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                            WORKS ISSUED BY

                         The Hakluyt Society.

                            THE SECOND PART

                                OF THE

                          CHRONICLE OF PERU.

                              No. LXVIII.




                                  THE

                              SECOND PART

                                OF THE

                          CHRONICLE OF PERU.

                                  BY

                        PEDRO DE CIEZA DE LEON.

                        TRANSLATED AND EDITED,

                    With Notes and an Introduction,

                                  BY

                   CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, C.B., F.R.S.

                                LONDON:
                   PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.

                             MDCCCLXXXIII.

                                LONDON:

 WHITING AND COMPANY, LIMITED, SARDINIA STREET, LINCOLN’S-INN-FIELDS.




COUNCIL

OF

THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.


  COLONEL H. YULE, C.B., PRESIDENT.
  ADMIRAL C. R. DRINKWATER BETHUNE, C.B.    }
  MAJOR-GENERAL SIR HENRY RAWLINSON, K.C.B. } VICE-PRESIDENTS.
  W. A. TYSSEN AMHERST, ESQ., M.P.
  REV. DR. G. P. BADGER, D.C.L.
  J. BARROW, ESQ., F.R.S.
  WALTER DE GRAY BIRCH, ESQ., F.S.A.
  CAPTAIN LINDESAY BRINE, R.N.
  E. H. BUNBURY, ESQ.
  THE EARL OF DUCIE, F.R.S.
  CAPTAIN HANKEY, R.N.
  LIEUT.-GENERAL SIR J. HENRY LEFROY, C.B., K.C.M.G.
  R. H. MAJOR, ESQ., F.S.A.
  REAR-ADMIRAL MAYNE, C.B.
  E. DELMAR MORGAN, ESQ.
  ADMIRAL SIR ERASMUS OMMANNEY, C.B., F.R.S.
  LORD ARTHUR RUSSELL, M.P.
  THE LORD STANLEY, OF ALDERLEY.
  B. F. STEVENS, ESQ.
  EDWARD THOMAS, ESQ., F.R.S.
  LIEUT.-GEN. SIR HENRY THUILLIER, C.S.I., F.R.S.

  CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, C.B., F.R.S, HONORARY SECRETARY.




TABLE OF CONTENTS.


DEDICATION TO GENERAL CACERES                                       xiii

INTRODUCTION                                                          xv

  Note on the ancient Ynca Drama                                    xxix

  Peruvian Love Story                                                 lv

Fragment of Chapter III                                                1

CHAP. IV.--Which treats of what the Indians of this kingdom say
touching the state of things before the Incas were known, and how
they had fortresses in the hills, whence they came forth to make war
one with another                                                       2

CHAP. V.--Touching what these natives say concerning the Ticiviracocha;
of the opinion held by some that an Apostle passed through
this land, and of the temple there is in Cáchan; also what happened
there                                                                  5

CHAP. VI.--How certain men and women appeared in Pacarec Tampu,
and what they relate touching their proceedings after they came forth
from there                                                            11

CHAP. VII.--How the brothers, being in Tampu-Quiru, beheld him
whom they had shut up in the cave by deceit, come forth with wings;
and how he told them that he went to found the great city of Cuzco;
and how they departed from Tampu-Quiru                                16

CHAP. VIII.--How Manco Capac, when he saw that his brothers had
been turned into stones, went to a valley where he met some people;
and how he founded and built the ancient and very rich city of
Cuzco, which was the capital of the whole empire of the Incas         22

CHAP. IX.--In which notice is given to the reader of the reason that
the author, leaving the account of the succession of the kings, prefers
to explain the government of the people, their laws, and customs      24

CHAP. X.--How the lord, after he had assumed the fringe of sovereignty,
was married to his sister the Coya, which is the name of the
Queen, and how it was permitted that he should have many women,
although among them all the Coya alone was the legitimate and principal
wife                                                                  26

CHAP. XI.--How it was the custom among the Incas that they celebrated
in their songs, and by making statues of those who were
valorous and extended the bounds of the empire, and performed any
other deed worthy of memory; while those who were negligent or
cowardly received little notice                                       28

CHAP. XII.--How they had chroniclers to record their deeds, and of
the QUIPOS, what they were, and what we see of them                   32

CHAP. XIII.--How the lords of Peru were beloved on the one hand,
and feared on the other, by all their subjects; and how no one, even a
great lord of very ancient lineage, could come into the presence,
except with a burden, in token of great obedience                     36

CHAP. XIV.--How the riches possessed by the king were very great,
and how the sons of the lord were ordered always to be in attendance
at court                                                              39

CHAP. XV.--How they built the edifices for the lords, and the royal
road along which to travel over the kingdom                           42

CHAP. XVI.--How and in what manner they made the royal hunts for
the lords of Peru                                                     45

CHAP. XVII.--Which treats of the order maintained by the Incas, and
how in many parts they made the waste places fertile, by the arrangements
they made for that purpose                                            47

CHAP. XVIII.--Which treats of the order they adopted in the payments
of tribute by the provinces to the kings, and of the system by
which the tribute was regulated                                       51

CHAP. XIX.--How the kings of Cuzco ordered that every year an
account should be taken of all persons who died and were born
throughout their dominions; also how all men worked, and how none
could be poor by reason of the storehouses                            57

CHAP. XX.--How governors were appointed to the provinces; and of
the manner in which the kings visited their dominions, and how they
bore, for their arms, certain waving serpents with sticks             59

CHAP. XXI.--How the posts of the kingdom were arranged                64

CHAP. XXII.--How the Mitimaes were established, and of the different
kinds of them, and how they were highly esteemed by the
Incas                                                                 67

CHAP. XXIII.--Of the great preparations that were made when the
lords set out from Cuzco on warlike expeditions; and how robbers
were punished                                                         72

CHAP. XXIV.--How the Incas ordered the people to form settled
towns, dividing the lands concerning which there was any dispute,
and how it was ordered that all should speak the language of
Cuzco                                                                 75

CHAP. XXV.--How the Incas were free from the abominable sin, and
from other evil customs which have been seen to prevail in the world
among other princes                                                   78

CHAP. XXVI.--How the Incas employed councillors and executors of
justice, and of their method of reckoning time                        81

CHAP. XXVII.--Which treats of the riches of the temple of Curicancha,
and of the veneration in which the Incas held it                      83

CHAP. XXVIII.--Which treats of the other principal temples, and of
their names                                                           87

CHAP. XXIX.--How the Capacocha was made, and to what extent it
was practised by the Incas; by which is to be understood the gifts
and offerings that were made to idols                                 91

CHAP. XXX.--How they made great festivities and sacrifices at the
grand and solemn feast called Hatun Raymi                             94

CHAP. XXXI.--Of the second king or Inca who reigned in Cuzco,
named Sinchi Roca                                                     99

CHAP. XXXII.--Of the third king who reigned in Cuzco, named
Lloque Yupanqui                                                      102

CHAP. XXXIII.--Of the fourth king who reigned at Cuzco, named
Mayta Capac, and of what happened during his reign                   105

CHAP. XXXIV.--Of the fifth king who reigned at Cuzco, named Capac
Yupanqui                                                             107

CHAP. XXXV.--Of the sixth king who reigned in Cuzco, and of what
happened in his time; and of the fable or history they relate touching
the river that passes through the midst of the city of Cuzco         111

CHAP. XXXVI.--Of the seventh king or Inca who reigned in Cuzco,
named Inca Yupanqui                                                  115

CHAP. XXXVII.--How, when this Inca wanted to make war in the
province of Collao, a certain disturbance arose in Cuzco; and how
the Chancas conquered the Quichuas, and got possession of their
dominions                                                            117

CHAP. XXXVIII.--How the Orejones considered who should be Inca,
and what passed until Viracocha Inca assumed the fringe, who was
the eighth Inca that reigned                                         120

CHAP. XXXIX.--How Viracocha Inca threw a stone of fire with a
sling at Caitomarca, and how they made reverence                     124

CHAP. XL.--How a tyrant rose up in Cuzco, and of the disturbance
he caused. Of the chastisement of certain Mamaconas for having,
contrary to their religion, used their bodies uncleanly; and how
Viracocha returned to Cuzco                                          127

CHAP. XLI.--How ambassadors from the tyrants of Collao came to
Cuzco, and of the departure of Viracocha Inca for the Collao         130

CHAP. XLII.--How Viracocha Inca passed by the province of the
Canches and Canas, and marched until he entered the territory of
the Collao, and of what happened between Cari and Zapana             133

CHAP. XLIII.--How Cari returned to Chucuito; of the arrival of the
Inca Viracocha; and of the peace that was agreed to between
them                                                                 136

CHAP. XLIV.--How Inca Urco was received as supreme ruler of the
whole empire, and assumed the crown at Cuzco, and how the Chancas
determined to come forth and make war on those of Cuzco              138

CHAP. XLV.--How the Chancas arrived at the city of Cuzco and
pitched their camp there, and of the terror of the inhabitants, and the
great valour of Inca Yupanqui                                        141

CHAP. XLVI.--How Inca Yupanqui was received as king, the name of
Inca being taken from Inca Urco; and how the new sovereign made
a peace with Hastu Huaraca                                           144

CHAP. XLVII.--How Inca Yupanqui set out from Cuzco, leaving
Lloque Yupanqui as Governor, and of what happened                    147

CHAP. XLVIII.--How the Inca returned to Vilcas, and besieged the
rocky fastness where the enemy had taken refuge                      150

CHAP. XLIX.--How Inca Yupanqui ordered Lloque Yupanqui to proceed
to the valley of Xauxa, and to bring under his dominion the
Huancas and the Yauyos, their neighbours, with other nations in
that direction                                                       153

CHAP. L.--How the captains of the Inca left Xauxa, and what happened;
and how Ancoallo departed from among them                            156

CHAP. LI.--How the Royal House of the Sun was founded on a hill
overlooking Cuzco towards the north, which the Spaniards usually
call the Fortress; and its wonderful construction, and the size of the
stones that are to be seen there                                     160

CHAP. LII.--How Inca Yupanqui set out from Cuzco and marched to
the Collao, and of what happened there                               165

CHAP. LIII.--How Inca Yupanqui set out from Cuzco, and what he
did                                                                  168

CHAP. LIV.--How the Inca Yupanqui, having grown very old, resigned
the government of the kingdom to Tupac Inca, his son                 171

CHAP. LV.--How the Collas asked for peace, and how the Inca granted
it and returned to Cuzco                                             174

CHAP. LVI.--How Tupac Inca Yupanqui set out from Cuzco, and how
he conquered all the country from thence to Quito; and touching his
great deeds                                                          177

CHAP. LVII.--How the Inca sent from Quito to know whether his
commands had been obeyed, and how, leaving that province in good
order, he set out to go to the valleys of the Yuncas                 182

CHAP. LVIII.--How Tupac Inca Yupanqui marched by the coast valleys,
and how all the Yuncas came under his dominion                       185

CHAP. LIX.--How Tupac Inca again set out from Cuzco, and of the
fierce war he waged with those of Huarco; and how, after he had
conquered them, he returned to Cuzco                                 189

CHAP. LX.--How Tupac Inca once more set out from Cuzco, and how
he went to the Collao and from thence to Chile, subjugating the nations
in that direction; and of his death                                  194

CHAP. LXI.--How Huayna Capac reigned in Cuzco, who was the
twelfth King Inca                                                    197

CHAP. LXII.--How Huayna Capac departed from Cuzco, and what he
did                                                                  199

CHAP. LXIII.--How Huayna Capac again ordered that an army should
be assembled, and how he set out for Quito                           204

CHAP. LXIV.--How Huayna Capac entered the country of the Bracamoros,
and returned flying, and of the other events that happened
until he arrived at Quito                                            208

CHAP. LXV.--How Huayna Capac marched through the coast valleys,
and what he did                                                      211

CHAP. LXVI.--How, when Huayna Capac was about to march from
Quito, he sent forward certain of his captains, who returned flying
before the enemy, and what he did in consequence                     214

CHAP. LXVII.--How Huayna Capac assembled all his power, gave
battle to his enemies, and defeated them: and of the great cruelty
with which he treated them                                           217

CHAP. LXVIII.--How the King Huayna Capac returned to Quito;
and how he knew of the arrival of the Spaniards on the coast; and of
his death                                                            220

CHAP. LXIX.--Of the lineage and character of Huascar and Atahualpa   224

CHAP. LXX.--How Huascar was acknowledged as king in Cuzco, after
the death of his father                                              226

CHAP. LXXI.--How the differences between Huascar and Atahualpa
began, and how great battles were fought between them                229

CHAP. LXXII.--How Atahualpa set out from Quito with his army
and captains, and how he gave battle to Atoc in the villages of
Ambato                                                               231

CHAP. LXXIII.--How Huascar sent new captains and troops against
his enemy; and how Atahualpa arrived at Tumebamba, where he perpetrated
great cruelties; also what happened between him and the
captains of Huascar                                                  233

INDEX.

Names of Places and Tribes                                           237

Quichua words                                                        240

Names of Indians and Gods                                            242

Names of Spaniards                                                   244

General Index                                                        245

[In the Index, “i” refers to the volume containing the First Part of the
Chronicle of Cieza de Leon; and “ii”, to the present volume.]




DEDICATION.

TO

ANDRES AVELINO CACERES

(_General of Brigade in the Peruvian Army_),


And to his gallant companions in arms, now heroically defending their
native country against fearful odds, I dedicate this edition of the
narrative of that scholarly soldier, Pedro de Cieza de Leon, who warmly
sympathised with the people of the land of the Yncas, advocated their
cause, and denounced their wrongs.

The natives of the valley of Xauxa, descendants of the Huancas mentioned
by Cieza de Leon, have suffered most cruelly from the inroads of the
Chilian soldiery, and on this classic ground the brave Caceres and his
little army have striven to protect these people from robbery and
outrage. Cieza de Leon mentions a fact relating to the Huancas of the
Xauxa valley, which gives us a high estimate of their civilization. The
cruelties and robberies of the Spanish conquerors, whose deeds are now
outdone by their Chilian imitators, would have led to the complete
destruction of the natives if it had not been for the excellent order
and concert of their polity. They made an agreement among themselves
that if an army of Spaniards passed through any of their districts, and
did such damage as would be caused by the destruction of growing crops,
by the sacking of houses, and other mischief of still worse kinds, the
accountants should keep careful records of the injury done. The accounts
were then examined and checked; and if one district had lost more than
another, those which had suffered less made up part of the difference;
so that the burden was shared equally by all.[1]

It is among the descendants of these Huancas that the Chilians are now
committing havoc. With the Peruvians, with the men who are fighting in
the noblest of all causes--the defence of their Fatherland--with General
Caceres and his companions in arms, must be the hearty sympathies and
best wishes of all who hate wrong and love patriotic devotion. Through
that devotion, through the sacrifices and self-denials entailed upon the
unfortunate people of the land of the Yncas, may be seen those rays of
light which break the black cloud now hanging over the country and the
race described by Cieza de Leon in the following pages.

May his narrative excite the interest of many readers, and so enlist
sympathy for the descendants of that people whose story he tells so
well.

_June 1883._




INTRODUCTION.


The present volume, which has been selected for issue by the Hakluyt
Society, contains the Second Part of the _Chronicle of Peru_, by Pedro
de Cieza de Leon. The First Part formed one of the Society’s volumes for
1864, having been translated from the Antwerp edition of 1554.

When I translated and edited the First Part, no other had been printed.
I then had reason to believe that the author completed the second and
third parts of his Chronicle, and that one of these parts had come into
the possession of Mr. Lenox of New York, in manuscript. I lamented the
disappearance of the Second Part, and referred to it as one of the
greatest losses that had been sustained by South American literature.[2]

It has now been discovered that the manuscript narrative which Mr.
Prescott frequently refers to, in his _History of the Conquest of Peru_,
as “_Sarmiento_”, and which he considered to be one of the most valuable
of his authorities, is in reality the Second Part of the work of Cieza
de Leon. Mr. Prescott quotes the title in his critical notice,[3] “_para
el Illmo Señor Dn. Juan Sarmiento, Presidente del Consejo Rl. de
Indias_”, and assumes that this Don Juan Sarmiento was the author, who,
after having travelled in all parts of Peru and diligently collected
information from the Ynca nobles, subsequently became President of the
Council of the Indies. In reality, the word _para_ means “for”, and not
“by”, and the manuscript is simply addressed to Dr. Sarmiento, who never
crossed the Atlantic in his life, and who only held the post of
President of the Council of the Indies for twenty months.[4]

Mr. Prescott made much use of both parts, and considered them to be
works of great merit. If what he says in praise of the author he
supposed to be Sarmiento,[5] is added to what he says of Cieza de
Leon,[6] it will at once be seen that the latter, really the only
author, is a very important authority indeed.

It is with a feeling of reverential regret that the present editor
refers to any mistake, even one so slight as this, of the illustrious
American historian. Some of my brightest and happiest memories are of
the ten days I spent at Pepperell with Mr. Prescott, when I was on the
eve of commencing my studies in the land of the Yncas. He it was who
encouraged me to undertake my Peruvian investigations, and to persevere
in them. To his kindly advice and assistance I owe more than I can say,
and to him is due, in no small degree, the value of anything I have
since been able to do in furtherance of Peruvian research.

The evidence that the work attributed by Prescott to Sarmiento is in
reality the Second Part of the _Chronicle_ of Cieza de Leon is quite
conclusive. There are no less than ten occasions on which the author of
the Second Part (Prescott’s “Sarmiento”) refers to passages in his First
Part, which occur in the First Part of Cieza de Leon.[7] In one place
there is a reference in the Second Part to the actual number of the
chapter in the First Part.[8] In the Second Part, the author mentions
having gone to Toledo to present the First Part of his _Chronicle_ to
the Prince Don Felipe;[9] and this statement is equivalent to having
signed his name. For only one First Part of a chronicle relating to the
Indies was dedicated to the Prince, namely that of Cieza de Leon. The
author of the Second Part also mentions having been to Bahaire, near
Cartagena, and to the province of Arma--places visited by Cieza de Leon,
and mentioned in his First Part.

The manuscript of the Second Part was preserved in the library of the
Escurial,[10] in a bad copy dating from the middle, or end, of the 16th
century. The first sheet is missing, and the second begins in the middle
of a sentence towards the end of the third chapter. Thus the two opening
chapters and part of the third are lost.

The text of the Escurial manuscript has been printed by two accomplished
scholars--the Peruvian Dr. Manuel Gonzalez de la Rosa in 1873; and the
Spaniard Don Marcos Jimenez de la Espada at Madrid in 1880. Both,
independently, detected the mistake of Prescott as soon as they began to
examine the text critically. The text was reprinted by Dr. de la Rosa
with scrupulous care; the spelling, imperfect punctuation, and
capricious use of capitals in the manuscript being very carefully
preserved. But instead of retaining the manuscript numbering of
chapters, Dr. de la Rosa omits the fragment of chapter iii, and calls
the fourth chapter, chapter i. An edition was printed off by Mr.
Trübner, but soon afterwards Dr. de la Rosa left London for Peru,
without completing the editorial work. So that this edition of the
second part of Cieza de Leon has never been editorially completed or
published, and remains on Mr. Trübner’s hands.

Don Marcos Jimenez de la Espada, to whom the student of Peruvian history
is so much indebted for other precious editorial work, delayed his
publication of the text of the Second Part of Cieza de Leon, because he
had heard from Don Pascual de Gayangos that the learned Peruvian, Dr. de
la Rosa, was engaged upon the same work. It was not until 1880 that the
edition of Espada was published at Madrid.[11] The Spanish editor has
corrected the spelling and punctuation, and has supplied many useful
notes. Five copies appear to have been made of the Escurial manuscript.
One, very carelessly executed, is in the Academy of History at Madrid.
The second was in the collection of Lord Kingsborough, from which was
copied, through Mr. Rich’s agency, the one supplied to Mr. Prescott,
which is the third. The fourth and fifth are those from which the
versions of Rosa and Espada were printed.

In the Prologue to his First Part, Cieza de Leon announced the plan of
his great work:--.

  PART I. The divisions and description of the provinces of Peru.

  PART II. The government, great deeds, origin, policy, buildings, and
  roads of the Yncas.

  PART III. Discovery and conquest of Peru by Pizarro, and rebellion of
  the Indians.

  PART IV. _Book I._ War between Pizarro and Almagro.
                    _Book II._ War of the young Almagro.
                    _Book III._ The civil war of Quito.
                    _Book IV._ War of Huarina.
                    _Book V._ War of Xaquixaguana.

  _Commentary I._ Events from the founding of the Audience to the
  departure of the President.

  _Commentary II._ Events to the arrival of the Viceroy Mendoza.

PART I of this very complete Chronicle of Peru was published at Seville
in folio, by Martin Clement in 1553. A second edition, in duodecimo,
was printed at Antwerp by Jean Steeltz in 1554;[12] and another
independent edition, also at Antwerp and in the same year, by Martin
Nucio. In 1555 an Italian translation, by Agostino di Gravalis, appeared
at Rome, and was reprinted at Venice by Giordano Ziletti, in 1560. A
third Italian version was published at Venice in 1566. An English
translation by John Stevens came out in London in 1576. The latest
Spanish edition forms part of the second volume of the _Historiadores
Primitivos de Indias_, in the _Biblioteca de Autores Españoles_ (vol.
26), and is edited by Don Enrique de Vedia. It was published at Madrid
in 1853. Lastly, the Hakluyt Society issued a translation in English in
1864.[13]

PART II remained in manuscript until 1873, when the Peruvian editor, and
in 1880 the Spanish editor, printed their versions. An English
translation is now, for the first time, issued by the Hakluyt Society.

PART III, and _Books I and II_ of PART IV, are still in manuscript and
inaccessible, but Don M. J. de la Espada knows that they exist and
where, although he has not seen them.

_Book III_ of PART IV long remained inedited. The manuscript is in the
Royal Library at Madrid, and is in handwriting of the middle of the
16th century. It includes the war of Quito, and is divided into 239
chapters. A copy of this manuscript was included in the collection of
Don Antonio de Uguina, on whose death it passed into the possession of
M. Ternaux-Compans of Paris. Afterwards Mr. Rich obtained it, and sold
it in 1849 to Mr. Lenox of New York for £600. At length this _Book III_
of Part IV was printed and edited in 1877, with an interesting and very
learned introduction by Don Marcos Jimenez de la Espada.[14]

_Books IV and V_ of PART IV, and the two _Commentaries_, are not known
to be in existence; but they were written, for Cieza de Leon refers to
them in his Prologue as completed.

Mr. Prescott was mistaken in supposing that Cieza de Leon only completed
the First Part.[15] He worked so diligently, and with such ability, and
sound judgment, that he was able to finish the whole of the grand work
he had projected. He is thus the greatest and most illustrious among the
historians of Peru. So that his fate has been peculiarly hard. For more
than three centuries his First Part only has been credited to him. His
most valuable Second Part, though used and highly appreciated by Mr.
Prescott, was attributed to an obscure lawyer who never was out of Spain
in his life. One book of his Fourth Part has also at length been edited,
but all the rest of his work still remains in manuscript. The
accomplished Spanish editor, Don Marcos Jimenez de la Espada, was
influenced in his labours and researches by a generous zeal to repair,
in some degree, the great injustice which has been done to the memory of
Cieza de Leon.

In my Introduction to the First Part, I gave some account of the author,
all indeed that could be gathered from the part of his work then
accessible; and I said that he was supposed to have been born in
Seville.[16] This is an error. The Spanish editor has pointed out the
authority for believing that the place of his birth was the town of
Llerena in Estremadura.[17] In my former Introduction I suggested from
the dates, and from the company in which we find him immediately on
landing in America, that young Cieza de Leon, then a boy between 13 and
15, sailed from his native land in one of the ships which formed the
expeditionary fleet of Don Pedro de Heredia, who had obtained a grant of
the government of the region between the river Magdalena and the gulf of
Darien. This fleet left Cadiz in 1532, and arrived at Cartagena in 1533.
But the Spanish editor has shown that there are difficulties in the way
of this conclusion, and Cieza himself is slightly contradictory in the
matter of dates. He, however, mentions having seen the treasures of
Atahualpa at Seville, when they arrived from Caxamarca,[18] which was in
1534. Señor de la Espada, therefore, concludes that our author did not
sail for America until 1534, and that he embarked with the ships of
Rodrigo Duran, which anchored at Cartagena in November 1534. At all
events he was in San Sebastian de Buena Vista in 1537,[19] and was with
the first Spaniards who opened a road from the north to the south sea.
Thence he accompanied Pedro Vadillo in his expedition up the valley of
the Cauca to Cali, and then joined Jorge de Robledo, who established
towns in this Cauca valley, and conquered some of the cannibal tribes.
It was at this time, in 1541, when at Cartago in the Cauca valley, that
our author conceived a strong desire to write an account of the strange
things that were to be seen in the new world.[20] “Oftentimes when the
other soldiers were reposing, I was tiring myself by writing. Neither
fatigue, nor the ruggedness of the country, nor the mountains and
rivers, nor intolerable hunger and suffering, have ever been sufficient
to obstruct my two duties, namely, writing, and following my flag and my
captain without fault.” In 1547 he joined the President Gasca in his
march to Cuzco, and was present at the final rout of Gonzalo Pizarro.
After a residence at Cuzco he undertook a journey southwards to Charcas,
under the special auspices of Gasca, and with the sole object of
learning all that was worthy of notice. Returning to Lima he finished
his First Part on September 8th, 1550. He says he was then thirty-two
years of age, and had passed seventeen of them in the Indies.

The Second Part was also nearly completed before Cieza de Leon left
Peru, because he mentions having shown most of it to two learned judges
at Lima, Dr. Bravo de Saravia and the Licentiate Hernando de Santillan.
The latter was himself the author of a valuable work on the government
of the Yncas, which also long remained in manuscript. It was first
printed in Madrid in 1879, having been edited by Don Marcos Jimenez de
la Espada. From incidental notices in the Second Part, we learn how
diligently young Cieza de Leon collected information respecting the
history and government of the Yncas, after he had written his accurate
yet picturesque description of the country in his First Part. He often
asked the Indians what they knew of their condition before the Yncas
became their lords.[21] He carefully examined the temple of Cacha, and
inquired into the traditions concerning it, from the intelligent native
governor of an adjacent village.[22] In 1550 he went to Cuzco with the
object of collecting information, and it was arranged by Juan de
Saavedra, the Corregidor of that city, that one of the surviving
descendants of the great Ynca Huayna Ccapac, an intelligent and learned
native named Cayu Tupac, should confer with him. At the very time when
Cieza de Leon was diligently studying the history of the Yncas under the
guidance of this Peruvian “Pundit”, the young Ynca Garcilasso de la
Vega, then eleven years of age, was at school in the same old city of
Cuzco, learning Latin under the good Canon Cuellar. The two historians
must often have seen each other, the little half-caste boy playing in
the streets with his schoolfellows, and the stately young Spanish
soldier studying carefully with his noble Ynca friend. Cieza de Leon
explains the plan of his Second Part, which was, first to review the
system of government of the Yncas, and then to narrate the events of the
reign of each sovereign. He weighs conflicting evidence, and gives the
version which appears to him to be nearest the truth, sometimes also
adding the grounds of his decision. He spared no pains to obtain the
best and most authentic information; and his sympathy with the conquered
people, and generous appreciation of their many good and noble
qualities, give a special charm to his narrative.

Cieza de Leon is certainly one of the most important authorities on Ynca
history and civilization, whether we consider his peculiar advantages in
collecting information, or his character as a conscientious historian.
His remarks respecting the Ynca roads and system of posts, on the use of
the _quipus_, on the system of colonists, and on the ceremonial songs
and recitations to preserve the memory of historical events, are of the
first importance. He bears striking evidence of the historical faculty
possessed by the learned men at the court of the Yncas. After saying
that, on the death of a sovereign, the chroniclers related the events of
his reign to his successor, he adds:--“They could well do this, for
there were among them some men with good memories, sound judgments, and
subtle genius, and full of reasoning power, as we can bear witness who
have heard them even in these our days.”[23]

Students owe much to the labours of Don Marcos Jimenez de la Espada. He
has not only edited the text of the Second Part of Cieza de Leon, and
his _War of Quito_, but also the hitherto inedited narratives of
Betanzos, Molina, Salcamayhua, Santillan, and an anonymous work, all of
great importance with reference to the history and civilization of the
Yncas. These additions to our knowledge are sufficient to show us how
much there is to learn before anything approaching to a correct
appreciation of this interesting subject can be attained. The future
historian who will at last achieve this task, must be intimately
acquainted with every part of the Yncarial empire, must be a thorough
Quichua scholar, must have closely studied all early Spanish writers,
and must possess the critical faculty to enable him to assign its proper
weight to the varied evidence given by many different authorities. The
present useful labour of editing and indexing will prepare the way for
the future work. It is the accumulation, sorting, and preparation of the
materials with which the noble edifice will some day be built.

The Index of the present volume is classified on the same principle as
those in the volumes of Garcilasso de la Vega, Acosta, Molina,
Salcamayhua, Avila, and Polo de Ondegardo. The student is thus able to
see, without trouble, the Quichua words and the names of places and
persons which are mentioned by each author. His studies will in this way
be much facilitated, especially if he undertakes the task of weighing
the respective value of facts and opinions given by different writers.
Such an investigation is one essential step towards the comprehension
of the history and civilization of the Yncas. A more important inquiry
refers to the assignment of traditions, customs, beliefs, and words to
the different races which were comprehended in the Yncarial empire. But
this can only be attempted by students of the native languages. It is
from Peru itself--from learned and painstaking Peruvian scholars--that
we must look for future real progress in this most interesting field of
research. Republican Peru has already produced many eminent writers who
have devoted their talents to historical studies, and to the elucidation
of the archæology and philology of their native land. The names of
Rivero, Paz Soldan, Palma, Zegarra, Barranca, Mujica, and others, at
once occur to the mind. Peru, in her undeserved misfortunes, has shown
that her sons can fight bravely for their beloved fatherland. In
literature, many of her sons have shed lustre on their country’s
history. In no christian land is there warmer family affection; in none
is there truer and more cordial hospitality. Those who know Peru best,
most deeply regret her misfortunes, and most heartily desire her future
welfare.




NOTE

ON

THE ANCIENT YNCA DRAMA.


The reference of Cieza de Leon to the songs and recitations at the court
of the Yncas suggests the question of the existence among the ancient
Peruvians of a drama, or system of representing historical and other
events by means of dialogues. This, therefore, seems a suitable
opportunity for examining what light is thrown on the question in the
works which, in a translated form, have been issued by the Hakluyt
Society; and for considering the most reasonable conclusion to be
derived from the materials now within our reach.

At page 32 of the present volume, Cieza de Leon says that the most
learned among the people were selected to make known historical events
by songs and recitations, which were handed down from memory. This is
the germ of dramatic representation, which might be expected to attain
fuller development; and that it did so is clear from the evidence of
other historians. Garcilasso de la Vega says:--“The _Amautas_, or
philosophers, were not wanting in ability to compose comedies and
tragedies, which were represented before their kings on solemn
festivals. The subject matter of the tragedy always related to military
deeds, triumphs, and victories, or to the grandeur of former kings and
of other heroic men. The arguments of the comedies were on agriculture
and familiar household subjects. All the plays were on decorous and
important topics, the sentences being such as befitted the occasion.
They understood the composition of long and short verses, with the right
number of syllables in each. They did not use rhymes in the verses, but
all were blank.”[24] The native author, Salcamayhua, also bears witness
to the existence of an ancient drama, and even gives the Quichua names
of four different kinds of plays. “In the festival they represented
plays called _añay sauca_,[25] _hayachuca_,[26] _llama-llama_,[27] and
_hañamsi_.”[28] That the memory of the old dramatic lore was preserved,
and handed down after the Spanish conquest, is proved by the sentence
pronounced on the rebels at Cuzco in 1781, by the Judge Areche. It
prohibited “the representation of dramas, as well as all other festivals
which the Indians celebrated in memory of their Yncas.”[29] Dr.
Justiniani, a descendant of the Yncas, who was eighty-five when I knew
him, in 1853, told me that he could remember having seen, when a very
little boy, a Quichua tragedy acted by Indians in the town of
Tinta.[30]

The Spanish priests took advantage of this aptitude of the Indians for
dramatic representation, and composed religious plays in the Quichua
language, in imitation of the _Autos Sacramentales_ then in vogue.
Garcilasso says,--“The Jesuits composed comedies for the Indians to act,
_because they knew that this was the custom in the time of the Yncas_.”
He mentions three such plays,[31] and adds, “the Indian lads repeated
the dialogues with so much grace, feeling, and correct action that they
gave universal satisfaction and pleasure; and with so much plaintive
softness in the songs, that many Spaniards shed tears of joy at seeing
their ability and skill. From that time the Spaniards disabused
themselves of the opinion that the Indians were dull, barbarous, and
stupid.”

Several of these religious plays were written by the Spanish priests in
the Quichua language, for the people to perform at great festivals, and
they of course bear unmistakeable evidence of their Spanish origin. I
possess two of these plays. One is by Dr. Lunarejo, a native of Cuzco,
and a celebrated Quichua scholar, who flourished in the eighteenth
century. It is entitled _Comedia famosa del pobre mas rico_, and is on
the plan of the “Autos” of Lope de Vega and Calderon. The other is
anonymous and appears to be of earlier date. The title is _Usca Paucar,
Auto Sacramental el Patrocinio de Maria_.

We thus have evidence that the Yncas cultivated the drama in ancient
times; that some of the plays were handed down and were acted as late as
1781; and that the Spanish priests, finding that the Peruvians possessed
traditional aptitude for dramatic performances, turned this talent to
account in the inculcation of religious dogma. It might, therefore,
naturally be expected that one or more of the ancient Ynca plays, as
distinguished from the religious “Autos” of Spanish times, would have
been preserved. It has long been known that at least one such drama does
exist, under the title of _Ollantay_, and Quichua scholars concur in the
belief that it is really of ancient origin, and that it dates from
pre-Spanish times.

The drama of _Ollantay_, as it now exists, was arranged for
representation, divided into scenes, and supplied with stage directions
in Spanish times; but competent Quichua students believe that most of
the dialogues, speeches, and songs date from a period before the
conquest; and that consequently it is an Ynca drama. The manuscript
copies are probably numerous, some carelessly made by ignorant scribes,
and containing modern words in substitution of what may have been
illegible in the originals. But others are older and more correct
versions, and these alone should be referred to in discussing the
question of the date of this composition. A really critical text has
not, however, been hitherto established, from which all modern
interpolations have been excluded, and the readings in the most
authentic and oldest versions alone retained.

The drama was first brought to notice by Don Manuel Palacios, in the
_Museo Erudito_, a periodical published at Cuzco in 1837. The learned
Peruvian mineralogist and antiquary, Don Mariano Eduardo de Rivero,[32]
in his work entitled _Antiguedades Peruanas_, gave two specimens from
it, in Quichua and Spanish. Señor Rivero says that copies of _Ollantay_,
written in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, are preserved in
private libraries at Cuzco.[33] The whole text was first printed by Dr.
von Tschudi at the end of his Quichua Grammar, but without a
translation, in 1853.[34] The manuscript used by the learned German was
copied from one preserved in the Dominican monastery at Cuzco by one of
the monks, between 1840 and 1845, for the artist Ruggendas of Munich,
who gave it to Dr. von Tschudi, the original being much damaged and in
parts illegible.

In April 1853 I had the opportunity of examining and transcribing a
version of _Ollantay_, which, I was informed, contained the purest text.
It belonged to Dr. Don Pablo Justiniani, the aged priest of the village
of Laris, in the heart of the eastern Andes.[35] His father, Dr. Justo
Pastor Justiniani, had copied it from the original manuscript belonging
to Dr. Don Antonio Valdez, the priest of Sicuani in 1780, and the friend
of the unfortunate Ynca Tupac Amaru. Dr. Valdez died in the year 1816.
He is said to have been the first to reduce the drama to writing, and to
arrange it for the stage,[36] but this is clearly an error, as there is
a manuscript of 1730, and others dating from the previous century,
according to Rivero. The manuscript of Valdez is, however, one of great
value, as it preserves all the original forms, and the fame of the owner
as a Quichua scholar is some guarantee for its accuracy. In 1853 it was
in the possession of Don Narciso Cuentas of Tinta, the nephew and heir
of Dr. Valdez. Another copy taken from the Valdez manuscript, was in
possession of Dr. Rosas, the priest of Chinchero near Cuzco. I carefully
collated the Justiniani and Rosas copies. In the year 1871 I published
the text of my copy of the Justiniani version, with an attempt at a
literal English translation.[37] But in three or four passages I adopted
the reading of Von Tschudi’s version, and in all I was wrong. I should,
as I have since convinced myself, have adhered closely to the Justiniani
text. In this text, however, there are several additions inserted by a
later hand when the drama was arranged for the stage. These I placed in
brackets.

In 1873 the Peruvian scholar, Dr. Don Manuel Gonzalez de la Rosa,
informed me that he had in his possession the manuscripts of Dr. Justo
Sahuaraura Ynca, Archdeacon of Cuzco, and a descendant of Paullu, the
younger son of the great Ynca Huayna Ccapac. Among them is a version of
the drama of _Ollantay_, which Dr. de la Rosa considers to be authentic
and very accurate. This text has not hitherto been published.

Don José S. Barranca, in 1868, published an excellent Spanish
translation, chiefly from the text of Von Tschudi, now called the
Dominican text. It is preceded by an interesting introduction, and the
author announced that he was preparing for the press a carefully edited
Quichuan text, but I am not aware that this has yet seen the light.[38]
In 1876 the Peruvian poet, Don Constantino Carrasco, published, in Lima,
a version of the drama of _Ollantay_ in verse, paraphrased from the
translation of Barranca. It is preceded by a critical introduction from
the pen of the accomplished Peruvian writer, Don Ricardo Palma, who
expressed an opinion that the drama was composed after the Spanish
conquest.

In 1874 the enthusiastic Peruvian student of the language of the Yncas,
Dr. José Fernandez Nodal, printed the Quichua text with a Spanish
translation in parallel columns. This version has several different
readings.[39]

In 1875 Dr. von Tschudi published a second text of _Ollantay_, at
Vienna, with a translation. His new version, like the first, is mainly
from the Dominican text, but partly from another manuscript which bears
the date “La Paz, June 18th, 1735”.[40] This important date proves that
Dr. Valdez was not the author, as supposed by the editor of the _Museo
Erudito_, but merely the possessor of one of the best manuscripts.[41]

Don Gavino Pacheco Zegarra published the text of _Ollantay_ at Paris, in
1878; his version being taken from a manuscript found among the books of
his great-uncle, Don Pedro Zegarra. He added a free translation, and
numerous valuable notes. The work of Zegarra is by far the most
important that has appeared on this subject; for the accomplished
Peruvian has the great advantage of knowing Quichua from his earliest
childhood. To this advantage, not possessed by any previous writer, he
unites extensive learning, literary ability, and very considerable
critical sagacity. He is fully convinced of the antiquity of the
drama.[42]

In his _Races Aryennes_, Don Vicente Fidel Lopez refers to the drama of
_Ollantay_, and discusses the meaning of the word. The editors and
critics to whom I have referred, all being students of the Quichua
language, have come to the conclusion that _Ollantay_ is an ancient Ynca
drama. Some of them, including myself, arrived at this conclusion after
long study and much hesitation.[43] The following is the argument of the
drama. Ollantay, General of Anti-Suyu, was deeply enamoured of the
princess Cusi-Ccoyllur, the chief beauty of the court of the Ynca
Pachacutec. In vain the High Priest, Uillac-Umu, endeavoured to dissuade
him, and even performed a miracle to divert him from his illegal love.
Pachacutec, the Ynca, rejected the suitor for his daughter’s hand, and
Ollantay rose in rebellion, occupying the great fortress, consisting of
colossal ruins, which has ever since been called Ollantay-tampu.
Meanwhile, Cusi Ccoyllur gave birth to a child which was named Yma Sumac
(“how beautiful”). For this transgression the princess was immured in a
dungeon in the Aclla Huasi, or convent of Sacred Virgins, for ten years.
Pachacutec died, and the sceptre passed to his son Ynca Yupanqui.
Ollantay was at length conquered by a stratagem. Concealing his army in
a neighbouring ravine, the general Rumi-ñaui came to the stronghold of
the rebels, and appeared before Ollantay covered with blood. He declared
that he had been cruelly treated by the Ynca, and that he desired to
join the insurrection. Encouraging the insurgents to celebrate a
festival with drunken orgies, he admitted his own troops and captured
the whole party, including Ollantay. Next there is a touching dialogue
between Yma Sumac and one of the virgins, who allows her to visit her
mother in the dungeon. Finally the great rebel is pardoned by the
magnanimous Ynca, and the unfortunate princess is restored to the arms
of her lover. One of the characters, a facetious servant lad, named
Piqui Chaqui, supplies the comic vein which runs through the piece.

There are ample proofs of the antiquity of the tradition, and that the
name of Ollantay was known in the days of the Yncas, and was applied to
the famous ruins near Cuzco. Father Cristobal de Molina, a very high
authority, writing in 1580, mentions Ollantay-tampu in connection with a
curious sacrificial ceremony.[44] Salcamayhua, a writer of the
seventeenth century, also mentions Ollantay.[45] The name, therefore,
was well known before the Spanish conquest.[46] The name of Rumi-ñaui,
which means “stone-eye”, as that of the general who, by the stratagem
of mutilating his face, deceived Ollantay, is not uncommon in Ynca
history. A general of Atahualpa had the same name. It is a curious fact,
as corroborative of this part of the story, that in 1837 an Indian
presented to Don Antonio Maria Alvarez, then Prefect of Cuzco, an
ancient earthen drinking vessel, moulded into the shape of a man’s head
and bust. He said that it had been handed down in his family for
generations, as the likeness of Rumi-ñaui. The person represented must
have been a general, from the _masccapaycha_ or ornament on the
forehead, and wounds are cut on the face in accordance with the argument
of the drama.

But the chief reasons for assigning a date before the Spanish conquest
to the speeches and dialogues of _Ollantay_, have reference to the
internal evidence. Throughout the piece there is not the remotest
allusion to Christianity, an impossible phenomenon if the drama had been
written in Spanish times, like the comedy of Dr. Lunarejo and the
_Usca-paucar_. It contains songs of indubitable antiquity, and in use
among the purest Quichua people. The language is archaic; there are many
words which have long disappeared from the spoken Quichua, and are now
only found in the earliest vocabularies. The grammatical forms, such as
_cca_ instead of _pa_ for the genitive, are ancient. The state of
society represented in the drama is entirely Pagan, without a sign of
Spanish contact. The metre is octo-syllabic, like that of the Ynca song
preserved by Blas Valera, and is the same as the most ancient verses in
the collection of Dr. Justiniani. In the early and pure copies there is
not an allusion to anything, or any animal, introduced by Europeans. All
arguments must of course be based on the most authentic text, and not on
later copies into which many errors have crept, such as the substitution
of words like _misi_ (a cat), and _asna_ (a donkey), corrected in
another copy to _llama_, for the original word, in both cases, _atoc_ (a
fox).

In the final decision of a question of this kind, it is always an
advantage to have an able antagonist who will take the trouble to state
all that can be said against the generally received opinion. In the
present case the “Devil’s Advocate” is no less a person than General Don
Bartolomé Mitré, the ex-President of the Argentine Republic. General
Mitré maintains that the drama of _Ollantay_ is entirely of Spanish
origin, and that it was written in modern times.[47] His opinion is not
to be despised; for he is evidently a man of extensive reading, and is
possessed of critical insight of a high order. But his knowledge of the
Quichua language and of the Spanish authors who wrote in the first
century after the conquest of Peru is limited, as will presently appear.
Nevertheless, the accomplished general and statesman would no doubt have
proved his case if it had been possible. The facts, however, are too
numerous, and too closely arrayed against him. His attack was well
planned and gallantly delivered, but it has utterly failed.[48]

The General’s first assault is made upon the evidence of the existence
of dramatic compositions among the Yncas. Garcilasso de la Vega is
declared to be the sole authority, and he is unceremoniously set aside
as unworthy of credit. Cieza de Leon and Acosta are then triumphantly
referred to as being absolutely silent on the subject. But General Mitré
had evidently only read the first part of Cieza de Leon, and was still
ignorant of the contents of the present volume. He was equally ignorant
of the work of Salcamayhua, where the names of four different kinds of
dramatic compositions are given. There is, quite independently of the
positive statement of Garcilasso, ample evidence of the existence of a
drama of some kind in the time of the Yncas.

His next point is that _Ollantay_ is throughout, in general form and
minute details, a Christian and cavalieresque play _de capa y espada_,
such as those of Lope de Vega and Calderon. Mr. Ticknor says that
_comedias de capa y espada_ excluded those dramas in which royal
personages appear; their main and moving principle is gallantry; the
story is almost always involved and intriguing; and accompanied with an
underplot and parody on the characters and adventures of the principal
parties, formed out of those of the servants and other inferior
personages.[49] _Ollantay_ is a historical play including royal
personages; the main and moving principle is not gallantry of the _capa
y espada_ type, the story is simple and not intriguing, and it is not
accompanied with an underplot. So that the Quichua drama is not only
unlike a Spanish _comedia de capa y espada_, but it would be difficult
to find two classes of compositions, both being dramatic, which are
more completely distinct from each other.

Next, General Mitré objects that the sentiments prevailing in _Ollantay_
are pride of caste, conjugal fidelity, military spirit, filial love,
humanity to the vanquished, horror of polygamy, royal magnanimity, which
are proper to European civilisation, but opposed to all that is known of
Ynca social life. Yet pride of caste is described, by nearly all writers
on the subject, as a noteworthy characteristic of the Ynca family. There
are many touching stories told of conjugal fidelity and filial love
among the Peruvians by writers contemporaneous with the conquest; and I
am tempted to relate one of these stories at the end of the present
critical notice. The military spirit was sedulously cultivated by the
Yncas, who were always engaged in new conquests. The exercise of
magnanimity and of humanity to the conquered was constantly inculcated,
and was a part of the established policy of the Yncas, as we are told by
nearly all the early writers. Polygamy is nowhere spoken of with horror
in _Ollantay_. All the sentiments enumerated by General Mitré as
peculiar to European civilisation, are those which went towards the
formation of the best part of the Ynca character, and which would
naturally be met with in a Quichua drama.

The next objection is that rebellion is approved in the drama of
_Ollantay_, and that such countenance would be impossible at a despotic
court like that of the Yncas. The remark applies equally to the court
of Spain. It may be admitted that the encouragement of rebellion as a
principle would not be tolerated unless it eventually redounded to the
credit of the sovereign. Successful rebellion was not unknown in Ynca
history, and Yupanqui Pachacutec himself, the sovereign of the play,
deposed his brother Urco, according to Cieza de Leon. That story would
not be heard with displeasure. Nor would that of _Ollantay_, where the
rebel is subdued, and where the magnanimity of the sovereign is
celebrated.

The whole of the arguments of the General, based on internal evidence
afforded by words and passages in the play, may be set aside, because
none of the words upon which he relies as evidence of Spanish origin are
to be found in the true version. The true version must be considered as
that which excludes all words and passages which are not common to _all_
the older manuscripts. On this principle all the words relied upon by
the General are corrupt readings which have crept in through the
carelessness of copiers.[50]

General Mitré objects that the High Priest alludes to the broken thread
of destiny, which is a strictly Greek image. He misunderstands the
passage. The High Priest compares the consequence of the act, which will
bring destruction on Ollantay, not with the thread of destiny entangled
and severed, but with the wool and frame of a native weaving machine
overturned and broken, a natural and indigenous figure suggested by
things often before the speaker’s own eyes. The remainder of the
General’s attack is occupied in efforts to find traces of old world
ideas in _Ollantay_, most of his analogies being very far-fetched. There
is a _yaravi_ or song, describing the beauty of the heroine, which the
General compares with the Song of Solomon. The only resemblance is that
both describe personal beauty by comparisons with the beauties of
nature, and this is common to nearly all poetry. But General Mitré, by
using Zegarra’s somewhat free translation, attributes figures to the
song which it does not contain, such as a “countenance white and
transparent as alabaster, bosoms as white as pieces of ice, cheeks like
roses fallen on snow, eyebrows like bows sending forth burning and
slaughter-dealing arrows, fingers like bolls of opening cotton.” There
is nothing of all this in the authentic text. In the real song all the
similes are strictly and essentially Quichuan. Her forehead is compared
to _Quilla_, the moon; her eyes, not to arrows, but to two suns; her
eyebrows to rainbows, the insignia of the Yncas. Her tresses are black,
mixed with gold, just as the plaited hair of an Ynca princess is
represented in an ancient picture at Cuzco. The bloom of her cheek is
compared with the _achancaray_, a red flower peculiar to Peru; her
bosoms, not to snow, but to the _utcu_ swelling out of the bolls, a
simile which is also essentially Peruvian. These figures show that the
_yaravi_ could not possibly have been composed anywhere but in the land
where the _achancaray_ and the _utcu_ flourish within sight of the snows
of the Andes. General Mitré objects to a copper- beauty being
praised for her fairness, and to her skin being compared with snow. The
Ynca princesses, as we know from some ancient pictures and descriptions,
were naturally much fairer than the common people, and this striking
difference would as naturally lead to fairness of skin being prized,
celebrated, exaggerated, and, by a poetical licence, compared with the
fairest thing in the Peruvian landscape.

Still referring to an erroneous reading, General Mitré objects that the
Ynca says:--“Take this ring in thy hand, that thou mayest never forget
that it is thy duty to show clemency to all. Rise, thou art a
hero,”--which, he suggests, must be an idea taken from arming knights in
the middle ages. Possibly; but the Ynca never makes such a speech in the
authentic text[51] of _Ollantay_. He says:--“Receive this _head dress_,
that thou mayest command my army, and this arrow, that I destine for
you.” The presentation of a head-dress is a peculiarly Yncarial
ceremony, and this passage is one among many which furnish strong
internal proofs of the antiquity of the drama.

The critic then proceeds to refer to three more alleged anachronisms.
The deceased Ynca is said to be spoken of as buried, when Yncas were
always embalmed, and the bodies preserved in the temple; black is
mentioned as the colour for mourning, when the Yncas used grey; and the
city of Cuzco is said to have elected a new Ynca, though the Peruvian
monarchy was hereditary. The replies are that the word _pampasacta_ from
_pampani_, to bury, is used, in the oldest songs, for interments of
every kind; that the word for mourning, in the authentic version, is
not _yana_ (black), but _ccica_ (grey); and that the great men of Cuzco,
in the cases of this very Ynca Yupanqui (according to Cieza de Leon) and
others, did select the sovereign under special circumstances.

The next objection is that the Ynca, after pardoning Ollantay, appointed
him to be his successor and invested him with the fringe; which, it is
contended, is historically false, and impossible in ancient Peru. But
the Ynca merely invested Ollantay with the insignia of his rank as a
great chief (the _yellow_ fringe, not the _crimson_ fringe peculiar to
the sovereign), and appointed him to rule at Cuzco during the
sovereign’s absence, a very different thing. Such appointments were of
constant occurrence, and are recorded over and over again by Cieza de
Leon.

Thus General Mitré fails to establish the existence of a single allusion
to things of European origin in the drama of _Ollantay_.

Treating of the one comic character in the piece, the servant of
Ollantay, and referring to his frequent use of puns and expressions with
double meanings, the General contends that his wit is Andalusian, and
that it is contrary to the genius of the Quichua language. In reality,
the speeches of this servant, Piqui Chaqui, are so thoroughly native and
of the soil, his allusions and double meanings are so hidden, that no
Spaniard--no one but a native--could have written or even conceived
them. In one of the Quichua plays, written by Spanish priests, in my
possession, there is a “gracioso” named Quespillo, whose fun is broad
and without a sign of _double entendre_. If Quespillo is a Spanish
creation, Piqui-chaqui is as certainly of native conception. This is one
strong proof that _Ollantay_, differing so completely in all respects
from the Quichua religious dramas prepared by Spanish priests, is of
pure native origin.

Next, General Mitré compares a simple speech of Urco-huaranca, the
general of Ollantay, with an enumeration of forces in Homer; a reference
to his services, made by Ollantay, to some speech in the Spanish drama
of the Cid Campeador; and the election of Ollantay by his army, to an
election by the Prætorian guard described by Tacitus. These allusions
are too far-fetched and vague to need special replies; but they require
wonderful erudition on the part of General Mitré’s imaginary Spanish
author. Rumi-ñaui, in order to make Ollantay think that he had been
ill-treated by the Ynca, mutilated his face. Zopyrus, in the story told
by Herodotus, for a similar purpose, cut off his nose and ears, which
Rumi-ñaui did not do. Nevertheless, General Mitré jumps at the
conclusion that the idea must have been copied from Herodotus. It will
be remembered that the story of the mutilation of Rumi-ñaui is preserved
on an ancient piece of Ynca pottery.

General Mitré then quotes a speech of Ollantay, when he receives the
Ynca’s pardon, from my book, a text which he had all along repudiated,
in order to use the Dominican text as better suited to his purpose. His
criticism on this speech is sound, but the lines I inserted were
evidently interpolated by the person who arranged the drama for acting.
I had, consequently, placed them in brackets as doubtful, and noted
their omission by Von Tschudi and Barranca, a fact which the General
does not mention. The passage is not authentic, and would be omitted in
a properly revised version. It is in fact omitted by Zegarra. But this
use, by General Mitré, first of one text and then of another, as it
happens to suit his purpose, is not conducive to the proper object of
criticism, namely, the discovery of truth. It shows also that his
critical essay is premature, and that it should not have been attempted
until all the versions had been critically examined and collated, and an
authoritative text established.

The octo-syllabic metre in which the drama is written was also used by
Spanish dramatists, and, consequently, according to General Mitré, the
drama of _Ollantay_ was written by a Spaniard. But it is also a native
Peruvian metre. The ancient song given by Garcilasso de la Vega, though
printed in lines of four syllables, is really octo-syllabic. These
eight-syllable lines are composed with great facility in many languages,
and are natural to the Quichua, most of the ancient songs in the
collection of Dr. Justiniani being octo-syllabic. Consequently, though
also used in Spanish literature, they do not therefore indicate a
Spanish origin.

The greater part of General Mitré’s argument amounts to little more than
this. There is a river in Macedon, and there is a river in Monmouth,
therefore Macedon and Monmouth are the same place. It is a very old
argument, but it has never been looked upon as conclusive. The General’s
theory requires an unknown Spanish author living in the eighteenth
century, and writing in the Quichua language, of portentous erudition,
who borrowed his ideas from the Pentateuch, the Song of Solomon, Homer,
Tacitus, Herodotus, Shakespeare, Lope de Vega, Mrs. Ratcliffe, and the
ballads of the Cid; and who yet excluded the most distant allusion to
Christianity or to anything Spanish. He could not have been a priest,
for we possess Quichua plays composed by Spanish priests, and they are
entirely and radically different from _Ollantay_, containing, as was
inevitable, constant allusions to Christianity, and none to the classic
authors of antiquity. Yet the imaginary author must have known Quichua
perfectly, in its earliest and most archaic form, and have been versed
in all the plays upon words and double meanings used by initiated
natives. It may safely be affirmed that no such prodigy ever existed in
the eighteenth century, and, consequently, the General’s theory falls to
pieces like a house of cards.

At the same time, General Mitré has done good service to literature by
the publication of this elaborate criticism. Every argument that the
ingenuity of an accomplished scholar could bring forward against the
authenticity of _Ollantay_ has been adduced. Quichua students now know
all that can possibly be said against the antiquity of the play, and
they know that what is not based on incorrect readings, is far-fetched
and fanciful. The former considerations which led them to the conclusion
that most of the dialogues and songs dated from the time of the Yncas,
remain in full force, unshaken by anything General Mitré has written.
The new points he has raised, prove to be either based on corrupt
readings, or to be of no validity in themselves.

It is gratifying to find that the rich and interesting language of the
Yncas continues to be studied by ardent young Peruvian scholars. Among
them is Dr. Martin Antonio Mujica, a native of Huancavelica, who is
making Quichua a serious study, and has suggested some changes in the
accepted orthography, based on sound principles.[52] There is much yet
to learn in this important branch of investigation, and much useful work
to be done. A really critical text of _Ollantay_ is a desideratum. There
are many ancient Quichua songs, possibly other dramas, in private
libraries. These should be diligently sought out, edited, and printed,
with translations. A dictionary should be undertaken, with references to
all the words which occur in the writings of ancient authors. There is a
wide field and a noble one, for young students in the land of the Yncas,
which is well deserving of careful, diligent, and enthusiastic
cultivation. Such discouraging criticisms as that of General Mitré
should have no depressing effect. They should rather arouse the student
to fresh efforts, both to secure the purity of his texts, and to
illustrate their meaning by the acquisition of wider knowledge, and the
cultivation of critical and accurate habits of thought.

Meanwhile, the conclusion that the drama of _Ollantay_ is of Ynca
origin, having withstood all the assaults of General Mitré’s criticism,
remains more firmly established, and on securer ground than before. The
unsuccessful attack is an additional source of strength.




A PERUVIAN LOVE STORY.


The assertion of General Mitré that conjugal devotion was not among the
virtues of the ancient Peruvians, induces me to relate a story which is
told by Miguel Cavello Balboa.[53] The events it records took place
during the war between Huascar and Atahualpa. It, therefore, illustrates
the closing chapters of the present volume.[54]

On the death of the great Ynca Huayna Ccapac in the province of Quito,
he was succeeded by his legitimate son Huascar at Cuzco; while the son
who was with him, named Atahualpa, remained at the head of an army at
Quito. But the body of the deceased sovereign was sent to Cuzco,
accompanied by the widowed queen, Mama Rahua Ocllo, and her daughter the
Princess Chuqui Uzpay, and by four venerable councillors who were
executors of Huayna Ccapac. On approaching Cuzco these venerable men
were arrested, ordered to explain why Atahualpa had remained behind,
and, their defence not being satisfactory, they were put to death. The
principal executor, who thus suffered, was named Auqui Tupac Yupanqui.

The Queen, Mama Rahua Ocllo, was much shocked at this cruelty on the
part of her son Huascar. After the funeral ceremonies, the new
sovereign desired to marry his sister Chuqui Uzpay, and, after much
hesitation, the Queen Mother reluctantly gave her consent.

Young Quilaco Yupanqui, a son of the murdered executor, Auqui Tupac
Yupanqui, was sent by Atahualpa as an envoy to his brother Huascar. On
reaching the valley of Xaquixaguana, Quilaco received a secret message
from the Queen Mother, who loved him dearly, for he was a foster-brother
of her child, the young queen Chuqui Uzpay. The Queen Mother ordered a
procession of damsels to come out and meet the envoy; among whom there
was one more beautiful than all the rest, named Curi-coyllur.

At the coronation of Huascar, the chief of the valley of Yca arrived
from the coast with a lovely daughter named Chumbillaya. She inspired
the Ynca with a violent passion, and he gave her the name of
Curi-coyllur, the “golden star.” She bore him a daughter and died soon
afterwards. His sister Corvaticlla, a beloved friend of Curi-coyllur,
brought up the child with great care in a house near Cuzco, and her
beauty was so marvellous that she inherited her mother’s name of
Curi-coyllur.

Curi-coyllur was fifteen when the girls assembled to meet the young
envoy from Quito at Siquillabamba. Quilaco fell in love with her. He
went on to Cuzco, and, finding that the Ynca Huascar had gone to Calca
in the vale of Vilcamayu, he hurried thither, and laid the presents from
the Ynca’s brother Atahualpa at his feet. Huascar spurned both envoy
and presents, and dismissed Quilaco with disdain. Quilaco returned to
Cuzco, and told the queens what had befallen him at Calca. The guardian
of Curi-coyllur, on hearing of his love, allowed him to visit the young
girl. A few days afterwards Huascar sent him back with a message to
Atahualpa, to the effect that he would be closely followed by an army to
enforce obedience.

One day, at early dawn, Curi-coyllur was praying for the return of her
lover. When a labourer appeared with his _taclla_ (plough) on his
shoulder, she mistook it for the _chuqui_ (lance) of Quilaco. At last a
troop of strangers appeared on the hill, taking the way to Xaquixaguana.
She was shedding tears, when her lover came out of a field of maize
close by, and threw himself at her feet. Quilaco told her and her aunt
all that had happened at Cuzco, and asked Corvaticlla for the hand of
her niece. It was promised when the times had become more quiet, and
Quilaco continued his journey to Quito.

The great war then broke out between the two brothers, Huascar and
Atahualpa. Quilaco had promised to return to Curi-coyllur in three
years, and four had elapsed. Huascar was on the point of marrying her to
one of his captains. She cut her hair, put on the dress of one of her
servants, painted her face according to the usage of those who go to
war, and mixed herself amongst the camp followers of the army of
Huascar. The Ynca’s general, named Huanca Auqui, had retreated to the
valley of Xauxa, where he met the reinforcements from Cuzco, and was
superseded by Mayta Yupanqui. The army of Atahualpa, under the command
of Quizquiz, advanced to Tarma, and the hostile forces met between Tarma
and Xauxa. The battle lasted all day, but eventually the army of Huascar
was defeated with great slaughter. Quilaco was wounded by an arrow, and
fell on a heap of dead, while his men were too much occupied in chasing
the fugitives to notice his fall.

Quilaco would have perished miserably from loss of blood; but he saw a
lad searching among the bodies, and cried for help. The boy ran to him,
drew out the arrow, and staunched the wound. He carried the wounded man
to the banks of a stream, and washed the dirt off his face and body.
Quilaco asked the motive of such kindness in a follower of Huascar.[55]
“Brother,” said the lad, “I am a native of this place; my name is Titu;
I seek no advantage.” He collected sticks, lighted a fire to warm the
wounded chief; and so they passed the night. Next day the boy conveyed
Quilaco to a neighbouring hut until he should be cured. A search was
made for him by order of Quizquiz, and his disappearance caused profound
sadness in the host of Atahualpa.

For many months Quilaco was unable to rise from his bed, and in the
interval great events happened. Huascar was dethroned, his family was
massacred at Cuzco, the usurper advanced to Caxamarca, Pizarro arrived
on the coast with his Spaniards, and Atahualpa was made prisoner by
them. Titu used to leave the hut, and collect news from passers-by on
the great road. One day he told Quilaco that the power of Atahualpa and
his generals had departed, and that strange men from the sea were now
the rulers of the country. Titu spoke of the noble bearing and of the
justice of the Viracochas, as he called the Spaniards, looking upon them
as messengers from God. He entreated and at last persuaded the chief,
who was now able to walk, to appear before the Spanish leader, who had
arrived in the valley. It was the famous Hernando de Soto. They went
together, and Titu, with the aid of an interpreter, related his history
to the proud but noble-minded conqueror. Quilaco now for the first time
discovered that Titu was his long-lost love, his Curi-coyllur, whom he
had never hoped to see again.

They were baptized under the names of Hernando Yupanqui and Leonora
Curi-coyllur, and married in conformity with the laws of the Church. But
the young chief only survived for two years. The widow afterwards lived
with Hernando de Soto, and bore him several children--Leonora de Soto,
who married Fernando Carrillo, notary to his Majesty, and lived at
Cuzco; Juana de Soto; Pedro de Soto; and others.

I know not whether the story of Quilaco and Curi-coyllur was ever
dramatised like that of Ollantay. But we need not doubt that the
“brilliant erudition”[56] of General Mitré would, if the play were
brought to light, soon announce to us that it was a “_comedia de capa y
espada_”, with all the ideas and incidents borrowed from Homer,
Herodotus, Tacitus, the Pentateuch, the Song of Solomon, Shakespeare,
Lope de Vega, Mrs. Ratcliffe, and the Cid Campeador. Too much erudition
is surely a dangerous thing.

The other story told by Balboa, of the love of Elfquen Pisan, Chief of
Lambayeque, for the beautiful Chestan Xecfuin, is equally romantic,
equally of native origin, and has as little to do with the old world
classics as _Ollantay_. Among these people there was pride of caste,
magnanimity towards the vanquished, a martial spirit, filial love, and
conjugal devotion; and these sentiments found natural expression in
their literature. Cieza de Leon, in the following pages, bears ample
testimony to Ynca civilisation.




                              SECOND PART
                                OF THE
                          CHRONICLE OF PERU,

       WHICH TREATS OF THE LORDSHIP OF THE INCAS YUPANQUIS, AND
                 OF THEIR GREAT DEEDS AND GOVERNMENT.

                              WRITTEN BY
                        PEDRO DE CIEZA DE LEON.




                              SECOND PART

                                OF THE

                           CHRONICLE OF PERU




CHAPTER III.


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       *       *       *       *       *

       *       *       *       *       *

       *       *       *       *       *

       *       *       *       *       *

of them more than what I recount, go to a delightful place full of
enjoyment and pleasure, where they all eat and drink and rejoice; and
if, on the contrary, they have done evil, disobedient to parents,
hostile to religion, they go to another place which is dark and dismal.
In the first book I treated more fully of these things, so that I will
now pass on, and relate in what manner the people of this kingdom lived
before the Incas flourished and made themselves sovereign lords, in
which time all affirm that they were in a state of anarchy, without any
of the order, and reasonable government and justice which was afterwards
established. I will also recount what there is to be said of
Ticiviracocha, which is the name by which the Maker of all things was
known.




CHAPTER IV.

_Which treats of what the Indians of this kingdom say touching the state
of things before the Yncas were known, and how they had fortresses in
the hills, whence they came forth to make war one with another._


I often asked the inhabitants of these provinces what they knew of their
condition before the Incas became the lords. On this subject they say
that all men lived without order, and that many went naked like savages;
that they had no houses, nor any habitations except the caves, many of
which may be seen in the great cliffs and rocks, whence they came forth
to eat what they could find in the fields. Others made fortresses in the
mountains, called _pucara_, out of which they came forth, using strange
languages, to fight, one with the other, over the cultivable lands, or
for other reasons: and many were slain, the spoils and women of the
vanquished being carried off. With all these things they went in triumph
to the heights, where they had their castles, and there offered up
sacrifices to their gods, shedding much blood of men and lambs before
the stones and idols. All these people were in a state of anarchy, for
they say for certain that they had no lords, but only captains to lead
them in their wars. If some went about dressed, it was in slight
clothing, and not such as they now use.

They say that the _llautu_ or cords which they put on their heads that
one tribe may be distinguished from another, were used then as they are
now.

This people living in the condition that I have described, there rose up
in the province of the Collao, a very brave lord named Zapana,[57] who
so prevailed that he brought many people of that province under his
rule. They relate another thing; but whether it be true or not, the
most High God who understands all things only knows. As for me, I have
no other testimony or authority of books for what I relate than the
statements of the Indians. What I want to relate is that they affirm of
a certainty that, after that powerful captain arose in Hatuncollao,[58]
there appeared in the province of the Canas,[59] which lies between the
Canches[60] and Collao, near the village called Chugara, some women who
were like valiant men. Taking up arms they subdued those who were in the
district where they lived, and, almost like what is told of the Amazons,
they made homes for themselves, without husbands. These people, after
this had gone on for some years, and they had performed some famous
deeds, came to fight with Zapana, he who had become Lord of Hatuncollao;
and to defend themselves against his power, which was great, they made
fortresses and walls, which still exist. But after they had done all to
the utmost of their power, they were taken and killed, and their name
disappeared.

There is a citizen in Cuzco named Tomás Vasquez,[61] who told me that he
and Francisco de Villacastin,[62] being in the town of Ayavire,[63]
seeing these enclosures, and asking the natives what they were, the
above story was told them. They also relate what I have written in the
first part, namely, that there were people with beards, in the Island of
Titicaca, in past ages, white like ourselves; that, coming from the
valley of Coquimbo, their captain, who was named Cari,[64] arrived at
the place where Chucuito now stands, whence, after having founded some
new settlements, he passed over with his people to the island. He made
such war upon the inhabitants that he killed them all. Chirihuana, the
governor of those settlements, which now belong to the Emperor,[65] told
me what I have now written; and as this land was so extensive, and in
parts so healthy and well suited for man’s habitation, although they
continued in the practice of petty warfare and indulgence of their
passions, yet they established many settlements. Those captains who
showed themselves to be valorous, continued as lords of several towns;
and all, as is generally reported, had Indians of intelligence in their
houses and fortresses, who spoke with the Devil. And the Devil, by
permission of Almighty God, and for reasons known to Him, had very great
power amongst these people.




CHAPTER V.

_Touching what these natives say concerning Ticiviracocha, of the
opinion held by some that an Apostle passed through this land, and of
the temple there is in Cáchan, also what happened there._


Before the Incas reigned in these kingdoms, or had ever been heard of,
the Indians relate another thing much more notable than all things else
that they say. For they declare that they were a long time without
seeing the sun, and that, suffering much evil from its absence, great
prayers and vows were offered up to their gods, imploring for the light
they needed. Things being in this state, the sun, shining very brightly,
came forth from the island of Titicaca, in the great lake of the Collao,
at which every one rejoiced. Presently afterwards, they say, that there
came from a southern direction a white man of great stature, who, by his
aspect and presence, called forth great veneration and obedience. This
man who thus appeared had great power, insomuch that he could change
plains into mountains, and great hills into valleys, and make water flow
out of stones. As soon as such power was beheld, the people called him
the Maker of created things, the Prince of all things, Father of the
Sun. For they say that he performed other wonders, giving life to men
and animals, so that by his hand marvellous great benefits were
conferred on the people. And such was the story that the Indians who
told it to me say that they heard from their ancestors, who in like
manner heard it in the old songs which they received from very ancient
times. They say that this man went on towards the north, working these
marvels along the way of the mountains; and that he never more returned
so as to be seen. In many places he gave orders to men how they should
live, and he spoke lovingly to them and with much gentleness,
admonishing them that they should do good, and no evil or injury one to
another, and that they should be loving and charitable to all. In most
parts he is generally called _Ticiviracocha_,[66] but in the province of
the Collao they call him _Tuapaca_, and in other places _Arnauan_. In
many parts they built temples in which they put blocks of stone in
likeness of him, and offered up sacrifices before them. It is held that
the great blocks at Tiahuanacu were from that time. Although, from the
fame of what formerly had passed, they relate the things I have stated
touching Ticiviracocha, they know nothing more of him, nor whether he
would ever return to any part of this kingdom.

Besides this, they say that, a long time having passed, they again saw
another man resembling the first, whose name they do not mention; but
they received it from their forefathers as very certain that wherever
this personage came and there were sick, he healed them, and where there
were blind he gave them sight by only uttering words. Through acts so
good and useful he was much beloved by all. In this fashion, working
great things by his words, he arrived at the province of the Canas, in
which, near to a village which has the name of Cacha, and in which the
Captain Bartolomé de Terrazas[67] holds an _encomienda_, the people rose
against him, threatening to stone him. They saw him upon his knees,
with his hands raised to heaven, as if invoking the divine favour to
liberate him from the danger that threatened him. The Indians further
state that presently there appeared a great fire in the heaven, which
they thought to be surrounding them. Full of fear and trembling, they
came to him whom they had wanted to kill, and with loud clamour besought
him to be pleased to forgive them. For they knew that this punishment
threatened them because of the sin they had committed in wishing to
stone the stranger. Presently they saw that when he ordered the fire to
cease, it was extinguished, so that they were themselves witnesses of
what had come to pass; and the stones were consumed and burnt up in such
wise as that large blocks could be lifted in the hand, as if they were
of cork. On this subject they go on to say that, leaving the place where
these things happened, the man arrived on the sea coast, where, holding
his mantle, he went in amongst the waves and was never more seen. And as
he went, so they gave him the name of _Viracocha_, which means “the foam
of the sea.”

Soon afterwards they made a temple in this village of Cacha,[68] on the
other side of a river which passes near, where they set up an idol of
stone, very large, but in a somewhat narrow recess. This recess is not
so large as those in Tiahuanaco, erected in memory of Ticiviracocha, nor
does the figure appear to have the same kind of vestments. Some gold was
found in holes near it.

When I passed through this province, I went to see the idol, for the
Spaniards affirm that it may have been some apostle. I heard many
declare that it had legends written on its hands. But this is nonsense,
unless my eyes were blinded, for although I looked closely I could not
see anything of the kind. The hands were placed over the haunches, the
arms twisted, and on the girdle were indications that the vestments were
fastened with buttons. Whether this or any other was intended for one of
the glorious apostles who, in the days of his preaching, had passed this
way, God Almighty knows. I know not, and can only believe that if he was
an apostle, he would work with the power of God in his preaching to
these people, who are simple and with little guile; and there would be
some vestige of his visit. Yet what we see and understand is that the
Devil had very great power over these people, God permitting it, and
that in these places very heathenish and vain sacrifices were offered
up. Hence I believe that, until our times, the word of the Holy Gospel
was not heard. Now we see all the temples profaned, and the glorious
Cross planted in all directions.

I asked the people of Cacha in remembrance of what god the temple had
been built. The cacique, or lord, was an Indian of intelligence and good
presence, named Don Juan, a Christian, who came with me himself to show
me this piece of antiquity. He told me that it was built in honor of
Ticiviracocha. Treating of this name Viracocha, I wish to disabuse the
reader of the popular belief that the natives called the Spaniards by
the name of Viracocha, which means foam of the sea. So far as the word
is concerned it is true, for _vira_ is the word for grease, and _cocha_
is the sea. And seeing that the Spaniards came by sea, that name has
been attributed to them. But this is a wrong interpretation, according
to the explanation which I received at Cuzco, and which the Orejones
give. They say that before Atahuallpa was taken prisoner by the
Spaniards in the province of Caxamarca, there had been great wars
between him and his brother Huascar Inca, the sole heir to the empire.
At length, at the pass of Cotabamba over the river Apurimac, the king
Huascar was taken prisoner, and cruelly treated by Chalicuchima.[69]
Besides this, Quizquiz[70] did great mischief in Cuzco and, as is well
known, killed thirty brothers of Huascar, committing other cruelties on
those who were favourable to the legitimate heir and had not shown a
desire to receive Atahuallpa. While these passions were at their height,
Atahuallpa had been made prisoner and had agreed with Pizarro to give
him a house of gold as his ransom. Martin Bueno, Zarate, and Moguer[71]
went to Cuzco to receive it, the greater part being in the Sun temple
called Curicancha. As these Christians arrived at Cuzco at the time when
the party of Huascar was suffering under the above calamity, the
oppressed Yncas rejoiced when they heard of the imprisonment of
Atahuallpa, and with great supplications implored the aid of the
Christians against their enemy, declaring that they must be sent by the
intervention of their great God Ticiviracocha, and that they were his
sons; and presently they called them so, giving them the name of
Viracocha.

They ordered the High Priest and the other ministers of the temple to
keep the sacred women there, and Quizquiz delivered all the gold and
silver to the Spaniards. As these Spaniards were so free from all
restraint, and held the honor of the people so lightly, in return for
the hospitality and friendliness with which they were received, they
corrupted some of the virgins; which was the reason that the Indians,
who also saw how little reverence the Spaniards felt for the Sun, and
how shamelessly and without the fear of God they violated the
_mamaconas_,[72] which the Indians held to be a great sacrilege, began
to say that such people were not sons of God, but that they were worse
than _Supais,_ which is their name of Devil. Nevertheless, to comply
with the order of the Lord Atahuallpa, the captains of the city took
leave of the Spaniards without showing any anger whatever, soon
afterwards sending the treasure. But the name of Viracocha continued
from that day, and it was given, as I was informed, for the reason I
have already written down, and not owing to its signification of foam of
the sea.[73] And now I will relate what I have been given to understand
respecting the origin of the Incas.




CHAPTER VI.

_How certain men and women appeared in Pacarec-Tampu, and what they
relate touching their proceedings after they came forth from there._


I have already stated more than once, how, as an exercise and to escape
from the vices caused by idleness, I took the trouble to describe all
that I obtained touching the Incas and their system and good order of
government. As I have no other account nor writing beyond what they gave
me, if another should undertake to write more certainly than I have, on
this subject, he may well do so. At the same time, I have not spared
pains to make what I write clear; and to ensure greater accuracy I went
to Cuzco when the Captain Juan de Saavedra was Corregidor.[74] Here he
arranged that Cayu Tupac should meet me, who is one of the surviving
descendants of Huaina Capac. For Sairi Tupac, son of Manco Inca, has
retired to Viticos, where his father took refuge after his great war
with the Spaniards at Cuzco. I also met others of the Orejones, who are
those that are held to be most noble amongst themselves. With the best
interpreters that could be found, I asked these Lords Incas of what race
they were, and of what nation. It would seem that the former Incas, to
magnify their origin with great deeds, exaggerated the story they had
received, in their songs. It is this. When all the races who lived in
these regions were in a state of disorder, slaughtering each other and
sunk in vice, there appeared three men and three women in a place not
far from the city of Cuzco, which is called Pacarec Tampu. And according
to the interpretation, Pacarec Tampu is as much as to say the House of
Production.

The men who came forth from there were, as they relate, the one, Ayar
Ucho, and the other, Ayar Cachi Asauca, and the other, they say, was
named Ayar Manco. Of the women, one had the name of Mama Huaco, the
other Mama Cora, the other Mama Rahua.[75]

Some Indians give these names after another fashion and in greater
number, but I have put them down from the informations of the Orejones,
who know better than any one else. They say that these people came
forth, dressed in long mantles, and some vestments like a shirt without
collar or sleeves, made of very fine wool, with patterns of different
kinds, which they called _tacapu_, and in our language the meaning is
“vestures of kings.” And each of these lords held in the hand a sling of
gold with a stone in it. The women came out dressed very richly like the
men, and they had much gold. Going forward with this, they further say,
that they obtained great store of gold, and that one of the brothers
named Ayar Uchu spoke to his brethren that they should make a beginning
of the great things that they had to do; for their presumption was such
that they thought they were to make themselves sole lords of the land.
They were determined to form in that place a new settlement, to which
they gave the name of Pacarec Tampu; and this was soon done, for they
had the help of the inhabitants of the surrounding country. As time went
on, they put great quantities of pure gold and jewels, with other
precious things, into that place, of which the fame goes that Hernando
Pizarro and Don Diego de Almagro the lad, obtained a large share.

Returning to the history, they say that one of the three, named Ayar
Cachi, was so valiant and had such great power, that, with stones hurled
from his sling, he split the hills and threw them up to the clouds. When
the other brothers saw this they were sorry, thinking that it was an
affront to them who could not do such things, and they were enraged by
reason of their envy. Then they asked him sweetly and with gentle words,
though full of deceit, to return and enter the mouth of a cave where
they had their treasure, to bring out a certain vase of gold that they
had forgotten, and to pray to their father the Sun that he would prosper
their efforts so that they might be lords of that land. Ayar Cachi,
believing that there was no deceit in what his brother said, joyfully
went to do what they required of him, but he had scarcely got into the
cave when the other two so filled the mouth up with stones that it could
not be seen. This done, they relate for a certainty that the earth
trembled in such a manner that many hills fell into the valleys.

Thus far the Orejones relate the story of the origin of the Incas,
because they wished it to be understood that as their deeds were so
marvellous, they must have been children of the Sun. Afterwards, when
the Indians exalted them with grand titles, they were called _Ancha
hatun apu intipchuri!_[76] which means, “Oh very great lord, child of
the sun.” That which, for my part, I hold to be the truth in this matter
is that as Zapana rose up in Hatuncollao, and other valiant captains did
the same thing in other parts, these Incas must have been some three
valiant and powerful brothers with grand thoughts who were natives of
some place in those regions, or who had come from some other part of the
mountains of the Andes; and that they, finding the opportunity,
conquered and acquired the lordship which they possessed. Even without
this supposition it might be that what they tell of Ayar Cachi and the
others was the work of magicians, who did what is told of them through
the Devil. In fine, we cannot get from the story any other solution than
this.

As soon as Ayar Cachi was secured in the cave, the other two brothers,
with some people who had joined them, agreed to form another settlement,
to which they gave the name of Tampu Quiru, which is as much as to say,
“Teeth of a residence or of a palace”, and it may be supposed that these
settlements were not large nor more than sufficient for a small force.
They remained at this place for some days, being now sorry at having so
made away with their brother Ayar Cachi, who was also called
Huanacaure.[77]




CHAPTER VII.

_How the brothers, being in Tampu Quiru, beheld him whom they had shut
up in the cave by deceit, come forth with wings; and how he told them
that he went to found the great city of Cuzco; and how they departed
from Tampu Quiru._


Proceeding with the narrative that I took down in Cuzco, the Orejones
say that, after the two Incas had settled in Tampu Quiru, careless now
about seeing Ayar Cachi again, they beheld him coming in the air with
great wings of  feathers, and they, by reason of the great fear
that this visit caused them, wanted to flee away; but he quickly removed
their terror by saying to them, “Do not fear, neither be afflicted; for
I only come that the empire of the Incas may begin to be known.
Wherefore leave this settlement that you have made, and advance further
down until you see a valley, and there found the Cuzco, which will be of
great note. For here are only hamlets, and of little importance; but
that will be a great city, where the sumptuous temple must be built that
will be so honoured and frequented, and where the sun will be so
worshipped. I shall always have to pray to God for you, and to intercede
that you may soon become great lords. I shall remain in the form and
fashion that you will see on a hill not distant from here; and will be
for you and your descendants a place of sanctity and worship, and its
name shall be Guanacaure. And in return for the good things that you
will have received from me, I pray that you will always adore me as God,
and set up altars in that place, at which to offer sacrifices. If you do
this, you shall receive help from me in war; and as a sign that from
henceforward you are to be esteemed, honoured, and feared, your ears
shall be bored in the manner that you now behold in mine.” And when he
had so spoken they say that he appeared with ear ornaments of gold set
round as with a gem.

The brothers, astonished at what they saw, were as men struck dumb and
without speech. When their perturbation had ceased, they replied that
they were content to do as he commanded, and presently they went in
haste to the hill called the Hill of Guanacaure, which, from that time
forward, was accounted sacred. In the highest part of it, they again saw
Ayar Cachi, who, without doubt, must have been some devil, if there is
any truth in what they relate; and, God permitting, he made them
understand his desire that they should worship and sacrifice to him
under these false appearances. They say that he again spoke to them,
telling them to assume the fringe or crown of empire, such of them as
were to be sovereign lords, and how they should order the arming of
youths to make them knights and nobles. The brothers answered that they
would comply with all his commands, as they had already promised, and in
sign of obedience, with hands joined and heads bowed down, they made the
_mocha_[78] or reverence, that he might the better understand them. The
Orejones further say that the practice of assuming the fringe and of
arming the knights began here, so I put it in this place, that there may
be no necessity for repeating it further on.

This may be received as pleasant and very certain history, for Manco
Inca assumed the fringe or sovereign crown in Cuzco, and many Spaniards
are still living who were present at the ceremony, and I have heard it
from them. It is true that the Indians say that the ceremony was more
solemn and magnificent in former times, and was performed with such
sumptuous riches as could not be enumerated.

It would seem that these lords arranged the ceremony for assuming the
fringe or crown, and they say that Ayar Cachi dressed in the same
manner, on this same hill of Guanacaure. He who was to become Inca was
dressed, on one day, in a black shirt painted with red patterns and no
collar, and on his head a fawn- plait twisted round. And he wore
a long grey mantle, in which dress he came forth from his lodging and
went into the fields to gather a wisp of straw, and he had to stay out
all day doing this, without eating or drinking, for it was his duty to
fast. And the mother and sisters of the former Inca had to remain
spinning with such diligence that, during that one day, they had to spin
and weave four dresses, fasting all the time. One of these dresses
consisted of a grey shirt and white mantle, and another had to be all
white, and the other had to be blue, with cords and trimmings. He who
was to become Inca had to wear these dresses, and to fast for the
appointed time, which is one month, and they call this fast _zaziy_.[79]
It is kept in a lodging of the royal palace, without seeing light or
having connection with a woman. During this time of fasting the ladies
of his lineage have to work very hard to make a great quantity of
_chicha_ with their own hands, making it from maize, and they must be
richly dressed. After the time of fasting is passed, he who was to be
lord came forth, carrying a halberd of gold and silver in his hands, and
he proceeded to the house of some venerable relative, where his hair had
to be shorn. Then, clothed in one of these dresses, he left Cuzco, where
this festival was held, and went to the hill of Guanacaure, and
performed certain ceremonies and sacrifices. He then proceeded to where
the wine was kept, and drank. The Inca then went to a hill called
Anaquar, and from the foot of it he ran, that the people might see
whether he was agile, and would be valiant in war. Presently he came
down, carrying a little wool on the halberd, in token that when he
fought with his enemies, he would bring away their hair and the heads
with it. This done, the Inca returned to the hill of Guanacaure. Here
he and his courtiers gathered straw, and he who was to be Inca had a
very large bundle of it, made of very fine gold of equal lengths. With
this he went to another hill called Yahuira, and there he put on another
of the dresses, and on his head a plait or _llautu_ called
_pillaca_,[80] which is like a crown, underneath which were
ear-ornaments of gold, and on the top a tuft of feathers sewn like a
diadem, which they call _puruchuco_.[81] On the halberd they fastened a
girdle of gold which reached to the ground, and on his breast was placed
a moon of gold. In this dress, and before all who were present, he
killed a sheep, the body and blood being divided among all the principal
people, to be eaten raw. The signification of the ceremony was that if
they were not valiant their enemies would eat them, as they were eating
the sheep that had been killed.

At this place they took a solemn vow, according to their usage, in the
name of the Sun, that they would maintain the order of knighthood, and
would die in defence of Cuzco, if it should be necessary. Next their
ears were opened, and the apertures were so large that they could hold a
geme each one in circumference. This done, they put on the heads of
fierce lions, and returned to the square of Cuzco with great noise. In
the square there was a great chain of gold going all round, and
supported on prongs of gold and silver. Here they danced, and there were
marvellous great festivities, according to their fashion. Those who had
been made knights had on the heads of lions, as a sign that they would
be valiant and fierce. At the end of the dancing the knights remained
armed, and were called Orejones. They had privileges and enjoyed great
dignities, and are worthy, if selected, to assume the crown, which is
the fringe.

When this was given to the lord who was to be sovereign, greater
festivities were held, a vast concourse of people assembled, and he who
is about to be Emperor must first take his own sister for his wife, that
no base lineage may succeed. He also performed the great _zaziy_, which
is the fast. And during the intervals that these ceremonies occupied,
the lord being engaged in the business of sacrifices and fasting, he
could not attend to private or public concerns. It was, therefore, a law
among the Incas that, when the sovereign died, or handed over the crown
or fringe to another, one of the principal nobles was selected, who,
with mature counsel and great authority, might govern the whole empire
of the Incas, as if he were the lord himself, during these days, and he
was allowed to have a guard and to be addressed with reverence.

These ceremonies being completed, and the blessings having been given in
the temple of Curicancha, the Inca received the fringe, which was large
and descended from the _llautu_ that he had on his head, so as to fall
over his eyes, and he was then held and reverenced as the sovereign.

At the festivals were present the principal lords for more than five
leagues round, and there appeared in Cuzco very great store of gold and
silver and precious stones, and rich plumes, all round the long chain of
gold, and the marvellous figure of the Sun. This chain was of such size
that it weighed, according to what the Indians assert for a certainty,
more than four thousand hundred weights of gold. If the Sovereign did
not receive the fringe in Cuzco, they looked upon it as an absurdity
that he should be called Inca, for his possession was not assured. Thus
Atahuallpa is not counted among the kings, although, owing to his great
valour and to his having killed so many people, he was obeyed by many
nations from fear.

Returning to those who were on the hill of Guanacaure, after Ayar Cacha
had spoken of the order that was to be taken for the arming of knights,
the Indians relate that turning to his brother Ayar Manco, he told him
to go on with the two women to the valley he had pointed out, and to
found there the Cuzco, without forgetting to come and perform sacrifices
in that place, as he had commanded. And as soon as he had done speaking,
both he and the other brother were turned into two figures of stone in
the shape of men. This was seen by Ayar Manco, who, taking the women
with him, went to the place where Cuzco now stands and founded a city,
naming himself from that time forward Manco Capac,[82] which means the
rich King and Lord.




CHAPTER VIII.

_How Manco Capac, when he saw that his brothers had been turned into
stones, went to a valley where he met some people, and how he founded
and built the ancient and very rich city of Cuzco, which was the capital
of the whole empire of the Incas._


When Manco Capac had seen what had happened to his brothers, and had
come to the valley where now is the city of Cuzco, the Orejones say that
he raised his eyes to heaven and, with great humility, besought the Sun
that he would favour and aid him in forming the new settlement. Then
turning his eyes towards the hill of Guanacaure he addressed the same
petition to his brother, whom he now held and reverenced as a god. Next
he watched the flight of birds, the signs in the stars, and other omens,
which filled him with confidence, so that he felt certain that the new
settlement would flourish, and that he would be its founder and the
father of all the Incas who would reign there.

In the name of Ticiviracocha, and of the Sun, and of the other Gods, he
laid the foundation of the new city. The original and beginning of it
was a small stone house with a roof of straw that Manco Capac and his
women built, to which they gave the name of Curicancha,[83] meaning the
place of gold. This is the place where afterwards stood that celebrated
and most rich temple of the Sun, and now a monastery of monks of the
order of St. Domingo. It is held for certain that, at the time when
Manco Inca Capac built this house, there were Indians in large numbers
in the district; but as he did them no harm and did not in any wise
molest them, they did not object to his remaining in their land, but
rather rejoiced at his coming. So Manca Capac built the said house, and
it was devoted to the worship of his Gods, and he became a great man and
one who represented high authority.

One of his wives was barren and never had children. By the other he had
three sons and one daughter. The eldest was named Inca[84] Roca Inca and
the daughter Ocllo. The names of the others are not recorded, nor is
more said than that the eldest was married to his sister, and that he
taught them how to make themselves beloved by the people and not hated,
with other important matters. In those days the descendants of Zapana
had made themselves powerful in Hatuncollao, and sought to occupy all
that region by tyranny. But Manco Capac, as the founder of Cuzco, had
married his sons, and brought into his service, by love and good words,
some people who enlarged the house of Curicancha. After he had lived for
many years, he died at a great age, and his obsequies, were sumptuously
performed. Besides that, a figure of him was made, to be reverenced as a
child of the Sun.




CHAPTER IX.

_In which notice is given to the reader of the reason that the Author,
leaving the account of the succession of the kings, prefers to explain
the government of the people, their laws, and customs._


Although I might write the events of the reign of Sinchi Roca Inca, son
of Manco Capac the founder of Cuzco, in this place, it has seemed to me
that there will be confusion further on if the system of the government
of these lords is not explained as one whole. For one ordered one set of
laws, and others others. For example, one introduced the system of
_mitimae_,[85] others the plan of having garrisons of soldiers in fixed
positions for the defence of the kingdom. All these regulations are
important and worthy to be remembered, that the learned statesmen who
regulate the affairs of civilized governments may be informed of them,
and may feel astonished at the knowledge that a barbarous people without
letters should have been found to have had institutions such as we know
that they possessed, both with reference to internal polity and to their
plans of extending their dominion over other nations. Under a monarchy
they obeyed one Lord, who alone was deemed worthy to reign in an empire
which the Incas possessed, extending over more than one thousand two
hundred leagues of coast. In order to avoid the necessity for saying
that some assert that particular institutions were introduced by one
lord, and others by another, on which points many of the native accounts
differ, I will relate, in this place, what I understand and hold for
certain, in conformity with the statements that I took down from their
mouths in the city of Cuzco, which are corroborated by the remains that
they have left, and which are visible to those who have travelled
through Peru.

It should not appear to learned persons that, in adopting this course, I
deviate from the plan of my work; for my aim is to make the matter more
clear and intelligible, as I have declared. I propose to write with
brevity, and not to dwell on minute details, and in the same way I shall
afterwards proceed to narrate the events of the reigns of the Incas, and
their succession, down to the death of Huascar, and the entry of the
Spaniards which brought them to an end. I desire that those who may read
my work, should understand that among all the Incas, the number of which
was eleven, three were most capable of governing their lordships,
insomuch that the Orejones who relate their history do not cease to
praise them. These were Huayna Capac, Tupac Inca Yupanqui his father,
and Inca Yupanqui, father of one and grandfather of the other. It may
also be assumed that, as these monarchs flourished in recent times, the
kingdom must still be full of people who knew Tupac Inca Yupanqui, and
accompanied him in his wars, and that they heard from their fathers what
Inca Yupanqui did during his reign; so that it may be said that the
events took place almost before their eyes. They, therefore, have more
light to throw upon this period, and are well able to relate the events;
although much has been forgotten touching the history of the earlier
reigns. Yet it is certain that they do not lose the memory of events for
many years, although they know not the use of letters, as I have already
observed in the first part of this Chronicle.[86] The use of letters has
not been found either in any part of this kingdom or throughout the
whole of the Indies. With these remarks we will now proceed with the
narrative.




CHAPTER X.

_How the lord, after he had assumed the fringe of sovereignty, was
married to his sister the Coya, which is the name of the queen, and how
it was permitted that he should have many women, although among them all
the Coya alone was the legitimate and principal wife._


In former chapters I have briefly explained how those who were to become
nobles were armed as knights, as well as the nature of the ceremonies
that took place when the Incas were crowned as kings, by taking the
crown, which is the fringe falling as far down as their eyes. And it was
ordained by them that he who became king should take his sister, being
the legitimate daughter of his father and mother, as his wife; in order
that the succession of the kingdom might by that means be confirmed in
the royal house. It appeared to them that by this means, even if such a
woman, being sister of the king, should not be chaste, and should have
intercourse with another man, the son thus born would still be hers, and
not the son of a strange woman. They also considered that if the Inca
married a strange woman, she might do the same and conceive in adultery,
in such a way that, it not being known, the child would be received as a
natural born son of the lord. For these reasons, and because it seemed
desirable to those who ordained the laws, it was a rule among the Incas
that he amongst them all who became emperor should take his sister to
wife. She had the name of _Coya_, which means the Queen, as when the
King of Spain marries any princess, who before had her own name, she is
called Queen so soon as she enters the kingdom, so they called those of
Cuzco _Coya_. If by chance he who became lord had no sister, it was
permitted that he should marry the most illustrious lady there was, and
she was held to be the principal among all his women. For none of these
lords had less than 700 women for the service of their house and for
their pleasure. So that they all had many children by these women, who
were well treated, and respected by the people. When the king was
lodging in his palace or wherever he might be, the women were watched
and guarded by porters and _camayos_,[87] which is the name of the
guards. If any had intercourse with a man she was punished with death,
and the man suffered the same penalty.

The sons whom the lords had by these women, as soon as they were grown
up, received lands and fields, which they call _chácaras_,[88] and they
were given clothes and other necessaries from the government stores for
their use. But it was not thought fit that they should have lordships,
because, in the event of any troubles in the kingdom, it was not desired
that they should be in a position to be looked upon as legitimate sons
of the king. Thus none of them was entrusted with the rule over a
province, although in time of war many were captains and were preferred
to those who were of purer lineage. The legitimate lord who inherited
the kingdom favoured them; but if they joined in any revolt they were
cruelly punished. None of them was allowed to speak to the king, even if
he was a brother, without first putting a light burden on his shoulders
and taking off his shoes, as was the custom with all other subjects.




CHAPTER XI.

_How it was the custom among the Incas that they celebrated in their
songs, and by making statues of those who were valorous and extended the
bounds of the empire, and performed any other deed worthy of memory;
while those who were negligent or cowardly received little notice._


I understood, when I was in Cuzco,[89] that it was the custom among the
kings Incas, that the king, as soon as he died should be mourned for
with much lamentation, and that great sacrifices should be offered up in
accordance with their religion. When these ceremonies were over, the
oldest people of the country discussed the life and acts of the recently
deceased king, considering whether he had done good to the country, and
what battles he had gained over the country’s enemies. Having settled
these questions, and others which we do not entirely understand, they
decided whether the deceased king had been so fortunate as to merit
praise and fame, and to deserve that his memory should for ever be
preserved. They then called for the great _quipos-camayos_[90] who
preserve the records, and understand how to give an account of the
events that occur in the kingdom. Next they communicated with those who
were most expert, and who were selected for their skill in rhetoric and
the use of words. These knew how to narrate the events in regular order,
like ballad singers and romance writers. These compose the songs, so
that they shall be heard by all at marriage ceremonies and other
festivities. Thus they were instructed what to say concerning the
deceased lord, and, if they treated of wars, they sang, in proper order,
of the many battles he had fought in different parts of the empire. And
for other events, there were songs and romances to celebrate them on
suitable occasions, so that the people might be animated by the recital
of what had passed in other times.

Those Indians who, by order of the kings, had learnt the romances, were
honoured and favoured, and great care was taken to teach their sons and
other men in their provinces who were most able and intelligent. By this
plan, from the mouths of one generation the succeeding one was taught,
and they can relate what took place 500 years ago, as if only ten years
had passed.

This was the order that was taken to prevent the great events of the
empire from passing into oblivion. When a king died, if he had been
valiant and a good ruler, without having lost any province inherited
from his father, nor been guilty of mean or paltry actions, it was
permitted and ordained that songs in his honour should be composed, in
which he should be praised in such wise as that all the people should be
astonished to hear of deeds so mighty. These songs were not to be
recited always and in all places; but only on occasions when there was a
great and solemn assembly of people from all parts of the empire, or
when the principal lords met together before the king on special
occasions, or when they held their _taquis_,[91] or drinking bouts.
Then, those who knew the romances, standing before the Inca, sang, with
loud voices, of the mighty deeds of his ancestors. If any of his
predecessors had been negligent, cowardly, or vicious, or preferred
pleasure to the labour of extending the bounds of the empire, it was
ordered that such a king should receive little or no mention. If the
name was preserved, it was merely to complete the line of succession. On
other points there was silence concerning him, and the good and valiant
alone were kept in memory.

The memory of those who were great and good was so venerated that the
successor of such an one sought no inheritance from him, but he
succeeded to the empire alone. It was the law that the riches and the
royal insignia of one who had been King of Cuzco should never pass to
another, and should never be forgotten. With this end, a figure was made
in the resemblance of the deceased king, which was called by his
name.[92] These figures used to be placed in the square of Cuzco on
festivals, and round each figure stood the women and servants of the
dead king, with his food and drink. For the Devil was accustomed to
speak out of these figures. And each figure had its orators, who pleased
the multitude with pleasant speeches. All the treasure which the
deceased lord possessed was left in the care of his servants and
confidential attendants, who brought it out at the festivals, with great
ceremony. Besides this, the servants and attendants had their
_chacaras_, which is their name for fields where they cultivate maize
and other crops, and with these the women and family of the deceased
lord were maintained, although he was dead and gone. No doubt this
custom explains the fact that, in this empire, there was such vast
treasure as we here beheld with our eyes. The Spanish conquerors heard
that when, in discovering the provinces of the kingdom, they entered
Cuzco, the figures of the deceased kings were there. This appears to
have been true, for when Manco Inca Yupanqui, son of Huayna Capac,
desired to assume the fringe, these figures were publicly brought out
into the square of Cuzco, in the sight of all the Spaniards and Indians
who were present on that occasion.

It is true that the Spaniards got possession of a great part of the
treasure; but the remainder is concealed in such wise as that few or
perhaps none know where it is. Of the figures and of their other
wonderful things, there is now no memory except what is preserved in
their songs.[93]




CHAPTER XII.

_How they had chroniclers to record their deeds, and of the QUIPOS, what
they were, and what we see of them._


What I have written respecting the placing of the images in the square
was done by order of the Incas, and some of the most learned of the
people were chosen to make known the lives of those lords in songs, and
the events of their reigns, with the object I have already described.
And it is also to be noted that besides this, it was the custom among
them, and a law much kept and observed, for each king, during his reign
to select three or four old men, known for their intelligence and
ability, who were instructed to retain in their memory all the events
that happened in the provinces, whether they were prosperous, or whether
they were the reverse, and to compose songs to be handed down, so that
the history of the reign might be had in remembrance in after times. But
these songs could not be recited or made public, except in the presence
of the lord, and those who were charged with this duty, during the reign
of the king, were not allowed to say anything which referred to him. But
after his death they spoke to his successor in the empire, almost in
these very words: “Oh! great and powerful Inca, the Sun, the Moon, the
earth, the hills and the trees, the stones, and thine ancestors, may
they all preserve thee from misfortune and make thee prosperous, happy,
and successful over all that are born! Know that the events which
occurred in the days of thy fathers are these.” Then, in the narration,
they stood in great humility, with eyes cast on the ground and hands
lowered. They could well do this, for there were among them some men
with very good memories, sound judgments, and subtle genius, and full of
reasoning power, as we can bear witness, who have heard them even in
these our days.

As soon as the king understood what was related to him, he caused other
aged men to be called, and charged them with the duty of learning the
songs which were handed down from memory, and to prepare others touching
the events which might occur in his own reign. The expenditure and the
account of contributions from the provinces were recorded in the
_quipus_, that it might be known how much was paid in the former reign,
and also during that of the new lord. No one was allowed to treat of
historical events, except only on days of great rejoicing, or on days of
mourning and sadness for the death of some brother or child of the king.
If the histories were recited on other occasions, those who did so were
severely punished.

They had another method of knowing and understanding what had been
received from the contributions in the provinces, what provisions were
stored on the routes that the king would take with his army or when he
was visiting the provinces, how much was in each place of deposit, how
much was delivered out. And this method exceeded in artifice the
_carastes_ used by the Mexicans for their calculations.[94] The system
of the Peruvians was by _quipus_. These were long ropes made of knotted
cords, and those who were accountants and understood the arrangement of
these knots, could, by their means, give an account of the expenditure,
and of other things during a long course of years. On these knots they
counted from one to ten, and from ten to a hundred, and from a hundred
to a thousand. On one of the ropes are the units, on another the tens,
and so on. Each ruler of a province was provided with accountants who
were called _quipucamayos_, and by these knots they kept account of what
tribute was to be paid in the district, with respect to silver, gold,
cloth, flocks, down to fire-wood and other minute details. By the same
_quipus_ they could report to those who were commissioned to take the
account at the end of a year, or of ten or twenty years, with such
accuracy that so much as a pair of _alpargatas_[95] would not be
missing.

I was incredulous respecting this system of counting, and although I
heard it described, I held the greater part of the story to be fabulous.
But when I was at Marcavillca, in the province of Xauxa, I asked the
lord Guacarapora to explain it in such a way as that my mind might be
satisfied, and that I might be assured that it was true and accurate. He
ordered his servants to bring the _quipus_, and as this lord was a
native, and a man of good understanding, he proceeded to make the thing
clear to me. He told me to observe that all that he, for his part, had
delivered to the Spaniards from the time that the Governor Don Francisco
Pizarro arrived in the valley, was duly noted down without any fault or
omission. Thus I saw the accounts for the gold, the silver, the clothes,
the corn, sheep, and other things; so that in truth I was quite
astonished.

There is another thing that should be known, for I take it to be very
certain. The long wars, cruelties, robberies, and tyrannical treatment
which these people have suffered from the Spaniards would have led to
their complete destruction, if it had not been for the excellent order
and concert of their regulations. But they, having been trained in the
intelligent system of accounts which was established by their wise
princes, made an agreement among themselves that if an army of Spaniards
passed through any of the provinces, and did such damage as would be
caused by the destruction of growing crops, sacking of houses, and other
mischief of still worse kinds, all the accountants should make the best
provision possible in the districts through which our people passed, in
order that all might not be devastated. So it was arranged, and as soon
as the Spaniards were gone, the chiefs assembled, the _quipus_ were
examined and checked, and if one province had lost more than another,
that which had suffered less made up the difference: so that the burden
was shared equally by all.

To this day these accounts are kept in each valley, and there are always
as many accountants as there are lords, and every four months the
accounts are made up and balanced. Through their former orderly
government they have been able to endure such great oppression, and if
God should be served by all ending with the good treatment that the
people now receive, and with the decent order and justice that has been
introduced, this kingdom might again be, to some extent, what it once
was. But I believe that such a result will come tardily or never.

It is true that I have seen towns, and towns of considerable size, and
after Christian Spaniards have passed through but one single time, they
are left in such a state as to appear as if a fire had consumed them.
And where the people were not so well trained, they did not help each
other, and afterwards perished from pestilence and famine. For among
some of them there is little charity, and each one is lord of his house
and does not wish to take account of others. But this systematic order
in Peru was due to the lords who commanded, and knew how to arrange all
things as we see in those matters which have been described. And with
this I will pass onwards.




CHAPTER XIII.

_How the Lords of Peru were beloved on the one hand, and feared on the
other, by all their subjects; and how no one, even a great lord of very
ancient lineage, could come into the presence, except with a burden, in
token of great obedience._


It should be well understood that great prudence was needed to enable
these kings to govern such large provinces, extending over so vast a
region, parts of it rugged and covered with forests, parts mountainous,
with snowy peaks and ridges, parts consisting of deserts of sand, dry
and without trees or water. These regions were inhabited by many
different nations, with varying languages, laws, and religions, and the
kings had to maintain tranquillity and to rule so that all should live
in peace and in friendship towards their lord. Although the city of
Cuzco was the head of the empire, as we have remarked in many places,
yet at certain points, as we shall also explain, the king stationed his
delegates and governors, who were the most learned, the ablest, and the
bravest men that could be found, and none was so youthful that he was
not already in the last third part of his age. As they were faithful and
none betrayed their trusts, and as they had the _mitimaes_[96] on their
side, none of the natives, though they might be more powerful, attempted
to rise in rebellion; or if such a thing ever did take place, the town
where the revolt broke out was punished, and the ringleaders were sent
prisoners to Cuzco.

Thus the kings were so feared that, when they travelled over the
provinces, and permitted a piece of the cloth to be raised which hung
round their litter, so as to allow their vassals to behold them, there
was such an outcry that the birds fell from the upper air where they
were flying, insomuch that they could be caught in men’s hands. All men
so feared the king, that they did not dare to speak evil even of his
shadow. And this was not all. If any of the king’s captains or servants
went forth to visit a distant part of the empire on some business, the
people came out on the road with presents to receive them, not daring,
even if one came alone, to omit to comply with all his commands.

So great was the veneration that the people felt for their princes,
throughout this vast region, that every district was as well regulated
and governed as if the lord was actually present to chastise those who
acted contrary to his rules. This fear arose from the known valour of
the lords and their strict justice. It was felt to be certain that those
who did evil would receive punishment without fail, and that neither
prayers nor bribes would avert it. At the same time, the Incas always
did good to those who were under their sway, and would not allow them to
be ill-treated, nor that too much tribute should be exacted from them.
Many who dwelt in a sterile country where they and their ancestors had
lived with difficulty, found that through the orders of the Ynca their
lands were made fertile and abundant, the things being supplied which
before were wanting. In other districts, where there was scarcity of
clothing, owing to the people having no flocks, orders were given that
cloth should be abundantly provided. In short, it will be understood
that as these lords knew how to enforce service and the payment of
tribute, so they provided for the maintenance of the people, and took
care that they should want for nothing. Through these good works, and
because the lord always gave women and rich gifts to his principal
vassals, he gained so much on their affections that he was most fondly
loved. I remember having seen old Indians with my own eyes, when I was
in sight of Cuzco, who gazed at the city and raised a great shout,
followed by tears of sorrow at the contemplation of the present state
of things, and the thought of what was passed, when for so many years
they had lords in that city, of their own people, who knew how to
receive their service and friendship after another fashion than that of
the Spaniards.

It was a custom and inviolable law among these lords of Cuzco, for their
grandeur and in recognition of the royal dignity, that when the king was
in his palace, or travelling, either with his army or without it, no
one, even if he should be the greatest and most powerful among the lords
of the empire, could speak to him or enter into his presence without
first removing his shoes, which they call _oxotas_,[97] and placing on
his shoulders a burden, with which to appear in the presence of the
lord. In the presence, no account was taken whether a man was great or
humble; but only that he should understand the recognition he was bound
to show to his lord. Having entered, he turned his back in the presence
of the lord, having first made the reverence, which they call
_mocha_;[98] and then he said what he had to say, or heard the command
he was to receive. This done, if he remained some days at court, or was
a person of importance, he did not again enter the presence with a load.
For it was always those who arrived first from the provinces, by
invitation or on other duty, who performed this ceremony on entering the
presence of the lord.




CHAPTER XIV.

_How the riches possessed by the Kings were very great, and how the sons
of the lord were ordered always to be in attendance at court._


The great wealth that we have seen in these parts enables us to believe
what is said of the riches possessed by the Incas. For I believe what I
have already affirmed several times, that there is no other country in
the world so rich in metals. Every day they are discovering great veins
both of gold and silver. They also collected gold in the rivers in many
parts of the provinces, and obtained silver from the mountains, and all
was for one king. So that he must have possessed very great riches. I am
not, therefore, astonished at these things, nor even if the whole city
of Cuzco and its temples had been built of pure gold. That which brings
necessity upon princes, and prevents them from accumulating riches, is
war. We have a clear example of this in the expenditure of the Emperor
from the year in which he was crowned to the present time. For, having
received more silver and gold than the Kings of Spain ever had, from the
king Don Rodrigo to himself, none of them were in such necessity as His
Majesty. Yet if he had no wars, and his residence was in Spain, in
truth, what with his dues and with the treasure from the Indies, all
Spain would be as full of riches as Peru was in the time of its kings.

I make the comparison because all the treasure of the Incas was expended
in no other thing than in personal array and ornaments for the temples,
and for the service of the houses and lodgings. In war time the
provinces supplied all the men, arms, and provisions that were
necessary; and if they gave some payment of gold to some one of the
_mitimaes_ during war, it was little more than had been extracted from
the mines in one day. As the gold and silver was highly valued and much
esteemed by them, they ordered it to be procured in great quantity, from
many parts of the empire, in the manner and with the order that I will
explain presently.

Such vast sums were collected because the son was obliged to leave all
the wealth of the father with his image as a memorial, which had been
amassed during many years. For all the service of the king’s house,
including the vases for his use and the kitchen utensils, were of gold
and silver. These treasures were not collected in one place, but were
scattered, especially at the chief places in the provinces, where there
were many workers in silver who made these things for the king’s
service. In the palaces and royal lodgings there were plates and sheets
of these metals, and the royal clothes were enriched with silver work,
torquoises, emeralds, and other stones of great value. For the women
they had still greater riches to ornament their persons and for their
service; and their litters were encrusted with gold and silver. Besides
this, there were vast quantities of gold in ingots, and of silver;
besides many _taquiras_,[99] or beads, some very small, and other
ornaments for their _taquis_[100] and drinking-bouts. For their
sacrifices they also had great store of treasure. As they also had the
foolish practice of burying treasure with the dead, it is incredible the
quantity that was interred at the obsequies of a great king. In short,
the drums and musical instruments and arms for royal use were of the
precious metals. Moreover, to add to the grandeur of their capital, a
law was made that neither gold nor silver that once entered Cuzco should
ever leave it again, on pain of death to be inflicted on the
transgressor. Owing to this law, the quantity that entered being great,
while none went out, there was such store that if when the Spaniards
entered they had not committed other tricks, and had not so soon
executed their cruelty in putting Atahuallpa to death, I know not how
many great ships would have been required to bring such treasure to
Spain as is now lost in the bowels of the earth, and will remain so,
because those who buried it are now dead.

As these Incas required so much, they ordered further that some sons of
the lords of the provinces throughout the empire should reside at court
all the year round, that they might understand the ceremonials and
behold the great majesty of the sovereign, and they were assured that,
as they obeyed and served, so they would inherit their lordships and
_curaca_-ships;[101] and when those of one province departed, those of
another arrived. Thus the court was always well attended, for besides
these, it was never without many knights of the _Orejones_ and aged
councillors, with whom to consult touching what had to be provided and
ordained.




CHAPTER XV.

_How they built the edifices for the Lords, and the royal road along
which to travel over the kingdom._


One of the things which I admired most, in contemplating and noting down
the affairs of this kingdom, was to think how and in what manner they
can have made such grand and admirable roads as we now see, and what a
number of men would suffice for their construction, and with what tools
and instruments they can have levelled the mountains and broken through
the rocks to make them so broad and good as they are. For it seems to me
that if the Emperor should desire to give orders for another royal road
to be made, like that which goes from Quito to Cuzco, or the other from
Cuzco to go to Chile, with all his power I believe that he could not get
it done; nor could any force of men achieve such results unless there
was also the perfect order by means of which the commands of the Incas
were carried into execution. For if the road to be made was fifty
leagues long, or one hundred or two hundred, and though the ground was
of the most rugged character, it would be done with diligent care. But
their roads were much longer, some of them extending for over one
thousand one hundred leagues along such dizzy and frightful abysses
that, looking down, the sight failed one. In some places, to secure the
regular width, it was necessary to hew a path out of the living rock;
all which was done with fire and their picks. In other places the
ascents were so steep and high that steps had to be cut from below to
enable the ascent to be made, with wider spaces at intervals for
resting-places. In other parts there were great heaps of snow, which
were more to be feared, and not at one spot only, but often recurring.
Where these snows obstructed the way, and where there were forests of
trees and loose clods of earth, the road was levelled and paved with
stones when necessary.

Those who read this book, and have been in Peru, will remember the road
which goes from Lima to Xauxa by the rugged mountains of Huarochiri and
the snowy heights of Pariacaca, and will understand if they have heard
or seen more than I write. Besides this, they will remember the path
which descends to the river Apurimac, and how the road passes along the
mountains of Paltas, Caxas, and Ayancas, and other parts of this kingdom
where it is fifteen feet wide, a little more or less; and in time of the
kings it was kept clean, so that there was neither a loose stone nor a
growing weed on it, for it was always kept in good order. In the
inhabited parts, near the towns, there were great palaces and lodgings
for the soldiers. In the snowy wildernesses and plains, shelter-houses
were built, where travellers could take refuge from the cold and rain.
In many places, as in the Collao and other parts, there were
distance-marks like the heaps in Europe which indicate boundaries,
except that those in Peru are larger and better made. They called them
_topos_,[102] and the distance between them is a Castillian league and a
half.

The manner of making these roads and their grandeur being understood, I
will explain the ease with which they were constructed by the natives,
without increasing the death-rate, or causing excessive labour. When any
king determined to have any of these famous roads made, much preparation
was not necessary, but it was merely needful that the king should give
the order. For then the overseers went over the ground to make a trace,
and the Indians received instructions to construct the road from among
the inhabitants who were on either side. One province completed the
section within its limits, and when it reached the boundary it was
presently taken up by the next: and if it was urgent, they all worked at
one time. When they reached the uninhabited parts, the Indians of the
nearest inhabited districts brought provisions and tools, in such wise
that, with much rejoicing and little fatigue, it was finished. For there
was no apprehension, and the Yncas or their servants interfered in
nothing.

They also made great paved causeways of excellent construction, such as
that which passes by the valley of Xaquixaguana, leading from the city
of Cuzco to Muhina. There were many of these royal roads, both in the
mountains and along the coast. Among them all there are four which are
considered most important. They are those starting from the central
square of the city of Cuzco, as from a cross-road, to the provinces of
the kingdom, as I have mentioned in the First Part of this Chronicle,
where I treat of the founding of Cuzco.[103] The lords were so
respected, that when they travelled on these roads, the attendant guards
went by one, and rest of the retinue by another. Their grandeur was so
considered that, one being dead, the son, on occasion of a long journey,
caused a road to be made for himself, larger and wider than that of his
predecessor. This was when such a king set out on some conquest, or to
achieve something worthy of memory, that it might be said that the road
prepared for him was larger than any made before. This is clearly the
case, for I have seen three or four roads near Vilcas, and I even lost
my way on one, believing that I was on the one which is now in use.
These roads are called, one the road of the Ynca Yupanqui, another that
of Tupac Ynca; and that which is now used, and always will be hereafter,
is that of Huayna Ccapac, reaching to the river Ancasmayu in the north,
and to the south far beyond what we now call Chile; so long, indeed,
that from one end to the other the distance is over one thousand two
hundred leagues.




CHAPTER XVI.

_How and in what manner they made the royal hunts for the Lords of
Peru._


In the First Part[104] I related how, in this kingdom of Peru, there was
a very great quantity of flocks, both wild and tame, of _urcos_[105]
sheep, _pacos_, _vicuñas_, and _llamas_, and excellent pastures in all
parts, so that they could be well maintained. Although they were so
numerous, it was forbidden by the kings, on pain of severe punishment,
to kill females, and if the rule was broken, punishment followed, so
that they were never eaten. They multiplied so that the number when the
Spaniards arrived in the country is incredible. The principal reason for
this order was to ensure the growth of sufficient wool to make clothing;
for in many parts, if the flocks were wanting, I certainly do not know
how the people could preserve themselves against the cold, if they had
not any wool wherewith to make clothes. But by this arrangement there
were many store-houses in all parts, where they kept the clothing, as
well for the soldiers as for the rest of the people, and most of this
cloth was made of the wool of guanacos and vicuñas.

When the lord desired to enjoy a royal hunt, it is noteworthy how many
animals were taken and killed; as many as thirty thousand head. Tents
were pitched in a position selected by the lord, on such occasions as he
was pleased to amuse himself with the chase. For, on the high parts of
the mountains, in whatever place was chosen, there were sure to be
flocks in such quantities as we have stated. Having assembled fifty
thousand or sixty thousand people, they surrounded the plains and broken
ground in such sort that they gradually approached each other, at the
same time descending from the steeper heights to the more level plains,
and making the country resound with the noise of their voices. Gradually
they approached each other, until they formed a ring with hands joined,
and in the enclosed space bounded by their bodies the flocks were
detained and secured. The lord was so placed as to witness the
slaughter. Then certain Indians entered the enclosure armed with
_ayllos_,[106] which are used to secure the legs, and others with sticks
and clubs, and began to seize and kill. Among the great quantity of
captured animals there were many guanacos, which are rather larger than
small donkeys, with long necks like camels. They tried to escape by
spitting into the faces of the men and rushing about with great leaps.
They say that it was a marvellous thing to hear the noise made by the
Indians in catching them, and to see the efforts made by the animals to
escape in all directions. If the king wished to kill any of the chase
without entering into the tumult, it was arranged in any way he pleased.

Many days were passed in these hunts, and a multitude of animals was
killed. Then the overseers ordered the wool to be taken to the
store-houses, and to the temples of the Sun, where the _mamaconas_ were
expert in making very fine cloth for the lords, the fineness being such
that it appeared to be of silk, and of various colors. The flesh of the
slaughtered animals was eaten by those who were present with the king,
and some of it was dried in the sun,[107] to be kept in the storehouses,
as provisions for soldiers on the march. All these animals, it must be
understood, were in wild flocks and not domesticated. They also took
many deer and _biscachas_,[108] as well as foxes, and some bears and
small lions.




CHAPTER XVII.

_Which treats of the order maintained by the Incas, and how in many
places they made the waste places fertile, by the arrangements they made
for that purpose._


One of the things for which one feels envious of these lords is their
knowledge of the way to conquer the wild lands and to bring them, by
good management, into the condition in which they were found by the
Spaniards when they discovered this new kingdom. I often remember, when
in some wild and barren province outside these kingdoms, hearing the
Spaniards themselves say, “I am certain that if the Incas had been here
the state of things would be different.” So that the advantage they were
to us was well known. For under their rule the people lived and
multiplied, and barren lands were made fertile and abundant, in such
manner and by such admirable means as I will describe.

They always arranged matters, in the commencement of their negotiations,
so that things should be pleasantly and not harshly ordered. Afterwards,
some Incas inflicted severe punishments in many parts; but formerly, it
is asserted on all sides, that they induced people to submit by great
benevolence and friendliness. They marched from Cuzco with their army
and warlike materials, until they were near the region they intended to
conquer. Then they collected very complete information touching the
power of the enemy, and whence help was likely to reach them, and by
what road. This being known, the most effective steps were taken to
prevent the succour from arriving, either by large bribes given to the
allies, or by forcible resistance. At the same time forts were ordered
to be constructed on heights or ridges, consisting of circles with high
walls, one inside the other and each with a door. Thus if the outer one
was lost, the defenders could retire into the next, and the next, until
refuge was taken in the highest. They sent chosen men to examine the
land, to see the roads, and learn by what means they were defended, as
well as the places whence the enemy received supplies. When the road
that should be taken and the necessary measures were decided upon, the
Inca sent special messengers to the enemy to say that he desired to have
them as allies and relations, so that, with joyful hearts and willing
minds they ought to come forth to receive him in their province, and
give him obedience as in the other provinces; and that they might do
this of their own accord he sent presents to the native chiefs.

By this wise policy he entered into the possession of many lands without
war. In that case, he gave orders to his soldiers that they should do no
harm or injury, nor commit any robbery or act of violence; and if there
were not sufficient provisions in the province, he ordered that it
should be sent from other parts. For he desired that his sway should not
appear heavy to those who had newly come under it, so as to know and
hate him at the same time. If any newly conquered province had no
flocks, he ordered that so many thousand heads should be sent there, to
be well looked after, so as to multiply and supply wool to clothe the
people; and none were to be killed for eating until the lapse of a
certain number of years. If, on the other hand, they had flocks, but
needed some other thing, a similar course was pursued to supply the
want. If the people lived in caves or thickets, they were led, by kind
words, to build houses and towns on the more level parts of the
mountains; and when they were ignorant as regards the tilling of their
land, they were instructed, and the method of making channels to
irrigate their fields was taught to them.

In all things the system was so well regulated that when one of the
Incas entered into a new province by friendly agreement, in a very short
time it looked like another place, the natives yielding obedience and
consenting that the royal governors and _mitimaes_[109] should remain
with them. In many others, which were conquered by force of arms, the
order was that little harm should be done to the property and houses of
the vanquished; for the lord said, “These will soon be our people, as
much as the others.” For this reason the war was made with as little
injury as possible, although great battles were often fought, where the
inhabitants desired to retain their ancient liberty and their religion
and customs, and not to adopt new ways. But during such wars the Incas
always had the mastery, and when the enemies were vanquished, they were
not destroyed; on the contrary, orders were given to release the
captives and restore the spoils, and allow them to retain their estates.
For the Inca desired to show them that they should not be so mad as to
revolt against his royal person and reject his friendship; rather they
should wish to be his friends, as were those in the other provinces. In
saying this to them, he gave them beautiful women, pieces of rich cloth,
and some gold.

With these gifts and kind words, he secured the goodwill of all, in such
sort that those who had fled into the wildernesses returned, without
fear, to their houses, and all cast aside their weapons; while those who
saw the Inca most frequently, looked upon themselves as most fortunate.

All were ordered to worship the Sun as their god. Their own customs and
religious usages were not prohibited, but they were enjoined to conform
to the laws and customs that were in force at Cuzco, and all were
required to use the general language of the empire.

Having established a governor, with garrisons of soldiers, the army then
advanced, and if the new provinces were large, it was presently ordered
that a temple of the Sun should be built, and women collected for its
service, and that a palace should be erected for the lord. Tribute was
collected, care being taken that too much was not exacted, and that no
injustice was done in anything; but that the new subjects were made
acquainted with the imperial policy, with the art of building, of
clothing themselves, and of living together in towns. And if they needed
anything, care was taken to supply it, and to teach them how to sow and
to cultivate their lands. So thoroughly was this policy carried into
effect, that we know of many places where there were no flocks
originally, but where there has been abundance since they were
subjugated by the Incas; and others where formerly there was no maize,
but where now they have large crops. In many provinces they went about
like savages, badly clothed, and barefooted, until they came under the
sway of the Incas; and from that time they have worn shirts and mantles,
both men and women, so that they always hold the change in their
memories. In the Collao, and in other parts, the lord gave orders that
_mitimaes_ should go to the mountains of the Andes[110] to sow maize and
coca, fruits and edible roots, for each town the quantity that was
required. These colonists, with their wives, always lived in the places
where the crops were sown and harvested, and the produce was brought
from those parts, so that the want of it was never felt. And no town,
however small, was without these _mitimaes_ in the valleys. Further on
we shall treat of the lot of these _mitimaes_, and what they did, as
well as how they fared.




CHAPTER XVIII.

_Which treats of the order they adopted in the payments of tribute by
the provinces to the Kings, and of the system by which the tribute was
regulated._


As in the last chapter I wrote of the method adopted by the Incas in
their conquests, it will be well in this one to relate how they levied
tribute from so many nations. It is a thing very well understood that
there was no village, either in the mountains or in the valleys of the
coast, which did not pay such tribute as was imposed by those who were
in charge. It is said that when, in one province, the people represented
that they had nothing wherewith to pay the tribute, the king ordered
that each inhabitant should be obliged, every four months, to give a
rather large cane full of live lice, which was a sign of the care taken
by the Inca to make every subject contribute something. Thus we know
that they paid their tribute of lice until such time as, having been
supplied with flocks, they had been industrious enough to multiply them,
and to make cloth wherewith to pay more suitable tribute in the time to
come.

The system which the Orejones of Cuzco and the other native lords of the
land say that the Incas adopted in imposing tribute was as follows: He
who reigned in Cuzco, sent some of his principal officers to visit the
empire, one by each of the four royal roads of which I have already
written.[111] One was called Chincha Suyo, which included all the
provinces as far as Quito, with all the valleys of Chincha towards the
north. The second was Conde Suyo, which includes the provinces on the
sea coast, and many in the mountains. The third was called Colla Suyo,
including all the provinces to the south as far as Chile. The last road
led to Ande Suyo, which included the lands covered with forests at the
foot of mountains of the Andes.[112]

So it was that when the lord desired to know what tribute would be due
from all the provinces between Cuzco and Chile, along a road of such
great length, as I have often explained, he ordered faithful persons
whom he could trust, to go from village to village, examining the
condition of the people and their capacity for payment. They also took
note of the productiveness of the land, the quantity of flocks, the
yield of metals, and of other things which they required and valued.
Having performed this service with great diligence they returned to the
lord to submit their reports. He then ordered a general assembly of the
principal persons of the kingdom to meet. The lords of the provinces
which had to pay the tribute being present, he addressed them lovingly,
saying that as they received him as their sole lord and monarch of so
many and such vast districts, they should take it in good part, without
feeling it burdensome, to give the tribute that was due to the royal
person, who would take care that it was moderate, and so light that they
could easily pay it. Having been answered in conformity with his wishes,
the lords of provinces returned to their homes, accompanied by certain
Orejones who fixed the tribute. In some parts it was higher than is paid
to the Spaniards at present. But, seeing that the system of the Incas
was so perfect, the people did not feel the burden, rather increasing
and multiplying in numbers and well being. On the other hand, the
disorder introduced by the Spaniards, and their extreme covetousness,
have caused the prosperity of the country to decrease in such sort that
a great part of the population has disappeared. Their greed and avarice
will destroy the remainder, unless the mercy of God should grant a
remedy by causing the wars to cease. Those wars have certainly been
permitted as a just scourge. The country can only be saved by the
taxation being fixed by moderate rules, so that the Indians may enjoy
liberty and be masters of their own persons and estates, without other
duty than the payment by each village of what has been fixed by rule. I
shall treat of this subject a little more fully further on.

When the officers sent by the Incas made their inspection, they entered
a province and ascertained, by means of the _quipus_, the number of men
and women, of old and young. Then they took account of the mines of gold
and silver, and, with so many thousand Indians at work, the quantity
that should be extracted was fixed. An order was given that such
quantity should be delivered to the overseers. As those who were
employed to work at the extraction of silver could not attend to the
cultivation of their fields, the Inca imposed the duty upon the
neighbouring province to find labour for the sowing and reaping of the
crops of the miners. If the mining province was large, its own
inhabitants were able both to carry on the mining works and to cultivate
the ground. In case one of the miners fell ill, it was arranged that he
should return to his home, and that another should take his place. No
one was employed in the mines who was not married, because the wives had
to supply their food and liquor; besides which, arrangements were made
to send sufficient provisions to the mines. In this manner, although men
might be at the mines all their lives, they were not overworked.
Besides, there was provision to rest for certain days in each month, for
their festivals and for pleasure. But in fact the same Indians did not
always remain at the mines; for there were periodical reliefs.

The Incas so arranged the mining industry, that they extracted great
abundance of gold and silver throughout the empire, and there must have
been years when more than fifty thousand _arrobas_ of silver and fifteen
thousand of gold were produced. It was always used for the royal
service. The metal was brought to the principal place of the province,
and in the manner that the mines were worked in one district in the same
way were they ordered in all the others throughout the empire. If there
were provinces where no metal could be extracted as a tribute, the
people paid taxes in smaller things, and in women and boys, who were
taken from the villages without causing any discontent. For if a man had
an only child it was not taken, but if he had three or four children,
one was required in payment of his dues.

Other provinces made their contributions in the form of so many thousand
loads of maize, at each harvest. Others provided, on the same scale, a
certain number of loads of dried _chuñus_,[113] in the same way as the
maize, and others again paid in _quinua_,[114] or other products. In
other provinces the tribute consisted of so many cloth mantles, and in
others of shirts, according to the number of inhabitants. Another form
of tribute was the supply of so many thousand loads of lances, another
of slings and _ayllos_, and all other kinds of weapons that they used.
Other provinces were required to send so many thousand labourers to
Cuzco, to be employed on the public edifices of the city and of the
kings, with supplies of their needful provisions. Other provinces
contributed cables to move the great stones, while others paid tribute
in coca. The system was so arranged that all the provinces of Peru paid
something to the Incas in tribute, from the smallest to the most
important. Such perfect regularity was maintained that while the people
did not fail to provide what was required, those who made the
collections never took even a grain of maize too much. All the provision
and warlike stores that were contributed, were served out to the
soldiers, or supplied to the garrisons which were formed in different
parts, for the defence of the empire.

When there was no war, a large proportion was eaten and used by the
poor; for when the kings were at Cuzco they were served by the
_anaconas_,[115] which is the name for perpetual servants who sufficed
to till the royal fields, and do service in the palaces. Besides which,
there was always brought for the royal table, from the provinces, many
lambs and birds, fish, maize, coca, edible roots, and all kinds of
fruits.

Such order was maintained in the tribute paid by the Indians that the
Incas became very powerful, and never entered upon any war which did not
extend their dominions.

To understand how, and in what manner, the tributes were paid, and the
other taxes were collected, it must be known that in each _huata_,[116]
which is the name for a year, certain Orejones were sent as judges, but
only with powers to inspect the provinces, and give notice to the
inhabitants that if any felt aggrieved he was to state his complaints,
in order that the officer who had done him the injury might be punished.
Having received the complaints, and also ascertained whether any tribute
had not been paid, the judges returned to Cuzco; whence others set out
with power to inflict punishment on those who were in fault. Besides
this, it was the rule that, from time to time, the principal men of the
provinces should be permitted to appear before the lord, and report upon
the condition of the provinces, on their needs, and on the incidence of
taxation. Their representations then received attention, the Lords Incas
being certain that they did not lie, but spoke the truth; for any deceit
was severely punished, and in that case the tribute was increased. The
women contributed by the provinces were divided between the service of
the kings, and that of the temples of the Sun.




CHAPTER XIX.

_How the Kings of Cuzco ordered that every year an account should be
taken of all persons who died and were born throughout their dominions,
also how all men worked, and how none could be poor by reason of the
storehouses._


The Orejones who gave me information at Cuzco concurred in saying that
formerly, in the time of the Kings Incas, orders were given throughout
all the towns and provinces of Peru, that the principal lords and their
lieutenants should take note, each year, of the men and women who had
died, and also of the births. For as well for the assessment of tribute,
as for calculating the number of men that could be called upon to serve
as soldiers, and for the defence of the villages, such information was
needed. This was easily done, because each province, at the end of the
year, was ordered to set down in the _quipus_, by means of the knots,
all the men who had died in it during the year, as well as all who were
born. In the beginning of the following year, the _quipus_ were taken to
Cuzco, where an account was made of the births and deaths throughout the
empire. These returns were prepared with great care and accuracy, and
without any fraud or deceit. When the returns had been made up, the lord
and his officers knew what people were poor, the number of widows,
whether they were able to pay tribute, how many men could be taken for
soldiers, and many other facts which were considered, among these
people, to be of great importance.

As this empire was of such vast extent, a fact which I have frequently
pointed out in many parts of this work, and as in each province there
were a great number of storehouses for provisions and other necessaries
for a campaign, and for the equipment of soldiers, if there was a war
these great resources were used where the camps were formed, without
touching the supplies of allies, or drawing upon the stores of different
villages. If there was no war, all the great store of provisions was
divided amongst the poor and the widows. The poor consisted of those who
were too old to work, or who were maimed, lame, or infirm; but those who
were well and able to work received nothing. Then the storehouses were
again filled from the obligatory tributes; and if, by chance, there came
a year of great sterility, the storehouses were, in like manner, ordered
to be opened, and the necessary provisions were given out to the
suffering provinces. But as soon as a year of plenty came, the
deficiencies so caused were made up. Although the tributes given to the
Incas did not serve for other purposes than the above, yet they were
well expended, and the kingdom was well supplied and cared for.

It was not permitted that any should be idle, or should profit by the
labour of others, all being commanded to work. Each lord, on certain
days, went to his farm, took the plough in his hand and made a furrow,
besides working at other things. Even the Incas themselves did so, to
give a good example to others; for they intended it to be understood
that there must not be any one so rich that, on account of his riches,
he could affront the poor: and by this system, there was no one in the
whole land, being in good health, who did not work. The infirm were fed
and clothed from the storehouses. No rich man was allowed to wear more
ornaments than the poor, nor to make any difference in his dress, except
the lords and the _Curacas_. These, as well as the Orejones, to maintain
their dignity, could use great freedom in this respect, and they were
made much of, among all the nations.




CHAPTER XX.

_How Governors were appointed to the provinces, and of the manner in
which the Kings visited their dominions, and how they bore, for their
arms, certain waving serpents with sticks._


It is well known that the lords of this kingdom had their lieutenants or
representatives in the principal places, in the time of their sovereign
power; such as Vilcas,[117] Xauxa,[118] Bombon,[119] Caxamalca,[120]
Guancabamba,[121] Tomebamba,[122] Latacunga,[123] Quito, Coranqui,[124]
and on the other side of Cuzco towards the south, in Hatuncana,
Hatuncolla,[125] Ayavire,[126] Chuquiabo,[127] Chucuito,[128]
Paria,[129] and others as far as Chile.

In these places there were larger houses and more resources than in many
of the other towns of this great empire, so that they were the central
positions or capitals of the provinces; for the tribute was brought into
these centres from certain distant places at so many leagues distance to
one, and at so many to another. The rules were so clear that every
village knew to which centre it had to send its tribute. In all these
capitals the kings had temples of the Sun, and houses with great store
of plate, with people whose only duty it was to work at making rich
pieces of gold and great vases of silver. There were also many soldiers
as a garrison, and also a principal agent or lieutenant who was over
all, and to whom an account had to be rendered of all that came in,
while he was expected to keep the account of all expenditure. These
governors were not allowed to interfere in the administration of any
neighbouring province; but within his own jurisdiction, if there was any
disturbance or uproar, he had the power of inflicting punishment, much
more if there was any treasonable movement or rebellion of one denying
allegiance to the king. For it is certain that full powers were
entrusted to these governors.[130]

If the Incas did not make these appointments and establish colonists,
the natives would often rise and assume the royal power for one of
themselves. But with so many soldiers, and such resources, it was not
easy to set any treason or insurrection on foot. For the governors had
the full confidence of their sovereign and all were Orejones, generally
with _chacaras_ or estates in the Cuzco district, with their houses and
families. If one proved to be incompetent as a ruler with an important
charge, another was presently appointed in his place.

If the governors, at certain times, came to Cuzco on private business or
to consult with the king, they left lieutenants in their place, not men
selected by favour, but those who knew their duties and would perform
them with greatest fidelity, and with most care for the service of the
Incas. If one of the governors or lieutenants died at his post, the
natives quickly sent a report of the cause of the death, with proofs, to
the lord; and even the bodies of the dead were sent by the post road
when it was considered desirable.

The tribute which was paid to the central station by the natives, as
well gold and silver as weapons, clothes and all other things, was
delivered to the _camayos_ who had charge of the _quipos_, that an
account might be taken. These officers kept the records with reference
to the issue of stores to the armies, or to others, respecting whom they
might receive orders, or to be sent to Cuzco. When overseers came from
the city of Cuzco to examine the accounts, or the officers went there to
submit their _quipus_ for inspection, it was necessary that there should
be no mistake, but that the accounts should be balanced. And few years
were allowed to pass without these examinations of the accounts being
made.

These governors had full authority to assemble soldiers and organize an
army if any disturbance or rising should make it necessary to meet a
sudden emergency, either to put down an insurrection or to oppose an
invasion. The governors were honoured and favored by the lords, and many
of them continued in perpetual command in the provinces when the
Spaniards came. I know some of them who are now in office, and the sons
of others who have inherited their posts.

When the Incas visited the provinces of their empire in time of peace,
they travelled in great majesty, seated in rich litters fitted with
loose poles of excellent wood, long and enriched with gold and silver
work. Over the litter there were two high arches of gold set with
precious stones, and long mantles fell round all sides of the litter so
as to cover it completely. If the inmate did not wish to be seen, the
mantles remained down, but they were raised when he got in or came out.
In order that he might see the road, and have fresh air, holes were made
in the curtains. Over all parts of these mantles or curtains there was
rich ornamentation. On some were embroidered the sun and the moon, on
others great curving serpents, and what appeared to be sticks passing
across them. These were borne as insignia or arms. The litters were
raised on the shoulders of the greatest and most important lords of the
kingdom, and he who was employed most frequently on this duty, was held
to be most honoured and in highest favour.

Round the litter marched the king’s guard with the archers and
halberdiers, and in front went five thousand slingers, while in rear
there were lancers with their captains. On the flanks of the road, and
on the road itself, there were faithful runners who kept a lookout and
announced the approach of the lord. So many people came out to see him
pass, that the hill sides were covered, and they all blessed their
sovereign, raising a great cry and shouting their accustomed saying,
which was:--“_Ancha hatun apu intip churi, canqui zapalla, apu tucuy
pacha ccampa uyay sullull._”[131] This means, “Very great and powerful
lord, son of the Sun, thou only art lord, all the world hears thee in
truth.” Besides this they said other things in a loud voice, insomuch
that they went little short of worshipping their king as a god.

Along the whole road Indians went in front, cleaning it in such a way
that neither weed nor loose stone could be seen, but all was made smooth
and clean. The Inca travelled as far as he chose each day, but generally
about four leagues. He stopped at certain places where he could examine
into the state of the country; hearing cheerfully those who came with
complaints, punishing those who had been unjust, and doing justice to
those who had suffered. Those who came with him, did not demand
anything, neither did they go a single pace off the road. The natives
supplied what was necessary, besides which there was more than enough of
all provisions in the storehouses, so that nothing was wanting. By the
way, many men and women and lads came to do personal service if it was
needed. The lords were thus carried from one village to another, where
they were taken up by those of the next village, and as it was only one
day, or at most two, they did not feel this service to be any hardship.
Travelling in this way, the lord went over his dominions for as long a
time as pleased him, seeing what was going on with his own eyes, and
giving necessary instructions on great and important matters. He then
returned to Cuzco, the principal city of the whole empire.




CHAPTER XXI.

_How the Posts of the Kingdom were arranged._


The empire of Peru is so vast, that the Incas ordered a road to be made,
as I have already stated on many occasions, from Chile to Cuzco, and
even from the river of Maule[132] as far as the river Angasmayu.[133] If
the king was at one of these extreme points, he could be informed of
what had taken place at the other; but for one man to make such a
journey, even by very long marches, it would take a considerable time.
At the end of a journey, of a 1,000 leagues, there might be no time left
to take the needful measures, and to remedy any wrong step that had been
made. The Incas therefore, with a view to the efficient government of
the empire, invented a system of posts, which was the best that could be
thought of or imagined. The system is entirely due to the Inca Yupanqui,
who was son of Viracocha Inca, and father of Tupac Ynca, according to
the accounts given in the songs of the people, and in the statements of
the Orejones. The Inca Yupanqui not only invented the system of the
posts, but he did other great things, as I shall presently relate.

From the time of his reign, throughout all the royal roads, there were
built, from half-league to half-league, a little more or less, small
houses well roofed with wood and straw; and among the mountains they
were constructed against the rocks. Thus the roads were lined with these
small houses at regular intervals. The order was that in each house
there should be two Indians with provisions, stationed there by the
neighbouring villages.[134] They were not permanently left there, but
were relieved by others from time to time; and the system of government
was so efficient that it was only necessary to give the order, to ensure
that these men should always be at their stations so long as the Incas
reigned.

Each province took charge of the posts within its boundaries, including
those which were on the coast deserts or in the region of snowy heights.
When it was necessary to give notice to the kings in Cuzco, or in any
other part, of any event that had taken place, or which was connected
with their service, the men at the posts set out from Quito or
Tomebamba, or from Chile or Caranqui, or from whatever other part of the
empire, whether along the coast or in the mountains, and they ran with
great speed, without stopping, each one over his half league. For the
Indians who were stationed at the post houses, were chosen from among
the most active and swiftest of all their countrymen. When one
approached the next post house, he began to call out to the men who were
in it, and to say:--“Start at once, and go to the next post with news
that so and so has happened, which such a Governor wishes to announce to
the Inca.” When the other runner heard what was shouted to him, he
started with the utmost speed, while the runner who arrived went into
the house to rest, and to eat and drink of what was always kept in store
there; while the other did, in like manner, at the next post house.

So well was this running performed, that in a short time they knew, at a
distance of 300 leagues, 500, and even 800, what had passed, or what was
needed or required. With such secrecy did the runners keep the messages
that were entrusted to them, that neither entreaty nor menace could ever
extort a relation of what they had thus heard, although the news had
already passed onwards. The roads pass over rugged mountains, over snow
covered ridges, over stony wildernesses, and forests full of thorny
thickets, in such sort that it may be taken as quite certain that the
news could not have been conveyed with greater speed on swift horses or
on mules, than by these foot posts. For the men on foot have no
impediments, and one of them can do more in a day than a mounted
messenger could do in three. I do not mean one single Indian, but one
running for one half league, and another for the next, according to the
established order. And it must be understood that neither storms nor
anything else prevent the due service of the posts in the wildest parts,
and as soon as one started another arrived to wait in his place.

In this way the lords were kept informed of all that happened in every
part of the empire, and they arranged all that was needful for the
ordering of the government, in the same way. In no other part of the
world do we read of any such invention; although I am aware that when
Xerxes the Great was defeated, the news was conveyed by men on foot, in
a short time. Certainly this system of posts was very important in Peru,
and by it we may well see how good was the government of these lords. At
the present day some of these post-houses may be seen near the royal
roads, in many parts of the mountains, and they bear testimony to the
truth of what has been said. I have also seen some of the _topos_, which
as I have already explained, are like heaps for landmarks, except that
these are larger and better made, and were used for counting the
distance, each interval between them being one and a half leagues of
Castille.




CHAPTER XXII.

_How the Mitimaes were established, and of the different kinds of them,
and how they were highly esteemed by the Incas._


In this chapter I wish to describe that which appertains to those
Indians called _mitimaes_, for many things are related concerning them
in Peru, and they were honoured and privileged by the Incas, being next
in rank to the Orejones, while in the History which they entitle _Of the
Indies_, it is written by the author,[135] that they were slaves of
Huayna Capac. Into this error all those writers fall who depend upon the
relations of others, without having such knowledge of the land
concerning which they write, as to be able to affirm the truth.

In most, if not in all parts of the provinces of Peru there were and
still are these _mitimaes_, and we understand that there were three
classes of them. The system conduced greatly to the maintenance,
welfare, and peopling of the empire. In considering how and in what
manner these _mitimaes_ were stationed, and the nature of their
services, my readers will appreciate the way in which the Incas
understood how best to order and regulate the government of so many
regions and provinces.

_Mitimaes_ is the name of those who are transported from one land to
another. The first kind of _mitimaes_, as instituted by the Incas, were
those who were moved to other countries, after a new province had been
conquered. A certain number of the conquered people were ordered to
people another land of the same climate and conditions as their original
country. If it was cold, they were sent to a cold region, if warm, to a
warm one, where they were given lands and houses such as those they had
left. This was done that order might be secured, and that the natives
might quickly understand how they must serve and behave themselves, and
learn all that the older vassals understood concerning their duties, to
be peaceful and quiet, not hasty to take up arms. At the same time, an
equal number of settlers was taken from a part which had been peaceful
and civilized for a long time, and sent into the newly conquered
province, and among the recently subjugated people. There they were
expected to instruct their neighbours in the ways of peace and
civilization; and in this way, both by the emigration of some and the
arrival of others, all was made secure under the royal governors and
lieutenants.

The Incas knew how much all people feel the removal from their country
and their home associations, and in order that they might take such
banishment with good will, they did honour to those who were selected as
emigrants, gave bracelets of gold and silver to many of them, and
clothes of cloth and feathers to the women. They were also privileged in
many other ways. Among the colonists there were spies, who took note of
the conversations and schemes of the natives, and supplied the
information to the governors, who sent it to Cuzco without delay, to be
submitted to the Inca. In this way all was made secure, for the natives
feared the _mitimaes_, while the _mitimaes_ suspected the natives, and
all learnt to serve and to obey quietly. If there were turmoils or
disturbances they were severely punished. Among the Incas there were
some who were revengeful, and who punished without moderation and with
great cruelty.

The _mitimaes_ were employed to take charge of the flocks of the Inca
and of the Sun, others to make cloth, others as workers in silver, and
others as quarrymen and labourers. Some also were sculptors and gravers
of images; in short, they were required to do such service as was most
useful, and in the performance of which they were most skilful. Orders
were also given that _mitimaes_ should go into the forests of the Andes
to sow maize and to cultivate coca and fruit-trees. In this way the
people of the regions where it was too cold to grow these things were
supplied with them.

The second class of _mitimaes_ were those who formed garrisons under
captains, some of whom were _Orejones_, on the frontiers, in forests
east of the Andes. For the Indians, such as the Chunchos, Moxos,
Chiriguanas, and others whose lands are on the <DW72>s eastward of the
Andes, are wild and very warlike. Many of them eat human flesh; and they
certainly came forth to make war and destroy the villages and fields of
their neighbours, carrying off those they could capture as prisoners. To
guard against this evil, there were garrisons in many parts, in which
there were some _Orejones_. In order that the burden of war might not
fall upon one tribe, and that they might not be able quickly to concert
a rising or rebellion, it was arranged that the _mitimaes_ should be
taken from provinces that were conveniently situated, to serve as
soldiers in these garrisons; whose duty it was to hold and defend the
forts, called _pucaras_, if it should be necessary. Provisions were
supplied to the soldiers of the maize and other food which the
neighbouring districts paid as tribute. The recompense for their service
consisted in orders that were given, on certain occasions, to bestow
upon them woollen clothing, feathers, or bracelets of gold and silver,
after they had shewn themselves to be valiant. They were also presented
with women from among the great number that were kept, in each province,
for the service of the Ynca, and as most of these were beautiful they
were highly valued. Besides this, the soldiers were given other things
of little value, which the governors of provinces were required to
provide, for they had authority over the captains whom these _mitimaes_
were obliged to obey.

Besides the frontiers already mentioned, they maintained these garrisons
in the borders of Chachapoyas and Bracamoros, and in Quito, and
Caranque, which is beyond Quito to the northward, next to the province
called Popayan, and in other parts where it was necessary, as well in
Chili, as in the coast valleys and the mountains.

The other manner of stationing _mitimaes_ was more strange. The system
of planting captains and garrisons on the frontiers, although done on a
large scale, is no new thing, for there are not wanting other
governments who have adopted a similar policy. But the other manner of
colonising was different. In the course of the conquests made by the
Yncas, either in the mountains, or plains, or valleys, where a district
appeared to be suitable for cultivation, with a good climate and fertile
soil, which was still desert and uninhabited, orders were at once given
that as many colonists as would be sufficient to people it should be
brought from a neighbouring province with a similar climate. The land
was then divided amongst them, and they were provided with flocks and
all the provisions they needed, until they had time to reap their own
harvests. These colonists worked so well, and the king required their
labours to be proceeded with so diligently, that in a short time the new
district was peopled and cultivated, insomuch that it caused great
content to behold it. In this way many valleys on the coast and ravines
on the mountains were peopled, both such as had been personally examined
by the Yncas, and such as they knew of from report. No tribute was
required from the new settlers for some years; and they were provided
with women, provisions, and _coca_, that they might, with more goodwill,
be induced to establish themselves in their new homes.

In this way there were very few cultivable lands that remained desert in
the time of the Incas, but all were peopled, as is well known to the
first Christians who entered the country. Assuredly, it causes no small
grief to reflect that these Incas, being gentiles and idolaters, should
have established such good order in the government and maintenance of
such vast provinces, while we, being Christians, have destroyed so many
kingdoms. For wherever the Christians have passed, discovering and
conquering, nothing appears but destruction.

It must be understood that the city of Cuzco was also full of strangers,
all occupied in some industry. As there were many different tribes and
lineages of men, it was necessary to guard against risings or other
troubles which would be contrary to the wishes of the king. To this day
there are in Cuzco men of Chachapoyas and Cañaris, and people from other
parts, descended from the settlers who had been placed there.

It is held as certain, that these systems of colonisation have been in
use since the days of Inca Yupanqui, the same who established the posts,
and the first who planned the enrichment of the temple of Curicancha, as
will be recounted in its place. Although some Indians say that the
_mitimaes_ were planted from the time of Viracocha Inca, the father of
Inca Yupanqui, those may believe it who please to do so. For my part, I
took such pains to ascertain the facts, that I do not hesitate to affirm
the colonising system to have been instituted by Inca Yupanqui. Such is
my belief; and this being the case we will now pass on to another part
of the subject.




CHAPTER XXIII.

_Of the great preparations that were made when the Lords set out from
Cuzco on warlike expeditions; and how robbers were punished._


In former chapters I related the manner in which the lords travelled,
when they went to examine the condition of the provinces; and now I wish
to explain to the reader the way in which the same lords set forth on
their warlike expeditions. As these Indians are all brown and
noisy,[136] and are so like each other, as we, who have dealings with
them, can see at the present day; in order that they might be
intelligible to each other, it was ordered that they should all speak
the language of Cuzco. If this rule was not made, each man would talk in
his native tongue when the _Orejones_ visited the provinces. The same
rules applied to the camps. It is clear that when the Emperor assembles
a camp in Italy, and the army consists of Spaniards, Germans,
Burgundians, Flemings, and Italians, each would speak in his own
language. Here this confusion was avoided. Each tribe was also
distinguished by differences in the head-dress. If they were Yuncas of
the coast, they went muffled like gipsies. The Collas wore caps in the
shape of a pump box made of wool. The Canas wore another kind of cap,
larger, and of greater width. The Cañaris had crowns of thin lathes,
like those used for a sieve. The Huancas had short ropes, which hung
down as low as the chin, with the hair plaited. The Canchis had wide
fillets, red or black, passing over the forehead. These and all other
tribes were known, one from the other, by their head-dresses, and these
were so clear and distinct that, when fifteen thousand men assembled,
one tribe could easily be distinguished from another. To this day, when
we see an assemblage of people, we presently say that these come from
such a part and those from such another part; for in this way, as I have
explained, they were known one from another.

The kings established the following order in their wars, that the great
concourse of people might not cause confusion. In the great square of
Cuzco was the stone of war, in the shape of a sugar loaf, well enclosed,
and full of gold. The king came forth, with his councillors and
favourites, to a place where the chiefs of provinces were assembled, to
learn from them who were most valiant among their people, and best
fitted to be leaders and captains. One Indian had charge of ten men,
another received authority over fifty, another over a hundred, another
over five hundred, another over a thousand, another over five thousand,
and another over ten thousand. All these had authority over men of their
own tribe, and all obeyed the captain-general of the king. Thus, if it
was intended to send ten thousand men to any battle or campaign, it was
only necessary to open the mouth and give the order; and the same with
five thousand or any other number; and in the same way with smaller
parties for exploring the ground or going the rounds, when fewer men
were required. Each captain carried his banner, and some led men armed
with slings, others with lances, darts, _ayllos_ or slings, and some
with heavily knobbed sticks.

When the Lord of Cuzco set out, the greatest order was preserved, even
when there were three hundred thousand men in his army. The march was
regulated each day, from _tambo_ to _tambo_, where sufficient food was
found for all, so that none were forgotten, besides arms, sandals, tents
for the soldiers, and porters and women to carry the loads from _tambo_
to _tambo_. The lord lodged in a house provided at each stage, with the
guard near him, and the rest of the soldiers all round; and there were
always dances and drinking bouts, the soldiers rejoicing among
themselves.

The natives of the districts through which the army passed were not
allowed to be absent, or to fail in supplying all that was wanted, on
pain of severe punishment. But neither soldiers nor captains, nor even
the sons of the Incas, were allowed to ill-use or oppress the people, or
to take from them so much as a grain of maize; and if this command was
infringed, the punishment was death. Robbery was punished by whipping
with greater severity than in Spain, and frequently the punishment of
death was inflicted. All things were ordered and regulated on an
established system. The natives did not fail to supply the soldiers
sufficiently, while the soldiers had no desire to do evil or to rob,
fearing the punishment. If there were any outbreaks of rebellion or
mutiny, the principal ringleaders were brought to Cuzco, well guarded,
where they were cast into a prison full of wild animals, such as
serpents, vipers, tigers, bears, and other evil creatures. If any one
denied the accusation, it was said that those serpents would do him no
harm, but that if he lied they would kill him; and this they held and
kept for certain. In this dreadful prison they always kept many people
for crimes they had committed, whom they looked at from time to time. If
their fate had been that they had not been bitten by any of the wild
creatures, they were taken out, great sorrow was shown at their evil
case, and they were allowed to return to their homes. In these prisons
there were keepers sufficient to guard the captives, and to give food as
well to them as to the evil lizards. Certainly, I laughed heartily when
I heard that they used to have this prison in Cuzco; but although they
told me the name, I do not remember it, and for that reason I have not
put it down.[137]




CHAPTER XXIV.

_How the Incas ordered the people to form settled towns, dividing the
lands concerning which there was any dispute, and how it was ordered
that all should speak the language of Cuzco._


In former times, before the Incas reigned, it is well understood that
the natives of these provinces had no towns as is now the case, but only
strong places with forts, which they call _pucaras_, whence they came
forth to make war one with another; and so they always passed their
time, living in great trouble and unrest. The Incas, reigning over them,
considered their manner of living to be evil, and induced them, partly
by menaces and partly by favours, to see the wisdom of ceasing to live
like savages, but rather as reasonable beings, establishing themselves
in towns, both on the plains of the coast and in the mountains, and
settling on the land according to the regulations that were made. In
this way the Indians abandoned the _pucaras_ in which they originally
dwelt, and formed themselves into communities in towns, as well in the
valleys of the coast as in the mountains, and on the plain of the
Collao. The Incas caused the boundaries of fields to be set up, in order
to prevent quarrels, settling the land which each man was to occupy, for
their knowledge and for that of those who might be born after them. The
Indians at the present day clearly state that this division was made.
They told me at Xauxa that one of the Incas divided the plains and
valleys amongst them which they now hold, and that this arrangement was
then in force, and would continue. In many places in the mountains there
are irrigating channels taken from the rivers with great skill and
ingenuity, while all the towns were full of lodgings and store-houses of
the kings, as I have already stated in many places.

It was understood by them that it would be very troublesome to travel
for great distances over the land, and at each league to have a new
language; while it would be very difficult to find interpreters for all
of them. Selecting the best language, the Incas ordered, on pain of
serious punishment, that all the natives of the empire should understand
the tongue that was spoken at Cuzco, as well the men as the women. Even
a child had scarcely left the breast of its mother before they began to
teach it the language which it was bound to know. Although this rule was
difficult to enforce at first, and many only wished to talk in their own
native tongue, yet the power of the kings was such that they succeeded
in enforcing their intention, and the people found it to be best to
comply with their order. So completely was this policy enforced, that in
a few years the language was understood and used over an extent of more
than twelve hundred leagues. Yet although this language was used, all
the tribes also spoke their own, which were so numerous that if they
should be written down it would not be believed.

When a captain of Cuzco, or some one of the Orejones, set out to take an
account of the revenues, or to act as judge on commission among the
provinces, or on any other duty, he did not speak any other language
than that of Cuzco to the people, nor they to him. This language is very
good, concise, and comprehensive, and composed of many words. It is so
clear, that in the few days that I studied it, I knew sufficient to ask
for many things in the part where I wished to travel. They call

  A man            _Runa_.
  A woman          _Huarmi_.
  A father         _Yaya_.
  A brother        _Huauque_.
  A sister         _Ñaña_.
  The moon (month) _Quilla_.
  The year         _Huata_.
  Day              _Punchau_.
  Night            _Tuta_.
  Head             _Uma_.
  Ear              _Rincri_.
  Eye              _Ñaui_.
  Nose             _Senca_.
  Teeth            _Quiru_.
  Arm              _Maqui_.
  Leg              _Chaqui_.

I only insert these words in my chronicle because I now see, that even
as regards the language that was formerly used in Spain, they are
varying and altering it bit by bit; and as regards the days that are to
come, it is only God that knows what will happen in them. If the time
should come when a language which was used by so many people shall be
forgotten, it should at least be known which words belonged to the first
and general language, and whence they came. Further, I declare that it
was a great advantage to the Spaniards to have found this language, for
with it they could travel in all directions; but now in some places it
is beginning to be lost.




CHAPTER XXV.

_How the Incas were free from the abominable sin, and from other evil
customs which have been seen to prevail in the world, among other
princes._


In this kingdom of Peru, the public fame among all the natives is that
the abominable sin was practised in some of the villages of the district
of Pueblo Viejo, as well as in other lands where there were evil people,
as in the rest of the world. I shall record a great virtue in these
Incas; for, being lords with such freedom, and with no one to whom to
give an account, besides being able to take their pleasure with women,
night and day, and enjoy themselves as their fancies dictated, it has
never been alleged, or even hinted, that any of them committed the above
crime. On the contrary, they abhorred those who were guilty of it,
looking upon them as vile wretches for glorying in such filthy conduct.
Not only were they free from such vices in their own persons, but they
would not permit any one who was guilty of such practices to remain in
the royal houses or palaces. I believe, also, and I have heard it
related that, even if it came to their knowledge that any one had
committed an offence of that kind, they punished it with such severity
that it was known to all.

It therefore should not be doubted, but rather believed implicitly, that
this vice was unknown among the Orejones and many other nations. Those
who have written generally of the Indians, condemning them for being
guilty of this sin, should retract what they have said as regards many
nations who are innocent. With the exception of Puerto Viejo, sinners of
this class were unknown throughout Peru, except that, as is the case in
all countries, there may be eight or ten here and there who do evil
secretly. Those who were kept as priests in the temples, with whom it
was rumoured that the lords joined in company on days of festivity, did
not meditate the committing of such sin, but only the offering of
sacrifice to the demon. If the Incas, by chance, had some knowledge of
such proceedings in the temple, they may have ignored them, thinking
that it was enough if they ordered that the Sun and their other gods
should be worshipped in all parts, without considering it necessary to
prohibit other ancient customs and religions, to abandon which would
have been as bad as death itself, to those who were born in their
practice.

We understand that in ancient times, before the Yncas reigned, the
inhabitants of many provinces went about like savages; coming forth to
make war upon each other, and eating their prisoners, as is now the case
in the province of Arma[138] and others in that neighbourhood. But as
soon as the Incas began to reign, being a reasonable people, with good
and holy customs and laws, they not only did not themselves eat such
food, but they exerted their power to put a stop to it among all the
people with whom they came in contact, with many of whom it was much
esteemed. Such was their energy, that in a short time the practice was
forgotten throughout their vast empire, where no such food had been
eaten for many years before the Spaniards came. Those who have now
succeeded the Incas give evidence that they conferred a great benefit by
not imitating their ancestors in eating such food, in the sacrifices of
men and children.

Some have published--among those who hastily write down what they
hear--that the Incas, on their days of festival, killed a thousand or
two thousand children, and a greater number of Indians. This and other
things are proofs that we Spaniards falsely impute crimes to the
Indians, using the stories they recount to us to justify our
ill-treatment of them and the bad usage they have suffered at our hands.
I do not say that they did not sacrifice, and that they did not kill men
and children in such sacrifices; but it was not in the way that has
been asserted, nor were the victims so numerous. They sacrificed animals
from their flocks, but fewer human beings than I thought, as I shall
explain in its place.

I know, from the statements of the aged Orejones, that these Incas were
innocent of any abominable sin, that they did not practise the evil
custom of eating human flesh, nor were they guilty of public vices and
irregularities. On the contrary, they punished such crimes in others. If
God had permitted that one influenced by Christian zeal, and not by
avarice, should have given them complete knowledge of our sacred
religion, they were a people who would have been impressed by it, as we
now see in the good order in which conversion works. But we must leave
what has been done to the judgment of God, who knows all; and in what
may be done hereafter we must beseech Him to give us grace to enable us
in some measure to repay those people to whom we owe so much, and who
had given such slight offence to justify the injury we have done them,
Peru and the rest of the Indies being so many leagues from Spain, and
separated by so vast an ocean.




CHAPTER XXVI.

_How the Incas employed councillors and executors of justice; and of
their method of reckoning time._


As Cuzco was the principal city in all Peru, where the kings resided
during the greater part of their time, many of the chief people of the
empire lived there also, whose knowledge and ability fitted them for
royal councillors. All affirm that, before any measure of importance was
decided upon, these councillors were consulted. The most trustworthy
travelled much, in all parts, inspecting the roads, superintending the
government of the city, seeing that no offences were overlooked, and
that culprits were punished. The Incas understood so well the
administration of justice that no one ventured to commit an offence.
This is to be understood with regard to such crimes as robbery, rape, or
conspiracy. But many provinces carried on wars, the one with the other,
and the Incas were not always able to prevent them.

Justice was executed at the river which flows near Cuzco, on those who
were taken there, or who were brought as prisoners from other parts.
Here their heads were cut off, or death was inflicted in other ways.
Mutinies and conspiracies were punished more severely than other crimes.
Thieves, and those who were convicted as such, were also severely
punished, and their women and children were looked upon as degraded.

In observing natural things these Indians were much advanced, as well
the movements of the sun as of the moon. Some of them said that there
were four great heavens, and all affirm that the seat and residence of
the great God, the Creator of the world, is in the heaven. I often asked
them if they understood that the world would some day come to an end,
but at this they laughed. For they understand little on this subject;
and if they know anything, it is what God permits the devil to tell
them. They call the whole world _pacha_, understanding the movements of
the sun, and the increasing and waning of the moon. They count the year
by the moon, and call it _huata_, consisting of twelve moons. They had
small towers, many of them near Cuzco, but now in a ruined state, and by
the shadow which the sun threw from them they calculated the time of
sowing and other matters.[139] These Indians watched the heavens and the
signs very constantly, which made them such great soothsayers. When the
stars fall, great is the cry that they make, and the murmurings between
one and another.




CHAPTER XXVII.

_Which treats of the riches of the temple of Curicancha, and of the
veneration in which the Incas held it._


Having completed an account of some things that it is necessary for my
purpose that I should describe, we will then return to the succession of
the kings that ruled down to Huascar, recounting the events of each
reign with great brevity. But now I will speak of the great, most
wealthy, and most renowned temple of Curicancha, which was the principal
one in all these kingdoms.

It is a received fact among the Indians that this temple is as ancient
as the city of Cuzco itself. But the Inca Yupanqui, son of Viracocha
Inca, increased its riches to the extent in which it was found when the
Christians arrived in Peru. Most of the treasure was brought to
Caxamarca for the ransom of Atahualpa, as we shall relate in its place.
The Orejones say that after the doubtful war between the inhabitants of
Cuzco and the Chancas, who are now chiefs of the province of
Andahuaylas, the Inca Yupanqui found himself very rich and powerful, and
people came to serve him from all parts, bringing presents; and the
provinces contributed great service in gold and silver. For in those
days there were very rich mines and veins of the precious metals.
Finding himself so rich and powerful, the Inca resolved to ennoble the
house of the Sun, which in their language is called _Inti-huasi_, and
also _Curi-cancha_, meaning “the place of gold”, and to increase its
wealth. That all those who may see and read this may understand how rich
the temple at Cuzco was, and the merit of those who built and completed
such great things, I here will preserve the memory of it. I will relate
what I saw, and what I heard from many of the first Christians, who
received the account from the three men[140] that first came from
Caxamarca, and who saw everything. But the Indians themselves tell us so
much, and are so truthful, that other evidence is unnecessary.

This temple was more than four hundred paces in circuit, entirely
surrounded by a strong wall. The whole edifice was of excellent masonry,
the stones very well placed and fixed. Some of the stones were very
large. There was no mortar, either of earth or lime, but a sort of
bitumen with which they used to fix their stones. The stones themselves
are so well worked that no joining or cement can be seen. In all Spain I
have not seen anything that could be compared with the masonry of these
walls, except the tower which they call Calahorra, near the bridge of
Cordova, and a work which I saw at Toledo, when I came there to present
the First Part of my Chronicle to the Prince Don Felipe.[141] I allude
to the hospital which the Archbishop of Toledo, Tavera, ordered to be
built.[142] Although these edifices have some resemblance to those I
have mentioned, yet they are the best as regards the masonry of the
walls, the stones being so admirably worked, and placed with such great
ingenuity. The encircling wall was straight, and very well traced out.

The stone appeared to me to be of a dusky or black colour, and most
excellent for building purposes. The wall had many openings, and the
doorways were very well carved. Round the wall, half way up, there was a
band of gold, two _palmos_ wide and four _dedos_ in thickness. The
doorways and doors were covered with plates of the same metal. Within
there were four houses, not very large, but with walls of the same kind,
and covered with plates of gold within and without, as well as the
woodwork. The covering was of straw, which served as a roof. Against the
wall there were two benches, from which the Sun could be seen when it
rose. The stone in front was subtly bored, and the holes were adorned
with emeralds and other precious stones. These benches were for the
kings, and no one else was allowed to use them on pain of death.

At the doors of these houses porters were stationed to keep guard over
the virgins, many of whom were daughters of great lords, the most
beautiful and charming that could be found. They remained in the temple
until they became old. If one of them had knowledge of a man, they
killed her by burying her alive; and the same penalty was suffered by
the man. These women were called _mama-cunas_. Their only occupations
were to weave and dye woollen cloth for the service of the temple, and
to make _chicha_, which is the wine they make, of which they always kept
large full jars.

In one of these houses, which was the richest, there was the figure of
the sun, very large and made of gold, very ingeniously worked, and
enriched with many precious stones. This temple also contained some of
the figures of the former Incas who had reigned in Cuzco, and also a
vast quantity of treasure.

Round the temple there were numerous small dwellings of Indians who were
employed in its service; and there was an enclosure where they kept the
white lambs, children, and men for sacrifice. They had also a garden,
the clods of which were made of pieces of fine gold; and it was
artificially sown with golden maize, the stalks, as well as the leaves
and cobs, being of that metal. They were so well planted, that even when
there was a high wind they were not torn up. Besides all this, they had
more than twenty golden sheep with their lambs, and the shepherds with
their slings and crooks to watch them, all made of the same metal.
There was a great quantity of jars of gold and silver, set with
emeralds; vases, pots, and all sorts of utensils, all of fine gold. On
other walls were sculptured and painted various notable things; and, in
fine, it was one of the richest temples in the world.

The High Priest, called Villac Umu, resided in the temple, and offered
up the ordinary sacrifices, accompanied by superstitious rites, with the
help of the other priests, according to their custom. At the important
festivals the Inca was present at the sacrifices, and there were great
rejoicings. Within the enclosure of the temple there were more than
thirty granaries of silver in which the maize was stored; and many
provinces sent their tribute for the service of the temple. On certain
days the devil was seen by the priests, who gave them deceptive answers,
in conformity with what might be expected from him.

Many other things might be said of this temple, which I omit because it
seems to me that I have said enough to shew what a grand place it was;
so I shall not treat further of the silver work, of the _chaquira_, of
the plumes of gold and other things, which, if I wrote down, I should
not be believed. That which I have described has been seen, or the
greater part, by Christians who are still alive, when it was brought to
Caxamarca as a ransom for Atahualpa. But a great deal was hidden by the
Indians, and is now buried and lost. Although all the Incas added to the
adornment of the temple, in the time of the Inca Yupanqui its riches
were increased to such an extent that when he died, and his son Tupac
Inca succeeded, it remained in its complete state.




CHAPTER XXVIII.

_Which treats of the other principal temples, and of their names._


Many were the temples in this land of Peru, and some were looked upon as
very ancient because they were founded before the time of the Incas, as
well in the high mountains as in the valleys of the coast. During the
reigns of the Incas many other new temples were built, where sacrifices
and festivals were celebrated. It would take very long to enumerate each
temple in the different provinces, so I have determined only to allude,
in this place, to those which were held in most esteem.

Next after the temple of Curicancha, the second _huaca_ of the Incas was
the hill of Guanacauri, which is within sight of the city, and was much
honoured and frequented. For some say that the brother of the first Inca
was turned into stone in that place, at the time when they set out from
Pacari Tambo, as was explained at the beginning of this work. In ancient
times there was an oracle in this place from which the accursed devil
spoke. A great amount of treasure was buried around it; and on certain
days they sacrificed men and women, to whom, before they were put to
death, the priest addressed a discourse, explaining to them that they
were going to serve that god who was being worshipped, there in the
glorious place that they, in their ignorance, believed that he
inhabited. Those who were to be sacrificed also believed it for certain,
and dressed themselves in clothes of fine cloth, with fringes of gold,
and bracelets, and with gold lace in their sandals. After they had heard
the discourse which those liars of priests addressed to them, they were
given much _chicha_ to drink, out of great vases of gold. The sacrifice
was celebrated with songs, declaring that such lives were offered up to
serve the gods, the victims holding themselves fortunate to receive
death in such a place. Having thus celebrated the rites, the victims
were strangled by the ministers. A _ccepi_[143] of gold and a small jar
of gold were placed in the hands of each body, and they were buried in
tombs around the oracle. These victims were looked upon as canonized
saints, for the people believed that, without any doubt, they were in
heaven serving their Guanacauri. The women who were sacrificed also came
richly dressed in fine cloths and plumes of feathers, with their _topus_
of gold, like spoons, and small breastplates all of gold. And they also,
after they had drunk deeply, were strangled and interred, both they and
those who killed them believing that they went to serve their demon or
Guanacaure. They celebrated these and similar sacrifices with much
dancing and singing. This idol was kept where they heard the oracle,
with its farms, _yanaconas_ or servants, flocks, virgins, and priests
who profited by all the rest.

The third oracle or _huaca_ of the Incas was the temple of Vilcañota,
renowned throughout these kingdoms. Here the devil, our Lord God
permitting it, had great power, and spoke by the mouths of the false
priests who were there to serve the idol. This temple of Vilcañota was a
little more than twenty leagues from Cuzco, near the village of
Chungara. It was very much esteemed and venerated, and many offerings
and gifts were presented to it, as well by the Inca and lord, as by the
rich men of the districts whence people came to sacrifice. The temple
had its priests, virgins, and cultivated lands, and almost every year
the offering of _capacocha_ was made, which is what I will now explain.
They gave great credit to what the devil said in his replies, and on
certain occasions they offered up sacrifices of birds, sheep, and other
animals.

The fourth temple that was venerated and frequented by the Incas and the
natives of the provinces was the _huaca_ of Ancocagua, where there was
also a very ancient oracle which was famous. It was in the province of
Hatun Cana, and on certain occasions people came from many parts, with
great veneration, to hear the vain replies of the demon. Here there was
great store of treasure offered up by the Incas and other worshippers.
They say also that, besides the numerous animals sacrificed to this
demon, whom the people believed to be God, they also sacrificed some men
and women, in the same way as I have described in recounting the
offerings made on the hill of Guanacauri.

That the treasure alleged to have been in this temple was really there,
seems clear from the following circumstance. After the Spaniards had
occupied Cuzco for more than three years, and the priests and chief
lords had produced the great treasures which all these temples
contained, I heard that a Spaniard named Diego Rodriguez Elemosin took
from this _huaca_ more than 30,000 _pesos_ of gold. Besides this, still
more has been found; and there is a rumour that an immense quantity of
gold and silver is in places which no one but God knows, and they will
never be discovered, except by accident or good luck.

Besides these temples, there was another which was as much venerated and
frequented by them, named Coropuna, in the province of Condesuyo. It is
on a very lofty mountain which is covered with snow both in summer and
winter. The kings of Peru, with the principal lords, visited this
temple, making presents and offerings as at the others. It is held for
very certain that among the gifts and _capacocha_ offered to this
temple, there were many loads of gold, silver, and precious stones
buried in places which are now unknown. The Indians concealed another
great sum which was for the service of the idol, and of the priests and
virgins who attended upon it. But as there are great masses of snow,
people do not ascend to the summit, nor is it known where these great
riches are hidden. This temple possessed many flocks, farms, and service
of Indians and _yanaconas_. There was always a large concourse of people
in it, from many parts, and the devil talked here more freely than in
the other oracles, for he constantly gave numerous replies, and not
occasionally, as in the other temples. Even now, at the present time,
for some secret reason known to God, it is said that devils visibly walk
about in that place, and that the Indians see them and are much
terrified. I have also heard that these devils have appeared to
Christians in the form of Indians, appearing and disappearing in a very
short space of time. Occasionally they offered great services to this
oracle, killing many sheep and birds, and some men and women.

Besides these oracles there was that of Aperahua, where the oracle
answered out of the trunk of a tree, and near it a large quantity of
gold was found. Also that of Pachacamac, which is in the country of the
Yuncas, and many others, as well in the provinces of Anti-suyu, as in
Chincha-suyu, Omasayu, and other parts of this empire, of which I might
say somewhat more. As in the first part of my work I treat of the
founding of temples, I shall now only dwell upon the oracles. To those
which the Incas and other nations held in most veneration, they
sacrificed some men and women, with many sheep. But before those which
were not so much respected, they did not shed human blood nor kill men,
only offering up gold and silver. The _huacas_ of little account, like
our chapels, were worshipped by offering _chaquira_, plumes, and other
small things of slight value. I say this owing to the opinion held by us
Spaniards, that they sacrificed human beings in all the temples, which
is false. What I have stated is the truth, so far as I have been able to
obtain it, without deducting or putting down more than I myself
understand and hold to be certainly true.




CHAPTER XXIX.

_How the Capacocha was made, and to what extent it was practised by the
Incas_; _by which is to be understood the gifts and offerings that were
made to idols_.


In this place it will be well that I should explain what was understood
by the _Capacocha_, as all that has just gone before related to the
service of the temples. I speak on the authority of old Indians who are
still living, and who saw what passed concerning this matter, and I
shall write what I gather from them to be the truth.

It was the custom in Cuzco for the kings to cause all the statues and
figures of idols in the _huacas_ or temples where they were worshipped,
to be brought to the city once a year. They were conveyed with much
veneration by the priests and _camayocs_ or guardians, and when they
entered Cuzco they were received with great feasting and processions,
being deposited in the places that were set apart for that purpose. A
great number of people having come from the neighbourhood of the city,
and indeed from all parts of the empire, as well men as women, the
reigning sovereign, accompanied by all the Incas and Orejones,
courtiers, and principal men of the city, inaugurated a succession of
great festivals, drinking bouts, and _taquis_.

The great chain of gold which encircled all was brought out into the
square of Cuzco, and such riches and precious stones as he is able to
imagine who has read what has been written touching the treasures
possessed by these kings. The business of this annual ceremony was to
receive a forecast of the events of the year to come, from the statues
and figures and their priests; whether it would be fertile or sterile;
whether the Inca would have a long life or would die; whether enemies
would come from any direction; and, in conclusion, other enquiries, of
more or less import, were made, such as whether there would be any
pestilence, or murrain in the flocks, and whether the flocks would be
largely multiplied. These enquiries were not made of all the oracles
together, but of each one by itself. If the Incas did not do this every
year, they felt discontent and fear, and did not consider their lives to
be safe.

First, the people made merry, with their solemn drinking bouts,
banquets, great _taquis_ or musical entertainments, and other
festivities, which are entirely different from ours. Then the Inca
invited those around him, with great triumph; and at this feast there
were great jars of gold and silver; for all the service of his kitchen,
down to the pots and pans, was of that metal. The High Priest was also
present at the festival with the same pomp and magnificence as the king,
accompanied by the _mama conas_ and priests who had come together for
the occasion. Those who were appointed for the purpose were commanded to
put the questions concerning future events to each of the idols; and the
idols replied by the mouths of the priests who had charge of their
images. These, having drunk deeply, answered in the way which seemed to
be most to the taste of those who made the enquiries, finding out what
to say from the devils who were in the statues. The enquiry being made
of each idol, the priests, being so cunning in their wicked art, asked
for some time to answer, that their nonsense might be listened to with
more credit and respect. They said that they must offer up sacrifices
that, their great gods being pleased, it might please them to answer as
to what would happen. So many animals, such as sheep and lambs,
_cuis_[144], and birds, exceeding the number of 2,000 sheep and lambs,
were beheaded. Meanwhile the priests made their diabolical exorcisms and
vain sacrifices, according to their custom. Presently they announced
what they had dreamt or imagined, or perhaps what the devil had told
them. Great attention was paid to what they said, and to the number
which concurred in foretelling good or evil. The same thing was gone
through with regard to the other replies, and care was taken to note who
spoke truly, and ascertained what was about to come to pass in the
coming year.

This being done, the almoners of the king came forth with the offerings
which they call _capacocha_, and the general almsgiving having been gone
through, the idols were taken back to their temples. If, before the year
had passed, the saying of any one of those dreamers happened to come
true, the Inca joyfully sent for him, to be one of his household.

The _capacocha_, as I have said, was an offering paid instead of a tithe
to the temples. It consisted of many vases of gold and silver and
precious stones, loads of rich mantles, and large flocks. In the
following years no gifts were bestowed on those whose sayings proved to
be false or uncertain, and they forfeited their reputations. At these
ceremonies great things were done at Cuzco, much more than I have
written. In these days, after the Royal Audience had been established,
and Gasca had returned to Spain,[145] mention was made of this
_capacocha_ in certain lawsuits, and it is certain that the custom
prevailed, as well as all else that we have written. We will now
describe the great festival of _Hatun Raymi_.




CHAPTER XXX.

_How they made great festivities and sacrifices at the grand and solemn
feast called Hatun Raymi._


The Incas held many festivals during the year, at which they offered
great sacrifices according to their custom; but to notice them all would
require a separate volume. It is also well not to dwell long on the
sorceries and follies that were practised on these occasions; but only
to describe the feast of Hatun Raymi, which is very famous. It was kept
in many provinces, and was the principal ceremony of the whole year, and
the occasion on which the greatest number of sacrifices was offered up.

This festival was celebrated in the end of August, when the maize
harvest had been got in, as well as the potatoes, _quinuas_,[146]
_ocas_,[147] and the other seeds that they sow. They call this feast
Hatun Raymi, which in our language means “a very solemn festival”; and
in it they had to offer up thanks and praise to God, the Creator of
Heaven and Earth, whom they called, as has often been mentioned before,
Ticiviracocha, as well as to the Sun, to the Moon, and to their other
gods, for having granted them a good harvest of food for their support.
In order to celebrate this festival with greater devotion and solemnity,
it is said that they fasted for ten or twelve days, abstaining from too
much food, and from intercourse with women; drinking _chicha_ only in
the morning, which is the time when they eat, and at other times only
water; abstaining from the use of _aji_ and from carrying anything in
the mouth, and practising other usages such as were observed on these
occasions of fasting. This time of fasting being over, the people
brought to Cuzco a great number of lambs, of sheep, of doves and
_cuys_, and of other birds and beasts which were killed for the
sacrifices. Having killed a vast number, they anointed the statues and
figures of their gods, or rather devils, with the blood, as well as the
doors of the temples and oracles. After an interval, the soothsayers and
diviners looked for omens in the entrails, announcing what they
prognosticated, to which the people gave great credit.

When the sacrifice was finished, the High Priest, with the other
priests, went to the temple of the Sun; and, after reciting their
accursed psalms, they ordered the _mama conas_, or virgins, to come
forth richly dressed, with the great store of _chicha_ they had
prepared; and all those who were in the great city of Cuzco ate of the
sheep and birds which had been killed for the vain sacrifices, and drank
of that _chicha_ which was held to be sacred. It was contained in jars
of silver, out of the great numbers there were in the temple; and they
drank it out of cups of gold.

Having eaten and drunk many times, and the Inca, High Priest, and all
the rest being merry in consequence, it was still only a little after
noon. They then formed in procession, and the men began to sing, with
loud voices, the romances and chaunts which had been prepared for use at
this festival by their ancestors. The purport of them all was to give
thanks to the gods, promising to do them services for the blessings
received. To accompany the songs they had many drums of gold, some of
them encrusted with precious stones, which their women played upon, who,
together with the sacred _mama conas_, joined in the song.

In the centre of the plaza it is said that a great theatre was placed,
with steps, adorned with cloths and plumes richly embroidered with
golden beads, very large mantles of their exceedingly fine cloth, also
garnished with silver and gold work, and precious stones. On the summit
of this throne was placed the figure of Ticiviracocha, large and richly
adorned. As they held it to be the sovereign God, maker of all created
things, they gave it the highest place; and all the priests were near
it. The Inca and all the principal men and the people came to worship
it, taking off their sandals with much humility, bending their
shoulders, filling out their cheeks, and sighing towards it, thus
performing _mucha_, which is their word for worship.

Below this throne was placed the figure of the Sun, but they do not
state of what it was made, and also that of the Moon, and other figures
of idols sculptured in wood and stone. We hold it to be very certain
that neither in Jerusalem, nor in Rome, nor in Persia, nor in any other
part of the world, by any state or king of this earth, was such wealth
of gold and silver and precious stones collected together, as in this
square of Cuzco when this festival and others like it were celebrated.
For the images of the Incas, their deceased kings were brought out, each
one with its service of gold and silver. That is to say, such of them as
had been good and brave fathers of their people, generous in granting
favours, pardoners of injuries. These were canonized as saints, in their
blindness, and their bones were honoured by those who did not comprehend
that their souls were burning in hell, thinking that they were in
heaven.

It was the same with some other Orejones, or chiefs of another nation,
whom, for some cause or other, they, in their heathen minds, looked upon
as saints. They call those who were canonized in this way _Ylla_, which
signifies the body of him who did good in his lifetime. Another meaning
of _Yllapa_ is thunder and lightning. Hence the Indians call discharges
of artillery _Yllapa_, from the loud report.

The Inca and High Priest, with all the courtiers, and the great
concourse of people that came from the neighbourhood, did _mucha_ (which
means reverence and worship), to the gods arranged round the square.
They also made many offerings, such as small golden figures of idols,
sheep, women, and many other trinkets. This festival of Hatun Raymi
continued for fifteen or twenty days, during which there was much
singing and dancing, drinking bouts, and other feasting, according to
their custom. At the end of the time they finished with the sacrifices,
and put back the images of the idols into the temples, and those of the
deceased Incas into their houses.

The High Priest enjoyed that dignity during his life. He was married,
and was so respected that he vied in dignity with the Inca, and had
jurisdiction over all the oracles and temples, appointing and removing
priests. The Inca and the High Priest often played together at their
games, and these functionaries were of high lineage and had powerful
relations. The dignity was not conferred upon obscure persons, even if
they should possess great merit. All those who lived in the parts of
Cuzco which they called Hurin-Cuzco and Hanan-Cuzco, and their
descendants, were considered to be noble, although they should reside in
other parts. I remember when I was in Cuzco in the year 1550, during the
month of August, after the harvests had been got in, that a great crowd
of Indians entered the city with their wives, making much noise. They
carried their ploughs in their hands, and some stalks of maize, to make
a festival by merely singing and reciting as had been their custom at
harvest time. The _Apus_ and Priests do not consent that these heathen
festivals shall be performed in public as in former times, nor in secret
if they can prevent it. But as there are so many thousands of Indians
who have not become Christians, it is probable that these rites are
still performed in secret.

The figure of Ticiviracocha, and those of the Sun and Moon, and the
great chain of gold, besides other recorded pieces of great value, have
not been found. There is neither Indian nor Christian who knows where
they are. But although their value is great,[148] it is small when
compared with all that has been buried in Cuzco, in the places of the
oracles, and in other parts of this great empire.




CHAPTER XXXI.

_Of the second king or Inca who reigned in Cuzco, named Sinchi Roca._


With as much conciseness as I am able to use, I have written what I
learnt touching the government and customs of the Incas; and I now
propose to return to my narrative of what happened from the time of
Manco Capac to that of Huascar, as I have already promised. Touching the
first Inca, and those who followed him, the Orejones do not give many
particulars, because, in truth, they did not perform many great deeds.
For the most valorous of all were the Inca Yupanqui, and Tupac Inca his
son, and Huayna Capac his grandson. But the reason may be that which I
have already written, namely, that these kings were the most modern.

As soon, then, as Manco Capac was dead, and the general mourning and
obsequies had been performed for him, Sinchi Roca[149] assumed the
fringe or crown, with the accustomed ceremonies. He contrived to enlarge
the house of the Sun, and induced as many people as possible to flock to
the new settlement, by gifts and large offers. The place was then, as it
is now, called Cuzco. Some of the natives of it affirm that, in the
place where was the great square, being the same then as now, there was
a small lake and slough of water, so that it was difficult to raise the
great edifices which they had begun to build. As soon as this was known
to the king, Sinchi Roca, he contrived, with the aid of his allies and
neighbours, to get rid of this swamp, covering it with great slabs and
huge beams, and levelling the ground on the top, where the water used to
be, in such sort that it remained as we now see it. They further state
that the whole valley of Cuzco was barren, and that the land never
yielded good fruit from the seed which they sowed. So they brought many
thousands of loads of earth from the great forests of the Andes, and
spread it all over the land; by which means, if the tale be true, the
valley became very fertile, as we now see it.

This Inca had, by his sister and wife, many children: and they named the
eldest Lloque Yupanqui. The people round Cuzco beheld the good order in
which the settlers lived, and how they brought people under their
friendly influence more through love and benevolence than by recourse to
severity and force. Some of the captains and principal men came to hold
discourse with those of the city, and rejoiced to see the temple of
Curi-cancha, and the good order that reigned around it. By this means
treaties of friendship were made in many directions. They relate that,
among those chiefs that I have mentioned, there came to Cuzco a captain
of the town called Zañu, which is not very distant. He asked Sinchi
Roca, with great vehemence, that he would see fit to take his very fair
and beautiful daughter as a wife for his son. When the Inca understood
the request he was very sorry, for what the chief asked was contrary to
the rule established and ordained by his father. Yet, if he did not
grant the request of this captain, he and others would hold the Incas to
be inhuman men, declaring that they only thought of themselves. Having
taken counsel with the Orejones and principal men of the city, it
appeared to all that the maiden ought to be received for marriage with
the Inca’s son. It was thought that, until they became more powerful, it
would not be prudent to follow the mandate of the Inca’s father in this
matter. Thus it was that the answer to the father of the proposed bride
was that she should be brought, and the marriage was solemnised
according to their method and custom, and she was called _Coya_ in
Cuzco.[150] The king’s daughter, who was to have been the wife of her
brother, was immured in the temple of Curi-cancha, where priests were
appointed to offer up sacrifices before the statue of the Sun, and where
there were men to guard the sacred women in the manner already
described.

By reason of this marriage, the Indians relate that the bride’s people
united with the citizens of Cuzco, making great rejoicing, thus
confirming their union of brotherhood and friendship. On account of
this, great sacrifices were offered up on the hill of Guanacauri[151]
and at Tampu-quiru,[152] as well as in the temple of Curi-cancha. This
being done, there was an assembly of more than 4,000 youths, and the
ceremonies were performed which had been ordained for them. They were
armed as knights, and continued to be looked upon as nobles. Their ears
were bored, and the round pieces were put in them, in accordance with
custom.

When these things had taken place, and others of which we have no
record, in the time of the king Sinchi Rocca, he became old, and was
surrounded by many sons and daughters. So he died, and was mourned for,
and his obsequies were celebrated in a very sumptuous fashion. His image
was preserved as a memorial that he had been a good ruler, and that his
soul rested in heaven.[153]




CHAPTER XXXII.

_Of the third king that reigned in Cuzco, named Lloque Yupanqui._


The Inca Sinchi Rocca being dead in the manner that has been described,
his son, Lloque Yupanqui,[154] was received as lord, having first
performed a fast during the days appointed. As, in his divinations and
omens, he found great reason to hope that the city of Cuzco would
flourish in the future, the new king began to ennoble it with new
edifices. He asked his father-in-law, with all his allies and
confederates, to come and live in the city, where their honour would be
respected and they would receive such a share of the land as they
needed.

The lord or captain of Zañu consented, and the more western part of the
city was assigned to him, which, being on hills and <DW72>s, was named
Anan-Cuzco. The lower part remained for the king, with his house and
retinue. As all were now Orejones, which is as much as to say nobles,
and nearly all had been concerned in the foundation of the new city, the
people who lived in the two parts of the city, called Hanan-Cuzco, and
Hurin-Cuzco, were always held to be illustrious. Some Indians even
wished to have it understood that one Inca had to be of one of these
lineages, and the next of the other. But I do not hold this to be
certain, nor is it what the Orejones relate, and that is what is here
written down. In most parts of the city there were large wards on the
hill-<DW72>s, because the ground was broken up into ravines and hills, as
I explained in the first part of this chronicle.[155]

They do not give any account of notable wars in those times. On the
contrary, they affirm that those of Cuzco, little by little, through the
good policy they employed, succeeded in making friends with many
neighbouring people, and in enlarging the temple of Curi-cancha, both as
regards edifices and riches. For now they sought for gold and silver, of
which much came to the market held in the city; and they shut up women
in the temple, who were not allowed to come forth, as has been explained
in other places.

Reigning in this manner in Cuzco, and passing most of his time there,
Lloque Yupanqui became very old, without having any children by his
wife. The people of the city showed much grief at this, making many
sacrifices and offering up prayers as well in the Curi-cancha, as at
Guanacauri and Tampu-quiru. They say that, through one of those oracles
whence issued vain replies, they heard that the Inca would beget a son
who would succeed in the kingdom. At this they were well satisfied, and,
rejoicing with the hope, they put the old king on his wife the Coya, so
that at the end of some days it was known that she had conceived, and in
due time she gave birth to a son.

Lloque Yupanqui died,[156] leaving orders that the fringe or crown of
the empire should be deposited in the temple of Curi-cancha until his
son was of an age to reign. The name given to the son was Mayta Capac,
and, as governors, they say that the old Inca nominated two of his
brothers, whose names I did not hear.

The Ynca Lloque Yupanqui was mourned for by all the servants of his
household, and in many parts of the city, and, in conformity with their
heathen blindness, they killed many women and boys, in the belief that
they would go to serve the dead lord in heaven, where they held it to be
certain that his soul rested. Considering him to be a saint, the chief
people of the city ordered that his image should be made, to be brought
out at their festivals. Assuredly the preparations they make for the
obsequies of one of these kings are very great. Generally they mourned
in all the provinces, and in many of them the women were shorn, and
their heads bound with cords of reed. At the end of a year they make
greater lamentations and heathen sacrifices than can be imagined. As
regards this, those who were at Cuzco in the year 1550, beheld what took
place in honour of Paullu,[157] when they celebrated the end of his
mourning year. It was such that most of the ladies of the city went to
his house to see the ceremony, and I was myself present. Certainly it
was calculated to excite admiration, and we were given to understand
that it was nothing compared to what used to take place in former days.
Now I will speak of Mayta Capac.




CHAPTER XXXIII.

_Of the fourth Inca who reigned at Cuzco, named Mayta Capac, and of what
happened during his reign._


What has been described having taken place, Mayta Capac[158] began to
increase in stature. So, after the usual ceremonies, his ears were
bored. Then, when he was still nearer to man’s estate, he received the
crown or fringe of empire in presence of a great multitude, as well
natives as strangers, who assembled for the purpose. As he had no sister
with whom to marry, he took for his wife the daughter of a lord or
captain of a place called Oma, which is at a distance of two leagues
from Cuzco. Her name was Mama Cahua Pata.[159]

After the marriage, there was a district near the city where dwelt a
tribe called Alcaviquiza,[160] who had shown no desire to form a
friendship with those of Cuzco. They were full of suspicion, the one of
the other. It is related that, when a woman went to certain springs to
draw water, a boy came forth from the other district, and broke her
pitcher, making use of I know not what words. She went back to Cuzco
shrieking; and presently the two parties came forth with their arms,
which they had taken up on hearing the noise. The Inca, with his
followers, arrived, and they put themselves in array to fight, having
taken as the pretext so slight a cause as this quarrel between the woman
and the boy. This was the motive for subjugating that tribe, and for
making all memory of it to disappear.

The object was well understood by those of Alcaviquiza, and, as valiant
men, they resolutely came forth to the battle, which was the first that
took place in those days. They fought together for a long time, and, as
the affair had arisen so suddenly, those of Alcaviquiza had not been
able to seek for help. Though they fought well, they were defeated in
such sort that nearly all were killed, scarcely fifty of them escaping
with life. Then the king Mayta Capac took possession of the fields and
inheritances of the dead as conqueror, and divided them among the people
of Cuzco. There was great rejoicing for the victory, and sacrifices were
offered up to the oracles, which they held to be sacred.

Of this Inca the Orejones do not relate more than that Mayta Capac
reigned in Cuzco several years; and, when people were arriving to set
out for the province called Condesuyo, he became so ill that he
died,[161] leaving, as his heir, his eldest son, named Capac Yupanqui.




CHAPTER XXXIV.

_Of the fifth king who reigned at Cuzco, named Capac Yupanqui._


It seems to me that the Indians related few things of those Incas who
reigned in Cuzco soon after the foundation of that city. Certainly it
must be as they say that three or four of the Incas were those who
ordained and performed all that has already been written.

Mayta Capac being dead, his obsequies were performed in the usual way,
and, his image having been placed in the temple, he was canonized as a
saint in conformity with their blindness. Capac Yupanqui then assumed
the fringe. This was done with great feasting, and people came from all
parts to attend the solemnity of the coronation. These rejoicings having
been completed, drinking and singing being the chief part of them, the
Inca determined to go and make sacrifice on the hill of Guanacauri,
accompanied by the High Priest, the ministers of the temple, and many
Orejones and inhabitants of the city.

In the province of Condesuyo it was known that at the time when the late
Inca died he had intended to make war, and the people were prepared,
that they might not be taken unawares. After a few days they received
news of his death, and of the intended visit of Capac Yupanqui to
Guanacauri. So they determined to make war upon him, and to secure
spoils if they obtained the victory. Setting out from a town in that
district called Marca, they came to the place where the Inca then was.
He had been warned of what was going on, and was ready for their coming.
Many days did not pass before they joined battle one with the other, the
struggle continuing for a long time, as both sides fought with spirit.
In the end, those of Condesuyos were defeated with much slaughter. The
sacrifice was then performed with great rejoicing, some men and women
being offered up in accordance with their blindness, and many flocks of
sheep and lambs, in the entrails of which they prognosticated their
extravagancies and follies. When these sacrifices were finished, the
Inca returned to Cuzco, where there was great feasting and rejoicing for
the victory.

Those of the enemy who escaped, returned to their homes as best they
could, where they again began to assemble troops, declaring that they
would either die or destroy the city of Cuzco, and kill all the
strangers who were in it. Inflamed with pride and anger, they hurried
their preparation, and before they had seen the temple of Curi-cancha,
they divided the ladies who were in it among themselves. Having
assembled together, they marched towards the hill of Guanacauri, whence
they intended to enter Cuzco. Capac Yupanqui had been informed of their
movements, and had called together all the people of Cuzco and the
confederates. With the Orejones, he then waited until he knew the enemy
were near Cuzco. He then went forth to meet them, and there was a
battle, in which each captain animated his troops. Although those of
Condesuyo fought obstinately, they were defeated a second time, with a
loss of more than 6,000 men, and those who escaped, turned and fled to
their own land.

Capac Yupanqui followed the fugitives to their homes, where he waged war
upon them in such wise that they came to sue for peace, offering to
recognise the Lord of Cuzco, as the other tribes had done which were in
friendship with him. Capac Yupanqui pardoned them, and showed himself
very friendly to them all, ordering his people not to do any harm to
those whom he now considered as friends. Some beautiful maidens were
then looked for in that land, to be conveyed to the temple at Cuzco.
Capac Yupanqui travelled for some days in the conquered region,
requiring the people to live in an orderly way, and not to build their
towns in the heights or on the snow-covered rocks. All was done as he
ordered, and he returned to Cuzco.

He continued to enrich the city and the temple more and more; and he
ordered a house to be built for his residence, which was the best that
up to that time had been erected in Cuzco. They relate that he had
legitimate sons to succeed him by the Coya, that the fame of his state
and of the temple he had founded spread abroad among all the
neighbouring provinces, and that all the people were astonished at the
good order and reason that reigned in Cuzco, and at the inhabitants
being well dressed, in-so-much that these things were noised abroad in
all directions.

In those days, the people who occupied the region to the west of Cuzco
as far as Andahuaylas, having heard the tidings, sent ambassadors to
Capac Yupanqui with gifts and offerings, and the request that he would
receive them as friends and confederates. The Inca gave a very
favourable answer, giving them rich pieces of gold and silver to deliver
to those who sent them. These messengers were several days in the city,
receiving kind treatment and hospitality, judging more by what they saw
than by what they had heard; and thus they recounted all things on their
return. Some of the Orejones of Cuzco affirm that the general language
used in all the provinces was that which was spoken by these
Quichuas,[162] who were held by their neighbours to be very valiant
until the Chancas destroyed them.[163] After the Inca Capac Yupanqui
had lived many years, he died at a great age.[164] When the days of
mourning were passed, his son was received without any opposition as
King of Cuzco, as his father had been. The new king’s name was Inca
Rocca.




CHAPTER XXXV.

_Of the sixth king who reigned in Cuzco and of what happened in his
time; and of the fable or history they relate touching the river that
passes through the midst of the city of Cuzco._


Capac Yupanqui being dead in the way that has been related, he was
succeeded in the lordship by Inca Rocca his son; and a vast concourse of
people came from all directions to be present at the ceremony of his
taking the fringe. Great sacrifices were offered up at the oracles and
temples in accordance with their blindness. These Indians relate that
when the ears of this Inca were bored, to place in them those round
plates which are worn by the Orejones to this day, one of them hurt him
very much. The pain was such that he went forth from the city to a very
high hill which they call Chaca, where he summoned his women and the
Coya his sister, named Macay Cuca, whom he had received as his wife in
his father’s time. They further relate that, at the time, there happened
a mysterious event, which was this. Previously, neither stream nor river
flowed by the city, and this was felt to be no small want and
inconvenience. For, when it was warm, the inhabitants went to bathe in
the rivers that flowed in the neighbourhood of the city, and they even
bathed when it was not warm; and there were small fountains for the use
of the people, as there are at the present day.

The Inca being on this hill, somewhat apart from his people, he began to
offer up a prayer to the great Ticiviracocha and to Guanacauri, and to
the Sun, and to the Incas his ancestors, that they would be pleased to
declare how and from what direction, a river could be brought by human
labour to the city. While he was praying he heard a great peal of
thunder, insomuch that all present were terrified. The Inca himself,
owing to the fright he received, bowed his head until the left ear
touched the ground, from which flowed much blood. Suddenly he heard a
great noise of running water underneath that place. So, with great joy,
he ordered many Indians of the city to come, who quickly dug down until
they reached the water which had opened for itself a way in the bowels
of the earth, and had hitherto flowed without being of any use.

Continuing this narrative, they say further that, after they had dug
much and seen the source of the water, solemn sacrifices were offered to
the gods, for they believed that this benefit had come to them through
divine interposition. With great rejoicing they contrived so skilfully
that they led the water through the centre of the city, having first
paved the ground with large flags, and raised walls with strong
foundations on either side of the watercourse, placing some bridges of
stone across, to pass from one side to the other.

I have seen this river, and it is true that it flows in the way they
describe, coming from its source in the direction of that hill. But, as
for the rest, I know not the truth, and merely write down what they
assert. Yet a stream might well flow under the ground without being
either seen or heard; for, in many parts of this great kingdom, both
large and small rivers flow under the ground, as those report who have
travelled over the plains and mountains. In these days there are large
sewers on the banks of this river, full of filth and refuse. But, in the
time of the Incas, it was kept very clean, the water flowing over the
large flags, and occasionally the Inca and his women went to bathe
there. At divers times some Spaniards have found a quantity of gold, not
crude, but worked into small ornaments and _topus_, which had been left
or had fallen when the Incas and their retinue bathed in the river.[165]

After this event, the Inca Rocca came forth from Cuzco to make
sacrifices, contriving by great subtilty and kind words to bring as many
people as he could into friendship with him. He advanced towards the
region called Condesuyo, where, in a place called Pomatambo,[166] he
fought a battle with the natives of that district, and remained
conqueror and lord of them all. He pardoned them, conferred many
benefits on them, instructed them in his rules and order of government,
and they offered to become his subjects and to pay tribute. After having
been for some days in Condesuyo, and having visited the oracles and
temples in that region, the Inca returned in triumph to Cuzco, the
principal chiefs marching before him to guard his person, with axes and
halberds of gold.

This Inca had many sons and not a single daughter. After having ordained
some important matters relating to the government, he died, having first
married his eldest son, named Inca Yupanqui, to a lady who was a native
of Ayamarca, named Mama Chiquia.[167]




CHAPTER XXXVI.

_Of the seventh King or Inca who reigned in Cuzco, named Inca Yupanqui._


When Inca Rocca died, many people, both men and women came from
Condesuyo, Vicos, and Ayamarca, and there was great mourning for the
deceased king. Many women, from among those who in life had loved and
served him, in accordance with the general blindness of those Indians,
hung themselves by their own hair, and others were killed in divers
ways; that their souls might go quickly to serve their lord. In the
sepulchre, which was sumptuous and magnificent, they put great
treasures, and a still greater number of women and servants, with
provisions and fine clothing.

No sepulchre of these kings has been found, but to form a judgment as to
whether they were rich or not, it is not necessary to seek further proof
than the fact that in ordinary burying places 60,000 _pesos_ of gold,
more or less, have been found. What then must have been the quantity
deposited in a royal tomb, when they possessed so much of the precious
metals, and held it to be most important to leave this life well
provided with riches?

They also made an image of Inca Rocca, accounting him as one of their
gods, and believing that he took his rest in heaven.

As soon as the mourning was over, and the obsequies were completed, the
new Inca retired to perform his fast; and lest any sedition or
disturbance should be caused by his absence, he ordered that one of the
principal nobles of his lineage should represent his person in public;
to whom he gave authority to punish offences, and to maintain the city
in peace and rest, until the Inca should come forth with the royal
insignia of the fringe. They say that they have the tradition that this
Inca was of gentle presence, grave, and of imposing mien. He retired
into the most secret part of his palace, where he remained to perform
his fast on maize. At the end of the fast he came forth, the people
showing great joy on beholding him. They made feasts and great
sacrifices, and afterwards the Inca ordered that quantities of gold and
silver should be brought from all parts for the temple. And in Cuzco
they made the stone which they called “of the war.” It was large, and
was enriched with gold and stones.[168]




CHAPTER XXXVII.

_How when this Ynca wanted to make war in the province of Collao, a
certain disturbance arose in Cuzco; and how the Chancas conquered the
Quichuas, and got possession of their dominions._


Inca Yupanqui being in Cuzco with the desire of ennobling it, he
determined to go to Colla-suyu, which includes the provinces to the
southward of the city, because he had received intelligence that the
descendants of Zapana, who reigned in Hatun-colla, were very proud and
powerful, and that they had assembled forces to march upon Cuzco. So he
ordered his people to prepare. The Indians relate that many men had
arrived for the campaign which Inca Yupanqui wanted to undertake, and,
being on the point of setting out, some captains of Condesuyo, with
their warriors, plotted amongst themselves to kill the Inca. For they
said that if he returned victorious, he would be in such high estimation
that he would desire to bring all men under vassalage and servitude. At
the time when the Inca was engaged in his festivities, and somewhat
joyous from the quantity of wine he had drunk, one of the conspirators
approached and delivered a blow with a stick on the royal head. The
Inca, disturbed and excited, rose up saying, “What do you do, traitor?”
By this time, the men of Condesuyos had killed many persons, and the
Inca himself thought of seeking safety in the temple. But it was of no
avail to think, for he was overtaken by his enemies and killed, with
many of his women.[169]

There was great confusion in the city, insomuch that one man could not
understand another. The priests had retired to the temple, and the women
tore their hair, horrified at the death of the Inca by bloodshed, as if
he had been some vile person. Many of the inhabitants were preparing to
abandon the city, and the murderers wanted to plunder. They relate that
at this juncture there was a great noise of thunder with lightning, and
there fell so much water from heaven that those of Condesuyo were
afraid. Without following up their success, they retired, contenting
themselves with the mischief they had done.

They further state that, at that time, the Quichuas were lords of the
province called Andahuaylas, and that from the neighbourhood of a lake
called Choclococha there came a great multitude of people under two
captains named Huaraca and Uasco; who went forward, conquering as they
advanced, until they came to that province. When the inhabitants knew
of their approach, they prepared for war, encouraging each other, and
saying, that it would be right to kill those who had come to attack
them. Coming forth by a pass which leads towards the Aymaraes, these
Chancas with their captains approached their opponents, until they were
close together, when some speeches were made between them. Then they
joined battle. According to the tradition, the fighting was desperate,
and the result long doubtful. Finally, the Quichuas were defeated and
cruelly treated, for all who fell into the hands of the enemy were
killed, without sparing tender youth or helpless old age, and carrying
off the women. Having done other evil things, they made themselves lords
of that province, and possessed it as their descendants do to this day.
And I have related this event because hereafter there will be frequent
mention of these Chancas.

Returning to the previous subject of the retreat of the Condesuyos from
Cuzco, the city was cleared of the dead, and great sacrifices were
offered up. Moreover, it is said to be certain that, in the interment of
Inca Yupanqui, the same honors as were done to his ancestors were not
accorded to him, nor was his image set up, and he left no son.




CHAPTER XXXVIII.

_How the Orejones considered who should be Inca, and what passed until
Viracocha Inca assumed the fringe, who was the eighth Inca that
reigned._


When what has been related, in accordance with the account given by the
Orejones of Cuzco of these things, had taken place, there was great
lamentation for the death of the Inca. Then the principal people of the
city considered who should be chosen for king, and who was worthy to be
raised to such a post of dignity. There were several opinions, some
proposing that there should be no king, but that the city should be
governed by those who might be elected; while others maintained that all
would be lost if there was no head.

Over this question there was a great dispute, and while it was at its
height, they say that a woman came forth, in front of the Anan-Cuzcos
and said, “What are you about? Why do you not take Viracocha Inca,
seeing that he is so worthy?” On hearing these words, the people left
their cups of wine, and went hastily for Viracocha Inca, son of Inca
Yupanqui,[170] saying, as soon as they saw him, that he should perform
the accustomed fast, and then receive the fringe, which they desired to
confer upon him. Viracocha agreeing, he commenced the fast, and
committed the charge of the city to his relation Rocca Inca. In due time
he came forth with the crown, and they celebrated solemn festivals in
Cuzco, which lasted for many days, all showing great satisfaction at the
election of the new Inca.

Some have pretended that this Inca was called Viracocha because he came
from other parts and brought with him a different dress, and that in
his features and aspect he appeared like a Spaniard, because he had a
beard.[171] They relate other things which would be tedious if they were
written down. I inquired touching this matter, of Cayu Tupac Yupanqui,
and the other principal people in Cuzco, who gave me the account of the
Incas which I am now writing, and they replied that it was nonsense,
without any foundation. For Viracocha was born and brought up in Cuzco
like his parents and grandparents, and the name of Viracocha was given
him as a special name, such as each one receives.

As soon as he received the crown, he married with one of the principal
ladies named Runtu Coya,[172] who was very beautiful. When the
festivities were concluded he resolved to set out for the conquest of
some people near Cuzco, who had not consented to come into friendly
relations with former Incas, confiding in the strength of their
_pucaras_. With the force that he saw fit to assemble, he set out from
Cuzco in a rich litter guarded by the principal people, and directed his
march to a place called Calca,[173] where his messenger had been
received with much insolence. When those of Calca knew that the army of
Cuzco was approaching, they assembled in arms and posted themselves in
the heights, whence they hurled great stones on the troops of the Inca,
that they might kill those who were struck. The Incas climbed up the
hills, and, in spite of opposition, succeeded in occupying one of the
forts or strongholds. When those of Calca saw the Cuzco soldiers in
their fastnesses, they came forth in a body, and fought resolutely. The
battle continued from morning until noon, and many were killed on both
sides, still more being made prisoners. The victory remained with those
of Cuzco.

The Inca was near a river,[174] where his camp was pitched, and when he
knew of the victory he felt much joy. Then his captains came down with
the spoil and the captives. The Indians who had escaped from the battle,
with other captains of Calca and of the neighbourhood, saw that their
plans had turned out so badly, and that the only course for them was to
try the good faith of the conqueror, and to seek for peace, and a
moderate servitude such as many others had agreed to. They came forth to
a place on the mountain and said, in a loud voice, “Live for ever! live,
powerful Inca Viracocha, our lord!” At the noise caused by the voices
the Cuzco troops flew to arms, but very little time elapsed before the
conquered were prostrate on the ground before Viracocha Inca, where
without rising, one who was held to be the wisest amongst them, raising
his voice began to say: “You ought, O Inca, neither to become proud at
the victory which God has given you, nor to despise us for having been
defeated; for to you and to the Incas it is permitted to be lords over
other tribes, and to us it is given to defend the liberty which we
received from our fathers, with all our power, and when we are unable to
succeed in this, it is for us to obey and submit with a good grace.
Therefore give the order that no more of us are to be killed, and no
more harm to be done, and dispose of us according to your will.” And
when the principal Indian had spoken these words, the rest asked for
mercy with loud groans.

The Inca replied that if harm had come, their anger had been the
occasion of it, for at first they would not believe his words nor
receive his friendship; that now he freely granted them their lands and
property as at first, and that, in conformity with the laws, they would
pay tribute and do service. He ordered them to build two palaces, one
within the city of Cuzco, and the other in Saqui, as a place of
recreation. They answered that they would do so, and the Inca ordered
the captives to be released and their property to be restored. In order
that they might understand what they had to do, and that no dissensions
might arise among them, he ordered a delegate with great power to remain
among them, without depriving the native lord of his jurisdiction.

These events having passed, the Inca Viracocha sent a messenger to
summon those of Caitomarca, who had made strong places on the other side
of a river, without ever having shown a desire of friendship with the
Incas who were lords of Cuzco. When the messenger of the Inca Viracocha
arrived, they reviled him, calling the Inca a mad man, for believing
that they would easily submit to his rule.




CHAPTER XXXIX.

_How Viracocha Inca threw a stone of fire with a sling at Caitomarca,
and how they made reverence._


As soon as Viracocha Inca had despatched the messenger, he ordered the
camp to be raised, and a march to be undertaken in the direction of
Caitomarca. Advancing by the road, they arrived at a river, where the
Inca ordered a halt for rest. Being in this place, the messenger
arrived, who reported how those of Caitomarca had mocked at him, and how
they had said that they felt no fear of the Incas. When this message was
understood by the Inca Viracocha, he rose up on the litter with great
anger, ordering the troops to advance with all speed. This was done,
until they came to a large and rapid river, which I believe must have
been the river of Yucay.[175] Here the Inca ordered his tents to be
pitched, intending to attack the enemy’s town on the other side; but the
current was so strong that this was not possible. Those of Caitomarca
came to the river side, whence they hurled many stones from their slings
at the Inca’s camp, and began to utter cries and great shouts. For it is
a strange custom with these people, when they fight with each other, how
little they allow their mouths to rest.

For two days the Inca was on the banks of that river without being able
to cross it, for there was no bridge; nor is it clear whether they had
those which are now in use before the time of the Incas: some say that
they had them, while others maintain the contrary. They relate that
Viracocha Inca ordered a small stone to be put into a strong flame, and
when it was very hot he applied a certain preparation to it which would
make it set fire to anything it touched. He then ordered it to be put
into a sling made of gold wire, with which, when he was inclined, he was
accustomed to hurl stones, and with great force he threw the heated
missile into the town of Caitomarca. It fell on the eave of a roof which
was thatched with very dry straw, and presently the thatch burnt, so
that the Indians cried out to know what had happened, and who had set
fire to the house. Then an old woman presented herself before them and
said, “Listen to what I declare, and to what is certain. Think not that
the house has been set on fire by any one here, but believe that the
fire came from heaven. For I beheld a burning stone, which, falling from
on high, struck the house and destroyed it as you see.”

When the principal leaders, and the elders of the town heard this, being
such great soothsayers and wizards, they believed that the stone had
been sent by the hand of God as a punishment for disobeying the Inca.
Presently, without waiting for an answer from the oracle or offering up
any sacrifice, they crossed the river in _balsas_, bringing presents to
the Inca. When they were brought into his presence, they asked for peace
and made great offers of their persons and estates, as their allies had
previously done.

The Inca Viracocha, on learning what those of Caitomarca had said,
replied with great dissimulation that if they had not quickly come on
that day, he had determined to attack them on the following morning, in
great _balsas_ which he had caused to be prepared. The agreement was
then made between those of Caitomarca and the Inca; and that sovereign
gave to the captain or lord of Caitomarca one of his own women, a native
of Cuzco, which was esteemed a great favor.

The fame of the Inca’s deeds was spread abroad in the neighbouring
districts, and many, without seeing the arms of the Cuzco army, sent to
offer friendship and alliance with the king Inca, who was well pleased,
speaking lovingly to one and another, showing great kindness to all, and
providing them with what they needed. Seeing that he was now able to
assemble a great army, the Inca determined to call troops together to
advance in person into Condesuyo.




CHAPTER XL.

_How a tyrant rose up in Cuzco, and of the disturbance he caused. Of the
chastisement of certain Mamaconas for having, contrary to their
religion, used their bodies uncleanly; and how Viracocha returned to
Cuzco._


The news was received at Cuzco of everything that happened to Viracocha;
and when an account was given in the city of the operations against
those of Caitomarca, they say that a tyrant rose up in the person of a
brother of the late Inca Yupanqui, who, being much annoyed because the
lordship and sovereignty had been given to Viracocha and not to him, was
watching for an opportunity to seize the supreme power. He entertained
this design because he had formed a party among some of the Orejones and
principal persons of the lineage of Orin-Cuzcos. On receiving the news
of this war which the Inca was engaged in, and it seeming likely that he
would find a difficulty in bringing it to a successful end, the
conspirator resolved to kill him who had been left as governor of the
city, and to take possession.

Capac, for such was his name, eager for the command, assembled his party
on a day when all the rest of the Orejones were in the temple of the
Sun, and among them Inca Rocca, the governor of the Inca Viracocha, and
took up arms. He declared that Viracocha could not retain the
sovereignty, and he killed the governor, with many others, whose blood
stained the altars and sanctuaries, and the figure of the Sun. The
_mamaconas_ and priests ran out with much noise, cursing the murderers
and declaring that so great a crime deserved a great punishment. A crowd
came forth from the city to see what had happened. Some approving of the
rebellion, joined with Capac; others, deploring the murders, took up
arms, and there was thus a division, many being killed both on one side
and on the other. The city resounded with such noise and shouts, that
men could not hear their own voices. In this confusion the tyrant got
possession, killing many of the women of the Inca. Some fled from the
city, and escaped to the camp of Viracocha, who, concealing what he
felt, ordered his troops to march towards Cuzco.

To return to the tyrant Capac. When he had got possession of the city,
he wanted to appear in public with the fringe, that all might receive
him as king. But when the first excitement was over, during which many
had lost their judgment and committed great crimes, the very same who
had incited the usurper to rise, now upbraided him, went out to meet the
Inca, and sought pardon for what they had done.

Capac had no lack of courage to carry through the affair, but he was
much disturbed to see how small was the number of those who adhered to
him. He cursed those who had deceived and deserted him, and, that he
might not behold the return of the Inca, he took poison and died. His
women and children, with other relations, imitated his example.

The news of all this came to the royal camp, and the Inca, when he
reached the city, went straight to the temple of the Sun to offer up
sacrifices. The bodies of Capac and of the others who had died with him,
were ordered to be cast forth into the fields, to be devoured by birds
of prey; and those who aided the treason were condemned to death.

The allies and confederates of Viracocha Inca, when they heard what had
happened, sent many embassies with presents and offerings of
congratulation, and to these embassies he made joyful replies.

At this time, the Orejones say that there were many virgins of rank in
the temple of the Sun, who were honored and esteemed, as has been
explained in many parts of this history. And they further add that four
of them used their bodies uncleanly with certain servants who guarded
them, and being discovered they were taken, both the men and the women,
and the high priest ordered that they should be judged, and punished.

The Inca had determined to invade Condesuyo, but, feeling tired and old,
he gave up the plan. He then ordered that palaces, to be used by him for
recreation, should be built in the valley of Xaquixaguana. As he had
many sons, and as he knew that the eldest, who was named Inca Urco, to
whom the sovereignty would descend, was a man of vicious habits and very
cowardly, he desired to deprive him of the inheritance, in order to give
it to another who was younger and more worthy, named Inca Yupanqui.




CHAPTER XLI.

_How ambassadors from the tyrants of the Collao came to Cuzco, and of
the departure of Viracocha Inca for the Collao._


Many histories and events fell out between the natives of these
provinces in early times; but as I make a rule only to relate what I
hold to be certain, according to the opinions of the learned natives and
to the narrative I took down at Cuzco, I leave out what I do not clearly
understand, and treat of what I feel sure, as I have already explained
several times.

It is well known, among the Orejones, that at this time ambassadors came
to Cuzco from the province of the Collao. For they relate that, in the
reign of Inca Viracocha, a lord named Zapana ruled over Hatun-colla. In
the lake of Titicaca there are islands inhabited by people with large
_balsas_, and another lord named Cari went to the islands, where he
fought with the people insomuch that there were great battles between
them, out of which the Cari came forth a conqueror. But he had no other
object than to destroy the villagers and carry off plunder, without
troubling himself to take prisoners. He returned to Chucuito, where he
had established himself, and he had under his sway the towns of Ylave,
Yuli, Zepita, Pomata, and others. With the people he could collect,
after having offered up great sacrifices to his gods or devils, he
determined to march to the province of the Canas. These men, when they
heard of his approach, assembled together, came forth to meet him, and
fought a battle in which they were defeated with much loss. After this
victory Cari determined to continue his advance, and arrived at
Luracachi, where it is said that he fought another battle, and was
equally fortunate.

With these victories Cari became very proud, and the news spread abroad.
When Zapana, the lord of Hatun-colla, heard of it, he was very sad, and
he assembled his friends and vassals to take the field and despoil Cari.
But he could not do this so secretly as to prevent Cari from
understanding the design of Zapana, and he retired in good order to
Chucuito by an unfrequented road, so that Zapana could not molest him.
Having arrived in his own country, Cari assembled his principal chiefs,
that they might consult touching the designs for Zapana, whose
destruction was meditated by Cari, that there might be only one lord in
the Collao. Zapana had the same thought in his mind.

And as the valour of the Incas, and the great power of Viracocha was
spread abroad over all that region, each of these chiefs, desiring to
obtain his friendship, sent ambassadors to Cuzco to secure his alliance
and induce him to take part against the rival chief. These messengers
set out with great presents, and arrived at Cuzco when the Inca was at
the places or _tampus_ which, for his diversion, he had ordered to be
built in Xaquixaguana. Hearing that they were coming, the Inca ordered
that they should be lodged in the city and provided with all they
required.

The Inca consulted with the Orejones and venerable councillors touching
the course that ought to be adopted in the matter of the embassies that
had come from the Collao; and it was decided that a reply should be
sought from the oracles. This is done by the priests in front of the
idols. They bow down their shoulders, put their chins into their
breasts, and begin to speak in loud voices. Occasionally I myself, with
my own ears, have heard the Indians converse with the devil. In the
province of Cartagena, in a seaport town called Bahayre,[176] I heard
the devil answer in a clear whistle, and so loudly, that a Christian who
was in the same town but more than half a league from where I was, heard
the same whistle and was dismayed, being rather unwell. On another day
the Indians made great shoutings, publishing the reply of the devil. In
some parts of these lands where they keep the dead in hammocks, the
devils occasionally enter into the bodies and give answers. I heard a
man named Aranda say that, in the island of Carex,[177] he also saw one
of these dead bodies speak, and the lies and nonsense they utter are
laughable.

When the Inca determined to seek for an answer from the oracles, he sent
for those who were accustomed to manage those things, and they say that
the reply was that he should arrange to go to the Collao and seek the
alliance of Cari. So he ordered the messengers of Zapana to be brought
before him, and told them to say to their lord that he would shortly
leave Cuzco and march to the Collao, where he would treat of the
question of friendship. To those who came on the part of Cari he said
that they were to explain to the lord how he was preparing to come to
his aid, and that he would soon be with him.[178] When this was done,
the Inca ordered forces to be assembled to march from Cuzco, leaving one
of the principal persons of his lineage as governor.




CHAPTER XLII.

_How Viracocha Inca passed by the provinces of the Canches and Canas,
and marched until he entered the territory of the Collao, and of what
happened between Cari and Zapana._


Having determined to march to the Collao, the Inca set out from the city
of Cuzco with a large force, passing by Muyna, and by the towns of Urcos
and Quiquijana. When the Canches,[179] heard of his approach, they
determined to assemble and come forth with their arms, to defend the
passage through their land. The Inca, on receiving news of their
intention, sent messengers to represent that they should not undertake
such an enterprise, for that he did not wish to give them any affront,
but rather desired to be their friend, and if their chiefs and captains
would come to him, he would give them to drink from his own cup. The
Canches replied to the messengers that the Inca should not pass by
reason of what they said, and that they were there to defend their
country which had been invaded. Returning with this answer, the
messengers found the Inca Viracocha in Cangalla, full of anger at the
small account in which the Canches held his embassy. He made a rapid
march, arriving at a town which is called Compata. Near a river which
flows close by, he found the Canches drawn up in order of battle, and
here the combat between the two forces took place. Many died on both
sides, and the Canches were defeated. Those who were able to do so,
fled, and were followed by the conquerors, killing and taking prisoners.
After a long time the pursuers returned with the spoils, bringing with
them many prisoners, both men and women.

After this had happened, the Canches, throughout the province, sent
messengers to the Inca, beseeching him to pardon them, and to receive
them into his service. As the Inca desired nothing else, he granted the
usual conditions, which were that they should receive those of Cuzco as
sovereign lord, and submit their laws and customs, offering tribute of
what they produced, in accordance with what was done by other subjects.
After passing some days in arranging these affairs, and in making the
Canches understand that they must live together in towns, and must not
engage in quarrels or wars amongst themselves, he passed onwards.

The Canas[180] had assembled together in large numbers, at a place
called Luracachi; and as they had news of what had befallen the Canches,
and that the Ynca did not injure those who wished to be his allies, nor
allow others to do so, they resolved to make friends with him. The Inca
advanced and, when he approached Luracachi and heard of the good will of
the Canas, he was much pleased. As there was a temple of Aconcagua in
that district, he sent great presents to the idols and priests.

When the ambassadors from the Canas arrived, they were well received by
the Inca Viracocha, who replied to them that the principal and most
venerable of the Canas should be near, where they would see him; and
when he had been some days at the temple of Vilcañota he would hasten to
be with them. He gave some fine cloth and ornaments to the messengers,
and ordered his own soldiers not to enter the houses of the Canas, nor
to take anything that belonged to them, that their good will might not
be disturbed nor give place to any other thought.

The Canas, when they heard the message, caused plenty of provisions to
be placed along the road, and came down from their villages to serve the
Inca, who, with much regard to justice, took care that they should not
be injured in any way. They were supplied with flocks and---- [181]
which is their wine. On arriving at their vain temple, they made
sacrifices in accordance with their heathen practices, killing many
lambs. Thence the army advanced to Ayavire, where the Canas had brought
more provisions. The Inca spoke to them lovingly, and arranged his
peaceful pact, as was his custom with other tribes. The Canas, holding
it to be an advantage to them to be governed by such wise and just laws,
did not object to the payment of tribute, and the duty of going to
Cuzco.

This being done, Viracocha Inca determined to set out for the Collao,
where by this time it was known what had happened with the Canches and
Canas. They were waiting in Chucuito, and in Hatun Colla. Zapana was
aware that Cari had been received well by Viracocha, and that he was
expecting the Inca. He, therefore, determined to attack him before he
became more powerful by a junction with the forces of the Inca. Cari was
equally spirited, and came out with his followers to a town called
Paucar-colla. Near this place the armies of the two most powerful
tyrants of the district faced each other, in such numbers that it was
said they amounted to one hundred and fifty _huarancas_.[182] They
joined in battle, and it is related that it was fiercely contested, and
that the dead numbered more than 30,000. After it had lasted for a long
time, Cari remained the victor, while Zapana and his people were
defeated, with the death of many. Zapana himself was killed in this
battle.




CHAPTER XLIII.

_How Cari returned to Chucuito; of the arrival of the Inca Viracocha;
and of the peace that was agreed to between them_.


As soon as Zapana was dead, Cari took possession of his camp, and seized
upon everything that was in it, with which he quickly returned to
Chucuito. There he waited for Viracocha Inca, and ordered lodgings to be
got ready and provisions to be supplied. The Inca, while he was on the
road, heard of the victory gained by Cari and of the end of the war.
Although he gave out that he was pleased, in secret he felt regret at
the course things had taken, because he thought that, while there were
differences between the two chiefs, he would easily make himself lord of
the Collao; and he intended to return quickly to Cuzco, that no untoward
event might happen.

When he approached Chucuito, Cari came forth with his principal men to
receive him, and he was lodged and attentively served. As he wished to
return to Cuzco, he spoke with Cari, telling him how much he had
rejoiced at his good success, and that he was coming to his assistance.
In order to make sure that they should always be good friends, he
expressed a desire to give him a daughter of his own for a wife. Cari
answered that he was very old and very weary, and he prayed the Inca to
marry his daughter to a youth, seeing that there were many to choose
from, and that he would have him as his lord and friend, and consent
that he should rule, and that in this way he would help him in wars and
other affairs of moment. Then, in presence of the principal men who were
assembled, the Inca Viracocha ordered a large cup of gold to be brought,
and the plighted homage between the two was taken in this way. They
drank a draught of the wine which the women had, and the Inca took the
cup, and put it on the top of a very loose stone, saying:--“The sign is
this, that the cup shall be here, and I do not move it nor you touch it,
in token that that which is agreed upon shall be observed.” Then
kissing, they made a reverence to the sun, and they had a great _taqui_,
with much noise. Then the priests, having uttered certain words, carried
the cup to one of their vain temples, where they deposit similar tokens
of oaths made by their kings and lords. Having passed some days in
Chucuito, Viracocha Inca returned to Cuzco, being attentively waited
upon and well received in all parts.

And now many provinces were organized, and the people wore better
clothes and had better customs than before, being ruled according the
laws of Cuzco. Inca Urco, the son of Viracocha Inca had remained there
as governor, of whom they relate that he was very cowardly, remiss, full
of vices, and with few virtues. As he was the eldest he had to succeed
his father in the kingdom. His father knew his character, and desired
much to deprive him of the lordship, and to give it to Inca Yupanqui,
his second son, a youth of great valour and of good conduct, resolute
and fearless, and endowed with grand and lofty aspirations. But the
_Orejones_ and principal men of the city did not wish the laws to be
broken, which were observed as having been ordained by their ancestors.
Although they knew how evil were the inclinations of Inca Urco, still
they desired that he, and not another should be the king after the death
of his father. I relate this so fully because those who told me, also
say that Viracocha Inca sent from Urcos, his messengers to the city, to
treat on this matter, but that he could not obtain what he wanted. When
he entered Cuzco, he had a grand reception. But he was now very old and
weary, so he determined to leave the government of his kingdom to his
son, to deliver up the fringe, and to retire to the valley of Yucay and
to that of Xaquixaguana to amuse himself and enjoy the rest of his life.
He announced his intention to the people of the city, but he was not
able to secure the succession for Inca Yupanqui.




CHAPTER XLIV.

_How Inca Urco was received as supreme ruler of the whole empire, and
assumed the crown at Cuzco, and how the Chancas determined to come forth
and make war on those of Cuzco._


The Orejones, and even all the other natives of these provinces, laughed
at the proceedings of the Inca Urco.[183] Owing to his trivialities,
they prefer that he should not be looked upon as having enjoyed the
dignity of the kingdom. Thus we see that in the narrative derived from
the _quipus_ and traditions, which they have of the kings who reigned at
Cuzco, they are silent as to this one. This I will not be; for in fact,
well or ill, with vices or virtues, he governed and reigned over the
kingdom for several days. When Viracocha Inca departed for the valley of
Xaquixaguana, he sent the fringe or crown to Cuzco, that the elders of
the city might deliver it to Inca Urco, having said that what he had
done for the city of Cuzco must suffice, and that he wished to pass what
remained of life in the enjoyment of rest, for that he was old and unfit
for war. His wishes being understood, presently Inca Urco began the
fasts and other observances in conformity with their customs and, having
finished, he came forth with the crown, and went to the temple of the
Sun to perform sacrifices, and there were the usual feasts and drinking
bouts at Cuzco.

Inca Urco had married his sister, that he might have a son by her, to
succeed to the lordship. He was so vicious, and so given to evil courses
that, without caring for her, he went after common women, and after the
girls he fancied, and it is even said that he seduced some of the
_mamaconas_ in the temple; and he had so little honour that he did not
even desire to be respected. He went about the city drinking, and when
he had an _arroba_ or more of liquor in his body, he conducted himself
indecently. And he used to say to the _Orejones_ who had beautiful
wives, “How are my children?” as much as to say that the children were
his and not the children of the husbands. He never built any house or
edifice, he disliked arms, and in short they relate no good thing of him
except that he was very liberal.

As soon as he had assumed the fringe, after some days had passed, he
determined to go and enjoy himself in the houses of pleasure which were
built for the recreation of the Incas, leaving as his lieutenant Inca
Yupanqui, who was father of Tupac Inca, as we shall presently relate.

Such being the state of affairs at Cuzco, the Chancas, as I have already
stated, had conquered the Quichuas and occupied the greater part of the
province of Andabailes. As they were victorious, and hearing what was
said of the grandeur of Cuzco and of its riches, and of the majesty of
the Incas, they did not desire to abandon their conquests, but wished to
acquire all they could with their arms. So they made a grand appeal to
their gods, and set out from Andabailes, which is the place called by
the Spaniards Andaguaylas,[184] and is now an encomienda of Diego
Maldonado[185] the rich, leaving a sufficient force there to protect
it. Hastu-Huaraca, and a very brave brother of his named Omoguara, with
the forces ready for war, set out proudly from their own territory on
the road to Cuzco, marching until they arrived at Curampa,[186] where
they encamped, doing much injury to the people of the district. But as
in those days many of the settlements were on the heights and peaks of
the mountains, with strong defences called _pucaras_, they could not
kill any great number or make many prisoners, but only ravage the
fields.

They departed from Curampa, and arrived at the resting place of
Cocha-cassa, and at the river Abancay, destroying everything they found.
Thus they approached Cuzco, where the news of their coming had preceded
them. When it was known to the aged Viracocha, he left the valley of
Xaquixaguana, and went with his women and servants to the valley of
Yucay. They also relate that Inca Urco merely laughed, making light of
what was really a very serious matter. But the fate of Cuzco was guarded
by Inca Yupanqui and his sons, who were destined to save the city from
all its danger by their virtues. For not only did he vanquish the
Chancas, but he subjugated the greater part of the nations who inhabit
those kingdoms, as I shall relate further on.




CHAPTER XLV.

_How the Chancas arrived at the city of Cuzco and pitched their camp
there, and of the terror of the inhabitants, and the great valour of
Inca Yupanqui._


After the Chancas had offered up sacrifices on the banks of the Apurimac
and had arrived near the city of Cuzco, the Captain-General or lord who
led them, named Hastu-Huaraca said that they should reflect on the great
undertaking they had entered upon, that they should show themselves to
be strong, and that they should feel no fear nor terror whatever of men
who thought they could frighten people by making their ears such a size
as these enemies did. He also told his followers that they would capture
much spoil, and beautiful women with whom they could enjoy themselves.
They replied cheerfully that they would do their duty.

As it was known in the city of Cuzco that the enemy was marching against
it, and that neither Viracocha Inca nor his son Inca Urco had made any
preparation to oppose them, the Orejones and principal people were much
disturbed, and offered up great sacrifices according to their custom.
They then agreed to ask Inca Yupanqui to take charge of the war, for the
common safety. One of the most venerable took the matter in hand, and
spoke in the name of the others. He replied that when his father wished
to confer the fringe upon him, they would not consent, but insisted that
his cowardly brother should be Inca. He himself had never pretended to
the royal dignity through usurpation and contrary to the will of the
people; and they should now do what was necessary for the public good,
as they had seen that the Inca Urco was unfit for the post. The Orejones
replied that, when the war was over, they would adopt such measures as
were best for the government of the kingdom. It is said that they then
sent messengers through the province, declaring that all who wished to
come and be citizens of Cuzco, would be given lands in the valley, and
would receive privileges; and so they came from many parts. This being
done, the captain, Inca Yupanqui, came forth to the great square where
was the stone of war, with the skin of a lion on his head, as a sign
that he must be strong as is that animal.

At this time the Chancas had reached Vilca-cunga, and the Inca Yupanqui
ordered all the men of war that were in Cuzco to be assembled, with the
determination of marching out on the road. Those who appeared most
resolute were appointed captains; but, on further consideration, he
determined to wait in the city.

The Chancas continued to advance until they pitched their camp on the
hill of Carmenca, which overlooks the city, and presently set up their
tents. The people of Cuzco had made deep holes full of stones at the
approaches to the city, and subtly covered them over on the top, so that
those who walked that way might fall in. When the women and children of
Cuzco saw the enemy, they were much afraid, and made a great noise. Inca
Yupanqui sent messengers to Hastu Huaraca, proposing that there should
be an agreement between them, to avoid the slaughter of the people.
Hastu Huaraca was proud, and thought little of the embassy. He wanted
simply to abide by the decision of battle; but to the importunate
prayers of his relations and others, he yielded so far as to agree to a
conference with the Inca, and in that sense he replied. The city is
situated between hills, in a naturally strong position. The <DW72>s and
ridges were scarped, and in many parts sharp stakes of palm were fixed,
which are as hard as iron, and more hurtful. The Inca and Hastu Huaraca
had an interview, but, as both were ready to fight, it availed little,
for being further excited by the words which they spoke to each other,
at last they came to blows, at the same time shouting and making a great
noise. For the men in that country make an exceeding great noise when
they fight. They fought with each other for a long time and the night
coming on, the Chancas remained in their tents, and those of the city
were all round, watching in every direction, that the enemy might not
enter. For neither Cuzco, nor the other towns in those parts, are
surrounded by walls.

When the surprise was over, Hastu Huaraca encouraged his followers to be
valorous in the fight, and the Inca Yupanqui did the same with the
Orejones and the people who were in the city. The Chancas resolutely
came forth from their camp with the intention of forcing an entry, and
those of Cuzco were determined to defend the city. The battle was
renewed, and many fell on either side; but such was the valour of Inca
Yupanqui that he gained the victory, and nearly all the Chancas were
killed. They say that very few more than five hundred escaped, and among
them their captain Hastu Huaraca, who arrived with them at their own
province but not without difficulty.[187] The Inca enjoyed the spoil,
and got many captives, as well men as women.




CHAPTER XLVI.

_How Inca Yupanqui was received as King, the name of Inca being taken
from Inca Urco, and how the new Sovereign made a peace with Hastu
Huaraca._


As soon as the Chancas were defeated, Inca Yupanqui entered Cuzco in
great triumph, and addressed the principal Orejones on their agreement.
He said that he had worked for them in the way they had seen, while his
brother and his father had done little in opposing the enemy, and that,
therefore, they should give him the sovereignty and government of the
empire. The people of Cuzco, one with another, discussed the matter,
comparing the merits of Inca Yupanqui and Inca Urco, and, by consent of
the city, they agreed that Inca Urco should not enter Cuzco again, and
that the fringe should be taken from him and given to Inca Yupanqui.
Although Inca Urco, when he knew what had been done, wanted to come to
Cuzco to justify himself, and was much moved, complaining of his brother
and of those who had deprived him of the government; yet they did not
yield, nor turn aside from accomplishing what they had resolved to do.
There are some who say that the Coya, wife of Inca Urco, left him
without having borne him any children, and went to Cuzco, where her
second brother Inca Yupanqui received her as his wife. Having performed
the fast and the other ceremonies, he came forth with the fringe, and
there were great festivals at Cuzco, people flocking thither from all
parts. The new Inca ordered all those who had fallen in the battle on
his side to be buried with the customary funeral rites. For the Chancas
he caused a large house to be erected on the battle field, like a tomb,
where all the bodies of the dead were put as a memorial, and the skins
were filled with cinders or straw, so that the human form was made to
appear in many attitudes. Some of them appearing like men, had drums
issuing from their bellies, on which they appeared to be playing. Others
were set up with flutes in their mouths. After this fashion they were
left until the Spaniards entered Cuzco. Alonzo Carrasco[188] and Juan de
Pancorvo,[189] ancient conquerors, related to me how they had seen these
skins full of cinders, as did many others of those who came to Cuzco
with Pizarro and Almagro.

The Orejones say that in those days there was a large population in
Cuzco, and that it was always increasing. Messengers arrived from many
parts to congratulate the new king, who answered them all with gracious
words. He wished to set out and make war in the region they call
Condesuyo, and as he knew by experience how brave and enterprising was
Hastu Huaraca, the Lord of Andahuaylas, he thought of inducing him to
enter his service. They relate that he sent messengers, asking the chief
to come to Cuzco with his brothers and friends, and to enjoy the society
of the Inca. Considering that it would be profitable to secure the
friendship of Inca Yupanqui, the Lord of Andahuaylas came to Cuzco, and
was well received.[190] And as the Inca had summoned his army for war,
he determined to proceed to Condesuyo.

At this time, they relate that Viracocha Inca died, and they gave him
sepulture with less pomp and honor than his ancestors, because he had
deserted the city in his old age and had no wish to return when the
Chancas made war. I say no more concerning Inca Urco, because the
Indians only refer to his history as a thing to laugh at, and putting
him on one side, I consider Inca Yupanqui as the ninth king that reigned
in Cuzco.




CHAPTER XLVII.

_How Inca Yupanqui set out from Cuzco, leaving Lloque Yupanqui as
Governor, and of what happened._


As now, by order of Inca Yupanqui, more than 40,000 men had been
assembled round the stone of war, the army was passed in review,
captains were appointed, and there were feasts and drinking bouts. All
being ready, the Inca set out from Cuzco in a litter enriched with gold
and precious stones, which was surrounded by his guards with halberds,
axes, and other arms. Next to him marched the lords, and this king
displayed more valour and authority than any of his ancestors. He left
in Cuzco, according to what they relate, his brother Lloque Yupanqui as
governor. The Coya and the other women travelled in hammocks, and it is
said that they carried a great quantity of jewels and of stores. In
front, men were sent forward to clear the road, so that neither grass
nor stone, large or small, might remain on it.

Arrived at the river Apurimac, they crossed it by the bridge that had
been made, and advanced as far as the buildings of Cura-huasi. Many men
and women, and some lords and principal men, came forth from the
neighbouring places, and when they saw the army they were amazed and
cried out, “Great Lord, Child of the Sun”, “Monarch of all things”, and
many other grand names. At this place, they say that a captain of the
Chancas, named Tupac Uasco, was given a _Palla_ of Cuzco as his wife,
and he highly prized her.

Advancing by the Apurimac and Cocha-cassa, the Inca found that the
inhabitants of those parts were in strong _pucaras_, and that they did
not live together in villages. So he ordered that they should live in an
orderly way, abandoning evil customs, and abstaining from killing each
other. They rejoiced at these orders, and willingly obeyed his
commandment. But those of Curampa derided it. This being told to Inca
Yupanqui, he defeated them in battle, killing many, and taking others
prisoners. As the land was fertile, he ordered one of his officers to
remain and organise the district, and to build lodgings and a temple of
the Sun.

These arrangements having been made with great care, the King set out
from thence, and marched to the province of Andahuaylas, where there was
a solemn reception. He remained several days to decide whether he would
go to conquer the inhabitants of Guamanga or Xauxa, or the Soras and
Lucanas. Having considered the matter in council with his officers, he
decided upon going to the Soras.[191] Setting out, he marched over an
uninhabited region which leads to the Soras, who were apprised of his
approach, and assembled to defend their country.

The Inca Yupanqui had sent captains with parties in many other
directions, to induce men to join his service by kind treatment; and he
sent messengers to the Soras, admonishing them not to take up arms
against him, and promising to make much of them, and to do them no
injury. But they did not wish for peace with servitude; but rather to
fight for their liberty. So when the two armies came together, there was
a battle, concerning which those who can preserve the memory of it, say
that it was fiercely contested, and that many fell on both sides. But
the victory remained with those of Cuzco. The fugitives who escaped
death or capture, fled to their town with much lamentation, where they
collected as much of their property as they could, and, taking their
women, they abandoned the place, and fled to a strong rock, near the
river of Vilcas, where there are many caves and a supply of water. In
this fastness many men assembled with their women, with as much
provisions as they could get together, for fear of the Inca. Not only
the Soras took refuge on the rock, but many from the district of
Guamanga, and from the banks of the Vilcas, also fled there, terrified
at the news that the Inca wished to be sole lord over the people.

The battle being won, the conquerors enjoyed the spoils; but the Inca
ordered that no harm should be done to the captives. They were all
released. A captain was ordered to march towards Condesuyo by way of
Pumatampu; and when the Inca entered the country of the Soras, and heard
that the people had gone to the rocky fastness, he was much incensed,
and determined to go and besiege the place. So he commanded his captains
to march against it, with the army.




CHAPTER XLVIII.

_How the Inca returned to Vilcas, and besieged the Rocky Fastness where
the Enemy had taken Refuge._


The Orejones relate very great things touching this Inca Yupanqui, and
Tupac Inca his son, and Huayna Capac his grandson, for these were the
sovereigns who displayed most valour. Those who may read of their
actions, should believe that I rather detract from, than add to what I
have been told; and I simply write what I have received from the
Indians. For myself, I believe this and more, from the testimony borne
by the remains and signs that these kings have left behind them, and
from their great power, which shows that what I write concerning them is
only a part of what really happened. Their memory will endure in Peru so
long as any men of the native race survive.

Returning to the narrative, as the Inca strongly desired to have those
who had taken refuge in the rocks in his power, he marched with his
troops until he came to the river of Vilcas.[192] The inhabitants, when
they knew that he was there, came in great numbers to see him and to
perform services, and they established friendship with the Inca. By his
order they began to build great edifices, in the place which we now call
Vilcas. Masters were sent from Cuzco to trace the plans, and teach the
method of laying the stones and tiles in the edifices. Arriving at the
rocky fastness, the Inca used all reasonable means to induce those who
had taken refuge there to submit to his alliance, sending messengers to
them. But the enemy laughed at his words, and hurled many stones at the
camp. The Inca, seeing their disposition, resolved not to depart until
he had punished them. He knew that the captains whom he sent to the
province of Condesuyo, had fought some battles with the people of that
region, had conquered them and brought most of the province under his
sway. In order that the people of the Collao might not think that they
were safe, and knowing that Hastu Huaraca, the Lord of Andahuaylas, and
his brother, Tupac Vasco, were valiant chiefs, he sent them to the
Collao to keep the people in obedience. They replied that they would
obey his order, and they set out for their own land, to proceed thence
to Cuzco, and join the army which was to be assembled there.

The garrison of the rocky fastness still had the intention of defending
it, and the Inca surrounded the place with his troops. The siege was
long, and several great deeds were performed. At last the provisions
failed, and the besieged were obliged to submit, and to serve the Inca
like the rest of his subjects, paying tribute and furnishing men for the
wars. With this servitude, they remained in favour with the Inca, who
was no longer enraged, but ordered provisions and other things to be
given to them, and that they should return to their homes. But others
affirm that he killed them all, insomuch that not one escaped. I believe
the first account, though as regards one or the other, I only know what
these Indians relate.

This affair being ended, they say that people came from many parts to
submit and offer their services, and that the Inca received them all
graciously. He then returned to Cuzco. On the road, he found that many
edifices had been built, and that, in most parts, the forts of the
natives had been razed, and that they had formed regular towns in the
lower country, as he had commanded and ordained.

He was received at Cuzco with the customary pomp, and there were great
festivities. The captains who, in obedience to his orders had gone to
the war in the Collao, advanced as far as Chucuito, and were victorious
in several battles, bringing all under the dominion of the Inca. The
same was done in Condesuyo. The Inca was very powerful; lords and
captains arrived from all parts with the leading men of the districts,
paying tribute with regularity, and performing personal services; but
all was done with great regularity and justice. When they came for an
audience with the Inca, they carried a light burden; they looked but
little at his face; when he spoke, those who heard him trembled from
fear or some other reason. He seldom appeared in public, but in war he
was always to the front. He did not allow any one, without his
permission, to possess jewels, nor to be seated, nor to be carried in a
litter. In short, this was the sovereign who opened the way for the
excellent government which was established by the Incas.




CHAPTER XLIX.

_How Inca Yupanqui ordered Lloque Yupanqui to proceed to the Valley of
Xauxa, and to bring under his dominion the Huancas and the Yauyos their
neighbours, with other Nations in that direction._


That which has already been written having taken place, the Orejones
relate that the Inca, finding himself so powerful, determined to make
another call to war, because he wished to achieve another conquest more
important than those that had gone before. In compliance with his
orders, many chiefs assembled, with a great number of armed men,
supplied with the arms they use, which are slings, axes, clubs, _bolas_,
darts, and some lances. When they assembled, he ordered that there
should be entertainments and feasts; and to delight them, he came forth
each day in a new dress, such as that which was the special costume of
the nation that he wished to honour on that day. Next day he put on
another, always wearing that of the tribe which was invited to the
entertainment and drinking bout. By this means he pleased them, and as
much as it was possible, he endeared himself to them. When the great
dances were performed, the square of Cuzco was encircled by a chain of
gold, which was ordered to be made out of the quantity coming as tribute
from the districts. It was as large as I have before described, and
there was further grandeur in the matter of images and ancient relics.

When they had enjoyed themselves for as many days as the Inca Yupanqui
thought proper, he spoke his wishes to them, that they should go to the
country of the Huancas, and their neighbours the Yauyos, and induce them
to embrace his friendship and service, without making war; but that if
they refused, then they must be conquered and forced to obey. They all
replied that they would obey his orders with good will. Captains
belonging to each nation were appointed, and Lloque Yupanqui was general
of the whole army. With him, for counsel, was Capac Yupanqui.[193]
Having received their instructions, they set out from Cuzco and marched
to the province of Andahuaylas, where they were well received by the
Chancas. There set out from that province with them a captain named
Ancoallo, with a large force, to serve in the war of the Inca.

From Andahuaylas they went to Vilcas, where were the edifices and temple
which Inca Yupanqui had ordered to be erected, and they spoke with all
friendship to those who were engaged on the works. From Vilcas they
marched by the towns of Guananga, Camgaron,[194] Parcos, Picoy, and
Arcos, which had already submitted to the Inca, and supplied all the
provisions they had, besides making the royal road, large and very wide,
according to orders.

The people of the valley of Xauxa, when they knew that the enemy was
approaching, showed great alarm, and sought help from their relations
and friends, and in their own temple of Huarivilca they offered up great
sacrifices to the demon which there gave replies. When the succours
arrived there was a great multitude, for they say that more than 40,000
men assembled where now I do not know that there are 12,000. The Inca
captains took up a position overlooking the valley, and wished to gain
the goodwill of the Huancas, and to induce them to come to Cuzco and
recognise the king as their lord, without fighting. With this purpose
they sent messengers, but without success. Then there was a great
battle, in which they say that many were killed on both sides, those of
Cuzco remaining conquerors. Lloque Yupanqui was a very circumspect
leader. He would allow no harm to be done in the valley, prohibited all
robbery, and he released the captives. Seeing the clemency with which
conquered people were treated, the Huancas came to speak with the Incas,
and promised to live in accordance with the ordinances of the kings of
Cuzco, and to pay tribute of such produce as they had in the valley.
Leaving their villages on the hill-sides, they sowed the land without
dividing it, until the time of the king Huayna Capac, who marked out the
land which was to belong to each lineage,[195] and they sent
messengers.




CHAPTER L.

_How the Captains of the Inca left Xauxa, and what happened; and how
Ancoallo departed from among them._


The inhabitants of Bonbon, according to what they relate, had heard of
the events of Xauxa, and how the Huancas had been defeated, and,
suspecting that the conquerors intended to continue their march, they
determined to be prepared, so that they might not be taken unawares.
Putting their women and children, with the property they could collect,
on a lake[196] which is near their abode, they waited for what might
happen. The Inca Captains, when they had arranged the affairs at Xauxa,
set out and advanced as far as Bonbon, but as the people had taken
refuge on the lake, they were unable to do other harm than eat their
provisions. They then passed onwards and came to Tarama, where they
found the people in arms. There was a battle, in which many of the
people of Tarama were killed and taken prisoners, and those of Cuzco
remained victors. As it was the will of the king that those of Tarama
should pay tribute and serve like the people of other provinces, in
return for which they would be favoured and well treated, they agreed to
all that was demanded from them. An account was then sent to Cuzco of
all that had been done in this province of Tarama.

The Chancas relate that, as the Indians who came forth from the province
of Andahuaylas with the chief Ancoallo had performed great deeds in
these wars the Inca captains were jealous. They also bore a grudge
against him for what had happened before during the seige of Cuzco. So
they determined to kill him. They ordered him to be sent for; but as
they came in large numbers with their captain, the Chancas understood
their intention and, taking up arms, they defended themselves against
those of Cuzco. Although some were killed, others were able, owing to
the stoutness and bravery of Ancoallo, to get away. They complained to
their gods of the bad faith of the Orejones, and of their ingratitude,
declaring that, to see them no more, they would go into voluntary exile.
Taking their women with them, they marched through the provinces of
Huanuco and Chachapoyas, and, passing the forests of the Andes, they
arrived at a very large lake which, I believe, must be that described in
the story of El Dorado. Here they established their settlement, and
multiplied. The Indians relate great things of that land and of the
chief Ancoallo.[197]

The Inca captains, after what has been written had come to pass,
returned to the valley of Xauxa, where already great presents and many
women had been got together to be sent to Cuzco, and the people of
Tarama did the same. The news of all this arrived at Cuzco, and when the
Inca heard it, he rejoiced at the success of his captains, although it
showed that he was displeased at what had happened respecting Ancoallo.
But this was, as it is believed, a kind of dissimulation, for some
declared that what was done by the captains was in accordance with his
orders. As Tupac Uasco and the other Chancas had gone to make war in the
Collao, and had been victorious, the Inca reflected that, when they knew
what had happened to Ancoallo, they would turn against their sovereign
and commit treason. So he sent messengers with orders to desire that
they would come to him, and he commanded, on pain of death, that no one
should tell the Chancas what had happened.

The Chancas, as soon as they received the command of the Inca, came to
Cuzco; and when they arrived the Inca spoke to them lovingly but with
much dissimulation, concealing his evil dealings with Ancoallo, and
making it appear, by his words, that he had been himself displeased. The
Chancas, when they understood, did not fail to feel the affront, but
seeing how little satisfaction could be obtained, they asked permission
to return to their province. Having been granted leave, they set out,
the Inca giving their principal lord the privilege of sitting in a chair
enriched with gold; and other favours.

The Inca took care to adorn the temple of Curi-cancha with great riches,
as has already been mentioned. And as Cuzco possessed many provinces in
all directions, he gave several to the temple, and he ordered posts to
be stationed, that all his subjects should speak one language, and that
the royal road should be constructed. Other things are related of this
king. It is said that he had great knowledge of the stars, and that he
had some acquaintance with the movements of the sun. Hence he took the
name of Inca Yupanqui, which means a name of counting[198] and of much
understanding. Finding himself so powerful, and notwithstanding that he
had great edifices and royal houses in Cuzco, he ordered three walls of
most excellent masonry to be built, that it might be a memorial work.
And so it appears to this day, no one seeing it without praising it, and
recognizing the genius of the masters who conceived it. Each wall has a
length of 300 paces.[199] They call one Pucamarca, another Hatun-cancha,
and the third Cassana.[200] The walls are of excellent stones, so well
adjusted that there is no disproportion, and so admirably laid and
fitted that the joining between them cannot be discerned. The great
part of these edifices is so strong and solid that, if they are not
demolished, they will endure for many ages.

Within these walls there were buildings like the others they use, where
there were a number of mamaconas and other women and damsels of the
king, who worked and wove the fine cloth, and there were many pieces of
gold and silver, and vases of those metals. I saw many of these stones
in the walls, and I was amazed how, being so enormous, they could have
been so admirably set in position.

When they had their dances and great festivals in Cuzco much chicha was
made by these women; and as people came to Cuzco from so many parts,
there was an order that overseers should be placed to watch that none of
the gold and silver that was brought in should be taken out again. And
governors were placed over different parts of the kingdom, who ruled
with great justice and order.

As at this time the Inca ordered the fortress of Cuzco to be built, I
will say something concerning it, it being so worthy of notice.




CHAPTER LI.

_How the Royal House of the Sun was founded on a hill overlooking Cuzco
towards the north, which the Spaniards usually call the fortress_; _and
its wonderful Construction, and the size of the stones that are to be
seen there._


The city of Cuzco is built in a valley, and on the <DW72>s of hills, as I
explained in the first part of this history[201] and from the edifices
themselves run broad terraces on which they sow their crops, and they
rise one above the other like walls, so that the whole <DW72>s were
formed in these _andenes_, which made the city stronger, although its
position is naturally strong. For this reason the lords selected it, out
of so many other sites. The dominion of the kings was now become
extensive and powerful, and Inca Yupanqui entertained far-reaching
thoughts. Notwithstanding that the temple of the Sun, called
_Curi-cancha_, had been enriched and beautified by himself, and that he
had erected other great edifices, he resolved to build another house of
the Sun which should surpass all existing temples, and to enrich it with
all the things that could be obtained, as well gold and silver as
precious stones, fine cloth, arms of all the different kinds they used,
munitions of war, shoes, plumes of feathers, skins of animals and birds,
_coca_, sacks of wool, and valuables of a thousand kinds, in short, all
things of which they had any knowledge. This work was begun with such
lofty aspirations, that if their monarchy had endured until to-day it
would not yet have been completed.

The Inca ordered that the provinces should provide 20,000 men and that
the villages should send the necessary provisions. If any fell sick,
another labourer was to supply his place, and he was to return to his
home. But these Indians were not kept constantly at a work in progress.
They laboured for a limited time, and were then relieved by others, so
that they did not feel the demand on their services. There were 4,000
labourers whose duty it was to quarry and get out the stones; 6,000
conveyed them by means of great cables of leather and of _cabuya_[202]
to the works. The rest opened the ground and prepared the foundations,
some being told off to cut the posts and beams for the wood-work. For
their greater convenience, these labourers made their dwelling-huts,
each lineage apart, near the place where the works were progressing. To
this day most of the walls of these lodgings may be seen. Overseers were
stationed to superintend, and there were great masters of the art of
building who had been well instructed. Thus on the highest part of a
hill to the north of the city, and little more than an arquebus-shot
from it, this fortress was built which the natives called the House of
the Sun, but which we named the Fortress.

The living rock was excavated for the foundation, which was prepared
with such solidity that it will endure as long as the world itself. The
work had, according to my estimate, a length of 330 paces,[203] and a
width of 200. Its walls were so strong that there is no artillery which
could breach them. The principal entrance was a thing worthy of
contemplation, to see how well it was built, and how the walls were
arranged so that one commanded the other. And in these walls there were
stones so large and mighty that it tired the judgment to conceive how
they could have been conveyed and placed, and who could have had
sufficient power to shape them, seeing that among these people there are
so few tools. Some of these stones are of a width of twelve feet and
more than twenty long, others are thicker than a bullock.[204] All the
stones are laid and joined with such delicacy that a rial could not be
put in between two of them.

I went to see this edifice twice. On one occasion I was accompanied by
Tomas Vasquez,[205] a conqueror, and on the other I found Hernando de
Guzman there, he who was present at the siege,[206] and Juan de la
Haya.[207] Those who read this should believe that I relate nothing that
I did not see. As I walked about, observing what was to be seen, I
beheld, near the fortress, a stone which measured 260 of my _palmos_ in
circuit, and so high that it looked as if it was in its original
position. All the Indians say that the stone got tired at this point,
and that they were unable to move it further.[208] Assuredly if I had
not myself seen that the stone had been hewn and shaped I should not
have believed, however much it might have been asserted, that the force
of man would have sufficed to bring it to where it now is. There it
remains, as a testimony of what manner of men those were who conceived
so good a work. The Spaniards have so pillaged and ruined it, that I
should be sorry to have been guilty of the fault of those in power who
have permitted so magnificent a work to be so ruined. They have not
considered the time to come, for it would have been better to have
preserved the edifice and to have put a guard over it.[209]

There were many buildings within the fortress, some small, one over the
other, and others, which were large, were underground. They made two
blocks of buildings, one larger than the other, wide and so well-built,
that I know not how I can exaggerate the art with which the stones are
laid and worked; and they say that the subterranean edifices are even
better. Other things were told me, which I do not repeat, because I am
not certain of their accuracy. This fortress was commenced in the time
of Ynca Yupanqui. His son, Tupac Inca, as well as Huayna Ccapac and
Huascar, worked much at it, and although it is still worthy of
admiration, it was formerly without comparison grander. When the
Spaniards entered Cuzco, the Indians of Quizquiz had already collected
great treasure; but some was still found, and it is believed that there
is a great quantity in the vicinity. It would be well to give orders for
the preservation of what is left of this fortress, and of that of
Huarcu,[210] as memorials of the grandeur of this people, and even for
utility, as they could be made serviceable at so little cost. With this
I will return to the narrative.




CHAPTER LII.

_How Inca Yupanqui set out from Cuzco and marched to the Collao, and of
what happened there._


These Indians have no letters, and can only preserve their history by
the memory of events handed down from generation to generation, and by
their songs and _quipus_. I say this, because their narratives vary in
many particulars, some saying one thing, and others giving a different
version. Human judgment would not suffice to decide what is truest,
without taking, from these various stories, what the people themselves
consider to be most accurate, for record. I write this for the benefit
of the Spaniards who are in Peru, and who pretend to a knowledge of many
native secrets. They are aware that I knew and understood what they
think that they know and understand, and a good deal more; and that from
all this, I have decided upon writing what they will see, having worked
hard at collecting the materials, as they themselves well know.

The Orejones relate that, the affairs of Inca Yupanqui being in this
state, he determined to set out from Cuzco with a large force, to march
to the region they call Collao. Leaving a governor in the city, he set
out and marched until he arrived at the great town of Ayaviri. The
people did not wish to come to him in due form. The Inca, therefore,
took them by surprise, and killed all the inhabitants, both men and
women, doing the same to the people of Copacopa. The destruction of
Ayaviri was such, that nearly all perished. There only remained a few
who were horrified to see so great a calamity, and wandered, like mad
creatures, in the fields, calling on their ancestors with great moanings
and words of fear.[211] The Inca hit upon the useful idea of planting a
colony in the beautiful meadows and fields of Ayaviri, near which the
bright river flows; and he ordered that sufficient _mitimaes_ should
come, with their women, to people the district. So it was done, and
large buildings with a temple of the Sun were erected for them, with a
storehouse and provisions. Thus Ayaviri, peopled by _mitimaes_,
continued to be more prosperous than it was before; and the Indians who
survived from the wars and the cruelty of the Spaniards, are all
descended from _mitimaes_, and not from natives, as has been written.

Besides this, they relate that certain captains having gone, by order of
the Inca, with a sufficient force to make war on those of Anti-suyu,
comprising the tribes in the forests to the eastward, they came upon
snakes as large as thick beams, which killed all they could, insomuch
that, without seeing any other enemy, these creatures made war on them
in such sort, that very few returned out of the great number that set
out. The Inca was much incensed when he received this news. Being with
his followers, a sorceress said to him that she would go and charm the
snakes, so that they should be gentle and foolish, and do no harm to any
one, even though they themselves should feel the desire. Approving of
the plan, if it should be equal to the promise, the Inca ordered it to
be put in execution, which was done accordingly in the belief of the
people, but not of mine, because it seems nonsense. The snakes having
been enchanted, the enemies were attacked, many were made to submit by
force, and others by persuasion and kind words.

The Inca set out from Ayaviri, and they say that he marched by the road
of Omasayo, which was, for the convenience of his royal person, made
broad as we now see it. He went by Asillo and Azangaro, where he had
some encounters with the natives. But he spoke such words, and gave them
such presents, that he brought them to his friendship and service.
Thenceforward they adopted the policy which all other tribes use who
have friendship and alliance with the Incas, and they arranged their
habitations in towns on the open plain.

Passing forward, they relate that the Inca Yupanqui visited the other
tribes bordering on the great lake of Titicaca; and, by his wise
dealings, he brought them all into his service. In each town he wore the
dress used by the natives, a thing which gave great pleasure to them. He
entered upon the lake of Titicaca, and beheld the islands which are
surrounded by it, ordering a temple of the Sun and palaces to be erected
on the largest, for the use of himself and his descendants. Having
brought the whole region of the Collao under his sway, he returned in
great triumph to Cuzco, where, as soon as he entered, he ordered that
there should be the customary festivals, and people came from the other
provinces with valuable presents, and the governors and delegates were
very careful to comply with all that the Inca commanded.




CHAPTER LIII.

_How Inca Yupanqui set out from Cuzco, and what he did._


The fame of Inca Yupanqui flew over the land in such wise that his great
deeds were discussed in all parts. Many, without seeing either banner or
captain of his, came to know more and to offer vassalage, affirming that
his ancestors must have fallen from heaven, seeing that they knew how to
live in such concert and honour. Inca Yupanqui, without losing his
gravity, answered them kindly, that he did not wish to injure any nation
whatever, but that they should obey him, seeing that the Sun wished and
commanded it. When he had again assembled an army, he set out towards
the region called Condesuyo (Cunti-suyu), and subjugated the Yanahuaras
and Chumbivilicas, and with some other tribes of Condesuyo he had sharp
encounters. Yet, although they offered much opposition, his power and
ability were such that, after much loss to themselves, they accepted him
as lord, as the rest had done. Having arranged the affairs of these
districts, and appointed rulers over the people, ordering that they
should do no injury to his subjects, he returned to Cuzco. First,
however, he placed governors in the principal places, whose duty it was
to regulate the affairs of the provinces, both as regards the mode of
living of the people, including the assembling into regular towns, and
the prevention of any wrong being done, even to the most humble.

After this, they further relate that the Inca rested for some days at
Cuzco, for he wished to proceed in person to the Andes (Antis), whither
he had sent his spies and harbingers to examine the country and report
upon the condition of the people. As the whole country was, by his
order, full of deposits of provisions, he arranged that the road he had
to take should be well supplied, and it was so. He then set out from
Cuzco with the captains and men of war, leaving a governor for the
administration of justice. Traversing the mountains and snowy passes, he
received reports from his scouts, touching the density of the forests,
and how that, although they found the great snakes which are engendered
in these thickets, yet they did no harm; yet the scouts were astounded
to see how fierce and monstrous they were.

When the natives of these parts knew that the Inca had entered their
country, as many of them had already been engaged in his service by the
captains who preceded him, they came to do _mucha_[212], bringing
presents of plumes of feathers, coca, and other products of their land,
and he received them all kindly. As regards the rest of the Indians in
the forests, those who wished to be his vassals sent messengers, and
those who did not, abandoned their habitations and retired with their
women into the densest parts of the forests.

Inca Yupanqui received important information that, after a few days’
journey to the eastward, there was a rich and well-peopled country. He
became very anxious to discover it, and would have passed onward. But
tidings came of some disturbance at Cuzco, when he had arrived at a
place called Marcapata. So he returned in great haste to Cuzco, where he
remained for some days.

The Indians say that the province of the Collao was very large, and in
those days it contained a great number of people and of lordships among
the natives, which were very powerful. When they knew that Inca Yupanqui
had entered the forests of the Antis, believing that he would either be
killed there or return defeated, they agreed as one man, from Vilcañota
onwards, but in great secrecy, to rebel and not to continue under the
dominion of the Incas. They declared that united they were great, that
their fathers had been free, and they would not remain captive, with so
many lands subject to one sole lord. They all detested the rule which
the Inca had placed over them, although they had received no injury or
ill treatment, nor had the governors or delegates been tyrannical or
exacting. But they assembled in Hatuncolla and in Chucuito, where there
met together Cari, and Zapana, and Humalla, and the lord of Azangaro,
and many others. They made their vow, in accordance with their
blindness, to proceed with their design and resolve; and for greater
assurance, they all drank from one cup, and ordered that it should be
placed in a temple amongst sacred things, as a testimony of what they
had done. Throughout the empire this rebellion in the Collao, and the
deaths that had been inflicted on the Orejones, became known. The
tidings led to other disturbances in several parts, and in many places
there were insurrections. This disturbed the arrangements respecting the
_mitimaes_. The governors were warned; and above all, the great valour
of Tupac Inca Yupanqui was displayed, who reigned from that time, as I
shall explain.




CHAPTER LIV.

_How the Inca Yupanqui, having grown very old, resigned the Government
of the Kingdom to Tupac Inca, his Son._


Inca Yupanqui did not betray any anxiety in public when he received news
of the insurrection in the Collao, but, with great resolution, he
ordered an army to be assembled that he might go in person to punish the
rebels. He sent his messengers to the Canas and Canchis, exhorting them
to remain firm in their allegiance without allowing the inconstancy of
the Collao to affect them. When the Inca was on the point of setting out
from Cuzco, being very old, he felt tired of the wars he had waged, and
of the long journeys he had made, and so bowed down and broken, that he
considered himself unfit, either for this campaign, or for the continued
government of so great an empire. So he sent for the High Priest and
Orejones, and the principal men of the city, and said that he was now so
old that his proper place was by the fireside, and not conducting a
campaign.[213] He gave them to understand that this was said in all
sincerity, and that they should take his son Tupac Inca Yupanqui for
their Inca, a resolute youth, as they had seen in the former war in
which he had served. He told them to deliver the fringe to him, that he
might be venerated and acknowledged by all as their lord. He would then
take steps for the punishment of the rebels in the Collao who had risen
and put to death the Orejones and delegates who had been left amongst
them.

Those for whom he had sent, replied that all should be done as he
desired, and that they would obey in all things as they always had done.
In the provinces of the Canchis and Canas they made great receptions
with rich presents, and they had constructed, in the place they called
Cacha, some edifices very worthy to behold, after the fashion which is
usual with them.

The Collas, when they knew that Tupac Inca was marching against them in
great power, sought help from their neighbours, and assembled most of
them with the determination to await his approach, and to give him
battle. They relate that Tupac Inca had news of all this, and that, as
his disposition was merciful, and although he well knew the advantage he
had over his enemies, he sent from among his neighbours, the Canas, some
messengers to declare that his desire was not to be an enemy, and to
punish in proportion to the crime that had been committed, when the
governors and delegates of his father were killed without having done
any wrong whatever. His wish was that they should lay down their arms
and submit, that they might be well governed, and recognise one
sovereign, rather than many lords.

With this message an Orejon was sent, carrying some presents for the
principal people among the Collas. But it availed nothing, nor did they
desire to swear allegiance, but rather to maintain the confederation
they had formed. With the lords of their villages as captains, they
advanced towards the position where Tupac Inca was encamped. All
accounts agree that, in the town called Pucara they took up a position
in a fortress which they had made there, and when the Inca arrived they
prepared to fight with their accustomed shouts. There was a battle
between the opposing forces, in which many were killed on both sides,
but the Collas were defeated. Great numbers were taken prisoners, both
men and women, and there would have been more if the Inca had caused the
pursuit to be more hotly continued. The Inca spoke sharply to Cari, the
lord of Chucuito, asking him how he had answered to the peace which his
grandfather Viracocha Inca had established with him. He said he would
not kill him, but would send him to Cuzco, where he would be punished.
Accordingly, he and the other prisoners were sent to Cuzco under guard;
and, in memory of the victory over the Collas in that place, the Inca
ordered great images of stone to be set up, and a huge piece of the hill
to be broken up, as well as other things, which he will see and note who
travels that way. I did myself, and I remained there two days to see and
understand everything thoroughly.[214]




CHAPTER LV.

_How the Collas asked for peace, and how the Inca granted it and
returned to Cuzco._


The Collas who escaped from the battle were much astonished at the
result, and made haste to get away, believing that those of Cuzco were
closely following. So they fled in terror, turning their heads from time
to time to see what was not there, for the Inca had stopped the pursuit.
Having crossed the Desaguadero, all the principal chiefs assembled and
took counsel together. They determined to send to the Inca and ask for
peace, and, if he received them into his service, that they would pay
the tribute that was due up to the time they rebelled, and that
hereafter they would always be loyal. The most important among them were
chosen to treat on this matter, and they met Tupac Inca advancing in
pursuit. He listened to the embassy with complacency, and answered with
the words of a human conqueror, saying that he grieved for what had
happened owing to their conduct, and that they might safely come to
Chucuito, where he would arrange the terms of peace in such a way as
would be profitable to them. When they heard this, they put the matter
in train.

The Inca ordered large supplies to be brought, and the lord Humalla came
to receive him. The Inca spoke favourably both to him and the other
lords and captains. Before the peace was arranged, they relate that
great dancing and drinking festivals were celebrated. When they were
concluded, and all the chiefs being assembled, the Inca said that he
should not require the arrears of tribute to be paid, as they amounted
to a large quantity. But as they had rebelled without cause or reason,
it would be necessary to station garrisons of men of war, and that they
must supply the soldiers with provisions and women. They said that they
would do this; and he also ordered that _mitimaes_ should come from
other lands, and that a large number of emigrants from the Collas should
be removed from their own districts to others. Governors and delegates
were left amongst them, to collect the tribute. This being done, the
Inca said that they must abide by a law which he should ordain, that
their conduct might always be had in memory. The law was that only one
thousand natives of their province should ever enter Cuzco, including
women, on pain of death if more should enter. They were grieved at this
order, but they agreed to comply with it, as with the rest of his
commands. It is certain that if there was the fixed number of Collas in
Cuzco, no others could enter after the number was complete, until some
went out, and, if they wished to do so, they could not, because the
gate-keepers, collectors of tolls, and guards who were stationed to see
who went in and out, would not permit or consent to it. Among these
people they did not resort to bribery to gain their ends, nor did they
ever tell a lie to their kings on any account, nor betray a secret. This
is a thing worthy of all praise.

Having settled the affairs of the province of Collao, put things in
order, and given the chiefs their instructions, the Inca returned to
Cuzco, first sending his messengers to Condesuyos and to the Antis, to
report what had taken place there, whether the governor had committed
any fault, or the natives had made any disturbance. Accompanied by a
great company and many principal chiefs, he entered Cuzco, and was
received with much honor. They offered up great sacrifices to the Sun,
and there were festivities for those who were engaged in the work of
building the fortress by order of Inca Yupanqui. The Coya, wife and
sister of the Inca, named Mama Ocllo, also made great rejoicings with
festivity and dancing.

Tupac Inca now determined to set out on the road of Chincha-suyu, to
subjugate the provinces beyond Tarama and Bonbon. He, therefore, ordered
a general summons to be issued for soldiers to assemble throughout the
provinces.




CHAPTER LVI.

_How Tupac Inca Yupanqui set out from Cuzco, and how he conquered all
the country from thence to Quito, and touching his great deeds._


I could well give a longer account of this conquest of Quito by Tupac
Inca Yupanqui, but I have so much to write touching other events that I
cannot spare the space, nor can I relate what he did, except summarily.
On the departure of the king from the city of Cuzco, it was not known in
what direction he was going to make war, because he did not make known
his intention, except to his councillors. More than 200,000 men
assembled, with so much baggage and stores that the plain was covered
with them. He sent orders, by the posts, to the governors of provinces
that all should bring provisions, munitions, and arms to the royal road
of Chincha-suyu. This road was made without deviating from the line
traced by order of his father, nor so near it as that both could be
joined into one. It was grand and very handsomely constructed, with the
order and industry touching which I have already written, and in all
parts there were preparations for the great multitude that was to pass
along it, without anything being wanting. None of the king’s soldiers
were allowed to pick so much as a cob of maize, and, if any man did, it
did not cost him less than his life. The natives carried the loads, and
performed the other personal services, but it may be held for certain
that they did not go beyond the appointed places; and as they worked
willingly, and faith and justice were observed towards them, they did
not feel the work.

A garrison, with _mitimaes_, and a governor selected from among the most
faithful of his friends, were left in Cuzco. The Inca then set out,
taking, as his captain-general and chief councillor, his uncle, Ccapac
Yupanqui, not he who made the war against those of Xauxa, for that chief
had been put to death owing to some offence he had given. The Inca
advanced to Vilcas, where he stopped for some days, enjoying the sight
of the temple and other edifices that had been built. He ordered that
there should always be silversmiths making vases and other ornaments for
the temple and palace of Vilcas.

The Inca arrived at Xauxa, where the Huancas prepared a solemn
reception. Thence he sent messengers in all directions, announcing to
the people that he desired to win their friendship, without giving them
offence or making war. He said that they must have heard how the Incas
of Cuzco exercised no tyranny and imposed no exactions on those who were
their allies and vassals, and that, in exchange for the service and
homage they gave, they received much good from their sovereign. In
Bonbon they knew the great power with which the Inca came, and, as they
expected great things from his clemency, they came to do him homage.
Those of Yauyo did the same, as well as those of Apurima and many
others. He received them all very well, giving women to some, to others
coca, and to others mantles and shirts. He himself wore the dress of the
people among whom he was, which was the way in which they received most
satisfaction.

In the provinces which lie between Xauxa and Caxamalca, they relate that
there were some wars, and he ordered forts and strongholds to be made
for defence against the natives. But, generally, he subdued them by his
policy, and without shedding much blood, as well the intermediate
tribes, as those of Caxamalca. In all parts he left governors and
delegates, and established posts to keep open his communications. He did
not leave any great province without ordering houses and a Temple of the
Sun to be built, and establishing _mitimaes_. They also relate that he
entered Huanuco, and ordered that fine palace to be built, which we
behold to this day.[215] Being among those of Chachapoyas, he waged such
war that they were defeated at all points. In Caxamalca the Inca left
people of Cuzco, that they might instruct the natives touching what they
should wear, and the tribute they should contribute, and, above all, how
they should worship and reverence the Sun as their god.

In all parts they called the Inca their father, and he took care that no
one should do any damage in the fields by which they passed, nor
ill-treat any man or woman. He who committed any such offence was
presently punished with death. He arranged that those who submitted
should build their towns in due order, that they should not wage war
upon each other, nor eat human flesh, nor commit any other crimes
against the law of nature.

He entered the country of the Bracamoras, but returned flying, for it is
an evil region covered with forest. In the country of the Paltas, in
Huancabamba, Caxas, and Ayavaca, he had great trouble in subjugating the
people, who were strong and warlike. They maintained the contest against
him during more than five moons. At length they asked for peace, which
was granted with the usual conditions. On one day the peace was
established, and on the next, the country was full of _mitimaes_ with
governors, without depriving the native chiefs. Store-houses were
built, provisions were collected in them, and the royal road was
constructed, with a series of forts throughout.

From these districts, Tupac Ynca Yupanqui advanced until he came to the
country of the Cañaris, with whom he also had quarrels and disputes; but
the same happened with them as with others, they remained his vassals,
and he ordered them to proceed to Cuzco and settle in that city--more
than 15,000 men, with their women, and the principal chief to govern
them. It was done as he commanded. Some pretend that the sending of the
Cañaris to Cuzco happened in the time of Huayna Ccapac. At Tumebamba,
the Inca ordered great edifices to be built, respecting which I treated
in the First Part.[216] From this place he sent embassies in various
directions, inviting the people to come and see him, and many, without
making war, offered their services. Those who took another course were
obliged, by an advance of captains and troops, to do by force what
others did of their own free will.

The affairs of the country of the Cañaris having been settled, the Inca
marched by Tiquizambi, Cayambi, and the Purnaes, and many other
districts, where they recount great things that he did; and the
knowledge he must have possessed to make himself monarch of such great
kingdoms, seems almost incredible. In Tacunga, he waged fierce war with
the natives, and, after they were subdued, he made peace. Here he
ordered such grand edifices to be erected as to exceed those of Cuzco in
perfection. He rested at Tacunga for some days; and nearly every day a
messenger arrived from Cuzco, reporting the state of affairs there,
while, from other parts, the runners constantly arrived with reports on
the administration of the different provinces by the governors. And
tidings arrived of a disturbance at Cuzco among the Orejones themselves,
which caused some anxiety. But another report quickly followed that all
was settled again, and that the governor of the city had severely
punished the authors of the uproar.

From Tacunga the Inca advanced until he came to the place we call Quito,
where the city of San Francisco del Quito is founded. As the country
seemed inviting, and as good as Cuzco, the Inca here founded a place
which he called Quito, peopling it with _mitimaes_. Here he made
edifices and store-houses, saying, “Cuzco must be the capital of one
part of my great empire and Quito of the other.” He gave important
powers to the Governor of Quito, and placed his own governors and
delegates in all the surrounding districts. He ordered that there should
be a garrison of men, both for peace and war, at Caranguri; and he
removed the inhabitants from one village to another, making them
exchange their abodes. In all parts they worshipped the Sun, and adopted
the customs of the Incas, insomuch that it appeared as if they had all
been born in Cuzco. They loved the Inca so much that they called him
Father of all, the good Lord, the just, the judge. In the province of
the Cañaris, they assert that Huayna Ccapac was born, and that great
festivities took place at his birth. All the inhabitants of those
provinces which had been brought under the orderly rule of the great
Tupac Inca, arranged their towns with regularity, and made rest-houses
on the royal roads. They were diligent to learn the general language of
Cuzco and the laws which it was their duty to observe. Masters who came
from Cuzco super-intended the building of the edifices, and instructed
others in the art; and in like manner the rest of the things which the
king ordered were completed.




CHAPTER LVII.

_How the Inca sent from Quito to know whether his commands had been
obeyed, and how, leaving that province in good order, he set out to go
to the valleys of the Yuncas._


When Tupac Inca Yupanqui had become lord of the country as far as Quito,
in the manner already described, and being himself still at Quito, he
resolved to take steps to ensure that his orders were complied with and
carried out. He, therefore, directed those who among his followers were
most expert to be carried by the natives in hammocks, some to one part,
some to another, overlooking and examining the condition of the new
provinces, taking account of the governors and collectors of tribute,
and judging of their dealings with the natives.

The Inca sent his Orejones to the provinces which we call Puerto
Viejo,[217] to induce the inhabitants to submit, as the others had done,
and to instruct them how they were to sow, to work, to dress, and to
worship the Sun, and to make them understand the orderly system of
living, and of policy. They relate that these Orejones were killed, as a
reward for the good they came to do; and that Tupac Inca sent certain
captains, with troops, to punish the murderers. But when the barbarians
knew of their approach, they assembled in such numbers that they
conquered and killed the Inca’s troops, at which he showed anger. But as
he had important affairs on his hands, and had occasion to proceed in
person to Cuzco, he was not in a position to chastise them for what they
had done.

At Quito, the Inca received news that his orders had been well attended
to in the provinces, and that his delegates had instructed the people
over whom they were placed, and had treated them well; while the people
were happy, and did what was required of them. From many lords there
arrived ambassadors every day, with valuable presents, and the Inca’s
court was full of great men, and his palaces of vases of gold and
silver, and other precious things. In the morning the Inca had a meal,
and from noon until rather late he gave public audiences to those who
desired to speak with him, accompanied by his guard. From that time
until the night he passed in drinking, and then supper was served by the
light of torches. For these people did not use tallow or wax, although
they had plenty of both.

The Inca left a venerable Orejon in Quito, as the captain-general and
lieutenant, who, according to all accounts, was intelligent, brave, and
of noble presence. His name was Chalco Mayta, and he was given
permission to travel in a litter and to be served in gold, and other
privileges which he highly appreciated. Above all things, he was ordered
to send a messenger to the Inca every month, with a full report of all
that had happened, of the condition of the country, the yield of the
harvests, increase of flocks, as well as the usual reports of the annual
deaths and births, according to the system already described. The great
road from Quito to Cuzco, which is a greater distance than from Seville
to Rome, was as much used as the road from Seville to Triana, and I
cannot say more.

The great Tupac Inca had long heard of the fertility of the coast
valleys and of their beauty, and of the great esteem in which their
lords were held. He now determined to send messengers with presents for
the principal men, and a request that they would receive him as a friend
and comrade, as he, in like manner, desired to be with them. He said
that when he passed through their valleys, he would not make war if they
desired peace, that he would give them some of his women and cloths, and
would take theirs in exchange, with other things of a like nature.
Throughout the coast the tidings of the great conquests of Tupac Ynca
Yupanqui had spread, and that he was not cruel nor bloodthirsty, nor did
harm to any except those who were troublesome and opposed themselves to
him. Those who brought the news also praised the customs and religion of
the people of Cuzco, holding the Orejones to be sacred persons, and that
the Incas were either children of the Sun or had some deity within
themselves. Considering these and other reports, many resolved to seek
the Inca’s friendship before they had even seen his banners, and they
sent their ambassadors with messages to that effect, and bearing many
presents. They requested him to be pleased to come to their valleys to
enjoy the delights of them and to be served by the inhabitants.
Approving of their wish, and giving fresh instructions to the Governor
of Quito, the Inca left that city to assume dominion over the Yuncas of
the coast.




CHAPTER LVIII.

_How Tupac Inca Yupanqui marched by the coast valleys, and how all the
Yuncas came under his dominion._


As the King Tupac Inca had determined to go to the coast valleys, to
bring the inhabitants under his sway, he descended to that of Tumbez,
and was respectfully received by the people; to whom he showed much
kindness, and put on the dress which they usually wore, to give them
more contentment. He commended the principal men for wishing to receive
him as their lord without going to war, and promised to look upon them
as his own children. They, being well satisfied to hear his good words
and to see the way in which he treated them, gave their obedience in
good faith, allowing governors to remain with them, and buildings to be
erected. But some Indians affirm that Tupac Inca passed on without
making any settlement in this district, and that there was none until
the reign of Huayna Ccapac. If we attend to everything they say, we
shall never come to any conclusion.

Leaving this valley, the Inca visited the others on the sea coast,
making a royal road as he travelled, very large and grand, as may be
seen from what now remains of it. In most parts he was served, and the
people came to him with presents, but occasionally there was resistance
to his advance. However, there was no part where the people did not
eventually submit and become his vassals. In these valleys he rested for
some days, drinking and enjoying his pleasures, while he rejoiced to
look upon the beauty of the country. Great edifices and temples were
built by his order. They say that in the valley of Chimu there was a
fierce war with the lord, and that, in one battle, the Incas were very
nearly being defeated at all points. But his soldiers were at last able
to prevail and to conquer their enemies. Tupac Inca, by his clemency,
pardoned them, ordering that those who remained alive should continue
the sowing of their lands, and should not again take up arms. The Inca’s
delegate remained in Chimu, and the rest of the valley sent their
tribute to Caxamalca. As the natives were expert in the working of
metals, many were sent to Cuzco, and to the capitals of provinces, where
they worked gold and silver ornaments and vases, and any other things
that were ordered.[218] From Chimu the Inca passed on to
Parmunquilla[219] where he ordered a fortress to be built. It may still
be seen, though abandoned and in ruins.

These Yuncas were very refined, and the lords were luxurious and fond of
festivities. They travelled on the shoulders of vassals, had many women,
were rich in gold and silver, cloth, precious stones, and flocks. In
those times they were served with much pomp. Heralds and buffoons went
before them, porters attended on them, and they observed religious
ceremonies. Some voluntarily submitted to the Inca, while others took up
arms against him; but finally he remained sovereign and lord over the
whole of them. He did not deprive them of their liberties, nor prohibit
their ancient customs, so that they might adopt others. He left expert
men who could instruct them in all that the Inca desired they should
understand; and great care was taken that they should learn the general
language. He caused _mitimaes_ to be established, and posts along the
roads. A moderate tribute was imposed, and that which was given as
tribute was to be the produce of their own land, so that the people need
not seek it from afar; justice was maintained, but what was promised by
the people must be fulfilled. If not, the loss was their own, and the
Inca recovered his full revenue. No native lord received a lordship; but
many men were taken out of the valleys and removed to others, or were
removed to other parts to perform the duties they understood.

The Inca marched through the remaining valleys in the best order
possible, not permitting any injury whatever to be done, either in the
towns or in the fields that he passed. The natives had plenty of
provisions collected in the storehouses that had been built along the
road. In this way the Inca advanced until he arrived at the valley of
Pachacamac, where was the very ancient and sacred temple of the Yuncas,
which he wished very much to see. When he arrived at that valley, they
say that he only wished that there should be a Temple of the Sun; but as
he found that the existing temple was so revered and esteemed by the
natives, he did not venture to alter anything. He contented himself with
causing a great house of the Sun to be made, with mama-conas and
priests, that sacrifices might be offered up in accordance with his
religion.[220] Many Indians say that the Inca himself spoke with the
devil who was in the idol of Pachacamac, and that he heard how the idol
was the creator of the world and other nonsense, which I do not put
down, because it is not worth while. It is also said that the Inca
besought the idol to tell him with what service he would be most pleased
and honoured, and that the devil replied that they should sacrifice to
him much blood of human beings and of sheep.

After this they say that great sacrifices were offered up in Pachacamac
by Tupac Inca Yupanqui, and great festivals were celebrated. The Inca
then returned to Cuzco by a road which he made, crossing the snowy range
of Pariacaca,[221] and coming out in the valley of Xauxa. It is no small
sight to behold the grandeur of that range, and what great terraces it
has, and to this day men pass by that snow-covered region. Visiting the
mountainous provinces, and ordering and providing what was most
conducive to good government, the Inca arrived at Cuzco, where he was
received with great festivities and dances, while many sacrifices were
offered up in the temple, to commemorate his victories.




CHAPTER LIX.

_How Tupac Inca again set out from Cuzco, and of the fierce war he waged
with those of Huarco_; _and how, after he had conquered them, he
returned to Cuzco_.


The province of Chincha was, in former days, an important part of this
kingdom of Peru, and very populous, insomuch that, before the time of
Tupac Inca, the Chinchas, with their captains, had made incursions as
far as the Collao, whence they returned to their province with great
spoils.[222] Hence they had always been respected and feared by their
neighbours. It is said that the Inca, father of Tupac Inca, had sent
from the country of the Soras a captain named Ccapac Inca, to persuade
the Chinchas to come under his dominion. Although he went and induced
some of them to agree, it was but a small part, for the rest rose up in
arms, and prepared to defend their country in such sort that the Orejon
made the best of his way back again.[223] They had not again seen a
captain of the Incas, as they themselves declare, until they were
subjugated by Tupac Inca. In this matter, I know no more than what the
people themselves relate.

Returning to the narrative, after the Inca had gone back to Cuzco, as
has been mentioned, and had devoted as many days as he pleased to
enjoying himself and to amusements, he gave orders for the assembly of
another army, to complete the conquest of the coast region. His commands
were obeyed; and soon the captains of the provinces with their
contingents of troops arrived at Cuzco. After having made arrangements
for the government of the city, he set out from Cuzco, and came down to
the coast by the road of Huatara.[224] His approach being known, many
waited with the intention of accepting him as their lord, and many
others were resolved to make war, and, if possible, to maintain their
liberties. In the valley of Nasca there were many people and
preparations for war.

Tupac Inca, when he arrived at Nasca, on the coast, received and
despatched embassies, and there were some encounters and skirmishes; but
they consented to what the Inca required of them, that they should build
strong forts, receive _mitimaes_, and pay the tribute imposed on them.
From thence the Inca went to the valley of Yca, where he met with more
resistance than at Nasca; but his prudence enabled him, without
fighting, to turn enemies into friends, and these were conciliated like
the others. In Chincha, the people were waiting for the arrival of the
Inca in their valley, with more than 30,000 armed men, and they expected
support from their neighbours. Tupac Inca, when he knew it, sent
messengers, with great presents, to the chiefs and principal captains,
instructing the ambassador to make great offers in his name, to assure
them that he did not desire war, but rather peace and brotherhood, and
other messages of that kind. The Chinchas heard what the Inca said, and
received his presents. Some of their principal men then visited him, and
treated of peace with such success, that it was concluded. The Chinchas
laid down their arms and received Tupac Inca, who presently proceeded to
Chincha. This account is given both by the Chinchas themselves, and by
the Orejones of Cuzco. Other Indians of other provinces, whom I have
heard, tell the story in a different manner, for they say that there
was a great war. But I believe that Tupac Inca became Lord of Chincha
without fighting.[225]

When the Inca arrived in that valley, he found it to be so beautiful and
so extensive, that he rejoiced greatly. He praised the customs of the
natives, and with loving words he asked them to adopt such of the
customs of Cuzco as fitted with their own. They were well content, and
obeyed him in all things. Having made all suitable arrangements, he went
back to Yca, whence he marched to the valley called Huarco,[226] because
he heard that the people were waiting for him in warlike guise. This,
indeed, was the truth, for the natives of that valley, despising their
neighbours for having submitted to a strange king without reason, and
given up possession of their lands to him, had assembled with great
resolution, and had erected strong forts or _pucaras_ within their
boundaries, near the sea shore. Here they put their women and children.
The Inca, marching with his army in battle array, came in sight of the
enemy, and sent ambassadors with menaces and threats. They, however,
would not adopt the rule of their neighbours, which was to submit to
strangers, but prepared for war. As the summer was approaching, and the
heat was great, the soldiers of the Inca fell sick, which induced him to
retire as cautiously as possible. The Huarcos came forth from their
valley, collected their harvests, and sowed their fields. They also got
their arms ready, that they might be ready to receive the people of
Cuzco, if they again came to attack them.

Tupac Inca returned to Cuzco; and as men have little constancy, when
they saw that the Huarcos remained in possession of their liberties,
there began to be changes among them, while some rebelled and threw off
the yoke of the Inca. These were natives of the valleys on the sea
coast. All this came to the knowledge of the king, and during the
remainder of that summer he was engaged in assembling troops, and
sending Orejones to visit the provinces in all parts of the empire. He
was resolved to gain the lordship of Huarco, even if it should cost very
dear. When autumn was come, and the heats of summer were passed, he
descended to the coast with the largest army that he could collect. He
sent ambassadors into the valleys, upbraiding the people for their
weakness of purpose in presuming to rise against him, urging them to be
firm in their friendship henceforward, for that if not, they would be
visited by cruel war. When he reached the borders of the valley of
Huarco, on the skirts of a mountain, he ordered a city to be founded, to
which he gave the name of Cuzco, intending it to be his principal
residence. The streets, and hills, and open square received the same
names as those of the real city. He said that until Huarco was
conquered, and the people had become his subjects, he would remain in
that place, and that a garrison should always be maintained there. When
his directions had been carried out, he advanced with his troops in the
direction of the enemy, and surrounded their position. He was so firm in
his purpose, that he never sent any one to treat with them; but carried
on the war, which was so obstinate, that, they say, it lasted for three
years. In the summers the Inca went to Cuzco, leaving a garrison in the
new Cuzco that he had built, so that there might always be troops
opposed to the enemy.

Thus it was that one side maintained their resolve to be lords, and the
other side was equally determined not to be slaves. But at last, at the
end of three years, the Huarcos became weak; and the Inca, knowing their
condition, sent new ambassadors, proposing that they should be his
friends and comrades, and saying that he had no wish but that their
children should intermarry, and that thus their alliance should be one
of perfect equality. Other things were said with intent to deceive, for
in reality Tupac Inca considered that these people deserved severe
punishment for having caused so much trouble. The Huarcos, feeling that
they could not hold out for many days longer, and that, with the
conditions offered by the Inca, it would be better to enjoy tranquillity
and repose, agreed to what the Inca proposed. Evacuating the fortress,
their principal men went to make reverence to the Inca, who, without
more ado, ordered his people to kill them all. This was done with great
cruelty. All the principal and most honoured chiefs who came were put to
death, and the sentence was also executed on those who had remained
away. They killed a great number, as their descendants relate to this
day, and the great heaps of bones testify to the truth of what they say.
We believe that what is related by the people on this subject, is what
you see written down.

This being done, the Inca ordered an important fortress to be erected,
in such manner as I have related in my First Part.[227] The valley
having been subdued, and governors established in it, with _mitimaes_,
the Inca received embassies, who came from the Yuncas, as well as from
many tribes in the mountains. He then ordered the new Cuzco which he had
built to be pulled down, and returned with his army to the city of
Cuzco, where he was received with great demonstration of joy. They
offered up sacrifices in his honour, both in the temple and where the
oracles spoke, afterwards making the people joyful with feasts,
drinking-bouts, and solemn recitations.




CHAPTER LX.

_How Tupac Inca once more set out from Cuzco, and how he went to the
Collao, and from thence to Chile, subjugating the nations in that
direction, and of his death._


Tupac Inca, having returned to Cuzco after having gained the great
victories which have been described, was enjoying himself at banquets
and drinking-bouts, with his wives, damsels, and children, for several
days. Among his children was Huayna Ccapac, he who was to succeed as
king, and who was growing up very vigorous and brave. After the
festivities, Tupac Inca thought of visiting the Collao and subduing the
region beyond. With this object, he ordered the soldiers to be summoned
from all parts, and many tents to be prepared for passing the night in
the desert places. The troops began to arrive with their captains, and
were lodged round the city, those whom the law prohibited not entering
Cuzco. Both one and the other were provided with all that was necessary,
the governors and purveyors of the city keeping a full account. When all
who had to go to the war were assembled, sacrifices were offered up to
their gods in conformity with their blindness, making the soothsayers
seek an answer touching the war from the oracles. After a general and
very splendid feast, Tupac Inca set out from Cuzco, leaving his eldest
son Huayna Ccapac as his lieutenant; and with great splendour and state,
he travelled to Colla-suyu, visiting his garrisons and royal _tampus_,
and being entertained in the villages of the Canas and Canchis.

Entering the Collao, he advanced as far as Chucuito, where the chiefs of
the land assembled to make a festival. Owing to the good order that was
established, they had sufficient provisions ready for the 300,000 men
who composed the army. Some chiefs of the Collao offered to go in
person with the Inca. He went on the lake of Titicaca, with some lords
whom he selected, and approved of the edifices which his father had
ordered to be built, and of the excellence of the work. He offered up
great sacrifices in the temple, and presented rich gifts to the priests
and to the idol, worthy of so great a lord as he was. He then returned
to the army, and marched through the whole province of the Collao until
he came to the end of it. He sent his messengers to all the nations of
the Charcas, Carangas, and other inhabitants of that region. Of these,
some consented to submit, while others resisted; but the Inca’s power
was such that the latter were easily subdued. The conquered were treated
with great clemency, and those who submitted with much affection. In
Paria, the Inca ordered edifices to be built, and also in other parts.
Certainly great events must have taken place in connection with Tupac
Inca, many of which have been forgotten, owing to the want of letters;
and I set down briefly some few out of many that we know, having been
heard by us who are in those parts.

Having been victorious in the country beyond Charcas, the Inca traversed
many provinces, and vast snow-covered deserts, until he arrived in the
country we call Chile. He conquered, and became lord over all that land;
and they say that he advanced as far as the river Maule. In Chile he
built some edifices, and received, as tribute from those parts, much
gold. He left governors and _mitimaes_, put the conquered country in
good order, and returned to Cuzco.

Towards the eastern limits he sent instructed Orejones, in the dress of
merchants, to see what lands there were in that direction, and what kind
of people dwelt there. Having arranged these things, he returned to
Cuzco, whence they affirm that he set out again at the end of a few
days. With the troops he had ordered to assemble he then entered the
region of the Antis, and suffered great hardships in forcing his way
through the dense forests. He conquered some of the tribes, and ordered
large plantations of coca to be cultivated for the supply of Cuzco, to
which place he returned.

They affirm that after a few days the Inca was attacked by an illness,
of which he died, leaving to his son the government of his kingdom, his
wives and children; and, after saying a few other things, he expired.
There was great lamentation, and such strong feeling, from Quito to
Chile, that it is wonderful to listen to the Indians who relate the
events of that time.

Where or in what place he was interred they do not say. They relate that
a great number of women, servants, and pages were killed, to be buried
with him, with so much treasure that it must have amounted to more than
a million: for ordinary lords have been buried with upwards of 100,000
_castellanos_. Besides the people who were put into his tomb, they put
to death and buried many men and women in divers parts of the kingdom;
and in all parts they mourned for an entire year. Most of the women
shaved their heads, putting on ropes of grass; and at the end of the
year they came to do him honour. The other things which they used to do,
I prefer not to repeat, because they savour of heathenism. But the
Christians who were in Cuzco in 1550 will remember what they saw of the
honours done at the end of the year of mourning for Paullu Inca,[228]
who had himself become a Christian. So that they can imagine what it
must have been in the days when the departed kings were reigning, and
before they lost their empire.




CHAPTER LXI.

_How Huayna Ccapac reigned in Cuzco, who was the twelfth King Inca._


When the great King Tupac Inca Yupanqui died, they prepared to perform
the obsequies and ceremonies of his interment after the manner of his
ancestors, and with great pomp. The Orejones relate that some provinces
conspired to recover their liberty, and shake off the yoke of the Incas,
but the good management of the Inca governors, assisted by the captains
and _mitimaes_, kept order during a trying time. Huayna Capac was not
careless, nor did he fail to understand that it would be necessary for
him to display valour in order to preserve that which his father had
gained with so much labour. Shortly he entered upon the fast, and he who
governed the city proved loyal and faithful. There did not fail to be
some disturbance among the Incas themselves, for some sons of Tupac
Inca, begotten on other women than the Coya, wished to set up a claim to
the royal dignity. The people, however, were loyal to Huayna Capac, and
not only would not consent, but applauded the punishment inflicted on
them. When the fast was ended, Huayna Capac came forth with the fringe,
very richly adorned, and performed the ceremonies according to the
custom of his ancestors, at the end of which his name was declared with
great acclamations: “_Huayna Capac_,” “_Inca zapalla tucuillacta uya_,”
which is as much as to say--“Huayna Capac alone is king; let all the
city hear him.”[229]

Huayna Capac, according to the account of many Indians who had seen and
knew him, was not of any great stature, but well-built, with good
features and much gravity. He was a man of few words but many deeds, a
severe judge, who punished without mercy. He wished to be so feared that
the Indians should dream of him at night. He ate according to the custom
of his people. He listened to those who spoke well to him, and believed
very easily. Parasites and flatterers, who are not wanting among those
people, had much influence. He gave ear to lies, which was the reason
that many died without fault. The youths who, tempted by the flesh,
slept with his wives or damsels, or with those who lived in the temple
of the Sun, were ordered to be put to death, and the women suffered the
same punishment. The penalties for making disturbances and for
insubordination were deprivation of property, and the bestowal on
another. For other offences there was merely corporal chastisement. His
father looked over many of these crimes, especially with regard to
women; for when any one was detected with them, he said that he was only
a boy.

The mother of Huayna Capac, principal queen, wife, and sister of Tupac
Inca Yupanqui, was named Mama Ocllo. They say that she was a very
prudent lady, and that she informed her son respecting many things that
she had seen Tupac Inca do. She was so fond of her son that she
entreated him not to go to Quito or Chile, until she was dead. They
relate, that to please her and to comply with her request, he was in
Cuzco, without leaving it, until she died and was interred with great
pomp. Much treasure and fine clothes, with women and servants were put
into her tomb. All the treasures of the deceased Incas, and the fields
which they call _chacaras_, were kept entire from the first, without
being used or touched; for among these people there were neither wars
nor other needs for which money would be of any use. For this reason we
believe that there are vast treasures in the bowels of the earth which
are lost for ever, unless peradventure some one building, or doing some
other work, should hit upon some out of the great quantity that must
exist.




CHAPTER LXII.

_How Huayna Capac departed from Cuzco, and what he did._


Huayna Capac had ordered the principal lords of the natives of the
provinces to appear before him, and, his court being full of them, he
took for his wife his sister Chimbo Ocllo, and on this occasion there
were great festivities, which ended the mourning for Tupac Inca. These
being concluded, he ordered that 50,000 soldiers should accompany him to
visit the provinces of his kingdom. As he ordered, so it was done, and
he set out from Cuzco with greater pomp and authority than his father.
For the litter was so rich, according to the statement of those who
carried the king on their shoulders, that the great and numerous
ornaments were priceless, besides the gold of which they were made. He
travelled by the way of Xaquixaguana and Andahuaylas, and arrived at the
country of the Soras and Lucanas, whence he sent embassies to many parts
of the coast region, and of the mountains, and received replies, with
great offerings and presents.

From these places he returned to Cuzco, where he ordered the offering up
of great sacrifices to the Sun and to the most venerated among their
gods, that they might be favourable to him in the enterprise he wished
to undertake. He also gave presents to the idols of the Huacas. He
ascertained from the soothsayers, through the utterances of the devils,
or else through their own invention, that he would be successful and
prosperous in his undertakings, and that he would return to Cuzco with
great honour and profit. These ceremonies being completed, the armed men
and their captains arrived from many directions and were lodged outside,
receiving provisions from the city.

Those who were employed on the building of the fortress continued to
work without the cessation of a single day. The great chain of gold was
brought out into the square of Cuzco, and there were dances and
drinking-bouts. The captains received their appointments near the Stone
of War, according to their custom. Huayna Capac then ordered that there
should be a conference, where he addressed the people in a vehement
speech, urging those who accompanied him to be loyal, as well as those
who remained behind. They answered that they would be faithful to his
service; of which speech he approved, and he held out hopes of great
rewards. All things necessary having been prepared, the Inca set out
from Cuzco with the whole army, and journeyed along a road as grand and
wide as we now behold it; for all of us who have been in those parts
have seen it, and travelled over it. He marched to the Collao, receiving
the services proffered by the provinces through which he passed, as a
matter of course. For they say that the Inca considered that it was
merely their duty. He investigated what tribute they paid, and what were
the capabilities of each province. He collected many women. The most
beautiful he could find were reserved for himself, and others were given
to his captains and favourites. The others were placed in the temple of
the Sun and there detained.

On entering the Collao, he had an account taken of the great flocks and
of how many thousand loads of fine wool they yielded every year to those
who made the cloth for his house and service. He went to the island of
Titicaca and ordered great sacrifices to be offered up. At
Chuqui-apu,[230] he ordered that Indians should be collected, with
overseers, to obtain gold, in conformity with the order and regulations
that have been explained. Advancing onwards, he gave orders that the
Charcas and other nations as far as the Chichas, should get out a great
quantity of ingots of silver to be sent to Cuzco, without fail. He
removed some _mitimaes_ from one part to another, although much time
had passed since they were established. He ordered that they should work
without any holidays, because in the land where there were holidays, the
men thought of nothing but how to create scandals and seduce women.
Wherever he passed, he ordered _tampus_ and other buildings to be
erected; the plans of which he traced out himself. His soldiers,
although numerous, were so well disciplined that they did not move a
step from the camp, and the natives along their line of march supplied
them with all they required, so amply that what remained over was more
than what was used. In some places they built baths, at others they
raised land marks, and in the deserts they made large houses. Along
every road that the Inca traversed, they left works of this kind,
insomuch that the account of them excites admiration. He who did wrong
was punished without fail, while those who served well were rewarded.

Having arranged these and other matters, he advanced to the provinces
now subject to the town of La Plata,[231] and to those of Tucuman. He
sent captains with an army against the Chiriguanos, but they were not
successful, returning after having been put to flight. In another
direction, towards the South Sea, he sent more captains with troops, to
subdue those valleys and towns which had not submitted to his father. He
himself proceeded, with the rest of his army, towards Chile, completing
the subjugation of the tribes along the road. He traversed the
uninhabited region with great difficulty, and heavy were the snow storms
which broke over his people. They carried tents for their protection at
night, with many _yana-conas_[232] and female servants. Over all the
snowy wilds they made the royal road, with post houses placed by the
Inca.

He arrived at the province they call Chile,[233] where he remained for
more than a year, bringing the people under subjection, and arranging
the administration. He ordered that the quantity of ingots of gold which
he had indicated should be obtained. _Mitimaes_ were established, and
many Chilian communities were removed from one place to another. In some
places he constructed forts which they call _pucaras_, for the wars that
were waged with some of the tribes. The Inca marched much more over the
land than his father, until he said that he had seen the end of it, and
he ordered memorials to be set up in many places, that in future his
greatness might be known.[234] The affairs of Chile having been put in
order, he appointed his delegates and governors, and instructed them
always to report what happened in that province to the court of Cuzco.
He charged them to execute justice and to allow no disturbance or
tumult, but to execute the promoters, without sparing any.

The Inca returned to Cuzco, where he was received with great honour by
the city, and the priests of the temple of Curi-cancha gave him many
blessings. He made the people rejoice at the great festivals he ordered.
Many children were born to him, who were brought up by their mothers.
Among others Atahualpa was born, according to the opinion of all the
Indians of Cuzco, who say that it was so. His mother was called Tuta
Palla, a native of Quillaco, although others say that she was of the
lineage of the Urin-Cuzco. From his childhood Atahualpa always
accompanied his father, and he was older than Huascar.




CHAPTER LXIII.

_How Huayna Capac again ordered that an army should be assembled, and
how he set out for Quito._


Huayna Capac enjoyed a rest of some months at Cuzco, during which he
assembled the priests of the temples and diviners of the oracles. He
ordered sacrifices to be made, and the offering of the capacocha[235]
was celebrated with grandeur and great outlay, the mouth-pieces of the
oracles returning very full of gold. Each one gave a reply such as was
most likely to please the king. This, with other things, having been
done, Huayna Capac ordered that there should be made a road more royal,
grander and wider than that of his father, to extend to Quito, whither
he intended to go. The ordinary post and store-houses were to be
established along it. That it might be known throughout all the land
that this was his will, messengers went forth to announce it, and
afterwards Orejones went to see that the orders were complied with.
Accordingly the grandest road was constructed that there is in the
world, as well as the longest, for it extended from Cuzco to Quito, and
was connected with that from Cuzco to Chile. I believe that, since the
history of man has been recorded, there has been no account of such
grandeur as is to be seen in this road, which passes over deep valleys
and lofty mountains, by snowy heights, over falls of water, through live
rocks, and along the edges of furious torrents. In all these places it
is level and paved, along mountain <DW72>s well excavated, by the
mountains well terraced, through the living rock cut, along the river
banks supported by walls, in the snowy heights with steps and resting
places, in all parts clean swept, clear of stones, with post and
store-houses, and temples of the Sun at intervals. Oh! what greater
things can be said of Alexander, or of any of the powerful kings who
have ruled in the world, than that they had made such a road as this,
and conceived the works which were required for it! The road constructed
by the Romans in Spain, and any others of which we read, are not to be
compared with it. And it was finished in less time than it is possible
to imagine, for the Incas were no longer in ordering it than were their
subjects in executing the work.[236]

The king called a general assembly of his forces throughout all the
provinces of his government, and such numbers came from all parts that
they covered the plains. After there had been festivities and
drinking-bouts, and the affairs of Cuzco had been regulated, the Inca
Huayna Capac set out with _yscay-pacha-huaranca-runa cuna_, which means
200,000 men of war;[237] besides the _yana-conas_ and women, of whose
number no account was taken. The Inca took with him two thousand women,
and left in Cuzco more than four thousand. The delegates and governors
who were in charge at the capitals of the provinces, had arranged that
stores and arms should be collected from all parts, and everything else
that was required for a warlike expedition. Thus all the great
store-houses were filled, so that at every four leagues, which was the
length of a day’s journey, there were provisions for the whole of this
great multitude of people, and not only was there no fault, but there
was a surplus, after the soldiers and all the women and servant lads,
and porters, had been satisfied.

When Huayna Capac set out along the road which had been made by his
order, he marched until he arrived at Vilcas, where he rested for a few
days in the lodgings which had been made near those of his father. He
rejoiced to see that the temple of the Sun was finished, and he left a
quantity of gold and silver ingots to make ornaments and vases. He
ordered that great care should be taken with regard to the due
maintenance of the priests and _mamaconas_. He ascended to a beautiful
terrace which had been prepared for him. They then offered sacrifice, in
accordance with their blindness, and killed many birds and animals, with
some men and children, to propitiate their gods.

This being done, the king set out from this place with his army, and did
not stop until he arrived at the valley of Xauxa, where there was some
dispute respecting the division of land among the local chiefs. When
Huayna Capac understood the controversy, after he had performed
sacrifices as in Vilcas, he ordered the chiefs Alaya, Cusi-chuca, and
Huacaropa to assemble, and equitably divided the land in the way which
is adopted to this day. He sent embassies to the Yauyos and Yuncas, and
some gifts to the chiefs of Bonbon, for, as they had a force in the
lake, in parts where they swam, they spoke loosely, and he did not wish
to converse with them until he saw their intentions. The lords of Xauxa
did great services, and some of the captains and soldiers joined the
army. Marching by Bonbon, they only halted a short time, because the
Inca wished to go on to Caxamarca, a place more suitable for resting,
surrounded by great and very lofty districts. Along the road, people
were constantly arriving with embassies and presents.

The Inca arrived at Caxamarca and rested there for some days, ordering
that his soldiers should be lodged in the neighbourhood, and should be
fed with the provisions in the store-houses. With a selected force he
entered the country of the Huancachupachos, and waged a fierce war, for
the natives had not been reduced to entire submission by the Inca’s
father. The Inca was able to complete the work, appointing governors and
captains, and selecting chiefs from among the natives to administer the
land. Formerly these people had not known chiefs other than those who,
being most powerful, led them to war, and arranged peace when they
desired it. Among the Chachapoyas the Inca met with great resistance;
insomuch that he was twice defeated by the defenders of their country
and put to flight. Receiving some succour, the Inca again attacked the
Chachapoyas, and routed them so completely that they sued for peace,
desisting, on their parts, from all acts of war. The Inca granted peace
on conditions very favourable to himself, and many of the natives were
ordered to go and live in Cuzco, where their descendants still reside.
He took many women, for they are beautiful and graceful, and very white.
He established garrisons of military _mitimaes_ to guard the frontier. A
governor was appointed to live at the principal place in the district.
He made other arrangements, punished several of the principal chiefs for
having made war, and then returned to Caxamarca. The Inca continued his
journey, and put in order the affairs of the provinces of Caxas,
Ayavaca, Huancabamba, and the others which border on them.




CHAPTER LXIV.

_How Huayna Capac entered the country of Bracamoros, and returned
flying, and of the other events that happened until he arrived at
Quito._


It is well known to many natives of these parts that Huayna Capac
entered the country which we call Bracamoros, and that he returned
flying before the fury of the men who dwell there. They had chosen
leaders, and assembled to defend themselves against any one who should
attack them. This is stated, not only by the Orejones, but also by the
Lord of Chincha, and some principal men of the Collao and of Xauxa. They
all say that, while Huayna Capac was engaged in settling the districts
which had been traversed and subjugated by his father, it came to his
knowledge how that, in the Bracamoros, there were many men and women who
possessed fertile lands; that far in the interior of that land, there
were many rivers and a lake; and that this region was well peopled.
Desirous of discovery, and anxious to extend his dominion, he ordered a
chosen band, with little baggage, to march with him into that country,
leaving the camp under command of a Captain-General. Entering the
country, they advanced, opening the road with great labour, for, after
passing the snowy cordillera, they found themselves in the forests of
the Andes. They came to great rivers which they had to cross, and heavy
rains fell from the heavens. The Inca came to where the natives were
watching in their strongholds, whence they insolently defied him. The
war began, and so many of the savages came forth, most of them naked,
that the Inca determined to retire, which he did without gaining
anything in that land. The natives harassed his retreat in such sort
that his soldiers, sometimes flying, at others facing their pursuers, at
others sending them presents, returned flying to their own territory,
saying that they had avenged themselves on the long-tailed ones. They
said this because some of them had brought away the long strips of cloth
which the natives wore between their legs.

From these lands they also affirm that the Inca sent captains, with a
sufficient force, to explore the sea-coast in a northerly direction, and
to bring under the Inca’s dominion the natives of Guayaquil and Puerto
Viejo. The captains marched into these districts, where they waged war
and fought some battles, sometimes being victorious and at others
sustaining reverses. Thus, they advanced as far as Collique, where they
met with people who went about naked and fed on human flesh, having the
customs which are now practised and used by the dwellers on the river of
San Juan. From this point they returned, not wishing to penetrate
further, but to report what they had done to the king. Meanwhile, he had
arrived at the country of the Cañaris, where he enjoyed himself
exceedingly. For they say that this was the place of his birth, and that
he found that great lodgings and store-houses had been built, and
abundant supplies collected. He sent embassies to inspect the districts,
and ambassadors came to him from many provinces, with presents.

I am given to understand that, owing to a tumult which took place in
certain towns of the district of Cuzco, the Inca was so incensed that,
after having caused the leaders to be beheaded, he gave express orders
that the Indians of those places should bring the quantity he should
specify of the stones of Cuzco, to make edifices of the first importance
in Tumebamba, and that they should drag them with cables; and his orders
were obeyed. Huayna Capac often said that to keep the people of those
kingdoms well under subjection, it was a good thing, when they had no
other work to do, to make them remove a hill from one place to another.
He even ordered stones and slabs to be brought from Cuzco, for the
edifices of Quito, and to this day they remain in the buildings where
they were placed.

Huayna Capac set out from Tumebamba, and went by Purnaes, resting for
some days at Riobamba, in Mocha and Tacunga, and his people were allowed
to drink of the beverages that had been prepared for them in all parts.
The Inca was visited and saluted by many captains and lords of those
parts. He sent Orejones of his own lineage to the provinces of the coast
and of the mountains, to inspect the accounts of the _quipu-camayos_,
who are their accountants, to see what was stored in the government
houses, to ascertain how the governors treated the natives, and whether
the temples of the Sun, the oracles, and _huacas_ were properly
maintained. He also sent messengers to Cuzco to see that all his orders
were duly attended to. There was not a day that runners did not arrive,
not a few but many, from Cuzco, the Collao, Chile, and all parts of the
empire.

From Tacunga the Inca continued his journey to Quito, where he was
received, according to the mode and usage, with great festivities. His
father’s governor delivered up the treasures to him, which were
numerous, with the fine cloth and other things that he had charge of.
The Inca honoured him, praising his fidelity, calling him father, and
assuring him that he would always esteem him for the great services he
performed for his father and himself. The towns in the neighbourhood of
Quito sent many presents and provisions for the king, and he ordered
that more and stronger edifices should be built there than there were
before. The works were at once commenced, and those were finished which
we found when our people conquered that land.




CHAPTER LXV.

_How Huayna Capac marched through the coast valleys, and what he did._


Some of the Orejones relate that Huayna Capac returned to Cuzco from
Quito, by the coast valleys to Pachacamac; while others deny this and
maintain that he remained at Quito until his death. In this matter,
seeking out the version which is most accurate, I adopt what I heard
from some principal chiefs who served in that war, in person. They say
that, while the Inca was at Quito, ambassadors came from many parts to
congratulate him in the name of their respective countries. Feeling that
all was peacefully settled in the mountainous provinces, he thought it
would be well to undertake a journey to the province of Puerto Viejo, to
that which we call Guayaquil, and to the valleys of the Yuncas. The
captains and principal men of his council approved the thought, and
advised that it should be put into execution. Many troops remained in
Quito. The Inca set forth with a suitable force, and entered those
lands, where he had some skirmishes with the natives. But, eventually,
one after another submitted, and governors, with _mitimaes_, were
established.

Puná[238] waged a fierce war with Tumbez, and the Inca commanded them to
desist, and that the people of Puná should submit to him. This was
deeply felt by Tumbalá, because he was Lord of Puná. But he did not
venture to resist the Inca; on the contrary, he submitted, and offered
presents to secure a treacherous peace. When the Inca departed, he
plotted with the people of the mainland to kill many Orejones, with
their captains, who were to set out from a river to cross to the
opposite shore. But Huayna Capac received the tidings, and did what I
have written in chapter liii of my First Part.[239] He inflicted severe
punishment, and ordered the paved road to be made which is called the
Pass of Huayna Capac.[240] He then returned to Tumbez, where edifices
and a temple of the Sun had been erected. People came from the
surrounding districts to do him reverence with much humility. The Inca
proceeded to visit the coast valleys, ordering the government, fixing
the limits of land, and rules for distributing water, commanding that
the people should not go to war, and doing what has been described in
other places. They say of him that, being in the beautiful valley of
Chayanta, near Chimu, which is where the city of Truxillo now stands,
there was an old man working in a field. When he heard that the king was
passing near, he gathered two or three “_pepinos_”,[241] which, with the
earth attached, he brought with him, and said: “Hucha Hatun apu
micucampa”, which means, “_Very great Lord, eat thou_.”[242] Before the
lords and other people, the Inca took the “_pepinos_”, and, eating one
of them, he said before all present, to please the old man, “Suylluy
ancha mizqui cay”, or, in our language, “_Of a truth this is very
sweet_.” From this incident every one derived much gratification.

Passing onwards, he did in Chimu, in Guañapa, Guarmay, Huaura, Rimac,
and the other valleys, what appeared good for his service; and when he
arrived at Pachacamac there were great festivals, and many dances and
drinking-bouts. The priests, with their lies, said the evil things that
were invented by their cunning, according to custom, and some even spake
by the mouth of the same demon, for in those times it is publicly known
that he spoke to certain persons. Huayna Capac, it is said, give this
demon over 100 _arrobas_ of gold and 1000 of silver, besides other
treasure, stones and emeralds, so that he adorned the new temple more
than the temple of the Sun and the ancient shrine at Pachacamac.

Some Indians say that the Inca ascended thence to Cuzco, others that he
retired to Quito. He certainly visited all the coast valleys, and made
the great road through them which we now see, and we know that he built
great storehouses and temples of the Sun in other parts of the valleys.
Having seen that all things were arranged, as well in the mountains as
on the coast, and the whole empire being at peace, he returned to Quito.
He made war on the fathers of those whom they now call Huambracunas, and
discovered as far as the river of Ancasmayu.




CHAPTER LXVI.

_How, when Huayna Capac was about to march from Quito, he sent forward
certain of his captains, who returned flying before the enemy, and what
he did in consequence._


Huayna Capac being in Quito, with all his captains and veteran soldiers,
they relate as certainly true that he ordered certain of them to go
forth and conquer some countries whose inhabitants had never desired to
obtain his friendship. These people, when they knew what was intended at
Cuzco, sought aid from their neighbours to resist any invaders that
might come against them, and they had prepared forts and strong places,
with plenty of arms of the kind used by them. Huayna Capac marched past
their county to reach another land which bordered upon it, all being
within the district we now call Quito. As the captains and troops were
marching along, despising those of whom they were in search, and
thinking they could easily possess themselves of their lands and farms,
they found that things were different from what they supposed. For
suddenly the natives came out with great clamour, and attacked the
invaders with such resolution, that they killed and made captive a great
number, entirely defeating the rest, who turned their backs and fled
precipitately, the natives pursuing and killing the fugitives, and
taking many prisoners.

Some of the fleetest of foot ran until they came to the Inca, to whom
alone they reported the disaster, which annoyed him not a little.
Considering the matter prudently, he came to a decision becoming a great
man. This was to order those who had brought the news to keep silence,
and to tell no one what they knew. They were directed to return along
the road, and tell the fugitives to stop at the first hill they came to,
without fear, for that the Inca would attack the enemy with fresh
troops, and avenge the affront. With this message they returned. The
Inca felt anxiety, because he reflected that if his soldiers heard the
news in the place where they were encamped, all would be in confusion
and he would be in greater straits. But he dissimulated, and told them
to prepare, as he wished to march against a certain tribe whom they
would see when they reached their country. Getting out of his litter, he
marched in front of his army for a day and a half, and those who were
flying in great numbers, when they saw that the approaching army
consisted of their own people, stopped on one side, while the pursuers
began to attack them, and killed many. But Huayna Capac surrounded them
on three sides, which amazed them not a little, and even those who had
been conquered, rallied and fought in such sort that the ground was
covered with dead. When the pursuers wished to retreat, they found the
pass occupied, and so many were slain that very few remained alive
except the prisoners, who were numerous. So that all was altered, the
Inca himself having defeated and killed those who came to defeat him.
When the result was known the conquerors were very well satisfied.

Huayna Capac recovered those of his people who were still alive, and
ordered tombs to be made over those who were dead, and honours to be
paid them according to their heathen practices. For they all know that
the soul is immortal. They also set up figures and heaps of stones on
the battle-field, as a memorial of what had been done. Huayna Capac then
sent the news to Cuzco, re-organised his army, and advanced to Caranque.

The people of Otavalo, Cayambi, Cochasqui, Pifo, and other districts had
made a league with many other tribes, to resist subjugation by the Inca,
preferring death to the loss of their liberty. They made strong forts in
their country, and resisted the payment of tribute, or the sending of
presents to so distant a place as Cuzco. Having agreed on this between
themselves, they awaited the approach of the Inca, who came to make war
upon them. The army advanced to their frontier, where the Inca caused
forts (called _pucaras_) to be constructed, and sent messages to the
people with presents, asking them not to make war, as he only desired
peace with fair conditions; that they would always find favour from him,
as from his father; that he desired to take nothing from them, but
rather to confer benefits. These kind words availed nothing, for their
reply was that he should leave their country at once, and if not, they
would drive him out by force. They then advanced against the Inca, who
was much incensed, and put his army in battle array. They attacked him
with such fury, that if it had not been for the fortress he had caused
to be built, his troops would have been defeated at all points. But,
knowing the danger, they retired into the _pucara_, where all who had
not been killed or captured were assembled.




CHAPTER LXVII.

_How Huayna Capac assembled all his power, gave battle to his enemies,
and defeated them; and of the great cruelty with which he treated them._


When the natives saw how they had shut up the Inca in his fortress, and
had killed many of the Orejones, they were very joyful, and they made so
great a noise that they could not hear themselves. They brought drums,
and drank and sang, sending messengers over all the country, with the
news that they had the Inca shut up with all his people. Many believed
it and rejoiced, and some even came to help their friends.

Huayna Capac had provisions in the fort, and he had sent to summon the
governors of Quito to come with reinforcements, for the enemy would not
desist from their attacks. He tried, many times, to pacify them, sending
embassies with presents; but it was all of no avail. The Inca increased
his army, and the enemy did the same, resolutely determined to attack
and defeat him, or die in the attempt. They assaulted the fortress, and
broke through two lines of defence. If there had not been others round
the hill, without doubt the enemy would have been victorious. But it was
the custom of the Incas, in their defensive works, to make a circle with
two doorways, and further up another, and so on until there were seven
or eight, so that if one was lost, the defenders could retire to the
next. Thus the Inca and his army retreated to the strongest part of the
hill, whence, at the end of some days, he came forth and attacked the
enemy with great courage.

They relate that, when his captains arrived with reinforcements, he took
the field, but the battle was long doubtful. At length, those of Cuzco,
by a stratagem, killed a great number of the enemy, and those who
remained turned and fled. The tyrannical king was so enraged against
them for having taken up arms to defend their country from conquest,
that he ordered his soldiers to seek them all out, and with great
diligence they searched for and captured them all. Very few were able to
hide themselves. Near the banks of a lake, he ordered them all to be
beheaded in his presence, and their bodies to be thrown into the water.
The blood of those who were killed was in such quantity that the water
lost its colour, and nothing could be seen but a thick mass of blood.
Having perpetrated this cruelty, and most evil deed, Huayna Capac
ordered the sons of the dead men to be brought before him, and, looking
at them, he said, “Campa manan pucula tucuy huambracuna”, which means,
“_You will not make war upon me, for you are all boys now._”[243] From
that time the conquered people were called “Huambra-cuna (_Huayna-cuna_)
to this day, and they were very valiant. The lake received the name it
still bears, which is _Yahuar-cocha_, or ‘the lake of blood’.” In this
country governors and _mitimaes_ were stationed, as in all other
parts.[244]

After he had re-organised the country, the Inca passed onwards with
great renown from his past victory, and proceeded with his discoveries
until he reached the river Ancasmayu, which was the northern limit of
the empire. He learnt from the natives that further on there were many
tribes who went naked without any shame, and that all fed on human
flesh. He made some defensive works in the district of Pasto, and
ordered the principal men to pay tribute. They replied that they had
nothing to give; so he issued his command that each house should be
obliged to give, every month, a rather large basket full of lice, as
tribute. At first they laughed at this order; but afterwards,
notwithstanding the quantity of lice they had, they could not fill so
many baskets. They bred from the sheep which the Inca ordered to be
given to them, and paid tribute from the increase, as well as of the
food and roots of that country. For certain reasons which influenced
him, Huayna Capac returned to Quito, ordering that there should be a
temple of the Sun and a garrison, with a captain-general and governor in
Caranque, to guard the frontier.




CHAPTER LXVIII.

_How the King Huayna Capac returned to Quito, and how he knew of the
arrival of Spaniards on the coast, and of his death._


In this same year[245] Francisco Pizarro was on this coast with thirteen
Christians,[246] and the tidings of them was brought to Huayna Capac at
Quito. Particulars were reported of the dress they wore, of their ship,
and how they were white and bearded, how that they spoke little, were
not so fond of drinking as the natives, and other things which the
people had observed. Anxious to see such men, they say that the Inca
ordered that one of two of these men who had been left behind, should be
brought to him, the rest having gone back with their leader to the Isle
of Gorgona, where he had left certain Spaniards with their Indians, as
we shall explain in its place.[247] Some Indians say that after the
others had gone, they killed the two that were left behind, at which
Huayna Capac was much displeased. Others relate that they were sent to
the Inca; but that they were put to death on the road when the news came
that the Inca was no more. Others, again, declare that the two men died.
What we believe to be most probable is, that the Indians killed them
shortly after they had been left behind.

Huayna Capac was in Quito with a great company of people. He was very
powerful, his dominion extending from the river of Ancasmayu to the
river of Maule, a distance of more than 1,200 leagues. He was so rich,
that they relate that he had caused to be brought to Quito over 500
loads of gold, more than 1,000 of silver, many precious stones, and much
fine cloth. He was feared by all his subjects, because he was a stern
dispenser of justice. In the midst of his power, they say that a great
pestilence broke out, which was so contagious, that over 200,000 souls
died throughout the provinces, for it prevailed in all parts. The Inca
caught the disease, and all that was said to free him from death was of
no avail, because the great God was not served by his recovery. When he
felt that the pestilence had touched him, he ordered great sacrifices to
be offered up for his health throughout the land, and at all the
_huacas_ and temples of the Sun. And as he became worse, he called his
captains and relations, and addressed them on several subjects. Among
other things, they relate that he foretold that the people who had been
seen in the ship, would return with great power, and would conquer the
country. This was probably a fable, and if he said so, it must have been
through the mouth of a devil, for who could know that the Spaniards went
to arrange their return as conquerors? Others say that, considering the
extensive territory of the Quillacingas and Popayan, and that the empire
was very extensive for one person to rule, he ordained that from Quito
to the north, the dominion should be under his son Atahualpa, whom he
loved dearly, because he had always accompanied him in his wars. He
desired that the rest of the empire should be ruled by Huascar, the
sole heir of the whole. Other Indians say that he did not divide the
kingdom; but that he said to those who were present, that they well knew
how he had wished that his son Huascar, by his sister Chimpu Ocllo,[248]
should be lord after his own time, at which all the people of Cuzco were
well contented. He had other sons of great valour, among whom were
Nanque Yupanqui, Tupac Inca, Huanca Auqui, Tupac Hualpa, Titu, Huaman
Hualpa, Manco Inca, Huascar, Cusi Hualpa, Paullu Tupac Yupanqui, Conono,
Atahualpa. He did not desire to give them anything of the great
possessions he left, but that they should receive all from their
brother, as he had inherited all from his father. For he trusted much
that his son would keep his promise, and that he would fulfil all that
his heart desired, although he was still a boy. He ordered his chiefs to
love him and treat him as their sovereign, and that, until he was of
full age to govern, Colla Tupac, his uncle, should be his guardian. When
he had said this, he died.

As soon as Huayna Capac was dead, the lamentations were so great that
the shouting rose up to the clouds, and the noise so stupefied the birds
that they fell from a great height to the ground. The news was carried
to all parts, and everywhere the sorrow was deep. In Quito, as they
relate, the people mourned for ten days, while the lamentations of the
Cañaris continued for a whole month. Many principal lords accompanied
the body to Cuzco, all the men and women along the road coming out to
weep and groan. In Cuzco there was more lamentation. Sacrifices were
offered up in the temples, and preparations were made for the interment
in accordance with custom, the soul being supposed to be in heaven. They
killed, to be buried in the same tomb, more than 4,000 souls, women,
pages, and other servants; as well as treasure, precious stones, and
fine cloth. It was truly a very great sum that was buried with him. They
do not say where, nor in what manner he was interred; but they concur in
stating that his sepulchre was in Cuzco. Some Indians told me that they
buried him in the river Ancasmayu, diverting it from its course to make
the tomb. But I do not believe it. My impression is that those are right
who say that he was buried in Cuzco.[249]

The Indians relate many things relating to this king, insomuch that what
I have written and narrated is nothing. Assuredly, I believe that there
are so many things left to write touching this king, his fathers and
grandfathers, that it would form another history larger than what has
already been recorded.




CHAPTER LXIX.

_Of the lineage, and character of Huascar and Atahualpa._


The empire of the Incas was in a state of such profound peace when
Huayna Capac died, that there was not to be found a man, throughout its
vast extent, who would dare to raise his head to foment disturbance, or
to refuse obedience, as well from fear of the Inca, as on account of the
_mitimaes_ who were stationed in all parts, and maintained order. As
when Alexander died in Babylon, many of his servants and captains became
kings and ruled over extensive dominions; so on the death of Huayna
Capac there were wars and differences between his two sons; and in the
meantime the Spaniards arrived. Many of the _mitimaes_ became lords,
because the natural chiefs having been killed in the wars, the colonists
had an opportunity of gaining the goodwill of the people.

There would be much to say in relating the history of these powerful
lords in detail, but I will not deviate from my plan of telling the
story briefly, for the good reasons which I have already explained.
Huascar was the son of Huayna Capac; and Atahualpa also. Huascar was the
younger, and Atahualpa the elder brother. Huascar was the son of the
Coya, his father’s sister and principal wife. Atahualpa was the son of a
woman of Quilaco, named Tupac Palla. Both were born in Cuzco, and not in
Quito, as some have said and even written, but they have done so without
understanding the facts. For Huayna Capac was in the conquest of Quito,
and in those parts for about twelve years, and when he died his son
Atahualpa was already thirty years of age. They say that his mother was
the lady of Quito, but there never was any lady of that country, for the
Incas themselves were kings and lords of Quito.[250] Huascar was born
in Cuzco, and Atahualpa was older by four or five years. This is
certain, and is what I believe. Huascar was popular in Cuzco and
throughout the kingdom, owing to his being the rightful heir. Atahualpa
was a favourite with his father’s old captains and with the soldiers,
because he accompanied them to the wars in his boyhood, and because his
father, when he was alive, loved him so well that he would not let the
boy eat anything except what he himself put on his plate. Huascar was
merciful and pious. Atahualpa was cruel and vindictive. Both were
generous, but the latter was a man of greater spirit and force of
character, the former of more valour. The one claimed to be sole lord
and to rule without an equal; the other was resolved to reign by
breaking the established laws and usages of the Incas. The law was that
no one could be king except the eldest son of the sovereign and of his
sister, although there might be other older sons by other women. Huascar
wished his father’s army to be with him. Atahualpa was dismayed because
he was not near Cuzco, where he could perform the fast in that city and
come forth with the fringe, to be received by all as king.




CHAPTER LXX.

_How Huascar was acknowledged as King in Cuzco, after the death of his
father._


Huayna Capac being dead, and the mourning and lamentation having been
performed, although he left more than forty sons, none attempted to
deviate from their allegiance to Huascar, to whom, as they well knew,
the kingdom belonged. Although it was known that the order of Huayna
Capac was that the uncle of Huascar should govern, there were not
wanting those who advised the young Inca to assume the fringe at once,
and with it the government of the whole country as king. As most of the
native lords of provinces had come to Cuzco for the obsequies of Huayna
Capac, it was represented that the feast of the coronation might be very
grand, and thus he resolved to act. Leaving the government of the city
in the hands of the officer to whom it had been entrusted by his father,
he entered upon the fast with the accustomed observances. He came forth
with the fringe, and there were great festivities. The cable of gold was
brought out into the square, with the images of the Incas, and, in
accordance with their usage, they spent some days in drinking-bouts. At
the end of these days of feasting, the news was sent to all parts of the
kingdom, with the orders of the new king, and certain Orejones were sent
to Quito to bring back his father’s women and household.

Atahualpa received the news that Huascar had assumed the fringe, and
that he desired that all should yield him obedience. The captains of
Huayna Capac had not yet departed from Quito and its neighbourhood, and
there were secret communications between them as to the possibility of
remaining in those lands of Quito, without going to Cuzco at the call of
Huascar, for they had found the land of Quito to be as good as that of
Cuzco. Some among them hesitated, saying that it was not lawful to
refrain from recognising the great Inca, who was lord of all. But Illa
Tupac[251] was not loyal to Huascar, as Huayna Capac had requested, and
he had promised; for they say that he engaged in secret negotiations and
discussions with Atahualpa, He said that, among the sons of Huayna
Capac, this one showed the most spirit and valour, and that his father
ordered that he should govern Quito and its territory. He spoke in this
way to the captains Chalcuchima, Acla-hualpa, Rumi-ñaui,[252] Quizquiz,
Pecopagua,[253] and many others, urging them to assist in making
Atahualpa the Inca of those parts, as his brother was of Cuzco. These,
with Illa Tupac who was a traitor to his natural lord Huascar, having
been left as governor until the Inca should be of full age, agreed to
recognise Atahualpa, who was then declared to be lord. The women of his
father were delivered to him, whom he received as his own, and his
father’s household and house service were handed over to him, to do with
them according to his will.

Some say, that some of the sons of Huayna Capac, brothers of Huascar and
Atahualpa, with other Orejones, fled to Cuzco, and reported what had
happened to the Inca. Huascar, and the other Orejones of Cuzco, felt
what had been done by Atahualpa to be an evil act worthy of reprobation,
contrary to the will of their gods, and to the laws and ordinances of
the departed kings. They said that they would not consent or endure that
the bastard should take the name of Inca, and that he must be punished
for the favour he had obtained from the captains and soldiers of his
father’s army. Huascar, therefore, ordered that a summons should be sent
to all the provinces, that arms should be made, and the store-houses
provided with all things necessary, because he had to make war on the
traitors, if they would not recognise him as their lord. He sent
ambassadors to the Cañaris, inviting their friendship. It is also said
that he despatched an Orejon to Atahualpa himself, to persuade him not
to persist in his intentions, being so evil. The envoy was also to speak
with Colla Tupac, the Inca’s uncle, to advise him that he should become
loyal. These things being done, Huascar named one of the principal lords
of Cuzco, named Atoc,[254] as his Captain-General.




CHAPTER LXXI.

_How the differences between Huascar and Atahualpa began, and how great
battles were fought between them._


It was understood throughout the realm of Peru that Huascar was Inca,
and as such that he gave orders, and sent Orejones to the chief places
in all the provinces to provide what he required. He was so intelligent,
and was so popular, that he was much beloved by his people. When he
began to reign, his age was about twenty-five, a little more or less.
Having appointed Atoc to be his Captain-General, he ordered him, after
having taken the people he would require from places along the road, as
well _mitimaes_ as natives, to march to Quito and put down the rebellion
of the Inca’s brother.

The Indians recount the subsequent events in several ways. I always
follow the best version, which is held by the oldest and best informed
among them, who are lords. For the common people, in all they say,
cannot be relied upon as affirming the truth. Some relate that
Atahualpa, not only resolved to refuse obedience to his brother, who was
king, but even pretended to the sovereignty, seeing that the captains
and soldiers of his father were on his side. He went to the country of
the Cañaris, where he spoke with the native chiefs and with the
_mitimaes_, telling them a plausible story. He said that his desire was
not to injure his brother, as he wished for his welfare; but to keep
friends with all, and to make another Cuzco at Quito, where all could
enjoy themselves. He said that he had such good affection for them, that
he would cause edifices and lodgings to be made for himself in
Tumebamba. There, as Inca and lord, he would be able to amuse himself
with his women, as did his father and grandfather. He made other
speeches on this subject, which were not listened to with such pleasure
as he supposed. For the messenger from Huascar had arrived, and spoken
to the Cañaris and _mitimaes_, saying that the Inca sought their
friendship, and that he implored the favour of the Sun and of his gods
for them. He told the Cañaris that they should not consent to such an
evil deed as the Inca’s brother meditated. They replied by declaring
their desire to see Huascar, and raising up their hands, they promised
to remain loyal.

This being their wish, Atahualpa was unable to obtain his object, and
they say that the Cañaris, with the captain and _mitimaes_, seized him,
with the intention of delivering him up to Huascar. But having placed
him in a room of the _tampu_, he escaped, and went to Quito, where he
gave out that it had been the will of his God to turn him into a
serpent, to enable him to escape from his enemies. He told his adherents
that all should be got ready to begin a war. Other Indians affirm as a
certain fact that the captain Atoc, with his troops, arrived at the
country of the Cañaris, where Atahualpa was, and that it was he who took
the Inca’s brother prisoner, before he escaped in the way that has
already been mentioned. For my part, I believe, although I may be wrong,
that Atoc found that Atahualpa had escaped from his prison, and, much
disturbed at this, he collected all the men he could from the Cañaris,
and marched towards Quito, sending to all parts to strengthen the
governors and _mitimaes_ in their loyalty to Huascar. It is related, as
a fact, that Atahualpa escaped by means of a _coa_ or tool which a
Quella woman gave him. He made a hole with it at a time when those who
were in the _tampu_ were heated with what they had drunk. By using great
haste; he reached Quito before he could be overtaken by his enemies, who
wanted very much to get him again into their power.




CHAPTER LXXII.

_How Atahualpa set out from Quito with his army and captains, and how he
gave battle to Atoc in the villages of Ambato._


As the posts on the royal roads were so numerous, nothing happened in
any part of the empire that was unknown, and when it was understood that
Atahualpa had escaped by such good luck, and was in Quito assembling his
troops, it was known that a war was certain. Hence there were divisions
into parties; great disturbances; and thoughts directed to evil ends.
Huascar had no one who would not obey him, and did not desire that he
should come out of the affair with honour and power. Atahualpa had, on
his side, the captains and men of the army, and many native lords and
_mitimaes_ of the Quito provinces. They relate that, being in Quito, he
made haste to prepare his army to march, swearing, in their manner, that
he would inflict great punishment on the Cañaris for the affront he had
received from them. He knew that Atoc was approaching with his army,
which exceeded, according to what they say, forty _huarancas_ or
thousands of men, and he made haste to come forth and meet him.

Atoc advanced because Atahualpa had not been able to assemble the men in
the provinces. He addressed his men, exhorting them to do honour to the
Inca Huascar, and to exert themselves to chastise the shameless conduct
of Atahualpa. To justify his cause, Atoc sent certain Indians as
messengers to Atahualpa, urging him to rest satisfied with what he had
already done, and not to plunge the empire into civil war; but to submit
to the Inca, as the wisest course for him. Although these messengers
were principal Orejones, they relate that Atahualpa laughed at what
they had to say, and that, after many threats, he ordered them to be
killed. He then pursued his road in a rich litter, carried on the
shoulders of his principal and favourite followers.

They say that Atahualpa entrusted the conduct of the war to his
Captain-General Chalcuchima, and to two other chiefs, named Quizquiz and
Ucumari.[255] As Atoc did not halt with his army, they encountered him
near the town called Ambato, where the battle began, and was hotly
contested. Chalcuchima, having occupied a hill, came down with 5,000
chosen men, at an opportune moment, and attacked the tired enemy,
killing a great number, while the rest fled in confusion. They were
pursued, and many were captured, including Atoc himself. Those who gave
me this information say that he was fastened to a post, where they
killed him with great cruelty. Chalcuchima made a drinking-cup out of
his skull, adorned with gold. The most correct estimate, in my judgment,
is that 15,000 or 16,000 men were killed in this battle, on both sides.
Those who were taken prisoners were killed without mercy, by order of
Atahualpa. I have passed by this town of Ambato, where they say that the
battle was fought, and, judging from the number of bones, it would
appear that even more people were killed than they state.

With this victory Atahualpa remained in great renown. The news was
divulged in all parts of the kingdom. His adherents were called
together, and hailed him as Inca. He said that he would assume the
fringe at Tumebamba, though, if this ceremony was not performed at
Cuzco, it was considered absurd and invalid. He ordered his wounded to
be cured, he was served as a king, and he marched to Tumebamba.




CHAPTER LXXIII.

_How Huascar sent new captains and troops against his enemy, and how
Atahualpa arrived at Tumebamba, where he perpetrated great cruelties;
also what happened between him and the captains of Huascar._


Few days elapsed after the Captain Atoc was defeated at Ambato, before
the disaster was known, not only in Cuzco, but throughout the empire.
Huascar was much alarmed, and from that time he feared that the end of
the trouble might be fatal. His councillors decided that Cuzco should
not be abandoned, but that a fresh army with new captains should take
the field. But there were great lamentations for the dead, and
sacrifices were offered up in the temples and to the oracles, according
to custom. Huascar summoned many native chiefs of the Collao, of the
Canchis, Canas, Charcas, Cavangas, those of Condesuyo, and many of those
of Chincha-suyo. When they had assembled, he spoke to them of what his
brother had done, and appealed to them to be good friends and
companions. They answered as he desired, because they venerated the
religious custom not to receive any one as Inca, except him who had
assumed the fringe at Cuzco, which Huascar had done some days before. As
it was necessary to arrange for the continuance of the war, the Inca
appointed his brother, Huanca Auqui, to be his Captain-General. Some
Orejones say that he was not a brother of the Inca, but a son of
Ilaquito.[256] With him other principal chiefs were sent as captains,
named Ahuapanti,[257] Urco Huaranca, and Inca Rocca. These captains set
out from Cuzco with all the soldiers they could collect, and
accompanied by many native lords and _mitimaes_, and Huanca Auqui
reinforced his army on the road, as he advanced. He marched in search of
Atahualpa, who was at Tumebamba, with his captains and many principal
men who had come to gain his favour, seeing that he was a conqueror. The
Cañaris were afraid of Atahualpa, because they had imprisoned him and
despised his commands, and they knew him to be vindictive and very
blood-thirsty. When he came near the principal edifices, I heard from
many Indians that, to appease his anger, they sent a great company of
children, and another of men of all ages, to go forth to his
richly-adorned litter, in which he travelled with great pomp, bearing
green branches and palm leaves in their hands, and praying for grace and
friendship, and that past injuries might be forgiven. They besought him
with such clamour and with such humility, that it would have broken a
heart of stone. But it made little impression on the cruel Atahualpa,
for they say that he ordered his captains and soldiers to kill all who
had come out to him, which was done, only sparing a few children and the
women dedicated to the service of the temple, who were kept without
shedding any of their blood, to preserve the honour of their deity the
Sun.

This being done, he ordered some particular chiefs in the province to be
killed, and placed a captain of his own to govern it. Assembling his
principal adherents, he then assumed the fringe and took the title of
Inca in Tumebamba, although the act was invalid, as has been explained,
because it was not performed in Cuzco. However, he had the right of his
arms, which he held to be good law. I have also heard from some Indians
of position that Atahualpa assumed the fringe in Tumebamba before Atoc
was defeated or even set out from Cuzco, and that Huascar knew it and
provided accordingly. But on the whole it seems to me that the version I
first wrote is the most probable.

Huanca Auqui made rapid marches, wishing to arrive at the country of the
Cañaris before Atahualpa could do the harm which he actually did. Some
of those who escaped from the battle of Ambato had joined him. All
authorities affirm that he had with him more than 80,000 soldiers, and
Atahualpa assembled little less at Tumebamba, whence he set out,
declaring that he would not stop until he reached Cuzco. The two armies
encountered each other in the province of the Paltas, near Caxabamba,
and after the captains had addressed their troops, the battle began.
They say that Atahualpa was not present; but that he witnessed the
conflict from an adjacent hill. God was served in that, notwithstanding
that there were many Orejones and captains well instructed in the art of
war in the army of Huascar, and that Huanca Auqui did his duty like a
loyal and good servant of the king, Atahualpa should be victorious, with
the death of many of his adversaries. They declare that in both armies
more than 35,000 were killed, besides many wounded.

The victors followed up the fugitives, killing and taking prisoners, and
plundering the camp. Atahualpa was so joyful that he declared the gods
were fighting for him. The reason he did not advance to Cuzco in person
was that the Spaniards had entered the country a few days before, and
that he had received the news of their arrival.[258]

We will not give the conclusion of this war between the Indians, because
it would not be according to the order of events, and the narrative can
wait for insertion in its proper place.

Down to this point is what it has seemed well for me to write concerning
the Incas, which is all derived from the account which I took down in
Cuzco. If another should undertake to tell it more in detail and with
greater accuracy the road is open to him. For I have not attempted what
I was unable to perform; although for what I have done, I have worked in
a way known to God, who lives and reigns for ever. Most of what I have
written was seen by the Doctor Bravo de Saravia,[259] and the Licentiate
Hernando de Santillan,[260] Judges of the Royal Audience of the city of
the Kings.




INDEX.


NAMES OF PLACES AND TRIBES.

Abancay, i, 318

Acari, i, 28, 265

Acos, i, 301, 373

Aguja Point, i, 25

Alcaviquiza tribe, near Cuzco, ii, 105, 106

Ambato, i, 154;
  defeat of Atoc at, ii, 232, 233, 235

Anan Cuzco. _See_ Cuzco.

Anaquer Hill, ii, 18

Ancasmayu river, i, 122; ii, 44, 64, 213;
  northern limit of the empire, 218, 221, 223

Ancocagua temple, i, 357; ii, 88, 89

Andahuaylas, i, 315, 317; ii, 83, 109, 118, 139, 145, 154

Andesuyo (Anti-suyu), i, 323, 337; ii, 51, 70;
  invasion of, ii, 166, 168, 169;
  war with snakes, 166

Angoyaco pass, i, 302

Antis, ii, 175, 195

Apurimac river, i, 319; ii, 8, 43, 141, 147

Apurima, ii, 178

Arcos, ii, 154

Arequipa, i, 287, 392

Arica, i, 29

Asillo, i, 369; ii, 166

Atacama, i, 267

Ausancata temple, i, 354

Ayamarca, ii, 114, 115

Ayancas, road by, ii, 43

Ayavaca, ii, 179, 207

Ayaviri, i, 358, 359; ii, 135, 165, 166

Aymaraes, ii, 119

Ayangaro, i, 369; ii, 166, 170


Bahaire, Cieza de Leon at, ii, 131

Barranca, La, i, 248 _n._

Bio-bio river, i, 31

Bombon, i, 286, lake of, 294; ii, 156, 175, 178, 206

Bracamoros, i, 204, 209; ii, 70, 179, 208


Cacha, i, 356; ii, 6

Caitomarca, ii, 123, 124

Calca, conquest by Uira-ccocha Ynca, ii, 121

Callao, i, 27

Camana, i, 29, 265

Cañaris, i, 162, 167, 169; ii, 71;
  head-dress, 72;
  subjugation, 180, 181, 209, 229;
  massacre of, 234

Cañaribamba, i, 204

Canas, i, 356, 358; ii, 3, 6;
  head-dress, 72;
  tribe of, 133, 171, 172, 233

Cañete valley (_see_ Huarco), i, 257 _n._, 259

Canches, i, 355, 358; ii, 3;
  head-dress, 72;
  tribe of, 133, 171, 172, 233

Cangalla, ii, 133

Caracollo, i, 381

Caraugas, ii, 195, 233

Caranqui, i, 133, 138; ii, 59, 65, 70, 181, 215, 219

Caranques, i, 133, 138

Caraques, i, 185

Carex Isle, ii, 132

Caravaya, i, 369

Carmanca Hill, at Cuzco, i, 325; ii, 142

Cartagena (_see_ Bahaire), ii, 131

Casma, i, 26

Cassana, at Cuzco, ii, 158

Cavinas, i, 354

Caxabamba, ii, 235

Caxamarca, i, 271; ii, 8, 59, 83, 86, 178, 179, 186, 206

Caxas, ii 43, 179, 207

Chacama valley, i, 241

Chachapoyas, i, 277, 278, 207; ii, 70, 91, 157, 179

Chancas, i, 280, 315, 316; ii, 83, 199;
  conquests of, 119, 139;
  advance to Cuzco, ii, 140, 154, 157;
  defeated, 143;
  trophy of their bodies, ii, 144

Chaqui, i, 383

Charcas, i, 381;
  mines, 385;
  ii, 195, 200, 233

Chayanta, i, 383; ii, 212

Chicama. (_See_ Chacama.)

Chichas, i, 383

Chilana, village in the Collao, i, 373

Chilca, i, 255

Chile, i, 30, 384; ii, 44, 51, 59, 64, 65, 70;
  conquest by Tupac Ynca Yupanqui, 195;
  Huayna Ccapac in, 201, 203;
  name of, 202 _n._

Chimu, i, 242; ii, 185, 212

Chincha-suyu, 51, 175, 176, 177;
  road of, 177

Chinchas, i, 228, 260; ii, 189, 190, 191

Chinchay-cocha lake, i, 294, 296. (_See_ Bombon.)

Chiquana, i, 356

Chiriguanas, ii, 69, 201

Choclo-cocha Lake, ii, 118

Chucuito, i, 373; ii, 4, 59, 130, 135, 152, 170, 173, 174, 194

Chumbivilicas, i, 335; ii, 168

Chunchos, ii, 69

Chungara village, near Vilcañota, ii, 88

Chuqui-apu (La Paz), i, 380; ii, 59, 200

Cochabamba, i, 383

Cocha-casa, ii, 140, 147

Cochasqui, ii, 215

Collas, i, 359, 363, 367;
  their head-dress, 72. (_See_ Collao.)

Collao--Colla-suyu, i, 304, 359, 360, 363, 370; ii, 2, 51, 75;
  invaded by Inca Uira-ccocha, 130, 167;
  incursions of Chinchas into, 189;
  Chanca chief sent to, 151;
  invasion, 165;
  rebellion, 169, 172;
  subjugation, 173;
  pacification, 174, 175;
  Tupac Ynca Yupanqui in, 194, 195;
  Huayna Ccapac in, 200

Compata, ii, 133

Conchucos, i, 286, 291

Condesuyo (Cunti-suyu), ii, 51, 106, 107, 112;
  treason of chiefs, 117;
  invasion of, 146, 168;
  summoned to join the army of Huascar, 233

Copacopa, ii, 165

Copayapu, i, 30

Coquimbo, i, 30; ii, 4

Coropuna temple, ii, 89

Cotobambas, ii, 8

Curahuasi, ii, 147

Curampa, ii, 140, 148

Curicancha, Temple of the Sun at Cuzco, i, 328, 385; ii, 9, 22, 23, 71, 83;
  description of, 84, 85, 101, 103, 158, 203

Cuzco, i, 146;
  situation, i, 322;
  divisions, i, 325;
  description, i, 330;
  full of strangers, i, 71;
  foundation, i, 329; ii, 21;
  first arrival of Spaniards at, ii, 9;
  Anan Cuzco, ii, 97, 102, 122;
  Orin (Hurin) Cuzco, ii, 127;
  drainage of swamps, ii, 99, 100;
  rivers of, ii, 111, 112;
  in danger from the Chancas, ii, 140, 141;
  fortress, 160-164;
  Bishop of, i, 424. (_See_ Curicancha.)


Desaguadero, i, 373; ii, 174


Ferrol, port of, i, 26


Gorgona Isle, i, 21, 420; ii, 220

Guamanga founded, i, 307, 308;
  Indians, 310

Guanacauri, ii, 148, 154. (_See_ Huanacauri.)

Guañape, i, 26, 245; ii, 213

Guarmay, i, 26, 247; ii, 213

Guayaguil, i, 197, 201, 203; ii, 209, 211


Hanan Cuzco, ii, 97, 102, 122

Hatun Colla, ii, 3, 14, 16, 17, 33, 59, 117, 130, 135, 170

Hatun-cana, i, 356

Hatun canche, ii, 158

Hayo-hayo, i, 381

Hervay, fortress of, ii, 193 _n._

Horuro, i, 356

Huallabamba, i, 139

Huamachuco, i, 287, 289

Huambacho, i, 247

Huanacauri temple, ii, 17, 18, 19, 22, 89, 101, 107, 111

Huancas, i, 279, 298;
  legends of, i, 299;
  head-dress, ii, 72;
  conquest, ii, 153, 154;
  submission, ii, 155, 173

Huancabamba, i, 210, 269; ii, 59, 179, 207

Huancachupachos, ii, 206

Huancavilcas, i, 168, 181, 192

Huanuco, i, 282, 283, 285; ii, 157

Huara, ii, 26, 248

Huaray, ii, 293

Huarco valley, i, 257, 258;
  fortress, ii, 164;
  war, 191-195

Huarina, i, 9, 380

Huarochiri, ii, 43

Huaqui, i, 274

Huaura, ii, 213

Huaylos, i, 286

Hurin Cuzco, i, 67; ii, 97, 102


Juli, i, 373; ii, 130

Juliaca, i, 369


Lampa, harvest ceremony at, i, 412

La Paz, i, 380, 381. (_See_ Chuqui-apu.)

La Plata, ii, 201

Latacunga, ii, 59

Lima, i, 248

Limatambo, i, 320

Llacta-cunga, i, 143, 150

Lobos Island, i, 25

Lucanas, ii, 148, 199

Lunahuana, i, 228, 260

Luracachi, ii, 134


Mala, i, 256

Manta, i, 182, 184

Marca, in Condesuyo, ii, 107

Marcapata, ii, 169

Marcavillca, ii, 34

Maule river, i, 31; ii, 64, 195, 221

Mohina, treasure found at, i, 353;
  road from Cuzco to, ii, 44

Motupe valley, i, 239

Moxos, ii, 69

Moyobamba, i, 280

Muhina. (_See_ Mohina.)

Mulahalo, i, 147, 148

Muli-ambato, i, 153


Nasca Point, i, 28

---- valley, i, 264; ii, 190

Nicasio village, i, 365, 369


Ocoña valley, i, 29, 265

Ollantay-tambo. (_See_ Tambo.)

Oma, near Cuzco, ii, 105

Omasayu, i, 369; ii, 90, 166

Orin Cuzcos. (_See_ Hurin Cuzco.)

Otavalo, ii, 215


Pacarec-tampu, i, 335; ii, 11, 13, 87

Pacasmayu, i, 240

Pachacamac, i, 251, 252, 253, 254; ii, 90;
  temple of, ii, 187, 211;
  Huayna Capac at, 213

Paltas, i, 205; ii, 43, 235

Paria, i, 381; ii, 59

Pariacaca Pass, ii, 43, 188

Pariña Point, i, 25

Passaos, i, 22, 172

Parcos, i, 302; ii, 154

Parmonga (Parmunquilla), i, 247; ii, 186

Pasto, i, 54, 55, 120, 121, 123; ii, 219

Patia, i, 118

Payta, i, 25

Picoy valley, i, 302; ii, 154

Pifo, ii, 215

Pincos, i, 294

Pisagua, i, 30

Piscobamba, i, 293

Piura, i, 213

Pocheos river, i, 213

---- city, i, 32, 381, 382, 384

Pocona village, i, 384

Pomata, i, 473; ii, 130

Pomatambo (Pumatampu), ii, 113, 149

Popayan, i, 32, 54, 55, 109, 115, 124; ii, 70, 221

Porco, i, 285

Potosi, i, 384, 390, 391

Pucamarca, ii, 158

Puerto Viejo, i, 22, 174, 180, 187; ii, 78, 211

Pumatampu, ii, 113 _n._, 149

Puná, i, 24, 198; ii, 211

Purnaes (Purnaes), i, 154, 161; ii, 180, 210


Quichuas, tribe of, ii, 109;
  defeated by Chancas, ii, 118, 119

Quilca, i, 29, 265

Quillacingas, ii, 221

Quillaco, mother of Atahualpa a native of, ii, 203, 224

Quiquijana, i, 354; ii, 133

Quito, i, 131, 140, 142, 144, 145;
  founded by Tupac Ynca Yupanqui, ii, 181;
  government of, ii, 183;
  arrival of Huayna Ccapac at, ii, 210, 211, 213, 214, 217;
  news of arrival of Spaniards reaches, 220;
  riches at, 221;
  mourning for Huayna Ccapac at, 222;
  Atahualpa at, 224, 225;
  rebellion of Atahualpa at, 227, 229, 230, 231


Rimac, i, 250; ii, 213

Riobamba, i, 155, 160, 210

Rumichaca, near Quito, i, 132

Runchuanac. (_See_ Lunahuana.)


Sana valley, i, 240

San Gallan, i, 27

San Lorenzo Cape, i, 23

San Miguel (Puira) founded, i, 213, 214

San Nicolas Point, i, 28

Santa, i, 245, 246

Santa Clara Island, i, 24

Santa Elena Point, i, 23, 189

Santa Maria Cape, i, 31

Saqui, palace at, ii, 122

Sica sica, i, 381

Sipe sipe, i, 383

Soras, ii, 148, 149, 199


Tacunga, iii, 180, 181, 210

Tambo (or Ollantay-tampu), i, 332, 333

Tampu-quiru, ii, 14, 16, 101, 103

Tangarara, original site of Piura, i, 214

Tapacari, i, 383

Tarama (Tarma), i, 286; ii, 156, 175, 176

Tarapaca, i, 30, 138, 265, 266

Tarma. (_See_ Tarama.)

Tiquizambi, ii, 180

Titicaca Lake, i, 370, 371, 372; ii, 167

---- Island, i, 372;
  the sun came forth from, ii, 5;
  Yncas at, 167, 200

Tomebamba. (_See_ Tumipampa.)

Totora, i, 383

Truxillo, i, 26, 186, 242, 244; ii, 212

Tucuman, ii, 201

Tumbez, i, 23, 128, 193, 213; ii, 185, 212

Tumipampa, i, 165; ii, 180, 209, 229, 232, 235

Tuqueme, coast valley of, i, 239

Tuquma, i, 383

Tusa, last village of the Pastos, i, 132


Urcos, i, 354; ii, 133


Valparaiso, i, 31

Viacha, i, 380

Vicos, ii, 115

Vilcas, i, 312, 313;
  roads from, ii, 44, 59;
  edifices, ii, 150, 154, 206;
  river, 149, 150

Vilcacunga, ii, 142

Vilcañota temple, ii, 88, 134, 169

Viñaque, i, 309, 379

Viticos, i, 305; ii, 11


Xaquixaguana, i, 9, 32, 150, 320; ii, 44, 129, 131, 137, 138, 140, 199

Xauxa, i, 296, 297; ii, 34;
  road to Lima, 43, 59, 75;
  partition of land, 148, 154, 156, 178, 188;
  tenure of land arranged by Huayna Ccapac, 206, 208

Xayanca valley, i, 239


Yahuar-cocha, i, 133; ii, 218

Yahuira Hill, ii, 19

Yanahuaras, ii, 168

Yauyos, ii, 153, 178, 206

Yca, i, 263; ii, 190

Ylave, ii, 134

Ylo, i, 265

Yuli (_see_ Juli), ii, 130

Yucay, i, 354;
  river of, ii, 124;
  valley, i, 137, 140

Yuncas of the coast, i, 162, 209, 218, 219, 223, 232, 237; ii, 72, 90, 183;
  conquest of, 185-193;
  sacred temple of, ii, 187


Zepita, i, 37; ii, 130


QUICHUA WORDS.

Anacona. (See _Yana cuna_.)

Ancha, _very_, ii, 14, 63, 212

Apu, _chief_, ii, 14, 62, 97, 212

Atoc, _fox_, ii, 228

Ayllos, _slings_, i, 355; ii, 46, 54-73


Camac, _creator_, i, 253

Camayus, _officials_, ii, 27, 90

Cancha, _place_, ii, 83

Canqui, _thou art_, ii, 62

Capacocha, _ceremony of offerings_, ii, 88, 89, 91-93

Cay, _this_, ii, 212

Ccapac, _rich_, i, 136; ii, 12, 17, 21, 22, 105

Ccampa, _thou_ (dative), ii, 62, 212, 218

Ccepi, _burden_, ii, 88

Ccocha. (_See_ Cocha.)

Ccuri, _gold_, ii, 83

Chaca, _bridge_, i, 132

Chacara, _farm_, ii, 27, 30, 60

Chacu, _hunt_, i, 288 _n._

Chaqui, _foot_, ii, 76

Chaquira, _beads_, i, 176, 405; ii, 40, 86, 90

Chumpi, _belt_, i, 146

Chuñu, _preserved potatoe_, i, 361; ii, 54

Churi, _son_, ii, 14, 62

Coca, i, 352; ii, 196

Cocha, _lake_, ii, 8

Cuna (_plural particle_), ii, 205, 213, 218

Curaca, _nobleman_, ii, 41, 58

Curi (_correctly_ Ccuri), _gold_, ii, 83


Hatun, _great_, ii, 14, 62, 212

Hatun cancha, ii, 158

Hatun-raymi, ii, 93, 96

Huaca, _sacred_, i, 77, 228; ii, 87, 88, 90, 91

Huaca-camayoc, i, 413

Huaranca, _thousand_, ii, 135

Huarmi, _woman_, ii, 76

Huasi, _house_, ii, 83

Huata, _year_, ii, 55, 76, 82

Huauque, _brother_, ii, 76

Huayna, _youth_, ii, 197, 213, 218

Huayna-cuna, _youths_, i, 138; ii, 213, 218

Huayras, _used in the mines_, i, 389

Huillac. (_See_ Uillac.)

Huis-cacha. (_See_ Uis cacha.)


Inca. (_See_ Ynca.)

Inti. (_See_ Ynti.)


Llacta, _city_, ii, 197

Llama, i, 393; ii, 45

Llautu, _fringe_: _emblem of sovereignty_, ii, 2, 19

Lliclla, _mantle_, i, 146

Lloque, _left-handed_, ii, 100, 102, 103


Macana, _club_, i, 49, 203

Mama, _mother_, ii, 12, 105, 114

Mama-cuna, _women of the temples_, i, 25, 149, 164,
   369, 405; ii, 10, 46, 85, 92, 95, 138, 206

Manan, _not_, ii, 218

Maqui, _hand_, ii, 76

Micuni, _to eat_, ii, 212

Mitimaes, _colonists_, i, 149, 150, 209, 271, 328, 362;
   ii, 24, 36, 39, 50, 67-71, 166, 177, 179

Mizqui, _sweet_, ii, 212

Mucha, _worship_, ii, 17, 38, 96, 210

Molle trees. (_See_ Mulli.)

Mulli, _Schinus Molle_, i, 299


Naña, _sister_, ii, 76

Naui, _eye_, ii, 76


Oca, _Oxalis tuberosa_, i, 361; ii, 94

Oxota. (_See_ Usuta.)


Paccari (Pacarec), _dawn_, ii, 11, 13, 87

Pacha, _earth_, ii, 62

---- _world_, i, 253; ii, 82

---- _hundred_, ii, 205

Palla, _married princess_, ii, 147, 277

Pillaca, _kind of fringe_, ii, 19

Pucara, _fortress_, i, 302, 368; ii, 2, 69, 75, 121, 147, 216

Punchau, _day_, ii, 76

Purachuco, _tuft of feathers_, ii, 19


Quilla, _moon_, ii, 76

Quinua, _Chenopodium Quinua_, i, 361; ii, 54, 94

Quipus, _system of record_, i, 290; ii, 33, 34, 53, 57, 61, 165

Quiru, _tooth_, ii, 14, 76


Raymi, _festival_, ii, 93, 96

Rincri, _ear_, ii, 76

Rumi, _stone_, i, 132; ii, 227

Runa, _man_, ii, 76, 205

Runtu, egg, ii, 121


Sapa, _only_, ii, 62

Sasi, _fast_, ii, 18, 20

Senca, _nose_, ii, 76

Sullull, _truth_, ii, 62

Sulluy, _of a truth_, ii, 212

Supay, _devil_, i, 224; ii, 10


Tampu, _inn_, i, 161, 290; ii, 14, 16, 73, 101, 103, 131, 201, 230

Taqui, _music_, ii, 29, 40, 91, 92, 137

Ticiviracocha, _God_, i, 299; ii, 1, 6, 7, 8, 9, 22, 94;
  image lost, 97

Topu. (_See_ Tupu.)

Tucuy, _all_, ii, 62, 197, 218

Tupu, _measure_, i, 146; ii, 43, 66, 88, 112

Tuta, _night_, ii, 76


Ucumari, _bear_, ii, 232

Uillac Umu, _High Priest_, i, 329, 414; ii, 86, 97

Uira, _grease_, ii, 8

Uiscacha, _rabbit_, i, 402; ii, 46

Uma, _head_, ii, 76

Uncha, _fillet for the head_, i, 146

Usuta, _shoe_, i, 146; ii, 38

Uyay, _hear_, ii, 62, 197


Vira, _grease_. (See Uira.)


Yahuar, _blood_, i, 133; ii, 218

Yana-cuna, _servant_, i, 391; ii, 55, 67 _n._, 88, 89, 201, 205

Yaya, _father_

Ylla (name given to bodies of the venerated dead), ii, 96

Yllapa, _lightning_, ii, 96

Ynca, _sovereign_, _of the blood royal_

Ynti, _the sun_, ii, 14, 62

Ynti-huasi, _Temple of the Sun_, ii, 83

Yscay, _two_, ii, 205

Ynca, i, 233

Yunca, _warm valley_, i, 162

Yupanqui, _you may count_, ii, 102 _n._, 158


Zazi. (_See_ Sasi.)


NAMES OF INDIANS AND GODS.


Ahuapanti, a general of Huascar, ii, 233

Alaya, chief of Xauxa, i, 224, 301; ii, 206

Alcariza, a lord of Cuzco, ii, 15, 16, 17

Anco allo, chief of the Chancas, i, 280; ii, 154, 156;
  his flight, 157

Aperahua Oracle, ii, 90

Arnauan, a name of Ticiviracocha, ii, 6

Atahualpa, ii, 8, 9, 10;
  ransom, ii, 83, 86;
  at Caxamarca, i, 271;
  meaning of word, i, 231;
  birth, ii, 203;
  to rule at Quito, ii, 221, 222;
  account of, ii, 224, 225;
  rebellion, ii, 227;
  cruelty to Cañaris, i, 167; ii, 230, 235;
  war with Huascar, i, 273, 275, 409, 421; ii, 235

Atoc, general of Huascar, i, 167, 273; ii, 228, 230, 231, 232, 233

Ayar Cachi (Asauca), ii, 12, 13, 14, 16, 17, 20

Ayar Manco, ii, 12, 21

Ayar Uchu, ii, 12, 13


Capac. (_See_ Ccapac.)

Cari, a great lord in the Collao, i, 363; ii, 5, 130, 135;
  rebellion, 170, 173

Cariapasa, chief of Chucuito, i, 373

Cayu Tupac, the Ynca who supplied Cieza de Leon with
   information, ii, 11, 121

Ccapac, a rebel against Ynca Uira-ccocha, ii, 127

Ccapac Yupanqui, his reign, ii, 106, 107, 108;
  embassy from the Quichuas to, 109;
  death, ii, 110

---- ---- general in the Huanca campaign, ii, 154

---- ---- governor of Cuzco, ii, 178

Chalco Mayta, governor of Quito, ii, 183

Chalicuchima, a general of Atahualpa, i, 320; ii, 9, 227, 232

Chimbo Ocllo, wife of Huayna Ccapac, ii, 199

Chirihuana, governor of Chucuito, ii, 4

Colla Tupac, guardian of Huascar, ii, 222, 237 _n._, 228

Cusi-chuca, chief at Xauxa, ii, 206

Cusi-hualpa, son of Huayna Ccapac, ii, 222


Guacarapora, lord of Xauxa;
  use of quipus, ii, 34

Guamaraconas. (_See_ Huayna-cuna.)

Guanacauri. (_See_ Huanacauri.)

Guasco, chief of Andahuaylas, i, 315, 318


Hastu Huaraca, chief of the Chancas, ii, 140, 141;
  interview with the Ynca, ii, 142;
  defeated, ii, 143;
  enters service of the Ynca, ii, 145;
  sent to the Collao, ii, 151

Huaman Hualpa, a son of Huayna Ccapac, ii, 222

Huanacauri, the hero god, ii, 14, 18, 20, 22, 87, 101, 103, 107

Huanca Auqui, a son of Huayna Ccapac, general, for Huascar, ii, 233;
  defeated, 235

Huaraca, chief of the Chancas, ii, 118

Huarivilca, god of the Huancas, i, 300; ii, 154

Huascar, i, 272, 421; ii, 8, 9, 99, 163, 203, 222;
  his character, ii, 224, 225;
  accession, 226;
  war with Atahualpa, ii, 228, 229;
  his alarm, 233;
  army defeated, 235

Huayna Ccapac, i, 140, 169, 179, 193; ii, 11, 25, 44, 67, 99, 155, 163, 180;
  birth, 181;
  accession, 197;
  character, 198;
  march of, 199, 200;
  to Chile, 201, 202;
  invasion of Bracamoros, 208;
  severity, 209;
  at Quito, 210;
  on the coast, 212;
  anecdote, 212;
  war north of Quito, 215;
  besieged, 217;
  his vengeance, 218;
  hears of Spaniards, 220;
  death, 221;
  obsequies, 222, 223

Huayna-cuna (Guamaraconas), i, 138; ii, 213, 218

Humalla, a chief in the Collao,
  rebels, ii, 170


Illa Tupac, ii, 227 _n._


Lloque Yupanqui, marriage, ii, 100;
  reign, 102;
  death, 103

---- ---- brother of Ynca Yupanqui;
  governor of Cuzco, ii, 147;
  commands the army in the Huanca campaign, ii, 154, 155


Macay Cuca, Queen of Ynca Rocca, ii, 111

Mama Cahua Pata, daughter of the lord of Oma, Queen of Mayta Ccapac, ii, 105

Mama Chiquia, of Ayamarca,
  Queen of Ynca Yupanqui, ii, 114

Mama Cora, one of the women who came forth from Pacarec Tampu, ii, 12

Mama Huaco, one of the women who came forth from Pacarec Tampu, ii, 12

Mama Ocllo, Queen of Tupac Ynca Yupanqui, ii, 175

Mama Rahua, one of the women who came forth from Pacarec Tampu, ii, 12

Manco Ccapac, i, 136, 194, 329, 354, 409; ii, 12, 17, 22, 23, 99

Manco Ynca, i, 304, 305; ii, 11, 30, 222;
  assumption of the sovereign fringe by, 17

Mayta Ccapac, fourth Ynca, ii, 103;
  death, 107


Nanque Yupanqui, son of Huayna Ccapac, ii, 222


Paullu Ynca, i, 77;
  funeral obsequies, ii, 104, 196 _n._, 222


Quizquiz, general of Atahualpa, ii, 8, 164, 227


Rahua Ocllo. (_See_ Mama Rahua.)

Rocca Ynca, ii, 111;
  reign, ii, 113;
  obsequies, 115

---- ---- a general of Huascar, ii, 233

Rumi-ñaui, a general of Atahualpa, ii, 227

Runta-Ccoya, Queen of the Ynca Uira-ccocha, ii, 121


Sapana. (_See_ Zapana.)

Sayri Tupac, ii, 11

Sinchi Rocca, ii, 23, 24;
  reign, ii, 99


Tici-uira-ccocha, god, i, 299; ii, 1, 6, 7;
  name, 8, 9, 22, 24;
  image, 97

Titu, a son of Huayna Ccapac, ii, 222

Tuapaca, name of Tici-uira-ccocha in Collao, ii. 6

Tumbala, lord of Puna, i, 195; ii, 211

Tupac Ynca Yupanqui, i, 147, 149, 165, 169, 178,
   192, 217, 261, 269, 313, 337, 357;
   ii, 25, 44, 64, 86, 99, 150, 163, 170;
  accession, 171, 172;
  subjugated the Collas, 173, 174, 175;
  march to Chinchasuyu, ii, 177;
  at Caxamarca, 178;
  at Bracamoros, 179;
  conquest of coast valleys, 185-193;
  conquest of Chile, 195;
  death, 196

---- ---- a son of Huayna Ccapac, ii, 222

Tupac Hualpa, a son of Huayna Ccapac, ii, 222

Tupac Uasco, chief of the Chancas, ii, 118, 147, 151, 157

Tuta Palla, mother of Atahualpa, ii, 203


Uasco. (_See_ Tupac Uasco.)

Ucumari, general of Atahualpa, ii, 232

Uillac Umu, High Priest, i, 329; ii, 86, 97

Uira-ccocha Ynca, i, 332, 338, 355, 363; ii, 64, 71;
  accession, 120;
  reign, 121 to 136;
  abdication, 137, 140

---- (God), i, 162, 357, 367. (See Tici-uira-ccocha.)

Urco Ynca, ii, 129;
  objections to his accession, 137;
  accession, 138;
  vicious conduct, 139, 140, 141;
  deposition, 144, 146

Urco Huaranca, governor of Atahualpa, ii, 233


Viracocha. (_See_ Uira-ccocha.)


Ynca Yupanqui, accession, ii, 116;
  murder, ii, 117

---- ---- ii, 129, 139;
  defence of Cuzco by, 140;
  defeats the Chancas, 143;
  accession, 144;
  march of his army, 147;
  rule, 152;
  meaning of name, 158;
  builds fortress of Cuzco, 158-164;
  proceedings, 165;
  conquest of the Collao, 167;
  of Condesuyos, 168;
  invades Anti-suyu, 168, 169;
  abdicates, 171

Yumalla, chief of the Collao, i, 373


Zañu, chief of, ii, 100

Zapana, lord in the Collao, i, 363, 369; ii, 2, 3, 14, 117, 130;
  embassy from, 132;
  death, 135, 170


NAMES OF SPANIARDS.

Aldana, Lorenzo de, founded Pasto, i, 123;
  his kind treatment of the natives, and bequest in
   their favour, i, 124 _n._

Almagro, Diego de, i, 7, 159, 186, 256, 318, 419

Almagro, Diego de (the lad), i, 306, 312, 335; ii, 13

Alvarado, Alonzo de, i, 159, 279, 282

Alvarado, Pedro de, i, 148, 155, 156, 157, 185, 186, 248

Alvarado, Gomez de, i, 157, 281, 283

Aranda, a Spaniard. Evidence as to converse with devils, ii, 132


Bachicao, Hernando, hanged at Juli by Francisco de Carbajal, i, 373

Belalcazar, Sebastian de, i, 79, 93, 105, 110, 113, 145, 201, 423;
  marches to assist Gasca, i, 151, 186

Blasco Nuñez Vela, i, 187, 139

Bobadilla, Fray Francisco de, the umpire between Pizarro and Almagro, i, 256

Bueno, Martin, one of the first soldiers who went to Cuzco, ii, 9


Carbajal, Francisco de, i, 362, 373, 422

Carrasco, Alonzo, had seen the trophy of bodies of the Chancas, ii, 145

Castro, Vaca de, i, 283, 312

Centeno, Diego de, i, 380, 384

Chaves, Francisco de, i, 292

Cieza de Leon, Pedro de (the author), dedication of his work, i, 1;
  his habit of writing on the march, i, 3;
  plan of his work, i, 6;
  collecting information concerning the coast, i, 27;
  loses his journal after the battle of Xaquixaguana, i, 32;
  joins Vadillo, i, 41;
  method of collecting information, i, 177;
  marching to join the royal army, i, 151, 167, 241;
  crosses bridge over the Apurimac, i, 319;
  goes to Charcas, i, 339;
  at Pucara, i, 368;
  takes notes in the Collao, 364;
  at Tiahuanaco, i, 376; ii, 173;
  proposes to form plantations of trees, i, 401;
  sees God’s hand in the conquest of the Indies, i, 418;
  finishes the first part of his work, i, 427;
  record of retribution, i, 423;
  inquires of the natives as to their condition
   before the time of the Yncas, ii, 2;
  visits the temple of Cacha, ii, 7;
  information from citizens of Cuzco, ii, 3;
  Ynca sources of information, ii, 11, 121;
  plan of his second part, ii, 24;
  learns the practical use of the _quipus_ at Xauxa, ii, 34;
  praises Ynca rule, ii, 47;
  heard oracles speak at Bahaire, ii, 131;
  visits the fortress of Cuzco, ii, 162;
  conclusion of his work, ii, 236


Elemosin, Diego Rodriguez, great wealth discovered by, ii, 89

Escobar, Maria de, introduced wheat into Peru, i, 400


Gasca, Pedro de la, i, 208, 241, 318, 320, 339

Gomara, Francisco Lopez de, criticism on, ii, 67

Guevara, Juan Perez de, conquests in the eastern forests, i, 280

Gutierrez Felipe, his discoveries south of Peru, i, 383

Guzman, Hernando de, present at the siege of Cuzco;
  visits the fortress of Cuzco with the author, ii, 162


Heredia, Nicolas de, discoveries south of Peru, i, 383

Hiñojosa, Ruy Sanchez de, discoveries in the direction of Rio de la Plata;
  killed by Heredia, i, 384


Ladrillero, Juan, navigates Lake Titicaca, i, 370

Ledesma, Baltasar de, retribution on, i, 423

Loaysa, Geronimo de, Archbishop of Lima, i, 227, 424


Maldonado, Diego de, his estates, i, 317 _n._; ii, 139 _n._

Moguer, name of one of the first soldiers who went to Cuzco, ii, 9


Ondegardo, Polo de, corregidor of Charcas, i, 387

Orellana, Francisco de, i, 112, 202, 406

Orgoñez, Rodrigo, i, 254, 304

Otaso, Marcos, a priest, who gave the author an account of
   the harvest ceremony at Lampa, i, 412


Pacheco, Juan, his experience of the conduct of devils
   in obstructing the conversion of heathens, i, 416, 417

Pancorvo, Juan de, estate at Ayaviri, i, 359;
  had seen the trophy of Chanca bodies, ii, 145

Pinto, Simon, corregidor of Chucuito, i, 373

Pizarro, Francisco, i, 21, 156, 214, 244, 250, 256, 268,
   272, 310, 329, 353; ii, 9, 34, 220

Pizarro, Gonzalo, i, 32, 137, 303, 311, 320, 380

Pizarro, Hernando, i, 253, 254, 335; ii, 13

Puelles, Pedro de, i, 187, 283


Rios, Pedro de los, i, 419


Saavedra, Juan de, arrived in Peru with Pedro de Alvarado, i, 157, 185;
  as governor of Cuzco, assisted the author in his researches, ii, 11

Santa Maria, Fray Juan de, trouble with the devil when
   baptizing a chief, i, 417

Santo Tomas, Fray Domingo de, his labours in the study of Quichua, i, 163;
  gives information to the author, i, 219;
  his evidence respecting the wiles of the devil, i, 225;
  founds a monastery in the coast valley of Chacama, i, 242, 427

Santillan, Hernando de, judge of the Audiencia, i, 425; ii, 236;
  had seen the author’s work, ii, 236

Saravia, Dr. Bravo de, judge of the Audiencia, i, 205, 425;
  had seen the author’s work, ii, 236

Solano, Juan de, Bishop of Cuzco, i, 424

Sosa, Hernan Rodriquez de, retribution on, for cruelty to Indians, i, 423


Terrazas, Bartolomé de, his estate at Cacha, ii, 6 _n._

Tobar, Francisco de, retribution on, for cruelty to Indians, i, 422


Uzeda, Diego de, goes with the author to Charcas, i, 365


Valverde, Vicente de, Bishop of Cuzco, i, 424

Varagas, Juan de, held the Indians of Tiahuanaco in _encomienda_, i, 379

Vasquez, Tomas, his estate in Ayaviri;
  gives information to the author, ii, 3;
  the author visits the fortress of Cuzco with, ii, 162

Vergara, Pedro de, i, 205

Villadiego, Captain, sent against the Ynca Manco, i, 305

Villacastin, Francisco de, at Ayaviri with the author, ii, 3 _n._

Villaroel, discovered mines of Potosi, i, 386


Zarate, name of one of the first three soldiers who went to Cuzco, ii, 9


GENERAL INDEX.

Accounts, method of keeping by means of _quipus_, i, 290; ii, 33;
  use at Xauxa, 34, 35, 53, 57, 61, 165;
  audit of, ii, 61

Administrative system of the Yncas, ii, 36, 37, 209

Adobes, sun-dried bricks, i, 129, 219, 251

Aguacate, a fruit. (_See_ Palta.)

Aji pepper, i, 42, 232; ii, 94

Algoroba trees, i, 129, 235, 239 _n._

Alpacas, i, 394; ii, 45

Amazons, a race of, ii, 3

Andenes, i, 321; ii, 160

Andes, description, i, 129;
  forests, 323, 337;
  animals and snakes, 338;
  riches of, 406

Army: military colonies, ii, 69;
  order of marching, 73, 199;
  assembly of, 133, 147, 153, 165, 177, 205;
  discipline of, 177, 205;
  difficult march, 200, 201;
  method of defending fortified
places, 217, 218;
  Huascar calls for an assembly of the army, 233

Art, Peruvian works of, i, 403, 404

Assessment of tribute, ii, 51, 52

Astronomical knowledge, ii, 82

Authority for the history, ii, 11, 24, 25, 121


Balsas, used at sea, i, 265;
  on the rivers, ii, 125

Barley, i, 144, 400

Baths of the Yncas, i, 271, 285 _n._

Building, skill of the Yncas in, i, 405; ii, 160, 161-164


Cannibalism, absence of, ii, 79

Ceremonies of the Yncas, previous to accession, ii, 18, 19.
   (_See_ Festival, Funeral, Harvest, Homage.)

Chain, golden, at Cuzco, ii, 19, 20, 91, 97, 153, 226;
  lost, ii, 97

Chicha, fermented liquor, i, 152, 220; ii, 18, 85, 87, 94, 95, 200

Children, naming, i, 231;
  of the Ynca, ii, 26, 27

Chirimoyas. (_See_ Guanavanas.)

Climate of Peru, i, 130;
  of Quito, i, 140;
  of Peruvian coast, i, 214;
  of the Collao, i, 360

Cloth-weaving, i, 405

Coast valleys, i, 129, 214-216 to 268;
  fertility of, i, 233. (_See_ Yuncas.)

Colonists, i, 149, 150, 209, 271, 328, 362;
  account of system, 67-71, _passim_

Conquests, system of, ii, 47, 48-49

Cotton, i, 143, 393

Couriers. (_See_ Posts.)

Crime, punishment of, ii, 81


Deserts of the coast, i, 128, 238, 240;
  peopling of, ii, 70

Devil. (_See_ Supay.)

Dogs, i, 235

Doorways, monolithic, at Tiahuanaco, i, 276

Drainage of swamp at Cuzco, ii, 99

Dyes used by Indians, i, 405


Ears, ceremony of piercing, ii, 19

Earthquakes at Arequipa, i, 268

Emigrants. (_See_ Colonists.)


Festival of Hatun Raymi, ii, 94, 95

Fish used as manure, i, 255

Fishing on the coast, i, 267

Flowers used at sacrifices, i, 71

Fortress (_see_ Pucara);
  buildings of the fortress at Cuzco, ii, 160-164

Foxes, i, 227, 402

Fringe. (_See_ Head-dress.)

Fruits, i, 234, 235, 283;
  pepino, ii, 212

Funeral obsequies of an Ynca, ii, 104, 115


Gold, i, 57, 70, 77, 79, 86, 336;
  of Caravaya, 369, 381; ii, 40. (_See_ Treasure.)

Golden maize and animals at the temple of the Sun, 85

Guanavanas (or Chirimoyas), i, 234


Harvest festivities, i, 412; ii, 97

Head-dresses, i, 171, 172, 330; ii, 72;
  of the Cañaris, i, 167; ii, 72;
  of chiefs on the coast, i, 225;
  Carinas, i, 330;
  of the Collao, i, 363; ii, 72;
  of the Huancas, ii, 72;
  of the Canas, ii, 72;
  of the Yuncas, ii, 72;
  of the Canchis, ii, 72;
  fringe or _Llautu_ of the sovereign, ii, 2, 19

High priest of the Sun, or _Uillac Umu_, i, 329, 414; ii, 86, 97

Homage, ceremony of, in the Collao, ii, 136

Honey, eaten by old Carbajal, i, 362

Hunt, royal, ii, 45


Irrigation works, i, 236, 263;
  near Cuzco, i, 354


Journeys of the Yncas, ii, 62, 63

Justice, administration of, ii, 81


Knighthood, ceremony of investiture, ii, 19, 101


Labour, organisation of, ii, 58

Land, partition of, ii, 75

Language general, or Quichua, i, 163, 146, 407; ii, 76, 77

Llamas, i, 393; ii, 45


Memorials. (_See_ Records.)

Mines in Cañaris, i, 169;
  of emeralds at Manta, i, 182;
  in Tarapaca, 266, 267;
  Conchucos, 293;
  Potosi, 382-386, 390, 391;
  Charcas, 385;
  Porco, 385

Mining industry, ii, 53

Morality of the Yncas, ii, 80

Mummies of the Yncas, ii, 30, 31


Obeisance, mark of, ii, 38

Oracles, consultation of, ii, 103, 131


Palta, a fruit, i, 16, 73, 99, 234

Pepinos, i, 234; ii, 212

Posts and runners, system of, ii. 64, 65, 66

Potatoes, i, 360

Priest. (_See_ High Priest.)


Queen of the Ynca, selection, ii, 24

Quichua. (_See_ Language.)

Quipus. (_See_ Accounts, Records.)


Rain, absence of on the coast, i, 214

Recitations of wise men, ii, 32

Records and memorials of the Yncas, ii, 28;
  system of recording events, ii, 29

Religion (_See_ Yncas):
  of the Cañaris, i, 162;
  of the Huancavilcas, i, 181;
  of the Mantos, i, 183;
  of the Huamanchucos, i, 289;
  of the Canas, i, 357;
  of the Collas, i, 366;
  of the Huanucas, i, 285;
  of the Huancas, i, 299;
  of the coast people, i, 221

Retribution on Spaniards for cruelty to the Indians, i, 422, 423

Riches of the Yncas, ii, 39. (_See_ Treasure.)

Roads, Ynca, i, 153, 217, 253, 287, 290, 293, 302, 320, 326; ii, 42-44;
  posts, ii, 64, 65, 66;
  road of Chincha sayu, ii, 177, 204;
  road from Cuzco to Quito, ii, 183

Runners, system of, ii, 64, 65


Sacrifices, human, practice much exaggerated by Spaniards;
  but the author does not deny its existence, ii, 79, 80;
  account of, ii, 87, 89, 103

Sarsaparilla, i, 200, 395

Silver at Potosi, i, 388;
  at Charcas, i, 385

Skulls, custom of flattening, i, 96, 363

Snakes, war with, ii, 166

Statistics, Ynca system of, i, 57

Sun, temple of, at Cuzco, ii, 83-85;
  figure of, lost, ii, 97, 98


_Temples._
  Ccuri-cancha at Cuzco, i, 328, 385;
   ii, 9, 22, 23, 71, 83, 85, 101, 103, 158, 203;
  of Huanacauri, ii, 14, 18, 20, 22, 87, 101, 103, 107;
  of Ancocagua, i, 357; ii, 88, 89;
  of Coropuna, ii, 89;
  of Vilcañota, ii, 88, 134, 169;
  of Pachacamac, i, 251, 253, 254; ii, 90, 187, 211, 213

Traditions, of bearded men at Titicaca, ii, 4;
  of a strange man of great stature, ii, 5;
  of the brethren of Paccari-tampu, ii, 12, 13

Treasure, ii, 39;
  lost, ii, 42, 97, 98 (_see_ Gold);
  treasure of the Yncas, ii, 39, 40

Trees of Peru, i, 129, 142, 235, 239, 397, 401;
  fruit trees, i, 234

Tribute, ii, 51-56


Vice, absence of, ii, 78


_Yncas_,
  ceremonies, ii, 18, 19, 20;
  wife, children, ii, 26, 27;
  memorials of, 28, 32;
  mummies of deceased, i, 226; ii, 30, 31;
  forethought of, ii, 37;
  mark of obeisance to, ii, 38;
  riches of, ii, 39, 40;
  attendance on, ii, 41;
  roads of, ii, 42-44;
  hunts, 45, 46;
  method of conquest, ii, 47-49;
  system of colonising, ii, 50, 67;
  tribute, ii, 51-56;
  statistics, ii, 57;
  audit of accounts, ii, 61;
  organisation of labour, ii, 58;
  governors appointed by, ii, 59;
  order of marching, ii, 73;
  punishment of offences, ii, 74, 81;
  partition of land, ii, 75;
  journeys, ii, 76;
  absence of vicious practices, ii, 78;
  morality, ii, 80;
  councillors, ii, 81;
  astronomical knowledge, ii, 82

LONDON:

WHITING AND CO., LIMITED, SARDINIA STREET, LINCOLN’S-INN-FIELDS.

FOOTNOTES:

 [1] See p. 34.

 [2] Introduction, p. xviii.

 [3] _History_, i, p. 161.

 [4] The Spanish editor accounts for Mr. Prescott’s mistake by
 supposing that the person employed to copy the manuscript had written
 _por_ (by) instead of _para_ (for). But this is not so, as Mr.
 Prescott himself quotes the word _para_ (i, p. 161). The Spanish
 editor refers to a life of Sarmiento in the _Historia del Colejio
 Viejo de San Bartolomé Mayor de la celebre Universidad de Salamanca_,
 2d edicion, Primera Parte, p. 336.

 [5] _Conquest of Peru_, i, 160-62.

 [6] _Ibid._, ii, 297-99.

 [7] _Cronica_, ii, pp. 25, 44, 45, 51, 131, 160, 173, 180, 193, 212.

 [8] _Ibid._, ii, p. 212, reference to chapter liii (liv in the
 incorrectly numbered Antwerp edition) of the First Part. See my
 Translation, p. 192.

 [9] Page 84.

 [10] _Biblioteca de Escorial_, códice L, j, 5 from folio 1 to 130
 inclusive.

 [11] _Biblioteca Hispano-Ultramarina._ _Segunda Parte de la Crónica
 del Perú_, que trata del Señorio de los Incas Yupanquis y de sus
 grandes hechos y gobernacion, éscrita por Pedro de Cieza de Leon. La
 publica Márcos Jimenez de la Espada. Madrid, Imprenta de Manuel Gines
 Hernandez, Libertad, 16 duplicado, bajo, 1880. Pp. 279, and xi of
 Introduction.

 [12] This was the edition used by Prescott; and by me in translating
 the First Part for the Hakluyt Society.

 [13] Don M. J. de la Espada says of the Hakluyt Society’s
 volume:--“Edicion muy bella. Bien anotada en la parte geográfica y de
 historia natural, en la historica y biografica con los comentarios de
 Garcilasso y las decadas de Herrera.”

 [14] _Biblioteca Hispano-Ultramarina._ Tercero libro de las Guerras
 Civiles del Peru, el cual se llama la Guerra de Quito, hecho por Pedro
 de Cieza de Leon, Coronista de las cosas de las Indias. Madrid, 1877.
 Prólogo por M. J. de la Espada, pp. cxix. La Guerra de Quito, pp. 176.
 Apendices, pp. 120.

 [15] “The First Part, as already noticed, was alone completed. The
 author died without having covered any portion of the magnificent
 ground plan which he had confidently laid out.”--_Conquest of Peru_,
 ii. p. 298.

 [16] So says Fray Buenaventura de Salinas y Cordova, in his _Memorial
 de las Historias dal Nuevo Mundo Piru_ (Lima 1630), but without giving
 any authority.

 [17] Herrera gives Llerena as the birthplace of Cieza de Leon (Dec.
 vi, lib. vi, cap. 4; and Dec. vii, lib. ix, cap. 19). In the latter of
 these two passages, in the first edition, the word is printed _Erena_,
 an error which is repeated in the editions of Antwerp and of Gonzalez
 Barcia. Piedrahita (lib. iv, cap. 2) repeats that Cieza de Leon was
 a native of Llerena. The town of Llerena is nineteen leagues east of
 Badajos, at the foot of the Sierra de San Miguel. It was taken from
 the Saracens in 1241; and in 1340 Alfonso XI assembled the Cortes at
 Llerena. Besides Cieza, it produced the Holguins, and Juan de Pozo,
 the watchmaker who placed the _giralda_ on the tower of Seville.

 [18] See my Translation, p. 335.

 [19] My Translation, p. 40.

 [20] Mr. Robert Blake White, who has travelled in the valley of
 the Cauca, read an interesting paper on the “Central Provinces
 of Colombia”, at the meeting of the Royal Geographical Society
 on February 26th, 1883. He afterwards read the First Part of the
 Chronicle of Cieza de Leon, and was struck by the accuracy with which
 the soldier-historian described that same region which Mr. Blake White
 travelled over more than three hundred years afterwards. The English
 explorer was much interested in the perusal of the work of his Spanish
 predecessor.

 [21] Page 2.

 [22] Page 7.

 [23] Page 32.

 [24] Vol. i, p. 194.

 [25] _Añay_, interjection of praise; _sauca_, joy, pleasure.

 [26] A word referring to some kind of head-dress.

 [27] Very brutish. Probably a farce.

 [28] Tragic.

 [29] _Coleccion de obras y documentos por Don Pedro de Angelis_, vol.
 v (Buenos Ayres, 1836-37).

 [30] Padre Francisco Ituri also speaks of the “Quichua dramas
 transmitted to our day by an unbroken tradition.”--_Carta critica
 sobre “La Historia de America de Juan B. Muñoz”_ (Rome, 1797).

 [31] Vol. i, pp. 203-204.

 [32] _Antiguedades Peruanas por Mariano Eduardo de Rivero y Juan Diego
 de Tschudi_ (Viena, 1851), p. 116.

 [33] _Ibid._, pp. 116, 117.

 [34] _Die Kechua Sprache_, von J. J. von Tschudi (Wien, 1853), pp.
 71-110.

 [35] He was a son of Dr. Justo Pastor Justiniani, a surgeon, by
 Doña Manuela Simancas Cataño, a lineal descendant of Hualpa Tupac
 Ynca Yupanqui, one of whose daughters was the mother of Garcilasso
 Ynca de la Vega the historian. Dr. Justo Pastor’s father was Don
 Nicolo Ambrosio Justiniani, his grandfather Don Luis Justiniani, his
 great-grandfather also Don Luis of Seville, whose parents belonged
 to the Genoese family of Justiniani, descended from the Emperor
 Justinian. This first Don Luis Justiniani came to Peru and married
 Doña Catalina Ortiz de Orue, whose father, Don Pedro Ortiz de Orue, a
 Biscayan, was one of the first conquerors, and whose mother was the
 Princess Tupac Usca, daughter of the Ynca Manco Ccapac II.

 [36] The Quichua drama of _Ollantay_ was reviewed in a periodical
 published at Cuzco in 1837, called the _Museo Erudito_, Nos. 5 to 9.
 The editor, Don Manuel Palacios, says that the story was handed down
 by immemorial tradition, but that the drama was written by Dr. Valdez.
 The editor had inquired of Don Juan Hualpa, a noble Curaca of Belem in
 Cuzco, and of the Curacas of San Sebastian and San Blas, near Cuzco,
 who agreed in their account of the tradition, which was that the
 rebellion of Ollantay arose from the abduction of an _aclla_ or virgin
 of the Sun.

 [37] _Ollanta, an ancient Ynca Drama_, translated from the original
 Quichua. By Clements R. Markham, C.B. (Trübner, 1871.) Pp. 128,
 with introduction and notes. My translation, owing to my imperfect
 knowledge of the language, contained numerous mistakes, which have
 been duly pointed out by Zegarra, a native of the country, in his work
 published subsequently.

 [38] _“Ollanta o’ sea la severidad de un Padre y la clemencia de
 un Rey_, drama dividido en tres actos, traducido del Quichua al
 Castellano, cos notas diversas, por José S. Barranca.” (Lima, 1868.)
 Pp. 16 and 71.

 [39] “_Los vinculos de Ollanta y Cusi Kcuyllor, Drama en Quichua._
 Obra compilada y espurgada con la version Castellana al frente de su
 testo por el Dr. José Fernandez Nodal, Abogado de los tribunales de
 justicia de la Republica del Peru: bajo los auspicios de La Redentora
 Sociedad de Filantropos para mejorar la suerte de los Aborijenes
 Peruanos.” (Ayacucho, en el deposito del Autor.) Dr. Nodal commenced,
 but never completed, an English translation.

 [40] “_Ollanta._ Ein Altperuanisches Drama aus der Kechuasprache.
 Ubersetzt und commentirt von J. J. von Tschudi.” (Wien, 1875.) 4to.,
 pp. 220.

 [41] Lopez also tells us that his father was a personal friend of
 Dr. Valdez, and never heard that the learned Quichua scholar was the
 author of _Ollantay_. On the contrary, he believed that the drama was
 very ancient. Mariano Moreno, another intimate friend of Dr. Valdez,
 bears the same testimony. _Races Aryennes_, p. 325.

 [42] _Collection Linguistique Americaine._ Tome iv. “Ollantaï, drama
 en vers Quechuas du temps des Incas: traduit et commenté.” Par Gavino
 Pacheco Zegarra. Paris: Maisonneuve et Cie., 25, Quai Voltaire, 1878,
 pp. clxxiv and 265. At the end there is a vocabulary of all the words
 in the text of _Ollantay_.

 [43] In my book, _Cuzco and Lima_, 1853, written when I was
 twenty-two, immediately after transcribing the Justiniani version, I
 assumed the antiquity of the drama. But in my later work, _Travels
 in Peru and India_ (1862), I expressed a doubt, and inclined to the
 opinion that Dr. Valdez was the author (Note, p. 138). A subsequent
 detailed and critical study of the text obliged me to revert to my
 former belief that _Ollantay_ was, in the main, a composition of Ynca
 origin, dating from before the conquest. All I have since read has
 confirmed me in this opinion.

 [44] See p. 51.

 [45] P. 116.

 [46] Don Vicente Lopez suggests the following derivation for the name
 of Ollantay. The second part, _Antay_, signifies “of the Andes”,
 anything belonging to the Andes. _Oll_ would be a corruption of _Ull_
 or _Uill_. The correct form would be _Uill-Antay_ or _Uilla Antay_.
 _Uilla_ means a legend, tradition, or history, _The Legend of the
 Andes_. Several of the manuscripts have _Apu-Ollantay_, _Apu_, meaning
 chief, “_The Legend of the Chief of the Andes_.”

 Barranca proposes _Ulla_ as a derivative of _Ullu_, “the power of
 love.” _Ccahuari-Ullanta_, as an expression of admiration.

 Nodal thinks that _Olla_ is really _Colla_, the _c_ having suffered
 elision, that the _n_ is the pronoun for the third person, and _ta_
 the accusative. He translates _Ollanta_ as “her lover”, with reference
 to Cusi-coyllur.

 Dr. de la Rosa says that Lopez is mistaken in his etymology, that the
 suggestion of Barranca is more plausible; but that he thinks he has
 himself hit upon a more rational derivation. He has not, however, yet
 given it to the world.

 Zegarra rejects all these derivations.

 [47] _Ollantay. Estudio sobre el drama Quechua._ Por Bartolomé Mitré,
 publicada en la _Nueva Revista_ de Buenos Ayres. (Buenos Ayres, 1881.)
 Pp. 44.

 [48] Bartolomé Mitré was born on June 26th, 1821, and in early life
 was several years in Peru and Chile as an officer and journalist.
 Returning to Buenos Ayres, he distinguished himself as an orator in
 the Representative Assembly, and was Minister of War in 1859. In 1860
 he was appointed Governor of Buenos Ayres, and was promoted to the
 rank of General. On September 17th, 1860, he defeated General Urquiza
 in the battle of Pavon, and soon afterwards signed a treaty with
 him. On October 5th, 1862, he was elected President of the Argentine
 Republic, and held that office with credit to himself and benefit to
 his country for six years. He is an able and enlightened statesman,
 as well as an accomplished scholar. General Mitré is the author of a
 _Life of General Belgrano_ and other works.

 [49] _Ticknor_, ii, p. 167.

 [50] The points raised by General Mitré may, however, be enumerated
 and disposed of in a foot-note:--

 I. He discusses the words _huañuy ychunantin_, or “death with his
 scythe”. The word _ychuna_ means an instrument for cutting _ychu_
 (grass). General Mitré argues that the idea of death with a scythe
 is exclusively European. But the word does not occur in the Rosas
 version, although I printed it by mistake in my book. Nodal has
 _ychuspa_, which is quite a different word.

 II. The High Priest performs a miracle by squeezing water out of a
 flower. Ollantay exclaims it would be easier to squeeze it from a
 rock. General Mitré says that the idea must have been suggested by
 the miracle of Moses making a fountain flow from a rock. It is really
 a play upon words, involving an essentially Quichuan idea. The word
 in the Rosas version is not rock, but brick. _Ttica_ is a flower, and
 _tica_ a brick. The general could not have hit upon a passage which is
 more certainly of native origin.

 III. General Mitré refers to the words _misi_ (cat), _asna_ (ass),
 and _llama_ occurring, and considers their appearance as a proof
 of Spanish origin. But all are the errors of copyists. In the true
 version the word _atoc_ (a fox), takes the place of those words in
 every instance.

 IV. The General further maintains that the interjection _ay!_ which
 occurs fifteen times in the Dominican text, is not Quichuan, but
 Spanish, and is an indisputable proof of Spanish origin. But another
 manuscript text has _nay!_ and _anay_, which are good Quichuan
 interjections.

 V. There is an allusion to an owl on the roof as a warning of death,
 which General Mitré considers to be an anachronism. This is not the
 case. It is alluded to as a popular superstition by the Council of
 Lima in 1583.

 [51] The word _sipi_ (a ring) is a later interpolation, not in the
 Justiniani text.

 [52] I have received from Dr. Mujica a copy of a _Yaráhui_, written
 with the orthography he considers to be most accurate, and the
 ordinarily accepted spelling, in parallel columns.

 [53] He finished his book in 1586.

 [54] Pages 224 to 235.

 [55] Every _ayllu_, or lineage, was known by its head-dress.

 [56] _Mercurio de Valparaiso_, 14th March 1853.

 [57] See Part I, p. 363.

 [58] Hatun Colla (Great Colla), a village N.W. of Lake Titicaca.

 [59] The Canas were a hardy mountain race on the water-parting between
 the Titicaca basin and the Vilcamayu. A proud, cautious, melancholy
 race of shepherds; constantly in revolt against the Yncas.

 [60] The Canches inhabited the hills opposite the Canas, on the right
 bank of the Vilcamayu.

 [61] Tomas Vasquez was one of the first conquerors, and had houses in
 Cuzco.--_G. de la Vega_, ii, p. 255.

 [62] Francisco de Villacastin was also a householder in Cuzco. He
 married an Ynca princess, widow of Juan Balsa, who was killed at the
 battle of Chupas, fighting for young Almagro. Through her, Villacastin
 inherited Balsa’s house at Cuzco. He died in prison at Cuzco, having
 taken the side of Gonzalo Pizarro. He owned the district of Ayaviri,
 and was one of the first conquerors, but a good man.--See _G. de la
 Vega_, ii, p. 524.

 [63] A village on the ridge between the basin of Titicaca and the
 Vilcamayu. The Ayaviris bordered on the Canas.

 [64] See Part I, p. 363.

 [65] Chucuito was a fief of the crown.

 [66] Garcilasso de la Vega says: “The Spaniards gave another name
 for God in their histories, which is _Ticiviracocha_, but neither I
 nor they know what it means.” But he quotes Blas Valera in another
 place, who says that the god _Ticci Huira-ccoccha_ was otherwise
 called _Pachacamac_. Montesinos suggests that _Tici_ meant “bottom or
 foundation”. I suspect it comes from _Atini_, “to conquer”. _Atic_,
 “conquering”. It may be from _Ticci_, “beginning”.

 [67] Terrazas was one of the first conquerors, and he accompanied
 Almagro in the expedition to Chile. Afterwards he became an active
 agriculturist. Garcilasso de la Vega says that he was very noble,
 liberal, magnificent, and possessed of all the knightly virtues. He
 planted vineyards, and in 1555 sent a large present of grapes to
 Garcilasso’s father, when he was Corregidor of Cuzco, with a request
 that he would send bunches to all the cavaliers in the town. These
 were the first grapes ever seen there. Terrazas was also the first to
 raise carrots in Peru.

 [68] The best description of the very interesting temple of Cacha will
 be found in Mr. Squier’s _Peru_ (Macmillan, 1877), pp. 402 to 409.

 [69] One of the generals of Atahualpa.

 [70] Another of Atahualpa’s generals.

 [71] Zarate and Garcilasso de la Vega give the names of Hernando de
 Soto, and Pedro del Barco of Lobon, as those of the first Spaniards
 who were sent by Pizarro to Cuzco. Pedro Pizarro, who was at Caxamarca
 at the time, says that only two were sent, Martin Bueno and Pedro
 Martin de Moguer.

 They left Caxamarca on February 15th, 1533, and remained one week at
 Cuzco. Xeres says that three men were sent. The truth seems to have
 been that three soldiers named Pedro Moguer, Francisco de Zarate,
 and Martin Bueno were first sent; but that they behaved with so much
 imprudence and insolence at Cuzco as to endanger their own lives and
 the success of their mission. Pizarro, therefore, ordered two officers
 of distinction, Hernando de Soto and Pedro del Barco, to follow the
 three soldiers to Cuzco.--See _G. de la Vega,_ Part II
 lib. i, cap. 31; _Herrera,_ Dec. v. lib. i, cap. 1; _Zarate,_
 II, cap. vi; _Gomara,_ cap. cxiv; _Xeres,_ p. 72.

 [72] Matrons in charge of virgins of the Sun. The word seems to be
 used here, and elsewhere, for all females connected with the temples.

 [73] _Uira_ means “grease”, and _Ccocha_, “a lake”. The word for
 the sea is _Mama-ccocha_. Montesinos says that _Uira_, in the word
 _Uiracocha_, was a corruption of _Pirua_, meaning all things united
 together. _Pirua_ literally means a “granary”. Garcilasso de la Vega
 pointed out that _Uira-ccocha_ would mean a “Sea of grease”, not “Foam
 of the Sea”: the genitive always being placed first. _Ccochap-uira_
 would be “Foam of the sea”.

 But the Ynca Garcilasso, though he points out the errors of other
 writers, does not explain the meaning of the word himself. He simply
 infers that it is a proper name, the original meaning of which is
 lost; and adds that Blas Valera says that it signified “the will and
 power of God”, not because that is the etymology of the component
 words, but because of the God-like qualities ascribed to Uira-ccocha.

 [74] In the beginning of 1550.

 [75] Balboa says that four brothers and four sisters came out of
 Pacarec Tampu or Tampu Toco, named Manco Capac, Ayar Cacha, Ayar Auca,
 and Ayar Uchi; the women being Mama Guaca, Mama Cora, Mama Ocllo, Mama
 Arahua. Montesinos gives the names as--Ayar Manco Tupac, Ayar Uchu
 Tupac, Aya Sauca Tupac, and Ayar Cachi Tupac, and the women Mama Cora,
 Hipa Huacum, Mama Huacum, Pilco Huacum. Garcilasso de la Vega also
 says that there were four brothers and four sisters, namely, Manco
 Capac, Ayar Cachi, Ayar Uchu, Ayar Sauca, but he only gives the name
 of one of the women, Mama Ocllo, wife of Manco Capac. Juan de Betanzos
 gives the names in pairs, in the order in which they came out of the
 mysterious cave, namely, Ayarcache and Mamaguaco, Ayaroche and Cora,
 Ayarauca and Raguaocllo, Ayarmango and Mama Ocllo.

 Fray Martin de Morua, in his _Historia del Origen y Genealogia de
 los Incas_, a work written in 1590, but still inedited, gives the
 following names of those who came out of Tambo Toco or Pacaric Tombo.
 The eldest, Guanacauri; the second, Cuzco Huanca; the third, Mango
 Capac; and the fourth, Tupa Ayar Cache. Of the women, the first was
 Tupa Uaco; the second, Mama Coya: the third, Curi Ocllo; and the
 fourth, Ipa Huaco. Before reaching Cuzco they stopped at a place then
 called Apitay, and now Guanacauri. The third sister, Curi Ocllo, who
 was considered most intelligent by the rest, was then sent forward to
 seek for the best situation for a settlement. Coming to the site of
 Cuzco, then inhabited by Lares, Poques, and Huallas, a low and poor
 race, before she arrived there she met one of the Poques. She killed
 him with a weapon called _raucana_; cut out his lungs; and, with them
 in her mouth, all bloody, she entered the settlements. The people were
 frightened at the sight of her, thinking that she fed on men, and
 they left their houses and fled. Seeing that the place seemed good
 for a settlement, and that the people were tame, she returned to her
 brothers and sisters, and brought them all there except the eldest. He
 preferred to stay at Apitay, where he died, and in memory of him they
 call that place and hill Guanacauri. The rest were received without
 opposition, and they named the second brother to be the chief of the
 town, for which reason the place was called Cuzco, for before its name
 was Acamama. He died in the Curicancha, and was succeeded by the third
 brother, named the great Manco Capac.

 [76] _Ancha_, the superlative; _Hatun_, “great”; _Apu_, “a chief”;
 _Intip_, genitive of _Ynti_, “the sun”; _Churi_, “a son”.

 [77] Molina often mentions the worship of this hero, Huanacauri.
 Garcilasso de la Vega refers to Huanacauri four times (i, 65, 66;
 ii, 169, 230). He says that the first settlement made in the valley
 of Cuzco was on the hill called Huanacauri, and that a very sacred
 temple was built there. Molina refers to the sacrifices offered up
 there. The idol of Huanacauri was a great figure of a man, “their
 principal _huaca_, the brother of Manco Ccapac, whence they descend”.
 The ceremonies of arming youths were a good deal connected with this
 Huanacauri idol.

 [78] _Mucha_, “adoration”, from _Muchani_, “I worship”.

 [79] _Sasi_, “a fast”. See _G. de la Vega_, Part I, lib. vii, cap. 6.

 [80] This word, in Quichua, is used also for a kind of cloak.

 [81] _Puhura_ is “a feather”, and _chuccu_, “a cap”. The distinctive
 head-dress of each tribe was called _chuccu_ or _umachuccu_.

 [82] The word _Manco_ has no meaning in Quichua. _Ccapac_ means
 “rich”, and, as applied to the sovereign, it is explained as
 signifying rich in power and in virtues.

 [83] _Ccuri_, “gold”; “_cancha_”, “a place”.

 [84] Sinchi.

 [85] Colonists.

 [86] Cap. xxxviii, in which he refers his reader to this second part.
 He observes that the Yncas were very intelligent and learned, without
 having letters, which had not been invented in the Indies.--See p. 136
 of my Translation.

 [87] _Caman_ is a particle which, when added to a noun, denotes a
 task or occupation. _Nocap-camay_ means “my task”; _Campa-camayqui_,
 “your task”. It also means fitness, as _Apupac-caman_, “fit to be
 a chief”. _Camayoc_ is a word attached to offices and occupations.
 _Siray-camayoc_, “a tailor”; _Llacta-camayoc_, “a village officer”.
 _Pucara-camayoc_, “a castellan”.

 [88] A farm.

 [89] In August 1550.

 [90] _Quipu-camayoc_, the officer in charge of the records.

 [91] _Taqui_ is “music”; _Taquiz_, “a song”. The _taquis_ was an
 assembly to hear the legendary songs.

 [92] It was the mummified body, as will be seen presently.

 [93] Twenty years after this was written, the Licentiate Polo de
 Ondegardo discovered where five of these figures were concealed, which
 proved to be the actual mummies of the Yncas and their wives, dressed
 in their clothes. Ondegardo, who was corregidor of Cuzco, showed them
 to Garcilasso de la Vega in 1570. One mummy was that of the Ynca
 Uira-ccocha; the second of Tupac Ynca Yupanqui; the third of Huayna
 Ccapac; the fourth of Mama Runtu, queen of Uira-ccocha; the fifth of
 Ccoya Mama Ocllo, mother of Huayna Ccapac. They were perfect, wanting
 neither hair, nor eye-lashes, and were dressed in the clothes they
 wore when alive, with the _llautu_ or fringe. They were seated with
 the arms crossed on the breast, and eyes cast down.

 Acosta, who also saw them, says that the eyes were made of small
 pellets of gold, “so well imitated that no one would have missed the
 real ones”. The mummies were taken to Lima by order of the Viceroy
 Marquis of Cañete, and eventually interred there, at the hospital of
 San Andres.

 [94] See Prescott’s _Conquest of Mexico_ (i, p. 83), where the Aztec
 system of notation and arithmetic is explained.

 [95] The canvas shoes with rope soles, used in the Basque Provinces.

 [96] Colonists. See chapter xxii.

 [97] _Usutas._

 [98] _Muchani_ means “I kiss”, “adore”, “worship”. Hence _Mucha_, the
 act of adoration or worship.

 [99] Small beads. It should be _chaquira_. The word occurs several
 times in the First Part.

 [100] Recital of songs.

 [101] _Curaca_, a great lord.

 [102] _Tupu_ is the general name for a measure. The measure of land
 which the Ynca apportioned to each vassal, sixty paces long by fifty
 wide, was called _tupu_ or _topu_. See also the First Part, p. 146 of
 my Translation, and of _G. de la Vega_, I, v, cap. 3. A large pin for
 securing a mantle is also called _topu_.

 [103] Chapter xcii.

 [104] Chapter cxi.

 [105] Male.

 [106] _Ayllu_, means the “_bolas_”, or stones sewn round with leather
 and attached to lines, which were thrown to bring down animals, by
 twining round their hind legs. See the _Life of Don Alonzo de Guzman_,
 p. 101. Also _Balboa_ and _G. de la Vega_. The word _Ayllu_ also means
 “lineage”, or “family”.

 [107] Called _charqui_, whence “jerked” beef.

 [108] A large rodent, in the loftier parts of the Andes. _Lagidium
 Peruvianum._

 [109] Colonists.

 [110] That is to say, that colonists were sent from the cold and lofty
 plateau of the Collao to the warm and deep valleys of the Andes,
 where maize and coca can be cultivated. There was thus an exchange of
 products between the cold and the more genial regions. For another
 account of the _mitimaes_ or colonists, see _G. de la Vega_, part I,
 lib. iii, cap. 19.

 The people of the Collao were also sent to settle in the coast
 valleys, and thus Arequipa, Tacna, and Moquegua were colonised. To
 this day, it is remembered in the villages of the coast from what
 particular districts in the Collao their ancestors came as _mitimaes_.
 Those who colonised Arequipa came from Cavanilla near Lake Titicaca;
 the colonists of Moquegua were from Acora and Ilave, villages on the
 lake; of Tacna, from Juli and Pisacoma.

 [111] In chapter xcii of the First Part.

 [112] The four great divisions comprised in _Ttahuantin Suyu_ (the
 four provinces) were _Chincha Suyu_, _Cunti Suyu_, _Colla Suyu_, _Anti
 Suyu_.

 [113] Potatoes frozen and dried in the sun.--See _G. de la Vega_, i,
 lib. V, cap. 5.

 [114] _Chenopodium Quinoa._

 [115] _Yanacuna._ _Yana_ means “a servant”. Also “black”. Literally,
 _Yanacuna_ seems to be merely the plural form of _Yana_. But the
 word was applied to Indians bound to service. Balboa says that six
 thousand Indians, accused of rebellion against Tupac Ynca Yupanqui,
 were assembled in the village of Yanayacu. They were pardoned, but
 they and their descendants were ordered henceforth to be employed
 solely in the service of the Yncas and of the temples. They were
 called _Yanayacu-cuna_, or men of Yanayacu, corrupted to _Yanaconas_.
 Hence, domestic servants were called _Yanaconas_ by the Spanish
 settlers.--_Balboa_, p. 120.

 In the time of the Viceroy Toledo (1570), the _Yanaconas_ numbered
 about forty-six thousand souls. The Viceroy Marquis of Montes Claros,
 in 1601, described them as Indians domiciled in the houses or on the
 estates of Spaniards, like servants. Their masters found them in food
 and clothes, and gave them a patch of land, also paying their tribute
 for them. Lest the system should degenerate into slavery, the King of
 Spain declared that the _Yanaconas_ were free, and desired that this
 should be made known to them.--_Memorias de los Vireyes_, i, p. 27.

 [116] _Huata_, “a year”. A sun circle for astronomical observations
 was called _Ynti-huatana_. _Huatana_ means “a halter”, from _huatani_,
 “I seize”. “The place where the sun is tied up or encircled.” Hence,
 _huata_ means “a year”.

 [117] Vilcas is between Cuzco and Ayacucho, on the left of the road,
 and near the left bank of the river Pampas. The buildings of the Yncas
 are described by our author in his First Part (chap. lxxxix, p. 312
 of my Translation). The only modern traveller who has visited and
 described the ruins is M. Wiener. They are called Vilcas Huaman.--See
 _Pérou et Bolivie, Récit. de Voyage par Charles Wiener_, Paris, 1880,
 pp. 264-271.

 [118] The principal place in the valley of the same name, in the
 _sierra_ east of Lima. The valley of Xauxa was inhabited by the tribe
 of Huancas.

 [119] On the heights above the river Pampas, on the road from Ayacucho
 to Cuzco.

 [120] The city in the north of Peru, where Atahualpa was seized and
 put to death by Pizarro.

 [121] North of Caxamarca.

 [122] In the kingdom of Quito.

 [123] In Quito.

 [124] In the northern part of Quito.

 [125] See p. 3.

 [126] See p. 4.

 [127] On the site of the modern city of La Paz, in Bolivia.

 [128] On the western shore of lake Titicaca.

 [129] In the province of Charcas.

 [130] The governors or viceroys were called _Tucuyricoc_.--See
 _Balboa_, p. 115; _Montesinos_, p. 55; _G. de la Vega_, Part I, lib.
 II, cap. 14, says that the _Tucuyricoc_ was a commissioner
 who secretly visited the provinces and reported the shortcomings of
 officials.

 [131] _Ancha_ is a superlative form. _Hatun_, “great”. _Apu_, “chief”
 or “lord”. _Yntip_ is the genitive of _Ynti_, “the sun”. _Churi_, “a
 son”. _Canqui_, second person singular, present indicative of _Cani_,
 “I am”. _Sapa_, “only”; _lla_, a particle expressive of love. _Apu_,
 “lord”. _Tucuy_, “entire”. _Pacha_, “the earth”. _Ccampa_, genitive
 of _Cam_, “thou”. _Uyay_, from _Uyani_, “I obey”. _Sullull_, “truth”.
 “_Most high Lord, Child of the Sun Thou art the sole and beloved lord.
 The whole earth truly obeys thee._”

 [132] The extreme southern limit of the empire, in Chile.

 [133] The northern limit of the empire, to the north of Quito.

 [134] These post-runners were called _Chasqui_.

 [135] Francisco Lopez de Gomara was the author in question. In the
 chapter referred to, entitled “The Rule made by Gasca respecting the
 Tribute”, he confuses the _mitimaes_ with the _yanaconas_. The latter
 were not exactly slaves, but hereditary domestic servants. The words
 of Gomara are--“Also he left many whom they call _mitimaes_, and who
 are in the position of slaves in the manner they were held to service
 by Guainacapa, and he ordered the others to return to their homes.
 But many of them wished for nothing but to remain with their masters,
 saying that they were well with them, and could learn Christianity by
 hearing mass and sermons, and could earn money by selling, buying, and
 by service.” Clearly he is referring to the _yanaconas_, not to the
 _mitimaes_.

 This criticism of our author proves that this Second Part was written
 after 1552, in which year the first edition of the work of Gomara was
 published.

 [136] _Alharaquientos_; those who make a great noise, from _alharaca_,
 confused noise.

 [137] It was called _Samca-huasi_, or _samca-cancha_.

 [138] See chapter xix of my translation of the First Book, p. 71.

 [139] Garcilasso de la Vega (i, p. 177) gives a fuller account of
 these solstitial towers; and Cieza de Leon himself refers to them in
 his first part (chap. xcii, p. 225). Acosta also describes them (ii,
 p. 395).

 [140] According to Cieza de Leon, these three men were Martin Bueno,
 Zarate, and Pedro de Moguer. Pedro Pizarro, an eye-witness, says there
 were only two, Martin Bueno and Pedro de Moguer. But see the note at
 page 9.

 [141] In 1552.

 [142] The Hospital of San Juan Bautista. It was commenced on December
 9th, 1541, and up to 1624 the first Mass had not yet been said in its
 chapel. The activity in forwarding the work ceased on the death of the
 founder, Archbishop Tavara, in 1545.

 [143] Burden or load.

 [144] Guinea pigs.

 [145] In January 1550.

 [146] _Chenopodium Quinua._

 [147] _Oxalis tuberosa._

 [148] The statue of the Sun was found by the Spaniards in 1572, in
 possession of Tupac Amaru, at the time when this Ynca and his camp
 were captured by the expedition under the command of Garcia de Loyola.

 [149] _Sinchi_ means strong, valiant. _Rocca_ has no meaning in the
 Quichua language.

 [150] Garcilasso de la Vega says that the legitimate wife of Lloque
 Yupanqui was named Mama Cava.

 [151] See p. 17.

 [152] See p. 14.

 [153] Garcilasso de la Vega also says that Sinchi Rocca waged no wars;
 but that the Canches submitted to him, and that by peaceful means he
 extended his dominions as far as Chuncara, about twenty leagues beyond
 his father’s frontier.

 [154] _Lloque_ means left-handed, and _Yupanqui_ is the second person
 singular of the indicative future of a verb meaning “to count”. “_You
 will count_”, and it is understood that he will count as great,
 virtuous, and excellent.

 [155] Chapter xcii.

 [156] According to Garcilasso de la Vega, this Ynca Lloque Yupanqui
 not only conquered the Canas and Ayaviri, but the whole Collao
 submitted to him, as far as Hatun-colla and Chucuito.

 [157] Paullu Tupac Yupanqui was a son of the Ynca Huayna Ccapac. He
 lived at Cuzco, in the house which belonged to his brother Huascar;
 much beloved and respected both by Spaniards and Indians. The Governor
 Vaca de Castro induced him to be baptised with the name of Christóbal.
 He died in May 1549.

 [158] _Mayta_ has no special meaning in Cuzco. _Ccapac_ means rich,
 not in gold, but in the qualities of mind.

 [159] According to Garcilasso de la Vega, the Ynca Mayta Ccapac
 married his sister Mama Cuca.

 [160] _Allcay-villcas_, as written by Balboa; and _Alcaviya_,
 according to Betanzos. In the report on the first Lords of Cuzco
 by the Viceroy Don Francisco de Toledo, written in 1572, it is
 _Alca-uizas_.

 [161] Garcilasso de la Vega gives a very different account of the
 reign of Mayta Ccapac, whom he makes out to have been a great
 conqueror. He says that Mayta Ccapac marched to the river Desaguadero,
 crossed it, and conquered the great province called Hatun-pacasa, on
 the other side. His captains crossed the Cordilleras to Moquegua,
 where the Ynca established a colony. Mayta Ccapac then conquered the
 provinces on the eastern side of lake Titicaca, including Caravaya,
 and eventually overran the whole of Charcas as far south as the
 lake of Paria. Not satisfied with this great acquisition to the
 south, Garcilasso also attributes to this Ynca the annexation of the
 provinces of Chumpivilicas, Parinacochas, and Pumatampu to the west of
 Cuzco; and the colonisation of Arequipa.--See my Translation, i, pp.
 210-234.

 [162] The language was first called _Quichua_ by Friar Domingo de
 Santo Tomas, in his grammar printed at Valladolid in 1560. _Quehani_
 is “I twist”, and the participle _quehuasca_ means twisted. _Ychu_
 is “straw”--together, _Quehuasca-ychu_, “twisted straw”, corrupted
 and abbreviated into _Quichua_. A Quichua is properly an Indian who
 inhabits the temperate <DW72>s, so called from the abundance of straw
 in that region. According to Garcilasso de la Vega the name of Quechua
 was applied to the basin of the river Abancay (i, p. 243).

 [163] Garcilasso refers to the enmity between the Quichuas and Chancas
 (i, p. 345).

 [164] Garcilasso attributes the conquest of the provinces of
 Cotabambas and Aymaraes to Ccapac Yupanqui; as well as the sea-coast
 from Acari to Quilca. He also attributes the settlement of the feud
 between Cari and Sapana, two great chiefs of the Collao, to Ccapac
 Yupanqui. It will be seen further on that Cieza de Leon places that
 event in the reign of the Ynca Huira-ccocha. Ccapac Yupanqui is also
 made, by Garcilasso, to extend his conquests to Cochabamba, Chayanta,
 and the extreme south of Charcas; while his son Rocca, during his
 life-time, overran Lucanas and advanced the limits of the empire to
 the valley of Nasca on the coast.

 [165] There are two rivulets which flow through Cuzco, the Huatanay
 and Tulumayu or Rodadero, coming from either side of the Sacsahuaman
 hill on which the Ynca fortress was built. The two streams unite
 beyond the convent of San Domingo, at _Pumap-chupan_ or the “lion’s
 tail”. Both these streams are confined by walls of cut stone, with
 stairways descending to the water, and stone bridges, consisting of
 long slabs at frequent intervals. The houses on the western side of
 the great square are built over the Huatanay river; but these are
 modern, and did not exist in the time of the Yncas. Garcilasso de la
 Vega says that the Huatanay was lined and paved with masonry, the
 floor being of large flags, and that this masonry work extended for
 a quarter of a league beyond the city. Although there is very little
 water in ordinary times, the stream is subject to violent freshes,
 when the rush of water sometimes injures the masonry. The name is
 composed of two words, _Huata_ (a year), and _Ananay_ an ejaculation
 of weariness, indicating the fatigue caused by the yearly necessity
 for renewing the river banks.

 Garcilasso de la Vega mentions other springs which conveyed water to
 the temple and gardens of the sun, under the Huatanay. He says that,
 in 1558, a flood tore up the flag-stones in the bed of the river, just
 over the place where the pipe leading water to the temple was laid
 down, and broke the pipe itself. The silt then covered the place,
 concealing the position of the pipe, so that no sign was left of it
 (i, p. 281).

 [166] According to Garcilasso it was Mayta Ccapac who conquered the
 province of Puma-tampu (corruptly Pomatambo).

 [167] Garcilasso says that Inca Rocca made the bridge over the
 Apurimac, and conquered Curampa, and the tribe of Chancas in
 Andahuaylas. He is also said to have annexed Vilca, and two provinces
 called Sullu and Utunsullu, while his son subdued Paucartambo and
 part of the forest region to the eastward. Inca Rocca is also said,
 by Garcilasso, to have founded schools at Cuzco, and to have built
 his own palace near them. He left a son, named Yahuar-huaccac, by his
 legitimate wife Mama Micay.

 Blas Valera relates that Inca Rocca reigned for more than fifty years;
 and this writer preserved some of his laws, regulations for his
 schools, and wise sayings, which are given in _Garcilasso_ (i, p. 336).

 [168] “Y se hizo en el Cuzco la piedra que llaman de la guerra,
 grande, y las engastonadas en oro y piedras.” So in the Escurial copy,
 but the meaning is not clear.

 [169] This Ynca Yupanqui of Cieza de Leon, son of Ynca Rocca, is the
 Yahuar-huaccac of Garcilasso and other writers. When he was a child
 he is said to have wept blood, and hence the name. _Yahuar_ (blood),
 and _Huaccac_ (weeping). Others declared that he was born weeping
 blood. During his reign, according to the account of Garcilasso, all
 the coast region from Arequipa to the desert of Atacama was annexed
 to the empire by the Ynca’s general and brother named Apu Mayta. The
 Ynca was much troubled by the headstrong disposition of his son, whom
 he banished to a lofty plateau called Chita, to the eastward of Cuzco,
 to live with shepherds who tended the flocks of the Sun. Three years
 afterwards, the son returned to Cuzco and told the Ynca his father
 that an apparition, calling itself Uira-ccocha Ynca, had appeared to
 him while he slept under a rock. It ordered him to repair to Cuzco
 and report that there was a great rebellion in the western province,
 threatening the existence of the empire. Yahuar-huaccac did not
 believe the story, and ordered his son to return to his banishment in
 the pastures of Chita. But soon the news came of the great rebellion
 of the Chancas, Yahuar-huaccac fled to Muyna, five leagues south of
 Cuzco, while his son put himself at the head of the army, and defeated
 the rebels. He took the name of the apparition, calling himself Ynca
 Uira-ccocha, and dethroned his father.

 There is little resemblance between the stories told by Cieza de Leon
 of Ynca Yupanqui, and by Garcilasso of Yahuar-huaccac, except that
 they were both unfortunate. It will be seen further on that Cieza de
 Leon places the great rebellion of the Chancas after the reign of
 Uira-ccocha, and tells quite a different story about it.

 [170] He contradicts himself, for, at the end of the last chapter, he
 said that Ynca Yupanqui had no son.

 [171] Garcilasso describes the apparition which, according to his
 story, appeared to the prince who was afterwards Ynca Uira-ccocha, as
 having had a beard.

 [172] Garcilasso gives the same name to the wife of Ynca Uira-ccocha
 (ii, p. 88). _Runtu_ means an egg.

 [173] In the valley of the Vilcamayu, near Cuzco.

 [174] The river Vilcamayu.

 [175] Or Vilcamayu.

 [176] Only Cieza de Leon could have said this. Bahaire is the town in
 the bay of Cartagena where he was with Heredia in 1533.

 [177] In the bay of Cartagena.

 [178] Garcilasso de la Vega places this feud between the two great
 chiefs of the Collao, Cari and Sapana (or Chipana), in the reign of
 Ccapac Yupanqui, two generations earlier. He says that the names were
 those of dynasties, each sovereign becoming Cari or Sapana when he
 succeeded; adding that, “Cieza de Leon places these events long after
 the time when they really occurred.” His version is that both the
 chiefs declared that they would abide by the arbitration of the Ynca.
 They came to the Ynca’s camp at Paria, near Oruro, by different roads.
 The Ynca’s decision was that boundary marks should be set up, that
 peace should be maintained, and that his laws should be observed by
 both chiefs. Cari and Sapana were, from that time, faithful vassals.
 Their territories comprised Cochabamba.

 It will be seen that the version of Garcilasso is very different from
 that in the text. See my translation of _Garcilasso de la Vega_, i,
 pp. 247 to 252.

 [179] The territory of the Canches was in the upper part of the
 Vilcamayu valley.

 [180] The Canas inhabited one side of the valley of Vilcamayu, and the
 Canches the other--the river dividing them.

 [181] This word is almost illegible in the Escurial manuscript. Señor
 Jimenez de la Espada, the Spanish editor, has _suvica_. The learned
 Peruvian, Dr. de la Rosa, has _sinica_. The words for intoxicating
 liquors in Quichua are _acca_, _azúa_, _huiñapu_, _sora_. The
 Spaniards also use the word _chicha_. But it is not like any of these,
 unless it be _sora_.

 [182] Thousands.

 [183] This Ynca is not mentioned by Garcilasso de la Vega.

 [184] This is a curious blunder of Cieza de Leon, for the Spanish form
 of _Andaguaylas_ is much more nearly correct than _Andabailes_. The
 Quichua word is _Anta-huaylla_.

 [185] Diego Maldonado, a native of Salamanca, was one of the first
 conquerors of Peru, and one of the richest. He had a house in the
 great square of Cuzco. When the hospital was founded there, he, as
 senior _Regidor_, placed a plaque of silver with his arms engraved on
 it, under the first stone. He was put in prison by Almagro, with many
 others; and fought on the side of Vaca de Castro, at the battle of
 Chupas, when Almagro the lad was defeated; and he fled from the army
 of Gonzalo Pizarro, to keep himself and his riches on the loyal side.
 But he found it safer to feign submission and follow Gonzalo’s camp.
 Then news came that his life was forfeited, so he fled from his tent
 near Lima in the dead of night; though over sixty-eight years of age,
 ran all night on foot, and hid himself in a cane brake. Next day an
 Indian took pity on him, made up a bundle of reeds and pushed out to
 sea, the two sitting across the bundle as on a horse. They were just
 able to reach one of the ships of Lorenzo de Aldana in Callao bay,
 which were on the loyal side. He eventually returned to Cuzco and
 once more became a leading citizen there, taking a part in making the
 peace between the authorities and Francisco Hernandez Giron. He was
 with Alonzo de Alvarado in his campaign against Giron, and strongly
 dissuaded him from giving battle at Chuquinga, where he was defeated.
 Maldonado was wounded at Pucara, in the last fight with Giron, but
 survived for twelve years afterwards, living at Cuzco and on his
 Andahuaylas estates.

 [186] On a lofty plateau between Andahulayas and Abancay. The fortress
 consists of three wide terraces, with a sloping ramp from the ground
 to the highest one. Near it are the ruins of a town. The nearest
 modern town is Huancarama, about a league to the east.

 [187] According to Garcilasso de la Vega, the Chancas encamped on the
 plain of Sacsahuana (Xaquixaguana), on the spot where the battle was
 afterwards fought between Gonzalo Pizarro and the President Gasca. The
 plain is described by Cieza de Leon in his first Part (p. 320 of my
 Translation). It is now called the plain of Surite. Here Garcilasso
 says that the great battle was fought between the Ynca Huira-ccocha
 and the Chancas (ii, p. 34). The fight raged with desperate fury
 from dawn until noon; when five thousand Quichuas, who until then
 had been in ambush, attacked the Chancas on their right flank. More
 reinforcements arrived, until the Chancas began to think that the very
 stones were turning into men. At length they broke and fled. It was
 called the battle of Yahuar-pampa (plain of blood).

 [188] I do not find any other mention of Alonzo Carrasco. His name
 does not appear in the list of conquerors who received shares of the
 spoils at Caxamarca, nor in Garcilasso de la Vega.

 [189] Juan de Pancorvo was a citizen of Cuzco, and had a house on
 the western side of the great square, which he shared with Alonso de
 Marchana; for Juan de Pancorvo did not wish him to live in another
 house, because of the warm and long-continued friendship they always
 felt for each other. So says Garcilasso de la Vega. Pancorvo had,
 in his grant, one of the great halls in which the Yncas held their
 festivals. This he bestowed upon the Franciscan convent. He seems to
 have been a peaceable man.

 [190] Hanco-huallu is the name which Garcilasso de la Vega gives to
 the warlike chief of the Chancas. He could not endure dependence, even
 under the mild rule of the Ynca, and, ten years after his defeat, he
 emigrated with many followers to the forests of Moyobamba. In the
 First Part, Cieza de Leon says the same thing, calling him Ancoallu
 (p. 280). Also see further on, at page 157.

 [191] The Soras and Rucanas were tribes of hardy mountaineers,
 inhabiting the wild region of the maritime cordillera, to the
 south-west of the Chancas. The Rucanas (the modern province of
 Lucanas) were described as a handsome and well-disposed people, who
 were expert bearers of burdens, and had the privilege of carrying the
 Ynca’s litter. The Soras, closely allied to the Rucanas, lived on the
 left bank of the River Pampas, near its source.

 [192] The great River Pampas.

 [193] The Spanish editor suggests that this should be Tupac Yupanqui
 the Inca’s son. He would be going on his first campaign, to acquire
 experience. But Garcilasso has Ccapac Yupanqui, a brother of the Inca,
 as the General in this campaign. (See ii, p. 127.)

 [194] This is wrongly written in the manuscript. Garcilasso de la Vega
 has Asancaru (ii, p. 76).

 [195] Garcilasso de la Vega (ii, p. 129) says that the country of the
 Huancas was divided into three provinces, called Sausa, Marcavilca,
 and Llacsapalanca.

 [196] The lake called Pumpu (Bombon) or Chinchay-cocha.

 [197] Garcillasso de la Vega calls him Hanco-Huallu, chief of the
 Chancas (see Book v, cap. xxvi, ii, p. 82), and describes his flight.

 [198] See back, note at page 102.

 [199] By my measurement the length is 400 yards.

 [200] These three names, according to Garcillasso de la Vega, are not
 connected with the fortress, but belong to different parts of the city
 (ii, p. 246).

 [201] See chapter xcii.

 [202] Fibre of _Agava tuberosa_.

 [203] Four hundred yards according to the Editor’s measurement.

 [204] The largest stones are, by my measurements:--First, 10 feet
 high, by 6 broad; second, 16½ feet high, by 6 broad; third, 14 feet
 high, by 8 broad; fourth, 14 feet high, by 12 broad.

 [205] Tomas Vasquez, one of the first conquerors, had a house in
 Cuzco, and an estate in Ayaviri. (See chapter iv.) He distinguished
 himself in the battle of Las Salinas, fighting against Almagro. He
 joined Giron in his insurrection, and commanded the rebel cavalry. At
 Pucara he deserted Giron, went over to the royal camp, and obtained a
 pardon. He retired to his estates, but was afterwards put to death by
 order of the Viceroy Marquis of Cañete in 1557.

 [206] The siege of Cuzco by Manco Ynca, in 1526.

 [207] This name is not clear in the manuscript. It may be La Rea. The
 Peruvian editor has Juan de la Plaza.

 [208] There are several versions of the native tradition relating to
 this monolith, which is called _piedra cansada_, or the “tired stone”,
 in Quichua, _saycusca rumi_. The Spanish editor gives the least known
 and most curious of these versions, which he found in the manuscript
 history of the Yncas by Padre Morúa. He says that an Ynca of the
 blood royal, named Urco or Urcon, a great engineer and architect,
 was the official who directed the moving of the tired stone from the
 quarry, and that on reaching this spot where it stopped, the Indians
 who were dragging it, killed him. This Urcon designed and traced out
 the fortress of Cuzco. He also conceived and carried out the idea of
 transporting from Quito the best soil for potatoes, with the object of
 raising them in it for the sovereign’s table. With this soil he made
 the hill called _Allpa Suntu_, to the east of the fortress.

 [209] The Spanish editor here has the following note. He says that
 the fault did not lie with the Spaniards, but in the very natural
 want of archæological knowledge in Cieza himself, and in his extreme
 credulity, believing all the stories of the Orejones and descendants
 of the Yncas, for whom everything that was worthy of notice in the
 country was the exclusive work of those sovereigns. It is now a
 generally received opinion that the very ancient cyclopean work at
 Cuzco was due to a people who lived long before Ynca Yupanqui, and
 even before Manco Ccapac, if it be true that the latter appeared in
 the beginning of the eleventh century. Moreover, the Yncas themselves
 destroyed some, and left others, without completing what had been
 begun by their predecessors. Not all the ruins in Peru were due to
 Spanish vandalism. On the contrary, the Viceroy Don Francisco de
 Toledo and others, far from contributing to the destruction of the
 fortress of Cuzco, took measures to preserve it, and, on more than one
 occasion, prevented the stones from being used for modern buildings.
 This was especially the case in the year 1577, when the Jesuits of
 Cuzco applied for leave to take stones from the fortress for their
 monastery and church, and were refused.

 [210] The Viceroy Don Andres Hurtado de Mendoza, Marquis of Cañete,
 ordered the fortress at Huarcu (valley of Cañete on the coast) to
 be repaired and garrisoned, a few years after this was written by
 Cieza de Leon. It is called the fortress of Hervay, and there are
 still considerable remains of it at the mouth of the Cañete river,
 overlooking the Pacific.

 [211] See chapter xlviii of the First Part.

 [212] Worship.

 [213] The reign of this Ynca Yupanqui appears to include two reigns
 according to Garcilasso de la Vega. Cieza de Leon makes one generation
 where Garcilasso makes two, namely Pachacutec and Ynca Yupanqui.
 Pachacutec means “he who changes the world”, and Garcilasso says that
 the name should have been given to Viracocha, the father, who changed
 the course of events by his victory over the Chancas, but that it
 was given to his son. Cieza de Leon attributes the victory over the
 Chancas to this very son, whom he calls Yupanqui, and to whom the
 surname Pachacutec rightly belongs. It seems likely, therefore, that
 Cieza’s version of the genealogy is the more correct of the two.

 Garcilasso, however, makes two long reigns where Cieza has only one.
 To Pachacutec he attributes the conquest of the Huancas, Caxamarca,
 and the coast valleys, and he records several of his laws and wise
 sayings (ii, p. 208). To Yupanqui he assigns the expedition into the
 eastern forests, and the conquest of Chile.

 [214] See chapter cii of the First Part.

 [215] The ruins are 18 leagues west of the present town of Huanuco,
 in the province of Huamalies, 12,156 feet above the sea. They are of
 great extent, covering more than half a mile in length. They show
 work of the same character as the palaces at Cuzco. The work includes
 a reservoir 250 feet long by 130, a bath of cut stone, and a stone
 aqueduct. A doorway of cut stone, with a long rectangular room on each
 side, opens to another at a distance of 240 feet, and further on there
 is another doorway. Squier says,--“The perspective through this series
 of portals is the finest to be found in the ancient works of Peru.”
 Above the second portal are rudely-cut animal figures. There are many
 other ruined buildings, and what is called the castle, 180 feet long
 by 80, with a fine cut-stone wall 13 feet high. An inclined plane
 leads up to the _terre-plein_, which is entered by two portals.

 [216] Chapter xliv.

 [217] Puerto Viejo was a seaport in 1° 2´ S. latitude. It was founded
 by Francisco Pacheco on March 12th, 1535, by order of Almagro.

 [218] Garcilasso de la Vega gives a fuller account of the war with
 Chimu. (ii, pp. 193 to 201.)

 [219] Parmunca. In his First Part (p. 247) Cieza de Leon calls these
 ruins Pormonga. They are near the coast, south of Guarmay. The outer
 walls are 300 yards long by 200. The interior is divided into small
 houses, separated by lanes. The walls are partly covered with a kind
 of plaster, on which were painted representations of birds and beasts.
 The ruined fortress stands at the extremity of a plain, close to the
 foot of some rugged mountains, about a league from the sea.

 [220] The original Yunca temple, called by the Yncas Pachacamac, was
 on a terraced height overlooking the sea, and about 500 feet above its
 level. The Temple of the Sun was about a mile and a half distant, the
 ruin now being called _Mamaconas_. This latter ruin is certainly of
 Ynca origin.

 [221] The pass of Pariacaca is in the province of Huarochiri. The
 terraces or “stairs” mentioned in the text are near the summit. Acosta
 describes his great sufferings while crossing this formidable pass
 (i, p. 130). Father Avila has recorded the strange traditions of the
 natives touching Pariacaca. (See my Translation.)

 [222] See also Garcilasso de la Vega on the alleged ancient conquests
 of the Yuncas (ii, p. 153). He declares that the assertions of the
 coast people as to their former incursions into the Collao are false.

 [223] On the other hand, Garcilasso attributes the conquest of the
 Chinchas to this Ccapac Yupanqui, in the time of the Inca Pachacutec.

 [224] This road leads to the valley of Pisco. The subsequent narrative
 seems to show that the author here makes a mistake, and that the Inca
 descended to the coast at Nasca, much further south.

 [225] Garcilasso de la Vega says that the Chinchas carried on a long
 war before they were subdued (ii, p. 150).

 [226] Now called Cañete.

 [227] Chapter lxxiii. This is the fortress called Hervay, at the mouth
 of the river of Cañete, the well-preserved ruins of which may still be
 seen. I examined them carefully in 1853. See an account of them in a
 note to my translation of the First Part of _Cieza de Leon_, p. 259.

 [228] Paullu was a son of Huayna Ccapac, and a younger brother
 of Huascar and of the Ynca Manco. He accompanied Almagro in his
 expedition to Chile, and was with Almagro the lad at the battle of
 Chupas. In 1543 he was baptised under the name of Don Cristobal, and
 he lived at Cuzco, respected by the Spaniards and beloved by the
 native population. He died in May 1549. His son Carlos Ynca was a
 schoolfellow of Garcilasso de la Vega, and had a son Melchor Carlos
 Ynca, a knight of Santiago, who went to Spain in 1602, and died at
 Alcala de Henares in 1610.

 [229] _Huayna_, youth; _ccapac_, rich; _inca_, king; _zapalla_, sole;
 _tucui_, ruler; _llacta_, city; _uya_, hear.

 [230] The modern La Paz.

 [231] Chuquisaca. Now called Sucre, the capital of the republic of
 Bolivia.

 [232] Domestic servants.

 [233] The name Chile did not belong to the whole country included
 in the present Republic of Chile, nor even to any large part of it.
 The north part of modern Chile was known to the Yncas as Copayapu
 (Copiapo); further south was the province of Coquimpu (Coquimbo);
 and the central part of modern Chile was called Canconicagua, and
 also Chilli, the latter name being probably that of a chief. Valdivia
 adopted the name of Canconicagua, while Almagro called it the valley
 of Chilli. The followers of Almagro and assassins of Pizarro were
 always known as “los de Chile”. The name of Chile was long applied
 only to the valley of Aconcagua, including Quillota; and that was
 no doubt the sense in which it was used by the natives and by their
 Ynca conquerors. Afterwards, the Spaniards gave the name of Chile to
 the whole country on the Pacific coast, from Copiapo to Valdivia.
 The native form of the word was Chilli, which the Spaniards softened
 into Chile. In the north of Peru, in the provinces of Chachapoyas and
 Pataz, there are three villages called Chilia; and the word occurs
 in several names of places in southern Peru, such as Pacon-chile,
 Chilihua, and the river Chile at Arequipa. The word _Chiri_ means cold
 in Quichua. But Vicuña Mackenna maintains (_Relaciones Historicas_:
 art. “Origen del Nombre de Chile”, p. 92) that the name is indigenous
 to the country, and was used before the Ynca conquest; that originally
 it was local, and was applied only to the valley of Aconcagua, but
 that it had no special meaning.

 [234] “_Y formas de hombres crecidos._” The meaning is not clear. The
 Spanish editor suggests “_Y fuera mas de hombres creida_.”

 [235] See p. 91.

 [236] Cieza de Leon also gives an account of the roads of the Yncas in
 his First Part (chapter xlii), p. 153, which is quoted _in extenso_
 by Garcilasso de la Vega (I, lib. ix, cap. 13). See
 also Zarate (_Historia del Peru_, lib. i, cap. 10), and, for a modern
 account, Velasco (_Historia de Quito_, i, p. 59).

 [237] _Yscay_, “two”; _pacha_, “hundred”; _huaranca_, “thousand”;
 _runa_, “men”; _cuna_, the plural particle.

 [238] The island in the bay of Guayaquil.

 [239] This is chapter liv of the edition of 1554. See my Translation,
 p. 192. In this chapter Cieza de Leon gives a full account of the
 treacherous murder of the Orejones by the people of Puná. Garcilasso
 de la Vega, in his version of the affair, copies largely from Cieza de
 Leon (I, lib. ix, caps. 1, 2, 3).

 [240] Where now stands the city of Guayaquil. In the 17th century the
 place still retained the name of the “Pass of Huayna Capac”.

 [241] _Pepino_ is a cucurbitaceous plant, and grown in great abundance
 on the coast of Peru. The plant is only a foot and a half high, and
 creeps along the ground. The fruit is from four to five inches long,
 cylindrical, and somewhat pointed at both ends. The husk is of a
 yellowish-green colour, with long rose- stripes. The edible
 part is solid, juicy, and well flavoured, but very indigestible.

 [242] _Ancha_, “very”; _hatun_, “great”; _Apu_, “Lord”; _micu_, “eat”;
 _campa_, “thou”.

 [243] _Campa_, “you” (dative); _manan_, “not”; _pucula_ must be
 a clerical error, it may be _pucuna_ (correctly _poccuna_), from
 _poccuni_, “to ripen, to become mature”; _tucuy_, “all”; _huambracuna_
 is a mistake, it should be _huayna-cuna_, “boys”. Cieza de Leon
 translates erroneously. It should be, “You are not grown up,” “You are
 all boys.”

 [244] Garcilasso de la Vega also tells the story of this war of the
 Caranques and of their punishment (II, p. 447). This country is on
 the northern frontier of the empire of the Yncas, and of the province
 of Quito. Garcilasso gives a violently prejudiced account of the war,
 and endeavours to blacken the character of the Caranques, by way of
 excusing the Ynca’s cruelty. Cieza de Leon alludes to the affair in
 the First Part (p. 133 of my Translation). Versions of it are also
 given by Balboa (p. 149), Montesinos (p. 221), and Velasco in his
 _History of Quito_ (I, p. 18). Balboa describes the Caranque war as
 having continued through three bloody campaigns, and says that a
 number of Collas, with their chiefs, whom he names, were serving in
 the Ynca army.

 [245] 1526.

 [246] The names of the thirteen companions of Pizarro, as enumerated
 in the Capitulation for the conquest of Peru, made by Francisco
 Pizarro with Queen Juana on July 26th, 1529, were:--

  Bartolomé Ruiz (Pilot).
  Cristóbal de Peralta.
  Pedro de Candia.
  Domingo de Soraluce.
  Nicolás de Ribera.
  Francisco de Cuellar.
  Alonzo de Molina.
  Pedro Alcon.
  Garcia de Jaren.
  Anton de Carrion.
  Alonso Briceño.
  Martin de Paz.
  Juan de la Torre.

 Xeres, Pizarro’s secretary, says that the number was 16. See the
 whole subject discussed in a note at page 8 of my translation of the
 narrative of Francisco Xeres (Hakluyt Society, 1872).

 [247] In the Third Part, still inedited.

 [248] Ciui Chimpu Runtu, the second legitimate wife of Huayna Ccapac.
 According to most authors, the name of the mother of Huascar was Rahua
 Ocllo.

 [249] He was quite right. In 1571 the Viceroy, Don Francisco de
 Toledo, received information that Huayna Ccapac was buried in Cuzco,
 where Polo de Ondegardo afterwards found his mummy, with others. (See
 _G. de la Vega_, I, p. 273; and II, p. 91.)

 [250] The author alludes to Lopez de Gomara in his chapter entitled
 “Linaje de Atabaliba”. Velasco, who follows Gomara, says that the name
 of the Queen of Quito was Scyri Paccha.

 [251] Before he is called Colla Tupac.

 [252] _Rumi_, “a stone”; _ñaui_, “eye”. “Stone-eyed.”

 [253] This is the reading of the Peruvian editor. The Spanish editor
 has Sepocopagua.

 [254] _Atoc_ means “a fox” in Quichua.

 [255] _Ucumari_ means “a bear” in Quichua.

 [256] Ylaquita, according to the Peruvian editor.

 [257] Abante in the manuscript, for which the Spanish editor suggests
 Ahuapanti.

 [258] The fullest account of the war between the two brothers is to be
 found in the narrative of Balboa. It is made interesting by a romantic
 love story, which is developed as the military record unfolds itself.
 There is another detailed account of the war given by Santa Cruz
 Pachacuti (see my Translation, pp. 111-119). The chapters devoted to
 it by Garcilasso de la Vega give less detail and are very prejudiced.
 On his own showing, he exaggerates the extent of the massacres at
 Cuzco (I, lib. ix, chapters 32 to 39).

 [259] Melchor Bravo de Saravia was one of the judges who came out
 with the President Gasca. He was afterwards President of the Audience
 of Chile. After the departure of Gasca, he was, as President of the
 Audience, practically Governor of Peru from 1552, when the Viceroy
 Mendoza died, until 1556, when his successor, the Marquis of Cañete,
 arrived.

 [260] Hernando de Santillan was a colleague of Bravo de Saravia. He
 wrote an account of the origin, lineage, and government of the Yncas,
 which was first printed at Madrid in 1879, edited by Don Marcos
 Ximénes de Espada.


Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber:

How Cari returned to Chucnito=> How Cari returned to Chucuito {pg x}

How the Chancas arrived at the city of Cnzco=> How the Chancas arrived
at the city of Cuzco {pg x}

Señor de le Espada=> Señor de la Espada {pg xxiii}

constautly in revolt=> constantly in revolt {pg 3}

Meanwhile the prests made their diabolical exorcisms=> Meanwhile the
priests made their diabolical exorcisms {pg 92}

the eight Inca that reigned=> the eighth Inca that reigned {pg 120}

and on the the other I found=> and on the other I found {pg 162}

made other arangements=> made other arrangements {pg 207}

Cassana, at Cuzce, ii, 158=> Cassana, at Cuzco, ii, 158 {pg 237}






End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The travels of Pedro de Cieza de Léon
 part 2, by Pedro de Cieza de Leon

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