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       _The Religious and Loyal Subject's Duty considered, with
         regard to the present Government and the Revolution._

                                   A
                                SERMON
                            PREACHED in the
                           CATHEDRAL CHURCH
                                  OF
                             _CANTERBURY_,
                                  ON
                   _Wednesday_, JANUARY 30. 1722-3.
                               Being the
                           Anniversary Fast
                          Of the Martyrdom of
                            K. _CHARLES_ I.

     _Published at the Request of the Prebendaries then present._

                        By _ISAAC TERRY_, M. A.
                    Late of CHRIST-CHURCH, _Oxon._

                               _LONDON_:
          Printed for R. KNAPLOCK, at the _Bishop's-Head_ in
                    St. _Paul_'s Church-Yard. 1723.




Prov. xxiv. 21.

     _My son, fear thou the Lord, and the King: and meddle not
       with them that are given to change._


THERE is no need that I should acquaint any who are here
present with the sad occasion of this anniversary solemnity; nor need
I, I suppose, use many words to raise in you a just abhorrence of that
most execrable parricide, which we are now bewailing. To be sure we do
all of us, from the very bottom of our hearts, detest and abominate
it; unless we have been all this while in this holy place prevaricating
with God and man, and adding a feigned humiliation to the number of our
former provocations.

AS it ought to be the earnest prayer and endeavour of all
good men and loyal subjects, that no such wickedness may hereafter
be committed among us, to the reproach of our nation, and of the
holy Religion which we profess: so is it particularly incumbent on
the ministers of the Gospel, to press upon men the due observation
of those laws, which the most high hath enacted for the security and
support of his vice-gerents on earth; and to caution men against those
pernicious principles and practices, which in the last age brought a
most excellent and gracious Monarch to the block; and quite overthrew
our constitution in church and state: and which in all ages, if a
timely stop be not put to them, will produce the like tragical effects,
as having a natural tendency to subvert government, and to introduce
anarchy and confusion amongst mankind.

FOR which reason I have chosen for the subject of my following
discourse, this solemn charge of the wise King _Solomon_ to his Son;
_My son, fear thou the Lord and the King: and meddle not with them that
are given to change_. In which words are bound upon us three rules of
life, very necessary to be observed by all who would not be deemed
enemies to the publick peace and tranquility.

The first is, _To fear the Lord_.

The second is, _To fear the King_.

The third is, _Not to meddle with those that are given to change_.

OF each of these injunctions I shall discourse in order, and
shall shew in what latitude, and with what restrictions, they are to be
understood; how highly reasonable they are, and of how great importance
to the preservation of human society, and the maintenance of the
magistrate's authority.

THE fear of God is a duty equally obliging persons of all
ranks and conditions, at all times, and in all places; and in its full
extent comprehends all other duties. It has for its foundation, all
the glorious attributes and perfections of God; but more especially
his omniscience, his holiness, his justice, and his almighty power.
For they who are firmly persuaded, that all their actions, and words,
and thoughts, are open to the view of the Deity; that [A]_he is of
purer eyes than to behold evil with approbation, and cannot endure to
look on iniquity_; that he will one day judge all men in righteousness
according to their works; and that the united force of all the
creatures of the universe cannot hinder him from executing the terrible
sentence which he shall then pass upon the transgressors of his laws;
they who do, in good earnest, believe these things to be true, and
frequently and seriously consider them, will of course be very careful
not to incur the displeasure of the Almighty, by doing those things
which he hath forbidden, or by neglecting to do what he hath commanded.
Hence, in Scripture, the fear of God is often used to signify the whole
of Religion: because in all who live under the influence of it, it is
a very powerful principle of constant and uniform obedience to the
divine laws.

     [A] _Hab._ i. 13.

THE fear of the King too comprehends the whole duty of a
subject to his soveraign. To fear the King is, to yeild to him that
homage, and submission, and obedience, which the laws of God, and of
the land, do require: chearfully to contribute towards the supporting
his royal honour and dignity, and the supplying the necessities of
the state; to labour every one of us in our own sphere to defeat the
expectations and contrivances of his enemies, and to promote the peace
of his government, and the success of his designs; and continually
to pray to him who disposeth of all events, to protect his person,
to direct his counsels, and prosper his undertakings; to demean our
selves towards him with profound reverence, to speak honorably of him,
to think of him with aw, to entertain the most favourable opinion of
his character, and to put the best construction upon his actions; and
finally, to render due honour and obedience to all inferior magistrates
and officers, who act by his commission, and in subordination to him.

THE reasonableness and necessity of all this, will appear by
shewing, that nothing less than this, will fully answer the ends of
government; and that the contrary practices are very injurious to the
authority of princes, and do tend to the disturbance and dissolution of
society.

GOVERNMENT it is clear cannot subsist, where there are none
who will submit to be governed, and own their dependance upon their
governours: there can be no soveraign, where there are no subjects; no
commanders, where none will obey.

TO call any one King, and at the same time to rebel against
his authority, what is this but to mock him with an empty title? And it
is nearly the same case, when subjects, though they do not take up arms
against their soveraign, do withdraw from him those supplies without
which his government cannot be upheld.

IN the natural body all the members, even those which are
esteemed the most ignoble and inconsiderable, do their office for
the preservation and well being of the whole: and in the political
it is as fitting that all the members, even those which are in a
private station, should, as their circumstances will allow them, exert
themselves for the security and prosperity of the whole community.
The protection which the authority of the magistrate affords to all,
lays an obligation upon all to unite in the defence of it against the
attempts of its enemies, which sometimes can no otherwise be repelled
than by the united endeavours of all. It gives great encouragement to
the adversaries of a state to observe, that those who do not side with
them, are not very hearty and diligent against them. The government
that is negligently defended, will quickly be vigorously assaulted; and
with too great probability of success, when even its friends shew no
other mark of friendship to it, than the forbearing to join with its
enemies.

THE obstructions and difficulties, with which the management
of the publick affairs is necessarily attended, are so many and so
great, that the soveraign has need of all the assistance his subjects
can lend him for the removing them. Should they industriously lay
unnecessary ones in his way, his designs for their safety and benefit,
must in all likelyhood miscarry.

THEY who can be helpful no other way, have surely great
reason to sollicit heaven, to guard, and guide, and assist those who
are continually watching for their welfare. And since without the
divine aid all human counsels and labours are vain; they who can be
most serviceable to their soveraign by their wisdom, or valour, or
treasure, must by no means think themselves excused from assisting him
by their earnest and constant prayers. And if those, who barely omit
this duty, are not to be accounted good subjects; they are certainly
very bad ones, who dare to imprecate the judgments of heaven upon their
governours.

IRREVERENT carriage to the person of the prince, and the
speaking contemptuously and dishonourably of him, have a direct
tendency to lessen his people's veneration for him, which is a main
prop of his government. The speaking evil of princes, is commonly a
prelude to some attempt against them; it being found by experience,
that the way to weaken and undermine their authority, is to blast their
reputation. Many perhaps, who are instrumental in spreading scandalous
reports of their governours, have no such wicked intention; but if
they have not, they are certainly very serviceable to those that have;
nor are they to be excus'd who listen and give credit to them. Such,
tho' at present they are not active in carrying on any traiterous
designs, yet give grounds to hope that they may be wrought upon, and
in time made fit for purposes, to which, as yet they are, strangers.
When once men have cast off all inward awe of their prince, and have
given entertainment to an ill opinion of him; they are then very much
exposed to the attacks of discontented and factious persons.

BEFORE subjects credit evil reports of their prince, they
ought to consider that it is the employment of many, to render him
either contemptible or odious to his people: that to this end many
false things are laid to his charge, his real defects and miscarriages
are very much magnified; the ill success of his undertakings is charged
upon his mismanagement, tho' perhaps no diligence nor vigilance,
nor providence (so far as it is in man's power to provide against
contingencies) was wanting on his part; and his very best designs,
laid and conducted with the greatest wisdom, and perfected with all
desireable success, are represented as prejudicial and pernicious to
the common-weal. And they who can suffer their affections to be by
those means alienated from their present soveraign, will not be long
pleased with any: nor can any government be quiet, or secure, where
these artifices are practised with success.

THE authority of the supreme magistrate must of necessity be
exercised by many subordinate officers: and to dishonour or disobey
these, is, in effect, to dishonour and disobey him, by whose commission
they act. And tho' it be for the interest of the publick, that they
should account for wilful abuses of the power committed to them; yet
all unreasonable clamours against them, are of dangerous consequence to
the government, and do indeed threaten the soveraign himself, who may
be mortally wounded thro' the sides of his ministers.

IT has been before observed, that the laws of God, and of
the land, are the measures of submission and obedience to the King.
Wherefore no one ought, from what has been now said, to infer, that
in limited monarchies, where part of the legislative authority is
lodged in the body of the people, the subjects are obliged to obey any
edicts of the prince not agreeble to the laws enacted by the whole
legislature. In this case, since the power of the people is so far
coordinate with that of the prince, that without them no new laws can
be enacted, nor former laws abrogated; they may justly require to be
governed by the laws made with their own consent, and by no other. And
should this right of the people be set aside, and no redress obtained
upon their humble petitions and representations; the prince must take
to himself the blame, if they have recourse to other means absolutely
necessary for the preservation of their constitution. On the other
hand, it is incumbent on the people to see, that their grievances are
real, and not pretended; that their complaints are founded not upon
meer surmises and jealouses, but upon notorious facts; and that while
they are asserting their own right, they do not invade that of their
soveraign, nor make any thing matter of demand, but the restoring and
securing to them what is their due, by laws already established.

MOREOVER, since God is the supreme Monarch of the universe,
the King of Kings, and Lord of Lords; since his power alone is
unlimited and irresistible; and by consequence, the primary and most
proper object of men's fear; it is manifest, that no human laws
whatsoever, can bind men to act contrary to the divine. Nothing can be
more unreasonable, than to obey God's vice-gerent in opposition to God
himself, and to suffer the fear of a less power, to prevail against the
fear of a greater. The text teaches us, in the first place, _to fear
the Lord_, and then _the King_. Should the King command not to fear the
Lord, it is better to endure all that he can inflict, than to do what
he commands? We are indeed commanded[B], _to render to Cæsar the things
that are Cæsars_; but we cannot without impiety withhold from _God the
things that are Gods_: that we may render to _Cæsar_ more than is his
due. The Apostles, when they were reprimanded by the high-priest for
not obeying the charge given them by the _Sanhedrim_, to teach no more
in the name of Jesus, answered plainly, that they [C]_ought to obey
God rather than man_. And a disciple of St. _John_ being brought before
the magistrate for Christ's name sake, answered to the same purpose;
"[D]We are taught to pay to the powers and authorities ordained of God,
all due honour, excepting such only as would be hurtful to us." For to
Christians, that honour and obedience must needs appear hurtful, which,
tho' it may screen them from the displeasure of an earthly governour,
who can kill the body only, will draw upon them the wrath of God, who
can destroy both body and soul in hell.

     [B] _Matt._ xxii. 21.

     [C] _Acts_ v. 29.

     [D] _Euseb. Hist. Eccles._ lib. 4. cap. 15.

BUT tho' the fear of God must, in case of competition, take
place, before the fear of the King; yet ought it not to be made a
pretence for refusing to render to the King the fear which is owing
to him. The fear of God is so far from releasing subjects from their
duty to their prince, that it is the surest ground of it, and the
strongest motive to it. For since the King is the minister of God; they
who do indeed fear God, will of course fear him who is in the place
of God, and acts by authority derived from him. And whatsoever honour
or service they are to yield to him, they will yield it heartily, not
as to a man, but as to him whom he represents, the all-seeing and
all-powerful God.

TO such men human laws have a much stronger sanction, than the
penalties annexed to the violation of them by the legislature. They
are subject for fear, not only of the magistrates wrath, but of that
everlasting punishment, which God will inflict upon all who will not
submit to the powers ordained by him.

THE firmest and most inviolable ingagement by which subjects
can oblige themselves to be faithful to a government, is a solemn
oath, which is render'd effectual to its end by the fear of God, who
is therein invocated as a witness to the sincerity of the swearer's
intention, and as the avenger of his perfidiousness should he break
through so sacred a tye.

BUT to those who have no awe of this omniscient witness, no
dread of this almighty avenger, no oaths will be binding any longer,
than they are agreeable to their inclination. And it will be their
inclination to do every thing with a view to worldly advantages. The
ground and measure of their obedience to the prince, will be their
secular interest; the variation of which will be apt to produce an
answerable change in the conduct. For they will have no motive to
loyalty left, when they may turn rebels with impunity, and be gainers
by an alteration of governnment.

BUT the fear of God being always the same, is a very steady
principle of loyalty. It secures the obedience of subjects in many
cases, where the laws either do not reach them, or cannot be executed
upon them; and keeps them true to the interest of their soveraign, when
other considerations might induce them to betray or desert it. Even
they who would persuade us that there is no such being as God, or if
there be, that he observes not what passes here below, cannot but own
that the fear of him is a principle very friendly to government, and of
great use to dispose men to be peaceable and submissive to those who
are in authority.

THE more inexcusable were the actors in this days horrid
tragedy, who made the fear of God the cloak of treason; and in direct
contradiction to the precept of St. _Peter_, set themselves to resist
[E]_every ordinance of man for the Lord's sake_, turning faith into
faction, and religion into rebellion: who under a specious pretext
of reforming the Church, filled their native country with blood and
desolation, trampled upon its laws, and triumphed in the ruin of its
constitution: who fasted and prayed, not for the safety of the King,
and all that were in authority, that under them they might lead a quiet
and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty; but for strife and
debate, and to stir up sedition and insurrection against those whom
God had set over them: who, professing a mighty reverence for the
divine majesty, rushed upon the most abominable perjuries; first of all
violating the oaths which they had taken to the King and established
government, by entring into illegal covenants and engagements, and
illegally imposing them upon others; and then breaking loose from these
also, when they were no longer for their turn: who, with a shew of more
than ordinary sanctity and concern for the honour of God, practised all
the diabolical arts of defamation and calumny against his image and
representative; and not contented with slandering the foot-steps of
the Lord's anointed, and blackening his character, deprived him of his
royal dignity, barbarously insulted his sacred person, and at length
imbrued their hands in the blood of a king, who was an illustrious
example to his subjects of genuine piety and sobriety, and meekness
and patience, and all other christian vertues: who lastly proceeded
to this high pitch of disloyalty and impiety, when all grievances had
been long ago redressed, and the King had passed such acts, as will be
everlasting monuments of his fatherly affection and tenderness for his
people; when he had to the great prejudice of his own interests granted
several things, which his subjects could not with justice demand, nor
ask with any degree of modesty; nay, when he had consented to part with
the best and most considerable branches of his royal authority, and to
leave to himself little more than the title of a King: in doing which,
as he went beyond the example of his predecessors, so it is to be hoped
he will never be followed by any of his successors.

     [E] _1 Pet._ ii. 13.

BUT tho' the fear of God was the pretended inducement to all
these villanies; yet nothing can be more certain than that they are
truly to be ascribed to the want of it. Wherefore none ought to cast
of a principle absolutely necessary to the very being of government,
meerly because the external profession of it has been abused to the
worst Purposes by crafty and ill-designing men, who were destitute of
the inward power of it. On the contrary, it is our duty not to let it
rest upon the surface of our tongues, but to give it admittance into
our breasts, and to implant it deeply in our hearts; and then it will
not fail to bring forth the fruits of peaceableness and submission,
of obedience and loyalty to the Government under which the merciful
providence of almighty God hath placed us; and to restrain us from all
seditious and traiterous practices, and from all approaches towards
them. For they who would avoid any Crime, must be careful to avoid the
steps that lead to it. For which reason the wise king to keep his son
from engaging in designs against the State directs him not to meddle
with Changers, or, according to our translation, _with them that are
given to change_.

IN which direction, it was not the intention of king
_Solomon_, to condemn all changes in the laws and government of a
kingdom. The supreme power, which in every independent State, is
lodged somewhere or other, manifestly implies a power to make such
alterations as shall from time to time be judg'd convenient and
advantageous. And in the different circumstances of the publick
affairs, some changes in the laws will be often necessary, or very
expedient; and when they are made be sufficient authority, it is
without controversy the duty of subjects to submit to them. And even
private persons, when the present laws of their country are very
inconvenient and prejudicial to the interests of the people, may
lawfully desire an alteration of them, and may commendably endeavour to
effect it in a legal manner, by making humble and dutiful application
to those who are vested with the legislative power.

BUT they are changers in the bad sense of the word, who go
about to change the laws and settled government of a nation, without
the consent of those who have authority to do it; or who by illegal and
violent methods endeavour to extort the consent of their governours to
such terations as they shall propose; as by clamours and menaces and
tumultuous assemblies; by forming secret conspiracies, or by openly
bearing arms against their soveraign, and by entring into covenants,
not to lay down their arms, till they have obtained their unjust
demands. They too who by any kind of disloyal Behaviour, or seditious
discourse, manifest their aversion to the established government, may
with reason be suspected of being given to change; altho' it be not yet
their avowed design to effect a change.

BY forbidding us to meddle with them that are given to change,
King _Solomon_ would restrain us, not only from acting in concert with
them, and assisting them in carrying on their mischievous designs; but
also from engaging in friendship and familiarity, or any unnecessary
correspondence with them.

IT is no easy matter, to converse much with men of a factious
and turbulent spirit, without being infected by them. The best way to
preserve ourselves, both from their crime and their punishmenr, is to
keep at a distance from them. And this I take to be the true meaning of
the wise man's advice, in the xxii. Chapter of this book of _Proverbs_,
at the 24th, and 25th verses, _Make no friendship with an angry man,
and with a furious man thou shalt not go. Lest thou learn his ways,
and get a snare to thy soul._ By often hearkening to the plausible
discourses of seditious persons, utter'd with a seeming concern for the
publick welfare, many come at length to approve of them, and highly to
esteem those who make them, for their great understanding, and honesty,
and disinterested zeal for the good of their country; and to believe
that their governours are not so good as they ought to be, and that
some changes for the better are both possible and needful. And they who
have got thus far, will be too apt to be prevailed upon, to take some
unlawful steps towards the reforming of supposed disorders, without
imagining what purposes they are serving, and how far their leaders
intend to carry them. And when men are once engaged, they themselves
cannot tell where they shall stop. One wickedness may introduce them to
another, till they become principal actors in the execution of designs,
with which they could not have been safely trusted at their first
setting out.

PUT the case, that the main secret when revealed to them
should displease them; yet after a considerable progress in unlawful
courses, it will be very difficult for them to retreat. The shame of
acknowledging themselves to have been in the wrong, the apprehension
of being reproached for deserting their companions, and the fear of
suffering punishment for having accompanied them so far, will be strong
temptations to them to proceed farther against the bent of their own
inclinations, and the convictions of their consciences.

Should they, notwithstanding these temptations to the contrary, resolve
to be no longer directed by those who misled them; yet what they have
already done, may have consequences fatal to the publick. By their
assistance, the enemies of the government, may be grown strong enough
to compass their ends, not only without their farther concurrence, but
in spite of all the opposition they can make. And it will then be a
mortifying consideration to reflect, that they have been accessory to
villanies which they abhor, of which, however they must be content to
bear the blame. The criminal assistance which they gave to men worse
than themselves, will entitle them to a share in their guilt; and they
will be in some measure answerable for the unforeseen consesequences of
their unlawful practices.

AND yet the best and honestest thing, which persons thus
entangl'd can do, is to get rid of their bad company as soon as
possible, to be sorry for what mischief they have already done, and
to endeavour, by their future conduct, to make reparation for it. And
the design of what has been now said, was not to discourage any from
forbearing to meddle any longer with them that are given to change, but
to persuade all who are as yet innocent, never to meddle with them at
all, but industriously to avoid them; not to pass by their path, but
to _turn from them and pass away[F]. For they sleep not, except they
have done mischief, and their sleep is taken away, unless they cause
some to fall._ Wherefore they cannot be too diligently guarded against,
by those who would preserve themselves not only from guilt, but from
trouble and perplexity and ignominy, and from that calamity and ruin,
which (as we are informed by the verse following my text) _shall come
suddenly upon them that are given to change, and upon those who meddle
with them_.

     [F] _Prov._ iv. 14, 15.

THE unparallel'd treason committed on this day, and all the
confusions and miseries preceding it, and consequent upon it, may
justly be ascribed to the neglect of this most necessary caution.
Indeed it can hardly be doubted, but that from the beginning of those
unhappy troubles, or very soon after, there was a party of desperate
men, who had in view the utter subversion of the establish'd
government, and were resolved to stick at no villany that might conduce
to the accomplishing their end. But their numbers in those early days,
were much too small to bring about the change they aim'd at, or even to
protect them from the just vengeance which the nation would certainly
have taken upon them, had they then dar'd to own their intentions.
Wherefore they found it necessary to cover their real designs, under
the specious pretences of remeding abuses, and securing the liberties
of the people, and rectifying what was amiss both in church and state.

BY this artifice, multitudes of undiscerning and unwary
people, were drawn into their assistance, and to a criminal union with
them, and when these instruments of theirs had for a considerable time
been accustomed to traduce the King and his ministers, exceedingly to
aggravate the errors they had committed, and to charge them with odious
designs, which they knew nothing of, to brand all who honestly adher'd
to the King and the ancient constitution, with names and characters of
reproach, and to terrify them not only by threatnings, but by outrages
and tumults; when they had broken forth into open rebellion against
their soveraign, and in contradiction to the lawful oaths, which they
were under to him, had bound themselves by unlawful covenants and
associations, not to rest till they had compelled him to comply with
such alterations as they judged expedient; when they had laid wast
their country, and shed much christian blood in their unjust quarrel,
and had several times rejected the gracious overtures of peace made
to them by the King, when by these means the breach between him and
them was so widen'd, that it was hardly possible to compose it upon
conditions safe and honourable to them both; when by long familiarity,
with disloyalty and treason, the consciences of great numbers of men,
were harden'd, and grown perfectly insensible; and when the enemies
of the King had got into their hands the whole power of the nation,
and his friends could no longer make head against them; then was it
a proper time for the contrivers and directors of all this mischief,
to discover to those who had been subservient to them their true
designs against the person and government of the King. And doubtless
there were many concurring and assisting to the monstrous wickedness,
the punishment of which, we do this day deprecate, who, had it been
propos'd to them some years before, would have been struck with horror
at the mention of it, and who could no otherwise have been made capable
of committing it, than by being artfully trailed on, step by step, from
the meddling with them that are given to change, to the becoming such
themselves, from one perjury to another perjury, and from less treasons
to greater.

IT is true too, that many who had been active, both in
kindling and prosecuting the war, were startl'd at the unprecedented
proceedings against the person of the King, and publickly express'd
their dislike of them. But fruitless protestations were but pitiful
compensations for the successful services they had done to his
murtherers, whom they had continued to assist and strengthen, till it
was to no purpose to make opposition to them. It was then out of their
power to undo the mischiefs which they had been the authors of, or to
hinder others from making a farther use of them, than they themselves
had intended. Thus were they unawares made instrumental to the shedding
the innocent and sacred blood of their soveraign; the guilt of which
horrible deed must be imputed not only to those who were immediately
concerned in it, and consenting to it, but in a lower degree to those
also, who made way for it, by the unwarrantable practices, which have
been already mentioned.

THE greater reason have we, brethren, to be exceeding careful
not to tread in their steps, lest we also fall in like manner as they
fell. Their miscarriages are our admonitions, and we shall be more
inexcusable than they, if instead of taking warning by them, we follow
their example.

I AM sensible it will be said, That we do imitate them, at
the same time that we blame them; that the prayers which we have now
offered for the averting the divine wrath due to the sin of this day,
and for the safety and prosperity of our present gracious soveraign,
are a contradiction to one another; and that the late revolution was
a return to the principles of those who were concerned in the great
rebellion. And there are two sorts of men, who, tho' opposite enough
to each other, will be apt to concur in making this objection: the one
with a design to justify the murther of the Royal Martyr, or at least
the measures which prepared the way for it; the other with an intention
to condemn the happy revolution, upon which our present settlement is
founded.

NOW, to what hath been already observed, with a view to this
objection, I need only to add, That these two cases, which some would
fain have us believe to be nearly alike, are widely different.

IT is well known, That the rebellion against King _Charles_
the first was begun, when all grievances (which in his reign were far
from amounting to a total subversion of the constitution) had been
fully redressed and repaired. And it was the declared resolution of
those who engaged in it, not to defend, but to change the laws and
settled form of government, and to encroach upon the just rights
of their soveraign; who laboured indefatigably to maintain the
established laws and government; who by the laws, to which he had
without compulsion consented, had given sufficient proof, that he was
as willing to secure his peoples rights as his own; and who was so far
from affecting power, that did not belong to him, that his greatest
weakness was, that he did not hold fast the rains of government in
his hands, but parted with his authority too easily, and made too
large concessions to those who were not disposed to make him suitable
returns. When the rebels had got the mastery, they then actually
compleated a far greater change, than they had at first professed
to desire. A high court of justice was erected for the judging and
condemning the King himself as a criminal; the whole royal family were
excluded from succeeding to the crown; and kingly government itself was
declared against and abolished, and several illegal forms of government
were one after another set up in the room of it.

BUT in the reign of the late King _James_, no redress of
grievances, no opportunity of redressing them in a parliamentary way,
could be obtained. Instead of being removed they were justified by
pretending, that the King had a power to dispense with the laws at
pleasure. And it was very visible that the King and his ministers
governed by this pernicious and tyrannical maxim. Now this was plainly
a subversion of the constitution, by changing the government from
limited to absolute, from legal to arbitrary. When the power of the
people prevailed, they made it very evident, that the motive to the
measures they had then taken was necessity, and not the being given
to change. No remedy was so much as sought for against the person of
the King. No prejudice was manifested against the illustrious family,
which had long swayed the scepter of these kingdoms: but all possible
regard was shewn to it. The King himself had render'd the setting of
the crown upon a person who now pretends to it impracticable; tho'
the nation had been ever so well satisfied concerning his birth. But
it was immediately settled upon the King's undoubted issue then in
the kingdom, and upon a grandson of the Royal Martyr; and afterwards,
in default of the issue from them, upon the next branch of the royal
family professing the Protestant Religion; with whom alone our
constitution could with any prospect of security be entrusted. Nor was
there any invasion of the royal prerogative; but the same government
in church and state was chearfully submitted to by the people; as on
the other hand the liberties of the people were faithfully defended by
the crown. In short, of two changes, one of which was at that time
unavoidable, the nation preferred the less to the greater, and that
which was safe and advantageous to that which would have been very
disadvantageous and destructive.

WHICH things considered, no man should offer to draw a
parallel betwixt the late Revolution and the great rebellion, till
he is able to demonstrate, That there is no difference between the
doing no manner of hurt to the person of the King, and the executing
him publickly as a malefactor; between the settling the crown upon
his undoubted issue, and excluding the whole royal family from it
without any other necessity than what arose from the guilt of those
who excluded them; between the peoples asserting their own undoubted
rights, and their invading the undoubted rights of their soveraign;
between insisting upon the regular observation and execution of the
established laws, and fighting for an alteration of them; between
preserving the ancient constitution and utterly overthrowing it from
the foundations; or in other words, between just and unjust; between
right and wrong.

WHEREFORE, Brethren, let us stop our ears against those, whose
doctrines open a door to disobedience and rebellion against lawful
authority; and no less against those also who would insinuate that
our present governours have no claim to the submission, which they
acknowledge to be due to lawful magistrates. The powers which now are,
are ordained of God; and ordained in mercy to us, for the security of
our lives and properties and liberties, and of what we ought to value
above all the rest, our most holy Religion. And heavy will be the
condemnation of those, who shall refuse to submit to him who is the
minister of God to them for good.

LET us therefore, laying aside all pride and contentions, all
jealousies and discontents, set our selves to perform what we know to
be our duty to him who is vested with the authority of God: not with
eye-service as men-pleasers, not with murmurings as of necessity, but
in singleness of heart and with a ready mind, as in the sight of God,
as having his fear before our eyes, and remembring that he will bring
us to a strict account not only for the sins committed immediately
against himself, but for every offence against his substitute, who by
him reigns and decrees justice.

IF we dread not the penalties of human laws; yet let us revere
the ordinance of God. Let us consider by whom we have sworn; and let
destruction from him be a terror to us. If there be any who dare
bid defiance to that; let us mark such and turn away from them. Let
us not be so weak as to imagine that they can have any real concern
for religion, or the interest of their country, who can prevail with
themselves, or would prevail with others, to violate the oath of God.
We cannot surely be at a loss to conclude, what kind of spirits have
taken possession of those men, who are not to be bound, no not with
chains; who break in sunder the strongest bonds of government, and
cast away its cords from them.

LET our behaviour be suitable to our professions on this
solemn day of humiliation. If we do indeed detest the crimes of those
cruel and unreasonable men who gave occasion for the observance of
it; if we would not for the world be the authors of such dreadful
calamities as they by a long train of wickedness brought upon their
nation; if we are sincere in imploring the mercy of God, that he would
not visit their guilt upon us or our posterity: let us take heed that
we do not fill up the measure of their iniquities by a repetition of
them: let us not cherish the seeds which are apt to produce such bitter
and deadly fruits: let us not enter upon courses, which, for ought we
know, may end in the crimes we detest.

TO conclude, let us not separate what God hath joyned
together, religion and loyalty, the fear of God and of the King. Let us
esteem loyalty as a necessary part of Religion, and assure ourselves
that we are doing God acceptable service while we are serving his
representative. Let loyalty to the King mingle itself with our most
solemn acts of divine worship. In our thanksgivings let us devoutly
acknowledge the many blessings we enjoy under his Government: and
in return let us by our prayers draw down the choicest blessings of
heaven upon him; most earnestly beseeching the Almighty to enrich
him plenteously with grace here, and crown him with everlasting
glory hereafter; to prolong his life in health and wealth, and to
perpetuate his seed as the days of heaven; to guide him with his
spirit of councel, and to strengthen him with his mighty arm, for
the establishment of truth, and the maintenance of justice, both at
home and abroad; to hide him in time of danger under the covert of
his wings, and to shield him with his strong salvation; that the
conspiracies formed against him may not prosper, and the devices of
wicked men may be turned backwards and light upon their own heads;
that all the people may hear and fear to do wickedly, and the crown may
flourish upon the head of the Lord's Anointed.

                               _FINIS._





End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The religious and loyal subject's duty
considered: with regard to the present Government and the Revolution, by Isaac Terry

*** 