



Produced by Jonathan Ingram, RichardW and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net









   _Holinshed’s Chronicles of England, Scotland, and Ireland_,
   by Raphael Holinshed and others, 1807 edition,
   Volume II of VI, Part 12 of 12. RICHARD II.




|711|

RICHARD THE SECOND,

The Second Sonne to Edward Prince of Wales.


[Sidenote: An. Reg. 1.

1377.

_Fabian._

_Thom. Wals._

The Londoners sent to K. Richard, commending themselues to his fauour
before y^e death of K. Edward.]

RICHARD, the second of that name, and sonne to prince Edward, called
the blacke prince, the sonne of king Edward the third, a child of the
age of eleuen yeares, began to reign ouer the realme of England the
two and twentith daie of Iune, in the yeare of the world 5344, of our
Lord 1377, after the conquest 310, about the two and thirtith yeare
of the emperour Charles the fourth, and in the fouretéenth yeare of
Charles the fift king of France, and about the seuenth yeare of the
reigne of Robert the |712| second king of Scotland: he was named
Richard of Burdeaux, bicause he was borne at Burdeaux in Gascoigne,
whilest his father ruled there. The day before it was vnderstood, that
his grandfather king Edward was departed this life, being the one
and twentith of Iune (on which daie neuerthelesse he deceassed) the
citizens of London hauing certeine knowledge that he could not escape
his sicknesse, sent certeine aldermen vnto Kingston, where the prince
with his mother the princesse then laie, to declare vnto the said
prince their readie good wils, to accept him for their lawfull king and
gouernour, immediatlie after it should please God to call to his mercie
his grandfather, being now past hope of recouerie of health. Wherefore
they besought him, to haue their citie recommended vnto his good grace,
and that it would please him to visit the same with his presence, sith
they were readie in all sorts to honour and obeie him, and to spend
both liues and goods in his cause, if need required.

[Sidenote: Iohn Philpot.

The duke of Lancaster & the Lōdoners submit their quarels to the kings
order.]

Moreouer, they besought him, that it might please his grace to make an
end of the discord betwixt the citizens, and the duke of Lancaster,
which through the malice of some had béene raised, to the commoditie of
none, but to the discommoditie of diuerse. When Iohn Philpot, one of
the foresaid aldermen, that had the words in all their names, had ended
his oration, he was answered by the prince and his councell, that he
would indeuour himselfe in all things to satisfie their requests, and
so were they sent home to bring a ioifull answer of their messege to
the citie. The morrow after, there were sent to London from the king,
the lord Latimer, sir Nicholas Bond, sir Simon Burlie, & sir Richard
Adderburie, knights; to bring them sorowfull newes of the assured death
of king Edward, who (as we haue said) deceassed the day before; but
comfortable newes againe, of the great towardlinesse and good meaning
of the yoong king, who promised to loue them and their citie, and to
come to the same citie, as they had desired him to doo. And further,
that he had spoken to the duke of Lancaster in their behalfe, and that
the duke had submitted himselfe to him in all things touching the
cause; wherevpon the kings pleasure was, that they should likewise
submit themselues, and he would doo his indeuor, that an agreement
might be had to the honor of the citizens, and profit of the citie.

The citizens liked not of this forme of procéeding in the dukes matter,
bicause the king was yoong, and could not giue order therein, but by
substitutes: yet at length with much adoo, they were contented to
submit themselues, as the duke had doone before, though not, till that
the knights had vndertaken vpon their oth of fidelitie and knighthood,
that their submission should not redound to the temporall or bodilie
harme of any of them, consenting to the kings will in this point. And
so with this caution they tooke their iournie towards Sheene, where
they found the new K. with his mother, the duke of Lancaster & his
brethren, vncles to the king, and diuerse bishops, about the bodie of
the deceassed king. When it was knowen that the Londoners were come,
they were called before the king, by whom the matter was so handled,
that the duke and they were made fréends. After this, when the king
should ride through the citie towards the coronation, the said duke
and the lord Percie riding on great horses before him, as by vertue
of their offices appointed to make way before, vsed themselues so
courteouslie, modestlie, and pleasantlie, that where before they two
were greatlie suspected of the common people, by reason of their great
puissance in the realme, and huge rout of reteiners, they ordered the
matter so, that neither this day, nor the morrow after, being the day
of the kings coronation, they offended any maner of person, but rather
by gentle and swéet demeanour they reclaimed the harts of manie, of
whome before they were greatlie had in suspicion, and thought euill of.
¶ But now, sith we are entred into the matter of this kings coronation,
we haue thought good breefelie to touch some particular point thereof
(as in Thomas Walsingham we find it) though nothing so largelie here,
as the author himselfe setteth it foorth, bicause the purpose of this
worke will not so permit. |713|

[Sidenote: The maner & order of the kings coronation.]

The king, in riding thorough the citie towards Westminster, on the 15
daie of Iulie being wednesdaie, was accompanied with such a traine of
the nobilitie and others, as in such case was requisite. Sir Simon
Burlie bare the sword before him, and sir Nicholas Bond lead the
kings horsse by the bridle on foot. The noise of trumpets and other
instruments was maruellous, so that this seemed a day of ioy and mirth,
a day that had béene long looked for, bicause it was hoped, that
now the quiet orders and good lawes of the land, which thorough the
slouthfulnesse of the aged king deceassed, and couetousnesse of those
that ruled about him, had béene long banished, should now be renewed
and brought againe in vse. The citie was adorned in all sorts most
richlie. The water conduits ran with wine for the space of thrée houres
togither. In the vpper end of Cheape, was a certeine castell made with
foure towers, out of the which castell, on two sides of it, there ran
foorth wine abundantlie. In the towers were placed foure beautifull
virgins, of stature and age like to the king, apparelled in white
vestures, in euerie tower one, the which blew in the kings face, at his
approching néere to them, leaues of gold; and as he approched also,
they threw on him and his horsse florens of gold counterfeit.

When he was come before the castell, they tooke cups of gold, and
filling them with wine at the spouts of the castell, presented the same
to the king and to his nobles. On the top of the castell, betwixt the
foure towers, stood a golden angell, holding a crowne in his hands,
which was so contriued, that when the king came, he bowed downe &
offered to him the crowne. But to speake of all the pageants and shewes
which the citizens had caused to be made, and set foorth in honour
of their new king, it were superfluous; euerie one in their quarters
striuing to surmount other, and so with great triumphing of citizens,
and ioy of the lords and noble men, he was conueied vnto his palace at
Westminster, where he rested for that night. The morrow after being
thursdaie, and the 16 day of Iulie, he was fetcht to the church with
procession of the bishops and monks, and comming before the high altar,
where the pauement was couered with rich clothes of tapistrie, he there
kneeled downe and made his praiers, whilest two bishops soong the
Letanie, which being finished, the king was brought to his seat, the
quéere singing an antheme, beginning, Fermetur manus tua.

That doone, there was a sermon preached by a bishop touching the dutie
of a king, how he ought to behaue himselfe towards the people, and how
the people ought to be obedient vnto him. The sermon being ended, the
king receiued his oth before the archbishop and nobles: which doone,
the archbishop hauing the lord Henrie Percie lord marshall going
before him, turned him to euerie quarter of the church, declaring to
the people the kings oth, and demanding of them, if they would submit
themselues vnto such a prince & gouernor, and obeie his commandements:
and when the people with a lowd voice had answered that they would
obeie him, the archbishop vsing certeine praiers, blessed the king;
which ended, the archbishop came vnto him, and tearing his garments
from the highest part to the lowest, stripped him to his shirt. Then
was brought by earles, a certeine couerture of cloth of gold, vnder the
which he remained, whilest he was annointed.

The archbishop (as we haue said), hauing stripped him, first annointed
his hands, then his head, brest, shoulders, and the ioints of his armes
with the sacred oile, saieng certeine praiers, and in the meane time
did the quéere sing the antheme, beginning, Vnxerunt regem Salomonem,
&c. And the archbishop added another praier, Deus Dei filius, &c. Which
ended, he and the other bishops soong the hymne, Veni creator spiritus,
the king knéeling in a long vesture, & the archbishop with his
suffraganes about him. When the hymne was ended, he was lift vp by the
archbishop, and clad first with the coate of saint Edward, and after
with his mantell, a stoale being cast about his necke, the archbishop
in the meane time saieng certeine praiers appointed for the purpose.
After this, the archbishop and bishops deliuered to him the sword,
saieng, Accipe gladium, &c. |714|

When that praier was ended, two earles girded him with the sword,
which doone, the archbishop gaue to him bracelets, saieng, Accipe
armillas, &c. After this, the archbishop did put vpon him an vppermost
vesture, called a pall, saieng, Accipe pallium, &c. In the meane time,
whilest the archbishop blessed the kings crowne, he to whose office it
apperteined, did put spurs on his héeles. After the crowne was blessed,
the archbishop set it on his head, saieng, Coronet te Deus, &c. Then
did the archbishop deliuer to him a ring, with these words, Accipe
annulum, &c. Immediatlie herewith came the lord Furniuall by vertue of
his office, offering to him a red gloue, which the archbishop blessed,
and putting it on his hand, gaue to him the scepter, with these words,
Accipe sceptrum, &c. Then did the archbishop deliuer to him in his
other hand a rod, in the top whereof stood a doue, with these words,
Accipe virgam virtutis, &c. After this the archbishop blessed the king,
saieng, Benedicat de Deus, &c.

These things doone, the king kissed the bishops and abbats, by whome
he was lead afterwards vnto his seat, the bishops beginning to sing
(Te Deum) which ended, the archbishop said to him, Sta & retine amodo
locum, &c. When these things were finished, they began masse, the
bishop of Worcester read the epistle, and the bishop of Elie the
gospell. At the offertorie, the king rose from his seat, and was
brought to offer. He therfore offered first his sword, and after so
much gold as he would, but no lesse than a marke, by reason of the
custome; for more he might offer to God and S. Peter, but lesse he
could not. After this, he offered bread and wine, with which he and
the archbishop did after communicate. This doone, the earle, to whome
it apperteined to beare the sword before the king, redéemed the sword
which the king had offered with monie, and receiuing the same, bare
it afore the king. When masse should be soong, the king was brought
againe to the altar, & there knéeling downe, and saieng Confiteor to
the archbishop, did communicate, and so was brought backe to his seat.
The wardens of the cinque ports by their office, as well in time of
the procession, as when he was annointed also at masse time, and as he
returned from the church to the palace to dinner, held ouer him a large
canopie of blew veluet, fastened vnto foure staues at the foure corners.

In the meane time, sir Iohn Dimmocke that claimed to be the kings
champion, had béen at the kings armorie and stable, where he had chosen
according to his tenure, the best armour saue one, and the best stéed
saue one: albeit, sir Baldwine Freuill claimed the same office, but
could not obteine it; so that the said sir Iohn Dimmocke hauing armed
himselfe, and being mounted on horssebacke, came to the abbeie gates,
with two riding before him, the one carrieng his speare, and the other
his shield, staieng there till masse should be ended. But the lord
Henrie Percie lord marshall, appointed to make waie before the king
with the duke of Lancaster lord Steward, the lord Thomas of Woodstoke
lord constable, and the lord marshals brother sir Thomas Percie, being
all mounted on great horsses, came to the knight, and told him, that he
ought not to come at that time, but when the king was at dinner, and
therefore it should be good for him to vnarme himselfe for a while, and
take his ease and rest, till the appointed time were come.

The knight did as the lord marshall willed him, and so after his
departure, the king hauing those lords riding afore him, was borne on
knights shoulders vnto his palace, and so had to his chamber, where he
rested a while, being somewhat faint with trauell, and tooke a small
refection. After this, comming into the hall, he created foure new
earles, before he sat downe to meat; to wit, his vncle the lord Thomas
de Wodstoke earle of Buckingham, to whome he gaue a thousand marks a
yeare out of his treasurie, till he prouided him of lands to the like
value. The lord Guishard de Engolesme, that had béene his tutor, was
created earle of Huntington, to whome he gaue likewise a thousand
marks annuitie, till he were prouided of lands of like value. The lord
Mowbraie was created earle of Nottingham, and the lord Henrie Percie
earle of Northumberland. He made also nine knights the same daie.

To shew what roiall seruice was at this feast, it passeth our
vnderstanding to describe: |715| but to conclude, the fare was
excéeding sumptuous, and the furniture princelie in all things, that
if the same should be rehearsed, the reader would perhaps doubt of the
truth therof. ¶ In the midst of the kings palace was a marble pillar
raised hollow vpon steps, on the top whereof was a great gilt eagle
placed, vnder whose feet in the chapiter of the pillar, diuers kinds of
wine came gushing foorth at foure seuerall places all the daie long,
neither was anie forbidden to receiue the same, were he neuer so poor
or abiect. On the morrow after the coronation, there was a generall
procession of the archbishop, bishop, and abbats then present, with the
lords, and a great multitude of people, to praie for the king and the
peace of the kingdome.

At the going foorth of this procession, the bishop of Rochester
preached, exhorting them, that the dissentions and discords which
had long continued betwixt the people and their superiours, might be
appeased and forgotten, proouing by manie arguments, that the same
highlie displeased God. He admonished the lords, not to be so extreme
and hard towards the people. On the other part, he exhorted the people
in necessarie causes, for the aid of the king and realme, chéerefullie,
and without grudging, to put to their helping hands, according to
their bounden duties. He further exhorted those in generall that were
appointed to be about the king, that they should forsake vice, and
studie to liue in cleanesse of life and vertue. For if by their example
the king were trained to goodnesse, all should be well; but if he
declined through their sufferance from the right waie, the people and
kingdome were like to fall in danger to perish. After the sermon and
procession were ended, the lords and prelats went to their lodgings.

[Sidenote: _Froissard._

Rie burnt by y^e Frenchmen.

_Tho. Wals._

The Frenchmen spoile the Ile of Wight. Sir Hugh Tirrell.

_Froissard._

_Tho. Walsi._

Portsmouth, Dartmouth, & Plimmouth, burnt by the French.]

But now, bicause the Englishmen should haue their ioies mingled with
some sorrowes, it chanced that the Frenchmen (which about the same
time that the kings grandfather departed this life, were wafting on
the seas) within six or seauen daies after his deceasse, burnt the
towne of Rie. Wherevpon, immediatlie after the coronation, the earles
of Cambridge and Buckingham were sent with a power vnto Douer, and
the earle of Salisburie vnto Southampton: but in the meane time, to
wit, the one and twentith of August, the Frenchmen entring the Ile
of Wight, burnt diuerse townes in the same. And though they were
repelled from the castell, by the valiant manhood of sir Hugh Tirrell
capteine thereof, who laid no small number of them on the ground; yet
they constreined the men of the Ile to giue them a thousand marks of
siluer to saue the residue of their houses and goods, and so they
departed from thence, sailing still along the costs, and where they saw
aduantage, set on land, burning sundrie towns néere to the shore, as
Portesmouth, Dartmouth, and Plimmouth.

[Sidenote: Hastings burnt.

An ouerthrow giuen by the Frēch to the Englishmen.]

They made countenance also to haue set on Southampton, if sir Iohn
Arundell, brother to the earle of Arundell had not beene readie there
with a number of men of armes and archers, by whome the towne was
defended, and the enimies chased to their ships. From thence the
Frenchmen departed, and sailing towards Douer, burnt Hastings; but
Winchelsie they could not win, being valiantlie defended by the abbat
of Battell, and others. After this, they landed one day not far from
the abbeie of Lewes, at a place called Rottington, where the prior
of Lewes, and two knights, the one named sir Thomas Cheinie, and the
other sir Iohn Falleslie, hauing assembled a number of the countrie
people, incountred the Frenchmen, but were ouerthrowen; so that there
were slaine about an hundred Englishmen; and the prior, with the two
knights, and an esquier called Iohn Brokas, were taken prisoners,
but yet the Frenchmen lost a great number of their owne men at this
conflict, and so with their prisoners retired to their ships and
gallies, and after returned into France.

[Sidenote: _Polydor._

The duke of Lancaster & the earle of Cambridge appointed protectors.]

But now touching the dooings about the new K. You shall vnderstand,
that by reason of his yoong yeares, as yet he was not able to gouerne
himselfe, and therefore Iohn duke of Lancaster, and Edmund earle of
Cambridge, with other péeres of the realme, were appointed to haue the
administration. He was of good disposition and towardnesse, but his
age being readie to incline which way soeuer a man should bend it,
those that were |716| appointed to haue the gouernement of his person,
did what laie in them now at the first, to keepe him from all maner
of light demeanor. But afterwards, when euerie one began to studie
more for his owne priuate commoditie, than for the aduancement of the
commonwealth, they set open the gates to other, which being readie to
corrupt his good nature, by little and little grew familiar with him,
and dimming the brightnesse of true honour, with the counterfeit shine
of the contrarie, so maskered his vnderstanding, that in the end they
brought him to tract the steps of lewd demeanour, and so were causers
both of his and their owne destruction. This séemeth to be touched by
C. Okland, who speaking of the death of the old king and the erection
of the new, saith of him according to our annales, as followeth:

[Sidenote: _In Angl. præl._]

 Vndecimum puer hic nondum transegerat annum,
 Cùm iuuenile caput gessit diademate cinctum.
 Qui postquam princeps iustis adoleuerat annis,
 Dicere non facile est quantum distaret auitis
 Moribus atque animo, fuit hic quàm disparemente,
 Dissimili ingenio claræ matríque patríque.

[Sidenote: _Froissard._

Berwicke castell woone by the Scots.

Berwike castell recouered by the Englishmen.]

The Frenchmen not ignorant of such mischéefes as were like to grow in
England, suffered no time to passe, but tooke occasions of aduantage
when they were offered. ¶ Among other enterprises I find, that shortlie
after the deceasse of king Edward, the duke of Burgognie wan Arde, and
two or three other fortresses in those marches. The Scots this yeare
also wan the castell of Berwike by stealth one morning, but shortlie
vpon knowledge had, the earles of Northumberland and Notingham, the
lords Neuill, Lucie, Graistoke, & Stafford, with other lords, knights,
and esquiers, came with their powers in all hast thither, and entring
the towne, besieged the castell, and finallie, assaulting them that
kept it, wan it of them by force, and slue all those Scotishmen which
they found within it, except Alexander Ramsie their capteine. When the
Englishmen had thus recouered the castell, they entred into Scotland,
in hope to find the Scots, and to fight with them whom they knew to be
assembled.

[Sidenote: An ouerthrow giuen by the Scots to the Englishmen.

The siege of Mortaigne raised.]

The English host was thrée thousand men of armes, & seuen thousand
archers, but they sent foorth sir Thomas Musgraue with thrée hundred
speares, and thrée hundred archers, to Meuros, to trie if he might
vnderstand any thing of the Scots in those parts, with whom the earle
Dowglas, hauing with him seuen hundred speares, and two thousand of
other called yomen with glaiues and other weapons, incountered by
chance and distressed him & his companie. Sir Thomas Musgraue himselfe,
and six score other, were taken prisoners, besides those that were
slaine, the residue escaped by flight, making the best shift they
could for themselues. The lord Neuill, sir Thomas Triuet, sir William
Scrope, and diuerse other valiant capteins of England, were sent into
Gascoigne this yeare, which first landed at Burdeaux, on the euen of
the Natiuitie of our ladie, where after they had rested them a while,
they went and raised the siege, which the Frenchmen had held before
Mortaigne in Poictou a long time before.

Gouernour of this siege at the first, was Yuan or Owen of Wales, but
he was murthered one morning as he sat alone viewing the castell, and
combing his head, by one of his owne countriemen, which vnder colour
to serue him, was become with him verie familiar. This Owen or Yuan
whether ye will (for all is one) was sonne to a noble man of Wales,
whom K. Edward had put to death for some offense by him committed,
where this Yuan got him into France, being as then verie yoong, and was
brought vp in the French court, and prooued an expert man of warre, so
that great lamentation was made for his death by the Frenchmen. But the
Englishmen, although they misliked the maner of his death, yet they
were not greatlie sorrowfull for the chance, sith they were rid thereby
of an extreame enimie.

[Sidenote: A parlement. _Thom. Wals._]

After that the Englishmen had raised the Frenchmen from the siege of
Mortaigne, they returned to Burdeaux, and after recouered sundrie
castels and fortresses in the marches of |717| Burdelois, and about
Baionne. Also they aided the king of Nauarre, against the king of
Castile, and made a road into the confines of Castile. But shortlie
after, a peace was concluded betwixt those two kings, so that the lord
Charles of Nauarre should marrie the daughter of the king of Castile
vpon certeine conditions: and so the Englishmen had their wages trulie
paid them to their full contentation, and therevpon returned. About
Michaelmasse began a parlement that was summoned at Westminster,
which continued till the feast of saint Andrew. In this parlement the
foresaid sir Peter de la Mere and other the knights that had beene so
earnest against dame Alice Peres in the last parlement holden by king
Edward the third, so prosecuted the same cause now in this parlement,
that the said dame Alice Peres was banished the realme, and all
hir goods mooueable and vnmooueable forfeited to the king, bicause
contrarie to that she had promised by oth in the said last parlement,
she had presumed to come within the court, and to obteine of the king
what soeuer was to hir liking.

[Sidenote: Two citizens of London appointed to kéepe the subsidie
granted by parlement.

Sir Hugh Caluerlie a valiant capteine.]

There were two tenths granted by the clergie to the king in this
parlement, and two fiftéenes of the temporaltie, to be paid the same
yeare; and two citizens of London, William Walworth, and Iohn Philpot
were appointed to haue the kéeping of that monie, to the end it might
be imploied to the kings necessarie vses, for the defense of the
realme. Sir Hugh Caluerlie being deputie of Calis, comming one morning
to Bullongne, burnt certeine ships which laie there in the hauen, to
the number of six and twentie, besides two proper barkes, being vessels
of no small accompt: and hauing spoiled and burnt the most part of the
base towne, he returned to Calis with a great rich bootie of goods and
cattell.

[Sidenote: Marke castell recouered by sir Hugh Caluerlie, the same daie
it was lost.]

Also, where the castell of Marke, in the absence of the capteine sir
Robert de Salle, that was gone ouer into England, was lost through
negligence of them that were left in charge within it; the same sir
Hugh Caluerlie made such spéed in the matter, that he recouered it
againe the same daie it was lost, by force of assault, taking the
Frenchmen prisoners that were gotten into it, and hanging certeine
Picards stipendarie soldiers in the said castell, vnder the said sir
Robert de Salle, for that whilest the Englishmen were gone foorth, to
see the shooting of a match which they had made amongst themselues, a
little off from the castell, those Picards being left within, shut the
gates against them, and receiued in the Frenchmen, with whome they had
practised in treason, kéeping the Englishmen foorth, to whom the safe
kéeping of that castell was committed.

[Sidenote: 1378.

Iohn Wickliffe.]

This yeare was a bull sent from the pope vnto the vniuersitie of
Oxenford, to apprehend Iohn Wickliffe, parson of Lutterworth in
Leicestershire, within the diocesse of Lincolne. Also, there were other
bulles to the same effect, sent vnto the archbishop of Canturburie, and
to the bishop of London. Likewise to the king were letters directed
from the pope, to require his fauour against the said Wickliffe, so
greeuouslie was the pope incensed against him, and not without cause,
for if his conclusions in doctrine tooke effect, he well perceiued
his papisticall authoritie would shortlie decaie. As for the popish
cleargie, to them not onelie the sect but also the name of Wickliffe
was so odious, that in recording his opinions and sectaries, they
excéed the bounds of all modestie, aggrauating such reports as they
infer concerning him or his with more than hyperbolicall lies: as
appeereth by that long and tedious discourse which he wrote, that
compiling certeine annales intituled De euentibus Angliæ, prefixeth
this verse in the front of his volume, in letters of red vermilon, as
desiring to haue his name notoriouslie knowne to the world;

[Sidenote: _Hen. de Knighton canon abbat. Leicest. in annalib. de Rich.
secundo._]

 Autoris nomen capitales litteræ pandunt:

He (I say) in that copious treatise hauing spoken as maliciouslie &
viperouslie as he might both of Wickliffes life, which he concludeth
to be lewd; of his opinions, which he auoucheth to be hereticall; and
of his fauourers and followers, to whom (at his pleasure) he giueth
vnreuerent epithets (all which to prosecute at length, as by him they
are in ample sort laid downe, would but detect the mans malignitie, and
procure an ouerthrow of credit to be attributed vnto his declarations)
he maketh vp his mouth with a tristichon |718| of poeticall imitation,
to bring Wickliffe and his adherents into perpetuall obloquie and
defamation, saieng as followeth in verse and prose;

 Si totum membrana solum, calamus nemus omne,
 Et Thetis encaustum, scriptor & omnis <DW25>,
 Istorum facinus scribere non poterunt.

 Maledictus conuentus eorum, quoniam pertinax, propterea Deus destruat
 eos, in finem euellat, & emigrare faciat de tabernaculis fidelium
 suorum, & radicem eorum de terra regni; & hoc videant iusti, &
 lætentur; vt dicere possint; Ecce populus qui se exaltauit super
 electos doctores Domini, & sperauit in multitudine vanitatis suæ:
 confundantur & pereant cum doctrina eorum in æternum, &c.

[Sidenote: The nauie setteth foorth, and is beaten backe by tempest.

Exploits doone by sir Hugh Caluerlie.]

But of Wickliffes life and doctrine to read at large, I remit the
reader to the acts and monuments of the church, published by maister
Iohn Fox: and now will we returne to matters of state and policie.
There went foorth this yeare a verie great nauie of ships to the sea,
vnder the guiding of the earle of Buckingham, the duke of Britaine,
the lord Latimer, the lord Fitz Walter, sir Robert Knolles, and other
valiant capteins, meaning to haue intercepted the Spanish fléet that
was gone to Sluse in Flanders, but thorough rage of tempest, and
contrarie winds, they were driuen home, although twise they attempted
their fortune: but sir Hugh Caluerlie, deputie of Calis, slept not his
businesse, dooing still what displeasures he could to the Frenchmen.
Shortlie after Christmasse, he spoiled the towne of Estaples the same
daie the faire was kept there, to which a great number of merchants of
Bullongne were come to make their markets, but the sellers had quicke
vtterance, for that that might easilie be caried awaie, the Englishmen
laid hands on, and caused the owners to redéeme the residue with
great sums of monie, which they vndertooke to paie; or else sir Hugh
threatned to haue burnt all that was left, togither with the houses.

[Sidenote: The duke of Lancaster misliking the manners of the court,
getteth himselfe home to y^e castell of Killingworth.]

Yée haue heard, how at the first the duke of Lancaster was one of the
chéefe about the yoong king in gouernement of his person and realme,
who prudentlie considering, that sith there must néeds be an alteration
in the state, & doubting least if any thing chanced otherwise than
well, the fault and blame might be chéefelie imputed to him, and thanks
(howsoeuer things went) he looked for none, he gaue therefore the slip,
obteining licence of the king to depart, and so got him home to his
castell of Killingworth, permitting other to haue the whole swaie:
for before his departure from the court, there were with his consent
ordeined such as should be attending on the kings person, and haue
the rule and ordering of matters perteining to the state, as William
Courtnie, then bishop of London (though shortlie after remooued to
the archbishops see of Canturburie) Edmund Mortimer earle of March,
& diuerse other, of whome the people had conceiued a good opinion:
but yet bicause the bishop of Salisburie, and the lord Latimer were
admitted amongst the residue, the commons murmured greatlie against
them.

The earle of Northumberland resigned his office of lord marshall, in
whose place succeeded sir Iohn Arundell, brother vnto the earle of
Arundell. ¶ The duke of Lancaster, although retired from the court,
yet desirous to haue the monie in his hands that was granted the last
parlement, at length obteined it, vpon promise to defend the realme
from inuasion of all enimies for one yeares space: he therefore
prouided a great nauie to go to the sea, hiring nine ships of Baionne,
to assist his enterprise herein, the which in making saile hitherwards,
incountred with the Spanish fléet, and tooke fouretéene vessels laden
with wines and other merchandize. But in the meane time, one Mercer a
Scotishman, with certeine saile of Scots, Frenchmen, and Spaniards,
came to Scarburgh, and there tooke certeine ships, and led them awaie
to the sea, as it were in reuenge of his fathers imprisonment, named
Iohn Mercer, who before being caught by certeine ships of the north
parts, and deliuered to the earle of Northumberland, was committed to
prison within the castell of Scarburgh.

[Sidenote: Iohn Philpot Alderman of London setteth foorth a fléet at
his own charges, to recouer certeine English ships taken by the Scots.]

Iohn Philpot that worshipfull citizen of London, lamenting
the negligence of them that should haue prouided against such
inconueniences, made foorth a fléet at his owne charges, |719|
stronglie furnished with men of warre and munition necessarie: the men
of warre méeting with the same Mercer, accompanied with his owne ships,
and fiftéene other Spaniards that were newlie ioined with him, set vpon
them, and so valiantlie behaued themselues, that they tooke the said
Mercer with all them that were then in his companie, so recouering
againe the ships that were taken from Scarburgh, besides great riches
which were found aboord, as well in the fiftéene Spanish ships, as the
other that were of the old retinue, belonging to the same Mercer. Iohn
Philpot was afterwards blamed of the lords, for presuming thus far,
as to set foorth a nauie of men of warre, without the aduise of the
kings councell: but he made his answer in such wise vnto the earle of
Stafford, and others that laid the fault to his charge, that he was
permitted to depart, without further trouble for that matter.

[Sidenote: Chierburg deliuered to the Englishmen.

Additions to _Adam Merimuth._]

Before all such prouision as the duke of Lancaster prepared for his
iournie to the sea could be readie, the earles of Salisburie and
Arundell sailed ouer into Normandie, where, by such composition as
was taken betwixt the king of England and the king of Nauarre, who of
new was become enimie to the French king, the towne of Chierburg was
deliuered vnto the said earles, who sending knowledge thereof backe
into England, there were sent ouer such as should haue in charge the
kéeping of that towne; and so the two earles returned. ¶ We find, that
the king of Nauarre, hauing beene heere in England with the king and
his councell, had agréed with the king for a certeine yearelie rent, to
demise vnto him the said fortresse of Chierburg, whereby the Englishmen
might haue frée entrie into Normandie, when they would, as well to aid
the king of Nauarre in his necessitie, as to worke anie enterprise that
should be thought expedient to the aduantage of the king of England as
occasion serued. But the obteining of possession of Chierburg brought
not so much ioy to the English nation, as the mishap that happened
at the going foorth of the said earles did cause lamentation and
heauinesse.

[Sidenote: The English nauie is ouermatched and ouercome by the Spanish
fléet.]

For vpon the first entring into the sea, it fortuned that sir Philip,
and sir Peter Courtenie, discouered a certeine number of ships that
were enimies, and vndiscréetlie entered amongst them, there suddenlie
came vpon them the Spanish fléet, so that the English ships that were
in companie with the said Philip and sir Peter, were not able to make
their partie good, in somuch that finallie after that sir Philip had
lost diuerse of his men that were there slaine, he got awaie by flight
himselfe, though gréeuouslie wounded, but sir Peter was taken prisoner
with a few other knights that were with him; and the most part of all
the valiant esquiers of Summersetshire & Deuonshire, being there abroad
with him, were slaine and drowned, which was estéemed no small losse to
the whole common-wealth.

[Sidenote: Rokesburgh burnt by the Scots.]

Thus were the Englishmen occupied in this first yeare of king Richard
with troubles of warre, and not onelie against the Frenchmen, but
also against the Scots. For euen in the beginning of the same yeare,
the Scots burnt Rokesburgh, in reuenge whereof the new earle of
Northumberland entered Scotland with ten thousand men, and sore spoiled
the lands of the earle of March for the space of thrée daies togither;
bicause the said earle of March was the chéefe author and procurer of
the burning of Rokesburgh, & so for that time th’ Englishmen were well
reuenged of those enimies. But at an other time, when the Northerne men
would néeds make a rode into Scotland, entring by the west borders,
they were incountered by the Scots and put to flight, so that manie
of them being slaine, the Scots tooke the more courage to inuade the
borders, till at length, Edmund Mortimer earle of March came at the
daie of truce, and tooke an abstinence of warre betwixt both nations
for the time, though the same continued not long.

[Sidenote: An. Reg. 2.

The duke of Lācaster saileth into Britaine with a great power.

Additions to _Adam Merimuth._

Hall & Shakerlie hath _Grafton_.

_Polydor._]

Anon after Midsummer, the duke of Lancaster with a strong power tooke
the sea, and landing in Britaine, besieged the towne of saint Mallo
de Lisle, a fortresse of great importance. There went ouer with him
the earles of Buckingham, Warwike, Stafford, and diuerse other of
the English nobilitie, the which made their approches, and fiercelie
assailed the towne, but it was so valiantlie defended, that in the end,
the duke with his |720| armie raised from thence, and returned without
atchiuing his purpose. ¶ About the same time, there was a notable and
hainous murther committed within saint Peters church at Westminster,
by occasion of variance betwéene the lord Latimer and sir Rafe Ferrers
on the one partie, and two esquiers, the one called Robert Hall and
the other Iohn Shakell on the other partie, about a prisoner which was
taken at the battell of Nazers in Spaine, called the earle of Deane,
who (as some write) was taken by one sir Franke de Hall at the said
battell; and bicause he remained in his hands at the death of the said
sir Franke, he bequeathed him vnto his sonne the said Robert Hall
esquier.

[Sidenote: _Thom. Wals._]

But as other write, the said earle was taken by the said Robert Hall
himselfe & Iohn Shakell iointlie, and iudged to be their lawfull
prisoner, by the sentence of the prince of Wales, and sir Iohn Chandois
that was master to the said esquiers. Wherevpon afterwards the said
earle obteined so much fauor, that by leauing his sonne and heire
in gage for his ransome, he returned into Spaine, to prouide monie
to discharge it; but he was so slow in that matter, after he was at
libertie, that he departed this life before he made any paiment, and
so his lands fell to his sonne that remained in gage for the monie
with the two esquiers. Wherevpon it happened afterwards, that the duke
of Lancaster, desirous to haue the yoong earle in his hands (in hope
through his meanes the better to accomplish his enterprise which he
meant to take in hand against the king of Castile, for the right of
that kingdome) procured his nephue king Richard to require the said
earle of Deane, at the hands of the said esquiers.

But they refused to deliuer him, keeping their prisoner foorth of the
waie, so that none wist were he was become: the esquiers therefore were
committed to the tower, out of the which they escaped vnto Westminster,
and there registred themselues for sanctuarie men. The duke of
Lancaster was herewith sore offended, and their enimies the said lord
Latimer and sir Rafe Ferrers tooke counsell togither, with sir Alane
Boxhull and others, how they might be reuenged of this despite. This
sir Alane Boxhull was constable of the tower, and therefore it greeued
him not a little, that the esquiers had broken from him and kept
themselues thus at Westminster, vnder protection of that priuileged
place. Herevpon it was concluded, that sir Rafe Ferrers, and the said
Alane Boxhull, taking with them certeine men in armour, to the number
of fiftie persons, should go and fetch them by force from Westminster,
vnto the tower againe.

The morrow therefore after saint Laurence daie, being the eleuenth
of August, these two knights accompanied with certeine of the kings
seruants and other, to the number afore mentioned, came into the church
at Westminster, whilest the said esquiers were there hearing of high
masse, which was then in celebrating; and first laieng hands vpon Iohn
Shakell, vsed the matter so with him, that they drew him foorth of the
church, and led him streight to the tower. But when they came to Robert
Hall, and fell in reasoning with him, he would not suffer them to come
within his reach, and perceiuing they meant to take him by force,
he drew out a falcheon or short sword which he had girt to him, and
therewith laid so fréelie about him, trauersing twise round about the
moonks quier, that till they had beset him on ech side, they could doo
him no hurt.

[Sidenote: A cruell murther in Westminster church.]

Howbeit, at length when they had got him at that aduantage, one of
them cloue his head to the verie braines, and an other thrust him
through the bodie behind with a sword, and so they murthered him among
them. They slue also one of the moonkes that would haue had them to
haue saued the esquiers life. Much adoo was about this matter, for
the breaking thus of the sanctuarie, in somuch that the archbishop of
Canturburie, and fiue other bishops his suffragans, openlie pronounced
all them that were present at this murder accurssed, and likewise
all such as aided or counselled them to it, cheeflie and namelie sir
Alane Boxhull, and sir Rafe Ferrers, capteins and leaders of them.
The king, the queene, and the duke of Lancaster were yet excepted by
speciall names. The bishop of London a long time after, euerie sundaie,
wednesdaie, and fridaie, pronounced this excommunication in the church
of S. Paule at London. |721|

The duke of Lancaster (though excepted in the same) yet in behalfe of
his fréends was not a little offended with the bishops dooings, in so
much that in a councell holden at Windsore (to the which the bishop of
London was called, but would not come, nor yet ceasse the pronouncing
of the cursse, albeit the king had requested him by his letters) the
duke said openlie, that the bishops froward dealings were not to be
borne with, but (saith he) if the king would command me, I would
gladlie go to London, and fetch that disobedient prelat, in dispite
of those ribaulds (for so he termed them) the Londoners. These words
procured the duke much euill will, as well of the Londoners, as of
other: for it was commonlie said, that whatsoeuer had béene doone at
Westminster, concerning the murther there committed in the church, was
doone by his commandement.

[Sidenote: A parlement at Glocester.]

About the feast of S. Luke, a parlement was holden at Glocester,
for the displeasure (as was thought) which some of the councell had
conceiued against the Londoners, or rather (as some tooke it) for feare
of them, least if any thing were doone contrarie to their minds, they
should be about to hinder it, if the parlement had beene kept neere
them: for manie things (as some iudged) were meant to haue beene put
foorth and concluded in this parlement, albeit few in effect came to
passe of those matters that were surmised, sauing that it was inacted,
that the king should haue a marke of the merchants for euerie sacke
of their woolles, for this present yeare; and for euerie pounds worth
of wares that was brought in from beyond the seas, and here sold, six
pence of the buiers. ¶ Also, certeine priuileges were granted in this
parlement to merchant-strangers, that they might buie and sell in
grosse, or by retaile within this realme, as in the printed booke of
statutes it appeareth.

[Sidenote: The pope sendeth to the king for aid.

Berwike castell woone by the Scots.]

This yeare came messengers from the new elected pope Vrbane, with
letters to require kings assistance and aid against such cardinals as
he named schismatikes, that had elected an other pope whome they named
Clement, which cardinals sent likewise their messengers with letters,
to beséech the king to aid them with his fauourable assistance: but
through persuasion of the archbishop of Canturburie, Vrbans request
was granted, and Clements reiected. About the same time, to wit, on
thursdaie before the feast of S. Andrew th’ apostle, the Scots by
stelth entred by night into the castell of Berwike, and slue sir Robert
Bointon, a right valiant knight, that was constable thereof, permitting
his wife, children, and seruants to depart, with condition, that within
three weeks next insuing, they should either paie them thrée thousand
marks, or else yeeld their bodies againe to prison.

[Sidenote: Alexander Ramsie was onlie saued as _Froissard_ saith.

Berwike castell recouered by the earle of Northumberland.]

The morrow after, the same Scots fetched a great bootie of cattell
out of the countries next adioining, but immediatlie after the earle
of Northumberland being aduertised hereof, hasted thither with foure
hundred armed men, and assaulting the castell on ech side, after two
houres defense, wan it, slaieng of the defendants about eight and
fortie, reseruing onelie one of the whole number aliue, that he might
informe the Englishmen thoroughlie of the Scotishmens purposes. At this
enterprise was the earle of Northumberlands eldest sonne, spreading
there first his banner, and dooing so valiantlie, that he deserued
singular commendation; as likewise did sir Alane de Heton, and sir
Thomas de Ilderton, with those of the surname of the Herons, euerie of
these hauing their quarters assigned to assault. Thus was the castell
recouered the ninth daie after the Scots had entered the same, so that
they enioied not long that victorious exploit.

[Sidenote: Sir Robert Rous a valiāt capteine.

1379.]

And bicause this enterprise was taken in hand against the couenant of
the truce, the earle of Northumberland, before he attempted to recouer
the castell, sent to the earle of March in Scotland, to vnderstand
if he would auow that which his countrimen had doone, touching the
winning of that castell, who sent him knowledge againe, that he neither
vnderstood of their enterprise, nor would be partaker with them
therein: but if it so pleased the earle of Northumberland, he would
come himselfe, and helpe to recouer it to the K. of Englands vse, out
or those Scotishmens hands, which without publike authoritie had made
that exploit. This yeare, sir Robert Rous, capteine of Chierburg, was
called |722| home, after he had taken sir Oliuer de Clisson, and
atchiued manie other worthie aduentures against the kings enimies.
In his place was sent sir Iohn Herleston, to remaine vpon the gard
of that castell. Also sir Hugh Caluerlie, deputie of Calis, that had
so valiantlie borne himselfe against the Frenchmen, was likewise
discharged; and comming home was made admerall, being ioined in
commission in that office with sir Thomas Percie.

Sir William Montacute earle of Salisburie was sent ouer to Calis, to
be the kings lieutenant there, who shortlie after his comming thither
fetcht a great bootie of cattell out of the enimies countrie adjoining,
so that Calis was furnished with no small number of the same. ¶ Sir
Hugh Caluerlie, and sir Thomas Percie, going to sea, tooke seauen
ships laden with merchandize, and one ship of warre. ¶ The archbishop
of Cassils in Ireland, returning from Rome, brought with him large
authoritie of binding and loosing, granted to him by pope Vrbane,
in fauour of whome at his comming to London, in a sermon which he
preached, he declared to the people, how the French king, holding with
the antipape Clement, was denounced accursed; and therefore now was
the time for Englishmen to make warre in France, hauing such occasion,
as greater could not be offered; speciallie, sith it was like that the
excommunicated king should haue no courage to make resistance. This is
I will not sale the diuinitie (for what heauenlinesse can there be in
such damnable doctrine, to set people togither by the eares?) of the
Romanists; so farre off are they from the studie of peace and concord
betwixt man and man, that they set whole monarchies and empires vp to
the mid leg in streams of bloud, imitating their great grandfather
sathan, who hath béene a makebate and a murtherer from the beginning:
renouncing the footsteps of Christ with open mouth, and forswering to
follow him either in demeanour or doctrine, and therefore;

 Quis nisimentis inops, vt sanctum tale probabit?
 Hæccine mens Christi? Talia nulla docet.

[Sidenote: The sanctuarie at Westminster confirmed by parlement.

A subsidie to be paid by the great men, & the commons go frée.

An. Reg. 3.

A notable exploit doone by sir Iohn Harleston.]

In a parlement holden at Westminster this yeare after Easter, it
was ordeined, that the priuileges and immunities of the abbeie of
Westminster should remaine whole and inuiolate; but yet there was a
prouiso against those that tooke sanctuarie, with purpose to defraud
their creditors, that their lands & goods shuld be answerable to the
discharging of their debts. In the same parlement was granted to the
king a subsidie, to be leuied of the great men of the land. To the end
the commons might be spared, the dukes of Lancaster and Britaine paied
twentie marks, euerie earle six marks, bishops and abbats with miters
as much, and euerie moonke thrée shillings foure pence: also, euerie
iustice, shiriffe, knight, esquier, parson, vicar, and chapleine, were
charged after a certeine rate, but not any of the commons that were of
the laitie.

Ye haue heard how sir Iohn Harleston was sent to Chierburg as capteine
of that fortresse, who issuing abroad on a day, with such power as
he might take foorth, leauing the fortresse furnished, came to a
place, where within a church and in a mill, the Frenchmen had laid
vp, as in storehouses, a great quantitie of vittels, for prouision;
which church and mill the Englishmen assaulted so valiantlie, that
notwithstanding there were within a good number of the enimies, that
did their best to defend themselues, yet at length they were taken, and
sir Iohn Harleston with his companie, returned with the vittels towards
Chierburg, but by the way they were incountred by one sir William de
Bourds, whome the French king had appointed to lie in Mountburg with a
strong power of men of war, to countergarison Chierburg.

Herevpon insued a sore conflict, and manie an hardie man was beaten to
the ground. And although it séemed that the Englishmen were ouermatched
in number, yet they stucke to it manfullie. Their capteine sir Iohn
Harleston, fighting in the foremost presse, was felled, and laie on the
ground at his enimies féet in great hazard of death. The Englishmen
neuerthelesse continued their fight, till at length sir Geffrie
Worslie, with a wing of armed footmen with axes, came to the rescue
(for to that end he was left |723| behind, of purpose to come to their
aid if néed required) with whose comming the Frenchmen were so hardlie
handled, that to conclude, they were broken insunder, beaten downe and
wholie vanquished: there were of them slaine aboue six score, and as
manie taken prisoners, among which number was their chéefe capteine sir
William de Bourdes taken, and brought to Chierburg with the residue,
and there put in safe keeping. This exploit was atchiued by the
Englishmen, on saint Martins day in winter, in this third yeare of king
Richard his reigne.

[Sidenote: Sir Iohn Clearke a valiant capteine.

A policie.]

But least any ioy should come to the English people in that season,
without some mixture of gréefe, one sir I. Clearke a right valiant
knight, & fellow in armes with sir Hugh Caluerlie, chanced this yeare
to lie in garrison in a castell in Britaine, where was an hauen, &
diuerse English ships lieng in the same, whereof the French gallies
being aduertised, came thither, to set those ships on fire, appointing
one of their gallies first to attempt the feat, and if fortune so
would, to traine the Englishmen foorth, till they should fall into the
laps of foure other gallies which they laid as it had béene in ambush.
Now as the enimies wished so it came to passe, for the Englishmen
perceiuing their vessels in danger to be burnt of the enimies, ran
euerie man aboord to sane the ships and goods within them; and amongst
the rest, sir Iohn Clearke their capteine, meaning to take such part as
his men did, got aboord also, and streight falling in pursute of the
gallie that withdrew for the purpose aforesaid, the Englishmen were
shortlie inclosed with the other gallies before they were aware, not
knowing what shift to make to auoid the present danger.

Sir Iohn Clearke, perceiuing how the case stood, laid about him like
a giant, causing his companie still to draw backe againe, whilest he
resisting the enimies, did shew such proofe of his valiancie, that they
were much astonished therewith. To be short, he so manfullie behaued
himselfe, that the most part of his companie had time to recouer land;
but when he that had thus preserued others shuld leape foorth of the
ship to saue himselfe, he was striken on the thigh with an ax, that
downe he fell, and so came into the enimies hands, being not able to
recouer that hurt, for his thigh was almost quite cut off from the
bodie, so that he died of that and other hurts presentlie, leauing a
remembrance behind him of manie worthie acts through his valiancie
atchiued, to his high praise and great commendation. The barke of Yorke
was also lost the same time, being a proper vessell; and now taken
suddenlie, sanke with all that were aboord in hir, both Englishmen, and
the enimies also that were entered into hir, thinking to carrie hir
awaie.

[Sidenote: The duke of Britaine restored to his dukedome.]

About the same time the duke of Britaine returning into his countrie,
vnder the conduct of sir Thomas Percie and sir Hugh Caluerlie, landed
at a hauen not far from saint Malo, the fourth day of August, being
receiued with vnspeakable ioy of the Britaines, as well lords as
commons, so that the louing harts which they bare towards him, might
well appeare, although the loue which he bare to the king of England
had caused his subiects, in fauor of France, to kéepe him manie yeares
foorth of his dukedome as a banished prince, but at length, they being
ouercome with irkesomnesse of his long absence, with generall consents
sent for him home, so that there were but few of the British nobilitie
that withdrew their dutifull obedience from him, and those were onelie
such as firmelie linked in seruice with the French king, were loth to
forgo such roomes and dignities as vnder him they inioied; namelie, the
constable of France, sir Berthram de Cleaquin, the lord Clisson, the
lord de Rohen, and the lord Rochfort, and certeine others.

[Sidenote: Sir Hugh Caluerlie.]

The lord de la Vall amongst other, came to him (as we find in Thomas
Walsingham) offering him his seruice as well as the residue. At his
landing, he was likelie to haue lost all such furniture, as well of
vittels, apparell, hangings, bedding, armour, and other things, which
either he or his traine had brought with them. For the French gallies
espieng their time, immediatlie as he and his companie were set on
land, before the ships in which the said furniture was fraught, could
enter the hauen, which was somewhat |724| streight and narrow, came
vpon them, and had them at such aduantage, that if sir Hugh Caluerlie
with his archers had not caused the master of his ship, euen against
his will to returne againe to the rescue, the gallies had taken and
gone awaie with the other ships; but through the manfull prowes of sir
Hugh, the gallies were repelled, & the ships saued: for according to
his woonted valiancie he would not returne, till he saw all other in
safetie, & then defending himselfe so well as he might, withdrew into
the hauen, and landed safelie with the residue.

[Sidenote: An hainous murther of a merchant stranger.

Great death in the north countrie.

Great spoile by the Scots in the death time.]

About the same time was an hainous murther committed in London, of
a merchant Genowes, whome certeine English merchants vpon spite and
enuie, which they bare towards him, caused to be slaine one euening in
the stréet before his own gates. The cause that mooued the merchants so
to procure his death was, for that he vndertooke to furnish this land,
hauing the staple allowed him at Southhampton, of all such wares as
came foorth of Leuant, so plentifullie as was to be had in any place
in all the west parts of christendome. In the summer of this yeare, a
greeuous mortalitie afflicted the north parts of this land, so that the
countrie became almost desolate. And to the increase of that miserie,
the Scots thinking the time to serue their turne, inuaded the borders,
and most cruellie harried, robbed, and spoiled the same, not letting
passe any part, of most cruell murthering of the people that were left
aliue, and not made awaie by that sore contagious sicknesse. The number
of cattell was infinite which they droue out of the land with them, not
sparing heards of swine which they tooke at this time, where they neuer
medled with that kind of cattell before that present.

Before the Scots made this iournie into England, whilest the mortalitie
was most in force, they calling to certeine of the English borderers,
asked of them how it came to passe, that so great a death reigned
amongst them. The Englishmen, as good, plaine, and simple meaning men,
told them, that trulie they knew not the cause, for Gods iudgements
were hid from them in such behalfe. But one thing they knew, that
all calamitie, death, and aduersitie that chanced vnto them, came by
the speciall grace of God, to the end that being punished for their
sinnes, they might learne to repent and amend their wicked liues. The
Scots hearing this, when they should enter this land, vnderstanding
lewdlie what the Englishmen had told them concerning the disease,
and the grace of God, deuised a blessing forsooth to be said euerie
morning, of the most ancient person in euerie familie, as; Benedicite,
said he: Dominus, said the residue. Then began he againe, saieng; God
and saint Mango, saint Romane and saint Andro, shield vs this daie
fra Gods grace, and the fewle death that Englishmen dien vpon. Thus
the senselesse men misconstruing this word the grace of God, praied
for their owne destruction, which if not in this world, yet for their
brutish crueltie vsed at that present, against the miserable creatures,
whom the hand of God had spared in time of that gréeuous mortalitie, it
is to be feared, least in another world it came to them, as the verie
words of their praiers imported.

[Sidenote: A notable example of a faithful prisoner.]

About the same time, Iohn Schakell esquier was set at libertie, the
king compounded with him for his prisoner, giuing fiue hundred marks in
redie monie, and lands to the value of a hundred marks by yeare. When
he should bring foorth his prisoner, and deliuer him to the king, this
is to be noted, as a thing verie strange and woonderfull. For when he
should appeare, it was knowne to be the verie groome that had serued
him in all the time of his trouble, and would neuer vtter himselfe what
he was before that time, hauing serued him as an hired seruant all that
while in prison, and out of prison, in danger of life, when his other
maister was murthered, where, if he would haue vttered himselfe, he
might haue beene enterteined in such honorable state, as for a prisoner
of his degrée had beene requisit, so that the faithfull loue and
assured constancie in this noble gentleman was highlie commended and
praised, and no lesse maruelled at of all men.

[Sidenote: The English nauie scattered by a terrible tempest.]

About the feast of S. Nicholas, in this third yeare of king Richards
reigne, there went |725| to sea an armie of men, that should haue
passed ouer into Britaine, to the aid of the duke there, vnder the
conduct of sir Iohn Arundell, sir Hugh Caluerlie, sir Thomas Percie,
sir William Elmham, sir Thomas Morews, sir Thomas Banester, & manie
other knights and esquires, too long to rehearse, a sufficient power
vndoubtedlie to haue doone a great enterprise: but they were no sooner
on the sea, but suddenlie there arose such an hideous tempest of wind
and stormes, that they looked presentlie to be all cast awaie, they
were scattered here and there, and driuen they wist not whither. The
ship wherein sir Iohn Arundell was aboord, chanced to be cast on the
coast of Ireland, and there driuen to forsake his ship, that was readie
to be broken in péeces by rage of waues, beating it there against the
rocks: he was drowned before he could win to land, in an Ile, neere to
the which they had thrust in the ship.

To the like end came sir Thomas Banester, sir Nicholas Trumpington,
and sir Thomas Dale, impeaching each others, as they leapt foorth
of the ship: also one Musard an esquire, a most séemelie personage
and a bold; and an other esquier named Denioke, being almost out of
danger, were fetched awaie by the surges of the sea, and so perished,
with manie other. Robert Rust a cunning seaman, belonging to Blacknie
in Northfolke, & maister of the ship wherein sir Iohn Arundell was
imbarked, was the first that got to land, giuing example to others
how to shift for themselues. But when he saw his cheefe capteine, the
said sir Iohn Arundell got foorth to the sands, and as one thinking
himselfe past all danger, to shake his wet garments about him; the said
Rust waieng the dangerous state wherein the said sir Iohn Arundell yet
stood, came downe, and raught to him his hand, inforsing himselfe to
plucke him to the shore: but whilest he tooke care for an other mans
safetie, and neglected his owne, he lost his life, and so they both
perished togither; for through a mightie billow of the raging seas,
they were both ouerthrowne, and with returning of the waues backe,
drawne into the deepe, so that they could neuer recouer foot-hold
againe, but were drowned.

The said Rust was much lamented, bicause he was not onelie knowne to be
a skilfull maister, but also counselled the said sir Iohn Arundell in
no wise to go to sea, at what time he would needs set forward, forsing
the said Rust and the marriners to hoist vp sailes and make awaie.
They that scaped to land in that Ile, found nothing there to releeue
their miseries, but bare ground, so that diuerse starved through cold,
wanting fier and other succour: the residue that were lustie and wise
withall, ran vp and downe, and sometime wrestling, and otherwise
chafing themselues, remained there in great miserie, from the thursdaie
till sundaie at noone next insuing. At what time, when the sea was
appeased and waxen calme, the Irishmen that dwelled ouer against this
Ile on the maine, came and fetched them thence, and reléeued them the
best they could, being almost dead, through trauell, hunger, and cold.

[Sidenote: The excesse and sumptuous apparell of sir Iohn Arundell.

There were drowned aboue a thousand men in one place and other, as the
additions to _Ad. Merimuth_ doo testifie.

Outragious wickednesse iustlie punished.]

The said sir Iohn Arundell lost not onelie his life, but all his
furniture and apparell for his bodie, which was verie sumptuous, so
that it was thought to surmount the apparell of any king. For he had
two and fiftie new sutes of apparell of cloth of gold or tissue, as
was reported, all the which, togither with his horsses & geldings,
amounting to the value of ten thousand marks, was lost at the sea. And
besides this, there were lost at the same time fiue and twentie ships,
with men, horsses, and other riches, which attended him in that voiage.
Yet sir Thomas Percie, and sir Hugh Caluerlie, with sir William Elmham,
and certeine others escaped, but cruellie tormented with vnmercifull
tempest: and before sir Thomas Percie could get to land, after the
sea was quieted, he was assaulted by a Spaniard, against whome he so
defended himselfe, that in the end he tooke the Spanish vessell, and
brought hir, with all that he found aboord in hir, vnto the next shore,
and sold the same for an hundred pounds, and without long delaie, tooke
the sea, & passed ouer to Brest, of which fortresse he was capteine,
iointlie with sir Hugh Caluerlie, and therefore doubting least some
inconuenience might chance thereto now in both their absence, he
made the more hast, not taking rest till he came thither, |726|
notwithstanding his passed painefull trauels. Sir Hugh Caluerlie was
neuer in his life in more danger of death, than at that time: for all
that were in his ship (as Froissard writeth) were drowned, except
himselfe & seauen mariners. We find, that there were drowned in one
place & other, aboue a thousand Englishmen in that most vnluckie
voiage. ¶ Some writers impute this calamitie to light on the said sir
Iohn Arundell & his companie, for the lasciuious and filthie rule which
they kept before their setting foorth, in places where they laie, till
their prouision was readie; who not content with that which they did
before they tooke ship, in rauishing men wiues, maids and daughters,
they carried them aboord, that they might haue the vse of them whilest
they were vpon the sea,

 (Sæua libido furens, quid non mortalia cogis
 Pectora?  Quídue tuo non est violabile telo?)

and yet when the tempest rose, like cruell and vnmercifull persons they
threw them into the sea, either for that they would not be troubled
with their lamentable noise and crieng, or for that they thought so
long as they had such women aboord with them (whome they had abused
so long) God would not cease the rage of the tempest. But it should
appeare that this tempest was generall, for where the Spanish and
French fléets were abroad at the same time, being assembled togither to
annoie the coasts of this land, their ships were likewise tossed and
turmoiled, so as no small number of them were lost, in so much that the
damage which they susteined, was thought far to passe that which hapned
to the English nauie.

[Sidenote: 1380.

Sir Iohn Deuereux made deputie of Calis.

The earle of Warwike elected protector.]

In this yeare about Christmasse, sir William de Montacute earle of
Salisburie, after he had remained twelue moneths space at Calis, the
kings lieutenant there was called home, & sir Iohn Deuereux a right
valiant knight, and an old man of warre, was sent thither in his
place. ¶ Also, sir Iohn Harleston was called home from Chierburg, and
sir William Windeshore a noble knight was sent thither to be capteine
of that fortresse. ¶ After the Epiphanie, was a parlement called at
London, which continued till the beginning of the kalendes of March. ¶
Also wheras the yeare before there had beene certeine bishops, earles,
barons, and iustices appointed, to haue the gouernement and rule about
the king; now at the request of the lords and commons in this parlement
assembled; the lord Thomas Beauchampe earle of Warwike was chosen to
remaine continuallie with the king, as chéefe gouernour, both of his
person, and to giue answer to all strangers that should come hither
about any businesse whatsoeuer, and further to haue the rule and order
of all things, in lieu of those that were chosen thereto before: it was
perceiued that they had sought to inrich themselues, & had doone little
to the aduancement of the kings honor, or state of the common-wealth,
but rather emptied the kings cofers.

[Sidenote: The archbishop of Canterburie made lord chancellour.

The kings halfe sister married the earle of saint Paule.]

In this parlement also, the lord Richard Scrope gaue ouer the office
of chancellor, and Simon Sudburie archbishop of Canturburie tooke it
vpon him. ¶ In this parlement was granted a tenth by the cleargie, and
a fifteenth by the laitie, with condition that from henceforth, to
wit, from the kalends of March, to the feast of S. Michaell which then
should be in the yeare 1381, there should be no more parlements, but
this condition was not performed, as after appeared. In the octaues
of Easter, the lord Valeran earle of saint Paule married the kings
halfe sister, the ladie Ione de Courtnie: the solemnization of this
marriage was holden at Windsore, with great triumphing. ¶ The princesse
that was mother to the bride, was greatlie against the marriage, but
the bride hir selfe had such a liking to the earle, that the king was
contented that they should match togither, and set him free of his
ransome which he should haue paid, for that he had béene taken prisoner
in the marches of Calis, and further, gaue with his sister by waie of
endowment, the towneship and manour of Biefléet.

[Sidenote: A combat betwixt sir Iohn Anneslie and Thomas Katrington.]

On the seuenth of Iune, a combat was fought afore the kings palace
at Westminster, on the pauement there, betwixt one sir Iohn Anneslie
knight, and one Thomas Katrington |727| esquier: the occasion of
which strange and notable triall rose hereof. The knight accused the
esquier of treason, for that where the fortresse of saint Sauiour
within the Ile of Constantine in Normandie, belonging some time to sir
Iohn Chandois, had béene committed to the said Katrington, as capteine
thereof, to keepe it against the enemies, he had for monie sold and
deliuered it ouer to the Frenchmen, where he was sufficientlie prouided
of men, munition and vittels, to haue defended it against them: and
sith the inheritance of that fortresse and landes belonging thereto,
had apperteined to the said Anneslie in right of his wife, as neerest
cousine by affinitie vnto sir Iohn Chandois, if by the false conueiance
of the said Katrington, it had not béene made awaie, and alienated
into the enemies hands: he offered therefore to trie the quarrell by
combat, against the said Katrington, whervpon was the same Katrington
apprehended, and put in prison, but shortlie after set at libertie
againe.

[Sidenote: Triall by cōbat in what case lawfull.]

Whilest the duke of Lancaster, during the time that his father king
Edward laie in his last sickenesse, did in all things what liked him,
& so at the contemplation of the lord Latimer (as was thought) he
released Katrington for the time, so that sir Iohn Anneslie could not
come to the effect of his sute in all the meane time, till now. Such as
feared to be charged with the like offenses staied the matter, till at
length, by the opinion of true and ancient knights it was defined, that
for such a forren controuersie that had not risen within the limits
of the realme, but touched possession of things on the further side
the sea, it was lawfull to haue it tried by battell, if the cause were
first notified to the constable and marshall of the realme, and that
the combat was accepted by the parties. Herevpon was the day and place
appointed, and all things prouided readie, with lists railed and made
so substantiallie, as if the same should haue indured for euer. The
concourse of people that came to London to sée this tried, was thought
to excéed that of the kings coronation, so desirous men were to behold
a sight so strange and vnaccustomed.

[Sidenote: The order of the combat.

The earle of Buckingham claimeth the horsse.]

The king, his nobles, and all the people being come togither in the
morning of the daie appointed, to the place where the lists were set
vp, the knight being armed and mounted on a faire courser seemelie
trapped, entered first as appellant, staieng till his aduersarie the
defendant should come. And shortlie after was the esquier called to
defend his cause in this forme: Thomas Katrington defendant, come and
appeare to saue the action, for which sir Iohn Anneslie knight and
appellant hath publikelie and by writing appealed thée. He being thus
called thrise by an herald at armes, at the third call did come armed
likewise; and riding on a courser trapped with traps imbrodered with
his armes, at his approching to the lists he alighted from his horsse,
lest according to the law of armes the constable should haue challenged
the horsse if he had entered within the lists. But his shifting nothing
auailed him, for the horsse after his maister was alighted beside him,
ran vp & downe by the railes, now thrusting his head ouer, and now both
head & breast, so that the earle of Buckingham, bicause he was high
constable of England, claimed the horsse afterwards, swearing that he
would haue so much of him as had appeared ouer the railes, and so the
horsse was adiudged vnto him.

But now to the matter of the combat (for this challenge of the horsse
was made after, as soone as the esquier was come within the lists)
the indenture was brought foorth by the marshall and constable, which
had béene made and sealed before them, with consent of the parties,
in which were conteined the articles exhibited by the knight against
the esquier, and there the same was read before all the assemblie.
The esquier (whose conscience was thought not to be cleare, but
rather guiltie, and therefore seemed full of troublesome and grudging
passions, as an offendor alreadie conuinced, thought (as full well he
might)

 Multa miser timeo, quia feci multa proteruè)

went about to make exceptions, that his cause by some means might haue
séemed the sounder. But the duke of Lancaster hearing him so staie at
the matter, sware, that |728| except according to the conditions of
the combat, and the law of armes, he would admit all things in the
indentures comprised, that were not made without his owne consent, he
should as guiltie of the treason foorthwith be had foorth to execution.
The duke with those words woone great commendation, and auoided no
small suspicion that had béene conceiued of him as parciall in the
esquiers cause. The esquier hearing this, said, that he durst fight
with the knight, not onelie in those points, but in all other in the
world whatsoeuer the same might be: for he trusted more to his strength
of bodie, and fauour of his freends, than to the cause which he had
taken vpon him to defend. He was in déed a mightie man of stature,
where the knight among those that were of a meane stature was one of
the least. Freends to the esquier, in whom he had great affiance to be
borne out through their assistance, were the lords Latimer and Basset,
with others.

[Sidenote: The esquire is ouerthrowne.]

Before they entered battell, they tooke an oth, as well the knight as
the esquier, that the cause in which they were to fight, was true, and
that they delt with no witchcraft, nor art magike, whereby they might
obteine the victorie of their aduersarie, nor had about them any herbe
or stone, or other kind of experiment with which magicians vse to
triumph ouer their enimies. This oth receiued of either of them, and
therewith hauing made their praiers deuoutlie, they began the battell,
first with speares, after with swords, and lastlie with daggers. They
fought long, till finallie the knight had bereft the esquier of all his
weapons, and at length the esquier was manfullie ouerthrowne by the
knight. But as the knight would haue fallen vpon the esquier, through
sweat that ran downe by his helmet his sight was hindered, so that
thinking to fall vpon the esquier, he fell downe sideling himselfe,
not comming néere to the esquier, who perceiuing what had happened,
although he was almost ouercome with long fighting, made to the knight,
and threw himselfe vpon him, so that manie thought the knight should
haue beene ouercome: other doubted not but that the knight would
recouer his feet againe, and get the victorie of his aduersarie.

The king in the meane time caused it to be proclamed that they should
staie, and that the knight should be raised vp from the ground, and so
meant to take vp the matter betwixt them. To be short, such were sent
as should take vp the esquier; but comming to the knight, he besought
them, that it might please the king to permit them to lie still, for he
thanked God he was well, and mistrusted not to obteine the victorie,
if the esquier might be laid vpon him, in manner as he was earst.
Finallie, when it would not be so granted, he was contented to be
raised vp, and was no sooner set on his féet, but he cheerfullie went
to the king, without anie mans helpe, where the esquier could neither
stand nor go without the helpe of two men to hold him vp, and therefore
was set in his chaire to take his ease, to see if he might recouer his
strength.

[Sidenote: The esquier fainteth.

The knight is iudged the vanquisher.]

The knight at his comming before the king, besought him & his nobles,
to grant him so much, that he might be eftsoones laid on the ground
as before, and the esquier to be laid aloft vpon him: for the knight
perceiued that the esquire through excessiue heat, and the weight of
his armor, did maruellouslie faint, so as his spirits were in manner
taken from him. The king and the nobles perceiuing the knight so
couragiouslie to demand to trie the battell foorth to the vttermost,
offring great summes of monie, that so it might be doone, decreed that
they should be restored againe to the same plight in which they laie
when they were raised vp: but in the meane time the esquire fainting,
and falling downe in a swoone, fell out of his chaire, as one that was
like to yéeld vp his last breath presentlie among them. Those that
stood about him cast wine and water vpon him, séeking so to bring him
againe, but all would not serue, till they had plucked off his armor,
& his whole apparell, which thing prooued the knight to be vanquisher,
and the esquier to be vanquished.

After a little time the esquier began to come to himselfe, and lifting
vp his eies, began to hold vp his head, and to cast a ghostlie looke
on euerie one about him: which when it was reported to the knight,
he commeth to him armed as he was (for he had put off no |729|
péece since the beginning of the fight) and speaking to him, called
him traitor, and false periured man, asking of him if he durst trie
the battell with him againe: but the esquier hauing neither sense
nor spirit whereby to make answer, proclamation was made that the
battell was ended, and euerie one might go to his lodging. The esquier
immediatlie after he was brought to his lodging, and laid in bed, began
to wax raging wood, and so continuing still out of his wits, about
nine of the clocke the next day he yéelded vp the ghost. ¶ This combat
was fought (as before yée haue heard) the seuenth of Iune to the great
reioising of the common people, and discouragement of traitours.

[Sidenote: The Frenchmen spoile & burne diuerse townes in the west
countrie.

An. Reg. 4.

_Froissard._ The earle of Buckingham sent into Britaine to aid the duke
against the French king.]

About the same time or rather somewhat before, the lord Oliuer de
Clisson, with a number of ships and gallies of France and Spaine, tooke
the sea, and comming on the coast of England, landed in diuerse places
of the west countrie, and also in the south parts, and burning sundrie
townes, taking such ships and vessels as they might laie hold vpon, and
so continued to indamage the English people that inhabited néere to the
sea side, all that summer following. ¶ In the beginning of the fourth
yeare of this king, Thomas of Woodstoke earle of Buckingham, vncle to
the king, with an armie of seauen or eight thousand men of armes and
archers, was sent ouer to Calis, that he might inuade France, and passe
through the same to come into Britaine vnto the aid of the duke there.
¶ You haue heard how the French king had seized into his hands the
more part of the duchie of Britaine, bicause that the duke had ioined
himselfe in league with the king of England: but yet there were diuerse
of the good townes, and also manie of the barons and nobles of the
countrie which kept themselues as neuters a long season; but at length,
longing to see the returne of their naturall lord and duke, sent for
him into England, requiring him to repaire home, and to see to the
quieting of the troubled state of his countrie.

The duke being thus earnestlie desired to returne home, by the aduise
of the king of England and his councell, granted to their request
that had so instantlie required him, both by letters and sufficient
messengers: wherevpon he tooke the sea, and sailing foorth, arriued in
Britaine, hauing with him sir Robert Knolles, and a certeine number
of Englishmen both armed men and archers (as before yee haue heard.)
The king also promised to send him a new supplie verie shortlie,
which was not forgotten. But fortune was so contrarie, that sir Iohn
Arundell generall of those that were sent, and manie of his companie,
were drowned by force of tempest, and the other driuen backe againe
into England (as before ye haue heard.) In the meane time, though the
duke of Britaine with aid of his subiects, did manfullie defend his
townes and countrie against the Frenchmen, yet he was in doubt to be
oppressed by the great puissance of the Frenchmen, if aid came not
the sooner. Which being signified ouer into England, mooued the king
and his councell to appoint the earle of Buckingham to take vpon him
this voiage. He landed at Calis three daies before the feast of Marie
Magdalene.

[Sidenote: Knights made by the earle of Buckingham at his entrie into
France.]

There went ouer with him in that armie, the earls of Stafford and
Deuonshire, the lord Spenser constable of the host, the lord Fitz
Walter marshall, the lord Basset, the lord Bourchier, the lord Ferrers,
the lord Morlie, the lord Darcie, sir William Windsore, sir Hugh
Caluerlie, sir Hugh Hastings, sir Hugh de la Sente, sir Thomas Percie,
sir Thomas Triuet, sir Hugh Tirell, sir William Farrington, sir Iohn
and sir Nicholas Daubriticourt, Thomas Camois, Rafe Neuill sonne to the
lord Neuill, sir Henrie bastard Ferrers, sir Hugh Broe, sir Geffrie
Wourslie, sir William Clinton, sir Iuon Fitz Warren, and diuerse other.
After they had rested them at Calis two daies, they remooued the third
day out of the towne, and came to Marqueignes, where they remained
thrée daies, till all their companie, cariages, and prouisions were
come to them out of Calis: from thence they remooued and came before
Arde, where the earle of Buckingham made knights these that follow: the
earle of Deuonshire, the lord Morlie, the son of the lord Fitz Walter,
sir Roger Strange, sir Iohn Ipre, sir Iohn Colle, sir Iames Tirell, sir
Thomas Ramston, sir Iohn Neuill, and sir Thomas Ros or Roslie, as some
copies haue. These persons were made |730| knights, bicause they went
in the vaward, which was sent to win a strong house called Follant,
which the owner had fortified against them. But though he defended
himselfe manfullie for a time, yet in the end both he and all his
companie were taken prisoners.

[Sidenote: Knights againe made.

The iournie of the English armie through France.]

After this the duke passed by saint Omers, shewing himselfe (about a
mile off) with his host in order of battell aloft vpon a mounteine.
Some of the Englishmen rode to the barriers, requiring that some of
them within would come foorth and breake staues with them, but they
could not be answered. The same day that the Englishmen thus came
before S. Omers, the earle of Buckingham made againe new knights, as
sir Rafe Neuill, sir Bartholomew Bourchier, sir Thomas Camois, sir
Foulke Corbet, sir Thomas Danglure, sir Rafe Petipas, sir Lewes saint
Albine, and sir Iohn Paulie or rather Paulet. These Englishmen rode
through the countrie, demanding iusts and déeds of armes, but they
could not be answered. In déed the townes of the frontiers were well
replenished and stuffed with men of war, and still were the Englishmen
coasted, but they kept themselues so close togither, without breaking
their order, that their enimies could find them at none aduantage.

They passed by Tirwine and by Betwine, where they lodged one day. They
made but easie iournies, and seemed to require nothing but battell.
They passed by Arras, by Miramont, and so to Clerie on the water of
Some, and taried there thrée daies, and in other places about in that
countrie. The fourth day they dislodged, and drew towards Cambraie,
and so to S. Quintines, & after vp towards Reimes. They found little
riches, and small store of vittels abroad in the countrie, for the
French king had abandoned all to his men of warre, who either wasted or
conueied all things of any value into the fortresses and walled townes.
The Englishmen therefore sent to them of Reimes, requiring to haue some
vittels sent to the host, for the which they would spare the countrie
from wasting: but they of Reimes would not consent herevnto. Whervpon
the Englishmen began to light them such candels, as their eies within
the citie aked to behold the same a far off.

[Sidenote: The citizens of Reimes saue their corne fields from
destroieng by sending vittels to the English host.

Sir Thomas Triuet created a baronet.

Knights created.

Verne or Vernon.]

Moreouer, the Englishmen approched so néere to the walles and diches of
the citie, that they brought awaie twentie thousand head of cattell,
which the citizens had gotten within the compasse of their diches; and
further sent to them within, that if they would not sent bread and
wine foorth to vittell the host, in that behalfe they would burne all
their corne: for doubt whereof, the citizens sent foorth to the host
six charets laden with as much bread and wine as they might carie. Thus
was their corne saued from destruction, and the Englishmen by soft
and easie iournies drew towards the citie of Trois, in the which was
the duke of Burgognie, with the dukes of Burbon and Bar, the earle of
Ewe, the lord Coucie, sir Iohn de Vien high admerall of France, and a
great number of others of the French nobilitie. They had made a bastide
without the towne able to receiue a thousand men of armes, but vpon the
Englishmens approch to assault it, they did forsake that strength, and
withdrew to the towne. Sir Thomas Triuet was here made a baronet. Also
there were certeine new knights made, as sir Peter Berton, sir Iohn and
sir Thomas Paulie or Paulet, sir Iohn Stiugulie, sir Thomas Dortingues,
sir Iohn Vassecoque, sir Thomas Brasie, sir Iohn Brauin, sir Henrie
Vernier, sir Iohn Coleuile, sir William Euerat, sir Nicholas Stiugulie,
and sir Hugh Lunit.

[Sidenote: The policie of the French king.]

The English host perceiuing the Frenchmen to withdrawe into the towne,
drew togither, and stood in order of battell for the space of two
houres, and then returned to their lodgings. The next day they remooued
to Maillerois le vicount neere vnto Sens, and there they remained
two daies, and after drew into Gastinois, and so into Beause. They
were coasted all the waie by a great power of men of war, as many or
more in number as they were themselues. But the French king being a
politike prince, wiselie considered what losses the realme of France
had susteined afore time, by giuing battell to the Englishmen, and
therefore was fullie resolued, that in no wise he would giue licence to
his people to fight with the earle of Buckingham; but thought better
(as he had learned by good |731| experience) to keepe his townes
close against his enimies, and so in the end to wearie them, than by
giuing battell to put things in hazard, whereas he knew they could not
take from him his countries by this kind of warre, though they sore
indamaged the same for a time.

There chanced manie small skirmishes amongst those that rode foorth
to discouer the countrie, but no notable incounter at all. For the
Englishmen in those daies were cats not to be catched without mittens
(as Iacob Meir in one place saith) & againe the French men were as
warie how they aduentured to come néere them, peraduenture for feare,
as in the reigne of king Edward the 3, as C. O. noteth, saieng,

[Sidenote: _In Angl. prælijs sub Edwardo 3_.]

 Contra aciem magnam tremebundo corde Valesus
 In campum adiunctum & vicina coëgerat arua,
 Non tamen Angligenas aduersum est ausus aperto
 Tendere Marte feris confligere fortiter armis.

[Sidenote: The death of Charles the 5 French king.]

Onelie they sought how to inclose them vp in the countrie, and to
famish them, that they might then fight with them at some great
aduantage; but still the English host passed forward, holding on
their voiage towards Britaine by Vandosme, Pont Volaine, and so ouer
the riuer of Sartre. In this meane while the French king Charles the
fift was taken with a sore sicknesse, whereof he departed this life
the same daie that the English armie passed ouer the riuer of Sartre,
which was on the six and twentith of September, his brethren the dukes
of Aniou, Berrie, Burbon, and Burgognie were at Paris with him at the
houre of his death, where as a little before they had béene abroad in
the countrie with their powers, to defend the cities and townes of
importance against the Englishmen, and meant indeed (if they could haue
espied their aduantage, and gotten licence thereto of the king) to haue
giuen their enimies battell. But now they were otherwise occupied:
howbeit they had left their men abroad in the countrie to coast the
Englishmen as they had doone before. All the French power was assembled
in the citie of Mans, vnder the leading of the duke of Bar, the lord
Coucie, and others.

[Sidenote: _Tho. Walsi._

The French and Spanish gallies chased from the coast of England to
Kingsale in Ireland and there vanquished.]

In this meane while that the earle of Buckingham was passing through
the realme of France, the French and Spanish gallies did much mischéefe
on the coast of England: but about the latter end of Iune, by a fléet
of Englishmen of the west countries part of them were forced to retire,
and take harbour in an hauen in Ireland called Kingsale, where being
assailed of the Englishmen and Irishmen, they were vanquished; so that
to the number of foure hundred of them were slaine, and their chéefe
capteins taken, as Gonsalue de Verse, and his brother Iohn Martin de
Motrigo, Turgo lord of Morants; also lord of Reith, Péers Martin of
Vermew, Iohn Modit of Vermew, the seneshall of Wargarie, the seneshall
of S. Andrew, Cornelis of S. Sebastiano, Paschale de Biskey, Iohn
Martinis, Sopogorge of S. Sebastiano, and diuerse other.

[Sidenote: Diuerse townes on the English costs destroied and burnt.

The abbat of Battell in rescuing Winchelsie is put to flight.

Grauesend burnt.]

There were taken foure of their barges with a ballenger, and one and
twentie English vessels recouered, which they had robbed and taken
awaie from their owners. There scaped yet foure of their notable
capteins frō the hands of our men, Martin Grantz, Iohn Peris Mantago,
Iohn Husce Gitario, and one Garcias of S. Sebastiano, so that the
malice of those robbers ceased not. For they with the French gallies,
still lieng on the seas, when they espied anie aduantage, would land
their people, and doo what mischeefe they could, in taking preies, and
burning townes and villages, although now and then they came short to
their vessels againe, losing sometimes an hundred, sometimes fourescore
that were ouertaken by the Englishmen that came foorth against them.
But among other inuasions which they made this summer on the coasts,
we find that they burnt the towne of Winchelsie, & put the abbat of
Battell to flight with his people, comming to succor that towne and
tooke one of his moonks that was there in armor with the abbat. ¶ Some
write also, that they burnt Rie, Hastings, and Portsmouth. Finallie,
their boldnesse so farre increased, that in August they entring with
their gallies into the riuer of Thames, came vp to Grauesend, where
they burnt the most part of the towne, and on the other |732| side of
the riuer, as well in Essex as Kent, they burnt and spoiled diuerse
places, and with their prisoners and booties returned without receiuing
anie hurt, bringing with them to France, both rich spoiles and good
prisoners.

[Sidenote: The English host entreth into Britaine.

Naunts besieged by the Englishmen.]

But to returne to the earle of Buckingham where we left. The English
armie drew still towards Britaine, but with so small doubt of their
aduersaries, that they laie three or foure daies sometimes still in one
place. At their approching to the marches of Britaine, they came to
Vitrie, a towne situate at the first entring into that countrie, and
from thence went to Chateau Briant, and there rested, whither came to
them certeine knights sent from the duke of Britaine, which signified
to the erle of Buckingham what the dukes meaning was. Indéed by the
death of the French king, the dukes malice was greatlie abated towards
the Frenchmen, so that he had not much passed if the Englishmen had
béene at home againe. Moreouer, his townes were not determined to
receiue the Englishmen, as enimies to the crown of France: so that
he was in a perplexitie how to order his businesse. At length, to
shew himselfe a stedfast fréend to the Englishmen, and one that was
no changeling, he determined by their support, to force all those to
allow the league which he had established with the Englishmen, who had
denied to beare armour against the crowne of France. And first, bicause
they of Naunts were the ringleaders of that rebellious demeanour, he
appointed first to besiege their citie. They hauing knowledge thereof,
sent into France for aid.

[Sidenote: The siege at Naunts broken vp.]

The dukes of Aniou, Berrie, Burgognie, and Burbon, brethren to the late
king, and vncle to his sonne the yoong king, hauing the gouernance
of the realme vnder him, sent six hundred speares with all spéed to
strengthen them of Naunts, which defended the citie in such wise from
the puissance of the Englishmen, who enuironed the same with a strong
siege, that in the end, bicause the duke came not to them (according
to his promise) the siege was raised the morrow after New yeares
daie, two moneths and foure daies after the same was first laid. The
duke of Britaine would gladlie haue come to the siege of Naunts, in
strengthening of the English host, but he could not persuade his lords
to aid him in anie such enterprise. And therefore now that the earle of
Buckingham had broken vp his siege, he caused him to be lodged in the
citie of Vannes, & his men abroad in the countrie, some here, and some
there, acquiting himselfe as well towards them as he might.

[Sidenote: A peace betwixt the French king and the duke of Britaine.

The articles of the peace.]

But suerlie the hearts of the Britains were wonderfullie changed, and
in no wise would consent to haue anie warre with the Frenchmen, if anie
reasonable peace might be concluded. For manie that hated the father,
bare good will and heartie loue towards the sonne, whose yoong yeares
and great towardnesse allured the hearts of manie to wish him well.
Hervpon was meanes made for a peace, which by the duke of Aniou his
consent (who bare the greatest rule in France in that season) a finall
accord was made, betwixt the yoong king and the duke of Britaine, so
that the duke should come and doo his homage vnto the French king, and
sweare to be true and faithfull vnto him: also that he should rid the
Englishmen out of his countrie, and helpe them with ships and vessels
to transport them home into England.

[Sidenote: The earle of Buckingham returned into England.]

The earle of Buckingham, when he vnderstood of this peace, was not a
little displeased in his mind, considering that the duke of Britaine
had delt so vniustlie with him and his nephue the king of England. But
the duke still excused him by his subiects, as though if he had not
thus agreed, he should haue beene in danger to haue lost his heritage
of that countrie. Finallie, the earle after he had ships prouided for
his passage, the eleuenth of Aprill departed out of Vannes, and came
to the hauen where his ships laie, and so went aboord in like maner as
other of his men did from other hauens, and shortlie after (when the
wind serued) tooke the sea, and returned into England, sore displeased
with the duke of Britaine for his great vntruth and dissimulation (as
he tooke it) notwithstanding all excuses to cloake the matter by him
alledged.

[Sidenote: The Scots inuade the English borders and spoile whole
countries carrieng awaie great booties.]

Whilest the Englishmen were thus occupied in warres against the
Frenchmen (as before |733| ye haue heard) the Scots could not rest in
quiet, but in reuenge for a ship, which the townesmen of Newcastell
and Hull had taken on the sea, knowing them to be pirates, determined
to doo what mischéefe they could vnto the English borders: for the
losse of that ship grieued them, bicause it was esteemed to be verie
rich, the goods that were in it being valued at seuen thousand marks.
Herevpon the Scots entring by the west borders, inuaded & spoiled the
countries of Westmerland and Cumberland, and comming into the forrest
of Inglewood, they tooke awaie with them such a number of beasts and
cattell, that they were reckoned at fourtie thousand heads of one and
other. Besides this, they cruellie slue all such as they could laie
hands vpon, and burnt vp all the townes, and houses as they passed: and
not content herewith, they stale vpon the towne of Penreth, when the
faire was kept there, slaieng, taking, and chasing awaie the people,
and after gathering togither all the goods and riches there found,
tooke it awaie with them, whereof there was such plentie as might haue
satisfied the couetous desire of a most greedie armie. They returned
by Carleil, but hearing that there were gotten into it a great number
of men out of the countries adioining, they durst not staie to make
any attempt against that towne, but compassed their waie to escape
with their booties home into their countrie, which they did, although
they lost some of their companie as they passed by an ambushment of
certeine archers of Westmerland and Cumberland, that were laid for them
of purpose. When the earle of Northumberland would haue gone foorth
to reuenge those iniuries doone to the countrie by the Scots, he was
written to from the king and his councell, to forbeare till the daie of
truce, at what time it might be knowen what was further to be doone in
the matter.

[Sidenote: An armie lingering in the north parts greatlie impouerisheth
the countrie.

Additions to _Adam Merimuth_.]

About Michaelmasse the duke of Lancaster, the earles of Warwike, and
Stafford, with other lords and men of honor, hauing with them a great
power of souldiers and men of warre, went into the north parts, and
comming to the borders, they laie there till they had consumed no small
summes of monie, and indamaged the countrie as much as if the Scotish
armie had inuaded the same. The good they did, was, that after long
treatie with the Scotish commissioners, a truce was agreed vpon till
Easter following, which being concluded, they returned home without
any more adoo. For the space of halfe a score yeares togither now last
past, the Englishmen euerie yeare had one or two such treaties with the
Scots about the incursions and rodes which they yearelie made into the
English borders, sore indamaging the inhabitants of those north parts
of the realme, notwithstanding any truce or abstinence of warre that
might be concluded.

[Sidenote: Treason in letters writtē by sir Rafe Ferrers to certeine
French lords.]

Whilest the armie (as ye haue heard) laie idle in the north parts,
there were certeine letters found by a poore man about London, who
deliuered them vnto the worthie citizen Iohn Philpot, who calling vnto
him certeine other worshipfull citizens, opened one of them, in which
was conteined matter of high treason: and perceiuing by the seale that
it belonged vnto sir Rafe Ferrers knight, one of the kings priuie
councell, deliuered that letter with foure other letters closed with
the same seale, first to the lord chancellor, and after to the king,
the which being read and the seale knowne to be the said sir Rafe
Ferrers his seale, manie greatlie maruelled that so ancient a knight,
and one in whom so great trust was put, should go about any such
treasons.

One of the letters was directed to sir Bertram de Cleaquin, an other
to the lord de la Riuer the chamberlaine of France, an other to the
lord Clisson, and an other to the patrone of the gallies, and to the
capteine of the armie of Frenchmen and Spaniards, which at the same
time wafting alongst the coasts, did much hurt in diuerse places of
the land. Foorthwith the said Philpot and others were sent in post
from the king to the duke of Lancaster, that for somuch as the said
sir Rafe Ferrers was then in the north parts with him, intreating
with the Scots, he should arrest him and put him in safe kéeping,
which commandement the duke did accomplish, and committed him to be
safelie kept in the castell of Duresme, but shortlie after in the next
parlement he was set at libertie, foure |734| barons being bound for
his foorth comming, till true that he might more euidentlie declare his
innocencie.

[Sidenote: A parlement at Northampton.

Iohn Kirkbie executed for murthering a merchant stranger.]

About the feast of S. Martine, was a parlement holden at Northampton
to the more trouble of them that came to it, bicause in that season of
the yeare they were constreined to come where there was no store of
fewell to make them fiers: and beside that, lodgings were verie streict
for so great a multitude. But the cause that mooued the councell to
appoint this parlement there, was to the end that they might the more
fréelie procéed to the triall of Iohn Kirkbie a citizen of London, that
had murthered the Genowais (as before ye haue hard) which Kirkbie was
condemned at this parlement, and drawne and hanged in the sight of the
Londoners that were come thither, which execution if it should haue
beene doone at London, the lords doubted least some tumult might haue
béene raised by the citizens, who were reckoned in those daies verie
rash and presumptuous in their dooings.

[Sidenote: A gréeuous subsidie.

Twelue pēce as some haue.

1381.

_Thom. Wals._]

But now to the effect of this parlement. There was a new and strange
subsidie or taske granted to be leuied for the kings vse, and towards
the charges of this armie that went ouer into France with the earle of
Buckingham; to wit, of euerie préest secular or regular six shillings
eight pence, and as much of euerie nunne, and of euerie man & woman
married or not married being 16 yeares of age (beggers certenlie
knowne onlie excepted) foure pence for euerie one. Great grudging &
manie a bitter cursse followed about the leuieng of this monie, & much
mischéefe rose thereof, as after it appeared. ¶ In this fourth yeare of
king Richards reigne, immediatlie after Christmasse, Thomas Brantingham
bishop of Exeter and lord treasuror, was discharged of his office of
treasurorship, and sir Robert Hales lord of S. Iohns was aduanced in
his place, a right noble and manlie knight, but not beloued of the
commons.

[Sidenote: Wicliffes opinion.

The cardinall of Praxed.

Triennals.

All for monie.]

About this time did Iohn Wicliffe chieflie set foorth his opinion
touching the sacrament of the altar, denieng the doctrine of
transubstantiation, and that it ought not in any wise to be worshipped
in such sort as the church of Rome then did teach. ¶ There were
ambassadors sent into Germanie, to treat with the emperour for a
marriage to be had, betwixt the king of England, and the emperours
sister. About the beginning of March they returned, bringing with them
the cardinall, intituled of saint Praxed, and the duke of Tarsilia, and
other nobles that came from the emperor, to treat with the king & his
councell about the same marriage. This cardinall, whether he passed the
bounds of his commission and authoritie to him granted by the pope (as
some write) or whether he was furnished with such faculties, he was
very liberall in bestowing of them abrode on all such as would come
with monie. Indulgences, which the pope had vsed onelie to reserue for
himselfe to bestow, this man granted the same liberallie, both biennals
and triennals. He gaue also letters confessionall, to all those that
would paie for them, admitting aswell beneficed men as other, to be
the popes chapleins. He made notaries for monie, and denied not altars
portatiue to anie that would pay for them.

He receiued fortie pounds, besides other gifts, of the moonks of the
Cisteaux order, to grant to them a generall licence to eat flesh
indifferentlie, as well abroad, as they had béene accustomed to doo
at home within their monasteries. To those that were excommunicate he
gaue absolution: those that had vowed to go in pilgrimage to Rome, to
the holie land, or to saint Iames, he would not first release them,
till he had receiued so much monie, according to the true valuation,
as they should haue spent in their iornies: and to be bréefe, nothing
could be asked, but for monie he was readie to grant it. And when he
was requested to shew by what power he did all these things, with great
indignation he answered, that he would let them vnderstand at Rome,
if they would needs know the authoritie which he had. At length his
males were so filled with siluer, that his seruants disdained to make
them anie answer, except they brought gold, saieng; “Bring vs gold,
|735| for we are full of your siluer.” But at his departure he tooke
all awaie with him, both gold and siluer in such abundance as was
maruellous. This hath beene the practise of the Romanists from time to
time, wherevpon grew this common byword (taxing the polling and shauing
shifts of that execrable see, gaping gulfe, and insatiable sea)

 Curia Romana non quærit ouem sine lana.

[Sidenote: An armie sent into Portingale to aid the king there against
the K. of Castile.]

But now to returne to other matters concerning the state of the realme.
After the returne of the earle of Buckingham, it was ordeined by
aduise of the councell, that the duke of Lancaster should eftsoones
go as ambassador from king Richard into Scotland, to see if he might
renew the truce (which shortlie would haue beene expired) for three
yéeres longer. Also whereas there was variance and open war mainteined,
betwixt Iohn king of Castile, and king Iohn of Portingale, the earle
of Cambridge, the lord William de Beauchampe, the lord Botreux, and
sir Matthew Gournie, were sent into Portingale with fiue hundred armed
men, and fiue hundred archers to aid the king of Portingale against
the king of Castile, who was sonne to the bastard Henrie: for the duke
of Lancaster reioised greatlie, that he might haue such a fréend as
the king of Portingale, to ioine with him in aid against the king of
Castile; meaning (as soone as opportunity would serue) to go ouer with
an armie to chalenge his right, and pursue his claime to the crowne
of Castile and Leon, against the vsurper, in right of his wife quéene
Constance, eldest daughter to the late lawfull king Peter, whom Henrie
the bastard as before (yée haue heard) did still persecute, till he had
bereft from him both his life and kingdome.

[Sidenote: The cōmons by reason of the great subsidie and other
oppressions rise in diuerse parts of the realme.

Villaines.]

It was meant therefore that if the duke of Lancaster could compasse
his purpose, for the which he went at that time into Scotland, to the
honour of the king and realme, then should he shortlie after follow his
brother of Cambridge with a great power, to trie what chance God would
send to him, against his aduersarie the king of Castile. ¶ In the meane
time other incidents fell within the realme in the fourth yeare of king
Richard, sore to the disquieting of the same, and vtter disappointing
for that time of the duke of Lancasters intent. The commons of the
realme sore repining, not onelie for the pole grotes that were demanded
of them, by reason of the grant made in parlement (as yée haue heard)
but also (as some write) for that they were sore oppressed (as they
tooke the matter) by their land-lords, that demanded of them their
ancient customes and seruices, set on by some diuelish instinct &
persuasion of their owne beastlie intentions, as men not content with
the state wherevnto they were called, rose in diuerse parts of this
realme, and assembled togither in companies, purposing to inforce the
prince to make them frée and to release them of all seruitude, whereby
they stood as bondmen to their lords and superiours.

[Sidenote: The beginning of the rebellion at Derford in Kent.]

Where this rebellion of the commons first began, diuerse haue written
diuerslie. One author writeth, that (as he learned by one that was not
farre from the place at that time) the first beginning should be at
Dertford in Kent: for when those pole shillings, or rather (as other
haue) pole grotes, were to be collected, no small murmuring, curssing,
and repining among the common people rose about the same, and the more
indeed, through the lewd demenour of some vndiscréet officers, that
were assigned to the gathering thereof, insomuch that one of those
officers being appointed to gather vp that monie in Dertford aforesaid,
came to the house of one Iohn Tiler, that had both seruants in his
house, and a faire yong maid to his daughter. The officer there fore
demanding monie for the said Tiler and for his wife, his seruants, and
daughter, the wife being at home, and hir husband abroad at worke in
the towne, made answer that hir daughter was not of age, and therefore
she denied to paie for hir.

Now here is to be noted, that this monie was in common speech said
to be due for all those that were vndergrowne, bicause that yoong
persons as well of the man as of the womankind, comming to the age of
fouretéene or fifteene yeares, haue commonlie haire growing foorth
about those priuie parts, which for honesties sake nature hath taught
vs to couer and keepe secret. The officer therefore not satisfied with
the mothers excuse, said |736| he would feele whether hir daughter
were of lawfull age or not, and therewith began to misuse the maid,
and search further than honestie would haue permitted. The mother
streightwaies made an outcrie, so that hir husband being in the towne
at worke, and hearing of this adoo at his house, came running home with
his lathing staffe in his hand, and began to question with the officer,
asking who made him so bold to keepe such a rule in his house: the
officer being somewhat presumptuous, and highminded, would foorthwith
haue flowne vpon this Tiler; but I. Tiler auoiding the officers blow,
raught him such a rap on the pate, that his braines flue out, and so
presentlie he died.

Great noise rose about this matter in the stréets, and the poore folks
being glad, euerie man arraied himselfe to support Iohn Tiler, & thus
the commons drew togither, and went to Maidestone, and from thence to
Blackheath, where their number so increased, that they were reckoned to
be thirtie thousand. And the said Iohn Tiler tooke vpon him to be their
cheefe capteine, naming himselfe Iacke Straw. ¶ Others write, that one
Thomas Baker of Fobbings was the first that procured the people thus to
assemble togither: and that one of the kings seruants named Iohn Leg,
with three of his fellowes, practised to féele yoong maids whether they
were vndergrowne (as yée haue hard the officer did at Dertford) which
dishonest and vnséemelie kind of dealing did set the people streight
in such a rage and vprore, that they cared not what they did to be
reuenged of such iniuries.

[Sidenote: The commōs of Essex begin the commotiō as _Wal._ saith.

The armor of y^e Essex rebels.]

But Thomas Walsingham affirmeth, that the first sparkes of this
rebellion kindled in Essex, where the inhabitants of two townes onelie
at the first, that were the authors and first stirrers of all this
mischéefe, did send vnto euerie little towne about, that all manner
of men, as well those that were aged, as others that were in their
lustiest time and youthfull yeares, should come to them with speed,
setting all excuses apart, in their best arraie and furniture for
warre, threatning to such as came not, that their goods should be
spoiled, their houses burnt or cast downe, and they to lose their heads
when they were taken. The terror of this threatning caused the ignorant
people to flocke to them by heaps, leauing all their businesse, letting
plough and cart stand, forsaking wife, children, and houses, so that in
a short time there were fiue thousand gotten togither of those commons
and husbandmen, of which number manie were weaponed onelie with staues,
some with rustie swords and billes, and other with smokie bowes, more
ruddie than old yuorie, not hauing past two or thrée arrowes, and the
same happilie with one feather a peece.

Among a thousand of those kind of persons, yée should not haue séene
one well armed: and yet by reason of their multitude, when they were
once got togither, they thought the whole relme had not beene able to
resist them; and supposed that they could with facilitie (in respect of
the aduerse part) make the states of the land stoope to them, and by
their permission to reteine or compulsion to resigne their roomes of
dignitie. But the fond conceited rowt considered not the euent of this
insurrection, that the woorst would be their owne; for the old saieng
is true, namelie,

 Læditur a stimulo quicunq; fricatur abillo.

[Sidenote: The oth ministred by the rebels to all passengers.]

Moreouer, to make their part the stronger, these Essexmen sent ouer
into Kent, aduertising the people there of their enterprise, and
therefore willed them to make them readie to ioine with them for their
obteining of libertie, and reforming of the euill customs of the
realme. Whether the Kentishmen through persuasions of their neighbors
of Essex, by occasion of that which had chanced at Dertford (as before
yée haue heard) or (as it may be) the same chancing at that selfe
time, they being mooued as well by the one as the other, vp they
got (as yée haue heard) and gathering their power out of the next
quarters adioining by the like policie which had béene practised by
the Essexmen, they stirred vp the most part of the countrie to ioine
with them, and foorthwith stopping the waie that led to Canturburie,
and arresting all such as passed by the same, they caused them to swere
that they should be true to king Richard, and to the commons, & neuer
to receiue anie king that should be called Iohn. And this was for the
enuie which they bare to Iohn |737| of Gant the duke of Lancaster,
who in right of his wife Constance, that was daughter to king Peter of
Castile, did name himselfe king of Castile.

[Sidenote: The commons of other shires hearing of the stur in Kent &
Essex, rise in like maner.

Lawiers, iustices & iurors brought to blockam feast by the rebels.]

Also they caused them to sweare that they should be readie to come to
them whensoeuer they sent for them, and induce all their neighbours
to take part with them. And further, that they should neuer yéeld to
anie tax to be leuied on the realme, except a fiftéenth onelie. Thus it
came to passe, that after it was spred abroad what stur these Essex and
Kentishmen kept; the commons also in the counties of Sussex, Hertford,
Cambridge, Suffolke, and Norffolke, and other shires about, bustled
vp and ran togither on heapes, so that the number of those vnrulie
people maruellouslie increased, in such wise as now they feared no
resistance, and therefore began to shew proofe of those things which
they had before conceiued in their minds, beheading all such men of
law, iustices, and iurors, as they might catch, and laie hands vpon,
without respect of pitie, or remorse of conscience, alledging that the
land could neuer enioy hir natiue and true libertie, till all those
sorts of people were dispatched out of the waie.

[Sidenote: The next way to extinguish right.

An huge number of y^e rebels. _Fabian._ Capteins of the Essex and
Kentish rebels.

The rebels send to the K. to come speak with them.]

This talke liked well the eares of the common vplandish people, and
by the lesse conueieng the more, they purposed to burne and destroie
all records, euidences, court-rolles, and other minuments, that the
remembrance of ancient matters being remooued out of mind, their
landlords might not haue whereby to chalenge anie right at their hands.
Their number still increased: for all such as were in debt or danger
of law for their misdemeanors and offenses, came out of all coasts
vnto them, so that when the Essexmen, and other of the hither side
the Thames, were passed ouer and ioined with the Kentishmen, & those
that were assembled on that side the riuer vpon Blackeheath; they were
estéemed to be an hundred thousand, hauing diuerse capteins besides the
said Iacke Straw, as William Wraw, Wat Tiler, Iacke Shéepheard, Tom
Milner, and Hob Carter. Whilest they were lodged on Blackheath, the
king sent to them certeine knights, to vnderstand of them the cause
of their gathering thus togither, to whom answer was made, that they
were come togither to speake with the king about certeine causes and
businesse, & therefore they bad the messengers returne, and declare to
the king that there was no remedie but he must needs come and speake
with them.

[Sidenote: Ill counsell.]

When this tale was told to the king, there were some that thought
it best that he should go to them, and know what their meaning was:
but Simon de Sudburie the archbishop of Canturburie, that was lord
chancellor, and also sir Robert Hales lord of S. Iohns, and as then
lord treasuror, spake earnestlie against that aduise, and would not
by anie meanes that the king should go to such a sort of barelegged
ribalds; but rather they wished that he should take some order to abate
the pride of such vile rascals. After the commons vnderstood that the
king would not come to them, by reason of the contrarie aduise giuen to
him by those two persons, the lord chancellor and the lord treasuror,
they were maruellouslie mooued against them, and sware that they would
not rest till they had got them, & chopped off their heads, calling
them traitors to the king and realme.

[Sidenote: _Froissard._

The rebels spoile Southwarke, and set all prisoners at large.]

Neuerthelesse there be that write, that the king (to cut off the
branches of such mischeefe now in the first budding thereof) to
satisfie in part the desire of those rude people, went downe the riuer
in his barge to Rethereth, and there néere the shore keeping himselfe
still on the water, talked with a great number of them that came downe
to the riuer side. But forsomuch as he would not come foorth of his
barge to them on land, which they seemed most to desire, they were in
a great rage, and so for that they could not haue him amongst them (as
they wished) in furious wise they ran to the citie, and at the first
approach they spoiled the burrough of Southwarke, brake vp the prisons
of the Marshalsea, & the Kings bench, set the prisoners at libertie, &
admitted them into their companie.

[Sidenote: The commons of London aiders of the rebels.

All rebels pretend reformation but indéed purpose destruction both of
king and countrie.]

This was on Corpus Christi daie, as the same authors write, that
the king should thus talke with them: but their first entring into
Southwarke, was on Corpus Christi euen, as Thomas Walsingham saith,
passing at their pleasure to and fro the bridge all that night: for
although the lord maior, and other of the best citizens would gladlie
haue closed the |738| gates against them, yet they durst not doo it,
for feare of the commons of the citie, who seemed to fauour the cause
of the rebels so apparantlie, that they threatned to kill both the lord
maior, & all other that would take vpon them to shut the gates against
the commons. The Londoners liked better of the commons, for that they
protested the cause of their assembling togither, was not but to seeke
out the traitors of the realme, and when they had found them foorth,
and punished them according to that they had deserued, they ment to be
quiet. And to giue the more credit to their saiengs, they suffered none
of their companie to rob or spoile, but caused them to paie for that
they tooke.

[Sidenote: The Sauoie the duke of Lancasters house burnt by the rebels.]

On the morrow being Corpus Christi day, on the which day it is reported
that the king should talke with them at Rethereth (as before ye haue
heard) after that they saw that they could not haue him to come and
talke with them on land, as they wished, and that now they had filled
their heads full with the fume of such wines as they dranke in euerie
mans cellar that was set open for them, enter who would: they fell in
talke with the Londoners of manie lewd deuises, as of the apprehending
of traitors, and speciallie concerning such misliking as they had of
the duke of Lancaster, whom they hated aboue all other persons. And
herevpon agréeing in one mind, after diuerse other of their outragious
dooings, they ran the same day to the said dukes house of the Sauoie,
to the which in beautie and statelinesse of building, with all maner of
princelie furniture, there was not any other in the realme comparable,
which in despite of the duke, whom they called traitor, they set on
fire, and by all waies and means indeuoured vtterlie to destroie it.

[Sidenote: Strange dealing of the rebels.

The iustice of the rebels.]

The shamefull spoile which they there made was wonderfull, and yet the
zeale of iustice, truth, and vpright dealing which they would seeme to
shew, was as nice and strange on the other part, speciallie in such
kind of misgouerned people: for in that spoiling of the dukes house,
all the iewels, plate, and other rich and sumptuous furniture which
they there found in great plentie, they would not that any man should
fare the better by it of a mite, but threw all into the fire, so to be
consumed; and such things as the fire could not altogither destroie, as
plate and iewels, they brake and crashed in péeces, throwing the same
into the Thames. One of them hauing thurst a faire siluer peece into
his bosome, meaning to conueie it awaie, was espied of his fellowes,
who tooke him, and cast both him and the péece into the fire; saieng
they might not suffer any such thing, sith they professed themselues to
be zealous of truth and iustice, and not théeues nor robbers.

[Sidenote: The lawiers lodgings in the temple burnt by the rebels.]

There were 32 of them, that being gotten into the celler of the Sauoie,
where the dukes wines laie, dranke so much of such swéete wine as they
found there, that they were not able to come foorth, but with stones &
wood that fell downe as the house burned, they were closed in, so that
out they could not get. They laie there showting & crieng seuen daies
togither, and were heard of manie, but none came to helpe them, and so
finallie they perished. Now after that these wicked people had thus
destroied the duke of Lancasters house, and done what they could deuise
to his reproch; they went to the temple, and burnt the men of lawes
lodgings, with their bookes, writings, and all that they might lay hand
vpon. Also the house of saint Iohns by Smithfield they set on fire, so
that it burned for the space of seuen daies togither. On Friday a great
number of them, estéemed to 20 thousand, went to the manor of Heiburie
that belonged vnto the lord of saint Iohns, and setting fire on it,
sought vtterlie to destroie the whole buildings about it.

[Sidenote: The lord chancellor and the lord treasuror drawne out of the
tower and put to death by the rebels.

_Thom. Wals._]

They were now diuided into thrée parts, one vnder the leading of Iacke
Straw, tooke in hand to ruinate that house, and an other number of them
lay on mile end greene, and the third companie kept vpon the tower
hill, and would not suffer anie vittels to be conueied into the tower,
where the king at that time was lodged, and was put in such feare by
those rude people, that he suffered them to enter into the tower, where
they sought so narowlie for the lord chancelor, that finding him in the
chappell, they drew him foorth togither with the lord treasuror, and
on the tower hill without reuerence of their estates and degrees, with
great noise and fell cries, they stroke off their heads. There were
also beheaded at the same time by those rude people, one of the kings
seruants that was a sergeant at armes |739| called Iohn Leg, who had
vsed himselfe somewhat extremelie in gathering vp of the pole monie, as
by one writer it appeareth. Also to make vp the messe, they beheaded
a Franciscane Frier, whom they had taken there at the same time, for
malice of the duke of Lancaster, bicause he was verie familiar with
him. ¶ Some write that this frier was confessor, and other say that he
was physician to the king; but whatsoeuer he was, the commons chopped
off his head, to beare the other companie, not sparing for anie respect
that might be alledged in any of their behalfes.

[Sidenote: The raging rebels make a pastime to kill men.

No respect of place with the rebels.]

On the same day also they beheaded manie others, as well Englishmen
as Flemings, for no cause in the world, but onelie to satisfie the
crueltie of the commons, that then were in their kingdome, for it was
a sport to them, when they gat any one amongst them, that was not
sworne to them, and séemed to mislike of their dooings, or if they
bare but neuer so little hatred to him, streightwaies to plucke of
his hood, with such a yelling noise as they tooke vp amongst them,
and immediatlie to come thronging into the stréets, and strike off
his head. Neither had they any regard to sacred places; for breaking
into the church of the Augustine friers, they drew foorth thirteene
Flemings, and beheaded them in the open streets; and out of the parish
churches in the citie, they tooke foorth seuentéene, and likewise
stroke off their heads, without reuerence either of the church or feare
of God.

[Sidenote: The outragious dealing of the rebels.]

But they continuing in their mischéefous purpose, shewed their malice
speciallie against strangers, so that entring into euerie stréet, lane,
and place, where they might find them, they brake vp their houses,
murthered them which they found within, and spoiled their goods in most
outragious manner. Likewise they entered into churches (as before ye
haue heard) into abbeies, monasteries, and other houses, namelie of men
of law, which in semblable sort they ransacked. They also brake vp the
prisons of newgate, and of both the counters, destroied the books, and
set prisoners at libertie, and also the sanctuarie-men of saint Martins
le grand. And so likewise did they at Westminster, where they brake
open the eschequer, and destroied the ancient bookes and other records
there, dooing what they could to suppresse law, and by might to beate
downe equitie and right, as it is said,

 Tunc ius calcatur violentia cum dominatur.

They that entered the tower, vsed themselues most presumptuouslie, and
no lesse vnreuerentlie against the princesse of Wales, mother to the
king: for thrusting into hir chamber, they offered to kisse her, and
swasht downe vpon hir bed, putting hir into such feare, that she fell
into a swoone, and being taken vp and recouered, was had to the water
side, and put into a barge, & conueied to the place called the quéenes
wardrobe, or the tower riall, where she remained all that day and the
night following, as a woman halfe dead, till the king came to recomfort
hir. It was strange to consider, in what feare the lords, knights &
gentlemen stood of the cruell proceedings of those rude & base people.
For where there were six hundred armed men, and as manie archers in the
tower at that present, there was not one that durst gainesaie their
dooings.

[Sidenote: The king offereth the rebels pardon.

_Froissard._]

Finallie, when they had eased their stomachs, with the spoiling,
burning, and defacing of sundrie places, they became more quiet, and
the king by the aduise of such as were then about him, vpon good
deliberation of counsell, offered to them pardon, and his peace,
with condition that they should cease from burning and ruinating of
houses, from killing and murthering of men, and depart euerie man to
his home without more adoo, and there to tarrie for the kings charters
confirmatorie of the same pardon. The Essexmen were content with this
offer, as they that were desirous to see their wiues and children,
being waxen wearie of continuall trauell and paines which they were
constreined to take. The king went foorth vnto Mile end, and there
declared vnto the commons that they should haue charters made to them
of his grant, to make them all free. And further that euerie shire,
towne, lordship and libertie should haue banners of his armes deliuered
vnto them, for a confirmation of his grant. Herevpon they séemed well
appeased, and the king rode |740| to the queenes wardrobe, otherwise
called the tower roiall, to visit his mother, and so did comfort hir so
well as he could, and taried with hir there all night.

The Essexmen satisfied with the kings promises, immediatlie departed
homeward; howbeit they appointed certeine of their companie to remaine
still and tarie for the kings charters. The Kentishmen also remained,
and were as busie in maner the next day being saturdaie, in all kind of
mischiefous dealings, as they had béene before, to wit, in murthering
of men, ouerthrowing and burning of houses. The king therefore sent
vnto them such as declared in what sort their fellowes were gone home
well satisfied, & from thencefoorth to liue in quiet, and the same
forme of peace he was contented to grant to them, if it liked them to
accept the same. Herevpon their chéefe capteine Wat Tiler, a verie
craftie fellow, and indued with much wit (if he had well applied it)
said, that peace indeed he wished, but yet so, as the conditions might
be indited to his purpose.

[Sidenote: The wicked purpose of the rebels.

The rebels would haue all law abolished.]

He was determined to driue off the king and his councell (bicause
he was of greater force than they) with cauils and shifts till the
next daie, that in the night following he might the more easilie haue
compassed his resolution, which was, hauing all the poorer sort of
the citie on his side, to haue spoiled the citie, and to set fire in
foure corners of it, killing first the king and the lords that were
about him: but he that resisteth the proud, and giueth his grace to the
humble, would not permit the vngratious deuises of the naughtie and
lewd lozzell to take place, but suddenlie disappointed his mischeefous
drift. For whereas diuerse formes of charters had béene drawne
according to the effect of the agréement with the Essexmen, and none of
them might please this lordlie rebell, at length the king sent to him
one of his knights called sir Iohn Newton, to request him to come to
him, that they might talke of the articles which he stood vpon to haue
inserted in the charter, of the which one was to haue had a commission
to put to death all lawiers, escheaters, and other which by any office
had any thing to doo with the law; for his meaning was that hauing made
all those awaie that vnderstood the lawes, all things should then be
ordered according to the will and disposition of the common people.
It was reported in deed, that he should saie with great pride the day
before these things chanced, putting his hands to his lips, that within
foure daies all the lawes of England should come foorth of his mouth.
The wretches had vtterlie forgotten all law, both diuine and humane;
otherwise they would haue béene content to liue vnder law, and to doo
vnto others as they would be doone vnto, as the verie law of nature
(than which there cannot be a better guide) teacheth,

 Quod tibi vis fieri mihi fac, quod non tibi, noli,
   Sic potes in terris viuere iure poli.

[Sidenote: Arrogant and proud words of a villen.]

When therefore the said sir Iohn Newton called vpon him to come awaie
to the king, answered as it were with indignation: “If thou (saith he)
hast so much hast to returne to the king, thou maist depart, I will
come at my pleasure.” When the knight therefore was come from him, he
followed indéed, but somwhat slowlie. And when he was come néere to
the place in Smithfield where the king then was, with certeine lords
and knights, & other companie about him, the said sir Iohn Newton was
sent to him againe, to vnderstand what he meant. And bicause the knight
came to him on horssebacke, & did not alight from his horsse, Wat Tiler
was offended, & said in his furie, “that it became him rather on foot
than horssebacke to approach into his presence.” The knight not able to
abide such presumptuous demeanour in that proud and arrogant person,
shaped him this answer: “It is not amisse that I being on horssebacke,
should come to thée sitting on horssebacke.”

[Sidenote: William Walworth maior of London a stout couragious man.

The death of Wat Tiler capteine of the rebels.]

With which words Wat Tiler taking indignation, drew out his dagger,
menacing to strike the knight, calling him therewith traitor: the
knight disdaining to be misvsed at the hands of such a ribald, told him
that he lied falselie, and with that plucked foorth his dagger. Wat
Tiler being among his men, shewed that he would not beare that iniurie,
and foorthwith made towards the knight to run vpon him. The king
perceiuing the knight in danger, |741| bad him alight from his horsse,
and deliuer his dagger to Wat Tiler: but when that would not pacifie
his proud and high mind, but that he would néeds flée vpon him, the
maior of London William Walworth, and other knights and esquiers that
were about the king, told him that it should be a shame for them all,
if they permitted the knight in their presence before the eies of their
prince so to be murthered: wherfore they gaue counsell to succor him
foorthwith, and to apprehend the vile naughtie ribald. The king though
he was but a child in yeares, yet taking courage to him, commanded the
maior to arrest him. The maior being a man of incomparable boldnesse,
foorthwith rode to him and arrested him, in reaching him such a blow
on the head, that he sore astonied him therewith: and streightwaies
other that were about the king, as Iohn Standish an esquier, and diuers
more of the kings seruants drew their swords, and thrust him through in
diuerse parts of his bodie, so that he fell presentlie from his horsse
downe to the earth, and died there in the place.

[Sidenote: The king persuadeth the rebels.]

When the commons beheld this, they cried out, “Our capteine is
traitorouslie slaine; let vs stand togither and die with him: let vs
shoot and reuenge his death manfullie:” and so bending their bowes,
made them readie to shoot. The king shewing both hardinesse and wisdome
at that instant, more than his age required, set his spurs to his
horsse, and rode to them, saieng: “What is the matter my men, what
meane you? Will you shoot at your king? Be not troubled nor offended at
the death of a traitor and ribald; I will be your king, capteine and
leader, follow me into the fields, and you shall haue all things that
you can desire.” This did the king, to the end he might appease them,
least they should haue set fire on the houses there in Smithfield, and
haue attempted some further mischéefe, in reuenge of the displeasure
which they tooke for the death of their chéefe leader. They mooued with
these the kings words, followed him and the knights that were with him,
into the open fields, not yet resolued whether they should set vpon the
king and slea him, or else be quiet, and returne home with the kings
charter.

[Sidenote: Vehement words of the maior of London to the citizens crieng
for aid against the rebels.

An armie without a capteine.]

In the meane time, the lord maior of London was returned into the
citie, with one man onelie attending vpon him, and cried to the
citizens; “Oh yée good and vertuous citizens, come foorth out of
hand, and helpe your king readie to be slaine, & helpe me your maior
standing in the same perill; or if yée will not helpe me for some
faults committed by me against you, yet forsake not your king, but
helpe and succour him in this present danger.” When the worshipfull
citizens and other, that in their loiall hearts loued the king, had
heard these words, incontinentlie they put themselues in strong and
sure armor, to the number of a thousand men, and gathering themselues
togither into the streets, tarried but for some lord or knight that
might conduct them to the king: and by chance there came vnto them
sir Robert Knolles, whom all of them requested that he would be their
leader, least comming out of arraie and order, they might the sooner be
broken, who willinglie led one part of them, and certeine other knights
led other of them, clad in faire bright armour vnto the kings presence.
The king with the lords, knights and esquires, not a little reioised at
the comming of those armed men, and streightwaies compassed the commons
about, as they had beene a flocke of sheepe that should haue béene
closed within some fold, till it pleased the sheepheard to appoint
foorth, which should be thrust into pasture, and which taken to go to
the shambels.

[Sidenote: The rebels quite discouraged threw downe their weapons at
the comming of the Londoners in aid of the king.]

There was to be seene a maruellous change of the right hand of the
lord, to behold how they throwing downe staues, bils, axes, swords,
bowes and arowes, humblie began to sue for pardon, which a little
before gloried to haue the life of the king and his seruants wholie and
altogither in their hands, power, and disposition. The poore wretches
sought to hide themselues in the corne that grew in the fields, in
ditches, hedges and dennes, and wheresoeuer they might get out of the
way, so to safe gard their liues. The knights that were with the king
would gladlie haue beene dooing with them, and requested licence of
him to strike off the heads of some one or two hundred of them, that
it might be a witnesse in time to come, that the force of the order
of knighthood was able |742| to doo somewhat against the carters and
ploughmen: but the king would not suffer them, alledging that manie of
them were come thither by compulsion, and not of their owne accord, and
therefore it might come to passe that those should die for it, that had
nothing offended: but he commanded that there should be proclamation
made in London, that the citizens should haue no dealings with them,
nor suffer anie of them to come within the citie that night, but to
cause them to lie without doores.

[Sidenote: _Abraham Fleming_ out of _Henrie Knighton_ canon of
Leicester abbeie.]

¶ In the report of this commotion chronographers doo somewhat varie,
as by this present extract out of Henrie Knighton canon of Leceister
abbeie, liuing at the time of this tumult may appeare: which Abraham
Fleming hath faithfullie and trulie translated out of the annales
of the said canon written in parchment in old Latine letters, as
followeth. Vpon a saturdaie, these malcontents [to wit, Thomas Baker
the first moouer but afterwards the principall leaders, Iacke Straw,
Iacke Miler, Iacke Carter, Iacke Trewman, and their trecherous traine]
met togither in Smithfield, whither also the king repaired in the
morning, who although in yeares he was but yoong, yet in wisedome and
discretion he was well growne. The ringleader of this tumultuous rowt,
whose right name was Wat Tiler, which he had now changed into Iacke
Strawe, approched neere the king, in so much that he might in a maner
touch him, being the mouth of all the residue, and hauing in his hand
a drawne dagger, which he tossed from hand to hand, boy-like plaieng
with it, & watching due time therewith, if not to stab, yet suddenlie
to smite the king, if he denied their requests. Wherevpon they that
were next and about the king were greatlie affeard, least his pretended
mischéefe should come to passe.

Now he craued of the king that all warrens, waters, parks and woods
should be common, so that as well poore as rich might fréelie in any
place wheresoeuer practise fishing in ponds, pooles, riuers, or any
waters, and might hunt déere in forrests and parkes, and the hare in
the fields, with diuerse other requests, which he would haue granted
without contradiction or gainesaieng, and exercise without controlment.
Now when the king in the grant hereof by deliberation vsed some delaie,
Iacke Straw drew neerer vnto him, and speaking vnto him certeine
thretening words, tooke hold of the horsses bridle whereon the king
rode, vpon what presumptuous enterprise I wot not. Which Iohn Walworth
a burgesse of London beholding, and fearing present death to hang
ouer the kings head, caught a weapon in his hand, and therwith thrust
Iacke Straw through the throte, which when another that was by being
an esquier, name Rafe Standish did see, with his weapon also ran him
through the sides; in so much that he fell flat on his backe to the
ground, and beating with his hands to and fro a while, at last he gaue
vp his vnhappie ghost.

Then a great clamor and lamentable outcrie was made, and heard a great
while togither, saieng; Our guide is dead, our capteine is dead. And
indéed so he was, being dragged by the hands and féet in a vile and
contemptible sort into saint Bartholomewes church hard by. Then did
manie of the vnrulie multitude withdraw themselues, and vanishing
awaie betooke them to their héeles, being about the number (as it was
thought) of ten thousand. Then the king minding to make amends and to
requite receiued courtesie, knighted the said Iohn Walworth, & Rafe
Standish, with foure burgesses more of the citie, namelie Iohn Philpot,
Nicholas Brembre, Iohn Laund, and Nicholas Twifield, girding them about
the wast with the girdle of knighthood, which was the maner of their
graduating. Then the king hauing ordeined and made the foresaid six
knights, commanded that the residue of the curssed crue should depart
and get them into the field, that méeting togither in a companie, he
might fall vnto a treatie of agreement with them.

The rowt being there assembled, behold a multitude of armed men ran
rusling out of the citie, sir Robert Knols being their capteine,
who with these his soldiers compassed & hedged in the poore catiues
distressed in the field like shéepe that haue lost their shéepheard.
Then the king of his accustomed clemencie, being pricked with pitie,
would not that the wretches should die, but spared them being a rash
and foolish multitude, and commanded them euerie man to get him home
to his owne house; howbeit manie of |743| them, at the kings going
awaie suffered the danger of death. In this miserable taking were
reckoned to the number of twentie thousand. Thus saith Knighton, not as
an eie-witnesse, but as taught by heare-saie, whereby he compiled the
greatest part of his annales, as he himselfe confesseth, seeming sorrie
that he was so constreined, as by part of the octastichon at the foot
of the first page, intituled Lamentum compilatoris, appeareth in maner
and forme following:

 Sum cæcus factus subita caligine tactus,
 Nec opus inceptum iam corrigo forsan ineptum,
 Me metuo dubium pro veris sæpe locutum,
 Plus audita loquor quàm mihi visa sequor, &c.

All the foresaid villanies notwithstanding against the king and the
state, tending wholie to the subuersion of law and ciuill gouernement,
albeit the wretches deserued no sparke of fauour, but extreame
seueritie of iudgement to be executed vpon them; yet (as yee haue
heard) besides the great clemencie of the king, exhibited vnto them
in remitting their offense, and acquiting them from the rigor of the
law, he granted and gaue to them the charter, which they had requested,
faire written and sealed, to auoid a greater mischiefe, & commanded
it for a time to be deliuered them, knowing that Essex and Kent were
not so pacified, but that if they were not the sooner contented, and
that partlie after their minds, they would vp againe. The tenor of the
charter which was gotten thus by force of the king was as followeth.


The forme of the kings charter of Manumission.


 [Sidenote: The like there was granted to them of other countries as
 well as to these of Hertfordshire in y^e same forme, the names of the
 counties changed.]

 RICHARDUS Dei gratia rex Angliæ & Franciæ, & dominus Hiberniæ: omnibus
 balliuis & fidelibus suis, ad quos præsentes litteræ peruenerint,
 salutem. Sciatis quòd de gratia nostra speciali manumisimus vniuersos
 ligeos & singulos subditos nostros & alios comitatus Hertfordiæ, &
 ipsos & eorum quemlibet ab omni bondagio exuimus, & quietos facimus
 per præsentes, ac etiam perdonamus eisdem ligeis ac subditis nostris
 omnimodas felonias, proditiones, transgressiones, & extortiones,
 per ipsos vel aliquem eorum qualitercúnque factas siue perpetratas,
 ac etiam vtlagariam & vtlagarias, si qua vel quæ in ipsos, vel
 aliquem ipsorum fuerit vel fuerint hijs occasionibus promulgata
 vel promulgatæ, & summam pacem nostram eis & eorum cuilibet inde
 concedimus. In cuius rei testimonium, has litteras nostras fieri
 fecimus patentes. Teste meipso apud London 15 die Iunij. Anno regni
 nostri quarto.

[Sidenote: The townesmen of saint Albons not yet quieted.]

The commons hauing obteined this charter departed home, but ceassed
not from their riotous demeanour in sundrie parts of the realme,
and especiallie at saint Albons, where after the townesmen were
returned home, they kept such a coile against the abbat and moonks,
to haue certeine ancient charters deliuered them that concerned their
liberties, and to haue such new made and deliuered to them as might
serue their purpose; that bicause such old charters as they requested
were not to be had, the abbat and moonks looked euerie houre when their
house should be set on fire and burnt ouer their heads. The prior and
certeine other as well moonks as laie men that were seruants to the
abbat, fled for feare of the rage of those misgouerned people, knowing
that they hated them deadlie, and therefore looked for no courtesie
at their hands. They had obteined the kings letters vnto the abbat,
commanding him to deliuer vnto them such charters as they had giuen
information to be remaining in his hands, so that vnder colour therof,
they called for those writings in most importunate wise, threatning
sore, if they were not brought to light, vtterlie to destroie the house
by setting it on fire.

But to speake of all the vnrulie parts of those vnrulie people, it were
too long a processe: yet at length after they vnderstood how their
grand capteine and chéefe ringleader |744| Wat Tiler was slaine, they
began somewhat to asswage their presumptuous attempts, the rather
for that there came a knight with the kings letter of protection in
behalfe of the abbat and his house, and yet they were not so calmed,
but that they continued in requiring to haue charters made to them by
the abbat, of the like forme and effect to that which the king had
made, concerning the infranchising them from bondage, whereby they
that obteined such charters tooke themselues to be discharged of all
seruices and accustomed labors, so that they meant not to doo any
further works, nor yeeld such customes as before time they vsuallie had
béene accustomed to doo and yéeld vnto their landlords.

[Sidenote: The hurling time.

The outragious dealings of the Suffolke rebels.

Sir Iohn Cauendish lord chiefe iustice beheaded.]

Neither did the townesmen of S. Albons, and the tenants of other townes
and villages thereabout, that belonged to the abbeie of S. Albons,
thus outragiouslie misdemeane themselues, but euerie where else the
commons kept such like stur, so that it was rightlie called the hurling
time, there were such hurlie burlies kept in euerie place, to the
great danger of ouerthrowing the whole state of all good gouernment in
this land. For euen the selfe same saturdaie after Corpus Christi day,
in Suffolke there were got togither to the number of fiftie thousand
men, by the setting on of Iohn Wraw, a naughtie lewd priest, that had
beene first among the Essexmen at London, and was sent downe in all
post hast from Wat Tiler, to stir the commons in those parts to commit
the like mischéefe as he had séene begun about London. These fellowes
therfore, after they were assembled togither, fell to the destroieng
of the manors and houses of men of law, & such lawiers as they caught,
they slue, and beheded sir Iohn Cauendish lord chiefe iustice of
England, and set his head vpon the pillorie in the market place in S.
Edmundsburie.

[Sidenote: The prior of S. Edmundsburie slaine.

This Edmund Brumfield was committed to prison by the K. for his
presumptuous intrusion into the abbacie of Burie.]

Also sir Iohn of Cambridge the prior of saint Edmundsburie, as he would
haue fled from them, was taken not far from Mildenhale, and likewise
beheaded, his bodie being left naked in the open field, and no man
presuming to burie it, during the space of fiue daies, for feare of the
cruell commons. His head was set vpon a pole, and caried before Iohn
Wraw and other of those wicked people; the which comming to Burie, and
entring the towne in maner of a procession, when they came into the
market place where the pillorie stood, as it were in token of the old
friendship betwixt the lord chiefe iustice, and the said prior, they
made sport with their heads, making them sometime as it were to kisse,
other whiles to sound in either others eare. After they had taken their
pastime inough herewith, they set both the heads againe aloft vpon the
pillorie. After this, they beheaded an other moonke called Dan Iohn
de Lakinghuith, whose hed was likewise set by the other two vpon the
pillorie. Moreouer, they caused the moonks to come foorth and bring
vnto them all such obligations, in which the townesmen stood bound
vnto the monasterie for their good abearing; likewise such charters
of liberties of the towne of Burie, which king Cnute the founder of
the said monasterie, and his successors had granted to the same: which
writings, when they had brought foorth, and protested that they knew of
no more, the commons would scarselie beleeue them, and therefore called
the townesmen foorth, and bad them sée if that there were all such
writings as they thought stood with their aduantage to haue brought to
light. The townesmen feigned as though they had beene sorie to see such
rule kept against the moonks, where in déed they had set the commons in
hand with all these things. To conclude, the commons tooke this order
with the moonks, that if the townesmen might not obteine their ancient
liberties, by the hauing of those writings, they should declare what
the same liberties were, which they were woont to inioy, and the abbat
of Burie, Edmund Brumfield, being then in prison at Notingham whom
they purposed to deliuer (so that he should celebrat diuine seruice in
his monasterie on Midsummer daie next) within fourtie daies after his
comming home, should confirme with his seale such charter as was to be
deuised and made concerning the same liberties of the said townesmen,
and the couent should likewise put therevnto their common seale.

Moreouer, they constreined the moonks to deliuer vnto the townesmen,
a crosse and |745| a chalice of fine gold, and other iewels that
belonged to the abbeie, being in value aboue the worth of a thousand
pounds in monie, the which was to remaine in the hands of the townsmen,
vpon this condition, that if Edmund Brumfield being deliuered out
of prison inioied the dignitie of abbat there, and with all put his
seale togither with the couent seale within the time limited, vnto a
writing that should conteine the liberties of the towne, that then the
same crosse, chalice, and other iewels should be restored vnto the
monasterie, or else the same to remaine for euer to the townesmen as
forfeited. Such were the dooings of those rebels in and about the towne
of Burie: and the like disorders & breach of peace followed by the
commotions of the commons in Cambridgeshire, and in the Ile of Elie,
resembling the others in slaughters of men, destroieng of houses, and
all other sorts of mischéefe.

[Sidenote: Iohn Littester capteine of y^e Norfolke rebels.

The earl of Suffolke escapeth from the rebels.]

In like maner in Norffolke there was assembled an huge number of those
vnrulie countrie people, which vnder the guiding of a dier of cloth,
commonlie called Iohn Littester, that had dwelt in Norwich, attempted
and did all such vngratious feats, as they had heard that other did in
other parts of the realme, yea and greater also, putting foorth their
hands vnto rapine and robberie. And whereas they were wholie conspired
togither, and bent to commit all kind of mischéefe, yet estéeming their
owne authoritie to be small, they purposed to haue brought William
Vfford earle of Suffolke into their fellowship, that if afterwards they
might happilie be impeached hereafter, for such their naughtie and most
wicked dooings, they might haue had some shadow or colour, as it were
through him, whie they had delt in such vnrulie sort. But the earle
aduertised of their intention, suddenlie rose from supper, and got him
awaie by vnknowne waies, still fleeing from the commons, till at length
he got to S. Albons, and so from thence to the king.

[Sidenote: The Norfolk rebels compell the noblemen & gentlemen to be
sworne to them.

Sir Robert Salle slaine by one of his own villains.

The capteine of the Norfolke rebels forceth the noblemen and gentlemen
to serue him at the table.]

The commons missing of their purpose for the hauing of him, laid hold
vpon all such knights and other gentlemen as came in their waie, and
were found at home in their houses, compelling them to be sworne to
them, and to ride with them through the countrie, as the lord Scales,
William lord Morlie, sir Iohn Brewes, sir Stephan Hales, and sir Robert
Salle: which sir Robert continued not long aliue among them, for he
could not dissemble as the residue, but began to reprooue openlie
their naughtie dooings, for the which he had his braines dasht out by
a countrie clown, one that was his bondman, and so he ended his life,
who if he might haue come to haue tried his manhood and strength with
them in plaine battell, had beene able to haue put a thousand of those
villaines in feare, his valiancie and prowesse was such. The residue
taught by his example that they must either dissemble or die for it,
were glad to currie fauour, praising or dispraising all things as
they saw the commons affected, and so comming into credit with their
chéefteine Iohn Littester, that named himselfe king of the commons,
they were preferred to serue him at the table, in taking the assaie of
his meats and drinks, and dooing other seruices, with knéeling humblie
before him as he sat at meat, as sir Stephan Hales who was appointed
his caruer, and others had other offices assigned them.

[Sidenote: A warlike bishop.]

At length, when those commons began to wax wearie of taking paines
in euill dooings, they tooke counsell togither, and agreed to send
two knights, to wit, the lord Morlie, and sir Iohn Brewes, and three
of the commons, in whom they put great confidence, vnto the king; to
obteine their charter of manumission and infranchising, and to haue
the same charter more large than those that were granted to other
countries. They deliuered great summes of monie vnto those whome they
sent, to bestow the same for the obteining of pardon, and such grants
as they sued for, which monie they had got by force of the citizens of
Norwich, to saue the citie from fire and sacking. These knights as they
were on their iournie, at Ichingham not farre distant from Newmarket,
not looking for anie such thing, met with sir Henrie Spenser bishop
of Norwich, a man more fit for the field than the church, & better
skilled (as may appéere) in arms than in diuinitie. This bishop had
aduertisements at his manor of Burlie néere to Okam in the parties
about Stamford, of the sturre which the commons in Norffolke kept, and
therevpon resolued streightwaies to |746| see what rule there was
holden. He had in his companie at that time, not passing eight lances,
and a small number of archers.

[Sidenote: Spenser bish. of Norwich goeth as capteine against the
rebels.]

The bishop méeting thus with the knights, examined them streightwaies
if there were anie of the traitours there with them. The knights at the
first were doubtfull to bewraie their associats: but at last imboldened
by the bishops words, declared that two of the chéefe dooers in the
rebellion were there present, and the third was gone to prouide for
their dinner. The bishop streightwaies commanded those two to be made
shorter by the head, and the third he himselfe went to seeke, as one
of his shéepe that was lost; not to bring him home to the fold, but to
the slaughter-house, as he had well deserued (in the bishops opinion)
sith he had so mischéefouslie gone astraie, and alienated himselfe from
his dutifull allegiance. These persons being executed, and their heads
pight on the end of poles, and so set vp at Newmarket, the bishop with
the knights tooke their waie with all spéed towards Northwalsham in
Norffolke, where the commons were purposed to staie for answer from the
king: and as he passed through the countrie, his number increased, for
the knights and gentlemen of the countrie, hearing how their bishop had
taken his speare in hand, and was come into the field armed, ioined
themselues with him.

[Sidenote: The fortifieng of the rebels campe.

The bishop is the first man that chargeth the rebels in their campe.

The Norfolke rebels vanquished.]

When therefore the bishop was come into the place where the commons
were incamped, he perceiued that they had fortified their campe verie
stronglie with ditches, and such other stuffe as they could make shift
with, as doores, windowes, boords, & tables, and behind them were
all their cariages placed, so that it séemed they meant not to flie.
Herewith the bishop being chafed with the presumptuous boldnesse of
such a sort of disordered persons, commanded his trumpets to sound to
the battell, and with his speare in the rest, he charged them with
such violence, that he went ouer the ditch, and laied so about him,
that through his manfull dooings, all his companie found meanes to
passe the ditch likewise, and so therewith followed a verie sore and
terrible fight, both parts dooing their best to vanquish the other. But
finallie the commons were ouercome, and driuen to seeke their safegard
by flight, which was sore hindered by their cariages that stood behind
them, ouer the which they were forced to clime and leape so well as
they might. Iohn Littester and other cheefe capteins were taken aliue.
The bishop therefore caused the said Littester to be arreigned of
high treason, and condemned, and so he was drawne, hanged, and headed
according to the iudgement.

[Sidenote: An. Reg. 5.]

The bishop heard his confession, and by vertue of his office absolued
him: and to shew some parcell of sorrowing for the mans mischance, he
went with him to the galowes. But it séemed that pitie wrought not with
the bishop, to quench the zeale of iustice: for he caused not Littester
onelie to be executed, but sought for all other that were the chéefe
dooers in that rebellion, causing them to be put vnto death, and so
by that meanes quieted the countrie. ¶ To recite what was doone in
euerie part of the realme in time of those hellish troubles, it is not
possible: but this is to be considered, that the rage of the commons
was vniuersallie such, as it might séeme they had generallie conspired
togither, to doo what mischeefe they could deuise. As among sundrie
other, what wickednesse was it, to compell teachers of children in
grammer schooles to sweare neuer to instruct any in their art? Againe,
could they haue a more mischeefous meaning, than to burne and destroie
all old and ancient monuments, and to murther and dispatch out of the
waie all such as were able to commit to memorie, either any new or old
records? For it was dangerous among them to be knowne for one that was
lerned, and more dangerous, if any men were found with a penner and
inkhorne at his side: for such seldome or neuer escaped from them with
life.

[Sidenote: The capteine once slaine the soldiers faint.

An armie of fortie thousand horssemen.

The Kentishmen eftsoones rebell.]

But to returne to saie somewhat more concerning the end of their
rebellious enterprises, you must vnderstand, how after that Wat Tiler
was slaine at London in the presence of the king (as before ye haue
heard) the hope and confidence of the rebels greatlie decaied: and
yet neuerthelesse, the king and his councell being not well assured,
granted to the commons (as ye haue heard) charters of manumission and
infranchisement from all |747| bondage, and so sent them awaie home
to their countries: and foorthwith herevpon he assembled an armie of
the Londoners, and of all others in the countries abroad that bare him
good will, appointing none to come, but such as were armed and had
horsses, for he would haue no footmen with him. Thus it came to passe,
that within thrée daies he had about him fourtie thousand horssemen, as
was estéemed; so that in England had not béene heard of the like armie
assembled togither at one time. And herewith was the king aduertised,
that the Kentishmen began eftsoones to stir, wherewith the king and
the whole armie were so grieuouslie offended, that they meant streight
to haue set vpon that countrie, and to haue wholie destroied that
rebellious generation. But thorough intercession made by the lords and
gentlemen of that countrie, the king pacified his mood, and so resolued
to procéed against them by order of law and iustice, causing iudges to
sit and to make inquisition of the malefactors, and especiallie of such
as were authors of the mischéefes.

[Sidenote: Iack Straw and his adherents executed.]

And about the same time did the maior of London sit in iudgement, as
well vpon the offendors that were citizens, as of other that were
of Kent, Essex, Southsex, Norffolke, Suffolke, and other counties,
being found within the liberties of the citie; and such as were found
culpable, he caused them to lose their heads, as Iacke Straw, Iohn
Kirkbie, Alane Tredera, and Iohn Sterling, that gloried of himselfe,
for that he was the man that had slaine the archbishop. This fellow (as
it is written by some authors) streight waies after he had doone that
wicked deed, fell out of his wits, and comming home into Essex where
he dwelt, tied a naked sword about his necke, that hoong downe before
on his brest, and likewise a dagger naked, that hanged downe behind on
his backe, and so went vp and downe the lanes & stréets about home,
crieng out, and protesting, that with those weapons he had dispatched
the archbishop; and after he had remained a while at home, he came
to London againe, for that he shuld receiue (as he said) the reward
there of the act which he had committed: and so indéed, when he came
thither, and boldlie confessed that he was the man that had beheaded
the archbishop, he lost his head in steed of a recompense: and diuerse
other both of Essex and Kent, that had laid violent hands vpon the
archbishop came to the like end at London, where they did the deed,
being bewraied by their owne confessions.

[Sidenote: The maior and fiue aldermen knighted.

The armes of London augmented by additiō of the dagger.]

Here is to be remembred, that the king, after the citie of London was
deliuered from the danger of the rebels (as before ye haue heard) in
respect of the great manhood, and assured loialtie which had appeared
in the maior, and other of the aldermen, for some part of recompense
of their faithfull assistance in that dangerous season, made the said
maior William Walworth knight, with fiue other aldermen his brethren,
to wit, Nicholas Bramble, Iohn Philpot, Nicholas Twiford, Robert
Laundre, and Robert Gaiton, also Iohn Standish, that (as ye haue heard)
holpe to slaie Wat Tiler. Moreouer, the king granted, that there should
be a dagger added to the armes of the citie of London, in the right
quarter of the shield, for an augmentation of the same armes, and for a
remembrance of this maior his valiant act, as dooth appeare vnto this
daie; for till that time, the citie bare onelie the crosse, without the
dagger.

[Sidenote: The cōmons of Essex rebell afresh.

The rebels of Essex are scattered & slaine.]

Although the kings authoritie thus began to shew it selfe, to the
terror of rebels; yet the commons of Essex eftsoones assembled
themselues togither, not far from Hatfield Peuerell, and sent to the
king to know of him if his pleasure was, that they should inioy their
promised liberties: and further, that they might be as frée as their
lords, and not to come to any court, except it were to the great léet,
twise in the yeare. When the king heard such presumptuous requests, he
was in a great chafe, & dispatched the messengers awaie, with a sore
threatning answer, saieng that bondmen they were, and bondmen they
should be, and that in more vile manner than before, to the terrible
example of all other that should attempt any the like disorders: and
foorthwith, the earle of Buckingham, and the lord Thomas Percie,
brother to the earle of Northumberland, were sent with an armie to
represse those rebels, whome they found fortified within woods, hedges
and ditches |748| verie stronglie, but with small adoo they were put
to flight, & about fiue hundred of them slaine; the residue saued
themselues as well as they might, by succour of the woods. There were
eight hundred horsses also taken, which those rebels had there with
them, to draw and carrie their baggage.

Those of the rebels that escaped, were not yet so tamed by that
ouerthrow, but that assembling themselues togither in a rowt, they
made towards Colchester: and comming thither, would haue persuaded the
townesmen to haue ioined with them in a new rebellion. But when they
could not bring their purpose to passe they marched towards Sudburie.
The lord Fitz Walter, and sir Iohn Harleston, vnderstanding which waie
they tooke, followed them with a companie of armed men, and suddenlie
setting vpon them as they were making their proclamations, slue of them
so manie as it liked them, and the other they saued, and suffered to
depart, or else committed them to prison. After this, the king came
to Hauering at the bowre, and from thence to Chelmisford, where he
appointed sir Robert Trisilian to sit in iudgement of the offendors and
rebels of that countrie, wherevpon an inquest being chosen, a great
number were indited, arreigned, & found giltie, so that vpon some one
gallowes there were nine or ten hanged togither.

[Sidenote: _Fabian._ The rebels executed in euerie lordship.

The king calleth in his letters of infranchising granted to the
bondmen.]

In euerie countrie were like inquiries made, and the chéefe offendors
apprehended and put to death in euerie lordship through the realme,
where anie of them were detected, by ten, twelue, twentie, thirtie, yea
and in some places by fortie at once; so that the whole number grew
to fifteene hundred and aboue. At the first, when the kings iustices
began to sit in Essex, Kent, and at London, by reason of the multitude
that were to be executed, they onelie chopped off their heads, but
afterwards when that kind of death seemed too close and secret for
so open offenses, they proceeded according to the accustomed law of
the realme, by condemning them to be drawne and hanged, and according
thervnto they were executed. In the meane time, the king by the aduise
of his councell, directed his letters reuocatorie into euerie countie
there, to be proclaimed in euerie citie, borrow, towne, and place, as
well within the liberties as without; by the which letters he reuoked,
made void and frustrate his former letters of infranchising the bondmen
of his realme, and commanded that such as had the same letters, should
without delaie bring them in, and restore them to him and his councell
to be cancelled, as they would answer vpon their faith and allegiance
which they owght to him, and vpon paine of forfeiting all that they
had. The date of which letters reuocatorie was at Chelmesford, the
second daie of Iulie, in the fift yeare of his reigne.

[Sidenote: The king remooueth to S. Albons.]

When the king had quieted the countie of Essex, and punished such as
were the chéefe sturrers of that wicked commotion in those parts, he
went to saint Albons, to sée iustice doone vpon such as had demeaned
themselues most presumptuouslie against the kings peace in that
towne, namelie against the abbat and his house, who sought to defend
themselues vnder a colour of fréendship, that they trusted to find in
some persons about the king. But that trust deceiued them, and procured
the more displeasure against them, for that they would not sue for
fauour at the abbats hands in time, by submitting themselues vnto his
will and pleasure. To be breefe, the king came thither with a great
number of armed men and archers, and caused his iustice sir Robert
Trisilian to sit in iudgement vpon the malefactors, that were brought
thither from Hertford gaile.

[Sidenote: Iohn Ball.

Iohn Ball his prophesie.]

Thither was brought also to the king from Couentrie, Iohn Ball preest,
whom the citizens of Couentrie had taken, and now here at saint Albons
they presented him to the kings presence, wherevpon he was arreigned
and condemned, to be drawne, hanged, and headed for such notable
treasons as he was there conuicted of. He receiued iudgement vpon the
saturdaie the first daie that the said sir Robert Trisilian sat in
iudgement, but he was not executed till the mondaie following. This
man had beene a preacher the space of twentie yeares, and bicause
his doctrine was not according to the religion then by the bishops
mainteined, he was first prohibited to preach in anie church or
chappell; and when he ceassed not for all that, but set foorth his
doctrine in the streets & fields where he might |749| haue audience,
at length he was committed to prison, out of the which he prophesied
that he should be deliuered with the force of twentie thousand men, and
euen so it came to passe in time of the rebellion of the commons.

[Sidenote: Iohn Ball his sermon to the rebels.]

When all the prisons were broken vp, and the prisoners set at libertie,
he being therefore so deliuered, followed them, & at Blackeheath when
the greatest multitude was there got togither (as some write) he made a
sermon, taking this saieng or common prouerbe for his theame, wherevpon
to intreat,

 When Adam delu’d, and Eue span,
 Who was then a gentleman?

and so continuing his sermon, went about to prooue by the words of
that prouerbe, that from the beginning, all men by nature were created
alike, and that bondage or seruitude came in by iniust oppression
of naughtie men. For if God would haue had anie bondmen from the
beginning, he would haue appointed who should be bond & who free. And
therefore he exhorted them to consider, that now the time was come
appointed to them by God, in which they might (if they would) cast off
the yoke of bondage, & recouer libertie. He counselled them therefore
to remember themselues, and to take good hearts vnto them, that after
the manner of a good husband that tilleth his ground, and riddeth out
thereof such euill wéeds as choke and destroie the good corne, they
might destroie first the great lords of the realme, and after the
iudges and lawiers, questmoongers, and all other whom they vndertooke
to be against the commons, for so might they procure peace and suertie
to themselues in time to come, if dispatching out of the waie the great
men, there should be an equalitie in libertie, no difference in degrées
of nobilitie, but a like dignitie and equall authoritie in all things
brought in among them.

When he had preached and set foorth such kind of doctrine, and other
the like fond and foolish toies vnto the people, they extolled him
to the starres, affirming that he ought to be archbishop and lord
chancellour, where he that then enioied that roome, meaning sir Simon
de Sudburie that then was aliue, was a traitor to the king and realme,
and worthie to lose his head, wheresoeuer he might be apprehended.
Manie other things are reported by writers of this Iohn Ball, as the
letter, which vnder a kind of darke riddle he wrote to the capteine of
the Essex rebels, the copie whereof was found in one of their pursses
that was executed at London.


The tenor of the said seditious preests letter.

 IOHN Scheepe S. Marie preest of Yorke, and now of Colchester, greeteth
 well Iohn namelesse, and Iohn the Miller, and Iohn Carter, & biddeth
 them that they beware of guile in Bourrough, & stand togither in Gods
 name, & biddeth Piers ploughman go to his worke, and chastise well Hob
 the robber, & take with you Iohn Trewman and all his fellowes, and no
 mo. Iohn the Miller Y ground small, small small, the kings sonne of
 heauen shall paie for all. Beware or yee be wo, know your freend from
 your fo, haue inough and saie ho, and doo well and better, flee sinne
 and seeke peace, and hold you therein, and so biddeth Iohn Trewman and
 all his fellowes.

[Sidenote: Iohn Ball executed at S. Albons.]

This letter he confessed himselfe to haue written, as Thomas Walsingham
affirmeth, with manie other things which he had doone and committed,
to the disquieting of the realme, for the which he was drawne, hanged,
and beheaded at saint Albons, the fiftéenth of Iulie, being monday, in
this fifth yeare of king Richards reigne. On the same daie, the kings
iustice sir Robert Trisilian sat vpon the rebels of saint Albons,
and other of the countrie of Hertford, afore whome, by such policie
as he vsed, there were a great number indicted, and diuerse being
arreigned, were found guiltie, as William Grindecob, William Cadindon,
Iohn Barbor, and certeine others, which were hanged and drawne, to the
|750| number of fifteene persons in all; diuerse chéefe men of the
towne were committed to prison, as Richard Wallingford, Iohn Garleeke,
William Berewill, Thomas Putor and others of the countrie about. There
were committed to prison to the number of fourscore persons, the which
neuerthelesse, by the kings pardon, were released and dismissed.

[Sidenote: The king calleth in by proclamation all such letters of
manumission, as the abbat of saint Albons had granted to his bondmen.]

The hatred which the townesmen had conceiued against the abbat and
conuent of S. Albons, was suerlie great, and manie deuises they had to
haue saued those that were executed. And where as well the townesmen,
as other of the abbats and conuents tenants, both of Hertfordshire,
and Buckinghamshire, had gotten of the abbat and conuent letters of
discharge, from dooing anie bound seruice, the king directed his
letters vnto certeine commissioners, as to Iohn Ludowicke, Iohn
Westwicombe, Iohn Kenting, Richard Perers, Walter Saunford, Richard
Gifford, Thomas Eidon, and William Eccleshall, commanding them to
cause proclamation to be made in all such townes and places as were
thought necessarie, through the whole countries of Buckingham and
Hertford, that all and euerie person and persons that ought and had
beene accustomed to doo or yeeld anie manner of seruices, customes,
or duties, whether they were bondmen or free, vnto the said abbat and
couent of S. Albons, should doo and yéeld the same seruices, customes,
and duties, in such like forme & manner, as they had beene vsed to doo,
before the time of the late troubles, & not to chalenge or claime any
libertie or priuilege which they inioied not before the same troubles,
vpon their faith & allegiance in which they stood bound to him, and
vpon paine to forfeit all that they might forfeit: and in case anie
were found to doo contrarie thervnto, the same commissioners had
authoritie, and were commanded to arrest and imprison them, till for
their further punishment, order might be taken and agreed vpon in that
behalfe accordinglie.

[Sidenote: The commōs of Hertfordshire sworne to the king.]

On saint Margarets daie, the king being readie to take his iournie to
Berkhamstéed, in the great court of the abbeie of S. Albons had all
the commons of the countie of Hertford before him, that had summons
there to appeare, all that were betwixt fiftéene and thréescore yéeres
of age, where they tooke an oth togither from thencefoorth, to be
faithfull subiects vnto him, and neuer to rise or make anie commotion,
to the disturbance of his peace; and rather to die, than to consent
vnto anie rebellious persons, whome they should to the vttermost of
their powers do their best, to apprehend and deliuer them to the kings
prison, that they might be foorth comming. After they had receiued this
oth, they were licenced to depart, and the king rode to Berkhamsteed,
where he remained for a time, and went to Esthamstéed to recreate
himselfe with hunting, where he was informed, that those which were
hanged at S. Albons, were taken from the gallowes, and remooued a good
waie from the same: with which presumption he was so stirred, that he
sent foorthwith his letters to the bailiffes of the towne of S. Albons,
commanding them vpon the sight of the same, to cause cheines to be
made, and to bring the said bodies backe vnto the gallowes, and to hang
them in those chaines vpon the same gallowes, there to remaine, so long
as one peece might sticke to another, according to the forme of the
iudgement giuen. The test of this writ thus directed to the bailiffes
of saint Albons, was at Esthamstéed the third of August, in the fift
yeare of this kings reigne, and in the yeare of our lord a thousand
three hundred foure score and one.

The townesmen of S. Albons durst not disobeie the kings commandement,
and so hanged vp againe in chaines the dead bodies of their neighbors,
greatlie to their shame and reproch, when they could get none other for
anie wages to come néere the stinking carcasses, but that they were
constreined themselues to take in hand so vile an office. And such
was the end of the tumults at S. Albons, where as well as in other
places, the vnrulie commons had plaied their parts. To conclude and
make an end of these diuelish troubles, to the end it may appeare, in
what danger as well the K. as the whole state of the realme stood, by
the mischéefous attempts of the vnrulie people, I haue thought good to
declare the confession of Iacke Straw one of their chéefe capteins (and
next in reputation |751| amongst them vnto Wat Tiler) when he came to
be executed in London, according to iudiciall sentence passed against
him.

[Sidenote: The confession of Iacke Straw at the time of his death.]

¶ “At the same time (said he) that we were assembled vpon Blackeheath,
and had sent to the king to come vnto vs, our purpose was to haue
slaine all such knights, esquiers, and gentlemen, as should haue giuen
their attendance thither vpon him: and as for the king, we would haue
kept him amongst vs, to the end that the people might more boldlie
haue repaired to vs, sith they should haue thought, that whatsoeuer
we did, the same had béene doone by his authoritie. Finally, when we
had gotten power inough, that we needed not to feare anie force that
might be made against vs, we would haue slaine all such noble men, as
might either haue giuen counsell, or made anie resistance against vs,
speciallie the knights of the Rhodes; and lastlie we would haue killed
the king and all men of possessions, with bishops, moonks, chanons, and
parsons of churches, onelie friers Mendicants we would haue spared,
that might haue sufficed for ministration of the sacraments. And when
we had made a riddance of all those, we would haue deuised lawes,
according to the which the subiects of this realme should haue liued,
for we would haue created kings, as Wat Tiler in Kent, and other in
other countries. But bicause this our purpose was disappointed by the
archbishop of Canturburie, that would not permit the king to come to
vs, we sought by all meanes to dispatch him out of the waie, as at
length we did. Morouer, the same euening that Wat Tiler was killed, we
were determined, hauing the greatest part of the commons of the citie
bent to ioine with vs, to haue set fire in foure corners of the citie,
and so to haue diuided amongst vs the spoile of the cheefest riches
that might haue beene found at our pleasure. And this (said he) was our
purpose, as God may helpe me now at my last end.”

Thus you may see, after what sort they were conspired to the
destruction of the realme, and to haue aduanced and inriched
themselues; not considering or foreséeing the euill successe of their
tumultuous broile, and that it would tend but little to their profit in
the end, by a common spoile to amend their state, and to become mightie
and rich with goods euill gotten, which though for a time (if lucke had
serued them to haue possessed) they had enioied, yet could they not
long prosper nor bring good vnto the possessors: for

 Non habet euentus sordida præda bonos.

[Sidenote: The cause of the late tumults.

A truce with Scotland. _Tho. Walsi._ _Froissard._]

And lest this one mans confession might séeme insufficient, diuerse
other of them confessed the same, or much what the like in effect, when
they saw no remedie but present death before their eies. To declare
the occasion whie such mischeefes happened thus in the realme, we
leaue to the iudgement of those that may coniecture a truth thereof,
by conferring the manners of that age & behauiour of all states then,
sith they that wrote in those daies, may happilie in that behalfe misse
the trueth, in construing things according to their affections. But
truelie it is to be thought, that the faults, as well in one degrée
as an other, speciallie the sinnes of the whole nation, procured such
vengeance to rise, whereby they might be warned of their euill dooings,
and séeke to reforme the same in time conuenient. But as it commeth
still to passe, when the danger is once ouershot, repentance likewise
is put ouer, and is no more regarded, till an other scourge commeth
eftsoones to put men in remembrance of their duetie; so in like manner
(as séemeth) it chanced in this kings daies, as by that which followeth
may more plainelie appeare.

[Sidenote: The capteine of Berwike will not suffer the duke of
Lancaster to enter into the towne.]

It this meane time that these troubles were at the hottest in England,
the duke of Lancaster being in Scotland, so behaued himselfe (in the
treatie which he had in hand with the Scots) dissembling the matter
so, as if he had not vnderstood of any trouble in England at all, that
finallie before the Scots had knowledge thereof, a truce was concluded
to indure for two yeares, or (as other haue) for three yeares. When he
had made an end there, and that all things were agréed vpon and passed,
for the confirmation of that accord, he returned to Berwike, but at his
comming thither, the capteine sir Matthew Redman would not suffer him
to enter the towne, bicause of a commandement giuen to him |752| from
the earle of Northumberland, lord warden of the marches: wherefore the
duke was glad to returne into Scotland againe, obteining licence of the
Scots to remaine amongst them, till the realme of England was reduced
to better quiet. Hervpon, the commons in England that fauored him
not, tooke occasion to report the worst of him that might be deuised,
calling him now in time of their rebellious commotions, a traitor to
the realme, declaring that he had ioined himselfe to the Scots, and
meant to take part with them against his owne natiue countrie.

The king indéed had sent commandement, during the time of the
rebellious troubles, vnto the earle of Northumberland, that he should
haue good regard to the safe keeping of all the townes & castels
vnder his rule, & not to suffer any person to enter the same, hauing
forgotten to except the duke of Lancaster being then in Scotland:
whervpon the duke tooke no small displeasure with the earle of
Northumberland, as after he well shewed at his comming home. But before
he returned foorth of Scotland, he wrote to the king to vnderstand his
plesure, in what sort he should returne, humbling himselfe in such
wise, as he made offer to come with one knight, one esquier, and a
groome, if it should please the king so to appoint him; or if it so
were that by his presence it was thought the realme was like to fall in
any trouble, he was readie to depart into exile, neuer to returne into
his countrie againe, if so be that through his absence the king and
realme might inioy peace and quietnesse.

[Sidenote: The duke of Lancaster chargeth the earle of Northumberland
with sundrie crimes.]

The king hearing such offers, wrote to him, that his pleasure was to
haue him to returne home, with all his whole traine; and if the same
were not thought sufficient to gard him, he should take of euerie towne
by the which he passed, a certeine number of men to attend him vnto the
next towne for his safegard, and so it was doone, the king sending him
commission to that effect, and thus comming to the court, he was of the
king right honorablie receiued. Within few daies after his comming, he
exhibited a grieuous complaint against the earle of Northumberland, for
abusing him in diuerse sorts, in time of the late troubles, so as his
honour was greatlie thereby touched, for which the earle was sent for,
and commanded to come vnto Berkhamstéed, where all the lords in maner
of the land were assembled in councell.

[Sidenote: The duke of Lancaster & the earle of Northumberland come to
the parlement with great troops of armed men.]

[Sidenote: The Londoners, fréends to the earle of Northumberland.]

Here, after the duke had laid diuerse things to the earles charge, for
his disobedience, vnfaithfulnesse, and ingratitude; the earle after
the manner of his countrie, not able to forbeare, breake out into
reprochfull words against the duke, although he was commanded by the
king to cease, where the duke kept silence in humble maner, at the
first word, when the K. commanded him to hold his peace, so that by
reason of the earles disobedience in that behalfe, he was arrested. But
yet the earls of Warwike and Suffolke vndertaking for his appearance
at the next parlement, he was suffered to depart, and so the councell
brake vp. About the feast of All saints the parlement began, to the
which the duke of Lancaster came bringing with him an excéeding number
of armed men, and likewise the earle of Northumberland with no lesse
companie came likewise to London, & was lodged within the citie, hauing
great friendship shewed towards him of the citizens, who promised to
assist him at all times, when necessitie required, so that his part
séemed to be ouerstrong for the duke, if they should haue come to anie
trial of their forces at that time.

[Sidenote: The lords sit in armour in the parlement house.]

[Sidenote: The K. maketh an agréemēt betwéen the duke of Lancaster &
the earle of Northumberland.]

The Duke laie with his people in the suburbs, and euerie daie when they
went to the parlement house at Westminster, both parts went thither
in armour, to the great terror of those that were wise and graue
personages, fearing some mischiefe to fall foorth of that vnaccustomed
manner of their going armed to the parlement house, contrarie to the
ancient vsage of the realme. At length, to quiet the parties and to
auoid such inconueniences, as might haue growen of their dissention,
the king tooke the matter into his hands, and so they were made
fréends, to the end that some good might be doone in that parlement,
for reformation of things touching the state of the realme, for which
cause it was especiallie called: but now after it had continued a long
time, and few things at all |753| concluded, newes came that the ladie
Anne sister to the emperour Wenslaus, & affianced wife to the king
of England, was come to Calis, whervpon the parliament was proroged
till after Christmas, that in the meane time the marriage might be
solemnized, which was appointed after the Epiphanie: and foorthwith
great preparation was made to receiue the bride, that she might be
conueied with all honor vnto the kings presence.

[Sidenote: The emperours sister affianced to K. Richard, is receiued at
Douer.

A watershake.

1382.

The kings marriage with the emperors sister.]

Such as should receiue hir at Douer repaired thither, where at hir
landing, a maruellous and right strange woonder happened; for she was
no sooner out of hir ship, and got to land in safetie with all hir
companie, but that foorthwith the water was so troubled and shaken, as
the like thing had not to any mans remembrance euer béene heard of: so
that the ship in which the appointed queene came ouer, was terriblie
rent in péeces, and the residue so beaten one against an other, that
they were scattered here and there after a woonderful manner. Before
hir comming to the citie of London, she was met on Blackheath by the
maior and citizens of London in most honorable wise, and so with great
triumph conueied to Westminster, where (at the time appointed) all the
nobilitie of the realme being assembled, she was ioined in marriage to
the king, and crowned quéene by the archbishop of Canturburie, with
all the glorie and honor that might be deuised. There were also holden
for the more honour of the said marriage, solemne iustes for certeine
daies togither, in which, as well the Englishmen as the new quéenes
countriemen shewed proofe of their manhood and valiancie, whereby
praise & commendation of knightlie prowesse was atchiued, not without
damage of both the parties.

After that the solemnitie of the marriage was finished, the parlement
eftsoones began, in the which many things were inacted, for the behoofe
of the commonwealth. And amongst other things it was ordeined, that
all maner manumissions, obligations, releasses, and other bonds made
by compulsion, dures, and menace, in time of this last tumult and riot
against the lawes of the land, and good faith, should be vtterlie void
and adnihilated. And further, that if the kings faithful liege people
did perceiue any gathering of the cōmons in suspected wise, to the
number of six or seuen, holding conuenticles togither, they should
not staie for the kings writ in that behalfe for their warrant, but
foorthwith it should be lawfull for them to apprehend such people,
assembling togither, and to laie them in prison, till they might answer
their dooings. These and manie other things were established in this
parlement, of the which, the most part were set foorth in the printed
booke of statutes, where ye may read the same more at large.

[Sidenote: The sudden death of the earle of Suffolke.]

In time of this parlement William Vfford the earle of Suffolke, being
chosen by the knights of the shires, to pronounce in behalfe of the
commonwealth, certeine matters concerning the same: the verie daie and
houre in which he should haue serued that turne, as he went vp the
staires, towards the vpper house, he suddenlie fell downe and died in
the hands of his seruants, busie about to take him vp, whereas he felt
no gréefe of sickenesse when he came into Westminster, being then and
before merrie and pleasant inough, to all mens sights. Of his sudden
death, manie were greatlie abashed, for that in his life time, he had
shewed himselfe courteous and amiable to all men. ¶ The parlement
shortlie therevpon tooke end, after that the merchants had granted to
the king for a subsidie certeine customes of their wooles, which they
bought and sold, called a maletot, to endure for foure yeares. ¶ The
lord Richard Scroope was made lord chancellor, & the lord Hugh Segraue
lord treasuror.

[Sidenote: The earle of March his good seruice whilest he was deputie
in Ireland.

Wicliffes doctrine.

Iohn Wraie.]

About the same time, the lord Edmund Mortimer earle of March, the
kings lieutenant in Ireland, departed this life, after he had brought
in manner all that land to peace and quiet, by his noble and prudent
gouernement. In this season, Wicliffe set forth diuerse articles and
conclusions of his doctrine, which the new archbishop of Canturburie,
William Courtneie, latelie remooued from the sée of London, vnto the
higher dignitie, did what he could by all shifts to suppresse, and
to force such as were the setters foorth and mainteiners thereof, to
recant, and vtterlie to renounce. What he brought to passe, in the
booke of acts and monuments set foorth by maister I. Fox, ye may find
at large. |754| The tuesday next after the feast of saint Iohn Port
latine, an other parlement began, in which at the earnest sute and
request of the knights of the shires, Iohn Wraie priest that was the
chiefe dooer among the commons in Suffolke, at Burie, and Mildenhall,
was adiudged to be drawen, and hanged, although manie beleeued, that
his life should haue béene redeemed for some great portion of monie.

[Sidenote: A coleprophet serued aright.]

A lewd fellow that tooke vpon him to be skilfull in physicke and
astronomie, caused it to be published thorough the citie of London,
that vpon the Ascension euen, there would rise such a pestilent planet,
that all those which came abroad foorth of their chambers, before they
had said fiue times the Lords praier, then commonlie called the Pater
noster, and did not eate somewhat that morning, before their going
foorth, should be taken with sicknesse, & suddenlie die thereof. Many
fooles beléeued him, and obserued his order; but the next day, when
his presumptuous lieng could be no longer faced out, he was set on
horssebacke, with his face towards the taile, which he was compelled to
hold in his hand in stéed of a bridle, and so was led about the citie,
with two iorden pots about his necke, and a whetstone, in token that he
had well deserued it, for the notable lie which he had made.

[Sidenote: Ships of Rie win a good price.

Iohn de Northampton maior of London, a streict punisher of adulterie in
his time.]

About the same time, certeine English ships of Rie, and other places,
went to the sea, and meeting pirats, fought with them, and ouercame
them, taking seuen ships, with thrée hundred men in them. One of
those ships had béene taken from the Englishmen afore time, and was
called the falcon, belonging to the lord William Latimer. They were
all richlie laden with wine, wax, and other good merchandize. This
yeare the maior of London Iohn de Northampton, otherwise called Iohn
de Comberton, did punish such as were taken in adulterie, verie
extremelie: for first he put them in the prison, called the tunne,
that then stood in Cornehill, and after caused the women to haue their
haire cut, as théeues in those daies were serued that were appeachers
of others, and so were they led about the stréets with trumpets &
pipes going before them. Neither were the men spared more than the
women, being put to manie open shames and reproches. But bicause the
punishment of such offenses was thought rather to apperteine vnto the
spirituall iurisdiction, than to the temporall, the bishop of London,
and other of the cleargie, tooke it in verie euill part: but the maior
being a stout man, would not forbeare, but vsed his authoritie héerein
to the vttermost.

[Sidenote: The Londoners fauorers of Wicliffes doctrine.

The fishmoongers sore troubled by the maior.]

About the same time also, when the archbishop of Canturburie sate in
iudgement vpon a processe that was framed against one Iohn Aston, a
maister of art, that was an earnest follower of Wicliffes doctrine,
the Londoners brake open the doores, where the archbishop with his
diuines sate, and caused them to giue ouer, so that they durst procéed
no further in that matter. The same yéere were the fishmoongers of
London sore disquieted by the foresaid maior, who sought to infringe
their liberties, granting licence to forreners to come and sell all
manner of fish, as fréelie and more fréelie than any of the companie of
fishmongers: for they might not buie it at the forreners hands to sell
it againe by any meanes, and so that companie which before had beene
accompted one of the chiefest in the citie, was now so brought downe,
as it séemed to be one of the meanest, being compelled to confesse,
that their occupation was no craft, nor worthie so to be accompted
amongst other the crafts of the citie.

[Sidenote: A great earthquake.

Churches ouerthrowne by the earthquake.

A waterquake.]

In this yeare, the one and twentith of Maie being wednesdaie, a great
earthquake chanced about one of the clocke in the after noone; it
was so vehement, and namelie in Kent, that the churches were shaken
therewith in such wise, that some of them were ouerthrowen to the
ground. On the saturdaie after, being the foure and twentith day of
Maie, earelie in the morning, chanced an other earthquake, or (as some
write) a watershake, being of so vehement & violent a motion, that
it made the ships in the hauens to beat one against the other, by
reason whereof they were sore brused by such knocking togither, to the
great woonder of the people, who being amazed at such strange tokens,
stood a long time after in more awe of Gods wrath and displeasure
than before, for these |755| so strange and dreadfull woonders thus
shewed amongst them: howbeit when these terrors were forgotten, they
followed their former dissolutenes, from the which for a time they were
withdrawne through feare of Gods heuie hand hanging ouer their heads;
but afterward like swine they wallowed afresh in their puddels of
pollusions, & as dogs licked vp their filthie vomit of corruption and
naughtinesse, for

 Sordida natura semper sequitur sua iura.

[Sidenote: An. Reg. 6.

The bishop of Londō made lord chancellor in the lord Scroope his roome.]

About this season, the lord Richard Scroope lord chancellor was deposed
from that roome, and the king receiuing the great seale at his hands,
kept it a certeine time, and sealed therewith such grants and writings
as it pleased him: at length, it was deliuered to Robert Braibrooke
bishop of London, who was made lord chancellor. The cause why the
lord Scroope was remooued from that dignitie, was this. When the king
vpon certeine respects had granted certeine gentlemen the lands and
possessions that belonged to the late earle of March, and other that
were deceassed (which he, during the time of their heires minorities,
ought to inioy by the lawes of the realme) the said lord chancellor
refused to seale such grants, alledging that the king being greatlie
in debt, which he was to discharge, stood in need of such profits
himselfe, and therefore (as he said) he tooke not them for faithfull
seruants, nor dutifull subiects to his grace, that respecting their
owne priuat commoditie more than his or the realmes, did sue for such
grants at his hands, aduising them to hold themselues contented with
such other things, as it had pleased or might please the king to bestow
vpon them: for suerlie he would not consent, that they should inioy
such gifts as those were. They that were thus reiected, made their
complaint in such sort to the king, that he taking displeasure with the
said lord Scroope, deposed him from his office, to the great offense
both of the nobles and commons, by whose consent he was preferred vnto
that dignitie.

[Sidenote: A new rebellion intended in Norffolke is bewraied by one of
the conspiracie before it burst out.]

About Michaelmasse this yeare, certeine naughtie disposed persons in
Norffolke, not warned by the successe of the late rebellion, went about
a new commotion, intending to murther the bishop of Norwich, and all
the nobles and gentlemen of that countrie. And to bring their wicked
purpose the better to passe, they determined to haue assembled togither
at S. Faithes faire, and to haue compelled all those that should haue
béene present at the same faire, to haue taken part with them, or else
to haue lost their liues: and this being doone, they would haue taken
S. Benets abbeie at Holme, which they would haue kept for a fortresse,
to haue withdrawne into vpon anie force that had beene against them.
But yer they could bring their purpose to passe, one of the conspiracie
bewraieng the matter, they were taken, & lost their heads at Norwich,
for their malicious deuises.

[Sidenote: The cōmissioners of Flanders reiected for want of sufficient
authoritie.

An act against the fishmongers within the citie of London.

Remission of sins granted to as manie as would fight against Clement
the antipape.]

About the same time a parlement was called, to the which certeine
commissioners from the countrie of Flanders came, to treat of certeine
agréements betwixt the king and realme, and the states of their
countrie: but bicause those that came ouer at this time, seemed not
sufficient to conclude such treatie as then was in hand, they were sent
backe to fetch other more sufficient, as from euerie towne in Flanders
some such as might haue full authoritie to go through, and confirme the
agréements then in hand. In this parlement, the maior of London, with a
great part of the commoners of the citie, vpon suggestion by them made
against the fishmongers, for vsing great deceit in vttering of their
fishes, obteined to haue it inacted, that from thencefoorth, none of
that companie, nor anie of the vinteners, butchers, grossers, or other
that sold anie prouision of vittels, should be admitted maior of the
citie; and so by this shift they sought to cut off all meanes from the
fishmongers to recouer againe their old former degrée. And bicause it
was knowne well inough of what authoritie sir Iohn Philpot knight was
within the citie, and that he fauoured those whome the lord maior the
said Iohn de Northampton fauoured not, he was put off from the bench,
and might not sit with them that were of the secret councell in the
cities affaires, whereas neuerthelesse he had trauelled more for the
preseruation of the cities liberties than all the residue. Sir Henrie
Spenser bishop of Norwich, receiued |756| buls a little before this
present from pope Vrbane, to signe all such with the crosse, that would
take vpon them to go ouer the seas with him, to warre against those
that held with the antipape Clement, that tooke himselfe for pope,
and to such as would receiue the crosse in that quarrell, such like
beneficiall pardons were granted by pope Vrbane, as were accustomablie
granted vnto such as went to fight against the Infidels, Turkes, and
Saracens, to wit free remission of sinnes, and manie other graces.
The bishop of Norwich that had the disposing of the benefits granted
by those buls, to all such as either would go themselues in person,
or else giue anie thing toward the furtherance of that voiage, &
maintenance of them that went in the same, shewed those buls in open
parlement, & caused copies to be written forth, & sent into euerie
quarter, that his authoritie & power legantine might be notified to
all men, for the better bringing to passe of that he had in charge.
And truelie it should appeare, there wanted no diligence in the man to
accomplish the popes purpose: and on the other part yée must note, that
the priuileges which he had from the pope, were passing large, so that
as the matter was handled, there were diuerse lords, knights, esquires,
and other men of warre in good numbers, that offered themselues to go
in that voiage, and to follow the standards of the church with the
bishop, and no small summes of monie were leuied and gathered amongst
the people, for the furnishing foorth of that armie, as after yée shall
heare.

[Sidenote: The earle of Cambridge returneth out of Portingale.

The earle of Cambridge his son affianced to the king of Portingals
daughter.]

In this meane time the earle of Cambridge returned home from
Portingale, whither (as yee haue heard) he was sent the last yeare, and
promise made, that the duke of Lancaster should haue followed him; but
by reason of the late rebellion, and also for other considerations,
as the warres in Flanders betwixt the erle and them of Gaunt, it was
not thought conuenient that anie men of warre should go foorth of
the realme: and so the king of Portingale not able of himselfe to go
through with his enterprise against the king of Spaine, after some
small exploits atchiued by the Englishmen, and other of the earle of
Cambridge his companie, as the winning of certeine fortresses belonging
to the king of Castile, and that the two kings had laine in field, the
one against the other by the space of fifteene daies without battell,
the matter was taken vp, and a peace concluded betwixt them, sore
against the mind of the earle of Cambridge, who did what in him laie,
to haue brought them to a set field: but when there was no remedie, he
bare it so patientlie as he might, and returned home with his people,
sore offended (though he said little) against the king of Portingale,
for that he dealt otherwise in this matter than was looked for. He had
affianced his sonne, which he had by the daughter of Peter, sometime
king of Castile, vnto the king of Portingales daughter, now in the time
of his being there: but although he was earnestlie requested of the
said king, he would not leaue his sonne behind him, but brought him
backe with him againe into England (togither with his mother) doubting
the slipperie faith of those people.

[Sidenote: 1383.

Clementines.

Vrbanists.]

In the Lent season of this sixt yeare of king Richards reigne, an other
parlement was called at London, in the which there was hard hold about
the buls sent to the bishop of Norwich from pope Vrbane, concerning his
iournie that he should take in hand against the Clementines (as we may
call them, for that they held with pope Clement) whome the Vrbanists
(that is, such as held with pope Vrbane) tooke for schismatikes.
Diuerse there were, that thought it not good that such summes of monie
shuld be leuied of the kings subiects, and the same togither with an
armie of men to be committed vnto the guiding of a prelat vnskilfull
in warlike affaires. Other there were that would needs haue him to go,
that the enimies of the church (as they tooke them) might be subdued.

And although the more part of the lords of the vpper house, and
likewise the knights and burgesses of the lower house were earnestlie
bent against this iournie; yet at length those that were of the
contrarie mind, preuailed; & so it was decreed, that it should forward,
and that the said bishop of Norwich should haue the fiftéenth granted
to the king in the last parlement, to paie the wages of such men of
warre as should go ouer with him; for soldiers without monie passed
not much of par dons, nonot in those daies, except at |757| the verie
point of death, if they were not assured how to be answered of their
wages, or of some other consideration wherby they might gaine. ¶ The
tenth that was granted afore by the bishops at Oxford, was now in this
same parlement appointed to remaine to the king for the kéeping of the
seas, whilest the bishop should be foorth of the realme in following
those wars.

[Sidenote: The crossed souldiers.]

These things being thus appointed, the bishop sent foorth his letters
firmed with his seale into euerie prouince and countrie of this land,
giuing to all parsons, vicars, and curats, through this realme, power
and authoritie to heare the confessions of their parishioners, and to
grant vnto those that would bestow any parcell of their goods, which
God had lent them towards the aduancing of the iournie to be made by
the crossed souldiers against pope Vrbans enimies, the absolution and
remission of all their sinnes by the popes authoritie, according to
the forme of the bull before mentioned. The people vnderstanding of
so great and gratious a benefit (as they tooke it) thus offered to
the English nation, at home in their owne houses, were desirous to be
partakers thereof, and those that were warlike men, prepared themselues
to go foorth in that iournie with all spéed possible. The residue that
were not fit to be warriors, according to that they were exhorted by
their confessors, bestowed liberallie of their goods to the furtherance
of those that went: and so, few there were within the whole kingdome,
but that either they went, or gaue somewhat to the aduancing foorth of
the bishop of Norwich his voiage.

[Sidenote: The capteins that wēt with the bishop of Norwich against the
antipape.

_Froissard._]

This bishop chose diuerse to be associat with him, as capteins that
were expert in warlike enterprises. The first and principall was sir
Hugh Caluerlie an old man of warre, and one that in all places had
borne himselfe both valiantlie and politikelie; next vnto him was sir
William Farington, who stoutlie spake in the bishops cause, when the
matter came in question in the parlement house, touching his going
ouer with his croisie. Besides these, there went diuerse noble men and
knights of high renowme, as the lord Henrie Beaumount, sir William
Elmham, and sir Thomas Triuet, sir Iohn Ferrers, sir Hugh Spenser
the bishops nephue by his brother, sir Matthew Redman capteine of
Berwike, sir Nicholas Tarenson or Traicton, sir William Farington, and
manie other of the English nation: & of Gascogne there went le sire
de Chasteauneuf, and his brother sir Iohn de Chasteauneuf, Raimund
de Marsen, Guillonet de Paux, Gariot Vighier, Iohn de Cachitan, and
diuerse other. Sir Iohn Beauchampe was appointed marshall of the field,
but bicause he was at that present in the marches of the realme towards
Scotland, he was not readie to passe ouer when the bishop did. The duke
of Lancaster liked not well of the bishops iournie, for that he saw how
his voiage that he meant to make into Spaine was hereby for the time
disappointed, and he could haue béene better contented (as appeareth
by writers) to haue had the monie imploied vpon the warres against the
king of Castile that was a Clementine, than to haue it bestowed vpon
this voiage, which the bishop was to take in hand against the French
king, and other in these néerer parts. Herevpon there were not manie of
the nobilitie that offered to go with the bishop.

[Sidenote: The statute against fishmongers repealed, they are restored
to their liberties.]

But to saie somewhat of other things that were concluded in this last
parlement, we find, that the fishmongers, which through meanes of the
late lord maior Iohn of Northampton and his complices were put from
their ancient customes and liberties, which they inioied aforetime
within the citie, were now restored to the same againe, sauing that
they might not kéepe courts among themselues, as in times past they
vsed, but that after the maner of other crafts and companies, all
transgressions, offenses, and breaches of lawes and customes by them
committed, should be heard, tried, and reformed in the maiors court. ¶
All this winter the matter touching the gathering of monie towards the
croisie, was earnestlie applied, so that there was leuied what of the
disme, and by the deuotion of the people for obteining of the pardon,
so much as drew to the summe of fiue and twentie thousand franks.

[Sidenote: The bishop of Norwich setteth forward with his armie.

_Polydor._

_Froissard._

500 speares, & 115 other.]

When the bishop therefore had set things in good forwardnesse for his
iournie, he drew towards the sea side, and was so desirous to passe
ouer, and to inuade his aduersaries, |758| that although the king sent
to him an expresse commandement by letters to returne to the court,
that he might conferre with him before he tooke the seas; yet excusing
himselfe, that the time would not then permit him to staie longer, he
passed ouer to Calis, where he landed the 23 of Aprill, in this sixt
yeare of king Richards reigne. The armie to attend him in this iournie,
rose to the number of two thousand horssemen, and fifteene thousand
footmen (as some write) though other speake of a far lesser number. But
it should seeme that they went not ouer all at one time, but by parts,
as some before the bishop, some with him, and some after him.

[Sidenote: The bishop of Norwich inuadeth Flanders.

_Ia. Meir._ Dunkirke woon & sacked by the Englishmen.

The earle of Flāders sendeth to the bishop of Norwich to know the cause
of his inuasion of Flanders.]

Now when he and the capteins before named, were come ouer to Calis,
they tooke counsell togither into what place they should make their
first inuasion; and bicause their commission was to make warre onelie
against those that held with pope Clement, the more part were of
this mind, that it should be most expedient for them to enter into
France, and to make warre against the Frenchmen, whom all men knew to
be chiefe mainteiners of the said Clement. But the bishop of Norwich
was of this opinion, that they could not doo better than to inuade
the countrie of Flanders, bicause that a litle before, earle Lewes
hauing intelligence that king Richard had made a confederacie with
them of Gaunt, had on the other part expelled all Englishmen out of
his dominions and countries, so that the merchants which had their
goods at Bruges, and other places in Flanders, susteined great losses.
Howbeit there were that replied against the bishops purpose herein,
as sir Hugh Caluerlie and others; yet at length they yeelded thereto,
and so by his commandement they went streight to Grauelin, the 21 day
of Maie, and immediatlie wan it by assault. Wherevpon Bruckburge was
yeelded vnto them, the liues and goods of them within saued. Then went
they to Dunkirke, & without any great resistance entred the towne, and
wan there excéeding much by the spoile, for it was full of riches,
which the Englishmen pilfered at their pleasure. The earle of Flanders
lieng at Lisle was aduertised how the Englishmen were thus entered
his countrie, wherevpon he sent ambassadors vnto the English host, to
vnderstand why they made him warre that was a right Vrbanist.

The bishop of Norwich for answer, declared to them that were sent, that
he tooke the countrie to apperteine to the French king, as he that had
of late conquered it, whom all the whole world knew to be a Clementine,
or at the least he was assured that the countrie thereabouts was of the
inheritance of the ladie of Bar, which likewise was a Clementine: and
therefore, except the people of that countrie would come and ioine with
him to go against such as were knowne to be enimies to pope Vrbane, he
would suerlie séeke to destroie them. And whereas the earls ambassadors
required safe conduct to go into England by Calis, to vnderstand the
kings pleasure in this mater, the bishop would grant them none at all;
wherefore they went backe againe to the earle their maister with that
answer.

[Sidenote: The herald of armes sent to y^e Flemings by the bishop of
Norwich is slaine.]

The Englishmen after the taking and spoiling of Dunkirke, returned to
Grauelin and Bruckburge, which places they fortified, and then leauing
garrisons in them, they went to Mardike, and tooke it, for it was
not closed. In the meane time, the countriemen of west Flanders rose
in armour, and came, to Dunkirke, meaning to resist the Englishmen:
whereof when the bishop was certified, with all speed he marched
thither, and comming to the place where the Flemings, to the number of
more than twelue thousand were ranged without the towne, he sent an
herald vnto them to know the truth, of whether pope they held; but the
rude people, not vnderstanding what apperteined to the law of armes,
ran vpon the herald at his approching to them, and slue him before he
could begin to tell his tale.

[Sidenote: _Thom. Wals._ The order of the bishop of Norwich his battell
against the Flemings.]

The Englishmen herewith inflamed, determined either to reuenge the
death of their herald, or to die for it, and therewith ordered their
battels readie to fight, and being not aboue five thousand fighting
men in all, the bishop placed himselfe amongst the horssemen, and set
the footmen in a battell marshalled wedgewise, broad behind and sharpe
before, hauing with them a banner wherein the crosse was beaten. The
archers were |759| ranged on either side: the standard of the church
went before, the field gules, and two keies siluer, signifieng that
they were souldiors of pope Vrbane. Moreouer, the bishop had his penon
there siluer and azure quarterlie, a freat gold on the azure, a bend
gules on the siluer; and bicause he was yoongest of the Spensers, he
bare a border gules for a difference. At the approching of the battels
togither the trumpets blew vp, and the archers began to shoot against
the battell of the Flemings, the which valiantlie defended themselues,
& fought egerlie a long time, but at length they were so galled with
arrowes which the archers shot at them a flanke, that they were not
able to indure, but were compelled to giue backe.

[Sidenote: The Flemings discomfited by y^e Englishmen.

_Iac. Meir._

_Froissard._

_Tho. Walsi._ Préests and religious men hardy soldiers.]

They were diuided into two battels, a vaward, and a rereward. When the
vaward began to shrinke, the rereward also brake order, and fled, but
the Englishmen pursued them so fast, that they could not escape, but
were ouertaken and slaine in great numbers. Some saie, there died of
them in the battell and chase fiue thousand, some six thousand; and
others write, that there were nine thousand of them slaine: and Thomas
Walsingham affirmeth twelue thousand. Manie of them fled into the towne
of Dunkirke for succour, but the Englishmen pursued them so egerlie,
that they entered the towne with them, and slue them downe in the
streets. The Flemings in diuerse places gathered themselues togither
againe as they fled, and shewed countenance of defense, but still they
were driuen out of order, and brought to confusion. The préests and
religious men that were with the bishop fought most egerlie, some one
of them slaieng sixtéene of the enimies.

[Sidenote: _Iacob. Meir._

The Englishmē subdue diuerse towns in Flanders, and spoile the
countrie.]

There died of Englishmen at this battell about foure hundred. The
Flemings had no horssemen amongst them, nor anie number of gentlemen,
for they stood in such dread of English bowes, that they durst not
come to anie battell with them, but kéeping themselues out of danger,
set the commons of the countrie in hand to trie what they against the
Englishmen were able to doo without them. This battell was fought
vpon a mondaie being the fifteenth of Maie. The countrie was put in a
woonderfull feare by this ouerthrow, so that the townes and fortresses
were in great doubt, and some yeelded themselues to the Englishmen,
as Berghen and others; some were woone by force, as the castell of
Drinchan, and the towne of S. Venant. To be short, the Englishmen
became maisters of all the countrie alongst the sea side, euen from
Grauelin to Sluis, and got such riches by pillage and spoile, as they
could not wish for greater. They preuailed so much, that they wan
in maner all the close towns within the bailiffeweekes of Cassell,
of Popering, Messines, and Furneis, with the townes of Newport,
Blankberke, and diuerse other.

[Sidenote: The towne of Ypres besiged.

The maner of fortifieing townes in old time.]

Also entring into the woods Nepse and Rutholt, they found a great
bootie of sheepe and beasts, and tooke a great sort of prisoners of
the countrie people, which were fled into those woods for feare of the
enemies: but the Englishmen, plaieng the part of good bloudhounds,
found them out, & sent all their booties and preie vnto Grauelin and
Bruckburge. On the eight daie of Iune they came before the towne of
Ypres, and laid siege thereto, whereat they continued the space of nine
wéekes. Thither came to their aid twentie thousand Gauntiners vnder
the leading of Francis Akreman, Peter Wood, and Peter Winter: so that
they within Ypres were streictlie besieged, but there were within it
in garrison diuerse valiant knights & capteins, which defended the
towne right manfullie: it was fensed with a mightie rampire, and a
thicke hedge, trimlie plashed and woond with thornes, as the manner of
fortifieng townes was in ancient time amongst them in that countrie (as
Strabo witnesseth.)

[Sidenote: Hope of gaine incourageth the soldier.]

During the time that the siege laie before Ypres, the Englishmen
swarmed abroad in the countrie, for when it was once knowne what good
successe the first companie that went ouer had found, there came dailie
foorth of England great numbers to be partakers of the gaine. Sir Iohn
Philpot that fauoured the bishops iournie, prouided them of vessels
for their passage, till the bishop vnderstanding that the more part
of those that came thus ouer were vnarmed, and brought nothing with
them from home, but onelie swords, bowes |760| and arrowes, did write
vnto the said sir Iohn Philpot, that he should suffer none to passe
the seas, but such as were men able and likelie to doo seruice: where
a great number of those that were come to him, were fit for nothing
but to consume vittels, much like the popish shauelings and the Romish
rascalitie, of whome the like is spoken thus:

 Nos numerus sumus & fruges consumere nati.

[Sidenote: _Ia. Meir._

An. Reg. 7.]

The multitude of Englishmen and Gauntiners at this siege was great,
so that diuerse skirmishes chanced betwixt them, and such as were
appointed by the earle to lie in garrisons against them: but still the
victorie abode on the English side. Also there was an English préest,
one sir Iohn Boring that went to Gaunt with fiue hundred English
archers, by whose aid Arnold Hans one of the capteins of Gaunt ouercame
his enimies in battell, which were laid in a castell neere to the
hauen of Allost, and stopped that no vittels might safelie come out of
Holland or Zeland to be conueied to Gaunt. The earle of Flanders was
not well contented in his mind, that the Englishmen were thus entred
into his countrie, and therefore earnestlie laboured to the duke of
Burgognie (that had married his daughter, and should be heire of all
his dominions and seigniories after his deceasse) to find some remedie
in the matter.

[Sidenote: The siege at Ypres broken vp.

Newport sacked and burnt by the Englishmen and Gauntiners.]

The duke, whome the matter touched so néere, did so much with his
nephew the French king, that eftsoones he raised his whole puissance,
and came downe into Flanders, so that the Englishmen perceiuing
themselues not of power to incounter with this huge and mightie armie,
were constreined after a great assault, which they gaue the eight
of August, to raise their siege from Ypres the mondaie after, being
S. Laurence daie, and to withdraw into Bruckburge, Berghen, Dixmew,
Newport, Cassell, Dunkirke, Grauelin, and other places which they
had woon. But at Newport the townesmen set vp the earles banner, and
assailing those that were come into the towne, slue diuerse of them.
The Englishmen being sore offended therewith, came running thither
with certeine Gauntiners, and made great slaughter of them that had
so murthered their fellowes. The towne was sacked, and all the goods
aswell church iewels as other were sent awaie, partlie by sea into
England, and partlie by waggons vnto Berge. After this, they set fire
in more than thirtie places of the towne, so that there remained
nothing vnburnt. The Englishmen & Gauntiners that were withdrawne into
Berge, got togither all the waggons in the countrie about, placing the
same vpon the diches and rampiers, to fortifie the same against their
enemies.

[Sidenote: _Thom. Wals._ A couragious & warlike bishop.]

Some write, that after the breaking of the siege at Ypres, the bishop
of Norwich would gladlie haue persuaded the lords and knights that
were there with him, to haue entred into Picardie, and there to haue
offered the French king battell, before his whole puissance had beene
assembled: but sir Thomas Triuet and sir William Elmham with other,
would in no wise consent therevnto, so that the bishop taking with
him sir Hugh Caluerlie, that did neuer forsake him, bad the other
farewell; and first making a road into Picardie, he after withdrew into
Grauelin, whiles the other went to Bruckburge. But by Froissard, and
other writers it appeareth, that sir Hugh was certeinlie at Berge, with
other that were retired thither, in purpose to defend it against the
French king, who still followed them, and recouered diuerse places out
of their hands by force, as Mont Cassell, the castell of Crincham, and
other. Also at his comming to Berghen, the said sir Hugh Caluerlie,
and other that were within it, perceiuing that they were not able to
defend it against such a puissance as the French king had there with
him, being greater than euer sir Hugh Caluerlie that ancient capteine
wold haue thought that France had béene able to haue set foorth,
departed, and left the towne to be spoiled of the Britons, and other
French souldiers, which executed there all kinds of crueltie. The more
part of the Englishmen went to Bruckburge, but sir Hugh Caluerlie went
to Grauelin, and so to Calis, as one sore displeased in his mind, for
that his counsell could not be regarded in all this voiage, which if it
had béene followed, would haue brought it to a better issue than now it
was, as was supposed. |761|

[Sidenote: The French king with his huge armie driueth the Englishmen
out of Flanders. Bruckburge yéelded to the French.

The duke of Britaine a friend to the Englishmen.]

The French king following the tract of good fortune, that guided his
sterne, marched foorth to Bruckburge, so that the vaward of his armie
came before that towne on Holie rood daie in September, vnder the
leading of the earle of Flanders, the duke of Britaine, the lord Oliuer
de Clisson high constable of France, and the lord Valeran earle of
S. Paule, the which demeaned themselues in such sort, that although
the Englishmen within valiantlie defended the Frenchmens assault; yet
the third daie after the Frenchmens comming thither, the Englishmen
by composition that they might depart with bag and bagage, yeelded vp
the towne, which on the ninetenth of September being saturdaie, as
that yeare came about, was abandoned to the French souldiers, to rifle
and spoile at their pleasure, in the which feat the Britons bare the
bell awaie, dooing more mischeefe vnto the poore inhabitants, than
with toong can be recited. The duke of Britaine holpe greatlie to make
the composition, that the Englishmen might depart in safetie: for the
which dooing he was in great hatred and obloquie of the souldiers, who
affirmed that he was not onelie a friend to the Englishmen, but an
enimie to his countrie, and a traitour to the common-wealth.

[Sidenote: Grauelin fortified by the Frenchmen for a countergarison to
Calis. _Thom. Wals._]

The Englishmen comming to Grauelin, set it on fire, and departed
streight to Calis, leauing the countrie of Flanders to the Frenchmen,
and so returned into England, where they were not greatlie commended
for their seruice, but were put so farre in blame, that sir Thomas
Triuet, & sir William Elmham were committed to prison within the tower
of London, as men suspected of euill dealing in the deliuerie of
Bruckburge and Grauelin to the Frenchmens hands: for immediatlie after
that they had left Grauelin, the Frenchmen came thither, and fortified
it for a countergarison to Calis. ¶ There be that write how the French
king offered to giue the bishop of Norwich fiftéene thousand marks to
race the towne of Grauelin, and so to leaue it vnto him, the bishop
hauing libertie with all his people and goods to depart in safetie. The
bishop required to haue libertie for certeine daies, to make herevnto a
full and deliberate answer; which was granted, and in the meane time he
sent into England to aduertise the king in what state he stood, and how
the French king laie before him with a mightie armie: and therefore if
he meant euer to trie battell with the Frenchmen, now was the time.

[Sidenote: The king & quéene in progresse.

A great head soone cooled.]

In the same summer, the king with the queene went abroad in progresse,
visiting in their waie the rich abbeis of the realme, as Burie,
Thetford, Norwich, & other; going about a great part of the realme.
And when these newes came to him from the bishop of Norwich, he was at
Dauentrie in Northamptonshire, and being the same time at supper, he
put the table from him, and rising with all hast, got him to horsbacke,
and rode in post that night, changing horsse diuerse times, with such
spéed that he came to S. Albons about midnight, and making no staie
there longer than he had borowed the abbats gelding, hasted foorth till
he came to Westminster: so that it appeared he would neuer haue rested
till he had passed the sea, and giuen battell to the Frenchmen. But
after his comming to Westminster, wearied with that hastie iournie, he
got him to bed, and liked so well of ease, that he thought good to send
a lieutenant in his stead to passe the seas, to deliuer the bishop from
danger of his enemies.

[Sidenote: The bishop of Norwich returned into England out of Flanders.]

Herevpon was the duke of Lancaster sent for, that he might with such
power as was readie to passe the seas, go ouer with the same, and giue
battell to the French king: but he protracted time, till the respit
granted to the bishop to make answer was expired, and so the bishop
when he saw no succour come foorth of England, raced the towne as the
couenant was: but monie he would not or did not receiue, bicause he
thought in so dooing he should offend the councell. At his comming
backe into England, he found the duke of Lancaster at the sea side with
a great power of men readie to haue come ouer: although some thought
that he deferred time of purpose, for that he misliked of the bishops
whole enterprise; and now bicause it had thus quailed, he blamed the
bishop for his euill gouernement therein: but sir Hugh Caluerlie he
reteined with him a time, dooing |762| him all honour, by reason of
the old approoued valiancie, that had béene euer found in him. And this
was the end of the bishop of Norwich his iournie.

[Sidenote: Warke castell burnt by the Scots.

Diuerse French ships taken by the Englishmen.]

The Scots in the meane while sate not still, but made roades into
England, tooke and burnt the castell of Warke. Moreouer, whilest the
siege laie before Ypres, the Frenchmen armed certeine vessels, and sent
them to the sea, namelie fiue balengers, as well to intercept such as
should passe betwéene England and Flanders, as also to stop such as
were appointed to go ouer into Gascoine, that were soldiers also of the
croisie, appointed thither vnder the leading of the lord Britrigale de
la Bret, and certeine others. When they of Portesmouth vnderstood that
these fiue ships were abroad, they made foorth to the sea, and meeting
with their aduersaries, fought with them a sore & cruell battell, and
in the end slue all the enemies, nine excepted, and tooke all their
vessels. An other fleet of Englishmen tooke eight French ships, which
had aboord 1500 tuns of good wines, that comforted the Englishmen
greatlie.

[Sidenote: A parlement at London.

The temporalties of the bishoprike of Norwich seized into the kings
hands for the bishops disobedience.]

About the feast of All saints was a parlement holden at London, in
which was granted to the king one moitie of a fifteenth by the laitie,
and shortlie after a moitie of a tenth by the cleargie. Moreouer, the
king tooke into his hands the temporalties that belonged to the bishop
of Norwich, bicause he obeied not the kings commandement when he was
sent for at the time when he tooke the seas to passe into Flanders. The
knights also that had not shewed such obedience to the bishop as was
requisit in that iornie, were committed to prison; but shortlie after
they were set at libertie vpon suerties that vndertooke for them. ¶ It
was also decréed in this parlement, that the erle of Buckingham the
kings vncle should go to the borders against Scotland, with a thousand
lances, and two thousand archers, to represse the presumptuous attempts
of the Scots, who aduertised thereof, sent ambassadors to treat of
peace; but they were dispatched home againe, without obteining that
which they came to sue for.

[Sidenote: A treatie of peace betwéen England and France.

A truce taken betwéene England and France.]

At the motion and instance of the duke of Britaine, immediatlie vpon
the returne of the English armie out of Flanders, there was a méeting
of certeine commissioners in the marches of Calis, at a place called
Lelleghen, for the treatie of a peace to be concluded betwixt the
two realmes of England and France. There appeared for king Richard,
the duke of Lancaster, and his brother the erle of Buckingham, sir
Iohn Holland brother to the king, sir Thomas Percie, and a bishop.
For the French king, thither came the dukes of Berrie and Burgognie,
the bishop of Laon, and the chancellor of France. There were also the
duke of Britaine, and the earle of Flanders. Also there came a bishop
with other commissioners from the king of Spaine; for the Frenchmen
would doo nothing, except the king of Spaine might be also comprised
in the treatie and conclusion. They were thrée wéekes in commoning of
an agreement: but when nothing else could be brought to passe, they
concluded a truce to indure till the feast of S. Michaell, which should
be in the yeare 1384.

[Sidenote: _Tho. Walsin._

Great contention about the election of the maior of London.

Sir Robert Knolles.]

The earle of Flanders was iudged most in blame, for that no peace
could be accorded, bicause he would not that the Gauntiners should be
comprised therin, but the Englishmen would not agree either to truce or
peace, except regard might be had of the Gauntiners, as their fréends
and alies. The kings of Spaine and Scotland were comprised in this
truce as confederats to the Frenchmen, which should haue signified the
same into Scotland, but did not, till great harme followed through
negligence vsed in that matter, as after yée shall perceiue. ¶ The same
yeare in the night of the feast of the Purification of our ladie, great
lightenings and thunders chanced, which put manie in no small feare, so
huge and hideous was that tempest. Shortlie after, there rose no small
adoo in the citie of London about the election of their maior: for such
as fauoured the late maior Iohn de Northampton, otherwise called Iohn
de Comberton, stood against sir Nicholas Brambre knight that was chosen
to succéed the said Iohn de Northampton, insomuch that a shoomaker who
was one of the same Iohn de Northamptons partakers, presumed through a
number of voices that were readie to fauour him, to take vpon him as
maior: |763| but through the counsell of sir Robert Knolles knight,
he was suddenlie apprehended, drawne, and beheaded, as a rebell and
troubler of the kings peace.

[Sidenote: The duke of Lancaster inuadeth Scotland with an armie.

Edenburgh left desolate.

Great death of horsses and men in the English host, by reason of
extreme cold.]

In the lent season, the duke of Lancaster with his brother the earle of
Buckingham went towards the borders, hauing with him a mightie power of
knights, esquiers, and archers, and after he had remained a certeine
time vpon the borders, about Easter he entered Scotland, and comming
within thrée miles of Edenburgh, he staied there three daies, in which
meane time the Scots conueied all their goods out of the towne ouer the
water of Firth: so that when the armie came thither, they found nothing
but bare walles, which gréeued the soldiers not a little. The Scots
would not come foorth to giue anie battell to the Englishmen, but got
them into woods and mounteines, or else passed ouer the riuer of Firth,
suffering the Englishmen to fight with the vehement cold wether that
then sore annoied those parts, in so much that on Easter daie at night,
through snow that fell, and such extreame cold and boisterous stormes,
as sore afflicted the armie, being incamped within the compasse of a
marish ground for their more suertie: there died aboue fiue hundred
horsses, to let passe the losse of men that perished at the same time,
of whom we make no mention. To conclude, after the duke and his brother
the earle had remained a time thus in Scotland, and burned certeine
townes, they returned into England.

[Sidenote: A parlement at Salisburie.

An Irish frier appeacheth the duke of Lācaster of treason.]

About the same time, to wit, in the quindene of Easter, a parlement
of the nobles was holden at Salisburie, during the which an Irish
frier of the order of the Carmelits, being a bacheler in diuinitie,
exhibited to the king a bill against the duke of Lancaster, charging
him with heinous treasons: as that he meant vpon a sudden to destroie
the king, and to vsurpe the crowne, shewing the time, the place, and
circumstances of the whole contriued matter. The king being yoong both
in yeares and discretion, when he had heard the friers information,
called two of his chapleins vnto him, one sir Nicholas Slake, and an
other, and asked their aduise what they thought good to be doone in
such a weightie cause. Now as they were busie in talke about the same,
the duke of Lancaster came into the kings chamber after his woonted
manner, not vnderstanding anie thing of the matter whereof they were in
talke. The king with a sterne countenance beheld the duke, not dooing
him the honor that he was accustomed. The duke suspecting that the king
had somewhat in his head that touched his person, withdrew. In the
meane time those two that were thus in counsell with the king, fearing
happilie the dukes power, or else vpon good will they bare towards him,
persuaded the king that in anie wise he should call him, to see and
heare what was laid to his charge.

[Sidenote: A miserable & cruell torture.]

The duke, after he had read the bill of his accusation, made such
answer, and so excused himselfe in declaring his innocencie, that the
king gaue credit to his words, and receiued his excuse. Herewith the
duke besought the king, that the frier might be kept in safe gard, till
the time came that he might purge himselfe of that he had charged him
with; and that the lord Iohn Holland the kings halfe brother might haue
the custodie of him, till the day appointed that the duke should come
to his full triall. The night before which day, the said lord Holland,
and sir Henrie Greene knight, came to this frier, and putting a cord
about his necke, tied the other end about his priuie members, & after
hanging him vp from the ground, laid a stone vpon his bellie, with
the weight whereof, and peise of his bodie withall, he was strangled
and tormented, so as his verie backe bone burst in sunder therewith,
besides the straining of his priuie members: thus with thrée kind
of tormentings he ended his wretched life. On the morow after, they
caused his dead corps to be drawne about the towne, to the end it might
appeare he had suffered worthilie for his great falshood & treason.
Which extreame punishment and exquisite kind of execution, had it
not béene meritoriouslie inflicted vpon so impudent an offender, had
deserued perpetuall record of vnaccustomed crueltie, with this vehement
exclamation, |764|

 O fera barbaries æuo non nota priori,
   Sed nec apud sæuos inuenienda Scythas.

[Sidenote: A rode into Scotland.

One mischief asketh another.]

But now to the parlement. At length, when the K. had obteined of the
laitie a grant of an halfe fiftéenth the same parlement was dissolued.
In the summer following the borderers of England and Scotland made
rodes ech into others countries, to the great disquieting of both
the realmes. Among other rodes that the Englishmen made, shortlie
after Easter (as Froissard saith) the earles of Northumberland and
Nottingham, raising an armie of 2000 speares, and six thousand archers,
entered Scotland by Rockesburgh, burnt the countrie euen to Edenburgh,
and so returned without damage. In the meane time came messengers
from the French king, to aduertise the Scots of the conclusion of the
truce. But the Scots prouoked with this last inuasion made by the
Englishmen into their countrie, would not heare of any truce, till they
had in part reuenged their displesure vpon the Englishmen: and so with
certeine men of armes of France, that latelie before were come thither,
not yet vnderstanding of any truce, they roded into Northumberland,
doing what mischiefe they might: so that for the summer season of this
yeare, either part sought to indamage other (as Walsingham saith)
though Froissard writeth, that through the earnest trauell of the
messengers that came to intimate the abstinence of war taken, the
parties now that their stomachs were well eased with the interchange of
indamaging either others confins, agréed to be quiet, and so the truce
was proclamed in both realmes, and accordinglie obserued.

[Sidenote: An. Reg. 8.

The duke of Lācaster sent into France to treat of a peace.

Iohn de Northampton late maior of London cōdemned to perpetuall prison
and all his goods confiscated.]

About the beginning of August in the eighth yéere of this kings reigne,
the duke of Lancaster went ouer againe into France, to treat of peace;
but after he had remained there a long time, & spent no small store of
treasure, he returned with a truce, to indure onelie till the first of
Maie then next insuing. While the duke of Lancaster was foorth of the
relme, Iohn de Northampton, that had borne such rule in the citie of
London, whilest he was maior, and also after (as partlie ye haue heard)
was accused by a chapleine (that he had in his house) of seditious
sturs, which he went about, so that being arreigned thereof, he was in
the end condemned to perpetuall prison, and the same not to be within
the space of one hundred miles at the least of the citie of London.
All his goods were confiscated, and so he was sent to the castell of
Tintagill in Cornewall, and the kings officers seized vpon his goods &
cattels. ¶ About the feast of saint Martine, a parlement was called at
London, in which, monie was demanded of the cleargie and temporaltie,
towards the maintenance of the kings wars.

[Sidenote: A combat.

The appellan being vanquished, is adiudged to be hanged.

_Abraham Fleming_ out of _Henrie Knighton_ canon of Leicester abbeie.]

During this parlement also, a combat was fought within lists betwixt
an English esquier, named Iohn Walsh, and an esquier of Nauarre that
accused the said Walsh of treason, though not iustlie, but mooued
through displeasure, conceiued of an iniurie doone to him by the same
Walsh, whilest he was vnder capteine or vicedeputie (as we may call
him) of Chierburgh, in abusing the Nauarrois wife. Wherevpon when the
Nauarrois was vanquished and confessed the truth, he was adiudged
by the king to be drawne vnto the place of execution and hanged,
notwithstanding that the queene and diuerse other made sute for him.
¶ Henrie Knighton maketh report hereof in somewhat a differing maner:
but the issue of his tale falleth out to be like to the other. On a
wednesdaie (saith he) at S. Andrews tide, Iohn Wallise of Grimsbie
fought in lists with Martilet of Nauarre esquier, at Westminster, in
presence of K. Richard & of Iohn the good duke of Lancaster: in so much
that the said Iohn Wallise slue his aduersarie, whervpon at the kings
cōmandement being made knight, he was inriched with manie gifts, as
well of the kings and the dukes bestowing, as also of other great men
and peeres of the realme. As for Martilet, after he was slaine, he was
presentlie drawne, hanged, and headed.

[Sidenote: Berwike castell woone by the Scots.

Berwike castel recouered by the earle of Northumberland.]

Furthermore before the said parlement was dissolued, newes came foorth
of the north parts, that the Scots had woone the castell of Berwike:
for which the earle of Northumberland, that was capteine thereof, was
put in high blame, for that he had not committed the kéeping thereof
to more circumspect persons. The duke of Lancaster, who bare no |765|
good will to the said earle, was well appaid that he had so good
matter to charge his aduersarie withall, so that through his meanes
the earle of Northumberland was sore accused, and had much adoo to
escape the danger of being reputed a traitor. Wherevpon great occasion
of malice and displeasure grew betwixt those two noble personages,
as after it well appeared. But howsoeuer the matter was handled, the
earle was licenced by the king to go into his countrie, and séeke to
recouer possession of the castell thus latelie lost. Wherevpon raising
an armie, & besieging the Scots that were within the castell, he so
constreined them, that for the summe of 2000 marks they surrendred the
fortresse into his hands, their liues and goods saued: and so the earle
of Northumberland recouered the castell out of the Scotishmens hands,
being taught to commit it to more warie keepers than the other before.

[Sidenote: 1385.

The duke of Lancaster getteth him to his castell of Pomfret, and
fortifieth it.

The princesse of Wales maketh an atonement betwéene the king and the
duke of Lancaster.]

The king being incensed against the duke of Lancaster, meant that he
should haue béene arrested and arreigned of certeine points of treason
before sir Robert Trissillian cheefe iustice (as Thomas Walsingham
saith) and peraduenture there might be some such report, that such
was the kings meaning: but yet how this may stand, considering he was
to be tried by his peeres, in case that any the like matter had beene
pretended, I sée not. But how soeuer it was, he being warned thereof
by some of the councell, got him to his castell of Pomfret, which he
fortified, and banded himselfe so with his fréends, that it appeared he
would defend his cause with force of armes, rather than to come to his
triall by order of law afore such a iudge: and by reason hereof, it was
greatlie doubted, least some ciuill warre would haue broken foorth. But
through the earnest labour of the kings mother, that (notwithstanding
hir indisposition of bodie to trauell, by reason of hir corpulencie)
riding to and fro betwixt them, made an agréement betwixt the king hir
sonne, and the duke, to hir great comfort and contentation of mind, and
no lesse suertie of quietnesse to the whole realme.

[Sidenote: The ships of Portsmouth & Dartmouth did better seruice than
the kings great nauie.]

About the same time the French king had a great fléet of ships in
Flanders, so that it was doubted least he meant some inuasion into
England. Wherevpon there was sent to the sea the lord of S. Iohns, and
sir Thomas Percie with a strong nauie, but they did no good, suffering
the French fléet diuerse times to passe by them, and not once offering
to set vpon them. But the ships of Portesmouth & Dertemouth, bestirred
themselues better: for entering into the riuer of Saine, they drowned
foure of their enimies ships, and tooke other foure, with a barke of
the lord Clissons, one of the fairest that was to be found either in
France or England. In these vessels the Englishmen had a rich preie
of wines, and other merchandizes. ¶ The king vpon some occasion tooke
great displeasure against William Courtnie archbishop of Canturburie,
so storming against him, as few durst speake anie thing in his excuse.
The lord chancellor Michaell de la Poole seeming to fauour his cause,
was likelie to haue run in high displeasure. Sir Thomas Triuet, and sir
Iohn Deuereux intreating for him, were sore rebuked at his hands. Yet
at length, after that the archbishop was withdrawne, and had kept him
close for a time, he was thorough mediation of some fréends reconciled
to the kings fauour.

[Sidenote: _Iac. Meir._ _Froissard._ The French king aideth Scots
against Englishmen.

The Scots inuade the frontiers of England.

An. Reg. 9.

The K. goeth with an armie against the Scots.

Variance betwéene sir Iohn Hollands seruāts and the lord Richard
Stafford.]

About the same time the French king sent into Scotland the admerall of
France, with a thousand men of armes, knights, and esquiers, besides
crossebowes and other to ioine with the Scots, and to make warres in
England. The Scots incouraged with this new aid, sent to them out of
France, leuied a power, & so togither with the Frenchmen, entered
into the English confines, and began to rob & spoile, and further
tooke certeine castels and houses of defense. The king of England
aduertised hereof, assembled an huge power of men of warre, and first
sent before him the duke of Lancaster with part of the armie, and
afterward followed himselfe, with all conuenient spéed that might be.
At his comming into the parts about Yorke, he was informed that the
Scots and Frenchmen were withdrawne vpon the duke Lancasters approch
towards them, but the king thought to kéepe on his iournie. Whilest he
was lodged in those parts, a great mischance happened, by reason of
variance that fell betwixt certeine persons of the retinue of sir Iohn
Holland brother vnto the earle |766| of Kent and halfe brother to the
king, and other of the retinue of the lord Richard Stafford sonne to
the earle of Stafford.

[Sidenote: The lord Richard Stafford slaine by sir Iohn Holland.]

The cause of their falling out was about a knight of Boheme, called sir
Miles, that was come to see the queene. This knight kept companie most
an end with the lord Richard Stafford: and chancing to be at words with
two of sir Iohn Hollands seruants, there came two archers perteining
to the lord Stafford, which blamed them, that were so about to misuse
the stranger in words, as they tooke it: the strife hereby grew to
that point in the end, that one of the archers shot at one of sir Iohn
Hollands seruants, and slue him. This mishap being reported to sir
Iohn Holland, set him in such a furie (by reason of the loue which he
had to his seruant) that immediatlie he rushed foorth of his lodging,
to reuenge his death, and through misfortune méeting with the lord
Stafford, slue him, and doubting in what sort his déed might be taken,
fled straight vnto Beuerlie, and there tooke sanctuarie. The earle of
Stafford tooke this misaduenture right heauilie, as reason was: yet
bicause he would not trouble the host, nor disappoint the iournie which
they had in hand, vpon the kings promise that he would doo vpright
iustice in the matter, as should be thought meet and conuenient, he
bare his gréefe so patientlie as he might, so that he wan himselfe much
praise for his wisedome therein shewed.

[Sidenote: _Hect. Boetius._

Edenburgh burnt by king Richard.]

The king aduancing forwards with his armie, came to the borders, and
entring into Scotland, passed thorough Mers and Louthian, wasting and
spoiling all the townes, houses and villages in his waie. The abbeies
of Melros, Driburgh, and Newbottell were burnt, and those moonks and
other people that were found in the same were slaine. At his comming
to Edenburgh, he found all the people fled out of the towne, but the
houses and buildings he consumed with fire, togither with the church
of saint Giles. At the humble sute of his vncle the duke of Lancaster,
Holie rood house was preserued from hurt, for that the same duke in
time of the rebellion of the commons here in England, was lodged in
that house, and found much gentlenesse and fréendship in the abbat
and conuent; so that he could doo no lesse than requite them with
kindnesse, at whose hands he found kindnesse; for we are bound in
conscience to tender them by whome we haue béene benefited (vnlesse we
will be counted vnciuill, according to the old adage)

 Arbor honoretur cuius nos vmbra tuetur.

[Sidenote: The French admerall persuadeth the Scots to fight with the
English host.

Cumberland sore spoiled by the Scots.]

Thus when the king had reuenged the displeasure afore receiued at the
Scots and Frenchmens hands, (and remained in Edenburgh fiue daies) he
returned without proffer of battell, or anie notable incounter. The
admerall of France was earnestlie in hand with the Scotish lords to
persuade them to haue giuen battell to the English armie, till he and
diuerse other knights of France were brought to the top of a mounteine,
from whence they might behold all the English armie, as the same passed
vnderneath them by a passage that laie by the foot of that mounteine:
for after that they had viewed the puissance of the Englishmen, and
(as neere as they could) numbered them, they had no such eger minds to
fight with them as before, for they esteemed them to be six thousand
men of armes, and threescore thousand archers, and other men of warre;
where the Scots and Frenchmen were not past a thousand speares, and
thirtie thousand of all other sorts, and the most part of those but
euill armed. Therefore they determined vpon an other point, which
was to inuade England in an other quarter, whilest the Englishmen
burnt vp their countrie, and so they set forward towards the west
borders, and passing ouer the mounteins that diuide Northumberland from
Scotland, they entered into Cumberland, dooing much hurt in the lands
that belonged to the lord Mowbraie, to the earles of Notingham, and
Stafford, to the baron of Graistocke, and to the Musgraues.

[Sidenote: Carleill assalted by the Scots.

Good counsell neglected.]

Lastlie, they came to Carleill, and boldlie assalted the citie: but sir
Lewes Clifford, and sir Thomas Musgraue, Danie Holgraue, and diuerse
other worthie capteins being within it, so defended the walles and
gates, that their enimies got small aduantage: and finallie hearing
that the English armie was returning homewards, the Scots and Frenchmen
drew backe into Scotland, doubting to be inclosed by the Englishmen,
as they had béene in deed, |767| if the duke of Lancaster and his
brethren (vncles to the king) might haue béene beleeued, who counselled
the king to pursue the enimies, and stop the passages through which
they must needs passe in their comming backe. But the earle of Oxenford
being most in fauour and credit with the king in those daies, as one
that ruled all things at his pleasure, did aduise him to the contrarie,
by putting him in beléefe (as was said) that his vncles went about to
bring him in danger to be lost and surprised of his enimies, wherevpon
he tooke the next way home, and so brake vp his iournie.

[Sidenote: _Polydor._

A noble reuenge.

There were 600 Englishmē who with their bowes did great seruice as by
one author it appeareth.

The king of Portingale sendeth six gallies to K. Richards aid.]

When the Scots and Frenchmen were returned into Scotland, the Scotish
king hauing conceiued a iust displeasure towards the French admerall,
for that by his meanes the realme of Scotland had susteined such damage
in that season, caused him and his Frenchmen to be despoiled of the
most part of their goods, and sent them so awaie out of his countrie,
that the Scots might receiue some comfort by those warres. In this
yeare was the battell of Algeberota in Portingale, where king Iohn
of Portingale discomfited a great host of Spaniards and Frenchmen by
the helpe and policie of certeine Englishmen which he had there with
him, vnder the leading of two esquiers Norberie and Hartell. There
were slaine diuers earls & great lords of Spaniards, but for that
our writers do not rightlie note the Spanish names, but write them
corruptlie as strangers vse to doo, we here omit them. The king of
Portingale (after this victorie obteined against his enimies) sent six
gallies vnto the king of England to aid him against his aduersaries,
the which were well receiued and highlie made of by the Londoners and
other, so that the Portingales had no cause to repent of their comming
hither.

[Sidenote: A good victorie of them of Calis against the French fléet.

_Abr. Fl._ out of _Henrie Knighton_ canon of Leicester abbeie.]

The French king this yeare besieged and wan the towne of Dam, after
he had béene at great charges about it. Whilest his nauie returned
from Scluis, where the same had laien at anchor a long time, the ships
by tempest were scattered & wether-driuen, so that in the feast daie
of the exaltation of the crosse, two of their gallies, a great ship,
a barge, and seuen balengers were cast on shore about Calis, & the
Calisians tooke fiue hundred Frenchmen and Normans that escaped to
land. An other day 72 French ships as they were comming from Scluis, to
passe by Calis, were met with by them of Calis, who behaued themselues
so manfullie, that they tooke 18 of those French ships, and a great
barke, in which thrée score armed men were slaine before it could be
taken. Within three daies after this, the Calisians met 45 other French
ships, and after six houres fight obteined the victorie, taking thrée
of the most principall vessels, whereof one being a hulke of Eastland
was hired by the Normans, to gard the residue. The other two that were
taken were of such mold, that they could not enter into the hauen at
Calis, and therefore were sent to Sandwich, the one of them being a
new ship, which the lord Clisson had bought at Scluis, paieng for hir
3000 franks. ¶ Henrie Knighton saith it was prised or valued at 20000
florens, it was so tall, big, and large a vessell; and therefore of
great capacitie.

[Sidenote: The Calisians & others make a rode into France & win great
booties.

_Fabian._

Creation of dukes and earles at the parlement.

Henrie of Bollingbrooke earle of Derbie afterwards king.]

On saint Denise daie the soldiors of Calis and other English fortresses
thereabouts, made a secret iournie into France, and got a bootie of
foure thousand shéepe, and three hundred head of great cattell, which
they droue towards their holds; and as the lord de Rambures gouernour
of Bullongne would haue recouered the preie, he was vnhorssed with the
rencounter of an English speare, and being relieued by his companie,
and mounted againe, withdrew himselfe, not attempting to trie any
further masteries, and so the Englishmen safelie passed foorth with
their bootie of cattell, and aboue a hundred good prisoners which they
had taken at this rode. In this 9 yeare about the feast of S. Martine,
the king called his high court of parlement at Westminster, in the
which amongst other things there concluded, he created two dukes, a
marques, and fiue earles. First Edmund Langlie earle of Cambridge the
kings vncle was created duke of Yorke, Thomas of Woodstoke his other
vncle earle of Buckingham was created duke of Glocester, Robert Véere
earle of Oxford was made marques of Deuelin, Henrie of Bollingbrooke
sonne and heire to Iohn of Gaunt duke of Lancaster was created earle
of Derbie: Edward Plantagenet sonne and heire to the Duke of Yorke was
made earle of Rutland, Michaell lord de la Poole |768| chancellor of
England was created earle of Suffolke, & sir Thomas Moubraie earle of
Notingham was made earle marshall.

[Sidenote: The lord Mortimer erle of March proclamed heire apparent to
the crowne.

The earle of March slaine by the wild Irish.

The issue of the foresaid earle of March.]

Also by authoritie of this parlement, Roger lord Mortimer earle of
March, sonne and heire of Edmund Mortimer earle of March and of the
ladie Philip eldest daughter and heire vnto Lionell duke of Clarence,
third sonne to king Edward the third, was established heire apparant to
the crowne of this realme, and shortlie after so proclaimed. The which
earle of March, anon after the end of the same parlement, sailed into
Ireland to his lordship of Vlster, whereof he was owner by right of his
said mother: but whilest he remained there to pacifie the rebellions of
the wild Irish, a great number of them togither assembled, came vpon
him and slue him, togither with the most part of his companie. This
Roger earle of March had issue Edmund, Roger, Anne, Ales, & Eleanor,
which Eleanor was made a nunne. The two sonnes died without issue,
and Anne the eldest of the daughters was married to Richard earle of
Cambridge, sonne vnto Edmund of Langlie before remembred: the which
Richard had issue by the said Anne, a son called Richard, that was
after duke of Yorke, and father to king Edward the fourth; also a
daughter named Isabell, afterwards married to the lord Bourcher. This
Richard earle of Cambridge was put to death by Henrie the fift, as
after ye shall heare.

[Sidenote: _Froissard._]

Moreouer, in this yeare Henrie of Bollingbrooke earle of Derbie married
the daughter and heire of Humfrie Bohun earle of Hereford, in whose
right he was after made duke of Hereford, and by hir he had issue
Henrie that after him was king of this realme, the ladie Blanch duches
of Bar, and the ladie Philip married to the king of Denmarke: also
Thomas duke of Clarence, Iohn duke of Bedford, and Humfrie duke of
Glocester. ¶ The Gauntiners still mainteined warre against the earle of
Flanders during his life, and after his deceasse against Philip duke of
Burgogne, by such aid and comfort as they had from time to time of the
king of England, till finallie this yeare about the eightenth daie of
December, a peace was concluded betwixt the said duke and the towne of
Gaunt: and sir Iohn Bourchier that had laine a long season there, as
capteine vnder the K. of England, and Peter de Bois one of the chéefe
capteins of the Gauntiners (before the concluding of this peace) was
safelie conducted to Calis by vertue of the duke of Burgogne his safe
conduct, and so they came ouer into England, and the king gaue vnto
Peter de Bois a pension of an hundred marks sterling, yearelie to be
paid to him out of the staples of the woolles in London.

[Sidenote: The king of Armenia cōmeth into England for aid against the
Turks.

_Thom. Wals._]

This yeare king Richard holding his Christmasse at Eltham, thither came
to him Leo king of Armenia, whose countrie and realme being in danger
to be conquered of the Turks, he was come into those west parts of
christendome for aid and succour at the hands of the christian princes
here. The king honorablie receiued him, and after he had taken counsell
touching his request, he gaue him great summes of monie and other rich
gifts, with a stipend (as some write) of a thousand pounds yearely to
be paid to him during his life. After he had remained here two moneths
space, he tooke leaue of the king and departed. The chiefest point
of his errand was, to haue procured a peace betwixt the two kings of
England and France, but destinie would not permit so good a purpose to
take effect: for the hatred which either nation bare to other, would
not suffer their loftie minds to yeeld in any one point, further than
seemed good in their owne opinions.

[Sidenote: _Thom. Wals._ _Froissard._ _Ia. Meir._

1386.

The duke of Lancaster goeth into Spaine with an armie.]

In this ninth yeare of king Richard (though by other writers it should
séeme to be rather in the yeare following) the duke of Lancaster with a
great power of men of warre went into Spaine, and lead with him thither
his wife the ladie Constance, & a daughter which he had by hir named
Katharine, and two other daughters which he had by his former wife. He
had béene about the preparing of an armie, and all furniture necessarie
for this iournie two or thrée yéeres before, and therefore hauing now
seauen gallies and eightéene ships sent to him out of Portingale (which
arriued at Bristow) he caused all such vessels as he had prouided to
resort likewise thither, where making his generall assemblie, when all
his men of warre were come togither, he bestowed them aboord, with all
their |769| horsses and purueiances, and causing sailes to be hoissed
vp, set forward on his long wished iournie. This was in the moneth of
Maie, when the seas were calme, the aire swéet, and the winds pleasant
and agréeable to his purpose. He appointed for admerall of his whole
fléet sir Thomas Percie; and sir Iohn Holland that was after created
earle of Huntington and had married one of his daughters was ordeined
constable of the hoast; and sir Thomas Moreaux hauing married his
bastard daughter was one of his marshals.

There were that attended him in this iournie manie other lords and
knights of honor, as the lord Lucie, the lord Talbot, the lord Basset,
the lord Willoughbie, the lord Fitz Walter, the lord Poinings, the lord
Bradston, the lord of Pōmiers a Gascoigne, the lord Yonne fitz Warren,
Henrie lord Beaumont, William lord Beauchampe, sir Richard Burlie that
was another of the marshals of the armie, sir Hugh Spenser, sir William
Windsore, sir Iohn Daubreticourt, sir Hugh Hastings, sir William
Farrington, sir Thomas Tresham, sir Mauburin de Liniers, sir Thomas
Worcester, sir Iohn Sowtrie, sir Robert Clinton, sir Philip Tirrell,
sir Lewes Rochester, Huguelin Caluerlie, Dauid Holgraue, Thomas Alerie,
Hobequin Beaucester, and diuerse other: they were in all to the number
of fifteene hundred men of armes, whereof a thousand at the least were
knights and esquiers, besides foure thousand archers, and other men
of warre, so perfectlie appointed and arraied, as could be thought
méet and conuenient. Of this chosen companie attendant vpon the duke
of Lancaster, & of this his voiage into Spaine, the said C. Okland
speaketh no lesse trulie & according to the report of our annales, than
honorablie:

[Sidenote: _In Angl. prælij._]

 Ocyus instructa pro bello classe futuro,
 Milite stipatus generoso traijcit æquor
 Fluctisonum, cum vxore pia natísq; duabus, &c.

[Sidenote: _Abr. Fl._ out of _Henrie Knighton_ canon of Leicester
abbeie.]

¶ Henrie Knighton reporteth of this voiage as followeth, in somewhat
a differing sort from this alreadie laid downe. On Easter daie (saith
he) Iohn the duke of Lancaster with his wife came to the king, to take
their leaue; to the which duke the king gaue a crowne of gold, and the
quéene likewise gaue another crowne of gold to the duchesse. Besides
this, the king commanded his people that they should call him king of
Spaine, and doo him honour in all things. He had with him a power of
20000 chosen men; of which number noted in the marshals bill or scrool,
2000 were men of armes, and 8000 were archers.

[Sidenote: _Thom. Wals._ The duke of Lancaster landeth at Brest and
winneth two bastides from the Frenchmen.

An. Reg. 10.

The duke of Lancaster landeth at Groigne. _Froissard._ Le Groigne
Corone.

_Abr. Fl._ out of _Henrie Knighton_ canon of Leicester abbeie.]

As they passed by Britaine, they landed at Brest, the capteine whereof,
at that time named sir Iohn Rooche, finding himselfe greatlie annoied
by the Frenchmen that were lodged in two bastides erected before the
castell, declared to the duke in what state he stood. Wherevpon he
caused the said bastides to be assailed, which was doone by the lord
Fitz Walter, and others, who bare themselues so manfullie, that the
bastides were woone, broken downe, and a great preie with prisoners
obteined, although not without losse of diuerse valiant personages.
Thus were they within Brest castell deliuered of their vnfreendlie
neighbours by the duke of Lancaster and his people. Who hauing doone
their feat tooke the seas, and sailed foorth till they came on the
coasts of Gallis, where on S. Laurence eeuen, they arriued in the hauen
of Groigne, otherwise called Coron, and there they vnshipped all their
prouisions, determining to inuade the countrie on that side. ¶ Héere,
bicause it is not vnprofitable to know the absolute truth of things
doone, by the collection of writers, I haue translated the beseeging of
Brest, as the same is set downe by Henrie Knighton in his annales, in a
larger and more ample sort, with a fuller certificat of circumstances
than hath hitherto béene declared. At the same time (saith he) the duke
of Britaine had laid siege both by sea and land, to a certeine towne
in Britaine, in old time subiect to the king of England, which was
called Brest, with a great multitude of Frenchmen and Britains. Now on
the twelfth of the kalends of Iulie, he began to build a fort before
the said towne of Brest, of a woonderful bignesse, the walles thereof
being |770| ten foot thicke, and seauen towres about it. A thousand
workmen did worke daie by daie vpon it, and to defend the said workemen
(that they might not be hindered in their businesse by the citizens)
ten thousand fighting men were appointed. So that this fort was begun
and ended in ninetéene daies space, and called the Doouehouse, bicause
a doouehouse stood in the same place before. Furthermore he stored
this fort with all necessaries, as vittels, armour, guns, and other
engins, and he placed therein as capteine of the warriors the lord
Iohn Maletret with a hundred and fiftie armed men, and as manie other
soldiors, the whole number being thrée hundred.

The good duke of Lancaster hauing knowledge hereof, directed his fléet
or nauie towards the hauen of Brest, where when he had arriued, they
all fled from the siege, both by sea and land, those onlie, which were
in the fort, remaining behind. Now the prior of S. Iames in Calis
desired the good duke that he might giue the first assault against the
fort; who taking the repulse with his retinue, he ceased and gaue ouer.
In like sort did manie more giue the assault to the same for the space
of two daies and more: in somuch that some digging vnder the wals, and
vndermining the foundations of one towre, the same fell downe vpon sir
Robert Swinarton a valiant knight of Staffordshire, and manie more,
among whome was Iohn de Bolton a couragious gentleman and an esquier by
degree of Yorkeshire. As for those that were vpon the towre, they also
came tumbling downe, and were presentlie slaine.

[Sidenote: Philip the duke of Lancasters daughter married to the king
of Portingale.]

In the meane time the lord Maletret gardian of the fort, sent word to
the duke of Lancaster, that he would yeeld and surrender the hold into
his hands vpon condition, that he and all his might freelie depart
with such armour, goods, chatels and victuals as they had reposed and
laid vp in store for their necessarie prouision: wherevnto the good
duke (as he was alwaies good) verie gentlie agréed; vpon condition
also, that before their departure, they should ruinate the said fort,
and laie it eeuen with the ground; and should likewise allow and paie
him towards his costs and charges defraied in the siege of the same,
twentie thousand scutes of gold. Then might you sée the people flocking
from all parts of the countrie, some with beires, some with cabbins,
some with carts, and some with crutches to fetch awaie the dead and the
wounded: in so much that there was not one, either slaine outright, or
deadlie maimed, for whome his freends did not mone and lament. Yea,
the lord Maletret himselfe was so mangled and hurt, that he could not
go on his legs, but as he leaned on mens shoulders, and was borne vp
on either side. It was reported, that manie dead bodies were hidden
in heaps of salt, to the end that the Englishmen should not glorie
and triumph in the multitude of the slaine, of whome [in sight] the
number amounted to aboue 150. Thus farre goeth Henrie Knighton, whose
report giueth no small light to the matter vnder hand. After the duke
had remained a moneth at Groigne, he went to Compostella, and there
soiourned for a season, during the which, his constable sir Iohn
Holland woone diuerse townes and fortresses which the enemies kept:
diuerse yeelded to the duke with better will, for that the duchesse
his wife was there with him, whom they knew to be right inheritour to
the realme. ¶ At Mouson a towne on the confines betwixt Spaine and
Portingale, the king of Portingale and the duke of Lancaster met,
where they communed and tooke counsell togither for the more spéedie
proceeding in their enterprise against their aduersaries of Castile.
Also there was a mariage concluded betwixt the said king of Portingale,
and the ladie Philip daughter to the said duke, which marriage shortlie
after was wholie consummated, the said ladie being first married by
procuration at Compostella, and after sent into Portingale right
honorablie accompanied.

[Sidenote: The king of Portingale & the duke of Lancaster ioining their
armies togither inuade Castile.]

The duke continued at Compostella all the winter season, till towards
March, and then (according to appointment taken betwixt him, and the
king of Portingale, at their being togither at Mouson, for their
iournie to be made into Castile) the said king assembled an armie of a
thousand men of armes, and ten thousand other souldiers, with the which
entring the confines of Castile, he first tooke the towne of Feroule,
and after |771| ioining with the duke, who had in the meane while by
his marshall taken the townes of Ruelles, Ville Lopes, Pounceuoide,
Dighos, Baionne in la Maroll, Ribadan, Maures, Basanses, and Orens,
with others in the countrie of Gallis, they marched foorth with their
whole powers both togither, and passing ouer the riuer of Dure, entered
into the countrie de Campo.

[Sidenote: Variance amongst writers.]

¶ Here the English writers make mention of a battell, which the
constable of Castile should giue to the duke, and that the victorie
remained on the dukes side, and the Spaniards chased out of the field.
But Froissard (who liued in those daies, and learned that which he
wrote of those that were with the duke in his iournie) maketh no
remembrance of any such thing, but that contrarilie the king of Castile
folowing the aduise of such Frenchmen as were sent into Spaine to aid
him, caused all the riches of the countrie to be brought into the
walled townes and fortresses, which he stuffed with men of warre, to
defend them from the Englishmen and Portingales; and further to cut
off their vitels, and to kéepe them from hauing forage abroad in the
countrie, vnlesse such as were sent were garded with the greater troops
for their suertie and defense.

[Sidenote: Great death in the English host in Spaine by reason of the
great heat of that countrie.]

Thus bestowing the most part of all such men of warre, both Frenchmen
and Spaniards, as he could make in places most conuenient for that
purpose, he fullie determined not to giue battell till his enimies had
wearied themselues in keeping of the fields, and that a new power was
come to his aid out of France, which he dailie looked for. By which
means it came to passe, that the Englishmen not vsed to such hot aire
as they found in those parts in that season of the yeare (for it was
about Midsummer) fell dailie into manie perillous diseases, whereof no
small number died; and other became so faint, that they were not able
to helpe themselues, that to consider the miserie in which they were,
it would haue rued the harts of their verie foes. Herevpon was the duke
constreined to fall to a communication for a peace, which in the end
was accorded, though not at this instant.

[Sidenote: _Froissard._ The lord Fitz Walter. I thinke that none of
these thrée were barons but onlie the lord Poinings.]

Howbeit a truce was granted, in such wise as it might be at the
Englishmens choise to returne into their countrie, either by sea or by
land, thorough France. Such as passed through Spaine to France, had
safe conducts sealed and signed by the king of Spaine; but scarse the
halfe of those that came out of England with the duke, returned thither
againe, they died so fast, aswell after the breaking vp of their campe,
as before. Amongst other, there died before the breaking vp of the
campe, one of the greatest barons of all the companie, named the lord
Fitz Walter; and afterwards within the towne of Ville Arpent, there
died (as Froissard saith) three great barons of England, and men of
great possessions: sir Richard Burlie a knight of the garter, who had
béene as it were high marshall of the armie, the lord Poinings, and sir
Henrie Percie cousine germane to the earle of Northumberland.

[Sidenote: The duke of Lancaster returneth out of Portingale into
Gascoigne.]

In the towne of Noie deceassed sir Mauburin de Liniers a Poictouin, and
in the towne of Ruelles died the lord Talbot, and so here and there
(saith Froissard) there died in all all twelue great lords, foure score
knights, two hundred esquiers, and of the meaner sort of souldiers
aboue fiue hundred. After that the armie was broken vp, the duke of
Lancaster and the duchesse his wife went into Portingale, and there
remained a season, and then taking the sea, sailed to Baionne in the
marshes of Gascoigne, where he rested a long time after. ¶ In this
meane while, there was communication and offers made for a marriage to
be had betwixt the duke of Berrie, vncle to the French king; and the
ladie Katharine daughter to the duke of Lancaster, and of the duchesse
his wife the ladie Constance.

[Sidenote: A marriage concluded betwéene the prince of Spaine, and the
duke of Lancasters daughters. _Fabian._

_Abr. Fl._ out of _Henrie Knighton_ canon of Leicester abbeie.

_In Angl. prælijs sub Rich. 2._]

When the king of Spaine vnderstood of that treatie, he began to doubt,
least if that marriage tooke place, it might turne to his disaduantage;
and therefore to be at quietnesse with the duke of Lancaster, whose
puissance he doubted, and whose wisdome he perfectlie vnderstood, by
politike meanes and earnest sute, at length concluded a peace with him
on this wise. That his eldest son Henrie should haue in mariage the
ladie Katharine daughter to the duke of Lancaster, begot on his wife
the duchesse Constance, and |772| be intituled price of Austurgus. In
consideration of which marriage to be had, and all claimes to ceasse,
which the duke in right of his wife might chalenge or pretend; it was
agreed, that the said duke should receiue yearelie the summe of ten
thousand marks, to be paid to him, or to his assignes in the citie of
Baionne in Gascoigne, during the terme of the liues of the said duke
and duchesse; and further to haue in hand the summe of two hundreth
thousand nobles. ¶ Henrie Knighton in his relation of this composition
betwéene these persons of great estate, dooth say, that it was told
him by one of the good duke of Lancasters owne houshold, and attendant
vpon him in this voiage into Spaine, that the Spanish king did send
seuen and fortie mules loden with coffers full of gold for the second
paiment wherevpon they were agréed. As touching the first paiment
(saith Knighton) I asked no question of the partie. So that (besides
the annuitie, which mine author reporteth to be 16000 thousand marks,
during the parties liues iointlie, and 12000 marks, if it fortuned that
the dukes daughter should suruiue and outliue hir husband) it should
séeme there were other large allowances, which if they were (as it is
likelie) after this rate, it was a right roiall munificence. And to
this report of Knighton dooth Ch. Okland make a kind of allusion, who
speking of the conditions of peace betweene the duke of Lancaster, and
the king of Spaine, saith:

 Causæ diffidens extemplò Hispanus, agebat
 De pace, acceptis & conditionibus, offert
 Argenti ac auri plaustrorum protinùs octo
 Iustum onus, argentíque decem soluenda quotannis
 Millia nummorum, &c.

The aforesaid agreement and marriage was not concluded, till about the
thirteenth yeare of king Richards reigne, so that in the meane while
manie incidents chanced in England and in other regions, which in their
time and places shall be touched, as to purpose serueth.

[Sidenote: _Iacob. Meir. Froissard._

A mightie great nauie of French ships at Sluis purposing to inuade
Englād.]

And first it is not to be forgotten, that the Frenchmen neuer shewed
more vanitie than they did this yeare, since the linage of the Capetes
began first to rule in France. All the ships that they could prouide
from the confines of Spaine, vnto the mouth of the Rhene, all alongst
the coast, they assembled at Sluis and thereabouts, and made so great
preparation for the warre, that the like had not béene heard of
(meaning, as they boasted, and made their vants) to passe ouer into
England, and to deuoure the whole countrie, in dooing sacrifice to the
soules of their elders with the bloud of the English people. Howbeit
these words were wind, & to them accorded the prouerbe,

 Parturiunt montes, nascetur ridiculus mus.

There were numbred in the moneth of September about Sluis, Dam, and
Blankberke 1287 ships, besides those which were rigged in Britaine by
the constable, who had caused an inclosure of a field to be made of
timber, like railes or barriers, that when they were landed in England,
they might therewith inclose their field, and so lodge more at suertie,
and when they remooued, it was so made with ioints, that they might
take it vp in péeces and easilie conueie it with them.

[Sidenote: The description of the inclosure.

_Thom. Wal._

_Tho. Walsi._ The prouision of y^e Englishmen to resist y^e great power
of Frenchmen.]

This inclosure or wall of wood was twentie foot in height, and
conteined in length or in compasse, when it was set vp, three thousand
pases, and at the end of euerie twelue pases stood a turret able to
receiue ten men, that was higher than the rest of the wall by ten
foot at the least. There were appointed to haue passed ouer in those
ships twentie thousand men of armes, twentie thousand crosbowes, and
twentie thousand other men of warre. To haue séene the great apparell,
furniture and prouision, the shipping, trussing, bearing, and carrieng
to and fro of things needfull for this iournie, a man might haue
maruelled; for suerlie the like hath sildome beene remembred. All
that was doone there on that side of the sea by the Frenchmen, was
notified into England, so that the Frenchmen were not more occupied to
prepare themselues to inuade England, than the Englishmen were to make
themselues readie to defend their countrie from all danger of enimies;
so |773| that euerie hauen towne, especiallie alongst the west south,
and east coasts, were kept and warded with notable numbers of armed men
and archers.

[Sidenote: _Abr. Fl._ out of _Henrie Knighton_ canon of Leicester
abbeie.]

¶ Notwithstanding the great confidence which the French king reposed
in the fortification which he had imbarked, thinking thereby to haue
wrought great woonders, to the discomfiture of the English: yet
(contrarie to his expectation) it so fortuned, that about Michaelmas,
the lord William Beauchampe capteine of Calis tooke two ships; whereof
one was loden with a péece of the said inclosure or wall of wood, and
in the same ship was the maister carpenter of the inclosure, being
an Englishman borne, but banished his countrie before that time for
some offense. He also tooke another ship, wherein were engins, guns,
gunpowder & other instruments of war. Not long after this, two more
ships were taken likewise, whose burthen was parcels of the foresaid
frame or inclosure: so that three ships were met withall and seized
vpon, each of them loden with one kind of stuffe. Whereof king Richard
hearing, he caused the said inclosure to be reared and set vp about
Winchelsie towne. In the meane while, namelie in September, the
foresaid armie came into Flanders, and arriued at the hauen of Sluis,
intending to make their progresse into England: but by prolonging
of the time there, they were driuen to great distresse and want of
vittels: for it was reported that a loafe of bread, sold in England for
a penie, was sold there for eighteene pence, and a hens eg for a penie:
so that in the end of Nouember they returned to France, missing their
purpose as much as if they had neuer ment it.

[Sidenote: The Londoners speciallie afraid of the Frēch forces.]

There were readie within the realme at that season, in one part and
other 100000 archers, and ten thousand men of armes, besides those that
were gone into Spaine with the duke of Lancaster. All this preparation
lasted for the more part of the summer, euen till the beginning of
winter: and still the French king that was come downe into Flanders,
staied for the comming of his vncle the duke of Berrie: who at length
in the moneth of Nouember came to Sluis, hauing protracted time, of
purpose, that he might by the excuse of winter, cause this iornie to
be put off till another season. Wherein he shewed more wit than all
the councellors which the French king had about him: for if he had
not politikelie shifted off the matter, the king had landed here in
England, to the great danger of his person and losse of his people.
And yet if we shall beléeue writers that liued in those daies, by
reason of the brute that was spred through the realme, of that huge
preparation which the French king made to inuade this land, no small
feare entered into the harts of manie, namelie of the Londoners, who
(as if the enimies had beene alredie landed) bestirred them, in making
what prouision they might for their defense, though it séemed by their
manner of dooings, they stood in doubt least the whole realme had not
béene able to make sufficient resistance.

[Sidenote: Dissention among the noblemen.

_Froissard._

_Tho. Walsin_ A parlement at London.]

In déed diuerse were the more afraid, for that they percieued how the
barons and great lords agreed not in manie points among themselues, and
so being not of one mind, the wiser sort doubted least through their
disagréeing in that troublesome time, some danger might grow to the
state of the whole realme. Notwithstanding, no small number of others
wished nothing more, than that the French king in going forward with
his purpose, might haue come ouer, not doubting but that he should
haue found such a welcome, as would haue beene little to his ease.
About the feast of saint Michaell, a parlement was called and holden
at London, and withall great numbers of men of armes & archers were
appointed to come and lie about London, that they might be readie to
march foorthwith against the enimies whensoeuer it chanced them to
land. Thus all the townes and villages twentie miles in compasse round
about London, were full of men of armes and archers, lieing as it had
beene in campe; and wanting both vittels and monie, they were driuen to
spoile and to take by violence what they might get. At length, after
they had laine thus to small purpose a long season, they were licenced
to depart home, with commandement to be readie to returne againe vpon
the first summons. Manie of them were constreined through necessitie,
to sell their horsses, and armour, and some |774| to spoile and to rob
as they went homewards, not sparing what they might laie their hands
vpon. Although the men of warre were dismissed home, the parlement yet
continued, and the lords still remained at London, hearkening still for
the French kings comming.

[Sidenote: Robert Véer marquesse of Dubline created duke of Ireland.]

The lord Robert Véer earle of Oxenford, whome the king in the last
parlement had made marquesse of Dubline, was now in this parlement
created duke of Ireland: the other lords sore enuieng so high
preferment in a man that so little deserued, as they tooke it. For
by reason of the kings great affection which he bare not onelie to
this noble man, but also to the lord Michael de la Poole, whom he had
latelie created earle of Suffolke, and after aduanced him to the office
of lord chancellor (as before ye haue heard) not onelie the lords,
but also the commons sore grudged at such their high preferrement, in
somuch that in this present parlement, the knights & burgesses in the
lower house, exhibited a bill against the lord chancellor, of diuerse
crimes which they laid to his charge, and so vsed the matter, with the
helpe of the lords, that in the end in some respect they had their
willes against him, contrarie to the kings mind, as after may appeare.

And where the king had demanded a reliefe of monie towards the
maintenance of his estate, and charges of the warres, it was answered,
that he néeded not any tallage of his subiects, sith he might furnish
himselfe with such a summe at the hands of the said earle, that was
iustlie indebted vnto him therein, as they were able well to prooue.
But the king was nothing herewith contented, conceiuing no small
displeasure, aswell against them of the lower house, as against the
lords in the vpper, for fauouring them in the lower, in matters that
went so sore against his mind. Herevpon (as was said, whether trulie or
otherwise, the lord knoweth) by a conspiracie begun betwixt the king &
such as were most in fauour with him, it was deuised, that the duke of
Glocester (as principall) and such other lords as fauored the knights
and burgesses in their sute, against the earle of Suffolke, and were
otherwise against the king in his demand of monie, should be willed to
a supper in London, there to be murthered.

[Sidenote: Richard Exton iustlie cōmended.]

But the duke comming by some meanes to vnderstand of this wicked
practise, had no desire to take part of that supper, where such sharpe
sauce was prouided, and withall gaue warning to the residue, that they
likewise should not come there, but to content themselues with their
owne suppers at their lodgings. It was said, that sir Nicholas Brember,
who had béene maior the yeare before, had promised his assistance in
the execution of this horrible fact: but thorough the commendable
constancie of Richard Exton that was maior this yeare being mooued by
the king for his furtherance therein, and denieng flatlie to consent to
the death of such innocent persons, that heinous practise was omitted.
This matter being brought to light, the hatred and malice which men
bare to such councellors of the king greatlie increased, and the duke
of Glocester and such as withstood the king, dailie grew more and more
into the peoples fauour.

[Sidenote: A subsidie granted and appointed to be spent according to
y^e discretion of the nobilitie.]

Howbeit at length, through the earnest sute of some of the great lords,
there was granted to the king halfe a tenth and halfe a fiftéenth,
which should not be spent at the pleasure of the prince, but by the
order and appointment of the said lords, & so at length the earle of
Arundell was appointed to receiue it, to furnish him with a nauie to
the seas. But before this paiment might be granted, there was much
adoo, & hard hold: for where the said earle of Suffolke then lord
chancellor, at first had demanded of the commons in the kings name,
foure fiftéens (for with lesse (said he) the king could not mainteine
his estate and the warres which he had in hand) the whole bodie of the
parlement made answer thereto, that without the king were present (for
he was then at Eltham) they could make therein no answer at all: and
herewith they tooke occasion at length to say further, that except the
said earle of Suffolke were remooued from the office of chancellorship,
they would meddle no further with any act in this parlement, were it
neuer of so small importance. |775|

[Sidenote: Dissention betwéene the king and the parlement house.

The duke of Glocester and the bishop of Elie sent to y^e K. at Eltham
frō the whole bodie of the parlement.

Their requests to the king.]

The king being aduertised hereof, sent againe to the commons, that
they should send vnto Eltham (where he laie) fortie of the wisest and
best learned of the common house, the which in the name of the whole
house should declare vnto him their minds. And then the house was in no
small feare, by reason of a brute that was raised, how the king sought
meanes to intrap and destroie them that followed not his purpose.
Herevpon aswell the lords of the vpper house as the commons of the
lower assembled togither, and agréed with one consent, that the duke of
Glocester, and Thomas Arundell bishop of Elie, should in the name of
the whole parlement be sent to the king vnto Eltham: which was doone,
and the king was well contented that they should come. When they came
before his presence, with humble reuerence they declared their message,
which consisted in these points: That the lords and commons assembled
at that present in parlement, besought him of his lawfull fauour, that
they might liue in peace and tranquillitie vnder him.

[Sidenote: And oftener if néed require.

The causes & conditions of a parlement.]

They further declared, that one old statute and laudable custome was
approued, which no man could denie, that the king once in the yeare
might lawfullie summon his high court of parlement, and call the lords
and commons therevnto, as to the highest court of his realme, in which
court all right and equitie ought to shine as the sunne being at
the highest, whereof poore and rich may take refreshing; where also
reformation ought to be had of all oppressions, wrongs, extortions, &
enormities within the realme; and there the king ought to take counsell
with the wise men of his realme, for the maintenance of his estate, and
conseruation of the same. And if it might be knowen that any persons
within the realme or without, intended the contrarie; there must also
be deuised how such euill weeds may be destroied. There must also be
studied and foreséene, that if any charge doo come vpon the king and
realme, how it may be honorablie borne and discharged.

[Sidenote: Absence of the king from the parlement for the space of 40
daies.

The kings answer.]

Further, they declared that till that present, his subiects (as was
thought) had louinglie demeaned themselues towards him, in aiding him
with their substance to the best of their powers, & that their desire
was to vnderstand how those goods were spent. And further they said,
they had one thing to declare vnto him, how that by an old ordinance it
was enacted, that if the king should absent himselfe fourtie daies, not
being sicke, and refuse to come to the parlement, without regard to the
charges of his people, and their great paines, they then may lawfullie
returne home to their houses: and therefore sith he had béene absent a
long time, and yet refused to come among them, it was greatlie to their
discomfort. To this the king (as we find) made this answer: “Well,
we do perceiue that our people and commons go about to rise against
vs: wherefore we thinke we cannot doo better than to aske aid of our
cousine the French king, and rather submit vs vnto him than to our owne
subiects.”

[Sidenote: Wealth of the people is the glorie of the prince and suertie
of his reigne.]

The lords answered, that it should not be good for him so to doo, but
a waie rather to bring him into extreame danger, sith it was plaine
inough, that the French king was his ancient enimie and greatest
aduersarie, who if he might once set foot in the realme of England,
he would rather despoile and dispossesse the king of his kingdome,
than put his helping hand to relieue him. He might (they said) call
to remembrance, how his noble progenitour king Edward the third,
his grandfather, and prince Edward his father had trauelled in heat
and cold, with great anguish and troubles incessantlie, to make a
conquest of France, that rightfullie apperteined vnto them, and now to
him, in which wars he might likewise remember how manie lords, noble
men, and good commons of both realmes had lost their liues, and what
charges both the realmes likewise bare in mainteining those warres:
and now (the more pitie) greater burthens were laid vpon the necks of
the English subiects for the supportation of his charges, by reason
whereof, they were so low brought (said they) that they haue not to
paie their rents, and so by such meanes was his power decaied, his
lords brought behind hand, and all his people sore impouerished. And
as that king cannot be poore that hath rich people, so cannot he be
rich that hath |776| poore commons. And as he tooke hurt by such
inconueniences chancing through euill councellors that were about him,
so the lords and noblemen susteined no lesse hurt each one after his
estate and calling. And if remedie were not in time prouided through
his helping hand, the realme must needs fall in ruine, and the default
should be imputed to him and to those his euill councellors.

[Sidenote: Change of officers by the parlement.

The earle of Suffolke gréeuouslie charged by the parlement house for
sundrie offenses.]

By these and the like persuasions the king was induced to come to the
parlement, and according to his appointment he came indeed. Soone after
his comming was Iohn Fortham bishop of Durham discharged of his office
of lord treasuror, and in his place was appointed one Iohn Gilbert
bishop of Hereford, that was a frier of the order of preachers, a
man more eloquent than faithfull, as some reported of him. Also the
earle of Suffolke was discharged of his office of lord chancellor, and
Thomas Arundell bishop of Elie placed in his roome, by whole consent of
parlement. The same earle of Suffolke was charged with manie & verie
great enormious crimes, frauds, falshoods, and tresons, which he had
practised, to the great preiudice of the king and realme, and therevpon
was committed to ward in the castell of Windsore. Notwithstanding
they adiudged him not to death (as some write) nor disgraded him of
the honor of knighthood, but condemned him to paie a fine of twentie
thousand marks, and also to forfeit one thousand pounds of yéerelie
rents which he had purchased.

But other write, that notwithstanding the king was sore offended for
the accusations brought against the said earle of Suffolke and others,
whome he loued, and was loth to heare anie euill of: yet he was
constreined at length, after he had shifted off the matter by sundrie
deuises, to appoint certeine persons with full power and authoritie
to heare, and in iudgment to determine those matters. The duke of
Glocester therfore, and the earle of Arundell were appointed as iudges;
which (whilest the king as yet was absent, who got him foorth of the
waie of purpose, bicause he would not be present at the condemnation
of those whome he most entierlie loued and fauoured) went earnestlie
in hand with their businesse, and so at length (as Walsingham saith)
the earle of Suffolke was conuicted, & found giltie of sundrie crimes,
trespasses, and naughtie parts: for which it was thought that he
deserued to lose his life & goods, but yet he was suffered (as the same
Walsingham saith) to go abroad vnder suertie, certeine great men being
bound for him in great sums of monie. But what order soeuer was taken
for the punishment of him, sure it is he was displaced from his office
of chancellorship, as before yée haue heard.

[Sidenote: Thirtéene lords appointed by parlement to haue the
gouernement of the realme vnder the king.]

Furthermore, the lords, and other estates in this parlement,
considering that through couetousnesse of the new deposed officers,
the kings treasure had béene imbezeled, lewdlie wasted, & prodigallie
spent, nothing to his profit: there were in this parlement thirteene
lords chosen, to haue ouersight vnder the king of the whole gouernment
of the realme, as by their commission in the statutes of the tenth
yeare of this king it dooth in the booke of statutes at large appeare.
Of those thirteene there were thrée of the new officers named, as
the bishop of Elie lord chancellor, the bishop of Hereford lord
treasuror, and Nicholas abbat of Waltham lord keeper of the priuie
seale: the other ten were these, William archbishop of Canturburie,
Alexander archbishop of Yorke, Edmund Langlie duke of Yorke, Thomas
duke of Glocester, William bishop of Winchester, Thomas bishop of
Excester, Richard earle of Arundell, Richard lord Scroope, and Iohn
lord Debereux. But this participation of the gouernement fell out to be
inconuenient, as by processe of the storie shall appeare, euen to those
vnto whome it was allotted: so that no small a doo happened among them
and their partakers: according to the old prouerbe, which saith;

 Væ sibi quando canes veniunt os rodere plures.

[Sidenote: The king of Armenia sueth for a safe conduct to come into
England which is denied him.]

Moreouer, at the kings instance and earnest sute it was granted, that
Robert de Veer late marquesse of Dubline, and now newlie created duke
of Ireland, should haue and receiue to his owne vse thirtie thousand
marks, that the Frenchmen were to giue for the |777| heires of the
lord Charles de Blois, that remained here in England, which Charles
in times past chalenged as his righfull inheritance the dutchie of
Britaine, against the earle of Montfort. This grant was made to the
duke of Ireland, with condition, that being furnished with this monie,
he should passe ouer into Ireland, before the next Easter, there to
recouer such lands as the king had giuen to him. For aswell the lords
as the commons were so desirous to haue him gone, that they wished the
realme rather to spare so much treasure, than to haue his presence
about the king, to allure him to follie. The same time the king of
Armenia sued for a safe conduct to come againe ouer into this land, to
speake with the king as it had been about the moouing of some peace
betwixt the two realms of England and France; but sith his meaning was
suspected to be to no good end, but to benefit himselfe by receiuing
of some great gifts at the kings bountifull hands, his sute was not
granted.

[Sidenote: Two of the Frēch kings ships taken with a great price in
them. Guns were inuented little more than six yeares before this time,
to wit, An. 1380.]

In this meane time also, whilest the French king with such a companie
of dukes, earls and other lords, as had not béene heard of, still
continued in Flanders, staieng as well for a conuenient wind, as for
the comming of the duke of Berrie; it chanced that certeine English
ships, as they wafted the seas, met with two of the French ships, that
were sailing towards Sluis, and fighting with them, tooke them, and
brought them both to Sandwich. There was found aboord the same ships, a
maister gunner, that sometime had serued the Englishmen at Calis, when
sir Hugh Caluerlie was lieutenant there; also diuerse great guns and
engins to beat downe wals were found and taken in the same ships, with
a great quantitie of powder that was more worth than all the rest.

[Sidenote: Restitution of merchants goods taken.]

About the same time, or rather somewhat before, the Englishmen also
tooke certeine hulks and six cariks of the Genowais, laden with great
riches: but bicause they were merchants, they found such fauor at the
kings hands through means of Michaell de la Poole then lord chancellor
(whome they had made their fréend) that they had their vessels and
all their goods restored, and streightwaies they passed with the same
vnto Sluis, where the enimies laie, to make sale of their wares there.
Wherevpon much murmuring rose among the kings subiects, taking it
in euill part, that they should be suffered so to go their waies to
releeue the enimies of the realme, with such goods as were once brought
into the Englishmens possession, and speciallie the lord chancellor was
verie euill thought of, for shewing so much fauour vnto those strangers.

[Sidenote: The French fléet setting forward towards England is driuen
backe by contrarie winds.

The kings inordinate affection towards the duke of Ireland and the
earle of Suffolke.]

The French king still remaining in Flanders, tarieng for the comming
of the duke of Berrie, and also for a conuenient wind, at length on
the euen of All saints, the wind came about very fauourablie for the
Frenchmens purpose: wherevpon they weied anchors, and lanched from the
hauen of Sluis, but they were not past twentie miles forward on their
way, when the wind suddenlie turned contrarie to their course againe,
and brought them backe with such violence, that diuerse of them as
they should enter the hauen, were broken and brused, and so by this
occasion, and the counsell of the duke of Berrie togither, the French
king brake vp his iournie for that yeare, and returned into France.
¶ Ye haue heard what was doone by the states assembled in parlement
against the earle of Suffolke, whom the most part of the realme so
greatlie hated, but yet neuerthelesse, the king had such an affection
towards him, that immediatlie after the parlement was dissolued, he
vndid all that had béene enacted against him, receiuing him into more
familiaritie than before, and caused him to continue with the duke of
Ireland, and Alexander Neuill archbishop of Yorke, which two lords
trauelled most earnestlie to mooue the king against the other lords,
and to disannull all that had béene doone in the last parlement.

[Sidenote: 1387.]

There increased therefore in the king an inward hatred, which he
conceiued against the lords, these men putting into his eare, that he
was like no king but rather resembled the shadow of one; saieng, it
would come to passe that he should be able to doo nothing of himselfe,
if the lords might inioy the authoritie which they had taken vpon
them. The king gaue credit to these tales, and therefore had the lords
in great gelousie, notwithstanding they were thought to be his most
true and faithfull subiects, and the other craftie, |778| deceitfull,
and vntrustie; but such an affection had the king to them, that no
informations, nor accusations, though neuer so manifestlie prooued,
could bring them out of his fauour, in so much as at the feast of
Christmasse next following, he caused the earle of Suffolke to sit with
him at his owne table, in robes accustomablie appointed for kings to
weare, and not for meaner estates, which was much noted, and no little
increased the enuie against him.

[Sidenote: The earle of Arundell goeth to the sea with 500 men of armes
and a thousand archers as _Froissard_ noteth.

A great abuse in choise souldiers.]

About the beginning of March in this tenth yeere, Richard earle of
Arundell, being appointed lord admerall, & Thomas Mowbraie earle of
Notingham, the earle of Deuonshire, and the bishop of Norwich (as
Froissard saith) went to the sea with a warlike power of men of armes
and archers, so well trimmed and appointed as was possible. For the
lord admerall vnderstanding that the duke of Glocester, and manie other
noblemen would sée the muster of his men, vsed all diligence, and
spared for no costs, to haue the most choisest and pikedst fellowes
that might be gotten, not following the euill example of others in
times past, which receiued tag and rag to fill vp their numbers, whom
they hired for small wages, and reserued the residue to their pursses.
And when to the aduancement of the realms commoditie they should haue
incountered the enimies, they shifted off all occasions thereto, and
onelie prolonged time, without atchiuing any enterprise auaileable, to
the end they might receiue the whole wages, and kéepe themselues from
danger, which they should hardlie haue auoided, when they had not about
them such able men as were like to match the enimies: but the earle of
Arundell contrarilie got the ablest men he might, not sparing his owne
pursse, to the end that by their seruice he might atchiue some worthie
enterprise, to redound vnto the commoditie of his countrie.

[Sidenote: A good policie.

A great victorie of the English nauie against the Flemish fléet, _Ia.
Meir._ _Tho. Walsi._]

After the duke of Glocester had beheld so faire and chosen a power
of men of warre, they were streightwaies appointed to get them on
shipbrood, & so being imbarked, the whole nauie passed foorth to the
Thams mouth, where they staied to watch for the fléet of Flanders,
that was readie to come from Rochell with wines. At length, vpon a
sundaie, being the euen of the Annuntiation of our ladie, the Flemish
fleet was discouered a good way off, by one that was mounted into one
of the tops of a ship of the English fléet. The earle of Arundell
greatlie reioising at those newes, foorthwith with his whole fléet made
to the sea. When the Flemings approched neere to our nauie, they made
saile, as if they would set vpon the same; and our men of purpose made
countenance as if they would haue retired, as mistrusting themselues to
be able to match their aduersaries, who coueting rather a safe passage
than battell, passed by: but the Englishmen hauing once got the wind
fit for their purpose, suddenlie set vpon the Flemish ships, and fought
with them right fiercelie: at length, after a sore conflict which
indured foure houres, the victorie fell to the Englishmen.

[Sidenote: _Ia. Meir._ _Thom. Wals._]

There were taken fourescore ships, with diuerse capteins and men of
armes, namelie their chiefe admerall, named Iohn Buicke, a perfect
good seaman, and one that had aforetime doone much hurt to the English
nation. Diuerse of their ships were bouged, and some escaped from the
battell. But the earle of Arundell pursued them so egerlie for the
space of two daies togither, that at length he tooke them, and brought
them backe to his nauie, so that what in the battell and in the chase,
there were taken of great and small, to the number of an hundred
vessels, all fraught with wines, so that there was found aboord the
same nine thousand tuns, or rather (as other saie) ninetéene thousand,
which togither with the vessels were streight sent vnto Orwell hauen,
and to other hauens abroad in the realme, beside that which fell to
the kings share, as due to him by his prerogatiue. Part of the Flemish
fléet escaping (as before ye haue heard) was pursued vnto the hauen of
Sluis and Blankerke.

[Sidenote: The liberalitie of the earle of Arundell.]

The citizens of Middleburgh came to the earle, and requested him that
they might buie those wines of him, and paie for the same after the
rate of an hundred shillings the tunne, alledging how they were the
kings fréends, and stood in néed of wines: but the earle of Arundell,
thinking it more reason that those which had borne the charges of his
iournie, |779| to wit, the commons of the realme of England should
haue the commoditie thereof than any other, he denied their sute. But
yet to shew them some pleasure as his fréends, he gaue them twentie
tuns to make merrie with. As for that which fell to the earles share,
he vsed such bountifulnesse in bestowing it among his fréends, that
he left not to himselfe so much as one tunne. He wan therefore no
small praise, that forbearing his owne commoditie, which he might haue
reaped in selling those wines to strangers, he had more regard to
the profit of the commons, whereby they might vnderstand, that that
which they had laid foorth towards the setting forward of his iournie,
was not altogither lost nor cast awaie. By this meanes (besides the
commendation which he drew to himselfe) he also wan the harts &
good will of the people, whose freendship is purchased by gifts and
good déeds, sith they make profit the metrod of amitie, & bound in
beneuolence with receiued benefits, as the poet saith,

 Vulgus amicitias vtilitate probat.

[Sidenote: Diuers rodes made into Flanders by the Englishmen, & great
spoile doone.

Wine sold for thirtéene shillings foure pence the tun.

The earle of Aurundell saileth into Britaine with a great power.]

All the countrie of Flanders neere to the sea coasts, was in great
feare: for the Englishmen landed, and euerie day went abroad into the
countrie, burning diuerse townes and villages, as Mude, Osiburge,
Houckam, Monachacedam, & others. And at length, after they had taken
their pleasure in the countrie, for the space of ten daies togither,
they hoissed vp sailes, and returned with all their preie and booties,
which being sold, and vttered abroad in the realme, made wine so
plentifullie here in England, that it was sold for thirtéene shillings
foure pence the tun, and twentie shillings the best and choisest. The
earle of Arundell not satisfied with his happie atchiued enterprise,
but minding to doo more seruice to the benefit of his countrie,
gathered his ships together, and hiring new souldiers to supplie the
roomes of them that were hurt, maimed, or slaine, turned his sailes
towards the castell of Brest, which seemed to be a keie to the lesse
Britaine, and being (as yee haue heard) in the Englishmens possession,
the Frenchmen were about to raise vp and build farre greater and
stronger bastillions, than those were that the duke of Lancaster had
taken and destroied, as he sailed forward on his iournie toward Spaine.

[Sidenote: Enuie y^e follower of vertue & prowesse.]

One of these two new bastiles the earle of Arundell woone by force
from them that kept it: and bicause it séemed necessarie to be kept
for a defense to the castell, if it were in the Englishmens hands, he
committed it to the custodie of certeine Englishmen. The other being
not yet finished, but begun in sumptuous wise to be builded, he set on
fire and burned. This doone, furnishing the garison with sufficient
vittels and munition to serue them for one whole yeare, he returned
home into England, with great praise and commendation of the commons
for his dooings. But the duke of Ireland the earle of Suffolke, sir
Simon de Burlie, and sir Richard Sturrie, that still continued about
the king, séemed rather to enuie the earle of Arundels good name,
than otherwise to commend him and others to the king, that had béene
foorth in that iournie, in so much that when the earle of Nottingham,
otherwise called earle Marshall, that had béene euer the kings
plaifellow, and of equall age to him, came now to the court, hoping
to be right welcome, and to receiue great thankes at the kings hands,
he had no good countenance shewed vnto him, neither of the king, nor
of the duke of Ireland, who disdaining once to talke with him, séemed
to enuie the worthie prowesse in other, which he knew defectiue and
wanting in himselfe.

[Sidenote: The lord Percie sent to the seas.]

Shortlie after, by the counsell of those lords and knights that
remained about the king, the lord Henrie Percie, sonne to the earle
of Northumberland, was sent to the seas, to beate backe the attempts
of the enimies, but he was slenderlie appointed to atchiue anie great
enterprise. This was doone of some enuious purpose, bicause he had got
a name amongest the common people, to be a verie hardie and valiant
gentleman, as well among Englishmen, as Scots. But he either ignorant,
or not much waieng of that which they craftilie had imagined against
him, boldlie and valiantlie executed the businesse inioined him, and
hauing remained abroad, during the whole time of his appointed seruice,
|780| returned safelie home. ¶ About the same time, a frier Carmelite,
named Walter Disse, that had béene confessor to the duke of Lancaster,
obteined in fauour of the same duke, at pope Vrbans hands, certeine
faculties, to be distributed to such as would praie & paie for them.
Among other of those faculties, one was, to make all those whom he
thought good, the popes chapleines, according to forme of law, and the
custome vsed in the court of Rome.

[Sidenote: Frier Pateshull forsaking his profession, preacheth openlie
against his owne order.

Wickleuists.]

Now bicause such as obteined this fauour, inioied great liberties,
manie were glad to bestow largelie, to be so preferred, the frier
being redie to admit those that offered most. Among other, one Peter
Pateshull, a frier of the Augustines order, was made by him the popes
chapleine, a man not vnlearned, and one that fauoured Wicliffes
doctrine, and therevpon forsaking his priuate profession, gaue himselfe
to a publike trade of life, which might séeme to him more holie,
commendable, and sure. Herevpon, he tooke vpon him to preach against
his owne order, namelie in a sermon which he made in saint Christophers
church in London. He inueied so earnestlie against the abuses and
heinous crimes which the friers, sometimes his brethren, vsed to put in
practise, that it was an horror to heare. There were present an hundred
at the least of Wicliffes opinion at his sermon. Now in the meane while
that he so laid foorth what he knew against his late brethren, some
persons there were that ran to the Augustine friers, and declared the
whole matter; wherevpon a dozen of the hardiest and lustiest fellowes
among them came to the church, where this Pateshull was preaching, and
hearing what was said, they began to be sore mooued, insomuch that one
of them more zealous in his religion than the other, stepped foorth,
and gainesaid those things which the preacher proponed.

[Sidenote: A libell by frier Pateshull against his brethren.]

When the Wicleuists perceiued this, they set vpon him that so
disquieted the congregation, and laieng hands on him, threw him downe,
trode him vnder their féet, and lent him manie a good buffet: and
chasing all the other friers awaie, they were fullie bent to haue
killed them, and set their house on fier, crieng out with lowd voices;
“Let vs destroie these murtherers, let vs burne these Sodomits, and
hang vp such traitors of the king and realme.” And running thus with
such a furious noise and outrage, they purposed verelie to haue set
fire on the friers lodgings, but that through the humble praier of
frier Thomas Ashborne, and one that was his fellow, being reputed for
two good men, and doctors of diuinitie, they were staied. The comming
also of one of the shirifes of London holpe much to appease them, so
that by his persuasion, they returned home to their houses. But Peter
Pateshull, being mainteened among them, was counselled, sith he was
interrupted in his sermon, to set downe in writing all such matters
as he was about to intreat of, & what he knew further. He therefore
deuised a libell, in which he accused diuerse of his brethren, of
murthering sundrie of their fellowes.

And for more proofe to be giuen to his saiengs, he told the names
of them that were made awaie, and the names also of the murtherers,
and shewed where those that were murthered were buried. He affirmed
further, that the said friers his brethren of late, were Sodomits
and traitors, both to the king and realme, and manie other things he
declared (too too bad) in that his writing or libell which he fastned
vpon the church doore of S. Paule in London, that the more confusion
might thereby redound vnto his late brethren, the friers aforesaid.
In the beginning of the same libell he protested, that he was got
foorth of the diuels dungeon, and through the grace of God escaped from
amongst wicked and filthie persons; by reason whereof, and for that he
was an auoucher of the veritie, he said, he was sure to suffer great
aduersities at the friers hands, if they might laie hold on him. But he
thanked pope Vrbane, for that through his grant he had obteined such
libertie, that by help of his fréends, he might lawfullie withdrawe
himselfe from the hands of his enimies.

[Sidenote: The fauourers of frier Pateshull.]

There were diuerse men of good worship that mainteined this Pateshull,
and caused a |781| transcript of this libell to be written foorth,
affirming all to be true that was therein mentioned. Amongst other that
thus fauoured this cause, were diuerse knights, as sir William Neuill,
Sir Lewes Clifford, sir Iohn Clanbowe, sir Richard Sturrie, and sir
Thomas Latimer, and the chéefest of all was one sir Iohn Montacute,
who caused all the images to be taken downe and set aside in corners,
which Iohn Aubreie, and his successour sir Alane Buxhull, or any their
ancestors had set vp in their chappell of Cheneleie. ¶ About the same
time, the duke of Ireland sought to be diuorsed from his lawfull wife,
a trim yoong ladie, daughter to the ladie Isabell, that was one of
king Edward the third his daughters; and tooke to wife one Lancegrone
a Bohemer one of the quéenes maids; by reason whereof, great occasion
of slander and reproch grew, and diuerse lords, speciallie the duke of
Glocester, that was vncle to the ladie that was forsaken, tooke great
displeasure herewith. But sith the king allowed of all the duke of
Irelands dooings, the duke of Glocester dissembled such iniuries doone
to his neece for the time, till opportunitie might serue to reuenge the
same.

[Sidenote: Dissention betwixt the king & the nobles.

1388.

An. Reg. 11.]

The duke of Ireland vnderstood all these things, and therefore was
the more circumspect for his owne safetie, and studied how by some
meanes he might dispatch the duke of Glocester out of the waie, as the
man whom he most feared; least his life should be his destruction, by
one meanes or other. Easter was now past, the time (as ye haue heard)
appointed before the which the duke of Ireland should haue transported
ouer into Ireland, & yet was he not set forward. But least somewhat
might be thought in the matter, and for feare of some stir to be raised
by the lords of the realme, that wished him gone, according to the
order prescribed at the last parlement, the king as it were to bring
him to the water side, went with him into Wales, where being out of
the waie, they might deuise how to dispatch the duke of Glocester, the
earles of Arundell, Warwike, Derbie, and Notingham, with others of that
faction. There were with the king, beside the duke of Ireland, Michaell
de la Poole earle of Suffolke, Robert Trisilian lord chiefe iustice,
and diuers other, which doubtfull of their owne safegards did what they
could (as writers report) to mooue the king forward to the destruction
of those noblemen. After the king had remained in those parties a
good while, he returned, and brought the duke of Ireland backe with
him againe so that it seemed his voiage into Ireland was now quite
forgotten.

[Sidenote: _Grafton._

Certeine questions in law demanded of the iustices.

A councell holden at Notingham.]

About the same time, Robert Trisilian lord chiefe iustice of England
came to Couentrie, and indicted there two thousand persons. The king
and the quéene came to Grobie, and thither came by his commandement
the iustices of the realme. There were also with him at the same time,
Alexander archb. of Yorke, Robert Veere duke of Ireland, Michaell de
la Poole earle of Suffolke, Robert Trisilian, & his fellowes; of whom
it was demanded, if by the lawes of the realme the king might reuoke
the ordinances made in the last parlement, to the which he had giuen
his consent in manner by constraint; and they made answer that he
might. Then were the iustices commanded to come vnto Notingham, where
the king appointed to meet them, and thither he came according to his
appointment, and held a solemne counsell in the castell of Notingham,
the morrow after S. Bartholomews day.

[Sidenote: Iustice Belknap cōpelled to subscribe.

Iustice Belknaps words.]

In this councell were the aforesaid archbishop of Yorke, the duke
of Ireland, the earle of Suffolke, Robert Trisilian iustice, Robert
Bramble iustice, and sundrie other, all which iustices were commanded
to set their hands vnto the question vnder written, that by meanes
thereof, those persons that were about the king thought they might haue
good occasion to put the duke of Glocester, and other lords that were
his complices vnto death, which in the last parlement were ordeined
to haue the gouernance of the realme, and all such as were consenting
to the same. Diuerse of the iustices refused to subscribe, but yet
they were constreined to doo as the rest did, among the which was
Iohn Belknap, who vtterlie refused, till the duke of Ireland, and the
earle of Suffolke compelled him thereto; for if he had persisted in
the refusall, he had not escaped their hands, and yet when he |782|
had set to his seale, he burst out into these words; “Now (said he)
here lacketh nothing but a rope, that I might receiue a reward worthie
for my desert, and I know, if I had not doone this, I might not haue
escaped your hands, so that for your pleasures and the kings I haue
doone it, and deserued thereby death at the hands of the lords.” Which
indéed shortlie followed, for in the next parlement he was condemned
and executed. All this remained in record.


An act of councell touching this matter, in manner as followeth.


 [Sidenote: Additions to _Polychron._]

 MEMORANDUM that on the fiue and twentith day of August, in the 11
 yeare of the reigne of king Richard the second, at the castell of
 Notingham aforesaid, Robert Trisilian lord chiefe iustice of England,
 Robert Belknap lord chiefe iustice of the cōmon plees, Iohn Holt,
 Roger Fulthorpe, & William Borough, knights and associats of the
 said Robert Belknap, and Iohn Lockton one of the kings sergeants at
 the law, being pesonalie required in presence of the lords and other
 witnesses vnder written by our said souereigne lord the king, in that
 faith and allegiance in which to him they were bounden, that they
 should trulie answer to certeine questions vnderwritten, and vpon the
 same by their discretions, to saie the law.

[Sidenote: Questions in law demāded of the iustices.]

 1 First, it was asked of them, whether the new statute, ordinance, and
 commission made in the last parlement held at Westminster, be hurtfull
 to the kings prerogatiue. Wherevnto all of one mind answered, that
 they were hurtfull, and speciallie bicause they be against the kings
 will.

 2 Item, it was inquired of them, how they ought to be punished, that
 procured the said statute, ordinance, and commission to be made.
 Wherevnto with one assent they answered, that they deserued death,
 except the king of his grace would pardon them.

 3 Item, it was inquired, how they ought to be punished, which moued
 the king to consent to the making of the said statute, ordinance, and
 commission. Wherevnto they answered, that vnlesse the king would giue
 them his pardon, they ought to lose their liues.

 4 Item, it was inquired of them what punishment they deserued, that
 compelled the king to the making of that statute, ordinance and
 commission. Wherevnto they gaue answer, that they ought to suffer as
 traitors.

 5 Item, it was demanded of them how they ought to be punished that
 interrupted the king so, that he might not exercise those things that
 apperteined to his regalitie and prerogatiue. Wherevnto answer was
 made, that they ought to be punished as traitors.

 6 Item, it was inquired of them, whether that after the affaires
 of the realme, and the cause of the calling togither of the states
 of the parlement, were once by the kings commandement declared and
 opened, and other articles on the kings behalfe limited, vpon which
 the lords and commons of the realme ought to intreat and proceed;
 if the lords neuertheles would proceed vpon other articles, and not
 meddle with those articles which the king had limited, till time the
 king had answered the articles proponed by them, notwithstanding the
 king inioined them to the contrarie: whether in this case the king
 might rule the parlement, and cause them to proceed vpon the articles
 by him limited, before they proceeded any further? To which question
 it was answered, that the king should haue in this part the rule, for
 order of all such articles to be prosecuted, vntill the end of the
 parlement. And if any presumed to go contrarie to this rule, he was to
 be punished as a traitor.

 7 Item, it was asked, whether the king when soeuer it pleased him
 might not dissolue the parlement, and command the lords and commons to
 depart from thence or not? Wherevnto it was answered that he might.
 |783|

 8 Item, it was inquired, that for somuch as it was in the king to
 remooue such iustices and officers as offend, and to punish them for
 their offenses; whether the lords commons might, without the kings
 will, impeach the same officers and iustices, vpon their offenses in
 parlement or not? To this answer was made, that they might not, and he
 that attempted contrarie, was to suffer as a traitor.

 9 Item, it was inquired, how he is to be punished, that mooued in the
 parlement, that the statute wherin Edward, the sonne of king Edward,
 great grandfather to the king that now is, was indicted in parlement,
 might be sent for; by inspection of which statute, the said new
 statute or ordinance and commission were conceiued, and deuised in the
 parlement?

 To which question, with one accord, as in all the residue they
 answered, that as well he that so summoned, as the other, which by
 force of the same motion, brought the said statute into the parlement
 house, be as publike offendors and traitors to be punished.

 10 Item, it was inquired of them, whether the iudgment giuen in
 the parlement against Michaell de la Poole earle of Suffolke, were
 erronious and reuocable, or not?

 To which question likewise with one assent they said, that if the same
 iudgement were now to be giuen, the iustices and sergeant aforesaid
 would not giue the same: bicause it seemed to them, that the said
 iudgment is reuocable and erronious in euerie part.

 In witnesse of the premisses, the iustices & sergeant aforesaid to
 these presents haue set their seals, these being witnesses; Alexander
 archbishop of Yorke, Robert archbishop of Dubline, Iohn bishop of
 Durham, Thomas bishop of Chester, Iohn bishop of Bangor, Robert duke
 of Ireland, Michaell erle of Suffolke, Iohn Ripon clearke, and Iohn
 Blake.

[Sidenote: _Thom. Wals._

The lords indicted of diuerse offenses.]

Now beside these iustices and sergeant, there were called at that
present vnto Notingham, all other iustices of the realme, and the
shiriffes. Also, diuerse of the citie of London, which the king knew
would incline to his will, the rather; for that some of them, hauing
aforetime confessed treason against the king by them imagined, and
obteining pardon for the same, were readie at his commandement, to
recompense such fauour, in the accomplishment of whatsoeuer they
knew might stand with his pleasure. Herevpon, they being impanelled
to inquire of certeine treasons that were supposed to be committed
by the lords, which in the last parlement had so caused things to
passe, contrarie to the kings pleasure, indicted the same lords of
manie crimes informed against them. ¶ The Londoners indeed were euill
reported of in those daies, by some writers, for their vnstablenesse,
one while holding on the kings part, and with such as were chéefe in
counsell about him; and an other while on the lords side that were of a
contrarie faction: according as the streame of their affections draue
them, and as they were carried awaie perforce by the floud of their
variable willes, whereby they were diuided into differing passions, as
they were assaulted by sundrie and vncerteine desires: which is the
nature of the people, as the poet noteth, saieng:

 Scinditur incertum studia in contraria vulgus.

[Sidenote: Why the shiriffes of all shires were sent for to the court.

Soldiers reteined on all sides by the king against the lords.]

But now, as concerning the cause whie the shiriffes were called hither,
it was chéeflie to vnderstand what power of men they might assure the
king of, to serue him against the lords and barons, whome he tooke to
be his enimies: and further, that where he meant to call a parlement
verie shortlie, they should so vse the matter, that no knight might be
chosen, but such as the king and his councell should name. But answer
was made herevnto by the shiriffes, that the lords were so highlie
beloued of the commons, that it laie not in their powers to assemble
any great forces against the lords; and as for choosing the knights of
the shires, they said that the commons would vndoubtedlie vse their
ancient liberties, and priuileges, in choosing such as they thought
meetest. But yet, after that the indictments were found, according
to the desire of the king and his councellors, and that those which
had béene called about this matter, were licenced to depart home; the
king and the duke of Ireland sent messengers into euerie part of the
realme, to reteine men of warre to assist |784| them in the quarell
against the lords, if néed were. Manie made answer, that sith they
knew the lords to be faithfull and loiall to the king, euen from the
bottome of their hearts, and were readie to studie, to deuise, and to
doo all things that might tend to his honor, and wealth of the realme;
they might not by anie meanes beare armour against them. But a great
number of other, that tooke it that they were reteined for a good and
necessarie purpose, promised to be readie, whensoeuer it should please
the king to send for them.

[Sidenote: The duke of Glocesters protestation vpon his oth.]

The lords being in this meane while aduertised of these dooings, were
striken with great heauinesse, for that not knowing themselues (as they
tooke it) giltie of anie offense, the king should thus seeke their
destruction. Herewith the duke of Glocester, meaning to mitigate the
kings displeasure, receiued a solemne oth before the bishop of London,
and diuerse other lords, protesting by the same oth, that he neuer
imagined, nor went about any thing, to the kings hinderance, but to
his power had alwaies doone what he might to aduance the kings honor,
prosperous state and good liking, except onelie that he had giuen no
good countenance to the duke of Ireland, whom the king so much loued.
And suerlie for that the said duke had dishonored his kinswoman, and
the kings also, he was firmelie determined to reuenge that iniurie vpon
him; and herewith he besought the bishop of London to declare what his
words were vnto the king.

[Sidenote: Stout words of the bishop of London.]

The bishop comming to the king, made report of the duke of Glocesters
protestation, confirmed with his oth, in such wise, as the king began
somewhat to be persuaded that it was true. But when the earle of
Suffolke perceiued that, fearing least the reconciliation of the king
and the duke his vncle should turne to his vndooing, he began to speake
against the duke, till the bishop bad him hold his peace; and told him,
that it nothing became him to speake at all. And when the earle asked
why so; “Bicause (said the bishop) thou wast in the last parlement
condemned for an euill person, and one not worthie to liue, but onelie
it pleaseth the king to shew thée fauour.” The king offended with the
bishops presumptuous words, commanded him to depart & get him home
to his church, who foorthwith departed, and declared to the duke of
Glocester what he had heard and séene. Herevpon, the great misliking
that had beene afore time betwixt the king and the lords, was now more
vehementlie increased, the duke of Ireland, the earle of Suffolke, the
archbishop of Yorke, the lord chiefe iustice Robert Trisilian, and
others, still procuring, stirring, and confirming the kings heauie
displeasure against the lords.

[Sidenote: The lords confer how to preuēt the perils pretended against
them.

The earle of Northumberland sent to apprehend the earle of Arundell.]

The duke of Glocester considering to what conclusion these things
tended, came secretlie to conference with the earles of Arundell,
Warwike, and Derbie, who were in like danger, if they prouided not
more spéedilie for their safetie, wherevpon he discouered to them the
perill wherein they all stood in common, so that when they weied what
was the most expedient meane to safe gard their liues, they gathered
their power togither, determining to talke with the king with their
armour vpon their backes, for their more suertie, as well concerning
his pretense to bring them to their deaths, as for the fauour which he
bare to those whom they reputed to be traitors, both to him, and to the
whole state of the realme, whereby the same could not auoid spéedie
ruine, if remedie were not the sooner prouided. The king on the other
part tooke aduise, how he might apprehend these lords (whom he tooke
to be plaine traitors) ech one apart, before they might gather their
strengths about them; and first, he sent the earle of Northumberland
and others, vnto the castell of Reigate, to take the earle of Arundell,
who laie there at that present. But howsoeuer it fortuned, the earle of
Northumberland came backe, and failed to accomplish that which he had
in commandement.

[Sidenote: The earle of Arundell ioineth with the other lords.]

After this, a great number were sent by night, to haue laid hands on
him, and to haue brought him to the kings presence; or in case he
resisted, to haue slaine him, if by any meanes they might: but he being
warned by a messenger, that came to him from the duke of Glocester,
conueied himselfe awaie, and with such bands as he had got togither,
rode all that night, so that in the morning hauing passed thirtie
miles, not without great trauell, and |785| all speed possible, he was
in the morning aduanced to Haringie parke, where he found the duke of
Glocester, and the earle of Warwike, with a great power of men about
them. ¶ At the same time the king was about to set forward towards
Canturburie, there to performe some vow of pilgrimage, which he had
vndertaken to make vnto the shrine of Thomas Becket. But a brute was
raised, and a slander (belike) contriued, to bring him in further
hatred of his subiects, that he meant to steale ouer into France, vnto
the French king, hauing promised to deliuer vp into his hands the towne
of Calis, with the castell of Guines, and all the fortresses which his
predecessors had possessed in those parties, either by right from their
ancestors, or by warlike conquest.

[Sidenote: Councell taken how to deale against the lords.]

Howbeit this his iournie to Canturburie was suddenlie staied, vpon
knowledge had of the gathering togither of the lords in Haringie
parke, wherewith the king being sore amazed, called togither such as
he trusted, to vnderstand what their opinion was of the matter; and
vnderstanding that the purposed intention of the lords, for which they
were so assembled, was to this end (as they pretended) to bring him
vnto a better trade of life, and more profitable order of gouernement,
he was streight striken with no small feare, demanding of them their
aduise, what was best for him to doo in such troublesome state of
things. Some were of this mind, that it should be best to séeke to
appease the lords with faire promises, assuring them, that they should
haue their desires. Other thought it better to assemble the kings
friends, and ioining them with the Londoners, to go foorth and trie the
hazard of battell with the lords. Among them that were of this mind,
the archbishop of Yorke was the chiefest. But other that were thought
to vnderstand more of the world than he did, iudged it not wisedome so
to doo, considering that if the king lost the field, then should great
harme and dishonor follow; and if the victorie fell to his side, yet
could he gaine naught, but lose a great number of his subiects.

[Sidenote: The lords send messengers to the king.]

This was in Nouember, at what time the king, vpon his returning from
Canturburie, meant to haue holden a parlement; but through those
stirs, neither his iournie to Canturburie, nor the parlement went
forward: yet he caused order to be giuen, that no citizen of London
should sell to the duke of Glocester, the earle of Arundell, or any
other of the lords, any armour, bowes, arrowes, or other munition, or
matter that might tend to the furniture of warre, vpon a great paine.
But notwithstanding, the lords went forward with their businesse; and
before they approched the citie of London, they sent to the king the
archbishop of Canturburie, the lord Iohn Louell, the lord Cobham, and
the lord Iohn Deuereux, requiring to haue deliuered vnto them such as
were about him, that were traitors and seducers both of him and the
realme, that sought nothing else, but to trouble both poore and rich,
and to sow discord and variance betwixt the king and his nobles. And
further, they declared that their comming was for the honor and wealth
both of the king and realme.

[Sidenote: A rash answer of the maior of London.

The Londoners refuse to fight against the lords.]

But the king being ruled altogither by the duke of Ireland, the earle
of Suffolke, and two or three other, was fullie persuaded that the
lords intended to bring him vnder their gouernement, and therfore he
was counselled to make the French king his sure friend in all vrgent
necessities. And to be assured of him, it was reported, that those
councellors aduised him to render vp into the French kings hands the
towne of Calis, and all that he had else in possession, on the further
side of the sea. Howsoeuer this matter went, truth it is, that the king
sent for the maior of London, requiring to know of him how manie able
men they thought the citie could make. The maior answered, that he
thought verely the citizens might make in time of need, fiftie thousand
men, within an houres respit. Well said the king, then I beseech you go
and prooue what will be done. But when the maior began to attempt the
matter, he was answered generallie, that they would neuer fight against
the kings freends, and defenders of the realme (as indeed they tooke
the lords to be) but against the enimies of the king and realme they
would alwaies be readie to fight, and shew what resistance they were
able. This answer the maior reported to the king. |786|

[Sidenote: The earle of Northumberlands and the lord Bassets words to
the king in the behalfe of the lords.]

At the same time there was about the king the lord Rafe Basset, who
said thus to the king flatlie and plainelie: “Sir, I haue béene,
and euer will be your true liege man, and my bodie and goods shall
euer be at your graces commandement, in all iustice and trueth. But
neuerthelesse, hereof I assure you, that if my hap be to come into
the field, I will without faile alwaies follow the true part; and it
is not I that will aduenture to haue my head broken for the duke of
Irelands pleasure.” Likewise, the earle of Northumberland, being at
that time in the court, spake these words to the king; “Sir, there is
no doubt but these lords, who now be in the field, alwaies haue beene
your true and faithfull subiects, and yet are, not intending to attempt
anie thing against your state, wealth, & honor. Neuerthelesse, they
féele themselues sore molested and disquieted, by the wicked deuises of
certeine persons about you, that seeke to oppresse them. And verilie
without faile, all your realme is sore greeued therewith, both great
and small, as well lords as commons; and I sée not the contrarie, but
they mind to aduenture their liues with the lords that are thus in
armes, speciallie in this case, which they reckon to be yours and your
realmes. And sir, now yée be in the cheefe place of your realme, and in
the place of your coronation, order your selfe now therefore wiselie
and like a king. Send to them to come before your presence in some
publike place, where they may declare vnto you the intent and purpose
of their comming, accompanied with so great a number of people into
these parts, and I beléeue it verelie, they will shew such reasons that
you will hold them excused.”

[Sidenote: The lords take an oth togither, to prosecute their purposed
enterprise.]

The archbishop of Canturburie, and the lord chancellor bishop of Elie,
and other of the bishops also there present, affirmed the earles aduise
to be good. And the king considering wiselie the case as it stood,
began to be appeased, and accorded to follow their aduise, desiring
the archbishop of Canturburie, and the bishop of Elie, to aduertise
them of his plesure, which was, that he willed them to come to him to
Westminster, on sundaie then next following; and so they repairing to
the lords, made report to them of the kings mind and purpose. But the
duke of Glocester, and the other lords, were so fullie bent in their
opinion, that they swore all whole togither, that they would neuer
giue ouer their enterprise, so long as they had a penie to spend, in
maintenance of their cause: and if it chanced anie of them to depart
this life, the ouerliuers should persist therein, vntill the time that
they had brought their purpose to some good effect.

[Sidenote: The lords séeke the fauour of the Londoners.

_Thom. Wals._]

And bicause they doubted least the king might stirre the citie of
London against them, they determined first to aduertise the maior
and the citie, how their comming was onlie to reforme certeine great
enormities, which they set downe in writing, & sent it to the maior
and citizens, beseeching them of their fauour and counsell therin.
This doone, they determined yet to kéepe their daie on the sundaie
following, to appeare before the kings presence: but this was not got
of them, till that the lord chancellor, with diuerse other noblemen of
good credit, had vndertaken vpon their oths for the kings behalfe, that
no fraud nor deceipt, no perill nor euill pretense should be put in
practise against the lords, wherby they might come to losse either of
life, limme, or goods, or otherwise, through the kings means; but that
if he should go about anie such things, the said lord chancellor and
other the mediators should forwarne the lords therof.

[Sidenote: An ambush at Mewes.]

When therefore the lords were readie, according to couenant, to come
vnto Westminster, they were secretlie aduertised, that there was an
ambush laid in a place called the Mewes, and so they staied, and came
not at the appointed houre. Wherevpon, when the king demanded, how
it fortuned that the lords kept not promise, the bishop of Elie lord
Chancellor made him this answer; “Bicause” saith he, “there is an
ambush of a thousand armed men or more laid in such a place (and named
it) contrarie to couenant, and therefore they neither come nor hold
you for faithfull of your word.” The king hearing this, was astonied,
and said with an oth, that he knew of no such thing, & withall sent to
the shiriffes of London, commanding them to go to the Mewes, and (vpon
search made) if they found anie force of men there assembled, to take
and kill all such as they |787| could laie hands vpon. But sir Thomas
Triuet, and sir Nitholas Brambre, knight, that had in déed assembled
such a number of men, when they vnderstood what order the king had
giuen therein, they sent their men backe to London.

[Sidenote: The lords come before the kings presence in Westminster hall.

The lord chācelor speaketh for the king to the lords.]

The lords, after this, receiuing a safe conduct from the king, and
perceiuing all to be safe and cleare, came vnto Westminster with a
strong power of men about them. The king, when he heard they were
come, apparelled himselfe in his kinglie robes, and with his scepter
in hand came into the great hall at Westminster. The lords as soone
as they had sight of him, made to him their humble obeisance, & went
foorth till they came to the nether steps, going vp to the kings seat
of state, where they made their second obeisance; & then the king
gaue them countenance to come néerer to him, & they so did, kneeling
downe before him, & foorthwith he rose from his place, and louinglie
welcomming them, tooke each of them by the hand, and that doone sate
him downe againe. Herewith the bishop of Elie lord chancellor, as
mouth to the king, declared vnto these lords in effect as followeth.
“My lords (said he) our souereigne lord the king, hearing that you
were assembled in Haringie parke, in other maner than was conuenient,
would not foorthwith run vpon you with force to destroie you, as he
might easilie haue doone, if he had not wished your safetie; for no man
doubteth, but if his pleasure had béene to gather an armie, he might
haue had more people than you could haue got to haue taken part with
you against him, and so happilie much bloud might haue béene spilt,
which thing certeinlie our souereigne lord the king vtterlie abhorreth:
and therefore vsing patience and mildnesse, he hath rather chosen to
talke with you in peaceable wise, that he may vnderstand the cause whie
yée haue assembled so great a number of people togither.”

[Sidenote: The answer of the lords & their gréefes.

The king reprooueth the lords dooings.]

The lords for answer héerevnto said, that “they assembled their forces
togither, for the profit both of the king and realme, and speciallie to
take awaie from him such traitors as remained continuallie about him;
to wit, Robert de Veer duke of Ireland, Alexander Neuill archbishop of
Yorke, Michaell de la Poole erle of Suffolke, Robert Trisilian that
false iustice, and sir Nicholas Brambre, that disloiall knight of
London: for so they tearmed them all. And to prooue their accusations
true, they threw downe their gloues, protesting by their oths to
prosecute it by battell.” “Naie (saith the king) not so, but in the
next parlement, which we doo appoint before hand to begin the morrow
after the Purification of our ladie, both they and you appearing, shall
receiue (according to law) all that which reason shall appoint. And now
to you my lords I speake, by what meane or by what reason durst you so
presumptuouslie take vpon you within this my land to rise thus against
me? Did you thinke to feare me with such your presumptuous boldnesse?
Haue I not armed men sufficient to haue beaten you downe, compassed
about like a sort of deere in a toil? If I would: trulie in this
behalfe I make no more account of you, than of the vilest skullions in
my kitchen.”

[Sidenote: The king taketh both parties into his protection.

_Grafton._]

When he had said these words, with much more, he lift vp the duke
of Glocester that all this while knéeled afore him, and commanded
the residue to rise also. After this he led them courteouslie to his
chamber, where they sate and dranke togither. And finallie it was
concluded, that they should all méet togither againe at the next
parlement, and ech one to receiue according to iustice: and in the
meane time the king tooke aswell the duke of Glocester, as the duke of
Ireland into his protection, so that neither part in the meane time
should hurt the other, nor presume to make any gathering of people
vntill the time prefixed: and so this councell brake vp, and the lords
departed. These things yet were doone in absence of the forenamed
persons whom the lords accused, for they durst not appeare in presence
of the lords; for if they had béene espied, they had smarted for it,
as was thought, without any respect that would haue béene had of the
kings presence. And now, for somuch as it should be well knowne through
all the citie, that these lords had nothing offended him with their
comming, the king caused a proclamation to be made, the tenour whereof
was as followeth. |788|


A proclamation clearing the lords of treason.

 RICHARD by the grace of God, &c. We will that it be knowne to all our
 liege people throughout our realme of England, that whereas Thomas
 duke of Glocester, Richard earle of Arundell, & Thomas earle of
 Warwike, haue beene defamed of treason by certeine of our councellors;
 we as it apperteineth diligentlie searching the ground & cause of this
 defamation, find no such thing in them, nor any suspicion thereof:
 wherfore we declare the same defamation to be false, and vntrue, and
 doo receiue the same duke and earles into our speciall protection.
 And bicause these accusers shall be notoriouslie knowne, their names
 are Alexander archbishop of Yorke, sir Robert Veere duke of Ireland,
 Michaell de la Poole earle of Suffolke, Robert Trisilian lord chiefe
 iustice, and sir Nicholas Brambre of London knight, who in like
 case shall remaine till the next parlement and there shall stand to
 their answers. But in the meane time we likewise take them into our
 protection, streictlie charging and commanding, that no maner of
 person charge any of the forenamed, either priuilie or apertlie, in
 word or deed, to hurt them, or or cause any hurt to be doone to them,
 but all quarels & demands against them to be remitted, vntill the next
 parlement prefixed.

Now to haue all things in more perfect readinesse and remembrance
when the estates should be assembled, certeine of the lords were
appointed to sit in the meane time, to deuise how they might procéed
orderlie in redresse of such matters, as séemed to require some spéedie
reformation: neither did they thinke it good to depart in sunder,
for feare to be intrapped through the malicious practise of their
aduersaries. Which doubt of theirs seemed afterwards to stand them in
stéed of great wisedome. For immediatlie after, their said aduersaries
came to the king, and declared how they were dailie in danger of their
liues, by reason of the malice which the lords had conceiued against
them onelie for the kings sake, and not for any matter of their owne.
And whereas the king had promised that they should appeare at the next
parlement, which was at hand, they told him plainelie that they neither
durst nor would put their bodies in such manifest danger. The king
considering hereof, withdrew himselfe from the companie of the lords
that were assigned to sit at London, to deliberate of matters that were
to be talked of and ordered in the parlement; and so that councell was
deferred and laid aside: and the kings councellors that stood in danger
of their liues through the malice of the lords confederated with the
duke of Glocester, got them from the court, and withdrew some into this
place and some into that.

[Sidenote: The earle of Suffolke fléeth ouer to Calis.

_Grafton._]

Among other the earle of Suffolke fled ouer vnto Calis in secret wise,
by the helpe of a knight called sir William Hoo, who holpe to conueie
him thither. He had changed his apparell, and shauen his beard, and
so disguised, counterfeited himself to be a poulter, and to sell
certeine foule which he had gotten, by which means he was not knowne,
till at length comming to the gates of the castell (wherof his brother
sir Edmund de la Poole was capteine) he discouered to him (scarselie
knowing who he was, by reason he was so disguised) the whole occasion
of his repairing thither, requiring him to keepe his counsell, and that
he might remaine with him in priuie maner for a time, till he might
heare more how things went in England, from whence he was thus fled,
to auoid the bloudie hands of his enimies, that sought his life. His
brother doubting what might be laid to his charge if he shuld conceale
this matter from the lord William Beauchampe lord deputie of the towne,
streightwaies aduertised him thereof, who tooke order that the earle
should foorthwith be sent backe againe into England to the king, who
receiued him with small thanks to them that brought him ouer, so that
(as some write) his brother being one, was committed to prison for
disclosing him. But yet bicause it should not séeme that he |789|
imprisoned him for that cause, he was shortlie after set at libertie,
and returned againe to his charge at Calis. The earle was also
permitted to go whither he would, although the king had vndertaken to
present him and others at the next parlement to answer their offenses,
as the same might be laid to their charge.

[Sidenote: A commission to the shiriffe of Cheshire to safe conduct the
duke of Ireland to the kings presence.]

¶ But here it may be doubted by the vncertentie of writers, whether
the earle of Suffolke thus fled ouer to Calis, before the iournie
at Ratcote bridge, or after. But whether it chanced either after or
before, it is certeine that since the time that the lords had forced
the king to promise to exhibit him and others at the next parlement
to abide their trials, he durst not openlie remaine in the court, but
taking leaue of the king departed from him. Whervpon the king being out
of quiet for the absence of him and other his best beloued councellors,
whom he so much esteemed, and namelie of the duke of Ireland, and the
said earle of Suffolke, he appointed one Thomas Molineux constable of
the castell of Chester, a man of high valiancie, and great power in
the parties of Cheshire and Lancashire to raise an armie of men, with
the assistance of the shiriffe of Cheshire, to whom his commission of
authoritie in that behalfe, vnder the great seale was directed, to the
end that they might conueie the duke of Ireland in all safetie vnto the
kings presence.

[Sidenote: The lords séeke to stop the passage of the duke of Ireland.]

The shiriffe hauing receiued this commission, togither with the
foresaid Thomas Molineux raised a power, and such as refused to serue,
in respect of such good will as they bare to the lords, he committed
to prison, commanding the gailors to kéepe them streict in irons with
bread and water till his returne. Moreuer, the king sent to sir Rafe
Vernon, & sir Richard Ratcliffe, willing them to assist the other. And
so thus they set forward with the number of fiue thousand men. When the
lords vnderstood that the duke of Ireland was marching towards London,
with such a power of men, meaning to ioine with the Londoners, and so
to make as it had beene an inuincible armie, they bestirred themselues,
and fell in hand to arme their men, and to exhort one another, that
now they should not be negligent in their owne defense, but make hast
for the dispatching of those that craftilie had gone about to conspire
their deaths. And so these lords, to wit, the duke of Glocester, the
earles of Derbie, Arundell, Warwike, and Notingham, assembled their
powers out of all quarters, to incounter with the duke of Ireland; and
when they had got their companies togither, they forelaid all the waies
by which he was thought to come.

[Sidenote: The duke of Ireland his souldiers reuolt frō him.

The duke of Ireland flieth frō his armie.

_Virg. Aeneid. 9._]

But the duke of Ireland hauing with him Molineux, Vernon, and
Ratcliffe, rode forward in statelie and glorious araie, with an armie
(as ye haue heard) of fiue thousand men, supposing that none durst come
foorth to withstand him. Neuerthelesse when he came to Ratcote bridge,
not past foure miles from Cheping Norton (which bridge if he could haue
passed, he had béene out of the danger of all enimies) he suddenlie
espied where the armie of the lords laie, not far distant from him,
readie in the midst of a vallie to abide his comming. Some of the earle
of Derbies companie had broken the bridge, & so stopped his passage.
He therefore perceiuing his enimies intention, staied, and caused
the kings banner to be spred, and began to set a good countenance of
the matter, and to exhort his people to shew themselues valiant; and
herewith caused the trumpets to sound. But when it appeared that as
some were readie to fight in his quarell, so there were other that
quite forsooke him, and said flatlie they would not fight against so
manie noble men, in so vniust a cause: he being thereof aduertised,
began to wax faint-harted, and to prepare himselfe to escape by
flight; and declaring no lesse openlie vnto them, said: “Before we
come to ioine, I will séeke to withdraw my selfe out of the waie, and
saue my selfe if I can; for me they onlie seeke, against you they
haue no quarell, so that I being shifted awaie, you shall easilie be
preserued.” Herewith one of the knights said to him; “You haue brought
vs out of our countrie, you haue procured vs to giue you our promise,
you haue caused vs to take this iournie in hand: here therefore are
we readie to fight & win the victorie with you, if our hap be such;
or if fortune will not so fauour us, we are readie to spend our liues
with you.” “No” said he, “ye shall not so doo,” and |790| forthwith
striking his horsse with spurs, he fled from them for feare which had
set wings on héeles, as one saith:

 ――pedibus timor addidit alas.

[Sidenote: Thomas Molineux slaine.]

Herevpon manie that were with him, cursing this his demeanour, prepared
to yeeld themselues to the lords. But Thomas Molineux determined
to fight it out, sith the lords were not yet all come togither to
that place, but onelie the earle of Derbie and certeine others.
Neuerthelesse, after he had fought a while, and perceiued it would
not auaile him to tarie longer, as one despairing of the victorie,
betooke him likewise to flight, as the duke of Ireland had led him the
waie: and plunging into the riuer, which was at hand, it chanced that
sir Thomas Mortimer being present amongst other at the same place,
willed him to come out of the water vnto him; for if he would not, he
threatened to shoot him through with arrowes in the riuer where he
stood. “If I come (said Molineux) will ye saue my life?” “I will make
thée no such promise (said sir Thomas Mortimer) but notwithstanding,
either come vp, or thou shalt presentlie die for it.” “Well then (said
Molineux) if there be no other remedie, suffer me to come vp, and let
me trie with hand-blowes, either with you or some other, and so die
like a man.” But as he came vp, the knight caught him by the helmet,
plucked it off his head, & streightwaies drawing foorth his dagger,
stroke him into the braines, and so dispatched him. This was the end
of sir Thomas Molineux, which through his bold and rash aduenture, in
a most dangerous and desperat case, he pulled vpon himselfe; and might
as well haue auoided as incurred, if the same prouident care of safetie
had taken him in the head that mooued the duke of Ireland to take
flight for his indemnitie: wherein he séemed to remember that there is
no safe attempting of any perilous enterprise without dread of danger:
for he that can tell when a thing is to be feared, can tell in like
sort when it is to be vndertaken; as the wiseman verie sententiouslie
saith:

 Animus vereri qui scit, scit tutò aggredi.

[Sidenote: The duke of Ireland flieth into Holland.]

In the meane time, the duke of Ireland (as ye haue heard) séeking to
escape by flight, came to the riuers side; but finding the bridge
broken, he galoped till he found an other bridge, where he found a
number of archers readie to stop his passage. When he saw that he
was thus inclosed with his enimies on the one side, and the riuer of
Thames on the other, he thought to put all in aduenture; and casting
awaie his gantlets, and sword (to be the more nimble) gaue his horsse
the spurres, and lept into the riuer; but missing the foord, and not
able to land with his horsse on the further side, he forsooke him, and
swimming ouer so well as he might, got to the banke, and so escaped.
It was now night, and therefore his enimies hauing no knowledge of
the countrie, followed him not; but his horsse, helmet, curasses,
gantlets, and sword being found, it was thought verelie that he had
béene drowned. The next newes heard of him, was that he had passed
the seas, and was got into Holland, where he had no great freendlie
welcome, by reason that Albert duke of Bauiere, who was lord of that
countrie, bare such good will to his coosins of England, the dukes of
Lancaster, Yorke, and Glocester, that he commanded this duke of Ireland
to depart foorth of his countrie, as immediatlie therevpon he did, from
thence resorting to the bishoprike of Vtreict, and after into other
countries, till finallie he ended the course of his life, as after in
place conuenient shall appeare.

[Sidenote: Letters foūd in the duke of Irelands trunks.

Burford.]

But now to returne to the armies where we left them. After the duke was
fled, and Thomas Molineux slaine (as before ye haue heard) the armie of
the lords set vpon the people that were come with the duke of Ireland
(as hath béene said) foorth of Chesshire, Lancashire, and Wales; and
taking them as enimies, spoiled them of their horsse, armor, bowes and
arrowes. The knights and esquiers had their armor and horsses againe to
them restored, and were reteined with the lords to serue them: but the
commons without either armor or weapon were sent home, and had no other
harme done vnto them. The duke of Irelands cariage being taken, letters
were found in his trunkes or males, which the king had written to him,
exhorting him with all spéed to repaire vnto London, with |791| what
power he might make, and there he should find him readie to liue and
die with him. Such was the conclusion of this battell, which happened
néere vnto Burford, fast by Bablake, to the great reioising of manie
through the realme, for that the enimies thereof (as they tooke the
matter) were thus ouerthrowne. But yet the escaping awaie of the duke
of Ireland did somewhat mitigate their ioy, for what was become of him
it was vncerteine. After this the duke of Glocester, and the other
lords went to Oxford, being sorie that their fortune was not to haue
taken the duke of Ireland.

[Sidenote: _Tho. Walsi._

A brute raised that king Richard meant to yéeld vp Calis into the
French kings hands.]

At the same time, or rather before, the archbishop of Yorke, and the
lord chiefe iustice sir Robert Trisilian, fearing the indignation of
the lords, withdrew out of the waie, and durst not be séene. But now
the lords, who after the iournie at Radcote bridge, were come (as ye
haue heard) to Oxford; we find that the same time a brute was raised
(whether of truth or not, we haue neither to affirme nor denie) how
there was a messenger taken being sent from the French king with
letters, in which was conteined a licence of safe conduct, for the king
of England, the duke of Ireland, and others, to come to Bullongne,
with a certeine number limited, where they should find the French
king come downe thither readie to receiue them, to the end that for
a certeine summe of monie, which the French king should giue to the
king of England, the towne of Calis, and all the fortresses in those
parts, which were in the Englishmens hands, should be deliuered to the
Frenchmen; and further that the king of England should doo his homage
to the French king, for the lands which he held in Gascoigne, and so to
haue acknowledged himselfe his liege man. The lords (as was reported)
hauing got these letters, and taken counsell togither how to procéed in
their businesse, to bring the same to good end, remoued from Oxford,
and on Christmas euen they came to S. Albons, and there staied that
daie and the next.

[Sidenote: The lords come to London with a great armie.

K. Richard kéepeth his Christmas in the Tower of London.

The lords send to the Maior and citizens of London to vnderstand their
meaning.

The Londoners in great perplexitie which part to take.]

On saint Stephans daie they tooke their waie to London with an armie
of fortie thousand men, as some write; & comming into the fields
besides Clerkenwell, mustered their men, being diuided in thrée
seuerall battels verie well appointed with armor and weapon, that it
was a beautifull sight to behold them. The king kept his Christmas,
not at Westminster, but in the Tower; not douting but there to be
defended what chance soeuer should happen. The lords mistrusting the
Londoners, lodged them with their people in the suburbs. They sent yet
two knights, and two esquiers, vnto the Maior and Aldermen men of the
citie, to vnderstand whether they were minded to take part with them,
or with the duke of Ireland, and his adherents, traitors (as they
tearmed them) both to the king and the realme. The Londoners were now
in no small feare and perplexitie, not knowing well what waie was best
for them to take, weieng diuers perils; as first the kings displeasure,
if they opened their gates vnto the lords; and if they shut them
foorth, they feared the indignation and wrath of the commons that were
come thither with the lords, and were readie to breake downe their wals
and gates, if they were neuer so little prouoked. Besides this, they
stoode most in doubt, least if the wealthiest citizens should not giue
their consent to receiue the lords into the citie, the meaner sort, and
such as wished rather to sée some hurlie burlie than to continue in
peace, would séeke by force to set open the gates, and make waie for
the lords and their people to enter, that they might make hauocke, and
spoile whatsoeuer might be found of value in the rich mens houses.

[Sidenote: The Londoners incline to the lords.

The lords enter into London.

The kings words touching the lords procéedings.]

These doubts with all the circumstances being well weied and
considered, the Maior Nicholas Exton, and certeine of the chiefe men
in the citie, went foorth to the lords, and offered them to lodge in
the citie at their pleasure, with all things necessarie as they should
deuise. The Maior caused also wine, ale, bread, and chéese, to be
distributed among the armie, so as ech one had part, which courtesie
turned greatlie afterwards to the commoditie of the citie. The lords
vpon search made, perceiuing that there was no guile meant by laieng
of men in ambushes within the citie to intrappe them, or otherwise,
but that all was sure inough and cleare without anie such euill
meaning, they entred the citie and there abode quietlie. Then went the
archbishop of Canturburie and others betwixt |792| the king and the
lords to make peace betwixt them. But the king at the first seemed
little to estéeme the matter, saieng to the archbishop; Well let them
lie here with their great multitude of people hardlie till they haue
spent all they haue, and then I trust they will returne poore inough
and néedie, and then I doubt not but I shall talke with them, and vse
the matter so as iustice maie require.

[Sidenote: The lords refuse to come into y^e Tower but after search
made they come thither to the kings presence.]

The lords being informed hereof, were maruelouslie mooued, and sware
that they would not depart till they had spoken with him face to face,
and foorthwith they sent part of their companies to watch the Thames,
for feare the king should scape their hands, and then laugh them to
scorne. When the king then perceiued himselfe to be inclosed on ech
side, he talked eftsoones with the archbishop and his associats that
were messengers betwixt him and the lords, willing them to declare to
the lords that he would be contented to treat with them in reasonable
order; wherevpon they required that he should on the morow next insuing
come vnto Westminster, where he should vnderstand their demands. When
the king heard that, he refused to come vnto Westminster, but willed
that they should come to him there in the Tower. The lords sent him
word againe, that the Tower was a place to be suspected, for that
they might there be surprised by some guilefull practise deuised to
intrap them. The king herevnto made answer, that they might send some
two hundred men, or so manie as they should thinke good, to make a
through search, whether they néeded to feare anie such thing; and this
accordinglie was doone: they hauing the keies of the gates and of all
the strong chambers, turrets, and places within the Tower sent vnto
them.

[Sidenote: _R. Grafton._

_Thom. Wals._

The lords open their gréefes to the king.]

On the fridaie, the duke of Glocester, the earls of Derbie, and
Notingham, came to the king, where he was set in a pauillion richlie
arraied; and after their humble salutations done, and some talke had
betwixt them, they went at the kings request with him into his chamber,
where they recited vnto him the conspiracie of their aduersaries,
through which they had béen indicted. They also shewed forth the
letters which he had sent to the duke of Ireland, to leauie an armie
vnto their destruction. Likewise the letters, which the French king
had written to him, conteining a safe conduct for him to come into
France, there to confirme things to the diminishing of his honor, to
the decaie of his power, & losse of his fame. ¶ During the time of this
communication also, the earle of Derbie desired the king to behold
the people that were assembled in sight before the Tower, for the
preseruation of him and his realme: which he did, and maruelling to sée
such a goodlie armie and strength, as he declared to them no lesse, the
duke of Glocester said vnto him; Sir this is not the tenth part of your
willing subjects that haue risen to destroie those false traitors, that
haue misled you with their wicked and naughtie counsell.

[Sidenote: _R. Grafton._

_Tho. Walsing._

The incōstancie of the king.]

The king being brought to his wits end, aswell with those things which
the lords had charged him with, as otherwise with the sight of that
great multitude of people, seemed greatlie amazed. Wherevpon the lords,
vnder condition that the next daie he should come to Westminster to
heare more of their minds, and to conclude further for the behoofe of
the common-wealth of the realme, began to take leaue of him, meaning
so to depart: but the king desired them to tarrie all night with him
and the quéene. The duke thinking to make all sure, made excuse that he
durst not be absent from all those folks, which they had brought with
them, for feare that some disorder might arise, either in the armie,
or in the citie; yet at the kings instance, the earles of Notingham
and Derbie taried there all night. The king before his going to bed,
was quite turned concerning his determination and promise made to go
the next daie to Westminster, through such whispering tales as was put
into his eares, by some that were about him, telling him that it stood
neither with his safetie, nor honour, so lightlie to agree to depart
from the tower, vnto such place as the lords had thus appointed him, to
serue more for their purpose than for suertie of his person.

[Sidenote: The K. is cōpelled to condescend to the lords request.]

When the lords therefore vnderstood that he would not keepe promise
with them, they were greatlie offended, insomuch as they sent him
flat word, that if he would not come |793| (according to promise)
they would suerlie choose another king, that would and ought to obeie
the faithfull counsell of his lords. The king with this message being
touched to quicke, to satisfie their minds, and to auoid further
perill, remooued the next morning vnto Westminster, where the lords
comming before his presence, after a little other talke, they declared
vnto him, that aswell in respect of his owne honour, as the commoditie
& wealth of his kingdome, it was behouefull, that such traitors, and
most wicked & slanderous persons, as were nothing profitable, but
hurtfull to him and his louing subiects, should be remooued out of
his court; and that other that both could and would serue him more
honorablie and faithfullie were placed in their roomes. The king,
although sore against his mind, when he saw how the lords were bent,
and that he wanted power to withstand their pleasures, condescended to
doo what they would haue him.

[Sidenote: Certeine persons put out of the court.

Certeine ladies expelled the court.]

So when he had granted thereto, they iudged that Alexander Neuill
archbishop of Yorke, Iohn Fourdham bishop of Durham lord tresuror,
Thomas Rushoke, a frier of the order of the preachers, bishop of
Chichester, and confessor to the king, were worthie to be auoided the
court. But the archbishop of Yorke, and the bishop of Chichester would
abide no reckonings, but got them out of the waie, and fled, it was not
knowne whither. The lords did expell out of the court the lord Zouch
of Haringworth, the lord Burnell, the lord Beaumont, Albrey de Véer,
Baldwin de Bereford, Richard Aderburie, Iohn Worth, Thomas Clifford,
and Iohn Louell knights. These were dismissed out of the court, and
remooued from the king, but not discharged, for they were constreined
to put in suerties to appeare at the next parlement. There were also
certeine ladies expelled the court, as those that were thought to
doo much harme about the K. to wit, the ladie Poinings, wife to Iohn
Worth of Mowen, and the ladie Moulinge, with others, which also found
suerties to answer at the next parlement, to all such things as might
be obiected against them. Moreouer there were arrested and committed
to seuerall prisons, sir Simon Burlie, William Elmham, Iohn Beauchampe
of Holt steward of the kings house, sir Iohn Salisburie, sir Thomas
Triuet, sir Iames Barneis, sir Nicholas Dagworth, and sir Nicholas
Brambre knights. Also Richard Clifford, Iohn Lincolne, Richard Mitford
the kings chapleins, and Nicholas Sclake deane of the kings chappell,
whose word might doo much in the court. There was also apprehended Iohn
Blake an apprentise of the law: all which persons were kept in streict
ward till the next parlement, in which they were appointed to stand
vnto their triall and answers.

[Sidenote: The parlemēt that wrought woonders.

_R. Grafton._

_Thom. Walsin._

_R. Grafton._

The iustices arrested & sent to the tower.

Why the iustices were apprehended.]

Shortlie after, to wit, the morrow after the Purification of our
ladie, the parlement began, the which was named the parlement that
wrought woonders. The king would gladlie haue proroged the time of
this parlement, if by anie meanes he might. The lords came to the same
parlement, with a sufficient armie for their owne safeties. On the
first day of this parlement, were arrested as they sat in their places,
all the iustices (except sir William Skipworth) as sir Roger Fulthrop,
sir Robert Belknap, sir Iohn Carie, sir Iohn Holt, sir William Brooke,
and Iohn Alocton the kings sergeant at law, all which were sent to the
tower, and there kept in seuerall places. The cause whie they were
thus apprehended, was for that, where in the last parlement, diuerse
lords were made gouernours of the realme, both by the assent of the
same parlement, and also by the aduise and counsell of all the iustices
then being, and indentures tripartite thereof made, of the which one
part remained with the king, an other with the lords so chosen to
gouerne the realme, and the third part with the iustices: and yet
notwithstanding, the said iustices at a councell holden at Notingham
(as yee haue heard before) did go contrarie to that agreement.
Wherevpon it was now determined, that they should make answer to their
dooings.

[Sidenote: The duke of Ireland & his associats attainted of treson by
this parlement.

Trisilian chéefe iustice descried by his owne man is executed at
Tiburne.]

Moreouer, in the beginning of this parlement, were openlie called
Robert Véer duke of Ireland, Alexander Neuill archbishop of Yorke,
Michaell de la Poole earle of Suffolke, sir Robert Trisilian lord
cheefe iustice of England, to answer Thomas of Woodstoke duke of
Glocester, Richard earle of Arundell, Henrie earle of Derbie, and
Thomas earle of Notingham, vpon certeine articles of high treason,
which these lords did charge them with. |794| And forsomuch as none of
these appeared, it was ordeined by the whole assent of the parlement,
that they should be banished for euer, and their lands and goods
mooueable and vnmooueable to be forfeit and seized into the kings
hands, their lands intailed onelie excepted. Shortlie after was the
lord chéefe iustice, Robert Trisilian found in an apothecaries house
at Westminster, lurking there, to vnderstand by spies dailie what was
doone in the parlement: he was descried by one of his owne men, and so
taken and brought to the duke of Glocester, who caused him forthwith
the same daie to be had to the tower, and from thence drawne to
Tiburne, and there hanged.

[Sidenote: Sir Nicholas Brambre executed with an axe of his owne deuise.

_Ouid. li. I. de art._]

On the morrow after, sir Nicholas Brambre, that sometime had beene
maior of London, was brought foorth to iudgement and condemned,
although he had manie fréends that made sute to saue his life. This
man had doone manie oppressions within the citie of London (as was
reported.) In his maioraltie, he caused great & monstruous stocks to
be made to imprison men therein, and also a common axe to strike off
the heads of them which should resist his will and pleasure, for he
was so highlie in the kings fauour, that he might doo what he would.
And the report went, that he had caused eight thousand or more to be
indicted, which before had taken part with the lords, intending to haue
put them all to death, if God had not shortened his daies. Manie other
euill fauoured reports went abroad of him, as that he meant to haue
changed the name of London, and to haue named it little Troie, of which
citie baptised with that new name, he purposed to be intituled duke.
But these were forged rumors deuised and spred abroad in those daies,
as manie other were, partlie by the vaine imagination of the people,
and partlie of purpose, to bring those whome the king fauoured further
out of the peoples liking. But now touching sir Nicholas Brambre: in
the end being thus called to answer his transgressions, he was found
giltie, and had iudgement, neither to be hanged, nor drawne, but to be
beheaded with his owne axe which before he had deuised: seruing him
heerein as Phalaris the tyrant sometime serued Perillus, the inuentor
of that exquisite torment of the brasen bull, wherein the offendor
being put (and the counterfet beast by force of fier made glowing hot)
hauing his toong first cut out, through extreamitie of paine made a
bellowing alwaies as he cried, as if it had béene the verie noise of a
naturall bull. Of which strange torment Perillus himselfe first tasted,
suffering death by an engine of his owne deuising, which he thought
should haue purchased him a good liuing, whereof the poet saith:

 Vt Phalaris tauro violentus membra Perilli
   Torruit, infelix imbuit autor opus.

[Sidenote: Diuerse that stood against the lords executed.

The duke of Glocester a seuere man.

Sir Simon Burlie.]

After this, sir Iohn Salisburie, & sir Iames Berneis, both knights and
lustie yoong men, were by iudgement of parlement drawne and hanged.
Then folowed Iohn Beauchampe of the Holt, lord Steward of the kings
house, that had serued king Edward the third, and his sonne Lionell
duke of Clarence: who likewise by decrée of this parlement was drawne
and hanged. Also Iohn Blake esquier, who in an infortunate houre stood
against the lords in the councell at Notingham, was now drawne and
hanged, and so was one Thomas Vske. Last of all (or as some hold,
first of all) was sir Simon Burlie beheaded, although the earle of
Derbie did what he could to saue his life, by reason whereof, great
dissention rose betwixt the said earle, and the duke of Glocester: for
the duke being a sore and a right seuere man, might not by any meanes
be remooued from his opinion and purpose, if he once resolued vpon any
matter. Some spite he bare (as was thought) towards the said sir Simon
Burlie, both as well for the faithfull fréendship, which was growne
betwixt the duke of Ireland, and the said sir Simon, as also for that
he looked to haue had such offices and roomes which sir Simon inioied,
by the kings gratious fauour and grants thereof to him made, as the
Wardenship of the cinque ports, and constableship of the castell of
Douer and the office of high chamberleine.

[Sidenote: † _Abr. Fl._ out of _Henrie Knighton_ fol. 191.]

¶ But now, bicause of all these which were condemned and executed at
this parlement, in our common chronicles there is least written; and
in Froissard, and diuerse private pamphlets I haue read most of this
sir Simon, I haue thought good to set downe some |795| part of his
life, so largelie as this volume may well beare, although a great deale
more briefe than where I found it. This sir Simon was the son of sir
Iohn Burlie knight of the garter, and brought vp in his youth vnder
his kinsman doctor Walter Burlie, who (as in the latter end of king
Edward the third you haue heard) was one of the chiefe that had charge
in the bringing vp of the Blacke prince, eldest sonne to the said king
Edward. By this occasion he grew into such fauour with the prince,
that afterwards the said prince committed vnto him the gouernance of
his sonne Richard of Burdeaux, who as he was of a gentle and courteous
nature, began then to conceiue so great loue and liking towards him,
that when he came to the crowne and was king, he aduanced him highlie
to great honours and promotions, in somuch that at one time & other he
was made knight of the garter, constable of Douer, lord Warden of the
cinque ports, lord chamberleine,† earle of Huntington, and also one of
the priuie councell to the king.

Neither was there any thing doone concerning the affaires apperteining
vnto the state without his counsell, appointment, and direction,
wherein he so much fauoured and leaned to the partie of the duke of
Ireland, that he was sore enuied, and greatlie hated of diuerse of
the rest of the nobilitie, speciallie of the kings vncle the duke of
Glocester, who vpon malice that he bare to the man, not so much for
his owne demeanour, as for his alies, and peraduenture for desire of
his roomes, more than of his life, caused him to be accused of diuerse
offenses against the crowne, realme, and church; namelie, for that
he had (as they surmized against him) spoiled and wasted the kings
treasure, and withholden the paie of the souldiers and men of warre,
wherevpon he was arrested, called to account, & hauing no clerke
allowed him to make vp the same, was found in arrerages 250000 franks.
And although for one part thereof he demanded allowance of monie, which
he had defraied and laid out in Almaine, and in Boheme, about the kings
marriage, and for the residue desired daies of paiment, yet he could
obteine neither. Further, he was accused that the duke of Ireland and
he had gathered great summes of monie, conueied the same to Douer, and
from thence sent it in the night by sea into Germanie.

[Sidenote: _Froissard._

_Thoms. Wals._]

Lastlie, the archbishop (forsooth) and the moonks of Canturburie
charged him that he sought the means to remooue the shrine of the
archbishop Thomas, otherwise called Thomas Becket, from Canturburie
vnto Douer, vnder a colour of feare, least the Frenchmen being
assembled in Flanders to inuade England, should land in Kent and take
Canturburie, and spoile it, where indeed (as they surmized against him)
he meant to send it ouer the seas vnto the king of Boheme. Herevpon
he was first committed to the tower, and before the king or his other
friends could procure his deliuerance, he was without law or iustice,
before any of the residue (as some hold) brought foorth and beheaded
on the tower hill, by commandement of the duke of Glocester, and other
of his faction, quite contrarie to the kings will or knowledge, in
somuch that when he vnderstood it, he spake manie sore words against
the duke, affirming that he was a wicked man, and worthie to be kept
shorter, sith vnder a colour of dooing iustice, he went about to
destroie euerie good and honest man. The king was also offended with
the duke of Yorke, for his brothers presumptuous doings, though the
said duke of Yorke being verelie a man of a gentle nature, wished that
the state of the common-wealth might haue béene redressed without losse
of any mans life, or other cruell dealing: but the duke of Glocester,
and diuerse other of the nobilitie, the lesse that they passed for the
kings threatening speach, so much more were they readie to punish all
those whom they tooke to be their enimies. In deed the said sir Simon
Burlie was thought to beare himselfe more loftie, by reason of the
kings fauour, than was requisite, which procured him enuie of them,
that could not abide others to be in any condition their equals in
authoritie.

It should appeare by Froissard, that he was first of all, in the
beginning of these stirs betwixt the king and the lords, committed to
the tower, and notwithstanding all the shift that either the king,
or the duke of Ireland, or anie other of his fréends could make for
him, by the duke of Glocesters commandement he was cruellie beheaded,
so greatlie to |796| the offense of the king, and those that were
his trustie councellors, that therevpon the king caused the duke of
Ireland the sooner to assemble an armie against the said duke and his
complices, therby to restraine their presumptuous proceedings. But
whether he was thus at the first or last executed, to please the king
the better, now at this parlement, amongst others that were condemned
in the same: his lands were giuen to the king, a great part whereof
he afterwards disposed to diuerse men as he thought expedient. But
yet in the parlement holden in the one and twentith yeare of this
kings reigne, the act of atteindor of the said sir Simon was repealed:
and at an other parlement holden in the second yeare of king Henrie
the fourth, all his lands which then remained vngranted and vnsold,
were restored to sir Iohn Burlie knight, sonne and heire of sir Roger
Burlie, brother to the said Simon, of whom lineallie is descended
Thomas Eins esquier, now secretarie to the queenes maiesties councell
in the north parts. And thus far touching sir Simon Burlie, of whom
manie reports went of his disloiall dealings towards the state, as
partlie ye haue heard, but how trulie the lord knoweth. Among other
slanderous tales that were spred abroad of him, one was that he
consented to the deliuering of Douer castell by the kings appointment
to the Frenchmen for monie. But as this was a thing not like to be
true, so (no doubt) manie things that the persons aforesaid, which were
executed, had béene charged with, at the least by common report among
the people, were nothing true at all; although happilie the substance
of those things, for which they died, might be true in some respect.

[Sidenote: _Grafton._

The iustices condemned to perpetuall exile.

The king taketh an oth to performe the lords orders.]

Sir William Elmham that was charged also for withdrawing of the
soldiers wages, discharged himselfe therof, and of all other things
that might be laid to his charge. As touching the iustices, they were
all condemned to death by the parlement, but such meanes was made for
them vnto the queene, that she obteined pardon for their liues. But
they forfeited their lands and goods, and were appointed to remaine in
perpetuall exile, with a certeine portion of monie to them assigned for
their dailie sustentation: the names of which iustices so condemned
to exile were these, Robert Belknap, Iohn Holt, Iohn Craie, Roger
Fulthorpe, William Burgh, and Iohn Lokton. Finallie, in this parlement
was an oth required and obteined of the king, that he should stand vnto
and abide such rule and order as the lords should take: and this oth
was not required onelie of the king, but also of all the inhabitants
of the realme. ¶ In these troubles was the realme of England in these
daies, and the king brought into that case, that he ruled not, but was
ruled by his vncles, and other to them associat.

[Sidenote: The earle of Arundell sent to the sea with a great nauie, in
aid of the duke of Britaine.

Peraduēture Maluere, it may be Mongomerie.]

In the latter end of this eleuenth yeare was the earle of Arundell
sent to the sea with a great nauie of ships and men of warre. There
went with him in this iournie, of noble men, the earles of Notingham
& Deuonshire, sir Thomas Percie, the lord Clifford, the lord Camois,
sir William Elmham, sir Thomas Morieux, sir Iohn Daubreticourt, sir
William Shellie, sir Iohn Warwike or Berwike, sir Stephan de Liberie,
sir Robert Sere, sir Peter Montberie, sir Lewes Clanbow, sir Thomas
Coque or Cooke, sir William Paulie or Paulet, & diuerse others. There
were a thousand men of armes, and three thousand archers. The purpose
for which they were sent, was to haue aided the duke of Britaine (if
he would haue receiued them) being then eftsoones run into the French
kings displeasure, for the imprisoning of the lord Clisson constable of
France.

[Sidenote: An. Reg. 12.

The earle of Arundell returneth out of France.]

But after that (contrarie to expectation) the duke of Britaine was come
to an agréement with the French king, the earle of Arundell drew with
his nauie alongst the coasts of Poictou, and Xaintonge, till at length
he arriued in the hauen that goeth vp to Rochell, and landed with
his men at Marrant, foure leagues from Rochell, and began to pilfer,
spoile, and fetch booties abroad in the countrie. The Frenchmen within
Rochell issued foorth to skirmish with the Englishmen, but they were
easilie put to flight, and folowed euen to the bariers of the gates
of Rochell. ¶ Perot le Bernois a capteine of Gascoigne, that made
warre for the king of England in Limosin, and lay in the fortresse
of Galuset, came foorth the same time, and made a roade into Berrie
with foure hundred spears. |797| The earle of Arundell, after he had
laine at Marrant fiftéene daies, returned to his ships, and finallie
came backe into England, and Perot le Bernois likewise returned to his
fortresse. ¶ About the same time was a truce taken betwixt the parties
English and French on the marches of Aquitaine, to begin the first daie
of August, and to indure till the first of Maie next insuing.

[Sidenote: _Abr. Fl._ out of _Henrie Knighton_ canon of Leicester
abbeie.

O Scotish crueltie and more than barbarous bloodthirstinesse.]

¶ In this yeare 1388, in Lent, the Scots entred into the westerne
borders, & what with killing as also with burning they did much
mischiefe. Moreouer they shewed extreme crueltie against young
children and sucklings, against women bigge with child and in trauell,
against weake and weerish men and crooked with age, in the countrie
of Gildisland, within the lordship of the lord Dacres, gathering them
togither into houses, and shutting them vp, and locking the doores,
they burned without mercie or pitie to the number (as it was said) of
two hundred and aboue.

[Sidenote: An ouerthrow giuen to the Englishmen by the Scots at
Otterburne.

_Fabian._ _Caxton._ A parlement at Cambridge.

Sir Thomas Triuet slaine with the fall of his horse.]

This yeare in August, the Scots inuaded the countrie of Northumberland,
and at Otterburne ouerthrew a power of Englishmen, which the earle
of Northumberland and his sonnes had leauied against them. In this
battell the earle Dowglas chiefe of that armie of Scots was slaine,
and the lord Henrie Percie, and his brother sir Ralfe, sonnes to the
said earle of Northumberland, were taken prisoners, as in the Scotish
chronicles ye may read more at large. After the feast of the natiuitie
of our ladie, a parlement was holden at Cambridge, in the which diuerse
statutes were ordeined; as For the limiting of seruants wages; For
punishment of vagarant persons; For the inhibiting of certeine persons
to weare weapons; For the debarring of vnlawfull games; For maintenance
of shooting in the long bow; For remouing of the staple of woolles from
Middleburgh vnto Calis; For labourers not to be receiued, but where
they are inhabiting, except with licence vnder seale of the hundred
where they dwell. There was also an act made, that none should go
foorth of the realme, to purchase anie benefice with cure or without
cure, except by licence obteined of the king; and if they did contrarie
herevnto, they were to be excluded out of the kings protection. There
was granted to the king in this parlement, a tenth to be leuied of the
clergie, and a fiftéenth of the laitie. Moreouer, during the time of
this parlement, as sir Thomas Triuet was riding towards Barnewell with
the king, where the king lodged, by forcing his horsse too much with
the spurs, the horsse fell with him so rudelie to the ground, that his
entrails within him were so burst and perished, that he died the next
daie after. Manie reioised at this mans death, as well for that men
iudged him to be excéeding haultie and proud; as also for that he was
suspected not to haue dealt iustlie with the bishop of Norwich, in the
iournie which the bishop had made into Flanders: but speciallie men
had an ill opinion of him, for that he stood with the king against the
lords, counselling him in the yeare last past to dispatch them out of
the way. ¶ Sir Iohn Holland, the kings brother on the mothers side,
that was latelie returned out of Spaine, where he had beene with the
duke of Lancaster, was now made earle of Huntington.

[Sidenote: 1389.

_Abr. Fl._ out of _Henrie Knighton_ canon of Leicester abbeie.

Battell and slaughter betwéene flies.]

¶ In Iulie, whiles the king was at Shéene, there swarmed togither in
his court great multitudes of flies and gnats, insomuch that in maner
of skirmishing they incountered ech other; and making great slaughters
on both sides, were in the end swept awaie from the place where they
lay dead, with brushes and béesoms by heaps. This was deemed an
vnluckie prognosticat of some mischiefe like to fall vpon the necke of
the land.

[Sidenote: Commissioners sent to treat a truce betwéene England,
France, and Scotland.

_Frossaird._]

Also in this twelfth yeare, were commissioners appointed to méet at
Balingham, betwixt Calis and Bullongne, to treat a truce to be had
betwixt the realmes of England, France and Scotland. Walter Skirlow
bishop of Durham that had béene latelie before remoued from Bath vnto
Durham, from whence Iohn Fordham had béene translated vnto Elie, was
sent as head commissioner for the king of England, and with him were
ioined sir Iohn Cranbow, and sir Nicholas Dagworth, knights, and
Richard Rowhale clearke, a doctor of law. By Froissard it appeareth
that the earle of Salisburie was one, & sir Thomas Beauchampe lord
deputie of Calis appointed likewise as an assistant with them. |798|
The bishop of Baieux, the lord Valeran earle of S. Poule, sir Guillam
de Melin, sir Nicholas Bracque, and sir Iohn le Mercier came thither
for the French king. And for the king of Scots there appeared the
bishop of Aberdeine, sir Iames and sir Dauid Lindsey, and sir Walter
Sankler, knights. After long treatie, and much a doo, at length a truce
was concluded to begin at Midsummer next, and to last thrée years after.

[Sidenote: _Abr. Fl._ out of _Henrie Knighton_ canon of Leceister
abbeie.

Scholers of Oxford togither by the eares.

Truce of 3 years betwéene six kings.]

¶ In this yeare of Grace 1389, in the Lent time, there sprang a
pitifull strife in Oxford, the variance in the yeare before being not
fullie allaied, but both sides alwaies prouoking ech other. For the
Welsh scholers being euermore quarelous, and hauing the southerlie
scholers taking their parts, rose against the scholers of the north,
so that to and fro manie a deadlie mischiefe happened betwéene them.
In the end, this strife did so increase, that there was a daie of
skirmish appointed and agreed vpon by both sides to be tried in the
field. But by the meanes of Thomas of Woodstoke duke of Glocester all
this sturre was appeased, and manie of the Welsh scholers banished
from the vniuersitie. ¶ On the thursdaie before Easter (being mawndaie
thursdaie) the lord Beaumont gardian of Carleill in the west marches
entred Scotland fortie leagues, & spoiling Fowike, made wast at his
pleasure, and brought awaie with him manie Scots prisoners & captiues.
¶ About this time a truce of thrée years was taken betwéene king
Richard, the kings of France, Scotland, Spaine, Portingale, and of
Nauarre. This truce began on the first daie of August in the néerer
parts of the realme both by sea and land; and on the fiftéenth of
August in the further parts, because knowledge could not be giuen
thereof without some long time.

[Sidenote: The Scots in the time of treatie spoile the countrie of
Northumberland.

The Scots hauing prouided an armie to inuade England are hardly
persuaded to accept the truce.]

Whilest the commissioners were occupied in the marches betwixt Calis
and Bullongne about this truce, the Scots entring into Northumberland,
did much mischiefe, leading awaie manie prisoners, men and women,
besides other great booties and preies which they got abroad in the
countrie. The lord Thomas Mowbraie earle of Notingham was sent with
fiue hundred spears to reuenge those attempts of the enimies: but for
that his power was small in comparison to theirs, he preuailed litle or
nothing against them. Sir Iohn Clanbow, and sir Richard Rouale clerke,
tooke the French kings oth; and the earle of saint Paule that had
maried the ladie Maud Courtnie with other noblemen, came into England,
and receiued the kings oth here for the confirming of this last
mentioned truce. The Scots might not without much adoo be persuaded to
accept this truce, being readie the same time with an armie to enter
into England, but yet through the diligence of such Frenchmen as went
thither for that purpose, at length they agreed.

[Sidenote: The kings question to his lords and others in the councel
chamber.

_Claudian._]

This yeare the king by counsell of some that were about him, called the
nobles and great men of the realme togither, and as they were set in
the councell chamber staieng till he came: at length he entring into
the same chamber, and taking his place to sit among them, demanded of
them, of what age he was now? Whereto answer was made, that he was full
twentie yeares old. Then (said he) I am of yeares sufficient to gouerne
mine owne house and familie, and also my kingdome: for it séemeth
aginst reason that the state of the meanest person within my kingdome
should be better than mine. Euerie heire that is once come to the age
of twentie years, is permitted, if his father be not liuing, to order
his businesse himselfe: then that thing which is permitted to euerie
other person of meane degrée by law, why is the same denied vnto me?
These words vttered he with the courage of a prince, not without the
instigation and setting on of such as were about him, whose drift was
by discountenancing others to procure preferment to themselues, abusing
the kings tender years and gréene wit, with ill counsell for their
aduantage: where as it had béene more méete to haue giuen him those
precepts which Claudianus hath in his tract of the institution of a
prince; and among others this:

 Non tibi quid liceat, sed quid fecisse decebit
 Occurrat, mentémq; domet respectus honesti.

[Sidenote: The king taking vpō him the gouernement of all things
displaceth diuerse officers & setteth others in their roomes.

Wickham bishop of Winchester made L. chancelor.]

When the barons had hard the words of the king, being therewith
astonied, they made answer, that there should be no right abridged from
him, but that he might take vpon |799| him the gouernment as of reason
was due. Well said he, yée know that I haue beene a long time ruled by
tutors, so as it hath not béene lawfull to me to doo anie thing, were
it of neuer so small importance, without their consents. Now therefore
I will, that they meddle no further with matters perteining to my
gouernment, & after the maner of an heire come to lawfull age, I will
call to my councell such as pleaseth me, and I will deale in mine owne
businesse my selfe. And therefore I will first that the chancellor
resigne to me his seale. When the archbishop of Yorke (who in the yeare
last past had béene remooued from Elie vnto Yorke, and Alexander Neuill
displaced) had deliuered vnto him the seale, the king receiuing it of
him, put it in his bosome, and suddenlie rising, departed foorth of
the chamber, & after a little while returning, sat downe againe, and
deliuered the seale to the bishop of Winchester, William Wickham, and
so made him chancellor, although sore against the same bishops will. He
made also manie other new officers, remoouing the old, and vsed in all
things his owne discretion and authoritie. The duke of Glocester, the
earle of Warwike, & other honorable and worthie men, were discharged
and put from the councell, and others placed in their roomes, such as
pleased the king to appoint. At the same time he made fiue new iustices.

[Sidenote: _Abr. Fl._ out of _Henrie Knighton_ canon of Leicester
abbeie.]

¶ Of this assuming the regiment to himselfe, as diuerse diuerslie
report: so Henrie Knighton a man liuing in those daies, and committing
to writing the occurrents of that tumultuous time, saith as followeth.
In the moneth of Maie, the king held a councell at Westminster, and
in the feast of the Inuention of the crosse, comming personallie to
the councell house he remooued all the great officers (contrarie to
expectation and thinking) from their offices, and at his pleasure
placed in their roomes whome he list. He remooued the archbishop of
Yorke lord chancellor, and put in his place the bishop of Winchester:
he remooued the bishop of Hereford lord treasuror, and put another
in his place: he remooued the clearke of the priuie seale, and all
other: so likewise did he the iustices of either bench. But least
the affaires of the realme should in the meane while be hindered, he
commanded the iustices of law to follow and prosecute things requisite
as they were woont, till such time as he was better aduised touching
the prouiding of other iustices. The erle of Arundell likewise, vnto
whome the gouernment of the parlement was committed, and the admeraltie
of the sea, was remooued; and the earle of Huntington put in his roome.
In like sort dealt the king with the residue of his officers, saieng
that he ought not to be inferior in degree & of lesse account than an
other ordinarie heire whatsoeuer within the realme of England; sith the
law and custome of the realme of England auerreth, that euerie heire
being in the gardianship of anie lord, when he is growne to be one and
twentie yeares of age, ought presentlie to inioy the inheritance left
him by his father, and is lawfullie to possesse his patrimonie, and
freelie to dispose and order his owne goods and chattels to his liking.
But now it is come to passe, that I thus manie yeares haue liued vnder
your counsell and gouernement; and now first to God, secondlie to you,
I giue manifold thanks, that you haue gouerned and supported me, mine
inheritance, and my realme of England, as well within as without, &
speciallie against our enimies round about vs, all renowme of honour
and praise to vs and our kingdome alwaies safelie reserued. But now God
hath so dealt for vs, that we are of full age, so that we are two and
twentie yeares old at this present: and we require that we may fréelie
and at libertie from this time forward rule and gouerne both our selues
and our inheritance; and we will haue our kingdome in our owne hands,
and officers and seruitors of our owne appointing at our pleasure;
secondlie, as shall seeme to vs more auaileable, by Gods grace, to
elect, choose, and preferre vnto offices such as we doo well like of,
and at our pleasure to remooue such as be presentlie resiant, and in
their roomes to substitute and set others wheresoeuer and whomsoeuer we
list. The king hauing thus spoken, there was not one that went about to
breake him of his will, but they all glorified God, who had prouided
them such a king as was likelie to prooue discreet and wise. |800|

[Sidenote: An. Reg. 13.

Wickleuists increase.]

In this season, the followers of Wickliffes doctrine maruellouslie
increased, speciallie in the diocesse of Sarum, where they had manie
that tooke vpon them as ministers, both to preach the word, and to
dispense the sacraments. This they did in secret: but they were
discouered by one that had beene of their fellowship, who declared
to the bishop of Salisburie at his manor of Sonning, all the whole
circumstances thereof, as he knew. There were of them that preached in
those daies earnestlie against pilgrimages, calling such images as the
people had in most veneration, as that at Walsingham, and the rood of
the north doore at Paules in London, rotten stocks, and worme eaten
blocks, through which the vnskilfull people being mocked and deceiued,
were compelled most manifestlie to commit idolatrie. The bishops (saith
Thomas Walsingham) hearing, beholding, and knowing these things with
much more, to be true, did little or nothing to redresse the same, saue
onlie the bishop of Norwich who stirred coles, swearing and staring,
that if anie of that sect presumed to preach anie peruerse doctrine
within his diocesse, he would cause them either to hop headlesse, or to
frie a fagot for it: he was therefore not a little praised and extolled
by the moonks and other religious men (as should appeare) for that his
zeale.

[Sidenote: The duke of Lancaster returneth into Englād foorth of
Gascoigne.

A councell holden at Reding where y^e duke of Lancaster reconcileth the
king and the lords.]

In Nouember, the duke of Lancaster came foorth of Gascoigne into
England, after he had remained first in Spaine, and after in Gascoigne,
thrée yeares togither. Of his successe in Spaine is spoken before, &
likewise of the agréement betwixt the king of Castile, & the said duke,
which was not in all points confirmed, till a little before his returne
now into England. About the same time the king had called a councell
of his nobilitie at Reading, to the which the duke of Lancaster made
the more hast to come, bicause he knew that the king would shew no good
countenance to some of the noblemen; and therefore he doubted least
malicious offenses might arise betwixt them, which to appease he meant
the best he could, and his trauell came to good effect: for he did so
much, that as well the king as the lords departed from the councell
as freends, the lords taking their leaues of him in louing maner, and
he courteouslie bidding them farewell: and so each of them resorted
vnto their homes well pleased for that present. ¶ The king held his
Christmasse this yéere at Woodstoke, and the duke of Lancaster laie at
his castell of Hertford.

[Sidenote: 1390.

The earle of Penbroke as he was learning to iust is wounded to death.]

At the same time the lord Iohn de Hastings earle of Penbroke, as he
was practising to learne to iust, through mishap was striken about the
priuie parts, by a knight called sir Iohn S. Iohn, that ran against
him, so as his inner parts being perished, death presentlie followed.
The losse of this earle was greatlie bemoned by men of all degrees, for
he was liberall, gentle, humble, and courteous to each one, aboue all
the other yoong lords in the land of his time. Of this earles ancestors
this is reported for a thing strange and maruellous, that from the
daies of Aimer de Valence earle of Penbroke, that was one amongst other
that sat in iudgement of Thomas earle of Lancaster, there was not
anie earle of Penbroke succéeding the same Aimer de Valence, vnto the
daies of this yoong earle by misfortune thus slaine, that euer saw his
father, nor yet anie of their fathers might reioise in the sight of
anie of their sonnes, being still called hence, before the time came
for them so to doo.

[Sidenote: _Francis Thin_, out of diuerse ancient monuments belonging
to the Hastings and others.]

¶ Now héere, bicause this Iohn Hastings, being the last of that surname
and armes of the whole blood, which of that line inioied anie title
of honor, I thinke it not vnfit for this place (since other occasion
will not be giuen therefore) to talke of the Hastings somwhat higher
than this man: though not from the shell to perpetuate the memorie of
them, the which I haue now doone, least otherwise by ingrate obliuion
it might neuer hereafter come to light. In which I will not begin
from the first honourable Hastings, whose bloud by manie descents
continued, is thought by most ancient monuments, which I haue séene
and read, to haue béene a baron before the conquest in this land, and
to haue borne the same cote in the field, which this now slaine earle
of Penbroke did: whereof hereafter in my descriptions and lines of
the earles of Penbroke I will make more ample discourse in a |801|
new booke (if God giue good successe therein) onelie at this time
making some small repetition from that Henrie Hastings, from whome the
Hastings (in respect of the mariage of Alda daughter to Dauie earle of
Huntington, brother to William king of Scots) did descend: who (amongst
others) in the reigne of Edward the first, made title to the kingdome
of Scotland. The originall of which name in this treatise I will
neither flatteringlie defend, nor obstinatlie reiect, to haue growne
from Hastings the Dane, who in the reigne of Alured (long before the
conquest, about the yeare of our redemption 890) came with Rollo into
England, and for a certeine space infested this nation, departing aside
to France. And now to the purpose.

Henrie lord Hastings (who bare for his armes gold a manche gules)
married Alda (or Ada) the fourth daughter of Dauid earle of Huntington,
she being one of the heires to to Iohn Scot earle of Chester, & of
Huntington (which died without issue) son of the said Dauid, and
brother to the said Ada. To this Henrie and Ada did Henrie the third
king of England, in the two & twentith of his reigne (in place of the
portion of hir brothers lands, which should haue descended to hir as
parcell of the earledome of Chester, for that the king would not haue
the said earledome diuided amongst distaues) giue in exchange certeine
lands mentioned in this déed following.


The grant of Henrie the third, to Henrie Hastings and Ada his wife, for
the exchange of lands for hir part of the earledome.

[Sidenote: Strattondale.]

 OMNIBUS, ad quos, &c; salutem. Sciatis quòd concessimus pro nobis
 & hæredibus nostris, Henrico de Hastings, & Adæ vxori eius, pro
 rationabili parte sua, quæ prædictam Adam contingent, de hæreditate
 Iohannis quondam comitis Cestriæ fratris ipsius Adæ in Cestershire,
 faciedo eis rationabile excambium, ad valentiam prædictæ partis
 ipsam Adam contingentis de prædicto com. Cestershire. Et ad maiorem
 securitatem cōcessimus eidem Henrico & Adæ manerium nostrum de
 Bremesgraue cum pertinentibus in comitatu Wigorniæ, manerium nostrum
 de Bolisoure cum castris & pertinentibus in com. Derby, manerium
 nostrum de Mountesfeld cum Soka cū pertinentibus in comitatu
 Notingham, manerium de Worsfeld cum pertinentibus in com. Salop.
 manerium de Stratton cum pertinentibus in eodem com. manerium de
 Wiggutton cum pertinent in com. Stafford, & maneriū de Woluerhamton
 cū pert. in eodē com. in tenentiam. Tenendum eisdem Henrico & Adæ &
 hæredibus ipsius Adæ, quo vsq; prædicta pars ipsam Adam contingens
 & de prædicta hæreditate extenta fuerit, & rationabile excambium in
 prædictis terris vel alias eis assignauerimus. In cuius, &c. Teste
 rege apud Ditton 11. Innij, anno regni nostri 22.

The which manours the said Henrie and Ada did hold during the life
of the said Ada, in peaceable and quiet possession. After hir death
the said Henrie goeth into Gascoigne, where he remained steward
vntill the comming of Henrie the third, at what time the said Henrie
surrendered his office, but the king importunate with him still to
reteine the same, he flatlie denied it, and would no longer remaine
there, suddenlie returning into England without licence or knowledge of
the king, for which contempt the king greeuouslie incensed, in reuenge
and for satisfaction of the same, made the same lands to be extended
by Thomas Paslew and others, who by the kings processe extended part
thereof to a treble value, after which extent returned into the
chancerie, the king seized the manour of Bremesgraue, Bolesoure,
Strattondale in Norton, & left in his hands the manours of Lierton,
Oswardbecke, Cundoner, Wourfeld, and Wigutton, whereof the said Henrie
died seized. Two yeares before which grant of the lands before said to
this Henrie, to wit, in the twentith yeare of Henrie the third, the
said Henrie Hastings made his petition to serue in the pantrée (as he
was bound by tenure) at the coronation of euerie prince, |802| the
record whereof in the ancient written booke of the earls of Huntington,
is in these words following.


The record by which Henrie Hastings executed the office of the
panteller.

 Vicesimo Henr. tertij quo coronata fuit regina Elionara filia
 Hugonis comitis Prouinciæ apud Westm. factæ sunt contentiones magnæ
 de seruitijs ministralibus, & de iuribus pertinentibus ad eorum
 ministeria, sed respectuatur, iuribus singulis saluis, vt tumultus
 requiesceret vsq; ad quindena Paschæ sequetis, &c. Et Henricus de
 Hastinges, cuius officium seruiendi de mappis à veteri vendicauit
 officiū illud, & habuit. Nam quamuis Thurstanus vendicauit officium
 illud, asserens suum esse debere à veteri, tamen rex repulsat, &
 admisit Henricum de Hastinges, ea die assignans eisdem diem de
 contentione finienda ad prædictum terminum. Extractas verò post
 prandium mappas tanquam suas ad officium pertinentes recepit.

This Henrie had by Ada his wife, his sonne & heire Henrie Hastings,
from whome Buchanan dooth saie that Henrie Hastings now earle of
Penbroke is descended, whereof I will not now heere dispute.

Henrie Hastings knight, sonne of Henrie, after the death of his
father, finding himselfe greeued that the inheritance, which should
haue descended vnto him from his mother, was so withholden from him
for the offense of his father, contrarie to law and iustice, and
without iudgement, but by the kings power, pursued a bill against the
king, therby to haue remedie and restitution, for the supposed false
returne of the extent which was made against his father; and vpon the
same bill, this Henrie Hastings obteined a new writ to make a fresh
extent directed to maister Thomas of Wimundham, Robert de la Laie,
Robert de Solham, Hugh Peeche, & Thomas de Braie, to vnderstand if
the remnant of the lands to him descended, beside that by the king
extended, would counteruaile the value of such lands as he should
haue by descent from and of the earle and earledome of Chester, which
matter neuer being ended in his time, was afterward prosecuted of the
Hastings from parlement to parlement, vntil the thirtie fourth yeare
of Edward the first, as more plainelie shall after appeare. Of this
Henrie, Hollingshed intreateth much in the reigne of Henrie the third:
this man (being he that in the time of Edward the first, made title to
the crowne of Scotland) maried Ione one of the daughters of William
Cantulpe lord of Aburgauenie, in the right of Eua, one of the daughters
and heires of William Bewsa or Brewcusa, for I find both written, of
which Ione this Henrie had issue Iohn Hastings his sonne and heire,
Edmund which maried Isabell, & had great possessions in Wales: Ada
first maried to Robert de Champane: Lora maried to sir Thomas the sonne
of sir Iohn de Latimer, and Ione which was a nun at Nottingham.

Iohn Hastings knight, sonne of the last Henrie, was borne at Asleghe,
in the yéere of our Lord 1262, and in the six & fortith yeare of the
reigne of Henrie the third. This man after his fathers death did (in
the yeare of our Lord 1274, and the second yeare of the reigne of
Edward the first, being the kings ward) demand the execution of his
office of the pantrie, at the coronation of queene Elianor wife to
Edward the first, but could not execute the same by reason of his
nonage, and also for that he was in ward to the said king. After,
when he was growne to full yeares, there arose in the yeare of our
Lord 1305, and in the thirtie third yeare of the reigne of Edward
the first, great contention betweene Antonie Beake bishop of Durham,
this Iohn Hastings, Iohn Balioll, and Robert Bruse, for the manors of
Penrith, Castlesoure, Salgkill regis, Lange Worthbie, Carlaton, and of
Werkine Tinehale, whereof Henrie king of Scots (kinsman of the said
Robert Bruse, Iohn Balioll, and Iohn Hastings, whose heire they were)
died seized in his demesne of fee. In which sutes after manie delaies
made, and manie summons |803| against the said bishop, the plée went
without daie, bicause the bishop must go to Rome. But after his returne
the sute being reuiued and continued, it went once more without daie,
bicause the king seized the same into his hands, and held it all the
time of his reigne. These things thus doone, and Edward the first
departed, this Iohn Hastings as yet not hastie to renew his sute of
the land, but rather to execute his right of the pantrie, did in the
first yeare of Edward the second, demand the executing of that office,
at the coronation of the said Edward the second and Isabell his wife
at Westminster, which he obteined, and laid the clothes and napkins in
the great hall by him and other his knights, one the tables whereat the
king, the quéene, and other great states should dine, which (according
as I haue seene noted) was in this sort.


The order and number of clothes laied at the kings table, and how Iohn
Hastings had them for his fee.

 AD altam sedem ipsius regis tres mappas, & super alias mensas in
 eadem aula 28 mappas, vnde quælibet pecia continebat 4, & in parua
 aula coram regina, & alibi in ilia parua aula 14, quarū quælibet
 pecia continebat 3. Et dum fuerūt ad comestum, mappas per se & suos
 custodiebat, & post comestum illas trahebat, & deferre faciebat
 seruientes ad seruiendum, & istas cum suis loquelis habebat sine
 voluntate vel cum voluntate, & eas detinebat per totum festum
 coronationis, licèt petitæ erant deliberatione, primò à senescallo
 regis, postea ab ipso rege, per quod idem rex præcepit domino
 Willielmo Martin, & alijs senescallis suis, quòd plenam & celerem
 iusticiam ei facerent, & deliberationem de mappis prædictis si fuerit
 faciendum. Qui inde postea nihil facere voluerunt, aut non curauerunt
 toto festo coronationis prædictæ, nec postea in congregationibus.
 Per quod postea dominus Iohannes de Hastings fecit petitiones suas
 domino regi, & concilio suo, quòd feodum suum mapparum prædictarum ei
 deliberaretur, pro vt ei de iure fuerit deliberandum. Et quòd fecit
 seruitium suum debito modo, prout antecessor suus fecit longo tempore
 Henrici regis, quando habuit feodum suum, tempore quādo desponsauit
 Elionaram filiam comitis Prouinciæ, tanquam pertinens ad manerium suum
 de Asheley in comitatu North. pro vt patet in Memorandum ipsius regis
 in camero suo de scaccario diuersis locis in istis verbis.

 * Williame de Hastinges tient demye fee de chiualer in Asheley du
 roy a fayre le seruice per seriante deestree panetre le roye, which
 is found in the fourth leafe of Chester beginning, Le counte Roger
 le Bigot, in the title of eschetes of seriantie in the countie of
 Northfolke. Touching which it is thus further found in the same place.
 * Henrie de Hastings tient en Asheley du roye per sergiante de la
 panetre, fo. Syesme. * Henrie de Hastings tient vn seriante de la
 panetre le roy en Ashelty, & vaute per an. C. sol. fol. 9. * Williame
 de Hastings tient vn fee de chiualer en Asheley seriante deestree
 despenser en le despens. le roy. fo. 4. * Henrie de Hastings tient vn
 terr en la ville de Asheley per le seruice deestree le despenser.

Which petitions and all other petitions for his part of his land in
the kings hands, by the censure made in the time of Henrie the 3, the
said Iohn Hastings lord of Aburgauennie did pursue from parlement to
parlement, vntill the parlement holden at Yorke after Michaelmas, where
supplication was made to the king, by him and others, that he might
remaine with the king in Gascoigne, as his steward or marshall: which
if he would performe, all his forsaid petitions and all other petitions
which were reasonable, should be granted vnto him. By occasion whereof
he granted vnto the kings and the nobles request: so that the king
would find him pledges due therefore, and that he might obteine iustice
in his inheritances, and those his lawfull sutes, which had beene
hitherto denied vnto him, which thing the king faithfullie promised
in euerie respect to be performed towards him: |804| wherevpon he
sailed into Gascoigne, in the yeare of Christ 1302, being the 31 of
Edward the first, the wednesdaie after the feast of S. Lucie. But for
this faire shew, it séemeth he sped neuer the better: for which cause
not being restored in the 34 yeare of Edward the first, he pursued his
sute afresh, and had from the king at Yorke this definitiue sentence,
deliuered by the mouth of Walter Langhton, then the kings treasuror (as
I find by such notes as I haue séene) that he should séeke the records
of the chancerie, and bring them to the next parlement, which the said
Iohn did. At what time he brought foorth the former grant of Henrie
the third, of the said lands giuen in recompense of his part of the
earledome of Chester. After which yet it was agréed by the king and his
councell for diuerse considerations (and mostlie (as I suppose) because
he had refused to serue in Gascoigne, and onelie went as it were
inforced) notwithstanding all that the said Iohn could alledge, that he
should take nothing for his petition, but further to be in the kings
mercie for his false claime: the whole processe whereof I haue seene in
an ancient written monument of French. All which (as I gather) was done
in the life of Edward the first (notwithstanding that I haue a little
vnorderlie before treated of the executing of his office of the pantrie
at the coronation of Edward the second, sonne to Edward the first) as
may be confirmed by Piers Longtoft in these verses:

 Et pour peril escheuer toutz apres promist
 Ke Iean de Hastin cheualiere lit
 Emerie de la Bret barone ne pas petit
 Alant in Gascoigne touz sans contredit
 Pour la terme attendue del trevis auant dit.

[Sidenote: Registrum comitum de Huntington.]

This Iohn married two wiues both called Isabell, whereof the first was
Isabell de Valence one of the daughters and heirs of William Valence
earle of Penbroke & lord of Aburgauennie, but how the said Wil. Valence
came to the honor of Aburgauennie, since William Cantelupe before
named was once lord thereof, and much about that time, I can not yet
certeinlie learne. But yet I following good authoritie haue set downe
this Valence to be lord of Aburgauennie, & that he gaue the same to
one Iohn Hastings, which must néeds be this man, marieng his daughter.
The other wife of this Iohn Hastings, was Isabell the daughter of Hugh
Spenser earle of Winchester. By his first wife he had six children,
to wit, Iohn Hastings his heire, William Hastings that maried Elianor
the daughter of sir William Martin, which died without heires; Henrie
Hastings that was a clerke, and Elizabeth Hastings maried to Roger
Greie lord of Ruthine sonne of sir Iohn Greie, of whom is descended
Henrie earle of Kent now liuing. Ione maried to Edmund Mortimer, by
whom she had no issue, being after maried to William de Huntingfield,
by whome she had Roger de Huntingfield; and Margaret Hastings maried
to William the sonne of William Martin lord of Kemmies. By Isabell
Spenser his second wife, he had thrée children, to wit, Hugh Hastings
lord of Folliot, of whome shall be more intreated, when we come to the
last Iohn Hastings erle of Penbroke slaine at tilt, as before. Thomas
Hastings, and Pelagia de Huntington. His first wife Isabell Valence
died 1305, being the 31 of Edward the first, and was buried at the
frier minors in Couentrie. His second wife ouerliuing hir husband, was
after maried to sir Rafe Monthermer, for which mariage the said Rafe
was fined by Edward the second at a thousand marks, as appeareth in the
rols of the chancerie of 13 of Edward the second: she died the 9 of
Edward the third, & was buried in the frier minors of Salisburie. This
Iohn Hastings departed this life 1313, the sixt yeare of the reigne of
Edward the second.

Iohn Hastings lord Hastings and Aburgauennie, was borne in the
fiftéenth yeare of Edward the first, in the yeare of Christ 1287. For
at the death of his father, which happened (as before) in the sixt
yeare of Edward the second, he was found to be of the age of six &
twentie years, which if it be added to the yeare of our Lord 1287, make
vp the full number of 1313, in which his father died. This man in the
eight yeare of Edward the second at the parlement holden at London in
the Carmelite friers, being about the yeare |805| from the birth of
Christ 1314, renewing the sute to the king (after the death of Antonie
Beke bishop of Durham, which happened in the yeare of our Lord 1310)
for the lands, whereof his father had the said bishop in sute, and
which were after seized into the kings hands, as before appeareth, in
the life of his father. It was then found vpon search, that sir Iohn
Ballioll (who was partie to the said sute before) had the realme of
Scotland by award: by reason of certeine lands that he gaue to sir
Antonie de Beke the bishop of Durham: for which cause it séemed king
Edward the first seized the same lands into his hands as forfeit to
him, in that they were after the maner of a bribe giuen to the said
bishop, to support the sute of the said Iohn Balioll for the obteining
of the crowne of Scotland. And for that cause this Iohn Hastings was
counselled by such as willed him well, that he should surceasse his
sute, and so he did. This Iohn Hastings maried Iulian the daughter of
Thomas lord Leiburne the sonne of William lord Leiburne, and had by
hir Laurence de Hastings: after which this Iohn Hastings died in the
eightéenth yeare of Edward the second, and in the yeare of our Lord
1325. His wife Iulian liued manie yeers after, and surrendred hir life
in the fortie one yeare of Edward the third, and in the yeare of our
Lord 1366.

Laurence Hastings lord Hastings and Aburgauennie, was also afterward
earle of Penbroke, he was borne about the thirtéenth yeare of Edward
the second, being also about the yeare of our redemption 1320: which
is proued by this, that the said Laurence was fiue yeares old at the
death of his father, which (as before is said) happened in the yeare
1325, and in the eightéenth of Edward the second, at what time he was
seized as the kings ward, and committed to the gouernement of tutors,
appointed him by the said Edward the second. This Laurence Hastings for
the nobilitie of his race, the actiuitie of him selfe, the largenesse
of his possessions, and his familiaritie with the king, was created
earle of Penbroke, about the one and thirtith yeare of the reigne of
king Edward the third. He maried Anne or Agnes the third daughter of
sir Roger Mortimer the first earle of March, by whom he had issue Iohn
Hastings.

Iohn Hastings earle of Penbroke lord Hastings Aburgauennie and Weifford
in Ireland, the sonne of Laurence Hastings the first earle of Penbroke
of that name, did in the fortie one yeare of Edward the third, being
about the yeare of our Lord 1369, infeoffe diuerse persons of the manor
of Lidgate in Suffolke, of which towne was Iohn Lidgate the monke of
Berie and famous poet of England surnamed. After which in the fortie
six yeare of Edward the third, and in the yeare of our Lord 1371, when
the Frenchmen besieged Rochell, he was sent with an armie of men to
the rescue of the same. But being set vpon by the Spanish nauie in the
hauen of Rochell, they slue and tooke manie of the English, burnt their
nauie, and caried the earle with sundrie other prisoners into Spaine;
where this earle a long time remained prisoner. Which misfortune was
iustlie supposed to haue fallen vpon him, because he was a man of euill
life, giuen greatlie to lecherie, an infringer of the liberties of the
church, and a persuader of the king that he should (for his warres)
more grieuouslie exact manie subsidies and contributions vpon the
clergie than vpon the laitie. After that he had béene long prisoner
in Spaine (by the space almost of three yeares) he was ransomed for a
great summe of monie, by Bertram Cleikine, and died (as I coniecture
by some sufficient proofe) betwéene Paris and Calis, as he came into
England, in the fortie ninth yeare of Edward the third, in the yeare
of our Lord 1374: so that he neuer fullie paied his ransome. He had
two wiues, Margaret the daughter of Edward the third, & Anne the
daughter of sir Walter Mannie and of Margaret Segraue made dutchesse
of Northfolke in the time of Richard the second: but when he maried
these wiues, I can not certeinlie find. And in the earle of Kents booke
(which treateth of the contention of the Hastings and the Greies, for
bearing of the armes of Hastings) there is no mention made (as farre as
my memorie serueth) of the said Margaret; the reason whereof I suppose
to be, for that this Iohn Hastings had no issue by hir: and that booke
onelie serued to conueie a lineall descent from the Hastings |806| to
intitle the Greies. This Iohn Hastings had by his second wife (Anne) a
sonne called Iohn Hastings, which after succéeded his father in all his
inheritances.

But before I saie anie more of the Hastings, I thinke it not amisse to
giue some warning of an error in Polydor of Vrbin, writing that Anne
the countesse of Penbroke (wife to this man, for none of the earles of
Penbrokes had anie wife so named within the compasse of years wherein
Polydor appointeth this time) descended of a noble house of S. Paule in
France, a woman of great vertue, and a louer of learning and of learned
men, founded a house in Cambridge, to this daie called Penbroke hall:
which in truth was not builded by hir, but by Marie the wife of Odomare
or Aimer de Valence earle of Penbroke, who was slaine at tilt in the
one & twentie yeare of Edward the third, in the yeare of our Lord 1374:
which was thirtie seauen yeares before the death of this Iohn Hastings
earle of Penbroke: which Marie was in verie déede the daughter of Guie
earle of S. Paule, the kinswoman of Edward the third, and a French
woman. This woman being in one daie (& that the daie of hir mariage)
a maid, a wife, & a widow (hir husband being that day slaine at tilt)
did in hir widowhood (in the one & twentith yeare of Edward the 3, in
the yeare of our Lord 1374) erect that house in Cambridge vpon hir owne
ground, and appointed the same to be called the hall of Marie Valence,
or Penbroke hall: by meanes whereof it was long after called Aula
Valentiæ Mariæ.

Now to returne (where I left) to the last wife of this Iohn Hastings
called Anne, she (after the death of hir husband) did at the coronation
of Richard the second, in the yeare of Christ 1382, being about
the fift yeare of the reigne of the said Richard, sue by petition
to execute by hir deputie the office of the panteler, by reason of
the manor of Ashley, which she had for hir iointure, whervnto she
was admitted, & by hir deputie sir Thomas Blunt knight did performe
the same: as this record dooth testifie, in which is set both hir
petitions, and the iudgement thereof in this forme.


The record whereby dame Anne Hastings clameth the office of the pantrie.

 ITEM Anna quæ fuit vxor Iohannis Hastings nuper comes Penbrochiæ
 porrexit in curia quandam petitionem suam in hæc verba. A treshonore
 seigneur le due de Lancast. & senescall d’Angliter supplie Anne que
 fuit le femme Iohn de Hastinges nadgares countie de Penbroke, qui cōme
 le mannor de Asheley in le com. de Northfolke soit tenens de nostre
 seigneur le roy par le seruice de faire le office de napperie al
 coronement le roy, quel mannor soel tient en dower del dowement son
 dit baron. Ore plest luy accepter del faire son office person deputie,
 a cestie coronement nostre seigneur le roye, pernant les fees du dit
 office ceastascauoir les nappes quant il sont sustreytz. Et quia post
 ostensionem verisimilium euidentiarum & rationem ipsius Annæ, ac
 proclamationem in curia prædicta debitè factam, in hac parte nullus
 huiusmodi clamor ipsius Annæ contradixit: consideratum fuit quòd
 ipsa ad officium prædictum per sufficientem deputatum suum faciendum
 admitteretur, & sic officium illud per Thomam Blunt militem, quem ad
 hoc deputauit, dicto die coronationis in omnibus perfecit, & peracto
 prandio mappas de mensis subtractis pro feodo suo recepit.

Thus this much touching this Iohn Hastings earle of Penbroke and dame
Anne Mannie his wife.

Iohn Hastings (the sonne of Iohn Hastings last recited) was earle of
Penbroke lord Hastings Aburgauennie & Weisford, who being verie yoong
at the time of his fathers death, was ward first to Edward the third,
and then to Richard the second, but neuer saw his full age of one and
twentie yeares, nor euer possessed the lands wherevnto he was borne:
for not long after that he had married Philip the second daughter of
Edmund Mortimer (earle of March Vlster and lord of Wigmore) he was
[about the ninetenth yeare of his age, |807| the fiftéenth yeare of
king Richard the second, and the yeare of our redemption 1391, being
a youthfull and lustie yoong gentleman (but tender and slender) in
the Christmasse time, when the K. held that feast at Woodstoke in
Oxfordshire] willing to learne to iust, whervpon in the parke then
incountring with a knight called Iohn saint Iohn (a valiant and stout
person) he was slaine when they ran togither, as the said knight did
cast his speare from him, and so the said earle receiuing this manner
of death, no man knew whether it happened by mishap or of purpose. To
which Iohn Hastings now slaine, Margaret Segraue duchesse of Northfolke
his grandmother (by his mother the daughter of sir Walter Mannie) was
executrix and disposer of all his substance. After his death, his widow
the ladie Philip was married to Richard earle of Arundell, & after
that to Iohn lord saint Iohn, being the same man (as I suppose) which
slue hir first husband this Iohn Hastings. But here before the death
of this Iohn I must not forget, that though he were within age at the
coronation of Richard the second, as not being past nine or ten yeares
old; he sued to execute at the said coronation, the offices which his
ancestors had afore performed. But bicause his mother had the mannor of
Ashley in dower (as is before expressed) he did not sue to serue in the
pantrie, but leauing that, demandeth the carieng of the second sword
and the golden spurs before the king. The records of both which I haue
here set downe.


The petition for the second sword which the earle of Arundell also
claimed to beare, was in this sort.

 IOHANNES de Hastings nuper comes Penbrochiæ protulit quandam petitionē
 in hæc verba. A treshonoree seigniour le duc de Lancastre & seneschall
 d’Angleterre, Iohn fitz & heyre Iohn de Hastinges counte de Penbroke,
 que cōme il tient le Chastell de la ville de Tynbye, le grange de
 Kingswood, le cōmote de Craytrath, le mannor de Chastell Martin, & le
 mannor de Traygaire per seruice de porter le second espee deuant le
 roy a son coronement: qui pleast a luy, accepter a son dit office a
 faire ore a ceste coronement. Et super hoc Richardus comes Arundell
 & Surrey exhibuit in curia quandā aliam petitionē in hæc verba. A
 roy de Chastell & de Lion duc de Lancastre & senescall d’Angleterre,
 supplie Richard counte de Arundell & Surrey, de luy receuer a
 faire son office, a porter le second espee deuant le roy ore a son
 coronement, que luy appertient de droit pur le countie de Surrey.
 Quibus petitionibus intellectis & auditis, & hinc inde dictorum
 comitum rationibus, pro eo quòd dictus Iohannes comes Penbrochiæ (qui
 infra ætatē in custodia regis existit) ostendit curiæ meliores &
 verisimiliores rationes pro se, quàm prædictus comes Arundell pro ipso
 monstrauit. Dominus rex declarata coram eo materia prædicta, præcepit
 Edmundo comiti mariscallo, quòd ipse gladium prædictum ista vice in
 nomine iure prædicti comitis Penbrochiæ deferret, saluo iure alterius
 cuiuscunq;. Qui quidem mariscallus gladium ilium ex hac causa die
 coronationis gestabat calcaribus deauratis.


The other bill exhibited for the golden spurs, is registred in this
order,

 IOHANNES filius & hæres Iohannis de Hastings nuper comitis Pēbrochiæ
 exhibuit in curia quandam petitionem in hæc verba. A treshonore
 seigneur le roy de Chastell, &c. Et seneschall d’Anglterre, supplie
 Iohne fitz & heyre Iohne Hastings nadgares counte de Penbroke, de
 estre receue a son office de porter les grandes esperon, d’oores
 deuant le roy nostre seigneur ore a son coronement, en mannor cōme
 William le marischall son ancester les porta il coronoment de roy.
 Edw. audita & intellecta billa prædicta, pro eo quòd Iohannes est
 infra ætatem & in custodia domini regis, quanquam sufficientes
 ostendit curiæ recorda & euidētias, quòd ipse seruitium prædictum
 de iure facere deberet; |808| consideratum extitit, quòd esset ad
 voluntatem regis, quis dictum seruitium ista vice in iure ipsius
 Iohannis faceret. Et super hoc rex assignabat Edmundum comitē
 mariscallum, ad deferēdum dicto die coronationis prædicta calcaria in
 iure ipsius hæredis. Saluo iure alterius cuiuscunque, & sic idem comes
 mariscallus illa calcaria prædicta in dicto die coronationis coram
 ipso domino rege deferebat.

In this Iohn Hastings ended all the honorable titles of the Hastings,
bicause this man dieng without issue, his inheritances were dispersed
to diuerse persons; for the honour of Penbroke came to Francis at
court by the kings gift, the baronies of Hastings and Weisford came
to Reinold Greie of Ruthine, the baronie of Aburgauennie was granted
to William Beauchampe of Bedford: for all which lands, and for the
bearing of the armes of this same Iohn Hastings without difference,
great contention grew betwéene sir Edward Hastings knight (descended
of Isabell Spenser) and Reinold Greie lord Greie of Ruthine, sonne of
Reinold Greie, sonne of Roger Greie, that married Elizabeth daughter
of Isabell Valence, for both the said lord Greie and sir Edward
Hastings were descended by two venters (as partlie before and partlie
hereafter shalbe shewed) from one man Iohn Hastings, husband to both
said Isabels. For the explanation whereof, and lineall descent to
conueie the said sir Edward Hastings from the said sir Iohn Hastings,
first lord of Aburgauennie of that surname; I must here repeat a little
of that which I haue alreadie written: which is, that the said Iohn
Hastings first lord of Aburgauennie, hauing two wiues, both Isabels, by
his first wife Isabell Valence had Elizabeth maried to Roger Greie, and
by his second wife Isabell Spenser, he had issue Hugh Hastings knight,
from whome we are to deduce the said sir Edward Hastings in this sort.
Hugh Hastings knight lord of Folliot (in the right of his wife) being
sonne of the second wombe of Isabell Spenser, and Iohn Hastings sonne
of Henrie Hastings married Margerie the daughter and heire of sir
Richard Folliot, by whom he came to be lord of Folliot, and alwaies
bare the armes of Hastings with a difference of a second brother of
a second venter. This marriage was procured and made by Isabell his
mother, who purchased the said ward for him. This Hugh died in the
yeare of Christ 1347, in the one and twentith yeare of Edward the
third, and was buried in the church of Elsing, in Elsrug in Northfolke
which he builded; his wife Margerie died in the yeare 1349, being the
thrée and twentith yeare of Edward the third, and was buried in the
chappell of Fornewell. This Hugh had issue by his wife Hugh Hastings
his heire, and a daughter married to sir Robert de la Mare.

Hugh Hastings knight, the sonne of Hugh and Margerie Folliot did marrie
the daughter of Adam de Eueringham, by whom he had Hugh Hastings his
sonne and heire, and two daughters, the one married to Winkfield, and
the other to a knight called Elmham. This Hugh died at Calkewelhell
or Gwines, and was buried in the friers of Doncaster, in the yeare of
our Lord 1369, about the foure & fortith yéere of Edward the third.
This man for him and his heires in difference from the other Hastings,
earles of Penbroke his kinsmen by the halfe blood, did beare the
Hastings armes with the labell, quartered with the armes of Folliot.
Hugh Hastings knight the sonne of Hugh and Margaret Eueringham married
Anne the daughter of Edward Spenser earle of Glocester, by whom he had
issue Hugh Hastings and Edward Hastings, which contended with Reinold
Greie lord of Ruthine. This Hugh tooke his pilgrimage to Ierusalem &
died in Spaine, after whose death dame Anne Spenser his wife was maried
to Thomas lord Morleie. Hugh Hastings eldest son of Hugh Hastings and
dame Anne Spenser, married the daughter of sir Wil. Blunt knight; this
Hugh died at Calis at the mariage of Richard the second, to Isabell the
daughter of the king of France, about the 19 yeare of the reigne of the
said Richard, being the yeare of our redemption 1395, who dieng without
issue, all his right and title came to his brother Edward. |809|

Edward Hastings knight brother of the last Hugh began the contention
with Reinold Greie lord of Ruthine, for the right of the lands, honors,
and armes without difference of the last Iohn Hastings earle of
Penbroke. This sute began about the eight yeare of Henrie the fourth,
and continued at least vntill the fift yeare of Henrie the fift, if
not longer; but in the end (notwithstanding manie false pedegrees
counterfeited by this Hastings, and his vncle Henrie bishop of Norwich,
one of the house of the Spensers) yet it was adiudged against the said
sir Edward Hastings in the marshals court, that the lands, honors,
and armes without difference, as the last Iohn Hastings earle of
Penbroke did beare them, with the armes of William Valence earle of
Penbroke, should be onelie borne by the said lord Greie of Ruthine
and his heires, as being of the whole blood, and next heire to the
said last Iohn Hastings earle of Penbroke, and that the said Edward
Hastings should vtterlie be barred to beare the armes of Hastings,
but quartered with the armes of Folliott, as onelie descending of
the halfe blood of the said last earle of Penbroke of that name. And
that all other pedegrees what so euer (except this) are false, and of
purpose contriued, as appeareth by a notable booke and monument thereof
remaining in the hands of Henrie Greie now earle of Kent (descended
of the said Reinold Greie of Ruthine) conteining all the processe,
examinations, witnesses, pedegrees & iudgements thereof, more plainelie
maie appeare. In which contention there was shewed a matter by the
deposition of sir William Hoo knight not vnworthie to be remembred
(though it touch not the Hastings) concerning armorie and bearing of
differences in armes, which was, that the said sir William said on his
oth in the tenth yeare of Henrie the fourth, that before the times
of Edward the third, the labell of three points was the different
appropriat and appurtenant for the cognizance of the next heire; but
the same king made his sons to beare the entire armes with labels of
thrée points, with certeine differences in the said labels, to be
knowen the one from the other, except his sonne the duke of Glocester,
who bare a border about the armes of France and England. And thus, this
much Francis Thin touching the name of Hastings.

[Sidenote: The earle of Lancaster canonized for a saint.

A bill against wearing of badges.

No reteiners to weare badges.

An act against mediators for wilfull murderers.]

In this yeare Thomas earle of Lancaster, for the opinion which had
béene conceiued of him, by reason of miracles and other respects,
was canonized for a saint. The mondaie next after the feast of saint
Hilarie, a parlement was begun at Westminster, in which there was
a bill exhibited by the commons, that the lords and great men of
the realme should not giue to their men badges to weare as their
cognizances; by reason that through the abuse thereof, manie great
oppressions, imbraseries, vnlawfull maintenances, and wrongs were
practised, to the hinderance of all good orders, lawes, and iustice.
The lords would not consent altogither to laie downe their badges;
but yet they agreed that none should weare any such cognizance except
their seruants of houshold, and such as were in ordinarie wages by the
yeare. ¶ In the same parlement, certeine persons that had gone about
some new rebellion in Kent, being apprehended, were condemned, and so
were drawne and hanged. ¶ There was also an act made against such as
should passe the seas, to purchase prouisions (as they termed them) in
any church or churches. And if any from thencefoorth attempted so to
doo, he should be reputed and taken as a rebell. Also there was an act
prouided against those that committed any wilfull murder, that none
should presume to sue for their pardon. A duke or an archbishop that so
sued, should forfeit to the king an hundred pounds. Likewise an earle
or a bishop, an hundred marks, &c.

[Sidenote: The duke of Lancaster made duke of Aquitaine.

Great tempest.

Great plague.

Great dearth.

_Ab. Fl._ out of _Henrie Knighton_ canon of Leicester abbeie.

A roiall hunting.]

Moreouer, in this parlement it was granted, that the king should haue
of euerie sacke of wooll fortie shillings, of the which ten shillings
should be applied presentlie to the kings vses, and thirtie shillings
residue of the fourtie shillings should remaine in the hands of the
treasurors, towards the bearing forth of the charges of wars when any
chanced. ¶ Also there was a subsidie granted of six pence in the pound,
foure pence to the vse last mentioned, and two pence to be imploied at
the kings pleasure. In the same parlement, Iohn duke of Lancaster was
created duke of Aquitaine, receiuing at the kings hand the rod and cap,
as inuestures of that dignitie. Also the duke of Yorke his sonne and
heire |810| was created earle of Rutland. In the fift of March a sore
and terrible wind rose, with the violence whereof, much hurt was doone,
houses ouerthrowne, cattell destroied, and trees ouerturned. After
this insued great mortalitie by pestilence, so that much youth died
euerie where, in cities and townes, in passing great numbers. Herewith
followed a great dearth of corne, so that a bushell of wheat in some
places was sold at thirtéene pence, which was thought to be at a great
price. ¶ About the feast of S. Peter ad Vincula, Iohn duke of Lancaster
caused a great number of the nobles and péeres of the realme to hunt at
Leicester in the forrest and all the parkes there to him apperteining.
On the saturdaie the king and quéene were present, the archbishop of
Yorke, the duke of Yorke, Thomas Woodstoke duke of Glocester, the
earle of Arundell Iohn of Holland, the earle of Huntington, with
other bishops, lords and ladies a great manie, and on thursdaie next
following the king departing from thence towards Notingham soiourned
with the lord of Beaumont besides Loughborrow.

[Sidenote: A iournie against the Saracens.

An. Reg. 14.

The English archers good seruice.]

In this thirtéenth yeare of king Richards reigne, the christians tooke
in hand a iournie against the Saracens of Barbarie, through sute of
the Genowais, so that there went a great number of lords, knights,
and gentlemen of France and England, the duke of Burbon being their
generall. Out of England there went one Iohn de Beaufort bastard son to
the duke of Lancaster (as Froissard hath noted) also sir Iohn Russell,
sir Iohn Butler and others. They set forward in the latter end of this
thirtéenth yeare, and came to Genoa, where they remained not long, but
that the gallies and other vessels of the Genowais were readie to passe
them ouer into Barbarie. And so about Midsummer in the beginning of the
fourteenth yeare of this kings reigne, the whole armie being embarked,
sailed foorth to the coasts of Barbarie, where neare to the citie of
Affrike they landed, at which instant the English archers (as some
write) stood all the companie in good stead, with their long bowes,
beating backe the enimies from the shore, which came downe to resist
their landing.

[Sidenote: _Thom. Wals._

The earle of Derbie his exploits in his iournie against the infidels of
Prutzenland.]

After they had got to land, they inuironed the citie of Affrike,
(called by the moores Mahemedia) with a strong siege: but at length
constrained with the intemperancie of the scalding aire in that hot
countrie, bréeding in the armie sundrie diseases, they fell to a
composition vpon certeine articles to be performed in the behalfe of
the Saracens, and so 61 daies after their first arriuall there, they
tooke the seas againe, & returned home, as in the histories of France
and Italie is likewise expressed. Where, by Polydor Virgil it may
séeme, that the lord Henrie of Lancaster earle of Derbie, should be
capteine of the English men, that (as before ye haue heard) went into
Barbarie with the Frenchmen, and Genowais. It should otherwise appeare
by other writers, who affirme that the said earle made a iournie
in deed the same time against the miscreants, not into Barbarie,
but into Prutzenland, where he shewed good proofe of his noble and
valiant courage: for ioining with the masters and knights of the Dutch
order there, the armie of the Lithuanians that came against the said
order was vanquished, and foure chiefe leaders of the Lithuanians
were taken prisoners, thrée other being slaine, with thrée hundred
of their chiefest and best approoued soldiers. Through the policie
also and worthie manhood of the earle of Derbie, there was a certeine
citie taken, where the said earle and his men first entring vpon the
walles, did set vp his banner: other being slouthfull, or at the least
vnskilfull how to deale in such exploits. There were taken and slaine
foure thousand of the common people, and amongst them that were found
dead, the king of Polognies brother was one. The castell of the same
citie was besieged fiue weekes space: but by reason of sickenesse and
such infirmities as chanced in the armie, the masters of Prutzen, and
Lifeland would not tarie any longer, but breake vp their siege and
returned. The master of Lifeland led with him into his countrie thrée
thousand prisoners.

[Sidenote: A roiall iusts holden in Smithfield at London.

The manner of the iusts in Smithfield.

Siluer saith _Froissard_.]

In the meane time, whilest the christians were thus occupied, as well
against the infidels Barbarie, as in the east parts towards Littawe, a
roiall iusts and martiall turnament was proclaimed to be holden within
Smithfield in London, to begin on sundaie next after |811| the feast
of saint Michaell. And bicause this triumphant pastime was published,
not onelie in England, but also in Scotland, in Almaine, in Flanders,
in Brabant, in Heinault, & in France, manie strangers came hither
foorth of diuerse countries, namelie Valeran erle of saint Paule, that
had married king Richards sister the ladie Mauld de Courtnie, and
William the yoong erle of Osteruant, sonne to Albert de Bauiere earle
of Holland and Heinault. At the daie appointed, when all things were
prepared there issued foorth of the tower about thrée of the clocke in
the after noone sixtie coursers apparelled for the iustes, and vpon
euerie one an esquier of honor, riding a soft pace. Then came foorth
foure and twentie ladies of honour (three score saith Froissard)
mounted on palfries, riding on the one side richlie apparelled, and
euerie ladie led a knight with a chaine of gold. Those knights being
on the kings part, had their armor and apparell garnished with white
hearts and crownes of gold about their necks, and so they came riding
through the stréets of London vnto Smithfield, with a great number of
trumpets and other instruments before them.

[Sidenote: The king kept opē household in the bishop of London his
palace by Paules church. The K. festeth the strangers.

The duke of Lancaster feasteth the strangers.]

The king and the queene, with manie other great states were readie
placed in chambers richlie adorned to see the iusts: and when the
ladies that led the knights, were come to the place, they were taken
downe from their palfries, and went vp into chambers readie prepared
for them. Then alighted the esquires of honor from their coursers, &
the knights in good order mounted vpon them. And so when their helmets
were set on their heads, and that they were redie in all points,
after proclamations made by the heraults, the iusts began, and manie
commendable courses were run, to the great pleasure, comfort, and
recreation of the king, the quéene, and all other the beholders. The
prise that daie on the answerers part was giuen to the earle of saint
Paule; and on the chalengers side, to the earle of Huntington. On the
mondaie, the king himselfe, with dukes, earls, lords, and knights,
came to the iusts, he being cheefe of the inner part. That daie the
prise was giuen to the erle of Osteruant, for the best dooer of the
vtter part: and of the inner part, to a knight of England called sir
Hugh Spenser. On the tuesdaie, all manner of esquiers iusted, and
likewise on the wednesday all maner of knights and esquires that would,
on which daie was a sore and rude iusts, enduring till night. And so
manie a noble course and other martiall feats were atchiued in those
foure daies, to the great contentation and pleasure of manie a yoong
batcheler desirous to win fame, & also highlie to the kings honour,
who by all that season held his court in the bishops palace by Paules
church, kéeping open houshold for all honest persons that thither
resorted, especiallie euerie night after the iusts were ended, a right
sumptuous and princelie supper was prepared for the strangers and
other, and after supper, the time was spent in dansing and reuelling
after the most courtlike maner. On the thursdaie, the king made a
supper to all the lords, knights, and gentlemen strangers, and the
quéene to all the ladies and gentlewomen. On the fridaie the duke of
Lancaster feasted at dinner all the said lords, knights, and gentlemen
strangers, in most sumptuous and plentifull maner. On the saturdaie,
the king and all the whole companie departed from London vnto Windsore,
where new feasting began, and speciallie the king did all the honour
that might be deuised vnto the earls of saint Paule and Osteruant.
The earle of Osteruant, at the earnest request of the king, receiued
of him the order of the Garter, for the which he was euill thought
of afterwards by his freends, namelie the French king and others.
Finallie, after the king had thus feasted the strangers and others at
Windsore, each man tooke leaue of the king, the queene, and the kings
vncles, and other lords and ladies, and so departed, the strangers into
their owne countries, and other home to their houses, or whither they
thought best.

[Sidenote: _Abr. Fl._ out of _Angl. præl. sub. Rich._2.]

¶ This solemne iusts or tornement being touched, or rather in ample
maner described by Ch. Okland, is reported of him to haue béene kept
for actiuitie sake, and to set the youth & lustie blouds of the court
on worke, who otherwise (bicause the king was yong and loued to liue
in peace and ease, feats of armes and warlike prowesse both abroad
and |812| at home languished and laie as it were a fainting) through
idlenesse and want of exercise, degenerating and growing out of kind
from their woonted warlike valiantnesse, should giue themselues to
filthie lecherie, riot, sléepe, loitering pastimes, and slouthfulnesse,
all which doo greatlie impaire prowesse. Wherevpon (saith he)

[Sidenote: * Smithfield. *]

 Rege priùs de re consulto, ludicra diri
 Martis opus simulatum inter se bella mouebant,
 Atq; dies totos viginti quattuor hastis
 Assumptis, studio statuunt decurrere fixo.
 Deinde idem numerus procerum pars prima lacessens
 Mittit ad externas gentes qui talia pandant.
 Ludus ab Angligenis mense exercebitur vno
 Hasticus. Vrbi hærens * fabrorum dictus * agellus
 Extra Londini muros, spatiosus & amplus
 Est locus: hîc stadium cursuris, certáq; meta
 Ponitur, huc veniant quacúnq; ex gente creati
 Sanguine magnorum heroum. Certamine victor
 Qui fuerit, terris prosternens corpora plura,
 Aut plures hastas frangens, donabitur auri
 Multa vi, capiet quàm plurima ditia dona
 Præmia virtutis, Richardo hæc dante brabæa, &c.

Hauing thus described the place where the iusts should be kept, with
the rewards, and other circumstances; he toucheth the countries from
whence the forren nobilitie came, that should vndertake triall of
chiualrie with these foure and twentie challengers: who at the daie
appointed (saith he) came pransing out of the Towre vpon their great
barded horsses through the broad streets, and their ladies of honor
with them gorgiouslie decked with bracelets, owches, cheines, iewels,
spangles, and verie sumptuous attire: a goodlie sight for the people
to behold. At last, when they were come to Smithfield, and althings
readie, the trumpets sounded to the exercise; and both parties, as well
the English as the outlandish cheualiers ran togither, and tried their
strengths till they did sweat and were tired, their horsses panting
and braieng with the violence of their bodilie motion; their staues
being crasht in sunder, flue vp into the aire, and the broken stocke
or stumpe hitting the aduersarie ouerthrew him to the ground: the
beholders with ioy of heart gaue a shout thereat, as greatlie delighted
with the sight. Then came the night and brake off the first daies
tornement. On the next daie when they should renew and fall afresh vnto
it againe, they shewed themselues in courage equall to their ancestors,
and handled their matters so well that they got them great renowme. The
third daie came, and the multitude of people still gathered togither
woondered at the right valiant deeds of the valorous horssemen, how
they did tosse, hoisse vp, and wind their speares, and with what force
they vsed their armes, what courage appeared in their statelie horsses,
and how the verie heauens rang with the ratling of their armor, and the
strokes giuen to and fro. Euerie daie brought with it his portion of
pleasure, both to the contenders, and to the beholders. When the time
was expired of this tried chiualrie, necessarie occasion mooued the
king of England to set his mind on other matters, so that commending
the prowesse of the outlandish lords, he bestowed vpon them massie
cheines of gold, & loding them with other gifts of great valure,
dismissed them into their countries. But the English challengers
required nothing but renowme for their reward, being allured onelie
with the loue of praise; and thus when these pastimes of chiualrie
were quite ended, euerie man got him home to his owne house. Thus
farre Christopher Okland, touching the description of this Hippomachia
ludicra inter concertatores Anglos & externos.

[Sidenote: 1391.

_Thom. Wals._

Ambassadors from the French king for a perpetual peace. _Froissard_.

A proclamatiō that all English beneficed men in Rome should returne
into England.]

Ambassadors were sent from the French king, vnto the king of England,
to make an ouerture of peace to be had, and to indure for euer betwixt
the two realmes of England and France, sith that by warre it was
apparant inough, that neither realme, could greatlie |813| benefit it
selfe, but rather sore indamage either other, as afore time it had come
apparantlie to passe. Therefore the matter being well considered, both
parts séemed well affected towards some good conclusion by treatie to
be had of a full and perfect peace. About the same time, by the king
with the aduise of his councell, proclamation was made and published
at London, that all beneficed men abiding in the court of Rome, being
Englishmen borne, should returne home into England before the feast
of S. Nicholas, vnder paine to forfeit all their benefices; and such
as were not beneficed, vnder a paine likewise limited. The Englishmen
hearing such a thunder clap a farre off, fearing the blow, left the
popes court, and returned into their natiue soile.

[Sidenote: The pope sendeth his nuncio to king Richard.]

The pope troubled with such a rumbling noise, sent in all hast an abbat
as his nuncio vnto the king of England, as well to vnderstand the
causes of this proclamation, as of statutes deuised and made latelie
in parlement against those that prouided themselues of benefices
in the court of Rome by the popes buls, which séemed not a little
preiudiciall to the church of Rome: in consideration whereof the said
nuncio required that the same statutes might be repealed and abolished,
so farre as they tended to the derogation of the church liberties: but
if the same statutes were not abolished, the pope might not (said his
nuncio) with a safe conscience otherwise doo than procéed against them
that made those statutes, in such order as the canons did appoint.
Moreouer the said nuncio declared to the king certeine dangerous
practises betwixt the antipape and the French king; as to make the duke
of Touraine the French kings brother king of Tuscane and Lombardie, and
to establish the duke of Aniou in the kingdome of Sicile.

[Sidenote: The popes nuncio openeth to the king the Frēch kings priuie
practises.

Nuncio.]

Moreouer, he gaue the king to vnderstand, that if the French king
might compasse by the antipapes meanes to be chosen emperour, he would
seeke to vsurpe vpon ech mans right, and therefore it stood the king
of England chieflie in hand to prouide against such practises in time.
And as for the treatie of peace which the Frenchmen séemed so much to
fauour, it was to none other end, but that vpon agreement once had,
they might more conuenientlie compasse their purpose in the premisses.
Furthermore the nuncio earnestlie besought the king of aid in the
popes behalfe against the French king, if (as he threatned to doo) he
should inuade him in Italie with open force. The king séemed to giue
fauourable eare vnto the nuncio, and after aduise taken, appointed to
staie till after Michaelmasse, at what time a parlement was appointed
to be assembled, wherein such things as he had proponed should be weied
and considered, and some conclusion taken therein.

[Sidenote: _Abr. Fl._ out of _Henrie Knighton_ canon of Leicester
abbeie.

A sore bridle for the clergie.]

About this time or in the yeare 1391, according to Henrie Knightons
account, there was a prophane statute made against the church &
churchmen; namelie, that no ecclesiastical person or persons should
possesse manors, glebeland, houses, possessions, lands, reuenues or
rents whatsoeuer, at the hands of the feoffer, without the kings
licence & the chiefe lords. And this statute extended it selfe, as
well to parish churches, chappels, chanteries, as abbeies, priories,
& other monasteries whatsoeuer: likewise to citizens of cities, to
farmers, & burgesses, hauing such rents or possessions for the common
profit. For men in those daies, that would bestow land or liuelod vpon
church, fraternitie, or conuent, and were not able for cost and charges
to procure a mortmane, vnder the kings licence and chiefe lords; were
wont to feoffe some speciall men, in whom they had confidence and
trust; vnder whose name and title, churchmen, or anie other fraternitie
or conuent might inioy the profit of the gift, and might haue the
commoditie thereof in possession. And it was prouided by that statute,
that all and euerie as well persons ecclesiasticall as parishioners,
both citizens, burgesses, and farmers, or anie other whatsoeuer, hauing
such rents, possessions, manors, or anie reuenues whatsoeuer, in the
hands of such feoffers, without the licence of the king and chiefe
lords; that either they should obteine and get a licence of the king
and the chiefe lords to make it a mortmaine; or else set such things
to sale, & raise profit of them, on this side or before the feast of
Michaelmasse next insuing: or the said feast being past and expired,
that then the king and the |814| chiefe lords, in things not ordered
and disposed accordinglie, may enter and seize vpon the same, and them
haue and hold at his and their pleasure.

[Sidenote: The duke of Glocester his iournie into Prutzen land.

The duke of Glocester in great fauor with the commons.

An. Reg. 15.

A great death in Yorke and sundrie other places.]

About the same time, the duke of Glocester went into Prutzen land, to
the great griefe of the people, that made account of his departure,
as if the sunne had beene taken from the earth, doubting some mishap
to follow to the common wealth by his absence, whose presence they
thought sufficient to stay all detriments that might chance, for in
him the hope of the commons onelie rested. In his returne home, he was
sore tormented with rough weather and tempestuous seas. At length he
arriued in Northumberland, and came to the castell of Tinmouth, as to
a sanctuarie knowen to him of old, where after he had refreshed him
certeine daies, he tooke his iournie homewards to Plaschie in Essex,
bringing no small ioy for his safe returne to all the kingdome. ¶ On
the ninth of Iulie the sunne séemed darkened with certeine grosse
and euill fauoured clouds comming betwixt it and the earth, so as
it appeared ruddie, but gaue no light from noone till the setting
thereof. And afterwards continuallie for the space of six weeks,
about the middest of the daie, clouds customablie rose, and sometimes
they continued both daie and night, not vanishing awaie at all. ¶ At
the same time, such a mortalitie and death of people increased in
Northfolke, and in manie other countries of England, that it seemed not
vnlike the season of the great pestilence. In the citie of Yorke there
died eleuen thousand within a short space. ¶ Henrie Persie earle of
Northumberland lieutenant of Calis, was called home from that charge,
and created warden of the marches against Scotland, and Robert Mowbraie
was sent to Calis to be the kings lieutenant there.

[Sidenote: A parlement at London.

_Abr. Fl._ out of _Henrie Knighton_ canon of Leicester abbeie.

The duke of Lancaster ambassador for the king, right honorablie
receiued into France.

_Abr. Fl._ out of _Henrie Knighton_ canon of Leicester abbeie.]

On friday next after All soules day, the parlement began at London, in
which the knights would in no wise agrée, that the statute made against
spirituall men, for the prouiding themselues of benefices in the court
of Rome should be repealed: but yet they agréed thus much, that it
should be tollerated, so as with the kings licence such spirituallmen
might purchase to themselues such benefices till the next parlement. ¶
In this parlement aforsaid, there was granted vnto our lord the king
one tenth of the clergie, and one fiftéenth of the people towards the
expenses of Iohn duke of Lancaster, who in Lent next following went
ouer into France to the citie of Amiens for a finall peace betweene the
kingdoms of England and France: where the king of France met him with
a shew of great pompe and honor, sending before him first of all to
welcome him thither the citizens of the same citie on horssebacke in a
verie great number. Then afterwards, he sent earles and barons a great
manie to the same end, then his two vncles, last of all went the king
himselfe to meet him, and saluting him called him by the name of The
most worthie warrior of all christendome, the inuincible woorthinesse
of the king onelie excepted. And the duke had seauentéene daies (by
couenant) to compasse this treatie of peace: at last he returned,
hauing attendant vpon him in his traine the bishop of Durham, and
the sonne of the duke of Yorke the earle of Rutland, with a thousand
horssemen, set foorth in a woonderfull sumptuous sort with goodlie
furniture. ¶ Also conditionallie a whole tenth and a whole fiftéenth
were granted to him, if it chanced that he made anie iournie that yeare
against the Scots. ¶ In this yeare, the duke of Gelderland sent to the
king of England letters of commendation & praise, wherein also were
prouocations and stirrings vp to warre and warlike actiuitie, and to
the exercise of kinglie noblenesse, the tenor whereof followeth:


The tenor of the said dukes letter to king Richard.

 MAGNIFICE princeps, innata vobis probitas, & prudentum consilia (vt
 opinamur) simul agerent in officium, quòd singula hæreditaria iura,
 quæ ex natalitio vestram magnificant regiam maiestatem, temporibus
 vestræ discretonis altissima prouidentia munirentur illæsa; et si
 quæuis oppugnaret violentia, clypeo militari studeat regalis industria
 |815| fortiter defendere sua iura. Et quòd vestram regiam personam
 cōtingamus in affinitate, ni vetet Deus ipse, quin semper parati
 erimus vobis in vestris iuribus defendendis assistere cum duobus
 milibus lancearū, quando & quotiens disponemini ad bellica conuolare.
 Nec perire debeant iura propter verba aut promissa, quomodolibet ad
 hoc laborat versutia Gallicorum. Sanè serenissime princeps in orbem
 volat fama, nec ambigitur quòd propter lanam & innumerabilia vestra
 singularia commoda, sine quibus non viuit oriens neque auster, regna
 singula in pecunijs vos salutant. In comparatione igitur ad alios
 reges vobis confert Deus ipse diuitias centuplatas. Probitas etiam
 militaris, & arcuum asperitas, sine pari, taliter huc vsque extulere
 gentem magnanimam occidentis, quòd timor non paruus vestros inuadit
 aduersarios; & ad hunc diem impariter victoriosè dimicauit cum
 Gallicis Angliæ gens austera. In pusillanimitate igitur (potentissime
 princeps) contra naturam non obdormeat cor leonis; sed & quales vobis
 contulit vires natura, ipsas applicare dignemini actibus bellicosis,
 in defensionem reipublicæ; iuris hæreditarij sustentationem,
 augmentúmque meriti, & incomparabiliter chronicabilem probitatem
 cordis magnanimi tanti regis.


The same letter in plaine phrase verbatim Englished by A. F.

 MOST mightie prince, your roiall prowesse and the counsels of the
 sage, should altogither (as we thinke) moue you in dutie, by the most
 profound & deepe foresight of your discretion in time to maintaine
 and defend all and singular your rights & inheritance vnharmed, which
 by birth doo magnifie and make great your roiall maiestie, and if
 anie violence whatsoeuer gainstand and assault the same, your kinglie
 diligence should indeuor with the shield of a warrior valiantlie to
 defend your title and right. And bicause we are neere you, & doo as
 it were touch your roiall person in aliance, vnlesse God himselfe doo
 forbid and hinder vs, we will alwaies be readie in all your rights
 to assist and aid you with two thousand pikes, when and how often
 soeuer you shall be disposed to rush out to battell. Your right ought
 not to be lost for words and promises, howsoeuer the craftinesse of
 the French labor to this purpose. Trulie most excellent prince, your
 renowme doth flie into the world, neither is it doubted but for your
 wooll sake, and other your singular commodities being innumerable
 (without the which the east and the south can not liue) all realmes
 with their coines doo greet you. In comparison therefore of other
 kings God himselfe hath bestowed vpon you riches a hundred fold.
 Your warlike prowesse also, & the roughnesse of your bowes, being
 peerelesse, haue hitherto so extolled the couragious nation of the
 west, that no small feare dooth inuade your aduersaries; and to this
 day the sterne people of England haue (none like them) victoriouslie
 incountered with the French. Therefore ô most puissant prince, let not
 the hart of a lion sleepe in cowardlinesse against nature: but what
 force and valiantnesse nature hath giuen you, the same vouchsafe to
 put in practise with feats of armes in defense of your common wealth,
 the maintenance of your right by inheritance, the increase of your
 desert, and the peerelesse prowesse of so great a kings couragious
 hart right worthie to be chronicled.

[Sidenote: The flix gotten by excessive feeding on fruits.

The lord maior of London commended for his carefull prouision of corne
from beyond the seas in the time of dearth.]

The price of corne that had continued at an high rate, almost for the
space of two yeares, began to fall immediatlie after haruest was got
in, to the great reliefe of the poore, which before through immoderate
eating of nuts and apples, fell into the disease called the flix,
whereof manie died, and suerlie (as was thought) the death and dearth
had beene greater, if the commendable diligence of the lord maior of
London had not béene, in relieuing the commons by such prouision as he
made for corne to be brought to London, from the parties of beyond the
seas, where otherwise neither had the countrie béene able in anie thing
to haue sufficed the citie, nor the citie the countrie. H. Knighton
|816| referreth this scarsitie to the yeare 1390, and maketh a large
discourse both of the miseries which it brought with it, as also of the
cause whereby it was procured, and of the notable meanes whereby the
same in most places was remedied.

[Sidenote: _Abr. Fl._ out of _Henrie Knighton_ canon of Leceister
abbeie.

The cause of the scarsitie was not want of bread or corne.

Wooll sold dogcheape by the stone.

Prouision against scarsitie to relieue the poore.

O charitie of London!]

In this yeare (saith he) was a great dearth in all parts of England,
and this dearth or scarsitie of corne began vnder the sickle, and
lasted till the feast of saint Peter ad vincula, to wit, till the time
of new corne. This scarsitie did greatlie oppresse the people, and
chieflie the commoners of the poorer sort. For a man might sée infants
and children in stréets and houses, through hunger, howling, crieng,
and crauing bread: whose mothers had it not (God wot) to breake vnto
them. But yet there was such plentie and abundance of manie yeares
before, that it was thought and spoken of manie housekéepers and
husbandmen, that if the séed were not sowen in the ground, which was
hoorded vp and stored in barnes, lofts, and garners, there would be
inough to find and susteine all the people by the space of fiue yeares
following. But the cause of this penurie, was thought to be the want of
monie in a great manie. For monie in these daies was verie scant, and
the principall cause hereof was, for that the wooll of the land lay a
sléepe and hoong heauie in some mens hands by the space of two yeares;
and in others thrée yeares, without a chapman. For it was enacted in
a certeine parlement, that the merchants of England should not passe
out of the land with wooll and other merchandize, but should bring
the same vnto twelue places within the realme appointed for the same
purpose, that the merchants strangers might haue recourse thither with
their commodities and so by exchange should transport our merchandize
for theirs. By meanes whereof the merchants of England did forbeare to
buy wooll and other wares vntil the next parlement insuing, wherein it
was granted them to traffike whither they would with their commodities.
In these daies wooll was dogcheape: for one stone of good wooll of the
chosen and piked sort, was sold for thrée shillings, and in Leicester
and Kent at some times for two shillings or two and twentie pence. This
scarsitie of victuals was of greatest force in Leicester shire, & in
the middle parts of the realme. And although it was a great want, yet
was not the price of corne out of reason. For a quarter of wheat, when
it was at the highest, was sold at Leicester for 16 shillings 8 pence
at one time, and at other times for a marke or fourteene shillings: at
London and other places of the land a quarter of wheat was sold for ten
shillings, or for litle more or lesse. For there arriued eleuen ships
laden with great plentie of victuals at diuerse places of the land, for
the reliefe of the people. Besides this, the citizens of London laid
out two thousand marks to buy food out of the common chest of orphans:
and the foure and twentie aldermen, euerie of them put in his twentie
pound a péece for necessarie prouision, for feare of famine, likelie
to fall vpon the citie. And they laid vp their store in sundrie of the
fittest and most conuenient places they could choose, that the néedie,
and such as were wroong with want, might come & buy at a certeine price
so much as might suffice them and their familie: and they which had not
readie monie to paie downe presentlie in hand, their word and credit
was taken for a yeares space next following, and their turne serued.
Thus was prouision made that people should be relieued, and that none
might perish for hunger.

[Sidenote: A dolphin taken at London bridge.

1392.

Ambassadors sent to the French king to treat of peace.]

On Christmasse day, a dolphin that came foorth of the sea vp the Thames
vnto London-bridge, was espied of the citizens as he plaied in the
water, and being followed & pursued, with much adoo was taken. He was
ten foot long, and a monstrous growne fish, so as the sight of him
was strange to manie that beheld him. He was thought by his comming
so farre into the landward, to foreshew such stormes and tempests as
within a wéeke after did raginglie follow. Ye haue heard how the matter
for a treatie of peace had béene first broched by the French king, by
sending ambassadors to the king of England, to mooue the same. Which
motion being throughlie considered of the estates assembled in this
last parlement, it was decréed, that it should go forward (as before
ye haue heard) and so about Candlemasse, the lord Thomas Persie, sir
Lewes Clifford, and |817| sir Robert Briquet, with diuerse other in
their companie, were sent ouer to the French king, and comming to
Paris, found him lodgd in his house of Loure, where they declared to
him the good affection of the king their maister toward peace. And the
better to bring it to passe, they shewed that king Richards desire was
to haue some place and time appointed for commissioners to méet, with
authoritie to treat and conclude vpon articles, as should be thought
expedient. The French king greatlie honored these ambassadors, in
feasting and banketting them for the space of six daies togither, and
for answer, concluded with them, that he himselfe, with his vncles and
other of his councell, would be at Amiens by the middest of March next
insuing, there to abide the king of Englands comming, and his vncles,
if it should please them thither to come.

[Sidenote: Sir Robert Briquet a Frenchman of king Richard his priuie
chamber. The dukes of Lancaster & Yorke, the earls of Derbie and
Huntington, the lord Thomas Persie, the bishops of Durham and London
were sent ouer, as _Froissard_ saith.

A roiall ambassage.

The duke of Lancaster, a prince of great renowne.]

The English ambassadors said there was no doubt, but that either the
king himselfe, or his vncles shuld be there at the day assigned,
with full authoritie to conclude anie agréement that should seeme
reasonable, and so those ambassadors returned with great gifts
presented on the kings behalfe to ech of them, sir Robert Briquet
excepted, vnto whome it séemed the French king bare no great good will,
for that being a Frenchman borne, he had euer serued the Nauarrois or
Englishmen, and was now one of king Richards priuie chamber. The king
of England (as some write) was once minded to haue passed the seas
himselfe, to haue met the French king at Amiens, at the time appointed,
but finallie the duke of Lancaster, the bishop of Durham, and others,
were sent thither with a traine néere hand of a thousand horsses. At
their comming into France, they were roiallie receiued: for the French
king had made no lesse preparation for the duke of Lancasters comming,
than if he had béene emperor. The duke of Lancaster verelie was
estéemed to be a verie mightie prince, and one of the wisest and sagest
princes in all christendome, in those daies; so that it séemed the
French king reioised greatlie, that he might come to haue conference
with him. There were with the French king héere at Amiens, his brother
the duke of Thoureigne; his vncles, the dukes of Berrie, Burbon, and
Burgognie, & a great number of earles, lords, and other nobles of the
realme of France. Before the Englishmens comming, for auoiding of
strife and debate that might arise betwixt the English and French,
a proclamation was set foorth conteining certeine articles, for the
demeanor which the French men should obserue towards the Englishmen.

[Sidenote: The truce prolonged for a yeare. _Thom. Wals._]

Whilest they there remained, all the Englishmens charges were borne
by the French king, from their setting foorth from Calis, till they
came backe thither againe. As touching their treatie, manie things
were proponed, diuerse demands made, and some offers, though to small
purpose, for they tooke not effect, insomuch as they departed without
concluding anie thing, further than that the truse which was to end
at Midsummer next, was prolonged to continue one yéere more, that
in the meane time, the lords and estates of the realme of England
might assemble, and with good aduise deliberate, whether it were more
expedient to agrée vnto a determinate peace, or to pursue the doubtfull
chances of warre. And such was the end of that roiall ambassage, to
the furnishing foorth whereof, the king demanded an aid as well of the
abbats and priors, as of the cities and good townes through the whole
realme.

[Sidenote: A councell at Stamford.

The duke of Gelderland commeth into England.

The duke of Gelderland dissuadeth the king from peace with the French
and Scots.]

Anon after the returne of the duke of Lancaster, and other the
ambassadors that had béene at Amiens, a councell of the lords and
chiefe states of the realme was called at Stamford, the which (as if
it had béene vnto a parlement) there came foorth of euerie good towne
certeine persons appointed to deliberate and take aduise in so weightie
a matter, as either to conclude vpon peace, or else vpon warre. But
in the end they brought little or nothing to passe, sauing that they
agréed to haue the truce to indure for twelue moneths longer: both
kings sware to obserue the same, afore such as were appointed to sée
their othes receiued. About the same time came the duke of Gelderland
into this realme, being the kings cousine, a right valiant and hardie
gentleman: he was honorablie receiued and welcomed of the king, and
of his vncles, the dukes of Lancaster and Glocester. This duke of
Gelderland counselled the king not to conclude |818| peace, either
with the Frenchmen or Scots, except vpon such conditions as might be
knowne to be both profitable and honorable to him and his realme,
promising that if he had occasion to make warre against either of
those two nations, he would be readie to serue him with a conuenient
power of men at armes of his countrie. After he had béene here a time,
and highlie feasted and banketted, aswell by the king as other great
estates of the realme, he returned home, not without diuerse rich gifts.

[Sidenote: The Londoners refuse to lend the king a thousand pounds.]

The king about this season sent to the Londoners, requesting to borrow
of them the summe of one thousand pounds, which they vncourteouslie
refused to lend: and moreouer they fell vpon an Italian or Lombard (as
they termed him) whom they beat and néere hand slue: bicause he offered
to lend the king that monie. Whereof when the king was aduertised, he
was sore mooued against them, and calling togither the most part of
the péeres and noble men of his realme, declared vnto them the froward
dealings of the Londoners, complaining sore of such their presumption.
The lords and great men, séeming not greatlie to fauour the Londoners,
gaue counsell that the insolent pride of those presumptuous persons
might with speed be repressed. The citizens of London in those daies
(as should appeare) vsing their authoritie to the vttermost, had
deuised and set foorth diuerse orders and constitutions to abridge the
libertie of forreners that came to the citie to vtter their commodites.
Religious men that wrote the dooings of that age, seemed also to find
fault with them, for that they fauored Wicliffes opinions, & therefore
did charge them with infidelitie, and mainteining (I know not how) of
Lollards & heretikes: but howsoeuer the matter, went they fell at this
present into the kings heauie displeasure.

[Sidenote: A great fire kindled about a little sparke.

A riot by the Londoners vpon the bishop of Salisburies men.]

Some there be that write, how the king piked the first quarell against
the maior and shiriffes, for a riot committed by the vnrulie citizens,
against the seruants of the bishop of Salisburie: for that where one
of the same bishops seruants had taken a horsse-lofe frō a bakers man,
as he passed by in Fléetstréet with his basket to serue his masters
customers, and would not deliuer it againe, but brake the bakers mans
head, when he was earnest to haue recouered the lofe, the inhabitants
of the stréet rose, and would haue had the bishops man to prison for
breaking the kings peace: but he was rescued by his fellowes, and
escaped into Salisburie house, that stood there within the allie, and
as then belonged to his master the bishop of Salisburie, being at that
time high treasuror of England. The people being set in a rage for the
rescue so made, gathered togither in great multitudes about the bishops
palace gate, and would haue fetched out the offendor by force.

[Sidenote: Walter Romane.]

To conclude, such a hurling was in the stréet, that the maior, with
the shiriffes, & diuers aldermen came thither with all speed, to take
order in the matter, and to sée the peace kept; but after the cōming
thither of the maior, the commons of the citie resorted to the place
in far greater numbers than before; and the more they were the worsse
they were to rule, and would not be persuaded to quiet themselues,
except the bishops seruant, whose name was Walter Romane, might be had
out of the house, and committed to prison: but at length, after manie
assaults, lifts, & other indeuours made to haue broken vp the gates of
the house, the maior & aldermen, with other discréet commoners appeased
the people so, as they brought them to quiet, and sent euerie man to
his house.

[Sidenote: The bishop of Salisburie maketh a gréeuous cōplaint of the
Londoners to the king.

The maior & shiriffes of London sent for to Windsore to the king, &
there imprisoned.]

The bishop was then at Windesor where the court laie, who being
informed of this matter, by a gréeuous report and happilie in worsse
manner than the thing had happened indeed, tooke such indignation
therewith, that taking with him Thomas Arundell archbishop of Yorke,
then lord chancellor of England, he went to the king and made an
heinous complaint against the citizens for their misdemeanor, so that
his displeasure was the more kindled against the citizens, in so much
that, whether in respect of this last remembered complaint, or rather
for their vncourteous deniall to lend him the thousand pounds, and
misusing the Lombard that offered to lend the same, I cannot saie;
but sure it is, that the maior and shiriffe, and a great sort more
of the citizens, were sent for to come to the court, where diuerse
misdemeanors were obiected and laid to their charge: |819| and
notwithstanding, what excuse they pretended, the maior and shiriffes
with diuerse other of the most substantiall citizens, were arrested.
The maior was committed to the castell of Windesor, and the other, vnto
other castels and holds, to be safelie kept, till the king, by the
aduise of his councell, should determine further what should be doone
with them.

[Sidenote: The liberties of London seized. A gardian appointed to
gouerne the citie of London.

An. Reg. 16.

Sir Edward Darlingrug lord warden of London.

Darlingrug remooued, & sir Baldwine Radington made lord warden of
London.]

The liberties of the citie were seized into the kings hands, and the
authoritie of the maior vtterlie ceassed, the king appointing a warden
to gouerne the citie, named sir Edward Darlingrug knight, that should
both rule the citie, and see that euerie man had iustice ministred,
as the case required. This sir Edward Darlingrug began to gouerne the
citie of London by the name of lord warden, the one and twentith of
Iune, on which day the king entered into the 16 yeare of his reigne:
by reason it was thought that the said sir Edward Darlingrug was
ouerfauourable to the citizens, he continued in his office but till the
first of Iulie, and being then discharged, one sir Baldwine Radington,
a right circumspect and discréet knight, was put in that roome, who
knew how both to content the kings mind, and to comfort the citizens,
and put them in hope of the kings fauour in time to be obteined, to the
reliefe of their sorow and heauinesse.

[Sidenote: The liberties of London in part confirmed in part condemned.]

At length, the king, through sute and instant labour made by certeine
noble men, speciallie the duke of Glocester, began somewhat to relent
and pacifie himselfe, as touching his rigorous displeasure against
the Londoners, calling to mind the great honour he had diuerse waies
receiued at their hands, with the great gifts which they had likewise
bestowed vpon him, wherevpon he purposed to deale the more mildlie
with them, and so sent for diuerse of the chiefe citizens to come
vnto Windesor, where he then kept his court, there to shew foorth the
priuileges, liberties, and lawes of their citie, as well the new as
old, that with the aduise of his councell, he might determine which
should remaine in force, and which should be abolished. Herevpon,
when the said priuileges, and liberties were laid foorth, to the view
of such persons as had to consider of them, some were ratified, some
permitted by tolleration, and some vtterlie condemned and abrogated.

Neither might they recouer at that present, either the person or
dignitie of their maior, nor obteine the kings entire fauour, till
they had satisfied the king of the damages and iniuries by them doone,
either to him or his people. And where he had beene at great charges,
in preparing forces to chastise them, as he was determined, if they
had not submitted themselues vnto him, they were sure that their
pursses must answer all that he had laid foorth about that matter. They
therfore with humble submission, in recompense & satisfaction of their
trespasses, offered to giue him ten thousand pounds, but they were for
this time sent home, and appointed to returne againe at a certeine day,
not vnderstanding what they must pay, till the king with the aduise of
his councell had taken further order for them. At length, through such
dailie sute as was made for the quieting of the kings hot displeasure
towards the Londoners, he was contented to pardon all offenses past.
But first, the citizens were told, that the king meant to come from his
manor of Shene, to the citie of London, and then vndoubtedlie, vpon
knowledge had of their good meanings, hereafter to beare themselues
like louing subiects, they should obteine his fauour.

[Sidenote: A swéet sacrifice.

He was met with procession of the bishop & clergie at S. Georges church
in Southwarke.

Gifts presented to the K. by the Londoners to pacifie his displeasure
conceiued against them. K. Richard roiallie receiued into London.]

The citizens aduertised hereof, did not onelie prepare themselues to
meet him and to present him with gifts in most liberall manner; but
also to adorne, decke, and trim their citie with sumptuous pageants,
rich hangings, and other gorgeous furniture, in all points like as is
vsed at anie coronation. At the day appointed, there met him (beside
other) foure hundred of the citizens on horsebacke, clad in one
liuerie, presenting themselues in that order, vpon the heath on this
side Shene, and in most humble wise, crauing pardon for their offenses
past, besought him to take his waie to his palace of Westminster,
thorough the citie of London. This sute made by the recorder, in
name of all the citizens, he gratiouslie granted, and so held on his
iournie, till he came to London bridge, where vnto him was presented
a passing faire stéed, white, saddled, bridled, and |820| trapped in
rich cloth of gold, parted with red and white. And likewise to the
quéene was giuen a milke white paltrie, saddled, brideled, and trapped
in the same sort, as the other was. These presents were thankefullie
accepted, and so both the king and the queene passing forward, entered
the citie, prepared and hanged with rich clothes (as before you haue
heard) the citizens standing on ech side the stréets in their liueries,
crieng; King Richard, king Richard.

[Sidenote: More gifts by the Lōdoners to the king.

_Tho. Walsin._ The liberties of London ratified by king Richard.]

At the standard in Cheape, was a right sumptuous stage ordeined, on
which were set diuerse personages, and an angell that put a rich crowne
of gold, garnished with stone and pearle vpon the kings head, as he
passed by, and likewise an other on the queenes head. This doone, the
king rode to Paules, and there offered, and so tooke his horsse againe,
and rode to Westminster, where the maior and his companie taking their
leaue, returned to London. On the morrow, the maior and his brethren
went againe to Westminster, and there presented the king with two
basens gilt, & in them two thousand nobles of gold, beséeching him to
be good and gratious lord to the citie; he receiued their present in
courteous manner, and gaue them manie comfortable words. The third daie
after, they receiued a new confirmation of all their old liberties
(at the least such as might be an aid to the citie, and no detriment
to forreners) wherefore, by counsell of their freends, they ordeined
a table for an altar of siluer and gilt, ingrauen with imagerie, and
inameled in most curious wise, conteining the storie of saint Edward,
it was valued to be worth a thousand marks. This was presented to the
king, the which he shortlie after offered to the shrine of saint Edward
within the abbeie. The Londoners beléeued, that by these gifts they
had beene quite rid of all danger; but yet they were compelled to giue
the king after this, ten thousand pounds, which was collected of the
commons in the citie, not without great offense and grudging in their
minds.

[Sidenote: _Abr. Fl._ out of _Henrie Knighton_ canon of Leceister
abbeie.]

¶ You haue heard hitherto, what means was made by the maior, aldermen,
and whole bodie of the commonaltie of London to procure the kings
maiesties (in whose disfauour they were deeplie drowned) gratious
reconciliation. Wherein though there hath beene large matter deliuered;
yet to set foorth the dignitie thereof the fuller, take heere by the
waie the report of Henrie Knighton. In the yeare (saith he) 1392, the
king called a great councell on the morrow after Trinitie sundaie at
Stamford, about certeine affaires concerning the Frenchmen, in which
councell he assembled togither all the old soldiers of his relme,
that by the aduise of the elder sort he might sée what were best for
him to doo in the premisses. The king also held a great councell at
Notingham, on the feast of S. Iohn the Baptist, whereat he caused the
maior of London with the foure and twentie aldermen, the two shiriffes,
and foure and twentie of the best commoners of the citie in the second
degrée to be conuented before him. Héere he charged them that they
had forfeited a certeine bond of 9000 pounds to the king, besides the
losse of their liberties and priuileges. Which obligation or bond they
had made in former time to the king, their deserts requiring the same.
Now the king, after rehearsall made of their new offenses & faults,
discharged the maior, the two shiriffes, and the rest of his officers
of their offices, and sent the maior and the two shiriffes to certeine
places of custodie as his prisoners, defeating the citie of London
of the honour of all their priuileges; in so much that a citizen or
fréeman should haue no more prerogatiue than a forrener or stranger. He
appointed also the lord Edward Balerige to be gouernor therof, to kéepe
and see kept the kings lawes and his liege people within London in due
order, vntill such time as the king had otherwise prouided for them.
And he set them a day to answer the king and his councell to certeine
interrogatories on the feast of S. Marie Magdalen then next insuing, at
Windsore. In the meane while, at the mediation of certeine freends and
welwillers, the kings indignation was somewhat mitigated and asswaged
towards them; in somuch that at length he released the maior and the
shiriffes, and sent them home to their houses; setting ouer them
notwithstanding a new kéeper or gouernour of the citie, and reseruing
in his hand all the priuileges of the citie. In the meane time, on the
sundaie next after the feast of the |821| Assumption of the blessed
virgin Marie; all the wealthiest and worthiest commoners of the citie
came to the king, and submitted themselues and all their goods to his
grace, and then did he first receiue and take them into his fauour. On
the wednesdaie insuing, the king was purposed to come into London, and
the citizens in multitudes innumerable met him on horssebacke; & they
that had no horsses went out on foot to welcome him thither; women also
and infants shewed themselues vnto him; likewise the bishop of London,
with all the clergie, no order, degree, condition, estate, or sex of
ecclesiasticall dignitie being excused, went out in procession to meet
the king and the quéene with great reioising. It was reported how in
that procession there were aboue fiue hundred boies in surplisses.
Moreouer, the citizens of London trimmed the outsides of their houses
and chambers in euerie stréet through which the king and the queene
were to passe, from S. Georges to Westminster. As for the houses of the
welthier sort, they were brauelie garnished with cloth of gold, siluer,
tissue, veluet, & other sumptuous stuffe whatsoeuer by any possible
means could be gotten. In Cheapside there was a conduit, out of the
which two spouts ran with read wine & white, and vpon the conduit stood
a little boie apparelled in white like an angell, hauing a golden cup
in his hand, who presented wine to the king and queene to drinke as
they passed by. In the meane time they offered to the king a golden
crowne of great value, and another golden crowne to the quéene; and
a while after passing forwards, they presented to the king a golden
tablet of the Trinitie, to the value of eight hundred pounds: and to
the queene another golden tablet of S. Anne, whome she had in speciall
deuotion and reuerence, bicause hir owne name was Anne. Such, and so
great, and so wonderfull honors did they to the king, as the like in
former times was neuer doone to anie king of this realme: and so going
forward, they brought the king and the quéene to Westminster hall. The
king sitting in his seat roiall, & all the people standing before him;
one in the kings behalfe as his speaker, gaue the people thanks for
the great honour and princelie presents which they had bestowed vpon
the king; and being bidden to fall euerie man to his businesse and
affaires, it was told them that in the next parlement they should haue
their finall answer.

[Sidenote: The duke of Glocester made duke of Ireland.

His iournie into Ireland vnluckilie staied.

Véere, late duke of Ireland, dieth at Louaine.]

At the same time, the duke of Glocester, hauing receiued monie to
leauie an armie, which he should haue conueied ouer into Ireland, of
which countrie, a good while before that present, the king had made him
duke, was now readie to set forward, when suddenlie through the malice
of some priuie detractours about the king, he was contermanded, and
so his iournie was staied, to the great hinderance and preiudice of
both the countries of England and Ireland: for euen vpon the fame that
was bruted of his comming into Ireland, in manner all the Irish lords
determined to submit themselues vnto him, so greatlie was his name both
loued, reuerenced, and feared, euen among those wild and sauage people.
This yeare Robert Véere, late earle of Oxenford, and duke of Ireland,
departed this life at Louaine in Brabant, in great anguish of mind, &
miserable necessitie: which yoong gentleman (doubtlesse) was apt to all
commendable exercises and parts fit for a noble man, if in his youth he
had béene well trained and brought vp in necessarie discipline.

[Sidenote: 1393.

_Tho. Walsi._ A parlement at Winchester.

The chancerie and kings bench kept at Yorke and frō thence remooued to
Londō.

Eures.

The Ile of Man.]

This yeare after Christmasse, a parlement was called at Winchester, in
which onelie a grant was made by the cleargie, of halfe a tenth, for
the expenses of the duke of Lancaster & Glocester, that were appointed
to go ouer into France, to treat of peace, betwixt the two kingdomes.
The courts of the kings bench and chancerie, which had béene remooued
from Westminster to Yorke, either in disfauour onelie of the Londoners,
or in fauour of the citizens of Yorke, for that the archbishop of
that citie, being lord chancellor, wished to aduance (so farre as
in him laie) the commoditie and wealth thereof, were neuerthelesse
about this season brought backe againe to Westminster, after they had
remained a small time at Yorke, to the displeasure of manie. ¶ This
yeare, the lord Auberie de Veere, vncle to the late duke of Ireland,
was made earle of Oxenford. ¶The two and twentith of Februarie, Iohn
Eures, constable of Douer castell, & lord steward of the kings house
|822| departed this life, in whose roome the lord Thomas Persie that
before was vicechamberlaine was created lord steward; and the lord
Thomas Beaumont was made constable of Douer, and lord warden of the
cinque ports: and the lord William Scroope was made vicechamberlaine,
who about the same time, bought of the lord William Montacute the Ile
of Man, with the regalitie therof, for it is a kingdome; as Thomas
Walsingham affirmeth.

[Sidenote: The dukes of Lancaster & Glocester sent to Frāce to treat of
a peace.

The French comissioners would haue Calis raced to the ground.]

The dukes of Lancaster and Glocester went ouer vnto Calis, and downe
to Bullongne came the dukes of Berrie and Burgognie. These noblemen
were sufficientlie furnished with authoritie, to conclude a perfect
peace, both by sea and land, betweene the two realmes of France and
England, and all their alies. The place appointed for them to treat
in, was at Balingham, where tents and pauilions were pight vp, for the
ease of both parties. They met there twise or thrise a wéeke, in a
faire tent prepared for the purpose, about nine of the clocke in the
forenoone. This was about the beginning of Maie. When they entered
first into communication, and had séene each others authoritie, one of
the first demands that the Frenchmen made, was to haue Calis raced, in
such wise, as there should neuer be anie habitation there after that
time. The dukes of Lancaster and Glocester answered herevnto, how they
had no authoritie to conclude so farre, but that England should hold
Calis still, as in demesne, and true inheritance; and therefore, if
they purposed to enter any further in the treatie of peace, they should
ceasse from that demand and speake no more thereof. When the dukes
of Berrie and Burgognie heard their two cousins of England answer so
roundlie, they spake no more of that matter.

[Sidenote: The demand of the English cōmissioners.

Order taken that the demands on either side should be set downe in
writing, the better to be considered of.

The English gentlemen mainteined by the French warres.

The subtiltie of the French men.

The commissioners meet againe.]

Then the dukes of Lancaster and Glocester demanded to haue restitution
of all such lands as had béene deliuered, either to king Richard, or
to king Edward the third, or to anie their deputies or commissioners,
and also to haue fullie paid the summe of florens that was left vnpaid,
at the time when the warre reuiued betwixt England and France: and
this the English lawiers prooued to stand with equitie and reason.
But neuerthelesse, the lords and chancellor of France argued to the
contrarie, and so agrée they could not, insomuch as the Frenchmen
required, that if the Englishmen meant to haue anie conclusion of
peace, they should draw to some neerer points. At length, the foure
dukes tooke order, that all their demands on either side should be set
downe in writing, and deliuered to either partie interchangeablie,
that they might be regarded at length, and such as should be found
vnreasonable, to be raced or reformed. After they had communed togither
diuerse times, and remained there fiftéene daies, they appointed to
aduertise the two kings of their whole dooings, and after nine daies
space to meet againe. The French dukes rode to Abbeuile, where the
French king then laie: and the English dukes returning to Calis, wrote
to the king of England, of all the whole matter. The duke of Glocester
was harder to deale with in each behalfe, concerning the conclusion
of peace, than was the duke of Lancaster, for he rather desired to
haue had warre than any peace, except such a one as should be greatlie
to the aduantage and honour of the realme of England: and therefore
the commons of England vnderstanding his disposition, agreed that he
should be sent, rather than anie other. For where in times past the
Englishmen had greatlie gained by the warres of France, as well the
commons, as the knights and esquires, who had by the same mainteined
their estate, they could not giue their willing consents, to haue anie
peace at all with the Frenchmen, in hope by reason of the wars, to
profit themselues, as in times past they had doone. The French king
& nobles of France were greatlie inclined to peace, and so likewise
was the king of England, & the duke of Lancaster. But the Frenchmen
were so subtill, and vsed so manie darke and  words, that the
Englishmen had much a doo to vnderstand them: which offended much the
duke of Glocester. But neuerthelesse, at the daie prefixed, these foure
dukes met againe at Balingham, and with the French lords came the king
of Armenie, newlie returned into France foorth of Grecia, for into his
owne countrie he durst not come, the Turkes hauing conquered it, the
strong towne of Conich, which the Genowaies held, excepted. |823|

[Sidenote: The king of Armenie.

Obscure and doubtfull words to be opened.

A truce for foure yeares betwéene England and France.]

The king of Armenie would gladlie that peace might haue béene
established betwixt France and England, in hope to procure the sooner
some aid of the kings to recouer his kingdome. But to conclude after
that the dukes, and other with them associat as assistants, had
diligentlie perused and examined the articles of their treatie, they
would not passe nor seale to anie, till all darke and obscure words
were cléerelie declared, opened, and made perfect, so that no generall
peace might be concluded. Notwithstanding, as Froissard saith, a truce
for foure yeares space, vpon certeine articles was agreed to be kept
as well by sea as by land. It was thought, that when they were at
point to haue growne to agreement concerning manie articles, if the
French king had not newlie fallen into his former disease of frensie,
there had better effect followed of this treatie; but by occasion of
his sicknesse, each man departed, before that anie principall articles
could be fullie ordered and make perfect. The same time, sir Thomas
Persie the yoonger was made lord warden of Burdeaux and Aquitaine.

[Sidenote: An. Reg. 17.

Great tempests.

Much hurt doone by great flouds in Suffolke.

A great plage in Essex.

1394.

Variance betwéene the duke of Lancaster and the earle of Arundell.]

In September, much hurt was doone, thorough excéeding great thunder,
lightening, and tempests, which chanced in manie parts of England, but
speciallie in Cambridgeshire, where manie houses were burned, with
no small quantitie of corne. Great inundations and flouds of water
followed shortlie after in October, which did much hurt at Burie, and
Newmarket in Suffolke, where it ouerthrew wals of houses, and put men
and women in great danger of drowning. In Essex also in September,
great mortalitie fell by pestilence amongst the people, whereof manie
died. ¶ The towne of Chierburgh was restored againe to the king of
Nauarre, who had ingaged it to the king of England, for two thousand
markes. ¶ A parlement was holden at Westminster, which began in the
octaues of Hilarie. ¶ The king purposing to go ouer into Ireland,
required a subsidie, the cleargie granted to him a whole tenth, toward
the furnishing foorth of that iournie, if he went himselfe; if he
went not, yet they agréed to giue to him the moitie of a tenth. In
time of this parlement, there appeared great euill will to remaine
betwixt the duke of Lancaster and the earle of Arundell, for the duke
imposed to the earle, that about the Exaltation of the crosse, he laie
with a companie of armed men in the castell of Holt by Chester, the
same time that the countrie there rose against the duke, with their
capteine Nicholas Clifton, and his complices, whome he ment (as the
duke alledged) to haue aided against him: but this the earle flatlie
denied, and with probable reasons so excused himselfe, as the quarrell
at length was taken vp, and the parties for the time well quieted.

[Sidenote: The death of quéene Anne.

The K. defaceth the house of Shene bicause the quéene died there.]

This yeare on Whitsundaie being the seauenth of Iune, quéene Anne
departed this life, to the great greefe of hir husband king Richard,
who loued hir intirelie. She deceassed at Shene, and was buried at
Westminster, vpon the south side of saint Edwards shrine. The king
tooke such a conceit with the house of Shene, where she departed this
life, that he caused the buildings to be throwne downe and defaced,
whereas the former kings of this land, being wearie of the citie, vsed
customablie thither to resort, as to a place of pleasure, and seruing
highlie to their recreation. Thus the king, the duke of Lancaster,
and his sonne the earle of Derbie, were widowers, all in one season:
for the ladie Constance duchesse of Lancaster daughter to Peter king
of Spaine, deceassed the last yeare, whilest hir husband the duke of
Lancaster was at the treatie in France: at the same time also deceassed
the countesse of Derbie, wife to the lord Henrie earle of Derbie. ¶
Moreouer, in this yeare 1394, Isabell duchesse of Yorke departed this
life, that was halfe sister to the duchesse of Lancaster, being borne
of one mother. She was buried at Langleie.

[Sidenote: An. Reg. 18.

A proclamation that all Irishmen shuld returne into their countrie.

The English pale in Irelād almost left desolate.

The yearelie reuenues of Ireland in K. Edward the third his daies.]

This yeare in August, was a proclamation set foorth, that all Irishmen
should auoid this land, and returne home into their owne countrie,
before the feast of the Natiuitie of our ladie, on paine of death.
The occasion of which proclamation was, for that such multitudes of
Irishmen were come ouer into this region, in hope of gaine, that the
countries in Ireland, subiect to England, were in manner left void of
people, so that the |824| enimies spoiled and wasted those countries
at their pleasure, finding few or none to withstand them. And where
king Edward the third had placed in Ireland his bench and iudges,
with his excheker for the good administration of iustice and politike
gouernement to be vsed there, he receiued from thence yearelie in
reuenues and profits, comming to his owne cofers, the sum of thirtie
thousand pounds: the king now laid foorth no lesse a summe to repell
the enimies, which by absence of those that were come ouer hither,
could not otherwise be resisted, sith the power of the rebels was so
increased, and the force of the countries subiect, thorough lacke
of the former inhabitants, so diminished. ¶ About the feast of the
Natiuitie of our ladie, the king set forward to passe into Ireland,
hauing made such preparation for that iournie, as the like for Ireland
had not béene heard of at anie time before. There went out with him
the duke of Glocester, the earles of March, Notingham, and Rutland,
the lord Thomas Persie lord steward, and diuerse other of the English
nobilitie.

[Sidenote: The duke of Lancaster saileth into Aquitaine with an armie.

The Gascoignes flatlie refuse to accept the duke of Lancaster for their
souereigne.]

The duke of Lancaster, that in the thirteenth yeare of king Richards
reigne had beene created by authoritie of parlement, duke of Aquitaine,
was about this present time sent thither, with fiue hundred men of
armes, & a thousand archers, to take possession of that duchie,
according to the kings grant, by his letters patents thereof had, made,
and confirmed with his seale, in presence of the most part of all the
nobles and great lords of England, to hold all that countrie to the
said duke and his heires for euer in as large manner and forme, as his
father king Edward the third, or anie other kings of England, or dukes
of Aquitaine before time had holden, and as king Richard at that season
had & held the same, the homage alwaies yet reserued to the kings of
England for euer. But all this notwithstanding, at his comming thither,
so farre were the Gascoignes, and other people of those marches from
receiuing him with ioy and triumph, that they plainelie told him, they
would not atturne to him, nor be vnder his iurisdiction at anie hand,
although he had brought ouer with him commissioners sufficientlie
authorised, both to discharge them of their former allegiance to the
king, and to inuest him in possession of that duchie, in maner and
forme as before is said.

[Sidenote: K. Richard passeth ouer into Ireland with a mightie armie.

_Froissard._ Foure Irish kings submit themselues to K. Richard.

1395.

A parlement holden in Ireland.]

But now to returne to king Richard, ye shall vnderstand, that when all
his prouision and roiall armie was readie, about Michaelmas, he tooke
the sea, and landed at Waterford the second of October, and so remained
in Ireland all that winter: his people were lodged abroad in the
countrie, and lay so warilie as they might. For although the Irishmen
durst not attempt anie exploit openlie against the Englishmen, after
the kings arriuall with so puissant an armie, yet they would steale
sometimes vpon them, where they espied anie aduantage, and disquiet
them in their lodgings. But when the English still preuailed, diuerse
of the greatest princes among them came in, and submitted themselues.
Amongst other, foure kings are mentioned, as the great Onell king
of Meth, Brine of Thomond king of Thomond, Arthur Macmur king of
Lineister, and Conhur king of Cheueno and Darpe: these kings were
courteouslie interteined and much made of by king Richard, who kept his
Christmas this yeare at Dubline. And after that feast was ended, he
held a parlement there, to the which all his subiects of Ireland, vnto
whom it apperteined, resorted, as well those that had continued vnder
the English gouernement aforetime, as those that were latelie yéelded.

[Sidenote: A parlement at Westminster, king Richard being in Ireland.]

Also at the same time, after the octaues of the Epiphanie, the duke
of Yorke, lord warden of England, now in the kings absence, caused a
parlement to be called at Westminster, to the which was sent foorth of
Ireland the duke of Glocester, that he might declare to the commons
the kings necessitie, to haue some grant of monie to supplie his want,
hauing spent no small quantitie of treasure in that iournie made into
Ireland. The dukes words were so well heard and beléeued, that a whole
tenth was granted by the clergie, and a fiftéenth by the laitie; but
not without protestation, that those paiements were granted of a
meere good will, for the loue they bare to the king, and to haue his
businesse go forwards, which bicause it required great expenses, both
for that his owne |825| roiall person was abiding in Ireland about
the subduing of the rebels, as also bicause his retinue and power
could not be mainteined without excessiue charges; they seemed to be
no lesse desirous to haue the same ended, than they which were dailie
agents in the same, not without feare of misfortune likelie to befall
them, hauing to deale with a people of such barbarous and rebellious
behauiour.

[Sidenote: The Wickleuists wrote against the cleargie.

The clergie complaine to the king of the Wickleuists, and their
fauorers.

K. Richard knighteth the foure Irish kings, and others. _Froissard._]

At the same time, those that followed Wickliffes opinions, set vp
publikelie on the church doore of Paules in London, and the church
doores of Westminster, certeine writings, conteining accusations of
the clergie, and conclusions, such as had not commonlie béene heard,
against ecclesiasticall persons, and the vse of the sacraments, as the
church then mainteined. They were incouraged thus to doo, as it was
said, by some noble men, and knights of great worship, as sir Richard
Sturrie, sir Lewes Clifford, sir Thomas Latimer, sir Iohn Montacute, &
others, who comforted & pricked forward those kind of men, then called
heretikes & Lollards, to the confounding of monks, friers, and other
religious persons, by all waies they might. Herevpon, the archbishop
of Yorke, the bishop of London, and certeine other as messengers from
the whole state of the clergie, passed ouer into Ireland, where, to the
king they made a grieuous complaint, as well against those that had
framed and set foorth such writings, as against them that mainteined
them in their dooings, and therefore besought him with spéed to returne
home into England, there to take such order, for the restreining of
those misordered persons, as vnto the reliefe of the church might
be thought expedient, being then in great danger of susteining
irrecouerable losse and damage, if good reformation were not the sooner
had. King Richard hearing these things, vpon good deliberation had in
the matter, determined to returne home, but first on the day of the
Annuntiation of our ladie, he made the foure aboue remembred kings, to
wit, Onell, Brine of Thomond, Arthur of Mackmur, and Conhur, knights,
in the cathedrall church of Dublin, and one likewise sir Thomas Orphen,
sir Ioatas Pado, and his coosine sir Iohn Pado.

[Sidenote: K. Richard returneth out of Ireland.

K. Richards dealings against the fauorers of the Wickleuists.]

This doone, and now after that they were set inquiet in that countrie
(the rebels not being so hardie as to stirre, whilest such a mightie
armie was there readie at hand to assaile them) king about Easter
came backe into England without anie more adoo, so that the gaine was
thought nothing to counteruaile the charges, which were verie great:
for the king had ouer with him in that iournie, foure thousand men of
armes, and thirtie thousand archers, as Froissard saith he was informed
by an English esquier that had béene in that iournie. The king at his
comming ouer, did not forget what complaint the archbishop of Yorke
and the bishop of London had exhibited to him, against those that were
called Lollards, and heretiks, wherevpon immediatlie, he called before
him certeine of the noble men, that were thought and knowne to fauour
such kind of men, threatning terriblie, if from thence foorth they
should in anie wise comfort and relieue them. He caused sir Richard
Sturrie to receiue an oth, that he should not mainteine from that day
forward anie such erronious opinions, menacing him, and as it were,
couenanting with him by an interchangeable oth, that if euer he might
vnderstand, that he did violate and breake that oth, he should die for
it a most shamefull death.

[Sidenote: _Abr. Fl._ out of _Henrie Knighton_ canon of Leicester
abbeie.]

¶ By the report of H. Knighton it should séeme, that this sect (as
he calleth them) mightilie increased, to the no small offense of the
lords temporall and spirituall, wherevpon after sundrie complaints,
and serious solicitations for the supplanting of them, commissions
were granted, and the tenure of them (as it should séeme) though
not absolutelie, yet in part executed. Now therefore listen what
mine author saith, whose addition, though by his owne supputation of
yeares it require to be placed elsewhere; yet for the consonancie of
the matter, and because writers varie greatlie in their accounts of
time, I haue here inserted the same, as in a verie conuenient place
of the historie. The noblemen and the commons (saith Henrie Knighton)
séeing the ship of the church, with these & other innumerable errors,
& verie lewd opinions as it were on all sides from day to day with
ceasselesse violence and force to be shaken; besought the king in the
|826| parlement, that redresse might be had herof; lest the arke of
the faith of all the church by such violences and inforcements giuen
in those daies, should through want of gouernement be battered without
remedie, and the glorious realme of England by corrupting of faith
should by little and little be drawne into a distresse of grace and
losse of honor. Wherefore the king vsing the sound counsell of the
whole parlement, commanded the archbishop of Canturburie, & the rest
of the bishops of the realme, to execute their charge and office, all
and euerie of them in his and their diocesse, according to the canon
lawes, more seuerelie and zealouslie; to correct the offendors, to
examine their English books more fullie and substantiallie, to root
out errors with all their indeuors, to bring the people into an vnitie
of the right faith, to wéed vp out of the church all netles, thistles,
and brambles wherewith she is disgraced; and to beautifie hir with
lillies and roses; and should cause an establishment of his roiall
power more boldlie and stoutlie. And the king foorthwith commanded,
without delaie, that his letters patents should be sent abroad into
all and euerie shire of his kingdome; and appointed in euerie shire
certeine searchers for such books and their fauourers; charging them to
applie a spéedie remedie vnto these disorders, and to lay vp the rebels
in the verie next gaoles, till the king sent vnto them. But verie slow
execution or none at all followed, because the houre of correction
was not yet come. [Howbeit, to prepare and make an entrance to the
purposed reformation and correction of those enormities, he gaue out a
commission against the Wickleuists, a copie whereof followeth both in
Latine and English. Whereby the world may see how the springing church
of Christ was hated and abhorred of the antichristian rout.]


Copia regiæ commissionis aduersus Lollardos & Lollardorum sequaces.

 RICHARDUS Dei gratia rex Angliæ & Franciæ, & dominus Hiberniæ,
 dilectis sibi magistro Thomæ Brightwell in theologia doctori, decano
 collegij noui operis Leicestriæ, & Gulielmo Chesulden præbendario
 præbendæ eiusdem collegij, ac dilectis & fidelibus nostris Richardo
 de Barow Chinall, & Roberto Langham, salutem. Quia ex insinuatione
 credibili certitudinaliter informatur, quòd ex insana doctrina
 magistrorum Iohannis Wickliffe dum vixit, Nicholai Herford, Iohannis
 Liston, & suorum sequaciū, quàm plures libri, libelli, schedulæ,
 & quaterni, hæresibus & erroribus manifestis in fidei catholicæ
 læsionem, & sanæ doctrinæ derogationem, expressè, & palàm, & notoriè
 redundantes, frequentiùs compilantur, publicantur, & conscribuntur,
 tam in Anglico quàm in Latino, ac exinde opiniones nefariæ sanæ
 doctrinæ contrariantes, oriuntur, crescunt, & manutenentur,
 ac prædicantur, in fidei orthodoxæ eneruationem, ecclesiæ
 sanctæ subuersionem, & ex consequenti (quod absit) quàm plurium
 incredulitatem, eorúmq; animarum periculum manifestum. Nos zelo
 fidei catholicæ, cuius sumus & esse volumus defensores in omnibus
 (vt tenemur) moti salubriter & inducti, nolentes huiusmodi hæreses
 aut errores infra terminos nostræ potestatis, quatenùs poterimus,
 oriri, seu quomodolibet pullulare: assignamus vos coniunctim &
 diuisim, ad omnes & singulos libros, libellos schedulas, & quaternos
 huiusmodi doctrinā dictorū Iohannis, Nicholai, Iohannis, & sociorum
 sequacium, seu opinionum aliquam minùs sanam continentes, vbicúnq;, &
 in quorumcúnq; manibus, possessione, seu custodia inueniri poterunt,
 infra libertates vel extra, inuestigandum, capiendum, & arrestandum,
 & penes concilium nostrum cum omni celeritate possibili deferri
 faciendum, vt tunc ibidem de ijsdem ordinare valeamus, prout de
 auisamento concilij nostri prædicti fore viderimus faciendum: ac
 etiam ad proclamandum, & ex parte nostra firmiter inhibendum, ne
 quis cuiuscúnq; status, gradus, seu conditionis fuerit, sub pœna
 imprisionamenti & forisfacturationum, quæ nobis forisfacere poterit,
 aliquas huiusmodi prauas & nefarias opiniones manutenere, docere,
 pertinacitérque defendere, clàm vel palam, seu huiusmodi libros,
 libellos, schedulas, & quaternos detinere, scribere, vel scribi
 facere, aut emere vel vendere præsumat quouis modo; sed |827| omnes
 & singulos huiusmodi libros, libellos, schedulas, & quaternos secum
 habitos & inuentos, ad mandatum nostrum vobis reddat, seu reddi
 faciat indilatè. Et ad omnes illos, quos post proclamationem &
 inhibitionem prædictis contrarium inueneritis facientes, & huiusmodi
 nefarias opiniones manutentes, coràm vobis præfato Thoma decano &
 Gulielmo euocandum, & diligenter examinandum: & cùm inde legitimè
 euicti fuerint, ministris proximísq; prisonis committendum, in ijsdem
 detinendum, quoúsque à suis erroribus, hæresibus, & prauis opinionibus
 resipiscant, seu nos pro deliberatione eorundem aliter duxerimus
 ordinandum. Et ideo vobis mandamus, quòd dicta præmissa cum omni
 diligentia & efficacia intendatis, & ea faciatis & exequamini in forma
 prædicta. Damus autem tàm vniuersis & singulis viris ecclesiasticis,
 quàm vicecomitibus, maioribus, balliuis, ministris, & alijs fidelibus
 & subditis nostris, tàm infra libertates quàm extra tenore præsentium
 firmiter in mandatis, quòd vobis, & cuilibet vestrum, in præmissis
 faciendis assistentes sint, consulentes, & auxiliantes, prout decet.
 In cuius rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes.
 Teste meipso apud Westmonasterium vicesimo tertio die Maij, anno regni
 nostri vndecimo.


A copie of the kings commission against the Lollards or Wickleuists and
their followers: Englished by A. F.

 RICHARD by the grace of God king of England and France, and lord
 of Ireland, to his beloued, maister Thomas Brightwell doctor in
 diuinitie, deane of the college of the new worke of Leicester, and
 to William Chesulden prebendarie of the prebend of the same college;
 and to our beloued and trustie subiects, Richard of Barow Chinall,
 and Robert Langham; greeting. For so much as we are certeinelie
 informed by credible report, that by the vnsound doctrine of maister
 Iohn Wickliffe, whiles he liued, of Nicholas Herford, Iohn Liston,
 and their followers, many bookes, libels, scheduls, & pamphlets
 expresselie, euidentlie, and notoriouslie swarming with manifest
 heresies and errors to the hurt of the catholike faith, & the
 abolishment of sound doctrine, are commonlie compiled, published,
 and written, as well in English as in Latine, and therevpon wicked
 opinions contrarie to sound doctrine, doo spring, grow, and are
 mainteined and preached to the weakening of the right faith, the
 ouerthrow of holie church, and consequentlie (which God forbid) the
 misbeleefe of a great many, & the manifest danger of their soules.
 We being moued with zeale to the catholike faith, whereof we are,
 and will be defenders in all things, as we are bound, vnwilling that
 such heresies or errors within the limits of our iurisdiction, so far
 as we are able, should grow, or by any meanes spring vp: doo assigne
 you iointlie and seuerallie, all and singular the books, libels,
 scheduls, & pamphlets conteining such doctrine of the said Iohn,
 Nicholas, Iohn, and their fellow-followers, or any of their corrupt
 opinions, wheresoeuer, & in whose hands, possession, or keeping soeuer
 they shalbe found within the liberties or without; them to search,
 take, arrest, and cause to be brought before our councell with all
 possible speed, that then and there we may take order for the same
 accordinglie, as by the aduise of our foresaid councell we shall see
 requisite to be doone. And also to proclaime, and on our behalfe
 firmelie to forbid all and euerie one, of whatsoeuer state, degree,
 or condition he be, vnder paine of imprisonment and forfeitures,
 which to vs he shall forfeit, any of these wicked and lewd opinions
 to mainteine, teach, obstinatlie to defend, priuilie or openlie, or
 any of these bookes, libels, scheduls & pamphlets to keepe, write, or
 cause to be written; but all and euerie such booke and bookes, libels,
 scheduls, and pamphlets with them had & found, at our commandement
 vnto you to deliuer, or cause to be deliuered without delaie. And all
 them, whome after proclamation and inhibition you shall find dooing
 contrarie to the premisses, and such lewd opinions mainteining, to
 call foorth before you the said Thomas the deane, & William, and them
 to examine: & when |828| they shalbe lawfullie conuinced therein,
 to commit them to the next officers & prisons, there to be kept,
 till they haue recanted their errors, heresies, and wicked opinions;
 or till we for their deliuerance shall otherwise thinke order to be
 taken. And therefore we command, that you intend the said premisses,
 with all diligence and effect, and the same doo and execute in forme
 aforesaid. We doo also giue in streict commandement and charge, to
 all and euerie as well churchman & churchmen, as shiriffes, maiors,
 bailiffes, officers, and other our trustie subiects, as well within
 the liberties as without, by the tenor of these presents, to assist,
 counsell, and helpe you and euerie of you in doing the premisses,
 as it is conuenient. In witnesse whereof, we haue caused these our
 letters patents to be made. Witnesse our selues at Westminster the
 twentie third day of Maie, and the eleuenth yeare of our reigne.

[Sidenote: Archbishop of Canturburies visitatiō.

Wickleuists excommunicated.

A ridiculous penance.]

¶ About this time, or (as Henrie Knighton saith) in the yeare 1392,
maister William Courtenie archbishop of Canturburie, brother to the
earle of Denshire visited the diocesse of Lincolne, and on the feast
of saint Faith the virgine he visited maister Iohn Bokingham bishop of
Lincolne in the cathedrall church of Lincolne, with the chapter, and an
hundred of the canons, and he came to Leicester abbeie in visitation,
the sundaie before the feast of All saints, where he abode all the
tuesdaie, and on the eeue also, of All saints being mondaie, calling
togither all the canons of the said monasterie, with the chaplines
of his owne chappell, euerie of them hauing in their hands burning
candels. The same archbishop confirmed sentence of excommunication
against the Lollards or Wickleuists, with their fauourers, which either
now mainteined or caused to be mainteined, or hereafter did mainteine
or should mainteine the errours and opinions of master Iohn Wickliffe,
in the diocesse of Lincolne. On the morrow next after All saints, the
same bishop flashed out his sentence of excommunication like lightning
in open sight, with a crosse set vpright, with candels burning bright,
and with bels roong alowd, and namelie against those of Leicester towne
that had too too much defiled and infected the said towne and countrie.
The archbishop departing from thence, went to saint Peters church, to
a certeine anchoresse named Matildis there kept as in a closet, whom
he reprouing about the foresaid errors and opinions of the Lollards,
and finding hir answers scarse aduisedlie made, cited hir that she
should appeare before him, on the sundaie next insuing, in saint Iames
his abbeie at Northampton, to answer vnto the foresaid erronious and
prophane points. Now she appeared at the day appointed, and renouncing
hir errours, and hauing penance inioined hir, she went awaie reformed.
But till the second day before the feast of saint Lucie, she kept
hir selfe out of hir closet, and then entred into the same againe.
Other Lollards also were cited, and appeared at Oxford, and in other
places, as the archbishop had commanded them: who renouncing their
superstitious errours, and forswearing their prophane opinions, did
open penance. Also one William Smith was made to go about the market
place at Leicester, clothed in linnen [or in a white sheet] holding in
his right arme the image of the Crucifix, and in his left the image of
saint Katharine, bicause the said Smith had sometimes cut in peeces and
burned an image of saint Katharine, whereof he made a fire to boile him
hearbes in his hunger.

[Sidenote A: † For the <DW7>s saie that the sacrificing préest is the
maker of his maker, namelie God.

Boldnesse of women in ecclesiasticale matters taxed.]

In those daies there was a certeine matrone in London, which had one
onelie daughter, whome manie daies she instructed and trained vp to
celebrat the masse, and she set vp an altar in hir priuie or secret
chamber with all the ornaments therevnto belonging, and so she made
hir daughter manie daies to attire hir selfe like a priest, and to
come to the altar, and after hir maner to celebrate the masse. Now
when she came to the words of the sacrament, she cast hir selfe flat
on hir face before the altar, & † made not the sacrament; but rising
vp, dispatched the rest of the masse euen to the verie end, hir mother
helping hir therein, and dooing hir deuotion. This errour a long time
lasted, till at last by a certeine neighbour that was secretlie called
to such a masse, it was told abroad, and came to the bishops eares, who
causing them to appeare before him, talked with them about that |829|
errour, and compelled the yoong woman openlie to shew the priestlie
shauing of hir haire, whose head was found to be all bare and bald. The
bishop sighing and sorrieng that such an errour should happen in the
church in his time, made manie lamentations, and hauing inioined them
penance, dispatched and sent them away. Thus far Henrie Knighton. [It
is not to be doubted, but that in these daies manie of the female sex
be medling in matters impertinent to their degrée, and inconuenient
for their knowledge; debating & scanning in their priuat conuenticles
of such things as wherabout if they kept silence, it were for their
greater commendation; presuming, though not to celebrat a masse, or
to make a sacrament; yet to vndertake some publike peece of seruice
incident to the ministerie: whose ouer-sawcie rashnesse being bolstered
and borne vp with abbettors not a few, whether it be by ecclesiasticall
discipline corrected, I wot not; but of the vniformed presbiterie I am
sure it is lamented.]

[Sidenote: A fierie apparition of diuerse likenesses.

A head of wax wrought by necromancie speaketh.

A fierie dragon séene in diuers places.

_Abr. Fl._ out of _Thom. Walsin._ in _Rich. 2._ pag. 341.

A coniunctiō of Iupiter & Saturne.]

A certeine thing appeared in the likenesse of fier in manie parts of
the realme of England, now of one fashion, now of another, as it were
euerie night, but yet in diuerse places all Nouember and December.
This fierie apparition, oftentimes when any bodie went alone, it would
go with him, and would stand still when he stood still. To some it
appeared in the likenesse of a turning whéele burning; to othersome
round in the likenesse of a barrell, flashing out flames of fier at
the head; to othersome in the likenesse of a long burning lance; and
so to diuerse folks at diuerse times and seasons it shewed it selfe
in diuerse formes and fashions a great part of winter, speciallie in
Leicestershire and Northamptonshire: and when manie went togither, it
approched not neere them, but appeared to them as it were a far off.
In a parlement time there was a certeine head of wax made by the art
of necromancie (as it was reported) which head at an houre appointed
to speake, vttered these words following at thrée times, and then
ceased to speake any more. These be the words; first, The head shall
be cut off; secondlie, The head shall be lift vp aloft; thirdlie,
The feet shall be lift vp aloft aboue the head. This happened in the
time of that parlement which was called the mercilesse parlement, not
long before the parlement that was named the parlement which wrought
wonders. In Aprill there was séene a fierie dragon in manie places of
England; which dreadfull sight as it made manie a one amazed, so it
ministred occasion of mistrust to the minds of the maruellors, that
some great mischéefe was imminent, whereof that burning apparition was
a prognostication. In this kings daies (as saith Thomas Walsingham)
whose report, bicause I am here dealing with certeine prodigious
accidents importing some strange euents, I am the more bold to
interlace about the troublesome time when discord sprang betwéene
the king and his youthlie companions with the duke of Lancaster, in
the moneth of Maie, there happened a coniunction of the two greatest
planets, namelie Iupiter and Saturne, after the which did follow a
verie great commotion of kingdoms, as in the processe of this historie
may appeare.

[Sidenote: A schisme betwéene two popes for the dignitie of S. Peters
chaire.]

The French king about this time summoned a conuocation of the French
cleargie, to decide and search out the power of the two popes, which
of them had fuller right and authoritie in S. Peters chaire, for the
schisme and diuision betwéene the two popes was not yet ended. The
French clergie wrote in the behalfe of Clement their pope, & cōfirmed
their script or writing with the vniuersitie seale of Paris. Which
writing Charles the French king sent ouer to Richard king of England,
that touching these doubts and difficulties he with the councell of his
cleargie might deliberat. Wherefore king Richard summoned a conuocation
at Oxford of the lerneder diuines as well regents as not regents of the
whole realme; who wrote for and in the behalfe of Vrbane their pope of
Rome, and confirmed their writing with the vniuersitie seale of Oxford,
& sent it ouer sea to Paris vnto the French king. But nothing was doone
further in the premisses, both popes, vnder the shrowd or shelter of
schisme preuailing betwéene them, iustifieng their title & interest.
[This is the last record found in Henrie Knighton, who for that which
he hath doone touching chronographie, hath written (the blindnesse
of the time wherein |830| he liued, and his order considered)
though not so well as the best, yet not so ill as the woorst: and
whose collections, if they were laid togither, would afford a large
augmentation to maters of chronicle: but O spite that so abruptlie he
breaketh off, and continueth his annales no further than this yeare,
1395.]

[Sidenote: The Danes rob the English merchāts on the seas.

Great prises woone by the Danish pirats of the Englishmen.]

This yeere, the Danes that laie rouing on the seas did much hurt to
the English merchants, taking and robbing manie English ships, and
when the hauen townes alongst the coasts of Northfolke, made foorth a
number of ships, and ventured to fight with those pirats, they were
vanquished by the Danes, so that manie were slaine, and manie taken
prisoners, which were constreined to paie great ransoms. The enimies
also found in ransacking the English ships, twentie thousand pounds,
which the English merchants had aboord with them to buy wares with,
in place whither they were bound to go. ¶ In the same yeare, William
Courtneie archbishop of Canturburie, hauing more regard to his owne
priuat commoditie, than to the discommoditie of others, purchased a
bull of the pope, whereby he was authorised to leauie through his whole
prouince foure pence of the pound of ecclesiasticall promotions, as
well in places exempt, as not exempt, no true nor lawfull cause being
shewed or pretended, why he ought so to doo; and to see the execution
of this bull put in practise, the archbishop of Yorke, and the bishop
of London, were named and appointed.

[Sidenote: Waltham bishop of Salisburie buried at Westminster amongst
the kings.

An. Reg. 19.

The duke of Irelāds corps conueied from Louaine into England, and there
roiallie interred.]

Manie that feared the censures of such high executions, chose rather
to paie the monie foorthwith, than to go to the law, and be compelled
happilie, mauger their good willes. Some there were that appealed to
the sée of Rome, meaning to defend their cause and to procure that so
vnlawfull an exaction might be reuoked. Speciallie, the prebendaries
of Lincolne stood most stiffelie against those bishops, but the death
of the archbishop that chanced shortlie after, made an end of those so
passing great troubles. This yeare, Iohn Waltham bishop of Salisburie,
and lord treasuror of England departed this life, and by king Richard
his appointment had the honor to haue his bodie interred at Westminster
amongst the kings. After this decease, Roger Walden that before was
secretarie to the king, and treasuror of Calis, was now made lord
treasuror. Yée haue heard, that in the yeare 1392, Robert Véer duke
of Ireland departed this life in Louaine in Brabant. King Richard
therefore this yeare in Nouember, caused his corps being imbalmed, to
be conueied into England, and so to the priorie of Colnie in Essex,
appointing him to be laid in a coffine of cypresse, and to be adorned
with princelie garments, hauing a chaine of gold about his necke, and
rich rings on his fingers. And to shew what loue and affection he bare
vnto him in his life time, the king caused the coffine to be opened,
that he might behold his face bared, and touch him with his hands:
he honored his funerall exequies with his presence, accompanied with
the countesse of Oxenford, mother to the said duke, the archbishop of
Canturburie, and manie other bishops, abbats, and priors: but of noble
men there were verie few, for they had not yet digested the enuie and
hatred which they had conceiued against him.

[Sidenote: _Froissard._

The Gascoignes send vnto K. Rich. signifieng vnto him, that they ought
not to be diuided from the crowne.]

In this meane while, the duke of Lancaster was in Gascoigne, treating
with the lords of the countrie, and the inhabitants of the good townes,
which vtterlie refused to receiue him otherwise than as a lieutenant or
substitute to the king of England, and in the end addressed messengers
into England, to signifie to the king, that they had beene accustomed
to be gouerned by kings, and meant not now to become subiects to anie
other, contrarie to all reason, sith the king could not (sauing his
oth) alien them from the crowne. The duke of Lancaster vsed all waies
he might deuise, how to win their good wils, and had sent also certeine
of his trustie councellors, ouer hither into England, as sir William
Perreer, sir Peter Clifton, and two clearkes learned in the lawe, the
one called maister Iohn Huech, and the other maister Iohn Richards a
canon of Leicester, to plead and sollicit his cause.

[Sidenote: The grant of the duchie of Aquitaine to the duke of
Lancaster reuoked.]

But to be breefe, such reasons were shewed, and such matter vnfolded
by the Gascoignes, whie they ought not be separated from the crowne of
England, that finallie |831| (notwithstanding the duke of Glocester,
and certeine other were against them) it was decréed, that the countrie
and duchie of Aquitaine should remaine still in demesne of the crowne
of England, least that by this transporting thereof, it might fortune
in time, that the heritage thereof should fall into the hands of some
stranger, and enimie to the English nation, so that then the homage
and souereigntie might perhaps be lost for euer. Indeed, the duke of
Glocester, being a prince of an high mind, & loth to haue the duke of
Lancaster at home, being so highlie in the kings fauor, could haue
béene well pleased, that he should haue enioied his gift, for that he
thought thereby to haue borne all the rule about the king, for the duke
of Yorke was a man rather coueting to liue in pleasure, than to deale
with much businesse, and the weightie affaires of the realme.

[Sidenote: Ambassadors sent into France to treat a marriage betwéene
king Richard & the French K. daughter.]

About the same time, or somewhat before, the king sent an ambassage to
the French king, the archbishop of Dublin, the earle of Rutland, the
earle Marshall, the lord Beaumont, the lord Spenser, the lord Clifford
named Lewes, and twentie knights with fortie esquiers. The cause of
their going ouer, was to intreat of a marriage to be had betwixt him,
and the ladie Isabell, daughter to the French king, she being as then
not past eight yeares of age, which before had beene promised vnto the
duke of Britaines sonne: but in consideration of the great benefit that
was likelie to insue by this communication and aliance with England,
there was a meane found to vndoo that knot, though not presentlie.
These English lords, at their comming to Paris, were ioifullie
receiued, and so courteouslie interteined, banketted, feasted, and
cherished, and that in most honorable sort, as nothing could be more:
all their charges and expenses were borne by the French king, and when
they should depart, they receiued for answer of their message, verie
comfortable words, and so with hope to haue their matter sped, they
returned.

[Sidenote: _Thom. Wals._

1396.

The duke of Lancaster marieth a ladie of a meane estate, whome he had
kept as his concubine.]

But now when the duke of Lancaster had, by laieng foorth an
inestimable masse of treasure purchased in a manner the good wils of
them of Aquitaine, and compassed his whole desire, he was suddenlie
countermanded home by the king, and so to satisfie the kings pleasure,
he returned into England, and comming to the king at Langleie, where he
held his Christmasse, was receiued with more honor than loue, as was
thought; wherevpon he rode in all hast that might be to Lincolne, where
Katharine Swinford as then laie, whom shortlie after the Epiphanie,
he tooke to wife. This woman was borne in Heinault, daughter to a
knight of that countrie, called sir Paou de Ruet: she was brought vp
in hir youth, in the duke of Lancasters house, and attended on his
first wife the duchesse Blanch of Lancaster, and in the daies of his
second wife the duchesse Constance, he kept the foresaid Katharine
as his concubine, who afterwards was married to a knight of England,
named Swinford, that was now deceassed. Before she was married, the
duke had by hir three children, two sonnes and a daughter; one of the
sons was named Thomas de Beaufort, & the other Henrie, who was brought
vp at Aken in Almaine, prooued a good lawyer, and was after bishop of
Winchester.

[Sidenote: Wickleuists increase.]

For the loue that the duke had to these his children, he married their
mother the said Katharine Swinford, being now a widow, whereof men
maruelled much, considering hir meane estate was farre vnmeet to match
with his highnesse, and nothing comparable in honor to his other two
former wiues. And indeed, the great ladies of England, as the duches
of Glocester, the countesses of Derbie, Arundell and others, descended
of the blood roiall, greatlie disdeined, that she should be matched
with the duke of Lancaster, and by that means be accompted second
person in the realme, and preferred in roome before them, and therefore
they said, that they would not come in anie place where she should
be present, for it should be a shame to them that a woman of so base
birth, and concubine to the duke in his other wiues daies, should go
and haue place before them. The duke of Glocester also, being a man
of an high mind and stout stomach, misliked his brothers matching
so meanlie, but the duke of Yorke bare it well inough, and verelie,
the ladie hir selfe was a woman of such bringing vp, and honorable
demeanor, that enuie could not in the end but giue place to well
deseruing. About this season, the doctrine of |832| Iohn Wickliffe
still mightilie spred abroad héere in England. ¶ The schisme also still
continued in the church, betwixt the two factions of cardinals French
and Romane; for one of their popes could no sooner be dead, but that
they ordeined an other in his place.

[Sidenote: The earle marshall affieth y^e French kings daughter, in y^e
name of king Richard.

An. Reg. 20.

A truce for 30 yeares betwéene England and France. _Tho. Walsin._]

In this eighteenth yeare also was a woonderfull tempest of wind in the
months of Iulie and August, and also more speciallie in September,
by violence whereof, in sundrie places of this realme, great and
woonderfull hurt was doone, both in churches and houses. ¶ The
ambassadors that had béene latelie in France, about the treatie of
the marriage (as before yée haue heard) went thither againe, and so
after that the two kings by sending to and fro were growne to certaine
points and couenants of agreement, the earle marshall, by letters of
procuration, married the ladie Isabell, in name of king Richard, so
that from thencefoorth she was called quéene of England. Amongst other
couenants and articles of this marriage, there was a truce accorded,
to indure betwixt the two realms of England and France, for tearme
of thirtie yeares. The pope wrote to king Richard, beseeching him to
assist the prelats against the Lollards (as they tearmed them) whom
he pronounced to be traitors, both to the church and kingdome, and
therefore he besought him to take order for the punishment of them,
whom the prelats should denounce to be heretikes.

[Sidenote: The popes letters to K. Rich. against y^e Wickleuists.

K. Richard goeth ouer to Calis.]

At the same time, he sent a bull reuocatorie concerning religious men,
that had either at his hands or at the hands of his legats or nuncios
purchased to be his chapleins, and accompting themselues thereby
exempt from their order; so that now they were by this reuocatorie
bull, appointed to returne to their order, and to obserue all rules
thereto belonging. This liked the friers well, namelie the minors, that
sought by all means they might deuise, how to bring their brethren
home againe, which by such exemptions in being the popes chapleins,
were segregated and diuided from the residue of their fraternitie or
brotherhood. The king in this twentith yeare of his reigne, went ouer
to Calis with his vncles the dukes of Yorke and Glocester, and a great
manie of other lords and ladies of honour, and thither came to him the
duke of Burgognie, and so they communed of the peace. There was no
enimie to the conclusion thereof but the duke of Glocester, who shewed
well by his words that he wished rather war than peace, in somuch as
the king stood in doubt of him, least he would procure some rebellion
against him by his subiects, whome he knew not to fauour greatlie this
new aliance with France.

[Sidenote: The maner of the interview betwéene king Richard and the
French king. _Fabian._]

The king after the duke of Burgognie had talked with him throughlie of
all things, and was departed from him, returned into England (leauing
the ladies still at Calis) to open the couenants of the marriage and
peace vnto his subiects, and after he had finished with that businesse,
and vnderstood their minds, he went againe to Calis, and with him his
two vncles, of Lancaster and Glocester, and diuerse prelats and lords
of the realme; and shortlie after came the French king to the bastide
of Arde, accompanied with the dukes of Burgognie, Berrie, Britaine and
Burbon. There was set vp for the king of England a right faire and rich
pauilion a little beyond Guisnes within the English pale; and another
the like pauilion was pight vp also for the French king on this side
Arde, within the French dominion; so that betwéene the said pauilions
was the distance of thréescore & ten pases, and in the midwaie betwixt
them both, was ordeined the third pauilion, at the which both kings
comming from either of their tents sundrie times should méet and haue
communication togither.

[Sidenote: _Froissard._

_Fabian._

The oth of the two kings.]

The distance betwixt the two tents was beset on either side in time
of the interview with knights armed with their swords in their hands;
that is to say, on the one side stood foure hundred French knights in
armor with swords in their hands, and on the other side foure hundred
English knights armed with swords in their hands, making as it were
a lane betwixt them through the which the two kings came and met,
with such noble men as were appointed to attend them. And a certeine
distance from the two first pauilions, were appointed to stand such
companies of men as either of them by appointment had |833| couenanted
to bring with them. The two kings before their méeting, receiued a
solemne oth for assurance of their faithfull and true meaning, to
obserue the sacred lawes of amitie one toward an other, in that their
interview, so as no damage, violence, molestation, arrest, disturbance,
or other inconuenience should be practised by them, or their friends
and subiects: and that if anie disorder rose through anie mishappe,
arrogancie, or strife mooued by anie person, the same should be
reformed, promising in the words of princes to assist one an other in
suppressing, the malice of such as should presume to doo or attempt
anie thing that might sound to the breach of friendlie amitie, during
the time of that assemblie eight daies before, and seuen daies after.

[Sidenote: The chapell of our ladie of peace.]

On the six and twentith of October, the king of England remooued from
Calis toward the castell of Guisnes, and with him the duke of Berrie,
who was sent to take his oth. The morow after, being the euen of Simon
and Iude, the kings met, and the lords of France, to wit, the duke of
Berrie, Burgogne, Orleans, and Burbon, the earle of Sauoie, the vicount
of Meaux, and others conueied the king of England; and from him were
sent to conduct the French king diuerse of the English lords, as the
two dukes of Lancaster and Glocester, foure earles; to wit, of Derbie,
Rutland, Notingham, and Northumberland. After the two kings were come
togither into the tent for that purpose prepared, it was first accorded
betwixt them, that in the same place where they thus met, should be
builded of both their costs a chapell for a perpetuall memorie, which
should be called The chapell of our ladie of peace. On saturdaie
being the feast daie of the apostles Simon and Iude, the kings talked
togither of certeine articles touching the treatie of peace, and hauing
concluded vpon the same, they receiued either of them an oth vpon the
holie Euangelists, to obserue and kéepe all the couenants accorded vpon.

[Sidenote: The French K. giueth his daughter to king Richard in
marriage.

The order of the French kings seruice at table.]

On the mondaie the French king came to the king of England his
pauillion, and the same time was brought thither the yoong queene
Isabell daughter to the French king, who there deliuered hir vnto
king Richard, who taking hir by the hand kissed hir, & gaue to hir
father great thanks for that so honorable and gratious a gift, openlie
protesting, that vpon the conditions concluded betwixt them, he did
receiue hir, that by such affinitie both the realmes might continue
in quietnesse, and come to a good end and perfect conclusion of
a perpetuall peace. The quéene was committed to the duchesses of
Lancaster & Glocester, to the countesses of Huntington and Stafford, to
the marchionesse of Dublin daughter to the lord Coucie, to the ladies
of Namure, Poinings, and others: which with a noble traine of men and
horsses, conueied hir to Calis: for there were twelue charrets full of
ladies & gentlewomen. This doone, the kings came togither into the king
of Englands pauillion to dinner. The French king sate on the right side
of the hall, and was roiallie serued after the maner of his countrie,
that is to saie, of all maner of meats appointed to be serued at the
first course in one mightie large dish or platter, and likewise after
the same sort at the second course. But the king of England was serued
after the English manner. When the tables were taken vp, and that they
had made an end of dinner, the kings kissed ech other, and tooke their
horsses. The K. of England brought the French king on his waie, and at
length they tooke leaue either of other, in shaking hands and imbracing
on horssebacke. The French king rode to Arde, and the king of England
returned to Calis.

[Sidenote: The expenses of king Richard at this interview.

The mariage solemnized at Calis.]

¶ We haue omitted (as things superfluous to speake of) all the
honorable demenor and courteous interteinement vsed and shewed betwixt
these princes and noble men on both parts, their sundrie feastings and
banketings, what rich apparell, plate and other furniture of cupboords
and tables, the princelie gifts and rich iewels which were presented
from one to an other, striuing (as it might séeme) who should shew
himselfe most bounteous and liberall: beside the gifts which the king
of England gaue vnto the French king, and to the nobles of his realme
(which amounted aboue the summe of ten thousand marks) the K. of
England spending at this time (as the fame went) aboue thrée hundred
thousand marks. After the kings returne to Calis on wednesdaie next
insuing, being All |834| hallowes daie, in solemne wise he married the
said ladie Isabell in the church of saint Nicholas, the archbishop of
Canturburie dooing the office of the minister.

[Sidenote: The maior of London and the citizens meete the K. & the
quéene on Blackeheath.]

The thursdaie after, the dukes of Orleance and Burbon, came to Calis
to sée the king & the quéene: and on the fridaie they tooke their
leaue and departed, and rode to saint Omers to the French king. On the
same daie in the morning the king and the queene tooke their ship,
and had faire passage: for within thrée houres they arriued at Douer,
from whence they sped them towards London, whereof the citizens being
warned, made out certeine horssemen, well appointed in one liuerie of
colour, with a deuise imbrodered on their sléeues, that euerie companie
might be knowne from other, the which with the maior and his brethren,
clothed in skarlet, met the king and quéene on Blackeheath, and there
dooing their duties with humble reuerence attended vpon their maiesties
till they came to Newington: where the king comanded the maior with his
companie to returne, for that he was appointed to lodge that night at
Kennington.

[Sidenote: Certaine thrust to death in the prease on London bridge.
_Iohn Stow._

The quéens coronation.

1397.

The duke of Lancaster his bastards made legitimate by parlement.

The iustices reuoked out of exile.]

Shortlie after, to wit, the thirteenth of Nouember, the yoong quéene
was conueied from thence with great pompe vnto the Tower, at which
time there was such prease on London bridge, that by reason thereof,
certeine persons were thrust to death: among the which the prior
of Tiptrie, a place in Essex was one, and a worshipfull matrone in
Cornehill an other. The morrow after she was conueied to Westminster
with all the honor that might be deuised, and finallie there crowned
queene vpon sundaie being then the seauenth of Ianuarie. On the two and
twentith of Ianuarie was a parlement begun at Westminster, in which
the duke of Lancaster caused to be legitimated the issue which he had
begot of Katharine Swinfort, before she was his wife. ¶ At the same
time Thomas Beaufort sonne to the said duke, by the said Katharine,
was created earle of Summerset. ¶ There was an ordinance made in the
same parlement, that iustices should not haue anie to sit with them as
assistants. ¶ Moreouer there was a tenth granted by the clergie to be
paied to the kings vse at two seuerall termes in that present yeare. In
this yeare the king contrarie to his oth reuoked the iustices foorth of
Ireland, whom by constraint (as before ye haue heard) he was inforced
to banish, thereby to satisfie the noble men that would haue it so.

[Sidenote: Brest yéelded vp to the duke of Britaine.

Priuie grudge betwixt the king and the duke of Glocester.

The talke betwixt the king and the duke of Glocester.

Out of a French pamphlet.]

In this twentith yeare of his reigne king Richard receiuing the summes
of monie (for the which the strong towne of Brest was ingaged to
him) by euill counsell (as manie thought) deliuered it vnto the duke
of Britaine, by reason whereof no small sparke of displeasure arose
betwixt the king and the duke of Glocester, which kindled vp such a
flame (as it was easie to doo) finding matter inough to féed vpon in
both their brests, that finallie it could no longer be kept downe, nor
by any meanes quenched. In the moneth of Februarie, the king holding a
sumptuous feast at Westminster, many of the soldiors that were newlie
come from Brest preased into the hall, and kept a roome togither.
Whom as the duke of Glocester beheld, and vnderstood what they were,
to remember how that towne was giuen vp contrarie to his mind and
pleasure, it grieued him not a little: and therefore as the king was
entred into his chamber, and few about him, he could not forbeare, but
brake foorth, and said to the king: “Sir, saw ye not those felowes that
sate in such number this daie in the hall, at such a table?” The king
answered that “he saw them,” and asked the duke what they were? To whom
the duke made this answer: “Sir, these be the soldiors that came from
Brest, and haue nothing now to take to, nor yet know how to shift for
their liuings, and the worse, for that (as I am informed) they haue
béene euill paied.” Then said the king; “That is against my will, for
I would that they should haue their due wages; and if anie haue cause
to complaine, let them shew the matter to the treasuror, and they shall
be reasonablie answered:” and herewith he commanded that they should be
appointed to foure certeine villages about London, there to remaine,
and to haue meate, drinke, and lodging vpon his charges till they were
paied.

Thus as they fell into reasoning of this matter, the duke said to the
king: “Sir, your |835| grace ought to put your bodie in paine to win
a strong hold or towne by feats of war, yer you take vpon you to sell
or deliuer anie towne or strong hold gotten with great aduenture by the
manhood and policie of your noble progenitours.” To this the king with
changed countenance answered and said: “Vncle, how say you that?” And
the duke boldlie without feare recited the same againe, not changing
one word in anie better sort. Wherevpon the king being more chafed,
replied; “Sir, thinke you that I am a merchant, or a verie foole, to
sell my land? By saint Iohn Baptist no: but truth it is, that our
coosine the duke of Britaine hath satisfied vs in all such summes of
monie as our progenitors lent vnto him, and to his ancestors, vpon
gage of the said towne of Brest, for the which reason and conscience
will no lesse but that the towne should therevpon be to him restored.”
Vpon this multiplieng of woords in such presumptuous maner by the duke
against the king, there kindeled such displeasure betwixt them, that it
neuer ceassed to increase into flames, till the duke was brought to his
end.

[Sidenote: The earle of saint Paule his counsell to K. Richard.

_Polydor._]

The earle of saint Paule at his last comming into England to receiue
king Richards oth for obseruing the truce, had conference with the king
of diuerse matters. The king by waie of complaint, shewed vnto him
how stiffe the duke of Glocester was in hindering all such matters as
he would haue go forward, not onlie séeking to haue the peace broken
betwixt the realmes of England & France, but also procuring trouble
at home, by stirring the people to rebellion. The earle of saint
Paule hearing of this stout demeanor of the duke, told the king that
it should be best to prouide in time against such mischéefs as might
insue thereof, and that it was not to be suffered, that a subiect
should behaue himselfe in such sort toward his prince. The king marking
his woords, thought that he gaue him good and faithfull counsell,
and therevpon determined to suppresse both the duke and other of his
complices, and tooke more diligent regard to the saiengs & dooings of
the duke than before he had doone. And as it commeth to passe that
those which suspect anie euill, doo euer déeme the woorst; so he tooke
euerie thing in euill part, insomuch that he complained of the duke
vnto his brethren the dukes of Lancaster and Yorke, in that he should
stand against him in all things and seeke his destruction, the death of
his counsellors, and ouerthrow of his realme.

[Sidenote: The dukes of Lancaster & Yorke excuse the duke of Glocester
to the king.]

The two dukes of Lancaster and Yorke to deliuer the kings mind of
suspicion, made answer, that they were not ignorant, how their brother
of Glocester, as a man sometime rash in woords, would speake oftentimes
more than he could or would bring to effect, and the same proceeded of
a faithfull hart, which he bare towards the king, for that it grieued
him to vnderstand, that the confines of the English dominions should
in anie wise be diminished: therefore his grace ought not to regard
his woords, sith he should take no hurt thereby. These persuasions
quieted the king for a time, till he was informed of the practise
which the duke of Glocester had contriued (as the fame went amongst
diuerse persons) to imprison the king. For then the duke of Lancaster
and Yorke, first reprouing the duke of Glocester for his too liberall
talking, vttering vnaduisedlie woords that became not his person, and
which to haue concealed had tended more to the opinion of vertue, than
to lash out whatsoeuer his vnstaied mind affoorded, which is a great
fault (as in effect the poet noteth:

 Eximia est virtus præstare silentia rebus,
   At contra grauis est culpa tacenda loqui)

and perceuing that he set nothing by their woords, were in doubt least
if they should remaine in the court still, he would vpon a presumptuous
mind, in trust to be borne out by them, attempt some outragious
enterprise. Wherefore they thought best to depart for a time into their
countries, that by their absence he might the sooner learne to staie
himselfe for doubt of further displeasure. But it came to passe, that
their departing from the court was the casting awaie of the duke of
Glocester. For after that they were gone, there ceassed not such as
bare him euill will, to procure the K. to dispatch him out of the way.
|836|

[Sidenote: A conspiracie betwéene the duke of Glocester, and the abbat
of saint Albons.

Out of an old French pamphlet belonging to _Iohn Stow_.]

The duke in déed sore stomached the matter, that his counsell might
not be followed in all things, and speciallie for that he saw (as he
tooke it) that the king was misled by some persons that were about
him, otherwise than stood with his honor: for reformation whereof, he
conferred with the abbat of saint Albons, and the prior of Westminster.
The abbat was both his coosine and godfather: and hauing on a daie both
the duke and the prior at his house in saint Albons, after dinner he
fell in talke with the duke and prior, and amongst other communication
required of the prior to tell truth, whether he had anie vision the
night before or not. The prior séemed loth to make a direct answer; but
at length being earnestlie requested as well by the abbat as the duke,
he declared that he had a vision in déed, which was “that the realme
of England should be destroied through the misgouernement of king
Richard.” “By the virgine Marie,” said the abbat, “I had the verie same
vision.” The duke herevpon disclosed vnto them all the secrets of his
mind, and by their deuises presentlie contriued an assemblie of diuerse
great lords of the realme at Arundell castell that daie fortnight, at
what time he himselfe appointed to be there, with the earles of Derbie,
Arundell, Marshall, and Warwike: also the archbishop of Canturburie,
the abbat of saint Albons, the prior of Westminster, with diuerse
others.

[Sidenote: An. Reg. 21.

The purpose of the conspirators.

The earle marshall discloseth the conspiracie.]

These estates being come to Arundell castell at the daie appointed,
about the verie beginning of the one and twentith yeare of king
Richards reigne, they sware ech to other to be assistant in all such
matters as they should determine, and therewith receiued the sacrament
at the hands of the archbishop of Canturburie, who celebrated masse
before them the morow after. Which doone, they withdrew into a chamber,
and fell in counsell togither, where in the end they light vpon this
point; to take king Richard, the dukes of Lancaster & Yorke, and commit
them to prison, and all the other lords of the kings counsell they
determined shuld be drawne and hanged. Such was their purpose which
they ment to haue accomplished in August following. But the earle
marshall that was lord deputie of Calis, and had married the earle of
Arundels daughter, discouered all their counsell to the king, and the
verie daie in which they should begin their enterprise. The king bad
the earle marshall take héed what he had said, for if it prooued not
true, he should repent it: but the earle constantlie herevnto answered,
that if the matter might be prooued otherwise, he was contented to be
drawne and quartered.

[Sidenote: The earle of Rutland saith _R. Grafton._]

The king herevpon went to London, where he dined at the house of his
brother the earle of Huntington in the stréet behind All hallowes
church vpon the banke of the riuer of Thames, which was a right faire
and statelie house. After dinner, he gaue his councell to vnderstand
all the matter; by whose aduise it was agreed, that the king should
assemble foorthwith what power he might conuenientlie make of men of
armes & archers, and streightwaies take horsse, accompanied with his
brother the earle of Huntington, & the earle marshall. Herevpon at six
of the clocke in the afternoone, the iust houre when they vsed to go to
supper, the king mounted on horssebacke, and rode his waie; whereof the
Londoners had great maruell. After that the king began to approch the
dukes house at Plashie in Essex, where he then laie, he commanded his
brother the earle of Huntington to ride afore, to know if the duke were
at home, and if he were, then to tell him that the king was comming at
hand to speake with him.

[Sidenote: The duke of Glocester arrested.]

The earle with ten persons in his companie amending his pase (for the
king had made no great hast all the night before, as should appeare by
his iournie) came to the house, and entering into the court, asked if
the duke were at home, and vnderstanding by a gentlewoman that made him
answer, that both the duke and duchesse were yet in bed, he besought
hir to go to the duke, and to shew him that the king was comming at
hand to speake with him, and foorthwith came the king with a competent
number of men of armes, and a great companie of archers, riding into
the base court, his trumpets sounding before him. The duke herewith
came downe into the base court, where the king was, hauing none other
apparell vpon him, but his shirt, and a cloke or a mantell cast about
|837| his shoulders, and with humble reuerence said that his grace
was welcome, asking of the lords how it chanced they came so earlie,
and sent him no word of their comming? The king herewith courteouslie
requested him to go and make him readie, and appoint his horsse to
be sadled, for that he must needs ride with him a little waie, and
conferre with him of businesse. The duke went vp againe into his
chamber to put vpon him his clothes, and the king alighting from his
horsse, fell in talke with the duchesse and hir ladies. The earle of
Huntington and diuerse other followed the duke into the hall, and there
staied for him, till he had put on his raiment. And within a while they
came foorth againe all togither into the base court, where the king
was deliting with the duchesse in pleasant talke, whom he willed now
to returne to hir lodging againe, for he might staie no longer, and so
tooke his horsse againe, and the duke likewise. But shortlie after that
the king and all his companie were gone foorth of the gate of the base
court, he commanded the earle marshall to apprehend the duke, which
incontinentlie was doone according to the kings appointment.

[Sidenote: Out of an old French pamphlet.]

¶ Here we find some variance in writers. For as by an old French
pamphlet (which I haue séene) it should appeare, the king commanded
first, that this duke should be conueied vnto the tower, where he ment
to commen with him, & not in any other place: but neuerthelesse, the
king shortlie after appointed, that he should be sent to Calis, as in
the same pamphlet is also conteined. Other write, that immediatlie vpon
his apprehension, the earle marshall conueied him vnto the Thames, and
there being set aboord in a ship prepared of purpose, he was brought to
Calis, where he was at length dispatched out of life, either strangled
or smoothered with pillowes (as some doo write.) For the king thinking
it not good, that the duke of Glocester should stand to his answer
openlie, because the people bare him so much good will, sent one of his
iustices called William Kikill, an Irishman borne, ouer vnto Calis,
there to inquire of the duke of Glocester, whether he had committed any
such treasons as were alledged against him, and the earles of Arundell
and Warwike, as after shall be specified. Iustice Kikill hearing what
he confessed vpon his examination, wrote the same as he was commanded
to doo, and therewith spéedilie returned to the king, and as it hath
beene reported, he informed the king (whether trulie or not, I haue not
to say) that the duke franklie confessed euerie thing, wherewith he was
charged. Wherevpon the king sent vnto Thomas Mowbraie earle marshall
and of Notingham, to make the duke secretlie awaie.

[Sidenote: † For he was son to a king, and vncle to a king.]

The earle prolonged time for the executing of the kings commandement,
though the king would haue had it doone with all expedition, wherby the
king conceiued no small displeasure, and sware that it should cost the
earle his life if he quickly obeied not his commandement. The earle
thus as it séemed in maner inforced, called out the duke at midnight,
as if he should haue taken ship to passe ouer into England, and there
in the lodging called the princes In, he caused his seruants to cast
featherbeds vpon him, and so smoother him to death, or otherwise to
strangle him with towels (as some write.) This was the end of that †
nobleman, fierce of nature, hastie, wilfull, and giuen more to war than
to peace: and in this greatlie to be discommended, that he was euer
repining against the king in all things, whatsoeuer he wished to haue
forward. He was thus made awaie not so soone as the brute ran of his
death. But (as it should appeare by some authors) he remained aliue
till the parlement that next insued, and then about the same time that
the earle of Arundell suffered, he was dispatched (as before ye haue
heard.) His bodie was afterwards with all funerall pompe conueied into
England, and buried at his owne manor of Plashie within the church
there, in a sepulchre which he in his life time had caused to be made,
and there erected.

[Sidenote: The earle of Arundell apprehended.]

The same euening that the king departed from London towards Plashie,
to apprehend the duke of Glocester, the earle of Rutland and the earle
of Kent were sent with a great number of men of armes and archers to
arrest the erle of Arundell; which was doone easilie inough, by reason
that the said earle was trained with faire words at the kings |838|
hands, till he was within his danger: where otherwise he might haue
béene able to haue saued himselfe, and deliuered his fréends. The earle
of Warwike was taken, and committed to the tower the same day that the
king had willed him to dinner, and shewed him verie good countenance.
There were also apprehended and committed to the tower the same time,
the lord Iohn Cobham, and sir Iohn Cheinie knights. The earle of
Arundell was sent to the Ile of Wight, there to remaine as prisoner,
till the next parlement, in the which he determined so to prouide, that
they should be all condemned, and put to death. And for doubt of some
commotion that might arise amongst the commons, he caused it by open
proclamation to be signified, that these noblemen were not apprehended
for any offense committed long agone, but for new trespasses against
the king, as in the next parlement should be manifestlie declared and
prooued.

[Sidenote: The names of the appellants.

A gard of Cheshire men about the king.]

Shortlie after, he procured them to be indicted at Notingham, suborning
such as should appeale them in parlement, to wit, Edward earle of
Rutland, Thomas Mowbraie earle marshall, Thomas Holland earle of Kent,
Iohn Holland earle of Huntington, Thomas Beaufort erle of Summerset,
Iohn Montacute earle of Salisburie, Thomas lord Spenser, and the
lord William Scroope lord chamberleine. In the meane time, the king
fearing what might be attempted against him by those that fauoured
these noblemen that were in durance, sent for a power of Cheshire men,
that might day and night keepe watch and ward about his person. They
were about two thousand archers, paid wéekelie, as by the annales
of Britaine it appeareth. The king had little trust in any of the
nobilitie, except in his brother the earle of Huntington, and the earle
of Rutland sonne to the duke of Yorke, and in the earle of Salisburie:
in these onelie he reposed a confidence, and not in any other, except
in certeine knights and gentlemen of his priuie chamber.

[Sidenote: The lords appointed to come in warlike manner to the
parlemēt.

_Polydor._

The dukes of Lancaster & Yorke assemble their powers to resist the
kings dealings.]

In the meane time, whiles things were thus in broile, before the
beginning of the parlement, diuers other, beside them of whom we haue
spoken, were apprehended and put in sundrie prisons. The parlement
was summoned to begin at Westminster the 17 of September, and writs
therevpon directed to euerie of the lords to appeare, and to bring with
them a sufficient number of armed men and archers in their best arraie:
for it was not knowen how the dukes of Lancaster and Yorke would take
the death of their brother, nor how other péeres of the realme would
take the apprehension and imprisonment of their kinsemen, the earls of
Arundell and Warwike, and of the other prisoners. Suerlie the two dukes
when they heard that their brother was so suddenlie made awaie, they
wist not what to saie to the matter, and began both to be sorowfull
for his death, and doubtfull of their owne states: for sith they saw
how the king (abused by the counsell of euill men) abstained not from
such an heinous act, they thought he would afterwards attempt greater
misorders from time to time. Therefore they assembled in all hast,
great numbers of their seruants, fréends, and tenants, and comming to
London, were receiued into the citie. For the Londoners were right
sorie for the death of the duke of Glocester, who had euer sought their
fauour, in somuch that now they would haue béene contented to haue
ioined with the dukes in seeking reuenge of so noble a mans death,
procured and brought to passe without law or reason, as the common
brute then walked; although peraduenture he was not as yet made awaie.

[Sidenote: _Caxton._ _Fabian._ _Polydor._]

Here the dukes and other fell in counsell, and manie things were
proponed. Some would that they shuld by force reuenge the duke of
Glocesters death, other thought it méet that the earles Marshall
and Huntington, and certeine others, as chéefe authours of all
the mischeefe should be pursued and punished for their demerites,
hauing trained vp the king in vice and euill customes, euen from his
youth. But the dukes (after their displeasure was somewhat asswaged)
determined to couer the stings of their griefes for a time, and if the
king would amend his maners, to forget also the iniuries past. In the
meane time the king laie at Eltham, and had got about him a great power
(namelie of those archers, which he had sent for out of Cheshire, in
whome he put a singular trust more than in any other.) |839|

[Sidenote: The king and the dukes reconciled.]

There went messengers betwixt him and the dukes, which being men of
honour did their indeuour to appease both parties. The king discharged
himselfe of blame for the duke of Glocesters death, considering
that he had gone about to breake the truce, which he had taken with
France, and also stirred the people of the realme to rebellion, and
further had sought the destruction and losse of his life, that was his
souereigne lord and lawfull king. Contrarilie, the dukes affirmed,
that their brother was wrongfullie put to death, hauing doone nothing
worthie of death. At length, by the intercession and meanes of those
noble men that went to and fro betwixt them, they were accorded, & the
king promised from thencefoorth to doo nothing but by the assent of
the dukes: but he kept small promise in this behalfe, as after well
appeared.

[Sidenote: _Caxton._

The great parlement.]

When the time came, that the parlement should be holden at Westminster,
according to the tenour of the summons, the lords repaired thither,
furnished with great retinues both of armed men and archers, as the
earle of Derbie, the earle Marshall, the earle of Rutland, the lord
Spenser, the earle of Northumberland, with his sonne the lord Henrie
Persie, and the lord Thomas Persie the said earles brother, also the
lord Scroope treasuror of England, & diuerse other. All the which
earles and lords brought with them a great & strong power, euerie of
them in their best araie, as it were to strengthen the king against
his enimies. The dukes of Lancaster and Yorke were likewise there,
giuing their attendance on the king with like furniture of men of armes
& archers. There was not halfe lodging sufficient within the citie &
suburbes of London for such cōpanies of men as the lords brought with
them to this parlement, called the great parlement: in somuch that they
were constreined to lie in villages abroad ten or twelue miles on ech
side the citie.

[Sidenote: The kings gréeuances opened in this parlement.

_Tho. Walsing._ Iohn Bushie, William Bagot, Thomas Gréene.

A new house made within the palace of Westminster for the areignment of
the lords indicted. Additions to _Polychron._

Sir Iohn Bushie speaker.]

In the beginning of this parlement, the king greatlie complained of the
misdemeanour of the péeres and lords of his realme, as well for the
things doone against his will and pleasure, whiles he was yoong, as for
the streit dealing, which they had shewed towards the quéene, who was
thrée houres at one time on hir knees before the earle of Arundell,
for one of hir esquiers, named Iohn Caluerlie, who neuerthelesse had
his head smit frō his shoulders, & all the answer that she could get,
was this: “Madame, praie for yourselfe, and your husband, for that
is best, and let this sute alone.” Those that set foorth the kings
greeuances, as prolocutors in this parlement were these: Iohn Bushie,
William Bagot and Thomas Gréene. The king had caused a large house
of timber to be made within the palace at Westminster, which he was
called an hall, couered aboue head with tiles, and was open at the
ends, that all men might see through it. This house was of so great a
compasse, that scarse it might stand within the roome of the palace.
In this house was made an high throne for the king, and a large place
for all estates besides to sit in. There were places also made for the
appellants to stand on the one side, and the defendants on the other,
and a like roome was made behind for the knights and burgesses of the
parlement. There was a place deuised for the speaker, named sir Iohn
Bushie, a knight of Lincolnshire, accompted to be an exceeding cruell
man, ambitious, and couetous beyond measure.

[Sidenote: The archbishop of Canturburie sitting in parlement is
accused of treason by the speaker.]

Immediatlie after, ech man being placed in his roome, the cause of
assembling that parlement was shewed, as that the king had called it
for reformation of diuerse transgressions and oppressions committed
against the peace of his land by the duke of Glocester, the earles of
Arundell, Warwike, and others. Then sir Iohn Bushie stept foorth, and
made request on the behalfe of the communaltie, that it might please
the kings highnesse for their heinous acts attempted against his lawes
and roiall maiestie, to appoint them punishment according to their
deseruings, and speciallie to the archbishop of Canturburie (who then
sat next the king) whome he accused of high treason, for that he had
euill counselled his maiestie, inducing him to grant his letters of
pardon to his brother the earle of Arundell, being a ranke traitor.

[Sidenote: Impudent flatterie.]

When the archbishop began to answer in his owne defense, the king
willed him to sit |840| downe againe and to hold his peace, for all
should be well. Herewith sir Iohn Bushie besought the king, that the
archbishop should not be admitted to make his answer, which if he
did, by reason of his great wit and good vtterance, he feared least
he should lead men awaie to beléeue him: so the archbishop might be
heard no further. Sir Iohn Bushie in all his talke, when he proponed
any matter vnto the king, did not attribute to him titles of honour,
due and accustomed, but inuented vnused termes and such strange names,
as were rather agreeable to the diuine maiestie of God, than to any
earthlie potentate. The prince being desirous inough of all honour, and
more ambitious than was requisite, seemed to like well of his speech,
and gaue good eare to his talke.

[Sidenote: _Tho. Walsi._]

Thus when the archbishop was constreined to keepe silence, sir Iohn
Bushie procéeded in his purpose, requiring on the behalfe of the
commons, that the charters of pardons granted vnto the traitors, to
wit, the duke of Glocester, and the earles of Arundell and Warwike,
should be reuoked by consent of all the estates now in parlement
assembled. The king also for his part protested, that those pardons
were not voluntarilie granted by him, but rather extorted by
compulsion, and therefore he besought them that euerie man would shew
foorth their opinions what they thought thereof. There were two other
persons of great credit with the king, besides sir Iohn Bushie, that
were, as before yee haue heard, verie earnest to haue those charters of
pardon reuoked and made void, to wit, sir William Bagot, and sir Thomas
Gréene.

But bicause this matter séemed to require good deliberation, it was
first put to the bishops, who with small adoo gaue sentence, that the
said charters were reuocable, and might well inough be called in:
yet the archbishop of Canturburie in his answer herevnto said, that
the king from whome those pardons came, was so high an estate, that
he durst not saie, that anie such charters by him granted, might be
reuoked: notwithstanding, his brethren the bishops thought otherwise:
not considering (saith Thomas Walsingham) that such reuoking of the
kings charters of pardon should sound highlie to the kings dishonor:
forsomuch as mercie and pardoning transgressions is accompted to be the
confirmation and establishing of the kings seat and roiall estate.

[Sidenote: The charters of pardō granted to y^e lords made void by
parlement.]

The temporall lords perceiuing what the bishops had doone, did likewise
giue their consents, to reuoke the same pardons: but the iudges with
those that were toward the law, were not of this opinion, but finallie
the bishops pretending a scrupulositie, as if they might not with safe
consciences be present where iudgement of bloud should passe, they
appointed a laie man to be their prolocutor to serue that turne. To
conclude, at length all maner of charters of pardon were made void, for
that the same séemed to impeach the suertie of the kings person. When
sir Iohn Bushie and his associats had obteined that reuocation, it was
further by them declared, that the earle of Arundell had yet an other
speciall charter of pardon for his owne person, which he had obteined
after the first. And therefore sir Iohn Bushie earnestlie requested in
name of the communaltie that the same might likewise be reuoked.

[Sidenote: _Thom. Wals._

The archb. of Canturburie condemned to perpetuall banishment.

Six daies saith _Grafton_.]

The question then was asked of the bishops, who declared themselues
to be of the like opinion, touching that charter, as they were of
the other. At that selfe time the archbishop of Canturburie absented
himselfe from the parlement, in hope that the king would be his fréend,
and stand his verie good lord, for that he had promised nothing should
be doone against him in the parlement whilest he was absent. But
neuerthelesse, at the importunate sute of the said sir Iohn Bushie
and others, the archbishop was condemned vnto perpetuall exile, and
appointed to auoid the realme within six wéekes. And therewith the
king sent secretlie to the pope for order that the archbishop might be
remooued from his sée to some other, which sute was obteined, and Roger
Walden lord treasuror was ordeined archbishop in his place, as after
shall appeare.

[Sidenote: The earle of Arundell areigned.

The duke of Lācaster high Steward of England at this areignement.]

On the feast daie of saint Matthew, Richard fitz Aleine, earle of
Arundell, was brought foorth to sweare before the king and whole
parlement to such articles as he was to be charged with. And as he
stood at the bar, the lord Neuill was commanded by the |841| duke of
Lancaster, which sat that daie as high steward of England, to take
the hood from his necke, and the girdle from his waste. Then the duke
of Lancaster declared vnto him, that for his manifold rebellions and
treasons against the kings maiestie he had béene arrested, and hitherto
kept in ward, and now at the petition of the lords and commons, he was
called to answer such crimes as were there to be obiected against him,
and so to purge himselfe, or else to suffer for his offenses, such
punishment as law appointed.

[Sidenote: The earle of Arundell his answers to the points of his
indictmēt.]

First, he charged him, for that he had traitorouslie rid in armour
against the king in companie of the duke of Glocester, and of the earle
of Warwike, to the breach of peace and disquieting of the realme. His
answer herevnto was, that he did not this vpon anie euill meaning
towards the kings person, but rather for the benefit of the king and
relme, if it were interpreted aright, and taken as it ought to be. It
was further demanded of him, whie he procured letters of pardon from
the K. if he knew himselfe giltlesse? He answered, that he did not
purchase them for anie feare he had of faults committed by him, but
to staie the malicious speach of them that neither loued the king nor
him. He was againe asked, whether he would denie that he had made anie
such rode with the persons before named, and that in companie of them
he entred not armed vnto the kings presence against the kings will and
pleasure? To this he answered, that he could not denie it, but that he
so did.

[Sidenote: The earle of Arundell condemned.]

Then the speaker sir Iohn Bushie, with open mouth, besought that
iudgement might be had against such a traitour: “and your faithfull
commons (said he to the king) aske and require that so it may be
doone.” The earle turning his head aside, quietlie said to him; “Not
the kings faithfull cōmons require this, but thou, and what thou art
I know.” Then the eight appellants standing on the other side, cast
their gloues to him, and in prosecuting their appeale (which alreadie
had béene read) offered to fight with him man to man to iustifie the
same. Then said the earle, “If I were at libertie, and that it might so
stand with the pleasure of my souereigne, I would not refuse to prooue
you all liers in this behalfe.” Then spake the duke of Lancaster,
saieng to him; “What haue you further to saie to the points before laid
against you?” He answered, “that of the kings grace he had his letters
of generall pardon, which he required to haue allowed.” Then the duke
told him, “that the pardon was reuoked by the prelates and noble men
in the parlement, and therefore willed him to make some other answer.”
The earle told him againe “that he had an other pardon vnder the kings
great seale, granted him long after of the kings owne motion, which
also he required to haue allowed.” The duke told him, “that the same
was likewise reuoked.” After this, when the earle had nothing more to
saie for himselfe, the duke pronounced iudgement against him, as in
cases of treason is vsed.

But after he had made an end, and paused a little, he said: “The king
our souereigne lord of his mercie and grace, bicause thou art of his
bloud, and one of the peeres of the realme, hath remitted all the
other paines, sauing the last, that is to saie, the beheading, and
so thou shalt onelie lose thy head;” and forthwith he was had awaie,
& led through London vnto the Tower hill. There went with him to
sée the execution doone six great lords, of whome there were thrée
earles, Notingham (that had married his daughter) Kent (that was his
daughters son) and Huntington, being mounted on great horsses, with a
great companie of armed men, and the fierce bands of the Cheshire-men,
furnished with axes, swords, bowes and arrowes, marching before and
behind him, who onelie in this parlement had licence to beare weapon,
as some haue written. When he should depart the palace, he desired that
his hands might be losed to dispose such monie as he had in his pursse,
betwixt that place and Charingcrosse. This was permitted, and so he
gaue such monie as he had in almes with his owne hands, but his armes
were still bound behind him.

[Sidenote: The executiō of the earle of Arundell.]

When he came to the Tower hill, the noble men that were about him,
mooued him right earnestlie to acknowledge his treason against the
king. But he in no wise would |842| so doo, but mainteined that he was
neuer traitour in word or deed: and herewith perceiuing the earles of
Notingham and Kent, that stood by with other noble men busie to further
the execution (being as yée haue heard) of kin and alied to him, he
spake to them, and said: “Trulie it would haue beséemed you rather to
haue béene absent than here at this businesse. But the time will come
yer it be long, when as manie shall meruell at your misfortune as doo
now at mine.” After this, forgiuing the executioner, he besought him
not to torment him long, but to strike off his head at one blowe, and
féeling the edge of the sword, whether it was sharpe inough or not,
he said; “It is verie well, doo that thou hast to doo quicklie,” and
so knéeling downe, the executioner with one stroke, strake off his
head: his bodie was buried togither with his head in the church of the
Augustine friers in Breadstréet within the citie of London.

[Sidenote: _Ouid._]

The death of this earle was much lamented among the people, considering
his sudden fall and miserable end, where as not long before among all
the noblemen of this land (within the which was such a number, as no
countrie in the world had greater store at that present) there was none
more esteemed: so noble and valiant he was, that all men spake honour
of him. After his death, as the fame went, the king was sore vexed in
his sléepe with horrible dreames, imagining that he saw this earle
appeare vnto him threatning him, & putting him in horrible feare, as if
he had said with the poet to king Richard;

 Nunc quóq; factorum venio memor vmbra tuorum,
     Insequor & vultus ossea forma tuos.

With which visions being sore troubled in sleepe, he curssed the daie
that euer he knew the earle. And he was the more vnquiet, bicause he
heard it reported, that the common people tooke the erle for a martyr,
insomuch that some came to visit the place of his sepulture, for the
opinion they had conceiued of his holinesse. And where it was bruted
abroad as for a miracle, that his head should be growne to his bodie
againe, the tenth daie after his buriall, the king sent about ten of
the clocke in the night, certeine of the nobilitie to sée his bodie
taken vp, that he might be certified of the truth. Which doone, and
perceiuing it was a fable, he commanded the friers to take downe his
armes that were set vp about the place of his buriall, and to couer the
graue, so as it should not be perceiued where he was buried.

[Sidenote: The earle of Warwike arreigned of treason.]

But now to returne to the parlement. After the death of this earle, the
lord Thomas Beauchampe earle of Warwike was brought forth to abide his
triall by parlement, and when his accusers charged him in like points
of treason, such as before were imposed to the earle of Arundell; he
answered that he neuer meant euill to the kings person, nor thought
that those rodes and assemblies that were made in companie of the duke
of Glocester, the earle of Arundell, and others, might not be accompted
treason. But when the iudges had shewed him, that they could not be
otherwise taken than for treason, he humbly besought the king of mercy
and grace. The king then asked of him whether he had rid with the duke
of Glocester, and the earle of Arundell, as had beene alledged? He
answered that he could not denie it, and wished that he had neuer seene
them. Then said the king, Doo yee not know that you are guiltie of
treason? He answered againe, I acknowledge it; and with sobbing teares
besought all them that were present, to make intercession to the kings
maiestie for him.

Then the king and the duke of Lancaster communed, and after the king
had a while with silence considered of the matter, he said to the
earle; By saint Iohn Baptist, Thomas of Warwike, this confession
that thou hast made, is vnto me more auailable than all the duke of
Glocesters and the earle of Warwikes lands. Herewith the earle making
still intercession for pardon, the lords humblie besought the king to
grant it. Finallie the king pardoned him of life, but banished him into
the Ile of Man, which then was the lord Scroopes, promising that both
he, and his wife, and children, should haue good enterteinment. Which
promise notwithstanding was but slenderlie kept, for both the earle and
the countesse liued in great penurie (as some write) and yet the lord
Scroope, that was lord chamberleine, had allowed for the earles diet
foure thousand nobles yéerelie paid out of the kings coffers. |843|

[Sidenote: The parlemēt adiourned to Shrewsburie.]

On the mondaie next after the arreignement of the earle of Warwike,
to wit, the foure and twentie of September, was the lord Iohn Cobham,
and sir Iohn Cheinie arreigned, and found guiltie of like treasons for
which the other had beene condemned before: but at the earnest instance
and sute of the nobles, they were pardoned of life, and banished, or
(as Fabian saith) condemned to perpetuall prison. ¶ The king desirous
to see the force of the Londoners, caused them (during the time of
this parlement) to muster before him on Blacke heath, where a man
might haue seene a great number of able personages. And now after that
the parlement had continued almost till Christmasse, it was adiourned
vntill the quinden of S. Hilarie, then to begin againe at Shrewesburie.

[Sidenote: The king keepeth his Christmasse at Lichfield.

1398.

Cheshire made a principalitie.

K. Richard prince of Chester.

Creation of dukes and earles.]

The king then came downe to Lichfield, and there held a roiall
Christmasse, which being ended, he tooke his iournie towards
Shrewesburie, where the parlement was appointed to begin in the
quinden of saint Hilarie, as before yée haue heard. In which parlement
there holden vpon prorogation, for the loue that the king bare to the
gentlemen commons of the shire of Chester, he caused it to be ordeined
that from thencefoorth it should be called and knowne by the name
of the principalitie of Chester: and herewith he intituled himselfe
prince of Chester. He held also a roiall feast, kéeping open houshold
for all honest commers, during the which feast, he created fiue dukes
and a duchesse, a marquesse, and foure earles. The earle of Derbie was
created duke of Hereford, the earle of Notingham that was also earle
marshall duke of Norfolke, the earle of Rutland duke of Aubemarle,
the earle of Kent duke of Surrie, and the earle of Huntington duke
of Excester; the ladie Margaret marshall countesse of Norfolke, was
created duchesse of Norfolke; the earle of Summerset marques Dorset,
the lord Spenser earle of Glocester, the lord Neuill surnamed Daurabie
earle of Westmerland, the lord William Scroope lord chamberleine earle
of Wiltshire, and the lord Thomas Persie lord steward of the kings
house earle of Worcester.

[Sidenote: K. Richard beareth saint Edward his armes.]

And for the better maintenance of the estate of these noble men, whome
he had thus aduanced to higher degrees of honour, he gaue vnto them
a great part of those lands that belonged to the duke of Glocester,
the earles of Warwike, and Arundell. And now he was in good hope,
that he had rooted vp all plants of treason, and therefore cared
lesse who might be his freend or his fo, than before he had doone,
estéeming himselfe higher in degrée than anie prince liuing, and so
presumed further than euer his grandfather did, and tooke vpon him to
beare the armes of saint Edward, ioining them vnto his owne armes. To
conclude, whatsoeuer he then did, none durst speake a word contrarie
therevnto. And yet such as were cheefe of his councell, were estéemed
of the commons to be the woorst creatures that might be, as the
dukes of Aumarle, Norfolke and Excester, the earle of Wiltshire, sir
Iohn Bushie, sir William Bagot, and sir Thomas Gréene: which thrée
last remembred were knights of the Bath, against whom the commons
vndoubtedlie bare great and priuie hatred.

[Sidenote: The L. Reginald Cobham condemned.

The authoritie of both houses in parlement granted to certaine persons.

_Thom. Wals._]

But now to proceed. In this parlement holden at Shrewsburie, the lord
Reginald Cobham, being a verie aged man, simple and vpright in all
his dealings, was condemned for none other cause, but for that in the
eleuenth yéere of the kings reigne he was appointed with other to
be attendant about the king as one of his gouernours. The acts and
ordinances also deuised and established in the parlement holden in the
eleuenth yeare were likewise repealed. Moreouer, in this parlement at
Shrewesburie, it was decréed, that the lord Iohn Cobham should be sent
into the Ile of Gernesie, there to remains in exile, hauing a small
portion assigned him to liue vpon. The king so wrought & brought things
about, that he obteined the whole power of both houses to be granted to
certeine persons, as to Iohn duke of Lancaster, Edmund duke of Yorke,
Edmund duke of Aumarle, Thomas duke of Surrie, Iohn duke of Excester,
Iohn marquesse Dorset, Roger earle of March, Iohn earle of Salisburie,
and Henrie earle of Northumberland, Thomas earle of Glocester, and
William earle of Wiltshire, Iohn Hussie, Henrie Cheimeswike, Robert
Teie, and Iohn Goulofer knights, or to seauen or eight of them. These
were appointed to heare and determine certeine petitions and matters
yet depending and not ended: but |844| by vertue of this grant, they
procéeded to conclude vpon other things, which generallie touched the
knowledge of the whole parlement, in derogation of the states therof,
to the disaduantage of the king, and perillous example in time to come.

[Sidenote: The K. procureth the popes buls against the breakers of his
statute.]

When the king had spent much monie in time of this parlement, he
demanded a disme and a halfe of the cleargie, and a fiftéenth of the
temporaltie. Finallie, a generall pardon was granted for all offenses
to all the kings subiects (fiftie onelie excepted) whose names he would
not by anie meanes expresse, but reserued them to his owne knowledge,
that when anie of the nobilitie offended him, he might at his plesure
name him to be one of the number excepted, and so kéepe them still
within his danger. To the end that the ordinances, iudgements, and
acts made, pronounced and established in this parlement, might be and
abide in perpetuall strength and force, the king purchased the popes
buls, in which were conteined greeuous censures and cursses, pronounced
against all such as did by anie means go about to breake and violate
the statutes in the same parlement ordeined. These buls were openlie
published & read at Paules crosse in London, and in other the most
publike places of the realme.

[Sidenote: Rightfull heires disherited.

_Polydor._

K. Richard his euill gouernment.]

Manie other things were doone in this parlement, to the displeasure of
no small number of people; namelie, for that diuerse rightfull heires
were disherited of their lands and liuings, by authoritie of the same
parlement: with which wrongfull dooings the people were much offended,
so that the king and those that were about him, and chéefe in councell,
came into great infamie and slander. In déed the king after he had
dispatched the duke of Glocester, and the other noblemen, was not a
little glad, for that he knew them still readie to disappoint him in
all his purposes; and therefore being now as it were carelesse, did
not behaue himselfe (as some haue written) in such discréet order, as
manie wished: but rather (as in time of prosperitie it often happeneth)
he forgot himselfe, and began to rule by will more than by reason,
threatning death to each one that obeied not his inordinate desires.
By means whereof, the lords of the realme began to feare their owne
estates, being in danger of his furious outrage, whome they tooke for a
man destitute of sobrietie and wisedome, and therefore could not like
of him, that so abused his authoritie.

[Sidenote: The duke of Hereford appealeth the duke of Norfolk of
treson. _Thom. Wals._]

Herevpon there were sundrie of the nobles, that lamented these
mischéefes, and speciallie shewed their greefes vnto such, by whose
naughtie counsell they vnderstood the king to be misled; and this they
did, to the end that they being about him, might either turne their
copies, and giue him better counsell; or else he hauing knowledge
what euill report went of him, might mend his maners misliked of
his nobles. But all was in vaine, for so it fell out, that in this
parlement holden at Shrewsburie, Henrie duke of Hereford accused Thomas
Mowbraie duke of Norfolke, of certeine words which he should vtter in
talke had betwixt them, as they rode togither latelie before betwixt
London and Brainford, sounding highlie to the kings dishonor. And
for further proofe thereof, he presented a supplication to the king,
wherein he appealed the duke of Norfolke in field of battell, for a
traitor, false and disloiall to the king, and enimie vnto the realme.
This supplication was red before both the dukes, in presence of the
king: which doone, the duke of Norfolke tooke vpon him to answer it,
declaring that whatsoeuer the duke of Hereford had said against him
other than well, he lied falselie like an vntrue knight as he was.
And when the king asked of the duke of Hereford what he said to it:
he taking his hood off his head, said; “My souereigne lord, euen as
the supplication which I tooke you importeth, right so I saie for
truth, that Thomas Mowbraie duke of Norfolke is a traitour, false and
disloiall to your roiall maiestie, your crowne, and to all the states
of your realme.”

[Sidenote: The duke of Surrie marshall and the duke of Aumarle
constable of England.]

Then the duke of Norfolke being asked what he said to this, he
answered: “Right déere lord, with your fauour that I make answer
vnto your coosine here, I saie (your reuerence saued) that Henrie of
Lancaster duke of Hereford, like a false and disloiall traitor as
he is, dooth lie, in that he hath or shall say of me otherwise than
well.” No |845| more said the king, we haue heard inough: and herewith
commanded the duke of Surrie for that turne marshall of England, to
arrest in his name the two dukes: the duke of Lancaster father to the
duke of Hereford, the duke of Yorke the duke of Aumarle constable of
England: and the duke of Surrie marshall of the realme vndertooke as
pledges bodie for bodie for the duke of Hereford: but the duke of
Northfolke was not suffered to put in pledges, and so vnder arrest
was led vnto Windsor castell, and there garded with kéepers that were
appointed to sée him safelie kept.

[Sidenote: The order of the procéeding in this appeale.]

Now after the dissoluing of the parlement at Shrewsburie, there was
a daie appointed about six wéeks after, for the king to come vnto
Windsor, to heare and to take some order betwixt the two dukes, which
had thus appealed ech other. There was a great scaffold erected within
the castell of Windsor for the king to sit with the lords and prelats
of his realme: and so at the daie appointed, he with the said lords
& prelats being come thither and set in their places, the duke of
Hereford appellant, and the duke of Norfolke defendant, were sent
for to come & appeare before the king, sitting there in his seat
of iustice. And then began sir Iohn Bushie to speake for the king,
declaring to the lords how they should vnderstand, that where the
duke of Hereford had presented a supplication to the king, who was
there set to minister iustice to all men that would demand the same,
as apperteined to his roiall maiestie, he therefore would now heare
what the parties could say one against an other, and withall the king
commanded the dukes of Aumarle and Surrie, the one being constable, and
the other marshall, to go vnto the two dukes, appellant and defendant,
requiring them on his behalfe, to grow to some agréement: and for his
part, he would be readie to pardon all that had beene said or doone
amisse betwixt them, touching anie harme or dishonor to him or his
realme: but they answered both assuredlie, that it was not possible to
haue anie peace or agréement made betwixt them.

When he heard what they had answered, he commanded that they should be
brought foorthwith before his presence, to heare what they would say.
Herewith an herald in the kings name with lowd voice commanded the
dukes to come before the king, either of them to shew his reason, or
else to make peace togither without more delaie. When they were come
before the king and lords, the king spake himselfe to them, willing
them to agree, and make peace togither: “for it is (said he) the best
waie ye can take.” The duke of Norfolke with due reuerence herevnto
answered it could not be so brought to passe, his honor saued. Then the
king asked of the duke of Hereford, “what it was that he demanded of
the duke of Norfolke, and what is the matter that ye can not make peace
togither and become friends?”

[Sidenote: The obiection against the duke of Norfolke.]

Then stood foorth a knight; who asking and obteining licence to speake
for the duke of Hereford, said; “Right deare and souereigne lord, here
is Henrie of Lancaster duke of Hereford and earle of Derbie, who saith,
and I for him likewise say, that Thomas Mowbraie duke of Norfolke is
a false and disloiall traitor to you and your roiall maiestie, and to
your whole realme: and likewise the duke of Hereford saith and I for
him, that Thomas Mowbraie duke of Norfolke hath receiued eight thousand
nobles to pay the souldiers that keepe your towne of Calis, which he
hath not doone as he ought: and furthermore the said duke of Norfolke
hath béene the occasion of all the treason that hath beene contriued
in your realme for the space of these eighteene yeares, & by his false
suggestions and malicious counsell, he hath caused to die and to be
murthered your right déere vncle, the duke of Glocester, sonne to king
Edward. Moreouer, the duke of Hereford saith, and I for him, that he
will proue this with his bodie against the bodie of the said duke of
Norfolke within lists.” The king herewith waxed angrie, and asked the
duke of Hereford, if these were his words, who answered: “Right déere
lord, they are my woords; and hereof I require right, and the battell
against him.”

There was a knight also that asked licence to speake for the duke
of Norfolke, and obteining, it began to answer thus: “Right déere
souereigne lord, here is Thomas Mowbraie duke of Norfolke, who
answereth and saith, and I for him, that all which Henrie |846| of
Lancaster hath said and declared (sauing the reuerence due to the king
and his councell) is a lie; and the said Henrie of Lancaster hath
falselie and wickedlie lied as a false and disloiall knight, and both
hath béene, and is a traitor against you, your crowne, roiall maiestie,
& realme. This will I proue and defend as becommeth a loiall knight
to doo with my bodie against his: right déere lord, I beséech you
therefore, and your councell, that it maie please you in your roiall
discretion, to consider and marke, what Henrie of Lancaster duke of
Hereford, such a one as he is, hath said.”

[Sidenote: The duke of Norfolke his answer for himselfe.]

The king then demanded of the duke of Norfolke, if these were his
woords, and whether he had anie more to saie. The duke of Norfolke
then answered for himselfe: “Right déere sir, true it is, that I haue
receiued so much gold to paie your people of the towne of Calis; which
I haue doone, and I doo auouch that your towne of Calis is as well
kept at your commandement as euer it was at anie time before, and
that there neuer hath béene by anie of Calis anie complaint made vnto
you of me. Right deere and my souereigne lord, for the voiage that I
made into France, about your marriage, I neuer receiued either gold
or siluer of you, nor yet for the voiage that the duke of Aumarle & I
made into Almane, where we spent great treasure: Marie true it is, that
once I laid an ambush to haue slaine the duke of Lancaster, that there
sitteth: but neuerthelesse he hath pardoned me thereof, and there was
good peace made betwixt vs, for the which I yéeld him hartie thankes.
This is that which I haue to answer, and I am readie to defend my selfe
against mine aduersarie; I beseech you therefore of right, and to haue
the battell against him in vpright iudgement.”

[Sidenote: The combat appointed to be doone at Couentrie. The French
pamphlet. _Iohn Stow. Fabian._]

After this, when the king had communed with his councell a little, he
commanded the two dukes to stand foorth, that their answers might be
heard. The K. then caused them once againe to be asked, if they would
agrée and make peace togither, but they both flatlie answered that they
would not: and withall the duke of Hereford cast downe his gage, and
the duke of Norfolke tooke it vp. The king perceiuing this demeanor
betwixt them, sware by saint Iohn Baptist, that he would neuer séeke to
make peace betwixt them againe. And therfore sir Iohn Bushie in name
of the king & his councell declared, that the king and his councell
had commanded and ordeined, that they should haue a daie of battell
appointed them at Couentrie. ¶ Here writers disagrée about the daie
that was appointed: for some saie, it was vpon a mondaie in August;
other vpon saint Lamberts daie, being the seuenteenth of September,
other on the eleuenth of September; but true it is, that the king
assigned them not onlie the daie, but also appointed them listes and
place for the combat, and therevpon great preparation was made, as to
such a matter apperteined.

[Sidenote: An. Reg. 22.]

At the time appointed the king came to Couentrie, where the two dukes
were readie, according to the order prescribed therein, comming thither
in great arraie, accompanied with the lords and gentlemen of their
linages. The king caused a sumptuous scaffold or theater, and roiall
listes there to be erected and prepared. The sundaie before they should
fight, after dinner the duke of Hereford came to the king (being lodged
about a quarter of a mile without the towne in a tower that belonged
to sir William Bagot) to take his leaue of him. The morow after, being
the daie appointed for the combat, about the spring of the daie, came
the duke of Norfolke to the court to take leaue likewise of the king.
The duke of Hereford armed him in his tent, that was set vp néere to
the lists, and the duke of Norfolke put on his armor, betwixt the gate
& the barrier of the towne, in a beautifull house, hauing a faire
perclois of wood towards the gate, that none might sée what was doone
within the house.

[Sidenote: The order of the combat.]

The duke of Aumarle that daie, being high constable of England, and
the duke of Surrie marshall, placed themselues betwixt them, well
armed and appointed; and when they saw their time, they first entered
into the listes with a great companie of men apparelled in silke
sendall, imbrodered with siluer, both richlie and curiouslie, euerie
man hauing a tipped staffe to keepe the field in order. About the
houre of prime came to |847| the barriers of the listes, the duke
of Hereford, mounted on a white courser, barded with gréene & blew
veluet imbrodered sumptuouslie with swans and antelops of goldsmiths
woorke, armed at all points. The constable and marshall came to the
barriers, demanding of him what he was, he answered; “I am Henrie of
Lancaster duke of Hereford, which am come hither to doo mine indeuor
against Thomas Mowbraie duke of Norfolke, as a traitor vntrue to God,
the king, his realme, and me.” Then incontinentlie he sware vpon the
holie euangelists, that his quarrell was true and iust, and vpon that
point he required to enter the lists. Then he put vp his sword, which
before he held naked in his hand, and putting downe his visor, made
a crosse on his horsse, and with speare in hand, entered into the
lists, and descended from his horsse, and set him downe in a chaire of
gréene veluet, at the one end of the lists, and there reposed himselfe,
abiding the comming of his aduersarie.

Soone after him, entred into the field with great triumph, king Richard
accompanied with all the péeres of the realme, and in his companie was
the earle of saint Paule, which was come out of France in post to see
this challenge performed. The king had there aboue ten thousand men in
armour, least some fraie or tumult might arise amongst his nobles, by
quarelling or partaking. When the king was set in his seat, which was
richlie hanged and adorned; a king at armes made open proclamation,
prohibiting all men in the name of the king, and of the high constable
and marshall, to enterprise or attempt to approch or touch any part of
the lists vpon paine of death, except such as were appointed to order
or marshall the field. The proclamation ended, an other herald cried;
“Behold here Henrie of Lancaster duke of Hereford appellant, which is
entred into the lists roiall to doo his deuoir against Thomas Mowbraie
duke of Norfolke defendant, vpon paine to be found false and recreant.”

The duke of Norfolke houered on horssebacke at the entrie of the lists,
his horse being barded with crimosen veluet, imbrodered richlie with
lions of siluer and mulberie trées; and when he had made his oth before
the constable and marshall that his quarrell was iust and true, he
entred the field manfullie, saieng alowd: “God aid him that hath the
right,” and then he departed from his horsse, & sate him downe in his
chaire which was of crimosen veluet, courtined about with white and red
damaske. The lord marshall viewed their speares, to see that they were
of equall length, and deliuered the one speare himselfe to the duke of
Hereford, and sent the other vnto the duke of Norfolke by a knight.
Then the herald proclamed that the trauerses & chaires of the champions
should be remooued, commanding them on the kings behalfe to mount on
horssebacke, & addresse themselues to the battell and combat.

[Sidenote: The combat staied by the king.

The king his dome betwixt the two dukes.]

The duke of Hereford was quicklie horssed, and closed his bauier,
and cast his speare into the rest, and when the trumpet sounded set
forward couragiouslie towards his enimie six or seuen pases. The duke
of Norfolke was not fullie set forward, when the king cast down his
warder, and the heralds cried, Ho, ho. Then the king caused their
speares to be taken from them, and commanded them to repaire againe
to their chaires, where they remained two long houres, while the
king and his councell deliberatlie consulted what order was best to
be had in so weightie a cause. Finallie, after they had deuised and
fullie determined what should be doone therein, the heralds cried
silence and sir Iohn Bushie the kings secretarie read the sentence
and determination of the king and his councell, in a long roll, the
effect wherof was, that Henrie duke of Hereford should within fifteene
daies depart out of the realme, and not to returne before the terme
of ten yeares were expired, except by the king he should be repealed
againe, and this vpon paine of death; and that Thomas Mowbraie duke
of Norfolke, bicause he had sowen sedition in the relme by his words,
should likewise auoid the realme, and neuer to returne againe into
England, nor approch the borders or confines thereof vpon paine of
death; and that the king would staie the profits of his lands, till he
had leuied thereof |848| such summes of monie as the duke had taken vp
of the kings treasuror for the wages of the garrison of Calis, which
were still vnpaid.

[Sidenote: The duke of Hereford beloued of the people.]

When these iudgements were once read, the king called before him both
the parties, and made them to sweare that the one should neuer come
in place where the other was, willinglie; nor kéepe any companie to
gither in any forren region; which oth they both receiued humblie, and
so went their waies. The duke of Norfolke departed sorowfullie out
of the realme into Almanie, and at the last came to Venice, where he
for thought and melancholie deceassed: for he was in hope (as writers
record) that he should haue béene borne out in the matter by the king,
which when it fell out otherwise, it greeued him not a little. The duke
of Hereford tooke his leaue of the king at Eltham, who there released
foure yeares of his banishment: so he tooke his iornie ouer into Calis,
and from thence went into France, where he remained. ¶ A woonder it was
to sée what number of people ran after him in euerie towne and stréet
where he came, before he tooke the sea, lamenting and bewailing his
departure, as who would saie, that when he departed, the onelie shield,
defense and comfort of the commonwealth was vaded and gone.

[Sidenote: The duke of Hereford is honorablie interteined with the
French king.

_Froissard._]

At his comming into France, king Charles hearing the cause of his
banishment (which he esteemed to be verie light) receiued him gentlie,
and him honorablie interteined, in so much that he had by fauour
obteined in mariage the onelie daughter of the duke of Berrie, vncle to
the French king, if king Richard had not béene a let in that matter,
who being thereof certified, sent the earle of Salisburie with all
speed into France, both to surmize by vntrue suggestion, heinous
offenses against him, and also to require the French king that in no
wise he would suffer his cousine to be matched in mariage with him that
was so manifest an offendor. This was a pestilent kind of proceeding
against that nobleman then being in a forren countrie, hauing béene so
honorablie receiued as he was at his entrance into France, and vpon
view and good liking of his behauiour there, so forward in mariage
with a ladie of noble linage. So sharpe, so seuere, & so heinous an
accusation, brought to a strange king from a naturall prince, against
his subiect, after punishment inflicted (for he was banished) was
inough to haue made the French king his fatall fo, & vpon suspicion of
assaieng the like trecherie against him, to haue throwne him out of
the limits of his land. But what will enuie leaue vnattempted, where
it is once setled? And how are the malicious tormented with egernes
of reuenge against them whom they maligne, wringing themselues in
the meane time with inward pangs gnawing them at the hart? wherevnto
serueth the poets allusion,

[Sidenote: _Hor. lib. epist. 1._]

 Inuidia Siculi non inuenêre tyranni
 Maius tormentum.

[Sidenote: 1399.]

On Newyeares day this yeare, the riuer that passeth betwixt Suelleston
or Snelston, and Harewood, two villages not far from Bedford, sudenlie
ceassed his course, so as the chanell remained drie by the space of
thrée miles, that any man might enter into, and passe the same drie
foot at his pleasure. This diuision, which the water made in that
place, the one part séeming as it were not to come néere to the other,
was iudged to signifie the reuolting of the subiects of this land from
their naturall prince. It may be, that the water of that riuer sanke
into the ground, and by some secret passage or chanell tooke course
till it came to the place where it might rise againe as in other places
is likewise séene.

[Sidenote: _Fabian._

Blanke charters.]

Ye haue heard before, how the archbishop of Canturburie Thomas
Arundell, was banisht the relme, and Roger Walden was made archbishop
of that sée, who was a great fauourer of the citie of London, the which
was eftsoones about this season fallen into the kings displeasure: but
by the diligent labour of this archbishop, and of Robert Braibrooke
then bishop of London, vpon the humble supplication of the citizens,
the kings wrath was pacified. But yet to content the kings mind, manie
blanke charters were deuised, and brought into the citie, which manie
of the substantiall and wealthie citizens were faine to |849| seale,
to their great charge, as in the end appeared. And the like charters
were sent abroad into all shires within the realme, whereby great
grudge and murmuring arose among the people: for when they were so
sealed, the kings officers wrote in the same what liked them, as well
for charging the parties with paiment of monie, as otherwise.

[Sidenote: The death of the duke of Lancaster.

_Tho. Walsi._]

In this meane time, the duke of Lancaster departed out of this life
at the bishop of Elies place in Holborne, and lieth buried in the
cathedrall church of saint Paule in London, on the northside of the
high altar, by the ladie Blanch his first wife. The death of this
duke gaue occasion of increasing more hatred in the people of this
realme toward the king, for he seized into his hands all the goods
that belonged to him, and also receiued all the rents and reuenues of
his lands which ought to haue descended vnto the duke of Hereford by
lawfull inheritance, in reuoking his letters patents, which he had
granted to him before, by vertue wherof he might make his attorneis
generall to sue liuerie for him, of any maner of inheritances or
possessions that might from thencefoorth fall vnto him, and that his
homage might be respited, with making reasonable fine: whereby it was
euident, that the king meant his vtter vndooing.

This hard dealing was much misliked of all the nobilitie, and cried out
against of the meaner sort: but namelie the duke of Yorke was therewith
sore mooued, who before this time, had borne things with so patient a
mind as he could, though the same touched him verie néere, as the death
of his brother the duke of Glocester, the banishment of his nephew the
said duke of Hereford, and other mo iniuries in great number, which
for the slipperie youth of the king, he passed ouer for the time, and
did forget aswell as he might. But now perceiuing that neither law,
iustice nor equitie could take place, where the kings wilfull will was
bent vpon any wrongfull purpose, he considered that the glorie of the
publike wealth of his countrie must néeds decaie, by reason of the
king his lacke of wit, and want of such as would (without flatterie)
admonish him of his dutie; and therefore he thought it the part of
a wise man to get him in time to a resting place and to leaue the
following of such an vnaduised capteine, as with a leden sword would
cut his owne throat.

[Sidenote: The duke of Yorke misliketh the court & goeth home.

The realme let to farme by the king.

_Tho. Walsi._]

Herevpon he with the duke of Aumarle his sonne went to his house at
Langlie, reioising that nothing had mishappened in the common-wealth
through his deuise or consent. The common brute ran, that the king had
set to farme the realme of England, vnto sir William Scroope earle of
Wiltshire, and then treasuror of England, to sir Iohn Bushie, sir Iohn
Bagot, and sir Henrie Gréene knights. ¶ About the same time, the earle
of Arundels sonne, named Thomas, which was kept in the duke of Exeters
house, escaped out of the realme, by meanes of one William Scot mercer,
and went to his vncle Thomas Arundell late archbishop of Canturburie,
as then soiourning at Cullen. ¶ King Richard being destitute of
treasure to furnish such a princelie port as he mainteined, borrowed
great summes of monie of manie of the great lords and peeres of his
realme, both spirituall and temporall, and likewise of other meane
persons, promising them in good earnest, by deliuering to them his
letters patents for assurance, that he would repaie the monie so
borrowed at a daie appointed: which notwithstanding he neuer paid.

[Sidenote: New exactions.

The paiment of these fines was called a plesanse as it were to
please the K. withall, but y^e same displeased manie that were thus
constreined to paie against their willes.

The people confirme the oth of allegiance by writing sealed.]

Moreouer, this yeare he caused seuenteene shires of the realme by waie
of putting them to their fines to paie no small summes of monie, for
redéeming their offenses, that they had aided the duke of Glocester,
the earles of Arundell, and Warwike, when they rose in armor against
him. The nobles, gentlemen, and commons of those shires were inforced
also to receiue a new oth to assure the king of their fidelitie in time
to come; and withall certeine prelats and other honorable personages,
were sent into the same shires to persuade men to this paiment, and
to sée things ordered at the pleasure of the prince: and suerlie the
fines which the nobles, and other the meaner estates of those shires
were constreined to paie, were not small, but excéeding great, to the
offense of |850| manie. Moreouer, the kings letters patents were sent
into euerie shire within this land, by vertue whereof, an oth was
demanded of all the kings liege people for a further assurance of their
due obedience, and they were constreined to ratifie the same in writing
vnder their hands and seales.

[Sidenote: Indirect dealings.]

Moreouer they were compelled to put their hands and seales to certeine
blankes, wherof ye haue heard before, in the which, when it pleased
him he might write what he thought good. There was also a new oth
deuised for the shiriffes of euerie countie through the realme to
receiue: finallie, manie of the kings liege people were through spite,
enuie, and malice, accused, apprehended, & put in prison, and after
brought before the constable and marshall of England, in the court of
chiualrie, and might not otherwise be deliuered, except they could
iustifie themselues by combat and fighting in lists against their
accusers hand to hand, although the accusers for the most part were
lustie, yoong and valiant, where the parties accused were perchance
old, impotent, maimed and sicklie. Wherevpon not onelie the great
destruction of the realme in generall, but also of euerie singular
person in particular, was to be feared and looked for.

[Sidenote: _Abr. Fl._ out of _Thom. Wals._ pag. 395.]

¶ About this time the bishop of Calcedon came into England, with
letters apostolicall of admonition, that the faithfull and loiall of
the land should of their goods disbursse somewhat to the emperour of
Constantinople, who was extremelie vexed and troubled by the Tartars,
and their capteine called Morect. And to the intent that the peeres
of the land might be made the more willing and toward to bestow their
contribution in this behalfe, the pope granted vnto all benefactors
(trulie contrite and confessed) full remission, and wrapped in his
bitter censures all such as hindered those that were willing to bestow
their beneuolence in this case; considering, that although the emperour
was a schismatike, yet was he a christian, and if by the infidels he
should be oppressed, all christendome was in danger of ruine; hauing in
his mind that saieng of the poet full fit for his purpose,

 Tunc tua res agitur paries cùm proximus ardet.

[Sidenote: _Abr. Fl._ out of _Thom. Wals._ pag. 395.

_Polydor._

A iusts at Windesor.

The king saileth ouer into Ireland with a great armie. _Fabian._

_Caxton._

The duke of Yorke lieutenant generall of England, the king being in
Ireland. _Hen. Marl._]

¶ In this yeare in a manner throughout all the realme of England, old
baie trées withered, and afterwards, contrarie to all mens thinking,
grew gréene againe, a strange sight, and supposed to import some
vnknowne euent. ¶ In this meane time the king being aduertised that
the wild Irish dailie wasted and destroied the townes and villages
within the English pale, and had slaine manie of the souldiers which
laie there in garison for defense of that countrie, determined to make
eftsoones a voiage thither, & prepared all things necessarie for his
passage now against the spring. A little before his setting foorth, he
caused a iusts to be holden at Windesor of fourtie knights and fortie
esquiers, against all commers, & they to be apparelled in gréene, with
a white falcon, and the queene to be there well accompanied with ladies
and damsels. When these iusts were finished, the king departed toward
Bristow, from thence to passe into Ireland, leauing the queene with
hir traine still at Windesor: he appointed for his lieutenant generall
in his absence his vncle the duke of Yorke: and so in the moneth of
Aprill, as diuerse authors write, he set forward from Windesor, and
finallie tooke shipping at Milford, and from thence with two hundred
ships, and a puissant power of men of armes and archers he sailed into
Ireland. The fridaie next after his arriuall, there were slaine two
hundred Irishmen at Fourd in Kenlis within the countie of Kildare, by
that valiant gentleman Ienico Dartois, and such Englishmen as he had
there with him: and on the morrow next insuing the citizens of Dublin
inuaded the countrie of Obrin, and slue thirtie and thrée Irishmen.

[Sidenote: Out of a French pamphlet that belongeth to master _Iohn Dee_.

Macmur.]

The king also after he had remained about seuen daies at Waterford,
marched from thence towards Kilkennie, and comming thither, staied
thereabout fourteene daies, looking for the duke of Aumarle that was
appointed to haue met him, but he failed and came not, where vpon the
king on Midsummer euen set forward againe, marching streight towards
the countrie of Macmur the principall rebell in that season within
Ireland, who |851| kéeping himselfe among woods with three thousand
right hardie men, seemed to passe little for any power that might be
brought against him. Yet the king approching to the skirts of the
woods, commanded his soldiers to fier the houses and villages: which
was executed with great forwardnesse of the men of war. And here for
some valiant act that he did, or some other fauourable respect, which
the king bare to the lord Henrie sonne to the duke of Hereford, he made
him knight. ¶ This Henrie was after king of England, succeeding his
father, and called by the name of Henrie the fift. There were nine or
ten others made knights also at the same time.

[Sidenote: Pioners set a worke to cut downe woods.]

Moreouer, there were two thousand & fiue hundred pioners set a worke
to cut downe the woods, and to make passages through, and so then
the Englishmen entred, and by force got through: for the Irishmen
sore feared the English bowes, but yet now and then they espieng
their aduantage, assailed oftentimes Englishmen with their darts,
and slue diuerse that went abroad to fetch in forrage. The vncle of
Macmur hauing a withie or with about his necke, came in and submitted
himselfe, and likewise manie other naked and bare legged; so that
the king seeming to pitie their miserable state, pardoned them, and
afterward he also sent vnto Macmur, promising that if he would come
in and require pardon as his vncle had doone, he would receiue him to
mercie: but Macmur vnderstanding that for want of vittels, the king
must néeds retire within a short time, he refused the kings offer. The
king with his armie remaining in those parts eleuen daies, was in the
end constreined to come backe, when all their vittels were spent: for
more than they brought with them they could not get. They lost manie
horsses in this iournie for want of prouision and forrage.

[Sidenote: Macmur sendeth to the K. offering a parlee.

The earle of Glocester.]

As the king was withdrawne towards Dublin, marching through the
countrie, in despite of his enimies, that houered still about his
armie, Macmur sent to the king, offering to talke of an agreement,
if it should please him to send any noble man to méet him at a place
appointed. The king herevpon commanded the earle of Glocester to take
with him two hundred lances, and a thousand archers, and to go to trie
if he might by persuasion cause him to come in and submit himselfe. The
earle went, and comming to talke with him, found him so obstinate, that
their parlée streightwaies brake off: so taking leaue each of other,
they departed, and the earle returned to the king, to aduertise him
what he had doone and perceiued by the communication which he had had
with Macmur.

[Sidenote: An. Reg. 23.

He came to Dublin the 28 of Iune as _Henrie Marl._ saith.]

The king was sore offended with the obstinatnes of the rebell, that
would not agree otherwise: but so as he might remaine still at
libertie, without danger to suffer anie maner of punishment for his
passed offenses. Wherevpon the king after his comming to Dublin, and
that the armie had rested there, and in the countrie neere to the
citie, for the space of fiftéene daies, he diuided his people into
three parts, and sent them abroad into the countrie to pursue the
enimies and withall made proclamation, that who so euer could bring
Macmur vnto his presence, should haue for his recompense a great
reward: for he determined not to depart the countrie, till he had him
either dead or aliue. But he knew full little then what incidents to
hinder his purposed intention would after follow.

[Sidenote: The duke of Aumarle.]

The same daie that he sent abroad his armie thus into three seuerall
parts, the duke of Aumarle with an hundred saile arriued, of whose
coming the king was right ioifull; and although he had vsed no small
negligence in that he came no sooner according to order before
appointed, yet the king (as he was of a gentle nature) courteouslie
accepted his excuse: whether he was in fault or not, I haue not to
saie; but verelie he was greatlie suspected, that he dealt not well
in tarieng so long after his time assigned. But now whilest the king
rested at Dublin, his people so demeaned themselues, that the most part
of the rebels, what by manhood and policie were subdued, and brought
vnder subiection, and (as is to be thought) if no trouble had risen in
England to haue called him backe, he meant to haue rid vp the woods,
and made some notable conquest at that time vpon the rebels that yet
held out. Neuerthelesse, during the time of his abode there, such was
the prowesse of him and his, that the Irish were well tamed, and forced
to submit |852| themselues: and yet the kings power made no great
slaughter of them, if it be true that Christ. Okl. saith, speaking
hereof in few words as after followeth:

[Sidenote: _In Angl. prælije sub Rich. 2._]

 Pergit ad indomitos princeps Richardus Hibernos,
 Inq; potestatem multo sine sanguine, sæuo
 Marte reluctantes.

[Sidenote: The duke of Lancaster solicited to expel king Richard, and
to take vpon him the regiment.]

Now whilest he was thus occupied in deuising how to reduce them into
subiection, and taking orders for the good staie and quiet gouernment
of the countrie, diuerse of the nobilitie, aswell prelats as other, and
likewise manie of the magistrats and rulers of the cities, townes, and
communaltie, here in England, perceiuing dailie how the realme drew to
vtter ruine, not like to be recouered to the former state of wealth,
whilest king Richard liued and reigned (as they tooke it) deuised with
great deliberation, and considerate aduise, to send and signifie by
letters vnto duke Henrie, whome they now called (as he was in déed)
duke of Lancaster and Hereford, requiring him with all conuenient spéed
to conueie himselfe into England, promising him all their aid, power
and assistance, if he expelling K. Richard, as a man not meet for the
office he bare, would take vpon him the scepter, rule, and diademe of
his natiue land and region.

[Sidenote: The duke of Britaine a great friend to the duke of Lancaster.

The duke of Lancaster & his adherents saile into England. Additions to
_Polychron._

_Thom. Wals._

_Chron. Brit._

_Froissard._

_Tho. Walsing._]

He therefore being thus called vpon by messengers and letters from
his fréends, and chéeflie through the earnest persuasion of Thomas
Arundell, late archbishop of Canturburie, who (as before yée haue
heard) had béene remooued from his sée, and banished the realme by
king Richards means, got him downe to Britaine, togither with the said
archbishop, where he was ioifullie receiued of the duke and duchesse,
and found such fréendship at the dukes hands, that there were certeine
ships rigged, and made readie for him, at a place in base Britaine,
called Le port blanc, as we find in the chronicles of Britaine: and
when all his prouision was made readie, he tooke the sea, togither with
the said archbishop of Canturburie, and his nephue Thomas Arundell,
sonne and heire to the late earle of Arundell, beheaded at the Tower
hill, as you haue heard. There were also with him, Reginald lord
Cobham, sir Thomas Erpingham, and sir Thomas Ramston knights, Iohn
Norburie, Robert Waterton, & Francis Coint esquires: few else were
there, for (as some write) he had not past fifteene lances, as they
tearmed them in those daies, that is to saie, men of armes, furnished
and appointed as the vse then was. ¶ Yet other write, that the duke
of Britaine deliuered vnto him three thousand men of warre, to attend
him, and that he had eight ships well furnished for the warre, where
Froissard yet speaketh but of three. Moreouer, where Froissard and also
the chronicles of Britaine auouch, that he should land at Plimmouth,
by our English writers it séemeth otherwise: for it appeareth by their
assured report, that he approching to the shore, did not streight
take land, but lay houering aloofe, and shewed himselfe now in this
place, and now in that, to sée what countenance was made by the people,
whether they meant enuiouslie to resist him, or fréendlie to receiue
him.

[Sidenote: The commōs denie to resist the duke of Lancaster.]

When the lord gouernor Edmund duke of Yorke was aduertised, that
the duke of Lancaster kept still the sea, and was readie to arriue
(but where he ment first to set foot on land, there was not any that
vnderstood the certeintie) he sent for the lord chancellor Edmund
Stafford bishop of Excester, and for the lord treasuror William Scroope
earle of Wiltshire, and other of the kings priuie councell, as Iohn
Bushie, William Bagot, Henrie Greene, and Iohn Russell knights: of
these he required to knew what they thought good to be doone in this
matter, concerning the duke of Lancaster, being on the seas. Their
aduise was, to depart from London, vnto S. Albons, and there to gather
an armie to resist the duke in his landing, but to how small purpose
their counsell serued, the conclusion thereof plainlie declared,
for the most part that were called, when they came thither, boldlie
protested, that they would not fight against the duke of Lancaster,
whome they knew to be euill dealt withall.

[Sidenote: The duke of Lancaster lādeth in Yorkshire.

Additions to _Polychron._]

The lord treasuror, Bushie, Bagot, and Gréene, perceiuing that the
commons would cleaue vnto, and take part with the duke, slipped
awaie, leauing the lord gouernour of |853| the realme, and the lord
chancellor to make what shift they could for themselues: Bagot got him
to Chester, and so escaped into Ireland; the other fled to the castell
of Bristow, in hope there to be in safetie. The duke of Lancaster,
after that he had coasted alongst the shore a certeine time, & had got
some intelligence how the peoples minds were affected towards him,
landed about the beginning of Iulie in Yorkshire, at a place sometime
called Rauenspur, betwixt Hull and Bridlington, and with him not past
thréescore persons, as some write: but he was so ioifullie receiued of
the lords, knights, and gentlemen of those parts, that he found means
(by their helpe) foorthwith to assemble a great number of people, that
were willing to take his part. The first that came to him, were the
lords of Lincolneshire, and other countries adioining, as the lords
Willoughbie, Ros, Darcie, and Beaumont.

[Sidenote: The duke of Lācasters oth to the lords that aided him.]

At his comming vnto Doncaster, the earle of Northumberland, and his
sonne sir Henrie Persie, wardens of the marches against Scotland, with
the earle of Westmerland, came vnto him, where he sware vnto those
lords, that he would demand no more, but the lands that were to him
descended by inheritance from his father, and in right of his wife.
Moreouer, he vndertooke to cause the paiment of taxes and tallages to
be laid downe, & to bring the king to good gouernment, & to remooue
from him the Cheshire men, which were enuied of manie; for that the
king estéemed of them more than of anie other; happilie, bicause they
were more faithfull to him than other, readie in all respects to
obeie his commandements and pleasure. From Doncaster hauing now got a
mightie armie about him, he marched foorth with all spéed through the
countries, coming by Euesham vnto Berkelie: within the space of thrée
daies, all the kings castels in those parts were surrendred vnto him.

[Sidenote: The harts of the commons wholie bent to the duke of
Lancaster.]

The duke of Yorke, whome king Richard had left as gouernour of the
realme in his absence, hearing that his nephue the duke of Lancaster
was thus arriued, and had gathered an armie, he also assembled a
puissant power of men of armes and archers (as before yée haue heard)
but all was in vaine, for there was not a man that willinglie would
thrust out one arrow against the duke of Lancaster, or his partakers,
or in anie wise offend him or his fréends. The duke of Yorke therefore
passing foorth towards Wales to méet the king, at his comming foorth
of Ireland, was receiued into the castell of Berkelie, and there
remained, till the comming thither of the duke of Lancaster (whom
when he perceiued that he was not able to resist) on the sundaie,
after the feast of saint Iames, which as that yeare came about, fell
vpon the fridaie, he came foorth into the church that stood without
the castell, and there communed with the duke of Lancaster. With
the duke of Yorke were the bishops of Norwich, the lord Berkelie,
the lord Seimour, and other: with the duke of Lancaster were these,
Thomas Arundell archbishop of Canturburie that had béene banished,
the abbat of Leicester, the earles of Northumberland and Westmerland,
Thomas Arundell sonne to Richard late earle of Arundell, the baron of
Greistoke, the lords Willoughbie and Ros, with diuerse other lords,
knights, and other people, which dailie came to him from euerie part
of the realme: those that came not, were spoiled of all they had, so
as they were neuer able to recouer themselues againe, for their goods
being then taken awaie, were neuer restored. And thus what for loue,
and what for feare of losse, they came flocking vnto him from euerie
part.

[Sidenote: The duke of Lancaster marcheth to Bristow.]

[Sidenote: Scroope lord treasuror.

Bushie and Gréene executed.

A politike madnesse.]

At the same present there was arrested, and committed to safe custodie,
the bishop of Norwich, sir William Elmam, and sir Walter Burlie,
knights, Laurence Drew, and Iohn Golofer esquiers. On the morow after,
the forsaid dukes with their power, went towards Bristow, where (at
their comming) they shewed themselues before the towne & castell, being
an huge multitude of people. There were inclosed within the castell,
the lord William Scroope earle of Wiltshire and treasuror of England,
sir Henrie Greene, and sir Iohn Bushie knights, who prepared to make
resistance: but when it would not preuaile, they were taken and brought
foorth bound as prisoners into the campe, before the duke of Lancaster.
On the morow next insuing, they were arraigned before the |854|
constable and marshall, and found giltie of treason, for misgouerning
the king and realme, and foorthwith had their heads smit off. Sir Iohn
Russell was also taken there, who feining himselfe to be out of his
wits, escaped their hands for a time.

[Sidenote: Out of master _Dees_ French booke.]

In this meane time, king Richard aduertised, how the duke of Lancaster
was landed in England, and that the lords, gentlemen, and commons
assembled themselues to take his part, he forthwith caused the lord
Henrie, sonne to the said duke of Lancaster, and the lord Humfrie,
sonne to the duke of Glocester, to be shut vp fast in the castell
of Trimme, and with all spéed made hast to returne into England, in
hope with an armie to incounter the duke, before he should haue time
to assemble his fréends togither. But here you shall note, that it
fortuned at the same time, in which the duke of Hereford or Lancaster,
whether ye list to call him, arriued thus in England, the seas were so
troubled by tempests, and the winds blew so contrarie for anie passage,
to come ouer foorth of England to the king, remaining still in Ireland,
that for the space of six wéeks, he receiued no aduertisements from
thence: yet at length, when the seas became calme, and the wind once
turned anie thing fauourable, there came ouer a ship, whereby the king
vnderstood the manner of the dukes arriuall, and all his procéedings
till that daie, in which the ship departed from the coast of England,
wherevpon he meant foorthwith to haue returned ouer into England, to
make resistance against the duke: but through persuasion of the duke of
Aumarle (as was thought) he staied, till he might haue all his ships,
and other prouision, fullie readie for his passage.

In the meane time, he sent the earle of Salisburie ouer into England,
to gather a power togither, by helpe of the kings freends in Wales, and
Cheshire, with all spéed possible, that they might be readie to assist
him against the duke, vpon his arriuall, for he meant himselfe to
follow the earle, within six daies after. The earle passing ouer into
Wales, landed at Conwaie, and sent foorth letters to the kings freends,
both in Wales and Cheshire, to leauie their people, & to come with
all spéed to assist the K. whose request, with great desire, & very
willing minds they fulfilled, hoping to haue found the king himselfe
at Conwaie, insomuch that within foure daies space, there were to the
number of fortie thousand men assembled, readie to march with the king
against his enimies, if he had béene there himselfe in person.

But when they missed the king, there was a brute spred amongst them,
that the king was suerlie dead, which wrought such an impression, and
euill disposition in the minds of the Welshmen and others, that for
anie persuasion which the earle of Salisburie might vse, they would not
go foorth with him, till they saw the king: onelie they were contented
to staie fouretéene daies to sée if he should come or not; but when he
came not within that tearme, they would no longer abide, but scaled &
departed awaie; wheras if the king had come before their breaking vp,
no doubt, but they would haue put the duke of Hereford in aduenture of
a field: so that the kings lingering of time before his comming ouer,
gaue opportunitie to the duke to bring things to passe as he could haue
wished, and tooke from the king all occasion to recouer afterwards anie
forces sufficient to resist him.

[Sidenote: K. Richard returneth out of Ireland and landeth in Wales.
_Thom. Wals._]

At length, about eighteene daies after that the king had sent from him
the earle of Salisburie, he tooke the sea, togither with the dukes of
Aumarle, Excester, Surrie, and diuerse others of the nobilitie, with
the bishops of London, Lincolne, and Carleill. They landed néere the
castell of Barclowlie in Wales, about the feast of saint Iames the
apostle, and staied a while in the same castell, being aduertised of
the great forces which the duke of Lancaster had got togither against
him, wherewith he was maruellouslie amazed, knowing certeinelie that
those which were thus in armes with the duke of Lancaster against him,
would rather die than giue place, as well for the hatred as feare which
they had conceiued at him. Neuerthelesse he departing from Barclowlie,
hasted with all speed towards Conwaie, where he vnderstood the earle of
Salisburie to be still remaining.

[Sidenote: Additions to _Polychron._

K. Richard in vtter despaire.]

He therefore taking with him such Cheshire men as he had with him at
that present (in whom all his trust was reposed) he doubted not to
reuenge himselfe of his aduersaries, & |855| so at the first he passed
with a good courage: but when he vnderstood as he went thus forward,
that all the castels, euen from the borders of Scotland vnto Bristow
were deliuered vnto the duke of Lancaster, and that likewise the nobles
and commons, as well of the south parts, as the north, were fullie
bent to take part with the same duke against him; and further, hearing
how his trustie councellors had lost their heads at Bristow, he became
so greatlie discomforted, that sorowfullie lamenting his miserable
state, he vtterlie despaired of his owne safetie, and calling his armie
togither, which was not small, licenced euerie man to depart to his
home.

[Sidenote: K. Richard stealeth awaie from his armie, and taketh the
castell of Flint.]

The souldiers being well bent to fight in his defense, besought him to
be of good chéere, promising with an oth to stand with him against the
duke, and all his partakers vnto death: but this could not incourage
him at all, so that in the night next insuing, he stole from his armie,
and with the dukes of Excester and Surrie, the bishop of Carleill, and
sir Stephan Scroope, and about halfe a score others, he got him to the
castell of Conwaie, where he found the earle of Salisburie, determining
there to hold himselfe, till he might sée the world at some better
staie; for what counsell to take to remedie the mischéefe thus pressing
vpon him he wist not. On the one part he knew his title iust, true, and
infallible; and his conscience cleane, pure and without spot of enuie
or malice: he had also no small affiance in the Welshmen, and Cheshire
men. On the other side, he saw the puissance of his aduersaries, the
sudden departing of them whom he most trusted, and all things turned
vpside downe: he euidentlie saw, and manifestlie perceiued, that he
was forsaken of them, by whom in time he might haue béene aided and
relieued, where now it was too late, and too farre ouer passed.

[Sidenote: A speciall note woorthie to be well weied.]

¶ This suerlie is a verie notable example, and not vnwoorthie of all
princes to be well weied, and diligentlie marked, that this Henrie
duke of Lancaster should be thus called to the kingdome, and haue the
helpe and assistance (almost) of all the whole realme, which perchance
neuer thereof thought or yet dreamed; and that king Richard should thus
be left desolate, void, and in despaire of all hope and comfort, in
whom if there were anie offense, it ought rather to be imputed to the
frailtie of wanton youth, than to the malice of his hart: but such is
the deceiuable iudgement of man, which not regarding things present
with due consideration, thinketh euer that things to come shall haue
good successe, with a pleasant & delitefull end. But in this deiecting
of the one, & aduancing of the other, the prouidence of God is to be
respected, & his secret will to be woondered at. For as in his hands
standeth the donation of kingdoms, so likewise the disposing of them
consisteth in his pleasure, which the verie pagans vnderstood right
well; otherwise, one of them would neuer haue said,

[Sidenote: _Hor. lib. car. 3. ode. 1._]

 Regum timendorum in proprios greges,
 Reges in ipsos imperium est Iouis
     Cuncta supercilio mouentis.

[Sidenote: The earle of Worcester leaueth the K. and fléeth to the duke.

Where fortune fauoureth, thither the peoples fauour fléeth.]

Sir Thomas Persie earle of Worcester, lord steward of the kings house,
either being so commanded by the king, or else vpon displeasure (as
some write) for that the king had proclaimed his brother the earle
of Northumberland traitor, brake his white staffe, which is the
representing signe and token of his office, and without delaie went
to duke Henrie. When the kings seruants of houshold saw this (for
it was doone before them all) they dispersed themselues, some into
one countrie, and some into an other. When the duke of Lancaster
vnderstood that king Richard was returned foorth of Ireland, he left
the duke of Yorke still at Bristow, and came backe with his power vnto
Berkleie; the second daie he came to Glocester, and so to Roos, after
to Hereford, where came to him the bishop of Hereford, and sir Edmund
Mortimer knight. On the sundaie following, he went to Limster, and
there the lord Charleton came to him. From thence he went to Ludlow,
and the next daie to Shrewsburie, where he rested one daie, and thither
came to him sir Robert Leigh, and sir Iohn Leigh, and manie other being
sent from Chester, to treat with the duke |856| of Lancaster, for the
citie and countie of Chester, that were now readie to submit themselues
vnto him in all things.

[Sidenote: The duke of Lancaster comming to Chester.]

There came hither vnto him the lord Scales, and the lord Berdolfe,
foorth of Ireland, hauing béene spoiled of all they had about them in
Wales, as they came through the countrie. From Shrewsburie, he kept
on his iournie towards Chester, and lodging one night by the waie, in
a towne there in the borders of Wales, he came the second night to
Chester, and staied there certeine daies togither, making a iollie
muster of his armie there in sight of the citie. The clergie met, &
receiued him with procession: he sent foorthwith for his sonne & heire,
& likewise for the duke of Glocesters sonne & heire, that were as yet
remaining in Ireland, commanding them with all spéed to returne home
into England. But the duke of Glocesters sonne, through mischance
perished, as he was on the seas to come ouer, for whose losse his
mother tooke such greefe, that shortlie after through immoderate sorow
she likewise passed out of this transitorie life.

[Sidenote: Pérkin a Lee.]

In this meane time, king Richard being in the castell of Conwaie sore
discomfited, and fearing lest he could not remaine there long in
safetie, vpon knowledge had by his trustie fréends Iohn Paulet, and
Richard Seimour, of the dealings and approch of his aduersaries, sent
the duke of Excester to talke with the duke of Lancaster, who in this
meane while had caused one of king Richards faithfull and trustie
freends, sir Piers a Leigh, commonlie called Perkin a Lée, to lose
his head, & commanded the same to be set vp, vpon one of the highest
turrets about all the citie; and so that true and faithfull gentleman,
for his stedfast faith, and assured loialtie to his louing souereigne,
thus lost his life. There came to him about the same time, or somewhat
before, the dukes of Aumarle and Surrie, the lord Louell, and sir Iohn
Stanleie, beséeching him to receiue him into his fauour.

[Sidenote: Out of master _Dees_ booke.

Holt castell deliuered to the duke. Some write that the archbishop of
Cāturburie and the earle of Westmerland wēt also with the earle of
Northumberland to Conwaie.]

¶ By some writers it should seeme, not onelie the duke of Excester, but
also the duke of Surrie were sent vnto duke Henrie from king Richard,
and that duke Henrie staied them both, and would not suffer them to
returne to the king againe, kéeping the duke of Excester still about
him, and committing the duke of Surrie to prison, within the castell
of Chester. The king herewith went to Beaumaris, & after to Carnaruan:
but finding no prouision either of vittels or other things in those
castels, no not so much as a bed to lie in, he came backe againe to
Conwaie, and in the meane time was the castell of Holt deliuered to the
duke of Hereford, by those that had it in kéeping wherein was great
store of iewels, to the value of two hundred thousand marks, besides
an hundred thousand marks in readie coine. After this, the duke, with
aduise of his councell, sent the earle of Northumberland vnto the
king, accompanied with foure hundred lances, & a thousand archers, who
comming to the castell of Flint, had it deliuered vnto him; and from
thence he hasted foorth towards Conwaie. But before he approched néere
the place, he left his power behind him, hid closelie in two ambushes,
behind a craggie mounteine, beside the high waie that leadeth from
Flint to Conwaie.

[Sidenote: The earle of Northumberlands message to the king.

The king leaueth Conwaie castell, and betaketh himselfe to his enimies.]

This doone, taking not past foure or fiue with him, he passed foorth,
till he came before the towne, and then sending an herald to the king,
requested a safe conduct from the king, that he might come and talke
with him, which the king granted, and so the earle of Northumberland
passing the water, entred the castell, and comming to the king,
declared to him, that if it might please his grace to vndertake, that
there should be a parlement assembled, in the which iustice might
be had, against such as were enimies to the commonwealth, and had
procured the destruction of the duke of Glocester, and other noblemen,
and herewith pardon the duke of Hereford of all things wherin he had
offended him, the duke would be readie to come to him on his knées, to
craue of him forgiuenesse, and as an humble subiect, to obeie him in
all dutifull seruices. The king taking aduise vpon these offers, and
other made by the earle of Northumberland on the behalfe of the duke
of Hereford; vpon the earles oth, for assurance that the same should
be performed in ech condition, agréed to go with the earle to méete
the duke, and herevpon taking their |857| horsses, they rode foorth,
but the earle rode before, as it were, to prepare dinner for the king
at Rutland, but comming to the place where he had left his people, he
staied there with them.

[Sidenote: A constant seruant.]

The king kéeping on his waie, had not ridden past foure miles, when
he came to the place where the ambushes were lodged, and being entred
within danger of them, before he was aware, shewed himselfe to be sore
abashed. But now there was no remedie: for the earle being there with
his men, would not suffer him to returne, as he gladlie would haue
doone if he might; but being inclosed with the sea on the one side, and
the rocks on the other, hauing his aduersaries so néere at hand before
him, he could not shift awaie by any meanes, for if he should haue fled
backe, they might easilie haue ouertaken him, yer he could haue got
out of their danger. And thus of force he was then constrained to go
with the earle, who brought him to Rutland, where they dined, and from
thence they rode vnto Flint to bed. The king had verie few about him
of his freends, except onelie the earle of Salisburie, the bishop of
Carleill, the lord Stephan Scroope, sir Nicholas Ferebie, a sonne also
of the countesse of Salisburie, and Ienico Dartois a Gascoigne that
still ware the cognisance or deuise of his maister king Richard, that
is to saie, a white hart, and would not put it from him, neither for
persuasions nor threats; by reason whereof, when the duke of Hereford
vnderstood it, he caused him to be committed to prison within the
castell of Chester. This man was the last (as saieth mine author) which
ware that deuise, and shewed well thereby his constant hart toward his
maister, for the which it was thought he should haue lost his life,
but yet he was pardoned, and at length reconciled to the dukes fauour,
after he was king.

But now to our purpose. King Richard being thus come vnto the castell
of Flint, on the mondaie, the eightéenth of August, and the duke of
Hereford being still aduertised from houre to houre by posts, how the
earle of Northumberland sped, the morow following being tuesdaie, and
the ninetéenth of August, he came thither, & mustered his armie before
the kings presence, which vndoubtedlie made a passing faire shew,
being verie well ordered by the lord Henrie Persie, that was appointed
generall, or rather (as we maie call him) master of the campe,
vnder the duke, of the whole armie. There were come alreadie to the
castell, before the approching of the maine armie, the archbishop of
Canturburie, the duke of Aumarle, the earle of Worcester, and diuerse
other. The archbishop entred first, and then followed the other,
comming into the first ward.

The king that was walking aloft on the braies of the wals, to behold
the comming of the duke a farre off, might sée, that the archbishop and
the other were come, and (as he tooke it) to talke with him: wherevpon
he foorthwith came downe vnto them, and beholding that they did their
due reuerence to him on their knées, he tooke them vp, and drawing the
archbishop aside from the residue, talked with him a good while, and as
it was reported, the archbishop willed him to be of good comfort, for
he should be assured, not to haue anie hurt, as touching his person;
but he prophesied not as a prelat, but as a Pilat. For, was it no
hurt (thinke you) to his person, to be spoiled of his roialtie, to be
deposed from his crowne, to be translated from principalitie to prison,
& to fall from honor into horror. All which befell him to his extreame
hart greefe (no doubt:) which to increase, meanes alas there were
manie; but to diminish, helps (God wot) but a few. So that he might
haue said with the forlorne man in the mercilesse seas of his miseries,

 Vt fera nimboso tumüerunt æquora vento,
     In medijs lacera naue relinquor aquis.

¶ Some write (as before in a marginall note I haue quoted) that the
archbishop of Canturburie went with the earle of Northumberland vnto
Conwaie, and there talked with him: and further, that euen then the
king offered, in consideration of his insufficiencie to gouerne,
freelie to resigne the crowne, and his kinglie title to the same,
vnto the duke of |858| Hereford. But forsomuch as those that were
continuallie attendant about the king, during the whole time of
his abode at Conwaie, and till his comming to Flint, doo plainelie
affirme, that the archbishop came not to him, till this tuesdaie
before his remoouing from Flint vnto Chester, it maie be thought (the
circumstances well considered) that he rather made that promise here
at Flint, than at Conwaie, although by the tenour of an instrument,
conteining the declaration of the archbishop of Yorke, and other
commissioners sent from the estates assembled in the next parlement,
vnto the said king, it is recorded to be at Conwaie, as after ye maie
read. But there maie be some default in the copie, as taking the one
place for the other.

But wheresoeuer this offer was made, after that the archbishop had
now here at Flint communed with the king, he departed, and taking his
horsse againe, rode backe to meet the duke, who began at that present
to approch the castell, and compassed it round about, euen downe to the
sea, with his people ranged in good and séemelie order, at the foot
of the mounteins: and then the earle of Northumberland passing foorth
of the castell to the duke, talked with him a while in sight of the
king, being againe got vp to the walles, to take better view of the
armie, being now aduanced within two bowe shootes of the castell, to
the small reioising (ye may be sure) of the sorowfull king. The earle
of Northumberland returning to the castell, appointed the king to be
set to dinner (for he was fasting till then) and after he had dined,
the duke came downe to the castell himselfe, and entred the same all
armed, his bassenet onelie excepted, and being within the first gate,
he staied there, till the king came foorth of the inner part of the
castell vnto him.

[Sidenote: The dukes behauiour to the king at their méeting.

The dukes demand.]

The king accompanied with the bishop of Carleill, the earle of
Salisburie, and sir Stephan Scroope knight, who bare the sword before
him, and a few other, came foorth into the vtter ward, and sate downe
in a place prepared for him. Forthwith as the duke got sight of the
king, he shewed a reuerend dutie as became him, in bowing his knée, and
comming forward, did so likewise the second and third time, till the
king tooke him by the hand, and lift him vp, saieng; “Déere cousine,
ye are welcome.” The duke humblie thanking him said; “My souereigne
lord and king, the cause of my comming at this present, is (your honor
saued) to haue againe restitution of my person, my lands and heritage,
through your fauourable licence.” The king hervnto answered; “Déere
cousine, I am readie to accomplish your will, so that you may inioy all
that is yours, without exception.”

[Sidenote: The king and the duke iournie togither towards London.

K. Richard sumptuous in apparell.]

Méeting thus togither, they came foorth of the castell, and the king
there called for wine and after they had dronke, they mounted on
horssebacke, and rode that night to Flint, and the next daie vnto
Chester, the third vnto Nantwich, the fourth to Newcastell. Here, with
glad countenance, the lord Thomas Beauchampe earle of Warwike met them,
that had beene confined into the Ile of Man, as before ye haue heard;
but now was reuoked home by the duke of Lancaster. From Newcastell they
rode to Stafford, and the sixt daie vnto Lichfield, and there rested
sundaie all daie. After this, they rode foorth and lodged at these
places insuing, Couentrie, Dantrée, Northhampton, Dunstable, S. Albons,
& so came to London: neither was the king permitted all this while to
change his apparell, but rode still through all these townes simplie
clothed in one sute of raiment, and yet he was in his time excéeding
sumptuous in apparell, in so much as he had one cote, which he caused
to be made for him of gold and stone, valued at 30000 marks: & so he
was brought the next waie to Westminster.

[Sidenote: The dukes receiuing into London.]

As for the duke, he was receiued with all the ioy and pompe that might
be of the Londoners, and was lodged in the bishops palace, by Paules
church. It was a woonder to sée what great concursse of people, &
what number of horsses came to him on the waie as he thus passed the
countries, till his comming to London, where (vpon his approch to the
citie) the maior rode foorth to receiue him, and a great number of
other citizens. Also the cleargie met him with procession, and such ioy
appeared in the countenances of the people, vttering the same also with
words, as the like not lightlie béene séene. For in |859| euerie towne
and village where he passed, children reioised, women clapped their
hands, and men cried out for ioy. But to speake of the great numbers
of people that flocked togither in the fields and stréets of London
at his comming, I here omit; neither will I speake of the presents,
welcommings, lauds, and gratifications made to him by the citizens and
communaltie.

[Sidenote: The king cōmitted to the tower.]

But now to the purpose. The next day after his comming to London, the
king from Westminster was had to the Tower, and there committed to safe
custodie. Manie euil disposed persons, assembling themselues togither
in great numbers, intended to haue met with him, and to haue taken him
from such as had the conueieng of him, that they might haue slaine him.
But the maior and aldermen gathered to them the worshipful commoners
and graue citizens, by whose policie, and not without much adoo, the
other were reuoked from their euill purpose: albeit, before they might
be pacified, they cōming to Westminster, tooke maister Iohn Sclake
deane of the kings chappell, and from thence brought him to Newgate,
and there laid him fast in irons.

[Sidenote: A parlement in the kings name.]

After this was a parlement called by the duke of Lancaster, vsing the
name of king Richard in the writs directed foorth to the lords, and
other states for their summons. This parlement began the thirtéenth
daie of September, in the which manie heinous points of misgouernance
and iniurious dealings in the administration of his kinglie office,
were laid to the charge of this noble prince king Richard, the which
(to the end the commons might be persuaded, that he was an vnprofitable
prince to the common-wealth, and worthie to be deposed) were ingrossed
vp in 33 solemne articles, heinous to the eares of all men, and to
some almost incredible, the verie effect of which articles here insue,
according to the copie which I haue séene, and is abridged by maister
Hall as followeth.


The articles obiected to king Richard, whereby he was counted worthie
to be deposed from his principalitie.

1 FIRST, that king Richard wastfullie spent the treasure of the
realme, and had giuen the possessions of the crowne to men vnworthie,
by reason whereof, new charges more and more were laid on the poore
cōmunaltie. And where diuerse lords, as well spirituall as temporall,
were appointed by the high court of parlement, to commune and treat
of diuerse matters concerning the common-wealth of the realme, which
being busie about the same commission, he with other of his affinitie
went about to impeach, and by force and menacing compelled the iustices
of the realme at Shrewesburie to condescend to his opinion, for the
destruction of the said lords, in so much that he began to raise warre
against Iohn duke of Lancaster, Richard earle of Arundell, Thomas earle
of Warwike, and other lords, contrarie to his honor and promise.

2 Item, that he caused his vncle the duke of Glocester to be arrested
without law and sent him to Calis, and there without iudgement
murthered him, and although the earle of Arundell vpon his arreignment
pleaded his charter of pardon, he could not be heard, but was in most
vile and shamefull manner suddenlie put to death.

3 Item, he assembled certeine Lancashire and Cheshire men, to the
intent to make warre on the same lords, and suffered them to rob and
pill, without correction or repréeue.

4 Item, although the king flateringlie, and with great dissimulation,
made proclamation through out the realme, that the lords before named
were not attached of anie crime of treason, but onlie for extortions
and oppressions doone in this realme; yet he laid to them in the
parlement, rebellion and manifest treason.

5 Item, he hath compelled diuers of the said lords seruants and
friends, by menaces & extreme pains, to make great fines to their vtter
vndooing; and notwithstanding his pardon, yet he made them fine anew.
|860|

6 Item, where diuerse were appointed to commune of the state of the
realme, and the commonwealth thereof, the same king caused all the rols
and records to be kept from them, contrarie to promise made in the
parlement, to his open dishonor.

7 Item, he vncharitablie commanded, that no man vpon paine of losse of
life, and goods, should once intreat him for the returne of Henrie now
duke of Lancaster.

8 Item, where this realme is holden of God, and not of the pope or
other prince, the said king Richard, after he had obteined diuerse
acts of parlement, for his owne peculiar profit and pleasure, then he
obteined bulles and extreame censures from Rome, to compell all men
streightlie to kéepe the same, contrarie to the honour and ancient
priuileges of this realme.

9 Item, although the duke of Lancaster had doone his deuoire against
Thomas duke of Norfolke in proofe of his quarrell; yet the said king,
without reason or ground, banished him the realme for ten yeers,
contrarie to all equitie.

10 Item, before the dukes departure, he vnder his broad seale licenced
him to make atturnies to prosecute and defend his causes: the said king
after his departure, would suffer none atturnie to appeare for him, but
did with his at his pleasure.

11 Item, the same king put out diuerse shiriffes lawfullie elected,
and put in their roomes diuerse other of his owne, subuerting the law,
contrarie to his oth and honor.

12 Item, he borowed great summes of monie, and bound him vnder his
letters patents, for the repaiment of the same, and yet not one penie
paid.

13 Item, he taxed men at the will of him and his vnhappie councell,
and the same treasure spent in follie, not paieng poore men for their
vittels and viands.

14 Item, he said, that the lawes of the realme were in his head, and
sometimes in his brest, by reason of which fantasticall opinion, he
destroied noble men, and impouerished the poore commons.

15 Item, the parlement setting and enacting diuerse notable statutes,
for the profit and aduancement of the common-wealth, he by his priuie
fréends and solicitors caused to be enacted, that no act then enacted,
should be more preiudiciall to him, than it was to anie of his
predecessors: through which prouiso he did often as he listed, and not
as the law did meane.

16 Item, for to serue his purpose, he would suffer the shiriffes of the
shire to remaine aboue one yeare or two.

17 Item, at the summons of the parlement, when knights and burgesses
should be elected, that the election had béene full procéeded, he put
out diuerse persons elect, and put other in their places, to serue his
will and appetite.

18 Item, he had priuie espials in euerie shire, to heare who had of
him anie communication; and if he communed of his lasciuious liuing,
or outragious dooings, he straightwaies was apprehended, and put to a
gréeuous fine.

19 Item, the spiritualtie alledged against him, that he at his going
into Ireland, exacted manie notable summes of monie, beside plate and
iewels, without law or custome, contrarie to his oth taken at his
coronation.

20 Item, where diuerse lords and iustices were sworne to saie the truth
of diuerse things to them committed in charge, both for the honor of
the relme, and profit of the king, the said king so menaced them with
sore threatenings, that no man would or durst saie the right.

21 Item, that without the assent of the nobilitie, he carried
the iewels, plate, and treasure, ouer into Ireland, to the great
impouerishment of the realme: and all the good records for the common
wealth, and against his extortions, he caused priuilie to be imbessled,
and conueied awaie.

22 Item, in all leagues and letters to be concluded or sent to the sée
of Rome, or other regions, his writing was so subtill and darke, that
none other prince once beléeued him, nor yet his owne subiects. |861|

23 Item, he most tyrannouslie and vnprincelie said, that the liues and
goods of all his subiects were in his hands, and at his disposition.

24 Item, that contrarie to the great charter of England, he caused
diuerse lustie men to appeale diuerse old men, vpon matters
determinable at the common law in the court Martiall, bicause that
there is no triall, but onelie by battell: wherevpon, the said aged
persons, fearing the sequele of the matter, submitted themselues to
his mercie, whome he fined and ransomed vnreasonablie at his will and
pleasure.

25 Item, he craftilie deuised certeine priuie othes, contrarie to the
law, and caused diuerse of his subiects first to be sworne to obserue
the same, and after bound them in bonds for kéeping of the same, to the
great vndooing of manie honest men.

26 Item, where the chancellor, according to the law, would in no wise
grant a prohibition to a certeine person, the king granted it vnto the
same, vnder his priuie seale, with great threatenings, if it should be
disobeied.

27 Item, he banished the bishop of Canturburie without cause or
iudgement, and kept him in the parlement chamber with men of armes.

28 Item, the bishops goods he granted to his successor, vpon condition,
that he should mainteine all his statutes made at Shrewesburie anno 21,
and the statutes made anno 22 at Couentrie.

29 Item, vpon the accusation of the said bishop, the king craftilie
persuaded him to make no answer for he would be his warrant, and
advised him not to come to the parlement, and so without answer he was
condemned and exiled, and his goods seized.

These be all the articles of anie effect, which were laid against him,
sauing foure other, which touched onelie the archbishops matter, whose
working wroong king Richard at length from his crowne. Then for so much
as these articles, and other heinous and detestable accusations were
laid against him in open parlement, it was thought by the most part,
that he was worthie to be deposed from all kinglie honor and princelie
gouernement: and to bring the matter without slander the better to
passe, diuerse of the kings seruants, which by licence had accesse to
his person, comforted him (being with sorrow almost consumed, and in
manner halfe dead) in the best wise they could, exhorting him to regard
his health, and saue his life.

[Sidenote: The king is persuaded to resigne the crowne to the duke.

_Fabian._]

And first, they aduised him willinglie to suffer himselfe to be
deposed, and to resigne his right of his owne accord, so that the duke
of Lancaster might without murther or battell obteine the scepter
and diademe, after which (they well perceiued) he gaped: by meane
whereof they thought he might be in perfect assurance of his life
long to continue. Whether this their persuasion procéeded by the
suborning of the duke of Lancaster and his fauourers, or of a sincere
affection which they bare to the king, as supposing it most sure in
an extremitie, it is vncerteine; but yet the effect followed not,
howsoeuer their meaning was: notwithstanding, the king being now in
the hands of his enimies, and vtterlie despairing of all comfort, was
easilie persuaded to renounce his crowne and princelie preheminence,
so that in hope of life onelie, he agreed to all things that were of
him demanded. And so (as it should seeme by the copie of an instrument
hereafter following) he renounced and voluntarilie was deposed from
his roiall crowne and kinglie dignitie, the mondaie being the nine and
twentith daie of September, and feast of S. Michaell the archangell in
the yeare of our Lord 1399, and in the thrée and twentith yeare of his
reigne. The copie of which instrument here insueth.


A copie of the instrument touching the declaration of the commissioners
sent from the states in parlement, vnto king Richard.


 [Sidenote: This promise he made at Flint rather than at Conwaie, as by
 that which goeth before it may be partlie coniectured.]

 THIS present indenture made the nine and twentith daie of September,
 and feast of saint Michaell, in the yeare of our Lord 1399, and
 the three and twentith yeare of king |862| Richard the second.
 Witnesseth, that where by the authoritie of the lords spirituall
 and temporall of this present parlement, and commons of the same,
 the right honorable and discreet persons heere vnder named, were by
 the said authoritie assigned to go to the Tower of London, there
 to heare and testifie such questions and answers as then and there
 should be by the said honourable and discreet persons hard. Know all
 men, to whome these present letters shall come, that we, sir Richard
 Scroope archbishop of Yorke, Iohn bishop of Hereford, Henrie earle
 of Northumberland, Rafe earle of Westmerland, Thomas lord Berkeleie,
 William abbat of Westminster, Iohn prior of Canturburie, William
 Thirning and Hugh Burnell knights, Iohn Markham iustice, Thomas
 Stow and Iohn Burbadge doctors of the ciuill law, Thomas Erpingham
 and Thomas Grey knights, Thomas Ferebie and Denis Lopeham notaries
 publike, the daie and yeere aboue said, betweene the houres of eight
 and nine of the clocke before noone, were present in the cheefe
 chamber of the kings lodging, within the said place of the Tower,
 where was rehearsed vnto the king by the mouth of the foresaid earle
 of Northumberland, that before time at Conwaie in Northwales, the king
 being there at his pleasure and libertie, promised vnto the archbishop
 of Canturburie then Thomas Arundell, and vnto the said earle of
 Northumberland, that he for insufficiencie which he knew himselfe
 to be of, to occupie so great a charge, as to gouerne the realme of
 England, he would gladlie leaue of and renounce his right and title,
 as well of that as of his title to the crowne of France, and his
 maiestie roiall, vnto Henrie duke of Hereford, and that to doo in such
 conuenient wise, as by the learned men of this land it should most
 sufficientlie be deuised & ordeined. To the which rehearsall, the king
 in our said presences answered benignlie and said, that such promise
 he made, and so to do the same he was at that houre in full purpose to
 performe and fulfill; sauing that he desired first to haue personall
 speach with the said duke, and with the archbishop of Canturburie his
 cousins. And further, he desired to haue a bill drawne of the said
 resignation, that he might be perfect in the rehearsall thereof.

 After which bill drawne, and a copie thereof to him by me the said
 earle deliuered, we the said lords and other departed: and vpon
 the same afternoone the king looking for the comming of the duke
 of Lancaster, at the last the said duke, with the archbishop of
 Canturburie and the persons afore recited, entered the foresaid
 chamber, bringing with them the lords Roos, Aburgenie, and
 Willoughbie, with diuerse other. Where after due obeisance doone by
 them vnto the king, he familiarlie and with a glad countenance (as
 to them and vs appeered) talked with the said archbishop and duke
 a good season; and that communication finished, the king with glad
 countenance in presence of vs and the other aboue rehearsed, said
 openlie that he was readie to renounce and resigne all his kinglie
 maiestie in maner and forme as he before had promised. And although
 he had and might sufficientlie haue declared his renouncement by the
 reading of an other meane person; yet for the more suertie of the
 matter, and for that the said resignation should haue his full force
 and strength, himselfe therefore read the scroll of resignation, in
 maner and forme as followeth.


The tenor of the instrument whereby king Richard resigneth the crowne
to the duke of Lancaster.

IN the name of God Amen: I Richard by the grace of God, king of
England and of France, &c: lord of Ireland, acquit and assoile all
archbishops, bishops, and other prelats, secular or religious, of what
dignitie, degree, state, or condition so euer they be; and also all
dukes, marquesses, earles, barons, lords, and all my liege men, both
spirituall and secular, of what manner or degree they be, from their
oth of fealtie and homage, and all other deeds and priuileges made
vnto me, and from all manner bonds of allegiance, |863| regalitie and
lordship, in which they were or be bounden to me, or anie otherwise
constreined; and them, their heires, and successors for euermore, from
the same bonds and oths I release, deliuer, and acquit, and set them
for free, dissolued and acquit, and to be harmelesse, for as much as
longeth to my person by anie manner waie or title of right, that to
me might follow of the foresaid things, or anie of them. And also I
resigne all my kinglie dignitie, maiestie and crowne, with all the
lordships, power, and priuileges to the foresaid kinglie dignitie and
crowne belonging, and all other lordships and possessions to me in anie
maner of wise perteining, of what name, title, qualitie, or condition
soeuer they be, except the lands and possessions for me and mine obits
purchased and bought. And I renounce all right, and all maner of title
of possession, which I euer had or haue in the same lordships and
possessions, or anie of them, with anie manner of rights belonging or
apperteining vnto anie part of them. And also the rule and gouernance
of the same kingdome and lordships, with all ministrations of the
same, and all things and euerie each of them, that to the whole empire
and iurisdictions of the same belongeth of right, or in anie wise may
belong.

And also I renounce the name, worship, and regaltie and kinglie
highnesse, clearelie, freelie, singularlie and wholie, in the most
best maner and forme that I may, and with deed and word I leaue off
and resigne them, and go from them for euermore; sauing alwaies
to my successors kings of England, all the rights, priuileges and
appurtenances to the said kingdome and lordships abouesaid belonging
and apperteining. For well I wote and knowledge, and deeme my selfe
to be, and haue beene insufficient and vnable, and also vnprofitable,
and for my open deserts not vnworthie to be put downe. And I sweare
vpon the holie euangelists here presentlie with my hands touched, that
I shall neuer repugne to this resignation, demission or yeelding vp,
nor neuer impugne them in anie maner by word or deed, by my selfe nor
none other: nor I shall not suffer it to be impugned, in as much as in
me is, priuilie or apertlie. But I shall haue, hold, and keepe this
renouncing, demission, and giuing vp for firme and stable for euermore
in all and euerie part thereof, so God me helpe and all saints, and by
this holie euangelist, by me bodilie touched and kissed. And for more
record of the same, here openlie I subscribe and signe this present
resignation with mine owne hand.

       *       *       *       *       *

Now foorthwith in our presences and others, he subscribed the same, and
after deliuered it vnto the archbishop of Canturburie, saieng that if
it were in his power, or at his assignement, he would that the duke of
Lancaster there present should be his successour, and king after him.
And in token heereof, he tooke a ring of gold from his finger being his
signet, and put it vpon the said dukes finger, desiring and requiring
the archbishop of Yorke, & the bishop of Hereford, to shew and make
report vnto the lords of the parlement of his voluntarie resignation,
and also of his intent and good mind that he bare towards his cousin
the duke of Lancaster, to haue him his successour and their king after
him. ¶ All this doone euerie man tooke their leaue and returned to
their owne.

       *       *       *       *       *

[Sidenote: K. Richards resignation confirmed by parlement.]

Vpon the morrow after being tuesdaie, and the last daie of September,
all the lords spirituall and temporall, with the commons of the said
parlement, assembled at Westminster, where, in the presence of them,
the archbishop of Yorke, and the bishop of Hereford, according to the
kings request, shewed vnto them the voluntarie renouncing of the king,
with the fauour also which he bare to his cousine of Lancaster to haue
him his successour. And moreouer shewed them the schedule or bill of
renouncement, signed with king Richards owne hand, which they caused
to be read first in Latine, as it was written, and after in English.
This doone, the question was first asked of the lords, if they would
admit and allow that renouncement: the which when it was of them
granted and confirmed, the like question was asked of the commons,
and of them in |864| like manner confirmed. After this, it was then
declared, that notwithstanding the foresaid renouncing, so by the lords
and commons admitted and confirmed, it were necessarie in auoiding
of all suspicions and surmises of euill disposed persons, to haue in
writing and registred the manifold crimes and defaults before doone by
king Richard, to the end that they might first be openlie declared to
the people, and after to remaine of record amongst other of the kings
records for euer.

All this was doone accordinglie, for the articles which before yee haue
heard, were drawne and ingrossed vp, and there shewed readie to be
read; but for other causes more néedfull as then to be preferred, the
reading of those articles at that season was deferred. Then forsomuch
as the lords of the parlement had well considered the voluntarie
resignation (of king Richard, and that it was behoouefull and as they
thought) necessarie for the weale of the realme, to proceed vnto the
sentence of his deposing, there were appointed by the authoritie of all
the estates there in parlement assembled, the bishop of saint Asaph,
the abbat of Glastenburie, the earle of Glocester, the lord Berkleie,
William Thirning iustice, and Thomas Erpingham, with Thomas Graie,
knights, that they should giue and pronounce the open sentence of
the deposing of king Richard. Whervpon the said commissioners taking
counsell togither, by good and deliberate aduise therein had, with one
assent agréed, that the bishop of S. Asaph should publish the sentence
for them and in their names, as followeth.


The publication of king Richards deposing.

 IN the name of God Amen. We Iohn bishop of S. Asaph, Iohn abbat of
 Glastenburie, Thomas earle of Glocester, Thomas lord Berkeleie,
 William Thirning iustice, Thomas Erpingham & Thomas Graie knights,
 chosen and deputed speciall commissaries by the three states of this
 present parlement, representing the whole bodie of the realme, for all
 such matters by the said estates to vs committed: we vnderstanding and
 considering the manifold crimes, hurts, and harmes doone by Richard
 king of England, and misgouernance of the same by a long time, to the
 great decaie of the said land, and vtter ruine of the same shortlie
 to haue beene, had not the speciall grace of our God therevnto put
 the sooner remedie: and also furthermore aduerting, that the said
 king Richard by acknowledging his owne insufficiencie, hath of his
 owne meere voluntee and free will, renounced and giuen ouer the rule
 & gouernance of this land, with all rights and honours vnto the same
 belonging, and vtterlie for his merits hath iudged himselfe not
 vnwoorthilie to be deposed of all kinglie maiestie and estate roiall.
 We the premisses well considering by good and diligent deliberation,
 by the power, name, and authoritie to vs (as aboue is said) committed,
 pronounce, decerne, and declare the same king Richard, before this
 to haue beene, and to be vnprofitable, vnable, vnsufficient, and
 vnwoorthie of the rule and gouernance of the foresaid realms and
 lordships, and of all rights and other the appurtenances to the same
 belonging. And for the same causes we depriue him of all kinglie
 dignitie and worship, and of any kinglie worship in himselfe. And we
 depose him by our sentence definitiue, forbidding expresselie to all
 archbishops, and bishops, and all other prelats, dukes, marquesses,
 erles, barons and knights, and all other men of the foresaid kingdome
 and lordships, subiects, and lieges whatsoeuer they be, that none
 of them from this daie forward, to the foresaid Richard as king and
 lord of the foresaid realmes and lordships, be neither obedient nor
 attendant.

After which sentence thus openlie declared, the said estates admitted
foorthwith the forenamed commissioners for their procurators, to
resigne and yeeld vp vnto king Richard, all their homage and fealtie,
which in times past they had made and owght vnto him, and also for to
declare vnto him (if need were) all things before doone that concerned
the |865| purpose and cause of his deposing: the which resignation
was respited till the morow following. Immediatlie as the sentence was
in this wise passed, and that by reason thereof the realme stood void
without head or gouernour for the time, the duke of Lancaster rising
from the place where before he sate, and standing where all those in
the house might behold him, in reuerend manner made a signe of the
crosse on his forhead, and likewise on his brest, and after silence by
an officer commanded, said vnto the people there being present, these
words following.


The duke of Lancaster laieth challenge or claime to the crowne.

 IN the name of the Father, and of the Sonne, & of the Holie-ghost. I
 Henrie of Lancaster claime the realme of England and the crowne, with
 all the appurtenances, as I that am descended by right line of the
 blood comming from that good lord king Henrie the third, and through
 the right that God of his grace hath sent me, with the helpe of my
 kin, and of my freends, to recouer the same, which was in point to be
 vndoone for default of good gouernance and due iustice.

[Sidenote: The demand of the archbishop of Canturburie to the commons.

_Thom. Wals._

The duke of Hereford placed in the regall throne.

The archbishop preached.]

After these words thus by him vttered, he returned and sate him downe
in the place where before he had sitten. Then the lords hauing heard
and well perceiued this claime thus made by this noble man, ech of them
asked of other what they thought therein. At length, after a little
pausing or staie made, the archbishop of Canturburie hauing notice of
the minds of the lords, stood vp & asked the commons if they would
assent to the lords, which in their minds thought the claime of the
duke made, to be rightfull and necessarie for the wealth of the realme
and them all: whereto the commons with one voice cried, Yea, yea, yea.
After which answer, the said archbishop going to the duke, and knéeling
downe before him on his knee, addressed to him all his purpose in few
words. The which when he had ended, he rose, & taking the duke by the
right hand, led him vnto the kings seate, the archbishop of Yorke
assisting him, and with great reuerence set him therein, after that
the duke had first vpon his knées made his praier in deuout manner
vnto almightie God. When he was thus placed in his throne to the great
reioising of the people, the archbishop of Canturburie began a breefe
collation, taking for his theme these words, written in the first booke
of kings the ninth chapter; Vir dominabitur in populo, &c: handling
the same, & the whole tenour of his tale to the praise of the king,
whose setled iudgement, grounded wisedome, perfect reason, and ripe
discretion was such (said he) as declared him to be no child, neither
in yeares, nor in light conditions, but a man able and méete for the
gouernement of a realme: so that there was no small cause of comfort
ministred to them through the fauourable goodnesse of almightie God,
which had prouided them of such a gouernor, as like a discréet iudge
shall déeme in causes by skilfull doomes, and rule his subiects in
vpright equitie, setting apart all wilfull pleasures, and childish
inconstancie. This is a summarie of his oration. But because the
qualitie of this volume is such, as that it hath set foorth matters at
large: I will laie downe the archbishops words, as they are recorded by
Fabian in ample manner as followeth.


The archbishop of Canturburie his oration, framed vpon this text, Vir
dominabitur in populo, &c: written in the first booke of kings and
ninth chapter.


 [Sidenote: _Abr. Fl._ out of _Fabian_, pag. 351.]

 THESE be the words of the high, and most mightie king, speaking to
 Samuel his prophet, teaching him how he should choose and ordaine
 a gouernor of his people of Israell, when the said people asked of
 him a king, to rule them. And not without cause may these woords be
 said here of our lord the king that is. For, if they be inwardlie
 conceiued, |866| they shall giue vnto vs matter of consolation
 and comfort, when it is said that a man shall haue lordship and
 rule of the people, and not a child. For God threatneth not vs as
 he sometime threatned the people by Esaie, saieng: Esa. 3. Et dabo
 pueros principes eorum, & effeminati dominabuntur eis, I shall (saith
 our Lord) giue children to be their rulers & princes, and weake or
 fearefull shall haue dominion ouer them. But of his great mercie he
 hath visited vs, I trust his peculiar people, and sent vs a man to
 haue the rule of vs, & put by children that before time ruled this
 land, after childish conditions, as by the woorkes of them it hath
 rightlie appeared, to the disturbance of all this realme; and for want
 and lacke of a man. For, as saith the apostle Paule ad Corinthos, 1.
 capite 14. Cùm essem paruulus, loquebar vt paruulus, &c: quando autem
 factus sum vir, euacuaui quæ erant paruuli, that is to say, When I was
 a child, I sauored and spake as a child, but at the time when I came
 vnto the estate of a man, then I put by all my childish conditions.

 The apostle saith, he sauored and spake as a child, in whome is no
 stedfastnesse, or constancie. For a child will lightlie promise, and
 lightlie he will breake his promise, and doo all things that his
 appetite giueth him vnto, and forgetteth lightlie what he hath doone.
 By which reason it followeth, that needilie great inconuenience must
 fall to that people, that a child is ruler and gouernour of: nor it
 is not possible for that kingdome to stand in felicitie, where such
 conditions reigne in the head and ruler of the same. But now we ought
 all to reioise, that all such defaults be expelled, and that a man,
 and not a child, shall haue lordship ouer vs. To whom it belongeth
 to haue a sure rane vpon his toong, that he maie be knowne from a
 child, or a man vsing childish conditions: of whom I trust I maie
 say, as the wise man saith in his prouerbs, Prouerb. 3. cap. Beatus
 <DW25> qui inuenit sapientiam, & qui affluit prudentia, that is to say;
 Blessed be the man that hath sapience or wisdome, and that aboundeth
 in prudence. For that man that is ruled by sapience, must needs
 loue & dred our Lord God, and who so loueth & dreadeth him, it must
 consequentlie follow that he must keepe his commandements. By force
 whereof he shall minister true iustice vnto his subiects, and doo no
 wrong nor iniurie to any man.

 So that then shall follow the words of the wise man the which be
 rehearsed, Prouerb. 10. Benedictio Domini super caput iusti, os autem
 impiorum operit iniquitatem, that is to saie, The blessing of our
 Lord God shall light vpon the head of our king, being a iust and
 righteous man, for the toong of him worketh equitie and iustice; but
 the toong of the wicked & of sinners couereth iniquitie. And who so
 worketh or ministreth iustice in due order, he not onlie safegardeth
 himself, but also holdeth people in a suertie of restfulnes, of the
 which insueth peace and plentie. And therefore it is said of the wise
 king Salomon, Eccles. 10. Beata terra cuius rex nobilis est, vel
 cuius principes vescuntur in tempore suo, wich is to be vnderstanded,
 that blessed & happie is that land, of the which the king or ruler is
 noble and wise, and the princes be blessed that liue in his time. As
 who would say, they may take example of him to rule and guide their
 subiects. For by the discretion of a noble and wise man being in
 authoritie, manie euils be sequestred and set apart, all dissemblers
 put to silence. For the wise man considereth and noteth well the
 great inconueniences which dailie now growe of it, where the child or
 insipient drinketh the sweet and delicious words vnaduisedlie, and
 perceiueth not intoxication which they be mingled or mixt with, till
 he be inuironed and wrapped in all danger, as latelie the experience
 thereof hath beene apparent to all our sights and knowledges, & not
 without the great danger of all this realme. And all was for lacke
 of wisedome in the ruler, which deemed & taught as a child, giuing
 sentence of wilfulnesse and not of reason. So that while a child
 reigned, selfe-will & lust reigned, and reason with good conscience
 were outlawed, with iustice, stedfastnesse, and manie other vertues.

 But of this perill and danger we be deliuered by the especiall helpe
 and grace of God, Quia vir dominabitur in populo, that is to saie,
 He that is not a child but perfect in reason. |867| For he commeth
 not to execute his owne will, but his will that sent him, that is to
 wit, Gods will, as a man vnto whome God of his abundant grace hath
 giuen perfect reason and discretion, to discerne & deeme as a perfect
 man. Wherfore not all onlie of this man we shall saie that he shall
 dwell in wisedome, but as a perfect man and not a child, he shall
 thinke, and deeme, & haue such a circumspection with him, that he
 shall diligentlie forelooke and see that Gods will be doone, & not
 his. And therfore now I trust the words of the wise man, Ecclesiast.
 10. shall be verified in our king: saieng, Iudex sapiens iudicabit
 populum suum & principatus sensati stabilis erit; that is (as saith
 the wiseman) A wise and discreet iudge shall now deeme his people, and
 the dominion or lordship of a discreet wiseman shall stand stedfast.
 Wherevpon shall then follow the second verse of the same chapter,
 saieng, Secundum iudicem populi, sic & ministri eius, that is, Like
 as the head & sovereigne is replenished with all sapience and vertue,
 in guiding of his people, administring to them law, with due and
 conuenient iustice, so shall the subiects againward be garnished with
 awe and louing dread, and beare vnto him next God all honour, truth
 and allegiance.

 So that then it may be concluded with the residue of the foresaid
 verses; Qualis rector est ciuitatis, tales & inhabitantes in ea,
 which is to saie, Such as the ruler of the citie is, such then be the
 inhabitants of the same. So that consequentlie it followeth, a good
 master maketh a good disciple. And likewise an euill king or ruler
 shall lose his people, & the cities of his kingdome shall be left
 desolate and vnhabited. Wherefore thus I make an end. In sted of a
 child wilfullie doing his lust and pleasure without reason, now shall
 a man be lord and ruler, that is replenished with sapience and reason,
 and shall gouerne the people by skilfull doome, setting apart all
 wilfulnesse and pleasure of himselfe. So that the word that I began
 with may be verified of him, Ecce quia vir dominabitur in populo. The
 which our lord grant, & that he may prosperouslie reigne vnto the
 pleasure of God and wealth of his realme, Amen.

[Sidenote: The words of the elected king.]

After the archbishop had ended, wishing that it might so come to passe,
and the people answered, Amen; the king standing on his féet, said
unto the lords and commons there present: “I thanke you my lords both
spirituall and temporall, and all the states of this land, and doo
you to wit, that it is not my will that any man thinke, that I by the
waie of conquest would disherit any man of his heritage, franches, or
other rights, that him ought to haue of right, nor to put him out of
that which he now inioieth, and hath had before time by custome or good
law of this realme, except such priuat persons as haue béene against
the good purpose, and the common profit of the realme.” When he had
thus ended, all the shiriffes and other officers were put in their
authorities againe, to exercise the same as before, which they could
not doo whilest the kings roiall throne was void.

[Sidenote: _Thom. Wals._

The coronation proclaimed.

The parlemēt.]

Moreouer, a proclamation was made, that the states should assemble
againe in parlement on mondaie then next insuing, being the feast daie
of saith Faith, which is the sixt of October; and that the monday
then next following, being the 13 of the same moneth, and the feast
day of saint Edward the king and confessor, the coronation should be
solemnized, and that all such as had to claime any seruice to be doone
by them at the same by any tenure, they should come to the White-hall
in the kings palace, before the steward and constable of England, on
saturdaie next before the same day of the parlement, and presenting
their petitions that were due & rightfull, they should obteine that
to them apperteined. Excuse was also made on the kings behalfe, for
calling of a parlement vpon so short a warning, so as the knights and
burgesses were not changed, but onelie appointed to assemble againe,
as if the other parlement had rather beene continued than dissolued.
The cause was alledged to be for easing of the charges that would haue
risen, if ech man had béene sent home, and new knights and burgesses
called.

[Sidenote: King Henrie y^e fourth proclamed.]

These things doone, the king rose from his place, and with a
chéerefull and right courteous countenance regarding the people,
went to White-hall, where the same day he held |868| a great feast.
In the after noone were proclamations made in the accustomed places
of the citie, in the name of king Henrie the fourth. On the morrow
following, being wednesdaie the first of October, the procurators
aboue named repaired to the tower of London, and thare signified vnto
king Richard the admission of king Henrie. And the aforesaid iustice
William Thirning, in name of the other, and for all the states of the
land, renounced vnto the said Richard late king, all homage and fealtie
vnto him before time due, in maner and forme as apperteined. Which
renuntiation to the deposed king, was a redoubling of his greefe, in
so much as thereby it came to his mind, how in former times he was
acknowledged & taken for their liege lord and souereigne, who now
(whether in contempt or in malice, God knoweth) to his face forsware
him to be their king. So that in his heuines he might verie well haue
said with a gréeued plaintife,

[Sidenote: _T. Wats. Amintas querula 5._]

 Heu quantæ sortes miseris mortalibus instant!
 Ah chari quoties obliuia nominis opto!
 O qui me fluctus, quis me telluris hiatus
 Pertæsum tetricæ vitæ deglutiat ore
 Chasmatico?

[Sidenote: K. Richard depriued.

_Hall._

His personage.]

Thus was king Richard depriued of all kinglie honour and princelie
dignitie, by reason he was so giuen to follow euill counsell, and vsed
such inconuenient waies and meanes, through insolent misgouernance, and
youthfull outrage, though otherwise a right noble and woorthie prince.
He reigned two and twentie yeares, three moneths and eight daies. He
deliuered to king Henrie now that he was thus deposed, all the goods
that he had, to the summe of three hundred thousand pounds in coine,
besides plate and iewels, as a pledge and satisfaction of the iniuries
by him committed and doone, in hope to be in more suertie of life for
the deliuerie thereof: but whatsoeuer was promised, he was deceiued
therein. For shortlie after his resignation, he was conueied to the
castell of Leeds in Kent, & frō thence to Pomfret, where he departed
out of this miserable life (as after you shall heare.) He was séemelie
of shape and fauor, & of nature good inough, if the wickednesse &
naughtie demeanor of such as were about him had not altered it.

[Sidenote: _Harding._

The noble house-kéeping of king Richard.

Excesse in apparell.]

His chance verelie was greatlie infortunate, which fell into such
calamitie, that he tooke it for the best waie he could deuise to
renounce his kingdome, for the which mortall men are accustomed to
hazard all they haue to atteine therevnto. But such misfortune (or the
like) oftentimes falleth vnto those princes, which when they are aloft,
cast no doubt for perils that maie follow. He was prodigall, ambitious,
and much giuen to the pleasure of the bodie. He kept the greatest port,
and mainteined the most plentifull house that euer any king in England
did either before his time or since. For there resorted dailie to his
court aboue ten thousand persons that had meat and drinke there allowed
them. In his kitchen there were thrée hundred seruitors, and euerie
other office was furnished after the like rate. Of ladies, chamberers,
and landerers, there were aboue thrée hundred at the least. And in
gorgious and costlie apparell they exceeded all measure, not one of
them that kept within the bounds of his degrée. Yeomen and groomes were
clothed in silkes, with cloth of graine and skarlet, ouer sumptuous
ye may be sure for their estates. And this vanitie was not onelie
vsed in the court in those daies, but also other people abroad in the
towns and countries, had their garments cut far otherwise than had
beene accustomed before his daies, with imbroderies, rich furres, and
goldsmiths worke, and euerie daie there was deuising of new fashions,
to the great hinderance and decaie of the common-welth.

[Sidenote: Ignorant prelats.]

Moreouer, such were preferred to bishoprikes, and other ecclesiasticall
liuings, as neither could teach nor preach, nor knew any thing of the
scripture of God, but onelie to call for their tithes and duties; so
that they were most vnworthie the name of bishops, being lewd and
most vaine persons disguised in bishops apparell. Furthermore, there
reigned abundantlie the filthie sinne of leacherie and fornication,
with abhominable adulterie, speciallie in the king, but most chéefelie
in the prelacie, whereby the whole realme by |869| such their euill
example, was so infected, that the wrath of God was dailie prouoked to
vengeance for the sins of the prince and his people. How then could
it continue prosperouslie with this king? against whom for the fowle
enormities wherewith his life was defamed, the wrath of God was whetted
and tooke so sharpe an edge, that the same did shred him off from
the scepter of his kingdome, and gaue him a full cup of affliction
to drinke; as he had doone to other kings his predecessors, by whose
example he might haue taken warning. For it is an heauie case when God
thundereth out his reall arguments either vpon prince or people.

Thus haue ye heard what writers doo report touching the state of the
time and doings of this king. But if I may boldlie saie what I thinke:
he was a prince the most vnthankfullie vsed of his subiects, of any one
of whom ye shall lightlie read. For although (thorough the frailtie
of youth) he demeaned himed himselfe more dissolutelie than séemed
conuenient for his roiall estate, & made choise of such councellors
as were not fauoured of the people, whereby he was the lesse fauoured
himselfe: yet in no kings daies were the commons in greater wealth,
if they could haue perceiued their happie state: neither in any other
time were the nobles and gentlemen more cherished, nor churchmen lesse
wronged. But such was their ingratitude towards their bountifull and
louing souereigne, that those whom he had chéeflie aduanced, were
readiest to controll him; for that they might not rule all things at
their will, and remooue from him such as they misliked, and place in
their roomes whom they thought good, and that rather by strong hand,
than by gentle and courteous meanes, which stirred such malice betwixt
him and them, till at length it could not be asswaged without perill of
destruction to them both.

The duke of Glocester chéefe instrument of this mischéefe, to what end
he came ye haue heard. And although his nephue the duke of Hereford
tooke vpon him to reuenge his death, yet wanted he moderation and
loialtie in his dooings, for the which both he himselfe and his lineall
race were scourged afterwards, as a due punishment vnto rebellious
subiects; so as deserued vengeance seemed not to staie long for his
ambitious crueltie, that thought it not inough to driue king Richard
to resigne his crowne and regall dignitie ouer vnto him, except he
also should take from him his guiltlesse life. What vnnaturalnesse, or
rather what tigerlike crueltie was this, not to be content with his
principalitie? not to be content with his treasure? not to be content
with his depriuation? not to be content with his imprisonment? but
being so neerelie knit in consanguinitie, which ought to haue moued
them like lambs to haue loued each other, wooluishlie to lie in wait
for the distressed creatures life, and rauenouslie to thirst after his
bloud, the spilling whereof should haue touched his conscience so, as
that death ought rather to haue beene aduentured for his safetie, than
so sauagelie to haue sought his life after the losse of his roialtie.

But to let this passe to the consideration of the learned: according
to our order, I will shew what writers of our English nation liued
in his daies, as we find them in Iohn Bales centuries. First Henrie
Bederic, otherwise surnamed of Burie, after the name of the towne where
he is thought to haue béene borne, an Augustine frier; Simon Alcocke,
Vthred Bolton a moonke of Durham, borne in the borders of Wales beyond
Seuerne; William Iordan a blacke frier, Iohn Hilton a frier Minor,
Iohn Clipton a Carmelite frier in Notingham, Henrie Daniell a blacke
frier and a good physician, Ralfe Marham, Iohn Marcheleie a graie
frier or cordelier as some call them, Thomas Broome a Carmelite frier
of London, John Bridlington borne in Yorkeshire, William Thorne an
Augustine frier of Canturburie, an historiographer, Adam Meremouth a
canon of saint Paules church in London, that wrote two tretises of
historicall matters, the one intituled Chronicon 40 annorum, and the
other Chronicon 60 annorum; Simon Bredon borne in Winchcombe a doctor
of physicke and a skilfull astronomer, Iohn Thompson borne in Norfolke
in a village of that name, and a Carmelite frier in Blacknie.

More, Thomas Winterton borne in Lincolnshire, an Augustine frier in
Stamford; |870| William Packington secretarie sometime to the Blacke
prince an excellent historiographer, Geffraie Hingham a civilian,
Iohn Botlesham borne in Cambridgeshire a blacke frier, William Badbie
a Carmelite frier, bishop of Worcester, and confessor to the duke of
Lancaster; William Folleuil a frier Minor borne in Lincolnshire, Iohn
Bourgh parson of Collingham in Notinghamshire a doctor of diuinitie,
and chancellor of the Vniuersitie of Cambridge; William Sclade a moonke
of Buckfast abbie in Deuonshire, Iohn Thoresbie archbishop of Yorke
and lord chancellor of England, was admitted by pope Vrbane the fift
into the college of cardinals, but he died before K. Richard came to
the crowne, about the eight and fourtith yeare of king Edward the
third, in the yeare of our Lord 1374. Thomas Ashborne an Augustine
frier, Iohn Astone an earnest follower of Wickliffes doctrine, and
therefore condemned to perpetuall prison; Casterton a moonke of
Norwich and an excellent diuine, Nicholas Radcliffe a moonke of saint
Albons, Iohn Ashwarbie a diuine and fauourer of Wickliffes doctrine,
Richard Maidstone so called of the towne in Kent where he was borne, a
Carmelite frier of Ailesford.

[Sidenote: _Adunensis episcopus._]

Adde to these Iohn Wardbie an Augustine frier, and a great diuine;
Robert Waldbie excellentlie learned as well in diuinitie as other arts,
for the which he was first aduanced to a bishoprike in Gascoigne, and
after he was admitted archbishop of Dubline; William Berton a doctor of
diuinitie, & chancellor of the Vniuersitie of Oxford, and aduersarie
to Wickliffe; Philip Repington abbat of Leicester a notable diuine
and defender of Wickliffe, Thomas Lombe a Carmelite frier of Lin,
Nicholas Hereford a secular priest, a doctor of diuinitie, and scholer
to Wickliffe; Walter Brit also another of Wickliffes scholers wrote
both of diuinitie & other arguments, Henrie Herklie chancellor of the
Vniuersitie of Oxford, an enimie to Wickliffe, and a great sophister;
Robert Iuorie a Carmelite frier of London, and the twentith prouinciall
of his order here in England; Lankine a Londoner, an Augustine frier,
professed in the same citie, a doctor of diuinitie, an aduersarie to
Wickliffe.

More, William Gillingham a moonke of saint Sauiours in Canturburie;
Iohn Chilmarke a fellow of Marton colledge in Oxford, a great
philosopher and mathematician; Iohn Sharpe a philosopher, and a
diuine, wrote manie treatises, a great aduersarie to Wickliffe;
Richard Lauingham borne in Suffolke, and a frier of Gipswich, an
excellent logician, but a sore enimie to them that fauoured Wickliffes
doctrine; Peter Pateshull, of whome ye haue heard before: it is said
that he was in the end constreined for doubt of persecution to flie
into Boheme; William Woodford a Franciscane frier, a chosen champion
against Wickliffe being now dead, procured thereto by the archbishop
of Canturburie Thomas Arudnell; Iohn Bromyard a Dominicke frier,
both a notable lawyer & a diuine, a sore enimie also to Wickliuists;
Marcill Ingelne an excellent philosopher and a diuine, one of the first
teachers in the Vniuersitie of Heidelberge, which Robert duke of Bauier
and countée palantine of the Rhene had instituted about that season;
Richard Northall sonne to a maior of London (as is said) of that
name, he became a Carmelite frier in the same citie; Thomas Edwardson
prior of the friers Augustines at Clare in Suffolke, Iohn Summer a
Franciscane frier at Bridgewater, an enimie to the Wickliuists; Richard
Withée a learned priest & an earnest follower of Wickliffe, Iohn
Swafham a Carmelite frier of Lin, a student in Cambridge who became
bishop of Bangor, a great aduersarie to the Wickliuists.

Finallie, and to conclude, William Egumond a frier heremit of the sect
of the Augustins in Stamford; Iohn Tissington a Franciscane frier,
a mainteiner of the popes doctrine; William Rimston or Rimington a
moonke of Salleie, an enimie also to the Wickliuists; Adam Eston
well séene in the toongs, was made a cardinall by pope Gregorie the
eleauenth, but by pope Vrban the sixt he was committed to prison in
Genoa, and at the contemplation of king Richard he was taken out of
prison, but not fullie deliuered till the daies of Boniface the ninth,
who restored him to his former dignitie; Iohn Beaufu a Carmelite of
Northampton, proceeded doctor of diuinitie in Oxenford, and was made
prior |871| of his house; Roger Twiford aliàs Goodlucke, an Augustine
frier; Iohn Treuise a Cornishman borne, and a secular préest and vicar
of Berklie, he translated the bible; Bartholomew De proprietatibus
rerum; Polychronicon of Ranulph Higden, and diuerse other treatises,
Rafe Spalding a Carmelite frier of Stamford; Iohn Moone an Englishman
borne, but a student in Paris, who compiled in the French toong the
Romant of the Rose, translated into English by Geffrie Chaucer, William
Shirborne; Richard Wichingham borne in Norffolke, and diuerse other.


Thus farre Richard of Burdeaux, whose depriuation you haue heard; of
his lamentable death hereafter, to wit, pag. 516, 517.


[In the present Edit. Vol III. pages 13 & 14.]


THE END OF THE SECOND VOLUME.




TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE

Original spelling and grammar are generally retained, with a few
exceptions noted below. Original italics _look like this_. Superscript
is marked like this: y^e. Original page numbers look like this: |735|.

This transcription is based almost exclusively on scanned page images
from an edition with publication date 1807. The title page information,
together with Part 1 of this Volume II, is located in Project Gutenburg
ebook#16738. The page images used herein probably were private, not
available on the internet; but Google has made page images from the
same edition available―see [Title: Chronicles of England, Scotland
and Ireland, Volume 2 Chronicles of England, Scotland and Ireland,
Raphael Holinshed. Author: Raphael Holinshed. Publisher: Johnson,
1807. Original from: the Bavarian State Library. Digitized: Nov 25,
2009.] book ID=4r0_AAAAcAAJ, at books.google.com. This 1807 edition
seems to be closely based on the 1587 edition of the _Chronicles_,
printed in blackletter. Page images from the 1587 edition are
available from the University of Pennsylvania. Vol. II, part 12 is at
http://sceti.library.upenn.edu (textID=holinshed_richII). In a very few
instances listed below, corrections have been made, or questions have
been answered, by referring to the 1587 edition.

Current ebook software does not lend itself optimally to the original
close association of sidenotes with specific lines of text. Therefore,
sidenotes are now assigned to specific paragraphs rather than to lines.
Moreover, the original sidenotes were often printed in a manner which
makes it impossible to distinguish one sidenote paragraph from the
next. One example of this occurred on page 850, with a sidenote printed
like this:

    _Abr. Fl._ out of
    _Thom. Wals._
    pag. 395.
    _Polydor._

It turns out, proven by comparison with the 1587 edition, that
_Polydor._ is a separate paragraph from the rest. But there are many
similar instances, both in this 1807 edition and in the 1587 edition,
none of which have been checked.

Page 735. In “the denied to paie for hir” _the_ was changed to _she_,
to agree with the 1587 edition.

Page 739. In “cruell proceedings of those rude & baee people”, change
_baee_ to _base_, to conform with the 1587 edition.

Page 763. The extra _the_ was removed from “heard the the friers
information”.

Page 767. From “An other day 72 French ships (as they”, the unmatched
left parenthesis mark was removed.

Page 772–773. Two sidenotes appear similar; the first is partially
illegible, and is herein made the same as the second. The second is
less illegible, and appears to be “_Abr. Fl._ out of _Henrie Knighton_
canon of Leicester abbeie”.

Page 776. The sidenote attached to the last paragraph was partly
illegible, and is herein rendered “The king of Armenia sueth for”.

Page 788. In “to hurt them, or or cause any hurt”, removed the extra
_or_, per the 1587 edition.

Page 790. In “to tarie louger, as one despairing”, changed _louger_ to
_longer_, per the 1587 edition.

Page 798. In “the state of the meanest peason”, changed _peason_ to
_person_, to comform with the 1587 edition.

Page 801. In “one of the heires to to Iohn Scot”, removed the extra
_to_.

Page 803. From “which (according (as I haue seene noted) was”, removed
the second left parenthesis, to agree with the 1587 edition.

Page 804. In “deliuered by the mouth of Walter Langhton”, retained, the
_n_ should probably be _u_, making the word _Laughton_.

Page 807. In “saluo iure alterius cuiuscunq;.”, the text in the 1587
edition shows the “semicolon” as subscript, although it is retained
herein as shown unsubscripted in the 1807 edition. Together with the q,
this might be a ligature for que. There are several other instances of
words ending in "q;", none of which have subscripted semicolons in this
1807 edition.

Page 829. From “more bold to interlace) about”, removed the unmatched
right parenthesis.

Page 834. Original “prease on London bridg [*missing*] by reason
thereof”, changed to “prease on London bridge, that by reason thereof”,
per the 1587 edition.

Page 842. In “foure thousand nobles yéere e paid out of”, changed
_yéere e_ to _yéerelie_, per the 1587 edition.

Page 844. In ‘than well.” “No |845| more said the king,’, removed the
unmatched left quotation mark from _No_.

Page 845. The unmatched right double quotation mark was removed from
the phrase ‘it could not be so brought to passe, his honor saued.’

Page 847. A matching right double quotation mark was added to the end
of the sentence beginning ‘The proclamation ended, an other herald
cried’.

Page 857. In “but the earle rode before, at it were”, changed _at_ to
_as_, per the 1587 edition.

Page 869. In “God thundereth out his reall arguguments”, changed
_arguguments_ to _arguments_, per the 1587 edition.









End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Holinshed's Chronicles of England,
Scotland, and Ireland, by Raphael Holinshed

*** 