



Produced by Steven Gibbs and the PG Online Distributed Proofreading Team





THE EVENTFUL HISTORY

OF THE

MUTINY AND PIRATICAL SEIZURE

OF H.M.S. BOUNTY:

ITS CAUSE AND CONSEQUENCES.

[By Sir John Barrow]

     LONDON:
     JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE-STREET.
     MDCCCXXXI.




CONTENTS


                PREFACE
     CHAPTER I. OTAHEITE
        "   II. THE BREAD-FRUIT
        "  III. THE MUTINY
        "   IV. THE OPEN-BOAT NAVIGATION
        "    V. THE 'PANDORA'
        "   VI. THE COURT-MARTIAL
        "  VII. THE KING'S WARRANT
        " VIII. THE LAST OF THE MUTINEERS
                CONCLUSION
                ADDITIONAL NOTE
                ENDNOTES




PREFACE


The Editor of this little volume (for he presumes not to write _Author_)
has been induced to bring into one connected view what has hitherto
appeared only as detached fragments (and some of these not generally
accessible)--the historical narrative of an event which deeply
interested the public at the time of its occurrence, and from which the
naval service in particular, in all its ranks, may still draw
instructive and useful lessons.

The story in itself is replete with interest. We are taught by _The
Book_ of sacred history that the disobedience of our first parents
entailed on our globe of earth a sinful and a suffering race: in our
time there has sprung up from the most abandoned of this sinful
family--from pirates, mutineers, and murderers--a little society which,
under the precepts of that sacred volume, is characterized by religion,
morality, and innocence. The discovery of this happy people, as
unexpected as it was accidental, and all that regards their condition
and history, partake so much of the romantic as to render the story not
ill adapted for an epic poem. Lord Byron, indeed, has partially treated
the subject; but by blending two incongruous stories, and leaving both
of them imperfect, and by mixing up fact with fiction, has been less
felicitous than usual; for, beautiful as many passages in his _Island_
are, in a region where every tree, and flower, and fountain breathe
poetry, yet as a whole the poem is feeble and deficient in dramatic
effect.

There still remains to us at least one poet, who, if he could be
prevailed on to undertake it, would do justice to the story. To his
suggestion the publication of the present narrative owes its appearance.
But a higher object at present is engaging his attention, which, when
completed, judging from that portion already before the public, will
have raised a splendid and lasting monument to the name of William
Sotheby, in his translation of the _Iliad_ and the _Odyssey_.

To the kindness of Mrs. Heywood, the relict of the late Captain Peter
Heywood, the Editor is indebted for those beautiful and affectionate
letters, written by a beloved sister to her unfortunate brother, while a
prisoner and under sentence of death; as well as for some occasional
poetry, which displays an intensity of feeling, a tenderness of
expression, and a high tone of sentiment that do honour to the head and
heart of this amiable and accomplished lady. Those letters also from the
brother to his deeply afflicted family will be read with peculiar
interest.




CHAPTER I

OTAHEITE

     The gentle island, and the genial soil,
     The friendly hearts, the feasts without a toil,
     The courteous manners but from nature caught,
     The wealth unhoarded, and the love unbougnt,

            *       *       *       *       *

     The bread-tree, which, without the ploughshare, yields
     The unreap'd harvest of unfurrow'd fields,
     And bakes its unadulterated loaves
     Without a furnace in unpurchased groves,
     And flings off famine from its fertile breast,
     A priceless market for the gathering guest;--
     These, etc.--                              BYRON.


The reign of George III will be distinguished in history by the great
extension and improvement which geographical knowledge received under
the immediate auspices of this sovereign. At a very early period, after
his accession to the throne of these realms, expeditions of discovery
were undertaken, 'not (as Dr. Hawkesworth observes) with a view to the
acquisition of treasure, or the extent of dominion, but for the
improvement of commerce, and the increase and diffusion of knowledge.'
This excellent monarch was himself no mean proficient in the science of
geography; and it may be doubted if any one of his subjects, at the
period alluded to, was in possession of so extensive or so well-arranged
a cabinet of maps and charts as his was, or who understood their merits
or their defects so well as he did.

The first expeditions that were sent forth, after the conclusion of the
war, were those of Byron, Wallis, and Carteret. In the instructions to
the first of these commanders it is said, 'there is reason to believe
that lands and islands of great extent, hitherto unvisited by any
European power, may be found in the Atlantic Ocean, between the Cape of
Good Hope and the Magellanic Strait, within the latitudes convenient for
navigation, and in climates adapted to the produce of commodities useful
in commerce.' It could not require much knowledge or consideration to be
assured that, between the Cape and the Strait, climates producing
commodities useful in commerce, with the exception of whales and seals,
were likely to be found. The fact was that, among the real objects of
this and other subsequent voyages, there was one which had engaged the
attention of certain philosophers, from the time of the Spanish
navigator, Quiros: this able navigator had maintained that a _Terra
Australis incognita_ must necessarily exist, somewhere in the high
latitudes of the southern hemisphere, to counterbalance the great
masses of land in those of the northern one, and thus maintain a just
equipoise of the globe.

While these expeditions were in progress, the Royal Society, in 1768,
addressed an application to the king, praying him to appoint a ship of
war to convey to the South Seas Mr. Alexander Dalrymple (who had adopted
the opinion of Quiros), and certain others, for the main purpose,
however, of observing the transit of Venus over the sun's disc, which
was to happen in the year 1769. By the king's command, a bark of three
hundred and seventy tons was taken up by the Admiralty to perform this
service, but, as Mr. Dalrymple was a civilian, he could not be entrusted
with the command of the ship, and on that account declined going in her.

The command was therefore conferred on Lieutenant James Cook, an officer
of undoubted ability, and well versed in astronomy and the theory and
practice of navigation, with whom the Royal Society associated Mr.
Charles Green, who had long been assistant to Dr. Bradley, the
astronomer royal, to aid him in the observation of the transit. Mr.
Banks, a private gentleman of good fortune, who afterwards became the
valuable and distinguished President of the Royal Society, and Dr.
Solander, a Swedish gentleman of great acquirements, particularly in
natural history, accompanied Lieutenant Cook on this interesting voyage.
The islands of Marquesas de Mendoza, or those of Rotterdam or Amsterdam,
were proposed by the Royal Society as proper places for making the
observation. While fitting out, however, Captain Wallis returned from
his expedition, and strongly recommended as most suitable for the
purpose, Port Royal Harbour, on an island he had discovered, to which he
had given the name of 'King George's Island,' and which has since been
known by its native name, _Otaheite_ or _Tahite_.[1]

This lovely island is most intimately connected with the mutiny which
took place on board the _Bounty_, and with the fate of the mutineers and
their innocent offspring. Its many seducing temptations have been urged
as one, if not the main, cause of the mutiny, which was supposed, at
least by the commander of that ship, to have been excited by--

     Young hearts which languish'd for some sunny isle,
     Where summer years, and summer women smile,
     Men without country, who, too long estranged,
     Had found no native home, or found it changed,
     And, half uncivilized, preferr'd the cave
     Of some soft savage to the uncertain wave.

It may be proper, therefore, as introductory to the present narrative,
to give a general description of the rich and spontaneous gifts which
Nature has lavished on this once 'happy island;'--of the simple and
ingenuous manners of its natives,--and of those allurements which were
supposed, erroneously however, to have occasioned the unfortunate
catastrophe alluded to;--to glance at

     The nymphs' seducements and the magic bower,

as they existed at the period of the first intercourse between the
Otaheitans and the crews of those ships, which carried to their shores,
in succession, Wallis, Bougainville, and Cook.

The first communication which Wallis had with these people was
unfortunately of a hostile nature. Having approached with his ship close
to the shore, the usual symbol of peace and friendship, a branch of the
plantain tree, was held up by a native in one of the numerous canoes
that surrounded the ship. Great numbers, on being invited, crowded on
board the stranger ship, but one of them, being butted on the haunches
by a goat, and turning hastily round, perceived it rearing on its hind
legs, ready to repeat the blow, was so terrified at the appearance of
this strange animal, so different from any he had ever seen, that, in
the moment of terror, he jumped overboard, and all the rest followed his
example with the utmost precipitation.

This little incident, however, produced no mischief; but as the boats
were sounding in the bay, and several canoes crowding round them, Wallis
suspected the islanders had a design to attack them, and, on this mere
suspicion, ordered the boats by signal to come on board, 'and at the
same time,' he says, 'to intimidate the Indians, I fired a nine-pounder
over their heads.' This, as might have been imagined, startled the
islanders, but did not prevent them from attempting immediately to cut
off the cutter, as she was standing towards the ship. Several stones
were thrown into this boat, on which the commanding officer fired a
musket, loaded with buck-shot, at the man who threw the first stone, and
wounded him in the shoulder.

Finding no good anchorage at this place, the ship proceeded to another
part of the island, where, on one of the boats being assailed by the
Indians in two or three canoes, with their clubs and paddles in their
hands, 'Our people,' says the commander, 'being much pressed, were
obliged to fire, by which one of the assailants was killed, and another
much wounded.' This unlucky rencontre did not, however, prevent, as soon
as the ship was moored, a great number of canoes from coming off the
next morning, with hogs, fowls, and fruit. A brisk traffic soon
commenced, our people exchanging knives, nails, and trinkets, for more
substantial articles of food, of which they were in want. Among the
canoes that came out last were some double ones of very large size, with
twelve or fifteen stout men in each, and it was observed that they had
little on board except a quantity of round pebble stones. Other canoes
came off along with them, having only women on board; and while these
females were assiduously practising their allurements, by attitudes that
could not be misunderstood, with the view, as it would seem, to distract
the attention of the crew, the large double canoes closed round the
ship; and as these advanced, some of the men began singing, some blowing
conchs, and others playing on flutes. One of them, with a person sitting
under a canopy, approached the ship so close, as to allow this person to
hand up a bunch of red and yellow feathers, making signs it was for the
captain. He then put off to a little distance, and, on holding up the
branch of a cocoa-nut tree, there was an universal shout from all the
canoes, which at the same moment moved towards the ship, and a shower of
stones was poured into her on every side. The guard was now ordered to
fire, and two of the quarter-deck guns, loaded with small shot, were
fired among them at the same time, which created great terror and
confusion, and caused them to retreat to a short distance. In a few
minutes, however, they renewed the attack. The great guns were now
ordered to be discharged among them, and also into a mass of canoes that
were putting off from the shore. It is stated that, at this time, there
could not be less than three hundred canoes about the ship, having on
board at least two thousand men. Again they dispersed, but having soon
collected into something like order, they hoisted white streamers, and
pulled towards the ship's stern, when they again began to throw stones
with great force and dexterity, by the help of slings, each of the
stones weighing about two pounds, and many of them wounded the people on
board. At length a shot hit the canoe that apparently had the chief on
board, and cut it asunder. This was no sooner observed by the rest, than
they all dispersed in such haste, that in half an hour there was not a
single canoe to be seen; and all the people who had crowded the shore
fled over the hills with the utmost precipitation. What was to happen on
the following day was matter of conjecture, but this point was soon
decided.

     The white man landed;--need the rest be told?
     The new world stretch'd its dusk hand to the old.

Lieutenant Furneaux, on the next morning, landed, without opposition,
close to a fine river that fell into the bay--stuck up a staff on which
was hoisted a pendant,--turned a turf,--and by this process took
possession of the island in the name of his Majesty, and called it _King
George the Third's Island_. Just as he was embarking, an old man, to
whom the Lieutenant had given a few trifles, brought some green boughs,
which he threw down at the foot of the staff, then retiring, brought
about a dozen of his countrymen, who approached the staff in a
supplicating posture, then retired and brought two live hogs, which they
laid down at the foot of the staff, and then began to dance. After this
ceremony the hogs were put into a canoe and the old man carried them on
board, handing up several green plantain leaves, and uttering a sentence
on the delivery of each. Some presents were offered him in return, but
he would accept of none.

Concluding that peace was now established, and that no further attack
would be made, the boats were sent on shore the following day to get
water. While the casks were filling, several natives were perceived
coming from behind the hills and through the woods, and at the same time
a multitude of canoes from behind a projecting point of the bay. As
these were discovered to be laden with stones, and were making towards
the ship, it was concluded their intention was to try their fortune in a
second grand attack. 'As to shorten the contest would certainly lessen
the mischief, I determined,' says Captain Wallis, 'to make this action
decisive, and put an end to hostilities at once.' Accordingly a
tremendous fire was opened at once on all the groups of canoes, which
had the effect of immediately dispersing them. The fire was then
directed into the wood, to drive out the islanders, who had assembled in
large numbers, on which they all fled to the hill, where the women and
children had seated themselves. Here they collected to the amount of
several thousands, imagining themselves at that distance to be perfectly
safe. The captain, however, ordered four shot to be fired over them, but
two of the balls, having fallen close to a tree where a number of them
were sitting, they were so struck with terror and consternation, that,
in less than two minutes, not a creature was to be seen. The coast being
cleared, the boats were manned and armed, and all the carpenters with
their axes were sent on shore, with directions to destroy every canoe
they could find; and we are told this service was effectually performed,
and that more than fifty canoes, many of which were sixty feet long, and
three broad, and lashed together, were cut to pieces.

This act of severity must have been cruelly felt by these poor people,
who, without iron or any kind of tools, but such as stones, shells,
teeth, and bones supplied them with, must have spent months and probably
years in the construction of one of these extraordinary double boats.

Such was the inauspicious commencement of our acquaintance with the
natives of Otaheite. Their determined hostility and perseverance in an
unequal combat could only have arisen from one of two motives--either
from an opinion that a ship of such magnitude, as they had never before
beheld, could only be come to their coast to take their country from
them; or an irresistible temptation to endeavour, at all hazards, to
possess themselves of so valuable a prize. Be that as it may, the dread
inspired by the effects of the cannon, and perhaps a conviction of the
truth of what had been explained to them, that the 'strangers wanted
only provisions and water,' had the effect of allaying all jealousy; for
from the day of the last action, the most friendly and uninterrupted
intercourse was established, and continued to the day of the _Dolphin's_
departure; and provisions of all kinds, hogs, dogs, fruit, and
vegetables, were supplied in the greatest abundance, in exchange for
pieces of iron, nails, and trinkets.

As a proof of the readiness of these simple people to forgive injuries,
a poor woman, accompanied by a young man bearing a branch of the
plantain tree, and another man with two hogs, approached the gunner,
whom Captain Wallis had appointed to regulate the market, and looking
round on the strangers with great attention, fixing her eyes sometimes
on one and sometimes on another, at length burst into tears. It appeared
that her husband and three of her sons had been killed in the attack on
the ship. While this was under explanation, the poor creature was so
affected as to require the support of the two young men, who from their
weeping were probably two more of her sons. When somewhat composed, she
ordered the two hogs to be delivered to the gunner, and gave him her
hand in token of friendship, but would accept nothing in return.

Captain Wallis was now so well satisfied that there was nothing further
to apprehend from the hostility of the natives, that he sent a party up
the country to cut wood, who were treated with great kindness and
hospitality by all they met, and the ship was visited by persons of both
sexes, who by their dress and behaviour appeared to be of a superior
rank. Among others was a tall lady about five and forty years of age, of
a pleasing countenance and majestic deportment. She was under no
restraint, either from diffidence or fear, and conducted herself with
that easy freedom which generally distinguishes conscious superiority
and habitual command. She accepted some small present which the captain
gave her, with a good grace and much pleasure; and having observed that
he was weak and suffering from ill health, she pointed to the shore,
which he understood to be an invitation, and made signs that he would go
thither the next morning. His visit to this lady displays so much
character and good feeling, that it will best be described in the
captain's own words.

'The next morning I went on shore for the first time, and my princess or
rather queen, for such by her authority she appeared to be, soon after
came to me, followed by many of her attendants. As she perceived that my
disorder had left me very weak, she ordered her people to take me in
their arms, and carry me not only over the river, but all the way to her
house; and observing that some of the people who were with me,
particularly the first lieutenant and purser, had also been sick, she
caused them also to be carried in the same manner, and a guard, which I
had ordered out upon the occasion, followed. In our way, a vast
multitude crowded about us, but upon her waving her hand, without
speaking a word, they withdrew, and left us a free passage. When we
approached near her house, a great number of both sexes came out to meet
her; these she presented to me, after having intimated by signs that
they were her relations, and taking hold of my hand she made them kiss
it.

'We then entered the house, which covered a piece of ground three
hundred and twenty-seven feet long, and forty-two feet broad. It
consisted of a roof thatched with palm leaves, and raised upon
thirty-nine pillars on each side, and fourteen in the middle. The ridge
of the thatch, on the inside, was thirty feet high, and the sides of the
house, to the edge of the roof, were twelve feet high; all below the
roof being open. As soon as we entered the house, she made us sit down,
and then calling four young girls, she assisted them to take off my
shoes, draw down my stockings, and pull off my coat, and then directed
them to smooth down the skin, and gently chafe it with their hands. The
same operation was also performed on the first lieutenant and the
purser, but upon none of those who appeared to be in health. While this
was doing, our surgeon, who had walked till he was very warm, took off
his wig to cool and refresh himself: a sudden exclamation of one of the
Indians, who saw it, drew the attention of the rest, and in a moment
every eye was fixed upon the prodigy, and every operation was suspended.
The whole assembly stood some time motionless, in silent astonishment,
which could not have been more strongly expressed, if they had
discovered that our friend's limbs had been screwed on to the trunk. In
a short time, however, the young women who were chafing us, resumed
their employment, and having continued for about half an hour, they
dressed us again, but in this they were, as may easily be imagined, very
awkward; I found great benefit, however, from the chafing, and so did
the lieutenant and the purser.

'After a little time our generous benefactress ordered some bales of
Indian cloth to be brought out, with which she clothed me, and all that
were with me, according to the fashion of the country. At first I
declined the acceptance of this favour, but being unwilling not to seem
pleased with what was intended to please me, I acquiesced. When we went
away, she ordered a very large sow, big with young, to be taken down to
the boat, and accompanied us thither herself. She had given directions
to her people to carry me, as they had done when I came, but as I chose
rather to walk, she took me by the arm, and whenever we came to a plash
of water or dirt, she lifted me over with as little trouble as it would
have cost me to have lifted over a child, if I had been well.'

The following morning Captain Wallis sent her a present by the gunner,
who found her in the midst of an entertainment given to at least a
thousand people. The messes were put into shells of cocoa-nuts, and the
shells into wooden trays, like those used by our butchers, and she
distributed them with her own hands to the guests, who were seated in
rows in the open air, round the great house. When this was done, she sat
down herself upon a place somewhat elevated above the rest, and two
women, placing themselves, one on each side of her, fed her, she opening
her mouth as they brought their hands up with the food. From this time,
provisions were sent to market in the greatest abundance. The queen
frequently visited the captain on board, and always with a present, but
she never condescended to barter, nor would she accept of any return.

One day, after visiting her at her house, the captain at parting made
her comprehend by signs, that he intended to quit the island in seven
days: she immediately understood his meaning, and by similar signs,
expressed her wish that he should stay twenty days; that he should go
with her a couple of days' journey into the country, stay there a few
days, return with plenty of hogs and poultry, and then go away; but on
persisting in his first intention, she burst into tears, and it was not
without great difficulty that she could be pacified. The next time that
she went on board, Captain Wallis ordered a good dinner for her
entertainment and those chiefs who were of her party; but the queen
would neither eat nor drink. As she was going over the ship's side, she
asked, by signs, whether he still persisted in leaving the island at the
time he had fixed, and on receiving an answer in the affirmative, she
expressed her regret by a flood of tears; and as soon as her passion
subsided, she told the captain that she would come on board again the
following day.

Accordingly, the next day she again visited the ship twice, bringing
each time large presents of hogs, fowls, and fruits. The captain, after
expressing his sense of her kindness and bounty, announced his intention
of sailing the following morning. This, as usual, threw her into tears,
and after recovering herself, she made anxious inquiry when he should
return; he said in fifty days, with which she seemed to be satisfied.
'She stayed on board,' says Captain Wallis, 'till night, and it was then
with the greatest difficulty that she could be prevailed upon to go on
shore. When she was told that the boat was ready, she threw herself down
upon the arm-chest, and wept a long time, with an excess of passion that
could not be pacified; at last, however, with the greatest reluctance,
she was prevailed upon to go into the boat, and was followed by her
attendants.'

The next day, while the ship was unmooring, the whole beach was covered
with the inhabitants. The queen came down, and having ordered a double
canoe to be launched, was rowed off by her own people, followed by
fifteen or sixteen other canoes. She soon made her appearance on board,
but, not being able to speak, she sat down and gave vent to her passion
by weeping. Shortly after a breeze springing up, the ship made sail; and
finding it now necessary to return into her canoe, 'she embraced us
all,' says Captain Wallis, 'in the most affectionate manner, and with
many tears; all her attendants also expressed great sorrow at our
departure. In a few minutes she came into the bow of her canoe, where
she sat weeping with inconsolable sorrow. I gave her many things which I
thought would be of great use to her, and some for ornament; she
silently accepted of all, but took little notice of any thing. About ten
o'clock we had got without the reef, and a fresh breeze springing up,
our Indian friends, and particularly the queen, once more bade us
farewell, with such tenderness of affection and grief, as filled both my
heart and my eyes.'

The tender passion had certainly caught hold of one or both of these
worthies; and if her Majesty's language had been as well understood by
Captain Wallis, as that of Dido was to AEneas, when pressing him to stay
with her, there is no doubt it would have been found not less pathetic--

     Nec te noster amor, nec te data dextera quondam,
     Nec moritura tenet crudeli funere Dido?

This lady, however, did not sink, like the 'miserrima Dido,' under her
griefs; on the contrary, we find her in full activity and animation, and
equally generous, to Lieut. Cook and his party, under the name of
_Oberea_, who, it now appeared, was no queen, but whose husband they
discovered was uncle to the young king, then a minor, but from whom she
was separated. She soon evinced a partiality for Mr. Banks, though not
quite so strong as that for Wallis, but it appears to have been mutual,
until an unlucky discovery took place, that she had, at her command, a
stout strong-boned _cavaliere servente_; added to which, a theft, rather
of an amusing nature, contributed for a time to create a coolness, and
somewhat to disturb the good understanding that had subsisted between
them. It happened that a party, consisting of Cook, Banks, Solander, and
three or four others, were benighted at a distance from the anchorage.
Mr. Banks, says Lieut. Cook, thought himself fortunate in being offered
a place by Oberea, in her own canoe, and wishing his friends a good
night, took his leave. He went to rest early, according to the custom of
the country; and taking off his clothes, as was his constant practice,
the nights being hot, Oberea kindly insisted upon taking them into her
own custody, for otherwise, she said, they would certainly be stolen.
Mr. Banks having, as he thought, so good a safeguard, resigned himself
to sleep with all imaginable tranquillity; but awakening about eleven
o'clock, and wanting to get up, he searched for his clothes where he had
seen them carefully deposited by Oberea, when he lay down to sleep, and
perceived to his sorrow and surprise, that they were missing. He
immediately awakened Oberea, who, starting up and hearing his complaint,
ordered lights, and prepared in great haste to recover what had been
lost. Tootahah (the regent) slept in the next canoe, and being soon
alarmed, he came to them and set out with Oberea in search of the thief.
Mr. Banks was not in a condition to go with them, as of his apparel
scarcely any thing was left him but his breeches. In about half an hour
his two noble friends returned, but without having obtained any
intelligence of his clothes or of the thief. Where Cook and Solander had
disposed of themselves he did not know; but hearing music, which was
sure to bring a crowd together, in which there was a chance of his
associates being among them, he rose, and made the best of his way
towards it, and joined his party, as Cook says, 'more than half naked,
and told us his melancholy story.'

It was some consolation to find that his friends were fellow-sufferers,
Cook having lost his stockings, that had been stolen from under his
head, though he had never been asleep, and his associates their jackets.
At day-break Oberea brought to Mr. Banks some of her country clothes;
'so that when he came to us,' says Cook, 'he made a most motley
appearance, half Indian and half English.' Such an adventure must have
been highly amusing to him who was the object of it, when the
inconvenience had been removed, as every one will admit who knew the
late venerable President of the Royal Society. He never doubted,
however, that Oberea was privy to the theft, and there was strong
suspicion of her having some of the articles in her custody. Being aware
that this feeling existed, she absented herself for some time, and when
she again appeared, she said a favourite of hers had taken them away,
whom she had beaten and dismissed; 'but she seemed conscious,' says
Cook, 'that she had no right to be believed; she discovered the
strongest signs of fear, yet she surmounted it with astonishing
resolution, and was very pressing to be allowed to sleep with her
attendants in Mr. Banks's tent; in this, however, she was not
gratified.' Sir Joseph might have thought that, if he complied with her
request, his breeches might be in danger of following the other articles
of his dress.

The Otaheitans cannot resist pilfering. 'I must bear my testimony,'
says Cook, 'that the people of this country, of all ranks, men and
women, are the arrantest thieves upon the face of the earth; but,' he
adds, 'we must not hastily conclude that theft is a testimony of the
same depravity in them that it is in us, in the instances in which our
people were sufferers by their dishonesty; for their temptation was
such, as to surmount what would be considered as a proof of uncommon
integrity among those who have more knowledge, better principles, and
stronger motives to resist the temptations of illicit advantage; an
Indian among penny knives and beads, and even nails and broken glass, is
in the same state of mind with the meanest servant in Europe among
unlocked coffers of jewels and gold.' Captain Wallis has illustrated the
truth of this position by an experiment he made on some persons, whose
dress and behaviour indicated that they were of a superior cast. 'To
discover what present,' he says, 'would most gratify them, I laid down
before them a Johannes, a guinea, a crown piece, a Spanish dollar, a few
shillings, some new halfpence, and two large nails, making signs that
they should take what they liked best. The nails were first seized with
great eagerness, and then a few of the halfpence, but the silver and
gold lay neglected.' Here then it might with truth be said was
discovered


     The goldless age, where gold disturbs no dreams.

But their thirst after iron was irresistible; Wallis's ship was stripped
of all the nails in her by the seamen to purchase the good graces of
the women, who assembled in crowds on the shore. The men even drew out
of different parts of the ship those nails that fastened the cleats to
her side. This commerce established with the women rendered the men, as
might readily be expected, less obedient to command, and made it
necessary to punish some of them by flogging. The Otaheitans regarded
this punishment with horror. One of Cook's men having insulted a chief's
wife, he was ordered to be flogged in their presence. The Indians saw
him stripped and tied up to the rigging with a fixed attention, waiting
in silent suspense for the event; but as soon as the first stroke was
given, they interfered with great agitation, earnestly entreating that
the rest of the punishment might be remitted; and when they found they
were unable to prevail, they gave vent to their pity by tears. 'But
their tears,' as Cook observes, 'like those of children, were always
ready to express any passion that was strongly excited, and like those
of children, they also appeared to be forgotten as soon as shed.' And he
instances this by the following incident:--Mr. Banks seeing a young
woman in great affliction, the tears streaming from her eyes, inquired
earnestly the cause; but instead of answering, she took from under her
garment a shark's tooth, and struck it six or seven times into her head
with great force; a profusion of blood followed, and disregarding his
inquiries, she continued to talk loud in a melancholy tone, while those
around were laughing and talking without taking the least notice of her
distress. The bleeding having ceased, she looked up with a smile, and
collecting the pieces of cloth which she had used to stanch the blood,
threw them into the sea; then plunging into the river, and washing her
whole body, she returned to the tents with the same gaiety and
cheerfulness as if nothing had happened. The same thing occurred in the
case of a chief, who had given great offence to Mr. Banks, when he and
all his followers were overwhelmed with grief and dejection; but one of
his women, having struck a shark's tooth into her head several times,
till it was covered with blood, the scene was immediately changed, and
laughing and good humour took place. Wallis witnessed the same kind of
conduct. This, therefore, and the tears, are probably considered a sort
of expiation or doing penance for a fault.

But the sorrows of these simple and artless people are transient. Cook
justly observes, that what they feel they have never been taught either
to disguise or suppress; and having no habits of thinking, which
perpetually recall the past and anticipate the future, they are affected
by all the changes of the passing hour, and reflect the colour of the
time, however frequently it may vary. They grieve for the death of a
relation, and place the body on a stage erected on piles and covered
with a roof of thatch, for they never bury the dead, and never approach
one of these _morais_ without great solemnity; but theirs is no lasting
grief.

An old woman having died, Mr. Banks, whose pursuit was knowledge of
every kind, and to gain it made himself one of the people, requested he
might attend the ceremony and witness all the mysteries of the solemnity
of depositing the body in the morai. The request was complied with, but
on no other condition than his taking a part in it. This was just what
he wished. In the evening he repaired to the house of mourning, where he
was received by the daughter of the deceased and several others, among
whom was a boy about fourteen years old. One of the chiefs of the
district was the principal mourner, wearing a fantastical dress. Mr.
Banks was stripped entirely of his European clothes, and a small piece
of cloth was tied round his middle. His face and body were then smeared
with charcoal and water, as low as the shoulders, till they were as
black as those of a <DW64>: the same operation was performed on the rest,
among whom were some women, who were reduced to a state as near to
nakedness as himself; the boy was blacked all over, after which the
procession set forward, the chief mourner having mumbled something like
a prayer over the body. It is the custom of the Indians to fly from
these processions with the utmost precipitation. On the present occasion
several large bodies of the natives were put to flight, all the houses
were deserted, and not an Otaheitan was to be seen. The body being
deposited on the stage, the mourners were dismissed to wash themselves
in the river, and to resume their customary dresses and their usual
gaiety.

They are, however, so jealous of any one approaching these abodes of
the dead, that one of Cook's party, happening one day to pull a flower
from a tree which grew in one of these sepulchral inclosures, was struck
by a native who saw it, and came suddenly behind him. The morai of
Oberea was a pile of stone-work raised pyramidically, two hundred and
sixty-seven feet long, eighty-seven feet wide, and forty-four feet high,
terminating in a ridge like the roof of a house, and ascended by steps
of white coral stone neatly squared and polished, some of them not less
than three feet and a half by two feet and a half. Such a structure,
observes Cook, raised without the assistance of iron tools, or mortar to
join them, struck us with astonishment, as a work of considerable skill
and incredible labour.

On the same principle of making himself acquainted with every novelty
that presented itself, Captain Cook states that 'Mr. Banks saw the
operation of _tattooing_ performed upon the back of a girl about
thirteen years old. The instrument used upon this occasion had thirty
teeth, and every stroke, of which at least a hundred were made in a
minute, drew an ichor or serum a little tinged with blood. The girl bore
it with most stoical resolution for about a quarter of an hour; but the
pain of so many hundred punctures as she had received in that time then
became intolerable: she first complained in murmurs, then wept, and at
last burst into loud lamentations, earnestly imploring the operator to
desist. He was however inexorable; and when she began to struggle, she
was held down by two women, who sometimes soothed and sometimes chid
her, and now and then, when she was most unruly, gave her a smart blow.
Mr. Banks stayed in the neighbouring house an hour, and the operation
was not over when he went away.'

The sufferings of this young lady did not however deter the late
President of the Royal Society from undergoing the operation on his own
person.

The skill and labour which the Otaheitans bestow on their large double
boats is not less wonderful than their stone morais, from the felling of
the tree and splitting it into plank, to the minutest carved ornaments
that decorate the head and the stern. The whole operation is performed
without the use of any metallic instrument. 'To fabricate one of their
principal vessels with their tools is,' says Cook, 'as great a work as
to build a British man of war with ours.' The fighting boats are
sometimes more than seventy feet long, but not above three broad; but
they are fastened in pairs, side by side, at the distance of about three
feet; the head and stern rise in a semi-circular form, the latter to the
height of seventeen or eighteen feet. To build these boats, and the
smaller kinds of canoes;--to build their houses, and finish the slight
furniture they contain;--to fell, cleave, carve, and polish timber for
various purposes;--and, in short, for every conversion of wood--the
tools they make use of are the following: an adze of stone; a chisel or
gouge of bone, generally that of a man's arm between the wrist and
elbow; a rasp of coral; and the skin of a sting-ray, with coral sand as
a file or polisher.

The persons of the Otaheitan men are in general tall, strong,
well-limbed and finely shaped; equal in size to the largest of
Europeans. The women of superior rank are also above the middle stature
of Europeans, but the inferior class are rather below it. The complexion
of the former class is that which we call a brunette, and the skin is
most delicately smooth and soft. The shape of the face is comely, the
cheek bones are not high, neither are the eyes hollow, nor the brow
prominent; the nose is a little, but not much, flattened; but their
eyes, and more particularly those of the women, are full of expression,
sometimes sparkling with fire, and sometimes melting with softness;
their teeth also are, almost without exception, most beautifully even
and white, and their breath perfectly without taint. In their motions
there is at once vigour as well as ease; their walk is graceful, their
deportment liberal, and their behaviour to strangers and to each other,
affable and courteous. In their dispositions they appear to be brave,
open, and candid, without suspicion or treachery, cruelty or revenge.
Mr. Banks had such confidence in them, as to sleep frequently in their
houses in the woods, without a companion, and consequently wholly in
their power. They are delicate and cleanly, almost wholly without
example.

'The natives of Otaheite,' says Cook, 'both men and women, constantly
wash their whole bodies in running water three times every day; once as
soon as they rise in the morning, once at noon, and again before they
sleep at night, whether the sea or river be near them or at a distance.
They wash not only the mouth, but the hands at their meals, almost
between every morsel; and their clothes, as well as their persons, are
kept without spot or stain.'

If any one should think this picture somewhat overcharged, he will find
it fully confirmed in an account of them made by a description of men
who are not much disposed to represent worldly objects in the most
favourable light. In the first missionary voyage, in the year 1797, the
natives of Otaheite are thus described:

'Natural colour olive, inclining to copper; the women, who carefully
clothe themselves, and avoid the sun-beams, are but a shade or two
darker than an European brunette; their eyes are black and sparkling;
their teeth white and even; their skin soft and delicate; their limbs
finely turned; their hair jetty, perfumed and ornamented with flowers;
they are in general large and wide over the shoulders; we were therefore
disappointed in the judgement we had formed from the report of preceding
visitors; and though here and there was to be seen a young person who
might be esteemed comely, we saw few who, in fact, could be called
beauties; yet they possess eminent feminine graces: their faces are
never darkened with a scowl, or covered with a cloud of sullenness or
suspicion. Their manners are affable and engaging; their step easy,
firm, and graceful; their behaviour free and unguarded; always
boundless in generosity to each other, and to strangers; their tempers
mild, gentle, and unaffected; slow to take offence, easily pacified, and
seldom retaining resentment or revenge, whatever provocation they may
have received. Their arms and hands are very delicately formed; and
though they go barefoot, their feet are not coarse and spreading.

'As wives in private life, they are affectionate, tender and obedient to
their husbands, and uncommonly fond of their children: they nurse them
with the utmost care, and are particularly attentive to keep the
infant's limbs supple and straight. A <DW36> is hardly ever seen among
them in early life. A rickety child is never known; anything resembling
it would reflect the highest disgrace on the mother.

'The Otaheitans have no partitions in their houses; but, it may be
affirmed, they have in many instances more refined ideas of decency than
ourselves; and one, long a resident, scruples not to declare, that he
never saw any appetite, hunger and thirst excepted, gratified in public.
It is too true that, for the sake of gaining our extraordinary
curiosities, and to please our brutes, they have appeared immodest in
the extreme. Yet they lay this charge wholly at our door, and say that
Englishmen are ashamed of nothing, and that we have led them to public
acts of indecency never before practised among themselves. Iron here,
more precious than gold, bears down every barrier of restraint; honesty
and modesty yield to the force of temptation.'[2]

Such are the females and the mothers here described, whose interesting
offspring are now peopling Pitcairn's Island, and who, while they
inherit their mothers' virtues, have hitherto kept themselves free from
their vices.

The greater part of the food of Otaheitans is vegetable. Hogs, dogs, and
poultry are their only animals, and all of them serve for food. 'We all
agreed,' says Cook, 'that a South-Sea dog was little inferior to an
English lamb,' which he ascribes to its being kept up and fed wholly on
vegetables. Broiling and baking are the only two modes of applying fire
to their cookery. Captain Wallis observes, that having no vessel in
which water could be subjected to the action of fire, they had no more
idea that it could be made _hot_, than that it could be made _solid_;
and he mentions that one of the attendants of the supposed queen, having
observed the surgeon fill the tea-pot from an urn, turned the cock
himself, and received the water in his hand; and that as soon as he felt
himself scalded, he roared out and began to dance about the cabin with
the most extravagant and ridiculous expressions of pain and
astonishment; his companions, unable to conceive what was the matter,
staring at him in amaze, and not without some mixture of terror.

One of Oberea's peace-offerings to Mr. Banks, for the robbery of his
clothes committed in her boat, was a fine fat dog, and the way in which
it was prepared and baked was as follows. Tupei, the high priest,
undertook to perform the double office of butcher and cook. He first
killed him by holding his hands close over his mouth and nose for the
space of a quarter of an hour. A hole was then made in the ground about
a foot deep, in which a fire was kindled, and some small stones placed
in layers, alternately with the wood, to be heated. The dog was then
singed, scraped with a shell, and the hair taken off as clean as if he
had been scalded in hot water. He was then cut up with the same
instrument, and his entrails carefully washed. When the hole was
sufficiently heated, the fire was taken out, and some of the stones,
being placed at the bottom, were covered with green leaves. The dog,
with the entrails, was then placed upon the leaves, and other leaves
being laid upon them, the whole was covered with the rest of the hot
stones, and the mouth of the hole close stopped with mould. In somewhat
less than four hours, it was again opened, and the dog taken out
excellently baked, and the party all agreed that he made a very good
dish. These dogs it seems are bred to be eaten, and live wholly on
bread-fruit, cocoa-nuts, yams, and other vegetables of the like kind.

The food of the natives, being chiefly vegetable, consists of the
various preparations of the bread-fruit, of cocoa-nuts, bananas,
plantains, and a great variety of other fruit, the spontaneous products
of a rich soil and genial climate. The bread-fruit, when baked in the
same manner as the dog was, is rendered soft, and not unlike a boiled
potato; not quite so farinaceous as a good one, but more so than those
of the middling sort. Much of this fruit is gathered before it is ripe,
and by a certain process is made to undergo the two states of
fermentation, the saccharine and acetous, in the latter of which it is
moulded into balls, and called _Mahie_. The natives seldom make a meal
without this sour paste. Salt water is the universal sauce, without
which no meal is eaten. Their drink in general consists of water, or the
juice of the cocoa-nut; the art of producing liquors that intoxicate by
fermentation being at this time happily unknown among them; neither did
they make use of any narcotic, as the natives of some other countries do
opium, beetel-nut, and tobacco. One day the wife of one of the chiefs
came running to Mr. Banks, who was always applied to in every emergency
and distress, and with a mixture of grief and terror in her countenance,
made him understand that her husband was dying, in consequence of
something the strangers had given him to eat. Mr. Banks found his friend
leaning his head against a post, in an attitude of the utmost languor
and despondency. His attendants brought out a leaf folded up with great
care, containing part of the poison of the effects of which their master
was now dying. On opening the leaf Mr. Banks found in it a chew of
tobacco, which the chief had asked from some of the seamen, and
imitating them, as he thought, he had rolled it about in his mouth,
grinding it to powder with his teeth, and ultimately swallowing it.
During the examination of the leaf he looked up at Mr. Banks with the
most piteous countenance, and intimated that he had but a very short
time to live. A copious draught of cocoa-nut milk, however, set all to
rights, and the chief and his attendants were at once restored to that
flow of cheerfulness and good-humour, which is the characteristic of
these single-minded people.

There is, however, one plant from the root of which they extract a juice
of an intoxicating quality, called _Ava_, but Cook's party saw nothing
of its effects, probably owing to their considering drunkenness as a
disgrace. This vice of drinking ava is said to be peculiar almost to the
chiefs, who vie with each other in drinking the greatest number of
draughts, each draught being about a pint. They keep this intoxicating
juice with great care from the women.

As eating is one of the most important concerns of life, here as well as
elsewhere, Captain Cook's description of a meal made by one of the
chiefs of the island cannot be considered as uninteresting, and is here
given in his own words.

'He sits down under the shade of the next tree, or on the shady side of
his house, and a large quantity of leaves, either of the bread-fruit or
bananas, are neatly spread before him upon the ground as a table-cloth;
a basket is then set by him that contains his provision, which, if fish
or flesh, is ready dressed, and wrapped up in leaves, and two cocoa-nut
shells, one full of salt water and one of fresh. His attendants, which
are not few, seat themselves round him, and when all is ready, he begins
by washing his hands and his mouth thoroughly with the fresh water, and
this he repeats almost continually throughout the whole meal. He then
takes part of his provision out of the basket, which generally consists
of a small fish or two, two or three bread-fruits, fourteen or fifteen
ripe bananas, or six or seven apples. He first takes half a bread-fruit,
peels off the rind, and takes out the core with his nails; of this he
puts as much into his mouth as it can hold, and while he chews it, takes
the fish out of the leaves and breaks one of them into the salt water,
placing the other, and what remains of the bread-fruit, upon the leaves
that have been spread before him. When this is done, he takes up a small
piece of the fish that has been broken into the salt-water, with all the
fingers of one hand, and sucks it into his mouth, so as to get with it
as much of the salt-water as possible. In the same manner he takes the
rest by different morsels, and between each, at least very frequently,
takes a small sup of the salt-water, either out of the cocoa-nut shell,
or the palm of his hand. In the meantime one of his attendants has
prepared a young cocoa-nut, by peeling off the outer rind with his
teeth, an operation which to an European appears very surprising; but it
depends so much upon sleight, that many of us were able to do it before
we left the island, and some that could scarcely crack a filbert. The
master when he chooses to drink takes the cocoa-nut thus prepared, and
boring a hole through the shell with his fingers, or breaking it with a
stone, he sucks out the liquor. When he has eaten his bread-fruit and
fish, he begins with his plantains, one of which makes but a mouthful,
though it be as big as a black-pudding; if instead of plantains he has
apples, he never tastes them till they have been pared; to do this a
shell is picked up from the ground, where they are always in plenty, and
tossed to him by an attendant. He immediately begins to cut or scrape
off the rind, but so awkwardly that great part of the fruit is wasted.
If, instead of fish, he has flesh, he must have some succedaneum for a
knife to divide it; and for this purpose a piece of bamboo is tossed to
him, of which he makes the necessary implement by splitting it
transversely with his nail. While all this has been doing, some of his
attendants have been employed in beating bread-fruit with a stone pestle
upon a block of wood; by being beaten in this manner, and sprinkled from
time to time with water, it is reduced to the consistence of a soft
paste, and is then put into a vessel somewhat like a butcher's tray, and
either made up alone, or mixed with banana or _mahie_, according to the
taste of the master, by pouring water upon it by degrees and squeezing
it often through the hand. Under this operation it acquires the
consistence of a thick custard, and a large cocoa-nut shell full of it
being set before him, he sips it as we should do a jelly if we had no
spoon to take it from the glass. The meal is then finished by again
washing his hands and his mouth. After which the cocoa-nut shells are
cleaned, and everything that is left is replaced in the basket.'

Captain Cook adds, 'the quantity of food which these people eat at a
meal is prodigious. I have seen one man devour two or three fishes as
big as a perch; three bread-fruits, each bigger than two fists; fourteen
or fifteen plantains or bananas, each of them six or seven inches long,
and four or five round; and near a quart of the pounded bread-fruit,
which is as substantial as the thickest unbaked custard. This is so
extraordinary that I scarcely expect to be believed; and I would not
have related it upon my own single testimony, but Mr. Banks, Dr.
Solander, and most of the other gentlemen have had ocular demonstration
of its truth, and know that I mention them on the occasion.'

The women, who, on other occasions, always mix in the amusements of the
men, who are particularly fond of their society, are wholly excluded
from their meals; nor could the latter be prevailed on to partake of
anything when dining in company on board ship; they said it was not
right: even brothers and sisters have each their separate baskets, and
their provisions are separately prepared; but the English officers and
men, when visiting the young ones at their own houses, frequently ate
out of the same basket and drank out of the same cup, to the horror and
dismay of the older ladies, who were always offended at this liberty;
and if by chance any of the victuals were touched, or even the basket
that contained them, they would throw them away.

In this fine climate houses are almost unnecessary. The minimum range of
the thermometer is about 63 deg., the maximum 85 deg., giving an average of 74 deg..
Their sheds or houses consist generally of a thatched roof raised on
posts, the eaves reaching to within three or four feet of the ground;
the floor is covered with soft hay, over which are laid mats, so that
the whole is one cushion, on which they sit by day and sleep by night.
They eat in the open air, under the shade of the nearest tree. In each
district there is a house erected for general use, much larger than
common, some of them exceeding two hundred feet in length, thirty broad,
and twenty high. The dwelling-houses all stand in the woody belt which
surrounds the island, between the feet of the central mountains and the
sea, each having a very small piece of ground cleared, just enough to
keep the dropping of the trees from the thatch. An Otaheitan wood
consists chiefly of groves of bread-fruit and cocoa-nuts, without
underwood, and intersected in all directions by the paths that lead from
one house to another. 'Nothing,' says Cook, 'can be more grateful than
this shade, in so warm a climate, nor anything more beautiful than these
walks,'

With all the activity they are capable of displaying, and the
sprightliness of their disposition, they are fond of indulging in ease
and indolence. The trees that produce their food are mostly of
spontaneous growth--the bread-fruit, cocoa-nut, bananas of thirteen
sorts, besides plantains; a fruit not unlike an apple, which, when ripe,
is very pleasant; sweet potatoes, yams, and a species of _arum_; the
pandanus, the jambu and the sugar-cane; a variety of plants whose roots
are esculent--these, with many others, are produced with so little
culture, that, as Cook observes, they seem to be exempted from the first
general curse that 'man should eat his bread in the sweat of his brow.'
Then for clothing they have the bark of three different trees, the paper
mulberry, the bread-fruit tree, and a tree which resembles the wild
fig-tree of the West Indies; of these the mulberry only requires to be
cultivated.

In preparing the cloth they display a very considerable degree of
ingenuity. Red and yellow are the two colours most in use for dyeing
their cloth; the red is stated to be exceedingly brilliant and
beautiful, approaching nearest to our full scarlet; it is produced by
the mixture of the juices of two vegetables, neither of which separately
has the least tendency to that hue: one is the _Cordia Sebestina_, the
other a species of _Ficus_; of the former the leaves, of the latter the
fruits yield the juices. The yellow dye is extracted from the bark of
the root of the _Morinda citrifolia_, by scraping and infusing it in
water.

Their matting is exceedingly beautiful, particularly that which is made
from the bark of the _Hibiscus tiliaceus_, and of a species of
_Pandanus_. Others are made of rushes and grass with amazing facility
and dispatch. In the same manner their basket and wicker work are most
ingeniously made; the former in patterns of a thousand different kinds.
Their nets and fishing-lines are strong and neatly made, so are their
fish-hooks of pearl-shell; and their clubs are admirable specimens of
wood-carving.

A people so lively, sprightly, and good-humoured as the Otaheitans are,
must necessarily have their amusements. They are fond of music, such as
is derived from a rude flute and a drum; of dancing, wrestling, shooting
with the bow, and throwing the lance. They exhibit frequent trials of
skill and strength in wrestling; and Cook says it is scarcely possible
for those who are acquainted with the athletic sports of very remote
antiquity, not to remark a rude resemblance of them in a wrestling-match
(which he describes) among the natives of a little island in the midst
of the Pacific Ocean.

But these simple-minded people have their vices, and great ones too.
Chastity is almost unknown among a certain description of women: there
is a detestable society called _Arreoy_, composed, it would seem, of a
particular class, who are supposed to be the chief warriors of the
island. In this society the men and women live in common; and on the
birth of a child it is immediately smothered, that its bringing up may
not interfere with the brutal pleasures of either father or mother.
Another savage practice is that of immolating human beings at the
_Morais_, which serve as temples as well as sepulchres, and yet, by the
report of the missionaries, they entertain a due sense and reverential
awe of the Deity. 'With regard to their worship,' Captain Cook does the
Otaheitans but justice in saying, 'they reproach many who bear the name
of Christians. You see no instances of an Otaheitan drawing near the
Eatooa with carelessness and inattention; he is all devotion; he
approaches the place of worship with reverential awe; uncovers when he
treads on sacred ground; and prays with a fervour that would do honour
to a better profession. He firmly credits the traditions of his
ancestors. None dares dispute the existence of the Deity.' Thieving may
also be reckoned as one of their vices; this, however, is common to all
uncivilized nations, and, it may be added, civilized too. But to judge
them fairly in this respect, we should compare their situation with that
of a more civilized people. A native of Otaheite goes on board a ship
and finds himself in the midst of iron bolts, nails, knives, scattered
about, and is tempted to carry off a few of them. If we could suppose a
ship from El Dorado to arrive in the Thames, and that the custom-house
officers, on boarding her, found themselves in the midst of bolts,
hatchets, chisels, all of solid gold, scattered about the deck, one need
scarcely say what would be likely to happen. If the former found the
temptation irresistible to supply himself with what was essentially
useful--the latter would be as little able to resist that which would
contribute to the indulgence of his avarice or the gratification of his
pleasures, or of both.

Such was the state of this beautiful island and its interesting and
fascinating natives at the time when Captain Wallis first discovered and
Lieutenant Cook shortly afterwards visited it. What they now are, as
described by Captain Beechey, it is lamentable to reflect. All their
usual and innocent amusements have been denounced by the missionaries,
and, in lieu of them, these poor people have been driven to seek for
resources in habits of indolence and apathy: that simplicity of
character, which atoned for many of their faults, has been converted
into cunning and hypocrisy; and drunkenness, poverty, and disease have
thinned the island of its former population to a frightful degree. By a
survey of the first missionaries, and a census of the inhabitants, taken
in 1797, the population was estimated at 16,050 souls; Captain
Waldegrave, in 1830, states it, on the authority of a census also taken
by the missionaries, to amount only to 5000--and there is but too much
reason to ascribe this diminution to praying, psalm-singing, and
dram-drinking.[3]

The island of Otaheite is in shape two circles united by a low and
narrow isthmus. The larger circle is named Otaheite Mooe, and is about
thirty miles in diameter; the lesser, named Tiaraboo, about ten miles in
diameter. A belt of low land, terminating in numerous valleys, ascending
by gentle <DW72>s to the central mountain, which is about seven thousand
feet high, surrounds the larger circle, and the same is the case with
the smaller circle on a proportionate scale. Down these valleys flow
streams and rivulets of clear water, and the most luxuriant and verdant
foliage fills their sides and the hilly ridges that separate them, among
which were once scattered the smiling cottages and little plantations of
the natives. All these are now destroyed, and the remnant of the
population has crept down to the flats and swampy ground on the sea
shore, completely subservient to the seven establishments of
missionaries, who have taken from them what little trade they used to
carry on, to possess themselves of it; who have their warehouses, act as
agents, and monopolize all the cattle on the island--but, in return,
they have given them a new religion and a _parliament (risum teneatis?)_
and reduced them to a state of complete pauperism--and all, as they say,
and probably have so persuaded themselves, for the honour of God, and
the salvation of their souls! How much is such a change brought about by
such conduct to be deprecated! how lamentable is it to reflect, that an
island on which Nature has lavished so many of her bounteous gifts, with
which neither Cyprus nor Cythera, nor the fanciful island of Calypso,
can compete in splendid and luxuriant beauties, should be doomed to such
a fate,--in an enlightened age, and by a people that call themselves
civilized!




CHAPTER II

THE BREAD-FRUIT

     --The happy shores without a law,

            *       *       *       *       *

     Where all partake the earth without dispute,
     And bread itself is gather'd as a fruit;
     Where none contest the fields, the woods, the streams:--
     The goldless age, where gold disturbs no dreams,
     Inhabits or inhabited the shore,
     Till Europe taught them better than before,
     Bestow'd her customs, and amended theirs,
     But left her vices also to their heirs.     BYRON.


In the year 1787, being seventeen years after Cook's return from his
first voyage, the merchants and planters resident in London, and
interested in the West India possessions, having represented to his
Majesty, that the introduction of the bread-fruit tree into the islands
of those seas, to constitute an article of food, would be of very
essential benefit to the inhabitants, the king was graciously pleased to
comply with their request; and a vessel was accordingly purchased, and
fitted at Deptford with the necessary fixtures and preparations, for
carrying into effect the benevolent object of the voyage. The
arrangements for disposing the plants were undertaken, and completed in
a most ingenious and effective manner, by Sir Joseph Banks, who
superintended the whole equipment of the ship with the greatest
attention and assiduity till she was in all respects ready for sea. He
named the ship the _Bounty_, and recommended Lieutenant Bligh, who had
been with Captain Cook, to command her. Her burden was about two hundred
and fifteen tons; and her establishment consisted of one lieutenant, who
was commanding officer, one master, three warrant officers, one surgeon,
two master's mates, two midshipmen, and thirty-four petty officers and
seamen, making in all forty-four; to which were added two skilful and
careful men, recommended by Sir Joseph Banks, to have the management of
the plants intended to be carried to the West Indies, and others to be
brought home for his Majesty's garden at Kew: one was David Nelson, who
had served in a similar situation in Captain Cook's last voyage; the
other William Brown, as an assistant to him.

The object of all the former voyages to the South Seas, undertaken by
command of his Majesty George III, was the increase of knowledge by new
discoveries, and the advancement of science, more particularly of
natural history and geography: the intention of the present voyage was
to derive some practical benefit from the distant discoveries that had
already been made; and no object was deemed more likely to realise the
expectation of benefit than the bread-fruit, which afforded to the
natives of Otaheite so very considerable a portion of their food, and
which it was hoped it might also do for the black population of the West
India Islands. The bread-fruit plant was no new discovery of either
Wallis or Cook. So early as the year 1688, that excellent old navigator,
Dampier, thus describes it:--'The bread-fruit, as we call it, grows on a
large tree, as big and high as our largest apple-trees; it hath a
spreading head, full of branches and dark leaves. The fruit grows on the
boughs like apples; it is as big as a penny-loaf, when wheat is at five
shillings the bushel; it is of a round shape, and hath a thick tough
rind; when the fruit is ripe it is yellow and soft, and the taste is
sweet and pleasant. The natives of Guam use it for bread. They gather
it, when full grown, while it is green and hard; then they bake it in an
oven, which scorcheth the rind and makes it black, but they scrape off
the outside black crust, and there remains a tender thin crust; and the
inside is soft, tender, and white, like the crumb of a penny-loaf. There
is neither seed nor stone in the inside, but all is of a pure substance
like bread. It must be eaten new; for if it is kept above twenty-four
hours, it grows harsh and choaky; but it is very pleasant before it is
too stale. This fruit lasts in season eight months in the year, during
which the natives eat no other sort of food of bread kind. I did never
see of this fruit anywhere but here. The natives told us that there is
plenty of this fruit growing on the rest of the Ladrone Islands; and I
did never hear of it anywhere else.'

Lord Anson corroborates this account of the bread-fruit, and says that,
while at Tinian, it was constantly eaten by his officers and ship's
company during their two months' stay, instead of bread; and so
universally preferred, that no ship's bread was expended in that whole
interval. The only essential difference between Dampier's and Cook's
description is, where the latter says, which is true, that this fruit
has a _core_, and that the eatable part lies between the skin and the
core. Cook says also that its taste is insipid, with a slight sweetness,
somewhat resembling that of the crumb of wheaten bread mixed with a
Jerusalem artichoke. From such a description, it is not surprising that
the West India planters should have felt desirous of introducing it into
those islands; and accordingly the introduction of it was subsequently
accomplished, notwithstanding the failure of the present voyage; it has
not, however, been found to answer the expectation that had reasonably
been entertained. The climate, as to latitude, ought to be the same, or
nearly so, as that of Otaheite, but there would appear to be some
difference in the situation or nature of the soil, that prevents it from
thriving in the West India Islands. At Otaheite and on several of the
Pacific Islands,

     The bread-tree, which, without the ploughshare yields,
     The unreap'd harvest of unfurrow'd fields,
     And bakes its unadulterated loaves
     Without a furnace in unpurchased groves,
     And flings off famine from its fertile breast,
     A priceless market for the gathering guest--

is to the natives of those islands a most invaluable gift, but it has
not been found to yield similar benefits to the West India Islands.

On the 23rd December, 1787, the _Bounty_ sailed from Spithead, and on
the 26th it blew a severe storm of wind from the eastward, which
continued to the 29th, in the course of which the ship suffered greatly.
One sea broke away the spare-yards and spars out of the starboard
main-chains. Another heavy sea broke into the ship and stove all the
boats. Several casks of beer that had been lashed upon deck, were broke
loose and washed overboard; and it was not without great difficulty and
risk that they were able to secure the boats from being washed away
entirely. Besides other mischief done to them in this storm, a large
quantity of bread was damaged and rendered useless, for the sea had
stove in the stern and filled the cabin with water.

This made it desirable to touch at Teneriffe to put the ship to rights,
where they arrived on the 5th January, 1788, and having refitted and
refreshed, they sailed again on the 10th.

'I now,' says Bligh, 'divided the people into three watches, and gave
the charge of the third watch to Mr. Fletcher Christian, one of the
mates. I have always considered this a desirable regulation when
circumstances will admit of it, and I am persuaded that unbroken rest
not only contributes much towards the health of the ship's company, but
enables them more readily to exert themselves in cases of sudden
emergency.'

Wishing to proceed to Otaheite without stopping, and the late storm
having diminished their supply of provisions, it was deemed expedient to
put all hands on an allowance of two-thirds of bread. It was also
decided that water for drinking should be passed through filtering
stones that had been procured at Teneriffe. 'I now,' says Bligh, 'made
the ship's company acquainted with the object of the voyage, and gave
assurances of the certainty of promotion to every one whose endeavours
should merit it.' Nothing, indeed, seemed to be neglected on the part of
the commander to make his officers and men comfortable and happy. He was
himself a thorough-bred sailor, and availed himself of every possible
means of preserving the health of his crew. Continued rain and a close
atmosphere had covered everything in the ship with mildew. She was
therefore aired below with fires, and frequently sprinkled with vinegar,
and every interval of dry weather was taken advantage of to open all the
hatchways, and clean the ship, and to have all the people's wet things
washed and dried. With these precautions to secure health, they passed
the hazy and sultry atmosphere of the low latitudes without a single
complaint.

On Sunday, the 2nd of March, Lieutenant Bligh observes, 'after seeing
that every person was clean, Divine service was performed, according to
my usual custom. On this day I gave to Mr. Fletcher Christian, whom I
had before desired to take charge of the third watch, a written order
to act as lieutenant.'

Having reached as far as the latitude of 36 degrees south, on the 9th
March, 'the change of temperature,' he observes, 'began now to be
sensibly felt, there being a variation in the thermometer, since
yesterday, of eight degrees. That the people might not suffer by their
own negligence, I gave orders for their light tropical clothing to be
put by, and made them dress in a manner more suited to a cold climate. I
had provided for this before I left England, by giving directions for
such clothes to be purchased as would be found necessary. On this day,
on a complaint of the master, I found it necessary to punish Matthew
Quintal, one of the seamen, with two dozen lashes, for insolence and
mutinous behaviour. Before this I had not had occasion to punish any
person on board.'

The sight of New Year's Harbour, in Staaten Land, almost tempted him, he
says, to put in; but the lateness of the season, and the people being in
good health, determined him to lay aside all thoughts of refreshment
until they should reach Otaheite. Indeed the extraordinary care he had
taken to preserve the health of the ship's company rendered any delay in
this cold and inhospitable region unnecessary.

They soon after this had to encounter tremendous weather off Cape Horn,
storms of wind, with hail and sleet, which made it necessary to keep a
constant fire night and day; and one of the watch always attended to
dry the people's wet clothes. This stormy weather continued for nine
days; the ship began to complain, and required pumping every hour; the
decks became so leaky that the commander was obliged to allot the great
cabin to those who had wet berths, to hang their hammocks in. Finding
they were losing ground every day, and that it was hopeless to persist
in attempting a passage by this route, at this season of the year, to
the Society Islands, and after struggling for thirty days in this
tempestuous ocean, it was determined to bear away for the Cape of Good
Hope. The helm was accordingly put a-weather, to the great joy of every
person on board.

They arrived at the Cape on the 23rd of May, and having remained there
thirty-eight days to refit the ship, replenish provisions, and refresh
the crew, they sailed again on the 1st July, and anchored in Adventure
Bay, in Van Diemen's Land, on the 20th August. Here they remained taking
in wood and water till the 4th September, and on the evening of the 25th
October they saw Otaheite; and the next day came to anchor in Matavai
Bay, after a distance which the ship had run over, by the log, since
leaving England, of twenty-seven thousand and eighty-six miles, being on
an average one hundred and eight miles each twenty-four hours. Of their
proceedings in Otaheite a short abstract from Bligh's Journal will
suffice.

Many inquiries were made by the natives after Captain Cook, Sir Joseph
Banks, and others of their former friends. 'One of my first questions,'
says Bligh, 'was after our friend Omai; and it was a sensible
mortification and disappointment to me to hear, that not only Omai, but
both the New Zealand boys who had been left with him, were dead. There
appeared among the natives in general great good-will towards us, and
they seemed to be much rejoiced at our arrival. The whole day we
experienced no instance of dishonesty; and we were so much crowded, that
I could not undertake to remove to a more proper station, without danger
of disobliging our visitors, by desiring them to leave the ship.'

Otoo, the chief of the district, on hearing of the arrival of the
_Bounty_, sent a small pig and a young plantain tree, as a token of
friendship. The ship was now plentifully supplied with provisions; every
man on board having as much as he could consume.

As soon as the ship was secured, Lieutenant Bligh went on shore with the
chief, Poeeno, passing through a walk delightfully shaded with
bread-fruit trees, to his own house, where his wife and her sister were
busily employed staining a piece of cloth red. They desired him to sit
down on a mat, and with great kindness offered him refreshments. Several
strangers were now introduced, who came to offer their congratulations,
and behaved with great decorum and attention. On taking leave, he says,
'the ladies, for they deserve to be called such from their natural and
unaffected manners, and elegance of deportment, got up, and taking some
of their finest cloth and a mat, clothed me in the Otaheitan fashion,
and then said, "We will go with you to your boat;" and each taking me by
the hand, amidst a great crowd, led me to the water side, and then took
their leave.' In this day's walk, Bligh had the satisfaction to see that
the island had received some benefit from the former visits of Captain
Cook. Two shaddocks were brought to him, a fruit which they had not till
Cook introduced it; and among the articles which they brought off to the
ship, and offered for sale, were capsicums, pumpkins, and two young
goats. In the course of two or three days,' says he, 'an intimacy
between the natives and the ship's company was become so general, that
there was scarcely a man in the ship who had not already his _tayo_ or
friend.'

Nelson, the gardener, and his assistant, being sent out to look for
young plants, it was no small degree of pleasure to find them report on
their return, that, according to appearances, the object of the voyage
would probably be accomplished with ease; the plants were plentiful, and
no apparent objection on the part of the natives to collect as many as
might be wanted. Nelson had the gratification to meet with two fine
shaddock trees which he had planted in 1777, and which were now full of
fruit, but not ripe.

Presents were now given to Otoo, the Chief of Matavai, who had changed
his name to Tinah. He was told that, on account of the kindness of his
people to Captain Cook, and from a desire to serve him and his country;
King George had sent out those valuable presents to him; and 'will you
not, Tinah,' said Bligh, 'send something to King George in return?'
'Yes,' he said, 'I will send him anything I have;' and then began to
enumerate the different articles in his power, among which he mentioned
the bread-fruit. This was the exact point to which Bligh was
endeavouring to lead him, and he was immediately told that the
bread-fruit trees were what King George would like very much, on which
he promised that a great many should be put on board.

Hitherto no thefts had been committed, and Bligh was congratulating
himself on the improvement of the Otaheitans in this respect, as the
same facilities and the same temptations were open to them as before.
The ship, as on former occasions, was constantly crowded with visitors.
One day, however, the gudgeon of the rudder belonging to the large
cutter was drawn out and stolen, without being perceived by the man who
was stationed to take care of her; and as this and some other petty
thefts, mostly owing to the negligence of the men, were commencing, and
would have a tendency to interrupt the good terms on which they were
with the chiefs, 'I thought,' says Bligh, 'it would have a good effect
to punish the boat-keeper in their presence, and accordingly I ordered
him a dozen lashes. All who attended the punishment interceded very
earnestly to get it mitigated: the women shewed great sympathy, and that
degree of feeling which characterizes the amiable part of their sex.'

The longer they remained on the island, the more they had occasion to
be pleased with the conduct of the islanders, and the less incommoded
either on board or when on shore, by the natives following them as at
first. Into every house they wished to enter, they always experienced a
kind reception. The Otaheitans, we are told, have the most perfect
easiness of manner, equally free from forwardness and formality; and
that 'there is a candour and sincerity about them that is quite
delightful.' When they offer refreshments, for instance, if they are not
accepted, they do not think of offering them a second time; for they
have not the least idea of that ceremonious kind of refusal which
expects a second invitation. 'Having one day,' says Bligh, 'exposed
myself too much in the sun, I was taken ill, on which all the powerful
people, both men and women, collected round me, offering their
assistance. For this short illness I was made ample amends by the
pleasure I received from the attention and appearance of affection in
these kind people.'

On one occasion the _Bounty_ had nearly gone ashore in a tremendous gale
of wind, and on another did actually get aground; on both which
accidents, these kind-hearted people came in crowds to congratulate the
captain on her escape; and many of them are stated to have been affected
in the most lively manner, shedding tears while the danger in which the
ship was placed continued.

On the 9th December, the surgeon of the _Bounty_ died from the effects
of intemperance and indolence. This unfortunate man is represented to
have been in a constant state of intoxication, and was so averse from
any kind of exercise, that he never could be prevailed on to take half a
dozen hours upon deck at a time in the whole course of the voyage.
Lieutenant Bligh had obtained permission to bury him on shore; and on
going with the chief Tinah to the spot intended for his burial place, 'I
found,' says he, 'the natives had already begun to dig his grave.' Tinah
asked if they were doing it right? 'There,' says he, 'the sun rises, and
there it sets.' Whether the idea of making the grave east and west is
their own, or whether they learnt it from the Spaniards, who buried the
captain of their ship on the island in 1774, there were no means of
ascertaining; but it was certain they had no intimation of that kind
from anybody belonging to the _Bounty._ When the funeral took place, the
chiefs and many of the natives attended the ceremony, and shewed great
attention during the service. Many of the principal natives attended
divine service on Sundays, and behaved with great decency. Some of the
women at one time betrayed an inclination to laugh at the general
responses; but, the captain says, on looking at them they appeared much
ashamed.

The border of low land, which is of the breadth of about three miles,
between the sea-coast and the foot of the hills, consists of a very
delightful country, well covered with bread-fruit and cocoa-trees, and
strewed with houses in which are swarms of children playing about. 'It
is delightful,' Bligh observes, 'to see the swarms of little children
that are every where to be seen employed at their several amusements;
some flying kites, some swinging in ropes suspended from the boughs of
trees, others walking on stilts, some wrestling, and others playing all
manner of antic tricks such as are common to boys in England. The little
girls have also their amusements, consisting generally of heivahs or
dances. On an evening, just before sunset the whole beach abreast the
ship is described as being like a parade, crowded with men, women, and
children, who go on with their sports and amusements till nearly dark,
when every one peaceably returns to his home. At such times, we are
told, from three to four hundred people are assembled together, and all
happily diverted, good humoured, and affectionate to one another,
without a single quarrel having ever happened to disturb the harmony
that existed among these amiable people. Both boys and girls are said to
be handsome and very sprightly.

It did not appear that much pains were taken in their plantations,
except those of the ava and the cloth-plant; many of the latter are
fenced with stone, and surrounded with a ditch. In fact, Nature has done
so much for them, that they have no great occasion to use exertion in
obtaining a sufficient supply of either food or raiment. Yet when Bligh
commenced taking up the bread-fruit plants, he derived much assistance
from the natives in collecting and pruning them, which they understood
perfectly well.

The behaviour of these people on all occasions was highly deserving of
praise. One morning, at the relief of the watch, the small cutter was
missing. The ship's company were immediately mustered, when it appeared
that three men were absent. They had taken with them eight stand of arms
and ammunition; but what their plan was, or which way they had gone, no
one on board seemed to have the least knowledge. Information being given
of the route they had taken, the master was dispatched to search for the
cutter, and one of the chiefs went with him; but before they had got
half way, they met the boat with five of the natives, who were bringing
her back to the ship. For this service they were handsomely rewarded.
The chiefs promised to use every possible means to detect and bring back
the deserters, which, in a few days, some of the islanders had so far
accomplished as to seize and bind them, but let them loose again on a
promise that they would return to their ship, which they did not exactly
fulfil, but gave themselves up soon after on a search being made for
them.

A few days after this, a much more serious occurrence happened, that was
calculated to give to the commander great concern. The wind had blown
fresh in the night, and at daylight it was discovered that the cable, by
which the ship rode, had been cut near the water's edge, in such a
manner, that only one strand remained whole. While they were securing
the ship, Tinah came on board; and though there was no reason whatever
to suppose otherwise than that he was perfectly innocent of the
transaction, nevertheless, says the commander, 'I spoke to him in a very
peremptory manner, and insisted upon his discovering and bringing to me
the offender. He promised to use his utmost endeavours to discover the
guilty person. The next morning he and his wife came to me, and assured
me that they had made the strictest inquiries without success. This was
not at all satisfactory, and I behaved towards them with great coolness,
at which they were much distressed; and the lady at length gave vent to
her sorrow by tears. I could no longer keep up the appearance of
mistrusting them, but I earnestly recommended to them, as they valued
the King of England's friendship, that they would exert their utmost
endeavours to find out the offenders, which they faithfully promised to
do.'

Here Bligh observes, it had since occurred to him, that this attempt to
cut the ship adrift was most probably the act of some of his own people;
whose purpose of remaining at Otaheite might have been effectually
answered without danger, if the ship had been driven on shore. At the
time it occurred, he says, he entertained not the least thought of this
kind, nor did the possibility of it enter into his ideas, having no
suspicion that so general an indication, or so strong an attachment to
these islands, could prevail among his people, as to induce them to
abandon every prospect of returning to their native country.

This after-thought of Bligh will appear in the sequel to be wholly
gratuitous, and yet he might naturally enough have concluded that so
long and unrestrained an intercourse with a people among whom every man
had his _tayo_ or friend; among whom every man was free to indulge every
wish of his heart; where, from the moment he set his foot on shore, he
found himself surrounded by female allurements in the midst of ease and
indolence, and living in a state of luxury without submitting to any
kind of labour--such enticements to a common sailor might naturally
enough be supposed to create a desire for a longer residence in such a
country; but this supposition is not borne out by subsequent events. The
damage done to the cable was, in all probability, owing to its chafing
over the rocky bottom.

The _Bounty_ arrived on the 26th October, 1788, and remained till the
4th April, 1789. On the 31st March, the Commander says, 'To-day, all the
plants were on board, being in seven hundred and seventy-four pots,
thirty-nine tubs, and twenty-four boxes. The number of bread-fruit
plants were one thousand and fifteen; besides which, we had collected a
number of other plants: the _avee_, which is one of the finest flavoured
fruits in the world; the _ayyah_, which is a fruit not so rich, but of a
fine flavour and very refreshing; the _rattah_, not much unlike a
chestnut, which grows on a large tree in great quantities; they are
singly in large pods, from one to two inches broad, and may be eaten
raw, or boiled in the same manner as Windsor beans, and so dressed are
equally good; the _orai-ab_, which is a very superior kind of plantain.
All these I was particularly recommended to collect, by my worthy friend
Sir Joseph Banks.'

While these active preparations for departure were going on, the good
chief Tinah, on bringing a present for King George, could not refrain
from shedding tears. During the remainder of their stay, there appeared
among the natives an evident degree of sorrow that they were so soon to
leave them, which they showed by a more than usual degree of kindness
and attention. The above-mentioned excellent chief, with his wife,
brothers, and sister, requested permission to remain on board for the
night previous to the sailing of the _Bounty_. The ship was crowded the
whole day with the natives, and she was loaded with presents of
cocoa-nuts, plantains, bread-fruits, hogs, and goats. Contrary to what
had been the usual practice, there was this evening no dancing or mirth
on the beach, such as they had long been accustomed to, but all was
silent.

At sunset, the boat returned from landing Tinah and his wife, and the
ship made sail, bidding farewell to Otaheite, where, Bligh observes,
'for twenty-three weeks we had been treated with the utmost affection
and regard, and which seemed to increase in proportion to our stay. That
we were not insensible to their kindness, the events which followed more
than sufficiently prove; for to the friendly and endearing behaviour of
these people, may be ascribed the motives for that event which effected
the ruin of an expedition, that there was every reason to hope would
have been completed in the most fortunate manner.'

The morning after their departure, they got sight of Huaheine; and a
double canoe soon coming alongside, containing ten natives, among them
was a young man who recollected Captain Bligh, and called him by name;
having known him when here in the year 1780, with Captain Cook in the
_Resolution_. Several other canoes arrived with hogs, yams, and other
provisions, which they purchased. This person confirmed, the account
that had already been received of Omai, and said that, of all the
animals which had been left with Omai, the mare only remained alive;
that the seeds and plants had been all destroyed, except one tree: but
of what kind that was, he could not satisfactorily explain. A few days
after sailing from this island, the weather became squally, and a thick
body of black clouds collected in the east. A water-spout was in a short
time seen at no great distance from the ship, which appeared to great
advantage from the darkness of the clouds behind it. The upper part is
described as being about two feet in diameter; and the lower about eight
inches. It advanced rapidly towards the ship, when it was deemed
expedient to alter the course, and to take in all the sails, except the
foresail; soon after which it passed within ten yards of the stern,
making a rustling noise, but without their feeling the least effect from
its being so near. The rate at which it travelled was judged to be about
ten miles per hour, going towards the west, in the direction of the
wind; and in a quarter of an hour after passing the ship, it dispersed.
As they passed several low islands, the natives of one of them came out
in their canoes, and it was observed that they all spoke the language of
Otaheite. Presents of iron, beads, and a looking-glass were given to
them; but it was observed that the chief, on leaving the ship, took
possession of everything that had been distributed. One of them showed
some signs of dissatisfaction; but after a little altercation they
joined noses and were reconciled.

The _Bounty_ anchored at Anamooka on the 23rd April; and an old lame
man, named Tepa, whom Bligh had known here in 1777, and immediately
recollected, came on board along with others from different islands in
the vicinity. This man having formerly been accustomed to the English
manner of speaking their language, the Commander found he could converse
with him tolerably well. He told him that the cattle which had been left
at Tongataboo had all bred, and that the old ones were yet living. Being
desirous of seeing the ship, he and his companions were taken below, and
the bread-fruit and other plants were shown to them, on seeing which
they were greatly surprised.

'I landed,' says Bligh, 'in order to procure some bread-fruit plants to
supply the place of one that was dead, and two or three others that were
a little sickly. I walked to the west part of the bay, where some plants
and seeds had been sown by Captain Cook; and had the satisfaction to
see, in a plantation close by, about twenty fine pineapple plants, but
no fruit, this not being the proper season. They told me that they had
eaten many of them, that they were very fine and large, and that at
Tongataboo there were great numbers.'

Numerous were the marks of mourning with which these people disfigure
themselves, such as bloody temples, their heads deprived of most of the
hair, and, which was worse, almost all of them with the loss of some of
their fingers. Several fine boys, not above six years of age, had lost
both their little fingers; and some of the men had parted with the
middle finger of the right hand.

A brisk trade soon began to be carried on for yams; some plantains and
bread-fruit were likewise brought on board, but no hogs. Some of the
sailing canoes, which arrived in the course of the day, were large
enough to contain not less than ninety passengers. From these the
officers and crew purchased hogs, dogs, fowls, and shaddocks; yams, very
fine and large; one of them actually weighed above forty-five pounds.
The crowd of natives had become so great the next day, Sunday 26th, that
it became impossible to do anything. The watering party were therefore
ordered to go on board, and it was determined to sail; the ship was
accordingly unmoored and got under weigh. A grapnel, however, had been
stolen, and Bligh informed the chiefs that were still on board, that
unless it was returned, they must remain in the ship, at which they were
surprised and not a little alarmed. 'I detained them,' he says, 'till
sunset, when their uneasiness and impatience increased to such a
degree, that they began to beat themselves about the face and eyes, and
some of them cried bitterly. As this distress was more than the grapnel
was worth, I could not think of detaining them longer, and called their
canoes alongside. I told them they were at liberty to go, and made each
of them a present of a hatchet, a saw, with some knives, gimlets, and
nails. This unexpected present, and the sudden change in their
situation, affected them not less with joy than they had before been
with apprehension. They were unbounded in their acknowledgements; and I
have little doubt but that we parted better friends than if the affair
had never happened.'

From this island the ship stood to the northward all night, with light
winds; and on the next day, the 27th, at noon, they were between the
islands Tofoa and Kotoo.

'Thus far,' says Bligh, 'the voyage had advanced in a course of
uninterrupted prosperity, and had been attended with many circumstances
equally pleasing and satisfactory. A very different scene was now to be
experienced. A conspiracy had been formed, which was to render all our
past labour productive only of extreme misery and distress. The means
had been concerted and prepared with so much secrecy and circumspection,
that no one circumstance appeared to occasion the smallest suspicion of
the impending calamity, the result of an act of piracy the most
consummate and atrocious that was probably ever committed.'

How far Bligh was justified in ascribing the calamity to a conspiracy
will be seen hereafter. The following chapter will detail the facts of
the mutinous proceedings as stated by the Lieutenant, in his own words.




CHAPTER III

THE MUTINY


     That,--Captain Bligh,--that is the thing;--I am in hell!--I am
     in hell!--FLETCHER CHRISTIAN.

     --Horror and doubt distract
     His troubled thoughts, and from the bottom stir
     The hell within him; for within him hell
     He brings, and round about him, nor from hell
     One step no more than from himself can fly
     By change of place; now conscience wakes despair
     That slumber'd, wakes the bitter memory
     Of what he was, what is, and what must be
     Worse; of worse deeds worse sufferings must ensue.


'In the morning of the 28th April, the north-westernmost of the Friendly
Islands, called Tofoa, bearing north-east, I was steering to the
westward with a ship in most perfect order, all my plants in a most
flourishing condition, all my men and officers in good health, and in
short, everything to flatter and insure my most sanguine expectations.
On leaving the deck I gave directions for the course to be steered
during the night. The master had the first watch; the gunner, the middle
watch; and Mr. Christian, the morning watch. This was the turn of duty
for the night.

'Just before sun-rising on Tuesday the 28th, while I was yet asleep,
Mr. Christian, officer of the watch, Charles Churchill, ship's corporal,
John Mills, gunner's mate, and Thomas Burkitt, seaman, came into my
cabin, and seizing me, tied my hands with a cord behind my back,
threatening me with instant death if I spoke or made the least noise. I
called, however, as loud as I could in hopes of assistance; but they had
already secured the officers who were not of their party, by placing
sentinels at their doors. There were three men at my cabin door, besides
the four within; Christian had only a cutlass in his hand, the others
had muskets and bayonets. I was hauled out of bed, and forced on deck in
my shirt, suffering great pain from the tightness with which they had
tied my hands[4] [behind my back, held by Fletcher Christian, and
Charles Churchill, with a bayonet at my breast, and two men, Alexander
Smith and Thomas Burkitt behind me, with loaded muskets cocked and
bayonets fixed]. I demanded the reason of such violence, but received no
other answer than abuse, for not holding my tongue. The master, the
gunner, Mr. Elphinstone, the master's mate, and Nelson, were kept
confined below; and the fore-hatchway was guarded by sentinels. The
boatswain and carpenter, and also Mr. Samuel the clerk, were allowed to
come upon deck, where they saw me standing abaft the mizen-mast, with my
hands tied behind my back, under a guard, with Christian at their head.
The boatswain was ordered to hoist the launch out, with a threat, if he
did not do it instantly, to take care of himself.

'When the boat was out, Mr. Hayward and Mr. Hallet, two of the
midshipmen, and Mr. Samuel, were ordered into it. I demanded what their
intention Was in giving this order, and endeavoured to persuade the
people near me not to persist in such acts of violence; but it was to no
effect--"Hold your tongue, Sir, or you are dead this instant," was
constantly repeated to me.

'The master by this time had sent to request that he might come on deck,
which was permitted; but he was soon ordered back again to his cabin.

'[When I exerted myself in speaking loud, to try if I could rally any
with a sense of duty in them, I was saluted with--"d--n his eyes,
the----, blow his brains out"; while Christian was threatening me with
instant death, if I did not hold my tongue.]

'I continued my endeavours to turn the tide of affairs, when Christian
changed the cutlass which he had in his hand for a bayonet that was
brought to him, and holding me with a strong grip by the cord that tied
my hands, he threatened, with many oaths, to kill me immediately, if I
would not be quiet; the villains round me had their pieces cocked and
bayonets fixed. Particular persons were called on to go into the boat
and were hurried over the side; whence I concluded that with these
people I was to be set adrift. I therefore made another effort to bring
about a change, but with no other effect than to be threatened with
having my brains blown out.

The boatswain and seamen who were to go in the boat, were allowed to
collect twine, canvas, lines, sails, cordage, an eight-and-twenty gallon
cask of water; and Mr. Samuel got one hundred and fifty pounds of bread,
with a small quantity of rum and wine, also a quadrant and compass; but
he was forbidden, on pain of death, to touch either map, ephemeris, book
of astronomical observations, sextant, timekeeper, or any of my surveys
or drawings.

'The mutineers having forced those of the seamen whom they meant to get
rid of into the boat, Christian directed a dram to be served to each of
his own crew. I then unhappily saw that nothing could be done to effect
the recovery of the ship: there was no one to assist me, and every
endeavour on my part was answered with threats of death.

'The officers were next called upon deck, and forced over the side into
the boat, while I was kept apart from every one, abaft the mizen-mast;
Christian, armed with a bayonet, holding me by the bandage that secured
my hands. The guard round me had their pieces cocked, but on my daring
the ungrateful wretches to fire, they uncocked them.

'Isaac Martin, one of the guard over me, I saw had an inclination to
assist me, and as he fed me with shaddock (my lips being quite parched)
we explained our wishes to each other by our looks; but this being
observed, Martin was removed from me. He then attempted to leave the
ship, for which purpose he got into the boat; but with many threats they
obliged him to return.

'The armourer, Joseph Coleman, and two of the carpenters, M'Intosh and
Norman, were also kept, contrary to their inclination; and they begged
of me, after I was astern in the boat, to remember that they declared
they had no hand in the transaction. Michael Byrne, I am told, likewise
wanted to leave the ship.

'It is of no moment for me to recount my endeavours to bring back the
offenders to a sense of their duty; all I could do was by speaking to
them in general; but it was to no purpose, for I was kept securely
bound, and no one except the guard suffered to come near me.

'To Mr. Samuel (clerk) I am indebted for securing my journals and
commission, with some material ship papers. Without these I had nothing
to certify what I had done, and my honour and character might have been
suspected, without my possessing a proper document to have defended
them. All this he did with great resolution, though guarded and strictly
watched. He attempted to save the timekeeper, and a box with my surveys,
drawings, and remarks, for fifteen years past, which were numerous; when
he was hurried away with "D--n your eyes, you are well off to get what
you have."

It appeared to me that Christian was some time in doubt whether he
should keep the carpenter, or his mates; at length he determined on the
latter, and the carpenter was ordered into the boat. He was permitted,
but not without some opposition, to take his tool-chest.

'Much altercation took place among the mutinous crew during the whole
business: some swore "I'll be d---- d if he does not find his way home,
if he gets anything with him"; and when the carpenter's chest was
carrying away, "D---- n my eyes, he will have a vessel built in a
month"; while others laughed at the helpless situation of the boat,
being very deep, and so little room for those who were in her. As for
Christian, he seemed as if meditating destruction on himself and every
one else.

'I asked for arms, but they laughed at me, and said I was well
acquainted with the people among whom I was going, and therefore did not
want them; four cutlasses, however, were thrown into the boat, after we
were veered astern.

'The officers and men being in the boat, they only waited for me, of
which the master-at-arms informed Christian; who then said--"Come,
Captain Bligh, your officers and men are now in the boat, and you must
go with them; if you attempt to make the least resistance, you will
instantly be put to death"; and without further ceremony, with a tribe
of armed ruffians about me, I was forced over the side, when they untied
my hands. Being in the boat, we were veered astern by a rope, a few
pieces of pork were thrown to us, and some clothes, also the cutlasses I
have already mentioned; and it was then that the armourer and carpenters
called out to me to remember that they had no hand in the transaction.
After having undergone a great deal of ridicule, and been kept for some
time to make sport for these unfeeling wretches, we were at length cast
adrift in the open ocean.

'I had with me in the boat the following persons:

     Names.                          Stations.

     JOHN FRYER                      Master.
     THOMAS LEDWAKD                  Acting Surgeon.
     DAVID NELSON                    Botanist.
     WILLIAM PECKOVER                Gunner.
     WILLIAM COLE                    Boatswain.
     WILLIAM PURCELL                 Carpenter.
     WILLIAM ELPHINSTONE             Master's Mate.
     THOMAS HAYWARD      }           Midshipman.
     JOHN HALLET         }               do.
     JOHN NORTON         }           Quarter-Master.
     PETER LENKLETTER    }               do.
     LAWRENCE LEBOGUE                Sailmaker.
     JOHN SMITH          }           Cook.
     THOMAS HALL         }               do.
     GEORGE SIMPSON                  Quarter-Master's Mate.
     ROBERT TINKLER                  A boy.
     ROBERT LAMB                     Butcher.
     MR. SAMUEL                      Clerk.

     In all eighteen.

     'There remained in the _Bounty_:

     Names.                          Stations.

     FLETCHER CHRISTIAN              Master's Mate.
     PETER HEYWOOD       }           Midshipman.
     EDWARD YOUNG        }           Midshipman.
     GEORGE STEWART      }           Midshipman.
     CHARLES CHURCHILL               Master-at-Arms.
     JOHN MILLS                      Gunner's Mate.
     JAMES MORRISON                  Boatswain's Mate.
     THOMAS BURKITT      }           Able Seaman.
     MATTHEW QUINTAL     }                do.
     JOHN SUMNER         }                do.
     JOHN MILLWARD       }                do.
     WILLIAM M'KOY       }                do.
     HENRY HILLBRANT     }                do.
     MICHAEL BYRNE       }                do.
     WILLIAM MUSPRATT    }                do.
     ALEXANDER SMITH     }                do.
     JOHN WILLIAMS       }                do.
     THOMAS ELLISON      }                do.
     ISAAC MARTIN        }                do.
     RICHARD SKINNER     }                do.
     MATTHEW THOMPSON    }                do.
     WILLIAM BROWN                   Gardener.
     JOSEPH COLEMAN                  Armourer.
     CHARLES NORMAN                  Carpenter's Mate.
     THOMAS M'INTOSH                 Carpenter's Crew.

     In all twenty-five--and the most able of the ship's company.

'Christian, the chief of the mutineers, is of a respectable family in
the North of England. This was the third voyage he had made with me; and
as I found it necessary to keep my ship's company at three watches, I
had given him an order to take charge of the third, his abilities being
thoroughly equal to the task; and by this means the master and gunner
were not at watch and watch.

'Heywood is also of a respectable family in the North of England,[5] and
a young man of abilities as well as Christian. These two had been
objects of my particular regard and attention, and I had taken great
pains to instruct them, having entertained hopes that, as professional
men, they would have become a credit to their country.

'Young was well recommended, and had the look of an able, stout seaman;
he, however, fell short of what his appearance promised. [In the account
sent home he is thus described: Edward Young, midshipman, aged
twenty-two years. Dark complexion and rather a bad look--strong
made--has lost several of his fore teeth, and those that remain are all
rotten.]

'Stewart was a young man of creditable parents in the Orkneys; at which
place, on the return of the _Resolution_ from the South Seas, in 1780,
we received so many civilities that, on that account only, I should
gladly have taken him with me: but, independent of this recommendation,
he was a seaman, and had always borne a good character.

'Notwithstanding the roughness with which I was treated, the remembrance
of past kindnesses produced some signs of remorse in Christian. When
they were forcing me out of the ship, I asked him if this treatment was
a proper return for the many instances he had received of my friendship?
he appeared disturbed at my question, and answered with much emotion,
"That,--Captain Bligh,--that is the thing;--I am in hell,--I am in
hell!"

'As soon as I had time to reflect, I felt an inward satisfaction, which
prevented any depression of my spirits: conscious of my integrity, and
anxious solicitude for the good of the service in which I had been
engaged, I found my mind wonderfully supported, and I began to conceive
hopes, notwithstanding so heavy a calamity, that I should one day be
able to account to my king and country for the misfortune. A few hours
before my situation had been peculiarly flattering. I had a ship in the
most perfect order, and well stored with every necessary both for
service and health; by early attention to those particulars I had, as
much as lay in my power, provided against any accident in case I could
not get through Endeavour Straits, as well as against what might befall
me in them; add to this, the plants had been successfully preserved in
the most flourishing state: so that, upon the whole, the voyage was
two-thirds completed, and the remaining part, to all appearance, in a
very promising way; every person on board being in perfect health, to
establish which was ever amongst the principal objects of my attention.

'It will very naturally be asked, what could be the reason for such a
revolt? In answer to which I can only conjecture that the mutineers had
flattered themselves with the hopes of a more happy life among the
Otaheitans than they could possibly enjoy in England; and this, joined
to some female connexions, most probably occasioned the whole
transaction. The ship, indeed, while within our sight, steered to the
W.N.W., but I considered this only as a feint; for when we were sent
away,--"Huzza for Otaheite!"--was frequently heard among the mutineers.

'The women of Otaheite are handsome, mild, and cheerful in their manners
and conversation, possessed of great sensibility, and have sufficient
delicacy to make them admired and beloved. The chiefs were so much
attached to our people, that they rather encouraged their stay among
them than otherwise, and even made them promises of large possessions.
Under these and many other attendant circumstances, equally desirable,
it is now perhaps not so much to be wondered at, though scarcely
possible to have been foreseen, that a set of sailors, most of them void
of connexions, should be led away; especially when, in addition to such
powerful inducements, they imagined it in their power to fix themselves
in the midst of plenty, on one of the finest islands in the world, where
they need hot labour, and where the allurements of dissipation are
beyond anything that can be conceived. The utmost, however, that any
commander could have supposed to have happened is, that some of the
people would have been tempted to desert. But if it should be asserted
that a commander is to guard against an act of mutiny and piracy in his
own ship, more than by the common rules of service, it is as much as to
say that he must sleep locked up, and when awake, be girded with
pistols.

'Desertions have happened, more or less, from most of the ships that
have been at the Society Islands; but it has always been in the
commander's power to make the chiefs return their people; the
knowledge, therefore, that it was unsafe to desert, perhaps first led
mine to consider with what ease so small a ship might be surprised, and
that so favourable an opportunity would never offer to them again.

'The secrecy of this mutiny is beyond all conception. Thirteen of the
party, who were with me, had always lived forward among the seamen; yet
neither they, nor the messmates of Christian, Stewart, Heywood, and
Young, had ever observed any circumstance that made them in the least
suspect what was going on. To such a close-planned act of villainy, my
mind being entirely free from any suspicion, it is not wonderful that I
fell a sacrifice. Perhaps, if there had been marines on board, a
sentinel at my cabin-door might have prevented it; for I slept with the
door always open, that the officer of the watch might have access to me
on all occasions, the possibility of such a conspiracy being ever the
farthest from my thoughts. Had their mutiny been occasioned by any
grievances, either real or imaginary, I must have discovered symptoms of
their discontent, which would have put me on my guard; but the ease was
far otherwise. Christian, in particular, I was on the most friendly
terms with: that very day he was engaged to have dined with me; and the
preceding night he excused himself from supping with me, on pretence of
being unwell; for which I felt concerned, having no suspicions of his
integrity and honour.'

Such is the story published by Lieutenant Bligh immediately on his
return to England, after one of the most distressing and perilous
passages over nearly four thousand miles of the wide ocean, with
eighteen persons, in an open boat. The story obtained implicit credit;
and though Lieutenant Bligh's character never stood high in the navy for
suavity of manners or mildness of temper, he was always considered as an
excellent seaman, and his veracity stood unimpeached. But in this age of
refined liberality, when the most atrocious criminals find their
apologists, it is not surprising it should now be discovered, when all
are dead that could either prove or disprove it, that it was the tyranny
of the commander alone, and not the wickedness of the ringleader of the
mutineers of the _Bounty_, that caused that event. 'We all know,' it is
said, 'that mutiny can arise but from one of these two sources,
excessive folly or excessive tyranny; therefore'--the logic is
admirable--'as it is admitted that Bligh was no idiot, the inference is
obvious.'[6] If this be so, it may be asked to which of the two causes
must be ascribed the mutiny at the Nore, etc.? The true answer will be,
to neither. 'Not only,' continues the writer, 'was the _narrative_ which
he published proved to be false in many material bearings, by evidence
before a court-martial, but every act of his public life after this
event, from his successive command of the _Director_, the _Glatton_, and
the _Warrior_, to his disgraceful expulsion from New South Wales,--was
stamped with an insolence, an inhumanity, and coarseness, which fully
developed his character.'

There is no intention, in narrating this eventful history, to accuse or
defend either the character or the conduct of the late Admiral Bligh; it
is well known his temper was irritable in the extreme; but the
circumstance of his having been the friend of Captain Cook, with whom he
sailed as his master,--of his ever afterwards being patronized by Sir
Joseph Banks,--of the Admiralty promoting him to the rank of commander,
appointing him immediately to the _Providence_, to proceed on the same
expedition to Otaheite,--and of his returning in a very short time to
England with complete success, and recommending all his officers for
promotion on account of their exemplary conduct;--of his holding several
subsequent employments in the service,--of his having commanded ships of
the line in the battles of Copenhagen and Camperdown,--and risen to the
rank of a flag-officer,--these may perhaps be considered to speak
something in his favour, and be allowed to stand as some proof that,
with all his failings, he had his merits. That he was a man of coarse
habits, and entertained very mistaken notions with regard to discipline,
is quite true: yet he had many redeeming qualities. The accusation, by
the writer in question, of Bligh having falsified his 'narrative,' is a
very heavy charge, and, it is to be feared, is not wholly without
foundation; though it would perhaps be more correct to say, that in the
printed narrative of his voyage, and the narrative on which the
mutineers were tried, there are many important omissions from his
original manuscript journal, some of which it will be necessary to
notice presently.

The same writer further says, 'We know that the officers fared in every
way worse than the men, and that even young Heywood was kept at the mast
head no less than eight hours at one spell, in the worst weather which
they encountered off Cape Horn.'

Perhaps Heywood may himself be brought forward as authority, if not to
disprove, at least to render highly improbable, his experiencing any
such treatment on the part of his captain. This young officer, in his
defence, says, 'Captain Bligh, in his narrative, acknowledges that he
had left some friends on board the _Bounty_, and no part of my conduct
could have induced him to believe that I ought not to be reckoned of the
number. Indeed, from his attention to, _and very kind treatment of me
personally_, I should have been a monster of depravity to have betrayed
him. The idea alone is sufficient to disturb a mind, where humanity and
gratitude have, I hope, ever been noticed as its characteristic
features.' Bligh, too, has declared in a letter to Heywood's uncle,
Holwell, after accusing him of ingratitude, that 'he never once had an
angry word from me during the whole course of the voyage, as his conduct
always gave me much pleasure and satisfaction.'

In looking over a manuscript journal, kept by Morrison, the boatswain's
mate, who was tried and convicted as one of the mutineers, but received
the king's pardon, the conduct of Bligh appears in a very unfavourable
point of view. This Morrison was a person, from talent and education,
far above the situation he held in the _Bounty_; he had previously
served in the navy as midshipman, and, after his pardon, was appointed
gunner of the _Blenheim_, in which he perished with Sir Thomas
Troubridge. In comparing this journal with other documents, the dates
and transactions appear to be correctly stated, though the latter may
occasionally be somewhat too highly . How he contrived to
preserve this journal, in the wreck of the _Pandora_, does not appear;
but there can be no doubt of its authenticity, having been kept among
the late Captain Heywood's papers; various passages in it have been
corrected either by this officer or some other person, but without
altering their sense.

It would appear from this important document that the seeds of discord,
in the unfortunate ship _Bounty_, were sown at a very early period of
the voyage. It happened, as was the case in all small vessels, that the
duties of commander and purser were united in the person of Lieutenant
Bligh; and it would seem that this proved the cause of very serious
discontent among the officers and crew; of the mischief arising out of
this union, the following statement of Mr. Morrison may serve as a
specimen. At Teneriffe, Lieutenant Bligh ordered the cheese to be
hoisted up and exposed to the air; which was no sooner done, than he
pretended to miss a certain quantity, and declared that it had been
stolen. The cooper, Henry Hillbrant, informed him that the cask in
question had been opened by the orders of Mr. Samuel, his clerk, who
acted also as steward, and the cheese sent on shore to his own house,
previous to the _Bounty_ leaving the river on her way to Portsmouth.
Lieutenant Bligh, without making any further inquiry, immediately
ordered the allowance of that article to be stopped, both from
_officers_ and _men_, until the deficiency should be made good, and told
the cooper he would give him a d--d good flogging if he said another
word on the subject. It can hardly be supposed that a man of Bligh's
shrewdness, if disposed to play the rogue, would have placed himself so
completely in the hands of the cooper, in a transaction which, if
revealed, must have cost him his commission.

Again, on approaching the equator, some decayed pumpkins, purchased at
Teneriffe, were ordered to be issued to the crew, at the rate of _one_
pound of pumpkin for _two_ pounds of biscuit. The reluctance of the men
to accept this proposed substitute, _on such terms_, being reported to
Lieutenant Bligh, he flew upon deck in a violent rage, turned the hands
up, and ordered the first man on the list of each mess to be called by
name; at the same time saying, 'I'll see who will dare to refuse the
pumpkin, or any thing else I may order to be served out;' to which he
added, 'You d--d infernal scoundrels, I'll make you eat grass, or any
thing you can catch, before I have done with you.' This speech had the
desired effect, every one receiving the pumpkins, even the _officers_.

Next comes a complaint respecting the mode of issuing beef and pork: but
when a representation was made to Lieutenant Bligh in the quiet and
orderly manner prescribed by the twenty-first article of war, he called
the crew aft, told them that every thing relative to the provisions was
transacted by his orders; that it was therefore needless for them to
complain, as they would get no redress, he being the fittest judge of
what was right or wrong, and that he would flog the first man who should
dare attempt to make any complaint in future. To this imperious menace
they bowed in silence, and not another murmur was heard from them during
the remainder of the voyage to Otaheite, it being their determination to
seek legal redress on the _Bounty's_ return to England. Happy would it
have been had they kept their resolution. By so doing, if the story be
true, they would amply have been avenged, a vast number of human lives
spared, and a world of misery avoided.

According to this Journalist, 'the seeds of eternal discord were sown
between Lieutenant Bligh and some of his officers,' while in Adventure
Bay, Van Diemen's Land; and on arriving at Matavai Bay, in Otaheite, he
is accused of taking the officers' hogs and bread-fruit, and serving
them to the ship's company; and when the master remonstrated with him on
the subject, he replied that 'he would convince him that every thing
became _his_ as soon as it was brought on board; that he would take
nine-tenths of every man's property, and let him see who dared to say
anything to the contrary.' The sailors' pigs were seized without
ceremony, and it became a favour for a man to obtain an extra pound of
his own meat.

The writer then says, 'the object of our visit to the Society Islands
being at length accomplished, we weighed on the 4th April, 1789. Every
one seemed in high spirits, and began to talk of home, as though they
had just left Jamaica instead of Otaheite, so far onward did their
flattering fancies waft them. On the 23rd, we anchored off Anamooka, the
inhabitants of which island were very rude, and attempted to take the
casks and axes from the parties sent to fill water and cut wood. A
musket pointed at them produced no other effect than a return of the
compliment, by poising their clubs or spears with menacing looks; and,
as it was Lieutenant Bligh's orders, that no person should affront them
on any occasion, they were emboldened by meeting with no check to their
insolence. They at length became so troublesome, that Mr. Christian, who
commanded the watering party, found it difficult to carry on his duty;
but on acquainting Lieutenant Bligh with their behaviour, he received a
volley of abuse, was d--d as a cowardly rascal, and asked if he were
afraid of naked savages whilst he had weapons in his hand? To this he
replied in a respectful manner, "The arms are of no effect, Sir, while
your orders prohibit their use."'

This happened but three days before the mutiny, and the same
circumstance is noticed, but somewhat differently, in Bligh's MS.
Journal, where he says, 'the men cleared themselves, and they therefore
merit no punishment. As to the officers I have no resource, nor do I
ever feel myself safe in the few instances I trust to them.' A perusal
of all the documents certainly leads to the conclusion that all his
officers were of a very inferior description; they had no proper feeling
of their own situation; and this, together with the contempt in which
they were held by Bligh, and which he could not disguise, may account
for that perfect indifference, with regard both to the captain and the
ship, which was manifested on the day of the mutiny.

That sad catastrophe, if the writer of the Journal be correct, was
hastened, if not brought about by, the following circumstance, of which
Bligh takes no notice.

'In the afternoon of the 27th, Lieutenant Bligh came upon deck, and
missing some of the cocoa-nuts, which had been piled up between the
guns, said they had been stolen, and could not have been taken away
without the knowledge of the officers, all of whom were sent for and
questioned on the subject. On their declaring that they had not seen any
of the people touch them, he exclaimed, "Then you must have taken them
yourselves"; and proceeded to inquire of them separately, how many they
had purchased. On coming to Mr. Christian, that gentleman answered, "I
do not know, Sir, but I hope you do not think me so mean as to be
guilty of stealing yours." Mr. Bligh replied, "Yes, you d---- d hound, I
do--you must have stolen them from me, or you would be able to give a
better account of them;" then turning to the other officers, he said,
"God d---- n you, you scoundrels, you are all thieves alike, and combine
with the men to rob me: I suppose you will steal my yams next; but I'll
sweat you for it, you rascals--I'll make half of you jump overboard,
before you get through Endeavour Straits." This threat was followed by
an order to the clerk "to stop the villains' grog, and give them but
half a pound of yams to-morrow; if they steal them, I'll reduce them to
a quarter."'

It is difficult to believe that an officer in his Majesty's service
could condescend to make use of such language to the meanest of the
crew, much less to gentlemen: it is to be feared, however, that there is
sufficient ground for the truth of these statements: with regard to the
last, it is borne out by the evidence of Mr. Fryer, the master, on the
court-martial. This officer, being asked, 'what did you suppose to be
Mr. Christian's meaning, when he said he had been in hell for a
fortnight?' answered, 'From the frequent quarrels they had had, and the
abuse which he had received from Mr. Bligh.'--'Had there been any very
recent quarrel?'--'The day before Mr. Bligh challenged all the young
gentlemen and people with stealing his cocoa-nuts.' It was on the
evening of this day that Lieutenant Bligh, according to his printed
narrative, says Christian was to have supped with him; but excused
himself on account of being unwell; and that he was invited to dine with
him on the day of the mutiny.

Every one of these circumstances, and many others, which might be stated
from Mr. Morrison's Journal, are omitted in Bligh's published narrative;
but many of them are alluded to in his original Journal, and others that
prove distinctly the constant reproofs to which his officers were
subject, and the bad terms on which they stood with their commander. A
few extracts from this Journal will sufficiently establish this point.

In so early a part of the voyage as their arrival in Adventure Bay, he
found fault with his officers, and put the carpenter into confinement.
Again, at Matavai Bay, on the 5th December, Bligh says, 'I ordered the
carpenter to cut a large stone that was brought off by one of the
natives, requesting me to get it made fit for them to grind their
hatchets on, but to my astonishment he refused, in direct terms, to
comply, saying, "I will not cut the stone, for it will spoil my chisel;
and though there may be law to take away my clothes, there is none to
take away my tools." This man having before shown his mutinous and
insolent behaviour, I was under the necessity of confining him to his
cabin.'

On the 5th January three men deserted in the cutter, on which occasion
Bligh says, 'Had the mate of the watch been awake, no trouble of this
kind would have happened. I have therefore disrated and turned him
before the mast; such neglectful and worthless petty officers, I
believe, never were in a ship as are in this. No orders for a few hours
together are obeyed by them, and their conduct in general is so bad,
that no confidence or trust can be reposed in them; in short, they have
driven me to every thing but corporal punishment, and that must follow
if they do not improve.'

By Morrison's Journal it would appear that 'corporal punishment' was not
long delayed; for, on the very day, he says, the midshipman was put in
irons, and confined from the 5th January to the 23rd March--eleven
weeks!

On the 17th January, orders being given to clear out the sail-room and
to air the sails, many of them were found very much mildewed and rotten
in many places, on which he observes, 'If I had any officers to
supersede the master and boatswain, or was capable of doing without
them, considering them as common seamen, they should no longer occupy
their respective stations; scarcely any neglect of duty can equal the
criminality of this.'

On the 24th January, the three deserters were brought back and flogged,
then put in irons for further punishment. 'As this affair,' he says,
'was solely caused by the neglect of the officers who had the watch, I
was induced to give them all a lecture on this occasion, and endeavour
to show them that, however exempt they were at present from the like
punishment, yet they were equally subject, by the articles of war, to a
condign one.' He then tells them, that it is only necessity that makes
him have recourse to reprimand, because there are no means of trying
them by court-martial; and adds a remark, not very intelligible, but
what he calls an unpleasant one, about _such_ offenders having no
feelings of honour or sense of shame.

On the 7th March, a native Otaheitan, whom Bligh had confined in irons,
contrived to break the lock of the bilboa-bolt and make his escape. 'I
had given,' says Bligh, 'a written order that the mate of the watch was
to be answerable for the prisoners, and to visit and see that they were
safe in his watch, but I have such a neglectful set about me, that I
believe nothing but condign punishment can alter their conduct. Verbal
orders, in the course of a month, were so forgotten, that they would
impudently assert no such thing or directions were given, and I have
been at last under the necessity to trouble myself with writing, what,
by decent young officers, would be complied with as the common rules of
the service. Sir. Stewart was the mate of the watch.'

These extracts show the terms on which Bligh was with his officers; and
these few instances, with others from Morrison's Journal, make it pretty
clear, that though Christian, as fiery and passionate a youth as his
commander could well be, and with feelings too acute to bear the foul
and opprobious language constantly addressed to him, was the sole
instigator of the mutiny;--the captain had no support to expect, and
certainly received none, from the rest of his officers. That Christian
was the sole author appears still more strongly from the following
passage in Morrison's Journal. 'When Mr. Bligh found he must go into the
boat, he begged of Mr. Christian to desist, saying "I'll pawn my honour,
I'll give my bond, Mr. Christian, never to think of this, if you'll
desist," and urged his wife and family; to which Mr. Christian replied,
"No, Captain Bligh, if you had any honour, things had not come to this;
and if you had any regard for your wife and family, you should have
thought on them before, and not behaved so much like a villain."
Lieutenant Bligh again attempted to speak, but was ordered to be silent.
The boatswain also tried to pacify Mr. Christian, to whom he replied,
"It is too late, I have been in hell for this fortnight past, and am
determined to bear it no longer; and you know, Mr. Cole, that I have
been used like a dog all the voyage."'

It is pretty evident, therefore, that the mutiny was not, as Bligh in
his narrative states it to have been, the result of a conspiracy. It
will be seen by the minutes of the court-martial, that the whole affair
was planned and executed between the hours of four and eight o'clock, on
the morning of the 28th April, when Christian had the watch upon deck;
that Christian, unable longer to bear the abusive and insulting
language, had meditated his own escape from the ship the day before,
choosing to trust himself to fate, rather than submit to the constant
upbraiding to which he had been subject; but the unfortunate business
of the cocoa-nuts drove him to the commission of the rash and felonious
act, which ended, as such criminal acts usually do, in his own
destruction, and that of a great number of others, many of whom were
wholly innocent.

Lieutenant Bligh, like most passionate men, whose unruly tempers get the
better of their reason, having vented his rage about the cocoa-nuts,
became immediately calm, and by inviting Christian to sup with him the
same evening, evidently wished to renew their friendly intercourse; and
happy would it have been for all parties had he accepted the invitation.
On the same night, towards ten o'clock, when the master had the watch,
Bligh came on deck, as was his custom, before retiring to sleep. It was
one of those calm and beautiful nights, so frequent in tropical regions,
whose soothing influence can be appreciated only by those who have felt
it, when, after a scorching day, the air breathes a most refreshing
coolness,--it was an evening of this sort, when Bligh for the last time
came upon deck, in the capacity of commander; a gentle breeze scarcely
rippled the water, and the moon, then in its first quarter, shed its
soft light along the surface of the sea. The short and quiet
conversation that took place between Bligh and the master on this
evening, after the irritation of the morning had subsided, only to burst
forth again in all the horrors of mutiny and piracy, recalls to one's
recollection that beautiful passage of Shakespeare, where, on the
evening of the murder, Duncan, on approaching the castle of Macbeth,
observes to Banquo--

     --'The air
     Nimbly and sweetly recommends itself
     Unto our gentle senses,' etc.--

a passage which Sir Joshua Reynolds considers as a striking instance of
what in painting is termed _repose_. 'The subject,' he says, 'of this
quiet and easy conversation, gives that repose so necessary to the mind,
after the tumultuous bustle of the preceding scenes, and beautifully
contrasts the scene of terror that immediately succeeds.' While, on this
lovely night, Bligh and his master were congratulating themselves on the
pleasing prospect of fine weather and a full moon, to light them through
Endeavour's dangerous straits, the unhappy and deluded Christian was, in
all probability, brooding over his wrongs, and meditating on the
criminal act he was to perpetrate the following morning; for he has
himself stated, that he had just fallen asleep about half after three in
the morning, and was much out of order.

The evidence on the court-martial is sufficiently explicit as to the
mode in which this act of piracy was committed. By the Journal of James
Morrison, the following is the account of the transaction, as given by
Christian himself to the two midshipmen, Heywood and Stewart (both of
whom had been kept below), the moment they were allowed to come upon
deck, after the boat, in which were Bligh and his companions, had been
turned adrift.

He said, that, 'finding himself much hurt by the treatment he had
received from Lieutenant Bligh, he had determined to quit the ship the
preceding evening, and had informed the boatswain, carpenter, and two
midshipmen (Stewart and Hayward), of his intention to do so; that by
them he was supplied with part of a roasted pig, some nails, beads, and
other articles of trade, which he put into a bag that was given him by
the last-named gentleman; that he put this bag into the clue of Robert
Tinkler's hammock, where it was discovered by that young gentleman when
going to bed at night, but the business was smothered, and passed off
without any further notice. He said he had fastened some staves to a
stout plank, with which he intended to make his escape; but finding he
could not effect it during the first and middle watches, as the ship had
no way through the water, and the people were all moving about, he laid
down to rest about half-past three in the morning; that when Mr. Stewart
called him to relieve the deck at four o'clock, he had but just fallen
asleep, and was much out of order; upon observing which, Mr. Stewart
strenuously advised him to abandon his intention; that as soon as he had
taken charge of the deck, he saw Mr. Hayward, the mate of his watch, lie
down on the arm-chest to take a nap; and finding that Mr. Hallet, the
other midshipman, did not make his appearance, he suddenly formed the
resolution of seizing the ship. Disclosing his intention to Matthew
Quintal and Isaac Martin, both of whom had been flogged by Lieutenant
Bligh, they called up Charles Churchill, who had also tasted the cat,
and Matthew Thompson, both of whom readily joined in the plot. That
Alexander Smith (_alias_ John Adams), John Williams, and William M'Koy,
evinced equal willingness, and went with Churchill to the armourer, of
whom they obtained the keys of the arm-chest, under pretence of wanting
a musket to fire at a shark, then alongside; that finding Mr. Hallet
asleep on an arm-chest in the main-hatchway, they roused and sent him on
deck. Charles Norman, unconscious of their proceedings, had in the
meantime awaked Mr. Hayward, and directed his attention to the shark,
whose movements he was watching at the moment that Mr. Christian and his
confederates came up the fore-hatchway, after having placed arms in the
hands of several men who were not aware of their design. One man,
Matthew Thompson, was left in charge of the chest, and he served out
arms to Thomas Burkitt and Robert Lamb. Mr. Christian said he then
proceeded to secure Lieutenant Bligh, the master, gunner, and botanist.'

'When Mr. Christian,' observes Morrison in his Journal, 'related the
above circumstances, I recollected having seen him fasten some staves to
a plank lying on the larboard gangway, as also having heard the
boatswain say to the carpenter, "it will not do to-night." I likewise
remembered that; Mr. Christian had visited the fore-cockpit several
times that evening, although he had very seldom, if ever, frequented
the warrant-officers' cabins before.'

If this be a correct statement, and the greater part of it is borne out
by evidence on the court-martial, it removes every doubt of Christian
being the sole instigator of the mutiny, and that no conspiracy nor
pre-concerted measures had any existence, but that it was suddenly
conceived by a hot-headed young man, in a state of great excitement of
mind, amounting to a temporary aberration of intellect, caused by the
frequent abusive and insulting language of his commanding officer.
Waking out of a short half hour's disturbed sleep, to take the command
of the deck--finding the two mates of the watch, Hayward and Hallet,
asleep (for which they ought to have been dismissed the service instead
of being, as they were, promoted)--the opportunity tempting, and the
ship completely in his power, with a momentary impulse he darted down
the fore-hatchway, got possession of the keys of the arm-chest, and made
the hazardous experiment of arming such of the men as he thought he
could trust, and effected his purpose.

There is a passage in Captain Beechey's account of Pitcairn Island,
which, if correct, would cast a stain on the memory of the unfortunate
Stewart--who, if there was one innocent man in the ship, was that man.
Captain Beechey says (speaking of Christian), 'His plan, strange as it
must appear for a young officer to adopt, who was fairly advanced in an
honourable profession, was to set himself adrift upon a raft, and make
his way to the island (Tofoa) then in sight. As quick in the execution
as in the design, the raft was soon constructed, various useful articles
were got together, and he was on the point of launching it, when a young
officer, _who afterwards perished in the Pandora_, to whom Christian
communicated his intention, recommended him, rather than risk his life
on so hazardous an expedition, _to endeavour to take possession of the
ship_, which he thought would not be very difficult, as many of the
ship's company were not well disposed towards the commander, and would
all be very glad to return to Otaheite, and reside among their friends
in that island. This daring proposition is even more extraordinary than
the premeditated scheme of his companion, and, if true, certainly
relieves Christian from part of the odium which has hitherto attached to
him as the sole instigator of the mutiny.' Relieve him?--not a jot--but
on the best authority it may boldly be stated, that it is _not_
true--the authority of Stewart's friend and messmate, the late Captain
Heywood.

Captain Beechey, desirous of being correct in his statement, very
properly sent his chapter on Pitcairn's Island for any observations
Captain Heywood might have to make on what was said therein regarding
the mutiny; observing in his note which accompanied it, that this
account, received from Adams, differed materially from a footnote in
Marshall's _Naval Biography_; to which Captain Heywood returned the
following reply.


     '_5th April_, 1830.

     'DEAR SIR,--I have perused the account you received from Adams
     of the mutiny in the _Bounty_, which does indeed differ very
     materially from a footnote in Marshall's _Naval Biography_, by
     the editor, to whom I verbally detailed the facts, which are
     strictly true.

     'That Christian informed the boatswain and the carpenter,
     Messrs. Hayward and Stewart, of his determination to leave the
     ship upon a raft, on the night preceding the mutiny, is
     certain; but that any one of them (Stewart in particular)
     should have "recommended, rather than risk his life on so
     hazardous an expedition, that he should try the expedient of
     taking the ship from the captain, etc.," is entirely at
     variance with the whole character and conduct of the latter,
     both before and after the mutiny; as well as with the
     assurance of Christian himself, the very night he quitted
     Taheite, that the idea of attempting to take the ship had
     never entered his distracted mind, until the moment he
     relieved the deck, and found his mate and midshipman
     asleep.[7]

     'At that last interview with Christian he also communicated to
     me, for the satisfaction of his relations, other circumstances
     connected with that unfortunate disaster, which, after their
     deaths, may or may not be laid before the public. And although
     they can implicate none but himself, either living or dead,
     they may extenuate but will contain not a word of his in
     defence of the crime he committed against the laws of his
     country.--I am, etc.,

     'P. HEYWOOD.'

Captain Beechey stated only what he had heard from old Adams, who was
not always correct in the information he gave to the visitors of his
island; but this part of his statement gave great pain to Heywood, who
adverted to it on his death-bed, wishing, out of regard for Stewart's
memory and his surviving friends, that it should be publicly
contradicted; and with this view the above reply of Captain Heywood is
here inserted.

The temptations, therefore, which it was supposed Otaheite held out to
the deluded men of the _Bounty_, had no more share in the transaction
than the supposed conspiracy; it does not appear, indeed, that the cry
of 'Huzza for Otaheite!' was ever uttered; if this island had been the
object of either Christian or the crew, they would not have left it
three hundred miles behind them, before they perpetrated the act of
piracy; but after the deed had been committed, it would be natural
enough that they should turn their minds to the lovely island and its
fascinating inhabitants, which they had but just quitted, and that in
the moment of excitement some of them should have so called out; but
Bligh is the only person who has said they did so.

If, however, the recollection of the 'sunny isle' and its 'smiling
women' had really tempted the men to mutiny, Bligh would himself not be
free from blame, for having allowed them to indulge for six whole
months among this voluptuous and fascinating people; for though he was
one of the most active and anxious commanders of his time, 'the
service,' as is observed by a naval officer, 'was carried on in those
days in a very different spirit from that which regulates its movements
now, otherwise the _Bounty_ would never have passed six whole months at
one island "stowing away the fruit," during which time the officers and
seamen had free access to the shore. Under similar circumstances
nowadays, if the fruit happened not to be ready, the ship would have
been off, after ten days' relaxation, to survey other islands, or
speculate on coral reefs, or make astronomical observations; in short,
to do something or other to keep the devil out of the heads of the
crew.'[8] Bligh would appear to have been sensible of this on his next
expedition in the _Providence_, for on that occasion he collected more
bread-fruit plants than on the former, and spent only half the time in
doing so.

Be that as it may, Bligh might naturally enough conclude that the seamen
were casting 'a lingering look behind' towards Otaheite. 'If,' says
Forster (who accompanied Cook), 'we fairly consider the different
situations of a common sailor on board the _Resolution_, and of a
Taheitan on his island, we cannot blame the former if he attempt to rid
himself of the numberless discomforts of a voyage round the world, and
prefer an easy life, free from cares, in the happiest climate of the
world, to the frequent vicissitudes which are entailed upon the
mariner. The most favourable prospects of future success in England,
which he might form in idea, could never be so flattering to his senses
as the lowly hope of living like the meanest Taheitan. And supposing him
to escape the misfortunes incident to seamen, still he must earn his
subsistence in England at the expense of labour, and "in the sweat of
his brow," when this oldest curse on mankind is scarcely felt at
Taheite. Two or three bread-fruit trees, which grow almost without any
culture, and which flourish as long as he himself can expect to live,
supply him with abundant food during three-fourths of the year. The
cloth-trees and eddo-roots are cultivated with much less trouble than
our cabbages and kitchen-herbs. The banana, the royal palm, the golden
apple, all thrive with such luxuriance, and require so little trouble,
that I may venture to call them spontaneous. Most of their days are
therefore spent in a round of various enjoyments, where Nature has
lavished many a pleasing landscape; where the temperature of the air is
warm, but continually refreshed by a wholesome breeze from the sea; and
where the sky is almost constantly serene. A kind of happy uniformity
runs through the whole life of the Taheitans. They rise with the sun,
and hasten to rivers and fountains to perform an ablution equally
reviving and cleanly. They pass the morning at work, or walk about till
the heat of the day increases, when they retreat to their dwellings, or
repose under some tufted tree. There they amuse themselves with
smoothing their hair, and anoint it with fragrant oils; or they blow the
flute, and sing to it, or listen to the songs of the birds. At the hour
of noon, or a little later, they go to dinner. After their meals they
resume their domestic amusements, during which the flame of mutual
affection spreads in every heart, and unites the rising generation with
new and tender ties. The lively jest, without any ill-nature, the
artless tale, the jocund dance and frugal supper, bring on the evening;
and another visit to the river concludes the actions of the day. Thus
contented with their simple way of life, and placed in a delightful
country, they are free from cares, and happy in their ignorance.'

Such is the picture drawn of the happy people of Otaheite by a cold,
philosophical, German doctor, and such, with very little change, Bligh
found them. As far, however, as the mutiny of his people was concerned,
we must wholly discard the idea thrown out by him, that the seductions
of Otaheite had any share in producing it. It could not have escaped a
person of Christian's sagacity, that certain interrogatories would
unquestionably be put by the natives of Otaheite, on finding the ship
return so soon without her commander, without the bread-fruit plants,
and with only about half her crew; questions he knew to which no
satisfactory answer could be made; and though, at subsequent periods, he
twice visited that island, it was some time afterwards, and not from
choice but necessity; his object was to find a place of concealment,
where he might pass the remainder of his days, unheard of and unknown,
and where it is to be hoped he had time for sincere repentance, the only
atonement he could make for the commission of a crime, which involved so
many human beings in misery, and brought others to an untimely end--but
of this hereafter.




CHAPTER IV

THE OPEN-BOAT NAVIGATION

     The boat is lower'd with all the haste of hate,
     With its slight plank between thee and thy fate;
     Her only cargo such a scant supply
     As promises the death their hands deny;
     And just enough of water and of bread
     To keep, some days, the dying from the dead:
     Some cordage, canvas, sails, and lines, and twine.
     But treasures all to hermits of the brine,
     Were added after, to the earnest prayer
     Of those who saw no hope save sea and air;
     And last, that trembling vassal of the Pole,
     The feeling compass, Navigation's soul.

            *       *       *       *       *

     The launch is crowded with the faithful few
     Who wait their Chief--a melancholy crew:
     But some remained reluctant on the deck
     Of that proud vessel, now a moral wreck--And
     view'd their Captain's fate with piteous eyes;
     While others scoff'd his augur'd miseries,
     Sneer'd at the prospect of his pigmy sail,
     And the slight bark so laden and so frail.


Christian had intended to send away his captain and associates in the
cutter, and ordered that it should be hoisted out for that purpose,
which was done--a small wretched boat, that could hold but eight or ten
men at the most, with a very small additional weight; and, what was
still worse, she was so worm-eaten and decayed, especially in the bottom
planks, that the probability was, she would have gone down before she
had proceeded a mile from the ship. In this 'rotten carcass of a boat,'
not unlike that into which Prospero and his lovely daughter were
'hoist,'

                                 not rigg'd,
     Nor tackle, sail, nor mast; the very rats
     Instinctively had quit it,

did Christian intend to cast adrift his late commander and his eighteen
innocent companions, or as many of them as she would stow, to find, as
they inevitably must have found, a watery grave. But the remonstrances
of the master, boatswain, and carpenter prevailed on him to let those
unfortunate men have the launch, into which nineteen persons were
thrust, whose weight, together with that of the few articles they were
permitted to take, brought down the boat so near to the water, as to
endanger her sinking with but a moderate swell of the sea--and to all
human appearance, in no state to survive the length of voyage they were
destined to perform over the wide ocean, but which they did most
miraculously survive.

The first consideration of Lieutenant Bligh and his eighteen unfortunate
companions, on being cast adrift in their open boat, was to examine the
state of their resources. The quantity of provisions which they found to
have been thrown into the boat, by some few kind-hearted messmates,
amounted to one hundred and fifty pounds of bread, sixteen pieces of
pork, each weighing two pounds, six quarts of rum, six bottles of wine,
with twenty-eight gallons of water, and four empty barricoes. Being so
near to the island of Tofoa, it was resolved to seek there a supply of
bread-fruit and water, to preserve if possible the above-mentioned stock
entire; but after rowing along the coast, they discovered only some
cocoa-nut trees, on the top of high precipices, from which, with much
danger owing to the surf, and great difficulty in climbing the cliffs,
they succeeded in obtaining about twenty nuts. The second day they made
excursions into the island, but without success. They met however with a
few natives, who came down with them to the cove where the boat was
lying; and others presently followed. They made inquiries after the
ship, and Bligh unfortunately advised they should say that the ship had
overset and sunk, and that they only were saved. The story might be
innocent, but it was certainly indiscreet to put the people in
possession of their defenceless situation; however, they brought in
small quantities of bread-fruit, plantains, and cocoa-nuts, but little
or no water could be procured. These supplies, scanty as they were,
served to keep up the spirits of the men; 'They no longer, says Bligh,
'regarded me with those anxious looks, which had constantly been
directed towards me, since we lost sight of the ship: every countenance
appeared to have a degree of cheerfulness, and they all seemed
determined to do their best.'

The numbers of the natives having so much increased as to line the whole
beach, they began knocking stones together, which was known to be the
preparatory signal for an attack. With some difficulty on account of the
surf, our seamen succeeded in getting the things that were on shore into
the boat, together with all the men, except John Norton, quarter-master,
who was casting off the stern-fast. The natives immediately rushed upon
this poor man, and actually stoned him to death. A volley of stones was
also discharged at the boat, and every one in it was more or less hurt.
This induced the people to push out to sea with all the speed they were
able to give to the launch, but to their surprise and alarm, several
canoes, filled with stones, followed close after them and renewed the
attack; against which, the only return the unfortunate men in the boat
could make, was with the stones of the assailants that lodged in her, a
species of warfare in which they were very inferior to the Indians. The
only expedient left was to tempt the enemy to desist from the pursuit,
by throwing overboard some clothes, which fortunately induced the canoes
to stop and pick them up; and night coming on, they returned to the
shore, leaving the party in the boat to reflect on their unhappy
situation.

The men now intreated their commander to take them towards home; and on
being told that no hope of relief could be entertained till they
reached Timor, a distance of full twelve hundred leagues, they all
readily agreed to be content with an allowance, which, on calculation of
their resources, the commander informed them would not exceed one ounce
of bread, and a quarter of a pint of water, per day. Recommending them,
therefore, in the most solemn manner, not to depart from their promise
in this respect, 'we bore away,' says Bligh, 'across a sea where the
navigation is but little known, in a small boat twenty-three feet long
from stem to stern, deeply laden with eighteen men. I was happy,
however, to see that every one seemed better satisfied with our
situation than myself. It was about eight o'clock at night on the 2nd
May, when we bore away under a reefed lug-foresail; and having divided
the people into watches, and got the boat into a little order, we
returned thanks to God for our miraculous preservation, and, in full
confidence of His gracious support, I found my mind more at ease than it
had been for some time past.'

At day-break on the 3rd, the forlorn and almost hopeless navigators saw
with alarm the sun to rise fiery and red,--a sure indication of a severe
gale of wind; and accordingly, at eight o'clock it blew a violent storm,
and the sea ran so very high, that the sail was becalmed when between
the seas, and too much to have set when on the top of the sea; yet it is
stated that they could not venture to take it in, as they were in very
imminent danger and distress, the sea curling over the stern of the
boat, and obliging them to bale with all their might. 'A situation,'
observes the commander, 'more distressing has, perhaps, seldom been
experienced.'

The bread, being in bags, was in the greatest danger of being spoiled by
the wet, the consequence of which, if not prevented, must have been
fatal, as the whole party would inevitably be starved to death, if they
should fortunately escape the fury of the waves. It was determined,
therefore, that all superfluous clothes, with some rope and spare sails,
should be thrown overboard, by which the boat was considerably
lightened. The carpenter's tool-chest was cleared, and the tools stowed
in the bottom of the boat, and the bread secured in the chest. All the
people being thoroughly wet and cold, a teaspoonful of rum was served
out to each person, with a quarter of a bread-fruit, which is stated to
have been scarcely eatable, for dinner; Bligh having determined to
preserve sacredly, and at the peril of his life, the engagement they
entered into, and to make their small stock of provisions last eight
weeks, let the dally proportion be ever so small.

The sea continuing to run even higher than in the morning, the fatigue
of baling became very great; the boat was necessarily kept before the
sea. The men were constantly wet, the night very cold, and at daylight
their limbs were so benumbed, that they could scarcely find the use of
them. At this time a teaspoonful of rum served out to each person was
found of great benefit to all. Five small cocoa-nuts were distributed
for dinner, and every one was satisfied; and in the evening, a few
broken pieces of bread-fruit were served for supper, after which prayers
were performed.

On the night of the 4th and morning of the 5th, the gale had abated; the
first step to be taken was to examine the state of the bread, a great
part of which was found to be damaged and rotten--but even this was
carefully preserved for use. The boat was now running among some
islands, but after their reception at Tofoa, they did not venture to
land. On the 6th, they still continued to see islands at a distance; and
this day, for the first time, they hooked a fish, to their great joy;
'but,' says the commander, 'we were miserably disappointed by its being
lost in trying to get it into the boat.' In the evening, each person had
an ounce of the damaged bread, and a quarter of a pint of water for
supper.

Lieutenant Bligh observes, 'it will readily be supposed our lodgings
were very miserable, and confined for want of room'; but he endeavoured
to remedy the latter defect, by putting themselves at watch and watch;
so that one half always sat up, while the other lay down on the boat's
bottom, or upon a chest, but with nothing to cover them except the
heavens. Their limbs, he says, were dreadfully cramped, for they could
not stretch them out; and the nights were so cold, and they were so
constantly wet, that, after a few hours' sleep, they were scarcely able
to move. At dawn of day on the 7th, being very wet and cold, he says, 'I
served a spoonful of rum and a morsel of bread for breakfast.'

In the course of this day they passed close to some rocky isles, from
which two large sailing-canoes came swiftly after them, but in the
afternoon gave over the chase. They were of the same construction as
those of the Friendly Islands, and the land seen for the last two days
was supposed to be the Fiji Islands. But being constantly wet, Bligh
says, 'it is with the utmost difficulty I can open a book to write, and
I feel truly sensible I can do no more than point out where these lands
are to be found, and give some idea of their extent.' Heavy rain came on
in the afternoon, when every person in the boat did his utmost to catch
some water, and thus succeeded in increasing their stock to thirty-four
gallons, besides quenching their thirst for the first time they had been
able to do so since they had been at sea: but it seems an attendant
consequence of the heavy rain caused them to pass the night very
miserably; for being extremely wet, and having no dry things to shift or
cover themselves, they experienced cold and shiverings scarcely to be
conceived.

On the 8th, the allowance issued was an ounce and a half of pork, a
teaspoonful of rum, half a pint of cocoa-nut milk, and an ounce of
bread. The rum, though so small in quantity, is stated to have been of
the greatest service. In the afternoon they were employed in cleaning
out the boat, which occupied them until sunset before they got every
thing dry and in order. 'Hitherto,' Bligh says, 'I had issued the
allowance by guess, but I now made a pair of scales with two cocoa-nut
shells; and having accidentally some pistol-balls in the boat,
twenty-five of which weighed one pound or sixteen ounces, I adopted one
of these balls as the proportion of weight that each person should
receive of bread at the times I served it. I also amused all hands with
describing the situations of New Guinea and New Holland, and gave them
every information in my power, that in case any accident should happen
to me, those who survived might have some idea of what they were about,
and be able to find their way to Timor, which at present they knew
nothing of more than the name, and some not even that. At night I served
a quarter of a pint of water and half an ounce of bread for supper.

On the morning of the 9th, a quarter of a pint of cocoa-nut milk and
some of the decayed bread were served for breakfast; and for dinner, the
kernels of four cocoa-nuts, with the remainder of the rotten bread,
which, he says, was eatable only by such distressed people as
themselves. A storm of thunder and lightning gave them about twenty
gallons of water. 'Being miserably wet and cold, I served to the people
a teaspoonful of rum each, to enable them to bear with their distressing
situation. The weather continued extremely bad, and the wind increased;
we spent a very miserable night, without sleep, except such as could be
got in the midst of rain.'

The following day, the 10th, brought no relief, except that of its
light. The sea broke over the boat so much, that two men were kept
constantly baling; and it was necessary to keep the boat before the
waves for fear of its filling. The allowance now served regularly to
each person was one twenty-fifth part of a pound of bread and a quarter
of a pint of water, at eight in the morning, at noon, and at sunset.
To-day was added about half an ounce of pork for dinner, which, though
any moderate person would have considered only as a mouthful, was
divided into three or four.

The morning of the 11th did not improve. 'At day-break I served to every
person a teaspoonful of rum, our limbs being so much cramped that we
could scarcely move them. Our situation was now extremely dangerous, the
sea frequently running over our stern, which kept us baling with all our
strength. At noon the sun appeared, which gave us as much pleasure as is
felt when it shows itself on a winter's day in England.

'In the evening of the 12th it still rained hard, and we again
experienced a dreadful night. At length the day came, and showed a
miserable set of beings, full of wants, without any thing to relieve
them. Some complained of great pain in their bowels, and every one of
having almost lost the use of his limbs. The little sleep we got was in
no way refreshing, as we were constantly covered with the sea and rain.
The weather continuing, and no sun affording the least prospect of
getting our clothes dried, I recommended to every one to strip and wring
them through the sea-water, by which means they received a warmth that,
while wet with rain-water, they could not have.' The shipping of seas
and constant baling continued; and though the men were shivering with
wet and cold, the commander was under the necessity of informing them,
that he could no longer afford them the comfort they had derived from
the teaspoonful of rum.

On the 13th and 14th the stormy weather and heavy sea continued
unabated, and on these days they saw distant land, and passed several
islands. The sight of these islands, it may well be supposed, served
only to increase the misery of their situation. They were as men very
little better than starving with plenty in their view; yet, to attempt
procuring any relief was considered to be attended with so much danger,
that the prolongation of life, even in the midst of misery, was thought
preferable, while there remained hopes of being able to surmount their
hardships.

The whole day and night of the 15th were still rainy; the latter was
dark, not a star to be seen by which the steerage could be directed, and
the sea was continually breaking over the boat. On the next day, the
16th, was issued for dinner an ounce of salt pork, in addition to their
miserable allowance of one twenty-fifth part of a pound of bread. The
night was again truly horrible, with storms of thunder, lightning, and
rain; not a star visible, so that the steerage was quite uncertain.

On the morning of the 17th, at dawn of day, 'I found,' says the
commander, 'every person complaining, and some of them solicited extra
allowance, which I positively refused. Our situation was miserable;
always wet, and suffering extreme cold in the night, without the least
shelter from the weather. The little rum we had was of the greatest
service: when our nights were particularly distressing, I generally
served a teaspoonful or two to each person, and it was always joyful
tidings when they heard of my intentions. The night was again a dark and
dismal one, the sea constantly breaking over us, and nothing but the
wind and waves to direct our steerage. It was my intention, if possible,
to make the coast of New Holland to the southward of Endeavour Straits,
being sensible that it was necessary to preserve such a situation as
would make a southerly wind a fair one; that we might range along the
reefs till an opening should be found into smooth water, and we the
sooner be able to pick up some refreshments.'

On the 18th the rain abated, when, at their commander's recommendation,
they all stripped and wrung their clothes through the sea-water, from
which, as usual, they derived much warmth and refreshment; but every one
complained of violent pains in their bones. At night the heavy rain
recommenced, with severe lightning, which obliged them to keep baling
without intermission. The same weather continued through the 19th and
20th; the rain constant--at times a deluge--the men always baling; the
commander, too, found it necessary to issue for dinner only half an
ounce of pork.

At dawn of day, Lieutenant Bligh states, that some of his people seemed
half dead; that their appearances were horrible; 'and I could look,'
says he, 'no way, but I caught the eye of some one in distress. Extreme
hunger was now too evident, but no one suffered from thirst, nor had we
much inclination to drink, that desire perhaps being satisfied through
the skin. The little sleep we got was in the midst of water, and we
constantly awoke with severe cramps and pains in our bones. At noon the
sun broke out and revived every one.

'During the whole of the afternoon of the 21st we were so covered with
rain and salt water, that we could scarcely see. We suffered extreme
cold, and every one dreaded the approach of night. Sleep, though we
longed for it, afforded no comfort; for my own part, I almost lived
without it. On the 22nd, our situation was extremely calamitous. We were
obliged to take the course of the sea, running right before it, and
watching with the utmost care, as the least error in the helm would in a
moment have been our destruction. It continued through the day to blow
hard, and the foam of the sea kept running over our stern and quarters.

'The misery we suffered this night exceeded the preceding. The sea flew
over us with great force, and kept us baling with horror and anxiety. At
dawn of day I found every one in a most distressed condition, and I
began to fear that another such night would put an end to the lives of
several, who seemed no longer able to support their sufferings. I served
an allowance of _two_ teaspoonfuls of rum; after drinking which, and
having wrung our clothes and taken our breakfast of bread and water, we
became a little refreshed.

On the evening of the 24th, the wind moderated and the weather looked
much better, which rejoiced all hands, so that they ate their scanty
allowance with more satisfaction than for some time past. The night also
was fair; but being always wet with the sea, we suffered much from the
cold. I had the pleasure to see a fine morning produce some cheerful
countenances; and for the first time, during the last fifteen days, we
experienced comfort from the warmth of the sun. We stripped and hung up
our clothes to dry, which were by this time become so thread-bare, that
they could not keep out either wet or cold. In the afternoon we had many
birds about us, which are never seen far from land, such as boobies and
noddies.'

As the sea now began to run fair, and the boat shipped but little water,
Lieutenant Bligh took the opportunity to examine into the state of their
bread; and it was found that, according to the present mode of living,
there was a sufficient quantity remaining for twenty-nine days'
allowance, by which time there was every reason to expect they would be
able to reach Timor. But as this was still uncertain, and it was
possible that, after all, they might be obliged to go to Java, it was
determined to proportion the allowance, so as to make the stock hold out
six weeks. 'I was apprehensive,' he says, 'that this would be ill
received, and that it would require my utmost resolution to enforce it;
for, small as the quantity was which I intended to take away for our
future good, yet it might appear to my people like robbing them of life;
and some who were less patient than their companions, I expected would
very ill brook it. However, on my representing the necessity of guarding
against delays that might be occasioned by contrary winds, or other
causes, and promising to enlarge upon the allowance as we got on, they
cheerfully agreed to my proposal.' It was accordingly settled that every
person should receive one twenty-fifth part of a pound of bread for
breakfast, and the same quantity for dinner as usual, but that the
proportion for supper should be discontinued; this arrangement left them
forty-three days' consumption.

On the 25th about noon, some noddies came so near to the boat, that one
of them was caught by hand. This bird was about the size of a small
pigeon. 'I divided it,' says Bligh, 'with its entrails, into eighteen
portions, and by a well-known method at sea, of "_Who shall have
this?_"[9] it was distributed, with the allowance of bread and water for
dinner, and eaten up, bones and all, with salt water for sauce. In the
evening, several boobies flying very near to us, we had the good
fortune to catch one of them. This bird is as large as a duck. They are
the most presumptive proof of being near land, of any sea-fowl we are
acquainted with. I directed the bird to be killed for supper, and the
blood to be given to three of the people who were the most distressed
for want of food. The body, with the entrails, beak, and feet, I divided
into eighteen shares, and with the allowance of bread, which I made a
merit of granting, we made a good supper compared with our usual fare.

'On the next day, the 26th, we caught another booby, so that Providence
appeared to be relieving our wants in an extraordinary manner. The
people were overjoyed at this addition to their dinner, which was
distributed in the same manner as on the preceding evening; giving the
blood to those who were the most in want of food. To make the bread a
little savoury, most of the men frequently dipped it in salt water, but
I generally broke mine into small pieces, and ate it in my allowance of
water, out of a cocoa-nut shell, with a spoon; economically avoiding to
take too large a piece at a time, so that I was as long at dinner as if
it had been a much more plentiful meal.'

The weather was now serene, which, nevertheless, was not without its
inconveniences, for, it appears, they began to feel distress of a
different kind from that which they had hitherto been accustomed to
suffer. The heat of the sun was now so powerful, that several of the
people were seized with a languor and faintness, which made life
indifferent. But the little circumstance of catching two boobies in the
evening, trifling as it may appear, had the effect of raising their
spirits. The stomachs of these birds contained several flying-fish, and
small cuttle-fish, all of which were carefully saved to be divided for
dinner the next day; which were accordingly divided with their entrails,
and the contents of their maws, into eighteen portions, and, as the
prize was a very valuable one, it was distributed as before, by calling
out, '_Who shall have this?_'--'so that to-day,' says the lieutenant,
'with the usual allowance of bread at breakfast and at dinner, I was
happy to see that every person thought he had feasted.' From the
appearance of the clouds in the evening, Mr. Bligh had no doubt they
were then near the land, and the people amused themselves with
conversing on the probability of what they would meet with on it.

Accordingly, at one in the morning of the 28th, the person at the helm
heard the sound of breakers. It was the 'barrier reef' which runs along
the eastern coast of New Holland, through which it now became the
anxious object to discover a passage; Mr. Bligh says this was now become
absolutely necessary, without a moment's loss of time. The idea of
getting into smooth water and finding refreshments kept up the people's
spirits. The sea broke furiously over the reef in every part; within,
the water was so smooth and calm, that every man already anticipated the
heartfelt satisfaction he was about to receive, as soon as he should
have passed the barrier. At length a break in the reef was discovered, a
quarter of a mile in width, and through this the boat rapidly passed
with a strong stream running to the westward, and came immediately into
smooth water, and all the past hardships seemed at once to be forgotten.

They now returned thanks to God for His generous protection, and with
much content took their miserable allowance of the twenty-fifth part of
a pound of bread, and a quarter of a pint of water, for dinner.

The coast now began to show itself very distinctly, and in the evening
they landed on the sandy point of an island, when it was soon discovered
there were oysters on the rocks, it being low water. The party sent out
to reconnoitre returned highly rejoiced at having found plenty of
oysters and fresh water. By help of a small magnifying--glass a fire was
made, and among the things that had been thrown into the boat was a
tinder-box and a piece of brimstone, so that in future they had the
ready means of making a fire. One of the men too had been so provident
as to bring away with him from the ship a copper pot; and thus with a
mixture of oysters, bread, and pork, a stew was made, of which each
person received a full pint. It is remarked that the oysters grew so
fast to the rocks, that it was with great difficulty they could be
broken off; but they at length discovered it to be the most expeditious
way to open them where they were fixed.

The general complaints among the people were a dizziness in the head,
great weakness in the joints, and violent tenesmus, but none of them are
stated to have been alarming; and notwithstanding their sufferings from
cold and hunger, all of them retained marks of strength. Mr. Bligh had
cautioned them not to touch any kind of berry or fruit that they might
find; yet it appears they were no sooner out of sight, than they began
to make free with three different kinds that grew all over the island,
eating without any reserve. The symptoms of having eaten too much began
at last to frighten some of them; they fancied they were all poisoned,
and regarded each other with the strongest marks of apprehension,
uncertain what might be the issue of their imprudence: fortunately the
fruit proved to be wholesome and good.

'This day (29th May) being,' says Lieutenant Bligh, 'the anniversary of
the restoration of King Charles II, and the name not being inapplicable
to our present situation (for we were _restored_ to fresh life and
strength), I named this "Restoration Island"; for I thought it probable
that Captain Cook might not have taken notice of it.'

With oysters and palm-tops stewed together the people now made excellent
meals, without consuming any of their bread. In the morning of the 30th,
Mr. Bligh saw with great delight a visible alteration in the men for the
better, and he sent them away to gather oysters, in order to carry a
stock of them to sea, for he determined to put off again that evening.
They also procured fresh water, and filled all their vessels to the
amount of nearly sixty gallons. On examining the bread, it was found
there still remained about thirty-eight days' allowance.

Being now ready for sea, every person was ordered to attend prayers; but
just as they were embarking, about twenty naked savages made their
appearance, running and hallooing, and beckoning the strangers to come
to them; but, as each was armed with a spear or lance, it was thought
prudent to hold no communication with them. They now proceeded to the
northward, having the continent on their left, and several islands and
reefs on their right.

On the 31st they landed on one of these islands, to which was given the
name of 'Sunday.' 'I sent out two parties (says Bligh), one to the
northward and the other to the southward, to seek for supplies, and
others I ordered to stay by the boat. On this occasion, fatigue and
weakness so far got the better of their sense of duty, that some of the
people expressed their discontent at having worked harder than their
companions, and declared that they would rather be without their dinner
than go in search of it. One person, in particular, went so far as to
tell me, with a mutinous look, that he was as good a man as myself. It
was not possible for one to judge where this might have an end, if not
stopped in time; to prevent therefore such disputes in future, I
determined either to preserve my command or die in the attempt; and
seizing a cutlass, I ordered him to lay hold of another and defend
himself; on which he called out that I was going to kill him, and
immediately made concessions. I did not allow this to interfere further
with the harmony of the boat's crew, and every thing soon became quiet.'

On this island they obtained oysters, and clams, and dog-fish; also a
small bean, which Nelson, the botanist, pronounced to be a species of
dolichos. On the 1st of June, they stopped in the midst of some sandy
islands, such as are known by the name of _keys_, where they procured a
few clams and beans. Here Nelson was taken very ill with a violent heat
in his bowels, a loss of sight, great thirst, and an inability to walk.
A little wine, which had carefully been saved, with some pieces of bread
soaked in it, was given to him in small quantities, and he soon began to
recover. The boatswain and carpenter were also ill, and complained of
headache and sickness of the stomach. Others became shockingly
distressed with tenesmus; in fact, there were few without complaints.

A party was sent out by night to catch birds; they returned with only
twelve noddies, but it is stated, that, had it not been for the folly
and obstinacy of one of the party, who separated from the others and
disturbed the birds, a great many more might have been taken. The
offender was Robert Lamb, who acknowledged, when he got to Java, that he
had that night eaten _nine_ raw birds, after he separated from his two
companions. The birds, with a few clams, were the whole of the supplies
afforded at these small islands.

On the 3rd of June, after passing several keys and islands, and doubling
Cape York, the north-easternmost point of New Holland, at eight in the
evening the little boat and her brave crew once more launched into the
open ocean. 'Miserable,' says Lieutenant Bligh, 'as our situation was in
every respect, I was secretly surprised to see that it did not appear to
affect any one so strongly as myself; on the contrary, it seemed as if
they had embarked on a voyage to Timor in a vessel sufficiently
calculated for safety and convenience. So much confidence gave me great
pleasure, and I may venture to assert that to this cause our
preservation is chiefly to be attributed. I encouraged every one with
hopes that eight or ten days would bring us to a land of safety; and,
after praying to God for a continuance of His most gracious protection,
I served out an allowance of water for supper, and directed our course
to the west south-west.

'We had been just six days on the coast of New Holland, in the course of
which we found oysters, a few clams, some birds and water. But a
benefit, probably not less than this, was that of being relieved from
the fatigue of sitting constantly in the boat, and enjoying good rest at
night. These advantages certainly preserved our lives; and small as the
supply was, I am very sensible how much it alleviated our distresses.
Before this time nature must have sunk under the extremes of hunger and
fatigue. Even in our present situation, we were most deplorable
objects, but the hopes of a speedy relief kept up our spirits. For my
own part, incredible as it may appear, I felt neither extreme hunger nor
thirst. My allowance contented me, knowing that I could have no more.'
In his manuscript journal, he adds, 'This, perhaps, does not permit me
to be a proper judge on a story of miserable people like us being at
last driven to the necessity of destroying one another for food--but, if
I may be allowed, I deny the fact in its greatest extent. I say, I do
not believe that, among us, such a thing could happen, but death through
famine would be received in the same way as any mortal disease.'[10]

On the 5th a booby was caught by the hand, the blood of which was
divided among three of the men who were weakest, and the bird kept for
next day's dinner; and on the evening of the 6th the allowance for
supper was recommenced, according to a promise made when it had been
discontinued. On the 7th, after a miserably wet and cold night, nothing
more could be afforded than the usual allowance for breakfast; but at
dinner each person had the luxury of an ounce of dried clams, which
consumed all that remained. The sea was running high and breaking over
the boat the whole of this day. Mr. Ledward, the surgeon, and Lawrence
Lebogue, an old hardy seaman, appeared to be giving way very fast. No
other assistance could be given to them than a teaspoonful or two of
wine, that had been carefully saved for such a melancholy occasion,
which was not at all unexpected.

On the 8th the weather was more moderate, and a small dolphin was
caught, which gave about two ounces to each man: in the night it again
blew strong, the boat shipped much water, and they all suffered greatly
from wet and cold. The surgeon and Lebogue still continued very ill, and
the only relief that could be afforded them was a small quantity of
wine, and encouraging them with the hope that a very few days more, at
the rate they were then sailing, would bring them to Timor.

'In the morning of the 10th, after a very comfortless night, there was a
visible alteration for the worse,' says Mr. Bligh, 'in many of the
people, which gave me great apprehensions. An extreme weakness, swelled
legs, hollow and ghastly countenances, a more than common inclination to
sleep, with an apparent debility of understanding, seemed to me the
melancholy presages of an approaching dissolution. The surgeon and
Lebogue, in particular, were most miserable objects. I occasionally gave
them a few teaspoonfuls of wine, out of the little that remained, which
greatly assisted them. The hope of being able to accomplish the voyage
was our principal support. The boatswain very innocently told me that he
really thought I looked worse than any in the boat. The simplicity with
which he uttered such an opinion amused me, and I returned him a better
compliment.'

On the 11th Lieutenant Bligh announced to his wretched companions that
he had no doubt they had now passed the meridian of the eastern part of
Timor, a piece of intelligence that diffused universal joy and
satisfaction. Accordingly at three in the morning of the following day
Timor was discovered at the distance only of two leagues from the shore.

'It is not possible for me,' says this experienced navigator, 'to
describe the pleasure which the blessing of the sight of this land
diffused among us. It appeared scarcely credible to ourselves that, in
an open boat, and so poorly provided, we should have been able to reach
the coast of Timor in forty-one days after leaving Tofoa, having in that
time run, by our log, a distance of three thousand six hundred and
eighteen nautical miles; and that, notwithstanding our extreme distress,
no one should have perished in the voyage.'

On Sunday the 14th they came safely to anchor in Coupang Bay, where they
were received with every mark of kindness, hospitality, and humanity.
The houses of the principal people were thrown open for their reception.
The poor sufferers when landed were scarcely able to walk; their
condition is described as most deplorable. 'The abilities of a painter
could rarely, perhaps, have been displayed to more advantage than in the
delineation of the two groups of figures which at this time presented
themselves to each other. An indifferent spectator (if such could be
found) would have been at a loss which most to admire, the eyes of
famine sparkling at immediate relief, or the horror of their preservers
at the sight of so many spectres, whose ghastly countenances, if the
cause had been unknown, would rather have excited terror than pity. Our
bodies were nothing but skin and bones, our limbs were full of sores,
and we were clothed in rags, in this condition, with the tears of joy
and gratitude flowing down our cheeks, the people of Timor beheld us
with a mixture of horror, surprise, and pity.

'When,' continues the commander, 'I reflect how providentially our lives
were saved at Tofoa, by the Indians delaying their attack? and that,
with scarcely anything to support life, we crossed a sea of more than
twelve hundred leagues, without shelter from the inclemency of the
weather; when I reflect that in an open boat, with so much stormy
weather, we escaped foundering, that not any of us were taken off by
disease, that we had the great good fortune to pass the unfriendly
natives of other countries without accident, and at last to meet with
the most friendly and best of people to relieve our distresses--I say,
when I reflect on all these wonderful escapes, the remembrance of such
great mercies enables me to bear with resignation and cheerfulness the
failure of an expedition, the success of which I had so much at heart,
and which was frustrated at a time when I was congratulating myself on
the fairest prospect of being able to complete it in a manner that would
fully have answered the intention of his Majesty, and the humane
promoters of so benevolent a plan.'

Having recruited their strength by a residence of two months among the
friendly inhabitants of Coupang, they proceeded to the westward on the
20th August in a small schooner, which was purchased and armed for the
purpose, and arrived on the 1st October in Batavia Road, where Mr. Bligh
embarked in a Dutch packet, and was landed on the Isle of Wight on the
14th March, 1790. The rest of the people had passages provided for them
in ships of the Dutch East India Company, then about to sail for Europe.
All of them, however, did not survive to reach England. Nelson, the
botanist, died at Coupang; Mr. Elphinstone, master's-mate, Peter
Linkletter and Thomas Hall, seamen, died at Batavia; Robert Lamb, seaman
(the booby-eater), died on the passage; and Mr. Ledward, the surgeon,
was left behind, and not afterwards heard of. These six, with John
Norton, who was stoned to death, left twelve of the nineteen, forced by
the mutineers into the launch, to survive the difficulties and dangers
of this unparalleled voyage, and to revisit their native country. With
great truth might Bligh exclaim with the poet,

     --'Tis mine to tell their tale of grief,
     Their constant peril and their scant relief;
     Their days of danger, and their nights of pain;
     Their manly courage, even when deem'd in vain;
     The sapping famine, rendering scarce a son
     Known to his mother in the skeleton;
     The ills that lessen'd still their little store,
     And starved even Hunger till he wrung no more;
     The varying frowns and favours of the deep,
     That now almost engulphs, then leaves to creep
     With crazy oar and shatter'd strength along
     The tide, that yields reluctant to the strong;
     Th' incessant fever of that arid thirst
     Which welcomes, as a well, the clouds that burst
     Above their naked bones, and feels delight
     In the cold drenching of the stormy night,
     And from the outspread canvas gladly wrings
     A drop to moisten Life's all-gasping springs;
     The savage foe escaped, to seek again
     More hospitable shelter from the main;
     The ghastly spectres which were doom'd at last
     To tell as true a tale of dangers past,
     As ever the dark annals of the deep
     Disclosed for man to dread or woman weep.

It is impossible not fully to accord with Bligh when he says, 'Thus
happily ended, through the assistance of Divine Providence, without
accident, a voyage of the most extraordinary nature that ever happened
in the world,[11] let it be taken either in its extent, duration, or
the want of every necessary of life.' We may go further and say, it is
impossible to read this extraordinary and unparalleled voyage, without
bestowing the meed of unqualified praise on the able and judicious
conduct of its commander, who is in every respect, as far as this
extraordinary enterprise is concerned, fully entitled to rank with
Parry, Franklin, and Richardson. Few men, indeed, were ever placed for
so long a period in a more trying, distressing, and perilous situation
than he was; and it may safely be pronounced, that, to his discreet
management of the men and their scanty resources, and to his ability as
a thorough seaman, eighteen souls were saved from imminent and otherwise
inevitable destruction, it was not alone the dangers of the sea, in an
open boat, crowded with people, that he had to combat, though they
required the most consummate nautical skill, to be enabled to contend
successfully against them; but the unfortunate situation, to which the
party were exposed, rendered him subject to the almost daily murmuring
and caprice of people less conscious than himself of their real danger.
From the experience they had acquired at Tofoa of the savage disposition
of the people against the defenceless boat's crew, a lesson was learned
how little was to be trusted, even to the mildest of uncivilized people,
when a conscious superiority was in their hands. A striking proof of
this was experienced in the unprovoked attack made by those amiable
people, the Otaheitans, on Captain Wallis's ship, of whose power they
had formed no just conception; but having once experienced the full
force of it, on no future occasion was any attempt made to repeat the
attack. Lieutenant Bligh, fully aware of his own weakness, deemed it
expedient, therefore, to resist all desires and temptations to land at
any of those islands, among which they passed in the course of the
voyage, well knowing how little could be trusted to the forbearance of
savages, unarmed and wholly defenceless as his party were.

But the circumstance of being tantalized with the appearance of land,
clothed with perennial verdure, whose approach was forbidden to men
chilled with wet and cold, and nearly perishing with hunger, was by no
means the most difficult against which the commander had to struggle.
'It was not the least of my distresses,' he observes, 'to be constantly
assailed with the melancholy demands of my people for an increase of
allowance, which it grieved me to refuse.' He well knew that to reason
with men reduced to the last stage of famine, yet denied the use of
provisions within their reach, and with the power to seize upon them in
their own hands, would be to no purpose. Something more must be done to
ensure even the possibility of saving them from the effect of their own
imprudence. The first thing he set about, therefore, was to ascertain
the exact state of their provisions, which were found to amount to the
ordinary consumption of five days, but which were to be spun out so as
to last fifty days. This was at once distinctly stated to the men, and
an agreement entered into, and a solemn promise made by all, that the
settled allowance should never be deviated from, as they were made
clearly to understand that on the strict observance of this agreement
rested the only hope of their safety; and this was explained and made so
evident to every man, at the time it was concluded, that they
unanimously agreed to it; and by reminding them of this compact,
whenever they became clamorous for more, and showing a firm
determination not to swerve from it, Lieutenant Bligh succeeded in
resisting all their solicitations.

This rigid adherence to the compact, in doling out their miserable
pittance,--the constant exposure to wet,--the imminent peril of being
swallowed up by the ocean,--their cramped and confined position,--and
the unceasing reflection on their miserable and melancholy
situation;--all these difficulties and sufferings made it not less than
miraculous, that this voyage, itself a miracle, should have been
completed, not only without the loss of a man from sickness, but with so
little loss of health. 'With respect to the preservation of our health,'
says the commander, 'during the course of sixteen days of heavy and
almost continual rain, I would recommend to every one in a similar
situation, the method we practised of dipping their clothes in
salt-water, and to wring them out, as often as they become soaked with
rain; it was the only resource we had, and I believe was of the greatest
service to us, for it felt more like a change of dry clothes than could
well be imagined. We had occasion to do this so often, that at length
all our clothes were wrung to pieces.'

But the great art of all was to divert their attention from the almost
hopeless situation in which they were placed, and to prevent despondency
from taking possession of their minds; and in order to assist in
effecting this, some employment was devised for them; among other
things, a logline, an object of interest to all, was measured and
marked; and the men were practised in counting seconds correctly, that
the distance run on each day might be ascertained with a nearer
approach to accuracy than by mere guessing. These little operations
afforded them a temporary amusement; and the log being daily and hourly
hove gave them also some employment, and diverted their thoughts for the
moment from their melancholy situation. Then, every noon, when the sun
was out, or at other times before and after noon, and also at night when
the stars appeared, Lieutenant Bligh never neglected to take
observations for the latitude, and to work the day's work for
ascertaining the ship's place. The anxiety of the people to hear how
they had proceeded, what progress had been made, and whereabouts they
were on the wide ocean, also contributed for the time to drive away
gloomy thoughts that but too frequently would intrude themselves. These
observations were rigidly attended to, and sometimes made under the most
difficult circumstances, the sea breaking over the observer, and the
boat pitching and rolling so much, that he was obliged to be 'propped
up,' while taking them. In this way, with now and then a little
interrupted sleep, about a thousand long and anxious hours were consumed
in pain and peril, and a space of sea passed over equal to four thousand
five hundred miles, being at the rate of four and one-fifth miles an
hour, or one hundred miles a day.

Lieutenant Bligh has expressed his conviction, that the six days spent
among the coral islands, off the coast of New Holland, were the
salvation of the whole party, by the refreshing sleep they here
procured, by the exercise of walking about, and, above all, by the
nutriment derived from the oysters and clams, the beans and berries,
they procured while there; for that such, he says, was the exhausted
condition of all on their arrival at the 'barrier reef,' that a few days
more at sea must have terminated the existence of many of them. This
stoppage, however, had likewise been nearly productive of fatal
consequences to the whole party. In fact, another mutiny was within an
ace of breaking out, which, if not checked at the moment, could only, in
their desperate situation, have ended in irretrievable and total
destruction. Bligh mentions, in his printed narrative, the mutinous
conduct of a person to whom he gave a cutlass to defend himself. This
affair, as stated in his original manuscript journal, wears a far more
serious aspect.

'The carpenter (Purcell) began to be insolent to a high degree, and at
last told me, with a mutinous aspect, he was as good a man as I was. I
did not just now see where this was to end; I therefore determined to
strike a final blow at it, and either to preserve my command or die in
the attempt; and taking hold of a cutlass, I ordered the rascal to take
hold of another and defend himself, when he called out that I was going
to kill him, and began to make concessions. I was now only assisted by
Mr. Nelson; and the master (Fryer) very deliberately called out to the
boatswain, to put me under an arrest, and was stirring up a greater
disturbance, when I declared, if he interfered, when I was in the
execution of my duty to preserve order and regularity, and that in
consequence any tumult arose, I would certainly put him to death the
first person. This had a proper effect on this man, and he now assured
me that, on the contrary, I might rely on him to support my orders and
directions for the future. This is the outline of a tumult that lasted
about a quarter of hour'; and he adds, 'I was told that the master and
carpenter, at the last place, were endeavouring to produce altercations,
and were the principal cause of their murmuring there.' This carpenter
he brought to a court-martial on their arrival in England, on various
charges, of which he was found guilty in part, and reprimanded. Purcell
is said to be at this time in a mad-house.

On another occasion, when a stew of oysters was distributed among the
people, Lieutenant Bligh observes (in the MS. Journal), 'In the
distribution of it, the voraciousness of some and the moderation of
others were very discernible. The _master_ began to be dissatisfied the
first, because it was not made into a larger quantity by the addition of
water, and showed a turbulent disposition, until I laid my commands on
him to be silent.' Again, on his refusing bread to the men, because they
were collecting oysters, he says, 'this occasioned some murmuring with
the master and carpenter, the former of whom endeavoured to prove the
propriety of such an expenditure, and was troublesomely ignorant,
tending to create disorder among those, if any were weak enough to
listen to him.'

If what Bligh states with regard to the conduct of the master and the
carpenter be true, it was such, on several occasions, as to provoke a
man much less irritable than himself. He thus speaks of the latter, when
in the ship and in the midst of the mutiny. 'The boatswain and carpenter
were fully at liberty; the former was employed, on pain of death, to
hoist the boats out, but the latter I saw acting the part of an idler,
with an impudent and ill-looking countenance, which led me to believe he
was one of the mutineers, until he was among the rest ordered to leave
the ship, for it appeared to me to be a doubt with Christian, at first,
whether he should keep the carpenter or his mate (Norman), but knowing
the former to be a troublesome fellow, he determined on the latter.'

The following paragraph also appears in his original journal, on the day
of the mutiny, but is not alluded to in his printed narrative. 'The
master's cabin was opposite to mine; he saw them (the mutineers) in my
cabin, for our eyes met each other through his door-window. He had a
pair of ship's pistols loaded, and ammunition in his cabin--a firm
resolution might have made a good use of them. After he had sent twice
or thrice to Christian to be allowed to come on deck, he was at last
permitted, and his question then was, "Will you let me remain in the
ship?"--"No." "Have _you_ any objection, Captain Bligh?" I whispered to
him to knock him down--Martin is good (this is the man who gave the
shaddock), for this was just before Martin was removed from me.
Christian, however, pulled me back, and sent away the master, with
orders to go again to his cabin, and I saw no more of him, until he was
put into the boat. He afterwards told me that he could find nobody to
act with him; that by staying in the ship he hoped to have retaken her,
and that, as to the pistols, he was so flurried and surprised, that he
did not recollect he had them.' This master tells a very different story
respecting the pistols, in his evidence before the court-martial.

Whatever, therefore, on the whole, may have been the conduct of Bligh
towards his officers, that of some of the latter appears to have been on
several occasions provoking enough, and well calculated to stir up the
irascible temper of a man, active and zealous in the extreme, as Bligh
always was, in the execution of his duty. Some excuse may be found for
hasty expressions uttered in a moment of irritation, when passion gets
the better of reason; but no excuse can be found for one, who deeply and
unfeelingly, without provocation, and in cold blood, inflicts a wound on
the heart of a widowed mother, already torn with anguish and tortured
with suspense for a beloved son, whose life was in imminent jeopardy:
such a man was William Bligh. This charge is not loosely asserted; it is
founded on documentary evidence under his own hand. Since the death of
the late Captain Heywood, some papers have been brought to light, that
throw a still more unfavourable stigma on the character of the two
commanders, Bligh and Edwards, than any censure that has hitherto
appeared in print, though the conduct of neither of them has been
spared, whenever an occasion has presented itself for bringing their
names before the public.

Bligh, it may be recollected, mentions young Heywood only as one of
those left in the ship; he does not charge him with taking any active
part in the mutiny; there is every reason, indeed, to believe that Bligh
did not, and indeed could not, see him on the deck on that occasion: in
point of fact, he never was within thirty feet of Captain Bligh, and the
booms were between them. About the end of March, 1790, two months
subsequent to the death of a most beloved and lamented husband, Mrs.
Heywood received the afflicting information, but by report only, of a
mutiny having taken place on board the _Bounty_. In that ship Mrs.
Heywood's son had been serving as midshipman, who, when he left his
home, in August, 1787, was under fifteen years of age, a boy deservedly
admired and beloved by all who knew him, and, to his own family, almost
an object of adoration, for his superior understanding and the amiable
qualities of his disposition. In a state of mind little short of
distraction, on hearing this fatal intelligence, which was at the same
time aggravated by every circumstance of guilt that calumny or malice
could invent with respect to this unfortunate youth, who was said to be
one of the ringleaders, and to have gone armed into the captain's
cabin, his mother addressed a letter to Captain Bligh, dictated by a
mother's tenderness, and strongly expressive of the misery she must
necessarily feel on such an occasion. The following is Bligh's reply:--


     '_London, April 2nd_, 1790.

     'MADAM,--I received your letter this day, and feel for you
     very much, being perfectly sensible of the extreme distress
     you must suffer from the conduct of your son Peter. _His
     baseness is beyond all description_, but I hope you will
     endeavour to prevent the loss of him, heavy as the misfortune
     is, from afflicting you too severely. I imagine he is, with
     the rest of the mutineers, returned to Otaheite.--- I am,
     Madam,

     (Signed) 'WM. BLIGH.'

Colonel Holwell, the uncle of young Heywood, had previously addressed
Bligh on the same melancholy subject, to whom he returned the following
answer:--


     '_26th March_, 1790.

     'SIR,--I have just this instant received your letter. With
     much concern I inform you that your nephew, Peter Hey wood, is
     among the mutineers. _His ingratitude to me is of the blackest
     dye_, for I was a father to him in every respect, and he never
     once had an angry word from me through the whole course of the
     voyage, as his conduct always gave me much pleasure and
     satisfaction. I very much regret _that so much baseness formed
     the character_ _of a young man_ I had a real regard for, and
     it will give me much pleasure to hear that his friends _can
     bear the loss of him without much concern_.--I am, Sir, etc.

     (Signed) 'WM. BLIGH.'

The only way of accounting for this ferocity of sentiment towards a
youth, who had in point of fact no concern in the mutiny, is by a
reference to certain points of evidence given by Hayward, Hallet, and
Purcell on the court-martial, each point wholly unsupported. Those in
the boat would no doubt, during their long passage, often discuss the
conduct of their messmates left in the _Bounty_, and the unsupported
evidence given by these three was well calculated to create in Bligh's
mind a prejudice against young Heywood; yet, if so, it affords but a
poor excuse for harrowing up the feelings of near and dear relatives.

As a contrast to these ungracious letters, it is a great relief to
peruse the correspondence that took place, on this melancholy occasion,
between this unfortunate young officer and his amiable but dreadfully
afflicted family. The letters of his sister, Nessy Heywood (of which a
few will be inserted in the course of this narrative), exhibit so lively
and ardent an affection for her beloved brother, are couched in so high
a tone of feeling for his honour, and confidence in his innocence, and
are so nobly answered by the suffering youth, that no apology seems to
be required for their introduction, more especially as their contents
are strictly connected with the story of the ill-fated crew of the
_Bounty_. After a state of long suspense, this amiable and accomplished
young lady thus addresses her brother:--


     '_Isle of Man, 2nd June_, 1792.

     'In a situation of mind only rendered supportable by the long
     and painful state of misery and suspense we have suffered on
     his account, how shall I address my dear, my fondly beloved
     brother!--how describe the anguish we have felt at the idea of
     this long and painful separation, rendered still more
     distressing by the terrible circumstances attending it! Oh! my
     ever dearest boy, when I look back to that dreadful moment
     which brought us the fatal intelligence that you had remained
     in the _Bounty_ after Mr. Bligh had quitted her, and were
     looked upon by him as a _mutineer_!--when I contrast that day
     of horror with my present hopes of again beholding you, such
     as my most sanguine wishes could expect, I know not which is
     the most predominant sensation,--pity, compassion, and terror
     for your sufferings, or joy and satisfaction at the prospect
     of their being near a termination, and of once more embracing
     the dearest object of our affections.

     'I will not ask you, my beloved brother, whether you are
     innocent of the dreadful crime of mutiny; if the transactions
     of that day were as Mr. Bligh has represented them, such is my
     conviction of your worth and honour, that I will, without
     hesitation, stake my life on your innocence. If, on the
     contrary, you were concerned in such a conspiracy against
     your commander, I shall be as firmly persuaded _his_ conduct
     was the occasion of it; but, alas! could any occasion justify
     so atrocious an attempt to destroy a number of our
     fellow-creatures? No, my ever dearest brother, nothing but
     conviction from your own mouth can possibly persuade me, that
     you would commit an action in the smallest degree inconsistent
     with honour and duty; and the circumstance of your having swam
     off to the _Pandora_ on her arrival at Otaheite (which filled
     us with joy to which no words can do justice), is sufficient
     to convince all who know you, that you certainly staid behind
     either by force or from views of preservation.

     'How strange does it seem to me that I am now engaged in the
     delightful task of writing to you. Alas! my beloved brother,
     two years ago I never expected again to enjoy such a felicity,
     and even yet I am in the most painful uncertainty whether you
     are alive. Gracious God, grant that we may be at length
     blessed by your return I but, alas! the _Pandora's_ people
     have been long expected, and are not even yet arrived. Should
     any accident have happened, after all the miseries you have
     already suffered, the poor gleam of hope with which we have
     been lately indulged, will render our situation ten thousand
     times more insupportable than if time had inured us to your
     loss. I send this to the care of Mr. Hayward, of Hackney,
     father to the young gentleman you so often mention in your
     letters while you were on board the _Bounty_, and who went out
     as third lieutenant of the _Pandora_--a circumstance which
     gave us infinite satisfaction, as you would, on entering the
     _Pandora_, meet your old friend. On discovering old Mr.
     Hayward's residence, I wrote to him, as I hoped he could give
     me some information respecting the time of your arrival, and
     in return he sent me a most friendly letter, and has promised
     this shall be given to you when you reach England, as I well
     know how great must be your anxiety to hear of us, and how
     much satisfaction it will give you to have a letter
     immediately on your return. Let me conjure you, my dearest
     Peter, to write to us the very first moment--do not lose a
     post--'tis of no consequence how short your letter may be, if
     it only informs us you are well. I need not tell you that you
     are the first and dearest object of our affections. Think,
     then, my adored boy, of the anxiety we must feel on your
     account; for my own part, I can know no real joy or happiness
     independent of you, and if any misfortune should now deprive
     us of you, my hopes of felicity are fled for ever.

     'We are at present making all possible interest with every
     friend and connexion we have, to ensure you a sufficient
     support and protection at your approaching trial; for a trial
     you must unavoidably undergo, in order to convince the world
     of that innocence, which those who know you will not for a
     moment doubt; but, alas! while circumstances are against you,
     the generality of mankind will judge severely. Bligh's
     representations to the Admiralty are, I am told, very
     unfavourable, and hitherto the tide of public opinion has been
     greatly in his favour. My mamma is at present well,
     considering the distress she has suffered since you left us;
     for, my dearest brother, we have experienced a complicated
     scene of misery from a variety of causes, which, however, when
     compared with the sorrow we felt on your account, was trifling
     and insignificant; _that_ misfortune made all others light,
     and to see you once more returned, and safely restored to us,
     will be the summit of all earthly happiness.

     'Farewell, my most beloved brother! God grant this may soon be
     put into your hands I Perhaps at this moment you are arrived
     in England, and I may soon have the dear delight of again
     beholding you. My mamma, brothers, and sisters, join with me
     in every sentiment of love and tenderness. Write to us
     immediately, my ever-loved Peter, and may the Almighty
     preserve you until you bless with your presence your fondly
     affectionate family, and particularly your unalterably
     faithful friend and sister,

     (Signed) 'NESSY HEYWOOD.'[12]

The gleam of joy which this unhappy family derived from the
circumstance, which had been related to them, of young Heywood's
swimming off to the _Pandora_, was dissipated by a letter from himself
to his mother, soon after his arrival in England, in which he
says:--'The question, my dear mother, in one of your letters,
concerning my swimming off to the _Pandora_, is one falsity among the
too many, in which I have often thought of undeceiving you, and as
frequently forgot. The story was this:--On the morning she arrived,
accompanied by two of my friends (natives), I was going up the
mountains, and having got about a hundred yards from my own house,
another of my friends (for I was an universal favourite among those
Indians, and perfectly conversant in their language) came running after
me, and informed me there was a ship coming. I immediately ascended a
rising ground, and saw, with indescribable joy, a ship laying-to off
Hapiano; it was just after daylight, and thinking Coleman might not be
awake, and therefore ignorant of this pleasing news, I sent one of my
servants to inform him of it, upon which he immediately went off in a
single canoe. There was a fresh breeze, and the ship working into the
bay; he no sooner got alongside than the rippling capsized the canoe,
and he being obliged to let go the tow-rope to get her righted, went
astern, and was picked up the next tack and taken on board the
_Pandora_, he being the first person. I, along with my messmate Stewart,
was then standing upon the beach with a double canoe, manned with twelve
paddles ready for launching; and just as she made her last tack into her
berth (for we did not think it requisite to go off sooner), we put off
and got alongside just as they streamed the buoy; and being dressed in
the country manner, tanned as brown as themselves, and I _tattooed_ like
them in the most curious manner, I do not in the least wonder at their
taking us for natives. I was tattooed, not to gratify my own desire, but
theirs; for it was my constant endeavour to acquiesce in any little
custom which I thought would be agreeable to them, though painful in the
process, provided I gained by it their friendship and esteem, which you
may suppose is no inconsiderable object in an island where the natives
are so numerous. The more a man or woman there is tattooed, the more
they are respected; and a person having none of these marks is looked
upon as bearing an unworthy badge of disgrace, and considered as a mere
outcast of society.'

Among the many anxious friends and family connexions of the Heywoods,
was Commodore Pasley, to whom this affectionate young lady addressed
herself on the melancholy occasion; and the following is the reply she
received from this officer.


     '_Sheerness, June 8th_, 1792.

     'Would to God, my dearest Nessy, that I could rejoice with you
     on the early prospect of your brother's arrival in England.
     One division of the _Pandora's_ people has arrived, and now on
     board the _Vengeance_ (my ship). Captain Edwards with the
     remainder, and all the prisoners late of the _Bounty_, in
     number ten (four having been drowned on the loss of that
     ship), are daily expected. They have been most rigorously and
     closely confined since taken, and will continue so, no doubt,
     till Bligh's arrival. You have no chance of seeing him, for
     no bail can be offered. Your intelligence of his swimming off
     on the _Pandoras_ arrival is not founded; a man of the name of
     Coleman swam off ere she anchored--your brother and Mr.
     Stewart the next day; this last youth, when the _Pandora_ was
     lost, refused to allow his irons to be taken off to save his
     life.

     'I cannot conceal it from you, my dearest Nessy, neither is it
     proper I should--your brother appears, by all accounts, to be
     the greatest culprit of all, Christian alone excepted. Every
     exertion, you may rest assured, I shall use to save his life,
     but on trial I have no hope of his not being condemned. Three
     of the ten who are expected are mentioned, in Bligh's
     narrative, as men detained against their inclination. Would to
     God your brother had been one of that number! I will not
     distress you more by enlarging on this subject; as
     intelligence arises on their arrival, you shall be made
     acquainted. Adieu! my dearest Nessy--present my affectionate
     remembrances to your mother and sisters, and believe me
     always, with the warmest affection,--Your uncle,

     THOS. PASLEY.'

How unlike is this from the letter of Bligh! while it frankly apprises
this amiable lady of the real truth of the case, without disguise, as it
was then understood to be from Mr. Bligh's representations, it assures
her of his best exertions to save her brother's life. Every reader of
sensibility will sympathise in the feeling displayed in her reply.


     '_Isle of Man, 22nd June_, 1792.

     'Harassed by the most torturing suspense, and miserably
     wretched as I have been, my dearest uncle, since the receipt
     of your last, conceive, if it is possible, the heartfelt joy
     and satisfaction we experienced yesterday morning, when, on
     the arrival of the packet, the dear delightful letter from our
     beloved Peter (a copy of which I send you enclosed) was
     brought to us. Surely, my excellent friend, you will agree
     with me in thinking there could not be a stronger proof of his
     innocence and worth, and that it must prejudice every person
     who reads it most powerfully in his favour. Such a letter in
     less distressful circumstances than those in which he writes,
     would, I am persuaded, reflect honour on the pen of a person
     much older than my poor brother. But when we consider his
     extreme youth (only sixteen at the time of the mutiny, and now
     but nineteen), his fortitude, patience, and manly resignation
     under the pressure of sufferings and misfortunes almost
     unheard of, and scarcely to be supported at any age, without
     the assistance of that which seems to be my dear brother's
     greatest comfort--- a quiet conscience, and a thorough
     conviction of his own innocence--when I add, at the same time,
     with real pleasure and satisfaction, that his relation
     corresponds in many particulars with the accounts we have
     hitherto heard of the fatal mutiny, and when I also add, with
     inconceivable pride and delight, that my beloved Peter never
     was known to breathe a syllable inconsistent with truth and
     honour;--when these circumstances, my dear uncle, are all
     united, what man on earth can doubt of the innocence which
     could dictate such a letter? In short, let it speak for him:
     the perusal of his artless and pathetic story will, I am
     persuaded, be a stronger recommendation in his favour than any
     thing I can urge.[13]

     'I need not tire your patience, my ever loved uncle, by
     dwelling longer on this subject (the dearest and most
     interesting on earth to my heart); let me conjure you only, my
     kind friend, to read it, and consider the innocence and
     defenceless situation of its unfortunate author, which calls
     for, and I am sure deserves, all the pity and assistance his
     friends can afford him, and which, I am sure also, the
     goodness and benevolence of your heart will prompt you to
     exert in his behalf. It is perfectly unnecessary for me to
     add, after the anxiety I feel, and cannot but express, that no
     benefit conferred upon myself will be acknowledged with half
     the gratitude I must ever feel for the smallest instance of
     kindness shown to my beloved Peter. Farewell, my dearest
     uncle. With the firmest reliance on your kind and generous
     promises, I am, ever with the truest gratitude and
     sincerity,--Your most affectionate niece,

     NESSY HEYWOOD.'




CHAPTER V

THE 'PANDORA'

     --O! I have suffer'd
     With those that I saw suffer! a brave vessel,
     Who had, no doubt, some noble creatures in her,
     Dash'd all to pieces. O, the cry did knock
     Against my very heart! Poor souls! they perish'd
     Had I been any god of power, I would
     Have sunk the sea within the earth, or e'er
     It should the good ship so have swallow'd, and
     The freighting souls within her.


The tide of public applause set as strongly in favour of Bligh, on
account of his sufferings and the successful issue of his daring
enterprise, as its indignation was launched against Christian and his
associates, for the audacious and criminal deed they had committed.
Bligh was promoted by the Admiralty to the rank of Commander, and
speedily sent out a second time to transport the bread-fruit to the West
Indies, which he without the least obstruction successfully
accomplished; and his Majesty's government were no sooner made
acquainted with the atrocious act of piracy and mutiny, than it
determined to adopt every possible means to apprehend and bring to
condign punishment the perpetrators of so foul a deed. For this
purpose, the _Pandora_ frigate, of twenty-four guns and one hundred and
sixty men, was despatched under the command of Captain Edward Edwards,
with orders to proceed, in the first instance, to Otaheite, and not
finding the mutineers there, to visit the different groups of the
Society and Friendly Islands, and others in the neighbouring parts of
the Pacific, using his best endeavours to seize and bring home in
confinement the whole or such part of the delinquents as he might be
able to discover.

This voyage was in the sequel almost as disastrous as that of the
_Bounty_, but from a different cause. The waste of human life was much
greater, occasioned by the wreck of the ship, and the distress
experienced by the crew not much less, owing to the famine and thirst
they had to suffer in a navigation of eleven hundred miles in open
boats; but the Captain succeeded in fulfilling a part of his
instructions, by taking fourteen of the mutineers, of whom ten were
brought safe to England, the other four being drowned when the ship was
wrecked.

The only published account of this voyage is contained in a small volume
by Mr. George Hamilton, the surgeon, who appears to have been a coarse,
vulgar, and illiterate man, more disposed to relate licentious scenes
and adventures, in which he and his companions were engaged, than to
give any information of proceedings and occurrences connected with the
main object of the voyage. From this book, therefore, much information
is not to be looked for. In a more modern publication, many abusive
epithets have been bestowed on Captain Edwards, and observations made on
the conduct of this officer highly injurious to his reputation, in
regard to his inhuman treatment of, and disgraceful acts of cruelty
towards, his prisoners, which it is to be feared have but too much
foundation in fact.

The account of his proceedings, rendered by himself to the Admiralty, is
vague and unsatisfactory; and had it not been for the journal of
Morrison, and a circumstantial letter of young Heywood to his mother, no
record would have remained of the unfeeling conduct of this officer
towards his unfortunate prisoners, who were treated with a rigour which
could not be justified on any ground of necessity or prudence.

The _Pandora_ anchored in Matavai Bay on the 23rd March 1791. Captain
Edwards, in his narrative, states that Joseph Coleman, the armourer of
the _Bounty_, attempted to come on board before the _Pandora_ had
anchored; that on reaching the ship, he began to make inquiries of him
after the _Bounty_ and her people, and that he seemed to be ready to
give him any information that was required; that the next who came on
board, just after the ship had anchored, were Mr. Peter Heywood and Mr.
Stewart, before any boat had been sent on shore; that they were brought
down to his cabin, when, after some conversation, Heywood asked if Mr.
Hayward (midshipman of the _Bounty_, but now lieutenant of the
_Pandora_) was on board, as he had heard that he was; that Lieutenant
Hayward, whom he sent for, treated Heywood. with a sort of contemptuous
look, and began to enter into conversation with him respecting the
_Bounty_; but Edwards ordered him to desist, and called in the sentinel
to take the prisoners into safe custody, and to put them in irons; that
four other mutineers soon made their appearance; and that, from them and
some of the natives, he learned that the rest of the _Bounty's_ people
had built a schooner, with which they had sailed the day before from
Matavai Bay to the north-west part of the island.

He goes on to say that, on this intelligence, he despatched the two
lieutenants, Corner and Hayward, with the pinnace and launch, to
endeavour to intercept her. They soon got sight of her and chased her
out to sea, but the schooner gained so much upon them, and night coming
on, they were compelled to give up the pursuit and return to the ship.
It was soon made known, however, that she had returned to Paparre, on
which they were again despatched in search of her. Lieutenant Corner had
taken three of the mutineers, and Hayward, on arriving at Paparre, found
the schooner there, but the mutineers had abandoned her and fled to the
mountains. He carried off the schooner, and returned next day, when he
learned they were not far off; and the following morning, on hearing
they were coming down, he drew up his party in order to receive them,
and when within hearing, called to them to lay down their arms and to go
on one side, which they did, when they were confined and brought as
prisoners to the ship.

The following were the persons received on Board the _Pandora_:

     PETER HEYWOOD              Midshipman.
     GEORGE STEWART                Ditto.
     JAMES MORRISON             Boatswain's mate.
     CHARLES NORMAN             Carpenter's mate.
     THOMAS M'INTOSH            Carpenter's crew.
     JOSEPH COLEMAN             Armourer.
     RICHARD SKINNER  }
     THOMAS ELLISON   }
     HENRY HILLBRANT  }
     THOMAS BURKITT   }         Seamen.
     JOHN MILLWARD    }
     JOHN SUMNER      }
     WILLIAM MUSPRATT }
     MICHAEL BYRNE    }

In all fourteen. The other two, which made up the sixteen that had been
left on the island, were murdered, as will appear presently.

Captain Edwards will himself explain how he disposed of his prisoners.
'I put the pirates,' he says, 'into a round-house which I built on the
after part of the quarter-deck, for their more effectual security in
this airy and healthy situation, and to separate them from, and to
prevent their having communication with, or to crowd and incommode, the
ship's company.' Dr. Hamilton calls it the most desirable place in the
ship, and adds, that 'orders were given that the prisoners should be
victualled, in every respect, the same as the ship's company, both in
meat, liquor, and all the extra indulgences with which they were so
liberally supplied, notwithstanding the established laws of the service,
which restrict prisoners to two-thirds allowance; but Captain Edwards
very humanely commiserated their unhappy and inevitable length of
confinement.' Mr. Morrison, one of the prisoners, gives a very different
account of their treatment from that of Edwards or Hamilton. He says
that Captain Edwards put both legs of the two midshipmen in irons, and
that he branded them with the opprobrious epithet of 'piratical
villains': that they, with the rest, being strongly handcuffed, were put
into a kind of round-house only eleven feet long, built as a prison, and
aptly named '_Pandora's_ Box,' which was entered by a scuttle in the
roof, about eighteen inches square. This was done in order that they
might be kept separate from the crew, and also the more effectually to
prevent them from having any communication with the natives; that such
of those friendly creatures as ventured to look pitifully towards them
were instantly turned out of the ship, and never again allowed to come
on board. But two sentinels were kept constantly upon the roof of the
prison, with orders to shoot the first of its inmates who should attempt
to address another in the Otaheitan dialect.

That Captain Edwards took every precaution to keep his prisoners in safe
custody, and place them in confinement, as by his instructions he was
directed to do, may be well imagined,[14] but Mr. Morrison will
probably be thought to go somewhat beyond credibility in stating that
orders were given 'to _shoot_ any of the prisoners,' when confined in
irons. Captain Edwards must have known that such an act would have cost
him his commission or something more. The fact is, that information was
given to Edwards, at least he so asserts, by the brother of the King of
Otaheite, an intelligent chief, that a conspiracy was formed among the
natives to cut the ship's cables the first strong wind that should blow
on the shore, which was considered to be the more probable, as many of
the prisoners were said to be married to the most respectable chiefs'
daughters in the district opposite to the anchorage; that the midshipman
Stewart, in particular, had married the daughter of a man of great
landed property near Matavai Bay. This intelligence, no doubt, weighed
with the Captain in giving his orders for the close confinement of the
prisoners; and particularly in restricting the visits of the natives;
but so far is it from being true that all communication between the
mutineers and the natives was cut off, that we are distinctly told by
Mr. Hamilton, that 'the prisoners' wives visited the ship daily, and
brought their children, who were permitted to be carried to their
unhappy fathers. To see the poor captives in irons,' he says, 'weeping
over their tender offspring, was too moving a scene for any feeling
heart, Their wives brought them ample supplies of every delicacy that
the country afforded, while we lay there, and behaved with the greatest
fidelity and affection to them.'[15]

Of the fidelity and attachment of these simple-minded creatures an
instance is afforded in the affecting story which is told, in the first
_Missionary Voyage of the Duff_, of the unfortunate wife of the reputed
mutineer Mr. Stewart. It would seem also to exonerate Edwards from some
part of the charges which have been brought against him.

'The history of Peggy Stewart marks a tenderness of heart that never
will be heard without emotion: she was the daughter of a chief, and
taken for his wife by Mr. Stewart, one of the unhappy mutineers. They
had lived with the old chief in the most tender state of endearment; a
beautiful little girl had been the fruit of their union, and was at the
breast when the _Pandora_ arrived, seized the criminals, and secured
them in irons on board the ship. Frantic with grief, the unhappy Peggy
(for so he had named her) flew with her infant in a canoe to the arms of
her husband. The interview was so affecting and afflicting, that the
officers on board were overwhelmed with anguish, and Stewart himself,
unable to bear the heartrending scene, begged she might not be admitted
again on board. She was separated from him by violence, and conveyed on
shore in a state of despair and grief too big for utterance. Withheld
from him, and forbidden to come any more on board, she sunk into the
deepest dejection; it preyed on her vitals; she lost all relish for food
and life, rejoiced no more, pined under a rapid decay of two months, and
fell a victim to her feelings, dying literally of a broken heart. Her
child is yet alive, and the tender object of our care, having been
brought up by a sister, who nursed it as her own, and has discharged all
the duties of an affectionate mother to the orphan infant.'[16]

It does not appear that young Heywood formed any matrimonial engagement
during his abode in Otaheite. He was not, however, insensible to the
amiable and good qualities of these people. In some laudatory verses
which he wrote while on the island, their numerous good qualities are
spoken of in terms of the highest commendation.

All the mutineers that were left on the island being received on board
the _Pandora_, that ship proceeded in search of those who had gone away
in the _Bounty_. It may be mentioned, however, that two of the most
active in the mutiny, Churchill and Thompson, had perished on the island
before her arrival, by violent deaths. These two men had accompanied a
chief, who was the _tayo_, or sworn friend, of Churchill, and having
died without children, this mutineer succeeded to his property and
dignity, according to the custom of the country. Thompson, for some real
or fancied insult, took an opportunity of shooting his companion. The
natives assembled, and came to a resolution to avenge the murder, and
literally stoned Thompson to death, and his skull was brought on board
the _Pandora_. This horrible wretch had some time before slain a man and
a child through mere wantonness, but escaped punishment by a mistake
that had nearly proved fatal to young Heywood. It seems that the
description of a person in Otaheite is usually given by some
distinguishing figure of the _tattoo_, and Heywood, having the same
marks as Thompson, was taken for him; and just as the club was raised to
dash out his brains, the interposition of an old chief, with whom he was
travelling round the island, was just in time to avert the blow.

Captain Edwards had no clue to guide him as to the route taken by the
_Bounty_, but he learnt from different people and from journals kept on
board that ship, which were found in the chests of the mutineers at
Otaheite, the proceedings of Christian and his associates after
Lieutenant Bligh and his companions had been turned adrift in the
launch. From these it appears that the pirates proceeded in the first
instance to the island of Toobouai, in lat. 20 deg. 13' S., long. 149 deg. 35'
W., where they anchored on the 25th May, 1789. They had thrown overboard
the greater part of the bread-fruit plants, and divided among themselves
the property of the officers and men who had been so inhumanly turned
adrift. At this island they intended to form a settlement, but the
opposition of the natives, the want of many necessary materials, and
quarrels among themselves, determined them to go to Otaheite to procure
what might be required to effect their purpose, provided they should
agree to prosecute their original intention. They accordingly sailed
from Toobouai about the latter end of the month, and arrived at Otaheite
on the 6th June. The Otoo, or reigning sovereign, and other principal
natives, were very inquisitive and anxious to know what had become of
Lieutenant Bligh and the rest of the crew, and also what had been done
with the bread-fruit plants? They were told they had most unexpectedly
fallen in with Captain Cook at an island he had just discovered, called
Whytootakee, where he intended to form a settlement, and where the
plants had been landed; and that Lieutenant Bligh and the others were
stopping there to assist Captain Cook in the business he had in hand,
and that he had appointed Mr. Christian commander of the _Bounty_; and
that he was now come by his orders for an additional supply of hogs,
goats, fowls, bread-fruit, and various other articles which Otaheite
could supply.

This artful story was quite sufficient to impose on the credulity of
these humane and simple-minded islanders; and so overcome with joy were
they to hear that their old friend Captain Cook was alive, and about to
settle so near them, that every possible means were forthwith made use
of to procure the things that were wanted; so that in the course of a
very few days the _Bounty_ received on board three hundred and twelve
hogs, thirty-eight goats, eight dozen of fowls, a bull and a cow, and a
large quantity of bread-fruit, plantains, bananas, and other fruits.
They also took with them eight men, nine women, and seven boys. With
these supplies they left Otaheite on the 19th June, and arrived a second
time at Toobouai on the 26th. They warped the ship up the harbour,
landed the live stock, and set about building a fort of fifty yards
square.

While this work was carrying on, quarrels and disagreements were daily
happening among them, and continual disputes and skirmishes were taking
place with the natives, generally brought on by the violent conduct of
the invaders, and by depredations committed on their property.
Retaliations were attempted by the natives without success, numbers of
whom being pursued with fire-arms were put to death. Still the situation
of the mutineers became so disagreeable and unsafe, the work went on so
slowly and reluctantly, that the building of the fort was agreed to be
discontinued. Christian, in fact, had very soon perceived that his
authority was on the wane, and that no peaceful establishment was likely
to be accomplished at Toobouai; he therefore held a consultation as to
what would be the most advisable step to take. After much angry
discussion, it was at length determined that Toobouai should be
abandoned; that the ship should once more be taken to Otaheite; and that
those who might choose to go on shore there might do so, and those who
preferred to remain in the ship might proceed in her to whatever place
they should agree upon among themselves.

In consequence of this determination they sailed from Toobouai on the
15th, and arrived at Matavai Bay on the 20th September, 1789. Here
sixteen of the mutineers were put on shore, at their own request,
fourteen of whom were received on board the _Pandora_, and two of them,
as before mentioned, were murdered on the island. The remaining nine
agreed to continue in the _Bounty_. The small arms, powder, canvas, and
the small stores belonging to the ship, were equally divided among the
whole crew. The _Bounty_ sailed finally from Otaheite on the night of
the 21st September, and was last seen the following morning to the
north-west of Point Venus. They took with them seven Otaheitan men and
twelve women. It was not even conjectured whither they meant to go; but
Christian had frequently been heard to say, that his object was to
discover some unknown or uninhabited island, in which there was no
harbour for shipping; that he would run the _Bounty_ on shore, and make
use of her materials to form a settlement; but this was the only
account, vague as it was, that could be procured to direct Captain
Edwards in his intended search.

It appears that when the schooner, of which we have spoken, had been
finished, six of the fourteen mutineers that were left on Otaheite
embarked in her, with the intention of proceeding to the East Indies,
and actually put to sea; but meeting with bad weather, and suspecting
the nautical abilities of Morrison, whom they had elected as commanding
officer, to conduct her in safety, they resolved on returning to
Otaheite. Morrison, it seems, first undertook the construction of this
schooner, being himself a tolerable mechanic, in which he was assisted
by the two carpenters, the cooper, and some others. To this little band
of architects, we are told, Morrison acted both as director and
chaplain, distinguishing the Sabbath day by reading to them the Church
Liturgy, and hoisting the British colours on a flagstaff erected near
the scene of their operations. Conscious of his innocence, his object is
stated to have been that of reaching Batavia in time to secure a passage
home in the next fleet bound to Holland; but that their return was
occasioned, not by any distrust of Morrison's talents, but by a refusal,
on the part of the natives, to give them a sufficient quantity of
matting and other necessaries for so long a voyage, being, in fact,
desirous of retaining them on the island. Stewart and young Heywood took
no part in this transaction, having made up their minds to remain at
Otaheite, and there to await the arrival of a king's ship, it being
morally certain that ere long one would be sent out thither to search
for them, whatever might have been the fate of Bligh and his companions;
and that this was really their intention is evident by the alacrity they
displayed in getting on board the _Pandora_, the moment of her arrival.

On the 8th of May, this frigate left Otaheite, accompanied by the little
schooner which the mutineers had built, and the history of which is
somewhat remarkable. In point of size she was not a great deal larger
than Lieutenant Bligh's launch, her dimensions being thirty feet length
of keel; thirty-five feet length on deck; nine feet and a half extreme
breadth; five feet depth of the hold. She parted from the _Pandora_ near
the Palmerston Islands, when searching for the _Bounty_, and was not
heard of till the arrival of the _Pandora's_ crew at Samarang, in Java,
where they found her lying at anchor, the crew having suffered so
dreadfully from famine and the want of water, that one of the young
gentlemen belonging to her became delirious. She was a remarkably swift
sailer, and, being afterwards employed in the sea-otter trade, is stated
to have made one of the quickest passages ever known from China to the
Sandwich Islands. This memorable little vessel was purchased at Canton
by the late Captain Broughton, to assist him in surveying the coast of
Tartary, and became the means of preserving the crew of his Majesty's
ship _Providence_, amounting to one hundred and twelve men, when wrecked
to the eastward of Formosa, in the year 1797.

The _Pandora_ called at numerous islands without success, but on
Lieutenant Corner having landed on one of the Palmerston's group, he
found a yard and some spars with the broad arrow upon them, and marked
_Bounty_. This induced the captain to cause a very minute search to be
made in all these islands, in the course of which the _Pandora_, being
driven out to sea by blowing weather, and very thick and hazy, lost
sight of the little tender and a jolly boat, the latter of which was
never more heard of. This gives occasion to a little splenetic effusion
from a writer in a periodical journal,[17] which was hardly called for,
'When this boat,' says the writer, 'with a midshipman and several men
(four), had been inhumanly ordered from alongside, it was known that
there was nothing in her but one piece of salt-beef, compassionately
thrown in by a seaman; and horrid as must have been their fate, the
flippant surgeon, after detailing the disgraceful fact, adds--"that this
is the way the world was peopled"--or words to that effect, for we quote
only from memory.' The following is quoted from the book:--

'It may be difficult to surmise,' says the surgeon, 'what has been the
fate of those unfortunate men. They had a piece of salt-beef thrown into
the boat to them on leaving the ship; and it rained a good deal that
night and the following day, which might satiate their thirst. It is by
these accidents the Divine Ruler of the universe has peopled the
southern hemisphere.' This is no more than asserting an acknowledged
fact that can hardly admit of a dispute, and there appears nothing in
the paragraph which at all affects the character of Captain Edwards,
against whom it is levelled.

After a fruitless search of three months, the _Pandora_ arrived, on the
29th August, on the coast of New Holland, and close to that
extraordinary reef of coral rocks called the 'Barrier Reef,' which runs
along the greater part of the eastern coast, but at a considerable
distance from it. The boat had been sent out to look for an opening,
which was soon discovered, but in the course of the night the ship had
drifted past it. 'On getting soundings,' says Captain Edwards, in his
narrative laid before the court-martial, 'the topsails were filled; but
before the tacks were hauled on board and other sail made and trimmed,
the ship struck upon a reef; we had a quarter less two fathoms on the
larboard side, and three fathoms on the starboard side; the sails were
braced about different ways to endeavour to get her off, but to no
purpose; they were then clewed up and afterwards furled, the top-gallant
yards got down and the top-gallant masts struck. Boats were hoisted out
with a view to carry out an anchor, but before that could be effected
the ship struck so violently on the reef, that the carpenter reported
she made eighteen inches of water in five minutes; and in five minutes
after this, that there were four feet of water in the hold. Finding the
leak increasing so fast, it was thought necessary to turn the hands to
the pumps, and to bail at the different hatchways; but she still
continued to gain upon us so fast, that in little more than an hour and
a half after she struck, there were eight feet and a half of water in
the hold. About ten we perceived that the ship had beaten over the reef,
and was in ten fathoms water; we therefore let go the small bower
anchor, cleared away a cable, and let go the best bower anchor in
fifteen and a half fathoms water under foot, to steady the ship. Some
of her guns were thrown overboard, and the water gained upon us only in
a small degree, and we flattered ourselves that by the assistance of a
thrummed topsail, which we were preparing to haul under the ship's
bottom, we might be able to lessen the leak, and to free her of water:
but these flattering hopes did not continue long; for, as she settled in
the water, the leak increased again, and in so great a degree, that
there was reason to apprehend she would sink before daylight. During the
night two of the pumps were unfortunately for some time rendered
useless; one of them, however, was repaired, and we continued baling and
pumping the remainder of the night; and every effort that was thought of
was made to keep afloat and preserve the ship. Daylight fortunately
appeared, and gave us the opportunity of seeing our situation and the
surrounding danger, and it was evident the ship had been carried to the
northward by a tide or current.

'The officers, whom I had consulted on the subject of our situation,
gave it as their opinion that nothing more could be done for the
preservation of the ship; it then became necessary to endeavour to
provide and to find means for the preservation of the people. Our four
boats, which consisted of one launch, one eight-oared pinnace, and two
six-oared yawls, with careful hands in them, were kept astern of the
ship; a small quantity of bread, water, and other necessary articles,
were put into them; two canoes, which we had on board, were lashed
together and put into the water; rafts were made, and all floating
things upon deck were unlashed.

'About half-past six in the morning of the 29th the hold was full, and
the water was between decks, and it also washed in at the upper deck
ports, and there were strong indications that the ship was on the very
point of sinking, and we began to leap overboard and take to the boats,
and before everybody could get out of her she actually sunk. The boats
continued astern of the ship in the direction of the drift of the tide
from her, and took up the people that had hold of rafts and other
floating things that had been cast loose, for the purpose of supporting
them on the water. The double canoe, that was able to support a
considerable number of men, broke adrift with only one man, and was
bulged upon a reef, and afforded us no assistance when she was so much
wanted on this trying and melancholy occasion. Two of the boats were
laden with men and sent to a small sandy island (or key) about four
miles from the wreck; and I remained near the ship for some time with
the other two boats, and picked up all the people that could be seen,
and then followed the two first boats to the key; and having landed the
men and cleared the boats, they were immediately despatched again to
look about the wreck and the adjoining reef for any that might be
missing, but they returned without having found a single person. On
mustering the people that were saved, it appeared that eighty-nine of
the ship's company, and ten of the mutineers that had been prisoners on
board, answered to their names; but thirty-one of the ship's company,
and four mutineers, were lost with the ship.'

It is remarkable enough that so little notice is taken of the mutineers
in this narrative of the captain; and as the following statement is
supposed to come from the late Lieutenant Corner, who was second
lieutenant of the _Pandora_, it is entitled to be considered as
authentic, and if so, Captain Edwards must have deserved the character,
ascribed to him, of being altogether destitute of the common feelings of
humanity.

'Three of the _Bounty's_ people, Coleman, Norman, and M'Intosh, were now
let out of irons, and sent to work at the pumps. The others offered
their assistance, and begged to be allowed a chance of saving their
lives; instead of which, two additional sentinels were placed over them,
with orders to shoot any who should attempt to get rid of their fetters.
Seeing no prospect of escape, they betook themselves to prayer, and
prepared to meet their fate, every one expecting that the ship would
soon go to pieces, her rudder and part of the stern-post being already
beat away.'

When the ship was actually sinking, and every effort making for the
preservation of the crew, it is asserted that 'no notice was taken of
the prisoners, as is falsely stated by the author of the _Pandora's
Voyage_, although Captain Edwards was entreated by Mr. Heywood to have
mercy upon them, when he passed over their prison, to make his own
escape, the ship then lying on her broadside, with the larboard bow
completely under water. Fortunately the master-at-arms, either by
accident or design, when slipping from the roof of "_Pandora's_ Box"
into the sea, let the keys of the irons fall through the scuttle or
entrance, which he had just before opened, and thus enabled them to
commence their own liberation, in which they were generously assisted,
at the imminent risk of his own life, by William Moulter, a boatswain's
mate, who clung to the coamings, and pulled the long bars through the
shackles, saying he would set them free, or go to the bottom with them.

'Scarcely was this effected when the ship went down, leaving nothing
visible but the top-mast cross-trees. The master-at-arms and all the
sentinels sunk to rise no more. The cries of them and the other drowning
men were awful in the extreme; and more than half an hour had elapsed
before the survivors could be taken up by the boats. Among the former
were Mr. Stewart, John Sumner, Richard Skinner, and Henry Hillbrant, the
whole of whom perished with their hands still in manacles.

'On this melancholy occasion Mr. Heywood was the last person but three
who escaped from the prison, into which the water had already found its
way through the bulk-head scuttles. Jumping overboard, he seized a
plank, and was swimming towards a small sandy quay (key) about three
miles distant, when a boat picked him up, and conveyed him thither in a
state of nudity. It is worthy of remark, that James Morrison
endeavoured to follow his young companion's example, and, although
handcuffed, managed to keep afloat until a boat came to his assistance.'

This account would appear almost incredible. It is true men are
sometimes found to act the part of inhuman monsters, but then they are
generally actuated by some motive or extraordinary excitement; here,
however, there was neither; but on the contrary, the condition of the
poor prisoners appealed most forcibly to the mercy and humanity of their
jailor. The surgeon of the ship states, in his account of her loss, that
as soon as the spars, booms, hen-coops, and other buoyant articles were
cut loose, 'the prisoners were ordered to be let out of irons.' One
would imagine, indeed, that the officers on this dreadful emergency
would not be witness to such inhumanity, without remonstrating
effectually against keeping these unfortunate men confined a moment
beyond the period when it became evident that the ship must sink. It
will be seen, however, presently, from Mr. Heywood's own statement, that
they were so kept, and that the brutal and unfeeling conduct which has
been imputed to Captain Edwards is but too true.

It is an awful moment when a ship takes her last heel, just before going
down. When the _Pandora_ sunk, the surgeon says, 'the crew had just time
to leap overboard, accompanying it with a most dreadful yell. The cries
of the men drowning in the water was at first awful in the extreme; but
as they sunk and became faint, they died away by degrees.' How
accurately has Byron described the whole progress of a shipwreck to the
final catastrophe! He might have been a spectator of the _Pandora_, at
the moment of her foundering, when

     She gave a heel, and then a lurch to port,
     And, going down head foremost--sunk....

     Then rose from sea to sky the wild farewell--
       Then shriek'd the timid and stood still the brave--
     Then some leap'd overboard with dreadful yell,
       As eager to anticipate their grave;
     And the sea yawn'd around her like a hell,
       And down she suck'd with her the whirling wave,
     Like one who grapples with his enemy,
     And strives to strangle him before he die.

     And first one universal shriek there rush'd,
       Louder than the loud ocean, like a crash
     Of echoing thunder; and then all was hush'd,
       Save the wild wind and the remorseless dash
     Of billows; but at intervals there gush'd,
       Accompanied with a convulsive splash,
     A solitary shriek, the bubbling cry
     Of some strong swimmer in his agony.

On the sandy key which fortunately presented itself, the shipwrecked
seamen hauled up the boats, to repair those that were damaged, and to
stretch canvas round the gunwales, the better to keep out the sea from
breaking into them. The heat of the sun and the reflection from the sand
are described as excruciating, and the thirst of the men was rendered
intolerable, from their stomachs being filled with salt water in the
length of time they had to swim before being picked up. Mr. Hamilton
says they were greatly disturbed in the night, by the irregular
behaviour of one of the seamen, named Connell, which made them suspect
he had got drunk with some wine that had been saved; but it turned out
that the excruciating torture he suffered from thirst had induced him to
drink salt water; 'by which means he went mad, and died in the sequel of
the voyage.' It seems, a small keg of water, and some biscuits, had been
thrown into one of the boats, which they found, by calculation, would be
sufficient to last sixteen days, on an allowance of two wine-glasses of
water per day to each man, and a very small quantity of bread, the
weight of which was accurately ascertained by a musket-ball, and a pair
of wooden scales made for each boat.

The crew and the prisoners were now distributed among the four boats. At
Bligh's 'Mountainous Island,' they entered a bay where swarms of natives
came down and made signs for their landing; but this they declined to
do; on which an arrow was discharged and struck one of the boats; and as
the savages were seen to be collecting their bows and arrows, a volley
of muskets, a few of which happened to be in the boats, was discharged,
which put them to flight. While sailing among the islands and near the
shore, they now and then stopped to pick up a few oysters, and procure a
little fresh water. On the 2nd September, they passed the north-west
point of New Holland, and launched into the great Indian Ocean, having a
voyage of about a thousand miles still to perform.

It will be recollected that Captain Bligh's people received warmth and
comfort by wringing out their clothes in salt-water. The same practice
was adopted by the crews of the _Pandora's_ boats; but the doctor
observes, that 'this wetting their bodies with salt water is not
advisable, if protracted beyond three or four days, as, after that time,
the great absorption from the skin that takes place, taints the fluids
with the bitter part of salt water, so that the saliva becomes
intolerable in the mouth.' Their mouths, indeed, he says, became so
parched, that few attempted to eat the slender allowance of bread. He
also remarks, that as the sufferings of the people continued, their
temper became cross and savage. In the captain's boat, it is stated, one
of the mutineers took to praying; but that 'the captain, suspecting the
purity of his doctrines, and unwilling that he should have a monopoly of
the business, gave prayers himself.'

On the 13th, they saw the island of Timor, and the next morning landed
and got some water, and a few small fish from the natives; and on the
night of the 15th, anchored opposite the fort of Coupang. Nothing could
exceed the kindness and hospitality of the governor and other Dutch
officers of this settlement, in affording every possible assistance and
relief in their distressed condition. Having remained here three weeks,
they embarked on the 6th October, on board the _Rembang_ Dutch Indiaman,
and on the 30th, anchored at Samarang, where they were agreeably
surprised to find their little Tender, which they had so long given up
for lost. On the 7th November they arrived at Batavia, where Captain
Edwards agreed with the Dutch East India Company, to divide the whole
of the ship's company and prisoners among four of their ships proceeding
to Europe. The latter the captain took with him in the _Vreedenburgh_;
but finding his Majesty's ship _Gorgon_ at the Cape, he transhipped
himself and prisoners, and proceeded in her to Spithead, where he
arrived on the 19th June, 1792.

Captain Edwards, in his meagre narrative, takes no more notice of his
prisoners with regard to the mode in which they were disposed of at
Coupang and Batavia, than he does when the _Pandora_ went down. In fact,
he suppresses all information respecting them, from the day in which
they were consigned to '_Pandora's_ Box.' From this total indifference
towards these unfortunate men, and their almost unparalleled sufferings,
Captain Edwards must be set down as a man, whose only feeling was to
stick to the letter of his instructions, and rigidly to adhere to what
he considered the strict line of his duty; that he was a man of a cold
phlegmatic disposition, whom no distress could move, and whose feelings
were not easily disturbed by the sufferings of his fellow-creatures. He
appears to have been one of those mortals, who might say, with Manfred--

     My spirit walk'd not with the souls of men;

            *       *       *       *       *

     My joys, my griefs, my passions, and my powers,
     Made me a stranger; though I wore the form,
     I had no sympathy with breathing flesh!

There seems to have been a general feeling at and before the
court-martial, that Captain Edwards had exercised a harsh, unnecessary,
and undue degree of severity on his prisoners. It is the custom,
sanctioned no doubt by long usage, to place in irons all such as may
have been guilty of mutiny in a ship of war, and the necessity of so
doing is obvious enough--to prevent, in the most effectual manner,
communication with the rest of the ship's company, who might be
contaminated by their intercourse with such mischievous and designing
men; men whose crime is of that dye, that, if found guilty, they have
little hope to escape the punishment of death, to which a mutineer must,
by the naval articles of war, be sentenced; no alternative being left to
a court-martial, in such a case, but to pronounce a sentence of
acquittal or of death.

In the present case, however, most of the prisoners had surrendered
themselves; many of them had taken no active part in the mutiny; and
others had been forcibly compelled to remain in the ship. It was not
likely, therefore, that any danger could arise from indulging them
occasionally, and in turns, with a few hours of fresh air on deck. As
little danger was there of their escaping; where indeed could they
escape to--especially when the ship was going down, at a great distance
from any shore, and the nearest one known to be inhabited by savages?
All or most of them were desirous of getting home, and throwing
themselves on God and their country. The captain, however, had no
'compunctious visitings of nature' to shake his purpose, which seems to
have been, to keep them strictly in irons during the whole passage, and
to deliver them over in that state on his arrival in England.

Perhaps the circumstance of the crime of piracy, being superadded to
that of mutiny, may have operated on his stern nature, and induced him
to inflict a greater severity of punishment than he might otherwise have
done, and which he certainly did far beyond the letter and spirit of his
instructions. He might have considered that, in all ages and among all
nations, with the exception of some of the Greek states,[18] piracy has
been held in the utmost abhorrence, and those guilty of it treated with
singular and barbarous severity; and that the most sanguinary laws were
established for the protection of person and property in maritime
adventure. The laws of Oleron, which were composed under the immediate
direction of our Richard I., and became the common usage among maritime
states, whose vessels passed through British seas, are conceived in a
spirit of the most barbarous cruelty.[19] Thus, if a poor pilot, through
ignorance, lost the vessel, he was either required to make full
satisfaction to the merchant for damages sustained, or to lose his head.
In the case of wrecks, where the lord of the coast (something like our
present vice-admiral) should be found to be in league with the pilots,
and run the ships on rocks, in order to get salvage, the said lord, the
salvers, and all concerned, are declared to be accursed and
excommunicated, and punished as thieves and robbers; and the pilot
condemned to be hanged upon a high gibbet, which is to abide and remain
to succeeding ages, on the place where erected, as a visible caution to
other ships sailing thereby. Nor was the fate of the lord of the coast
less severe,--his property was to be confiscated, and himself fastened
to a post in the midst of his own mansion, which being fired at the four
corners, were all to be burned together; the walls thereof demolished;
and the spot on which it stood be converted into a market-place, for the
sale only of hogs and swine, to all posterity.

These and many other barbarous usages were transferred into the
institutions of Wisbuy, which formed the _jus mercatorum_ for a long
period, and in which great care was taken for the security of ships
against their crews. Among other articles are the following.--Whoever
draws a sword upon the master of a vessel, or wilfully falsifies the
compass, shall have his right hand nailed to the mast.--Whoever behaves
riotously shall be punished by being keel-hauled.--Whoever is guilty of
rebellion (or mutiny) shall be thrown overboard.

For the suppression of piracy, the Portuguese, in their early
intercourse with India, had a summary punishment, and accompanied it
with a terrible example to deter others from the commission of the
crime. Whenever they took a pirate ship, they instantly hanged every
man, carried away the sails, rudder, and everything that was valuable in
the ship, and left her to be buffeted about by the winds and the waves,
with the carcasses of the criminals dangling from the yards, a horrid
object of terror to all who might chance to fall in with her. Even to
this day, a spice of the laws of Oleron still remains in the maritime
code of European nations, as far as regards mutiny and piracy; and a
feeling of this kind may have operated on the mind of Captain Edwards,
especially as a tendency even to mutiny, or mutinous expressions, are
considered, by the usage of the service, as justifying the commander of
a ship of war to put the offenders in irons. Besides, the treatment of
Bligh, whose admirable conduct under the unparalleled sufferings of
himself and all who accompanied him in the open boat, had roused the
people of England to the highest pitch of indignation against Christian
and his associates, in which Edwards no doubt participated.

The following letter of Mr. Peter Heywood to his mother removes all
doubt as to the character and conduct of this officer. It is an artless
and pathetic tale, and, as his amiable sister says, 'breathes not a
syllable inconsistent with truth and honour.'

     '_Batavia, November 20th_, 1791.

     'MY EVER-HONOURED AND DEAREST MOTHER,--At length the time has
     arrived when you are once more to hear from your ill-fated
     son, whose conduct at the capture of that ship, in which it
     was my fortune to embark, has, I fear, from what has since
     happened to me, been grossly misrepresented to you by
     Lieutenant Bligh, who, by not knowing the real cause of my
     remaining on board, naturally suspected me, unhappily for me,
     to be a coadjutor in the mutiny; but I never, to my knowledge,
     whilst under his command, behaved myself in a manner
     unbecoming the station I occupied, nor so much as even
     entertained a thought derogatory to his honour, so as to give
     him the least grounds for entertaining an opinion of me so
     ungenerous and undeserved; for I flatter myself he cannot give
     a character of my conduct, whilst I was under his tuition,
     that could merit the slightest scrutiny. Oh! my dearest
     mother, I hope you have not so easily credited such an account
     of me; do but let me vindicate my conduct, and declare to you
     the true cause of my remaining in the ship, and you will then
     see how little I deserve censure, and how I have been injured
     by so gross an aspersion. I shall then give you a short and
     cursory account of what has happened to me since; but I am
     afraid to say a hundredth part of what I have got in store,
     for I am not allowed the use of writing materials, if known,
     so that this is done by stealth; but if it should ever come to
     your hands, it will, I hope, have the desired effect of
     removing your uneasiness on my account, when I assure you,
     before the face of God, of my innocence of what is laid to my
     charge. How I came to remain on board was thus:--

     'The morning the ship was taken, it being my watch below,
     happening to awake just after daylight, and looking out of my
     hammock, I saw a man sitting upon the arm-chest in the main
     hatchway, with a drawn cutlass in his hand, the reason of
     which I could not divine; so I got out of bed and inquired of
     him what was the cause of it. He told me that Mr. Christian,
     assisted by some of the ship's company had seized the captain
     and put him in confinement; had taken the command of the ship
     and meant to carry Bligh home a prisoner, in order to try him
     by court-martial, for his long tyrannical and oppressive
     conduct to his people. I was quite thunderstruck; and hurrying
     into my berth again, told one of my messmates, whom I awakened
     out of his sleep, what had happened. Then dressing myself, I
     went up the fore-hatchway, and saw what he had told me was but
     too true; and again, I asked some of the people, who were
     under arms, what was going to be done with the captain, who
     was then on the larboard side of the quarter-deck, with his
     hands tied behind his back, and Mr. Christian alongside him
     with a pistol and drawn bayonet. I now heard a very different
     story, and that the captain was to be sent ashore to Tofoa in
     the launch, and that those who would not join Mr. Christian
     might either accompany the captain, or would be taken in irons
     to Otaheite and left there. The relation of two stories so
     different, left me unable to judge which could be the true
     one; but seeing them hoisting the boats out, it seemed to
     prove the latter.

     'In this trying situation, young and inexperienced as I was,
     and without an adviser (every person being as it were
     infatuated, and not knowing what to do), I remained for awhile
     a silent spectator of what was going on; and after revolving
     the matter in my mind, I determined to choose what I thought
     the lesser of two evils and stay by the ship; for I had no
     doubt that those who went on shore, in the launch, would be
     put to death by the savage natives, whereas the Otaheitans
     being a humane and generous race, one might have a hope of
     being kindly received, and remain there until the arrival of
     some ship, which seemed, to silly me, the most consistent with
     reason and rectitude.

     'While this resolution possessed my mind, at the same time
     lending my assistance to hoist out the boats, the hurry and
     confusion affairs were in, and thinking my intention just, I
     never thought of going to Mr. Bligh for advice; besides, what
     confirmed me in it was, my seeing two experienced officers,
     when ordered into the boat by Mr. Christian, desire his
     permission to remain in the ship (one of whom, my own
     messmate, Mr. Hayward), and I being assisting to clear the
     launch of yams, he asked me what I intended to do? I told
     him, to remain in the ship. Now this answer, I imagine, he has
     told Mr, Bligh I made to him; from which, together with my not
     speaking to him that morning, his suspicions of me have
     arisen, construing my conduct into what is foreign to my
     nature.

     'Thus, my dearest mother, it was all owing to my youth and
     unadvised inexperience, but has been interpreted into villany
     and disregard of my country's laws, the ill effects of which I
     at present, and still am to, labour under for some months
     longer. And now, after what I have asserted, I may still once
     more retrieve my injured reputation, be again reinstated in
     the affection and favour of the most tender of mothers, and be
     still considered as her ever dutiful son.

     'I was not undeceived in my erroneous decision till too late,
     which was after the captain was in the launch; for while I was
     talking to the master-at-arms, one of the ringleaders in the
     affair, my other messmate whom I had left in his hammock in
     the berth (Mr. Stewart), came up to me, and asked me, if I was
     not going in the launch? I replied, No--upon which he told me
     not to think of such a thing as remaining behind, but take his
     advice and go down below with him to get a few necessary
     things, and make haste to go with him into the launch; adding
     that, by remaining in the ship, I should incur an equal share
     of guilt with the mutineers themselves. I reluctantly followed
     his advice--I say _reluctantly_, because I knew no better, and
     was foolish; and the boat swimming very deep in the
     water--the land being far distant--the thoughts of being
     sacrificed by the natives--and the self-consciousness of my
     first intention being just--all these considerations almost
     staggered my resolution; however, I preferred my companion's
     judgement to my own, and we both jumped down the main-hatchway
     to prepare ourselves for the boat--but, no sooner were we in
     the berth, than the master-at-arms ordered the sentry to keep
     us both in the berth till he should receive orders to release
     us. We desired the master-at-arms to acquaint Mr. Bligh of our
     intention, which we had reason to think he never did, nor were
     we permitted to come on deck until the launch was a long way
     astern. I now, when too late, saw my error.

     'At the latter end of May, we got to an island to the
     southward of Taheite, called Tooboui, where they intended to
     make a settlement, but finding no stock there of any kind,
     they agreed to go to Taheite, and, after procuring hogs and
     fowls, to return to Tooboui and remain. So, on the 6th June,
     we arrived at Taheite, where I was in hopes I might find an
     opportunity of running away, and remaining on shore, but I
     could not effect it, as there was always too good a look-out
     kept to prevent any such steps being taken. And besides, they
     had all sworn that should any one make his escape, they would
     force the natives to restore him, and would then shoot him as
     an example to the rest; well knowing, that any one by
     remaining there might be the means (should a ship arrive) of
     discovering their intended place of abode. Finding it
     therefore impracticable, I saw no other alternative but to
     rest as content as possible and return to Tooboui, and there
     wait till the masts of the _Bounty_ should be taken out, and
     then take the boat which might carry me to Taheite, and
     disable those remaining from pursuit.[20] But Providence so
     ordered it, that we had no occasion to try our fortune at such
     a hazard, for, upon returning there and remaining till the
     latter end of August, in which time a fort was almost built,
     but nothing could be effected; and as the natives could not be
     brought to friendly terms, and with whom we had many
     skirmishes, and narrow escapes from being cut off by them,
     and, what was still worse, internal broils and
     discontent,--these things determined part of the people to
     leave the island and go to Taheite, which was carried by a
     majority of votes.

     'This being carried into execution on the 22nd September, and
     having anchored in Matavai bay, the next morning my messmate
     (Mr. Stewart) and I went on shore, to the house of an old
     landed proprietor, our former friend; and being now set free
     from a lawless crew, determined to remain as much apart from
     them as possible, and wait patiently for the arrival of a
     ship. Fourteen more of the _Bounty's_ people came likewise on
     shore, and Mr. Christian and eight men went away with the
     ship, but God knows whither. Whilst we remained here, we were
     treated by our kind and friendly natives with a generosity and
     humanity almost unparalleled, and such as we could hardly have
     expected from the most civilized people.

     'To be brief--having remained here till the latter end of
     March, 1791, on the 26th of that month, his Majesty's ship
     _Pandora_ arrived, and had scarcely anchored, when my messmate
     and I went on board and made ourselves known; and having
     learnt from one of the natives who had been off in a canoe,
     that our former messmate Mr. Hayward, now promoted to the rank
     of lieutenant, was on board, we asked for him, supposing he
     might prove the assertions of our innocence. But he (like all
     worldlings when raised a little in life) received us very
     coolly, and pretended ignorance of our affairs; yet formerly,
     he and I were bound in brotherly love and friendship.
     Appearances being so much against us, we were ordered to be
     put in irons, and looked upon--oh, infernal words!--as
     _piratical villains_. A rebuff so severe as this was, to a
     person unused to troubles, would perhaps have been
     insupportable, but to me, who had now been long inured to the
     frowns of fortune, and feeling myself supported by an inward
     consciousness of not deserving it, it was received with the
     greatest composure, and a full determination to bear it with
     patience.

     'My sufferings, however, I have not power to describe; but
     though they are great, yet I thank God for enabling me to bear
     them without repining. I endeavour to qualify my affliction
     with these three considerations, first, my innocence not
     deserving them; secondly, that they cannot last long; and
     thirdly, that the change may be for the better. The first
     improves my hopes; the second, my patience; and the third, my
     courage. I am young in years, but old in what the world calls
     adversity; and it has had such an effect, as to make me
     consider it the most beneficial incident that could have
     occurred at my age. It has made me acquainted with three
     things which are little known, and as little believed by any
     but those who have felt their effects: first, the villany and
     censoriousness of mankind; secondly, the futility of all human
     hopes; and thirdly, the happiness of being content in whatever
     station it may please Providence to place me. In short, it has
     made me more of a philosopher, than many years of a life spent
     in ease and pleasure would have done.

     'As they will no doubt proceed to the greatest lengths against
     me, I being the only surviving officer, and they most inclined
     to believe a prior story, all that can be said to confute it
     will probably be looked upon as mere falsity and invention.
     Should that be my unhappy case, and they resolved upon my
     destruction as an example to futurity, may God enable me to
     bear my fate with the fortitude of a man, conscious that
     misfortune, not any misconduct, is the cause, and that the
     Almighty can attest my innocence. Yet why should I despond? I
     have, I hope, still a friend in that Providence which hath
     preserved me amidst many greater dangers, and upon whom alone
     I now depend for safety. God will always protect those who
     deserve it. These are the sole considerations which have
     enabled me to make myself easy and content under my past
     misfortunes.

     'Twelve more of the people who were at Otaheite having
     delivered themselves up, there was a sort of prison built on
     the after-part of the quarter-deck, into which we were all put
     in close confinement with both legs and both hands in irons,
     and were treated with great rigour, not being allowed ever to
     get out of this den; and, being obliged to eat, drink, sleep,
     and obey the calls of nature here, you may form some idea of
     the disagreeable situation I must have been in, unable as I
     was to help myself (being deprived of the use of both my legs
     and hands), but by no means adequate to the reality.

     'On the 9th May we left Otaheite, and proceeded to the
     Friendly Islands, and about the beginning of August, got in
     among the reefs of New Holland, to endeavour to discover a
     passage through them; but it was not effected, for the
     _Pandora_, ever unlucky, and as if devoted by heaven to
     destruction, was driven by a current upon the patch of a reef,
     and on which, there being a heavy surf, she was soon almost
     bulged to pieces; but having thrown all the guns on one side
     overboard, and the tide flowing at the same time, she beat
     over the reef into a basin and brought up in fourteen or
     fifteen fathoms; but she was so much damaged while on the
     reef, that imagining she would go to pieces every moment, we
     had contrived to wrench ourselves out of our irons, and
     applied to the captain to have mercy on us, and suffer us to
     take our chance for the preservation of our lives; but it was
     all in vain--he was even so inhuman as to order us all to be
     put in irons again, though the ship was expected to go down
     every moment, being scarcely able to keep her under with all
     the pumps at work.

     'In this miserable situation, with an expected death before
     our eyes, without the least hope of relief, and in the most
     trying state of suspense, we spent the night, the ship being
     by the hand of Providence kept up till the morning. The boats
     by this time had all been prepared; and as the captain and
     officers were coming upon the poop or roof of our prison, to
     abandon the ship, the water being then up to the coamings of
     the hatchways, we again implored his mercy; upon which he sent
     the corporal and an armourer down to let some of us out of
     irons, but three only were suffered to go up, and the scuttle
     being then clapped on, and the master-at-arms upon it, the
     armourer had only time to let two persons out of irons, the
     rest, except three, letting themselves out; two of these three
     went down with them on their hands, and the third was picked
     up. She now began to heel over to port so very much, that the
     master-at-arms, sliding overboard, and leaving the scuttle
     vacant, we all tried to get up, and I was the last out but
     three. The water was then pouring in at the bulk-head
     scuttles, yet I succeeded in getting out, and was scarcely in
     the sea when I could see nothing above it but the cross-trees,
     and nothing around me but a scene of the greatest distress. I
     took a plank (being stark-naked) and swam towards an island
     about three miles off, but was picked up on my passage by one
     of the boats. When we got ashore to the small sandy key, we
     found there were thirty-four men drowned, four of whom were
     prisoners, and among these was my unfortunate messmate (Mr.
     Stewart); ten of us, and eighty-nine of the _Pandora's_ crew,
     were saved.

     'When a survey was made of what provisions had been saved,
     they were found to consist of two or three bags of bread, two
     or three breakers of water, and a little wine; so we subsisted
     three days upon two wine-glasses of water, and two ounces of
     bread per day. On the 1st September we left the island, and on
     the 16th, arrived at Coupang in the island of Timor, having
     been on short allowance eighteen days. We were put in
     confinement in the castle, where we remained till October, and
     on the 5th of that month were sent on board a Dutch ship bound
     for Batavia.

     'Though I have been eight months in close confinement in a hot
     climate, I have kept my health in a most surprising manner,
     without the least indisposition, and am still perfectly well
     in every respect, in mind as well as body; but without a
     friend, and only a shirt and pair of trousers to put on, and
     carry me home. Yet with all this I have a contented mind,
     entirely resigned to the will of Providence, which conduct
     alone enables me to soar above the reach of unhappiness.'

In a subsequent letter to his sister he says,
     'I send you two little sketches of the manner in which his Majesty's
     ship _Pandora_ went down on the 29th August, and of the appearance
     which we who survived made on the small sandy key within the reef,
     about ninety yards long and sixty broad, in all ninety-nine souls;
     here we remained three days, subsisting on a single wine-glass of
     wine or water, and two ounces of bread a day, with no shelter from
     the meridian and then vertical sun. Captain Edwards had tents
     erected for himself and his people, and we prisoners petitioned him
     for an old sail which was lying useless, part of the wreck, but he
     refused it; and the only shelter we had was to bury ourselves up to
     the neck in the burning sand, which scorched the skin entirely off
     our bodies, for we were quite naked, and we appeared as if dipped
     in large tubs of boiling water. We were nineteen days in the same
     miserable situation before we landed at Coupang. I was in the ship,
     in irons, hands and feet, much longer than till the position you
     now see her in, the poop alone being above water (and that knee
     deep), when a kind Providence assisted me to get out of irons and
     escape from her.'

The treatment of these unhappy men was almost as bad at Batavia as in
the _Pandora_, being closely confined in irons in the castle, and fed on
very bad provisions; and the hardships they endured on their passage to
England, in Dutch ships, were very severe, having, as he says, slept on
nothing but hard boards on wet canvas, without any bed, for seventeen
months, always subsisting on short allowance of execrable provisions,
and without any clothes for some time, except such as the charity of two
young men in the ship supplied him with. He had during his confinement
at Batavia learned to make straw hats, and finished several with both
his hands in fetters, which he sold for half-a-crown a-piece; and with
the produce of these he procured a suit of coarse clothes, in which,
with a cheerful and light heart, notwithstanding all his sufferings, he
arrived at Portsmouth. How he preserved his health under the dreadful
sufferings he endured, and in eight months' close confinement in a hot
climate, is quite wonderful.

On the second day after the arrival of the _Gorgon_ at Spithead the
prisoners were transferred to the _Hector_, commanded by Captain (the
late Admiral Sir George) Montague, where they were treated with the
greatest humanity, and every indulgence allowed that could with
propriety be extended to men in their unhappy situation, until the
period when they were to be arraigned before the competent authority,
and put on their trials for mutiny and piracy, which did not take place
until the month of September.

In this period of anxious and awful suspense, a most interesting
correspondence was carried on between this unfortunate youth and his
numerous friends, which exhibits the character of himself and the whole
family in the most amiable and affectionate colours, and in a more
particular manner, of that adorable creature, his sister Nessy, who, in
one of her letters, accounts for the peculiar warmth of her attachment
and expressions by their being nearly of the same age, and engaged in
the same pursuits, whether of study or amusement in their juvenile
years. The poor mother, on hearing of his arrival, thus addresses her
unfortunate son:--

     '_Isle of Man, June 29th,_ 1792.

     'Oh! my ever dearly-beloved and long-lost son, with what
     anxiety have I waited for this period! I have counted the
     days, hours, and even minutes, since I first heard of the
     horrid and unfortunate mutiny which has so long deprived me of
     my dearest boy: but now the happy time is come when, though I
     cannot have the unspeakable pleasure of seeing and embracing
     you, yet I hope we may be allowed to correspond; surely there
     can be nothing improper in a liberty of this sort between an
     affectionate mother and her dutiful and beloved son, who, I am
     perfectly convinced, was never guilty of the crime he has been
     suspected of by those who did not know his worth and truth. I
     have not the least doubt but that the all-gracious God, who of
     his good providence has protected you so long, and brought you
     safe through so many dangers and difficulties, will still
     protect you, and at your trial make your innocence appear as
     clear as the light. All your letters have come safe to me, and
     to my very dear good Nessy. Ah! Peter, with what real joy did
     we all receive them, and how happy are we that you are now
     safe in England! I will endeavour, my dearest lad, to make
     your present situation as comfortable as possible, for so
     affectionate and good a son deserves my utmost attention.
     Nessy has written to our faithful and kind friend, Mr.
     Heywood, of Plymouth, for his advice, whether it would be
     proper for her to come up to you; if he consents to her so
     doing, not a moment shall be lost, and how happy shall I be
     when she is with you! Such a sister as she is! Oh! Peter, she
     is a most valuable girl,' etc.

On the same day this 'most valuable girl' thus writes:--[21]

     'MY DEAREST AND MOST BELOVED BROTHER--Thanks to that Almighty
     Providence which has so miraculously preserved you, your fond,
     anxious, and, till now, miserable Nessy, is at last permitted
     to address the object of her tenderest affection in England!
     Oh! my admirable, my heroic boy, what have we felt on your
     account! yet how small, how infinitely trifling was the misery
     of our situation when compared with the horror of yours! Let
     me now, however, with confidence hope that the God of all
     mercies has not so long protected you in vain, but will at
     length crown your fortitude and pious resignation to His will
     with that peace and happiness you so richly merit. How blest
     did your delightful and yet dreadful letter from Batavia make
     us all! Surely, my beloved boy, you could not for a moment
     imagine we ever supposed you guilty of the crime of mutiny.
     No, no; believe me, no earthly power could have persuaded us
     that it was possible for you to do anything inconsistent with
     strict honour and duty. So well did we know your amiable,
     steady principles, that we were assured your reasons for
     staying behind would turn out such as you represent them; and
     I firmly trust that Providence will at length restore you to
     those dear and affectionate friends, who can know no happiness
     until they are blest with your loved society. Take care of
     your precious health, my angelic boy. I shall soon be with
     you; I have written to Mr. Heywood (your and our excellent
     friend and protector) for his permission to go to you
     immediately, which my uncle Heywood, without first obtaining
     it, would not allow, fearing lest any precipitate step might
     injure you at present; and I only wait the arrival of his next
     letter to fly into your arms. Oh! my best beloved Peter, how I
     anticipate the rapture of that moment!--for alas! I have no
     joy, no happiness, but in your beloved society, and no hopes,
     no fears, no wishes, but for you.'

     Mr. Heywood's sisters all address their unfortunate brother in
     the same affectionate, but less impassioned strain; and a
     little trait of good feeling is mentioned, on the part of an
     old female servant, that shows what a happy and attached
     family the Heywoods were, previous to the melancholy affair in
     which their boy became entangled. Mrs. Heywood says, 'my good
     honest Birket is very well, and says your safe return has made
     her more happy than she has been for these two and forty years
     she has been in our family.' And Miss Nessy tells him, 'Poor
     Birket, the most faithful and worthiest of servants, desires
     me to tell you that she almost dies with joy at the thought of
     your safe arrival in England. What agony, my dear boy, has she
     felt on your account! her affection for you knows no bounds,
     and her misery has indeed been extreme; but she still lives to
     bless your virtues.'

The poor prisoner thus replies, from his Majesty's ship _Hector_, to his
'beloved sisters all':--

     'This day I had the supreme happiness of your long-expected
     letters, and I am not able to express the pleasure and joy
     they afforded me; at the sight of them my spirits, low and
     dejected, were at once exhilarated; my heart had long and
     greatly suffered from my impatience to hear of those most dear
     to me, and was tossed and tormented by the storms of fearful
     conjecture--but they are now subsided, and my bosom has at
     length attained that long-lost serenity and calmness it once
     enjoyed: for you may believe me when I say it never yet has
     suffered any disquiet from my own misfortunes, but from a
     truly anxious solicitude for, and desire to hear of, your
     welfare. God be thanked, you still entertain such an opinion
     of me as I will flatter myself I have deserved; but why do I
     say so? can I make myself too worthy the affectionate praises
     of such amiable sisters? Oh! my Nessy, it grieves me to think
     I must be under the necessity, however heart-breaking to
     myself, of desiring you will relinquish your most affectionate
     design of coming to see me; it is too long and tedious a
     journey, and even on your arrival, you would not be allowed
     the wished-for happiness, both to you and myself, of seeing,
     much less conversing with, your unfortunate brother: the rules
     of the service are so strict, that prisoners are not
     permitted to have any communication with female relations;
     thus even the sight of, and conversation with, so truly
     affectionate a sister is for the present denied me! The
     happiness of such an interview let us defer till a time
     (which, please God, will arrive) when it can be enjoyed with
     more freedom, and unobserved by the gazing eyes of an
     inquisitive world, which in my present place of confinement
     would of course not be the case.

     'I am very happy to hear that poor old Birket is still alive;
     remember me to her, and tell her not to _heave aback_, until
     God grants me the pleasure of seeing her.

     'And now, my dear Nessy, cease to anticipate the happiness of
     personal communication with your poor, but resigned brother,
     until wished-for freedom removes the indignant shackles I now
     bear, from the feet of your fond and most affectionate
     brother, P.H.'

In a subsequent letter to his sister, he says, 'Let us at present be
resigned to our fate, contented with this sort of communication, and be
thankful to God for having even allowed us that happiness--for be
assured the present confinement is _liberty_, compared with what it has
been for the fifteen months last past.' On the 15th July, Commodore
Pasley addresses the following business-like letter to Miss Heywood.

     'I received your letter, my dearest Nessy, with the enclosure
     [her brother's narrative], but did not choose to answer it
     until I had made a thorough investigation; that is, seen
     personally all the principal evidences, which has ever since
     occupied my whole thoughts and time. I have also had some
     letters from himself; and notwithstanding he must still
     continue in confinement, every attention and indulgence
     possible is granted him by Captain Montague of the _Hector_,
     who is my particular friend. I have no doubt of the truth of
     your brother's narrative; the master, boatswain, gunner, and
     carpenter, late of the _Bounty_, I have seen, and have the
     pleasure to assure you that they are all favourable, and
     corroborate what he says. That _fellow_, Captain Edwards,
     whose inhuman rigour of confinement I shall never forget, I
     have likewise seen; he cannot deny that Peter avowed himself
     late of the _Bounty_ when he came voluntarily aboard; this is
     a favourable circumstance. I have been at the Admiralty, and
     read over all the depositions taken and sent home by Bligh and
     his officers from Batavia, likewise the court-martial on
     himself; in none of which appears anything against Peter. As
     soon as Lieutenant Hayward arrives with the remainder of the
     _Pandora's_ crew, the court-martial is to take place. I shall
     certainly attend, and we must have an able counsellor to
     assist, for I will not deceive you, my dear Nessy, however
     favourable circumstances may appear, our martial law is
     severe; by the tenor of it, the man who stands neuter is
     equally guilty with him who lifts his arm against his captain
     in such cases. His extreme youth and his delivering himself
     up, are the strong points of his defence. Adieu! my dearest
     Nessy; present my love to your mother and sisters, and rest
     assured of my utmost exertions to extricate your
     brother.--Your affectionate uncle, T. PASLEY.'

This excellent man did not stop here: knowing that sea-officers have a
great aversion from counsel, he writes to say, 'A friend of mine, Mr.
Graham, who has been secretary to the different Admirals on the
Newfoundland station for these twelve years, and consequently has acted
as judge-advocate at courts-martial all that time, has offered me to
attend you; he has a thorough knowledge of the service, uncommon
abilities, and is a very good lawyer. He has already had most of the
evidences with him. Adieu! my young friend; keep up your spirits, and
rest assured I shall be watchful for your good. My heart will be more at
ease, if I can get my friend Graham to go down, than if you were
attended by the first counsel in England.'[22] Mr. Graham accordingly
attended, and was of the greatest service at the trial.

Nessy Heywood[23] having in one of her letters inquired of her brother
how tall he was, and having received information on this point,
expressed some surprise that he was not taller. 'And so,' he replies,
'you are surprised I am not taller!--Ah, Nessy! let me ask you
this--suppose the two last years of _your_ growth had been retarded by
close confinement--nearly deprived of all kinds of necessary
aliment--shut up from the all-cheering light of the sun for the space of
five months, and never suffered to breathe the fresh air (an enjoyment
which Providence denies to none of His creatures) during all that
time--and without any kind of exercise to stretch and supple your
limbs--besides many other inconveniences which I will not pain you by
mentioning--how tall should you have been, my dear sister?--answer, four
feet nothing: but enough of nonsense.'

Nessy Heywood had expressed a strong desire to see her brother, but was
told the rules of the service would not allow it; also, that it would
agitate him, when he ought to be cool and collected, to meet his
approaching trial. This was quite enough:--'But as for myself,' she
says, 'no danger, no fatigue, no difficulties, would deter me--I have
youth, and health, and excellent natural spirits--these and the strength
of my affection would support me through it all; if I were not allowed
to see you, yet being in the same place which contains you, would be joy
inexpressible! I will not, however, any longer desire it, but will learn
to imitate your fortitude and patience.'

Mr. Heywood of Maristow, and his daughter, Mrs. Bertie, had intimated
the same thing. These excellent people, from the moment of young
Heywood's arrival, had shown him every kindness, supplied him with
money, and what was better, with friends, who could give him the best
advice. To this worthy lady, Miss Nessy Heywood thus addresses herself.

     'Overwhelmed with sensations of gratitude and pleasure, which
     she is too much agitated to express, permit me, dearest Madam,
     at my mamma's request, to offer you hers and our most sincere
     acknowledgements for your invaluable letter, which, from the
     detention of the packet, she did not receive till yesterday.
     By a letter from my beloved brother, of the same date, we are
     informed that Mr. Larkham (whom I suppose to be the gentleman
     you mention having sent to see him) has been on board the
     _Hector_, and has kindly offered him the most salutary advice
     relative to his present situation, for which allow me to
     request you will present him our best thanks. He also speaks
     with every expression a grateful heart can dictate of your
     excellent father's goodness in providing for all his wants,
     even before he could have received any letters from us to that
     purpose.

     'Ah! my dear Madam, how truly characteristic is this of the
     kind friendship with which he has ever honoured our family!
     But my beloved Peter does not know that Mr. Heywood has a
     daughter, whose generosity is equal to his own, and whose
     amiable compassion for his sufferings it will be as impossible
     for us to forget, as it is to express the admiration and
     gratitude it has inspired. It would, I am convinced, be
     unnecessary, as well as a very bad compliment to you, Madam,
     were I to presume to point out anything particular to be done
     for our poor boy, as I have not the least doubt your goodness
     and kind intention have long ago rendered every care of that
     sort on our part unnecessary. I shall only add, that my mamma
     begs every wish he forms may be granted, and sure I am, he
     will not desire a single gratification that can be deemed in
     the smallest degree improper.

     'In one of my brother's letters, dated the 23rd, he hints that
     he shall not be permitted to see any of his relations till his
     trial is over, and that he therefore does not expect us. I
     have, however, written to Mr. Heywood (without whose
     approbation I would by no means take any step) for permission
     to go to him. If it is absolutely impossible for me to see him
     (though in the presence of witnesses), yet even that
     prohibition, cruel as it is, I could bear with patience,
     provided I might be near him, to see the ship in which he at
     present exists--to behold those objects, which, perhaps, at
     the same moment, attract his notice--to breathe the same air
     which he breathes.--Ah! my dearest Madam, these are
     inestimable gratifications, and would convey sensations of
     rapture and delight to the fond bosom of a sister, which it
     is far, very far beyond my power to describe. Besides, the
     anxiety and impatience produced by the immense distance which
     now separates us from him, and the uncertainty attending the
     packet, render it difficult and sometimes impossible to hear
     of him so often as we would wish--and, may I not add (though
     Heaven in its mercy forbid it--for alas! the bare idea is too
     dreadful, yet it is in the scale of possibility), that some
     accident might happen to deprive us of my dearest brother: how
     insupportably bitter would then be our reflections, for having
     omitted the opportunity, when it was in our power, of
     administering comfort and consolation to him in person. For
     these reasons, I earnestly hope Mr. Heywood will not judge it
     improper to comply with my request, and shall wait with eager
     impatience the arrival of his next letter. Think not, my dear
     Madam, that it is want of confidence in your care and
     attention which makes me solicitous to be with my beloved
     brother. Be assured we are all as perfectly easy in that
     respect as if we were on the spot; but I am convinced you will
     pardon the dictates of an affection which an absence of five
     years, rendered still more painful by his sufferings, has
     heightened almost to a degree of adoration. I shall, with your
     permission, take the liberty of enclosing a letter to my
     brother, which I leave open for perusal, and at the same time
     request your pardon for mentioning you to him in such terms as
     I am apprehensive will wound the delicacy which ever
     accompanies generosity like yours; but indeed, my dearest
     Madam, I cannot, must not, suffer my beloved boy to remain in
     ignorance of that worth and excellence which has prompted you
     to become his kind protectress.

     'I have the honour to be, with every sentiment of gratitude,
     &c., &c, &c,

     'NESSY HEYWOOD.'

Among the numerous friends that interested themselves in the fate of
this unhappy youth, was his uncle, Colonel Holwell. The testimony he
bears to his excellent character is corroborated by all who knew him
while a boy at home. About a fortnight before the trial he writes to him
thus:--

     '_21st August_, 1792.

     'MY VERY DEAR PETER,--I have this day received yours of the
     18th, and am happy to find by its contents that,
     notwithstanding your long and cruel confinement, you still
     preserve your health, and write in good spirits. Preserve it,
     my dear boy, awful as the approaching period must be, even to
     the most innocent, but from which all who know you have not a
     doubt of your rising as immaculate as a new-born infant. I
     have known you from your cradle, and have often marked with
     pleasure and surprise the many assiduous instances (far beyond
     your years) you have given of filial duty and paternal
     affection to the best of parents, and to brothers and sisters
     who doated on you. Your education has been the best; and from
     these considerations alone, without the very clear evidence of
     your own testimony, I would as soon believe the Archbishop of
     Canterbury would set fire to the city of London as suppose you
     could, directly or indirectly, join in such a d----d absurd
     piece of business. Truly sorry am I that my state of health
     will not permit me to go down to Portsmouth to give this
     testimony publicly before that respectable tribunal where your
     country's laws have justly ordained you must appear; but
     consider this as the _touchstone_, my dear boy, by which your
     worth must be known. Six years in the navy myself, and
     twenty-eight years a soldier, I flatter myself my judgement
     will not prove erroneous. That Power, my dear Peter, of whose
     grace and mercy you seem to have so just a sense, will not now
     forsake you. Your dear aunt is as must be expected in such a
     trying situation, but more from your present sufferings than
     any apprehension of what is to follow,' &c.

     With similar testimonies and most favourable auguries from
     Commodore Pasley, the Rev. Dr. Scott, of the Isle of Man, and
     others, young Heywood went to his long and anxiously expected
     trial, which took place on the 12th September, and continued
     to the 18th of that month. Mrs. Heywood had been anxious that
     Erskine and Mingay should be employed as counsel, but Mr.
     Graham, whom Commodore Pasley had so highly recommended, gave
     his best assistance; as did also Mr. Const, who had been
     retained, for which the Commodore expresses his sorrow, as sea
     officers, he says, have a great aversion to lawyers. Mr. Peter
     Heywood assigns a better reason; in a letter to his sister
     Mary he says, that 'Counsel to a naval prisoner is of no
     effect, and as they are not allowed to speak, their eloquence
     is not of the least efficacy; I request, therefore, you will
     desire my dear mother to revoke the letter she has been so
     good to write to retain Mr. Erskine and Mr. Mingay, and to
     forbear putting herself to so great and needless an expense,
     from which no good can accrue. No, no! Mary--it is not the
     same as a trial on shore; it would then be highly requisite;
     but, in this case, _I_ alone must fight my own battle; and I
     think my telling the truth undisguised, in a plain, short, and
     concise manner, is as likely to be deserving the victory, as
     the most elaborate eloquence of a Cicero upon the same
     subject.'

     At this anxious moment many painfully interesting letters
     passed to and from the family in the Isle of Man: the last
     letter from his beloved Nessy previous to the awful event thus
     concludes:--May that Almighty Providence whose tender care has
     hitherto preserved you be still your powerful protector! may
     He instil into the hearts of your judges every sentiment of
     justice, generosity, and compassion! may hope, innocence, and
     integrity be your firm support! and liberty, glory, and honour
     your just reward! may all good angels guard you from even the
     appearance of danger! and may you at length be restored to us,
     the delight, the pride of your adoring friends, and the sole
     happiness and felicity of that fond heart which animates the
     bosom of my dear Peter's most faithful and truly affectionate
     sister,

     N.H.'




CHAPTER VI

THE COURT-MARTIAL

     If any person in or belonging to the fleet shall make,
     or endeavour to make, any mutinous assembly, upon
     any pretence whatsoever, every person offending
     herein, and being convicted thereof, by the sentence
     of the Court-martial, shall suffer DEATH.

     _Naval Articles of War, Art._ 19.


The Court assembled to try the prisoners on board his Majesty's ship
_Duke_, on the 12th September, 1792, and continued by adjournment from
day to day (Sunday excepted) until the 18th of the same month.[24]

PRESENT

     Vice-Admiral Lord Hood, _President_.
     Capt. Sir Andrew Snape Hamond, Bart.,
       "   John Colpoys,
       "   Sir George Montagu,
       "   Sir Roger Curtis,
       "   John Bazeley,
       "   Sir Andrew Snape Douglas,
       "   John Thomas Duckworth,
       "   John Nicholson Inglefield,
       "   John Knight,
       "   Albemarle Bertie,
       "   Richard Goodwin Keats.

The charges set forth that Fletcher Christian, who was mate of the
_Bounty_, assisted by others of the inferior officers and men, armed
with muskets and bayonets, had violently and forcibly taken that ship
from her commander, Lieutenant Bligh; and that he, together with the
master, boatswain, gunner, and carpenter, and other persons (being
nineteen in number), were forced into the launch and cast adrift;--that
Captain Edwards, in the _Pandora_, was directed to proceed to Otaheite,
and other islands in the South Seas, and to use his best endeavours to
recover the said vessel, and to bring in confinement to England the said
Fletcher Christian and his associates, or as many of them as he might be
able to apprehend, in order that they might be brought to condign
punishment, &c. That Peter Heywood, James Morrison, Charles Norman,
Joseph Coleman, Thomas Ellison, Thomas M'Intosh, Thomas Burkitt, John
Millward, William Muspratt, and Michael Byrne, had been brought to
England, &c., and were now put on their trial.


_Mr. Fryer_, the master of the _Bounty_, being first sworn, deposed--

That he had the first watch; that between ten and eleven o'clock Mr.
Bligh came on deck, according to custom, and after a short conversation,
and having given his orders for the night, left the deck; that at twelve
he was relieved by the gunner, and retired, leaving all quiet; that at
dawn of day he was greatly alarmed by an unusual noise; and that, on
attempting to jump up, John Sumner and Matthew Quintal laid their hands
upon his breast and desired him to lie still, saying he was their
prisoner; that on expostulating with them, he was told, 'Hold your
tongue, or you are a dead man, but if you remain quiet there is none on
board will hurt a hair of your head'; he further deposes, that on
raising himself on the locker, he saw on the ladder, going upon deck,
Mr. Bligh in his shirt, with his hands tied behind him, and Christian
holding him by the cord; that the master-at-arms, Churchill, then came
to his cabin and took a brace of pistols and a hanger, saying, 'I will
take care of these, Mr. Fryer'; that he asked, on seeing Mr. Bligh
bound, what they were going to do with the captain; that Sumner replied,
'D---- n his eyes, put him into the boat, and let the see if he can live
upon three-fourths of a pound of yams a day'; that he remonstrated with
such conduct, but in vain. They said he must go in the small cutter.
'The small cutter!' Mr. Fryer exclaimed; 'why her bottom is almost out,
and very much eaten by the worms!' to which Sumner and Quintal both
said, 'D---- n his eyes, the boat is too good for him'; that after much
entreaty he prevailed on them to ask Christian if he might be allowed to
go on deck, which, after some hesitation, was granted. When I came on
deck, says Mr. Fryer, Mr. Bligh was standing by the mizen-mast, with his
hands tied behind him, and Christian holding the cord with one hand, and
a bayonet in the other. I said, 'Christian, consider what you are
about.' 'Hold your tongue, Sir,' he said; 'I have been in hell for
weeks past; Captain Bligh has brought all this on himself.' I told him
that Mr. Bligh and he not agreeing was no reason for taking the ship.
'Hold your tongue, Sir,' he said. I said,--Mr. Christian, you and I have
been on friendly terms during the voyage, therefore give me leave to
speak,--let Mr. Bligh go down to his cabin, and I make no doubt we shall
all be friends again;--he then repeated, 'Hold your tongue, Sir; it is
too late'; and threatening me if I said anything more. Mr. Fryer then
asked him to give a better boat than the cutter; he said, 'No, that boat
is good enough.' Bligh now said to the master, that the man behind the
hen-coops (Isaac Martin) was his friend, and desired him (the master) to
knock Christian down, which Christian must have heard, but took no
notice; that Fryer then attempted to get past Christian to speak to
Martin, but he put his bayonet to his breast, saying, 'Sir, if you
advance an inch farther, I will run you through,' and ordered two armed
men to take him down to his cabin. Shortly afterwards he was desired to
go on deck, when Christian ordered him into the boat: he said, 'I will
stay with you, if you will give me leave.' 'No, Sir,' he replied, 'go
directly into the boat.' Bligh, then on the gangway, said, 'Mr. Fryer,
stay in the ship.' 'No, by G---- d, Sir,' Christian said, 'go into the
boat, or I will run you through.' Mr. Fryer states, that during this
time very bad language was used by the people towards Mr. Bligh; that
with great difficulty they prevailed on Christian to suffer a few
articles to be put into the boat; that after the persons were ordered
into the boat to the number of nineteen, such opprobrious language
continued to be used, several of the men calling out 'Shoot the----,'
that Cole, the boatswain, advised they should cast off and take their
chance, as the mutineers would certainly do them a mischief if they
stayed much longer. Mr. Fryer then states the names of those who were
under arms; and that Joseph Coleman, Thomas M'Intosh, Charles Norman,
and Michael Byrne (prisoners), wished to come into the boat, declaring
they had nothing to do in the business; that he did not perceive Mr.
Peter Heywood on deck at the seizure of the ship.

On being asked what he supposed Christian meant when he said he had been
in hell for a fortnight? he said, from the frequent quarrels that they
had, and the abuse he had received from Mr. Bligh, and that the day
before the mutiny Mr. Bligh had challenged all the young gentlemen and
people with stealing his cocoa-nuts.

_Mr. Cole_, the boatswain, deposes,--that he had the middle watch; was
awakened out of his sleep in the morning, and heard a man calling out to
the carpenter, that they had mutinied and taken the ship; that Christian
had the command, and that the captain was a prisoner on the
quarter-deck; that he went up the hatchway, having seen Mr. Heywood and
Mr. Young in the opposite berth; that coming on deck he saw the captain
with his hands tied behind him, and four sentinels standing over him,
two of which were Ellison and Burkitt, the prisoners; that he asked Mr.
Christian what he meant to do, and was answered by his ordering him to
hoist the boat out, and shook the bayonet, threatening him and damning
him if he did not take care; that when he found the captain was to be
sent out of the ship, he again went aft with the carpenter to ask for
the long-boat; that they asked three or four times before he granted it;
that he saw Mr. Peter Heywood, one of the prisoners, lending a hand to
get the fore-stayfall along, and when the boat was hooked on, spoke
something to him, but what it was does not know, as Christian was
threatening him at the time; that Heywood then went below, and does not
remember seeing him afterwards; that after the few things were got into
the boat, and most of the people in her, they were trying for the
carpenter's tool-chest, when Quintal said, 'D---- n them, if we let them
have these things they will build a vessel in a month'; but when all
were in the boat she was veered astern, when Coleman, Norman, and
M'Intosh, prisoners, were crying at the gangway, wishing to go in the
boat; and Byrne in the cutter alongside was also crying; that he advised
Mr. Bligh to cast off, as he feared they would fire into the boat.

_The Court_ asked if he had any reason to believe that any other of the
prisoners than those named were detained contrary to their inclinations?
Answer--'I believe Mr. Heywood was; I thought all along he was intending
to come away; he had no arms, and he assisted to get the boat out, and
then went below; I heard Churchill call out, 'Keep them below.' _The
Court_--'Do you think he meant Heywood?' 'I have no reason to think any
other.'

_Mr. Peckover_ the gunner's evidence is similar to that of Mr. Cole's,
and need not be detailed.

_Mr. Purcell_, the carpenter, corroborated, generally, the testimony of
the three who had been examined. _The Court_ asked, 'Did you see Mr.
Heywood standing upon the booms?' 'Yes; he was leaning the flat part of
his hand on a cutlass, when I exclaimed, In the name of God, Peter, what
do you with that? when he instantly dropped it, and assisted in hoisting
the launch out, and handing the things into the boat, and then went down
below, when I heard Churchill call to Thompson to keep them below, but
could not tell whom he meant; I did not see Mr. Heywood after that.'
_The Court_--'In what light did you look upon Mr. Heywood, at the time
you say he dropped the cutlass on your speaking to him?' _Witness_--'I
looked upon him as a person confused, and that he did not know he had
the weapon in his hand, or his hand being on it, for it was not in his
hand; I considered him to be confused, by his instantly dropping it, and
assisting in hoisting the boat out, which convinced me in my own mind
that he had no hand in the conspiracy; that after this he went below, as
I think, on his own account, in order to collect some of his things to
put into the boat.' _The Court_--'Do you, upon the solemn oath you have
taken, believe that Mr. Heywood, by being armed with a cutlass at the
time you have mentioned, by anything that you could collect from his
gestures or speeches, had any intention of opposing, or joining others
that might oppose, to stop the progress of the mutiny?' _Witness_--'No.'
_The Court_--'In the time that Mr. Heywood was assisting you to get the
things into the boat, did he, in any degree whatever, manifest a
disposition to assist in the mutiny?' _Witness_--'No.' _The Court_--'Was
he, during that time, deliberate or frightened, and in what manner did
he behave himself?' _Witness_--'I had not an opportunity of observing
his every action, being myself at that time engaged in getting several
things into the boat, so that I cannot tell.' _The Court_--'Putting
every circumstance together, declare to this court, upon the oath you
have taken, how you considered his behaviour, whether as a person joined
in the mutiny, or as a person wishing well to Captain Bligh?'
_Witness_--'I by no means considered him as a person concerned in the
mutiny or conspiracy.'

_Lieutenant Thomas Hayward_, late third lieutenant of the _Pandora_, and
formerly midshipman of the _Bounty_, deposes,--that he had the morning
watch; that at four o'clock Fletcher Christian relieved the watch as
usual; that at five he ordered him, as master's mate of his watch, to
look out, while he went down to lash his hammock up; that while looking
at a shark astern of the ship, to his unutterable surprise, he saw
Fletcher Christian, Charles Churchill, Thomas Burkitt (the prisoner),
John Sumner, Matthew Quintal, William M'Koy, Isaac Martin, Henry
Hillbrant, and Alexander Smith, coming aft, armed with muskets and
bayonets; that on going forward, he asked Christian the cause of such an
act, who told him to hold his tongue instantly; and leaving Isaac Martin
as a sentinel on deck, he proceeded with the rest of his party below to
Lieutenant Bligh's cabin; that the people on deck were Mr. John Hallet,
myself, Robert Lamb, Butcher, Thomas Ellison (prisoner) at the helm, and
John Mills at the conn; that he asked Mills if he knew any thing of the
matter, who pleaded total ignorance, and Thomas Ellison quitted the helm
and armed himself with a bayonet; that the decks now became thronged
with armed men; that Peter Heywood, James Morrison (two of the
prisoners), and George Stewart, were unarmed on the booms; that Fletcher
Christian and his gang had not been down long before he heard the cry of
murder from Lieutenant Bligh, and Churchill calling out for a rope, on
which Mills, contrary to all orders and entreaties, cut the deep-sea
line and carried a piece of it to their assistance; that soon after
Lieutenant Bligh was brought upon the quarter-deck with his hands bound
behind him, and was surrounded by most of those who came last on deck.

This witness then states, that on the arrival of the _Pandora_ at
Matavai Bay, Joseph Coleman was the first that came on board; that he
was upset in a canoe and assisted by the natives; that as soon as the
ship was at anchor, George Stewart and Peter Heywood came on board; that
they made themselves known to Captain Edwards, and expressed their
happiness that he was arrived; that he asked them how they came to go
away with his Majesty's ship the _Bounty_, when George Stewart said,
when called upon hereafter, he would answer all particulars; that he was
prevented by Captain Edwards from answering further questions, and they
were sent out of the cabin to be confined. He then describes the manner
in which the rest of the mutineers were taken on the island. Having
stated that when he went below to get some things he saw Peter Heywood
in his berth, and told him to go into the boat, he was asked by _the
Court_ if Heywood was prevented by any force from going upon deck, he
answered, 'No.' _The Court_--'Did you, from his behaviour, consider him
as a person attached to his duty, or to the party of the mutineers?'
_Witness_--'I should rather suppose, after my having told him to go into
the boat, and he not joining us, to be on the side of the mutineers; but
that must be understood only as an opinion, as he was not in the least
employed during the active part of it.' _The Court_--'Did you observe
any marks of joy or sorrow on his countenance or behaviour?'
_Witness_--'Sorrow.'

_Lieutenant Hallet_, late midshipman of the _Bounty_, states,--that he
had the morning-watch; that he heard Lieutenant Bligh call out murder,
and presently after saw him brought upon deck naked, excepting his
shirt, with his hands tied behind him, and Christian holding the end of
the cord which tied them in one hand, and either a bayonet or a cutlass
in the other; that the cutter was hoisted out, and Mr. Samuel, Mr.
Hayward, and myself ordered to go into her; but the boatswain and
carpenter going aft, and telling Christian they wished to go with the
captain rather than stay in the ship, and asking to have the launch, it
was granted. On being asked if he saw Peter Heywood on that day, he
replied, once, on the platform, standing still and looking attentively
towards Captain Bligh; never saw him under arms nor spoke to him; does
not know if he offered to go in the boat, nor did he hear any one
propose to him to go in the boat; that when standing on the platform,
Captain Bligh said something to him, but what he did not hear, upon
which Heywood laughed, turned round, and walked away.

_Captain Edwards_ being then called and sworn, was desired by the Court
to state the conversation that passed between him and Coleman, Peter
Heywood, and George Stewart, when they came on board the _Pandora_.

_Edwards_--'Joseph Coleman attempted to come on board before the ship
came to an anchor at Otaheite; he was soon afterwards taken up by canoes
and came on board before the ship came to an anchor; I began to make
inquiries of him after the _Bounty_ and her people. The next who came on
board were Stewart and Peter Heywood; they came after the ship was at
anchor, but before any boat was on shore. I did not see them come
alongside. I desired Lieutenant Larkin to bring them down to the cabin.
I asked them what news; Peter Heywood, I think, said he supposed I had
heard of the affair of the _Bounty_. I don't recollect all the
conversation that passed between us; he sometimes interrupted me by
asking for Mr. Hayward, the lieutenant of the _Pandora_, whether he was
on board or not--he had heard that he was; at last I acknowledged that
he was, and I desired him to come out of my state-room, where I had
desired him to go into, as he happened to be with me at the time.
Lieutenant Hayward treated him with a sort of contemptuous look, and
began to enter into conversation with him respecting the _Bounty_, but I
called the sentinel in to take them into custody, and ordered Lieutenant
Hayward to desist, and I ordered them to be put into irons; some words
passed, and Peter Heywood said he should be able to vindicate his
conduct.

_Lieutenant Corner_, of the _Pandora_, merely states his being sent to
bring the rest of the mutineers on board, who were at some distance from
Matavai Bay.

The prisoners being called on for their defence, the witnesses were
again separately called and examined on the part of the prisoners.

_Mr. Fryer_, the master, called in and examined by Mr. Heywood.--'If you
had been permitted, would you have stayed in the ship in preference to
going into the boat?' _Witness_--'Yes.' _Prisoner_--'Had you stayed in
the ship in expectation of retaking her, was my conduct such, from the
first moment you knew me to this, as would have induced you to intrust
me with your design; and do you believe I would have favoured it, and
given you all the assistance in my power?' _Witness_--'I believe he
would: I should not have hesitated a moment in asking of him when I had
had an opportunity of opening my mind to him.'

The same question being put to _Mr. Cole_, the boatswain, _Mr.
Peckover_, the gunner, and _Mr. Purcell_, the carpenter, they all
answered in the affirmative.

Mr. Heywood asked, 'What was my general conduct, temper, and disposition
on board the ship?' _Witness_--'Beloved by everybody, to the best of my
recollection.' To the same question, _Mr. Cole_ answers, 'Always a very
good character.' _Mr. Peckover_--'The most amiable, and deserving of
every one's esteem.' _Mr. Purcell_--'In every respect becoming the
character of a gentleman, and such as merited the esteem of everybody.'

_Mr. Cole_ being examined, gave his testimony,--that he never saw Mr.
Heywood armed; that he did not consider him of the mutineers' party;
that he saw nothing of levity or apparent merriment in his conduct; that
when he was below with Stewart, he heard Churchill call out, 'Keep them
below,' and that he believes Heywood was one of the persons meant--has
no doubt of it at all; that Bligh could not have spoken to him, when on
the booms, loud enough to be heard; that Hayward was alarmed, and Hallet
alarmed; that he by no means considers Heywood or Morrison as
mutineers.

_Mr. Purcell_ being examined, states,--that, respecting the cutlass on
which he saw Mr. Heywood's hand resting, he does not consider him as
being an armed man; that he never thought him as of the mutineers'
party; that he never heard Captain Bligh speak to him; that he thinks,
from his situation, he could not have heard him; that he was by no means
guilty of levity or apparent merriment; that he heard the master-at-arms
call out to keep them below; that Mr. Hallet appeared to him to be very
much confused; and that Mr. Hayward likewise appeared to be very much
confused.

_The Court_ asked,--'As you say you did not look upon the prisoner as a
person armed, to what did you allude when you exclaimed, "Good God,
Peter, what do you do with that?"' _Witness_--'I look upon it as an
accidental thing.'

_Captain Edwards_, being asked by Heywood--'Did I surrender myself to
you upon the arrival of the _Pandora_ at Otaheite?' _Witness_--'Not to
me, to the Lieutenant. I apprehend he put himself in my power. I always
understood he came voluntarily; our boats were not in the water.'
_Prisoner_--'Did I give you such information respecting myself and the
_Bounty_ as afterwards proved true?' _Witness_--'He gave me some
information respecting the people on the island, that corroborated with
Coleman's. I do not recollect the particular conversation, but in
general it agreed with the account given by Coleman.' _Prisoner_--'When
I told you that I went away the first time from Otaheite with the
pirates, did I not at the same time inform you that it was not possible
for me to separate myself from Christian, who would not permit any man
of the party to leave him at that time, lest, by giving intelligence,
they might have been discovered whenever a ship should arrive?'
_Witness_--'Yes, but I do not recollect the latter part of it,
respecting giving intelligence.'

_Mr. Fryer_ again called in and examined by Mr. Morrison.--Mr. Fryer
states, he saw him assist in hoisting out the boats; that he said to him
(Fryer), 'Go down below.' _The Court_ asked, 'Whether it might not have
been from a laudable motive, as supposing your assistance at that time
might have prevented a more advantageous effort?' _Witness_--'Probably
it might: had I stayed in the ship, he would have been one of the first
that I should have opened my mind to, from his good behaviour in the
former part of the voyage': states his belief, that he addressed him as
advice; and that, in hoisting out the boat, he was assisting Captain
Bligh.

_Mr. Cole_, the boatswain, states, that he ordered Morrison to go and
help them with the cutter; that he told him the boat was overloaded;
that Captain Bligh had begged that no more people should go in her, and
said he would take his chance in the ship; that he shook Morrison by the
hand, and said he would do him justice in England; that he had no reason
to suppose him concerned in the mutiny.

_Lieutenant Thomas Hayward_ states, that Morrison appeared joyful, and
supposed him to be one of the mutineers; on being asked by Morrison if
he could declare before God and the Court that what he stated was not
the result of a private pique? _Witness_--'Not the result of any private
pique, but an opinion formed after quitting the ship, from his not
coming with us, there being more boats than one; cannot say they might
have had the cutter.' This witness was pleased to remember nothing that
was in favour of the prisoner.

_Lieutenant Hallet_ states, he saw Morrison under arms; being asked in
what part of the ship, he says, 'I did not see him under arms till the
boat was veered astern, and he was then looking over the taffrail, and
called out, in a jeering manner, "If my friends inquire after me, tell
them I am somewhere in the South Seas."'

_Captain Edwards_ bore testimony that Morrison voluntarily surrendered
himself.

_Mr. Fryer_ did not see Morrison armed; he was in his watch, and he
considered him a steady, sober, attentive, good man; and acknowledged,
that if he had remained in the ship, with the view of retaking her,
Morrison would have been one of the first he should have called to his
assistance.

_Mr. Cole_ gave testimony to his being a man of good character,
attentive to his duty, and he never knew any harm of him.

_Mr. Purcell_ bore witness to his good character, being always diligent
and attentive; did not see him under arms on the taffrail; never heard
him use any jeering speeches. Respecting the prisoner _Muspratt, Mr.
Cole's_ evidence proves that he had a musket in his hands, but not till
the latter part of the business; it is also proved that he assisted in
getting things into the launch. _Mr. Peckover_ saw him standing on the
forecastle doing nothing--he was not armed.

_Lieutenant Hayward_ saw Muspratt among the armed men: was asked, when
Captain Bligh used the words, 'Don't let the boat be overloaded, my
lads'--'I'll do you justice'; do you understand the latter words, 'My
lads, I'll do you justice,' to apply to clothes or to men, whom he
apprehended might go into the boat? _Witness_--If Captain Bligh made use
of the words "my lads," it was to the people already in the boat, and
not to those in the ship.' _The Court_--'To whom do you imagine Captain
Bligh alluded: was it, in your opinion, to the men in the boat with him,
or to any persons then remaining in the ship?' _Witness_--'To persons
remaining in the ship.'

Against the prisoners Ellison, Burkitt, and Millward, the evidence given
by all the witnesses so clearly and distinctly proved they were under
arms the whole time, and actively employed against Bligh, that it is
unnecessary to go into any detail as far as they are concerned.

The Court having called on the prisoners, each separately, for his
defence, Mr. Heywood delivered his as follows:--


     'My lords and gentlemen of this honourable Court,--Your
     attention has already been sufficiently exercised in the
     painful narrative of this trial; it is therefore my duty to
     trespass further on it as little as possible.

     'The crime of mutiny, for which I am now arraigned, is so
     seriously pregnant with every danger and mischief, that it
     makes the person so accused, in the eyes, not only of military
     men of every description, but of every nation, appear at once
     the object of unpardonable guilt and exemplary vengeance.

     'In such a character it is my misfortune to appear before this
     tribunal, and no doubt I must have been gazed at with all that
     horror and indignation which the conspirators of such a mutiny
     as that in Captain Bligh's ship so immediately provoke; hard,
     then, indeed is my fate, that circumstances should so occur to
     point me out as one of them.

     'Appearances, probably, are against me, but they are
     appearances only; for unless I may be deemed guilty for
     feeling a repugnance at embracing death unnecessarily, I
     declare before this Court and the tribunal of Almighty God, I
     am innocent of the charge.

     'I chose rather to defer asking any questions of the witnesses
     until I heard the whole of the evidence; as the charge itself,
     although I knew it generally, was not in its full extent, nor
     in particular points, made known to me before I heard it read
     by the Judge Advocate at the beginning of the trial: and I
     feel myself relieved by having adopted such a mode, as it
     enables me to set right a few particulars of a narrative which
     I had the honour to transmit to the Earl of Chatham,
     containing an account of all that passed on the fatal morning
     of the 28th of April, 1789, but which, from the confusion the
     ship was in during the mutiny, I might have mistaken, or from
     the errors of an imperfect recollection I might have
     mis-stated; the difference, however, will now be open to
     correction; and I have great satisfaction in observing, that
     the mistakes but very slightly respect my part of the
     transaction, and I shall consequently escape the imputation of
     endeavouring to save myself by imposing on my judges.

     'When first this sad event took place I was sleeping in my
     hammock; nor, till the very moment of being awakened from it,
     had I the least intimation of what was going on. The spectacle
     was as sudden to my eyes, as it was unknown to my heart; and
     both were convulsed at the scene.

     'Matthew Thompson was the first that claimed my attention upon
     waking: he was sitting as a sentinel over the arm-chest and my
     berth, and informed me that the captain was a prisoner, and
     Christian had taken the command of the ship. I entreated for
     permission to go upon deck; and soon after the boatswain and
     carpenter had seen me in my berth, as they were going up the
     fore-hatchway, I followed them, as is stated in their
     evidence. It is not in my power to describe my feelings upon
     seeing the captain as I did, who, with his hands tied behind
     him, was standing on the quarter-deck, a little abaft the
     mizen-mast, and Christian by his side. My faculties were
     benumbed, and I did not recover the power of recollection
     until called to by somebody to take hold of the tackle-fall,
     and assist to get out the launch, which I found was to be
     given to the captain instead of the large cutter, already in
     the water alongside the ship. It were in vain to say what
     things I put into the boat, but many were handed in by me; and
     in doing this it was that my hand touched the cutlass (for I
     will not attempt to deny what the carpenter has deposed),
     though, on my conscience, I am persuaded it was of momentary
     duration, and innocent as to intention. The former is evident,
     from its being unobserved by every witness who saw me upon
     deck, some of whom must have noticed it had it continued a
     single minute; and the latter is proved by the only person who
     took notice of the circumstance, and has also deposed that, at
     the moment he beheld me, I was apparently in a state of
     absolute stupor. The poison, therefore, carries with it its
     antidote; and it seems needless to make any further comment on
     the subject, for no man can be weak enough to suppose, that if
     I had been armed for the purpose of assisting in the mutiny, I
     should have resumed a weapon in the moment of triumph, and
     when the ship was so completely in the possession of the
     party, that (as more than one witness has emphatically
     expressed it) all attempts at recovering her would have been
     impracticable.

     'The boat and ship, it is true, presented themselves to me
     without its once occurring that I was at liberty to choose,
     much less that the choice I should make would be afterwards
     deemed criminal; and I bitterly deplore that my extreme youth
     and inexperience concurred in torturing me with apprehensions,
     and prevented me from preferring the former; for as things
     have turned out, it would have saved me from the disgrace of
     appearing before you as I do at this day--it would have spared
     the sharp conflicts of my own mind ever since, and the
     agonizing tears of a tender mother and my much-beloved
     sisters.

     'Add to my youth and inexperience, that I was influenced in my
     conduct by the example of my messmates, Mr. Hallet and Mr.
     Hayward, the former of whom was very much agitated, and the
     latter, though he had been many years at sea, yet, when
     Christian ordered him into the boat, he was evidently alarmed
     at the perilous situation, and so much overcome by the harsh
     command, that he actually shed tears.

     'My own apprehensions were far from being lessened at such a
     circumstance as this, and I fearfully beheld the preparations
     for the captain's departure as the preliminaries of inevitable
     destruction, which, although I did not think could be more
     certain, yet I feared would be more speedy, by the least
     addition to their number.

     'To show that I have no disposition to impose upon this Court,
     by endeavouring to paint the situation of the boat to be worse
     than it really was, I need only refer to the captain's own
     narrative, wherein he says that she would have sunk with them
     on the evening of the 3rd May, had it not been for his timely
     caution of throwing out some of the stores, and all the
     clothes belonging to the people, excepting two suits for each.

     'Now what clothes or stores could they have spared which in
     weight would have been equal to that of two men? (for if I had
     been in her, and the poor fellow, Norton, had not been
     murdered at Tofoa, she would have been encumbered with our
     additional weight), and if it be true that she was saved by
     those means, which the captain says she was, it must follow
     that if Norton and myself had been in her (to say nothing of
     Coleman, M'Intosh, Norman, and Byrne, who, 'tis confessed,
     were desirous of leaving the ship), she must either have gone
     down with us, or, to prevent it, we must have lightened her of
     the provisions and other necessary articles, and thereby have
     perished for want--dreadful alternative!

     'A choice of deaths to those who are certain of dying may be a
     matter of indifference; but where, on one hand, death appears
     inevitable, and the means of salvation present themselves on
     the other, however imprudent it might be to resort to those
     means in any other less trying situation, I think (and hope
     even at my present time of life) that I shall not be suspected
     of a want of courage for saying, few men would hesitate to
     embrace the latter.

     'Such, then, was exactly my situation on board the _Bounty_;
     to be starved to death, or drowned, appeared to be inevitable
     if I went in the boat; and surely it is not to be wondered at,
     if, at the age of sixteen years, with no one to advise with,
     and so ignorant of the discipline of the service (having never
     been at sea before) as not to know or even suppose it was
     possible that what I should determine upon might afterwards be
     alleged against me as a crime--I say, under such
     circumstances, in so trying a situation, can it be wondered
     at, if I suffered the preservation of my life to be the first,
     and to supersede every other, consideration.

     'Besides, through the medium of the master, the captain had
     directed the rest of the officers to remain on board, in hopes
     of retaking the ship. Such is the master's assertion, and such
     the report on board, and as it accorded with my own wishes for
     the preservation of my life, I felt myself doubly justified in
     staying on board, not only as it appeared to be safer than
     going in the boat, but from a consideration also of being in
     the way to be useful in assisting to accomplish so desirable a
     wish of the captain.

     'Let it not--for God's sake--let it not be argued that my
     fears were groundless, and that the arrival of the boat at
     Timor is a proof that my conduct was wrong. This would be
     judging from the event, and I think I have plainly shown that,
     but for the death of Norton at Tofoa, and the prudent order of
     the captain not to overload the boat, neither himself nor any
     of the people who were saved with him, would at this moment
     have been alive to have preferred any charge against me, or
     given evidence at this trial.

     'If deliberate guilt be necessarily affixed to all who
     continued on board the ship, and that in consequence they must
     be numbered with Christian's party--in such a strict view of
     matters it must irrevocably impeach the armourer and two
     carpenter's mates, as well as Martin and Byrne, who certainly
     wished to quit the ship. And if Christian's first intention of
     sending away the captain, with a few persons only, in the
     small cutter, had not been given up, or if even the large
     cutter had not been exchanged for the launch, more than half
     of those who did go with him would have been obliged to stay
     with me. Forgetful for a moment of my own misfortunes, I
     cannot help being agitated at the bare thought of their narrow
     escape.

     'Every body must, and I am sure that this Court will, allow
     that my case is a peculiarly hard one, inasmuch as the running
     away with the ship is a proof of the mutiny having been
     committed. The innocent and the guilty are upon exactly the
     same footing--had the former been confined by sickness,
     without a leg to stand on, or an arm to assist them in
     opposing the mutineers, they must have been put upon their
     trial, and instead of the captain being obliged to prove their
     guilt, it would have been incumbent upon them to have proved
     themselves innocent. How can this be done but negatively? If
     all who wished it could not accompany the captain, they were
     necessarily compelled to stay with Christian; and being with
     him, were dependent on him, subject to his orders, however
     disinclined to obey them, for force in such a state is
     paramount to every thing. But when, on the contrary, instead
     of being in arms, or obeying any orders of the mutineers, I
     did every thing in my power to assist the captain, and those
     who went with him, and by all my actions (except in neglecting
     to do what, if I had done, must have endangered the lives of
     those who were so fortunate as to quit the ship) I showed
     myself faithful to the last moment of the captain's stay, what
     is there to leave a doubt in the minds of impartial and
     dispassionate men of my being perfectly innocent? Happy indeed
     should I have been if the master had stayed on board, which he
     probably would have done, if his reasons for wishing to do so
     had not been overheard by the man who was in the bread-room.

     'Captain Bligh in his narrative acknowledges that he had left
     some friends on board the _Bounty_, and no part of my conduct
     could have induced him to believe that I ought not to be
     reckoned of the number. Indeed from his attention to and very
     kind treatment of me personally, I should have been a monster
     of depravity to have betrayed him. The idea alone is
     sufficient to disturb a mind where humanity and gratitude
     have, I hope, ever been noticed as its characteristic
     features; and yet Mr. Hallet has said that he saw me laugh at
     a time when, Heaven knows, the conflict in my own mind,
     independent of the captain's situation, rendered such a want
     of decency impossible. The charge in its nature is dreadful,
     but I boldly declare, notwithstanding an internal conviction
     of my innocence has enabled me to endure my sufferings for the
     last sixteen months, could I have laid to my heart so heavy
     an accusation, I should not have lived to defend myself from
     it. And this brings to my recollection another part of Captain
     Bligh's narrative, in which he says, "I was kept apart from
     every one, and all I could do was by speaking to them in
     general, but my endeavours were of no avail, for I was kept
     securely bound, and no one but the guard was suffered to come
     near me."

     'If the captain, whose narrative we may suppose to have been a
     detail of every thing which happened, could only recollect
     that he had spoken generally to the people, I trust it will
     hardly be believed that Mr. Hallet, without notes, at so
     distant a period as this, should be capable of recollecting
     that he heard him speak to any one in particular; and here it
     may not be improper to observe that, at the time to which I
     allude, Mr. Hallet (if I am rightly informed) could not have
     been more than fifteen years of age. I mean not to impeach his
     courage, but I think if circumstances be considered, and an
     adequate idea of the confused state of the ship can be formed
     by this Court, it will not appear probable that this young
     gentleman should have been so perfectly unembarrassed as to
     have been able to particularize the muscles of a man's
     countenance, even at a considerable distance from him; and
     what is still more extraordinary is, that he heard the captain
     call to me from abaft the mizen to the platform where I was
     standing, which required an exertion of voice, and must have
     been heard and noticed by all who were present, as the captain
     and Christian were at that awful moment the objects of every
     one's peculiar attention; yet he who was standing between us,
     and noticing the transactions of us both, could not hear what
     was said.

     'To me it has ever occurred that diffidence is very becoming,
     and of all human attainments a knowledge of ourselves is the
     most difficult; and if, in the ordinary course of life, it is
     not an easy matter precisely to account for our own actions,
     how much more difficult and hazardous must it be, in new and
     momentous scenes, when the mind is hurried and distressed by
     conflicting passions, to judge of another's conduct; and yet
     here are two young men, who, after a lapse of near four years
     (in which period one of them, like myself, has grown from a
     boy to be a man), without hesitation, in a matter on which my
     life is depending, undertake to account for some of my
     actions, at a time, too, when some of the most experienced
     officers in the ship are not ashamed to acknowledge they were
     overcome by the confusion which the mutiny occasioned, and are
     incapable of recollecting a number of their own transactions
     on that day.

     'I can only oppose to such open boldness the calm suggestions
     of reason, and would willingly be persuaded that the
     impression under which this evidence has been given is not in
     any degree open to suspicion. I would be understood, at the
     same time, not to mean anything injurious to the character of
     Mr. Hallet, and for Mr. Hayward, I ever loved him, and must do
     him the justice to declare, that whatever cause I may have to
     deplore the effect of his evidence, or rather his opinion, for
     he has deposed no fact against me, yet I am convinced it was
     given conscientiously, and with a tenderness and feeling
     becoming a man of honour.

     'But may they not both be mistaken? Let it be remembered that
     their long intimacy with Captain Bligh, in whose distresses
     they were partakers, and whose sufferings were severely felt
     by them, naturally begot an abhorrence towards those whom they
     thought the authors of their misery,--might they not forget
     that the story had been told to them, and by first of all
     believing, then constantly thinking of it, be persuaded at
     last it was a fact within the compass of their own knowledge.

     'It is the more natural to believe it is so, from Mr. Hallet's
     forgetting what the captain said upon the occasion, which, had
     he been so collected as he pretends to have been, he certainly
     must have heard. Mr. Hayward, also, it is evident, has made a
     mistake in point of time as to the seeing me with Morrison and
     Millward upon the booms; for the boatswain and carpenter in
     their evidence have said, and the concurring testimony of
     every one supports the fact, that the mutiny had taken place,
     and the captain was on deck, before they came up, and it was
     not till after that time that the boatswain called Morrison
     and Millward out of their hammocks; therefore to have seen me
     at all upon the booms with those two men, it must have been
     long after the time that Mr. Hayward has said it was. Again,
     Mr. Hayward has said that he could not recollect the day nor
     even the month when the _Pandora_ arrived at Otaheite. Neither
     did Captain Edwards recollect when, on his return, he wrote to
     the Admiralty, that Michael Byrne had surrendered himself as
     one of the _Bounty's_ people, but in that letter he reported
     him as having been apprehended, which plainly shows that the
     memory is fallible to a very great degree; and it is a fair
     conclusion to draw that, if when the mind is at rest, which
     must have been the case with Mr. Hayward in the _Pandora_, and
     things of a few months' date are difficult to be remembered,
     it is next to impossible, in the state which every body was on
     board the _Bounty_, to remember their particular actions at
     the distance of three years and a half after they were
     observed.

     'As to the advice he says he gave me, to go into the boat, I
     can only say, I have a faint recollection of a short
     conversation with somebody--I thought it was Mr. Stewart--but
     be that as it may, I think I may take upon me to say it was on
     deck and not below, for on hearing it suggested that I should
     be deemed guilty if I stayed in the ship, I went down
     directly, and in passing Mr. Cole, told him, in a low tone of
     voice, that I would fetch a few necessaries in a bag and
     follow him into the boat, which at that time I meant to do,
     but was afterwards prevented.

     'Surely I shall not be deemed criminal that I hesitated at
     getting into a boat whose gunnel, when she left the ship, was
     not quite eight inches above the surface of the water. And
     if, in the moment of unexpected trial, fear and confusion
     assailed my untaught judgement, and that by remaining in the
     ship I appeared to deny my commander, it was in appearance
     only--it was the sin of my head--for I solemnly assure you
     before God, that it was not the vileness of my heart.

     'I was surprised into my error by a mixture of ignorance,
     apprehension, and the prevalence of example; and, alarmed as I
     was from my sleep, there was little opportunity and less time
     for better recollection. The captain, I am persuaded, did not
     see me during the mutiny, for I retired, as it were, in
     sorrowful suspense, alternately agitated between hope and
     fear, not knowing what to do. The dread of being asked by him,
     or of being ordered by Christian to go into the boat,--or,
     which appeared to me worse than either, of being desired by
     the latter to join his party, induced me to keep out of the
     sight of both, until I was a second time confined in my berth
     by Thompson, when the determination I had made was too late to
     be useful.

     'One instance of my conduct I had nearly forgot, which, with
     much anxiety and great astonishment, I have heard observed
     upon and considered as a fault, though I had imagined it
     blameless, if not laudable--I mean the assistance I gave in
     hoisting out the launch, which, by a mode of expression of the
     boatswain's, who says I did it voluntarily (meaning that I did
     not refuse my assistance when he asked me to give it), the
     Court, I am afraid, has considered it as giving assistance to
     the mutineers, and not done with a view to help the captain;
     of which, however, I have no doubt of being able to give a
     satisfactory explanation in evidence.

     'Observations on matters of opinion I will endeavour to
     forbear where they appear to have been formed from the impulse
     of the moment; but I shall be pardoned for remembering Mr.
     Hayward's (given I will allow with great deliberation, and
     after long weighing the question which called for it), which
     cannot be reckoned of that description, for although he says
     he rather considered me as a friend to Christian's party, he
     states that his last words to me were, "Peter, go into the
     boat," which words could not have been addressed to one who
     was of the party of the mutineers. And I am sure, if the
     countenance is at all an index to the heart, mine must have
     betrayed the sorrow and distress he has so accurately
     described.

     'It were trespassing unnecessarily upon the patience of the
     Court, to be giving a tedious history of what happened in
     consequence of the mutiny, and how, through one very imprudent
     step, I was unavoidably led into others.

     'But, amidst all this pilgrimage of distress, I had a
     conscience, thank heaven, which lulled away the pain of
     personal difficulties, dangers, and distress. It was this
     conscious principle which determined me not to hide myself as
     if guilty. No--I welcomed the arrival of the _Pandora_ at
     Otaheite, and embraced the earliest opportunity of freely
     surrendering myself to the captain of that ship.

     'By his order I was chained and punished with incredible
     severity, though the ship was threatened with instant
     destruction: when fear and trembling came on every man on
     board, in vain, for a long time, were my earnest repeated
     cries, that the galling irons might not, in that moment of
     affrighting consternation, prevent my hands from being lifted
     up to heaven for mercy.

     'But though it cannot fail deeply to interest the humanity of
     this Court, and kindle in the breast of every member of it
     compassion for my sufferings, yet as it is not relative to the
     point, and as I cannot for a moment believe that it proceeded
     from any improper motive on the part of Captain Edwards, whose
     character in the navy stands high in estimation both as an
     officer and a man of humanity, but rather that he was actuated
     in his conduct towards me by the imperious dictates of the
     laws of the service, I shall, therefore, waive it, and say no
     more upon the subject.

     'Believe me, again I entreat you will believe me, when, in the
     name of the tremendous judge of heaven and earth (before whose
     vindictive Majesty I may be destined soon to appear), I now
     assert my innocence of plotting, abetting, or assisting,
     either by word or deed, the mutiny for which I am tried--for,
     young as I am, I am still younger in the school of art and
     such matured infamy.

     'My parents (but I have only one left, a solitary and mournful
     mother, who is at home weeping and trembling for the event of
     this day), thanks to their fostering care, taught me betimes
     to reverence God, to honour the king, and be obedient to his
     laws; and at no one time have I resolutely or designedly been
     an apostate to either.

     'To this honourable Court, then, I now commit myself.

     'My character and my life are at your disposal; and as the
     former is as sacred to me as the latter is precious, the
     consolation or settled misery of a dear mother and two
     sisters, who mingle their tears together, and are all but
     frantic for my situation--pause for your verdict.

     'If I am found worthy of life, it shall be improved by past
     experience, and especially taught from the serious lesson of
     what has lately happened; but if nothing but death itself can
     atone for my pitiable indiscretion, I bow with submission and
     all due respect to your impartial decision.

     'Not with sullen indifference shall I then meditate on my doom
     as not deserving it--no, such behaviour would be an insult to
     God and an affront to man, and the attentive and candid
     deportment of my judges in this place requires more becoming
     manners in me.

     'Yet, if I am found guilty this day, they will not construe
     it, I trust, as the least disrespect offered to their
     discernment and opinion, if I solemnly declare that my heart
     will rely with confidence in its own innocence, until that
     awful period when my spirit shall be about to be separated
     from my body to take its everlasting flight, and be ushered
     into the presence of that unerring Judge, before whom all
     hearts are open and from whom no secrets are hid.

     'P. HEYWOOD.'

His witnesses fully established the facts which he assumed in this
defence. He then delivered to the president a paper, of which the
following is a copy:--

     'My Lord,--the Court having heard the witnesses I have been
     enabled to call, it will be unnecessary to add anything to
     their testimony in point of fact, or to observe upon it by way
     of illustration. It is, I trust, sufficient to do away any
     suspicion which may have fallen upon me, and to remove every
     implication of guilt which, while unexplained, might by
     possibility have attached to me. It is true I have, by the
     absence of Captain Bligh, Simpson, and Tinkler, been deprived
     of the opportunity of laying before the Court much that would
     at least have been grateful to my feelings, though I hope not
     necessary to my defence; as the former must have exculpated me
     from the least disrespect, and the two last would have proved
     past all contradiction that I was unjustly accused. I might
     regret that in their absence I have been arraigned, but, thank
     heaven, I have been enabled, by the very witnesses who were
     called to criminate me, to oppose facts to opinions, and give
     explanation to circumstances of suspicion.

     'It has been proved that I was asleep at the time of the
     mutiny, and waked only to confusion and dismay. It has been
     proved, it is true, that I continued on board the ship, but it
     has been also proved I was detained by force; and to this I
     must add, I left the society of those with whom I was for a
     time obliged to associate, as soon as possible, and with
     unbounded satisfaction resigned myself to the Captain of the
     _Pandora_, to whom I gave myself up, to whom I also delivered
     my journal[25] (faithfully brought up to the preceding day),
     and to whom I also gave every information in my power. I could
     do no more; for at the first time we were at Otaheite it was
     impossible for me, watched and suspected as I was, to separate
     from the ship. My information to Captain Edwards was open,
     sincere, and unqualified, and I had many opportunities given
     me at different times of repeating it. Had a track been open
     to my native country, I should have followed it; had a vessel
     arrived earlier, I should earlier with the same eagerness have
     embraced the opportunity, for I dreaded not an inquiry in
     which I foresaw no discredit. But Providence ordained it
     otherwise. I have been the victim of suspicion, and had nearly
     fallen a sacrifice to misapprehension. I have, however,
     hitherto surmounted it, and it only remains with this Court to
     say, if my sufferings have not been equal to my indiscretion.

     'The decision will be the voice of honour, and to that I must
     implicitly resign myself.

     'P. HEYWOOD.'


_Mr. Morrison's Defence_

Sets out by stating that he was waked at daylight by Mr. Cole the
boatswain, who told him that the ship was taken by Christian; that he
assisted in clearing out the boat at Mr. Cole's desire, and says, 'While
I was thus employed Mr. Fryer came to me and asked if I had any hand in
the mutiny; I told him No. He then desired me to see who I could find to
assist me, and try to rescue the ship; I told him I feared it was then
too late, but would do my endeavour; when John Millward, who stood by
me, and heard what Mr. Fryer said, swore he would stand by me if an
opportunity offered. Mr. Fryer was about to speak again, but was
prevented by Matthew Quintal, who, with a pistol in one hand, collared
him with the other, saying, "Come, Mr. Fryer, you must go down into your
cabin"; and hauled him away. Churchill then came, and shaking his
cutlass at me, demanded what Mr. Fryer said. I told him that he only
asked me if they were going to have the long-boat, upon which Alexander
Smith (Adams), who stood on the opposite side of the boat, said, "It's a
d--d lie, Charley, for I saw him and Millward shake hands when the
master spoke to them." Churchill then said to me, "I would have you mind
how you come on, for I have an eye upon you." Smith at the same time
called out, "Stand to your arms, for they intend to make a rush." This,
as it was intended, put the mutineers on their guard, and I found it
necessary to be very cautious how I acted; and I heard Captain Bligh
say to Smith, "I did not expect you would be against me, Smith"; but I
could not hear what answer he made.'

He says that, while clearing the boat, he heard Christian order
Churchill to see that no arms were put into her; to keep Norman,
M'Intosh, and Coleman in the ship, and get the officers into the boat as
fast as possible; that Mr. Fryer begged permission to stay, but to no
purpose. On seeing Mr. Fryer and most of the officers going into the
boat, without the least appearance of an effort to rescue the ship, I
began to reflect on my own situation; and seeing the situation of the
boat, and considering that she was at least a thousand leagues from any
friendly settlement, and judging, from what I had seen of the Friendly
Islanders but a few days before, that nothing could be expected from
them but to be plundered or killed, and seeing no choice but of one
evil, I chose, as I thought the least, to stay in the ship, especially
as I considered it as obeying Captain Bligh's orders, and depending on
his promise to do justice to those who remained. I informed Mr. Cole of
my intention, who made me the like promise, taking me by the hand and
saying, "God bless you, my boy; I will do you justice if ever I reach
England."

'I also informed Mr. Hayward of my intention; and on his dropping a hint
to me that he intended to knock Churchill down, I told him I would
second him, pointing to some of the Friendly Island clubs which were
sticking in the booms, and saying, "There were tools enough": but (he
adds) 'I was suddenly damped to find that he went into the boat without
making the attempt he had proposed.'

He then appeals to the members of the Court, as to the alternative they
would themselves have taken:--'A boat alongside, already crowded; those
who were in her crying out she would sink; and Captain Bligh desiring no
more might go in--with a slender stock of provisions,--what hope could
there be to reach any friendly shore, or withstand the hostile attacks
of the boisterous elements? The perils those underwent who reached the
island of Timor, and whom nothing but the apparent interference of
Divine Providence could have saved, fully justify my fears, and prove
beyond a doubt that they rested on a solid foundation; for by staying in
the ship, an opportunity might offer of escaping, but by going in the
boat nothing but death appeared, either from the lingering torments of
hunger and thirst, or from the murderous weapons of cruel savages, or
being swallowed up by the deep.

'I have endeavoured,' he says, 'to recall to Mr. Hayward's remembrance a
proposal he at one time made, by words, of attacking the mutineers, and
of my encouraging him to the attempt, promising to back him. He says he
has but a faint recollection of the business--so faint indeed that he
cannot recall to his memory the particulars, but owns there was
something passed to that effect. Faint, however, as his remembrance is
(which for me is the more unfortunate), ought it not to do away all
doubt with respect to the motives by which I was then influenced?' And,
in conclusion, he says, 'I beg leave most humbly to remind the members
of this honourable Court, that I did freely, and of my own accord,
deliver myself up to Lieutenant Robert Corner, of H.M.S. _Pandora_, on
the first certain notice of her arrival.'


_William Muspratt's Defence_

Declares his innocence of any participation in the mutiny; admits he
assisted in hoisting out the boat, and in putting several articles into
her; after which he sat down on the booms, when Millward came and
mentioned to him Mr. Fryer's intention to rescue the ship, when he said
he would stand by Mr. Fryer as far as he could; and with that intention,
and for that purpose only, he took up a musket which one of the people
had laid down, and which he quitted the moment he saw Bligh's people get
into the boat. Solemnly denies the charge of Mr. Purcell against him, of
handing liquor to the ship's company. Mr. Hayward's evidence, he trusts,
must stand so impeached before the Court, as not to receive the least
attention, when the lives of so many men are to be affected by it--for,
he observes, he swears that Morrison was a mutineer, because he assisted
in hoisting out the boats; and that M'Intosh was not a mutineer,
notwithstanding he was precisely employed on the same business--that he
criminated Morrison from the appearance of his countenance--that he had
only a faint remembrance of that material and striking circumstance of
Morrison offering to join him to retake the ship--that, in answer to his
(Muspratt's) question respecting Captain Bligh's words, 'My lads, I'll
do you justice' he considered them applied to the people in the boat,
and not to those in the ship--to the same question put by the Court, he
said they applied to persons remaining in the ship. And he notices some
other instances which he thinks most materially affect Mr. Hayward's
credit; and says, that if he had been under arms when Hayward swore he
was, he humbly submits Mr. Hallet must have seen him. And he concludes
with asserting (what indeed was a very general opinion), 'that the great
misfortune attending this unhappy business is, that no one ever
attempted to rescue the ship; that it might have been done, Thompson
being the only sentinel over the arm-chest.'


_Michael Byrne's Defence_

was very short. He says, 'It has pleased the Almighty, among the events
of His unsearchable providence, nearly to deprive me of sight, which
often puts it out of my power to carry the intentions of my mind into
execution.

'I make no doubt but it appears to this honourable Court, that on the
28th of April, 1789, my intention was to quit his Majesty's ship
_Bounty_ with the officers and men who went away, and that the sorrow I
expressed at being detained was real and unfeigned.

'I do not know whether I may be able to repeat the exact words that
were spoken on the occasion, but some said, "We must not part with our
fiddler"; and Charles Churchill threatened to send me to the shades if I
attempted to quit the cutter, into which I had gone for the purpose of
attending Lieutenant Bligh': and, without further trespassing on the
time of the Court, he submits his case to its judgement and mercy.

It is not necessary to notice any parts of the defence made by Coleman,
Norman, and M'Intosh, as it is clear, from the whole evidence and from
Bligh's certificates, that those men were anxious to go in the boat, but
were kept in the ship by force.

It is equally clear, that Ellison, Millward, and Burkitt, were concerned
in every stage of the mutiny, and had little to offer in their defence
in exculpation of the crime of which they were accused.

On the sixth day, namely, on the 18th of September, 1792, the Court
met,--the prisoners were brought in, audience admitted, when the
president, having asked the prisoners if they or any of them had
anything more to offer in their defence, the Court was cleared, and
agreed,--

'That the charges had been proved against the said Peter Heywood, James
Morrison, Thomas Ellison, Thomas Burkitt, John Millward, and William
Muspratt; and did adjudge them, and each of them, to suffer death, by
being hanged by the neck, on board such of his Majesty's ship or ships
of war, and at such time or times, and at such place or places, as the
commissioners for executing the office of Lord High Admiral of Great
Britain and Ireland, etc., or any three of them, for the time being,
should, in writing, under their hands, direct; but the Court, in
consideration of various circumstances, did humbly and most earnestly
recommend the said Peter Heywood and James Morrison to his Majesty's
mercy; and the Court further agreed, that the charges had not been
proved against the said Charles Norman, Joseph Coleman, Thomas M'Intosh,
and Michael Byrne, and did adjudge them, and each of them, to be
acquitted.'

The Court was then opened and audience admitted, and sentence passed
accordingly.




CHAPTER VII

THE KING'S WARRANT

           Well, believe this--
     No ceremony that to great ones 'longs,
     Not the king's crown, nor the deputed sword,
     The marshal's truncheon, nor the judge's robe,
     Become them with one half so good a grace,
     As mercy does.


It was a very common feeling that Heywood and Morrison, the former in
particular, had been hardly dealt with by the Court in passing upon them
a sentence of death, tempered as it was with the recommendation to the
king's mercy. It should, however, have been recollected, that the Court
had no discretional power to pass any other sentence but that, or a full
acquittal. But earnestly, no doubt, as the Court was disposed towards
the latter alternative, it could not, consistently with the rules and
feelings of the service, be adopted. It is not enough in cases of mutiny
(and this case was aggravated by the piratical seizure of a king's ship)
that the officers and men in his Majesty's naval service should take no
active part;--to be neutral or passive is considered as tantamount to
aiding and abetting. Besides, in the present case, the remaining in the
ship along with the mutineers, without having recourse to such means as
offered of leaving her, presumes a voluntary adhesion to the criminal
party. The only fault of Heywood, and a pardonable one on account of his
youth and inexperience, was his not asking Christian to be allowed to go
with his captain,--his not _trying_ to go in time. M'Intosh, Norman,
Byrne, and Coleman were acquitted because they expressed a strong desire
to go, but were forced to remain. This was not only clearly proved, but
they were in possession of written testimonies from Bligh to that
effect; and so would Heywood have had, but for some prejudice Bligh had
taken against him, in the course of the boat-voyage home, for it will be
shown that he knew he was confined to his berth below.

In favour of three of the four men condemned without a recommendation,
there were unhappily no palliating circumstances. Millward, Burkitt, and
Ellison were under arms from first to last; and Ellison not only left
the helm to take up arms, but, rushing aft towards Bligh, called out,
'D--n him, I'll be sentry over him.' The fourth man, Muspratt, was
condemned on the evidence of Lieutenant Hayward, which, however, appears
to have been duly appreciated by the Lords Commissioners of the
Admiralty, and in consequence of which the poor man escaped an
ignominious death.

The family of young Heywood in the Isle of Man had been buoyed up, from
various quarters, with the almost certainty of his full acquittal. From
the 12th September, when the court-martial first sat, till the 24th of
that month, they were prevented, by the strong and contrary winds which
cut off all communication with England, from receiving any tidings
whatever. But while Mrs. Heywood and her daughters were fondly
flattering themselves with everything being most happily concluded, one
evening, as they were indulging these pleasing hopes, a little boy, the
son of one of their particular friends, ran into the room and told them,
in the most abrupt manner, that the trial was over and all the prisoners
condemned, but that Peter Heywood was recommended to mercy; he added
that a man whose name he mentioned had told him this. The man was sent
for, questioned, and replied he had seen it in a newspaper at Liverpool,
from which place he was just arrived in a small fishing-boat, but had
forgotten to bring the paper with him. In this state of doubtful
uncertainty this wretched family remained another whole week, harassed
by the most cruel agony of mind, which no language can express.[26]

The affectionate Nessy determined at once to proceed to Liverpool, and
so on to London. She urges her brother James at Liverpool to hasten to
Portsmouth: 'Don't wait for me, I can go alone; fear and even despair
will support me through the journey; think only of our poor unfortunate
and adored boy, bestow not one thought on me.' And she adds, 'yet, if I
could listen to reason (which is indeed difficult), it is not likely
that anything serious has taken place, or will do so, as we should then
certainly have had an express.' She had a tempestuous passage of
forty-nine hours, and to save two hours got into an open fishing-boat at
the mouth of the Mersey, the sea running high and washing over her every
moment; but, she observes, 'let me but be blessed with the cheering
influence of _hope_, and I have spirit to undertake anything.' From
Liverpool she set off the same night in the mail for London; and arrived
at Mr. Graham's on the 5th October, who received her with the greatest
kindness, and desired her to make his house her home.

The suspense into which the afflicted family in the Isle of Man had been
thrown, by the delay of the packet, was painfully relieved on its
arrival in the night of the 29th September, by the following letter from
Mr. Graham to the Rev. Dr. Scott, which the latter carried to Mrs.
Heywood's family the following morning.

     '_Portsmouth, Tuesday, 18th September_.

     'SIR,--Although a stranger, I make no apology in writing to
     you. I have attended and given my assistance at Mr. Heywood's
     trial, which was finished and the sentence passed about half
     an hour ago. Before I tell you what that sentence is, I must
     inform you that his life is safe, notwithstanding it is at
     present at the mercy of the king, to which he is in the
     strongest terms recommended by the Court. That any unnecessary
     fears may not be productive of misery to the family, I must
     add, that the king's attorney-general (who with Judge Ashurst
     attended the trial) desired me to make myself perfectly easy,
     for that my friend was as safe as if he had not been
     condemned. I would have avoided making use of this dreadful
     word, but it must have come to your knowledge, and perhaps
     unaccompanied by many others of a pleasing kind. To prevent
     its being improperly communicated to Mrs. or the Misses
     Heywood, whose distresses first engaged me in the business,
     and could not fail to call forth my best exertions upon the
     occasion, I send you this by express. The mode of
     communication I must leave to your discretion; and shall only
     add that, although from a combination of circumstances,
     ill-nature, and mistaken friendship, the sentence is in itself
     terrible, yet it is incumbent on me to assure you that, from
     the same combination of circumstances, everybody who attended
     the trial is perfectly satisfied in his own mind that he was
     _hardly guilty in appearance, in intention he was perfectly
     innocent_. I shall of course write to Commodore Pasley, whose
     mind, from my letter to him of yesterday, must be dreadfully
     agitated, and take his advice about what is to be done when
     Mr. Heywood is released. I shall stay here till then, and my
     intention is afterwards to take him to my house in town, where
     I think he had better stay till one of the family calls for
     him: for he will require a great deal of tender management
     after all his sufferings; and it would perhaps be a necessary
     preparation for seeing his mother, that one or both his
     sisters should be previously prepared to support her on so
     trying an occasion.'

     On the following day Mr. Graham again writes to Dr. Scott, and
     among other things observes, 'It will be a great satisfaction
     to his family to learn, that the declarations of some of the
     other prisoners, since the trial, put it past all doubt that
     the evidence upon which he was convicted must have been (to
     say nothing worse of it) an unfortunate belief, on the part of
     the witness, of circumstances which either never had
     existence, or were applicable to one of the other gentlemen
     who remained in the ship, and not to Mr. Heywood.'[27]

On the 20th September Mr. Heywood addresses the first letter he wrote,
after his conviction, to Dr. Scott.

     'HONOURED AND DEAR SIR,--On Wednesday the 12th instant the
     awful trial commenced, and on _that_ day, _when in Court_, I
     had the pleasure of receiving your most kind and parental
     letter,[28] in answer to which I now communicate to you the
     melancholy issue of it, which, as I desired my friend Mr.
     Graham to inform you of immediately, will be no dreadful news
     to you. The morning lowers, and all my hope of worldly joy is
     fled. On Tuesday morning the 18th the dreadful sentence of
     death was pronounced upon me, to which (being the just decree
     of that Divine Providence who first gave me breath) I bow my
     devoted head, with that fortitude, cheerfulness, and
     resignation, which is the duty of every member of the church
     of our blessed Saviour and Redeemer Christ Jesus. To Him alone
     I now look up for succour, in full hope that perhaps a few
     days more will open to the view of my astonished and fearful
     soul His kingdom of eternal and incomprehensible bliss,
     prepared only for the righteous of heart.

     'I have not been found guilty of the slightest act connected
     with that detestable crime of mutiny, but am doomed to die for
     not being active in my endeavours to suppress it. Could the
     witnesses who appeared on the Court-martial be themselves
     tried, _they_ would also suffer for the very same and only
     crime of which I have been found guilty. But I am to be the
     victim. Alas! my youthful inexperience, and not depravity of
     will, is the sole cause to which I can attribute my
     misfortunes. But so far from repining at my fate, I receive it
     with a dreadful kind of joy, composure, and serenity of mind;
     well assured that it has pleased God to point me out as a
     subject through which some greatly useful (though at present
     unsearchable) intention of the divine attributes may be
     carried into execution for the future benefit of my country.
     Then why should I repine at being made a sacrifice for the
     good, perhaps, of thousands of my fellow-creatures; forbid it,
     Heaven! Why should I be sorry to leave a world in which I have
     met with nothing but misfortunes and all their concomitant
     evils? I shall on the contrary endeavour to divest myself of
     all wishes for the futile and sublunary enjoyments of it, and
     prepare my soul for its reception into the bosom of its
     Redeemer. For though the very strong recommendation I have had
     to his Majesty's mercy by all the members of the Court may
     meet with his approbation, yet that is but the balance of a
     straw, a mere uncertainty, upon which no hope can be built;
     the other is a certainty that must one day happen to every
     mortal, and therefore the salvation of my soul requires my
     most prompt and powerful exertions during the short time I may
     have to remain on earth.

     'As this is too tender a subject for me to inform my unhappy
     and distressed mother and sisters of, I trust, dear Sir, you
     will either show them this letter, or make known to them the
     truly dreadful intelligence in such a manner as (assisted by
     your wholesome and paternal advice) may enable them to bear it
     with Christian fortitude. The only worldly feelings I am now
     possessed of are for their happiness and welfare; but even
     these, in my present situation, I must endeavour, with God's
     assistance, to eradicate from my heart, how hard soever the
     task. I must strive against cherishing any temporal
     affections. But, my dear Sir, endeavour to mitigate my
     distressed mother's sorrow. Give my everlasting duty to her,
     and unabated love to my disconsolate brothers and sisters, and
     all my other relations. Encourage them, by my example, to bear
     up with fortitude and resignation to the Divine will, under
     their load of misfortunes, almost too great for female nature
     to support, and teach them to be fully persuaded that all
     hopes of happiness on earth are vain. On my own account I
     still enjoy the most easy serenity of mind; and am, dear Sir,
     for ever your greatly indebted and most dutiful, but
     ill-fated,

     'PETER HEYWOOD.'

His next letter is to his dearly beloved Nessy.

     'Had I not a strong idea that, ere this mournful epistle from
     your ill-fated brother can reach the trembling hand of my ever
     dear and much afflicted Nessy, she must have been informed of
     the final issue of my trial on Wednesday morning, by my
     honoured friend Dr. Scott, I would not now add trouble to the
     afflicted by a confirmation of it. Though I have indeed fallen
     an early victim to the rigid rules of the service, and though
     the jaws of death are once more opened upon me, yet do I not
     now nor ever will bow to the tyranny of base-born fear.
     Conscious of having done my duty to God and man, I feel not
     one moment's anxiety on my own account, but cherish a full and
     sanguine hope that perhaps a few days more will free me from
     the load of misfortune which has ever been my portion in this
     transient period of existence; and that I shall find an
     everlasting asylum in those blessed regions of eternal bliss,
     where the galling yoke of tyranny and oppression is felt no
     more.

     'If earthly Majesty, to whose mercy I have been recommended by
     the Court, should refuse to put forth its lenient hand and
     rescue me from what is _fancifully_ called an ignominious
     death, there is a heavenly King and Redeemer ready to receive
     the righteous penitent, on whose gracious mercy alone I, as we
     all should, depend, with that pious resignation which is the
     duty of every Christian; well convinced that, without His
     express permission, not even a hair of our head can fall to
     the ground.

     'Oh! my sister, my heart yearns when I picture to myself the
     affliction, indescribable affliction, which this melancholy
     intelligence must have caused in the mind of my much honoured
     mother. But let it be your peculiar endeavour to watch over
     her grief and mitigate her pain. I hope, indeed, this little
     advice from me will be unnecessary; for I know the holy
     precepts of that inspired religion, which, thank heaven! have
     been implanted in the bosoms of us all, will point out to you,
     and all my dear relatives, that fortitude and resignation
     which are required of us in the conflicts of human nature, and
     prevent you from arraigning the wisdom of that omniscient
     Providence, of which we ought all to have the fullest sense.

     'I have had all my dear Nessy's letters; the one of the 17th
     this morning, but alas! what do they now avail? Their contents
     only serve to prove the instability of all human hopes and
     expectations; but, my dear sister, I begin to feel the pangs
     which you must suffer from the perusal of this melancholy
     paper, and will therefore desist, for I know it is more than
     your nature can support. The contrast between last week's
     correspondence and this is great indeed; but why? we had only
     hope then; and have we not the same now? certainly. Endeavour
     then, my love, to cherish that hope, and with faith rely upon
     the mercy of that God who does as to Him seems best and most
     conducive to the general good of His miserable creatures.

     'Bear it then with Christian patience, and instil into the
     mind of my dear and now sorrowful sisters, by your advice, the
     same disposition; and, for heaven's sake, let not despair
     touch the soul of my dear mother--for then all would be over.
     Let James also employ all his efforts to cheer her spirits
     under her weight of woe. I will write no more. Adieu, my
     dearest love! Write but little to me, and pray for your ever
     affectionate but ill-fated brother.

     'P.S.--I am in perfect spirits, therefore let not your
     sympathizing feelings for my sufferings hurt your own precious
     health, which is dearer to me than life itself. Adieu!--'

In a letter to his mother he assures her of the perfect tranquillity of
his mind; advises her not to entertain too sanguine hopes, but at the
same time not to be uneasy; and he adds, 'A minister of the gospel, who
now attends me, has advised me not to say too much to any of my dear
relations, but now and then I cannot avoid it.' To his dearest Nessy,
who encourages him to take hope, he says, 'Alas! it is but a broken
stick which _I_ have leaned on, and it has pierced my soul in such a
manner that I will never more trust to it, but wait with a contented
mind and patience for the final accomplishment of the Divine will....
Mrs. _Hope_ is a faithless and ungrateful acquaintance, with whom I have
now broken off all connexions, and in her stead have endeavoured to
cultivate a more sure friendship with _Resignation_, in full trust of
finding her more constant.' He desires her to write through her brother
James who is with him; and says that the reason for his having desired
her not to write much was, lest she might hurt herself by it; and he
adds, 'from an idea that your exalted sentiments upon so tender a
subject ought not to be known by an inquiring world; but,' he continues,
'do just as you like best: I am conscious that your good sense will
prompt you to nothing inconsistent with our present circumstances.' To
this she replies, in the true spirit of a character like her own. 'Yes!
my ever dearest brother, I _will_ write to you, and I know I need not
add, that in _that_ employment (while thus deprived of your loved
society) consists my only happiness. But why not express my sentiments
to yourself? I have nothing to say which I should blush to have known to
all the world;--nothing to express in my letters to you but love and
affection, and shall I blush for this? Or can I have a wish to conceal
sentiments of such a nature for an object who I am so certain merits all
my regard, and in whom the admiration of surrounding friends convinces
me I am not mistaken. No, surely; 'tis my pride, my chiefest glory, to
love you; and when you think me worthy of commendation, _that_ praise,
and _that_ only, can make me vain. I shall not therefore write to you,
my dearest brother, in a private manner, for it is unnecessary, and I
abhor all deceit; in which I know you agree with me.'

To her sister Mary in the Isle of Man she says, 'With respect to that
little wretch Hallet, his intrepidity in court was astonishing; and
after every evidence had spoken highly in Peter's favour, and given
testimony of his innocence, so strong that not a doubt was entertained
of his acquittal, _he_ declared, unasked, that while Bligh was upon
deck, he (Hallet) saw him look at and speak to Peter. What he said to
him Hallet could not hear, (being at the distance of twenty feet from
Bligh, and Peter was twenty feet farther off, consequently a distance of
forty feet separated Mr. Bligh and my brother); but he added that Peter,
on _hearing_ what Mr. Bligh said to him, _laughed_ and turned
contemptuously away. No other witness saw Peter laugh but Hallet; on the
contrary, all agreed he wore a countenance on that day remarkably
sorrowful; yet the effect of this cruel evidence was wonderful upon the
minds of the Court, and they concluded by pronouncing the dreadful
sentence, though at the same time accompanied by the strongest
recommendation to mercy. Assure yourselves (I have it from Mr. Graham's
own mouth), that Peter's honour is and will be as secure as his own;
that every professional man, as well as every man of sense, of whatever
denomination, does and will esteem him highly; that my dear uncle Pasley
(who was in town the night before my arrival) is delighted with his
worth; and that, in short, we shall at length be happy.'

From this time a daily correspondence passed between Peter Heywood and
his sister Nessy, the latter indulging hope, even to a certainty, that
she will not be deceived,--the other preaching up patience and
resignation, with a full reliance on his innocence and integrity. 'Cheer
up then,' says he, 'my dear Nessy; cherish _your hope_, and I will
exercise _my patience_.' Indeed so perfectly calm was this young man
under his dreadful calamity, that in a very few days after condemnation
his brother says, 'While I write this, Peter is sitting by me making an
Otaheitan vocabulary, and so happy and intent upon it, that I have
scarcely an opportunity of saying a word to him; he is in excellent
spirits, and I am convinced they are better and better every day.'

This vocabulary is a very extraordinary performance; it consists of one
hundred full-written folio pages, the words alphabetically arranged, and
all the syllables accented. It appears, from a passage in the _Voyage of
the Duff_, that a copy of this vocabulary was of great use to the
missionaries who were first sent to Otaheite in this ship.

During the delay which took place in carrying the sentence into
execution, Commodore Pasley, Mr. Graham, and others, were indefatigable
in their inquiries and exertions to ascertain what progress had been
made in bringing to a happy issue the recommendation to the fountain of
mercy: not less so was Nessy Heywood: from Mr. Graham she learnt what
this excellent man considered to be the principal parts of the evidence
that led to the conviction of her unhappy brother, which, having
understood to be the following, she transmitted to her brother:--

_First_. That he assisted in hoisting out the launch.

_Second_. That he was seen by the carpenter resting his hand upon a
cutlass.

_Third_. That on being called to by Lieutenant Bligh, he laughed.

_Fourth_. That he remained in the _Bounty_ instead of accompanying
Bligh in the launch.

On these points of the evidence, Mr. Heywood made the following
comments, which he sent from Portsmouth to his sister in town.

     'Peter Heywood's Remarks upon material points of the evidence
     which was given at his trial, on board the _Duke_, in
     Portsmouth Harbour.

     '_First. That I assisted in hoisting out the launch._--This
     boat was asked for by the captain and his officers, and
     whoever assisted in hoisting her out were their friends; for
     if the captain had been sent away in the cutter (which was
     Christian's first intention), he could not have taken with him
     more than nine or ten men, whereas the launch carried
     nineteen. The boatswain, the master, the gunner, and the
     carpenter say, in their evidence, that they considered me as
     helping the captain on this occasion.

     '_Second. That I was seen by the carpenter resting my hand on
     a cutlass_.--I was seen in this position by no other person
     than the carpenter--no other person therefore could be
     intimidated by my appearance. Was the carpenter intimidated by
     it?--No. So far from being afraid of me, he did not even look
     upon me in the light of a person armed, but pointed out to me
     the danger there was of my being thought so, and I immediately
     took away my hand from the cutlass, upon which I had very
     innocently put it when I was in a state of stupor. The Court
     was particularly pointed in its inquiries into this
     circumstance; and the carpenter was pressed to declare, on the
     oath he had taken, and after maturely considering the matter,
     whether he did, at the time he saw me so situated, or had
     since been inclined to believe, that, under all the
     circumstances of the case, I could be considered as an _armed
     man_, to which he unequivocally answered, No; and he gave some
     good reasons (which will be found in his evidence) for
     thinking that I had not a wish to be armed during the mutiny.
     The master, the boatswain, the gunner, Mr. Hayward, Mr.
     Hallet, and John Smith (who, with the carpenter, were all the
     witnesses belonging to the _Bounty_), say, in their evidence,
     that they did not, _any of them,_ see me armed; and the
     boatswain and the carpenter further say, in the most pointed
     terms, that they considered me to be one of the captain's
     party, and _by no means_ as belonging to the mutineers: and
     the master, the boatswain, the carpenter, the gunner, all
     declare that, from what they observed on my conduct during the
     mutiny, and from a recollection of my behaviour previous
     thereto, they were convinced I would have afforded them all
     the assistance in my power, if an opportunity had offered to
     retake the ship.

     '_Third. That, upon being called to by the captain, I
     laughed_.--If this was believed by the Court, it must have
     had, I am afraid, a very great effect upon its judgement; for,
     if viewed in too serious a light, it would seem to bring
     together and combine a number of trifling circumstances, which
     by themselves could only be treated merely as matters of
     suspicion. It was no doubt, therefore, received with caution,
     and considered with the utmost candour. The countenance, I
     grant, on some other occasions, may warrant an opinion of good
     or evil existing in the mind; but on the momentous events of
     life and death, it is surely by much too indefinite and
     hazardous even to listen to for a moment. The different ways
     of expressing our various passions are, with many, as variable
     as the features they wear. Tears have often been, nay
     generally are, the relief of excessive joy, while misery and
     dejection have, many a time, disguised themselves in a smile;
     and convulsive laughs have betrayed the anguish of an almost
     broken heart. To judge, therefore, the principles of the
     heart, by the barometer of the face, is as erroneous as it
     would be absurd and unjust. This matter may likewise be
     considered in another point of view. Mr. Hallet says I laughed
     in consequence of being called to by the captain, who was
     abaft the mizen-mast, while I was upon the platform near the
     fore hatchway, a distance of more than thirty feet: if the
     captain intended I should hear him, and there can be no doubt
     that he wished it--if he really called to me, he must have
     exerted his voice, and very considerably too, upon such an
     occasion and in such a situation; and yet Mr. Hallet himself,
     who, by being on the quarter-deck, could not have been half
     the distance from the captain that I was, even he, I say,
     could not hear what was said to me: how then, in the name of
     God, was it possible that I should have heard the captain at
     all, situated, as I must have been, in the midst of noisy
     confusion? And if I did not hear him, which I most solemnly
     aver to be the truth, even granting that I laughed (which,
     however, in my present awful situation I declare I believe I
     did not), it could not have been at what the captain said.
     Upon this ground, then, I hope I shall stand acquitted of this
     charge, for if the crime derives its guilt from the knowledge
     I had of the captain's speaking to me, it follows, of course,
     that if I did not hear him speak, there could be no crime in
     my laughing. It may, however, very fairly be asked, why Mr.
     Hallet did not make known that the captain was calling to me?
     His duty to the captain, if not his friendship for me, should
     have prompted him to it; and the peculiarity of our situation
     required this act of kindness at his hands.[29] I shall only
     observe further upon this head, that the boatswain, the
     carpenter, and Mr. Hayward, who saw more of me than any other
     of the witnesses, did say in their evidence, that I had rather
     a sorrowful countenance on the day of the mutiny.

     '_Fourth. That I remained on board the ship, instead of going
     in the boat with the captain_.--That I was at first alarmed
     and afraid of going into the boat I will not pretend to deny;
     but that afterwards I wished to accompany the captain, and
     should have done it, if I had not been prevented by Thompson,
     who confined me below by the order of Churchill, is clearly
     proved by the evidence of several of the witnesses. The
     boatswain says, that just before he left the ship I went
     below, and in passing him said something about a bag--(it was,
     that I would put a few things into a bag and follow him); the
     carpenter says he saw me go below at this time; and both those
     witnesses say that they heard the master-at-arms call to
     Thompson "_to keep them below_." The point, therefore, will be
     to prove to whom this order, "_keep them below_," would apply.
     The boatswain and carpenter say they have no doubt of its
     meaning me as one; and that it must have been so, I shall have
     very little difficulty in showing, by the following
     statement:--

     'There remained on board the ship after the boat put off,
     twenty-five men. Messrs. Hayward and Hallet have proved that
     the following were under arms:--Christian, Hillbrant,
     Millward, Burkitt, Muspratt, Ellison, Sumner, Smith, Young,
     Skinner, Churchill, M'Koy, Quintal, Morrison, Williams,
     Thompson, Mills, and Brown, in all eighteen. The master (and
     upon this occasion I may be allowed to quote from the
     captain's printed narrative) mentions Martin as one, which
     makes the number of armed men nineteen, none of whom, we may
     reasonably suppose, were ordered to be kept below. Indeed, Mr.
     Hayward says, that there were at the least eighteen of them
     upon deck, when he went into the boat; and if Thompson, the
     sentinel over the arm-chest, be added to them, it exactly
     agrees with the number above-named; there remains then six, to
     whom Churchill's order, "_keep them below,"_ might apply,
     namely, Heywood, Stewart, Coleman, Norman, M'Intosh, and
     Byrne.

     'Could Byrne have been one of them? _No_, for he was in the
     cutter alongside. Could Coleman have been one of them? _No_,
     for he was at the gangway when the captain and officers went
     into the launch, and aft upon the taffrail when the boat was
     veered astern. Could Norman have been one of them? _No_, for
     he was speaking to the officers. Could M'Intosh have been one
     of them? _No_, for he was with Coleman and Norman, desiring
     the captain and officers to take notice that they were not
     concerned in the mutiny. It could then have applied to nobody
     but to Mr. Stewart and myself; and by this order of Churchill,
     therefore, was I prevented from going with the captain in the
     boat.

     'The foregoing appear to me the most material points of
     evidence on the part of the prosecution. My defence being very
     full, and the body of evidence in my favour too great to admit
     of observation in this concise manner, I shall refer for an
     opinion thereon to the minutes of the court-martial.

     (Signed) 'P. HEYWOOD.'

There is a note in Marshall's _Naval Biography_,[30] furnished by
Captain Heywood, which shows one motive for keeping him and Stewart in
the ship. It is as follows:--'Mr. Stewart was no sooner released than he
demanded of Christian the reason of his detention; upon which the latter
denied having given any directions to that effect; and his assertion was
corroborated by Churchill, who declared that he had kept both him and
Mr. Heywood below, knowing it was their intention to go away with Bligh;
"in which case," added he, "what would become of us, if any thing should
happen to you; who is there but yourself and them to depend upon in
navigating the ship?"' It may be suspected, however, that neither
Christian nor Churchill told the exact truth, and that Mr. Heywood's
case is, in point of fact, much stronger than he ever could have
imagined; and that if Bligh had not acted the part of a prejudiced and
unfair man towards him, he would have been acquitted by the Court on the
same ground that Coleman, Norman, M'Intosh, and Byrne were,--namely,
that they were detained in the ship against their will, as stated by
Bligh in the narrative on which they were tried, and also in his
printed report. It has before been observed, that many things are set
down in Bligh's original manuscript journal, that have not appeared in
any published document; and on this part of the subject there is, in the
former, the following very important admission. 'As for the officers,
whose cabins were in the cockpit, there was no relief for them; _they
endeavoured to come to my assistance, but were not allowed to put their
heads above the hatchway_.' To say, therefore, that in the suppression
of this passage Bligh acted with prejudice and unfairness, is to make
use of mild terms; it has more the appearance of a deliberate act of
malice, by which two innocent men might have been condemned to suffer an
ignominious death, one of whom was actually brought into this
predicament;--the other only escaped it by a premature death. It may be
asked, how did Bligh know that Stewart and Heywood endeavoured, but were
not allowed, to come to his assistance? Confined as he was on the
quarter-deck, how could he know what was going on below? The answer is,
he must have known it from Christian himself; Churchill, no doubt, acted
entirely by his leader's orders, and the latter could give no orders
that were not heard by Bligh, whom he never left, but held the cord by
which his hands were fettered, till he was forced into the boat.
Churchill was quite right as to the motive of keeping these young
officers; but Christian had no doubt another and a stronger motive: he
knew how necessary it was to interpose a sort of barrier between
himself and his mutinous gang; he was too good an adept not to know that
seamen will always pay a more ready and cheerful obedience to officers
who are _gentlemen_, than to those who may have risen to command from
among themselves. It is indeed a common observation in the service, that
officers who have risen from _before the mast_ are generally the
greatest tyrants.[31] It was Bligh's misfortune not to have been
educated in the cockpit of a man of war, among young gentlemen, which is
to the navy what a public school is to those who are to move in civil
society. What painful sufferings to the individual, and how much misery
to an affectionate family might have been spared, had Bligh, instead of
suppressing, only suffered the passage to stand as originally written in
his journal!

The _remarks_ of young Heywood above recited, were received and
transmitted by his sister Nessy in a letter to the Earl of Chatham, then
first Lord of the Admiralty, of which the following is a copy.

     '_Great Russell Street, 11th Oct_. 1792.

     'MY LORD,--To a nobleman of your lordship's known humanity and
     excellence of heart, I dare hope that the unfortunate cannot
     plead in vain. Deeply impressed as I therefore am, with
     sentiments of the most profound respect for a character which
     I have been ever taught to revere, and alas I nearly
     interested as I must be in the subject of these lines, may I
     request your lordship will generously pardon a sorrowful and
     mourning sister, for presuming to offer the enclosed [remarks]
     for your candid perusal. It contains a few observations made
     by my most unfortunate and tenderly beloved brother, Peter
     Heywood, endeavouring to elucidate some parts of the evidence
     given at the court-martial lately held at Portsmouth upon
     himself and other prisoners of his Majesty's ship _Bounty_.
     When I assure you, my lord, that he is dearer and more
     precious to me than any object on earth--nay, infinitely more
     valuable than life itself--that, deprived of him, the word
     misery would but ill express my complicated wretchedness--and
     that, on his fate, my own, and (shall I not add?) that of a
     tender, fond, and alas! widowed mother, depends, I am
     persuaded you will not wonder, nor be offended, that I am thus
     bold in conjuring your lordship will consider, with your usual
     candour and benevolence, the "Observations" I now offer you,
     as well as the painful situation of my dear and unhappy
     brother.--I have the honour, etc.

     NESSY HEYWOOD.'

Whether this letter and its enclosure produced any effect on the mind of
Lord Chatham does not appear; but no immediate steps were taken, nor was
any answer given; and this amiable young lady and her friends were
suffered to remain in the most painful state of suspense for another
fortnight. A day or two before the warrant was despatched, that
excellent man, Mr. Graham, writes thus to Mrs. Heywood.

     'MY DEAR MADAM,--If feeling for the distresses and rejoicing
     in the happiness of others denote a heart which entitles the
     owner of it to the confidence of the good and virtuous, I
     would fain be persuaded that mine has been so far interested
     in your misfortunes, and is now so pleased with the prospect
     of your being made happy, as cannot fail to procure me the
     friendship of your family, which, as it is my ambition, it
     cannot cease to be my desire to cultivate.

     'Unused to the common rewards which are sought after in this
     world, I will profess to anticipate more real pleasure and
     satisfaction from the simple declaration of you and yours,
     that "we accept of your services, and we thank you for them,"
     than it is in common minds to conceive; but, fearful lest a
     too grateful sense should be entertained of the friendly
     offices I have been engaged in (which, however, I ought to
     confess, I was prompted to, in the first place, by a
     remembrance of the many obligations I owed to Commodore
     Pasley), I must beg you will recollect that, by sending to me
     your charming Nessy (and if strong affection may plead such a
     privilege, I may be allowed to call her _my_ daughter also),
     you would have over-paid me if my trouble had been ten times,
     and my uneasiness ten thousand times greater than they were,
     upon what I once thought the melancholy, but now deem the
     fortunate, occasion which has given me the happiness of her
     acquaintance. Thus far, my dear Madam, I have written to
     please myself. Now, for what must please you--and in which,
     too, I have my share of satisfaction.

     'The business, though not publicly known, is most certainly
     finished, and what I had my doubts about yesterday, I am
     satisfied of to-day. Happy, happy, happy family! accept of my
     congratulations--not for what it is in the power of words to
     express--but for what I know you will feel, upon being told
     that your beloved Peter will soon be restored to your bosom,
     with every virtue that can adorn a man, and ensure to him an
     affectionate, a tender, and truly welcome reception.'

At the foot of this letter Nessy writes thus:--

     'Now, my dearest mamma, did you ever in all your life read so
     charming a letter? Be assured it is exactly characteristic of
     the benevolent writer. What would I give to be transported
     (though only for a moment) to your elbow, that I might see you
     read it? What will you feel, when you know assuredly that you
     may with certainty believe its contents? Well may Mr. Graham
     call us happy! for never felicity could equal ours! Don't
     expect connected sentences from me at present, for this joy
     makes me almost delirious. Adieu! love to all--I need not say
     be happy and blessed as I am at this dear hour, my beloved
     mother.--Your most affectionate,

     N. H.'

On the 24th October, the king's warrant was despatched from the
Admiralty, granting a full and free pardon to Heywood and Morrison, a
respite for Muspratt, which was followed by a pardon; and for carrying
the sentence of Ellison, Burkitt, and Millward into execution, which was
done on the 29th, on board his Majesty's ship _Brunswick_, in Portsmouth
harbour. On this melancholy occasion, Captain Hamond reports that 'the
criminals behaved with great penitence and decorum, acknowledged the
justice of their sentence for the crime of which they had been found
guilty, and exhorted their fellow-sailors to take warning by their
untimely fate, and whatever might be their hardships, never to forget
their obedience to their officers, as a duty they owed to their king and
country.' The captain adds, 'A party from each ship in the harbour, and
at Spithead, attended the execution, and from the reports I have
received, the example seems to have made a great impression upon the
minds of all the ships' companies present.'

The same warrant that carried with it affliction to the friends of these
unfortunate men, was the harbinger of joy to the family and friends of
young Heywood. The happy intelligence was communicated to his
affectionate Nessy on the 26th, who instantly despatched the joyful
tidings to her anxious mother in the following characteristic note:--

     _Friday, 26th October, four o'clock._

     'Oh, blessed hour!--little did I think, my beloved friends,
     when I closed my letter this morning, that before night I
     should be out of my senses with joy!--this moment, this
     ecstatic moment, brought the enclosed.[32] I cannot speak my
     happiness; let it be sufficient to say, that in a very few
     hours our angel Peter will be FREE! Mr. Graham goes this night
     to Portsmouth, and to-morrow, or next day at farthest, I shall
     be--oh, heavens! what shall I be? I am already transported,
     even to pain; then how shall I bear to clasp him to the bosom
     of your happy, ah! how very happy, and affectionate

     NESSY HEYWOOD.'

     'I am too _mad_ to write sense, but 'tis a pleasure I would
     not forgo to be the most reasonable being on earth. I asked
     Mr. Graham, who is at my elbow, if he would say anything to
     you, "Lord!" said he, "I can't say anything"; he is almost as
     mad as myself.'[33]

Mr. Graham writes, 'I have however my senses sufficiently about me not
to suffer this to go without begging leave to congratulate you upon, and
to assure you that I most sincerely sympathize and participate in the
happiness which I am sure the enclosed will convey to the mother and
sisters of my charming and beloved Nessy.'

This 'charming' girl next writes to Mr. Const, who attended as counsel
for her brother, to acquaint him with the joyful intelligence, and thus
concludes. 'I flatter myself you will partake in the joy which,
notwithstanding it is so excessive at this moment, as almost to deprive
me of my faculties, leaves me however sufficiently collected to assure
you of the eternal gratitude and esteem with which I am,' etc.

To which Mr. Const, after congratulations and thanks for her polite
attention, observes, 'Give me leave, my dear Miss Heywood, to assure you
that the intelligence has given me a degree of pleasure which I have not
terms to express, and it is even increased by knowing what you must
experience on the event. Nor is it an immaterial reflection, that
although your brother was unfortunately involved in the general calamity
which gave birth to the charge, he is uncontaminated by the crime, for
there was not a credible testimony of the slightest fact against him
that can make the strictest friend deplore anything that has passed,
except his sufferings; and his uniform conduct under them only proved
how little he deserved them.'

Mr. Graham's impatience and generous anxiety to give the finishing
stroke to this joyful event would not permit him to delay one moment in
setting out for Portsmouth, and bringing up to his house in town the
innocent sufferer, where they arrived on the morning of the 29th
October. Miss Heywood can best speak of her own feelings.

     '_Great Russell Street, Monday Morning, 29th October,
     half-past ten o'clock--the brightest moment of my existence_!

     'MY DEAREST MAMMA,--I have seen him, clasped him to my bosom,
     and my felicity is beyond expression! In person he is almost
     even now as I could wish; in mind you know him an angel. I
     can write no more, but to tell you, that the three happiest
     beings at this moment on earth, are your most dutiful and
     affectionate children,

     'NESSY HEYWOOD. 'PETER HEYWOOD. 'JAMES HEYWOOD.

     'Love to and from all ten thousand times.'

The worthy Mr. Graham adds,

     'If, my dearest Madam, it were ever given for mortals to be
     supremely blest on earth, mine to be sure must be the happy
     family. Heavens! with what unbounded extravagance have we been
     forming our wishes! and yet how far beyond our most unbounded
     wishes we are blest! Nessy, Maria,[34] Peter, and James, I
     see, have all been endeavouring to express their feelings. I
     will not fail in any such attempt, for I will not attempt
     anything beyond an assurance that the scene I have been
     witness of, and in which I am happily so great a sharer,
     beggars all description. Permit me however to offer my most
     sincere congratulations upon the joyful occasion.'

This amiable young lady, some of whose letters have been introduced into
this narrative, did not long survive her brother's liberty. This
impassioned and most affectionate of sisters, with an excess of
sensibility, which acted too powerfully on her bodily frame, sunk, as is
often the case with such susceptible minds, on the first attack of
consumption. She died within the year of her brother's liberation. On
this occasion the following note from her afflicted mother appears
among the papers from which the letters and poetry are taken.

     'My dearest Nessy was seized, while on a visit at Major
     Yorke's, at Bishop's Grove near Tonbridge Wells, with a
     violent cold, and not taking proper care of herself, it soon
     turned to inflammation on her lungs, which carried her off at
     Hastings, to which place she was taken on the 5th September,
     to try if the change of air, and being near the sea, would
     recover her; but alas! it was too late for her to receive the
     wished for benefit, and she died there on the 25th of the same
     month 1793, and has left her only surviving parent a
     disconsolate mother, to lament, while ever she lives, with the
     most sincere and deep affliction, the irreparable loss of her
     most valuable, affectionate, and darling daughter.'[35]

But to return to Mr. Heywood. When the king's full and free pardon had
been read to this young officer by Captain Montagu, with a suitable
admonition and congratulation, he addressed that officer in the
following terms,--so suitably characteristic of his noble and manly
conduct throughout the whole of the distressing business in which he was
innocently involved:--

    SIR,--When the sentence of the law was passed upon me, I
    received it, I trust, as became a man; and if it had been
    carried into execution, I should have met my fate, I hope, in a
    manner becoming a Christian. Your admonition cannot fail to
    make a lasting impression on my mind. I receive with gratitude
    my sovereign's mercy, for which my future life shall be
    faithfully devoted to his service.'[36]

And well did his future conduct fulfil that promise. Notwithstanding
the inauspicious manner in which the first five years of his servitude
in the navy had been passed, two of which were spent among mutineers and
savages, and eighteen months as a close prisoner in irons, in
which condition he was shipwrecked, and within an ace of
perishing,--notwithstanding this unpromising commencement, he re-entered
the naval service under the auspices of his uncle, Commodore Pasley, and
Lord Hood, who presided at his trial, and who earnestly recommended him
to embark again as a midshipman without delay, offering to take him into
the _Victory_, under his own immediate patronage. In the course of his
service, to qualify for the commission of lieutenant, he was under the
respective commands of three or four distinguished officers, who had sat
on his trial, from all of whom he received the most flattering proofs of
esteem and approbation. To the application of Sir Thomas Pasley to Lord
Spencer for his promotion, that nobleman, with that due regard he was
always known to pay to the honour and interests of the navy, while
individual claims were never overlooked, gave the following reply, which
must have been highly gratifying to the feelings of Mr. Heywood and his
family.


     _Admiralty, Jan. 13th_, 1797.

     'Sir,--I should have returned an earlier answer to your letter
     of the 6th instant, if I had not been desirous, before I
     answered it, to look over, with as much attention as was in my
     power, the proceedings on the Court-Martial held in the year
     1792, by which Court Mr. Peter Heywood was condemned for being
     concerned in the mutiny on board the _Bounty_. I felt this to
     be necessary, from having entertained a very strong opinion
     that it might be detrimental to the interests of his Majesty's
     service, if a person under such a predicament should be
     afterwards advanced to the higher and more conspicuous
     situations of the navy; but having, with great attention,
     perused the minutes of that Court-Martial, as far as they
     relate to Mr. Peter Heywood, I have now the satisfaction of
     being able to inform you, that I think his case was such an
     one, as, under all its circumstances (though I do not mean to
     say that the Court were not justified in their sentence),
     ought not to be considered as a bar to his further progress in
     his profession; more especially when the gallantry and
     propriety of his conduct, in his subsequent service, are taken
     into consideration. I shall, therefore, have no difficulty in
     mentioning him to the commander-in-chief on the station to
     which he belongs, as a person from whose promotion, on a
     proper opportunity, I shall derive much satisfaction, more
     particularly from his being so nearly connected with you.--I
     have the honour to be, etc.

     (Signed) SPENCER.'

It is not here intended to follow Mr. Heywood through his honourable
career of service, during the long and arduous contest with France, and
in the several commands with which he was entrusted. In a note of his
own writing it is stated, that on paying off the _Montague_, in July,
1816, he came on shore, after having been actively employed _at sea_
twenty-seven years, six months, one week, and five days, out of a
servitude in the navy of twenty-nine years, seven months, and one day.
Having reached nearly the top of the list of captains, he died in this
present year, leaving behind him a high and unblemished character in
that service, of which he was a most honourable, intelligent, and
distinguished member.




CHAPTER VIII

THE LAST OF THE MUTINEERS

         Who by repentance is not satisfied,
     Is nor of heaven nor earth; for these are pleased;
     By penitence th' Eternal's wrath's appeased.


Twenty years had passed away, and the _Bounty_, and Fletcher Christian,
and the piratical crew that he had carried off with him in that ship,
had long ceased to occupy a thought in the public mind. Throughout the
whole of that eventful period, the attention of all Europe had been
absorbed in the contemplation of 'enterprises of great pith and
moment,'--of the revolutions of empires--the bustle and business of
warlike preparations--the movements of hostile armies--battles by sea
and land, and of all 'the pomp and circumstance of glorious war.' If the
subject of the _Bounty_ was accidentally mentioned, it was merely to
express an opinion that this vessel, and those within her, had gone down
to the bottom, or that some savage islanders had inflicted on the
mutineers that measure of retribution so justly due to their crime. It
happened, however, some years before the conclusion of this war of
unexampled duration, that an accidental discovery, as interesting as it
was wholly unexpected, was brought to light, in consequence of an
American trading vessel having by mere chance approached one of those
numerous islands in the Pacific, against whose steep and iron-bound
shores the surf almost everlastingly rolls with such tremendous
violence, as to bid defiance to any attempt of boats to land, except at
particular times and in very few places.

The first intimation of this extraordinary discovery was transmitted by
Sir Sydney Smith from Rio de Janeiro, and received at the Admiralty,
14th May, 1809. It was conveyed to him from Valparaiso by Lieutenant
Fitzmaurice, and was as follows:--

     'Captain Folger, of the American ship _Topaz_, of Boston,
     relates that, upon landing on Pitcairn's Island, in lat. 25 deg.
     2' S., long. 130 deg. W., he found there an Englishman of the name
     of Alexander Smith, the only person remaining of nine that
     escaped in his Majesty's late ship _Bounty_, Captain W. Bligh.
     Smith relates that, after putting Captain Bligh in the boat,
     Christian, the leader of the mutiny, took command of the ship
     and went to Otaheite, where the great part of the crew left
     her, except Christian, Smith, and seven others, who each took
     wives and six Otaheitan men-servants, and shortly after
     arrived at the said island (Pitcairn), where they ran the ship
     on shore, and broke her up; this event took place in the year
     1790.

     'About four years after their arrival (a great jealousy
     existing), the Otaheitans secretly revolted, and killed every
     Englishman except himself whom they severely wounded in the
     neck with a pistol ball. The same night, the widows of the
     deceased Englishmen arose and put to death the whole of the
     Otaheitans, leaving Smith, the only man alive upon the island,
     with eight or nine women and several small children. On his
     recovery, he applied himself to tilling the ground, so that it
     now produces plenty of yams, cocoa-nuts, bananas, and
     plantains; hogs and poultry in abundance. There are now some
     grown-up men and women, children of the mutineers, on the
     island, the whole population amounting to about thirty-five,
     who acknowledge Smith as father and commander of them all;
     they all speak English, and have been educated by him (as
     Captain Folger represents) in a religious and moral way.

     'The second mate of the _Topaz_ asserts that Christian, the
     ringleader, became insane shortly after their arrival on the
     island, and threw himself off the rocks into the sea; another
     died of a fever before the massacre of the remaining six took
     place. The island is badly supplied with water, sufficient
     only for the present inhabitants, and no anchorage.

     'Smith gave to Captain Folger a chronometer made by Kendall,
     which was taken from him by the Governor of Juan Fernandez.

     'Extracted from the log-book of the _Topaz_, 29th Sept. 1808.

     (Signed) 'WM. FITZMAURICE, Lieut. '_Valparaiso, Oct. 10th,
     1808._'

This narrative stated two facts that established its general
authenticity--the name of Alexander Smith, who was one of the mutineers,
and the name of the maker of the chronometer, with which the _Bounty_
was actually supplied. Interesting as this discovery was considered to
be, it does not appear that any steps were taken in consequence of this
authenticated information, the government being at that time probably
too much engaged in the events of the war; nor was anything further
heard of this interesting little society, until the latter part of 1814,
when a letter was transmitted by Rear Admiral Hotham, then cruising off
the coast of America, from Mr. Folger himself, to the same effect as the
preceding extract from his log, but dated March, 1813.

In the first-mentioned year (1814) we had two frigates cruising in the
Pacific,--the _Briton_, commanded by Sir Thomas Staines, and the
_Tagus_, by Captain Pipon. The following letter from the former of these
officers was received at the Admiralty early in the year 1815.


     _Briton, Valparaiso, 18th Oct., 1814._

     'I have the honour to inform you that on my passage from the
     Marquesas islands to this port, on the morning of the 17th
     September, I fell in with an island where none is laid down in
     the Admiralty or other charts, according to the several
     chronometers of the _Briton_ and _Tagus_. I therefore hove to,
     until daylight, and then closed to ascertain whether it was
     inhabited, which I soon discovered it to be, and, to my great
     astonishment, found that every individual on the island (forty
     in number), spoke very good English. They proved to be the
     descendants of the deluded crew of the _Bounty_, who, from
     Otaheite, proceeded to the above-mentioned island, where the
     ship was burnt.

     'Christian appeared to have been the leader and sole cause of
     the mutiny in that ship. A venerable old man, named John
     Adams, is the only surviving Englishman of those who last
     quitted Otaheite in her, and whose exemplary conduct, and
     fatherly care of the whole of the little colony, could not but
     command admiration. The pious manner in which all those born
     on the island have been reared, the correct sense of religion
     which has been instilled into their young minds by this old
     man, has given him the pre-eminence over the whole of them, to
     whom they look up as the father of one and the whole family.

     'A son of Christian was the first born on the island, now
     about twenty-five years of age, named Thursday October
     Christian; the elder Christian fell a sacrifice to the
     jealousy of an Otaheitan man, within three or four years after
     their arrival on the island. The mutineers were accompanied
     thither by six Otaheitan men and twelve women; the former were
     all swept away by desperate contentions between them and the
     Englishmen, and five of the latter died at different periods,
     leaving at present only one man (Adams) and seven women of the
     original settlers.

     'The island must undoubtedly be that called Pitcairn, although
     erroneously laid down in the charts. We had the altitude of
     the meridian sun close to it, which gave us 25 deg. 4' S.
     latitude, and 130 deg. 25' W. longitude, by the chronometers of
     the _Briton_ and _Tagus_.

     'It produces in abundance yams, plantains, hogs, goats, and
     fowls; but the coast affords no shelter for a ship or vessel
     of any description; neither could a ship water there without
     great difficulty.

     'I cannot, however, refrain from offering my opinion, that it
     is well worthy the attention of our laudable religious
     societies, particularly that for propagating the Christian
     religion, the whole of the inhabitants speaking the Otaheitan
     tongue as well as the English.

     'During the whole of the time they have been on the island,
     only one ship has ever communicated with them, which took
     place about six years since, and this was the American ship
     _Topaz_, of Boston, Mayhew Folger, master.

     'The island is completely iron-bound with rocky shores, and
     the landing in boats must be at all times difficult, although
     the island may be safely approached within a short distance by
     a ship. (Signed) T. STAINES.'

Such was the first official account received of this little colony. As
some further particulars of a society so singular, in all respects, were
highly desirable, Captain Pipon, on being applied to, had the kindness
to draw up the following narrative, which has all the freshness and
attraction of a first communication with a new people.

Captain Pipon takes a more extended view, in his private letter,[37] of
the condition of this little society. He observes, that when they first
saw the island, the latitude, made by the _Tagus_, was 24 deg. 40' S. and
longitude 130 deg. 24' W., the ships being then distant from it five or six
leagues; and, as in none of the charts in their possession was any land
laid down in or near this meridian, they were extremely puzzled to make
out what island it could possibly be; for Pitcairn's Island, being the
only one known in the neighbourhood, was represented to be in longitude
133 deg. 24' W.[38] If this new discovery as they supposed it to be,
awakened their curiosity, it was still more excited when they ran in for
the land the next morning, on perceiving a few huts, neatly built,
amidst plantations laid out apparently with something like order and
regularity; and these appearances confirmed them more than ever that it
could not be Pitcairn's Island, because that was described by
navigators to be uninhabited. Presently they observed a few natives
coming down a steep descent with their canoes on their shoulders; and in
a few minutes perceived one of those little vessels darting through a
heavy surf, and paddling off towards the ships; but their astonishment
was extreme when, on coming alongside, they were hailed in the English
language with 'Won't you heave us a rope now?'

The first young man that sprang, with extraordinary alacrity, up the
side, and stood before them on the deck, said, in reply to the question,
'Who are you?'--that his name was Thursday October Christian, son of the
late Fletcher Christian, by an Otaheitan mother; that he was the first
born on the island, and that he was so called because he was brought
into the world on a Thursday in October. Singularly strange as all this
was to Sir Thomas Staines and Captain Pipon, this youth soon satisfied
them that he was no other than the person he represented himself to be,
and that he was fully acquainted with the whole history of the _Bounty_;
and, in short, that the island before them was the retreat of the
mutineers of that ship. Young Christian was, at this time, about
twenty-four years of age, a fine tall youth, full six feet high, with
dark, almost black, hair, and a countenance open and extremely
interesting. As he wore no clothes except a piece of cloth round his
loins, and a straw hat, ornamented with black cocks'-feathers, his fine
figure and well-shaped muscular limbs were displayed to great
advantage, and attracted general admiration. His body was much tanned by
exposure to the weather, and his countenance had a brownish cast,
unmixed however with that tinge of red so common among the natives of
the Pacific islands.

'Added to a great share of good humour, we were glad to trace,' says
Captain Pipon, 'in his benevolent countenance, all the features of an
honest English face.' He told them he was married to a woman much older
than himself, one of those that accompanied his father from Otaheite.
The ingenuous manner in which he answered all questions put to him, and
his whole deportment, created a lively interest among the officers of
the ship, who, while they admired, could not but regard him with
feelings of tenderness and compassion; his manner, too, of speaking
English was exceedingly pleasing, and correct both in grammar and
pronunciation. His companion was a fine handsome youth of seventeen or
eighteen years of age, of the name of George Young, son of Young the
midshipman.

If the astonishment of the two captains was great on making, as they
thought, this first and extraordinary discovery of a people who had been
so long forgotten, and in hearing the offspring of these offenders
speaking their language correctly, their surprise and interest were
still more highly excited when, on Sir Thomas Staines taking the two
youths below, and setting before them something to eat, they both rose
up, and one of them, placing his hands together in a posture of
devotion, pronounced, distinctly and with emphasis, in a pleasing tone
of voice, the words, 'For what we are going to receive the Lord make us
truly thankful.'

The youths were themselves greatly surprised at the sight of so many
novel objects--the size of the ship--of the guns, and everything around
them. Observing a cow, they were at first somewhat alarmed, and
expressed a doubt whether it was a huge goat or a horned hog, these
being the only two species of quadrupeds they had ever seen. A little
dog amused them much. 'Oh! what a pretty little thing it is!' exclaimed
Young, 'I know it is a dog, for I have heard of such an animal.'

These young men informed the two captains of many singular events that
had taken place among the first settlers, but referred them for further
particulars to an old man on shore, whose name, they said, was John
Adams, the only surviving Englishman that came away in the _Bounty_, at
which time he was called Alexander Smith.

This information induced the two captains to go on shore, desirous of
learning correctly from this old man the fate, not only of Christian,
but of the rest of his deluded accomplices, who had adhered to his
fortunes. The landing they found to be difficult, and not wholly free
from danger; but, with the assistance of their two able conductors, they
passed the surf among many rocks, and reached the shore without any
other inconvenience than a complete wetting. Old Adams, having
ascertained that the two officers alone had landed, and without arms,
concluded they had no intention to take him prisoner, and ventured to
come down to the beach, from whence he conducted them to his house. He
was accompanied by his wife, a very old woman, and nearly blind. It
seems they were both at first considerably alarmed; the sight of the
king's uniform, after so many years, having no doubt brought fresh to
the recollection of Adams the scene that occurred in the _Bounty_, in
which he bore so conspicuous a part. Sir Thomas Staines, however, to set
his mind at ease, assured him, that so far from having come to the
island with any intention to take him away, they were not even aware
that such a person as himself existed. Captain Pipon observes, 'that
although in the eye of the law they could only consider him in the light
of a criminal of the deepest dye, yet that it would have been an act of
the greatest cruelty and inhumanity to have taken him away from his
little family, who, in such a case, would have been left to experience
the greatest misery and distress, and ultimately, in all probability,
would have perished of want.'

Adams, however, pretended that he had no great share in the mutiny: said
that he was sick in bed when it broke out, and was afterwards compelled
to take a musket in his hand; and expressed his readiness to go in one
of the ships to England, and seemed rather desirous to do so. On this
being made known to the members of the little society, a scene of
considerable distress was witnessed; his daughter, a fine young woman,
threw her arms about his neck, entreating him not to think of leaving
them and all his little children to perish. All the women burst into
tears, and the young men stood motionless and absorbed in grief; but on
their being assured that he should, on no account, be molested, 'it is
impossible,' says Captain Pipon, 'to describe the universal joy that
these poor people manifested, and the gratitude they expressed for the
kindness and consideration shown to them.'

They now learned from Adams that Fletcher Christian, on finding no good
anchorage close to the island, and the _Bounty_ being too weakly manned
again to entrust themselves in her at sea, determined to run her into a
small creek against the cliff, in order the more conveniently to get out
of her such articles as might be of use, or necessary, for forming an
establishment on the island, and to land the hogs, goats, and poultry,
which they had brought from Otaheite; and having accomplished this point
he ordered her to be set on fire, with the view, probably, of preventing
any escape from the island, and also to remove an object that, if seen,
might excite the curiosity of some passing vessel, and thus be the means
of discovering his retreat. His plan succeeded, and by Adams's account,
everything went on smoothly for a short time; but it was clear enough
that this misguided and ill-fated young man was never happy after the
rash and criminal step he had taken; that he was always sullen and
morose; and committed so many acts of wanton oppression, as very soon
incurred the hatred and detestation of his companions in crime, over
whom he practised that same overbearing conduct, of which he accused
his commander Bligh. The object he had in view when he last left
Otaheite had now been accomplished; he had discovered an uninhabited
island out of the common track of ships, and established himself and his
associates; so far there was a chance that he had escaped all pursuit;
but there was no escaping from

     Those rods of scorpions and those whips of steel
     Which conscience shakes.

The fate of this misguided young man, brought on by his ill-treatment
both of his associates and the Indians he had carried off with him, was
such as might be expected--he was shot by an Otaheitan while digging in
his field, about eleven months after they had settled on the island, and
his death was only the commencement of feuds and assassinations, which
ended in the total destruction of the whole party, except Adams and
Young. By the account of the former, the settlers from this time became
divided into two parties, and their grievances and quarrels proceeded to
such a height, that each took every opportunity of putting the other to
death. Old John Adams was himself shot through the neck, but the ball
having entered the fleshy part only, he was enabled to make his escape,
and avoid the fury of his assailants. The immediate cause of Christian's
murder was his having forcibly seized on the wife of one of the Otaheite
men, which so exasperated the rest, that they not only sought the life
of the offender, but of others also, who might, as they thought, be
disposed to pursue the same course.

This interesting little colony was now found to contain about forty-six
persons, mostly grown-up young people, with a few infants. The young men
all born on the island were finely formed, athletic and handsome--their
countenances open and pleasing, indicating much benevolence and goodness
of heart, but the young women particularly were objects of attraction,
being tall, robust, and beautifully formed, their faces beaming with
smiles, and indicating unruffled good humour; while their manners and
demeanour exhibited a degree of modesty and bashfulness, that would have
done honour to the most virtuous and enlightened people on earth. Their
teeth are described as beautifully white, like the finest ivory, and
perfectly regular, without a single exception; and all of them, both
male and female, had the marked expression of English features, though
not exactly the clear red and white, that distinguish English skins,
theirs being the colour of what we call brunette. Captain Pipon thinks
that from such a race of people, consisting of fine young men and
handsome well-formed women, there may be expected to arise hereafter, in
this little colony, a race of people possessing in a high degree the
physical qualifications of great strength, united with symmetry of form
and regularity of feature.

But their personal qualifications, attractive as they were, excited less
admiration than the account which Adams gave of their virtuous conduct.
He assured his visitors that not one instance of debauchery or immoral
conduct had occurred among these young people, since their settlement on
the island; nor did he ever hear, or believe, that any one instance had
occurred of a young woman having suffered indecent liberties to be taken
with her. Their native modesty, assisted by the precepts of religion and
morality, instilled into their young minds by John Adams, had hitherto
preserved these interesting people from every kind of debauchery. The
young women told Captain Pipon, with great simplicity, that they were
not married, and that their father, as they called Adams, had told them
it was right they should wait with patience till they had acquired
sufficient property to bring up a young family, before they thought of
marrying; and that they always followed his advice because they knew it
to be good.

It appeared that, from the time when Adams was left alone on the island,
the sole survivor of all the males that had landed from the _Bounty_,
European and Otaheitan, the greatest harmony had prevailed in their
little society; they all declared that no serious quarrels ever occurred
among them, though a few hasty words might now and then be uttered, but,
to make use of their own expression, they were only quarrels of the
mouth. Adams assured his visitors that they were all strictly honest in
all their dealings, lending or exchanging their various articles of
live-stock or produce with each other, in the most friendly manner; and
if any little dispute occurred, he never found any difficulty to
rectify the mistake or misunderstanding that might have caused it, to
the satisfaction of both parties. In their general intercourse they
speak the English language commonly; and even the old Otaheitan women
have picked up a good deal of this language. The young people, both male
and female, speak it with a pleasing accent, and their voices are
extremely harmonious.

The little village of Pitcairn is described as forming a pretty square;
the house of John Adams, with its out-houses, occupying the upper
corner, near a large banyan tree, and that of Thursday October Christian
the lower corner opposite to it. The centre space is a fine open lawn,
where the poultry wander, and is fenced round so as to prevent the
intrusion of the hogs and goats. It was obviously visible, from the
manner in which the grounds were laid out, and the plantations formed
that, in this little establishment, the labour and ingenuity of European
hands had been employed. In their houses they have a good deal of decent
furniture, consisting of beds and bedsteads, with coverings. They have
also tables and large chests for their clothing; and their linen is made
from the bark of a certain tree, and the manufacture of it is the
employment of the elderly portion of the women. The bark is first
soaked, then beaten with square pieces of wood, of the breadth of one's
hand, hollowed out into grooves, and the labour is continued until it is
brought to the breadth required, in the same manner as the process is
conducted in Otaheite.

The younger part of the females are obliged to attend, with old Adams
and their brothers, to the culture of the land, and Captain Pipon thinks
this may be one reason why this old director of the work does not
countenance too early marriages, for, as he very properly observed, when
once they become mothers, they are less capable of hard labour, being
obliged to attend to their children; and, judging from appearance, 'one
may conclude,' says the Captain, 'they would be prolific'; that 'he did
not see how it could be otherwise, considering the regularity of their
lives, their simple and excellent though abstemious mode of living,
their meals consisting chiefly of a vegetable diet, with now and then
good pork and occasionally fish.'

The young girls, although they have only the example of the Otaheitan
mothers to follow in their dress, are modestly clothed, having generally
a piece of cloth of their own manufacture, reaching from the waist to
the knees, and a mantle, or something of that nature, thrown loosely
over the shoulders, and hanging sometimes as low as the ankles: this
mantle, however, is frequently thrown aside, being used rather as a
shelter for their bodies from the heat of the sun, or the severity of
the weather, than for the sake of attaching any idea of modesty to the
upper part of the person being uncovered; and it is not possible, he
says, to behold finer forms than are exhibited by this partial exposure.
Captain Pipon observes, 'it was pleasing to see the good taste and
quickness with which they form little shades or parasols of green
leaves, to place over the head, or bonnets, to keep the sun from their
eyes. A young girl made one of these in my presence, with such neatness
and alacrity, as to satisfy me that a fashionable dressmaker of London
would be delighted with the simplicity and elegant taste of these
untaught females.' The same young girl, he says, accompanied them to the
boat, carrying on her shoulders, as a present, a large basket of yams,
'over such roads and down such precipices, as were scarcely passable by
any creatures except goats, and over which we could scarcely scramble
with the help of our hands. Yet with this load on her shoulders, she
skipped from rock to rock like a young roe.'

'But,' says Captain Pipon, 'what delighted us most, was the conviction
which John Adams had impressed on the minds of these young people, of
the propriety and necessity of returning thanks to the Almighty for the
many blessings they enjoy. They never omit saying grace before and after
meals, and never think of touching food without asking a blessing from
Him who gave it. The Lord's Prayer and the Creed they repeat morning and
evening.'

Captain Pipon imagines the island to be about six miles long, and
perhaps three or four miles broad, covered with wood; the soil
apparently very rich, and the variety of products great and valuable,
but much labour would seem to be required to clear away the woods. The
dimensions here given, however, are much greater than they have
subsequently been found to be.

The visitors having supplied these poor people with some tools,
kettles, and other articles, such as the high surf would allow them,
with the assistance of the natives, to land, but to no great extent, the
two officers again passed through the surf, with the same assistance,
and took leave of these interesting people--satisfied that the island is
so well fortified by nature, as to oppose an invincible barrier to an
invading enemy; that there was no spot apparently where a boat could
land with safety, and perhaps not more than one where it could land at
all; an everlasting swell of the ocean, rolling in on every side, is
dashed into foam against its rocky and iron-bound shores.

Such were the first details that were received respecting this young
settlement. It may here be remarked that, at the time when Folger
visited the island, Alexander Smith went by his proper name, and that he
had changed it to John Adams in the intermediate time between his visit
and that of Sir Thomas Staines; but it does not appear, in any of the
accounts which have been given of this interesting little colony, when
or for what reason he assumed the latter name. It could not be with any
view to concealment, for he freely communicated his history to Folger,
and equally so to every subsequent visitor.

The interesting account of Captains Sir Thomas Stairies and Pipon, in
1814, produced as little effect on the government as that of Folger; and
nothing more was heard of Adams and his family for twelve years nearly,
when, in 1825, Captain Beechey, in the _Blossom_, bound on a voyage of
discovery, paid a visit to Pitcairn's Island. Some whale-fishing ship,
however, had touched there in the intermediate time, and left on the
island a person of the name of John Buffet. 'In this man,' says Captain
Beechey, 'they have very fortunately found an able and willing
schoolmaster; he had belonged to a ship which visited the island, and
was so infatuated with the behaviour of the people, being himself
naturally of a devout and serious turn of mind, that he resolved to
remain among them; and, in addition to the instruction of the children,
has taken upon himself the duty of clergyman, and is the oracle of the
community.'

On the approach of the _Blossom_ towards the island, a boat was
observed, under all sail, hastening towards the ship, which they
considered to be the boat of some whaler, but were soon agreeably
undeceived by the singular appearance of her crew, which consisted of
old Adams and many of the young men belonging to the island. They did
not venture at once to lay hold of the ship till they had first inquired
if they might come on board; and on permission being granted, they
sprang up the side and shook every officer by the hand with undisguised
feelings of gratification.

The activity of the young men, ten in number, outstripped that of old
Adams, who was in his sixty-fifth year, and somewhat corpulent. He was
dressed in a sailor's shirt and trousers, and a low-crowned hat, which
he held in his hand until desired to put it on. He still retained his
sailor's manners, doffing his hat and smoothing down his bald forehead
whenever he was addressed by the officers of the _Blossom_.

The young men were tall, robust, and healthy, with good-natured
countenances, and a simplicity of manner, and a fear of doing something
that might be wrong, which at once prevented the possibility of giving
offence. Their dresses were whimsical enough; some had long coats
without trousers, and others trousers without coats, and others again
waistcoats without either. None of them had either shoes or stockings,
and there were only two hats among them, 'neither of which,' Captain
Beechey says, 'seemed likely to hang long together.'

Captain Beechey procured from Adams a narrative of the whole transaction
of the mutiny, which however is incorrect in many parts; and also a
history of the broils and disputes which led to the violent death of all
these misguided men (with the exception of Young and Adams), who
accompanied Christian in the _Bounty_ to Pitcairn's Island.

It may be recollected that the _Bounty_ was carried away from Otaheite
by nine of the mutineers. Their names were:--

     1. FLETCHER CHRISTIAN,                        Acting Lieutenant.
     2. EDWARD YOUNG,                              Midshipman.
     3. ALEXANDER SMITH (_alias_ JOHN ADAMS), Seaman.
     4. WILLIAM M'KOY,                             Seaman.
     5. MATTHEW QUINTAL,                           Seaman.
     6. JOHN WILLIAMS,                             Seaman.
     7. ISAAC MARTIN,                              Seaman.
     8. JOHN MILLS,                                Gunner's Mate.
     9. WILLIAM BROWN,                             Botanist's Assistant.

They brought with them six men and twelve women, natives of Tabouai and
Otaheite. The first step after their arrival was to divide the whole
island into nine equal portions, to the exclusion of those poor people
whom they had seduced to accompany them, and some of whom are stated to
have been carried off against their inclination. At first they were
considered as the friends of the white men, but very soon became their
slaves. They assisted in the cultivation of the soil, in building
houses, and in fetching wood and water, without murmuring or
complaining; and things went on peaceably and prosperously for about two
years, when Williams, who had lost his wife about a month after their
arrival, by a fall from a rock while collecting bird's eggs, became
dissatisfied, and insisted on having another wife, or threatened to
leave the island in one of the _Bounty's_ boats. Being useful as an
armourer, the Europeans were unwilling to part with him, and he, still
persisting in his unreasonable demand, had the injustice to compel one
of the Otaheitans to give up his wife to him.

By this act of flagrant oppression his countrymen made common cause with
their injured companion, and laid a plan for the extermination of the
Europeans; but the women gave a hint of what was going forward in a
song, the burden of which was, 'Why does black man sharpen axe?--to kill
white man.' The plot being thus discovered, the husband who had his wife
taken from him, another whom Christian had shot at (though, it is
stated, with powder only), fled into the woods, and were treacherously
murdered by their countrymen, on the promise of pardon for the
perpetration of this foul deed.

Tranquillity being thus restored, matters went on tolerably well for a
year or two longer; but the oppression and ill-treatment which the
Otaheitans received, more particularly from Quintal and M'Koy, the most
active and determined of the mutineers, drove them to the formation of
another plot for the destruction of their oppressors, which but too
successfully succeeded. A day was fixed for attacking and putting to
death all the Englishmen while at work in their respective plantations.
Williams was the first man that was shot. They next proceeded to
Christian, who was working at his yam-plot, and shot him. Mills,
confiding in the fidelity of his Otaheitan friend, stood his ground, and
was murdered by him and another. Martin and Brown were separately
attacked and slain, one with a maul, the other with a musket. Adams was
wounded in the shoulder, but succeeded in making terms with the
Otaheitans; and was conducted by them to Christian's house, where he was
kindly treated. Young, who was a great favourite of the women, was
secreted by them during the attack, and afterwards carried to
Christian's house. M'Koy and Quintal, the worst of the gang, escaped to
the mountains. 'Here,' says Captain Beechey, 'this day of bloodshed
ended, leaving only four Englishmen alive out of nine. It was a day of
emancipation to the blacks, who were now masters of the island, and of
humiliation and retribution to the whites.'

The men of colour now began to quarrel about choosing the women whose
European husbands had been murdered; the result of which was the
destruction of the whole of the former, some falling by the hands of the
women, and one of them by Young, who it would seem coolly and
deliberately shot him. Adams now proceeded into the mountains to
communicate the fatal intelligence to the two Europeans, M'Koy and
Quintal, and to solicit their return to the village. All these events
are stated to have happened so early as October, 1793.

From this time to 1798, the remnant of the colonists would appear to
have gone on quietly with the exception of some quarrels these four men
had with the women, and the latter among themselves; ten of them were
still remaining, who lived promiscuously with the men, frequently
changing their abode from one house to another. Young, being a man of
some education, kept a kind of journal, but it is a document of very
little interest, containing scarcely anything more than the ordinary
occupations of the settlers, the loan or exchange of provisions, the
dates when the sows farrowed, the number of fish caught, etc., and it
begins only at the time when Adams and he were sole masters of the
island; and the truth, therefore, of all that has been told rests solely
on the degree of credit that is due to Adams.

M'Koy, it appears, had formerly been employed in a Scotch distillery,
and being much addicted to ardent spirits, set about making experiments
on the _tee-root_ (_Dracaena terminalis_), and at length unfortunately
succeeded in producing an intoxicating liquor. This success induced his
companion Quintal to turn his kettle into a still. The consequence was,
that these two men were in a constant state of drunkenness, particularly
M'Koy, on whom, it seems, it had the effect of producing fits of
delirium; and in one of these he threw himself from a cliff and was
killed on the spot. Captain Beechey says, 'the melancholy fate of this
man created so forcible an impression on the remaining few, that they
resolved never again to touch spirits; and Adams has, I believe, to this
day kept his vow.'

Some time in the following year, that is, about 1799, 'we learned from
Adams,' says Captain Beechey, 'that Quintal lost his wife by a fall from
the cliff, while in search of birds' eggs; that he grew discontented,
and, though there were several disposable women on the island, and he
had already experienced the fatal effects of a similar demand, nothing
would satisfy him but the wife of one of his companions. Of course
neither of them felt inclined to accede to this unreasonable demand; and
he sought an opportunity of putting them both to death. He was
fortunately foiled in his first attempt, but swore openly he would
speedily repeat it. Adams and Young having no doubt he would follow up
his intention, and fearing he might be more successful in the next
attempt, came to the resolution that, as their own lives were not safe
while he was in existence, they were justified in putting him to death,
which they did by felling him, as they would an ox, with a hatchet.

'Such was the melancholy fate of seven of the leading mutineers, who
escaped from justice only to add murder to their former crimes'; and
such, it may be added, was the polluted source, thus stained with the
guilt of mutiny, piracy, and murder, from which the present simple and
innocent race of islanders has proceeded; and what is most of all
extraordinary, the very man, from whom they have received their moral
and religious instruction, is one who was among the first and foremost
in the mutiny, and deeply implicated in all the deplorable consequences
that were the results of it. This man and Young were now the sole
survivors out of the fifteen males that had landed upon the island.
Young, as has been stated, was a man of some education, and of a serious
turn of mind, and, as Beechey says, it would have been wonderful, after
the many dreadful scenes at which they had assisted, if the solitude and
tranquillity that ensued had not disposed them to repentance. They had a
Bible and a Prayer Book, which were found in the _Bounty_, and they read
the Church Service regularly every Sunday. They now resolved to have
morning and evening family prayers, and to instruct the children, who
amounted to nineteen, many of them between the ages of seven and nine
years. Young, however, was not long suffered to survive his repentance.
An asthmatic complaint terminated his existence about a year after the
death of Quintal; and Adams was now left the sole survivor of the guilty
and misguided mutineers of the _Bounty_. It is remarkable that the name
of Young should never once occur in any shape as connected with the
mutiny, except in the evidence of Lieutenant Hayward, who includes his
name in a mass of others. He neither appears among the armed nor the
unarmed; he is not stated to be among those who were on deck, and was
probably therefore one of those who were confined below. Bligh,
nevertheless, has not omitted to give him a character. 'Young was an
able and stout seaman; he, however, always proved a worthless wretch.'

If the sincere repentance of Adams, and the most successful exertions to
train up the rising generation in piety and virtue, can be considered as
expiating in some degree his former offences, this survivor is fully
entitled to every indulgence that frail humanity so often requires, and
which indeed has been extended to him, by all the officers of the navy
who have visited the island, and witnessed the simple manners, and the
settled habits of morality and piety which prevail in this happy and
well-regulated society. They have all strongly felt that the merits and
redeeming qualities of the latter years of his life have so far atoned
for his former guilt, that he ought not to be molested, but rather
encouraged, in his meritorious efforts, if not for his own sake, at
least for that of the innocent young people dependent on him.

Still it ought never to be forgotten that he was one of the first and
most daring in the atrocious act of mutiny and piracy, and that, had he
remained in Otaheite, and been taken home in the _Pandora_, nothing
could have saved him from an ignominious death. His pretending to say
that he was in his cot, and that he was forced to take arms, may perhaps
be palliated under his peculiar circumstances, wishing to stand as fair
before his countrymen as his case would admit--but it is not strictly
true; for he was the third upon deck armed, and stood sentry over Bligh
with a loaded musket and fixed bayonet. The story he told to Beechey
respecting the advice stated to have been given by Mr. Stewart to
Christian, 'to take possession of the ship,' is, as has been shown,
wholly false; but here his memory may have failed him. If any such
advice was given, it is much more likely to have proceeded from Young.
He also told two different stories with regard to the conduct of
Christian. To Sir Thomas Staines and Captain Pipon, he represented this
ill-fated young man as never happy, after the rash and criminal step he
had taken, and that he was always sullen and morose, and committed so
many acts of cruelty, as to incur the hatred and detestation of his
associates in crime. Whereas he told Captain Beechey, that Christian was
always cheerful; that his example was of the greatest service in
exciting his companions to labour; that he was naturally of a happy,
ingenuous disposition, and won the good opinion and respect of all who
served under him: which cannot be better exemplified, he says, than by
his maintaining, under circumstances of great perplexity, the respect
and regard of all who were associated with him, up to the hour of his
death; and that, even at the present moment, Adams, in speaking of him,
never omits to say _Mr_. Christian. Why indeed should he? Christian was
a gentleman by birth, and an officer in his Majesty's service, and was
of course always so addressed. But why was he murdered within two years
(one account says nine months) after the party reached the island?
Captain Beechey has answered the question--for oppression and
ill-treatment of the Otaheitans.[39]

That Christian, so far from being cheerful, was, on the contrary,
always uneasy in his mind about his own safety, is proved by his having
selected a cave at the extremity of the high ridge of craggy hills that
runs across the island, as his intended place of refuge, in the event of
any ship of war discovering the retreat of the mutineers, in which cave
he resolved to sell his life as dearly as he could. In this recess he
always kept a store of provisions, and near it erected a small hut, well
concealed by trees, which served the purpose of a watch-house. 'So
difficult,' says Captain Beechey, 'was the approach to this cave, that
even if a party were successful in crossing the ridge, he might have bid
defiance, as long as his ammunition lasted, to any force.' The
reflection alone of his having sent adrift, to perish on the wide ocean,
for he could entertain no other idea, no less than nineteen persons, all
of whom, one only excepted, were innocent of any offence towards him,
must have constantly haunted his mind, and left him little disposed to
be happy and cheerful.

The truth is, as appears in Morrison's journal, that during the short
time they remained at Tabouai, and till the separation of the mutineers
at Otaheite, when sixteen forsook him, and eight only, of the very
worst, accompanied him in quest of some retreat, he acted the part of a
tyrant to a much greater extent than the man who, he says, drove him to
the act of mutiny. After giving an account of the manner of his death,
Captain Beechey says, 'Thus fell a man who, from being the reputed
ringleader of the mutiny, has obtained an unenviable celebrity, and
whose crime may perhaps be considered as in some degree palliated by the
tyranny which led to its commission.' It is to be hoped, such an act as
he was guilty of will never be so considered.

If mutiny could be supposed to admit of palliation, a fatal blow would
be struck not only at the discipline, but at the very existence, of the
navy; any relaxation in bringing to condign punishment persons guilty of
mutiny, would weaken and ultimately destroy the efficiency of this great
and powerful machine. Nor, indeed, is it at all necessary that the
punishment for mutiny should admit of any palliation. Whenever an act of
tyranny, or an unnecessary degree of severity, is exercised by a
commanding officer, let the fact only be proved, and he is certain to be
visited with all the rigour that the degree of his oppressive conduct
will warrant. Had Christian but waited patiently the arrival of the
_Bounty_ in England, and the alleged conduct of Bligh towards his
officers and crew had been proved, he would, unquestionably, have been
dismissed from his Majesty's service.

With regard to Adams, though his subsequent conduct was highly
meritorious, and to him alone it might be said is owing the present
happy state of the little community on Pitcairn's Island, his crime like
that of Christian's can never be considered as wiped away. Sir Thomas
Staines, the first British officer who called at the island, it may well
be supposed, had to struggle, on this trying occasion, between duty and
feeling. It was his imperative duty to have seized and brought him a
prisoner to England, where he must have been tried, and would no doubt
have been convicted of a crime for which several of his less active
accomplices had suffered the penalty of death; though he might, and
probably would, from length of time and circumstances in his favour,
have received the king's pardon. Perhaps, however, on the whole, it was
fortunate, that in balancing, as it is known this gallant officer did,
between the sense of duty and the sense of feeling, the latter
prevailed, and justice yielded to mercy. Had a Bligh or an Edwards been
placed in his situation it is to be feared that, judging from their
former conduct, passion in the one, and frigidity in the other, would
most likely have consigned the criminal to captivity in irons, and the
innocent and helpless family, solely dependent on him, to misery and
destruction--and yet, in so doing, they would not have deviated from
their strict line of duty,--_Dis aliter visum_.

The _Blossom_ was the first ship of war that John Adams had been on
board of since the mutiny; and, as Captain Beechey observes, his mind
would naturally revert to scenes that could not fail to produce a
temporary embarrassment, but no apprehension for his safety appeared to
form any part of his thoughts; and as every person endeavoured to set
his mind at rest, he soon found himself at ease and at home. It was
several hours before the ship approached the shore, and the boats put
off before she came to an anchor.

On account of the rocks and formidable breakers, the party who went on
shore were landed by the young men, two at a time, in their whale boat.
'The difficulty of landing,' says Captain Beechey, 'was more than repaid
by the friendly reception we met with on the beach from Hannah Young, a
very interesting young woman, the daughter of Adams. In her eagerness to
greet her father, she had outrun her female companions, for whose delay
she thought it necessary, in the first place, to apologize, by saying
they had all been over the hill in company with John Buffet to look at
the ship, and were not yet returned. It appeared that John Buffet, who
was a sea-faring man, had ascertained that the ship was a man of war,
and, without knowing exactly why, became so alarmed for the safety of
Adams, that he either could not or would not answer any of the
interrogatories which were put to him. This mysterious silence set all
the party in tears, as they feared he had discovered something adverse
to their patriarch. At length his obduracy yielded to their entreaties;
but before he explained the cause of his conduct, the boats were seen
to put off from the ship, and Hannah immediately hurried to the beach to
kiss the old man's cheek, which she did with a fervency demonstrative of
the warmest affection. Her apology for her companions was rendered
unnecessary by their appearance on the steep and circuitous path down
the mountain, who, as they arrived on the beach, successively welcomed
us to their island, with a simplicity and sincerity which left no doubt
of the truth of their professions.' The whole group simultaneously
expressed a wish that the visitors would stay with them several days;
and on their signifying a desire to get to the village before dark and
to pitch the observatory, every article and instrument found a bearer,
along a steep path which led to the village, concealed by groups of
cocoa-nut trees; the females bearing their burthens over the most
difficult parts without inconvenience. The village consisted of five
houses, on a cleared piece of ground sloping toward the sea. While the
men assisted in pitching the tent, the women employed themselves in
preparing the supper. The mode of cooking was precisely that of
Otaheite, by heated stones in a hole made in the ground. At young
Christian's, the table was spread with plates, knives and forks. John
Buffet said grace in an emphatic manner, and this is repeated every time
a fresh guest sits down while the meal is going on. So strict are they
in this respect, that it is not deemed proper to touch a bit of bread
without saying grace before and after it. 'On one occasion,' says
Captain Beechey, 'I had engaged Adams in conversation, and he
incautiously took the first mouthful without having said grace; but
before he had swallowed it, he recollected himself, and feeling as if he
had committed a crime, immediately put away what he had in his mouth,
and commenced his prayer.' Their rooms and table are lighted up by
torches made of _doodoe_ nuts _(Aleurites triloba_), strung upon the
fibres of a palm-leaf, which form a good substitute for candles.

It is remarkable enough, that although the female part of the society is
highly respected, yet, in one instance, a distinction is kept up, which
in civilized countries would be deemed degrading. It is that which is
rigidly observed in all the South Sea Islands, and indeed throughout
almost the whole eastern world, that no woman shall eat in the presence
of her husband; and though this distinction between man and wife is not
carried quite so far in Pitcairn's Island, it is observed to the extent
of excluding all women from table, when there is a deficiency of seats.
It seems they defended the custom on the ground that man was made before
woman, and is entitled, therefore, to be first served--a conclusion,
observes Beechey, 'that deprived us of the company of the women at
table, during the whole of our stay at the island, Far, however, from
considering themselves neglected, they very good-naturedly chatted with
us behind our seats, and flapped away the flies, and by a gentle tap,
accidentally or playfully delivered, reminded us occasionally of the
honour that was done us.' The women, when the men had finished, sat down
to what remained.

The beds were next prepared. A mattress composed of palm-leaves was
covered with native cloth made of the paper mulberry-tree, in the same
manner as in Otaheite; the sheets were of the same material; and it
appeared, from their crackling, that they were quite new from the loom,
or rather the beater. The whole arrangement is stated to have been
comfortable, and inviting to repose; one interruption only disturbed
their first sleep; this was the melody of the evening hymn, which, after
the lights were put out, was chanted by the whole family in the middle
of the room. At early dawn they were also awaked by their morning hymn
and the family devotion; after which the islanders all set out to their
several occupations. Some of the women had taken the linen of their
visitors to wash; others were preparing for the next meal; and others
were employed in the manufacture of cloth.

The innocence and simplicity of these interesting young creatures are
strongly exemplified in the following description. 'By our bedside had
already been placed some ripe fruits; and our hats were crowned with
chaplets of the fresh blossom of the _nono_ or flower-tree (_Morinda
citrifolia_), which the women had gathered in the freshness of the
morning dew. On looking round the apartment, though it contained several
beds, we found no partition, curtain, or screens; they had not yet been
considered necessary. So far, indeed, from concealment being thought of,
when we were about to get up, the women, anxious to show their
attention, assembled to wish us good morning, and to inquire in what way
they could best contribute to our comforts, and to present us with some
little gift, which the produce of the island afforded. Many persons
would have felt awkward at rising and dressing before so many pretty
black-eyed damsels, assembled in the centre of a spacious room; but by a
little habit we overcame this embarrassment, and from the benefit of
their services in fetching water as we required it, and in substituting
clean linen for such as we pulled off.'

Their cottages are spacious, and strongly built of wood, in an oblong
form, and thatched with the leaves of the palm-tree bent round the stem
of a branch from the same, and laced horizontally to rafters, so placed
as to give a proper pitch to the roof. An upper story is appropriated to
sleeping, and has four beds, one in each angle of the room, and large
enough for three or four persons to sleep on. The lower is the eating
room, having a broad table with several stools placed round it. The
lower room communicates with the upper, by a stout ladder in the centre.
Immediately round the village are small enclosures for fattening pigs,
goats, and poultry; and beyond them are the cultivated grounds producing
the banana, plantain, melon, yam, taro, sweet potatoes, _tee_-tree,
cloth-plant, with other useful roots, fruits, and a variety of shrubs.
Every cottage has its out-house for making cloth, its baking-place, its
pig-sty, and its poultry-house.

During the stay of the strangers on the island, they dined sometimes
with one person, and sometimes with another, their meals being always
the same, and consisting of baked pig, yams, and taro, and sometimes
sweet potatoes. Goats are numerous on the island, but neither their
flesh nor their milk is relished by the natives. Yams constitute their
principal food, either boiled, baked, or mixed with cocoa-nut, made into
cakes, and eaten with molasses extracted from the tee-root. Taro-root is
no bad substitute for bread; and bananas, plantains, and _appoi_, are
wholesome and nutritive fruits. The common beverage is water, but they
make tea from the tee-plant, flavoured with ginger, and sweetened with
the juice of the sugar-cane. They but seldom kill a pig, living mostly
on fruit and vegetables. With this simple diet, early rising, and taking
a great deal of exercise, they are subject to few diseases; and Captain
Beechey says, 'they are certainly a finer and more athletic race than is
usually found among the families of mankind.'

The young children are punctual in their attendance at school, and are
instructed by John Buffet in reading, writing, and arithmetic; to which
are added, precepts of religion and morality, drawn chiefly from the
Bible and Prayer Book; than which, fortunately, they possess no others
that might mystify and perplex their understandings on religious
subjects. They seldom indulge in jokes or other kinds of levity; and
Beechey says, they are so accustomed to take what is said in its literal
meaning, that irony was always considered a falsehood in spite of
explanation; and that they could not see the propriety of uttering what
was not strictly true, for any purpose whatever. The Sabbath is wholly
devoted to the church service, to prayer, reading, and serious
meditation; no work of any kind is done on that day, not even cooking,
which is prepared on the preceding evening.

'I attended,' says Beechey, 'their church on this day, and found the
service well conducted; the prayers were read by Adams, and the lessons
by Buffet, the service being preceded by hymns. The greatest devotion
was apparent in every individual; and in the children there was a
seriousness unknown in the younger part of our communities at home. In
the course of the Litany, they prayed for their sovereign and all the
royal family, with much apparent loyalty and sincerity. Some family
prayers, which were thought appropriate to their own particular case,
were added to the usual service; and Adams, fearful of leaving out any
essential part, read in addition all those prayers which are intended
only as substitutes for others. A sermon followed, which was very well
delivered by Buffet; and lest any part of it should be forgotten or
escape attention, it was read three times. The whole concluded with
hymns, which were first sung by the grown people, and afterwards by the
children. The service thus performed was very long; but the neat and
cleanly appearance of the congregation, the devotion that animated
every countenance, and the innocence and simplicity of the little
children, prevented the attendance from becoming wearisome. In about
half an hour afterwards we again assembled to prayers, and at sunset
service was repeated; so that, with their morning and evening prayers,
they may be said to have church five times on a Sunday.'

Perhaps it will be thought by some that they carry their seriousness too
far, and that the younger people are not allowed a sufficient quantity
of recreation. The exercise and amusement of dancing, once so much
resorted to in most of the islands of the Pacific, is here almost
excluded. With great difficulty and much entreaty, the visitors
prevailed on three grown-up ladies to stand up to perform the Otaheitan
dance, which they consented to with a reluctance that showed it was done
only to oblige them. It was little more than a shuffling of the feet,
sliding past each other, and snapping their fingers. They did not long
continue this diversion, considering it as too great a levity, and only
the three beforementioned ladies could be prevailed on to exhibit their
skill. They appeared to have little taste for music either instrumental
or vocal. Adams, when on board the _Blossom_ for two or three days, made
no difficulty of joining in the dance and was remarkably cheerful, but
on no occasion neglected his usual devotions. Captain Beechey has no
doubt of the sincerity of his piety. He slept in the same cabin, but
would never get into his cot until the captain was in bed, and supposed
to be asleep, when, in a retired corner of the cabin, he fell on his
knees and performed his devotions; and he was always up first in the
morning for the same purpose.

This good old man told Beechey one day, that it would add much to his
happiness if he would read the marriage ceremony to him and his wife, as
he could not bear the idea of living with her without its being done,
when a proper opportunity should offer, as was now the case. Though
Adams was aged, and the old woman had been blind and bedridden for
several years, Beechey says he made such a point of it, that it would
have been cruel to refuse him. They were accordingly, the following day,
duly united, and the event noted in a register by John Buffet. The
marriages that take place among the young people are, however, performed
by Adams, who makes use of a ring for such occasions, which has united
every couple on the island since its first settlement; the regulated age
under which no man is allowed to marry is twenty, and that of the woman
eighteen. The restrictions with regard to relationship are the same as
with us, and are strictly put in force when parties are about to marry.
Adams also officiates at christenings.

Captain Beechey observes, that these amiable people rigidly adhere to
their word and promise, even in cases where the most scrupulous among
Europeans might think themselves justified in some relaxation of them.
Thus, George Adams, in his early days, had fallen in love with Polly
Young, a girl somewhat older than himself; but Polly, for some reason
or other, had incautiously declared, she _never would_ give her hand to
George Adams; who, however, still hoped she would one day relent, and of
course was unremitting in his endeavours to please her; nor was he
mistaken; his constancy and his handsome form, which George took every
opportunity of displaying before her, softened Polly's heart, and she
would willingly have given him her hand. But the vow of her youth was
not to be got over, and the lovesick couple languished on from day to
day, victims to the folly of early resolutions. This weighty case was
referred to the British officers, who decided that it would be much
better to marry than to continue unhappy in consequence of a hasty
resolution made before the judgement was matured; but Polly's scruples
still remained, and those who gave their decision left them unmarried.
Captain Beechey, however, has recently received a letter, stating that
George Adams and Polly Young had joined hands and were happy; but the
same letter announced the death of John Adams, which took place in March
1829.

The demise of this old patriarch is the most serious loss that could
have befallen this infant colony. The perfect harmony and contentment in
which they appear to live together, the innocence and simplicity of
their manners, their conjugal and parental affection, their moral,
religious, and virtuous conduct, and their exemption from any serious
vice, are all to be ascribed to the exemplary conduct and instructions
of old John Adams; and it is gratifying to know, that five years after
the visit of the _Blossom_, and one year subsequent to Adams's death,
the little colony continued to enjoy the same uninterrupted state of
harmony and contentment as before.

In consequence of a representation, made by Captain Beechey when there,
of the distressed state of this little society, with regard to the want
of certain necessary articles, his Majesty's government sent out to
Valparaiso, to be conveyed from thence for their use, a proportion for
sixty persons of the following articles: sailors' blue jackets and
trousers, flannel waistcoats, pairs of stockings and shoes, women's
dresses, spades, mattocks, shovels, pickaxes, trowels, rakes; all of
which were taken in his Majesty's ship _Seringapatam,_ commanded by
Captain the Hon. William Waldegrave, who arrived there in March 1830.

The ship had scarcely anchored when George Young was alongside in his
canoe, which he guided by a paddle; and soon after Thursday October
Christian, in a jolly-boat, with several others, who, having come on
board, were invited to breakfast, and one of them said grace as usual
both before and after it. The captain, the chaplain, and some other
officers accompanied these natives on shore, and having reached the
summit of the first level or plain, which is surrounded by a grove or
screen of cocoa-nut trees, they found the wives and mothers assembled to
receive them. 'I have brought you a clergyman,' says the captain. 'God
bless you,' issued from every mouth; 'but is he come to stay with
us?'--'No.' 'You bad man, why not?'--'I cannot spare him, he is the
chaplain of my ship; but I have brought you clothes and other articles,
which King George has sent you.' 'But,' says Kitty Quintal, 'we want
food for our souls.'

'Our reception,' says Captain Waldegrave, 'was most cordial,
particularly that of Mr. Watson, the chaplain; and the meeting of the
wives and husbands most affecting, exchanging expressions of joy that
could not have been exceeded had they just returned from a long absence.
The men sprang up to the trees, throwing down cocoa-nuts, the husks of
which were torn off by others with their teeth, and offering us the
milk. As soon as we had rested ourselves, they took us to their
cottages, where we dined and slept.'

Captain Waldegrave says it was highly gratifying to observe their native
simplicity of manners, apparently without guile: their hospitality was
unbounded, their cottages being open to all, and all were welcome to
such food as they possessed; pigs and fowls were immediately killed and
dressed, and when the guests were seated, one of the islanders, in the
attitude of prayer, and his eyes raised towards heaven, repeated a
simple grace for the present food they were about to partake of,
beseeching, at the same time, spiritual nourishment; at the end of which
each responded _amen_. On the arrival of any one during the repast, they
all paused until the new guest had said grace.

At night they all assembled in one of the cottages to hear the afternoon
church service performed by Mr. Watson, and Captain Waldegrave
describes it as a most striking scene. The place chosen was the bedroom
of one of the double cottages, or one with an upper story. The ascent
was by a broad ladder from the lower room through a trap-door. The
clergyman took his station between two beds, with a lamp burning close
behind him. In the bed on his right were three infants sound asleep; at
the foot of that on his left were three men sitting. On each side and in
front were the men, some wearing only the simple mara, displaying their
gigantic figures; others in jackets and trousers, their necks and feet
bare; behind stood the women, in their modest home-made cloth dresses,
which entirely covered the form, leaving only the head and feet bare.
The girls wore, in addition, a sheet knotted in the manner of a Roman
senator's _toga_, thrown over the right shoulder and under the left arm.
When the general confession commenced, they all knelt down facing the
clergyman, with their hands raised to the breast in the attitude of
prayer, slowly and distinctly repeating the confession after the
clergyman. They prayed for the King of England, whom they consider as
their sovereign. A sermon followed from a text which Captain Waldegrave
thinks was most happily chosen: 'Fear not, little flock, for it is your
Father's good pleasure to give you the kingdom.' At the conclusion of
the service they requested permission to sing their parting hymn, when
the whole congregation, in good time, sang 'Depart in peace.'

Captain Waldegrave, like all former visitors, bears testimony to the
kind disposition and active benevolence of these simple islanders. The
children, he says, are fond and obedient, the parents affectionate and
kind towards their children. None of the party ever heard a harsh word
made use of by one towards another. They never slander or speak ill of
one another. If any question was asked as to the character or conduct of
a particular individual, the answer would probably be something of this
kind, 'If it could do any good, I would answer you; but as it cannot, it
would be wrong to tell tales'; or if the question applied to one who had
committed a fault, they would say, 'It would be wrong to tell my
neighbour's shame.' The kind and benevolent feeling of these amiable
people is extended to the surviving widows of the Otaheite men who were
slain on the island, and who would be left in a helpless and destitute
state, were it not for the humane consideration of the younger part of
the society, by whom they are supported and regarded with every mark of
attention.

The women are clothed in white cloth made from the paper mulberry, the
dress extending from the shoulders to the feet, in double folds, and so
loose as entirely to conceal the shape of the person. The mothers, while
nursing, carry the infant within their dress; as the child advances in
growth it sits across the hip of the parent with its little hands
clinging to the shoulder, while the mother's arm passing round it keeps
it in safety. The men and boys, except on Sunday, when they appear in
English dresses, generally wear only the _mara_, or waist-cloth, which,
passing over the hips, and between the legs, is knotted behind; the
climate is in fact too hot for cumbersome clothing. The women, when
working, use only a petticoat, with a jacket.

The men are stated to be from five feet eight inches to six feet high,
of great muscular strength and excellent figures. 'We did not see,' says
Captain Waldegrave, 'one <DW36> or defective person, except one boy,
whom, in the most good-humoured way, and laughing heartily, they brought
to me, observing, "You ought to be brothers, you have each lost the
right eye." I acknowledged the connexion, and no doubt for the future he
will be called the Captain.'

Captain Beechey has given a more detailed account of the physical
qualities of the Pitcairn Islanders. He says they are tall, robust, and
healthy; their average height five feet ten inches; the tallest man
measured six feet and one quarter of an inch, and the shortest of the
adults five feet nine inches and one-eighth; their limbs well
proportioned, round and straight; their feet turning a little inwards. A
boy of eight years measured four feet and one inch; another of nine
years, four feet three inches. Their simple food and early habits of
exercise give them a muscular power and activity not often surpassed. It
is recorded on the island that George Young and Edward Quintal have each
carried, at one time, a kedge anchor, two sledge hammers, and an
armourer's anvil, weighing together upwards of six hundred pounds; and
that Quintal once carried a boat twenty-eight feet in length. In the
water they are almost as much at home as on land, and can remain almost
a whole day in the sea. They frequently swim round their little island,
the circuit of which is at the least seven miles; and the women are
nearly as expert swimmers as the men.

The female descendants of the Otaheite women are almost as muscular as
the males, and taller than the generality of the sex. Polly Young, who
is not the tallest on the island, measured five feet nine inches and a
half. The features of both men and women are regular and well-formed;
eyes bright and generally hazel, though in a few instances blue; the
eyebrows thin and rarely meeting; the nose a little flattened, and being
rather extended at the nostrils, partakes of the Otaheitan character, as
do the lips, which are broad and strongly sulcated; their ears
moderately large, and the lobes are invariably united with the cheek;
they are generally perforated, when young, for the reception of flowers,
a very common custom among the natives of the South Sea Islands; hair
black, sometimes curling, sometimes straight; teeth regular and white.
On the whole they are a well-looking people.

Captain Beechey says, the women have all learned the art of midwifery;
that parturition generally takes place during the night-time; that the
duration of labour is seldom longer than five hours, and has not yet in
any case proved fatal; but there is no instance of twins, nor of a
single miscarriage, except from accident. Infants are generally bathed
three times a day in cold water, and are sometimes not weaned for three
or four years; but when that does take place, they are fed upon 'popoe,'
made of ripe plantains and boiled taro-root rubbed into a paste. Mr.
Collie, the surgeon of the _Blossom_, remarks that nothing is more
extraordinary, in the history of the island, than the uniform good
health of the children; the teething is easily got over, they have no
bowel complaints, and are exempt from those contagious diseases which
affect children in large communities. He offered to vaccinate the
children as well as all the grown persons; but they deemed the risk of
infection of small-pox to be too small to render that operation
necessary.

As a proof how very much simple diet and constant exercise tend to the
healthful state of the body, the skin of these people, though in such
robust health, compared with that of the Europeans, always felt cold,
and their pulses always considerably lower. The doctor examined several
of them: in the forenoon he found George Young's only sixty; three
others, in the afternoon, after dinner, were sixty-eight, seventy-two,
and seventy-six, while those of the officers who stood the heat of the
climate best were above eighty.

It is impossible not to feel a deep interest in the welfare of this
little society, and at the same time an apprehension that something may
happen to disturb that harmony and destroy that simplicity of manners
which have hitherto characterized it. It is to be feared, indeed, that
the seeds of discord are already sown. It appears from Captain
Waldegrave's statement, that no less than three Englishmen have found
their way into this happy society. One of them, John Buffet, mentioned
by Beechey, is a harmless man, and, as it has been stated, of great use
to the islanders in his capacity of clergyman and schoolmaster; he is
also a clever and useful mechanic, as a ship-wright and joiner, and is
much beloved by the community. Two others have since been left on the
island, one of them, by name John Evans, son of a coachmaker in the
employ of Long of St. Martin's Lane, who has married a daughter of John
Adams, through whom he possesses and cultivates a certain portion of
land; the third is George Hunn Nobbs, who calls himself pastor,
registrar, and schoolmaster, thus infringing on the privileges of John
Buffet; and being a person of superior talents, and of exceeding great
impudence, has deprived Buffet of a great number of his scholars; and
hence a sufficient cause exists of division and dissension among the
members of the little society, which were never known before. Buffet and
Evans support themselves by their industry, but this Nobbs not only
claims exemption from labour as being their pastor, but also as being
entitled to a maintenance at the expense of the community. He has
married a daughter of Charles, and grand-daughter to the late Fletcher
Christian, whose descendants, as captain of the gang, might be induced
to claim superiority, and which, probably, might be allowed by general
consent, had they but possessed a moderate share of talent; but it is
stated that Thursday October and Charles Christian, the sons of the
chief mutineer, are ignorant, uneducated men. The only chance for the
continuance of peace is the general dislike in which this Nobbs is held,
and the gradual intellectual improvement of the rising generation.[40]

It seems that Adams on his death-bed called all the heads of families
together, and urged them to appoint a chief;--this, however, they have
not done, which makes it the more to be apprehended that Nobbs, by his
superior talent or cunning, will force himself upon them into that
situation. Captain Waldegrave thinks, however, that Edward Quintal, who
possesses the best understanding of any on the island, will in time
arrive at that honour; his only book is the Bible, but it is quite
astonishing, he observes, what a fund of knowledge he has derived from
it. His wife, too, is stated to be a woman of excellent understanding;
and their eldest boy, William, has been so carefully educated, that he
excels greatly all the others. The descendants of Young are also said to
be persons generally of promising abilities.

How the patriarch Adams contrived to instil into the minds of these
people the true principles of religion and morality is quite surprising.
He was able to read, but only learnt to write in his latter days; and
having accomplished this point, he made a scheme of laws by which he
succeeded to govern his little community in the way we have seen. The
celebration of marriage and baptism were strictly observed, according to
the rites of the Church of England, but he never ventured on
confirmation and the sacrament of the Lord's Supper. He taught the
children the Church catechism, the ten commandments, the Lord's prayer,
and the Creed, and he satisfied himself, that in these were comprised
all the Christian duties. By the instrumentality of these precepts,
drawn from the Book of Common Prayer and the Bible,[41] he was enabled,
after the slaughter of all his associates, to rear up all the children
in the principles and precepts of Christianity, in purity of morals, and
in a simplicity of manners, that have surprised and delighted every
stranger that has visited the island.

Captain Waldegrave says they are so strongly attached to those beautiful
prayers that are found in the liturgy of the Church of England, that
there is no danger of a dissenting minister being received among them.
It is to be hoped this may be the case; but it may be asked, will they
escape from the snares of George Hunn Nobbs? It would seem, indeed, that
this man has already thrust upon them what he calls a code of laws, in
which he enumerates crimes, such as murder and adultery, unknown and
unheard of among these simple people since the time that Adams was sole
legislator and patriarch. The punishment of adultery, to give a specimen
of Nobbs's legislation, is whipping for the first offence to both
parties, and marriage within three months; for the second, if the
parties refuse to marry, the penalties are, forfeiture of lands,
property, and banishment from the island. Offenders are to be tried
before three elders, who pronounce sentence. It is quite clear this
silly person does not understand what is meant by adultery. As to the
tenure of land, it is fortunately provided for previous to his arrival
on the island. The whole island, it seems, was partitioned out by Adams
among the families of the original settlers, so that a foreigner cannot
obtain any, except by purchase or marriage. Captain Waldegrave reckons,
that eleven-twelfths are uncultivated, and that population is increasing
so rapidly, that in the course of a century the island will be fully
peopled, and that the limit may be taken at one thousand souls.

The rate at which population is likely to increase may, perhaps, be
determined by political economists from the following data.

In 1790 the island was first settled by fifteen men and twelve women,
making a total of twenty-seven. Of these were remaining in 1800, one man
and five women, with nineteen children, the eldest nine years of age,
making in the whole twenty-five. In 1808, Mr. Folger makes the
population amount to thirty-five, being an increase of ten in eight
years. In 1814, six years afterwards, Sir Thomas Staines states the
_adult_ population at forty, which must be a mistake, as fourteen years
before, nineteen of the twenty-five then existing were children. In
1825, Captain Beechey states the whole population at sixty-six, of whom
thirty-six were males, and thirty females. And in 1830, Captain
Waldegrave makes it amount to seventy-nine; being an increase of
thirteen in five years, or twenty per cent, which is a less rapid
increase than might be expected; but there can be little doubt it will
go on with an accelerated ratio, provided the means of subsistence
should not fail them.

Captain Waldegrave's assumption, that this island is sufficiently large
for the maintenance of one thousand souls, is grounded on incorrect
data; it does not follow, that because one-twelfth of the island will
maintain eighty persons, the whole must support nine hundred and sixty
persons. The island is not more than four square miles, or two thousand
five hundred and sixty acres; and as a ridge of rocky hills runs from
north to south, having two peaks exceeding one thousand feet in height,
it is more than probable that not one half of it is capable of
cultivation. It would seem, indeed, from several ancient morais being
discovered among these hills; some stone axes or hatchets of compact
basaltic lava, very hard and capable of a fine polish; four stone
images, about six feet high, placed on a platform, not unlike those on
Easter Island, one of which has been preserved, and is the rude
representation of the human figure to the hips, hewn out of a piece of
red lava:--these remains would seem to indicate a former population,
that had found it expedient to abandon the island from its insufficiency
to support it. Captain Beechey observes, that 'from these images and the
large piles of stones, on heights to which they must have been dragged
with great labour, it may be concluded that the island was inhabited for
a considerable time; and from bones being found, always buried under
these piles, and never upon the surface, we may presume that those who
survived, quitted the island in their canoes to seek an asylum
elsewhere.'

It appears from Beechey, that Adams had contemplated the prospect of an
increasing population with the limited means of supporting it, and
requested that he would communicate with the British Government upon the
subject, which he says he did, and that, through the interference of the
Admiralty and Colonial Office, means have been taken for removing them
to any place they may choose for themselves. It is to be hoped, however,
that no such interference will take place; for half a century, at least,
there is no danger of any want of food. The attempt, however, was made
through the means of a Mr. Nott, a missionary of Otaheite, who, being on
a visit to this country, was authorized, on his return, to make
arrangements for their removal to Otaheite, if they wished it, and if
Pomarre, the king of the island, should not object to receive them; and
he carried a letter to this chief from Lord Bathurst, acquainting him
with the intention of the British Government, and expressing the hope
that he would be induced to receive under his protection a people whose
moral and religious character had created so lively an interest in their
favour; but it fortunately happened that this missionary passed the
island without stopping. A Mr. Joshua Hill subsequently proposed their
removal to New South Wales, but his vessel was considered too small for
the purpose.

Two years after this, as difficulties had occurred to prevent the
above-mentioned intentions from being carried into effect, Sir George
Murray deemed it desirable that no time should be lost in affording such
assistance to these islanders as might, at all events, render their
present abode as comfortable as circumstances would allow, _until_
arrangements could be made for their future disposal, either in one of
the Society Islands, as originally proposed, or at one of our
settlements on New Holland. The assistance here alluded to has been
afforded, as above mentioned, by his Majesty's ship _Seringapatam_.

It is sincerely to be hoped that such removal will be no longer thought
of. No complaint was made, no apprehension of want expressed to Captain
Waldegrave, who left them contented and happy; and Captain Beechey,
since his return, has received a letter from John Buffet, who informs
him of a notification made by Nott the missionary at Otaheite, that the
king was willing to receive them, and that measures would be taken for
their removal; but, he adds, the people are so much attached to, and
satisfied with, their native island, as not to have a wish to leave it.
The breaking up of this happy, innocent, and simple-minded little
society, by some summary process, and consigning them to those sinks of
infamy on New Holland or Van Diemen's Land, or to mix them up with the
dram-drinkers, the psalmsingers, and the languid and lazy Otaheitans,
would, in either case, be a subject of deep regret to all who take an
interest in their welfare; and to themselves would be the inevitable
loss of all those amiable qualities which have obtained for them the
kind and generous sympathy of their countrymen at home. We have a person
who acts as consul at Otaheite, and it is to be hoped he will receive
instructions, on no account to sanction, but on the contrary to
interdict, any measure that maybe attempted on the part of the
missionaries for their removal;--perhaps, however, as money would be
required for such a purpose, they may be considered safe from that
quarter.

The time must come when they will emigrate on their own accord. When the
hive is full, they will send out their swarms. Captain Beechey tells us
that the reading of some books of voyages and travels, belonging to
Bligh and left in the _Bounty_, had created a desire in some of them to
leave it; but that family ties and an ardent affection for each other,
and for their native soil, had always interposed, on the few occasions
that offered, to prevent individuals going away singly. George Adams,
however, who had failed when the _Blossom_ was there to soften the heart
of Polly Young, and had no wife to detain him, was very anxious to
embark in that ship, that he might see something of the world beyond the
narrow limits of his own little island; and Beechey would have taken
him, had not his mother wept bitterly at the idea of parting from him,
and wished to impose terms touching his return to the island, that could
not be acceded to.

Pitcairn Island lies at the south-eastern extremity of a chain of
islands, which, including the Society and Friendly Islands, exceed a
hundred in number, many of them wholly uninhabited, and the rest but
thinly peopled, all speaking the same or nearly the same language, which
is also spoken by the natives of Pitcairn Island; and all of the two
groups are richly clothed with the spontaneous products of nature fit
for the use of man. To all these they will have, when necessity prompts
them, easy means of access. No large vessels are required for an
emigration of this kind; the frailest barks and single canoes have been
driven hundreds of miles over the Pacific. The Pitcairners have already
proceeded from the simple canoe to row-boats, and the progress from this
to small decked vessels is simple and natural. They may thus at some
future period, which is not at all improbable, be the means of spreading
Christianity and consequently civilization throughout the numerous
groups of islands in the Southern Pacific; whereas to remove them, as
has been imprudently suggested, would be to devote them at once to
misery and destruction.

That there is no deficiency in the number and variety of plants,
producing food and clothing for the use of man, will appear from the
following list, which is far from being complete:

     INDIGENOUS

     _Cocos nucifera_          Cocoa-nut.
     _Musa Paradisiaca_        Plantains.
     _Musa sapientum_          Bananas.
     _Dioscorea sativum_       Yams.
     _Convolvulus batatas_     Sweet potatoes.
     _Arum, esculentum_        Taro Root.
     _Arum costatum_           Yappa.
     _Broussonetia papyrifera_ Cloth-tree.
     _Dracaena terminalis_      _Tee_-plant.
     _Aleurites triloba_       Doodoe.
     _Morinda citrifolia_      Nono.
     ----                           Toonena, a large timber tree.
     _Ficus indica_            Banyan-tree.
     _Morus chinensis_         Mulberry.
     _Pandanus odoratissimus_  (?)

And a great number of other indigenous plants, some of which are useful
and others ornamental.

     INTRODUCED

     _Artocarpus incisa_       Bread-fruit.
     _Cucurbita citrullus_     Water-melons
     _Cucurbita pepo_          Pumpkins.
     _Solanum esculenlum_      Potatoes.
     _Nicotiana tabaccum_      Tobacco.
     _Citrus lemoneum_         Lemon.
     ---- _aurantium_          Orange.

Besides these they have European peas, beans, and onions; sugar-canes,
ginger, pepper, and turmeric. In fact, situated as the island is, in a
temperate climate just without the tropic, and enjoying abundance of
rain, there is scarcely any vegetable, with the exception of a few of
the equinoxial plants, that may not be cultivated here. The zea maize,
or Indian corn, would be infinitely useful both for themselves, their
poultry, and their pigs.

As a great part of the island is at present covered with trees, which
would necessarily give way to an extended cultivation, and as trees
attract rain, Captain Waldegrave seems to think that when these are
removed showers will be less frequent; but there is little fear of this
being the case; the central ridge, with points that exceed eleven
hundred feet in height, will more effectually attract and condense the
clouds than any quantity of trees growing at a less elevation; and there
can be little doubt that plenty of water will be found by digging at the
foot of the hills or close to the sea-coast.

The climate appears to be unexceptionable. During the sixteen days of
December (the height of summer) that the _Blossom_ remained there, the
range of the thermometer on the island, from nine in the morning till
three in the afternoon, was from 76 deg. to 80 deg.; on board ship from 74 deg. to
76 deg.; from whence Captain Beechey places the mean temperature during that
time at 76-1/2 deg.. In winter he says the southwesterly winds blow very
cold, and even snow has been known to fall.

Not one visitor to this happy island has taken leave of its amiable
inhabitants without a feeling of regret. Captain Beechey says, 'When we
were about to take leave, our friends assembled to express their regret
at our departure. All brought some little present for our acceptance,
which they wished us to keep in remembrance of them; after which they
accompanied us to the beach, where we took our leave of the female part
of the inhabitants. Adams and the young men pushed off in their own boat
to the ship, determined to accompany us to sea, as far as they could
with safety. They continued on board, unwilling to leave us, until we
were a considerable distance from land, when they shook each of us
feelingly by the hand, and, amidst expressions of the deepest concern
at our departure, wished us a prosperous voyage, and hoped that we might
one day meet again. As soon as they were clear of the ship, they all
stood up in their boat, and gave us three hearty cheers, which were as
heartily returned. As the weather became foggy, the barge towed them
towards the shore, and we took a final leave of them, unconscious, until
the moment of separation, of the warm interest their situation and good
conduct had created in us.'

Happy, thrice happy people! May no improper intruders thrust themselves
into your peaceful and contented society! May that Providence which has
hitherto protected you, still continue to pour down those blessings upon
you, of which you appear to be so truly sensible, and for which you are
justly thankful! May it throw round the shores of your enviable little
Eden, 'cherubim and a flaming sword,' to guard its approaches from those
who would endanger your peace; and above all, shield you from those, who
would perplex and confuse your unsophisticated minds, by mysterious
doctrines which they do not themselves comprehend! Remain steadfast to
the faith, which your late father and benefactor has instilled into your
minds, culled from the precepts of your Bible, and be content for the
present to observe those simple rules for your religious and moral
conduct, which he has taught you, and which he drew pure and undefiled
from that sacred source; and be assured that, so long as you shall
adhere to the line of conduct you have hitherto pursued, and be
contented with your present lot, your happiness is secure; but once
admit ignorant or false teachers among you, and from that period you may
date the commencement of misfortunes and misery!




CONCLUSION


Many useful and salutary lessons of conduct may be drawn from this
eventful history, more especially by officers of the navy, both old and
young, as well as by those subordinate to them. In the first place, it
most strongly points out the dreadful consequences that are almost
certain to ensue from a state of insubordination and mutiny on board a
ship of war; and the equally certain fate that, at one time or other,
awaits all those who have the misfortune to be concerned in a
transaction of this revolting nature. In the present instance, the
dreadful retribution which overtook them, and which was evinced in a
most extraordinary manner, affords an awful and instructive lesson to
seamen, by which they may learn, that although the guilty may be secured
for a time in evading the punishment due to the offended laws of
society, yet they must not hope to escape the pursuit of Divine
vengeance. It will be recollected that the number of persons who
remained in the _Bounty_, after her piratical seizure, and of course
charged with the crime of mutiny, was twenty-five; that these
subsequently separated into two parties, sixteen having landed at
Otaheite, and afterwards taken from thence in the _Pandora_, as
prisoners, and nine having gone with the _Bounty_ to Pitcairn's Island.

Of the sixteen taken in the _Pandora_:--

     1. Mr PETER HEYWOOD, midshipman,         } sentenced to death,
                                                but pardoned.
     2. JAMES MORBISON, boatswain's mate,     }          do.
     3. WILLIAM MUSPRATT, commander's steward,}          do.
     4. THOS. BURKITT, seaman                 } condemned and executed.
     5. JOHN MILLWARD, do.                    }          do.
     6. THOS. ELLISON, do.                    }          do.
     7. JOSEPH COLEMAN, armourer              }          do.
     8. CHARLES NORMAN, carpenter's mate      } tried and acquitted.
     9. THOS. M'INTOSH, carpenter's crew      }          do.
     10. MICHAEL BYRNE, seaman                }          do
     11. Mr. GEORGE STEWART, midshipman       } drowned in irons
     12. JOHN SUMNER, seaman                  } when the
     13. RICHARD SKINNER, seaman              } _Pandora_
     14. HENRY HILLBRANT, cooper              } was wrecked.
     15. CHAS. CHURCHILL, master-at-arms,       murdered by Matthew
                                                Thompson.
     16.  MATTHEW THOMPSON, seaman,             murdered by Churchill's
                                                friends in Otaheite.

     Of the nine who landed on Pitcairn's Island:

     1. Mr. FLETCHER CHRISTIAN, acting-lieut. } murdered by the
                                                Otaheitans.
     2. JOHN WILLIAMS, seaman                 }          do.
     3. ISAAC MARTIN,       do.               }          do.
     4. JOHN MILLS, gunner's mate             }          do.
     5. WILLM. BROWN, botanist's assistant    }          do.
     6. MATTHEW QUINTAL, seaman,                put to death by Young
                                                and Adams in self-defence.
     7. WILLIAM M'KOY, seaman,                  became insane, and killed
                                                by throwing himself from
                                                a rock.
     8. Mr. EDWAKD YOUNG, midshipman,           died of asthma.
     9. ALEX. SMITH, _alias_ John Adams, seaman,  died in 1829.

Young officers of the navy, as well as the common seamen, may also
derive some useful lessons from the events of this history. They will
see the melancholy results of affording the least encouragement for
seamen to depart from their strict line of duty, and to relax in that
obedience to the orders of superiors, by which alone the discipline of
the service can be preserved; they will learn how dangerous it is to
show themselves careless and indifferent in executing those orders, by
thus setting a bad example to the men. It ought also to enforce on their
minds, how necessary it is to avoid even the appearance of acting in any
way that can be considered as repugnant to, or subversive of, the rules
and regulations of the service; and most particularly to guard against
any conduct that may have the appearance of lowering the authority of
their superiors, either by their words or actions.

No doubt can remain on the minds of unprejudiced persons, or such as are
capable of weighing evidence, that the two young midshipmen, Stewart and
Hey wood, were perfectly innocent of any share in the transaction in
question; and yet, because they happened to be left in the ship, not
only contrary to their wish and intention, but kept down below by force,
the one lost his life, by being drowned in chains, and the other was
condemned to die, and only escaped from suffering the last penalty of
the law by a recommendation to the royal mercy. The only point in which
these two officers failed, was, that they did not at once demand
permission to accompany their commander, while they were allowed to
remain on deck and had the opportunity of doing so. The manly conduct
of young Heywood, throughout his long and unmerited sufferings, affords
an example of firmness, fortitude, and resignation to the Divine will,
that is above all praise; in fact, nothing short of conscious innocence
could have supported him in the severe trials he had to undergo.

The melancholy effects which tyrannical conduct, harsh and opprobrious
language, ungovernable passion, and a worrying and harassing temper, on
the part of naval commanders, seldom fail to produce on the minds of
those who are subject to their capricious and arbitrary command, are
strongly exemplified in the cause and consequences of the mutiny in the
_Bounty_, as described in the course of this history. Conduct of this
kind, by making the inferior officers of a ship discontented and
unhappy, has the dangerous tendency, as in the case of Christian, to
incite the crew to partake in their discontent, and be ready to assist
in any plan to get rid of the tyrant. We may see in it, also, how very
little credit a commander is likely to gain, either with the service or
the public at large, when the duties of a ship are carried on, as they
would appear to have been in the _Pandora_, in a cold, phlegmatic, and
unfeeling manner, and with an indifference to the comfort of all around
him,--subjecting offenders of whatever description to unnecessary
restraint, and a severity of punishment, which, though strictly within
the letter of the law, contributes in no way to the ends of discipline
or of justice.

The conduct of Bligh, however mistaken he may have been in his mode of
carrying on the duties of the ship, was most exemplary throughout the
long and perilous voyage he performed in an open boat, on the wide
ocean, with the most scanty supply of provisions and water, and in the
worst weather. The result of such meritorious conduct holds out every
encouragement to both officers and men, by showing them that, by
firmness and perseverance, and the adoption of well-digested measures,
steadily ursued in spite of opposition, the most hopeless undertaking,
to all appearance, may be successfully accomplished.

And lastly--The fate that has attended almost every one of those
concerned in the mutiny and piracy of his Majesty's ship _Bounty_ ought
to operate as a warning to, and make a deep impression on the minds of,
our brave seamen, not to suffer themselves to be led astray from the
straightforward line of their duty, either by order or persuasion of
some hot-brained, thoughtless, or designing person, whether their
superior or equal, but to remain faithful, under all circumstances, to
their commanding officer, as any mutinous proceedings or disobedience of
his orders are sure to be visited upon them in the long run, either by
loss of life, or by a forfeiture of that liberal provision which the
British government has bestowed on its seamen for long and faithful
services.

P.S.--Just as this last sheet came from the press, the editor has
noticed, with a feeling of deep and sincere regret, a paragraph in the
newspapers, said to be extracted from an American paper, stating that a
vessel sent to Pitcairn's Island by the missionaries of Otaheite has
carried off the whole of the settlers to the latter island. If this be
true--and the mention of the name of Nott gives a colour to the
transaction--the 'cherubim' must have slept, the 'flaming sword' have
been sheathed, and another Eden has been lost: and, what is worse than
all, that native simplicity of manners, that purity of morals, and that
singleness of heart, which so peculiarly distinguished this little
interesting society, are all lost. They will now be dispersed among the
missionary stations as humble dependents, where Kitty Quintal and the
rest of them may get 'food for their souls,' such as it is, in exchange
for the substantial blessings they enjoyed on Pitcairn's Island.




ADDITIONAL NOTE


In reference to the subject of extraordinary passages made in open boats
on the wide ocean, and the note thereon at page 127, the following may
be added as another instance, the most painfully interesting, and the
most calamitous, perhaps, ever recorded. It was related to Mr. Bennet, a
gentleman deputed by the Missionary Society of London, together with the
Rev. Daniel Tyerman, to visit their several stations in the South Sea
Islands, by Captain George Pollard, the unfortunate sufferer, whom these
gentlemen met with at Raiatea, then a passenger in an American vessel,
having a second time lost his ship near the Sandwich Islands. The
narrative is extracted from _The Journal of Voyages and Travels_, just
published, of the two gentlemen above-mentioned, and is as follows:--

'My first shipwreck was in open sea, on the 20th of November, 1820, near
the equator, about 118 degrees W. long. The vessel, a South Sea whaler,
was called the _Essex_. On that day, as we were on the look-out for
sperm whales, and had actually struck two, which the boats' crews were
following to secure, I perceived a very large one--it might be eighty
or ninety feet long--rushing with great swiftness through the water,
right towards the ship. We hoped that she would turn aside, and dive
under, when she perceived such a baulk in her way. But no! the animal
came full force against our stern-post: had any quarter less firm been
struck, the vessel must have been burst; as it was, every plank and
timber trembled, throughout her whole bulk.

'The whale, as though hurt by a severe and unexpected concussion, shook
its enormous head, and sheered off to so considerable a distance that
for some time we had lost sight of her from the starboard quarter; of
which we were very glad, hoping that the worst was over. Nearly an hour
afterwards, we saw the same fish--we had no doubt of this, from her
size, and the direction in which she came--making again towards us. We
were at once aware of our danger, but escape was impossible. She dashed
her head this time against the ship's side, and so broke it in that the
vessel filled rapidly, and soon became water-logged. At the second
shock, expecting her to go down, we lowered our three boats with the
utmost expedition, and all hands, twenty in the whole, got into
them--seven, and seven, and six. In a little while, as she did not sink,
we ventured on board again, and, by scuttling the deck, were enabled to
get out some biscuit, beef, water, rum, two sextants, a quadrant, and
three compasses. These, together with some rigging, a few muskets,
powder, etc., we brought away; and, dividing the stores among our three
small crews, rigged the boats as well as we could; there being a
compass for each, and a sextant for two, and a quadrant for one, but
neither sextant nor quadrant for the third.[42] Then, instead of pushing
away for some port, so amazed and bewildered were we that we continued
sitting in our places gazing upon the ship, as though she had been an
object of the tenderest affection. Our eyes could not leave her, till,
at the end of many hours, she gave a slight reel, then down she sank. No
words can tell our feelings. We looked at each other--we looked at the
place where she had so lately been afloat--and we did not cease to look,
till the terrible conviction of our abandoned and perilous situation
roused us to exertion, if deliverance were yet possible.

'We now consulted about the course which it might be best to
take--westward to India, eastward to South America, or south-westward to
the Society Isles. We knew that we were at no great distance from
Tahiti, but were so ignorant of the state and temper of the inhabitants,
that we feared we should be devoured by cannibals, if we cast ourselves
on their mercy. It was determined, therefore, to make for South America,
which we computed to be more than two thousand miles distant.
Accordingly we steered eastward, and though for several days harassed
with squalls, we contrived to keep together. It was not long before we
found that one of the boats had started a plank, which was no wonder,
for whale-boats are all clinker-built, and very slight, being made of
half-inch plank only, before planing. To remedy this alarming defect we
all turned to, and having emptied the damaged boat into the two others,
we raised her side as well as we could, and succeeded in restoring the
plank at the bottom. Through this accident, some of our biscuit had
become injured by the salt-water. This was equally divided among the
several boats' crews. Food and water, meanwhile, with our utmost
economy, rapidly failed. Our strength was exhausted, not by abstinence
only, but by the labours which we were obliged to employ to keep our
little vessels afloat amidst the storms which repeatedly assailed us.
One night we were parted in rough weather; but though the next day we
fell in with one of our companion-boats, we never saw or heard any more
of the other, which probably perished at sea, being without either
sextant or quadrant.[43]

'When we were reduced to the last pinch, and out of everything, having
been more than three weeks abroad, we were cheered with the sight of a
low, uninhabited island, which we reached in hope, but were bitterly
disappointed. There were some barren bushes and many rocks on this
forlorn spot. The only provision that we could procure were a few birds
and their eggs: this supply was soon reduced; the sea-fowls appeared to
have been frightened away, and their nests were left empty after we had
once or twice plundered them. What distressed us most was the utter want
of fresh water; we could not find a drop anywhere, till, at the extreme
verge of ebb tide, a small spring was discovered in the sand; but even
that was too scanty to afford us sufficient to quench our thirst before
it was covered by the waves at their turn.

'There being no prospect but that of starvation here, we determined to
put to sea again. Three of our comrades, however, chose to remain, and
we pledged ourselves to send a vessel to bring them off, if we ourselves
should ever escape to a Christian port. With a very small morsel of
biscuit for each, and a little water, we again ventured out on the wide
ocean. In the course of a few days our provisions were consumed. Two men
died; we had no other alternative than to live upon their remains. These
we roasted to dryness by means of fires kindled on the ballast-sand at
the bottom of the boats.[44] When this supply was spent, what could we
do? We looked at each other with horrid thoughts in our minds, but we
held our tongues. I am sure that we loved one another as brothers all
the time; and yet our looks told plainly what must be done. We cast
lots, and the fatal one fell on my poor cabin-boy. I started forward
instantly, and cried out, "My lad, my lad, _if you don't like your lot_,
I'll shoot the first man that touches you." The poor emaciated boy
hesitated a moment or two; then, quietly laying his head down upon the
gunnel of the boat, he said, "_I like it as well as any other."_ He was
soon despatched, and nothing of him left. I think, then, another man
died of himself, and him, too, we ate. But I can tell you no more--my
head is on fire at the recollection; I hardly know what I say. I forgot
to say that we had parted company with the second boat before now. After
some more days of horror and despair, when some were lying down at the
bottom of the boat not able to rise, and scarcely one of us could move a
limb, a vessel hove in sight. We were taken on board, and treated with
extreme kindness. The second last boat was also picked up at sea, and
the survivors saved. A ship afterwards sailed in search of our
companions on the desolate island, and brought them away.'

Captain Pollard closed his dreary narrative with saying, in a tone of
despondency never to be forgotten by him who heard it, 'After a time I
found my way to the United States, to which I belonged, and got another
ship. That, too, I have lost by a second wreck off the Sandwich Islands,
and now I am utterly ruined. No owner will ever trust me with a whaler
again, for all will say I am an _unlucky_ man.'

The following account respecting the three men that were left on the
uninhabited island, is given in a note of the same work, and said to be
extracted from a religious tract, No. 579, issued by the Society in
Paternoster Row.

'On the 26th of December the boats left the island: this was, indeed, a
trying moment to all: they separated with mutual prayers and good
wishes, seventeen[45] venturing to sea with almost certain death before
them, while three remained on a rocky isle, destitute of water, and
affording hardly anything to support life. The prospects of these three
poor men were gloomy: they again tried to dig a well, but without
success, and all hope seemed at an end, when providentially they were
relieved by a shower of rain. They were thus delivered from the
immediate apprehension of perishing by thirst. Their next care was to
procure food, and their difficulties herein were also very great; their
principal resource was small birds, about the size of a blackbird, which
they caught while at roost. Every night they climbed the trees in search
of them, and obtained, by severe exertions, a scanty supply, hardly
enough to support life. Some of the trees bore a small berry which gave
them a little relief, but these they found only in small quantities.
Shell-fish they searched for in vain; and although from the rocks they
saw at times a number of sharks, and also other sorts of fish, they were
unable to catch any, as they had no fishing tackle. Once they saw
several turtles, and succeeded in taking five, but they were then
without water: at those times they had little inclination to eat, and
before one of them was quite finished the others were become unfit for
food.

'Their sufferings from want of water were the most severe, their only
supply being from what remained in holes among the rocks after the
showers which fell at intervals; and sometimes they were five or six
days without any; on these occasions they were compelled to suck the
blood of the birds they caught, which allayed their thirst in some
degree; but they did so very unwillingly, as they found themselves much
disordered thereby.

'Among the rocks were several caves formed by nature, which afforded
shelter from the wind and rain. In one of these caves they found eight
human skeletons, in all probability the remains of some poor mariners
who had been shipwrecked on the isle, and perished for want of food and
water. They were side by side, as if they had laid down and died
together! This sight deeply affected the mate and his companions; their
case was similar, and they had every reason to expect ere long the same
end: for many times they lay down at night, with their tongues swollen
and their lips parched with thirst, scarcely hoping to see the morning
sun; and it is impossible to form an idea of their feelings when the
morning dawned, and they found their prayers had been heard and answered
by a providential supply of rain.

'In this state they continued till the 5th of April following. On the
morning of that day they were in the woods as usual, searching for food
and water, as well as their weakness permitted, when their attention was
aroused by a sound which they thought was distant thunder; but looking
towards the sea, they saw a ship in the offing, which had just fired a
gun. Their joy at this sight may be more easily imagined than described;
they immediately fell on their knees, and thanked God for His goodness,
in thus sending deliverance when least expected; then, hastening to the
shore, they saw a boat coming towards them. As the boat could not
approach the shore without great danger, the mate, being a good swimmer,
and stronger than his companions, plunged into the sea, and
providentially escaped a watery grave at the moment when deliverance was
at hand. His companions crawled out further on the rocks, and, by the
great exertions of the crew, were taken into the boat, and soon found
themselves on board the _Surrey_, commanded by Captain Raine, by whom
they were treated in the kindest manner, and their health and strength
were speedily restored.'

Mr. Montgomery, the editor, observes, 'there is some incongruity in
these two narratives, which more minute particulars might reconcile.' We
have noticed them. Mr. Bennet received the account verbally, and may be
mistaken in some points, but there is little doubt of its being
substantially correct.

This melancholy history supplies an additional and complete answer to
Bligh's doubts of men feeding on each other to preserve existence.




ENDNOTES:


[1] The discovery of this island is owing to Fernandez de Quiros in
1606, which he named _La Sagittaria_, Some doubts were at first
entertained of its identity with Otaheite, but the small difference of a
few miles in latitude, and about two degrees of longitude, the
description as to size, the low isthmus, the distance from it of any
other island at all similar, and above all, the geographical
position--all prove its identity--although Quiros calls it, what it
certainly is not, a low island.

[2] _A Missionary Voyage to the Southern Pacific Ocean_, Appendix, pp.
336, 342.

[3] Cook appears not to have exercised his usual judgement in estimating
the population of this island. After stating the number of war-canoes at
seventeen hundred and twenty, and able men to man them, at sixty-eight
thousand eight hundred, he comes to the conclusion that the population
must consist of two hundred and four thousand souls; and reflecting on
the vast swarms which everywhere appeared, 'I was convinced,' he says,
'that this estimate was not much, if at all, too great.'

[4] The words within brackets are in the original despatch.

[5] He was born in the Isle of Man, his father being Deemster of Man,
and Seneschal to the Duke of Athol.

[6] _United Service Journal_, April, 1831.

[7] Hayward and Hallet, who may thus be considered as the _passive_
cause of the mutiny.

[8] _Quarterly Review_, No. 89.

[9] One person turns his back on the object that is to be divided;
another then points separately to the portions, at each of them asking
aloud, 'Who shall have this?' to which the first answers by naming
somebody. This impartial method of distribution gives every man an equal
chance of the best share. Bligh used to speak of the great amusement the
poor people had at the beak and claws falling to his share.

[10] If Bligh here meant to deny the fact of men, in extreme cases,
destroying each other for the sake of appeasing hunger, he is greatly
mistaken. The fact was but too well established, and to a great extent,
on the raft of the French frigate _Meduse_, when wrecked on the coast of
Africa, and also on the rock in the Mediterranean, when the _Nautilus_
frigate was lost. There may be a difference between men, in danger of
perishing by famine, when in robust health, and men like those of the
_Bounty_, worn by degrees to skeletons, by protracted famine, who may
thus have become equally indifferent to life or death.

[11] The escape of the _Centaur's_ boat, perhaps, comes nearest to it.
When the _Centaur_ was sinking, Captain Inglefield and eleven others, in
a small leaky boat, five feet broad, with one of the gunwales stove,
nearly in the middle of the Western Ocean, without compass, without
quadrant, without sail, without great-coat or cloak, all very thinly
clothed, in a gale of wind, with a great sea running, and the winter
fast approaching,--the sun and stars, by which alone they could shape
their course, sometimes hidden for twenty-four hours;--these unhappy
men, in this destitute and hopeless condition, had to brave the billows
of the stormy Atlantic, for nearly a thousand miles. A blanket, which
was by accident in the boat, served as a sail, and with this they
scudded before the wind, in expectation of being swallowed up by every
wave; with great difficulty the boat was cleared of water before the
return of the next great sea; all of the people were half drowned, and
sitting, except the balers, at the bottom of the boat. On quitting the
ship the distance of Fayal was two hundred and sixty leagues, or about
nine hundred English miles.

Their provisions were a bag of bread, a small ham, a single piece of
pork, two quart bottles of water, and a few of French cordials. One
biscuit, divided into twelve morsels, was served for breakfast, and the
same for dinner; the neck of a bottle broken off, with the cork in,
supplied the place of a glass; and this filled with water was the
allowance for twenty-four hours for each man.

On the fifteenth day, they had only one day's bread, and one bottle of
water remaining of a second supply of rain; on this day Matthews, a
quarter-master, the stoutest man in the boat, perished of hunger and
cold. This poor man, on the day before, had complained of want of
strength in his throat, as he expressed it, to swallow his morsel; and,
in the night, drank salt-water, grew delirious, and died without a
groan. Hitherto despair and gloom had been successfully prevented, the
men, when the evenings closed in, having been encouraged by turns to
sing a song, or relate a story, instead of a supper: 'but,' says the
Captain, 'this evening I found it impossible to raise either.' The
Captain had directed the clothes to be taken from the corpse of Matthews
and given to some of the men, who were perishing with, cold; but the
shocking skeleton-like appearance of his remains made such an impression
on the people, that all efforts to raise their spirits were ineffectual.
On the following day, the sixteenth, their last breakfast was served
with the bread and water remaining, when John Gregory, the
quarter-master, declared with much confidence that he saw land in the
south-east, which turned out to be Fayal.

But the most extraordinary _feat of navigation_ is that which is related
(on good authority) in a note of the _Quarterly Review_, vol. xviii. pp.
337-339:--

Of all the feats of navigation on record, however, that of Diogo Botelho
Perreira, in the early period of 1536-37, stands pre-eminent; it is
extracted from the voluminous Decades of Diogo de Couto, whose work,
though abounding with much curious matter, like those of most of the old
Portuguese writers, has not been fortunate enough to obtain an English
translation. We are indebted to a friend for pointing it out to us, and
we conceive it will be read with interest.

    'In the time of the vice-royalty of Don Francisco de Almeyda
    there was a young gentleman in India of the name of Diogo
    Botelho Perreira, son of the commander of Cochin, who educated
    him with great care, so that he soon became skilled in the art
    of navigation, and an adept in the construction of marine
    charts. As he grew up, he felt anxious to visit Portugal,
    where, on his arrival, he was well received at court, and the
    king took pleasure in conversing with him on those subjects
    which had been the particular objects of his studies. Confident
    of his own talents, and presuming on the favour with which the
    king always treated him, he ventured one day to request his
    Majesty to appoint him commander of the fortress of Chaul. The
    king smiled at his request, and replied, that "_the command of
    the fortress was not for pilots_." Botelho was piqued at this
    answer, and, on returning into the ante-chamber, was met by Don
    Antonio Noronha, second son of the Marquis of Villa Real, who
    asked him if his suit had been granted: he answered, "Sir, I
    will apply where my suit will not be neglected." When this
    answer came to the ears of the king, he immediately ordered
    Botelho to be confined in the castle of Lisbon, lest he should
    follow the example of Megalhaens, and go over to Spain. There
    he remained a prisoner until the admiral viceroy Don Vasco da
    Gama, solicited his release, and was permitted to take him to
    India; but on the express condition that he should not return
    to Portugal, except by special permission. Under these
    unpleasant circumstances this gentleman proceeded to India,
    anxious for an opportunity of distinguishing himself, that he
    might be permitted again to visit Portugal.

    'It happened about this time that the Sultan Badur, sovereign
    of Cambaya, gave the governor, Nuno da Cunha, permission to
    erect a fortress on the island of Diu, an object long and
    anxiously wished for, as being of the greatest importance to
    the security of the Portuguese possessions in India. Botelho
    was aware how acceptable this information would be to the king,
    and therefore deemed this a favourable opportunity of regaining
    his favour, by conveying such important intelligence; and he
    resolved to perform the voyage in a vessel so small, and so
    unlike what had ever appeared in Portugal, that it should not
    fail to excite astonishment, how any man could undertake so
    long and perilous a navigation, in such a frail and diminutive
    bottom.

    'Without communicating his scheme to any person, he procured a
    _fusta_, put a deck on it from head to stern, furnished it with
    spare sails and spars, and every other necessary, and
    constructed two small tanks for water.

    'As soon as the monsoon served, he embarked with some men in
    his service, giving out that he was going to Melinde; and, to
    give colour to this story, he proceeded to Baticala, where he
    purchased some cloths and beads for that market, and laid in
    provisions; some native merchants also embarked with a few
    articles on board for the Melinde market, to which he did not
    choose to object, lest it should alarm his sailors.

    'He set sail with the eastern monsoon, in the beginning of
    October, and arrived safely at Melinde, where he landed the
    native merchants, took in wood, water, and refreshments, and
    again put to sea, informing his crew that he was going to
    Quiloa. When he had got to a distance from the land, it would
    appear that some of his crew had mutinied; but this he had
    foreseen and provided for; putting some of them in irons, and
    promising at the same time amply to reward the services of the
    rest, and giving them to understand that he was going to Sofala
    on account of the trade in gold. Thus he proceeded, touching at
    various places for refreshments, which he met with in great
    plenty and very cheap.

    'From Sofala he proceeded along the coast till he had passed
    the Cabo dos Correntes, and from thence along the shore,
    without ever venturing to a distance from the land, and
    touching at the different rivers, until he passed the Cape of
    Good Hope, which he did in January 1537.

    'From thence he stretched into the ocean with gentle breezes,
    steering for St. Helena; where, on arriving, he drew his little
    vessel ashore, to clean her bottom and repair her, and also to
    give a few days' rest to his crew, of whom some had perished of
    cold, notwithstanding his having provided warm clothing for
    them.

    'Departing from St. Helena, he boldly steered his little bark
    across the wide ocean, directing his career to St. Thome, where
    he took in provisions, wood, and water; and from thence he
    proceeded to the bar of Lisbon, where he arrived in May, when
    the king was at Almeyrin. He entered the river with his oars,
    his little vessel being dressed with flags and pendants, and
    anchored at Point Leira opposite to Salvaterra, not being able
    to get farther up the river. This novelty produced such a
    sensation in Lisbon that the Tagus was covered with boats to
    see the _fusta_ Diogo Botelho Perreira landed in a boat, and
    proceeded to Almeyrin, to give the king an account of his
    voyage, and solicit a gratification for the good news which he
    brought, of his Majesty now being possessed of a fortress on
    the island of Diu.

    'The king was highly pleased with this intelligence, but, as
    Botelho brought no letters from the governor, he did not give
    him the kind of reception which he had expected. On the
    contrary, the king treated him with coldness and distance; his
    Majesty, however, embarked to see the _fusta_, on board of
    which he examined every thing with much attention, and was
    gratified in viewing a vessel of such a peculiar form, and
    ordered money and clothes to be given to the sailors--nor could
    he help considering Diogo Botelho as a man of extraordinary
    enterprise and courage, on whose firmness implicit reliance
    might be placed.

    'The little vessel was ordered to be drawn ashore at Sacabem,
    where it remained many years (until it fell to pieces), and was
    visited by people from all parts of Europe, who beheld it with
    astonishment. The king subsequently received letters from the
    governor of Nuno da Cunha, confirming the news brought by
    Botelho; the bearer of these letters, a Jew, was immediately
    rewarded with a pension of a hundred and forty milreas; but
    Botelho was neglected for many years, and at last appointed
    commander of St. Thome, and finally made captain of Cananor in
    India, that he might be at a distance from Portugal.'

The vessel named _fusta_ is a long, shallow, Indian-built row-boat,
which uses latine sails in fine weather. These boats are usually open,
but Botelho covered his with a deck: its dimensions, according to
Lavanha, in his edition of De Barros' unfinished Decade, are as
follows:--length, twenty-two palmos, or sixteen feet six inches.
Breadth, twelve palmos, or nine feet. Depth, six palmos, or four feet
six inches. Bligh's boat was twenty-three feet long, six feet nine
inches broad, and two feet nine inches deep. From the circumstance
mentioned of some of his crew having perished with cold, it is probable
that they were natives of India, whom the Portuguese were in the habit
of bringing home as part of their crew.

[12] Previous to the writing of this letter, the following copy of
verses shows how anxiously this young lady's mind was engaged on the
unhappy circumstances under which her brother was placed.

On the tedious and mournful Absence of a most beloved BROTHER, who was
in the _Bounty_ with Captain BLIGH at the Time of the FATAL MUTINY,
which happened April 28th, 1789, in the South Seas, and who, instead of
returning with the Boat when she left the Ship, stayed behind.
     Tell me, thou busy flatt'ring Telltale, why--
     Why flow these tears--why heaves this deep-felt sigh,--
     Why is all joy from my sad bosom flown,
     Why lost that cheerfulness I thought my own;
     Why seek I now in solitude for ease.
     Which once was centred in a wish to please,
     When ev'ry hour in joy and gladness past,
     And each new day shone brighter than the last;
     When in society I loved to join;
     When to enjoy, and give delight, was mine?--
     Now--sad reverse! in sorrow wakes each day,
     And griefs sad tones inspire each plaintive lay:
     Alas! too plain these mournful tears can tell
     The pangs of woe my lab'ring bosom swell!
     Thou best of brothers--friend, companion, guide,
     Joy of my youth, my honour, and my pride!
     Lost is all peace--all happiness to me,
     And fled all comfort, since deprived of thee.
     In vain, my Lycidas, thy loss I mourn,
     In vain indulge a hope of thy return;
     Still years roll on and still I vainly sigh,
     Still tears of anguish drown each gushing eye.
     Ah I cruel Time I how slow thy ling'ring pace,
     Which keeps me from his tender, loved embrace.
     At home to see him, or to know him near,
     How much I wish--and yet how much I fear!
     Oh I fatal voyage! which robb'd my soul of peace
     And wreck'd my happiness in stormy seas!
     Why, my loved Lycidas, why did'st thou stay,
     Why waste thy life from friendship far away?
     Though guiltless thou of mutiny or blame,
     And free from aught which could disgrace thy name;
     Though thy pure soul, in honour's footsteps train'd,
     Was never yet by disobedience stain'd;
     Yet is thy fame exposed to slander's wound,
     And fell suspicion whispering around.
     In vain--to those who knew thy worth and truth,
     Who watch'd each op'ning virtue of thy youth;
     When noblest principles inform'd thy mind,
     Where sense and sensibility were join'd;
     Love to inspire, to charm, to win each heart,
     And ev'ry tender sentiment impart;
     Thy outward form adorn'd with ev'ry grace;
     With beauty's softest charms thy heav'nly face,
     Where sweet expression beaming ever proved
     The index of that soul, by all beloved;
     Thy wit so keen, thy genius form'd to soar,
     By fancy wing'd, new science to explore;
     Thy temper, ever gentle, good, and kind,
     Where all but guilt an advocate could find:
     To those who know this character was thine,
     (And in this truth assenting numbers join)
     How vain th' attempt to fix a crime on thee,
     Which thou disdain'st--from which each thought is free!
     No, my loved brother, ne'er will I believe
     Thy seeming worth was meant but to deceive;
     Still will I think (each circumstance though strange)
     That thy firm principles could never change;
     That hopes of preservation urged thy stay,
     Or force, which those resistless must obey.
     If this is error, let me still remain
     In error wrapp'd--nor wake to truth again!
     Come then, sweet Hope, with all thy train of joy
     Nor let Despair each rapt'rous thought destroy;
     Indulgent Heav'n, in pity to our tears,
     At length will bless a parent's sinking years;
     Again shall I behold thy lovely face,
     By manhood form'd, and ripen'd ev'ry grace,
     Again I'll press thee to my anxious breast,
     And ev'ry sorrow shall be hush'd to rest.
     Thy presence only can each comfort give.
     Come then, my Lycidas, and let me live;
     Life without thee is but a wretched load,
     Thy love alone can smooth its thorny road;
     But blest with thee, how light were every woe;
     How would my soul with joy and rapture glow!
     Kind Heav'n! thou hast my happiness in store,
     Restore him _innocent_--I ask no more!
_Isle of Man, Feb. 25,_ 1792. NESSY HEYWOOD.

[13] This interesting letter is given in the following Chapter, to which
it appropriately belongs.

[14] His orders run thus: 'You are to keep the mutineers as closely
confined as may preclude all possibility of their escaping, having,
however, proper regard to the preservation of their lives, that they may
be brought home, to undergo the punishment due to their demerits.'

[15] _Voyage round the World_, by Mr. George Hamilton, p. 84.

[16] _A Missionary Voyage to the Southern Pacific_, p. 360.

[17] _United Service Journal_.

[18] The Phoceans, on account of the sterility of their country, were in
the habit of practising piracy, which, according to Justin, was held to
be an honourable profession.

[19] These laws are contained in an ancient authentic book, called 'The
Black Book of the Admiralty,' in which all things therein comprehended
are engrossed on vellum, in an ancient character; which hath been from
time to time kept in the registry of the High Court of Admiralty, for
the use of the Judges. When Mr. Luders made enquiry at the office in
Doctors' Commons, in 1808, he was informed by the proper officers there,
that they had never seen such book, and knew nothing of it, nor where to
find it. The fact is, the book in question was put into Lord Thurlow's
hands when Attorney-General, and never returned. There is a copy of it
in the Admiralty.

[20] Morrison mentions, in his _Journal_, a plan to this effect,
contrived by Heywood, Stewart, and himself, but observes, 'it was a
foolish attempt, as, had we met with bad weather, our crazy boat would
certainly have made us a coffin.'

[21] The following shows how much her fond mind was fixed on her
unfortunate brother:--

_On the Arrival of my dearly-beloved Brother, Peter Heywood, in England,
written while a Prisoner, and waiting the Event of his Trial on board
his Majesty's Ship 'Hector.'_
     Come, gentle Muse, I woo thee once again,
     Nor woo thee now in melancholy strain;
     Assist my verse in cheerful mood to flow,
     Nor let this tender bosom Anguish know;
     Fill all my soul with notes of Love and Joy,
     No more let Grief each anxious thought employ:
     With Rapture now alone this heart shall burn,
     And Joy, my Lycidas, for thy return!
     Return'd with every charm, accomplish'd youth,
     Adorn'd with Virtue, Innocence, and Truth;
     Wrapp'd in thy conscious merit still remain,
     Till I behold thy lovely form again.
     Protect him, Heav'n, from dangers and alarms,
     And oh! restore him to a sister's arms;
     Support his fortitude in that dread hour
     When he must brave Suspicion's cruel pow'r;
     Grant him to plead with Eloquence divine,
     In ev'ry word let Truth and Honour shine;
     Through each sweet accent let Persuasion flow,
     With manly Firmness let his bosom glow,
     Till strong Conviction, in each face exprest,
     Grants a reward by Honour's self confest.
     Let thy Omnipotence preserve him still,
     And all his future days with Pleasure fill;
     And oh! kind Heav'n, though now in chains he be,
     Restore him soon to Friendship, Love, and me.
_August 5th, 1792, Isle of Man_. NESSY HEYWOOD.

[22] The late Aaron Graham, Esq., the highly respected police magistrate
in London.

[23] Till the moment of the trial, it will readily be supposed that
every thought of this amiable young lady was absorbed in her brother's
fate. In this interval the following lines appear to have been
written:--

_On receiving information by a letter from my ever dearly loved brother
Peter Heywood, that his trial was soon to take place_.

_Isle of Man, August_ 22, 1792. NESSY HEYWOOD.

[24] The minutes being very long, a brief abstract only, containing the
principal points of evidence, is here given.

[25] This Journal, it is presumed, must have been lost when the
_Pandora_ was wrecked.

[26] It was in this state of mind, while in momentary expectation of
receiving an account of the termination of the court-martial, that
Heywood's charming sister Nessy wrote the following lines:--
     ANXIETY.
     Doubting, dreading, fretful guest,
     Quit, oh I quit this mortal breast.
     Why wilt thou my peace invade,
     And each brighter prospect shade?
     Pain me not with needless Fear,
     But let Hope my bosom cheer;
     While I court her gentle charms,
     Woo the flatterer to my arms;
     While each moment she beguiles
     With her sweet enliv'ning smiles,
     While she softly whispers me,
     'Lycidas again is free,'
     While I gaze on Pleasure's gleam,
     Say not thou 'Tis all a dream.'
     Hence--nor darken Joy's soft bloom
     With thy pale and sickly gloom:
     Nought have I to do with thee--
     Hence--begone--Anxiety.
_Isle of Man, September 10th._ NESSY HEYWOOD.

[27] This is supposed to allude to the evidence given by Hallet.

[28] This refers to a very kind and encouraging letter written to him by
the Rev. Dr. Scott, of the Isle of Man, who knew him from a boy, and had
the highest opinion of his character.

[29] Captain Bligh states in his journal, that none of his officers were
suffered to come near him while held a prisoner by Christian; and Hallet
was, no doubt, mistaken, but he had probably said it in the boat, and
thought it right to be consistent on the trial.

It has been said that Hallet, when in the _Penelope_, in which frigate
he died, expressed great regret at the evidence he had given at the
court-martial, and frequently alluded to it, admitting that he might
have been mistaken. There can be very little doubt that he was so. But
the Editor has ascertained, from personal inquiry of one of the most
distinguished flag-officers in the service, who was then first
lieutenant of the _Penelope_, that Hallet frequently expressed to him
his deep contrition for having given in evidence what, on subsequent
reflection, he was convinced to be incorrect; that he ascribed it to the
state of confusion in which his mind was when under examination before
the Court; and that he had since satisfied himself that, owing to the
general alarm and confusion during the mutiny, he must have confounded
Heywood with some other person.

[30] Vol. ii. p. 778.

[31] Some few captains were in the habit of turning over a delinquent to
be tried by their messmates, and when found guilty, it invariably
happened that the punishment inflicted was doubly severe to what it
would have been in the ordinary way. This practice,--which, as giving a
deliberative voice to the ship's company, was highly reprehensible,--it
is to be hoped has entirely ceased.

[32] Information that the pardon was gone down to Portsmouth.

[33] She had received, previous to this, information of what the event
would be, and thus gives vent to her feelings.

_On receiving certain Intelligence that my most amiable and beloved
Brother, Peter Heywood, would soon be restored to Freedom_.
     Oh, blissful hour!--oh moment of delight!
     Replete with happiness, with rapture bright!
     An age of pain is sure repaid by this,
     'Tis joy too great--'tis ecstasy of bliss!
     Ye sweet sensations crowding on my soul,
     Which following each other swiftly roll,--
     Ye dear ideas which unceasing press,
     And pain this bosom by your wild excess,
     Ah! kindly cease--for pity's sake subside,
     Nor thus o'erwhelm me with joy's rapid tide:
     My beating heart, oppress'd with woe and care,
     Has yet to learn such happiness to bear:
     From grief, distracting grief, thus high to soar,
     To know dull pain and misery no more,
     To hail each op'ning morn with new delight,
     To rest in peace and joy each happy night,
     To see my Lycidas from bondage free,
     Restored to life, to pleasure, and to me,
     To see him thus--adorn'd with virtue's charms,
     To give him to a longing mother's arms,
     To know him by surrounding friends caress'd,
     Of honour, fame, of life's best gifts possess'd,
     Oh, my full heart! 'tis joy--'tis bliss supreme,
     And though 'tis real--yet, how like a dream!
     Teach me then, Heav'n, to bear it as I ought,
     Inspire each rapt'rous, each transporting thought;
     Teach me to bend beneath Thy bounteous hand,
     With gratitude my willing heart expand:
     To Thy omnipotence I humbly bow,
     Afflicted once--but ah! how happy now!
     Restored in peace, submissive to Thy will,
     Oh! bless his days to come--protect him still;
     Prolong his life, Thy goodness to adore,
     And oh! let sorrow's shafts ne'er wound him more.
NESSY HEYWOOD. _London, October 15th, 1792, Midnight_.

[34] Mr. Graham's daughter.

[35] Several elegiac stanzas were written on the death of this
accomplished young lady. The following are dated from her native place,
the Isle of Man, where her virtues and accomplishments could best be
appreciated.
     How soon, sweet maid! how like a fleeting dream
     The winning graces, all thy virtues seem!
     How soon arrested in thy early bloom
     Has fate decreed thee to the joyless tomb!
     Nor beauty, genius, nor the Muse's care,
     Nor aught could move the tyrant Death to spare:
     Ah! could their power revoke the stern decree,
     The fatal shaft had past, unfelt by thee!
     But vain thy wit, thy sentiment refined,
     Thy charms external, and accomplish'd mind;
     Thy artless smiles, that seized the willing heart,
     Thy converse, that could pure delight impart;
     The melting music of thy skilful tongue,
     While judgement listen'd, ravish'd with thy song:
     Not all the gifts that art and nature gave,
     Could save thee, lovely Nessy! from the grave.
     Too early lost! from friendship's bosom torn,
     Oh might I tune _thy_ lyre, and sweetly mourn
     In strains like thine, when beauteous Margaret's[A] fate
     Oppress'd thy friendly heart with sorrow's weight;
     Then should my numbers flow, and laurels bloom
     In endless spring around fair Nessy's tomb.
[A] Alluding to some elegant lines, by the deceased, on the death of a
female friend.

[36] The following appears to have been written by Mr. P. Heywood on the
day that the sentence of condemnation was passed on him.
     ----Silence then
     The whispers of complaint,--low in the dust
     Dissatisfaction's daemon's growl unheard.
     All--all is good, all excellent below;
     Pain is a blessing--sorrow leads to joy--
     Joy, permanent and solid! ev'ry ill,
     Grim death itself, in all its horrors clad,
     Is man's supremest privilege! it frees
     The soul from prison, from foul sin, from woe,
     And gives it back to glory, rest, and God!
     Cheerly, my friends,--oh, cheerly! look not thus
     With Pity's melting softness!--that alone
     Can shake my fortitude---all is not lost.
     Lo! I have gain'd on this important day
     A victory consummate o'er myself,
     And o'er this life a victory,--on this day.
     My birthday to eternity, I've gain'd
     Dismission from a world, where for a while,
     Like you, like all, a pilgrim, passing poor,
     A traveller, a stranger, I have met
     Still stranger treatment, rude and harsh! I so much
     The dearer, more desired, the home I seek,
     Eternal of my Father, and my God!
     Then pious Resignation, meek-ey'd pow'r,
     Sustain me still! Composure still be mine.
     Where rests it? Oh, mysterious Providence
     I Silence the wild idea.--I have found
     No mercy yet--no mild humanity,
     With cruel, unrelenting rigour torn,
     And lost in prison--lost to all below!
And the following appears to have been written on the day of the king's
pardon being received.
     --Oh deem it not
     Presumptuous, that my soul grateful thus rates
     The present high deliv'rance it hath found;--
     Sole effort of Thy wisdom, sov'reign Pow'r,
     Without whose knowledge, not a sparrow fells!
     Oh I may I cease to live, ere cease to bless
     That interposing hand, which turn'd aside--
     Nay, to my life and preservation turn'd,--
     The fatal blow precipitate, ordain'd
     To level all my little hopes in dust,
     And give me--to the grave.

[37] With which the Editor, at his request, was favoured at the time.

[38] The only authority that then existed for laying down this island
was that of Captain Carteret, who first saw it in 1767. 'It is so high,'
he says, 'that we saw it at the distance of more than fifteen leagues,
and it having been discovered by a young gentleman, son to Major
Pitcairn of the marines, who was unfortunately lost in the _Aurora_, we
called it _Pitcairn's Island_.' He makes it in lat. 25 deg. 2' S. and long.
133 deg. 30' W., no less than _three degrees_ out of its true longitude!
_Three minutes_ would _now_ be thought a considerable error:--such are
the superior advantages conferred by lunar observations and improvements
in chronometers.

Pitcairn's Island has been supposed to be the '_Encarnacion_' of Quiros,
by whom it is stated to be in lat. 24 deg. 30', and one thousand leagues
from the coast of Peru; but as he describes it as 'a low, sandy island,
almost level with the sea, having a few trees on it,' we must look for
'_Encarnacion_' somewhere else; and _Ducies_ Island, nearly in that
latitude, very low, and within 5 deg. of longitude from Pitcairn's Island,
answers precisely to it.

[39] As the manner of Christian's death has been differently reported to
each different visitor, by Adams, the only evidence in existence, with
the exception of three or four Otaheitan women, and a few infants, some
singular circumstances may here be mentioned that happened at home, just
at the time of Folder's visit, and which might render his death on
Pitcairn's Island almost a matter of doubt.

About the years 1808 and 1809, a very general opinion was prevalent in
the neighbourhood of the lakes of Cumberland and Westmoreland, that
Christian was in that part of the country, and made frequent private
visits to an aunt who was living there. Being the near relative of Mr.
Christian Curwen, long member of Parliament for Carlisle, and himself a
native, he was well known in the neighbourhood. This, however, might be
passed over as mere gossip, had not another circumstance happened just
about the same time, for the truth of which the Editor does not hesitate
to avouch.

In Fore Street, Plymouth Dock, Captain Heywood found himself one day
walking behind a man, whose shape had so much the appearance of
Christian's, that he involuntarily quickened his pace. Both were walking
very fast, and the rapid steps behind him having roused the stranger's
attention, he suddenly turned his face, looked at Heywood, and
immediately ran off. But the face was as much like Christian's as the
back, and Heywood, exceedingly excited, ran also. Both ran as fast as
they were able, but the stranger had the advantage, and, after making
several short turns, disappeared.

That Christian should be in England, Heywood considered as highly
improbable, though not out of the scope of possibility; for at this time
no account of him whatsoever had been received since they parted at
Otaheite; at any rate the resemblance, the agitation, and the efforts of
the stranger to elude him, were circumstances too strong not to make a
deep impression on his mind. At the moment, his first thought was to set
about making some further inquiries, but on recollection of the pain and
trouble such a discovery must occasion him, he considered it more
prudent to let the matter drop; but the circumstance was frequently
called to his memory for the remainder of his life.

[40] This Nobbs is probably one of those half-witted persons who fancy
they have received a _call_ to preach nonsense--some cobbler escaped
from his stall, or tailor from his shopboard. Kitty Quintal's cant
phrase--'we want food for our souls,' and praying at meals for
'spiritual nourishment,' smack not a little of the jargon of the
inferior caste of evangelicals. Whoever this pastoral drone may be, it
is but too evident that the preservation of the innocence, simplicity,
and happiness of these amiable people, is intimately connected with his
speedy removal from the island.

[41] Well may Adams have sought for rules for his little society in a
book, which contains the foundation of the civil and religious policy of
two-thirds of the human race,--in that wonderful book, into whose
inspired pages the afflicted never seek for consolation in vain.
Millions of examples attest this truth. 'There is no incident in
_Robinson Crusoe_,' observes a writer in a critical journal, 'told in
language more natural and affecting, than Robert Knox's accidental
discovery of a Bible, in the midst of the Candian dominions of Ceylon.
His previous despondency from the death of his father, his only friend
and companion, whose grave he had but just dug with his own hands,
"being now," as he says, "left desolate, sick, and in captivity,"--his
agitation, joy, and even terror, on meeting with a book he had for such
a length of time not seen, nor hoped to see--his anxiety lest he should
fail to procure it--and the comfort, when procured, which it afforded
him in his affliction--all are told in Buch a strain of true piety and
genuine simplicity as cannot fail to interest and affect every reader of
sensibility.'

[42] If there were _three_ instruments and _three_ boats, there must
have been _one_ for _each_, for the quadrant was just as good as a
sextant.--ED.

[43] The mistake is here again repeated; it would be absurd to suppose
that one boat had both quadrant and sextant.

[44] It is not explained with what kind of fuel they performed this
distressing operation.

[45] Here, again, is another mistake; the number must have been _eleven_
at most, one of the boats having parted before the others reached the
island.--ED.






End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Eventful History Of The Mutiny And
Piratical Seizure Of H.M.S. Bounty: Its Cause And Consequences, by Sir John Barrow

*** 