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       *       *       *       *       *

[Illustration: JOHN KNOX.

_The only authentic Portrait. Engraved for a book by Theodore Beza,
published at Geneva in 1580._]




  THE HISTORY

  OF THE

  REFORMATION OF RELIGION
  IN SCOTLAND

  BY

  JOHN KNOX

  WITH WHICH ARE INCLUDED
  KNOX'S CONFESSION AND
  THE BOOK OF DISCIPLINE

  _A Twentieth Century Edition_

  REVISED AND EDITED BY
  CUTHBERT LENNOX

  LONDON:
  ANDREW MELROSE
  16 PILGRIM STREET, E.C.

  MCMV




"It is really a loss to English and even to universal literature
that Knox's hasty and strangely interesting, impressive, and
peculiar Book, called _The History of the Reformation in Scotland_,
has not been rendered far more extensively legible to serious
mankind at large than is hitherto the case. There is in it, ...
a really singular degree of clearness, sharp just insight and
perspicacity, now and then of picturesqueness and visuality, as if
the thing was set before your eyes; and everywhere a feeling of the
most perfect credibility and veracity: that is to say altogether, of
Knox's high qualities as an observer and narrator.... This man, you
can discern, has seized the essential elements of the phenomenon,
and done a right portrait of it; a man with an actually seeing
eye....

"Besides this perfect clearness, naïveté, and almost unintentional
picturesqueness, there are to be found in Knox's swift flowing
History many other kinds of 'geniality,' and indeed of far higher
excellences than are wont to be included under that designation. The
grand Italian Dante is not more in earnest about this inscrutable
Immensity than Knox is. There is in Knox throughout the spirit of
an old Hebrew Prophet, such as may have been in Moses in the Desert
at sight of the Burning Bush; spirit almost altogether unique among
modern men; and along with all this, in singular neighbourhood to
it, a sympathy, a veiled tenderness of heart, veiled, but deep and
of piercing vehemence, and withal even an inward gaiety of soul,
alive to the ridicule that dwells in whatever is ridiculous, in fact
a fine vein of humour, which is wanting in Dante....

"The story of this great epoch is nowhere to be found so
impressively narrated as in this Book of Knox's; a hasty loose
production, but grounded on the completest knowledge, and with
visible intention of setting down faithfully both the imperfections
of poor fallible men, and the unspeakable mercies of God to this
poor realm of Scotland."

  CARLYLE.




INTRODUCTORY NOTE.


Knox's "History" has all the essential qualities of a classic.
It makes appeal with perennial freshness to the heart of man. It
depicts a struggle for religious freedom which never had an equal,
either before or since, and yet has a counterpart in the experience
of every age. It is the honest and truthful record of one of the
most highly energised men that ever crossed the stage of life--a
record, withal, so masterly that the reader's mind and heart attain
the writer's meaning and point of view, at a bound. Its humanity
is as broad as human nature; its grasp of the eternal verities is
childlike yet strong; its imagination is sane yet soaring.

The literary and historical value of the "History" has been
adequately estimated for us by Carlyle, in his "Essay on the
Portraits of John Knox;" and here we would only emphasise its
manifestation of the intellectual quality and patriotic spirit of
the men who were, under God, responsible for the great reformation
of religion within the realm of Scotland. Above all, we would
mark the noble conception of God which possessed the hearts of
the Reformers. For them, the Eternal, our God, as Knox is fond
of calling Him, was a living reality; and, with holy boldness,
they withstood the enemies of God, whatever the worldly position
and seeming authority of these might be. God's will was supreme,
and they were there to see to its execution. The sap of the Old
Testament is in all their utterances.

The document known as _Knox's Confession of Faith_, and _The Book
of Discipline_ throw further light upon the high intellectual
endowments and virile faith of the Reformers. The "Confession" is
of historic value. It was the recognised creed of the Reformed
Church in Scotland, from 1560 until 1647, when it was unfortunately
discarded for the Westminster Confession. Passages in _The Book
of Discipline_ touch the sublime. The work, as a whole, contains
a complete and statesmanlike scheme for the ecclesiastical
administration of the realm of Scotland, for the conduct of its
schools and colleges, for the relief of its poor, and for the
control of its social relations. This ideal constitution was
tinkered and modified, in parts, before it secured the approval of
those who had great possessions, snatched from the dispossessed
"Papistical Kirk." But upon its broad framework there rest the
Scotland and the Presbyterianism of which Scotsmen are justly proud
to-day.

Originally dictated by Knox to amanuenses at intervals, between 1559
and 1571, this "History" existed only in manuscript for many years.
Copied and recopied by scribes of differing abilities and of varying
bias, the traditional text became overlaid with emendations in some
copies, and enfeebled by excisions and suppressions in others, while
of clerical errors there is no small crop in almost every one of the
extant versions. Several times in the course of the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries, one or other of these versions was printed and
put forth as Knox's work. But it was only in 1846 that, as a result
of the painstaking research of the notable Scottish antiquarian
scholar, Dr. David Laing, a really authentic and complete version of
the "History" was issued by the Wodrow Society.

So far as scholarly research is concerned, Dr. Laing put the
copestone upon the task of securing an authentic text, and his
will probably be the definitive edition. In it the historians
of succeeding generations may win the ore of historic fact and
contemporary sentiment. But the work of Knox has a far wider appeal.
Its author had his eye upon posterity when he wrote: he had a
message for it. Time and again, he makes occasion to say so. As
thus:--

     "This we write, that the posterity to come may understand how
     potently God wrought in preserving and delivering those that had
     but a small knowledge of His truth, and for the love of the same
     hazarded all. We or our posterity may see a fearful dispersion
     of such as oppose themselves to impiety, or take upon them to
     punish the same otherwise than laws of men will permit: we may
     see them forsaken by men, and, as it were, despised and punished
     by God. But, if we do, let us not damn the persons that punish
     vice for just causes, nor yet despair that the same God that
     casts down, for causes unknown to us, will again raise up the
     persons dejected, to His glory and their comfort."

     Or again:--"This we put in memory, that the posterities to come
     may know that God once made His truth to triumph; but, because
     some of ourselves delighted more in darkness than in light, He
     hath restrained our freedom, and put the whole body in bondage."

Note the obstacles which have checked the wider currency of the
book. Knox wrote in the "Engliss tongue," with a liberal admixture
of good Scots words. But English prose was then only in its birth.
Knox's spelling is now hopelessly archaic, if not anarchic; his
punctuation is no help, and almost a hindrance; and his style
of composition, in his more sustained periods, is ponderous and
involved. Nor is this all. Knox's original conception of his
task seems to have been that of an exact record or chronicle of
the occurrences between 1558 and 1561 of which he had personal
knowledge, or documentary or other credible evidence. He has,
therefore, conscientiously transcribed complete copies of letters,
treaties, bonds, instructions to deputies ("credits" he calls them),
and even of such lengthy documents as _The Confession of Faith_ and
_The Book of Discipline_, as well as of sermons preached on sundry
occasions. To the historian, all these records are invaluable; but
they only serve to distract the ordinary reader's attention from the
main current of the narrative. They blunt his interest, instead of
whetting it.

The present edition is a serious attempt to remove the obstacles to
which we have just referred. The editor has not bound himself to
reproduce the _ipsissima verba_ of Knox at every point; although
quotations from documents have been transliterated with some
exactness. His main object has been to make Knox's book utterly
readable, and it may be claimed that the complete historical
narrative is now given to the English reader. Here and there a
parenthesis has been dropped, here and there a "meary tale" which
carries the illustration of the argument a little further than
modern ideas of decorum permit. Essential clauses of letters
and other documents have been retained: nothing is omitted that
will substantially further the high purpose of the history. _The
Confession of Faith_, commonly known as Knox's, and _The Book of
Discipline_ were reckoned too important for abridgment. These have
been transferred bodily to the Appendix, to avert a serious block in
the narrative.

Every effort has been made to preserve Knox's vigorous phraseology
intact. Obsolete and Scots words are glossed at the foot of the
page on which they first occur; and a full Glossary is appended to
the work. For the rest, the editor has sought to bring the mind
and heart of Knox into touch with those of the reader, without
unessential distractions. Footnotes are a manner of impertinence
when a wonderful story is forward, and such an one is Knox's. He
himself tells us to go to "universal histories of the time," if we
want exact information. Here is no dry-as-dust chronicle of days and
dates. Here we have an inspired record of the dealings of God with
men. Here we read of their sinning, their shortcoming, and their
struggling, of their faith and its victory, in a narrative that can
be likened to nothing else in literature than the books of the Old
Testament. This is a book for the heart, a human book, written by
"one who neither flattered nor feared any flesh."

  CUTHBERT LENNOX.

  _February 1905._




TABLE OF CONTENTS.


  INTRODUCTORY NOTE                           v

  TABLE OF CONTENTS                          ix

  BOOK FIRST: 1422-1558.

  Early persecutions, 1. Paul Craw: A.D. 1431, 1. The Lollards of
  Kyle: 1494, 2. Archbishop James Beaton, 4. The Coming of Patrick
  Hamilton, 5. Persecution of Hamilton, 6. His martyrdom, 7.
  Questionings arise, 8. Friar William Arth speaks out, 8. The abuse
  of God's curse, 9. False miracles, 10. Friar Alexander Seton
  preaches the Evangel, 11. His apology, 12. His persecution, 13.
  Persecution flags, 13. The Reformation in England, 14. Scots
  Reformers abroad, 15. Persecution revived: 1534, 15. David Stratoun
  and his teind fish, 16. The conversion of Stratoun, 16. Martyrdom of
  Stratoun and Gourlay, 17. The true light spreads: Cardinal David
  Beaton notwithstanding, 17. The Reformation in Court and cloisters,
  18. Friar Kyllour and others go to the stake: February 1538, 18. The
  trial of Friar Russell and Friar Kennedy, 18. They are burned, 20.
  The bigotry of James V., 20. God speaks to him, 20. George Buchanan:
  his arrest and escape, 21. The broken tryst, 22. War with England:
  1542, 23. Halden Rig, 23. Fala Raid, 24. The Lords plot against the
  courtiers, 24. The English army retires, 25. The courtiers and
  priests plot against the Lords, 25. "An answer worthy of a prince,"
  26. Solway Moss: how it began, 27. The rout of Solway Moss, 29. The
  blow falls on the King, 31. The birth of Mary Stuart, 32. The death
  of James V., 32. The Cardinal claims the regency, 33. The Earl of
  Arran is proclaimed Regent, 34. Thomas Williams and John Rough
  preach, in despite of the Friars, 35. Edinburgh drowned in
  superstition, 35. Liberty to read the Scriptures is demanded, 36. An
  open Bible is secured, 37. The Bible becomes fashionable, 37. King
  Harry suggests the betrothal of Queen Mary to Prince Edward, 38. The
  contract of marriage is adjusted and ratified, 38. The <DW7>s
  refuse to acknowledge the contract, 39. They turn the tables, 40.
  The Abbot and the Cardinal next threaten the Regent, 41. The Regent
  breaks faith with England and receives absolution, 42. King Harry
  remonstrates without avail, 42. War is declared by King Harry,
  43. The revolt of the Earl of Lennox, 43. Cardinal Beaton stirs up
  strife betwixt his enemies, 44. The fight for the provostship of
  Perth, 45. Treachery of the Cardinal, 46. The persecution at Perth,
  47. The English invade Scotland, and sack Edinburgh and Leith, 48.
  France comes to the aid of Cardinal Beaton, 51. John Hamilton, Abbot
  of Paisley, 51. George Wishart comes to Scotland, 52. He is driven
  from Dundee, 52. Goes to Kyle, 53. The plague comes to Dundee:
  Wishart returns, 54. The Cardinal attempts to assassinate him at
  Dundee, 55. Further treachery of the Cardinal, 56. The agony of
  Wishart, 57. He arrives in Leith, 58. For safety he is removed to
  the Lothians: preaches at Inveresk, 59. He goes to Haddington, 60.
  John Knox's first appearance, 60. The last sermon of Wishart: his
  arrest, 61. He is betrayed into the hands of the Cardinal, 62. The
  bishops and clergy are convoked to the trial of Wishart, 62. A merry
  tale of the Cardinal and Archbishop Dunbar, 63. Pilate and Herod
  patch the quarrel, 64. Wishart before the Cardinal's tribunal, 65.
  The Sub-prior preaches on heresy, 66. A fed sow accuses and curses
  Wishart, 67. His oration in reply to his accusers, 67. He is
  brought to the stake, 78. Vengeance on the Cardinal is vowed, 80.
  Assassination of Cardinal Beaton: 29th May 1546, 82. The reforming
  party is besieged in the Castle of St. Andrews, 83. A treacherous
  truce, 83. John Rough resumes preaching, 84. John Knox comes to the
  Castle of St. Andrews, 84. He is called to the office of preacher,
  85. He denounces the Roman Kirk: his challenge, 86. The first public
  sermon of John Knox is made in the Parish Kirk of St. Andrews, 87.
  The people comment on Knox's sermon against Papistry, 89. He is
  called on to defend his doctrine, 90. Signs follow his ministry:
  the backsliding of Sir James Balfour, 96. The Regent and the
  Queen-Dowager violate the Appointment: a French army comes to their
  aid, 96. The Castle is stormed, and surrenders upon terms, 98. The
  company of the Castle are carried to France, and cast into prison
  and the galleys, 99. The <DW7>s rejoice, and the Regent receives
  the Pope's thanks, 99. The Duke of Somerset invades Scotland, 100.
  The Battle of Pinkie Cleuch, 100. The Parliament at Haddington:
  Queen Mary is sold to France, 104. The siege of Haddington, 105.
  The French fruits: arrogance of the French soldiery, 105. The
  Scots prisoners in France, and their deliverance, 107. John Knox
  prophesies of himself: his confidence in God's deliverance, 109.
  John Knox in England, and on the Continent, 111. Haddington proves
  the truth of Wishart's foreboding, 112. Peace proclaimed (April
  1550): the <DW7>s resume persecution, 113. The faithful testimony
  and martyrdom of Adam Wallace, 113. The Duke is deposed, and the
  Queen-Dowager is made Regent (1554), 115. The death and virtues
  of Edward VI., 116. The superstitious cruelty of Mary of England,
  and of the Queen Regent, 117. Knox follows William Harlaw and John
  Willock to Scotland, 117. The good testimony of Elizabeth Adamson,
  Mistress Barron, 118. John Knox argues that the Mass is idolatry,
  119. He preaches in different parts, and administers the Lord's
  Table, 120. He is summoned to answer for his doctrine: the Diet
  abandoned, 121. He is recalled to Geneva, and leaves the realm:
  he is burned in effigy, 122. The Regent declares war on England:
  the nobles decline to move, 122. The Evangel begins to flourish
  in Scotland, 123. Images are stolen, and the prelates practise
  with the Regent, 123. The downcasting of Saint Giles's image,
  and discomfiture of Baal's priests, 125. The Dean of Restalrig,
  hypocrite, begins to preach, 127. The recall of Knox, 128. The
  Lords of the Congregation make a covenant, 130. The Earl of Argyll
  promotes the cause of the Reformed Kirk, 132. The bishops make a
  feeble show of reformation, 132. The Regent practises for grant of
  the crown-matrimonial to the King of France, 133. The Parliament of
  October 1558: the crown-matrimonial is granted, 134.


  BOOK SECOND: 1558-1559.

  The preface to the second book, 135. The consciences of judges,
  lords, and rulers are awakened, 136. The office of elder is
  instituted, and the Privy Kirk is founded, 137. John Willock
  preaches: formal steps towards a public reformation are taken, 137.
  The first oration and petition of the Protestants of Scotland to the
  Queen Regent, 138. The <DW7>s brag of disputation: the Articles
  of Reconciliation, 141. Persecution at St. Andrews: Walter Myln is
  burned, 142. The Protestants appeal to Parliament, 143. The Regent
  makes large promises of protection and reform, 145. Treachery of
  the Regent: the preachers are summoned, 146. The revival at Perth:
  fury of the Regent, 147. Knox returns from France, and joins the
  Protestants at Perth, 148. The mob wreck the churches and destroy
  the monasteries in Perth, 149. The Queen rages, and stirs up the
  nobility, 151. The Protestants prepare for a struggle for liberty
  of conscience, 153. The rival forces are arrayed outside Perth,
  154. Commissioners are sent by the Queen: interview with John Knox:
  May 1559, 154. The nobility of the West-land march to the aid of
  Perth: the Regent takes fright, 156. Another Appointment is patched
  up: 28th May 1559, 157. The Lords and the Congregation make a
  fresh covenant, 158. The Regent enters Perth, and at once breaks
  faith with the Congregation, 159. The Earl of Argyll abandons the
  Regent and declines to return, 159. The Archbishop of St. Andrews
  interdicts Knox from preaching, 160. Knox declines to obey the
  dictates of the Archbishop, 160. He preaches at St. Andrews once
  more: the monuments of idolatry are cast down, 161. The Regent
  declares war: the forces of the Congregation are called out, 162.
  The affair of Cupar Moor: the Regent sues for an armistice, 162.
  Once more the Regent breaks faith, 163. The relief of Perth, 164.
  The sack of the Abbey and Palace of Scone, 164. The forces of the
  Congregation take possession of Stirling and Edinburgh, 165. The
  Congregation renew peaceable overtures to the Regent, 166. Death of
  Harry Second, King of France, 169. The Regent again takes up arms
  against the Congregation, 169. Edinburgh Castle supports the Regent:
  Appointment made at Leith, 170. The Congregation invoke the aid
  of England, 170. John Willock braves the fury of the Regent, and
  continues to minister to the kirk in Edinburgh, 171. The citizens
  decline to permit popish ceremonies to be renewed in the High
  Kirk, 171. The Regent restores the Mass at Holyrood, persecutes
  the Reformed clergy, and seeks to embroil the Protestants with the
  French, 172. She receives reinforcements of troops from France, 173.
  A convention is held at Stirling: 10th September 1559, 174. The
  Lords of the Congregation agree to take up arms against the French
  invasion, 174. The protests of the Congregation are scornfully
  rejected, 175. The Congregation convene at Edinburgh: they agree
  to depose the Regent, 175. The first siege of Leith is commenced:
  traitors hinder the Protestants, 177. Hardships of the Protestant
  party; the soldiers demand their pay, 177. Four thousand crowns are
  sent from England, and captured by Lord Bothwell, 178. The men of
  Dundee lose their guns, 178. The ill results of further treachery,
  179. The cause of the Protestants is in eclipse, 179. Maitland of
  Lethington joins the Lords of the Congregation, 180. The retreat
  from Edinburgh, 181. John Knox preaches at Stirling: a notable
  sermon on the discipline of Providence, 181.


  BOOK THIRD: 1559-1561.

  The Regent possesses Edinburgh: Arran is proclaimed traitor, 185.
  French reinforcements meet with disaster, 185. News from England:
  a waiting game is played, 186. The French invade Fife, 186. An
  affair at Pettycur, 186. The French occupy Kinghorn, 187. John Knox
  preaches at Cupar, 187. The campaign in Fife, 188. An English fleet
  arrives in the Forth, 190. The French retire on Edinburgh, 190. A
  greedy Frenchman dies in a beef-tub, 191. The negotiations between
  the Congregation and the English Court, 191. Cecil's letter to Knox,
  193. Reply of Knox to Secretary Cecil, 194. A practical response,
  195. Knox reproaches the Lords for slackness and thoughtlessness,
  196. After the French retreat from Fife, 199. At Berwick the
  Lords made a contract with England, 200. Principal clauses of the
  treaty of Berwick, 200. The Regent lays waste the country, 202.
  Second siege of Leith: April 1560, 204. The assault upon Leith is
  unsuccessful, 206. Sir James Crofts is blamed, 207. The siege is
  continued: illness of the Queen Regent, 208. The Regent expresses
  repentance, and receives godly instruction, 208. Death of the Queen
  Regent, 209. Peace with France is concluded, 209. The English
  army is withdrawn, with honours, 210. Public thanksgiving in St.
  Giles's Kirk, 210. Preachers and Superintendents are appointed,
  212. The first Protestant Parliament, 212. John Knox preaches,
  and reformation is agreed upon, 213. The Protestants petition
  Parliament, 213. Parliament calls for _The Confession of Faith_,
  214. _The Confession of Faith_ is considered by Parliament, and
  solemnly ratified, 214. The Mass is prohibited, 216. Queen Mary and
  the King of France do not ratify the Acts of Parliament, 216. _The
  Book of Discipline_, 217. The House of Guise and the <DW7>s design
  further trouble, 217. Death of the King of France: 5th December
  1560, 218. Queen Elizabeth declines the hand of the Earl of Arran,
  218. A public debate concerning the Mass, 219. Lord James Stewart is
  sent to Queen Mary, 221. An embassy from France, 221. Lord James has
  a narrow escape from the <DW7>s, 222. Messages from the Queen, 223.
  Queen Mary's relations with Queen Elizabeth, 223.


  BOOK FOURTH: 1561-1564.

  No dregs of Papistry left in the Reformed Church of Scotland, 225.
  This Book tells of declension, 226. The arrival of Mary, Queen of
  Scots: a distressing omen, 226. The Mass is restored at Holyrood,
  227. The Council tolerates the Mass at Court, 228. The Earl of
  Arran protests, 229. The Protestants are beguiled, 229. John Knox
  preaches against the Queen's Mass, 230. He reasons with the Queen,
  230. No results follow the Queen's conference with Knox, 237. The
  prodigality of Edinburgh, 238. The Magistrates of Edinburgh are
  imprisoned and deposed, 238. The Mass is restored, 239. Lord James
  Stewart is sent to the Borders, 240. The behaviour of the Queen,
  240. The influence of the Court is felt in the Kirk, 241. The
  ministers reproach the defaulting lords, 242. Discussion concerning
  _The Book of Discipline_, 243. The barons sue for public order in
  regard to ecclesiastical benefices, 244. The Council agrees to
  divide the patrimony of the Kirk, 244. The modification of stipends,
  245. Secretary Lethington gets his answer, 246. Lord James Stewart
  created Earl of Mar: his marriage, 247. Disorderly conduct of Earl
  Bothwell and others, 248. Plots against the Earl of Moray, 250.
  Earl Bothwell speaks with John Knox, 250. The reconciliation of
  the Earl of Arran and the Earl Bothwell, 251. The Earl of Arran
  suspects treachery, 252. The frenzy of the Earl of Arran, 254. John
  Knox reproves the Queen, 255. He is summoned before the Queen,
  255. He states his views concerning the behaviour of Princes, 255.
  Of dancing, 257. The Queen negotiates with England, 258. The King
  of Sweden proposes marriage to Queen Mary, 259. The Queen and the
  Earl of Moray, 259. The General Assembly: June 1562, 259. The
  supplication to the Queen, 259. Secretary Lethington objects to
  the terms of the supplication, 264. The Queen visits the North:
  <DW7> intrigues, 265. John Knox warns the Protestants, 266. A
  bond is again subscribed, 267. The result of John Knox's labours
  in the South, 267. The Abbot of Crossraguel and Knox, 268. The
  revolt of the Earl of Huntly, 268. Of the Earl of Huntly, 269. The
  Queen's relations with the Earl of Moray, 269. Rumours concerning
  the Queen's marriage, 270. The Queen and Earl Bothwell, 270. The
  preachers admonish the courtiers, 270. The General Assembly: 25th
  December 1562, 271. The Protestants deal with idolaters and the
  Mass, 272. Queen Mary and John Knox at Lochleven, 273. John Knox
  writes to the Earl of Argyll, 276. The Massmongers are tried:
  19th May 1563, 276. Parliament of May 1563, 277. Queen Mary's
  influence: "Vox Dianae," 277. Reformation is hindered by personal
  interests, 278. John Knox breaks with the Earl of Moray, 278. Inept
  legislation, 279. John Knox preaches a faithful sermon to the Lords,
  279. <DW7>s and Protestants take offence: Knox is summoned by the
  Queen, 281. Lethington's return: his worldly wisdom displayed,
  284. The Queen retains observance of the Mass, 285. The death of
  Lord John of Coldingham, 285. Massmongers at Holyrood take fright,
  286. The <DW7>s devise mischief, 287. John Knox's letter to the
  brethren: 8th October 1563, 287. He is betrayed, 289. He is accused
  of high treason, 290. The Lord Advocate gives his opinion, 291.
  The Earl of Moray and Secretary Lethington reason with John Knox,
  292. Knox is brought before the Queen and Privy Council, 293. He is
  tried for high treason, 293. The verdict of the Privy Council, 299.
  The displeasure of the Queen, 300. The General Assembly: December
  1563, 301. John Knox demands the judgment of his brethren, 301. His
  acquittal by the General Assembly, 302. Signs of God's displeasure,
  302. Lavish entertainments at Court, 303. The Queen's broken
  promises, 303. Secretary Lethington defies the servants of God, 304.
  The courtiers and the Kirk, 304. The courtiers rouse John Knox: he
  preaches concerning idolatry, 305. The General Assembly: June 1564,
  306. The Protestant courtiers maintain an independent position, 307.
  Secretary Lethington defines the attitude of the lords of the Court,
  308. The disputation between John Knox and the Secretary, 309.


  APPENDIX.

  KNOX'S CONFESSION.

  CAP.                                                         PAGE

  _The Preface_                                                 341

  I. _Of God_                                                   342

  II. _Of the Creation of Man_                                  343

  III. _Of Original Sin_                                        343

  IV. _Of the Revelation of the Promise_                        343

  V. _The Continuance, Increase, and Preservation of the Kirk_  344

  VI. _Of the Incarnation of Christ Jesus_                      345

  VII. _Why it behoved the Mediator to be very God and very
        Man_                                                    345

  VIII. _Election_                                              345

  IX. _Christ's Death, Passion, Burial, etc._                   346

  X. _Resurrection_                                             347

  XI. _Ascension_                                               347

  XII. _Faith in the Holy Ghost_                                348

  XIII. _The cause of Good Works_                               349

  XIV. _What Works are reputed good before God_                 350

  XV. _The Perfection of the Law and Imperfection of Man_       351

  XVI. _Of the Kirk_                                            352

  XVII. _The Immortality of the Souls_                          353

  XVIII. _Of the notes by which the True Kirk is discerned from
        the false, and who shall be judge of the doctrine_      353

  XIX. _The Authority of the Scriptures_                        355

  XX. _Of General Councils, of their Power, Authority, and
        Causes of their Convention_                             355

  XXI. _Of the Sacraments_                                      356

  XXII. _Of the right Administration of the Sacraments_         358

  XXIII. _To whom Sacraments Appertain_                         360

  XXIV. _Of the Civil Magistrate_                               360

  XXV. _The Gifts freely given to the Kirk_                     361


  THE BOOK OF DISCIPLINE.

  I. _Of Doctrine_                                              363

  II. _Of Sacraments_                                           364

  III. _Touching the Abolition of Idolatry_                     366

  IV. _Concerning Ministers and their Lawful Election_          366

  V. _Concerning Provision for the Ministers, and for
        Distribution of the Rents and Possessions justly
        appertaining to the Kirk_                               372

  VI. _Of the Superintendents_                                  376

  VII. _Of Schools and Universities_                            382

  VIII. _Of the Rents and Patrimony of the Kirk_                391

  IX. _Of Ecclesiastical Discipline_                            395

  X. _Touching the Election of Elders and Deacons, etc._        401

  XI. _Concerning the Policy of the Church_                     404

  XII. _For Preaching and Interpretation of Scriptures, etc._   408

  XIII. _Of Marriage_                                           411

  XIV. _Of Burial_                                              414

  XV. _For Reparation of Churches_                              416

  XVI. _For Punishment of those that profane the Sacraments
        and do contemn the Word of God, and dare presume to
        minister them, not being thereto lawfully called_       416

  _The Conclusion_                                              419

  GLOSSARY OF OBSOLETE AND SCOTS WORDS AND PHRASES              423

  INDEX                                                         427




THE REFORMATION OF RELIGION IN SCOTLAND




BOOK FIRST.[1]

1422-1558.

  [1] "_The First Book of the History of the Reformation of Religion
  within the Realm of Scotland._ Containing the Manner and by what
  Persons the Light of Christ's Evangel hath been manifested unto this
  Realm, after that horrible and universal Defection from the Truth,
  which has come by the means of that Roman Antichrist."


[Sidenote: Early Persecutions.]

In the Records of Glasgow, mention is found of one that, in the
year of God 1422, was burnt for heresy. His name is not given, and
of his opinions or of the order upon which he was condemned there
is no evidence left. But our Chronicles make mention that, in the
days of King James the First, about the year of God 1431, there was
apprehended in the University of St. Andrews one named Paul Craw, a
Bohemian, who was accused of heresy before such as then were called
Doctors of Theology. The principal accusation against him was that,
in his opinion of the Sacrament, he followed John Huss and Wycliffe,
who denied that the substance of bread and wine were changed by
virtue of any words, or that confession should be made to priests,
or prayers made to saints departed.

[Sidenote: Paul Craw: A.D. 1431.]

God gave unto the said Paul Craw grace to resist his persecutors,
and not to consent to their impiety, and he was committed to the
secular judge (for our bishops follow Pilate, who both did condemn,
and also washed his hands) who condemned him to the fire. Therein he
was consumed at St. Andrews, about the time mentioned. To declare
themselves to be of the generation of Satan, who from the beginning
hath been enemy to the truth and desireth the same to be hid from
the knowledge of men, they put a ball of brass in his mouth, to the
end that he should not give confession of his faith to the people,
nor yet that they should understand the defence which he had against
his unjust accusation and condemnation.

[Sidenote: The Lollards of Kyle: 1494.]

These practices did not greatly advance the kingdom of darkness, nor
were they able utterly to extinguish the truth. In the days of King
James the Second and King James the Third we find small question
of religion moved within this Realm, but in the time of King James
the Fourth, in the year of God 1494, thirty persons were summoned
before the King and his Great Council, by Robert Blackader, called
Archbishop of Glasgow. Some of these dwelt in Kyle-Stewart, some
in King's-Kyle, and some in Cunningham. Amongst them were George
Campbell of Cessnock, Adam Reid of Barskymming, John Campbell of New
Mills, Andrew Shaw of Polkemmet, Helen Chalmers, Lady Polkellie, and
Marion Chalmers, Lady Stair.

[Sidenote: Whereof the Lollards of Kyle were accused.]

These were called the Lollards of Kyle. In the Register of Glasgow
we find the Articles of Belief for which they were accused. These
were as follows:--(1) Images are not to be possessed, nor yet to
be worshipped. (2) Relics of Saints are not to be worshipped. (3)
Laws and Ordinances of men vary from time to time, and so do those
of the Pope. (4) It is not lawful to fight, or to defend the faith.
(We translate according to the barbarousness of their Latin and
dictament.[2]) (5) Christ gave power to Peter only, and not to his
successors, to bind and loose within the Kirk. (6) Christ ordained
no priests to consecrate. (7) After the consecration in the Mass,
there remains bread; and the natural body of Christ is not there.
(8) Tithes ought not to be given to Ecclesiastical Men--as they were
then called. (9) Christ at His coming took away power from Kings to
judge. (This article we doubt not to be the venomous accusation of
the enemies, whose practice has ever been to make the doctrine of
Jesus Christ suspect to Kings and rulers, as if God thereby would
depose them from their royal seats, while, on the contrary, nothing
confirms the power of magistrates more than does God's Word.--But to
the Articles.) (10) Every faithful man or woman is a priest. (11)
The anointing of kings ceased at the coming of Christ. (12) The
Pope is not the successor of Peter--except where Christ said, "Go
behind me, Satan." (13) The Pope deceiveth the people by his bulls
and his indulgences. (14) The Mass profiteth not the souls that are
in purgatory. (15) The Pope and the bishops deceive the people by
their pardons. (16) Indulgences to fight against the Saracens ought
not to be granted. (17) The Pope exalts himself against God and
above God. (18) The Pope cannot remit the pains of purgatory. (19)
The blessings of the bishops--of dumb dogs they should have been
styled--are of no value. (20) The excommunication of the Kirk is not
to be feared. (21) In no case is it lawful to swear. (22) Priests
may have wives, according to the constitution of the law. (23)
True Christians receive the body of Jesus Christ every day. (24)
After matrimony is contracted, the Kirk may make no divorce. (25)
Excommunication binds not. (26) The Pope forgives not sins, but only
God. (27) Faith should not be given to miracles. (28) We should not
pray to the glorious Virgin Mary, but to God only. (29) We are no
more bound to pray in the kirk than in other places. (30) We are not
bound to believe all that the Doctors of the Kirk have written. (31)
Such as worship the sacrament of the Kirk--we suppose they meant
the sacrament of the altar--commit idolatry. (32) The Pope is the
head of the Kirk of Antichrist. (33) The Pope and his ministers are
murderers. (34) They which are called principals in the Church are
thieves and robbers.

  [2] Phraseology.

Albeit that the accusation of the Archbishop and his accomplices was
very grievous, God so assisted his servants, partly by inclining
the King's heart to gentleness (for divers of them were his great
familiars), and partly by giving bold and godly answers to their
accusators, that the enemies in the end were frustrated in their
purpose. When the Archbishop, in mockery, said to Adam Reid of
Barskymming, "Reid, believe ye that God is in heaven?" He answered,
"Not as I do the Sacraments seven." Thereat the Archbishop, thinking
to have triumphed, said, "Sir, lo, he denies that God is in heaven."
The King, wondering, said, "Adam Reid, what say ye?" The other
answered, "Please your Grace to hear the end betwixt the churl and
me." Therewith he turned to the Archbishop and said, "I neither
think nor believe, as thou thinkest, that God is in heaven; but I am
most assured that He is not only in heaven, but also on earth. Thou
and thy faction declare by your works that either ye think there
is no God at all, or else that He is so shut up in heaven that He
regards not what is done on earth. If thou didst firmly believe that
God was in heaven, thou shouldst not make thyself cheek-mate[3] to
the King, and altogether forget the charge that Jesus Christ the
Son of God gave to His Apostles. That was, to preach His Evangel,
and not to play the proud prelates, as all the rabble of you do
this day. And now, Sir," said he to the King, "judge ye whether
the Bishop or I believe best that God is in heaven." While the
Archbishop and his band could not well revenge themselves, and while
many taunts were given them in their teeth, the King, willing to put
an end to further reasoning, said to the said Adam Reid, "Wilt thou
burn thy bill?"[4] He answered, "Sir, the Bishop and ye will." With
these and the like scoffs the Archbishop and his band were so dashed
out of countenance that the greatest part of the accusation was
turned to laughter.

  [3] Familiar.

  [4] The form of burning one's bill, on recanting, was this,--the
  person accused was to bring a <DW19> of dry sticks, and burn it
  publicly, by which ceremony he signified that he destroyed that
  which should have been the instrument of his death.--_Keith._

[Sidenote: Archbishop James Beaton.]

After that diet, we find almost no question for matters of religion,
for the space of nigh thirty years. For not long after, to wit, in
the year of God 1508, the said Archbishop Blackader departed this
life, while journeying in his superstitious devotion to Jerusalem.
Unto him succeeded Mr. James Beaton, son to the Laird of Balfour,
in Fife. More careful for the world than he was to preach Christ,
or yet to advance any religion, but for the fashion only, he
sought the world, and it fled him not. At once he was Archbishop
of St. Andrews, Abbot of Dunfermline, Arbroath, and Kilwinning,
and Chancellor of Scotland. After the unhappy field of Flodden,
in which perished King James the Fourth, with the greater part of
the nobility of the realm, the said Beaton with the rest of the
prelates, had the whole regiment[5] of the realm. By reason thereof,
he held and travailed to hold the truth of God in thraldom and
bondage, until it pleased God of His great mercy, in the year of God
1527, to raise up His servant, Master Patrick Hamilton, at whom our
history doth begin. Because men of fame and renown have in divers
works written of his progeny, life, and erudition, we omit all
curious repetition. If any would know further of him than we write,
we send them to Francis Lambert, John Firth, and to that notable
work, lately set forth by John Foxe, Englishman, of the Lives and
Deaths of Martyrs within this Isle, in this our age.

  [5] Rule; control.

[Sidenote: The Coming of Patrick Hamilton.]

This servant of God, the said Master Patrick, being in his youth
provided with reasonable honour and living (he was titular Abbot
of Ferne), as one hating the world and the vanity thereof, left
Scotland, and passed to the schools in Germany; for then the fame of
the University of Wittenberg was greatly divulged in all countries.
There, by God's providence, he became familiar with these lights
and notable servants of Christ Jesus of that time, Martin Luther,
Philip Melanchthon, and the said Francis Lambert, and he did so grow
and advance in godly knowledge, joined with fervency and integrity
of life, that he was in admiration with many. The zeal of God's
glory did so eat him up, that he could of no long continuance remain
abroad, but returned to his country, where the bright beams of the
true light, which by God's grace was planted in his heart, began
most abundantly to burst forth, as well in public as in secret.
Besides his godly knowledge, he was well learned in philosophy. He
abhorred sophistry, and would that the text of Aristotle should
have been better understood and more used in the schools than then
it was: for sophistry had corrupted all, as well in divinity as in
humanity.

[Sidenote: Persecution of Patrick Hamilton.]

In short process of time, the fame of the said Master Patrick's
reasoning and doctrine troubled the clergy, and came to the ears of
Archbishop James Beaton. Being a conjured enemy to Jesus Christ,
and one that long had had the whole regiment of this realm, he bare
impatiently that any trouble should be made in that kingdom of
darkness whereof, within this realm, he was the head. Therefore, he
so travailed with the said Master Patrick, that he got him to St.
Andrews, where, after conference for divers days, he received his
freedom and liberty. The said Archbishop and his bloody butchers,
called Doctors, seemed to approve his doctrine, and to grant that
many things craved reformation in the ecclesiastical regiment.
Amongst the rest, there was one that secretly consented with Master
Patrick almost in all things, Friar Alexander Campbell, a man of
good wit and learning, but corrupted by the world, as after we will
hear. When the bishops and the clergy had fully understood the mind
and judgment of the said Master Patrick, fearing that by him their
kingdom should be damaged, they travailed with the King, who then
was young and altogether at their command, that he should pass in
pilgrimage to St. Duthac in Ross, to the end that no intercession
should be made for the life of the innocent servant of God. He,
suspecting no such cruelty as in their hearts was concluded,
remained still, a lamb among the wolves, until he was intercepted
in his chamber one night, and by the Archbishop's band was carried
to the Castle. There he was kept that night; and in the morning,
produced in judgment, was condemned to die by fire for the testimony
of God's truth. The Articles for which he suffered were but of
pilgrimage, purgatory, prayer to saints and prayer for the dead,
and such trifles; albeit matters of greater importance had been
in question, as his Treatise may witness. That the condemnation
should have greater authority, the Archbishop and his doctors
caused the same to be subscribed by all those of any estimation
that were present, and, to make their number great, they took the
subscriptions of children, if they were of the nobility; for the
Earl of Cassillis, being then but twelve or thirteen years of age,
was compelled to subscribe to Master Patrick's death, as he himself
did confess.

[Sidenote: Martyrdom of Patrick Hamilton.]

Immediately after dinner, the fire was prepared before the old
College, and Master Patrick was led to the place of execution. Men
supposed that all was done but to give him a fright, and to have
caused him to have recanted and become recreant to those bloody
beasts. But God, for His own glory, for the comfort of His servant,
and for manifestation of their beastly tyranny, had otherwise
decreed. He so strengthened His faithful witness that neither the
love of life nor yet the fear of that cruel death could move him
a jot to swerve from the truth once professed. At the place of
execution he gave to his servant, who had been chamber-child[6] to
him for a long time, his gown, coat, bonnet, and such like garments,
saying, "These will not profit in the fire; they will profit thee.
After this, thou canst receive no commodity from me, except the
example of my death. That, I pray thee, bear in mind; for, albeit it
be bitter to the flesh and fearful before men, it is the entrance
unto eternal life, which none shall possess who deny Christ Jesus
before this wicked generation."

  [6] Valet-de-chambre.

The innocent servant of God being bound to the stake in the midst of
some coals, some timber, and other matter appointed for the fire,
a train of powder was made and set afire. This gave a glaise[7] to
the blessed martyr of God, scrimpled[8] his left hand and that side
of his face, but kindled neither the wood nor yet the coals. And so
remained he in torment, until men ran to the Castle again for more
powder, and for wood more able to take fire. When at last this was
kindled, with loud voice he cried, "Lord Jesus, receive my spirit!
How long shall darkness overwhelm this realm? And how long wilt
Thou suffer this tyranny of men?" The fire was slow, and therefore
was his torment the more. But most of all was he grieved by certain
wicked men, amongst whom Campbell the Black Friar (of whom we spoke
before) was principal. These continually cried, "Convert, heretic;
call upon our Lady: say _Salve Regina_," etc. To them he answered,
"Depart, and trouble me not, ye messengers of Satan." But, while the
foresaid Friar still roared one thing with great vehemency, he said
unto him, "Wicked man, thou knowest the contrary, and the contrary
to me thou hast confessed: I appeal thee before the tribunal seat of
Jesus Christ!" After these words, and others that could not well be
understood or marked, both for the tumult and the vehemence of the
fire, the witness of Jesus Christ got victory, after long suffering,
on the last day of February in the year of God 1527. The said Friar
departed this life within few days after, in what estate we refer to
the manifestation of the general day. But it was plainly known that
he died, in Glasgow, in a frenzy, and as one in despair.

  [7] Scorched.

  [8] Shrivelled.

[Sidenote: Questionings arise.]

When these cruel wolves had, as they supposed, clean devoured the
prey, they found themselves in worse case than they were before; for
within St. Andrews, yea, almost within the whole realm, of those who
heard of that deed, there was none found who began not to inquire,
Wherefore was Master Patrick Hamilton burnt? When his Articles were
rehearsed, it was questioned whether such Articles were necessarily
believed under pain of damnation. And so, within short space, many
began to call in doubt that which before they held for a certain
truth, in so much that the University of St. Andrews, and St.
Leonard's College principally, by the labours of Master Gavin Logie,
and the novices of the Abbey, by those of the Sub-Prior, began to
smell somewhat of the truth, and to espy the vanity of the received
superstition. Within a few years, both Black and Grey Friars began
publicly to preach against the pride and idle life of bishops, and
against the abuses of the whole ecclesiastical estate.

[Sidenote: Friar William Arth speaks out.]

Friar William Arth, in a sermon preached in Dundee, spake somewhat
more liberally against the licentious lives of the bishops than
they could well bear. He spake further against the abuse of cursing
and of miracles. The Bishop of Brechin, having his placeboes[9]
and jackmen[10] in the town, buffeted the Friar, and called him
heretic. The Friar, impatient of the injury received, passed to St.
Andrews, and communicated the heads of his sermon to Master John
Major, whose word then was held as an oracle in matters of religion.
Being assured by him that such doctrine might well be defended, and
that he would defend it, for it contained no heresy, there was a day
appointed to the said Friar, to make repetition of the same sermon.
Advertisement was given to all who were offended to be present.
And so, in the parish kirk of St. Andrews, upon the day appointed,
appeared the said Friar, and had amongst his auditors Master John
Major, Master George Lockhart, the Abbot of Cambuskenneth, and
Master Patrick Hepburn, Prior of St. Andrews, with all the Doctors
and Masters of the Universities. The theme of his sermon was, "Truth
is the strongest of all things."

  [9] Parasites; flatterers.

  [10] Armed followers.

[Sidenote: The Abuse of God's Curse.]

Concerning cursing, the Friar said that, if it were rightly used,
it was the most fearful thing upon the face of the earth; for it
was the very separation of man from God; but that it should not be
used rashly, and for every light cause, but only against open and
incorrigible sinners. "But now," said he, "the avarice of priests,
and the ignorance of their office, has caused it altogether to be
vilipended[11]; for the priest, whose duty and office it is to pray
for the people, stands up on Sunday and cries, 'One has lost a
spurtle.[12] There is a flail stolen from those beyond the burn.[13]
The goodwife of the other side of the gate has lost a horn spoon.
God's malison and mine I give to them that know of this gear, and
restore it not.'" The people, he continued, mocked their cursing.
After a sermon that he had made at Dunfermline, where gossips were
drinking their Sunday penny, he, being dry, asked drink. "Yes,
Father," said one of the gossips, "ye shall have drink; but ye must
first resolve a doubt which has arisen amongst us, to wit, What
servant will serve a man best on least expense?" "The good Angel,"
said I, "who is man's keeper, does great service without expense."
"Tush," said the gossip, "we mean not such high matters. We mean,
"What honest man will do greatest service for least expense?" "While
I was musing," said the Friar, "what that should mean," he said, 'I
see, Father, that the greatest clerks are not the wisest men. Know
ye not how the bishops and their officials serve us husbandmen?
Will they not give us a letter of cursing for a plack,[14] to last
for a year, to curse all that look over our <DW18>[15]? That keeps
our corn better than the sleeping boy, who demands three shillings
of fee, a sark,[16] and a pair of shoes in the year. Therefore, if
their cursing do anything, we hold that the bishops are the cheapest
servants, in that behalf, that are within the realm.'"

  [11] Slighted; undervalued.

  [12] Porridge-stick.

  [13] Brook.

  [14] A small copper coin.

  [15] Wall.

  [16] Shirt.

[Sidenote: False Miracles.]

As concerning miracles, the Friar declared what diligence the
ancients took to try true miracles from false. "But now," said he,
"the greediness of priests not only receives false miracles, but
they even cherish and fee knaves on purpose, that their chapels may
be the better renowned, and their offering be augmented. Thereupon
are many chapels founded, as if our Lady were mightier, and as if
she took more pleasure in one place than in another. Of late days
our Lady of Carsegreen has hopped from one green hillock to another!
Honest men of St. Andrews," said he, "if ye love your wives and
your daughters, hold them at home, or else send them in honest
company; for, if ye knew what miracles were kythed[17] there, ye
would neither thank God nor our Lady." And thus he merrily taunted
the trysts of whoredom and adultery used at such devotion. Another
Article in his sermon was judged more hard; for he alleged from the
Common Law that the Civil Magistrate might correct the Churchmen,
and for open vices deprive them of their benefices.

  [17] Showed; practised.

Notwithstanding this kind of preaching, this Friar remained
<DW7> in his heart. The rest of the Friars, fearing to lose the
benediction of the bishops, to wit, their malt and their meal and
their other appointed pension, caused the said Friar to fly to
England, and there, for defence of the Pope and Papistry, he was
cast into prison at King Harry's commandment. But so it pleaseth God
to open up the mouth of Baalam's own ass, to cry out against the
vicious lives of the clergy of the age.

Shortly after this, new consultation was taken that some should be
burnt; for men began to speak very freely. A merry gentleman named
John Lindsay, familiar to Archbishop James Beaton, standing by when
consultation was had, said, "My Lord, if ye burn any more, unless ye
follow my counsel, ye will utterly destroy yourselves. If ye will
burn them, let them be burnt in how[18] cellars; for the reek[19] of
Master Patrick Hamilton has infected as many as it blew upon." But,
so fearful was it then to speak anything against priests, the least
word spoken against them, albeit it was spoken in a man's sleep, was
judged heresy. Richard Carmichael, yet living in Fife, being young
and a singer in the Chapel Royal of Stirling, happened in his sleep
to say, "The Devil take away the priests, for they are a greedy
pack." He was accused by Sir George Clapperton, Dean of the said
Chapel, and was for this compelled to burn his bill.

  [18] Underground.

  [19] Smoke.

[Sidenote: Friar Alexander Seton preaches the Evangel.]

God shortly after raised up stronger champions against the priests.
Alexander Seton, a Black Friar, of good learning and estimation,
began to tax the corrupt doctrine of the Papistry. For the space of
a whole Lent he taught the commandments of God only, ever beating
in the ears of his auditors that the law of God had not been truly
taught for many years, men's traditions having obscured the purity
of it. These were his accustomed propositions. First: Christ Jesus
is the end and perfection of the law. Second: There is no sin where
God's law is not violated. And, third: To satisfy for sin lies
not in man's power, but the remission thereof comes by unfeigned
repentance, and by faith apprehending God the Father, merciful
in Christ Jesus, His Son. While oftentimes this Friar put his
auditors in mind of these and the like heads, and made no mention of
purgatory, pardons, pilgrimage, prayer to saints, or such trifles,
the dumb doctors and the rest of that forsworn rabble began to
suspect him. They said nothing publicly until Lent was ended, and
he had gone to Dundee. Then, in his absence, one hired for that
purpose openly damned the whole doctrine that he had taught. This
coming to the ears of the said Friar Alexander, then in Dundee,
he returned without delay to St. Andrews, caused immediately to
jow[20] the bell, and to give signification that he would preach;
as he did indeed. In this sermon, more plainly than at any other
time, he affirmed whatsoever in all his sermons he had taught during
the whole Lent-tide; adding that within Scotland there was no true
bishop, if bishops were to be known by such notes and virtues as St.
Paul requires in bishops.

  [20] Toll.

[Sidenote: Friar Seton's Apology.]

This delation[21] flew with wings to the Archbishop's ears.
Without further delay, he sent for the said Friar Alexander, and
began grievously to complain and sharply to accuse him for having
spoken so slanderously of the dignity of the bishops, as to say
that "it behoved a bishop to be a preacher, or else he was but a
dumb dog, and fed not the flock, but fed his own belly." The man,
being witty, and minded of his most assured defence, said, "My
Lord, the reporters of such things are manifest liars." Thereat
the Archbishop rejoiced, and said, "Your answer pleases me well:
I never could think that ye would be so foolish as to affirm such
things. Where are these knaves that have brought me this tale?"
These compearing[22] and affirming the same that they did before, he
still replied that they were liars. Witnesses were multiplied, and
men were brought to attention, and then he turned to the Archbishop
and said, "My Lord, ye may see and consider what ears these asses
have, who cannot discern betwixt Paul, Isaiah, Zechariah, Malachi,
and Friar Alexander Seton. In very deed, my Lord, I said that Paul
says, 'It behoveth a bishop to be a teacher.' Isaiah saith, that
'they that feed not the flock are dumb dogs.' And Zechariah saith,
'They are idle pastors.' I of my own head affirmed nothing, but I
declared what the Spirit of God had before pronounced. If ye be not
offended at Him, my Lord, ye cannot justly be offended at me. And
so, yet again, my Lord, I say that they are manifest liars that
reported unto you that I said that ye and others that preach not are
no bishops, but belly gods."

  [21] Accusation.

  [22] Presenting themselves.

[Sidenote: Persecution of Friar Seton.]

Albeit, the Archbishop was highly offended at the scoff and bitter
mock, as well as at the bold liberty of that learned man; yet durst
he not hazard for that present to execute his malice conceived. Not
only feared he the learning and bold spirit of the man, but also the
favour that he had with the people, as well as with the Prince, King
James the Fifth. With him he had good credit; for he was at that
time his confessor, and had exhorted him to the fear of God, to the
meditation of God's law, and to purity of life. The Archbishop, with
his complices, foreseeing what danger might come to their Estate,
if such familiarity should continue betwixt the Prince and a man
so learned and so repugnant to their affections, laboured to make
the said Friar Alexander odious unto the King's Grace. With the
assistance of the Grey Friars, who by their hypocrisy deceived many,
they readily found means to traduce the innocent as a heretic.

This accusation was easily received and more easily believed by the
carnal Prince, who was altogether given to the filthy lusts of the
flesh, and abhorred all counsel repugnant thereto. He did remember
what a terror the admonitions of the said Alexander were unto his
corrupted conscience, and without resistance he subscribed to their
accusation, affirming that he knew more than they did in that
matter; for he understood well enough that he smelled of the new
doctrine, from such things as he had shewn to him under confession.
Therefore, he promised that he should follow the counsel of the
bishops in punishing him and all others of that sect. These things
understood by the said Alexander, as well by information of his
friends and familiars, as by the strange countenance of the King
unto him, he provided the next way to avoid the fury of a blinded
Prince. In his habit, he departed the realm, and, coming to Berwick,
wrote back again to the King's Grace his complaint and admonition....

[Sidenote: Persecution flags.]

After the death of that constant witness of Jesus Christ, Master
Patrick Hamilton, when God disclosed the wickedness of the wicked,
as we have seen, there was one Forrest of Linlithgow taken. After
long imprisonment in the Sea Tower of St. Andrews, this man was
adjudged to the fire by the said Archbishop James Beaton and his
doctors, for none other crime but because he had a New Testament
in English. More of his story we have not, except that he died
constant, and with great patience, at St. Andrews. The flame of
persecution ceased after his death for the space of ten years
or thereby. Not that these bloody beasts ceased by all means to
suppress the light of God, and to trouble such as in any sort
were suspected to abhor their corruption; but because the realm
was troubled with intestine and civil wars. In these, much blood
was shed; first, at Melrose, betwixt the Douglas and Buccleuch,
on the eighteenth day of July, in the year of God 1526; next, at
Linlithgow, betwixt the Hamiltons and the Earl of Lennox, where the
said Earl, with many others, lost his life, on the thirteenth day
of September in the same year; and last, betwixt the King himself
and the said Douglases, whom he banished from the realm, and held in
exile during the rest of his days. By reason of these, and of other
troubles, the bishops and their bloody bands could not find the
time so favourable unto them as they required, for executing their
tyranny.

[Sidenote: The Reformation in England.]

In this mid time, the wisdom of God did provide that Harry the
Eighth, King of England, should abolish from his realm the name
and authority of the Pope of Rome, and suppress the Abbeys and
other places of idolatry. This gave hope, in divers realms, that
some godly reformation should have ensued therefrom. From this
our country, divers learned men, and others that lived in fear of
persecution, did repair to that realm. They found not such purity
as they wished, and some of them sought other countries. But they
escaped the tyranny of merciless men, and were reserved to better
times, that they might fructify within His Church, in divers places
and parts, and in divers vocations. Alexander Seton remained in
England, and publicly, with great praise and comfort of many, taught
the Evangel in all sincerity certain years. Albeit the craftiness of
Winchester, and of others, circumvented the said Alexander, so as to
cause him, at Paul's Cross, to affirm certain things repugnant to
his former true doctrine; there is no doubt but that, as God had
powerfully reigned with him in all his life, in his death, which
shortly after followed, he found the mercy of his God, whereupon he
ever exhorted all men to depend.

[Sidenote: Scots Reformers abroad.]

Alexander Alesius, Master John Fyfe, and that famous man Dr.
Macchabeus,[23] departed unto Germany, where by God's providence
they were distributed to several places. Macdowell, for his
singular prudence, besides his learning and godliness, was elected
burgomaster in one of the Stadts. Alesius was appointed to the
University of Leipsic; and so was Master John Fyfe. There, for their
honest behaviour and great erudition, they were held in admiration
by all the godly. And in what honour, credit, and estimation, Dr.
Macchabeus was with Christian King of Denmark, let Copenhagen and
famous men of divers nations testify. Thus did God provide for His
servants, and frustrate the expectation of these bloody beasts who,
by the death of one in whom the light of God did clearly shine,
intended to have suppressed Christ's truth for ever within this
realm. But the contrary had God decreed; for his death was, as we
have said, the cause of awakening many from the deadly sleep of
ignorance; and so did Jesus Christ, the only true Light, shine
unto many, from the away-taking of one. These notable men, Master
John Fyfe only excepted, did never after comfort this country with
their bodily presence; but God made them fructify in His Church,
and raised them up lights out of darkness, to the praise of His own
mercy, and to the just condemnation of them that then ruled--to wit,
the King, Council, and nobility, yea, the whole people--who suffered
such notable personages, without crimes committed, to be unjustly
persecuted, and so exiled. Others were afterwards treated in the
same manner; but of them we shall speak in their own places.

  [23] Macalpine.

[Sidenote: Persecution revived: 1534.]

As soon as the bishops got the opportunity which they constantly
sought, they renewed the battle against Jesus Christ. In the year of
God 1534, the foresaid leprous Archbishop caused to be summoned Sir
William Kirk, Adam Deas, Henry Cairns, and John Stewart, indwellers
of Leith, with divers others, such as Master William Johnstone,
and Master Henry Henderson, schoolmaster of Edinburgh. Some of
these compeared in the Abbey Kirk of Holyroodhouse and abjured,
and publicly burned their bills: others compeared not, and were
exiled. But two were brought to judgment, to wit, David Stratoun, a
gentleman, and Master Norman Gourlay, a man of reasonable erudition.
Of them we must shortly speak.

[Sidenote: David Stratoun and his Teind Fish.]

In Master Norman appeared knowledge, albeit joined with weakness.
But in David Stratoun there could only be espied, from the first, a
hatred against the pride and avarice of the priests. The cause of
his delation was as follows. He had made himself a fishing boat to
go to sea, and the Bishop of Moray, then being Prior of St. Andrews,
and his factors, urged for the teind thereof. His answer was that,
if they would have teind of that which his servants won in the sea,
it was but reason that they should come and receive it where he
got the stock.[24] So, as was constantly affirmed, he caused his
servants to cast every tenth fish into the sea again. Process of
cursing was led against him, for non-payment of such teinds; and
when he contemned this, he was delated[25] to answer for heresy. It
troubled him vehemently; and he began to frequent the company of
such as were godly; for before he had been a very stubborn man, and
one that despised all reading, chiefly of those things that were
godly. Miraculously, as it were, he appeared to be changed; for he
delighted in nothing but in reading, albeit he himself could not
read, and he became a vehement exhorter of all men to concord, to
quietness, and to the contempt of the world. He frequented much the
company of the Laird of Dun, whom God in those days had marvellously
illuminated.

  [24] The crop from which the teind was drawn.

  [25] Accused.

[Sidenote: The Conversion of Stratoun.]

One day, the present Laird of Lauriston, then a young man, was
reading to him from the New Testament, in a certain quiet spot in
the fields. As God had appointed, he chanced to read these sentences
of our Master, Jesus Christ: "He that denies Me before men, or is
ashamed of Me in the midst of this wicked generation, I will deny
him in the presence of My Father, and before His angels." At these
words he suddenly, being as one ravished, platt[26] himself upon his
knees. After extending both hands and visage fixedly to the heavens
for a reasonable time, he burst forth in these words: "O Lord, I
have been wicked, and justly mayest Thou withdraw Thy grace from
me. But, Lord, for Thy mercy's sake, let me never deny Thee or Thy
truth, from fear of death or corporal pain."

  [26] Threw.

[Sidenote: Martyrdom of Stratoun and Gourlay.]

The issue declared that his prayer was not vain: for when he, with
the foresaid Master Norman, was produced in judgment in the Abbey
of Holyroodhouse, the King himself (all clad in red) being present,
there was great labour to make the said David Stratoun recant, and
burn his bill. But he, ever standing at his defence, alleging that
he had not offended, in the end was adjudged unto the fire. When
he perceived the danger, he asked grace of the King. This would
the King willingly have granted unto him, but the bishops proudly
answered that his hands were bound in that case, and that he had no
grace to give to such as by their law were condemned. And so was
David Stratoun, with the said Master Norman, after dinner, upon the
twenty-seventh day of August, in the year of God 1534, led to a
place beside the Rood of Greenside; and there these two were both
hanged and burned, according to the mercy of the papistical Kirk.

[Sidenote: The True Light spreads: Cardinal David Beaton
notwithstanding.]

This tyranny notwithstanding, the knowledge of God did wondrously
increase within this realm, partly by reading, partly by brotherly
conference, which in those dangerous days was used to the comfort
of many; but chiefly by merchants and mariners, who, frequenting
other countries, heard the true doctrine affirmed, and the vanity of
the papistical religion openly rebuked. Dundee and Leith were the
principal centres of enlightenment, and there David Beaton, cruel
Cardinal, made a very strait inquisition, divers being compelled
to abjure and burn their bills, some in St. Andrews, and some at
Edinburgh. About the same time, Captain John Borthwick was burnt in
effigy, but by God's providence he himself escaped their fury. This
was done for a spectacle and triumph to Mary of Lorraine, lately
arrived from France, as wife of James the Fifth, King of Scots. What
plagues she brought with her, and how they yet continue, may be
manifestly seen by such as are not blind.

[Sidenote: The Reformation in Court and Cloisters.]

The rage of these bloody beasts proceeded so that the King's Court
itself escaped not danger; for in it divers were suspected, and some
were accused. And yet ever did some light burst out in the midst
of darkness; for the truth of Christ Jesus entered even into the
cloisters, as well of Friars, as of Monks and Canons. John Linn,
a Grey Friar, left his hypocritical habit and the den of those
murderers the Grey Friars. A Black Friar, called Friar Kyllour,
set forth the history of Christ's Passion in the form of a play,
which he both preached and practised openly in Stirling, the King
himself being present, upon a Good Friday in the morning. In this,
all things were so lovably expressed that the very simple people
understood, and these confessed that, as the priests and obstinate
Pharisees persuaded the people to refuse Christ Jesus, and caused
Pilate to condemn Him, so did the bishops and men called religious
blind the people, and persuade princes and judges to persecute such
as professed the blessed Evangel of Christ Jesus.

[Sidenote: Friar Kyllour and others go to the Stake: Feby. 1538.]

This plain speaking so inflamed the hearts of all that bare the
beast's mark, that they did not cease their machinations until
the said Friar Kyllour, and with him Friar Beveridge, Sir Duncan
Simson, Robert Forrester, a gentleman, and Dean Thomas Forret,
Canon Regular and Vicar of Dollar, a man of upright life, were all
together cruelly murdered in one fire, on the last day of February,
in the year of God 1538. This cruelty was used by the said Cardinal,
the Chancellor, Archbishop of Glasgow, and the incestuous Bishop of
Dunblane.

[Sidenote: The Trial of Friar Russell and Friar Kennedy.]

After this cruelty was used in Edinburgh, upon the Castle Hill, two
friars were apprehended in the Diocese of Glasgow, to the effect
that the rest of the bishops might show themselves no less fervent
to suppress the light of God than was he of St. Andrews. The one was
Jerome Russell, a Cordelier Friar, a young man of a meek nature,
quick spirit, and good letters. The other was one Kennedy, who was
not more than eighteen years of age, and was of excellent ingyne[27]
in Scottish poesy. To assist the Archbishop of Glasgow in that cruel
judgment, or at least to cause him to dip his hands in the blood
of the saints of God, there were sent Master John Lauder, Master
Andrew Oliphant, and Friar Maltman, sergeants of Satan, apt for
that purpose. The day appointed for their cruelty having come, the
two poor saints of God were presented before these bloody butchers.
Grievous were the crimes that were laid to their charge.

  [27] Ingenuity; genius.

At the first, Kennedy was faint, and gladly would have recanted.
But, when a place of repentance was denied unto him, the Spirit of
God, which is the Spirit of all comfort, began to work in him. The
inward comfort began to burst forth, in visage as well as in tongue
and word; for his countenance began to be cheerful. With a joyful
voice he said, upon his knees, "O Eternal God! how wondrous is that
love and mercy that Thou bearest unto mankind, and unto me the most
caitiff and miserable wretch above all others; for, even now, when I
would have denied Thee, and Thy Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, my only
Saviour, and so have casten myself into everlasting damnation; Thou,
by Thine own hand, hast pulled me from the very bottom of hell, and
makest me to feel that heavenly comfort which takes from me the
ungodly fear wherewith before I was oppressed. Now I defy death; do
what ye please, I praise my God I am ready."

The godly and learned Jerome, railed upon by those godless tyrants,
answered, "This is your hour and that of the power of darkness:
now sit ye as judges; and we stand wrongfully accused, and more
wrongfully to be condemned; but the day shall come, when our
innocency shall appear, and ye shall see your own blindness, to your
everlasting confusion. Go forward, and fulfil the measure of your
iniquity."

When these servants of God thus behaved themselves, there arose a
variance betwixt the Archbishop and the beasts that came from the
Cardinal. The Archbishop said, "I think it better to spare these
men, rather than to put them to death." Thereat the idiot Doctors,
offended, said, "What will ye do, my Lord? Will ye condemn all that
my Lord Cardinal and the other bishops and we have done? If so ye
do, ye show yourself enemy to the Kirk and us, and so we will repute
you, be ye assured." At these words the faithless man, effrayed,[28]
adjudged the innocents to die, according to the desire of the wicked.

  [28] Frightened; afraid.

[Sidenote: The Friars are burned.]

The meek and gentle Jerome Russell comforted the other with many
comfortable sentences, oft saying unto him, "Brother, fear not: more
potent is He that is in us, than is he that is in the world. The
pain that we shall suffer is short, and shall be light; but our joy
and consolation shall never end. Therefore, let us contend to enter
in unto our Master and Saviour, by the strait way which He has trod
before us. Death cannot destroy us; for it is destroyed already by
Him for whose sake we suffer." With these and the like comfortable
sentences, they passed to the place of execution, and constantly
triumphed over death and Satan, even in the midst of the flaming
fire.

[Sidenote: The Bigotry of James V.]

Thus did these cruel beasts intend nothing but murder in all
quarters of this realm. For so far had that blinded and most vicious
man, the Prince,--most vicious, we call him, for he neither spared
man's wife nor maiden, no more after his marriage than he did
before,--so far, we say, had he given himself to obey the tyranny
of those bloody beasts that he had made a solemn vow, that none
should be spared that was suspected of heresy, yea, although it were
his own son. He lacked not flatterers enough to press and push him
forward in his fury. Many of his minions were pensioners to priests;
and among them, Oliver Sinclair, still surviving and an enemy to
God, was the principal.

[Sidenote: God speaks to the King.]

Yet did not God cease to give to that blinded Prince documents[29]
that some sudden plague was to fall upon him, if he did not repent
his wicked life; and that his own mouth did confess. For, after Sir
James Hamilton was beheaded, justly or unjustly we dispute not, this
vision came unto him, as he himself did declare to his familiars.
The said Sir James appeared unto him, having in his hands a drawn
sword. With this he struck both arms from the King, saying to
him, "Take that, until thou receivest a final payment for all thy
impiety." He showed this vision, with sorrowful countenance, on the
morrow; and shortly thereafter his two sons died, both within the
space of twenty-four hours; some say, within the space of six hours.
In his own presence, George Steel, his greatest flatterer, and the
greatest enemy to God that was in his Court, dropped off his horse,
and died without word, on the same day that, in open audience of
many, the said George had refused his portion of Christ's kingdom,
if the prayers of the Virgin Mary should not bring him there.

  [29] Warnings.

Men of good credit can yet report a terrible vision the said Prince
saw, when lying in Linlithgow, on the night that Thomas Scott,
Justice Clerk, died in Edinburgh. Affrighted at midnight, or after,
he cried for torches, and raised all that lay in the Palace. He told
that Thomas Scott was dead; for he had been at him with a company of
devils, and had said unto him these words, "O woe to the day that
ever I knew thee or thy service; for, for serving thee against God,
against His servants, and against justice, I am adjudged to endless
torment." Of the terrible utterances of the said Thomas Scott
before his death, men of all estates heard, and some that yet live
can witness. His words were ever, "_Justo Dei judicio condemnatus
sum_"; that is, I am condemned by God's just judgment. He was most
oppressed for the delation and false accusation of such as professed
Christ's Evangel, as Master Thomas Marjoribanks and Master Hew Rigg,
then advocates, did confess to Mr. Henry Balnaves. These came to
him from the said Thomas Scott, as he and Mr. Thomas Bellenden were
sitting in St. Giles's Kirk, and in the name of the said Thomas
asked his forgiveness.

[Sidenote: George Buchanan: his Arrest and Escape.]

None of these terrible forewarnings could either change or mollify
the heart of the indurate, lecherous, and avaricious tyrant: still
did he proceed from impiety to impiety. In the midst of these
admonitions he caused hands to be put on that notable man, Master
George Buchanan to whom, for his singular erudition and honest
behaviour was committed the charge of instructing some of his
bastard children. But, by the merciful providence of God, Master
George escaped the rage of those that sought his blood, albeit with
great difficulty, and he remains alive to this day, in the year of
God 1566, to the glory of God, to the great honour of his nation,
and unto the comfort of those that delight in letters and virtue.
That singular work of David's Psalms in Latin metre and poesy,
besides many others, can witness the rare grace of God given to the
man whom that tyrant, by instigation of the Grey Friars and of his
other flatterers, would altogether have devoured, if God had not
provided to his servant remedy by escape.

This cruelty and persecution notwithstanding, these monsters and
hypocrites the Grey Friars, day by day, came further into contempt;
for not only did the learned espy their abominable hypocrisy, but
men, in whom no such grace or gifts were thought to have been, began
plainly to paint the same forth to the people....

When God had given unto that indurate Prince sufficient documents
that his rebellion against His blessed Evangel should not
prosperously succeed, He raised war against him, as He did against
obstinate Saul, and in this he miserably perished, as we shall hear.

[Sidenote: The broken Tryst.]

The occasion of the war was this. Harry the Eighth, King of England,
had a great desire to have spoken with our King; and with that
object he travailed long until he got a full promise made to his
ambassador, Lord William Howard. The place of meeting was to be
at York; and the King of England kept the appointment with such
solemnity and preparation as never, for such a purpose, had been
seen in England before. There was great bruit[30] of that journey,
and some preparation was made for it in Scotland: but in the end,
by persuasion of the Cardinal Beaton and others of his faction, the
journey was stayed, and the King's promise was falsified. Thereupon,
sharp letters of reproach were sent unto the King, and also unto
his Council. King Harry frustrated, returned to London; and, after
declaring his indignation, began to fortify with men his frontiers
fornent[31] Scotland. Sir Robert Bowes, the Earl of Angus, and his
brother, Sir George Douglas, were sent to the Borders. Upon what
other trifling questions, as, for example, the Debateable Land
and such like, the war broke out, we omit to write. The principal
occasion was the falsifying of the promise. Our King, perceiving
that the war would rise, asked the prelates and kirkmen what support
they would make to the sustaining of the same; for rather he would
yet satisfy the desire of his uncle than would he hazard war, when
he saw that his forces were not able to resist. The kirkmen promised
mountains of gold, as Satan their father did to Christ Jesus if He
would worship him. They would have gone to hell, rather than that he
should have met with King Harry: for then, thought they, farewell
our kingdom; and, thought the Cardinal, farewell his credit and
glory in France. In the end, they promised fifty thousand crowns
a year, to be well paid, so long as the wars lasted; and further,
that their servants, and others that appertained unto them and were
exempt from common service, should not the less serve in time of
necessity.

  [30] Talk (common).

  [31] Over against.

[Sidenote: War with England: 1542. Halden Rig.]

These vain promises lifted up in pride the heart of the unhappy
king: and so began the war. The realm was quartered, and men were
laid in Jedburgh and Kelso. All men, fools we mean, bragged of
victory; and in very deed the beginning gave us a fair show. For
at the first warden raid, which was made on St. Bartholomew's Day,
in the year of God 1542, the Warden, Sir Robert Bowes, his brother
Richard Bowes, Captain of Norham, Sir William Mowbray, knight, a
bastard son of the Earl of Angus, and James Douglas of Parkhead,
then rebels, with a great number of borderers, soldiers, and
gentlemen, were taken. The Raid was termed Halden Rig. The Earl of
Angus, and Sir George his brother, did narrowly escape. Our <DW7>s
and priests, proud of this victory, encouraged the King. There
was nothing heard but, "All is ours. They are but heretics. If we
be a thousand and they ten thousand, they dare not fight. France
shall enter the one part, and we the other, and so shall England
be conquered within a year." If any man was seen to smile at such
vanity, he was no more than a traitor and a heretic. And yet, by
these means, men had greater liberty than they had before, as
concerning their conscience; for then ceased the persecution.

[Sidenote: Fala Raid.]

The war continued until mid September; and then was sent down the
old Duke of Norfolk, with such an army as for a hundred years before
had not come into Scotland. The English were engaged in amassing
their forces, and setting forward their preparations and munitions,
which were exceeding great, until mid October, and after. Then they
marched from Berwick and tended to the west, ever holding Tweed upon
their one side, and never camping more than a mile from that river
during the whole time they continued in Scotland, which was ten or
twelve days. Day forays were run to Smailholm, Stitchel, and such
places near about, but many snappers[32] they got. They burned some
corn, besides that which the great host consumed, but they carried
away small booty. The King assembled his force at Fala, for he had
information that they had proposed to advance on Edinburgh. Taking
the muster all at one hour, two days before Halloween, there were
found with him eighteen thousand able men. Ten thousand men, with
the Earl of Huntly and Lords Erskine, Seton and Home, were upon the
borders, awaiting the English army. These were adjudged men enough
to hazard battle, albeit the enemy were estimated at forty thousand.

  [32] Stumbles.

[Sidenote: The Lords plot against the Courtiers.]

While the King lay at Fala, waiting for the guns and for information
from the army, the Lords began to remember how the King had been
long abused by his flatterers, and principally by the pensioners
of the priests. It was at once concluded that they would make
some new remembrance of Lauder-bridge, to see if that would for
a season somewhat help the state of the country. But the Lords
amongst themselves could not agree upon the persons that deserved
punishment. Every man favoured his friend, and the whole escaped;
and, besides, the purpose was disclosed to the King, and by him
to the courtiers. After that, until they came to Edinburgh, the
courtiers stood in no little fear; but that was suddenly forgotten,
as we shall hear.

[Sidenote: The English Army retires.]

While time was thus protracted, the English army, for scarcity of
victuals, as was rumoured, retired over Tweed by night, and so began
to skaill.[33] The King, informed of this, desired the Lords and
Barons to assist him to follow them into England. With one consent,
answer was given that they would hazard life and whatsoever they had
to defend his person and the realm; but, as for invading England,
neither had they so just title as they desired, nor could they be
then able to do anything to the hurt of England, considering that
they had now been long absent from their houses, their provisions
were spent, their horses were wearied, and, greatest of all, the
time of year did utterly forbid. This answer seemed to satisfy
the King; for in words he praised their prudent foresight and
wise counsel. But the mint[34] made to his courtiers, and that
bold repulse of his desires given to him in his own face, wounded
his proud heart. Long had he governed as he himself chose, and he
decreed a notable revenge. This, no doubt, he would not have failed
to have executed had not God, by His own hand, cut the cords of
his impiety. He returned to Edinburgh; and the nobility, barons,
gentlemen, and commons dispersed to their own habitations. This was
on the second and third days of November.

  [33] Disperse.

  [34] Threat.

[Sidenote: The Courtiers and Priests plot against the Lords.]

Without delay, at the Palace of Holyroodhouse, a new Council was
convened, a Council, we mean, of the abusers of the King. There
accusation was laid against the most part of the nobility. Some
were heretics, some favourers of England, some friends to the
Douglases, and so could there be none faithful to the King, in
their opinion. The Cardinal and the priests cast <DW19>s in the
fire with all their force. Finding the King wholly given over to
their devotion, they delivered unto him a scroll containing the
names of such as they, in their inquisition, deemed heretics. For
this was the order of justice kept by these holy fathers in damning
innocent men. Whosoever would delate any one of heresy was heard;
no respect or consideration was taken as to what mind the delater
bare to the person delated. Whosoever were produced as witnesses
were admitted, however suspicious and infamous they were. If two or
three had proven any point that by their law was holden heresy, the
delated person was a heretic. There remained no more to be done but
to fix a day for his condemnation, and for the execution of their
corrupt sentence. The world may this day consider what man could
be innocent where such judges were party. True it is that by false
judgment and false witnesses innocents have been oppressed from the
beginning. But never gat the Devil his freedom to shed innocent
blood except in the kingdom of Antichrist, "that the innocent should
die, and neither know accuser nor yet the witnesses that testified
against him." But how shall the Antichrist be known, if he be not
contrarious to God the Father and His Son, Christ Jesus, in law,
life, and doctrine. But this we omit.

[Sidenote: "An Answer worthy of a Prince."]

The Cardinal and prelates had once before presented the same scroll
unto the King, at the time of his return from the circumnavigation
of the Isles. But then it was refused by the prudent and stout
counsel of the Laird of Grange, who opened clearly to the King the
practice[35] of the prelates, and the danger that might ensue.
The King, being out of his passion, was tractable, and after
consideration gave answer in the Palace of Holyroodhouse to the
Cardinal and prelates, when they had uttered their malice and shown
what profit might arise to the crown if he would follow their
counsel. "Pack you, Jesuits; get you to your charges, reform your
own lives, and be not instruments of discord betwixt my nobility and
me; or else, I avow to God, I shall reform you, not by imprisonment,
as the King of Denmark does, nor yet by hanging and heading, as the
King of England does, but I shall reform you by sharp whingers[36]
if ever I hear such motion of you again." The prelates, dashed and
astonished by this answer, had ceased for a season to attempt, by
rigour against the nobility, to pursue their schemes any further.

  [35] Intrigues.

  [36] Hangers (small swords).

[Sidenote: Solway Moss: how it began.]

But now, being informed of all proceedings by their pensioners,
Oliver Sinclair, Ross, Laird of Craigie, and others who were
faithful to them in all things, they concluded to hazard once again
their former suit. This was no sooner proposed than it was accepted,
with no small regret made by the King's own mouth that he had so
long despised their counsel; "For," said he, "now I plainly see
your words to be true. The nobility desire neither my honour nor
continuance; they would not ride a mile for my pleasure to follow
my enemies. Will ye therefore find me the means whereby I may have
a raid made into England, without their knowledge and consent--a
raid that may be known as my own raid--and I shall bind me to your
counsel for ever." There concurred together Ahab and his false
prophets; there were congratulations and clapping of hands; there
were promises of diligence, closeness, and felicity.

Finally, conclusion was taken that the west border of England, which
was most empty of men and garrisons, should be invaded; the King's
own banner should be there; Oliver, the great minion, should be
general lieutenant; but no man should be privy of the enterprise,
except the council that was then present, until the very day and
execution thereof. The Bishops gladly took the charge of that raid.
Letters were sent to such as they would charge to meet the King, on
a day and at a place appointed. The Cardinal was directed to go with
the Earl of Arran to Haddington, to make a show against the east
border, when the others were in readiness to invade the west. And
thus neither counsel, practice, closeness, nor diligence lacked to
set forward that enterprise. And, among these consulters, there was
no doubt of a good success. So was the scroll thankfully received by
the King himself, and put into his own pocket, where it remained to
the day of his death, and then was found. In it were contained the
names of more than a hundred landed men, besides others of meaner
degree. Amongst these, the Lord Hamilton himself, then second person
of the realm, was delated.

It was bruited that this raid was devised by the Lord Maxwell; but
we have no certainty thereof. The night before the day appointed
for the enterprise, the King was found at Lochmaben. To him came
companies from all quarters, as they were appointed, no man knowing
of another. No general proclamation had been made; all had been
summoned by privy letters. Nor did the multitude know anything of
the purpose until after midnight, when the trumpet blew, and all men
were commanded to march forward, and to follow the King, who was
supposed to be with the host. Guides were appointed to conduct them
towards England, and these did so both faithfully and closely.

Upon the point of day, they approached to the enemies' ground; and
passed the water without any great resistance made unto them. The
foray went forward, fires rose, and herschip[37] might have been
seen on every side. The unprepared people were altogether amazed;
for, bright day appearing, they saw an army of ten thousand men, and
their corn and houses upon every side sending flames of fire unto
the heaven. To them it was more than a wonder that such a multitude
could have been assembled and convoyed, without knowledge thereof
coming to their wardens. They looked not for support, and so at the
first they utterly despaired. Yet began they to assemble together,
ten in one company, twenty in another; and, as the fray proceeded,
their troops increased, but to no number; for Carlisle, fearing to
have been assaulted, suffered no man to issue from the gates. Thus
the greatest number that ever appeared or approached before the
discomfiture, did not exceed three or four hundred men; and yet
they made hot skirmishing, for, on their own ground, they were more
expert in such feats.

  [37] Plundering.

About ten o'clock, when fires had been kindled and almost
slokened[38] on every side, Oliver thought it time to show his
glory. Incontinently,[39] the King's banner was displayed; Oliver
was lifted up on spears upon men's shoulders, and there, with sound
of trumpet, he was proclaimed general lieutenant, and all men were
commanded to obey him, as the King's own person, under all highest
pains. The Lord Maxwell, Warden, to whom properly appertained the
regiment, in absence of the King, was present; he heard and saw
all, but thought more than he spake. There were also present the
Earls Glencairn and Cassillis, with the Lord Fleming, and many other
Lords, Barons, and gentlemen of Lothian, Fife, Angus, and Mearns.

  [38] Quenched.

  [39] Forthwith.

[Sidenote: The Rout at Solway Moss.]

In the meantime, the skirmishing grew hotter than it had been
before: shouts were heard on every side. Some Scotsmen were stricken
down; some, not knowing the ground, laired,[40] and lost their
horses. Some English horses were of purpose let loose, to provoke
greedy and imprudent men to prick at them: many did so, but found
no advantage. While disorder arose more and more in the army, men
cried in every ear, "My Lord Lieutenant, what will ye do?" Charge
was given that all men should alight and go to array; for they would
fight it. Others cried, "Against whom will ye fight? Yon men will
fight none otherwise than ye see them do, if ye stand here until the
morn." New purpose was taken that the footmen (they had with them
certain bands of soldiers) should softly retire towards Scotland,
and that the horsemen should take horse again, and follow in order.
Great was the noise and confusion that was heard, while every man
called his own slogan.[41] The day was nearly spent, and that was
the cause of the greatest fear.

  [40] Stuck in the mire.

  [41] Battle-cry.

The Lord Maxwell, perceiving what would be the end of such
beginnings, remained on foot with his friends, and, being admonished
to take horse and provide for himself, answered, "Nay, I will here
abide the chance that it shall please God to send me, rather than go
home, and there be hanged." And so he remained on foot and was taken
prisoner, while the multitude fled, to their greater shame. The
enemy, perceiving the disorder, increased in courage. Before, they
had shouted; but then they struck. They threw spears and dagged[42]
arrows where the companies were thickest. Some rencounters were
made, but nothing availed. The soldiers cast from them their pikes,
culverins, and other weapons of defence; the horsemen left their
spears; and, without judgment, all men fled. The tide was rising,
and the water made great stop; but the fear was such that happy was
he that might get a tacker.[43] Such as passed the water and escaped
that danger, not well acquainted with the ground, fell into the
Solway Moss. The entry to it was pleasing enough, but all that took
that way, either tint[44] their horses or else themselves and horses
both.

  [42] Shot.

  [43] Carrier.

  [44] Lost.

To be short, a greater fear and discomfiture, without cause, has
seldom been seen. It is said that, where the men were not sufficient
to take the hands of prisoners, some ran to houses and surrendered
themselves to women. Stout Oliver was taken, without stroke,
fleeing manfully; and so was his glory (stinking and foolish pride
we should call it) suddenly turned to confusion and shame. In that
discomfiture were taken the two Earls foresaid, the Lords Fleming
and Somerville, and many other barons and gentlemen, besides the
great multitude of servants.

Worldly men may think that all this came but by misorder and
fortune, as they term it; but whosoever has the least spunk[45] of
the knowledge of God, may as evidently see the work of His hand in
this discomfiture, as ever was seen in any of the battles left to
us on record by the Holy Ghost. For what more evident declaration
have we that God fought against Benhadad, King of Aram, when he was
discomfited at Samaria, than that which we have that God fought
with His own arm against Scotland? In the former discomfiture, two
hundred and thirty persons in the skirmish, with seven thousand
following them in the great battle, did put to flight the said
Benhadad, with thirty kings in his company. But here, in this
shameful discomfiture of Scotland, very few more than three hundred
men, without knowledge of any back or battle to follow, did put to
flight ten thousand men without resistance made. There did every
man rencounter his marrow,[46] until the two hundred slew such as
matched them. Here, without slaughter, the multitude fled. There
those of Samaria had the prophet of God to comfort, to instruct,
and to promise victory unto them. England, in that pursuit, had
nothing. But God by His providence secretly wrought in these men
that knew nothing of His working, nor yet of the causes thereof; no
more than did the wall that fell upon the rest of Benhadad's army
know what it did. Therefore, yet again we say that such as behold
not in that sudden dejection the hand of God, fighting against pride
for the freedom of His own little flock, unjustly persecuted, do
willingly and maliciously obscure the glory of God. But the end was
yet more notable.

  [45] Spark.

  [46] Match.

[Sidenote: The Blow falls on the King.]

The King waited upon news at Lochmaben, and when the certain
knowledge of the discomfiture came to his ears he was stricken with
a sudden fear and astonishment, so that scarcely could he speak,
or hold purposed converse with any man. The night constrained him
to remain where he was, and so he went to bed; but he rose without
rest or quiet sleep. His continual complaint was, "Oh, fled Oliver!
Is Oliver ta'en? Oh, fled Oliver!" These words in his melancholy,
and as if he were carried away in a trance, he repeated from time
to time, to the very hour of his death. Upon the morn, which was
St. Katherine's Day, he returned to Edinburgh, as did the Cardinal
from Haddington. But the one being ashamed of the other, the bruit
of their communication came not to the ears of the public. The
King made inventory of his poise,[47] and of all his jewels and
other substance; and departed to Fife. Coming to Hallyards, he was
humanely received by the Lady Grange, an ancient and godly matron:
the Laird was absent. There were in his company only William
Kirkaldy, now Laird of Grange, and some others that waited upon
his chamber. At supper, the lady, perceiving him pensive, began to
comfort him, and urged him to take the work of God in good part. "My
portion of this world is short," he replied, "for I will not be with
you fifteen days." His servants, repairing unto him, asked where
he would have provision made for Yuletide, which then approached.
He answered with a disdainful smirk, "I cannot tell: choose ye the
place. But this I can tell you, ye will be masterless before Yule
day, and the realm without a King." Because of his displeasure,
no man durst make contradiction unto him. After he had visited the
Castle of Carny, pertaining to the Earl of Crawford, where was the
said Earl's daughter, one of his paramours, he returned to Falkland
and took to bed. No sign of death appeared about him, but he
constantly affirmed that, before such a day, he would be dead.

  [47] Secret hoard of money.

[Sidenote: The Birth of Mary Stuart.]

In the meantime the Queen was upon the point of her delivery in
Linlithgow, and on the eighth day of December, in the year of God
1542, was delivered of Mary, that then was born, and now does reign
for a plague to this realm, as the progress of her whole life to
this day hath declared. The certainty that a daughter was born unto
him coming to his ears, the King turned from such as spake with him,
and said, "The devil go with it! It will end as it began: it came
from a woman; and it will end in a woman." After that, he spake not
many words that were sensible. But ever he harped upon his old song,
"Fie, fled Oliver! Is Oliver ta'en? All is lost."

[Sidenote: The Death of James V.]

In the meantime came the Cardinal, in the King's great extremity,
an apt comforter for a desperate man. He cried in his ear, "Take
order, Sire, with your realm: who shall rule during the minority
of your daughter? Ye have known my service, what will ye have
done? Shall there not be four regents chosen, and shall not I be
principal of them?" Whatsoever the King answered, documents were
taken that things should be as my Lord Cardinal thought expedient.
As many affirm, a dead man's hand was made to subscribe a blank,
that they might write above the signature what pleased them best.
This finished, the Cardinal posted to the Queen. At the first sight
of the Cardinal, she said, "Welcome, my Lord. Is not the King
dead?" Divers men are of divers opinions as to what moved her so to
conjecture. Many whisper that of old his part was in the pot, and
that the suspicion thereof caused him to be inhibited the Queen's
company. Howsoever it may have been before, it is plain that, after
the King's death, and during the Cardinal's life, whosoever might
guide the Court, he got his secret business sped by that gracious
lady, either by day or by night. Whether the tidings liked her or
not, she mended with as great expedition of that daughter as ever
she did before of any son she bare. The time of her purification was
accomplished sooner than the Levitical law appoints: but she was no
Jewess, and therefore in that she offended not.

King James departed this life on the thirteenth day of December, in
the year of God 1542, and on news thereof the hearts of men began
to be disclosed. All men lamented that the realm was left without a
male to succeed; yet some rejoiced that such an enemy to God's truth
was taken away. By some he was called a good poor-man's king; by
others he was termed a murderer of the nobility, and one that had
decreed their utter destruction. Some praised him for suppressing
theft and oppression; others dispraised him for the defiling of
men's wives and of virgins. Men spake as affection led them. And yet
none spake altogether beside the truth; for all these things were in
part so manifest that, as the virtues could not be denied, so could
not the vices be cloaked by any craft.

[Sidenote: The Cardinal claims the Regency.]

Throughout this realm the question of government was universally
moved. The Cardinal proclaimed the King's last will. Therein were
nominated four Protectors or Regents, of whom he himself was the
first and principal, with him being joined the Earls Huntly,
Argyll, and Moray. This was done on the Monday at the Market Cross
of Edinburgh. But on the Monday following the whole Regents had
remission from their usurpation. By the stout and wise counsel of
the Laird of Grange, the Earl of Arran, then second person to the
Crown, caused assemble the nobility of the realm, and required the
equity of their judgment in his just suit to be governor of this
realm during the minority of her to whom he would succeed, in the
event of her death without lawful succession. His friends convened,
the nobility assembled, and the day of decision was appointed. The
Cardinal and his faction opposed themselves to the government of one
man, and especially to the regiment of any called Hamilton: "For
who knows not," said the Cardinal, "that the Hamiltons are cruel
murderers, oppressors of innocence, proud, avaricious, double, and
false; and, finally, the pestilence in this commonwealth." Thereto
the said Earl answered, "Defraud me not of my right, and call me
what ye please. Whatsoever my friends have been, unto this day no
man has had cause to complain upon me, nor am I minded to flatter
any of my friends in their evil doing. By God's grace I shall be
as forward to correct their enormities as any within the realm can
reasonably require of me. And therefore, yet again, my Lords, in
God's name I crave that ye do me no wrong, nor defraud me of my just
title, before ye have experience of my government." At these words,
all that feared God or loved honesty were so moved that with one
voice they cried, "That petition is most just, and unless we would
act against God, justice, and equity, it cannot be denied."

[Sidenote: The Earl of Arran is proclaimed Regent.]

In despite of the Cardinal and his suborned faction, the Earl
of Arran was declared Governor, and with public proclamation so
announced to the people. The King's Palace, treasure, jewels,
garments, horse, and plate were delivered unto him by the officers
that had the former charge; and he was honoured, feared, and obeyed
more heartily than ever any king was before, so long as he abode
in God. Great favour was borne unto him, because it was bruited
that he favoured God's Word; and because it was well known that he
was one appointed to have been persecuted, as the scroll, found in
the King's pocket after his death, did witness. These two things,
together with an opinion that men had of his simplicity, did, in
the beginning, bow unto him the hearts of many who afterwards, with
dolour of heart, were compelled to change their opinions. We omit a
variety of matters, such as the order taken for keeping the young
Queen; the provision for the mother; and the home-calling of the
Douglases. These appertain to a universal history of the time. We
seek only to follow the progress of religion, and of the matters
that cannot be dissevered from the same.

[Sidenote: Thomas Williams and John Rough preach, in despite of the
Friars.]

The Governor being established in government, godly men repaired
unto him, and exhorted him to call to mind for what end God had
exalted him; out of what danger He had delivered him; and what
expectation all men of honesty had of him. At their suit, more than
of his own motion, Thomas Williams, a Black Friar, was called to be
preacher. The man was of solid judgment, reasonable letters for that
age, and of a prompt and good utterance: his doctrine was wholesome,
without great vehemence against superstition. John Rough, who after,
for the truth of Christ Jesus, suffered in England, in the days of
Mary of cursed memory, preached also sometimes, not so learnedly,
yet more simply, and more vehemently against all impiety. The
doctrine of these two provoked against them and against the Governor
the hatred of all that favoured darkness more than light, and their
own bellies more than God. These slaves of Satan, the Grey Friars
(and amongst the rest Friar Scott, who before had given himself
forth for the greatest professor of Christ Jesus within Scotland,
and under that colour had disclosed and so endangered many) croaked
like ravens, yea, rather they yelled and roared like devils in hell,
"Heresy! heresy! Williams and Rough will carry the Governor to the
devil."

[Sidenote: Edinburgh drowned in Superstition.]

The town of Edinburgh was, for the most part, drowned in
superstition: Edward Hope, young William Adamson, Sibella Lindsay,
Patrick Lindsay, Francis Aikman; and in the Canongate, John Mackay,
Ryngzean Brown, with a few others, had the bruit[48] of knowledge
in those days. One Wilson, servant to the Bishop of Dunkeld, who
neither knew the New Testament nor the Old, made a despiteful
railing ballad against the preachers and against the Governor, and
for this he narrowly escaped hanging. The Cardinal moved both heaven
and hell to trouble the Governor and to stay the preaching; but the
battle was stoutly fought for a season. He was taken prisoner, and
was confined first in Dalkeith, and after that in Seton. But, in the
end, by means of bribes given to Lord Seton and to the old Laird of
Lethington, he was restored to St. Andrews. Thence he wrought all
mischief, as we shall afterwards hear.

  [48] Repute.

[Sidenote: Liberty to read the Scriptures is demanded.]

At the approach of Parliament before Easter, there began to be
question of abolishing certain tyrannical acts, formerly made at
the instance of the prelates, for maintaining of their kingdom of
darkness; to wit, the Act "that under pain of heresy, no man should
read any part of the Scriptures in the English tongue, nor yet any
tractate or exposition of any place of Scripture." Such articles
began to come into question, we say, and men began to inquire if it
was not as lawful to men that understood no Latin to use the Word of
their salvation in the tongue they understood, as it was for Latin
men to have it in Latin, and for Greeks or Hebrews to have it in
their tongues. It was answered that the first Kirk had forbidden
all tongues but these three. But men demanded when that inhibition
was given; and what Council had ordained that, considering that
Chrysostom complained that the people used not the Psalms, and
other holy books, in their own tongues? If it be said that these
were Greeks, and understood the Greek tongue, we answer that Christ
Jesus commanded His Word to be preached to all nations. Now, if it
ought to be preached to all nations, it must be preached in the
tongue they understand. If it be lawful to preach it and to hear it
preached in all tongues, why should it not be lawful to read it, and
to hear it read in all tongues, to the end that the people may try
the spirits, according to the commandment of the Apostle.

Beaten with these and other reasons, it was admitted that the Word
might be read in the vulgar tongue, provided that the translation
were true. It was demanded, what could be reprehended in the
translation used? Much searching was made, but nothing could be
found, except that "love," said they, was put in the place of
"charity." When they were asked what difference was betwixt the
one and the other, and whether they understood the nature of the
Greek term _Agape_, they were dumb. The Lord Ruthven, father to
him that prudently gave counsel to take just punishment upon that
knave Davie,[49] a stout and discreet man in the cause of God, and
Mr. Henry Balnaves, an old professor, reasoned for the party of the
seculars. For the Clergy, Hay, Dean of Restalrig, and certain old
bosses[50] with him.

  [49] David Rizzio.

  [50] Worthless characters.

[Sidenote: An open Bible is secured.]

The conclusion was that the Commissioners of Burghs and a part of
the nobility required of the Parliament that it might be enacted,
"That it should be lawful to every man to use the benefit of the
translation which then they had of the Bible and New Testament,
together with the benefit of other tracts containing wholesome
doctrine, until such time as the prelates and kirkmen should give
and set forth unto them a translation more correct." The clergy
hereto long repugned; but, in the end, convicted by reason and
by multitude of contrary votes, they also acquiesced. So, by Act
of Parliament, it was made free to all men and women to read the
Scriptures in their own tongue, or in the English tongue; and all
Acts of contrary effect were abolished.

[Sidenote: The Bible becomes fashionable.]

This was no small victory of Christ Jesus, fighting against the
conjured enemies of His truth; no small comfort to such as before
were so holden in bondage that they durst not have read the Lord's
Prayer, the Ten Commandments, or the Articles of their faith in the
English tongue, without being accused of heresy. Then might have
been seen the Bible lying upon almost every gentleman's table. The
New Testament was borne about in many men's hands. We grant that
some, alas! profaned that blessed Word; for some that, perchance,
had never read ten sentences in it had it most commonly in their
hands. They would chop their familiars on the cheek with it, and
say, "This has lain hid under my bed-foot these ten years." Others
would glory, "Oh! how often have I been in danger for this book.
How secretly have I stolen from my wife at midnight to read upon
it." Many did this to make court; for all men esteemed the Governor
the most fervent Protestant in Europe. Albeit many abused that
liberty granted by God miraculously, the knowledge of God wondrously
increased, and God gave His Holy Spirit to simple men in great
abundance. Then were set forth works in our own tongue, besides
those that came from England, disclosing the pride, the craft, the
tyranny, and the abuses of that Roman Antichrist.

[Sidenote: King Harry suggests the Betrothal of Queen Mary to Prince
Edward.]

The fame of our Governor was spread in divers countries, and many
praised God for him. King Harry sent unto him his Ambassador, Mr.
Sadler, and he lay in Edinburgh a great part of the summer. His
commission and negotiation was to contract a perpetual amity betwixt
England and Scotland. God seemed to have offered the occasion, and
to many men it appeared that from heaven He had declared His good
pleasure in that proposal. For, to King Harry, Jane Seymour (after
the death of Queen Katherine, and of all others that might have made
his marriage suspect) had borne a son, Edward the Sixth of blessed
memory, older some years than our Mistress, and unto us was left
a Queen. This wonderful providence of God caused men of greatest
judgment to enter into disputation with themselves, whether, with
good conscience, any man might repugn to the desires of the King of
England, considering that thereby all occasion of war might be cut
off, and great commodity might ensue to his realm. The offers of
King Harry were so large and his demands were so reasonable that all
that loved quietness were content therewith. There were sent from
the Parliament to King Harry, in commission, Sir William Hamilton,
Sir James Learmonth, and Mr. Henry Balnaves. These remained long in
England, and so travailed that all things concerning the marriage
betwixt Edward the Sixth and Mary Queen of Scots were agreed upon,
except the time of her deliverance to the custody of Englishmen.

[Sidenote: The Contract of Marriage is adjusted and ratified.]

For the final conclusion of this head, William, Earl of Glencairn,
and Sir George Douglas, were added to the former commissioners,
and to them were given ample commission and good instructions. Mr.
Sadler remained in Scotland. Communications passed frequently, yea,
the hands of our Lords were liberally anointed. Other commodities
were promised, and by some received; for divers persons taken at
Solway Moss were sent home, ransom free, upon promise of their
fidelity,--how this was kept, the issue will witness. In the end,
all were well content (the Cardinal, the Queen, and the faction of
France ever excepted), and solemnly, in the Abbey of Holyroodhouse,
the contract of marriage betwixt the persons foresaid, together
with all the clauses and conditions requisite for the faithful
observation thereof, was read in public audience, subscribed,
sealed, approved, and allowed by the Governor for his part, and the
Nobility and Lords for their part. That nothing should lack that
might fortify the matter, Christ's sacred body, as <DW7>s term it,
was broken betwixt the said Governor and Master Sadler, Ambassador,
and received by them both as a sign and token of the unity of their
minds, inviolably to keep that contract, in all points, as they
looked to Christ Jesus to be saved, and to be reputed men worthy of
credit before the world in after time.

[Sidenote: The <DW7>s refuse to acknowledge the Contract.]

The <DW7>s raged against the Governor and against the Lords that
consented, and abode sweir[51] at the contract. They made a brag
that they would depose the Governor, and confound all. Without
delay, they raised their forces and came to Linlithgow, where the
young Queen was kept. But, upon the return of the Ambassadors from
England, pacification was made for that time. By the judgment of
eight persons for either party, chosen to judge whether anything
had been done by the Ambassadors, in contracting that marriage, for
which they had not sufficient power from the Council and Parliament,
it was found that all things had been done by them according to
their commission, and that these should stand. So the Seals of
England and Scotland were interchanged. Master James Foulis, then
Clerk of Register, received the Great Seal of England; and Master
Sadler received the Great Seal of Scotland. The heads of the
contract we pass by.

  [51] Unwilling.

As soon as these things were ratified, the merchants made frack[52]
to sail, and to resume the traffic which had for some years been
hindered by the trouble of wars. From Edinburgh were freighted
twelve ships richly laden with the wares of Scotland. From other
towns and ports departed others. All arrived in Yarmouth; and
entered not only within roads, but also within ports and places
where ships might be arrested. Because of the lately contracted
amity and the gentle entertainment that they received at first, they
made no great expedition. Being, as they supposed, in security, they
spent the time in merriness, abiding upon the wind.

  [52] Made bustling preparation.

[Sidenote: The <DW7>s turn the Tables.]

In the meantime there arrived from France to Scotland the Abbot
of Paisley, called bastard brother to the Governor, but by many
esteemed son to Crichton, the old Bishop of Dunkeld, and with him
Master David Panter, afterwards Bishop of Ross. The bruit of the
learning and honest life of these two, and of their fervency and
uprightness in religion, was such that there was great hope that
their presence should have been comfortable to the Kirk of God. It
was constantly affirmed that, without delay, the one and the other
would occupy the pulpit, and truly preach Jesus Christ. Few days
disclosed their hypocrisy. What terrors, what promises, or what
enchanting boxes they brought from France, the common people knew
not, but shortly after it was seen that Friar Williams was inhibited
from preaching, and so departed to England. John Rough retired to
Kyle, a receptacle of God's servants of old.

The men of counsel, judgment, and godliness that had travailed to
promote the Governor, and that gave him faithful counsel in all
doubtful matters, were either craftily conveyed from him, or else,
by threats of hanging, were compelled to leave him. Of the former
number were the Laird of Grange, Master Henry Balnaves, Master
Thomas Bellenden, and Sir David Lyndsay of the Mount; men by whose
labours the Governor was promoted to honour, and by whose counsel he
so used himself at the beginning that the obedience given to him was
nothing inferior to that possessed by any king of Scotland for many
years before. Yea, it did surmount the common obedience, in that
it proceeded from love of those virtues that were supposed to have
been in him. Of the number of those that were threatened were Master
Michael Durham, Master David Borthwick, David Forrest, and David
Bothwell. These had counselled the Governor to have in his company
God-fearing men, and not to foster wicked men in their iniquity,
albeit they were called his friends and were of his surname.
When this counsel came to the ears of the foresaid Abbot and the
Hamiltons, who then repaired to the Court as ravens to the carrion,
it was said in plain words, "My Lord Governor and his friends will
never be in quietness, until a dozen of these knaves that abuse his
Grace be hanged."

These words were spoken in his own presence, and in the presence
of some of them that had better deserved than so to have been
entreated. The speaker was allowed his bold and plain speaking, and
the wicked counsel being tolerated, honest and godly men left the
Court and the Governor in the hands of such as led him so far from
God that he falsified his promise, dipped his hands in the blood of
the saints of God, and brought this commonwealth to the very point
of utter ruin. These were the first-fruits of the godliness and
learning of the Abbot of Paisley: hereafter we will hear more.

[Sidenote: The Abbot and the Cardinal next threaten the Regent.]

All honest and godly men once banished from the Court, the Abbot and
his council began to lay before the inconstant Governor the dangers
that might ensue the alteration and change of religion; the power
of the King of France; and the commodity that might come to him and
his house by retaining the ancient league with France. He was also
called on to consider the great danger that he brought upon himself
if, in any jot, he suffered the authority of the Pope to be violated
or called in question within this realm; for thereon alone stood the
security of his right to the succession of the Crown of this realm.
By God's Word, the divorcement of his father from Elizabeth Home,
his first wife, would not be found lawful, his second marriage would
be judged null, and he himself declared bastard. Caiaphas spake
prophecy, and wist not what he spake; for at that time there were
no men that truly feared God that minded any such thing. With their
whole force they would have fortified the title that God had given
unto him, and things done in time of darkness would never have been
called in question.

Another practice was used. The Cardinal, being now at liberty,
ceased not to traffic with such of the nobility as he might draw
to his faction or corrupt by any means, seeking thereby to raise a
party against the said Governor, and against such as stood fast for
the contract of marriage and peace with England. The said Cardinal,
the Earls Argyll, Huntly, and Bothwell, and the bishops and their
bands, assembled at Linlithgow: thereafter they passed to Stirling,
and took with them both the Queens, the mother and the daughter, and
threatened the deposition of the said Governor, as inobedient to
their Holy Mother the Kirk, as they term the harlot of Babylon, Rome.

[Sidenote: The Regent breaks Faith with England, and receives
Absolution.]

The inconstant man, not thoroughly grounded upon God, was left
destitute of all good counsel by his own default, and had the
wicked ever blowing in his ears, "What will ye do! Ye will destroy
yourself and your house for ever." Beaten with these temptations,
the unhappy man surrendered himself to the appetites of the wicked.
Quietly stealing away from the Lords that were with him in the
Palace of Holyroodhouse, he passed to Stirling, subjected himself
to the Cardinal and to his council, received absolution, renounced
the profession of the holy Evangel of Christ Jesus, and violated the
oath that he had made for observation of the contract and league
with England.

[Sidenote: King Harry remonstrates without avail.]

At that time our Queen was crowned, and new promise was made to
France. The certainty hereof coming to King Harry, our Scottish
ships were stayed, the sails taken from their rays,[53] and
the merchants and mariners were commanded to sure custody. New
commission was sent to Master Sadler, who still remained in
Scotland, to demand the reason for that sudden alteration, and to
travail by all means possible that the Governor might be called back
to his former godly purpose, and that he would not do so foolishly
and inhonestly, yea so cruelly and unmercifully, to the realm of
Scotland. He was assured that he would not only lose the commodities
offered and presently to be received, but that he would also expose
Scotland to the hazard of fire and sword, and other inconveniences
that might arise from the war that would follow upon the violation
of his faith: but nothing could avail. The Devil kept fast the grip
that he had got, yea, even all the days of his government. The
Cardinal got his eldest son in pledge, and kept him in the Castle of
St. Andrews until the day that God punished his pride.

  [53] Yards.

[Sidenote: War is declared by King Harry.]

King Harry, perceiving that all hope of the Governor's repentance
was lost, called back his ambassador, and that with fearful
threatenings, as Edinburgh afterwards felt. He proclaimed war, made
our ships prizes, and our merchants and mariners lawful prisoners,
and this alone was no small hardship to the burghs of Scotland.
But the Cardinal and priests did laugh, and jestingly said, "When
we shall conquer England, the merchants shall be recompensed." The
summer and the harvest passed over without any notable thing. The
Cardinal and Abbot of Paisley parted the prey betwixt them: the
abused Governor bare the name only.

[Sidenote: The revolt of the Earl of Lennox.]

In the beginning of the winter the Earl of Lennox came to Scotland,
sent from France in hatred of the Governor, whom the King, by the
Cardinal's advice, promised to pronounce bastard, and so make the
said Earl Governor. The Cardinal further put the Earl in vain hope
that the Queen Dowager would marry him. He brought with him some
money, and more he afterwards received from the hands of La Broche.
But, at length, perceiving himself frustrated of all expectation
that he had either from the King of France, or yet from the promise
of the Cardinal, he concluded to seek the favour of England, and
began to draw a faction against the Governor.

In hatred of the other's inconstancy, many favoured him in the
beginning. At Yule there assembled in the town of Ayr, the Earls of
Angus, Glencairn, and Cassillis, the Lords Maxwell and Somerville,
the Laird of Drumlanrig, and the Sheriff of Ayr, with all the force
that they and the Lords that remained constant to England might
make. After Yule they came to Leith. The Governor and Cardinal,
with their forces, kept Edinburgh, for they were slackly pursued.
Men excused the Earl of Lennox in this matter, and laid the blame
upon some that had no good will towards the regiment of the Stuarts.
However it was, the said Earl of Lennox was disappointed of his
purpose, and narrowly escaped; and first got himself to Glasgow, and
after that to Dumbarton. Sir George Douglas was delivered to be kept
as pledge. The Earl his brother was taken at the siege of Glasgow in
the following Lent. It was bruited that both the brethren and others
with them would have lost their heads if, by the providence of God,
the English army had not arrived sooner.

[Sidenote: Cardinal Beaton stirs up Strife betwixt his Enemies.]

After the Cardinal had got the Governor wholly under his control,
and had obtained his desires concerning a part of his enemies,
he began to practise that such as he feared and therefore hated
should be set by the ears, one against another. In that, thought
the carnal man, stood his greatest security. The Lord Ruthven he
hated, by reason of his knowledge of God's Word: the Lord Gray
he feared, because at that time he sought the company of such as
professed godliness, and bare small favour to the Cardinal. Now the
worldly-wise man reasoned thus: "If I can put enmity betwixt those
two, I shall be quit of a great number of unfriends; for the most
part of the country will either assist the one or the other; and,
otherwise occupied, they will not watch for my displeasure." Without
long process, he found the necessary means; for he laboured with
John Charteris, a man of stout courage and many friends, to accept
the provostship of Perth, which he purchased[54] to him by donation
of the Governor, with a charge to the said town to obey him as their
lawful provost. Thereat, not only the said Lord Ruthven, but also
the town was offended. These gave a negative answer, alleging that
such intrusion of men into office was hurtful to their privilege and
freedom. This granted unto them free election of their provost from
year to year, at a certain time appointed, and this they could not
or would not prevent.[55]

  [54] Procured.

  [55] Anticipate.

The said John, offended hereat, said that he would occupy that
office by force, if they would not give it unto him of benevolence;
and so departed, and communicated the matter with the Lord Gray,
with Norman Leslie, and with other friends. These he easily
persuaded to assist him in that pursuit, because he appeared to
have the Governor's right, and had not only a charge to the town,
but also had purchased letters empowering him to besiege it and
to take it by strong hand, if any resistance were made unto him.
These letters made many favour his action. The other party made
for defence, and the Master of Ruthven (the Lord that afterwards
departed to England) undertook the maintenance of the town, having
in his company the Laird of Moncrieffe, and other neighbouring
friends.

[Sidenote: The Fight for the Provostship of Perth.]

The said John made frack for the pursuit; and upon the Magdalene's
day, in the morning, anno 1543, approached with his forces, the Lord
Gray taking upon him the principal charge. Norman Leslie, with his
friends, should have come by ship, with munition and ordnance, and
they were in readiness. But because the tide served not soon, the
other, thinking himself of sufficient force for all that were in
the town, entered by the bridge. They found no resistance until the
foremost were well within the Fish Gate, when the Master of Ruthven,
with his company, stoutly rencountered them, and so rudely repulsed
them that such as were behind gave back. The place of the retreat
was so strait, that men durst not fight, and could not flee at
their pleasure, for Lord Gray and his friends were upon the bridge.
The slaughter was great; for there fell by the edge of the sword
threescore men. The Cardinal had rather that the unhap had fallen on
the other side; but, howsoever it was, he thought that such trouble
was for his comfort and advantage. The knowledge of this came unto
the ears of the party that had received the discomfiture, and was
unto them no small grief. Many of them had entered into that action
for his pleasure, and thought they should have had his fortification
and assistance. Finding themselves frustrated, they began to look
more narrowly to themselves, and did not so much attend upon the
Cardinal's devotion, as they had been wont to do. Thus was a new
jealousy engendered amongst them; for whosoever would not play to
him the good valet was reputed amongst his enemies.

[Sidenote: Treachery of the Cardinal.]

The Cardinal drew the Governor to Dundee; for he understood that the
Earl of Rothes and Master Henry Balnaves were with the Lord Gray in
the Castle of Huntly. The Governor sent command to the said Earl and
Lord, with the foresaid Master Henry, to come unto him to Dundee,
and appointed the next day, at ten o'clock forenoon. This hour they
decreed to keep; and for that purpose assembled their folks at
Balgavie. They were more than three hundred men, and the Cardinal,
informed of their number, thought it not good that they should join
with the town, for he feared his own estate; and so he persuaded
the Governor to pass forth from Dundee before nine o'clock, and to
take the straight road to Perth. The Lords, perceiving this, began
to fear that they were come to pursue them, and so put themselves in
order and array, and marched forward of purpose to have bidden[56]
the uttermost.

  [56] Abode.

The crafty fox, foreseeing that his security stood not in fighting,
ran to his last refuge, that is, to manifest treason; and
consultation was taken as to how the force of the others might be
broken. And at the first, the Laird of Grange and the Provost of St.
Andrews, knowing nothing of treason, were sent to ask, "Why they
molested my Lord Governor in his journey?" Thereto they answered
that "nothing was less their intention; for they had come at his
Grace's commandment, to keep the hour in Dundee appointed by him.
When they saw this prevented, and knew the Cardinal to be their
unfriend, they could not but suspect their coming forth of the town
contrary to previous arrangement. They had therefore put themselves
in order, not to invade, but to defend in case they were invaded."
This answer being reported, there was sent to them the Archbishop
of St. Andrews, Master David Panter, and the Lairds of Buccleuch
and Coldinknowes, to desire certain of the other company to talk
with them. This was easily obtained, for they suspected no treason.
After long communication, it was demanded whether the Earl and Lord
and Master Henry foresaid would not be content to talk with the
Governor, provided that the Cardinal and his company were off the
ground? They answered that the Governor might command them in all
things lawful, but that they had no will to be at the Cardinal's
mercy. Fair enough promises were made for their security. Then the
Cardinal and his band were commanded to depart; and, according to
the purpose taken, he did so.

The Governor remained, and another with him; and, without company,
the said Earl, Lord, and Master Henry came to him. After many fair
words given unto them all, protesting that he would have them agreed
with the Cardinal, and that he would have Master Henry Balnaves the
worker and instrument thereof, he drew them forward with him towards
Perth, whither the Cardinal had ridden. When it was too late, they
began to suspect, and desired to have returned to their folk. But it
was answered, "They should send back from the town, but they must
needs go forward with my Lord Governor." And so, partly by flattery
and partly by force, they were compelled to obey. As soon as ever
they were within the town they were apprehended, and upon the morn
all three were sent to Black Ness. There they remained so long as
it pleased the Cardinal's graceless Grace, and that was until bond
of manrent[57] and of service set some of them at liberty. Thus the
Cardinal with his craft prevailed on every side; so that the Scots
proverb was true in him, "So long runs the fox, as he foot has."

  [57] Vassalage.

[Sidenote: The Persecution at Perth.]

We cannot affirm whether it was on this journey, or at another date,
that that bloody butcher executed his cruelty upon the innocent
persons in Perth. Indeed, we do not study to be curious; we travail
to express the actual facts, rather than scrupulously and exactly
to record day and date, although we do not omit these when we are
certain of them. The truth in regard to the cruel deed at Perth is
this. On St. Paul's Day, before the first burning in Edinburgh,
the Governor and Cardinal came to Perth, and there, upon envious
delation, a great number of honest men and women were called before
the Cardinal, and accused of heresy. Albeit they could be convicted
of nothing more than suspicion that they had eaten a goose upon
Friday, four men were adjudged to be hanged, and a woman to be
drowned; and this cruel and most unjust sentence was unmercifully
put into execution. The husband was hanged, and the wife, having a
sucking babe upon her breast, was drowned. "O Lord, the land is not
yet purged from such beastly cruelty; neither has Thy just vengeance
yet stricken all that were criminal of their blood. But the day
approaches when the punishment of that cruelty and of others will
evidently appear."

The names of the men that were hanged were James Hunter, William
Lamb, William Anderson, and James Ronaldson, burgesses of Perth.
At that same time there were banished Sir Henry Elder, John Elder,
Walter Pyper, Lawrence Pullar, and divers others whose names have
not come to our knowledge. That sworn enemy to Christ Jesus, and
unto all in whom any spunk of true knowledge appeared, had divers
persons in prison about that same time. Amongst these was John
Roger, a Black Friar--godly, learned, and one that had fruitfully
preached Christ Jesus, to the comfort of many in Angus and Mearns.
Him that bloody man caused to be murdered in the ground of the
Sea-Tower of St. Andrews, thereafter causing his body to be cast
over the crag, sparsing[58] a false bruit that the said John,
seeking to flee, had broken his own craig.[59]

  [58] Spreading abroad.

  [59] Neck.

[Sidenote: The English invade Scotland, and sack Edinburgh and
Leith.]

Thus Satan ceased not, by all means, to maintain his kingdom of
darkness, and to suppress the light of Christ's Evangel. But potent
is He against whom they fought; for, when the wicked were surest
of their triumph, God began to show His anger. On the third day of
May, in the year of God 1543, without knowledge of any of those in
Scotland who should have had the care of the realm, there was seen
a great fleet of ships approaching the Forth. Posts came to the
Governor and Cardinal, who both were in Edinburgh, informing them
of the multitude of ships seen, and of the course they took. This
was upon the Saturday, before noon. Some said there was no doubt
they were Englishmen and would land. The Cardinal scripped[60] and
said, "It is but the Island fleet: they are come to make a show,
and put us in fear. I shall lodge in my eye all the men-of-war that
shall land in Scotland." The Cardinal sat still at his dinner, as if
there had been no apparent danger. Men ran together to gaze upon the
ships, some to the Castle Hill, some to the Crags and other eminent
places. But no one asked what forces we had for resistance, if we
should be invaded. Soon after six o'clock at night, more than two
hundred sails were arrived and had cast anchor in the Road of Leith.
Shortly thereafter, the Admiral shot a fleet boat, and this sounded
the depth of water from Granton crags unto the east of Leith, and
then returned to her ship. Men of judgment foresaw what this meant.
But no credit was given to any that said, "They mind to land." And
so everybody went to bed, as if these ships had been a guard for
their defence.

  [60] Mocked.

Upon the point of day, upon Sunday, the fourth of May, the fleet
made ready for landing, and arranged their ships so that a galley or
two laid their snouts to the crags. The small ships, called pinnaces
and light horsemen, approached as near as they could. The great
ships discharged their soldiers into the smaller vessels, and these,
by boats, set upon dry land, before ten o'clock, ten thousand men,
as was judged, and more. The Governor and Cardinal, seeing then what
they could not, or at least would not, believe before, after they
had made a brag to fight, fled as fast as horse would carry them;
nor did they afterwards approach within twenty miles of the danger.
The Earl of Angus and George Douglas were that night freed of ward
in Black Ness, and the said Sir George in merriness said, "I thank
King Harry and my gentle masters of England."

The English army entered Leith betwixt twelve and one, found the
tables covered, the dinners prepared, and abundance of wine and
victuals, besides other substance. The like riches within the like
bounds were not to be found, either in Scotland or England. Upon
the Monday, the fifth of May, there came to them from Berwick and
the Border, two thousand horsemen; and, after these had rested
somewhat, the army, upon the Wednesday, marched towards the town
of Edinburgh, spoiled and burnt the same, and also the Palace of
Holyroodhouse. The horsemen took the House of Craigmillar, and got
great spoil therein; for, it being judged the strongest house near
the town, other than the Castle of Edinburgh, men sought to place
their movables therein for safety. But the courageous Laird gave it
over without shot of hackbut, and for his reward was caused to march
upon foot to London. He is now captain of Dunbar and Provost of
Edinburgh.

The Englishmen seeing no resistance, hurled[61] cannons up the
causeway to the Butter-throne, or above, and hazarded a shot at the
fore-entry of the Castle. But that was to their own discomfiture;
for, without trench or gabion, they were exposed to the force of the
whole ordnance of the said Castle. This opened fire, and not all in
vain; for the wheel and axletree of one of the English cannons were
broken, and some of their men were slain. So, with small honour,
they left off that enterprise, which was taken in rashness rather
than of any advised counsel. When for the most part of the day the
English had spoiled and burned, they returned to Leith towards the
night; upon the morrow returning to Edinburgh, and executing the
rest of God's judgments for that time. When they had consumed both
towns, they laded the ships with spoil thereof, and returned to
Berwick by land, using the country for the most part at their own
pleasure.

  [61] Wheeled.

This was a part of the punishment which God laid upon the realm for
the infidelity of the Governor, and for the violation of his solemn
oath. But this was not the end; for the realm was divided into two
factions: the one favoured France; the other the league lately
contracted with England. In nothing did the one thoroughly trust the
other. The country was in extreme calamity; for divers strongholds,
such as Carlaverock, Lochmaben, and Langholm, were delivered to the
English. And the most part of the borders were confederate with
England. Albeit Sir Ralph Evers and many other Englishmen were slain
at Ancrum Moor, in February, in the year of God 1544, and in the
year after some of the said strongholds were recovered, this was not
accomplished without great loss and detriment to the commonwealth.

[Sidenote: France comes to the Aid of Cardinal Beaton.]

In the month of June, in the year of God 1545, Monsieur de Lorge
Montgomery, with bands of men of war, came from France for a further
destruction to Scotland; and upon their brag was an army raised
and pushed forward towards Wark, even in the midst of harvest. The
Cardinal's banner was that day displayed, and all his dependents
were charged to be under it. Many had promised to follow the
standard, but in the issue it was left so bare that for shame it was
shut up in the pock[62] again, and after a show the army returned,
with more shame to the realm than scathe to their enemies. The
black book of Hamilton makes mention of great vassalage[63] done at
that time by the Governor and the French. But such as with their
eyes saw the whole progress knew that to be a lie, and do repute it
amongst the venial sins of that race, which is to speak the best of
themselves they can.

  [62] Bag; case.

  [63] Feats of valour.

The following winter so nurtured the French men that they learned to
eat, yea to beg, cakes which at their entry they scorned. Without
jesting, they were so miserably treated, that few returned to France
again with their lives. The Cardinal had then almost fortified the
Castle of St. Andrews, and he made this so strong, in his opinion,
that he regarded neither England nor France. The Earl of Lennox,
as we have said, disappointed of all things in Scotland, passed to
England, where he received protection from King Harry, who gave
him Lady Margaret Douglas to wife. Of her was born Harry,[64]
umquhile[65] husband to our Jezebel mistress.

  [64] Henry, Lord Darnley.

  [65] Late; deceased.

[Sidenote: John Hamilton, Abbot of Paisley.]

While the inconstant Governor was sometimes dejected and sometimes
raised up again by the Abbot of Paisley, who before was called
"chaster than any maiden," the latter began to show himself; for,
after he had by craft taken the Castles of Edinburgh and Dunbar, he
took also possession of his eme's[66] wife, the Lady Stenhouse.
The woman is and has been famous, and is called Lady Gylton. Her
Ladyship was holden always in property; but how many wives and
virgins he has had since that time in common, the world knows,
albeit not all, and his bastard birds bear some witness. Such is the
example of holiness that the flock may receive of the papistical
bishops.

  [66] Kinsman's.

[Sidenote: Master George Wishart comes to Scotland.]

In the midst of all the calamities that came upon the realm after
the defection of the Governor from Christ Jesus, there came to
Scotland, in the year of God 1544, that blessed martyr of God,
Master George Wishart, in company of the commissioners before
mentioned. A man of such graces was never before him heard of within
this realm; yea, and such graces are yet rarely found in any man,
notwithstanding the great light of God that since his days has
shined upon us. He was not only singularly learned, as well in godly
knowledge as in all honest human science, but he was also so clearly
illuminated with the spirit of prophecy that he saw not only things
pertaining to himself, but also such things as some towns and the
whole realm afterwards felt. These he forespake, not in secret, but
in the audience of many, as in their own places shall be declared.

[Sidenote: He is driven from Dundee.]

He began teaching in Montrose. Thence he went to Dundee, where,
with great admiration of all that heard him, he taught the Epistle
to the Romans, until, by procurement of the Cardinal, Robert Mill,
then one of the principal men in Dundee, and a man that of old had
professed knowledge and for the same had suffered trouble, did, in
the Queen's and Governor's name, give inhibition to the said Master
George that he should trouble their town no more; for they would not
suffer it. This was said unto him in the public place. After musing
for some time, with his eyes bent to heaven, he looked sorrowfully
to the speaker and to the people, and said, "God is witness that I
never minded your trouble but your comfort. Yea, your trouble is
more dolorous unto me, than it is unto yourselves. But I am assured
that the refusal of God's Word and the chasing from you of His
messenger shall not preserve you from trouble; it shall bring you
into it. God shall send unto you messengers who will not be afraid
of horning,[67] nor yet of banishment. I have offered unto you the
Word of salvation, and at the hazard of my life I have remained
amongst you. Now ye yourselves refuse me, and therefore must I leave
my innocency to be declared by my God. If it be long prosperous with
you, I am not led by the Spirit of truth. But if trouble unlooked
for apprehend you, do ye acknowledge the cause, and turn to God,
for He is merciful. If ye turn not at the first, He shall visit you
with fire and sword." These words pronounced, he came down from the
preaching place.

  [67] Outlawry.

[Sidenote: Master George goes to Kyle.]

The Lord Marischall and divers gentlemen were present in the kirk,
and these would have had the said Master George remain, or else have
gone with him into the country. But for no request would he any
longer tarry, either in the town or on that side of Tay. With all
possible expedition he passed to the west-land, where he began to
offer God's Word. This was gladly received by many, until Dunbar,
Archbishop of Glasgow, by instigation of the Cardinal, came with
his gatherings to the town of Ayr, to make resistance to the said
Master George, and did first occupy the kirk. The Earl of Glencairn
being informed of this, repaired with diligence to the town with his
friends, and so did divers gentlemen of Kyle (amongst whom was the
Laird of Leifnorris, a man far different from him that now liveth,
in manners and religion) of whom to this day many yet live, and have
declared themselves always zealous and bold in the cause of God.
When all were assembled, conclusion was taken that they would have
possession of the kirk. But Master George utterly repugned, saying,
"Let him alone; his sermon will not do much hurt. Let us go to the
Market Cross." This they did, and there he made so notable a sermon
that the very enemies themselves were confounded. The Archbishop
preached to his jackmen and some old bosses of the town. The sum of
all his sermon was: "They say that we should preach: why not? Better
late thrive than never thrive: hold us still for your Bishop, and we
shall provide better for the next time." This was the beginning and
the end of the Archbishop's sermon. With haste he departed from the
town, nor did he return to fulfil his promise.

The said Master George remained with the gentlemen in Kyle, until
he should get sure knowledge of the state of Dundee. He preached
commonly at the kirk of Galston and much in the Barr. He was
required to come to the kirk of Mauchline, and did so. But the
Sheriff of Ayr manned the kirk, for preservation of a tabernacle
that was there, beautiful to the eye. The persons that held the kirk
were George Campbell of Monkgarswood, who yet liveth, Mungo Campbell
of Brounsyde, George Reid in Daldilling, and the Laird of Templeland.

Some zealous men of the parish, among whom was Hugh Campbell of
Kinyeancleuch, offended that they should be debarred their parish
kirk, determined to enter by force. But the said Master George drew
the said Hugh aside, and said unto him, "Brother, Christ Jesus is as
potent upon the fields as in the kirk; and I find that He Himself
preached in the desert, at the sea side, and other places judged
profane, more often than He did in the Temple of Jerusalem. It is
the word of peace that God sends by me; the blood of no man shall
be shed this day for the preaching of it." And so, withdrawing
the whole people, he came to a <DW18> at the side of a moor, upon
the south-west side of Mauchline, and upon this he climbed. The
whole multitude stood and sat about him, God giving a pleasing and
hot day. He continued in preaching more than three hours. In that
sermon, God wrought so wonderfully with him that one of the most
wicked men that was in that country, Lawrence Rankin, Laird of
Sheill, was converted. The tears ran from his eyes in such abundance
that all men wondered. His conversion was without hypocrisy, for his
life and conversation witnessed it in all after-times.

[Sidenote: The Plague comes to Dundee: Wishart returns.]

While this faithful servant of God was thus occupied in Kyle, word
came that the plague of pestilence had arisen in Dundee. This had
begun within four days after Master George was inhibited from
preaching, and was so vehement that it almost passed credibility to
hear what number died every four-and-twenty hours. This certainly
understood, Master George took his leave of Kyle, with the regret of
many. No request could make him remain. "They are now in trouble,"
he said, "and they need comfort. Perchance this hand of God will
make them now to magnify and reverence that Word, which before, for
the fear of men, they set at light price." On his coming to Dundee,
the joy of the faithful was exceeding great. He delayed no time,
but even upon the morrow gave signification that he would preach.
The most part were either sick or were in company with those that
were sick, and for this reason he chose the head of the East Port
of the town for his preaching place. Those who were whole sat or
stood within the Port, the sick and suspected without. The text of
his first sermon was taken from the hundred-and-seventh Psalm, "He
sent His Word and healed them;" joining therewith these words, "It
is neither herb nor plaster, O Lord, but Thy Word healeth all." In
this sermon he most comfortingly treated of the dignity and utility
of God's Word; the punishment that comes for contempt of the same;
the promptitude of God's mercy to such as truly turn to Him; yea,
the great happiness of them whom God takes from this misery, even in
His own gentle visitation, a happiness that the malice of man can
neither eke nor pare.[68]

  [68] Increase nor diminish.

By this sermon Master George so raised up the hearts of all that
heard him that they regarded not death, but judged those more happy
that should depart, than such as should remain behind; considering
that they knew not if they should have such a comforter with them
at all times. Master George did not hesitate to visit them that lay
in the very extremity of sickness. Them he comforted as well as he
might in such a multitude. He also caused that all things necessary
for those that could use meat or drink should be ministered; and in
that respect the town was wondrously benefited; for the poor were no
more neglected than were the rich.

[Sidenote: The Cardinal attempts to assassinate Wishart at Dundee.]

While Master George Wishart was spending his life to comfort the
afflicted, the Devil ceased not to stir up his own son the Cardinal
again. He, by money, corrupted a desperate priest named Sir John
Wighton to slay the said Master George, who did not look to himself
in all things so circumspectly as worldly men would have wished.
One day, the sermon ended, and the people departing, suspecting no
danger and therefore not heeding the said Master George, the priest
that was corrupted stood waiting at the foot of the steps, his gown
loose, and his drawn whinger in his hand under his gown. The said
Master George, who was most sharp of eye and judgment, marked him,
and as he came near said, "My friend, what would ye do?" Therewith
he clapped his hand upon the priest's hand wherein the whinger was,
and took this from him. The priest, abashed, fell down at his feet
and openly confessed the truth. The noise coming to the ears of the
sick, they cried, "Deliver the traitor to us, or else we will take
him by force;" and burst in at the gate. But Master George took him
in his arms and said, "Whosoever troubles him shall trouble me. He
has hurt me in nothing, but has done great comfort both to you and
me, he has let us understand what we may fear in times to come.
We will watch better." Thus he appeased both the one part and the
other, and saved the life of him that sought his.

When the plague was so ceased that there were almost none sick,
Master George took his leave of the people of Dundee; saying that
God had almost put end to that battle, and he found himself called
to another. The gentlemen of the west had written unto him that he
should meet them at Edinburgh; for they would demand disputation
with the bishops, and he should be publicly heard. Thereto he
willingly agreed; but first he passed to Montrose to salute the kirk
there. There he remained, occupied sometimes in preaching but for
the most part in secret meditation, in which he was so earnest that
he would continue in it night and day.

[Sidenote: Further Treachery of the Cardinal.]

While Master George was so occupied with his God, the Cardinal drew
a secret draught for his slaughter. He caused to be written unto
him a letter, purporting to be from his most familiar friend, the
Laird of Kynneir, desiring him to come unto him with all possible
diligence, for he was stricken with a sudden sickness. In the
meantime the traitor had provided threescore men, with jacks[69]
and spears, to lie in wait within a mile and a half of the town of
Montrose, for his despatch. The letter coming to his hand, he made
haste at the first, for the boy had brought a horse; and so with
some honest men, he passed forth of the town. But suddenly he stayed
and, musing a space, turned back. "I will not go," he said; "I am
forbidden by God. I am assured there is treason. Let some of you go
to yonder place, and tell me what ye find." Diligence made, they
found the treason, as it was; and this being shown with expedition
to Master George, he answered, "I know that I shall finish my life
in that bloodthirsty man's hands; but it will not be in this manner."

  [69] Coats of mail.

[Sidenote: The Agony of Master George Wishart.]

When the time at which he had appointed to meet the gentlemen at
Edinburgh approached, Master George took his leave of Montrose,
and, sorely against the judgment of the Laird of Dun, entered on
his journey. He returned to Dundee, but did not remain, going on
to the house of a faithful brother named James Watson, who dwelt
in Invergowrie, two miles distant from the said town. That night,
according to information given to us by William Spadin and John
Watson, both men of good credit, he passed forth into a yard, a
little before day. The said William and John followed privily, and
took heed what he did. When he had gone up and down in an alley for
some time, with many sobs and deep groans, he platt upon his knees,
and remaining thus, his groans increased. From his knees, he fell
upon his face; and then the persons forenamed heard weeping, and an
indistinct sound, as it were of prayers. In this agony he continued
for nearly an hour, and afterwards began to be quiet, when he arose
and came in to his bed.

They that had watched got in before Master George, as if they had
been ignorant of his absence until he came in; and then they began
to ask where he had been. But that night he would answer nothing.
Upon the morrow they urged him again; and, when he dissimulated,
they said, "Master George, be plain with us; we heard your groans;
yea, we heard your bitter mourning, and saw you both upon your knees
and upon your face." With dejected visage, he said, "I had rather ye
had been in your beds. It would have been more profitable for you,
for I was scarcely well employed." They insistently urged him to let
them know something for their comfort, and he then said, "I will
tell you that I am assured that my travail is near an end. Therefore
call to God with me, that now I shrink not, when the battle waxes
most hot." When they wept, and said, that was "small comfort unto
them;" he answered, "God shall send you comfort after me. This
realm shall be illuminated with the light of Christ's Evangel, as
clearly as ever was any realm since the days of the Apostles. The
house of God shall be builded in it. Yea, it shall not lack the very
copestone, whatsoever the enemy imagine to the contrary." Neither
shall this be long; there shall not many suffer after me, before
the glory of God shall evidently appear, and shall once triumph
in despite of Satan. But, alas! if the people shall thereafter be
unthankful, fearful and terrible shall the plagues be that shall
follow." With these words he marched forward in his journey towards
Perth; and so to Fife, and then to Leith.

[Sidenote: Master George arrives in Leith.]

Arrived in Leith, and hearing no word of those that had appointed
to meet him, to wit, the Earl of Cassillis and the gentlemen of
Kyle and Cunningham, Master George kept himself secret for a day
or two. But beginning to wax sorrowful in spirit, and being asked
the cause, he said, "What differ I from a dead man, except that
I eat and drink? Unto this time, God has used my labours for the
instruction of others, and for the disclosing of darkness; and now
I lurk as a man that is ashamed, and dare not show himself before
men." From these and like words, they that heard him understood that
his desire was to preach; and therefore said they, "Most comfortable
it were unto us to hear you; but, because we know the danger wherein
ye stand, we dare not desire you." "Only dare ye and others hear,"
said he, "and then let my God provide for me, as best pleaseth Him."
Finally, it was concluded that he should preach in Leith on the next
Sunday. This he did, taking the text, "The parable of the sower
that went forth to sow seed." (Matthew xiii.) This was fifteen days
before Yule.

[Sidenote: For Safety he is removed to the Lothians; preaches at
Inveresk.]

The sermon ended, the gentlemen of Lothian, who then were earnest
professors of Christ Jesus, thought it not expedient that Master
George should remain in Leith, as the Governor and Cardinal were
shortly to come to Edinburgh. Therefore they took him with them,
and kept him sometimes in Brunstone, sometimes in Longniddry, and
sometimes in Ormiston; for those three Lairds diligently waited upon
him. On the Sunday following, he preached in the kirk of Inveresk,
beside Musselburgh, both before and after noon. There was a great
congregation of people, amongst them being Sir George Douglas, who
said publicly after the sermon, "I know that my Lord Governor and
my Lord Cardinal shall hear that I have been at this preaching.
Say unto them that I will avow it, and will not only maintain the
doctrine that I have heard, but also the person of the teacher, to
the uttermost of my power." These words greatly rejoiced the people
and the gentlemen then present.

We cannot pass by one notable thing in that sermon. Amongst others,
there came two Grey Friars, who, standing in the entry of the kirk
door, made some whispering to such as came in. This perceived, the
preacher said to the people that stood nigh them, "I heartily pray
you to make room for those two men. It may be that they be come to
learn." Unto them he said, "Come near,"--they stood in the very
entry of the door,--"for I assure you ye shall hear the Word of
truth, which shall this same day seal unto you your salvation, or
your condemnation." He then proceeded with his sermon, supposing
that they would have been quiet. But, when he perceived that they
still troubled the people that stood nigh them (for vehement was
he against the false worshipping of God), he turned unto them the
second time, and with an awful countenance said, "O sergeants of
Satan and deceivers of the souls of men, will ye neither hear God's
truth, nor suffer others to hear it? Depart, and take this for your
portion,--God shall shortly confound and disclose your hypocrisy.
Within this realm ye shall be abominable unto men, and your places
and habitations shall be desolate." This sentence he pronounced with
great vehemence, in the midst of the sermon; and, turning to the
people, he said, "Yon wicked men have provoked the Spirit of God to
anger." Then he returned to his matter, and proceeded to the end.

That day's travail ended, he came to Longniddry; and on the two
next Sundays he preached in Tranent, with the like grace and like
confluence of people. In all his sermons, after his departure
from Angus, he forespake the shortness of the time that he had to
travail, and of his death, the day whereof, he said, approached
nigher than any would believe.

[Sidenote: Master George goes to Haddington.]

Towards the close of those days that are called the holy days of
Yule, he passed, by the consent of the gentlemen, to Haddington,
where it was supposed the greatest confluence of people might be
found, both by reason of the town and of the country adjacent. On
the first day, before noon, the audience was reasonable, and yet
nothing in comparison with that which used to be in that kirk.
But, in the afternoon and on the next forenoon, the audience was
so slender that many wondered. The reason was thought to have been
that the Earl Bothwell, who in these bounds had great credit and
obedience, had, by procurement of the Cardinal, given inhibition
to the town, as well as to the country, that they should not hear
Master George, under the pain of his displeasure. On the first night
he lay within the town with David Forrest, now called the general,
a man that long has professed the truth, and upon whom many in that
time depended. On the second night he lay in Lethington, the Laird
whereof was ever civil, albeit not persuaded in religion.

[Sidenote: John Knox's first Appearance.]

On the day following, before the said Master George passed to the
sermon, a boy came to him with a letter from the west land. This
read, he called for John Knox, who had waited upon him carefully
from the time he came to Lothian. With him he began to enter into
purpose,[70] saying that he wearied of the world, for he perceived
that men began to weary of God. The cause of his complaint was
that the gentlemen of the west had written to him that they could
not keep diet at Edinburgh. The said John Knox, wondering that he
desired to keep any purpose before sermon, for that was never his
custom, said, "Sir, the time of sermon approaches: I will leave
you for the present to your meditation;" and so left him. The said
Master George paced up and down behind the high altar for more than
half an hour; his very countenance and visage declared the grief and
alteration of his mind. At last he passed to the pulpit, but the
audience was small.

  [70] Conversation.

[Sidenote: The last Sermon of Master George Wishart: his Arrest.]

Master George should have begun to have treated of the second
table of the Law; but thereof in that sermon he spake very little,
and began in this manner: "O Lord, how long shall it be that Thy
holy Word shall be despised, and men shall not regard their own
salvation. I have heard of thee, Haddington, that in thee two or
three thousand people would have been at a vain clerk play;[71] and
now, to hear the messenger of the Eternal God, of all thy town or
parish there cannot be numbered a hundred persons. Sore and fearful
shall the plague be that shall ensue this thy contempt: with fire
and sword thou shalt be plagued; yea, thou Haddington, in special,
strangers shall possess thee, and you, the present inhabitants,
shall either in bondage serve your enemies, or else ye shall be
chased from your own habitations; and that because ye have not
known, and will not know, the time of God's merciful visitation."
That servant of God continued for nearly an hour and a half in such
vehemency and threatening, and during this he foretold all the
plagues that ensued, as plainly as afterwards our eyes saw them
performed. In the end he said, "I have forgotten myself and the
matter that I should have entreated; but let these my last words as
concerning public preaching remain in your minds, until God send you
new comfort." Thereafter he made a short paraphrase upon the second
table, with an exhortation to patience, to the fear of God, and
unto His works of mercy; and so ended, as it were making his last
testament that the spirit of truth and of true judgment was both in
his heart and mouth. Before midnight he was apprehended in the house
of Ormiston, by the Earl Bothwell, who for money was become butcher
to the Cardinal....

  [71] Dramatic entertainment founded on a passage of Scripture: a
  "mystery."

[Sidenote: Master George is betrayed into the Hands of the Cardinal.]

The servant of God, Master George Wishart, was carried first to
Edinburgh; thereafter brought back to the House of Hailes, which was
the principal place that then the Earl of Bothwell had in Lothian.
As gold and women have corrupted all worldly and fleshly men from
the beginning, so did they him. For the Cardinal gave gold, and
that largely; and the Queen, with whom the said Earl was then in
the glondours,[72] promised favours in all his lawful suits to
women, if he would deliver the said Master George to be kept in the
Castle of Edinburgh. He made some resistance at the first, by reason
of his promise:[73] but an effeminate man cannot long withstand
the assaults of a gracious Queen. And so the servant of God was
transported to Edinburgh Castle, where he remained not many days.
For that bloody wolf, the Cardinal, ever thirsting for the blood of
the servant of God, so travailed with the abused Governor, that he
was content that God's servant should be delivered to the power of
that tyrant.

  [72] A state of ill humour.

  [73] Promise made at the arrest of Wishart, that he should not be
  delivered to the Governor or the Cardinal.

Thus, small inversion being made, Pilate obeyed the petition of
Caiaphas and of his fellows, and adjudged Christ to be crucified.
The servant of God being delivered into the hand of that proud
and merciless tyrant, triumph was made by the priests. The godly
lamented, and accused the foolishness of the Governor; for, by
retaining the said Master George, he might have caused Protestants
and <DW7>s to have served: the one to the end that the life of
their preacher might have been saved; the other, for fear that
he should have set him at liberty again, to the confusion of the
bishops. But, where God is forsaken, what can counsel or judgment
avail?

[Sidenote: The Bishops and Clergy are convoked to the Trial of
Wishart.]

How the servant of God was treated, and what he did from the day
that he entered within the Sea-Tower of St. Andrews, which was in
the end of January, in the year of God 1546, until the first of
March in the same year, when he suffered, we cannot certainly tell.
We understand that he wrote something when in prison; but that was
suppressed by the enemies. The Cardinal delayed no time, but caused
all bishops, yea all the clergy that had any pre-eminence, to be
convocated to St. Andrews against the penult[74] of February, for
consultation. The question was no less resolved in his own mind
than was Christ's death in the mind of Caiaphas; but, that the rest
should bear the burden with him, he desired that, before the world,
they should subscribe to whatsoever he did.

  [74] Second last day.

In that day was wrought no less a wonder than that at the accusation
and death of Jesus Christ, when Pilate and Herod, who before were
enemies, were made friends, by both of them consenting to Christ's
condemnation. There was no difference between the two cases, except
that Pilate and Herod were brethren under their father the Devil in
the estate called temporal, and these two of whom we are to speak
were brethren, sons of the same father the Devil, in the estate
ecclesiastical. If we interlace merriness with earnest matters,
pardon us, good reader. The fact is so notable that it deserveth
long memory.

[Sidenote: A merry Tale of the Cardinal and Archbishop Dunbar.]

The Cardinal was known to be proud; and Dunbar, Archbishop of
Glasgow, was known for a glorious fool; and yet, because for some
time he had been called the King's Master,[75] he was Chancellor
of Scotland. The Cardinal had come to Glasgow this same year, in
the end of harvest, upon what purpose we omit. But while they
remained together, the one in the town, the other in the Castle,
question arose as to precedence in the bearing of their croziers.
The Cardinal alleged that, by reason of his cardinalship and of his
office of _Legatus Natus_ and primate within Scotland in the kingdom
of Antichrist, he should have the pre-eminence, and that his crozier
should not only go before, but should alone be borne, wheresoever he
was. Good Gukstoun Glaikstour,[76] the foresaid Archbishop, lacked
no reasons, as he thought, for maintenance of his glory. He was an
Archbishop, and, within his own diocese and in his own Cathedral
seat and Church, ought to give place to no man. The power of the
Cardinal was but begged from Rome, and appertained but to his own
person, and not to his bishopric; for it might be that his successor
should not be Cardinal. But his dignity was annexed to his office,
and did appertain to all that ever should be archbishops of Glasgow.

  [75] He had been tutor to James V.

  [76] _See_ Glossary.

Howsoever these doubts were resolved by the doctors of divinity of
both the prelates, the decision was as we shall hear. Coming forth,
or going in, at the choir door of Glasgow Kirk there began a strife
for position betwixt the two cross-bearers. From glooming they came
to shouldering; from shouldering they went on to buffets, and from
dry blows, by neifs and neifeling;[77] and then for charity's sake
they cried, "_Dispersit, dedit pauperibus_," and assayed which of
the croziers was finest metal, which staff was strongest, and which
bearer could best defend his master's pre-eminence; and, that there
should be no superiority in that behalf, to the ground went both the
croziers.

  [77] Fists and fisticuffs.

And then began no little fray, but yet a merry game, for rochets
were rent, tippets were torn, crowns were knapped,[78] and side
gowns might have been seen wantonly wag from the one wall to the
other. Many of them lacked beards, and that was the more pity, for
they could not buckle each other by the birse,[79] as bold men would
have done. But fie on the jackmen that did not their duty; for had
the one part of them rencountered the other then had all gone right.
The sanctuary, we suppose, saved the lives of many. However merrily
this be written, it was bitter bourding[80] to the Cardinal and his
court. It was more than irregularity. Yea, it might well have been
judged lese-Majesty to the son of perdition, the Pope's own person;
and yet the other in his folly, as proud as a peacock, would let the
Cardinal know that he was a bishop when the other was but Beaton,
before he got Arbroath!

  [78] Struck; "cracked."

  [79] Bristle, _i.e._ beard.

  [80] Jesting.

[Sidenote: Pilate and Herod patch the Quarrel.]

This enmity was judged mortal, and without all hope of
reconciliation. But the blood of the innocent servant of God buried
in oblivion all that bragging and boasting; for the Archbishop of
Glasgow was the first unto whom the Cardinal wrote, signifying unto
him what was done, and earnestly craving of him that he would
assist with his presence and counsel, that such an enemy unto their
estate might be suppressed. Thereto the other was not slow, but
kept time appointed, sat next to the Cardinal, voted and subscribed
first in the rank, and lay over the east block-house with the said
Cardinal, until the martyr of God was consumed by fire. For we must
note that as all these beasts consented in heart to the slaughter
of that innocent, so did they approve it with their presence,
having the whole ordnance of the Castle of St. Andrews bent towards
the place of execution, ready to have shot if any would have made
defence or rescue to God's servant.

Upon the last day of February,[81] by the commandment of the
Cardinal and his wicked Council, the Dean of the town was sent to
the prison where lay the servant of God, the said Master George
Wishart. Him he summoned to appear before the judge upon the
following morning, then and there to give account of his seditious
and heretical doctrine. The said Master George answered: "What
needeth my Lord Cardinal to summon me to answer for my doctrine
openly before him under whose power and dominion I am thus straitly
bound in irons? May not my Lord compel me to answer to his
extortionate power; or believeth he that I am not prepared to render
account of my doctrine? To manifest what kind of men ye are, it is
well that ye keep your old ceremonies and constitutions made by men."

  [81] Knox acknowledges that he has here incorporated John Foxe's
  account of the trial of Wishart.

[Sidenote: Master George Wishart before the Cardinal's Tribunal.]

Upon the next morn, my Lord Cardinal caused his servants to dress
themselves in their most warlike array, with jack, knapscall,[82]
splent,[83] spear, and axe, more seemly for war than for the
preaching of the true Word of God. And when these armed champions,
marching in warlike order, had conveyed the Archbishops into the
Abbey Church, incontinently they sent for Master George, who was
conveyed unto the said church by the captain of the Castle and a
hundred men dressed in manner foresaid. Like a lamb led they him to
sacrifice. As he entered the Abbey Church door, a poor man, vexed
with great infirmities, asked his alms. To him he flung his purse.
When he had come before the Cardinal, the sub-prior of the Abbey,
Dean John Winram, stood up in the pulpit and made a sermon to all
the congregation there assembled, taking his matter out of the
thirteenth chapter of Matthew.

  [82] Head-piece.

  [83] Armour for the legs.

[Sidenote: The Sub-prior preaches on Heresy.]

His sermon was divided into four principal parts. The first was a
short and brief declaration concerning the evangelist. The second
was of the interpretation of the good seed; and because he called
the Word of God the good seed, and heresy the evil seed, he declared
what heresy was and how it should be known. He defined in this
manner: "Heresy is a false opinion, defended with pertinacity,
clearly repugning to the Word of God." The third part of his sermon
was concerning the cause of heresy within that realm and all other
realms. "The cause of heresy," quoth he, "is the ignorance of those
who have the cure of men's souls. To them it necessarily belongeth
to have the true understanding of the Word of God, that they may be
able to win again the false doctors of heresies, with the sword of
the Spirit which is the Word of God; and not only to win again, but
also to overcome, as saith Paul, 'a bishop must be faultless, as
becometh the minister of God, not stubborn, nor angry; no drunkard,
no fighter, not given to filthy lucre; but harberous,[84] one that
loveth goodness, sober minded, righteous, holy, temperate, and such
as cleaveth unto the true word of the doctrine, that he may be able
to exhort with wholesome learning, and to improve that which they
say against him.'"

  [84] Hospitable.

The fourth part of his sermon was as to how heresies should be
known. "Heresies be known on this manner. As the goldsmith knoweth
the fine gold from the imperfect, by use of the touchstone, so
likewise may we know heresy by the undoubted touchstone, that is,
the true, sincere, and undefiled Word of God." At the last, he added
that "heretics should be put down in this present life. The Gospel
appeared to repugn this proposition--'let them both grow unto the
harvest.' The harvest is the end of the world: nevertheless, he
affirmed, they should be put down by the civil magistrate and law."

[Sidenote: A fed Sow accuses and curses Master George.]

When the Sub-prior ended his sermon, incontinently they caused
Master George to ascend into the pulpit, there to hear his
accusation and articles. Right against him stood up one of the fed
flock, a monster, John Lauder, laden full of cursing written on
paper. Of these he took out a roll both long and full of cursings,
threatenings, maledictions, and words of devilish spite and malice,
saying to the innocent Master George so many cruel and abominable
words, and hitting him so spitefully with the Pope's thunder, that
the ignorant people dreaded lest the earth then would have swallowed
him up quick. Notwithstanding, he stood still with great patience
hearing these sayings, not once moving or changing his countenance.
When this fed sow had read throughout all his lying menaces, his
face running down with sweat and he frothing at the mouth like a
bear, he spat at Mr. George's face, saying "What answerest thou,
thou runagate, traitor, and thief, to these sayings, which we have
duly proved by sufficient witness against thee?" Master George,
hearing this, sat down upon his knees in the pulpit, making his
prayer to God. When he had ended his prayer, sweetly and Christianly
he answered to them all in this manner.

[Sidenote: His Oration in Reply to his Accusers.]

"Many and horrible sayings, many words abominable to hear, ye have
spoken here unto me a Christian man this day, words which, not only
to teach but also to think, I thought it ever great abomination.
Wherefore, I pray you quietly to hear me, that ye may know what
were my sayings, and the manner of my doctrine. This my petition,
my Lords, I desire to be heard for three causes. The first is that
through preaching of the Word of God, His glory is made manifest. It
is reasonable, therefore, for the advancement of the glory of God,
that ye hear me preaching truly the pure and sincere Word of God,
without any dissimulation. The second reason is that your health
springeth of the Word of God, for He worketh all things by His Word.
It were therefore an unrighteous thing, if ye should stop your ears
when I am teaching truly the Word of God. The third reason is that
your doctrine speaketh forth many pestilentious, blasphemous, and
abominable words, coming by the inspiration not of God, but of the
Devil, on no less peril than my life. It is just, therefore, and
reasonable, that you should know what my words and doctrine are, and
what I have ever taught in my time in this realm, so that I perish
not unjustly, to the great peril of your souls. Wherefore, both for
the glory and honour of God, your own health, and the safeguard of
my life, I beseech your discretions to hear me, and in the meantime
I shall recite my doctrine without any choler.

"First, and chiefly, since the time I came into this realm, I have
taught nothing but the ten commandments of God, the twelve articles
of the faith, and the prayer of the Lord, in the mother tongue.
Moreover, in Dundee, I taught the Epistle of St. Paul to the Romans;
and I shall show faithfully what fashion and manner I used when I
taught, without any human dread, so that your discretions give me
your ears benevolent and attent."

Suddenly then, with a high voice, cried the accuser, the fed sow,
"Thou heretic, runagate, traitor, and thief, it was not lawful for
thee to preach. Thou hast taken the power at thine own hand, without
any authority of the Church. We forethink[85] that thou hast been a
preacher so long." Then said the whole congregation of the prelates,
with their accomplices, "If we give him licence to preach, he is so
crafty and in Holy Scripture so exercised that he will persuade the
people to his opinion, and raise them against us."

  [85] Repent.

Master George, seeing their malicious and wicked intent, appealed
from the Lord Cardinal to the Lord Governor, as to an indifferent
and equal judge. The accuser, John Lauder, with hoggish voice
answered, "Is not my Lord Cardinal the second person within this
realm, Chancellor of Scotland, Archbishop of St. Andrews, Bishop
of Mirepoix, Commendator of Arbroath, _Legatus Natus_, _Legatus a
Latere_?" And so reciting as many titles of his unworthy honours as
would have laden a ship, much sooner an ass,--"Is not he," quoth
John Lauder, "an equal judge apparently to thee? Whom else desirest
thou to be thy judge?"

This humble man answered, "I refuse not my Lord Cardinal, but I
desire the Word of God to be my judge, and the Temporal Estate,
with some of your Lordships, my auditors; because I am here my Lord
Governor's prisoner." Whereupon the prideful and scornful people
that stood by, mocked him, saying, "Such man, such judge!" speaking
seditious and reproachful words against the Governor and other the
nobles, meaning them also to be heretics. Incontinent, without
delay, they would have given sentence upon Master George, and that
without further process, had not certain men there counselled my
Lord Cardinal to read again the articles, and to hear his answers
thereupon, that the people might not complain of his wrongful
condemnation.

Shortly declared, the following were the articles, with his answers,
as far as they would give him leave to speak; for when he intended
to mitigate their lesings[86] and show the manner of his doctrines,
by and by they stopped his mouth with another article.

  [86] Lying.

1. Thou, false heretic, runagate, traitor, and thief, deceiver of
the people, despisest the holy Church, and in like case contemnest
my Lord Governor's authority. And we know for surety that, when
thou preachedst in Dundee, and wast charged by my Lord Governor's
authority to desist, thou wouldest not obey, but persevered in the
same. And therefore the Bishop of Brechin cursed thee, and delivered
thee into the Devil's hand, and gave thee commandment that thou
shouldest preach no more. Yet, notwithstanding, thou didst continue
obstinately.--My Lords, I have read in the Acts of the Apostles,
that it is not lawful, for the threats and menacings of men, to
desist from the preaching of the Evangel. It is written, "We shall
rather obey God than men." I have also read in the Prophet Malachi,
"I shall curse your blessings, and bless your cursings, says the
Lord:" believing firmly that He would turn your cursings into
blessings.

2. Thou, false heretic, didst say that a priest standing at the
altar saying Mass was like a fox wagging his tail in July.--My
Lords, I said not so. These were my sayings. The moving of the body
outward, without the inward moving of the heart, is nought else but
the playing of an ape, and not the true serving of God; for God is a
secret searcher of men's hearts. Therefore, who will truly adorn and
honour God, he must in spirit and verity honour Him.

Then the accuser stopped his mouth with another article.

3. Thou, false heretic, preachest against the Sacraments, saying
that there are not seven Sacraments.--My Lords, if it be your
pleasure, I taught never of the number of the Sacraments, whether
they were seven or eleven. So many as are instituted by Christ, and
are shown to us by the Evangel, I profess openly. Except it be the
Word of God, I dare affirm nothing.

4. Thou, false heretic, hast openly taught that auricular confession
is not a blessed sacrament; and thou sayest that we should only
confess to God, and to no priest.--My Lords, I say that auricular
confession, seeing that it hath no promise of the Evangel, cannot
be a sacrament. Of the confession to be made to God, there are many
testimonies in Scripture; as when David saith, "I thought I would
acknowledge my iniquity against myself unto the Lord; and He forgave
the trespasses of my sins." Here, confession signifieth the secret
knowledge of our sins before God. When I exhorted the people on
this manner, I reproved no manner of confession. And further, St.
James saith, "Acknowledge your sins one to another, and so let you
to have peace amongst yourselves." Here the Apostle meaneth nothing
of auricular confession, but that we should acknowledge and confess
ourselves to be sinners before our brethren and before the world,
and not esteem ourselves as the Grey Friars do, thinking themselves
already purged.

When he had said these words, the horned bishops and their
accomplices cried, and girned[87] with their teeth, saying, "See ye
not what colours he hath in his speech, that he may beguile us, and
seduce us to his opinion."

  [87] Gnashed.

5. Thou, heretic, didst say openly, that it was necessary to every
man to know and understand his baptism, and that it was contrary
to general councils, and the estates of Holy Church.--My Lords, I
believe there be none so unwise here that will make merchandise
with a Frenchman, or any other unknown stranger, except he know and
understand first the condition or promise made by the Frenchman or
stranger. So, likewise, I would that we understood what things we
promise in the name of the infant unto God in baptism. For this
cause, I believe ye have confirmation.

Then said Master Bleiter, chaplain, that he had the devil within
him, and the spirit of error. A child answered him, "The Devil
cannot speak such words as yonder man doth speak."

6. Thou, false heretic, traitor, and thief, saidst that the
Sacrament of the altar was but a piece of bread, baken upon the
ashes, and nothing else; and all that is there done is but a
superstitious rite against the commandment of God....--O Lord God!
So manifest lies and blasphemies the Scripture doth not teach you.
As concerning the Sacrament of the altar, my Lords, I never taught
anything against the Scripture, which I shall, by God's grace, make
manifest this day, I being ready therefor to suffer death.

The lawful use of the Sacrament is most acceptable unto God: the
great abuse of it is very detestable unto Him. But what occasion
they have to say such words of me, I shall shortly show your
Lordships. I once chanced to meet with a Jew, when I was sailing
upon the water of Rhine. I did inquire of him what was the cause of
his pertinacity in not believing that the true Messias was come,
considering that they had seen fulfilled all the prophecies which
were spoken of Him; moreover, the prophecies taken away, and the
sceptre of Judah. By many other testimonies of the Scripture, I
vanquished him, and proved that Messias was come, whom they called
Jesus of Nazareth. This Jew answered me, "When Messias cometh, he
shall restore all things, and he shall not abrogate the Law, which
was given to our fathers, as ye do. For why? we see the poor almost
perish through hunger among you, yet you are not moved with pity
towards them; but among us Jews, though we be poor, there are no
beggars found. Secondly, it is forbidden by the Law to feign any
kind of imagery of things in heaven above or in the earth beneath
or in the sea under the earth, but one God only to honour: your
sanctuaries and churches are full of idols. Thirdly, ye adore and
worship a piece of bread baken upon the ashes, and say that it is
your God." I have rehearsed here but the sayings of the Jew, which I
never affirmed to be true.

Then the bishops shook their heads, and spat on the ground. What he
meant to say further in this matter, they would not hear.

7. Thou, false heretic, didst say that extreme unction was not a
sacrament.--My Lords, forsooth, I never taught anything of extreme
unction in my doctrine, whether it was a sacrament or no.

8. Thou, false heretic, saidst that the holy water is not so good
as wash, and such like. Thou contemnest conjuring, and sayest that
Holy Church's cursing availeth not.--My Lords, as for holy water,
of what strength it is, I never taught in my doctrine. Conjurings
and exorcisms, if they were conformable to the Word of God, I
would commend. But in so far as they are not conformable to the
commandment and Word of God, I reprove them.

9. Thou, false heretic and runagate, hast said that every layman
is a priest; and thou sayest that the Pope hath no more power than
any other man.--My Lords, I taught nothing but the Word of God. I
remember that I have read in some places in St. John and St. Peter,
of whom one sayeth, "He hath made us kings and priests;" the other
sayeth, "He hath made us the kingly priesthood." Wherefore, I have
affirmed that any man, being cunning and perfect in the Word of God
and the true faith of Jesus Christ, has his power given him from
God, and that not by the power or violence of men, but by the virtue
of the Word of God--the Word which is called the power of God, as
St. Paul witnesseth evidently enough. And again I say that any
unlearned man, not exercised in the Word of God, nor yet constant
in his faith, of whatsoever estate or order he be, hath no power
to bind or loose, seeing he lacketh the instrument by the which he
bindeth or looseth, that is to say, the Word of God.

After he had said these words all the bishops laughed, and mocked
him. When he beheld their laughing, "Laugh ye," saith he, "my Lords?
Though these my sayings appear scornful and worthy of derision to
your Lordships, they are nevertheless very weighty to me, and of a
great value; because they stand not only upon my life, but also the
honour and glory of God."

In the meantime many godly men, beholding the wodness[88] and great
cruelty of the bishops, and the invincible patience of the said
Master George, did greatly mourn and lament.

  [88] Fury.

10. Thou, false heretic, saidst that a man hath no free will,
but is like to the Stoics, who say that it is not in man's will
to do anything, but that concupiscence and desire cometh of God,
of whatsoever kind it be.--My Lords, I said not so, truly: I say
that unto as many as believe in Christ firmly is given liberty,
conformable to the saying of St. John, "If the Son make you free,
then shall ye verily be free." Of the contrary, as many as believe
not in Christ Jesus, they are bound servants of sin: "He that
sinneth is bound to sin."

11. Thou, false heretic, sayest it is as lawful to eat flesh upon
Friday, as on Sunday.--May it please your Lordships, I have read in
the Epistles of St. Paul that "to the clean, all things are clean."
Of the contrary, "To filthy men, all things are unclean." A faithful
man, clean and holy, sanctifieth by the Word the creature of God;
but the creature maketh no man acceptable unto God: so that a
creature may not sanctify any impure and unfaithful man. But to the
faithful man, all things are sanctified by the prayer of the Word of
God.

After these sayings of Master George, all the bishops, with their
accomplices, said, "What witness need we against him: hath he not
openly here spoken blasphemy?"

12. Thou, false heretic, dost say that we should not pray to
saints, but to God only. Say whether thou hast said this or no:
say shortly.--For the weakness and the infirmity of the hearers,
without doubt, plainly, saints should not be honoured or called
upon. My Lords, there are two things worthy of note: the one is
certain and the other uncertain. It is found plainly and certain in
Scriptures that we should worship and honour one God, according to
the saying of the first commandment, "Thou shall only worship and
honour thy Lord God with all thy heart." But as to praying to and
honouring of saints, there is great doubt among many, whether or no
they hear invocation made unto them. Therefore, I exhorted all men
equally in my doctrine that they should leave the unsure way, and
follow the way which was taught us by our Master Christ: He only is
our Mediator, and maketh intercession for us to God, His Father: He
is the door, by which we must enter in: He that entereth not in by
this door, but climbeth another way, is a thief and a murderer: He
is the truth and life. There is no doubt but he that goeth out of
this way shall fall into the mire; yea, verily, he is fallen into
it already. This is the fashion of my doctrine, which I have ever
followed. Verily, that which I have heard and read in the Word of
God I taught openly and in no corners, and now ye shall witness
the same, if your Lordships will hear me. I dare not be so bold as
affirm anything unless it agree with the Word of God.

These sayings he rehearsed divers times.

13. Thou, false heretic, hast preached plainly that there is no
purgatory, and that it is a feigned thing that any man, after this
life, will be punished in purgatory.--My Lords, as I have oftentimes
said heretofore, without express witness and testimony of Scripture,
I dare affirm nothing. I have oft and divers times read over the
Bible, and yet such a term found I never, nor yet any place of
Scripture applicable thereto. Therefore, I was ashamed ever to teach
of that which I could not find in Scripture.

Then said he to Master John Lauder, his accuser, "If you have any
testimony of the Scripture, by the which ye may prove any such
place, show it now before this audience." But that dolt had not a
word to say for himself, but was as dumb as a beetle in that matter.

14. Thou, false heretic, hast taught plainly against the vows of
monks, friars, nuns, and priests, saying that whosoever was bound by
such vows did vow themselves to the state of damnation. Moreover,
thou hast taught that it was lawful for priests to marry wives,
and not to live sole.--Of sooth, my Lords, I have read in the
Evangel that there are three kinds of chaste men: some are gelded
from their mother's womb; some are gelded by men; and some have
gelded themselves for the kingdom of heaven's sake: verily, I say,
these men are blessed by the Scripture of God. But as many as have
not the gift of chastity, nor yet for the Evangel have overcome
the concupiscence of the flesh, and have vowed chastity, ye have
experience, although I should hold my tongue, to what inconvenience
they have vowed themselves.

When he had said these words, they were all dumb, thinking it better
to have ten concubines, than one married wife.

15. Thou, false heretic and runagate, sayest that thou wilt not
obey our General or Provincial Councils.--My Lords, I know not what
your General Councils are. I never studied that matter; but gave my
labours to the pure Word of God. Read here your General Councils, or
else give me a book wherein they are contained, that I may read of
them. If they agree with the Word of God, I will not disagree.

Then the ravening wolves became mad, and said, "Whereunto do we
let him speak any further? Read forth the rest of the articles,
and stay not upon them." Amongst these cruel tigers there was one
false hypocrite, a seducer of the people, called John Scott, who,
standing behind John Lauder's back, hasted him to read the rest of
the articles, and not to tarry for Master George's witty and godly
answers; "For we may not abide them," quoth he, "no more than the
Devil may abide the sign of the Cross when it is named."

16. Thou, heretic, sayest, that it is vain to build to the honour of
God costly churches, seeing that God remaineth not in churches made
by men's hands, nor yet can God be in so little space, as betwixt
the priest's hands.--My Lords, Solomon saith, "If the heaven of
heavens cannot comprehend Thee, how much less this house that I have
builded." And Job consenteth to the same sentence, saying, "Seeing
that He is higher than the heavens, what canst thou build unto
Him? He is deeper than the hell, then how shalt thou know Him? He
is longer than the earth, and broader than the sea." God cannot be
comprehended into one space, because He is infinite. These sayings
notwithstanding, I never said that churches should be destroyed;
but, on the contrary, I ever affirmed that churches should be
sustained and upholden, and that the people should be congregated
in them to hear the Word of God preached. Moreover, wheresoever
there is the true preaching of the Word of God and the lawful use of
the Sacraments, undoubtedly God is there Himself. Thus, both these
sayings are true together. God cannot be comprehended into any one
place: and, "Wheresoever there are two or three gathered in His
name, there is He present in the midst of them."

Then said he to his accuser, "If thou thinkest any otherwise, then I
say, show further thy reasons before this audience." He, without all
reason, was dumb, and could not answer a word.

17. Thou, false heretic, contemnest fasting, and sayest thou
shouldest not fast.--My Lords, I find that fasting is commanded
in the Scripture; therefore I were a slanderer of the Gospel if I
contemned fasting. Not only so, I have learned by experience that
fasting is good for the health and conservation of the body. But God
knoweth only who fasteth the true fast.

18. Thou, false heretic, hast preached openly, saying, that the
souls of men shall sleep to the latter day of judgment, and shall
not obtain life immortal until that day.--God, full of mercy and
goodness, forgive him that sayeth such things of me. I wot and know
surely, by the Word of God, that the soul of him that hath begun to
have the faith of Jesus Christ and believeth firmly in Him, shall
never sleep, but ever shall live an immortal life. That life is
renewed in grace from day to day and augmented; nor shall it ever
perish or have an end, but shall ever live immortal with Christ its
Head. To this life, all that believe in Him shall come, and then
shall remain in eternal glory. Amen.

When the bishops, with their accomplices, had accused this innocent
man, in manner and form aforesaid, they incontinently condemned
him to be burned as a heretic, not having respect to his godly
answers and the true reasons which he alleged, nor yet to their own
consciences. They thought, verily, that they should do to God good
sacrifice, conformably to the sayings of Jesus Christ in the Gospel
of St. John, chapter sixteen: "They shall excommunicate you; yea,
and the time shall come that he which killeth you shall think that
he hath done to God good service."

The following is the prayer of Master George. "O immortal God!
how long shalt Thou suffer the wodness and great credulity of the
ungodly to exercise their fury upon Thy servants, who do further Thy
Word in this world. They desire to do the contrary, to choke and
destroy the true doctrine and truth, whereby Thou hast showed Thee
unto the world, which was all drowned in blindness and misknowledge
of Thy name. O Lord, we know surely that Thy true servants must
needs suffer, for Thy name's sake, persecution, affliction, and
troubles in this present life, which is but a shadow, as Thou hast
showed to us by Thy prophets and apostles. But yet we desire Thee,
merciful Father, that Thou wouldest preserve, defend, and help Thy
congregation, which Thou hast chosen before the beginning of the
world, and give them Thy grace to hear Thy word, and to be true
servants in this present life."

Then, by and by, the common people were removed (for their desire
was always to hear that innocent speak) and the sons of darkness
pronounced their sentence definitive, not having respect to the
judgment of God. When all this was done and said, my Lord Cardinal
caused his tormentors to pass again with the meek lamb unto the
Castle, until such time as the fire was made ready. When he was
come into the Castle, there came two Grey fiends, Friar Scott and
his mate, saying, "Sir, ye must make your confession unto us." He
answered and said, "I will make no confession unto you. Go fetch me
yonder man that preached this day, and I will make my confession
unto him." Then they sent for the Sub-prior of the Abbey, who came
to him with all diligence; but what he said in this confession I
cannot show.

When the fire and the gallows were made ready at the west part of
the Castle, near to the Priory, my Lord Cardinal, dreading that
Master George should have been taken away by his friends, commanded
his men to bend all the ordnance of the Castle against the place
of execution, and commanded all his gunners to be ready, and stand
beside their guns, until such time as he was burned. All this being
done, they bound Master George's hands behind his back, and led him
forth from the Castle with their soldiers, to the place of their
cruel and wicked execution. As he came forth from the Castle gate,
there met him certain beggars asking his alms, for God's sake. To
these he answered, "I want my hands, wherewith I was wont to give
you alms. But may the merciful Lord, who feedeth all men, vouchsafe
of His benignity and abundant grace to give you necessaries, both
for your bodies and souls." Then met him two false fiends--I should
say, Friars--saying, "Master George, pray to our Lady that she may
be a mediatrix for you to her Son." To them he answered meekly,
"Cease: tempt me not, my brethren." After this he was led to the
fire, with a rope about his neck, and a chain of iron about his
middle.

[Sidenote: Master George Wishart is brought to the Stake.]

When he came to the fire he sat down upon his knees, and rose again;
and thrice he said these words, "O Thou Saviour of the world, have
mercy upon me: Father of heaven, I commend my spirit into Thy
holy hands." When he had made this prayer, he turned him to the
people, and said these words: "I beseech you, Christian brethren
and sisters, that ye be not offended at the Word of God because of
the affliction and torments which ye see already prepared for me. I
exhort you that ye love the Word of God, your salvation, and suffer
patiently and with a comfortable heart, for the Word's sake, which
is your undoubted salvation and everlasting comfort. Moreover,
I pray you, urge upon those of my brethren and sisters who have
heard me oft before that they cease not nor leave off to learn that
Word of God which I taught them, according to the grace given unto
me--not for my persecution or troubles in this world, which lasteth
not. And show unto them that my doctrine was no wives' fables,
after the constitution made by men; if I had taught men's doctrine,
I should have gotten greater thanks from men. But, for the Word's
sake, and for the true Evangel, given to me by the grace of God, I
suffer this day by men, not sorrowfully, but with a glad heart and
mind. For this cause I was sent, that I should suffer this fire for
Christ's sake. Consider and behold my visage; ye shall not see me
change my colour. This grim fire I fear not; and so I pray you to
do, if any persecution come unto you for the Word's sake. Do not
fear them that slay the body, and afterwards have no power to slay
the soul. Some have said of me that I taught that the soul of man
should sleep until the last day; but I know surely that this night,
before six o'clock, my soul shall sup with my Saviour, for whom I
suffer this."

Then Master George prayed for them that accused him, saying, "I
beseech Thee, Father of Heaven, to forgive them that have of any
ignorance, or else of any evil mind, forged lies upon me; I forgive
them with all mine heart: I beseech Christ to forgive them that
have condemned me to death this day, ignorantly." And last of all,
he said to the people on this manner, "I beseech you, brethren and
sisters, to exhort your prelates to the learning of the Word of God,
that they at least may be ashamed to do evil and learn to do good;
and if they will not convert themselves from their wicked error,
there shall hastily come upon them the wrath of God, and that they
shall not eschew."

Many faithful words said he in the meantime, taking no heed or care
of the cruel torments which were then prepared for him. Then, last
of all, the hangman that was his tormentor, sat down upon his knees,
and said, "Sir, I pray you, forgive me, for I am not guilty of your
death." To whom he answered, "Come hither to me." When he was come
to him, he kissed his cheek, and said, "Lo! here is a token that I
forgive thee. My heart, do thine office." And then by and by he was
put upon the gibbet, and hanged, and there burned to powder. When
the people beheld the great tormenting of that innocent, they could
not refrain from piteous mourning and complaining of the innocent
lamb's slaughter.

[Sidenote: Vengeance on the Cardinal is vowed.]

After the death of this blessed martyr of God, the people began, in
plain speaking, to damn and detest the cruelty that was used. Yea,
men of great birth, estimation, and honour, avowed at open tables
that the blood of the said Master George should be revenged, or else
it should cost life for life. Amongst these John Leslie, brother
to the Earl of Rothes, was the chief; for he spared not to say in
all companies, "This same whinger," drawing his dagger, "and this
same hand, shall be priests to the Cardinal." These bruits came to
the Cardinal's ears; but he thought himself stout enough for all
Scotland; for in Babylon, that is, in his new block-house, he was
secure, as he thought; and upon the field he was able to match all
his enemies. To write the truth, the most part of the nobility of
Scotland had either given unto him their bonds of manrent, or else
were in confederacy, and promised amity with him....

After Easter, the Cardinal came to Edinburgh to hold the seinye,[89]
as the <DW7>s term their unhappy assembly of Baal's shaven sort.
It was bruited that something was purposed against him at that time
by the Earl of Angus and his friends, whom he mortally hated, and
whose destruction he sought. But it failed, and so returned he to
his strength; yea, to his god and only comfort, as well in heaven
as in earth. And there he remained without the least fear of death,
promising unto himself no less pleasure than did the rich man of
whom mention is made by our Master in the Evangel. He did not only
rejoice and say, "Eat and be glad, my soul, for thou hast great
riches laid up in store for many days;" but also, "Tush, a fig for
the feud, and a button for the bragging of all the heretics and
their assistants in Scotland. Is not my Lord Governor mine? Witness
his eldest son there in pledge at my table? Have I not the Queen
at my own devotion? (He alluded to the mother of Mary that now
mischievously reigns.) Is not France my friend, and am not I friend
to France? What danger should I fear?" Thus, in vanity, the carnal
Cardinal delighted himself a little before his death....

  [89] Synod; consistory.

Early upon Saturday morning, the twenty-ninth of May 1546, there
were sundry companies in the Abbey kirk-yard, in St. Andrews, not
far distant from the Castle. The gates of the Castle being opened,
and the draw-bridge let down for admission of lime and stones
and other things necessary for building, for Babylon was almost
finished, William Kirkaldy of Grange, younger, and with him six
persons, got entrance, and held purpose with the porter, inquiring
"If my Lord was walking?" He answered, "No." While the said William
and the porter talked, and his servants pretended to look at the
work and the workmen, Norman Leslie approached with his company;
and, because they were in no great number, they easily got entrance.
They directed their course to the very middle of the close, and
immediately thereafter came John Leslie, somewhat rudely, and four
persons with him. The porter, taking fright, would have drawn the
bridge; but the said John, being entered thereon, stayed and leapt
in. When the porter made for his defence, his head was broken, the
keys were taken from him, and he cast into the fosse; and so the
place was seized.

Shouts arose; the workmen, to the number of more than a hundred,
ran off the walls, and were without hurt put forth at the wicket
gate. The first thing, William Kirkaldy took the guard of the privy
postern, fearing that the fox should escape. Then went the rest to
the gentlemen's chambers, and without violence done to any man, put
more than fifty persons to the gate. The number that enterprised and
did this was but sixteen persons. The Cardinal, awakened with the
shouts, asked from his window what that noise meant. It was answered
that Norman Leslie had taken his Castle. This understood, he ran for
his postern; but, perceiving the passage to be guarded, he returned
quickly to his chamber, took his two-handed sword, and gart[90] his
chamber-child move chests and other impediments to the door.

  [90] Caused.

In the meantime came John Leslie and bade the door be opened. The
Cardinal asking, "Who calls?" he answered, "My name is Leslie."
He again asked, "Is that Norman?" The other said, "Nay; my name
is John." "I will have Norman," said the Cardinal; "for he is my
friend." "Content yourself with such as are here; ye shall get none
other." With the said John were James Melvin, a man familiarly
acquainted with Master George Wishart, and Peter Carmichael, a
stout[91] gentleman. While they forced at the door, the Cardinal
hid a box of gold under coals that were laid in a secret corner. At
length he asked, "Will ye save my life?" The said John answered,
"It may be that we will." "Nay," said the Cardinal, "Swear unto me
by God's wounds, and I will open unto you." Then answered the said
John, "It that was said, is unsaid;" and cried, "Fire, Fire," for
the door was very stark.[92] Then was brought a chimley[93] full of
burning coals. This perceived, the Cardinal or his chamber-child
opened the door, and the Cardinal sat down in a chair and cried, "I
am a priest, I am a priest; ye will not slay me."

  [91] Staunch.

  [92] Strong.

  [93] Fire-basket.

[Sidenote: Assassination of Cardinal Beaton: 29th May 1546.]

John Leslie, according to his former vows, struck the Cardinal
once or twice, and so did the said Peter. But James Melvin, a man
of nature most gentle and most modest, perceiving that they were
both in choler, withdrew them, and said, "This work and judgment of
God, although it be secret, ought to be done with greater gravity."
Presenting the point of his sword at the Cardinal, he said, "Repent
thee of thy former wicked life, but especially of the shedding of
the blood of that notable instrument of God, Master George Wishart,
which, albeit the flame of fire consumed it before men, yet cries a
vengeance upon thee. We are sent from God to revenge it: for here,
before my God, I protest that neither the hatred of thy person, nor
the love of thy riches, nor the fear of any trouble thou couldst
have brought on me in particular, doth move me to strike thee, I
do so only because thou hast been and remainest an obstinate enemy
against Christ Jesus and His holy Evangel." And so he struck him
twice or thrice through with a stog sword;[94] and so the Cardinal
fell, never word heard out of his mouth, but "I am a priest, I am a
priest: fie, fie: all is gone."

  [94] Long small sword.

The death of this tyrant was dolorous to the priests, dolorous
to the Governor, most dolorous to the Queen Dowager; for in him
perished faithfulness to France, and comfort to all gentlewomen,
especially to wanton widows: his death must be revenged.... The
Archbishop, to declare the zeal that he had to revenge the death
of him that was his predecessor (and yet he would not have had him
living again) still blew the coals. And first, he caused to be
summoned, then denounced, accursed, and last, proclaimed rebels, not
only the first enterprisers, but all such as did accompany them. And
last of all, the siege of the Castle was decided upon.

[Sidenote: The Reforming Party is besieged in the Castle of St.
Andrews.]

The siege began in the end of August; for on the twenty-third day
thereof the soldiers departed from Edinburgh, and it continued until
near the end of January. At that time, they had no other hope of
winning it but by hunger; and of that they were despaired, for those
within had broken through the east wall, and made a plain passage
by an iron gate to the sea. This greatly relieved the besieged, and
abased the besiegers; for they could not stop them of victuals,
unless they should be masters of the sea, and that they clearly
understood they could not be.

The English ships had been there once already, and had brought
William Kirkaldy from London, and had taken with them to the
Court of England, John Leslie and Master Henry Balnaves, for the
perfecting of all contracts. King Harry had promised to take them
into his protection, upon condition that they should keep the
Governor's son, my Lord of Arran, and stand friends to the contract
of marriage before mentioned. These things clearly understood by the
Governor and by his Council, the priests, and the shaven sort, they
concluded to make an Appointment, to the end that they might either
get the Castle betrayed, or else some principal men of the company
taken unawares.

[Sidenote: A treacherous Truce.]

The heads of the  Appointment were:--1. That they should
keep the Castle of St. Andrews, until the Governor and the authority
of Scotland should get unto them a sufficient absolution from
the Pope, Antichrist of Rome, for the slaughter of the Cardinal
foresaid. 2. That they should deliver pledges for delivery of that
House as soon as the absolution should be delivered unto them. 3.
That they, their friends, familiars, servants, and others pertaining
to them, should never, for the slaughter foresaid, be pursued at law
or by the law, by the authority. Also, that they should bruik[95]
spiritual or temporal commodities, possessed before the said
slaughter, even as if it had never been committed. 4. That they of
the Castle should keep the Earl of Arran, so long as their pledges
were kept. There were other such articles, and all were liberal
enough; for the Governor and his Council never intended to keep a
word of them, as the issue did declare.

  [95] Enjoy; possess.

[Sidenote: John Rough resumes Preaching.]

The Appointment was made, and all the godly were glad; for they had
some hope that thereby God's Word should somewhat bud, as indeed
it did. For John Rough, who had entered the Castle soon after the
Cardinal's slaughter, and had continued with them during the siege,
began to preach in St. Andrews. Albeit he was not the most learned,
his doctrine was without corruption, and therefore well liked by the
people.

[Sidenote: John Knox comes to the Castle of St. Andrews.]

At the Easter following, John Knox came to the Castle of St.
Andrews. Wearied of removing from place to place, by reason of the
persecution that came upon him by this Archbishop of St. Andrews,
he had determined to have left Scotland, and to have visited the
schools of Germany. Of England he had no pleasure then. There,
albeit the Pope's name had been suppressed, his laws and corruptions
remained in full vigour. But the said John had the care of some
gentlemen's children, whom for certain years he had nourished in
godliness, and their fathers solicited him to go to St. Andrews,
that he himself might have the protection of the Castle, and their
children the benefit of his tuition. So came he thither at the time
mentioned, and, having in his company Frances Douglas of Longniddry,
George his brother, and Alexander Cockburn, then eldest son to the
Laird of Ormiston, he began to exercise them after his accustomed
manner.

Besides their grammar and other human authors, he read to his
pupils a catechism of which he caused them to give an account
publicly, in the Parish Kirk of St. Andrews. Moreover, he read unto
them the Evangel of John, and that lecture he delivered in the
chapel within the Castle, at a certain hour. Those of the place,
but especially Master Henry Balnaves and John Rough, preacher,
perceiving the manner of his doctrine, began earnestly to travail
with him that he would take the preaching place upon him. But he
utterly refused, alleging that he would not run where God had not
called him; meaning that he would do nothing without a lawful
vocation.

[Sidenote: John Knox is called to the Office of Preacher.]

Whereupon, advising privily among themselves, and having with them
Sir David Lyndsay of the Mount, they decided to give a charge to
the said John, and that publicly by the mouth of their preacher.
And so, upon a certain day, a sermon was delivered concerning the
election of ministers--what power the congregation (however small,
passing the number of two or three) had over any man in whom they
supposed and espied the gifts of God to be, and how dangerous it
was to refuse, and not to hear the voice of such as desired to be
instructed. Then the said John Rough, preacher, directed his words
to the said John Knox, saying, "Brother, ye must not be offended
if I speak unto you that which I have in charge from all those
that are here present, namely this: In the name of God and of His
Son Jesus Christ, and in the name of these that presently call you
by my mouth, I charge you that ye refuse not this holy vocation,
but that--as ye seek the glory of God, the increase of Christ's
Kingdom, the edification of your brethren, and the comfort of me,
whom ye well enough understand to be oppressed by the multitude of
labours--ye take upon you the public office and charge of preaching,
even as ye look to avoid God's heavy displeasure, and desire that He
shall multiply His graces with you."

In the end, the preacher said to those that were present, "Was
not this your charge to me? And do ye not approve this vocation?"
They answered, "It was; and we approve it." Thereat the said John,
abashed, burst forth in most abundant tears, and withdrew himself
to his chamber. His countenance and behaviour, from that day until
the day that he was compelled to present himself in the public place
of preaching, did sufficiently declare the grief and trouble of his
heart. No man saw in him any sign of mirth, nor yet had he pleasure
to accompany any man, for many days together.

[Sidenote: John Knox denounces the Roman Kirk: his Challenge.]

Another necessity caused him to enter the public place, besides
the vocation foresaid. Dean John Annan, a rotten <DW7>, had long
troubled John Rough in his preaching: and the said John Knox had
fortified the doctrine of the preacher by his pen, and had beaten
the said Dean John from all defences, so that he was compelled to
fly to his last refuge, that is, to the authority of the Church,
"which authority," said he, "damned all Lutherans and heretics; and
therefore he needed no further disputation." John Knox answered,
"Before we hold ourselves convicted, or ye can sufficiently prove us
so, we must define the Church, by the right notes of the true Church
given to us in God's Scriptures. We must discern the immaculate
spouse of Jesus Christ from the Mother of Confusion, spiritual
Babylon, lest imprudently we embrace a harlot instead of the chaste
spouse; yea, to speak it in plain words, lest we submit ourselves
to Satan, thinking that we submit ourselves to Jesus Christ. For,
as for your Roman Kirk, as it is now corrupted, and the authority
thereof, wherein stands the hope of your victory, I no more doubt
that it is the synagogue of Satan, and the head thereof, called the
Pope, that man of sin of whom the Apostle speaks, than do I doubt
that Jesus Christ suffered by the procurement of the visible Kirk of
Jerusalem. Yea, I offer myself to prove, by word or writing, that
the Roman Church is this day further degenerate from the purity
which was in the days of the Apostles than was the Church of the
Jews from the ordinance given by Moses, when it consented to the
innocent death of Christ."

These words were spoken in open audience, in the parish Kirk of
Saint Andrews, after the said Dean John Annan had spoken as it
pleased him, and had refused to dispute. The people, hearing the
offer, cried with one consent, "We cannot all read your writings,
but we may all hear your preaching; therefore we require you, in
the name of God, that ye let us hear the probation of that which ye
have affirmed; for if it be true, we have been miserably deceived."
And so, the next Sunday was appointed to the said John to express
his mind in the public preaching place.

[Sidenote: The first Public Sermon of John Knox is made in the
Parish Kirk of St. Andrews.]

The day approaching, the said John took the text written in Daniel,
the seventh chapter, beginning thus: "And another King shall rise
after them, and he shall be unlike unto the first, and he shall
subdue three kings, and shall speak words against the Most High, and
shall consume the saints of the Most High, and think that he may
change times and laws. And they shall be given into his hands until
a time, and times, and dividing of times."

1. In the beginning of his sermon, he shewed the great love of God
towards His Church, whom it pleaseth Him to forewarn of dangers to
come, many years before they come to pass. 2. He briefly treated of
the state of the Israelites, who then were in bondage in Babylon
for the most part; and made a short discourse concerning the four
Empires, the Babylonian, the Persian, that of the Greeks, and that
of the Romans; in the destruction whereof rose up that last Beast,
which he affirmed to be the Roman Church,--for all the notes that
God hath shewn to the prophet do appertain to none other power
than has ever yet been, except to it alone, and unto it they do so
properly appertain, that such as are not more than blind may clearly
see them. 3. But before he began to open the corruptions of the
Papistry, he defined the true Kirk, shewed the true notes of it,
whereupon it was builded, why it was the pillar of truth, and why
it could not err, to wit, "Because it heard the voice of its own
pastor, Jesus Christ, would not hear a stranger, neither yet would
be carried about with every kind of doctrine."

Every one of these heads sufficiently declared, he entered on the
contrary proposition; and, upon the notes given in his text, he
shewed that the Spirit of God in the New Testament gave to this
king other names, to wit, "The Man of Sin," "The Anti-Christ," "The
Whore of Babylon." He shewed that this man of sin, or Anti-Christ,
was not to be restricted to the person of any one man only, no
more than by the fourth beast was to be understood the person of
any one Emperor. But by such means the Spirit of God sought to
forewarn His chosen of a body and a multitude having a wicked head,
who should not only be sinful himself, but should be occasion of
sin to all that should be subject unto him,--as Christ Jesus, is
cause of justice to all the members of His body. He is called the
Anti-Christ, that is to say, one contrary to Christ, because he is
contrary to Him in life, doctrine, laws, and subjects.

Then began he to decipher the lives of divers Popes, and the lives
of all the shavelings for the most part; their doctrine and laws he
plainly proved to be directly repugnant to the doctrine and laws
of God the Father and of Christ Jesus, His Son. This he proved by
comparing the doctrine of justification expressed in the Scriptures,
which teach that man is "justified by faith only," and "that the
blood of Jesus Christ purges us from all our sins;" and the doctrine
of the <DW7>s, which attributeth justification to the works of the
law, yea, to such works of man's invention as pilgrimage, pardons,
and other such baggage. That the papistical laws were repugnant
to the laws of the Evangel, he proved by the laws made concerning
observation of days, abstaining from meats, and from marriage which
Christ Jesus made free, and the forbidding whereof Saint Paul called
"the doctrine of devils."

In handling the notes of that Beast, given in the text, he willed
men to consider if these notes, "There shall one arise unlike to
the other, having a mouth speaking great things and blasphemous,"
could be applied to any other but the Pope and his Kingdom; for "if
these," said he, "be not great words and blasphemous, 'the Successor
of Peter,' 'the Vicar of Christ,' 'the Head of the Kirk,' 'Most
Holy,' 'Most Blessed,' 'that cannot err;' that 'may make right of
wrong, and wrong of right;' that 'of nothing, may make somewhat;'
that 'hath all truth in the shrine of his breast;' yea, 'that has
power over all, and none power over him;' nay, 'not to say that he
does wrong, although he draw ten thousand million of souls with
himself to hell:' if these," said he, "and many other, able to be
shown in his own canon law, be not grave and blasphemous words, and
such as never mortal man spake before, let the world judge.

"And yet," said he, "there is one note most evident of all. John,
in his Revelation, says that 'the merchandise of that Babylonian
harlot, among other things, shall be the bodies and souls of men.'
Now, let the very <DW7>s themselves judge if ever any before
them took upon them power to relax the pains of them that were in
purgatory, as they affirm to the people that they do by the merits
of their Mass and of their other trifles, daily." In the end, he
said, "If any here"--and there were present Master John Major, the
University, the Sub-prior, and many Canons, with some Friars of both
the Orders--"will say that I have alleged Scripture, teaching, or
history, otherwise than it is written, let them come unto me with
sufficient witness, and by conference I shall let them see not only
the original where my testimonies are written, but I shall prove
that the writers meant what I have spoken."

[Sidenote: The People comment on Knox's Sermon against Papistry.]

Of this sermon, which was the first that ever John Knox made in
public, there were divers bruits. Some said, "Others sned[96] the
branches of the Papistry, but he strikes at the root, to destroy the
whole." Others said, "If the doctors and _Magistri Nostri_ do not
now defend the Pope and his authority, which in their own presence
is so manifestly impugned, the Devil may have my part of him, and
of his laws also." Others said, "Master George Wishart spoke never
so plainly, and yet he was burned: even so will he be." In the end,
others said, "The tyranny of the Cardinal made not his cause the
better, nor yet did the suffering of God's servant make his cause
the worse, and therefore we would counsel you and them to provide
better defences than fire and sword, for it may be that else ye
will be disappointed. Men now have other eyes than they had then."
This answer gave the Laird of Nydie, a man fervent and upright in
religion.

  [96] Clip.

[Sidenote: John Knox is called on to defend his Doctrine.]

The bastard Archbishop, who was not yet execrated (consecrated,
they call it) wrote to the Sub-prior at Saint Andrews, who, _sede
vacante_, was Vicar-general, that he wondered that he suffered
such heretical and schismatical doctrine to be taught, and did not
oppose himself to the same. Upon this rebuke, there was appointed a
Convention of Grey Friars and black fiends with the said Sub-prior,
Dean John Winram, in Saint Leonard's yards. Thereunto was first
called John Rough, and certain Articles were read unto him; and
thereafter was John Knox called for. The cause of their Convention,
and why they were called, was set forth, and the following Articles
were read:--(1) No mortal man can be the head of the Church. (2) The
Pope is an Anti-Christ, and so is no member of Christ's mystical
body. (3) Man may neither make nor devise a religion that is
acceptable to God: but man is bound to observe and keep the religion
that from God is received, without chopping or changing thereof.
(4) The Sacraments of the New Testament ought to be administered as
they were instituted by Christ Jesus, and practised by His Apostles:
nothing ought to be added unto them; nothing ought to be diminished
from them. (5) The Mass is abominable idolatry, blasphemous to the
death of Christ, and a profanation of the Lord's Supper. (6) There
is no purgatory in which the souls of men are pained or purged
after this life. Heaven remains for the faithful, and hell for the
reprobate and unthankful. (7) Praying for the dead is vain, and
prayer to the dead is idolatry. (8) There are no bishops unless they
preach themselves, without any substitute. (9) By God's law the
teinds do not appertain of necessity to the Kirk-men.

"The strangeness," said the Sub-prior, "of these Articles, which
are gathered from your teaching, have moved us to call for you to
hear your own answer." John Knox said, "I, for my part, praise my
God that I see so honourable, and apparently so modest and quiet,
an audience. But because it is long since I have heard that ye are
one that is not ignorant of the truth, I must crave of you, in
the name of God, yea, and I appeal to your conscience before that
Supreme Judge that, if ye think any Article there expressed to be
contrary unto the truth of God, ye oppose yourself plainly unto it,
and suffer not the people to be therewith deceived. But if in your
conscience ye know the doctrine to be true, then I will crave your
patronage thereto, that, by your authority, the people may be moved
the rather to believe the truth, whereof many doubt by reason of our
youth."

_Sub-prior._ I came not here as a judge, but only to talk
familiarly, and therefore I will neither allow nor condemn; but,
if you like, I will reason. Why may not the Kirk, for good causes,
devise ceremonies to decorate the Sacraments and other of God's
services?

_Knox._ Because the Kirk ought to do nothing that is not of faith,
and ought not to go before. She is bound to follow the voice of the
true Pastor.

_Sub-prior._ It is in faith that the ceremonies are commended, and
they have proper significations to help our faith. The hardess[97]
in baptism signifies the richness of the law, and the oil the
softness of God's mercy. Likewise, every one of the ceremonies has a
godly signification, and therefore they both proceed from faith, and
are done in faith.

  [97] Harshness.

_Knox._ It is not enough that man invent a ceremony, and then give
it a signification, according to his pleasure. The ceremonies of
the Gentiles, and to-day the ceremonies of Mahomet, might be so
justified. If anything proceed from faith, it must have the Word
of God for assurance; for ye are not ignorant that "faith comes by
hearing, and hearing by the Word of God." Now, if ye would prove
that your ceremonies proceed from faith and do please God, ye must
prove that God in expressed words has commanded them. Else ye shall
never prove that they proceed from faith, nor yet that they please
God. Ye will but show that they are sin, and do displease Him,
according to the words of the apostle, "Whatsoever is not of faith
is sin."

_Sub-prior._ Will ye bind us so strait that we may do nothing
without the express Word of God? What! If I ask a drink, do you
think that I sin? I have not God's Word for this. (It would appear
that he gave this answer to shift over the argument upon Friar
Arbuckle.)

_Knox._ I would we should not jest in so grave a matter; neither
would I that ye should begin to elude the truth with sophistry; but,
if ye do, I will defend myself as best I can. As to your drinking, I
say that, if ye either eat or drink without assurance of God's Word,
in so doing ye ill-please God, and ye sin in your very eating and
drinking. For, says the Apostle, speaking even of meat and drink,
"the creatures are sanctified unto man, even by the Word and by
prayer." The word is this: "All things are clean to the clean," and
so forth. Now, let me hear thus much of your ceremonies, and I shall
give you the argument; but I wonder that ye compare profane and holy
things so indiscreetly. The question was not, and is not of meat and
drink, wherein the Kingdom of God consists not, but the question
is of God's true worshipping, without which we have no society
with God. It is doubtful if, in the use of Christ's Sacraments, we
may take the same freedom as we may do in eating and drinking. One
meat I may eat, another I may refuse, and that without scruple of
conscience. I may change one for another, as often as I please. May
we do the same in matters of religion? May we cast away what we
please, and retain what we please? If I recollect aright, Moses, in
the name of God, says to the people of Israel, "All that the Lord
thy God commands thee to do, that do thou to the Lord thy God: add
nothing to it; diminish nothing from it." By this rule, I think, the
Kirk of Christ should measure God's religion, and not by that which
seems good in their own eyes.

_Sub-prior._ Forgive me, I spake but in mows,[98] and I was dry. And
now, Father (said he to the Friar), follow the argument. Ye have
heard what I have said, and what is answered unto me again.

  [98] Jest.

_Arbuckle, Greyfriar._ I shall prove plainly that ceremonies are
ordained by God.

_Knox._ Such as God has ordained, we allow, and with reverence we
use them. But the question is of those that God has not ordained,
such as, in Baptism, are spittle, salt, candle, cuid[99] (except
to keep the bairn from cold), hardess, oil, and the rest of the
papistical inventions.

  [99] Chrisom.

_Arbuckle._ I will even prove that these ye damn be ordained of God.

_Knox._ The proof thereof I would gladly hear.

_Arbuckle._ Says not Saint Paul, that "another foundation than Jesus
Christ may no man lay. But upon this foundation some build gold,
silver, and precious stones; some hay, stubble, and wood." The gold,
silver, and precious stones are the ceremonies of the Church, which
do abide the fire, and consume not away. This place of Scripture is
most plain.

_Knox._--I praise my God, through Jesus Christ, for I find His
promise sure, true, and stable. Christ Jesus bids us "not fear, when
we shall be called before men, to give confession of His truth;"
for He promises that "it shall be given unto us in that hour what
we shall speak." If I had sought the whole Scripture, I could not
have produced a place more proper for my purpose, nor more potent
to confound you. Now, to your argument. The Ceremonies of the Kirk,
say ye, are gold, silver, and precious stones, because they are able
to abide the fire; but I would learn of you, what fire is it that
your Ceremonies abide? And in the meantime, until ye be advised how
to answer, I will show my mind, and make an argument against yours
upon the same text. First, I have heard the text adduced for a proof
of purgatory; but for defence of Ceremonies, I have never heard or
yet read of its use. Omitting whether ye understand the mind of the
Apostle or not, I make my argument, and say, that which may abide
the fire may abide the Word of God. Your Ceremonies cannot abide the
Word of God: _ergo_ they cannot abide the fire; and if they cannot
abide the fire, they are not gold, silver, nor precious stones. Now,
if ye find any ambiguity in the term "fire," which I interpret to
be the Word, find me a fire by the which things builded upon Jesus
Christ should be tried, other than God and His Word, which are both
called fire in the Scriptures, and I shall correct my argument.

_Arbuckle._ I stand not thereupon; but I deny your minor argument,
to wit, that our Ceremonies may not abide the trial of God's Word.

_Knox._ I prove that that which God's Word condemns, abides not
the trial of God's Word. But God's Word condemns your Ceremonies:
therefore they do not abide the trial thereof. As the thief abides
the trial of the inquest, and is thereby condemned to be hanged,
even so may your Ceremonies abide the trial of God's Word, but not
otherwise. And now I make plain in few words that wherein ye may
seem to doubt, to wit, that God's Word damns your Ceremonies. This
thing is evident; for the plain and straight commandment of God is,
"Not that thing which appears good in thy eyes shalt thou do to the
Lord thy God, but what the Lord thy God has commanded thee, that do
thou: add nothing to it; diminish nothing from it." Now, unless ye
be able to prove that God has commanded your Ceremonies, this His
former commandment will damn both you and them.

The Friar, somewhat abashed what first to answer, fell into a foul
mire while he wandered about in the mist: for, alleging that we may
not be so bound by the Word, he affirmed that the Apostles had not
received the Holy Ghost when they did write their Epistles; but that
they did ordain the Ceremonies after they received Him. (Few would
have thought that so learned a man would have given so foolish an
answer; and yet it is even as true as that he bare a grey cowl.)
John Knox, hearing the answer, started and said, "If that be true,
I have long been in an error, and I think I shall die therein."
The Sub-prior said to him, "Father, what say ye? God forbid that
ye affirm that; for then farewell the ground of our faith." The
Friar, astonished, made the best shift that he could to correct his
fall; but it could not be. John Knox brought him often again to the
ground of the argument; but he would never answer directly, but ever
fled to the authority of the Kirk. Thereto the said John answered
oftener than once that "the spouse of Christ had neither power nor
authority against the Word of God." Then said the Friar, "If so be,
ye will leave us no Kirk." "Indeed," said the other, "in David I
read that there is a church of the malignants, for he says, '_Odi
ecclesiam malignantium_.' That church ye may have without the Word,
and therein ye may do many things directly fighting against the Word
of God. If ye choose to be of that Church, I cannot impede you.
But, as for me, I will be of none other Church than that which hath
Christ Jesus to be pastor, which hears His voice, and will not hear
a stranger."

In this Disputation many other things were merely skiffed over; for
the Friar, after his fall, could speak nothing to a purpose. For
purgatory he had no better proof than the authority of Virgil in
his sixth Æneid; and the pains thereof to him were an evil wife.
How John Knox answered that and many other things, he did witness
in a treatise that he wrote in the galleys. This contained the sum
of his doctrine and the confession of his faith, and was sent to
his familiars in Scotland; with the exhortation that they should
continue in the truth which they had professed, notwithstanding any
worldly adversity that might ensue. Thus much of the Disputation
have we inserted here, to the intent that men may see how Satan ever
travails to obscure the light; and how God by His power, working in
His weak vessels, confounds his craft and discloses his darkness.

After this, neither <DW7>s nor Friars had great heart for further
disputation or reasoning; but they invented another shift, which
appeared to proceed from godliness. It was an ordinance that learned
men in the Abbey and in the University should preach in the Parish
Kirk, Sunday about. The Sub-prior began, next came the Official
called Spittal (sermons penned to offend no man), and all the rest
followed in their ranks. John Knox smelled out the craft, and in the
sermons which he made upon the week-days he prayed to God that they
should be as busy in preaching when there should be more myster[100]
in it than there was then. "Always," said he, "I praise God that
Christ Jesus is preached, and nothing is said publicly against the
doctrine ye have heard. If in my absence they shall speak anything
which in my presence they do not, I protest that ye suspend your
judgment until it please God ye hear me again."

  [100] Skill.

[Sidenote: Signs follow the Ministry of John Knox: the Backsliding
of Sir James Balfour.]

God so assisted his weak soldier, and so blessed his labours, that
not only all those of the Castle, but also a great number of the
town, openly professed Christ, by participation at the Lord's Table,
in the same purity as now it is administered in the churches of
Scotland. Among them was he that now either rules, or misrules,
Scotland: Sir James Balfour[101] (sometimes called Master James),
the chief and principal Protestant that then was to be found in
this realm. We write this because we have heard that the said
Master James alleges that he never was of this our religion, but
was brought up in Martin Luther's opinion of the Sacrament, and
therefore cannot communicate with us. His own conscience, and two
hundred witnesses besides, know that he lies, and that he was one of
the chief that would have given his life, if men might credit his
words, for defence of the doctrine that the said John Knox taught.
But there is no great wonder if those that never were of us (as none
of Montquhanie's sons have shewn themselves to be) depart from us.
It is proper and natural that the children follow the father; and
let the godly liver of that race and progeny be shewn. If in them
be either fear of God or love of virtue, further than the present
commodity persuades them, men of judgment are deceived. But to
return to our History.

  [101] Afterwards Official of Lothian: "the most corrupt man of his
  age."--_Robertson._

[Sidenote: The Regent and the Queen-Dowager violate the Appointment:
a French Army comes to their Aid.]

The priests and bishops, enraged at these proceedings in Saint
Andrews, ran now to the Governor, now to the Queen,[102] now to the
whole Council, and there might have been heard complaints and cries,
"What are we doing? Shall we suffer this whole realm to be infected
with pernicious doctrine? Fie upon you, and fie upon us." The Queen
and Monsieur D'Oysel (who then was _a secretis mulierum_ in the
Court) comforted them, and counselled them to be quiet, because
they should see remedy before long. And so it proved; for upon the
second last day of June there appeared in sight of the Castle of
Saint Andrews twenty-one French galleys, with a powerful army, the
like whereof was never seen in that firth before.

  [102] Mary of Lorraine, Queen of James V.

By these means the Governor, the Archbishop, the Queen and Monsieur
D'Oysel had treasonably broken the terms of the Appointment. To
excuse their treason, they had, eight days before, presented to
the party in the Castle of St. Andrews an absolution bearing to be
sent from Rome, containing, after the aggravation of the crime,
this clause, _Remittimus Irremissible_, that is, we remit the crime
that cannot be remitted. When this had been considered by the most
of the company that was in the Castle, answer was given that the
Governor and Council of the Realm had promised them a sufficient
and assured absolution, such as that did not appear to be; and that
therefore they could not deliver the house, nor did they think that
any reasonable man would require them so to do, considering that the
promise made had not been truly kept.

On the day after the galleys arrived, the house was summoned. This
was denied, and they prepared for siege. They began to assault by
sea, and shot for two days. But they neither got advantage nor
honour; for they dang[103] the slates off houses, but neither slew
man nor did harm to any wall. The Castle handled them so that Saint
Barbara (the gunners' goddess) helped them nothing; for they lost
many of their rowers, men chained in the galleys, and some soldiers,
both by sea and land. And further, a galley that approached nearer
than the rest was so dung with the cannon and other ordnance, that
she was stopped under water, and so almost drowned. Indeed, so she
would have been, were it not that the rest gave her succour in time,
and drew her first to the west sands, beyond the shot of the Castle,
and thereafter to Dundee. There they remained until the Governor,
who then was at the siege of Langhope, came unto them, with the rest
of the French faction.

  [103] Knocked.

By land the siege of the Castle of St. Andrews was made complete on
the nineteenth day of July. Trenches were cast; and ordnance was
planted upon the Abbey Kirk, and upon Saint Salvator's College.
This so annoyed the Castle that they could keep neither their
block-houses, the sea tower head, nor the west wall; for in all
these places men were slain by great ordnance. Yea, they mounted the
ordnance so high upon the Abbey Kirk, that they might discover the
ground of the close in divers places. Moreover, the pest was within
the Castle, and divers died thereof. This affrighted some that were
therein more than did the external force without. John Knox was of
another opinion, for he ever said that their corrupt life could not
escape the punishment of God: that he continually asserted, from
the time that he was called to preach. When they triumphed of their
victory, and during the first twenty days they had many prosperous
chances, he lamented, and ever said that they saw not what he saw.
When they bragged of the strength and thickness of their walls,
he said that they should prove but egg-shells. When they vaunted,
"England will rescue us," he said, "Ye shall not see them; but ye
shall be delivered into your enemies' hands, and shall be carried to
a strange country."

[Sidenote: The Castle is stormed, and surrenders upon Terms.]

Upon the second last day of July, at night, the ordnance was planted
for the assault; nineteen cannons, whereof four were cannons-royal,
called double cannons, besides other pieces. The cannonade began
at four o'clock in the morning, and before ten o'clock of the
day, the whole south quarter, betwixt the fore-tower and the east
block-house, was made assaultable. The lower trance was condemned,
divers were slain in it, and the east block-house was shot off from
the rest of the place between ten and eleven o'clock. Then fell
a shower of rain that continued nearly an hour. The like of it
had seldom been seen. It was so vehement that no man might abide
without shelter. The cannons were left alone. Some within the
Castle were of opinion that men should have ished,[104] and put all
in the hands of God. But because William Kirkaldy was coming with
the Prior of Capua, on commission from the King of France, nothing
was enterprised. And so an Appointment was made, and the Castle
surrendered upon Saturday, the last of July.

  [104] Sallied forth.

The heads of the Appointment were:--That the lives of all within
the Castle should be saved, as well English as Scottish. That
they should be safely transported to France; and in case that,
upon conditions that should be offered unto them by the King of
France, they could not be content to remain in service and freedom
there, they should, upon the expense of the King of France, be
safely conveyed to such country as they should require, other than
Scotland. They would have nothing to do with the Governor, nor with
any Scotsman; for these had all traitorously betrayed them, "and
this," said the Laird of Grange, elder, a simple man of most stout
courage, "I am assured God will revenge before long."

[Sidenote: The Company of the Castle are carried to France, and cast
into Prison and the Galleys.]

The galleys, well furnished with the spoil of the Castle, returned
to France, after certain days. Escaping a great danger (for they
all chapped[105] upon the back of the Sands), they arrived first at
Fecamp, and thereafter passed up the water of Seine, and lay before
Rouen. There the principal gentlemen, who looked for freedom, were
dispersed, and put in sundry prisons. The rest were left in the
galleys, and there miserably treated. Amongst these was the foresaid
Master James Balfour, with his two brethren, David and Gilbert, men
without God. We write this because we hear that the said Master
James, principal misguider now of Scotland, denies that he had
anything to do with the Castle of St. Andrews, or that ever he was
in the galleys. In breach of express promises (but Princes have no
fidelity further than for their own advantage), these things were
done at Rouen, and then the galleys departed to Nantes, in Brittany,
where they lay upon the water of Loire the whole winter.

  [105] Struck.

[Sidenote: The <DW7>s rejoice, and the Regent receives the Pope's
Thanks.]

Then was the joy of the <DW7>s both of Scotland and France in full
perfection; for this was their song of triumph--

    Priests content ye noo; priests content ye noo;
    For Norman and his company has filled the galleys fou.

The Pope wrote his letters to the King of France, and to the
Governor of Scotland, thanking them heartily for taking pains to
revenge the death of his kind creature, the Cardinal of Scotland;
and desiring them to continue in their severity as they had begun,
that such things should not be attempted again. And so were all
these that were taken in the Castle condemned to perpetual prison;
and the ungodly believed that Christ Jesus should never have
triumphed in Scotland after that.

In Scotland, that summer, there was nothing but mirth; for all
things went with the priests, at their own pleasure. The Castle
of St. Andrews was rased to the ground, the block-houses thereof
were cast down, and the walls round about were demolished. Whether
this was done to fulfil their law, which commands that places where
Cardinals are slain shall so be used, or else for fear that England
should have taken it, as afterwards they took Broughty Craig, we
remit to the judgment of such as were consulted.

[Sidenote: The Duke of Somerset invades Scotland.]

This same year, 1547, in the beginning of September, an army of ten
thousand men from England entered Scotland, by land, and some ships
with ordnance came by sea. The Governor and the Archbishop, informed
of this, gathered together the forces of Scotland and assembled
at Edinburgh. The Protector of England, with the Earl of Warwick,
and their army, remained at Preston, and about Prestonpans: for
they had certain offers to propose unto the nobility of Scotland.
These concerned the promises formerly made by them to King Harry.
Before his death, he had gently required them to stand fast; and had
undertaken that, if they would do so, they should have no trouble
from him or his kingdom, but rather the help and comfort that he
could give them in all things lawful. On this subject, a letter was
now directed to the Governor and Council; but this fell into the
hands of the Archbishop of St. Andrews, who, thinking that it could
not be for his advantage that it should be divulged, suppressed it
by his craft.

[Sidenote: The Battle of Pinkie Cleuch.]

Upon Friday, the ninth of September, the English army marched
towards Leith, and the Scottish army marched from Edinburgh to
Inveresk. The whole Scottish army was not assembled, and yet
skirmishing began; for nothing was expected but victory without a
stroke. The Protector, the Earl of Warwick, the Lord Gray, and all
the English captains were playing at the dice: no men were stouter
than the priests and canons, with their shaven crowns and black
jacks. The Earl of Warwick and the Lord Gray, who had the chief
charge of the horsemen, perceiving the host to be molested by the
Scottish prickers, and that the multitude were neither under order
nor obedience (for they were divided from the great army), sent
forth certain troops of horsemen, and some of their borderers,
either to fight them, or else to put them out of their sight, so
that they might not annoy the host. The skirmish grew hot, and
at length the Scotsmen gave back, and fled without once turning.
The chase continued far, both towards the east and towards the
west. Many were slain, and he that now is Lord Home was afterwards
surrendered to the Englishmen. The loss of these men neither moved
the Governor, nor yet the Archbishop, his bastard brother. They
would revenge the matter well enough upon the morrow; for they were
hands enough (no word of God): the English heretics had no faces;
they would not abide.

Upon the Saturday, the armies of both sides arrayed themselves.
The English army took the mid part of Falside Hill, having their
ordnance planted before them, and their ships and two galleys
brought as near the land as the water would allow. The Scottish army
stood at first in a reasonably strong position and in good order,
having betwixt them and the English army the water of Esk, otherwise
called Musselburgh Water. At length, on the Governor's behalf, with
sound of trumpet, order was given that all men should march forward,
and go over the water. Some say that this was procured by the Abbot
of Dunfermline, and Master Hugh Rigg, for preservation of Carberry.
Men of judgment did not like the move; for they thought it no wisdom
to leave their strong position. But commandment upon commandment,
and charge upon charge were given, and, thus urged, they obeyed
unwillingly. The Earl of Angus was in the vanguard, and had in his
company the gentlemen of Fife, Angus, Mearns, and the Westland, with
many others that for love resorted to him and especially those
that were professors of the Evangel; for they supposed that England
would not make great pursuit of him. He passed first through the
water, and arrayed his host directly before the enemies. The Earl of
Huntly, and his Northland men followed. Last came the Duke, having
in his company the Earl of Argyll, with his own friends, and the
body of the realm.

The Englishmen, perceiving the danger, and that the Scotsmen
intended to take the top of the hill, made haste to prevent the
peril. The Lord Gray was commanded to give the charge with his men
of arms. This he did, albeit the hazard was very unlikely; for the
Earl of Angus's host stood even as a wall. These received the first
assaulters upon the points of their spears (which were longer than
those of the Englishmen) so rudely that fifty horse and men of the
first rank lay dead at once, without any hurt being done to this
Scots army, except that the spears of the two foremost ranks were
broken. This discomfiture received, the rest of the horsemen fled;
yea, some passed beyond Falside Hill. The Lord Gray himself was hurt
in the mouth, and plainly refused to charge again; for, he said, "It
was like running against a wall." The galleys, the ships, and the
ordnance planted upon the mid hill shot terribly. The cross-fire of
the ordnance of the galleys affrighted the Scots army wondrously.
While every man laboured to draw from the north, whence the danger
appeared, they began to reel, and at that point the English footmen
were marching forward, albeit some of their horsemen were in flight.
The Earl of Angus's army stood still, expecting that either Huntly
or the Duke would rencounter the next battle; but it had been
decreed that the favourers of England, and the heretics, as the
priests called them, and the Englishmen should have the struggle to
themselves for the day.

Panic arose, and, in an instant, those who before were victors and
were not yet assaulted with any force, except with ordnance, as we
have said, cast their spears from them and fled. Thus was God's
power so evidently seen, that in one moment, yea, in one instant,
both the armies were fleeing. From the hill, from those that hoped
for no victory upon the English part, the shout arose, "They flee,
they flee." At the first it could not be believed, but at last it
was clearly seen that all had given back; and then began a cruel
slaughter, which was the greater by reason of the late displeasure
of the men at arms.

The chase and slaughter extended almost to Edinburgh, upon the one
part, and be-west Dalkeith upon the other. The number of the slain
upon the Scottish side was judged to be nigh ten thousand men. The
Earl of Huntly was taken, and carried to London; but he relieved
himself, being surety for many ransoms. Whether he did so honestly
or unhonestly we know not; but, as the bruit passed, he used policy
with England. In the same battle was slain the Master of Erskine,
dearly beloved of the Queen, who made great lamentation for him,
and bare his death in mind for many days. When the certainty of
the discomfiture came, she was in Edinburgh, waiting for tidings;
but with expedition she posted that same night to Stirling, with
Monsieur D'Oysel, who was as fleyed[106] as "a fox when his hole
is smoked." Thus did God take the second revenge upon the perjured
Governor and such as assisted him to defend an unjust quarrel;
albeit many innocents fell with the wicked. The English army came to
Leith, and, after securing their prisoners and spoil, returned to
England with this unlooked-for victory.

  [106] Scared.

During the following winter, great hardships were inflicted upon all
the Borders of Scotland. Broughty Craig was taken by the Englishmen,
besieged by the Governor, but still kept. There Gavin, the best of
the Hamiltons, was slain, and the ordnance lost. The Englishmen,
encouraged, began to fortify the hill above Broughty House. The
position was called the Fort of Broughty, and was very noisome[107]
to Dundee. This it burned and laid waste; as it did the most part of
Angus, which was not assured and under friendship with England.

  [107] Troublesome.

At the Easter following, Haddington was fortified by the Englishmen.
The most part of Lothian, from Edinburgh east, was either assured
or laid waste. Thus did God plague in every quarter; but men were
blind, and would not, or could not, consider the cause. The Lairds
of Ormiston and Brunstone were banished, and afterwards forfeited,
and so were all those of the Castle of St. Andrews.

The sure knowledge of the troubles of Scotland coming to France,
there was prepared a navy and army. The navy was such as never
was seen to come from France for the support of Scotland.... They
arrived in Scotland in May 1549. Preparations were made for the
siege of Haddington; but it was another thing that they meant, as
the issue declared.

[Sidenote: The Parliament at Haddington: Queen Mary is sold to
France.]

The whole body of the realm having assembled, the form of a
Parliament was held in the Abbey of Haddington. The principal head
was the marriage to the King of France of the Princess, who had
formerly been contracted to King Edward; and her immediate transfer
to France, by reason of the danger to her from the invasion of
our old enemies of England. Some were corrupted with buds,[108]
some were deceived by flattering promises, and some for fear were
compelled to consent, for the French soldiers were the officers
of arms in that Parliament. The Laird of Buccleuch, a bloody man,
sware, with many "God's wounds," that "they that would not consent
should do worse." The Governor got the Duchy of Châtelherault, with
the order of the Cockle, a full discharge of all intromissions with
the treasure and substance of King James the Fifth, and possession
of the Castle of Dumbarton, until issue of the Queen's body should
be seen. Upon these and other conditions, he stood content to sell
his sovereign. Huntly, Argyll, and Angus were likewise made knights
of the Cockle; and, for that and other good deeds received, they
also sold their interest. In short, none was found to resist that
unjust demand; and so the Queen was sold to go to France, to the end
that in her youth she should drink of the liquor that should remain
with her all her lifetime, for a plague to this realm, and for her
final destruction. Therefore, albeit there now comes out from her a
fire that consumes many, let no man wonder. She is the hand of God,
who, in His displeasure, is punishing our former ingratitude....

  [108] Gifts; bribes.

[Sidenote: The Siege of Haddington.]

Once it was decided that our Queen, without further delay, should be
delivered to France, the siege continued. There was great shooting,
but no assaulting; and yet they had fair occasion offered unto them.
For the Englishmen, approaching the town with powder, victuals, and
men for the comforting of the besieged, lost an army of six thousand
men. Sir Robert Bowes was taken prisoner, and the most part of the
Borderers were either captured or slain. The town might justly have
despaired of any further succour, but yet it held good; for the
stout courage and prudent government of General Sir James Wilford
did so inspire the whole captains and soldiers that they determined
to die upon their walls. From the time that the Frenchmen had gotten
the bone for which the dog barked, the pursuit of the town was slow.
The siege was raised, and the Queen was conveyed by the west seas to
France; and so the Cardinal of Lorraine got her into his keeping, a
morsel meet for his own mouth....

That winter Monsieur de Dessé remained in Scotland with the bands
of Frenchmen. They fortified Inveresk, to prevent the English from
invading Edinburgh and Leith. Some skirmishes there were betwixt the
one and the other, but no notable thing was done, except that the
French almost took Haddington, as we shall see.

[Sidenote: The French Fruits: Arrogance of the French Soldiery.]

Thinking themselves more than masters in all parts of Scotland,
and in Edinburgh principally, the French thought that they could
do no wrong to any Scotsman. A certain Frenchman having delivered
a culverin to George Tod, a Scotsman, to be stocked, he was
bringing it through the street, when another Frenchman claimed
it. He would have reft it from the said George; but he resisted,
alleging that the Frenchman did wrong. Parties began to assemble
to succour of the Scotsman, as well as to that of the Frenchman.
Two of the Frenchmen were stricken down, and the rest were chased
from the Cross to Niddrie's Wynd head. The Provost, being upon the
street, apprehended two of the French, and was carrying them to the
Tolbooth; when from Monsieur de Dessé's lodging and close issued
forth Frenchmen, to the number of threescore persons. These, with
drawn swords, resisted the said Provost. But the town, assembling,
repulsed them, until they came to the Nether Bow. There Monsieur de
La Chapelle, with the whole bands of Frenchmen in arms, rencountered
the said Provost and repulsed him (for the town was without weapons
for the most part), and then attacked all that they met. In the
throat of the Bow were slain David Kirke and David Barbour, who
were at the Provost's back, and then were slain the said Provost
himself, who was Laird of Stenhouse and captain of the Castle, James
Hamilton, his son, William Chapman, a godly man, Master William
Stewart, William Purves, and a woman, named Elizabeth Stewart.
Thereafter the soldiers tarried within the town, by force, from
five o'clock until after seven at night, and then retired to the
Canongate, as to their receptacle and refuge.

The whole town, yea, the Governor and Nobility, commoved at
the unworthiness of this bold attempt, craved justice upon the
malefactors, and threatened that they would otherwise execute
justice on the whole. The Queen, craftily enough, Monsieur de Dessé,
and Monsieur D'Oysel laboured for pacification, and did promise that
"unless the Frenchmen, by themselves alone, should do such an act
as might recompense the wrong that they had done, they should not
refuse that justice should be executed, with rigour."

These fair words pleased our fools, and the French bands were the
next night directed to Haddington. They approached the town a little
after midnight, so secretly that they were never espied until the
foremost were within the base court, and the whole company in
the churchyard, not two pair of butt-lengths from the town. The
soldiers, Englishmen, were all asleep, except the watch, which was
slender, and yet the shout was raised, "Bows and bills: bows and
bills," which in all towns of war signifies need of extreme defence,
to avoid present danger. The affrighted arose; weapons that first
came to hand serving for the need. One amongst many came to the east
port, where lay two great pieces of ordnance, and where the enemies
were known to be. Crying to his fellows that were at the gate making
defence, "Ware before," he fired a great piece, and thereafter
another. God so conducted this discharge that, after it, no further
pursuit was made. The bullets rebounded from the wall of the Friar
Kirk, to the wall of St. Catherine's Chapel, which stood directly
fornent it, and from the wall of the Chapel to the Kirk wall again,
so often that there fell more than a hundred of the French, at those
two shots only. The firing was continued, but the French retired
with diligence, and returned to Edinburgh, without harm done, except
the destruction of some drinking beer, which lay in the said Chapel
and Kirk. Herein was ample satisfaction for the slaughter of the
said captain and Provost, and for the slaughter of such as were
slain with him. This was the beginning of the French fruits.

This winter also did the Laird of Raith most innocently suffer,
the head of the said nobleman being stricken from him; especially
because he was known to be one that unfeignedly favoured the truth
of God's Word, and was a great friend to those that were in the
Castle of St. Andrews. Of their deliverance, and of God's wondrous
working with them during the time of their bondage, we must now
speak, lest, in suppressing the record of so notable a work of God,
we might justly be accused of ingratitude.

[Sidenote: Of the Scots Prisoners in France, and their Deliverance.]

The principals being confined in several houses, as before we have
said, there was great labour to make them have a good opinion of
the Mass. Chiefly was there travail with Norman Leslie, the Laird
of Grange, and the Laird of Pitmilly, who were in the Castle of
Cherbourg. Pressed to go to Mass with the captain, they answered
that "The captain had commandment to keep their bodies, but he had
no power to command their conscience." The captain replied that "He
had power to command and to compel them to go where he would." They
answered that "They would not refuse to go to any lawful place with
him; but they would not, either for him or for the King, do anything
that was against their conscience." The captain said, "Will ye not
go to the Mass?" They answered, "No; and if ye would compel us, we
will displease you further; for we will so use ourselves there that
all those that are present shall know that we despite it."

Similar answers, and somewhat sharper, did William Kirkaldy, Peter
Carmichael, and such as were with them in Mount St. Michael, give
to their captain; for they said they would not only hear Mass every
day, but that they would help to say it, provided that they might
stick the priests. Master Henry Balnaves, who was in the Castle of
Rouen, was most sharply assaulted of all; for, because he was judged
learned, learned men were appointed to travail with him, and with
them he had many conflicts. But, God so assisting him, they departed
confounded, and he, by the power of God's Spirit, remained constant
in the truth and profession of the same, without any wavering or
declining to idolatry.

These that were in the galleys were threatened with torments, if
they would not give reverence to the Mass; but the French could
never make the poorest of that company give reverence to that idol.
Yea, when, upon the Saturday night, they sang their _Salve Regina_,
the whole Scotsmen put on their caps, their hoods, or such things
as they had to cover their heads; and when others were compelled
to kiss a painted board, which they called "Notre Dame," they were
not pressed more than once; for this was what happened. Soon after
the arrival at Nantes, their great _Salve_ was sung, and a glorious
painted Lady was brought to be kissed, and was presented to one of
the Scotsmen then chained, amongst others. He gently said, "Trouble
me not; such an idol is accursed; and therefore I will not touch
it." The patron and the arguesyn[109] with two officers, having the
chief charge of all such matters, said, "Thou shalt handle it;"
and so they violently thrust it to his face, and put it betwixt
his hands. He, seeing the extremity, took the idol, and advisedly
looking about, cast it into the river, saying, "Let our Lady now
save herself: she is light enough; let her learn to swim." After
that no Scotsman was urged with that idolatry.

  [109] Skipper and the lieutenant.

These are things that appear to be of no great importance; and
yet, if we do rightly consider, they express the same obedience as
God required of His people Israel when they should be carried to
Babylon. He gave charge unto them that, when they should see the
Babylonians worship their gods of gold, silver, metal, and wood,
they should say, "The gods that have not made the heaven and the
earth shall perish from the heaven, and out of the earth."

[Sidenote: John Knox prophesies of himself: his Confidence in God's
Deliverance.]

Master James Balfour being in the same galley as John Knox, and
being wondrously familiar with him, would often ask his opinion
whether he thought that they should ever be delivered. His answer
ever was, from the day that they entered the galleys, that God,
for His own glory, would deliver them from that bondage, even in
this life. The second time that the galleys returned to Scotland,
when they were lying betwixt Dundee and St. Andrews, and the said
John was so extremely sick that few hoped his life, the said Master
James willed him to look to the land, and asked if he knew it? He
answered, "Yes, I know it well; for I see the steeple of the place
in which God first in public opened my mouth to His glory. I am
fully persuaded that, however weak I may now appear, I shall not
depart this life until my tongue shall glorify His godly name in the
same place." The said Master James reported this in presence of many
famous witnesses, many years before the said John set his foot in
Scotland this last time.

William Kirkaldy, then younger of Grange, Peter Carmichael, Robert
and William Leslie, who were all together in Mount St. Michael,
wrote to the said John, asking his counsel as to whether they
might, with safe conscience, break their prison? His answer was
that if, without the blood of any shed or spilt by them for their
deliverance, they could set themselves at freedom, they might safely
take it: but that he would never consent to their shedding any man's
blood for their freedom. He added, further, that he was assured that
God would deliver them and the rest of that company, even in the
eyes of the world; but not by such means as we had looked for; that
was, by the force of friends or by their other labours. He affirmed
that they should not be delivered by such means, but that God would
so work in the deliverance of them, that the praise thereof should
redound to His glory only. He therefore urged every one to take any
occasion for deliverance that God might offer, provided that nothing
was done against God's express commandment.

John Knox was the more earnest in giving his counsel, because the
old Laird of Grange, and others, were averse from their purpose,
fearing lest the escaping of the others should be an occasion of
their own worse treatment. Thereto the said John answered that such
fear proceeded not from God's Spirit, but only from a blind love
of self. No good purpose was to be stayed for things that were in
the hands and power of God. In one instant, he added, God delivered
all that company into the hands of unfaithful men, but so would He
not relieve them. Some would He deliver by one means, and at one
time, and others must, for a season, abide upon His good pleasure.
In the end, they embraced this counsel. Upon the King's Even, when
Frenchmen commonly drink liberally, the foresaid four persons,
having the help and conduct of a boy of the house, bound all those
that were in the Castle, put them in sundry houses, locked the doors
upon them, took the keys from the captain, and departed without
harm done to the person of any, or without touching anything that
appertained to the King, the Captain, or the house.

Great search was made through the whole country for them. But
it was God's good pleasure so to conduct them that they escaped
the hands of the faithless, albeit it was with long travail, and
endurance of great pain and poverty; for the French boy left them,
and took with him the small poise that they had. Having neither
money, nor knowledge of the country, and fearing that the boy should
discover them, as in very deed he did, of purpose they divided
themselves, changed their garments, and went in sundry parties. The
two brethren, William and Robert Leslie (who now are become, the
said Robert especially, enemies to Christ Jesus and to all virtue)
came to Rouen. William Kirkaldy and Peter Carmichael, in beggars'
garments, came to Le Conquet, and for the space of twelve or
thirteen weeks they travelled as poor mariners, from port to port,
till at length they got a French ship, and landed in the west. From
thence they came to England, where they met with the said John Knox,
he and Alexander Clark having been delivered that same winter.

[Sidenote: John Knox in England and on the Continent.]

The said John was first appointed preacher to Berwick, then to
Newcastle; and lastly, he was called to London and the south parts
of England, where he remained until the death of King Edward
the Sixth. Then he left England, and went to Geneva, where he
remained in his private study, until he was called to be preacher
to the English congregation at Frankfort. This call he obeyed,
albeit unwillingly, at the commandment of that notable servant
of God, John Calvin. He remained at Frankfort until some of the
learned, more given to unprofitable ceremonies than to sincerity
of religion, began to quarrel with him. These men, because they
despaired of prevailing before the magistrate there in the overt
purpose of establishing their corruptions, accused him of treason
committed against the Emperor, and against their sovereign Queen
Mary, in that, in his _Admonition to England_, he called the one
little inferior to Nero, and the other more cruel than Jezebel. The
magistrate, perceiving their malice and fearing that the said John
should fall into the hands of his accusers by one means or another,
gave secret warning to him to depart from the city; for they could
not save him if he were required by the Emperor, or by the Queen of
England, in the Emperor's name. So the said John returned to Geneva,
from thence to Dieppe, and thereafter to Scotland, as we shall hear.

In the winter that the galleys remained in Scotland, there were
delivered Master James Balfour, his two brethren, David and Gilbert,
John Auchinleck, John Sibbald, John Gray, William Guthrie, and
Stephen Bell. The gentlemen that remained in prisons were, by the
procurement of the Queen-Dowager, set at liberty in the month of
July 1550. These were shortly thereafter recalled to Scotland, their
peace was proclaimed, and they themselves were restored to their
lands, in despite of their enemies. And that was done in hatred of
the Duke, and because France began to thirst to have the regiment of
Scotland in her own hands. Howsoever it was, God made their enemies
set them at liberty and freedom. There still remained a number of
common servants in the galleys, but these were all delivered when
the contract of peace was made betwixt France and England, after the
taking of Boulogne. So was the whole company set at liberty, none
perishing except James Melvin, who departed from the miseries of
this life in the Castle of Brest in Brittany.

This we write, that the posterity to come may understand how
potently God wrought in preserving and delivering those that had
but a small knowledge of His truth, and for the love of the same
hazarded all. We or our posterity may see a fearful dispersion of
such as oppose themselves to impiety, or take upon them to punish
the same otherwise than laws of men will permit: we may see them
forsaken by men, and, as it were, despised and punished by God.
But, if we do, let us not damn the persons that punish vice for
just causes, nor yet despair that the same God that casts down, for
causes unknown to us, will again raise up the persons dejected, to
His glory and their comfort....

[Sidenote: Haddington proves the Truth of Master George Wishart's
Foreboding.]

Haddington being in the hands of the English, and much herschip
being done in the country (for what the Englishmen did not destroy,
the French consumed), God did begin to fight for Scotland; for
to the town named He sent so contagious a pest, that with great
difficulty could the English garrison have their dead buried. They
were oft reinforced with new men, but all was in vain. Hunger and
pest were within the town, and the enemy, with a camp-volant,[110]
lay about them and intercepted all victuals, unless these were
brought by a convoy from Berwick; and the Council of England was
compelled, in spring, to withdraw its forces from that place. So,
after spoiling and burning some part of the town, they left it to
be occupied by such as first should take possession--and those
were the Frenchmen, with a mean number of the ancient inhabitants.
Thus did God perform the words and the threatening of His servant
Master George Wishart, who said that, for their contempt of God's
messenger, they should be visited with sword and fire, with
pestilence, strangers, and famine.

  [110] Expeditionary force.

[Sidenote: Peace proclaimed (April 1550): the <DW7>s resume
Persecution.]

After this, peace was contracted betwixt France and England and
Scotland; and a separate contract of peace was made betwixt Scotland
and Flanders, with all the Easterlings; so that Scotland had peace
with the world. But yet the Bishops would make war with God. As soon
as they got any quietness, they apprehended Adam Wallace, a simple
man, without great learning, but zealous in godliness and of an
upright life. He with his wife, Beatrice Livingston, frequented the
company of the Lady Ormiston, for the instruction of her children
during the trouble of her husband, who then was banished. That
bastard, called Archbishop of St. Andrews, took the said Adam from
the place of Winton, and carried him to Edinburgh. And, in the kirk
of the black thieves, alias Friars, he was brought to trial before
the Duke, the Earl of Huntly, divers others besides, and the Bishops
and their rabble.

[Sidenote: The faithful Testimony and Martyrdom of Adam Wallace.]

Master John Lauder was accuser, and alleged that he took upon him
to preach. He answered that he never considered himself worthy
of so excellent a vocation, and therefore never took upon him to
preach; but that he would not deny that, sometimes at the table
and sometimes in other privy places, he had read the Scriptures,
and had given such exhortation as God pleased to give him, to such
as pleased to hear him. "Knave," quoth one, "what have ye to do to
meddle with the Scriptures?" "I think," said he, "it is the duty of
every Christian to seek the will of his God, and the assurance of
his salvation, where it is to be found, and that is within his Old
and New Testament." "What then," said another, "shall we leave to
the bishops and kirkmen to do, if every man shall be a babbler upon
the Bible?" "It becometh you," said he, "to speak more reverently of
God and of His blessed Word. If the judge were incorrupt, he would
punish you for your blasphemy. To your question, I answer that,
albeit ye and I and other five thousand within this realm should
read the Bible, and speak of it what God should give us to speak,
yet should we leave more to the bishops to do than either they will
or yet can well do. We leave to them to preach the Evangel of Jesus
Christ publicly, and to feed the flock which He hath redeemed with
His own blood, and hath commended to the care of all true pastors.
When we leave this unto them, methinks we leave to them a heavy
burden; and we do them no wrong if we search our own salvation where
it is to be found, considering that they are but dumb dogs, and
unsavoury salt that has altogether lost its season." The Bishops,
offended, said, "What prating is this? Let his accusation be read."

And then was begun, "False traitor, heretic, thou didst baptize
thine own bairn. Thou saidst there is no purgatory. Thou saidst
that to pray to saints and for the dead is idolatry and a vain
superstition, and so on. What sayest thou of these things?" He
answered, "If I should be bound to answer, I would require an
upright and indifferent judge." The Earl of Huntly disdainfully
said, "Foolish man, wilt thou desire another judge than my Lord
Duke's Grace, great Governor of Scotland, and my Lords the bishops,
and the clergy here present?" Thereto he answered, "The bishops
can be no judges of me; for they are open enemies to me and to the
doctrine that I profess. And, as for my Lord Duke, I cannot tell if
he has the knowledge that should be in him that should judge and
discern betwixt lies and the truth, the inventions of men and the
true worshipping of God. I desire God's Word," and with that he
produced the Bible, "to be judge betwixt the bishops and me, and
I am content that ye shall all hear. If by this book I shall be
convicted to have taught, spoken, or done, in matters of religion,
anything that repugns to God's will, I refuse not to die; but if I
cannot be convicted, as I am assured by God's Word I shall not be,
then I in God's name desire your assistance, that malicious men
may not execute unjust tyranny upon me." The Earl of Huntly said,
"What a babbling fool this is. Thou shalt get none other judges than
these that sit here." Thereto the said Adam answered, "The good will
of God be done. But be ye assured, my Lord, with such measure as
ye mete to others, with the same measure it shall be meted to you
again. I know that I shall die, but be ye assured that my blood will
be required of your hands."

Alexander Earl of Glencairn, yet alive, then said to the Bishop of
Orkney, and others that sat near him, "Take you yon, my lords of the
clergy; for here I protest, for my part, that I consent not to his
death." And so, without fear, the said Adam prepared to answer. As
to the baptizing of his own child, he said, "It was and is as lawful
to me, for lack of a true minister, to baptize my own child, as it
was to Abraham to circumcise his son Ishmael and his family. And as
for purgatory, praying to saints, and praying for the dead, I have
read both the New and Old Testaments often, but I neither could find
mention nor assurance of them; and, therefore, I believe that they
are but mere inventions of man, devised for covetousness's sake."
"What sayest thou of the Mass?" speired[111] the Earl of Huntly.
He answered, "I say, my Lord, as my Master Jesus Christ says,
'That which is in greatest estimation before men is abomination
before God.'" Then all cried out, "Heresy! heresy!" And so this
simple servant of God was adjudged to the fire; which he patiently
sustained that same afternoon, upon the Castle Hill.

  [111] Inquired.

Thus the <DW7>s began again to pollute the land, which God had
lately plagued. Their iniquity was not yet come to that full
ripeness in which God willed that it should be made manifest to this
whole realm that they were <DW19>s prepared for the everlasting
fire, and men whom neither plagues might correct, nor the light of
God's Word convert from their darkness and impiety.

[Sidenote: The Duke is deposed, and the Queen-Dowager is made
Regent: 1554.]

Peace contracted, the Queen-Dowager passed by sea to France, and
took with her divers of the nobility of Scotland, to wit, the Earls
Huntly, Glencairn, Marischall, and Cassillis, the Lords Maxwell
and Fleming, and Sir George Douglas; together with all the King's
natural sons, and divers barons and gentlemen of ecclesiastical
estate, the Bishop of Galloway and many others, with promises that
they should be richly rewarded for their good service. What they
received we cannot tell; but few made ruse[112] at their returning.
The Dowager practised somewhat with her brethren, the Duke of Guise
and the Cardinal of Lorraine, and the Governor afterwards felt the
weight of this: for shortly after her return he was deposed from the
government--justly by God, but most unjustly by men--and she made
Regent in the year of God 1554. A crown was put upon her head--as
seemly a sight, if men had eyes, as to put a saddle upon the back
of an unruly cow. Then did she begin to practise practice upon
practice, how France might be advanced, her friends made rich, and
she brought to immortal glory....

  [112] Boast.

[Sidenote: The Death and Virtues of Edward VI.]

Thus did light and darkness strive within the realm of Scotland; the
darkness ever before the world suppressing the light, from the death
of that notable servant of God, Master Patrick Hamilton, unto the
death of Edward Sixth, the most godly and most virtuous King that
hath been known to have reigned in England or elsewhere these many
years bypast, who departed the misery of this life on the sixth of
July 1553. The death of this Prince was lamented by all the godly
within Europe; for the graces given unto him by God, by nature as
well as through erudition and godliness, passed the measure that
is commonly given to other Princes in their greatest perfection,
and yet he exceeded not sixteen years of age. What gravity beyond
his years, what wisdom passing all expectation of man, and what
dexterity in answering all questions proposed, were in that
excellent Prince, the Ambassadors of all countries did bear witness.
Yea, some that were mortal enemies to him and to his realm, amongst
whom the Queen-Dowager of Scotland was not the least, could and did
so testify. The said Queen-Dowager, returning from France through
England, communed with him at length, and gave record, when she
came to this realm, that she found more wisdom and solid judgment
in young King Edward than she would have looked for in any three
princes that were then in Europe. His liberality towards the godly
and learned, persecuted in other realms, was remarkable. Germans,
Frenchmen, Italians, Scots, Spaniards, Poles, Greeks, and Hebrews
can yet give sufficient document[113] of this. Martin Bucer, Peter
Martyr, Joannes Alasco, and many others were honourably entertained
upon his public stipends, as their patents can witness, and as they
themselves during their lives never would have denied.

  [113] Evidence.

[Sidenote: The superstitious Cruelty of Mary of England, and of the
Queen Regent.]

After the death of this most virtuous Prince, of whom the godless
people of England, for the most part, were not worthy, Satan
intended nothing less than that the light of Jesus Christ should
have been utterly extinguished within the whole Isle of Britain.
For there was raised up after him, in God's hot displeasure, that
idolatrous Jezebel, mischievous Mary, of the Spaniards' blood; a
cruel persecutrix of God's people, as the acts of her unhappy reign
can sufficiently witness. And in Scotland, at that same time, as we
have heard, there reigned that crafty practiser, Marie of Lorraine,
then named Regent of Scotland; who, bound to the devotion of her
two brethren, the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorraine, did
only abide the opportunity to cut the throats of all those within
the realm of Scotland in whom she suspected any knowledge of God.
Satan thought that his kingdom of darkness was in quietness and
rest, in the one realm as well as in the other; but that provident
eye of the Eternal our God, who continually watches for preservation
of His Church, did so dispose all things, that Satan shortly after
found himself far disappointed in his conclusions. For in the cruel
persecution carried on by that monster, Mary of England, godly
men were dispersed among divers nations, and then it pleased the
goodness of our God to send some of these unto us, for our comfort
and instruction.

[Sidenote: John Knox follows William Harlaw and John Willock to
Scotland.]

First came a simple man, William Harlaw, who, although his
erudition excels not, is yet, for his zeal, and diligent plainness
in doctrine, to this day worthy of praise, and remains a faithful
member within the Church of Scotland. After him came that notable
man, John Willock, with some commission from the Duchess of Embden
to the Queen Regent. But his principal purpose was to ascertain
what work God had for him in his native country. These two did
sometimes assemble the brethren in several companies, and by their
exhortations those began to be greatly encouraged, and did show that
they had an earnest thirst of godliness. Last came John Knox, in the
end of harvest, in the year of God 1555. Lodged in the house of that
notable man of God, James Syme, he began to exhort secretly in that
same house; and thereto repaired the Laird of Dun, David Forrest,
and some certain personages of the town.

[Sidenote: The good Testimony of Elizabeth Adamson, Mistress Barron.]

Amongst these was Elizabeth Adamson, spouse to James Barron, burgess
of Edinburgh, who had a troubled conscience, and delighted much in
the company of the said John, because he, according to the grace
given unto him, opened more fully the fountain of God's mercies,
than did the common sort of teachers that she had heard before,
for she had heard none but Friars. She did with much greediness
drink of that fountain, and at her death she expressed the fruit
of her hearing, to the great comfort of all those that repaired to
her. Albeit she suffered most grievous torment in her body, from
her mouth there was heard nothing but praising of God, except that
sometimes she would lament the troubles of those that were troubled
by her. When her sisters asked what she thought of the pain which
she then suffered in body, in comparison with that with which
sometimes she had been troubled in spirit, she answered, "A thousand
years of this torment, and ten times more joined unto it, is not to
be compared to the quarter of an hour that I suffered in my spirit.
I thank my God, through Jesus Christ, that He has delivered me from
that most fearful pain; and welcome be this, even so long as it
pleaseth His godly Majesty to discipline me therewith."

A little before her departure, the said Elizabeth desired her
sisters and some others that were beside her to sing a psalm.
Amongst others, she appointed the Hundred and Third Psalm,
beginning, "My soul, praise thou the Lord always." This ended,
she said, "At the teaching of this Psalm, my troubled soul first
began effectually to taste of the mercy of God, which now to me
is more sweet and precious than were all the kingdoms of the earth
given to me to possess for a thousand years." The priests urged her
with their ceremonies and superstitions, but to them she answered,
"Depart from me, ye sergeants of Satan; for I have refused, and in
your own presence do refuse, all your abominations. That which ye
call your Sacrament and Christ's body, as ye have deceived us to
believe in times past, is nothing but an idol, and has nothing to
do with the right institution of Jesus Christ. Therefore, in God's
name, I command you not to trouble me." They departed, alleging that
she raved, and wist not what she said. Shortly thereafter she slept
in the Lord Jesus, to the no small comfort of those that saw her
blessed departing. We could not omit mention of this worthy woman,
who gave so notable a confession before the great light of God's
Word did universally shine throughout this realm.

[Sidenote: John Knox argues that the Mass is Idolatry.]

At the first coming of the said John Knox, divers who had a zeal to
godliness made small scruple to go to the Mass, or to communicate
with the abused sacraments in the papistical manner. Perceiving
this, he began, in privy conference as well as in preaching, to show
the impiety of the Mass, and how dangerous it was to participate
in any way with idolatry. The consciences of some were affrighted,
and the matter began to agitate from man to man. So the said John
was called to supper by the Laird of Dun for that purpose, and
there were convened David Forrest, Master Robert Lockhart, John
Willock, and William Maitland of Lethington, younger, a man of
good learning, and of sharp wit and reasoning. The question was
proposed, and it was answered by the said John that it was nowise
lawful to a Christian to present himself to that idol. Nothing was
omitted that might make for the temporiser, and yet was every head
fully answered, and especially one wherein they thought their great
defence stood, to wit, that Paul, at the commandment of James and
the elders of Jerusalem, went to the temple and feigned to pay
his vow with others. After a full discussion, William Maitland
concluded, saying, "I see perfectly that our shifts will serve
nothing before God, seeing that they stand us in so small stead
before man."

The answer of John Knox to the act of Paul, and to the commandment
of James, was that Paul's act had nothing to do with their going to
the Mass. To pay vows was sometimes God's commandment, and was never
idolatry: but the Mass was from the beginning, and still remained
odious idolatry. "Secondarily," said he, "I greatly doubt whether
either James's commandment or Paul's obedience proceeded from the
Holy Ghost...." After these and like reasonings, the Mass began to
be abhorred by such as before had frequented it for the fashion, and
for avoidance of slander, as then they termed it.

[Sidenote: John Knox preaches in different Parts, and administers
the Lord's Table.]

At the request of the Laird of Dun, John Knox followed him to
his place of Dun, where he remained a month, daily occupied in
preaching; and the principal men of that country were among his
audiences. After his return, his residence was most in Calder. The
Lord Erskine that now is, the Earl of Argyll, then Lord of Lorne,
and Lord James Stewart, then Prior of St. Andrews, and now Earl
of Moray, came to Calder and so approved his doctrine that they
expressed a desire that it should have been public. That same winter
he taught commonly in Edinburgh; and, after Yule, on the invitation
of the Laird of Barr and Robert Campbell of Kinyeancleuch, he came
to Kyle, and taught in the Barr, in the house of the Carnell, in the
Kinyeancleuch, in the town of Ayr, and in the houses of Ochiltree
and Gadgirth, and in some of them he ministered the Lord's Table.

Before Easter, the Earl of Glencairn sent for him to his place of
Finlayston; where, after preaching, he likewise ministered the
Lord's Table. Besides Glencairn himself, his lady, two of his sons,
and certain of his friends were partakers. When he returned to
Calder, divers from Edinburgh, and from the country about, assembled
there, for the preaching as well as for the right use of the Lord's
Table, which they had never practised before. Thence he departed the
second time to the Laird of Dun. His teaching was then with greater
liberty, and the gentlemen required that he should likewise minister
unto them the Table of the Lord Jesus, whereof were partakers the
most part of the gentlemen of Mearns. To the praise of God, these
do, to this day, constantly adhere to the doctrine which then they
professed, to wit, that they refused all society with idolatry, and
bound themselves to maintain, to the uttermost of their powers, the
true preaching of the Evangel of Jesus Christ, as God should offer
unto them preachers and opportunity.

[Sidenote: John Knox is summoned to Answer for his Doctrine: the
Diet abandoned.]

The Friars from all quarters flocked to the bishops with the bruit,
and the said John Knox was summoned to appear in the Kirk of the
Black Friars in Edinburgh on the fifteenth day of May 1556. The
said John decided to obey the summons, and for that purpose John
Erskine of Dun, with divers other gentlemen, assembled in the town
of Edinburgh. But that diet was not held; for the bishops either
perceived informality in their own proceedings, or feared that
danger might ensue upon their extreme measures. On the Saturday
before, they cassed[114] their own summons; and the said John, on
the day appointed by the summons, taught in Edinburgh in a greater
audience than ever before he had done in that town. The place was
the Bishop of Dunkeld's great lodging, and there he continued
teaching for ten days, both before and after noon.

  [114] Annulled.

[Sidenote: John Knox writes to the Queen Regent.]

The Earl of Glencairn allured the Earl Marischall, with Harry
Drummond, his counsellor for that time, to hear an exhortation,
one night. They were so well satisfied, that they both desired the
said John to write unto the Queen Regent a letter that might move
her to hear the Word of God. He obeyed, and wrote that which was
afterwards printed, and is called "The Letter to the Queen Dowager."
This was delivered into her own hands by the said Alexander, Earl
of Glencairn. When she had read this letter, she delivered it to
that proud prelate, Beaton,[115] Archbishop of Glasgow, a day or two
after, and said in mockage, "Please you, my Lord, read a pasquil."

  [115] James, nephew of the Cardinal.

[Sidenote: John Knox is recalled to Geneva, and leaves the Realm: he
is burned in Effigy.]

While John Knox was thus occupied in Scotland, letters came unto
him from the English Kirk in Geneva, in God's name commanding him,
as their chosen pastor, to repair unto them for their comfort.
Upon this, the said John prepared to obey the summons. He bade
farewell in almost every congregation in which he had preached,
and exhorted us to prayers, to reading of the Scriptures, and to
mutual conference, until such time as God should give unto us
greater liberty. By the procurement and labours of Robert Campbell
of Kinyeancleuch, he visited the old Earl of Argyll in the Castle of
Campbell, and there he taught certain days. The Laird of Glenorchy,
being one of his auditors, desired the Earl of Argyll to detain him;
but he, purposed upon his journey, would not at that time stay for
any request. He added that, if God so blessed these small beginnings
and they continued in godliness, they should find him obedient
whensoever they pleased to command him; but that he must needs visit
once that little flock which the wickedness of men had compelled
him to leave. In the month of July he left this realm and passed to
France, and so to Geneva. Immediately after, the bishops summoned
him, and, for non-compearance, burned him in effigy at the Cross of
Edinburgh, in the year of God 1555.

[Sidenote: The Regent declares War on England: the Nobles decline to
move.]

In the winter that the said John abode in Scotland, there appeared
a comet, the course of which was from the south and south-west to
the north and northeast. It was seen during the months of November,
December, and January, and was called "the fiery besom." Soon after,
Christian, King of Denmark, died, and war rose betwixt Scotland and
England; for the Commissioners of both realms, who for almost six
months had treated upon the conditions of peace and were upon a near
point of conclusion, were disappointed. At Newbattle, the Queen
Regent, with her Council of the French faction, decreed war, without
giving any intimation to the Commissioners for Scotland. Such is
the fidelity of Princes, guided by priests, whenever they seek to
serve their own affections. But the nobility of Scotland, after
consultation amongst themselves, went to the pavilion of Monsieur
D'Oysel, and to his face declared that in nowise would they invade
England. They commanded the ordnance to be retired; and this was
done without further delay. This put an affray[116] in Monsieur
D'Oysel's breath, and kindled such a fire in the Queen Regent's
stomach as was not well slockened until her breath failed. And thus
was that enterprise frustrated, although war continued.

  [116] Terror; fright.

[Sidenote: The Evangel begins to flourish in Scotland.]

During this period the Evangel of Jesus Christ began wondrously to
flourish. William Harlaw began publicly to exhort in Edinburgh; John
Douglas, who had been with the Earl of Argyll, preached in Leith,
and sometimes exhorted in Edinburgh; Paul Methven began publicly
to preach in Dundee; and so did divers others in Angus and Mearns.
And last, in God's good pleasure, John Willock arrived the second
time from Embden; and his return was so joyful to the brethren that
their zeal and godly courage daily increased. Albeit he contracted
a dangerous sickness, he did not cease from labour, but taught and
exhorted from his bed. Some of the nobility (of whom some are fallen
back, among whom the Lord Seton is chief), with many barons and
gentlemen, were his auditors. These were instructed in godliness by
him, and wondrously comforted. They kept their conventions, and held
councils with such gravity and closeness, that the enemies trembled.
The images were stolen away in all parts of the country; and in
Edinburgh the great idol called Saint Giles was first drowned in the
Nor' Loch, and then burned. This raised no small trouble in the town.

[Sidenote: Images are stolen, and the Prelates practise with the
Regent.]

The Friars rowping[117] like ravens upon the bishops, the bishops
ran to the Queen. She was favourable enough to them, but she
thought it could not be to her advantage to offend such a multitude
as then took upon them the defence of the Evangel and the name
of Protestants. Yet she consented to summon the preachers; and
the Protestants, neither offended nor yet afraid, determined to
keep the day of summons, as that they did. When the prelates and
priests perceived this, they procured that there should be made
a proclamation that all men that were come to the town without
commandment of the authority, should with all diligence repair
to the Borders, and there remain fifteen days: for the Bishop of
Galloway, in this manner of rhyme, said to the Queen, "Madam,

    Because they are come without order,
    I red ye, send them to the Border."

  [117] Crying hoarsely.

Now, God had so provided that the Quarter of the Westland, in which
were many faithful men, were that same day returned from the Border.
Understanding the matter to proceed from the malice of the priests,
they assembled and made passage for themselves until they came to
the very privy chamber, where the Queen Regent and the bishops were.
The gentlemen began to complain of their strange entertainment,
considering that her Grace had found in them faithful obedience in
all things lawful. When the Queen began to craft, a zealous and a
bold man, James Chalmers of Gadgirth, said, "Madam, we know that
this is the malice and device of these Jefwellis,[118] and of that
bastard (meaning the Archbishop of St. Andrews) that stands by you.
We avow to God we shall make a day of it. They oppress us and our
tenants that they may feed their idle bellies: they trouble our
preachers, and would murder them and us: shall we suffer this any
longer? Nay, Madam: it shall not be." And therewith every man put on
his steel bonnet.

  [118] Jail-birds.

Then was heard nothing on the Queen's part but, "My joys, my hearts,
what ails you? Me means no evil to you nor to your preachers. The
bishops shall do you no wrong. Ye are all my loving subjects. Me
know nothing of this proclamation. The day of your preachers shall
be discharged, and me will hear the controversy that is betwixt
the bishops and you. They shall do you no wrong. My Lords," said
she to the bishops, "I forbid you either to trouble them or their
preachers." And unto the gentlemen, who were wondrously moved, she
turned again, and said, "O my hearts, should ye not love the Lord
your God with all your heart, with all your mind? and should ye not
love your neighbours as yourselves?" With these and the like fair
words, she kept the bishops from buffets at that time.

[Sidenote: The downcasting of Saint Giles's Image, and Discomfiture
of Baal's Priests.]

The day of summons being discharged, the brethren universally began
to be further encouraged. But the bishops could not be quiet; and
Saint Giles's day approaching, they gave charge to the Provost,
Bailies, and Council of Edinburgh, either to get again the old Saint
Giles, or else at their own expense to make a new image. The Council
answered that to them the charge appeared very unjust; for they
understood that God in some places had commanded idols and images
to be destroyed. Where He had commanded images to be set up, they
had not read; and they desired the Bishop to find a warrant for
his commandment. The Bishop, offended, admonished them under pain
of cursing; but they prevented[119] this by a formal appellation,
appealing from him, as from a partial and corrupt judge, unto the
Pope's Holiness. Greater things shortly following, that passed into
oblivion.

  [119] Anticipated.

Yet the priests and Friars would not cease to have that great
solemnity and manifest abomination which they accustomably had upon
Saint Giles's day. They would have that idol borne; and therefore
all necessary preparation was duly made. A marmoset idol was
borrowed from the Grey Friars, a silver piece of James Carmichael
being laid in pledge. It was fast fixed with iron nails upon a
barrow, called their fertour.[120] There assembled priests, Friars,
Canons, and rotten <DW7>s, with tabors and trumpets, banners and
bagpipes, and who was there to lead the ring, but the Queen Regent
herself, with all her shavelings, for honour of that feast. West
about it went, and came down the High Street, and down to the
Canon Cross. The Queen Regent dined that day in Sandy Carpetyne's
house, betwixt the Bows, and so, when the idol returned again, she
left it, and went to her dinner. The hearts of the brethren were
wondrously inflamed, and, seeing such abomination so manifestly
maintained, were determined to be revenged. They were divided into
several companies, of which not one knew of another. There were
some temporisers that day (amongst whom David Forrest, called the
General, was one) who, fearing the chance would be taken to do as it
befell, laboured to stay the brethren. But that could not be.

  [120] Coffer.

Immediately after the Queen had entered the lodging, some of those
that were in the enterprise drew nigh to the idol, as if willing
to help to bear him, and getting the fertour upon their shoulders,
began to shudder, thinking that thereby the idol should have fallen.
But that was provided for and prevented by the iron nails, as we
have said; and so one began to cry, "Down with the idol; down with
it;" and without delay it was pulled down. One took him by the heels
and, dadding[121] his head on the causeway, left Dagon without head
or hands, and cried, "Fie upon thee, thou young Saint Giles, thy
father would have tarried four such." The priest's patrons made some
brag at the first; but when they saw the feebleness of their god,
priests and Friars fled faster than they did at Pinkie Cleuch. Then
might have been seen so sudden a fray as seldom has been amongst
that sort of men within this realm. Down went the crosses, off went
the surplice, and the round caps cornered with the crowns.[122] The
Grey Friars gaped, the Black Friars blew, the priests panted and
fled, and happy was he that first reached the house; such a sudden
fray amongst the generation of Antichrist within this realm never
came before. By chance, there lay upon a stair a merry Englishman,
who, seeing that the discomfiture was without blood, thought he
would add some merriness to the matter, and so cried he over the
stair, and said, "Fie upon you, why have ye broken order? Down
the street ye passed in array and with great mirth. Why flee ye
now, villains, without order? Turn and strike everyone a stroke
for the honour of his god. Fie, cowards, fie, ye shall never be
judged worthy of your wages again!" But exhortations were then
unprofitable; for, after Baal had broken his neck, there was no
comfort to his confused army.

  [121] Knocking.

  [122] Priests jostled with friars.

The Queen Regent laid this up amongst her other mementoes, until she
might see the time proper to revenge it. Search was made for the
doers, but none could be apprehended; for the brethren assembled
themselves in such sort, in companies, singing psalms and praising
God, that the proudest of the enemies were astonished....

The most part of the Lords that were in France at the Queen's
marriage, although they got their _congé_ from the Court, yet forgot
to return to Scotland. For whether it was by an Italian posset,
or by French figs, or by the potage of their potinger, who was a
Frenchman, there departed from this life the Earl of Cassillis, the
Earl of Rothes, Lord Fleming, and the Bishop of Orkney, whose end
was even according to his life.... When word of the departing of so
many patrons of the papistry, and of the manner of their departing,
came to the Queen Regent, she said, after astonishment and musing,
"What shall I say of such men? They lived as beasts, and as beasts
they die: God is not with them, neither with that which they
enterprise."

[Sidenote: The Dean of Restalrig, Hypocrite, begins to Preach.]

While these things were happening in Scotland and France, that
perfect hypocrite, Master John Sinclair, then Dean of Restalrig, and
now Lord President and Bishop of Brechin, began to preach in his
Kirk of Restalrig. At the beginning he kept himself so indifferent
that many were of the opinion that he was not far from the Kingdom
of God. Such as feared God had begun to have a good opinion of him,
and the Friars and others of that sect had begun to whisper that
if he did not take heed to himself and to his doctrine he would be
the destruction of the whole estate of the Kirk. But his hypocrisy
could not long be cloaked; for, when he learned of this change in
public opinion, he promised a sermon, in which he should give his
judgment upon all such heads as were then in controversy in the
matters of religion. The bruit hereof secured him a great audience
at the first; but he so handled himself that day that no godly man
did credit him after that. Not only gainsaid he the doctrine of
Justification and of prayer, which before he had taught, but he also
set up and maintained the Papistry to the uttermost prick; yea, holy
water, pilgrimage, purgatory, and pardons were of such virtue in his
conceit that he looked not to be saved without them.

In the meantime, the clergy made a brag that they would dispute. But
Master David Panter, who then lived and lay at Restalrig, dissuaded
them therefrom, affirming that if ever they disputed--except where
they themselves were both judge and party, and where fire and sword
should obey their decree--their cause was wrecked for ever. Their
victory, he said, stood neither in God nor in His Word, but in
their own wills, and in the things concluded by their own councils,
together with sword and fire, "and thereto," said he, "these new
start-up fellows will give no place. They will call you to your
account book, the Bible; and by it ye will no more be found the men
that ye are called, than the Devil will be proven to be God. And
therefore, if ye love yourselves, never enter into disputation; nor
yet call ye the matter in question; but defend your possession, or
else all is lost." Caiaphas could not give a better counsel to his
companions; but God disappointed both them and him, as we shall hear
afterwards.

[Sidenote: The Recall of John Knox.]

At this same time, some of the nobility directed letters to call
John Knox from Geneva, for their comfort, and for the comfort of
their brethren the preachers and others that then courageously
fought against the enemies of God's truth.... These letters
were delivered to the said John in Geneva, in the month of May
immediately thereafter. Upon their receipt, he took consultation
with his own church as well as with that notable servant of God,
John Calvin, and with other godly ministers. All, with one consent,
said that he could not refuse that vocation, unless he would declare
himself rebellious unto his God, and unmerciful to his country.
And so he returned answer, with promise to visit Scotland with
reasonable expedition, as soon as he might make arrangements for
the dear flock that was committed to his charge. In the end of the
following September, he departed from Geneva, and came to Dieppe,
where there met him contrary letters; as by this his answer thereto
we may understand.

"_The Spirit of wisdom, constancy, and strength be multiplied with
you, by the favour of God our Father, and by the grace of our Lord
Jesus Christ._

"According to my promise, Right Honourable, I came to Dieppe on the
twenty-third of October, of full mind, by the good will of God,
with the first ships to have visited you. But because two letters,
not very pleasing to the flesh, were there presented unto me, I
was compelled to stay for a time. The one was directed to myself
from a faithful brother, who made mention that new consultation was
appointed for final conclusion of the matter before purposed, and
desired me therefore to abide in these parts until the determination
of the same. The other letter was direct from a gentleman to a
friend, with charge to inform me that he had communed with all those
that seemed most frack and fervent in the matter, and that in none
did he find such boldness and constancy as was requisite for such
an enterprise; but that some did, as he writeth, repent that ever
any such thing was moved; some were partly ashamed; and others were
able to deny that ever they did consent to any such purpose, if
any trial or question should be taken thereof, etc. Which letters,
when I had considered, I partly was confounded, and partly was
pierced with anguish and sorrow. Confounded I was, that I had so far
travelled in the matter, moving the same to the most godly and the
most learned that this day we know to live in Europe, to the effect
that I might have their judgments and grave counsels, for assurance
as well of your consciences as of mine, in all enterprises. That
nothing should succeed so long consultation, cannot but redound
either to your shame or mine; for either it shall appear that I
was marvellously vain, being so solicitous where no necessity
required, or else that such as were my movers thereto lacked the
ripeness of judgment in their first vocation.... The cause of my
dolour and sorrow, God is witness, is for nothing pertaining either
to my corporal contentment or worldly displeasure; but it is for
the grievous plagues and punishments of God, which assuredly shall
apprehend not only you, but every inhabitant of that miserable
realm and Isle, except that the power of God, by the liberty of His
Evangel, deliver you from bondage.... If any persuade you, for fear
of dangers that may follow, to faint in your former purpose, be he
never esteemed so wise and friendly, let him be judged by you both
foolish and your mortal enemy: foolish, because he understandeth
nothing of God's approved wisdom; and enemy unto you, because
he laboureth to separate you from God's favour; provoking His
vengeance and grievous plagues against you, because he would that
ye should prefer your worldly rest to God's praise and glory, and
the friendship of the wicked to the salvation of your brethren. I
am not ignorant that fearful troubles shall ensue your enterprise,
as in my former letters I did signify unto you; but O joyful and
comfortable are those troubles and adversities which man sustaineth
for accomplishment of God's will, revealed by His Word! For, however
terrible they appear to the judgment of the natural man, yet are
they never able to devour nor utterly to consume the sufferers.
For the invisible and invincible power of God sustaineth and
preserveth, according to His promise, all such as with simplicity
do obey Him.... Your subjects, yea your brethren are oppressed,
their bodies and souls are held in bondage: and God speaketh to your
consciences, unless ye be dead with the blind world, that you ought
to hazard your own lives, be it against Kings or Emperors, for their
deliverance; for only for that cause are ye called Princes of the
people, and ye receive of your brethren honour, tribute, and homage,
at God's commandment; not by reason of your birth and progeny, as
the most part of men falsely do suppose, but by reason of your
office and duty, which is to vindicate and deliver your subjects and
brethren from all violence and oppression, to the utmost of your
power...."

[Sidenote: The Lords of the Congregation make a Covenant.]

New consultation was taken as to what was best to be done: and in
the end it was concluded that they would follow out their original
purpose, and commit themselves and whatsoever God had given unto
them into His hands, rather than suffer idolatry so manifestly to
reign, and the subjects of that realm, as long they had been, to be
defrauded of the only food of their souls, the true preaching of
Christ's Evangel. And that every one should be the more assured of
the other, a common bond was made and by some subscribed. The tenor
thereof was as follows:--

"We, perceiving how Satan in his members, the Antichrists of our
time, cruelly doth rage, seeking to down-thring[123] and to destroy
the Evangel of Christ and His Congregation, ought, according to
our bounden duty, to strive in our Master's cause, even unto the
death, being certain of the victory in Him. The which our duty
being well considered, we do promise before the Majesty of God, and
His Congregation, that we, by His grace, shall with all diligence
continually apply our whole power, substance, and our very lives to
maintain, set forward, and establish the most blessed Word of God
and His Congregation; and shall labour at our possibility to have
faithful ministers purely and truly to minister Christ's Evangel
and Sacraments to His people. We shall maintain them, nourish them,
and defend them, the whole Congregation of Christ, and every member
thereof, at our whole power and wearing of our lives, against Satan,
and all wicked power that does intend tyranny or trouble against the
foresaid Congregation. Unto the which holy Word and Congregation
we do join us, and we do forsake and renounce the congregation
of Satan, with all the superstitious abomination and idolatry
thereof: And moreover, we shall declare ourselves manifestly enemies
thereto, by this our faithful promise before God, testified to His
Congregation by our subscription of these presents:--At Edinburgh,
the third day of December, the year of God 1557: God called to
witness.

  "A. ERLE OF ERGYLE.
  "GLENCARNE.
  "MORTON.
  "ARCHIBALD LORD OF LORNE.
  "JOHNNE ERSKYNE OF DOUN."
  _Et cetera._

  [123] Overthrow.

[Sidenote: The first Heads for the Government of the Reformed Kirk.]

Immediately after the subscription of this foresaid Bond, the Lords
and Barons professing Christ Jesus convened frequently in counsel;
when these Heads were concluded:--

First, it is thought expedient, devised, and ordained, that in
all parishes of this realm the common prayers be read, weekly on
Sunday, and on the other festival days, publicly in the parish
kirks, with the lessons of the New and Old Testament, conform to
the order of the Book of Common Prayers: and, if the curates of the
parishes be qualified, to cause them to read the same; and, if they
be not, or if they refuse, that the most qualified in the parish use
and read the same.

Secondly, it is thought necessary that doctrine, preaching, and
interpretation of Scriptures be had and used privately in quiet
houses, without great conventions of the people thereto, until
afterwards God move the Prince to grant public preaching by faithful
and true ministers.

[Sidenote: The Earl of Argyll promotes the Cause of the Reformed
Kirk.]

These two heads concerning the religion and some others concerning
the policy being concluded, the old Earl of Argyll, took the
maintenance of John Douglas, caused him to preach publicly in his
house, and reformed many things according to his counsel. Divers
others took the same boldness within towns as well as to landward;
and this did not a little trouble the bishops and Queen Regent....
Shortly after this, God in His mercy called the said Earl of Argyll
from the miseries of this life. The bishops were glad; for they
thought that their great enemy was taken out of the way; but God
disappointed them. For the said Earl departed most firmly adhering
to the true faith of Jesus Christ, with a plain renunciation of
all impiety, superstition, and idolatry; and in his testament
he directed his son to study to set forward the public and true
preaching of the Evangel of Jesus Christ, and to suppress all
superstition and idolatry, to the uttermost of his power.

[Sidenote: The Bishops make a feeble Show of Reformation.]

The bishops continued in their Provincial Council. That they might
give some show to the people that they proponed reformation, they
spread abroad a rumour of this, and published a printed manifesto,
which the people dubbed "The Twa-penny Faith." Amongst the Acts
of the Council, there was much ado (1) for caps, shaven crowns,
tippets, long gowns, and such other trifles: (2) That none should
enjoy office or benefice ecclesiastical, except a priest: (3) That
no Kirk-man should nourish his own bairns in his own company; but
that every one should hold the children of others: (4) That none
should put his own son in his own benefice: (5) That, if any were
found in open adultery, for the first fault, he should lose the
third of his benefice; for the second crime, the half; and for the
third, the whole benefice. The Bishop of Moray, and other prelates,
appealed against these Acts, saying that they would abide by the
Canon law. And this might they well enough do, so long as they
remained interpreters, dispensers, makers, and disannullers of that
law....

[Sidenote: The Regent practises for Grant of the Crown-matrimonial
to the King of France.]

Persecution was decreed by the Queen Regent and the prelates. But
there remained a point which the Queen Regent and France had not at
that time obtained from the Scots Parliament. It was desired that
the crown-matrimonial should be granted to Francis, husband to our
Sovereign, so that France and Scotland should be one kingdom, the
subjects of both realms having equal liberty, Scotsmen in France,
and Frenchmen in Scotland. The glister[124] of the profit that was
supposed to have ensued to Scotsmen blinded many men's eyes at the
first sight. But a small wind caused that most suddenly to vanish
away; for the greatest offices and benefices within the realm were
given to Frenchmen. Monsieur de Ruby kept the Great Seal. Villemore
was Comptroller. Melrose and Kelso were to be a Commend[125] to
the poor Cardinal of Lorraine. On the other hand, the freedoms of
Scottish merchants were restrained in Rouen, and they were compelled
to pay toll and taxations other than their ancient liberties did
bear.

  [124] Lustre.

  [125] An ecclesiastical benefice committed to a temporary holder.

To get the matrimonial crown, the Queen Regent left no point of
the compass unsailed. With the bishops and priests she practised
in this manner. "Ye may clearly see that I cannot do what I would
within this realm; for these heretics and confederates of England
are so bound together, that they stop all good order. But, if ye
be favourable unto me in this suit of the matrimonial crown to be
granted to my daughter's husband, ye shall see how I shall handle
these heretics and traitors before long." And truly, in these
promises she meant no deceit in this respect. To the Protestants
she said, "I am not unmindful how often ye have suited me for
reformation in religion, and gladly would I consent thereunto;
but ye see that the power and craft of the Archbishop of St.
Andrews, together with the power of the Duke, and of the Kirkmen,
are ever bent against me in all my proceedings. So that I can do
nothing, unless the full authority of this realm be devolved to
the King of France, and this cannot be except by donation of the
crown-matrimonial. If ye will bring this to pass, then devise ye
what ye please in matters of religion, and they shall be granted."

[Sidenote: The Parliament of October 1558: the Crown-matrimonial is
granted.]

Lord James Stewart, then Prior of St. Andrews, was directed to the
Earl of Argyll, with this commission and credit, and more promises
than we list to rehearse. By dissimulation to those that were simple
and true of heart, she inflamed them to be more fervent in her
petition than she herself appeared to be. And so, at the Parliament
held at Edinburgh in the month of October, the year of God 1558, the
crown-matrimonial was clearly voted. No man protested (except the
Duke for his interest), and yet for this proceeding there was no
better law produced than that in the Pontifical there was a solemn
Mass appointed for such a purpose.




BOOK SECOND.[126]

1558-1559.

  [126] _The Second Book of the History of Things done in Scotland, in
  the Reformation of Religion, beginning in the Year of God 1558._


[Sidenote: The Preface to the Second Book.[127]]

  [127] The "History" originally commenced at this point. The Second
  Book was begun in 1560: the scope of the work was enlarged about
  1566, when the First and Fourth Books were added. The reader will
  note that, in point of date, the narrative at the opening of the
  Second Book overlaps that at the close of Book First.--ED.

Lest Satan shall take occasion of our long silence to blaspheme, and
to slander us the Protestants of the realm of Scotland by suggesting
that our actions tended rather to sedition and rebellion than to
reformation of manners and abuses in religion; we have thought it
expedient, as truly and briefly as we can, to commit to writing the
causes moving us, a great part of the nobility and barons of the
realm, to take the sword of just defence against those that most
unjustly have sought our destruction. In this our Confession we
shall faithfully declare what moved us to take action, what we have
asked, and what we require of the sacred authority. Our cause being
thus made known, our enemies as well as our brethren in all realms
may understand how falsely we are accused of tumult and rebellion,
and how unjustly we are persecuted by France and by their faction.
Thus, too, our brethren, natural Scotsmen, of whatever religion
they be, may have occasion to examine themselves as to whether they
may with safe conscience oppose themselves to us. We only seek that
the glorious Evangel of Christ Jesus may be preached, His holy
Sacraments be truly ministered, superstition, tyranny, and idolatry
be suppressed in this realm, and the liberty of this our native
country remain free from the bondage and tyranny of strangers.

[Sidenote: The Consciences of Judges, Lords, and Rulers are
awakened.]

While the Queen Regent practised with the prelates, how the blessed
Evangel of Christ Jesus might be utterly suppressed within Scotland,
God so blessed the labours of His weak servants that no small part
of the Barons of this realm began to abhor the tyranny of the
bishops. God did so open their eyes by the light of His Word, that
they could clearly discern betwixt idolatry and the true honouring
of God. Yea, men almost universally began to doubt whether they
might give their bodily presence to the Mass without offending God,
or offer their children for papistical baptism. When the most godly
and the most learned in Europe had answered these doubts, both
by word and writing, affirming that we might do neither, without
extreme peril to our souls, we began to be more troubled. Then
also, men of estimation, who bore rule amongst us, began to examine
themselves concerning their duties towards reformation of religion,
as well as towards the just defence of their most cruelly persecuted
brethren. And so divers questions began to be moved, to wit, whether
such as were judges, lords, and rulers of the people might, with
safe conscience, serve the superior powers in maintaining idolatry,
in persecuting their brethren, and in suppressing Christ's truth?
Or, whether they, to whom God had in some cases committed the
administration of justice, might suffer the blood of their brethren
to be shed in their presence, without any declaration that such
tyranny displeased them? By the plain Scripture it was found that a
lively faith required a plain confession, when Christ's truth was
attacked; that not only are they guilty that do evil, but so also
are they that assent to evil. It is plain that they that assent to
evil, seeing iniquity openly committed, do by their silence seem to
justify and allow what is done.

These things being sufficiently proven by evident Scriptures of God,
every man began to look more diligently to his salvation; for the
idolatry and tyranny of the clergy, called the Churchmen, was and is
so manifest, that whoever doth deny it declares himself ignorant of
God, and enemy to Christ Jesus. We therefore, with humble confession
of our former offences, began, with fasting and supplication unto
God, to seek some remedy in so present a danger. At the outset it
was decided that the brethren in every town should at certain times
assemble together for common prayers, and for exercise and reading
of the Scriptures, until it should please God to give the sermon of
exhortation to some, for comfort and instruction of the rest.

[Sidenote: The Office of Elder is instituted, and the Privy Kirk is
founded.]

God did so bless our weak beginning that, within a few months, the
hearts of many were so strengthened that we sought to have the face
of a Church amongst us, and to have open crimes punished, without
respect of person. For that purpose, by common election, elders
were appointed. To them the whole brethren promised obedience; for
at that time we had no public ministers of the Word; but certain
zealous men, amongst whom were the Laird of Dun, David Forrest,
Master Robert Lockhart, Master Robert Hamilton, William Harlaw, and
others, exhorted their brethren, according to the gifts and graces
granted unto them. Shortly after did God stir up His servant, Paul
Methven (whose latter fall ought not to deface the work of God in
him), and he in boldness of spirit began openly to preach Christ
Jesus in Dundee, in divers parts of Angus, and in Fife. God did so
work with him that many began openly to renounce their old idolatry,
and to submit themselves to Christ Jesus, and unto His blessed
ordinances. In consequence, the town of Dundee began to erect the
face of a public Church Reformed, and in this the Word was openly
preached, and Christ's Sacraments were truly ministered.

[Sidenote: John Willock preaches: formal Steps towards a Public
Reformation are taken.]

In the meantime God did send to us our dear brother, John Willock,
a man godly, learned, and grave, who, after short abode at Dundee,
repaired to Edinburgh. There, notwithstanding his long and dangerous
sickness, he so encouraged the brethren by godly exhortations,
that we began to deliberate upon some public Reformation; for the
corruption in religion was such that, with safe conscience, we could
no longer sustain it. Yet, because we would attempt nothing without
the knowledge of the sacred authority, with one consent, after the
deliberation of many days, it was concluded that by our public
and common supplication we should attempt to secure the favour,
support, and assistance of the Queen, then Regent, towards a godly
reformation. For that purpose, after we had prepared our oration and
petitions, we appointed from amongst us a man whose age and years
deserved reverence, whose honesty and worship might have craved
audience of any magistrate on earth, and whose faithful service to
the authority at all times had been such that on him could fall no
suspicion of unlawful disobedience. This orator was that ancient and
honourable father, Sir James Sandilands of Calder, knight, to whom
we gave commission and power in all our names then present, before
the Queen Regent thus to speak:--

[Sidenote: The first Oration and Petition of the Protestants of
Scotland to the Queen Regent.]

"Albeit we have of long time contained ourselves in such modesty,
Most Noble Princess, that neither the exile of body, tinsel[128] of
goods, nor perishing of this mortal life, was able to convene us to
ask from your Grace reformation and redress of those wrongs and of
that sore grief patiently borne by us in bodies and minds for so
long a time; yet are we now, of very conscience and by the fear of
our God, compelled to crave, at your Grace's feet, remedy against
the most unjust tyranny used against your Grace's most obedient
subjects, by those that are called the Estate Ecclesiastical. Your
Grace cannot be ignorant what controversy hath been, and yet is,
concerning the true religion, and the right worshipping of God, and
how the clergy, as they desire to be termed, usurp to themselves
such empire above the consciences of men that whatsoever they
command must be obeyed, and whatsoever they forbid must be avoided,
without further respect to God's pleasure, commandment, or will,
revealed to us in His most holy Word; or else there abideth nothing
for us but <DW19>, fire, and sword. By these means, many of our
brethren have been stricken most cruelly and most unjustly of late
years within this realm. This now we find to trouble and wound
our consciences; for we acknowledge it to have been our bounden
duty before God, either to have defended our brethren from those
cruel murderers, seeing we are a part of that power which God hath
established in this realm, or else to have given with them open
testification of our faith. Now we ourselves offer to do this,
lest we shall seem to justify their cruel tyranny by our continual
silence.

  [128] Loss.

"This condition of affairs doth not only displease us, but as your
Grace's wisdom most prudently doth foresee, for the quieting of
this intestine dissension, a public Reformation, in religion as
well as in temporal government was most necessary. To this task, as
we are informed, ye have most gravely and most godly exhorted as
well the clergy as the nobility, to employ their study, diligence,
and care. We, therefore, of conscience, dare no longer dissemble
in so weighty a matter which concerneth the glory of God and our
salvation. Neither now dare we withdraw our presence, or conceal
our petitions, lest the adversaries hereafter shall object to us
that place was granted to reformation, and yet no man suited for
the same; and so should our silence be prejudicial unto us in time
to come. Therefore, knowing no other order placed in this realm,
but your Grace, in your grave Council, set to amend, as well the
disorder ecclesiastical, as the defaults in the temporal regiment,
we most humbly prostrate ourselves before your feet, asking your
justice, and your gracious help, against them that falsely traduce
and accuse us, as if we were heretics and schismatics. Under that
colour they seek our destruction; because we seek the amendment of
their corrupted lives, and that Christ's religion be restored to its
original purity. Further, we crave of your Grace to hear, with open
and patient ears, these our subsequent requests; and, to the joy and
satisfaction of our troubled consciences, mercifully to grant the
same, unless by God's plain Word any be able to prove that justly
they ought to be denied.

"First, Humbly we ask that, as we have, by the laws of this realm,
after long debate, obtained to read the holy books of the Old and
New Testaments in our common tongue, as spiritual food to our souls,
so from henceforth it may be lawful that we may convene publicly
or privately to our Common Prayers, in our vulgar tongue; to the
end that we may increase and grow in knowledge, and be induced, in
fervent and oft prayer, to commend to God the Holy Church universal,
the Queen our Sovereign, her honourable and gracious husband, the
stability of their succession, your Grace Regent, the Nobility, and
the whole Estate of this Realm.

"Secondly, If it shall happen in our said conventions that any hard
place of Scripture be read, from which no profit ariseth to the
conveners, we ask that it shall be lawful to any person qualified
in knowledge, being present, to interpret and open up the said
hard places, to God's glory and to the profit of the hearers.
If any think that this liberty would be occasion of confusion,
debate, or heresy, we are content that it be provided that the said
interpretation shall underlie the judgment of the most godly and
most learned within the realm at this time.

"Thirdly, We seek that the holy Sacrament of Baptism may be used in
the vulgar tongue; so that the godfathers and witnesses may not only
understand the points of the league and contract made betwixt God
and the infant, but also that the Church then assembled may be more
gravely informed and instructed of the duties which at all times
they owe to God, according to the promise made unto Him, when they
were received into His household by the lavachre[129] of spiritual
regeneration.

  [129] Washing.

"Fourthly, We desire that the holy Sacrament of the Lord's Supper,
or of His most blessed body and blood, may likewise be ministered
unto us in the vulgar tongue; and in both kinds, according to the
plain institution of our Saviour Christ Jesus.

"Lastly, We most humbly require that the wicked, slanderous, and
detestable life of prelates, and of the estate ecclesiastical may
be so reformed, that the people may not have occasion (as for many
days they have had) to contemn their ministers, and the preaching
whereof they should be messengers. If they suspect that we, envying
their honours or coveting their riches and possessions rather
than zealously desiring their amendment and salvation, do travail
and labour for this Reformation; we are content not only that the
rules and precepts of the New Testament, but also the writings of
the ancient fathers, and the godly approved laws of Justinian
the Emperor, decide the controversy between us and them. And if
it shall be found that either malevolently or ignorantly we ask
more than these three forenamed have required and continually do
require of able and true ministers in Christ's Church, we refuse
not correction, as your Grace, with right judgment, shall think
meet. But if all the forenamed shall damn that which we damn and
approve that which we require, then we most earnestly beseech your
Grace that, notwithstanding the long consuetude which they have
had to live as they list, they be compelled either to desist from
ecclesiastical administration, or to discharge their duties as
becometh true ministers; so that, the grave and godly face of the
primitive Church reduced,[130] ignorance may be expelled and true
doctrine and good manners may once again appear in the Church of
this realm.

  [130] Brought back.

"These things we, as most obedient subjects, require of your Grace,
in the name of the Eternal God and of His Son Christ Jesus, in
presence of whose throne judicial, ye and all other that here on
earth bear authority shall give account of your temporal regiment.
The Spirit of the Lord Jesus move your Grace's heart to justice and
equity. Amen."

[Sidenote: The <DW7>s brag of Disputation: the Articles of
Reconciliation.]

When these petitions were presented, the Estate Ecclesiastical began
to storm and to devise all manner of lies to deface the equity of
our cause. They bragged that they would have public disputation.
This we most earnestly asked them to arrange, upon two conditions:
the one, that the plain and written Scriptures of God should decide
all controversy; the other, that our brethren, of whom some were
then exiled and by them unjustly condemned, might have free access
to the said disputation, and safe conduct to return to their
dwelling places, notwithstanding any process which before had
been led against them in matters concerning religion. But these
preliminary conditions were utterly denied. No judge would they
admit but themselves, their Councils, and Canon law. They and their
faction began to draw up certain Articles of Reconciliation. These
stipulated that we should permit the Mass to remain in reverence
and estimation, grant purgatory after this life, confess prayer to
saints and for the dead, and suffer them to enjoy their accustomed
rents, possession, and honour. Upon these terms, they were prepared
to grant us freedom to pray and baptize in the vulgar tongue, if
this were done secretly, and not in the open assembly.

The grossness of these articles was such, that with one voice
we refused them; and continued to crave justice from the Queen
Regent, and a reasonable answer to our former petitions. The Queen
Regent, a woman crafty, dissimulate, and false, thinking to make
profit of both parties, gave us permission to conduct ourselves in
godly manner, according to our desires, provided that we should
not make public assemblies in Edinburgh or Leith; and she promised
her assistance to our preachers, until some uniform order might
be established by a Parliament. To the clergy, she quietly gave
signification of her mind, promising that, as soon as opportunity
should serve, she should so arrange matters for them that they
should have no more trouble. Some say that they gave her a large
purse,--40,000 pounds, says the Chronicle gathered by Sir William
Bruce, the Laird of Earlshall. Unsuspecting of her doubleness and
falsehood, we were fully contented with her answer; and did use
ourselves so quietly that, for her pleasure, we put silence to John
Douglas. He would have preached publicly in the town of Leith; but
in all things we sought the contentment of her mind, so far as we
should not offend God by obeying her in things unlawful.

[Sidenote: Persecution at St. Andrews: Walter Myln is burned.]

Shortly after these things, that cruel tyrant and unmerciful
hypocrite, falsely called Archbishop of St. Andrews, apprehended
that blessed martyr of Christ Jesus, Walter Myln; a man of decrepit
age, whom most cruelly and most unjustly he put to death by fire in
St. Andrews, the twenty-eighth day of April, the year of God 1558.
This did highly offend the hearts of all godly, and immediately
after his death a new fervency arose amongst the whole people; yea,
even in the town of St. Andrews, the people began plainly to damn
such unjust cruelty. In testification that the death of Walter Myln
would abide in recent memory, there was cast together a great heap
of stones at the place where he was burned. The Archbishop and the
priests, offended, caused this to be removed once or twice, with
denunciation, by cursing, of any man who should there lay a stone.
But their breath was spent in vain; for the heap was always renewed,
until the priests and <DW7>s did by night steal away the stones to
build their walls, and for other their private uses.

Having no suspicion that the Queen Regent approved of the murder of
Walter Myln, we did most humbly complain of this unjust cruelty,
requiring that justice in such cases should be administered with
greater indifference.[131] A woman born to dissemble and deceive,
she began to lament to us the cruelty of the Archbishop, excusing
herself as innocent. She declared that sentence had been given
without her knowledge, because the man had been a priest at one
time; and the Archbishop's officer had prosecuted him without any
commission from the civil authority, _ex officio_, as they term it.

  [131] Impartiality.

[Sidenote: The Protestants appeal to Parliament.]

Still unsuspicious, we required some order to be taken against such
enormities; and this she promised, as she had often done before.
But because a Parliament was to be held shortly after, for certain
affairs pertaining rather to the Queen's particular profit than
to the commodity of the commonwealth, we thought good to expose
our matter unto the whole Parliament, and from them to seek some
redress. Therefore, with one consent, we did offer to the Queen and
Parliament a letter in this tenor:--

"Unto your Grace, and unto you, Right Honourable Lords of this
present Parliament, humbly mean and show your Grace's faithful
and obedient subjects: That we are daily molested, slandered,
and injured by wicked and ignorant persons, place-holders of the
ministers of the Church, who most untruly cease not to infame us as
heretics, and under that name most cruelly have persecuted divers
of our brethren, and further intend to execute their malice against
us, unless by some godly order their fury and rage be bridled
and stayed. Yet in us they are able to prove no crime worthy of
punishment, unless it be that to read the Holy Scriptures in our
assemblies, to invocate the name of God in public prayers, with all
sobriety to interpret and open the places of Scripture that be read,
to the further edification of the brethren assembled, and truly
according to the holy institution of Christ Jesus to minister the
Sacraments, are crimes worthy of punishment. Of other crimes they
are not able to convict us.... Most humbly require we of your Grace,
and of your right honourable Lords, Barons, and Burgesses assembled
in this present Parliament, prudently to weigh, and, as becometh
just judges, to grant these our most just and reasonable petitions:--

"Firstly, ... We most humbly desire that all such Acts of
Parliament, as in the time of darkness gave power to the Churchmen
to execute their tyranny against us, by reason that we were delated
heretics, may be suspended and abrogated until a General Council,
lawfully assembled, shall have decided all controversies in religion.

"Secondly, Lest this mutation should seem to set all men at liberty
to live as they list, we require that it be enacted by this present
Parliament that the prelates and their officers be removed from
the place of judgment; granting unto them, not the less, the place
of accusers in the presence of a temporal judge, before whom the
Churchmen shall be bound to call any accused by them of heresy....

"Thirdly, We require, that all lawful defences be granted to the
persons accused.... Also, that place be granted to the party accused
to explain and interpret his own mind and meaning; which confession
we require to be inserted in public Acts, and to be preferred to the
depositions of any witnesses, seeing that none that is not found
obstinate in his damnable opinion ought to suffer for religion.

"Lastly, We require, that our brethren be not damned for heretics,
unless, by the manifest Word of God, they be convicted to have erred
from that faith which the Holy Spirit witnesseth to be necessary to
salvation....

"These things require we to be considered by you, who occupy the
place of the Eternal God, who is God of order and truth, even in
such sort as ye will answer in the presence of His throne judicial.
And we require, further, that ye will favourably have respect to the
tenderness of our consciences, and to the trouble which apparently
will follow in this commonwealth, if the tyranny of the Prelates
and of their adherents be not bridled by God and just laws. God
move your hearts deeply to consider your own duties and our present
troubles."

[Sidenote: The Regent makes large Promises of Protection and Reform.]

These petitions did we first present to the Queen Regent, because
we were determined to enterprise nothing without her knowledge,
most humbly requiring her favourable assistance in our just action.
She spared not amiable looks, and good words in abundance; but she
kept our bill in her pocket. When we required secretly of her Grace
that our Petitions should be proposed to the whole Assembly, she
answered that she did not think that expedient; for then would the
whole ecclesiastical Estate be contrary to her proceedings. These at
that time were great; for the matrimonial crown was asked, and in
that Parliament granted. "But," said she, "as soon as order can be
taken with these things, which now may be hindered by the Kirkmen,
ye shall know my good mind; and, in the meantime, whatsoever I may
grant unto you shall gladly be granted."

Still suspecting nothing of her falsehood, we were content to give
place for a time to her pleasure and pretended reason. Yet we
thought expedient to protest somewhat before the dissolution of
Parliament; for our Petitions were manifestly known to the whole
Assembly, as also that, for the Queen's pleasure, we ceased to
pursue the uttermost....

Our protestations were publicly read, and we desired that they
should be inserted in the common register; but by labours of enemies
that was denied unto us. Nevertheless, the Queen Regent said, "Me
will remember what is protested; and me shall put good order after
this to all things that now be in controversy." Thus, after she
had by craft obtained her purpose, we departed in good hope of her
favours, praising God in our hearts that she was so well inclined
towards godliness. The good opinion that we had of her sincerity
caused us not only to spend our goods and hazard our bodies at
her pleasure, but also, by our public letters written to that
excellent servant of God, John Calvin, we did praise and commend
her for excellent knowledge in God's Word and her good-will towards
the advancement of His glory; requiring of him that, by his grave
counsel and godly exhortation, he would animate her Grace constantly
to follow that which in godly fashion she had begun. We did further
sharply rebuke, both by word and writing, all such as appeared to
suspect any venom of hypocrisy in her, or were contrary to that
opinion which we had conceived of her godly mind.

[Sidenote: Treachery of the Regent: the Preachers are summoned.]

Suddenly, it became certain that we were deceived in our opinion,
and abused by her craft. As soon as all things pertaining to the
commodity of France were granted by us, and peace was contracted
betwixt King Philip and France, and England and us, she began to
spue forth, and disclose the latent venom of her double heart. She
began to frown, and to look frowardly upon all such as she knew to
favour the Evangel of Jesus Christ. She commanded her household to
use all abominations at Easter; and she herself, to give example
to others, did communicate with that idol, the Mass, in open
audience; she controlled her household, and would know where every
one received the Sacrament. It is supposed that after that day the
Devil took more violent and strong possession in her than he had
before; for, from that day forward, she appeared altogether altered,
insomuch that her countenance and acts did declare the venom of her
heart.

When, incontinently, the Queen caused our preachers to be summoned,
we made intercession for them, beseeching her Grace not to molest
them then in their ministry, unless any man were able to convict
them of false doctrine. But she could not bridle her tongue from
open blasphemy, and proudly said, "In despite of you and of your
ministers both, they shall be banished out of Scotland, albeit they
preached as truly as ever did St. Paul." This proud and blasphemous
answer did greatly astonish us; and yet ceased we not most humbly
to seek her favour, and by great diligence at last secured that
the summonses should be delayed. Alexander, Earl of Glencairn, and
Sir Hugh Campbell of Loudoun, knight, Sheriff of Ayr, were sent
to reason with her, and to crave some performance of her manifold
promises. To them she answered that it became not the subjects to
burden their Princes with promises, further than it pleaseth them
to keep these. Both these noblemen faithfully and boldly discharged
their duty, and plainly forewarned her of the inconveniences that
were to follow. Thereupon, somewhat astonished, she said she would
advise.

[Sidenote: The Revival at Perth: Fury of the Regent.]

In the meantime the town of Perth, called St. Johnston, embraced
the truth, and this did provoke her to a new fury; in which she
urged the Lord Ruthven, Provost of that town, to suppress all such
religion there. He replied that he could make their bodies come to
her Grace, and prostrate themselves before her, until she was fully
satiate of their blood, but that he could not promise to force them
to act against their conscience. In a fury, she said that he was too
malapert to give her such answer, and affirmed that both he and they
should repent it. She solicited Master John Haliburton, Provost of
Dundee, to apprehend Paul Methven, but he, fearing God, gave secret
warning to the man to leave the town for a time. At Easter, she sent
forth men whom she thought most able to persuade, with commission
to induce Montrose, Dundee, St. Johnston, and such other places as
had received the Evangel, to communicate with the idol of the Mass;
but they had no success. The hearts of many were bent to follow the
truth revealed, and did abhor superstition and idolatry.

More angry than ever, she again summoned all the preachers to
appear at Stirling, on the tenth day of May 1559. With all humble
obedience, we sought means to appease her, and save our preachers
from being molested. When it was seen that we could not prevail,
the whole brethren agreed that the gentlemen of every county
should accompany their preachers on the day appointed. All men
were most willing; and for that purpose the town of Dundee, and
the gentlemen of Angus and Mearns, proceeded with their preachers
to Perth, without armour, as peaceable men, desiring only to give
confession with their preachers. Lest such a multitude should raise
the apprehensions of the Queen Regent, the Laird of Dun, a zealous,
prudent, and godly man, went before to the Queen, who was then in
Stirling. To her he declared that the cause of their convocation was
only to give confession with their preachers, and to assist them in
their just defence. She, understanding the fervency of the people,
began to craft with him, soliciting him to stay the multitude,
and also the preachers, promising that she would make some better
arrangements. He, a man most gentle of nature, and most willing to
please her in all things not repugnant to God, wrote requesting
those that then were assembled at Perth to stay, and not to come
forward, and informed them of the Queen's promise and the hope he
had of her favour.... So did the whole multitude tarry at Perth with
their preachers.

[Sidenote: John Knox returns from France, and joins the Protestants
at Perth.]

In the meantime, on the second of May 1559, John Knox arrived from
France. Lodging two nights only in Edinburgh, and hearing the day
appointed to his brethren, he repaired to Dundee. There he earnestly
required that he might be permitted to assist his brethren, and to
give confession of his faith with them. This granted to him, he
departed to Perth with them; and there he began to exhort, according
to the grace of God granted to him. The Queen, perceiving that the
preachers did not obey her summons, began to utter her malice; and,
notwithstanding any request made to the contrary, gave commandment
to put them to the horn,[132] inhibiting all men under pain of
rebellion to assist, comfort, receive or maintain them in any way.
When this extremity was perceived by the Laird of Dun, he prudently
withdrew himself; for otherwise, by all appearance, he would not
have escaped imprisonment. In this belief he was justified by the
fact that the Master of Maxwell, a man zealous and stout in God's
cause, as it then appeared, was, under the cloak of another small
crime, that same day put under arrest, because he did boldly affirm
that, to the uttermost of his power, he would assist the preachers
and the congregation, notwithstanding any sentence which was, or
should be, unjustly pronounced against them. The Laird of Dun,
coming to Perth, expounded the case, and concealed nothing of the
Queen's craft and falsehood.

  [132] Formal process of outlawry.

[Sidenote: The Mob wreck the Churches and destroy the Monasteries in
Perth.]

The multitude, when they understood the Queen's treachery, were so
inflamed that neither could the exhortation of the preachers nor
the commandment of the magistrate stay them from destroying the
places of idolatry. What happened was as follows. The preachers had
declared how odious was idolatry in God's presence; what commandment
He had given for the destruction of the monuments thereof; and what
idolatry and what abomination was in the Mass. It chanced that the
next day, the eleventh of May, after the sermon which had been
vehement against idolatry, a priest in contempt insisted upon going
to the Mass; and, to declare his malapert presumption, he opened up
a glorious tabernacle which stood upon the high altar. Certain godly
men were present, and amongst others a young boy, who cried with
a loud voice, "It is intolerable that, when God by His Word hath
plainly damned idolatry, we shall stand and see it used in despite."
The priest, offended, gave the child a great blow; who in anger took
up a stone, and casting it at the priest, did hit the tabernacle and
broke down an image.

Immediately the whole multitude cast stones, and laid hands on the
said tabernacle, and on all other monuments of idolatry. These
they dispatched before the tenth part of the town's people were
made aware, for the most part were gone to dinner. These deeds
noised abroad, the whole multitude came together, not the gentlemen
or those that were earnest professors, but the rascal multitude.
Finding nothing to do in that church, these ran without deliberation
to the Grey and Black Friars, and, notwithstanding that these
monasteries had within them very strong guards for their defence,
their gates were forthwith burst open. Idolatry was the occasion
of the first outburst, but thereafter the common people began to
look for spoil. In very deed, the Grey Friars was so well provided
that unless honest men had seen it, we would have feared to report
what provision they had. Their sheets, blankets, beds, and coverlets
were such that no Earl in Scotland had better; their napery was
fine. There were but eight persons in the convent, and yet there
were found eight puncheons of salt beef (consider the time of the
year, the eleventh day of May), wine, beer, and ale, besides store
of victuals of the same sort. A like abundance was not found in the
monastery of the Black Friars; and yet there was more than became
men professing poverty. The poor were permitted to take the spoil;
but no honest man was enriched by the value of a groat. For the
preachers had before threatened all men, that for covetousness' sake
none should put their hand to such a Reformation.

The conscience of the spoilers did so move them, that they suffered
those hypocrites to take away what they could. The Prior of
Charter-house was permitted to take away with him as much gold and
silver as he was well able to carry. So had men's consciences before
been beaten with the Word, that they had no respect to their own
particular profit, but only to abolish idolatry, and the places and
monuments thereof. In this they were so busy and so laborious that,
within two days, these three great places, monuments of idolatry, to
wit, the monasteries of the Grey and Black thieves and that of the
Charter-house monks (a building of a wondrous cost and greatness)
were so destroyed that only the walls remained.

When the Queen heard what had happened, she was so enraged that she
vowed utterly to destroy Perth, man, woman, and child, to consume
the place by fire, and thereafter to salt it, in sign of a perpetual
desolation. Suspecting nothing of such beastly cruelty, but thinking
that such words might escape her in choler without forethought,
because she was a woman set afire by the complaints of those
hypocrites who flocked unto her as ravens to carrion, we returned to
our own houses, leaving John Knox in Perth to instruct the people,
because they were young and rude in Christ. But she continued in her
rage, set afire partly by her own malice, partly by commandment of
her friends in France, and not a little by the bribes which she and
Monsieur D'Oysel received from the bishops and the priests here at
home.

[Sidenote: The Queen rages and stirs up the Nobility.]

The Queen first sent for all the Nobility, and to them she
complained that we meant nothing but a rebellion. She did grievously
aggreage[133] the destruction of the Charter-house, because it
was a King's foundation, and contained the tomb of King James
the First. By these and other persuasions, she made the majority
of them consent to attack us. And then in haste she sent for her
Frenchmen; for it was ever her joy to see Scotsmen dipped in one
another's blood. No man was at that time more frack against us than
was the Duke, led on by that cruel beast, the Archbishop of St.
Andrews, and by those that yet abuse him, the Abbot of Kilwinning
and Matthew Hamilton of Millburn, two chief enemies to Christ Jesus;
yea, enemies to the Duke himself and to his whole house, in so far
as at least they may procure their own particular profit. These and
such other pestilent <DW7>s ceased not to cast <DW19>s on the fire,
continually crying, "Forward upon these heretics; we shall for once
and all rid this realm of them."

  [133] Aggravate.

Hearing of this, some of us repaired to Perth again about the
twenty-second day of May, and there we did abide for the comfort of
our brethren. After invocation of the name of God, we began so to
fortify the town and ourselves in the manner that we thought might
prove best for our just defence. And, because we were not utterly
despaired of the Queen's favour, we drew up a letter to her Grace,
as followeth:--

     "TO THE QUEEN'S GRACE REGENT, all humble obedience and duty
     premised. As heretofore, with jeopardy of our lives, and yet
     with willing hearts, we have served the authority of Scotland,
     and your Grace, now Regent in this realm, in service dangerous
     and painful to our bodies; so now, with most dolorous minds we
     are constrained by unjust tyranny purposed against us to declare
     unto your Grace, that, unless this cruelty be stayed by your
     wisdom, we will be compelled to take the sword of just defence
     against all that shall pursue us for the matter of religion,
     and for our conscience' sake; which ought not, nor may not, be
     subject to mortal creatures, farther than by God's Word man be
     able to prove that he hath power to command us.

     "We signify moreover unto your Grace, that if by rigour we be
     compelled to seek the extreme defence, we will not only notify
     our innocence and petitions to the King of France, to our
     Mistress and to her husband, but also to the Princes and Council
     of every Christian realm, declaring unto them that this cruel,
     unjust, and most tyrannical murder, intended against towns and
     multitudes, was and is the only cause of our revolt from our
     accustomed obedience, which, in God's presence, we faithfully
     promise to our Sovereign Mistress, to her husband, and unto your
     Grace Regent; provided that our consciences may live in that
     peace and liberty which Christ Jesus hath purchased unto us by
     His blood; and that we may have His Word truly preached, and
     holy Sacraments rightly ministrate unto us, without which we
     firmly purpose never to be subject to mortal man. For we think
     it better to expose our bodies to a thousand deaths than to
     hazard our souls to perpetual condemnation, by denying Christ
     Jesus and His manifest verity, which thing not only do they
     that commit open idolatry, but also all such as, seeing their
     brethren unjustly pursued for the cause of religion, and having
     sufficient means to comfort and assist them, do not-the-less
     withdraw from them their dutiful support.

     "Your Grace's obedient subjects in all things not repugnant to
     God,

  "THE FAITHFUL CONGREGATION OF CHRIST JESUS
  IN SCOTLAND."

In the same tenor we wrote to Monsieur D'Oysel in French, requiring
of him that, by his wisdom, he would mitigate the Queen's rage,
and the rage of the priests; and warning him that otherwise that
flame, then beginning to burn, would so kindle that it could not be
slockened. We added that he declared himself no faithful servant to
his master the King of France if, for the pleasure of the priests,
he persecuted us, and so compelled us to take the sword of just
defence. In like manner we wrote to Captain Serra la Burse, and to
all other captains and French soldiers in general, admonishing them
that their vocation was not to fight against us natural Scotsmen;
and that they had no such commandment from their master. We
besought them, therefore, not to provoke us to enmity against them,
considering that they had found us favourable in their most extreme
necessities. We declared further unto them that, if they entered
into hostility and bloody war against us, this should continue
longer than their and our lives, to wit, even in all posterity to
come, so long as natural Scotsmen should have power to revenge such
cruelty, and most horrible ingratitude....

[Sidenote: The Protestants prepare for a Struggle for Liberty of
Conscience.]

Our letters were suppressed to the uttermost of the power of the
enemy, and yet they came to the knowledge of many. But the rage of
the Queen and priests could not be stayed; and they moved forward
against us: we were then but a very few and mean number of gentlemen
in Perth. Perceiving the extremity to approach, we wrote to all
brethren enjoining them to repair towards us for our relief. To this
we found all men so readily bent, that the work of God was evident.
And, because we wished to leave nothing undone that would declare
our innocency to all men, we addressed a letter to those of the
nobility who then persecuted us....

When our letters were divulged, some man began to reason whether of
conscience it would be right to make war upon us, considering that
we offered due obedience to the authority, and required nothing but
liberty of conscience, and that our religion and actions should
be tried by the Word of God. Our letters came with convenient
expedition to the hands of the brethren in Cunningham and Kyle.
These convened at the Kirk of Craigie, where, after some contrarious
reasons, Alexander, Earl of Glencairn, in zeal, burst forth in these
words, "Let every man serve his conscience. I will, by God's grace,
see my brethren in Perth; yea, albeit never man should accompany
me, I will go, were it but with a pike upon my shoulder; for I had
rather die with that company than live after them." These words so
encouraged the rest that all decided to go forward, and that they
did so stoutly that, when Lion Herald, in his coat armour, by public
sound of trumpet in Glasgow, commanded all men under pain of treason
to return to their houses, never man obeyed that charge, but all
went forward....

[Sidenote: The rival Forces are arrayed outside Perth.]

Our requests and advertisements notwithstanding, Monsieur D'Oysel
and his Frenchmen, with the priests and their bands, marched against
Perth, and approached within ten miles of the town. Then repaired
the brethren from all quarters for our relief. The gentlemen of
Fife, Angus, and Mearns, with the town of Dundee, first hazarded
resistance to the enemy; and for that purpose chose a platt of
ground, distant a mile and more from the town. In the meantime the
Lord Ruthven, Provost of Perth, and a man whom many judged godly
and stout in that action (as in very deed he was, even unto his
last breath), left the town, and departed first to his own place,
and afterwards to the Queen. His defection and revolt was a great
discouragement to the hearts of many; and yet God did so comfort
that, within the space of twelve hours after, the hearts of all men
were erected again. Those then assembled did not so much hope for
victory by their own strength, as by the power of Him whose truth
they professed; and they began to comfort one another, until the
whole multitude was encouraged by a reasonable hope.

[Sidenote: Commissioners are sent by the Queen: Interview with John
Knox: May 1559]

The day after the Lord Ruthven departed, which was the twenty-fourth
of May, the Earl of Argyll, Lord James, Prior of St. Andrews, and
the Lord Semple arrived in Perth, with commission from the Queen
Regent to inquire into the cause of the convocation of lieges
there.... On the morning of the day after that, the twenty-fifth day
of May, before the said Lords departed, John Knox desired to speak
with them, and, permission being granted, he was conveyed to their
lodging by the Laird of Balvaird, and thus he began:--

"Not only the hearts of the true servants of God, but also those
of all who bear any favour to their country and fellow-countrymen,
ought to be moved by the present troubles to descend within
themselves and to consider deeply what shall be the end of this
pretended tyranny....

"Firstly, I most humbly require of you, my Lords, to say to the
Queen's Grace Regent, in my name, that we whom she in her blind
rage doth persecute are God's servants, and faithful and obedient
subjects to the authority of this realm; that that religion which
she pretendeth to maintain by fire and sword is not the true
religion of Christ Jesus, but is expressly contrary to it, a
superstition devised by the brain of man; which I offer myself to
prove against all that within Scotland will maintain the contrary,
liberty of tongue being granted to me, and God's written Word being
admitted for judge.

"And, secondly, I farther require your Honours to say unto her
Grace, in my name, that, as I have already written, so now I say
that this enterprise of hers shall not prosper in the end; and
albeit for a time she trouble the saints of God, she does not fight
against man only, but against the eternal God and His invincible
truth; and the end shall be her confusion, unless she repent and
desist betimes.

"These things I require of you, in the name of the eternal God,
to say unto her Grace as from my mouth; adding that I have been
and am a more assured friend to her Grace than are these servants
to her corrupt appetites, who either flatter her, or else inflame
her against us. We seek nothing but the advance of God's glory,
suppression of vice, and the maintenance of truth in this poor
realm."

All three did promise to report these words so far as they could,
and we learned afterwards that they did so. Yea, the Lord Semple
himself, a man sold under sin, enemy to God and to all godliness,
yet made such report that the Queen was somewhat offended that any
man should use such liberty in her presence. She still proceeded
in her malice; for she sent her Lion Herald immediately after with
letters in which all men were straitly charged to quit the town,
under pain of treason. After he had declared these letters to the
chief men of the congregation, the Herald proclaimed them publicly,
upon Sunday, the twenty-eighth of May.

[Sidenote: The Nobility of the West-Land march to the aid of Perth:
the Regent takes Fright.]

In the meantime, sure knowledge came to the Queen, to the Duke, and
to Monsieur D'Oysel, that the Earl of Glencairn, the Lords Ochiltree
and Boyd, the young Sheriff of Ayr, the Lairds of Craigie-Wallace,
Cessnock, Carnell, Barr, Gadgirth, and the whole congregation of
Kyle and Cunningham, approached for our relief. In very deed they
came with such diligence, and in such a number that the enemy had
just cause to fear, and all that professed Christ Jesus had just
matter to praise God for their fidelity and stout courage in that
need; for the tyranny of the enemy was bridled by their presence....
Their number was estimated at twenty-five hundred men, and of these
twelve hundred were horsemen. The Queen, understanding how the said
Earl and Lords approached with their company, caused all ways to
be beset, so that no information should come to us, and that we,
despairing of support, might consent to the terms required by her.
At the same time, she sent to require that some discreet men of our
number should come and speak with the Duke and Monsieur D'Oysel (who
lay with their army at Auchterarder, ten miles from Perth) for the
purpose of making some reasonable appointment....

From us were sent the Laird of Dun, the Laird of Inverquharity,
and Thomas Scott of Abbotshall to learn what appointment the Queen
would offer. The Duke and Monsieur D'Oysel required that access to
the town should be given, and that all matters in dispute should be
referred to the Queen's pleasure. To this they answered that neither
had they commission so to promise, nor durst they conscientiously
persuade their brethren to agree to such a promise. But, they said,
if the Queen's Grace would promise that no inhabitant of the town
should be troubled for any such crimes as might be alleged against
them for the late change of religion, and the abolition of idolatry
and downcasting of the places of idolatry; and if she would suffer
that the religion begun should continue, and would on her departure
leave the town free from the garrisons of French soldiers, they for
their part would labour to secure from their brethren that the Queen
should be obeyed in all things.

Monsieur D'Oysel perceived the danger to be great, should a speedy
appointment not be made. He saw, also, that they would not be able
to execute their tyranny against us after the congregation of
Kyle, of whose coming we had no information, should be joined with
us. So, with good words, he dismissed the said Lords to persuade
the brethren to quiet concord. All men were well disposed to this
course, and with one voice they cried, "Cursed be they that seek
effusion of blood, war, or dissension. Let us possess Christ Jesus,
and the benefit of His Evangel, and none within Scotland shall be
more obedient subjects than we shall be." After the coming of the
Earl of Glencairn was known, the enemy quaked for fear, and with all
expedition there were sent from Stirling again the Earl of Argyll
and the Lord James, in company with a crafty man, Master Gavin
Hamilton, Abbot of Kilwinning, to finish the appointment foresaid....

[Sidenote: Another Appointment is patched up: 28th May 1559.]

With the Earl of Glencairn came our loving brother John Willock;
John Knox was in the town already. These two went to the Earl of
Argyll and Prior, and accused them of disloyalty, in that they had
defrauded their brethren of their dutiful support and comfort in
time of their greatest necessity. They both answered that their
heart was constant with their brethren, and that they would defend
the cause to the uttermost of their power. But because they had
promised to labour for concord and to assist the Queen should we
refuse reasonable offers, conscience and honour did not permit them
to do less than be faithful in their promise made. Therefore, they
required that the brethren might be persuaded to consent to that
reasonable appointment; promising, in God's presence, that, if the
Queen did break in any jot thereof, they, with their whole powers,
would assist and co-operate with their brethren in all times to
come. This promise made, the preachers appeased the multitude,
and ultimately secured the consent of all men to the appointment
foresaid; although they did not obtain this without great labour.
And no wonder, for many foresaw the danger to follow; yea, the
preachers themselves, in open sermon, did affirm plainly that they
were assuredly persuaded that the Queen did not mean to act in good
faith. But, to stop the mouth of the adversary, who unjustly accused
us of rebellion, they most earnestly required all men to approve
the appointment, and so to suffer hypocrisy to disclose itself. The
appointment was concluded on the twenty-eighth of May, and on the
day following the Congregation departed from Perth....

[Sidenote: The Lords and the Congregation make a fresh Covenant.]

Before the Lords departed they made this bond:--

"At Perth, the last day of May, the year of God 1559, the
Congregations of the West country, with the Congregations of Fife,
Perth, Dundee, Angus, Mearns, and Montrose, being convened in the
town of Perth, in the name of Jesus Christ, for forthsetting of His
glory; understanding nothing more necessary for the same than to
keep a constant amity, unity, and fellowship together, according
as they are commanded by God, are confederate, and become bound
and obliged, in the presence of God, to concur and assist together
in doing all things required by God in His Scripture, that may be
to His glory: and with their whole power to destroy, and put away
all things that do dishonour to His name, so that God may be truly
and purely worshipped. And in case any trouble is intended against
the said Congregation, or any part or member thereof, the whole
Congregation shall concur, assist, and convene together, to the
defence of the Congregation or person troubled; and shall not spare
labours, goods, substance, bodies, and lives, in maintaining the
liberty of the whole Congregation, and every member thereof, against
whatsoever power shall intend the said trouble, for the cause of
religion or any other cause dependent thereupon, or laid to their
charge under pretence thereof, although it happen to be 
with any other outward cause. In witnessing and testimony of this,
the whole Congregations foresaid have ordained and appointed the
Noblemen and persons underwritten to subscribe these presents.

  "ARCH. ARGYLE.                       GLENCAIRN.
  JAMES STEWART.                       R. LORD BOYD.
  MATTHEW CAMPBELL OF THRINGLAND.      OCHILTREE."

[Sidenote: The Regent enters Perth, and at once breaks Faith with
the Congregation.]

On the twenty-ninth of May the Queen, the Duke, Monsieur D'Oysel,
and the Frenchmen entered Perth.... The swarm of <DW7>s that
entered with her began at once to make provision for their Mass....
The Queen began to rage against all godly and honest men; their
houses were oppressed by the Frenchmen; the lawful magistrates,
Provost as well as Bailies, were unjustly and irregularly deposed
from their authority. A wicked man, void of God's fear, and
destitute of all virtue, the Laird of Kinfauns, was intrused by her
as Provost of the town.... She gave order that four ensenyes[134] of
the soldiers should abide in the town, to maintain idolatry and to
resist the Congregation. Honest and indifferent men asked why she
did so manifestly violate her promise. She answered that she was
bound to keep no promise to heretics; and, moreover, that she had
only promised to leave the town free of French soldiers. This last
she said she had done, because those that were left were Scotsmen.
When it was reasoned, to the contrary, that all those who took wages
of France were accounted French soldiers, she answered, "Princes
must not so straitly be bound to keep their promises. Myself," said
she, "would make little conscience to take from all that sort their
lives and inheritance, if I might do it with as honest an excuse."
And then she left the town in extreme bondage, after her ungodly
Frenchmen had most cruelly treated the majority of the citizens that
remained.

  [134] Companies.

[Sidenote: The Earl of Argyll abandons the Regent, and declines to
return.]

The Earl of Argyll, and Lord James, perceiving in the Queen nothing
but mere tyranny and falsehood, and mindful of their former promises
to their brethren, secretly conveyed themselves and their companies
from the town. With them departed the Lord Ruthven, the Earl of
Menteith, and the Laird of Tullibardine.... The Queen, highly
offended at the sudden departure of these persons, charged them to
return, under the highest pain of her displeasure. But they answered
that they could not, with safe conscience, be partakers in so
manifest tyranny as that committed by her, and in the great iniquity
which they perceived to be devised by her and her ungodly Council,
the prelates. This answer was given to her on the first day of
June, and immediately the Earl of Argyll and Lord James repaired
toward St. Andrews, and in their journey intimated to the Laird of
Dun, to the Laird of Pittarrow, to the Provost of Dundee, and to
other professors in Angus, their desire that they should visit them
in St. Andrews on the fourth of June, that Reformation might be made
there. This they did, bringing John Knox in their company.

[Sidenote: The Archbishop of St. Andrews interdicts Knox from
preaching.]

The Archbishop, hearing of Reformation to be made in his cathedral
Church, thought it time to stir if ever he were to do so. He
assembled his colleagues and confederate fellows, besides his
other friends, and came to the town upon the Saturday night,
accompanied by a hundred spears, desiring to have stopped John Knox
from preaching. The two Lords and gentlemen foresaid were only
accompanied by their quiet households, and the sudden coming of the
Archbishop was the more fearful; for the Queen and her Frenchmen
having departed from Perth, were then lying in Falkland, within
twelve miles of St. Andrews. Besides, the town had not at that
time given profession of Christ, and therefore the Lords could
not be assured of their friendship. After consultation, many were
of opinion that the preaching should be delayed for that day, and
especially that John Knox should not preach; for the Archbishop had
affirmed that he would not suffer this, seeing that the picture
of the said John had formerly been burned by his commandment. He
instructed an honest gentleman, Robert Colville of Cleish, to say to
the Lords that did John Knox present himself at the preaching place
in his town and principal church, he should "gar[135] him be saluted
with a dozen culverins, whereof the most part should light upon his
nose."

  [135] Cause.

[Sidenote: John Knox declines to obey the Dictates of the
Archbishop.]

After long deliberation, the said John was called, that his own
judgment might be had. Many persuasions were used to induce him to
delay for that time, and great terrors were threatened if he should
enterprise such a thing, in seeming contempt of the Archbishop. But
he answered, "God is witness that I never preached Christ Jesus
in contempt of any man, nor am I disposed at any time to present
myself at that place, from respect to my own private commodity, or
to the worldly hurt of any creature; but I cannot conscientiously
delay to preach to-morrow, unless my body be violently withholden.
In this town and church, God first began to call me to the dignity
of a preacher. From this I was reft by the tyranny of France, by
procurement of the bishops, as ye all know well enough. How long I
continued prisoner, what torment I sustained in the galleys, and
what were the sobs of my heart, it is now no time to recite. This
only I cannot conceal. More than one have heard me say, when the
body was far absent from Scotland, that my assured hope was that I
should preach in St. Andrews in open audience before I departed this
life.

"Therefore," said John Knox, "my Lords, seeing that God hath, beyond
the expectation of many, brought me in the body to the place where
first I was called to the office of a preacher, and from the which
most unjustly I was removed, I beseech your Honours not to stop me
from presenting myself unto my brethren. As for the fear of danger
that may come to me, let no man be solicitous. My life is in the
custody of Him whose glory I seek; and therefore I cannot so fear
their boast or tyranny as to cease from doing my duty, when of His
mercy He offereth occasion. I desire the hand or weapon of no man to
defend me; only do I crave audience. If this be denied here to me at
this time, I must seek further where I may have it."

[Sidenote: John Knox preaches at St. Andrews once more: the
Monuments of Idolatry are cast down.]

At these words, the Lords were fully content that John Knox should
occupy the preaching place, which he did upon Sunday, the eleventh
of June. In his sermon he treated of the ejection of the buyers and
the sellers from the Temple of Jerusalem, as it is written in the
Evangelists, Matthew and John. He applied the corruption that was
there to the corruption that is in the Papistry; and Christ's act,
to the duty of those to whom God giveth power and zeal thereto.
The result was that the magistrates within the town, the provost
and bailies, as well as the community for the most part, agreed to
remove all monuments of idolatry, and this they did with expedition.

[Sidenote: The Regent declares War: the Forces of the Congregation
are called out.]

The Archbishop, informed of this, departed that same day to the
Queen, who lay in Falkland with her Frenchmen, as we have said. The
hot fury of the Archbishop did so kindle her choler (and yet the
love was very cold betwixt them) that, without any further delay, it
was decided to invade St. Andrews.... When this was known, counsel
was given to the Lords to march forward and get to Cupar before
the Queen. This they did, giving notice to all brethren to repair
towards them with possible expedition. This also was done with such
diligence that in their assembling the wondrous work of God might
have been espied. When the Lords came to Cupar at night, they were
not a hundred horse, and a certain number of footmen, whom Lord
James brought from the coast side; and yet, before the next day at
twelve o'clock, which was Tuesday, the thirteenth of June, their
number exceeded three thousand men.... Finally, God did so multiply
our number that it appeared as if men had rained from the clouds.
The enemy, understanding nothing of our force, assured themselves
of victory.... Before midnight they sent forward their ordnance,
themselves following before three o'clock in the morning.

[Sidenote: The Affair of Cupar Moor: the Regent sues for an
Armistice.]

The Lords, being notified of this, assembled their company upon
Cupar Moor early in the morning.... The Lord Ruthven took charge of
the horsemen, and so ordered them that the enemy was never permitted
to espy our number; the day was dark, and that helped. The enemy,
thinking to have found no resistance, after they had twice or thrice
made a feint of retiring, advanced with great expedition, and
approached within a mile before ever their horsemen stayed.... After
twelve o'clock, the mist began to vanish, and then some of their
horsemen occupied an eminence whence they might discern our number.
When they perceived this, their horsemen and footmen came to a
speedy halt. Posts ran to the Duke and Monsieur D'Oysel to declare
our number, and what order we kept; and then were mediators sent
to make appointment. They were not suffered to approach the Lords,
nor yet to view our camp. This put them in greater fear.... Answer
received, the Duke and Monsieur D'Oysel, having commission from the
Queen Regent, required that assurance[136] might be taken for eight
days, to the end that indifferent men in the meantime might commune
upon some final agreement concerning those things which were then in
controversy. To this we fully consented, albeit that in number and
force we were far superior....

  [136] Truce.

The assurance granted by the Earl of Arran and others contained
faithful promise, "that we, and our company foresaid, shall retire
incontinent to Falkland, and shall with diligence transport the
Frenchmen and our other folks now presently with us; and that no
Frenchman or other soldiers of ours, shall remain within the bounds
of Fife, except as many as before the raising of the last army lay
in Dysart, Kirkcaldy, and Kinghorn, these to lie in the same places
only, if we shall think good. And this to have effect for the space
of eight days following the date hereof _exclusive_, that in the
meantime certain noblemen, by the advice of the Queen's Grace and
rest of the Council, may convene to talk of such things as may make
good order and quietness amongst the Queen's lieges...."

[Sidenote: Once more the Regent breaks Faith.]

Having received this assurance, we departed first, because we were
requested by the Duke to do so. We returned to Cupar, lauding
and praising God for His mercy showed; and thereafter every man
departed to his dwelling place. The Lords and a great part of the
gentlemen proceeded to St. Andrews, and abode there certain days,
always looking for those that had been promised to be sent from the
Queen, for the preparation of an appointment. Perceiving her craft
and deceit (for under that assurance she meant nothing else than
to convey herself, her ordnance, and Frenchmen, over the water of
Forth) we took consultation as to what should be done to deliver
Perth from these ungodly soldiers, and how our brethren, exiled
from their own houses, might be restored again. It was decided that
the brethren of Fife, Angus, Mearns, and Strathearn should convene
at Perth on the twenty-fourth day of June for that purpose; and in
the meantime letters were written by the Earl of Argyll, and Lord
James, to the Queen Regent....

[Sidenote: The Relief of Perth.]

At Perth, a trumpet was sent by the Lords, commanding the captains
and their bands to vacate the town, and to leave it to its ancient
liberty and just inhabitants; and also commanding them and the Laird
of Kinfauns, provost, thrust upon the town by the Queen, to open
the gates of the town and admit all our sovereign's lieges.... To
this they answered proudly that they would keep and defend that
town, according to promise made to the Queen Regent.... And so, upon
Saturday, the twenty-fourth of June, at ten o'clock at night, the
Lord Ruthven, who besieged the west quarter, commanded to shoot the
first volley. This being done, the town of Dundee, whose ordnance
lay upon the east side of the bridge, did the like. The captains
and soldiers within the town, perceiving that they were unable long
to resist, requested a truce until twelve o'clock noon, promising
that, if before that hour there came no relief to them from the
Queen Regent, they would surrender the town, provided that they
should be suffered to depart from the town with ensigns displayed.
We, thirsting for the blood of no man, and seeking only the liberty
of our brethren, suffered them freely to depart without any further
molestation....

[Sidenote: The Sack of the Abbey and Palace of Scone.]

The Bishop of Moray lay in the Abbey of Scone, and it was thought
good that some proceedings should be taken against him and against
that place, which lay near to the town-end. The Lords wrote unto
him, for he lay within two miles of Perth, that, unless he would
come and assist them, they neither could spare nor save his place.
He answered, by writing, that he would come, and would do as they
thought expedient; that he would assist them with his force, and
would vote with them against the rest of the clergy in Parliament.
But his answer was slow in coming, and the town of Dundee marched
forward.

John Knox was sent unto them to stay them; but before his coming,
they had begun the pulling down of the idols and dortour.[137] And,
albeit the said John and others did what in them lay to stay the
fury of the multitude, they were not able to restore complete order,
and therefore they sent for the Lords, Earl of Argyll, and Lord
James, who, coming with all diligence, laboured to save the Palace
and Kirk. But, the multitude having found a great number of idols
buried in the Kirk for the purpose of preserving them to a better
day (as the <DW7>s speak), the towns of Dundee and Perth could
not be satisfied, until the whole furnishings and ornaments of the
Church were destroyed. Yet did the Lords so travail that they saved
the Bishop's Palace, with the Church and place for that night; for
the two Lords did not depart until they brought with them the whole
number of those that most sought the Bishop's displeasure.... The
Bishop's girnell[138] was kept for the first night by the labours of
John Knox, who, by exhortation, removed such as violently would have
made irruption....

  [137] Hangings.

  [138] Granary.

On the morrow, some of the poor, in hope of spoil, and some of the
men of Dundee, to see what had been done, went up to the Abbey of
Scone. The Bishop's servants were offended, and began to threaten
and speak proudly, and, as it was constantly affirmed, one of the
Bishop's sons stogged through with a rapier a man of Dundee, for
looking in at the girnell door.... The multitude, easily inflamed,
gave the alarm, and the Abbey and Palace were appointed to sackage.
They took no long deliberation in carrying out their purpose, but
committed the whole to the merciment of fire....

[Sidenote: The Forces of the Congregation take possession of
Stirling and Edinburgh.]

While these things were being done at Perth, the Queen, fearing what
should follow, determined to send certain bands of French soldiers
to Stirling, to stop the passage to us that then were upon the north
side of Forth. Hearing of this, the Earl of Argyll and Lord James
departed secretly over-night, and with great expedition, getting
in before the Frenchmen, took the town. Before their coming, the
rascal multitude had laid hands on the thieves', I should say
Friars', places and utterly destroyed them.

The Queen and her faction, not a little afraid, departed hastily
from Edinburgh to Dunbar. So we, with all reasonable diligence,
marched forward to Edinburgh to make reformation there, and arrived
on the twenty-ninth of June. The Provost for that time, the Lord
Seton, a man without God, without honesty, and oftentimes without
reason, had formerly greatly troubled and molested the brethren. He
had taken upon himself the protection and defence of the Black and
Grey Friars; and for that purpose not only lay himself in one of the
monasteries every night, but also constrained the most honest of the
town, to their great grief and trouble, to keep vigil for the safety
of those monsters. Hearing of our sudden coming, however, he had
abandoned his charge, and had left the spoil to the poor, who had
made havoc of all such things as were movable in those places before
our coming, and had left nothing but bare walls, yea, not so much as
door or window. We were the less troubled in reforming such places.

[Sidenote: The Congregation renew peaceable Overtures to the Regent.]

For certain days we deliberated as to what was to be done, and
then determined to send some message to the Queen Regent.... After
safe conduct was purchased[139] and granted, we directed unto her
two grave men of our Council. We gave commission and power to
them to expose our whole purpose and intent, which was none other
than before at all times we had insisted upon, to wit, that we
might enjoy the liberty of conscience; that Christ Jesus might be
truly preached, and His holy Sacraments rightly ministered unto
us; that unable ministers might be removed from ecclesiastical
administration; that our preachers might be relaxed from the horn,
and permitted to perform their duties without molestation, until
such time as, either by a General Council, lawfully convened, or by
a Parliament within the realm, the controversies in religion were
decided; and that the bands of Frenchmen, who were an intolerable
burden to the country, and so fearful to us that we durst not in
peaceable and quiet manner haunt the places where they did lie,
should be sent to France, their native country. These things
granted, her Grace should have experience of our customary obedience.

  [139] Sued out; procured.

To these heads the Queen did answer at the first pleasantly, but
then she began to handle the matter more craftily, complaining that
she was not sought in a gentle manner; and that they in whom she had
put most singular confidence had left her in her greatest need. In
discussing these and such other things, pertaining nothing to their
commission, she sought to spend and drive the time.... In the end of
this communing, on the twelfth day of July 1559, she desired to have
private talk with the Earl of Argyll, and Lord James, Prior of St.
Andrews.... The Council, after consultation, thought it inexpedient
that the Earl and Prior should talk with the Queen in any way; for
her former practices made all men suspect that some deceit lurked
under such  communing. It was known that she had said that,
if she could by any means sunder those two from the rest, she was
sure she should shortly attain her whole purpose; and one of her
chief counsellors in those days had said that before Michaelmas day
these two should lose their heads.... The Queen, perceiving that
her craft could not prevail, was content that the Duke's Grace and
the Earl of Huntly, with others appointed by her, should convene at
Preston, to commune with the said Earl and Prior, and such others
as the Lords of the Congregation would appoint. These, convening at
Preston, spake the whole day without any certain conclusion. For
this was the subterfuge of the Queen and of her faction. By drift
of time she hoped to weary our company, who, for the most part,
had been in the field from the tenth day of May, and that when we
were dispersed she might come to her purpose. In this she was not
altogether deceived; for our commons were compelled to skaill for
lack of expenses, and our gentlemen, partly constrained by lack of
furnishing and partly hoping that some small appointment would
result from so many communings, returned for the most part to their
dwelling places, to repose themselves.

The Queen, in all these conventions, seemed to indicate that she
would give liberty to religion, provided that, wheresoever she was,
our preachers should cease, and the Mass should be maintained. We,
perceiving her malicious craft, answered that we would compel her
Grace to no religion, but that we could not, of conscience, for
the pleasure of any earthly creature, put silence to God's true
messengers. Nor could we suffer that the right administration of
Christ's true sacraments should give place to manifest idolatry;
for in so doing we should declare ourselves enemies to God, to
Christ Jesus His Son, to His eternal truth and to the liberty and
establishment of His Church within this realm. If her request were
granted, there could be no Kirk within the realm so established but
that, at her pleasure, and by her residence and remaining there, she
might overthrow the same....

To no point would the Queen answer directly; but in all things she
was so general and so ambiguous, that her craft appeared to all men.
She had gotten sure information that our company was skailled--for
her Frenchmen were daily amongst us, without molestation or hurt
done to them--and therefore she began to disclose her mind. "The
Congregation," she said, "has reigned these two months bypast: me
myself would reign now other two." The malice of her heart being
plainly perceived, there was deliberation as to what was to be
done. It was decided that the Lords, Barons and gentlemen, with
their substantial households, should remain in Edinburgh that whole
winter, for the purpose of establishing the Church there. When it
was found that, by corrupting our money, the Queen made to herself
immoderate gains for maintaining her soldiers, thereby destroying
our whole commonwealth, it was thought necessary that the printing
irons[140] and all things pertaining to them should be taken
into custody, for fear that she should privily cause them to be
transported to Dunbar.

  [140] Coining dies.

[Sidenote: Death of Harry the Second, King of France.]

In the meantime there came assured information, first, that the
King of France was hurt, and, afterwards, that he was dead.... This
wondrous work of God in his sudden death ought to have daunted the
fury of the Queen Regent, and given her admonition that the same
God could not long suffer her obstinate malice against His truth
to remain unpunished. But her indurate heart could not be moved to
repentance; and, hearing of the detention of the printing irons, she
raged more outrageously than before.... We answered that we, without
usurpation of anything justly pertaining to the Crown of Scotland,
had stayed the printing irons because the commonwealth was greatly
hurt by the corrupting of our money....

[Sidenote: The Regent again takes up Arms against the Congregation.]

Partly by her craft and policy, and partly by the labours of the
Archbishops of St. Andrews and Glasgow, the Queen Regent procured,
from the whole number that were with her, consent to pursue us
with all cruelty and expedition, before we could again assemble
our forces, then dispersed for new equipment. Certain knowledge of
this reached us on the Saturday at night, on the twenty-second of
July, and we did what in us lay to give notice to our brethren. It
was impossible, however, that those of the West, Angus, Mearns,
Strathearn, or Fife, in any number, could come to us; for the enemy
marched from Dunbar upon the Sunday, and approached within two miles
of us before sunrise upon Monday. They verily supposed that they
should have found no resistance, being assured that only the Lords
and certain gentlemen remained, with their private households....
The most part of the town appeared rather to favour us than the
Queen's faction; and offered us the uttermost of their support, a
promise that, for the most part, they faithfully kept. The town of
Leith made similar promise, but they did not keep the like fidelity;
for, when we were upon the field, advancing to their support, when
the French were close upon them, they surrendered without further
resistance. Their unprovided and sudden defection astonished many;
and yet we retired quietly to the side of Craig-end gate, where
we took up a defensive position.... Before eight o'clock in the
morning, God had given us both courage and a reasonable number
wherewith to withstand the fury of the enemy. As many of the town of
Edinburgh as had been trained to arms, and divers others besides,
behaved themselves both faithfully and stoutly. The gentlemen of
Lothian, and especially Calder, Haltoun, and Ormiston, were very
helpful....

[Sidenote: Edinburgh Castle supports the Regent: Appointment made at
Leith.]

The enemy took such fright that they determined not to invade us
where we stood, but planned to approach Edinburgh by the other side
of the Water of Leith, and that because they had, unknown to us,
secured the support of the Castle. We had supposed the Lord Erskine,
Captain of the Castle, either to be our friend, or at least to be
neutral. But, when we had determined to fight, he sent word to the
Earl of Argyll, to Lord James, his sister's son, and to the other
noblemen, that he would declare himself both enemy to them and to
the town, and would shoot at both, if they made any resistance
to the entrance of the Frenchmen to the town. We could not fight
or stop the enemy, but under the mercy of the Castle and whole
ordnance thereof. In conclusion, it was found less damage to take
an appointment, albeit the conditions were not such as we desired,
than to hazard battle betwixt two such enemies. After long talking,
certain heads were drawn by us....

At the Links of Leith appointment was made and subscribed on the
twenty-fifth of July. We returned to the town of Edinburgh, where
we remained until the next day at noon; when, after sermon, dinner,
and a proclamation made at the Market Cross, we withdrew from the
town....

[Sidenote: The Congregation invoke the Aid of England.]

We came first to Linlithgow, and after that to Stirling, where,
after consultation, a bond of defence, for maintenance of religion,
and for mutual defence, every one of the other, was subscribed by
all that were present.... This bond subscribed, we, foreseeing that
the Queen and bishops meant nothing but deceit, thought good to seek
support from all Christian Princes against her and her tyranny, in
case we should be more sharply pursued. And because England was of
the same religion, and lay next to us, it was judged expedient
first to approach her rulers. This we did by one or two messengers,
as hereafter, in the proper place, shall be declared more fully....

[Sidenote: John Willock braves the Fury of the Regent, and continues
to minister to the Kirk in Edinburgh.]

For comfort of the brethren and continuance of the Kirk in
Edinburgh, our dear brother John Willock was left there. He, for his
faithful labours and bold courage in that battle, deserves immortal
praise. When it was found dangerous for John Knox, already elected
minister to that Kirk, to continue there, the brethren requested the
said John Willock to abide with them, lest, for lack of ministers,
idolatry should again be erected. To this he so gladly consented
that it was evident that he preferred the comfort of his brethren
and the continuance of the Kirk there to his own life. One part of
the Frenchmen were appointed to lie in garrison at Leith (that was
the first benefit they got for their confederacy with them), the
other part were appointed to lie in the Canongate; the Queen and her
train abiding in the Abbey. Our brother John Willock, the day after
our departure, preached in St. Giles's Kirk, and fervently exhorted
the brethren to stand constant in the truth which they had professed.

[Sidenote: The Citizens decline to permit Popish Ceremonies to be
renewed in the High Kirk.]

The Duke, and divers others of the Queen's faction, were present
at this and some other sermons. This liberty and preaching, with
the resort of all people thereto, highly offended the Queen and the
other <DW7>s, and they began to give terrors to the Duke; affirming
that he would be reputed as one of the Congregation, if he gave
his countenance to the sermons. Thereafter they began to require
that Mass should be set up again in St. Giles's Kirk, and that the
people should be set at liberty to choose what religion they would:
for, they affirmed, it had been a condition in the Appointment that
the town of Edinburgh should have what religion they cared for. To
ascertain this, the Duke, the Earl of Huntly, and the Lord Seton
were sent to the Tolbooth, to solicit all men to submit to the
Queen's opinion. The two last named did what they could, but the
Duke remained a mere beholder, and of him the brethren had good
hopes. After many persuasions and threatenings by the said Earl
and Lord, the brethren stoutly and valiantly, in the Lord Jesus,
gainsaid their most unjust petitions....

The foresaid Earl and Lord Seton, then Provost of Edinburgh,
perceiving that they could not prevail in that manner, began to
entreat that the citizens would so far submit to the Queen's
pleasure as to choose another kirk within the town, or at least be
contented that Mass should be said either after or before their
sermons. Answer was given that they could not give place to the
Devil, who was the chief inventor of the Mass, for the pleasure of
any creature. They were in possession of that kirk, and they could
not abandon it; nor could they suffer idolatry to be set up there,
unless they should be constrained so to do by violence, and, if this
were resorted to, they were determined to seek the next remedy....
By God's grace, the citizens continued in faithful service of
God until the month of November. They not only convened to the
preaching, daily supplications, and administration of baptism; but
also the Lord's Table was administered, even in the eyes of the very
enemy, to the great comfort of many afflicted consciences.

[Sidenote: The Regent restores the Mass at Holyrood, persecutes
the Reformed Clergy, and seeks to embroil the Protestants with the
French.]

As God did potently work through His true minister, and in His
troubled Kirk, so did not the Devil cease to inflame the malice of
the Queen, and of the <DW7>s with her. Shortly after her coming to
the Abbey of Holyroodhouse, she caused Mass to be said, first in her
own chapel, and after that in the Abbey, where the altars had before
been cast down. Her malice extended in like manner to Cambuskenneth;
for there she cancelled the stipends of as many of the Canons as had
forsaken Papistry. She gave command and inhibition that the Abbot
of Lindores should not receive payment of any part of his living in
the north, because he had submitted himself to the Congregation,
and had made some reformation to his place. By her consent and
procurement, the preaching stools in the Kirk of Leith were broken,
and idolatry was re-erected there. Her French captains, with
their soldiers in great companies, resorted to St. Giles's Kirk
in Edinburgh at the time of preaching and prayers, and made their
common deambulator[141] therein, with such loud talking that it was
impossible to hear the preacher distinctly. Although the minister
was oft times compelled to cry out on them, praying to God to rid
the people of such locusts, they continued in their wicked purpose.
This had been devised and ordered by the Queen, who sought to draw
our brethren of Edinburgh into a cummer[142] with the soldiery, so
that she might have a colourable occasion for breaking the league
with them. Yet, by God's grace, they so behaved themselves that
she could find no fault with them. On the other hand, in all these
things, and in every one of them, she is worthily counted to have
contravened the said Appointment....

  [141] Promenade.

  [142] Entanglement.

[Sidenote: The Regent receives Reinforcements of Troops from France.]

In the meantime the Queen Regent, knowing assuredly what force was
shortly to come to her aid, ceased not, by all means possible, to
cloak the incoming of the French, and to inflame the hearts of
our countrymen against us.... She used these means to abuse the
simplicity of the people, that they should not suddenly espy for
what purpose she brought in her new bands of men of war. These,
to the number of a thousand men, arrived about the middle of
August. The rest were appointed to come after with Monsieur de la
Broche and the Bishop of Amiens, who arrived on the nineteenth
day of September, as if they had been Ambassadors. What was their
negotiation, the result declared, and they themselves could not long
conceal; for, both by tongue and pen, they proclaimed that they had
been sent for the utter extermination of all that would not profess
the papistical religion in all points....

Prudent men foresaw that the Queen intended a complete conquest.
But, to the end that the people should not suddenly stir, she would
not bring in her full force at once, but by continual traffic
purposed to augment her army, so that in the end we should not be
able to resist. The greatest part of the nobility and many of the
people were so enchanted by her treasonable agents that they could
not listen to, or credit, the truth plainly spoken. The French,
after the arrival of their new men, began to brag: then began they
to divide the lands and lordships according to their own fancies;
for one was styled Monsieur d' Ergyle; another, Monsieur le Prior;
the third, Monsieur de Ruthven; yea, they were so assured, in their
own opinion, to possess whatsoever they list, that some asked for
statements of the rentals and revenues of divers men's lands, to the
end that they might choose the best....

[Sidenote: A Convention is held at Stirling: 10th September 1559.]

As we have already said, a Convention was appointed to be held at
Stirling on the tenth day of September. To this repaired the most
part of the Lords of the Congregation, ... and in the meantime came
assured word that the Frenchmen had begun to fortify Leith. This
action more evidently disclosed the Queen's craft, and so deeply
grieved the hearts of the whole nobility that, with one consent,
they addressed a letter to the Queen on the subject. This letter was
signed by my Lord Duke, the Earls of Arran, Glencairn and Menteith,
by the Lords Ruthven, Ochiltree and Boyd, and by divers other barons
and gentlemen....

[Sidenote: The Lords of the Congregation agree to take up arms
against the French Invasion.]

The Duke and Lords, understanding that the fortification of Leith
was still proceeding, directed their whole forces to convene at
Stirling on the fifteenth day of October, that from thence they
might advance to Edinburgh, for redress of the great enormities
committed by the French upon the whole country, which was so
oppressed by them that the life of every honest man was bitter to
him.[143]...

  [143] In framing a historical record of the important events in
  Scotland in which he took a part, Knox seems to have considered it
  incumbent upon him to preserve in his chronicle complete copies
  of the numerous documents and missives concerning the relations
  of the Reformers among themselves, or embodying the communings
  of the Reformers with the Queen Regent and with the Sovereign of
  England. In the present edition, these are omitted, or only quoted
  in abbreviated form, so far as may be necessary to keep the reader
  in close touch with the thread of the narrative, and the attitude of
  the different parties.--ED.

[Sidenote: The Protests of the Congregation are scornfully rejected.]

There came from the Queen Regent, on the twenty-first day of
October, Master Robert Forman, Lion King of Arms, who brought unto
us the following credit:--

"That she wondered how any durst presume to command her in that
realm, which needed not to be conquered by any force, considering
that it was already conquered by marriage; that Frenchmen could not
justly be called strangers, seeing that they were naturalised; and
therefore that she would neither make the town of Leith patent, nor
yet send any man away, except as she thought expedient. She accused
the Duke of violating his promise; she made long protestation of
her love towards the commonwealth of Scotland; and in the end she
commanded that, under pain of treason, all assisters to the Duke and
to us should depart from the town of Edinburgh."...

[Sidenote: The Congregation convene at Edinburgh; they agree to
depose the Regent.]

The whole nobility, barons, and burgesses, then present, were
commanded to convene in the Tolbooth of Edinburgh, the same
twenty-first day of October, for deliberation. The whole cause
being exponed there by the Lord Ruthven, the question was proponed,
Whether she that so contemptuously refused the most humble request
of the born counsellors of the realm, being also but a Regent
whose pretences threatened the bondage of the whole commonwealth,
ought to be suffered so tyrannously to empire over them? Because
this question had not before been disputed in open assembly, it
was thought expedient that the judgment of the preachers should
be required. These being called and instructed in the case, John
Willock spoke as follows, affirming:--

"First. That, albeit magistrates be God's ordinance, having power
and authority from Him, their power is not so largely extended, but
that it is bounded and limited by God in His Word.

"Secondarily. That, as subjects are commanded to obey their
magistrates, so are magistrates commanded to fulfil their duty to
the subjects, as God by His Word has prescribed the office of the
one and of the other.

"Thirdly. That, albeit God has appointed magistrates to be His
Lieutenants on earth, and has honoured them with His own title,
calling them gods, He did never so establish any, but that for just
causes they might be deprived.

"Fourthly. That, in deposing Princes and those in authority, God
did not always use His immediate power; but sometimes He used other
means which His wisdom thought good, and justice approved. By Asa He
had removed Maachah, his own mother, from the honour and authority
which she had brooked;[144] by Jehu He had destroyed Joram and the
whole posterity of Ahab; and by divers others He had deposed from
authority those whom previously He had established by His own Word.

  [144] Soiled.

"The Queen Regent had denied her chief duty to the subjects of this
realm, which was to minister justice unto them indifferently, to
preserve their liberties from invasion by strangers, and to suffer
them to have God's Word freely and openly preached amongst them.
Moreover, she was an open and obstinate idolatress, a vehement
maintainer of all superstition and idolatry; and, finally, she had
utterly despised the counsel and requests of the nobility. Upon
these grounds he argued that there was no reason why they, the born
counsellors, nobility, and barons of the realm, might not justly
deprive her from all regiment and authority amongst them."...

The individual vote of every man being required, and every man
commanded to speak what his conscience judged in that matter, as he
would answer to God, there was none found amongst the whole number
who did not, by his own tongue, consent to her deprivation....

After our Act of Suspension was by sound of trumpet divulged at the
Market Cross of Edinburgh, we dismissed the herald with his answer,
and on the following day we summoned the town of Leith by the sound
of trumpet, requiring, in name of the King and Queen and of the
Council then in Edinburgh, that all Scots and French men,[145] of
whatsoever estate and degree they should be, to depart from the
town of Leith within the space of twelve hours, and "make the same
patent to all and sundry our Sovereign Lady's lieges."...

  [145] That is, men-at-arms.

[Sidenote: The Siege of Leith is commenced: Traitors hinder the
Protestants.]

Defiance given, there was skirmishing, without great slaughter.
Preparation of scaills[146] and ladders was made for the assault,
which had been agreed upon by common consent of the nobility and
barons. The scaills were appointed to be made in St. Giles's
Church, and preaching was neglected. This not a little grieved the
preachers, and many godly persons.... The Queen had amongst us her
assured spies, who did not only signify unto her what was our state,
but also what were our counsel, purposes, and devices. Some of our
own company were vehemently suspected to be the very betrayers of
all our secrets. A boy of the Official of Lothian, Master James
Balfour, was caught carrying a writing which disclosed the most
secret thing that was devised in the Council; yea, these very things
which were thought only to have been known to a very few.

  [146] Scaling-ladder.

[Sidenote: Hardships of the Protestant Party: the Soldiers demand
their Pay.]

By such domestic enemies not only were our purposes frustrated,
but also our determinations were often overthrown and changed. The
Duke's friends sought to alarm him, and he was greatly troubled; by
his fear many others were troubled. The men of war, for the most
part men without God or honesty, made a mutiny, because they lacked
a part of their wages.... All these troubles were practised by the
Queen, and put into execution by the traitors amongst ourselves....
To pacify the men of war, a collection was devised. But, because
some were poor and some were niggardly and avaricious, no sufficient
sum could be obtained. It was thought expedient that a cunyie[147]
should be erected, so that every nobleman might cunyie his silver to
supply the immediate necessity. David Forrest, John Hart, and others
who before had charge of the Cunyie-house, promised their faithful
labours; but, when the matter came to the very point, the said John
Hart and others of his faction stole away, and took with them the
necessary tools....

  [147] Mint.

[Sidenote: Four thousand Crowns are sent from England, and captured
by Lord Bothwell.]

There now remained no hope that any money could be furnished among
ourselves; and therefore it was concluded by a few of those whom
we judged most secret that inquiry should be directed to Sir Ralph
Sadler, and Sir James Crofts, then having charge at Berwick, to
ascertain whether they would support us with any reasonable sum in
that urgent necessity. And for that purpose the Laird of Ormiston
was directed to them in as secret manner as we could devise. But our
counsel was disclosed to the Queen, who appointed the Lord Bothwell,
as he himself confessed, to await the return of the said Laird. That
he did with all diligence; and, being assuredly informed by what way
he would come, the said Earl Bothwell foreset his way, and, coming
upon him at unawares, did capture him, and the sum of four thousand
crowns of the sun, which Sir Ralph Sadler and Sir James Crofts had
most lovingly sent for our support.... The Earl of Arran, the Lord
James, the Master of Maxwell, with the most part of the horsemen,
took sudden purpose to pursue the said Earl of Bothwell, in the hope
that they might apprehend him in Crichton or Morham.... But, albeit
the departure and counsel of the Earl of Arran and Lord James was
very sudden and secret, the Earl Bothwell, then being in Crichton,
received information of this, and so escaped with the money....

[Sidenote: The Men of Dundee lose their Guns.]

In the absence of the said Lords and horsemen (we mean the same day
that they departed, which was the last of October) the Provost and
town of Dundee, together with some soldiers, issued from the town
of Edinburgh, and carried with them some great ordnance to shoot at
Leith.... The French being notified that our horsemen were absent,
and that the whole company were at dinner, made a sortie, and with
great expedition came to the place where our ordnance was laid. The
town of Dundee, with a few others, resisted for a while, with their
ordnance as well as hackbuts; but, being left by our ungodly and
feeble soldiers, who fled without stroke offered or given, they were
compelled to give back, and so to leave the ordnance to the enemies.
These pursued the fugitives to the middle of the Canongate, and to
the foot of Leith Wynd. Their cruelty then began to discover itself;
for the decrepit, the aged, the women and children, found no greater
favour in their fury than did the strong man who made resistance.

[Sidenote: The ill Results of further Treachery.]

It was very apparent that amongst ourselves there was some treason.
Upon the first alarm, all men made haste to come to the relief of
their brethren, and in very deed we might have saved them, and at
least we might have saved the ordnance, and have kept the Canongate
from danger; for we were at once marched forward with bold courage.
But then a shout was raised amongst ourselves (God will disclose
the traitors one day) affirming that the whole French company had
entered Leith Wynd at our backs. What clamour and disorder then
suddenly arose, we list not to express with multiplication of words.
The horsemen and some of those that ought to have maintained order
overrode their poor brethren at the entrance of the Nether Bow.
The cry of distress arose in the town; the wicked and malignant
blasphemed; the feeble (amongst whom was the Justice Clerk, Sir John
Bellenden) fled without mercy. With great difficulty could they be
kept in at the West Port.... In the meantime, the French retired
themselves with our ordnance....

[Sidenote: The Cause of the Protestants is in Eclipse.]

From that day forward, the courage of many was dejected. With
great difficulty could men be retained in the town; yea, some of
the greatest estimation determined to abandon the enterprise.
Many fled away secretly, and those that did abide--a very few
excepted--appeared destitute of counsel and manhood.... Thus we
continued from Wednesday, the last of October, until Monday the
fifth of November, never two or three abiding firm in one opinion
for the space of twenty-four hours.... Upon the last-named day,
the French made an early sally from Leith, for the purpose of
kepping[148] the victuals which should have come to us. We being
troubled amongst ourselves, and divided in opinions, were neither
circumspect when they did ish,[149] nor did we follow with such
expedition as had been meet for men that would have sought our
advantage....

  [148] Intercepting.

  [149] Come forth; issue.

[Sidenote: Maitland of Lethington joins the Lords of the
Congregation.]

William Maitland of Lethington, younger, Secretary to the Queen,
perceiving himself not only to be suspected as one that favoured
our part, but also to stand in danger of his life if he should
remain amongst so ungodly a company, surrendered himself to Master
Kirkaldy, Laird of Grange. He, coming to us, exhorted us to
constancy, assuring us that there was nothing but craft and deceit
in the Queen. He travailed exceedingly to keep the Lords together,
and most prudently laid before their eyes the dangers that might
ensue upon their departing from the town. But fear and dolour had
seized the hearts of all, and they could admit no consolation.

The Earl of Arran, and Lord James, offered to abide, if any
reasonable company would abide with them. But men continued to steal
away, and the wit of man could not stay them. Yea, some of the
greatest determined plainly that they would not abide. The Captain
of the Castle, then Lord Erskine, would promise us no favours,
but said he must needs declare himself friend to those that were
able to support and defend him. When this answer was given to the
Lord James, it discouraged those that before had determined to
have abided the uttermost, rather than abandon the town, had but
the Castle stood their friend. But the contrary being declared,
every man consulted his own safety. The complaint of the brethren
within the town of Edinburgh was lamentable and sore. The wicked,
too, began to spue forth the venom which lurked in their cankered
heart....

[Sidenote: The Retreat from Edinburgh.]

It was finally agreed to withdraw from Edinburgh; and, to avoid
danger, it was decided that the forces should depart at midnight.
The Duke made provision for his ordnance, and caused it to be sent
before; but the rest was left to the care of the Captain of the
Castle, who received it, both that of the Lord James, and that of
Dundee. The despiteful tongues of the wicked railed upon us, calling
us traitors and heretics: every one provoked the other to cast
stones at us. One cried, "Alas, if I might see;" another, "Fie, give
advertisement to the Frenchmen that they may come, and we shall
help them now to cut the throats of these heretics." And thus, as
the sword of dolour passed through our hearts, the cogitations and
former determinations of many hearts were then revealed. We would
never have believed that our natural countrymen and women would have
wished our destruction so unmercifully, and have so rejoiced in our
adversity.... We stayed not until we came to Stirling, which we did
the day after that we departed from Edinburgh; for it was concluded,
that consultation should be taken there as to the next remedy in so
desperate a matter.

[Sidenote: John Knox preaches at Stirling: a notable Sermon on the
Discipline of Providence.]

The next Wednesday, which was the seventh of November, John Knox
preached (John Willock having departed to England, as he had
previously arranged) and treated of the fourth, fifth, sixth,
seventh, and eighth versicles of the Fourscore Psalm.... In his
exposition he declared the reasons for which God sometimes suffered
His chosen flock to be exposed to mockage, to dangers, and to
apparent destruction: to wit, that they might feel the vehemency of
God's indignation; that they might know how little strength was in
themselves; that they might leave a testimony to the generations
following, as well of the malice of the Devil against God's people,
as of the marvellous work of God in preserving His little flock by
far other means than man can espy. In explaining these words, "How
long shalt Thou be angry, O Lord, against the prayer of Thy people?"
he declared how dolorous and fearful it was to fight against the
temptation to believe that God turned away His face from our
prayers, for that was nothing else than to comprehend and conceive
God to be armed for our destruction. This temptation no flesh could
abide or overcome, unless the mighty Spirit of God interponed
Himself suddenly.

By way of example, he noted the impatience of Saul, when God would
not hear his prayers. He plainly declared that the difference
between the elect and reprobate in that temptation was that the
elect, sustained by the secret power of God's Spirit, did still
call upon God, albeit He appeared to contemn their prayers. That,
he said, was the sacrifice most acceptable to God, and was in a
manner even to fight with God, and to overcome Him, as Jacob did
in warselling with His Angel. But the reprobate, said he, being
denied of their requests at God's hand, either ceased to pray, and
altogether contemned God, albeit He had straitly commanded us to
call upon Him in the day of adversity; or else they sought from the
Devil that which they saw they could not obtain from God.

In the second part, he declared how hard it was to this corrupt
nature of ours not to rejoice and put confidence in itself when
God gave victory; and, therefore, how necessary it was that man by
affliction should be brought to the knowledge of his own infirmity,
lest, puffed up with vain confidence, he should make an idol of his
own strength, as did King Nebuchadnezzar. He gravely disputed upon
the nature of the blind world, which, in all ages, had insolently
rejoiced when God did chasten His own children. The reprobate could
never see their glory and honour, and therefore despised them, and
the wondrous work of God in them. "And yet," said he, "the joy
and rejoicing of the world is but mere sorrow, because the end of
it tendeth to sudden destruction, as the riotous banqueting of
Belshazzar declareth.... I doubt not that some of us have oftener
than once read this Psalm, as also that we have read and heard the
travail and troubles of our ancient fathers. But which of us, either
in reading or hearing their dolours and temptations, did so descend
into ourselves that we felt the bitterness of their passions? I
think none. And therefore has God brought us to some experience in
our own persons....

"When we were few in number, in comparison with our enemies, when we
had neither Earl nor Lord, a few excepted, to comfort us, we called
upon God; we took Him for our protector, defence, and only refuge.
Amongst us, we heard no bragging of multitude, of our strength, nor
policy: we did only sob to God, to have respect to the equity of our
cause, and to the cruel pursuit of the tyrannous enemy. But since
our number hath been thus multiplied, and chiefly since my Lord
Duke's Grace and his friends have been joined with us, there has
been nothing heard, but, 'This Lord will bring these many hundred
spears:' 'this man hath the credit to persuade this country:'[150]
'if this Earl be ours, no man in such a bounds will trouble us.' And
thus the best of us all, who formerly felt God's potent hand to be
our defence, have of late days put flesh to be our arm....

  [150] District.

"I am uncertain if my Lord's Grace hath unfeignedly repented of
his assistance to these murderers unjustly pursuing us. Yea, I am
uncertain if he hath repented of that innocent blood of Christ's
blessed martyrs which was shed in his default. But let it be that so
he hath done (as I hear that he hath confessed his offence before
the Lords and Brethren of the Congregation), I am yet assured that
neither he nor his friends have felt before this time the anguish
and grief of heart suffered by us when in their blind fury they
pursued us. Therefore hath God justly permitted both them and us
to fall into this confusion at the same time: us, because we put
our trust and confidence in man; and them, that they should feel
in their own hearts how bitter was the cup which they made others
drink. It only remains that both they and we should turn to the
Eternal our God, who beats down to death, to the intent that He
may raise up again, and leave the remembrance of His wondrous
deliverance, to the praise of His own name....

"Yea, whatever shall become of us and of our mortal carcases, I
doubt not but that this cause, in despite of Satan, shall prevail
in the realm of Scotland. For, as it is the eternal truth of the
eternal God, so shall it once prevail, howsoever for a time it be
impugned. It may be that God shall plague some because they delight
not in the truth, albeit for worldly respects they seem to favour
it. Yea, God may take some of His dearest children away before their
eyes see greater troubles. But neither shall the one nor the other
hinder this action, and in the end it shall triumph."

Upon the conclusion of this sermon, in which John Knox had
vehemently exhorted all men to amendment of life, to prayers, and
to the works of charity, the minds of men began wondrously to be
erected.... In the end, it was concluded that William Maitland
should go to London to lay our estate and condition before the
Queen and Council, and that the Noblemen should go home and remain
quiet until the sixteenth day of December. That date was appointed
for the next Convention in Stirling, as in our Third Book shall be
more amply declared.

_Look upon us, O Lord, in the multitude of Thy mercies; for we are
brought even to the deep of the dungeon._




BOOK THIRD.[151]

1559-1561.

  [151] _The Third Book of the Progress of True Religion within the
  Realm of Scotland._


[Sidenote: The Regent possesses Edinburgh: Arran is proclaimed
Traitor.]

After our dolorous departure from Edinburgh, the fury and the
rage of the French increased; for then neither man nor woman that
professed Christ Jesus durst be seen within that town. The houses
of the most honest men were given by the Queen to the Frenchmen for
a part of their reward. The Earl Bothwell, by sound of trumpet,
proclaimed the Earl of Arran traitor, with other despiteful words;
and all this was done for the pleasure and at the suggestion of the
Queen Regent, who then thought the battle was won, without fear of
further resistance. Great practising she made towards obtaining the
Castle of Edinburgh. The French made <DW19>s and other preparations
for assaulting the Castle, by force or by treason. But God wrought
so potently with the Captain, the Lord Erskine, that neither did the
Queen prevail by flattery, nor the French by treason.

[Sidenote: French Reinforcements meet with Disaster at Sea.]

With all diligence, intelligence was sent to the Duke of Guise, who
was then virtual King of France, requiring him to use expedition, if
he desired the full conquest of Scotland. He delayed no time, and
sent away a new army with his brother, Marquis D'Elboeuf, and the
Count de Martigues, promising that he himself should follow. But the
righteous God, who in mercy looketh upon the affliction of those
that unfeignedly sob unto Him, fought for us by His own outstretched
arm. One night, upon the coast of Holland, eighteen ensigns of them
were drowned, so that there only remained the ship in which were the
two leaders with their ladies. These, violently driven back again
to Dieppe, were compelled to confess that God fought for the defence
of Scotland.

[Sidenote: News from England: a waiting Game is played.]

Robert Melvin, who had gone to London in company with the Secretary,
a little before Christmas, now returned from England and brought
certain Articles to be answered by us. Thereupon the Nobility
convened at Stirling, and returned answer with diligence. The
French, informed of this, marched to Linlithgow, spoiled the Duke's
house, and wasted his lands of Kinneil; thereafter coming to
Stirling, where they remained for some days. The Duke, and the Earls
of Argyll and Glencairn, with their friends, moved on to Glasgow,
the Earl of Arran and Lord James, to St. Andrews; for charge had
been given to all the Protestant Nobility to conserve their forces
until God should send them further support.

[Sidenote: The French invade Fife.]

The French laid their plans for assaulting Fife first; for it had
stirred their great indignation. Their purpose was to have taken
and fortified the town, the Abbey, and the Castle of St. Andrews.
So they came to Culross, after that to Dunfermline, and then to
Burntisland, where they began to fortify. But they soon had reason
to desist and march to Kinghorn. For, when the Earl of Arran and
the Lord James learned that the French had departed from Stirling,
they departed also from St. Andrews, and began to assemble their
forces at Cupar. They also sent their men of war to Kinghorn; and to
them there resorted divers of the coast side, who were of mind to
resist at the beginning, rather than when the French had destroyed
a part of their towns. As the Lords had given express command that
nothing should be hazarded until they themselves were present, the
Lord Ruthven, a man of great experience, and inferior to few in
stoutness, was dispatched to Kinghorn.

[Sidenote: An Affair at Pettycur.]

The men of war, and the rascal multitude, perceiving Frenchmen
landing from certain boats which had come from Leith, determined
to stop their coming ashore. Not considering the enemies that
approached from Burntisland, they unadvisedly rushed down to the
Pettycur, as the brae be-west Kinghorn is called, and at the
sea-coast began skirmishing. They never took heed to the enemy
that approached by land, until the horsemen charged down upon their
backs, and the whole bands met them in the face. They were thus
compelled to give back, with the loss of six or seven men killed,
and some others taken prisoner. The reason why there was so small a
loss in so great a danger was, next to the merciful providence of
God, the sudden coming of the Lord Ruthven. Immediately after our
men had given back, he and his company came to the head of the brae,
and stayed the French footmen, while some of ours broke upon their
horsemen, and so repulsed them that they did no further hurt to our
footmen.

[Sidenote: The French occupy Kinghorn.]

The French took Kinghorn, and there they lay, wasting the country
about, as well <DW7>s as Protestants, yea, even those that were
confederate with them, such as Seafield, Wemyss, Balmuto, Balweary,
and others, enemies to God and traitors to their country. They
spared not the sheep, the oxen, the kine, and horse of these men,
and some say that their wives and daughters got favours of the
French soldiers. Thus did God recompense the <DW7>s in their own
bosoms, for, besides the defiling of their houses, two of them
received more damage than did all the gentlemen that professed the
Evangel within Fife, the Laird of Grange only excepted. His house of
the Grange the French overthrew by gunpowder.

The Queen Regent, proud of this victory, burst forth in blasphemous
railing, and said, "Where is now John Knox's God? My God is now
stronger than his, yea, even in Fife." To her friends in France she
posted news that thousands of the heretics had been slain, and that
the rest were fled; and required that some nobleman would come and
take the glory of that victory. Upon that information, the Count
de Martigues, with two ships, and some captains and horse, were
directed to come to Scotland; but little to their own advantage, as
we shall hear.

[Sidenote: John Knox preaches at Cupar.]

The Lords of the Congregation, offended at the foolishness of the
rascal multitude, recalled the men of war, and remained certain
days at Cupar. To them repaired John Knox, and, in our greatest
desperation, preached a most comfortable sermon. His subject was,
"The danger in which the disciples of Christ Jesus stood when they
were in the midst of the sea, and Jesus was upon the mountain." He
exhorted us not to faint, but still to row against these contrary
blasts, until Jesus Christ should come; "for," said he, "I am as
assuredly persuaded that God shall deliver us from the extreme
trouble, as I am assured that this is the Evangel of Jesus Christ
which I preach unto you this day. I am assured, albeit I cannot
assure you, by reason of this present rage; God grant that ye may
acknowledge His hand, after your eyes have seen His deliverance."
In that sermon he comforted many. And yet he offended the Earl of
Arran, who apprehended that certain words were spoken in reproach of
him, because he kept himself more close and solitary than many men
would have wished.

[Sidenote: The Campaign in Fife.]

After these things, determination was taken that the Earl of Arran
and Lord James, with the men of war and some company of horsemen,
should go to Dysart, and there lie in wait upon the French, so
that they should not utterly destroy the sea-coast, as they had
intended to have done. The said Earl and Lord James did as they were
appointed, albeit their company was very small; and yet they did
so valiantly, that it passed all credibility. For twenty-one days
they lay in their clothes; their boots never came off: they had
skirmishing almost every day; yea, some days, from morn to even.
The French had four thousand soldiers, beside their favourers and
faction of the country. The Lords had never altogether five hundred
horsemen, with a hundred soldiers; and yet they held the French so
busy, that for every horse they slew to the Congregation, they lost
four French soldiers.

William Kirkaldy of Grange, on the day after his house was cast
down, sent in his defiance to Monsieur D'Oysel and the rest,
declaring that to that hour had he used the French favourably. He
had saved their lives, when he might have suffered their throats to
be cut; but, seeing that they had used him with that rigour, let
them not look for that favour in times to come. The said William
Kirkaldy, and the Master of Lyndsay, escaped many dangers. The
Master had his horse slain under him: the said William was almost
betrayed in his house at Hallyards. Yet they never ceased; night
and day they waited upon the French.

On one occasion, they with some gentlemen laid themselves in a
secret place, before day, to await the French, who were wont to
ish in companies, to seek their prey. Forth came a Captain Battu,
with his hundred men, and began to spoil. The said Master, now Lord
of Lyndsay, and the said William, suffered this without showing
themselves or their company, until they had them more than a mile
from Kinghorn. Then the horsemen began to break. Perceiving this,
the French drew together to a place called Glennis House, and made
for debate; some took the house, and others defended the close and
yard. The hazard appeared very unlikely, for our men had nothing but
spears, and were compelled to light upon their feet. The others were
within <DW18>s; and all had culverins: the shot was fearful to many,
and divers were hurt. Kirkaldy, perceiving men to faint and begin to
recoil, cried, "Fie, let us never live after this day, if we shall
recoil for French schybalds[152];" and so the Master of Lyndsay and
he burst in at the yett, and others followed. The Master struck with
his spear at La Battu, and glancing upon his harness, for fierceness
stammered[153] almost upon his knees. But, recovering suddenly, he
fastened his spear, and bare the Captain backward, who, because he
would not be taken, was slain, and fifty of his company with him.
Those that were in the house, with some others, were saved, and sent
to Dundee to be kept. This mischance to the Frenchmen made them more
circumspect in scattering abroad in the country; and so the poor
folk got some relief.

  [152] Mean fellows.

  [153] Staggered.

To furnish the French with victuals, Captain Cullen, with two ships,
travelled betwixt the south shore and Kinghorn. For his wages, he
spoiled Kinghorn, Kirkcaldy, and as much of Dysart as he might. For
remedy, two ships were sent from Dundee, Andrew Sands, a stout and
fervent man in the cause of religion, being in command. At the same
time Count de Martigues arrived. Without delay he landed himself,
his coffers, and the principal gentlemen that were with him at
Leith, leaving the rest in his two ships until more convenient
opportunity. But the said Andrew, and his companion, striking sail
and making as if they would cast anchor hard beside them, boarded
them both, and carried them to Dundee. In them were gotten some
horse and much harness, with some other trifles; but of money we
heard not.

[Sidenote: An English Fleet arrives in the Forth.]

The French were incensed, and vowed the destruction of St. Andrews
and Dundee. Upon Monday morning, the twenty-third day of January
1560, they marched from Dysart, and crossed the water of Leven; ever
keeping the sea-coast, for the sake of their ships and victuals.
About twelve o'clock they espied ships. These had been seen that
morning by us that were upon the land, but they were not known.
Monsieur D'Oysel affirmed them to be French ships, and so the
soldiers triumphed, shot their volley for salutation, and marched
forward to Kincraig, fearing no resistance. But shortly after, the
English ships, meeting with Captain Cullen, seized him and his
ships, and this made them muse a little.

Suddenly came Master Alexander Wood, and assured Monsieur D'Oysel,
that they were Englishmen, and that they were the fore-riders of a
greater number that followed for the support of the Congregation.
Then might have been seen the riving of beards, and might have been
heard such despite as cruel men are wont to spue forth when God
bridleth their fury. Weariness and the night constrained them to
lodge where they were. They supped scarcely, because their ships
were taken. In these were their victuals, and also the ordnance
which they intended to have placed in St. Andrews. They themselves
durst not stray abroad to forage; and the Laird of Wemyss's
carriage, which likewise was coming with provisions for them, was
stayed. Betimes in the morning, they retired towards Kinghorn, and
made more expedition in one day in retiring, than they had done in
two in advancing.

[Sidenote: The French retire on Edinburgh.]

The storm, which had continued for the space of nearly a month,
broke at the very time of the retreat of the French. Many thought
they would have been stayed by this until a reasonable company might
have been assembled to have fought them; and with that purpose
William Kirkaldy cut the bridge of Tullibody. But the French,
expert enough in such work, took down the roof of a parish kirk, and
made a bridge over the water called the Devon. So they escaped, and
came to Stirling, and syne to Leith.

[Sidenote: A greedy Frenchman dies in a Beef-tub.]

In their retreat, the French spoiled the country and lost divers
men; amongst whom there was one whose miserable end we must
rehearse. A Frenchman--captain or soldier, we cannot tell, but he
had a red cloak and a gilt morion--entered upon a poor woman, that
dwelt in the Whyteside, and began to spoil. The poor woman offered
him such bread as she had ready prepared. But he, in no ways content
therewith, demanded the meal and a little salt beef with which she
had to sustain her own life, and the lives of her poor children.
Neither could tears nor pitiful words mitigate the merciless man; he
would have whatsoever he could carry. The poor woman perceiving him
so bent, and that he stooped down into her tub to take forth such
stuff as was within it, cowped up his heels, so that his head went
down; and there he ended his unhappy life.

       *       *       *       *       *

[Sidenote: The Negotiations between the Congregation and the English
Court.]

From this time forward, frequent mention will be made of the
comfortable support that we, by God's providence, received in our
greatest extremity from our neighbours of England. We therefore
think it expedient simply to declare how that matter was first
moved, and by what means it came to pass that the Queen and Council
of England showed themselves so favourable to us.

John Knox had forewarned us, by his letters from Geneva, of all
dangers that he foresaw to ensue from our enterprise; and, when he
came to Dieppe, mindful of these, and revolving with himself what
remedy God would please to offer, he had the boldness to write to
Sir William Cecil, Secretary of England. With him the said John had
formerly been familiarly acquainted, and he intended thereby to
renew acquaintance, and so to open his mind further....

To this letter no answer was made; for, shortly thereafter, the
said John made forward to Scotland by sea, where he landed on the
third day of May; and had such success as has been declared in the
Second Book. The said John, being in St. Andrews after Cupar Moor,
entered into deep discourse with the Laird of Grange: the dangers
were evident, but the support was not easy to be seen. After many
words, John Knox burst forth as follows: "If England would foresee
their own commodity, yea, if they did consider the danger wherein
they themselves stand, they would not suffer us to perish in this
quarrel; for France hath decreed no less the conquest of England
than of Scotland." After long reasoning, it was concluded betwixt
them two that support should be craved of England. For that purpose,
the said Laird of Grange first wrote to Sir Harry Percy, and
afterwards rode from Edinburgh and spake with him. To him he made
so plain demonstration of the apparent danger to England, that he
took upon him to write to the Secretary Cecil; who with expedition
returned answer back again. Sir Harry was given to understand that
our enterprise was not altogether misliked by the Council, albeit
they desired further resolution on the part of the principal Lords.
When this was understood, it was concluded by some to write unto
him plainly our whole purpose.... With this our letter, John Knox
wrote two, one to the Secretary, and another to the Queen's Majesty
herself.... These letters were directed by Alexander Whitelaw, a man
that hath oft hazarded himself, and his all, for the cause of God,
and for his friends when in danger for the same cause.

Within a day or two after the departure of the said Alexander, there
came a letter from Sir Harry Percy to John Knox, requiring him to
meet him at Alnwick, on the third of August, upon such affairs as
he would not write of, nor yet communicate to any but the said
John himself. While he was preparing himself for the journey, for
Secretary Cecil had appointed to meet him at Stamford, the Frenchmen
came forth furiously from Dunbar, intending to have surprised the
Lords in Edinburgh, as in the Second Book has been declared. This
stayed the journey of the said John, until God had delivered the
innocent from that great danger; and then was he (having Master
Robert Hamilton, minister of the Evangel of Jesus Christ, in
his company) directed from the Lords, with full commission and
instructions to set forth their whole cause and estate.

The passage was from Pittenweem, by sea. Arriving at Holy Island,
and being informed that Sir Harry Percy was absent from the North,
they addressed themselves to Sir James Crofts, then Captain of
Berwick and Warden of the East Marches of England. They showed
to him their credit and commission. He received them gently, and
comforted them with his faithful counsel, which was that they should
travel no farther, nor yet should they be seen in public, and that
for divers considerations. First, the Queen Regent had her spies in
England. Secondarily, the Queen and the Council favoured our action,
but would that all things should remain secret as long as possible.
And last, said he, "I do not think it expedient that, when preachers
are so scarce, ye two should be any long time absent from the Lords.
Therefore," said he, "ye shall do best to commit to writing your
whole mind and credit, and I shall promise to you, upon my honour,
to have answer delivered to you and the Lords, before ye yourselves
could reach London. And where your letters cannot express all things
so fully as your presence could, I, not only by my pen, but also by
my own presence, shall supply the same, to such as will inform the
Council sufficiently of all things."

The said John and Master Robert followed this counsel, for it was
faithful and proceeded of love at that time. They tarried with Sir
James Crofts very secretly, within the Castle of Berwick, for two
days, when Alexander Whitelaw returned with answer to the Lords, and
to John Knox, the tenor of whose letter was this:--

[Sidenote: Master Cecil's Letter to John Knox.]

     "MASTER KNOX,--Non est masculus neque foemina, omnes enim, ut
     ait Paulus, unum sumus in Christo Jesu. Benedictus vir qui
     confidit in Domino; et erit Dominus fiducia ejus.[154]

     "I have received your letters, at the time that I had thought
     to have seen yourself about Stamford. What is the cause of your
     let, I know not. I forbear to descend to the bottom of things,
     until I may confer with such an one as ye are; and, therefore,
     if your chance shall be hereafter to come hither, I wish you
     to be furnished with good credit, and power to make good
     resolution. Although my answer to the Lords of Congregation be
     somewhat obscure, upon further understanding ye shall find the
     matter plain. I need wish to you no more prudence than God's
     grace, whereof God send you plenty. And so I end. From Oxford,
     the twenty-eighth of July 1559.--Yours as a member of the same
     body in Christ,--W. CECIL."

  [154] There is neither male nor female; for, as saith Paul, they
  are all one in Christ Jesus. Blessed is the man who trusteth in
  the Lord; and the Lord will be his confidence.--_Laing._

Albeit the said John received this letter at Berwick, yet would
he answer nothing until he had spoken with the Lords. Them he
found in Stirling, and unto them he delivered the answer sent from
the Council of England.... The answer sent by Master Cecil was
so general that many amongst us were despaired of any comfort to
come from that country; and therefore were determined that they
would request nothing further. John Knox laboured for the contrary
purpose; but he could prevail no further than that he should have
licence and liberty to write as he thought best. And so took he upon
him to answer for all, in form as follows:--

[Sidenote: The Reply of John Knox to Secretary Cecil.]

     "... Albeit Master Whitelaw, by his credit, Master Kirkaldy,
     by his letter, and I, both by letters and by that which I had
     learned from Sir James Crofts, did declare and affirm your good
     minds towards them and their support; yet could not some of the
     Council--those, I mean, of greatest experience--be otherwise
     persuaded, but that this alteration in France had altered your
     former purpose.

     "It is not unknown to your countrymen what goodwill we three
     do bear to England. Therefore we heartily desire of you that
     your favours and good minds may appear to the Council by your
     own writings, rather than by any credit committed to any of us.
     The case of those gentlemen standeth thus:--Unless money be
     furnished without delay to pay their soldiers, who in number now
     exceed five hundred, for their service by-past, and to retain
     another thousand footmen, with three hundred horsemen for a
     time, they will be compelled every man to seek the next way for
     his own safety. I am assured, as flesh may be of flesh, that
     some of them will take a very hard life before they compone[155]
     either with the Queen Regent, or with France. But this I dare
     not promise at all, unless in you they see a greater forwardness
     to their support.

     "To support us may appear excessive, and to break promise with
     France may appear dangerous. But, Sir, I hope ye consider that
     our destruction were your greatest loss; and that when France
     shall be our full master--which God avert!--they will be but
     slender friends to you. I heard Béthencourt brag in his credit,
     after he had delivered his menacing letters to Lord James
     Stewart, that the King and his Council would spend the Crown of
     France, unless they had our full obedience. But most assuredly I
     know that unless by us they thought to make an entrance to you,
     they would not buy our poverty at that price. They labour to
     corrupt some of our great men by money, and some of our number
     are poor, as before I wrote, and cannot serve without support;
     some they threaten; and against others they have raised up a
     party in their own country. In the meantime, if ye lie by as
     neutrals, ye may easily conjecture what will be the end! Some
     of the Council, immediately after the sight of your letters,
     departed, not well appeased. The Earl of Argyll is gone to his
     country for putting order to the same,[156] and is minded to
     return shortly with his forces, if assurance of your support be
     had.

     "Therefore, Sir, in the bowels of Jesus Christ, I require you
     to make plain answer, that the Gentlemen here may know what to
     lippen to,[157] and at what time their support should be in
     readiness. How dangerous is the drift of time in such matters,
     ye are not ignorant...."

  [155] Agree.

  [156] That is, to make arrangements there.

  [157] Trust to.

[Sidenote: A practical Answer.]

With great expedition, answer was returned to this letter. It was
requested that some men of credit should be sent from the Lords to
Berwick, to receive money for immediate support; and promise was
made that, if the Lords of the Congregation meant no otherwise than
they had written, and if they would enter into league with honest
conditions, they should neither lack men nor money to aid their just
cause. Upon receipt of this answer, Master Henry Balnaves, a man of
good credit in both the realms, was sent by the Lords to Berwick.
He immediately returned with such a sum of money as served all the
public affairs until the next November; John Cockburn of Ormiston
was then sent for the second support, and receiving the same,
unhappily fell into the hands of the Earl Bothwell, and was wounded,
taken, and spoiled of a great sum. Upon this mischance followed all
the rest of our troubles before rehearsed....

In the negotiation of the Secretary Lethington with the Queen and
Council of England, in which he travailed with no less wisdom and
faithfulness than happy success, many things occurred that required
the resolution of the whole Lords. Amongst these there was one of
which we have made no previous mention.

After the Queen and Council of England had concluded to send their
army into Scotland to expel the French, the Duke of Norfolk was sent
to Berwick, with full instructions, power, and commission, to do
in all things, concerning the present affairs of Scotland, as the
Queen and Councillors in their own persons might do. Hereupon, the
said Duke required such a part of the Lords of Scotland as had power
and commission from the whole to meet him at such day and place
as it might please them to appoint. The intimation came first to
Glasgow, by means of the Master of Maxwell. When this had been read
and considered by the Lords, it was agreed that they should meet at
Carlisle. This arrangement was made on the procurement of the said
Master of Maxwell, for his own ease.

[Sidenote: John Knox reproaches the Lords for Slackness and
Thoughtlessness.]

Letters were directed from the Lords, lying at Glasgow, to Lord
James, requiring him to repair towards them for the purpose named,
with all possible expedition. When these letters had been read
and advised upon, commandment was given to John Knox to make the
answer.... And he wrote as follows:--"I have written oftener than
once to Mr. Henry Balnaves concerning things that have misliked me
in your slow proceedings in supporting your brethren, who many
days have sustained extreme danger in these parts, as well as in
making provision how the enemy might have been annoyed, when they
lay in few numbers nigh to your quarters in Stirling; and in making
provision how the expectation of your friends, who long have awaited
for your answer, might have been satisfied. But although I have
complained of those things, of very conscience, I am yet compelled
to signify unto your honours that, unless I shall espy some redress
of these and other enormities, I am assured that the end shall be
such as godly men shall mourn, and that a good cause shall perish
for lack of wisdom and diligence.

"In my last letters to Mr. Henry Balnaves, I declared that your
especial friends in England wonder that no greater expedition is
made, the weight of the matter being considered. I wrote also that,
if the fault were with the Lord Duke and his friends, the greatest
loss should be his and theirs in the end. And now, I cannot cease
both to wonder and lament that your whole Council was so destitute
of wisdom and discretion as to charge this poor man, the Prior, to
come to you to Glasgow, and thereafter to go to Carlisle, for such
affairs as are to be entreated. Was there none amongst you who did
foresee what inconveniences might ensue his absence from these parts?

"I cease to speak of the dangers from the enemy. Your friends have
lain in the Firth now for fifteen days bypast, and what was their
former travail is not unknown; yet they have never received comfort
from any man, him only excepted, more than if they had lain upon the
coast of their mortal enemy. Do ye not consider that such a company
needs comfort and provision from time to time? Remove him, and who
abideth that carefully will travail in that or any other weighty
matter in these parts? Did ye not further consider that he had begun
to meddle with the gentlemen who had declared themselves unfriends
heretofore; and also that order would have been taken for such as
have been neutral? Now, by reason of his absence, the former will
escape without admonition, and the latter will retain their former
liberty. I am assured that the enemy will not sleep, either in that
or in other affairs. They will undermine you and your whole cause;
and, especially, they will hurt this part of the country in revenge
for their former folly.

"If none of these causes should have moved you to have considered
that such a journey, at such a time, was not meet for the Lord
James, or for them that must accompany him, discreet men would yet
have considered that the men that have lien in their jacks, and
travailed their horses continually the space of a month, require
some longer rest than yet they have had, both for themselves and,
especially, for their horses, before they should have been charged
to take such a journey. The Prior may, for satisfaction of your
unreasonable minds, make the enterprise; but I am assured that he
shall not be able to procure in all Fife six honest men to accompany
him. How that stands either with your honour or his safety, judge ye
yourselves.

"Again, it is a wonder that ye did not consider to what pain and
fashery[158] ye put your friends of England; especially the Duke
of Norfolk and his Council, whom ye would cause to travel the most
wearisome and fashous gait[159] that is in England. In my opinion,
whoever gave you that counsel either lacked right judgment in things
to be done, or else had too much respect to his own ease, and too
small regard to the travail and danger of his brethren. A common
cause requireth a common concurrence, and that every man bear his
burden proportionably. Prudent and indifferent men espy the contrary
in this cause, especially of late days; for the weakest are most
grievously charged, and those to whom the matter most belongeth, and
to whom justly the greatest burden is due, are in a manner exempted
both from travail and expenses.

  [158] Trouble.

  [159] Troublesome route.

"To speak the matter plainly, wise men do wonder what my Lord Duke's
friends do mean; they are so slack and backward in this cause. In
other actions, they have been judged stout and forward; and in this,
which is the greatest that ever he or they had in hand, they appear
destitute both of grace and of courage. I am not ignorant that
they that are most inward in his counsels are enemies to God, and
therefore cannot but be enemies to His cause. But the wonder is that
he and his other friends do not consider that the tinsel of this
godly enterprise will mean the rooting of them and their posterity
from this realm. Considering, my Lords, that by God's providence
ye are joined with the Duke's Grace in this common cause, do ye
admonish him plainly of the danger to come. Will him to beware of
the counsel of those that are plainly infected with superstition,
with pride, and with venom of particular profits. If he do not this
at your admonition, he shall smart, before he be aware; if ye cease
to put him in mind of his duty, it may be that, for your silence, ye
shall drink some portion of the plague with him...."

Upon the receipt of this letter, and consultation thereupon, a fresh
decision was made; to wit, that the Lords would visit the Duke of
Norfolk at Berwick, where he was.

Thus far have we digressed from the style of the history, to let
the posterity that shall follow understand by what instruments God
wrought the familiarity and friendship that afterwards we found in
England. Now we return to our former history.

       *       *       *       *       *

[Sidenote: After the French Retreat from Fife.]

The parts of Fife set at freedom from the bondage of those bloody
worms, solemn thanks unto God, for His mighty deliverance, were
given in St. Andrews. Shortly after, the Earl of Arran and Lord
James apprehended the Lairds of Wemyss, Seafield, Balgonie, and
Durie, and others that had assisted the French. They were, however,
soon set at freedom, upon conditions that they never intended
to keep: for such men have neither faith nor honesty. Mr. James
Balfour, who was the greatest practiser, escaped. The English ships
multiplied daily, until they were able to keep the whole Firth. This
enraged the French and the Queen Regent, and they began to execute
their tyranny upon the parts of Lothian that lay near to Edinburgh.

[Sidenote: At Berwick, the Lords make a Contract with England.]

In the middle of February 1560, the Lord James, Lord Ruthven, the
Master of Maxwell, the Master of Lyndsay, Master Henry Balnaves,
and the Laird of Pittarrow were directed to England, from the
Duke's Grace and the Congregation. All these, except the Master
of Maxwell, departed with their honest companies and commission
by sea to Berwick. There they were met by the Duke of Norfolk,
lieutenant to the Queen's Majesty of England, and with him a great
company of the gentlemen of the North, and some also of the South,
having full power to contract with the nobility of Scotland. This
they did, upon such conditions as in the Contract are specified.
And because we have heard the malicious tongues of wicked men make
false report of our action, we have faithfully and truly inserted
in this our history the said Contract, that the memory thereof may
bide to our posterity. They may judge with indifference whether
we have done anything prejudicial to our commonwealth, or yet
contrary to that dutiful obedience which true subjects owe to their
superiors--superiors whose authority ought to defend and maintain
the liberty and freedom of the realms committed to their charge;
and not to oppress and betray these to strangers. The tenor of our
Contract follows.

[Sidenote: The principal Clauses of the Treaty of Berwick.]

"... The Queen's Majesty, having sufficiently understood, as well by
information sent from the nobility of Scotland, as by the manifest
proceedings of the French, that they intend to conquer the realm of
Scotland, suppress the liberties thereof, and unite the same unto
the Crown of France perpetually, contrary to the laws of the same
realm, and to the pacts, oaths, and promises of France; and being
thereto most humbly and earnestly required by the said nobility,
for and in name of the whole realm, shall accept the said realm of
Scotland, the Duke of Chatelherault, Earl of Arran, being declared
by Act of Parliament in Scotland to be heir-apparent to the Crown
thereof, and the nobility and subjects thereof, unto Her Majesty's
protection and maintenance, only for preservation of the same in
their freedoms and liberties, and from conquest during the time
that the marriage shall continue betwixt the Queen of Scots and the
French King, and a year after. And, for expelling out of the same
realm such as presently and apparently go about to practise the
said conquest, Her Majesty shall with all speed send unto Scotland
a convenient aid of men of war, on horse and foot, to join with the
power[160] of Scotsmen; with artillery, munition, and all other
instruments of war meet for the purpose, as well by sea as by land,
not only to expel the present power of French within that realm,
oppressing the same, but also to stop, as far as conveniently
may be, all greater forces of French from entering therein for
the like purpose. Her Majesty shall continue her aid to the said
realm, nobility, and subjects of the same, unto the time that the
French, being enemies to the said realm, are utterly expelled
thence. Her Majesty shall never transact, compone, nor agree with
the French, nor conclude any league with them, unless the Scots and
the French shall be agreed; that the realm of Scotland may be left
in due freedom by the French. Nor shall Her Majesty leave off the
maintenance of the said nobility and subjects, whereby they might
fall as a prey into their enemies' hands, as long as they shall
acknowledge their Sovereign Lady and Queen, and shall indure[161]
themselves to maintain the liberty of their country, and the estate
of the Crown of Scotland. And, if any forts or strengths within the
realm be won out of the hands of the French at this present time,
or at any time hereafter, by Her Majesty's aid, the same shall be
immediately demolished by the said Scotsmen, or delivered to the
said Duke and his party foresaid, at their option and choice. Nor
shall the power of England fortify within the ground of Scotland,
being out of the bounds of England, but by the advice of the said
Duke, nobility, and estates of Scotland.

  [160] Forces.

  [161] Remain of firm purpose.

"For which causes, and in respect of Her Majesty's most gentle
clemency and liberal support, the said Duke, and all the nobility,
as well such as be now joined, as such as shall hereafter join
with him for defence of the liberty of that realm, shall, to the
uttermost of their power, aid and support Her Majesty's arm against
the French, and their partakers,[162] with horsemen and footmen,
and with victuals, by land and by sea, and with all manner of other
aid to the best of their power, and so shall continue during the
time that Her Majesty's army shall remain in Scotland. They shall
be enemy to all such Scotsmen and French as shall in anywise show
themselves enemies to the realm of England in respect of the aiding
and supporting of the said Duke and nobility in the delivery of the
realm of Scotland from conquest. They shall never assent nor permit
that the realm of Scotland shall be conquered, or otherwise knit
to the Crown of France than it is at this present time only by the
marriage of the Queen their Sovereign to the French King, and by the
laws and liberties of the realm, as it ought to be....

  [162] Allies.

"And, finally, the said Duke and the nobility joined with
him certainly perceiving that the Queen's Majesty of England
is thereunto moved only upon respect of princely honour and
neighbourhood for the defence of the freedom of Scotland from
conquest, and not of any other sinister intent, do by these presents
testify and declare that neither they nor any of them mean by this
count to withdraw any due obedience to their Sovereign Lady the
Queen, or to withstand the French King, her husband and head, in
any lawful thing that, during the marriage, shall not tend to the
subversion and oppression of the just and ancient liberties of
the said kingdom of Scotland; for preservation whereof, both for
their Sovereign's honour, and for the continuance of the kingdom in
ancient estate, they acknowledge themselves bound to spend their
goods, lands, and lives...."

[Sidenote: The Regent lays waste the Country.]

Shortly after this contract was completed, our pledges were
delivered to Master Winter, Admiral of the navy[163] that came to
Scotland, a man of great honesty, so far as ever we could espy of
him, and these were safely convoyed to Newcastle. Then the English
began to assemble near the Border; and the French and Queen Regent,
informed of this, began to destroy what they could in the towns
and country about. The whole victuals they carried to Leith; the
mills they broke; the sheep, oxen, and kine, yea, the horses of poor
labourers, they made all to serve their tyranny. In the end, they
left nothing undone which very enemies could have devised, except
that they demolished not gentlemen's houses, and burnt not the town
of Edinburgh: in this particular, God bridled their fury, to let His
afflicted understand that He took care of them.

  [163] Fleet.

Before the coming of the land army, the French passed to Glasgow,
and destroyed the country thereabout. The tyranny used by the
Marquis upon a poor Scottish soldier is fearful to hear, and yet his
act may not be omitted. They would give no silver to the poor men,
and so they were slow to depart from the town; and, albeit the drum
was beaten, the ensign could not be got. A poor craftsman, who had
bought for his victuals a grey loaf and was eating a morsel of it,
was putting the rest of it in his bosom. The tyrant came to him, and
with the poor caitiff's own whinger first struck him in the breast,
and afterwards cast it at him. The poor man staggering and falling,
the merciless tyrant ran him through with his rapier, and thereafter
commanded him to be hung over the stair. Lord, Thou wilt yet look,
and recompense such tyranny; however contemptible the person was!

On the second of April, in the year of God 1560, the army by land
entered Scotland. Its conduct was committed to the Lord Grey, who
had in his company the Lord Scrope, Sir James Crofts, Sir Harry
Percy, and Sir Francis Lake; many other captains and gentlemen
having charge, some of footmen, some of horsemen. The army by land
was estimated at ten thousand men. The Queen Regent and some others
of her faction had passed to the Castle of Edinburgh. At Preston the
English were met by the Duke's Grace, the Earl of Argyll (Huntly
came not until the siege was confirmed), Lord James, the Earls of
Glencairn and Monteith, Lords Ruthven, Boyd, and Ochiltree, and all
the Protestant gentlemen of West Fife, Angus, and Mearns. For a few
days the army was great.

[Sidenote: The Siege of Leith: April 1560.]

After two days' deliberation at Inveresk, the whole camp marched
forward with ordnance and all preparation necessary for the siege,
and came to Restalrig upon Palm Sunday evening. The French had put
themselves in battle array upon the Links without Leith, and had
sent forth their skirmishers. These, beginning before ten o'clock,
continued skirmishing until after four o'clock in the afternoon,
when some horsemen of Scotland and some of England charged upon
them. But, because the principal captain of the horsemen of England
was not present, the whole troop durst not charge, and so the
overthrow and slaughter of the French was not so great as at one
time it appeared to be. The great battle was once at the trot; but
when the French perceived that the great force of the horsemen stood
still, and charged not, they returned and gave some resource to
their fellows that fled. Thus there fell in that defeat only about
three hundred Frenchmen. God would not give the victory so suddenly,
lest man should glory in his own strength. This small victory put
both the English and Scots in too great security, as the issue
declared.

The French enclosed within the town, the English army began to plant
their pavilions betwixt Leith and Restalrig. The ordnance of the
town, and especially that which lay upon St. Anthony's steeple,
caused them great annoyance; and eight cannon were bent against this
place. These shot so continually, and so accurately, that, within
few days, that steeple was condemned, and all the ordnance on it was
dismounted. This made the Englishmen somewhat more negligent than it
became good men of war to have been; for, perceiving that the French
made no pursuit outside their walls, they got the idea that they
would never ish more. Some of the captains for pastime, went to the
town:[164] the soldiers, for their ease, laid their armour aside,
and, as men beyond danger, fell to the dice and cards. So, upon
Easter Monday, at the very hour of noon, when the French ished, both
on horse and foot, and entered into the English trenches with great
violence, they slew or put to flight all that were found there.

  [164] That is, to Edinburgh.

The watch was negligently kept, and succour was slow, and long in
coming; the French, before any resistance was made, approached
almost to the great ordnance. But then the horsemen trooped
together, and the footmen got themselves in array, and so repulsed
the French back again to the town. But the slaughter was great: some
say it exceeded double of that which the French received the first
day. And this was the fruit of their security and ours.

Matters were afterwards remedied; for the Englishmen, most wisely
considering themselves not able to besiege the town at all points,
made mounds at divers quarters of it. In these, they and their
ordnance lay in as good strength as did the enemy within the town.
The common soldiers kept the trenches, and had the said mounds
for their safeguard and refuge, in case of any greater pursuit
than they were able to sustain. The patience and stout courage of
the Englishmen, but principally of the horsemen, is worthy of all
praise: for where was it ever heard that eight thousand (they that
lay in camp never exceeded that number) should besiege four thousand
of the most desperate cut-throats that were to be found in Europe,
and lie so near to them in daily skirmishing, for the space of three
months and more. The horsemen kept watch night and day, and did so
valiantly behave themselves that the French got no advantage from
that day until the day of the assault.

In the meantime, another bond to defend the liberty of the Evangel
of Christ was made by all the nobility, barons, and gentlemen,
professing Christ Jesus in Scotland, and by divers others that
joined with us in expelling the French army.... This contract
and bond came not only to the ears but to the sight of the
Queen Dowager. Thereat she stormed not a little, and said, "The
malediction of God I give unto them that counselled me to persecute
the preachers, and to refuse the petitions of the best part of the
true subjects of this realm. It was said to me that the English
army could not lie in Scotland ten days; but they have lain nearly
a month now, and are more likely to remain than the first day they
came."

They that gave such information to the Queen, spoke as worldly wise
men, and as things appeared to have been. For, the country being
almost in all parts wasted, the victuals within reach of Leith
either brought in to their stores or else destroyed, and the mills
and other places cast down, it appeared that the camp could not have
been furnished, unless it had been by their own ships. That could
not have been for any long continuance of time, and so would have
been of little comfort. But God confounded all worldly wisdom, and
made His own benediction as evidently to appear as if, in a manner,
He had fed the army from above. In the camp all the time that it
lay, after eight days had passed, all kinds of victuals were more
abundant, and of more easy prices, than they had been in Edinburgh
at any time in the two previous years, or yet have been in that town
to this day. The people of Scotland so much abhorred the tyranny of
the French that they would have given their substance to have been
rid of that chargeable burden which our sins had provoked God to lay
upon us--in giving us into the hands of a woman, whom our nobility,
in their foolishness, sold unto strangers, and with her the liberty
of the realm....

[Sidenote: The Assault upon Leith is unsuccessful.]

The camp abounding in all necessary provision, arrangements were
made for the confirmation of the siege; and the trenches were drawn
as near to the town as they well might be. The great camp removed
from Restalrig to the west side of the Water of Leith; and the
cannons were planted for the bombardment, and shot at the south-west
wall. But all was earth, and the breach was not made so great during
the day but that it was sufficiently repaired at night. The English,
beginning to weary, determined to give the brush and assault. This
they did, upon the seventh day of May, beginning before daylight,
and continuing until it was near seven o'clock. Albeit the English
and Scottish, with great slaughter of the soldiers of both, were
repulsed, there was never a sharper assault given at the hands
of so few. The men that assaulted the whole two quarters of the
town exceeded not a thousand, and yet they silenced the whole
block-houses; yea, they once put the French clean off their walls,
and were upon both the east and west block-houses. But they had not
sufficient backing. Their ladders wanted six quarters of the proper
height; and so, while the foremost were compelled to fight upon the
top of the wall, their fellows could not get up to support them.
Thus they were dung back again, by overwhelming numbers, when it was
thought that the town was won.

[Sidenote: Sir James Crofts is blamed.]

Sir James Crofts was blamed by many for not doing his duty that day.
He, with a sufficient number of most able men, had been instructed
to assault the north-west quarter upon the sea-side, where, at
low-water, as at the time of the assault, the passage was easy:
but neither he nor his approached the quarter appointed. At their
first coming in, he had spoken with the Queen Regent at the front
block-house of the Castle of Edinburgh. Whether she had enchanted
him we knew not, but we suspected so that day. He certainly deceived
the expectation of many, and, so far as man could judge, was the
cause of that great repulse.... All the time of the assault, which
was both terrible and long, the Queen Regent sat upon the fore-wall
of the Castle of Edinburgh; and when she perceived our overthrow,
and that the ensigns of the French were again displayed upon the
walls, she gave a guffaw of laughter, and said, "Now will I go to
the Mass, and praise God for that which my eyes have seen!"

The French, proud of the victory, stripped naked all the slain,
and laid their dead carcases in the hot sun along their wall,
where they suffered them to lie more days than one. When the Queen
Regent looked towards this, she hopped for mirth and said, "Yonder
are the fairest tapestries that ever I saw: I would that the whole
fields that are betwixt this place and yon were strewn with the
same stuff." This act was seen by all, and her words were heard by
some, and misliked by many. Against this, John Knox spake openly in
pulpit, and boldly affirmed, that God would revenge that contumely
done to His image, not only on the furious and godless soldiers,
but even on such as rejoiced thereat. And that which actually
happened did declare that he was not deceived, for within a few days
thereafter the Queen Regent was smitten with disease.

[Sidenote: The Siege is continued. Illness of the Queen Regent.]

The Duke of Norfolk, who then lay at Berwick, commanded the Lord
Grey to continue the siege, and promised that he should not lack
men, so long as any were to be had betwixt Trent and Tweed; so far
was he lieutenant.... While the siege thus continued, a sudden fire
chanced in Leith, and this devoured many houses and much victual.
Thus did God begin to fight for us, as the Lord Erskine in plain
words said to the Queen Regent. "Madam," quoth he, "I can say no
more; but seeing that men may not expel unjust possessors from this
land, God Himself will do it; for yon fire is not kindled by man."
These words offended the Queen Regent not a little. Her sickness
daily increasing, she used great craft that Monsieur D'Oysel might
be permitted to speak with her. Belike she wished to bid him
farewell, for of old their familiarity had been great; but that
was denied. Then she wrote as if to her chirurgeon and apothecary,
explaining her sickness and requiring drugs. The letter being
presented to the Lord Grey, he espied craft. Few lines being written
above and much white paper left, he said, "Drugs are abundant and
fresher in Edinburgh than they can be in Leith: there lurks here
some other mystery." By holding the paper to the fire, he perceived
some writing appear, and this he read. But what it was, no other
man can tell; for he burnt the bill immediately, and said to the
messenger, "Albeit I have been her secretary, yet tell her I shall
keep her counsel. But say to her, such wares will not sell in a new
market."

[Sidenote: The Regent expresses Repentance, and receives godly
Instruction.]

When the Queen received this answer, she was not content; and
travailed earnestly that she might speak with the Earls of
Argyll, Glencairn, and Marischall, and with the Lord James. After
deliberation, it was thought expedient that they should speak with
her, but not altogether, lest some part of the Guisian practice
had lurked under the colour of such friendship. She expressed to
them all regret that she had behaved herself so foolishly, and had
compelled them to seek the support of others rather than of their
own sovereign; and she said that she sore repented that ever it came
to that extremity. But hers was not the wyte.[165] Her action had
been dictated by the wicked counsel of her friends on the one part,
and the Earl of Huntly upon the other; if he had not been there, she
would have fully agreed with them at their communing at Preston.
They gave her what counsel and comfort they could in that extremity,
and willed her to send for some godly learned man, of whom she might
receive instruction; for these ignorant <DW7>s that were about her,
understood nothing of the mystery of our Redemption. Upon their
motive, John Willock was sent for. With him she talked a reasonable
space, and he did plainly show to her the virtue and strength of the
death of Jesus Christ, as well as the vanity and abomination of the
Mass. She did openly confess that there was no salvation but in and
by the death of Jesus Christ. We heard not her confession concerning
the Mass.

  [165] Blame.

[Sidenote: Death of the Queen Regent.]

Some said the Queen was anointed in the papistical manner, a sign of
small knowledge of the truth, and of less repentance of her former
superstition. Yet, howsoever it was, Christ Jesus got no small
victory over such an enemy. For, albeit she had formerly avowed
that, in despite of all Scotland, the preachers of Jesus Christ
should either die or be banished the realm, she was compelled not
only to hear that Christ Jesus was preached, and all idolatry openly
rebuked, and in many places suppressed, but also she was constrained
to hear one of the principal ministers within the realm, and to
approve the chief head of our religion, wherein we dissent from all
<DW7>s and papistry. Shortly thereafter she finished her unhappy
life; unhappy, we say, for Scotland, from the first day she entered
into it, to the day she departed this life, which was the ninth of
June, the year of God 1560....

[Sidenote: Peace with France is concluded.]

Upon the sixteenth day of June, after the death of the Queen Regent,
there came to Scotland Monsieur Randan, and with him the Bishop
of Valance, in commission from France, to entreat of peace. Their
negotiation was longsome; for both England and we, fearing deceit,
sought by all means that the contract should be sure. They, upon
the other part, intending to gratify those who had sent them and
meant nothing but mere falseness, protracted time to the uttermost,
even while those in Leith were very scarce of victuals, and those
on Inchkeith would have perished, had not they by policy got a
ship with victuals, and some munition. Yet in the end peace was
concluded....

[Sidenote: The English Army is withdrawn, with Honours.]

Peace proclaimed, immediate provision was made for transporting the
French to France. The most part were put into the English ships,
and these also carried with them the whole spoil of Leith. That was
the second benefit which Leith received from their late promised
liberty; the end is not yet come. The English army by land departed
on the sixteenth day of July, in the year of God 1560. The most part
of our Protestant nobility, honorably convoyed them, and in very
deed they had well deserved this honour. The Lord James would not
leave the Lord Grey and the other noblemen of England, until they
had entered Berwick. After that, the Council began to look upon the
affairs of the commonwealth, as well as upon the matters that might
concern the stability of religion....

[Sidenote: Public Thanksgiving in St. Giles's Kirk.]

A day was appointed, when the whole nobility and the greatest part
of the Congregation assembled in St. Giles's Kirk in Edinburgh, and
there, after the sermon made for that purpose, public thanks was
given unto God for His merciful deliverance, in form as follows:--

"O Eternal and Everlasting God, Father of our Lord Jesus Christ,
who hast not only commanded us to pray, and promised to hear us,
but also dost will us to magnify Thy mercies, and to glorify Thy
name when Thou showest Thyself pitiful and favourable unto us,
especially when Thou deliverest us from desperate dangers, ... we
ought not to forget, nor can we, in what miserable estate stood this
poor country, and we the just inhabitants thereof, not many days
past.... Out of these miseries, O Lord, neither our wit, policy, nor
strength could deliver us; yea, they did show unto us how vain is
the help of man, where Thy blessing gives not victory. In these our
anguishes, O Lord, we made suit unto Thee, we cried for Thy help,
and we proclaimed Thy name, as Thy troubled flock persecuted for Thy
truth's sake. Mercifully hast Thou heard us.... And Thou hast looked
upon us as pitifully as if we had given unto Thee most perfect
obedience, for Thou hast disappointed the counsels of the crafty,
Thou hast bridled the rage of the cruel, and Thou hast of Thy mercy
set this our perishing realm at reasonable liberty. Oh, give us
hearts--Thou Lord, that only givest all good gifts--with reverence
and fear, to meditate upon Thy wondrous works lately wrought before
our eyes....

"We beseech Thee, therefore, O Father of mercies, that, as of Thy
undeserved grace Thou hast partly removed our darkness, suppressed
idolatry, and taken from above our heads the devouring sword of
merciless strangers, it would so please Thee to proceed with us
in this Thy grace begun. Albeit that in us there is nothing that
may move Thy Majesty to show us Thy favour, O yet for the sake
of Christ Jesus, Thy only well-beloved Son, whose name we bear,
and whose doctrine we profess, we beseech Thee never to suffer us
to forsake or deny this Thy truth which now we profess.... And
seeing that nothing is more odious in Thy presence, O Lord, than
is ingratitude and violation of an oath and covenant made in Thy
name; and seeing that Thou hast made our confederates of England the
instruments by whom we are now set at liberty, and that to them we,
in Thy name, have promised mutual faith again, let us never fall
to that unkindness, O Lord, that either we shall declare ourselves
unthankful unto them, or profaners of Thy holy name. Confound the
counsels of them that go about to break that most godly league
contracted in Thy name, and retain Thou us so firmly together by the
power of Thy Holy Spirit, that Satan shall never have power to set
us again at variance or discord. Give us Thy grace to live in that
Christian charity which Thy Son, our Lord Jesus, has so earnestly
commanded to all members of His body; that other nations, provoked
by our example, may set aside all ungodly war, contention, and
strife, and study to live in tranquillity and peace, as it becomes
the sheep of Thy pasture, and the people that daily look for final
deliverance by the coming again of our Lord Jesus; to whom with
Thee, and the Holy Spirit, be all honour, glory, and praise, now and
ever. Amen."

[Sidenote: Preachers and Superintendents are appointed.]

After this, the Commissioners of Burghs, with some of the nobility
and barons, were appointed to see to the equal distribution of
ministers, and to change and transpose as the majority should think
expedient. Thus John Knox was appointed to Edinburgh; Christopher
Goodman, who during the most part of the troubles had remained
in Ayr, was appointed to St. Andrews; Adam Heriot to Aberdeen;
Master John Row to Perth; Paul Methven, of whom no infamy was then
known, to Jedburgh; William Christison to Dundee; David Ferguson to
Dunfermline; and Master David Lindsay to Leith. There were nominated
as superintendents Master John Spottiswood for Lothian; Master John
Winram for Fife; Master John Willock for Glasgow; the Laird of Dun
for Angus and Mearns; and Master John Carswell for Argyll and the
Isles. It was agreed that these should be elected upon certain days
fixed, unless the districts to which they were to be appointed could
in the meantime find out men more able and sufficient, or else show
such causes as might inable[166] them for that dignity.

  [166] Disqualify.

[Sidenote: The first Protestant Parliament.]

The Parliament approaching, due notification was made by the Council
to all such as by law and ancient custom had or might claim to have
vote therein. The assembly was great, notwithstanding that certain
of those that are called spiritual Lords, as well as some temporal
Lords, did contemptuously absent themselves. The chief pillars of
the papistical kirk gave their presence, such as the Bishops of St.
Andrews, Dunblane, and Dunkeld, with others of the inferior sort.
There were, besides, those that had renounced papistry, and openly
professed Jesus Christ with us; such as the Bishop of Galloway, the
Abbots of Lindores, Culross, Inchcolm, Newbattle, and Holyroodhouse;
the Prior of St. Andrews, Coldingham, and St. Mary's Isle; the
Sub-prior of St. Andrews, and divers others whom we observed not.

[Sidenote: John Knox preaches, and Reformation is agreed upon.]

At the time of Parliament, John Knox taught publicly from the
Prophet Haggai. The doctrine was proper for the time; and the
preacher was so special and so vehement in its application, that
some who had greater respect to the world than to God's glory,
feeling themselves pricked, said in mockage, "We must now forget
ourselves, and bear the barrow to build the houses of God." God be
merciful to the speaker; for we fear that he shall have experience
that the building of his own house, the house of God being despised,
shall not be so prosperous, and of such firmness, as we desire it
were. Albeit some mocked, others were godly moved, and assembled
themselves together to consult as to what things were to be proponed
to that present Parliament. After deliberation, the following
Supplication was offered by the barons, gentlemen, burgesses, and
other true subjects of the realm, professing the Lord Jesus Christ,
to the Nobility and Estates of Parliament.

[Sidenote: The Protestants petition Parliament.]

"May it please your Honours to bring to remembrance that, at divers
and sundry times, we (with some of yourselves) most humbly made suit
at the feet of the late Queen Regent for freedom and liberty of
conscience, with godly reformation of abuses which, by the malice
of Satan and the negligence of men, have crept into the religion of
God, and are maintained by such as take upon themselves the name of
clergy. Our godly and most reasonable suit was then disdainfully
rejected, no small troubles ensuing, as your Honours well know. But
now, seeing that the necessity that then moved us doth yet remain,
and moreover, that God in His mercy hath now put it into your hands
so to regulate affairs that He may be glorified, this commonwealth
quieted, and the policy thereof established, we cannot cease to
crave at your hands the redress of such enormities as manifestly
are, and of long time have been committed by the place-holders of
the ministry and others of the clergy within this realm....

"We therefore, in the bowels of Jesus Christ, crave of your Honours
that either they be compelled to answer to our former accusations
and to such others as we justly have to lay to their charge, or
else that, all affection laid aside, ye, by the censement[167] of
this Parliament, pronounce them to be as by us they are most justly
accused, and cause them to be reputed so; especially, that they
be decerned unworthy of honour, authority, charge, or cure within
the Kirk of God, and so from henceforth never entitled to vote in
Parliament. If ye do not so, then, in the fear of God and by the
assurance of His Word, we forewarn you that, as ye have laid a
grievous yoke and an intolerable burden upon the Kirk of God within
this realm, so shall they be thorns in your eyes, and pricks in
your sides, whom afterwards, when ye would, ye shall have no power
to remove. God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ give you upright
hearts seeking His glory, and true understanding of what this day He
who delivered you from bondage, both spiritual and temporal, craves
of you by His servants. And your Honours' answer we most humbly
require."

  [167] Judgment.

[Sidenote: Parliament calls for the Confession of Faith.]

This our Supplication being read in audience of the whole assembly,
divers men were of divers judgments. As there were some that
uprightly favoured the cause of God, so were there many that, for
worldly respects, abhorred a perfect Reformation--for how many
within Scotland that have the name of Nobility are not unjust
possessors of the patrimony of the Kirk? Yet, the barons and
ministers were called, and commandment was given unto them to frame
in plain and distinct heads the sum of that doctrine which they
would maintain, and would desire that Parliament to establish,
as wholesome, true, and alone necessary to be believed and to be
received within that realm. This commission they willingly accepted,
and within four days they presented their Confession of Faith.[168]

  [168] Knox embodies the full text of the Confession at this point in
  his History. In the present edition it will be found, in full, in
  the Appendix, _infra_.

[Sidenote: The Confession of Faith is considered by Parliament, and
solemnly ratified.]

This our Confession was publicly read, first in audience of
the Lords of Articles, and afterwards in audience of the whole
Parliament. There were present a great number of the adversaries of
our religion, such as the forenamed Bishops, and some others of the
Temporal Estate, and these were commanded, in Gods name, to state
any objection to that doctrine if they could. Some of our ministers
were present, standing upon their feet ready to have answered,
in case any would have defended the Papistry, and impugned our
affirmations. No objection was made, but there was a day appointed
for voting on that and other matters. Again, our Confession was read
over, every article by itself, in the order in which these were
written, and the vote of every man was required. Of the Temporal
Estate there only voted to the contrary the Earl of Atholl and the
Lords Somerville and Borthwick; and yet for their dissent they
produced no better reason than, "We will believe as our fathers
believed." The Bishops (papistical, we mean) spake nothing. The rest
of the whole three Estates, by their public votes, affirmed the
doctrine.

Many voted in the affirmative rather than in the negative, because
the Bishops would or durst say nothing to the contrary. For
instance, this was the vote of the Earl Marischall,--"It is long
since I have had some favour unto the truth, and since I have had
a suspicion of the papistical religion; but, I praise my God, this
day has fully resolved me in the one and the other. For, seeing
that my Lord Bishops, who for their learning can, and for the zeal
that they should bear to the truth, would, as I suppose, gainsay
anything that directly repugns to the verity of God; seeing, I say,
my Lord Bishops here present speak nothing contrary to the doctrine
proponed, I cannot but hold it to be the very truth of God, and the
contrary to be deceivable doctrine. And therefore, so far as in me
lieth, I approve the one and damn the other. I do further ask of
God that not only I but also all my posterity may enjoy the comfort
of the doctrine that this day our ears have heard. Yet more, I
must vote, as it were by way of protestation, that, if any persons
ecclesiastical shall after this oppose themselves to this our
Confession, they shall have no place or credit; considering that,
they having long notice and full knowledge of this our Confession,
none are now found in lawful, free, and quiet Parliament to oppose
themselves to that which we profess. And therefore, if any of this
generation pretend to do it after this, I protest that he be repute
one that loveth his own commodity and the glory of the world,
rather than the truth of God and the salvation of men's souls."

[Sidenote: The Mass is prohibited.]

After the ratification of our Confession by the whole body of
Parliament, there were also pronounced two Acts, the one against
the Mass and the abuse of the Sacraments, and the other against the
supremacy of the Pope....

[Sidenote: Queen Mary and the King of France do not ratify the Acts
of Parliament.]

These and other things done in lawful and free Parliament, we
dispatched Sir James Sandilands, Lord St. John, to France, to our
Sovereigns, with the Acts of the Parliament, that by them they
might be ratified, according to the promise of their Highness's
Commissioners made to us by the Contract of Peace. How the said Lord
St. John was treated, we list not to rehearse; but, in any case,
no ratification was brought by him to us. That we little regarded,
or yet do regard; for all that we did was to show our dutiful
obedience, rather than to beg of them any strength to our religion.
That has full power from God, and needeth not the suffrage of man,
except in so far as man hath need to believe it, if ever he shall
have participation in the life everlasting.

We must make answer, however, to such as since have whispered that
it was but a pretended Parliament and a privy convention, and no
lawful Parliament. Their reasons are that the King and Queen were
in France; that there was neither sceptre, sword, nor crown borne,
and so on, and that some principal Lords were absent. We answer that
the Queen's person was absent, and that to no small grief of our
hearts. But were not the Estates of her realm assembled in her name?
Yea, had they not her full power and commission, yea, the commission
and commandment of her head, the King of France, to convocate
that Parliament, and to do all things that may be done in lawful
Parliament, even as if our Sovereigns had been there in proper
person? That Parliament, we are bold to affirm, was more lawful, and
more free than any Parliament that they are able to produce for a
hundred years before it, or any that hath since ensued; for in it
the votes of men were free, and given of conscience; in others, they
were bought, or given at the devotion of the prince.

[Sidenote: The Book of Discipline.]

Parliament dissolved, consultation was had as to how the Kirk, which
had been altogether defaced by the <DW7>s, might be established in
a good and godly policy. Commission and charge were given to Mr.
John Winram, Sub-prior of St. Andrews, Master John Spottiswood,
John Willock, Mr. John Douglas, Rector of St. Andrews, Master John
Row, and John Knox, to prepare a volume containing the policy and
discipline of the Kirk, much as in the Confession of Faith they
had done in the matter of doctrine. This they did, and the book
was presented to the Nobility, who perused it for many days. Some
approved it, and were willing that it should have been set forth by
a law. Others, perceiving their carnal liberty and worldly commodity
somewhat to be impaired by its provisions, grudged, insomuch that
the name of the Book of Discipline became odious unto them.... There
were none within the realm more unmerciful to the poor ministers
than were they which had greatest rents of the churches. But in that
we have perceived the old proverb to be true, "Nothing can suffice
a wretch;" and again, "The belly has no ears." Yet the Book of
Discipline was subscribed by a great part of the Nobility.[169]...

  [169] See Appendix.

Shortly after the Parliament, the Earls Morton and Glencairn,
together with William Maitland of Lethington, younger, were sent to
England as ambassadors from the Council. The chief point of their
commission was to crave earnestly the constant assistance of the
Queen's Majesty of England against all foreign invasion, and to
propose the Earl of Arran (who was then in no small estimation with
us) to the Queen of England in marriage....

[Sidenote: The House of Guise and the <DW7>s design further
trouble.]

The <DW7>s were proud, for they looked for a new army from France
in the next spring, and there was no small appearance of this,
if God had not otherwise provided. For France utterly refused to
confirm the peace contracted at Leith, would ratify no Act of our
Parliament, dismissed the Lord St. John without any resolute answer,
and began to gather new bands of throat-cutters, and to make great
preparation for ships. They further sent before them certain
practisers to rouse up new troubles within this realm....

The certain knowledge of all these things came to our ears, and
many were effrayed; for divers suspected that England would not be
so forward in times to come, considering that their former expenses
were so great. The principal comfort remained with the preachers.
They assured us, in God's name, that God would in our hands
perform that work in all perfection. He had mightily maintained
its beginning, because it was not ours but His own. They therefore
exhorted us that we should with constancy proceed to reform all
abuses and to plant the ministry of the Church, as by God's Word
we might justify it, and should then commit the success of all to
our God, in whose power the disposition of kingdoms stands. This
we began to do, for threatening troubles made us give ear to the
admonitions of God's servants.

[Side note: Death of the King of France: 5th December 1560.]

We had scarcely begun again to implore the help of our God, and to
show some signs of our obedience unto His messengers and Holy Word,
when, lo! the potent hand of God from above sent unto us a wonderful
and most joyful deliverance. For unhappy Francis, husband to our
sovereign, suddenly perished of a rotten ear.... And we, who by our
foolishness had made ourselves slaves to strangers, were restored
again to freedom and the liberty of a free realm. Oh! that we had
hearts deeply to consider what are Thy wondrous works, O Lord, that
we might praise Thee in the midst of this most obstinate and wicked
generation, and leave the memorial of the same to our posterity,
who, alas! we fear, may forget Thy inestimable benefits.... The
death of this King made great alteration in France, England, and
Scotland. France was relieved and in some hope....

[Sidenote: Queen Elizabeth declines the hand of the Earl of Arran.]

The Queen of England and the Council sent back our Ambassadors with
answer that she would not marry hastily, and therefore desired the
Council of Scotland, and the Earl of Arran, not to depend upon
any hope thereof. What motives she had, we omit. The pride of the
<DW7>s of Scotland began to be abated, and some that had ever
shown themselves enemies to us began to think, and plainly to admit
in words, that they perceived God to fight for us. The Earl of
Arran himself did more patiently abide the repulse of the Queen of
England, because he was not altogether without hope that the Queen
of Scotland bare some favour unto him. And so he wrote to her, and
for credit sent a ring which the said Queen our Sovereign knew well
enough. The letter and ring were both presented to the Queen and
received by her. Answer was returned to the Earl, and after that
he made no further pursuit in the matter: not the less, he bare it
heavily in heart, and more heavily than many would have wissed.[170]

  [170] Imagined.

The certainty of the death of King Francis was notified unto us both
by sea and land. When the news was divulged and noised abroad, a
general Convention of the whole nobility was appointed to be holden
at Edinburgh on the fifteenth day of January following. The Book
of Discipline was thereat perused over again, for some pretended
ignorance, because they had not heard it.

[Sidenote: A public Debate concerning the Mass.]

At that assembly, Master Alexander Anderson, sub-principal of
Aberdeen, a man more subtle and crafty than either learned or
godly, was called on but refused to dispute in his faith, abusing
a place of Tertullian to cloak his ignorance. It was answered to
him, that Tertullian should not prejudge the authority of the Holy
Ghost, who, by the mouth of Peter, commands us to give reason for
our faith to every one that requires the same of us. It was further
answered that we required neither him nor any man to dispute in any
point concerning our faith, which was grounded upon God's Word, and
fully expressed within His holy Scriptures; all that we believed
without controversy. But we required of him, as of the rest of the
<DW7>s, that they would suffer their doctrine, constitutions, and
ceremonies to come to trial; and principally, that the Mass, and the
views thereof taught by them to the people, might be laid to the
square rule of God's Word, and unto the right institution of Jesus
Christ....

While the said Mr. Alexander denied that the priest took upon him
Christ's office to offer for sin, as was alleged, a Mass book was
produced, and in the beginning of the Canon were these words read:
_Suscipe, Sancta Trinitas, hanc oblationem, quam ego indignus
peccator offero tibi vivo Deo et vero, pro peccatis meis, pro
peccatis totius Ecclesiae vivorum et mortuorum, etc._[171] Now, said
the reasoner, if to offer for the sins of the whole Kirk was not the
office of Christ Jesus, yea, the office that to Him only might, and
may appertain, let the Scripture judge. And if a vile knave, whom ye
call the priest, proudly takes the same upon him, let your own book
witness. The said Master Alexander answered, "Christ Jesus offered
the propitiatory, and that could none do but He; but we offer the
remembrance." It was answered, "We praise God, that ye have denied a
sacrifice propitiatory to be in the Mass; and yet we offer to prove
that, in more than a hundred places of your papistical Doctors, this
proposition is affirmed, 'The Mass is a sacrifice propitiatory.'
But, to the second part; where ye allege that ye offer Christ in
remembrance, we ask, first, unto whom do ye offer Him? and next, by
what authority are ye assured of well doing? With God the Father,
there is no oblivion: and if ye will yet shift and say that ye offer
it not as if God were forgetful, but as willing to apply Christ's
merits to His Church, we demand of you, what power and commandment
ye have so to do? We know that our Master, Christ Jesus, commanded
His apostles to do that which He did in remembrance of Him; but
plain it is, that Christ took bread, gave thanks, brake bread, and
gave it to His disciples, saying, 'Take ye, eat ye; this is my body
which is broken for you. Do this in remembrance of me,' etc. Here
ye find a commandment to take, to eat, to take and to drink; but to
offer Christ's body either for remembrance or application, we find
not: and therefore, we say, to take upon you an office which is not
given unto you, is unjust usurpation, and no lawful power."

  [171] "Holy Trinity, accept this oblation, which I, an unworthy
  sinner, present to Thee, the living and true God, for my own sins,
  and for the sins of the whole Church of the quick and the dead,
  etc."--_Laing._

The said Master Alexander, being more than astonished, would have
shifted; but the Lords called on him to answer directly. He answered
that he was better seen in philosophy, than in theology. Master
John Leslie, who then was parson of Une, and now is Lord Abbot of
Lindores, was commanded to answer to the former argument: and he
with great gravity began to answer, "If our Master have nothing to
say to it, I have nothing; for I know nothing but the Canon Law: and
the greatest reason that ever I could find there is _Nolumus_ and
_Volumus_." And yet we understand that now he is the only patron
of the Mass.... The nobility hearing that neither the one nor the
other would answer directly, said, "We have been miserably deceived
heretofore; for if the Mass may not obtain remission of sins to
the quick and to the dead, wherefore were all the abbeys so richly
doted[172] with our temporal lands."

  [172] Endowed.

Thus much we have thought good to insert here, because some <DW7>s
are not ashamed nowadays to affirm that they with their reasons
could never be heard; but that all that we did, we did by fine
force; when the whole realm knows that we ever required them to
speak their judgments freely, not only promising them protection and
defence, but also that we should subscribe with them, if they by
God's Scriptures could confute us, and by the same Word establish
their assertions.

[Sidenote: Lord James Stewart is sent to Queen Mary.]

At this Assembly also, the Lord James was appointed to go to France
to the Queen our Sovereign; and a Parliament was appointed to
begin on the twentieth of May next following; for the return of
the said Lord James was looked for at that time.... He was plainly
premonished that, if ever he condescended that the Queen should have
Mass publicly or privately within the realm of Scotland, he then
betrayed the cause of God, and exposed religion to the uttermost
danger that he could....

[Sidenote: An Embassy from France.]

While Lord James, we say, was in France, there came an ambassador
from France, suborned, no doubt, with all craft that might trouble
the Estate of the religion. His demands were--1. That the league
betwixt us and England should be broken. 2. That the ancient
league betwixt France and Scotland should be renewed. 3. That the
bishops and kirkmen should be reponed in their former places, and be
suffered to intromit with their livings. The Council delayed answer
until the Parliament appointed in May. In the meantime, the <DW7>s
of Scotland practised with him....

[Sidenote: Satan gets a Fall.]

The <DW7>s, a little before the Parliament, resorted in divers
bands to the town, and began to brag that they would deface the
Protestants. When this was perceived, the brethren assembled
together, and went in such companies, in peaceable manner, that the
bishops and their bands forsook the causeway.[173] The brethren
understanding what the <DW7>s meant, convened in Council in the
Tolbooth of Edinburgh, on the twenty-seventh of May, in the year
of God 1561; and, after consultation, concluded that a humble
supplication should be presented unto the Lords of Secret Council,
and unto the whole Assembly that then was convened.... Upon this
request, the Lords of Council made an Act and ordinance answering to
every head of the Articles proponed. And thus gat Satan the second
fall, after he had begun to trouble the estate of religion, once
established by law. His first assault was by the rascal multitude
opposing themselves to the punishment of vice: the second was by
the bishops and their bands, in which he thought utterly to have
triumphed; and yet in the end he prospered worse than ye have heard.

  [173] Made no appearance in public.

[Sidenote: Lord James has a narrow Escape from the <DW7>s.]

For, in the meantime, the Lord James returned from France. Besides
his great expenses, and the loss of a box wherein was his secret
poise, he barely escaped a desperate danger in Paris. The <DW7>s at
Paris, hearing of his return from our Sovereign, who then lay with
the Cardinal of Lorraine at Rheims, had conspired some treasonable
act against him; for they intended either to beset his house by
night, or else to have assaulted him and his company as they walked
upon the streets. Of this the said Lord James was informed by the
Rheingrave, by reason of old familiarity betwixt them in Scotland,
and he took purpose suddenly and in good order to depart from
Paris. This he did on the second day after he had arrived there.
He could not, however, depart so secretly, but that the <DW7>s
had their privy ambushes. They had prepared a procession, which
met the said Lord and his company even in the teeth upon the Pont
du Change; and knowing that the Scots would not do the accustomed
reverence unto them and their idols, they thought to have picked
a quarrel. So, as one part passed by without moving of hat to
anything that was there, they had suborned some to cry "Huguenots,"
and to cast stones. But God disappointed their enterprise; for the
Rheingrave and other gentlemen, being with the Lord James, rebuked
the foolish multitude, and overrode some of the foremost. The rest
were dispersed; and he and his company safely escaped, and came
with expedition to Edinburgh, while yet the Lords and assembly were
together.

[Sidenote: Messages from the Queen.]

The Lord James's coming was of great comfort to many godly hearts,
and caused no little astonishment to the wicked: for, from the
Queen our Sovereign he brought letters to the Lords, praying them
to entertain quietness, to suffer nothing to be attempted against
the contract of peace made at Leith, until her own home-coming, and
to suffer the religion publicly established to go forward, etc.
Thereupon, the Lords gave the French Ambassador a negative answer to
every one of his petitions....

[Sidenote: Queen Mary's Relations with Queen Elizabeth.]

In the treaty of peace contracted at Leith, there were certain heads
that required the ratification of both the Queens. The Queen of
England, according to her promise, subscription, and seal, performed
the same without any delay, and sent it to our Sovereign by her
appointed officers. But our Sovereign (whether because her own
crafty nature so moved her, or because her uncle's chief counsellors
so desired, we know not) with many delatours[174] frustrated the
expectation of the Queen of England.... This somewhat exasperated
the Queen of England, and not altogether without cause; for the
arms of England had formerly been usurped by our Sovereign and her
husband Francis; and Elizabeth, Queen of England, was reputed
little better than a bastard by the Guisians. It had been agreed
that this title should be renounced, but our proud and vain-glorious
Queen was not pleased with this, especially after her husband was
dead. "The to-look[175] of England shall allure many wooers to me,"
thought she, and the Guisians and the <DW7>s of both the realms
animated her not a little in that pursuit. The effect will appear
sooner than the godly of England would desire; and yet is she that
now reigneth over them neither good Protestant nor yet resolute
<DW7>.[176]...

  [174] Much procrastination.

  [175] Prospect.

  [176] At the close of his Third Book, Knox inserts the Book of
  Discipline. This will be found, in full, in the Appendix, _infra_.




BOOK FOURTH.[177]

1561-1564.

  [177] _The Fourth Book of the Progress and Continuance of True
  Religion within Scotland._


[Sidenote: No Dregs of Papistry left in the Reformed Church of
Scotland.]

In the former books, gentle reader, thou mayest clearly see how
potently God hath performed, in these our last and wicked days, as
well as in the ages that have passed before us, the promises that
are made to the servants of God by the prophet Isaiah, in these
words:--"They that wait upon the Lord shall renew their strength;
they shall lift up the wings as the eagles; they shall run, and
not be weary; they shall walk, and not faint." For what was our
force? What was our number? Yea, what wisdom or worldly policy was
in us, to have brought to a good end so great an enterprise? Our
very enemies can bear witness. And yet in how great purity God did
establish amongst us His true religion, as well in doctrine as in
ceremonies! To what confusion and fear were idolaters, adulterers,
and all public transgressors of God's commandments brought within
short time? As touching the doctrine taught by our ministers, and
as touching the administration of Sacraments used in our churches,
we are bold to affirm that there is no realm this day upon the face
of the earth that hath them in greater purity: yea, we must speak
the truth whomsoever we offend, there is no realm that hath them
in like purity. However sincere be the doctrine that is taught by
some, all others retain some footsteps of Antichrist, and some dregs
of Papistry, in their churches, and the ministers thereof; but we,
all praise to God alone, have nothing within our churches that ever
flowed from that man of sin. This we acknowledge to be the strength
given unto us by God, because we esteemed not ourselves wise in
our own eyes, but, understanding our whole wisdom to be but mere
foolishness before our God, laid it aside, and followed only that
which we found approved by Himself....

[Sidenote: This Book tells of Declension.]

Whence, alas, cometh this miserable dispersion of God's people
within this realm to-day, in May, Anno 1566. And why is now the just
compelled to keep silence? Why are good men banished, and why do
murderers, and such as are known to be unworthy of decent society
(were just laws put in due execution) bear the whole regiment and
swing within this realm? Because, we answer, the most part of us
declined from the purity of God's Word. Almost immediately we began
to follow the world, and so again to shake hands with the Devil, and
with idolatry, as in this Fourth Book we will hear.

       *       *       *       *       *

While the <DW7>s were so confounded, that none within the realm
durst avow the hearing or saying of Mass, more than the thieves of
Liddesdale durst avow their stowth[178] in presence of an upright
judge, there were Protestants who were not ashamed, at tables and
other open places, to ask, "Why may not the Queen have her own
Mass, and the form of her religion? What can that hurt us or our
religion?" And from these two, "Why" and "What," at length sprang
out this affirmative, "The Queen's Mass and her priests will we
maintain: this hand and this rapier shall fight in their defence,"
etc.... If such dealings, which are common amongst our Protestants,
be not to prefer flesh and blood to God, to His truth, to justice,
to religion, and to the liberty of this oppressed realm, let the
world judge....

  [178] Theft.

[Sidenote: The Arrival, of Mary, Queen of Scots: a distressing Omen.]

On the nineteenth day of August, in the year of God 1561, betwixt
seven and eight o'clock in the morning, Mary Queen of Scotland,
then widow, arrived with two galleys, from France. In her company
(besides her gentlewomen, called the Marys) were her three uncles,
the Duke D'Aumale, the Grand Prior, and the Marquis d'Elboeuf. There
accompanied her also De Damville, son to the Constable of France,
with other gentlemen of inferior condition, besides servants and
officers. The very face of heaven, at the time of her arrival, did
manifestly proclaim what comfort was brought unto this country with
her, to wit, sorrow, dolour, darkness, and all impiety; for in the
memory of man, there had never been seen, on that day of the year,
a more dolorous face of the heaven, than at her arrival. And so it
continued for two days: besides the surface wet, and corruption of
the air, the mist was so thick and so dark, that scarcely might any
man espy another the length of two pair of boots. The sun was not
seen to shine for two days before, nor for two days after. That
fore-warning gave God unto us; but, alas, the most part were blind.

At the sound of the cannons which the galleys shot, the multitude
were notified, and happy was he or she that first might attain
the presence of the Queen. The Protestants were not the slowest,
and therein they were not to be blamed. Because the Palace of
Holyroodhouse was not thoroughly put in order (for her coming was
more sudden than many looked for) she remained in Leith until
towards the evening, and then repaired thither. In the way betwixt
Leith and the Abbey, the rebels of the crafts, who had violated
the authority of the magistrates, and had besieged the Provost,
met the Queen. But, because she was sufficiently instructed that
all they had done was in despite of religion, they were easily
pardoned. Fires of joy were set forth all night, and a company of
the most honest, with instruments of music and musicians, gave their
salutations at her chamber window. The melody, as she alleged, liked
her well; and she willed the same to be continued for some nights
after.

[Sidenote: The Mass is restored at Holyrood.]

With great diligence the Lords repaired to the Queen from all
quarters. So there was nothing but mirth and quietness until the
next Sunday, the twenty-third of August, when preparation began
to be made for that idol the Mass to be said in the chapel. This
pierced the hearts of all. The godly began to bolden; and men began
openly to speak, "Shall that idol be suffered again to take its
place within this realm? It shall not." The Lord Lyndsay, then but
Master, with the gentlemen of Fife, and others, plainly cried in
the close, "The idolater Priest should die the death," according to
God's law. One that carried in the candle was evil effrayed; but
then began flesh and blood to show itself. No <DW7>, or yet any
that came out of France, durst whisper. But the Lord James, the man
whom all the godly did most reverence, took upon him to keep the
chapel door. His best excuse was that he would stop all Scotsmen
from entering in to the Mass. But it was and is sufficiently known
that the door was kept, that none should have entrance to trouble
the priest. After the Mass, he was committed to the protection of
Lord John of Coldingham, and Lord Robert of Holyroodhouse, who then
were both Protestants, and had communicated at the Table of the
Lord. Betwixt them two was the priest convoyed to his chamber.

The godly departed with great grief of heart, and in the afternoon
repaired to the Abbey in great companies. These gave plain
signification that they could not abide that the land, which God
by His power had purged from idolatry, should be polluted again in
their eyes. This understood, there began complaint upon complaint.
The old dontibours[179] and others that long had served in the
Court, who had no remission of sins except by virtue of the Mass,
cried that they would return to France without delay: they could
not live without the Mass. The Queen's uncles affirmed the same.
Would to God that that menyie,[180] together with the Mass, had
bidden good-night to this realm for ever. So would Scotland have
been rid of an unprofitable burden of devouring strangers, and of
the malediction of God that has stricken and yet will strike in
punishment of idolatry.

  [179] Courtezans.

  [180] Crowd of followers.

[Sidenote: The Council tolerates the Mass at Court.]

The Council having assembled, disputation was had as to what was the
next remedy. Politic heads were sent to the gentlemen, with these
and like persuasions, "Why, alas, will ye chase our Sovereign from
us? She will incontinently return to her galleys; and what then
shall all realms say of us? May we not suffer her a little while?
We doubt not but that she shall leave it. If we were not assured
that she might be won, we should be as great enemies to her Mass as
ye be. Her uncles will depart, and then shall we rule all at our
pleasure. Would not we be as sorry to hurt the religion as would any
of you?" With these and the like persuasions, the fervency of the
brethren was quenched, and an Act was framed....

[Sidenote: The Earl of Arran protests.]

This Act and Proclamation, penned and put in form by men who had
formerly professed Christ Jesus (for <DW7>s had then neither power
nor vote in the Council) was publicly proclaimed at the Market Cross
of Edinburgh. No man reclaimed or made repugnance to it, with the
sole exception of the Earl of Arran. He, in open audience of the
heralds and people, protested that he dissented that any protection
or defence should be made for the Queen's domestics or any that came
from France, permitting to them more than to any other subject to
offend God's Majesty, and to violate the laws of the realm. God's
law had pronounced death against the idolater, and the laws of the
realm had appointed punishment for sayers and hearers of the Mass.
"I here protest," said he, "that these ought to be universally
observed, and that none should be exempted, until such time as a
law, as publicly made and as consonant to the law of God, shall have
disannulled the former."

[Sidenote: The Protestants are beguiled.]

This boldness somewhat exasperated the Queen, and such as favoured
her in that matter. As the Lords, now called the Lords of the
Congregation, repaired to the town, they at the first coming showed
themselves wondrously offended that the Mass was permitted; so that
every man, as he came, accused those that had arrived before him:
but after they had remained a certain time, they became as quiet as
those who had preceded them. This perceived, a zealous and godly
man, Robert Campbell of Kinyeancleuch, said to the Lord Ochiltree,
"My Lord, ye are come almost the last of all; and I perceive by your
anger that the fire-edge is not off you yet; but I fear that, after
the holy water of the Court shall be sprinkled upon you, ye shall
become as temperate as the rest. I have been here five days, and at
the first I heard every man say, 'Let us hang the priest;' but,
after they had been twice or thrice at the Abbey, all that fervency
was past. I think there must be some enchantment whereby men are
bewitched." And, in very deed, so it came to pass. The Queen's
flattering words, ever crying, "Conscience, conscience: it is a sore
thing to constrain the conscience;" and the subtle persuasions of
her supposts[181] (we mean even of some who at one time were judged
most fervently with us) blinded all men. They allowed themselves to
believe--"She will be content to hear the preaching; and so no doubt
but she may be won." And thus by all it was concluded to suffer her
for a time.

  [181] Supporters.

[Sidenote: John Knox preaches against the Queen's Mass.]

On the next Sunday, John Knox, inveighing against idolatry, showed
what terrible plagues God had laid upon realms and nations for this;
and added that one Mass (there were no more suffered at the first)
was more fearful to him than if ten thousand armed enemies were
landed in any part of the realm, for the purpose of suppressing the
whole religion. "In our God," said he, "there is strength to resist
and confound multitudes, if we unfeignedly depend upon Him; and of
this we have had experience heretofore. But when we join hands with
idolatry, there is no doubt that both God's amicable presence and
comfortable defence leave us, and what shall then become of us?
Alas, I fear that experience shall teach us, to the grief of many."
At these words, the guiders of the Court mocked, and plainly said
that such fear was no point of their faith: it was outside his text,
and was a very untimely admonition....

[Sidenote: John Knox reasons with the Queen.]

Whether it was by counsel of others, or of the Queen's own desire,
we know not; but the Queen spake with John Knox, and had long
reasoning with him, none being present except the Lord James: two
gentlewomen stood at the other end of the apartment. The sum of
their reasoning was this. The Queen accused him of having raised
a part of her subjects against her mother and against herself. He
had, she said, written a book against her just authority (she meant
the treatise against the regiment of women) which she had, and she
should cause the most learned in Europe to write against it; he was
the cause of great sedition and great slaughter in England; she was
informed that all he did was by necromancy, and so on.

The said John answered, "Madam, it may please your Majesty patiently
to hear my simple answers. And first," said he, "if to teach the
truth of God in sincerity, if to rebuke idolatry, and to will a
people to worship God according to His Word, be to raise subjects
against their princes, then can I not be excused; for it has pleased
God in His mercy to make me one, amongst many, to disclose unto
this realm the vanity of the papistical religion, and the deceit,
pride, and tyranny of that Roman Antichrist. But, Madam, if the true
knowledge of God and His right worshipping be the chief causes that
must move men from their heart to obey their just princes, as it is
most certain that they are, wherein can I be reprehended? I think,
and am surely persuaded, that your Grace has had, and presently has,
as unfeigned obedience from such as profess Jesus Christ within this
realm, as ever your father, or other progenitors had from those that
were called bishops. And, touching that book which seemeth so highly
to offend your Majesty, it is most certain that I wrote it, and am
content that all the learned of the world should judge of it. I hear
that an Englishman hath written against it, but I have not read
him. If he have sufficiently improved my reasons, and established
his contrary proposition, with as evident testimonies as I have
done mine, I shall not be obstinate, but shall confess my error and
ignorance. But to this hour I have thought, and yet think myself
alone to be more able to sustain the things affirmed in that work,
than any ten in Europe shall be able to confute it."

_Queen Mary._ Ye think, then, that I have no just authority?

_John Knox._ Please, your Majesty, learned men in all ages have
had their judgments free, and most commonly disagreeing from the
common judgment of the world; such also have they published, both
with pen and tongue, and yet they themselves have lived in common
society with others, and have borne patiently with the errors and
imperfections which they could not amend. Plato, the philosopher,
wrote his book of _The Commonwealth_. In this he damned many things
that then were maintained in the world, and required many things
to be reformed; and yet he lived under such polities as then were
universally received, without further troubling any state. Even so,
Madam, am I content to do, in uprightness of heart, and with the
testimony of a good conscience. I have communicated my judgment to
the world; if the realm finds no inconvenience from the regiment of
a woman, that which they approve shall I not disallow, further than
within my own breast. I shall be as well content to live under your
Grace as Paul was to live under Nero; and my hope is that, so long
as ye defile not your hands with the blood of the saints of God,
neither I nor that book shall either hurt you or your authority:
for, in very deed, Madam, that book was written most especially
against that wicked Jezebel of England.

_Queen Mary._ But ye speak of women in general.

_John Knox._ Most true it is, Madam, and yet it appeareth to me
that wisdom should persuade your Grace never to raise trouble for
that which to this day hath not troubled your Majesty, in person or
in authority. Of late years, many things, which before were holden
stable, have been called in doubt; yea, they have been plainly
impugned. But yet, Madam, I am assured that neither Protestant nor
<DW7> shall be able to prove that any such question was at any time
moved in public or in secret. Now, Madam, if I had intended to have
troubled your estate because ye are a woman, I might have chosen a
time more convenient for that purpose than I can do now, when your
own presence is within the realm.

But now, Madam, shortly to answer to the other two accusations. I
heartily praise my God, through Jesus Christ, that Satan, the enemy
of mankind, and the wicked of the world, have no other crimes to
lay to my charge, than such as the very world itself knoweth to be
most false and vain. I was resident in England for only the space
of five years. The places were Berwick, where I abode two years; so
long in Newcastle; and a year in London. Now, Madam, if any man
shall be able to prove that there was either battle, sedition, or
mutiny in any of these places, during the time that I was there,
I shall confess that I myself was the malefactor, and the shedder
of the blood. Further, Madam, I am not ashamed to affirm that God
so blessed my weak labours that, in Berwick, where commonly before
there used to be slaughter, by reason of quarrels that used to arise
amongst soldiers, there was as great quietness, all the time that I
remained there, as there is this day in Edinburgh. And where they
slander me of magic, necromancy, or of any other art forbidden by
God, I have, besides my own conscience, all congregations that ever
heard me as witnesses that I spake against such arts, and against
those that use such impiety....

_Queen Mary._ But yet ye have taught the people to receive another
religion than their princes can allow. How can that doctrine be of
God, seeing that God commands subjects to obey their princes?

_John Knox._ Madam, as right religion took neither original strength
nor authority from worldly princes, but from the Eternal God alone,
subjects are not bound to frame their religion according to the
appetites of their princes. Oft it is that princes are the most
ignorant of all others in God's true religion, as we may read in
the histories of times before the death of Christ Jesus, as well as
after. If all the seed of Abraham should have been of the religion
of Pharaoh, to whom they were long subjects, I pray you, Madam, what
religion should there have been in the world? Or, if all men in the
days of the Apostles should have been of the religion of the Roman
Emperors, what religion should there have been upon the face of the
earth? Daniel and his fellows were subjects to Nebuchadnezzar, and
to Darius, and yet, Madam, they would not be of their religion: for
the three children said, "We make it known unto thee, O King, that
we will not worship thy gods." And Daniel did pray publicly to his
God against the expressed commandment of the King. And so, Madam, ye
may perceive that subjects are not bound to the religion of their
princes, albeit they are commanded to give them obedience.

_Queen Mary._ Yea, but none of these men raised the sword against
their princes.

_John Knox._ Yet, Madam, ye cannot deny that they resisted: for,
in some sort, these resist that obey not the commandments that are
given.

_Queen Mary._ But yet, they resisted not by the sword.

_John Knox._ God, Madam, had not given unto them the power and the
means.

_Queen Mary._ Think ye, that subjects having power may resist their
princes.

_John Knox._ If their princes exceed their bounds, Madam, no doubt
they should be resisted, even by power. For there is neither greater
honour, nor greater obedience to be given to kings or princes, than
God has commanded to be given to father and mother. But, Madam, the
father may be stricken with a frenzy, in which he would slay his
own children. Now, Madam, if the children arise, join themselves
together, apprehend the father, take the sword or other weapons
from him, and finally bind his hands, and keep him in prison, until
his frenzy be overpast; think ye, Madam, that the children do any
wrong? Or, think ye, Madam, that God will be offended with them that
have stayed their father from committing wickedness? It is even
so, Madam, with princes that would murder the children of God that
are subject unto them. Their blind zeal is nothing but a very mad
frenzy; and, therefore, to take the sword from them, to bind their
hands, and to cast them into prison until they be brought to a more
sober mind, is no disobedience against princes, but just obedience,
because it agreeth with the will of God.

At these words the Queen stood as it were amazed, for more than
quarter of an hour. Her countenance altered, so that Lord James
began to entreat her, and to demand, "What has offended you, Madam."

At length she said, "Well, then, I perceive that my subjects shall
obey you, and not me; and shall do what they list, and not what I
command: and so must I be subject to them, and not they to me."

_John Knox._ God forbid, that ever I take upon me to command any
to obey me, or yet to set subjects at liberty to do what pleaseth
them. But my travail is that both princes and subjects obey God.
And think not, Madam, that wrong is done to you when ye are willed
to be subject to God. It is He that subjects people under princes,
and causes obedience to be given to them; yea, God craves of kings
that they be, as it were, foster-fathers to His Church, and commands
queens to be nurses to His people. And, Madam, this subjection to
God and to His troubled Church is the greatest dignity that flesh
can get upon the face of the earth, for it shall carry them to
everlasting glory.

_Queen Mary._ Yea, but ye are not the Kirk that I will nurse. I will
defend the Kirk of Rome, for I think it is the true Kirk of God.

_John Knox._ Your will, Madam, is no reason; neither doth your
thought make of that Roman harlot the true and immaculate spouse
of Jesus Christ. Wonder not, Madam, that I call Rome a harlot;
for that Church is altogether polluted with all kind of spiritual
fornication, as well in doctrine as in manners. Yea, Madam, I offer
myself further to prove that the Church of the Jews that crucified
Christ Jesus, when it manifestly denied the Son of God, was not so
far degenerated from the ordinances and statutes which God gave by
Moses and Aaron unto His people, as the Church of Rome is declined,
and for more than five hundred years hath declined from the purity
of that religion which the Apostles taught and planted.

_Queen Mary._ My conscience is not so.

_John Knox._ Conscience, Madam, requires knowledge; and I fear that
right knowledge ye have none.

_Queen Mary._ But I have both heard and read.

_John Knox._ So, Madam, did the Jews that crucified Christ Jesus
read both the Law and the Prophets, and heard the same interpreted
after their manner. Have ye heard any teach, but such as the Pope
and his Cardinals have allowed? Ye may be assured that such will
speak nothing to offend their own estate.

_Queen Mary._ Ye interpret the Scriptures in one manner, and they
interpret in another; whom shall I believe? And who shall be judge?

_John Knox._ Ye shall believe God, that plainly speaketh in His
Word: and, farther than the Word teaches you, ye shall believe
neither the one nor the other. The Word of God is plain in itself;
and, if there appear any obscurity in one place, the Holy Ghost,
who is never contrary to Himself, explains the same more clearly
in other places: so that there can remain no doubt, but to such as
obstinately remain ignorant. And now, Madam, take one of the chief
points this day in controversy betwixt the <DW7>s and us. For
example, the <DW7>s allege and boldly have affirmed that the Mass
is the ordinance of God, and the institution of Jesus Christ, and a
sacrifice for the sins of the quick and the dead. We deny both the
one and the other, and affirm that the Mass, as it is now used, is
nothing but the invention of man; and, therefore, is an abomination
before God, and no sacrifice that ever God commanded. Now, Madam,
who shall judge betwixt us two thus contending? There is no reason
that either of the parties be believed farther than they are able
to prove by insuspect witnessing. Let them lay down the Book of God
and, by the plain words thereof, prove their affirmation, and we
shall give them the plea granted. But so long as they are bold to
affirm, and yet do prove nothing, we must say that, albeit all the
world believe them, yet they believe not God, but receive the lies
of men for the truth of God. What our Master Jesus Christ did, we
know from His Evangelists: what the priest doeth at his Mass, the
world seeth. Now, doth not the Word of God plainly assure us that
Christ Jesus neither said, nor yet commanded Mass to be said at His
Last Supper, seeing that no such thing as their Mass is made mention
of within the whole Scriptures?

_Queen Mary._ Ye are ower sair[182] for me, but if they were here
that I have heard, they would answer you.

  [182] Too deep.

_John Knox._ Madam, would to God that the learnedest <DW7> in
Europe, and him whom ye would best believe, were present with your
Grace to sustain the argument; and that ye would patiently abide to
hear the matter reasoned to the end; for then, I doubt not, Madam,
ye should hear the vanity of the papistical religion, and how small
ground it hath within the Word of God.

_Queen Mary._ Well, ye may perchance get that sooner than ye believe.

_John Knox._ Assuredly, if ever I get that in my life, I get it
sooner than I believe; for the ignorant <DW7>s cannot patiently
reason, and the learned and crafty <DW7>s will never come to your
audience, Madam, to have the ground of their religion searched out.
They know that they are never able to sustain an argument, unless
fire, and sword, and their own laws be judges.

_Queen Mary._ So say ye, but I cannot believe that.

_John Knox._ It has been so to this day; for how oft have the
<DW7>s in this and other realms been required to come to
conference, and yet it could never be obtained, unless they
themselves were admitted as judges. Therefore, Madam, I must yet
say again that they dare never dispute, but where themselves are
both judge and party. Whensoever ye shall let me see the contrary, I
shall grant myself to have been deceived in that point.

With this the Queen was called to dinner, for it was afternoon. At
departing, John Knox said to her, "I pray God, Madam, that ye may
be as blessed within the commonwealth of Scotland, if it be the
pleasure of God, as ever Deborah was in the commonwealth of Israel."

[Sidenote: No Results follow the Queen's Conference with Knox.]

Of this long conference, whereof we only touch a part, there were
divers opinions. The <DW7>s grudged, and feared that which they
needed not. The godly, thinking that at least she would have heard
the preaching, rejoiced; but they were utterly deceived, for she
continued in her massing; and despised and quietly mocked all
exhortations.

Some of his familiars demanded of John Knox what he thought of the
Queen. "If there be not in her," said he, "a proud mind, a crafty
wit, and an indurate heart against God and His truth, my judgment
faileth me...."

The Duke D'Aumale returned with the galleys to France. The Queen
entered on her progresses, and in the month of September travelled
from Edinburgh to Linlithgow, Stirling, Perth, Dundee, and St.
Andrews; and all these parts she polluted with her idolatry. Fire
followed her very commonly in that journey. The towns propyned[183]
her liberally, and the French were enriched.

  [183] Presented gifts.

[Sidenote: The Prodigality of Edinburgh.]

In the beginning of October, the Queen returned to Edinburgh, and on
the day appointed she was received in the Castle. Great preparations
were made for her entrance to the town. In farces, in masking, and
in other prodigalities, fools would fain have counterfeited France.
Whatsoever might set forth her glory, that she heard and gladly
beheld. The keys were delivered to her by a pretty boy, descending
as it were from a cloud. The verses in her own praises she heard,
and smiled. But when the Bible was presented, and its praise
declared, she began to frown: for shame she could not refuse it. But
she did no better, for immediately she gave it to the most pestilent
<DW7> within the realm, to wit, to Arthur Erskine. Since that day,
the people of Edinburgh have reaped as they sowed. They gave her
some taste of their prodigality; and because the liquor was sweet,
she has licked of that buist[184] oftener than twice since. All men
know what we mean: the Queen cannot lack and the subjects have.

  [184] Brewing.

[Sidenote: The Magistrates of Edinburgh are imprisoned and deposed.]

It hath been an ancient and a laudable custom in Edinburgh that the
Provost, Bailies, and Council, after their election at Michaelmas,
cause public proclamation of the statutes and ordinances of the
town. Therefore Archibald Douglas, Provost, Edward Hope, Adam
Fullerton, Mr. James Watson, and David Somer, Bailies, made
proclamation, according to the former statutes of the town, that
no adulterer, no fornicator, no noted drunkard, no mass-monger,
no obstinate <DW7>s that corrupted the people, such as priests,
friars, and others of that sort, should be found within the town
within forty-eight hours thereafter, under the pains contained
in the statutes. This blown in the Queen's ears, pride and
maliciousness began to show themselves; for, without further
intimation, the Provost and Bailies were charged to ward in the
Castle; and immediately commandment was given that another Provost
and other Bailies should be elected.

Some gainstood the new election for a while, alleging that the
Provost and Bailies whom they had chosen, and to whom they had given
their oath, had committed no offence for which they ought justly to
be deprived. But charge was doubled upon charge, and, no man being
found to oppose the iniquity, Jezebel's letter and wicked will were
obeyed as law. So Mr. Thomas M'Calzean was chosen. The man, no
doubt, was both discreet and sufficient for that charge; but the
deposition of the other was against all law. God be merciful to some
of our own; for they were not all blameless that her wicked will was
so far obeyed.

A contrary proclamation was publicly made, to the effect that
the town should be patent unto all the Queen's lieges; and so
murderers, adulterers, thieves, whores, drunkards, idolaters, and
all malefactors, got protection under the Queen's wings, under that
colour, because they were of her religion. And so gat the Devil
freedom again, where before he durst not have been seen in daylight
upon the common streets. "Lord deliver us from that bondage."

[Sidenote: The Mass is restored.]

The Devil, finding his reins loose, ran forward in his course;
and the Queen took upon her greater boldness than she and Baal's
bleating priests durst have attempted before. For, upon Allhallow
Day, they blended their Mass with all mischievous solemnity.
The ministers, offended, declared in plain and public place the
inconveniences that should ensue, and the nobility were sufficiently
admonished of their duties. But affection caused men to call in
doubt that wherein shortly before they had seemed to be most
resolute, to wit, "Whether subjects might put to their hand to
suppress the idolatry of their Prince." Upon this question, there
convened, in the house of Mr. James Macgill, the Lord James, the
Earl of Morton, the Earl Marischall, Secretary Lethington, the
Justice Clerk, and the Clerk of Register. All reasoned for the part
of the Queen, affirming that the subjects might not lawfully take
her Mass from her. Of the contrary judgment were the principal
ministers, Mr. John Row, Master George Hay, Master Robert Hamilton,
and John Knox....

The conclusion of that first reasoning was that the question should
be put in form, and letters directed to Geneva for the resolution of
that Church. Therein John Knox offered his labours; but Secretary
Lethington, alleging that much depended on the information, said
that he should write. But that was only to drive time, as the truth
declared itself. The Queen's party urged that the Queen should have
her religion free in her own chapel, that she and her household
might do what they should list. The ministers both affirmed and
voted to the contrary, adding that her liberty should be their
thraldom before long. But neither could reason nor threatening move
the affections of such as were creeping into credit, and the votes
of the Lords prevailed against those of the ministers.

[Sidenote: Lord James Stewart is sent to the Borders.]

For the punishment of theft and of reif,[185] which had increased
upon the Borders and in the south, since the Queen's arrival, the
Lord James was made Lieutenant. Some suspected that such honour and
charge proceeded from the same heart and counsel as that by which
Saul made David captain against the Philistines. But God assisted
him, and bowed the hearts of men to fear and obey him. Yea, the Lord
Bothwell himself at that time assisted him. Sharp execution was made
in Jedburgh, for twenty-eight of one clan and others were hanged at
that Justice Court. Bribes, buds, nor solicitation saved the guilty,
if he could be apprehended; and God prospered the Lord James in his
integrity. He also spake with the Lord Grey from England at Kelso,
that good rule might be kept upon both the Borders, and they agreed
in all things.

  [185] Robbery.

[Sidenote: The Behaviour of the Queen.]

Before the return of the Lord James, the Queen one night took a
fray[186] in her bed, as if horsemen had been in the close, and the
Palace had been enclosed about. Whether this proceeded of her own
womanly fantasy, or men had put her in fear, for displeasure of the
Earl of Arran, and for other purposes, as for the strengthening
of the guard, we know not. But the fear was so great that the town
was called to the watch. Lords Robert of Holyroodhouse and John
of Coldingham kept the watch by turns. Scouts were sent forth,
and sentinels were commanded, under pain of death, to keep their
stations. Yet they feared, where there was no cause for fear: nor
could ever any appearance or suspicion of such things be discovered.

  [186] Fright.

Shortly after the return of the Lord James, Sir Peter Mewtas
came from the Queen of England, with commission to require the
ratification of the Peace made at Leith. His answer was even such as
we have heard before--that she behoved to advise, and then should
send answer.

In presence of her Council, the Queen kept herself very grave, for,
under the dule weed,[187] she could play the hypocrite in full
perfection; but as soon as ever her French fillocks,[188] fiddlers,
and others of that band, got the house alone, there might have been
seen skipping not very comely for honest women. Her common talk was
in secret; she saw nothing in Scotland but gravity, which repugned
altogether to her nature, for she was brought up in joyousness, as
she termed her dancing, and other things thereto belonging.

  [187] Apparel of mourning.

  [188] Giddy young women.

[Sidenote: The Influence of the Court is felt in the Kirk.]

The General Assembly of the Church was held in the December
after the Queen's arrival. There the rulers of the Court began
to draw themselves apart from the society of their brethren, and
to sturr[189] and grudge that anything should be consulted upon
without their advices. Master John Wood, who had formerly shown
himself very fervent in the cause of God, and forward in giving his
counsel in all doubtful matters, plainly refused ever to assist
the Assembly again. At this many did wonder. The courtiers drew to
them some of the Lords, and would not convene with their brethren,
as had been their former custom, remaining at the Abbey instead.
The principal commissioners of the churches, the superintendents,
and some ministers went to see them at the Abbot's lodging within
Holyroodhouse. Both the parties began to open their grief.

  [189] Make disturbance.

[Sidenote: The Ministers reproach the defaulting Lords.]

The Lords complained that the ministers drew the gentlemen into
secret councils without their knowledge. The ministers denied that
they had done anything in secret, or otherwise than the Common
Order commanded them; and accused the Lords, the flatterers of
the Queen we mean, for not having kept convention with their
brethren, considering that they knew the order, and that the same
was appointed by their own advices, as the Book of Discipline,
subscribed by the hands of the most part of them, would witness.
Some began to deny that ever they knew such a thing as the Book of
Discipline; and also called in doubt whether it was expedient that
such conventions should be held; for gladly would the Queen and her
Secret Council have had all assemblies of the godly discharged.

The reasoning was sharp and quick on either part. The Queen's
faction alleged that it was suspicious to Princes that subjects
should assemble themselves and keep conventions without their
knowledge. It was answered that the Church did nothing without
knowledge of the Prince. The Prince perfectly understood that within
this realm there was a Reformed Church, and that they had their
orders and appointed times of convention. "Yea," said Lethington,
"the Queen knew and knoweth it well enough; but the question is,
whether the Queen allows such conventions?" It was answered, "If the
liberty of the Church should stand upon the Queen's allowance or
disallowance, we are assured not only to lack assemblies, but also
the public preaching of the Evangel."

That affirmative was mocked, and the contrary was affirmed. "Well,"
said the other, "time will try the truth; but to my former words
this will I add--take from us the freedom of assemblies, and take
from us the Evangel; for, without assemblies, how shall good order
and unity in doctrine be kept? It is not to be supposed that all
ministers shall be so perfect, but that they shall need admonition,
concerning manners as well as doctrine. It may be that some
shall be so stiff-necked that they will not admit the admonition
of the simple. It may be that fault may be found with ministers,
without just offence committed. Yet, if order be not taken, both
with the complainer and the persons complained upon, it cannot be
avoided that many grievous offences shall arise. For remedy of
these, General Assemblies are necessary. There, the judgment and
the gravity of many concur to correct or to repress the follies or
errors of a few." The majority of the Nobility and of the Barons
assented to this, and willed the reasoners for the part of the
Queen to desire that, if her Grace were suspicious of anything that
was to be dealt with in their Assemblies, she should be pleased to
send such as she would appoint, to hear whatsoever was proponed or
reasoned.

[Sidenote: Discussion concerning the Book of Discipline.]

After that, the Book of Discipline was put forward, with request
that it should be ratified by the Queen's Majesty. That was scripped
at, and it was demanded, "How many of those that had subscribed that
Book would be subject unto it?" It was answered, "All the godly."
"Will the Duke?" said Lethington. "If he will not," answered the
Lord Ochiltree, "I would that he were scraped out, not only from
that Book, but also from our number and company. For to what purpose
shall labours be taken to put the Kirk in order, and to what end
shall men subscribe, and then never mean to keep a word of that
which they promise?" Lethington answered, "Many subscribed there _in
fide parentum_, as the bairns are baptized." John Knox answered,
"Albeit ye think that scoff proper, yet, as it is most untrue, so
is it most improper. That Book was read in public audience, and by
the space of divers days the heads thereof were reasoned, as all
that here sit know well enough, and ye yourself cannot deny; no man
was required to subscribe that which he understood not." "Stand
content," said one, "that Book will not be obtained." "Let God,"
said the other, "require the lack which this poor Commonwealth shall
have of the things therein contained, from the hands of such as stop
the same."

[Sidenote: The Barons sue for Public Order in regard to
Ecclesiastical Benefices.]

The Barons, perceiving that the Book of Discipline was refused,
presented certain Articles to the Council, requiring idolatry to be
suppressed, their churches to be planted with true ministers, and
some certain provision to be made for these, according to equity and
conscience; for, until that time, the most part of the ministers had
lived upon the benevolence of men. Many held in their own hands the
fruits that the bishops and others of that sect had formerly abused;
and so some part was bestowed upon the ministers. But then the
bishops began to grip again at that which most unjustly they called
their own; for the Earl of Arran was discharged of St. Andrews and
Dunfermline, with which, by virtue of a factory, he had formerly
intromitted: and so were many others. Therefore the Barons required
that arrangements might be made for their ministers. Otherwise, they
would obey the bishops no more, nor would they suffer anything to be
taken for their use, more than they did before the Queen's arrival.
They verily supposed that the Queen's Majesty would keep promise
made to them, not to alter their religion. That could not remain
without ministers, and ministers could not live without provision.
For these reasons, they heartily desired the Council to provide some
convenient order in that respect.

[Sidenote: The Council agrees to divide the Patrimony of the Kirk.]

The Queen's flatterers were somewhat moved; for the rod of impiety
was not then strengthened in her and their hands. So they began to
practise; they wished to please the Queen, and yet seem somewhat
to satisfy the faithful. In the end, they devised that the
Churchmen[190] should have intromission with two parts of their
benefices, and that the third part should be lifted by such men as
thereto should be appointed for [the necessities concerning the
Queen's Majesty, and charges to be borne for the common weal of the
realm, and sustentation of the preachers and readers.][191]...

  [190] That is, the <DW7>s in possession of benefices.

  [191] Knox here quotes, in full, the Acts passed by the Council.

Even in the beginning, the ministers, in their public sermons,
opposed themselves to such corruption, for they foresaw the purpose
of the Devil, and clearly understood the butt at which the Queen
and her flatterers shot. In the stool[192] of Edinburgh, John Knox
said, "Well, if the end of this order, pretended to be taken for
sustentation of the ministers, be happy, my judgment faileth me; for
I am assured that the Spirit of God is not the author of it. First I
see two parts freely given to the Devil, and then the third must be
divided betwixt God and the Devil. Bear witness to me that this day
I say it--before long the Devil shall have three parts of the third;
judge what God's portion shall then be." This was an unsavoury
saying in the ears of many. Some were not ashamed to affirm, "The
ministers being sustained, the Queen will not, at the year's end,
have enough to buy her a pair of new shoes." And this was Secretary
Lethington.

  [192] Pulpit.

[Sidenote: The Modification of Stipends.]

There were appointed to modify[193] the ministers' stipends, the
Earls Argyll, Moray, and Morton, Lethington, the Justice Clerk, and
the Clerk of Register. The Laird of Pittarrow was appointed to pay
the ministers' stipends, according to their modification. Who would
have thought that, when Joseph ruled Egypt, his brethren should
have travelled for victuals, and have returned to their families
with empty sacks? Men would rather have thought that Pharaoh's
poise, treasure, and girnells should have been diminished, before
the household of Jacob should have stood in danger of starving for
hunger.

  [193] Adjust.

So busy and circumspect were the modificators (because it was a new
office, the term must also be new) to secure that the ministers
should not be too wanton, a hundred marks was considered sufficient
for a single man, being a common minister. Three hundred marks was
the highest stipend appointed to any, except to the superintendents,
and a few others. Shortly, whether it was from the niggardliness
of their own hearts, or the care that they had to enrich the
Queen, we know not; but the poor ministers, readers, and exhorters
cried out to the heaven, as their complaints in all Assemblies do
witness, that neither were they able to live upon the stipends
appointed, nor could they get payment of that small thing that
was appointed. The Comptroller would fain have played the good
valet, and have satisfied the Queen, or else his own profit, in
every point; and he got this saying and proverb, "The good Laird
of Pittarrow was an earnest professor of Christ; but the big Devil
receive the Comptroller, for he and his collectors are become greedy
factors."[194]

  [194] Stewards.

We put an end to this unpleasing story. When the brethren complained
of their poverty, it was disdainfully answered by some, "There are
many Lords that have not so much to spend." Men did reason that the
vocation of ministers craved books, quietness, study, and travel,
to edify the Kirk of Jesus Christ, while many Lairds were waiting
upon their worldly business. The stipends of ministers, who had no
other industry, but had to live upon that which was appointed, ought
therefore not to be modified according to the livings of common men,
who might and did daily augment their rents by some other industry.
But they gat no other answer than, "The Queen can spare no greater
sums." Oft was it cried into their ears, "O happy servants of the
Devil, and miserable servants of Jesus Christ; if after this life
there were not hell and heaven." To the servants of the Devil, to
your dumb dogs and horned bishops, to one of those idle bellies, I
say, ten thousand was not enough; but to the servants of Christ that
painfully preach His Evangel, a thousand pounds; how can that be
defended?

[Sidenote: Secretary Lethington gets his Answer.]

One day, in reasoning of this matter, the Secretary burst out in a
piece of his choler, and said, "The ministers have so much paid to
them year by year, and who yet ever bade the Queen 'grand-mercies'
for it? Was there ever a minister that gave thanks to God for
her Majesty's liberality towards them?" One smiled and answered,
"Assuredly, I think that such as receive anything gratis of the
Queen, are unthankful if they acknowledge it not, both in heart and
mouth. But whether the ministers be of that rank or not, I greatly
doubt. Gratis, I am assured, they receive nothing; and whether they
receive anything at all from the Queen, wise men may reason. I am
assured that neither Third nor 'Two-part' ever appertained to any
of her predecessors within this realm these thousand years by-past,
nor yet has the Queen better title to that which she usurps, be
it in giving to others or in taking to herself, than had such as
crucified Jesus to divide His garments amongst them. If the truth
may be spoken, she has not so good title as they had; for such spoil
used to be the reward of such men. And these soldiers were more
gentle than the Queen and her flatterers, for they parted not the
garments of our Master until He Himself was hung upon the cross;
but she and her flatterers do part the spoil while poor Christ is
yet preaching amongst you. But the wisdom of our God makes trial
of us by this means, knowing well enough what she and her faction
have purposed to do. Let the <DW7>s, who have some the Two-parts,
some their Thirds free, and some abbacies and feu lands, thank the
Queen, and sing, '_Placebo Dominæ_.' The poor preachers will not yet
flatter, for feeding of their belly." These words were judged proud
and intolerable, and engendered no small displeasure to the speaker.

This we put in memory, that the posterities to come may know that
God once made His truth to triumph; but, because some of ourselves
delighted more in darkness than in light, He hath restrained our
freedom, and put the whole body in bondage....

[Sidenote: Lord James Stewart created Earl of Mar: his Marriage.]

In the meantime, to wit, in February, the year of God 1561, Lord
James Stewart was first made Earl of Mar,[195] and then married to
Agnes Keith, daughter to the Earl Marischall. At the marriage, which
was public in the church of Edinburgh, they both got an admonition
to behave themselves moderately in all things; "For," said the
preacher (John Knox) to him, "to this day the Kirk of God hath
received comfort by you, and by your labours. If hereafter ye shall
be found fainter in this than ye were before, it will be said that
your wife hath changed your nature." The greatness of the banquet,
and the vanity used thereat, offended many godly. There began the
masking, which from year to year hath continued since.

  [195] "Soon after, the Earldom of Moray was bestowed upon him,
  instead of the Earldom of Mar. Lord Erskine had an old right to the
  Earldom of Mar."--_MS. variant._

Master Randolph, agent for the Queen of England, was then, and
for some time after, in no small conceit with our Queen; for
his mistress' sake, she drank to him in a cup of gold, which he
possessed with greater joy for the favour of the giver, than for
the gift and its value; and yet it was honourable. The things that
then were in handling betwixt the two Queens--Lethington, Secretary
Cecil, and Master Randolph being ministers--were of great weight, as
we will afterwards hear.

[Sidenote: Disorderly Conduct of Earl Bothwell and others.]

This winter, the Earl Bothwell, the Marquis D'Elboeuf, and Lord John
of Coldingham, played riot in Edinburgh, misordered the whole town,
broke Cuthbert Ramsay's gates and doors, and searched his house for
his good-daughter,[196] Alison Craik. This was done in despite of
the Earl of Arran, whose mistress the said Alison was suspected to
have been. The horror of this fact, and the rarity of it, highly
commoved all godly hearts. The Assembly and the nobility were in
the town for the most part; and they concluded to crave justice by
supplication. This they did....

  [196] Daughter-in-law.

This supplication was presented by divers gentlemen. At first the
flatterers of the Court stormed, and asked, "Who durst avow it?"
The Master, now Lord Lyndsay, answered, "A thousand gentlemen
within Edinburgh." Others were ashamed to oppose themselves to the
supplication in public; but they suborned the Queen to give a gentle
answer until such time as the Convention was dissolved. This she
did; for she lacks no craft, both to cloak and to maintain impiety.
She alleged that her uncle was a stranger and had a young company;
but that she should put such order to him, and unto all others, that
thereafter they should have no occasion to complain....

But punishment of that enormity and fearful attempt we could get
none: more and more they presumed to do violence, and frequented
nightly masking. Some, as Robin Craig's household, because his
daughter was fair, delighted therein; others lamented, and began to
bear the matter very heavily. At length, the Lord Duke's friends
assembled one night upon the causeway. The Abbot of Kilwinning (who
then was joined to the Church, and, as we understand, doth yet abide
so) was the principal man at the beginning. To him repaired many
faithful; and amongst others came Andrew Stewart, Lord Ochiltree, a
man rather born to make peace than to brag upon the causeway, and
demanded the quarrel. Being informed of the former enormity, he
said, "Nay, such impiety shall not be suffered so long as God shall
assist us. By His grace, we will maintain the victory that God in
His mercy hath given." So he commanded his son, Andrew Stewart, then
Master, and his servants to put themselves in order, and to bring
forth their spears and long weapons; and thus did others.

Word came to the Earl Bothwell and his party that the Hamiltons were
upon the gait.[197] Vows were made that the Hamiltons should be dung
not only out of the town, but also out of the country. Lord John
of Coldingham had married the Earl Bothwell's sister, a sufficient
woman for such a man; others drew the Lord Robert; and so they both
joined with the Earl Bothwell. But the stoutness of the Marquis Le
Boeuf, D'Elboeuf they call him, is most to be commended; for in his
chamber, within the Abbey, he started to a halbert, and ten men were
scarcely able to hold him; but, as hap was, the inner gate of the
Abbey kept him that night. The danger was betwixt the Cross and the
Salt Tron; and so he was a large quarter of a mile from the shot
and slanting[198] of bolts. The Master of Maxwell gave declaration
to the Earl Bothwell that, if he stirred from his lodging, he, and
all that would assist him, should resist him in the face: these
words did somewhat beat down that blast. The Earls of Huntly and
Moray,[199] being in the Abbey where the Marquis was, came with
their companies, sent from the Queen to stay that tumult. This
they did; for Bothwell and his party were commanded to keep their
lodgings, under pain of treason.

  [197] On the move.

  [198] Range.

  [199] Formerly Lord James Stewart: cf. page 247, _n._

[Sidenote: Plots against the Earl of Moray.]

It was whispered by many that the desire for a quarrel with the Earl
of Moray was as strong as was any hatred that the Hamiltons bore
against the Earl Bothwell, or he against them. Indeed, either had
the Duke very false servants, or else the Earl of Moray's death was
conspired oftener than once by Huntly and the Hamiltons. Suspicion
of this burst forth so far that one day the said Earl, being upon
horse to come to the sermon, was charged by one of the Duke's own
servants to return and abide with the Queen.

[Sidenote: Earl Bothwell speaks with John Knox.]

The Earl Bothwell, by means of James Barron, burgess[200] and
merchant of Edinburgh, desired to speak with John Knox secretly. The
said John gladly granted this request, and spake with him one night,
first in the said James's lodging, and thereafter in his own study.
The said Earl lamented his former inordinate life, and especially
that he had been provoked by the enticements of the Queen Regent to
do that which he sorely repented, as well as his conduct towards
the Laird of Ormiston, whose blood had been spilt, albeit not by
his fault. But his chief dolour was that he had misbehaved himself
against the Earl of Arran, whose favours he was most willing to
redeem, if it were possible that he might do so. He desired the said
John to give him his best counsel. "For," said he, "if I might have
my Lord of Arran's favours, I would wait upon the Court with a page
and few servants, to spare my expenses. At present I am compelled,
for my own safety, to keep a number of wicked and unprofitable men,
to the utter destruction of what of my living there is left."

  [200] Inhabitant with full municipal right.

The said John answered, "My Lord, would to God that in me were
counsel or judgment that might comfort and relieve you. Albeit to
this hour it hath not chanced me to speak with your Lordship face
to face, yet have I borne a good mind to your house; and I have
been sorry at my heart concerning the troubles that I have heard
you to be involved in. My grandfather, goodsire,[201] and father,
have served your Lordship's predecessors, and some of them have
died under their standards; and this is a part of the obligation
of our Scottish kindness:[202] but this is not my chief reason.
As God has made me His public messenger of glad tidings, it is my
earnest desire that all men may embrace the same, and they cannot do
this perfectly so long as there remaineth in them rancour, malice,
or envy. I am very sorry that ye have given occasion to men to be
offended with you; but I am more sorry that ye have offended the
Majesty of God, who by such means oft punishes the other sins of
man. Therefore, my counsel is that ye begin at God; if ye will enter
into perfect reconciliation with Him, I doubt not but He shall bow
the hearts of men to forget all offences. As for me, if ye continue
in godliness, your Lordship may command me as boldly as any that
serves your Lordship."

  [201] Maternal grandfather.

  [202] Fealty of retainers.

The said Lord desired John Knox that he would sound the Earl of
Arran as to whether he would be content to receive him into his
favour. This he promised to do; and he so earnestly travailed in
that matter, that it was once brought to a conclusion and agreement,
such as caused all the faithful to praise God. The greatest
stay[203] stood upon the satisfaction of the Laird of Ormiston, who,
besides his former hurt, was, even at the time of the communing,
pursued by the said Lord Bothwell, his son Master Alexander Cockburn
taken by him, and carried with him to Borthwick, but gently enough
sent back again.

  [203] Impediment.

[Sidenote: The Reconciliation of the Earl of Arran and the Earl
Bothwell.]

That new trouble so greatly displeased John Knox, that he almost
gave over farther travailing for amity. But yet, upon receiving the
excuse of the said Earl, and after the declaration of his mind, he
re-entered upon his labours, and brought it to pass that the Laird
of Ormiston referred his satisfaction in all things to the judgments
of the Earls of Arran and Moray. To them the said Earl Bothwell
submitted himself in that respect, and thereupon delivered his
handwrit. He was convoyed by certain of his friends to the lodging
of the Kirk-of-Field, where the Earl of Arran was with his friends,
the said John Knox being with him, to bear witness and testification
of the end of the agreement. As the Earl Bothwell entered at the
chamber door, and would have done those honours that friends had
appointed (Master Gavin Hamilton and the Laird of Riccarton were the
chief friends that communed) the Earl of Arran gently passed to him,
embraced him, and said, "If the hearts be upright, few ceremonies
may serve and content me."

The said John Knox, in audience of them both and of their friends,
then said, "Now, my Lords, God hath brought you together by the
labours of simple men, in respect of such as would have travailed
therein. I know my labours are already taken in an evil part;
but, because I have the testimony of a good conscience before my
God that whatsoever I have done, I have done in His fear, for the
profit of you both, for the hurt of none, and for the tranquillity
of this realm: seeing, I say, that my conscience beareth witness to
me--a witness that I have sought and continually seek--I the more
patiently bear the misreports and wrongous judgments of men. And
now I leave you in peace, and desire you that are the friends to
study that amity may increase, all former offences being forgotten."
The friends of either part embraced the others, and the two Earls
departed to a window, and talked by themselves familiarly for a
reasonable space. Thereafter the Earl Bothwell departed for that
night; and upon the next day in the morning he returned, with
some of his honest friends, and came to the sermon with the Earl
foresaid. At this many rejoiced. But God had another work to work
than the eyes of men could espy.

[Sidenote: The Earl of Arran suspects Treachery.]

The next Thursday, the 26th of March 1562, they dined together; and
thereafter the said Earl Bothwell and Master Gavin Hamilton rode to
my Lord Duke's Grace, who then was at Kinneil. What communication
was had betwixt them, it is not certainly known, except by the
report which the said Earl of Arran made to the Queen's Grace, and
to the Earl of Moray, by his writings. For upon Friday, the fourth
day after their reconciliation, the sermon being ended, the said
Earl of Arran came to the house of John Knox, and brought with him
Master Richard Strang and Alexander Guthrie. To them he opened the
grief of his mind before John Knox was called; for he was occupied,
as he is wont to be after his sermons, in directing of writings.

These labours ended, the said Earl called the three together, and
said, "I am treasonably betrayed;" and with these words began to
weep. John Knox demanded, "My Lord, who has betrayed you?" "One
Judas, or other," said he; "but I know it is but my life that is
sought: I regard it not." The other said, "My Lord, I understand
not such dark manner of speaking: if I shall give you any answer,
you must speak more plain." "Well," said he, "I take you three to
witness that I open this to you, and I will write it to the Queen.
An act of treason is laid to my charge; the Earl of Bothwell has
shown to me in counsel that he shall take the Queen and put her in
my hands in the Castle of Dumbarton; and that he shall slay the
Earl of Moray, Lethington, and others that now misguide her: and so
shall I and he rule all. But I know that this is devised to accuse
me of treason; for I know that he will inform the Queen of it. But I
take you to witness that I open it here to you; and, incontinently,
I will go and write to the Queen's Majesty, and to my brother, the
Earl of Moray."

John Knox demanded, "Did ye consent, my Lord, to any part of that
treason?" He answered, "Nay." "Then," said he, "in my judgment,
his words, albeit they were spoken, can never be treason to you;
for the performance of the act depends upon your will, whereto ye
say ye have dissented; and so shall that purpose vanish and die by
itself, unless ye waken it; for it is not to be supposed that he
will accuse you of that which he himself devised, and whereto ye
would not consent." "O," said he, "ye understand not what craft is
used against me: it is treason to conceal treason." "My Lord," said
he, "treason must import consent and determination, which I hear
upon neither of your parts. Therefore, my Lord, in my judgment,
it shall be more sure and more honourable to you to depend upon
your innocence, and to abide the unjust accusation of another, if
any follow thereof, as I think there shall not, than for you to
accuse, especially after so recent reconciliation, and have none
other witnesses but your own affirmation." "I know," said he, "that
he will offer combat to me; but that would not be suffered in
France: I will do that which I have purposed." And so he departed,
and took with him to his lodging the said Alexander Guthrie and Mr.
Richard Strang. Thence was dated and written a letter to the Queen's
Majesty, according to the former purpose, which letter was directed
with all diligence to the Queen's Majesty, who was then in Falkland.

The Earl himself rode afterwards to Kinneil, to his father, the
Duke's Grace. How he was treated, we have but the common bruit; but
thence he wrote another letter with his own hand, in cipher, to the
Earl of Moray, complaining of his rigorous handling and treatment by
his own father, and by his friends; and affirming, farther, that he
feared his life, in case he gat not speedy rescue. He did not rest
there, but brake the chamber wherein he was put, and with great pain
passed to Stirling, and thence he was convoyed to the Hallyards.
There he was kept until the Earl of Moray came to him, and convoyed
him to the Queen, who was then in Falkland. She was sufficiently
instructed concerning the whole matter; and, upon suspicion
conceived, had ordered the apprehension of Master Gavin Hamilton and
the Earl Bothwell. They, knowing nothing of what had passed, came to
Falkland, and this augmented the former suspicion.

[Sidenote: The frenzy of the Earl of Arran.]

The letters of John Knox, however, ensured that all things were done
the more circumspectly; for he did plainly forewarn the Earl of
Moray that he espied the Earl of Arran to be stricken with frenzy,
and therefore would not have too great credit given to his words and
inventions. And so it came to pass; for within few days the Earl's
sickness increased; he devised of wondrous signs that he saw in the
heaven; and, finally, he behaved himself in all things so foolishly
that his frenzy could not be hid. Nevertheless, the Earl Bothwell
and the Abbot of Kilwinning were detained in the Castle of St.
Andrews, and convened before the Council, with the Earl of Arran,
who ever stood firm in alleging that the Earl Bothwell proponed
to him such things as he had advertised the Queen's Grace of. He
stiffly denied that his father, the said Abbot, or his friends, knew
anything of the matter, or that they intended any violence against
him; and alleged that he had been enchanted so to think and write.
Thereat the Queen, highly offended, committed him to prison with the
other two, first in the Castle of St. Andrews, and thereafter in the
Castle of Edinburgh....

[Sidenote: John Knox reproves the Queen.]

Things put in order in Fife, the Queen returned to Edinburgh, and
then began dancing to grow hot; for her friends began to triumph
in France. Sure information of this came to the ears of John Knox,
for there were some that showed to him the state of things from
time to time. He was assured that the Queen had danced excessively
until after midnight, because she had received letters informing
her that persecution was renewed in France, and that her uncles
were beginning to stir their tail, and to trouble the whole realm
of France. Upon occasion of this text, "And now understand, O ye
kings, and be learned, ye that judge the earth," he began to tax
the ignorance, the vanity, and the despite of princes against all
virtue, and against all those in whom hatred of vice and love of
virtue appeared.

[Sidenote: He is summoned before the Queen.]

Report of this sermon was made unto the Queen, and John Knox was
sent for. Mr. Alexander Cockburn, of Ormiston, who had formerly been
his scholar, and then was very familiar with him, was the messenger,
and gave him some knowledge both of the report and of the reporters.
The Queen was in her bedchamber, and with her, besides the ladies
and the common servants, were the Lord James, the Earl Morton,
Secretary Lethington, and some of the guard that had made the
report. He was called, and accused of having spoken irreverently of
the Queen, of travailing to bring her into the hatred and contempt
of the people, and of exceeding the bounds of his text. Upon these
three heads, the Queen herself made a long harangue or oration; to
which the said John answered as follows:--

[Sidenote: John Knox, states his Views concerning the Behaviour of
Princes.]

"Madam, this is oftentimes the just recompense which God giveth to
the stubborn of the world. Because they will not hear God speaking
for the comfort of the penitent, and the amendment of the wicked,
they are oft compelled to hear the false report of others to their
greater displeasure. I doubt not but that it came to the ears of
proud Herod that our Master Christ Jesus called him fox; but they
told him not how odious a thing it was before God to murder an
innocent, as he had lately done before, causing John the Baptist to
be beheaded, to reward the dancing of a harlot's daughter. Madam,
if the reporters of my words had been honest men, they would have
reported my words, and the circumstances of the same. But, because
they would have credit in Court, and lack virtue worthy thereof,
they must have somewhat to please your Majesty, if it were but
flattery and lies. If your Grace take any pleasure in such persons,
it will turn to your everlasting displeasure. Madam, had your own
ears heard the whole matter that I entreated, ye could not justly
have been offended with anything that I spake, if there be in you
any sparkle of the Spirit of God, yea, of honesty or wisdom. Ye have
heard their report; may it please your Grace to hear myself rehearse
the sermon, as nearly as memory will serve.

"My text, Madam, was this, 'And now, O kings, understand; be
learned, ye judges of the earth.' After, Madam, I had declared the
dignity of kings and rulers, the honour in which God has placed
them, and the obedience that is due unto them, as God's lieutenants,
I demanded this: But, O alas! what account shall the most part of
princes make before that Supreme Judge, whose throne and authority
so manifestly and shamefully they abuse? This day is most true the
complaint of Solomon that violence and oppression do occupy the
throne of God here in this earth: murderers, bloodthirsty men,
oppressors, and malefactors dare be bold to present themselves
before kings and princes, and the poor saints of God are banished
and exiled. What shall we say, but that the Devil hath taken
possession of the throne of God, which ought to be fearful to all
wicked doers, and a refuge to the innocent oppressed. How can it be
otherwise? Princes will not understand; they will not be taught as
God commands them. God's law they despise, His statutes and holy
ordinances they will not understand; they are more exercised in
fiddling and flinging than in reading or hearing God's most blessed
Word; and fiddlers and flatterers, who commonly corrupt youth, are
more precious in their eyes than are men of wisdom and gravity, who
might, by wholesome admonition, beat down in them some part of that
vanity and pride wherein all are born, but in princes taketh deep
root and strength by wicked education.

[Sidenote: Of Dancing.]

"Of dancing, Madam, I said that, albeit in the Scriptures I found no
praise of it, and in profane writers that it is termed the gesture
rather of those that are mad and in frenzy than of sober men; yet
do I not utterly condemn it, providing that two vices be avoided.
Firstly, the principal vocation of those that use that exercise must
not be neglected for the pleasure of dancing; secondly, they may not
dance, as did the Philistines their fathers, for the pleasure that
they take in the displeasure of God's people. If they do either,
they shall receive the reward of dancers, and that will be drink in
hell, unless they speedily repent, and so shall God turn their mirth
into sudden sorrow. God will not always afflict His people, nor will
He always wink at the tyranny of tyrants. If any man, Madam, will
say that I spake more, let him presently accuse me; for I think I
have not only touched the sum, but the very words as I spake them."
Many that stood by bare witness with him that he had recited the
very words that he had spoken publicly.

The Queen looked about to some of the reporters, and said, "Your
words are sharp enough as ye have spoken them; but yet they were
told to me in another manner. I know that my uncles and ye are not
of one religion, and therefore I cannot blame you, albeit you have
no good opinion of them. But if ye hear anything of myself that
mislikes you, come to myself and tell me, and I shall hear you."

"Madam," quoth he, "I am assured that your uncles are enemies to
God, and unto His Son, Jesus Christ; and that, for maintenance of
their own pomp and worldly glory, they spare not to spill the blood
of many innocents. I am therefore assured that their enterprises
shall have no better success than have had others that before them
have done what they do now. But as to your own personage, Madam, I
would be glad to do all that I could for your Grace's contentment,
provided that I exceed not the bounds of my vocation. I am called,
Madam, to a public function within the Kirk of God, and am appointed
by God to rebuke the sins and vices of all. I am not appointed to
come to every man in particular to show him his offence; that labour
were infinite. If your Grace will please to frequent the public
sermons, I doubt not but that ye shall fully understand both what
I like and mislike, as well in your Majesty as in all others. Or,
if your Grace will assign unto me a certain day and hour when it
will please you to hear the form and substance of doctrine which is
proponed in public to the churches of this realm, I will most gladly
await upon your Grace's pleasure, time, and place. But to wait upon
your chamber door, or elsewhere, and then to have no farther liberty
than to whisper my mind in your Grace's ear, or to tell you what
others think and speak of you, neither will my conscience nor the
vocation whereto God hath called me suffer it. For, albeit at your
Grace's commandment I am here now, I cannot tell what other men
shall judge of me, when they learn that at this time of day I am
absent from my book, and waiting upon the Court."

"You will not always," said she, "be at your book," and so turned
her back. John Knox departed with a reasonably merry countenance.
Some <DW7>s, offended at this, said, "He is not afraid." Hearing
this, he answered, "Why should the pleasing face of a gentlewoman
affright me? I have looked in the faces of many angry men, and yet
have not been afraid, above measure." And so left he the Queen and
the Court for that time.

[Sidenote: The Queen negotiates with England.]

In the meantime, the negotiation and credit was great betwixt the
Queen of England and our Sovereign: letters, couriers, and posts ran
very frequently. There was great bruit of an interview and meeting
of the two Queens at York, and some preparations were made for this
in both the realms. But it failed upon the part of England, and that
by occasion of the troubles moved in France, as was alleged. These
caused the Queen and her Council to remain in the south parts of
England, to avoid inconvenience.

[Sidenote: The King of Sweden proposes Marriage to Queen Mary.]

That Summer, there came an Ambassador from the King of Sweden,
requiring marriage of our Sovereign to his master the King. His
entertainment was honourable; but our Queen liked not his petition.
Such a man was too base for her estate; had not she been great Queen
of France? Fie, of Sweden! What is it? But happy was the man that
was forsaken of such an one. And yet she did not refuse one who was
far inferior to a virtuous king.

[Sidenote: The Queen and the Earl of Moray.]

The Earl of Moray made a privy raid to Hawick upon the fair-day, and
apprehended fifty thieves; of this number seventeen were drowned;
others were executed in Jedburgh. The principals were brought to
Edinburgh, and there suffered, according to their merits, upon the
Borough Muir. The Queen was not content with the prosperity and good
success that God gave to the Earl of Moray in all his enterprises,
for she hated his upright dealing, and the image of God which did
evidently appear in him; but at that time she could not well have
been served without him.

[Sidenote: The General Assembly: June 1562.]

At the Assembly of the Kirk at Midsummer, on the 29th of June 1562,
many notable points were discussed concerning good order in the
Church; for the <DW7>s and the idolatry of the Queen began to
trouble the former good orders.... The tenor of the supplication
read in open audience, and approved by the whole Assembly to be
presented to the Queen's Majesty, was this:--

[Sidenote: The Supplication presented to the Queen.]

"Having in mind that fearful sentence, pronounced by the Eternal
God against the watchmen that see the sword of God's punishment
approach, and do not in plain words forewarn the people, yea, the
princes and rulers, that they may repent, we cannot but signify
unto your Highness, and unto your Council, that the state of this
realm is such, at this present time, that unless redress and remedy
be shortly provided, God's hand cannot long spare in His anger,
to strike the head and the tail; the inobedient prince and sinful
people. For, as God is unchangeable and true, so must He punish in
these our days the grievous sins that we read He has punished in
all ages, after He has long called for repentance, and none is shown.

"That your Grace and Council may understand what be the things we
desire to be reformed, we will begin at that which we assuredly know
to be the fountain and spring of all other evils that now abound in
this realm, to wit, that idol and bastard service of God, the Mass;
the fountain, we call it, of all impiety, not only because many take
boldness to sin by reason of the opinion which they have conceived
of that idol, to wit, that by the virtue of it, they get remission
of their sins; but also that, under colour of the Mass, whores,
adulterers, drunkards, blasphemers of God and of His holy Word and
Sacraments, and such other manifest malefactors, are maintained and
defended: for, let any Mass-sayer, or earnest maintainer thereof,
be deprehended in any of the forenamed crimes, no execution can be
had, for all is said to be done in hatred of his religion; and so
are wicked men permitted to live wickedly, cloaked and protected
by that odious idol. But, supposing the Mass were occasion of no
such evils, yet in itself it is so odious in God's presence that we
cannot cease, with all instance, to desire the removing of the same,
as well from yourself as from all others within this realm, taking
heaven and earth, yea, and your own conscience, to record that
the obstinate maintenance of that idol shall in the end be to you
destruction of soul and body.

"If your Majesty demand why we are more earnest now than we have
been heretofore; we answer (our former silence nowise excused)
that it is because we find ourselves frustrated of our hope and
expectation; which was that, in process of time, your Grace's heart
should have been mollified, so far as to have heard the public
doctrine taught within this realm; by which, our farther hope
was, God's Holy Spirit should so have moved your heart, that ye
should have suffered your religion, which before God is nothing but
abomination and vanity, to have been tried by the true touchstone,
the written Word of God; and that your Grace finding it to have
no ground or foundation in the same, should have given such glory
unto God that ye would have preferred His truth unto your own
preconceived vain opinion, of whatever antiquity it has been.
Of this we in a part are now discouraged and can no longer keep
silence, unless we would make ourselves criminal before God of your
blood, perishing in your own iniquities; for we plainly admonish you
of the dangers to come.

"The second that we require is punishment of horrible vices, such as
are adultery, fornication, open whoredom, blasphemy, and contempt
of God, of His Word and of His Sacraments; vices which, in this
realm, for lack of punishment, do even now so abound that sin is
reputed to be no sin. And, therefore, as we see the present signs
of God's wrath manifestly appear, so do we forewarn that He will
strike, before long, if His law be permitted thus manifestly to be
contemned, without punishment. If any object, that punishment cannot
be commanded to be executed without a Parliament; we answer that
the Eternal God in His Parliament has pronounced death to be the
punishment for adultery and for blasphemy. If ye put not His acts
to execution, seeing that kings are but His lieutenants, having no
power to give life where He commands death, He will repute you, and
all others that foster vice, patrons of impiety, and He will not
fail to punish you for neglecting His judgments.

"Our third request concerneth the poor, who be of three sorts; the
poor labourers of the ground; the poor desolate beggars, orphans,
widows, and strangers; and the poor ministers of the holy Evangel of
Christ Jesus, who are all so cruelly treated by this last pretended
order taken for sustentation of ministers, that their latter misery
far surmounteth the former. For now the poor labourers of the ground
are so oppressed by the cruelty of those that pay their Third, that
they for the most part advance upon the poor, whatsoever they pay
to the Queen, or to any other. As for the very indigent and poor,
to whom God commands a sustentation to be provided from the teinds,
they are so despised that it is a wonder that the sun giveth light
and heat to the earth, where God's name is so frequently called
upon, and no mercy, according to His commandment, is shown to
His creatures. And also for the ministers, their livings are so
appointed that the most part shall live but a beggar's life. And all
cometh of impiety, that the idle bellies of Christ's enemies must be
fed with their former delicacies.

"We dare not conceal from your Grace and Honours the burden of our
conscience, which is this, that neither by the law of God, nor by
any just law of man, is anything due to them who now most cruelly do
exact of the poor and rich the Two-part of their benefices, as they
call it.

"Therefore we most humbly require that some other order may be
taken with them, and that they be not set up again to empire above
the people of God, or above any subject within this realm. For we
fear that such usurpation to their former estate shall be in the
end neither pleasing to themselves, nor profitable to them that
would place them in that tyranny. If any think that a competent
living should be assigned to them, we repugn not, provided that the
labourers of the ground be not oppressed, the poor be not utterly
neglected, the ministers of the Word be not so sharply treated as
they now are, and, finally, that those idle bellies, who by law can
crave nothing, shall confess that they receive their sustentation,
not as a matter of debt, but as of benevolence. Our humble request
is, therefore, that some speedy order may be taken that the poor
labourers may find some relief, and that in every parish some
portion of the teinds may be assigned to the sustentation of the
poor within the same; and likewise that some public relief may
be provided for the poor within burghs; that collectors may be
appointed to gather, and that sharp account may be taken, as well of
their receipts as of their disbursements. The farther consideration
to be had towards our ministers, we in some part remit to your
wisdoms, and to their particular complaints.

"Our fourth petition is for the manses, yards, and glebes, justly
appertaining to the ministers, without which it is impossible for
them quietly to serve their charges; and therefore we desire order
to be taken therein without delay.

"Our fifth concerneth the inobedience of certain wicked persons, who
not only trouble, and have troubled ministers in their functions,
but also disobey the superintendents in their visitation. Of this
we humbly crave remedy; not so much for any fear that we and our
ministers have of the <DW7>s, but for the love that we bear to
the common tranquillity. For we cannot hide from your Majesty and
Council that, if the <DW7>s think to triumph where they may, and to
do what they list, where there is not a party able to resist them,
some will think that they must begin where they left off. Heretofore
they have borne all things patiently, in hope that laws should have
bridled the wicked. If they be frustrated in this, albeit nothing
is more odious to them than tumults and domestic discord, men will
attempt the uttermost, before they behold with their own eyes the
demolition of that House of God, which with travail and danger God
hath within this realm erected by them.

"Lastly, we desire that such as have received remission of their
Third be compelled to sustain the ministry within their bounds, else
we forewarn your Grace and Council that we fear that the people will
retain the whole in their hands, until such time as their ministry
shall be sufficiently provided. We farther desire that the kirks
be repaired according to an Act set forth by the Lords of Secret
Council, before your Majesty's arrival in this country; that judges
be appointed to hear the causes of divorcement, for the Kirk can no
longer sustain that burden, especially since there is no punishment
for the offenders; that sayers and hearers of Mass, profaners of the
Sacraments, such as have entered into benefices by the Pope's bulls,
and other such transgressors of the law made at your Grace's arrival
within this realm, may be severely punished; else men will think
that there is no truth meant in the making of such laws.

"Farther, we most humbly desire of your Grace and honourable Council
a resolute answer to every one of the heads forewritten, that, the
same being known, we may somewhat satisfy such as are grievously
offended at manifest iniquity now maintained, at oppression under
pretext of law done against the poor, and at the rebellious
disobedience of many wicked persons against God's Word and holy
ordinance.

"God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, so rule your hearts, and
direct your Grace and Council's judgments by the dyttament[204] and
illumination of His Holy Spirit, that ye may so answer that your
consciences may be absolved in the presence of that righteous Judge,
the Lord Jesus; and then we doubt not but that ye yourselves shall
find felicity, and this poor realm, that long has been oppressed
by wicked men, shall enjoy tranquillity and rest, with the true
knowledge of God."

  [204] Dictation; guidance.

[Sidenote: Secretary Lethington objects to the Terms of the
Supplication.]

These things were read in public Assembly, and approved by all.
Some wished that more sharpness had been used, because the time so
craved. But the monsieurs of the Court, and Secretary Lethington
above others, could not abide such hard speaking; "For who ever
saw it written," said he, "to a prince, that God would strike the
head and the tail, or that, if <DW7>s did what they should list,
men would begin where they had left off?" Above all others, it was
most offensive that the Queen was accused as if she would raise up
<DW7>s and Papistry again. To put that into the people's head was
no less than treason; for oaths durst be made that she never meant
such a thing.

It was answered that the Prophet Isaiah used such manner of
speaking; and there was no doubt but that he was well acquainted
in the Court, for it was supposed that he was of the King's stock.
Howsoever it was, his words make manifest that he spake to the Court
and courtiers, to judges, ladies, princes and priests. And yet,
says he, "The Lord shall cut away the head and the tail," etc. "And
so," said the first writer, "I find that such a phrase was used
once before. If it offend you that we say, 'Men must begin where
they left off,' in case the <DW7>s do as they do; we would desire
you to teach us, not so much how we shall speak, but rather what we
shall do when our ministers are stricken, our superintendents are
disobeyed, and a plain rebellion is decreed against all good order."

"Complain," said Lethington. "Whom to?" said the other. "To the
Queen's Majesty," said he. "How long shall we do so?" quoth the
whole. "Till ye get remedy," said the Justice Clerk: "give me
their names, and I shall give you letters." "If the sheep," said
one, "shall complain to the wolf that the wolves and whelps have
devoured their lambs, the complainer may stand in danger; but the
offender, we fear, shall have liberty to hunt after his prey." "Such
comparisons," said Lethington, "are very unsavoury; for I am assured
that the Queen will neither erect nor yet maintain Papistry." "Let
your assurance," said another, "serve yourself; it cannot assure us;
for her manifest proceedings speak the contrary."

After such taunting reasoning on both sides, the multitude concluded
that the supplication, as it was conceived, should be presented;
unless the Secretary would form one more agreeable to the present
necessity. He promised to keep the substance of ours, but said he
would use other terms, and ask things in a more genteel manner. The
first writer answered that he served the Kirk at their commandment,
and was content that with his dictament men should use the liberty
that best pleased them, provided that he was not compelled to
subscribe to the flattery of such as regarded the persons of men and
women more than the simple truth of God. So this former supplication
was given to be reformed as Lethington's wisdom thought best. And
in very deed he so framed it that, when it was delivered by the
Superintendents of Lothian and Fife, and when the Queen had read
somewhat of it, she said, "Here are many fair words: I cannot tell
what the hearts are." For our painted oratory, we were termed the
next name to flatterers and dissemblers; but, for that session, the
Kirk received no other answer....

[Sidenote: The Queen visits the North: <DW7> Intrigues.]

The interview and meeting of the two Queens being delayed until
the next year, our Sovereign took purpose to visit the north, and
departed from Stirling in the month of August. Whether there was any
secret paction and confederacy betwixt the <DW7>s in the south and
the Earl of Huntly and his <DW7>s in the north; or, to speak more
plainly, betwixt the Queen herself and Huntly, we cannot certainly
say. But the suspicions were wondrously vehement that there was no
good-will borne to the Earl of Moray, nor yet to such as depended
upon him at that time. The history we shall faithfully declare, and
leave the judgment to the reader....

The Queen and Court remained at Aberdeen certain days, to deliberate
upon the affairs of the country; and some began to smell that the
Earl of Huntly was under gathering.[205] While things were so
working in the north, the Earl Bothwell brake his ward, and came
forth from the Castle of Edinburgh on the 28th of August. Some say
that he broke the stanchions of the window; others whispered that
he got easy passage by the gates. One thing is certain; the Queen
was little offended at his escaping. The said Earl showed himself
not very much afraid, for his common residence was in Lothian. The
Archbishop of St. Andrews and Abbot of Crossraguel kept secret
convention at that same time in Paisley, and to them resorted divers
<DW7>s; yea, the said Archbishop spake with the Duke, and unto him
came also the Lord Gordon from the Earl of Huntly, requiring him
"to put to his hands in the south, as he should do in the north;
and Knox's crying or preaching should not stay that purpose." The
Archbishop, let him be never so close, could not altogether hide his
mind, but at his own table said, "The Queen is gone into the north,
belike to seek disobedience: she may perchance find the thing that
she seeks." It was constantly affirmed that the Earl Bothwell and
the said Lord Gordon spake together, but of their purpose we heard
no mention.

  [205] That is, his clansmen were being mobilised.

[Sidenote: John Knox warns the Protestants.]

The same year, and at that instant time, Commissioners were
appointed by the General Assembly. To Carrick and Cunningham, Master
George Hay was sent, and he, for the space of a month, preached
with great fruit in all the churches of Carrick. To Kyle, and to
the parts of Galloway, John Knox was appointed. Besides showing the
doctrine of the Evangel to the common people, John Knox forewarned
some of the nobility and Barons of the dangers that he feared, and
that were apparently to follow shortly; and he exhorted them to
put themselves in order, so that they might be able to serve the
authority, and yet not to suffer the enemies of God's truth to have
the upper hand. Thereupon, a great part of the Barons and Gentlemen
of Kyle and Cunningham and Carrick, professing the true doctrine of
the Evangel, assembled at Ayr.

[Sidenote: A Bond is again subscribed.]

After exhortations made and conference held, these subscribed a
bond to maintain and assist the preaching of God's holy Evangel,
then, of His mere mercy, offered to this realm; and also the
ministers thereof against all persons, power, and authority, that
would oppose themselves to the doctrine proponed, and by them
received. And farther, with the same solemnity, it was protested
and promised, that every one should assist others, yea, the whole
body of the Protestants within the realm, in all lawful and just
actions, against all persons; so that whosoever should hurt, molest,
or trouble any of our body, should be reputed enemy to the whole,
unless the offender were content to submit himself to the judgment
of the Kirk, as established amongst us....

These things done at Ayr, the said John passed to Nithsdale and
Galloway, and there, in conference with the Master of Maxwell, a man
of great judgment and experience, he communicated such things as he
feared. Upon his suggestion, the Master wrote to the Earl Bothwell,
enjoining him to behave himself as became a faithful subject, and
to keep good quietness in the parts committed to his charge, for so
would the crime of his breaking ward be the more easily pardoned.
John Knox wrote to the Duke's Grace, and earnestly exhorted him
neither to give ear to the Archbishop, his bastard brother, nor yet
to the persuasion of the Earl of Huntly; for if he did, he assured
him, he and his house should come to a sudden ruin.

[Sidenote: The Result of John Knox's Labours in the South.]

By such means the south parts were kept in reasonable quietness,
during the time that the troubles were in brewing in the north. And
yet the Archbishop and the Abbot of Crossraguel did what in them lay
to raise some trouble. Besides the fearful bruits that they sparsed
abroad, sometimes that the Queen was taken; sometimes that the Earl
of Moray and all his band were slain; and sometimes that the Queen
had given herself to the Earl of Huntly,--besides such bruits, the
Archbishop, to disturb the country of Kyle, where quietness was
greatest, raised the Crawfords against the Reids for payment of the
Archbishop's Pasch fines; but that was stayed by the labours of
indifferent men, who favoured peace.

[Sidenote: The Abbot of Crossraguel and John Knox.]

The Abbot of Crossraguel requested an opportunity to dispute with
John Knox as to the maintenance of the Mass. This was granted to
him, and debate was held in Maybole during three days. The Abbot
had the advantage that he required; to wit, he took upon him to
prove that Melchisedec offered bread and wine to God, and this was
the ground upon which was founded the argument that the Mass was a
sacrifice, etc. But, in the travail of three days, no proof could be
produced for Melchisedec's oblation, as in the disputation (which
is to be had in print) may clearly appear. The <DW7>s constantly
looked for a wolter,[206] and therefore made some brag of reasoning.
The Abbot further presented himself in the pulpit, but the voice of
Master George Hay so affrighted him, that, after one attempt, he
wearied of that exercise.

  [206] Overturn.

[Sidenote: The Revolt of the Earl of Huntly.]

After the Queen was somewhat satisfied of hunting and other pastime,
she came to Aberdeen. There the Earl of Huntly and his Lady met her
with no small train. He remained in Court, was supposed to have
the greatest credit, departed with the Queen to Buchan, and met
her again at Rothiemay, expecting that she would accompany him to
Strathbogie. But, in the journey, certain word came to her that John
Gordon[207] had broken promise in not re-entering into ward; for his
father the Earl had promised that he should again enter within the
Castle of Stirling, and there abide the Queen's pleasure. But, with
or without his father's knowledge and consent, he refused to enter;
and this so offended the Queen that she would not go to Strathbogie,
but passed through Strathisla to Inverness, where the Castle was
denied to her. The captain had command to keep it, and looked for
relief which John of Gordon had promised; but, being frustrated in
this, the Castle was surrendered. The captain, named Gordon, was
executed; the rest were condemned, and the hands of some were bound,
but these escaped. This was the beginning of further trouble; for
the Earl of Huntly was offended, and began to assemble his folks,
sparing not to say that he would be revenged.[208]...

  [207] Sir John Gordon, of Findlater, second son of the Earl of
  Huntly. Confined in the Tolbooth of Edinburgh, for a murderous
  attack upon Lord Ogilvy of Airly in a quarrel concerning property,
  he had broken ward.--ED.

  [208] He was denounced as a traitor. With a following of eight
  hundred men, he encountered the Earl of Moray and the Queen's forces
  outside Aberdeen, and was defeated and slain at the battle of
  Corrichie.--ED.

[Sidenote: Of the Earl of Huntly.]

Upon the morrow after the discomfiture, the Lady Forbes, a woman
both wise and fearing God, came amongst many others to visit the
corpse of the said Earl; and seeing him lie upon the cold stones,
having only upon him a doublet of canvas, a pair of Scottish grey
hose, and a covering of arras-work, she said, "What stability
shall we judge to be in this world: there lieth he that yesterday
morning was holden the wisest, the richest, and a man of greatest
power within Scotland." In very deed, she lied not; for, in man's
opinion, under a prince, there was not such a one produced in this
realm these three hundred years. But felicity and worldly wisdom so
blinded him that in the end he perished in them, as shall all those
that despise God and trust in themselves....

[Sidenote: The Queen's Relations with the Earl of Moray.]

The Earl of Moray sent word of the marvellous victory to the
Queen, and humbly prayed her to show obedience to God and publicly
to convene with them, to give thanks to God for His notable
deliverance. She gloomed at the messenger and at the request, and
scarcely would give a good word or blithe countenance to any that
she knew to be earnest favourers of the Earl Moray, whose prosperity
was, and yet is, to her boldened heart, a very venom against him
for his godliness and upright plainness. For many days she bare no
better countenance; and thereby it might have been evidently espied
that she rejoiced not greatly in the success of that matter; and,
albeit she caused John Gordon and divers others to be executed, it
was the destruction of others that she sought.

[Sidenote: Rumours concerning the Queen's Marriage.]

In the meantime, there was much trouble in France; and the
intelligence and outward familiarity betwixt the two Queens was
great. Lethington was directed with large commission both to the
Queen of England and to the Guisians. The marriage of our Queen was
in every man's mouth. Some would have Spain; some the Emperor's
brother; some Lord Robert Dudley; some the Duke de Nemours; and some
unhappily guessed at the Lord Darnley. We know not what Lethington's
credit was; but, shortly after, there began to be much talk of the
Earl of Lennox, and of his son, the Lord Darnley. It was said that
Lethington spake with the Lady Margaret Douglas, and that Robert
Melvin received a horse, for the Secretary's use, from the Earl of
Lennox or from his wife. Howsoever it was, Master Fowler, servant to
the said Earl, came with letters to the Queen's Grace, and licence
was permitted to the Earl of Lennox to come to Scotland, to travail
in his lawful business. On the day that the licence was granted,
the Secretary said, "This day have I incurred the deadly hatred
of all the Hamiltons within Scotland, and have done them no less
displeasure than had I cutted their throats."

[Sidenote: The Queen and Earl Bothwell.]

The Earl Bothwell, who had broken ward, fearing apprehension,
prepared to pass to France; but, by storm of weather, he was driven
into England, where he was stayed, and the Queen of England offered
to surrender him. But our Queen answered that he was no rebel, and
requested that he should have liberty to pass whither it pleased
him. In this, Lethington helped not a little; for he travailed to
have friends in every faction of the Court. Thus the said Earl
obtained licence to pass to France.

[Sidenote: The Preachers admonish the Courtiers.]

The Court remained for the most part in Edinburgh, during the winter
after the death of the Earl of Huntly. The preachers were wondrously
vehement in reprehension of all manner of vice, which then began
to abound; and especially avarice, oppression of the poor, excess,
riotous cheer, banqueting, immoderate dancing, and the whoredom that
ensues. The courtiers began to storm, and to pick quarrels against
the preachers, alleging that all their preaching was turned to
railing.

One of them gave answer as follows: "It comes to our ears that
we are called railers. Albeit we wonder, we are not ashamed. The
most worthy servants of God that before us have travailed in this
vocation have so been styled. But the same God, who from the
beginning has punished the contempt of His Word, and has poured
forth His vengeance upon such proud mockers, shall not spare you;
yea, He shall not spare you before the eyes of this same wicked
generation, for whose pleasure ye despise all wholesome admonitions.

"Have ye not seen a greater than any of you sitting where presently
ye sit, pick his nails and pull down his bonnet over his eyes,
when idolatry, witchcraft, murder, oppression, and such vices were
rebuked? Was not his common talk, 'When these knaves have railed
their fill, will they then hold their peace?' Have ye not heard it
affirmed to his own face that God should revenge his blasphemy, even
in the eyes of such as were witnesses to his iniquity? Then was the
Earl of Huntly accused by you as the maintainer of idolatry, and
the only hinderer of all good order. Him has God punished, even
according to the threatenings that his and your ears heard; and by
your hands hath God executed His judgments.

"But what amendment in any case can be espied in you? Idolatry
was never in greater rest: virtue and virtuous men were never in
more contempt: vice was never more bold, never did it less fear
punishment. And yet, who guides the Queen and Court? Who but the
Protestants? O horrible slanderers of God, and of His holy Evangel.
Better it were for you plainly to renounce Christ Jesus, than thus
to expose His blessed Evangel to mockage. If God do not punish you,
so that this same age shall see and behold your punishment, the
Spirit of righteous judgment guides me not."...

[Sidenote: The General Assembly: 25th December 1562.]

At the General Assembly of the Church, holden the twenty-fifth of
December, the year of God 1562, great complaints were made that
churches lacked ministers; that ministers lacked their stipends;
that wicked men were permitted to be schoolmasters, and so to infect
the youth. One, Master Robert Cumin, schoolmaster in Arbroath, was
complained upon by the Laird of Dun, and sentence was pronounced
against him. It was farther complained that idolatry was erected in
divers parts of the realm; and some thought that new supplication
for redress should be presented to the Queen's Grace. Others
demanded, What answer was received on the former occasion? The
Superintendent of Lothian confessed the deliverance of it. "But,"
said he, "I received no answer." It was answered on behalf of the
Queen--for her supporters were ever there--that it was well known to
the whole realm what troubles had occurred since the last Assembly;
and, therefore, that they should not wonder that the Queen had not
answered: but they doubted not but that order would be taken betwixt
that and the Parliament which was appointed for May, and all men
should have occasion to stand content. This satisfied the whole
Assembly for that time. And this was the practice of the Queen and
of her Council to drive time with fair words....

[Sidenote: The Protestants deal with Idolaters and the Mass.]

The <DW7>s, at Easter, 1563, had erected that idol, the Mass, in
divers parts of the realm; amongst these being the Archbishop of
St. Andrews, the Prior of Whithorn, with divers others of their
faction.... The brethren, universally offended, and espying that
the Queen did but mock them by her proclamations, determined to
put to their own hands, and to punish for example to others. So
some priests in the West-land were apprehended, and intimation was
made by the brethren to others, as to the Abbot of Crossraguel,
the Parson of Sanquhar, and such, that they should not proceed by
complaint to Queen or Council, but should execute the punishment
that God, in His Law, had appointed to idolaters, by such means as
they might, wherever these should be apprehended.

The Queen stormed at such freedom of speaking, but she could not
amend it; for the spirit of God, of boldness, and of wisdom, had not
then left the most part of those whom God had used as instruments in
the beginning. They were of one mind to maintain the truth of God,
and to suppress idolatry. Particularities had not divided them; and
therefore could not the Devil, working in the Queen and <DW7>s,
then do what he would.

[Sidenote: Queen Mary and John Knox at Lochleven.]

The Queen began to invent a new craft. She sent for John Knox to
come to her at Lochleven. She travailed with him earnestly for two
hours before her supper, seeking that he would be the instrument
to persuade the people, and principally the gentlemen of the West,
not to put hands to punish men for conducting themselves in their
religion as pleased them. The other, perceiving her craft, said that
if her Grace would punish the malefactors according to the laws, he
could promise quietness upon the part of all them that professed
the Lord Jesus within Scotland. But, if her Majesty thought to
delude the laws, he said he feared that some would let the <DW7>s
understand that they should not be suffered to offend God's Majesty
so manifestly, without punishment.

"Will ye," quoth she, "allow that they shall take _my_ sword in
their hand?"

"The sword of justice," quoth he, "Madam, is God's, and is given
to princes and rulers for an end. If they transgress this, sparing
the wicked, and oppressing innocents, they that, in the fear of
God, execute judgment where God has commanded, do not offend God,
although kings forbear; nor do those sin that bridle kings from
striking innocent men in their rage. The examples are evident;
Samuel feared not to slay Agag, the fat and delicate king of Amalek,
whom King Saul had saved.... And so, Madam, your Grace may see that
others than chief magistrates may lawfully punish, and have punished
the vice and crimes that God commands to be punished. In the present
case, I would earnestly pray your Majesty to take good advisement,
and that your Grace should let the <DW7>s understand that their
attempts will not be suffered to go unpunished. For, by Act of
Parliament, power is given to all judges to search for Mass-mongers,
or the hearers of the same, within their own bounds, and to punish
them according to the law. It shall therefore be profitable to your
Majesty to consider what is the thing your Grace's subjects look to
receive of your Majesty, and what it is that ye ought to do to them
by mutual contract. They are only bound to obey you in God. Ye are
bound to keep laws for them. Ye crave of them service; they crave
of you protection and defence against wicked doers. Now, Madam, if
ye shall deny your duty to those who especially crave that ye shall
punish malefactors, think ye to receive full obedience of them? I
fear, Madam, ye shall not."

Herewith the Queen, being somewhat offended, passed to her supper.
John Knox left her, informed the Earl of Moray of the whole
reasoning, and departed, of final purpose to return to Edinburgh,
without any further communication with the Queen.

But before sunrise, upon the morrow, two messengers were directed to
him, commanding him not to depart until he spake with the Queen's
Majesty. This he did, meeting her at the hawking be-west Kinross.
Whether it was the night's sleep or a deep dissimulation locked
in her breast that made her forget her former anger, wise men may
doubt; but concerning that she never moved word, and began divers
other purposes, such as the offering of a ring to her by the Lord
Ruthven.

_Queen._ I cannot love Lord Ruthven, for I know him to use
enchantment, and yet is he one of my Privy Council.

_Knox._ Whom blames your Grace for that?

_Queen._ Lethington was the whole cause.

_Knox._ That man is absent for the present, Madam; and, therefore, I
will say nothing on that subject.

_Queen._ I understand that ye are appointed to go to Dumfries,
for the election of a Superintendent to be established in these
countries.

_Knox._ Yes, those quarters have great need, and some of the
Gentlemen so require.

_Queen._ But I hear that the Bishop of Athens would be
Superintendent.

_Knox._ He is one, Madam, that is put in election.

_Queen._ If ye knew him as well as I do, ye would never promote him
to that office, nor yet to any other within your Kirk.

_Knox._ What he has been, Madam, I neither know, nor yet will
I inquire. In time of darkness, what could we do but grope and
go wrong even as darkness carried us? If he fear not God now, he
deceives many more than me. And yet, Madam, I am assured that God
will not suffer His Church to be so far deceived as that an unworthy
man shall be elected, where free election is, and the Spirit of God
is earnestly called upon to decide betwixt the two.

_Queen._ Well, do as ye will, but that man is a dangerous man.

Therein the Queen was not deceived; for he had corrupted most part
of the Gentlemen, not only to nominate him, but also to elect
him. This perceived, the said John, Commissioner, delayed the
election, and left Mr. Robert Pont (who was put in election with the
foresaid Bishop) with the Master of Maxwell, that his doctrine and
conversation might be the better tried by those that had not known
him before. So the Bishop was frustrated of his purpose, for that
time. Yet was he, at that time, the man that was most familiar with
the said John, in his house and at table. When the Queen had talked
long with John Knox, he being oft willing to take his leave, she
said, "I have to open unto you one of the greatest matters that have
touched me since I came to this realm, and I must have your help in
it." Then she began to make a long discourse concerning her sister,
the Lady Argyll, how that she was not so circumspect in all things
as she wished her to be.

_Queen._ Yet, my Lord, her husband, whom I love, treats her not in
many things so honestly and so godly, as I think ye yourself would
require.

_Knox._ Madam, I have been troubled with that matter before, and
once I put such an end to it, before your Grace's arrival, that
both she and her friends seemed fully to stand content. She herself
promised before her friends that she should never complain to
creature until I should first understand their controversy by her
own mouth or an assured messenger. I have heard nothing from her;
and, therefore, I think there is nothing but concord.

_Queen._ Well, it is worse than ye believe. Do this much for my
sake, as once again to put them at unity. If she behave not herself
as she ought to do, she shall find no favours of me. But let not my
Lord know in anywise what I have requested of you in this matter;
for I would be very sorry to offend him in that or any other thing.
And now, as touching our reasoning yesternight, I promise to do as
ye required. I shall cause all offenders to be summoned, and ye
shall know that I shall minister justice.

_Knox._ I am assured, then, that ye shall please God, and enjoy rest
and tranquillity within your realm; and that is more profitable to
your Majesty than all the Pope's power can be.

And thus they parted.

This conference we have inserted to let the world see how deeply
Mary, Queen of Scotland, can dissemble; and how she could cause
men to think that she bare no indignation for any controversy
in religion, while in her heart there was nothing but venom and
destruction, as did appear shortly after.

[Sidenote: John Knox writes to the Earl of Argyll.]

John Knox departed, and prepared himself for his journey to
Dumfries; and from Glasgow, according to the Queen's commandment, he
wrote to the Earl of Argyll.... This letter was not well accepted
by the said Earl; and yet he uttered no part of his displeasure in
public, but contrarily showed himself most familiar with the said
John. He kept the diet at which the bishop and the rest of the
<DW7>s were accused, and sat in judgment himself.

[Sidenote: The Massmongers are tried: 19th May 1563.]

The summonses were directed against the Massmongers with expedition,
and in the straitest form. The nineteenth day of May was appointed,
a day only before the Parliament. Of the Pope's knights there
compeared the Archbishop of St. Andrews, the Prior of Whithorn, the
Parson of Sanquhar, William Hamilton of Cammiskeyth, John Gordon of
Barskeocht, with divers others. The Protestants convened to crave
for justice. The Queen asked counsel of the Bishop of Ross, and of
the old Laird of Lethington (for the younger was absent, and so
the Protestants had the fewer unfriends), and they affirmed that
she must see her laws kept, or else she would get no obedience.
So preparation was made for their accusations. The Archbishop,
with his band of the exempted sort, made it nice[209] to enter
before the Earl of Argyll, who sat in judgment; but at last he
was compelled to enter within the bar. A merry man who now sleeps
in the Lord, Robert Norwell, instead of the Bishop's cross, bare
before him a steel hammer. The Archbishop and his band were not a
little offended at this, because the bishops' privileges were not
then current in Scotland, which day God grant our posterity may see
of longer continuance than we possessed it. The Archbishop and his
fellows, after much ado, and long drift of time, came within the
Queen's will, and were committed to ward, some to one place, some to
another. The Lady Erskine, a sweet morsel for the Devil's mouth, got
the bishops for her part.

  [209] Made scruple.

[Sidenote: Parliament of May 1563.]

All this was done in a most deep craft, to abuse the simplicity of
the Protestants, so that they should not press the Queen with any
other thing concerning matter of religion at that Parliament, which
began within two days thereafter. She obtained of the Protestants
whatsoever she desired; for thus reasoned many, "We see what the
Queen has done; the like of this was never heard of within the
realm: we will bear with the Queen; we doubt not but all shall be
well." Others were of a contrary judgment, and forespake things as
they afterwards came to pass. They said that nothing was meant but
deceit; and that the Queen, as soon as ever Parliament was past,
would set the <DW7>s at freedom. They therefore urged the Nobility
not to be abused. But because many had their private commodity to be
handled at that Parliament, the common cause was the less regarded.

[Sidenote: Queen Mary's Influence: "Vox Dianae."]

Such stinking pride of women as was seen at that Parliament was
never seen before in Scotland. Three sundry days the Queen rode to
the Tolbooth. On the first day she made a painted oration; and there
might have been heard among her flatterers, "_Vox Dianae!_ the voice
of a goddess, and not of a woman! God save that sweet face! Was
there ever orator that spake so properly and so sweetly!"

[Sidenote: Reformation is hindered by personal Interests.]

All things misliking the preachers, they spake boldly against the
targetting of their tails,[210] and against the rest of the vanity
of those foolish women. This they affirmed should provoke God's
vengeance, not only against them, but against the whole realm;
and especially against those that maintained them in that odious
abusing of things that might have been better bestowed. Articles
were presented, proposing to Parliament that order be taken in
regard to apparel, and for reformation of other enormities; but all
was scripped at. The Earldom of Moray needed confirmation, and many
things that concerned the help of friends and servants were to be
ratified, and therefore they might not urge the Queen. If they did
so, she would hold no Parliament; and what then should become of
them that had melled[211] with the slaughter of the Earl of Huntly?
Let that Parliament pass over, and when the Queen asked anything
of the Nobility, as she must do before her marriage, then should
the religion be the first thing that should be established. It was
answered that the poets and painters had not altogether erred when
they feigned and painted Occasion with a head bald behind: for when
the first chance is offered and lost, it is hard to recover it again.

  [210] Bordering of gowns with tassels.

  [211] Meddled.

[Sidenote: John Knox breaks with the Earl of Moray.]

The matter became so hot betwixt the Earl of Moray and some others
of the Court, and John Knox, that after that time they spake not
together familiarly for more than a year and a half. The said
John, by letter, gave a discharge to the said Earl of all further
intromission or care with his affairs. He made discourse of their
first acquaintance; in what estate he was when first they spake
together in London; how God had promoted him, even beyond man's
judgment; and in the end he made this conclusion: "But seeing that
I perceive myself frustrated of my expectation that ye should have
ever preferred God to your own affection, and the advancement of
His truth to your singular commodity, I commit you to your own wit,
and to the guidance of those who better can please you. I praise my
God, I this day leave you victor of your enemies, promoted to great
honours, and in credit and authority with your Sovereign. If ye long
continue so, none within the realm shall be more glad than I shall
be; but if after this day ye shall decay, as I fear that ye shall,
then call to mind by what means God exalted you; that was neither by
bearing with impiety, nor by maintaining pestilent <DW7>s."

This bill[212] and discharge so pleased the flatterers of the Earl,
that they triumphed, and were glad to have gotten their occasion;
for some envied the great familiarity that had been betwixt the
said Earl and John Knox. Therefore, from the time that they once
got that occasion to separate them, they ceased not to cast oil in
the burning flame, and this ceased not to burn, until God, by water
of affliction, began to slocken it. Lest they should seem to have
altogether forsaken God (in very deed both God and His Word were far
from the hearts of the most part of the courtiers in that age, a
few excepted), they began a new shift. They spoke of the punishment
of adultery, and of witchcraft, and to seek the restitution of the
glebes and manses to the ministers of the Kirk, and the reparation
of churches: thereby they thought to have pleased the godly that
were highly offended at their slackness.

  [212] Letter.

[Sidenote: Inept Legislation.]

The Act of Oblivion was passed, because some of the Lords had
interest; but the Acts against adultery, and for the manses and
glebes, were so modified, that no law and such law might stand _in
eodem predicamento_. To speak plainly, no law and such Acts were
both alike. The Acts are in print: let wise men read, and then
accuse us, if we complain without cause.

[Sidenote: John Knox preaches a faithful Sermon to the Lords.]

In the progress of this corruption, and before the Parliament
dissolved, John Knox, in his sermon before the most part of the
Nobility, entered on a deep discourse concerning God's mercies to
the realm, and the ingratitude which he espied in almost the whole
multitude, albeit God had marvellously delivered them from the
bondage and tyranny both of body and soul. "And now, my Lords,"
said he, "I praise my God, through Jesus Christ, that, in your own
presence, I may pour forth the sorrows of my heart; yea, yourselves
shall be witness if I shall make any lie in things that are by-past.
From the beginning of God's mighty working within this realm, I
have been with you in your most desperate temptations. Ask your own
consciences, and let them answer you before God, if I--not I, but
God's Spirit by me--in your greatest extremity did not urge you
ever to depend upon your God, and in His name promised you victory
and preservation from your enemies, if ye would only depend upon
His protection, and prefer His glory to your own lives and worldly
commodity.

"I have been with you in your most extreme dangers. Perth, Cupar
Moor, and the Crags of Edinburgh are yet recent in my heart. Yea,
that dark and dolorous night, wherein ye all, my Lords, with shame
and fear left this town, is yet in my mind; God forbid that I ever
forget it. Ye yourselves yet live to testify what was my exhortation
to you, and what is fallen in vain of all that ever God promised to
you by my mouth. Not one of you, against whom death and destruction
were threatened, perished in that danger. How many of your enemies
has God plagued before your eyes! Shall this be the thankfulness
that ye shall render unto your God, to betray His cause, when ye
have it in your own hands to establish it as ye please? The Queen,
say ye, will not agree with us. Ask of her that which by God's Word
ye may justly require, and if she will not agree with you in God,
ye are not bound to agree with her in the Devil. Let her plainly
understand your minds, and steal not from your former stoutness in
God, and He shall yet prosper you in your enterprises.

"But I can see nothing but a recoiling from Christ Jesus: the man
that first and most speedily fleeth from Christ's ensign holdeth
himself most happy. Yea, I hear that some say that we have nothing
of our religion established, by Law or by Parliament. Albeit the
malicious words of such can neither hurt the truth of God, nor yet
those of us that thereupon depend, the speaker, for his treason,
committed against God and against this poor commonwealth, deserves
the gallows. Our religion, being commanded and established by God,
has been accepted within this realm in public Parliament; if they
say that was no Parliament, we must and will say, and also prove,
that that Parliament was as lawful as ever any that passed before it
within this realm. Yea, if the King then living was King, and the
Queen now in this realm be lawful Queen, that Parliament cannot be
denied.

"And now, my Lords, to put an end to all, I hear of the Queen's
marriage. Dukes, brethren to emperors, and kings strive all for the
best game; but this will I say, my Lords--note the day and bear
witness afterwards--whensoever the Nobility of Scotland, professing
the Lord Jesus, consent that an infidel (and all <DW7>s are
infidels) shall be head to your Sovereign, so far as in ye lieth,
ye do banish Christ Jesus from this realm; ye bring God's vengeance
upon the country, a plague upon yourselves, and perchance small
comfort to your Sovereign."

[Sidenote: <DW7>s and Protestants take Offence: John Knox is
summoned by the Queen.]

These words and this manner of speaking were judged intolerable.
<DW7>s and Protestants were both offended; yea, the most familiar
friends of Knox disdained him for that utterance. Placeboes and
flatterers posted to the Court to give information that he had
spoken against the Queen's marriage, and the Provost of Lincluden,
Douglas of Drumlanrig by surname, brought the charge that the said
John Knox should present himself before the Queen. This he did soon
after dinner. The Lord Ochiltree, and divers of the faithful, bare
him company to the Abbey; but none passed in to the Queen with him
in the cabinet but John Erskine of Dun, then Superintendent of Angus
and Mearns. The Queen, in a vehement fume, began to cry out that
never prince was handled as she was.

_Queen._ I have borne with you in all your rigorous manner of
speaking, both against myself and against my uncles; yea, I have
sought your favours by all possible means. I offered unto you
presence and audience whensoever it pleased you to admonish me; and
yet I cannot be quit of you. I avow to God, I shall be once revenged.

At these words, scarcely could Marna, her secret chamber boy, get
napkins[213] to hold her eyes dry for the tears; and howling,
besides womanly weeping, stayed her speech. The said John did
patiently abide all the first fume, and at opportunity answered.

  [213] Pocket-handkerchiefs.

_Knox._ True it is, Madam, your Grace and I have been at divers
controversies, in which I never perceived your Grace to be offended
at me. But, when it shall please God to deliver you from that
bondage of darkness and error in which ye have been nourished for
the lack of true doctrine, your Majesty will find in the liberty of
my tongue nothing offensive. Outside the preaching place, Madam, I
think few have occasion to be offended at me; and there, Madam, I
am not master of myself, but must obey Him who commands me to speak
plain, and to flatter no flesh upon the face of the earth.

_Queen._ But what have ye to do with my marriage?

_Knox._ If it please your Majesty to hear me patiently, I shall
show the truth in plain words. I grant your Grace offered me more
than ever I required; but my answer was then, as it is now, that
God hath not sent me to wait upon the courts of princesses, or upon
the chambers of ladies. I am sent to preach the Evangel of Jesus
Christ to such as please to hear it. It hath two parts, repentance
and faith. And now, Madam, in preaching repentance, it is necessary
that the sins of men be so noted that they may know wherein they
offend; but the most part of your Nobility are so addicted to your
affections, that neither God, His Word, nor yet their commonwealth
are rightly regarded. Therefore it becomes me so to speak, that they
may know their duty.

_Queen._ What have ye to do with my marriage? Or what are ye within
this commonwealth?

_Knox._ A subject born within the same, Madam. And, albeit I
be neither Earl, Lord, nor Baron within it, God has made me a
profitable member within the same, however abject I be in your eyes.
Yea, Madam, it appertains to me to forewarn of such things as may
hurt that commonwealth, if I foresee them, no less than it does to
any of the Nobility. Both my vocation and conscience crave plainness
of me. Therefore, Madam, to yourself I say that which I speak in
public place. Whensoever the Nobility of this realm shall consent
that ye be subject to an unfaithful husband, they do as much as in
them lieth to renounce Christ, to banish His truth from them, to
betray the freedom of this realm, and perchance they shall in the
end do small comfort to yourself.

At these words, howling was heard, and tears might have been seen
in greater abundance than the matter required. John Erskine of Dun,
a man of meek and gentle spirit, stood beside, and entreated what
he could do to mitigate her anger, giving her many pleasing words
of her beauty, of her excellence, and saying that all the princes
of Europe would be glad to seek her favours. But all this was to
cast oil in the flaming fire. The said John stood still, without any
alteration of countenance for a long season, while the Queen gave
place to her inordinate passion.

In the end he said, "Madam, I speak in God's presence. I never
delighted in the weeping of any of God's creatures; yea, I can
scarcely well abide the tears of my own boys whom my own hand
corrects, much less can I rejoice in your Majesty's weeping. Seeing,
however, that I have offered you no just occasion to be offended,
but have spoken the truth as my vocation craves of me, I must
sustain your Majesty's tears, albeit unwillingly, rather than dare
hurt my conscience, or betray my commonwealth through my silence."

Herewith was the Queen more offended, and commanded the said John
to leave the cabinet, and to abide her pleasure in the chamber.
The Laird of Dun tarried, and Lord John of Coldingham came into
the cabinet, and there they both remained with her for nearly an
hour. The said John stood in the chamber, as one whom men had never
seen, so afraid were all, except that the Lord Ochiltree bare him
company. Therefore began he to forge talk with the ladies who were
sitting there in all their gorgeous apparel. This espied, he merrily
said, "O fair Ladies, how pleasing were this life of yours if it
should ever abide, and in the end we might pass to heaven with all
this gay gear. Fie upon that knave Death, who will come whether we
will or not! When he has laid on his arrest, the foul worms will be
busy with this flesh, be it never so fair and so tender; and the
silly soul shall, I fear, be so feeble that it can neither carry
with it gold, garnishing, targetting, pearl, nor precious stones."
By such means procured he the company of women; and so passed the
time until the Laird of Dun desired him to depart to his house. The
Queen would have sought the censement of the Lords of Articles as to
whether such manner of speaking as that of the said John deserved
not punishment; but she was counselled to desist: and so that storm
quieted in appearance, but never in the heart.

[Sidenote: Lethington's Return: His worldly Wisdom displayed.]

Shortly after the Parliament, Lethington returned from his
negotiation in England and France. In the February before, God had
stricken that bloody tyrant the Duke of Guise, and this somewhat
broke the fard[214] of our Queen for a season. But, shortly after
the return of Lethington, pride and malice began to show themselves
again. She set at liberty the Archbishop of St. Andrews, and the
rest of the <DW7>s, formerly put in prison for violating the laws.
Lethington showed himself not a little offended that any bruit
of the Queen's marriage with the son of the King of Spain should
have risen; for he took upon him that such a thing never entered
into her heart. How true that was, we shall afterwards hear. The
object of all his acquaintance and complaint was to discredit John
Knox, who had affirmed that such a marriage was both proponed and
accepted by the Cardinal upon the part of our Queen. In his absence,
Lethington had run into a very evil bruit among the Nobility for
too much serving the Queen's affections against the commonwealth;
and therefore, as one that lacketh no worldly wisdom, he had made
provision both in England and in Scotland. In England he had
travailed for the freedom of the Earl Bothwell, and by that means
obtained promise of his favour. He had there also made arrangements
for the home-coming of the Earl of Lennox. In Scotland, he joined
with the Earl of Atholl: him he promoted and set forward in Court,
and so the Earl of Moray began to be defaced. And yet Lethington at
all times showed a fair countenance to the said Earl.

  [214] Ardour; violence.

[Sidenote: The Queen retains Observance of the Mass.]

The Queen spent the rest of that summer in her progress throughout
the West country, where in all towns and gentlemen's places she
had her Mass. This coming to the ears of John Knox, he began that
form of prayer which ordinarily he sayeth after thanksgiving at his
table: "1. Deliver us, O Lord, from the bondage of idolatry. 2.
Preserve and keep us from the tyranny of strangers. 3. Continue us
in quietness and concord amongst ourselves, if Thy good pleasure
be, O Lord, for a season," etc. Divers of the familiars of the said
John asked him why he prayed for quietness to continue for a season,
and not rather absolutely that we should continue in quietness. His
answer was that he durst not pray but in faith; and faith in God's
Word assured him that constant quietness could not continue in that
realm where idolatry had been suppressed, and then been permitted to
be erected again.

From the West country, the Queen passed to Argyll to the hunting,
and afterwards returned to Stirling. The Earl of Moray, the Lord
Robert of Holyroodhouse, and Lord John of Coldingham, passed to the
Northland. Justice Courts were holden; thieves and murderers were
punished; two witches were burned, the elder so blinded with the
Devil that she affirmed that no judge had power over her.

[Sidenote: The Death of Lord John of Coldingham.]

At that same time, Lord John of Coldingham departed this life in
Inverness. It was affirmed that he commanded such as were beside
him to say to the Queen that, unless she left off her idolatry, God
would not fail to plague her. He asked God's mercy that he had so
far borne with her in her impiety, and had maintained her in the
same. No one thing did he more regret than that he had flattered,
fostered, and maintained her in her wickedness against God and
His servants. And in very deed he had great cause to lament his
wickedness; for, besides all his other infirmities, he, in the end,
for the Queen's pleasure, became enemy to virtue and virtuous men,
and a patron to impiety to the uttermost of his power. Yea, his
venom was so kindled against God and his Word, that in his rage he
burst forth with these words: "Before I see the Queen's Majesty so
troubled with the railing of these knaves, I shall have the best of
them sticked in the pulpit."

What further villainy came forth from the stinking throats and
mouths of both, modesty will not suffer us to write. If Lord John
had grace to repent unfeignedly thereof, it is no small document to
God's mercies. Howsoever God wrought with him, the Queen regarded
his words as wind, or else thought them to have been forged by
others, and not to have proceeded from himself. She affirmed plainly
that they were devised by the Laird of Pittarrow and Mr. John
Wood, both of whom she hated, because they did not flatter her in
her dancing and other doings. One thing in plain words she spake,
"God always took from her those persons in whom she had greatest
pleasure:" that she repented; but of further wickedness there was no
mention.

[Sidenote: Mass-mongers at Holyrood take Fright.]

While the Queen lay at Stirling, with her idolatry in her chapel,
certain dontibours and others of the French menyie were left in the
Palace of Holyroodhouse. These raised up their Mass more publicly
than they had done at any time before. Upon those same Sundays that
the Church of Edinburgh had the ministration of the Lord's Table,
the <DW7>s, in great numbers, resorted to the Abbey, to their
abomination. This understood, divers of the brethren, being sorely
offended, consulted as to redress of that enormity. Certain of the
most zealous and most upright in the religion, were appointed to
watch the Abbey, and note the persons who resorted to the Mass.
Perceiving a great number to enter the chapel, some of the brethren
did also burst in. Thereat the priest and the French dames, being
afraid, made the shout to be sent to the town; while Madame Raulet,
mistress of the Queen's dontibours (for maids that court could not
then bear) posted on with all diligence to the Comptroller, the
Laird of Pittarrow, who was then in St. Giles's Kirk at the sermon,
and cried for his assistance, to save her life and to save the
Queen's Palace. He, with greater haste than need required, obeyed
her desire, and took with him the Provost, the Bailies, and a great
part of the faithful. But when they came to the place where the fear
was bruited to have been, they found all things quiet, except the
tumult they brought with themselves, and peaceable men looking to
the <DW7>s, and forbidding them to transgress the laws.

[Sidenote: The <DW7>s devise Mischief.]

True it is that a zealous brother, named Patrick Cranston, passed
into the chapel, and finding the altar covered, and the priest ready
to go to that abomination, the Mass, said, "The Queen's Majesty
is not here; how darest thou then be so malapert, as openly to do
against the law?" No further was done or said, and yet the bruit
was posted to the Queen, with such information as the <DW7>s could
give; and this found as much credit as their hearts could have
wished for. Here was so heinous a crime in her eyes, that there was
no satisfaction for that sin, without blood. Without delay, Andrew
Armstrong and Patrick Cranston were summoned to find surety to
underlie the law, for "forethought, felony, hamesucken,[215] violent
invasion of the Queens Palace, and for spoliation of the same."

  [215] The crime of beating or assaulting a person within his own
  house.

When those summonses were divulged, the extremity was feared, and
the few brethren that were in town consulted as to the next remedy.
In the end, it was concluded that John Knox (to whom the charge had
been given to spread intelligence whenever danger should appear)
should write to the brethren in all quarters, giving information as
to how the matter stood, and requiring their assistance. This he did
in tenor as here follows--

[Sidenote: John Knox's Letter to the Brethren: 8th October 1563.]

"'Wheresoever two or three are gathered together in My name, there
am I in the midst of them.'

"It is not unknown unto you, dear brethren, what comfort and
tranquillity God gave to us, in most dangerous times, by our
Christian assemblies, and godly conferences, as oft as any danger
appeared to any member or members of our body: and that, since we
have neglected, or at least not frequented our conventions and
assemblies, the adversaries of the holy Evangel of Christ Jesus
have enterprised, and boldened themselves, publicly and secretly,
to do many things odious in God's presence, and most hurtful to
the liberty of true religion, now granted unto us by God's great
favour. The holy Sacraments are abused by profane <DW7>s. Masses
have been, and yet are, openly said and maintained. The blood
of some of our dearest ministers has been shed, without fear of
punishment or correction being craved by us.

"And now, are two of our dear brethren, Patrick Cranston and Andrew
Armstrong, summoned to underlie the law, in the town of Edinburgh,
the 24th of this instant October, 'for forethought, felony,
pretended murder, and for invading the Queen's Majesty's Palace
of Holyroodhouse, with unlawful convocation,' etc. This terrible
summons is directed against our brethren, because they, with two or
three more, passed to the Abbey upon Sunday, the 15th of August,
to behold and note what persons repaired to the Mass. They did
so, because on the Sunday before (the Queen's Grace being absent)
there resorted to that idol a rascal multitude, the <DW7>s having
openly the least devilish ceremony,[216] yea, even the conjuring of
their accursed water, that ever they had in the time of greatest
blindness. Because, I say, our said brethren went, in most quiet
manner, to note such abusers, these fearful summonses are directed
against them; no doubt, to make preparation upon a few, that a door
may be opened to execute cruelty upon a greater multitude. If it
so come to pass, God, no doubt, has justly recompensed our former
negligence and ingratitude towards Him and His benefits received in
our own bosoms.

  [216] The papistical ceremony, down to its minutest details (?).

"God gave to us a most notable victory over His and our enemies: He
brake their strength, and confounded their counsels: He set us at
freedom, and purged this realm, for the most part, of open idolatry;
to the end that we, ever mindful of so wondrous a deliverance,
should have kept this realm clean from such vile filthiness, and
damnable idolatry. But we, alas! preferring the pleasure of flesh
and blood to the pleasure and commandment of our God, have suffered
that idol, the Mass, to be erected again; and therefore justly
does He now suffer us to fall into such danger that to look at an
idolater going to his idolatry shall be reputed a crime little
inferior to treason. God grant that we fall not further.

"God has, of His mercy, made me one amongst many to travail in
setting forward His true religion within this realm, and I, seeing
the same in danger of ruin, cannot but of conscience crave of you,
my brethren, of all Estates, that have professed the truth, your
presence, comfort, and assistance, on the said day, in the town of
Edinburgh, even as ye tender the advancement of God's glory, the
safety of your brethren, and your own assurance, together with the
preservation of the Kirk in these apparent dangers.

"It may be, perchance, that persuasion will be made to the
contrary, and that ye may be informed either that your assembly
is not necessary, or else that it will offend the upper powers.
But my good hope is that neither flattery nor fear shall make you
so far to decline from Christ Jesus as that, against your public
promise and solemn bond, ye will desert your brethren in so just a
cause. Albeit there were no great danger, our assembly cannot be
unprofitable; many things require consultation, and this cannot be
had, unless the wisest and godliest convene. Thus, doubting nothing
of the assistance of our God if we uniformly seek His glory, I cease
further to trouble you, committing you heartily to the protection of
the Eternal."

[Sidenote: John Knox is betrayed.]

The brethren, advertised by this bill, prepared themselves (as many
as were thought expedient for every town and province) to keep
the day appointed. But by the means of false brethren, the letter
came to the hands of the Queen, in this manner. It was read in
the town of Ayr, where was present Robert Cunningham, minister of
Failford, who then was reputed an earnest professor of the Evangel.
He, by means we know not, got the said letter, and sent it with
his token to Master Henry Sinclair, then President of the Seat and
College of Justice, and styled Bishop of Ross, a perfect hypocrite,
and a conjured enemy of Christ Jesus, whom God afterwards struck
according to his deservings. The said Mr. Henry was enemy to all
that unfeignedly professed the Lord Jesus, but chiefly to John Knox,
for the liberty of his tongue; for he had affirmed, as ever still he
doth affirm, that a bishop that receives profit, and feeds not the
flock by his own labours, is both a thief and a murderer. The said
Mr. Henry, thinking himself happy to have found so good occasion to
trouble John Knox, whose life he hated, posted the said letter, with
his counsel, to the Queen, who then lay in Stirling.

[Sidenote: John Knox is accused of High Treason.]

The letter being read, it was concluded by the Council of the
Cabinet, that is, by the most secret Council, that it imported
treason; and the Queen was not a little rejoiced, for she thought to
be revenged for once on her great enemy. It was also concluded that
the Nobility should be written for, that the condemnation should
have the greater authority. The day appointed was about the midst
of December; and this was kept by the whole Council, and by divers
others, such as the Master of Maxwell, the old Laird of Lethington,
and the said President. In the meantime, the Earl of Moray returned
from the north, and to him the Secretary Lethington opened the
matter as best pleased him.

The Master of Maxwell gave the said John as it had been a discharge
of the familiarity which before was great between them, unless he
would agree to satisfy the Queen at her own sight.[217]

  [217] That is, as she should dictate.

_Knox._ I know no offence done by me to the Queen's Majesty, and
therefore I wot not what satisfaction to make.

_Maxwell._ No offence! Have ye not written letters desiring the
brethren to convene from all parts to Andrew Armstrong and Patrick
Cranston's day?

_Knox._ That I grant, but therein I acknowledge no offence done by
me.

_Maxwell._ No offence, to convocate the Queen's lieges?

_Knox._ Not for so just a cause: greater things were reputed no
offence within these two years past.

_Maxwell._ The time is now other: then our Sovereign was absent, and
now she is present.

_Knox._ It is neither the absence nor the presence of the Queen that
rules my conscience, but God speaking plainly in His Word. What was
lawful to me last year is yet lawful, because my God is unchangeable.

_Maxwell._ Well, I have given you my counsel, do as ye list; but I
think ye shall repent it, if ye bow not to the Queen.

_Knox._ I understand not, Master, what ye mean. I never made myself
an adversary to the Queen's Majesty, except in the head of religion,
and therein I think ye will not desire me to bow.

_Maxwell._ Well, ye are wise enough; but ye will find that men will
not bear with you in times to come, as they have done in times
by-past.

_Knox._ If God stand my friend, as I am assured He of His mercy
will, so long as I depend upon His promise, and prefer His glory
to my life and worldly profit, I little regard how men behave
themselves towards me; nor yet know I wherein men have borne with me
in times past, unless it be that from my mouth they have heard the
Word of God. If, in times to come, they refuse it, my heart will be
pierced and for a season will lament; but the incommodity will be
their own.

After these words, of which the Laird of Lochinvar was witness, they
parted. To this day, the 17th of December, 1571, they have not met
in such familiarity as they had formerly.

[Sidenote: The Lord Advocate gives his Opinion.]

The bruit of the accusation of John Knox being divulged, Mr. John
Spens of Condie, Lord Advocate, a man of gentle nature, and one that
professed the doctrine of the Evangel, came, as it were in secret,
to John Knox, to inquire the cause of that great bruit. The said
John was plain to him in all things, and showed him the double[218]
of the letter. When he had heard and considered this, he said, "I
thank my God. I came to you with a fearful and sorrowful heart,
fearing that ye had done such a crime as laws might have punished.
That would have been no small trouble to the hearts of all who have
received the word of life which ye have preached. I depart greatly
rejoiced, as well because I perceive your own comfort, even in the
midst of your troubles, as that I clearly understand that ye have
committed no such crime as ye are burdened with. Ye will be accused,
but God will assist you." And so he departed.

  [218] Duplicate.

[Sidenote: The Earl of Moray and Secretary Lethington reason with
John Knox.]

The Earl of Moray and the Secretary sent for the said John Knox to
the Clerk of Register's house, and began to lament that he had so
highly offended the Queen's Majesty. That, they feared, would come
to a great inconvenience to himself, if he were not wisely foreseen.
They showed what pains and travail they had taken to mitigate her
anger, but they could find nothing but extremity, unless he himself
would confess his offence, and put himself in her Grace's will.

_Knox._ I praise my God, through Jesus Christ, that I have learned
not to cry conjuration and treason at everything that the godless
multitude does condemn, or yet to fear the things that they fear.
I have the testimony of a good conscience that I have given no
occasion to the Queen's Majesty to be offended with me; for I have
done nothing but my duty. So, whatsoever shall ensue, my good hope
is that my God will give me patience to bear it. But far be it from
me to confess an offence where my conscience witnesseth there is
none.

_Lethington._ How can it be defended? Have ye not made convocation
of the Queen's lieges?

_Knox._ If I have not a just defence for my act, let me smart for it.

_Moray._ Let us hear your defences; we would be glad that ye might
be found innocent.

_Knox._ Nay, I am informed by divers, and even by you, my Lord
Secretary, that I am already condemned, and my cause prejudged.
Therefore I might be reputed a fool, if I would make you privy to my
defences.

At those words they seemed both offended; and the Secretary
departed. But the Earl of Moray remained still, and would have
entered into further discourse with the said John concerning the
state of the Court. But he answered, "My Lord, I understand more
than I would of the affairs of the Court; and therefore it is not
needful that your Lordship trouble with the recounting of it. If you
stand in good case, I am content; and if you do not, as I fear ye do
not already, or else ye shall not do before long, blame not me. Ye
have the counsellors whom ye have chosen; my weak judgment both ye
and they despised. I can do nothing but behold the end, which I pray
God may be other than my troubled heart feareth."

[Sidenote: John Knox is brought before the Queen and Privy Council.]

Within four days, the said John was called before the Queen and
Council betwixt six and seven o'clock at night. The season of the
year was the midst of December. The bruit rising in the town that
John Knox was sent for by the Queen, the brethren of the Kirk
followed in such number that the inner close was full, and all the
stairs, even to the chamber door where the Queen and Council sat.
These had been reasoning amongst themselves before, but had not
fully satisfied the Secretary's mind. And so the Queen had retired
to her cabinet, and the Lords were talking each one with other, as
occasion served. Upon the entrance of John Knox, they were commanded
to take their places, and did so, sitting as Councillors, one
opposite another.

The Duke of Chatelherault, according to his dignity, began the one
side. Upon the other side sat the Earl of Argyll, and in order
of precedence followed the Earl of Moray, the Earl of Glencairn,
the Earl Marischall, the Lord Ruthven, then the common officers,
Pittarrow, then Comptroller, the Justice Clerk, and Mr. John Spens
of Condie, Lord Advocate; divers others stood by. Removed from
the table sat old Lethington, father to the Secretary, Mr. Henry
Sinclair, then Bishop of Ross, and Mr. James M'Gill, Clerk Register.

[Sidenote: The Trial of John Knox for High Treason.]

Things thus put in order, the Queen came forth, and, with no
little worldly pomp, was placed in the chair, having two faithful
supporters, the Master of Maxwell upon the one tor[219] and
Secretary Lethington on the other tor of the chair. There they
waited diligently all the time of that accusation, sometimes the
one occupying her ear, sometimes the other. Her pomp lacked one
principal point, to wit, womanly gravity; for when she saw John
Knox standing at the other end of the table bare-headed, she first
smiled, and after gave a gawf of laughter. When her placeboes gave
their plaudits, affirming, with like countenance, "This is a good
beginning," she said: "But wot ye whereat I laugh? Yon man gared me
greet,[220] and grat never tear himself: I will see if I can gar him
greet." At that word the Secretary whispered her in the ear, and she
him again, and with that gave him a letter. After inspecting this,
he directed his visage and speech to John Knox.

  [219] Arm.

  [220] Weep.

_Lethington._ The Queen's Majesty is informed that ye have travailed
to raise a tumult of her subjects against her, and for certification
thereof, there is presented to her your own letter subscribed in
your name. Yet, because her Grace will do nothing without a good
advisement, she has convened you before this part of the Nobility,
that they may witness betwixt you and her.

_Queen._ Let him acknowledge his own handwriting, and then shall we
judge of the contents of the letter.

So the letter was presented from hand to hand to John Knox, who
examined it.

_Knox._ I gladly acknowledge this to be my handwriting; and also I
remember that I indited a letter to the brethren in sundry quarters,
in the month of October, giving signification of such things as
displeased me. So good opinion have I of the fidelity of the scribes
that they would not willingly adulterate my original, albeit I left
divers subscribed blanks with them, I acknowledge both handwriting
and ditement.[221]

  [221] What is written.

_Lethington._ Ye have done more than I would have done.

_Knox._ Charity is not suspicious.

_Queen._ Well, well, read your own letter, and then answer to such
things as shall be demanded of you.

_Knox._ I shall do the best I can.

With loud voice he began to read the letter already quoted. After it
was read to the end, it was presented again to Mr. John Spens; for
the Queen commanded him to accuse, as he afterwards did, but very
gently.

_Queen._ Heard ye ever, my Lords, a more despiteful and treasonable
letter?

No man gave answer, and Lethington addressed himself to John Knox.

_Lethington._ Master Knox, are ye not sorry from your heart, and do
you not repent that such a letter has passed your pen, and from you
is come to the knowledge of others.

_Knox._ My Lord Secretary, before I repent I must be taught of my
offence.

_Lethington._ Offence! If there were no more than the convocation of
the Queen's lieges, the offence could not be denied.

_Knox._ Remember yourself, my Lord. There is a difference betwixt
a lawful convocation, and an unlawful. If I have been guilty in
this, I have often offended since I came last to Scotland: for what
convocation of the brethren has ever been to this day in which my
pen served not? Before this, no man laid it to my charge as a crime.

_Lethington._ Then was then, and now is now. We have no need of such
convocations as sometimes we have had.

_Knox._ The time that has been is even now before my eyes; for I
see the poor flock in no less danger than it has been at any time
before, except that the Devil has gotten a visor upon his face.
Before, he came in with his own face, discovered by open tyranny,
seeking the destruction of all that refused idolatry: and then, I
think ye will confess, the brethren lawfully assembled themselves
for defence of their lives. Now the Devil comes under the cloak of
justice, to do that which God would not suffer him to do by strength.

_Queen._ What is this? Methinks ye trifle with him. Who gave him
authority to make convocation of my lieges? Is not that treason?

_Lord Ruthven._ No, Madam, for he makes convocation of the people
to hear prayer and sermon almost daily; and, whatever your Grace or
others think thereof, we think it no treason.

_Queen._ Hold your peace, and let him make answer for himself.

_Knox._ Madam, I began to reason with the Secretary, whom I take
to be a far better dialectician than your Grace is, that all
convocations are not unlawful. And now my Lord Ruthven has given the
instance. If your Grace will deny this, I shall address myself to
the proof.

_Queen._ I will say nothing against your religion, nor against your
convening to your sermons. But what authority have ye to convocate
my subjects when ye will, without my commandment?

_Knox._ I have no pleasure to decline from the former purpose. And
yet, Madam, to satisfy your Grace's two questions, I answer that at
my will I never convened four persons in Scotland; but, upon the
instructions of the brethren, I have given divers notifications, and
great multitudes have assembled. If your Grace complain that this
was done without your Grace's commandment, I answer--So has all that
God has blessed within this realm from the beginning of this action.
Therefore, Madam, I must be convicted by a just law that I have done
against the duty of God's messenger in writing this letter, before
either I be sorry, or yet repent for the doing of it, as my Lord
Secretary would persuade me. What I have done, I have done at the
commandment of the general Kirk of this realm; and, therefore, I
think I have done no wrong.

_Queen._ Ye shall not escape so. Is it not treason, my Lords, to
accuse a prince of cruelty? I think there be Acts of Parliament
against such whisperers.

That was granted by many.

_Knox._ But wherein can I be accused?

_Queen._ Read this part of your own bill, which began, "These
fearful summonses are directed against them, to wit the brethren
foresaid, to make, no doubt, preparation upon a few, that a door may
be opened to execute cruelty upon a greater multitude." Lo, what say
ye to that?

Many doubted what the said John should answer.

_Knox._ Is it lawful for me, Madam, to answer for myself? Or shall I
be condemned before I be heard?

_Queen._ Say what ye can, for I think ye have enough ado.

_Knox._ I will first, then, desire this of your Grace, Madam, and
of this most honourable audience, whether your Grace knows not that
the obstinate <DW7>s are deadly enemies to all such as profess
the Evangel of Jesus Christ, and that they most earnestly desire
the extermination of them, and of the true doctrine that is taught
within this realm?

The Queen held her peace; but all the Lords, with common voice,
said, "God forbid that either the lives of the faithful, or yet
the staying of teaching and preaching, stood in the power of the
<DW7>s: just experience has told us what cruelty lies in their
hearts."

_Knox._ I must proceed, then, seeing that I perceive that all will
grant that it was a barbarous cruelty to destroy such a multitude as
profess the Evangel of Jesus Christ within this realm. This, oftener
than once or twice, has been attempted by force, as things done
of late days do testify. Disappointed by God and His providence,
the <DW7>s have invented more crafty and dangerous practices, to
wit, to make the prince party, under colour of law: what they could
not do by open force, they hope to perform by crafty deceit. For
who thinks, my Lords, that the insatiable cruelty of the <DW7>s
within this realm shall end in the murdering of these two brethren
now unjustly summoned, and more unjustly to be accused? I think
no man of judgment can so esteem, but rather the direct contrary;
that is, by this few number they intend to prepare a way to bloody
enterprises against the whole. Therefore, Madam, cast up when ye
list the Acts of your Parliament. I have offended nothing against
them. In my letter, I accuse neither your Grace nor your nature of
cruelty. But I affirm yet again that the pestilent <DW7>s, who have
inflamed your Grace without cause against those poor men at this
present, are the sons of the Devil; and therefore must obey the
desires of their father, who has been a liar and a murderer from the
beginning.

_A Councillor._ Ye forget yourself, ye are not now in the pulpit.

_Knox._ I am in the place where I am demanded of conscience to
speak the truth; and therefore I speak. The truth I speak, impugn
it whoso list. And hereunto I add, Madam, that honest, gentle, and
meek natures by appearance, may, by wicked and corrupt counsellors,
be converted and altered to the direct contrary. We have example
in Nero, who, in the beginning of his empire, had some natural
shame; but, after his flatterers had encouraged him in all impiety,
alleging that nothing was either unhonest nor yet unlawful for the
personage of him who was emperor above others--when he had drunken
of this cup, I say, to what enormities he fell: the histories bear
witness. And now, Madam, to speak plainly, <DW7>s and conjured
enemies to Jesus Christ have your Grace's ear patent at all times.
I assure your Grace they are dangerous counsellors, and that your
mother found.

As this was said, Lethington smiled, and spake secretly to the Queen
in her ear; what it was, the table heard not. But immediately she
addressed her visage, and spake to John Knox.

_Queen._ Well, ye speak fair enough here before my Lords; but the
last time I spake with you secretly, ye caused me greet many salt
tears, and said to me stubbornly that ye set not by my greeting.

_Knox._ Madam, because now, the second time, your Grace has burdened
me with that crime, I must answer, lest for my silence I be holden
guilty. If your Grace be ripely remembered, the Laird of Dun, yet
living to testify the truth, was present at the time whereof your
Grace complains. Your Grace accused me of having irreverently
handled you in the pulpit; that I denied. Ye said, What ado had I
to speak of your marriage? What was I, that I should mell with such
matters? I answered that, as touching nature, I was a worm of this
earth, and yet a subject of this commonwealth; but as touching the
office wherein it had pleased God to place me, I was a watchman,
both over the realm and over the Kirk of God gathered within the
same. For that reason, I was bound in conscience to blow the
trumpet publicly, oft as ever I saw any upfall,[222] any appearing
danger, either to the one or to the other. A certain bruit affirmed
that traffic of marriage was betwixt your Grace and the Spanish
ally; and as to that I said that if your Nobility and Estates did
agree--unless both ye and your husband should be so straitly bound
that neither of you might hurt this commonwealth, nor yet the poor
Kirk of God within the same--in that case I would pronounce that
the consenters were troublers of this commonwealth, and enemies to
God, and to His promise[223] planted within it. At these words, I
grant, your Grace stormed, and burst forth into an unreasonable
weeping. What mitigation the Laird of Dun would have made, I suppose
your Grace has not forgotten. While nothing was able to stay your
weeping, I was compelled to say, "I take God to record that I never
took pleasure to see any creature weep, yea, not my children when my
own hands had beaten them, much less can I rejoice to see your Grace
make such regret. But, seeing that I have offered your Grace no such
occasion, I must rather suffer your Grace to take your own pleasure,
before I dare conceal the truth, and so betray both the Kirk of God
and my commonwealth." These were the most extreme words that I spoke
that day.

  [222] Incident; matter cast up.

  [223] Evangel.

After the Secretary had conferred with the Queen, he said, "Mr.
Knox, ye may return to your house for this night."

"I thank God and the Queen's Majesty," said the other. "And, Madam,
I pray God to purge your heart from Papistry, and to preserve you
from the counsel of flatterers; for, however pleasant they appear to
your ear and corrupt affections for the time, experience has told us
into what perplexity they have brought famous princes."

Lethington and the Master of Maxwell were that night the two
stoops[224] of her chair.

  [224] Supports.

[Sidenote: The Verdict of the Privy Council.]

John Knox being departed, it was demanded of the Lords and others
that were present, every man by his vote, whether John Knox had
not offended the Queen's Majesty. The Lords voted uniformly that
they could find no offence. The Queen had retired to her cabinet.
The flatterers of the Court, and Lethington principally, raged.
The Queen was brought again, and placed in her chair, and they
were commanded to vote over again. This highly offended the whole
Nobility, who began to speak in open audience. "What! shall the
Laird of Lethington have power to control us: or shall the presence
of a woman cause us to offend God, and to condemn an innocent
against our conscience, for pleasure of any creature?" And so
the whole Nobility absolved John Knox again, and praised God for
his modesty, and for his plain and sensible answers. Yea, before
the end, it is to be noted that, among so many placeboes, we mean
the flatterers of the Court, there was not one that plainly durst
condemn the poor man that was accused, this same God ruling their
tongue, as once He ruled the tongue of Balaam, when he would gladly
have cursed God's people.

[Sidenote: The Displeasure of the Queen.]

When this was perceived, the Queen began to upbraid Mr. Henry
Sinclair, then Bishop of Ross, and said, hearing his vote to agree
with the rest, "Trouble not the bairn: I pray you trouble him not;
for he is newly wakened out of his sleep. Why should not the old
fool follow the footsteps of them that have passed before him." The
bishop answered coldly, "Your Grace may consider that it is neither
affection to the man, nor yet love to his profession, that moves me
to absolve him; but the simple truth, which plainly appears in his
defence, draws me after it, albeit others would have condemned him."
This said, the Lords and whole assisters arose and departed. That
night was neither dancing nor fiddling in the Court; for Madam was
disappointed of her purpose, which was to have had John Knox at her
disposal by vote of her Nobility.

John Knox, absolved by the votes of the greatest part of the
Nobility from the crime intended against him, even in the presence
of the Queen, she raged, and the placeboes of the Court stormed.
And so began new assaults to be made upon the said John, to confess
an offence, and to put himself in the Queen's will, they promising
that his greatest punishment should be to go within the Castle of
Edinburgh, and immediately return to his own home. He answered, "God
forbid that my confession should condemn those noble men who for
their conscience' sake, and with the displeasure of the Queen, have
absolved me. And, further, I am assured that ye will not in earnest
desire me to confess an offence, unless ye would desire me to cease
from preaching: for how can I exhort others to peace and Christian
quietness, if I confess myself an author and mover of sedition?"

[Sidenote: The General Assembly: December 1563.]

At the General Assembly of the Kirk, the just petitions of the
ministers and commissioners of kirks were despised at the first,
with these words, "As ministers will not follow our counsels, so
will we suffer ministers to labour for themselves, and see what
speed they come." And when the whole Assembly said, "If the Queen
will not provide for our ministers, we must; for both Third and
Two-part are rigorously taken from us, and from our tenants." "If
others," said one, "will follow my counsel, the gaird[225] and the
<DW7>s shall complain as long as our ministers have done." At
these words the former sharpness was ,[226] and the speaker
alleged that he did not refer to all ministers, but to some to whom
the Queen was no debtor; for what Third received she of burghs?
Christopher Goodman answered, "My Lord Secretary, if ye can show me
what just title either the Queen has to the Third, or the <DW7>s to
the Two-part, then I think I should solve whether she were debtor to
ministers within burghs or not." But thereto he received this check
for answer, "_Ne sit peregrinus curiosus in aliena Republica_;" that
is, "Let not a stranger be curious in a strange commonwealth." The
man of God answered, "Albeit I be a stranger in your polity, I am
not so in the Kirk of God; and its care does no less appertain to me
in Scotland than if I were in the midst of England."

  [225] Guard; civil establishment.

  [226] Modified; dissembled.

[Sidenote: John Knox demands the Judgment of his Brethren.]

Many wondered at the silence of John Knox; for in all those quick
reasonings he opened not his mouth. The cause thereof he himself
expressed in those words: "I have travailed, right honourable and
beloved Brethren, since my last arrival within this realm, in an
upright conscience before my God, seeking nothing more, as He is my
witness, than the advancement of His glory, and the stability of His
Kirk within this realm; and yet of late days I have been accused as
a seditious man, and as one that usurps to myself power that becomes
me not. True it is that I have given notification to the Brethren in
divers quarters concerning the extremity intended against certain
faithful men for looking at a priest going to Mass, and for
observing those that transgressed just laws; but that therein I have
usurped further power than is given to me, until I be condemned by
you, I utterly deny.

"I say that by you, that is, by the charge of the General Assembly,
I have as just power to advertise the Brethren from time to time
of dangers appearing, as I have authority to preach the Word of
God in the pulpit of Edinburgh; for by you I was appointed to the
one and to the other; and, therefore, in the name of God, I crave
your judgments. The danger that appeared to me in my accusation
was not so fearful as were the words that came to my ears dolorous
to my heart; for these words were plainly spoken, and that by some
Protestants, 'What can the Pope do more than send forth his letters,
and require them to be obeyed.' Let me have your judgments whether
I have usurped any power to myself, or if I have but obeyed your
commandment."

The flatterers of the Court, amongst whom Sir John Bellenden,
Justice Clerk, was then not the least, began to storm, and said,
"Shall we be compelled to justify the rash doings of men?" "My
Lord," said John Knox, "ye shall speak your pleasure for the
present: of you I crave nothing; but if the Kirk that is here
present do not either absolve me, or else condemn me, never shall
I in public or in private, as a public minister, open my mouth in
doctrine or in reasoning."

[Sidenote: Acquittal of John Knox by the General Assembly.]

The said John being removed, the whole Kirk found, after long
contention, that a charge was given to him to warn the brethren in
all quarters as oft as ever danger appeared; and therefore avowed
that act not to be his only, but to be the act of all. Thereat
were the Queen's clawbacks[227] more enraged than ever they were
before; for some of them had promised to the Queen to get the said
John convicted, both by the Council and by the Kirk; and, being
frustrated of both, she and they thought themselves not a little
disappointed....

  [227] Sycophants.

[Sidenote: Signs of God's Displeasure.]

God from heaven, and upon the face of the earth, gave declaration
that He was offended at the iniquity that was committed even within
this realm; for upon the 20th day of January there fell wet in
great abundance, which in falling froze so vehemently, that the
earth was but one sheet of ice. The fowls,[228] both great and
small, froze, and might not fly: many died, and some were taken and
laid beside the fire, that their feathers might resolve. In that
same month the sea stood still, as was clearly observed, and neither
ebbed nor flowed for the space of twenty-four hours. In the month
of February, the 15th and 18th days thereof, there were seen in the
firmament battles arrayed, spears and other weapons, and as it had
been the joining of two armies. These things were not only observed,
but also spoken of and constantly affirmed by men of judgment and
credit.

  [228] Birds.

[Sidenote: Lavish Entertainments at Court.]

But the Queen and our Court made merry. There was banqueting upon
banqueting. The Queen banqueted all the Lords; and that was done
upon policy, to remove the suspicion of her displeasure against
them, because they would not, at her devotion, condemn John Knox.
To remove, we say, that jealousy, she made the banquet to the
whole Lords, and thereat she would have the Duke of Chatelherault
amongst the rest. It behoved them to banquet her again; and so did
banqueting continue till Fastern's-e'en[229] and after. But the poor
ministers were mocked, and reputed as monsters; the guard, and the
affairs of the kitchen were so griping,[230] that the ministers'
stipends could not be paid.

  [229] Shrove Tuesday; the day before Lent.

  [230] Extortionate.

[Sidenote: The Queen's broken Promises.]

And yet at the Assembly preceding, solemn promise of redress had
been made in the Queen's name, by the mouth of Secretary Lethington,
in audience of many of the nobility and of the whole Assembly. He
had affirmed that he had commandment of her Highness to promise
them full contentation[231] of things bygone to all the ministers
within the realm; and that, such order would be kept in all times to
come, the whole body of the Protestants would have occasion to stand
content. The Earl of Moray affirmed the same, and many other fair
promises had been given in writing by Lethington himself, as may be
seen from the register of the Acts done in the General Assembly.
But the world can witness how far that, or any other promise by her,
or in her name, to the Kirk of God, was observed.

  [231] Satisfaction.

[Sidenote: Secretary Lethington defies the Servants of God.]

The ministers perceiving all things tend to ruin, discharged their
conscience in public and private; but they received for their
labours hatred and indignation. Amongst others, that worthy servant
of God, Mr. John Craig, speaking against the manifest corruption
that then declared itself without shame or fear, said, "At one time,
hypocrites were known by their disguised habits, and we had men as
monks, and women as nuns; but now, all things are so changed that
we cannot discern the earl from the abbot, or the nun from such as
would be held noblewomen; so that we have got a new order of monks
and nuns. But, seeing that ye are not ashamed of that unjust profit,
would God that therewith ye had the cowl of the nun, the veil, yea,
and the tail joined with all, that so ye might appear in your own
colours." Their liberty did so provoke the choler of Lethington,
that, in open audience, he gave himself to the Devil, if ever after
that day he should regard what became of ministers. He should do
what he could that his companions should have a skair[232] with him;
"and let them bark and blow," said he, "as loud as they list." That
was the second time that he had given his defiance to the servants
of God.

  [232] Share (?).

[Sidenote: The Courtiers and the Kirk.]

Hereupon rose whispering and complaints by the flatterers of the
Court. Men were not charitably handled, said they: "Might not sins
be reproved in general, albeit men were not so specially taxed,
that all the world might know of whom the preacher spake?" To
this the answer was made, "Let men be ashamed to offend publicly,
and the ministers shall abstain from specialities; but so long as
Protestants are not ashamed manifestly to act against the Evangel
of Jesus Christ, so long cannot the ministers of God cease to cry
that God will be revenged upon such abusers of His holy Word." Thus
had the servants of God a double battle; fighting upon the one side
against the idolatry and the rest of the abominations maintained
by the Queen; and upon the other part, against the unthankfulness
of such as sometime would have been esteemed the chief pillars of
the Kirk within the realm. The threatenings of the preachers were
fearful; but the Court thought itself in such security that it could
not miscarry.

The Queen, after the banqueting, kept a diet by direction of
Monsieur la Usurie, Frenchman, who had been acquainted with her
malady before, being her physician. And thereafter, for the second
time, she made her progresses to the North, and commanded the Earl
of Caithness to ward in the castle of Edinburgh, for a murder
committed by his servants upon the Earl Marischall's men. He obeyed,
but he was speedily relieved; for bloodthirsty men and <DW7>s, such
as he is, are best subjects to the Queen. "Thy kingdom come, O Lord;
for in this realm there is nothing (amongst such as should punish
vice and maintain virtue) but abomination abounding without bridle."

[Sidenote: The Courtiers rouse John Knox: he preaches concerning
Idolatry.]

The flatterers of the Court did daily enrage against the poor
preachers: happiest was he that could invent the most bitter taunts
and disdainful mockings of the ministers. At length they began to
jest at the term of idolatry, affirming, "That men wist not what
they spake when they called the Mass idolatry." Yea, some proceeded
further, and feared not at open tables to affirm, that they would
sustain the argument that the Mass was no idolatry. These things
coming to the ears of the preachers, were proclaimed in the public
pulpit of Edinburgh, with this complaint directed by the speaker
to his God. "O Lord, how long shall the wicked prevail against the
just! How long shalt Thou suffer Thyself and Thy blessed Evangel to
be despised of men; of men, we say, that make themselves defenders
of the truth. Of Thy manifest and known enemies we complain not,
but of such as unto whom Thou hast revealed Thy light: for now it
comes to our ears that men, not <DW7>s, but chief Protestants,
will defend the Mass to be no idolatry. If this were so, O Lord,
miserably have I been deceived, and miserably, alas, O Lord, have
I deceived Thy people; and that Thou knowest, O Lord, I have ever
abhorred more than a thousand deaths."

Turning his face towards the room where sat such men as had so
affirmed, "If I be not able to prove the Mass to be the most
abominable idolatry that ever was used since the beginning of the
world, I offer myself to suffer the punishment appointed by God to
a false teacher; and it appears to me that the affirmers should
be subject to the same law; for it is the truth of God that ye
persecute and blaspheme; and it is the invention of the Devil that,
obstinately against His Word, ye maintain. Albeit ye now flyrt
and flyre,[233] as though all that were spoken were but wind, yet
am I as assured, as I am that my God liveth, that some that hear
your defection and railing against the truth and the servants of
God, shall see a part of God's judgments poured forth upon this
realm, and principally upon you that fastest cleave to the favour
of the Court, for the abominations that are maintained by you."
Such vehemence provoked the tears of some, yet those men that knew
themselves guilty said, in a mocking manner, "We must recant, and
burn our bill, for the preachers are angry."

  [233] Mock and deride.

[Sidenote: The General Assembly: June 1564.]

The General Assembly, held in June 1564, approaching, to this the
great part of those of the Nobility that are called Protestants,
convened; some for assistance of the ministers, and some to accuse
them.... On the first day of the General Assembly, the Courtiers and
the Lords that depended upon the Court, did not present themselves
in session with their brethren. Many wondering thereat, an ancient
and honourable man, the Laird of Lundie, said, "Nay, I wonder not of
their present absence; but I wonder that, at our last Assembly, they
drew themselves apart, and joined not with us, but drew from us some
of our ministers, and willed them to conclude such things as were
never proponed in the public Assembly. That appears to me to be very
prejudicial to the liberty of the Kirk. My judgment is, therefore,
that they be informed of this offence, which the whole brethren have
conceived of their former fault; with humble request that, if they
be brethren, they will assist their brethren with their presence
and counsel, for we never had greater need. If they be minded to
fall back from us, it were better we knew it now than afterwards."
The whole Assembly agreed to this, and gave commission to certain
brethren to signify the minds of the Assembly to the Lords: that was
done on the same afternoon.

[Sidenote: The Protestant Courtiers maintain an independent
Position.]

At first, the Courtiers seemed not a little offended that they
should be suspected of defection: yet, upon the morrow, they joined
with the Assembly, and came into it. But they drew themselves apart,
as they had done before, and entered the Inner Council House. There
were the Duke's Grace, the Earls Argyll, Moray, Morton, Glencairn,
Marischall, and Rothes; the Master of Maxwell, Secretary Lethington,
the Justice Clerk, the Clerk Register, and the Comptroller, the
Laird of Pittarrow.

After a little consultation, they directed a messenger, Mr.
George Hay, then called the Minister of the Court, requiring the
Superintendents, and some of the learned ministers, to confer with
them.

The Assembly answered that they had convened to deliberate upon the
common affairs of the Kirk; and therefore, that they could not lack
their superintendents and chief ministers, whose judgments were so
necessary that, without them, the rest should sit as it were idle.
They therefore, as before, willed them that, if they acknowledged
themselves members of the Kirk, they would join with the brethren,
and propone in public such things as they pleased; and so they
should have the assistance of the whole in all things that might
conform to God's commandment. Hurt and slander might arise, rather
than any profit or comfort to the Kirk, were they to send from
themselves a portion of their company. For they feared that all men
should not stand content with the conclusion, where the conference
and reasons were only heard by a few.

This answer was not given without cause; for no small travail was
made to have drawn some ministers to the faction of the courtiers,
and to have sustained their arguments and opinions. But when it
was perceived by the most politic amongst them that they could not
prevail by that means, they proponed the matter in other terms.
Purging themselves first that they never meant to divide themselves
from the society of their brethren, they said that they had certain
heads to confer with certain ministers; and that, to prevent
confusion, they thought it more expedient to have the conference
before a few, rather than in the public audience. The Assembly did
still reply, that they would not admit secret conference upon those
heads that must be concluded by a general vote.

The Lords promised that no conclusion should be taken, or yet vote
required, until their propositions and the reasons should both be
heard and considered by the whole Assembly. Upon that condition,
there were directed to them, with express charge to conclude nothing
without the knowledge and advice of the Assembly, the Laird of Dun,
Superintendent of Angus, the Superintendents of Lothian and Fife,
Mr. John Row, Mr. John Craig, William Christison, and Mr. David
Lindsay, ministers, with the Rector of St. Andrews, and Mr. George
Hay. The Superintendent of Glasgow, Mr. John Willock, was moderator,
and John Knox waited upon the scribe. And so they were appointed to
sit with the brethren. Because the principal complaint touched John
Knox, he was also called for.

[Sidenote: Secretary Lethington defines the Attitude of the Lords of
the Court.]

Secretary Lethington began the harangue, which contained these
heads: First, how much we were indebted unto God, by whose
providence we had liberty of religion under the Queen's Majesty,
albeit she was not persuaded in it herself: Secondly, how necessary
a thing it was that the Queen's Majesty, by all good offices, so
spake he, of the Kirk, and of the ministers principally, should be
retained in the constant opinion that they unfeignedly favoured
her advancement, and procured her subjects to have a good opinion
of her: And, lastly, how dangerous a thing it was that ministers
should be noted to disagree one from another, in form of prayer for
Her Majesty, or in doctrine concerning obedience to Her Majesty's
authority. "And in these two last heads," said he, "we desire you
all to be circumspect; but especially we must crave of you, our
brother, John Knox, to moderate yourself, as well in form of
praying for the Queens Majesty, as in doctrine that ye propone
touching her estate and obedience. Neither shall ye take this," said
he, "as spoken to your reproach, _quia nevus interdum in corpore
pulchro_, but because others by your example may imitate the like
liberty, albeit not with the same modesty and foresight; and wise
men do foresee the opinion that may engender in the people's heads."

[Sidenote: The Disputation between John Knox and the Secretary.]

_John Knox._ If such as fear God have occasion to praise Him because
idolatry is maintained, the servants of God are despised, wicked
men are placed again in honour and authority, and, finally, because
vice and impiety overflow this whole realm without punishment, then
have we occasion to rejoice and to praise God. But if those and the
like actions are wont to provoke God's vengeance against realms
and nations, then, in my judgment, the godly within Scotland ought
to lament and mourn; and so to prevent[234] God's judgments, lest
He, finding all in a like security, strike in His hot indignation,
perchance beginning at such as think they offend not.

  [234] Anticipate.

_Lethington._ That is a head wherein ye and I never agreed; for how
are ye able to prove that ever God struck or plagued a nation or
people for the iniquity of their prince, if they themselves lived
godly?

_Knox._ I looked, my Lord, to have audience, until I had absolved
the other two parts; but seeing that it pleases your Lordship to cut
me off before the midst, I will answer your question. The Scripture
of God teaches me that Jerusalem and Judah were punished for the sin
of Manasseh; and if ye will allege that they were punished because
they were wicked, and offended with their king, and not because
their king was wicked, I answer that, albeit the Spirit of God makes
for me, saying in express words, "For the sin of Manasseh," yet
will I not be so obstinate as to lay the whole sin, and the plagues
that followed, upon the king, and utterly absolve the people. I
will grant you that the whole people offended with the king: but
how, and in what fashion, I fear that ye and I shall not agree. I
doubt not but that the great multitude accompanied him in all the
abominations which he did; for idolatry and a false religion have
ever been, are, and will be pleasing to the most part of men. To
affirm that all Judah committed really the acts of his impiety, is
but to affirm that which neither has certainty, nor yet appearance
of truth. Who can think it possible that all those of Jerusalem
should so shortly turn to external idolatry, considering the notable
reformation in the days of Hezekiah, a short time before? But yet,
the text says, "Manasseh made Judah and the inhabitants of Jerusalem
to err." True it is; for the one part willingly followed him in his
idolatry, and the other, by reason of his authority, suffered him
to defile Jerusalem, and the temple of God, with all abominations.
So were they all criminal for his sin; the one by act and deed, the
other by suffering and permission. Even so, all Scotland is guilty
this day of the Queen's idolatry, and ye, my Lords, especially,
above all others.

_Lethington._ Well, that is the chief head wherein we never agreed;
but of that we shall speak hereafter. What will ye say as touching
the moving of the people to have a good opinion of the Queen's
Majesty, and as concerning obedience to be given to her authority,
as also of the form of the prayer which commonly ye use, and so on?

_Knox._ My Lord, a good conscience will not suffer me to move the
people more earnestly, or to pray otherwise than heretofore I have
done. He who knows the secrets of hearts knows that, privately and
publicly, I have called to God for the Queen's conversion, and have
willed the people to do the same, showing them the dangerous estate
wherein not only she herself stands, but also the whole realm, by
the reason of her indurate blindness.

_Lethington._ That is exactly wherein we find greatest fault. Your
extremity against the Queen's Mass, in particular, passes measure.
Ye call her a slave to Satan; ye affirm that God's vengeance hangs
over the realm by reason of her impiety; and what is this else but
to rouse up the heart of the people against Her Majesty, and against
them that serve her?

There was heard an exclamation from the rest of the flatterers that
such extremity could not profit. The Master of Maxwell said in plain
words, "If I were in the Queen's Majesty's place, I would not suffer
such things as I hear."

_Knox._ If the words of preachers shall always be wrested to the
worst construction, then will it be hard to speak of anything so
circumspectly (provided that the truth be spoken) that it shall not
escape the censure of the calumniator. The most vehement, and, as ye
put it, excessive manner of prayer that I use in public is this, "O
Lord, if it be Thy pleasure, purge the heart of the Queen's Majesty
from the venom of idolatry, and deliver her from the bondage and
thraldom of Satan in which she has been brought up, and yet remains,
for the lack of true doctrine; and let her see, by the illumination
of Thy Holy Spirit, that there is no means to please Thee but by
Jesus Christ, Thy only Son, and that Jesus Christ cannot be found
but in Thy holy Word, nor yet received but as it prescribes; which
is, to renounce our own wisdom and preconceived opinion, and worship
Thee as Thou commandest; that in so doing she may avoid that eternal
damnation which abides all who are obstinate and impenitent unto
the end; and that this poor realm may also escape that plague and
vengeance which inevitably follow idolatry, maintained against Thy
manifest Word and the open light thereof." This, said he, is the
form of my common prayer, as yourselves can witness. Now, I would
hear what is worthy of reprehension in it.

_Lethington._ There are three things that I never liked. The first
is that ye pray for the Queen's Majesty with a condition, saying,
"Illuminate her heart, if it be Thy good pleasure." It may appear
from these words that ye doubt of her conversion. Where have ye the
example of such prayer?

_Knox._ Wheresoever the examples are, I am assured of the rule,
which is this, If we shall ask anything according to His will, He
shall hear us; and our Master, Christ Jesus, commanded us to pray
unto our Father, "Thy will be done."

_Lethington._ But where do ye ever find one of the Prophets so to
have prayed?

_Knox._ It sufficeth me, my Lord, that the Master and Teacher of
both Prophets and Apostles has taught me so to pray.

_Lethington._ But, in so doing, ye put a doubt in the people's head
concerning her conversion.

_Knox._ Not I, my Lord. Her own obstinate rebellion causes more than
me to doubt of her conversion.

_Lethington._ Wherein rebels she against God?

_Knox._ In all the actions of her life, but in these two heads
especially; firstly, she will not hear the preaching of the blessed
Evangel of Jesus Christ; and, secondly, she maintains that idol, the
Mass.

_Lethington._ She does not think that rebellion, but good religion.

_Knox._ So thought they that at one time offered their children to
Moloch; and yet the Spirit of God affirms that they offered them
unto devils, and not unto God. This day the Turks think they have
a better religion than that of the <DW7>s. I think ye will excuse
neither of them from committing rebellion against God: nor can ye
justly excuse the Queen, unless ye make God to be partial.

_Lethington._ But yet, why pray ye not for her, without moving any
doubt?

_Knox._ Because I have learned to pray in faith. Now faith, ye know,
depends upon the words of God, and the Word teaches me that prayers
profit the sons and daughters of God's election. Whether she be one
of these or not, I have just cause to doubt; and, therefore, I pray
God "illuminate her heart," if it be His good pleasure.

_Lethington._ But yet ye can produce the example of none that so has
prayed before you.

_Knox._ I have already answered that; but yet, for further
declaration, I will demand a question. Do ye think that the Apostles
prayed themselves as they commanded others to pray?

"Who doubts of that?" said the whole company that were present.

_Knox._ Well then, I am assured that Peter said these words to Simon
Magus, "Repent therefore of this thy wickedness, and pray to God,
that, if it be possible, the thought of your heart may be forgiven
thee." Here we may plainly see that Peter joins a condition with his
commandment that Simon should repent and pray, to wit, if it were
possible that his sin might be forgiven; for he was not ignorant
that some sins were unto the death, and so without all hope of
repentance or remission. Think ye not, my Lord Secretary, there may
touch my heart, concerning the Queen's conversion, the same doubt
that then touched the heart of the Apostle?

_Lethington._ I would never hear you or any other call that in doubt.

_Knox._ But your will is no assurance to my conscience. And, to
speak freely, my Lord, I wonder if ye yourself doubt not of the
Queen's conversion; for more evident signs of induration[235]
have appeared, and still do appear in her, than outwardly Peter
could have espied in Simon Magus. Albeit at one time he had been a
sorcerer, he joined with the Apostles, believed, and was baptized;
and albeit the venom of avarice remained in his heart, and he
would have bought the Holy Ghost, yet, when he heard the fearful
threatenings of God pronounced against him, he trembled, desired the
assistance of the prayers of the Apostles, and humbled himself like
a true penitent, so far as the judgment of man could pierce, and
yet we see that Peter doubted of his conversion. Why then may not
all the godly justly doubt of the conversion of the Queen, who has
practised idolatry (which is no less odious in the sight of God than
is the other) and still continues in the same, yea, who despises all
threatenings, and refuses all godly admonitions?

  [235] Hardening.

_Lethington._ Why say ye that she refuses admonition? She will
gladly hear any man.

_Knox._ But what obedience, to God or to His Word, ensues of all
that is spoken to her? Or when shall she be seen to give her
presence to the public preaching?

_Lethington._ I think never, so long as she is thus treated.

_Knox._ And so long ye and all others must be content that I pray,
so that I may be assured of being heard by my God, that His good
will may be done, either in making her comfortable to His Kirk, or,
if He has appointed her to be a scourge to it, that we may have
patience, and she may be bridled.

_Lethington._ Well let us come to the second head. Where find ye
that the Scripture calls any the bond slaves to Satan? or that the
Prophets of God speak so irreverently of kings and princes?

_Knox._ The Scripture says, that "by nature we are all the sons of
wrath." Our Master, Christ Jesus, affirms, that "such as do sin are
servants to sin," and that it is the only Son of God that sets men
at freedom. Now, what difference there is betwixt the sons of wrath,
and the servants of sin, and the slaves to the Devil, I understand
not, except I be taught. If the sharpness of the term offend you,
I have not invented that phrase of speech, but have learned it
out of God's Scripture; for those words I find spoken unto Paul,
"Behold, I send thee to the Gentiles, to open their eyes, that they
may turn from darkness to light, and from the power of Satan unto
God." Mark these words, my Lord, and sturr not at the speaking of
the Holy Ghost. The same Apostle, writing to his scholar Timothy,
says, "Instruct with meekness those that are contrary minded, if
God at any time will give them repentance, that they may know the
truth, and that they may come to amendment, out of the snare of the
Devil, which are taken of him at his will." If your Lordship rightly
considers these sentences, ye shall not only find my words to be the
words of the Holy Ghost, but also that the condition which I use to
add, has the assurance of God's Scriptures.

_Lethington._ But they spake nothing against kings in especial, and
yet your continual crying is, "The Queen's idolatry, the Queen's
Mass, will provoke God's vengeance!"

_Knox._ In the former sentences I hear not kings and queens
excepted, but all unfaithful are pronounced to stand in one rank,
and to be in bondage to one tyrant, the Devil. But belike, my Lord,
ye little regard the estate wherein they stand, when ye would have
them so flattered, that the danger thereof should neither be known
nor declared to the poor people.

_Lethington._ Where will ye find that any of the Prophets did so
entreat kings and queens, rulers or magistrates?

_Knox._ In more places than one. Ahab was a king, and Jezebel was a
queen, and yet of what the Prophet Elijah said to the one and to the
other, I suppose ye are not ignorant?

_Lethington._ That was not cried out before the people to make them
odious to their subjects.

_Knox._ That Elijah said, "Dogs shall lick the blood of Ahab, and
eat the flesh of Jezebel," the Scriptures assure me; but I read
not that it was whispered in their own ear, or in a corner. The
plain contrary appears to me. That is, both the people and the
Court understood well enough what the Prophet had promised; for so
witnessed Jehu, after God's vengeance had stricken Jezebel.

_Lethington._ They were singular motions of the Spirit of God, and
appertain nothing to this our age.

_Knox._ Then the Scripture has far deceived me, for St. Paul
teaches me that, "Whatsoever is written within the Holy Scriptures,
is written for our instruction." And my Master said that "Every
learned and wise scribe brings forth his treasure, both things
old and things new." And the Prophet Jeremiah affirms that "Every
realm and every city that likewise offends, as then did Jerusalem,
should likewise be punished." Why then, I neither see nor yet can
understand that the acts of the ancient Prophets, and the fearful
judgments of God executed before us upon the disobedient, appertain
not unto this our age. But now, to put an end to this head, my Lord,
the Prophets of God have not spared to rebuke wicked kings, as well
to their face as before the people and subjects. Elisha feared not
to say to King Jehoram, "What have I to do with thee? Get thee to
the prophets of thy father, and to the prophets of thy mother; for
as the Lord of Hosts lives, in whose sight I stand, if it were not
that I regard the presence of Jehoshaphat, the King of Judah, I
would not have looked toward thee nor seen thee." It is plain that
the Prophet was a subject in the kingdom of Israel, and yet how
little reverence he gives to the King. Jeremiah the Prophet was
commanded to cry to the King and to the Queen, and to say, "Behave
yourselves lawfully; execute justice and judgment; or else your
carcases shall be cast to the heat of the day, and unto the frost
of the night." Unto Coniah, Shallum, and Zedekiah, he speaks in
special, and shows to them, in his public sermons, their miserable
ends; and therefore ye ought not to think it strange, my Lord, that
the servants of God mark the vice of kings and queens, as well as of
other offenders, and that because their sins are more noisome to the
commonwealth than are the sins of inferior persons.

For the most part of this reasoning, Secretary Lethington leaned
upon the Master of Maxwell's breast, who said, "I am almost weary: I
would that some other would reason in the chief head, which is not
touched."

The Earl of Morton, Chancellor, commanded Mr. George Hay to reason
against John Knox, in the head of obedience due unto magistrates;
and he began so to do.

_Knox._ Brother, I am well content that ye reason with me, because
I know you to be both a man of learning and of modesty: but that
ye shall oppose yourself to a truth of which, I suppose, your own
conscience is no less persuaded than is mine, I cannot well approve.
I would be sorry that you and I should be reputed to reason as two
scholars of Pythagoras, to show the quickness of our imagination. I
protest here, before God, that, whatsoever I sustain, I do the same
of conscience; yea, I dare no more sustain a proposition known unto
myself untrue, than dare I teach false doctrine in the public place.
Therefore, Brother, if conscience move you to oppose yourself to
that doctrine which ye have heard from my mouth in that matter, do
it boldly: it shall never offend me. But it pleases me not that ye
be found to oppose yourself to me, if ye are persuaded in the same
truth. In that there may be greater inconvenience than either ye or
I do consider for the present.

_Hay._ Far be it from me to prove myself willing to impugn or
confute that head of doctrine, which not only ye, but many
others, yea, and I myself have affirmed; for so should I be found
contrarious to myself. My Lord Secretary knows my judgment in that
head.

_Lethington._ Marry; ye are well the worse of the two. I remember
well your reasoning when the Queen was in Carrick.

_Knox._ Well, seeing, Brother, that God has made you occupy the
chair of truth, in which, I am sure, we will agree in all principal
heads of doctrine, let it never be said that we disagree in
disputation.

John Knox was moved thus to speak, because he understood more of the
craft than the other did.

_Lethington._ Well, I am persuaded in this last head somewhat
better than I was in the other two. Mr. Knox, yesterday we heard
your judgment upon the 13th to the Romans; we heard the mind of the
Apostle well opened; we heard the causes why God has established
powers upon the earth; we heard the necessity that mankind has
of the same; and we heard the duty of magistrates sufficiently
declared; but in two things I was offended, and so I think were
some more of my Lords that were then present. The one was that ye
made difference betwixt the ordinance of God and the persons that
were placed in authority; and ye affirmed that men might refuse the
persons, and yet not offend against God's ordinance. This is the
one; the other ye had no time to explain; but methought ye meant
this,--that subjects were not bound to obey their princes if they
commanded unlawful things; but that they might resist their princes,
and were never bound to suffer.

_Knox._ In very deed ye have rightly both marked my words, and
understood my mind; for I have long been of that same judgment, and
so I yet remain.

_Lethington._ How will ye prove your division and difference, and
that the person placed in authority may be resisted, and God's
ordinance not transgressed, seeing that the Apostle says, "He that
resists the powers, resisteth the ordinance of God."

_Knox._ My Lord, the plain words of the Apostle make the difference,
and the acts of many approved by God prove my affirmative. First,
the Apostle affirms that the powers are ordained of God for the
preservation of quiet and peaceable men, and for the punishment of
malefactors. From this it is plain that the ordinance of God and
the power given unto men is one thing, and the person clad with
the power or with the authority is another. God's ordinance is the
conservation of mankind, the punishment of vice, and the maintaining
of virtue, which is in itself holy, just, constant, stable, and
perpetual. But men clad with the authority are commonly profane
and unjust; yea, they are mutable and transitory, and subject to
corruption. God threateneth them by His Prophet David, saying, "I
have said ye are gods, and every one of you the sons of the Most
Highest; but ye shall die as men, and the princes shall fall like
others." Here I am assured that persons, the soul and body of
wicked princes, are threatened with death: I think that ye will not
affirm that so also are the authority, the ordinance and the power,
wherewith God has endued such persons; for, as I have said, as it
is holy, so is it the permanent will of God. Now, my Lord, it is
evident that the prince may be resisted, and yet the ordinance of
God not violated. The people resisted Saul, when he had sworn by the
living God that Jonathan should die. The people, I say, swore to the
contrary, and delivered Jonathan, so that not a hair of his head
fell. Now, Saul was the anointed king, and they were his subjects,
and yet they so resisted him that they made him no better than
mansworn.[236]

  [236] Perjured.

_Lethington._ I doubt if in so doing the people did well.

_Knox._ The Spirit of God accuses them not of any crime, but rather
praises them, and condemns the king, as well for his foolish vow
and law made without God, as for his cruel mind, that would have
punished an innocent man so severely. I shall not stand entirely
upon this: what follows shall confirm it. This same Saul commanded
Abimelech and the priests of the Lord to be slain, because they had
committed treason, as he alleged, for intercommuning with David. His
guard and principal servants would not obey his unjust commandment;
but Doeg, the flatterer, put the king's cruelty to execution. I
will not ask your judgment whether the servants of the king, in not
obeying his commandment, resisted God or not; or whether Doeg, in
murdering the priests, gave obedience to a just authority. I have
the Spirit of God, speaking by the mouth of David, to assure me of
the one as well as of the other; for he, in his fifty-second Psalm,
condemns that act as a most cruel murder; and affirms that God will
punish not only the commander but the merciless executor. I conclude
that they who gainstood his commandment resisted not the ordinance
of God.

And now, my Lord, to answer to the statement of the Apostle, where
he affirms that such as resist the power resist the ordinance of
God, I say that the power in that place is not to be understood to
be the unjust commandment of men, but the just power wherewith God
has armed His magistrates and lieutenants to punish sin and maintain
virtue. If any man enterprise to take from the hands of a lawful
judge a murderer, an adulterer, or any other malefactor that by
God's law deserves death, this same man resists God's ordinance,
and procures to himself vengeance and condemnation, because he has
stayed God's sword from striking. But this is not the case if men,
in the fear of God, oppose themselves to the fury and blind rage of
princes; in doing so, they do not resist God, but the Devil, who
abuses the sword and authority of God.

_Lethington._ I sufficiently understand what ye mean; and to the
one part I will not oppose myself. But I doubt of the other. If the
Queen commanded me to slay John Knox, because she is offended at
him, I would not obey her. But, were she to command others to do it,
or by a colour of justice to take his life from him, I cannot tell
if I should be found to defend him against the Queen and against her
officers.

_Knox._ Under protestation that the audience think not that I seek
favours for myself, my Lord, I say that, if ye be persuaded of my
innocency, and if God has given you such power and credit as might
deliver me, and yet you suffered me to perish, in so doing you
should be criminal, and guilty of my blood.

_Lethington._ Prove that, and win the play.

_Knox._ Well, my Lord, remember your promise, and I shall be short
in my probation. The Prophet Jeremiah was apprehended by the priests
and prophets, who were a part of the authority within Jerusalem, and
by the multitude of the people, and this sentence was pronounced
against him, "Thou shalt die the death; for thou hast said, this
house shall be like Shiloh, and this city shall be desolate without
inhabitant." The princes, hearing the uproar, came from the king's
house, and sat down in judgment in the entry of the new gate of
the Lord's House, and there the priests and the prophets, before
the princes, and before all the people, stated their accusation
in these words, "This man is worthy to die, for he has prophesied
against this city, as your ears have heard." Jeremiah answered that
whatsoever he had spoken proceeded from God; and therefore said he,
"As for me, I am in your hands: do with me as ye think good and
right. But know ye for certain that, if ye put me to death, ye shall
surely bring innocent blood upon your souls, and upon this city, and
upon the habitations thereof; for of truth the Lord has sent me to
you, to speak all these words." Now, my Lord, if the prophets and
the whole people should have been guilty of the Prophet's blood, how
shall ye or others be judged innocent before God, if ye suffer the
blood of such as have not deserved death to be shed when ye may save
it?

_Lethington._ The cases are nothing like.

_Knox._ I would like to learn wherein the dissimilitude stands.

_Lethington._ First, the king had not condemned him to death. And
next, the false prophets and the priests and the people accused him
without a cause, and therefore they could not but be guilty of his
blood.

_Knox._ Neither of these fights against my argument; for, albeit
the king was neither present, nor yet had condemned him, the
princes and chief councillors were there sitting in judgment. They
represented the king's person and authority, hearing the accusation
laid to the charge of the Prophet. Therefore he forewarns them of
the danger, as I have already said, that, if he should be condemned
and put to death, the king, the council, and the whole city of
Jerusalem should be guilty of his blood, because he had committed
no crime worthy of death. If ye think that they should all have
been criminal, only because they all accused him, the plain text
witnesses the contrary. The princes defended him, and so no doubt
did a great part of the people; and yet he boldly affirms that they
should be all guilty of his blood if he should be put to death. The
Prophet Ezekiel gives the reason why all are guilty of a common
corruption. He says, "I sought a man amongst them that should make
up the hedge, and stand in the gap before me for the land, that I
should not destroy it, but I found none; therefore have I poured my
indignation upon them." From this, my Lord, it is plain that God
craves not only that a man do no iniquity in his own person, but
also that he oppose himself to all iniquity, so far as in him lies.

_Lethington._ Then ye will make subjects control their princes and
rulers.

_Knox._ And what harm should the commonwealth receive, if the
corrupt affections of ignorant rulers were moderated, and so bridled
by the wisdom and discretion of godly subjects that they should do
wrong nor violence to no man?

_Lethington._ All this reasoning is not to the purpose; for we
reason as if the Queen should become such an enemy to our religion,
that she should persecute it, and put innocent men to death. This,
I am assured, she never intended, and never will do. If I should
see her again of that purpose, yea, if I should suspect any such
thing in her, I should be as far forward in that argument as ye or
any other within this realm. But there is not such a thing. Our
question is, whether we may and ought to suppress the Queen's Mass?
Or whether her idolatry shall be laid to our charge?

_Knox._ What ye may do by force, I dispute not; but what ye may and
ought to do by God's express commandment, that I can tell. Idolatry
ought not only to be suppressed, but the idolater ought to die the
death, unless we will accuse God.

_Lethington._ I know that the idolater is commanded to die the
death; but by whom?

_Knox._ By the people of God. The commandment was given to Israel,
as ye may read, "Hear, Israel, says the Lord, the statutes and the
ordinances of the Lord thy God," etc. Yea, a commandment was given,
that, if it be heard that idolatry is committed in any one city,
inquisition shall be taken; and, if it be found true, the whole body
of the people shall then arise and destroy that city, sparing in it
neither man, woman, nor child.

_Lethington._ But there is no commandment given to the people to
punish their king if he be an idolater.

_Knox._ I find no privilege to offend God's Majesty granted to
kings, by God, more than to the people.

_Lethington._ I grant that; but yet the people may not be judges to
their king to punish him, albeit he be an idolater.

_Knox._ God is the Universal Judge, as well of the king as of the
people. What His Word commands to be punished in the one, is not to
be absolved in the other.

_Lethington._ We agree in that; but the people may not execute God's
judgment. They must leave it to Himself. He will either punish it by
death, by war, by imprisonment, or by some other plagues.

_Knox._ I know the last part of your reason to be true; but for
the first, that the people, yea, or a part of the people, may not
execute God's judgments against their king, he being an offender, I
am assured ye have no other warrant except your own imagination, and
the opinion of such as have more fear to offend princes than God.

_Lethington._ Why say ye so? I have the judgments of the most famous
men within Europe, and of such as ye yourself will confess both
godly and learned.

And with that he called for his papers. When these were produced
by Mr. Robert Maitland, he began to read with great gravity the
judgments of Luther, and Melanchthon, and the minds of Bucer,
Musculus, and Calvin, as to how Christians should behave themselves
in time of persecution: yea, the Book of Baruch was not omitted.

_Lethington._ The gathering of these things has cost more travail
than I have taken these seven years in the reading of commentaries.

_Knox._ The more pity; and yet, let others judge what ye have
profited your own cause. As for my argument, I am assured ye
have weakened it in nothing; for your first two witnesses speak
against the Anabaptists, who deny that Christians should be subject
to magistrates, or that it is lawful for a Christian to be a
magistrate. That opinion I no less abhor than ye do, or than does
any other that lives. The others speak of Christians subject to
tyrants and infidels, so dispersed that they have no other force
but only to sob to God for deliverance. That such, indeed, should
hazard any further than these godly men direct them, I cannot
hastily counsel. But my argument has another ground; for I speak of
the people assembled together in one body of one commonwealth, to
whom God has given sufficient force, not only to resist, but also
to suppress all kind of open idolatry. Such a people, I affirm yet
again, are bound to keep their land clean and unpolluted.

That this my division shall not appear strange to you, ye should
understand that God required one thing of Abraham and of his seed,
when he and they were strangers and pilgrims in Egypt and Canaan;
and another thing when they were delivered from the bondage of
Egypt, and the possession of the land of Canaan was granted to them.
At the first, and during all the time of their bondage, God craved
no more than that Abraham should not defile himself with idolatry.
Neither was he nor his posterity commanded to destroy the idols that
were in Canaan or in Egypt. But when God gave them the possession
of the land, He gave them this strait commandment, "Beware lest ye
make league or confederacy with the inhabitants of this land: give
not thy sons unto their daughters, nor yet give thy daughters unto
their sons. But this shall ye do unto them, cut down their groves,
destroy their images, break down their altars, and leave thou no
kind of remembrance of those abominations, which the inhabitants of
the land used before: for thou art a people holy unto the Lord thy
God. Defile not thyself, therewith, with their gods."

Ye, my Lords, and all such as have professed the Lord Jesus within
this realm, are bound to this same commandment. God has wrought no
less miracle upon you, both spiritual and corporal, than He did upon
the carnal seed of Abraham. For you yourselves cannot be ignorant in
what estate your bodies and this poor realm were, not seven years
ago. You and it were both in bondage to a strange nation; and what
tyrants reigned over your conscience, God perchance may let you
feel, because ye do not rightly acknowledge the benefit received.
When our poor brethren before us gave their bodies to the flames
of fire for the testimony of the truth, and when scarcely ten that
rightly knew God could be found in a country-side, it would have
been foolishness to have craved the suppressing of idolatry, either
by the Nobility, or by the humble subjects. That would have done
nothing but expose the simple sheep as a prey to the wolves. But
since God has multiplied knowledge, and has given the victory to
His truth, even in the hands of His servants, if ye suffer the land
again to be defiled, ye and your Princess shall both drink the cup
of God's indignation--she for her obstinate abiding in manifest
idolatry in the great light of the Evangel of Jesus Christ, and ye
for your permitting and maintaining her in it.

_Lethington._ In that point we will never agree; and where find
ye, I pray you, that any of the Prophets or of the Apostles ever
taught such a doctrine as that the people should be plagued for the
idolatry of the prince; or that the subjects might suppress the
idolatry of their rulers, or punish them for the same?

_Knox._ My Lord, we know what was the commission given to the
Apostles. It was to preach and plant the Evangel of Jesus Christ
where darkness had dominion before; and therefore it behoved them,
first, to let them see the light before they should urge them to
put to their hands to suppress idolatry. I will not affirm what
precepts the Apostles gave to the faithful in particular, other
than that they commanded all to flee from idolatry. But I find two
things which the faithful did; the one was, they assisted their
preachers, even against the rulers and magistrates; the other was,
they suppressed idolatry wherever God gave them force, asking no
leave of the Emperor, or of his deputies. Read the Ecclesiastical
History, and ye shall find sufficient example. As to the doctrine
of the Prophets, we know they were interpreters of the law of God;
and we know they spake to the kings as well as to the people. I read
that neither would hear them; and therefore came the plague of God
upon both. But I cannot be persuaded that they flattered kings more
than the people.

As I have said, God's laws pronounce sentence of death upon
idolatry, without exception of any person. Idolatry is never alone;
ever does it corrupt religion, and bring with it a filthy and
corrupt life. How the Prophets could rightly interpret the law,
and show the causes of God's judgments, which they ever threatened
should follow idolatry, and the rest of abominations that accompany
it--how they could reprove the vices, and not show the people their
duty, I understand not. Therefore, I constantly believe that the
doctrine of the Prophets was so sensible that the kings understood
their own abominations, and the people understood what they ought
to have done in punishing and repressing them. But because the most
part of the people were no less rebellious to God than were their
princes, the one and the other convened against God and against
His servants. And yet, my Lord, the acts of some Prophets are so
evident, that we may collect from them what doctrine they taught;
for it were no small absurdity to affirm that their acts should
repugn to their doctrine.

_Lethington._ I think ye refer to the history of Jehu. What will ye
prove thereby?

_Knox._ The chief head that ye deny and I affirm--that the Prophets
never taught that it appertained to the people to punish the
idolatry of their kings. For the probation, I am ready to produce
the act of a Prophet. Ye know, my Lord, that Elisha sent one of the
children of the Prophets to anoint Jehu, who gave him commandment
to destroy the house of his master Ahab for the idolatry committed
by him, and for the innocent blood that Jezebel his wicked wife had
shed. He obeyed, and put this into full execution; and for this God
promised him the stability of the kingdom, to the fourth generation.
Here is the act of one Prophet that proves that subjects were
commanded to execute judgments upon their king and prince.

_Lethington._ There is enough to be answered thereto. Jehu was a
king before he put anything in execution; and besides, the act is
extraordinary, and not to be imitated.

_Knox._ My Lord, he was a mere subject and no king, when the
Prophet's servant came to him; yea, and albeit his fellow-captains,
hearing of the message, blew the trumpet, and said, "Jehu is king;"
I doubt not that Jezebel both thought and said he was a traitor. So
did many others that were in Israel and in Samaria. And as touching
what ye allege--that the act was extraordinary, and is not to be
imitated--I say that it had ground upon God's ordinary judgment,
which commands the idolater to die the death. Therefore, I yet again
affirm that it is to be imitated by all those that prefer the true
honour, the true worship, and the glory of God to the affections of
flesh, and of wicked princes.

_Lethington._ We are not bound to imitate extraordinary examples,
unless we have the like commandment and assurance.

_Knox._ I grant that, if the example repugn to the law, and if
an avaricious and deceitful man desired to borrow gold, silver,
raiment, or any other necessaries from his neighbour, and withhold
the same, he might allege that he might do so and not offend God,
because the Israelites did so to the Egyptians, at their departure
from Egypt. The example would serve no purpose unless the like
cause, and the like commandment to that which the Israelites had,
could be produced; because, their act repugned to this commandment
of God, "Thou shalt not steal." But where the example agrees with
the law, and is, as it were, the execution of God's judgments
expressed in it, I say that the example approved by God stands to
us in place of a commandment. God of His nature is constant, and
immutable; He cannot condemn in the subsequent ages that which He
has approved in His servants before us. In His servants before us,
by His own commandment, He has approved when subjects have not only
destroyed their kings for idolatry, but also rooted out their whole
posterity, so that none of that race were afterwards left to empire
over the people of God.

_Lethington._ Whatsoever they did was done at God's commandment.

_Knox._ That fortifies my argument. You admit that subjects punish
their princes by God's commandment for idolatry and wickedness
committed by them.

_Lethington._ We have not the like commandment.

_Knox._ That I deny. The commandment, "The idolater shall die the
death," is perpetual, as ye yourself have granted. You doubted only
who should be executors against the king; and I said the people of
God. I have sufficiently proven, I think, that God has raised up the
people, and by His Prophet has anointed a king to take vengeance
upon the king and upon his posterity. Since that time, God has
never retreated[237] that act; and, therefore, to me it remains
for a constant and clean commandment to all people professing God,
and having the power to punish vice, as to what they ought to do
in the like case. If the people had enterprised anything without
God's commandment, we might have doubted whether they had done well
or evil. But, seeing that God did bring the execution of His law
again into practice, after it had fallen into oblivion and contempt,
what reasonable man can now doubt of God's will, unless we are to
doubt of all things which God does not renew to us by miracles, as
it were, from age to age. I am assured that the answer of Abraham
to the rich man who, being in hell, desired that Lazarus or some of
the dead should be sent to his brethren and friends, to inform them
of his incredible pain and torments, and to warn them so to behave
themselves that they should not come to that place of torment--that
answer shall confound such as crave further approbation of God's
will than is already expressed within His holy Scriptures. Abraham
said, "They have Moses and the Prophets; if they will not believe
them, neither will they believe albeit one of the dead should
rise." Even so, my Lord, I say that such as will not be taught what
they ought to do, by commandment of God once given and once put in
practice, will not believe or obey, albeit God should send angels
from heaven to instruct that doctrine.

  [237] Repudiated; withdrawn.

_Lethington._ Ye have but produced one example.

_Knox._ One sufficeth. But, God be praised, we do not lack others.
The whole people conspired against Amaziah, king of Judah, after
he had turned away from the Lord, followed him to Lachish and slew
him, and took Uzziah and anointed him king instead of his father.
The people had not altogether forgotten the league and covenant
made betwixt their king and them, at the inauguration of Joash, his
father, that the king and the people should be the people of the
Lord, and then should they be his faithful subjects. When first the
father, and afterwards the son, declined from that covenant, they
were both punished to the death, Joash by his own servants, and
Amaziah by the whole people.

_Lethington._ I doubt whether they did well or not.

_Knox._ It shall be free for you to doubt as ye please; but where
I find execution according to God's laws, and God Himself does not
accuse the doers, I dare not doubt of the equity of the cause.
Further, it appears to me that God gave sufficient approbation and
allowance to their act; for He blessed them with victory, peace, and
prosperity, for the space of fifty-two years thereafter.

_Lethington._ But prosperity does not always prove that God approves
the acts of men.

_Knox._ Yes; when the acts of men agree with the law of God, and are
rewarded according to God's own promise, expressed in His law, I say
that the prosperity succeeding the act is most infallible assurance
that God has approved that act. God has promised in His law that,
when His people shall exterminate and destroy such as decline from
Him, He will bless them, and multiply them, as He has promised
to their fathers. Amaziah turned from God; for so the text doth
witness; and it is plain that the people slew their king; and it is
as plain that God blessed them. Therefore, yet again I conclude that
God approved their act, and it, in so far as it was done according
to His commandment, was blessed according to His promise.

_Lethington._ Well, I think the ground is not so sure that I durst
build my conscience thereupon.

_Knox._ I pray God that your conscience have no worse ground than
this, whenever ye shall begin work like that which God, before your
own eyes, has already blessed. And now, my Lord, I have but one
example to produce, and then I will put an end to my reasoning,
because I weary of standing. (Commandment was given that he should
sit down; but he refused it, and said, "Melancholious reasons would
have some mirth intermixed.") My last example, my Lord, is this,
Uzziah the king, not content of his royal estate, malapertly took
upon him to enter within the temple of the Lord, to burn incense
upon the altar of incense; and Azariah the priest went in after
him, and with him fourscore priests of the Lord, valiant men. These
withstood Uzziah the king, and said to him, "It pertaineth thee not,
Uzziah, to burn incense unto the Lord, but to the priests, the sons
of Aaron, that are consecrated to offer incense. Go forth of the
sanctuary, for thou hast transgressed, and you shall have no honour
of the Lord God." From this, my Lord, I conclude that subjects not
only may, but ought to withstand and resist their princes, whenever
they do anything that expressly repugns to God's law or holy
ordinance.

_Lethington._ They that withstood the king were not simple subjects.
They were the priests of the Lord, and figures of Christ. We have
none such priests this day, to withstand kings if they do wrong.

_Knox._ I grant that the High Priest was the figure of Christ, but
I deny that he was not a subject. I am assured that he, in his
priesthood, had no prerogative above those that had gone before
him. Now, Aaron was subject unto Moses, and called him his lord.
Samuel, being both prophet and priest, subjected himself to Saul,
after he was inaugurated by the people. Zadok bowed before David;
and Abiathar was deposed from the priesthood by Solomon. These all
confessed themselves subjects to the kings, albeit therewith they
ceased not to be figures of Christ. Ye say that we have no such
priests this day, but I might answer that neither have we such kings
this day as then were anointed at God's commandment, and sat upon
the seat of David, and were no less the figure of Christ Jesus in
their just administration, than were the priests in their appointed
office. Such kings, I am assured, we have not now, more than have
we such priests. Christ Jesus, being anointed in our nature by God,
His Father, as King, Priest, and Prophet, has put an end to all
external unction. And yet, I think, ye will not say that God has now
diminished His graces for those whom He appoints ambassadors betwixt
Him and His people, more than He does from kings and princes.
Therefore, I see not why the servants of Jesus Christ may not also
justly withstand kings and princes that this day no less offend
God's Majesty than Uzziah did, unless ye will say that we, in the
brightness of the Evangel, are not straitly bound to regard God's
glory or His commandments, as were the fathers that lived under the
dark shadows of the law.

_Lethington._ Well, I will dip no further into that head. But how
resisted the priests the king? They only spake to him, without
further violence intended.

_Knox._ That they withstood him, the text assures me; but that they
did nothing but speak, I cannot understand. The plain text affirms
the contrary. They caused him hastily to depart from the sanctuary,
yea, he was compelled to depart. This manner of speaking, I am
assured, imports in the Hebrew tongue another thing than exhorting,
or commanding by word.

_Lethington._ They did that after he was espied to be leprous.

_Knox._ They withstood him before; but their last act confirms
my proposition so evidently, that such as will oppose themselves
to it must needs oppose themselves to God. My assertion is, that
kings have no privilege to offend God's Majesty more than had the
people; and that, if they do so, they are no more exempted from the
punishment of the law than is any subject; yea, and that subjects
may not only lawfully oppose themselves to their kings, whenever
they do anything that expressly repugns to God's commandment, but
also that they may execute judgment upon them according to God's
law. If the king be a murderer, adulterer, or idolater, he should
suffer according to God's law, not as a king, but as an offender,
and this history clearly proves that the people may put God's laws
into execution. As soon as the leprosy appeared in his forehead,
he was not only compelled to depart out of the sanctuary, but he
was also removed from all public society and administration of the
kingdom, and was compelled to dwell in a house apart, even as the
law commanded. He got no greater privilege in that case than any
other of the people should have done; and this was executed by the
people; for there is no doubt that more than the priests alone were
witnesses of his leprosy. We do not find that any oppose themselves
to the sentence of God pronounced in His law against the leprous;
and therefore, yet again say I that the people ought to execute
God's law even against their princes, when their open crimes deserve
death by God's law, but especially when they are such as may infect
the rest of the multitude. And now, my Lords, I will reason no
longer, for I have spoken more than I intended.

_Lethington._ And yet I cannot tell what can be concluded.

_Knox._ Albeit ye cannot, I am assured of what I have proven, to
wit:--1. That subjects have delivered an innocent from the hands
of their king, and therein offended not God. 2. That subjects have
refused to strike innocents when a king commanded, and in doing so
denied no just obedience. 3. That such as struck at the commandment
of the king before God were reputed murderers. 4. That God has not
only of one subject made a king, but also has armed subjects against
their natural kings, and commanded them to take vengeance upon them
according to His law. 5. That God's people have executed God's law
against their king, having no further regard to him in that behalf,
than if he had been the most simple subject within this realm.
Therefore, albeit ye will not understand what should be concluded,
I am assured not only that God's people may, but also that they are
bound to do the same where the like crimes are committed, and when
He gives unto them the like power.

_Lethington._ Well, I think ye shall not have many learned men of
your opinion.

_Knox._ My Lord, the truth ceases not to be the truth, howsoever men
either misknow it, or yet gainstand it. And yet, I praise my God
that I lack not the consent of God's servants in that head.

With that, John Knox presented to the Secretary the Apology of
Magdeburg; and willed him to read the names of the ministers who had
subscribed the defence of the town to be a most just one; adding,
that to resist a tyrant is not to resist God, or yet His ordinance.

When the Secretary had read this, he scripped and said, "_Homines
obscuri_."[238] The other answered, "_Dei tamen servi_."[239]

  [238] "Men of no note."

  [239] "Servants of God, however."

So Lethington arose and said, "My Lords, ye have heard the reasons
upon both sides: it becomes you now to decide, and to give an order
unto preachers, that they may be uniform in doctrine. May we, think
ye, take the Queen's Mass from her?"

While some began to give their votes, for some were appointed, as
it were, leaders to the rest, John Knox said, "My Lords, I suppose
that ye will not do contrary to your Lordships' promise, made
to the whole Assembly. This was that nothing should be voted in
secret, until all matters should first be debated in public, and
that then the votes of the whole Assembly should put an end to the
controversy. Now have I only sustained the argument, and shown my
conscience in most simple manner, rather than insisted upon the
force and vehemence of any one argument. Therefore I, for my part,
utterly dissent from all voting, until the whole Assembly have heard
the propositions and the reasons of both parties. For I unfeignedly
acknowledge that many in this company are more able to sustain the
argument than I am.

"Think ye it reasonable," said Lethington, "that such a multitude as
are now convened should reason and vote in these heads and matters
that concern the Queen's Majesty's own person and affairs."

"I think," said the other, "that, whosoever should bind, the
multitude should hear, unless they have resigned their power
to their commissioners. This they have not done, so far as I
understand; for my Lord Justice Clerk heard them say, with one
voice, that in nowise would they consent that anything should either
be voted or concluded here."

"I cannot tell," said Lethington, "if my Lords that be here present,
and that bear the burden of such matters, should be bound to their
will. What say ye, my Lords? Will ye vote in this matter, or will ye
not vote?"

After long reasoning, some that were made for the purpose said, "Why
may not the Lords vote, and then show unto the Kirk whatsoever is
done?"

"That appears to me," said John Knox, "not only a backward order,
but also a tyranny usurped upon the Kirk. For me, do as ye list, as
I reason, so I vote; yet I protest, as before, that I dissent from
all voting, until the whole Assembly understand the questions as
well as the reasonings."

"Well," said Lethington, "that cannot be done now, for the time is
spent; and therefore, my Lord Chancellor, said he, ask ye the votes,
and take by course every one of the ministers, and one of us."

[Sidenote: The Lords and Ministers discuss Lethington's Proposition
and Knox's Answer.]

The Rector of St. Andrews, first commanded to speak his conscience,
said, "I refer to the Superintendent of Fife, for I think we are
both of one judgment; and yet, if ye will that I speak first, my
conscience is this. If the Queen oppose herself to our religion,
which is the only true religion, the Nobility and Estates of
this realm, professors of the true doctrine, may justly oppose
themselves to her. But, as concerning her own Mass, albeit I know
it is idolatry, I am not yet resolved, whether or not we may take
it from her by violence." The Superintendent of Fife said, "That is
my conscience." So also affirmed some of the Nobility. But others
voted frankly, and said that, as the Mass was an abomination, it was
just and right that it should be suppressed; and that, in so doing,
men did no more wrong to the Queen's Majesty than would they that
should, by force, take from her a poisoned cup when she was going to
drink it.

[Sidenote: Mr John Craig's Judgment.]

At last, Mr. John Craig, fellow-minister with John Knox in the Kirk
of Edinburgh, was required to give his judgment and vote. "I will
gladly show to your Honours what I understand," he said; "but I
greatly doubt whether my knowledge and conscience shall satisfy you,
seeing that ye have heard so many reasons, and are so little moved
by them. But yet I shall not conceal from you my judgment, adhering
first to the protestation of my brother that our voting prejudge
not the liberty of the General Assembly. I was in the University
of Bologna in the year of God 1554, and there, in the place of
the Black Friars of the same town, I saw in the time of their
General Assembly this conclusion set forth. This I heard reasoned,
determined, and concluded:--'All rulers, be they supreme or be they
inferior, may be and ought to be reformed or deposed by them by whom
they are chosen, confirmed, or admitted to their office, as oft as
they break that promise made by the oath to their subjects. Princes
are no less bound by oath to the subjects, than are the subjects to
their princes, and therefore ought to be kept and reformed equally,
according to the law and condition of the oath that is made by
either party.'

"This conclusion, my Lords, I heard sustained and concluded, as I
have said, in a most notable auditory. The sustainer was a learned
man, Monsieur Thomas de Finola, the Rector of the University,
a man famous in that country. Magister Vincentius de Placentia
affirmed the conclusion to be most true and certain, agreeable
both with the law of God and man. The occasion of this disputation
and conclusion was a certain disorder and tyranny attempted by the
Pope's governors. These began to make innovations in the country
against the laws formerly established, alleging themselves not to be
subject to such laws, by reason that they were not institute[240]
by the people, but by the Pope, who was king of that country. They
claimed that they, having full commission and authority from the
Pope, might alter and change statutes and ordinances of the country,
without any consent of the people. Against this usurped tyranny, the
learned and the people opposed themselves openly. When all reasons
which the Pope's governors could allege were heard and confuted,
the Pope himself was fain to take up the matter, and to promise,
not only to keep the liberty of the people, but also that he should
neither abrogate any law or statute, nor make any new law without
their own consent. Therefore, my Lord, my vote and conscience is,
that the princes are not only bound to keep laws and promises to
their subjects, but also that, in case they fail, they may be
justly deposed; for the bond betwixt the prince and the people is
reciprocal."

  [240] Placed in authority.

Then started up a clawback of that corrupt Court, and said, "Ye wot
not what ye say; for ye tell us what was done in Bologna; we are a
kingdom, and they are but a commonwealth."

"My Lord," said he, "my judgment is, that every kingdom is or, at
least, should be a commonwealth, albeit every commonwealth be not
a kingdom; and, therefore, I think that, in a kingdom no less than
in a commonwealth, diligence ought to be taken that laws be not
violated. The tyranny of princes who continually reign in a kingdom
is more hurtful to the subjects, than is the misgovernment of those
that from year to year are changed in free commonwealths. But yet,
my Lords, to assure you and all others further, that head was
disputed to the uttermost; and then, in the end, it was concluded,
that they spoke not of such things as were done in divers kingdoms
and nations by tyranny and negligence of people. 'But we conclude,'
said they, 'what ought to be done in all kingdoms and commonwealths,
according to the law of God, and the just laws of man. And if, by
the negligence of the people, or by the tyranny of princes, contrary
laws have been made, yet may that same people, or their posterity,
justly crave all things to be reformed, according to the original
institution of kings and commonwealths; and such as will not do so,
deserve to eat the fruit of their own foolishness.'"

Master James Macgill, then Clerk of Register, perceiving the votes
to be different, and hearing the bold plainness of the foresaid
servant of God, said, "I remember that this same question was long
debated once before this in my house, and there, by reason that we
were not all of one mind, it was concluded that Mr. Knox should,
in all our names, write to Mr. Calvin for his judgment in the
controversy."

"Nay," said Mr. Knox, "my Lord Secretary would not consent that I
should write, alleging that the greatest weight of the answer stood
in the narrative, and therefore promised that he would write, and I
should see it. But when, at divers times, I required him to remember
his promise, I found nothing but delay."

Thereto the Secretary did answer, "True it is, I promised to write,
and true it is, that divers times Mr. Knox required me so to do.
But, when I had more deeply considered the weight of the matter, I
began to find more doubts than I did before, and this one amongst
others, how durst I, being a subject, and the Queen's Majesty's
Secretary, take upon me, without her own knowledge and consent, to
seek resolution of controversies depending betwixt her Highness and
her subjects." Then was there an acclamation of the clawbacks of
the Court, as if Apollo had given his response. It was wisely and
faithfully done.

"Well," said John Knox, "let worldly men praise worldly wisdom as
highly as they please, I am assured that by such shifts idolatry
is maintained, and the truth of Jesus Christ is betrayed. God one
day will be revenged." At this and the like sharpness many were
offended, the voting ceased, and every faction began plainly to
speak as affection moved them. In the end John Knox was commanded
yet to write to Mr. Calvin, and to the learned in other Kirks, to
ascertain their judgments on that question. This he refused, stating
his reason. "I myself am not only fully resolved in conscience, but
also I have heard the judgments of the most godly and most learned
that be known in Europe, in this and all other things that I have
affirmed within this realm. I came not to this realm without their
resolution; and for my assurance I have the handwritings of many.
Therefore, if I should now move the same question again, what should
I do but either show my own ignorance and forgetfulness, or else
inconstancy? So may it please you to pardon me, albeit I write not.
But I will teach you the surer way, which is this, write ye and
complain upon me, that I teach publicly and affirm constantly such
doctrine as offends you, and so shall ye know their plain minds, and
whether I and they agree in judgment or not."

Divers said the offer was good; but no man was found that would
be the secretary. And so did the Assembly break up after long
reasoning. After that time, the ministers were holden of all the
courtiers as monsters.

In all that time the Earl of Moray was so fremmed[241] to John Knox,
that neither by word nor writing was there any communication betwixt
them.

  [241] Strange; unfriendly.


THE END.




APPENDIX.

I. KNOX'S CONFESSION.

II. THE BOOK OF DISCIPLINE.




KNOX'S CONFESSION.[242]

  [242] The Confession of Faith professed and believed by the
  Protestants within the Realm of Scotland, published by them in
  Parliament, and by the Estates thereof ratified and approved, as
  wholesome and sound Doctrine, grounded upon the infallible Truth of
  God's Word. (_Original Title._)


The Preface.

     The Estates of Scotland with the inhabitants of the same
     professing the Holy Evangel of Christ Jesus, to their natural
     countrymen, and to all other realms and nations, professing the
     same Lord Jesus with them, wish grace, peace, and mercy from
     God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, with the Spirit of
     righteous judgment, for salutation.

Long have we thirsted, dear brethren, to have notified unto the
world the sum of that doctrine which we profess, and for the which
we have sustained infamy and danger. But such has been the rage of
Satan against us, and against the eternal verity of Christ Jesus
lately born amongst us, that to this day no time has been granted
unto us to clear our consciences, as most gladly we would have
done; for how we have been tossed for a whole year past, the most
part of Europe, as we suppose, does understand. But seeing that,
of the infinite goodness, above expectation, of our God, who never
suffers His afflicted to be utterly confounded, we have obtained
some rest and liberty, we could not but set forth this brief and
plain confession of such doctrine as is proponed unto us, and as
we believe and profess. We do so, partly for satisfaction of our
brethren, whose hearts we doubt not have been and yet are wounded
by the despiteful railing of such as yet have not learned to speak
well, and partly for stopping of the mouths of impudent blasphemers,
who boldly condemn that which they have neither heard nor yet
understand. Not that we judge that the cankered malice of such is
able to be cured by this simple Confession. No, we know that the
sweet savour of the Evangel is, and shall be, death to the sons
of perdition. But we have chief respect to our weak and infirm
brethren, to whom we would communicate the bottom of our hearts,
lest that they be troubled or carried away by the diversity of
rumours which Satan spreads abroad against us, to the defecting of
this our most godly enterprise. If any man will note in this our
Confession any article or sentence repugnant to God's holy Word, and
it please him of his gentleness and for Christian charity's sake to
admonish us of the same in writing, we of our honour and fidelity
do promise unto him satisfaction from the mouth of God, that is,
from His holy Scriptures, or else reformation of that which he
shall prove to be amiss. We take God to record in our consciences,
that from our hearts we abhor all sects of heresy, and all teachers
of erroneous doctrine; and that with all humility we embrace the
purity of Christ's Evangel, which is the only food of our souls;
and therefore so precious unto us, that we are determined to suffer
the extremity of worldly danger, rather than that we will suffer
ourselves to be defrauded of the same. For we are most certainly
persuaded that whosoever denies Christ Jesus, or is ashamed of Him,
in presence of men, shall be denied before the Father, and before
His holy angels. And therefore, by the assistance of the mighty
Spirit of our Lord Jesus, we firmly promise to abide to the end in
the Confession of this our Faith.


Of God.--Cap. I.

We confess and acknowledge one only God, to whom only we must
cleave, [whom only we must serve],[243] whom only we must worship,
and in whom only we must put our trust; who is eternal, infinite,
unmeasurable, incomprehensible, omnipotent, invisible: one in
substance, and yet distinct in three persons, the Father, the Son,
and the Holy Ghost: By whom we confess and believe all things in
heaven and in earth, as well visible as invisible, to have been
created, to be retained in their being, and to be ruled and guided
by His inscrutable Providence, to such end as His eternal wisdom,
goodness, and justice has appointed them, to the manifestation of
His own glory.

  [243] Words in square brackets are not in MSS. but are found in old
  printed copies of the Confession.--ED.


Of the Creation of Man.--Cap. II.

We confess and acknowledge this our God to have created man, to
wit, our first father Adam, of whom also God formed the woman to
His own image and similitude; to whom He gave wisdom, lordship,
justice, free-will, and clear knowledge of Himself; so that in the
whole nature of man there could be noted no imperfection. From which
honour and perfection man and woman did both fall; the woman being
deceived by the serpent, and man obeying to the voice of the woman,
both conspiring against the Sovereign Majesty of God, who before, in
expressed words, had threatened death, if they presumed to eat of
the forbidden tree.


Of Original Sin.--Cap. III.

By which transgression, commonly called Original Sin, was the
image of God utterly defaced in man; and he and his posterity of
nature became enemies to God, slaves to Satan, and servants to sin;
insomuch that death everlasting has had, and shall have, power and
dominion over all that have not been, are not, or shall not be
regenerate from above: which regeneration is wrought by the power of
the Holy Ghost, working in the hearts of the elect of God an assured
faith in the promise of God, revealed to us in His word; by which
faith they apprehend Christ Jesus, with the graces and benefits
promised in Him.


Of the Revelation of the Promise.--Cap. IV.

For this we constantly believe, that God, after the fearful and
horrible defection of man from His obedience, did seek Adam again,
call upon him, rebuke his sin, convict him of the same, and in the
end made unto him a most joyful promise, to wit, that the seed of
the woman should break down the serpent's head; that is, he should
destroy the works of the Devil. Which promise, as it was repeated
and made more clear from time to time, was embraced with joy, and
most constantly retained by all the faithful, from Adam to Noah,
from Noah to Abraham, from Abraham to David, and so forth to the
incarnation of Christ Jesus: who all, we mean the faithful fathers
under the law, did see the joyful days of Christ Jesus, and did
rejoice.


The Continuance, Increase, and Preservation of the Kirk.--Cap. V.

We most constantly believe, that God preserved, instructed,
multiplied, honoured, decorated, and from death called to life
His Kirk in all ages, from Adam until the coming of Christ Jesus
in the flesh: Abraham He called from his father's country, him
He instructed, his seed He multiplied, the same He marvellously
preserved and more marvellously delivered from the bondage [and
tyranny] of Pharaoh; to them He gave His laws, constitutions, and
ceremonies; them He possessed in the land of Canaan; to them, after
judges, and after Saul, He gave David to be King, to whom He made
promise, that of the fruit of his loins should one sit for ever upon
his regal seat. To this same people, from time to time, He sent
prophets to lead them back to the right way of their God, from the
which oftentimes they declined by idolatry, and albeit, for their
stubborn contempt of justice, He was compelled to give them into the
hands of their enemies, as before was threatened by the mouth of
Moses, insomuch that the holy city was destroyed, the temple burned
with fire, and the whole land left desolate the space of seventy
years; yet of mercy did He lead them back again to Jerusalem, where
the city and temple were rebuilt, and they, against all temptations
and assaults of Satan, did abide until the Messias came, according
to the promise.


Of the Incarnation of Christ Jesus.--Cap. VI.

When the fulness of time came, God sent His Son, His Eternal Wisdom,
the substance of His own glory, into this world, who took the nature
of Manhood of the substance of a woman, to wit, of a virgin, and
that by the operation of the Holy Ghost: And so was born the just
seed of David, the Angel of the great counsel of God; the very
Messias promised, whom we acknowledge and confess Emmanuel; very
God and very man, two perfect natures united and joined in one
person. By this our Confession we condemn the damnable and pestilent
heresies of Arius, Marcion, Eutyches, Nestorius, and such others as
either deny the eternity of His Godhead or the verity of His human
nature, confound them, or divide them.


Why it behoved the Mediator to be very God and very Man.--Cap. VII.

We acknowledge and confess that this most wondrous conjunction
betwixt the Godhead and the Manhood in Christ Jesus did proceed from
the eternal and immutable decree of God, whence also our salvation
springs and depends.


Election.--Cap. VIII.

For that same Eternal God, and Father, who of mere mercy elected
us in Christ Jesus, His Son, before the foundation of the world
was laid, appointed Him to be our Head, our Brother, our Pastor,
and great Bishop of our souls. But because that the enmity betwixt
the justice of God and our sins was such that no flesh by itself
could or might have attained unto God, it behoved that the Son of
God should descend unto us, and take Himself a body of our body,
flesh of our flesh, and bone of our bones, and so become the perfect
Mediator betwixt God and man; giving power to so many as believe in
Him to be the sons of God, as He Himself does witness: "I pass up
to my Father and unto your Father, to my God and unto your God."
By this most holy fraternity, whatsoever we have lost in Adam
is restored to us again. And for this cause are we not afraid to
call God our Father, not so much because He hath created us, which
we have in common with the reprobate, as for that He has given
to us His only Son to be our Brother, and given unto us grace to
[acknowledge and] embrace Him for our only Mediator, as before is
said. It behoved further, the Messias and Redeemer to be very God
and very man, because He was to underlie the punishment due for
our transgressions, and to present Himself in the presence of His
Father's judgment, as in our person to suffer for our transgression
and inobedience, by death to overcome him that was author of death.
But because the only Godhead could not suffer death, neither could
the only Manhood overcome the same; He joined both together in one
person, that the imbecility of the one should suffer, and be subject
to death, which we had deserved, and the infinite and invincible
power of the other, to wit, of the Godhead, should triumph and
procure for us life, liberty, and perpetual victory. And so we
confess, and most undoubtedly believe.


Christ's Death, Passion, Burial, etc.--Cap. IX.

That our Lord Jesus Christ offered Himself a voluntary sacrifice
unto His Father for us; that He suffered contradiction of sinners;
that He was wounded and plagued for our transgressions; that He,
being the clean and innocent Lamb of God, was condemned in the
presence of an earthly judge, that we might be absolved before
the tribunal seat of our God; that He suffered not only the cruel
death of the Cross, which was accursed by the sentence of God, but
also that He suffered for a season the wrath of His Father, which
sinners had deserved. But yet we avow that He remained the only and
well-beloved and blessed Son of His Father, even in the midst of His
anguish and torment, which He suffered in body and soul, to make the
full satisfaction for the sins of His people. We confess and avow,
that there remains no other sacrifice for sins; which if any affirm,
we nothing doubt to avow that they are blasphemers against Christ's
death, and the everlasting purgation and satisfaction procured for
us by the same.


Resurrection.--Cap. X.

We undoubtedly believe that, insomuch as it was impossible that
the dolours of death should retain in bondage the Author of life,
our Lord Jesus Christ, crucified, dead, and buried, descended into
hell, did rise again for our justification, and the destruction
of him who was the author of death, and brought life again to us
that were subject to death and to its bondage. We know that His
resurrection was confirmed by the testimony of His very enemies; by
the resurrection of the dead, whose sepulchres did open, and who
did arise and appear to many within the city of Jerusalem. It was
also confirmed by the testimony of His angels, and by the senses and
judgments of His apostles, and of others who had conversation, and
did eat and drink with Him after His resurrection.


Ascension.--Cap. XI.

We nothing doubt but that the self-same body, which was born of
the Virgin, was crucified, dead, and buried, and rose again, did
ascend into the heavens for the accomplishment of all things; where,
in our names and for our comfort, He has received all power in
heaven and in earth; where He sits at the right hand of the Father,
inaugurate in His kingdom, Advocate and only Mediator for us;
which glory, honour, and prerogative He alone amongst the brethren
shall possess, until all His enemies be made His footstool, as we
undoubtedly believe they shall be in the final judgment; to the
execution whereof we certainly believe that our Lord Jesus shall
visibly return as we believe that He was seen to ascend. And then we
firmly believe, that the time of refreshing and restitution of all
things shall come, insomuch that they that from the beginning have
suffered violence, injury, and wrong for righteousness' sake, shall
inherit that blessed immortality promised from the beginning: but
contrariwise, the stubborn, inobedient, cruel, oppressors, filthy
persons, adulterers, and all sorts of unfaithful men shall be cast
into the dungeon of outer darkness, where their worm shall not die,
neither yet their fire be extinguished. The remembrance of which
day, and of the judgment to be executed in the same, is not only to
us a bridle whereby our carnal lusts are refrained; but also such
inestimable comfort, that neither may the threatening of worldly
princes, nor yet the fear of temporal death and present danger, move
us to renounce and forsake that blessed society which we the members
have with our Head and only Mediator, Christ Jesus, whom we confess
and avow to be the Messias promised, the only Head of His Kirk,
our just Lawgiver, our only High Priest, Advocate, and Mediator.
In which honours and offices, if man or angel presume to intrude
themselves, we utterly detest and abhor them, as blasphemous to our
Sovereign and Supreme Governor, Christ Jesus.


Faith in the Holy Ghost.--Cap. XII.

This our faith, and the assurance of the same, proceeds not from
flesh and blood, that is to say, from no natural powers within us,
but is the inspiration of the Holy Ghost. Him we confess God, equal
with the Father and with the Son; who sanctifieth us, and bringeth
us into all truth by His own operation; without Him we should remain
for ever enemies to God, and ignorant of His Son, Christ Jesus. For
of nature we are so dead, so blind, and so perverse, that neither
can we feel when we are pricked, see the light when it shines, nor
assent to the will of God when it is revealed; only the Spirit of
the Lord Jesus quickeneth that which is dead, removeth the darkness
from our minds, and boweth our stubborn hearts to the obedience of
His blessed will. As we confess that God the Father created us when
we were not, and as His Son, our Lord Jesus, redeemed us when we
were enemies to Him, so also do we confess that the Holy Ghost does
sanctify and regenerate us, altogether without respect to any merit
proceeding from us, be it before, or be it after our regeneration.
In more plain words, as we willingly spoil ourselves of all honour
and glory of our own creation and redemption, so do we also of
our regeneration and sanctification: for of ourselves we are not
sufficient to think one good thought; but He who has begun the good
work in us is only He that continueth us in the same, to the praise
and glory of His undeserved grace.


The Cause of Good Works.--Cap. XIII.

The cause of good works we therefore confess to be, not our
freewill, but the Spirit of the Lord Jesus; who, dwelling in our
hearts by true faith, brings forth such good works as God hath
prepared for us to walk in: for we most boldly affirm, that it is
blasphemy to say that Christ Jesus abides in the hearts of such
as in whom there is no Spirit of sanctification. And therefore we
fear not to affirm, that murderers, oppressors, cruel persecutors,
adulterers, whoremongers, filthy persons, idolaters, drunkards,
thieves, and all workers of iniquity, have neither true faith,
nor any portion of the Spirit of sanctification, which proceedeth
from the Lord Jesus, so long as they obstinately continue in their
wickedness. For how soon that ever the Spirit of the Lord Jesus,
which God's elect children receive by true faith, takes possession
in the heart of any man, so soon does He regenerate and renew the
same man; so that he begins to hate that which before he loved, and
begins to love that which before he hated; and from thence comes
that continual battle which is betwixt the flesh and the Spirit
in God's children; while the flesh and natural man, according to
its own corruption, lusts for things pleasing and delectable unto
itself, grudges in adversity, is lifted up in prosperity, and at
every moment is prone and ready to offend the Majesty of God. But
the Spirit of God, which giveth witness to our spirit that we are
the sons of God, makes us to resist the Devil, to abhor filthy
pleasures, to groan in God's presence for deliverance from this
bondage of corruption; and finally, so to triumph over sin that
it reign not in our mortal bodies. Carnal men, being destitute of
God's Spirit, have not this battle; these do follow and obey sin
with greediness, and without repentance, even as the Devil and
their corrupt lusts do prick them. But the sons of God, as before
is said, do fight against sin, do sob and mourn, when they perceive
themselves tempted to iniquity: and, if they fall, they rise again
with earnest and unfeigned repentance. And these things they do not
by their own power; but the power of the Lord Jesus, without whom
they were able to do nothing, worketh in them all that is good.


What Works are reputed good before God.--Cap. XIV.

We confess and acknowledge that God has given to man His holy law,
in which not only are forbidden all such works as displease and
offend His Godly Majesty; but also are commended all such as please
Him, and as He hath promised to reward. And these works be of two
sorts; the one are done to the honour of God, the other to the
profit of our neighbours; and both have the revealed will of God
for their assurance. To have one God; to worship and honour Him;
to call upon Him in all our troubles; to reverence His holy name;
to hear His Word; to believe the same; to communicate with His
holy Sacraments: these are the works of the First Table. To honour
father, mother, princes, rulers, and superior powers; to love them;
to support them, yea, to obey their charges, unless repugnant to
the commandment of God; to save the lives of innocents; to repress
tyranny; to defend the oppressed; to keep our bodies clean and holy;
to live in sobriety and temperance; to deal justly with all men,
both in word and in deed; and, finally, to repress all appetite for
our neighbour's hurt: these are the good works of the Second Table,
which are most pleasing and acceptable unto God, as those works that
are commanded by Himself. The contrary is sin most odious, which
always displeases Him, and provokes Him to anger. Not to call upon
Him alone when we have need; not to hear His Word with reverence;
to contemn and despise it; to have or to worship idols; to maintain
and defend idolatry; lightly to esteem the reverent name of God;
to profane, abuse, or contemn the Sacraments of Christ Jesus; to
disobey or resist any that God has placed in authority, while they
pass not over the bounds of their office; to murder, or to consent
thereto; to bear hatred, or to suffer innocent blood to be shed if
we may gainstand it; and, finally, the transgressing of any other
commandment in the First or Second Table, we confess and affirm to
be sin, by which God's hot displeasure is kindled against the proud
and unthankful world. So that good works we affirm to be these only
that are done in faith, and at God's commandment, who in His law
has expressed what be the things that please Him. And evil works,
we affirm to be, not only those that are expressly done against
God's commandment, but those also that, in matters of religion and
worshipping of God, have no other assurance but the invention and
opinion of man, which God from the beginning has ever rejected; as,
by the prophet Isaiah and by our Master Christ Jesus, we are taught
in these words--"In vain they do worship Me, teaching for doctrines
the commandments of men."


The Perfection of the Law and Imperfection of Man.--Cap. XV.

The law of God we confess and acknowledge most just, most equal,
most holy, and most perfect; commanding those things which, being
wrought in perfection, were able to give life, and able to bring
man to eternal felicity. But our nature is so corrupt, so weak, and
imperfect, that we are never able to fulfil the works of the law
in perfection; yea, "If we say we have no sin," (even after we are
regenerate,) "we deceive ourselves, and the truth of God is not in
us." And therefore it behoved us to apprehend Christ Jesus, with His
justice and satisfaction, who is the end and accomplishment of the
law to all that believe; by whom we are set at this liberty, that
the curse and malediction of God fall not upon us, albeit we fulfil
not the same in all points. For God the Father, beholding us in the
body of His Son Christ Jesus, accepteth our imperfect obedience as
it were perfect, and covereth our works, which are defiled with
many spots, with the justice of His Son. As we have already plainly
confessed, we do not mean that we are so set at liberty that we owe
no obedience to the law; but we affirm that no man on earth, Christ
Jesus only excepted, hath given, giveth, or shall give in work,
that obedience to the law which the law requireth. When we have done
all things, we must fall down and unfeignedly confess that we are
unprofitable servants. And therefore whosoever boast themselves of
the merits of their own works, or put their trust in the works of
supererogation, boast themselves of that which is not, and put their
trust in damnable idolatry.


Of the Kirk.--Cap. XVI.

As we believe in one God, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, so do we most
earnestly believe that from the beginning there has been, now is,
and to the end of the world shall be a Church; that is to say, a
company and multitude of men chosen of God, who rightly worship and
embrace Him, by true faith in Christ Jesus, who is the only Head of
the same Kirk, which also is the body and spouse of Christ Jesus;
which Kirk is Catholic, that is, universal, because it contains the
elect of all ages, of all realms, nations, and tongues, be they of
the Jews, or be they of the Gentiles, who have communion and society
with God the Father, and with His Son Christ Jesus, through the
sanctification of His Holy Spirit; and therefore it is called the
communion, not of profane persons, but of saints, who, as citizens
of the heavenly Jerusalem, have the fruition of the most inestimable
benefits, to wit, of one God, one Lord Jesus, one faith, and of one
baptism; out of the which Kirk there is neither life nor eternal
felicity. And therefore we utterly abhor the blasphemy of those that
affirm that men which live according to equity and justice shall
be saved, what religion soever they have professed. For as without
Christ Jesus there is neither life nor salvation, so shall there
none be participant thereof but such as the Father has given unto
His Son Christ Jesus, and those that in time come to Him, avow His
doctrine, and believe into Him--we comprehend the children with the
faithful parents. This Kirk is invisible, known only to God, who
alone knoweth whom He has chosen, and comprehends as well, as said
is, the elect that be departed, commonly called the Kirk triumphant,
as those that yet live and fight against sin and Satan as shall live
hereafter.


The Immortality of the Souls.--Cap. XVII.

The elect departed are in peace, and rest from their labours; not
that they sleep and come to a certain oblivion, as some fantastic
heads do affirm, but they are delivered from all fear, all torment,
and all temptation, to which we and all God's elect are subject in
this life; and therefore do bear the name of the Kirk militant. As
contrariwise, the reprobate and unfaithful departed have anguish,
torment, and pain, that cannot be expressed; so that neither are the
one nor the other in such sleep that they feel not joy or torment,
as, in the parable of Christ Jesus in the sixteenth chapter of Luke,
His words to the thief, and these words of the souls crying under
the altar, "O Lord, Thou that art righteous and just, how long shalt
Thou not revenge our blood upon them that dwell upon the earth!" do
plainly testify.


Of the notes by which the True Kirk is discerned from the false,
and who shall be judge of the doctrine.--Cap. XVIII.

Because that Satan from the beginning has laboured to deck his
pestilent synagogue with the title of the Kirk of God, and has
inflamed the hearts of cruel murderers to persecute, trouble,
and molest the true Kirk and members thereof, as Cain did Abel;
Ishmael, Isaac; Esau, Jacob; and the whole priesthood of the Jews,
Jesus Christ Himself and His apostles after Him; it is a thing most
requisite that the true Kirk be discerned from the filthy synagogue,
by clear and perfect notes, lest we, being deceived, receive and
embrace to our own condemnation the one for the other. The notes,
signs, and assured tokens whereby the immaculate spouse of Christ
Jesus is known from that horrible harlot the Kirk malignant, we
affirm are neither antiquity, title usurped, lineal descent, place
appointed, nor multitude of men approving an error; for Cain in age
and title was preferred to Abel and Seth. Jerusalem had prerogative
above all places of the earth, where also were the priests lineally
descended from Aaron; and greater multitude followed the Scribes,
Pharisees, and Priests than unfeignedly believed and approved Christ
Jesus and His doctrine; and yet, as we suppose, no man of sound
judgment will grant that any of the forenamed were the Kirk of God.
The notes, therefore, of the true Kirk of God we believe, confess,
and avow to be, first, the true preaching of the Word of God; into
the which God has revealed Himself to us, as the writings of the
prophets and apostles do declare. Secondly, the right administration
of the Sacraments of Christ Jesus, which must be annexed to the Word
and promise of God, to seal and confirm the same in our hearts.
Lastly, ecclesiastical discipline uprightly ministered, as God's
Word prescribes, whereby vice is repressed, and virtue nourished.
Wheresoever then these former notes are seen, and of any time
continue, be the number never so few above two or three, there,
without all doubt, is the true Kirk of Christ, who, according to
His promise, is in the midst of them; not that Kirk universal, of
which we have before spoken, but particular; such as was in Corinth,
Galatia, Ephesus, and other places in which the ministry was planted
by Paul, and were of himself named the Kirks of God. And such Kirks,
we the inhabitants of the realm of Scotland, professors of Christ
Jesus, confess us to have in our cities, towns, and places reformed;
for the doctrine taught in our Kirks is contained in the written
Word of God, to wit, in the books of the Old and New Testaments.
In these books we mean, which of the ancient have been reputed
canonical, in the which we affirm that all things necessary to be
believed for the salvation of mankind are sufficiently expressed;
the interpretation whereof, we confess, neither appertaineth to
private nor public person, nor yet to any kirk for any pre-eminence
or prerogative, personal or local, which one has above another;
but appertaineth to the Spirit of God, by the which also the
Scripture was written. When controversy then happeneth for the
right understanding of any place or sentence of Scripture, or for
the reformation of any abuse within the Kirk of God, we ought not
so much to look what men before us have said or done, as unto
that which the Holy Ghost uniformly speaks within the body of
the Scriptures, and unto that which Christ Jesus Himself did, and
commanded to be done. For this is a thing universally granted, that
the Spirit of God, which is the Spirit of unity, is in nothing
contrarious unto Himself. If then the interpretation, determination,
or sentence of any doctor, Kirk, or Council, repugn to the plain
Word of God written in any other place of the Scripture, it is
a thing most certain, that theirs is not the true understanding
and meaning of the Holy Ghost, supposing that councils, realms,
and nations have approved and received the same. For we dare not
receive and admit any interpretation which directly repugneth to
any principal point of our faith, or to any other plain text of
Scripture, or yet unto the rule of charity.


The Authority of the Scriptures.--Cap. XIX.

As we believe and confess the Scriptures of God sufficient to
instruct and make the man of God perfect, so do we affirm and avow
the authority of the same to be of God, and neither to depend on men
nor angels. We affirm, therefore, that such as allege the Scripture
to have no other authority, but that which is received from the
Kirk, to be blasphemous against God, and injurious to the true Kirk,
which always heareth and obeyeth the voice of her own spouse and
pastor, but taketh not upon her to be mistress over the same.


Of General Councils, of their Power, Authority, and Causes of their
Convention.--Cap. XX.

As we do not rashly condemn that which godly men assembled together
in General Council, lawfully gathered, have approved unto us; so
without just examination dare we not receive whatsoever is obtrused
unto men, under the name of General Councils. For plain it is, that
as they were men, so have some of them manifestly erred, and that
in matters of great weight and importance. So far, then, as the
Council proveth the determination and commandment that it giveth
by the plain Word of God, so far do we reverence and embrace the
same. But if men, under the name of a Council, pretend to forge unto
us new articles of our faith, or to make constitutions repugning
to the Word of God, then utterly we must refuse the same, as the
doctrine of devils which draws our souls from the voice of our only
God, to follow the doctrines and constitutions of men. The cause,
then, why General Councils were convened, was neither to make any
perpetual law, which God before had not made, nor yet to forge new
articles of our belief, nor to give the Word of God authority, much
less to make that to be His Word, or yet the true interpretation of
the same, which was not before by His holy will expressed in His
Word. But the cause of Councils, we mean of such as merit the name
of Councils, was partly for confutation of heresies, and for giving
public confession of their faith to the posterity following; which
both they did by the authority of God's written Word, and not by
any opinion or prerogative that they could not err, by reason of
their general assembly. And this we judge to have been the chief
cause of General Councils. The other was for good policy and order
to be constitute and observed in the Kirk, in which, as in the house
of God, it becomes all things to be done decently and in order.
Not that we think that a policy and an order in ceremonies can be
appointed for all ages, times, and places; for as ceremonies, such
as men have devised, are but temporal, so may and ought they to be
changed when they rather foster superstition, than edify the Kirk
using the same.


Of the Sacraments.--Cap. XXI.

As the Fathers under the Law, besides the verity of the sacrifices,
had two chief Sacraments, to wit, Circumcision and the Passover,
the despisers and contemners whereof were not reputed God's
people; so do we acknowledge and confess that we now, in the time
of the Evangel, have two Sacraments only, institute by the Lord
Jesus, and commanded to be used of all those that will be reputed
members of His body, to wit, Baptism and the Supper, or Table of
the Lord Jesus, called the Communion of His body and blood. And
these Sacraments, as well of the Old as of the New Testament, were
institute of God, not only to make a visible difference betwixt
His people and those that were without His league, but also to
exercise the faith of His children; and by participation of the same
Sacraments, to seal in their hearts the assurance of His promise,
and of that most blessed conjunction, union, and society, which
the elect have with their Head, Christ Jesus. And thus we utterly
condemn the vanity of those that affirm Sacraments to be nothing
else but naked and bare signs. No, we assuredly believe that by
Baptism we are ingrafted in Christ Jesus to be made partakers of
His justice, by the which our sins are covered and remitted; and,
also, that in the Supper, rightly used, Christ Jesus is so joined
with us, that He becomes the very nourishment and food of our souls.
Not that we imagine any transubstantiation of bread into Christ's
natural body, and of wine into His natural blood, as the <DW7>s
have perniciously taught and damnably believed; but this union and
communion which we have with the body and blood of Christ Jesus in
the right use of the Sacraments, is wrought by operation of the
Holy Ghost, who by true faith carries us above all things that are
visible, carnal and earthly, and makes us to feed upon the body and
blood of Christ Jesus, which was once broken and shed for us, which
now is in the heaven, and appeareth in the presence of the Father
for us. And yet, notwithstanding the far distance of place, which is
betwixt His body now glorified in the heaven and us now mortal in
this earth, yet we most assuredly believe that the bread which we
break is the communion of Christ's body, and the cup which we bless
is the communion of His blood. So that we confess and undoubtedly
believe that the faithful, in the right use of the Lord's Table,
so do eat the body and drink the blood of the Lord Jesus, that He
remaineth in them and they in Him; yea, that they are so made flesh
of His flesh, and bone of His bones, that, as the Eternal Godhead
hath given to the flesh of Christ Jesus (which of its own condition
and nature was mortal and corruptible) life and immortality, so doth
Christ Jesus His flesh and blood eaten and drunken by us, give to us
the same prerogative. Albeit we confess that these are neither given
unto us at that only time, nor yet by the proper power and virtue
of the Sacraments alone, we affirm that the faithful in the right
use of the Lord's Table have such conjunction with Christ Jesus as
the natural man cannot comprehend: yea, and farther we affirm that,
albeit the faithful oppressed by negligence, and human infirmity,
do not profit so much as they would at the very instant action of
the Supper, yet shall it after bring forth fruit, as lively seed
sown in good ground; for the Holy Spirit, which can never be divided
from the right institution of the Lord Jesus, will not frustrate
the faithful of the fruit of that mystical action. But all this, we
say, comes by true faith, which apprehendeth Christ Jesus, who only
makes His Sacraments effectual unto us; and, therefore, whosoever
slandereth us, as that we affirmed or believed Sacraments to be
only naked and bare signs, do injury unto us, and speak against a
manifest truth. But liberally and frankly we must confess that we
make a distinction betwixt Christ Jesus in His natural substance
and the elements in the Sacramental signs; so that we will neither
worship the signs in place of that which is signified by them, nor
yet do we despise and interpret them as unprofitable and vain; but
we use them with all reverence, examining ourselves diligently
before we do so, because we are assured by the mouth of the Apostle
that such as eat of that bread, and drink of that cup, unworthily,
are guilty of the body and blood of the Lord Jesus.


Of the right Administration of the Sacraments.--Cap. XXII.

That Sacraments be rightly ministered, we judge two things
requisite. The one, that they be ministered by lawful ministers,
whom we affirm to be only they that are appointed to the preaching
of the Word, or into whose mouths God has put some sermon of
exhortation, they being men lawfully chosen thereto by some kirk.
The other, that they be ministered in such elements, and in such
sort as God hath appointed. Else we affirm that they cease to be
right Sacraments of Christ Jesus. And, therefore, it is, that we
flee the society of the Papistical Kirk, in participation of their
Sacraments; first, because their ministers are no ministers of
Christ Jesus; yea, which is more horrible, they suffer women, whom
the Holy Ghost will not suffer to teach in the congregation, to
baptize. And, secondly, because they have so adulterate, both the
one Sacrament and the other, with their own inventions, that no
part of Christ's action abideth in the original purity; for oil,
salt, spittle, and such-like in baptism, are but men's inventions;
adoration, veneration, bearing through streets and towns, and
keeping of bread in boxes or buists,[244] are profanation of
Christ's Sacraments, and no use of the same. For Christ Jesus said,
"Take, eat," etc., "do ye this in remembrance of Me." By these words
and charge He sanctified bread and wine to be the Sacrament of His
body and blood; to the end that the one should be eaten, and that
all should drink of the other; and not that they should be kept
to be worshipped and honoured as God, as the blind <DW7>s have
done heretofore, who also have committed sacrilege, stealing from
the people the one part of the Sacrament, to wit, the blessed cup.
Moreover, that the Sacraments be rightly used, it is required that
the end and cause why the Sacraments were institute be understood
and observed, as well by the minister as by the receivers: for, if
the opinion be changed in the receiver, the right use ceaseth. This
is most evident from the rejection of the sacrifices (as also if the
teacher teach false doctrine) which were odious and abominable unto
God, albeit they were His own ordinances, because wicked men made
use of them for another end than God had ordained. The same affirm
we of the Sacraments in the Papistical Kirk, in which we affirm the
whole action of the Lord Jesus to be adulterate, as well in the
external form as in the end and opinion. What Christ Jesus did and
commanded to be done, is evident by the three Evangelists, [who
speak of the Sacraments,] and by Saint Paul. What the priest does
at his altar we need not rehearse. The end and cause of Christ's
institution, and why the self same should be used, is expressed in
these words--"Do this in remembrance of Me. As oft as ye shall eat
of this bread and drink of this cup, ye shall show forth" (that is,
extol, preach, and magnify) "the Lord's death till He come." But to
what end, and in what opinion the priests say their masses, let the
words of the same, their own doctors and writings witness; to wit,
that they, as mediators betwixt Christ and His Kirk, do offer unto
God the Father a sacrifice propitiatory for the sins of the quick
and the dead. This doctrine, as blasphemous to Christ Jesus, and
making derogation to the sufficiency of His only sacrifice, once
offered for purgation of all those that shall be sanctified, we
utterly abhor, detest, and renounce.

  [244] Chests.


To whom Sacraments Appertain.--Cap. XXIII.

We confess and acknowledge that baptism appertaineth as well to the
infants of the faithful as to those that be of age and discretion.
And so we condemn the error of the Anabaptists, who deny baptism to
appertain to children before they have faith and understanding. But
the Supper of the Lord we confess to appertain only to such as have
been of the household of faith and can try and examine themselves,
as well in their faith as in their duty towards their neighbours.
Such as eat [and drink] at that holy table without faith, or being
at dissension or division with their brethren, do eat unworthily:
and, therefore, in our kirks our ministers take public and
particular examination of the knowledge and conversation of such as
are to be admitted to the Table of the Lord Jesus.


Of the Civil Magistrate.--Cap. XXIV.

We confess and acknowledge empires, kingdoms, dominions, and cities
to be distinct and ordained by God: the powers and authorities
in the same, be it of emperors in their empires, of kings in
their realms, dukes and princes in their dominions, or of other
magistrates in free cities, to be God's holy ordinance, ordained
for manifestation of His own glory, and for the singular profit
and commodity of mankind. So that whosoever goes about to take
away or to confound the whole state of civil policies, now long
established, we affirm not only to be enemies to mankind, but also
wickedly to fight against God's expressed will. We farther confess
and acknowledge that such persons as are placed in authority are to
be loved, honoured, feared, and holden in most reverent estimation;
because they are the lieutenants of God, in whose session God
Himself doth sit and judge (yea, even the judges and princes
themselves), to whom by God is given the sword, to the praise and
defence of good men, and to revenge and punish all open malefactors.
Moreover, to kings, princes, rulers, and magistrates, we affirm
that chiefly and most principally the reformation and purgation of
religion appertains; so that not only they are appointed for civil
policy, but also for maintenance of the true religion, and for
suppressing of idolatry and superstition whatsoever, as in David,
Jehoshaphat, Hezekiah, Josiah and others, highly commended for their
zeal in that case, may be espied. And therefore we confess and
vow, that such as resist the supreme power, doing that thing which
appertains to his charge, do resist God's ordinance, and therefore
cannot be guiltless. And farther, we affirm that whosoever deny
unto them their aid, counsel, and comfort, while the princes and
rulers vigilantly travail in the executing of their office, deny
their help, support, and counsel to God, who by the presence of His
lieutenant craveth it of them.


The Gifts freely given to the Kirk.--Cap. XXV.

Albeit that the word of God truly preached, the Sacraments rightly
ministered, and discipline executed according to the Word of God,
be the certain and infallible signs of the true Kirk; yet do we not
so mean that every particular person joined with such a company,
is an elect member of Christ Jesus. For we acknowledge and confess
that darnel, cockle, and chaff may be sown, grow, and in great
abundance lie in the midst of the wheat; that is, the reprobate may
be joined in the society of the elect, and may externally use with
them the benefits of the Word and Sacraments; but such, being but
temporal professors in mouth and not in heart, do fall back and
do not continue to the end; and therefore have they no fruit of
Christ's death, resurrection, nor ascension. But such as with heart
unfeignedly believe, and with mouth boldly confess the Lord Jesus,
as before we have said, shall most assuredly receive these gifts;
first, in this life, remission of sins, and that by faith only in
Christ's blood, insomuch that, albeit sin remain and continually
abide in these our mortal bodies, it is not imputed unto us, but is
remitted and covered with Christ's justice. Secondly, in the general
judgment there shall be given to every man and woman resurrection
of the flesh; for the sea shall give her dead, the earth those that
therein be inclosed; yea, the Eternal, our God, shall stretch out
His hand upon dust, and the dead shall arise incorruptible, and that
in the substance of the self-same flesh that every man now bears,
to receive, according to their works, glory or punishment. For such
as now delight in vanity, cruelty, filthiness, superstition, or
idolatry, shall be adjudged to the fire inextinguishable, in the
which they shall be tormented for ever, as well in their own bodies,
as in their souls, which now they give to serve the Devil in all
abomination. But such as continue in well-doing to the end, boldly
professing the Lord Jesus, [we constantly believe that they shall
receive glory, honour and immortality, to reign for ever in life
everlasting with Christ Jesus,] to whose glorified body all His
elect shall be made like, when He shall appear again to judgment,
and shall render up the kingdom to God His Father, who then shall
be, and ever shall remain all in all things, God blessed for ever:
To whom, with the Son, and with the Holy Ghost, be all honour and
glory, now and ever. Amen.

_Arise, O Lord, and let Thy enemies be confounded: Let them flee
from Thy presence that hate Thy godly name: Give Thy servants
strength to speak Thy Word in boldness: and let all nations attain
to Thy true knowledge._

     These Acts and Articles were read in face of Parliament and
     ratified by the Three Estates of the Realm at Edinburgh, on the
     17th day of August in the year of God 1560.




THE BOOK OF DISCIPLINE.[245]

  [245] In a Preface, the compilers addressed themselves to the
  Great Council of Scotland, "now admitted to the Regiment, by the
  Providence of God," acknowledging instructions, received on 29th
  April 1560, to commit to writing their Judgments touching the
  Reformation of Religion. The book is offered "for common order
  and uniformity to be known in this Realm, concerning Doctrine,
  Administration of Sacraments [Election of Ministers, Provision for
  their Sustentation], Ecclesiastical Discipline, and Policy of the
  Kirk." The Lords are desired neither to admit anything which God's
  plain Word shall not approve, nor yet to reject such ordinances as
  equity, justice, and God's Word do specify. Cf. pp. 217, 243 _supra_.


I. Of Doctrine.

Seeing that Christ Jesus is He whom God the Father has commanded
only to be heard and followed of His sheep, we urge it necessary
that His Evangel be truly and openly preached in every kirk and
assembly of this realm; and that all doctrine repugning to the same
be utterly suppressed as damnable to man's salvation.

Lest upon this generality ungodly men take occasion to cavil, this
we add for explication. By preaching of the Evangel, we understand
not only the Scriptures of the New Testament but also of the Old; to
wit, the Law, Prophets, and Histories, in which Christ Jesus is no
less contained in figure, than we have Him now expressed in verity.
And, therefore, with the Apostle we affirm, that all Scripture
inspired of God is profitable to instruct, to reprove, and to
exhort. In which books of Old and New Testaments we affirm that all
things necessary for the instruction of the Kirk, and to make the
man of God perfect, are contained and sufficiently expressed.

By the contrary doctrine, we understand whatsoever men, by laws,
councils, or constitutions have imposed upon the consciences of
men, without the expressed commandment of God's Word; such as vows
of chastity, forswearing of marriage, binding of men and women to
several and disguised apparels, to the superstitious observation
of fasting days, difference of meat for conscience' sake, prayer
for the dead, and keeping of holy days of certain saints commanded
by man, such as be all those that the <DW7>s have invented, as
the feasts, as they term them, of apostles, martyrs, virgins, of
Christmas, circumcision, epiphany, purification, and other fond
feasts of our Lady. Which things, because in God's Scriptures they
neither have commandment nor assurance, we judge utterly to be
abolished from this realm; affirming farther, that the obstinate
maintainers and teachers of such abominations ought not to escape
the punishment of the civil magistrate.


II. Of Sacraments.

To the true preaching of the holy Evangel of Christ Jesus it is
necessary that His holy Sacraments be annexed, and truly ministered,
as seals and visible confirmations of the spiritual promises
contained in the Word. These be two, to wit, Baptism and the
Holy Supper of the Lord Jesus; which are rightly ministered when
the people, before the administration of the same, are plainly
instructed by a lawful minister, and put in mind of God's free grace
and mercy, offered unto the penitent in Christ Jesus; when God's
promises are rehearsed, the end and use of the Sacraments declared,
and that in such a tongue as the people do understand; when,
farther, to them is nothing added, from them nothing diminished, and
in their practice nothing changed from the institution of the Lord
Jesus and practice of His holy Apostles.

Albeit the order of Geneva, which now is used in some of our kirks,
is sufficient to instruct the diligent reader how both these
Sacraments may be rightly ministered; yet, that a uniformity be
kept, we have thought good to add the following as superabundant.

In Baptism, we acknowledge nothing to be used except the element of
water only; that the Word and declaration of the promises ought to
precede we have already said. Wherefore, whosoever presumeth in
baptism to use oil, salt, wax, spittle, conjuration or crossing,
accuseth the perfect institution of Christ Jesus of imperfection;
for it was void of all such inventions devised by men. And such as
would presume to alter Christ's perfect ordinance you ought severely
to punish.

The Table of the Lord is then most rightly ministered when it
approacheth most nigh to Christ's own action. But plain it is that
at that Supper, Christ Jesus sat with His disciples, and therefore
do we judge, that sitting at a table is most convenient to that holy
action; that bread and wine ought to be there; that thanks ought to
be given; distribution of the same made; and commandment given that
the bread should be taken and eaten; and that all should likewise
drink of the cup of wine, with declaration what both the one and
the other is, we suppose no godly man will doubt. As touching the
damnable errors of the <DW7>s, who can defraud the common people
of the one part of that holy Sacrament, to wit, of the cup of the
Lord's blood, we suppose their error to be so manifest that it
needeth no confutation; neither yet intend we to confute anything in
this our simple confession; but to offer public disputation to all
that list to oppugn anything affirmed by us.

That the minister break the bread and distribute the same to those
that be next unto him, commanding the rest, every one with reverence
and sobriety, to break with other, we think nighest to Christ's
action, and to the perfect practice of the Apostles, as we read
it in St. Paul. During this action, we think it necessary that
some comfortable places of the Scriptures be read, which may bring
in mind the death of Christ Jesus and the benefit of the same;
for, seeing that in that action we ought chiefly to remember the
Lord's death, we judge the Scriptures making mention of the same
to be most apt to stir up our dull minds, then and at all times.
Let the discretion of the ministers appoint the places to be read
as they think good. What times we think most convenient for the
administration of the one and of the other of these Sacraments shall
be declared in the policy of the Kirk.


III. Touching the Abolition of Idolatry.

As we require Christ Jesus to be truly preached, and His holy
Sacraments to be rightly ministered; so can we not cease to require
idolatry, with all monuments and places of the same, as abbeys,
monasteries, friaries, nunneries, chapels, chantries, cathedral
kirks, canonries, colleges, others than presently are parish kirks
or schools, to be utterly suppressed in all bounds and places of
this realm, except only the palaces, mansions, and dwelling places
adjacent thereto, with orchards and yards of the same. As also
that idolatry may be removed from the presence of all persons of
whatsoever estate or condition within this realm.

Let your honours be assuredly persuaded that where idolatry is
maintained, or permitted where it may be suppressed, there shall
God's wrath reign, not only upon the blind and obstinate idolater,
but also upon the negligent sufferers of the same; especially if God
have armed their hands with power to suppress such abomination. By
idolatry we understand the Mass, invocation of saints, adoration of
images, and the keeping and retaining of the same: and finally all
honouring of God, not contained in His holy Word.


IV. Concerning Ministers and their Lawful Election.

1. In a Kirk reformed or tending to reformation, none ought to
presume to preach, or to minister the Sacraments, until they be
called to the same in proper form. Ordinary vocation consisteth
in election, examination, and admission; and, because election of
ministers in this cursed Papistry has altogether been abused, we
think it expedient to treat of it more largely.

It appertaineth to the people, and to every several congregation,
to elect their minister. And in case that they be found negligent
therein the space of forty days, the best reformed kirk, to wit,
the church of the Superintendent with his Council, may present unto
them a man whom they judge apt to feed the flock of Christ Jesus,
who must be examined as well in life and manners, as in doctrine and
knowledge.

And that this may be done with more exact diligence, the persons
that are to be examined must be commanded to compear before men of
soundest judgment, resident in some principal town adjacent unto
them; as they that be in Fife, Angus, Mearns, or Strathearn, to
present themselves in St. Andrews; those that be in Lothian, Merse,
or Teviotdale, in Edinburgh; and likewise those that be in other
districts must resort to the best reformed cities or towns, that
is, to the city of the Superintendent. There, first, in the schools
or, failing that, in open assembly, and before the congregation,
they must give declaration of their gifts, utterance, and knowledge,
by interpreting some place of Scripture to be appointed by the
ministry. This ended, the person that is presented, or that offered
himself to the administration of the kirk, must be examined by
the ministers and elders of the kirk, and that openly and before
all that list to hear, in all the chief points that now lie in
controversy betwixt us and the <DW7>s, Anabaptists, Arians, or
other such enemies to the Christian religion. If he be found
sound, able to persuade by wholesome doctrine, and to convince the
gainsayers, then must he be directed to the kirk and congregation
where he should serve, that there, in open audience of his flock, in
divers public sermons, he may give confession of his faith in the
articles of Justification, of the office of Christ Jesus, of the
number, effect, and use of the Sacraments; and finally, of the whole
religion, which heretofore hath been corrupted by the <DW7>s.

If his doctrine be found wholesome, and able to instruct the simple,
and if the Kirk justly can reprehend nothing in his life, doctrine,
nor utterance, then we judge the kirk which before was destitute,
unreasonable if they refuse him whom the Kirk did offer, and that
they should be compelled, by the censure of the Council and Kirk,
to receive the person appointed and approven by the judgment of the
godly and learned; unless the same kirk have presented a man better
or as well qualified to the examination, before this foresaid trial
of the person presented by the Council of the whole Kirk. As, for
example, the Council of the Kirk presents to any kirk a man to be
their minister, not knowing that they are otherwise provided: in the
meantime, the kirk is provided with another, sufficient in their
judgment for that charge, whom they present to the learned ministers
and next reformed kirk to be examined. In this case the presentation
of the people to whom he should be appointed pastor must be
preferred to the presentation of the Council or greater kirk; unless
the person presented by the inferior kirk be judged unable for the
regiment by the learned. For it must be altogether avoided that any
man be violently intrused or thrust in upon any congregation. This
liberty must be carefully reserved to every several congregation, to
have their votes and suffrages in election of their ministers. But
we do not call it violent intrusion when the Council of the Kirk, in
the fear of God, and for the salvation of the people, offereth unto
them a sufficient man to instruct them; and him they shall not be
forced to admit before just examination, as before is said.

2. _What may disqualify any person for admission to the ministry of
the Kirk._--It is to be observed that no person noted with public
infamy, or being unable to edify the Kirk by wholesome doctrine, or
being known of corrupt judgment, be either promoted to the regiment
of the Kirk, or yet received in ecclesiastical administration.

By public infamy we understand, not the common sins and offences
which any has committed in time of blindness, by frailty (if of the
same, by a better and more sober conversation, he hath declared
himself verily penitent), but such capital crimes as the civil sword
ought and may punish with death, according to the word of God. For,
besides that the Apostle requireth the life of ministers to be so
irreprehensible, that they have a good testimony from those that be
without, we judge it a thing unseemly and dangerous, that he shall
have public authority to preach to others the life everlasting, from
whom the civil magistrate may take the life temporal for a crime
publicly committed. And if any object that the prince has pardoned
his offence, and that he has publicly repented, and so is not only
his life in assurance, but also that he may be received to the
ministry of the Kirk; we answer that repentance does not take away
the temporal punishment of the law, neither doth the pardon of the
prince remove his infamy before man.

That the life and conversation of the person presented, or to be
elected, may be the more clearly known, public edicts must be
directed to all parts of this realm, or at the least to those
parts where the person hath been most conversant: as where he was
nourished in letters, or where he continued after the years of
infancy and childhood were passed. Strait commandment would be given
that if any capital crimes were committed by him they should be
notified; as, if he hath committed wilful murder, or adultery, if he
were a common fornicator, a thief, a drunkard, a fighter, a brawler,
or a contentious person. These edicts ought to be notified in the
chief cities, with the like charge and commandment, with declaration
that such as concealed his known sins did, so far as in them lay,
deceive and betray the Kirk, which is the spouse of Christ Jesus,
and did communicate with the sins of that wicked man.

3. _Admission of Ministers._--The admission of ministers to their
offices, must consist in consent of the people and kirk whereto they
shall be appointed, and in approbation of the learned ministers
appointed for their examination.

We judge it expedient, that the admission of ministers be in open
audience; that some especial minister make a sermon touching the
duty and office of ministers, touching their manners, conversation,
and life, as also touching the obedience which the kirk owe to their
ministers. Commandment should be given as well to the minister
as unto the people, both being present, to wit, that he with all
careful diligence attend upon the flock of Christ Jesus, over which
he is appointed preacher; that he will walk in the presence of God
so sincerely that the graces of the Holy Spirit may be multiplied
unto him, and in the presence of men so soberly and uprightly that
his life may confirm, in the eyes of men, that which by tongue and
word he persuadeth unto others. The people would be exhorted to
reverence and honour their ministers chosen, as the servants and
ambassadors of the Lord Jesus, obeying the commandments which they
pronounce from God's mouth and book, even as they would obey God
Himself; for whosoever heareth Christ's ministers heareth Himself,
and whosoever rejecteth them, and despiseth their ministry and
exhortation, rejecteth and despiseth Christ Jesus.

Other ceremony than the public approbation of the people, and
declaration of the chief minister that the person there presented
is appointed to serve that kirk, we cannot approve; for albeit the
Apostles used the imposition of hands, yet, seeing the miracle is
ceased, the using of the ceremony we judge is not necessary.

The minister elected or presented, examined, and, as said is,
publicly admitted, must not at his pleasure leave the flock to the
which he has promised his fidelity and labours; nor may the flock
reject nor change him at their appetite, unless they be able to
convict him of such crimes as deserve deposition. The whole Kirk,
or the most part thereof, for just considerations, may transfer
a minister from one kirk to another: nor do we mean that men who
now do serve as it were of benevolence may not be appointed and
elected to serve in other places; but we cannot approve that once
being solemnly elected and admitted they should change at their own
pleasure.

We are not ignorant that the rarity of godly and learned men shall
seem to some a just reason why so strait and sharp examination
should not be taken universally, because it shall appear that the
most part of the kirks shall have no minister at all. But let
these men understand that the lack of able men shall not excuse us
before God if, by our consent, unable men be placed over the flock
of Christ Jesus; as also that amongst the Gentiles, godly, learned
men were as rare as they be now amongst us, when the Apostle gave
the rule to try and examine ministers which we now follow. Let them
understand that it is alike to have no minister at all, and to have
an idol in the place of a true minister, yea and in some cases it
is worse; for those that be utterly destitute of ministers will be
diligent to search for them; but those that have a vain shadow do
commonly without farther care content themselves with the same,
and so remain they continually deceived, thinking that they have
a minister, when in very deed they have none. We cannot judge a
dispenser of God's mysteries him who in no wise can break the bread
of life to the fainting and hungry souls; neither judge we that the
Sacraments can be rightly ministered by him in whose mouth God has
put no sermon of exhortation.

The chiefest remedy left to your honours and to us, in all this
rarity of true ministers, is fervent prayer unto God, that it will
please His mercy to thrust out faithful workmen into this His
harvest; and next, that your honours, with the consent of the Kirk,
are bound by your authority to compel such men as have gifts and
graces able to edify the Kirk of God, that they bestow them where
greatest necessity shall be known; for no man may be permitted to
live idle, or as he himself lists, but he must be appointed to
travail where your wisdoms and the Kirk shall think expedient.

We cannot prescribe unto your honours certain rule how that ye shall
distribute the ministers and learned men, whom God has already sent
unto you. But hereof we are assured, that it greatly hindereth
the progress of Christ's Evangel within this poor realm, that
some altogether abstract their labours from the Kirk, and others
remain together in one place, the most part of them being idle. And
therefore of your honours we require in God's name, that by the
authority which ye have of God, ye compel all men to whom God has
given any talent to persuade by wholesome doctrine, to bestow the
same, if they be called by the Kirk to the advancement of Christ's
glory, and to the comfort of His troubled flock; and that ye, with
the consent of the Kirk, assign unto your chiefest workmen, not
only towns to remain in, but also provinces, that by their faithful
labours kirks may be erected, and order established, where none is
now. If on this manner ye will use your power and authority, chiefly
seeking God's glory, and the comfort of your brethren, we doubt not
but God shall bless you and your enterprises.

4. _For Readers._--To the kirks where no ministers can be had
presently must be appointed the most apt men that distinctly
can read the Common Prayers and the Scriptures, to exercise both
themselves and the Kirk, till they grow to greater perfection; and
in process of time he that is but a reader may attain to the further
degree, and, by consent of the Kirk and discreet ministers, may be
permitted to administer the Sacraments; but not before he be able
somewhat to persuade by wholesome doctrine, besides his reading, and
be admitted to the ministry. We know some that of long time have
professed Christ Jesus, whose honest conversation deserved praise
of all godly men, and whose knowledge also might greatly help the
simple, who yet only content themselves with reading. These must be
animated and, by gentle admonition, encouraged by some exhortation
to comfort their brethren, and so may be admitted to administration
of the Sacraments. But such readers as have had neither exercise nor
continuance in Christ's true religion must abstain from ministration
of the Sacraments, until they give declaration and witness of their
honesty and further knowledge.[246]

  [246] The Lords think that none should be admitted to preach unless
  they are qualified therefor, but rather that they should be retained
  as readers; and such as are preachers already, not found qualified
  for that office by the Superintendent, should be placed as readers.
  (_Additio._) [Here and at sundry other points in the Book there are
  incorporated passages marked "Additio," importing emendations made
  by the Lords upon the original document submitted by the Compilers.
  In the present edition these emendations are, in most instances,
  transferred to footnotes.--ED.]


V. Concerning Provision for the Ministers, and for Distribution of the
Rents and Possessions justly appertaining to the Kirk.

Seeing that from our Master Christ Jesus and His Apostle Paul we
have it that the workman is worthy of his reward, and that the mouth
of the labouring ox ought not to be muzzled, of necessity it is that
honest provision be made for the ministers. This we require to be
such that they have neither occasion of solicitude nor of insolence
and wantonness. And this provision must be made not only for their
own sustentation during their lives, but also for their wives and
children after them. For we judge it a thing most contrarious to
reason, godliness, and equity that the widow and children of him who
in his life did faithfully serve the Kirk of God, and for that cause
did not carefully make provision for his family, should, after his
death, be left comfortless of all provision.[247]

  [247] Provision for the wives of ministers after their decease to be
  remitted to the discretion of the Kirk. (_Additio._)

It is difficult to appoint a stipend to every several minister, by
reason that the charges and necessity of all will not be alike; for
some will be continuers in one place, while some will be compelled
to travel and oft to change dwelling-place if they shall have charge
of divers kirks. Some will be burdened with wife and children, and
one with more than another, and some perchance will be single men.
If equal stipends be appointed to all those that in charge are so
unequal, one would suffer penury, or another would have superfluity
and too much.

We judge, therefore, that every minister should have sufficient
whereupon to keep a house and be sustained honestly in all things
necessary, as well for keeping of his house, as clothes, flesh,
fish, books, fuel, and other things necessary. Provision should
be made for this from the rents and treasury of the kirk where he
serveth, at the discretion of the congregation, conform to the
quality of the person and necessity of the time. It is thought
good that every minister should have at least forty bolls meal and
twenty-six bolls malt, to find his house in bread and drink, and so
much more as the discretion of the kirk finds necessary. He should
have, besides, money for buying other provision to his house, and
other necessaries, and the modification of this is referred to the
judgment of the kirk, to be made every year at the choosing of the
elders and deacons of the kirk; providing always that there be
advanced to every minister sufficient provision of all things for a
quarter of a year beforehand.[248]

  [248] This paragraph was an _additio_ of the Lords of the
  Congregation.

For those that travel from place to place, whom we call
Superintendents, who remain a month or less in one place for the
establishing of the Kirk, and thereafter, for the same purpose,
change to another place, further consideration must be had. To each
Superintendent there should be allowed, we think, six chalders[249]
bear,[250] nine chalders meal, three chalders oats for his horse,
and five hundred marks of money. This shall be eked and pared at the
discretion of the prince and council of the realm, and be paid to
him yearly.

  [249] A measure of about 90 bushels, roughly.

  [250] Barley.

The children of the ministers must have the liberties of the cities
next adjacent the place of their father's labours, freely granted.
They must have the privileges in schools, and bursaries in colleges;
that is, they shall be sustained at learning, if they be found apt
thereto, and failing thereof, they shall be put to some handicraft,
or exercised in some virtuous industry, whereby they may become
profitable members of the commonwealth.[251]

  [251] We require the same for their daughters; to wit, that they be
  virtuously brought up, and honestly doted when they come to maturity
  of years, at the discretion of the Kirk. (_Additio._)

In God's presence we bear witness that we require these provisions
not so much for ourselves, or for any that to us appertain, as
for the increase of virtue and learning, and for the profit of
the posterity to come. It is not to be supposed that any man will
dedicate himself and his children to God, and so serve His Kirk that
he will look for no worldly commodity. This cankered nature which we
bear is provoked to follow virtue when it seeth honour and profit
annexed to the same, as, contrarily, virtue is despised of many when
virtuous and godly men live without honour. And, too, we should
be sorry that poverty should discourage men from study and from
following the way of virtue, whereby they might edify the Kirk and
flock of Christ Jesus.

We have not spoken of the stipend of readers, because, if they
can do nothing but read, they can be neither called nor judged
true ministers. And yet regard must be had to their labours; but
only that they may be spurred forward to virtue, and not by a
stipend appointed for their reading be retained permanently in
that estate. For a reader that is lately entered, we think forty
marks, more or less, as the parishioners and readers can agree,
should be sufficient. He must teach the children of the parish,
besides reading the Common Prayers and the books of the New and
Old Testaments. If from reading he begin to exhort and explain the
Scriptures, then ought his stipend to be augmented, until, finally,
he come to the honour of a minister. But if he be found unable after
two years, then must he be removed from office, and discharged of
all stipend, in order that another may be proven as long. It is
always to be avoided, that any reader who is judged unable to come
at any time to some reasonable knowledge, whereby he may edify
the Kirk, shall perpetually be nourished upon the charge of the
Kirk. Further, it must be avoided that any child, or person within
twenty-one years of age, be admitted to the office of a reader.
Readers ought to be endowed with gravity, wit, and discretion,
lest by their lightness the Prayers or Scriptures read be of less
price and estimation. The readers shall be put in by the Kirk, and
admitted by the Superintendent.

For the other sort of readers who have long continued in godliness,
have some gift of exhortation, are in hope to attain to the degree
of a minister, and teach the children, we think a hundred marks, or
more at the discretion of the Kirk, may be appointed; difference
being made betwixt them and the ministers that openly preach the
word and minister the Sacraments.

There still remain other two sorts of people to be provided for,
from that which is called the patrimony of the Kirk, to wit, the
poor and the teachers of youth. Every several kirk must provide for
the poor within itself; for fearful and horrible it is that the poor
(whom not only God the Father in His law, but Christ Jesus in His
Evangel, and the Holy Spirit speaking by St. Paul, have so earnestly
commended to our care) are universally so contemned and despised.
We are not patrons for stubborn and idle beggars, who, running
from place to place, make a craft of their begging. Them the civil
magistrate ought to punish; but God commandeth His people to be
careful for the widow and fatherless, the aged, impotent, or lamed,
who neither can nor may travail for their sustentation. For these
latter, as also for persons of honesty fallen into decay and penury,
such provision ought to be made, that of our abundance should their
indigence be relieved.

How, most conveniently and most easily, this may be done in every
city, and in other parts of this realm, God shall show you wisdom
and the means, if your minds shall godly thereto be inclined. All
must not be suffered to beg that gladly so would do; neither yet
must beggars remain where they choose; but the stout and strong
beggar must be compelled to work, and every person that may not work
must be compelled to repair to the place where he or she was born
(unless of long continuance he or she have remained in one place),
and there reasonable provision must be made, as the Church shall
appoint. The order nor sums, in our judgment, cannot be particularly
appointed, until such time as the poor of every city, town, or
parish be compelled to repair to the places where they were born,
or to the place of their residence. There their names and number
must be taken and put in roll; and then may the wisdom of the kirk
appoint stipends accordingly.


VI. Of the Superintendents.[252]

  [252] The Sections are numbered in this edition as in the edition
  of 1722. Originally the Book of Discipline had nine "heads" with
  sundry sub-headings, numbered in some cases and not in others. The
  numbering coincides up to this point.--ED.

1. Because we have appointed a larger stipend to these that shall be
Superintendents than to the rest of the ministers, we have thought
good to signify such reasons as moved us to make difference betwixt
preachers at this time; as also how many Superintendents we think
necessary, with their bounds, office, the manner of their election,
and causes that may deserve deposition from that charge.

We consider that, if the ministers whom God hath endowed with
His singular graces amongst us should be appointed to several
and certain places, there to make their continual residence, the
greatest part of this realm should be destitute of all doctrine.
This would not only give occasion for great murmuring, but would be
dangerous to the salvation of many. Therefore we have thought it
a thing most expedient for this time that, from the whole number
of godly and learned men now presently in this realm, there be
selected twelve or ten (for into so many provinces have we divided
the whole) to whom charge and commandment shall be given to plant
and erect churches, and to set order and appoint ministers, as the
former order prescribeth, to the districts that shall be appointed
to their care, where none are now. By these means your love and
common care over all the inhabitants of this realm, to whom ye are
equal debtors, shall evidently appear; and the simple and ignorant,
who perchance have never heard Jesus Christ truly preached, shall
come to some knowledge. Many that now be dead in superstition
and ignorance shall attain to some feeling of godliness, and may
be provoked to search and seek further knowledge of God, and of
His true religion and worshipping. On the contrary, if they be
neglected, they shall not only grudge, but also they shall seek
the means whereby they may continue in their blindness, or return
to their accustomed idolatry. Therefore nothing desire we more
earnestly than that Christ Jesus be universally once preached
throughout this realm; and this shall not suddenly be, unless men be
appointed and compelled faithfully to travel in such provinces as to
them shall be assigned.

2. _The Names of the Places of Residence, and several Dioceses of
the Superintendents._--(1) The Superintendent of Orkney; whose
diocese shall be the Isles of Orkney, Shetland, Caithness, and
Strathnaver. His residence to be in the town of Kirkwall.

(2) The Superintendent of Ross; whose diocese shall comprehend Ross,
Sutherland, Moray, with the North Isles of Skye, and the Lewis, with
their adjacents. His residence to be in Chanonry of Ross.

(3) The Superintendent of Argyll; whose diocese shall comprehend
Argyll, Kintyre, Lorne, the South Isles, Arran, and Bute, with their
adjacents, with Lochaber. His residence to be in Argyll.

(4) The Superintendent of Aberdeen; whose diocese is betwixt Dee and
Spey, containing the sheriffdom of Aberdeen and Banff. His residence
to be in Old Aberdeen.

(5) The Superintendent of Brechin; whose diocese shall be the whole
sheriffdoms of Mearns and Angus, and the Brae of Mar to Dee. His
residence to be in Brechin.

(6) The Superintendent of St. Andrews; whose diocese shall
comprehend the whole sheriffdom of Fife and Fotheringham to
Stirling; and the whole sheriffdom of Perth. His residence to be in
St. Andrews.

(7) The Superintendent of Edinburgh; whose diocese shall comprehend
the whole sheriffdoms of Lothian, and Stirling on the south side of
the Water of Forth; and thereto is added, by consent of the whole
Church, Merse, Lauderdale, and Wedale.[253] His residence to be in
Edinburgh.

  [253] The tract of country drained by the Gala Water and Caden
  Water. It comprised an ecclesiastical district in the unreformed
  Church, and subsequently a parish, of which the town of Stow formed
  the central point.--ED.

(8) The Superintendent of Jedburgh; whose diocese shall comprehend
Teviotdale, Tweeddale, Liddesdale, with the Forest of Ettrick. His
residence to be Jedburgh.

(9) The Superintendent of Glasgow; whose diocese shall comprehend
Clydesdale, Renfrew, Monteith, Lennox, Kyle, and Cunningham. His
residence to be in Glasgow.

(10) The Superintendent of Dumfries; whose diocese shall comprehend
Galloway, Carrick, Nithsdale, Annandale, with the rest of the Dales
in the west. His residence to be in Dumfries.

Those men must not be suffered to live as your idle bishops have
done heretofore; neither must they remain where gladly they would.
They must be preachers themselves, and such as may make no long
residence in any one place, until their churches be planted and
provided with ministers, or at the least with readers.

Charge must be given to them that they remain in no one place
above twenty or thirty days in their visitation, until they have
passed through their whole bounds. They must preach thrice every
week, at the least; and when they return to their principal town
and residence they must be likewise exercised in preaching and in
edification of the Church there; and yet they must not be suffered
to continue there so long, as that they seem to neglect their other
churches. After they have remained in their chief town three or
four months at most, they shall be compelled, unless by sickness
they be detained, to re-enter upon visitation. They shall not only
preach, but also shall examine the life, diligence, and behaviour
of the ministers, the order of their churches, and the manners of
the people. They must further consider how the poor are provided
for, and how the youth are instructed; they must admonish where
admonition is needed, restore order where by good counsel they are
able to appease; and, finally, they must note such crimes as are
heinous, that by the censure of the Church the same may be corrected.

If the Superintendent be found negligent in any of these chief
points of his office, and especially if he be noted negligent in
preaching of the Word, and in visitation of his churches; or if he
be convicted of any of those crimes which in the common ministers
are condemned, he must be deposed, without respect to his person or
office.

3. _Of the Election of Superintendents._--In this present necessity,
the nomination, examination, and admission of Superintendents cannot
be so strait as we require, and as afterwards it must be. For the
present, therefore, we think sufficient that either your honours, by
yourselves, nominate so many as may serve the forewritten provinces;
or that ye give commission to men in whom ye suppose the fear of God
to be, to do the same; these men, being called into your presence,
shall be by you, and by such as your honours may please to call unto
you for consultation in that case, appointed to their provinces. We
think it expedient and necessary, that the gentlemen, as well as the
burgesses of every diocese, be made privy at the same time to the
election of the Superintendent, both to bring the Church into some
practice of her liberty, and to make the pastor better favoured of
the flock whom themselves have chosen.

If your honours cannot find for the present so many able men as the
necessity requireth, then, on our judgments, it is more profitable
that those provinces remain vacant until God provide better, rather
than that men unable to edify and govern the Church be suddenly
placed in that charge. For experience hath taught us what pestilence
hath been engendered in the Church by men unable to discharge their
offices.

When, therefore, after three years, any Superintendent shall depart,
or chance to be deposed, the chief town within that province, to
wit, the ministers, elders, and deacons, with the magistrate and
council of the same town, shall nominate, and by public edicts
proclaim, as well to the Superintendent, as to two or three
provinces next adjacent, two or three of the most learned and most
godly ministers within the whole realm, that from amongst them, one
with public consent may be elected and appointed to the office then
vacant. The chief town shall be bound to do this within the term of
twenty days. If this period expire and no man be presented, then
shall three of the next adjacent provinces, with consent of their
Superintendents, ministers, and elders, enter into the right and
privileges of the chief town, and shall present every one of them
one, or two if they list, to the chief town, to be examined as the
order requireth. It shall also be lawful for all the churches of the
diocese to nominate within the same time such persons as they think
worthy to stand in election; and this must be put in edict.

After the nominations are made, public edicts must be sent, first
warning all men that have any objection against the persons
nominated, or against any one of them, to be present in the chief
town at day and place appointed, to object what they can against the
election. Thirty days we think sufficient to be assigned thereto;
thirty days, we mean, after the nomination shall be made.

The day of election being come, the whole ministers of that
province, with three or more of the Superintendents next adjacent,
or thereto named, shall examine not only the learning, but also the
manners, prudence, and ability to govern the Church, of all those
that are nominated; that he who shall be found most worthy may be
burdened with the charge. If the ministers of the whole province
should bring with them the votes of those that were committed to
their care, the election should be the more free; but, always, the
votes of all those that convene must be required. The examinations
must be publicly made; those that stand in election must publicly
preach; and men must be charged in the name of God, to vote
according to conscience, and not after affection. If anything be
objected against any that stand in election, the Superintendents
and ministers must consider whether the objection be made of
conscience or of malice, and they must answer accordingly. Other
ceremonies than sharp examination, approbation of the ministers and
Superintendents, with the public consent of the elders and people
then present, we cannot allow. The Superintendent being elected,
and appointed to his charge, must be subjected to the censure and
correction of the ministers and elders, not only of his chief town,
but also of the whole province over which he is appointed overseer.

If his offences be known, and the ministers and elders of his
province be negligent in correcting him, the next one or two
Superintendents, with their ministers and elders, may convene
him, and the ministers and elders of his chief town, within his
own province or chief town; and they may accuse and correct the
Superintendent in those things that are worthy of correction, as
well as the ministers and elders for their negligence and their
ungodly tolerance of his offences. Whatsoever crime deserves
correction or deposition of any other minister deserveth the same in
the Superintendent, without respect of person.

After the Church is established, and three years be passed, we
require that no man be called to the office of a Superintendent, who
hath not for two years at least, given declaration of his faithful
labours in the ministry of some church.

No Superintendent may be transferred at the pleasure or request of
any one province without the consent of the whole Council of the
Church, and that only for grave causes and considerations.

Of one thing, in the end, we must admonish your honours. In
appointing Superintendents for the present, ye may not disappoint
your chief towns, and places where learning is exercised, of such
ministers, as more may profit by residence in one place than by
continual travel from place to place. For if ye so do, the youth
in those places shall lack the profound interpretation of the
Scriptures; and so shall it be long before your gardens send forth
many plants. On the contrary, if one or two towns be continually
exercised as they may, the Commonwealth shall shortly taste of their
fruit, to the comfort of the godly.


VII. Of Schools and Universities.

As the office and duty of the godly magistrate is not only to purge
the Church of God from all superstition, and to set it at liberty
from bondage of tyrants, but also to provide, to the uttermost of
his power, that it may abide in the same purity to the posterities
following, we cannot but freely communicate our judgments to your
honours in this behalf.

1. _The Necessity of Schools._--Seeing that God hath determined
that His Church here on earth shall be taught not by angels but
by men; and seeing that men are born ignorant of all godliness;
and seeing, also, how God ceaseth to illuminate men miraculously,
suddenly changing them, as He changed His Apostles and others in the
primitive Church: it is necessary that your honours be most careful
for the virtuous education and godly upbringing of the youth of this
realm, if ye now thirst unfeignedly for the advancement of Christ's
glory, or desire the continuance of His benefits to the generation
following. For as the youth must succeed to us, so ought we to be
careful that they have knowledge and erudition, for the profit and
comfort of that which ought to be most dear to us, to wit, the
Church and Spouse of the Lord Jesus.

Therefore we judge it necessary that every several church have a
schoolmaster appointed, such an one as is able, at least, to teach
Grammar and the Latin tongue, if the town be of any reputation. If
it be upaland,[254] where the people convene to doctrine but once
in the week, then must either the reader or the minister there take
care of the children and youth of the parish, instructing them in
their first rudiments, and especially in the Catechism, as we have
it now translated in the Book of our Common Order, called the Order
of Geneva. And, farther, we think it expedient that in every notable
town, and especially in the town of the Superintendent, there be
erected a college, in which the Arts, at least Logic and Rhetoric,
together with the tongues, shall be read by sufficient Masters. For
these honest stipends must be appointed; and provision must be made
for those that are poor, and are not able by themselves, nor by
their friends, to be sustained at letters, especially such as come
from landward.

  [254] At a distance from the sea; in the country.

The fruit and commodity hereof shall speedily appear. For, first,
the youths and tender children shall be nourished and brought up
in virtue, in presence of their friends; by whose good care may be
avoided those many inconveniences into which youth commonly falls,
either by too much liberty, which they have in strange and unknown
places while they cannot rule themselves; or else for lack of
good care, and of such necessities as their tender age requireth.
Secondarily, the exercise of the children in every church shall be
great instruction to the aged.

Lastly, the great schools, called Universities, shall be replenished
with those that are apt to learn; for this must be carefully
provided, that no father, of what estate or condition that ever he
be, use his children at his own fantasy, especially in their youth.
All must be compelled to bring up their children in learning and
virtue.

The rich and potent may not be permitted to suffer their children to
spend their youth in vain idleness, as heretofore they have done.
They must be exhorted, and by the censure of the Church compelled
to dedicate their sons, by good exercise, to the profit of the
Church and to the Commonwealth; and this they must do at their own
expense, because they are able. The children of the poor must be
supported and sustained as the charge of the Church, until trial be
taken whether the spirit of docility be found in them or not. If
they be found apt to letters and learning, then may they not (we
mean, neither the sons of the rich, nor yet the sons of the poor)
be permitted to reject learning. They must be charged to continue
their study, so that the Commonwealth may have some comfort by them.
For this purpose must discreet, learned, and grave men be appointed
to visit all schools for the trial of their exercise, profit, and
continuance; to wit, the ministers and elders, with the best learned
in every town, shall every quarter take examination how the youth
have profited.

A certain time must be appointed to reading, and to learning of the
Catechism; a certain time to Grammar, and to the Latin tongue; a
certain time to the Arts, Philosophy, and to the other tongues; and
a certain time to that study in which they intend chiefly to travail
for the profit of the Commonwealth. This time being expired, we
mean in every course, the children must either proceed to farther
knowledge, or else they must be sent to some handicraft, or to some
other profitable exercise. Care must always be taken that first
they have the form of knowledge of Christian religion, to wit,
the knowledge of God's law and commandments; the use and office
of the same; the chief articles of our belief; the right form to
pray unto God; the number, use, and effect of the Sacraments; the
true knowledge of Christ Jesus, of His office and natures, and such
others. Without this knowledge, neither deserveth any man to be
named a Christian, nor ought any to be admitted to the participation
of the Lord's Table; and, therefore, these principles ought to be
taught and must be learned in youth.

2. _The Times appointed to every Course._--Two years we think
more than sufficient to learn to read perfectly, to answer to the
Catechism, and to have some entrance to the first rudiments of
Grammar. For the full accomplishment of the Grammar, we think other
three or four years, at most, sufficient. For the Arts, to wit,
Logic and Rhetoric, and for the Greek tongue, we allow four years.
The rest of youth, until the age of twenty-four years, should be
spent in that study wherein the learner would profit the Church
or Commonwealth, be it in the Laws or Physic or Divinity. After
twenty-four years have been spent in the schools, the learner must
be removed to serve the Church or Commonwealth, unless he be found
a necessary reader in the same College or University. If God shall
move your hearts to establish and execute this order, and put these
things into practice, your whole realm, we doubt not, within few
years, shall serve itself with true preachers and other officers
necessary for your Commonwealth.

3. _The Erection of Universities._--The Grammar schools and schools
of the tongues being erected as we have said, next we think it
necessary that there be three Universities in this whole realm,
established in the towns accustomed: the first in St. Andrews, the
second in Glasgow, and the third in Aberdeen.

In the first University and principal, which is St. Andrews, there
be three Colleges. And in the first College, which is the entrance
of the University, there be four classes or sessions: the first,
to the new supposts,[255] shall be only Dialectic; the next, only
Mathematics; the third, of Physic only; the fourth, of Medicine. And
in the second College, two classes or sessions: the first, in Moral
Philosophy; the second, in the Laws. And in the third College, two
classes or sessions: the first, in the tongues, to wit, Greek and
Hebrew; the second, in Divinity.

  [255] Scholars; undergraduates.

4. _Of Readers, and of the Degrees, of Time, and Study._--In the
first College, and in the first class, shall be a reader[256] of
Dialectic, who shall accomplish his course thereof in one year. In
the Mathematic, which is the second class, shall be a reader who
shall complete his course of Arithmetic, Geometry, Cosmography, and
Astrology in one year. In the third class, shall be a reader of
Natural Philosophy, who shall complete his course in a year. And he
who, after these three years, by trial and examination, shall be
found sufficiently instructed in these aforesaid sciences, shall
be laureate and graduate in Philosophy. In the fourth class, shall
be a reader of Medicine, who shall complete his course in five
years. After the study for this time, he who is by examination found
sufficient, shall be graduate in Medicine.

  [256] Tutor.

In the second College, in the first class, there shall be one reader
only in the Ethics, Economics, and Politics, who shall complete his
course in the space of one year. In the second class, shall be two
readers in the Municipal and Roman Laws, who shall complete their
courses in four years. After this time, those who by examination are
found sufficient, shall be graduate in the Laws.

In the third College, in the first class, there shall be a reader
of the Hebrew, and another of the Greek tongue, who shall complete
the grammars thereof in half a year, and for the remnant of the
year, the reader of the Hebrew shall interpret a Book of Moses,
the Prophets or the Psalms; so that his course and class shall
continue a year. The reader of the Greek shall interpret some book
of Plato, together with some place of the New Testament. And in the
second class, there shall be two readers in Divinity, one in the New
Testament, the other in the Old. These shall complete their course
in five years. After this time, those shall be graduate in Divinity
who shall be found by examination sufficient.

We think it expedient that no one be admitted unto the first
College, and to be suppost of the University, unless he have from
the master of the school, and from the minister of the town where
he was instructed in the tongues, a testimonial of his learning,
docility,[257] age, and parentage. Likewise, trial shall be taken by
certain examiners, deputed by the rector and Principals, and if he
be found sufficiently instructed in Dialectic, he shall forthwith,
that same year, be promoted to the class of Mathematic.

None shall be admitted to the class of Medicine but he that
shall have his testimonial of his time well spent in Dialectic,
Mathematic, and Physic, and of his docility[257] in the last.

  [257] Capacity for receiving instruction.

None shall be admitted to the class of the Laws but he that shall
have sufficient testimonials of his time well spent in Dialectic,
Mathematic, Physic, Ethic, Economics, and Politics, and of his
docility in the last.

None shall be admitted unto the class and session of Divinity but he
that shall have sufficient testimonials of his time well spent in
Dialectic, Mathematic, Physic, Ethic, Economic, Moral Philosophy,
and the Hebrew tongue, and of his docility in Moral Philosophy and
the Hebrew tongue. But neither shall such as will apply them to hear
the Laws be compelled to hear Medicine; nor such as apply them to
hear Divinity be compelled to hear either Medicine or the Laws.

In the second University, which is Glasgow, there shall be two
Colleges only. In the first shall be a class of Dialectic, another
in Mathematic, the third in Physic, ordered in all sorts as St.
Andrews. In the second College there shall be four classes: the
first in Moral Philosophy, Ethics, Economics, and Politics; the
second, of the Municipal and Roman Law; the third, of the Hebrew
tongue; the fourth, in Divinity. These shall be ordered in all
sorts, as we have written in the order of the University of St.
Andrews.

The third University of Aberdeen shall be conform to this University
of Glasgow, in all sorts.

We think it needful that there be chosen from the body of the
University a Principal for every College--a man of learning,
discretion, and diligence. He shall receive the whole rents of the
College, and distribute the same according to the erection of the
College, and shall daily hearken the diet accounts, adjoining to
him weekly one of the readers or regents. In the oversight of the
readers and regents he shall watch over their diligence, in their
reading, as well as their exercitation of the youth in the matter
taught. He shall have charge of the policy and uphold of the place;
and for punishment of crimes, shall hold a weekly convention with
the whole members of the College. He shall be accountable yearly to
the Superintendent, Rector, and rest of the Principals convened,
about the first of November. His election shall be in this sort.
There shall be three of the most sufficient men of the University,
not Principals already, nominated by the members of the College
(sworn to follow their consciences) whose Principal is departed,
and publicly proponed through the whole University. After eight
days the Superintendent, by himself or his special Procurator, with
the Rector and rest of the Principals, as a chapter convened, shall
confirm that one of the three whom they think most sufficient, being
before sworn to do the same with single eye, without respect to fee
or favour.

In every College, we think needful at the least one steward, one
cook, one gardener, and one porter. These shall be subject to
discipline of the Principal, as the rest.

Every University shall have a beadle subject to serve at all times
throughout the whole University, as the Rector and Principals shall
command.

Every University shall have a Rector, chosen from year to year as
follows. The Principals being convened with the whole Regents in
chapter, shall be sworn that every man in his room shall nominate
such one as his conscience shall testify to be most sufficient
to bear such charge and dignity; and three of them that shall be
of test nominated shall be put in edict publicly, fifteen days
before Michaelmas. On Michaelmas Even shall be convened the whole
Principals, Regents, and Supposts that are graduate, or have at
least studied their time in Ethics, Economics, and Politics, and no
others younger; and every nation,[258] first protesting in God's
presence to follow the sincere dictate of their consciences, shall
nominate one of the said three. He that has most votes shall be
confirmed by the Superintendent and Principal, and his duty with
an exhortation shall be proponed unto him. This shall be done on
the twenty-eighth day of September; and thereafter oaths shall
be taken, _hinc inde_, for his just and godly government, and of
the remnant's lawful submission and obedience. At his entrance to
the University he shall be propyned with a new garment, bearing
_Insignia Magistratus_; and he shall be bound to visit every College
monthly, and with his presence to decorate and examine the lections
and exercitation thereof. His assessors shall be a lawyer and a
theologian, with whose advice he shall decide all civil questions
betwixt the members of the University. If any one outside the
University shall pursue a member thereof, or be pursued by a member
of the same, the Rector shall assist the Provost and Bailies, or
other judges competent, to see that justice be ministered in these
cases. Likewise, if any of the University be criminally pursued,
he shall assist the judges competent, and see that justice be
ministered.

  [258] Classification of students according to birthplace.

We think it expedient, that in every College, in each University,
there be twenty-four bursars, divided equally in all the classes
and sessions, as is above expressed: that is, in St. Andrews,
seventy-two bursars; in Glasgow, forty-eight bursars; in Aberdeen,
forty-eight; to be sustained only in meat upon the charges of the
College; and be admitted at the examination of the ministry and
chapter of Principals in the University, as well in docility of the
persons offered, as of the ability of their parents to sustain them
themselves, and not to burden the Commonwealth with them.

5. _Of Stipends and Expenses necessary._--We think expedient that
the Universities be doted with temporal lands, with rents, and
revenues of the Bishoprics' temporality, and of the Collegiate
Kirks, as far as their ordinary charges shall require; and
therefore, we crave that it would please your honours, by advice of
your honours' Council and vote of Parliament, to do the same. And
that the same may be shortly expedite, we have recollected the sums
we think necessary for the same.

(1) For the ordinary stipend of the Dialectitian Reader, the
Mathematician, Physician, and Reader in Moral Philosophy, we
think sufficient a hundred pounds for every one of them. (2) For
the stipend of every Reader in Medicine and Laws, a hundred and
thirty-three pounds, six shillings and eight pence. (3) To every
Reader in Hebrew, Greek, and Divinity, two hundred pounds. (4) To
every Principal of a College, ij lb. (5) To every Steward, sixteen
pounds of fee. (6) To every Gardener, to every Cook, and to every
Porter, each, ten marks. (7) To the board of every Bursar, other
than those in the classes of Theology and Medicine, twenty pounds.
(8) To every Bursar in the class of Theology, which will be only
twelve persons in St. Andrews, 24 lib.

  The sum of yearly and ordinary expenses in
    the University of St. Andrews, extends to    3796  lib.

  The sum of yearly and ordinary expenses of
    Glasgow                                      2922   "

  Aberdeen, the same                             2922   "
                                                 ----------
  The sum of the ordinary charges of the whole   9640 lib.
                                                 ----------

The beadle's stipend shall be of every entrant and suppost of the
University, two shillings; of every one graduate in Philosophy,
three shillings; of every one graduate in Medicine or Laws, four
shillings; in Theology, five shillings; all Bursars being excepted.

We have thought good that, for building and upkeep of the places,
a general collection be made; and that every Earl's son, at his
entrance to the University, shall give forty shillings, and suchlike
at every graduation, forty shillings; every Lord's son suchlike at
each time, thirty shillings; each freeholding Baron's son, twenty
shillings; every Feuar and substantial gentleman's son, one mark;
every substantial Husbandman's or Burgess's son, at each time,
ten shillings; every one of the rest, excepting the Bursars, five
shillings at each time.

We recommend that this collection be gathered in a common box, put
in keeping of the Principal of the Theologians, every Principal
having a key thereof. The contents should be counted each year once,
with the relicts of the Principals to be laid into the same, about
the fifteenth day of November, in presence of the Superintendent,
Rector, and the whole Principals. At their whole consent, or at
least the most part thereof, the sums collected should be reserved
and employed only upon the building and upkeep of the places, and
repairing of the same, as ever necessity shall require. For this
end, the Rector with his assistants shall be obliged to visit the
places each year once, immediately after he is promoted, upon the
last of October, or thereby.

6. _Of the Privilege of the University._--We desire that innocency
should defend us rather than privilege, and we think that each
person of the University should be answerable, before the Provost
and Bailies of each town where the Universities are, for all crimes
whereof they are accused, only that the Rector be Assessor to them
in the said actions. In civil matters, if the question on both
sides be betwixt members of the University, making their residence
and exercitation therein for the time, the party called shall not
be obliged to answer, otherwise than before the Rector and his
Assessors. In all other cases of civil pursuit, the general rule of
the Law shall be observed, _Actor sequitur forum rei_, etc.

The Rector and all inferior members of the University shall be
exempted from all taxations, imposts, charges of war, or any other
charge that may onerate or abstract him or them from the duties of
their office--such as Tutory, Curatory, Deaconry, or any suchlike,
that are established, or hereafter shall be established in our
Commonwealth. In this manner, without trouble, this one may wait
upon the upbringing of the youth in learning, that other bestow his
time only in that most necessary exercition.[259]

  [259] Bodily exercise; military exercise.--_Jamieson._

All other things, touching the books to be read in each class and
all such particular affairs, we refer to the discretion of the
Masters, Principals, and Regents, with their well advised Councils;
not doubting but that, if God shall grant quietness and give your
wisdoms grace to set forward letters in the sort prescribed, ye
shall leave wisdom and learning to your posterity, a treasure more
to be esteemed than any earthly treasure ye are able to provide
for them. These, without wisdom, are more able to be their ruin
and confusion, than help or comfort. And as this is most true, we
leave it with the rest of the commodities to be weighed by your
honours' wisdom, and set forward by your authority for the most high
advancement of this Commonwealth, committed to your charge.


VIII. Of the Rents and Patrimony of the Kirk.

The ministers and the poor, together with the schools, when order
shall be taken thereanent, must be sustained upon the charges of
the Church. Provision must therefore be made, how and from whom
the necessary sums must be lifted. But, before we enter upon this
head, we must crave of your honours, in the name of the Eternal God
and of His Son, Christ Jesus, that ye have respect to your poor
brethren, the labourers and manurers of the ground. These have
been so oppressed by these cruel beasts, the <DW7>s, that their
lives have been dolorous and bitter. If ye will have God author and
approver of your reformation, ye must not follow their footsteps.
Ye must have compassion upon your brethren, appointing them to pay
reasonable teinds, that they may feel some benefit of Christ Jesus,
now preached unto them.

With grief of heart we hear that some gentlemen are now as cruel
over their tenants as ever were the <DW7>s, requiring of them
whatsoever before they paid to the Church; so that the papistical
tyranny is only like to be changed to the tyranny of the lord or
of the laird. We dare not flatter your honours, neither yet is it
profitable for you that so we do: if you permit such cruelty to be
used, neither shall ye, who by your authority ought to gainstand
such oppression, nor shall they that use the same, escape God's
heavy and fearful judgments. The gentlemen, barons, earls, lords,
and others, must be content to live upon their just rents, and
suffer the Church to be restored to her liberty, that, in her
restitution, the poor, who heretofore by the cruel <DW7>s have
been spoiled and oppressed, may now receive some comfort and
relaxation.[260]

  [260] Concluded by the Lords: that these teinds and other exactions
  be clean discharged, and never be taken in time coming, such as
  the Uppermost Cloth, the Corps-present, the Clerk-mail, the Easter
  offerings, Teind Ale, and all handlings Upaland can neither be
  required nor received of godly conscience. (_Additio._)

Nor do we judge it to proceed from justice that one man shall
possess the teinds of another; but we think it a thing most
reasonable that every man have the use of his own teinds, provided
that he be answerable to the deacons and treasurers of the Church
for that which justly shall be appointed unto him. We require
deacons and treasurers to receive the rents rather than the
ministers themselves; because not only the ministers, but also
the poor and schools must be sustained from the teinds. We think
it most expedient, therefore, that common treasurers, to wit, the
deacons, be appointed from year to year, to receive the whole rents
appertaining to the Church; and that commandment be given that no
man be permitted either to receive, or yet to intromit with anything
appertaining to the sustentation of the persons foresaid, but such
as by common consent of the Church are thereto appointed.

If any think this prejudicial to the tacks and assedations[261]
of those that now possess the teinds, let them understand that an
unjust possession is no possession before God. Those of whom they
received their title and presupposed right were and are thieves and
murderers, and had no power so to alienate the patrimony and common
good of the Church. And yet we are not so extreme, but that we wish
just recompense to be made to such as have disbursed sums of money
to those unjust possessors, so that it has not been so disbursed of
late days to the prejudice of the Church. Such alienations as are
found and known to be made by plain collusion ought in nowise to be
sustained by you. For that purpose, we think it most expedient that
whosoever have assedation of teinds or churches be openly warned to
produce their assedation and assurance, that, cognition[262] being
taken, the just tacksman may have a just and reasonable recompense
for the years that are to run, the profit of the years passed being
considered and deducted; and that the unjust and surmised may be
served accordingly. Thus the Church, in the end, may recover her
liberty and freedom, and that only for relief of the poor.

  [261] Leases.

  [262] Evidence.

Your honours may easily understand that we speak not now for
ourselves, but in favour of the poor and the labourers defrauded
and oppressed by the priests and by their confederate pensioners.
For, while the priests' pensioner's idle belly has been delicately
fed, the poor, to whom a portion of that appertains, have pined with
hunger. Moreover, the true labourers were compelled to pay that
which they ought not: for the labourer is neither debtor to the dumb
dog called the bishop, nor yet unto his hired pensioner; but is
debtor only unto the Church. And the Church is only bound to sustain
and nourish at her charges the persons before mentioned, to wit, the
ministers of the Word, the poor, and the teachers of the youth.

But now to return to the former head. The sums able to sustain
these forenamed persons, and to furnish all things appertaining to
the preservation of good order and policy within the Church, must
be lifted from the teinds, to wit, the teind sheaf, teind hay,
teind hemp, teind lint, teind fishes, teind calf, teind foal, teind
lamb, teind wool, teind cheese, etc. And, because that we know
that the tithes reasonably taken, as is before expressed, will not
suffice to discharge the former necessity, we think that all things
doted to hospitality, all annual rents, both in burgh and land,
pertaining to Priests, Chantery,[263] Colleges, Chaplainries, and
to Friars of all orders, to the Sisters of the Sciennes, and to all
others of that order, and such others within this realm, should be
received still to the use of the church or churches within the towns
or parishes where they were doted. Furthermore, there should be
appropriated for the upholding of the Universities and sustentation
of the Superintendents, the whole revenue of the temporality of the
Bishops', Deans', and Archdeacons' lands, and all rents of lands
pertaining to the Cathedral churches whatsoever. Besides, merchants
and rich craftsmen in free burghs, who have nothing to do with the
manuring of the ground, must make some provision in their cities,
towns, or dwelling-places to support the need of the Church.

  [263] Chanters were laics endowed with ecclesiastical benefices.

To the ministers, and failing these the Readers, must be restored
their manses and their glebes; otherwise they cannot serve their
flock at all times as their duty is. If any glebe exceed six acres
of land, the rest shall remain in the possessor's hands until order
be taken therein.[264]

  [264] The Lords condescend that the manse and yards be restored to
  the ministers. And all the Lords consent that the ministers have six
  acres of land, except Marischall, Morton, Glencairn, and Cassillis,
  where manses are of great quantity. (_Additio._)

The receivers and collectors of these rents and duties must be the
deacons or treasurers appointed from year to year in every church,
by common consent and free election of the church. The deacons may
distribute no part of that which is collected, but by commandment
of the ministers and elders; and they may command nothing to be
delivered, but as the Church before hath determined; and the deacons
shall pay the sums, either quarterly, or from half year to half
year, to the ministers which the Kirk hath appointed. The same they
shall do to the schoolmasters, readers, and hospitals, if any be,
always receiving acquittances for their discharge.

If any extraordinary sums fall to be delivered, then must the
ministers, elders, and deacons consult whether the deliverance of
these sums doth stand with the common utility of the Church or not;
and if they do universally agree and condescend either upon the
affirmative or the negative, then, because they are in credit and
office for the year, they may do as best seemeth unto them. But if
there be controversy amongst themselves, the whole Church must be
made privy; and after the matter has been exponed and the reasons
heard, the judgment of the Church, with the ministers' consent,
shall prevail.

The deacons shall be bound and compelled to make accounts to the
ministers and elders of that which they have received, as oft as the
policy shall appoint; and the elders when they are changed, which
must be every year, must clear their accounts before such auditors
as the Church shall appoint. When the deacons and elders are
changed, they shall deliver to them that shall then be elected, all
sums of money, corns, and other profits remaining in their hands.
The tickets for these must be delivered to the Superintendents in
their visitation, and by them to the great Council of the Church,
that the abundance as well as the indigence of every church may
be evidently known, and that a reasonable equality may be had
throughout the whole realm. If this order be precisely kept,
corruption cannot suddenly enter. The free and yearly election of
deacons and elders will not suffer any one to usurp a perpetual
dominion over the Church; the knowledge of the rental shall suffice
them to receive no more than whereof they shall be bound to make
accounts; and the deliverance of the money to the new officers shall
not suffer private men to use in their private business that which
appertaineth to the public affairs of the Church.


IX. Of Ecclesiastical Discipline.

1. As no commonwealth can flourish or long endure without good laws,
and sharp execution of the same; so neither can the Church of God
be brought to purity, nor be retained in the same, without the order
of Ecclesiastical Discipline. This is required for reproving and
correcting these faults which the civil sword doth either neglect
or may not punish. Blasphemy, adultery, murder, perjury, and other
capital crimes, worthy of death ought not properly to fall under
censure of the Church; because all such open transgressors of God's
laws ought to be taken away by the civil sword. But drunkenness,
excess (be it in apparel, or be it in eating and drinking),
fornication, oppression of the poor by exactions, deceiving of them
in buying or selling by wrong mete or measure, wanton words and
licentious living tending to slander, do properly appertain to the
Church of God, to punish as God's Word commandeth.

But, because this accursed Papistry hath brought such confusion into
the world that neither was virtue rightly praised nor vice severely
punished, the Church of God is compelled to draw the sword, which
of God she has received, against such open and manifest offenders,
cursing and excommunicating all such (as well those whom the civil
sword ought to punish as the others) from all participation with her
in prayers and Sacraments, until open repentance manifestly appear
in them. As the order of Excommunication and proceeding to the same
ought to be grave and slow, so, being once pronounced against any
person of what estate and condition that ever he be, it must be kept
with all severity. For laws made and not kept engender contempt
of virtue, and bring in confusion and liberty to sin. Therefore
we think this order expedient to be observed before and after
excommunication.

If the offence be secret and known to few, and rather stands in
suspicion than in manifest proof, the offender ought to be privately
admonished to abstain from all appearance of evil. If he promises
to do this, and to declare himself sober, honest, and one that
feareth God, and feareth to offend his brethren, then may the secret
admonition suffice for his correction. But if he either contemns
the admonition, or, after promise made, do show himself no more
circumspect than he was before, then must the minister admonish
him; to whom if he be found inobedient, the Church must proceed
according to the rule of Christ, as after shall be declared.

If the crime be public and such as is heinous, as fornication,
drunkenness, fighting, common swearing, or execration, then ought
the offender to be called into the presence of the minister,
elders, deacons, where his sin and offence ought to be declared and
aggravated,[265] so that his conscience may feel how far he hath
offended God, and what slander he hath raised in the Church. If
signs of unfeigned repentance appear in him, and if he require to be
admitted to public repentance, the ministry may appoint unto him a
day when the whole Church conveneth together, that, in presence of
all, he may testify the repentance which before them he professed.
If he accept, and with reverence make testimony, confessing his sin,
condemning the same, and earnestly desiring the congregation to pray
to God with him for mercy, and to accept him into their society,
notwithstanding his former offence, the Church may and ought to
receive him as a penitent. For the Church ought to be no more severe
than God declareth Himself to be, who witnesseth that, in whatsoever
hour a sinner unfeignedly repenteth, and turns from his wicked way,
He will not remember one of his iniquities; and the Church ought
diligently to avoid excommunicating those whom God absolveth.

  [265] Their enormity emphasised.

If the offender, called before the ministry, be found stubborn,
hard-hearted, or one in whom no sign of repentance appeareth, then
must he be dismissed with an exhortation to consider the dangerous
estate in which he stands; with the assurance that, if the ministry
find in him no other token of amendment of life, they will be
compelled to seek a further remedy. If he within a certain space
show his repentance, they must present him to the Church as before
is said.

But if he continue in his impenitence, then must the Church be
admonished that such crimes are committed amongst them, and that
these have been reprehended by the ministry, and the persons
provoked to repent; also, because no sign of repentance appeareth
unto them, that they could not but signify unto the Church the
crimes, but not the person, requiring them earnestly to call to God
to move and touch the heart of the offender, so that suddenly and
earnestly he may repent.

If the person malign, then, on the next day of public assembly, the
crime and the person must be both notified unto the Church, and
their judgment must be required, if that such crimes ought to be
suffered unpunished amongst them. Request also would be made to the
most discreet and to the nearest friends of the offender to travail
with him to bring him to knowledge of himself, and of his dangerous
estate, and a commandment be given to all men to call to God for
the conversion of the impenitent. If a solemn and a special prayer
were made and drawn for that purpose, the thing should be the more
gravely done.

On the third Sunday, the minister ought to inquire if the impenitent
have declared any signs of repentance to any of the ministry. If
he hath, the minister may appoint him to be examined by the whole
ministry; either then, instantly, or at another day affixed to the
consistory.[266] Should the guilty person's repentance appear, as
well of the crime as of his long contempt, then may he be presented
to the Church, and make his confession, and be accepted as before is
said. But if no man bear witness to his repentance, then ought he to
be excommunicated; and, by the mouth of the minister, consent of the
ministry, and commandment of the Church, such a contemner must be
pronounced excommunicate from God and from the society of His Church.

  [266] Appointed diet of the Church Court.

After this sentence no person, his wife and family only excepted,
may have any kind of conversation with him who is excommunicate;
be it in eating and drinking, buying or selling, yea, in saluting
or talking with him, except that it be at the commandment or with
licence of the ministry, for his conversion; that he by such means
confounded, seeing himself abhorred by the faithful and godly,
may have occasion to repent and so be saved. The sentence of his
excommunication must be published universally throughout the realm,
lest any man should pretend ignorance.

His children, begotten or born after that sentence and before his
repentance, may not be admitted to baptism until either they be of
age to require the same, or else the mother, or some of his especial
friends, members of the Church, offer and present the child,
abhorring and condemning the iniquity and obstinate contempt of the
impenitent. If any think it severe that the child should be punished
for the iniquity of the father, let them understand that the
Sacraments appertain only to the faithful and to their seed. Such as
stubbornly contemn all godly admonition and obstinately remain to
their iniquity cannot be accounted amongst the faithful.

2. _The Order for Public Offenders._--We have spoken nothing of
those that commit horrible crimes, as murderers, man-slayers, and
adulterers; for such, as we have said, the civil sword ought to
punish to death. But, if they be permitted to live, the Church must,
as before is said, draw the sword which of God she hath received,
holding them as accursed even in their very act. The offender in
each case must be called and order of the Church used against him,
in the same manner as the persons that for obstinate impenitence are
publicly excommunicate. The obstinate impenitent after the sentence
of excommunication, and the murderer or adulterer, stand in one case
as concerning the judgment of the Church; that is, neither may be
received in the fellowship of the Church to prayers or sacraments
(but to hearing of the Word they may be admitted) until first they
offer themselves to the ministry, humbly requiring the ministers and
elders to pray to God for them, and also to be intercessors to the
Church that they may be admitted to public repentance, and so to the
fruition of the benefits of Christ Jesus, distributed to the members
of His body.

If this request be humbly made, then may not the ministers refuse
to signify the same unto the Church on the next day of public
preaching, the minister giving exhortation to the Church to pray
to God to perform the work which He appears to have begun, working
in the heart of the offender unfeigned repentance of his grievous
crime, and the sense and feeling of His great mercy, by the
operation of His Holy Spirit. Thereafter, a day ought publicly to
be assigned unto him to give open confession of his offence and
contempt, and so to make a public satisfaction to the Church of
God. On that day the offender must appear in presence of the whole
Church, and with his own mouth condemn his own impiety, publicly
confessing the same; desiring God of His grace and mercy, and His
congregation, that it will please them to accept him into their
society, as before is said. The minister must examine diligently
whether he find in the offender a hatred and displeasure of his sin,
as well of his crime as of his contempt; and if he confess this, he
must travail with him, to see what hope he hath of God's mercy.

If the minister find the offender reasonably instructed in the
knowledge of Christ Jesus, in the virtue of His death, he may
comfort him with God's infallible promises, and demand of the Church
if they be content to receive in the society of their body that
creature of God, whom Satan before hath drawn into his nets, seeing
that he declares himself penitent. If the Church grant this, and
they may not justly deny the same, then ought the minister in public
prayer to commend him to God, and confess the sin of that offender
and of the whole Church, desiring mercy and grace for Christ Jesus'
sake. This prayer being ended, the minister ought to exhort the
Church to receive that penitent brother into their favour, as they
require God to receive themselves when they have offended. In sign
of their consent, the elders and chief men of the Church shall take
the penitent by the hand, and one or two, in name of the whole,
shall kiss and embrace him with all reverence and gravity, as a
member of Christ Jesus.

When these things have been done, the minister shall exhort the
reconciled to take diligent heed in times coming, that Satan entrap
him not into such crimes, admonishing him that he will not cease to
tempt and try by all means possible to bring him from that obedience
which he hath given to God, and to the ordinance of His Son Christ
Jesus. The exhortation being ended, the minister ought to give
public thanks unto God for the conversion of that brother, and for
the benefits which we receive by Jesus Christ, praying for the
increase and continuance of the same.

If the penitent, after he have offered himself to the ministry or
to the Church, be found ignorant in the principal points of our
religion, and chiefly in the article of Justification and of the
office of Christ Jesus, he ought to be exactly instructed before he
be received. For it is a mocking of God to receive into repentance
those who know not wherein stands their remedy when they repent
their sin.

3. _Persons subject to Discipline._--To discipline must all estates
within this realm be subject, if they offend; the rulers as well as
they that are ruled; yea, and the preachers themselves, as well as
the poorest within the Church. And because the eye and the mouth of
the Church ought to be most single and irreprehensible, the life and
conversation of the ministers ought most diligently to be tried. Of
this we shall speak after we have spoken of the election of elders
and deacons, who must assist the ministers in all public affairs of
the Church, etc.


X. Touching the Election of Elders and Deacons, etc.

Men of best knowledge in God's Word, of cleanest life, men faithful,
and of most honest conversation that can be found in the Church,
must be nominated to be in election; and the names of the same must
be publicly read to the whole kirk by the minister, who shall give
them advertisement that from amongst these must be chosen elders
and deacons. If any of the nominated be noted with public infamy,
he ought to be repelled; for it is not seemly that the servant of
corruption shall have authority to judge in the Church of God. If
any man knows others of better qualities within the church than
these that be nominated, let them be put in election, that the
church may have the choice.

If churches be of smaller number than that seniors and deacons can
be chosen from amongst them, they may well be joined to the next
adjacent church. For the plurality of churches, without ministers
and order, shall rather hurt than edify.

The election of elders and deacons ought to take place once every
year (we judge the first day of August to be most convenient), lest,
by long continuance of such officers, men presume upon the liberty
of the Church. It hurts not that one man be retained in office more
years than one, so that he be appointed yearly, by common and free
election; provided always that the deacons, treasurers, be not
compelled to receive the office again for the space of three years.

How the votes and suffrages may be best received, so that every man
may give his vote freely, every several church may take such order
as best seemeth to them.

The elders, being elected, must be admonished of their office, which
is to assist the minister in all public affairs of the Church, to
wit, in judging and discerning causes, in giving admonition to
the licentious liver, and in having respect to the manners and
conversation of all men within their charge; for the light and
unbridled life of the licentious ought to be corrected and bridled
by the gravity of the seniors.

Yea, the seniors ought to take heed to the life, manners, diligence,
and study of their minister. If he be worthy of admonition, they
must admonish him; of correction, they must correct him. And if
he be worthy of deposition, they, with consent of the church and
Superintendent, may depose him, if his crime so deserve. If a
minister be light in conversation, he ought to be admonished by his
elders and seniors. If he be negligent in study, or one that waiteth
not upon his charge and flock, or one that proponeth not fruitful
doctrine, he deserveth sharper admonition and correction. If he be
found stubborn and inobedient to this, the seniors of one church may
complain to the ministry of the two next adjacent churches where
men of greater gravity are. If he be found inobedient to their
admonition, he ought to be discharged from his ministry, until his
repentance appear and a place be vacant for him.

Should any minister be taken in any notable crime, such as whoredom,
adultery, murder, manslaughter, perjury, teaching of heresy, or any
that deserveth death or that may be a note of perpetual infamy, he
ought to be deposed for ever. By heresy we mean pernicious doctrine,
plainly taught and obstinately defended, against the foundation
and principles of our faith. And such a crime we judge to deserve
perpetual deposition from the ministry; for we know it to be most
dangerous to commit the flock to a man infected with the pestilence
of heresy.

Some crimes deserve deposition for a time, and until the person
give declaration of greater gravity and honesty. As, if a minister
be deprehended drunk, brawling or fighting, an open slanderer, an
infamer of his neighbour, factious and a sower of discord, he may
be commanded to cease from his ministry until he declare the signs
of repentance; upon which the Church shall abide him the space of
twenty days or farther, as they shall think expedient, before they
proceed to a new election.

Every inferior church shall, by one of their seniors and one of
their deacons, once in the year, notify unto the ministry of the
Superintendent's church the life, manners, study, and diligence of
their ministers, to the end that the discretion of some may correct
the lenity of others.

Not only may the life and manners of the ministers come under
censure and judgment of the Church, but also that of their wives,
children, and family. Care must be taken that ministers neither live
riotously nor yet avariciously; yea, respect must be had how they
spend the stipend appointed to their living. If a reasonable stipend
be appointed, and they live avariciously, they must be admonished
to live as they receive; for, as excess and superfluity is not
tolerable in a minister, so is avarice and the careful solicitude
of money and gear utterly to be condemned in Christ's servants, and
especially in those that are fed upon the charge of the Church. We
judge it unseemly and not tolerable that ministers shall be boarded
in common alehouses or taverns.

Neither yet must a minister be permitted to frequent and commonly
haunt the Court, unless it be for a time, when he is either sent
by the Church or called for by the Authority for his counsel and
judgment. Nor must he be one of the Council in civil affairs, be
he judged never so apt for that purpose. Either must he cease from
the ministry, which at his own pleasure he may not do, or else
from bearing charge in civil affairs, unless it be to assist the
Parliament if called upon.

The office of the deacons, as is before declared, is to receive the
rents and gather the alms of the Church, and to keep and distribute
the same, as by the ministry of the Kirk shall be appointed. They
may also assist in judgment with the ministers and elders, and may
be admitted to read in the assembly if they be required and be found
able thereto.

The elders and deacons, with their wives and households, must be
under the same censure as is prescribed for the ministers. For
they must be careful over their office; and, seeing that they are
judges to the manners of others, their own conversation ought to be
irreprehensible. They must be sober, humble, lovers and entertainers
of concord and peace; and, finally, they ought to be the example
of godliness to others. If the contrary thereof appear, they must
be admonished by the minister, or by some of their brethren of the
ministry, if the fault be secret; if it be open and known, it must
be rebuked before the ministry, and the same order kept against the
senior or deacon as against the minister.

We do not think it necessary that any public stipend shall be
appointed to the elders or to the deacons, because their travail
continues but for a year, and also because they are not so occupied
with the affairs of the Church but that reasonably they may attend
upon their domestic business.


XI. Concerning the Policy of the Church.

Policy we call an exercise of the Church in such things as may
bring the rude and ignorant to knowledge, inflame the learned to
greater fervency, or retain the Church in good order. Thereof there
be two sorts: the one utterly necessary; as that the Word be truly
preached, the Sacraments rightly ministrate, common prayer publicly
made, the children and rude persons instructed in the chief points
of religion, and offences corrected and punished; these things, we
say, be so necessary that, without the same, there is no face of a
visible Kirk. The other is profitable, but not of mere necessity;
as that the Psalms should be sung, that certain places of the
Scriptures should be read when there is no sermon, that this day
or that day, few or many in the week, the Church should assemble.
Of these and such others we cannot see how a certain order can be
established. In some churches the Psalms may be conveniently sung;
in others, perchance, they cannot. Some churches may convene every
day; some thrice or twice in the week; some, perchance, but once. In
these and suchlike matters must every particular church, by their
own consent, appoint their own policy.

In great towns we think it expedient that every day there be either
sermon, or else common prayers, with some exercise of reading the
Scriptures. We can neither require nor greatly approve that the
Common Prayers be publicly used on the day of the public sermon,
lest we shall either foster superstition in the people, who come to
the Prayers as they come to the Mass, or else give them occasion
to think that those be no prayers which are made before and after
sermon.

We require that, in every notable town, one day besides the Sunday
be appointed to the sermon and prayers. This day, during the time of
sermon, must be kept free from all exercise of labour, as well of
the master as of the servants. In smaller towns, as we have said,
the common consent of the church must put order. But the Sunday must
straitly be kept, both before and after noon, in all towns. Before
noon the Word must be preached and Sacraments be administered, as
also marriage solemnised, if occasion offer. After noon the young
children must be publicly examined in their catechism in audience
of the people, and in doing this the minister must take great
diligence, to cause the people to understand the questions proponed,
as well as the answers, and the doctrine that may be collected
thereof. The order, and how much is appointed for every Sunday,
are already distinct in our Book of Common Order; the most perfect
Catechism that ever yet was used in the Church. After noon, also,
baptism may be ministered, when great travail before noon offers
occasion. It is also to be observed that prayers be used after noon
upon the Sunday, when there is neither preaching nor catechism.

It appertaineth to the policy of the Church to appoint the times
when the Sacraments shall be administered. Baptism may be ministrate
whensoever the Word is preached; but we think it more expedient,
that it be ministered upon the Sunday, or upon the day of prayers
only, after the sermon; partly, to remove the gross error by
which many deceived persons think that children be damned if they
die without baptism; and, partly, to make the people assist the
administration of that Sacrament with greater reverence than they
do. For we do see the people begin already to wax weary by reason of
the frequent repetition of those promises.

Four times in the year we think sufficient for the administration
of the Lord's Table. These we desire to be distinct, that the
superstition of times may be avoided so far as may be. Your honours
are not ignorant how superstitiously the people run to that action
at Easter, even as if the time gave virtue to the Sacrament; and
how the rest of the whole year they are careless and negligent, as
if it appertaineth not unto them but at that time only. We think
therefore most expedient that the first Sunday of March be appointed
for one time; the first Sunday of June for another; the first Sunday
of September for the third; and the first Sunday of December for
the fourth. We do not deny that any several church, for reasonable
causes, may change the time, and may administer oftener; but we
study to suppress superstition. All ministers must be admonished
to be more careful to instruct the ignorant than to satisfy their
appetites, and more sharp in examination than indulgent, in
admitting to that great mystery such as be ignorant of the use and
virtue of the same. We think, therefore, that the administration of
the Table ought never to be without previous examination, especially
of those whose knowledge is suspect. We think that none are fit
to be admitted to that mystery who cannot formally say the Lord's
Prayer, recite the Articles of the Belief, and declare the sum of
the Law.

Farther, we think it a thing most expedient and necessary that
every church have a Bible in English, and that the people be
commanded to convene to hear the plain reading or interpretation of
the Scriptures, as the Church shall appoint; so that, by frequent
reading, this gross ignorance, which in the cursed Papistry hath
overflown all, may partly be removed. We think it most expedient
that the Scriptures be read in order, that is, that some one book
of the Old and the New Testament be begun and orderly read to the
end. And the same we judge of preaching, where the minister for the
most part remaineth in one place. For this skipping and divagation
from place to place of the Scripture, be it in reading or be it in
preaching, we judge not so profitable to edify the Church, as the
continual following of a text.

Every master of household must be commanded either to instruct, or
else cause to be instructed, his children, servants, and family, in
the principles of the Christian religion; and without the knowledge
of them none ought to be admitted to the Table of the Lord Jesus.
For such as be so dull and so ignorant that they can neither
try themselves nor know the dignity and mystery of that action
cannot eat and drink of that Table worthily. We therefore judge it
necessary that, every year at least, public examination be had by
the ministers and elders of the knowledge of every person within the
Church; to wit, that every master and mistress of household come
themselves, and so many of their family as be come to maturity,
before the ministers and elders, to give confession of their faith,
and to answer to such chief points of religion as the ministers
shall demand. Such as be ignorant in the Articles of their Faith;
understand not, nor cannot rehearse the commandments of God; know
not how to pray, nor wherein their righteousness consists, ought not
to be admitted to the Lord's Table. If these stubbornly continue,
and suffer their children and servants to continue in wilful
ignorance, the discipline of the Church must proceed against them
unto excommunication; and then must the matter be referred to the
Civil Magistrate. For, seeing that the just liveth by his own faith,
and that Christ Jesus justifieth by knowledge of Himself, we judge
it insufferable that men shall be permitted to live and continue in
ignorance as members of the Church of God.

Moreover, men, women, and children would be exhorted to exercise
themselves in the Psalms, that when the church conveneth and doth
sing, they may be the more able, with common heart and voice, to
praise God.

We think it expedient that, in private houses, the most grave and
discreet person use the Common Prayers at morn and at night, for
the comfort and instruction of others. For, seeing that we behold
and see the hand of God now presently striking us with divers
plagues, we think it a contempt of His judgments, or a provocation
of His anger more to be kindled against us, if we be not moved to
repentance of our former unthankfulness and to earnest invocation
of His name. Only His power may, and great mercy will, if we
unfeignedly convert unto Him, remove from us these terrible plagues
which now for our iniquities hang over our heads. "Convert us, O
Lord, and we shall be converted."


XII. For Preaching and Interpretation of Scriptures, etc.

To the end that the Church of God may have a trial of men's
knowledge, judgments, graces, and utterances, and that such as
somewhat have profited in God's Word may from time to time grow
to more full perfection to serve the Church, as necessity shall
require, it is most expedient that, in every town where schools
and repair of learned men are, there be a certain day every week
appointed to that exercise which Saint Paul calleth prophesying.
The order thereof is expressed by him in these words: "Let two or
three prophets speak; and let the rest judge. But if anything be
revealed to him that sitteth by, let the former keep silence. For
ye may, one by one, all prophesy, that all may learn, and all may
receive consolation. And the spirits, that is, the judgments, of
the prophets, are subject to the prophets." From these words of the
Apostle, it is evident that in Corinth, when the Church assembled
for that purpose, some place of Scripture was read. Upon this, first
one gave his judgment to the instruction and consolation of the
auditors, and after him did another either confirm what the former
had said, or add what he had omitted, or gently correct or explain
more properly where the whole truth was not revealed to the former.
And, in case some things were hid from the one and from the other,
liberty was given to a third to speak his judgment, for edification
of the Church. Above the number of three, as appeareth, they passed
not, for avoiding of confusion.

These exercises, we say, are things most necessary for the Church
of God this day in Scotland; for thereby, as we have said, shall
the Church have judgment and knowledge of the graces, gifts, and
utterances of every man within their own body; and the simple, and
such as have somewhat profited, shall be encouraged daily to study
and proceed in knowledge. And, too, the Church shall be edified;
for this exercise must be patent to such as list to hear and learn,
and every man shall have liberty to utter and declare his mind and
knowledge to the comfort and edification of the Church.

But curious, peregrine,[267] and unprofitable questions are to be
avoided, lest of a profitable exercise there might arise debate and
strife. All interpretation disagreeing from the principles of our
faith, repugnant to charity, or standing in plain contradiction
to any other manifest place of Scripture, is to be rejected. The
interpreter, in that exercise, may not take to himself the liberty
of a public preacher, yea, although he be a minister appointed.
He must bind himself to his text, and not enter on digression in
explaining common places. He may use no invective in that exercise,
unless it be, with sobriety, in confuting heresies. In exhortations
or admonitions he must be short, that the time may be spent in
opening of the mind of the Holy Ghost in that place, in following
the file[268] and dependence of the text, and in observing such
notes as may instruct and edify the auditor. That contention may be
avoided, neither may the interpreter nor yet any of the assembly
move any question in open audience, unless he himself is content
to give resolution without reasoning with any other; but every man
ought to speak his own judgment to the edification of the Church.

  [267] Foreign; irrelevant.

  [268] Thread; sequence.

If any be noted with curiosity, or for bringing in any strange
doctrine, he must be admonished by the moderators, the ministers
and elders, immediately after the interpretation is ended. The
whole members and number of them that are of the assembly ought to
convene together, and then examination should be had as to how the
person that did interpret did handle and convey the matter, the
interpreter being removed until every man have given his censure.
After this, the person being called, the faults, if any notable be
found, are noted, and the person shall be gently admonished. In that
last assembly, all questions and doubts, if any arise, should be
resolved, without contention.

The ministers of the parish churches to landward, adjacent to
every chief town, and the readers (if they have any gift of
interpretation) within six miles, must assist and concur with those
that prophesy within the towns; to the end that they themselves may
either learn, or that others may learn from them. And, moreover,
men in whom any gifts are supposed to be, which might edify the
Church, if they were well applied, must be charged by the ministers
and elders to join themselves with that session and company of
interpreters, to the end that the Church may judge whether they be
able to serve to God's glory, and to the profit of the Church in the
vocation of ministers or not. If any be found disobedient, and not
willing to communicate the gifts and spiritual graces of God with
their brethren, after sufficient admonition, discipline must proceed
against them; provided that the Civil Magistrate concurs with the
judgment and election of the Church. For no man may be permitted to
live as best pleaseth himself within the Church of God; but every
man must be constrained, by fraternal admonition and correction, to
bestow his labours, to the edification of others, when of the Church
they are required.

What day in the week is most convenient for that exercise and what
books of the Scriptures shall be most profitable to be read, we
refer to the judgment of every particular church; we mean, to the
wisdom of the ministers and elders.


XIII. Of Marriage.

Because marriage, the blessed ordinance of God, hath partly been
contemned in this cursed Papistry; and partly hath been so infirmed,
that the persons conjoined could never be assured of continuance,
if the Bishops and Prelates should list to dissolve the same; we
have thought good to show our judgments how such confusion in times
coming may be best avoided.

First, public inhibition must be made that no persons under the
power and obedience of others, such as sons and daughters and these
that be under curators, neither men nor women, contract marriage
privily and without knowledge of their parents, tutors, or curators,
under whose power they are for the time. If they do this, the
censure and discipline of the Church shall proceed against them. If
the parties have their hearts touched with desire of marriage, they
are bound to give honour to the parents and open unto them their
affection, asking of them counsel and assistance, as to how that
motion, which they judge to be of God, may be performed. If father,
friend, or master gainstand their request, and have no other cause
than the common sort of men have (to wit, lack of goods, or because
they are not so high-born as they require); yet must not the parties
whose hearts are touched make any covenant until farther declaration
be made unto the Church of God. And, therefore, after they have
opened their minds to their parents, or such others as have charge
over them, they must declare it also to the ministry or to the Civil
Magistrate, requiring them to travail with their parents for their
consent, which to do they are bound. If they, to wit, the Magistrate
or ministers, find no just cause why the marriage required may not
be fulfilled, then, after sufficient admonition to the father,
friend, master, or superior, that none of them resist the work of
God, the ministry or Magistrate may enter into the place of the
parent and, by consenting to their just requests, may admit them
to marriage; for the work of God ought not to be hindered by the
corrupt affections of worldly men. We call it the work of God when
two hearts, without filthiness before committed, are so joined, that
both require and are content to live together in the holy bond of
matrimony.

If any man commit fornication with the woman whom he required in
marriage, then do both lose this foresaid benefit as well of the
Church as of the Magistrate; for neither ought to be intercessors or
advocates for filthy fornicators. But the father, or nearest friend
whose daughter, being a virgin, is deflowered, hath power by the law
of God to compel the man that did that injury to marry his daughter;
or, if the father will not accept him by reason of his offence, then
may he require the dot[269] of his daughter. If the offender be not
able to pay this, then ought the Civil Magistrate to punish his body
by some other punishment.

  [269] Dowry.

Because fornication, whoredom, and adultery are sins most common in
this realm, we require of your honours, in the name of the Eternal
God, that severe punishment, according as God hath commanded, be
executed against such wicked offenders; for we doubt not but that
such enormous crimes, openly committed, provoke the wrath of God, as
the Apostle speaketh, not only upon the offenders, but also upon the
places where, without punishment, they are committed.

To return to our former purpose: Marriage ought not to be contracted
amongst persons that have no election for lack of understanding;
and therefore we affirm that bairns and infants cannot lawfully be
married in their minor age, to wit, the man within fourteen years of
age, and the woman within twelve years, at the least. If it chance
that any have been so married and have kept their bodies always
separate, we cannot judge them bound to adhere as man and wife, by
reason of a promise which in God's presence was no promise at all.
But if, in the years of judgment, they have embraced the one the
other, then, by reason of their last consent, they have ratified
that which others did promise for them in their youth.

In a Reformed Church, marriage ought not to be secretly used, but
in open face and public audience of the Church. For avoidance of
dangers, it is expedient that the banns be publicly proclaimed on
three Sundays, unless the persons be so known that no suspicion of
danger may arise, when the banns may be shortened at the discretion
of the ministry. But in nowise can we admit marriage to be used
secretly, however honourable the persons be. The Sunday before
sermon we think most convenient for marriage, and that it be used on
no other day, without the consent of the whole ministry.

Unless adultery be committed, marriage, once lawfully contracted,
may not be dissolved at man's pleasure, as our master Christ Jesus
doth witness. If adultery be sufficiently proven in presence of
the Civil Magistrate, the innocent, upon request, ought to be
pronounced free, and the offender ought to suffer death, as God
hath commanded. If the civil sword foolishly spare the life of the
offender, yet may not the Church be negligent in their office. This
is to excommunicate the wicked, to repute them as dead members, and
to pronounce the innocent party to be at freedom, be the offender
never so honourable before the world. If the life be spared to
the offenders, as it ought not to be, if the fruits of repentance
of long time appear in them, and if they earnestly desire to be
reconciled with the Church, we judge that they may be received
to participation of the Sacraments, and of the other benefits of
the Church, for we would not that the Church should hold those
excommunicate whom God has absolved, that is, the penitent.

If any demand whether the offender, after reconciliation with the
Church, may marry again, we answer, that, if they cannot live
continent, and if the necessity be such as that they fear farther
offence of God, we cannot forbid them to use the remedy ordained of
God. If the party offended may be reconciled to the offender, then
we judge that in nowise it shall be lawful to the offender to marry
any other than the party that hath been offended. The solemnization
of the latter marriage must be in the open face of the Church, like
the former, but without proclamation of banns.

This we do offer as the best counsel that God giveth unto us in so
doubtsome a case. But the most perfect reformation were, if your
honours would give to God His honour and glory, that ye would prefer
His express commandment to your own corrupt judgments, especially in
punishing of those crimes which He commandeth to be punished with
death. For so should ye declare yourselves God's true and obedient
officers, and your commonwealth should be rid of innumerable
troubles.

We mean not that sins committed in our former blindness, and almost
buried in oblivion, shall be called again to examination and
judgment. But we require that the law may now and hereafter be so
established and executed that this ungodly impunity of sin have no
place within this realm. For, in the fear of God, we signify unto
your honours that whosoever persuadeth you that ye may pardon where
God commandeth death deceiveth your souls, and provoketh you to
offend God's Majesty.


XIV. Of Burial.

Burial in all ages hath been holden in estimation, to signify the
faith that the same body that was committed to the earth would not
utterly perish, but would rise again. And we would have the same
kept within this realm, provided that superstition, idolatry, and
whatsoever hath proceeded of a false opinion and for advantage's
sake, be avoided. Singing of Mass, placebo, and dirge, and all other
prayers over or for the dead, are not only superfluous and vain,
but are idolatry, and are repugnant to the plain Scriptures of God.
Plain it is that every one that dieth departeth either in the faith
of Christ Jesus, or else departeth in incredulity. Plain it is that
they that depart in the true faith of Christ Jesus rest from their
labours, and from death do go to life everlasting, as by our Master
and by His Apostle we are taught. But whosoever shall depart in
unbelief or in incredulity shall never see life, but the wrath of
God abideth upon him. And so we say that prayers for the dead are
not only superfluous and vain, but are expressly repugnant to the
manifest Scriptures and truth thereof.

To avoid all inconveniences, we judge it best that there be neither
singing nor reading at the burial. Albeit things sung and read may
admonish some of the living to prepare themselves for death, yet
shall some superstitious and ignorant persons ever think that the
singing or reading of the living does and may profit the dead. For
this reason we think it most expedient that the dead be convoyed to
the place of burial by some honest company of the Church, without
either singing or reading; yea, without all kind of ceremony
heretofore used, other than that the dead be committed to the grave,
with gravity and sobriety, so that those that be present may seem to
fear the judgments of God, and to hate sin, which is the cause of
death.[270]

  [270] And yet, notwithstanding, we are not so precise, but that we
  are content that particular kirks use them in that behalf, with the
  consent of the ministry of the same, as they will answer to God, and
  to the Assembly of the Universal Kirk gathered within the realm.
  (_Additio._)

We are not ignorant that some require a sermon at the burial, or
else that some places of Scriptures be read, to put the living in
mind that they are mortal, and that likewise they must die. But
let those men understand that the sermons which are daily made
serve for that use. If men despise these, the preaching of funeral
sermons shall nourish superstition and a false opinion, as we have
said, rather than bring such persons to any godly consideration of
their own estate. Besides, either shall the ministers for the most
part be occupied in preaching funeral sermons or else they shall
have respect to persons, preaching at the burial of the rich and
honourable, but keeping silence when the poor or despised departeth;
and this the ministers cannot do with safe conscience. For, seeing
that before God there is in respect of persons, and that their
ministry appertaineth to all alike, whatsoever they do to the rich,
in respect of their ministry, the same they are bound to do to the
poorest under their charge.

In respect of divers inconveniences, we think it unseemly that the
church appointed to preaching and ministration of the Sacraments
shall be made a place of burial. Some other secret and convenient
place, lying in the most free air, should be appointed for that use;
and this ought to be well walled and fenced about, and kept for that
use only.


XV. For Reparation of Churches.

Lest the Word of God, and ministration of the Sacraments, come into
contempt by unseemliness of the place, churches and places where
the people publicly convene should, with expedition, be repaired in
doors, windows, thatch, and provided within with such preparations
as appertain to the majesty of the Word of God as well as unto the
ease and commodity of the people. We know the slothfulness of men
in this behalf, and in all other which may not redound to their
private commodity, and strait charge and commandment must be given
that before a certain day the reparations must be begun, and that
before another day, to be affixed by your honours, they be finished.
Penalties and sums of money must be enjoined, and then without
pardon taken from the contemners.

The reparation would be according to the possibility and number of
the church. Every church must have doors, close windows of glass,
thatch or slate able to withhold rain, a bell to convocate the
people together, a pulpit, a basin for baptism, and tables for the
ministration of the Lord's Supper. In greater churches, and where
the congregation is great in number, provision must be made within
the church for the quiet and commodious receiving of the people. The
expenses shall be lifted partly from the people, and partly from the
teinds, at the discretion of the ministry.


XVI. For Punishment of those that Profane the Sacraments and do
contemn the Word of God, and dare presume to minister them, not
being thereto lawfully called.

Satan hath never ceased from the beginning to draw mankind into one
of two extremities. He hath sought that men should be so ravished
with gazing upon the visible creatures that, forgetting why these
were ordained, they should attribute unto them a virtue and power
which God hath not granted unto them. Or else he hath sought that
men should so contemn and despise God's blessed ordinance and holy
institutions, as if neither in the right use of them were there
any profit, nor yet in their profanation were there any danger.
As, in this wise, Satan hath blinded the most part of mankind from
the beginning; so we doubt not but that he will strive to continue
in his malice even to the end. Our eyes have seen and presently
do see the experience of the one and of the other. What was the
opinion of the most part of men, of the Sacrament of Christ's body
and blood, during the darkness of superstition, is not unknown; how
it was gazed upon, kneeled unto, borne in procession, and finally
worshipped and honoured as Christ Jesus Himself.

So long as Satan might retain man in that damnable idolatry, he was
quiet, as one that possessed his kingdom of darkness peaceably.
But since it hath pleased the mercies of God to reveal unto the
unthankful world the light of His Word, and the right use and
administration of His Sacraments, he essays man upon the contrary
part. Where, not long ago, men stood in such admiration of that
idol in the Mass that none durst presume to have said the Mass, but
the foresworn shaven sort (the beasts marked men); some dare now be
so bold as, without all convocation, to minister, as they suppose,
the true Sacraments in open assemblies. Some idiots, also, yet more
wickedly and more imprudently, dare counterfeit in their houses that
which the true ministers do in the open congregation; they presume,
we say, to do it in houses without reverence, without Word preached,
and without minister, other than of companion to companion. This
contempt proceedeth, no doubt, from the malice and craft of that
serpent who first deceived man, of purpose to deface the glory
of Christ's Evangel, and to bring His blessed Sacraments into a
perpetual contempt.

Farther, your honours may clearly see how proudly and stubbornly the
most part despise the Evangel of Christ Jesus offered unto you.
Unless ye resist sharply and stoutly the manifest despiser as well
as the profaner of the Sacraments, ye shall find them pernicious
enemies before long. Therefore, in the name of the Eternal God and
of His Son, Christ Jesus, we require of your honours that, without
delay, strait laws be made against the one and the other.

We dare not prescribe unto you what penalties shall be required of
such. But this we fear not to affirm, that the one and the other
deserve death. If he which doth falsify the seal, subscription, or
coinage of a king is adjudged worthy of death; what shall we think
of him who plainly doth falsify the seals of Christ Jesus, Prince
of the kings of the earth? If Darius pronounced upon the man that
durst attempt to hinder the re-edification of the material temple,
the sentence that a bauk[271] should be taken from his house, and
he himself be hanged upon it; what shall we say of those that
contemptuously blaspheme God and manifestly hinder the spiritual
temple of God, the souls and bodies of the elect--from being purged,
by the true preaching of Christ Jesus, from the superstition and
damnable idolatry in which they have been of long plunged and holden
captive? If ye, as God forbid, declare yourselves careless over the
true religion, God will not suffer your negligence to go unpunished.
Therefore, the more earnestly require we that strait laws may be
made against the stubborn contemners of Christ Jesus, and against
such as dare presume to administer His Sacraments, without orderly
call to that office; lest, while there be none found to gainstand
impiety, the wrath of God be kindled against the whole.

  [271] Beam.

The papistical priests have neither power nor authority to
administer the Sacraments of Christ Jesus; because in their mouth
is not the sermon of exhortation. To them, therefore, must strait
inhibition be made, notwithstanding any usurpation which they have
had in that behalf in the time of blindness. It is neither the
clipping of their crowns, the crossing of their fingers, the blowing
of the dumb dogs, called the bishops, nor yet the laying on of their
hands that maketh them the true ministers of Christ Jesus. The
Spirit of God inwardly moving hearts to seek Christ's glory and the
profit of His Church, and thereafter the nomination of the people,
the examination of the learned, and public admission, as before we
have said, makes men lawful ministers of the Word and Sacraments. We
speak of an ordinary vocation, where Churches are reformed, or at
least tend to reformation; and not of that which is extraordinary,
when God by Himself, and by His only power, raiseth up to the
ministry such as best please His wisdom.


The Conclusion.

Thus have we, in these few heads, offered unto your honours our
judgments, according as we were commanded, touching the reformation
of things which heretofore have altogether been abused in this
cursed Papistry. We doubt not but some of our petitions shall appear
strange unto you at the first sight. But if your wisdoms deeply
consider that we must answer not only unto men, but also before
the throne of the Eternal God and of His Son, Christ Jesus, for
the counsel which we give in this so grave matter, your honours
shall easily consider that it is much safer for us to fall into the
displeasure of all men on earth, than to offend the Majesty of God,
whose justice cannot sutler flatterers and deceitful counsellors to
go unpunished.

That we require the Church to be set at such liberty, that she
neither be compelled to feed idle bellies, nor to sustain the
tyranny which heretofore by violence hath been maintained, we know
will offend many. But if we should keep silence, we are most certain
to offend the just and righteous God, who by the mouth of His
Apostle hath pronounced this sentence: "He that laboureth not, let
him not eat." If we, in this behalf or in any other, require to ask
anything, other than by God's expressed commandment, by equity and
by good conscience ye are bound to grant, let it be noted, and after
repudiated; but if we require nothing which God requireth not also,
let your honours take heed how ye gainstand the charge of Him whose
hand and punishment ye cannot escape.

If blind affection leads you to have respect to the sustentation of
those carnal friends of yours, who tyrannously have empired above
the poor flock of Christ Jesus, rather than the zeal of God's glory
provoke and move you to set His oppressed Church at freedom and
liberty, we fear sharp and sudden punishment for you, and that the
glory and honour of this enterprise will be reserved unto others.

Yet shall this our judgment abide to the generations following for a
monument, and witness how lovingly God called you and this realm to
repentance, what counsellors God sent unto you, and how ye have used
the same. If obediently ye hear God now calling, we doubt not but He
shall hear you in your greatest necessity. But if, following your
own corrupt judgments, ye contemn His voice and vocation, we are
assured that your former iniquity, and present ingratitude, shall
together crave just punishment from God, who cannot long delay to
execute His most just judgments, when, after many offences and long
blindness, grace and mercy offered is contemptuously refused.

God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, by the power of His Holy
Spirit, so illuminate your hearts, that ye may clearly see what
is pleasing and acceptable in His presence; so bow the same to
His obedience, that ye may prefer His revealed will to your own
affections; and so strengthen you by the spirit of fortitude, that
boldly ye may punish vice, and maintain virtue within this realm, to
the praise and glory of His holy name, to the comfort and assurance
of your own consciences, and to the consolation and good example of
the posterities following. Amen. So be it.

  By your Honours'

  Most humble servitors, etc.

From EDINBURGH, _The twentieth of May_ 1560.




Act of Secret Council, xxvii January, Anno &c., 1560.[272]

  [272] That is, in modern terms, 27th January 1561, the year running
  from 25th March (instead of 1st January), in the computation of time
  then in use.


We, who have subscribed these presents, having advised with the
Articles herein specified, as is above mentioned from the beginning
of this book, think the same good, and in conformity with God's Word
in all points, subject to the notes and additions thereto eked; and
we promise to set the same forward to the uttermost of our powers.
Providing that the Bishops, Abbots, Priors, and other Prelates and
beneficed men, who already have joined themselves to us, bruik the
revenues of their benefices during their lifetimes, they sustaining
and upholding the ministry and ministers, as is herein specified,
for preaching of the Word, and administering of the Sacraments of
God.

  JAMES.                                 JOHN LOCKHART _of Barr_.
  JAMES HAMILTON.                        GEORGE CORRIE _of Kelwood_.
  ARCHIBALD ARGYLE.                      JOHN SHAW _of Haly_.
  JAMES STEWART.                         ANDREW HAMILTON _of_
  ROTHES.                                  _Letham_.
  JAMES HALIBURTON.                      GLENCAIRN.
  R. BOYD.                               OCHILTREE.
  ALEXANDER CAMPBELL,                    SANQUHAR.
    DEAN OF MORAY.                       SAINTJOHNS.
  WILLIAM OF CULROSS.                    WILLIAM LORD HAY.
  MASTER ALEXANDER                       DRUMLANRIG.
        GORDON.                          CUNNINGHAMHEAD.
  BARGANY YOUNGER.                       JOHN MAXWELL.
  ANDREW KER _of Faldonside_.            GEORGE FENTON _of that Ilk_.
  T. SCOTT _of Hayning_.                 LOCHINVAR.




GLOSSARY

OF OBSOLETE AND SCOTS WORDS AND PHRASES.


  _Affray_, terror; fright: (v.) to frighten.
  _Aggravate_, to emphasise an enormity.
  _Aggreage_, to aggravate.
  _Appointment_, terms; agreement; truce or treaty.
  _Arguesyn_, lieutenant (naut.).
  _Assedations_, leases.
  _Assurance_, truce; agreement for truce.


  _Bauk_, beam.
  _Bear_, barley.
  _Bide_, to abide; _biaden_, abode.
  _Bill_, letter; petition.
  _Birse_, bristle; beard.
  _Block-house_, tower; fort.
  _Boss_, a worthless character.
  _Bourding_, jesting.
  _Brook_, to soil.
  _Bruik_, to enjoy; to possess.
  _Bruit_, common talk; rumours; repute.
  _Buds_, gifts; bribes.
  _Buist_ (for _browst_), brewing.
  _Buist_, box; chest.
  _Burgess_, inhabitant of a burgh who has full municipal rights.
  _Burn_, brook.
  _Burn his bill_, make recantation.


  _Camp-volant_, expeditionary force.
  _Cass_, to annul.
  _Censement_, judgment.
  _Chalder_, a grain measure of about 90 bushels.
  _Chamber-child_, valet-de-chambre.
  _Chanters_, laics endowed with ecclesiastical benefices.
  _Chap_, to strike; to knock.
  _Cheek-mate_, familiar.
  _Chimley_, chimney; fire-basket.
  _Clawback_, sycophant.
  _Clerk-play_, a dramatic entertainment founded on a passage of
        Scripture; a "mystery."
  _Cognition_, evidence.
  _Comfort_, strength; godly confidence.
  _Commend_, an ecclesiastical benefice committed to a temporary
        holder.
  _Commendator_, the holder of a commend.
  _Commodity_, advantage.
  _Compear_, to present oneself in response to a summons.
  _Compone_, to agree.
  _Consequently_, in sequence.
  _Consistory_, Church Court.
  _Cordelier friar_, Franciscan.
  _Cowp_, to tilt.
  _Craig_, neck.

  _Credit_, mandate; written instructions.
  _Crown of the sun_, a French crown having as mint mark an emblem
        of the sun: gold coin worth 18s.
  _Cuid_, chrisom.
  _Culverin_, the largest cannon used in the 16th century.
  _Cummer_, entanglement; broil; brawl.
  _Cunyie_, mint, coinage; to mint, to coin.


  _Dad_, to knock; to thump.
  _Dag_, to shoot.
  _Deambulator_, promenade.
  _Delate_, to accuse.
  _Delation_, accusation.
  _Delatour_, procrastination.
  _Dictament_, phraseology.
  _Ding_, to knock violently; to dash (p. _dang_, p.p. _dung_).
  _Ditement_, what is written.
  _Divagation_, wandering from the straight course.
  _Divers_, sundry.
  _Doctrine_, act of teaching.
  _Document_, warning; evidence.
  _Dolour_, grief; distress.
  _Dontibour_, courtesan.
  _Dortour_, hangings; decorative draperies.
  _Dot_, dowry.
  _Doted_, endowed.
  _Down-thring_, overthrow.
  _Dule-weed_, apparel of mourning.
  _Dyke_, wall.
  _Dyttament_, dictation; guidance.


  _Effray_, to frighten.
  _Eke_, to increase.
  _Eke_, _eik_, an addition.
  _Eme_, uncle; kinsman.
  _Ensenyes_, companies (milit.).
  _Exercition_, bodily exercise; military exercise.--_Jamieson._


  _Factors_, stewards.
  _Factory_, Scots equivalent of a power of attorney.
  _Fard_, ardour; violence.
  _Fash_, to trouble.
  _Fashery_, trouble.
  _Fashious_, troublesome.
  _Fertour_, coffer.
  _File_, thread; sequence.
  _Fillocks_, giddy young women.
  _Fley_, to scare; to frighten.
  _Flyrt and flyre_, to mock and deride.
  _Forethink_, to repent.
  _Fornent_, over against.
  _Frack_, active; ready; _make frack_, make bustling preparation.
  _Fray_, fright.
  _Fremmed_, strange; unfriendly.


  _Gaird_, guard; civil establishment.
  _Gait_, way; route; _upon the gait_, on the move.
  _Gar_, to cause; _gart_, caused.
  _Gear_, goods; stuff.
  _Girn_, to grind or gnash the teeth.
  _Girnell_, granary.
  _Glaise_, a scorching.
  _Glister_, lustre.
  _Glondours_, a state of ill-humour.
  _Good-daughter_, daughter-in-law.
  _Goodsire_, maternal grandfather.
  _Greet_, to weep; _grat_, wept.
  _Griping_, extortionate.
  _Gukstoun Glaikstour_, apparently a nickname. "A contemptuous
        designation, expressive of the combination of folly and
        vainglory."--_Jamieson._


  _Hackbut_, harquebus: species of hand firearm used in 15th and 16th
        centuries.
  _Hamesucken_, the crime of beating or assaulting a person within his
        own house.
  _Harberous_, hospitable.
  _Hardess_, harshness.
  _Herschip_, plundering.
  _Horn_, public intimation of outlawry.
  _Horning_, outlawry; process of outlawry.
  _How_, hollow; underground.
  _Hurl_, to wheel.


  _Improve_, to disprove.
  _Inable_, to disqualify.
  _Incontinently_, forthwith.
  _Indifference_, impartiality.
  _Indifferent_, impartial.
  _Induration_, hardening of heart.
  _Indure_, to remain of firm purpose.
  _Ingyne_, ingenuity; genius.
  _Institute_, to place in authority.
  _Irons_, coining dies.
  _Ish_, to come out; to sally forth.


  _Jack_, a coat of mail.
  _Jackman_, armed follower.
  _Jefwellis_, jailbirds.
  _Jow_, to toll.


  _Kep_, to intercept; to catch.
  _Kindness_, fealty of retainers.
  _Knap_, to strike.
  _Knapscall_, head-piece.
  _Kythe_, to show; to practise.


  _Lair_, to stick in the mire.
  _Lavachre_, washing.
  _Lesing_, lying.
  _Let_, hindrance.
  _Letters_, writs under the royal signet; summonses.
  _Lippen_, to trust.


  _Manrent_, vassalage.
  _Mansworn_, perjured.
  _Marrow_, match; equal.
  _Mell_, to meddle.
  _Menyie_, crowd of followers.
  _Mint_, threat.
  _Modify_, adjust.
  _Mows_, jest.
  _Myster_, skill; mastery.


  _Napkin_, pocket-handkerchief.
  _Navy_, fleet.
  _Neifeling_, fisticuffs.
  _Neifs_, fists.
  _Noisome_, annoying; troublesome.


  _Pare_, to diminish.
  _Partaker_, ally.
  _Patron_, skipper.
  _Penult_, second last (day).
  _Peregrine_, foreign; irrelevant.
  _Placebo_, the opening antiphon of vespers for the dead, in the
        Romish service; from opening words of Psalm xvi.
  _Placeboes_, parasites; flatterers.
  _Plack_, a small copper coin.
  _Platt_, to place close.
  _Platt on his knees_, threw himself on his knees.
  _Pock_, bag; case.
  _Poise_, secret hoard of money.
  _Pottinger_, apothecary.
  _Power_, forces.
  _Practise_, to intrigue.
  _Prevent_, anticipate.
  _Propine_, to present gifts.
  _Purchase_, to sue out; to procure.
  _Purpose_, conversation.


  _Rays_, yards (naut.).
  _Reduce_, to bring back.
  _Reek_, smoke.
  _Regiment_, rule; control.
  _Reif_, robbery.
  _Retreat_, to repudiate; to withdraw.
  _Rowping_, crying hoarsely.
  _Ruse_, boast.


  _Sark_, shirt.
  _Scaill_, scaling-ladder.
  _Schybald_, mean fellow.
  _Scrimple_, to shrivel.
  _Scrip_, to mock.
  _Seinyiè_, synod; consistory.
  _Skaill_, to disperse; to spill.
  _Slanting_, range of fire.
  _Slogan_, battle-cry.
  _Sloken_, to quench.
  _Snappers_, stumbles.
  _Sned_, to clip, as with shears.
  _Sparse_, to spread abroad.
  _Speir_, to inquire.
  _Splent_, armour for the legs.
  _Spunk_, spark.
  _Spurtle_, porridge stick.
  _Stammer_, to stagger.
  _Stark_, strong.
  _Stay_, impediment.
  _Stock_, crop from which teind was drawn.
  _Stog_, to stab.
  _Stog-sword_, long small-sword.
  _Stool_, pulpit.
  _Stoop_, support.
  _Stout_, staunch.
  _Stowth_, theft.
  _Sturr_, to make disturbance or trouble.
  _Suppostis_, supporters.
  _Sweir_, unwilling.


  _Tabernacle_, a shrine for host consecrated at mass.
  _Targetting of tails_, bordering of gowns with tassels.
  _Teind_, tenth-part; tithe.
  _Tine_, to lose; _tint_, lost.
  _Tinsel_, loss.
  _To-look_, prospect.
  _Tor_, arm (of a chair).


  _Umquhile_, late; deceased.
  _Upaland_, at a distance from the sea; in the country.
  _Upfall_, matter cast up; incident.


  _Vassalage_, feats of valour.
  _Vilipended_, slighted; undervalued.


  _Warsel_, wrestle.
  _Whinger_, hanger (kind of sword).
  _Wiss_, to imagine.
  _Wodness_, fury; madness.
  _Wolter_, overturn.
  _Wyte_, blame.


  _Yett_, gate.




INDEX.


  Ancrum Moor, 50.

  Angus, Earl of, 23, 43, 49, 80, 101, 104.

  Annan, Dean John, 86.

  Argyll, Fourth Earl of, 33, 42, 102, 104, 122, 131, 132.

  Argyll, Fifth Earl of, 120, 131, 154, 157, 158, 159, 160, 165, 167,
        203, 208, 245, 276, 277.

  Arran, Lord James Hamilton, Second Earl of (afterwards created Duke
        of Châtelherault, and frequently referred to by Knox as "The
        Duke" or "The Duke's Grace").
    His name on the roll of heretics, 27.
    Claims the regency on death of James V., 33.
    Proclaimed Regent, 34.
    Breaks faith with England, 42.
    The Cardinal's tool, 46.
    Consents to Wishart's arrest, 62.
    Treacherous dealing with assassins of Beaton, 83, 97.
    Prepares to resist Somerset's invasion, 100.
    At Pinkie Cleuch, 102.
    Receives Duchy of Châtelherault, and other favours, for consent to
          marriage of the young Queen, 104.
    At the trial of Adam Wallace, 113.
    He is deposed, 116.
    Persecutes the Protestants, 151.
    In league with Queen Regent, 156, 163, 167.
    Attends sermon in St. Giles, 171.
    Is found on the side of the Congregation, 180.
    Is admonished by Knox, 183.
    Stationed at Glasgow, 186.
    His slackness reproved by Knox, 198.
    Concurs in treaty of Berwick, 200.
    At Kinneil, 252, 254.
    Exhorted by Knox to remain firm, 267.
    At the trial of Knox, 293.
    Banqueted by the Queen, 303.

  Arran, Third Earl of (Son of Second Earl, and succeeded to the Title
        on his Father's attaining his Dukedom), 83, 84, 178, 180, 185,
        186, 199, 217, 218, 229, 241, 250.

  Arth, Friar William, 8.

  Ayr, 43, 120, 267.


  Balfour, Sir James, of Pittendreich (sometime Official of Lothian),
        96, 99, 109, 111, 177, 199.

  Balnaves, Henry, 21, 37, 38, 40, 46, 83, 85, 108, 197-200.

  Beaton, David, Cardinal.
    Makes inquisition, 17.
    Opposes meeting of James V. and Henry VIII., 22.
    Presents a "scroll" of heretics, 25.
    Partly responsible for Solway Moss, 27.
    At the King's deathbed, 32.
    Claims the Regency unsuccessfully, 33.
    The Regent favours the Protestants and Beaton is imprisoned, 35.
    But he escapes, 36.
    With the Queen Dowager and the faction of France, 39.
    Raises a party against Arran, 42.
    Suggests marriage of Lennox with Queen Dowager, 43.
    Stirs strife amongst the Protestants, 44.
    His treachery, 46.
    Fortifies St. Andrews, and hoists his flag, 51.
    Attempts assassination of Wishart, 55.
    Secures arrest of Wishart, 62.
    His quarrel with Archbishop Dunbar, 63.
    Sits in judgment on Wishart, 65-77.
    Fancies himself secure, 80.
    Seized and assassinated, 81-82.

  Beaton, James, Archbishop of Glasgow (Nephew of Cardinal Beaton),
        121, 169.

  Beaton, James, Archbishop of St. Andrews (Uncle of Cardinal Beaton),
        4, 6, 11, 12, 14, 15.

  Bellenden, Sir John. _See_ Justice Clerk.

  Bellenden, Thomas (Justice Clerk in succession to Thomas Scott),
        21, 40.

  Berwick, Treaty of, 200.

  Bible, An Open, 36.

  Blackader, Robert, Archbishop of Glasgow, 2, 4.

  _Book of Discipline, The_, 363 (cf. 217, 243).

  Borthwick, Captain John, 17.

  Bothwell, Third Earl of, 42, 60, 61.

  Bothwell, Fourth Earl of (afterwards third Husband of Mary Queen of
        Scots), 178, 185, 248, 250, 254, 266, 267, 270, 284.

  Buccleuch, Family of, 14, 23, 46, 104.

  Buchanan, George, 21.


  Campbell, Friar Alexander, 6, 7.

  Campbell, Hugh, of Kinyeancleuch, 54.

  Campbell, Robert, of Kinyeancleuch, 120, 229.

  Cassillis, Earl of, 7, 29, 43, 58, 115, 127.

  Castle Campbell, 122.

  Châtelherault, Duke of. _See_ Arran, Second Earl of.

  Clerk of Register (James Macgill of Nether Rankeillor), 239, 245,
        335.

  Coldingham, Lord John Stewart, Prior of, 228, 248, 249, 283, 285.

  _Confession of Faith_, Knox's, 214, 341.

  Congregation, The (Name given to the Reformation Party in Scotland).
    Letter from Knox to the Lords of the Congregation, 128.
    First Covenant: December 1557, 130.
    First Rules of Reformed Church, 131.
    Questioning regarding the Mass, 136.
    Steps towards Public Reformation, 137.
    First Petition to Regent, 138.
    Appeal to Parliament, 143.
    Letter to the Regent, 151.
    Letters to the Nobility, 153.
    West-land marches to aid of Perth, 156.
    Peace patched: May 1559, 157.
    Covenant renewed, 158.
    Occupation of Stirling and Edinburgh, 165.
    Overtures to Regent, 167.
    Regent in Arms, 169.
    Convention at Stirling, 174.
    Depose the Regent, 175.
    Soldiers demand Pay, 177.
    English Supplies captured, 178.
    Retreat to Stirling, 181.
    At Stirling, 186.
    Campaign in Fife, 188.
    English Fleet arrives, 190.
    French retreat to Edinburgh, 190.
    Negotiation with England, 191 ff.
    Treaty of Berwick, 200.
    English Army arrives: 1560, 203.
    Peace with France, 209.
    Preachers and Superintendents appointed, 212.
    Knox preaches, Reformation agreed upon, 213.
    Petition to Parliament, 213.
    _Confession of Faith_, 214.
    Mass prohibited, 216.
    _The Book of Discipline_, 217.
    French Demands, 221.
    Convention at Edinburgh, 222.
    The Queen's Mass, 239.
    Court and Kirk, 241.
    Defaulting Lords, 242.
    Patrimony of Kirk, 246.
    General Assembly: June 1562, 259.
    Petition to Queen, 259.
    Bond subscribed at Ayr, 267.
    Influence at Court, 270.
    General Assembly: December 1562, 271.
    Massmongers tried, 276.
    Arrest of Cranstoun and Armstrong, 287.
    Knox summons the Brethren, 287.
    He is tried for Treason, 289.
    General Assembly: December 1563, 301.
    The Assembly and Knox, 301.
    General Assembly: June 1564, 306.
    Schismatic Courtiers, 307.
    Debate between Knox and Lethington, 309.

  Craig, Mr. John, 304, 308, 334.

  Craigmillar Castle, 50.

  Craw, Paul, 1.

  Crossraguel, Abbot of, 267, 268, 272.

  Crown Matrimonial, 133.

  Cupar, 162, 186.

  Cupar Moor, 162, 192.


  Darnley, Henry, Lord, 51, 270.

  D'Elboeuf, René de Lorraine, Marquis, 185, 226, 248, 249.

  _Discipline, The Book of_, 217, 243, 363.

  Douglas, Family of, 14.

  Douglas, John, 123, 132, 142.

  Douglas, Sir George (Brother of the Earl of Angus), 23, 38, 44, 49,
        59, 115.

  D'Oysel, Monsieur, 96, 103, 106, 111, 123, 151, 152, 154, 159, 163,
        188, 190.

  Duke, The. _See_ Arran, Second Earl of.

  Dun, John Erskine, Laird of (Superintendent of Angus and Mearns),
        16, 119, 120, 131, 137, 148, 149, 156, 160, 212, 281, 283,
        308.

  Dunbar, 166, 168, 169.

  Dunbar, Gavin, Archbishop of Glasgow, 18, 53, 63, 64.

  Dunblane, Bishop of, 18.

  Dundee, 8, 11, 17, 46, 52, 54, 56, 68, 97, 103, 123, 137, 147, 154,
        165, 178, 238.

  Dysart, 188.


  Edinburgh, 17, 18, 35, 39, 43, 47-48, 50, 123, 134, 137, 142, 166,
        171, 173, 238, 305.

  Edinburgh Castle, 50, 51, 62, 170, 185, 305.

  Edward VI., 38, 104, 116.

  England, Reformation in, 15.
    War with Scotland (1542), 43.
    Invasion of Scotland (1543), 48.
    Invasion of Scotland (1547), 100.
    Congregation seeks Aid, 170.
    Aid sent, 178.
    A Fleet sent, 190.
    Communings with the Congregation, 191-199.
    Army withdrawn from Scotland, 210.
    Queen Elizabeth declines Marriage with Arran, 218.
    Queen Elizabeth and Mary Queen of Scots, 223, 258, 265.

  Erskine, John, of Dun. _See_ Dun, Laird of.

  Erskine, Lord (afterwards Earl of Mar and Regent of Scotland), 24,
        120, 170, 185, 247 _n._


  Faith, The Confession of, 214, 341.

  Fala Raid, 24.

  Fife, Campaign in, 188.

  Foxe, John, 5, 65 _n._

  France, Peace with, 209.

  Francis II. of France, 133, 153, 218, 281.

  French in Scotland, 51, 97, 104, 105, 133, 173.


  Glasgow, 1, 44, 64, 154.

  Glencairn, William, Fourth Earl of, 29, 30, 38, 43, 53.

  Glencairn, Alexander, Fifth Earl of, 115, 120, 121, 131, 147, 153,
        156, 186, 203, 208, 217, 293.

  Gourlay, Norman, 16.

  Gray, Lord, 44, 45, 46.

  Guise, Duke of, 116, 185.

  Guise. _See_ Lorraine; D'Elboeuf; Mary.


  Haddington, 31, 60, 61, 103, 104, 105, 106, 112.

  Hailes, House of, 62.

  Halden Rig, 23.

  Hamilton, Gavin, Abbot of Kilwinning, 157, 249, 252, 254.

  Hamilton, Family of, 14, 34, 41, 103, 249, 250.

  Hamilton, Sir James, 20.

  Hamilton, John (Abbot of Paisley, and Archbishop of St. Andrews
        after Beaton), 40, 41, 43, 51, 83, 90, 97, 100, 113, 124, 134,
        142, 151, 160, 162, 169, 267, 272, 276, 284.

  Hamilton, Patrick, 5 ff., 11, 116.

  Harlaw, William, 117, 123, 137.

  Henry II. of France, 43, 98, 99, 169.

  Henry VIII., 10, 14, 22, 38, 42, 51, 83, 100.

  Holyroodhouse, Lord Robert Stewart, Abbot of, 228, 285.

  Home, Lord, 24, 101.

  Huntly, Earl of, 24, 33, 42, 102, 103, 104, 113, 114, 115, 167, 171,
        249, 250, 265, 267.


  Inveresk, 59, 100, 105.


  James IV., 2, 4, 5.

  James V., 6, 13, 17, 18, 20, 22, 24-33.

  Justice Clerk, Sir John Bellenden, 239, 245, 293, 302.


  Kennedy, Friar, 19.

  Kinghorn, 186, 187.

  Kirkaldy, James, Laird of Grange, 33, 40, 46, 99, 107, 110, 192.

  Kirkaldy, William, of Grange, Younger, 31, 81, 83, 98, 108, 109,
        110, 180, 188.

  Kirkcaldy, Affair at, 189.

  Kirk-breaking at Perth, 149.

  Kirk, The Privy, 137.

  _Knox's Confession_, 341 (cf. 241).

  Knox, John, Waits upon Wishart, 60.
    At Castle of St. Andrews, 84.
    Called to be Preacher, 85.
    First Sermon, 87.
    Disputation with Winram, 90.
    Prisoner in France, 109.
    In England, 111.
    At Geneva, 111.
    Returns to Scotland, 117.
    On the Mass, 119.
    In Kyle, 120.
    Summoned by the Bishops, 121.
    Recalled to Geneva, 122.
    Burned in Effigy, 122.
    Recalled from Geneva, 128.
    Letter to the Lords, 128.
    Returns from France, 148.
    At Perth, 148.
    Protest at Perth, 154.
    Accuses Argyll and Lord James Stewart of disloyalty, 157.
    Interdicted from Preaching, 160.
    He declines to obey, 160.
    Preaches at St. Andrews, 161.
    At Scone, 165.
    Sermon at Stirling, 181.
    Preaches at Cupar, 187.
    And Sir William Cecil, 191-195.
    At Berwick, 193.
    Reproaches the Lords, 196.
    Minister of Edinburgh, 212.
    _The Book of Discipline_, 217.
    Preaches against Queen's Mass, 230.
    First Interview with Queen Mary, 230-237.
    Discusses _Book of Discipline_, 243.
    On Patrimony of Kirk, 245.
    Knox and Lethington, 246.
    Marriage of Earl of Moray, 247.
    Bothwell and Arran, 250.
    Second Interview with Queen, 255-258.
    Warns the Protestants, 266.
    And Abbot of Crossraguel, 268.
    Third Interview with Queen Mary, 273-276.
    Breaks with Lord Moray, 278.
    Sermon to the Lords, 279.
    Fourth Interview with Queen Mary, 281-283.
    Summons the Brethren, 287.
    He is betrayed, 289.
    Accused of High Treason, 290.
    Argues with Master of Maxwell, 290.
    Tried by Privy Council, 293-300.
    Preaches against the Mass, 305.
    Disputation with Lethington, concerning Rights of Princes,
          309-332.

  Kyle, Knox in, 120.

  Kyle, Lollards of, 2.

  Kyle, Wishart in, 53.

  Kyllour, Friar, 18.


  Leith, 16, 17, 43, 49, 50, 58, 142, 169, 170, 172.

  Lennox, Earl of (afterwards Regent of Scotland), 14, 43, 51, 270,
        284.

  Lennox, Family of, 14.

  Leslie, John, 80, 83.

  Leslie, Norman, 45, 81, 107.

  Lethington. _See_ Maitland.

  Lindsay, John, 11.

  Linlithgow, 13, 14, 21, 32, 39, 42, 186, 238.

  Lollards of Kyle, The, 2.

  Longniddry, 59.

  Lorraine. _See_ D'Elboeuf; Mary.

  Lorraine, Cardinal of, 105, 116, 133, 222.

  Lyndsay, Master, afterwards Lord, 188, 228, 248.

  Lyndsay, Sir David of the Mount, 40, 85.


  Macgill, James, of Nether Rankeillor. _See_ Clerk of Register.

  Maitland, Sir Richard, of Lethington, 36, 60, 276, 290, 293.

  Maitland, William, of Lethington, Secretary to Mary Queen of Scots.
    At conference with Knox anent the Mass, 119.
    Joins Lords of Congregation, 180.
    Ambassador from Congregation to English Court, 183, 217.
    Supports the Queen's Mass, 239.
    Scoffs at _Book of Discipline_, 243.
    Modificator of stipends, 245.
    On the ingratitude of ministers, 246.
    At second interview of Knox with Queen, 255.
    Objects to plain speaking concerning Queen's Mass, 264.
    Commissioner to England and France concerning Queen's marriage,
          270.
    His return and worldly wisdom, 284.
    Interest in Knox's trial for high treason, 290, 292, 293, 299.
    For the Queen, makes promises which are not kept, 303.
    Defies the servants of God, 304.

  Major, Master John, 9.

  Marischall, Earl, 53, 115, 121, 208, 215, 239, 247, 293.

  Martigues, Count de, 185, 187, 189.

  Mary Tudor, Queen of England, 111, 117.

  Mary of Lorraine (Queen of James V., and for some time Regent of
        Scotland).
    Arrival in Scotland, 18.
    Gives birth to Mary Stuart, 32.
    Relations with Cardinal Beaton, 32.
    Resents betrothal of Mary to Prince Edward, 39.
    Cardinal Beaton takes possession, 42.
    Earl of Lennox proposes marriage, 43.
    Seeks the death of Wishart, 62.
    Mourns death of Cardinal Beaton, 83.
    Abets Arran in breaking appointment with Protestants, 96.
    Goes to France, 115.
    Supplants Arran as Regent, 116.
    Her superstition and cruelty, 117.
    Declares war on England, 122.
    Temporises with Protestants, 124.
    Celebrates St. Giles's Day, 125.
    Seeks the crown-matrimonial for the King of France, 133.
    Aims at suppressing Evangel, 136.
    Duplicity towards Protestants, 142.
    Approves murder of Walter Myln, 143.
    Makes large promises of reform, 145.
    Her treachery, 146.
    Resents kirk-breaking at Perth, 150.
    Stirs up the nobility, 151.
    Objects to convocation of Protestants at Perth, 154.
    Offers  terms, 156.
    Enters Perth, and breaks faith, 159.
    Deserted by Argyll and Lord James, 159.
    Declares war on the Protestants, 162.
    Breaks armistice after Cupar Moor, 163.
    Driven from Stirling and Edinburgh, 166.
    Marches upon Edinburgh, 169.
    Restores Mass at Holyrood, 172.
    Strengthens her French forces, 173.
    Deposed by the Protestants, 175.
    Boasts over Protestant reverses, 187.
    Lays waste the country, 202.
    Rejoices at sight of French barbarity at second siege of Leith,
          207.
    Is smitten with disease, 207.
    Her illness, 208.
    Expresses repentance, 208.
    Her death, 209.

  Mary Stuart, Queen of Scots. Her birth, 32.
    Betrothal to Prince Edward, 38. Taken to France, 105.
    Visited by the Queen-Dowager (upon the occasion of her marriage to
          King Francis II.), 115.
    Protestants act in her name, 176.
    Declines to ratify Acts of first Protestant Parliament, 216.
    Death of King Francis, 218.
    Message to her people, 223.
    Relations with Queen Elizabeth, 223.
    Arrival in Scotland, 226.
    The Queen's Mass at Holyrood, 227-229.
    First interview with Knox, 230.
    State entry to Edinburgh, 238.
    Her behaviour, 240.
    Imprisons Arran and Bothwell, 255.
    Second interview with Knox, 255-258.
    Negotiations with Elizabeth, 258.
    Relations with Lord Moray, 259, 269.
    Visits the North, 265.
    Deals with the revolt of Huntly, 268.
    Rumours of marriage, 270.
    Permits flight of Bothwell, 270.
    Resents suppression of massmongers, 272.
    Third interview with Knox, 273-276.
    Opens Parliament, 277.
    Fourth interview with Knox, 281-283.
    Receives warning from Lord John Stewart, 285.
    Presides at trial of Knox, 293-300.
    Banquets the Lords, 303.
    Her broken promises, 303.
    Favours the <DW7>s, 305.

  Mass, Knox attacks, 119.
    The Queen Regent and the, 146.
    Prohibited by Act of Parliament, 216.
    Disputation concerning, 219.
    At Holyrood, 227.
    Restored by Queen Mary, 239.
    The Queen's, 285.

  Massmongers, Trial of, 276.

  Mauchline, 54.

  Maxwell, Lord, 27, 28, 29, 43, 115.

  Maxwell, Master of, 148, 178, 196, 200, 249, 267, 290, 293.

  Melvin, James, 82, 112.

  Methven, Paul, 123, 137, 147, 212.

  Miracles, False, 10.

  Montrose, 52, 56, 57, 147.

  Moray, Lord James Stewart, Earl of. When Prior of St. Andrews,
        approves Knox's doctrine, 120.
    Emissary from Queen Regent to Earl of Argyll, 131.
    Her commissioner to Reformers at Perth: interview with Knox, 151.
    Accused of disloyalty, by Knox, 157.
    Subscribes the Bond of the Lords of the Congregation, 158.
    Abandons the Queen Regent, 159.
    Convenes the Reformers at St. Andrews, 160.
    At Cupar Moor, 162.
    Stays the sack of Scone, 165.
    Represents the Congregation at communings at Preston, 167.
    Pursues Earl of Bothwell, 178.
    Offers to hold Edinburgh for the Congregation, 180.
    Conducts Protestant forces to St. Andrews and Cupar, 186.
    Campaign in Fife, 188.
    Is summoned to conference at Carlisle, 196.
    Knox objects, 197.
    Apprehends supporters of the French, 199.
    At Berwick, 200. With the English army at Preston, 203.
    At the Queen Regent's deathbed, 208.
    At the first Protestant Parliament, 212.
    Sent by Protestants to Queen Mary in France, 221.
    His narrow-escape and return, 222.
    Protects Queen's Mass at Holyrood, 228.
    At Knox's interview with the Queen, 230.
    At conference concerning Queen's Mass, 239.
    Lieutenant of the Borders, 210.
    Appointed to modify stipends, 245.
    Created Earl of Mar, and thereafter Earl of Moray instead, 247.
    Suppresses riotous courtiers, 249.
    Plots made against his life, 250.
    Relations with the Queen, 259, 269.
    Receives Knox's report of second interview with the Queen, 274.
    Knox breaks with him, 278.
    His eclipse at Court, 284.
    Receives Lethington's report on Knox's treason, 290.
    He and Lethington reason with Knox, 292.
    At Knox's trial, 293.
    Strained relations with Knox continue, 337.

  Morton, Earl of, Lord Chancellor, (afterwards Regent of Scotland),
        131, 217, 239, 245, 255, 307, 313, 333.

  Myln, Walter, 142.


  Oblivion, Act of, 279.

  Ochiltree, Andrew Stewart, Lord, 156, 203, 229, 213, 219, 281.

  Ormiston, 59.


  Paisley, Abbot of. _See_ Hamilton, John.

  Panter, Master David, 40, 46, 128.

  Parliament of October 1558, 134, 143.

  Parliament, First Protestant (1560), 212.

  Parliament of May 1563, 277.

  Patrimony of the Kirk, 244, 301.

  Peace with France and England, 113.

  Persecutions, Early, 1.

  Perth, 46, 47, 48, 58, 147-159, 164, 238.

  Pettycur, Skirmish at, 186.

  Pinkie Cleuch, Battle of, 100.

  Pittarrow, Laird of, 200, 245, 246, 286, 293.

  Pope, Act against Supremacy of the, 216.

  Protestant Party. _See_ Congregation, Lords of.


  Reconciliation, Articles of, 141.

  Regent, The. _See_ Arran; Mary.

  Reid, Adam, of Barskymming, 2, 4.

  Restalrig, Dean of, 127.

  Revolt of Huntly, 268.

  Rothes, Earl of, 46, 127.

  Rough, John, 35, 40, 84, 85.

  Russell, Friar, 18.

  Ruthven, Second Lord, 36, 44, 147, 154, 159, 164, 175.

  Ruthven, Third Lord, 45, 186, 203, 293, 295.


  St. Andrews, 2, 6, 8, 9, 10, 12, 14, 17, 46, 63, 160, 163, 199, 238.

  St. Andrews' Castle, 51, 62, 78, 83, 96, 97, 104, 142.

  St. Andrews University, 1, 8, 95.

  St. Giles's Image, 125.

  St. Giles's Kirk, 177, 210.

  St. John, Sir James Sandilands, Lord, 216, 217, 421.

  Sandilands, Sir James, of Calder, 138.

  Sandilands, Sir James, of Torphichen. _See_ St. John.

  Scone, Sack of, 165.

  Scots Prisoners in France, 99, 107.

  Scots Reformers abroad, 15.

  Scott, Friar, 35, 77.

  Scott, Thomas, Justice Clerk, 21.

  Seton, Friar Alexander, 11-14.

  Seton, Lord, 24, 36, 123, 166, 171.

  Siege of Leith, First, 177.

  Siege of Leith, Second, 204.

  Siege of St. Andrews Castle, 97.

  Sinclair, Oliver, 27, 28.

  Solway Moss, 27 ff., 38.

  Stewart, Lord James, Prior of St. Andrews. _See_ Earl of Moray.

  Stewart, Lord John. _See_ Coldingham, Prior of.

  Stewart, Lord Robert. _See_ Holyroodhouse, Abbot of.

  Stipends, Modification of, 244.

  Stirling, 11, 18, 42, 147, 165, 170, 186, 238.

  Stratoun, David, 16.


  Tranent, 60.

  Twa-penny Faith, The, 132.


  Wallace, Adam, 113.

  War with England (1555), 122.

  Willock, John. Seeks work in Scotland, 117.
    Discusses the Mass, 119.
    Preaches and teaches in Edinburgh, 123, 137.
    At Perth, 157.
    Braves the fury of the Queen Regent, 171.
    Absence in England, 181.
    Exhorts the Queen Regent on her deathbed, 209.
    Superintendent of Glasgow, 212.
    Part author of _The Book of Discipline_, 217.
    Moderator at disputation between Knox and Protestant courtiers,
          308.

  Winram, Dean John (Sub-prior of St. Andrews: afterwards
        Superintendent of Fife). Preaches on heresy before trial
        of Wishart, 66.
    Receives Wishart's confession, 77.
    Disputation with Knox concerning doctrine, 90-92.
    Is appointed Superintendent for Fife, 212.
    Takes part in framing _Book of Discipline_, 217.
    Joins deputation from Assembly to Protestant courtiers, 308.
    His judgment concerning the Queen's Mass, 333.

  Wishart, George, 52 ff., 89.


_Printed by_ MORRISON AND GIBB LIMITED, _Edinburgh_


       *       *       *       *       *

Transcriber's note:

Minor typographical and punctuation errors have been corrected
without note. Irregularities and inconsistencies in the text have
been retained as printed.

Mismatched quotes are not fixed if it's not sufficiently clear where
the missing quote should be placed.

Page 121: "taught in Edinburgh in a greater audience that ever
before"--"that" has been replaced with "than".





End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The History of the Reformation of
Religion in Scotland, by John Knox

*** 