at the same time. She had a number of ladies of quality in
her suite; among others her sister, who was two years afterwards married
to the governor of the Canary islands. Cortes was highly delighted at
this circumstance, and after making his devotions to our dear lady of
Guadaloupe, bestowing rich alms on the poor, and having ordered a number
of masses to be said, he repaired, though in deep mourning, with the
whole of his suite, and several other cavaliers, who had come to offer
their services to him, to pay his respects to Dona Maria de Mendoza, her
exceedingly beautiful sister, and to the other ladies: and as Cortes
was a man of excellent good breeding, of a frank and cheerful
disposition, and eloquent in address, he the more easily gained the good
wishes of these ladies, and the fame of his great exploits was re-echoed
from one end of Spain to the other. He was possessed of sufficient
wealth to bestow with an unsparing hand; and to the whole of these
ladies he presented the most valuable presents in gold, trinkets of
beautiful workmanship, penaches of green feathers, decorated with gold,
silver, and pearls; of course, the most splendid of these presents fell
to the share of the distinguished lady Maria de Mendoza and her charming
sister. This latter lady he even presented with several bars of gold, to
be worked into all manner of fine ornaments. Among these presents to the
ladies he did not forget the most delicious perfumes and balsams: he
also made his Indian buffoons and rope dancers perform in their
presence; and on learning that the last-mentioned lady had lost one of
her mules, he secretly purchased two others for her, and gave them in
charge of her major-domo.

Cortes remained in the town of Guadaloupe until these ladies returned to
the imperial court, which, at that time, was in Toledo. He accompanied
them on their journey, and gave them banquets and feasts everywhere
along their route; and he so completely gained the good wishes of Dona
Maria de Mendoza by his graceful behaviour, his great splendour, and the
attentions he paid her, that she began seriously to think of making a
match between her sister and Cortes. If the latter had not promised his
hand to Dona Juana de Guzman, niece to the duke of Bejar, a match would
certainly have been brought about between them; and by this alliance
with the comendador-mayor of Leon he would have increased his good
fortune, and have obtained from his majesty the appointment of governor
of New Spain. However, I will say no more on this subject, for
everything is guided and directed by the hand of God.

Dona Maria de Mendoza, in her letters to her husband, could scarcely say
sufficient in praise of Cortes. All the fame of his deeds of arms, said
she, were really nothing when compared to his own personal qualities: in
order to appreciate his whole worth, it was necessary to listen to the
charm of his conversation, learn the noble frankness of his disposition,
and the grace with which his every action was accompanied. It was
impossible, she continued, that his majesty could have a more devoted
servant among his subjects, and she hoped her husband would fully
acquaint his majesty with the great merits of this man, that he might
receive the rewards which he so richly deserved.

The comendador-mayor was vastly pleased with the excellent opinion which
his wife entertained of Cortes, and the attentions the latter had shown
her, so that he was quite prepossessed in his favour; and as at that
time no one stood on a more confidential footing with the emperor than
the comendador himself, he laid his own wife's letter before the
emperor, and strongly recommended Cortes to his majesty's favour. But it
appears that the emperor was already most favorably inclined towards
him, and had, as the duke of Bejar afterwards assured Cortes, on the
first news of his arrival in Spain, expressed a great desire to make the
acquaintance of the man who had rendered him so many important services,
and of whose dangerous and deceitful character so much had been told
him.

When Cortes arrived at the imperial court, his majesty ordered
apartments to be given him in the palace. When he had approached near to
the town, the duke of Bejar, the earl of Aguilar, and several other
gentlemen of distinction went out to meet him, and gave him a most
honorable reception. On the following day, he was allowed to throw
himself at his majesty's feet; and to show him every possible
distinction on the occasion, he was accompanied by the admiral of
Castile, the duke of Bejar, and the comendador-mayor of Leon. After
Cortes had obtained leave from his majesty to speak, he knelt down, but
his majesty immediately desired him to rise; upon which Cortes addressed
the emperor, and enumerated the many important services he had rendered
the crown, the various conquests he had made down to the perilous
expedition to the Honduras, and then recounted the disturbances and
conspiracies which the veedor and factor had caused in Mexico during his
absence. Though this address was of considerable length, yet he spoke
everything with great fluency and ease, concluding with these words: "In
order, however, not to tire your majesty's patience any longer by
listening to me, and as it ill becomes a subject like myself to address
the first monarch of the world to any greater length, as I am
unaccustomed to speak with your majesty, and as the mental pain which I
suffer from the many injustices which have been done me might force
unbecoming expressions from my lips, I have drawn up in this memorial a
statement of everything I wished to say, from which your majesty may
learn the full particulars of every circumstance that has transpired."
With these words Cortes knelt down, and handed over to his majesty the
memorial, and was going to kiss his feet for having granted him so
lengthened an audience, but the emperor again desired him to rise; upon
which the admiral of Castile and the duke of Bejar addressed his
majesty in praise of Cortes, and said how richly he had merited reward.

The emperor then upon the spot created him marquis del Valle Oaxaca,
bestowed a number of townships upon him, and presented him with the
cross of the order of Santiago. The income that he was to have was not
mentioned at the time, and I am unable to say how it came to be
overlooked. The emperor also appointed him captain-general of New Spain
and of the South Sea; after which Cortes had a second audience of his
majesty to thank him for the many favours he had bestowed upon him, and
his majesty, as on the previous occasion, received him with every mark
of distinction.

Cortes had been but a few days at Toledo when he fell so dangerously ill
that every person despaired of his life. The duke of Bejar and the
comendador of Leon fearing his end was drawing nigh, requested his
majesty to visit the sick man at his bedside before his death, as a mark
of distinction to him for the many services he had rendered to the
crown. His majesty was pleased to comply with this request, and he
repaired to Cortes' lodgings, accompanied by several dukes, marquisses,
and other distinguished personages. This, at court, was considered the
highest honour and mark of respect that could be paid to a subject. When
Cortes, therefore, was restored to good health, envy strove to do its
worst to poison the favour in which he stood with his majesty, under the
protection of the earl of Nassau, the duke of Bejar, and the admiral of
Castile.

It happened one Sunday that Cortes came rather late to mass in the
cathedral church. His majesty had already taken his seat, and the
noblemen of his suite, each according to his respective rank and
station. Cortes, clothed in his deep mourning cloak, passed by all these
illustrious noblemen, and seated himself next to the earl of Nassau, who
sat very near to his majesty. This self-assumed precedence of so many
illustrious personages, as it was termed, appeared so presumptuous, and
showed so great a want of propriety, that those persons who considered
themselves slighted thereby, immediately began to murmur forth their
disapprobation of such conduct. However, the duke of Bejar, the admiral
of Castile, and the earl of Aguilar, who were present, took Cortes'
side, and observed that no reproach could be made to the latter on this
score, as his majesty, to do him honour, had ordered that he should take
his seat next to the earl of Nassau. It should also be taken into
consideration, these noblemen further said, what vast territories Cortes
had added to the crown, how greatly indebted the whole of Christendom
was to him; that their titles had merely descended to them from their
forefathers, whereas the marks of distinction which his majesty was
pleased to confer upon Cortes were the immediate consequences of the
latter's own merits.

However, it is certainly true that the great favour in which Cortes
stood with the emperor, the admiral of Castile, the earl of Nassau, and
with the duke of Bejar, added to the title of marquis which had been
conferred upon him, had turned his head a little; for he now began to
neglect his other patrons, the cardinal de Siguenza, the
comendador-mayor of Leon, the latter's wife Dona Maria de Mendoza, and
the members of the council of the Indies, all of whom had interested
themselves so greatly for him; and he exclusively courted the three
noblemen above mentioned, with whose protection he imagined he could
obtain anything. The first thing he did was to storm his majesty with
petitions to appoint him governor of New Spain, each time enumerating
the many important services he had rendered the crown, promising, should
his majesty be pleased to grant his prayer, to equip an armament for a
voyage of discovery to the islands and rich countries of the South seas.
His distinguished patrons likewise used all their influence with his
majesty to obtain this appointment for him. The emperor, however,
replied, that Cortes must be satisfied with the rich marquisate he had
conferred upon him, for he had now also to think of those with whose
assistance Cortes had accomplished his undertakings, and who certainly
deserved a reward for their exertions.

From this moment Cortes began gradually to fall in his majesty's favour.
Some ascribed this to the president of the council of the Indies,
cardinal de Siguenza, who had, in a consultation with his majesty,
declared himself against conferring the appointment of governor on
Cortes. Others ascribed it to the comendador-mayor of Leon and his wife
Dona Maria de Mendoza, who felt piqued at the manner in which Cortes had
latterly neglected them. However this may have been, I cannot say; but
his majesty adhered to his first determination, and refused to grant
Cortes his request. The emperor at this time was about to embark at
Barcelona for Flanders, being accompanied by a great number of
distinguished personages, and the three patrons of Cortes persevered in
their endeavours to obtain the appointment in question for him, until at
length his majesty forbade the earl of Nassau to speak another word
about it, remarking to him at the same time that the marquisate he had
conferred upon Cortes produced a larger annual income than he (the earl)
obtained from his whole territory of Nassau.

We will now wish his majesty a good voyage, and say a few words
respecting Cortes' marriage with Dona Juana de Zunniga. The banquets
which took place on this occasion were of the most sumptuous nature, and
the presents which Cortes made his bride, as I have been informed by
persons who saw them, were so expensive and magnificent, that nothing in
Spain had ever before been seen like them. Even the empress Isabella, it
is said, expressed a wish, from the descriptions which had been given
her of these presents by the jewellers, to possess similar ones, and
that she had accepted with indifference several precious stones which
Cortes had presented to her, because they were not equal in beauty and
value to those he had given to his wife.

Cortes, upon the whole, experienced a great deal of vexation during his
stay in Spain. Above all, it is said, the empress changed her previous
favorable sentiments with regard to Cortes, when she learnt his
ungrateful conduct towards the comendador-mayor of Leon, his wife Dona
Maria, and the cardinal de Siguenza; and that he had kept back jewels of
much greater value than he had presented to her. Yet she commanded the
council of the Indies to promote his interests in every possible manner.
An agreement was also signed between him and the crown, namely, that he
should equip a couple of vessels, at his own expense for a certain
number of years, for the discovery of new islands and countries in the
South Sea, with the condition, however, that he should have a certain
share of the profits arising therefrom.

About this time also the comendador-mayor of the order of Alcantara, Don
Pedro de la Cueva, was staying at the imperial court. This was the same
gentleman who was some time previously commanded by his majesty to
repair with a considerable body of troops to New Spain, there to make an
inquiry into the conduct of Cortes, with full power, if he found him
guilty, to cut off his head. At present, however, he gave every proof of
sincere joy at the distinguished title and the many favours which had
been conferred upon him by the emperor, and he now daily courted the
company of the marquis Don Hernando Cortes. He likewise told Cortes that
he might congratulate himself on having come to Spain; for he assured
him that if even he had not found him guilty of any offence, he would
still have had to pay all the expenses of the armament, which would have
amounted to above 300,000 pesos.

Besides all I have above related, many other things were written to us
by persons who were present in Spain at the time, and by Cortes himself,
but I will not go into them here; and though the latter expatiated a
good deal on the many favours which had been bestowed upon him at
court, yet he never mentioned a word why he was not appointed governor
of New Spain.

A few days after he had been created marquis, Cortes despatched the
cavalier Juan de Herrada to Rome in his name to kiss the feet of his
holiness pope Clement, and beg his acceptance of a valuable present in
jewels and gold trinkets. He ordered Herrada to take along with him two
Indian buffoons, and likewise wrote a lengthened epistle to his
holiness, in which he gave him a full account of the countries he had
discovered and subdued; of the great services he had above all rendered
to God, and then to his majesty; of the idol worship practised among the
Indians, and what a great number of the latter had already been
converted to Christianity. What he further told his holiness I cannot
say; but we learnt from Herrada, when he afterwards returned to New
Spain, that Cortes had begged his holiness to remit a certain portion of
the tithes.

I ought also to mention that this Juan de Herrada was an excellent
soldier, and that he had accompanied us on our expedition to the
Honduras. After his return from Rome he went to Peru, where Don Diego de
Almagro appointed him governor to his younger son Don Diego, and
otherwise placed implicit confidence in him. He likewise commanded the
small but determined body of men who put the elder Pizarro to death, and
afterwards became a chief officer under Almagro the younger.

At Rome, Herrada, with his fine presents and Indian buffoons, met with
the best reception; and his holiness declared, during the audience which
he granted him, that he could not sufficiently thank the Almighty that
he lived in an age when so many extensive countries were discovered, and
so many heathens converted to our holy religion. He said that Cortes and
his troops had rendered the greatest services to God, to our master the
emperor Don Carlos, and to the whole of Christendom, and we were
deserving of the highest rewards. His holiness even ordered a solemn
procession and a day of thanksgiving, and sent especial bulls, by which
he granted us absolution of our sins, and gave other indulgences to the
cloisters and churches. He likewise confirmed and approved of everything
Cortes had done in New Spain, only he refused to grant the latter's
request with respect to the tithes.

This is all I know of the contents of the letter which his holiness
wrote to Cortes; but everything I have above related of this mission to
Rome I learnt from Herrada himself and from another soldier who had
accompanied him named Campo. They staid altogether eight days at Rome,
and his holiness, with the cardinals, were highly delighted with the
performances of the Indian buffoons. His holiness even created Herrada a
count palatine, presented him with a large sum of money for his journey
back, and gave him a letter to our emperor, in which he requested his
majesty to bestow upon him some lucrative commendary; but as Cortes, on
his return to New Spain, had no longer the power to distribute lands or
Indians, Herrada never derived any benefit from the pope's letter, and
he repaired to Peru, where he made a brilliant career.




CHAPTER CXCVI.

    _How the royal court of audience arrive in Mexico during Cortes'
    stay in Spain, and what their first occupations were._


While Cortes was staying in Spain, and had already been created a
marquis, the royal court of audience appointed by his majesty arrived in
Mexico. This court consisted of a president, Nuno de Guzman, who was
previously governor of Panuco, and of four licentiates as auditors,
whose names were Matienzo of Biscay or Navarra, Delgadillo of Granada,
Maldonado of Salamanca, (not the licentiate Alonso Maldonado the Good,
who was governor of Guatimala,) and the licentiate Parada, who, up to
this moment, had lived at Cuba.

These gentlemen met with a most splendid reception in Mexico, and
commenced their operations about sixteen days after their arrival. None
of the subsequent viceroys or presidents possessed the extensive powers
granted to these men by his majesty. They had full power to distribute
the commendaries in perpetuity, and they were particularly desired to
reward the Conquistadores handsomely, and to give them the preference in
all matters.

These gentlemen made known their arrival in every town throughout New
Spain, and ordered the citizens to send their procuradores to them, each
provided with a list of the Indians in his province. Many days had not
elapsed before these procuradores and the Conquistadores made their
appearance in Mexico from all parts of New Spain. I myself repaired
thither as procurador syndic of the town of Guacasualco, but when I
found in what manner the auditors intended to treat the matter, I
hastened back to Guacasualco in order to elect the procuradores who were
to represent the interests of the latter place at the royal court of
audience, during the distribution of the commendaries in perpetuity.
Various disputes arose respecting this election, for every one was
desirous of choosing his particular friend; however, at length their
choice fell upon Luis Marin and myself; but when we arrived in Mexico
and the whole of us procuradores insisted upon a distribution in
perpetuity as his majesty had commanded, we found that a great change
had taken place. Nuno de Guzman, Matienzo, and Delgadillo were now quite
against this measure; and the two other auditors, Maldonado and Parada,
died of pleurisy shortly after their arrival in Mexico, and no doubt if
Cortes had been at that time in New Spain calumny would have accused him
of their death also. With respect to the distribution in perpetuity, I
have been assured by many credible persons that the factor was the only
man who stopped it from being carried into effect, for he had so far
gained the confidence of Guzman and Delgadillo, that they never did
anything without consulting him, and allowed themselves to be led
blindly by him in all matters. These gentlemen now opposed the
distribution in perpetuity, because they saw that the Conquistadores by
such a measure would become independent of them, and trouble themselves
no more about them. They consequently considered it more to their
interest to leave matters as they were, for then they could bestow and
take away Indians whenever they liked, by which they would always have
us at their mercy, and they themselves derive great power and riches.
The factor, Delgadillo, and Guzman likewise came to a secret
understanding with each other, that the first-mentioned gentleman should
repair to Spain in order to procure for Guzman the appointment of
governor of New Spain; for they had already learnt that Cortes did not
stand so high in his majesty's favour as at first, and that,
notwithstanding all his great interest at court, he had not been able to
obtain this appointment for himself. The factor accordingly embarked for
Spain, but he had not been many days at sea before he was overtaken by a
violent storm, and his vessel was wrecked off the coast of Guacasualco;
the factor narrowly escaped on shore in the boat, and here this project
ended.

The first thing which Nuno de Guzman and his colleagues did was to
institute an inquiry into the government of the treasurer Estrada, to
which he very patiently submitted. If this man had shown the determined
character we had expected of him, he would certainly have continued
governor of New Spain, for it was only a few months previously that his
majesty had conferred this appointment on him, with every approbation of
the conduct he had pursued in the government of the country; besides
which, Guzman had no further powers than those conferred upon him as
president of the royal court of audience, and even then he could not
make any distribution of lands or of Indians, unless it met with the
approbation of his colleagues. Every inhabitant of Mexico, and the whole
of the Conquistadores would have the more zealously supported Estrada if
he had shown any determination to maintain his authority, as he had
evinced the utmost impartiality in his government, and had scrupulously
acted up to the commands of his majesty; but the inquiry had scarcely
lasted a few days when he grew weary of offering any further resistance
to the court of audience, and he died shortly after of downright
vexation.

This new court of audience was altogether opposed to Cortes and his
adherents, in which partisan-like spirit they instituted an inquiry into
the conduct of Jorge de Alvarado, in his government of Guatimala, and
for this purpose a certain Orduna, the elder, of Tordesillas, was
despatched thither; but I am totally ignorant of the result of his
investigation. In the same way they attacked the government of Cortes,
and specially appointed for this purpose the fiscal and the factor
Salazar. During this investigation, Cortes was accused in open court of
so many base actions, and was altogether so grossly calumniated, that
the licentiate Altamirano, to whom Cortes had intrusted the sole care of
his possessions in New Spain, with cap in hand, stepped up in front of
the president and the auditors, and respectfully begged of them to
bridle the slanderous tongue of the factor, and to forbid him henceforth
to utter his low abuse of the marquis, a cavalier of unblemished
character, and the faithful servant of his monarch. He then demanded
justice of the factor, but very little notice was taken of his
remonstrances, for the next day the factor produced even more infamous
accusations, and the auditors countenanced this in so far that very high
words arose between the licentiate Altamirano on one side, and the
factor and the auditors on the other. At length Altamirano lost all
patience, drew his dagger, and would certainly have killed the factor on
the spot if he had not flown for protection behind the auditors. The
whole city broke out into open insurrection at this circumstance.
Altamirano was thrown into prison, and the factor was confined in his
own house. The whole of us Conquistadores, however, went in a body to
the president and interceded for Altamirano, so effectually, indeed,
that three days after, he was set at liberty again, and a reconciliation
was brought about between him and the auditors.

After this affair had blown over, another of a more serious nature took
place; namely, there arrived about this time in Mexico a relation of
Pamfilo Narvaez, named Zavallos, who had been despatched from Cuba by
Maria de Valenzuela, Narvaez's wife, to gain some information respecting
her husband, who had been appointed governor of the country on the
river Palmas; but, as was currently reported, had perished on the
expedition thither. Maria de Valenzuela had also given Zavallos full
authority to take possession of her husband's property wherever he might
find it, for she imagined he had taken considerable property with him to
New Spain. This man was secretly advised by the auditors to bring
actions against all those of the Conquistadores who had accompanied
Cortes on the expedition against Narvaez, injured his person, burnt his
property, and killed so many of his men. Zavallos immediately lent a
willing ear to this, and forthwith commenced an action of
indemnification against the Conquistadores, who all happened at that
time to be staying in the metropolis. There were altogether 250 of us,
and the whole were condemned in the sum of a certain number of pesos,
and banished to the distance of twenty miles from Mexico. But this
sentence of banishment was instantly withdrawn, and several of us were
not even asked for the fine in which we had been condemned, for it was
very small. But this was not all, for now other enemies of Cortes began
to show themselves, and accused him of having kept to himself a quantity
of the gold, silver and jewels taken at the conquest of the city of
Mexico; that he had even concealed the treasure of Quauhtemoctzin, and
merely given the Conquistadores eighty pesos a piece; that he had only
sent a very small portion of this treasure to his majesty, and that in
such a manner as if the present had come from him alone. Though these
complainants very well knew that the present which Cortes sent on that
occasion to Spain fell into the hands of the French freebooter, Jean
Florin, yet they not only demanded that Cortes should repay the money
captured by this corsair, but also the other treasures which he had
secretly kept to himself.

Various other accusations were brought against Cortes, and in every case
judgment was given in favour of the complainants, so that his
possessions were sold in payment of all demands. The auditors even went
so far as to contrive that Cortes' own brother-in-law, Juan Suarez,
should accuse Cortes, in open court, of the murder of his late wife,
Dona Catalina Suarez, which he sought to prove by witnesses.

With regard to the demands against Cortes respecting the prize-money of
Mexico and the treasure of Quauhtemoctzin, we, the friends of Cortes,
after obtaining leave of the alcaldes, assembled in the house of Garcia
Holguin, and signed our names to a paper, in which we declared that we
would not accept of any share of the fines in which Cortes had been
condemned, and that we had altogether no demand whatever of that nature
against him, as we were perfectly satisfied that the gold, with the
other valuable matters in question, had been duly forwarded to his
majesty, and that this was done with unanimous consent to prove our
fidelity and loyalty to the emperor. When the auditors were informed of
what we had done, they were going to have us all seized, on the ground
that we were not authorized to call any meeting or sign any document of
such a nature without their sanction; but we showed them the permission
we had received from the alcaldes, yet the auditors again sentenced us
to be banished twenty miles from Mexico. This sentence was soon after
indeed withdrawn as on the former occasion, but it nevertheless caused
us a great deal of vexation and sorrow.

The next thing the auditors did was to announce to the public that all
those persons who either descended from the Moors or the Indians, whose
relations or forefathers in the fourth degree had been burnt by the holy
inquisition, or had even been dismissed with the San Benito, should
leave New Spain within the space of six months, or forfeit the half of
their property. Many persons were accordingly called up to vindicate
themselves on this point, and several found their respectability sadly
impugned; yet there were only two persons who were obliged to leave New
Spain on this account.

With regard to the distribution of commendaries, the auditors fully
acted up to his majesty's commands, and they richly remunerated the true
Conquistadores; but the real cause of their downfall was the
immoderateness with which they allowed the Spaniards to mark slaves.
This was carried to so great a length in the province of Panuco, that
the whole of this territory became at length quite depopulated. Nuno de
Guzman had, altogether, something noble and frank about him, and when he
gave, it was with an unsparing hand. For instance, by way of a
new-year's gift he presented the accountant Albornoz with the township
of Guazpaltepec. Albornoz had just returned from Spain, with his wife
Dona Catalina de Loaisa, whom he had recently married, having also
obtained permission from his majesty to erect a sugar refinery at
Sempoalla, which a few years after was completely destroyed. If the
president Guzman pursued a ruthless course in the marking of slaves, and
tried all he could to injure Cortes, the auditor Delgadillo was
certainly no better. It was even said of him that he made grants of
commendaries in consideration of a certain per centage on their annual
produce. Besides this, he appointed his own brother Berrio alcalde-mayor
of the town of Guaxaca, where he oppressed and ill-used the inhabitants
in every possible manner to obtain gold. This auditor likewise
despatched a person of his own name as commandant to the township of
the Zapotecs, whose conduct was equally infamous there as that of Berrio
in Guaxaca. The other auditor, Matienzo, was a man far advanced in
years, and the only one who had not abused his power; but against the
others so many bitter complaints were made, and these so well confirmed
by letters from the monks and prelates, that the emperor ordered the
council of the Indies immediately to recall all the members of the royal
audience, to severely punish them, and to appoint other men of integrity
and intelligence. His majesty also desired that an inquiry should be
made as to the number of slaves which had been marked in the province of
Panuco. Matienzo was commissioned to make the inquiry, as this aged
auditor had shown greater love of justice than his colleagues.

From this moment all the permits which had been given to mark slaves
were considered as invalid, and the marking-irons were destroyed
wherever they were found, and henceforth it was forbidden ever again to
mark slaves. It was even ordered that a census should be taken of all
the slaves in New Spain, in order to prevent their being sold out of the
country, or even from being sent from one province into another. In the
same way it was declared that every distribution of commendaries made by
Guzman and his colleagues to their friends, relations, and other persons
of no worth, should be considered as invalid, and the property these
persons had obtained in this manner was immediately to be delivered up
again.

These commands produced endless lawsuits, for those in possession
employed every artifice to retain what they had once got. Some
maintained they belonged to the body of the Conquistadores, though there
was not a word of truth in it; others asserted that they had been
settled in the country for many years. Some, who could offer no good
excuse, asserted, at least, that they never belonged to the household,
or to the table companions of the auditors; declaring that they had only
called upon these gentlemen from time to time, and appeared in their
suite, to pay them the respect which was due to them in their capacity
of royal auditors. In short, each person defended his property as well
as he could, and, upon the whole, so successfully, that there were only
a few persons who were obliged to relinquish their possessions. The
accountant Albornoz was of this number, and he was again deprived of the
township of Guazpaltepec, which Guzman had given him as a new-year's
gift. In the same way a certain Villa Roel was obliged to deliver up
possession of the township of Quauhnahuac. Villegas, Guzman's
mayor-domo, and other officials and relatives of the auditors, had to
quit their commendaries.

As soon as the news arrived in Mexico that the auditors were to be
cashiered, Guzman and his colleagues determined to despatch a procurador
to Spain, to testify that they had faithfully fulfilled the duties of
their office, and acted up to his majesty's commands. For this purpose,
all the procuradores of the different towns of New Spain then staying at
Mexico, and the most distinguished of the Conquistadores, were desired
to assemble in the principal church, to elect the factor Salazar, when
it would be made to appear as if this man was chosen by our unanimous
consent to repair to Spain, and there to white-wash Guzman and his
colleagues. The auditors had fully expected we should have elected
Salazar, particularly as they had been so liberal in their grants of
commendaries to the Conquistadores.

This meeting actually took place, but so many persons forced their way
into the church who had no voice at all, creating so much disturbance
and noise, that it was impossible to restore order. We therefore
declared to the auditors that it was impossible to proceed with the
business of the day, and that we would assemble in their private
dwelling on the following morning. But as we plainly saw that their main
object was that we should select some one entirely devoted to their
interests, we determined also that a second agent should be chosen in
Cortes' interest. We then proceeded to the election, and our choice fell
upon Bernardino Vazquez de Tapia, in the latter's interest, and Antonio
de Carvajal, who commanded a brigantine during the siege of Mexico, was
chosen to represent the interest of the auditors; however, both these
gentlemen were more inclined to favour the cause of Nuno de Guzman than
that of Cortes: nor could we indeed blame them for this, the royal
auditors having been more bountiful towards us than Cortes. They had, at
least, in some measure acted up to his majesty's commands, by bestowing
commendaries upon us; whereas Cortes, at the time when he had full power
to reward us according to our deserts, totally neglected us. But as
Spaniards are ever loyal, and we could not forget that he had been our
captain, we still felt a great affection for him, more indeed than he
had shown us when it was in his power to have remembered us, according
to his majesty's express desire.

After we had thus selected our two procuradores, a lengthened discussion
took place as to the particular points that were to be impressed on his
majesty's mind. The president and his colleagues, on their part,
maintained that it was imperative on all the procuradores to declare
that it would be both injurious to the cause of religion and the true
interests of the crown if Cortes returned to New Spain, for his presence
would only create factions and disturbances among the inhabitants, and
a good government would be totally impracticable; that moreover it was
not unlikely he would seize the first opportunity of taking forcible
possession of the country, and declare his independence of the Spanish
crown. These assertions most of us Conquistadores positively denied, and
we maintained that his majesty had not a more devoted and faithful
servant than Cortes.

About this time also Alvarado returned from Spain, as governor and chief
justice of Guatimala, and comendador of Santiago. He was accompanied by
his newly-married wife, Dona Francisca de la Cueva, who, however, died
soon after her arrival at Vera Cruz, so that Alvarado and his suite
arrived in Mexico clad in the deepest mourning. As soon as he learnt the
nature of the petition which the auditors were going to despatch to his
majesty, he managed that we should draw up a joint address to the
emperor, in which we fully explained to his majesty the real object the
president and his colleagues had in view. When therefore the two
above-mentioned procuradores laid their papers before the council of the
Indies, the members of this body readily perceived that they contained
nothing but a rancorous feeling against Cortes. Not the slightest notice
therefore was taken of these representations, and the imperial decree
for the cashiering of the auditors was confirmed. Cortes was at that
time still in Spain, and it may naturally be supposed that all these
attempts to injure him turned out to his advantage, and added to his
honour.

Nuno de Guzman in the meantime sent out an expedition to Xalisco for the
colonization of this province, in which, it will be seen, he was more
fortunate than Cortes, who had previously made a similar attempt.




CHAPTER CXCVII.

    _How Nuno de Guzman, on the intelligence that the emperor had
    cashiered the royal court of audience, determines to subdue the
    province of Xalisco, at present called New Galicia._


Nuno de Guzman, finding that his power in New Spain was drawing to an
end, assembled a large body of troops, consisting of cavaliers,
crossbow-men, and musketeers, for an expedition to the province of
Xalisco. Those who were not willing to accompany him he compelled, or
made them give a certain sum of money to hire a substitute. He seized
every horse he could lay his hands on, and at most only paid half their
value. The more wealthy inhabitants of the metropolis were obliged to
contribute as much money as they could spare, and a large number of
Indian auxiliary troops and porters were joined to the expedition.

Guzman's troops everywhere committed terrible depredations. The first
province he marched through was Mechoacan, the inhabitants of which
still possessed abundance of gold, though not of the finest quality, as
it contained a considerable alloy of silver, for which reason Guzman
compelled them to contribute a larger amount. Casonci, the principal
cazique of the province, boldly refused to give him so great a quantity
of gold as he demanded, wherefore Guzman ordered him to be tortured, by
pouring hot oil over his feet; but as the unfortunate cazique,
notwithstanding all the torments he endured, still remained firm to his
purpose, he was ordered to be hung. This was the most cruel and wicked
deed the president ever perpetrated, and he himself was the only guilty
person, for the whole of his men expressed their horror at this inhuman
act. Out of this province he took with him a great number of Indians, to
transport his baggage to the spot where he built the present town of
Compostella; which, however, cost the imperial treasury a vast sum of
money, besides the heavy contributions he levied on the inhabitants of
Mexico, a number of whom he compelled to settle in the new town. As I
did not accompany this expedition, I will not go into its particulars;
but I know well that neither Cortes nor Nuno de Guzman drew any
advantages from it, and that the latter remained in the province of
Xalisco until his majesty issued orders for him to be seized, and
brought back a prisoner to Mexico, at Guzman's own expense, there to
render an account of his government to the new court of audience which
his majesty had appointed. It was at the particular request of Matienzo
and of Delgadillo that these steps were taken against him. We will now,
however, leave him to his own fate, and see who the new members of the
royal court of audience were.




CHAPTER CXCVIII.

    _The arrival of the new members of the royal court of audience in
    Mexico._


I have above mentioned the orders which his majesty issued with respect
to the formation of a new court of audience, which was solely composed
of men of intelligence and strict justice, and choice was made of the
following persons: Don Sebastian Fuen Leal, as president, who at that
time was bishop of St. Domingo; auditors, the licentiate Maldonado, of
Salamanca; Francisco de Cainos, of Toro or of Zamora; Vasco de Quiroga,
of Madrigal, subsequently bishop of Mechoacan; and Salmeron, of Madrid.
The auditors arrived in Mexico before the president, and they, as well
as the latter, who came a few days after, were received with great
splendour.

These gentlemen immediately instituted a general inquiry into the
government of the late auditors. Numbers of the inhabitants, with the
procuradores from every town of New Spain, besides several Indian
chiefs, repaired without delay to Mexico, and brought such a mass of
accusations against the late auditors, of oppression, extortion, and of
injustice, that the present auditors were utterly astounded. Cortes'
agents also complained of the illegal manner in which Nuno de Guzman and
his colleagues had seized part of the former's property, and sold it by
public auction to the highest bidder. The agents then claimed damages to
the amount of 200,000 pesos. As Nuno de Guzman refused to appear in
Mexico at the summons of the auditors, obstinately refusing to leave the
province of Xalisco, Delgadillo and Matienzo had alone to answer all
these accusations; they, however, threw all the guilt on the shoulders
of Guzman, who, in his capacity of president, they said, had acted on
his own authority, and therefore was the only responsible person.

As Guzman refused to appear before the auditors, all they could do for
the present was to forward his majesty an account of the state of
affairs in New Spain; for they feared, by employing open force, to
create insurrection throughout the country. The council of the Indies,
on receiving this information, despatched to Mexico the licentiate de la
Torre, with orders to repair in person to the province of Xalisco, there
to institute an inquiry against Guzman, and to take him prisoner to
Mexico. This licentiate was also commissioned to see that Guzman repaid
us the money he had obliged us to pay to the wife of Narvaez, as an
indemnification for the losses the latter sustained in our expedition
against him.

The auditors in the meantime continued their investigations, and first
of all ordered the possessions of Delgadillo and of Matienzo sold, to
pay the demands which were made against them; and as the moneys arising
from the sale of their property was not sufficient to satisfy these,
they were to be imprisoned. In like manner they served Berrio, the
brother of Delgadillo, who, in his capacity of alcalde-mayor of Guaxaca,
had thought proper to exercise every species of oppression. The whole of
his property was sold, and he himself thrown into prison, where he died
some time after. Another of Delgadillo's relatives, alcalde-mayor of the
country of the Zatopecs, shared a similar fate.

The new auditors were altogether strictly honest and just in their
proceedings; they were, indeed, men whose only aim was to serve God, and
to watch the true interests of the crown. They were unwearied in their
labours to promote the happiness of the Indian population, made the best
regulations for their being instructed in the doctrine of our holy
faith, and abolished all further marking of slaves.

As two of the auditors, Salmeron and Cainos, were far advanced in age,
they begged permission of his majesty, after a stay of four years in
Mexico, to return to Spain, there to spend the large fortunes which they
had honestly gained, in peace and retirement. His majesty, being
satisfactorily convinced of the excellent conduct they had pursued in
their government, readily granted their request. The emperor at the same
time also recalled the president Don Sebastian, to learn from him the
true state of affairs in New Spain, and soon after appointed him
president of the supreme court of justice at Granada. From this place he
was some time after removed to Valladolid, made bishop of Tui, soon
after bishop of Leon, and then bishop of Cuenca; so that one episcopal
appointment followed the other in quick succession, all of which he
obtained by the strict justice he observed in all matters that came
before him. After this last promotion death called him away, and it
appears to me, according to our holy faith, that he is clothed with the
glory of the blessed in heaven. During the stay of this excellent man in
Mexico I had often occasion to confer personally with him, and I at all
times found him a man of excellent disposition, whose love of justice
knew no bounds. The same kindness of heart he had shown as bishop of St.
Domingo, and previously as inquisitor at Seville.

The licentiate Alonso Maldonado, whom his majesty appointed president
and governor of the provinces of Guatimala, Honduras, and Nicaragua,
likewise possessed every good quality, and was subsequently appointed
governor of Yucatan jointly with his father-in-law Don Francisco de
Montejo.

The licentiate Quiroga also possessed similar virtues, and was
afterwards made bishop of Mechoacan. Thus were these excellent men
rewarded for their virtues; while Delgadillo and Matienzo returned poor
and despised to Spain, where they died a couple of years after in
obscurity.

About this time it pleased his majesty to appoint a viceroy of New
Spain, in the person of the illustrious and excellent cavalier Don
Antonio de Mendoza, whose memory will be honoured to eternity. The
viceroy brought with him, as the new auditors, the doctor Quesada, of
Ledesma, and the licentiate Tejada, of Logrono. As the auditor Maldonado
shortly after left for the province of Guatimala, another person was
appointed in his place, named Loaisa, of Ciudad Real. He was a man
advanced in age, and, after staying a few years in Mexico, he returned
with a handsome fortune to Spain. After him the licentiate Santillana,
of Seville, was appointed an auditor, and the whole of these men
observed the strictest justice in their conduct. Their entry into Mexico
was uncommonly splendid, and they immediately announced to the public
that all those persons who had any complaints to make against the late
members of the court of audience should forthwith produce them. However,
not a single person came forward to offer any, and their government was
pronounced irreproachable.

The first thing which the viceroy did on his arrival in Mexico was to
try if he could not induce Nuno de Guzman to come to terms, without
using open force. For this purpose he invited him to Mexico; and when he
had arrived there, he gave him lodgings in his own palace, treated him
with every possible respect, and allowed him to dine every day at his
own table. While Guzman was staying here, the licentiate De la Torre
arrived, who was commissioned by his majesty to take Guzman prisoner,
and, after communicating with the viceroy, to bring him to trial. The
licentiate De la Torre finding, however, that the viceroy was very
unwilling to assist him in this matter, repaired in person to his
palace, seized the person of Guzman, and threw him into prison, where he
remained for several days, until he was set at liberty again by the
viceroy.

When the disaffected portion of the inhabitants of Mexico found that the
licentiate De la Torre was determined to make the minutest inquiry into
the late conduct of Guzman, if they could do nothing else, they at least
resolved to injure his good name, for which the licentiate's gambling
propensity gave them the best opportunity. At that time it was the
fashion (particularly for those persons who practised in the law courts)
to wear a kind of loose coat with very wide sleeves. In one of the
sleeves of such a coat belonging to the licentiate, one of Guzman's
partisans ingeniously managed to fasten a small pack of cards in such a
manner that they should not fall out immediately. When the licentiate,
accompanied by several distinguished personages, was walking across the
large square at Mexico, the person who had concealed the cards so
contrived it that they dropped one after the other out of his sleeve on
the ground, so as to mark his way as he went along. At length this was
observed by those who accompanied him, and they drew his attention to
what was falling from his coat. This malicious piece of frolic, as may
he imagined, annoyed the licentiate excessively, and he exclaimed, "It
appears to me that the people here are not exactly pleased with the
impartial justice I exercise; however, if I live, his majesty shall
certainly be made acquainted with the insult which has thus been offered
to me."

A few days after this trick had been played off upon him, he actually
fell ill from downright vexation, and died.




CHAPTER CXCIX.

    _Cortes returns to New Spain as marquis del Valle Oaxaca, and
    captain-general of New Spain and of the South Sea, accompanied by
    his wife Dona Maria de Zuniga, and father Leguizamo and other
    monks._


Cortes having now been so long absent in Spain, and having married a
second wife, was very desirous of returning to New Spain, in order to
take the management of his property into his own hands again, and enter
into possession of the marquisate which the emperor had bestowed upon
him. As he was well aware how matters stood in Mexico, he hastened his
departure, and embarked with his whole household and twelve monks of the
order of Charity, who were to continue the good work of conversion
commenced by father Olmedo and by several other pious men mentioned in
former chapters. The general of this order again selected for Cortes
virtuous and excellent men, at the head of whom he placed father Juan de
Leguizamo, of Biscay, a man of great learning and piety, and who was the
confessor both of Cortes and his wife.

Cortes this time again had a very favorable passage; but, unfortunately,
one of the monks died a few days after his arrival in Vera Cruz. In this
town Cortes was received with every mark of respect, but not with the
former splendour. From Vera Cruz he travelled to some of the townships
belonging to his marquisate, and thence to Mexico, in order to have
himself proclaimed captain-general of New Spain and of the South Sea,
and to desire the viceroy and the royal auditors to count out to him the
number of his subjects according to his own views. The emperor, when
granting him the marquisate, had stated how many inhabitants it was to
contain, but I cannot remember the exact number. However, I know it came
to a lawsuit; for when Cortes begged of his majesty to bestow these
Indians on him, he counted one whole household, including the sons,
sons-in-law, and servants, as one person. But the royal court of
audience explained this in a very different manner; for doctor Quesada,
one of the auditors, being commissioned to make the enumeration, counted
all the full-grown members of a family separately, reckoning the slaves
and servants in a similar manner. In this way one house often contained
from ten to fifteen subjects; instead of which, Cortes said that each
house must only be considered as one individual, and maintained that his
majesty fully intended, when he presented him with the several
townships, that the number of inhabitants should be the number of
houses. This matter involved him in lawsuits, and he became at variance
both with the viceroy and the auditors, who then laid the matter before
his majesty, but no decision was come to for several years, during which
time the marquis continued to levy his tribute according to his own
views.

Cortes, on his arrival in New Spain, staid but very few days at Mexico,
and took up his permanent abode with his wife in the town of
Quauhnahuac, which also belonged to his marquisate. He now occupied
himself in fitting out the armament according to his agreement with the
empress Isabella, of glorious memory, and with the council of the
Indies, for discoveries in the South Sea. This armament he fitted out in
the town of Teguantepec, which at that time formed part of his
marquisate, and in the harbours of Zacatula and Acapulco.

How this expedition terminated I will relate in the following chapter,
from which will be seen that Cortes' undertakings were no longer
attended with success.




CHAPTER CC.

    _Of the vast expenses to which the marquis Hernando Cortes put
    himself in fitting out the expeditions to the South Sea, and of
    their unfortunate termination._


The marquis Del Valle had, previous to his departure for Spain, during
the government of Marcos de Aguilar, built two vessels, on board of
which he put 250 men, all well-armed, and a number of excellent sailors.
The command of these vessels he gave to a cavalier named Alvarado de
Saavedra, and they were abundantly victualled for one year, besides
carrying a large quantity of goods for barter.

Saavedra was instructed to shape his course to the Moluccas, or towards
China, and the main object was to discover some direct route from the
Spanish possessions to the Spice islands. This expedition was undertaken
at his majesty's express desire in a letter to Cortes, dated Granada,
the 22d of June, 1526. I am particular in mentioning these
circumstances, because Cortes showed this letter to me and other of the
Conquistadores who were about him at the time. In this letter the
emperor also ordered that Cortes' armament should go in search of
another more extensive one which had set sail direct from Spain for
China, and was commanded by Don Garcia de Loaysa, comendador of the
order of St. John.

When Saavedra was about to set sail, a small vessel arrived off the
coast of Guantepec, belonging to the squadron under Loaysa. The captain
of this vessel, whose name was Ortuno de Lango, gave Saavedra a full
account of the fate of Loaysa's expedition, and explained to him in what
direction he was to sail. Saavedra then persuaded the pilot and a couple
of Ortuno's sailors to join him, and set sail, after attending mass, in
the month of December, 1527, from Ciguatepec, lying in the province of
Colima or Zacatula. This armament, indeed, reached the Moluccas, and
visited several other islands, but suffered dreadfully from heavy
tempests, hunger, and disease, and many of the men died. One of the
sailors who accompanied this expedition I saw three years after at
Mexico, and he told me marvellous things of the towns and islands which
Saavedra had visited. If my memory is correct, (for many years have
since elapsed,) Saavedra, with all his men, were taken prisoners by the
Portuguese there, and transported to Spain, or brought back thither at
his majesty's request.

After this first armament had departed, Cortes fitted out two more
vessels with eighty musketeers and crossbow-men. The command of these
vessels he gave to a certain Diego Hurtado Mendoza, who set sail from
Acapulco in the month of May, 1532, for the discovery of islands and new
countries. The captain Hurtado, however, did nothing of all this, and
durst not even venture far out at sea, so that the greater part of his
men at length grew wearied of sailing about to no purpose, refused all
further obedience to him, and deserted with one of the vessels; though
these men afterwards positively declared that the two vessels parted
with the captain's consent, who granted them permission to return with
one of the vessels to Spain: but this account cannot be credited, and
the men no doubt took forcible possession of the vessel. However, they
had not been separated long before the vessel was cast on shore by a
severe storm, and, after undergoing many fatigues, the crew arrived at
Xalisco, whence the news of their misfortune speedily reached Mexico.
Hurtado, in the meantime, continued to sail along the coast, but all at
once his vessel disappeared, nor was she or any of those on board ever
after heard of.

Cortes was excessively grieved at this loss, yet it did not deter him
from fitting out other armaments for the same purpose. He had already
built two more vessels at his own expense, which were lying in the
harbour of Guantepec, and were manned with seventy soldiers. The command
of one of these vessels he gave to a cavalier named Diego Bezerra de
Mendoza, and captain Hernando de Grijalva he appointed to the other,
though Bezerra had the chief command of both. Ortuna Ximenes, of Biscay,
a great cosmographer, accompanied this expedition, as chief pilot.
Bezerra's instructions were to go in quest of Hurtado; but if he should
not fall in with him, he was to steer at a venture for the main ocean in
search of islands and new countries; for it was said there were many
islands in the South Sea which produced immense quantities of pearls.
The chief pilot Ximenes was so confident of the good success of this
expedition that he promised the men on board he would steer them to
countries where they would all become rich, and many there were who
firmly believed what he said.

These expectations, however, vanished with the very first night after
the vessels had left the harbour of Guantepec, for a contrary wind
arose, which parted the two vessels, and they never joined again. Very
favorable weather indeed soon returned, and the vessels might easily
have fallen in with each other again if Grijalva had not made direct for
the main ocean in order to evade the superior command of Bezerra, who
was a haughty and ill-disposed man. Grijalva sailed on to the distance
of above 800 miles, and discovered an unknown island, to which he gave
the name of St. Thomas. Bezerra with his vessel had likewise continued
to sail forward, but he soon fell out with the chief pilot Ximenes, who,
with his countrymen of Biscay and a greater part of the troops fell upon
Bezerra in the night, and put him to death, with several of the
soldiers; even greater loss of life would have ensued if two Franciscan
monks who were on board had not interfered, and persuaded Ximenes and
the other conspirators to put them on shore on the coast of Xalisco with
several of the men who were wounded in the scuffle. Ximenes now
continued his course, and came to an island which he named Santa Cruz,
where, according to all accounts, there were fine pearl fisheries. This
island was inhabited by a savage tribe of Indians, and they massacred
Ximenes with the whole of the men who had accompanied him on shore to
take in fresh water. The few sailors who had remained on board put back
with the vessel to the harbour of Xalisco, where they related all that
had taken place and spread a vast account of the large population and
the rich pearl fisheries of the island they had discovered. These
accounts soon reached Mexico, and as may be imagined, were anything but
pleasing to Cortes; but as he was a man whose spirits were not easily
damped by adversity, he determined in future not to trust similar
expeditions to other hands, but to take the chief command himself. By
this time three other fine vessels were lying in readiness at Guantepec,
with which he proposed to sail out in person, for he felt a great
temptation to visit the above-mentioned pearl island, besides that he
fully believed there were other large continents to be discovered in the
South Sea.

As soon as it was known in New Spain that Cortes was going to head the
expedition in person, no one any longer doubted of its good success, and
of the riches it would produce those who joined it; and so many
cavaliers, musketeers, and crossbow-men offered their services, that
their number soon amounted to above 380 men, among whom were thirty
married men, accompanied by their wives.

These vessels were provided with a copious supply of the best of
provisions, with all kinds of ammunition, and tools of various
descriptions. The most experienced pilots and sailors were hired, who,
with the troops, received instructions to repair by a certain route to
the harbour of Guantepec, while Cortes, with Andreas de Tapia, several
other officers, a few priests, surgeons, physicians, and an apothecary,
travelled thither by another road. When he arrived at the harbour above
mentioned he found the three vessels in readiness, and immediately set
sail with the first body of troops for the bay or island of Santa Cruz,
where he landed safely in the month of May, 1535.[51] The three vessels
then put back for Guantepec to fetch the ladies and the rest of the men
who had remained behind under the command of Tapia. This time, however,
the passage was not so favorable, for the vessels were driven out of
their course by a violent wind into the mouth of a wide river, to which
they gave the name of St. Peter and St. Paul. The vessels, on leaving
this river, to get into their right course again, were overtaken by
another storm, and they became separated from each other. There was only
one which reached the harbour of Santa Cruz; the second was cast on
shore off Xalisco, the men on board narrowly escaping a watery grave,
and becoming wearied of the perils of the sea, they dispersed themselves
through New Spain, only a few remaining in the province of Xalisco; the
third vessel ran into a bay, to which the men gave the name of the bay
of Guajava, on account of the numbers of Guajava trees they saw growing
there.[52] But this vessel likewise ran aground, nor were the hands on
board able to set her afloat again. Cortes in the meantime was
impatiently awaiting the arrival of these vessels, particularly as all
his provisions were consumed, for the greater part of the biscuits and
salted meat was on board the vessel which had got ashore off Xalisco. As
the inhabitants of Santa Cruz are perfect savages, and neither grow
maise nor in anywise till the ground, but merely live on wild fruits,
fish, and animals, there arose so dreadful a famine among Cortes'
troops, that twenty-three of the men died of hunger and disease. The
greater part of the remaining troops likewise suffered from ill-health,
and they threw out bitter curses against Cortes, the island, and the
whole voyage of discovery.

Cortes, determining, if possible, to put an end to their distress, ran
out with the vessel which had arrived in search of the two others,
taking with him fifty men, two smiths, and several shipwrights. On
arriving off Xalisco he found one of them lying on a sand-bank, quite
deserted, and the other he discovered jammed between the coral rocks. By
dint of the utmost exertions he succeeded in setting them afloat again;
and, after the carpenters had properly repaired them, he arrived safely
with the two vessels and their cargoes at Santa Cruz. Those of the
troops who had not tasted any nourishing food for so long a time ate so
ravenously of the salted meat that half of them died of a violent
dysentery.

In order not to witness this scene of misery any longer, Cortes again
set sail from Santa Cruz, and discovered the coast of California. Cortes
himself was in very bad health about this time, and he would gladly have
returned to New Spain but he feared the slanderous tongues of his
enemies, who would be sure to make their observations respecting the
large sums of money he expended in the discovery of countries which held
out no advantage; besides, he could not brook the idea that people
should say, all his present undertakings were failures, and that this
was owing to the curses which the veteran Conquistadores of New Spain
had heaped upon him.

During the whole of this time the marchioness Del Valle had heard no
tidings of her husband, and as information had been received that a
vessel had been wrecked off the coast of Xalisco, she became excessively
low-spirited, and felt almost sure that her husband had been lost at
sea. In order, however, if possible, to gain some certain information
respecting her husband's fate, she sent out two vessels, under the
command of a captain named Ulloa, to whom she gave a letter for her
husband if he should perchance meet with him alive, in which she
fervently begged of him to return to Mexico and his beautiful
possessions; to think of his children, and no longer to tempt fortune,
but to content himself with his former deeds of valour, which had
spread his fame throughout the whole world. In the same way the viceroy
Mendoza also wrote to him, and desired him, in the most courteous and
friendly terms, to return.

Ulloa had a most favorable voyage, and soon arrived in the harbour where
Cortes lay at anchor. The letters of his wife, with those of his
children and of the viceroy, had so much effect upon him, that he gave
the command of his vessels and troops to Ulloa, embarked for Acapulco,
and when he had arrived here he hastened to Quauhnahuac, where his wife
resided. The joy of his family at his safe return may easily be
imagined; but the viceroy, with the royal auditors, and the whole of the
inhabitants of Mexico, were no less so, as they feared a general
insurrection of the caziques of New Spain, who were going to take
advantage of Cortes' absence.

Shortly after also, the troops arrived which had been left behind in
California, but I cannot say whether they left this country of their own
choice or by permission of the viceroy and royal court of audience.

Cortes had scarcely enjoyed a few months' repose when he sent out a more
considerable armament, under the command of Ulloa, and this time by the
express command of the royal court of audience, and according to the
agreement he had made with his majesty. This armament left the harbour
de la Natividad in the month of June, of one thousand five hundred and
thirty, and so many years--I forget the exact year; and Ulloa received
instructions, first of all, to shape his course along the coast in
search of Hurtado, of whom nothing had been heard since his departure.
Ulloa sailed up and down in this manner for the space of seven months,
and then returned to the harbour of Xalisco without having accomplished
anything worthy of mention; but he had not been many days on shore when
he was waylaid by one of his men and stabbed to death.

Thus miserably terminated the several expeditions which Cortes fitted
out in the South Sea, and I have frequently been assured that they cost
him above 300,000 pesos. Cortes, therefore, determined to repair in
person to Spain to solicit a reimbursement of this sum from his majesty,
and also to bring the dispute with respect to his marquisate to some
favorable issue; and lastly, to force Nuno de Guzman, who had been taken
prisoner to Spain, to pay him the large amount of damages in which he
had been condemned by the royal court of audience.

When we reflect that none of his undertakings were attended with success
after the conquest of New Spain, we cannot at least feel surprised that
people should say, he was pursued by the curses which were heaped upon
him.




CHAPTER CCI.

    _Of the great festivities which took place in Mexico on account of
    the peace which was concluded between our emperor and the king of
    France; and of Cortes' second journey to Spain._


In the year 1538 intelligence arrived from Spain that our emperor, of
glorious memory, had repaired to France, and was most splendidly
received by the French monarch in the harbour of Aigues-Mortes. Here the
two monarchs met, embraced each other most affectionately, and concluded
a treaty of peace.[53] At this interview, which was celebrated by
various festivities, there was also present queen Eleanor, the mother of
the French king, and sister to our emperor.

In order to celebrate this happy event, the viceroy of New Spain,
Mendoza, the marquis del Valle, the royal auditors, and several of the
most distinguished Conquistadores gave splendid feasts. By this time
Cortes and the viceroy had become good friends again, after having been
for a length of time at variance with each other respecting the number
of Indians belonging to his marquisate, and on account of the favour
which the viceroy showed Nuno de Guzman. As far as I am able to judge,
such splendid tournaments, sham fights, masquerades, bull fights, and
public rejoicings, were never seen in Spain as took place in Mexico on
this occasion. Similar festivities were celebrated as in ancient Rome,
when a consul or a victorious general made a triumphal entry into the
city; and all these rejoicings were superintended by a Roman cavalier,
named Luis de Leon, who was said to be a descendant of some ancient
patrician family of Rome.

When all these festivities were ended, Cortes ordered the necessary
preparations to be made for his departure, and he invited me to
accompany him, promising to obtain for me from the council of the Indies
a grant of more lucrative townships than would be conferred upon me by
the royal court of audience in Mexico. I accordingly embarked for Spain,
and arrived there a couple of months before Cortes, who said he had been
detained by a bad leg, and because he had not so soon been able to
collect the quantity of gold he was desirous of taking with him on this
voyage. It was in the year 1540 that Cortes thus, for the second time,
arrived in Spain; and as the empress Isabella, of glorious memory, died
in the month of May of the preceding year, the whole of Spain was still
in deep mourning for her; and I, in my capacity of regidor of the town
of Guacasualco, and as the oldest of the Conquistadores, had likewise
put on deep mourning on arriving at the imperial court.

At this same time Hernando Pizarro, with his suite, consisting of above
forty persons, all in deep mourning, likewise arrived in Madrid, where
the court was then staying. Cortes and his suite arrived in the city
almost at the same moment, was splendidly received by order of the
council of the Indies, and took up his abode with the comendador Juan de
Castilla. Upon the whole he was treated with the utmost respect, for
whenever he went to attend the sittings of the council of the Indies,
one of the auditors was sent to meet him at the door, and a seat was
given him on the same bench with the president and the auditors.

Cortes never afterwards visited New Spain, for notwithstanding the
admiral of Castile, the duke of Bejar, the comendador-mayor of Leon, and
Dona Maria de Mendoza used all their influence with his majesty, he
never could obtain leave to repair thither again. Each time these
distinguished personages solicited the emperor, his majesty answered,
"That all the investigations against Cortes must first be brought to an
issue before he could grant him permission to return." Yet no one seemed
to stir in the matter, and the council of the Indies would not say
anything until his majesty should have returned from Flanders, whither
he was gone to punish the town of Ghent. Neither was Nuno de Guzman
allowed to return to New Spain, and though he was condemned in a heavy
fine, he was allowed to retain possession of his commendaries in the
province of Xalisco; and he likewise, with his suite, went about the
town of Madrid clad in deep mourning. And as Cortes, Pizarro, Guzman,
and several other personages of New Spain and Peru, were continually
before the eyes of the public, we were derisively dubbed the mourning
Indians of Peru. It was no joke, however, for Pizarro, for he was
shortly after imprisoned in the Mota of Medina.

I myself returned to New Spain, and the first thing I heard on my
arrival there was, that an insurrection had broken out among the
mountain tribes of Cochitlan, in the province of Xalisco, to quell which
the viceroy had despatched thither several officers, among whom was a
certain Christobal Onate. The Indians, however, defended themselves so
courageously that the civic authorities of Mexico applied for assistance
to Alvarado, who was at that time busily occupied in fitting out an
extensive armament in Guatimala, destined for China; yet Alvarado
readily consented to render the assistance required, and set out by
forced marches for Cochitlan with a large body of troops. In this
campaign he met with a fatal accident, which I will relate in a
following chapter. I have now to speak of two armaments which left New
Spain, one fitted out by the viceroy, the other by Alvarado.




CHAPTER CCII.[54]

    _How the viceroy sends out a squadron of three vessels into the
    South Sea to the assistance of Francisco Vasquez Coronado, in the
    conquest of Cibola._


I have already mentioned in a former chapter that the viceroy and the
royal auditors had sent out an armament for the discovery of the seven
towns, which are also termed the towns of Cibola. A certain cavalier of
Salamanca, called Francisco Vasquez Coronado, who was governor of the
province of Xalisco, and was married to the beautiful and virtuous
daughter of the treasurer Estrada, had marched out as captain-general
with a strong body of horse and foot, in order further to explore the
country. Having appointed a certain Onate to govern in his absence, he
took his route overland, and arrived, in the space of a few months,
among the so-termed seven towns. Whether he had despatched thither the
Franciscan monk, father Marcos de Nizza, in advance, or whether both
arrived there at the same time, I am unable to say; however, when they
came into the country of Cibola they found to their surprise the meadows
abounding with cows and bulls, though different in shape to ours in
Spain; the houses of the towns were several stories high, and were
ascended by regular steps. The father seeing all this considered it well
worth his while to return to Mexico and inform the viceroy of the
country they had discovered, that he might send thither an armament of
some extent. This the viceroy accordingly did, and he sent out three
vessels under the chief command of Hernando Alcaron, one of the officers
of his household, who was accompanied by Marcos Ruiz de Rojas, of
Madrid, and a certain Maldonado, as second in command. I ought to
mention that all I have related respecting the discovery of this country
I have from hearsay.




CHAPTER CCIII.

    _Of a very extensive armament which was fitted out by Alvarado in
    the year 1537._


Here I must not pass by in silence the vast armament which Alvarado
fitted out in the year 1537, in the harbour of Acaxatla, lying on the
coast of the South Sea, in the province of Guatimala, of which he was
then governor.

This expedition was fitted out according to an agreement he had entered
into with the crown during his stay in Spain, by which he bound himself
down to fit out a certain number of vessels at his own expense, for the
express purpose of discovering some western passage to China, the
Moluccas, or to other of the Spice islands. In consideration of which he
was promised a certain portion of the lands he should discover, or of
the annual rents that should arise from them; however, as I never saw
this agreement myself, I am unable to give any further particulars about
it.

Alvarado, who had always proved himself a most faithful servant to his
majesty, both during the conquest of New Spain and in the campaigns of
Peru, and, with his four brothers, had taken every opportunity to
promote the interests of the crown, was desirous on this occasion to
surpass every armament which Cortes had fitted out before him. He
therefore equipped thirteen vessels of considerable burden, all well
provided with ammunition, provisions, and water, and care was taken to
select the best sailors and the most experienced pilots. As the harbour
where he built these vessels lay above 800 miles from Vera Cruz, all the
ironwork and the greater part of the building materials had to be
transported thither from the latter port by land; and all this proved so
expensive to him, that he might have built eighty vessels of the same
size at Seville for an equal sum of money. He not only spent in fitting
out this armament all the riches he had brought with him from Peru, and
all the gold he could collect from his mines in Guatimala and other
possessions, but he borrowed large sums of money, besides that he
purchased quantities of goods on credit. To all of which was added the
large sums of money he had to pay the captains of the vessels, the
officers, and the troops, which amounted to 650 men; further, the
purchase of horses, the best of which cost him 300 pesos a piece, and
the inferior ones from 150 to 200 pesos; and lastly, the cost of a
considerable store of ammunition and powder. In short, the sums of money
he laid out were beyond conception. By this expedition he not only
thought to render his majesty distinguished services, but he also hoped
to reach China, the Moluccas, or the Spice islands, by a western
passage, and either to make conquests there, or at least to open a trade
between these countries and the province of which he was governor; he
was therefore determined to stake both his life and the whole of his
property in the enterprise.

The armament being at length fully equipped, Alvarado took the chief
command himself, as captain-general, and ordered the imperial flags to
be hoisted. The number of troops he had on board amounted to 650 men,
including 200 horse, and after attending mass he set sail in the year
1538, but I forget in which month. He first of all shaped his course for
the harbour de la Purificacion, in the province of Xalisco, where he
took a further supply of water and provisions on board, besides a few
additional troops.

When the viceroy received intelligence that so vast an armament had been
fitted out at such a distance from Vera Cruz and Mexico, he was filled
with utter astonishment. He consulted the most experienced pilots and
cosmographers, and learnt from them, but particularly from his relative
Villalobos, who was a very skilful geographer and navigator, that it was
every way possible to reach China by sailing due west from the new
world. This created a great desire in him to share the expenses of the
expedition with Alvarado; for which purpose he first made the latter a
proposal by letter, and then despatched to him his major-domo Agostino
Guerrero and Don Luis de Castilla, to settle the terms of an agreement.
In consequence of this proposal an interview took place between the
viceroy and Alvarado in the township of Chiribitio, lying in the
province of Mechoacan, a commendary belonging to Juan de Alvarado. Here
both these distinguished personages inspected the armament, and then
travelled in company to Mexico, in order to select an officer as
captain-general of the whole expedition. Alvarado was desirous of
appointing his relative Juan de Alvarado, of Guatimala, who, however,
must not be confounded with the person of the same name just mentioned;
but the viceroy's choice fell upon his relative Villalobos. Alvarado
himself had been obliged to relinquish all thoughts of taking the chief
command himself, as the affairs of his own province required his
immediate presence there; nevertheless, he was desirous of being present
at the departure of the armament, for which purpose he journeyed
overland to the harbour of Natividad, where all the vessels lay in
readiness, and only awaited his commands for setting sail.

Just as he was about to issue these commands, he received a letter from
Christobal de Onate, whom, as I have above stated, Vasquez Coronado,
during his absence in Cibola, had appointed governor of Xalisco. In this
letter Onate stated that he was threatened on all sides by large bodies
of Indians, who had, in particular, taken up a strong position on the
mountains of Chochitlan, and had killed a considerable number of his
troops; and that, if he did not receive immediate assistance, he must be
cut off, with the whole of his men. In short, Onate drew so dreadful a
picture of the posture of affairs, that the whole of New Spain itself
seemed to be threatened with destruction, if the Indians could march
down victorious from their strong position on the heights. Alvarado, on
receiving this intelligence, hastened with a large body of troops to
Onate's assistance, whom he indeed found in so perilous a position, that
if this timely help had not come, the Indians would very shortly have
mastered his small body of troops. After Alvarado's arrival the enemy
did not repeat their attacks so often, yet they fought with great
courage each time the combat was renewed. It was in one of these
engagements between the rocky mountains that a horse stumbled, and
rolled headlong down a steep declivity. Alvarado, who happened to be
ascending the same height, was unable to get out of the way of the
rolling horse, which carried him down, and lay upon him, when both
reached the bottom, so that his body was bruised all over, and he found
himself very ill. However, the bruises he had received were not
considered dangerous, and he was conveyed in a sedan to the neighbouring
town de la Purificacion for medical aid, but on his way thither he had
frequent swoons, and scarcely a few days elapsed before he rendered up
his spirit to God, after he had partaken of the holy communion, and made
his confession. Some persons even maintained that he left a will, but
nothing was ever seen of it.

This excellent cavalier would, no doubt, have survived, if he had not
been carried to the town in the weak state he was in, but had been
promptly attended by a surgeon on the spot where the accident took
place. However, it was thus ordained by the Lord, whose will be praised,
and may God have mercy on his soul. Alvarado was buried with every
possible splendour in the town where he breathed his last. Subsequently,
I heard that Juan de Alvarado carried his earthly remains to Chiribitio,
where they were again entombed with the greatest funeral pomp, many alms
were distributed, and several masses were ordered for the repose of his
soul.

When intelligence of Alvarado's death reached the fleet and the
head-quarters of Cochitlan, there being no one there to take the chief
command, a number of the troops dispersed with the money they had
received in advance. The consternation which this sad news created in
Mexico was very great, particularly as the viceroy, after Alvarado's
decease, was desired to send immediate assistance to Xalisco; but as he
was unable to leave himself just then, he despatched the licentiate
Maldonado thither with as large a body of men as could be assembled in
the hurry of the moment; though subsequently he marched in person
against the Indians, and completely subdued them, after protracted and
fatiguing campaigns.

When the news of Alvarado's death reached Guatimala, the grief of his
family knew no bounds; and his wife, Dona Beatriz de la Cueva, with
whom he had lived on the most affectionate terms, cried incessantly, and
she and all the ladies of her household cut off their hair. His death
was also a severe blow to his lovely daughter, his sons, and his
son-in-law Don Francisco de la Cueva, on whom Alvarado had conferred the
government of Guatimala during his absence. Every one of the
Conquistadores of this province deeply lamented his death, and put on
mourning for him. The bishop Don Francisco Marroquin was likewise deeply
affected at the sad news, and performed a solemn mass for the dead,
assisted by the whole body of the clergy, and ordered daily prayers to
be offered up for the repose of his soul. Alvarado's major-domo, to show
his excessive grief, had even plastered all the walls of his house with
a species of black bitumen, which stuck so fast, that it could never
after be taken off again.

Several cavaliers waited upon the disconsolate widow to condole with
her, and begged of her to moderate her grief, and humbly to resign
herself to the will of God. This, as a good Christian, she promised to
do; but as women are unable to moderate their grief for the loss of
those they have loved, she said she was tired of life, and longed to
quit this vale of sorrows. I have merely mentioned this circumstance
because Gomara, in his Chronicles, puts the following blasphemous words
into her mouth: "That the Lord Jesus could not have visited her with a
severer calamity;" and he maintains that it was owing to her having
given utterance to this that the town of Guatimala was shortly after
visited by so direful a calamity; for the volcano, which lies about two
miles from the town, during a violent storm, suddenly vomited huge
masses of stone and clouds of ashes, succeeded by a deluge of water,
from the bursting of the crater, by which a great part of the town where
the widow of Alvarado resided was totally destroyed, and she herself,
with several of her ladies, drowned. However, this lady certainly gave
utterance to nothing more than what I have mentioned above, and what
Gomara states is an invention of his own: and if it pleased the Lord
Jesus to call her away from this earth, it is not for mortal man to
scrutinise the mysterious decrees of heaven.

With respect to this dreadful tempest and earthquake, I will give the
particulars in another place. I cannot help mentioning with regret,
that, notwithstanding the many important services which Alvarado and his
five brothers, as also the other Alvarados, had rendered to the crown,
the sons and daughters of the first-mentioned retained none of the
townships comprehended in his commendary, and that the fact of his
having subdued the whole province was never even taken into
consideration, and it was no longer borne in mind that he accompanied
the expedition under Grijalva, and was present in all the campaigns of
Cortes. The manner in which he himself, his wife, his children, and his
brothers lost their lives, is altogether remarkable. Alvarado himself,
as we have seen, met with his death in the expedition against Cochitlan;
his brother Jorge, who fought in some of the campaigns of Mexico and
those of Guatimala, died in Madrid in the year 1540, whither he had gone
to solicit his majesty for some remuneration for the services he had
rendered the crown; Gomez was killed in Peru; Gonzalo died in Guaxaca or
Mexico; and Juan, who was a natural brother, ended his life at Cuba,
whither he had journeyed to look over some property he possessed in this
island. The eldest of Alvarado's sons, named Don Pedro, repaired, with
his uncle Juan the younger, to Spain, to represent to his majesty the
many valuable services his father had rendered to the crown; but neither
of them were ever after heard of, and they must either have been lost at
sea or taken prisoners by the Moors. His second son, Don Diego, finding
that all his father's property was gone, returned to Peru, where he lost
his life in battle. With respect to Alvarado's widow, I have above
stated how she perished, with several of the ladies of her household,
during a fearful tempest. And thus, unfortunately, did Alvarado die, at
a distance from his wife and daughters, whom he loved with so much
affection; and the wife without her husband, for whom she cherished the
dearest remembrance! One of the sons, in his journey to Spain, was never
heard of again, and the second was killed in Peru. May they become
glorified with the Lord Jesus Christ. Amen!

A short time ago two tombs were constructed near the altar of the
principal church of Guatimala, in one of which the remains of Alvarado
are to be deposited, which were taken to Chiribitio; and in the other
Don Francisco de la Cueva and his wife, Dona Leonora, Alvarado's
daughter, have expressed a wish to be buried, when it shall please the
Almighty to call them from this earthly life.

In order to return to the armament which Alvarado had fitted out, I must
not omit to mention that the viceroy a year after ordered the best of
the vessels to be selected, and these he sent out to sea, under the
command of his relative Villalobos, with instructions to sail in a
westerly direction, in search of China; but as I never heard how this
expedition terminated, I will say nothing further about it; though one
thing is certain, the heirs of Alvarado never derived any advantages
from it, and the whole of the vast sums which Alvarado had expended in
fitting out this armament were for ever lost to the family.

We must now see what Cortes is doing in Spain.




CHAPTER CCIV.

    _What befel the marquis del Valle on his second visit to Spain._


When the emperor, after punishing the town of Ghent, fitted out the
large fleet to besiege Algiers, the marquis del Valle, with his eldest
son, likewise entered the service, and he also took along with him his
natural son Don Martin Cortes, whom he had by Dona Marina, besides
several pages, servants, and horses, and embarked in a fine galley, with
Don Enrique Enriquez. However, as the whole of this fleet, by the
mysterious destiny of heaven, was cast away in a violent storm, the
galley in which Cortes had embarked was also dashed to pieces, and he,
with his son and most of the other cavaliers, narrowly escaped with
their lives. During the universal disorder which reigned at the moment,
when every one saw death before his eyes, Cortes, according to the
assurances of his servants, had tied up his splendid jewels in a
kerchief, and fastened them tight to his arm; for it was customary for
persons of distinction to take their jewels with them; but he
unfortunately lost them in the rush every one made to save his own life;
which indeed must have been a loss to him of several thousands of pesos.

After this great destruction of men and vessels, the principal officers,
who formed the royal council of war, advised his majesty to relinquish
all idea of besieging Algiers, and to withdraw to Bugia, as it would be
fruitless to make any attempts on the former place at present. When
Cortes, who had been purposely excluded from the council of war, learnt
this, he declared, that if his majesty would leave the matter to him, he
would, with the assistance of God, and the good fortune which had ever
attended his majesty's troops, very soon take the town of Algiers, even
with the few remaining forces: and as one word led to another, he
launched out into the praise of his officers and companions in arms, who
had formed the siege of Mexico with him, and he declared that we thought
nothing of hunger and hardships; that we had proved ourselves heroes on
every occasion; and though we had many times been covered with wounds,
and ready to sink with fatigue, yet we used to continue the conflict,
and took every town and fortress that came in our way.

As many cavaliers were present when Cortes uttered this, they did not
fail to acquaint his majesty with it, expressing their regret at the
same time that Cortes had not sat in the council, nor did they omit to
mention that the latter himself felt hurt at his having been excluded.
Other cavaliers, however, openly avowed that he had been purposely
excluded, because it was well to be foreseen he would have opposed the
general opinion of the council, and have given his voice for prosecuting
the siege. After the destruction which had been caused by the tempest,
they continued, advice was scarcely needed, for all that could be done
was to save the life of his majesty, and of so many distinguished
cavaliers who had accompanied him on this expedition. With the
assistance of God, they concluded, the expedition against Algiers might
be renewed on some future occasion: and thus it was resolved the troops
should return to Spain.

After the miserable termination of this perilous expedition, Cortes grew
wearied of any longer stay at court; and as old age was growing upon
him, and he was beginning to feel the effects of the many hardships and
fatigues he had endured through life, his greatest desire was to obtain
permission from the emperor to return to New Spain. To all this may be
added, the breaking off of the marriage which was to have taken place
between his daughter Dona Maria and Don Alvaro Perez Osorio, heir to the
marquisate of Astorga, to whom Cortes had promised, as a marriage gift,
above 100,000 golden ducats, besides other valuable matters. Dona Maria
had expressly arrived in Seville from Mexico, at her father's desire,
that the marriage might be consummated, and he was consequently much
hurt and annoyed when the match was broken off. The fault, it appears,
lay with the bridegroom; and certain it is this matter caused so much
annoyance to Cortes that it brought on a severe fever, accompanied by
dysentery. Finding that his sickness was growing upon him, he left the
town of Seville, and retired to Castilleja de la Cuesta to enjoy more
repose. Here he ordered all his affairs, made his last will, and was
called away from this world of troubles on the 2d of September, 1547,
after receiving the holy sacrament and extreme unction. He was buried
with every pomp and magnificence in the chapel containing the sepultures
of the dukes of Medina Sidonia, and he was followed to the grave by a
large body of the clergy and a number of cavaliers. Subsequently his
remains were taken to New Spain, and interred, according to a desire
expressed in his last will, either in Cojohuacan or Tezcuco,[55] I
forget which.

The following is what I know respecting Cortes' age. When we first set
out with him for New Spain from Cuba, in the year 1519, we often heard
him say in the course of conversation, that he was thirty-four years of
age, and from this day until the day of his death twenty-eight years had
elapsed, which will bring his age to sixty-two.[56]

The following were the children he left behind him born in lawful
wedlock: the present marquis Don Martin; Dona Maria, who was to have
been married to Don Perez Osorio, but who afterwards married the earl of
Luna de Leon; Dona Juana, the wife of Don Hernando Enriquez, heir to the
marquisate of Tarifa; and Dona Catalina de Arellano, who died in
Seville. Besides these there was another daughter of Cortes, named Dona
Leonor, who was married to a wealthy gentleman of Biscay, living in
Mexico, named Juan de Toloso, who possessed lucrative silver mines. When
the present marquis del Valle arrived in New Spain, he greatly
disapproved of this match.

Besides these children, Cortes had two sons and three daughters born out
of wedlock. One of these sons, named Don Martin, was a comendador of
Santiago, whom he had by the interpretress Dona Marina. The other son,
Don Luis, was also a comendador of Santiago, whom he had by a certain
Hermosilla. Of these daughters one was named Pizarro, after her mother,
an Indian woman of Cuba; the other was born of a Mexican woman.[57]
Cortes had, during his lifetime, richly provided for these daughters,
and had bestowed lucrative townships upon them; among others, that of
Chinanta. There is no doubt he also remembered them in his will, for he
was a man of deep penetration and had sufficient time in his latter days
to order all his affairs in a proper manner, he would naturally not omit
to fulfil anything that might tend to lighten his conscience. In this
way, like a good Christian, he also left a fund for erecting an hospital
in Mexico, and a cloister in Cojohuacan, where he desired his remains
might be interred; besides this, he left large sums for other pious
purposes. However, in order not to go too much into detail I will say
nothing further on this head, indeed I have forgotten many circumstances
relative to his bequests.

Cortes' armorial bearings and their motto bespoke his great valour, and
were suitable emblems of his heroic deeds. The motto was in Latin, but
as I am no Latin scholar I will not attempt to explain its meaning. His
escutcheon bore the seven heads, chained, of monarchs whom he had
conquered. These I believe, and have heard others say, represent the
monarchs Motecusuma of Mexico, Cacamatzin of Tezcuco, Cuitlahuatzin of
Iztapalapan; the kings of Tlacupa and Cojohuacan, and a powerful cazique
of the province of Tulapa, near Matlaltzinco, who was nephew to
Motecusuma, and the nearest heir to the throne of Mexico. The last was
Quauhtemoctzin, who fought the terrible battles with us during the siege
of Mexico.

I must now say a few words with respect to Cortes' outward person. He
was of good stature, his limbs well proportioned and strongly knit
together, but his complexion was rather of an ash- grey, nor was
there much cheerfulness in his look; and if his countenance had been
somewhat larger it would have been more handsome. His eyes, generally
speaking, had a remarkably sweet expression, but he could also look very
grave. The hair of his beard, like that of his head, was black, but not
very thick. His chest was well developed, his shoulders broad, his legs
were rather bowed, but his ankles and feet were well proportioned. He
had very little _embonpoint_, and was rather lean. He was a capital
horseman, remarkably expert in all martial exercises, both as a foot and
cavalry soldier; but what was more than this he was uncommonly
courageous and never shrunk back from any danger. In his younger days,
while living at Hispaniola, he had frequent adventures about women, and
often fought with the most expert swordsmen for the possession of some
fair one, and always carried off the palm of victory. On one of these
occasions he was wounded beneath the underlip, the scar of which was
visible through his beard. His bearing, his gait, his conversation, his
behaviour during dinner-time, and the taste he showed in his dress, all
bespoke the cavalier of distinction and good breeding. He always dressed
according to the fashion of the day; wore very little silk, satins, or
expensive damasks; but the whole of his garments were plain and very
neat. He never bedizened himself with heavy gold chains, but always had
the same one, which was of exquisite workmanship, and had attached to it
a kind of trinket, having on one side the image of the blessed virgin,
holding her heavenly Son in her arms; on the other that of St. John the
Baptist, with a Latin inscription. On one of his fingers he wore a
valuable ring set with a most splendid diamond. To his velvet cap was
fastened a medal, with a bust in relief and some name, but I have
forgotten what it was, as latterly he used to wear nothing but cloth
caps, without any medal.

The style in which he lived was that of a person of high distinction. At
the head of his household stood two maestresalas and two mayor-domos; he
had many pages to wait upon him, and everything was served up in gold
and silver. He always made a good dinner, and drank about a pint of wine
diluted with water. He also took suppers; but all his dishes were plain,
excepting on particular occasions, when, indeed, no expense was spared.
He was always affable to us officers and his companions in arms,
particularly to those who joined him in the first instance at Cuba. He
was a good Latin scholar, and whenever he was in conversation with men
of learning he always spoke that language; indeed, I have heard say, he
was a bachelor of laws. He was also fond of poetry, and composed several
pretty pieces himself, and wrote good prose. His manner of speaking was
calm and his sentences were well chosen, and his manner of arguing was
remarkably convincing. When he rose in the morning he prayed from his
breviary, and he attended mass every day with fervent devotion. For his
tutelar saint he had chosen the blessed Virgin Mary, whom, indeed, every
faithful Christian ought to look up to as his protectress and holy
guardian. He also held in particular veneration St. Peter, St. Jacob,
and St. John the Baptist, and was liberal in bestowing alms. His oath
was, Upon my conscience! And whenever he was annoyed with any of us
soldiers who were upon more intimate terms with him, he used to say, May
the plague take you! When he was in a passion, a vein in his forehead
and neck distended considerably; and when excessively annoyed with any
one, he flung down his cloak: yet he never made use of any low or
unbecoming expression to his officers or soldiers. He bore everything
with great patience, and though sometimes the soldiers were very
inconsiderate in their behaviour, yet Cortes never forgot himself in
wrathful expressions towards them, and all he said was, Hold your
tongue! or, In the name of God, be gone, and for the future be more
guarded in your language, for you might have to pay dearly in repeating
such conduct. If he had once made up his mind to anything, he was not to
be dissuaded from it, particularly in matters relating to war; and we
might argue with him as we liked on the inconsiderateness of any command
he might issue, it was all to no purpose,--we were obliged to act up to
it, whatever the cost might be. This was frequently the case on our
expeditions to the large townships which lay on the lake of Mexico, and
in our attacks upon those mountains which are now known by the name of
the Marquis mountains. On the latter occasion it was in vain for us to
represent to him that it would be impossible to storm the rocky heights
against the huge masses of stone which were rolled down upon us; that
all our courage and experience would be of no avail, and that we should
all run the risk of being crushed to pieces. Our words were spoken to
the wind; we were ordered to ascend and peril our lives in the attempt
to scale the rugged heights. The consequence was, a complete failure;
ten or twelve men were killed on the spot, and the whole of us covered
with wounds. On our expedition to the Honduras, after Christobal de Oli
had rebelled, I repeatedly proposed to him that we should march over the
mountains; but he obstinately maintained that the route along the coast
was preferable, nor would he ever believe when I told him that the
country through which I proposed to march was everywhere inhabited: yet
those who are at all acquainted with these parts know that there is a
straight road leading from Guacasualco over Chiapa and Guatimala to
Naco, where Oli had fixed his head-quarters. But then I must also say
that Cortes was always the first to put his hand to any laborious work
we had to do. This he fully showed when we constructed the
fortifications of Vera Cruz, for he himself was the first to take spade
in hand and dig out the earth for laying the foundations. In every
battle that was fought I always found him in the midst of the ranks. As
early as in the battle of Tabasco, where he courageously headed the
cavalry, he showed what kind of officer he was; the excellent example
which he set during the construction of the fortress of Vera Cruz I have
just mentioned. Then we must remember what great determination he showed
when his brave officers and soldiers counselled him to run the thirteen
vessels on shore; and not, as Gomara would have it, without consulting
us. In the three battles which we fought with the warriors of Tlascalla
he proved himself the most courageous of commanders. And then how daring
it was to march into the city of Mexico with only 400 men, and to seize
a monarch like Motecusuma in his own palace, surrounded by so many
thousands of his warriors! It is certainly true he had good officers and
soldiers to counsel him, yet it was an astonishingly bold step on his
part when he ordered Motecusuma's generals, who had killed Juan de
Escalante with seven of his men, to be burned at the stake in front of
the monarch's own palace. And then what a remarkably bold and hazardous
undertaking it was first of all to lead Narvaez and his 1300 well-armed
troops by the nose with a few small presents, and afterwards, with only
266 men, merely armed with pikes and swords, to attack, completely
overthrow them, and take the commander himself prisoner! He displayed
wonderful feats of courage in our attack upon the great temple of
Huitzilopochtli, before our disastrous flight from the city, though
certainly neither his courage nor ours, as it unfortunately turned out,
was of any avail. Shortly upon this, at the memorable battle of Otumpan,
where the flower of the Mexican army was drawn up against us to put us
all to the sword, it was Cortes who made the first run at the Mexican
general-in-chief who carried the imperial standard, and threw him to the
ground, and in an instant the courage of the enemy began to flag; though
it must be borne in mind he was courageously assisted by his brave
officers Alvarado, Sandoval, Oli, Ordas, Dominiguez, Lares, and Tapia,
besides other officers and soldiers who had no horses, but whose names I
will not mention: even several of Narvaez's men fought bravely on this
occasion. It was, however, Juan de Salamanca, of Ontiveros, who gave the
Mexican general the finishing stroke, and tore away the splendid penache
from his head, which he presented to Cortes. How dangerous was not our
position in Iztapalapan? Near Xochimilco the Mexicans had already
dragged him from his horse; and had it not been for our Tlascallan
auxiliaries, and the brave Christobal de Olea, of Old Castile, he would
have been carried off by the enemy. In that unfortunate combat on the
causeway, where sixty-two of our men were taken prisoners and sacrificed
to the Mexican gods, the enemy had already laid hands on our general and
wounded him in the foot; but in that perilous moment it again pleased
the Almighty that Olea should come up to his rescue, assist him on
horseback, and thus save him from a horrible death. But, alas! this
heroic deed cost Olea his own life; and now even, while I am writing
this, the figure and powerful build of Christobal de Olea comes fresh to
my memory, and my heart feels sore with grief, for we were both born in
the same spot, and he was a relative of my relations. I will not,
however, relate the further heroic deeds of the marquis del Valle, for
they are so numerous and astonishing that I should not so soon get to
the end of them. I will now show a few of his peculiarities.

He was excessively fond of gambling at cards and dice, but he never lost
his temper in playing, and he delighted in using those quaint
expressions customary with gamblers. Nothing could exceed his vigilance
during war, and in the night-time he would make the rounds himself, and
visit the different outposts. He would visit the hut of every soldier,
see that his weapons were ready at hand, and that he had his shoes on.
Those whom he found had neglected anything in this way he severely
reprimanded, and compared them to mangy sheep whose own wool is too
heavy for them. During our expedition to the Honduras, he had a peculiar
infirmity about him which I never observed previously, which was, that
if he could not get some little nap after dinner he became so ill that
he vomited up everything he had eaten. We therefore took the precaution
as soon as he had dined to spread a carpet for him beneath some tree or
elsewhere in the shade, on which he took a short repose; it mattered not
whether it was oppressively hot, or that the rain came down in torrents,
it made no difference to him. During the conquest of New Spain he was
very thin, and had scarcely any _embonpoint_; but after our return from
the Honduras he became excessively fat and big-bellied. When his beard
was beginning to grow grey, he used to dye it black. In New Spain and on
his first return to Castile he was uncommonly generous; but on his
second return thither in the year 1540, he was considered very miserly,
and one of his servants, named Ulloa, actually brought an action against
him for non-payment of wages. If we consider his life after the conquest
of New Spain, we shall find that it was full of troubles and sorrows.
The armaments which he fitted out cost him immense sums of money, from
which he never derived any advantage. Both his expedition to the
Honduras and to California proved very unsatisfactory. I hope, however,
that he may meet with his reward in heaven, and I have every reason to
think he will, because he was an honest cavalier, and a devoted reverer
of the blessed Virgin, of the holy apostle St. Peter, and of other
saints. May the Almighty pardon his sins, and mine also; and may he also
grant me a happy death, for this is of more importance than all our
conquests and victories over the Indians.




CHAPTER CCV.

    _Of the brave officers and soldiers who sailed from the island of
    Cuba with the fortunate and spirited captain Hernando Cortes,
    afterwards marquis del Valle._


First I have to mention the marquis Don Hernando Cortes himself, who
died at Castilleja de la Cuesta, near Seville. Then come the following
officers and soldiers.

Don Pedro de Alvarado, who, subsequent to the conquest of New Spain, was
comendador of Santiago, chief justice and governor of Guatimala,
Honduras, and of Chiapa. As we have above seen, he was accidentally
killed in the province of Xalisco.

Gonzalo de Sandoval, a most distinguished officer; he was
alguacil-mayor, and for a short time joint governor of New Spain with
Alonso de Estrada. His majesty had been duly informed of the heroic
conduct which he showed on every occasion. He died at Palos, while on
his journey to court with Cortes to pay his respects to the emperor.

Christobal de Oli, a very brave officer; our quartermaster-general in
the campaign of New Spain: was beheaded at Naco for having revolted with
the troops which Cortes had put under his command.

When Cortes, after the conquest of New Spain, made his first appearance
at court, he particularly praised these three officers, and he told his
majesty that in the army with which he made the conquest of New Spain he
had three officers who could be compared to the most celebrated of any
age. The first he said was Pedro de Alvarado, who, besides being very
courageous, was graceful in his manners, and just the man to become the
father of a race of heroes. The second was Christobal de Oli, whom he
called a real Hector in battle, when he was combating man to man; but
if he had known how to command, he would even have been more than a
Hector. Of Gonzalo de Sandoval he said, that he united power of command,
courage, and valour in such a degree as to constitute him one of the
best officers that Spain ever possessed,--an officer on whom he could at
all times depend, and whose words were followed up by deeds.

On this occasion Cortes likewise spoke of the other brave soldiers who
fought with him in the campaigns of New Spain. It is, however, to be
regretted that he omitted to mention our names with the same praise in
his first despatches as he did when in his majesty's presence. In these
despatches he takes all the glory and merit of our conquests to himself;
and he never so much as mentions the names and heroic deeds of his
officers and brave soldiers; for he only says, This I did, and thus I
commanded my officers to do. For us there only remained the blank piece
of paper at the end, where we had scarcely room to sign our names.

But let us continue the enumeration of our brave companions in arms.

First there was Juan Velasquez de Leon, an officer of great courage and
intrepidity, who lost his life at one of the bridges on the night of
sorrows.

Don Francisco de Montejo, who, subsequent to the conquest of Mexico,
became chief-justice of Yucatan, and died in New Spain.

Luis Marin, a courageous and distinguished officer, died a natural
death.

Pedro de Ircio, a man of middle stature; took short steps, was very
passionate, and was continually talking about his heroic deeds and
adventures in Spain; though among us, who never witnessed any of his
valorous exploits, he was held in very little estimation. We commonly
called him the second Agramant, of many words and few deeds. He was for
a short time an officer in Sandoval's expedition to Tepeaquilla.

Andreas de Tapia, an officer of uncommon courage, died in Mexico.

Juan de Escalante, commandant of Vera Cruz during our first march to
Mexico. He was captured by the Indians in the battle of Almeria, and
died shortly after of his wounds. In this battle seven other soldiers
were killed, whose names, however, I have forgotten. This was the first
defeat which we sustained in New Spain.

Alonso de Avila, a courageous officer, but of a quarrelsome disposition;
for which reason Cortes gave him the appointment of contador, and
despatched him on business to Hispaniola, where the Hieronymite
brotherhood resided, and the royal court of audience held its sittings;
and in order further to appease him, Cortes presented him with a number
of gold bars and valuable trinkets.

Francisco de Lugo, a natural son of a cavalier of Medina del Campo,
named Alvaro de Lugo; he was also a man of uncommon bravery, and died a
natural death.

Andreas de Monjaraz was for some time captain in Mexico, but always in
ill health, and suffered excessively from swellings in his groins, which
rendered him unfit for a soldier. He also died in his bed.

Gregorio de Monjaraz, brother to the former, was an excellent soldier,
became deaf during the siege of Mexico, and died a natural death.

Diego de Ordas was present in the first campaign of Mexico, became a
comendador of the order of Santiago subsequent to the conquest of New
Spain, and perished in an expedition to the river Marannon.

Respecting the four brothers of Alvarado, I have given a full account of
their death in a former chapter.

Juan de Xaramillo commanded a brigantine during the siege of Mexico. He
married our interpretess, Dona Marina, and was a man of distinguished
parts, and also died a natural death.

Christobal de Flores, a man of great courage, was killed during the
expedition of Nuno de Guzman to the province of Xalisco.

Christobal de Gamboa was Cortes' equerry, and died a natural death.

Calcedo was a man of great wealth, and likewise died in his bed.

Francisco de Saucedo, of Medina de Rioseco, a man always very neatly
dressed, and whom we termed the gallant. He had formerly been
maestresala to the admiral of Castile, and perished on the night of
sorrows.

Gonzalo Dominiguez, a man of great courage, and an excellent cavalry
soldier, was taken prisoner by the Indians, and died in captivity.

Francisco de Morla, of Xerez, likewise a brave and distinguished cavalry
soldier, lost his life in the night of sorrows.

There was also another Morla, of Ciudad Rodrigo, killed in an expedition
to the mountains of Guatimala.

Francisco de Bonal, of Salamanca, also a man of great courage, died a
natural death.

There were two brave men of the name of Lares, one a cavalry soldier,
the other a crossbow-man, and both perished at the bridges on the night
of sorrows.

Simon de Cuenca, Cortes' major-domo, was killed, with seven other
Spaniards, by the Indians of Xicalango.

The same misfortune befel Francisco de Medina, who commanded as captain
in one of our expeditions. With him fifteen other soldiers were killed,
but I forget their names.

Maldonado, of Salamanca, whom we commonly called the broad; an officer
who greatly distinguished himself. He died a natural death.

The two brothers Francisco and Juan Chico, of Fregenal. The first was a
merchant, and died of a severe illness at St. Domingo; the second died
in Indian captivity.

Francisco de Terrazas, major-domo of Cortes, greatly distinguished
himself as a soldier, and died a natural death.

Christobal del Corral, our first standard-bearer in Mexico, and a man of
uncommon bravery. He returned to Spain, where he died.

Antonio de Villareal, who married Isabella de Ojeda. He afterwards
changed his name to Antonio Serrano de Cardona. He died a natural death.

Francisco Rodrigues Magarino, a man who greatly distinguished himself,
and also died in his bed.

In the same way Francisco Flores, who was of a noble family, and lived
in Guaxaca.

Alonso de Grado, a better man of business than a soldier, would not
desist from importuning Cortes until he had given him Dona Isabella,
Motecusuma's daughter, in marriage. He also died in his bed.

There were four soldiers of the name of Solis. One was far advanced in
years, and perished on the night of sorrows. The second was a very odd
kind of fellow, we called the helmet, and he ended his days in
Guatimala. The third was Pedro, to whom we gave the name of Tras la
Puerta, because he was always looking out behind his door to see who was
passing by, without, however, any one being able to see him. The fourth
de Solis was called the warrior, but sometimes we also jokingly called
him the silk coat; for he said his health was always good when he wore
silk. These brothers all died a natural death.

The brave soldiers Berritez and Juan Ruano both perished on the night of
sorrows.

Bernardino Vasquez de Tapia, an officer of great distinction, died a
natural death, leaving great wealth behind him.

Christobal de Olea, of Medina del Campo, a soldier of astonishing
courage, and of whom it may be well said, that, next to God, he twice
saved the life of Cortes, as has been related in former chapters.

There was also another courageous soldier among us, who had only one
hand; the other had been cut off in Spain, according to a sentence which
had been passed upon him. This man died in Indian captivity.

Another soldier, named Tuvilla, likewise lost his life in this way. He
limped with one foot, and said he had fought at the battle of
Garigliano, under the great captain.[58]

Of the two brothers Gonsalo and Juan Ximena, the first died in Indian
captivity, and the latter as alcalde-mayor of Vera Cruz.

Juan Cuellar, an excellent cavalry soldier, married the beautiful Dona
Anna, daughter of the king of Tezcuco, and died in his bed; so also the
other Cuellar, a relative of Francisco Verdugo.

Santos Hernandez, of Soria, was rather advanced in years, and we
generally called him the good old scout. He also died as the two former.

Pedro Moreno Medrano lived for a length of time in Vera Cruz, and was
often one of the ordinary alcaldes. He was a man who loved strict
justice, afterwards lived at Puebla, and was a brave soldier, and
devotedly attached to his monarch. He also died in his bed.

Juan Limpias de Carvajal, a brave soldier, commanded one of the
brigantines, and became deaf in battle. He died like the former. So also
Melchior de Galvez, who settled in Guaxaca.

Roman Lopez, a man of great courage, lost an eye during the siege of
Mexico, and afterwards died in Guaxaca.

Villandromo, a relative of the earl of Ribadeo, was also an excellent
soldier, and died in his bed. So also Osorio, of Old Castile, a soldier
of uncommon bravery, and of great weight in Vera Cruz.

The excellent soldier Rodrigo Castanneda died in Spain.

Pilar, who rendered great services, as an interpreter, died in the
expedition of Nuno de Guzman against Cojohuacan.

A soldier of the name of Granado is still living in Mexico.

The excellent soldier Martin Lopez rendered the most efficient services
in building the thirteen brigantines, without which we should scarcely
have been able to subdue the city of Mexico. He is still living, and
resides in this town.

The crossbow-men Juan de Naxara and Ojeda were both excellent soldiers,
the latter of whom lost an eye in the siege of Mexico, and has settled
in the country of the Zapotecs.

La Serna possessed some silver mines, but I do not know what has become
of him.

Alonso Hernandez Puerto Carrero, a cavalier of most distinguished parts,
was thrown into prison, as we have seen, by the bishop of Burgos, where
he ended his days shortly after. He was one of the chief officers who
first sailed with us from Cuba, and I should have mentioned his name
long before this, if he had come sooner to my memory.

Alonso or Juan Luis was remarkably tall, and we used jokingly to call
him the little child. He died in Indian captivity. So also Alonso
Monroy, who was believed to be the son of a comendador of the order of
Santiago.

Hernando Burguenno died a natural death, and was also an excellent
soldier.

Villalobos and Juan del Rio both returned as wealthy men to Spain.

Both Tirado, of Puebla, who was a merchant, and a certain Navarette died
in their beds.

Juan Rico de Alanis died in Indian captivity. Another excellent soldier
was Gonsalo Hernandez de Alanis.

Francisco Martin de Vendabel and his comrade Pedro de Gallego were taken
prisoners, and sacrificed to the Mexican idols. The capture of these men
was entirely owing to Cortes, who, thinking to lay an ambush for the
enemy, was caught in one himself.

There were three soldiers of the name of Truxillos, all men of uncommon
courage, but who died in Indian captivity.

Juan Flamenco, Francisco de Barco, who commanded in Cholulla, and Juan
Perez, who murdered his own wife, all three died a natural death.

Najera, the hunchback, was a remarkably droll fellow; and another
hunchback, named Madrid, were courageous soldiers, and were either
killed in Zacatula or Colima.

Juan de Inhiesta and Alamilla, capital crossbow-men, with Moron, an
excellent musician, and the brave soldier Valera, all four died a
natural death. So also the courageous Villafuerte, who married a
relative of Cortes' first wife; and a certain Gutierres. Valladolid, the
stout, an excellent soldier, died in Indian captivity.

Pacheco greatly distinguished himself, with Hernando de Lerma or Lerna,
who was a captain. Both died peaceably in Mexico.

Suarez the elder, who killed his wife with a stone mortar, also died a
natural death.

Angula, Francisco Gutierrez, and Santa Clara, all three born at the
Havannah, died in Indian captivity.

Garci Caro, and Larios the younger, both died a natural death, and had
settled in Mexico.

Juan Gorrez lived for some time in Guatimala, and returned to Spain a
wealthy man.

Of the two brothers Ximenes, of Linguijuela in Estremadura, one died in
his bed, and the other in Indian captivity. The two brothers Florin
likewise ended their lives in the same manner.

Gonzalez de Najara, and his two nephews Ramirez. The first was killed
among the mountains of Guatimala, and the two latter perished on the
night of sorrows.

The brave soldier Amaya, and the two brothers Carmonas, of Xerez, died
a natural death. So also one of the two Vargas', of Seville; the other
died in Indian captivity.

The courageous soldier Polanco, of Avila settled in Guatimala, and died
a natural death.

Hernan Lopez de Avila managed the properties of deceased parties, and
accumulated great wealth, with which he returned to Spain.

Bernardino de Corio, Juan de Aragon, and a certain Santisteban died
natural deaths.

Bartolome Pardo and a certain Cieza died in Indian captivity.

Pedro Escudero, Juan Cermenno, and his brother, were excellent soldiers.
The first two, it will he remembered, were hung by Cortes, for
attempting to desert with one of the vessels to Cuba.

The pilot Gonzalo de Umbria was also an excellent soldier, who, by
command of Cortes, had his feet cut off. His majesty subsequently
bestowed on him an annuity of 2000 pesos or some Indian commendaries;
but, for fear of Cortes, he durst not return to Spain.

Rodrigo Rangel was a very talented man, but he never distinguished
himself as a soldier, and he died of severe swellings in his groins.

Francisco de Orozco suffered likewise from this disease. He had served
in the Italian campaigns; he was sent in command of a small detachment
to Tepeaca, while we were quartered in Mexico. I do not however know
what became of him.

Mesa, who had previously served as an artilleryman in Italy, was drowned
in a river subsequent to the conquest of Mexico.

Alobancho, of Old Castile, a man of great courage, died in Indian
captivity.

Luis Velasquez, of Arevalo, perished in the expedition to the Honduras.

Alonso de Barrientos escaped to the Indians of Chinanta, when the
Mexicans put twenty-six men and five Spanish ladies to death at
Tustepec.

Almodovar, with his son and two nephews. One of the latter died in
Indian captivity, the others a natural death.

The two brothers Martinez, of Fregenal, both brave soldiers, and a
certain Logos, who distinguished himself, all three died in Indian
captivity.

Juan del Puerto, also an excellent soldier, fell a victim to a disease
of the groins.

Father Olmedo, a great theologian, a capital singer, and a man possessed
of singular virtues, died a natural death.

Sancho de Avila, of Garrobillas, died in Indian captivity. He was said
to have been worth 6000 pesos before he left St. Domingo, with which,
however, he returned to Spain, and lost all in gambling.

Alonso Hernandez de Palo, a man advanced in years, had two of his
nephews with him, one of whom was a capital crossbow-man. The two latter
died a natural death, but the uncle in Indian captivity. So also Alonso
de la Mesa, and Rabanal Montannes, who were both excellent soldiers.

Pedro de Guzman married Dona Francisca de Valtierra, of Valencia, with
whom he went to Peru; both of whom, it was said, with their horses, a
<DW64>, and several other persons, were frozen to death.

Christobal Diaz, an excellent crossbow-man, of Colmenar de Arenas, died
peaceably in his bed.

The soldier Ratamales was killed by the Indians of Tabasco. The brave
soldiers Gines Nortes, Luis Alonso, and Alonso Catalan were killed in
Yucatan.

Juan Siciliano settled in Mexico, where he died a natural death.

Camillas served as a drummer both in Italy and New Spain, and fell into
the hands of the Indians. The same misfortune befel Hernandez, Cortes'
private secretary; and Juan Diaz, who had a gutta serena on one of his
eyes, and was an officer of Cortes' household.

Diego de Coria died a natural death in Mexico.

Juan Nunez Mercado came as a very young man to New Spain, is now living
at Puebla, but is blind of both eyes.

An excellent soldier was also Juan Sedenno, and he was considered the
wealthiest man of our troops. This man had great weight in New Spain,
and died a peaceable death.

Balnor, of Trinidad, died in Indian captivity.

Saragoza was advanced in years when he joined our ranks, and died a
natural death.

Diego Martin de Ayamente had the same good fortune, and was also an
excellent soldier.

Cardenas, who was a nephew of the comendador-mayor Cardenas, died in
Indian captivity. The other Cardenas was a sailor, of Triana, the same
who brought accusations against Cortes, and received from his majesty an
annuity of 1000 pesos. He died a natural death in Mexico.

Arguello, of Leon, an excellent soldier; Vazquez, a man of uncommon
strength and courage; and Arroyuelo de Olmedo, all three died in Indian
captivity.

Diego Hernandez assisted in the building of the brigantines, became
blind, and died a natural death.

Pizarro had a command as captain, was a relation of Cortes, and died in
Indian captivity.

Alvaro Lopez, who had settled at Puebla, died in his bed. So also the
soldier Yannez, of Cordoba, who accompanied us on the expedition to the
Honduras. When he returned he found his wife married to another, but he
never took her back.

The excellent soldier Magallanes, a Portuguese, was a nimble pedestrian,
who, with his countryman Platero, died in Indian captivity.

The four other Portuguese soldiers named Martin de Alpedrino, Juan
Alvarez Rabaso, and Gonzalo Sanchez, a man of great bodily strength, and
Gonzalo Rodriguez, who was the most distinguished of the four, all died
a natural death.

Of two other Portuguese, named Villanuevas, both very tall men, I know
nothing more than that they settled in la Puebla.

Of the three Avilas, Gaspar died a natural death; the other, who was
always about the person of Andreas de Tapia, in Indian captivity; and
the third settled somewhere in New Spain.

Two soldiers of the name of Vandadas, both far advanced in years, and
three others of the name of Espinosa, all died in Indian captivity. One
of the Espinosas we used to call, "God bless you," because he was
constantly saying this; which, indeed, is an excellent sentence: he died
in peace. So also the courageous soldier Pedro Poron, of Toledo. Another
excellent soldier, named Villasinda, of Portillo, entered a Franciscan
monastery.

Of the two brave San Juans, of whom one was called the "high-minded;"
the first died in Indian captivity, and the second peaceably in his bed.
So also the courageous soldier Izguierdo, of Castro Mocho. An intrepid
soldier was also Caceres, of Truxillo, who was captured by the Indians.
Alonso de Herrera was also a courageous warrior, who for some time
commanded in the country of the Zapotecs. The same who fought the duel
with Figuero during the administration of Estrada. He died among the
Indians of the Marannon. Figuero was drowned on his return to Spain.

There was also a young man named Maldonado, of Medellin, who always
suffered from disease of the groins; but I forget what afterwards became
of him. He must not be confounded with a soldier of the same name, who
married Dona Maria de Rincon. The soldier, Morales, was advanced in
years, and limped with one foot, he was one of the ordinary alcaldes of
Vera Cruz, where he kept good order and was considered an honest man.

Escalona, the younger, died in Indian captivity. The three soldiers
Arevalo, Juan Leon, and Madrigal, who settled in Vera Cruz, never fought
in any of our battles, and all three died a natural death.

Lencero, to whom the Venta belonged, known as the Venta[59] de Lencero,
between Vera Cruz and la Puebla, was an excellent soldier, and entered
the order of the brothers of charity. His example was followed by Alonso
Duran, who was near-sighted, and generally performed the office of
sacristan.

Navarro, who generally kept company with Sandoval's servants, died a
natural death at Vera Cruz.

Another courageous soldier, Alonso Talavera, died in Indian captivity.

Of the two Indians whom we took with us from Cuba, one died in Indian
captivity, the other in his bed.

The drummer Benito Bejel, who had served in the Italian campaigns, and
Alonso Romero, who settled down a rich man in Vera Cruz, both died a
natural death.

Sindos de Portillo received a very lucrative commendary, which produced
him considerable riches. But he relinquished all his worldly goods, sold
them by public auction, distributed the money among the poor, and
entered the order of the brothers of charity.

The courageous soldier Quintero likewise entered this order, possessed
considerable property, and gave it all to the church.

Alonso de Aguilar was also a man of wealth, and he sold all he possessed
and entered the order of the Dominicans.

Another rich soldier, named Varguillas, entered the order of the
Franciscans, but subsequently left the cloister again.

Another excellent soldier, named Escalante, who was very neat in his
person and an excellent cavalry soldier, also entered the Franciscan
order.

Gaspar Diaz, of Old Castile, was a man of considerable wealth; but he
relinquished all his property and lived a hermit in the most deserted
spot among the mountains of Huexotzinco. He slept on straw and lived so
severe a life of penance that he became quite enfeebled. When the bishop
Don Juan de Zumarroga learnt this, he admonished him not to lead such a
life of severity. However, he became so celebrated for piety that
several others joined him, and he died in the space of four years, and
entered into eternal glory.

Ribadeo, of Galicia, whom we termed the "winebibber," because he was
given to drink, was killed in the battle of Almeria. A similar fate
befel another soldier, whom, on account of his shortness, we called the
little Galician.

Lerma, who once saved Cortes' life, was a courageous soldier; but on
account of some misdemeanour or other he fled to the Indians, and we
never after heard of him.

Pinedo was also an excellent soldier, and had formerly served under the
governor of Cuba. He was sent by Narvaez to Mexico, but was killed by
the Indians on his road thither.

The excellent crossbow-man Pedro Lopez, died peaceably in his bed.
Another soldier, of the same name, accompanied Alonso de Avila to
Hispaniola where he died.

One of our three smiths fell into the hands of the Indians, the two
others died a natural death. One was named Juan Garcia, the second
Hernan Martin, the name of the third I have forgotten.

Alvaro of Galicia likewise died a natural death in Mexico. Paredes, who
was an old man and has still a son living in Yucatan, died among the
Indians. The same misfortune befel Gonzalo Meia Rapapelo, who said he
was a nephew of that Meia, who, with a certain Canteno, committed so
many robberies during the reign of king John.

Pedro de Tapia died of the gout sometime after the conquest of Mexico.

Of all our pilots, Anton de Alaminos, his son of the same name, Camacho,
Manquillo, Sopuerta, Cardenas, and Gonzalo Umbria, Sopuerta alone
settled in New Spain, the others, fearing the resentment of Cortes,
because they had given Garay some information respecting the country, of
which he obtained the appointment of governor, durst not return to this
country.

Another pilot, named Lucas de Genna, died in Indian captivity. His
countryman Lorenzo settled in Guaxaca, where he died, after marrying an
old Portuguese woman. Enrique de Palencia was drowned in fording a
river, from the weight of his arms. The carpenter Christobal de Jaen
died in Indian captivity.

Ochoa, of Biscay, a man of wealth and distinction, died a natural death
in Guaxaca. The brave Zamisdio was obliged to flee from Mexico because
he had killed several persons there. He returned to Spain, became an
officer, and was killed with several other cavaliers near Locastil.

The low jester Cervantes died among the Indians. The same fate befel
Plazuela and Alonso Perez Maite, who married a beautiful Indian female
of Bayamo.

Martin Vasquez, of Olmedo, died rich and respected in Mexico. So also
Sebastian Rodriguez, a capital crossbow-man, and his comrade Pennalosa.

The sailor Alvaro, was killed by the Indians, during our expedition to
the Honduras. He was said to be the father of thirty children, by Indian
women.

Both Pedro Sabrite, and Juan Perez Malinche, whose real name was
Artiaga, died a natural death.

Geronimo de Aguilar was an excellent soldier. He had been for several
years in the power of the Indians; he died of a disease of the groins.

Pedro Valenciano, who lived in Mexico, and two of the three soldiers
named Tarifas, died a natural death. One of these settled in Guaxaca,
and married Catalina Munoz: the second, whom we called "Tarifa of
Services," because he was always boasting of the many services he
rendered his majesty gratis: the third we called "Tarifa with the white
hands," because he was neither fit for service nor anything else, but
was always telling us old stories about Seville; he was drowned with his
horse in a river of the Golfo Dulce during our expedition to the
Honduras.

Pedro Sanchez Farsan, who commanded in Tezcuco during the siege of
Mexico, died a natural death.

Alonso de Escobar, who prided himself on having been page to the
governor of Cuba, was killed by the Indians. Another Escobar, whom we
called the bachelor, was an apothecary, and dressed our wounds. He died
raving mad. A third soldier of this name had a more unfortunate end. He
was a remarkably courageous soldier, but was hung for having ill-used a
married woman.

A soldier named Santiago, a native of Huelva, returned to Spain a
wealthy man. His comrade Ponce died in Indian captivity. A soldier of
the name of Mendes shared a similar fate; he was far advanced in years
when he first joined our ranks.

Three of our men were killed in the battles of Tabasco; but Saldana is
the only one I remember by name.

Orteguilla the elder, and his son of the same name, who was some time
page to Motecusuma, were killed by the Indians. Gaona, the brave Luis
Farsan, and Morillas shared a similar fate.

Juan de Caceres died a rich man in Mexico.

Gonzalo Hurones and Ramirez the elder both died a natural death.

Rojas went to Peru.

Astorgos was an old man when he came to New Spain, and he died peaceably
at Guaxaca.

The courageous soldier Valdovinos and Tostado both died among the
Indians; a brother of the latter died more fortunately.

Guillen de la Loa, Andreas Nunez, and the harper Pedro, with three other
soldiers who came to us from one of Garay's vessels, are also deserving
of notice. The first was killed by a cannon ball, one died a natural
death, and the other in Indian captivity. The same misfortune befel
Porras the red head, who was a beautiful singer.

Ortiz performed charmingly on the guitar, and gave lessons in dancing.
He had been a miner at Cuba, and joined us with his friend Bartolome
Garcia, who possessed the finest horse of our whole troop. Both died in
Indian captivity. The brave and excellent crossbow-man Serrano shared a
similar fate.

Pedro Valencia, of Placencia, died a natural death.

Quintero the navigator, and Alonso Rodriguez, who possessed lucrative
gold mines in Cuba, were both killed by the Indians. Gaspar Sanchez, who
pretended to be a nephew of the treasurer of Cuba, and six other
soldiers of Narvaez's corps were killed in storming the Marquis
mountain.

Pedro Palma, the first husband of Elvira Lopez the tall, with the priest
Misa and the soldier Trebejo were hung, either by Francisco de las Casas
or by Gil Gonsalez de Avila, for having attempted to raise an
insurrection among the troops on their return from Naco. When we
returned from the Honduras with Luis Marin we saw the large tree on
which they were all three hung.

Father Juan de las Varillas was an excellent theologian and a man of
great piety; he died a natural death.

Andreas de Mola and the brave soldier Alberza died in Indian captivity.

Besides these were a number of sailors who proved themselves excellent
soldiers. Even the boys, who served on board the vessels we ran on
shore, fought with wonderful courage. Of all these I only remember the
names of Pennates and Pinzones. Some died among the Indians, some
returned to Spain to bring accusations against Cortes.

Lastly, I mention myself; for I made the two voyages of discovery to New
Spain previous to going out with Cortes, as has been seen in the proper
place. I cannot sufficiently thank and praise God and the blessed Virgin
for having shielded me in all the battles, and saved me from falling
into the hands of the Indians, who at that time sacrificed all prisoners
to their abominable idols. To heaven I must also offer up my thanks for
giving me power to describe our heroic deeds, and to publish to the
world the names of all the brave officers and soldiers who conquered New
Spain; and not that all the honour, glory, and our merit in the conquest
might be given to one officer alone.




CHAPTER CCVI.

    _Of the stature and outward person of several brave officers and
    soldiers, and of their age when they first joined Cortes._


Of the marquis Don Hernando Cortes and of Christobal de Oli, I have
spoken in former chapters. I will therefore now commence with Don Pedro
de Alvarado.

This officer was comendador of the order of Santiago, chief-justice and
governor of Guatimala, the coast of the Honduras, and of Chiapa. He may
have been about thirty-four years of age when he came with us to New
Spain. His build was both beautiful and strong; his countenance was all
cheerfulness, and his eye had a remarkably sweet expression. It was on
account of his pleasant looks that the Mexicans called him Tonatio, or
the sun. He was of a slender figure, a splendid horseman, open and
agreeable in conversation, and remarkably neat in his dress, which was
always of the richest stuffs. He usually wore a small gold chain about
his neck, to which was suspended a fine jewel, and on one of his fingers
a diamond ring.

The chief justice and governor of Yucatan, Montejo, was of middling
stature, had a pleasant-looking countenance, was a good horseman, and
much addicted to all kinds of pleasures. He was about thirty-five years
of age when he came to New Spain, but was rather a man of business than
a soldier. He was generous of disposition, but lived beyond his income.

Gonzalo de Sandoval was a man of extraordinary courage and of heroic
valour. He was twenty-two years of age when he joined us, soon became
alguacil-mayor of New Spain, and was, for the space of eleven months,
joint governor with Alonso de Estrada. The frame of his body was of the
most beautiful proportions, and gave to the beholder the full expression
of muscular power; his chest was finely developed, his shoulders broad,
and his legs rather bowed. He had a large face, his hair and beard were
of an auburn colour, and curled as it was then the fashion. His voice
was rough and unpleasant, and he had a slight lisp. He knew no more of
the arts and sciences than he required, was not in the least avaricious,
and never took more than his rightful share. He was fond of seeing
soldiers act strictly up to their commands, but favoured and assisted
them in every possible manner. He was not a man who put on rich
garments, but dressed simply like a good soldier. His was the finest and
best rode horse of the whole troop; and a more splendid animal,
according to general opinion, was even not to be found in Spain. It was
of a chesnut colour, had a white star on the forehead, and one of the
left legs was white. This horse was called Motilla, and its excellence
has become a proverb; for when any one wants to praise a horse, he says,
It is as good as the Motilla. It was of this officer that Cortes said to
the emperor, that there was a captain among his troops who was never
surpassed in courage and determination, and who was fit to command the
largest armies. He was a native of Medellin, a hidalgo, and his father
had been alcalde of a fortress.

Juan Velasquez de Leon, of Old Castile, may have been about twenty-six
years of age when he joined our ranks. His limbs were straight and
beautifully formed; his chest and shoulders were broad, and he was
altogether a powerful man. His face was full, and he used to dye his
curly beard. His voice was harsh and unpleasant, and he stuttered a
little. He was uncommonly courageous, agreeable in conversation, and
shared his last farthing with his comrades. It was said of him that he
had killed a wealthy and distinguished cavalier at Hispaniola named
Basaltas, for which he was obliged to flee: the royal court of audience
indeed despatched alguacils to apprehend him, but he defended himself so
bravely against them that he escaped to Cuba and thence to New Spain. He
was a splendid horseman, but fought equally well on foot as on
horseback.

Diego de Ordas, a native of Campas, was forty years of age when he came
to New Spain. He was a capital officer with the sword and buckler, but
did not excel as a cavalry soldier. He was equal to any one in foresight
and courage. He was rather tall and strong of limb; his face carried
with it the very expression of muscular power; his beard was thin and
black. He stuttered a little, and many words he could not pronounce
plainly; but he was open and agreeable in conversation.

The captain Luis Marin was a well-built, powerful, and courageous man.
His legs were rather bowed; his beard of a ruddy hue; his face broad,
rather pitted with the smallpox, but cheerful. He was thirty years of
age when he came to New Spain, was a native of San Lucar, and he lisped
a little like the inhabitants of Seville. He was an excellent horseman
and an agreeable companion.

The captain Pedro de Ircio was of middling stature, had short legs, but
a pleasant-looking countenance. His tongue was never silent, and he was
always relating his stories of Don Pedro Giron and of the earl of Urena.
He was more bold in word than in deed; we therefore called him the
Agramant of many words and few works.

Alonso de Avila was thirty-three years of age when we arrived in New
Spain. He was of good stature, had a cheerful countenance, was
remarkably courageous, and eloquent and persuasive in argument. He was
very open-hearted towards his comrades, but rather imperious, jealous,
and turbulent, for which reason Cortes despatched him with Quinones to
Spain to present part of the treasure of Motecusuma and Quauhtemoctzin
to his majesty, but he was captured by a French corsair, and imprisoned
in France. Several years after he again returned to New Spain. He was
uncle to the two sons of Gil Gonsalez de Benavides, who were decapitated
in Mexico.

Andreas de Monjaraz, who had a command during the siege of Mexico, was a
man of good stature; he had a cheerful countenance, black beard, and was
an agreeable companion. He was always suffering with painful swellings
in his groins, which was the reason he never accomplished anything
worthy of mention, and I have merely noticed him here because he was
once put in command. He was about thirty years of age when he came to
New Spain.

Here I must not forget to mention the very brave soldier Christobal de
Olea, a native of Medina del Campo. He was twenty-six years of age when
he joined our ranks. He was of middling stature; his limbs were strong
and beautifully proportioned; his chest and shoulders broad; his face
was full and cheerful; his hair and beard curly, his voice strong and
clear.

Neither must I forget to mention Gonzalo Dominiguez and Larez, who were
considered equal in courage to Olea. Both were strong of limb, well
proportioned, had agreeable countenances, and were men of excellent
dispositions; in short, they may be considered among the bravest
soldiers Spain ever possessed.

Andreas de Tapia was also a courageous officer, and was about
twenty-four years of age when he joined us. He had rather an unpleasant
expression of countenance, which was of a leaden colour; his beard was
thin, but his figure was stately. He was both a capital horse and foot
soldier.

I should be going too much into detail if I were to describe the
countenances and figures of all the officers and soldiers who fought
with Cortes. We were all men of courage and distinction, and we have
deserved that our names should be written in letters of gold. I must
also pass by in silence many brave officers of Narvaez's corps; for I
intended from the beginning to confine myself to the heroic deeds of the
small army which first set out for New Spain with Cortes. I must,
however, make an exception in the person of Pamfilo Narvaez.

This officer may have been about forty-two years of age when he arrived
in New Spain with an army of 1300 men, which was totally defeated by our
small body of 266 men. He was tall of stature, strong of limb; his beard
was red; his face large but cheerful. His voice was amazingly powerful,
and sounded as if it proceeded from a vault. He was a capital horseman,
and was said to be an officer of great courage. He was a native of
Tudela or Valladolid, on the Duero, and was married to a lady of rank
named Maria de Valenzuela. He had settled in Cuba; was considered very
rich, but miserly. He was an excellent spokesman, and obtained for
himself the government of Florida, where, however, he lost both his life
and his property.

Several curious cavaliers who had read the minute description I have
here given respecting the persons and the characters of the officers and
soldiers of the courageous and fortunate Don Hernando Cortes, marquis
del Valle Oaxaca, inquired of me in astonishment how I could remember
all these little particulars after so many years had rolled by. I told
them it was no great wonder at all when they reflected that we were only
550 men altogether, who daily came in contact with each other in the
numerous campaigns, battles, skirmishes, and at the outposts. We were
constantly in conversation with each other, and in this way it soon
became known what happened to every individual, in what battles he fell,
or whether he was captured by the Indians and sacrificed to their idols:
besides which, a list of the killed was taken after every engagement.
Nor can I see anything so very wonderful in all this; for we read in
ancient times of generals who knew every soldier personally, his name
and birthplace, though these armies were generally composed of 30,000
men. Historians have mentioned as instances of this, Mithridates, king
of Pontus, of one of the kings of Epirus, and of Alexander of Macedonia.
The renowned Carthaginian general Hannibal is also said to have known
every one of his soldiers personally. In our times we know this of
Gonzalo Hernandez de Cordoba, called the "great captain." Besides these
there are many other generals who possessed the same powerful memory.
But I go further than this, for I perfectly retain in my memory the
outward person and peculiar habits of every one of my companions in
arms, so that I should be able to sculpture or draw the very form of
their bodies, their manner of holding themselves, and the exact
expression of their countenances, as well as is mentioned of Apelles,
the celebrated painter of old, or in later times of Berruguete, Michael
Angelo, or the far-famed Burgales, who is termed the second Apelles.
Indeed I should very much like to paint each of them according to life,
with the full expression of courage which sat on their countenances the
moment they rushed into battle!

Thanks be to God and the blessed Virgin who saved me from being
sacrificed to the idols, and from so many perils, and thereby rendered
it possible for me to write this history!




CHAPTER CCVII.

    _Of the great merit which is due to us, the true Conquistadores._


I have now said sufficient of every individual soldier who accompanied
Cortes, and how each one ended his life. If any one wishes to know
anything further about us, I can tell him that most of us were men of
good families; and if the lineage of some was not quite so
distinguished, we must remember that all are not born equal in this
world, neither in respect to rank nor virtues. However, by the valour of
our arms and our heroic deeds, we conquered New Spain, with the great
city of Mexico, and many other provinces, thereby rendering the most
important services to the emperor our master, though at so vast a
distance from Castile; nor had we any assistance in the terrible battles
we fought night and day, saving that of our Lord Jesus Christ, who
indeed is our true strength. What we have done is sufficient to spread
our fame throughout the world!

If we read the ancient histories, at least if they speak truth, we find
that all those men who gained honorable titles to themselves, as well in
Spain as in other countries, gained them solely by the valour of their
arms, or by other important services they rendered to their monarchs. I
have even observed that several of those celebrated cavaliers, who
obtained titles and extensive grants of land, had merely entered the
army for the pay they received, and yet gained for themselves and
descendants, in perpetuity, towns, castles, lands, besides various
privileges and immunities. When the king of Aragon, Don Jayme,
reconquered a large part of his kingdom from the Moors, he divided it
among the cavaliers and soldiers who had fought with him, and from that
time are dated the several escutcheons which their descendants possess.
The same thing was done after the conquest of Granada and Naples by the
great captain. The noble house of Orange originated in a similar manner.

But we added the immense territory of New Spain to the Spanish crown,
without his majesty knowing anything about it; and it is for this
reason I have written these memoirs, that the great, important, and
excellent services which we have rendered to God, our emperor, and to
the whole of Christendom, may become known; and I think, when everything
is put into the same scale, and weighed according to its quantity, we
shall be found equally deserving of remuneration as those cavaliers of
previous times.

Though the number of courageous soldiers enumerated in a former chapter
may have been considerable, yet I myself was not one of the least among
them, and I had always the reputation of being a good soldier. If the
curious reader has perused this history with attention, he will have
seen in how many severe battles I fought, both during the two first
voyages of discovery, and in the campaigns under Cortes, in New Spain;
how nearly I was killed on two different occasions, and only escaped by
the utmost exertion of my strength from being sacrificed to the
abominable idols; not to mention the dreadful hardships I suffered from
hunger, thirst, and cold, and the many perils to which those who go out
for the discovery of new countries are inevitably exposed.

I will now relate the great advantages which Spain has derived from our
illustrious conquests.




CHAPTER CCVIII.

    _Of the human sacrifices and abominations practised by the
    inhabitants of New Spain; how we abolished these, and introduced the
    holy Christian faith into the country._


After thus describing our glorious deeds of arms, I will show how
advantageous they proved in the service of God and of our emperor. These
advantages were purchased with the lives of most of my companions in
arms, for very few had the good fortune to escape being captured and
sacrificed by the Indians.

I will commence with the human sacrifices and the other abominations
which were practised throughout the whole of the provinces we subdued.
According to the computations of the Franciscan monks, who arrived in
New Spain subsequent to father Olmedo, above 2500 persons were annually
sacrificed to the idols in Mexico, and some of the towns lying on the
lake.[60] As this barbarous custom was also prevalent in all the other
provinces, the number, of course, is much greater. But these human
sacrifices were not the only abominations that were practised by the
inhabitants; I should, however, scarcely know where to end, if I were to
enumerate them all. I will, therefore, only relate what I witnessed with
my own eyes, and heard with my own ears. Of the victims that were
sacrificed, the faces, ears, tongues, lips, the breast, the arms and
legs, were brought as a burnt-offering to the idols.

In some provinces circumcision took place, which was effected by means
of sharp knives made of flint. The cursed idol temples were called cues,
and were as numerous as the churches, chapels, and monasteries in Spain.
Every township had its own temples, and these infernal buildings were
filled with demons and diabolical-looking figures. Besides these, every
Indian man and woman had two altars, one near to where they slept, and
the other near the door of the house. In these were placed several
wooden boxes, which they termed petacas, full of small and large idols,
flint knives used in the sacrifices, and books made of the bark of
trees, which they call amatl, containing their signs to denote the
seasons, and things that have happened. Most of the Indians,
particularly those living on the coasts and in the hotter climates, were
given to unnatural lusts. To such a dreadful degree was this practised,
that men even went about in female garments, and made a livelihood by
their diabolical and cursed lewdness.

The Indians ate human flesh in the same way we do that of oxen, and
there were large wooden cages in every township, in which men, women,
and children were fattened for their sacrifices and feasts. In the same
way they butchered and devoured all the prisoners they took during war
time. Sons committed incest with their mothers, fathers with their
daughters, brothers with their sisters, and uncles with their nieces.
They were addicted to the vice of drunkenness to a most terrible degree,
and the inhabitants of Panuco had the most filthy and unheard-of custom,
of injecting the wine of their country, by means of hollow canes, into
their bodies, in the same way we should take a clyster. Various other
vices and abominations were practised among them; and every man took as
many wives as he liked.

We, the few veteran Conquistadores who escaped alive from the battles
and perils we encountered, succeeded, with the aid of God, to turn these
people aside from their abominations. It was through our exertions they
began to lead a more moral life, and that the holy doctrine was
introduced among them. We were the persons who made this good beginning,
and it was not until two years later, when we had made the conquest, and
introduced good morals and better manners among the inhabitants, that
the pious Franciscan brothers arrived, and three or four years after the
virtuous monks of the Dominican order, who further continued the good
work, and spread Christianity through the country. The first part of the
work, however, next to the Almighty, was done by us, the true
Conquistadores, who subdued the country, and by the Brothers of Charity,
who accompanied us. To us and them are due the merit and praise of
sowing the first seeds of Christianity among these tribes: for when the
beginning is good, the continuation and completion are sure to prove
praiseworthy!

But enough of this; I will now speak of the great advantages which the
inhabitants of New Spain derived from our exertions in their behalf.




CHAPTER CCIX.

    _How we introduced the Christian religion among the Indians; of
    their conversion and baptism; and of the different trades we taught
    them._


After we had abolished idolatry and other abominations from among the
Indians, the Almighty blessed our endeavours and we baptized the men,
women, and all the children born after the conquest, whose souls would
otherwise have gone to the infernal regions. With the assistance of God,
and by a good regulation of our most Christian monarch, of glorious
memory, Don Carlos, and of his excellent son Don Philip, our most happy
and invincible king, to whom may God grant a long life and an increase
of territory, several pious monks of different orders arrived in New
Spain, who travelled from place to place, preached the gospel to the
inhabitants, and baptized new-born infants. By their unremitted
exertions Christianity became planted in their hearts, so that the
inhabitants came to the confessional once every year; and those who were
better instructed in our Christian faith received the holy communion.
Their churches are very richly ornamented with altars, crucifixes,
candelabras, different-sized chalices, censers, and everything else
required in our religious ceremonies, all of pure silver. The more
wealthy townships have the vestments of choristers, the chasuble and the
full canonicals of a priest, mostly of velvet damask or silk, and of
various colours and manufacture. The flags which hang to the crosses are
of silk, and richly ornamented with gold and pearls. The funeral crosses
are covered with satin, and bear the figure of a death's head and cross
bones; the funeral palls, in some townships, are also more or less
splendid. The churches are likewise provided with a set of bells, have a
regular band of choristers, besides flutes, dulcimers, clarions, and
sackbuts, and some have even organs. I do believe there are more large
and small trumpets in the province of Guatimala, where I am writing
this, than in my native country Old Castile. It is indeed wonderful, and
we cannot thank God too much for it, to behold the Indians assisting in
the celebration of the holy mass, which they particularly do in those
places where the Franciscan friars or the Brothers of Charity officiate
at the altar.

It was also a great blessing for the Indians that the monks taught them
to say their prayers in their own language, and frequently to repeat
them. The monks have altogether so accustomed them to reverence
everything relating to religion, that they never pass by any altar or
cross without falling down on their knees and repeating a Pater Noster
or an Ave Maria. We also taught the Indians to make wax lights for the
holy service, for, previous to our arrival, they made no manner of use
of their wax. We taught them to be so obedient and respectful to the
monks and priests, that whenever one of these religious men approach a
township the bells are rung, and the inhabitants go out to meet him with
wax-lights in their hands; and they always give him a hospitable
reception. On the day of Corpus Christi, the birth of Mary, and on other
saint-days, when we are accustomed to form processions, the inhabitants
of the districts surrounding Guatimala likewise march out in procession
with crucifixes, lighted candles, and carry about their tutelar saint
splendidly dressed up, all the time chanting hymns, accompanied by the
sound of flutes and trumpets. The inhabitants have also learnt the
different trades which are carried on in Spain, in a highly praiseworthy
manner. They have regular workshops with all kinds of instruments, and
earn a good livelihood by their industry; the gold and silver workers
are particularly expert, as well in the smelting as in the hammering of
these metals. The lapidaries and painters are also very clever, and the
sculptors produce astonishing works of art with their emeralds and fine
steel instruments. Among others, they sculpture the figure of our
Saviour the Lord Jesus Christ, with all the expression of his suffering,
in so exquisite a manner, that unless we had witnessed it with our own
eyes we could not have thought Indians capable of doing it. If I might
offer an opinion, I think, that neither the celebrated Apelles of
ancient times, nor the great masters of our days, Berruguete[61] and
Michael Angelo, nor even the more modern artist of Burgos, who is said
to be a real Apelles, could produce such beautiful works of art with
their fine pencils, as the celebrated Indian masters, Andreas de Aquino,
Juan de la Cruz, and Crespello, with their emeralds. Besides this, the
sons of the more distinguished chiefs of the country are well
instructed in our grammar, and the most reverend the archbishop of
Mexico sees that this is strictly attended to. Several of these young
men are not only able to read and write, but even compose whole books of
choral songs. Numbers of Indians are also employed in weaving silks,
satins, and taffetas. They manufacture all kinds of coarse woollen
stuffs and mantles; there are also cloth manufacturers, wool-combers,
fullers, hat-makers, and soap-makers, as good as those of Segovia and
Cuenca; but they have not been able as yet to learn glass-blowing and
the apothecaries' trade; however, they are so expert in all arts that no
doubt they will soon master these also; though there are among them
surgeons and herbarists. They are very expert at juggling, perform
puppet-shows, and play on the guitar. Of agriculture they understood
something before our arrival, but now also they attend to the breeding
of all kinds of cattle. They plough with oxen, sow maise, bake biscuits,
and have everywhere planted Spanish fruit trees, so that they already
draw considerable profit from them. As the fruit of the peach tree is
not wholesome, and the plantain tree throws too much shadow, they
continually keep cutting them down, and plant in their stead quince,
apple, and pear trees, which, in their estimation are of greater value.

We have also introduced among them good police and justice. In every
township the Indians annually choose their alcaldes, regidors,
accountants, alguacils, and other authorities; and they have a
courthouse where the authorities hear causes twice a week, and pronounce
judgment in actions for debt and minor offences. Criminal cases and
heavy offences are always referred to the governor or the royal court of
audience, according to circumstances. I have been assured by credible
persons that when the town councils of Tlascalla, Tezcuco, Cholulla,
Huexotzinco, and of other great towns meet, the mace-bearers precede the
civic authorities with golden staffs, the same as are carried before a
viceroy; also that these Indian judges are as correct in the judgments
they pronounce, and look quite as dignified as the judges in Spain, and
that they assiduously study our laws and set a high value on them. All
the caziques keep good establishments, they have their horses with
beautiful saddles and trappings, and whenever they travel through the
country are attended by numerous pages. In some townships even tilts,
tournaments, and bull-fights take place among them, particularly on
Corpus Christi day, the feast of St. John, St. Jacob, and of the Virgin
Mary, in the month of August. Many Indians have even the courage to
combat with the bulls, though these animals are so uncommonly fierce.
Some of the most expert horsemen are to be found among them,
particularly among the inhabitants of Chiapa de los Indios. Most of the
caziques breed their own horses and mules, which they employ in carrying
goods for sale to the different markets,[62] and gain a livelihood as
carriers to different parts of the country, in the same way as we do in
Spain. In short they are uncommonly expert in all handicrafts, even to
the making of tapestry. I must now close this, and relate what further
advantages the Indians derived in the following chapter.




CHAPTER CCX.

    _Of other advantages which arose from our glorious conquests._


Having shown how many advantages the Indians derived from our glorious
conquests, I must now speak about the gold, silver, precious stones, and
other valuable matters, as cochineal, wool, sarsaparilla and cow-hides,
which are annually exported to Spain; also of the monies arising from
the royal fifths, and of the valuable presents which we forwarded to his
majesty during the course of the conquest; in which, of course, are not
included the quantity of valuable goods which merchants and travellers
take with them. Certainly, since the time that the wise king Solomon
built the holy temple of Jerusalem with the gold and silver of the
islands of Tarshis, of Ophir and Saba, we find no mention made in any
old histories of so much gold, silver, and of other riches, as are
continually being exported from this country to Spain. Many thousands of
pounds weight of gold and silver have indeed been also sent from Peru;
but at the time we conquered New Spain the name of Peru was not even
known, nor was it discovered till ten years after. We forwarded to his
majesty presents of immense value from the very beginning, for which and
other reasons I place New Spain at the head; for we very well know with
regard to the affairs of Peru, that the captains, governors, and
soldiers continually carried on civil wars with each other, in which the
lives of many Spaniards were sacrificed. We, in New Spain, on the
contrary, were never for a moment forgetful of the profound respect
which was due to our emperor and master; nor will our fidelity ever be
questioned, and whenever his majesty requires our services we are ready
with our property and our lives to obey his commands.

Let the kind reader reflect but for one moment on the towns and villages
which the Spaniards have already founded in these countries. Their
number is so extensive, that I must pass them by in silence. Seven
bishoprics have already been erected in New Spain; the very celebrated
city of Mexico is the see of an archbishop, and there are three royal
courts of audience. The reader would be astonished to see the number of
cathedrals, and the monasteries of the Brothers of Charity, and of the
Franciscan, Dominican, and Augustin friars; the hospitals, with their
endowments, and the church of our dear lady of Guadaloupe, at
Tepeaquilla, where Sandoval was stationed during the siege of Mexico:
also the holy miracles which have taken place in the country, and those
which happen daily, are astonishing; and we cannot sufficiently thank
God and the blessed Virgin, who gave us the power to conquer this
country, where everything has already become so Christian. In Mexico
there is an universal college, where grammar, rhetoric, logic,
philosophy, theology, and other sciences and arts are taught. In this
city even books are printed both in the Latin and Spanish languages, and
here also licentiates and doctors graduate.

I could enumerate many other matters of great importance, and describe
the numerous silver mines which are worked in New Spain, and the new
ones that are daily being discovered, and from which Spain draws so much
wealth; but I have stated sufficient to prove that our heroic deeds were
never surpassed in any age, and that no men ever subdued so many
kingdoms as we, the true Conquistadores, conquered for our emperor and
master: and though there were many brave men among us, yet I was not the
least among them, and now I am the oldest alive. I repeat it, I, I, I am
the oldest, and I have always served his majesty like a good soldier.
And here I must relate something after the manner of a dialogue. When
illustrious Fame resounded from one end of the world to the other our
glorious deeds of arms, and the important services which we had rendered
to God, our emperor, and the whole of Christendom, she cried aloud, and
said, that we were more justly entitled to and deserving of lucrative
possessions than those who had neither rendered his majesty any services
here nor in any other place. Where, she asks, are your palaces, castles,
and escutcheons, to witness of your heroic deeds to posterity, like the
escutcheons of so many illustrious families do of the deeds of their
forefathers, but which have not surpassed yours? Where, inquired
illustrious Fame, where are the Conquistadores, who escaped alive from
all those battles; where are the tombs of those great heroes who fell in
battle; where are their escutcheons?

I can answer this with few words: O, excellent and illustrious Fame, who
art praised and desired by all good and virtuous men: the malice and
envy of those who have sought to cast our heroic deeds into the shade
are not desirous of seeing you, nor even to hear your illustrious name
mentioned, that you may not praise us according to our deserts. Know
then, O Fame, that of the five hundred and fifty warriors who sailed
with Cortes from Cuba, that there are now, in the year 1568, while I am
writing this, only five of us alive, and that all the others were either
captured by the Indians, and sacrified to their idols, or were killed in
battle, or have since died in their beds! And with respect to their
tombs, I say that the bellies of the Indians were their sepultures, and
those parts of their flesh which the Indians did not eat themselves were
thrown to the lions, tigers, and serpents, which were kept by the
Mexicans in strong cages. These cages were their monuments and their
escutcheons; and those who died so cruel a death, who rendered such
important services to God and to their emperor, and who gave light to
those who lived in darkness, ought to have had their names perpetuated
in letters of gold; but they were never remunerated! They did not even
obtain wealth, although this is the goal of all men!

Illustrious Fame then inquired after those who had arrived with Narvaez
and Garay, and I answered her as follows: Narvaez's troops, without
including the sailors, amounted to thirteen hundred men, of which only
ten or twelve are now living, the greater part of the rest having fallen
in the battles, or were captured by the Indians, and sacrificed. The
troops of Garay, including those three companies which landed in San
Juan de Ulua, previous to his own arrival, amounted, according to my
computation, to about twelve hundred men, most of whom were captured by
the Indians of Panuco, and their flesh devoured at their festive orgies.
Of the fifteen men who survived the expedition of Vasquez de Aillon to
Florida, and joined our army, not a single man is now remaining!

I repeat, O illustrious Fame, that of Cortes' veteran troops there are
only five of us alive, all of us far advanced in years, sickly, and very
poor, with numbers of grown-up sons and daughters, and we are obliged to
drag on a life of misery and toil, with scarcely enough to support our
families! And now, O Fame, since I have told you everything you wished
to know respecting our palaces, our escutcheons, and our tombs, lift up
your excellent and honest voice, and resound our deeds of valour
throughout the whole world, that malice and envy may no longer obscure
their glory! This, Fame answered she would do with the greatest delight;
but added, she was surprised that the best commendaries had not been
presented to us, particularly as his majesty had issued commands to that
effect. Illustrious Fame then went on to say, that the deeds of the
courageous and spirited Cortes would always be considered inestimable,
and might be compared to those of the most renowned generals; but that
the historians Gomara, doctor Illescas, and others, make all our
discoveries and conquests redound to the honour of Cortes alone, and
never so much as mention any of our names with praise; but at present
she was delighted to find that I had written a faithful account of the
conquest, without exaggeration or fulsome flattery, and not, as Gomara,
in the praise of one officer alone. Fame then promised, in the goodness
of her heart, that she would announce all this to the world; adding,
that wherever my book was published persons would everywhere recognize
in it impartiality and the naked truth.

A certain doctor, who is one of the members of the royal court of
audience, once asked me, how it came that Cortes, in his despatches and
during his personal interviews with his majesty, never strove to obtain
anything for us, the true Conquistadores, though it was with our
assistance he obtained the distinguished appointment of governor of New
Spain? To this I answered, and must still answer, that when Cortes
received the appointment of governor he immediately took the best
commendaries to himself, and imagined that he would remain uncontrolled
master of New Spain for life, and that the distribution of the
commendaries would continue in his hands. He therefore considered that
it would be superfluous to solicit anything for us, as he would have it
in his own power to do what he liked; but after his majesty had given
him a marquisate, his majesty refused to reappoint him governor: and so
it happened that Cortes, in soliciting honours for himself, allowed the
best opportunity to pass by of making some provision for us. It was
certainly not his majesty's fault that our services were never rewarded;
for when he was informed by several cavaliers of Mexico that Cortes had
taken the best townships and districts of New Spain to himself, and had
presented others to his relations and friends recently arrived from
Spain, his majesty issued commands that Cortes' companions in arms
should likewise be handsomely rewarded. Soon after this his majesty
left, for Flanders, where he most probably lost sight of the matter
altogether. If Cortes immediately after the conquest had divided the
whole country into five equal parts, and had set one of these with the
most lucrative townships apart for the crown, he would have done much
better. Then he would have had one fifth and a half for the churches and
cloisters, and for those cavaliers who had served in his majesty's
armies in the campaigns of Italy, and those against the Moors and Turks;
and the other two fifths and a half ought to have been distributed among
the Conquistadores in perpetuity. This division would certainly have met
with his majesty's approbation, particularly as the whole conquest never
put the crown to any expense.

In the first times, moreover, we did not know before what tribunal we
were to lay our complaints and petitions, and we accordingly put our
whole trust in Cortes, as our general. It was not until we found that
Montejo, by applying personally to his majesty in Spain, procured for
himself the appointment of governor and chief justice of Yucatan,
besides other rewards; and that Ordas, in a similar manner, obtained
honours and lucrative commendaries for himself; and that Alvarado, after
throwing himself at his majesty's feet, obtained the appointment of
governor and chief justice of Guatimala and Chiapa, besides a gift of
extensive lands; and that, lastly, Cortes was created a marquis, with
the appointment of captain-general of New Spain and of the South Sea: it
was not, I say, until we were taught experience by these facts, that we,
the large body of the Conquistadores, likewise despatched agents to
Spain, to obtain for us in perpetuity the commendaries that should
become vacant. Our claims were then gone into, and pronounced to be
just, and his majesty instructed the royal auditors, whom he despatched
to Mexico, to consider the whole of the Indians of New Spain as if they
had not yet been distributed, and they were to deprive all those of
their possessions whom Cortes had so richly remunerated; that the most
lucrative commendaries were to be distributed among the veteran
Conquistadores, and all the remainder to be retained in the patronage of
the crown. But all this ended in smoke, as the very men whom his majesty
intrusted to carry out his commands either died too soon, or were averse
to the distribution of the commendaries in perpetuity; for they readily
perceived how soon their power and influence in the country would be at
an end if they carried out this measure. I must, however, do Nuno de
Guzman and the other auditors the justice to say, that whenever there
were any commendaries vacant, they always first remembered the
Conquistadores, though their conduct was rather harsh towards the Indian
population. However, these auditors were very soon deprived of all
power, by the disputes in which they became involved with Cortes, and
the abuse they made in the marking of slaves.

In the following chapter I will give some further account of the
question respecting a distribution of the Indians in perpetuity.




CHAPTER CCXI.

    _The deliberations which took place at Valladolid in the year 1550,
    in the royal council of the Indies, respecting the distribution of
    Indians in perpetuity._


In the year 1550, the licentiate De la Gasca came from Peru to the
court, which was then residing at Valladolid. He was accompanied by a
monk of the Dominican order, named father Martin, who was regent of his
order, and whom his majesty soon after appointed to the bishopric of las
Charcas. At the same time there appeared at the court the bishop of
Chiapa, Don Bartolome de las Casas; the bishop of Mechoacan, Don Vasco
de Quiroga, and other cavaliers, who came as the representatives of New
Spain and Peru; and also certain hidalgos, against whom several
accusations had been brought. To this meeting I was also cited, as the
oldest of the Conquistadores. The reason for assembling this council was
as follows: De la Gasca, and those who accompanied him from Peru, had
brought along with them a large quantity of gold, partly their own, and
partly belonging to the crown. This gold was forwarded to Augsburg, in
Germany, where his majesty was then staying with our present most
fortunate king Don Philip, his beloved son, to whom God grant a long
life. Several cavaliers repaired with this gold, in order at the same
time to present themselves to his majesty as deputies from the Spanish
settlers in Peru, and also to beg of him to grant us commendaries in
perpetuity, in reward for the services we had rendered to the crown. A
petition to the same effect had been laid before his majesty by Gonzalo
Lopez, Alonso de Villanueva, and other cavaliers, who had purposely been
deputed from New Spain.

Shortly after the arrival of the licentiate De la Gasca in Spain, the
see of Palencia became vacant, and the emperor, it was said, had given
it to this licentiate in remuneration for his having restored
tranquillity to Peru, and for his having regained possession of the gold
and silver which had been stolen by the Contreras.

With respect to the petition of distributing commendaries in perpetuity,
his majesty appointed a commission to inquire into its merits, and as to
what would be the best possible manner of carrying it into effect. The
following were the gentlemen appointed: the marquis of Mondejar as
president of the council of the Indies, the licentiates Gutierre
Velasquez and Tello de Sandoval, the doctor Hernan Perez de la Fuente,
the licentiates Gregorio, Lopez, and Briviesca; and the doctor
Riberadeneyra, auditors of the royal council of the Indies; and besides,
there were several others of his majesty's privy councillors.

This distinguished body of prelates and cavaliers met together in the
residence of Pedro Gonzalez de Leon, where the council of the Indies
hold their sittings, and began to deliberate on the subject of the
distribution of commendaries in perpetuity in New Spain, Peru, and if I
mistake not, also in New Granada and Bobotan. The reasons which were
adduced for carrying this into effect were indeed just and Christian.
For it was said, among other things, that those Indians who were
distributed in perpetuity would receive better treatment; would be more
thoroughly instructed in the Christian doctrine, be attended in sickness
as children, and their lives would be altogether made more comfortable
to them. It would be an incitement also for those who possessed
commendaries to attend more to agriculture and the breeding of cattle.
The endless lawsuits about the possession of Indians would cease
altogether; no inspectors would be further required in the townships;
and the soldiers would live in peace and friendship with each other as
soon as they found that the presidents and governors durst no longer
distribute the vacant commendaries among their relations for party
purposes, as was too often the case. Besides which, if perpetual
distribution were carried into effect, and the commendaries were solely
given to men who had rendered services to the crown, his majesty's real
views would not only be carried out, but it would be an effectual means
of dispossessing the crew of vagabonds in Peru of the lands they had
unjustly seized, and put it out of their power to create further
dissensions.

After this august body had well argued these points pro and con, the
several deputies and we, the other cavaliers, were required to give our
opinion, and the greater part voted for the distribution in perpetuity.

Of those who were opposed to it the bishop of Chiapa was first and
foremost, and was supported by his colleague, brother Rodrigo, of the
Dominican order, the new bishop of Palencia, De la Gasca, the marquis de
Mondejar, and by two auditors of the royal council of the Indies. These
prelates, in opposition to the opinion of all the above-mentioned
cavaliers, (with the exception of the marquis de Mondejar, who refused
to pronounce in favour either of the one or the other party, merely
listening to what each had to say, and to see which way the majority
would go,) declared that the Indians should not be distributed in
perpetuity, and that they should be compelled to deprive many persons of
their Indians, who at present derived considerable incomes from them;
though, in the first instance even, they had been more deserving of
punishment than of reward. This was particularly the case in Peru, they
said, where peace would be maintained if these views were carried out;
for it was to be feared that the troops there would rise up in open
insurrection, if they found no further distribution of Indians was to be
allowed.

To this the bishop of Mechoacan, who was on our side, answered, by
asking the licentiate De la Gasca, why, instead of punishing all the
thieves and vagabonds, whose infamous practices were notorious to the
world, he had even presented them with additional Indians?

To this the licentiate smilingly replied: "Indeed, I considered,
gentlemen, that it was no little matter for me to maintain peace there,
and that I escaped with my life, after I had deprived so many persons of
their possessions and punished them as the law required."

After a good deal of further speechifying pro and con, we, supported by
several others who were present, proposed that the distribution in
perpetuity should at least be carried into effect in New Spain, though
only for the benefit of the true Conquistadores, who sailed from Cuba
with Cortes, and those of Narvaez's and Garay's troops, who were still
living. Of the Conquistadores, we added, there were but few remaining,
for the greater part had lost their lives in battle in the service of
their monarch. The services which we had rendered to the crown fully
merited such distinction; the other troops could be rewarded in some
other way.

As the commissioners could not come to any decision among themselves on
this point, some of the prelates and royal auditors proposed that the
matter should be laid at rest until his majesty returned to Spain, as it
was necessary that the emperor should himself be present in discussing a
matter of so much importance. We others, the bishop of Mechoacan, and
several of the cavaliers present said, however, that the majority, as
far as regarded New Spain, had declared in favour of the distribution in
perpetuity, and that our affairs must not be mixed up with those of
Peru; that it was also very evident, from the commands which his majesty
issued in appointing the commission, that he was in favour of this
measure. However, all the arguments we adduced, all we might say with
regard to the important services we had rendered to the crown was to no
purpose; the auditors of the royal council of the Indies, the bishop las
Casas, and brother Rodrigo persisted in their opinion, and added, that
on his majesty's return from Germany, the Conquistadores would be
rewarded in such a manner that they would never find cause of complaint
hereafter.

Intelligence as to how this matter had terminated was brought to New
Spain by the very next vessel, and the Conquistadores determined to
despatch procuradores in their own name to his majesty. I had again
returned to Guatimala about this time, when Andreas de Tapia, Pedro
Moreno Medrano, and Juan Limpias Carvajal wrote to me on the subject of
our memorial, in which I was mentioned as one of the oldest of the
Conquistadores. I then communicated with the other Conquistadores
staying in Guatimala, desiring them to subscribe what they could to
defray the expenses of our procuradores. We could not, however, raise
sufficient money for the purpose, and it was therefore determined that
the citizens of Mexico should join us in this matter, that we might
despatch our procuradores in common; but this also came to nothing, and
thus matters remained until our invincible king, Don Philip, whom God
grant a long life, made certain regulations in favour of the
Conquistadores and their children; and also of the oldest settlers who
had families, as may be seen by the royal decrees which were issued.




CHAPTER CCXII.

    _Of various remarks which were made respecting my history, which the
    reader will be pleased to hear._


After I had completed this my history, two licentiates called upon me
and begged permission of me to peruse it, in order that they might
acquaint themselves better with the history of the conquest of Mexico
and of New Spain, and that they might judge for themselves in how far my
history differed from the representations which Francisco Lopez de
Gomara and doctor Illescas have given of the heroic deeds of the marquis
del Valle Oaxaca. As ignorant persons, like myself, always learn
something from men of learning, I gave it to them, but under the
condition that they should neither add nor take anything away from it;
as everything I had related was conformable to truth. When the
licentiates had read through the whole of my work, one of them who was a
great rhetorician, said he was astonished at the sharpness of my memory,
that I should not even have forgotten one single circumstance of the
many things that had taken place from my first voyage of discovery under
Cordoba down to the present time. With respect to my style of writing,
both remarked, that it was plain old Castilian, which was more agreeable
at that time than those embellished sentences which are generally
affected by historians; and that though my style was plain it was
rendered beautiful by the truth which it contained. They were, however,
of opinion that I had written too conspicuously about myself, in
describing the battles at which I was present, and that I should have
left this to others. I ought also, they said, to have quoted other
historians to confirm my statements, instead of dryly saying: This I
did, This happened to me; for, added they, I was only witnessing for
myself. To this I replied, and said as follows: "In certain despatches
which Cortes forwarded to the emperor from Mexico in the year 1540, my
name and the services I had rendered to the crown were also mentioned,
and how I had made two former voyages of discovery to New Spain." In
these despatches Cortes spoke as an eyewitness of my conduct in the many
battles we fought with the Mexicans, of the courage I had evinced on
every occasion, of the many wounds I had received in the numerous
engagements, and also how I had accompanied him on the expedition to the
Honduras, and said besides several other things in my praise, which it
would be tedious to enumerate here. The illustrious viceroy, Antonio de
Mendoza, wrote in a similar strain to his majesty respecting the
officers who were then serving in New Spain. His accounts agreed
perfectly with those of Cortes; and lastly, I myself in the year 1540
gave the royal council of the Indies sufficient proofs in confirmation
of what both had said. But should you senores licentiates, continued I,
not feel satisfied with such witnesses as the viceroy and Cortes, and
with the proofs I have myself adduced, I can bring forward another
witness, who must have greater weight than any other in the world, I
mean the emperor Charles the Fifth himself, who, by one of his royal
letters bearing his own seal, addressed to the viceroys and presidents,
commands that I and my sons shall be munificently rewarded for the many
important services which I have rendered to the crown. I myself possess
the original letters containing these commands. But if you wish for any
further witness, behold the territory of New Spain, which is thrice the
size of old Spain; count the numbers of towns and settlements which have
all been founded by Spaniards, and sum up the wealth which is
continually passing from this portion of the new world to Spain. Another
reason why I have written this true account is, because the historians
Illescas and Gomara never mention a word in our praise, but give to
Cortes alone all the glory of our conquests. If they had been honestly
inclined they would not have passed us, the Conquistadores, by in
silence; a share of Cortes' heroic deeds is also due to me, for in all
his battles I fought among the first; besides that, I was present in so
many other engagements in the provinces under his officers, as you must
have seen in the course of this history. I can also claim my share of
the inscription which Cortes put on the silver culverin, we called the
phoenix, and which Cortes sent a present to his majesty from Mexico. The
inscription ran thus:

    This bird was born without its equal,
    As a servant I have not my second,
    And you have not your equal in this world.

And when Cortes, on his first return to Spain spoke to his majesty of
the courageous officers and soldiers who had served under him in the
Mexican wars, I was also included in this number. Cortes also took
frequent opportunities of speaking to his majesty in our praise during
the unfortunate expedition against Algiers, and of this praise a part
was also due to me; for I lent also my assistance in the conquest.

This was my reply to the two licentiates; but with respect to the
reproach they made me of having spoken too much in my own praise, and
that all this self-praise would have come with a better grace from
others, I desired them to bear in mind, that there are indeed certain
virtues and excellent qualities which we ought never to praise in
ourselves, but let our neighbours do it for us; but how is it possible
for a neighbour to mention anything in the praise of another if he was
not present at the battle with him? Are the sparrows, said I, to speak
of it, who flew over our heads during the engagements? or the clouds,
that floated on high? Who can speak better about it than we, the
officers and soldiers, the men who themselves fought the battles? Your
reproach, gentlemen, would have been very just, continued I, if in my
history you had found that I had withheld the praise that was due to the
officers and soldiers who were my companions in arms, and I had claimed
all the honour to myself; but I have not even said so much in my own
praise as I could, and indeed ought to have done; but I write that my
name may not be forgotten. Here I feel tempted to make a comparison,
though it is between a very great man and a poor soldier like myself;
which is, if historians relate of the imperator and celebrated general
Julius Caesar, that he fought fifty-three battles, I may say that I
fought in many more battles than Julius Caesar, as may be seen from my
narrative. Historians also say of Julius Caesar how courageous he was,
and always ready for battle at a moment's notice, and how he devoted his
nights in writing down his valorous deeds with his own hand; for though
there were numbers of historians, he would not trust his fame in their
hands. It should therefore be no matter of surprise to any one, when I
mention a few words about myself, in describing the battles at which I
was present, that future generations may say: this Bernal Diaz del
Castillo wrote, in order that his children and descendants might share
in the praise of his heroic deeds, in the same way as the fame of those
heroes of old has been handed down in their escutcheons to their latest
posterity.

I will not, however, say anything further on this head; for what I have
already said will not be relished by malice and envy, who will be of
opinion that I have praised myself too much. What I have said of myself
has, so to say, happened but yesterday, and not centuries ago, as the
exploits of the Romans. There are still sufficient of the Conquistadores
living to confirm what I have related. If they found any untruths, or
even any obscure passage, they would not allow it to pass unnoticed.
However, it is so in the world; malice always maligns truth. I will now
enumerate in their regular order all the battles at which I was present,
from the first discovery of New Spain, down to the pacification of the
whole country, in order that the reader may have a short and clear view
of them all at once; however, there were many hostile rencontres at
which I was not present, either because I was wounded or knocked up with
fatigue, or while the provinces were so numerous, that we were obliged
to march out against them in different bodies.

The first was the pretty sharp conflict at the Punta de Cotoche, during
my first voyage of discovery, under Cordoba. Next followed the severe
battle at Champoton, where we lost the half of our troops; I myself was
dangerously wounded, and our captain had two severe wounds, of the
consequences of which he died.

On our return to Cuba, when we landed on the coast of Florida in search
of water, we had another sharp conflict, in which I was wounded, and one
of our men was carried off alive by the Indians.

In the expedition under Grijalva, we fought a second battle in
Champoton, on the same spot; ten of our men were killed, and Grijalva
himself wounded.

In the third expedition under Cortes, I was present at the following
engagements:

The two battles on the Tabasco, subsequently called the river Grijalva.

The battle of Tzinpantzinco.

A few days after, the three pitched battles against the Tlascallans.

The conspiracy and chastisement of the inhabitants of Cholulla.

Entrance into Mexico, and seizure of the person of Motecusuma. I do not
count this exactly among the battles, yet it was a bold step to take so
mighty a cazique prisoner.

The great victory over Narvaez, whose troops amounted to nearly 1400; we
were only 226 in number.

On our return to Mexico, to the relief of Alvarado, we were attacked by
the whole armed force of Mexico. The battles continue, without
intermission, for eight days and nights. I will, however, say, that I
only fought six battles during this time. We lost 860 of our troops.

The battle of Otumpan, and that in our expedition to the province of
Tepeaca.

The expedition against Tezcuco, where, in the two battles we fought, I
was each time severely wounded in the throat by the thrust of a lance.

Two battles against the Mexicans, on our march to the assistance of some
townships in the province of Tezcuco. These battles were respecting the
possession of some maise fields.

Second campaign of Mexico, and our battles against the wild tribes of
the marquis mountains. Here we had eight men killed, and the whole of us
were in the utmost danger.

The battle of Quauhnahuac.

The three battles of Xochimilco, where likewise we stood in great
danger, and four of our men were killed.

The siege of Mexico, which lasted ninety-three days, during the whole of
which time the battles continued, almost without intermission, day and
night. Here I may, at least, say that I fought in eighty severe
engagements and skirmishes.

Expeditions to the provinces of Guacasualco, Chiapa, and Zapoteca. Here
we fought three battles, and I was also at the taking of Chiapa.

The two conflicts near Chamula and Quitlan.

The two similar rencontres near Teapa and Cimatan. Here I lost two of my
companions, and was myself severely wounded in the throat.

I had almost forgotten to mention that, in our disastrous retreat from
Mexico, we were continually attacked, for the space of nine days, by the
enemy, and we fought four severe battles with them.

Expedition to the Honduras and Higueras, in which two years and three
months elapsed before we again reached Mexico. Near the township of
Culacotu we fought a severe engagement, in which I lost my horse, which
had cost me 600 pesos.

On my return to Mexico, I assisted in putting down the insurrection of
the Zatopecs and Minges.

I do not mention several other hostile rencontres, for I should find
neither any end to them, nor to the numerous perils I encountered.
Neither must I omit to mention that I was among the first who stood
before Mexico when we were about to commence the siege. Cortes himself
did not take up his station till five days after. I was also one of
those who destroyed the aqueduct of Chapultepec, by which the Mexicans
were deprived of fresh water.

If we sum up all this together, it will be found that I have, at least,
been in 119 battles and hostile rencontres: not that I exactly wish to
praise myself by stating this; but it is truth what I have written, and
my history is not a book of old traditions, or account of things that
happened in ancient times among the Romans; neither does it contain
poetical fictions, but a faithful narrative of the important and
remarkable services which we rendered to the Almighty, to our emperor,
and to the whole of Christianity.

Praise and thanks be to the Lord Jesus Christ, who preserved me in so
many perils, and that at present I have the power to write all this with
such clearness! And I can, indeed, boast that I have been in as many
battles as historians relate of the emperor Henry the Fourth.




CHAPTER CCXIII.

    _Of the planets and signs in the heavens which prognosticated our
    arrival in New Spain; how these were interpreted by the Mexicans;
    and of other matters._


The Mexicans relate that, shortly before our arrival in New Spain, there
appeared a figure in the heavens of a circular form, like a carriage
wheel, the colours of which were a mixture of green and red. Shortly
after a second, of a similar form, made its appearance, which moved
towards the rising of the sun, and joined the first. Motecusuma, who at
that time sat upon the throne of Mexico, assembled his priests and
soothsayers, and desired them to watch, and explain to him these
wonderful signs, which had never been seen before. The priests
accordingly communicated with their god Huitzilopochtli, who answered,
that they portended dreadful wars and horrible pestilence, and that it
was necessary to sacrifice some human beings.

Shortly after these signs had been seen in the heavens we arrived in New
Spain, and ten months after Narvaez came, and brought with him a <DW64>,
who was ill with the smallpox. From this person the disease spread among
the inhabitants of Sempoalla, and thence, like a true pestilence,
throughout the whole of New Spain.

When, subsequently, we fought the severe battles during the night of
sorrows, and lost 550 of our men, who were either killed in our retreat
or taken prisoners, and sacrificed to the Mexican idols, the
interpretations which the priests had given of the signs were considered
perfectly correct. These signs were not seen by any of us, but I have
related this exactly as told by the Mexicans, for it is so described in
their hieroglyphic writing, which we always found correct.

The following appearance I beheld with my own eyes, which any one else
might have seen if he had taken the trouble of looking up. In the year
1527 there appeared in the heavens a sign, which had the shape of a long
sword, and seemed as if it stood between the province of Panuco and the
town of Tezcuco, and remained unchanged in the heavens for the space of
twenty days. The Mexicans and their papas declared it was a sign of some
pestilence, and certainly a few days after the measles, and another
eruptive disease, like leprosy, broke out, which was accompanied by a
very nauseous smell, and carried off numbers of persons, though it did
not prove so destructive as the smallpox.

In the year 1528 a very heavy rain fell in Guacasualco, with large clods
of earth. But this phenomena differed from what had been seen before of
the kind, for as soon as these clods touched the ground they turned into
innumerable frogs, a little larger in size than the bluebottle fly. The
earth was completely covered with these creatures, which hopped about in
various directions, to gain the river, which was not far off. As,
however, there were myriads of them, and the sun burning hot, numbers of
them perished before they could reach the water. The birds of prey
certainly devoured great numbers, yet many of them still remained on the
ground, and soon turned putrid, spreading a most dreadful stench around.

I have likewise been assured by credible persons that similar showers of
frogs fell at Sempoalla, in the neighbourhood of the sugar mills,
belonging to the accountant Albornoz.

I should not have noticed this raining of frogs if it were not something
of rare occurrence, a thing which the greater part of mankind never see;
moreover, celebrated men have said a writer should only notice those
things which are truly wonderful. I was also assured by a cavalier of
distinction, who resides in the neighbourhood of this town, named Juan
de Guzman, that he himself was once caught in a shower of this kind, on
his journey through Yucatan. He assured me that a number of such small
frogs stuck frozen to his and his companions' cloaks, and they were even
obliged to shake them off.

About the same time that this happened to Guzman, it also rained frogs
in Guatimala, as I have been assured by my fellow-townsman Cosmo Roman.
The most awful occurrence, however, took place in Guatimala, in the
month of September, of the year 1541. Here a most terrific hurricane
arose, accompanied by torrents of rain, which continued incessantly for
the space of three days, and so vast was the quantity of water that came
pouring down, that the crater of the volcano, which lies about four
miles from the town of Guatimala, literally burst, and so terrific was
the volume of water that came rolling down the mountain, that numbers of
huge stones and trees were carried along with it. Those who did not
witness it themselves will scarcely credit this, for there were masses
of rock carried down by the flood which two oxen could not move, and
these blocks of stone were left there as a memento of this fearful
tempest. Every tree was torn up by the roots, and hurried down the
precipices by the impetuosity of the torrent. The water had exactly the
colour as if it had been mixed with chalk, and by the immense power of
the hurricane it was raised into foaming billows. The noise occasioned
by the rushing of the wind and water was so terrific, that persons could
not hear each other speak, and fathers were unable to render their sons
any assistance.

This direful tempest commenced at ten o'clock on Sunday evening, of the
11th of September, and the whole body of water, stones, and trees came
rolling along over the half of the town of Guatimala, crumbling down the
houses in its progress, strongly built as they were. A great number of
men, women, and children perished in a few moments, and everything they
possessed was lost. Some houses which had withstood the torrent were
blocked up to the topmost windows by mud, pieces of rock, and large
trees. During this tempest, also, Dona Beatriz de la Cueva, the wife of
Pedro de Alvarado, perished, with several other ladies, who had fled to
the chapel, to supplicate the Almighty in prayer to preserve them from
destruction in the tempest. The water and mud rushed with such
impetuosity into the chapel, that it soon gave way, and only three
ladies escaped, one of whom was Alvarado's daughter; the names of the
two others I have forgotten. This young lady, whose name was Leonora,
was fortunately rescued from her perilous situation, between scattered
trees and heaps of stone, and is now the wife of the distinguished
cavalier Don Francisco de la Cueva, by whom she has several fine sons
and daughters.

Many persons declared that they heard during this tempest a fearful kind
of howling, yelling, and whistling, and maintained that numbers of evil
spirits came rolling along with the large pieces of rock; for it would
not have been possible for the water of itself to have moved those heavy
masses of stone and large trees. In the midst of this flood people also
said they saw a cow with one horn, and two monstrous-looking men, like
<DW64>s, with horrible countenances, who kept crying out in a loud
voice: "_Go on! Go on! For all must be destroyed!_" If the inhabitants
looked out of their doors or windows to watch the torrent, they were
seized with such sudden dread, that they fled from their houses from one
street to another, and were at length carried off by the flood, or
sinking into the mud, were hurried with it into the neighbouring river.
The Indians who lived further down the country, in the direction in
which this mass of water, mud, stones, and trees was moving, fared much
worse, for they were all drowned. May God have mercy on their souls!

I have above related that this dreadful tempest was looked upon as a
punishment for the blasphemous expression which the disconsolate widow
of Alvarado was said to have uttered at the intelligence of her
husband's death. However, I have often been assured since I have resided
in Guatimala, that this lady never gave utterance to the sinful
expressions of which she has been accused, but that she merely said:
"She wished she had perished with her husband."

I must not omit to observe that the stones which were rolled down with
the flood are of such magnitude, that when any stranger comes to
Guatimala, they are always pointed out to him, and he is quite astounded
at the sight.

After this unfortunate occurrence the inhabitants burned all the dead
bodies they could find; but they themselves durst no longer take up
their abode in the town, and the greater part retired to their
possessions in the country, or built huts in the fields. At length,
however, they determined to build the present town, which now stands
where formerly maise was grown. But I cannot say much in praise of the
site that was chosen. It would have been much preferable if choice had
been made of Petapa, or of the valley of Chimaltenango, both of which
places are better situated for commerce. Each time the river overflows
its banks the town is in danger, while earthquakes are of very frequent
occurrence.[63]

After this destructive tempest, the late bishop, of pious memory, and
several other cavaliers instituted an annual solemn procession, which
was to take place on the 11th of September. This procession, composed of
the clergy and of all the inhabitants of the town, set out from the
principal church, under chant of sacred hymns, to the spot where the old
town stood, and then entered the church, which on this day was decorated
with green boughs and cloth, and a solemn funeral mass was performed for
those who had perished in the tempest. After which funeral ornaments
were placed on the graves of the more distinguished with lighted wax
torches, and an offering was made of bread, meat, and other things,
according to the quality of the person interred. After the funeral mass
a sermon was preached, and the late bishop not only followed in the
procession himself, but he likewise left a fund for celebrating the mass
for the dead on the anniversary of this day of sorrows. After these
religious ceremonies, those who formed the procession enjoyed themselves
in the gardens and the fields of the neighbourhood, and feasted off the
plentiful provisions which they had brought along with them, in the same
manner as it is done in Spain on similar occasions.

What I have related of this deluge I have taken from the memorials of
the late bishop, who was accustomed to note down every curious phenomena
of nature which he himself witnessed in this neighbourhood; besides
which, I have heard all this confirmed by eyewitnesses. But the
procession I have been describing is no longer continued, as the fund
left by the late bishop, according to the assurances of the priests and
dignitaries of the church of Guatimala, is not sufficient to meet the
expenses.




NOTES TO THE SECOND VOLUME.


[1] Cortes, in his despatches, thus enumerates his troops, 40 horse, 550
foot soldiers, among whom there were 80 musketeers and crossbow-men; 8
or 9 field-pieces and a small supply of powder. (p. 1.)

[2] This king was also called Cohuanacotzin, subsequently he became a
convert to Christianity, and took the name of Don Fernando. (p. 3.)

[3] His Indian name was Ixtlilxuchitl, and his Spanish, Don Hernando
Pimentel, not Cortes. (p. 5.)

[4] His real name was Necahuatpiltzintli. (p. 5.)

[5] Calpullalpan. (p. 15.)

[6] Several Spanish writers make the number of Tlascallan warriors who
accompanied this transport, amount to 180,000; but this is no doubt an
excessive exaggeration. Here again the honesty of Bernal Diaz is
conspicuous, who never multiplies numbers. (p. 17.)

[7] Teutepil and Ayutecatl were their proper names. (p. 17.)

[8] Torquemada, who himself saw this canal, says it was full two miles
in length. (p. 18.)

[9] Gomara calls this place Accapichtlan; Torquemada, Yacapichtla. (p.
29.)

[10] Gomara most likely followed Cortes' despatches, where we find that
the stream was  with the blood of the Indians, to the distance
of four miles. (p. 30.)

[11] Indian servants. (p. 32.)

[12] Our old soldier has, "Unas bulas de senor S. Pedro," a bull of St.
Peter. (p. 32.)

[13] There were four vessels which arrived on this occasion, carrying
200 Spaniards and 80 horses. (p. 33.)

[14] According to Torquemada this garden was eight miles in
circumference, through the midst of which flowed a small rivulet, whose
banks were decorated with all kinds of shrubbery. Besides the many
beautiful buildings which it contained there were also artificial rocks,
(p. 40.)

[15] The Mexican name is Quauhnahuac, where Cortes subsequently built
himself a palace. (p. 41.)

[16] According to Cortes' despatches, the Indians made use of these
words, which are indeed more intelligible than our author's: "They had
sought our friendship thus late, because they thought they were bound
first to atone for their guilt by allowing us to inflict some punishment
upon them, after which they thought we should not be so embittered
against them." (p. 42.)

[17] According to Torquemada, who was born in Mexico, and was elected
provincial of his order by a chapter held at Xochimilco, the distance
was sixteen miles. (p. 42.)

[17*] Torquemada here relates that Cortes was saved by a Tlascallan, and
that the day following he made a fruitless search for him among the
dead. (p. 44.)

[18] The following is a free translation of the first six lines:

    "Pensive and sad brave Cortes stood
    Surrounded by his valiant band,
    His thoughts were in the heaviest mood,
    While musing on Tlacupa's land,
    Grief must assume an attitude,
    Forehead and side were clasped by either hand."

Of the four following lines Bernal Diaz only gives the first two, the
last two I have taken from Las Casas, (Brevissima Relacion de la
destrucyon de las Indias.) These lines were most likely applied to
Cortes after the attack he made upon the Cholullans:

    On the Tarpeian rock as Nero stood
    To view the flames consume th' imperial city,
    Both young and old uttered their grief aloud,
    But Nero neither showed remorse nor pity.    (p. 52.)

[19] According to Torquemada there were 300 concerned in this
conspiracy, and their intention was to elect Francisco Verdugo,
brother-in-law to the governor of Cuba, captain-general in Cortes'
stead; but adds that Verdugo, who was very courageous and highly
esteemed, was not let into the conspiracy. (p. 55.)

[20] According to Cortes, this canal was two miles long, twice the
breadth of a man's length, and as deep. It was completed in fifty days
by 8000 Indians. (p. 55.)

[21] Herrera (Historia Gen. de las Indias) gives another reason for the
younger Xicotencatl's return to Tlascalla. He says, that Alonso Ojeda
had given a relation of Xicotencatl, named Piltectetl, who had been
shamefully ill-used by the Spaniards, leave to return home, but as
Xicotencatl was jealous of this man on account of some love affair, he
also secretly decamped for Tlascalla. (p. 61.)

[22] Torquemada remarks that, though the younger Xicotencatl was a man
of uncommon bravery, his courage failed him when he saw the hour of
death approaching. However, this is hardly to be credited, for it is
quite contrary to the Indian character. (p. 62.)

[23] Cortes, in his despatches, tries to throw all the blame of this
unfortunate attack upon the royal treasurer. (p. 81.)

[24] Respecting this slimy substance, called by the Mexicans Tecuitlatl,
see a former note, first vol. (p. 95.)

[25] Bernal Diaz further remarks, (which we thought better to insert
here,) that his complexion was fairer than that of the Indians in
general; that he was above twenty-three years of age, and that he had a
beautiful wife, daughter of his uncle Motecusuma. (p. 98.)

[26] So the Spaniards called the famous general Gonsalo de Cordova. Our
old soldier is generally very satirical when he speaks about the boasted
campaigns of Italy. (p. 106.)

[27] The battle of Garigliano, by which Cordova decided the fate of the
kingdom of Naples. (p. 106.)

[28] Yet Torquemada assures us that mothers had eaten of the flesh of
their own offspring. (p. 112.)

[29] The Spaniards at length, it would appear, took little notice of
this barbarous custom of eating human flesh, so common among the
Indians. Even here we see it is mentioned very coolly by Bernal Diaz.
Human flesh certainly formed part of the provisions which Indian
warriors carried with them when going out to battle. Both Gomara and
Torquemada mention, that when Sandoval had defeated the warriors of
Matlaltzinco, he found among their baggage a quantity of maise and
numbers of roasted children. (p. 114.)

[30] All accounts agree in laying the guilt of this inhuman act to the
door of the crown officers. Cruelty formed no part of Cortes' character,
yet he will always be reproached for having yielded up his better
feelings on this occasion to satisfy the rapacity of others. To the
honour of the Spanish name, I must here add, that Torquemada most
distinctly remarks, that the whole of Cortes troops openly showed their
disgust of this infamous deed. (p. 117.)

[31] We have mentioned in a former note that this wine was made from the
Agava Americana. To this day it is the common drink of the inhabitants
of New Spain. (p. 129.)

[32] Most likely the Chalchicoeca river, for under this name Torquemada
comprehends the coast district south of the Islas de Sacrificios.
Monarch. Ind. iv. (p. 140.)

[33] Hibueras and not Higueras. Honduras and Hibueras were the original
names given to the coast districts along the bay of the same name. For
further information, see Monarch. Ind. iii, 41. (p. 173.)

[34] Christobal de Oli set sail from Vera Cruz early in April of the
year 1523. (p. 175.)

[35] Bernal Diaz calls this pope Andriano de Lobayna, but he was not
elected to the papal throne until the year following. (p. 195.)

[36] The author calls this Flemish nobleman, Monsieur de Lasoa, the same
who performed so conspicuous a part during the early part of the young
emperor's reign. (p. 195.)

[37] The emperor arrived in Spain in the month of June 1522, at the same
time that Pope Adrian the Sixth repaired to Rome to take possession of
the papal throne. (p. 197.)

[38] This nobleman the emperor had appointed commander-in-chief of his
troops in Spain; but all his operations were attended with little
success, and he lost all influence at court. (p. 198.)

[39] Bernal Diaz means the emperor's chancellor, Mercurin Arborio de
Gattinara, who subsequently became a cardinal. (p. 200.)

[40] Most likely in the year 1523. (p. 207.)

[41] A town of Estremadura, and the native place of Cortes. (p. 212.)

[42] Gomara, who had been domestic chaplain in Cortes' family, says,
that Cortes sent his father on this occasion 25,000 castellanas de oro,
and 800 pounds weight of silver, but that it was seized by the emperor.
(p. 219.)

[43] According to Gomara, several others had tried their wits to compose
a verse for this field-piece, until Cortes himself engaged and hit upon
those lines. Andreas de Tapia by way of joke proposed the following:

    A questo tiro a mi ver
    Muchos necios a de hazer.

[44] The liberties which Cortes granted to all those who built houses in
Mexico, drew such vast crowds to the spot, that pestilential diseases
broke out, which carried off numbers of human beings. The labourers,
while at work, were enlivened by vocal and instrumental music. (p. 221.)

[45] The real name of this excellent man was Toribio de Benavente. When
he first arrived in New Spain, the Indians thought his outward garments
so mean that they continually cried out when they saw him, "Poor man!
poor man!" As he was then unacquainted with their language, he inquired
the meaning of the word "Motolinia," which they so often repeated; and,
on being told what it was, he said, "Well, since this is the first word
of the language which I learn, it shall in future be my name!" This monk
was unremitting in his exertions to promote the welfare of the Indians,
and he alone baptized above 400,000. (p. 222.)

[45*] According to Gomara and Herrera, Cortes left Mexico in October,
1524. (p. 235.)

[46] Herrera, who has otherwise merely transcribed Gomara's account of
this expedition, has the following passage, which we do not find
elsewhere: "Medrano, the hoboist," he says, "declared that, in order to
still his hunger during this campaign, he ate of the brain and inside of
Bernardo Caldero, and of those of a nephew of his, who was also a
musician, and had died of hunger." I must here take the opportunity,
owing to an omission in the print, of offering a few remarks on the
execution of Quauhtemoctzin, and the king of Tlacupa.

Gomara, in his account of the expedition to the Honduras, positively
asserts that Quauhtemoctzin and the other chiefs were guilty of this
conspiracy, and says that they confessed it themselves, and were then
tried by a court-martial, which passed sentence of death upon them.
Torquemada, however, differs widely with Gomara; and, in speaking of the
unfortunate end of Quauhtemoctzin, he has the following: "So this matter
is related by Gomara and Herrera, but I find it differently represented
in a history written in the Mexican language, and which I believe to be
perfectly correct. While Cortes (the Mexican author says) was quartered
in a certain township, the Mexican chiefs one evening began to discourse
among themselves about the recent hardships they had suffered, and
Cohuanacotzin said to Quauhtemoctzin, to Tetlepanquetzaltzin, and to
other distinguished Mexicans, 'Thus you see, gentlemen, from kings we
are become slaves, and we suffer ourselves to be led about by Cortes and
this handful of Christians. If we were other people than we are, and
would break through the promise we have made these Spaniards, we could
play them a pretty trick here, and revenge ourselves upon them for all
they have done to us, and the ill-treatment my cousin Quauhtemoctzin has
suffered at their hands.' To this the Mexican monarch replied, 'I beg of
you Cohuanacotzin to drop this subject, lest some one should overhear
us, and imagine we were in earnest.' It appears (continues Torquemada)
that they were indeed overheard, for the whole of this discourse was
reported to Cortes by a low-minded Mexican of the lower classes." (p.
244.)

[47] With respect to the running or melting of the fat in the body
causing instant death, it was most likely a notion entertained by the
medical men of that day; the remark is, therefore, very excusable in an
old soldier. (p. 255.)

[48] Probably the iguana, a species of lizard common to St. Domingo,
where it is eaten, and considered delicate food. (p. 255.)

[49] Here our author has evidently erred, for Cortes left Mexico in the
month of October, 1524, and the author repeatedly says that two years
and three months were spent in this expedition; thus he cannot have
returned until the year 1526. (p. 302.)

[50] Cortes must either have worn mourning for an uncommon length of
time for his wife, or our author must have been misinformed when he says
that she died a few months after her arrival in New Spain. (p. 327.)

[51] Bernal Diaz had forgotten the precise year, and says he arrived
there in the month of May, 1536 or 1537. (p. 352.)

[51] The psydium pyriferum or pomiferum of Linnaeus. (p. 352.)

[53] Bernal Diaz has fallen into an error here, for the meeting of the
two monarchs at Aigues-Mortes was accidental, the emperor having been
cast on the shore of Provence on a sea-voyage to Barcelona, and Francis
the First, who happened to be in the neighbourhood at the time, kindly
invited him to the place above mentioned. Neither was there any treaty
of peace concluded between the two monarchs on this occasion, but an
armistice for ten years had been agreed upon between them shortly
beforehand, on the 18th of June, 1538. (p. 355.)

[54] This chapter 202 we may distinguish as the most uninteresting of
all; it seems a mere jumble of facts thrown in anyhow; but the author
himself remarks at the end of the chapter, "I relate all this merely
from hearsay." (p. 357.)

[55] A little below, Bernal Diaz particularly mentions Cojohuacan. (p.
364.)

[56] Gomara agrees with Bernal Diaz as to the day of Cortes' death, (the
2d day of December, 1547,) but says he was sixty-three years of age. (p.
364.)

[57] Our author omits to mention anything about the third daughter. In
these passages we cannot sufficiently admire the excellent feeling of
the old soldier, which was charitable to a degree; for though he had
great reason to complain of the neglect he suffered from his hero
Cortes, yet, after his death, he tries to raise him in your estimation,
and he lets him die an honest man. (p. 365.)

[58] The famous general Gonsalo Hernandez de Cordoba. (p. 373.)

[59] The inns in Spain, which stand along the high roads at great
distances from any town, are called ventas, and are mostly built by
government. (p. 378.)

[60] This passage proves volumes for the honesty, judiciousness, and
education of the author; for uneducated minds are fond of large numbers
to create astonishment, but he takes the least number, while the so
termed learned historians have not hesitated to employ ridiculous
exaggerations. Gomara, for instance, says that 20,000 human beings were
annually sacrificed to the idols within the circle of Cortes' conquests;
according to others, 50,000. Herrera goes further, for he says that
frequently from 5000 to 20,000 human beings were sacrificed in one day
at Mexico and in the surrounding neighbourhood. (p. 388.)

[61] Respecting this celebrated artist, see a former note. (p. 391.)

[62] The inland trade of New Spain was considerable as early as in the
year 1531. In the market of Tlascalla alone there were annually
slaughtered from 14,000 to 15,000 sheep, 4000 oxen, and 2000 pigs. See
Herrera.

The Spaniards must have been remarkably active in those days, for Cortes
first arrived at San Juan de Ulloa in the year 1519; in August, 1521, he
took the city of Mexico, which was converted into a heap of ruins by the
siege; in the month of June, 1526, he returned from the Honduras, and
there stood a new city, with many churches, cloisters, palaces,
fortifications, and most probably also an amphitheatre for bull-fights.
(p. 393.)

[63] Bernal Diaz had good reasons for his fears. The three volcanoes
which lay in the vicinity, termed volcan de Agua, volcan de Fuego, and
volcan de Pacaya, rendered the ground very unsafe, and the metropolis of
this province was several times removed by the Spaniards. The present
town of Guatimala, called La Nueva Guatemala de la Asuncion, lies in the
plain of Mixco. For a further account of this town and the eruptions of
the above-mentioned volcanoes, we must refer the reader to the work of
Domingo Juarros, entitled, 'Compendio de la Historia de la Ciudad de
Guatemala,' published at the latter place, 1809-1818. (p. 409.)


FINIS.

C. AND J. ADLARD, PRINTERS, BARTHOLOMEW CLOSE.





End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Memoirs of the Conquistador Bernal
Diaz del Castillo, Vol 2 (of 2), by Bernal Diaz del Castillo

*** 