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                               CAMBRIDGE

                             AND ITS STORY

                         _All rights reserved_

             [Illustration: Oriel Windows Queen's College]




                               CAMBRIDGE
                             AND ITS STORY

                                   BY
                      CHARLES WILLIAM STUBBS, D.D.
                              DEAN OF ELY

                             [Illustration]

                      WITH TWENTY-FOUR LITHOGRAPHS
                       AND OTHER ILLUSTRATIONS BY
                            HERBERT RAILTON

                         THE LITHOGRAPHS BEING
                               TINTED BY
                             FANNY RAILTON

                                  1903
                                 LONDON
                            J. M. DENT & CO.
                           ALDINE HOUSE, W.C.

              Printed by BALLANTYNE, HANSON & CO.

                        At the Ballantyne Press




PREFACE


I should wish to write one word by way of explanation of the character
of the descriptive historical sketch which forms the text of the present
book.

Some time ago I undertook to prepare, for "the Mediaeval Towns Series" of
my Publisher, a work on the Story of the Town and University of
Cambridge. Arrangements were made with Mr. Herbert Railton for its
pictorial illustration. It had been intended in the first instance, that
the artist's pen and ink sketches should have been reproduced by the
ordinary processes used in modern book illustration. But the poetic
glamour of such a place as Cambridge and its _genius loci_ did not allow
the enthusiasm of the artist to remain satisfied with such drawings only
as might be readily reproduced by the ordinary processes. In addition to
many sketches in black and white, suitable for reproduction in the body
of the text in illustration of interesting bits of architectural detail,
or of quaint grouping, Mr. Railton has also drawn a series of
large-sized pencil-pictures of the principal College buildings. These
drawings are so beautiful, so full of delicacy and tenderness and yet so
firm and effective in their treatment of light and shade, and show so
much sympathy for the old buildings and all their picturesque charm,
that the Publisher at once felt that they must not be treated as
ordinary book illustrations. The artist had produced pictures worthy to
be classed with the best work of Samuel Prout. It became the duty of the
Publisher to treat them with corresponding respect. The method of
auto-lithography has accordingly been adopted, by which the plates are
an absolute reproduction in size and tint of the pencil drawings, and
the artist's work goes straight to the reader without any mechanical
intervention. A new feature has been added by which the colour stones
have been made by Mrs. Railton acting in collaboration with her husband.
This process of reproduction necessarily involved a change in the
proposed format of the book. It was determined, therefore, to issue in
the first instance an _edition de luxe_ of "The Story of Cambridge," on
specially prepared paper and in large quarto size. I have readily
consented to such a course, for although I may seem, by the more
imposing form of a large Library Edition, to be guilty of some
presumption in placing my Historical Sketch in competition with such
histories as those of Mr. Mullinger in the "Epochs of History Series,"
or of my friend, Mr. T. D. Atkinson, in "Cambridge Described"--the
larger books of Mr. J. W. Clark on the architectural history of
Cambridge, and of Mr. Mullinger on the general history of the University
are already classics to which humbler writers on Cambridge can only look
as to final authorities--I can only hope that my readers will recognise
that my presumption is only apparent, and meanwhile I rest confident
that even the historical critic will have little care for the inadequacy
of my prose rendering of "The Story of Cambridge," absorbed as he must
be by his delight in the beauty of Mr. Railton's drawings. In any case,
I shall be entirely satisfied if only my descriptive sketch is found
adequate for the help of the general reader in appreciating the story of
which the artist has been able to give so poetic an interpretation.

C. W. S.

THE DEANERY, ELY,
_Michaelmas_, 1903.




CONTENTS

PAGE

PREFACE v


LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xiii


CHAPTER I

LEGENDARY ORIGIN OF THE UNIVERSITY 1

Geographical and commercial importance of the city site--Map of the
county a palimpsest--Glamour of the Fenland--Cambridge the gateway of
East Anglia--The Roman roads--The Roman station--The Castle
Hill--Stourbridge Fair--Cambridge a chief centre of English commerce.


CHAPTER II

CAMBRIDGE IN THE NORMAN TIME 22

William I. at Cambridge Castle--Cambridge at the Domesday Survey--Roger
Picot the Sheriff--Pythagoras School--Castle and Borough--S. Benet's
Church and its Parish--The King's Ditch--The Great and the Small
Bridges--The King's and the Bishop's Mills--The River Hythes--S. Peter
by the Castle and S. Giles Church--The early Streets of the City--The
Augustinian Priory of Barnwell--The Round Church of the Holy
Sepulchre--The Cambridge Jewry--Debt of early Scholars to the
Philosophers of the Synagogue--Benjamin's House--Municipal Freedom of
the Borough.


CHAPTER III

THE BEGINNINGS OF UNIVERSITY LIFE 49

Monastic Origins--Continuity of Learning in Early England--The School of
York--The Venerable Bede--Alcuin and the Schools of Charles the
Great--The Danish Invasions--The Benedictine Revival--The Monkish
Chroniclers--The Coming of the Friars--The Franciscan and Dominican
Houses at Cambridge--The Franciscan Scholars--Roger Bacon--Bishop
Grosseteste--The New Aristotle and the Scientific Spirit--The Scholastic
Philosophy--Aquinas--Migration of Scholars from Paris to Cambridge--The
term "University"--The Colleges and the Hostels--The Course of
Study--Trivium and Quadrivium--The Four Faculties--England a Paradise of
Clerks--Parable of the Monk's Pen.


CHAPTER IV

THE EARLIEST COLLEGE FOUNDATION: PETERHOUSE 71

The Early Monastic Houses in Cambridge--Student Proselytising by the
Friars--The Oxford College of Merton a Protest against this
Tendency--The Rule of Merton taken as a Model by Hugh de Balsham,
Founder of Peterhouse--The Hospital of S. John--The Scholars of
Ely--Domestic Economy of the College--The Dress of the Mediaeval
Student--Peterhouse Buildings--Little S. Mary's Church--The Perne
Library--The College Chapel.


CHAPTER V

THE COLLEGES OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY 93

The Fourteenth Century an Age of Great Men and Great Events but not of
Great Scholars--Petrarch and Richard of Bury--Michael House--The King's
Scholars--King's Hall--Clare Hall--Pembroke College--Gonville Hall--Dr.
John Caius--His Three Gates of Humility, Virtue, and Honour.


CHAPTER VI

THE COLLEGE OF THE CAMBRIDGE GUILDS 120

Unique Foundation of Corpus Christi College--The Cambridge Guilds--The
influence of "the Good Duke"--The Peasant Revolt--Destruction of
Charters--"Perish the skill of the Clerks!"--The Black Death--Lollardism
at the Universities--The Poore Priestes of Wycliffe.


CHAPTER VII

TWO ROYAL FOUNDATIONS 137

Henry VI--The most pitiful Character in all English History--His
devotion to Learning and his Saintly Spirit--His foundation of Eton and
King's College--The Building of King's College Chapel--Its architect,
Reginald of Ely, the Cathedral Master-Mason--Its relation to the Ely
Lady Chapel--Its stained glass Windows--Its close Foundation--Queens'
College--Margaret of Anjou and Elizabeth Wydville--The buildings of
Queens'--Similarity to Haddon Hall--Its most famous Resident,
Erasmus--His _Novum Instrumentum_ edited within its Walls.


CHAPTER VIII

TWO OF THE SMALLER HALLS 173

The Foundation of Trinity Hall by Bishop Bateman of Norwich--On the Site
of the Hostel of Student-Monks of Ely--Prior Crauden--Evidence of the
Ely Obedientary Rolls--The College Buildings--The Old Hall--S. Edward's
Church used as College Chapel--Hugh Latimer's Sermon on a Pack of
Cards--Harvey Goodwin--Frederick Maurice--The Hall Library--Its ancient
Bookcases--The Foundation of S. Catherine's Hall.


CHAPTER IX

BISHOP ALCOCK AND THE NUNS OF S. RHADEGUND 183

The New Learning in Italy and Germany--The English "Pilgrim Scholars":
Grey, Tiptoft, Linacre, Grocyn--The practical Genius of England--Bishops
Rotherham, Alcock, and Fisher--Alcock, diplomatist, financier,
architect--The Founder of Jesus College--He takes as his model Jesus
College, Rotherham--His Object the Training of a Preaching Clergy--The
Story of the Nunnery of S. Rhadegund--Its Dissolution--Conversion of the
Conventual Church into a College Chapel--The Monastic Buildings,
Gateway, Cloister, Chapter House--The Founder a Better Architect than an
Educational Reformer--The Jesus Roll of eminent Men from Cranmer to
Coleridge.


CHAPTER X

COLLEGES OF THE NEW LEARNING 210

The Lady Margaret Foundations--Bishop Fisher of Rochester--The
Foundation of Christ's--God's House--The buildings of the new
College--College Worthies--John Milton--Henry More--Charles Darwin--The
Hospital of the Brethren of S. John--Death of the Lady
Margaret--Foundation of S. John's College--Its buildings--The Great
Gateway--The new Library--The Bridge of Sighs--The
Wilderness--Wordsworth's "Prelude"--The aims of Bishop Fisher--His
death.


CHAPTER XI

A SMALL AND A GREAT COLLEGE 246

Dissolution of the Monasteries--Schemes for Collegiate Spoliation
checked by Henry VIII.--Monks' or Buckingham College--Refounded by Sir
Thomas Audley as Magdalene College--Conversion of the old buildings--The
Pepysian Library--Foundation of Trinity College--Michaelhouse and the
King's Hall--King Edward's Gate--The Queen's Gate--The Great Gate--Dr.
Thomas Neville--The Great Court--The Hall--Neville's Court--New
Court--Dr. Bentley--"A House of all Kinds of Good Letters."


CHAPTER XII

ANCIENT AND PROTESTANT FOUNDATIONS 265

Queen Elizabeth and the Founder of Emmanuel--The Puritan Age--Sir Walter
Mildmay--The Building of Emmanuel--The Tenure of Fellowships--Puritan
Worthies--The Founder of Harvard--Lady Frances Sidney--The Sidney
College Charter--The Buildings--The Chapel and the old Franciscan
Refectory--Royalists and Puritans--Oliver Cromwell--Thomas Fuller---A
Child's Prayer for his Mother.




LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS


_TINTED LITHOGRAPHS_

ORIEL WINDOWS, QUEENS' COLLEGE                             _Frontispiece_

THE SCHOOL OF PYTHAGORAS                           _facing page_      28

PETERHOUSE                                               "            82

CLARE COLLEGE AND BRIDGE                                 "            96

PEMBROKE COLLEGE                                         "           106

GATE OF HONOUR AND GATE OF VIRTUE, CAIUS COLLEGE         "           112

THE CHURCHES OF S. EDWARD AND S. MARY THE GREAT
FROM PEAS HILL                                           "           123

CORPUS CHRISTI COLLEGE AND S. BENEDICT'S CHURCH          "           128

THE PITT PRESS, S. BOTOLPH'S CHURCH, AND CORPUS
CHRISTI COLLEGE                                          "           132

THE WEST DOORWAY, KING'S COLLEGE CHAPEL                  "           144

GATEWAY TO OLD COURT OF KING'S COLLEGE                   "           153

THE CHAPEL, TRINITY HALL                                 "           174

ORIEL WINDOW, JESUS COLLEGE                              "           178

GATEWAY IN GREAT COURT, S. CATHERINE'S COLLEGE           "           180

THE CHAPEL, CHRIST'S COLLEGE                             "           214

GATEWAY, S. JOHN'S COLLEGE                               "           230

ORIEL IN LIBRARY, S. JOHN'S COLLEGE                      "           236

TOWER AND TURRETS OF TRINITY FROM S. JOHN'S COLLEGE      "           243

THE LIBRARY, CHAPEL, AND HALL, MAGDALENE COLLEGE         "           248

GATEWAY AND DIAL, TRINITY COLLEGE                        "           254

NEVILLE'S COURT, TRINITY COLLEGE                         "           260

HALL AND CHAPEL, EMMANUEL COLLEGE                        "           266

DOWNING COLLEGE                                          "           274

THE GARDEN FRONT, SIDNEY SUSSEX COLLEGE                  "           278


_BLACK AND WHITE ILLUSTRATIONS_

      PAGE

COURTYARD OF THE FALCON INN                                           25

SAXON TOWER, S. BENEDICT'S CHURCH                                     29

THE ABBEY HOUSE                                                       35

CHAPEL, BARNWELL PRIORY                                               39

THE ROUND CHURCH                                                      41

ORIEL WINDOWS FROM HOUSE IN PETTY-CURY                  _facing page_ 46

CLARE COLLEGE AND BRIDGE                                             101

PEMBROKE COLLEGE                                                     107

PEMBROKE COLLEGE, ORIELS AND ENTRANCE                                109

CAIUS COLLEGE, THE GATE OF HONOUR                                    117

KING'S PARADE                                                        139

KING'S COLLEGE CHAPEL                                                145

KING'S COLLEGE CHAPEL                                  _facing page_ 150

KING'S COLLEGE QUADRANGLE                                            155

CLOISTER COURT, QUEENS' COLLEGE                                      163

ORIEL WINDOW, QUEENS' COLLEGE                                        166

THE BRIDGE AND GABLES, QUEENS' COLLEGE                               169

A BIT FROM SIDNEY STREET                                             172

DIVINITY SCHOOLS AND S. JOHN'S                                       193

NORMAN WORK IN CHURCH OF JESUS COLLEGE                               197

NORMAN WORK IN N. TRANSEPT, JESUS COLLEGE CHAPEL                     201

ENTRANCE TO CHAPTER-HOUSE, PRIORY OF S. RHADEGUND                    203

JACK IN WOLSEY'S KITCHEN, CHRIST'S COLLEGE                           219

THE COURTYARD OF THE WRESTLERS' INN                    _facing page_ 220

ENTRANCE TO S. JOHN'S COLLEGE                                        229

S. JOHN'S COLLEGE FROM THE BACKS                                     233

BRIDGE OF SIGHS, S. JOHN'S COLLEGE                                   239

TOWER AND GATEWAY, TRINITY COLLEGE                     _facing page_ 252

THE FOUNTAIN, TRINITY COLLEGE                                 "      258




[Illustration: CAMBRIDGE AND ITS STORY]




CHAPTER I

LEGENDARY ORIGIN OF THE UNIVERSITY

"Next then the plenteous Ouse came far from land,
By many a city and by many a town,
And many rivers taking under-hand
Into his waters as he passeth down,
The Cle, the Were, the Grant, the Sture, the Bowne,
Thence doth by Huntingdon and Cambridge flit,
My Mother Cambridge, whom as with a crowne
He doth adorne, and is adorn'd by it
With many a gentle Muse and many a learned wit."
     --SPENSER'S _Faerie Queene_, iv. xi. 34.

     Geographical and commercial importance of the city site--Map of the
     county a palimpsest--Glamour of the Fenland--Cambridge the gateway
     of East Anglia--The Roman roads--The Roman station--The Castle
     Hill--Stourbridge Fair--Cambridge a chief centre of English
     commerce.


One could wish perhaps that the story of Cambridge should begin, as so
many good stories of men and cities have begun, in the antique realm of
poetry and romance. That it did so begin our forefathers indeed had
little doubt. John Lydgate, the poet, a Benedictine monk of Bury, "the
disciple"--as he is proud to call himself--"of Geoffrey Chaucer," but
best remembered perhaps by later times as the writer of "London
Lackpenny" and "Troy Book," has left certain verses on the foundation of
the Town and University of Cambridge, which are still preserved to
us.[1] Some stanzas of that fourteenth-century poem will serve to show
in what a cloudland of empty legend it was at one time thought that the
story of the beginnings of Cambridge might be found:--

"By trew recorde of the Doctor Bede
 That some tyme wrotte so mikle with his hande,
 And specially remembringe as I reede
 In his chronicles made of England
 Amounge other thynges as ye shall understand,
 Whom for myne aucthour I dare alleage,
 Seith the translacion and buylding of Cambridge.

        *       *       *       *       *

 "Touching the date, as I rehearse can
 Fro thilke tyme that the world began
 Four thowsand complete by accomptes clere
 And three hundred by computacion
 Joyned thereto eight and fortie yeare,
 When Cantebro gave the foundacion
 Of thys citie and this famous towne
 And of this noble universitie
 Sette on this river which is called Cante.

        *       *       *       *       *

 "This Cantebro, as it well knoweth
 At Athenes scholed in his yougt,
 All his wyttes greatlye did applie
 To have acquaintance by great affection
 With folke-experte in philosophie.
 From Athens he brought with hym downe
 Philosophers most sovereigne of renowne
 Unto Cambridge, playnlye this is the case,
 Anaxamander and Anaxagoras
 With many other myne Aucthors dothe fare,
 To Cambridge fast can hym spede
 With philosophers and let for no cost spare
 In the Schooles to studdie and to reede;
 Of whose teachinges great profit that gan spreade
 And great increase rose of his doctrine;
 Thus of Cambridge the name gan first shyne
 As chief schoole and universitie
 Unto this tyme fro the daye it began
 By cleare reporte in manye a far countre
 Unto the reign of Cassibellan.

        *       *       *       *       *

 "And as it is put eke in memorie,
 Howe Julius Cesar entring this region
 On Cassybellan after his victorye
 Tooke with hym clarkes of famous renowne
 Fro Cambridg and ledd theim to Rome towne,
 Thus by processe remembred here to forne
 Cambridg was founded long or Chryst was borne."

But it is not only in verse that this fabric of fable is to be found.
Down even to the middle of the last century the ears of Cambridge
graduates were still beguiled by strange stories of the early renown of
their University--how it was founded by a Spanish Prince, Cantaber (the
"Cantebro" of Lydgate's verses), "in the 4321st year of the creation of
the world," and in the sixth year of Gurgant, King of Britain; how
Athenian astronomers and philosophers, "because of the pleasantness of
the place," came to Cambridge as its earliest professors, "the king
having appointed them stipends"; how King Arthur, "on the 7th of April,
in the year of the Incarnacion of our Lord, 531," granted a charter of
academic privileges "to Kenet, the first Rector of the schools"; and how
the University subsequently found another royal patron in the East
Anglian King Sigebert, and had among its earliest Doctors of Divinity
the great Saxon scholars Bede and Alcuin.

I have before me as I write a small octavo volume, a guide-book to
Cambridge and its Colleges, much worn and thumbed, probably by its
eighteenth-century owner, possibly by his nineteenth-century successor,
in which all these fables and legends are set out in order. The book has
lost its title-page, but it is easily identifiable as an English
translation of Richard Parker's _Skeletos Cantabrigiensis_, written
about 1622, but not apparently published until a century later, when the
antiquary, Thomas Hearne, printed it in his edition of Leland's
_Collectanea_. My English edition of the _Skeletos_ is presumably either
that which was "printed for Thomas Warner at the Black Boy, Pater Noster
Row," and without a date, or that published by "J. Bateman at the Hat
and Star in S. Paul's Churchyard," and dated 1721. As an illustration of
the kind of record which passed for history even in the last
century,--for the early editions of Hallam's "History of the Middle
Ages" bear evidence that that careful historian still gave some credence
to these Cambridge fables,--it may be interesting to quote one or two
passages from the legendary history of Nicholas Cantelupe, which is
prefixed to this English version of Parker's book:--

     "Anaximander, one of the disciples of Thales, came to this city on
     account of his Philosophy and great Skill in Astrology, where he
     left much Improvement in Learning to Posterity. After his Example,
     Anaxagoras, quitting his Possessions, after a long Peregrination,
     came to Cambridge, where he writ Books, and instructed the
     unlearned, for which reason that City was by the People of the
     Country call'd the City of SCHOLARS.

     "King Cassibelan, when he had taken upon him the Government of the
     Kingdom, bestowed such Preheminence on this City, that any Fugitive
     or Criminal, desirous to acquire Learning, flying to it, was
     defended in the sight of His Enemy, with Pardon, and without
     Molestation, Upbraiding or Affront offer'd him. For which Reason,
     as also on account of the Richness of the Soil, the Serenity of the
     Air, the great Source of Learning, and the King's Favour, young and
     old, from many Parts of the Earth, resorted thither, some of whom
     JULIUS CAESAR, having vanquished Cassibelan, carry'd away to Rome,
     where they afterwards flourish'd."

There then follows a letter, given without any doubt of authenticity,
from Alcuin of York, purporting to be written to the scholars of
Cambridge from the Court of Charles the Great:--

     "To the discreet Heirs of CHRIST, the Scholars of the unspotted
     Mother Cambridge, _AElqninus_, by Life a Sinner, Greeting and Glory
     in the Virtues of Learning. Forasmuch as Ignorance is the Mother of
     Error, I earnestly intreat that Youths among you be us'd to be
     present at the Praises of the Supreme King, not to unearth Foxes,
     not to hunt Hares, let them now learn the Holy Scriptures, having
     obtain'd Knowledge of the Science of Truth, to the end that in
     their perfect Age they may teach others. Call to mind, I beseech
     you dearly beloved the most noble Master of our Time, _Bede_ the
     Priest, Doctor of your University, under whom by permission of the
     Divine Grace, I took the Doctor's Degree in the Year from the
     Incarnation of our Lord 692, what an Inclination he had to study in
     His Youth, what Praise he has now among Men, and much more what
     Glory of Reward with God. Farewell always in _Christ Jesu_, by
     whose Grace you are assisted in Learning. Amen."

We may omit the mythical charter of King Arthur and come to the passage
concerning King Alfred, obviously intended to turn the flank of the
Oxford patriots, who too circumstantially relate how their University
was founded by that great scholar king.

     "In process of time, when Alfred, or Alred, supported by divine
     Comfort, after many Tribulations, had obtained the Monarchy of all
     England, he translated to Oxford the scholars, which Penda, King of
     the Mercians, had with the leave of King Ceadwald carried from
     Cambridge to Kirneflad (rather Cricklade, as above), to which
     scholars he was wont to distribute Alms in three several Places. He
     much honour'd the Cantabrigians and Oxonians, and granted them many
     Privileges.

     "Afterwards he erected and establish'd Grammar Schools throughout
     the whole Island, and caus'd the Youth to be instructed in their
     Mother Tongue. Then perceiving that the Scholars, whom he had
     conveyed to Oxford, continually applied themselves to the Study of
     the Laws and expounded the Holy Scriptures: he appointed Grimwald
     their Rector, who had been Rector and Chancellor of the City of
     Cambridge."

The severer canons of modern historical criticism have naturally made
short work of all these absurd fables; nor do they even allow us to
accept as authentic the otherwise not unpleasing story quoted from the
Chronicle, or rather historical novel, of Ingulph, in the quaint pages
of Thomas Fuller, written a generation later than Richard Parker's book,
which tells how, early in the twelfth century, certain monks were sent
to Cambridge by Joffrey, Abbot of Crowland, to expound in a certain
public barn (by later writers fondly thought to be that which is now
known by the name of Pythagoras' School) the pages of Priscian,
Quintillian, and Aristotle.

There is little doubt, I fear, that we may find the inciting motive of
all this exuberant fancy and invention in the desire to glorify the one
University at the expense of the other, which is palpably present in
that last quotation from Parker's book, and which is perhaps not
altogether absent from the writings and the conversation of some
academic patriots of our own day. We may, however, more wisely dismiss
all these foolish legends and myths as to origins in the kindlier spirit
of quaint old Fuller in the Introduction to his "History of the
University of Cambridge":--

     "Sure I am," he says, "there needeth no such pains to be took, or
     provision to be made, about the pre-eminence of our English
     Universities, to regulate their places, they having better learned
     humility from the precept of the Apostle, In honour preferring one
     another. Wherefore I presume my aunt Oxford will not be justly
     offended if in this book I give my own mother the upper hand, and
     first begin with her history. Thus desiring God to pour his
     blessing upon both, that neither may want milk for their children,
     or children for their milk, we proceed to the business."

Descending then from the misty cloudland of Fable to the hard ground of
historic Fact, we are shortly met by a question which, I hope, Fuller
would have recognised as businesslike. How did it come about that our
forefathers founded a University on the site which we now call
Cambridge--"that distant marsh town," as a modern Oxford historian
somewhat contemptuously calls it? The question is a natural one, and has
not seldom been asked. We shall find, I think, the most reasonable
answer to it by asking a prior question. How did the town of Cambridge
itself come to be a place of any importance in the early days? The
answer is, in the first place, geographical; in the second, commercial.
We may fitly occupy the remaining space of this chapter in seeking to
formulate that answer.

And first, as to the physical features of the district which has
Cambridge for its most important centre. "The map of England," it has
been strikingly said by Professor Maitland, "is the most wonderful of
all palimpsests." Certainly that portion of the map of England which
depicts the country surrounding the Fenlands of East Anglia is not the
least interesting part of that palimpsest. Let us take such a map and
try roughly to decipher it.[2]

If we begin with the seaboard line we shall perhaps at first sight be
inclined to think that it cannot have changed much in the course of the
centuries. And most probably the coast-line of Lincolnshire, from a
point northwards near Great Grimsby or Cleethorpes at the mouth of the
Humber to a point southwards near Waynefleet at the mouth of the
Steeping River, twenty miles or less north of Boston, and again the
coast-line of Norfolk and Suffolk from Hunstanton Point at the
north-east corner of the Wash round past Brancaster and Wells and Cromer
to Yarmouth and then southwards past Southwold and Aldborough to Harwich
at the mouth of the Orwell and Stour estuary, has not altered much in
ten or even twenty centuries. But that can hardly be said with regard to
the coast-line of the Wash itself. For on its western side our
palimpsest warns us that there is a considerable district called
_Holland_; that on its south side, a dozen miles or more from the
present coast-line, is a town called _Wisbech_ (or Ouse-beach); that
still farther inland, within a mile or two of Cambridge itself, are to
be found the villages of Waterbeach and Landbeach; and that scattered
throughout the whole district of the low-lying lands are villages and
towns whose place-names have the termination "ey" or "ea," meaning
"island"--such, as Thorney, Spinny, Sawtrey, Ramsey, Whittlesea,
Horningsea; and that one considerable tract of slightly higher ground,
though now undoubtedly surrounded by dry land, is still called the Isle
of Ely. These place-names are significant, and tell their own story. And
that story, as we try to interpret it, will gradually lead us to the
conclusion that the ancient seaboard line of the Wash, instead of being
marked on the map of England as we have it now, by a line roughly
joining Boston and King's Lynn, would on the earliest text of the
palimpsest require an extended sea boundary on which Lincoln, and
Stamford and Peterborough, and Huntingdon and Cambridge, and Brandon and
Downham Market would become almost seaboard towns, and Ely an island
fifteen miles or so off the coast at Cambridge.

Such a conclusion, of course, would be somewhat of an exaggeration, for
the wide waste of waters which thus formed an extension of the Wash
southwards was not all or always sea water. So utterly transformed,
however, has the whole Fen country become in modern times--the vast
plain of the Bedford level contains some 2000 square miles of the
richest corn-land in England--that it is very difficult to restore in
the imagination the original scenery of the days before the drainage,
when the rivers which take the rainfall of the central counties of
England--the Nene, the Welland, the Witham, the Glen, and the
Bedfordshire Ouse--spread out into one vast delta or wilderness of
shallow waters.

The poetic glamour of the land, now on the side of its fertility and
strange beauty, now on the side of its monotony and weird loneliness,
has always had a strange fascination for the chroniclers and writers of
every age. In the first Book of the _Liber Eliensis_ (ii. 105), written
by Thomas, a monk of Ely, in the twelfth century, there is a description
of the fenlands, given by a soldier to William the Conqueror, which
reads like the report of the land of plenty and promise brought by the
spies to Joshua. In the _Historia Major_ of Matthew Paris, however, it
is described as a place "neither accessible for man or beast, affording
only deep mud, with sedge and reeds, and possest of birds, yea, much
more by devils, as appeareth in the Life of S. Guthlac, who, finding it
a place of horror and great solitude, began to inhabit there." At a
later time Drayton in his _Polyolbion_ gives a picture of the Fenland
life as one of manifold industry:--

"The toiling fisher here is towing of his net;
 The fowler is employed his limed twigs to set;
 One underneath his horse to get a shoot doth stalk;
 Another over <DW18>s upon his stilts doth walk;
 There other with their spades the peats are squaring out,
 And others from their cars are busily about
 To draw out sedge and reed to thatch and stover fit:
 That whosoever would a landskip rightly hit,
 Beholding but my Fens shall with more shapes be stored
 Than Germany or France or Thuscan can afford."

This eulogy of the Fenland, however, Drayton is careful to put into the
mouth of a Fenland nymph, who is not allowed to pass without criticism
by her sister who rules the uplands:--

                                 "O how I hate
 Thus of her foggy fens to hear rude Holland prate
 That with her fish and fowl here keepeth such a coil,
 As her unwholesome air, and more unwholesome soil,
 For these of which she boasts the more might suffered be."

But probably the most picturesque and truthful imaginative sketch of the
old fenlands is that which was given in our own time by the graphic pen
of Charles Kingsley in his fine novel of "Hereward the Wake," somewhat
amplified afterwards in the chapters of "The Hermits," which he devoted
to the history of St. Guthlac:--

     "The fens in the seventh century," he says, "were probably very
     like the forests at the mouth of the Mississippi or the swampy
     shores of the Carolinas. Their vast plain is now in summer one sea
     of golden corn; in winter, a black dreary fallow, cut into squares
     by stagnant <DW18>s, and broken only by unsightly pumping mills and
     doleful lines of poplar trees. Of old it was a labyrinth of black
     wandering streams, broad lagoons, morasses submerged every
     spring-tide, vast beds of reed and sedge and fern, vast copses of
     willow and alder and grey poplar, rooted in the floating peat,
     which was swallowing up slowly, all devouring, yet preserving the
     forests of fir and oak, ash and poplar, hazel and yew, which had
     once grown on that low, rank soil, sinking slowly (so geologists
     assure us) beneath the sea from age to age. Trees torn down by
     flood and storm floated and lodged in rafts, damming the waters
     back on the land. Streams bewildered in the flats, changed their
     channels, mingling silt and sand with the peat moss. Nature left to
     herself ran into wild riot and chaos more and more, till the whole
     fen became one 'dismal swamp,' in which at the time of the Norman
     Conquest, 'the last of the English,' like Dred in Mrs. Stowe's
     tale, took refuge from their tyrants and lived like him a free and
     joyous life awhile."

Such was one aspect, then, in the early days of English history, of the
great plain that stretches from Cambridge to the sea. But our
map-palimpsest has further physical facts to reveal which had an
important influence on the civic and economic development of Cambridge.
To the south-east of this great plain of low-lying fenlands rises the
upland country of boulder clay, stretching in a line almost directly
west and east from the downs at Royston, thirteen miles below Cambridge,
to Sudbury-on-the-Stour. The whole of this ridge of high ground, which
roughly corresponds with the present boundaries between Cambridgeshire
and Suffolk and Essex, was in the early days covered with dense forest.
Thus the Forest and the Fen between them formed a material barrier
separating the kingdom of East Anglia from the rest of Britain. At one
point only could an entrance be gained. Between the forest and the fen
there runs a long belt of land, at its narrowest point not more than
five miles wide, consisting partly of open pasture, partly of chalk
down. In the neck, so to say, of this natural pass into East Anglia lies
the town of Cambridge. A careful scrutiny of our map will show, on the
under-text of our palimpsest, a remarkable series of British earthworks,
all crossing in parallel lines this narrow belt of open land between the
fen and the forest, marked on the map as Black Ditches, Devil's <DW18>,
the Fleam or Balsham <DW18>, the Brent or Pampisford Ditch, and the Brand
or Heydon Way. Of these the longest and most important is the well-known
Devil's <DW18>, near Newmarket. It is some eight miles long in all, and
consists of a lofty bank twelve feet wide at the top, eighteen feet
above the level of the country, and thirty feet above the bottom of the
Ditch, which is itself some twenty feet wide. The ditch is on the
western side of the bank, thus showing that it was used as a defence by
the people on the east against those on the west. It was near this ditch
that the defeat of the ancient British tribe of the Iceni by the Romans,
as described by Tacitus ("Annals," xii. 31), took place in A.D. 50.[3]

At Cambridge itself the ancient earthwork known as Castle Hill may
belong to this British period, and have formed a valuable auxiliary to
the line of <DW18>s in defending the ford of the river and the pass
behind; but upon this point authorities are divided.[4] Indeed, there is
good ground for the opinion that the Castle Hill is a construction of
the later Saxon period, and may, in fact, be referred to the time of
the Danish incursions in the ninth century, during which time Cambridge
is known to have been sacked more than once.

However that may be, there is ample proof that the site of the Castle at
any rate was occupied by the Romans, for the remains of a fosse and
vallum, forming part of an oblong enclosure within which the Castle
Hill, whether early British or later Saxon, is included, seem to
indicate the position of a Roman station here. Moreover, to this place
converge the two great Roman roads, of which the remains may still be
traced: _Akeman Street_, leading from Cirencester (Corinium) in the
south through Hertfordshire to Cambridge, and thence across the fen (by
the Aldreth Causeway, the scene of William the Conqueror's two years'
campaign with Hereward) to Ely, and so onwards to Brancaster in Norfolk;
and the _Via Devana_, which, starting from Colchester (Colonia or
Camelodunum), skirted the forest lands of Essex through Cambridge and
Huntingdon (Durolifons) northwards to Chester (Deva). Whether the Roman
station, however, at the junction of these two roads can be identified
as the ancient Camboritum is still a little doubtful. Certainly the
common identification of Cambridge with Camboritum, because of the
resemblance between the two names, cannot be justified. That resemblance
is a mere coincidence. The name Cambridge, in fact, is comparatively
modern, being corrupted, by regular gradations, from the original
Anglo-Saxon form which had the sense of Granta-bridge. The name of the
town is thus not, as is generally supposed, derived from the name of the
river (Cam being modern and artificial), but, conversely, the name of
the river has, in the course of centuries, been evolved out of the name
of the town.[5]

To return, however, to the Castle Hill. It may be doubtful, as we have
said, whether the Roman station there was Camboritum or not, but there
can be no doubt that the station, whatever it may have been called by
the Romans, must have been a fairly important one, not only as
commanding the open pass-way between the forest and the fen leading into
East Anglia, but also as standing at the head of a waterway leading to
the sea. It is difficult, of course, to estimate the extent of the
commerce in these early days, or even perhaps to name the staple article
of export that must have found its way by means of the fenland rivers to
the Continent, but that it must have been at times considerable we may
at least conjecture from the fact that in the records of the sacking of
the Fenland abbeys--Ely, Peterborough, Ramsey, and Crowland--by the
Danes in the seventh century there is evidence of a great store of
wealth, costly embroideries, rich jewels, gold and silver, which can
hardly have been the product of native industry alone, but seem to
indicate a fair import trade from the Continent.

The geographical position, in fact, of Cambridge at the head of a
waterway directly communicating with the sea is a factor in the history
of the town the importance of which cannot be exaggerated. In direct
communication with the Continent by means of the river, and on the only,
or almost the only, line of traffic between East Anglia and the rest of
England, it naturally became the chief distributing centre of the
commerce and trade of eastern England, and the seat of a Fair which in a
later age boasted itself the largest in Europe.

In his "History of the University," Thomas Fuller gives an account of
the origin of this Fair, which is perhaps more picturesque than
accurate:--

     "About this time," he says--that is, about A.D. 1103, in the reign
     of the first Henry--"Barnwell,[6] that is, Children's Well, a
     village within the precincts of Cambridge, got both the name
     thereof and a Fair therein on this occasion. Many little children
     on Midsummer (or St. John Baptist's) Eve met there in mirth to play
     and sport together; their company caused the confluence of more and
     bigger boys to the place: then bigger than they: even their parents
     themselves came thither to be delighted with the activity of their
     children. Meat and drink must be had for their refection, which
     brought some victualling booths to be set up. Pedlers with toys and
     trifles cannot be supposed long absent, whose packs in short time
     swelled into tradesmen's stalls of all commodities. Now it is
     become a great fair, and (as I may term it) one of the townsmen's
     commencements, wherein they take their degrees of wealth, fraught
     with all store of wares and nothing (except buyers) wanting
     therein."

This description of Fuller is obviously a rough translation of a passage
from the _Liber Memorandorum Ecclesia de Bernewelle_, commonly called
the "Barnewell Cartulary," given at page xii. of Mr. J. W. Clark's
"Customs of Augustinian Canons," and dated about 1296.

It is possible, of course, that the celebrated Stourbridge Fair, which
in later centuries was held every autumn in the river Meadow, a mile or
so below the town, adjoining Barnwell Priory, did date back to these
early times, but its two earliest charters undoubtedly belong to the
thirteenth century, one belonging to the reign of King John, granting
the tolls of the Fair to the Friars of the Leper Chapel of St. Mary
Magdalene, the other to Henry III.'s time fixing the date of the Fair
for the four days commencing October 17, being the Festival of St.
Etheldreda, Virgin, Queen and Abbess of Ely. From this time onward at
any rate the annual occurrence of this Fair furnishes incidents, not
always commendable, in the annals of both town and University. It is
said with probability that John Bunyan, who in his Bedfordshire youth
may well have been drawn to its attractions, made the Fair at
Stourbridge Common the prototype of his "Vanity Fair." And certainly any
one who will take the trouble to compare the description of the Fair
given by the Cambridgeshire historian Carter with the well-known passage
in the "Pilgrim's Progress," cannot but feel that the details of
Bunyan's picture are touches painted from life:--

     "Then I saw in my dream, that when they were got out of the
     Wilderness, they presently saw a Town before them, and the name of
     that Town is _Vanity_; and at the Town there is a Fair kept, called
     _Vanity Fair_ ... therefore at this Fair are all such Merchandise
     sold, as Houses, Lands, Trades, Places, Honours, Preferments,
     Titles, Countries, Kingdoms, Lusts, Pleasures, and Delights of all
     sorts, as Whores, Bawds, Wives, Husbands, Children, Masters,
     Servants, Lives, Blood, Bodies, Souls, Silver, Gold, Pearls,
     Precious Stones and what not.

     "And moreover at this Fair there is at all times to be seen
     Jugglings, Cheats, Games, Plays, Fools, Apes, Knaves, and Rogues,
     and that of all sorts.

     "And as in other Fairs of less moment, there are the several Rows
     and Streets under their proper names, where such and such wares
     are vended; so here likewise you have the proper places, Rows,
     Streets ... where the wares of this Fair are soonest to be found.
     Here is the Britain Row, the French Row, the Italian Row, the
     German Row, where several sorts of vanities are to be sold."

The historian, it is true, speaks of "the Sturbridge Fair as like to a
well-governed city, with less disorder and confusion than in any other
place where there is so great a concourse of people," yet when one reads
in Bunyan's "Progress" of the Peremptory Court of Trial, "under the
Great One of the Fair," ever ready to take immediate cognisance of any
"hubbub," one cannot but remember that the judicial rights of the
University in the regulation of the ale-tents and show-booths on
Midsummer Common were at least a fertile theme for satire with the
licensed wits of both Universities, whether of "Mr. Tripos" at
Cambridge, or of the "Terrae Filius" at Oxford, and wonder what amount of
truth there may have been in the rude statement of the latter that "the
Cambridge proctors at Fair time were so strict in forbidding
undergraduates to enter public-houses in the town because it would spoil
their own trade in the Fair."

But as Fuller would say, "Enough hereof. It tends to slanting and
suppositive traducing of the records." Let us proceed with our history.
And that we may do so let us end this introductory chapter of Fable and
Fact by enforcing the point, of which the incident of Stourbridge Fair
was but an illustration, that Cambridge became the seat of an English
University, because it had already become a chief centre of English
trade and commerce, and had so become because in the early centuries it
had stood as guardian of the only pass-way which crossed the frontier
line of the kingdoms of Mercia and the West Saxons and the kingdom of
the East Anglians, and at a later time had been the busy porter of the
river gate, by which the merchandise of northern Europe, borne to the
Norfolk Wash and the Port of Lynn by the ships of Flanders and the Hanse
towns of the Baltic, found its way, by the sluggish waters of the Cam
and the Ouse, to a place which was thus well fitted to become the great
distributing centre of trade for southern England and the Midlands.
Stourbridge Fair is a thing of the past. Cambridge as a distributing
centre for the trade of northern Europe has ceased to be. The long line
of river barges no longer float down the stream. The waters of the Wash
are silting up. The fame of the town has been eclipsed by the fame of
the University. But town and University alike may still gaze with
emotion at the old timbered wharfs and clay hithes of the river, the
green earthwork of the Castle Hill, the far-stretching roads once known
as Akeman Street and the Icknield Way, the grass-grown <DW72>s of the
Devil's <DW18>, as the symbols of mighty forces which in their day brought
men from all parts of Europe to this place, and have been potent to make
it through many centuries a centre of light and learning to England and
the world.




CHAPTER II

CAMBRIDGE IN THE NORMAN TIME

     "At this time the fountain of learning in Cambridge was but little,
     and that very troubled.... Mars then frighted away the Muses, when
     the Mount of Parnassus was turned into a fort, and Helicon derived
     into a trench. And at this present, King William the Conqueror,
     going to subdue the monks of Ely that resisted him, made
     Cambridgeshire the seat of war."--FULLER.

     William I. at Cambridge Castle--Cambridge at the Domesday
     Survey--Roger Picot the Sheriff--Pythagoras School--Castle and
     Borough--S. Benet's Church and its Parish--The King's Ditch--The
     Great and the Small Bridges--The King's and the Bishop's Mills--The
     River Hithes--S. Peter by the Castle and S. Giles Church--The early
     Streets of the City--The Augustinian Priory of Barnwell--The Round
     Church of the Holy Sepulchre--The Cambridge Jewry--Debt of early
     Scholars to the Philosophers of the Synagogue--Benjamin's
     House--Municipal Freedom of the Borough.


On the site of the ancient Roman station of which we have spoken in the
preceding chapter, as guarding the river ford and the pass between
forest and fen into East Anglia, William the Conqueror, returning from
the conquest of York in the year 1068, founded Cambridge Castle, that
"it might be"--to quote Fuller's words--"a check-bit to curb this
country, which otherwise was so hard-mouthed to be ruled." Here, in the
following year, he took up his abode, making the castle the centre of
his operations against the rebel English who had rallied to the
leadership of Hereward the Wake, in his camp of refuge at Ely. But the
castle at Cambridge never became a military centre of importance. No
important deed of arms is recorded in connection with it. It was a mere
outpost, useful only as a base of operations. It was so used by William
the Conqueror. It was so used by Henry III. in his futile contest with
the English baronage. It was so used by the Duke of Northumberland in
his unsuccessful attempt to crush the loyalist rising of East Anglia
against his plot to place Lady Jane Grey on the throne. It was so used
by Oliver Cromwell when he was organising the Eastern Counties
Association, and forming "his lovely company" of Ironsides. But beyond
these episodes Cambridge Castle has no history. In the early part of the
fourteenth century it was used as a prison for common criminals. Edward
III. built his College of King's Hall with some of its materials, and
from that time onwards it appears to have been used as a quarry by the
royal founders of more than one college. Its last remaining outwork, the
Gate House, was demolished in 1842. Now there is nothing left but the
grass-grown mound, still known as Castle Hill, the resort of occasional
American tourists who are wise enough to know how fine a view of the
town may be obtained from that position, and, so it is said, a less
frequent place of pilgrimage also to certain university freshmen who are
foolish enough to accept the assurance of their fellows that "at the
witching hour of night" they may best observe from Castle Hill those
solemn portents which, on the doubtful authority of the University
Calendar, are said to happen when "the Cambridge term divides at
midnight."

But if the Castle at Cambridge, as a "place of arms," had practically no
history, much less had the town over which nominally it stood guard. The
old streets of Cambridge show no sign of ever having been packed closely
within walls in the usual mediaeval fashion. In the early days the town
seems to have been limited to a little knot of houses round the castle
and along the street leading down to the river ford at the foot of the
Castle Hill. From the Domesday Survey we learn that in the time of
Edward the Confessor the town had consisted of 400 dwelling-houses, and
was divided into ten wards, each governed by its own lawman ("lageman")
or magistrate, a name which appears to suggest that the original
organisation of the town was of Danish origin. By the year 1086 two of
these wards had been thrown into one, owing to the destruction of
twenty-seven houses--"pro castro"--on account of the building of the
Castle, and in the remaining wards no fewer than fifty-three other
dwellings are entered as "waste." Altogether, in Norman times the
population of Cambridge can hardly have exceeded at the most a couple of
thousand. The customs of the town were assessed at L7, the land tax at
L7. 2s. 2d. Both of these seem to have been new impositions, payable to
the royal treasury. How this came about one cannot say, but from this
time onward, all through the middle ages, the farm of Cambridge appears
frequently to have been given as a dower to the Queen.

[Illustration: Courtyard of the Falcon Inn]

The earldom of Cambridge and Huntingdon has been almost invariably held
by a member of the Royal Family. The first steps, indeed, towards
municipal independence on the part of the borough were taken when the
burgesses demanded the privilege of making their customary payments
direct to the King, and ridding themselves of this part, at any rate, of
the authority of the sheriff. Certainly, there was much complaint made
to the Domesday Commissioners concerning the first Norman sheriff of
Cambridgeshire, one Roger Picot, because of his hard treatment of the
burgesses. Among other things, it was said that he had "required the
loan of their ploughs nine times in the year, whereas in the reign of
the Confessor they lent their ploughs only thrice in the year and found
neither cattle nor carts," and also that he had built himself three
mills upon the river to the destruction of many dwelling-houses and the
confiscation of much common pasture. Reading of these things one is
almost tempted to wonder, whether the old stone Norman house still
standing, styled, by a tradition now lost, "the School of Pythagoras,"
in close proximity as it is to the river, the ford, and the castle, may
not have been the residence of this sheriff or of one of his immediate
successors. The house cannot, certainly, be of a later date than the
latter part of the twelfth century. Originally, it appears to have
consisted of a single range of building of two storeys, the lower one
formerly vaulted, the upper one serving as a hall. How it came by its
present name of "Pythagoras School" we do not know, and certainly there
is no reason to suppose that it was at any time a school. The Norman
occupier, however, of this stone house, with his servants and retainers,
could hardly have been other than a leading personage in the community,
and must have contributed in no slight degree to its importance.
Possibly it may have been owing to the destruction of houses caused by
the clearing of the sites for both this mansion and for the Castle, that
the dispossessed population sought habitation for themselves on the low
lying ground across the ford, on the east bank of the river. Whether
this was the cause or not, certainly the town on the west bank--"the
borough," as the castle end of Cambridge was still called in the memory
of persons still living[7]--overflowed at an early period to the other
side of the river, and gradually extending itself along the line of the
Via Devana, eventually coalesced with what had before been a distinct
village clustering round the ancient pre-Norman church of S. Benedict.
This church, or rather its tower, is the oldest building in Cambridge
and one of the most interesting. It is thus described by Mr.
Atkinson.[8]

[Illustration: The School of Pythagoras.]

     "The tower presents those features which are usually taken to
     indicate a Saxon origin. It is divided into three well-marked
     stages, each one of which is rather narrower than the one below it.
     The quoins are of the well-known long-and-short work (a sign of
     late date), and the lowest quoin is let into a sinking prepared for
     it in the plinth. The belfry windows are of two sorts; the central
     window on each face is of two heights, divided by a mid-wall
     balister shaft, supporting a through-stone of the usual character.
     On each side of this window there is a plain lancet at a somewhat
     higher level, and with rubble jambs. Above these latter there are
     small round holes--they can hardly be called windows. Over each of
     the central windows there is a small pilaster, stopped by a corbel
     which rests on the window head; these pilasters are cut off
     abruptly at the top of the tower, which has probably been altered
     since it was first built; most likely it was originally terminated
     by a low spire or by gables. The rough edges of the quoins are
     worked with a rebate to receive the plaster which originally
     covered the tower. The arch between the tower and the nave springs
     from bold imposts, above which are rude pieces of sculpture,
     forming stops to the hood mould. The quoins remaining at each angle
     of the present nave show that it is of the same length and width as
     the nave of the original church, and they seem to show also that
     the original church had neither aisles nor transepts. The chancel
     is also the same size as that of the early church, for though the
     east and north walls have been rebuilt, they are in the positions
     of the Saxon walls. The south wall of the chancel has been altered
     at many different periods, but has probably never been rebuilt. The
     bases of the chancel arch remain below the floor. The early church
     was probably lighted by small lancets about three inches wide,
     placed high in the wall, and without glass."

The present nave is of the thirteenth century. The chancel was built as
late as 1872. The building which still abuts against the south chancel
wall belongs, however, to the fifteenth century, and was a connecting
hall or gallery with "the old court" of Corpus Christi College, which
not only took its early name of S. Benet from the ancient church, but
for some century and more possessed no other College chapel. The bells
of S. Benet, we read in the old College records, were long used to call
the students "to ye schooles, att such times as neede did require--as to
acts, clearums, congregations, lecturs, disses, and such like." But this
belongs to its story in a later age. The Pre-Conquest Church of S.
Benet, as we have said, probably served a township separate and distinct
from the Castle-end "borough" on the west bank of the river. After the
two villages became united, the Norman Grantebrigge, and indeed the
mediaeval Cambridge of later days, seemed to have formed a straggling and
incompact town, stretching for the most part along the Roman road which
crossed the river by the bridge at the foot of Castle hill, and so
eastward past S. Benet's, and onward to the open country, eventually
reached Colchester across the forest uplands. This Roman Way, following
the line of the modern Bridge Street, Sidney Street, S. Andrew Street,
Regent Street, ran close to the eastern limit of the town, marked
roughly at a later time by the King's Ditch. This was an artificial
stream constructed as a defence of the town by King John in the year
1215. It was strengthened later by King Henry III., who had also
intended to protect the town on this side by a wall. The wall, however,
was never built, and the Ditch itself could never have been much of a
defence, except, perhaps, against casual marauders, though for centuries
it was a cause of insanitary trouble to the town. Branching out of the
river at the King's and Bishop's Mills, just above Queen's College, it
joined the river again, after encircling the town, just below the Great
Bridge and above the Common now called Jesus Green. The Ditch was
crossed by bridges on the lines of the principal roads. One of these,
built of stone, still remains under the road now called Jesus Lane.
There appears to have been a drawbridge also at the end of Sussex
Street. The river itself, which formed the western boundary of the town,
was spanned by two bridges, the Great Bridge at Castle End and the Small
Bridge or Bridges at Newnham by the Mill pond. Between the two bridges
were the principal wharfs or river hithes--corn hithe, flax hithe,
garlic hithe, salt hithe, Dame Nichol's hithe. These have all now given
place to the sloping lawns and gardens of the colleges, the far-famed
"Cambridge Backs." The common hithe, however, below the Great Bridge
still continues in use. It is with certain rights in regard to these
hithes that the earliest Royal charter of which we have record deals. It
is an undated writ of Henry I. (1100-1135) addressed to Henry, Bishop of
Ely (1109-1131), and attested by an unnamed Chancellor and by Miles of
Gloucester and by Richard Basset. The main object of the King's writ
seems to be to make "his borough of Cambridge" the one "port" and
emporium of the shire. "I forbid"--so runs the writ--"that any boat
shall ply at any hithe in Cambridgeshire save at the hithe of my borough
at Cambridge, nor shall barges be laden save in the borough of
Cambridge, nor shall any take toll elsewhere, but only there."

Numerous narrow lanes, all now vanished, with the exception of John's
Lane, Gareth Hostel Lane, and Silver Street, led down from High Street
to the quays. The town was intersected by three main streets. From the
Great Bridge ran the streets already mentioned as following the line of
the old Roman Way (the Via Devana). From this old roadway, at a point
opposite the Round Church, there branched off the High Street--now
Trinity Street and King's Parade--leading to Trumpington Gate. Parallel
to the High Street, and between it and the river, ran Milne Street,
leading from the King's Mill at the south end of the town, and
continuing northwards to a point about the site of the existing sun-dial
in Trinity Great Court, where it joined a cross-street leading into the
High Street. Parts of Milne Street still exist in the lanes which run
past the fronts of Queen's College and Trinity Hall. In mediaeval times
the entrance gateways of six colleges opened into it--King's Hall,
Michael House, Trinity Hall, King's College, S. Catharine's Hall, and
Queen's College. Of the most ancient church of the town, that of S.
Benedict, we have already spoken. Of the possibly contemporary church of
S. Peter by the Castle, the only architectural remains of any importance
now existing are a rich late Norman doorway and the bowl of an ancient
font. The tower and spire belong to the fourteenth century. The rest of
the building is entirely modern. Bricks, however, said to be Roman,
appear to have been used in the new walls. Similarly of the other two
ancient Castle-end churches, All Saints by the Castle, and S. Giles. Of
the former nothing now remains and its actual site is doubtful, for the
parish attached to it has been united with S. Giles ever since the time
when in the fourteenth century the Black Death left it almost without
inhabitants. Of the Church of S. Giles there remains the ancient
chancel arch of late Saxon or early Norman character (the familiar
long-and-short work seems to date it about the middle of the eleventh
century), and the doorway of the nave, which have been rebuilt in the
large new church opened in 1875.

[Illustration: The Abbey House]

It was, however, from this old church of S. Giles by the Castle that the
first religious house in Cambridge of which we have any record, and
quite possibly the most important factor in the early development of the
University, the wealthy Augustinian Priory of Barnwell, took its origin.
The story of that foundation is this.[9]

Roger Picot, Baron of Bourne and Norman Sheriff of Cambridgeshire, of
whose hard treatment the Cambridge burgesses complained to the
commissioners of the Domesday Survey, had married a noble and pious
woman named Hugoline. Hugoline being taken very ill at Cambridge, and on
the point, as she thought, of death, vowed a vow, that if she recovered
she would build a church in honour of God and S. Giles. "Whereupon,"
says the legend, "she recovered in three days." And in gratitude to God
she built close to the Castle the Church of S. Giles in the year 1092,
together with appropriate buildings, and placed therein six canons
regular of the order of S. Augustine, under the charge of Canon Geoffrey
of Huntingdon, a man of great piety, and prevailed upon her husband to
endow the Church and house with half the tithes of his manorial
demesnes. Some vestiges of this small house (_veteris coenobioli
vestigia_) were still extant in Leland's time. Before, however, this
Augustinian house had been thoroughly established, Earl Pigot and his
wife Hugoline died, committing the foundation to the care of their son
Robert. Robert unfortunately became implicated in a conspiracy against
Henry I., was charged with treason, and obliged to fly the country. The
estates were confiscated, and the canons reduced to great want and
misery. In this extremity a certain Pain Peverel, a valiant young
Crusader, who had been standard-bearer to Robert Curthose in the Holy
Land, and who had received the confiscated estates of Picot's son,
Robert, came to the rescue, declaring that as he had become Picot's
heir, so he would succeed him in the care of this foundation, and
increase the number of canons to the number of the years of his own age,
namely thirty. He determined also to move the house to a more
convenient situation, and accordingly, in the year 1112, he transferred
it to an excellent site in Barnwell, a mile and a half or so down the
river, just off the high-road leading from Cambridge to Newmarket. This
transaction is related as follows:--

     "Perceiving that the site on which their house stood was not
     sufficiently large for all the buildings needful for his canons,
     and was devoid of any spring of fresh water, Pain Peverel besought
     King Henry to give him a certain site beyond the borough of
     Cambridge, extending from the highway to the river, and
     sufficiently agreeable from the pleasantness of its position.
     Besides, from the midst of that site there bubbled forth springs of
     clear fresh water, called at that time in English _Barnewelle_, the
     children's springs, because once a year, on St. John Baptist's Eve,
     boys and lads met there and amused themselves in the English
     fashion with wrestling matches and other games, and applauded each
     other in singing songs and playing on musical instruments. Hence by
     reason of the crowd of boys and girls who met and played there, a
     habit grew up that on the same day a crowd of buyers and sellers
     should meet in the same place to do business. There, too, a man of
     great sanctity, called Godesone, used to lead a solitary life in a
     small wooden oratory that he had built in honour of St. Andrew. He
     had died a short time before, leaving the place without any
     habitation upon it, and his oratory without a keeper."[10]

In this pleasant place accordingly the house was rebuilt on a very large
scale, and by the liberality of Peverel and his son William richly
endowed. In the year 1112, we read in the Cartulary that Peverel at once
set about building "a church of wonderful beauty and massive work in
honour of S. Giles." To this church he gave "vestment, ornaments, and
relics of undoubted authenticity which he had brought back from
Palestine"; but before he could carry out his intention of completing
it, he died in London of a fever "barely ten years after the translation
of the canons. His body was brought to Barnwell and buried in a becoming
manner on the north side of the high altar." By the munificence,
however, of a later benefactor, the church was finished and consecrated
in 1191, and before the end of the next century the conventual
buildings, cloister, chapter house, frater, farmery, guest hall, gate
house, were complete, and the Priory of Augustinian canons at Barnwell
took its place in the monastic history of Cambridgeshire, a place only
second probably to that of the great Benedictine House at Ely.[11] All
that now remains of the Priory is a small church or chapel standing near
the road, and the fragment of some other building. The whole site,
however, was excavated for gravel in the beginning of the last century,
so that it is impossible to speak with any certainty of the disposition
of the buildings, although Mr. Willis Clark, in his "Customs of
Augustinian Canons," has from documentary sources made an ingenious
attempt to reconstruct the whole plan of the Priory. The small chapel of
S. Andrew the Less, although it has long been known as the Abbey Church,
has, of course, strictly no right to that name. Obviously it cannot be
the church of "wondrous dimensions" built by Pain Peverel. The chapel,
although in all likelihood it did stand within the Priory precincts, was
most probably built for the use of the inhabitants of the parish by the
canons, in order that they themselves might be left undisturbed in the
exclusive use of the Conventual Church. It is a building of the early
English style, with long, narrow lancet windows, evidently belonging to
the early part of the thirteenth century.

[Illustration: Chapel Barnwell Priory]

The material remains of the Priory are therefore very meagre, but a most
interesting insight into the domestic economy of a monastic house is
afforded by the "_Consuetudinarium_; or, Book of Observances of the
Austin Canons," which forms the Eighth Book of the Barnwell Cartulary,
to which we have already alluded. A comparison of the domestic customs
of a monastic house in the thirteenth century, as shown in this book,
and of the functions of its various officers, with many of the
corresponding customs and functions in the government of a Cambridge
college, not only in mediaeval but in modern times, throws much light on
the origin of some of the most characteristic features of college life
to-day.[12]

Let us retrace our steps, however, along the Barnwell Road from the
suburban monastery to the ancient town. There are still some features,
belonging to the Norman structure of Cambridge, which demand our notice
before we pass on.

At a point where the High Street, now Trinity Street, branches off from
Bridge Street stands the church of the Holy Sepulchre, one of the four
round churches of England.[13]

[Illustration: The Round Church]

Presumably it must have been built by some confraternity connected with
the newly established Military Order of the Templars, and, to judge by
the style of its architecture--the only real evidence we have as to its
date, for the conjecture that it owes its foundation to the young
crusader, Pain Peverel, is purely fanciful, and of "the Ralph with a
Beard," of which we read in the Ramsey cartularies as receiving "a grant
of land to build a Minster in honour of God and the Holy Sepulchre," we
know nothing--probably between 1120 and 1140. In its original shape, the
church must have consisted of its present circular nave with the
ambulatory aisle, and in all probability a semi-circular eastern apse.
The ambulatory was vaulted, as in all probability was also the central
area, while the apse would doubtless be covered with a semi-dome. The
chancel and its north aisle, which had apparently been remodelled in
early English times, was again reconstructed in the fifteenth century.
At about the same time an important alteration was made in the circular
nave by carrying up the walls to form a belfry. The additional stage was
polygonal and terminated in a battlemented parapet. The Norman corbel
table, under the original eaves of what was probably a dwarf spire, was
not destroyed, and thus serves to mark the top of the Norman wall.
Windows of three lights were not only inserted in the additional stage,
but were also substituted for the circular-headed Norman windows of both
ambulatory and clerestory.

     "Such," says Mr. Atkinson, "was the condition of the Church when,
     in 1841, the Cambridge Camden Society undertook its 'restoration.'
     The polygonal upper story of the circular nave, containing four
     bells, was destroyed; sham Norman windows, copied from one
     remaining old one, replaced those which had been inserted in the
     15th century; and new stone vaults and high pitched roofs were
     constructed over the nave and ambulatory. The chancel, with the
     exception of one arch and the wall above it, were entirely rebuilt;
     the north aisle, with the exception of the entrance arch from the
     west, was rebuilt and extended eastwards to the same length as the
     chancel; a new south aisle of equal dimensions with the enlarged
     north aisle was added; and a small turret for two bells was built
     at the north-west corner of the north aisle; the lower stage of
     this turret was considered a sufficient substitute for the
     destroyed vestry. A new chancel arch of less width than the old one
     was built, and a pierced stone screen was formed above it. In
     addition to all this, those old parts which were not destroyed were
     'repaired and beautified,' or 'dressed and pointed,' or 'thoroughly
     restored.' What these processes involved is clear from an
     inspection of the parts to which they were applied; in the west
     doorway, for instance, there is not one old stone left."[14]

Across the road from the Round Church, in the angle of land caused by
the branching apart of the High Street and the Bridge Street, was
planted one of the earliest Jewries established in England. The coming
of the Jews to England was one of the incidental effects of the Norman
Conquest. They had followed in the wake of the invading army as in
modern times they followed the German hosts into France, assisting the
Normans to dispose of their spoil, finding at usurious interest
ready-money for the impoverished English landowner, to meet his
conqueror's requisitions, and generally meeting the money-broking needs
of both King and subject. In a curious diatribe by Richard of Devizes
(1190), Canterbury, Rochester, Chichester, Oxford, Exeter, Worcester,
Chester, Hereford, York, Ely, Durham, Norwich, Lincoln, Bristol,
Winchester, and of course London are all mentioned as harbouring Jewish
settlements. The position of the Jew, however, in England was all along
anomalous. As the member of an alien race, and still more of an alien
religion, he could gain no kind of constitutional status in the kingdom.
The common law ignored him. His Jewry, like the royal forest, was
outside its domain. He came, indeed, as the King's special man--nay,
more, as the King's special chattel. And in this character he lived for
the most part secure. The romantic picture of the despised, trembling
Jew--the Isaac of York, depicted for us in Scott's "Ivanhoe"--cringing
before every Christian that he meets, is, in any age of English history,
simply a romantic picture. The attitude of the Jew almost to the last is
one of proud and even insolent defiance. In the days of the Red King at
any rate, he stood erect before the prince, and seemed to have enjoyed
no small share of his favour and personal familiarity. The presence of
the unbelieving Hebrew at his court supplied, it is said, William Rufus
with many opportunities of mocking at the Christian Church and its
bishops. In a well-known story of Eadmer, the Red King actually forbids
the conversion of a Jew to the Christian faith. "It was a poor
exchange," he said, "which would rob me of a valuable property and give
me only a subject." The extortion of the Jew was therefore sheltered
from the common law by the protection of the King. The bonds of the Jew
were kept, in fact, under the royal seal in the royal archives, a fact
of which the memory long remained in the name of "The Star" chamber; a
name derived from the Hebrew word (_ishtar_) for a "bond."

[Illustration: Oriel Windows from House in Petty-Cury now demolished _To
face p. 46_]

The late Mr. J. R. Green, in a delightful sketch on the early history of
Oxford in his "Stray Studies," afterwards incorporated into the pages of
his "History of the English People," seems inclined to give some support
to the theory which would connect the origin of the University with the
establishment of the Oxford Jewry. This theory, however, can hardly be
accepted.[15] It is very probable indeed that the medical school, which
we find established at Oxford and in high repute during the twelfth
century, is traceable to Jewish origin; and the story is no doubt true
also, which tells how Roger Bacon penetrated to the older world of
material research by means of the Hebrew instruction and the Hebrew
books which he found among the Jewish rabbis of the Oxford Synagogue. It
is reasonable also to suppose that the history of Christian
Aristotelianism, and of the Scholastic Theology that was based upon it,
may have been largely influenced by the philosophers of the Synagogue.
It seems, indeed, to be a well-established conclusion, that the
philosophy of Aristotle was first made known to the West through the
Arabic versions brought from Spain by Jewish scholars and rabbis. But
it is undoubtedly "in a more purely material way" that, as Mr. Green
truly says, the Jewry most directly influenced academic history. At
Oxford, as elsewhere, "the Jew brought with him something more than the
art or science which he had gathered at Cordova or Bagdad; he brought
with him the new power of wealth. The erection of stately castles, of
yet statelier abbeys, which followed the Conquest, the rebuilding of
almost every cathedral or conventual church, marks the advent of the
Jewish capitalist. No one can study the earlier history of our great
monastic houses without finding the secret of that sudden outburst of
industrial activity to which we own the noblest of our Minsters in the
loans of the Jew."

Certainly at Cambridge, though perhaps hardly to the same extent as at
Oxford, the material influence on the town of the Jewry is traceable. At
Oxford, it is said that nearly all the larger dwelling-houses, which
were subsequently converted into hostels, bore traces of their Jewish
origin in their names, such as Moysey's Hall, Lombard's Hall, Jacob's
Hall, and each of the successive Town Halls of the borough had
previously been Jewish houses. We have some evidence of a similar
conversion at Cambridge. In the first half of the thirteenth century,
before we hear either of Tolbooth or of Guildhall, the enlarged judicial
responsibilities of the town authorities made it necessary that they
should be in possession of some strong building suitable for a prison.
Accordingly, in 1224, we find King Henry III. granting to the burgesses
the House of Benjamin, the Jew, for the purposes of a gaol. It is said
that either the next house or a part of Benjamin's House had been the
Synagogue of the Jewry, and was granted in the first instance to the
Franciscan Friars on their arrival in the city. Benjamin's House,
although it had been altered from time to time, appears never to have
been entirely rebuilt, and some fragments of this, the earliest of
Cambridge municipal buildings, are perhaps still to be found embedded in
the walls of the old Town Arms public-house--a room in which, as late as
the seventeenth century, was still known as "The Star Chamber"--at the
western side of Butter Row, in the block of old buildings at the corner
of Market Square, adjoining the new frontage of the Guildhall.

With this relic of the ancient Jewry we reach the last remaining
building in Cambridge that had any existence in Norman times. And with
the close of this age--the age of the Crusades--we already find the
Cambridge burgess safely in possession, not only of that personal
freedom which had descended to him by traditional usage from the
communal customs of his early Teutonic forefathers, but also of many
privileges which he had bought in hard cash from his Norman conqueror.
Before the time of the first charter of King John (1201) Cambridge had
passed through most of the earlier steps of emancipation which
eventually led to complete self-government. The town-bell ringing out
from the old tower of S. Benet's already summoned the Cambridge freemen
to a borough mote in which the principles of civic justice, of loyal
association, of mutual counsel, of mutual aid, were acknowledged by
every member of a free, self-ruling assembly.




CHAPTER III

THE BEGINNINGS OF UNIVERSITY LIFE

     "Si tollis libertatem, tollis dignitatem."--S. COLUMBAN.

"Record we too with just and faithful pen,
 That many hooded caenobites there are
 Who in their private cells have yet a care
 Of public quiet; unambitious men,
 Counsellors for the world, of piercing ken;
 Whose fervent exhortations from afar
 Move princes to their duty, peace or war;
 And oft times in the most forbidding den
 Of solitude, with love of science strong,
 How patiently the yoke of thought they bear ...
 By such examples moved to unbought pains
 The people work like congregated bees;
 Eager to build the quiet fortresses
 Where piety, as they believe, obtains
 From heaven a general blessing; timely rains
 And sunshine; prosperous enterprise and peace and equity."
                  --WORDSWORTH.

     Monastic Origins--Continuity of Learning in Early England--The
     School of York--The Venerable Bede--Alcuin and the Schools of
     Charles the Great--The Danish Invasions--The Benedictine
     Revival--The Monkish Chroniclers--The Coming of the Friars--The
     Franciscan and Dominican Houses at Cambridge--The Franciscan
     Scholars--Roger Bacon--Bishop Grosseteste--The New Aristotle and
     the Scientific Spirit--The Scholastic
     Philosophy--Aquinas--Migration of Scholars from Paris to
     Cambridge--The term "University"--The Colleges and the Hostels--The
     Course of Study--Trivium and Quadrivium--The Four
     Faculties--England a Paradise of Clerks--Parable of the Monk's Pen.


In the centuries which preceded the rise of the Universities, the monks
had been the great educators of England, and it is to monastic origins
that we must first turn to find the beginnings of university and
collegiate life at Cambridge.

In the library of Trinity College there is preserved a catalogue of the
books which Augustine and his monks brought with them into England.
"These are the foundation or the beginning of the library of the whole
English Church, A.D. 601," are the words with which this brief catalogue
closes. A Bible in two volumes, a Psalter and a book of the Gospels, a
Martyrology, the Apocryphal Lives of the Apostles, and the exposition of
certain Epistles represented at the commencement of the seventh century
the sum-total of literature which England then possessed. In little more
than fifty years, however, the Latin culture of Augustine and his monks
had spread throughout the land, and before the eighth century closed
England had become the literary centre of Western Europe. Probably never
in the history of any nation had there been so rapid a development of
learning. Certainly few things are more remarkable in the history of the
intellectual development of Europe than that, in little more than a
hundred years after knowledge had first dawned upon this country, an
Anglo-Saxon scholar should be producing books upon literature and
philosophy second to nothing that had been written by any Greek or Roman
author after the third century. But the great writer whom after-ages
called "the Venerable Bede," and who was known to his own contemporaries
as "the wise Saxon," was not the only scholar that the seventh and the
eighth centuries had produced in England. Under the twenty-one years of
the Archiepiscopate of Theodore (669-690), schools and monasteries
rapidly spread throughout the country. In the school established under
the walls of Canterbury, in connection with the Monastery of S. Peter,
better known in after-times as S. Augustine's, and over which his friend
the Abbot Adrian ruled, were trained not a few of the great scholars of
those days--Albinus, the future adviser and assistant of Bede, Tobias of
Rochester, Aldhelm of Sherborne, and John of Beverley. The influence of
these and other scholars sent out from the school at Canterbury soon
made itself felt. In Northumbria, too, the torch of learning had been
kept alight by the Irish monks of Lindisfarne, and of Melrose and of
Iona, "that nest from which," as an old writer playing on its founder S.
Columba's name had said, "the sacred doves had taken their flight to
every quarter."

While Archbishop Theodore and the Abbot Adrian were organising
Anglo-Latin education in the monasteries of the south, Wilfrith, the
Archbishop of York, and his friend Benedict Biscop were performing a no
less extensive work in the north. The schools of Northumbria gathered in
the harvest of Irish learning, and of the Franco-Gallican schools, which
still preserved a remnant of classical literature, and of Rome itself,
now barbarised. Of Bede, in the book-room of the monastery at Jarrow, we
are told by his disciple and biographer, Cuthbert, that in the intervals
of the regular monastic discipline the great scholar found time to
undertake the direction of the monastic school. "He had many scholars,
all of whom he inspired with an extraordinary love of learning." "It was
always sweet to me," he writes himself, "to learn to teach." At the
conclusion of his "Ecclesiastical History" he has himself given a list
of some thirty-eight books which he had written up to that time. Of
these not a few are of an educational character. Besides a large body of
Scripture commentary, we have from his pen treatises on orthography,
grammar, arithmetic, geometry, and astronomy. His book on "The Nature of
Things" was the science primer of the Anglo-Saxons for many generations.
He wrote, in fact, to teach. At the school of York, however, was centred
nearly all the wisdom of the West, and its greatest pupil was Alcwyne.
He became essentially the representative schoolmaster of his age. For
fourteen years, attracted by the fame of his scholarship, students not
only from all parts of England and Ireland, but also from France and
Germany, flocked to the monastery school at York. In 782 Alcwyne left
England to join the Court of Charles the Great and to take charge of the
Palatine schools, carrying with him to the Continent the learning which
was about to perish for a time in England, as the result of the internal
dissensions of its kings and the early ravages of the Norsemen.
"Learning," to use the phrase of William of Malmesbury, "was buried in
the grave of Bede for four centuries." The Danish invader, carrying his
ravages now up the Thames and now up the Humber, devastated the east of
England with fire and sword. "Deliver us, O Lord, from the frenzy of the
Northmen!" had been a suffrage of a litany of the time, but it was one
to which the scholars and the bookmen, no less than the monks and nuns
of that age, found no answer. The noble libraries which Theodore and
the Abbots Adrian and Benedict had founded were given to the flames. The
monasteries of the Benedictines, the chief guardians of learning, were
completely broken up. "It is not at all improbable," says Mr. Kemble,
"that in the middle of the tenth century there was not a genuine
Benedictine left in England."

A revival of monastic life--some attempt at a return to the old
Benedictine ideal--came, however, with that century. Under the auspices
of S. Dunstan, the Benedictine Order--renovated at its sources by the
Cluniac reform--was again established, and surviving a second wave of
Danish devastation was, under the patronage of King Cnut and Edward the
Confessor, further strengthened and extended. The strength of this
revival is perhaps best seen in the wonderful galaxy of monastic
chroniclers which sheds its light over that century. Florence of
Worcester, Henry of Huntingdon, William of Malmesbury, Ingulf, Geoffrey
Gaimar, William de Monte, John and Richard of Hexham, Jordan Fantosme,
Simeon of Durham, Thomas and Richard of Ely, Gervase, Giraldus
Cambrensis, William of Newburgh, Richard of Devizes all follow one
another in close succession, while Robert of Gloucester, Roger of
Wendover, and Matthew Paris carry on the line into the next age. But
apart from the Chroniclers, though the monasteries once more flourished
in England, the early Benedictine ideal of learning did not at once
revive. Indeed, the tendency of the monastic reformers of the twelfth
century was distinctly hostile to the more intellectual side of the
monastic ideal. By the end of the century the majority of the
Benedictine convents had sunk into rich corporations of landed
proprietors, whose chief ambition was the aggrandisement of the house to
which they belonged. The new impulse of reform, which in its indirect
results was to give the thirteenth century in England so dominant a
place in the history of her civilisation, came from a quite different
direction. Almost simultaneously, without concert, in different
countries, two great minds, S. Francis and S. Dominic, conceived a
wholly new ideal of monastic perfection. Unlike the older monastic
leaders, deliberately turning their backs upon the haunts of men in town
and village, and seeking in the wilderness seclusion from the world
which they professed to forsake, these new idealists, the followers of
S. Dominic and S. Francis, the mendicant Orders, the Friars' Preachers
and the Friars' Minors, turned to the living world of men. Their object
was no longer the salvation of the individual monk, but the salvation of
others through him. Monastic Christianity was no longer to flee the
world; it must conquer it or win it by gentle violence. The work of the
new Orders, therefore, was from the first among their fellowmen, in
village, in town, in city, in university.

     "Like the great modern Order (of the Jesuists) which, when their
     methods had in their turn become antiquated, succeeded to their
     influence by a still further departure from the old monastic
     routine, the mendicant Orders early perceived the necessity of
     getting a hold upon the centres of education. With the Dominicans
     indeed this was a primary object: the immediate purpose of their
     foundation was resistance to this Albigensian heresy; they aimed at
     obtaining influence upon the more educated and more powerful
     classes. Hence it was natural that Dominic should have looked to
     the universities as the most suitable recruiting ground for his
     Order: to secure for his Preachers the highest theological training
     that the age afforded was an essential element of the new monastic
     ideal.... The Franciscan ideal was a less intellectual one ... but
     though the Franciscans laboured largely among the neglected poor of
     crowded and pestilential cities, they too found it practically
     necessary to go to the universities for recruits and to secure some
     theological education for their members."[16]

The Black Friars of S. Dominic arrived in England in 1221. The Grey
Friars of S. Francis in 1224. The Dominicans met with the least success
at first, but this was fully compensated by the rapid progress of the
Franciscans. Very soon after the coming of the Grey Friars they had
formed a settlement at Oxford, under the auspices of the greatest
scholar-bishop of the age, Grosseteste of Lincoln, and had built their
first rude chapel at Cambridge. In the early days, however, the
followers of S. Francis made a hard fight against the taste for
sumptuous buildings and for the greater personal comfort which
characterised the time. "I did not enter into religion to build walls,"
protested an English Provincial of the Order when the brethren begged
for a larger convent. But at Cambridge the first humble house of the
Grey Friars, which had been founded in 1224 in "the old Synagogue," was
shortly removed to a site at the corner of Bridge Street and Jesus
Lane--now occupied by Sidney Sussex College--and that noble church
commenced, which, three centuries later, at the time of the Dissolution,
the University vainly endeavoured to save for itself, having for some
time used it for the ceremony of Commencement.[17] But of this we shall
have to speak later in our account of the Foundation of Sidney College.

But if the Franciscans, in their desire to obey the wishes of their
Founder, found a difficulty in combating the passion of the time for
sumptuous buildings, they had even less success in struggling against
the passion of the time for learning. Their vow of poverty ought to have
denied them the possession even of books. "I am your breviary! I am your
breviary!" S. Francis had cried passionately to the novice who desired a
Psalter. And yet it is a matter of common knowledge that Grosseteste,
the great patron of the Franciscans, brought Greek books to England, and
in conjunction with two other Franciscans, whose names are
known--Nicholas the Greek and John of Basingstoke--gave to the world
Latin versions of certain Greek documents. Foremost among these is the
famous early apocryphal book, _The Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs_,
the Greek manuscript of which is still in the Cambridge University
Library. There is no better statement, perhaps, of those gaps in the
knowledge of Western Christendom, which the scholars of the Franciscan
Order did so much to fill, than a passage in the writings of the
greatest of all English Franciscans, Roger Bacon, which runs to this
effect:--

     "Numberless portions of the wisdom of God are wanting to us. Many
     books of the Sacred Text remain untranslated, as two books of the
     Maccabees which I know to exist in Greek: and many other books of
     divers Prophets, whereto reference is made in the books of Kings
     and Chronicles. Josephus too, in the books of his _Antiquities_, is
     altogether falsely rendered as far as concerns the Chronological
     side, and without him nothing can be known of the history of the
     Sacred Text. Unless he be corrected in a new translation, he is of
     no avail, and the Biblical history is lost. Numberless books again
     of Hebrew and Greek expositors are wanting to the Latins: as those
     of Origen, Basil, Gregory, Nazianzen, Damascene, Dionysius,
     Chrysostom, and other most noble Doctors, alike in Hebrew and in
     Greek. The Church therefore is slumbering. She does nothing in this
     matter, nor hath done these seventy years: save that my Lord
     Robert, Bishop of Lincoln, of holy memory did give to the Latins
     some part of the writings of S. Dionysius and of Damascene, and
     some other holy Doctors. It is an amazing thing this negligence of
     the Church; for, from the time of Pope Damasus, there hath not been
     any Pope, nor any of less rank, who hath busied himself for the
     advantaging of the Church by translations, except the aforesaid
     glorious Bishop."[18]

The truth to which Roger Bacon in this passage gave expression, the
scholars of the Franciscan Order set themselves to realise and act upon.
For a considerable time the Franciscan houses at both Oxford and
Cambridge kept alive the interest of this "new learning" to which Robert
Grosseteste and Roger Bacon opened the way. The work of the Order at
Oxford is fairly well known. And in the Cambridge House of the Order
there was at least one teacher of divinity, Henry of Costessey, who, in
his _Commentary on the Psalms_, set the example of a type of
scholarship, which, in its close insistence on the exact meaning of the
text, in its constant reference to the original Hebrew, and in its
absolute independence of judgment, has, one is proud to think, ever
remained a characteristic of the Cambridge school of textual criticism
down even to our own day.

       *       *       *       *       *

But if the Franciscans, impelled by their desire to illustrate the
Sacred Text, had thus become intellectual in spite of the ideal of their
Founder, the Dominicans were intellectual from their starting-point.
They had, indeed, been called into being by the necessity of combating
the intellectual doubts and controversies of the south of France. That
they should become a prominent factor in the development of the
universities was but the fulfilment of their original design. With their
activity also is associated one of the greatest intellectual movements
of the thirteenth century--the introduction of the new Philosophy. The
numerous houses of the Order planted by them in the East brought about
an increased intercourse between those regions and Western Europe, and
helped on that knowledge of the new Aristotle, which, as we have said in
a previous chapter, England probably owes largely to the philosophers of
the Synagogue. It is round the University of Paris, however, that the
earlier history, both of the Dominican scholars and of the new
Aristotle, mainly revolves. Here the great system of Scholastic
Philosophy was elaborated, by which the two great Dominican teachers,
Albertus Magnus--"the ape of Aristotle," as he was irreverently and
unjustly called by his Franciscan contemporaries--and his greater pupil,
Thomas Aquinas, "the seraphic Doctor," vindicated the Christian Creed in
terms of Aristotelian logic, and laid at least a solid foundation for
the Christian Theology of the future, in the contention that Religion is
rational, and that Reason is divine, that all knowledge and all truth,
from whatever source they are derived, are capable of being reduced to
harmony and unity, because the name of Christianity is both Wisdom and
Truth.

In the year 1229 there broke out at Paris a feud of more than ordinary
gravity between the students and the citizens, undignified enough in its
cause of origin, but in the event probably marking a distinct step in
the development of Cambridge University. A drunken body of students did
some act of great violence to the citizens. Complaint was made to the
Bishop of Paris and to the Queen Blanche. The members of the University
who had not been guilty of the outrage were violently attacked and
ill-treated by the police of the city. The University teachers suspended
their classes and demanded satisfaction. The demand was refused, and
masters and scholars dispersed. Large numbers, availing themselves of
the invitation of King Henry III. to settle where they pleased in this
country, migrated to the shores of England; and Cambridge, probably from
its proximity to the eastern coast, and as the centre where Prince
Louis, in alliance with the English baronage, but a few years before had
raised the Royal standard, seems to have attracted a large majority of
the students. A Royal writ, issued in the year 1231, for the better
regulation of the University, probably makes reference to this migration
when it speaks of the large number of students, both within the realm
and "from beyond the seas," who had lately settled in Cambridge, and
gives power to the Bishop of Ely "to signify rebellious clerks who would
not be chastised by the Chancellor and Masters," and if necessary to
invoke the aid of the Sheriff in their due punishment. Another Royal
writ of the same reign expressly provides that no student shall remain
in the University unless under the tuition of some Master of Arts--the
earliest trace perhaps of that disciplinary organisation which the
motley and turbulent crowd representing the student community of that
age demanded.[19]

It will be observed that in these Royal writs the term "university"
occurs. But it must not be supposed that the word is used in its more
modern signification, of a community or corporation devoted to learning
and education formally recognised by legal authority. That is a use
which appears for the first time towards the end of the fourteenth
century. In the age of which we are speaking, and in the writs of Henry
III., _universitas magistrorum et discipulorum_ or _scholarium_ simply
means a "community of teachers and scholars." The common designation in
mediaeval times of such a body as we now mean by "university" was
_studium generale_, or sometimes _studium_ alone. It is necessary,
moreover, to remember that universities in the earliest times had not
infrequently a very vigorous life as places of learning, long before
they received Royal or legal recognition; and it is equally necessary
not to forget that colleges for the lodging and maintenance and
education of students are by no means an essential feature of the
mediaeval conception of a university.

     "The University of the Middle Ages was a corporation of learned
     men, associated for the purposes of teaching, and possessing the
     privilege that no one should be allowed to teach within their
     dominions unless he had received their sanction, which could only
     be granted after trial of his ability. The test applied consisted
     of examinations and public disputations; the sanction assumed the
     form of a public ceremony and the name of a degree; and the
     teachers or doctors so elected or created carried out their office
     of instruction by lecturing in the public schools to the students,
     who, desirous of hearing them, took up their residence in the place
     wherein the University was located. The degree was, in fact, merely
     a license to teach. The teacher so licensed became a member of the
     ruling body. The University, as a body, does not concern itself
     with the food and lodging of the students, beyond the exercise of a
     superintending power over the rents and regulations of the houses
     in which they are lodged, in order to protect them from exaction;
     and it also assumes the care of public morals. The only buildings
     required by such a corporation in the first instance were a place
     to hold meetings and ceremonies, a library, and schools for
     teaching, or, as we should call them, lecture rooms. A college, on
     the other hand, in its primitive form, is a foundation erected and
     endowed by private munificence solely for the lodging and
     maintenance of deserving students, whose lack of means rendered
     them unable to pursue the university course without some extraneous
     assistance."[20]

It must be remembered, moreover, that when a mediaeval benefactor founded
a college his intentions were very different from those which would
actuate a similar person at the present day. His object was to provide
board and lodging and a small stipend, _not for students, but for
teachers_. As for the taught, they lodged where they could, like
students at a Scottish or a Continental university to-day; and it was
not until the sixteenth century was well advanced that they were
admitted within the precincts of the colleges on the payment of a small
annual rent or "pension"--whence the modern name of "pensioner" for the
undergraduate or pupil members of the college. Indeed, the term
"college" (_collegium_), as applied to a building, is a modern use of
the word. In the old days the term "college" was strictly and accurately
applied to the persons who formed the community of scholars, not to the
building which housed them. For that building the correct term always
used in mediaeval times was "domus" (house), or "aula" (hall). Sometimes,
indeed, the two names were combined. Thus, in an old document we find
the earliest of the colleges--Peterhouse--entitled, _Domus Sancti Petri,
sive Aula Scholarium Episcopi Eliensis_--The House of S. Peter, or the
Hall of the Scholars of the Bishop of Ely.

In all probability the University in early days took no cognisance
whatever of the way in which students obtained lodgings. It was the
inconvenience and discomfort of this system, no doubt, which led to the
establishment of what were afterwards termed "Hostels," apparently by
voluntary action on the part of the students themselves. In the first
half of the sixteenth century there seem to have been about twenty of
these hostels,[21] but at the end of the century there appears to have
been only about nine left. There is an interesting passage in a sermon
by Lever at Paul's Cross, preached in 1550, which throws light upon this
desertion of the hostels, where he speaks of those scholars who, "havyng
rych frendes or beyng benefyced men dyd lyve of themselves in Ostles and
Inns, be eyther gon awaye, or elles fayne to crepe into colleges, and
put poore men from bare lyvynges."

The University then, or, more strictly speaking, the _Studium Generale_,
existed as an institution long before the organisation of the
residential college or hall; and as a consequence, for many a year it
had an organisation quite independent of its colleges. The University of
Cambridge, like the University of Oxford, was modelled mainly on the
University of Paris. Its course of study followed the old classical
tradition of the division of the seven liberal sciences--grammar, logic,
rhetoric, music, arithmetic, geometry, and astronomy--into two classes,
the _Trivium_ and _Quadrivium_, a system of teaching which had been
handed down by the monastic schools in a series of text-books, jejune
and meagre, which were mainly compilations and abridgments from the
older classical sources. One such treatise, perhaps the most popular in
the monastery schools, was a book by Martianus Capella, a teacher of
rhetoric at Carthage, in the fifth century. The treatise is cast in
allegorical form, and represents the espousals of Mercury and Philology,
in which Philology is represented as a goddess, and the seven liberal
arts as handmaidens presented by Mercury to his bride. The humour of
this allegory is not altogether spiritless, if at times somewhat coarse.
Here is a specimen. The plaudits that follow upon the discourse
delivered by Arithmetica are supposed to be interrupted by laughter,
occasioned by the loud snores of Silenus asleep under the influence of
his deep potations. The kiss wherewith Rhetorica salutes Philologia is
heard throughout the assembly--_nihil enim silens, ac si cuperet,
faciebat_. So popular did this mythological medley become, that in the
tenth century we find certain learned monks embroidering the subject of
the poem on their Church vestments. A _memoria technica_ in hexameter
lines has also come down to us, showing how the monastic scholar was
assisted to remember that grammar, dialectics, and rhetoric belonged to
the first division of the sciences called the _Trivium_, and that the
four other sciences belonged to the _Quadrivium_:--

    "_Gram._: loquitur; _Dia._: vera docet; _Rhet._: verba colorat,
     _Mus._: canit; _Ar._: numerat; _Geo._: ponderat; _Ast._: colit astra."

In a further classification given by another scholar of the end of the
twelfth century, Alexander Neckham, we have enumerated the four
Faculties recognised by the mediaeval University: Arts, Theology, Law,
Medicine.

"Hic florent Artes, Coelestis Pagina regnat,
 Stant Leges, lucet Jus: Medicina viget."

Such, then, was the cycle of mediaeval study. And the student whose
ambition it was to become a master of this cycle--a _magister_ or
_doctor_ (for in early days the two titles were synonymous)
_facultatis_--must attain to it through a seven years' course. In the
school attached to a monastery or a cathedral, or from the priest of his
native parish, we may suppose that the student has learnt some modicum
of Latin, "the scholar's vernacular," or failing that, that the first
stage of the _Trivium_--_Grammatica_--has been learnt on his arrival at
the University. For this purpose, if he is a Cambridge student at least,
he is placed under the charge of a special teacher, called by a
mysterious name, _Magister Glomeriae_, and he himself becomes a
"glomerel," giving allegiance oddly enough during this state of
pupilage, not to the Chancellor, the head of his University, but to the
Archdeacon of Ely. Of the actual books read in the grammar course it is
difficult to give an account. They may have been few or many. Indeed, at
this period when the works of Aristotle were coming so much into vogue,
it would seem as if the old Grammar course gave way at an early period
to Philosophy. In a curious old French fabliau of the thirteenth
century, entitled "The Battle of the Seven Arts,"[22] there is evidence
of this innovation; incidentally also, a list of the books more properly
belonging to the Grammar course is also given.

"Savez por qui est la descorde?
 Qu'il ne sont pas d'une science:
 Car Logique, qui toz jors tence,
 Claime les auctors autoriaus
 Et les clers d'Orliens _glomeriaus_.
 Si vaut bien chascuns iiii Omers,
 Quar il boivent a granz gomers,
 Et sevent bien versefier
 Que d'une fueille d'un figuier
 Vous ferent-il le vers.

        *       *       *       *       *

 Aristote, qui fu a pie,
 Si fist cheoir Gramaire enverse,
 Lors i a point Mesire Perse
 Dant Juvenal et dant Orasce,
 Virgile, Lucain, et Elasce,
 Et Sedule, Propre, Prudence,
 Arator, Omer, et Terence:
 Tuit chaplerent sor Aristote,
 Qui fu fers com chastel sor mote."

"Do you know the reason of the discord?
 'Tis because they are not for the same science,
 For Logic, who is always disputing,
 Claims the ancient authors,
 And the glomerel clerks of Orleans,
 Each of them is quite equal to four Homers,
 For they drink by great draughts
 And know so well how to make verse,
 That about a single fig leaf
 They would make you fifty verses.

        *       *       *       *       *

 Aristotle who was on foot
 Knocked Grammar down flat.
 Then there rode up Master Persius,
 Dan Juvenal and Dan Horace,
 Virgil, Lucan, and Statius,
 And Sedulius, Prosper, Prudentius,
 Arator, Homer, and Terence:
 They all fell upon Aristotle
 Who was as bold as a castle upon a hill."

And so for the Cambridge "glomerel," if Aristotle held his own against
the classics, Dan Homer, and the rest, in the second year of his
university course the student would find himself a "sophister," or
disputant in the Logic school. To Logic succeeded Rhetoric, which also
meant Aristotle, and so the "trivial" arts were at an end, and the
"incepting" or "commencing" bachelor of arts began his apprenticeship to
a "Master of Faculty." In the next four years he passed through the
successive stages of the _Quadrivium_, and at the end received the
certificate of his professor, was admitted to the degree of Master of
Arts, and thereby was admitted also to the brotherhood of teachers, and
himself became an authorised lecturer. A post-graduate course might
follow in Theology or Canon or Civil Law, involving another five or six
years of university life. In the course for the Canon Law the candidate
for a doctor's degree was required to have heard lectures on the civil
law for three years, and on the Decretals for another three years; he
must, too, have attended cursory lectures on the Bible for at least two
years, and must himself have lectured "cursorily" on one of four
treatises, and on some one book of the Decretals.

Obviously, if this statutory course was strictly observed in those days,
the scarlet hood could never grace the shoulders of one who was nothing
more than a dexterous logician, or the honoured title of Doctor be
conferred on one who had never taught. _Disce docendo_ was indeed the
motto of the University of Cambridge in the thirteenth century.

The great constitutional historian of our country, the late Bishop
Stubbs, in one of the wisest and wittiest of his statutable lectures at
Oxford,[23] speaks of England in this age as "the paradise of clerks."
He illustrates the truth of his characterisation by drawing an imaginary
picture of a foreign scholar making an _Iter Anglicum_ with the object
of collecting materials for a history of the learning and literature of
England. The Bishop is able readily to crowd his canvas with the figures
of eminent Englishmen drawn from centres of learning in every part of
the land, from Dover, from Canterbury, from London, from Rochester, from
Chichester, from Winchester, from Devizes, from Salisbury, from Exeter,
from S. Albans, from Ely, from Peterborough, from Lincoln, from Howden,
from York, from Durham, from Hexham, from Melrose; scholars, historians,
chroniclers, poets, philosophers, logicians, theologians, canonists,
lawyers, all going to prove by the glimpse they give us into circles of
scholastic activity, monastic for the most part, how comparatively wide
was the extent of English learning and English education in the
thirteenth century--an age which it has usually been the fashion to
regard as barbarous and obscure--and how germinant of institutions,
intellectual as well as political, which have since become vital
portions of our national existence.

From the point of view of a later age there is doubtless something to be
said on the other side. _Disce docendo_ remained perhaps the academic
motto, but the learning and the teaching was still under the domination
of monasticism, and the monastic scholar, however patient and laborious
he might be and certainly was, was also for the most part absolutely
uncritical. He cultivated formal logic to perfection; he reasoned from
his premise with most admirable subtlety, but he had usually commenced
by assuming his premise with unfaltering, because unreasoning, faith. We
shall see, however, as we proceed with our history of the collegiate
life of the University, in the succeeding centuries, that the critical
spirit which gave force to the genius of the great Franciscan teachers,
Roger Bacon and Bishop Grosseteste, in resisting the tendencies of their
age, which found practical application also in the textual
interpretation of Holy Writ in such writings as those of Henry of
Costessey, or in the sagacious "Treatise on the Laws and Customs of
England"--the oldest of our legal classics--by Ranulf Glanville, or in
the "Historia Rerum Anglicanum," of the inquisitive and
independent-minded Yorkshire scholar, William of Newburgh, was a factor
not to be ignored in the heritage of learning bequeathed by the great
men of the thirteenth century to their more enlightened and liberal
successors, the theologians, the lawyers, and the historians of the
future.

There is a mediaeval legend of a certain monkish writer, whose tomb was
opened twenty years or so after his death, to reveal the fact, that
although the remainder of his body had crumbled to dust the hand that
had held the pen remained flexible and undecayed. The legend is a
parable. Some of the lessons of that parable we may expect to find
interpreted in the academic history of Cambridge in the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries.




CHAPTER IV

THE EARLIEST COLLEGE FOUNDATION: PETERHOUSE

               "Re unius
 Exemplo omnium quoquot extant
 Collegiorum, fundatori."--_Epitaph of Walter de Merton._

     The Early Monastic Houses in Cambridge--Student Proselytising by
     the Friars--The Oxford College of Merton a Protest against this
     Tendency--The Rule of Merton taken as a Model by Hugh de Balsham,
     Founder of Peterhouse--The Hospital of S. John--The Scholars of
     Ely--Domestic Economy of the College--The Dress of the Mediaeval
     Student--Peterhouse Buildings--Little S. Mary's Church--The Perne
     Library--The College Chapel.


The first beginnings of the University of Cambridge are, as we have seen
in the preceding chapters, largely traceable to a monastic inspiration.
The first beginnings of the Cambridge Colleges, on the other hand, are
as certainly traceable to the protest which, as early as the middle of
the thirteenth century, it became necessary to make against the
proselytising tendencies of the monastic Orders. At a time when, as we
have seen, the University authorities took no cognisance whatever of the
way in which the student was lodged, and when even the unsatisfactory
hostel system--eventually organised, as it would appear, by voluntary
action on the part of the students themselves--did not exist, the houses
of the monastic Orders were already well established. We have described
the fully-equipped house of the Augustinian Canons at Barnwell. Within
the town the Franciscans had established themselves, as early as 1224,
in the old synagogue, and fifty years later had erected, on the present
site of Sydney College, a spacious house, which Ascham long afterwards
described as an ornament to the University, and the precincts of which
were still, in the time of Fuller, to be traced in the College grounds.
In 1274 the Dominicans had settled where Emmanuel now stands. About the
middle of the century the Carmelites, who had originally occupied an
extensive foundation at Newnham, but were driven from thence by the
winter floods, settled near the present site of Queens. Towards the
close of the century the Augustinian Friars took up their residence near
the site of the old Botanic Gardens. Opposite to the south part of the
present gardens of Peterhouse, on the east side of Trumpington Street,
were the Gilbertines, or the Canons of S. Gilbert of Sempringham, the
one purely English foundation. In 1257 the Friars of the Order of
Bethlehem settled also in Trumpington Street, and in 1258 the Friars of
the Sack, or of the Penitence of Jesus Christ, settled in the parish of
S. Mary the Great, removed soon afterwards to the parish of S. Peter
without the Trumpington Gate.

It was natural, therefore, that these well-equipped houses should hold
out great attractions and opportunities to the needy and houseless
student, and that complaint should shortly be made that many young and
unsuspicious boys were induced to enrol themselves as members of
Franciscan, or Dominican, or other Friars' houses long before they were
capable of judging the full importance of their action. One cannot read
the biographies of even such strong personalities as those of Roger
Bacon or William of Occam without surmising that their adoption of the
Franciscan vow was the result rather of the exigency of the student and
the proselytising activity to which they were exposed, than of any
distinct vocation for the monastic life, or of their own deliberate
choice. "Minors and children," as Fuller says in his usual quaint vein,
"agree very well together." To such an extent at any rate had the evil
spread at Oxford that, in a preamble of a statute passed in 1358, it is
asserted, as a notorious fact, that "the nobility and commoners alike
were deterred from sending their sons to the University by this very
cause; and it was enacted that if any mendicant should induce, or cause
to be induced, any member of the University under eighteen years of age
to join the said Friars, or should in any way assist in his abduction,
no graduate belonging to the cloister or society of which such friar was
a member should be permitted to give or attend lectures in Oxford or
elsewhere for the year ensuing."[24] It is not perhaps, therefore,
surprising to find that the earliest English Collegiate foundation--that
of Walter de Merton at Oxford in 1264--should have expressly excluded
all members of the religious Orders. The dangers involved in the
ascendency of the monks and friars were already patent to many sagacious
minds, and Bishop Walter de Merton, who had filled the high office of
Chancellor of England, and was already by his position an adversary of
the Franciscan interest, was evidently desirous of establishing an
institution which should not only baffle that encroaching spirit of Rome
which had startled Grosseteste from his allegiance, but should also give
an impulse to a system of education which should not be subservient to
purely ecclesiastical ideas. This is obviously the principle which
underlies the provisions of the statutes of his foundation of Merton
College. Bishop Hobhouse in his _Life of Walter de Merton_ has thus
carefully interpreted this principle:--

     "Our founder's object I conceive to have been to secure for his own
     order in the Church, for the secular priesthood, the academical
     benefit which the religious orders were so largely enjoying, and to
     this end I think all his provisions are found to be consistently
     framed. He borrowed from the monastic institutions the idea of an
     aggregate body living by common rule, under a common head, provided
     with all things needful for a corporate and perpetual life, fed by
     its secured endowments, fenced from all external interference,
     except that of its lawful patron; but after borrowing thus much, he
     differenced his institution by giving his beneficiaries quite a
     distinct employment, and keeping them free from all those perpetual
     obligations which constituted the essence of the religious life....
     His beneficiaries are from the first designated as _Scholares in
     scholis degentes_; their employment was study, not what was
     technically called "the religious life" (_i.e._ the life of a
     monk).... He forbade his scholars even to take vows, they were to
     keep themselves free of every other institution, to render no one
     else's _obsequium_. He looked forward to their going forth to
     labour _in seculo_, and acquiring preferment and property.... Study
     being the function of the inmates of his house, their time was not
     to be taken up by ritual or ceremonial duties, for which special
     chaplains were appointed; neither was it to be bestowed on any
     handicrafts, as in some monastic orders. Voluntary poverty was not
     enjoined, though poor circumstances were a qualification for a
     fellowship. No austerity was required, though contentment with
     simple fare was enforced as a duty, and the system of enlarging the
     number of inmates according to the means of the house was framed to
     keep the allowance to each at the very moderate rate which the
     founder fixed. The proofs of his design to benefit the Church
     through a better educated secular priesthood are to be found, not
     in the letter of their statutes, but in the tenour of their
     provisions, especially as to studies, in the direct averments of
     some of the subsidiary documents, in the fact of his providing
     Church patronage as part of his system, and in the readiness of
     prelates and chapters to grant him impropriation of the rectorial
     endowments of the Church."

Such was the _Regula Mertonensis_, the Rule of Merton, as it came to be
called, which served as the model for so many subsequent statutes.

This _Regula_ Hugh de Balsham, Bishop of Ely (1257-1286), evidently had
before him, when some twenty years after his consecration to the
bishopric, he proceeded, by giving a new form to an earlier benefaction
of his own, to open a new chapter in the history of the University of
Cambridge.

Hugh de Balsham, before his elevation to the bishopric, had been
sub-prior of the Ely monastery, and at first sight therefore it might
seem a little surprising that he should have thought of encouraging a
system of education which was not to be subject to the monastic rule.
But Hugh de Balsham was a Benedictine monk, and the Benedictines in
England at this time were the upholders of a less stringent and ascetic
discipline than that of the mendicant orders, and were, in fact,
endeavouring in every way to counteract their influence. It had been the
aim of Bishop Balsham, in the first instance, to endeavour to bring
about a kind of fusion between the old and the new elements in
university life, between the Regulars and the Seculars. But this first
effort was not fortunate. About the year 1280 he introduced a body of
secular scholars into the ancient Hospital of S. John. This Hospital of
the Brethren of S. John the Evangelist had been founded, in the year of
1135, by Henry Frost, a wealthy and charitable burgess of the city, and
placed under the management of a body of regular canons of the
Augustinian Order. At a somewhat later time, Bishop Eustace, the fifth
Bishop of Ely, added largely by his benefactions to the importance of
the house. It was he who appropriated to the hospital the Church of S.
Peter, without the Trumpington Gate. Hugh of Northwold, the eighth
bishop, is said, at least by one authority, to have placed some secular
scholars there, who devoted themselves to academical study rather than
to the services of the Church, and he certainly obtained for the
Hospital certain exemptions from taxation in connection with their two
hostels near S. Peter's Church. The endowment of the secular students
was still further cared for by Bishop Hugh de Balsham. In the preamble
to certain letters patent of Edward I. (1280) authorising the
settlement, the Bishop, after a wordy comparison, in mediaeval phrase, of
King Edward's wisdom with that of King Solomon, is credited with the
intention of introducing "into the dwelling place of the secular
brethren of his Hospital of S. John studious scholars who shall in
everything live together as students in the University of Cambridge,
according to the rule of the scholars of Oxford who are called of
Merton."[25] This document fixes the date of the royal license, on which
there can be little doubt that action was immediately taken. The change
of system was most unpalatable to the original foundationers and led to
unappeasable dissension. The regulars, it may be conjectured, were
absorbed in their religious services and in the performance of the
special charitable offices of the Hospital; while the scholars were,
doubtless, eager to be instructed in the Latin authors, in the new
Theology, in the civil and the canon law, perhaps in the "new
Aristotle," which at this time was beginning to excite so much
enthusiasm among western scholars. Anyhow, the two elements were too
dissimilar to combine. Differences arose, feuds and jealousies sprang
up, and eventually the good bishop found himself under the necessity of
separating the Ely scholars from the Brethren of the Hospital. This he
did by transplanting the scholars to the two hostels (_hospicia_)
adjoining the Church of S. Peter, without the Trumpington Gate,
assigning to them the Church itself and certain revenues belonging to
it, inclusive of the tithes of the church mills. This was in the year
1284, and marks the foundation of Peterhouse as the earliest of
Cambridge colleges. The Hospital of S. John, thus freed from the
scholarly element, went quietly on its career, to become, as we shall
see later, the nucleus of the great foundation of S. John's College. It
may have been a disappointment to Bishop Hugh that he had not been able
to fuse together the two dissimilar elements--"the scholars too wise,
and the brethren possibly over-good"--in one corporation. But, as Baker,
the historian of S. John's College, has said: "Could he but have
foreseen that this broken and imperfect society was to give birth to two
great and lasting foundations, he would have had much joy in his
disappointment."

In the year 1309 the new foundation of "the Scholars of the Bishops of
Ely" obtained certain adjoining property hitherto occupied by the Friars
of the Sack (_De Penetentia Jesu_), an Order doomed to extinction by the
Council of Lyons in 1274. Its slender resources were further added to on
the death of its founder by his bequest of 300 marks for the erection of
new buildings. With this sum a considerable area to the west and south
of the original hostels was acquired, and a handsome hall (_aulam
perpulchram_) was built. This hall is substantially the building still
in use. It was left, however, to his successor in the Bishopric of Ely,
Simon Montagu (1337-1345), to give to the new college its first code of
statutes. Bishop Simon, one is glad to think, did not forget the good
intentions of Bishop Hugh, for in his code of statutes, dated April
1344, he thus speaks of his predecessor:--

     "Desirous for the weal of his soul while he dwelt in this vale of
     tears, and to provide wholesomely, as far as in him lay, for poor
     persons wishing to make themselves proficient in the knowledge of
     letters, by securing to them a proper maintenance, he founded a
     house or College for the public good in our University of
     Cambridge, with the consent of King Edward and his beloved sons,
     the prior and chapter of our Cathedral, all due requirements of law
     being observed; which House he desired to be called the House of S.
     Peter or the Hall (_aula_) of the scholars of the Bishops of Ely at
     Cambridge; and he endowed it and made ordinances for it (_in
     aliquibus ordinavit_) so far as he was then able; but not as he
     intended and wished to do, as we hear, had not death frustrated his
     intention. In this House he willed that there should be one master
     and as many scholars as could be suitably maintained for the
     possessions of the house itself in a lawful manner."[26]

There can be little doubt that the statutes which Bishop Montagu gave to
the college represent the wishes of his predecessor, for the Peterhouse
statutes are actually modelled on the fourth of the codes of statutes
given by Merton to his college, and dated 1274. The formula "_ad instar
Aulae de Merton_" is a constantly recurring phrase in Montagu's statutes.
The true principle of collegiate endowments could not be more plainly
stated, and certainly these statutes may be regarded as the embodiment
of the earliest conception of college life and discipline at Cambridge.
A master and fourteen perpetual fellows,[27] "studiously engaged in the
pursuit of literature," represent the body supported on the foundation;
the "pensioner" of later times being, of course, at this period provided
for already by the hostel. In case of a vacancy among the Fellows "the
most able bachelor in logic" is designated as the one on whom, _caeteris
paribus_, the election is to fall, the other requirement being that, "so
far as human frailty admit, he be honourable, chaste, peaceable, humble,
and modest." "The Scholars of Ely" were bound to devote themselves to
the "study of Arts, Aristotle, Canon Law, Theology," but, as at Merton,
the basis of a sound Liberal Education was to be laid before the study
of theology was to be entered upon; two were to be admitted to the study
of the civil and the canon law, and one to that of medicine. When any
Fellow was about to "incept" in any faculty, it devolved upon the master
with the rest of the Fellows to inquire in what manner he had conducted
himself and gone through his exercises in the schools, how long he had
heard lectures in the faculty in which he was about to incept, and
whether he had gone through the forms according to the statutes of the
university. The sizar of later times is recognised in the provision,
that if the funds of the Foundation permit, the master and the two
deacons shall select two or three youths, "indigent scholars well
grounded in Latin"--_juvenes indigentes scholares in grammatica
notabiliter fundatos_--to be maintained, "as long as may seem fit," by
the college alms, such poor scholars being bound to attend upon the
master and fellows in church, on feast days and other ceremonial
occasions, to serve the master and fellows at seasonable times at table
and in their rooms. All meals were to be partaken in common; but it
would seem that this regulation was intended rather to conduce towards
an economical management than enacted in any spirit of studied
conformity to monastic life, for, adds the statute, "the scholars shall
patiently support this manner of living until their means shall, under
God's favour, have received more plentiful increase."[28]

An interesting feature in these statutes is the regulation with regard
to the distinctive dress of the student, showing how little regard was
paid at this period, even when the student was a priest, to the wearing
of a costume which might have been considered appropriate to the staid
character of his profession.

     "The Students," writes Mr. Cooper,[29] "disdaining the tonsure, the
     distinctive mark of their order, wore their hair either hanging
     down on their shoulders in an effeminate manner, or curled and
     powdered: they had long beards, and their apparel more resembled
     that of soldiers than of priests; they were attired in cloaks with
     furred edges, long hanging sleeves not covering their elbows, shoes
     chequered with red and green and tippets of an unusual length;
     their fingers were decorated with rings, and at their waists they
     wore large and costly girdles, enamelled with figures and gilt; to
     the girdles hung knives like swords."

In order to repress this laxity and want of discipline, Archbishop
Stratford, at a later period in the year 1342, issued an order that no
student of the university, unless he should reform his "person and
apparel" should receive any ecclesiastical degree or honour. It was
doubtless in reference to some such order as this that one of the
statutes of Peterhouse ran to this effect:--

     "Inasmuch as the dress, demeanour, and carriage of scholars are
     evidences of themselves, and by such means it is seen more clearly,
     or may be presumed what they themselves are internally, we enact
     and ordain, that the master and all and each of the scholars of our
     house shall _adopt the clerical dress and tonsure_, as becomes the
     condition of each, and wear it conformally in respect, as far as
     they conveniently can, and not allow their beard or their hair to
     grow contrary to canonical prohibition, nor wear rings upon their
     fingers for their own vain glory and boasting, and to the
     pernicious example and scandal of others."[30]

[Illustration: Peterhouse College]

"The Philosophy of Clothes," especially in its application to the
mediaeval universities, is no doubt an interesting one, and may even--so,
at least, it is said by some authorities--throw much light upon the
relations of the universities to the Church. The whole subject is
discussed in some detail in the chapter on "Student Life in the Middle
Ages," in Mr. Rashdall's "History of the Universities of Europe," to
which, perhaps, it may be best to refer those of our readers who are
desirous of tracing the various steps in the gradual evolution of modern
academic dress from the antique forms. There it will be seen how the
present doctor's scarlet gown was developed from the magisterial "cappa"
or "cope," a sleeveless scarlet cloak, lined with miniver, with tippet
and hood attached of the same material--a dress which, in its original
shape, is now only to be seen in the Senate House at Cambridge, worn
by the Vice-Chancellor on Degree days; how the present gown and hood of
the Master of Arts and Bachelor is merely a development of the ordinary
clerical dress or "tabard" of the thirteenth century, which, however,
was not even exclusively clerical, and certainly not distinguished by
that sobriety of hue characteristic of modern clerical
tailordom--clerkly prejudice in the matter of the "tabard" running in
favour of green, blue, or blood red; and how the modern "mortar-board,"
or square college cap,--now usurped by undergraduates, and even
choristers and schoolboys--was originally the distinctive badge of a
Master of Faculty, being either a square cap or "biretta," with a tuft
on the top, in lieu of the very modern tassel, or a round cap or
"pileum," more or less resembling the velvet caps still worn by the
Yeomen of the Guard, or on very state occasions by the Cambridge or
Oxford doctors in medicine or law. The picturesque dress of university
students of the thirteenth century, still surviving in the long blue
coat and yellow stockings, and red leather girdle and white bands of the
boys of Christ's Hospital, is sufficient to show how much we have lost
of the warmth and colour of mediaeval life by the almost universal change
to sombre black in clerical or student costume, brought about by the
Puritan austerity of the sixteenth century.

To return to the fabric of Bishop Hugh de Balsham's College. We have
seen how a handsome hall (_aulam perpulchram_) was built with the 300
marks of the Bishop's legacy. This is substantially the building of five
bays, which still exists, forming the westernmost part of the south
side of the Great Court of the College. The three easternmost bays are
taken up by the dining-hall or refectory, the westernmost is devoted to
the buttery, the intervening bay is occupied by the screens and passage,
at either end of which there still remain the original north and south
doorways, interesting as being the earliest example of collegiate
architecture in Cambridge. The windows of this hall on the south side
date from the end of the fifteenth century. The north-east oriel window
and the buttresses on the north side of the hall were added by Sir
Gilbert Scott in 1870, who also built the new screen, panelling, and
roof. At about the same time the hall was decorated and the windows
filled with stained glass of very great beauty by William Morris. The
figures represented in the windows are as follows (beginning from the
west on the north side): John Whitgift, John Cosin, Rd. Tresham, Thos.
Gray, Duke of Grafton, Henry Cavendish; in the oriel--Homer, Aristotle,
Cicero, Hugh de Balsham, Roger Bacon, Francis Bacon, Isaac Newton; on
the south side--Edward I., Queen Eleanor, Hugh de Balsham, S. George, S.
Peter, S. Etheldreda, John Holbroke, Henry Beaufort, John Warkworth.

After the building of this hall the College evidently languished for
want of funds for more than a century. But in the fifteenth century the
College began to prosper, and a good deal of building was done. The
character of the work is not expressly stated in the Bursar's Rolls--of
which there are some thirty-one still existing of the fifteenth
century, and a fairly complete set of the subsequent centuries--but the
earliest buildings of this date are probably the range of chambers
forming the north and west side of the great court. The kitchen, which
is immediately to the west of the hall, dates from 1450. The Fellows'
parlour or combination room, completing the third side of the
quadrangle, and immediately east of the dining-hall, was built some ten
years later.

Cole has given the following precise description of this room:--

     "This curious old room joins immediately to the east end of the
     dining-hall or refectory, and is a ground floor called The Stone
     Parlour, on the south side of the Quadrangle, between the said hall
     and the master's own lodge. It is a large room and wainscotted with
     small oblong Panels. The two upper rows of which are filled with
     paintings on board of several of the older Masters and Benefactors
     to the College. Each picture has an Inscription in the corner, and
     on a separate long Panel under each, much ornamented with painting,
     is a Latin Distic." ...[31]

Then follows a description of each portrait--there are thirty in
all--with its accompanying distich. As an example, we may give that
belonging to the portrait of Dr. Andrew Perne:

     Bibliothecae Libri Redditus pulcherrima Dona Perne, pium Musiste,
     Philomuse, probant.

     _Andreas Perne, Doctor Theol. Decanus Ecclesiae Eliensis, Magister
     Collegii, obiit 26 Aprilis, Anno Dom. 1573._

These panel portraits were removed from their framework in the
eighteenth century, and framed and hung in the master's lodge, but have
since been re-hung for the most part in the college hall, and their
Latin distichs restored according to Cole's record of them. The windows
of the Combination Room have been filled with stained glass by William
Morris, representing ten ideal women from Chaucer's "Legend of Good
Women."

On the upper storey of the combination room was the master's lodge. The
situation of these rooms at the upper end of the hall is almost as
invariable in collegiate plans as that of the buttery and kitchen at the
other end. The same may be said of that most picturesque feature of the
turret staircase leading from the master's rooms to the hall, parlour,
and garden, which we shall find repeated in the plans of S. John's,
Christ's, Queen's, and Pembroke Colleges. About the same period (1450)
the range of chambers on the north side of the court was at its
easternmost end connected by a gallery with the Church of S. Mary, which
remained in use as the College chapel down to the seventeenth century.
This gallery, on the level of the upper floor of the College chambers,
was carried on arches so as not to obstruct the entrance to the
churchyard and south porch from the High Street, by a similar
arrangement to that which from the first existed between Corpus Christi
College and the ancient Church of S. Benedict.

The Parish Church of S. Peter, without the Trumpington Gate, had from
the first been used as the College Chapel of Peterhouse. Indeed, the
earliest college in Cambridge was the latest to possess a private chapel
of its own, which was not built until 1628. All that remains, however,
of the old Church of S. Peter is a fragment of the tower, standing at
the north-west corner of the present building and the arch which led
from it into the church. This probably marks the west end of the old
church, which, no doubt, was much shorter than the present one. It is
said that this old church fell down in part about 1340, and a new church
was at once begun in its place. This was finished in 1352 and dedicated
to the honour of the blessed Virgin Mary. The church is a very beautiful
one, though of an unusual simplicity of design. It is without aisles or
any structural division between nave and chancel. It is lighted by lofty
windows and deep buttresses. On the south side and at the eastern gable
are rich flowing decorated windows, the tracery of which is designed in
the same style, and in many respects with the same patterns, as those of
Alan de Walsingham's Lady Chapel at Ely. Indeed, a comparison of the
Church of Little S. Mary with the Ely Lady Chapel, not only in its
general conception, but in many of its details, such as that of the
stone tabernacles on the outer face of the eastern gable curiously
connected with the tracery of the window, would lead a careful observer
to the conclusion that both churches had been planned by the same
architect. The change of the old name of the church from S. Peter to
that of S. Mary the Virgin is also, in this relation, suggestive. For
we must remember that it was built at a time--the age of Dante and
Chaucer--when Catholic purity, in the best natures, united to the
tenderness of chivalry was casting its glamour over poetic and artistic
minds, and had already led to the establishment in Italy of an
Order--the _Cavalieri Godenti_--pledged to defend the existence, or,
more accurately perhaps, the dignity of the Virgin Mary, by the
establishment everywhere throughout western Europe of Lady Chapels in
her honour. Whether Alan de Walsingham, the builder of the Ely Lady
Chapel, and the builder of the Church of Little S. Mary at Cambridge--if
he was not Alan--belonged to this Order of the Cavaliers of S. Mary, we
cannot say; but at least it seems probable that the Cambridge Church
sprang from the same impulse which inspired the magnificent stone poem
in praise of S. Mary, built by the sacrist of Ely.

At this period Peterhouse consisted of two courts, separated by a wall
occupying the position of the present arcade at the west end of the
chapel. The westernmost or principal court is, save in some small
details, that which we see to-day. The small eastern court next to the
street has undergone great alteration by the removal of certain old
dwelling-houses--possibly relics of the original hostels--fronting the
street, which left an open space, occupied at a later period partly by
the chapel and by the extension eastward of the buildings on the south
side of the great court to form a new library, and subsequently by a
similar flanking extension on the north.

The earliest of these buildings was the library, due to a bequest of Dr.
Andrew Perne, Dean of Ely, who was master of the College from 1553 to
1589, and who not only left to the society his own library, "supposed to
be the worthiest in all England," but sufficient property for the
erection of a building to contain it. Perne had gained in early life a
position of importance in the University--he had been a fellow of both
S. John's and of Queen's, bursar of the latter College and five times
vice-chancellor of the University--but his success in life was mainly
due to his pliancy in matters of religion. In Henry's reign he had
publicly maintained the Roman doctrine of the adoration of pictures of
Christ and the Saints; in Edward VI.'s he had argued in the University
pulpit against transubstantiation; in Queen Mary's, on his appointment
to the mastership of Peterhouse, he had formally subscribed to the fully
defined Roman articles then promulgated; in Queen Elizabeth's he had
preached a Latin sermon in denunciation of the Pope, and had been
complimented for his eloquence by the Queen herself. No wonder that
immediately after his death in 1589 he should be hotly denounced in the
Martin Marprelate tracts as the friend of Archbishop Whitgift, and as
the type of fickleness and lack of principle which the authors
considered characteristic of the Established Church. Other writers of
the same school referred to him as "Old Andrew Turncoat," "Old Father
Palinode," and "Judas." The undergraduates of Cambridge, it is said,
invented in his honour a new Latin verb, _pernare_, which they
translated "to turn, to rat, to change often." It became proverbial in
the University to speak of a cloak or a coat which had been turned as
"perned," and finally the letters on the weathercock of S. Peter's,
A.P.A.P., might, said the satirists, be interpreted as Andrew Perne, a
Protestant, or <DW7>, or Puritan. However, it is much to be able to say
that he was the tutor and friend of Whitgift, protecting him in early
days from the persecution of Cardinal Pole; it is something also to
remember that he was uniformly steadfast in his allegiance to his
College, bequeathing to it his books, with minute directions for their
chaining and safe custody, providing for their housing, and moreover,
endowing two college fellowships and six scholarships; and perhaps
charity might prompt us to add, that at a time when the public religion
of the country changed four times in ten years, Perne probably trimmed
in matters of outward form that he might be at hand to help in matters
which he truly thought were really essential.

The Perne Library at Peterhouse has no special architectural features of
any value; its main interest in that respect is to be found in the
picturesque gable-end with oriel window overhanging the street, bearing
above it the date 1633, which belongs to the brickwork extension
westward at that date of the original stone building. The building of
the library, however, preluded a period of considerable architectural
activity in the college, due largely to the energy of Dr. Matthew Wren,
who was master from 1625 to 1634. It is recorded of him that "seeing the
public offices of religion less decently performed, and the services of
God depending upon the services of others, for want of a convenient
oratory within the walls of the college," he began in 1629 to build the
present chapel. It was consecrated in 1632. The name of the architect is
not recorded. The chapel was connected as at present with the buildings
on either side by galleries carried on open arcades. Dr. Cosin, who
succeeded Wren in the mastership, continued the work, facing the chapel
walls, which had been built roughly in brick, with stone. An elaborate
ritual was introduced into the chapel by Cosin, who, it will be
remembered, was a friend and follower of Archbishop Laud. A Puritan
opponent of Cosin has written bitterly that "in Peter House Chappell
there was a glorious new altar set up and mounted on steps, to which the
master, fellows, and schollers bowed, and were enjoyned to bow by Dr.
Cosens, the master, who set it up; that there were basons, candlesticks,
tapers standing on it, and a great crucifix hanging over it ... and on
the altar a pot, which they usually call the incense pot.... And the
common report both among the schollers of that House and others, was
that none might approach to the altar in Peter House but in
sandalls."[32]

It is not surprising, therefore, to read at a little later date in the
diary of the Puritan iconoclast, William Dowsing:--

     "We went to Peterhouse, 1643, Decemb. 21, with officers and
     souldiers and ... we pulled down 2 mighty great Angells with wings
     and divers others Angells and the 4 Evangelists and Peter, with his
     keies, over the Chapell dore and about a hundred chirubims and
     Angells and divers superstitious Letters...."

These to-day are all things of the past. The interior of the Chapel is
fitted partly with the genuine old mediaeval panelling, possibly brought
from the parochial chancel of Little S. Mary's, or from its disused
chantries, now placed at the back of the stalls and in front of the
organ gallery, partly with oakwork, stalls and substalls, in the
Jacobaean style. The present altar-piece is of handsome modern wainscot.
The entrance door is mediaeval, probably removed from elsewhere to
replace the doorway defaced by Dowsing. The only feature in the chapel
which can to-day be called--and that only by a somewhat doubtful
taste--"very magnifical," is the gaudy Munich stained-glass work
inserted in the lateral windows, as a memorial to Professor Smythe, in
1855 and 1858. The subjects are, on the north side, "The Sacrifice of
Isaac," "The Preaching of S. John the Baptist," "The Nativity"; and on
the south side, "The Resurrection," "The Healing of a <DW36> by SS.
Peter and John," "S. Paul before Agrippa and Festus." The east window,
containing "The History of Christ's Passion," is said by Blomefield to
have been "hid in the late troublesome times in the very boxes which now
stand round the altar instead of rails."




CHAPTER V

THE COLLEGES OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY

"High potentates and dames of royal birth
 And mitred fathers in long order go."--GRAY.

     The Fourteenth Century an Age of Great Men and Great Events but not
     of Great Scholars--Petrarch and Richard of Bury--Michael House--The
     King's Scholars--King's Hall--Clare Hall--Pembroke
     College--Gonville Hall--Dr. John Caius--His Three Gates of
     Humility, Virtue, and Honour.


The dates of the foundation of the two Colleges, Clare and Pembroke,
which, after an interval of some fifty and seventy years respectively,
followed that of Peterhouse, and the names of Lady Elizabeth, Countess
of Clare, and of Marie de Valence, Countess of Pembroke, who are
associated with them, remind us that we have reached that troublous and
romantic time which marked the close of the long and varied reign of the
Great Edward, and was the seed-time of those influences which ripened
during the longer and still more varied reign of Edward III. Between the
year 1326, which was the date of the first foundation of Clare College,
the date also of the deposition and murder of Edward II., and the year
1348, which is the date of the foundation of Pembroke and the
twenty-first year of Edward III., the distracted country had passed
through many vicissitudes. It had seen the great conflict of parties
under the leadership of the great houses of Lancaster, Gloucester, and
Pembroke, culminating in the king's deposition and in the rise of the
power of the English Parliament, and in its division into the two Houses
of Lords and Commons. It had seen the growth of the new class of landed
gentry, whose close social connection with the baronage on the one hand,
and of equally close political connection with the burgesses on the
other, had welded the three orders together, and had given to the
Parliament that unity of action and feeling on which its powers have
ever since mainly depended. It had seen the Common Law rise into the
dignity of a science and rapidly become a not unworthy rival of Imperial
Jurisprudence. It had seen the close of the great interest of Scottish
warfare, and the northern frontier of England carried back to the old
line of the Northumbrian kings. It had seen the strife with France
brought to what at the moment seemed to be an end, for the battle of
Crecy, at which the power of the English chivalry was to teach the world
the lesson which they had learned from Robert Bruce thirty years before
at Bannockburn, was still in the future, as also was the Hundred Years'
War of which that battle was the prelude. It had seen the scandalous
schism of the Western Church, and the vision of a Pope at Rome, and
another Pope at Avignon, awakening in the mind of the nations an
entirely new set of thoughts and feelings with regard to the position of
both the Papacy and the Church. The early fourteenth century was indeed
an age of great events and of great men; but it was not an age, at least
as far as England was concerned, of great scholars. There was no
Grosseteste in the fourteenth century. Petrarch, the typical man of
letters, the true inspirer of the classical Renaissance, and in a sense
the founder of really modern literature, was a great scholar and
humanist, but he had no contemporary in England who could be called an
equal or a rival. His one English friend, Richard of Bury, Bishop of
Durham, book lover as he was--for his _Philobiblon_ we all owe him a
debt of gratitude--was after all only an ardent amateur and no scholar.
When Petrarch had applied to Richard for some information as to the
geography of the Thule of the ancients, the Bishop had put him off with
the statement that he had not his books with him, but would write fully
on his return home. Though more than once reminded of his promise, he
left the disappointed poet without an answer. The fact was, that Richard
was not so learned that he could afford to confess his ignorance. He
corresponds, in fact, to the earlier humanists of Italy--men who
collected manuscripts and saw the possibilities of learning, though they
were unable to attain to it themselves. There is much in his
_Philobiblon_ of the greatest interest, as, for example, his description
of the means by which he had collected his library at Durham College,
and his directions to students for its careful use, but despite his own
fervid love and somewhat rhetorical praise of learning, there is still a
certain personal pathos in the expression of his own impatience with the
ignorance and superficiality of the younger students of his day.
Writing in the _Philobiblon_ of the prevalent characteristics of Oxford
at this time, he writes:--

     "Forasmuch as (the students) are not grounded in their first
     rudiment at the proper time, they build a tottering edifice on an
     insecure foundation, and then when grown up they are ashamed to
     learn that which they should have acquired when of tender years,
     and thus must needs even pay the penalty of having too hastily
     vaulted into the possession of authority to which they had no
     claim. For these and like reasons, our young students fail to gain
     by their scanty lucubrations that sound learning to which the
     ancients attained, however they may occupy honourable posts, be
     called by titles, be invested with the garb of office, or be
     solemnly inducted into the seats of their seniors. Snatched from
     their cradle and hastily weaned, they get a smattering of the rules
     of Priscian and Donatus; in their teens and beardless they chatter
     childishly concerning the Categories and the Perihermenias in the
     composition of which Aristotle spent his whole soul."[33]

It is to be feared that the decline of learning, which at this period
was characteristic, as we thus see, of Oxford, was equally
characteristic of Cambridge. Certainly there was no scholar there of the
calibre of William of Ockham, or even of Richard of Bury, or of the
Merton Realist, Bradwardine, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury. It is
not indeed until more than a century later when we have reached the age
of Wycliffe, the first of the reformers and the last of the schoolmen,
that the name of any Cambridge scholar emerges upon the page of history.

[Illustration: Clare College and Bridge]

But meanwhile the collegiate system of the University was slowly
being developed. Some forty years after the foundation of Peterhouse, in
the year 1324, Hervey de Stanton, Chancellor of the Exchequer and Canon
of Bath and Wells, obtained from Edward II. permission to found at
Cambridge the College of "the Scholars of St. Michael." The college
itself, Michaelhouse, has long been merged in the great foundation of
Trinity, but its original statutes still exist and show that they were
conceived in a somewhat less liberal spirit than that of the code of
Hugh de Balsham. The monk and the friar are excluded from the society,
but the Rule of Merton is not mentioned. Two years afterwards, in 1326,
we find thirty-two scholars known as the "King's Scholars" maintained at
the University by Edward II. It seems probable that it had been the
intention of the King in this way to encourage the study of the civil
and the canon law, for books on these subjects were presented by him,
presumably for the use of the scholars, to Simon de Bury their warden,
and were subsequently taken away at the command of Queen Isabella. The
King had also intended to provide a hall of residence for these
"children of our chapel," but the execution of this design of
establishing a "King's Hall" was left to his son Edward III. The poet
Gray, in his "Installation Ode," has represented Edward III.--

"Great Edward with the lilies on his brow,
 From haughty Gallia torn,"

in virtue of his foundation of King's Hall, which was subsequently
absorbed in the greater society, as the founder of Trinity College. But
the honour evidently belongs with more justice to his father. It was,
however, by Edward III. that the Hall was built near the Hospital of S.
John, "to the honour of God, the Blessed Virgin, and all the Saints, and
for the soul of the Lord Edward his father, late King of England, of
famous memory, and the souls of Philippa, Queen of England, his most
dear consort, and of his children and progenitors."[34]

The statutes of King's Hall give an interesting contemporary picture of
collegiate life. The preamble moralises upon "the unbridled weakness of
humanity, prone by nature and from youth to evil, ignorant how to
abstain from things unlawful, easily falling into crime." It is required
that each scholar on his admission be proved to be of "good and
reputable conversation." He is not to be admitted under fourteen years
of age. His knowledge of Latin must be such as to qualify him for the
study of logic, or of whatever other branch of learning the master shall
decide, upon examination of his capacity, he is best fitted to follow.
The scholars were provided with lodging, food, and clothing. The sum
allowed for the weekly maintenance of a King's scholar was fourteen
pence, an unusually liberal allowance for weekly commons, suggesting the
idea that the foundation was probably designed for students of the
wealthier class, an indication which is further borne out by the
prohibitions with respect to the frequenting of taverns, the
introduction of dogs within the College precincts, the wearing of short
swords and peaked shoes (_contra honestatem clericalem_), the use of
bows, flutes, catapults, and the oft-repeated exhortation to orderly
conduct.

Following upon the establishment of Michaelhouse and King's Hall, in the
year 1326 the University in its corporate capacity obtained a royal
licence to settle a body of scholars in two houses in Milne Street. This
college was called University Hall, a title already adopted by a similar
foundation at Oxford. The Chancellor of the University at the time was a
certain Richard de Badew. The foundation, however, did not at first meet
with much success. In 1336 its revenues were found insufficient to
support more than ten scholars. In 1338, however, we find Elizabeth de
Burgh, Countess of Clare and granddaughter of Edward I., coming to the
help of the struggling society. By the death of her brother, the Earl of
Gloucester, at the battle of Bannockburn, leaving no issue, the whole of
a very princely estate came into the possession of the Lady Clare and
her two sisters. Having, by a deed dated 6th April 1338, received from
Richard de Badew, who therein calls himself "Founder, Patron, and
Advocate of the House called the Hall of the University of Cambridge,"
all the rights and titles of University Hall, the Lady Clare refounded
it, and supplied the endowments which hitherto it had lacked. The name
of the Hall was changed to Clare House (_Domus de Clare_). As early,
however, as 1346 we find it styled Clare Hall, a name which it bore down
to our own times, when, by resolution of the master and fellows in
1856, it was changed to Clare College. The following preamble to the
statutes of the College, which were granted in 1359, are perhaps worthy
of quotation as exhibiting, in spite of its quaint confusion of the
"Pearl of Great Price" with "the Candle set upon a Candlestick," the
pious and withal businesslike and sensible spirit of the foundress:--

     "To all the sons of our Holy Mother Church, who shall look into
     these pages, Elizabeth de Burgh, Lady de Clare, wishes health and
     remembrance of this transaction. Experience, which is the mistress
     of all things, clearly teaches that in every rank of life, as well
     temporal as ecclesiastical, a knowledge of literature is of no
     small advantage; which though it is searched into by many persons
     in many different ways, yet in a University, a place that is
     distinguished for the flourishing of general study, it is more
     completely acquired; and after it has been obtained, she sends
     forth her scholars who have tasted its sweets, apt and suitable men
     in the Church of God and in the State, men who will rise to various
     ranks according to the measure of their deserts. Desiring
     therefore, since this consideration has come over us, to extend as
     far as God has allowed us, for the furtherance of Divine worship,
     and for the advance and good of the State, this kind of knowledge
     which in consequence of a great number of men having been taken
     away by the fangs of pestilence, is now beginning lamentably to
     fail; we have turned the attention of our mind to the University of
     Cambridge, in the Diocese of Ely; where there is a body of
     students, and to a Hall therein, hitherto commonly called
     University Hall, which already exists of our foundation, and which
     we would have to bear the name of the House of Clare and no other,
     for ever, and have caused it to be enlarged in its resources out of
     the wealth given us by God and in the number of students; in order
     that the Pearl of Great Price, Knowledge, found and acquired by
     them by means of study and learning in the said University, may
     not lie hid beneath a bushel, but be published abroad; and by being
     published give light to those who walk in the dark paths of
     ignorance. And in order that the Scholars residing in our aforesaid
     House of Clare, under the protection of a more steadfast peace and
     with the advantage of concord, may choose to engage with more free
     will in study, we have carefully made certain statutes and
     ordinances to last for ever."[35]

[Illustration: Clare College and Bridge.]

The distinguishing characteristic of these statutes is the great
liberality they show in the requirements with respect to the professedly
clerical element. This, as the preamble, in fact, suggests, was the
result of a desire to fill up the terrible gap caused in the ranks of
the clergy by the outbreak of the Black Death, which first made its
appearance in England in the year 1348, and caused the destruction of
two and a half millions of the population in a single year.[36]

The Scholars or Fellows are to be twenty in number, of whom six are to
be in priest's orders at the time of their admission. The remaining
fellows are to be selected from bachelors or sophisters in arts, or from
"skilful and well-conducted" civilians and canonists, but only two
fellows may be civilians, and only one a canonist. The clauses relating
to the scheme of studies are, moreover, apparently intended to
discourage both these branches of law.

Of the further progress of the College in the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries we have no record, for the archives perished in the fire which
almost totally destroyed the early buildings in the year 1521. In the
seventeenth century, shortly before the outbreak of the Civil War, it
was proposed to rebuild the whole College, but owing to the troubles of
that time it was not until the beginning of the eighteenth century, in
the year 1715, that the work was finished. "The buildings are," said the
late Professor Willis, "among the most beautiful, from their situation
and general outline, that he could point out in the University."

There is extant an amusing account of the controversy between Clare Hall
and King's College, caused by the desire of the former to procure a
certain piece of land for purposes of recreation on the east side of the
Cam, called Butt Close, belonging to King's. Here are two of the letters
which passed between the rival litigants.

     "_The Answer of Clare-Hall to Certaine Reasons of King's College
     touching Butt-Close._

     "1. To the first we answer:--Iº. That y{e} annoyance of y{e} windes
     gathering betweene y^{e} Chappell and our Colledge is farre greater
     and more detriment to y^{t} Chappell, then any benefitt which they
     can imagine to receiue by y{e} shelter of our Colledge from wind
     and sunne.

     "2º. That y^{e} Colledge of Clare-hall being sett so neare as now
     it is, they will not only be sheltered from wind and sunne, but
     much deprived both of ayre and light.

     "3º. That y^{e} remove all of Clare Hall 70 feet westward will take
     away little or no considerable privacy from their gardens and
     walkes; for y{t} one of their gardens is farre remote, and y^{e}
     nearer fenced with a very high wall, and a vine spread upon a long
     frame, under which they doe and may privately walke."

     "_A Reply of King's Colledge to y^{e} Answer of Clare-Hall._

     "1. The wind so gathering breeds no detriment to our Chappell, nor
     did ever putt us to any reparacions there. The upper battlements at
     the west end haue sometimes suffered from y^{e} wind, but y^{e}
     wind could not there be straightned by Clare-hall, w^{ch} scarce
     reacheth to y^{e} fourth part of y^{e} height.

     "2º. No whit at all, for our lower story hath fewer windowes y^{t}
     way: the other are so high y^{t} Clare-Hall darkens them not, and
     hath windows so large y^{t} both for light and ayre no chambers in
     any Coll. exceed them.

     "3º. The farther garden is not farre remote, being scarce 25 yards
     distant from their intended building; y^{e} nearer is on one side
     fenced with a high wall indeed, but y^{t} wall is fraudulently
     alleaged by them, and beside y^{e} purpose: for y^{t} wall y^{t}
     stands between their view and y^{e} garden is not much aboue 6 feet
     in height: and y^{t} we haue any vine or frame there to walke under
     is manifestly untrue."[37]

However, the controversy was settled in favour of Clare-Hall by a letter
from the King.

A tradition has long prevailed that Clare-Hall was the College mentioned
by the poet Chaucer in his "Reeve's Tale," in the lines--

"And nameliche ther was a greet collegge,
 Men clepen the Soler-Halle at Cantebregge."

There appears, however, to be good reason for thinking that the Soler
Hall was in reality Garrett Hostel, a _soler_ or sun-chamber being the
equivalent of a garret. For the tradition also that Chaucer himself was
a Clare man there is no authority. The College may well be satisfied
with the list of authentic names of great men which give lustre to the
roll of its scholars--Hugh Latimer, the reformer and fellow-martyr of
Ridley; Nicholas Ferrar, the founder of the religious community of
Little Gidding; Wheelock, the great Saxon and oriental scholar; Ralph
Cudworth, leader of the Cambridge Platonists; Archbishop Tillotson and
his pupil the philosopher, Thomas Burnett; Whiston, the translator of
"Josephus"; Cole, the antiquary; Maseres, the lawyer and mathematician.

The foundation of Pembroke College, like that of Clare Hall, was also
due to the private sorrow of a noble lady. The poet Gray, himself a
Pembroke man, in the lines of his "Installation Ode," where he
commemorates the founders of the University--

"All that on Granta's fruitful plain
 Rich streams of royal bounty poured,"

speaks of this lady as

"...sad Chatillon on her bridal morn,
 That wept her bleeding love."

[Illustration: Pembroke College.]

This is in allusion to the somewhat doubtful story thus told by Fuller--

     "Mary de Saint Paul, daughter to Guido Castillion, Earl of S. Paul
     in France, third wife to Audomare de Valentia, Earl of Pembroke,
     maid, wife, and widow all in a day (her husband being unhappily
     slain at a tilting at her nuptials), sequestered herself on that
     sad accident from all worldly delights, bequeathed her soul to God,
     and her estate to pious uses, amongst which this is principal, that
     she founded in Cambridge the College of Mary de Valentia, commonly
     called Pembroke Hall."

[Illustration: Pembroke College]

All that authentic history records is that the Earl of Pembroke died
suddenly whilst on a mission to the Court of France in June 1324. His
widow expended a large part of her very considerable fortune both in
France and England on works of piety. In 1342 she founded the Abbey of
Denny in Cambridgeshire for nuns of the Order of S. Clare. The Charter
of Foundation of Pembroke College is dated 9th June 1348. It is to be
regretted that the earliest Rule given to the College, or to the _Aula
seu Domus de Valence Marie_, the Hall of Valence Marie, as it was at
first called, is not extant. A revised rule of the conjectural date of
1366, and another of perhaps not more than ten years later, furnished,
however, the data upon which Dr. Ainslie, Master of the College from
1828 to 1870, drew up an abstract of its constitution and early
history.[38] The most interesting feature of this constitution is the
provision made in the first instance for the management of the College
by the Franciscans, and its abolition on a later revision. According to
the first code--"the head of the College was to be elected by the
fellows, and to be distinguished by the title of the Keeper of the
House." There were to be annually elected two rectors, _the one a Friar
Minor_, the other a secular. This provision of the two rectors was
abolished in the later code, and with it apparently all official
connection between the College and the Franciscan Order, and it may be
perhaps conjectured all association also with the sister foundation at
Denny, concerning which the foundress, in her final _Vale_ of the
earlier code, had given to the fellows of the House of Valence Marie the
following quaint direction, that "on all occasions they should give
their best counsel and aid to the Abbess and Sisters of Denny, who had
from her a common origin with them."

[Illustration: Pembroke College Oriels & Entrance]

The exact date at which the building of the College was begun is not
known, but it was probably not long after the purchase of the site in
1346. Many of the original buildings which remained down to 1874 were
destroyed in the reconstruction of the College at that time. It is now
only possible to imagine many of the most picturesque features of that
building, of which Queen Elizabeth, on her visit to Cambridge in 1564,
enthusiastically exclaimed in passing, "_O domus antiqua et religiosa!_"
by consulting the print of the College published by Loggan about 1688.
Of the interesting old features still left, we have the chapel at the
corner of Trumpington Street and Pembroke Street, built in 1360 and
refaced in 1663, and the line of buildings extending down Pembroke
Street to the new master's lodge and the Scott building of modern date.
The old chapel has been used as a library since 1663, when the new
chapel, whose west end abuts on Trumpington Street, was built by Sir
Christopher Wren. The cloister, called Hitcham's Cloister, which joins
the Wren Chapel to the fine old entrance gateway, and the Hitcham
building[39] on the south side of the inner court, are dated 1666 and
1659 respectively. All the rest of the College is modern.

The early foundation of Pembroke College had some connection, as we have
seen, with the Franciscan Order. The early foundation of Gonville Hall,
which followed that of Pembroke in 1348, had a somewhat similar
connection with the Dominicans. Edward Gonville, its founder, was
vicar-general of the diocese of Ely, and rector of Ferrington and
Rushworth in Norfolk. In that county he had been instrumental in causing
the foundation of a Dominican house at Thetford. Two years before his
death he settled a master and two fellows in some tenements he had
bought in Luteburgh Lane, now called Free School Lane, on a site almost
coinciding with the present master's garden of Corpus, and gave to his
college the name of "the Hall of the Annunciation of the Blessed
Virgin." But he died in 1351, and left the completion of his design to
his executor, Bishop Bateman of Norwich. Bateman removed Gonville Hall
to the north-west corner of its present site, adjoining the "Hall of the
Holy Trinity," which he was himself endowing at the same period.
However, he too died within a few years, leaving both foundations
immature. The statutes of both halls are extant, and exhibit an
interesting contrast of ideal--the one that of a country parson of the
fourteenth century, moved by the simple desire to do something for the
encouragement of learning, and especially of theology, in the men of his
own profession--the other that of a Bishop, a learned canonist and busy
man of state, long resident at the Papal court at Avignon, regarded by
the Pope as "the flower of civilians and canonists," desirous above all
things by his College foundation of recruiting the ranks of his clergy,
thinned by the Black Death, with men trained, as he himself had been, in
the canon and civil law. It was the Bishop's ideal that triumphed.
Gonville's statutes requiring an almost exclusively theological training
for his scholars were abolished, and the course of study in the two
halls assimilated, Bateman, as founder of the two societies, by a deed
dated 1353, ratifying an agreement of fraternal affection and mutual
help between the two societies, as "scions of the same stock";
assigning, however, the precedence to the members of Trinity Hall,
"_tanquam fratres primo geniti_."[40] The fellows were by this agreement
bound to live together in amity like brothers, to take counsel together
in legal and other difficulties, to wear robes or cloaks of the same
pattern, and to consort together at academic ceremonies. Thus Gonville
Hall was fairly started on its way. It ranked from the first as a small
foundation, and though it gradually added to its buildings and acquired
various endowments, it did not materially increase its area for two
centuries. The ancient walls of its early buildings--its chapel, hall,
library, and master's lodge--are all doubtless still standing, though
coated over with the ashlar placed on them in 1754. The ancient beams of
the roof of the old hall are still to be seen in the attics of the
present tutor's house. The upper room over the passage which leads from
Gonville to Caius Court is the ancient chamber of the lodge where the
early masters used to sleep, very little changed. The old main entrance
to the College was in Trinity Lane, a thoroughfare so filthy in the
reign of Richard II. that the King himself was appealed to, in order to
check the "_horror abominabilis_" through which students had to plunge
on their way to the schools. From time to time new benefactors of the
College came, though for the most part of a minor sort; some of whom,
however, have left quaint traces behind them. Of such was a certain
Cluniac monk, John Household by name, a student in 1513, who in his
will dated 1543 thus bequeaths--"To the College in Cambrydge called
Gunvyle Hall, my longer table-clothe, my two awter (altar) pillows, with
their bears of black satten bordered with velvet pirled with goulde:
also a frontelet with the salutation of Our Lady curely wroughte with
goulde; and besides two suts of vestements having everythinge belonging
to the adorning of a preste to say masse: the one is a light greene
having white ends, and the other a duned Taphada," whatever that may be.
He also leaves his books, "protesting that whatsoever be founde in my
bookes I intend to dye a veray Catholical Christen man, and the King's
letheman and trewe subjecte." This might seem to speak well, perhaps,
for the catholicity of the College in the thirty-fourth year of Henry
VIII., and yet thirteen years earlier Bishop Nix of Norwich had written
to Archbishop Warham: "I hear no clerk that hath come out lately of
Gunwel Haule but saverith of the frying panne, though he speak never so
holely." Anyhow about this time the College became notorious as a hotbed
of reformed opinions. It was, however, at this time also that a young
student was trained within its walls, who, after a distinguished career
at Cambridge--it would be an anachronism to call him senior wrangler,
but his name stands first in that list which afterwards developed into
the Mathematical Tripos--passed to the university of Padua to study
medicine under the great anatomist, Vesalius, ultimately becoming a
professor there, and returning to England, and to medical practice in
London, and having presumably amassed a fortune in the process, formed
the design of enlarging what he pathetically describes as "that pore
house now called Gonville Hall." On September 4, 1557, John Caius
obtained the charter for his new foundation, and the ancient name of
Gonville Hall was changed to that of Gonville and Caius College. In the
following year the new benefactor was elected Master, and the remaining
years of his life were spent, on the one hand, in quarrelling with
Fellows about "College copes, vestments, albes, crosses, tapers ... and
all massynge abominations;" and, on the other, in designing and carrying
out those noble architectural additions to the College which give to the
buildings of Caius College their chief interest.

[Illustration: Gate of Honour & Gate of Virtue Caius College]

     "In his architectural works," says Mr. Atkinson, "Caius shews
     practical common sense combined with the love of symbolism. His
     court is formed by two ranges of building on the east and west, and
     on the north by the old chapel and lodge. To the south the court is
     purposely left open, and the erection of buildings on this side is
     expressly forbidden by one of his statutes, lest the air from being
     confined within a narrow space should become foul. The same care is
     shewn in another statute which imposes on any one who throws dirt
     or offal into the court, or who airs beds or bedlinen there, a fine
     of three shillings and fourpence. In his will also he requires that
     'there be mayntayned a lustie and healthie, honest, true, and
     unmarried man of fortie years of age and upwardes to kepe cleane
     and swete the pavementes.'"[41]

The love of Dr. Caius for symbolism is shown most conspicuously in his
design of the famous three Gates of Humility, of Virtue, and of Honour,
which were intended to typify, by the increasing richness of their
design, the path of the student from the time of his entrance to the
College, to the day when he passed to the schools to take his Degree in
Arts. The Gate of Humility was a simple archway with an entablature
supported by pilasters, forming the new entrance to the College from
Trinity Street, or as it was then called, High Street, immediately
opposite St. Michael's Church. On the inside of this gate there was a
frieze on which was carved the word HUMILITATIS. From this gate there
led a broad walk, bordered by trees, much in the fashion of the present
avenue entrance to Jesus College, to the Gate of Virtue, a simple and
admirable gateway tower in the range of the new buildings, forming the
eastern side of the court, still known as Caius Court.

     "The word VIRTUTIS is inscribed on the frieze above the arch on the
     eastern side, in the spandrils of which are two female figures
     leaning forwards. That on the left holds a leaf in her left hand,
     and a palm branch in her right; that on the right a purse in her
     right hand, and a cornucopia in her left. The western side of this
     gate has on its frieze, 'IO. CAIUS POSUIT SAPIENTIAE, 1567,' an
     inscription manifestly derived from that on the foundation stone
     laid by Dr. Caius. Hence this gate is sometimes described as the
     Gate of Wisdom, a name which has however no authority. In the
     spandrils on this side are the arms of Dr. Caius."[42]

In the centre of the south wall, forming the frontage to Schools Street,
stands the Gate of Honour. It is a singularly beautiful and picturesque
composition, "built of squared hard stone wrought according to the very
form and figure which Dr. Caius in his lifetime had himself traced out
for the architect."[43] It was not built until two years after Caius'
death, that is about the year 1575. It is considered probable that the
architect was Theodore Havens of Cleves, who was undoubtedly the
designer of "the great murall diall" over the archway leading into
Gonville Court, and of the column "wrought with wondrous skill
containing 60 sun-dialls ... and the coat armour of those who were of
gentle birth at that time in the College," standing in the centre of
Caius Court, and of the "Sacred Tower," on the south side of the Chapel,
all since destroyed.

Beautiful as the Gate of Honour still remains, it must have had a very
different appearance when it left the architect's hand. Many of its most
interesting features have wholly vanished. Among the illustrations to
Willis and Clark's "History" there is an interesting attempt to restore
the gateway with all its original details. At each angle, immediately
above the lowest cornice, there was a tall pinnacle. Another group of
pinnacles surrounded the middle stage, one at each corner of the
hexagonal tower. On each face of the hexagon there was a sun-dial, and
"at its apex a weathercock in the form of a serpent and dove." In the
spandrils of the arch next the court are the arms of Dr. Caius, on an
oval shield, "two serpents erect, their tails nowed together," and
"between them a book." On the frieze is carved the word HONORIS. The
whole of the stonework was originally painted white, and some parts,
such as the sun-dials, the roses in the circular panels, and the
coats-of-arms, were brilliant with colour and gold. The last payment for
this "painting and gilding" bears date 1696 in the Bursar's book. Dr.
Caius died in 1573, and was buried in the Chapel. On his monument are
inscribed two short sentences--_Vivit post funera virtus_ and _Fui
Caius_.

[Illustration: Caius College The Gate of Honour]

And so we may leave him and his College, and also perhaps fitly end this
chapter with the kindly words with which Fuller commends to posterity
the memory of this great College benefactor:--

     "Some since have sought to blast his memory by reporting him a
     <DW7>; no great crime to such who consider the time when he was
     born, and foreign places wherein he was bred: however, this I dare
     say in his just defence, he never mentioneth protestants but with
     due respect, and sometimes occasionally doth condemn the
     superstitious credulity of popish miracles. Besides, after he had
     resigned his mastership to Dr. Legg, he lived fellow-commoner in
     the College, and having built himself a little seat in the chapel,
     was constantly present at protestant prayers. If any say all this
     amounts but to a lukewarm religion, we leave the heat of his faith
     to God's sole judgment, and the light of his good works to men's
     imitation."[44]




CHAPTER VI

THE COLLEGE OF THE CAMBRIDGE GUILDS

     "The noblest memorial of the Cambridge gilds consists of the
     College which was endowed by the munificence of St. Mary's Gild and
     the Corpus Christi Gild: it perpetuates their names in its own....
     In other towns the gilds devoted their energies to public works of
     many kinds--to maintaining the sea-banks at Lynn, to sustaining the
     aged at Coventry, and to educating the children at Ludlow. In
     embarking on the enterprise of founding a College, the Cambridge
     men seem, however, to stand alone; we can at least be sure that the
     presence of the University here afforded the conditions which
     rendered it possible for their liberality to take this
     form."--CUNNINGHAM.

     Unique Foundation of Corpus Christi College--The Cambridge
     Guilds--The influence of "the Good Duke"--The Peasant
     Revolt--Destruction of Charters--"Perish the skill of the
     Clerks!"--The Black Death--Lollardism at the Universities--The
     Poore Priestes of Wycliffe.


"Here at this time were two eminent guilds or fraternities of towns-folk
in Cambridge, consisting of brothers and sisters, under a _chief_
annually chosen, called an alderman.

     "The Guild of Corpus Christi, keeping their prayers in St.
     Benedict's Church.

     "The Guild of the Blessed _Virgin_, observing their offices in St.
     Mary's Church.

"Betwixt these there was a zealous emulation, which of them should
amortize and settle best maintenance for such chaplains to pray for the
souls of those of their brotherhood. Now, though generally in those days
the stars outshined the sun; I mean more honour (and consequently more
wealth) was given to saints than to Christ himself; yet here the Guild
of Corpus Christi so outstript that of the Virgin Mary in endowments,
that the latter (leaving off any further thoughts of contesting) desired
an union, which, being embraced, they both were incorporated together.
2. Thus being happily married, they were not long issueless, but a small
college was erected by their united interest, which, bearing the name of
both parents, was called the College of Corpus Christi and the Blessed
Mary. However, it hath another working-day name, commonly called (from
the adjoined church) Benet College; yet so, that on festival solemnities
(when written in Latin, in public instruments) it is termed by the
foundation name thereof."[45]

So picturesquely writes Thomas Fuller of the Foundation of Corpus
Christi College.

The colleges of Cambridge owe their foundation to many and various
sources. We have already seen two of the most ancient tracing their
origin to the liberality and foresight of wise bishops, two others to
the widowed piety of noble ladies, one to the unselfish goodness of a
parish priest. Later we shall find the stately patronage of kings and
queens given to great foundations, and on the long roll of university
benefactors we shall have to commemorate the names of great statesmen
and great churchmen, philosophers, scholars, poets, doctors, soldiers,
"honoured in their generation and the glory of their days." One college,
however, there is which has a unique foundation, for it sprang, in the
first instance, from that purest fount of true democracy, the spirit of
fraternal association for the protection of common rights and of mutual
responsibility for the religious consecration of common duties, by which
the Cambridge aldermen and burgesses in the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries were striving by their guild life, to cherish those essential
qualities of the English character--personal independence and faith in
law-abidingness--which lie at the root of all that is best in our modern
civilisation, and were undoubtedly characteristic of the English people
in the earliest times of which history has anything to tell us.

The history of the guild life of Cambridge is one of unusual interest.
The story breaks off far oftener than we could wish, but in the
continuity of its religious guild history Cambridge holds a very
important place, second only perhaps to that of Exeter. All the
Cambridge guilds of which we know anything seem to have been essentially
religious guilds, so prominent throughout their history remained their
religious object. It is only indeed in connection with one of the
earliest of which we have any record, the guild of Cambridge Thegns in
the eleventh century, associated in devotion to S. Etheldreda, the
foundress saint of Ely, that we find any secular element. That Guild
does indeed offer to its members a secular protection of which the later
guilds of the thirteenth century knew nothing, for they were religious
guilds pure and simple. It is true that in the first charter of King
John, dated 8th Jan. 1201, there appears to be a confirmation to the
burgesses of Cambridge of a _guild merchant_ granting to them certain
secular rights of toll. But there does not appear to be any historical
evidence to show that the Guild Merchant of Cambridge ever took definite
shape, or stood apart in any way from the general body of burgesses.
King John's charter simply secured to the town those liberties and
franchises which all the chief boroughs of England enjoyed at the
beginning of the thirteenth century.[46]

[Illustration: The Churches of S. Edward & St. Mary--the Great from Peas
Hill]

The first religious guild of which we have any record is the Guild of
the Holy Sepulchre, known to us only by an isolated reference in the
history of Ramsey Abbey, which tells us of a fraternity existing in
1114-36, whose purpose was the building of a Minster in honour of God
and the Holy Sepulchre, and which resulted in the erection of the
Cambridge Round Church. Of Cambridge guild life we hear nothing more
until the reign of Edward I., when we find record of certain conveyances
of land being made to the Guild of S. Mary. From the first this guild is
closely associated with Great S. Mary's Church, the University Church of
to-day, the Church of S. Mary at Market, as it was called in the early
days. The members of it were called the alderman, brethren and sisters
of S. Mary's Guild belonging to the Church of the Virgin. Its
benefactors direct that should the guild cease, the benefaction shall go
to the celebration of Our Lady Mass in her Church. The underlying
spirit, however, whatever may have been the superstitious ritual
connected with the organisation, was very much the same as that of the
English Friendly Society of to-day. "Let all share the same lot," ran
one of the statutes; "if any misdo, let all bear it." "For the
nourishing of brotherly love,"--so the members of another society took
the oath of loyalty--"they would be good and true loving brothers to the
fraternity, helping and counselling with all their power if any brother
that hath done his duties well and truly come or fall to poverty, as God
them help."

     "The purpose of S. Mary's Gild was primarily the provision of
     prayers for the members. The 'congregation' of brethren, sometimes
     brethren and sisters, met at irregular intervals, to pass
     ordinances and to elect officers. In 1300 they agree to attend S.
     Mary's Church on Jan. 2, to celebrate solemn mass for dead members.
     The penalty for absence was half a pound of wax, consumed no doubt
     in the provision of gild lights before the altar of Our Lady.
     Richard Bateman and his wife, in their undated grant, made the
     express condition that in return they should receive daily prayers
     for the health of their souls.... In the year 1307 ... the gild
     passed an ordinance directing the gild chaplains to celebrate two
     trentals of masses (60 in all) for each dead brother. If the
     deceased left anything in his will to the gild, then as the
     alderman might appoint, the chaplains should do more or less
     celebration according to the amount bequeathed to the gild. The
     rule is naive, but its spirit is unpleasing. Individualism has
     thrust itself in where it seems very much out of place. The
     enrolment of the souls of the dead further witnesses to the purely
     religious character of the gild, and the purchase of a missal
     should also be noticed."[47]

The minutes and bede roll of the guild, which have lately been published
by the Cambridge Antiquarian Society, show that the association
continued to flourish down to the time of the Great Plague. On its bede
roll we find such names as those of Richard Hokyton, vicar of the Round
Church; of "Alan Parson of Seint Beneytis Chirche"; of Warinus
Bassingborn, High Sheriff of Cambridgeshire in 1341; of Walter Reynald,
Chancellor of the University and Archbishop of Canterbury, who died in
1327; and of Richard of Bury, Bishop of Durham, and author of the
_Philobiblon_, who died in 1345. In 1352, on "account of poverty," the
Guild, by Royal Charter, was allowed to coalesce with the Guild of
Corpus Christi, for the purpose of founding a college.

Of this latter guild we have no earlier record than 1349, three years
only before the date of union with S. Mary's. Its minute-book, however,
which begins in 1350, shows it to have been at that time a flourishing
institution. It had probably been founded, like that which bore the same
dedication at York, for the purpose of conducting the procession on the
Feast of Corpus Christi on the Thursday after Trinity Sunday, a festival
instituted about 1264. There are no existing bede rolls of the guild,
and therefore no means of knowing the names of any members who entered
before 1350. It appears to have been attached from the first to the
ancient Church of S. Benet. The reversion of the advowson of that Church
was in 1350 held by a group of men, several of whom were leading members
of the guild. In 1353 the then Rector entered the guild, and "by the
ordinance of his friends" resigned the Church to the Bishop "gratis,"
that "_the brethren_ and those who had acquired the advowson" might
enter upon their possession. It is disappointing to find that there are
no guild records telling of the union of S. Mary's guild with that of
Corpus Christi, or of the circumstances which led to the creation of the
college bearing the joint names of the two guilds. Such foundation was,
as we have said, a remarkable event in the history of Cambridge
collegiate life. Not that these guilds were the first or the last to
take part in the endowment of education; for many of the ancient grammar
schools of the country owe their origin to, or were greatly assisted by,
the benefactions of religious guilds. For example, Mr. Leach in his
"English Schools at the Reformation" has noted, that out of thirty-three
guilds, of whose returns he treats, no less than twenty-eight were
supporting grammar schools. But the foundation of a college was a more
ambitious task. It has a peculiar interest also, as that of an effort
towards the healing of what was, even at this time, an outstanding feud
between town and gown, between city and university.

The principal authority for the history of the site and buildings of the
college is the _Historiola_ of Josselin, a fellow of Queen's College,
and Latin secretary to Archbishop Parker. According to his narrative,
the guild of Corpus Christi had begun seriously to entertain the idea of
building a college as early as 1342, for about that date, he says:--

     "Those brethren who lived in the parishes of S. Benedict and S.
     Botolph, and happened to have tenements and dwelling-houses close
     together in the street called Leithburne Lane, pulled them down,
     and with one accord set about the task of establishing a college
     there: having also acquired certain other tenements in the same
     street from the University. By this means they cleared a site for
     their college, square in form and as broad as the space between the
     present gate of entrance (_i.e._ by S. Benet's Church) and the
     Master's Garden."[48]

The original mover in the scheme for a guild college may well have been
the future master, Thomas of Eltisley, chaplain to the Archbishop of
Canterbury and rector of Lambeth. Among the Cambridge burgesses William
Horwood, the mayor, was treasurer of the Guild in 1352, and used the
mayoral seal for guild purposes, because the seals of the alderman and
brethren of the Guild "are not sufficiently well known." Another mayor
of Cambridge about this time, Robert de Brigham, was a member of the
other associated Guild of S. Mary. How the support of Henry, Duke of
Lancaster--the "Good Duke," as he was called--was secured does not
appear, but he is mentioned as alderman of the Guild, in the letters
patent of Edward III. in 1352, establishing the College. His influence
perhaps may have been gained through Sir Walter Manny, the countryman
and friend of Queen Philippa, whose whole family was enrolled in the
Guild.

At any rate, with the enrolment of the "Good Duke" as alderman of the
Guild, the success of the proposed college was secure. In 1355 the
Foundation received the formal consent of the chancellor and masters of
the University, of the Bishop of Ely, and of the Prior and Chapter of
Ely. The College Statutes, dated in the following year, 1356, show that
"the chaplain and scholars were bound to appear in S. Benet's or S.
Botulph's Church at certain times, and in all Masses the chaplains were
to celebrate for the health of the King and Queen Philippa and their
children, and the Duke of Lancaster, and the brethren and sisters,
founders and benefactors of the Guild and College," and although this
perhaps, rather than the love of learning, pure and simple, was the
chief aim which influenced the early founders of Corpus Christi College,
the Society has in after ages held a worthy place in the history of the
University, and "Benet men" have occupied positions in church and state
quite equal to those of more ample foundations. Three Archbishops of
Canterbury--Parker, Tennison, and Herring--have been Corpus men, one of
whom, Matthew Parker, enriched it with priceless treasures, and gave to
its library a unique value by the bequest of what Fuller has called "the
sun of English antiquity." Indeed, if they have done nothing else, the
men of the Cambridge guilds have laid all students of English history
under a supreme debt of gratitude in the provision of a place where so
many of the MSS. so laboriously collected by Archbishop Parker are
housed and preserved. From the walls of Benet College, also, there went
out many other distinguished men: statesmen, like Nicholas Bacon, the
Lord Keeper of the Seal; bishops, like Thomas Goodrich and Peter
Gunning, of Ely; translators of the Scriptures, like Taverner, and
Huett, and Pierson; commentators on the Old Testament, like the learned
and ingenious Dean Spencer of Ely, the Wellhausen of the seventeenth
century; soldiers, like the brave Earl of Lindsey, who fell at Edgehill,
or like General Braddock, who was killed in Ohio in the colonial war
against the French; learned antiquaries, like Richard Gough; sailors,
like Cavendish, the circumnavigator; poets, like Christopher Marlowe and
John Fletcher.

[Illustration: Corpus Christi College and S. Benedict's Church]

The College as originally built consisted of one court, which still
remains, and is known as "the Old Court." It still preserves much of its
ancient character, and is specially interesting as being probably _the
first originally planned quadrangle_. Josselin speaks of it as being
"entirely finished, chiefly in the days of Thomas Eltisle, the first
master, but partly in the days of Richard Treton, the second master." It
consisted simply of a hall range on the south and chambers on the three
other sides. The former contained at the south-east corner the master's
chambers, communicating with the common parlour below, and also with the
library and hall. As in most of the early colleges, both the gateway
tower and the chapel were absent. The entrance was by an archway of the
simplest character in the north range, opening into the southern part of
the churchyard of S. Benet, and thus communicating with Free School
Lane, running past the east end of the church, or northwards past the
old west tower, with Benet Street. At the end of the fifteenth century
two small chapels, one above the other, were built adjoining the south
side of S. Benet's chancel. They were connected with the College
buildings by a gallery carried on arches like that already described in
connection with Peterhouse. This picturesque building still exists. S.
Benet's Church was used as the College chapel down to the beginning of
the seventeenth century, when a new chapel was built, mainly due to the
liberality of Sir Nicholas Bacon, Lord Keeper of the Great Seal. This
chapel occupied nearly the same site as the western part of the present
building, which took its place in 1823, as part of the scheme of
buildings which gave to Corpus the large new court with frontage to
Trumpington Street. The principal feature of these buildings is the new
library occupying the whole of the upper floor of the range of building
on the south side of the quadrangle. It is here that the celebrated
collection of ancient MSS. collected by Archbishop Parker are housed.
They contain, among many other treasures, the Winchester text of the
"Old English Chronicle," that great national record, which at the
bidding of King Alfred, in part quite probably under his own eye, was
written in the scriptorium of Winchester Cathedral; ancient copies of
the "Penitentiale" of Archbishop Theodore; King Alfred's translation of
Pope Gregory's "Pastorale"; Matthew Paris' own copy of his "History"; a
copy of "John of Salisbury" which once belonged to Thomas a Becket; the
Peterborough "Psalter"; Chaucer's "Troilus," with a splendid
frontispiece of 1450; a magnificent folio of Homer's "Iliad" and
"Odyssey"--a note by Josselin tells how "a baker at Canterbury rescued
it from among some waste paper, remaining from S. Augustine's monastery
after the dissolution," and how the Archbishop welcomed it as "a
monstrous treasure"; and Jerome's Latin version of the "Four Gospels,"
sent by Pope Gregory to Augustine, the first Archbishop of Canterbury,
"the most interesting manuscript in England."

No wonder that in handing over such a priceless gift to the charge of
the College, Archbishop Parker should have striven to secure its future
safety by this stringent regulation set out in his Deed of Gift.

     " ...That nothing be wanting for their more careful preservation,
     the Masters of Gonville and Caius College and of Trinity Hall, or
     their substitutes, are appointed annual supervisors on the 6th of
     August; on which occasion they are to be invited to dinner with two
     scholars of his foundation in those colleges; when each of the
     former is to have 3s. 4d. and the scholars 1s. a piece for their
     trouble in overlooking them; at which time they may inflict a
     penalty of 4d. for every leaf of MS. that may be found wanting; for
     every sheet, 2s.; and for every printed book or MS. missing, and
     not restored within six months after admonition, what sum they
     think proper. But if 6 MSS. in folio, 8 in quarto, and 12 in lesser
     size, should at any time be lost through supine negligence, and not
     restored within 6 months, then with the consent of the
     Vice-Chancellor and one senior doctor, not only all the books but
     likewise all the plate he gave shall be forfeited and surrendered
     up to Gonville and Caius College within a month following. And if
     they should afterwards be guilty of the like neglect they are then
     to be delivered over to Trinity Hall, and in case of their default
     to revert back in the former order. Three catalogues of these books
     were directed to be made, whereof one was to be delivered to each
     College, which was to be sealed with their common seal and
     exhibited at every visitation."

[Illustration: The Pitt Press, S. Botolph's Church, and Corpus Christie
College]

We have spoken of the early foundation of the Guild College as in some
sense an effort on the part of the Cambridge burgesses of the fourteenth
century to take some worthy share in the development of university life.
Unfortunately the good feeling between town and gown was not of long
duration. As the older burgesses who had been brethren of the gilds of
Corpus Christi and S. Mary died off, an estrangement sprang up between
the members of the college they had founded and the new generation of
townsmen. The initial cause of trouble arose from the character of some
of the early endowments of the College. It would seem that in addition
to the many houses and tenements in the town which had been bequeathed
to the College, a particularly objectional rate in the form of "candle
rent" was exacted by the College authorities. It is said that so
numerous were the Cambridge tenements subjected to this rate, that
one-half of the houses in the town had become tributary to the College.
The townsmen did not long confine themselves to mere murmuring or
"passive resistance." In 1381 the populace, taking advantage of the
excitement caused by the Wat Tyler rebellion, vented their animosity and
unreasoning hatred of learning by the destruction of all the College
books, charters, and writings, and everything that bespoke a lettered
community on the Saturday next after the feast of Corpus Christi,
prompted perhaps by their hatred of the pomp and display of wealth in
connection with the great annual procession of the Host through the
streets. The bailiffs and commonalty of Cambridge, so we read in the old
record, assembled in the town hall and elected James of Grantchester
their captain. "Then going to Corpus Christi College, breaking open the
house and doors, they traitorously carried away the charters, writings,
and muniments." On the following Sunday they caused the great bell of S.
Mary's Church to be rung, and there broke open the university chest. The
masters and scholars under intimidation surrendered all their charters,
muniments, ordinances, and a grand conflagration ensued in the
market-place. One old woman, Margaret Steere, gathered the ashes in her
hands and flung them into the air with the cry, "Thus perish the skill
of the clerks! away with it! away with it!" Having finished their work
of destruction in the market-place, the crowd of rioters marched out to
Barnwell, "doing," so Fuller tells the story, "many sacrilegious
outrages to the Priory there. Nor did their fury fall on men alone, even
trees were made to taste of their cruelty. In their return they cut down
a curious grove called Green's Croft by the river side (the ground now
belonging to Jesus College), as if they bare such a hatred to all wood
they would not leave any to make gallows thereof for thieves and
murderers. All these insolencies were acted just at that juncture of
time when Jack Straw and Wat Tyler played Rex in and about London. More
mischief had they done to the scholars had not Henry Spencer, the
warlike Bishop of Norwich, casually come to Cambridge with some forces
and seasonably suppressed their madness."[49]

And so the story of the seven earliest of the Cambridge colleges closes
in a time of social misery and of national peril. The collapse of the
French war after Crecy, and the ruinous taxation of the country which
was consequent upon it, the terrible plague of the Black Death sweeping
away half the population of England, and the iniquitous labour laws,
which in face of that depopulation strove to keep down the rate of wages
in the interests of the landlords, had brought the country to the verge
of a wide, universal, social, political revolution. It was no time,
perhaps, in which to look for any great national advance in scholarship
or learning, much less for new theories of education or of academic
progress. It is not certainly in the subtle realist philosophy and the
dry syllogistic Latin of the _De Dominio Divino_ of John Wycliffe, the
greatest Oxford schoolman of his age, but in the virile, homely English
tracts, terse and vehement, which John Wycliffe, the Reformer, wrote for
the guidance of his "poore priestes" (and in which, incidentally, he
made once more the English tongue a weapon of literature), that we find
the new forces of thought and feeling which were destined to tell on
every age of our later history. It is not in the good-humoured, gracious
worldliness of the poet Chaucer--most true to the English life of his
own day as is the varied picture of his "Canterbury Tales"--but in the
rustic shrewdness and surly honesty of "Peterkin the Plowman" in William
Langland's great satire, that we find the true "note" of English
religion, that godliness, grim, earnest, and Puritan, which was from
henceforth to exercise so deep an influence on the national character.

But while what was good in the Lollard spirit survived, the Lollards
themselves, with the death of Wycliffe and of John of Gaunt, his great
friend and protector, fell upon evil times. Their revolution by force
had almost succeeded. For a short time they were masters of the field.
But with the passing of the immediate terror of the Peasant Revolt, the
conservative forces of the state rallied to the protection of that
social order, whose very existence the Lollards had, by their ferocious
extravagance and frantic communism, seemed to threaten. The wiser
contemporaries of this movement agreed to abandon its provocations and
to consign it to oblivion or misconception. At Oxford, the Government
threatened to suppress the University itself unless the Lollards were
displaced. And Oxford, to outward appearance, submitted. Its Lollard
chancellor was dismissed. The "poore priestes" and preachers were
silenced, or departed to spread the new Gospel of the "Bible-men" across
the sea. Some recanted and became bishops, cardinals, persecutors. But
many remained obscure or silent and cautious. Thomas Arundel, Archbishop
of Canterbury, speaking of Oxford, said that there were wild vines in
the University, and therefore little grapes; that tares were constantly
sown among the pure wheat, and that the whole University was leavened
with heresy. "You cannot meet," said a monkish historian, "five people
talking together but three of them are Lollards." At Cambridge, on the
16th September 1401, holding a visitation in the Congregation House, the
Archbishop had privately put to the Chancellor and the Doctors ten
questions with regard to the discipline of the University. One question
was significant: "_Were there any_," the Archbishop asked, "_suspected
of Lollardism?_" The terrible and infamous statute, "De Heretico
Comburendo," had been passed in the previous year, and but a few months
before the first victim of that enactment had been burnt at the stake.

It is an historic saying, that "Cambridge bred the Founders of the
English Reformation and that Oxford burnt them." The statement is not
without its grain of truth. The Puritan Reformation of the sixteenth
century found, no doubt, its strongest adherents in the eastern counties
of England; but it was not so much because the scholars of Cambridge
welcomed more heartily than their brothers in the western university the
teaching of the scholars of Geneva, but because the people of East
Anglia, two centuries before, had been saturated with the Bible teaching
of the "poore priestes" of Wycliffe's school, and throughout the whole
of the intervening period had secretly cherished it. For the present,
however, the curtain drops on the age of the schoolmen with the death of
Wycliffe. When it rises again, we shall find ourselves in the age of the
New Learning. What the transition was from one time to the other, how
deeply the Revival of Learning influenced the reformation of religion,
we shall hear in the succeeding chapters.




CHAPTER VII

TWO ROYAL FOUNDATIONS

"Tax not the royal saint with vain expense,
 With ill-matched aims the architect who planned,
 Albeit labouring for a scanty band
 Of white-robed scholars only--this immense
 And glorious work of fine intelligence!
 Give all thou can'st: high Heaven rejects the lore
 Of nicely calculated less or more;
 So deemed the man who fashioned for the sense
 These lofty pillars, spread that branching roof,
 Self-poised, and scooped into ten thousand cells,
 Where light and shade repose, where music dwells
 Lingering--and wandering on as loth to die;
 Like thoughts whose very sweetness yieldeth proof
 That they were born for immortality."
                --WORDSWORTH'S _Sonnet on King's College Chapel_.

     Henry VI.--The most pitiful Character in all English History--His
     devotion to Learning and his Saintly Spirit--His foundation of Eton
     and King's College--The Building of King's College Chapel--Its
     architect, Reginald of Ely, the Cathedral Master-Mason--Its
     relation to the Ely Lady Chapel--Its stained glass Windows--Its
     close Foundation--Queens' College--Margaret of Anjou and Elizabeth
     Wydville--The buildings of Queens'--Similarity to Haddon Hall--Its
     most famous Resident, Erasmus--His _Novum Instrumentum_ edited
     within its Walls.


On the 6th of December 1421, being S. Nicolas' Day, the unhappy Henry of
Windsor was born. On the 1st of September in the following year, as an
infant of less than a year old, he began his reign of forty miserable
years as Henry VI. There is no more pitiful character in all English
history than he. Henry V., his father, had been by far the greatest king
of Christendom, and England, under his rule, had rejoiced in a light
which was all the brighter for the gloom that preceded and followed it.
The dying energies of mediaeval life sank into impotency with his death.
The long reign of his son is one unbroken record of divided counsels,
constitutional anarchy, civil war, national exhaustion; only too
faithfully fulfilling the prophecy which his father is said to have
uttered, when he was told in France of the birth of his son at Windsor:
"I, Henry of Monmouth, shall gain much in my short reign, but Henry of
Windsor will reign much longer and lose all; but God's will be done."

"Henry VI."--I quote the pathetic words of my kinsman, the historian of
the Constitution--

     "Henry was perhaps the most unfortunate king who ever reigned; he
     outlived power and wealth and friends; he saw all who had loved him
     perish for his sake, and, to crown all, the son, the last and
     dearest of the great house from which he sprang, the centre of all
     his hopes, the depositary of the great Lancastrian traditions of
     English polity, set aside and slain. And he was without doubt most
     innocent of all the evils that befell England because of him.
     Pious, pure, generous, patient, simple, true and just, humble,
     merciful, fastidiously conscientious, modest and temperate, he
     might have seemed made to rule a quiet people in quiet times.... It
     is needless to say that for the throne of England in the midst of
     the death struggle of nations, parties, and liberties, Henry had
     not one single qualification."[50]

[Illustration: King's Parade]

And yet he did leave an impression on the hearts of Englishmen which
will not readily be erased. For setting aside the fabled visions and the
false miracle with which he is credited, and upon which Henry VII.
relied when he pressed the claims of his predecessor for formal
canonisation on Pope Julius II., it was certainly no mere
anti-Lancastrian loyalty or party spirit which led the rough yeomen
farmers of Yorkshire to worship before his statue on the rood-screen of
their Minster and to sing hymns in his honour, or caused the Latin
prayers which he had composed to be reverently handed down to the time
of the Reformation through many editions of the "Sarum Hours." One
enduring monument there is of his devotion to learning and of his
saintly spirit, which must long keep his memory green, namely, the royal
and religious foundation of the two great colleges which he projected at
Eton and at Cambridge.

Of Eton we need not speak. The fame of that college is written large on
the page of English history. And that fame and its founder's memory we
may safely leave to the "scholars of Henry" in its halls and playing
fields to-day.

"Christ and His Mother, heavenly maid,
 Mary, in whose fair name was laid
 Eton's corner, bless our youth
 With truth, and purity, mother of truth!

 O ye, 'neath breezy skies of June,
 By silver Thames' lulling tune,
 In shade of willow or oak, who try
 The golden gates of poesy;
 Or on the tabled sward all day
 Match your strength in England's play,
 Scholars of Henry giving grace
 To toil and force in game or race;

 Exceed the prayer and keep the fame
 Of him, the sorrowful king who came
 Here in his realm, a realm to found
 Where he might stand for ever crowned."[51]

It was on the 12th of February 1441, when Henry of Windsor was only
nineteen years old, that the first charter for the foundation of King's
College, Cambridge, was signed. On the 2nd of April in the same year he
laid the first stone. It is difficult to say from whence the first
impulse to the patronage of learning came to the King. He had always
been a precocious scholar, too early forced to recognise his work as
successor to his father. Something of his uncle Duke Humfrey of
Gloucester's ardent love of letters he had imbibed at an early age. No
doubt, too, the Earl of Warwick, "the King's master" for eighteen years,
had faithfully discharged his duty to "teach him nurture, literature,
language, and other manner of cunning as his age shall suffer him to
comprehend such as it fitteth so great a prince to be learned of," and
had made his royal pupil a good scholar and accomplished gentleman:
though perhaps he had suffered the young king's mind to take somewhat
too ascetic and ecclesiastic a bent for the hard and perilous times
which he had to face: a feature of his character which Shakespeare
emphasises in the speech which he puts into the mouth of Margaret of
Anjou, his affianced bride, in the first act of the play in which he
draws the picture of the decay of England's power under the weak and
saintly Lancastrian king with so masterly a pencil:--

"I thought King Henry had resembled (Pole)
 In courage, courtship, and proportion:
 But all his mind is bent to holiness,
 To number _Ave-Maries_ on his beads:
 His champions are the Prophets and Apostles:
 His weapons holy saws of sacred writ:
 His study is his tilt-yard, and his loves
 Are brazen images o' canonized saints.
 I would the college or the cardinals
 Would choose him Pope, and carry him to Rome,
 And set the triple crown upon his head:
 That were a state fit for his holiness."[52]

However, the first fruits of the royal "holiness" was a noble
conception. A visit to Winchester in the July of 1440, where Henry
studied carefully from personal observation the working of William of
Wykeham's system of education, seems to have fired him with the desire
to rival that great pioneer of schoolcraft's magnificent foundations at
Winchester and Oxford. The suppression of the alien priories, decreed by
Parliament in the preceding reign and carried out in his own, provided a
convenient means of carrying out the project. Henry V. had already
appropriated their revenues for the purposes of war in France. Henry VI.
proceeded to confiscate them permanently as an endowment for his
college foundations. It would appear, however, that the first intention
of the King had been that his two foundations should have been
independent of one another, and that the connection of Eton with King's,
after the manner of Winchester and New College, came rather as an
afterthought and as part of a later scheme. The determination, however,
that the Eton scholars should participate in the Cambridge foundation
forms part of the King's scheme in the second charter of his college
granted on 10th July 1443, in which he says:--

     "It is our fixed and unalterable purpose, being moved thereto, as
     we trust, by the inspiration of the Holy Spirit, that our poor
     scholars of our Royal foundation of S. Mary of Eton, after they
     have been sufficiently taught the first rudiments of grammar, shall
     be transferred thence to our aforesaid College of Cambridge, which
     we will shall be henceforth denominated our College Royal of S.
     Mary and S. Nicholas, there to be more thoroughly instructed in a
     liberal course of study, in other branches of knowledge, and other
     professions."

[Illustration: The West Doorway King's College Chapel]

The first site chosen for the College was a very cramped and
inconvenient one. It had Milne Street, then one of the principal
thoroughfares of the town, on the west, the University Library and
schools on the east, and School Street on the north. On the south side
only had it any outlet at all. A court was formed by placing buildings
on the three unoccupied sides, the University buildings forming a
fourth. These buildings, however, were never completely finished, except
in a temporary manner, and indeed so remained until the end of the last
century, when they were more or less incorporated in the new buildings
of the University Library facing Trinity Hall Lane, erected by Sir
Gilbert Scott in 1868. The old gateway facing Clare College, which
had been begun in 1444, was at last completed from the designs of Mr.
Pearson in 1890, and remains one of the most beautiful architectural
gates in Cambridge.

[Illustration: King's College Chapel]

It very soon, however, became evident that the selected site was much
too small for the projected college. Little time was lost by the
earliest provost and scholars in petitioning the King to provide an
ampler habitation for their needs.

     "The task was beset with difficulties that would have daunted a
     mind less firmly resolved on carrying out the end in view than the
     king's; difficulties indeed that would have been insuperable except
     by royal influence, backed by a royal purse. The ground on which
     King's College now stands was then densely populated. It occupied
     nearly the whole of the parish of S. John Baptist, whose church is
     believed to have stood near the west end of the chapel. Milne
     Street crossed the site from north to south, in a direction that
     may be easily identified from the two ends of the street that still
     remain, under the name of Trinity Hall Lane and Queen's Lane. The
     space between Milne Street and Trumpington Street, then called High
     Street, was occupied by the houses and gardens of different
     proprietors, and was traversed by a narrow thoroughfare called
     Piron Lane, leading from High Street to S. John's Church. At the
     corner of Milne Street and this lane, occupying the ground on which
     about half the ante-chapel now stands, was the small college called
     _God's House_, founded in 1439 by William Byngham for the study of
     grammar, which, as he observes in his petition to Henry VI. for
     leave to found it, is "the rote and ground of all other sciences."
     On the west side of Milne Street, between it and the river, were
     the hostels of S. Austin, S. Nicholas, and S. Edmund, besides many
     dwelling-houses. This district was traversed by several lanes,
     affording to the townspeople ready access to the river, and to a
     wharf on its bank called Salthithe. No detailed account has been
     preserved of the negotiations necessary for the acquisition of this
     ground, between six and seven acres in extent, and in the very
     heart of Cambridge.... The greatest offence appears to have been
     given by the closing of the lanes leading down to the river, which
     was of primary importance to mediaeval Cambridge as a highway. In
     five years' time, however, the difficulties were all got over; the
     town yielded up, though not with the best grace, the portion of
     Milne Street required and all the other thoroughfares; the hostels
     were suppressed, or transferred to other sites; the Church of S.
     John was pulled down, and the parish united to that of S. Edward,
     whose church bears evidence, by the spacious aisles attached to its
     choir, of the extension rendered necessary at that time by the
     addition of the members of Clare Hall and Trinity Hall to the
     number of its parishioners."[53]

On this splendid site of many acres, where now the silent green expanse
of sunlit lawn has taken the place of the busy lanes and crowded
tenements, which in Henry's time hummed with the life of a mediaeval
river-side city, there rises the wondrous building, the crown of
fifteenth century architecture, beautiful, unique--a cathedral church in
size, a college chapel in plan--seeming in its lofty majesty so solitary
and so aloof, and yet so instantaneously impressive.

Who was the architect of this masterpiece? The credit has commonly been
given to one of two men--Nicholas Close or John Langton. Close was a man
of Flemish family, and one of the original six Fellows of the College.
He had for a few years been the vicar of the demolished Church of S.
John Zachary. He afterwards became Bishop of Carlisle. Langton was
Master of Pembroke and Chancellor of the University, and was one of the
commissioners appointed by the King to superintend the scheme of the
works at their commencement. But both of these men were theologians and
divines. We have no evidence that they were architects. Mr. G. Gilbert
Scott, in his essay on "English Church Architecture," has, however,
given reasons, which seem to be almost conclusive, that the man who
should really have the credit of conceiving this great work was the
master-mason Reginald of Ely, who as early as 1443 was appointed by a
patent of Henry VI. "to press masons, carpenters, and other workmen" for
the new building. According to Mr. Scott's view, Nicholas Close and his
fellow surveyors merely did the work which in modern days would be done
by a building committee. It was the master-mason who planned the
building, and who continued to act as architect until the works came to
a standstill with the deposition of the King and the enthronement of his
successor Edward IV. in 1462. Moreover, the character of the general
design of King's Chapel and even its architectural details, such as the
setting out of its great windows, the plan of its vaulting shafts, and
the groining of the roofs of the small chapels between its buttresses,
lend force to Mr. Scott's contention. It is evident from the accuracy
and minuteness of the directions given in "the Will of King Henry VI."
(a document which was not in reality a testament, but an expression of
his deliberate purpose and design with regard to his proposed
foundation), that complete working plans had been prepared by an
architect. Whoever that architect may have been, he had evidently been
commissioned to design a chapel of magnificence worthy of a royal
foundation. And where more naturally could he look for his model for
such a building as the King desired than to that chapel, the largest
and the most splendid hitherto erected in England, that finest specimen
of decorated architecture in the kingdom, Alan de Walsingham's Lady
Chapel at Ely. The relationship between the two buildings is obvious to
even an uninstructed eye, but Mr. Scott has shown how closely the
original design of King's follows the Ely Lady Chapel lines.

     "Any one," he truly says, "who will carry up his eye from the bases
     of the vaulting shafts to the springing of the great vault will
     perceive at once that the section of the shaft does not correspond
     with the plan of the vault springers. There is a sort of <DW36>
     here. The shaft is, in fact, set out with seven members, while the
     design of the vault plan requires but five. Thus two members of the
     pier have nothing to do, and disappear somewhat clumsily in the
     capital. The section of these shafts was imposed by the first
     architect, and does not agree with the requirement of a fan-groin
     (designed by the architect of a later date).... The original
     sections, and the peculiar distribution of their bases,
     unmistakably indicate a ribbed vault, with transverse, diagonal,
     and intermediate ribs. Now, if we apply to the plan of these
     shaftings at Cambridge the plan of the vaulting at Ely, we find the
     two to tally precisely. Each member of the pier has its
     corresponding rib, in the direction of the sweep of which each
     member of the base is laid down. This might serve as proof
     sufficient, but it is not all. There exist in the church two
     lierne-groins of the work of the first period, those namely of the
     two easternmost chapels of the north range, and these are identical
     in principle with the great vault at Ely, and with the plan that is
     indicated by the distribution of the ante-chapel bases. We know
     then that the first designer of the church did employ lierne and
     not fan-vaulting, even in the small areas of the chapels, and that
     these liernes resemble not the later form--such as we may observe
     in the nave of Winchester Cathedral--but the earlier manner which
     is exhibited at Ely. There can, therefore, as I conceive, be no
     doubt that this great chapel was designed to be "chare-roofed" with
     such a lierne-vault--it is practically a Welsh-groin--as adorns the
     next grandest chapel in England only sixteen miles distant."[54]

There seems little doubt then that the architect of King's Chapel was
its first master-builder, Reginald of Ely, who, trained under the shadow
of the great Minster buildings in that city, probably in its mason's
yard, naturally took as his model for the King's new chapel at Cambridge
one of the most exquisite of the works of the great cathedral builder of
the previous century, Alan de Walsingham.

Had the original design of Reginald been completed, several of the
defects of the building, as we see it to-day, would have been avoided.
The chapel vault would have been arched, and the great space which is
now left between the top of the windows and the spring of the vaulting
would have been avoided. Much of the heaviness of effect also, which is
felt by any one studying the exterior of the chapel, and which is due to
the low pitch of the window arches, rendered necessary by the alteration
in the design of the great vault, would have been avoided.

[Illustration: KING'S COLLEGE CHAPEL

 _To face p. 150_]

Reginald of Ely's work, however, indeed all work on the new chapel,
ceased in 1461, when the battle of Towton gave the crown to the young
Duke of York, and the Lancastrian colleges of his rival fell upon barren
days. On the accession of Richard III. in 1483, the new king not only
showed his goodwill to the College by the gift of lands, but ordered the
building to go on with all despatch. In 1485, however, there commenced
another period of twenty years' stagnation. Then in 1506, Henry VII.,
paying a visit with his mother to Cambridge, attended service in the
unfinished chapel, and determined to become its patron. In the summer of
1508 more than a hundred masons and carpenters were again at work, and
henceforth the building suffered no interruption. By July 1515 the
fabric of the church was finished, and had cost in all, according to the
present value of money, some L160,000.

In November of the same year a payment of L100 is made to Barnard
Flower, the King's glazier, and a similar sum in February 1517. It would
seem that the same artist completed four windows, that over the north
door of the ante-chapel being the earliest. Upon his death agreements
were made in 1526 for the erection of the whole of the remaining
twenty-two windows. They were to represent "the story of the old lawe
and of the new lawe." Above and below the transome in each window are
two separate pictures, each pair being divided by a "messenger," who
bears a scroll with a legend giving the subject represented. In the
lower tier the windows from north-west to south-west represent the Life
of the Blessed Virgin, the Life of Christ, and the History of the Church
as recorded in the Acts of the Apostles. The upper tier has scenes from
the Old Testament or from apocryphal sources which prefigure the events
recorded below. The whole of the east window is devoted to the Passion
and Crucifixion of our Lord. The west window, containing a
representation of the Last Judgment, is entirely modern. It was executed
by Messrs. Clayton and Bell, and was erected in 1879.

     "A bare enumeration of the subjects, however, can give but a poor
     idea of these glorious paintings. What first arrests the attention
     is the singularly happy blending of colours, produced by a most
     ingenious juxta-position of pure tints. The half-tones so dear to
     the present generation were fortunately unknown when they were set
     up. Thus though there is a profusion of brilliant scarlet, and
     light blue, and golden yellow, there is no gaudiness. Again, all
     the glass admits light without let or hindrance, the shading being
     laid on with sparing hand, so that the greatest amount of
     brilliancy is insured. This is further enhanced by a very copious
     use of white or slightly yellow glass. It must not, however, be
     supposed that a grand effect of colour is all that has been aimed
     at. The pictures bear a close study as works of art. The figures
     are rather larger than life, and boldly drawn, so as to be well
     seen from a great distance; but the faces are full of expression
     and individuality, and each scene is beautiful as a composition.
     They would well bear reduction within the narrow limits of an easel
     picture.... There is no doubt that a German or Flemish influence is
     discernible in some of the subjects; but that is no more than might
     have been expected, when we consider the number of sets of pictures
     illustrating the life and passion of Christ that had appeared in
     Germany and Flanders during the half century preceding their
     execution.... That these windows should (at the time of the Puritan
     destruction of such things) have been saved is a marvel; and how it
     came to pass is not exactly known. The story that they were taken
     out and hidden, or, as one version of it says, buried, may be
     dismissed as an idle fabrication. More likely the Puritan
     sentiments of the then provost, Dr. Whichcote, were regarded with
     such favour by the Earl of Manchester during his occupation of
     Cambridge, that he interfered to save the chapel and the college
     from molestation."[55]

[Illustration: Gateway to Old Court of King's College]

The magnificent screen and rood-loft are carved with the arms, badge,
and initials (H. A.) of Henry and Anne Boleyn, and with the rose,
fleur-de-lis, and portcullis. Doubtless, therefore, they were erected
between 1532 and 1535. The doors to the screen were renewed in 1636, and
bear the arms of Charles I. The stalls were set up by Henry VIII., but
they were without canopies, the wall above them being probably covered
with hangings, the hooks for which may still be seen under the
string-course below the windows. The stalls are in the Renaissance
manner, and are the first example of that style at Cambridge. They
appear to differ somewhat in character from Torregiano's works at
Westminster, and to be rather French than Italian in feeling, although
some portions of the figure-carving recalls in its vigour the style of
Michael Angelo. The stall canopies and the panelling to the east of the
stalls were the work of Cornelius Austin, and were put up about 1675.
The north and south entrance doors leading to the quire and the side
chapel are probably of the same date as the screen. The lectern dates
from the first quarter of the sixteenth century, having been given by
Robert Hacombleyn, provost, whose name it bears.

As to the remaining buildings of King's College it is sufficient to say
that the great quadrangle projected by the founder was never built. The
old buildings at the back of the schools, hastily finished in a slight
and temporary manner, continued in use until the last century. In 1723
a plan was furnished by James Gibbs for a new quadrangle, of which the
chapel was to form the north side. The western range--the Gibbs
building--was the only part actually built. The hall, library, provost's
lodge, and several sets of rooms at each end of the hall, as well as the
stone screen and the porter's lodge, were erected in 1824-28, at a cost
of rather more than L100,000, from the designs of William Wilkins. A
range of rooms facing Trumpington Street were added by Sir Gilbert Scott
in 1870. The new court, which when completed will form a court with
buildings on three sides and the river on the fourth, was commenced by
Mr. Bodley in 1891. At present this third side of the court is still
left open.

[Illustration: King's College Quadrangle]

To return, however, to the history of the foundation. It is an
illustration of the way in which at this time ultramontanist theories
were contending for supremacy in England, in the universities as
elsewhere, that the King should have applied to the pope for a bull
granting him power to make his new college not only independent of the
bishop of the diocese, but also of the University authorities. Such a
bull was granted, and in 1448 the University itself consented, by an
instrument given under its common seal, that the College, in the matter
of discipline as distinguished from instruction, should be entirely
independent of the University. By the limitation also of the benefits of
this foundation to scholars only of Eton, the founder, perhaps
unconsciously, certainly disastrously, created an exclusive class of
students endowed with exclusive privileges, an anomaly which for more
than four centuries marred the full efficiency of Henry's splendid
foundation. This _imperium in imperio_ was happily abolished by a new
code of statutes which became law in 1861.

"A little flock they were in Henry's hall

        *       *       *       *       *

 Hardly the circle widened, till one day
 The guarded gate swung open wide to all."

It may certainly be hoped that there is truth in the present provost's
gentle prophecy, that "it is hardly possible that the College should
relapse into what was sometimes its old condition, that of a family
party, comfortable, indeed, but inclined to be sleepy and
self-indulgent, and not wholly free from family quarrels."

And yet at the same time it should not be forgotten, as good master
Fuller reminds us, that "the honour of Athens lieth not in her walls,
but in the worth of her citizens," and that during the lengthened period
in which the society was a close foundation only open to scholars of
Eton, with a yearly entry therefore of new members seldom exceeding
half-a-dozen, it could still point to a long list of distinguished
scholars and of men otherwise eminent--mathematicians like Oughtred,
moralists like Whichcote, theologians like Pearson, antiquarians like
Cole, poets like Waller--who had been educated within its walls. In
Cooper's "Memorials of Cambridge," the list of eminent King's men down
to 1860 occupies twenty pages, a similar list of Trinity men, the
largest college in the university, only ten pages more. This hardly
seems to justify Dean Peacock's well-known epigram on the unreformed
King's as "a splendid _Cenotaph_ of learning."

Let us now turn from King Henry's College to the other royal foundation
of his reign which claims his consort, the Lady Margaret of Anjou, as
its foundress. The poet Gray in his "Installation Ode," speaking of
Queen Margaret in relation to Queens' College, calls her "Anjou's
heroine." But those Shakespearean readers who have been accustomed to
think of his representation of the Queen, in _The Second Part of King
Henry VI._, as a dramatic portrait of considerable truth and historic
consistency, will hardly recognise the "heroic" qualities of Margaret's
character. Certainly she is not one of Shakespeare's "heroines." She has
none of the womanly grace or lovableness of his ideal women. A woman of
hard indomitable will, mistaking too often cruelty for firmness, using
the pliancy and simplicity of her husband for mere party ends, outraging
the national conscience by stirring up the Irish, the French, the Scots,
against the peace of England, finally pitting the north against the
south in a cruel and futile civil war, with nothing left of womanhood
but the almost tigress heart of a baffled mother, this is the Queen
Margaret as we know her in Shakespeare and in history. But "Our Lady the
Queen Margaret," who was a "nursing mother" to Queens' College, seems a
quite different figure. She has but just come to England, a wife and
queen when little more than a child, "good-looking and well-grown"
(_specie et forma praestans_), precocious, romantic, a "devout pilgrim to
the shrine of Boccaccio," delighting in the ballads of the troubadour,
a lover of the chase, inheriting all the literary tastes of her father,
King Rene of Anjou. The motives which led her to become the patroness of
a college are thus given by Thomas Fuller:--

     "As Miltiades' trophy in Athens would not suffer Themistocles to
     sleep, so this queen, beholding her husband's bounty in building
     King's College, was restless in herself with holy emulation until
     she had produced something of the like nature, a strife wherein
     wives without breach of duty may contend with their husbands which
     should exceed in pious performances."[56]

Accordingly we read that in 1447 Queen Margaret, being then but fifteen
years old, sent to the King the following petition:--

     "Margaret,--To the king my souverain lord. Besechith mekely
     Margaret, quene of England, youre humble wif. Forasmuche as youre
     moost noble grace hath newely ordeined and stablisshed a Collage of
     Seint Bernard, in the Universite of Cambrigge, with multitude of
     grete and faire privilages perpetuelly apparteynyng unto the same,
     as in your lettres patentes therupon made more plainly hit
     appereth. In the whiche Universite is no Collage founded by eny
     quene of England hidertoward. Plese hit therfore unto your
     highnesse to geve and graunte unto your seide humble wif the
     fondacon and determinacon of the seid collage to be called and
     named the Quene's Collage of Sainte Margarete and Saint Bernard, or
     ellis of Sainte Margarete, vergine and martir, and Saint Bernard
     Confessour, and thereupon for ful evidence therof to hav licence
     and pouoir to ley the furst stone in her own persone or ellis by
     other depute of her assignement, so that beside the mooste noble
     and glorieus collage roial of our Lady and Saint Nicholas, founded
     by your highnesse may be founded and stablisshed the seid so
     called Quenes Collage to conservacon of oure feithe and augmentacon
     of pure clergie, namly of the imparesse of alle sciences and
     facultees theologie ... to the ende there accustumed of plain
     lecture and exposicon botraced with docteurs sentence autentiq
     performed daily twyse by two docteurs notable and well avised upon
     the bible aforenone and maistre of the sentences afternone to the
     publique audience of alle men frely, bothe seculiers and religieus
     to the magnificence of denominacon of suche a Queen's Collage, and
     to laud and honneure of sexe feminine, like as two noble and
     devoute contesses of Pembroke and of Clare, founded two collages in
     the same Universite called Pembroke hall and Clare hall, the wiche
     are of grete reputacon for good and worshipful clerkis that by
     grete multitude have be bredde and brought forth in theym. And of
     your more ample grace to graunte that alle privileges immunitees,
     profites and comoditees conteyned in the lettres patentes above
     reherced may stonde in their strength and pouoir after forme and
     effect of the conteine in theym.

     "And she shal ever preye God for you."

The College of S. Bernard, mentioned in the first paragraph of the
Queen's petition, was a hostel, established by Andrew Dokett, the rector
of S. Botolph's Church, situated on the north side of the churchyard in
Trumpington Street, adjoining Benet College. For this hostel, Dokett had
obtained from the King in 1446 a charter of incorporation as a college,
but a year later procured another charter, refounding the College of S.
Bernard on a new site, between Milne Street and the river, adjoining the
house of the Carmelite Friars. The true founder, therefore, of Queens'
College was Andrew Dokett, but he was foresighted enough to seek the
Queen's patronage for his foundation, and no doubt welcomed the
absorption of S. Bernard's hostel in the royal foundation of Queens'
College. Anyhow, the foundation stone of the new building was laid on
the 15th April 1448. The outbreak of the Civil War stopped the works
when the first court of the College was almost finished. Andrew Dokett,
the first master, was still alive when Edward IV. came to the throne,
and about the year 1465, he was fortunate to secure for his College the
patronage of the new queen, Elizabeth Wydville. Elizabeth had been in
earlier days a lady-in-waiting to Margaret of Anjou, and had herself
strongly sympathised with the Lancastrian party. It is probable,
therefore, that in accepting the patronage of the College she did so,
not in her character as Yorkist queen, but rather as desirous of
completing the work of the old mistress whom she had faithfully served
before the strange chances of destiny had brought her as a rival to the
throne. At any rate, from this period onwards the position of the
apostrophe after and not before the "s" in "Queens'" adequately
corresponds to the fact that the College commemorates not one, but two
queens in its title.

The earliest extant statutes appear to be those of the second foundress,
the Queen Consort of Edward IV., revised at a later time under the
authority of Henry VIII. It seems indeed likely that the absence of
canon law from the subjects required by statute from all fellows after
regency in arts, and the provision of Bible lectures in College, and
divers English sermons to be preached in chapel by the fellows,
indicates a somewhat remarkable reforming spirit for the end of the
fifteenth century, and rather points to the conclusion that these
provisions belong to the later revised code of Henry VIII. At the time
of the foundation of Queen's College the plan of a collegiate building
had been completely developed. It followed the lines not so much of a
monastery, though it had, of course, some features in common with the
monastic houses, but of the normal type of the large country houses or
mansions of the fifteenth century. The late Professor Willis, in his
archaeological lectures on Cambridge, was accustomed, we are told, to
exhibit in support of this view a ground plan of Haddon Hall and Queens'
College side by side. And certainly it is surprising to notice how
striking is the similarity of the two plans. The east and west position
of the chapel at Haddon Hall happens to be the reverse of that of
Queens' College, but with that exception, and the position of the
entrance gateway to the first quadrangle, the arrangement of the
buildings in the two mansions is practically identical. The hall,
buttery, and kitchen occupy in both the range of buildings between the
two courts; the private dining-room beyond the hall at Haddon is
represented at Queens' College by the fellows' combination room; the
long gallery in the upper court of Haddon has more or less its
counterpart at Queens' in the masters' gallery in the cloister court;
the upper entrance at Haddon is similarly placed to the passage to the
old wooden bridge at Queens'.

[Illustration: Cloister Court, Queen's College]

The principal court of Queens' was almost completed before the Wars of
the Roses broke out. "It is," says Mr. J. W. Clark, "the earliest
remaining quadrangle in Cambridge that can claim attention for real
architectural beauty and fitness of design." It is built in red brick,
and has a noble gateway flanked by octagonal turrets, and there are
square towers at each external angle of the court. The employment of
these towers is a peculiarity which perhaps offers presumptive evidence
that the architect of the other two royal colleges of Eton and King's
may also have been employed at Queens'. This court probably retains more
of the aspect of ancient Cambridge than any other collegiate building in
the town. The turret at the south-west angle of the great court,
overlooking Silver Street and the town bridge and mill pond, adjoins the
rooms which, according to tradition, were occupied by Erasmus, and whose
top storey was used by him as a study. It is commonly known as The Tower
of Erasmus. "Queens' College," says Fuller, "accounteth it no small
credit thereunto that Erasmus (who no doubt might have pickt and chose
what house he pleased) preferred this for the place of his study for
some years in Cambridge. Either invited thither with the fame of the
learning and love of his friend Bishop Fisher, then master thereof, or
allured with the situation of this colledge so near the river (as
Rotterdam, his native place, to the sea) with pleasant walks
thereabouts." An interesting account of Erasmus' residence in Queens' is
quoted by Mr. Searle[57] from a letter written by a fellow of the
College, Andrew Paschal, Rector of Chedsey, in the year 1680, which
pleasantly describes at least the traditional belief.

     "The staires which rise up to his studie at Queens' College in
     Cambr. doe bring into two of the fairest chambers in the ancient
     building; in one of them which lookes into the hall and chief
     court, the Vice-President kept in my time; in that adjoyning it was
     my fortune to be, when fellow. The chambers over are good lodgeing
     roomes; and to one of them is a square turret adjoyning, in the
     upper part of which is the study of Erasmus and over it leads. To
     that belongs the best prospect about the Colledge, viz. upon the
     river, into the corne fields, and country adjoyning. So y^{t} it
     might very well consist with the civility of the house to that
     great man (who was no fellow, and I think stayed not long there) to
     let him have that study. His sleeping roome might be either the
     President's, or to be neer to him the next. The roome for his
     servitor that above it, and through it he might goe to that studie,
     which for the height and neatnesse and prospect might easily take
     his phancy."

[Illustration: Oriel Window, Queen's College]

It was in this study no doubt that much of the work was done for his
edition of the New Testament in the original Greek, that epoch-making
book which he published at Basle in 1516; and from hence also he must
have written those amusing letters to his friends, Ammonius, Dean Colet,
Sir Thomas More, in which comments on the progress of his work alternate
with humorous grumblings about the Cambridge climate, the plague, the
wine, the food: "Here I live like a cockle shut up in his shell, stowing
myself away in college, and perfectly mum over my books.... I cannot go
out of doors because of the plague.... I am beset with thieves, and the
wine is no better than vinegar.... I do not like the ale of this place
at all ... if you could manage to send me a cask of Greek wine, the very
best that can be bought, you would be doing your friend a great
kindness, but mind that it is not too sweet.... I am sending you back
your cask, which I have kept by me longer than I otherwise should have
done, that I might enjoy the perfume at least of Greek wine.... My
expenses here are enormous; the profits not a brass farthing. Believe me
as though I were on my oath, I have been here not quite five months, and
yet have spent sixty nobles: while certain members of my (Greek) class
have presented me with just a single one, which they had much difficulty
in persuading me to accept. I have decided not to leave a stone unturned
this winter, and in fact to throw out my sheet anchor. If this succeeds
I will build my nest here; if otherwise, I shall wing my flight--whither
I know not." Perhaps there is some playful exaggeration in all this.
Anyhow Erasmus stayed at Cambridge seven years in all. He may have been
justly disappointed in his Greek class-room: "I shall have perhaps a
larger gathering when I begin the grammar of Theodorus," he writes
plaintively; but disappointed there, he took refuge in his college
study, and there, high up in the south-west tower of Queens', we may
picture him, "outwatching the Bear" over the pages of S. Jerome, as
Jerome himself in his time had outwatched it writing those same pages,
eleven hundred years before, in his cell at Bethlehem; or pouring over
the text of his Greek Testament and its translation, the boldest work of
criticism and interpretation that had been conceived by any scholar for
many a century, a _Novum Instrumentum_ indeed, by which the scholars of
the new learning were to restore to the centuries which followed, the
old true theology which had been so long obscured by the subtleties of
the schoolmen, the new and truer theology which while based on a
foundation of sound method and historical apparatus rests also in the
joyous and refreshing story of the Son of God, in that unique figure of
a Divine Personality, round whom centre the love, the hopes, the fears,
the joys of the coming ages.

[Illustration: The Bridge & Gables. Queen's College]

Queens' College has many claims upon the gratitude of English scholars
and English churchmen--it would have been sufficient that she had been
the "nursing mother" of John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester--"vere
Episcopus, vere Theologus"--under whose cautious supervision Cambridge
first tasted of the fruits of the Renascence, who "sat here governor of
the schools not only for his learning's sake, but for his divine
life"--but she can lay no claim to greater honour than this, that
within her walls three hundred years ago, these words were written--they
form part of the noble "Paraclesis" of the _Novum Testamentum_ of
Erasmus:--

     "If the footprints of Christ are anywhere shown to us, we kneel
     down and adore. Why do we not rather venerate the living and
     breathing picture of him in these books? If the vesture of Christ
     be exhibited, where will we not go to kiss it? Yet were his whole
     wardrobe exhibited, nothing could exhibit Christ more vividly and
     truly than these Evangelical writings. Statues of wood and stone we
     decorate with gold and gems for the love of Christ. They only
     profess to give us the form of his body; these books present us
     with a living image of his most holy mind. Were we to have seen him
     with our own eyes, we should not have so intimate a knowledge as
     they give of Christ, speaking, healing, dying, rising again, as it
     were, in our actual presence.

            *       *       *       *       *

     "The sun itself is not more common and open to all than the
     teaching of Christ. For I utterly dissent from those who are
     unwilling that the Sacred Scriptures should be read by the
     unlearned translated into their vulgar tongue, as though Christ had
     taught such subtleties that they can scarcely be understood even by
     a few theologians, or as though the strength of the Christian
     Religion consisted in men's ignorance of it. The mysteries of kings
     it may be safer to conceal, but Christ wished his mysteries to be
     published as openly as possible. I wish that even the weakest woman
     should read the Gospel--should read the Epistles of Paul. And I
     wish these were translated into all languages, so that they might
     be read and understood, not only by Scots and Irishmen, but also by
     Turks and Saracens. To make them understood is surely the first
     step. It may be that they might be ridiculed by many, but some
     would take them to heart. I long that the husbandman should sing
     portions of them to himself as he follows the plough, that the
     weaver should hum them to the tune of his shuttle, that the
     traveller should beguile with their stories the tedium of his
     journey."[58]

[Illustration: A Bit from Sidney Street]




CHAPTER VIII

TWO OF THE SMALLER HALLS

"To London hence, to Cambridge thence,
 With thanks to thee, O Trinity!
 That to thy hall, so passing all,
       I got at last.
 There joy I felt, there trim I dwelt,
 Then heaven from hell I shifted well
 With learned men, a number then,
       The time I past.

 When gains were gone and years grew on,
 And Death did cry, from London fly,
 In Cambridge then I found again
       A resting plot:
 In College best of all the rest,
 With thanks to thee, O Trinity!
 Through thee and thine for me and mine,
       Some stay I got!"
             --THOMAS TUSSER.

     The Foundation of Trinity Hall by Bishop Bateman of Norwich--On the
     Site of the Hostel of Student-Monks of Ely--Prior Crauden--Evidence
     of the Ely Obedientary Rolls--The College Buildings--The Old
     Hall--S. Edward's Church used as College Chapel--Hugh Latimer's
     Sermon on a Pack of Cards--Harvey Goodwin--Frederick Maurice--The
     Hall--The Library--Its ancient Bookcases--The Foundation of S.
     Catherine's Hall.


Thus sang Thomas Tusser--the author of "Five Hundred Points of Good
Husbandry united to as many of Good Housewifery"--of Trinity Hall and
his residence there about the year 1542. And the words of the homely old
rhymer--the most fluent versifier, I suppose, among farmers since
Virgil, wise in his advice to others, most unlucky in the application of
his own maxims--have been echoed in spirit by many generations of "Hall"
men from his time onwards. And indeed there is hardly perhaps another
College in Cambridge which stirs the hearts of its members with a more
passionate enthusiasm of loyalty than this, which yet never speaks of
itself as a "College," but always proudly as "The Hall." It was founded
by William Bateman, Bishop of Norwich, in 1350, but it had an earlier
origin than this. On the southern part of the present site there stood
an old house, which had been provided some thirty years earlier for the
use of the student-monks of Ely attending the University by the then
Prior. This was John of Crauden, Prior of Ely from 1321 to 1341, a man
of noble personal character, a model administrator of the great
possessions of his abbey, a patron of art and learning, the friend on
the one hand of Queen Philippa, and on the other of the greatest
cathedral builder of the fourteenth century, Alan de Walsingham. The
portrait bust of him, which may still be seen carved at the end of one
of the hood moulds of the great octagon arches in the Minster, shows a
strong, handsome face, dignified, benignant, pleasant; a full, frank,
eloquent eye; a mouth intelligent and firm, and yet with a merry smile
lurking unmistakably in its corner; altogether such a man as we may well
feel might not only rightly be Queen Philippa's friend, as the
chronicler says, "propter amabilem et graciosam ipsius affabilitatem et
eloquentiam,"[59] but one also who one might expect to find anxious
to maintain among his convent brothers the Benedictine ideal of
knowledge and learning. It was no doubt to that end that somewhere about
the year 1325 he had purchased the house at Cambridge as a hostel for
the use of the Ely monks. In the Obedientary Rolls of the monastery,
still treasured in the muniment room of the cathedral, there is evidence
that from his time onwards three or four of the Ely monks were
constantly residing at Cambridge at the convent expense, taking their
degrees there, and then returning to Ely.[60]

[Illustration: The Chapel, Trinity Hall]

It is probable, however, that the residence of the Ely monks was,
shortly after Crauden's time, transferred from this hostel to the rooms
provided in Monk's College on the present site of Magdalene, for a
register among the Ely muniments shows that in the twenty-fourth year of
Edward III. John of Crauden's hostel was conveyed by the Prior and
Convent to the Bishop of Norwich for the purpose of his proposed
college. The old Monk's Hall was still standing in 1731, for it is
contained in a plan of the College of that date preserved in the College
library. A note in Warren's "History of Trinity Hall" informs us that a
part of it was destroyed in 1823. Warren himself speaks of it as "Y^{e}
Old Building for y^{e} Monks, where y^{e} Pigeon House is." Now all has
vanished unless perhaps some underground foundations in the garden of
the Master's Lodge.

The buildings of the College, in their general arrangement, have
probably been little altered since their completion in the fourteenth
century. They had the peculiarity of an entrance court between the
principal court and the street, like the outer court of a monastery. The
original gateway, however, of this entrance--the Porter's Court, as it
was called at a later date--has been removed, and the College is now
entered directly from the street.

It is probable that the Hall, forming one half of the western side of
the principal court, was built during the lifetime of the founder, as
also was the original eastern range, rebuilt in the last century. This
would give a date, 1355, for these two ranges. The buttery and the
northern block of buildings belong to 1374. In early days Trinity Hall
shared with Clare Hall the Church of S. John Zachary as a joint College
chapel. When in connection with the building of King's College the
Church of S. John was removed, two aisles were added to the chancel of
S. Edward's Church for the accommodation of "The Hall" students. The
present chapel appears to date from the end of the fourteenth, or
probably the early part of the fifteenth century. The only architectural
features, however, at present visible of mediaeval character are the
piscina and the buttresses on the south side.

The advowson of the Church of S. Edward, the north aisle of the chancel
of which was for a time used as the College chapel, was acquired by the
College in the middle of the fifteenth century, and has thus remained to
our own day.

     "The complete control," says Mr. Walden in his lately published
     "History of Trinity Hall," "of the Church by a College whose
     Fellows, in course of time, were more and more a lay body, while
     other Colleges continued to be exclusively clerical, might be
     expected to give opportunity for the ministrations of men whose
     opinions might not be those preferred by the dominant clerical
     party at the moment. In 1529, for instance, during the mastership
     of Stephen Gardiner be it observed, Hugh Latimer, who is said to
     have become a reformer from the persuasions of Bilney, Fellow of
     Trinity Hall, preached in S. Edward's on the Sunday before
     Christmas. He preached there often, but on this occasion he
     surpassed himself in originality, taking apparently a pack of cards
     as his text, and illustrating from the Christmas game of Triumph,
     with hearts as 'triumph,' or _trumps_ as we say, the superiority of
     heart-religion over the vain outward show of the superstitious
     ornaments of the other court cards. Buckenham, Prior of the
     Dominicans, answered him from the same pulpit, and preached on
     dice. Latimer answered him again. The whole must have been more
     entertaining than edifying."

This tradition of independence, at any rate in pulpit teaching, though
in less eccentric ways, has been retained by S. Edward's down to our own
time. Here in 1832, Henry John Rose, the brother of Hugh James Rose, the
Cambridge Tractarian, represented the moderate wing of the new Anglican
party. Here, during the years preceding his promotion to the Deanery of
Ely in 1858, Harvey Goodwin preached that series of sermons, simple,
pithy, robust, which Sunday by Sunday crowded with undergraduates the
Church of S. Edward for nearly eight years, as a church in a university
city has seldom been crowded. Here, also, in 1871 Frederick Denison
Maurice--the most representative churchman probably of the nineteenth
century, for it was he rather than Pusey or Newman, who, by his
interpretation of the Doctrine of the Incarnation, has most profoundly
moulded, inspired, and transfigured the Church ideals of the
present--found an opportunity of preaching when too many of the
parochial pulpits of England were closed to him.

The grave and the trivial mingle in college as in other human affairs.
And so it came about that the possession of the spiritualities of S.
Edward's parish compelled the Fellows of the Hall to keep an eye on its
temporalities, and from time to time to beat its bounds. Here is one
record of such "beating." It was May 23rd, viz., Ascension Day in 1734,
when the Fellows deputed for the purpose started from the Three Tuns and
went by the Mitre, the White Horse, and the Black Bull before reaching
S. Catherine's Hall. They penetrated King's, but regretted to find that
here the Brewhouse was shut up. They encircled Clare and Trinity Hall,
therefore, and came back to the Three Tuns whence they had started two
hours before. They had not, quite evidently--for the full circuit is not
great--been walking all the time. The account ends:--

     "N.B.--One bottle of white wine given us at y^{e} Tuns, and one
     bottle of white wine given us at the Mitre. Ale and bread and
     cheese given by the Minister of St. Edward's at y^{e} Bench in our
     College Backside. _Mem._--To be given by y^{e} Minister twelve
     halfpenny loaves, sixpenny worth of Cheshire cheeses, seven
     quarts and a half of ale in y^{e} great stone bottle for y^{e}
     people in general, and a tankard of ale for each church
     warden."[61]

[Illustration: Oriel Window, Jesus College]

It will be remembered that in the last chapter, in speaking of the books
left to Corpus Christi College by Archbishop Parker, we mentioned that
provision of his deed of gift by which under certain contingencies the
books were to be transferred from Corpus to Trinity Hall. It is quite
probable that this provision drew the attention of the authorities of
the latter college to the possible need of a library. It is unknown,
however, when exactly the present library was built. The style proclaims
Elizabeth's reign or thereabouts. Professor Willis conjectured about
1600. But whatever the date may be it is very fortunate that the hand of
the restorer which fell so heavily upon so many other of the College
buildings should have mercifully spared the library, which to this day
retains its early simplicity of character, leaving it one of the most
interesting of the old book rooms in the University. Mr. J. G. Clark in
his valuable essay on the Development of Libraries and their fittings,
published two years ago under the title "The Care of Books," has thus
spoken of the library of Trinity Hall:--

     "The Library of Trinity Hall is thoroughly mediaeval in plan, being
     a long narrow room on the first floor of the north side of the
     second court, 65 feet long by 20 feet wide, with eight equi-distant
     windows in each side wall, and a window of four lights in the
     western gable. It was built about 1600, but the fittings are even
     later, having been added between 1626 and 1645 during the
     mastership of Thomas Eden, LL.D. They are therefore a deliberate
     return to ancient forms at a time when a different type had been
     adopted elsewhere.

     "There are four desks and six seats on each side of the room,
     placed as usual, at right angles to the side walls, in the
     interspaces of the windows, respectively.

     "These lecterns are of oak, 6 feet 7 inches long, and 7 feet high,
     measured to the top of the ornamental finial. There is a sloping
     desk at the top, beneath which is a single shelf. The bar for the
     chains passes under the desk, through the two vertical ends of the
     case. At the end furthest from the wall, the hasp of the lock is
     hinged to the bar and secured by two keys. Beneath the shelf there
     is at either end a slip of wood which indicates that there was once
     a movable desk which could be pulled out when required. The reader
     could therefore consult his convenience, and work either sitting or
     standing. For both these positions the heights are very suitable,
     and at the bottom of the case was a plinth on which he could set
     his feet. The seats between each pair of desks were of course put
     up at the same time as the desks themselves. They show an advance
     in comfort, being divided into two so as to allow of support to the
     readers' backs."[62]

The garden of the Hall was laid out early in the last century, with
formal walks and yew hedges and a raised terrace overlooking the river.
The well-known epigram quoted by Gunning in his "Reminiscences"[63] has
for its topic not this garden but the small triangular plot next to
Trinity Hall Lane, which was planted and surrounded by a paling in 1793,
by Dr. Joseph Jowett, the then tutor.

[Illustration: Gateway in Great Court St Catharine's College]

"A little garden little Jowett made
 And fenced it with a little palisade,
 But when this little garden made a little talk,
 He changed it to a little gravel walk;
 If you would know the mind of little Jowett
 This little garden don't a little show it."

It has usually been attributed to Archdeacon Wrangham. There are several
versions of it, and a translation into Latin, which runs as follows:--

"Exiguum hunc hortum, fecit Jowettulus iste
 Exiguus, vallo et muniit exiguo:
 Exiguo hoc horto forsan Jowettulus iste
 Exiguus mentem prodidit exiguam."

At the end of the fifteenth century, just twenty years after the fall of
Constantinople, Dr. Robert Woodlark, third Provost of King's College and
some time Chancellor of the University, founded the small "House of
Learning," which he called S. Catherine's Hall, possibly because Henry
VI., whose mother was a Catherine, was his patron, or possibly because
at this time S. Catherine of Alexandria, the patron saint of scholars,
was a popular saint. In the statutes he says, "I have founded and
established a college or hall to the praise, glory, and honour of our
Lord Jesus Christ, of the most glorious Virgin Mary, His mother, and of
the Holy Virgin Katerine, for the exaltation of the Christian faith, for
the defence and furtherance of the Holy Church, and growth of science
and faculties of philosophy and sacred theology." In the autumn of 1473
a Master and three Fellows took up their residence in the small court
which had just been built on a site in Milne Street, close to the Bull
Inn. The chapel and library, however, do not appear to have been
completed until a few years later. In 1520 a second court was added, and
a century later, in 1634, some new buildings were commenced to the north
of the principal court, and adjacent to Queen's Street. These buildings,
which are the only old buildings that still remain, were completed two
years later. Between 1673-97 all the rest of the old buildings were
pulled down and the College rebuilt. In 1704 the new chapel was built on
the site of the stables of Thomas Hobson, whose just but despotic method
of dealing with his customers gave rise to the phrase "Hobson's Choice."
In 1757, the houses which hitherto had concealed the College from the
High Street were removed.




CHAPTER IX

BISHOP ALCOCK AND THE NUNS OF S. RHADEGUND

"Yes, since his dayes a cocke was in the fen,
 I knowe his voyce among a thousand men:
 He taught, he preached, he mended every wrong:
 But, Coridon, alas! no good thing abideth long.
 He All was a Cocke, he wakened us from sleepe
 And while we slumbered he did our foldes keep:
 No cur, no foxes, nor butchers' dogges would
 Coulde hurte our folds, his watching was so good;
 The hungry wolves which did that time abounde,
 What time he crowed abashed at the sounde.
 This Cocke was no more abashed at the Foxe
 Than is a Lion abashed at the Oxe."
       --ALEXANDER BARCLAY, _Monk of Ely_, 1513

     The New Learning in Italy and Germany--The English "Pilgrim
     Scholars": Grey, Tiptoft, Linacre, Grocyn--The practical Genius of
     England--Bishops Rotherham, Alcock, and Fisher--Alcock,
     diplomatist, financier, architect--The Founder of Jesus College--He
     takes as his model Jesus College, Rotherham--His Object the
     Training of a Preaching Clergy--The Story of the Nunnery of S.
     Rhadegund--Its Dissolution--Conversion of the Conventual Church
     into a College Chapel--The Monastic Buildings, Gateway, Cloister,
     Chapter House--The Founder a Better Architect than an Educational
     Reformer--The Jesus Roll of eminent Men from Cranmer to Coleridge.


The historical importance of the New Learning depends ultimately on the
fact that its influence on the Western world broadened out into a new
capacity for culture in general, which took various forms according to
the different local or national conditions with which it came into
contact. In Italy, its land of origin, the Classical Revival was felt
mainly as an aesthetic ideal, an instrument for the self-culture of the
individual, expressing itself in delight for beauty of form and elegance
of literary style, bringing to the life of the cultured classes a social
charm and distinction of tone, which, however, it is difficult sometimes
to distinguish from a merely refined paganism. In France and Spain too,
where the basis of character was also Latin, the aesthetic spirit of
classical antiquity was readily assimilated. To a French or a Spanish
scholar sympathy with the pagan spirit was instinctive and innate. The
Teutonic genius, however, both on the side of Literature and of Art,
remained sturdily impervious to the more aesthetic side of the Italian
Renaissance. In Germany the aesthetic influence was evident enough--we
can trace it plainly in the writings of Erasmus and Melancthon, though
with them Italian humanism was always a secondary aim subservient to a
greater end--but it had a strongly marked character of its own, wholly
different from the Italian. The Renaissance in Germany indeed we rightly
know by the name of the Reformation, and the paramount task of the
German scholars of the New Learning we recognise to have been the
elucidation of the true meaning of the Bible. Similarly in England the
scholarly mind was at first little affected by the aesthetic
considerations which meant so much to a Frenchman or an Italian. A few
chosen Englishmen, it is true, "pilgrim scholars" they were
called--William Grey, Bishop of Ely, John Tiptoft, Earl of Worcester,
Thomas Linacre, William Grocyn stand out perhaps most
conspicuously--were drawn to Italy by the rumours of the marvellous
treasures rescued from monastic lumber rooms, or conveyed over seas by
fugitive Greeks, but they returned to England to find that there was
little they could do except to bequeath the books and manuscripts they
had collected to an Oxford or a Cambridge College, and hope for happier
times when scholars would be found to read them. It was not indeed until
the little group of Hellenists--Erasmus and Linacre and Grocyn and
Colet--had shown the value of Greek thought as an interpreter of the New
Testament, that any enthusiasm for the New Learning could be awakened in
England. An increase of a knowledge of the Bible was worth working for,
not the elegancies of an accurate Latin style. Englishmen in the
fifteenth century were busy in the task of developing trade and
commerce, and their intellectual tone took colour from their daily work.
It became eminently utilitarian and practical. An English scholar was
willing to accept the New Learning if you would prove to him that it was
useful or was true, that it was only beautiful did not at first much
affect him. It was only therefore with an eye to strictly practical
results that at the universities the New Learning was welcomed, and even
there tardily.

Nowhere perhaps is this practical tendency of English scholarship at
this period more characteristically shown than in the Cambridge work of
Thomas Alcock and John Fisher, the founders respectively of Jesus
College and of the twin colleges of Christ's and John's. Alcock and
Fisher were both of them Yorkshiremen, born and educated at Beverley in
the Grammar School connected with the Minster there, and both proceeding
from thence to Cambridge: Alcock in all likelihood, though there is some
doubt about this, to Pembroke, where he took his LL.D. degree in or
before 1461; Fisher to Michaelhouse, of which he became a Fellow in
1491.

Of Alcock, the historian Bale has said that "no one in England had a
greater reputation for sanctity." He was equally remarkable for his
practical qualities, as a diplomatist, as a financier, as an architect.
He had twice been a Royal Commissioner, under Richard III. and under
Henry VII., to arrange treaties with Scotland. By an arrangement, of
which no similar instance is known, he had conjointly held the office of
Lord Chancellor with Bishop Rotherham of Lincoln, he himself at that
time ruling the diocese of Rochester. As early as 1462 he had been made
Master of the Rolls. In 1476 he was translated to Worcester, and at the
same time became Lord President of Wales. On the accession of Henry
VII., he was made Comptroller of the Royal Works and Buildings, an
office for which he was especially fitted, it is said, by his skill as
an architect. In 1486 he was translated to the See of Ely and again made
Lord Chancellor.

It was as Bishop of Ely that he undertook the foundation of Jesus
College. There can, I think, be little doubt that for the idea of his
projected college he was indebted to his old Cambridge friend and
co-chancellor, Thomas Rotherham, at this time Archbishop of York. At any
rate, it is noteworthy that each of the friends founded in his
Diocese--the Archbishop at his native place of Rotherham, the Bishop of
Ely at Cambridge--a college dedicated to the name of Jesus. Jesus
College, Rotherham, was founded in 1481; Jesus College, Cambridge,
followed fifteen years later. The main object of the two prelates was
probably the same. In the license for the foundation of Rotherham's
college its objects are stated to be twofold: "To preach the Word of God
in the Parish of Rotherham and in other places in the Diocese of York;
and to instruct gratuitously, in the rules of grammar and song, scholars
from all parts of England, and especially from the Diocese of York."
There is no reason to suppose that the needs of the Diocese of Ely, even
fifteen years later, were any different. For the fact that Jesus
College, Rotherham, should consist of _ten_ persons--a provost, six
choristers, and three masters--who can teach respectively grammar,
music, and writing, the Archbishop gave the fanciful reason, that as he,
its founder, had offended God in His ten commandments, so he desired the
benefit of the prayers of ten persons on his behalf. Alcock's motive for
fixing the number of his new Society of Jesus at Cambridge at thirteen
seems to have been no less characteristic. Thirteen, the number of the
original Christian Society of Our Lord and His Apostles, was the common
complement of the professed members of a monastic society, and may in
all likelihood have been the original number of the nuns of St.
Rhadegund, whose house the Bishop was about to suppress to found his new
college.

     "Rotherham's College, according to its measure, was intended to
     meet two pressing needs of his time, and especially of northern
     England--a preaching clergy, and boys trained for the service of
     the church. At the end of the fifteenth century 'both theology and
     the art of preaching seemed in danger of general neglect. At the
     English universities, and consequently throughout the whole
     country, the sermon was falling into almost complete disuse.' The
     disfavour with which it was regarded by the heads of the Church was
     largely due to fear of the activity of the Lollards, which had
     brought all popular harangues and discourses under suspicion. When
     the embers of heresy had been extinguished, here and there a
     reforming churchman sought to restore among the parish clergy the
     old preaching activity. In the wide unmanageable dioceses of the
     north the lack of an educated, preaching priesthood was most
     apparent. Bishop Stanley is probably only echoing the language of
     Alcock when he begins and closes his statutes with an exhortation
     to the society, whom he addresses as 'scholars of Jesus,' so to
     conduct themselves 'that the name of our Lord Jesus Christ may be
     honoured, the clergy multiplied, and the people called to the
     praise of God.' He enacts that of the five Foundation Fellows (one
     of Alcock's having been suppressed) four shall be devoted to the
     study of theology, and he requires that they shall be chosen from
     natives of five counties, which, owing to the imperfections of the
     single existing copy of his statutes, are unspecified. If, as is
     likely, this county restriction was re-introduced by Stanley from
     the provisions made by Alcock, it is natural to surmise that the
     founder's native county was one of those preferred. Certain it is
     that his small society had a Yorkshireman, Chubbes of Whitby, for
     its first master. He had been a Fellow of Pembroke, and probably
     from the same society and county came one of the original Fellows
     of Jesus, William Atkynson.

     "The same fear of Lollardism which had stifled preaching had caused
     the teaching profession to be regarded with jealousy by the
     authorities of the Church. In a limited part of north-eastern
     England, William Byngham, about the year 1439, found seventy
     schools void for 'grete scarstie of Maistres of Gramar' which fifty
     years previously had been in active use. His foundation of God's
     House at Cambridge was designed to supply trained masters to these
     derelict schools. The boys' schools attached to Rotherham's and
     Alcock's Foundations were intended to meet the same deficiency.
     Presumably Alcock meant that one or other of his Fellows should
     supply the teaching, for his foundation did not include a
     schoolmaster. The linking of a grammar school with a house of
     university students was of course no novelty; the connection of
     Winchester with New College had been copied by Henry VI. in the
     association of Eton and King's. But Alcock's plan of including boys
     and 'dons' within the same walls, and making them mix in the common
     life and discipline of hall and chapel, if not absolutely a new
     thing, had no nearer prototype in an English university than Walter
     de Merton's provisions in the statutes of his College for a
     _Grammaticus_ and _Pueri_. Though the school was meant to supply a
     practical need, the pattern of it seems to have been suggested by
     Alcock's mediaeval sentiment. There is indeed no evidence or
     likelihood that S. Rhadegund's Nunnery maintained a school, but the
     same monastic precedent which Alcock apparently followed in fixing
     the number of his society prescribed the type of his school. It
     stood in the quarter where monastic schools were always placed,
     next the gate, in the old building which had served the nuns as
     their almonry."[64]

The story of the nunnery of S. Rhadegund, which, under the auspices of
Bishop Alcock, became Jesus College, is an interesting one. Luckily, the
material for that history is fairly complete. The nuns bequeathed a
large mass of miscellaneous documents--charters, wills, account
rolls--to the College, and the scrupulous care with which they were
originally housed, and not less, perhaps, the wholesome neglect which
has since respected their repose in the College muniment room, have
fortunately preserved them intact to the present time, and have enabled
the present tutor of the College, Mr. Arthur Gray, to reconstruct a
fairly complete picture of this isolated woman's community in an alien
world of men in pre-Academic Cambridge, and of the depravation and decay
which came of that isolation, and which ended in the first suppression
in England of an independent House of Religion. I am indebted for the
following particulars to Mr. Gray's monograph on the priory of S.
Rhadegund, published a year or two ago by the Cambridge Antiquarian
Society, and to the first chapter of his lately published College
History.

Who the nuns were that first settled on the Green-Croft by the river
bank below Cambridge, and whence they came thither, and by what title
they became possessed of their original site, the documents they have
handed down to us across the centuries apparently do not record. It is
true that in the letters patent of Henry VII. for the dissolution of the
nunnery and the erection of a college in its room it is
asserted--evidently on the representation of Bishop Alcock--that S.
Rhadegund's Priory was "of the foundation and patronage of the Bishop,
as in right of his Cathedral Church of Ely." The nun's "original cell"
was no doubt of the Benedictine Order, and the great Priory of Ely,
fifteen miles away down the river, was also Benedictine, and the good
Bishop may have been right in his assertion of the connection between
the two, but it is a little doubtful whether he could have given chapter
and verse for his assertion. What is certain is this, that Nigel, the
second Bishop of Ely, in the opening years of Stephen's reign, gave to
the nuns their earliest charter. It is addressed with Norman
magnificence "to all barons and men of S. Etheldrytha, cleric or lay,
French or English," and it grants for a rent of twelve pence, "to the
nuns of the cell lately established without the vill of Cantebruge,"
certain land lying near to other land belonging to the same cell. To the
friendly interest of the same Bishop it seems probable that the nuns
owed their first considerable benefaction. This was a parcel of ground,
consisting of two virgates and six acres of meadow and four cottars with
their tenure in the neighbouring village of Shelford, granted to them by
a certain William the Monk. The fact that after seven centuries and a
half the successors of the nuns of S. Rhadegund, the Master and Fellow
of Jesus College, still hold possession of the same property is not only
a remarkable instance of continuity of title, but also, let us hope, is
sufficient proof that the original donor had come by his title
honestly--a fact about which there might otherwise have been some
suspicion, when we read such a record as this of this same William the
Monk in the _Historia Eliensis_ of Thomas of Ely: "With axes and
hammers, and every implement of masonry, he profanely assailed the
shrine (of S. Etheldreda, the Foundress Saint in the Church of Ely), and
with his own hand robbed it of its metal." However, it is something that
further on in the same record we may read: "He lived to repent it
bitterly. He, who had once been extraordinarily rich and had lacked for
nothing, was reduced to such extreme poverty as not even to have the
necessaries of life. At last when he had lost all and knew not whither
to turn himself, by urgent entreaty he prevailed on the Ely brethren to
receive him into their order, and there with unceasing lamentation,
tears, vigils, and prayers deploring his guilt, he ended his days in
sincere penitence."

       *       *       *       *       *

Other benefactions followed that of William the Monk, lands, customs,
tithes, fishing rights, advowsons of churches. At some time in the reign
of Henry II. the nuns acquired the advowson of All Saints Church--All
Saints in the Jewry--a living which still belongs to the Masters and
Fellows of Jesus, although the old church standing in the open space
opposite the gate of John's was removed in the middle of the last
century, and is now represented by the memorial cross placed on the
vacant spot and by the fine new church of All Saints facing Jesus
College. The advowson of S. Clements followed in the year 1215, given to
the nuns by an Alderman of the Cambridge Guild Merchants. Altogether the
nunnery, though never a large house, seems to have acquired a
comfortable patrimony.

[Illustration: ST. JOHN'S AND DIVINITY SCHOOLS]

     "The Account Rolls which the departing sisters left behind them in
     1496 reveal pretty fully the routine of their lives. Books--save
     for the casual mention of the binding of the lives of the
     saints--were none of their business, and works of charity,
     excepting the customary dole to the poor on Maundy Thursday, and
     occasional relief to 'poor soldiers disabled in the wars of Our
     Lord the King,' scarcely concerned them more. The duties of
     hospitality in the Guest House make the Cellaress a busy woman.
     They cost a good deal, but are not unprofitable; the nuns take in
     'paying guests,' daughters of tradesmen and others. Being ladies,
     the sisters neither toil nor spin; but the Prioress and the
     Grangeress have an army of servants, whose daily duties have to be
     assigned to them; carters and ploughmen have to be sent out to the
     scattered plots owned by the Nunnery in the open fields about
     Cambridge; the neatherd has to drive the cattle to distant
     Willingham fen; the brewer has instructions for malting and brewing
     the 'peny-ale' which serves the nuns for 'bevers'; and the women
     servants are dispatched to work in the dairy, to weed the garden,
     or to weave and to make candles in the hospice. Once in a while a
     party of the nuns, accompanied by their maid-servants, takes boat
     as far as to Lynn, there to buy stock-fish and Norway timber, and
     to fetch a letter for the Prioress."[65]

There is not much sign, alas! in all the record of any great devotion to
religion, such as we might have expected to find in regard to such a
House. Indeed, it would seem that there was seldom a time in the history
of the Nunnery when a visit from the Bishop of the Diocese or from one
of his commissioners on a round of inspection was other than a much
resented occurrence. Discipline, indeed, appears to have been generally
lax in the Nunnery, and the sisters or some of them easily got
permission to gad outside the cloister. Scandal is a key which generally
unlocks the cloister gate and permits a glance into the interior
shadows. _Bene vixit quae bene latuit._

     "Not such was Margaret Cailly, whose sad story was the gossip of
     the nuns' parlour in 1389. She came of an old and reputable family
     which had furnished mayors and bailiffs to Cambridge and had
     endowed the nuns with land at Trumpington. For reasons sufficiently
     moving her, which we may only surmise, she escaped from the
     cloister, discarded her religious garb, and sought hiding in the
     alien diocese of Lincoln. But it so happened that Archbishop
     Courtenay that year was making metropolitical visitation of that
     diocese, and it was the ill-fortune of Margaret, 'a sheep wandering
     from the fold among thorns,' to come under his notice. The
     Archbishop, solicitous that 'her blood be not required at our
     hands,' handed her over to the keeping of our brother of Ely. The
     Bishop in turn passed her on to the custody of her own Prioress,
     with injunctions that she should be kept in close confinement,
     under exercise of salutary penance, until she showed signs of
     contrition for her 'excesses'; and further that when the said
     Margaret first entered the chapter-house she should humbly implore
     pardon of the Prioress and her sisters for her offences. The story
     ends for us at Margaret's prison-door."[66]

[Illustration: Norman Work in Church of Jesus College]

Such a story, more or less typical, I fear, of much and long continued
lax discipline, prepares us for the end. When Bishop Alcock visited the
House in 1497, we are not surprised perhaps at the evidence which is set
forth in the Letters Patent authorising the foundation of his College in
the place of the Nunnery. The buildings and properties of the house are
said to be dilapidated and wasted "owing to the improvidence,
extravagance, and incontinence of the nuns resulting from their
proximity to the University." Two nuns only remain; one of them is
professed elsewhere, the other is _infamis_. They are in abject want,
utterly unable to maintain Divine service or the works of mercy and
piety required of them, and are ready to depart, leaving the home
desolate.

       *       *       *       *       *

From the nuns of S. Rhadegund then Jesus College received no heritage of
noble ideal. Two things only they have left behind them for which they
merit gratitude. Firstly, a bundle of deeds and manuscripts,
inconsiderable to them, very valuable to the scholars and historians of
the future; and secondly, their fine old church and monastic buildings.

In writing in a previous chapter of the buildings of Queens' we drew
attention to the fact that the general plan of the College followed in
the main the lines of a large country house such as Haddon Hall. And in
degree this is true of the other college buildings in Cambridge. A mere
glance at a ground-plan of Jesus will show at once that the arrangement
of the buildings is entirely different from that of any other college at
Cambridge, and it is clearly derived from that of a monastery. This
accords with what we know of its history. However dilapidated the old
nunnery may have become through the poverty and neglect of the nuns, the
outward walls of solid clunch, which under a facing of later brick,
still testify to the durability of the Nunnery builders, were still
practically intact, and Bishop Alcock had too much practical skill as an
architect to destroy buildings which he could so easily adapt to the
needs of his college, and harmonise to fifteenth century fashions in
architecture.

In his conversion of the Nunnery buildings to the purposes of his
college, Bishop Alcock grouped the buildings he required round the
original cloister of the nuns, increasing the size of that cloister by
the breadth of the north aisle of the Conventual Church which he pulled
down. The hall was placed on the north side, the library on the west.
The kitchens and offices were in the angle of the cloister between the
hall and library. The master's lodge at the south-west corner was partly
constructed out of the altered nave of the church, and partly out of new
buildings connecting this south-western corner of the cloister with the
gate of entrance. This gateway, approached by a long gravelled path
between high walls, known popularly as "the chimney," is one of the most
picturesque features of the College. It is usually ascribed to Bishop
Alcock, but on architectural evidence only. It is thus described by
Professor Willis:--

     "The picturesque red-brick gateway tower of Jesus College (1497),
     although destitute of angle-turrets, is yet distinguished from the
     ground upwards by a slight relief, by stone quoins, and by having
     its string courses designedly placed at different levels from those
     of the chambers on each side of it. The general disposition of the
     ornamentation of its arch and of the wall above it furnished the
     model for the more elaborate gate-houses at Christ's College and
     St. John's College. The ogee hood-mould rises upwards, and the stem
     of its finial terminates under the base of a handsome tabernacle
     which occupies the centre of the upper stage, with a window on each
     side of it. Each of the spandrel spaces contains a shield, and a
     larger shield is to be found in the triangular field between the
     hood-mould and the arch."

Professor Willis thus describes also the Conventual Church and the
changes which were made by the Bishop in his conversion of it into a
college chapel.

[Illustration: Norman Work in N. Transept Jesus College Chapel]

     "The church ... presented an arrangement totally different from
     that of the chapel of Jesus College at the present day. It was
     planned in the form of a cross, with a tower in the centre, and had
     in addition to a north and south transept, aisles on the north and
     south sides of the eastern limb, flanking it along half the extent
     of its walls, and forming chapels which opened to the chancel by
     two pier arches in each wall. The structure was completed by a nave
     of seven piers with two side aisles.... (The church) was an
     admirable specimen of the architecture of its period, and two of
     the best preserved remaining portions, the series of lancet windows
     on the north and south aisles of the eastern limb, and the arcade
     that ornaments the inner surface of the tower walls, will always
     attract attention and admiration for the beauty of their
     composition.

     "Under the direction of Bishop Alcock the side aisles, both of the
     chancel and of the nave, were entirely removed, the pier arches by
     which they had communicated with the remaining centre portion of
     the building were walled up, and the place of each arch was
     occupied by a perpendicular window of the plainest description. The
     walls were raised, a flat roof was substituted for the high-pitched
     roof of the original structure, large perpendicular windows were
     inserted in the gables of the chancel and south transept, and
     lastly, two-thirds of the nave were cut off from the church by a
     wall, and fitted up partly as a lodge for the master, partly as
     chambers for students.

     "As for the portion set apart for the chapel of the college, the
     changes were so skilfully effected and so completely concealed by
     plaster within and without, that all trace and even knowledge of
     the old aisles was lost; but in the course of preparations for
     repairs in 1846 the removal of some of the plaster made known the
     fact that the present two south windows of the chancel were
     inserted in walls which were themselves merely the filling-up of a
     pair of pier-arches, and that these arches, together with the piers
     upon which they rested, and the responds whence they sprang, still
     existed in the walls. When this key to the secret of the church had
     been supplied, it was resolved to push the enquiry to the
     uttermost; all the plaster was stripped off the inner face of the
     walls; piers and arches were brought to light again in all
     directions; old foundations were sought for on the outside of
     the building, and a complete and systematic examination of the plan
     and structure of the original Church was set on foot, which led to
     very satisfactory results."[67]

[Illustration: Entrance to Chapter-House Priory of S. Radegund now Jesus
College

Herbert Railton]

To-day the completely restored church, the work at varying intervals
from 1849 to 1869 of Salvin and Pugin and Bodley, forms one of the most
beautiful and interesting college chapels in Cambridge. An important
series of stained glass windows were executed by Mr. William Morris from
the designs of Burne-Jones between 1873-77. In 1893 the Rev. Osmund
Fisher, a former Dean of the College, at this time elected an Honorary
Fellow, remembering to have seen in his undergraduate days of fifty
years before indications of old Gothic work in the wall of the cloister,
during some repair of the plaster work, obtained leave of the Master to
investigate the wall. This led to the discovery of the beautiful triple
group of early English arches and doorway which formed the original
entrance to the chapter house of the Nunnery, one of the most charming
bits of thirteenth century architectural grouping in all Cambridge.

Bishop Alcock was probably a better architect than he was an educational
reformer. He was successful enough in converting the fabric of the
dissolved Nunnery into college buildings. It may be doubted whether he
was equally successful in translating his friend Archbishop Rotherham's
ideal of a grammar school college into a working institution. In the
constitution which he gave to his college there were to be places found
for both Fellows and boys--_Scholares and Pueri_--but the _Scholares_
were obviously to be men, and the _Pueri_ simply schoolboys, for they
were to be under fourteen years of age on admission; and _Juvenes_,
undergraduate scholars, did not enter into his plan. The amended
statutes of his successors, Bishops Stanley and West, gave some
definition to the founder's scheme, but they did not materially modify
it. Within fifty years, in fact, from its foundation, Jesus College, as
Alcock had conceived it, had become an anachronism, and the claustral
community of student priests with their schoolboy acolytes, not
seriously concerned with true education, and unvivified by contact with
the real student scholar, came near to perishing, as a thing born out of
due season. The dawn of what might seem to be a better state of things
only began with the endowment of scholarships--scholarships, that is to
say, in the modern sense--in the reign of Edward VI. It was only,
however, with the university reforms of the nineteenth century that the
proportion of college revenue allotted to such endowment fund was
reasonably assessed.

And yet with this somewhat meagre scholarship equipment the roll of
eminent men belonging to Jesus College is a worthy one. On the very
first page of that roll we are confronted with the name of Cranmer. We
do not know the name of any student whose admission to the College
preceded his. Wary and sagacious then, as in later life, he had resisted
the tempting offer of a Fellowship at Wolsey's new college of Christ
Church at Oxford to come to Cambridge, there, it is true at first, "to
be nursed in the grossest kind of sophistry, logic, philosophy, moral
and natural (not in the text of the old philosophers, but chiefly in
the dark riddles of Duns and other subtle questionists), to his age of
22 years," but shortly, having taken his B.A. degree in 1511, to receive
from Erasmus, who in that year began to lecture at Cambridge as Lady
Margaret Reader, his first bent towards those studies which led
eventually to the publication of his "Short Instruction into Christian
Religion," which it had been better had he himself more closely
followed, and possibly towards that opportunist policy, which in the
event ended so sadly for himself, and meant so much, both of evil and of
good, to the future of both Church and State in England. Closely
associated with Cranmer were other Jesus men, noted theologians of the
reforming party;--John Bale, afterwards Bishop of Ossory, called
"bilious Bale" by Fuller because of the rancour of his attacks on his
papal opponents, Geoffry Downs, Thomas Goodrich, afterwards Bishop of
Ely, John Edmunds, Robert Okyng, and others. In the list of succeeding
archbishops claimed by the College as Jesus men occur the names of
Herring, Hutton, Sterne. The Sterne family indeed contribute not a few
members through several generations to the College, not the least
eminent being the author of "Tristram Shandy" and "The Sentimental
Journey." The portraits of both Laurence Sterne and his great
grandfather the Archbishop hang on the walls of the dining-hall, the
severe eyes of the Caroline divine looking across as if with much
disfavour at the trim and smiling figure of his descendant, the young
cleric so unlike his idea of what a priest and scholar should be. Other
than "Shandean" influence in the College is, however, suggested by the
name of Henry Venn among the admissions of 1742, when he migrated to
Jesus after three months' residence at S. John's, and exercised an
influence prophetic of the great movement of Cambridge evangelicalism,
prolonged far into the next century by Venn's pupil and friend, Charles
Simeon. It is probable, however, that there is no more brilliant page in
the history of Jesus College than that which tells the story of the last
decade of the seventeenth century, and which contains the names of
William Otter, E. D. Clarke, Robert Malthus, and Samuel Taylor
Coleridge. Coleridge was elected a Rustat Scholar in 1791 and a
Foundation Scholar in 1793, but he gained no academic distinction. There
was no classical tripos in those days, and to obtain a Chancellor's
medal it was necessary that a candidate should have obtained honours in
mathematics for which Coleridge had all a poet's abhorrence. Among the
poems of his college days may be remembered, "A Wish written in Jesus
Wood, Feb. 10, 1792," and the well-known "Monologue to a Young Jackass
in Jesus Piece." Another poem more worthy of record perhaps, though he
scribbled it in one of the College chapel prayer-books, is one of
regretful pathos on the neglected "hours of youth," which finds a later
echo in his "Lines on an Autumnal Evening," where he alludes to his
undergraduate days at Jesus:--

"When from the Muses' calm abode
 I came, with learning's meed not unbestowed;
 Whereas she twined a laurel round my brow,
 And met my kiss, and half returned my vow."

And with that quotation from the Jesus poet we may perhaps close this
chapter, only adding one word of hearty agreement with that encomium
which was passed upon the College by King James, who, because of the
picturesqueness of its old buildings and the beauty and charm of its
surroundings, spoke of Jesus College as _Musarum Cantabrigiensium
Museum_, and also with that decision which on a second visit to
Cambridge His Majesty wisely gave, that "Were he to choose, he would
pray at King's, dine at Trinity, and study and sleep at Jesus."




CHAPTER X

COLLEGES OF THE NEW LEARNING

"No more as once in sunny Avignon,
 The poet-scholar spreads the Homeric page,
 And gazes sadly, like the deaf at song:
 For now the old epic voices ring again
 And vibrate with the beat and melody
 Stirred by the warmth of old Ionian days."
        --MRS. BROWNING.

     The Lady Margaret Foundations--Bishop Fisher of Rochester--The
     Foundation of Christ's--God's House--The Buildings of the new
     College--College Worthies--John Milton--Henry More--Charles
     Darwin--The Hospital of the Brethren of S. John--Death of the Lady
     Margaret--Foundation of S. John's College--Its Buildings--The Great
     Gateway--The New Library--The Bridge of Sighs--The
     Wilderness--Wordsworth's "Prelude"--The Aims of Bishop Fisher--His
     Death.


We may well in this chapter take together the twin foundations of
Christ's College and S. John's which both had the Lady Margaret,
Countess of Richmond and Derby, and mother of Henry VII. for their
foundress. The father of this lady was John Beaufort, Duke of Somerset,
and her mother was Margaret, daughter and heiress of Sir John Beauchamp,
of Bletso. "So that," says Fuller, punning on her parents' names,
"_fairfort_ and _fairfield_ met in this lady, who was fair body and fair
soul, being the exactest pattern of the best devotion those days
afforded, taxed for no personal faults but the errors of the age she
lived in. John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, preached her funeral sermon,
wherein he resembled her to Martha in four respects: firstly, nobility
of person; secondly, discipline of her body; thirdly, in ordering her
soul to God; fourthly, in hospitality and charity."

In that assemblage of noble lives, who from the earliest days of
Cambridge history have laboured for the benefit of the University, and
left it so rich a store of intellectual good, there are no more honoured
names than these two:--the Lady Margaret, Countess of Richmond, and her
friend and confessor, Bishop Fisher, under whose wise and cautious
supervision Cambridge first tasted of the fruits of the Renaissance, and
welcomed Erasmus, I fear with but a very tempered enthusiasm, to the
newly-founded Lady Margaret chair, and yet, nevertheless, in that
encouragement of the New Learning laid the foundation of that sound
method and apparatus of criticism which has enabled the University in an
after age to take all knowledge for its province, and to represent its
conquest by the foundation of twenty-five professorial chairs.

John Fisher, who came, as we have seen in the last chapter, from the
Abbey School at Beverley, where, some twenty years or so before, he had
been preceded by Bishop Alcock, was Proctor of the University in 1494,
and three years later, in 1497, was made Master of his College,
Michaelhouse. The duties of the proctorial office necessitated at that
time occasional attendance at Court, and it was on the occasion of his
appearance in this capacity at Greenwich that Fisher first attracted the
notice of the Lady Margaret, who in 1497 appointed him her confessor.
It was an auspicious conjunction for the University. Under his
inspiration the generosity of his powerful patron was readily extended
to enrich academic resources. It was the laudable design of Fisher to
raise Cambridge to the academic level which Oxford had already reached.
Already students of the sister university had been to Italy, and had
returned full of the New Learning. The fame of Colet, Grocyn, and
Linacre made Oxford renowned, and drew to its lecture-rooms eager
scholars from all the learned world. It hardly needed that such a man as
Erasmus should sing the praises of the Oxford teachers. "When I listen
to my friend Colet," he wrote, "I seem to be listening to Plato himself.
Who does not admire in Grocyn the perfection of training? What can be
more acute, more profound, or more refined than the judgment of Linacre?
What has nature ever fashioned gentler, sweeter, or pleasanter than the
disposition of Thomas More?"[68]

It was natural therefore that Fisher should be ambitious in the same
direction for his own university. He began wisely on a small scale, with
an object of immediate practical usefulness, the foundation of a
Divinity professorship, which should aim at teaching pulpit eloquence.
On this point he rightly thought that the adherents of the Old and the
New Learning might agree. And there was desperate need for the
adventure. For with the close of the fifteenth century both theology and
the art of preaching had sunk into general neglect. Times, for example,
had greatly changed since the day when Bishop Grosseteste had declared
that if a priest could not preach, there was one remedy, let him resign
his benefice. But now the sermon itself had ceased to be considered
necessary.

     "Latimer tells us that in his own recollection, sermons might be
     omitted for twenty Sundays in succession without fear of complaint.
     Even the devout More, in that ingenious romance which he designed
     as a covert satire on many of the abuses of his age, while giving
     an admirably conceived description of a religious service, has left
     the sermon altogether unrecognised. In the universities, for one
     master of arts or doctor of divinity who could make a text of
     Scripture the basis of an earnest, simple, and effective homily,
     there were fifty who could discuss its moral, analogical, and
     figurative meaning, who could twist it into all kinds of unimagined
     significance, and give it a distorted, unnatural application. Rare
     as was the sermon, the theologian in the form of a modest, reverent
     expounder of Scripture was yet rarer. Bewildered audiences were
     called upon to admire the performances of intellectual acrobats.
     Skelton, who well knew the Cambridge of these days, not inaptly
     described its young scholars as men who when they had "once
     superciliously caught

    A lytell ragge of rhetoricke,
    A lesse lumpe of logicke,
    A pece or patch of philosophy,
    Then forthwith by and by
    They tumble so in theology,
    Drowned in dregges of divinite
    That they juge themselfe alle to be
    Doctours of the chayre in the Vintre,
    At the Three Cranes
    To magnifye their names."[69]


It was to remedy this state of things that, in the first instance,
Fisher set himself to work. The Divinity professorship was soon
supplemented by the Lady Margaret preachership, the holder of which was
to go from place to place and give a cogent example in pulpit oratory:
one sermon in the course of every two years at each of the following
twelve places:--

     "On some Sunday at S. Paul's Cross, if able to obtain permission,
     otherwise at S. Margaret's, Westminster, or if unable to preach
     there, then in one of the more notable churches of the City of
     London; and once on some feast day in each of the churches of Ware
     and Cheshunt in Hertfordshire; Bassingbourne, Orwell and Babraham
     in Cambridgeshire; Maney, St. James Deeping, Bourn, Boston, and
     Swineshead in Lincolnshire."[70]

We have already spoken in the chapter on Queens' College of the work of
Erasmus at Cambridge. He was summoned to Cambridge in 1511 to teach
Greek and to lecture on the foundation of Lady Margaret. He himself
tells us that within a space of thirty years the studies of the
University had progressed from the old grammar, logic, and scholastic
questions to some knowledge of the New Learning, of the renewed study at
any rate of Aristotle, and the study of Greek.

The literary revival had no doubt been quicker and more brilliant at
Oxford, but Cambridge, owing to Fisher's cautious and careful
supervision, and his foundation of the Lady Margaret Colleges of
Christ's and S. John's, was the first to give to the New Learning a
permanent home.

[Illustration: The Chapel, Christ's College]

The religious bias of the Countess of Richmond had inclined her to
devote the bulk of her fortune to an extension of the great monastery of
Westminster. But Bishop Fisher knew that active learning rather than
lazy seclusion was essential to preserve the Church against the
dangerous Italian type of the Renaissance, and he persuaded her to
direct her gift to educational purposes. He pointed out that the Abbey
Church was already the wealthiest in England, "that the schools of
learning were meanly endowed, the provisions of scholars very few and
small, and colleges yet wanting to their maintenance--that by such
foundations she might have two ends and designs at once, might double
her charity and double her reward, by affording as well supports to
learning as encouragement to virtue."

The foundation of Christ's College in 1505 is an enduring memorial of
the wisdom of the Bishop and the charity of the Lady Margaret.

There is a tradition that Fisher, who undoubtedly had joined
Michaelhouse before taking his B.A. degree in 1487, had, upon his first
entering Cambridge, been a student of God's House. However that may be,
it was to this small foundation he turned as the basis of his projected
new college.

God's House, an adjunct of Clare-Hall, founded by William Byngham,
Rector of S. John Zachary, in London, in 1441, stood originally on a
plot of land at the west end of King's Chapel, adjoining the Church of
S. John Zachary. In the changes which were necessary to secure a site
for King's College, the Church of S. John and God's House were removed.
In return for his surrender, Byngham had received license from Henry
VI. to build elsewhere a college. Land was accordingly secured on what
is now the site of the first and second courts of Christ's College, and
in the charter of the new God's House, dated 16th April 1448, it is
stated that Byngham had deferred the foundation owing to his ardent
desire that "the King's glory and his reward in heaven might be
increased" by his personal foundation of God's House. Henry could not
resist such an argument, and thus God's House became, and Christ's
College, as its successor, claims to be, of Royal Foundation. The little
foundation, however, was always cramped by lack of means. Within fifty
years of its first foundation the time had evidently come for a
reconstitution of God's House.

     "In the year 1505 appeared the royal charter for the foundation of
     Christ's College, wherein after a recital of the facts already
     mentioned, together with other details, it was notified that King
     Henry VII., at the representation of his mother and other noble and
     trustworthy persons--_percarissimae matris nostrae necnon aliorum
     nobilium et fide dignorum_--and having regard to her great desire
     to exalt and increase the Christian faith, her anxiety for her own
     spiritual welfare, and the sincere love which she had ever borne
     'our uncle' (Henry VI.) while he lived--had conceded to her
     permission to carry into full effect the designs of her illustrious
     relative; that is to say, to enlarge and endow the aforesaid God's
     House sufficiently for the reception and support of any number of
     scholars not exceeding sixty, who should be instructed in grammar
     or in the other liberal sciences and faculties or in sacred
     theology."[71]

The arrival of the charter was soon followed by the news of the Lady
Margaret's noble benefactions--consisting of many manors in the four
counties of Cambridge, Norfolk, Leicester, and Essex--which thus exalted
the humble and struggling Society of God's House, under its new
designation of Christ's College, into the fourth place in respect of
revenue, among all the Cambridge colleges.

The building of the College seems to have gone on uninterruptedly
between 1505 and 1511. The amount spent by the Foundress during her
lifetime is not ascertainable; but the cost, as given in the household
books of the Lady Margaret after her death, was more than L1000.

     "Though the College," says the present Master, Dr. Peile, "had no
     very striking architectural features, the general effect, as seen
     in Loggan's view, is good. We see the old mullioned windows
     supplanted by sash windows in the last century: and the battlements
     inside the court as well as without, which were displaced by Essex
     to make way for the solid parapet, which still remains, and indeed
     suits the new windows better. The original windows have recently
     been restored with very good effect. We see a path, called the
     Regent's Walk, running from the great gate directly across the
     court to a door which gave entrance to the great parlour in the
     Lodge, then the reception-room of the College, and now the Masters'
     dining-room. That room has been reduced in size by a passage made
     between it and the Hall. The passage leads to the winding stone
     staircase which gave the only access to this suite of three rooms
     on the first floor, corresponding exactly with those below, and
     reserved by the Foundress for her own use during life, while the
     Master contented himself with the three rooms on the ground floor.
     The Foundress's suite consisted of a large ante-room (commonly but
     wrongly called the Foundress's Bed-Chamber) with a little lobby in
     one corner at the entrance from the old staircase. The second room
     (now the drawing-room) was the Foundress's own living room; it has
     an oriel window looking into the court, not much injured by the
     removal of the mullions."

We may interrupt the Master's record here to tell the characteristic
story of the Lady Margaret which most probably has this oriel window for
its scene: "Once the Lady Margaret came to Christ's College to behold it
when partly built; and looking out of a window, saw the Dean call a
faulty scholar to correction, to whom she said, '_Lente! Lente!_'
(Gently! gently!) as accounting it better to mitigate his punishment
than to procure his pardon: mercy and justice making the best medley to
offenders."[72]

     "The Foundress's sitting-room has a very interesting stone
     chimney-piece adorned with fourteen badges (originally sixteen),
     including a rose (repeated twice), a portcullis--the Beaufort badge
     (repeated once), three ostrich feathers (a badge assumed by Edward
     III. in right of his wife), a crown, a fleur-de-lis (repeated
     once), the letters H.R., doubtless Henricus Rex (repeated once),
     and lastly (twice repeated though the form differs) the special
     badge of the Lady Margaret--groups of Marguerites, in one case
     represented as growing in a basket. This very beautiful work was
     brought to light in 1887; it had been covered up by the insertion
     of a modern fireplace, whereby two of the badges were destroyed.
     The whole had been : there were traces of a deep blue
     pigment on the stone between the badges, and on the jambs was
     scroll-work in black and yellow. The remaining space between the
     drawing-room and the chapel contained at its eastern end a private
     oratory with its window opening into the chapel, closed up in 1702,
     but reopened in 1899; it was connected with the drawing-room by a
     door, which was revealed when the walls of the oratory were
     stripped. At the western end was a small room looking into the
     court, probably the bedroom of the Foundress, connected by a door,
     now visible, with the oratory; this room was swept away when the
     present staircase was introduced, probably in the seventeenth
     century; further access had become necessary, because at that time
     several of the masters let the best rooms of the Lodge, and lived
     themselves in what was called the Little Lodge, a building of
     considerable size to the north of the Chapel, intended originally
     for offices to the Lodge."[73]

[Illustration: Jack in Wolsey's Kitchen

Christ's College]

The hall, between the Lodge and the buttery, has no exceptional
features. Early in the eighteenth century it was entirely Italianised,
as also were many of the other buildings. It was entirely rebuilt by Sir
Gilbert Scott in 1876, the old roof, with its ancient chestnut
principals, being reconstructed and replaced. The walls were raised six
feet and an oriel window was built on the east side in addition to the
original one on the west. In 1882 and following years portraits of the
Founders, of benefactors, and of worthies of the College were placed in
the twenty-one lights of the west oriel. The persons chosen as
"glass-worthy" were William Bingham, Henry VI., John Fisher, Lady
Margaret, Edward VI., Sir John Finch, Sir Thomas Baines, John Leland,
Edmund Grindall, Sir Walter Mildmay, John Still, William Perkins,
William Lee, Sir John Harrington (this because of a mistaken claim on
the part of Christ's, for Harrington was a King's man, and possibly also
of Trinity at a later date), Francis Quarles, John Milton, John
Cleveland, Henry More, Ralph Cudworth, William Paley, Charles Darwin.
The glass-work was executed by Burlison & Grylls.

At an early period "a very considerable part of y^{e} schollars of
Christ College lodged in y^{e} Brazen George; and y^{e} gates there were
shut and opened Morning and Evening constantly as y^{e} College gates
were." The Brazen George Inn stood on the other side of S. Andrew's
Street, opposite to the south-east corner of the College. Alexandra
Street no doubt represents the Inn yard. In 1613 the accommodation in
the College was further increased by the erection of a range of
buildings in the Second Court. This was a timber building of two stories
with attics. In 1665 it is described as "the little old building called
Rat's Hall." It was pulled down in 1730; the large range of buildings
known as the Fellows' buildings, parallel to Rat's Hall and further
east, having been erected, according to tradition, by Inigo Jones about
1640. A large range of building, similar in style to the Fellows'
building, was erected in 1889, and in 1895-97 Messrs. Bodley & Garner
enlarged the old library, and altered and refaced the street front,
extending the building to Christ's Lane, and thus added much to the
dignity of the College buildings, as seen from S. Andrew's Street. The
"re-beautifying the chappell," as the then Master, Dr. Covel, called
it, took place in 1702-3, when it was panelled by John Austin, who did
similar work about the same time in King's College chapel. The chapel
has no remarkable or beautiful features. It is unnecessary to contradict
the verdict of the present Master: "It must have been much more
beautiful during the first fifty years of the College than at any later
time."

[Illustration: The Courtyard of the Wrestlers Inn.

_To face p._ 220]

In the list of twenty-one names which we give above as being
"glass-worthy," we have also, no doubt, the list of the most eminent
members of Christ's College. Of these the two greatest are undoubtedly
John Milton and Charles Darwin.

Milton was admitted a pensioner of Christ's College on 12th February
1624-25, and was matriculated on 9th April following. He resided at
Cambridge in all some seven years, from February 1625 to July 1632. His
rooms were on the left side of the great court as it is entered from the
street, the first floor rooms on the first staircase on that side. They
consist at present of a small study with two windows looking into the
court, and a very small bedroom adjoining, and they have not probably
been altered since his time. In the gardens behind the Fellows'
buildings, perhaps the most delightful of all the college gardens in
Cambridge, is the celebrated mulberry tree, which an unvarying tradition
asserts to have been planted by Milton. "Unvarying," I have ventured to
write, for I dare not repeat the heresy of which Mr. J. W. Clark was
guilty when he suggested that Milton's mulberry tree was in reality one
of three hundred which the College bought to please James I., and which
was "set" by Troilus Atkinson, the College factotum, in the very year
that Milton was born. Concerning such heresy I can only repeat the
rebuke of the present Master: "The suggestion that the object of wider
interest than anything else in Christ's--'Milton's mulberry tree'--is
probably the last of that purchase, is the one crime among a thousand
virtues of the present Registrary of the University." Milton took his
B.A. degree 26th March 1629, the year in which he wrote that noble "Ode
on the Nativity," in which the characteristic majesty of his style is
already well marked. Three years earlier at least he had already written
poems--the epitaph "On the Death of an Infant":--

"O fairest flow'r no sooner blown than blasted,
 Soft, silken primrose fading timelessly,
 Summer's chief honour" ...

hardly less beautiful than the slightly later dirge "On the Marchioness
of Winchester":--

"Here besides the sorrowing
 That thy noble house doth bring,
 Here be tears of perfect moan
 Wept for thee in Helicon,"

which in their exquisite grace and tenderness of wording scarcely fall
below the mastery of the mightier measure and deeper thought of
"Lycidas," written in 1637. Of his Latin poems, written also during his
undergraduate years, Dr. Peile has said--and on such a point there could
be no higher authority:--"Even then he thought in Latin: his exercises
are original poems, not mere clever imitations. There is remarkable
power in them--power which could only be gained by one who had filled
himself with the spirit of classical literature." After this testimony
we can assuredly afford to smile at those rumours of some disgrace in
his university career spread about in later years by his detractors.
That he had met perhaps, according to Aubrey's account, with "some
unkindnesse" from his tutor Chapell, even though that phrase by an
amended reading is interpreted "whipt him," need not distress us. It is
a doubtful piece of gossip, and even if it were true--for flogging of
students was by no means obsolete--it was a story to the tutor's
disgrace, not to Milton's; and certainly the poet himself bore no grudge
against the College authorities, as these magnanimous words plainly
testify:--

     "I acknowledge publicly with all grateful mind, that more than
     ordinary respect which I found, above any of my equals, at the
     hands of those courteous and learned men, the Fellows of that
     College, wherein I spent some years; who, at my parting, after I
     had taken two degrees, as the manner is, signified many ways how
     much better it would content them that I would stay; as by many
     letters full of kindness and loving respect, both before that time
     and long after, I was assured of their singular good affection
     towards me."[74]

Between the matriculation of John Milton at Christ's and that of Charles
Darwin at the same college is a period exactly of two centuries. The
Christ's Roll of Honour for that period contains many worthy names, but
none certainly which shed a brighter lustre on the College history than
that of Henry More, a leader in that remarkable school of thinkers in
the seventeenth century--Benjamin Whichcote, Ralph Cudworth, John
Smith, John Worthington, Samuel Cradock--known as "the Cambridge
Platonists," for whom Burnet claims the high credit of "having saved the
Church from losing the esteem of the kingdom," and whose distinctive
teaching is perhaps best brought out in More's writings. Henry More had
been admitted to Christ's College about the time when John Milton was
leaving it. He was elected a Fellow of the College in 1639, and
thenceforth lived almost entirely within its walls. Like many others, he
began as a poet and ended as a prose writer. He had, in fact, the
Platonic temperament in far greater measure probably than any other of
the Cambridge school. How the soul should escape from its animal
prison--when it should get the wings that of right should belong to
it--into what regions those wings could carry it--were the questions
which occupied him from youth upwards. "I would sing," he had said in
one of his Platonical poems,

                 "The pre-existency
 Of human souls, and live once more again,
 By recollection and quick memory,
 All what is past since first we all began."

But the neo-platonic extravagances which lay hidden in his writings from
the first grew at last into a new species of fanaticism, which makes his
later books quite unreadable. And yet he remains perhaps the most
typical, certainly the most interesting, of all the Cambridge
Platonists, and at least he held true to the two great springs of the
movement--an unshrinking appeal to Reason, coupled with profound faith
in the essential harmony of natural and spiritual Truth--doctrines
which are of the very pith of the seventeenth century Cambridge evangel,
and which one is glad to think remain of the very essence of the
Cambridge theology of to-day. That Henry More and the Cambridge
Platonists failed in much that they attempted cannot be denied. They
failed partly because of their own weakness, but partly also because the
time was not yet ripe for an adequate spiritual philosophy. Such a
philosophy of religion can indeed only rise gradually on a comprehensive
basis of historic criticism, and of a criticism which has realised not
only that religious thought can no more transcend history than science
can transcend nature, but has also learnt the lesson--which no man has
more clearly taught to the students of history and of science alike, in
the century which has just closed, than that latest and greatest of the
sons of Christ's College, Charles Darwin--that knowledge is to be found
not only in sudden illumination, but in the slow processes of evolution,
and progress not in pet theories of this or that ancient or modern
thinker, but only in patient study and faithful generalisation.

Let us turn now to the second and perhaps greater Lady Margaret
Foundation of S. John's College.

Three years after Henry VI.'s incompleted foundation of God's House had
been enriched by a fair portion of the Lady Margaret's lands and opened
as Christ's College, the Oxford friends of the Countess petitioned her
for help in the endowment of a college in that University. For a time it
seemed as if Christ's Church was to have the Lady Margaret and not
Cardinal Wolsey as its founder. But Bishop Fisher again successfully
pleaded the cause of his own University, and the royal licence to
refound the corrupt monastic Hospital of S. John as a great and wealthy
college was obtained in 1508.

Of the Hospital of the Brethren of S. John the Evangelist, which was
founded in the year 1135, we have already spoken in the chapter on
Peterhouse. It owed its origin to an opulent Cambridge burgess, Henry
Frost, and was placed under the direction of a small community of
Augustinian Canons, an Order whose rule very closely resembled that of a
monastery, their duties consisting mainly in the performance of
religious services, and in caring for the poor and infirm. The patronage
which the little community received would seem to show that, during its
earlier history at least, the Brethren of S. John had faithfully
discharged their duties. Several of the early Bishops of Ely took the
Hospital under their direct patronage. Bishop Eustace, a prelate who
played a foremost part in Stephen's reign, appropriated to it the
livings of Homingsea and of S. Peter's Church in Cambridge, now known as
Little S. Mary's. Bishop Hugh de Balsham, as we have seen in our account
of his foundation of Peterhouse, endeavoured to utilise the Hospital for
the accommodation of the many students who in his time were flocking to
the University in quest of knowledge, and to that end endowed the
Hospital with additional revenues. After the failure of that scheme and
the successful foundation of Peterhouse, Bishop Simon Montagu came to
the help of the little house, and decreed, that in compensation for the
loss of S. Peter's Church, the Master and Fellows of Peterhouse should
pay to the Brethren of S. John a sum of twenty shillings annually, a
payment which has regularly been made down to the present day. The
Hospital continued to grow in wealth and importance down to the time of
its "decay and fall" in Henry VII.'s reign. The last twelve years of the
fifteenth century, under the misrule of its then Master, William Tomlyn,
saw its estates mortgaged or let on long leases, its discipline lax and
scandalous, its furniture, and even sacred vessels, sold. At the
beginning of the sixteenth century it had fallen into poverty and decay,
and the number of its brethren had dwindled to two. Its condition is
described in words identical with those applied to the Priory of S.
Rhadegund.[75] The words, as given in the charter of S. John's College,
are these:--

     "The House or Priory of the Brethren of S. John the Evangelist, its
     lands, tenements, rents, possessions, buildings, as well as its
     effects, furniture, jewels and other ornaments in the Church,
     conferred upon the said house or priory in former times, have now
     been so grievously dilapidated, destroyed, wasted, alienated,
     diminished and made away with, by the carelessness, prodigality,
     improvidence and dissolute conduct of the Prior, Master and
     brethren of the aforesaid House or Priory; and the brethren
     themselves have been reduced to such want and poverty that they are
     unable to perform Divine Service, or their accustomed duties
     whether of religion, mercy or hospitality, according to the
     original ordinance of their founders, or even to maintain
     themselves by reason of their poverty and want of means of
     support; inasmuch as for a long while two brethren only have been
     maintained in the aforesaid House, and these are in the habit of
     straying abroad in all directions beyond the precincts of the said
     religious House, to the grave displeasure of Almighty God, the
     discredit of their order, and the scandal of their Church."

The legal formalities necessary for the suppression of the Hospital were
so tedious, that it was not "utterly extinguished," as Baker, the
historian of S. John's, called its dissolution, until January 1510, when
it fell, "a lasting monument to all future ages and to all charitable
and religious foundations not to neglect the rules or abuse the
institutions of their founders, lest they fall under the same fate."
Meanwhile, before these difficulties could be entirely overcome, King
Henry VII. died, and within little more than two months after, the Lady
Margaret herself was laid to rest by the side of her royal son in
Westminster Abbey. Erasmus composed her epitaph. Skelton sang her elegy.
Torregiano, the Florentine sculptor, immortalised her features in that
monumental effigy which Dean Stanley has characterised as "the most
beautiful and venerable figure that the abbey contains." Bishop Fisher,
who two months before had preached the funeral sermon for her son Henry
VII., preached again, and with a far deeper earnestness, on the loss
which, to him at least, could never be replaced.

[Illustration: Entrance

S. John's College]

     "Every one that knew her," he said, "loved her, and everything that
     she said or did became her ... of marvellous gentleness she was
     unto all folks, but especially unto her own, whom she trusted and
     loved right tenderly.... All England for her death hath cause of
     weeping. The poor creatures who were wont to receive her alms, to
     whom she was always piteous and merciful; the students of both the
     universities, to whom she was as a mother; all the learned men of
     England, to whom she was a very patroness; all the virtuous and
     devout persons, to whom she was as a loving sister; all the good
     religious men and women whom she so often was wont to visit and
     comfort; all good priests and clerks, to whom she was a true
     defendress; all the noblemen and women, to whom she was a mirror
     and example of honour; all the common people of this realm, to whom
     she was in their causes a woman mediatrix and took right great
     displeasure for them; and generally the whole realm, hath cause to
     complain and to mourn her death."

The executors of the Lady Margaret were Richard Fox, Bishop of
Winchester; John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester; Charles Somerset; Lord
Herbert, afterwards Earl of Worcester; Sir Thomas Lovell, Knight; Sir
Henry Marney, Knight, afterwards Lord Marney; Sir John St. John, Knight;
Henry Hornby, clerk; and Hugh Ashton, clerk. Unforeseen difficulties,
however, soon arose. The young king looked coldly on a project which
involved a substantial diminution of the inheritance which he had
anticipated from his grandmother, while the young Bishop of Ely--"the
Dunce Bishop of Ely"--James Stanley,[76] although stepson to the
Countess, and solely indebted to her for promotion to his see, a dignity
which he little merited, did his best after her death to avert the
dissolution of the Hospital. As a result of this opposition of the Court
party, to which no less a person than Cardinal Wolsey, out of jealousy
it would seem for his own university, lent his powerful support, Lady
Margaret's executors found themselves compelled to forego their claims,
and the munificent bequest intended by the foundress was lost to the
College for ever. As some compensation for the loss sustained the
untiring exertions of Bishop Fisher succeeded in obtaining for the
College the revenues of another God's House, a decayed society at
Ospringe, in Kent, and certain other small estates, producing altogether
an income of L80. "This," says Baker, "with the lands of the old house,
together with the foundress's estate at Fordham, which was charged with
debts by her will, and came so charged to the College, with some other
little things purchased with her moneys at Steukley, Bradley, Isleham,
and Foxton (the two last alienated or lost), was the original foundation
upon which the College was first opened; and whoever dreams of vast
revenues or larger endowments will be mightily mistaken."

[Illustration: Gateway S. John's College]

Such were the conditions under which the new society of the College of
S. John the Evangelist was at last formed in 1511, and Robert Shorten
appointed Master with thirty-one Fellows. During Shorton's brief tenure
of the Mastership (1511-16) it devolved upon him to watch the progress
of the new building, which now rose on the site of the Hospital, and
included a certain portion of the ancient structure.

     "Some three centuries and a half later, in 1869, when the old
     chapel gave place to the present splendid erection, the process of
     demolition laid bare to view some interesting features in the
     ancient pre-collegiate buildings. Members of the College, prior to
     the year 1863, can still remember 'The Labyrinth'--the name given
     to a series of students' rooms approached by a tortuous passage
     which wound its way from the first court, north of the gateway
     opening upon Saint John's Street. These rooms were now ascertained
     to have been formed out of the ancient infirmary--a fine single
     room, some 78 feet in length and 22 in breadth, which during the
     mastership of William Whitaker (1586-95) had been converted into
     three floors of students' chambers. Removal of the plaster which
     covered the south wall of the original building further brought to
     light a series of Early English lancet windows, erected probably
     with the rest of the structure, sometime between the years 1180 and
     1200. Between the first and second of these windows stood a very
     beautiful double piscina which Sir Gilbert Scott repaired and
     transferred to the New Chapel. The chapel of the Hospital had been
     altered to suit the needs of the College, and in Babington's
     opinion was very much 'changed for the worse.' The Early English
     windows gave place to smaller perpendicular windows, inserted in
     the original openings, while the pitch of the roof was considerably
     lowered. The contract is still extant made between Shorton and the
     glazier, covenanting for the insertion of 'good and noble Normandy
     glasse,' in certain specified portions of which were to appear
     'roses and portcullis,' the arms of 'the excellent pryncesse
     Margaret, late Countesse of Rychemond and Derby,' while the
     colouring and designs were to be the same 'as be in the glasse
     wyndowes within the collegge called Christes Collegge in Cambrigge
     or better in euery poynte.'"[77]

The buildings of S. John's College consist of four quadrangles disposed
in succession from east to west, and extending to a length of some
nearly 300 yards. The westernmost court is across the river, approached
by the well-known "Bridge of Sighs," built in 1831. The easternmost
court, facing on the High Street, is the primitive quadrangle, and for
nearly a century after the foundation comprised the whole college.
The plan closely follows what we have now come to regard as the normal
arrangement, and is almost identical with that of Queens'.

[Illustration: S. John's College from the Backs]

The Great Gateway, which is in the centre of the eastern range of
buildings, is by far the most striking and beautiful gate in all
Cambridge. It is of red brick with stone quoins. The sculpture in the
space over the arch commemorates the founders, the Lady Margaret and her
son King Henry VII. In the centre is a shield bearing the arms of
England and France quarterly, supported by the Beaufort antelopes. Above
it is a crown beneath a rose. To the right and left are the portcullis
and rose of the Tudors, both crowned. The whole ground is sprinkled with
daisies, the peculiar emblem of the foundress. They appear in the crown
above the portcullis. They cluster beneath the string course. Mixed with
other flowers they form a groundwork to the heraldic devices. Above all,
in a niche, is the statue of S. John. The present figure was set up in
1662. The original figure was removed during the Civil War. There is
evidence that at one time the arms were emblazoned in gold and colours,
and that the horns of the antelopes were gilt.

Over the gateway is the treasury. The first floor of the range of
buildings to the south of the treasury contained at first the library.
The position of this old library is the only feature in the arrangement
of the buildings in which S. John's differs from Queens'.

[Illustration: Oriel in Library, S. John's College]

The second court, a spacious quadrangle, considerably larger than the
first, was commenced in 1598, and finished in 1602, the greater part
of the cost being defrayed by the Countess of Salisbury. In the west
range there is a large gateway tower. The first floor of the north range
contains the master's long gallery--a beautiful room with panelled walls
and a rich plaster ceiling. In this fine chamber for successive
centuries the head of the College was accustomed to entertain his
guests, among whom royalty was on several occasions included. According
to the historian Carter, down even to the middle of the last century it
still remained the longest room in the University, and when the door of
the library was thrown open, the entire vista presented what he
describes as a "most charming view." It was originally 148 feet long,
but owing to various rearrangements its dimensions have been reduced to
93 feet. It is now used as a Combination Room by the Fellows.

The new library building, which forms the north side of the third court,
was built in 1624. It is reached by a staircase built in the north-west
corner of the second court. The windows of the library are pointed and
filled with fairly good geometrical tracery, while the level of the
floor and the top of the wall are marked by classical entablatures. The
wall is finished by a good parapet, which originally had on each
battlement three little pinnacles like those still remaining on the
parapet of the oriel window in the west gable. This gable stands above
the river, and forms with the adjoining buildings a most picturesque
group. The name of Bishop Williams of Lincoln, Lord Keeper of the Great
Seal, who had contributed as "an unknown person" two-thirds of the
entire cost of L3000, is commemorated by the letters I.L.C.S. (_i.e._
_Johannes Lincolniensis Custos Sigilli_), together with the date 1624,
which appear conspicuously over the central gable. His arms, richly
emblazoned, were suspended over the library door, and his portrait,
painted by Gilbert Jackson, adorns the wall. The original library
bookcases remain, though their forms have been considerably altered.

The west range of the second court and the new library formed two sides
of the third court. The remaining river range and the buildings on the
south adjoining the back lane were added about fifty years later. They
were probably designed by Nicholas Hawkes, then a pupil of Sir
Christopher Wren. The central composition of the western range was
designed as an approach to a footbridge leading to the College walks
across the river. This footbridge gave way to the covered new bridge,
commonly spoken of as the Bridge of Sighs from its superficial
resemblance to the so-called structure at Venice, leading to the fourth
court, which was completed in 1831 from the plans of Rickman and
Hutchinson. The old bridge, leading from the back lane, was built in
1696. Beyond the new court are the extensive gardens, on the western
side of which is "the wilderness," commemorated by Wordsworth, who was
an undergraduate of John's from 1787 to 1791, in the well-known lines of
his Prelude:--

"All winter long whenever free to choose,
 Did I by night Frequent the College grove
 And tributary walks; the last and oft
 The only one who had been lingering there
 Through hours of silence, till the porter's bell,
 A punctual follower on the stroke of nine,
 Rang with its blunt unceremonious voice
 Inexorable summons. Lofty elms,
 Inviting shades of opportune recess,
 Bestowed composure on a neighbourhood
 Unpeaceful in itself. A single tree
 With sinuous trunk, boughs exquisitely wreathed,
 Grew there; an ash, which Winter for himself
 Decked out with pride, and with outlandish grace;
 Up from the ground and almost to the top
 The trunk and every mother-branch were green
 With clustering ivy, and the lightsome twigs
 The outer spray profusely tipped with seeds
 That hung in yellow tassels, while the air
 Stirred them, not voiceless. Often have I stood
 Foot-bound, uplooking at this lovely tree
 Beneath a frosty moon. The hemisphere
 Of magic fiction verse of mine perchance
 May never tread; but scarcely Spenser's self
 Could have more tranquil visions in his youth,
 Or could more bright appearances create
 Of human forms with superhuman powers
 Than I beheld, loitering on calm clear nights
 Alone, beneath the fairy-work of Earth."

[Illustration: Bridge of Sighs

S. John's College]

The new chapel of S. John's, designed by Sir Gilbert Scott in a style of
pointed architecture, repeating, with some added degree of richness, the
same architect's design of Exeter College chapel at Oxford, was begun in
1863 and finished in 1869. The scheme involved the destruction of the
old chapel and the still earlier building to the north of it. The hall
was enlarged by adding to it the space formerly occupied by the Master's
lodge, a new lodge being built to the north of the third court, and the
Master's gallery being converted into the Fellows' combination room.
The stalls from the old chapel were refixed in the new building, and
some new stalls were added. The beautiful Early English piscina, three
arches and some monuments were also removed from the old chapel.

       *       *       *       *       *

Considerations of space compel me to bring this chapter to a conclusion.
I have spoken of the two Lady Margaret foundations as colleges of the
New Learning. How far they have succeeded in fulfilling the aims of
their founder only a careful study of their subsequent history can tell,
and for that we have not space. But this, at least, we may say, that a
college in which, generation after generation, there were enrolled men
of such varying parts and powers as Sir Thomas Wyatt and William
Grindall; as Sir John Cheke and Roger Ascham, the former the tutor of
Edward VI., the latter of Queen Elizabeth, and both famous as among the
most sagacious and original thinkers on the subject of education; as
Robert Greene and Thomas Nash, the dramatists; as Robert Cecil, Earl of
Salisbury, and Thomas Cartwright, "the most learned of that sect of
dissenters called Puritans"; of John Dee, mathematician and astrologer,
the editor of Euclid's "Elements," and William Lee, the inventor of the
stocking-frame; of Roger Dodsworth, the antiquary, and Thomas Sutton,
the founder of Charterhouse; as Thomas Baker, the historian of the
College, and Richard Bentley, the great scholar and critic; as Henry
Constable, and Robert Herrick and Mark Akenside and Robert Otway and
Henry Kirke White and William Wordsworth--a galaxy of names which seems
to prove that not Cambridge only, but S. John's College, is "the mother
of poets"--as William Wilberforce and Thomas Clarkson, can hardly be
said not to have contributed much to the history of English culture and
English learning, to the extension of the older Classical studies, and
to the advance of the newer Science, to that wider and freer outlook
upon the world and upon life to which so much that is best in our modern
civilisation may be traced, and all of which took its origin from that
movement of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries which we know by the
name of the Renaissance. Of the genuine attachment of Bishop Fisher, the
true founder of S. John's, to the New Learning there can be no doubt. He
showed it clearly enough by the sympathy which he evinced with the new
spirit of Biblical Criticism, and by the friendship with Erasmus, which
induced that great scholar to accept the Lady Margaret professorship at
Cambridge. That the study of Greek was allowed to go on in the
University without that active antagonism which it encountered at Oxford
was mainly owing--it is the testimony of Erasmus himself--to the
powerful protection which it received from Bishop Fisher. On the other
hand, it cannot be denied that his attachment to the papal cause, and
his hostility to Luther, whom he rightly enough regarded as a Reformer
of a very different type to that of his friends Erasmus, Colet, and
More, remained unshaken.

[Illustration: Tower & Turrets of Trinity from S. John's College]

On the occasion of the burning of Luther's writings in S. Paul's
Churchyard in 1521, he had preached against the great reformer at Paul's
Cross before Wolsey and Warham, a sermon which was subsequently handled
with severity by William Tyndall. It is, in fact, not difficult to
recognise in the various codes of statutes, which from time to time he
gave to his college foundations, evidence of both the strength and
weakness of his character. In 1516 he had given to S. John's statutes
which were identical with those of Christ's College. But in 1524 he
substituted for these another code, and in 1530 a third. In this final
code, accordingly, among many provisions, characterised by much prudent
forethought, and amid statutes which really point to something like a
revolution in academic study, we see plainly enough signs of timorous
distrust, not to say a pusillanimous anxiety against all innovations
whatever in the future. But in one cause, at any rate, he bore a noble
part, and for it he died a noble death. His opposition to the divorce of
King Henry and Queen Catharine was not less honourable than it was
consistent, and he stood alone among the Bishops of the realm in his
refusal to recognise the validity of the measure. It was, in fact, his
unflinching firmness in regard to the Act of Supremacy which finally
sealed his fate. The story of his trial and death are matters that
belong to English history. The pathos of it we can all feel as we read
the pages in which Froude has told the story in his "History," and its
moral, we may perhaps also feel, has not been unfitly pointed by Mr.
Mullinger in his "History of the University." Here are Froude's words:--

     "Mercy was not to be hoped for. It does not seem to have been
     sought. He was past eighty. The earth on the edge of the grave was
     already crumbling under his feet; and death had little to make it
     fearful. When the last morning dawned, he dressed himself
     carefully--as he said, for his marriage day. The distance to Tower
     Hill was short. He was able to walk; and he tottered out of the
     prison gates, holding in his hand a closed volume of the New
     Testament. The crowd flocked about him, and he was heard to pray
     that, as this book had been his best comfort and companion, so in
     that hour it might give him some special strength, and speak to him
     as from his Lord. Then opening it at a venture, he read: 'This is
     life eternal, to know Thee, the only true God, and Jesus Christ,
     whom Thou hast sent.' It was the answer to his prayer; and he
     continued to repeat the words as he was led forward. On the
     scaffold he chanted the _Te Deum_, and then, after a few prayers,
     knelt down, and meekly laid his head upon a pillow where neither
     care nor fear nor sickness would ever vex it more. Many a spectacle
     of sorrow had been witnessed on that tragic spot, but never one
     more sad than this; never one more painful to think or speak of.
     When a nation is in the throes of revolution, wild spirits are
     abroad in the storm: and poor human nature presses blindly forward
     with the burden which is laid upon it, tossing aside the obstacles
     in its path with a recklessness which, in calmer hours, it would
     fear to contemplate."[78]

And here are Mr. Mullinger's:--

     "When it was known at Cambridge that the Chancellor (Fisher) was
     under arrest, it seemed as though a dark cloud had gathered over
     the University; and at those colleges which had been his peculiar
     care the sorrow was deeper than could find vent in language. The
     men, who ever since their academic life began, had been conscious
     of his watchful oversight and protection, who as they had grown up
     to manhood had been honoured by his friendship, aided by his
     bounty, stimulated by his example to all that was commendable and
     of good report, could not see his approaching fate without bitter
     and deep emotion; and rarely in the correspondence of colleges is
     there to be found such an expression of pathetic grief as the
     letter in which the Society of S. John's addressed their beloved
     patron in his hour of trial. In the hall of that ancient foundation
     his portrait still looks down upon those who, generation after
     generation, enter to reap where he sowed. Delineated with all the
     severe fidelity of the art of that period, we may discern the
     asceticism of the ecclesiastic blending with the natural kindliness
     of the man, the wide sympathies with the stern convictions. Within
     those walls have since been wont to assemble not a few who have
     risen to eminence and renown. But the College of St. John the
     Evangelist can point to none in the long array to whom her debt of
     gratitude is greater, who have laboured more untiredly or more
     disinterestedly in the cause of learning, or who by a holy life and
     heroic death are more worthy to survive in the memories of her
     sons."[79]




CHAPTER XI

A SMALL AND A GREAT COLLEGE

"Quae ponti vicina vides, Audelius olim
 Coepit et adversi posuit fundamina muri:
 Et coeptum perfecit opus Staffordius heros
 Quem genuit maribus regio celeberrima damis.

        *       *       *       *       *

 Quattuor inde novis quae turribus alta minantur
 Et nivea immenso diffundunt atria circo,
 Ordine postremus, sed non virtutibus, auxit
 Henricus tecta, et triplices cum jungeret sedes,
 Imposuit nomen facto."
         --GILES FLETCHER, 1633.

     Dissolution of the Monasteries--Schemes for Collegiate Spoliation
     checked by Henry VIII.--Monks' or Buckingham College--Refounded by
     Sir Thomas Audley as Magdalene College--Conversion of the Old
     Buildings--The Pepysian Library--Foundation of Trinity
     College--Michaelhouse and the King's Hall--King Edward's Gate--The
     Queen's Gate--The Great Gate--Dr. Thomas Neville--The Great
     Court--The Hall--Neville's Court--New Court--Dr. Bentley--"A House
     of all Kinds of Good Letters."


The dissolution of the monasteries by Henry VIII. and the confiscation
of their great estates naturally created a sense of foreboding in the
universities that it would not be long before the College estates shared
the same fate. There were not wanting, we may be sure, greedy courtiers
prepared with schemes of collegiate spoliation. If we may trust,
however, the testimony of Harrison in his "Description of England,"[80]
the hopes of the despoiler were effectually checked by the King
himself. "Ah, sirha," he is reported to have said to some who had
ventured to make proposals for such despoilment, "I perceive the abbey
lands have fleshed you, and set your teeth on edge to ask also those
colleges. And whereas we had a regard only to pull down sin by defacing
the monasteries, you have a desire also to overthrow all goodness by a
dispersion of colleges. I tell you, sirs, that I judge no land in
England better bestowed than that which is given to our universities;
for by their maintenance our realm shall be well governed when we be
dead and rotten." These are brave words, and we may hope that they were
sincere. They may seem, perhaps, to receive some confirmation of
sincerity from the fact that that munificent donor of other people's
property did himself erect upon the ruins of more than one earlier
foundation that great college, whose predominance in the University has
from that time onwards been so marked a feature of Cambridge life. It is
the opinion of Huber,[81] that the uncertainty and depression caused in
the universities by these fears of confiscation did not subside until
well on in the reign of Elizabeth.

       *       *       *       *       *

In the year 1542, however, four years before the foundation of Trinity
College by Henry VIII., the spoliation of the monasteries was turned to
the advantage of the University in a somewhat remarkable manner. On the
further side of the river Cam, "cut off," as Fuller describes it, "from
the continent of Cambridge," there stood an ancient religious house
known at this time as Buckingham College.

     "Formerly it was a place where many monks lived, on the charge of
     their respective convent, being very fit for solitary persons by
     the situation thereof. For it stood on the transcantine side, an
     anchoret in itself, severed by the river from the rest of the
     University. Here the monks some seven years since had once and
     again lodged and feasted Edward Stafford, the last Duke of
     Buckingham of that family. Great men best may, good men always
     will, be grateful guests to such as entertain them. Both
     qualifications met in this Duke and then no wonder if he largely
     requited his welcome. He changed the name of the house into
     Buckingham College, began to build, and purposed to endow the same,
     no doubt in some proportion to his own high and rich estate."[82]

The foundation of this Monks' College had dated as far back as the year
1428, when the Benedictines of Croyland erected a building for the
accommodation of those monks belonging to their house who wished to
repair to Cambridge, "to study the Canon Law and the Holy Scriptures,"
and yet to reside under their own monastic rule. From time to time other
Benedictines of the neighbourhood--Ely, Ramsey, Walden--added additional
chambers to the hostel--Croyland Abbey, however, remaining the superior
house.

[Illustration: The Library, Chapel and Hall, Magdalene College]

A hall was built in connection with the College in 1519 by Edward, Duke
of Buckingham, son of the former benefactor, and it is probably to this
date that we may refer the secular or semi-secular foundation of the
College. Certainly at this period the secular element of the College
must have been considerable, for we find Cranmer, on his resignation of
his Fellowship at Jesus on account of his marriage, supporting himself
by giving lectures at Buckingham College. Sir Robert Rede, the founder
of the Rede Lectureship in the University, and Thomas Audley, the future
Lord Chancellor, are also said to have received their education in this
College. At any rate there can be little doubt that it was this
semi-secular character of the College at this period which saved it from
the operations of the successive acts for the dissolution of the
monastic bodies. In the year 1542 Buckingham College was converted by
Sir Thomas Audley into Magdalene College. "Thomas, Lord Audley of
Walden," says Fuller, "Chancellor of England, by licence obtained from
King Henry VIII., changed Buckingham into Magdalene (vulgarly Maudlin)
College, because, as some[83] will have it, his surname is therein
contained betwixt the initial and final letters thereof--_M'audley'n_.
This may well be indulged to his fancy, whilst more solid considerations
moved him to the work itself." What those "more solid considerations"
may have been it is difficult, in relation to such a founder, to divine.
He was a man who had gradually amassed considerable wealth by a singular
combination of talent, audacity, and craft, one who, in the language of
Lloyd in his "State Worthies," was "well seen in the flexures and
windings of affairs at the depths whereof other heads not so steady
turned giddy." He was Speaker of the House of Commons in that
Parliament by whose aid Henry VIII. had finally separated himself and
his kingdom from all allegiance to the See of Rome, and of whose further
measures for ecclesiastical reform at home Bishop Fisher had exclaimed
in the House of Lords: "My lords, you see daily what bills come hither
from the Common House, and all is to the destruction of the Church. For
God's sake, see what a realm the kingdom of Bohemia was, and when the
Church went down, then fell the glory of the kingdom. Now with the
Commons is nothing but 'Down with the Church!' and all this meseemeth is
for lack of faith only." Sir Thomas Audley had been one of the first to
profit by the plunder of the monasteries. "He had had," as Fuller terms
it, "the first cut in the feast of abbey lands." He was also one of
those who shared in its final distribution. As a reward for his services
as Lord Chancellor--and what those services must have been as "the
keeper of the conscience" of such a king as Henry VIII. we need not
trouble to inquire--a few more of the suppressed monasteries were
granted to him at the general dissolution, among which, at his own
earnest suit, was the Abbey of Walden in Essex. Walden was one of the
Benedictine houses that had been associated in the early days with
Monks', now Buckingham College. Whether the newly-created Lord of Walden
regarded himself as inheriting also the Monks' rights and
responsibilities in connection with the Cambridge college or not, or
whether, being an old man now and infirm and with no male heir, he
thought to find some solace for his conscience in the thought of himself
as the benefactor and founder of a permanent college, I cannot say.
Certain, however, it is that the original statutes of Magdalene College,
unlike those of Christ's and John's, exhibit no regard for the New
Learning, and are indeed mainly noteworthy for the large powers and
discretion which they assign to the Master, and the almost entire
freedom of that official from any responsibility to the governing body
of Fellows. It was evidently the founder's design to place the College
practically under the control of the successive owners of Audley End.

In 1564 the young Duke of Norfolk, who had married Lord Audley's
daughter and sole heir, and who was, moreover, descended from the early
benefactor of the College, the Duke of Buckingham, contributed liberally
towards both the revenues of Magdalene and its buildings. On the
occasion of Queen Elizabeth's visit to Cambridge, it is recorded that
"the Duke of Norfolk accompanied Her Majesty out of the town, and, then
returning, entered Magdalene College, and gave much money to the same;
promising L40 by year till they had builded the quadrant of the
College."[84] From this statement it is plain that the quadrangle of
Magdalene was not complete so late as 1654. The chapel and old library
which form the west side of this court, and also the frontage to the
street, had been built in 1475. The roof of the present chapel,
uncovered in 1847, shows that Buckingham College had a chapel on the
same site. The doorway in the north-west corner of the court retained a
carving of the three keys, the arms of the prior and convent of Ely, so
late as 1777, and thus probably indicated the chambers which were added
to Monks' College for the accommodation of the Ely Convent scholars. The
similar rooms assigned to the scholar-monks of Walden and Ramsey appear
to have been in the range of buildings forming the south side of the
College, parallel with the river, originally built in 1465, but
reconstructed in 1585. The new gateway in the street-front belongs also
to this late date. The chapel was thoroughly "Italianised" in 1733, and
again restored and enlarged in 1851.

The extremely beautiful building now known as the Pepysian Library,
beyond the old quadrangle to the east, which belongs to Restoration
times, although its exact date and the name of its architect are not
known, is the chief glory of Magdalene. It was probably approaching
completion in 1703, when Samuel Pepys, the diarist, who had been a sizar
of the College in 1650, and had lately contributed towards the cost of
the building, bequeathed his library to the College, and directed that
it should be housed in the new building. There, accordingly, it is now
deposited, and the inscription, "BIBLIOTHECA PEPYSIANA, 1724," with his
arms and motto, "_Mens cujusque is est quisque_," is carved in the
pediment of the central window. The collection of books is a specially
interesting one, invaluable to the historian or antiquary. Most of the
books are in the bindings of the time, and are still in the
mahogany-glazed bookcases in which they were placed by Pepys himself in
1666, and of which he speaks in his Diary under date August 24 of
that year:--

[Illustration: Tower & Gateway to Trinity College.

_To face p. 252_]

     "Up and dispatched several businesses at home in the morning, and
     then comes Simpson to set up my other new presses for my books; and
     so he and I fell to the furnishing of my new closett, and taking
     out the things out of my old; and I kept him with me all day, and
     he dined with me, and so all the afternoone, till it was quite
     darke hanging things--that is my maps and pictures and
     draughts--and setting up my books, and as much as we could do, to
     my most extraordinary satisfaction; so that I think it will be as
     noble a closett as any man hath, and light enough--though, indeed,
     it would be better to have had a little more light."

Of the many Magdalene men of eminence, from the days of Sir Robert Rede
and Archbishop Cranmer down to those of Charles Parnell and Charles
Kingsley, there is no need to speak in any other words than those of
Fuller: "Every year this house produced some eminent scholars, as living
cheaper and privater, freer from town temptations by their remote
situation."

       *       *       *       *       *

No Cambridge foundation, probably no academic institution in Europe,
furnishes so striking an example as does Trinity College of the change
from the mediaeval to the modern conception of education and of learning.
If, indeed, we may take the words of the Preamble to his Charter of
Foundation, dated the thirty-eighth year of his reign (1546) as a
statement of his own personal aims, King Henry had conceived a very
noble ideal of liberal education. After referring to his special reasons
for thankfulness to Almighty God for peace at home and successful wars
abroad--peace had just been declared with France after the brief
campaign conducted by Henry himself, which had been signalised by the
capture of Boulogne--and above all for the introduction of the pure
truth of Christianity into his kingdom, he sets forth his intention of
founding a college "to the glory and honour of Almighty God, and the
Holy and undivided Trinity, for the amplification and establishment of
the Christian and true religion, the extirpation of heresy and false
opinion, the increase and continuance of divine learning and all kinds
of good letters, the knowledge of the tongues, the education of the
youth in piety, virtue, learning, and science, the relief of the poor
and destitute, the prosperity of the Church of Christ, and the common
good and happiness of his kingdom and subjects."[85]

[Illustration: Gateway & Dial, Trinity College]

The site upon which King Henry VIII. had decided to place his college is
also mentioned in this preamble to the Charter of Foundation. It was to
be "on the soil, ground, sites, and precincts of the late hall and
college, commonly called the King's Hall, and of a certain late college
of S. Michael, commonly called Michaelhouse, and also of a certain house
and hostel called Fyswicke or Fysecke hostel and of another house and
hostel, commonly called Hovinge Inn." In addition to the hostels here
named there were, however, several others which occupied, or had
occupied, the site previous to 1548--for one or two previous to this
time had been absorbed by their neighbours--whose names have been
preserved, and whose position has been put beyond doubt by recent
researches. These other hostels were S. Catharine's, S. Margaret's,
Crouched Hostel, Tyler or Tyler's, S. Gregory's, Garet or Saint Gerard's
Hostel, and Oving's Inn.

       *       *       *       *       *

We may indicate roughly, perhaps, the position of these various halls
and hostels in relation to the present college buildings, if we imagine
ourselves to have entered the great gate of Trinity from the High
Street, from Trinity Street, and to be standing on the steps leading
into the Great Court, and facing across towards the Master's lodge.
Immediately in front of us, on what is now the vacant green sward
between the gateway steps and the sun-dial, there stood in the fifteenth
century King's Hall, or that block of it which a century earlier had
been built to take the place of the thatched and timbered house which
Edward III. had bought from Robert de Croyland, and had made into his
"King's Hall of Scholars." The entrance to this house, however, was not
on the side which would have been immediately facing the point where we
stand on the steps. It was entered by a doorway on its south side,
opening into a lane--King's Childers' Lane it was called--which,
starting from the High Street, from a point slightly to the south of the
Great Gate, crossed the Great Court directly east and west, and then
bending slightly to the north, reached the river at Dame Nichol's Hythe,
at a point just beyond the bend in the river by the end of the present
library. Returning to our point of view we should find on our right,
occupying the easternmost part of the existing chapel, the old chapel of
King's Hall, built in 1465, and beyond it, westwards, other
buildings,--the buttery, the kitchen, the hall,--forming four sides of a
little cloistered court, partly occupying the site of the present
ante-chapel, and partly on its northern side facing across the Cornhithe
Lane to the gardens of the old Hospital of S. John.

Turning to our left to the southern half of the great court, to that
part which in the old days was south of King's Childers' Lane, south,
that is, of the present fountain, we should find the site intersected by
a lane running directly north and south, from a point at the south-west
corner of the King's Hall about where the sun-dial now stands, to a
point in Trinity Lane, or S. Michael's Lane as it was then called, where
now stands the Queen's Gate. This was Le Foule Lane, and was practically
a continuation of that Milne Street of which we have spoken in an
earlier chapter as running parallel with the river past the front of
Trinity Hall, Clare, and Queens' to the King's Mills. To the east of
Foule Lane, occupying the site of the present range of buildings on the
east and south-east of the great court, stood the Hostel of S.
Catharine, with Fyswicke Hostel on its western side. Michaelhouse
occupied practically the whole of the south-western quarter of the great
court, with its gardens stretching down to the river. S. Catharine's,
Fyswicke Hostel, and Michaelhouse all had entrances into S. Michael's or
Flaxhithe, now Trinity Lane. Beyond and across Flaxhithe Lane was
Oving's Inn, on the site of the present Bishop's Hostel, with Garett
Hostel still further south, on land adjoining Trinity Hall. S. Gregory's
and the Crouched Hostel stood north of Michaelhouse, side by side, on a
space now occupied for the most part by the great dining-hall. The Tyled
or Tyler's Hostel was on the High Street adjoining the north-east corner
of S. Catharine's. S. Margaret's Hall, which had adjoined the house of
William Fyswicke, had been at an early date absorbed in the Fyswicke
Hostel.

It is plain that these various halls and hostels would sufficiently
supply all the early needs of King Henry's new college. There was the
chapel of King's Hall, the halls of King's Hall, Michaelhouse and
Fyswicke's Hostel, and the chambers in each of these and the smaller
hostels. During the first three years or so, from 1546 to 1549, the
existing buildings seem to have been occupied without alteration. In
1550 and 1551 parts of Michaelhouse and Fyswicke's Hostel were pulled
down, and their gates walled up. The Foule Lane, which separated them,
was closed, and the new Queen's gate built at the point where that lane
had joined Michael's Lane. The south ranges of both Fyswicke's Hostel
and Michaelhouse on each side of this gate were retained. The hall,
butteries, and kitchen of Michael House on the west were also retained,
and continued northwards to form a lodge for the Master, and this range
was returned easterwards at right angles to join the King Edward's
gateway at the south-west corner of King's Hall. A little later the
hall, butteries, and chapel of King's Hall were removed to make way for
the new chapel, which was begun in 1555 and completed about ten years
later.

An early map of Cambridge, made by order of Archbishop Parker in 1574,
and preserved in one of the early copies of Caius' "History of the
University" in the British Museum, shows the College in the state which
we have thus described, the outline of the Great Court, that is to say,
practically defined as it is to-day, but broken at two points, one by
the projection from its western side joining the Master's lodge with the
old gateway of King Edward, still standing in its ancient position, more
or less on the site of the present sun-dial; the other by a set of
chambers, built in 1490, projecting from the eastern range of buildings,
and ending at a point somewhat east of the site of the present fountain.

The transformation of the Great Court into the shape in which we now
know it is due entirely to the energy and skill of Dr. Thomas Neville,
at that time Dean of Peterborough, who was appointed Master of Trinity
in 1573. "Dr. Thomas Neville," says Fuller, "the eighth master of this
College, answering his anagram '_most heavenly_,' and practising his own
allusive motto, '_ne vile velis_,' being by the rules of the philosopher
himself to be accounted [Greek: megaloprepes], as of great performances,
for the general good, expended L3000 of his own in altering and
enlarging the old and adding a new court thereunto, being at this day
the stateliest and most uniform college in Christendom, out of which may
be carved three Dutch universities."[86]

[Illustration: The Fountain Trinity College.]

Neville's first work was the completion of the ranges of chambers on the
east and south sides of the great court, including the Queen's gateway
tower. On the completion of these in 1599 the projecting range of
buildings on the east side were pulled down. In 1601 he pulled down the
corresponding projection on the western side, removing the venerable
pile known as King Edward the Third's Gate. This was rebuilt at the west
end of the chapel as we now see it. The Master's lodge was prolonged
northwards, and a library with chambers below it was built eastwards to
meet the old gate. The great quadrangle was thus complete, the largest
in either university,[87] having an area of over 90,000 square feet. To
Dr. Neville also in the Great Court is owing the additional storey to
the Great Gate, with the statue of Henry VIII. in a niche on its eastern
front, and the statue of King James, his Queen, and Prince Charles on
its western side, the beautiful fountain erected in 1602, and the hall
in 1604. The building of this hall, which with certain variations is
copied from the hall of the Middle Temple, is thus described in the
"Memoriale" of the College.

     "When he had completed the great quadrangle and brought it to a
     tasteful and decorous aspect, for fear that the deformity of the
     Hall, which through extreme old age had become almost ruinous,
     should cast, as it were, a shadow over its splendour, he advanced
     L3000 for seven years out of his own purse, in order that a great
     hall might be erected answerable to the beauty of the new
     buildings. Lastly, as in the erection of these buildings he had
     been promoter rather than author, and had brought these results to
     pass more by labour and assiduity than by expenditure of his own
     money, he erected at a vast cost, the whole of which was defrayed
     by himself, a building in the second court adorned with beautiful
     columns, and elaborated with the most exquisite workmanship, so
     that he might connect his own name for ever with the extension of
     the College."

Unfortunately, much of the original beauty of Neville's Court was spoilt
by the alterations of Mr. Essex in 1755, "a local architect whose life,"
as Mr. J. G. Clark has truly said, "was spent in destroying that which
ought to have been preserved."

The building of the library which forms the western side of Neville's
Court was due mainly to the energy of Dr. Isaac Barrow, who was master
from 1673 to 1677. The architect was Sir Christopher Wren, who himself
thus describes his scheme:--

     "I haue given the appearance of arches as the order required, fair
     and lofty; but I haue layd the floor of the Library upon the
     impostes, which answer to the pillars in the cloister and levells
     of the old floores, and haue filled the arches with relieus stone,
     of which I haue seen the effect abroad in good building, and I
     assure you where porches are low with flat ceelings is infinitely
     more gracefull than lowe arches would be, and is much more open and
     pleasant, nor need the mason feare the performance because the arch
     discharges the weight, and I shall direct him in a firme manner of
     executing the designe. By this contrivance the windowes of the
     Library rise high and give place for the deskes against the
     walls.... The disposition of the shelves both along the walls and
     breaking out from the walls must needes proue very convenient and
     gracefull, and the best way for the students will be to haue a
     little square table in each celle with 2 chaires."

[Illustration: Neville's Court Trinity College]

The table and the chairs, as well as the book-shelves, were designed by
Wren, who was also at pains to give full-sized sections of all the
mouldings, because "we are scrupulous in small matters, and you must
pardon us. Architects are as great pedants as criticks or heralds."

In 1669 Bishop's Hostel--so called after Bishop Hacket of Lichfield, who
gave L1200 towards the cost--took the place of the two minor halls,
Oving's Inn and Garett Hostel. No further addition to the College
buildings was made until the nineteenth century, when the new court was
built from the designs of Wilkins in the mastership of Dr. Christopher
Wordsworth, and at a later time the two courts opposite the Great Gate
across Trinity Street, by the benefaction of a sum approaching L100,000,
by Dr. Whewell. To Dr. Whewell also belongs the merit of the restoration
of the front of the Master's lodge, by the removal of the classical
facade which had been so foolishly and tastelessly imposed upon the old
work built by Dr. Bentley during his memorable tenure of the mastership
from 1700 to 1742.

The mention of the name of that most masterful of Yorkshiremen and most
brilliant of Cambridge scholars and critics inevitably suggests the
picture of that long feud between the Fellows of Trinity and their
Master which lasted for nearly half a century, for a year at any rate
longer than the Peloponnesian war, and was almost as full of exciting
incidents. Those who care to read the miserable and yet amusing story
can do so for themselves in the pages of Bishop Monk's "Life of Richard
Bentley." It is more to the purpose here, I think, to recall the kindly
and judicious verdict of the great scholar's life at Trinity by the
greatest Cambridge scholar of to-day.

"It must never be forgotten," writes Sir Richard Jebb, "that Bentley's
mastership of Trinity is memorable for other things than its troubles.
He was the first Master who established a proper competition for the
great prizes of that illustrious college. The scholarships and
fellowships had previously been given by a purely oral examination.
Bentley introduced written papers; he also made the award of
scholarships to be annual instead of biennial, and admitted students of
the first year to compete for them. He made Trinity College the earliest
home for a Newtonian school, by providing in it an observatory, under
the direction of Newton's disciple and friend--destined to an early
death--Roger Cotes. He fitted up a chemical laboratory in Trinity for
Vigani of Verona, the professor of chemistry. He brought to Trinity the
eminent orientalist, Sike of Bremen, afterwards professor of Hebrew.
True to the spirit of the royal founder, Bentley wished Trinity College
to be indeed a house 'of all kinds of good letters,' and at a time when
England's academic ideals were far from high he did much to render it
not only a great college, but also a miniature university."[88]

And "a house of all kinds of good letters" Trinity has remained, and
will surely always remain. As we walk lingeringly through its halls and
courts what thronging historic memories crowd upon us! We may not forget
the failures as well as the successes; the defeats as well as the
triumphs; "the lost causes and impossible loyalties" as well as the
persistent faith and the grand achievement; but what an inspiration we
feel must such a place be to the young souls who, year by year, enter
its gates. How can the flame of ideal sympathy with the great
personalities of their country's history fail to be kindled or kept
alive in such a place? Here by the Great Gate, on the first floor to the
north, are the rooms where Isaac Newton lived. It was to these rooms
that in 1666 he brought back the glass prism which he had bought in the
Stourbridge Fair, and commenced the studies which eventually made it
possible for Pope to write the epitaph:--

"Nature and Nature's laws lay hid in night,
 God said 'Let Newton be!' and all was light."

It was in these rooms that he had entertained his friends, John Locke,
Richard Bentley, Isaac Barrow, Edmund Halley, Gilbert Burnett, who
afterwards wrote of him, "the whitest soul I ever knew." It was here
that he wrote his "Principia." It is in the ante-chapel close by that
there stands that beautiful statue of him by Roubiliac, which Chantrey
called "the noblest of our English statues," and of which Wordsworth has
recorded how he used to lie awake at night to think of that "silent
face" shining in the moonlight:--

"The marble index of a mind for ever
 Voyaging through strange seas of thought alone."

And in the chapel beyond, with its double range of "windows richly
dight" with the figures of saints and worthies and benefactors of the
College--Sir Francis Bacon, Sir Edward Coke, Sir Harry Spelman, Lord
Craven, Roger Cotes, Archbishop Whitgift, Bishop Pearson, Bishop Barrow,
Bishop Hacket, the poets Donne, George Herbert, Andrew Marvell, Cowley
and Dryden--is it possible for the youthful worshipper not sometimes to
be aroused and uplifted above the thoughts of sordid vulgarity, of moral
isolation, of mean ambition, to "see visions and dream dreams," visions
of coming greatness for city, or country, or empire, visions of great
principles struggling in mean days of competitive scrambling, dreams of
opportunity of some future service for the common good, which shall not
be unworthy of his present heritage in these saints and heroes of the
past, who may--

                         "Live again
 In minds made better by their presence; live
 In pulses stirred to generosity,
 In deeds of daring rectitude, in scorn
 For miserable aims that end with self,
 In thoughts sublime that pierce the night like stars,
 And with their mild persistence urge man's search
 To vaster issues."




CHAPTER XII

ANCIENT AND PROTESTANT FOUNDATIONS

     "Nec modo seminarium augustum et conclusum nimis, verum in se
     amplissimum campum collegium esse cupimus: ubi juvenes, apum more,
     de omnigenis flosculis pro libita libent, modo mel legant, quo et
     eorum procudantur linguae et pectora, tanquam crura, thymo
     compleantur: ita ut tandem ex collegio quasi ex alveari evolantes,
     novas in quibus se exonerent ecclesiae sedes appetant."--_Statutes
     of Sidney College._

     Queen Elizabeth and the Founder of Emmanuel--The Puritan Age--Sir
     Walter Mildmay--The Building of Emmanuel--The Tenure of
     Fellowships--Puritan Worthies--The Founder of Harvard--Lady Frances
     Sidney--The Sidney College Charter--The Buildings--The Chapel the
     old Franciscan Refectory--Royalists and Puritans--Oliver
     Cromwell--Thomas Fuller--A Child's Prayer for his Mother.


"I hear, Sir Walter," said Queen Elizabeth to the founder of Emmanuel
College, "you have been erecting a Puritan foundation." "No, madam," he
replied, "far be it from me to countenance anything contrary to your
established laws; but I have set an acorn, which, when it becomes an
oak, God alone knows what will be the fruit therefrom." And Sir Walter
Mildmay expressed no doubt truthfully what was his own intention as a
founder, for although it is customary to speak of both Emmanuel and
Sidney Colleges as Puritan foundations, and although it admits of no
question that the prevailing tone of Emmanuel College was from the first
intensely Puritan in tone, yet it cannot certainly be said that either
Emmanuel College or the college established by the Lady Frances Sidney
two years later, were specially designed by their founders to strengthen
the Puritan movement in the University. They synchronised with it no
doubt, and many of their earliest members gave ample proof of their
sympathy with it. But as foundations they sprang rather from the impulse
traceable on the one hand to the literary spirit of the Renaissance, and
on the other to the desire of promoting that union of rational religion
with sound knowledge, which the friends of the New Learning, the
disciples of Colet, Erasmus, and More had at heart. The two colleges
were born, in fact, at the meeting-point of two great epochs of history.
The age of the Renaissance was passing into the age of Puritanism. Rifts
which were still little were widening every hour, and threatening ruin
to the fabric of Church and State which the Tudors had built up. A new
political world was rising into being; a world healthier, more really
national, but less picturesque, less wrapt in the mystery and splendour
that poets love. Great as were the faults of Puritanism, it may fairly
claim to be the first political system which recognised the grandeur of
the people as a whole.

[Illustration: Hall & Chapel, Emmanuel College.]

As great a change was passing over the spiritual sympathies of man; a
sterner Protestantism was invigorating and ennobling life by its
morality, by its seriousness, and by its intense conviction of God. But
it was at the same time hardening and narrowing it. The Bible was
superseding Plutarch. The obstinate questionings which haunted the
finer souls of the Renaissance were being stereotyped in the theological
formulas of the Puritan. The sense of divine omnipotence was
annihilating man. The daring which turned England into a people of
adventurers, the sense of inexhaustible resources, the buoyant freshness
of youth, the intoxicating sense of beauty and joy, which inspired
Sidney and Marlowe and Drake, was passing away before the consciousness
of evil and the craving to order man's life aright before God.

Emmanuel and Sidney Colleges were the children of this transition
period. Sir Walter Mildmay, the founder of Emmanuel, was Chancellor of
the Exchequer in the reign of Elizabeth, known and trusted by the Queen
from her girlhood--she exchanged regularly New Year's gifts with him--a
tried friend and discreet diplomatist, who had especially been
distinguished in the negotiations in connection with the imprisonment of
Mary, Queen of Scots. He had been educated at Christ's College, though
apparently he had taken no degree. He was a man, however, of some
learning, and retained throughout life a love for classical literature.
Sir John Harrington, in his "Orlando Furioso," quotes a Latin stanza,
which he says he derived from the Latin poems of Sir Walter Mildmay.
These poems, however, are not otherwise known. He is also spoken of as
the writer of a book entitled "A Note to Know a Good Man." His interest
in his old university and sympathy with letters is attested by the fact
that he contributed a gift of stone to complete the tower of Great S.
Mary's, and established a Greek lectureship and six scholarships at
Christ's College. He had acquired considerable wealth in his service of
the State, having also inherited a large fortune from his father, who
had been one of Henry VIII.'s commissioners for receiving the surrender
of the dissolved monasteries. It was fitting, perhaps, he felt, that
some portion of this wealth should be devoted to the service of religion
and sound learning. Anyhow, in the month of January 1584, we find the
Queen granting to her old friend, "his heirs, executors, and assigns," a
charter empowering them "to erect, found, and establish for all time to
endure a certain college of sacred theology, the sciences, philosophy
and good arts, of one master and thirty fellows and scholars, graduate
or non-graduate, or more or fewer according to the ordinances and
statutes of the same college." On the 23rd of the previous November, Sir
Walter had purchased for L550 the land and buildings of the Dominican or
Black Friars, which had been established at Cambridge in 1279 and
dissolved in 1538. During the fifty years that had elapsed since the
dissolution the property had passed through various hands. Upon passing
into the hands of Sir Walter it is thus described:--

     "All that the scite, circuit, ambulance and precinct of the late
     Priory of Fryers prechers, commonly called the black fryers within
     the Towne of Cambrigge ... and all mesuages, houses, buildinges,
     barnes, stables, dovehouses, orchards, gardens, pondes, stewes,
     waters, land and soyle within the said scite.... And all the walles
     of stone, brick or other thinge compassinge and enclosinge the said
     scite."

The present buildings stand upon nearly the same sites as those occupied
by the original buildings, which were adapted to the requirements of the
new college by Ralph Symons, the architect, who had already been
employed at Trinity and S. John's. The hall, parlour, and butteries were
constructed out of the Church of the Friars. It is recorded that "in
repairing the Combination Room about the year 1762, traces of the high
altar were very apparent near the present fireplace." The Master's lodge
was formed at the east end of the same range, either by the conversion
of the east part of the church, or by the erection of a new building. A
new chapel, running north and south--the non-orientation, it is said,
being due to Puritan feeling--was built to the north of the Master's
lodge. The other new buildings consisted of a kitchen on the north side
of the hall and a long range of chambers enclosing the court on the
south. Towards the east there were no buildings, the court on that side
being enclosed by a low wall. The entrance to the College was in
Emmanuel Lane, through a small outer court, having the old chapel as its
southern range and the kitchen as the northern. From this the principal
court was reached by passages at either end of the hall. The range known
as the Brick Building was added in 1632, extending southwards from the
east end of the Founder's Chambers. In 1668 the present chapel was built
facing east and west, in the centre of the southern side of the
principal court. By this time, it is said, the old chapel had become
ruinous. Moreover, it had never been consecrated, and the Puritanical
observances alleged to have been practised in it were giving some
offence to the Restoration authorities. The following statement, drawn
up in 1603,[89] is interesting, not only as giving a graphic picture of
the disorders complained of at Emmanuel, but also incidentally of the
customs of other colleges:--

     "1. First for a prognostication of disorder, whereas all the
     chappells in y^{e} University are built with the chancell eastward,
     according to y^{e} uniform order of all Christendome. The chancell
     in y^{e} colledge standeth north, and their kitchen eastward.

     "2. All other colledges in Cambridge do strictly observe, according
     to y^{e} laws and ordinances of y^{e} Church of Englande, the form
     of publick prayer, prescribed in y^{e} Communion Booke. In Emmanuel
     Colledge they do follow a private course of publick prayer, after
     y^{r} own fashion, both Sondaies, Holydaies and workie daies.

     "3. In all other colledges, the M^{rs} and Scholers of all sorts do
     wear surplisses and hoods, if they be graduates, upon y^{e}
     Sondaies and Holydaies in y^{e} time of Divine Service. But they of
     Emmanuel Colledge have not worn that attier, either at y^{e}
     ordinary Divine Service, or celebration of y^{e} Lord's Supper,
     since it was first erected.

     "4. All other colledges do wear, according to y^{e} order of y^{e}
     University, and many directions given from the late Queen, gowns of
     a sett fashion, and square capps. But they of Eman. Colledge are
     therein altogether irregular, and hold themselves not to be tied to
     any such orders.

     "5. Every other Colledge according to the laws in that behalf
     provided, and to the custome of the King's Householde, do refrayne
     their suppers upone Frydaies and other Fasting and Ember daies. But
     they of Eman. Coll. have suppers every such nights throughout y^{e}
     year, publickly in the gr. Hall, yea upon good Fridaye itself.

     "6. All other Colledges do use one manner of forme in celebratinge
     the Holy Communion, according to the order of the Communion Booke,
     as particularlye the Communicants do receive kneelinge, with the
     particular application of these words, viz., _The Body of our Lord
     Jesus Christ, etc.; The Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ, etc._; as
     the s^{d} Booke prescribeth. But in Eman. Coll. they receive that
     Holy Sacrament, sittinge upon forms about the Communion Table, and
     doe pulle the loafe one from the other, after the minister hath
     begon. And soe y^{e} cuppe one drinking as it were to another, like
     good Fellows without any particular application of y^{e} s^{d}
     wordes, more than once for all.

     "7. In other Colledges and Churches, generally none are admitted to
     attend att the Communion Table, in the celebration of the Holy
     Mystery, but Ministers and Deacons. But in Eman. Coll. the wine is
     filled and the table is attended by the Fellows' subsizers."

There is one interesting feature in connection with the foundation of
Emmanuel College which calls for special notice, as showing that the
Puritan founder was fully conscious of the dangers attaching to a
perpetual tenure of Fellowships, as affording undue facilities for
evading those practical duties of learning and teaching, the efficient
discharge of which he rightly considered it should be the main object of
the University to demand, and the interest of the nation to secure. "We
have founded the College," says Sir Walter, "with the design that it
should be, by the grace of God, a seminary of learned men for the supply
of the Church, and for the sending forth of as large a number as
possible of those who shall instruct the people in the Christian faith.
_We would not have any Fellow suppose that we have given him, in this
College, a perpetual abode_, a warning which we deem the more
necessary, in that we have ofttimes been present when many experienced
and wise men have taken occasion to lament, and have supported their
complaints by past and present utterances, that in other colleges a too
protracted stay of Fellows has been no slight bane to the common weal
and to the interests of the Church."[90]

In the sequel, however, the wise forethought of Sir Walter Mildmay was
to a great extent frustrated. The clause of the College statutes which
embodied his design was set aside in the re-action towards conservative
university tradition, which followed upon the re-establishment of the
Stuart dynasty. A similar clause in the statutes of Sidney College,
which had been simply transcribed from the original Emmanuel statutes,
was about the same time rescinded, on the ground that it was a deviation
from the customary practice of other societies, both at Oxford and
Cambridge. It was not, in fact, until the close of the nineteenth
century that university reformers were able to secure such a revision of
the terms of Fellowship tenure as should obviate, on the one hand, the
dangers which the wisdom of the Puritan founder foresaw, and, on the
other, make adequate provision, under stringent and safe conditions, for
the endowment of research. The old traditionary system is thus
summarised by Mr. Mullinger:--

     "The assumption of priests' orders was indeed made, in most
     instances, an indispensable condition for a permanent tenure of a
     Fellowship, but it too often only served as a pretext under which
     all obligation to studious research was ignored, while the
     Fellowship itself again too often enabled the holder to evade with
     equal success the responsibilities of parish work. Down to a
     comparatively recent date, it has accordingly been the accepted
     theory with respect to nearly all College Fellowships that they are
     designed to assist clergymen to prepare for active pastoral work,
     and not to aid the cause of learned or scientific research.
     Occasionally, it is true, the bestowal of a lay fellowship has
     fallen upon fruitful ground. The Plumian Professorship fostered the
     bright promise of a Cotes: the Lucasian sustained the splendid
     achievements of Newton. But for the most part those labours to
     which Cambridge can point with greatest pride and in whose fame she
     can rightly claim to share--the untiring scientific investigations
     which have established on a new and truer basis the classification
     of organic existence or the succession of extinct forms--or the
     long patience and profound calculations which have wrested from the
     abysmal depths of space the secrets of stupendous agencies and
     undreamed of laws--or the scholarship which has restored, with a
     skill and a success that have moved the envy of united Germany,
     some of the most elaborate creations of the Latin muse--have been
     the achievements of men who have yielded indeed to the traditional
     theory a formal assent but have treated it with a virtual
     disregard."[91]

How essentially Puritan was the prevailing tone of Emmanuel during the
early days we may surmise from the fact, that in the time of the
Commonwealth no less than eleven masters of other colleges in the
University came from this Foundation--Seaman of Peterhouse, Dillingham
of Clare Hall, Whichcote of King's, Horton of Queens', Spurston of S.
Catharine's, Worthington of Jesus, Tuckney of John's, Cudworth of
Christ's, Sadler of Magdalene, Hill of Trinity. Among some of the
earliest students to receive their education within its walls were many
of the Puritan leaders of America. Cotton Mather, in his "Ecclesiastical
History of New England," gives a conspicuous place in its pages to the
names of Emmanuel men--Thomas Hooker, John Cotton, Thomas Shephard. "If
New England," he says, "hath been in some respect Immanuel's Land, it is
well; but this I am sure of, Immanuel College contributed more than a
little to make it so." Few patriotic Americans of the present day,
visiting England, omit to make pilgrimage to Emmanuel, for was not the
founder of their University, Harvard College, an Emmanuel man,
graduating from that college in 1631, and proceeding to his M.A. degree
in 1635? John Harvard, "the ever memorable benefactor of learning and
religion in America," as Edward Everett justly styles him--"a godly
gentleman and lover of learning," as he is called by his contemporaries,
"a scholar, and pious in life, and enlarged towards the country and the
good of it in life and death," seems indeed to have been a worthy son of
both Emmanuel and of Cambridge, a Puritan indeed, but of that fuller and
manlier type which was characteristic of the Elizabethan age rather than
of the narrower, more contentious, more pedantic order which set in with
and was hardened and intensified by the arbitrary provocations of the
Stuart regime.

[Illustration: Downing College]

The last in date of foundation of the Cambridge Colleges with which we
have to deal--for Downing College, unique as it is in many ways, and
attractive (its precincts, "a park in the heart of a city"), is not
yet a century old, and its history although in some respects of national
importance, lies beyond our limit of time--was the "Ancient and
Protestant Foundation of Sidney Sussex College."

The foundress of Sydney Sussex College was the Lady Frances Sidney, one
of the learned ladies of the court of Elizabeth. She was the aunt both
of Sir Philip Sidney and of the Earl of Leicester; the wife of
Radcliffe, Earl of Sussex, known at least to all readers of "Kenilworth"
as the rival of Leicester. To-day the noble families of Pembroke,
Carnarvon, and Sidney all claim her as a common ancestress. A few years
ago, in conjunction with the authorities of the college, they restored
her tomb, which occupies the place of the altar in the chapel of S. Paul
in Westminster Abbey. It was the Dean of Westminster, her friend Dr.
Goodman, who gave to the college that portrait of the foundress which
hangs above the high table in the college hall.

It is a characteristic of the period which may be worth noting here--of
the middle, that is, of the sixteenth century--when the destinies of
Europe were woven by the hands of three extraordinary queens, who ruled
the fortunes of England, France, and Scotland--that, as the fruits of
the Renaissance and of the outgrowth of the New Learning, and perhaps
also of the independent spirit of the coming Puritanism, learned women
should in some degree be leading the van of English civilisation.

How long the Lady Frances had had the intention of founding a college,
and what was the prompting motive, we do not know. In her will, however,
which is dated December 6, 1588, the intention is clearly stated. After
giving instructions as to her burial and making certain bequests, she
proceeds to state "that since the decease of her late lord"--he had died
five years previously--"she had yearly gathered out of her revenues so
much as she conveniently could, purposing to erect some goodly and godly
monument for the maintenance of good learning." In performance of the
same, her charitable pretence, she directs her executors to employ the
sum of L5000 (made up from her ready-money yearly reserved, a certain
portion of plate, and other things which she had purposely left)
together with all her unbequeathed goods, for the erection of a new
college in the University of Cambridge, to be called the "Lady Frances
Sidney Sussex College, and for the purchasing some competent lands for
the maintaining of a Master, ten Fellows, and twenty Scholars, if the
said L5000 and unbequeathed goods would thereunto extend."

On her death in the following year her executors, the Earl of Kent and
Sir John Harrington, at once attempted to carry out her wishes. Of them
and their endeavour, Fuller, himself a Sidney man, has thus, as always,
quaintly written:--

     "These two noble executors in the pursuance of the will of this
     testatrix, according to her desire and direction therein, presented
     Queen Elizabeth with a jewel, being like a star, of rubies and
     diamonds, with a ruby in the midst thereof, worth an hundred and
     forty pounds, having on the back side a hand delivering up a heart
     into a crown. At the delivery hereof they humbly requested of her
     Highness a mortmain to found a College, which she graciously
     granted unto them"--though the royal license did not actually come
     until five years later. "We usually observe infants born in the
     seventh month, though poor and pitiful creatures, are vital; and
     with great care and good attendance, in time prove proper persons.
     To such a _partus septimestris_ may Sidney College well be
     resembled, so low, lean, and little at the birth thereof. Alas!
     what is five thousand pounds to buy the site, build and endow a
     College therewith?... Yet such was the worthy care of her
     honourable executors, that this Benjamin College--the least and
     last in time, and born _after_ (as he _at_) the death of his
     mother--thrived in a short time to a competent strength and
     stature."[92]

Some delay ensued, for it was not until 1593 that, at the motion of the
executors, an Act of Parliament was passed enabling Trinity College to
sell or let at fee farm rent the site of the Grey Friars. The College
charter is dated February 14, 1596. The building was commenced in the
following May, and completed, with the exception of the chapel, in 1598.
In the same year the original statutes were framed by the executors.
They are largely copied from those of Emmanuel, and are equally verbose,
cumbrous, and ill-arranged. One clause in them which speaks of the
Master as one who "_Papismum, Haereses, superstitiones, et errores omnes
ex animo abhorret et detestatur_," testifies to the intentionally
Protestant character of the College, a fact, however, which did not
prevent James II., on a vacancy in the mastership, intruding on the
society a <DW7> Master, Joshua Basset, of Caius, of whom the Fellows
complained that he was "let loose upon them to do what he liked." They
had, however, their revenge, for, although later he was spoken of as
"such a mongrel <DW7>, who had so many nostrums in his religion that no
part of the Roman Church could own him," in 1688 he was deposed.

The architect of the College buildings was Ralph Simons, who had built
Emmanuel and "thoroughly reformed a great part of Trinity College." It
is interesting to note that more than half of the sum received from Lady
Sidney's estate to found and endow the College was expended in the
erection of the hall, the Master's lodge, and the hall court. These
buildings formed the whole of the College when it was opened in 1598.
How picturesque it must have been in those days, before the red brick of
which it is built was covered with plaster, one can see by Loggan's
print of the College, made about 1688. The buildings are simple enough,
but quite well designed. The "rose-red" of the brick, at least, seems to
have struck the poet, Giles Fletcher, when he wrote of Sidney in 1633 in
his Latin poem on the Cambridge colleges:--

"Haec inter media aspicies mox surgere tecta
 Culminibus niveis roseisque nitentia muris;
 Nobilis haec doctis sacrabit femina musis,
 Conjugio felix, magno felicior ortu,
 Insita Sussexo proles Sidneia trunco."

[Illustration: The Garden Front Sidney Sussex College]

The arrangement of the hall, kitchen, buttery, and Master's lodge was
much the same as at present. The hall had an open timber roof, with a
fine oriel window at the dais end, but no music gallery. Fuller says
that the College "continued without a chapel some years after the first
founding thereof, until at last some good men's charity supplied this
defect." In 1602, however, the old hall of the friars--Fuller calls it
the dormitory, but there is little doubt that it was in reality the
refectory--was fitted up as a chapel, and a second storey added to form
a library. A few years later, about 1628, a range of buildings forming
the south side of the chapel court was built. In 1747, the buildings
having become ruinous, extensive repairs were carried out, and the hall
was fitted up in the Italian manner. The picturesque gateway which had
stood in the centre of the street wall of the hall court was removed,
and a new one of more severe character was built in its place. This also
at a later time was removed and re-erected as a garden entrance from
Jesus Lane.

Between 1777 and 1780 the old chapel was destroyed, and replaced by a
new building designed by Essex, in a style in which, to say the least,
there is certainly nothing to remind the modern student of the old hall
of the Grey Friars' Monastery, where for three centuries of stirring
national life the Franciscan monks had kept alive, let us hope,
something of the mystic tenderness, the brotherly compassion, the
fervour of missionary zeal, which they had learnt from their great
founder, Saint Francis of Assisi.

Of the old Fellows' garden, which in 1890 was partly sacrificed to
provide a site for the new range of buildings and cloister--perhaps the
most beautiful of modern collegiate buildings at either
university--designed by Pearson, Dyer writes with enthusiasm:--

     "Here is a good garden, an admirable bowling green, a beautiful
     summer house, at the back of which is a walk agreeably winding,
     with variety of trees and shrubs intertwining, and forming the
     whole length, a fine canopy overhead; with nothing but singing and
     fragrance and seclusion; a delightful summer retreat; the sweetest
     lovers' or poets' walk, perhaps in the University."

To the extremely eclectic character of the College in its early days the
Master's admission register testifies. Among its members were some of
the stoutest Royalists and also some of the stoutest Republicans in the
country. Among the former we find such names as those of Edward Montagu
(afterwards first Baron Montagu of Boughton), brother of the first
Master, a great benefactor of the College; of Sir Roger Lestrange, of
Hunstanton Hall, in Norfolk, celebrated as the editor of the first
English newspaper, "a man of good wit, and a fancy very luxuriant and of
an enterprising nature," in early youth--his attempt to recover the port
of Lynn for the King in 1644 is one of the funniest episodes in English
history--a very Don Quixote of the Royalist party; and of Seth Ward, a
Fellow of the college, who was ejected in Commonwealth times, but had
not to live long, before he was able to write back to his old College
that he had been elected to the See of Exeter, and that "the old bishops
were exceeding disgruntled at it, to see a brisk young bishop, but forty
years old, not come in at the right door, but leap over the pale." Among
the Republican members of the College it is enough, perhaps, to name
the name of Oliver Cromwell. And of him, at least, whatever our final
verdict on his career may be, whatever dreams of personal ambition we
may think mingled with his aim, we cannot surely deny, if at least we
have ever read his letters, that his aim was, in the main, a high and
unselfish one, and that in the career, which to our modern minds may
seem so strange and complex, he had seen the leading of a divine hand
that drew him from the sheepfolds to mould England into a people of God.
And to some, surely, he seems the most human-hearted sovereign and most
imperial man in all English annals since the days of Alfred. And no one,
I trust, would in these days endorse the verdict of the words
interpolated in the College books between the entry of his name and the
next on the list:--

     "_Hic fuit grandis ille impostor, carnifex perditissimus, qui,
     pientissimo rege Carolo primo nefaria caede sublato, ipsum usurpavit
     thronum, et tria regna per quinque ferme annorum spatium sub
     protectoris nomine indomita tyrannide vexavit_,"

which may be Englished thus--

     "This was that arch hypocrite, that most abandoned murderer, who
     having by shameful slaughter put out of the way the most pious
     King, Charles the First, grasped the very throne, and for the space
     of nearly five years under the title of Protector harassed three
     kingdoms with inflexible tyranny."

Rather, as we stand in the College Hall and gaze up at the stern
features, as depicted by Cooper,[93] in that best of all the Cromwell
portraits, shall we not commemorate this greatest of Sidney men, in
Lowell's words, as--

"One of the few who have a right to rank
 With the true makers: for his spirit wrought
 Order from chaos; proved that Right divine
 Dwelt only in the excellence of Truth:
 And far within old darkness' hostile lines
 Advanced and pitched the shining tents of Light.
 Nor shall the grateful Muse forget to tell
 That--not the least among his many claims
 To deathless honour--he was Milton's friend."

Thomas Fuller, too, who was neither Republican nor Royalist, but loyal
to the good men of both parties in the State, is a name of which Sidney
College may well be proud. No one can read any of his books, full as
they are of imagination, pathos, and an exuberant, often extravagant,
but never ineffective wit, without heartily endorsing Coleridge's
saying: "God bless thee, dear old man!" and recognising the truth of his
panegyric, "Next to Shakespeare, I am not certain whether Thomas Fuller,
beyond all other writers, does not excite in me the sense and emulation
of the marvellous.... He was incomparably the most sensible, the least
prejudiced great man in an age that boasted of a galaxy of great men."

And with Fuller's name, indeed with Fuller's own words, in that
benediction which, after eight years of residence, he gave to Sidney
College, and which he himself calls his "Child's Prayer to His Mother,"
I may appropriately end this chapter.

     "Now though it be only the place of the parent, and proper to him
     (as the greater) to bless his child, yet it is of the duty of the
     child to pray for his parent, in which relation my best desires are
     due to this foundation, my mother (for the last eight years) in
     this University. May her lamp never lack light for oil, or oil for
     the light thereof. Zoar, is it not a little one? Yet who shall
     despise the day of small things? May the foot of sacrilege, if once
     offering to enter the gates thereof, stumble and rise no more. The
     Lord bless the labours of all the students therein, that they may
     tend and end at his glory, their own salvation, the profit and
     honour of the Church and Commonwealth."

And not less appropriately, perhaps, may I end, not only this chapter,
but this whole sketch of the story of Cambridge and its colleges--for to
the memory of what more kindly, more sound-hearted, more pious soul
could any Sidney man more fitly dedicate his book than to his--with the
prayer in which, in closing his own History, he gracefully connects the
name of Cambridge with that of the sister university, and commends them
both to the charitable devotion of all good men.

     "O God! who in the creating of the lower world didst first make
     light (confusedly diffused, as yet, through the imperfect universe)
     and afterwards didst collect the same into two great lights, to
     illuminate all creatures therein; O Lord, who art a God of
     knowledge and dost lighten every man that cometh into the world; O
     Lord, who in our nation hast moved the hearts of Founders and
     Benefactors to erect and endow two famous luminaries of learning
     and religion, bless them with the assistance of Thy Holy Spirit.
     Let neither of them contest (as once Thy disciples on earth) which
     should be the greatest, but both contend which shall approve
     themselves the best in Thy presence.... And as Thou didst appoint
     those two great lights in the firmament to last till Thy servants
     shall have no need of the sun, nor of the moon to shine therein,
     for Thy glory doth lighten them; so grant these old lights may
     continue until all acquired and infused knowledge be swallowed up
     with the vision and the fruition of Thy blessed-making
     Majesty.--Amen."




INDEX


_Akeman Street_, old Roman road known as, 15

Alan de Walsingham, cathedral builder, 174

Alcock, Thomas, Bishop of Ely, founder of Jesus College, 185, 186;
  his plan of incorporating grammar-school with college, 187, 189

Alcwyne, departure of, from England, 52

Audley, Sir Thomas, conversion of Buckingham College into Magdalene by, 249;
  Fuller's account of, 249, 250;
  grant of suppressed monasteries made to, 251

Augustinian Friars, settlement of, on site of old Botanic Gardens, 72


Barnard Flower, King's glazier, 151

Barnwell, origin of name, 37;
  Augustinian priory of, 35, 36;
  foundation and further history of, 36, 37;
  rebuilding of, 38;
  present remains of, 38

_Barnwell Cartulary_, 18, 40

Barnwell Fair, 17, 18

Barrow, Dr. Isaac, Master of Trinity, his work in connection with, 260

Bateman, William, Bishop of Norwich, founder of Trinity Hall, 174

Bede, monastic school of, 51, 52;
  book on "The Nature of Things" by, 52

Benedictine Order, re-establishment of, under St. Dunstan, 53;
  discipline of, 75

Bentley, Dr. Richard, Master of Trinity, feud between Fellows and, 261-2;
  work of, in connection with college, 262

_Bibliotheca Pepysiana_, 252

Black Death, the, 103, 111, 134

Black Friars, arrival of, in England, 55;
  land and buildings belonging to, purchased for
  site of Emmanuel College, 268

Books, complaint by Roger Bacon of lack of, 57

_Brazen George Inn_, the scholars of Christ's lodged in, 220

British earthworks, 14

Buckingham College, description of, by Fuller, 248;
  foundation of, by Benedictine, 248;
  hall built in connection with, 248;
  lectures by Cranmer at, 249;
  semi-secular character of, 249;
  conversion of, into Magdalene College, 249

Burne-Jones, designs by, for Jesus Chapel, 203


Caius, John, founder of College, 114;
  design for famous three gates by, 114-19;
  death of, 119

_Camboritum_, 16, 17

Cambridge, verses on, by Lydgate, 2;
  legendary history of, 3-8;
  position of, 14;
  origin of name of, 15, 16;
  geographical position of, 17;
  early population of, 24;
  farm of, given as dower to the queen, 24;
  beginnings of municipal independence of, 27;
  "the borough," overflow of, incorporated with township of S. Benet, 28, 32;
  first charter of, 48

Cambridge Guilds, 120, 121, 122-26

Cambridge University, migration of masters and
  scholars from Paris to, 59, 60;
  royal writs concerning, 60;
  description of, in Middle Ages, 61, 62, 63;
  course of study pursued at, 63, ff.;
  learning at, in thirteenth century, 68-70;
  library, erected by Sir Gilbert Scott, 144

_Candle rent_, insurrection of towns-people on account of, 132, 133

Cantelupe, Nicholas, legendary history by, 4-7

Carmelites, settlement of, on present site of Queens', 72

Castle, old site of, 15;
  foundation of, by William the Conqueror, 22;
  use of, as prison, as a quarry, 23;
  gate-house of, demolished, 23

Castle Hill, ancient earthwork known as, 14, 15

Chaucer, tradition concerning, 106

Churches--
  _Abbey_, the, 39
  _All Saints by the Castle_, 34
  _Holy Sepulchre_, one of the four round churches of England, 40, 43, 44
  _S. Benedict_, 28, 29, 31, 125, 130-31
  _S. Edward_, 176;
    independence of, with regard to pulpit teaching, 177, 178
  _S. Giles_, 34, 35
  _S. John Zachary_, 176
  _S. Mary at Market_, afterwards _Great S. Mary_, 123
  _S. Peter_, without the Trumpington Gate, afterwards
   called _Little S. Mary_, 86, 87
  _S. Peter by the Castle_, 34

Close, Nicholas, architect of King's Chapel, 147, 148

Coleridge, S. T., scholar of Jesus, 208;
  poems written by, at College, 208

College, meaning of the term in olden times, 62

Colleges--
  _Caius._ See _Gonville Hall_
  _Christ's_, foundation of, 210, 215;
    _God's House_, taken as basis of, 215;
    Royal Charter of, 216;
    description of buildings of, 217, 218;
    hall of, rebuilt by Sir Gilbert Scott, 219;
    windows of, 219, 220;
    scholars of, lodged in the _Brazen George_, 220;
    _Rat's Hall_, erection of, 220;
    further buildings of, erected by Inigo Jones, 220;
    "re-beautifying the Chappell" of, 220, 221;
    John Milton and Charles Darwin members of, 221, 223;
    other distinguished members of, 223, 224
  _Clare._ See _University Hall_
  _Corpus Christi_, foundation of, 121, 127;
    building of, 126, 127;
    royal benefactors of, 128;
    distinguished men belonging to, 128, 129;
    library given by Matthew Parker to, 128;
    description of old buildings of, 129;
    new library of, 130;
    attack on, by townspeople, 132, 133
  _Emmanuel_, foundation of, 265;
    design of Sir W. Mildmay in founding, 265;
    charter of, granted by Queen Elizabeth, 268;
    land and buildings of the Black Friars purchased for site of, 268;
    buildings of, erected, 269;
    offence given by the Puritanical observances of, 269;
    statement drawn up concerning the same, 270-71;
    tenure of fellowships at, 271-272;
    revision of terms concerning, 272;
    masters of other colleges elected from, 273;
    John Harvard, a graduate of, 274
  _Gonville Hall_, first foundation of, 110;
    removal of, 111;
    statutes of, 111, 112;
    old buildings of, 112;
    bequest by John Household to, 112;
    strong support of reformed opinions at, 113;
    second foundation by John Caius, 114;
    architectural additions made by, 114;
    famous three gates designed by, 114-19
  _Jesus_, foundation of, 180;
    number of society of at first, 187;
    grammar-school incorporated with, 187, 189;
    nunnery of S. Rhadegund converted into buildings of, 189, 190, 199, 200;
    "the chimney" at, 200;
    the chapel of, 201-203;
    constitution of, 203, 204;
    failure of plan for incorporating school with, 204;
    Cranmer and other famous men at, 204, 207, 208;
    King James's saying regarding, 209
  _King's_, foundation of by Henry VI., 142;
    confiscation of alien priories for endowment of, 143;
    provision concerning the transference of Eton scholars to, 144;
    first site of, 144;
    description of old buildings of, 144;
    incorporation of, in new buildings of university library, 114;
    old gateway of, 145;
    ampler site obtained for, 146, 147;
    chapel of, 147-50;
    work in connection with stopped, 150;
    renewed, 151;
    windows of, 151, 152;
    screen and rood-loft, 153;
    further buildings of, 153, 154;
    Pope's bull granting independence of, 154;
    distinguished men belonging to, 157, 158;
    King James's saying regarding, 209
  _King's Hall_, first establishment of, 97, 98;
    absorption of by Trinity, 97, 257;
    picture of collegiate life given in statutes of, 98, 99
  _Magdalene_, Buckingham College converted into, 248;
    dissimilarity of original statutes of, with those of
    Christ's and S. John's, 251;
    Duke of Norfolk contributes to revenues of, 251;
    date of quadrangle of, 251;
    of chapel and library of, 251;
    chambers added to Monk's College for accommodation of scholars of, 252;
    new gateway of, 252;
    chapel of, "Italianised" and restored, 252;
    Pepysian Library of, 252;
    reference to same in Pepys' "Diary," 252;
    famous Magdalene men, 253
  _Michaelhouse_, foundation of and early statutes, 97;
    absorption of, by Trinity, 97, 257
  _Pembroke_, foundation of, 93;
    Countess of Pembroke, foundress of, 106, 107;
    charter of, 107;
    constitution of, 108;
    building of, 108, 109;
    remains of old buildings of, 110
  _Peterhouse_, foundation of, 77;
    first code of statutes of, 79-81;
    hall of, 82-84;
    Fellows' parlour at, 85;
    Perne library at, 89, 90;
    building of present chapel of, 81;
    description of same, 92
  _Queens'_, foundation of by Margaret of Anjou, 158-61;
    earliest extant statutes of, 161;
    change of name of from Queen's to Queens', 161;
    similarity of building of with that of Haddon Hall, 162;
    description of principal court of, 162, 165;
    Tower of Erasmus at, 165, 166;
    residence of Erasmus at, 165-71
  _S. Catherine's Hall_, foundation of, 181;
    statutes of, 181;
    old buildings of, 181, 182;
    rebuilding of, 182;
    new chapel of, built on site of Hobson's stables, 182
  _S. John's_, royal license to refound the Monastic Hospital of, 226;
    bequest of Lady Margaret lost to, through opposition of Court Party, 230;
    other revenues obtained for, by Bishop Fisher, 231;
    first Master of, 231;
    early and present buildings of, 231, 232;
    "Bridge of Sighs" at, 232;
    great gateway of, 235;
    old and new library of, 235, 236, 237;
    the Masters' gallery at, 236;
    lines on by Wordsworth, 237, 238;
    new chapel of, erected by Sir Gilbert Scott, 238, 241;
    famous men at, 241, 242
  _Sidney_, foundation of, 265;
    desire of Lady Frances Sidney in the founding of, 266;
    Fuller's account of petition to Queen Elizabeth concerning, 275-76;
    granting of charter to, 276-77;
    original statutes of, 277;
    <DW7> master of, deposed, 278;
    buildings of, 278-79;
    poem by Giles Fletcher on, 278;
    old chapel of, destroyed, 279;
    old Fellows' garden at, 279;
    Royalist and Republican members of, 280;
    Oliver Cromwell and Thomas Fuller members of, 281;
    Fuller's "Child's Prayer to his Mother," and prayer
    at close of his history, 283
  _Trinity Hall_, origin of, 174;
    buildings of, 175, 176;
    hall of, 176;
    chapel of, 176;
    beating the bounds by Fellows of, 178;
    old library of, 179;
    Garden and "Jowett's Plot" at, 180;
    King James's saying concerning, 209;
    example of change from mediaeval to modern conception
    of learning furnished by, 253;
    King Henry's charter of foundation, 253;
    site of, 254
  _Trinity College_, relation of old halls and hostels
    with present buildings of, 254-55;
    Dr. Thomas Neville's work in connection with, 258;
    building of new library at, 260;
    later additions to, 261;
    two minor halls at, replaced by Bishop's hostel, 261;
    feud between Master and Fellows of, 261;
    Dr. Bentley's work in connection with, 262;
    Isaac Newton at, 263;
    other famous men connected with, 263
  _University Hall_, first foundation of, 93, 99;
    refoundation of, as Clare House, 99;
    statutes of, 100, 103, 104;
    dispute of with King's College, 104, 105;
    supposed identity of with Chaucer's "Soler-Halle," 105, 106;
    great men associated with, 106

Cornelius, Austin, wood-carver, 153

Cosin, Dr., Master of Peterhouse, building of College Chapel by, 91

Cranmer, entry of, into Jesus College, 204;
  fellowship at resigned by, 249;
  lectures given by, at Magdalene, 249

Crauden, John of, Prior of Ely, Hostel of, 174, 175;
  portrait bust of, 174

Cromwell, Oliver, member of Sidney College, 281-82;
  portrait of, by Cooper, 282;
  Lowell's verses on, 282


Danes, ravages of, 52, 53

Darwin, Charles, member of Christ's College, 221, 222, 225

_De Heretico Comburendo_, 136

Devil's <DW18>, British earthwork known as, 14

Dokell, Andrew, founder of S. Bernard's Hostel, 160

Dominicans, introduction of the new philosophy by, 58, 59;
  settlement of, on site of Emmanuel, 72

Drayton, Michael, picture of Fenland by, 11-12


Elizabeth, Queen, visit of, to Cambridge, 251

Elizabeth de Burgh, Countess of Clare, University Hall refounded by, 99

Elizabeth Wydville, Queen to Edward IV., second foundress
    of Queen's College, 161

Ely, Lady Chapel, comparison of with King's, 149, 150

Ely, student monks of, Hostel for, provided by John Crauden, 174;
  transference of, to Monk's College, 175

Erasmus, residence of, at Queens', 165-68;
  "Paraclesis" of _Novum Testamentum_ written while there, 171;
  appointment of, to Lady Margaret chair, 211;
  his praise of Oxford teachers, 212;
  summoned to Cambridge to teach Greek, 214

Eton College, 141;
  connection of, with King's, 144


Fenland, changes in physical features of, 9-11;
  description of, in _Liber Eliensis_ and other works, 11-13

Fisher, John, Bishop of Rochester, founder of Christ's
    and S. John's, 185, 242;
  notice of Lady Margaret attracted by, 211;
  divinity professorship founded by, 212;
  literary revival at Cambridge promoted by, 214, 242;
  speech by, in Parliament, 250;
  funeral sermon on Lady Margaret by, 228, 229;
  sympathy of, with new spirit of Bible criticism, 242;
  friendship of, with Erasmus, 242;
  attachment of, to Papal cause, 242;
  character of, evidenced by his codes of statutes, 243;
  opposition of, to divorce of Henry VIII. and Catherine of Arragon, 243;
  description of trial and death of, by Froude and Mullinger, 244, 245

Fletcher, Giles, poem by, on Sidney College, 278

Franciscans, first habitation of, 55, 56;
  erection of house by, on site of Sidney College, 72

Friars, proselytising of students by, 72, 73

Friars of the Order of Bethlehem, 72;
  of the Sack, 72, 78

Frost, Henry, Burgess, founder of Hospital of S. John, 226

Fuller, Thomas, quotation from, concerning the Universities, 8;
  account of origin of Fair by, 17, 18;
  account of petition to Queen Elizabeth concerning Sidney College, 276-77;
  "Child's Prayer to his Mother," and prayer, at
  close of his History, by, 283


Gilbertines, settlement of, in Trumpington Street, 72

_God's House_, small foundation of latter as basis of
    Christ's, 215, 216, 217, 226

Grantebrigge, Norman village of, 32

_Great Bridge and Small Bridge_, 33

Grey Friars, arrival of, in England, 55

Guilds. _See_ under Cambridge

Guild of Corpus Christi, 120, 125, 126;
  incorporation of, with Guild of S. Mary, 121, 126;
  the "good Duke," alderman of, 127;
  Queen Philippa and family enrolled as members of, 127;
  of Thegns, 122, 123;
  of S. Mary, 120, 121, 123, 125;
  of the Holy Sepulchre, first religious guild, 123


Harvard, John, graduate of Emmanuel, 274

Havens, Theodore, of Cleves, architect, 116

Henry VI., birth of, 137;
  description of, by Stubbs, 138;
  his love of letters, 142;
  and holiness, 143

Henry VII., visit of, to Cambridge, 151

Henry of Costessey, _Commentary on the Psalms_ by, 58

Hervey de Stanton, Bishop of Bath and Wells, founder of Michaelhouse, 97

High Street, old, 34

Hobson, Thomas, chapel built on site of stables belonging to, 182

Hostels, establishment of, 63;
  various, absorbed by Trinity, 254-55

_House of Benjamin_, 47, 48

Household, John, bequest by D. Gonville, 113

Hugh de Balsham, Bishop of Ely, founder of Peterhouse, 75, 76, 78, 79


Ingulph, story quoted from, 7


Jews, early establishment of, in Cambridge, 44;
  influence of, on academic history and material condition of town, 46, 47

Josselin, fellow of Queen's, account of the building of Corpus
    Christi College by, 126, 127


King's Ditch, the, old artificial stream known as, 32, 33

_King's Scholars_, 97;
  regulations concerning, 98, 99

Kingsley, Charles, description of Fenland by, 12, 13


Lancaster, Henry, Duke of, alderman of Corpus Christi Guild, 127, 128

Lanes, old, still surviving, 33

Langton, John, architect of King's Chapel, 147

Latimer, Hugh, sermon preached by, at S. Edward, 177

Learning, decline of, in fourteenth century, 95, 96

Lollardism in the university towns, 135, 136

Lydgate, John, verses on Cambridge by, 2, 3


Margaret, Countess of Richmond and Derby, foundress of Christ's College and
S. John's, description of, by Fuller, 210;
  funeral sermon on, by Bishop Fisher, 210, 228, 229, 230;
  influence of Bishop Fisher upon, 212, 215;
  noble benefactions of, 216, 217;
  rooms at Christ Church of, 218, 219;
  characteristic story of, 218;
  death of, 228;
  monument to, 228

Margaret of Anjou, description of, by Shakespeare, 158;
  foundress of Queen's College, 158, 159, 160

Matthew Paris, description of Fenland by, 11

Mediaeval students, dress of, 81-83

Merton, Walter de, exclusion of religious orders from his foundation by, 73;
  his _Regula Mertonensis_, 74, 75, 79

Mildmay, Sir Walter, founder of Emmanuel, 265;
  answer of, to Queen Elizabeth concerning same, 265

Milne Street, old, 34

Milton, John, member of Christ's, 221;
  description of rooms at, 221;
  mulberry tree planted by, 221;
  poems written by, as an undergraduate, 222;
  treatment of at college, 223

Monasteries, depression caused by suppression of, 246;
  advantages to universities arising from, 247, 248;
  King Henry's words with regard to, 247, 248

Monastic houses, early settlements of, 72

_Monk's College_, monks of Ely transferred to, 175

Monk's Hall, 175

More, Henry, member of Christ's, 224;
  as one of the Cambridge Platonists, 224, 225


Neville, Dr. Thomas, Master of Trinity, his work of
    building in connection with, 258-59

New Learning, the, 56, 57, 58, 183-85;
  encouragement of, at Cambridge, 211;
  renown of Oxford in connection with, 212;
  promoted at Cambridge by Bishop Fisher, 214;
  colleges of, 241;
  no regard shown to, in statutes of Magdalene, 251

Newton, Sir Isaac, at Trinity, 263;
  his _Principia_ written there, 263;
  statue of, by Roubiliac, 263


Parker, Matthew, Archbishop, library of MSS. belonging to, 128, 130, 131

Parker, Richard, translation of _Skeletos Cantabrigiensis_ by, 4

Pearson, Mr., old gateway of King's restored by, 145

Perne, Dr. Andrew, portrait of, 85;
  bequest of library to Peterhouse by, 89;
  account of, 89, 90;
  Latin verb invented in honour of, 89

Philippa, Queen, member of Corpus Christi Guild, 127, 128

"Poore Priestes," the, of Wycliffe, 135, 136

Preaching, art of, neglected, 212, 213;
  Lady Margaret's readership founded as a remedy for, 213, 214

Puritanism in England, 265-66


Reginald of Ely, architect of King's Chapel, 148

_Regula Mertonensis_ taken as model for rule of Peterhouse, 75, 79

Richard de Baden, Chancellor of the University, 99

Richard III., gift of land by, to King's College, 151

Richard of Bury, Bishop of Durham, application from Petrarch to, 95;
  description of Oxford by, 96

Rotherham, Thomas, Archbishop of York, college founded by, 187;
  purposes and provisions of same, 187, 188


S. Augustine, list of books brought to England by, 50

S. Bernard Hostel, 160;
  absorption of, in foundation of Queen's, 161

S. John, Hospital of, 76, 226;
  nucleus of S. John's College, 78;
  history and downfall of, 226, 228

S. Rhadegund, history of nuns of, 189-99;
  conversion of nunnery of, into college buildings, 199, 200

Scholars, secular endowment of, 76;
  dispute of, with regulars, 77;
  removal of, 77

Scholars of Ely, 78

_School of Pythagoras_, old Norman house known as, 27

Schools, monastic, of Northumbria and the South, 50, 51

Scott, Sir Gilbert, University library erected by, 144;
  hall of Christ's rebuilt by, 219;
  chapel of S. John's erected by, 238, 241

Sidney, Lady Frances, foundress of Sidney College, 266, 275-76;
  portrait of, 275

Simon, Montagu, Bishop of Ely, first code of statutes for Peterhouse by, 78

Spencer, Henry, Bishop of Norwich, revolt of towns-people quelled by, 133

_Star Chamber_, origin of name of, 46

Sterne, Laurence, portrait of, at Jesus, 207

Stourbridge Fair, earliest charter of, 18;
  comparison of, with Bunyan's "Vanity Fair," 19, 20

Symons, Ralph, architect of Emmanuel College, 269, 278


_Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs_, the Greek MS. of, 56

Tower of Erasmus, 165

Town and gown, ill feeling between, 132;
  riot arising from, 132, 133

Tusser, Thomas, residence of, at Trinity Hall, and verses by, 173


University, use of the term of, 60, 61


Venn, Henry, influence of, at Jesus, 208

_Via Devana_, or _Roman Way_, 15, 28, 32, 34


Walden, Abbey of, grant of, to Sir T. Audley, 252;
  association of, with Buckingham College, 252

Wharfs or river hithes, rights in regard to, 33

Wordsworth, William, lines by, on S. John's, 237, 238

Wren, Dr. Matthew, Master of Peterhouse, 90;
  chapel of, built by, 91

Wren, Sir Christopher, architect of library at Trinity Hall, 260;
  tables, chairs, and shelves designed by, 261

                                THE END

                  Printed by BALLANTYNE, HANSON & CO.
                           Edinburgh & London


FOOTNOTES:

[1] _Cf._ Baker MS. in the University Library.

[2] See the very excellent map given in "Fenland Past and Present," by
S. H. Miller and Sidney Skertchley (published, Longmans, 1878), a book
full of information on the natural features of the Fen country, its
geology, its antiquarian relics, its flora and fauna.

[3] _Cf._ Paper by Professor Ridgway, _Proc. Cam. Antiq. Soc._, vii.
200.

[4] _Cf._ Professor M'Kenny Hughes, _Proc. Cam. Antiq. Soc._, vol.
viii. (1893), 173. _Cf._ also Freeman, "Norman Conquest," vol. i. 323,
&c.; and also English Chronicle, under year MX.

[5] The easiest way for those who are not much acquainted with
phonetic laws to understand this rather difficult point is to observe
the chronology of this place-name. It is thus condensed by Mr. T.
D. Atkinson ("Cambridge Described and Illustrated," p. 4) from
Professor Skeat's "Place-Names of Cambridgeshire," 29-30:--"The name
of the town was _Grantebrycge_ in A.D. 875, and in Doomsday Book it
is _Grentebrige_. About 1142 we first meet with the violent change
_Cantebrieggescir_ (for the county), the change from _Gr_ to _C_ being
due to the Normans. This form lasted, with slight changes, down to
the fifteenth century. _Grauntbrigge_ (also spelt _Cauntbrigge_ in
the name of the same person) survived as a surname till 1401. After
1142 the form _Cantebrigge_ is common; it occurs in Chaucer as a
word of four syllables, and was Latinised as _Cantabrigia_ in the
thirteenth century. Then the former _e_ dropped out; and we come to
such forms as _Cantbrigge_ and _Cauntbrigge_ (fourteenth century);
then _C[=a]nbrigge_ (1436) and _Cawnbrege_ (1461) with _n_. Then the
_b_ turned the _n_ into _m_, giving _Cambrigge_ (after 1400) and
_Caumbrege_ (1458). The long _a_, formerly _aa_ in _baa_, but now _ei_
in _vein_, was never shortened. The old name of the river, _Granta_,
still survives. _Cant_ occurs in 1372, and _le Ee_ and _le Ree_ in the
fifteenth century. In the sixteenth century the river is spoken of as
the _Canta_, now called the _Rhee_; and later we find both _Granta_ and
the Latinised form of _Camus_. _Cam_, which appears in Speed's map of
1610, was suggested by the written form _Cam-bridge_, and is a product
of the sixteenth century, having no connection with the Welsh _Cam_, or
the British _Cambos_, "crooked."

[6] "The old spelling is Bernewell, in the time of Henry III. and
later. Somewhat earlier is Beornewelle, in a late copy of a charter
dated 1060 (Thorpe, _Diplom._, p. 383). So also in the Ramsey
Cartulary. The prefix has nothing to do with the Anglo-Saxon _bearn_,
'a child,' as has often, I believe, been suggested; but represents
_Beornan_, gen. of _Beorna_, a pet name for a name beginning with
Beorn-.... The difference between the words, which are quite distinct,
is admirably illustrated in the New Eng. Dict. under the words _berne_
and _bairn_."--SKEAT'S _Place-Names of Cambridgeshire_, p. 35.

[7] "The Borough Boys" is a nickname still remembered as being applied
to the men of the castle end by the dwellers in the east side of the
river. A public-house, with the sign of "The Borough Boy," still stands
in Northampton Street.

[8] "Cambridge, Described and Illustrated," by T. D. Atkinson, p. 133.

[9] _Cf._ "Customs of Augustinian Canons," by J. Willis Clark, p. xi.

[10] _Lib. Mem._, Book i. chap. 9.--The principal authority for the
history of Barnwell Priory is a manuscript volume in the British Museum
(MSS. Harl. 3601) usually referred to as the "Barnwell Cartulary"
or the "Barnwell Register." The author's own title, however, "Liber
Memorandorum Ecclesiae de Bernewelle," is far more appropriate, for the
contents are by no means confined to documents relating to the property
of the house, but consist of many chapters of miscellanea dealing
with the history of the foundation from its commencement down to the
forty-fourth year of Edward III. (1370-71).

[11] At the time of the Dissolution, Dugdale states the gross yearly
value of the estates to have been L351, 15s. 4d., that of Ely to have
been L1084, 6s. 9d.

[12] Such a small matter, for example, in the domestic economy of a
modern college as the separate rendering of a "buttery bill" and a
"kitchen bill," containing items of expenditure which the puzzled
undergraduate might naturally have expected to find rendered in the
same weekly account, finds its explanation when we learn that in the
economy of the monastery also the roll of "the celererarius" and the
roll of the "camerarius" were always kept rigidly distinct. So also
more serious and important customs may probably be traced to monastic
origin.

[13] The others are: S. Sepulchre at Northampton, c. 1100-1127; Little
Maplestead in Essex, c. 1300; The Temple Church in London, finished
1185. To these may be added the chapel in Ludlow Castle, c. 1120.

[14] "Cambridge Described," by T. D. Atkinson, p. 164.

[15] _Cf._ Neubauer's _Collectanea_, ii. p. 277 _sq._

[16] _Cf._ Rashdall's "Universities of Europe," vol. i. p. 347.

[17] The earliest notice of this practice occurs in the University
Accounts for 1507-8, when carpenters are employed to carry the
materials used for the stages from the schools to the Church of the
Franciscans, to set them up there, and to carry them back again to the
schools. Similar notices are to be found in subsequent years.

[18] _Cf._ "The Cambridge Modern History," vol. i. p. 584, &c.

[19] Cooper's "Annals," i. 42.

[20] Willis and Clark, "Architectural History of the University of
Cambridge," Introduction, vol. i. p. xiv.

[21] _Cf._ List of names given in "Willis and Clark," vol. i. pp.
xxv.-xxvii.

[22] Jubinal's "Rutebeuf," quoted by Wright in his _Biographia
Britannica Litteraria_, p. 40.

[23] Stubbs, "Lectures on Mediaeval and Modern History," p. 166.

[24] Anstey, _Munimenta Academica_, i. pp. 204-5.

[25] "Commiss. Docts.," ii. 1.

[26] "Documents," ii. 78.

[27] The actual expression is, of course, _scholares_, but it is
best to translate the word by the later title of _fellows_ to avoid
the erroneous impression which would otherwise be given. That the
_scholares_ were occasionally called _fellows_ even in Chaucer's day
may be inferred from his lines--

    "Oure corne is stole, men woll us fooles call,
     Both the warden and our fellowes all."


[28] Document II. 1-42, quoted from Mullinger's "University of
Cambridge," i. 232.

[29] "Annals of the University," i. 95.

[30] "Documents," ii. 72.

[31] British Museum, Cole, MSS. xxxv. 112.

[32] Prynne, "Canterbury's Doom," quoted from Willis a. d. Clark, i. 46.

[33] _Philobiblon_, c. 9.

[34] Cooper's "Memorials," ii. p. 196.

[35] Cooper's "Memorials," vol. i. p. 30.

[36] _Cf._ Rogers' "Six Centuries of Work and Wages," p. 224. "The
disease made havoc among the secular and regular clergy, and we are
told that a notable decline of learning and morals was thenceforward
observed among the clergy, many persons of mean acquirements and low
character stepping into the vacant benefices. Even now the cloister
of Westminster Abbey is said to contain a monument in the great flat
stone, which we are told was laid over the remains of the many monks
who perished in the great death.... Some years ago, being at Cambridge
while the foundations of the new Divinity Schools were being laid,
I saw that the ground was full of skeletons, thrown in without any
attempt at order, and I divined that this must have been a Cambridge
plague pit."

[37] _Cf._ Clarke, "Cambridge," pp. 85, 86.

[38] _Cf._ Mullinger, "Cambridge," vol. i., footnote, p. 237.

[39] The poet Gray, it is said, occupied the rooms on the ground
floor at the west end of the Hitcham building. Above them are those
subsequently occupied by William Pitt.

[40] Cooper's "Memorials," i. p. 99.

[41] "Cambridge Described," by T. D. Atkinson, p. 326.

[42] Willis and Clark, i. 177.

[43] Cooper's "Annals," 140.

[44] Fuller's "History of the University," p. 255.

[45] Fuller's "History of the University," p. 98.

[46] _Cf._ Introduction by Professor Maitland to the "Cambridge Borough
Charters," p. xvii.

[47] Miss Mary Bateson, "Introduction to Cambridge Gild Records,"
published by Cambridge Antiquarian Society, 1903.

[48] Josselin, _Historiola_, Sec. 2.

[49] Fuller's "History of Cambridge," p. 116.

[50] Stubbs, "Constitutional History," vol. iii. p. 130.

[51] Robert Bridges.

[52] _Second Part of King Henry VI._, Act i. sc. 3.

[53] J. W. Clark, "Cambridge," p. 145.

[54] G. Gilbert Scott, "History of English Architecture," p. 181.

[55] J. W. Clarke, "Cambridge," p. 171.

[56] Fuller, "University of Cambridge," p. 161.

[57] "History of Queens'," p. 154.

[58] Erasmus, _Novum Instrumentum_, leaf aaa. 3 to bbb.

[59] _Anglia Sacra_, i. 650.

[60] In the Ely "Obedientary Rolls" I find, for example, the following
entries for the expenses of these Cambridge Scholars of the Monastery
in the account of the chamberlain: "20, Ed. III. scholaribus pro obolo
de libra, 6-1/2d. 31, 32, Ed. III. fratri S. de Banneham scholari
pro pensione sua 1/1-1/2. 40, Ed. III. Solut' 3 scholar' studentibus
apud Cantabrig' 3/4-1/2. Simoni de Banham incipienti in theologia 2
3, viz. 1d. de libra. 9, Hen. IV. dat' ffratri Galfrido Welyngton ad
incepcionem suam in canone apud cantabrig' 6/8. 4, Hen. V. ffratribus
Edmundo Walsingham et Henry Madingley ad incepcionem 3/4."

[61] Warren, Appendix cxvi.

[62] "Care of Books," pp. 168-69.

[63] Vol. ii. 30.

[64] "Jesus College," by A. Gray, p. 32.

[65] "History of Jesus," A. Gray, p. 16.

[66] "History of Jesus," A. Gray, p. 18.

[67] Willis and Clark's "Architectural History of Cambridge," vol. ii.
p. 123.

[68] Erasmus, _Roberto Piscatori_, Epist. xiv.

[69] Mullinger, "History of the University of Cambridge," vol. i. p.
439.

[70] Cooper's "Annals," vol. i. p. 273.

[71] Mullinger, "History of the University," vol. i. p. 44.

[72] Fuller's "History of Cambridge," p. 182.

[73] Dr. Peile's "History of Christ's College," p. 29.

[74] Cf. Milton's "Apology for Smectymnus," 1642.

[75] It might almost be supposed that the officials who drew royal
charters kept a "model form" to meet the case of a suppressed religious
house, altering the name and place to fit the occasion.

[76] Caxton, as he worked at his printing press in the Almonry, which
she had founded, and who was under her special protection, said "the
worst thing she ever did" was trying to draw Erasmus from his Greek
studies at Cambridge to train her untoward stepson, James Stanley, to
be Bishop of Ely.

[77] Mullinger's "History of S. John's College," p. 17.

[78] Froude's "History of England," vol. ii. p. 266.

[79] Mullinger's "History of the University," vol. i. p. 628.

[80] Edition of Furnivall, p. 88.

[81] "English Universities," vol. i. p. 307.

[82] Fuller, "History of Cambridge," p. 196.

[83] This absurdity is traceable to that _Skeletos Cantabrigiensis_ by
Richard Parker, to which I drew attention in my first chapter.

[84] Nichol's "Progress of Queen Elizabeth," v. i. p. 182.

[85] Cooper's "Memorials," v. ii. p. 135.

[86] Fuller's "History of Cambridge," p. 236.

[87] "Tom Quad," the great court of Christ Church, Oxford, has an area
of 74,520 square feet.

[88] "National Dictionary of Biography," vol. iv. p. 312.

[89] MSS. Barker, vi. 85; MSS. Harl. Mus. Brit., 7033; quoted, Willis
and Clark, ii. 700.

[90] "Documents," iii. 524, quoted by Mullinger, i. 314.

[91] Mullinger, vol. i. p. 318.

[92] Fuller's "History of Cambridge," p. 291.

[93] This portrait in crayons by Samuel Cooper (1609-72) was presented
to the College in January 1766 by Thomas Hollis. In Hollis's papers
underneath his memorandum of his present to the College are three lines
of Andrew Marvell--

    "I freely declare it, I am for old Noll;
     Though his government did a tyrant resemble,
     He made England great, and her enemies tremble."

Mr. Hollis also gave to Christ's College four copies of the "Paradise
Lost," two of them first editions. In 1761 he sent to Trinity his
portrait of Newton. He also presented books to the libraries of
Harvard, Berne and Zurich: chiefly Republican literature of the
seventeenth century.

       *       *       *       *       *

Typographical errors corrected by the etext transcriber:

thus serve to mark=> thus serves to mark {pg 43}

his death in 1509=> his death in 1589 {pg 89}

four widows=> four windows {pg 151}

Rennaisance=> Renaissance {pg 267}

great exent frustrated=> great extent frustrated {pg 272}








End of Project Gutenberg's Cambridge and its Story, by Charles William Stubbs

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