



Produced by David Reed





HISTORY OF THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE

Edward Gibbon, Esq.

With notes by the Rev. H. H. Milman




VOLUME ONE




Introduction




Preface By The Editor.

The great work of Gibbon is indispensable to the student of history. The
literature of Europe offers no substitute for "The Decline and Fall of
the Roman Empire." It has obtained undisputed possession, as rightful
occupant, of the vast period which it comprehends. However some
subjects, which it embraces, may have undergone more complete
investigation, on the general view of the whole period, this history
is the sole undisputed authority to which all defer, and from which
few appeal to the original writers, or to more modern compilers. The
inherent interest of the subject, the inexhaustible labor employed upon
it; the immense condensation of matter; the luminous arrangement; the
general accuracy; the style, which, however monotonous from its
uniform stateliness, and sometimes wearisome from its elaborate ar.,
is throughout vigorous, animated, often picturesque always commands
attention, always conveys its meaning with emphatic energy, describes
with singular breadth and fidelity, and generalizes with unrivalled
felicity of expression; all these high qualifications have secured, and
seem likely to secure, its permanent place in historic literature.

This vast design of Gibbon, the magnificent whole into which he has cast
the decay and ruin of the ancient civilization, the formation and birth
of the new order of things, will of itself, independent of the laborious
execution of his immense plan, render "The Decline and Fall of the Roman
Empire" an unapproachable subject to the future historian: [101] in the
eloquent language of his recent French editor, M. Guizot:--

[Footnote 101: A considerable portion of this preface has already appeared
before us public in the Quarterly Review.]

"The gradual decline of the most extraordinary dominion which has
ever invaded and oppressed the world; the fall of that immense empire,
erected on the ruins of so many kingdoms, republics, and states both
barbarous and civilized; and forming in its turn, by its dismemberment,
a multitude of states, republics, and kingdoms; the annihilation of the
religion of Greece and Rome; the birth and the progress of the two new
religions which have shared the most beautiful regions of the earth; the
decrepitude of the ancient world, the spectacle of its expiring glory
and degenerate manners; the infancy of the modern world, the picture of
its first progress, of the new direction given to the mind and character
of man--such a subject must necessarily fix the attention and excite
the interest of men, who cannot behold with indifference those memorable
epochs, during which, in the fine language of Corneille--

     'Un grand destin commence, un grand destin s'acheve.'"

This extent and harmony of design is unquestionably that which
distinguishes the work of Gibbon from all other great historical
compositions. He has first bridged the abyss between ancient and modern
times, and connected together the two great worlds of history. The great
advantage which the classical historians possess over those of modern
times is in unity of plan, of course greatly facilitated by the narrower
sphere to which their researches were confined. Except Herodotus, the
great historians of Greece--we exclude the more modern compilers, like
Diodorus Siculus--limited themselves to a single period, or at 'east to
the contracted sphere of Grecian affairs. As far as the Barbarians
trespassed within the Grecian boundary, or were necessarily mingled up
with Grecian politics, they were admitted into the pale of Grecian
history; but to Thucydides and to Xenophon, excepting in the Persian
inroad of the latter, Greece was the world. Natural unity confined their
narrative almost to chronological order, the episodes were of rare
occurrence and extremely brief. To the Roman historians the course was
equally clear and defined. Rome was their centre of unity; and the
uniformity with which the circle of the Roman dominion spread around,
the regularity with which their civil polity expanded, forced, as it
were, upon the Roman historian that plan which Polybius announces as the
subject of his history, the means and the manner by which the whole
world became subject to the Roman sway. How different the complicated
politics of the European kingdoms! Every national history, to be
complete, must, in a certain sense, be the history of Europe; there is
no knowing to how remote a quarter it may be necessary to trace our most
domestic events; from a country, how apparently disconnected, may
originate the impulse which gives its direction to the whole course of
affairs.

In imitation of his classical models, Gibbon places Rome as the cardinal
point from which his inquiries diverge, and to which they bear constant
reference; yet how immeasurable the space over which those inquiries
range; how complicated, how confused, how apparently inextricable the
causes which tend to the decline of the Roman empire! how countless
the nations which swarm forth, in mingling and indistinct hordes,
constantly changing the geographical limits--incessantly confounding the
natural boundaries! At first sight, the whole period, the whole state
of the world, seems to offer no more secure footing to an historical
adventurer than the chaos of Milton--to be in a state of irreclaimable
disorder, best described in the language of the poet:--

     --"A dark
     Illimitable ocean, without bound,
     Without dimension, where length, breadth, and height,

     And time, and place, are lost: where eldest Night
     And Chaos, ancestors of Nature, hold
     Eternal anarchy, amidst the noise
     Of endless wars, and by confusion stand."

We feel that the unity and harmony of narrative, which shall comprehend
this period of social disorganization, must be ascribed entirely to the
skill and luminous disposition of the historian. It is in this sublime
Gothic architecture of his work, in which the boundless range, the
infinite variety, the, at first sight, incongruous gorgeousness of
the separate parts, nevertheless are all subordinate to one main and
predominant idea, that Gibbon is unrivalled. We cannot but admire the
manner in which he masses his materials, and arranges his facts in
successive groups, not according to chronological order, but to their
moral or political connection; the distinctness with which he marks his
periods of gradually increasing decay; and the skill with which, though
advancing on separate parallels of history, he shows the common tendency
of the slower or more rapid religious or civil innovations. However
these principles of composition may demand more than ordinary attention
on the part of the reader, they can alone impress upon the memory the
real course, and the relative importance of the events. Whoever would
justly appreciate the superiority of Gibbon's lucid arrangement, should
attempt to make his way through the regular but wearisome annals of
Tillemont, or even the less ponderous volumes of Le Beau. Both these
writers adhere, almost entirely, to chronological order; the consequence
is, that we are twenty times called upon to break off, and resume the
thread of six or eight wars in different parts of the empire; to suspend
the operations of a military expedition for a court intrigue; to hurry
away from a siege to a council; and the same page places us in the
middle of a campaign against the barbarians, and in the depths of the
Monophysite controversy. In Gibbon it is not always easy to bear in mind
the exact dates but the course of events is ever clear and distinct;
like a skilful general, though his troops advance from the most
remote and opposite quarters, they are constantly bearing down and
concentrating themselves on one point--that which is still occupied
by the name, and by the waning power of Rome. Whether he traces the
progress of hostile religions, or leads from the shores of the
Baltic, or the verge of the Chinese empire, the successive hosts of
barbarians--though one wave has hardly burst and discharged itself,
before another swells up and approaches--all is made to flow in the same
direction, and the impression which each makes upon the tottering fabric
of the Roman greatness, connects their distant movements, and measures
the relative importance assigned to them in the panoramic history. The
more peaceful and didactic episodes on the development of the Roman law,
or even on the details of ecclesiastical history, interpose themselves
as resting-places or divisions between the periods of barbaric invasion.
In short, though distracted first by the two capitals, and afterwards
by the formal partition of the empire, the extraordinary felicity of
arrangement maintains an order and a regular progression. As our horizon
expands to reveal to us the gathering tempests which are forming
far beyond the boundaries of the civilized world--as we follow their
successive approach to the trembling frontier--the compressed and
receding line is still distinctly visible; though gradually dismembered
and the broken fragments assuming the form of regular states and
kingdoms, the real relation of those kingdoms to the empire is
maintained and defined; and even when the Roman dominion has shrunk
into little more than the province of Thrace--when the name of Rome,
confined, in Italy, to the walls of the city--yet it is still the
memory, the shade of the Roman greatness, which extends over the wide
sphere into which the historian expands his later narrative; the
whole blends into the unity, and is manifestly essential to the double
catastrophe of his tragic drama.

But the amplitude, the magnificence, or the harmony of design, are,
though imposing, yet unworthy claims on our admiration, unless the
details are filled up with correctness and accuracy. No writer has been
more severely tried on this point than Gibbon. He has undergone the
triple scrutiny of theological zeal quickened by just resentment, of
literary emulation, and of that mean and invidious vanity which delights
in detecting errors in writers of established fame. On the result of
the trial, we may be permitted to summon competent witnesses before we
deliver our own judgment.

M. Guizot, in his preface, after stating that in France and Germany, as
well as in England, in the most enlightened countries of Europe, Gibbon
is constantly cited as an authority, thus proceeds:--

"I have had occasion, during my labors, to consult the writings of
philosophers, who have treated on the finances of the Roman empire; of
scholars, who have investigated the chronology; of theologians, who have
searched the depths of ecclesiastical history; of writers on law, who
have studied with care the Roman jurisprudence; of Orientalists, who
have occupied themselves with the Arabians and the Koran; of modern
historians, who have entered upon extensive researches touching the
crusades and their influence; each of these writers has remarked and
pointed out, in the 'History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman
Empire,' some negligences, some false or imperfect views some omissions,
which it is impossible not to suppose voluntary; they have rectified
some facts combated with advantage some assertions; but in general
they have taken the researches and the ideas of Gibbon, as points of
departure, or as proofs of the researches or of the new opinions which
they have advanced."

M. Guizot goes on to state his own impressions on reading Gibbon's
history, and no authority will have greater weight with those to whom
the extent and accuracy of his historical researches are known:--

"After a first rapid perusal, which allowed me to feel nothing but
the interest of a narrative, always animated, and, notwithstanding its
extent and the variety of objects which it makes to pass before the
view, always perspicuous, I entered upon a minute examination of the
details of which it was composed; and the opinion which I then formed
was, I confess, singularly severe. I discovered, in certain chapters,
errors which appeared to me sufficiently important and numerous to
make me believe that they had been written with extreme negligence; in
others, I was struck with a certain tinge of partiality and prejudice,
which imparted to the exposition of the facts that want of truth
and justice, which the English express by their happy term
misrepresentation. Some imperfect (tronquees) quotations; some passages,
omitted unintentionally or designedly cast a suspicion on the honesty
(bonne foi) of the author; and his violation of the first law of
history--increased to my eye by the prolonged attention with which I
occupied myself with every phrase, every note, every reflection--caused
me to form upon the whole work, a judgment far too rigorous. After
having finished my labors, I allowed some time to elapse before I
reviewed the whole. A second attentive and regular perusal of the entire
work, of the notes of the author, and of those which I had thought it
right to subjoin, showed me how much I had exaggerated the importance of
the reproaches which Gibbon really deserved; I was struck with the same
errors, the same partiality on certain subjects; but I had been far from
doing adequate justice to the immensity of his researches, the
variety of his knowledge, and above all, to that truly philosophical
discrimination (justesse d'esprit) which judges the past as it would
judge the present; which does not permit itself to be blinded by the
clouds which time gathers around the dead, and which prevent us from
seeing that, under the toga, as under the modern dress, in the senate
as in our councils, men were what they still are, and that events took
place eighteen centuries ago, as they take place in our days. I then
felt that his book, in spite of its faults, will always be a noble
work--and that we may correct his errors and combat his prejudices,
without ceasing to admit that few men have combined, if we are not to
say in so high a degree, at least in a manner so complete, and so well
regulated, the necessary qualifications for a writer of history."

The present editor has followed the track of Gibbon through many parts
of his work; he has read his authorities with constant reference to
his pages, and must pronounce his deliberate judgment, in terms of
the highest admiration as to his general accuracy. Many of his seeming
errors are almost inevitable from the close condensation of his matter.
From the immense range of his history, it was sometimes necessary to
compress into a single sentence, a whole vague and diffuse page of a
Byzantine chronicler. Perhaps something of importance may have thus
escaped, and his expressions may not quite contain the whole substance
of the passage from which they are taken. His limits, at times, compel
him to sketch; where that is the case, it is not fair to expect the
full details of the finished picture. At times he can only deal with
important results; and in his account of a war, it sometimes
requires great attention to discover that the events which seem to
be comprehended in a single campaign, occupy several years. But this
admirable skill in selecting and giving prominence to the points which
are of real weight and importance--this distribution of light and
shade--though perhaps it may occasionally betray him into vague and
imperfect statements, is one of the highest excellencies of Gibbon's
historic manner. It is the more striking, when we pass from the works of
his chief authorities, where, after laboring through long, minute, and
wearisome descriptions of the accessary and subordinate circumstances, a
single unmarked and undistinguished sentence, which we may overlook
from the inattention of fatigue, contains the great moral and political
result.

Gibbon's method of arrangement, though on the whole most favorable
to the clear comprehension of the events, leads likewise to apparent
inaccuracy. That which we expect to find in one part is reserved for
another. The estimate which we are to form, depends on the accurate
balance of statements in remote parts of the work; and we have sometimes
to correct and modify opinions, formed from one chapter by those of
another. Yet, on the other hand, it is astonishing how rarely we detect
contradiction; the mind of the author has already harmonized the whole
result to truth and probability; the general impression is almost
invariably the same. The quotations of Gibbon have likewise been called
in question;--I have, in general, been more inclined to admire their
exactitude, than to complain of their indistinctness, or incompleteness.
Where they are imperfect, it is commonly from the study of brevity, and
rather from the desire of compressing the substance of his notes into
pointed and emphatic sentences, than from dishonesty, or uncandid
suppression of truth.

These observations apply more particularly to the accuracy and fidelity
of the historian as to his facts; his inferences, of course, are more
liable to exception. It is almost impossible to trace the line between
unfairness and unfaithfulness; between intentional misrepresentation
and undesigned false coloring. The relative magnitude and importance of
events must, in some respect, depend upon the mind before which they are
presented; the estimate of character, on the habits and feelings of the
reader. Christians, like M. Guizot and ourselves, will see some things,
and some persons, in a different light from the historian of the Decline
and Fall. We may deplore the bias of his mind; we may ourselves be on
our guard against the danger of being misled, and be anxious to warn
less wary readers against the same perils; but we must not confound
this secret and unconscious departure from truth, with the deliberate
violation of that veracity which is the only title of an historian
to our confidence. Gibbon, it may be fearlessly asserted, is rarely
chargeable even with the suppression of any material fact, which bears
upon individual character; he may, with apparently invidious hostility,
enhance the errors and crimes, and disparage the virtues of certain
persons; yet, in general, he leaves us the materials for forming a
fairer judgment; and if he is not exempt from his own prejudices,
perhaps we might write passions, yet it must be candidly acknowledged,
that his philosophical bigotry is not more unjust than the theological
partialities of those ecclesiastical writers who were before in
undisputed possession of this province of history.

We are thus naturally led to that great misrepresentation which
pervades his history--his false estimate of the nature and influence of
Christianity.

But on this subject some preliminary caution is necessary, lest that
should be expected from a new edition, which it is impossible that it
should completely accomplish. We must first be prepared with the only
sound preservative against the false impression likely to be produced
by the perusal of Gibbon; and we must see clearly the real cause of that
false impression. The former of these cautions will be briefly suggested
in its proper place, but it may be as well to state it, here, somewhat
more at length. The art of Gibbon, or at least the unfair impression
produced by his two memorable chapters, consists in his confounding
together, in one indistinguishable mass, the origin and apostolic
propagation of the new religion, with its later progress. No argument
for the divine authority of Christianity has been urged with greater
force, or traced with higher eloquence, than that deduced from its
primary development, explicable on no other hypothesis than a heavenly
origin, and from its rapid extension through great part of the Roman
empire. But this argument--one, when confined within reasonable limits,
of unanswerable force--becomes more feeble and disputable in proportion
as it recedes from the birthplace, as it were, of the religion. The
further Christianity advanced, the more causes purely human were
enlisted in its favor; nor can it be doubted that those developed with
such artful exclusiveness by Gibbon did concur most essentially to its
establishment. It is in the Christian dispensation, as in the material
world. In both it is as the great First Cause, that the Deity is most
undeniably manifest. When once launched in regular motion upon the bosom
of space, and endowed with all their properties and relations of weight
and mutual attraction, the heavenly bodies appear to pursue their
courses according to secondary laws, which account for all their sublime
regularity. So Christianity proclaims its Divine Author chiefly in its
first origin and development. When it had once received its impulse
from above--when it had once been infused into the minds of its
first teachers--when it had gained full possession of the reason and
affections of the favored few--it might be--and to the Protestant, the
rational Christian, it is impossible to define when it really was--left
to make its way by its native force, under the ordinary secret agencies
of all-ruling Providence. The main question, the divine origin of the
religion, was dexterously eluded, or speciously conceded by Gibbon;
his plan enabled him to commence his account, in most parts, below the
apostolic times; and it was only by the strength of the dark coloring
with which he brought out the failings and the follies of the succeeding
ages, that a shadow of doubt and suspicion was thrown back upon the
primitive period of Christianity.


"The theologian," says Gibbon, "may indulge the pleasing task of
describing religion as she descended from heaven, arrayed in her native
purity; a more melancholy duty is imposed upon the historian:--he
must discover the inevitable mixture of error and corruption which she
contracted in a long residence upon earth among a weak and degenerate
race of beings." Divest this passage of the latent sarcasm betrayed by
the subsequent tone of the whole disquisition, and it might commence a
Christian history written in the most Christian spirit of candor. But as
the historian, by seeming to respect, yet by dexterously confounding the
limits of the sacred land, contrived to insinuate that it was an Utopia
which had no existence but in the imagination of the theologian--as he
suggested rather than affirmed that the days of Christian purity were a
kind of poetic golden age;--so the theologian, by venturing too far into
the domain of the historian, has been perpetually obliged to contest
points on which he had little chance of victory--to deny facts
established on unshaken evidence--and thence, to retire, if not with
the shame of defeat, yet with but doubtful and imperfect success. Paley,
with his intuitive sagacity, saw through the difficulty of answering
Gibbon by the ordinary arts of controversy; his emphatic sentence,
"Who can refute a sneer?" contains as much truth as point. But full and
pregnant as this phrase is, it is not quite the whole truth; it is the
tone in which the progress of Christianity is traced, in comparison with
the rest of the splendid and prodigally ornamented work, which is the
radical defect in the "Decline and Fall." Christianity alone receives
no embellishment from the magic of Gibbon's language; his imagination is
dead to its moral dignity; it is kept down by a general zone of jealous
disparagement, or neutralized by a painfully elaborate exposition of
its darker and degenerate periods. There are occasions, indeed, when its
pure and exalted humanity, when its manifestly beneficial influence,
can compel even him, as it were, to fairness, and kindle his unguarded
eloquence to its usual fervor; but, in general, he soon relapses into a
frigid apathy; affects an ostentatiously severe impartiality; notes all
the faults of Christians in every age with bitter and almost malignant
sarcasm; reluctantly, and with exception and reservation, admits their
claim to admiration. This inextricable bias appears even to influence
his manner of composition. While all the other assailants of the Roman
empire, whether warlike or religious, the Goth, the Hun, the Arab, the
Tartar, Alaric and Attila, Mahomet, and Zengis, and Tamerlane, are each
introduced upon the scene almost with dramatic animation--their progress
related in a full, complete, and unbroken narrative--the triumph of
Christianity alone takes the form of a cold and critical disquisition.
The successes of barbarous energy and brute force call forth all the
consummate skill of composition; while the moral triumphs of Christian
benevolence--the tranquil heroism of endurance, the blameless purity,
the contempt of guilty fame and of honors destructive to the human race,
which, had they assumed the proud name of philosophy, would have been
blazoned in his brightest words, because they own religion as their
principle--sink into narrow asceticism. The glories of Christianity,
in short, touch on no chord in the heart of the writer; his imagination
remains unkindled; his words, though they maintain their stately and
measured march, have become cool, argumentative, and inanimate. Who
would obscure one hue of that gorgeous coloring in which Gibbon has
invested the dying forms of Paganism, or darken one paragraph in his
splendid view of the rise and progress of Mahometanism? But who
would not have wished that the same equal justice had been done to
Christianity; that its real character and deeply penetrating influence
had been traced with the same philosophical sagacity, and represented
with more sober, as would become its quiet course, and perhaps less
picturesque, but still with lively and attractive, descriptiveness? He
might have thrown aside, with the same scorn, the mass of ecclesiastical
fiction which envelops the early history of the church, stripped off
the legendary romance, and brought out the facts in their primitive
nakedness and simplicity--if he had but allowed those facts the benefit
of the glowing eloquence which he denied to them alone. He might have
annihilated the whole fabric of post-apostolic miracles, if he had left
uninjured by sarcastic insinuation those of the New Testament; he might
have cashiered, with Dodwell, the whole host of martyrs, which owe their
existence to the prodigal invention of later days, had he but bestowed
fair room, and dwelt with his ordinary energy on the sufferings of the
genuine witnesses to the truth of Christianity, the Polycarps, or the
martyrs of Vienne. And indeed, if, after all, the view of the early
progress of Christianity be melancholy and humiliating we must beware
lest we charge the whole of this on the infidelity of the historian.
It is idle, it is disingenuous, to deny or to dissemble the early
depravations of Christianity, its gradual but rapid departure from
its primitive simplicity and purity, still more, from its spirit of
universal love. It may be no unsalutary lesson to the Christian world,
that this silent, this unavoidable, perhaps, yet fatal change shall have
been drawn by an impartial, or even an hostile hand. The Christianity
of every age may take warning, lest by its own narrow views, its want
of wisdom, and its want of charity, it give the same advantage to the
future unfriendly historian, and disparage the cause of true religion.

The design of the present edition is partly corrective, partly
supplementary: corrective, by notes, which point out (it is hoped, in
a perfectly candid and dispassionate spirit with no desire but to
establish the truth) such inaccuracies or misstatements as may have been
detected, particularly with regard to Christianity; and which thus, with
the previous caution, may counteract to a considerable extent the
unfair and unfavorable impression created against rational religion:
supplementary, by adding such additional information as the editor's
reading may have been able to furnish, from original documents or books,
not accessible at the time when Gibbon wrote.

The work originated in the editor's habit of noting on the margin of his
copy of Gibbon references to such authors as had discovered errors, or
thrown new light on the subjects treated by Gibbon. These had grown
to some extent, and seemed to him likely to be of use to others. The
annotations of M. Guizot also appeared to him worthy of being better
known to the English public than they were likely to be, as appended to
the French translation.

The chief works from which the editor has derived his materials are,
I. The French translation, with notes by M. Guizot; 2d edition, Paris,
1828. The editor has translated almost all the notes of M. Guizot. Where
he has not altogether agreed with him, his respect for the learning
and judgment of that writer has, in general, induced him to retain the
statement from which he has ventured to differ, with the grounds on
which he formed his own opinion. In the notes on Christianity, he has
retained all those of M. Guizot, with his own, from the conviction,
that on such a subject, to many, the authority of a French statesman,
a Protestant, and a rational and sincere Christian, would appear more
independent and unbiassed, and therefore be more commanding, than that
of an English clergyman.


The editor has not scrupled to transfer the notes of M. Guizot to the
present work. The well-known zeal for knowledge, displayed in all
the writings of that distinguished historian, has led to the natural
inference, that he would not be displeased at the attempt to make them
of use to the English readers of Gibbon. The notes of M. Guizot are
signed with the letter G.

II. The German translation, with the notes of Wenck. Unfortunately this
learned translator died, after having completed only the first volume;
the rest of the work was executed by a very inferior hand.

The notes of Wenck are extremely valuable; many of them have been
adopted by M. Guizot; they are distinguished by the letter W. [*]

[Footnote *: The editor regrets that he has not been able to find the
Italian translation, mentioned by Gibbon himself with some respect. It
is not in our great libraries, the Museum or the Bodleian; and he has
never found any bookseller in London who has seen it.]

III. The new edition of Le Beau's "Histoire du Bas Empire, with notes by
M. St. Martin, and M. Brosset." That distinguished Armenian scholar, M.
St. Martin (now, unhappily, deceased) had added much information from
Oriental writers, particularly from those of Armenia, as well as from
more general sources. Many of his observations have been found as
applicable to the work of Gibbon as to that of Le Beau.

IV. The editor has consulted the various answers made to Gibbon on the
first appearance of his work; he must confess, with little profit.
They were, in general, hastily compiled by inferior and now forgotten
writers, with the exception of Bishop Watson, whose able apology is
rather a general argument, than an examination of misstatements. The
name of Milner stands higher with a certain class of readers, but will
not carry much weight with the severe investigator of history.

V. Some few classical works and fragments have come to light, since
the appearance of Gibbon's History, and have been noticed in their
respective places; and much use has been made, in the latter volumes
particularly, of the increase to our stores of Oriental literature. The
editor cannot, indeed, pretend to have followed his author, in these
gleanings, over the whole vast field of his inquiries; he may have
overlooked or may not have been able to command some works, which might
have thrown still further light on these subjects; but he trusts that
what he has adduced will be of use to the student of historic truth.

The editor would further observe, that with regard to some other
objectionable passages, which do not involve misstatement or inaccuracy,
he has intentionally abstained from directing particular attention
towards them by any special protest.

The editor's notes are marked M.

A considerable part of the quotations (some of which in the later
editions had fallen into great confusion) have been verified, and have
been corrected by the latest and best editions of the authors.

June, 1845.

In this new edition, the text and the notes have been carefully revised,
the latter by the editor.

Some additional notes have been subjoined, distinguished by the
signature M. 1845.




Preface Of The Author.

It is not my intention to detain the reader by expatiating on the
variety or the importance of the subject, which I have undertaken to
treat; since the merit of the choice would serve to render the weakness
of the execution still more apparent, and still less excusable. But as
I have presumed to lay before the public a first volume only [1] of the
History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, it will, perhaps,
be expected that I should explain, in a few words, the nature and limits
of my general plan.

[Footnote 1: The first volume of the quarto, which contained the sixteen
first chapters.]

The memorable series of revolutions, which in the course of about
thirteen centuries gradually undermined, and at length destroyed, the
solid fabric of human greatness, may, with some propriety, be divided
into the three following periods:

I. The first of these periods may be traced from the age of Trajan
and the Antonines, when the Roman monarchy, having attained its full
strength and maturity, began to verge towards its decline; and will
extend to the subversion of the Western Empire, by the barbarians of
Germany and Scythia, the rude ancestors of the most polished nations of
modern Europe. This extraordinary revolution, which subjected Rome to
the power of a Gothic conqueror, was completed about the beginning of
the sixth century.

II. The second period of the Decline and Fall of Rome may be supposed
to commence with the reign of Justinian, who, by his laws, as well as by
his victories, restored a transient splendor to the Eastern Empire. It
will comprehend the invasion of Italy by the Lombards; the conquest
of the Asiatic and African provinces by the Arabs, who embraced the
religion of Mahomet; the revolt of the Roman people against the feeble
princes of Constantinople; and the elevation of Charlemagne, who, in the
year eight hundred, established the second, or German Empire of the West.

III. The last and longest of these periods includes about six centuries
and a half; from the revival of the Western Empire, till the taking of
Constantinople by the Turks, and the extinction of a degenerate race
of princes, who continued to assume the titles of Caesar and Augustus,
after their dominions were contracted to the limits of a single city; in
which the language, as well as manners, of the ancient Romans, had been
long since forgotten. The writer who should undertake to relate the
events of this period, would find himself obliged to enter into the
general history of the Crusades, as far as they contributed to the
ruin of the Greek Empire; and he would scarcely be able to restrain his
curiosity from making some inquiry into the state of the city of Rome,
during the darkness and confusion of the middle ages.

As I have ventured, perhaps too hastily, to commit to the press a work
which in every sense of the word, deserves the epithet of imperfect. I
consider myself as contracting an engagement to finish, most probably in
a second volume, [2] the first of these memorable periods; and to deliver
to the Public the complete History of the Decline and Fall of Rome, from
the age of the Antonines to the subversion of the Western Empire. With
regard to the subsequent periods, though I may entertain some hopes, I
dare not presume to give any assurances. The execution of the extensive
plan which I have described, would connect the ancient and modern
history of the world; but it would require many years of health, of
leisure, and of perseverance.

[Footnote 2: The Author, as it frequently
happens, took an inadequate measure of his growing work. The remainder
of the first period has filled two volumes in quarto, being the third,
fourth, fifth, and sixth volumes of the octavo edition.]

Bentinck Street, February 1, 1776.

P. S. The entire History, which is now published, of the Decline
and Fall of the Roman Empire in the West, abundantly discharges my
engagements with the Public. Perhaps their favorable opinion may
encourage me to prosecute a work, which, however laborious it may seem,
is the most agreeable occupation of my leisure hours.

Bentinck Street, March 1, 1781.

An Author easily persuades himself that the public opinion is still
favorable to his labors; and I have now embraced the serious resolution
of proceeding to the last period of my original design, and of the
Roman Empire, the taking of Constantinople by the Turks, in the year
one thousand four hundred and fifty-three. The most patient Reader, who
computes that three ponderous [3] volumes have been already employed
on the events of four centuries, may, perhaps, be alarmed at the long
prospect of nine hundred years. But it is not my intention to expatiate
with the same minuteness on the whole series of the Byzantine history.
At our entrance into this period, the reign of Justinian, and the
conquests of the Mahometans, will deserve and detain our attention, and
the last age of Constantinople (the Crusades and the Turks) is connected
with the revolutions of Modern Europe. From the seventh to the eleventh
century, the obscure interval will be supplied by a concise narrative
of such facts as may still appear either interesting or important.

[Footnote 3: The first six volumes of the octavo edition.] Bentinck
Street, March 1, 1782.




Preface To The First Volume.

Diligence and accuracy are the only merits which an historical writer
may ascribe to himself; if any merit, indeed, can be assumed from the
performance of an indispensable duty. I may therefore be allowed to say,
that I have carefully examined all the original materials that could
illustrate the subject which I had undertaken to treat. Should I
ever complete the extensive design which has been sketched out in the
Preface, I might perhaps conclude it with a critical account of the
authors consulted during the progress of the whole work; and however
such an attempt might incur the censure of ostentation, I am persuaded
that it would be susceptible of entertainment, as well as information.

At present I shall content myself with a single observation.

The biographers, who, under the reigns of Diocletian and Constantine,
composed, or rather compiled, the lives of the Emperors, from Hadrian
to the sons of Carus, are usually mentioned under the names of Aelius
Spartianus, Julius Capitolinus, Aelius Lampridius, Vulcatius Gallicanus,
Trebellius Pollio and Flavius Vopiscus. But there is so much perplexity
in the titles of the MSS., and so many disputes have arisen among the
critics (see Fabricius, Biblioth. Latin. l. iii. c. 6) concerning their
number, their names, and their respective property, that for the most
part I have quoted them without distinction, under the general and
well-known title of the Augustan History.




Preface To The Fourth Volume Of The Original Quarto Edition.

I now discharge my promise, and complete my design, of writing the
History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, both in the West
and the East. The whole period extends from the age of Trajan and the
Antonines, to the taking of Constantinople by Mahomet the Second; and
includes a review of the Crusades, and the state of Rome during the
middle ages. Since the publication of the first volume, twelve years
have elapsed; twelve years, according to my wish, "of health, of
leisure, and of perseverance." I may now congratulate my deliverance
from a long and laborious service, and my satisfaction will be pure and
perfect, if the public favor should be extended to the conclusion of my
work.

It was my first intention to have collected, under one view, the
numerous authors, of every age and language, from whom I have derived
the materials of this history; and I am still convinced that the
apparent ostentation would be more than compensated by real use. If I
have renounced this idea, if I have declined an undertaking which had
obtained the approbation of a master-artist, [4] my excuse may be found
in the extreme difficulty of assigning a proper measure to such a
catalogue. A naked list of names and editions would not be satisfactory
either to myself or my readers: the characters of the principal Authors
of the Roman and Byzantine History have been occasionally connected
with the events which they describe; a more copious and critical inquiry
might indeed deserve, but it would demand, an elaborate volume, which
might swell by degrees into a general library of historical writers.
For the present, I shall content myself with renewing my serious
protestation, that I have always endeavored to draw from the
fountain-head; that my curiosity, as well as a sense of duty, has always
urged me to study the originals; and that, if they have sometimes eluded
my search, I have carefully marked the secondary evidence, on whose
faith a passage or a fact were reduced to depend.

[Footnote 4: See Dr. Robertson's Preface to his History of America.]

I shall soon revisit the banks of the Lake of Lausanne, a country which
I have known and loved from my early youth. Under a mild government,
amidst a beauteous landscape, in a life of leisure and independence,
and among a people of easy and elegant manners, I have enjoyed, and may
again hope to enjoy, the varied pleasures of retirement and society.
But I shall ever glory in the name and character of an Englishman: I am
proud of my birth in a free and enlightened country; and the approbation
of that country is the best and most honorable reward of my labors. Were
I ambitious of any other Patron than the Public, I would inscribe
this work to a Statesman, who, in a long, a stormy, and at length an
unfortunate administration, had many political opponents, almost
without a personal enemy; who has retained, in his fall from power,
many faithful and disinterested friends; and who, under the pressure of
severe infirmity, enjoys the lively vigor of his mind, and the felicity
of his incomparable temper. Lord North will permit me to express the
feelings of friendship in the language of truth: but even truth and
friendship should be silent, if he still dispensed the favors of the
crown.

In a remote solitude, vanity may still whisper in my ear, that my
readers, perhaps, may inquire whether, in the conclusion of the present
work, I am now taking an everlasting farewell. They shall hear all that
I know myself, and all that I could reveal to the most intimate friend.
The motives of action or silence are now equally balanced; nor can I
pronounce, in my most secret thoughts, on which side the scale will
preponderate. I cannot dissemble that six quartos must have tried,
and may have exhausted, the indulgence of the Public; that, in the
repetition of similar attempts, a successful Author has much more to
lose than he can hope to gain; that I am now descending into the vale
of years; and that the most respectable of my countrymen, the men whom
I aspire to imitate, have resigned the pen of history about the same
period of their lives. Yet I consider that the annals of ancient and
modern times may afford many rich and interesting subjects; that I am
still possessed of health and leisure; that by the practice of writing,
some skill and facility must be acquired; and that, in the ardent
pursuit of truth and knowledge, I am not conscious of decay. To an
active mind, indolence is more painful than labor; and the first months
of my liberty will be occupied and amused in the excursions of curiosity
and taste. By such temptations, I have been sometimes seduced from the
rigid duty even of a pleasing and voluntary task: but my time will now
be my own; and in the use or abuse of independence, I shall no longer
fear my own reproaches or those of my friends. I am fairly entitled to a
year of jubilee: next summer and the following winter will rapidly pass
away; and experience only can determine whether I shall still prefer the
freedom and variety of study to the design and composition of a regular
work, which animates, while it confines, the daily application of the
Author.

Caprice and accident may influence my choice; but the dexterity of
self-love will contrive to applaud either active industry or philosophic
repose.

Downing Street, May 1, 1788.

P. S. I shall embrace this opportunity of introducing two verbal
remarks, which have not conveniently offered themselves to my notice.
1. As often as I use the definitions of beyond the Alps, the Rhine,
the Danube, &c., I generally suppose myself at Rome, and afterwards at
Constantinople; without observing whether this relative geography may
agree with the local, but variable, situation of the reader, or the
historian. 2. In proper names of foreign, and especially of Oriental
origin, it should be always our aim to express, in our English version,
a faithful copy of the original. But this rule, which is founded on
a just regard to uniformity and truth, must often be relaxed; and the
exceptions will be limited or enlarged by the custom of the language and
the taste of the interpreter. Our alphabets may be often defective; a
harsh sound, an uncouth spelling, might offend the ear or the eye of our
countrymen; and some words, notoriously corrupt, are fixed, and, as
it were, naturalized in the vulgar tongue. The prophet Mohammed can
no longer be stripped of the famous, though improper, appellation of
Mahomet: the well-known cities of Aleppo, Damascus, and Cairo, would
almost be lost in the strange descriptions of Haleb, Demashk, and Al
Cahira: the titles and offices of the Ottoman empire are fashioned by
the practice of three hundred years; and we are pleased to blend the
three Chinese monosyllables, Con-fu-tzee, in the respectable name of
Confucius, or even to adopt the Portuguese corruption of Mandarin. But
I would vary the use of Zoroaster and Zerdusht, as I drew my information
from Greece or Persia: since our connection with India, the genuine
Timour is restored to the throne of Tamerlane: our most correct writers
have retrenched the Al, the superfluous article, from the Koran; and we
escape an ambiguous termination, by adopting Moslem instead of Musulman,
in the plural number. In these, and in a thousand examples, the shades
of distinction are often minute; and I can feel, where I cannot explain,
the motives of my choice.




Chapter I: The Extent Of The Empire In The Age Of The Antonines--Part I.




Introduction.

     The Extent And Military Force Of The Empire In The Age Of
     The Antonines.

In the second century of the Christian Aera, the empire of Rome
comprehended the fairest part of the earth, and the most civilized
portion of mankind. The frontiers of that extensive monarchy were
guarded by ancient renown and disciplined valor. The gentle but powerful
influence of laws and manners had gradually cemented the union of the
provinces. Their peaceful inhabitants enjoyed and abused the advantages
of wealth and luxury. The image of a free constitution was preserved
with decent reverence: the Roman senate appeared to possess the
sovereign authority, and devolved on the emperors all the executive
powers of government. During a happy period of more than fourscore
years, the public administration was conducted by the virtue and
abilities of Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, and the two Antonines. It is the
design of this, and of the two succeeding chapters, to describe the
prosperous condition of their empire; and after wards, from the death
of Marcus Antoninus, to deduce the most important circumstances of its
decline and fall; a revolution which will ever be remembered, and is
still felt by the nations of the earth.

The principal conquests of the Romans were achieved under the republic;
and the emperors, for the most part, were satisfied with preserving
those dominions which had been acquired by the policy of the senate,
the active emulations of the consuls, and the martial enthusiasm of the
people. The seven first centuries were filled with a rapid succession of
triumphs; but it was reserved for Augustus to relinquish the ambitious
design of subduing the whole earth, and to introduce a spirit of
moderation into the public councils. Inclined to peace by his temper
and situation, it was easy for him to discover that Rome, in her present
exalted situation, had much less to hope than to fear from the chance
of arms; and that, in the prosecution of remote wars, the undertaking
became every day more difficult, the event more doubtful, and the
possession more precarious, and less beneficial. The experience of
Augustus added weight to these salutary reflections, and effectually
convinced him that, by the prudent vigor of his counsels, it would be
easy to secure every concession which the safety or the dignity of Rome
might require from the most formidable barbarians. Instead of exposing
his person and his legions to the arrows of the Parthians, he obtained,
by an honorable treaty, the restitution of the standards and prisoners
which had been taken in the defeat of Crassus. [1]

[Footnote 1: Dion Cassius, (l. liv. p. 736,) with the annotations
of Reimar, who has collected all that Roman vanity has left upon the
subject. The marble of Ancyra, on which Augustus recorded his own
exploits, asserted that he compelled the Parthians to restore the
ensigns of Crassus.]

His generals, in the early part of his reign, attempted the reduction
of Ethiopia and Arabia Felix. They marched near a thousand miles to
the south of the tropic; but the heat of the climate soon repelled the
invaders, and protected the un-warlike natives of those sequestered
regions. [2] The northern countries of Europe scarcely deserved the
expense and labor of conquest. The forests and morasses of Germany were
filled with a hardy race of barbarians, who despised life when it was
separated from freedom; and though, on the first attack, they seemed to
yield to the weight of the Roman power, they soon, by a signal act
of despair, regained their independence, and reminded Augustus of the
vicissitude of fortune. [3] On the death of that emperor, his testament
was publicly read in the senate. He bequeathed, as a valuable legacy to
his successors, the advice of confining the empire within those limits
which nature seemed to have placed as its permanent bulwarks and
boundaries: on the west, the Atlantic Ocean; the Rhine and Danube on
the north; the Euphrates on the east; and towards the south, the sandy
deserts of Arabia and Africa. [4]

[Footnote 2: Strabo, (l. xvi. p. 780,) Pliny the elder, (Hist. Natur. l.
vi. c. 32, 35, [28, 29,]) and Dion Cassius, (l. liii. p. 723, and l. liv.
p. 734,) have left us very curious details concerning these wars. The
Romans made themselves masters of Mariaba, or Merab, a city of Arabia
Felix, well known to the Orientals. (See Abulfeda and the Nubian
geography, p. 52) They were arrived within three days' journey of the
spice country, the rich object of their invasion.

Note: It is the city of Merab that the Arabs say was the residence of
Belkis, queen of Saba, who desired to see Solomon. A dam, by which the
waters collected in its neighborhood were kept back, having been swept
away, the sudden inundation destroyed this city, of which, nevertheless,
vestiges remain. It bordered on a country called Adramout, where a
particular aromatic plant grows: it is for this reason that we real in
the history of the Roman expedition, that they were arrived within three
days' journey of the spice country.--G. Compare Malte-Brun, Geogr. Eng.
trans. vol. ii. p. 215. The period of this flood has been copiously
discussed by Reiske, (Program. de vetusta Epocha Arabum, ruptura
cataractae Merabensis.) Add. Johannsen, Hist. Yemanae, p. 282. Bonn,
1828; and see Gibbon, note 16. to Chap. L.--M.

Note: Two, according to Strabo. The detailed account of Strabo makes
the invaders fail before Marsuabae: this cannot be the same place as
Mariaba. Ukert observes, that Aelius Gallus would not have failed for
want of water before Mariaba. (See M. Guizot's note above.) "Either,
therefore, they were different places, or Strabo is mistaken." (Ukert,
Geographic der Griechen und Romer, vol. i. p. 181.) Strabo, indeed,
mentions Mariaba distinct from Marsuabae. Gibbon has followed Pliny in
reckoning Mariaba among the conquests of Gallus. There can be little
doubt that he is wrong, as Gallus did not approach the capital of
Sabaea. Compare the note of the Oxford editor of Strabo.--M.]

[Footnote 3: By the slaughter of Varus and his three legions. See the first
book of the Annals of Tacitus. Sueton. in August. c. 23, and Velleius
Paterculus, l. ii. c. 117, &c. Augustus did not receive the melancholy
news with all the temper and firmness that might have been expected from
his character.]

[Footnote 4: Tacit. Annal. l. ii. Dion Cassius, l. lvi. p. 833, and the
speech of Augustus himself, in Julian's Caesars. It receives great light
from the learned notes of his French translator, M. Spanheim.]

Happily for the repose of mankind, the moderate system recommended
by the wisdom of Augustus, was adopted by the fears and vices of his
immediate successors. Engaged in the pursuit of pleasure, or in the
exercise of tyranny, the first Caesars seldom showed themselves to the
armies, or to the provinces; nor were they disposed to suffer, that
those triumphs which their indolence neglected, should be usurped by the
conduct and valor of their lieutenants. The military fame of a subject
was considered as an insolent invasion of the Imperial prerogative;
and it became the duty, as well as interest, of every Roman general, to
guard the frontiers intrusted to his care, without aspiring to conquests
which might have proved no less fatal to himself than to the vanquished
barbarians. [5]

[Footnote 5: Germanicus, Suetonius Paulinus, and Agricola were checked
and recalled in the course of their victories. Corbulo was put to death.
Military merit, as it is admirably expressed by Tacitus, was, in the
strictest sense of the word, imperatoria virtus.]

The only accession which the Roman empire received, during the first
century of the Christian Aera, was the province of Britain. In this
single instance, the successors of Caesar and Augustus were persuaded to
follow the example of the former, rather than the precept of the latter.
The proximity of its situation to the coast of Gaul seemed to invite
their arms; the pleasing though doubtful intelligence of a pearl
fishery, attracted their avarice; [6] and as Britain was viewed in the
light of a distinct and insulated world, the conquest scarcely formed
any exception to the general system of continental measures. After a war
of about forty years, undertaken by the most stupid, [7] maintained
by the most dissolute, and terminated by the most timid of all the
emperors, the far greater part of the island submitted to the Roman
yoke. [8] The various tribes of Britain possessed valor without conduct,
and the love of freedom without the spirit of union. They took up arms
with savage fierceness; they laid them down, or turned them against each
other, with wild inconsistency; and while they fought singly, they
were successively subdued. Neither the fortitude of Caractacus, nor the
despair of Boadicea, nor the fanaticism of the Druids, could avert the
slavery of their country, or resist the steady progress of the Imperial
generals, who maintained the national glory, when the throne was
disgraced by the weakest, or the most vicious of mankind. At the very
time when Domitian, confined to his palace, felt the terrors which
he inspired, his legions, under the command of the virtuous Agricola,
defeated the collected force of the Caledonians, at the foot of the
Grampian Hills; and his fleets, venturing to explore an unknown and
dangerous navigation, displayed the Roman arms round every part of the
island. The conquest of Britain was considered as already achieved; and
it was the design of Agricola to complete and insure his success, by the
easy reduction of Ireland, for which, in his opinion, one legion and a
few auxiliaries were sufficient. [9] The western isle might be improved
into a valuable possession, and the Britons would wear their chains
with the less reluctance, if the prospect and example of freedom were on
every side removed from before their eyes.

[Footnote 6: Caesar himself conceals that ignoble motive; but it is
mentioned by Suetonius, c. 47. The British pearls proved, however,
of little value, on account of their dark and livid color. Tacitus
observes, with reason, (in Agricola, c. 12,) that it was an inherent
defect. "Ego facilius crediderim, naturam margaritis deesse quam nobis
avaritiam."]

[Footnote 7: Claudius, Nero, and Domitian. A hope is expressed by
Pomponius Mela, l. iii. c. 6, (he wrote under Claudius,) that, by the
success of the Roman arms, the island and its savage inhabitants would
soon be better known. It is amusing enough to peruse such passages in
the midst of London.]

[Footnote 8: See the admirable abridgment given
by Tacitus, in the life of Agricola, and copiously, though perhaps not
completely, illustrated by our own antiquarians, Camden and Horsley.]

[Footnote 9: The Irish writers, jealous of their national honor,
are extremely provoked on this occasion, both with Tacitus and with
Agricola.]

But the superior merit of Agricola soon occasioned his removal from the
government of Britain; and forever disappointed this rational, though
extensive scheme of conquest. Before his departure, the prudent general
had provided for security as well as for dominion. He had observed,
that the island is almost divided into two unequal parts by the opposite
gulfs, or, as they are now called, the Friths of Scotland. Across the
narrow interval of about forty miles, he had drawn a line of military
stations, which was afterwards fortified, in the reign of Antoninus
Pius, by a turf rampart, erected on foundations of stone. [10] This wall
of Antoninus, at a small distance beyond the modern cities of Edinburgh
and Glasgow, was fixed as the limit of the Roman province. The native
Caledonians preserved, in the northern extremity of the island, their
wild independence, for which they were not less indebted to their
poverty than to their valor. Their incursions were frequently repelled
and chastised; but their country was never subdued. [11] The masters of
the fairest and most wealthy climates of the globe turned with contempt
from gloomy hills, assailed by the winter tempest, from lakes concealed
in a blue mist, and from cold and lonely heaths, over which the deer of
the forest were chased by a troop of naked barbarians. [12]

[Footnote 10: See Horsley's Britannia Romana, l. i. c. 10. Note:
Agricola fortified the line from Dumbarton to Edinburgh, consequently
within Scotland. The emperor Hadrian, during his residence in Britain,
about the year 121, caused a rampart of earth to be raised between
Newcastle and Carlisle. Antoninus Pius, having gained new victories over
the Caledonians, by the ability of his general, Lollius, Urbicus,
caused a new rampart of earth to be constructed between Edinburgh and
Dumbarton. Lastly, Septimius Severus caused a wall of stone to be built
parallel to the rampart of Hadrian, and on the same locality. See John
Warburton's Vallum Romanum, or the History and Antiquities of the Roman
Wall. London, 1754, 4to.--W. See likewise a good note on the Roman wall
in Lingard's History of England, vol. i. p. 40, 4to edit--M.]

[Footnote 11: The poet Buchanan celebrates with elegance and spirit (see
his Sylvae, v.) the unviolated independence of his native country. But,
if the single testimony of Richard of Cirencester was sufficient to
create a Roman province of Vespasiana to the north of the wall, that
independence would be reduced within very narrow limits.]

[Footnote 12: See Appian (in Prooem.) and the uniform imagery of
Ossian's Poems, which, according to every hypothesis, were composed by a
native Caledonian.]

Such was the state of the Roman frontiers, and such the maxims of
Imperial policy, from the death of Augustus to the accession of Trajan.
That virtuous and active prince had received the education of a soldier,
and possessed the talents of a general. [13] The peaceful system of his
predecessors was interrupted by scenes of war and conquest; and the
legions, after a long interval, beheld a military emperor at their head.
The first exploits of Trajan were against the Dacians, the most warlike
of men, who dwelt beyond the Danube, and who, during the reign of
Domitian, had insulted, with impunity, the Majesty of Rome. [14] To the
strength and fierceness of barbarians they added a contempt for
life, which was derived from a warm persuasion of the immortality and
transmigration of the soul. [15] Decebalus, the Dacian king, approved
himself a rival not unworthy of Trajan; nor did he despair of his own
and the public fortune, till, by the confession of his enemies, he had
exhausted every resource both of valor and policy. [16] This memorable
war, with a very short suspension of hostilities, lasted five years;
and as the emperor could exert, without control, the whole force of the
state, it was terminated by an absolute submission of the barbarians.
[17] The new province of Dacia, which formed a second exception to the
precept of Augustus, was about thirteen hundred miles in circumference.
Its natural boundaries were the Niester, the Teyss or Tibiscus, the
Lower Danube, and the Euxine Sea. The vestiges of a military road may
still be traced from the banks of the Danube to the neighborhood of
<DW12>, a place famous in modern history, and the actual frontier of the
Turkish and Russian empires. [18]

[Footnote 13: See Pliny's Panegyric, which seems founded on facts.]

[Footnote 14: Dion Cassius, l. lxvii.]

[Footnote 15: Herodotus, l. iv. c. 94. Julian in the Caesars, with
Spanheims observations.]

[Footnote 16: Plin. Epist. viii. 9.]

[Footnote 17: Dion Cassius, l. lxviii. p. 1123, 1131. Julian in
Caesaribus Eutropius, viii. 2, 6. Aurelius Victor in Epitome.]

[Footnote 18: See a Memoir of M. d'Anville, on the Province of Dacia, in
the Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xxviii. p. 444--468.]

Trajan was ambitious of fame; and as long as mankind shall continue
to bestow more liberal applause on their destroyers than on their
benefactors, the thirst of military glory will ever be the vice of the
most exalted characters. The praises of Alexander, transmitted by a
succession of poets and historians, had kindled a dangerous emulation in
the mind of Trajan. Like him, the Roman emperor undertook an expedition
against the nations of the East; but he lamented with a sigh, that his
advanced age scarcely left him any hopes of equalling the renown of the
son of Philip. [19] Yet the success of Trajan, however transient, was
rapid and specious. The degenerate Parthians, broken by intestine
discord, fled before his arms. He descended the River Tigris in triumph,
from the mountains of Armenia to the Persian Gulf. He enjoyed the honor
of being the first, as he was the last, of the Roman generals, who ever
navigated that remote sea. His fleets ravaged the coast of Arabia; and
Trajan vainly flattered himself that he was approaching towards the
confines of India. [20] Every day the astonished senate received the
intelligence of new names and new nations, that acknowledged his
sway. They were informed that the kings of Bosphorus, Colchos, Iberia,
Albania, Osrhoene, and even the Parthian monarch himself, had accepted
their diadems from the hands of the emperor; that the independent tribes
of the Median and Carduchian hills had implored his protection; and that
the rich countries of Armenia, Mesopotamia, and Assyria, were reduced
into the state of provinces. [21] But the death of Trajan soon clouded
the splendid prospect; and it was justly to be dreaded, that so many
distant nations would throw off the unaccustomed yoke, when they were no
longer restrained by the powerful hand which had imposed it.

[Footnote 19: Trajan's sentiments are represented in a very just and
lively manner in the Caesars of Julian.]

[Footnote 20: Eutropius and Sextus Rufus have endeavored to perpetuate
the illusion. See a very sensible dissertation of M. Freret in the
Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xxi. p. 55.]

[Footnote 21: Dion Cassius, l. lxviii.; and the Abbreviators.]




Chapter I: The Extent Of The Empire In The Age Of The Antonines.--Part II.

It was an ancient tradition, that when the Capitol was founded by one of
the Roman kings, the god Terminus (who presided over boundaries, and
was represented, according to the fashion of that age, by a large stone)
alone, among all the inferior deities, refused to yield his place to
Jupiter himself. A favorable inference was drawn from his obstinacy,
which was interpreted by the augurs as a sure presage that the
boundaries of the Roman power would never recede. [22] During many ages,
the prediction, as it is usual, contributed to its own accomplishment.
But though Terminus had resisted the Majesty of Jupiter, he submitted
to the authority of the emperor Hadrian. [23] The resignation of all
the eastern conquests of Trajan was the first measure of his reign.
He restored to the Parthians the election of an independent sovereign;
withdrew the Roman garrisons from the provinces of Armenia, Mesopotamia,
and Assyria; and, in compliance with the precept of Augustus, once more
established the Euphrates as the frontier of the empire. [24] Censure,
which arraigns the public actions and the private motives of princes,
has ascribed to envy, a conduct which might be attributed to the
prudence and moderation of Hadrian. The various character of that
emperor, capable, by turns, of the meanest and the most generous
sentiments, may afford some color to the suspicion. It was, however,
scarcely in his power to place the superiority of his predecessor in a
more conspicuous light, than by thus confessing himself unequal to the
task of defending the conquests of Trajan.

[Footnote 22: Ovid. Fast. l. ii. ver. 667. See Livy, and Dionysius of
Halicarnassus, under the reign of Tarquin.]

[Footnote 23: St. Augustin is highly delighted with the proof of the
weakness of Terminus, and the vanity of the Augurs. See De Civitate Dei,
iv. 29. * Note: The turn of Gibbon's sentence is Augustin's: "Plus
Hadrianum regem hominum, quam regem Deorum timuisse videatur."--M]

[Footnote 24: See the Augustan History, p. 5, Jerome's Chronicle, and
all the Epitomizers. It is somewhat surprising, that this memorable
event should be omitted by Dion, or rather by Xiphilin.]

The martial and ambitious of spirit Trajan formed a very singular
contrast with the moderation of his successor. The restless activity of
Hadrian was not less remarkable when compared with the gentle repose of
Antoninus Pius. The life of the former was almost a perpetual journey;
and as he possessed the various talents of the soldier, the statesman,
and the scholar, he gratified his curiosity in the discharge of his
duty.

Careless of the difference of seasons and of climates, he marched on
foot, and bare-headed, over the snows of Caledonia, and the sultry
plains of the Upper Egypt; nor was there a province of the empire which,
in the course of his reign, was not honored with the presence of the
monarch. [25] But the tranquil life of Antoninus Pius was spent in the
bosom of Italy, and, during the twenty-three years that he directed
the public administration, the longest journeys of that amiable prince
extended no farther than from his palace in Rome to the retirement of
his Lanuvian villa. [26]

[Footnote 25: Dion, l. lxix. p. 1158. Hist. August. p. 5, 8. If all our
historians were lost, medals, inscriptions, and other monuments, would
be sufficient to record the travels of Hadrian. Note: The journeys of
Hadrian are traced in a note on Solvet's translation of Hegewisch, Essai
sur l'Epoque de Histoire Romaine la plus heureuse pour Genre Humain
Paris, 1834, p. 123.--M.]

[Footnote 26: See the Augustan History and the Epitomes.]

Notwithstanding this difference in their personal conduct, the general
system of Augustus was equally adopted and uniformly pursued by Hadrian
and by the two Antonines. They persisted in the design of maintaining
the dignity of the empire, without attempting to enlarge its limits. By
every honorable expedient they invited the friendship of the barbarians;
and endeavored to convince mankind that the Roman power, raised above
the temptation of conquest, was actuated only by the love of order
and justice. During a long period of forty-three years, their virtuous
labors were crowned with success; and if we except a few slight
hostilities, that served to exercise the legions of the frontier,
the reigns of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius offer the fair prospect of
universal peace. [27] The Roman name was revered among the most remote
nations of the earth. The fiercest barbarians frequently submitted their
differences to the arbitration of the emperor; and we are informed by a
contemporary historian that he had seen ambassadors who were refused
the honor which they came to solicit of being admitted into the rank of
subjects. [28]

[Footnote 27: We must, however, remember, that in the time
of Hadrian, a rebellion of the Jews raged with religious fury, though
only in a single province. Pausanias (l. viii. c. 43) mentions two
necessary and successful wars, conducted by the generals of Pius: 1st.
Against the wandering Moors, who were driven into the solitudes of
Atlas. 2d. Against the Brigantes of Britain, who had invaded the Roman
province. Both these wars (with several other hostilities) are mentioned
in the Augustan History, p. 19.]

[Footnote 28: Appian of Alexandria, in the preface to his History of the
Roman Wars.]


PART II.

The terror of the Roman arms added weight and dignity to the moderation
of the emperors. They preserved peace by a constant preparation for war;
and while justice regulated their conduct, they announced to the nations
on their confines, that they were as little disposed to endure, as to
offer an injury. The military strength, which it had been sufficient
for Hadrian and the elder Antoninus to display, was exerted against the
Parthians and the Germans by the emperor Marcus. The hostilities of the
barbarians provoked the resentment of that philosophic monarch, and, in
the prosecution of a just defence, Marcus and his generals obtained
many signal victories, both on the Euphrates and on the Danube. [29] The
military establishment of the Roman empire, which thus assured either
its tranquillity or success, will now become the proper and important
object of our attention.

[Footnote 29: Dion, l. lxxi. Hist. August. in Marco. The Parthian
victories gave birth to a crowd of contemptible historians, whose memory
has been rescued from oblivion and exposed to ridicule, in a very lively
piece of criticism of Lucian.]

In the purer ages of the commonwealth, the use of arms was reserved for
those ranks of citizens who had a country to love, a property to defend,
and some share in enacting those laws, which it was their interest as
well as duty to maintain. But in proportion as the public freedom was
lost in extent of conquest, war was gradually improved into an art, and
degraded into a trade. [30] The legions themselves, even at the time
when they were recruited in the most distant provinces, were supposed
to consist of Roman citizens. That distinction was generally considered,
either as a legal qualification or as a proper recompense for the
soldier; but a more serious regard was paid to the essential merit
of age, strength, and military stature. [31] In all levies, a just
preference was given to the climates of the North over those of the
South: the race of men born to the exercise of arms was sought for in
the country rather than in cities; and it was very reasonably presumed,
that the hardy occupations of smiths, carpenters, and huntsmen, would
supply more vigor and resolution than the sedentary trades which are
employed in the service of luxury. [32] After every qualification of
property had been laid aside, the armies of the Roman emperors were
still commanded, for the most part, by officers of liberal birth and
education; but the common soldiers, like the mercenary troops of modern
Europe, were drawn from the meanest, and very frequently from the most
profligate, of mankind.

[Footnote 30: The poorest rank of soldiers possessed above forty pounds
sterling, (Dionys. Halicarn. iv. 17,) a very high qualification at a
time when money was so scarce, that an ounce of silver was equivalent
to seventy pounds weight of brass. The populace, excluded by the ancient
constitution, were indiscriminately admitted by Marius. See Sallust. de
Bell. Jugurth. c. 91. * Note: On the uncertainty of all these estimates,
and the difficulty of fixing the relative value of brass and silver,
compare Niebuhr, vol. i. p. 473, &c. Eng. trans. p. 452. According to
Niebuhr, the relative disproportion in value, between the two metals,
arose, in a great degree from the abundance of brass or copper.--M.
Compare also Dureau 'de la Malle Economie Politique des Romains
especially L. l. c. ix.--M. 1845.]

[Footnote 31: Caesar formed his legion Alauda of Gauls and strangers;
but it was during the license of civil war; and after the victory, he
gave them the freedom of the city for their reward.]

[Footnote 32: See Vegetius, de Re Militari, l. i. c. 2--7.]

That public virtue, which among the ancients was denominated patriotism,
is derived from a strong sense of our own interest in the preservation
and prosperity of the free government of which we are members. Such
a sentiment, which had rendered the legions of the republic almost
invincible, could make but a very feeble impression on the mercenary
servants of a despotic prince; and it became necessary to supply
that defect by other motives, of a different, but not less forcible
nature--honor and religion. The peasant, or mechanic, imbibed the useful
prejudice that he was advanced to the more dignified profession of arms,
in which his rank and reputation would depend on his own valor; and
that, although the prowess of a private soldier must often escape
the notice of fame, his own behavior might sometimes confer glory or
disgrace on the company, the legion, or even the army, to whose honors
he was associated. On his first entrance into the service, an oath was
administered to him with every circumstance of solemnity. He promised
never to desert his standard, to submit his own will to the commands of
his leaders, and to sacrifice his life for the safety of the emperor and
the empire. [33] The attachment of the Roman troops to their standards
was inspired by the united influence of religion and of honor. The
golden eagle, which glittered in the front of the legion, was the object
of their fondest devotion; nor was it esteemed less impious than it was
ignominious, to abandon that sacred ensign in the hour of danger. [34]
These motives, which derived their strength from the imagination, were
enforced by fears and hopes of a more substantial kind. Regular pay,
occasional donatives, and a stated recompense, after the appointed time
of service, alleviated the hardships of the military life, [35] whilst,
on the other hand, it was impossible for cowardice or disobedience
to escape the severest punishment. The centurions were authorized to
chastise with blows, the generals had a right to punish with death;
and it was an inflexible maxim of Roman discipline, that a good soldier
should dread his officers far more than the enemy. From such laudable
arts did the valor of the Imperial troops receive a degree of firmness
and docility unattainable by the impetuous and irregular passions of
barbarians.

[Footnote 33: The oath of service and fidelity to the emperor was
annually renewed by the troops on the first of January.]

[Footnote 34: Tacitus calls the Roman eagles, Bellorum Deos. They were
placed in a chapel in the camp, and with the other deities received the
religious worship of the troops. * Note: See also Dio. Cass. xl. c. 18.
--M.]

[Footnote 35: See Gronovius de Pecunia vetere, l. iii. p. 120, &c. The
emperor Domitian raised the annual stipend of the legionaries to twelve
pieces of gold, which, in his time, was equivalent to about ten of
our guineas. This pay, somewhat higher than our own, had been, and was
afterwards, gradually increased, according to the progress of wealth and
military government. After twenty years' service, the veteran received
three thousand denarii, (about one hundred pounds sterling,) or a
proportionable allowance of land. The pay and advantages of the guards
were, in general, about double those of the legions.]

And yet so sensible were the Romans of the imperfection of valor without
skill and practice, that, in their language, the name of an army was
borrowed from the word which signified exercise. [36] Military exercises
were the important and unremitted object of their discipline. The
recruits and young soldiers were constantly trained, both in the morning
and in the evening, nor was age or knowledge allowed to excuse the
veterans from the daily repetition of what they had completely learnt.
Large sheds were erected in the winter-quarters of the troops, that
their useful labors might not receive any interruption from the most
tempestuous weather; and it was carefully observed, that the arms
destined to this imitation of war, should be of double the weight which
was required in real action. [37] It is not the purpose of this work to
enter into any minute description of the Roman exercises. We shall only
remark, that they comprehended whatever could add strength to the body,
activity to the limbs, or grace to the motions. The soldiers were
diligently instructed to march, to run, to leap, to swim, to carry heavy
burdens, to handle every species of arms that was used either for
offence or for defence, either in distant engagement or in a closer
onset; to form a variety of evolutions; and to move to the sound of
flutes in the Pyrrhic or martial dance. [38] In the midst of peace, the
Roman troops familiarized themselves with the practice of war; and it is
prettily remarked by an ancient historian who had fought against them,
that the effusion of blood was the only circumstance which distinguished
a field of battle from a field of exercise. [39] It was the policy of
the ablest generals, and even of the emperors themselves, to encourage
these military studies by their presence and example; and we are
informed that Hadrian, as well as Trajan, frequently condescended to
instruct the unexperienced soldiers, to reward the diligent, and
sometimes to dispute with them the prize of superior strength or
dexterity. [40] Under the reigns of those princes, the science of
tactics was cultivated with success; and as long as the empire retained
any vigor, their military instructions were respected as the most
perfect model of Roman discipline.

[Footnote 36: Exercitus ab exercitando, Varro de Lingua Latina, l.
iv. Cicero in Tusculan. l. ii. 37. 15. There is room for a very
interesting work, which should lay open the connection between the
languages and manners of nations. * Note I am not aware of the
existence, at present, of such a work; but the profound observations of
the late William von Humboldt, in the introduction to his posthumously
published Essay on the Language of the Island of Java, (uber die
Kawi-sprache, Berlin, 1836,) may cause regret that this task was not
completed by that accomplished and universal scholar.--M.]

[Footnote 37: Vegatius, l. ii. and the rest of his first book.]

[Footnote 38: The Pyrrhic dance is extremely well illustrated by M.
le Beau, in the Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xxxv. p. 262, &c. That
learned academician, in a series of memoirs, has collected all the
passages of the ancients that relate to the Roman legion.]

[Footnote 39: Joseph. de Bell. Judaico, l. iii. c. 5. We are indebted to
this Jew for some very curious details of Roman discipline.]

[Footnote 40: Plin. Panegyr. c. 13. Life of Hadrian, in the Augustan
History.]

Nine centuries of war had gradually introduced into the service many
alterations and improvements. The legions, as they are described by
Polybius, [41] in the time of the Punic wars, differed very materially
from those which achieved the victories of Caesar, or defended the
monarchy of Hadrian and the Antonines.

The constitution of the Imperial legion may be described in a few words.
[42] The heavy-armed infantry, which composed its principal strength, [43]
was divided into ten cohorts, and fifty-five companies, under the orders
of a correspondent number of tribunes and centurions. The first cohort,
which always claimed the post of honor and the custody of the eagle, was
formed of eleven hundred and five soldiers, the most approved for valor
and fidelity. The remaining nine cohorts consisted each of five hundred
and fifty-five; and the whole body of legionary infantry amounted to six
thousand one hundred men. Their arms were uniform, and admirably adapted
to the nature of their service: an open helmet, with a lofty crest;
a breastplate, or coat of mail; greaves on their legs, and an ample
buckler on their left arm. The buckler was of an oblong and concave
figure, four feet in length, and two and a half in breadth, framed of a
light wood, covered with a bull's hide, and strongly guarded with plates
of brass. Besides a lighter spear, the legionary soldier grasped in
his right hand the formidable pilum, a ponderous javelin, whose
utmost length was about six feet, and which was terminated by a massy
triangular point of steel of eighteen inches. [44] This instrument was
indeed much inferior to our modern fire-arms; since it was exhausted
by a single discharge, at the distance of only ten or twelve paces.
Yet when it was launched by a firm and skilful hand, there was not any
cavalry that durst venture within its reach, nor any shield or corselet
that could sustain the impetuosity of its weight. As soon as the Roman
had darted his pilum, he drew his sword, and rushed forwards to close
with the enemy. His sword was a short well-tempered Spanish blade, that
carried a double edge, and was alike suited to the purpose of striking
or of pushing; but the soldier was always instructed to prefer the
latter use of his weapon, as his own body remained less exposed, whilst
he inflicted a more dangerous wound on his adversary. [45] The legion was
usually drawn up eight deep; and the regular distance of three feet
was left between the files as well as ranks. [46] A body of troops,
habituated to preserve this open order, in a long front and a rapid
charge, found themselves prepared to execute every disposition which the
circumstances of war, or the skill of their leader, might suggest. The
soldier possessed a free space for his arms and motions, and sufficient
intervals were allowed, through which seasonable reenforcements might be
introduced to the relief of the exhausted combatants. [47] The tactics of
the Greeks and Macedonians were formed on very different principles. The
strength of the phalanx depended on sixteen ranks of long pikes,
wedged together in the closest array. [48] But it was soon discovered by
reflection, as well as by the event, that the strength of the phalanx
was unable to contend with the activity of the legion. [49

[Footnote 41: See an admirable digression on the Roman discipline, in
the sixth book of his History.]

[Footnote 42: Vegetius de Re Militari, l. ii. c. 4, &c. Considerable
part of his very perplexed abridgment was taken from the regulations of
Trajan and Hadrian; and the legion, as he describes it, cannot suit any
other age of the Roman empire.]

[Footnote 43: Vegetius de Re Militari, l. ii. c. 1. In the purer age of
Caesar and Cicero, the word miles was almost confined to the infantry.
Under the lower empire, and the times of chivalry, it was appropriated
almost as exclusively to the men at arms, who fought on horseback.]

[Footnote 44: In the time of Polybius and Dionysius of Halicarnassus,
(l. v. c. 45,) the steel point of the pilum seems to have been much
longer. In the time of Vegetius, it was reduced to a foot, or even nine
inches. I have chosen a medium.]

[Footnote 45: For the legionary arms, see Lipsius de Militia Romana, l.
iii. c. 2--7.]

[Footnote 46: See the beautiful comparison of Virgil, Georgic ii. v.
279.]

[Footnote 47: M. Guichard, Memoires Militaires, tom. i. c. 4, and
Nouveaux Memoires, tom. i. p. 293--311, has treated the subject like a
scholar and an officer.]

[Footnote 48: See Arrian's Tactics. With the true partiality of a Greek,
Arrian rather chose to describe the phalanx, of which he had read, than
the legions which he had commanded.]

[Footnote 49: Polyb. l. xvii. (xviii. 9.)]

The cavalry, without which the force of the legion would have remained
imperfect, was divided into ten troops or squadrons; the first, as the
companion of the first cohort, consisted of a hundred and thirty-two
men; whilst each of the other nine amounted only to sixty-six. The
entire establishment formed a regiment, if we may use the modern
expression, of seven hundred and twenty-six horse, naturally connected
with its respective legion, but occasionally separated to act in the
line, and to compose a part of the wings of the army. [50] The cavalry of
the emperors was no longer composed, like that of the ancient republic,
of the noblest youths of Rome and Italy, who, by performing their
military service on horseback, prepared themselves for the offices
of senator and consul; and solicited, by deeds of valor, the future
suffrages of their countrymen. [51] Since the alteration of manners and
government, the most wealthy of the equestrian order were engaged in
the administration of justice, and of the revenue; [52] and whenever they
embraced the profession of arms, they were immediately intrusted with a
troop of horse, or a cohort of foot. [53] Trajan and Hadrian formed their
cavalry from the same provinces, and the same class of their subjects,
which recruited the ranks of the legion. The horses were bred, for
the most part, in Spain or Cappadocia. The Roman troopers despised the
complete armor with which the cavalry of the East was encumbered. Their
more useful arms consisted in a helmet, an oblong shield, light boots,
and a coat of mail. A javelin, and a long broad sword, were their
principal weapons of offence. The use of lances and of iron maces they
seem to have borrowed from the barbarians. [54]

[Footnote 50: Veget. de Re Militari, l. ii. c. 6. His positive
testimony, which might be supported by circumstantial evidence, ought
surely to silence those critics who refuse the Imperial legion its
proper body of cavalry. Note: See also Joseph. B. J. iii. vi. 2.--M.]

[Footnote 51: See Livy almost throughout, particularly xlii. 61.]


[Footnote 52: Plin. Hist. Natur. xxxiii. 2. The true sense of that very
curious passage was first discovered and illustrated by M. de Beaufort,
Republique Romaine, l. ii. c. 2.]

[Footnote 53: As in the instance of Horace and Agricola. This appears to
have been a defect in the Roman discipline; which Hadrian endeavored to
remedy by ascertaining the legal age of a tribune. * Note: These details
are not altogether accurate. Although, in the latter days of the
republic, and under the first emperors, the young Roman nobles obtained
the command of a squadron or a cohort with greater facility than in the
former times, they never obtained it without passing through a tolerably
long military service. Usually they served first in the praetorian
cohort, which was intrusted with the guard of the general: they were
received into the companionship (contubernium) of some superior officer,
and were there formed for duty. Thus Julius Caesar, though sprung from a
great family, served first as contubernalis under the praetor, M.
Thermus, and later under Servilius the Isaurian. (Suet. Jul. 2, 5. Plut.
in Par. p. 516. Ed. Froben.) The example of Horace, which Gibbon adduces
to prove that young knights were made tribunes immediately on entering
the service, proves nothing. In the first place, Horace was not a
knight; he was the son of a freedman of Venusia, in Apulia, who
exercised the humble office of coactor exauctionum, (collector of
payments at auctions.) (Sat. i. vi. 45, or 86.) Moreover, when the poet
was made tribune, Brutus, whose army was nearly entirely composed of
Orientals, gave this title to all the Romans of consideration who joined
him. The emperors were still less difficult in their choice; the number
of tribunes was augmented; the title and honors were conferred on
persons whom they wished to attack to the court. Augustus conferred on
the sons of senators, sometimes the tribunate, sometimes the command of
a squadron. Claudius gave to the knights who entered into the service,
first the command of a cohort of auxiliaries, later that of a squadron,
and at length, for the first time, the tribunate. (Suet in Claud. with
the notes of Ernesti.) The abuses that arose caused by the edict of
Hadrian, which fixed the age at which that honor could be attained.
(Spart. in Had. &c.) This edict was subsequently obeyed; for the emperor
Valerian, in a letter addressed to Mulvius Gallinnus, praetorian
praefect, excuses himself for having violated it in favor of the young
Probus afterwards emperor, on whom he had conferred the tribunate at an
earlier age on account of his rare talents. (Vopisc. in Prob. iv.)--W.
and G. Agricola, though already invested with the title of tribune, was
contubernalis in Britain with Suetonius Paulinus. Tac. Agr. v.--M.]

[Footnote 54: See Arrian's Tactics.]

The safety and honor of the empire was principally intrusted to the
legions, but the policy of Rome condescended to adopt every useful
instrument of war. Considerable levies were regularly made among the
provincials, who had not yet deserved the honorable distinction of
Romans. Many dependent princes and communities, dispersed round the
frontiers, were permitted, for a while, to hold their freedom and
security by the tenure of military service. [55] Even select troops of
hostile barbarians were frequently compelled or persuaded to consume
their dangerous valor in remote climates, and for the benefit of
the state. [56] All these were included under the general name of
auxiliaries; and howsoever they might vary according to the difference
of times and circumstances, their numbers were seldom much inferior to
those of the legions themselves. [57] Among the auxiliaries, the bravest
and most faithful bands were placed under the command of praefects and
centurions, and severely trained in the arts of Roman discipline; but
the far greater part retained those arms, to which the nature of their
country, or their early habits of life, more peculiarly adapted them.
By this institution, each legion, to whom a certain proportion of
auxiliaries was allotted, contained within itself every species of
lighter troops, and of missile weapons; and was capable of encountering
every nation, with the advantages of its respective arms and discipline.
[58] Nor was the legion destitute of what, in modern language, would be
styled a train of artillery. It consisted in ten military engines of the
largest, and fifty-five of a smaller size; but all of which, either
in an oblique or horizontal manner, discharged stones and darts with
irresistible violence. [59]

[Footnote 55: Such, in particular, was the
state of the Batavians. Tacit. Germania, c. 29.]

[Footnote 56: Marcus Antoninus obliged the vanquished Quadi and
Marcomanni to supply him with a large body of troops, which he
immediately sent into Britain. Dion Cassius, l. lxxi. (c. 16.)]

[Footnote 57: Tacit. Annal. iv. 5. Those who fix a regular proportion of
as many foot, and twice as many horse, confound the auxiliaries of the
emperors with the Italian allies of the republic.]

[Footnote 58: Vegetius, ii. 2. Arrian, in his order of march and battle
against the Alani.]

[Footnote 59: The subject of the ancient machines is treated with great
knowledge and ingenuity by the Chevalier Folard, (Polybe, tom. ii. p.
233-290.) He prefers them in many respects to our modern cannon and
mortars. We may observe, that the use of them in the field gradually
became more prevalent, in proportion as personal valor and military
skill declined with the Roman empire. When men were no longer found,
their place was supplied by machines. See Vegetius, ii. 25. Arrian.]




Chapter I: The Extent Of The Empire In The Age Of The Antonines.--Part III.

The camp of a Roman legion presented the appearance of a fortified city.
[60] As soon as the space was marked out, the pioneers carefully levelled
the ground, and removed every impediment that might interrupt its
perfect regularity. Its form was an exact quadrangle; and we may
calculate, that a square of about seven hundred yards was sufficient for
the encampment of twenty thousand Romans; though a similar number of our
own troops would expose to the enemy a front of more than treble that
extent. In the midst of the camp, the praetorium, or general's quarters,
rose above the others; the cavalry, the infantry, and the auxiliaries
occupied their respective stations; the streets were broad and perfectly
straight, and a vacant space of two hundred feet was left on all sides
between the tents and the rampart. The rampart itself was usually twelve
feet high, armed with a line of strong and intricate palisades, and
defended by a ditch of twelve feet in depth as well as in breadth.
This important labor was performed by the hands of the legionaries
themselves; to whom the use of the spade and the pickaxe was no less
familiar than that of the sword or pilum. Active valor may often be the
present of nature; but such patient diligence can be the fruit only of
habit and discipline. [61]

[Footnote 60: Vegetius finishes his second book, and the description of
the legion, with the following emphatic words:--"Universa quae ix
quoque belli genere necessaria esse creduntur, secum Jegio debet ubique
portare, ut in quovis loco fixerit castra, arma'am faciat civitatem."]

[Footnote 61: For the Roman Castrametation, see Polybius, l. vi. with
Lipsius de Militia Romana, Joseph. de Bell. Jud. l. iii. c. 5. Vegetius,
i. 21--25, iii. 9, and Memoires de Guichard, tom. i. c. 1.]

Whenever the trumpet gave the signal of departure, the camp was almost
instantly broke up, and the troops fell into their ranks without
delay or confusion. Besides their arms, which the legendaries scarcely
considered as an encumbrance, they were laden with their kitchen
furniture, the instruments of fortification, and the provision of many
days. [62] Under this weight, which would oppress the delicacy of a
modern soldier, they were trained by a regular step to advance, in about
six hours, near twenty miles. [63] On the appearance of an enemy, they
threw aside their baggage, and by easy and rapid evolutions converted
the column of march into an order of battle. [64] The slingers and
archers skirmished in the front; the auxiliaries formed the first line,
and were seconded or sustained by the strength of the legions; the
cavalry covered the flanks, and the military engines were placed in the
rear.

[Footnote 62: Cicero in Tusculan. ii. 37, [15.]--Joseph. de Bell. Jud.
l. iii. 5, Frontinus, iv. 1.]

[Footnote 63: Vegetius, i. 9. See Memoires de l'Academie des
Inscriptions, tom. xxv. p. 187.]

[Footnote 64: See those evolutions admirably well explained by M.
Guichard Nouveaux Memoires, tom. i. p. 141--234.]

Such were the arts of war, by which the Roman emperors defended their
extensive conquests, and preserved a military spirit, at a time when
every other virtue was oppressed by luxury and despotism. If, in the
consideration of their armies, we pass from their discipline to their
numbers, we shall not find it easy to define them with any tolerable
accuracy. We may compute, however, that the legion, which was itself a
body of six thousand eight hundred and thirty-one Romans, might, with
its attendant auxiliaries, amount to about twelve thousand five hundred
men. The peace establishment of Hadrian and his successors was composed
of no less than thirty of these formidable brigades; and most probably
formed a standing force of three hundred and seventy-five thousand men.
Instead of being confined within the walls of fortified cities, which
the Romans considered as the refuge of weakness or pusillanimity, the
legions were encamped on the banks of the great rivers, and along the
frontiers of the barbarians. As their stations, for the most
part, remained fixed and permanent, we may venture to describe the
distribution of the troops. Three legions were sufficient for Britain.
The principal strength lay upon the Rhine and Danube, and consisted of
sixteen legions, in the following proportions: two in the Lower, and
three in the Upper Germany; one in Rhaetia, one in Noricum, four
in Pannonia, three in Maesia, and two in Dacia. The defence of the
Euphrates was intrusted to eight legions, six of whom were planted in
Syria, and the other two in Cappadocia. With regard to Egypt, Africa,
and Spain, as they were far removed from any important scene of war,
a single legion maintained the domestic tranquillity of each of those
great provinces. Even Italy was not left destitute of a military force.
Above twenty thousand chosen soldiers, distinguished by the titles
of City Cohorts and Praetorian Guards, watched over the safety of the
monarch and the capital. As the authors of almost every revolution that
distracted the empire, the Praetorians will, very soon, and very loudly,
demand our attention; but, in their arms and institutions, we cannot
find any circumstance which discriminated them from the legions, unless
it were a more splendid appearance, and a less rigid discipline. [65]

[Footnote 65: Tacitus (Annal. iv. 5) has given us a state of the
legions under Tiberius; and Dion Cassius (l. lv. p. 794) under Alexander
Severus. I have endeavored to fix on the proper medium between these two
periods. See likewise Lipsius de Magnitudine Romana, l. i. c. 4, 5.]

The navy maintained by the emperors might seem inadequate to their
greatness; but it was fully sufficient for every useful purpose of
government. The ambition of the Romans was confined to the land; nor was
that warlike people ever actuated by the enterprising spirit which had
prompted the navigators of Tyre, of Carthage, and even of Marseilles, to
enlarge the bounds of the world, and to explore the most remote coasts
of the ocean. To the Romans the ocean remained an object of terror
rather than of curiosity; [66] the whole extent of the Mediterranean,
after the destruction of Carthage, and the extirpation of the pirates,
was included within their provinces. The policy of the emperors was
directed only to preserve the peaceful dominion of that sea, and to
protect the commerce of their subjects. With these moderate views,
Augustus stationed two permanent fleets in the most convenient ports of
Italy, the one at Ravenna, on the Adriatic, the other at Misenum, in
the Bay of Naples. Experience seems at length to have convinced the
ancients, that as soon as their galleys exceeded two, or at the most
three ranks of oars, they were suited rather for vain pomp than for
real service. Augustus himself, in the victory of Actium, had seen the
superiority of his own light frigates (they were called Liburnians) over
the lofty but unwieldy castles of his rival. [67] Of these Liburnians he
composed the two fleets of Ravenna and Misenum, destined to command, the
one the eastern, the other the western division of the Mediterranean;
and to each of the squadrons he attached a body of several thousand
marines. Besides these two ports, which may be considered as the
principal seats of the Roman navy, a very considerable force was
stationed at Frejus, on the coast of Provence, and the Euxine was
guarded by forty ships, and three thousand soldiers. To all these we add
the fleet which preserved the communication between Gaul and Britain,
and a great number of vessels constantly maintained on the Rhine and
Danube, to harass the country, or to intercept the passage of the
barbarians. [68] If we review this general state of the Imperial forces;
of the cavalry as well as infantry; of the legions, the auxiliaries, the
guards, and the navy; the most liberal computation will not allow us
to fix the entire establishment by sea and by land at more than four
hundred and fifty thousand men: a military power, which, however
formidable it may seem, was equalled by a monarch of the last century,
whose kingdom was confined within a single province of the Roman empire.
[69]

[Footnote 66: The Romans tried to disguise, by the pretence of religious
awe their ignorance and terror. See Tacit. Germania, c. 34.]

[Footnote 67: Plutarch, in Marc. Anton. [c. 67.] And yet, if we may
credit Orosius, these monstrous castles were no more than ten feet above
the water, vi. 19.]

[Footnote 68: See Lipsius, de Magnitud. Rom. l. i. c. 5. The sixteen
last chapters of Vegetius relate to naval affairs.]

[Footnote 69: Voltaire, Siecle de Louis XIV. c. 29. It must, however, be
remembered, that France still feels that extraordinary effort.]

We have attempted to explain the spirit which moderated, and the
strength which supported, the power of Hadrian and the Antonines.
We shall now endeavor, with clearness and precision, to describe the
provinces once united under their sway, but, at present, divided into so
many independent and hostile states. Spain, the western extremity of
the empire, of Europe, and of the ancient world, has, in every age,
invariably preserved the same natural limits; the Pyrenaean Mountains,
the Mediterranean, and the Atlantic Ocean. That great peninsula, at
present so unequally divided between two sovereigns, was distributed by
Augustus into three provinces, Lusitania, Baetica, and Tarraconensis.
The kingdom of Portugal now fills the place of the warlike country of
the Lusitanians; and the loss sustained by the former on the side of the
East, is compensated by an accession of territory towards the North.
The confines of Grenada and Andalusia correspond with those of ancient
Baetica. The remainder of Spain, Gallicia, and the Asturias, Biscay, and
Navarre, Leon, and the two Castiles, Murcia, Valencia, Catalonia, and
Arragon, all contributed to form the third and most considerable of the
Roman governments, which, from the name of its capital, was styled the
province of Tarragona. [70] Of the native barbarians, the Celtiberians
were the most powerful, as the Cantabrians and Asturians proved the most
obstinate. Confident in the strength of their mountains, they were the
last who submitted to the arms of Rome, and the first who threw off the
yoke of the Arabs.

[Footnote 70: See Strabo, l. ii. It is natural enough to suppose, that
Arragon is derived from Tarraconensis, and several moderns who have
written in Latin use those words as synonymous. It is, however, certain,
that the Arragon, a little stream which falls from the Pyrenees into the
Ebro, first gave its name to a country, and gradually to a kingdom. See
d'Anville, Geographie du Moyen Age, p. 181.]

Ancient Gaul, as it contained the whole country between the Pyrenees,
the Alps, the Rhine, and the Ocean, was of greater extent than modern
France. To the dominions of that powerful monarchy, with its recent
acquisitions of Alsace and Lorraine, we must add the duchy of Savoy,
the cantons of Switzerland, the four electorates of the Rhine, and the
territories of Liege, Luxemburgh, Hainault, Flanders, and Brabant.
When Augustus gave laws to the conquests of his father, he introduced a
division of Gaul, equally adapted to the progress of the legions, to the
course of the rivers, and to the principal national distinctions, which
had comprehended above a hundred independent states. [71] The sea-coast
of the Mediterranean, Languedoc, Provence, and Dauphine, received their
provincial appellation from the colony of Narbonne. The government
of Aquitaine was extended from the Pyrenees to the Loire. The country
between the Loire and the Seine was styled the Celtic Gaul, and soon
borrowed a new denomination from the celebrated colony of Lugdunum, or
Lyons. The Belgic lay beyond the Seine, and in more ancient times had
been bounded only by the Rhine; but a little before the age of Caesar,
the Germans, abusing their superiority of valor, had occupied a
considerable portion of the Belgic territory. The Roman conquerors very
eagerly embraced so flattering a circumstance, and the Gallic frontier
of the Rhine, from Basil to Leyden, received the pompous names of the
Upper and the Lower Germany. [72] Such, under the reign of the Antonines,
were the six provinces of Gaul; the Narbonnese, Aquitaine, the Celtic,
or Lyonnese, the Belgic, and the two Germanies.

[Footnote 71: One hundred and fifteen cities appear in the Notitia of
Gaul; and it is well known that this appellation was applied not only to
the capital town, but to the whole territory of each state. But Plutarch
and Appian increase the number of tribes to three or four hundred.]

[Footnote 72: D'Anville. Notice de l'Ancienne Gaule.]

We have already had occasion to mention the conquest of Britain, and to
fix the boundary of the Roman Province in this island. It comprehended
all England, Wales, and the Lowlands of Scotland, as far as the Friths
of Dumbarton and Edinburgh. Before Britain lost her freedom, the country
was irregularly divided between thirty tribes of barbarians, of whom
the most considerable were the Belgae in the West, the Brigantes in the
North, the Silures in South Wales, and the Iceni in Norfolk and Suffolk.
[73] As far as we can either trace or credit the resemblance of manners
and language, Spain, Gaul, and Britain were peopled by the same hardy
race of savages. Before they yielded to the Roman arms, they often
disputed the field, and often renewed the contest. After their
submission, they constituted the western division of the European
provinces, which extended from the columns of Hercules to the wall of
Antoninus, and from the mouth of the Tagus to the sources of the Rhine
and Danube.

[Footnote 73: Whittaker's History of Manchester, vol. i. c. 3.] Before
the Roman conquest, the country which is now called Lombardy, was not
considered as a part of Italy. It had been occupied by a powerful colony
of Gauls, who, settling themselves along the banks of the Po, from
Piedmont to Romagna, carried their arms and diffused their name from the
Alps to the Apennine.

The Ligurians dwelt on the rocky coast which now forms the republic of
Genoa. Venice was yet unborn; but the territories of that state, which
lie to the east of the Adige, were inhabited by the Venetians. [74] The
middle part of the peninsula, that now composes the duchy of Tuscany
and the ecclesiastical state, was the ancient seat of the Etruscans
and Umbrians; to the former of whom Italy was indebted for the first
rudiments of civilized life. [75] The Tyber rolled at the foot of the
seven hills of Rome, and the country of the Sabines, the Latins, and the
Volsci, from that river to the frontiers of Naples, was the theatre
of her infant victories. On that celebrated ground the first consuls
deserved triumphs, their successors adorned villas, and their posterity
have erected convents. [76] Capua and Campania possessed the immediate
territory of Naples; the rest of the kingdom was inhabited by many
warlike nations, the Marsi, the Samnites, the Apulians, and the
Lucanians; and the sea-coasts had been covered by the flourishing
colonies of the Greeks. We may remark, that when Augustus divided Italy
into eleven regions, the little province of Istria was annexed to that
seat of Roman sovereignty. [77]

[Footnote 74: The Italian Veneti, though often confounded with the
Gauls, were more probably of Illyrian origin. See M. Freret, Memoires de
l'Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xviii. * Note: Or Liburnian, according
to Niebuhr. Vol. i. p. 172.--M.]

[Footnote 75: See Maffei Verona illustrata, l. i. * Note: Add Niebuhr,
vol. i., and Otfried Muller, die Etrusker, which contains much that is
known, and much that is conjectured, about this remarkable people. Also
Micali, Storia degli antichi popoli Italiani. Florence, 1832--M.]

[Footnote 76: The first contrast was observed by the ancients. See
Florus, i. 11. The second must strike every modern traveller.]

[Footnote 77: Pliny (Hist. Natur. l. iii.) follows the division of Italy
by Augustus.]

The European provinces of Rome were protected by the course of the Rhine
and the Danube. The latter of those mighty streams, which rises at the
distance of only thirty miles from the former, flows above thirteen
hundred miles, for the most part to the south-east, collects the tribute
of sixty navigable rivers, and is, at length, through six mouths,
received into the Euxine, which appears scarcely equal to such an
accession of waters. [78] The provinces of the Danube soon acquired the
general appellation of Illyricum, or the Illyrian frontier, [79] and were
esteemed the most warlike of the empire; but they deserve to be more
particularly considered under the names of Rhaetia, Noricum, Pannonia,
Dalmatia, Dacia, Maesia, Thrace, Macedonia, and Greece.

[Footnote 78: Tournefort, Voyages en Grece et Asie Mineure, lettre
xviii.]

[Footnote 79: The name of Illyricum originally belonged to the sea-coast
of the Adriatic, and was gradually extended by the Romans from the Alps
to the Euxine Sea. See Severini Pannonia, l. i. c. 3.]

The province of Rhaetia, which soon extinguished the name of the
Vindelicians, extended from the summit of the Alps to the banks of
the Danube; from its source, as far as its conflux with the Inn. The
greatest part of the flat country is subject to the elector of Bavaria;
the city of Augsburg is protected by the constitution of the German
empire; the Grisons are safe in their mountains, and the country of
Tirol is ranked among the numerous provinces of the house of Austria.

The wide extent of territory which is included between the Inn, the
Danube, and the Save,--Austria, Styria, Carinthia, Carniola, the Lower
Hungary, and Sclavonia,--was known to the ancients under the names of
Noricum and Pannonia. In their original state of independence, their
fierce inhabitants were intimately connected. Under the Roman government
they were frequently united, and they still remain the patrimony of a
single family. They now contain the residence of a German prince, who
styles himself Emperor of the Romans, and form the centre, as well as
strength, of the Austrian power. It may not be improper to observe, that
if we except Bohemia, Moravia, the northern skirts of Austria, and
a part of Hungary between the Teyss and the Danube, all the other
dominions of the House of Austria were comprised within the limits of
the Roman Empire.

Dalmatia, to which the name of Illyricum more properly belonged, was a
long, but narrow tract, between the Save and the Adriatic. The best
part of the sea-coast, which still retains its ancient appellation, is
a province of the Venetian state, and the seat of the little republic
of Ragusa. The inland parts have assumed the Sclavonian names of Croatia
and Bosnia; the former obeys an Austrian governor, the latter a Turkish
pacha; but the whole country is still infested by tribes of barbarians,
whose savage independence irregularly marks the doubtful limit of the
Christian and Mahometan power. [80]

[Footnote 80: A Venetian traveller, the Abbate Fortis, has lately given
us some account of those very obscure countries. But the geography
and antiquities of the western Illyricum can be expected only from the
munificence of the emperor, its sovereign.]

After the Danube had received the waters of the Teyss and the Save, it
acquired, at least among the Greeks, the name of Ister. [81] It formerly
divided Maesia and Dacia, the latter of which, as we have already seen,
was a conquest of Trajan, and the only province beyond the river. If we
inquire into the present state of those countries, we shall find that,
on the left hand of the Danube, Temeswar and Transylvania have been
annexed, after many revolutions, to the crown of Hungary; whilst the
principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia acknowledge the supremacy
of the Ottoman Porte. On the right hand of the Danube, Maesia, which,
during the middle ages, was broken into the barbarian kingdoms of Servia
and Bulgaria, is again united in Turkish slavery.

[Footnote 81: The Save rises near the confines of Istria, and was
considered by the more early Greeks as the principal stream of the
Danube.]

The appellation of Roumelia, which is still bestowed by the Turks on
the extensive countries of Thrace, Macedonia, and Greece, preserves the
memory of their ancient state under the Roman empire. In the time of the
Antonines, the martial regions of Thrace, from the mountains of Haemus
and Rhodope, to the Bosphorus and the Hellespont, had assumed the form
of a province. Notwithstanding the change of masters and of religion,
the new city of Rome, founded by Constantine on the banks of the
Bosphorus, has ever since remained the capital of a great monarchy. The
kingdom of Macedonia, which, under the reign of Alexander, gave laws to
Asia, derived more solid advantages from the policy of the two Philips;
and with its dependencies of Epirus and Thessaly, extended from the
Aegean to the Ionian Sea. When we reflect on the fame of Thebes and
Argos, of Sparta and Athens, we can scarcely persuade ourselves, that so
many immortal republics of ancient Greece were lost in a single province
of the Roman empire, which, from the superior influence of the Achaean
league, was usually denominated the province of Achaia.

Such was the state of Europe under the Roman emperors. The provinces
of Asia, without excepting the transient conquests of Trajan, are all
comprehended within the limits of the Turkish power. But, instead of
following the arbitrary divisions of despotism and ignorance, it will
be safer for us, as well as more agreeable, to observe the indelible
characters of nature. The name of Asia Minor is attributed with some
propriety to the peninsula, which, confined betwixt the Euxine and the
Mediterranean, advances from the Euphrates towards Europe. The most
extensive and flourishing district, westward of Mount Taurus and the
River Halys, was dignified by the Romans with the exclusive title
of Asia. The jurisdiction of that province extended over the ancient
monarchies of Troy, Lydia, and Phrygia, the maritime countries of the
Pamphylians, Lycians, and Carians, and the Grecian colonies of Ionia,
which equalled in arts, though not in arms, the glory of their parent.
The kingdoms of Bithynia and Pontus possessed the northern side of the
peninsula from Constantinople to Trebizond. On the opposite side, the
province of Cilicia was terminated by the mountains of Syria: the inland
country, separated from the Roman Asia by the River Halys, and from
Armenia by the Euphrates, had once formed the independent kingdom of
Cappadocia. In this place we may observe, that the northern shores of
the Euxine, beyond Trebizond in Asia, and beyond the Danube in Europe,
acknowledged the sovereignty of the emperors, and received at their
hands either tributary princes or Roman garrisons. Budzak, Crim Tartary,
Circassia, and Mingrelia, are the modern appellations of those savage
countries. [82]

[Footnote 82: See the Periplus of Arrian. He examined the coasts of the
Euxine, when he was governor of Cappadocia.]

Under the successors of Alexander, Syria was the seat of the Seleucidae,
who reigned over Upper Asia, till the successful revolt of the Parthians
confined their dominions between the Euphrates and the Mediterranean.
When Syria became subject to the Romans, it formed the eastern frontier
of their empire: nor did that province, in its utmost latitude, know any
other bounds than the mountains of Cappadocia to the north, and towards
the south, the confines of Egypt, and the Red Sea. Phoenicia and
Palestine were sometimes annexed to, and sometimes separated from, the
jurisdiction of Syria. The former of these was a narrow and rocky
coast; the latter was a territory scarcely superior to Wales, either in
fertility or extent. [821] Yet Phoenicia and Palestine will forever live
in the memory of mankind; since America, as well as Europe, has received
letters from the one, and religion from the other. [83] A sandy desert,
alike destitute of wood and water, skirts along the doubtful confine
of Syria, from the Euphrates to the Red Sea. The wandering life of the
Arabs was inseparably connected with their independence; and wherever,
on some spots less barren than the rest, they ventured to for many
settled habitations, they soon became subjects to the Roman empire. [84]

[Footnote 821: This comparison is exaggerated, with the intention, no
doubt, of attacking the authority of the Bible, which boasts of the
fertility of Palestine. Gibbon's only authorities were that of Strabo
(l. xvi. 1104) and the present state of the country. But Strabo only
speaks of the neighborhood of Jerusalem, which he calls barren and arid
to the extent of sixty stadia round the city: in other parts he gives a
favorable testimony to the fertility of many parts of Palestine: thus
he says, "Near Jericho there is a grove of palms, and a country of a
hundred stadia, full of springs, and well peopled." Moreover, Strabo
had never seen Palestine; he spoke only after reports, which may be as
inaccurate as those according to which he has composed that description
of Germany, in which Gluverius has detected so many errors. (Gluv. Germ.
iii. 1.) Finally, his testimony is contradicted and refuted by that
of other ancient authors, and by medals. Tacitus says, in speaking of
Palestine, "The inhabitants are healthy and robust; the rains moderate;
the soil fertile." (Hist. v. 6.) Ammianus Macellinus says also, "The
last of the Syrias is Palestine, a country of considerable extent,
abounding in clean and well-cultivated land, and containing some fine
cities, none of which yields to the other; but, as it were, being on a
parallel, are rivals."--xiv. 8. See also the historian Josephus, Hist.
vi. 1. Procopius of Caeserea, who lived in the sixth century, says that
Chosroes, king of Persia, had a great desire to make himself master of
Palestine, on account of its extraordinary fertility, its opulence, and
the great number of its inhabitants. The Saracens thought the same,
and were afraid that Omar. when he went to Jerusalem, charmed with the
fertility of the soil and the purity of the air, would never return to
Medina. (Ockley, Hist. of Sarac. i. 232.) The importance attached by the
Romans to the conquest of Palestine, and the obstacles they encountered,
prove also the richness and population of the country. Vespasian and
Titus caused medals to be struck with trophies, in which Palestine is
represented by a female under a palm-tree, to signify the richness of he
country, with this legend: Judea capta. Other medals also indicate this
fertility; for instance, that of Herod holding a bunch of grapes, and
that of the young Agrippa displaying fruit. As to the present state
of he country, one perceives that it is not fair to draw any inference
against its ancient fertility: the disasters through which it has
passed, the government to which it is subject, the disposition of the
inhabitants, explain sufficiently the wild and uncultivated appearance
of the land, where, nevertheless, fertile and cultivated districts are
still found, according to the testimony of travellers; among others, of
Shaw, Maundrel, La Rocque, &c.--G. The Abbe Guenee, in his Lettres de
quelques Juifs a Mons. de Voltaire, has exhausted the subject of the
fertility of Palestine; for Voltaire had likewise indulged in sarcasm
on this subject. Gibbon was assailed on this point, not, indeed, by Mr.
Davis, who, he slyly insinuates, was prevented by his patriotism as a
Welshman from resenting the comparison with Wales, but by other
writers. In his Vindication, he first established the correctness of
his measurement of Palestine, which he estimates as 7600 square English
miles, while Wales is about 7011. As to fertility, he proceeds in
the following dexterously composed and splendid passage: "The emperor
Frederick II., the enemy and the victim of the clergy, is accused of
saying, after his return from his crusade, that the God of the Jews
would have despised his promised land, if he had once seen the fruitful
realms of Sicily and Naples." (See Giannone, Istor. Civ. del R. di
Napoli, ii. 245.) This raillery, which malice has, perhaps, falsely
imputed to Frederick, is inconsistent with truth and piety; yet it
must be confessed that the soil of Palestine does not contain that
inexhaustible, and, as it were, spontaneous principle of fertility,
which, under the most unfavorable circumstances, has covered with rich
harvests the banks of the Nile, the fields of Sicily, or the plains
of Poland. The Jordan is the only navigable river of Palestine: a
considerable part of the narrow space is occupied, or rather lost, in
the Dead Sea whose horrid aspect inspires every sensation of disgust,
and countenances every tale of horror. The districts which border on
Arabia partake of the sandy quality of the adjacent desert. The face
of the country, except the sea-coast, and the valley of the Jordan, is
covered with mountains, which appear, for the most part, as naked and
barren rocks; and in the neighborhood of Jerusalem, there is a real
scarcity of the two elements of earth and water. (See Maundrel's
Travels, p. 65, and Reland's Palestin. i. 238, 395.) These
disadvantages, which now operate in their fullest extent, were formerly
corrected by the labors of a numerous people, and the active protection
of a wise government. The hills were clothed with rich beds of
artificial mould, the rain was collected in vast cisterns, a supply of
fresh water was conveyed by pipes and aqueducts to the dry lands. The
breed of cattle was encouraged in those parts which were not adapted for
tillage, and almost every spot was compelled to yield some production
for the use of the inhabitants.

Pater ispe colendi Haud facilem esse viam voluit, primusque par artem
Movit agros; curis acuens mortalia corda, Nec torpere gravi passus sua
Regna veterno. Gibbon, Misc. Works, iv. 540.

But Gibbon has here eluded the question about the land "flowing with
milk and honey." He is describing Judaea only, without comprehending
Galilee, or the rich pastures beyond the Jordan, even now proverbial for
their flocks and herds. (See Burckhardt's Travels, and Hist of Jews,
i. 178.) The following is believed to be a fair statement: "The
extraordinary fertility of the whole country must be taken into the
account. No part was waste; very little was occupied by unprofitable
wood; the more fertile hills were cultivated in artificial terraces,
others were hung with orchards of fruit trees the more rocky and barren
districts were covered with vineyards." Even in the present day, the
wars and misgovernment of ages have not exhausted the natural richness
of the soil. "Galilee," says Malte Brun, "would be a paradise were it
inhabited by an industrious people under an enlightened government.
No land could be less dependent on foreign importation; it bore within
itself every thing that could be necessary for the subsistence and
comfort of a simple agricultural people. The climate was healthy, the
seasons regular; the former rains, which fell about October, after the
vintage, prepared the ground for the seed; that latter, which prevailed
during March and the beginning of April, made it grow rapidly. Directly
the rains ceased, the grain ripened with still greater rapidity, and was
gathered in before the end of May. The summer months were dry and very
hot, but the nights cool and refreshed by copious dews. In September,
the vintage was gathered. Grain of all kinds, wheat, barley, millet,
zea, and other sorts, grew in abundance; the wheat commonly yielded
thirty for one. Besides the vine and the olive, the almond, the date,
figs of many kinds, the orange, the pomegranate, and many other fruit
trees, flourished in the greatest luxuriance. Great quantity of honey
was collected. The balm-tree, which produced the opobalsamum, a great
object of trade, was probably introduced from Arabia, in the time of
Solomon. It flourished about Jericho and in Gilead."--Milman's Hist. of
Jews. i. 177.--M.]

[Footnote 83: The progress of religion is well known. The use of letter
was introduced among the savages of Europe about fifteen hundred years
before Christ; and the Europeans carried them to America about fifteen
centuries after the Christian Aera. But in a period of three thousand
years, the Phoenician alphabet received considerable alterations, as it
passed through the hands of the Greeks and Romans.]

[Footnote 84: Dion Cassius, lib. lxviii. p. 1131.]

The geographers of antiquity have frequently hesitated to what portion
of the globe they should ascribe Egypt. [85] By its situation that
celebrated kingdom is included within the immense peninsula of Africa;
but it is accessible only on the side of Asia, whose revolutions,
in almost every period of history, Egypt has humbly obeyed. A Roman
praefect was seated on the splendid throne of the Ptolemies; and the
iron sceptre of the Mamelukes is now in the hands of a Turkish pacha.
The Nile flows down the country, above five hundred miles from the
tropic of Cancer to the Mediterranean, and marks on either side of the
extent of fertility by the measure of its inundations. Cyrene, situate
towards the west, and along the sea-coast, was first a Greek colony,
afterwards a province of Egypt, and is now lost in the desert of Barca.
[851]

[Footnote 85: Ptolemy and Strabo, with the modern geographers, fix the
Isthmus of Suez as the boundary of Asia and Africa. Dionysius, Mela,
Pliny, Sallust, Hirtius, and Solinus, have preferred for that purpose
the western branch of the Nile, or even the great Catabathmus, or
descent, which last would assign to Asia, not only Egypt, but part of
Libya.]

[Footnote 851: The French editor has a long and unnecessary note on the
History of Cyrene. For the present state of that coast and country, the
volume of Captain Beechey is full of interesting details. Egypt, now an
independent and improving kingdom, appears, under the enterprising
rule of Mahommed Ali, likely to revenge its former oppression upon the
decrepit power of the Turkish empire.--M.--This note was written in
1838. The future destiny of Egypt is an important problem, only to
be solved by time. This observation will also apply to the new French
colony in Algiers.--M. 1845.]

From Cyrene to the ocean, the coast of Africa extends above fifteen
hundred miles; yet so closely is it pressed between the Mediterranean
and the Sahara, or sandy desert, that its breadth seldom exceeds
fourscore or a hundred miles. The eastern division was considered by
the Romans as the more peculiar and proper province of Africa. Till the
arrival of the Phoenician colonies, that fertile country was inhabited
by the Libyans, the most savage of mankind. Under the immediate
jurisdiction of Carthage, it became the centre of commerce and empire;
but the republic of Carthage is now degenerated into the feeble and
disorderly states of Tripoli and Tunis. The military government of
Algiers oppresses the wide extent of Numidia, as it was once united
under Massinissa and Jugurtha; but in the time of Augustus, the limits
of Numidia were contracted; and, at least, two thirds of the country
acquiesced in the name of Mauritania, with the epithet of Caesariensis.
The genuine Mauritania, or country of the Moors, which, from the ancient
city of Tingi, or Tangier, was distinguished by the appellation of
Tingitana, is represented by the modern kingdom of Fez. Salle, on
the Ocean, so infamous at present for its piratical depredations, was
noticed by the Romans, as the extreme object of their power, and almost
of their geography. A city of their foundation may still be discovered
near Mequinez, the residence of the barbarian whom we condescend to
style the Emperor of Morocco; but it does not appear, that his
more southern dominions, Morocco itself, and Segelmessa, were ever
comprehended within the Roman province. The western parts of Africa are
intersected by the branches of Mount Atlas, a name so idly celebrated by
the fancy of poets; [86] but which is now diffused over the immense ocean
that rolls between the ancient and the new continent. [87]

[Footnote 86: The long range, moderate height, and gentle declivity
of Mount Atlas, (see Shaw's Travels, p. 5,) are very unlike a solitary
mountain which rears its head into the clouds, and seems to support the
heavens. The peak of Teneriff, on the contrary, rises a league and a
half above the surface of the sea; and, as it was frequently visited by
the Phoenicians, might engage the notice of the Greek poets. See Buffon,
Histoire Naturelle, tom. i. p. 312. Histoire des Voyages, tom. ii.]

[Footnote 87: M. de Voltaire, tom. xiv. p. 297, unsupported by either
fact or probability, has generously bestowed the Canary Islands on the
Roman empire.]

Having now finished the circuit of the Roman empire, we may observe,
that Africa is divided from Spain by a narrow strait of about twelve
miles, through which the Atlantic flows into the Mediterranean. The
columns of Hercules, so famous among the ancients, were two mountains
which seemed to have been torn asunder by some convulsion of the
elements; and at the foot of the European mountain, the fortress of
Gibraltar is now seated. The whole extent of the Mediterranean Sea, its
coasts and its islands, were comprised within the Roman dominion. Of the
larger islands, the two Baleares, which derive their name of Majorca and
Minorca from their respective size, are subject at present, the former
to Spain, the latter to Great Britain. [871] It is easier to deplore the
fate, than to describe the actual condition, of Corsica. [872] Two Italian
sovereigns assume a regal title from Sardinia and Sicily. Crete, or
Candia, with Cyprus, and most of the smaller islands of Greece and Asia,
have been subdued by the Turkish arms, whilst the little rock of
Malta defies their power, and has emerged, under the government of its
military Order, into fame and opulence. [873]

[Footnote 871: Minorca was lost to Great Britain in 1782. Ann. Register
for that year.--M.]

[Footnote 872: The gallant struggles of the Corsicans for their
independence, under Paoli, were brought to a close in the year 1769.
This volume was published in 1776. See Botta, Storia d'Italia, vol.
xiv.--M.]

[Footnote 873: Malta, it need scarcely be said, is now in the possession
of the English. We have not, however, thought it necessary to notice
every change in the political state of the world, since the time of
Gibbon.--M]

This long enumeration of provinces, whose broken fragments have formed
so many powerful kingdoms, might almost induce us to forgive the vanity
or ignorance of the ancients. Dazzled with the extensive sway, the
irresistible strength, and the real or affected moderation of the
emperors, they permitted themselves to despise, and sometimes to
forget, the outlying countries which had been left in the enjoyment of
a barbarous independence; and they gradually usurped the license of
confounding the Roman monarchy with the globe of the earth. [88] But
the temper, as well as knowledge, of a modern historian, require a
more sober and accurate language. He may impress a juster image of the
greatness of Rome, by observing that the empire was above two thousand
miles in breadth, from the wall of Antoninus and the northern limits
of Dacia, to Mount Atlas and the tropic of Cancer; that it extended
in length more than three thousand miles from the Western Ocean to the
Euphrates; that it was situated in the finest part of the Temperate
Zone, between the twenty-fourth and fifty-sixth degrees of northern
latitude; and that it was supposed to contain above sixteen hundred
thousand square miles, for the most part of fertile and well-cultivated
land. [89]

[Footnote 88: Bergier, Hist. des Grands Chemins, l. iii. c. 1,
2, 3, 4, a very useful collection.]

[Footnote 89: See Templeman's Survey of the Globe; but I distrust both
the Doctor's learning and his maps.]




Chapter II: The Internal Prosperity In The Age Of The Antonines.--Part I.

     Of The Union And Internal Prosperity Of The Roman Empire, In
     The Age Of The Antonines.

It is not alone by the rapidity, or extent of conquest, that we should
estimate the greatness of Rome. The sovereign of the Russian deserts
commands a larger portion of the globe. In the seventh summer after his
passage of the Hellespont, Alexander erected the Macedonian trophies
on the banks of the Hyphasis. [1] Within less than a century, the
irresistible Zingis, and the Mogul princes of his race, spread their
cruel devastations and transient empire from the Sea of China, to the
confines of Egypt and Germany. [2] But the firm edifice of Roman power
was raised and preserved by the wisdom of ages. The obedient provinces
of Trajan and the Antonines were united by laws, and adorned by arts.
They might occasionally suffer from the partial abuse of delegated
authority; but the general principle of government was wise, simple,
and beneficent. They enjoyed the religion of their ancestors, whilst in
civil honors and advantages they were exalted, by just degrees, to an
equality with their conquerors.

[Footnote 1: They were erected about the midway between Lahor and Delhi.
The conquests of Alexander in Hindostan were confined to the Punjab, a
country watered by the five great streams of the Indus. * Note: The
Hyphasis is one of the five rivers which join the Indus or the Sind,
after having traversed the province of the Pendj-ab--a name which in
Persian, signifies five rivers. * * * G. The five rivers were, 1. The
Hydaspes, now the Chelum, Behni, or Bedusta, (Sanscrit, Vitastha,
Arrow-swift.) 2. The Acesines, the Chenab, (Sanscrit, Chandrabhaga,
Moon-gift.) 3. Hydraotes, the Ravey, or Iraoty, (Sanscrit, Iravati.) 4.
Hyphasis, the Beyah, (Sanscrit, Vepasa, Fetterless.) 5. The Satadru,
(Sanscrit, the Hundred Streamed,) the Sutledj, known first to the Greeks
in the time of Ptolemy. Rennel. Vincent, Commerce of Anc. book 2.
Lassen, Pentapotam. Ind. Wilson's Sanscrit Dict., and the valuable
memoir of Lieut. Burnes, Journal of London Geogr. Society, vol. iii. p.
2, with the travels of that very able writer. Compare Gibbon's own note,
c. lxv. note 25.--M substit. for G.]

[Footnote 2: See M. de Guignes, Histoire des Huns, l. xv. xvi. and
xvii.]

I. The policy of the emperors and the senate, as far as it concerned
religion, was happily seconded by the reflections of the enlightened,
and by the habits of the superstitious, part of their subjects. The
various modes of worship, which prevailed in the Roman world, were
all considered by the people, as equally true; by the philosopher,
as equally false; and by the magistrate, as equally useful. And thus
toleration produced not only mutual indulgence, but even religious
concord.

The superstition of the people was not imbittered by any mixture of
theological rancor; nor was it confined by the chains of any speculative
system. The devout polytheist, though fondly attached to his national
rites, admitted with implicit faith the different religions of the
earth. [3] Fear, gratitude, and curiosity, a dream or an omen, a singular
disorder, or a distant journey, perpetually disposed him to multiply the
articles of his belief, and to enlarge the list of his protectors. The
thin texture of the Pagan mythology was interwoven with various but not
discordant materials. As soon as it was allowed that sages and heroes,
who had lived or who had died for the benefit of their country,
were exalted to a state of power and immortality, it was universally
confessed, that they deserved, if not the adoration, at least the
reverence, of all mankind. The deities of a thousand groves and a
thousand streams possessed, in peace, their local and respective
influence; nor could the Romans who deprecated the wrath of the Tiber,
deride the Egyptian who presented his offering to the beneficent genius
of the Nile. The visible powers of nature, the planets, and the elements
were the same throughout the universe. The invisible governors of the
moral world were inevitably cast in a similar mould of fiction
and allegory. Every virtue, and even vice, acquired its divine
representative; every art and profession its patron, whose attributes,
in the most distant ages and countries, were uniformly derived from
the character of their peculiar votaries. A republic of gods of such
opposite tempers and interests required, in every system, the moderating
hand of a supreme magistrate, who, by the progress of knowledge and
flattery, was gradually invested with the sublime perfections of an
Eternal Parent, and an Omnipotent Monarch. [4] Such was the mild spirit
of antiquity, that the nations were less attentive to the difference,
than to the resemblance, of their religious worship. The Greek, the
Roman, and the Barbarian, as they met before their respective altars,
easily persuaded themselves, that under various names, and with various
ceremonies, they adored the same deities. [5] The elegant mythology of
Homer gave a beautiful, and almost a regular form, to the polytheism of
the ancient world.

[Footnote 3: There is not any writer who describes in so lively a manner
as Herodotus the true genius of polytheism. The best commentary may be
found in Mr. Hume's Natural History of Religion; and the best contrast
in Bossuet's Universal History. Some obscure traces of an intolerant
spirit appear in the conduct of the Egyptians, (see Juvenal, Sat. xv.;)
and the Christians, as well as Jews, who lived under the Roman empire,
formed a very important exception; so important indeed, that the
discussion will require a distinct chapter of this work. * Note: M.
Constant, in his very learned and eloquent work, "Sur la Religion," with
the two additional volumes, "Du Polytheisme Romain," has considered the
whole history of polytheism in a tone of philosophy, which, without
subscribing to all his opinions, we may be permitted to admire. "The
boasted tolerance of polytheism did not rest upon the respect due from
society to the freedom of individual opinion. The polytheistic nations,
tolerant as they were towards each other, as separate states, were not
the less ignorant of the eternal principle, the only basis of
enlightened toleration, that every one has a right to worship God in the
manner which seems to him the best. Citizens, on the contrary, were
bound to conform to the religion of the state; they had not the liberty
to adopt a foreign religion, though that religion might be legally
recognized in their own city, for the strangers who were its votaries."
--Sur la Religion, v. 184. Du. Polyth. Rom. ii. 308. At this time, the
growing religious indifference, and the general administration of the
empire by Romans, who, being strangers, would do no more than protect,
not enlist themselves in the cause of the local superstitions, had
introduced great laxity. But intolerance was clearly the theory both of
the Greek and Roman law. The subject is more fully considered in another
place.--M.]

[Footnote 4: The rights, powers, and pretensions of the sovereign of
Olympus are very clearly described in the xvth book of the Iliad; in
the Greek original, I mean; for Mr. Pope, without perceiving it, has
improved the theology of Homer. * Note: There is a curious coincidence
between Gibbon's expressions and those of the newly-recovered "De
Republica" of Cicero, though the argument is rather the converse, lib.
i. c. 36. "Sive haec ad utilitatem vitae constitute sint a principibus
rerum publicarum, ut rex putaretur unus esse in coelo, qui nutu, ut ait
Homerus, totum Olympum converteret, idemque et rex et patos haberetur
omnium."--M.]

[Footnote 5: See, for instance, Caesar de Bell. Gall. vi. 17. Within a
century or two, the Gauls themselves applied to their gods the names of
Mercury, Mars, Apollo, &c.]

The philosophers of Greece deduced their morals from the nature of man,
rather than from that of God. They meditated, however, on the Divine
Nature, as a very curious and important speculation; and in the
profound inquiry, they displayed the strength and weakness of the human
understanding. [6] Of the four most celebrated schools, the Stoics and
the Platonists endeavored to reconcile the jaring interests of reason
and piety. They have left us the most sublime proofs of the existence
and perfections of the first cause; but, as it was impossible for them
to conceive the creation of matter, the workman in the Stoic philosophy
was not sufficiently distinguished from the work; whilst, on the
contrary, the spiritual God of Plato and his disciples resembled
an idea, rather than a substance. The opinions of the Academics and
Epicureans were of a less religious cast; but whilst the modest science
of the former induced them to doubt, the positive ignorance of the
latter urged them to deny, the providence of a Supreme Ruler. The spirit
of inquiry, prompted by emulation, and supported by freedom, had divided
the public teachers of philosophy into a variety of contending sects;
but the ingenious youth, who, from every part, resorted to Athens, and
the other seats of learning in the Roman empire, were alike instructed
in every school to reject and to despise the religion of the multitude.
How, indeed, was it possible that a philosopher should accept, as divine
truths, the idle tales of the poets, and the incoherent traditions of
antiquity; or that he should adore, as gods, those imperfect beings whom
he must have despised, as men? Against such unworthy adversaries, Cicero
condescended to employ the arms of reason and eloquence; but the satire
of Lucian was a much more adequate, as well as more efficacious, weapon.
We may be well assured, that a writer, conversant with the world,
would never have ventured to expose the gods of his country to public
ridicule, had they not already been the objects of secret contempt among
the polished and enlightened orders of society. [7]

[Footnote 6: The admirable work of Cicero de Natura Deorum is the
best clew we have to guide us through the dark and profound abyss. He
represents with candor, and confutes with subtlety, the opinions of the
philosophers.]

[Footnote 7: I do not pretend to assert, that, in this irreligious age,
the natural terrors of superstition, dreams, omens, apparitions, &c.,
had lost their efficacy.]

Notwithstanding the fashionable irreligion which prevailed in the age of
the Antonines, both the interest of the priests and the credulity of the
people were sufficiently respected. In their writings and conversation,
the philosophers of antiquity asserted the independent dignity of
reason; but they resigned their actions to the commands of law and of
custom. Viewing, with a smile of pity and indulgence, the various
errors of the vulgar, they diligently practised the ceremonies of their
fathers, devoutly frequented the temples of the gods; and sometimes
condescending to act a part on the theatre of superstition, they
concealed the sentiments of an atheist under the sacerdotal robes.
Reasoners of such a temper were scarcely inclined to wrangle about their
respective modes of faith, or of worship. It was indifferent to them
what shape the folly of the multitude might choose to assume; and
they approached with the same inward contempt, and the same external
reverence, the altars of the Libyan, the Olympian, or the Capitoline
Jupiter. [8]

[Footnote 8: Socrates, Epicurus, Cicero, and Plutarch always inculcated
a decent reverence for the religion of their own country, and of
mankind. The devotion of Epicurus was assiduous and exemplary. Diogen.
Laert. x. 10.]

It is not easy to conceive from what motives a spirit of persecution
could introduce itself into the Roman councils. The magistrates could
not be actuated by a blind, though honest bigotry, since the magistrates
were themselves philosophers; and the schools of Athens had given laws
to the senate. They could not be impelled by ambition or avarice, as the
temporal and ecclesiastical powers were united in the same hands. The
pontiffs were chosen among the most illustrious of the senators; and
the office of Supreme Pontiff was constantly exercised by the emperors
themselves. They knew and valued the advantages of religion, as it is
connected with civil government. They encouraged the public festivals
which humanize the manners of the people. They managed the arts of
divination as a convenient instrument of policy; and they respected, as
the firmest bond of society, the useful persuasion, that, either in this
or in a future life, the crime of perjury is most assuredly punished
by the avenging gods. [9] But whilst they acknowledged the general
advantages of religion, they were convinced that the various modes of
worship contributed alike to the same salutary purposes; and that, in
every country, the form of superstition, which had received the sanction
of time and experience, was the best adapted to the climate, and to its
inhabitants. Avarice and taste very frequently despoiled the vanquished
nations of the elegant statues of their gods, and the rich ornaments
of their temples; [10] but, in the exercise of the religion which they
derived from their ancestors, they uniformly experienced the indulgence,
and even protection, of the Roman conquerors. The province of Gaul
seems, and indeed only seems, an exception to this universal toleration.
Under the specious pretext of abolishing human sacrifices, the emperors
Tiberius and Claudius suppressed the dangerous power of the Druids: [11]
but the priests themselves, their gods and their altars, subsisted in
peaceful obscurity till the final destruction of Paganism. [12]

[Footnote 9: Polybius, l. vi. c. 53, 54. Juvenal, Sat. xiii. laments
that in his time this apprehension had lost much of its effect.]

[Footnote 10: See the fate of Syracuse, Tarentum, Ambracia, Corinth,
&c., the conduct of Verres, in Cicero, (Actio ii. Orat. 4,) and the
usual practice of governors, in the viiith Satire of Juvenal.]

[Footnote 11: Seuton. in Claud.--Plin. Hist. Nat. xxx. 1.]

[Footnote 12: Pelloutier, Histoire des Celtes, tom. vi. p. 230--252.]

Rome, the capital of a great monarchy, was incessantly filled with
subjects and strangers from every part of the world, [13] who all
introduced and enjoyed the favorite superstitions of their native
country. [14] Every city in the empire was justified in maintaining the
purity of its ancient ceremonies; and the Roman senate, using the common
privilege, sometimes interposed, to check this inundation of foreign
rites. [141] The Egyptian superstition, of all the most contemptible and
abject, was frequently prohibited: the temples of Serapis and Isis
demolished, and their worshippers banished from Rome and Italy. [15] But
the zeal of fanaticism prevailed over the cold and feeble efforts of
policy. The exiles returned, the proselytes multiplied, the temples
were restored with increasing splendor, and Isis and Serapis at length
assumed their place among the Roman Deities. [151] [16] Nor was this
indulgence a departure from the old maxims of government. In the purest
ages of the commonwealth, Cybele and Aesculapius had been invited by
solemn embassies; [17] and it was customary to tempt the protectors of
besieged cities, by the promise of more distinguished honors than they
possessed in their native country. [18] Rome gradually became the common
temple of her subjects; and the freedom of the city was bestowed on all
the gods of mankind. [19]

[Footnote 13: Seneca, Consolat. ad Helviam, p. 74. Edit., Lips.]


[Footnote 14: Dionysius Halicarn. Antiquitat. Roman. l. ii. (vol. i. p.
275, edit. Reiske.)]

[Footnote 141: Yet the worship of foreign gods at Rome was only guarantied
to the natives of those countries from whence they came. The Romans
administered the priestly offices only to the gods of their fathers.
Gibbon, throughout the whole preceding sketch of the opinions of the
Romans and their subjects, has shown through what causes they were free
from religious hatred and its consequences. But, on the other hand the
internal state of these religions, the infidelity and hypocrisy of the
upper orders, the indifference towards all religion, in even the better
part of the common people, during the last days of the republic, and
under the Caesars, and the corrupting principles of the philosophers,
had exercised a very pernicious influence on the manners, and even on
the constitution.--W.]

[Footnote 15: In the year of Rome 701, the temple of Isis and Serapis
was demolished by the order of the Senate, (Dion Cassius, l. xl. p.
252,) and even by the hands of the consul, (Valerius Maximus, l. 3.)
After the death of Caesar it was restored at the public expense, (Dion.
l. xlvii. p. 501.) When Augustus was in Egypt, he revered the majesty of
Serapis, (Dion, l. li. p. 647;) but in the Pomaerium of Rome, and a
mile round it, he prohibited the worship of the Egyptian gods, (Dion, l.
liii. p. 679; l. liv. p. 735.) They remained, however, very fashionable
under his reign (Ovid. de Art. Amand. l. i.) and that of his successor,
till the justice of Tiberius was provoked to some acts of severity. (See
Tacit. Annal. ii. 85. Joseph. Antiquit. l. xviii. c. 3.) * Note: See, in
the pictures from the walls of Pompeii, the representation of an Isiac
temple and worship. Vestiges of Egyptian worship have been traced in
Gaul, and, I am informed, recently in Britain, in excavations at York.--
M.]

[Footnote 151: Gibbon here blends into one, two events, distant a hundred
and sixty-six years from each other. It was in the year of Rome 535,
that the senate having ordered the destruction of the temples of Isis
and Serapis, the workman would lend his hand; and the consul, L. Paulus
himself (Valer. Max. 1, 3) seized the axe, to give the first blow.
Gibbon attribute this circumstance to the second demolition, which took
place in the year 701 and which he considers as the first.--W.]

[Footnote 16: Tertullian in Apologetic. c. 6, p. 74. Edit. Havercamp.
I am inclined to attribute their establishment to the devotion of the
Flavian family.]

[Footnote 17: See Livy, l. xi. [Suppl.] and xxix.]

[Footnote 18: Macrob. Saturnalia, l. iii. c. 9. He gives us a form of
evocation.]

[Footnote 19: Minutius Faelix in Octavio, p. 54. Arnobius, l. vi. p.
115.]


II. The narrow policy of preserving, without any foreign mixture,
the pure blood of the ancient citizens, had checked the fortune, and
hastened the ruin, of Athens and Sparta. The aspiring genius of Rome
sacrificed vanity to ambition, and deemed it more prudent, as well as
honorable, to adopt virtue and merit for her own wheresoever they were
found, among slaves or strangers, enemies or barbarians. [20] During
the most flourishing aera of the Athenian commonwealth, the number
of citizens gradually decreased from about thirty [21] to twenty-one
thousand. [22] If, on the contrary, we study the growth of the Roman
republic, we may discover, that, notwithstanding the incessant demands
of wars and colonies, the citizens, who, in the first census of
Servius Tullius, amounted to no more than eighty-three thousand, were
multiplied, before the commencement of the social war, to the number
of four hundred and sixty-three thousand men, able to bear arms in the
service of their country. [23] When the allies of Rome claimed an equal
share of honors and privileges, the senate indeed preferred the chance
of arms to an ignominious concession. The Samnites and the Lucanians
paid the severe penalty of their rashness; but the rest of the Italian
states, as they successively returned to their duty, were admitted
into the bosom of the republic, [24] and soon contributed to the ruin of
public freedom. Under a democratical government, the citizens exercise
the powers of sovereignty; and those powers will be first abused, and
afterwards lost, if they are committed to an unwieldy multitude. But
when the popular assemblies had been suppressed by the administration
of the emperors, the conquerors were distinguished from the vanquished
nations, only as the first and most honorable order of subjects;
and their increase, however rapid, was no longer exposed to the same
dangers. Yet the wisest princes, who adopted the maxims of Augustus,
guarded with the strictest care the dignity of the Roman name, and
diffused the freedom of the city with a prudent liberality. [25]

[Footnote 20: Tacit. Annal. xi. 24. The Orbis Romanus of the learned
Spanheim is a complete history of the progressive admission of Latium,
Italy, and the provinces, to the freedom of Rome. * Note: Democratic
states, observes Denina, (delle Revoluz. d' Italia, l. ii. c. l.), are
most jealous of communication the privileges of citizenship; monarchies
or oligarchies willingly multiply the numbers of their free subjects.
The most remarkable accessions to the strength of Rome, by the
aggregation of conquered and foreign nations, took place under the regal
and patrician--we may add, the Imperial government.--M.]

[Footnote 21: Herodotus, v. 97. It should seem, however, that he
followed a large and popular estimation.]

[Footnote 22: Athenaeus, Deipnosophist. l. vi. p. 272. Edit. Casaubon.
Meursius de Fortuna Attica, c. 4. * Note: On the number of citizens in
Athens, compare Boeckh, Public Economy of Athens, (English Tr.,) p. 45,
et seq. Fynes Clinton, Essay in Fasti Hel lenici, vol. i. 381.--M.]

[Footnote 23: See a very accurate collection of the numbers of each
Lustrum in M. de Beaufort, Republique Romaine, l. iv. c. 4. Note: All
these questions are placed in an entirely new point of view by Nicbuhr,
(Romische Geschichte, vol. i. p. 464.) He rejects the census of Servius
fullius as unhistoric, (vol. ii. p. 78, et seq.,) and he establishes the
principle that the census comprehended all the confederate cities which
had the right of Isopolity.--M.]

[Footnote 24: Appian. de Bell. Civil. l. i. Velleius Paterculus, l. ii.
c. 15, 16, 17.]

[Footnote 25: Maecenas had advised him to declare, by one edict, all his
subjects citizens. But we may justly suspect that the historian Dion was
the author of a counsel so much adapted to the practice of his own age,
and so little to that of Augustus.]




Chapter II: The Internal Prosperity In The Age Of The Antonines.--Part II.

Till the privileges of Romans had been progressively extended to all
the inhabitants of the empire, an important distinction was preserved
between Italy and the provinces. The former was esteemed the centre of
public unity, and the firm basis of the constitution. Italy claimed the
birth, or at least the residence, of the emperors and the senate. [26]
The estates of the Italians were exempt from taxes, their persons from
the arbitrary jurisdiction of governors. Their municipal corporations,
formed after the perfect model of the capital, [261] were intrusted, under
the immediate eye of the supreme power, with the execution of the laws.
From the foot of the Alps to the extremity of Calabria, all the natives
of Italy were born citizens of Rome. Their partial distinctions were
obliterated, and they insensibly coalesced into one great nation, united
by language, manners, and civil institutions, and equal to the weight of
a powerful empire. The republic gloried in her generous policy, and was
frequently rewarded by the merit and services of her adopted sons. Had
she always confined the distinction of Romans to the ancient families
within the walls of the city, that immortal name would have been
deprived of some of its noblest ornaments. Virgil was a native of
Mantua; Horace was inclined to doubt whether he should call himself
an Apulian or a Lucanian; it was in Padua that an historian was found
worthy to record the majestic series of Roman victories. The patriot
family of the Catos emerged from Tusculum; and the little town of
Arpinum claimed the double honor of producing Marius and Cicero, the
former of whom deserved, after Romulus and Camillus, to be styled the
Third Founder of Rome; and the latter, after saving his country from the
designs of Catiline, enabled her to contend with Athens for the palm of
eloquence. [27]

[Footnote 26: The senators were obliged to have one third of their own
landed property in Italy. See Plin. l. vi. ep. 19. The qualification was
reduced by Marcus to one fourth. Since the reign of Trajan, Italy had
sunk nearer to the level of the provinces.]

[Footnote 261: It may be doubted whether the municipal government of the
cities was not the old Italian constitution rather than a transcript
from that of Rome. The free government of the cities, observes Savigny,
was the leading characteristic of Italy. Geschichte des Romischen
Rechts, i. p. G.--M.]

[Footnote 27: The first part of the Verona Illustrata of the Marquis
Maffei gives the clearest and most comprehensive view of the state of
Italy under the Caesars. * Note: Compare Denina, Revol. d' Italia, l.
ii. c. 6, p. 100, 4 to edit.]

The provinces of the empire (as they have been described in the
preceding chapter) were destitute of any public force, or constitutional
freedom. In Etruria, in Greece, [28] and in Gaul, [29] it was the first
care of the senate to dissolve those dangerous confederacies, which
taught mankind that, as the Roman arms prevailed by division, they might
be resisted by union. Those princes, whom the ostentation of gratitude
or generosity permitted for a while to hold a precarious sceptre, were
dismissed from their thrones, as soon as they had performed their
appointed task of fashioning to the yoke the vanquished nations.
The free states and cities which had embraced the cause of Rome
were rewarded with a nominal alliance, and insensibly sunk into real
servitude. The public authority was every where exercised by the
ministers of the senate and of the emperors, and that authority was
absolute, and without control. [291] But the same salutary maxims of
government, which had secured the peace and obedience of Italy were
extended to the most distant conquests. A nation of Romans was gradually
formed in the provinces, by the double expedient of introducing
colonies, and of admitting the most faithful and deserving of the
provincials to the freedom of Rome.

[Footnote 28: See Pausanias, l. vii. The Romans condescended to restore
the names of those assemblies, when they could no longer be dangerous.]

[Footnote 29: They are frequently mentioned by Caesar. The Abbe Dubos
attempts, with very little success, to prove that the assemblies of Gaul
were continued under the emperors. Histoire de l'Etablissement de la
Monarchie Francoise, l. i. c. 4.]

[Footnote 291: This is, perhaps, rather overstated. Most cities retained
the choice of their municipal officers: some retained valuable
privileges; Athens, for instance, in form was still a confederate city.
(Tac. Ann. ii. 53.) These privileges, indeed, depended entirely on the
arbitrary will of the emperor, who revoked or restored them according to
his caprice. See Walther Geschichte les Romischen Rechts, i. 324--an
admirable summary of the Roman constitutional history.--M.]

"Wheresoever the Roman conquers, he inhabits," is a very just
observation of Seneca, [30] confirmed by history and experience. The
natives of Italy, allured by pleasure or by interest, hastened to enjoy
the advantages of victory; and we may remark, that, about forty years
after the reduction of Asia, eighty thousand Romans were massacred in
one day, by the cruel orders of Mithridates. [31] These voluntary
exiles were engaged, for the most part, in the occupations of commerce,
agriculture, and the farm of the revenue. But after the legions were
rendered permanent by the emperors, the provinces were peopled by a race
of soldiers; and the veterans, whether they received the reward of their
service in land or in money, usually settled with their families in
the country, where they had honorably spent their youth. Throughout the
empire, but more particularly in the western parts, the most fertile
districts, and the most convenient situations, were reserved for the
establishment of colonies; some of which were of a civil, and others of
a military nature. In their manners and internal policy, the colonies
formed a perfect representation of their great parent; and they were
soon endeared to the natives by the ties of friendship and alliance,
they effectually diffused a reverence for the Roman name, and a desire,
which was seldom disappointed, of sharing, in due time, its honors and
advantages. [32] The municipal cities insensibly equalled the rank and
splendor of the colonies; and in the reign of Hadrian, it was disputed
which was the preferable condition, of those societies which had issued
from, or those which had been received into, the bosom of Rome. [33] The
right of Latium, as it was called, [331] conferred on the cities to which
it had been granted, a more partial favor. The magistrates only, at the
expiration of their office, assumed the quality of Roman citizens; but
as those offices were annual, in a few years they circulated round the
principal families. [34] Those of the provincials who were permitted to
bear arms in the legions; [35] those who exercised any civil employment;
all, in a word, who performed any public service, or displayed any
personal talents, were rewarded with a present, whose value was
continually diminished by the increasing liberality of the emperors. Yet
even, in the age of the Antonines, when the freedom of the city had
been bestowed on the greater number of their subjects, it was still
accompanied with very solid advantages. The bulk of the people acquired,
with that title, the benefit of the Roman laws, particularly in the
interesting articles of marriage, testaments, and inheritances; and the
road of fortune was open to those whose pretensions were seconded by
favor or merit. The grandsons of the Gauls, who had besieged Julius
Caesar in Alcsia, commanded legions, governed provinces, and were
admitted into the senate of Rome. [36] Their ambition, instead of
disturbing the tranquillity of the state, was intimately connected with
its safety and greatness.

[Footnote 30: Seneca in Consolat. ad Helviam, c. 6.]

[Footnote 31: Memnon apud Photium, (c. 33,) [c. 224, p. 231, ed Bekker.]
Valer. Maxim. ix. 2. Plutarch and Dion Cassius swell the massacre to
150,000 citizens; but I should esteem the smaller number to be more than
sufficient.]

[Footnote 32: Twenty-five colonies were settled in Spain, (see Plin.
Hist. Nat. iii. 3, 4; iv. 35;) and nine in Britain, of which London,
Colchester, Lincoln, Chester, Gloucester, and Bath still remain
considerable cities. (See Richard of Cirencester, p. 36, and Whittaker's
History of Manchester, l. i. c. 3.)]

[Footnote 33: Aul. Gel. Noctes Atticae, xvi 13. The Emperor Hadrian
expressed his surprise, that the cities of Utica, Gades, and Italica,
which already enjoyed the rights of Municipia, should solicit the title
of colonies. Their example, however, became fashionable, and the empire
was filled with honorary colonies. See Spanheim, de Usu Numismatum
Dissertat. xiii.]

[Footnote 331: The right of Latium conferred an
exemption from the government of the Roman praefect. Strabo states this
distinctly, l. iv. p. 295, edit. Caesar's. See also Walther, p. 233.--M]

[Footnote 34: Spanheim, Orbis Roman. c. 8, p. 62.]

[Footnote 35: Aristid. in Romae Encomio. tom. i. p. 218, edit. Jebb.]

[Footnote 36: Tacit. Annal. xi. 23, 24. Hist. iv. 74.]

So sensible were the Romans of the influence of language over national
manners, that it was their most serious care to extend, with the
progress of their arms, the use of the Latin tongue. [37] The ancient
dialects of Italy, the Sabine, the Etruscan, and the Venetian, sunk into
oblivion; but in the provinces, the east was less docile than the west
to the voice of its victorious preceptors. This obvious difference
marked the two portions of the empire with a distinction of colors,
which, though it was in some degree concealed during the meridian
splendor of prosperity, became gradually more visible, as the shades
of night descended upon the Roman world. The western countries
were civilized by the same hands which subdued them. As soon as the
barbarians were reconciled to obedience, their minds were open to any
new impressions of knowledge and politeness. The language of Virgil
and Cicero, though with some inevitable mixture of corruption, was so
universally adopted in Africa, Spain, Gaul Britain, and Pannonia, [38]
that the faint traces of the Punic or Celtic idioms were preserved
only in the mountains, or among the peasants. [39] Education and study
insensibly inspired the natives of those countries with the sentiments
of Romans; and Italy gave fashions, as well as laws, to her Latin
provincials. They solicited with more ardor, and obtained with more
facility, the freedom and honors of the state; supported the national
dignity in letters [40] and in arms; and at length, in the person of
Trajan, produced an emperor whom the Scipios would not have disowned for
their countryman. The situation of the Greeks was very different from
that of the barbarians. The former had been long since civilized and
corrupted. They had too much taste to relinquish their language, and
too much vanity to adopt any foreign institutions. Still preserving the
prejudices, after they had lost the virtues, of their ancestors, they
affected to despise the unpolished manners of the Roman conquerors,
whilst they were compelled to respect their superior wisdom and power.
[41] Nor was the influence of the Grecian language and sentiments
confined to the narrow limits of that once celebrated country. Their
empire, by the progress of colonies and conquest, had been diffused from
the Adriatic to the Euphrates and the Nile. Asia was covered with Greek
cities, and the long reign of the Macedonian kings had introduced a
silent revolution into Syria and Egypt. In their pompous courts, those
princes united the elegance of Athens with the luxury of the East, and
the example of the court was imitated, at an humble distance, by the
higher ranks of their subjects. Such was the general division of the
Roman empire into the Latin and Greek languages. To these we may add a
third distinction for the body of the natives in Syria, and especially
in Egypt, the use of their ancient dialects, by secluding them from the
commerce of mankind, checked the improvements of those barbarians. [42]
The slothful effeminacy of the former exposed them to the contempt,
the sullen ferociousness of the latter excited the aversion, of the
conquerors. [43] Those nations had submitted to the Roman power, but they
seldom desired or deserved the freedom of the city: and it was remarked,
that more than two hundred and thirty years elapsed after the ruin of
the Ptolemies, before an Egyptian was admitted into the senate of Rome.
[44]

[Footnote 37: See Plin. Hist. Natur. iii. 5. Augustin. de Civitate Dei,
xix 7 Lipsius de Pronunciatione Linguae Latinae, c. 3.]

[Footnote 38: Apuleius and Augustin will answer for Africa; Strabo
for Spain and Gaul; Tacitus, in the life of Agricola, for Britain; and
Velleius Paterculus, for Pannonia. To them we may add the language of
the Inscriptions. * Note: Mr. Hallam contests this assertion as regards
Britain. "Nor did the Romans ever establish their language--I know not
whether they wished to do so--in this island, as we perceive by that
stubborn British tongue which has survived two conquests." In his note,
Mr. Hallam examines the passage from Tacitus (Agric. xxi.) to which
Gibbon refers. It merely asserts the progress of Latin studies among the
higher orders. (Midd. Ages, iii. 314.) Probably it was a kind of court
language, and that of public affairs and prevailed in the Roman
colonies.--M.]

[Footnote 39: The Celtic was preserved in the mountains of Wales,
Cornwall, and Armorica. We may observe, that Apuleius reproaches an
African youth, who lived among the populace, with the use of the Punic;
whilst he had almost forgot Greek, and neither could nor would speak
Latin, (Apolog. p. 596.) The greater part of St. Austin's congregations
were strangers to the Punic.]

[Footnote 40: Spain alone produced Columella, the Senecas, Lucan,
Martial, and Quintilian.]

[Footnote 41: There is not, I believe, from Dionysius to Libanus, a
single Greek critic who mentions Virgil or Horace. They seem ignorant
that the Romans had any good writers.]

[Footnote 42: The curious reader may see in Dupin, (Bibliotheque
Ecclesiastique, tom. xix. p. 1, c. 8,) how much the use of the Syriac
and Egyptian languages was still preserved.]

[Footnote 43: See Juvenal, Sat. iii. and xv. Ammian. Marcellin. xxii.
16.]

[Footnote 44: Dion Cassius, l. lxxvii. p. 1275. The first instance
happened under the reign of Septimius Severus.]

It is a just though trite observation, that victorious Rome was herself
subdued by the arts of Greece. Those immortal writers who still command
the admiration of modern Europe, soon became the favorite object of
study and imitation in Italy and the western provinces. But the elegant
amusements of the Romans were not suffered to interfere with their sound
maxims of policy. Whilst they acknowledged the charms of the Greek, they
asserted the dignity of the Latin tongue, and the exclusive use of the
latter was inflexibly maintained in the administration of civil as well
as military government. [45] The two languages exercised at the same time
their separate jurisdiction throughout the empire: the former, as the
natural idiom of science; the latter, as the legal dialect of public
transactions. Those who united letters with business were equally
conversant with both; and it was almost impossible, in any province, to
find a Roman subject, of a liberal education, who was at once a stranger
to the Greek and to the Latin language.

[Footnote 45: See Valerius Maximus, l. ii. c. 2, n. 2. The emperor
Claudius disfranchised an eminent Grecian for not understanding Latin.
He was probably in some public office. Suetonius in Claud. c. 16. *
Note: Causes seem to have been pleaded, even in the senate, in both
languages. Val. Max. loc. cit. Dion. l. lvii. c. 15.--M]

It was by such institutions that the nations of the empire insensibly
melted away into the Roman name and people. But there still remained, in
the centre of every province and of every family, an unhappy condition
of men who endured the weight, without sharing the benefits, of society.
In the free states of antiquity, the domestic slaves were exposed to the
wanton rigor of despotism. The perfect settlement of the Roman empire
was preceded by ages of violence and rapine. The slaves consisted,
for the most part, of barbarian captives, [451] taken in thousands by the
chance of war, purchased at a vile price, [46] accustomed to a life
of independence, and impatient to break and to revenge their fetters.
Against such internal enemies, whose desperate insurrections had more
than once reduced the republic to the brink of destruction, [47] the most
severe [471] regulations, [48] and the most cruel treatment, seemed almost
justified by the great law of self-preservation. But when the principal
nations of Europe, Asia, and Africa were united under the laws of
one sovereign, the source of foreign supplies flowed with much less
abundance, and the Romans were reduced to the milder but more tedious
method of propagation. [481] In their numerous families, and particularly
in their country estates, they encouraged the marriage of their slaves.
[482] The sentiments of nature, the habits of education, and the possession
of a dependent species of property, contributed to alleviate the
hardships of servitude. [49] The existence of a slave became an object of
greater value, and though his happiness still depended on the temper
and circumstances of the master, the humanity of the latter, instead
of being restrained by fear, was encouraged by the sense of his own
interest. The progress of manners was accelerated by the virtue or
policy of the emperors; and by the edicts of Hadrian and the Antonines,
the protection of the laws was extended to the most abject part of
mankind. The jurisdiction of life and death over the slaves, a power
long exercised and often abused, was taken out of private hands, and
reserved to the magistrates alone. The subterraneous prisons were
abolished; and, upon a just complaint of intolerable treatment, the
injured slave obtained either his deliverance, or a less cruel master.
[50]

[Footnote 451: It was this which rendered the wars so sanguinary,
and the battles so obstinate. The immortal Robertson, in an excellent
discourse on the state of the world at the period of the establishment
of Christianity, has traced a picture of the melancholy effects of
slavery, in which we find all the depth of his views and the strength of
his mind. I shall oppose successively some passages to the reflections
of Gibbon. The reader will see, not without interest, the truths which
Gibbon appears to have mistaken or voluntarily neglected, developed by
one of the best of modern historians. It is important to call them to
mind here, in order to establish the facts and their consequences with
accuracy. I shall more than once have occasion to employ, for this
purpose, the discourse of Robertson. "Captives taken in war were, in all
probability, the first persons subjected to perpetual servitude; and,
when the necessities or luxury of mankind increased the demand for
slaves, every new war recruited their number, by reducing the vanquished
to that wretched condition. Hence proceeded the fierce and desperate
spirit with which wars were carried on among ancient nations. While
chains and slavery were the certain lot of the conquered, battles were
fought, and towns defended with a rage and obstinacy which nothing but
horror at such a fate could have inspired; but, putting an end to the
cruel institution of slavery, Christianity extended its mild influences
to the practice of war, and that barbarous art, softened by its humane
spirit, ceased to be so destructive. Secure, in every event, of personal
liberty, the resistance of the vanquished became less obstinate, and the
triumph of the victor less cruel. Thus humanity was introduced into the
exercise of war, with which it appears to be almost incompatible; and it
is to the merciful maxims of Christianity, much more than to any other
cause, that we must ascribe the little ferocity and bloodshed which
accompany modern victories."--G.]

[Footnote 46: In the camp of Lucullus, an ox sold for a drachma, and a
slave for four drachmae, or about three shillings. Plutarch. in Lucull.
p. 580. * Note: Above 100,000 prisoners were taken in the Jewish
war.--G. Hist. of Jews, iii. 71. According to a tradition preserved by S.
Jerom, after the insurrection in the time of Hadrian, they were sold as
cheap as horse. Ibid. 124. Compare Blair on Roman Slavery, p. 19.--M.,
and Dureau de la blalle, Economie Politique des Romains, l. i. c. 15.
But I cannot think that this writer has made out his case as to the
common price of an agricultural slave being from 2000 to 2500 francs,
(80l. to 100l.) He has overlooked the passages which show the ordinary
prices, (i. e. Hor. Sat. ii. vii. 45,) and argued from extraordinary and
exceptional cases.--M. 1845.]

[Footnote 47: Diodorus Siculus in Eclog. Hist. l. xxxiv. and xxxvi.
Florus, iii. 19, 20.]

[Footnote 471: The following is the example: we shall see whether the word
"severe" is here in its place. "At the time in which L. Domitius was
praetor in Sicily, a slave killed a wild boar of extraordinary size. The
praetor, struck by the dexterity and courage of the man, desired to see
him. The poor wretch, highly gratified with the distinction, came to
present himself before the praetor, in hopes, no doubt, of praise and
reward; but Domitius, on learning that he had only a javelin to attack
and kill the boar, ordered him to be instantly crucified, under the
barbarous pretext that the law prohibited the use of this weapon, as
of all others, to slaves." Perhaps the cruelty of Domitius is less
astonishing than the indifference with which the Roman orator relates
this circumstance, which affects him so little that he thus expresses
himself: "Durum hoc fortasse videatur, neque ego in ullam partem
disputo." "This may appear harsh, nor do I give any opinion on the
subject." And it is the same orator who exclaims in the same oration,
"Facinus est cruciare civem Romanum; scelus verberare; prope parricidium
necare: quid dicam in crucem tollere?" "It is a crime to imprison a
Roman citizen; wickedness to scourge; next to parricide to put to death,
what shall I call it to crucify?"

In general, this passage of Gibbon on slavery, is full, not only of
blamable indifference, but of an exaggeration of impartiality which
resembles dishonesty. He endeavors to extenuate all that is appalling
in the condition and treatment of the slaves; he would make us consider
those cruelties as possibly "justified by necessity." He then describes,
with minute accuracy, the slightest mitigations of their deplorable
condition; he attributes to the virtue or the policy of the emperors the
progressive amelioration in the lot of the slaves; and he passes over
in silence the most influential cause, that which, after rendering the
slaves less miserable, has contributed at length entirely to enfranchise
them from their sufferings and their chains,--Christianity. It would be
easy to accumulate the most frightful, the most agonizing details, of
the manner in which the Romans treated their slaves; whole works have
been devoted to the description. I content myself with referring to
them. Some reflections of Robertson, taken from the discourse already
quoted, will make us feel that Gibbon, in tracing the mitigation of the
condition of the slaves, up to a period little later than that which
witnessed the establishment of Christianity in the world, could not have
avoided the acknowledgment of the influence of that beneficent cause, if
he had not already determined not to speak of it.

"Upon establishing despotic government in the Roman empire, domestic
tyranny rose, in a short time, to an astonishing height. In that rank
soil, every vice, which power nourishes in the great, or oppression
engenders in the mean, thrived and grew up apace. * * * It is not the
authority of any single detached precept in the gospel, but the spirit
and genius of the Christian religion, more powerful than any particular
command, which hath abolished the practice of slavery throughout the
world. The temper which Christianity inspired was mild and gentle; and
the doctrines it taught added such dignity and lustre to human nature,
as rescued it from the dishonorable servitude into which it was sunk."

It is in vain, then, that Gibbon pretends to attribute solely to the
desire of keeping up the number of slaves, the milder conduct which the
Romans began to adopt in their favor at the time of the emperors. This
cause had hitherto acted in an opposite direction; how came it on
a sudden to have a different influence? "The masters," he says,
"encouraged the marriage of their slaves; * * * the sentiments of
nature, the habits of education, contributed to alleviate the hardships
of servitude." The children of slaves were the property of their master,
who could dispose of or alienate them like the rest of his property. Is
it in such a situation, with such notions, that the sentiments of nature
unfold themselves, or habits of education become mild and peaceful? We
must not attribute to causes inadequate or altogether without force,
effects which require to explain them a reference to more influential
causes; and even if these slighter causes had in effect a manifest
influence, we must not forget that they are themselves the effect of
a primary, a higher, and more extensive cause, which, in giving to the
mind and to the character a more disinterested and more humane bias,
disposed men to second or themselves to advance, by their conduct,
and by the change of manners, the happy results which it tended to
produce.--G.

I have retained the whole of M. Guizot's note, though, in his zeal for
the invaluable blessings of freedom and Christianity, he has done Gibbon
injustice. The condition of the slaves was undoubtedly improved under
the emperors. What a great authority has said, "The condition of a slave
is better under an arbitrary than under a free government," (Smith's
Wealth of Nations, iv. 7,) is, I believe, supported by the history of
all ages and nations. The protecting edicts of Hadrian and the Antonines
are historical facts, and can as little be attributed to the influence
of Christianity, as the milder language of heathen writers, of Seneca,
(particularly Ep. 47,) of Pliny, and of Plutarch. The latter influence
of Christianity is admitted by Gibbon himself. The subject of Roman
slavery has recently been investigated with great diligence in a very
modest but valuable volume, by Wm. Blair, Esq., Edin. 1833. May we be
permitted, while on the subject, to refer to the most splendid
passage extant of Mr. Pitt's eloquence, the description of the Roman
slave-dealer. on the shores of Britain, condemning the island to
irreclaimable barbarism, as a perpetual and prolific nursery of slaves?
Speeches, vol. ii. p. 80.

Gibbon, it should be added, was one of the first and most consistent
opponents of the African slave-trade. (See Hist. ch. xxv. and Letters to
Lor Sheffield, Misc. Works)--M.]

[Footnote 48: See a remarkable instance of severity in Cicero in Verrem,
v. 3.]

[Footnote 481: An active slave-trade, which was carried on in many
quarters, particularly the Euxine, the eastern provinces, the coast of
Africa, and British must be taken into the account. Blair, 23--32.--M.]

[Footnote 482: The Romans, as well in the first ages of the republic as
later, allowed to their slaves a kind of marriage, (contubernium: )
notwithstanding this, luxury made a greater number of slaves in demand.
The increase in their population was not sufficient, and recourse was
had to the purchase of slaves, which was made even in the provinces of
the East subject to the Romans. It is, moreover, known that slavery is a
state little favorable to population. (See Hume's Essay, and Malthus on
population, i. 334.--G.) The testimony of Appian (B.C. l. i. c. 7)
is decisive in favor of the rapid multiplication of the agricultural
slaves; it is confirmed by the numbers engaged in the servile wars.
Compare also Blair, p. 119; likewise Columella l. viii.--M.]

[Footnote 49: See in Gruter, and the other collectors, a great number
of inscriptions addressed by slaves to their wives, children,
fellow-servants, masters, &c. They are all most probably of the Imperial
age.]

[Footnote 50: See the Augustan History, and a Dissertation of M.
de Burigny, in the xxxvth volume of the Academy of Inscriptions, upon
the Roman slaves.]

Hope, the best comfort of our imperfect condition, was not denied to the
Roman slave; and if he had any opportunity of rendering himself either
useful or agreeable, he might very naturally expect that the diligence
and fidelity of a few years would be rewarded with the inestimable gift
of freedom. The benevolence of the master was so frequently prompted
by the meaner suggestions of vanity and avarice, that the laws found
it more necessary to restrain than to encourage a profuse and
undistinguishing liberality, which might degenerate into a very
dangerous abuse. [51] It was a maxim of ancient jurisprudence, that a
slave had not any country of his own; he acquired with his liberty an
admission into the political society of which his patron was a member.
The consequences of this maxim would have prostituted the privileges
of the Roman city to a mean and promiscuous multitude. Some seasonable
exceptions were therefore provided; and the honorable distinction
was confined to such slaves only as, for just causes, and with the
approbation of the magistrate, should receive a solemn and legal
manumission. Even these chosen freedmen obtained no more than the
private rights of citizens, and were rigorously excluded from civil or
military honors. Whatever might be the merit or fortune of their sons,
they likewise were esteemed unworthy of a seat in the senate; nor were
the traces of a servile origin allowed to be completely obliterated till
the third or fourth generation. [52] Without destroying the distinction
of ranks, a distant prospect of freedom and honors was presented, even
to those whom pride and prejudice almost disdained to number among the
human species.

[Footnote 51: See another Dissertation of M. de Burigny,
in the xxxviith volume, on the Roman freedmen.]

[Footnote 52: Spanheim, Orbis Roman. l. i. c. 16, p. 124, &c.] It was
once proposed to discriminate the slaves by a peculiar habit; but it was
justly apprehended that there might be some danger in acquainting
them with their own numbers. [53] Without interpreting, in their utmost
strictness, the liberal appellations of legions and myriads, [54] we may
venture to pronounce, that the proportion of slaves, who were valued
as property, was more considerable than that of servants, who can be
computed only as an expense. [55] The youths of a promising genius were
instructed in the arts and sciences, and their price was ascertained
by the degree of their skill and talents. [56] Almost every profession,
either liberal [57] or mechanical, might be found in the household of an
opulent senator. The ministers of pomp and sensuality were multiplied
beyond the conception of modern luxury. [58] It was more for the interest
of the merchant or manufacturer to purchase, than to hire his workmen;
and in the country, slaves were employed as the cheapest and
most laborious instruments of agriculture. To confirm the general
observation, and to display the multitude of slaves, we might allege a
variety of particular instances. It was discovered, on a very melancholy
occasion, that four hundred slaves were maintained in a single palace of
Rome. [59] The same number of four hundred belonged to an estate which an
African widow, of a very private condition, resigned to her son, whilst
she reserved for herself a much larger share of her property. [60] A
freedman, under the name of Augustus, though his fortune had suffered
great losses in the civil wars, left behind him three thousand six
hundred yoke of oxen, two hundred and fifty thousand head of smaller
cattle, and what was almost included in the description of cattle, four
thousand one hundred and sixteen slaves. [61]

[Footnote 53: Seneca de Clementia, l. i. c. 24. The original is much
stronger, "Quantum periculum immineret si servi nostri numerare nos
coepissent."]

[Footnote 54: See Pliny (Hist. Natur. l. xxxiii.) and Athenaeus
(Deipnosophist. l. vi. p. 272.) The latter boldly asserts, that he knew
very many Romans who possessed, not for use, but ostentation, ten and
even twenty thousand slaves.]

[Footnote 55: In Paris there are not more than 43,000 domestics of every
sort, and not a twelfth part of the inhabitants. Messange, Recherches
sui la Population, p. 186.]

[Footnote 56: A learned slave sold for many hundred pounds sterling:
Atticus always bred and taught them himself. Cornel. Nepos in Vit. c.
13, [on the prices of slaves. Blair, 149.]--M.]

[Footnote 57: Many of the Roman physicians were slaves. See Dr.
Middleton's Dissertation and Defence.]

[Footnote 58: Their ranks and offices are very copiously enumerated by
Pignorius de Servis.]

[Footnote 59: Tacit. Annal. xiv. 43. They were all executed for not
preventing their master's murder. * Note: The remarkable speech of
Cassius shows the proud feelings of the Roman aristocracy on this
subject.--M]

[Footnote 60: Apuleius in Apolog. p. 548. edit. Delphin]

[Footnote 61: Plin. Hist. Natur. l. xxxiii. 47.]

The number of subjects who acknowledged the laws of Rome, of citizens,
of provincials, and of slaves, cannot now be fixed with such a degree
of accuracy, as the importance of the object would deserve. We are
informed, that when the Emperor Claudius exercised the office of censor,
he took an account of six millions nine hundred and forty-five thousand
Roman citizens, who, with the proportion of women and children, must
have amounted to about twenty millions of souls. The multitude of
subjects of an inferior rank was uncertain and fluctuating. But, after
weighing with attention every circumstance which could influence the
balance, it seems probable that there existed, in the time of Claudius,
about twice as many provincials as there were citizens, of either sex,
and of every age; and that the slaves were at least equal in number to
the free inhabitants of the Roman world. [611] The total amount of this
imperfect calculation would rise to about one hundred and twenty
millions of persons; a degree of population which possibly exceeds that
of modern Europe, [62] and forms the most numerous society that has ever
been united under the same system of government.

[Footnote 611]: According to Robertson, there were twice as many slaves
as free citizens.--G. Mr. Blair (p. 15) estimates three slaves to one
freeman, between the conquest of Greece, B.C. 146, and the reign of
Alexander Severus, A. D. 222, 235. The proportion was probably larger
in Italy than in the provinces.--M. On the other hand, Zumpt, in his
Dissertation quoted below, (p. 86,) asserts it to be a gross error
in Gibbon to reckon the number of slaves equal to that of the free
population. The luxury and magnificence of the great, (he observes,) at
the commencement of the empire, must not be taken as the groundwork of
calculations for the whole Roman world. "The agricultural laborer, and
the artisan, in Spain, Gaul, Britain, Syria, and Egypt, maintained
himself, as in the present day, by his own labor and that of his
household, without possessing a single slave." The latter part of my
note was intended to suggest this consideration. Yet so completely was
slavery rooted in the social system, both in the east and the west, that
in the great diffusion of wealth at this time, every one, I doubt not,
who could afford a domestic slave, kept one; and generally, the number
of slaves was in proportion to the wealth. I do not believe that the
cultivation of the soil by slaves was confined to Italy; the holders
of large estates in the provinces would probably, either from choice
or necessity, adopt the same mode of cultivation. The latifundia, says
Pliny, had ruined Italy, and had begun to ruin the provinces. Slaves
were no doubt employed in agricultural labor to a great extent in
Sicily, and were the estates of those six enormous landholders who
were said to have possessed the whole province of Africa, cultivated
altogether by free coloni? Whatever may have been the case in the rural
districts, in the towns and cities the household duties were almost
entirely discharged by slaves, and vast numbers belonged to the public
establishments. I do not, however, differ so far from Zumpt, and from
M. Dureau de la Malle, as to adopt the higher and bolder estimate of
Robertson and Mr. Blair, rather than the more cautious suggestions of
Gibbon. I would reduce rather than increase the proportion of the slave
population. The very ingenious and elaborate calculations of the French
writer, by which he deduces the amount of the population from the
produce and consumption of corn in Italy, appear to me neither precise
nor satisfactory bases for such complicated political arithmetic.
I am least satisfied with his views as to the population of the city
of Rome; but this point will be more fitly reserved for a note on the
thirty-first chapter of Gibbon. The work, however, of M. Dureau de la
Malle is very curious and full on some of the minuter points of Roman
statistics.--M. 1845.]

[Footnote 62: Compute twenty millions in France, twenty-two in Germany,
four in Hungary, ten in Italy with its islands, eight in Great Britain
and Ireland, eight in Spain and Portugal, ten or twelve in the European
Russia, six in Poland, six in Greece and Turkey, four in Sweden, three
in Denmark and Norway, four in the Low Countries. The whole would
amount to one hundred and five, or one hundred and seven millions. See
Voltaire, de l'Histoire Generale. * Note: The present population of
Europe is estimated at 227,700,000. Malts Bran, Geogr. Trans edit. 1832
See details in the different volumes Another authority, (Almanach de
Gotha,) quoted in a recent English publication, gives the following
details:--

France, 32,897,521 Germany, (including Hungary, Prussian and Austrian
Poland,) 56,136,213 Italy, 20,548,616 Great Britain and Ireland,
24,062,947 Spain and Portugal, 13,953,959. 3,144,000 Russia, including
Poland, 44,220,600 Cracow, 128,480 Turkey, (including Pachalic of
Dschesair,) 9,545,300 Greece, 637,700 Ionian Islands, 208,100 Sweden and
Norway, 3,914,963 Denmark, 2,012,998 Belgium, 3,533,538 Holland,
2,444,550 Switzerland, 985,000. Total, 219,344,116

Since the publication of my first annotated edition of Gibbon, the
subject of the population of the Roman empire has been investigated by
two writers of great industry and learning; Mons. Dureau de la Malle, in
his Economie Politique des Romains, liv. ii. c. 1. to 8, and M. Zumpt,
in a dissertation printed in the Transactions of the Berlin Academy,
1840. M. Dureau de la Malle confines his inquiry almost entirely to
the city of Rome, and Roman Italy. Zumpt examines at greater length
the axiom, which he supposes to have been assumed by Gibbon as
unquestionable, "that Italy and the Roman world was never so populous
as in the time of the Antonines." Though this probably was Gibbon's
opinion, he has not stated it so peremptorily as asserted by Mr. Zumpt.
It had before been expressly laid down by Hume, and his statement was
controverted by Wallace and by Malthus. Gibbon says (p. 84) that there
is no reason to believe the country (of Italy) less populous in the age
of the Antonines, than in that of Romulus; and Zumpt acknowledges that
we have no satisfactory knowledge of the state of Italy at that early
age. Zumpt, in my opinion with some reason, takes the period just before
the first Punic war, as that in which Roman Italy (all south of the
Rubicon) was most populous. From that time, the numbers began to
diminish, at first from the enormous waste of life out of the free
population in the foreign, and afterwards in the civil wars; from the
cultivation of the soil by slaves; towards the close of the republic,
from the repugnance to marriage, which resisted alike the dread of legal
punishment and the offer of legal immunity and privilege; and from the
depravity of manners, which interfered with the procreation, the birth,
and the rearing of children. The arguments and the authorities of Zumpt
are equally conclusive as to the decline of population in Greece.
Still the details, which he himself adduces as to the prosperity and
populousness of Asia Minor, and the whole of the Roman East, with the
advancement of the European provinces, especially Gaul, Spain, and
Britain, in civilization, and therefore in populousness, (for I have
no confidence in the vast numbers sometimes assigned to the barbarous
inhabitants of these countries,) may, I think, fairly compensate for any
deduction to be made from Gibbon's general estimate on account of Greece
and Italy. Gibbon himself acknowledges his own estimate to be vague and
conjectural; and I may venture to recommend the dissertation of Zumpt as
deserving respectful consideration.--M 1815.]




Chapter II: The Internal Prosperity In The Age Of The Antonines.--Part III.

Domestic peace and union were the natural consequences of the moderate
and comprehensive policy embraced by the Romans. If we turn our eyes
towards the monarchies of Asia, we shall behold despotism in the centre,
and weakness in the extremities; the collection of the revenue, or the
administration of justice, enforced by the presence of an army; hostile
barbarians established in the heart of the country, hereditary satraps
usurping the dominion of the provinces, and subjects inclined to
rebellion, though incapable of freedom. But the obedience of the Roman
world was uniform, voluntary, and permanent. The vanquished nations,
blended into one great people, resigned the hope, nay, even the wish, of
resuming their independence, and scarcely considered their own existence
as distinct from the existence of Rome. The established authority of the
emperors pervaded without an effort the wide extent of their dominions,
and was exercised with the same facility on the banks of the Thames,
or of the Nile, as on those of the Tyber. The legions were destined to
serve against the public enemy, and the civil magistrate seldom required
the aid of a military force. [63] In this state of general security,
the leisure, as well as opulence, both of the prince and people, were
devoted to improve and to adorn the Roman empire.

[Footnote 63: Joseph. de Bell. Judaico, l. ii. c. 16. The oration of
Agrippa, or rather of the historian, is a fine picture of the Roman
empire.]

Among the innumerable monuments of architecture constructed by the
Romans, how many have escaped the notice of history, how few have
resisted the ravages of time and barbarism! And yet, even the majestic
ruins that are still scattered over Italy and the provinces, would be
sufficient to prove that those countries were once the seat of a polite
and powerful empire. Their greatness alone, or their beauty, might
deserve our attention: but they are rendered more interesting, by two
important circumstances, which connect the agreeable history of the arts
with the more useful history of human manners. Many of those works were
erected at private expense, and almost all were intended for public
benefit.

It is natural to suppose that the greatest number, as well as the most
considerable of the Roman edifices, were raised by the emperors, who
possessed so unbounded a command both of men and money. Augustus was
accustomed to boast that he had found his capital of brick, and that
he had left it of marble. [64] The strict economy of Vespasian was the
source of his magnificence. The works of Trajan bear the stamp of his
genius. The public monuments with which Hadrian adorned every province
of the empire, were executed not only by his orders, but under his
immediate inspection. He was himself an artist; and he loved the arts,
as they conduced to the glory of the monarch. They were encouraged by
the Antonines, as they contributed to the happiness of the people. But
if the emperors were the first, they were not the only architects
of their dominions. Their example was universally imitated by their
principal subjects, who were not afraid of declaring to the world that
they had spirit to conceive, and wealth to accomplish, the noblest
undertakings. Scarcely had the proud structure of the Coliseum been
dedicated at Rome, before the edifices, of a smaller scale indeed, but
of the same design and materials, were erected for the use, and at the
expense, of the cities of Capua and Verona. [65] The inscription of the
stupendous bridge of Alcantara attests that it was thrown over the Tagus
by the contribution of a few Lusitanian communities. When Pliny was
intrusted with the government of Bithynia and Pontus, provinces by
no means the richest or most considerable of the empire, he found the
cities within his jurisdiction striving with each other in every useful
and ornamental work, that might deserve the curiosity of strangers, or
the gratitude of their citizens. It was the duty of the proconsul to
supply their deficiencies, to direct their taste, and sometimes to
moderate their emulation. [66] The opulent senators of Rome and the
provinces esteemed it an honor, and almost an obligation, to adorn the
splendor of their age and country; and the influence of fashion very
frequently supplied the want of taste or generosity. Among a crowd of
these private benefactors, we may select Herodes Atticus, an Athenian
citizen, who lived in the age of the Antonines. Whatever might be the
motive of his conduct, his magnificence would have been worthy of the
greatest kings.

[Footnote 64: Sueton. in August. c. 28. Augustus built in Rome the
temple and forum of Mars the Avenger; the temple of Jupiter Tonans in
the Capitol; that of Apollo Palatine, with public libraries; the portico
and basilica of Caius and Lucius; the porticos of Livia and Octavia; and
the theatre of Marcellus. The example of the sovereign was imitated by
his ministers and generals; and his friend Agrippa left behind him the
immortal monument of the Pantheon.] [See Theatre Of Marcellus: Augustus
built in Rome the theatre of Marcellus.]

[Footnote 65: See Maffei, Veroni Illustrata, l. iv. p. 68.]

[Footnote 66: See the xth book of Pliny's Epistles. He mentions the
following works carried on at the expense of the cities. At Nicomedia, a
new forum, an aqueduct, and a canal, left unfinished by a king; at Nice,
a gymnasium, and a theatre, which had already cost near ninety thousand
pounds; baths at Prusa and Claudiopolis, and an aqueduct of sixteen
miles in length for the use of Sinope.]


The family of Herod, at least after it had been favored by fortune, was
lineally descended from Cimon and Miltiades, Theseus and Cecrops, Aeacus
and Jupiter. But the posterity of so many gods and heroes was fallen
into the most abject state. His grandfather had suffered by the hands
of justice, and Julius Atticus, his father, must have ended his life in
poverty and contempt, had he not discovered an immense treasure buried
under an old house, the last remains of his patrimony. According to the
rigor of the law, the emperor might have asserted his claim, and the
prudent Atticus prevented, by a frank confession, the officiousness of
informers. But the equitable Nerva, who then filled the throne, refused
to accept any part of it, and commanded him to use, without scruple,
the present of fortune. The cautious Athenian still insisted, that the
treasure was too considerable for a subject, and that he knew not how
to use it. Abuse it then, replied the monarch, with a good-natured
peevishness; for it is your own. [67] Many will be of opinion, that
Atticus literally obeyed the emperor's last instructions; since he
expended the greatest part of his fortune, which was much increased by
an advantageous marriage, in the service of the public. He had obtained
for his son Herod the prefecture of the free cities of Asia; and the
young magistrate, observing that the town of Troas was indifferently
supplied with water, obtained from the munificence of Hadrian three
hundred myriads of drachms, (about a hundred thousand pounds,) for the
construction of a new aqueduct. But in the execution of the work, the
charge amounted to more than double the estimate, and the officers of
the revenue began to murmur, till the generous Atticus silenced their
complaints, by requesting that he might be permitted to take upon
himself the whole additional expense. [68]

[Footnote 67: Hadrian afterwards made a very equitable regulation, which
divided all treasure-trove between the right of property and that of
discovery. Hist. August. p. 9.]

[Footnote 68: Philostrat. in Vit. Sophist. l. ii. p. 548.]

The ablest preceptors of Greece and Asia had been invited by liberal
rewards to direct the education of young Herod. Their pupil soon became
a celebrated orator, according to the useless rhetoric of that age,
which, confining itself to the schools, disdained to visit either the
Forum or the Senate.

He was honored with the consulship at Rome: but the greatest part of his
life was spent in a philosophic retirement at Athens, and his adjacent
villas; perpetually surrounded by sophists, who acknowledged, without
reluctance, the superiority of a rich and generous rival. [69] The
monuments of his genius have perished; some considerable ruins still
preserve the fame of his taste and munificence: modern travellers have
measured the remains of the stadium which he constructed at Athens. It
was six hundred feet in length, built entirely of white marble, capable
of admitting the whole body of the people, and finished in four years,
whilst Herod was president of the Athenian games. To the memory of his
wife Regilla he dedicated a theatre, scarcely to be paralleled in the
empire: no wood except cedar, very curiously carved, was employed in
any part of the building. The Odeum, [691] designed by Pericles for musical
performances, and the rehearsal of new tragedies, had been a trophy of
the victory of the arts over barbaric greatness; as the timbers employed
in the construction consisted chiefly of the masts of the Persian
vessels. Notwithstanding the repairs bestowed on that ancient edifice by
a king of Cappadocia, it was again fallen to decay. Herod restored
its ancient beauty and magnificence. Nor was the liberality of that
illustrious citizen confined to the walls of Athens. The most splendid
ornaments bestowed on the temple of Neptune in the Isthmus, a theatre at
Corinth, a stadium at Delphi, a bath at Thermopylae, and an aqueduct
at Canusium in Italy, were insufficient to exhaust his treasures.
The people of Epirus, Thessaly, Euboea, Boeotia, and Peloponnesus,
experienced his favors; and many inscriptions of the cities of Greece
and Asia gratefully style Herodes Atticus their patron and benefactor.
[70]

[Footnote 69: Aulus Gellius, in Noct. Attic. i. 2, ix. 2, xviii. 10,
xix. 12. Phil ostrat. p. 564.]

[Footnote 691: The Odeum served for the rehearsal of new comedies as well
as tragedies; they were read or repeated, before representation, without
music or decorations, &c. No piece could be represented in the theatre
if it had not been previously approved by judges for this purpose.
The king of Cappadocia who restored the Odeum, which had been burnt by
Sylla, was Araobarzanes. See Martini, Dissertation on the Odeons of the
Ancients, Leipsic. 1767, p. 10--91.--W.]

[Footnote 70: See Philostrat. l. ii. p. 548, 560. Pausanias, l. i. and
vii. 10. The life of Herodes, in the xxxth volume of the Memoirs of the
Academy of Inscriptions.]

In the commonwealths of Athens and Rome, the modest simplicity of
private houses announced the equal condition of freedom; whilst the
sovereignty of the people was represented in the majestic edifices
designed to the public use; [71] nor was this republican spirit totally
extinguished by the introduction of wealth and monarchy. It was in works
of national honor and benefit, that the most virtuous of the emperors
affected to display their magnificence. The golden palace of Nero
excited a just indignation, but the vast extent of ground which had been
usurped by his selfish luxury was more nobly filled under the succeeding
reigns by the Coliseum, the baths of Titus, the Claudian portico, and
the temples dedicated to the goddess of Peace, and to the genius of
Rome. [72] These monuments of architecture, the property of the Roman
people, were adorned with the most beautiful productions of Grecian
painting and sculpture; and in the temple of Peace, a very curious
library was open to the curiosity of the learned. [721] At a small distance
from thence was situated the Forum of Trajan. It was surrounded by a
lofty portico, in the form of a quadrangle, into which four triumphal
arches opened a noble and spacious entrance: in the centre arose a
column of marble, whose height, of one hundred and ten feet, denoted the
elevation of the hill that had been cut away. This column, which still
subsists in its ancient beauty, exhibited an exact representation of the
Dacian victories of its founder. The veteran soldier contemplated the
story of his own campaigns, and by an easy illusion of national vanity,
the peaceful citizen associated himself to the honors of the triumph.
All the other quarters of the capital, and all the provinces of
the empire, were embellished by the same liberal spirit of public
magnificence, and were filled with amphitheatres, theatres, temples,
porticoes, triumphal arches, baths and aqueducts, all variously
conducive to the health, the devotion, and the pleasures of the meanest
citizen. The last mentioned of those edifices deserve our peculiar
attention. The boldness of the enterprise, the solidity of the
execution, and the uses to which they were subservient, rank the
aqueducts among the noblest monuments of Roman genius and power. The
aqueducts of the capital claim a just preeminence; but the curious
traveller, who, without the light of history, should examine those of
Spoleto, of Metz, or of Segovia, would very naturally conclude that
those provincial towns had formerly been the residence of some potent
monarch. The solitudes of Asia and Africa were once covered with
flourishing cities, whose populousness, and even whose existence, was
derived from such artificial supplies of a perennial stream of fresh
water. [73]

[Footnote 71: It is particularly remarked of Athens by Dicaearchus, de
Statu Graeciae, p. 8, inter Geographos Minores, edit. Hudson.]

[Footnote 72: Donatus de Roma Vetere, l. iii. c. 4, 5, 6. Nardini Roma
Antica, l. iii. 11, 12, 13, and a Ms. description of ancient Rome, by
Bernardus Oricellarius, or Rucellai, of which I obtained a copy from
the library of the Canon Ricardi at Florence. Two celebrated pictures of
Timanthes and of Protogenes are mentioned by Pliny, as in the Temple of
Peace; and the Laocoon was found in the baths of Titus.]

[Footnote 721: The Emperor Vespasian, who had caused the Temple of Peace
to be built, transported to it the greatest part of the pictures,
statues, and other works of art which had escaped the civil tumults. It
was there that every day the artists and the learned of Rome assembled;
and it is on the site of this temple that a multitude of antiques
have been dug up. See notes of Reimar on Dion Cassius, lxvi. c. 15, p.
1083.--W.]

[Footnote 73: Montfaucon l'Antiquite Expliquee, tom. iv. p. 2, l. i.
c. 9. Fabretti has composed a very learned treatise on the aqueducts of
Rome.]

We have computed the inhabitants, and contemplated the public works,
of the Roman empire. The observation of the number and greatness of its
cities will serve to confirm the former, and to multiply the latter. It
may not be unpleasing to collect a few scattered instances relative
to that subject without forgetting, however, that from the vanity of
nations and the poverty of language, the vague appellation of city has
been indifferently bestowed on Rome and upon Laurentum.

I. Ancient Italy is said to have contained eleven hundred and
ninety-seven cities; and for whatsoever aera of antiquity the expression
might be intended, [74] there is not any reason to believe the country
less populous in the age of the Antonines, than in that of Romulus.
The petty states of Latium were contained within the metropolis of the
empire, by whose superior influence they had been attracted. [741] Those
parts of Italy which have so long languished under the lazy tyranny
of priests and viceroys, had been afflicted only by the more tolerable
calamities of war; and the first symptoms of decay which they
experienced, were amply compensated by the rapid improvements of the
Cisalpine Gaul. The splendor of Verona may be traced in its remains: yet
Verona was less celebrated than Aquileia or Padua, Milan or Ravenna. II.
The spirit of improvement had passed the Alps, and been felt even in the
woods of Britain, which were gradually cleared away to open a free space
for convenient and elegant habitations. York was the seat of government;
London was already enriched by commerce; and Bath was celebrated for the
salutary effects of its medicinal waters. Gaul could boast of her twelve
hundred cities; [75] and though, in the northern parts, many of them,
without excepting Paris itself, were little more than the rude and
imperfect townships of a rising people, the southern provinces imitated
the wealth and elegance of Italy. [76] Many were the cities of Gaul,
Marseilles, Arles, Nismes, Narbonne, Thoulouse, Bourdeaux, Autun,
Vienna, Lyons, Langres, and Treves, whose ancient condition might
sustain an equal, and perhaps advantageous comparison with their present
state. With regard to Spain, that country flourished as a province, and
has declined as a kingdom. Exhausted by the abuse of her strength, by
America, and by superstition, her pride might possibly be confounded, if
we required such a list of three hundred and sixty cities, as Pliny has
exhibited under the reign of Vespasian. [77] III. Three hundred African
cities had once acknowledged the authority of Carthage, [78] nor is it
likely that their numbers diminished under the administration of the
emperors: Carthage itself rose with new splendor from its ashes; and
that capital, as well as Capua and Corinth, soon recovered all the
advantages which can be separated from independent sovereignty. IV. The
provinces of the East present the contrast of Roman magnificence with
Turkish barbarism. The ruins of antiquity scattered over uncultivated
fields, and ascribed, by ignorance to the power of magic, scarcely
afford a shelter to the oppressed peasant or wandering Arab. Under
the reign of the Caesars, the proper Asia alone contained five hundred
populous cities, [79] enriched with all the gifts of nature, and adorned
with all the refinements of art. Eleven cities of Asia had once disputed
the honor of dedicating a temple of Tiberius, and their respective
merits were examined by the senate. [80] Four of them were immediately
rejected as unequal to the burden; and among these was Laodicea, whose
splendor is still displayed in its ruins. [81] Laodicea collected a
very considerable revenue from its flocks of sheep, celebrated for the
fineness of their wool, and had received, a little before the contest,
a legacy of above four hundred thousand pounds by the testament of a
generous citizen. [82] If such was the poverty of Laodicea, what must
have been the wealth of those cities, whose claim appeared preferable,
and particularly of Pergamus, of Smyrna, and of Ephesus, who so long
disputed with each other the titular primacy of Asia? [83] The capitals
of Syria and Egypt held a still superior rank in the empire; Antioch and
Alexandria looked down with disdain on a crowd of dependent cities, [84]
and yielded, with reluctance, to the majesty of Rome itself.

[Footnote 74: Aelian. Hist. Var. lib. ix. c. 16. He lived in the time of
Alexander Severus. See Fabricius, Biblioth. Graeca, l. iv. c. 21.]

[Footnote 741: This may in some degree account for the difficulty started
by Livy, as to the incredibly numerous armies raised by the small states
around Rome where, in his time, a scanty stock of free soldiers among
a larger population of Roman slaves broke the solitude. Vix seminario
exiguo militum relicto servitia Romana ab solitudine vindicant, Liv. vi.
vii. Compare Appian Bel Civ. i. 7.--M. subst. for G.]

[Footnote 75: Joseph. de Bell. Jud. ii. 16. The number, however, is
mentioned, and should be received with a degree of latitude. Note:
Without doubt no reliance can be placed on this passage of Josephus. The
historian makes Agrippa give advice to the Jews, as to the power of
the Romans; and the speech is full of declamation which can furnish no
conclusions to history. While enumerating the nations subject to the
Romans, he speaks of the Gauls as submitting to 1200 soldiers, (which is
false, as there were eight legions in Gaul, Tac. iv. 5,) while there are
nearly twelve hundred cities.--G. Josephus (infra) places these eight
legions on the Rhine, as Tacitus does.--M.]

[Footnote 76: Plin. Hist. Natur. iii. 5.]

[Footnote 77: Plin. Hist. Natur. iii. 3, 4, iv. 35. The list seems
authentic and accurate; the division of the provinces, and the different
condition of the cities, are minutely distinguished.]

[Footnote 78: Strabon. Geograph. l. xvii. p. 1189.]

[Footnote 79: Joseph. de Bell. Jud. ii. 16. Philostrat. in Vit. Sophist.
l. ii. p. 548, edit. Olear.]

[Footnote 80: Tacit. Annal. iv. 55. I have taken some pains in
consulting and comparing modern travellers, with regard to the fate
of those eleven cities of Asia. Seven or eight are totally destroyed:
Hypaepe, Tralles, Laodicea, Hium, Halicarnassus, Miletus, Ephesus, and
we may add Sardes. Of the remaining three, Pergamus is a straggling
village of two or three thousand inhabitants; Magnesia, under the name
of Guzelhissar, a town of some consequence; and Smyrna, a great city,
peopled by a hundred thousand souls. But even at Smyrna, while the
Franks have maintained a commerce, the Turks have ruined the arts.]

[Footnote 81: See a very exact and pleasing description of the ruins of
Laodicea, in Chandler's Travels through Asia Minor, p. 225, &c.]

[Footnote 82: Strabo, l. xii. p. 866. He had studied at Tralles.]

[Footnote 83: See a Dissertation of M. de Boze, Mem. de l'Academie,
tom. xviii. Aristides pronounced an oration, which is still extant, to
recommend concord to the rival cities.]

[Footnote 84: The inhabitants of Egypt, exclusive of Alexandria,
amounted to seven millions and a half, (Joseph. de Bell. Jud. ii. 16.)
Under the military government of the Mamelukes, Syria was supposed to
contain sixty thousand villages, (Histoire de Timur Bec, l. v. c. 20.)]




Chapter II: The Internal Prosperity In The Age Of The Antonines. Part IV.

All these cities were connected with each other, and with the capital,
by the public highways, which, issuing from the Forum of Rome, traversed
Italy, pervaded the provinces, and were terminated only by the frontiers
of the empire. If we carefully trace the distance from the wall of
Antoninus to Rome, and from thence to Jerusalem, it will be found that
the great chain of communication, from the north-west to the south-east
point of the empire, was drawn out to the length of four thousand and
eighty Roman miles. [85] The public roads were accurately divided by
mile-stones, and ran in a direct line from one city to another, with
very little respect for the obstacles either of nature or private
property. Mountains were perforated, and bold arches thrown over the
broadest and most rapid streams. [86] The middle part of the road was
raised into a terrace which commanded the adjacent country, consisted
of several strata of sand, gravel, and cement, and was paved with large
stones, or, in some places near the capital, with granite. [87] Such was
the solid construction of the Roman highways, whose firmness has not
entirely yielded to the effort of fifteen centuries. They united
the subjects of the most distant provinces by an easy and familiar
intercourse; but their primary object had been to facilitate the marches
of the legions; nor was any country considered as completely subdued,
till it had been rendered, in all its parts, pervious to the arms and
authority of the conqueror. The advantage of receiving the earliest
intelligence, and of conveying their orders with celerity, induced the
emperors to establish, throughout their extensive dominions, the
regular institution of posts. [88] Houses were every where erected at the
distance only of five or six miles; each of them was constantly provided
with forty horses, and by the help of these relays, it was easy to
travel a hundred miles in a day along the Roman roads. [89] [891] The use
of posts was allowed to those who claimed it by an Imperial mandate;
but though originally intended for the public service, it was sometimes
indulged to the business or conveniency of private citizens. [90] Nor was
the communication of the Roman empire less free and open by sea than it
was by land. The provinces surrounded and enclosed the Mediterranean:
and Italy, in the shape of an immense promontory, advanced into the
midst of that great lake. The coasts of Italy are, in general, destitute
of safe harbors; but human industry had corrected the deficiencies of
nature; and the artificial port of Ostia, in particular, situate at the
mouth of the Tyber, and formed by the emperor Claudius, was a useful
monument of Roman greatness. [91] From this port, which was only sixteen
miles from the capital, a favorable breeze frequently carried vessels in
seven days to the columns of Hercules, and in nine or ten, to Alexandria
in Egypt. [92]

[See Remains Of Claudian Aquaduct]

[Footnote 85: The following Itinerary may serve to convey some idea of
the direction of the road, and of the distance between the principal
towns. I. From the wall of Antoninus to York, 222 Roman miles. II.
London, 227. III. Rhutupiae or Sandwich, 67. IV. The navigation to
Boulogne, 45. V. Rheims, 174. VI. Lyons, 330. VII. Milan, 324. VIII.
Rome, 426. IX. Brundusium, 360. X. The navigation to Dyrrachium, 40. XI.
Byzantium, 711. XII. Ancyra, 283. XIII. Tarsus, 301. XIV. Antioch, 141.
XV. Tyre, 252. XVI. Jerusalem, 168. In all 4080 Roman, or 3740 English
miles. See the Itineraries published by Wesseling, his annotations; Gale
and Stukeley for Britain, and M. d'Anville for Gaul and Italy.]

[Footnote 86: Montfaucon, l'Antiquite Expliquee, (tom. 4, p. 2, l. i.
c. 5,) has described the bridges of Narni, Alcantara, Nismes, &c.]

[Footnote 87: Bergier, Histoire des grands Chemins de l'Empire Romain,
l. ii. c. l. l--28.]

[Footnote 88: Procopius in Hist. Arcana, c. 30. Bergier, Hist. des
grands Chemins, l. iv. Codex Theodosian. l. viii. tit. v. vol. ii. p.
506--563 with Godefroy's learned commentary.]

[Footnote 89: In the time of Theodosius, Caesarius, a magistrate of high
rank, went post from Antioch to Constantinople. He began his journey at
night, was in Cappadocia (165 miles from Antioch) the ensuing evening,
and arrived at Constantinople the sixth day about noon. The whole
distance was 725 Roman, or 665 English miles. See Libanius, Orat. xxii.,
and the Itineria, p. 572--581. Note: A courier is mentioned in Walpole's
Travels, ii. 335, who was to travel from Aleppo to Constantinople, more
than 700 miles, in eight days, an unusually short journey.--M.]

[Footnote 891: Posts for the conveyance of intelligence were established
by Augustus. Suet. Aug. 49. The couriers travelled with amazing speed.
Blair on Roman Slavery, note, p. 261. It is probable that the posts,
from the time of Augustus, were confined to the public service, and
supplied by impressment Nerva, as it appears from a coin of his reign,
made an important change; "he established posts upon all the public
roads of Italy, and made the service chargeable upon his own exchequer.
Hadrian, perceiving the advantage of this improvement, extended it
to all the provinces of the empire." Cardwell on Coins, p. 220.--M.]

[Footnote 90: Pliny, though a favorite and a minister, made an apology
for granting post-horses to his wife on the most urgent business. Epist.
x. 121, 122.]

[Footnote 91: Bergier, Hist. des grands Chemins, l. iv. c. 49.]

[Footnote 92: Plin. Hist. Natur. xix. i. [In Prooem.] * Note: Pliny says
Puteoli, which seems to have been the usual landing place from the East.
See the voyages of St. Paul, Acts xxviii. 13, and of Josephus, Vita, c.
3--M.]

Whatever evils either reason or declamation have imputed to extensive
empire, the power of Rome was attended with some beneficial consequences
to mankind; and the same freedom of intercourse which extended the
vices, diffused likewise the improvements, of social life. In the more
remote ages of antiquity, the world was unequally divided. The East was
in the immemorial possession of arts and luxury; whilst the West
was inhabited by rude and warlike barbarians, who either disdained
agriculture, or to whom it was totally unknown. Under the protection of
an established government, the productions of happier climates, and the
industry of more civilized nations, were gradually introduced into the
western countries of Europe; and the natives were encouraged, by an open
and profitable commerce, to multiply the former, as well as to improve
the latter. It would be almost impossible to enumerate all the articles,
either of the animal or the vegetable reign, which were successively
imported into Europe from Asia and Egypt: [93] but it will not be
unworthy of the dignity, and much less of the utility, of an historical
work, slightly to touch on a few of the principal heads. 1. Almost
all the flowers, the herbs, and the fruits, that grow in our European
gardens, are of foreign extraction, which, in many cases, is betrayed
even by their names: the apple was a native of Italy, and when the
Romans had tasted the richer flavor of the apricot, the peach, the
pomegranate, the citron, and the orange, they contented themselves
with applying to all these new fruits the common denomination of apple,
discriminating them from each other by the additional epithet of their
country. 2. In the time of Homer, the vine grew wild in the island of
Sicily, and most probably in the adjacent continent; but it was not
improved by the skill, nor did it afford a liquor grateful to the taste,
of the savage inhabitants. [94] A thousand years afterwards, Italy could
boast, that of the fourscore most generous and celebrated wines, more
than two thirds were produced from her soil. [95] The blessing was soon
communicated to the Narbonnese province of Gaul; but so intense was the
cold to the north of the Cevennes, that, in the time of Strabo, it was
thought impossible to ripen the grapes in those parts of Gaul. [96] This
difficulty, however, was gradually vanquished; and there is some reason
to believe, that the vineyards of Burgundy are as old as the age of the
Antonines. [97] 3. The olive, in the western world, followed the progress
of peace, of which it was considered as the symbol. Two centuries after
the foundation of Rome, both Italy and Africa were strangers to that
useful plant: it was naturalized in those countries; and at length
carried into the heart of Spain and Gaul. The timid errors of the
ancients, that it required a certain degree of heat, and could only
flourish in the neighborhood of the sea, were insensibly exploded by
industry and experience. [98] 4. The cultivation of flax was transported
from Egypt to Gaul, and enriched the whole country, however it might
impoverish the particular lands on which it was sown. [99] 5. The use of
artificial grasses became familiar to the farmers both of Italy and the
provinces, particularly the Lucerne, which derived its name and origin
from Media. [100] The assured supply of wholesome and plentiful food for
the cattle during winter, multiplied the number of the docks and herds,
which in their turn contributed to the fertility of the soil. To all
these improvements may be added an assiduous attention to mines and
fisheries, which, by employing a multitude of laborious hands, serve to
increase the pleasures of the rich and the subsistence of the poor.
The elegant treatise of Columella describes the advanced state of the
Spanish husbandry under the reign of Tiberius; and it may be observed,
that those famines, which so frequently afflicted the infant republic,
were seldom or never experienced by the extensive empire of Rome. The
accidental scarcity, in any single province, was immediately relieved by
the plenty of its more fortunate neighbors.

[Footnote 93: It is not improbable that the Greeks and Phoenicians
introduced some new arts and productions into the neighborhood of
Marseilles and Gades.]

[Footnote 94: See Homer, Odyss. l. ix. v. 358.]

[Footnote 95: Plin. Hist. Natur. l. xiv.]

[Footnote 96: Strab. Geograph. l. iv. p. 269. The intense cold of a
Gallic winter was almost proverbial among the ancients. * Note: Strabo
only says that the grape does not ripen. Attempts had been made in the
time of Augustus to naturalize the vine in the north of Gaul; but the
cold was too great. Diod. Sic. edit. Rhodom. p. 304.--W. Diodorus (lib.
v. 26) gives a curious picture of the Italian traders bartering, with
the savages of Gaul, a cask of wine for a slave.--M. --It appears from
the newly discovered treatise of Cicero de Republica, that there was a
law of the republic prohibiting the culture of the vine and olive beyond
the Alps, in order to keep up the value of those in Italy. Nos
justissimi homines, qui transalpinas gentes oleam et vitem serere non
sinimus, quo pluris sint nostra oliveta nostraeque vineae. Lib. iii. 9.
The restrictive law of Domitian was veiled under the decent pretext of
encouraging the cultivation of grain. Suet. Dom. vii. It was repealed by
Probus Vopis Strobus, 18.--M.]

[Footnote 97: In the beginning of the fourth century, the orator
Eumenius (Panegyr. Veter. viii. 6, edit. Delphin.) speaks of the vines
in the territory of Autun, which were decayed through age, and the
first plantation of which was totally unknown. The Pagus Arebrignus is
supposed by M. d'Anville to be the district of Beaune, celebrated, even
at present for one of the first growths of Burgundy. * Note: This is
proved by a passage of Pliny the Elder, where he speaks of a certain
kind of grape (vitis picata. vinum picatum) which grows naturally to the
district of Vienne, and had recently been transplanted into the country
of the Arverni, (Auvergne,) of the Helvii, (the Vivarias.) and the
Burgundy and Franche Compte. Pliny wrote A.D. 77. Hist. Nat. xiv. 1.--
W.]

[Footnote 98: Plin. Hist. Natur. l. xv.]

[Footnote 99: Plin. Hist. Natur. l. xix.]

[Footnote 100: See the agreeable Essays on Agriculture by Mr. Harte, in
which he has collected all that the ancients and moderns have said
of Lucerne.]

Agriculture is the foundation of manufactures; since the productions of
nature are the materials of art. Under the Roman empire, the labor of an
industrious and ingenious people was variously, but incessantly,
employed in the service of the rich. In their dress, their table, their
houses, and their furniture, the favorites of fortune united every
refinement of conveniency, of elegance, and of splendor, whatever could
soothe their pride or gratify their sensuality. Such refinements, under
the odious name of luxury, have been severely arraigned by the moralists
of every age; and it might perhaps be more conducive to the virtue, as
well as happiness, of mankind, if all possessed the necessaries, and
none the superfluities, of life. But in the present imperfect condition
of society, luxury, though it may proceed from vice or folly, seems to
be the only means that can correct the unequal distribution of property.
The diligent mechanic, and the skilful artist, who have obtained no
share in the division of the earth, receive a voluntary tax from the
possessors of land; and the latter are prompted, by a sense of interest,
to improve those estates, with whose produce they may purchase
additional pleasures. This operation, the particular effects of which
are felt in every society, acted with much more diffusive energy in the
Roman world. The provinces would soon have been exhausted of their
wealth, if the manufactures and commerce of luxury had not insensibly
restored to the industrious subjects the sums which were exacted from
them by the arms and authority of Rome. As long as the circulation was
confined within the bounds of the empire, it impressed the political
machine with a new degree of activity, and its consequences, sometimes
beneficial, could never become pernicious.

But it is no easy task to confine luxury within the limits of an empire.
The most remote countries of the ancient world were ransacked to supply
the pomp and delicacy of Rome. The forests of Scythia afforded some
valuable furs. Amber was brought over land from the shores of the Baltic
to the Danube; and the barbarians were astonished at the price which
they received in exchange for so useless a commodity. [101] There was a
considerable demand for Babylonian carpets, and other manufactures of
the East; but the most important and unpopular branch of foreign trade
was carried on with Arabia and India. Every year, about the time of the
summer solstice, a fleet of a hundred and twenty vessels sailed
from Myos-hormos, a port of Egypt, on the Red Sea. By the periodical
assistance of the monsoons, they traversed the ocean in about forty
days. The coast of Malabar, or the island of Ceylon, [102] was the usual
term of their navigation, and it was in those markets that the merchants
from the more remote countries of Asia expected their arrival. The
return of the fleet of Egypt was fixed to the months of December or
January; and as soon as their rich cargo had been transported on the
backs of camels, from the Red Sea to the Nile, and had descended that
river as far as Alexandria, it was poured, without delay, into the
capital of the empire. [103] The objects of oriental traffic were
splendid and trifling; silk, a pound of which was esteemed not inferior
in value to a pound of gold; [104] precious stones, among which the
pearl claimed the first rank after the diamond; [105] and a variety
of aromatics, that were consumed in religious worship and the pomp of
funerals. The labor and risk of the voyage was rewarded with almost
incredible profit; but the profit was made upon Roman subjects, and
a few individuals were enriched at the expense of the public. As the
natives of Arabia and India were contented with the productions and
manufactures of their own country, silver, on the side of the Romans,
was the principal, if not the only [1051] instrument of commerce. It was a
complaint worthy of the gravity of the senate, that, in the purchase of
female ornaments, the wealth of the state was irrecoverably given away
to foreign and hostile nations. [106] The annual loss is computed, by
a writer of an inquisitive but censorious temper, at upwards of eight
hundred thousand pounds sterling. [107] Such was the style of discontent,
brooding over the dark prospect of approaching poverty. And yet, if we
compare the proportion between gold and silver, as it stood in the time
of Pliny, and as it was fixed in the reign of Constantine, we shall
discover within that period a very considerable increase. [108] There is
not the least reason to suppose that gold was become more scarce; it is
therefore evident that silver was grown more common; that whatever might
be the amount of the Indian and Arabian exports, they were far from
exhausting the wealth of the Roman world; and that the produce of the
mines abundantly supplied the demands of commerce.

[Footnote 101: Tacit. Germania, c. 45. Plin. Hist. Nat. xxxvii. 13. The
latter observed, with some humor, that even fashion had not yet found
out the use of amber. Nero sent a Roman knight to purchase great
quantities on the spot where it was produced, the coast of modern
Prussia.]

[Footnote 102: Called Taprobana by the Romans, and Serindib by the
Arabs. It was discovered under the reign of Claudius, and gradually
became the principal mart of the East.]

[Footnote 103: Plin. Hist. Natur. l. vi. Strabo, l. xvii.]

[Footnote 104: Hist. August. p. 224. A silk garment was considered as an
ornament to a woman, but as a disgrace to a man.]

[Footnote 105: The two great pearl fisheries were the same as at
present, Ormuz and Cape Comorin. As well as we can compare ancient
with modern geography, Rome was supplied with diamonds from the mine
of Jumelpur, in Bengal, which is described in the Voyages de Tavernier,
tom. ii. p. 281.]

[Footnote 1051: Certainly not the only one. The Indians were not so
contented with regard to foreign productions. Arrian has a long list of
European wares, which they received in exchange for their own; Italian
and other wines, brass, tin, lead, coral, chrysolith, storax, glass,
dresses of one or many colors, zones, &c. See Periplus Maris Erythraei
in Hudson, Geogr. Min. i. p. 27.--W. The German translator observes that
Gibbon has confined the use of aromatics to religious worship and
funerals. His error seems the omission of other spices, of which the
Romans must have consumed great quantities in their cookery. Wenck,
however, admits that silver was the chief article of exchange.--M.
In 1787, a peasant (near Nellore in the Carnatic) struck, in digging,
on the remains of a Hindu temple; he found, also, a pot which contained
Roman coins and medals of the second century, mostly Trajans, Adrians,
and Faustinas, all of gold, many of them fresh and beautiful, others
defaced or perforated, as if they had been worn as ornaments. (Asiatic
Researches, ii. 19.)--M.]

[Footnote 106: Tacit. Annal. iii. 53. In a speech of Tiberius.]

[Footnote 107: Plin. Hist. Natur. xii. 18. In another place he computes
half that sum; Quingenties H. S. for India exclusive of Arabia.]

[Footnote 108: The proportion, which was 1 to 10, and 12 1/2, rose to
14 2/5, the legal regulation of Constantine. See Arbuthnot's Tables of
ancient Coins, c. 5.]

Notwithstanding the propensity of mankind to exalt the past, and to
depreciate the present, the tranquil and prosperous state of the empire
was warmly felt, and honestly confessed, by the provincials as well
as Romans. "They acknowledged that the true principles of social life,
laws, agriculture, and science, which had been first invented by the
wisdom of Athens, were now firmly established by the power of Rome,
under whose auspicious influence the fiercest barbarians were united
by an equal government and common language. They affirm, that with the
improvement of arts, the human species were visibly multiplied. They
celebrate the increasing splendor of the cities, the beautiful face of
the country, cultivated and adorned like an immense garden; and the long
festival of peace which was enjoyed by so many nations, forgetful of
the ancient animosities, and delivered from the apprehension of future
danger." [109] Whatever suspicions may be suggested by the air of
rhetoric and declamation, which seems to prevail in these passages, the
substance of them is perfectly agreeable to historic truth.

[Footnote 109: Among many other passages, see Pliny, (Hist. Natur. iii.
5.) Aristides, (de Urbe Roma,) and Tertullian, (de Anima, c. 30.)]

It was scarcely possible that the eyes of contemporaries should discover
in the public felicity the latent causes of decay and corruption. This
long peace, and the uniform government of the Romans, introduced a slow
and secret poison into the vitals of the empire. The minds of men were
gradually reduced to the same level, the fire of genius was
extinguished, and even the military spirit evaporated. The natives of
Europe were brave and robust. Spain, Gaul, Britain, and Illyricum
supplied the legions with excellent soldiers, and constituted the real
strength of the monarchy. Their personal valor remained, but they no
longer possessed that public courage which is nourished by the love of
independence, the sense of national honor, the presence of danger, and
the habit of command. They received laws and governors from the will of
their sovereign, and trusted for their defence to a mercenary army. The
posterity of their boldest leaders was contented with the rank of
citizens and subjects. The most aspiring spirits resorted to the court
or standard of the emperors; and the deserted provinces, deprived of
political strength or union, insensibly sunk into the languid
indifference of private life.

The love of letters, almost inseparable from peace and refinement, was
fashionable among the subjects of Hadrian and the Antonines, who were
themselves men of learning and curiosity. It was diffused over the whole
extent of their empire; the most northern tribes of Britons had acquired
a taste for rhetoric; Homer as well as Virgil were transcribed and
studied on the banks of the Rhine and Danube; and the most liberal
rewards sought out the faintest glimmerings of literary merit. [110] The
sciences of physic and astronomy were successfully cultivated by the
Greeks; the observations of Ptolemy and the writings of Galen are
studied by those who have improved their discoveries and corrected their
errors; but if we except the inimitable Lucian, this age of indolence
passed away without having produced a single writer of original genius,
or who excelled in the arts of elegant composition. The authority of
Plato and Aristotle, of Zeno and Epicurus, still reigned in the schools;
and their systems, transmitted with blind deference from one generation
of disciples to another, precluded every generous attempt to exercise
the powers, or enlarge the limits, of the human mind. The beauties
of the poets and orators, instead of kindling a fire like their own,
inspired only cold and servile imitations: or if any ventured to deviate
from those models, they deviated at the same time from good sense
and propriety. On the revival of letters, the youthful vigor of the
imagination, after a long repose, national emulation, a new religion,
new languages, and a new world, called forth the genius of Europe.
But the provincials of Rome, trained by a uniform artificial foreign
education, were engaged in a very unequal competition with those bold
ancients, who, by expressing their genuine feelings in their native
tongue, had already occupied every place of honor. The name of Poet was
almost forgotten; that of Orator was usurped by the sophists. A cloud of
critics, of compilers, of commentators, darkened the face of learning,
and the decline of genius was soon followed by the corruption of
taste.[1101]

[Footnote 110: Herodes Atticus gave the sophist Polemo above eight
thousand pounds for three declamations. See Philostrat. l. i. p. 538.
The Antonines founded a school at Athens, in which professors of
grammar, rhetoric, politics, and the four great sects of philosophy were
maintained at the public expense for the instruction of youth. The
salary of a philosopher was ten thousand drachmae, between three and
four hundred pounds a year. Similar establishments were formed in the
other great cities of the empire. See Lucian in Eunuch. tom. ii. p. 352,
edit. Reitz. Philostrat. l. ii. p. 566. Hist. August. p. 21. Dion
Cassius, l. lxxi. p. 1195. Juvenal himself, in a morose satire, which in
every line betrays his own disappointment and envy, is obliged, however,
to say,--"--O Juvenes, circumspicit et stimulat vos. Materiamque sibi
Ducis indulgentia quaerit."--Satir. vii. 20. Note: Vespasian first gave
a salary to professors: he assigned to each professor of rhetoric, Greek
and Roman, centena sestertia. (Sueton. in Vesp. 18). Hadrian and the
Antonines, though still liberal, were less profuse.--G. from W.
Suetonius wrote annua centena L. 807, 5, 10.--M.]

[Footnote 1101: This judgment is rather severe: besides the physicians,
astronomers, and grammarians, among whom there were some very
distinguished men, there were still, under Hadrian, Suetonius, Florus,
Plutarch; under the Antonines, Arrian, Pausanias, Appian, Marcus
Aurelius himself, Sextus Empiricus, &c. Jurisprudence gained much by the
labors of Salvius Julianus, Julius Celsus, Sex. Pomponius, Caius, and
others.--G. from W. Yet where, among these, is the writer of original
genius, unless, perhaps Plutarch? or even of a style really elegant?--
M.]

The sublime Longinus, who, in somewhat a later period, and in the court
of a Syrian queen, preserved the spirit of ancient Athens, observes
and laments this degeneracy of his contemporaries, which debased their
sentiments, enervated their courage, and depressed their talents. "In
the same manner," says he, "as some children always remain pygmies,
whose infant limbs have been too closely confined, thus our tender
minds, fettered by the prejudices and habits of a just servitude,
are unable to expand themselves, or to attain that well-proportioned
greatness which we admire in the ancients; who, living under a popular
government, wrote with the same freedom as they acted." [111] This
diminutive stature of mankind, if we pursue the metaphor, was daily
sinking below the old standard, and the Roman world was indeed peopled
by a race of pygmies; when the fierce giants of the north broke in,
and mended the puny breed. They restored a manly spirit of freedom; and
after the revolution of ten centuries, freedom became the happy parent
of taste and science.

[Footnote 111: Longin. de Sublim. c. 44, p. 229, edit. Toll. Here, too,
we may say of Longinus, "his own example strengthens all his laws."
Instead of proposing his sentiments with a manly boldness, he insinuates
them with the most guarded caution; puts them into the mouth of a
friend, and as far as we can collect from a corrupted text, makes a show
of refuting them himself.]





Chapter III: The Constitution In The Age Of The Antonines.--Part I.

     Of The Constitution Of The Roman Empire, In The Age Of The
     Antonines.

The obvious definition of a monarchy seems to be that of a state, in
which a single person, by whatsoever name he may be distinguished, is
intrusted with the execution of the laws, the management of the revenue,
and the command of the army. But, unless public liberty is protected
by intrepid and vigilant guardians, the authority of so formidable a
magistrate will soon degenerate into despotism. The influence of the
clergy, in an age of superstition, might be usefully employed to assert
the rights of mankind; but so intimate is the connection between the
throne and the altar, that the banner of the church has very seldom
been seen on the side of the people. [101] A martial nobility and
stubborn commons, possessed of arms, tenacious of property, and
collected into constitutional assemblies, form the only balance capable
of preserving a free constitution against enterprises of an aspiring
prince.

[Footnote 101: Often enough in the ages of superstition, but not in the
interest of the people or the state, but in that of the church to which
all others were subordinate. Yet the power of the pope has often been of
great service in repressing the excesses of sovereigns, and in softening
manners.--W. The history of the Italian republics proves the error of
Gibbon, and the justice of his German translator's comment.--M.]

Every barrier of the Roman constitution had been levelled by the vast
ambition of the dictator; every fence had been extirpated by the cruel
hand of the triumvir. After the victory of Actium, the fate of the
Roman world depended on the will of Octavianus, surnamed Caesar, by
his uncle's adoption, and afterwards Augustus, by the flattery of the
senate. The conqueror was at the head of forty-four veteran legions,
[1] conscious of their own strength, and of the weakness of the
constitution, habituated, during twenty years' civil war, to every act
of blood and violence, and passionately devoted to the house of Caesar,
from whence alone they had received, and expected the most lavish
rewards. The provinces, long oppressed by the ministers of the republic,
sighed for the government of a single person, who would be the master,
not the accomplice, of those petty tyrants. The people of Rome, viewing,
with a secret pleasure, the humiliation of the aristocracy, demanded
only bread and public shows; and were supplied with both by the
liberal hand of Augustus. The rich and polite Italians, who had almost
universally embraced the philosophy of Epicurus, enjoyed the present
blessings of ease and tranquillity, and suffered not the pleasing dream
to be interrupted by the memory of their old tumultuous freedom. With
its power, the senate had lost its dignity; many of the most noble
families were extinct. The republicans of spirit and ability had
perished in the field of battle, or in the proscription. The door of the
assembly had been designedly left open, for a mixed multitude of more
than a thousand persons, who reflected disgrace upon their rank, instead
of deriving honor from it. [2]

[Footnote 1: Orosius, vi. 18. * Note: Dion says twenty-five, (or three,)
(lv. 23.) The united triumvirs had but forty-three. (Appian. Bell. Civ.
iv. 3.) The testimony of Orosius is of little value when more certain
may be had.--W. But all the legions, doubtless, submitted to Augustus
after the battle of Actium.--M.]

[Footnote 2: Julius Caesar introduced soldiers, strangers, and
half-barbarians into the senate (Sueton. in Caesar. c. 77, 80.) The
abuse became still more scandalous after his death.]

The reformation of the senate was one of the first steps in which
Augustus laid aside the tyrant, and professed himself the father of
his country. He was elected censor; and, in concert with his faithful
Agrippa, he examined the list of the senators, expelled a few members,
[201] whose vices or whose obstinacy required a public example, persuaded
near two hundred to prevent the shame of an expulsion by a voluntary
retreat, raised the qualification of a senator to about ten thousand
pounds, created a sufficient number of patrician families, and accepted
for himself the honorable title of Prince of the Senate, [202] which had
always been bestowed, by the censors, on the citizen the most eminent
for his honors and services. [3] But whilst he thus restored the dignity,
he destroyed the independence, of the senate. The principles of a free
constitution are irrecoverably lost, when the legislative power is
nominated by the executive.

[Footnote 201: Of these Dion and Suetonius knew nothing.--W. Dion says the
contrary.--M.]

[Footnote 202: But Augustus, then Octavius, was censor, and in virtue of
that office, even according to the constitution of the free republic,
could reform the senate, expel unworthy members, name the Princeps
Senatus, &c. That was called, as is well known, Senatum legere. It was
customary, during the free republic, for the censor to be named Princeps
Senatus, (S. Liv. l. xxvii. c. 11, l. xl. c. 51;) and Dion expressly
says, that this was done according to ancient usage. He was empowered
by a decree of the senate to admit a number of families among the
patricians. Finally, the senate was not the legislative power.--W]

[Footnote 3: Dion Cassius, l. liii. p. 693. Suetonius in August. c. 35.]

Before an assembly thus modelled and prepared, Augustus pronounced
a studied oration, which displayed his patriotism, and disguised his
ambition. "He lamented, yet excused, his past conduct. Filial piety had
required at his hands the revenge of his father's murder; the humanity
of his own nature had sometimes given way to the stern laws of
necessity, and to a forced connection with two unworthy colleagues:
as long as Antony lived, the republic forbade him to abandon her to
a degenerate Roman, and a barbarian queen. He was now at liberty to
satisfy his duty and his inclination. He solemnly restored the senate
and people to all their ancient rights; and wished only to mingle with
the crowd of his fellow-citizens, and to share the blessings which he
had obtained for his country." [4]

[Footnote 4: Dion (l. liii. p. 698) gives us a prolix and bombast speech
on this great occasion. I have borrowed from Suetonius and Tacitus the
general language of Augustus.]

It would require the pen of Tacitus (if Tacitus had assisted at this
assembly) to describe the various emotions of the senate, those that
were suppressed, and those that were affected. It was dangerous to
trust the sincerity of Augustus; to seem to distrust it was still more
dangerous. The respective advantages of monarchy and a republic have
often divided speculative inquirers; the present greatness of the Roman
state, the corruption of manners, and the license of the soldiers,
supplied new arguments to the advocates of monarchy; and these general
views of government were again warped by the hopes and fears of each
individual. Amidst this confusion of sentiments, the answer of
the senate was unanimous and decisive. They refused to accept the
resignation of Augustus; they conjured him not to desert the republic,
which he had saved. After a decent resistance, the crafty tyrant
submitted to the orders of the senate; and consented to receive the
government of the provinces, and the general command of the Roman
armies, under the well-known names of Proconsul and Imperator. [5] But
he would receive them only for ten years. Even before the expiration
of that period, he hope that the wounds of civil discord would be
completely healed, and that the republic, restored to its pristine
health and vigor, would no longer require the dangerous interposition
of so extraordinary a magistrate. The memory of this comedy, repeated
several times during the life of Augustus, was preserved to the last
ages of the empire, by the peculiar pomp with which the perpetual
monarchs of Rome always solemnized the tenth years of their reign. [6]

[Footnote 5: Imperator (from which we have derived Emperor) signified
under her republic no more than general, and was emphatically bestowed
by the soldiers, when on the field of battle they proclaimed their
victorious leader worthy of that title. When the Roman emperors assumed
it in that sense, they placed it after their name, and marked how often
they had taken it.]

[Footnote 6: Dion. l. liii. p. 703, &c.]

Without any violation of the principles of the constitution, the general
of the Roman armies might receive and exercise an authority almost
despotic over the soldiers, the enemies, and the subjects of the
republic. With regard to the soldiers, the jealousy of freedom had, even
from the earliest ages of Rome, given way to the hopes of conquest,
and a just sense of military discipline. The dictator, or consul, had
a right to command the service of the Roman youth; and to punish an
obstinate or cowardly disobedience by the most severe and ignominious
penalties, by striking the offender out of the list of citizens, by
confiscating his property, and by selling his person into slavery.
[7] The most sacred rights of freedom, confirmed by the Porcian and
Sempronian laws, were suspended by the military engagement. In his
camp the general exercised an absolute power of life and death; his
jurisdiction was not confined by any forms of trial, or rules of
proceeding, and the execution of the sentence was immediate and without
appeal. [8] The choice of the enemies of Rome was regularly decided by
the legislative authority. The most important resolutions of peace and
war were seriously debated in the senate, and solemnly ratified by
the people. But when the arms of the legions were carried to a great
distance from Italy, the general assumed the liberty of directing
them against whatever people, and in whatever manner, they judged most
advantageous for the public service. It was from the success, not from
the justice, of their enterprises, that they expected the honors of a
triumph. In the use of victory, especially after they were no longer
controlled by the commissioners of the senate, they exercised the most
unbounded despotism. When Pompey commanded in the East, he rewarded
his soldiers and allies, dethroned princes, divided kingdoms, founded
colonies, and distributed the treasures of Mithridates. On his return
to Rome, he obtained, by a single act of the senate and people, the
universal ratification of all his proceedings. [9] Such was the power
over the soldiers, and over the enemies of Rome, which was either
granted to, or assumed by, the generals of the republic. They were,
at the same time, the governors, or rather monarchs, of the conquered
provinces, united the civil with the military character, administered
justice as well as the finances, and exercised both the executive and
legislative power of the state.

[Footnote 7: Livy Epitom. l. xiv. [c. 27.] Valer. Maxim. vi. 3.]

[Footnote 8: See, in the viiith book of Livy, the conduct of Manlius
Torquatus and Papirius Cursor. They violated the laws of nature and
humanity, but they asserted those of military discipline; and the
people, who abhorred the action, was obliged to respect the principle.]

[Footnote 9: By the lavish but unconstrained suffrages of the people,
Pompey had obtained a military command scarcely inferior to that of
Augustus. Among the extraordinary acts of power executed by the former
we may remark the foundation of twenty-nine cities, and the distribution
of three or four millions sterling to his troops. The ratification of
his acts met with some opposition and delays in the senate See Plutarch,
Appian, Dion Cassius, and the first book of the epistles to Atticus.]

From what has already been observed in the first chapter of this work,
some notion may be formed of the armies and provinces thus intrusted
to the ruling hand of Augustus. But as it was impossible that he could
personally command the regions of so many distant frontiers, he was
indulged by the senate, as Pompey had already been, in the permission
of devolving the execution of his great office on a sufficient number of
lieutenants. In rank and authority these officers seemed not inferior to
the ancient proconsuls; but their station was dependent and precarious.
They received and held their commissions at the will of a superior,
to whose auspicious influence the merit of their action was legally
attributed. [10] They were the representatives of the emperor. The
emperor alone was the general of the republic, and his jurisdiction,
civil as well as military, extended over all the conquests of Rome. It
was some satisfaction, however, to the senate, that he always delegated
his power to the members of their body. The imperial lieutenants were of
consular or praetorian dignity; the legions were commanded by senators,
and the praefecture of Egypt was the only important trust committed to a
Roman knight.

[Footnote 10: Under the commonwealth, a triumph could only be claimed by
the general, who was authorized to take the Auspices in the name of the
people. By an exact consequence, drawn from this principle of policy
and religion, the triumph was reserved to the emperor; and his most
successful lieutenants were satisfied with some marks of distinction,
which, under the name of triumphal honors, were invented in their
favor.]

Within six days after Augustus had been compelled to accept so very
liberal a grant, he resolved to gratify the pride of the senate by
an easy sacrifice. He represented to them, that they had enlarged
his powers, even beyond that degree which might be required by the
melancholy condition of the times. They had not permitted him to refuse
the laborious command of the armies and the frontiers; but he must
insist on being allowed to restore the more peaceful and secure
provinces to the mild administration of the civil magistrate. In the
division of the provinces, Augustus provided for his own power and for
the dignity of the republic. The proconsuls of the senate, particularly
those of Asia, Greece, and Africa, enjoyed a more honorable character
than the lieutenants of the emperor, who commanded in Gaul or Syria. The
former were attended by lictors, the latter by soldiers. [105] A law
was passed, that wherever the emperor was present, his extraordinary
commission should supersede the ordinary jurisdiction of the governor;
a custom was introduced, that the new conquests belonged to the imperial
portion; and it was soon discovered that the authority of the Prince,
the favorite epithet of Augustus, was the same in every part of the
empire.

[Footnote 105: This distinction is without foundation. The
lieutenants of the emperor, who were called Propraetors, whether they
had been praetors or consuls, were attended by six lictors; those who
had the right of the sword, (of life and death over the soldiers.--M.)
bore the military habit (paludamentum) and the sword. The provincial
governors commissioned by the senate, who, whether they had been consuls
or not, were called Pronconsuls, had twelve lictors when they had been
consuls, and six only when they had but been praetors. The provinces of
Africa and Asia were only given to ex-consuls. See, on the Organization
of the Provinces, Dion, liii. 12, 16 Strabo, xvii 840.--W]

In return for this imaginary concession, Augustus obtained an important
privilege, which rendered him master of Rome and Italy. By a dangerous
exception to the ancient maxims, he was authorized to preserve his
military command, supported by a numerous body of guards, even in time
of peace, and in the heart of the capital. His command, indeed, was
confined to those citizens who were engaged in the service by the
military oath; but such was the propensity of the Romans to servitude,
that the oath was voluntarily taken by the magistrates, the senators,
and the equestrian order, till the homage of flattery was insensibly
converted into an annual and solemn protestation of fidelity.

Although Augustus considered a military force as the firmest foundation,
he wisely rejected it, as a very odious instrument of government. It was
more agreeable to his temper, as well as to his policy, to reign under
the venerable names of ancient magistracy, and artfully to collect, in
his own person, all the scattered rays of civil jurisdiction. With this
view, he permitted the senate to confer upon him, for his life, the
powers of the consular [11] and tribunitian offices, [12] which were,
in the same manner, continued to all his successors. The consuls had
succeeded to the kings of Rome, and represented the dignity of the
state. They superintended the ceremonies of religion, levied and
commanded the legions, gave audience to foreign ambassadors, and
presided in the assemblies both of the senate and people. The general
control of the finances was intrusted to their care; and though they
seldom had leisure to administer justice in person, they were considered
as the supreme guardians of law, equity, and the public peace. Such was
their ordinary jurisdiction; but whenever the senate empowered the first
magistrate to consult the safety of the commonwealth, he was raised by
that decree above the laws, and exercised, in the defence of liberty,
a temporary despotism. [13] The character of the tribunes was, in every
respect, different from that of the consuls. The appearance of the
former was modest and humble; but their persons were sacred and
inviolable. Their force was suited rather for opposition than for
action. They were instituted to defend the oppressed, to pardon
offences, to arraign the enemies of the people, and, when they judged it
necessary, to stop, by a single word, the whole machine of government.
As long as the republic subsisted, the dangerous influence, which
either the consul or the tribune might derive from their respective
jurisdiction, was diminished by several important restrictions. Their
authority expired with the year in which they were elected; the former
office was divided between two, the latter among ten persons; and,
as both in their private and public interest they were averse to
each other, their mutual conflicts contributed, for the most part, to
strengthen rather than to destroy the balance of the constitution. [131]
But when the consular and tribunitian powers were united, when they were
vested for life in a single person, when the general of the army was, at
the same time, the minister of the senate and the representative of the
Roman people, it was impossible to resist the exercise, nor was it easy
to define the limits, of his imperial prerogative.

[Footnote 11: Cicero (de Legibus, iii. 3) gives the consular office the
name of egia potestas; and Polybius (l. vi. c. 3) observes three powers
in the Roman constitution. The monarchical was represented and exercised
by the consuls.]

[Footnote 12: As the tribunitian power (distinct from the annual office)
was first invented by the dictator Caesar, (Dion, l. xliv. p. 384,) we
may easily conceive, that it was given as a reward for having so nobly
asserted, by arms, the sacred rights of the tribunes and people. See his
own Commentaries, de Bell. Civil. l. i.]

[Footnote 13: Augustus exercised nine annual consulships without
interruption. He then most artfully refused the magistracy, as well as
the dictatorship, absented himself from Rome, and waited till the fatal
effects of tumult and faction forced the senate to invest him with a
perpetual consulship. Augustus, as well as his successors, affected,
however, to conceal so invidious a title.]

[Footnote 131: The note of M. Guizot on the tribunitian power applies
to the French translation rather than to the original. The former
has, maintenir la balance toujours egale, which implies much more than
Gibbon's general expression. The note belongs rather to the history of
the Republic than that of the Empire.--M]

To these accumulated honors, the policy of Augustus soon added the
splendid as well as important dignities of supreme pontiff, and of
censor. By the former he acquired the management of the religion, and
by the latter a legal inspection over the manners and fortunes, of the
Roman people. If so many distinct and independent powers did not exactly
unite with each other, the complaisance of the senate was prepared to
supply every deficiency by the most ample and extraordinary concessions.
The emperors, as the first ministers of the republic, were exempted
from the obligation and penalty of many inconvenient laws: they were
authorized to convoke the senate, to make several motions in the same
day, to recommend candidates for the honors of the state, to enlarge
the bounds of the city, to employ the revenue at their discretion, to
declare peace and war, to ratify treaties; and by a most comprehensive
clause, they were empowered to execute whatsoever they should judge
advantageous to the empire, and agreeable to the majesty of things
private or public, human of divine. [14]

[Footnote 14: See a fragment of a Decree of the Senate, conferring
on the emperor Vespasian all the powers granted to his predecessors,
Augustus, Tiberius, and Claudius. This curious and important monument is
published in Gruter's Inscriptions, No. ccxlii. * Note: It is also in
the editions of Tacitus by Ryck, (Annal. p. 420, 421,) and Ernesti,
(Excurs. ad lib. iv. 6;) but this fragment contains so many
inconsistencies, both in matter and form, that its authenticity may be
doubted--W.]

When all the various powers of executive government were committed to
the Imperial magistrate, the ordinary magistrates of the commonwealth
languished in obscurity, without vigor, and almost without business. The
names and forms of the ancient administration were preserved by Augustus
with the most anxious care. The usual number of consuls, praetors, and
tribunes, [15] were annually invested with their respective ensigns
of office, and continued to discharge some of their least important
functions. Those honors still attracted the vain ambition of the Romans;
and the emperors themselves, though invested for life with the powers of
the consulship, frequently aspired to the title of that annual dignity,
which they condescended to share with the most illustrious of their
fellow-citizens. [16] In the election of these magistrates, the
people, during the reign of Augustus, were permitted to expose all
the inconveniences of a wild democracy. That artful prince, instead
of discovering the least symptom of impatience, humbly solicited their
suffrages for himself or his friends, and scrupulously practised all the
duties of an ordinary candidate. [17] But we may venture to ascribe to
his councils the first measure of the succeeding reign, by which the
elections were transferred to the senate. [18] The assemblies of the
people were forever abolished, and the emperors were delivered from
a dangerous multitude, who, without restoring liberty, might have
disturbed, and perhaps endangered, the established government.

[Footnote 15: Two consuls were created on the Calends of January; but in
the course of the year others were substituted in their places, till
the annual number seems to have amounted to no less than twelve. The
praetors were usually sixteen or eighteen, (Lipsius in Excurs. D. ad
Tacit. Annal. l. i.) I have not mentioned the Aediles or Quaestors
Officers of the police or revenue easily adapt themselves to any form
of government. In the time of Nero, the tribunes legally possessed
the right of intercession, though it might be dangerous to exercise it
(Tacit. Annal. xvi. 26.) In the time of Trajan, it was doubtful whether
the tribuneship was an office or a name, (Plin. Epist. i. 23.)]

[Footnote 16: The tyrants themselves were ambitious of the consulship.
The virtuous princes were moderate in the pursuit, and exact in the
discharge of it. Trajan revived the ancient oath, and swore before the
consul's tribunal that he would observe the laws, (Plin. Panegyric c.
64.)]

[Footnote 17: Quoties Magistratuum Comitiis interesset. Tribus cum
candidatis suis circunbat: supplicabatque more solemni. Ferebat et ipse
suffragium in tribubus, ut unus e populo. Suetonius in August c. 56.]

[Footnote 18: Tum primum Comitia e campo ad patres translata sunt.
Tacit. Annal. i. 15. The word primum seems to allude to some faint
and unsuccessful efforts which were made towards restoring them to the
people. Note: The emperor Caligula made the attempt: he rest red the
Comitia to the people, but, in a short time, took them away again. Suet.
in Caio. c. 16. Dion. lix. 9, 20. Nevertheless, at the time of Dion,
they preserved still the form of the Comitia. Dion. lviii. 20.--W.]

By declaring themselves the protectors of the people, Marius and Caesar
had subverted the constitution of their country. But as soon as the
senate had been humbled and disarmed, such an assembly, consisting of
five or six hundred persons, was found a much more tractable and
useful instrument of dominion. It was on the dignity of the senate that
Augustus and his successors founded their new empire; and they affected,
on every occasion, to adopt the language and principles of Patricians.
In the administration of their own powers, they frequently consulted
the great national council, and seemed to refer to its decision the
most important concerns of peace and war. Rome, Italy, and the internal
provinces, were subject to the immediate jurisdiction of the senate.
With regard to civil objects, it was the supreme court of appeal; with
regard to criminal matters, a tribunal, constituted for the trial of
all offences that were committed by men in any public station, or that
affected the peace and majesty of the Roman people. The exercise of the
judicial power became the most frequent and serious occupation of the
senate; and the important causes that were pleaded before them afforded
a last refuge to the spirit of ancient eloquence. As a council of
state, and as a court of justice, the senate possessed very considerable
prerogatives; but in its legislative capacity, in which it was supposed
virtually to represent the people, the rights of sovereignty were
acknowledged to reside in that assembly. Every power was derived from
their authority, every law was ratified by their sanction. Their regular
meetings were held on three stated days in every month, the Calends, the
Nones, and the Ides. The debates were conducted with decent freedom;
and the emperors themselves, who gloried in the name of senators, sat,
voted, and divided with their equals. To resume, in a few words, the
system of the Imperial government; as it was instituted by Augustus, and
maintained by those princes who understood their own interest and that
of the people, it may be defined an absolute monarchy disguised by the
forms of a commonwealth. The masters of the Roman world surrounded their
throne with darkness, concealed their irresistible strength, and humbly
professed themselves the accountable ministers of the senate, whose
supreme decrees they dictated and obeyed. [19]

[Footnote 19: Dion Cassius (l. liii. p. 703--714) has given a very loose
and partial sketch of the Imperial system. To illustrate and often to
correct him, I have meditated Tacitus, examined Suetonius, and consulted
the following moderns: the Abbe de la Bleterie, in the Memoires de
l'Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xix. xxi. xxiv. xxv. xxvii. Beaufort
Republique Romaine, tom. i. p. 255--275. The Dissertations of Noodt and
Gronovius de lege Regia, printed at Leyden, in the year 1731 Gravina de
Imperio Romano, p. 479--544 of his Opuscula. Maffei, Verona Illustrata,
p. i. p. 245, &c.] The face of the court corresponded with the forms of
the administration. The emperors, if we except those tyrants whose
capricious folly violated every law of nature and decency, disdained
that pomp and ceremony which might offend their countrymen, but could
add nothing to their real power. In all the offices of life, they
affected to confound themselves with their subjects, and maintained with
them an equal intercourse of visits and entertainments. Their habit,
their palace, their table, were suited only to the rank of an opulent
senator. Their family, however numerous or splendid, was composed
entirely of their domestic slaves and freedmen. [20] Augustus or Trajan
would have blushed at employing the meanest of the Romans in those
menial offices, which, in the household and bedchamber of a limited
monarch, are so eagerly solicited by the proudest nobles of Britain.]

[Footnote 20: A weak prince will always be governed by his domestics.
The power of slaves aggravated the shame of the Romans; and the senate
paid court to a Pallas or a Narcissus. There is a chance that a modern
favorite may be a gentleman.]

The deification of the emperors [21] is the only instance in which they
departed from their accustomed prudence and modesty. The Asiatic Greeks
were the first inventors, the successors of Alexander the first objects,
of this servile and impious mode of adulation. [211] It was easily
transferred from the kings to the governors of Asia; and the Roman
magistrates very frequently were adored as provincial deities, with the
pomp of altars and temples, of festivals and sacrifices. [22] It was
natural that the emperors should not refuse what the proconsuls had
accepted; and the divine honors which both the one and the other
received from the provinces, attested rather the despotism than the
servitude of Rome. But the conquerors soon imitated the vanquished
nations in the arts of flattery; and the imperious spirit of the first
Caesar too easily consented to assume, during his lifetime, a place
among the tutelar deities of Rome. The milder temper of his successor
declined so dangerous an ambition, which was never afterwards revived,
except by the madness of Caligula and Domitian. Augustus permitted
indeed some of the provincial cities to erect temples to his honor, on
condition that they should associate the worship of Rome with that of
the sovereign; he tolerated private superstition, of which he might be
the object; [23] but he contented himself with being revered by the
senate and the people in his human character, and wisely left to his
successor the care of his public deification. A regular custom was
introduced, that on the decease of every emperor who had neither lived
nor died like a tyrant, the senate by a solemn decree should place him
in the number of the gods: and the ceremonies of his apotheosis were
blended with those of his funeral. [231] This legal, and, as it should
seem, injudicious profanation, so abhorrent to our stricter principles,
was received with a very faint murmur, [24] by the easy nature of
Polytheism; but it was received as an institution, not of religion, but
of policy. We should disgrace the virtues of the Antonines by comparing
them with the vices of Hercules or Jupiter. Even the characters of
Caesar or Augustus were far superior to those of the popular deities.
But it was the misfortune of the former to live in an enlightened age,
and their actions were too faithfully recorded to admit of such a
mixture of fable and mystery, as the devotion of the vulgar requires. As
soon as their divinity was established by law, it sunk into oblivion,
without contributing either to their own fame, or to the dignity of
succeeding princes.

[Footnote 21: See a treatise of Vandale de Consecratione Principium.
It would be easier for me to copy, than it has been to verify, the
quotations of that learned Dutchman.]

[Footnote 211: This is inaccurate. The successors of Alexander were not
the first deified sovereigns; the Egyptians had deified and worshipped
many of their kings; the Olympus of the Greeks was peopled with
divinities who had reigned on earth; finally, Romulus himself had
received the honors of an apotheosis (Tit. Liv. i. 16) a long time
before Alexander and his successors. It is also an inaccuracy to
confound the honors offered in the provinces to the Roman governors, by
temples and altars, with the true apotheosis of the emperors; it was not
a religious worship, for it had neither priests nor sacrifices. Augustus
was severely blamed for having permitted himself to be worshipped as
a god in the provinces, (Tac. Ann. i. 10: ) he would not have incurred
that blame if he had only done what the governors were accustomed to
do.--G. from W. M. Guizot has been guilty of a still greater inaccuracy
in confounding the deification of the living with the apotheosis of the
dead emperors. The nature of the king-worship of Egypt is still
very obscure; the hero-worship of the Greeks very different from the
adoration of the "praesens numen" in the reigning sovereign.--M.]

[Footnote 22: See a dissertation of the Abbe Mongault in the first
volume of the Academy of Inscriptions.]

[Footnote 23: Jurandasque tuum per nomen ponimus aras, says Horace to
the emperor himself, and Horace was well acquainted with the court of
Augustus. Note: The good princes were not those who alone obtained
the honors of an apotheosis: it was conferred on many tyrants. See
an excellent treatise of Schaepflin, de Consecratione Imperatorum
Romanorum, in his Commentationes historicae et criticae. Bale, 1741, p.
184.--W.]

[Footnote 231: The curious satire in the works of Seneca, is the strongest
remonstrance of profaned religion.--M.]

[Footnote 24: See Cicero in Philippic. i. 6. Julian in Caesaribus. Inque
Deum templis jurabit Roma per umbras, is the indignant expression of
Lucan; but it is a patriotic rather than a devout indignation.]

In the consideration of the Imperial government, we have frequently
mentioned the artful founder, under his well-known title of Augustus,
which was not, however, conferred upon him till the edifice was almost
completed. The obscure name of Octavianus he derived from a mean family,
in the little town of Aricia. [241] It was stained with the blood of the
proscription; and he was desirous, had it been possible, to erase all
memory of his former life. The illustrious surname of Caesar he had
assumed, as the adopted son of the dictator: but he had too much good
sense, either to hope to be confounded, or to wish to be compared with
that extraordinary man. It was proposed in the senate to dignify their
minister with a new appellation; and after a serious discussion, that of
Augustus was chosen, among several others, as being the most expressive
of the character of peace and sanctity, which he uniformly affected.
[25] Augustus was therefore a personal, Caesar a family distinction.
The former should naturally have expired with the prince on whom it was
bestowed; and however the latter was diffused by adoption and female
alliance, Nero was the last prince who could allege any hereditary claim
to the honors of the Julian line. But, at the time of his death, the
practice of a century had inseparably connected those appellations with
the Imperial dignity, and they have been preserved by a long succession
of emperors, Romans, Greeks, Franks, and Germans, from the fall of
the republic to the present time. A distinction was, however, soon
introduced. The sacred title of Augustus was always reserved for the
monarch, whilst the name of Caesar was more freely communicated to his
relations; and, from the reign of Hadrian, at least, was appropriated
to the second person in the state, who was considered as the presumptive
heir of the empire. [251]

[Footnote 241: Octavius was not of an obscure family, but of a considerable
one of the equestrian order. His father, C. Octavius, who possessed
great property, had been praetor, governor of Macedonia, adorned with
the title of Imperator, and was on the point of becoming consul when he
died. His mother Attia, was daughter of M. Attius Balbus, who had also
been praetor. M. Anthony reproached Octavius with having been born in
Aricia, which, nevertheless, was a considerable municipal city: he was
vigorously refuted by Cicero. Philip. iii. c. 6.--W. Gibbon probably
meant that the family had but recently emerged into notice.--M.]

[Footnote 25: Dion. Cassius, l. liii. p. 710, with the curious
Annotations of Reimar.]

[Footnote 251: The princes who by their birth or their adoption belonged
to the family of the Caesars, took the name of Caesar. After the
death of Nero, this name designated the Imperial dignity itself, and
afterwards the appointed successor. The time at which it was employed in
the latter sense, cannot be fixed with certainty. Bach (Hist. Jurisprud.
Rom. 304) affirms from Tacitus, H. i. 15, and Suetonius, Galba, 17, that
Galba conferred on Piso Lucinianus the title of Caesar, and from that
time the term had this meaning: but these two historians simply say that
he appointed Piso his successor, and do not mention the word Caesar.
Aurelius Victor (in Traj. 348, ed. Artzen) says that Hadrian first
received this title on his adoption; but as the adoption of Hadrian is
still doubtful, and besides this, as Trajan, on his death-bed, was
not likely to have created a new title for his successor, it is more
probable that Aelius Verus was the first who was called Caesar when
adopted by Hadrian. Spart. in Aelio Vero, 102.--W.]




Chapter III: The Constitution In The Age Of The Antonines.--Part II.

The tender respect of Augustus for a free constitution which he had
destroyed, can only be explained by an attentive consideration of the
character of that subtle tyrant. A cool head, an unfeeling heart, and a
cowardly disposition, prompted him at the age of nineteen to assume the
mask of hypocrisy, which he never afterwards laid aside. With the same
hand, and probably with the same temper, he signed the proscription of
Cicero, and the pardon of Cinna. His virtues, and even his vices, were
artificial; and according to the various dictates of his interest, he
was at first the enemy, and at last the father, of the Roman world.
[26] When he framed the artful system of the Imperial authority, his
moderation was inspired by his fears. He wished to deceive the people
by an image of civil liberty, and the armies by an image of civil
government.

[Footnote 26: As Octavianus advanced to the banquet of the Caesars,
his color changed like that of the chameleon; pale at first, then red,
afterwards black, he at last assumed the mild livery of Venus and
the Graces, (Caesars, p. 309.) This image, employed by Julian in his
ingenious fiction, is just and elegant; but when he considers this
change of character as real and ascribes it to the power of philosophy,
he does too much honor to philosophy and to Octavianus.]


I. The death of Caesar was ever before his eyes. He had lavished wealth
and honors on his adherents; but the most favored friends of his uncle
were in the number of the conspirators. The fidelity of the legions
might defend his authority against open rebellion; but their vigilance
could not secure his person from the dagger of a determined republican;
and the Romans, who revered the memory of Brutus, [27] would applaud the
imitation of his virtue. Caesar had provoked his fate, as much as by
the ostentation of his power, as by his power itself. The consul or the
tribune might have reigned in peace. The title of king had armed the
Romans against his life. Augustus was sensible that mankind is governed
by names; nor was he deceived in his expectation, that the senate and
people would submit to slavery, provided they were respectfully assured
that they still enjoyed their ancient freedom. A feeble senate and
enervated people cheerfully acquiesced in the pleasing illusion, as
long as it was supported by the virtue, or even by the prudence, of
the successors of Augustus. It was a motive of self-preservation, not a
principle of liberty, that animated the conspirators against Caligula,
Nero, and Domitian. They attacked the person of the tyrant, without
aiming their blow at the authority of the emperor.

[Footnote 27: Two centuries after the establishment of monarchy, the
emperor Marcus Antoninus recommends the character of Brutus as a perfect
model of Roman virtue. * Note: In a very ingenious essay, Gibbon has
ventured to call in question the preeminent virtue of Brutus. Misc
Works, iv. 95.--M.]

There appears, indeed, one memorable occasion, in which the senate,
after seventy years of patience, made an ineffectual attempt to
re-assume its long-forgotten rights. When the throne was vacant by the
murder of Caligula, the consuls convoked that assembly in the Capitol,
condemned the memory of the Caesars, gave the watchword liberty to the
few cohorts who faintly adhered to their standard, and during
eight-and-forty hours acted as the independent chiefs of a free
commonwealth. But while they deliberated, the praetorian guards had
resolved. The stupid Claudius, brother of Germanicus, was already in
their camp, invested with the Imperial purple, and prepared to support
his election by arms. The dream of liberty was at an end; and the senate
awoke to all the horrors of inevitable servitude. Deserted by the
people, and threatened by a military force, that feeble assembly was
compelled to ratify the choice of the praetorians, and to embrace the
benefit of an amnesty, which Claudius had the prudence to offer, and the
generosity to observe. [28]

[See The Capitol: When the throne was vacant by the murder of Caligula,
the consuls convoked that assembly in the Capitol.]

[Footnote 28: It is much to be regretted that we have lost the part
of Tacitus which treated of that transaction. We are forced to content
ourselves with the popular rumors of Josephus, and the imperfect hints
of Dion and Suetonius.]


II. The insolence of the armies inspired Augustus with fears of a still
more alarming nature. The despair of the citizens could only attempt,
what the power of the soldiers was, at any time, able to execute. How
precarious was his own authority over men whom he had taught to violate
every social duty! He had heard their seditious clamors; he dreaded
their calmer moments of reflection. One revolution had been purchased by
immense rewards; but a second revolution might double those rewards. The
troops professed the fondest attachment to the house of Caesar; but the
attachments of the multitude are capricious and inconstant. Augustus
summoned to his aid whatever remained in those fierce minds of Roman
prejudices; enforced the rigor of discipline by the sanction of law;
and, interposing the majesty of the senate between the emperor and the
army, boldly claimed their allegiance, as the first magistrate of the
republic.

During a long period of two hundred and twenty years from the
establishment of this artful system to the death of Commodus, the
dangers inherent to a military government were, in a great measure,
suspended. The soldiers were seldom roused to that fatal sense of their
own strength, and of the weakness of the civil authority, which was,
before and afterwards, productive of such dreadful calamities. Caligula
and Domitian were assassinated in their palace by their own domestics:
[281] the convulsions which agitated Rome on the death of the former, were
confined to the walls of the city. But Nero involved the whole empire in
his ruin. In the space of eighteen months, four princes perished by
the sword; and the Roman world was shaken by the fury of the contending
armies. Excepting only this short, though violent eruption of military
license, the two centuries from Augustus [29] to Commodus passed away
unstained with civil blood, and undisturbed by revolutions. The emperor
was elected by the authority of the senate, and the consent of the
soldiers. [30] The legions respected their oath of fidelity; and it
requires a minute inspection of the Roman annals to discover three
inconsiderable rebellions, which were all suppressed in a few months,
and without even the hazard of a battle. [31]

[Footnote 281: Caligula perished by a conspiracy formed by the officers
of the praetorian troops, and Domitian would not, perhaps, have been
assassinated without the participation of the two chiefs of that guard
in his death.--W.]

[Footnote 29: Augustus restored the ancient severity of discipline.
After the civil wars, he dropped the endearing name of Fellow-Soldiers,
and called them only Soldiers, (Sueton. in August. c. 25.) See the use
Tiberius made of the Senate in the mutiny of the Pannonian legions,
(Tacit. Annal. i.)]

[Footnote 30: These words seem to have been the constitutional language.
See Tacit. Annal. xiii. 4. * Note: This panegyric on the soldiery is
rather too liberal. Claudius was obliged to purchase their consent to
his coronation: the presents which he made, and those which the
praetorians received on other occasions, considerably embarrassed the
finances. Moreover, this formidable guard favored, in general, the
cruelties of the tyrants. The distant revolts were more frequent than
Gibbon thinks: already, under Tiberius, the legions of Germany would
have seditiously constrained Germanicus to assume the Imperial purple.
On the revolt of Claudius Civilis, under Vespasian, the legions of Gaul
murdered their general, and offered their assistance to the Gauls who
were in insurrection. Julius Sabinus made himself be proclaimed emperor,
&c. The wars, the merit, and the severe discipline of Trajan, Hadrian,
and the two Antonines, established, for some time, a greater degree of
subordination.--W]

[Footnote 31: The first was Camillus Scribonianus, who took up arms in
Dalmatia against Claudius, and was deserted by his own troops in five
days, the second, L. Antonius, in Germany, who rebelled against
Domitian; and the third, Avidius Cassius, in the reign of M. Antoninus.
The two last reigned but a few months, and were cut off by their own
adherents. We may observe, that both Camillus and Cassius  their
ambition with the design of restoring the republic; a task, said Cassius
peculiarly reserved for his name and family.]

In elective monarchies, the vacancy of the throne is a moment big with
danger and mischief. The Roman emperors, desirous to spare the legions
that interval of suspense, and the temptation of an irregular choice,
invested their designed successor with so large a share of present
power, as should enable him, after their decease, to assume the
remainder, without suffering the empire to perceive the change of
masters. Thus Augustus, after all his fairer prospects had been snatched
from him by untimely deaths, rested his last hopes on Tiberius, obtained
for his adopted son the censorial and tribunitian powers, and dictated a
law, by which the future prince was invested with an authority equal to
his own, over the provinces and the armies. [32] Thus Vespasian subdued
the generous mind of his eldest son. Titus was adored by the eastern
legions, which, under his command, had recently achieved the conquest of
Judaea. His power was dreaded, and, as his virtues were clouded by the
intemperance of youth, his designs were suspected. Instead of listening
to such unworthy suspicions, the prudent monarch associated Titus to the
full powers of the Imperial dignity; and the grateful son ever approved
himself the humble and faithful minister of so indulgent a father. [33]

[Footnote 32: Velleius Paterculus, l. ii. c. 121. Sueton. in Tiber. c.
26.]

[Footnote 33: Sueton. in Tit. c. 6. Plin. in Praefat. Hist. Natur.]

The good sense of Vespasian engaged him indeed to embrace every measure
that might confirm his recent and precarious elevation. The military
oath, and the fidelity of the troops, had been consecrated, by the
habits of a hundred years, to the name and family of the Caesars; and
although that family had been continued only by the fictitious rite of
adoption, the Romans still revered, in the person of Nero, the grandson
of Germanicus, and the lineal successor of Augustus. It was not without
reluctance and remorse, that the praetorian guards had been persuaded to
abandon the cause of the tyrant. [34] The rapid downfall of Galba,
Otho, and Vitellus, taught the armies to consider the emperors as the
creatures of their will, and the instruments of their license. The birth
of Vespasian was mean: his grandfather had been a private soldier, his
father a petty officer of the revenue; [35] his own merit had raised him,
in an advanced age, to the empire; but his merit was rather useful than
shining, and his virtues were disgraced by a strict and even sordid
parsimony. Such a prince consulted his true interest by the association
of a son, whose more splendid and amiable character might turn the
public attention from the obscure origin, to the future glories, of the
Flavian house. Under the mild administration of Titus, the Roman world
enjoyed a transient felicity, and his beloved memory served to protect,
above fifteen years, the vices of his brother Domitian.

[Footnote 34: This idea is frequently and strongly inculcated by
Tacitus. See Hist. i. 5, 16, ii. 76.]

[Footnote 35: The emperor Vespasian, with his usual good sense, laughed
at the genealogists, who deduced his family from Flavius, the founder of
Reate, (his native country,) and one of the companions of Hercules Suet
in Vespasian, c. 12.]

Nerva had scarcely accepted the purple from the assassins of Domitian,
before he discovered that his feeble age was unable to stem the torrent
of public disorders, which had multiplied under the long tyranny of his
predecessor. His mild disposition was respected by the good; but the
degenerate Romans required a more vigorous character, whose justice
should strike terror into the guilty. Though he had several relations,
he fixed his choice on a stranger. He adopted Trajan, then about forty
years of age, and who commanded a powerful army in the Lower Germany;
and immediately, by a decree of the senate, declared him his colleague
and successor in the empire. [36] It is sincerely to be lamented, that
whilst we are fatigued with the disgustful relation of Nero's crimes
and follies, we are reduced to collect the actions of Trajan from the
glimmerings of an abridgment, or the doubtful light of a panegyric.
There remains, however, one panegyric far removed beyond the suspicion
of flattery. Above two hundred and fifty years after the death of
Trajan, the senate, in pouring out the customary acclamations on the
accession of a new emperor, wished that he might surpass the felicity of
Augustus, and the virtue of Trajan. [37]

[Footnote 36: Dion, l. lxviii. p. 1121. Plin. Secund. in Panegyric.]

[Footnote 37: Felicior Augusto, Melior Trajano. Eutrop. viii. 5.]

We may readily believe, that the father of his country hesitated whether
he ought to intrust the various and doubtful character of his kinsman
Hadrian with sovereign power. In his last moments the arts of the
empress Plotina either fixed the irresolution of Trajan, or boldly
supposed a fictitious adoption; [38] the truth of which could not be
safely disputed, and Hadrian was peaceably acknowledged as his lawful
successor. Under his reign, as has been already mentioned, the empire
flourished in peace and prosperity. He encouraged the arts, reformed
the laws, asserted military discipline, and visited all his provinces
in person. His vast and active genius was equally suited to the most
enlarged views, and the minute details of civil policy. But the ruling
passions of his soul were curiosity and vanity. As they prevailed, and
as they were attracted by different objects, Hadrian was, by turns,
an excellent prince, a ridiculous sophist, and a jealous tyrant.
The general tenor of his conduct deserved praise for its equity and
moderation. Yet in the first days of his reign, he put to death four
consular senators, his personal enemies, and men who had been judged
worthy of empire; and the tediousness of a painful illness rendered
him, at last, peevish and cruel. The senate doubted whether they should
pronounce him a god or a tyrant; and the honors decreed to his memory
were granted to the prayers of the pious Antoninus. [39]

[Footnote 38: Dion (l. lxix. p. 1249) affirms the whole to have been
a fiction, on the authority of his father, who, being governor of the
province where Trajan died, had very good opportunities of sifting
this mysterious transaction. Yet Dodwell (Praelect. Camden. xvii.) has
maintained that Hadrian was called to the certain hope of the empire,
during the lifetime of Trajan.]

[Footnote 39: Dion, (l. lxx. p. 1171.) Aurel. Victor.]

The caprice of Hadrian influenced his choice of a successor.

After revolving in his mind several men of distinguished merit, whom
he esteemed and hated, he adopted Aelius Verus a gay and voluptuous
nobleman, recommended by uncommon beauty to the lover of Antinous. [40]
But whilst Hadrian was delighting himself with his own applause, and
the acclamations of the soldiers, whose consent had been secured by an
immense donative, the new Caesar [41] was ravished from his embraces by
an untimely death. He left only one son. Hadrian commended the boy to
the gratitude of the Antonines. He was adopted by Pius; and, on the
accession of Marcus, was invested with an equal share of sovereign
power. Among the many vices of this younger Verus, he possessed
one virtue; a dutiful reverence for his wiser colleague, to whom he
willingly abandoned the ruder cares of empire. The philosophic emperor
dissembled his follies, lamented his early death, and cast a decent veil
over his memory.

[Footnote 40: The deification of Antinous, his medals, his statues,
temples, city, oracles, and constellation, are well known, and still
dishonor the memory of Hadrian. Yet we may remark, that of the first
fifteen emperors, Claudius was the only one whose taste in love was
entirely correct. For the honors of Antinous, see Spanheim, Commentaire
sui les Caesars de Julien, p. 80.]

[Footnote 41: Hist. August. p. 13. Aurelius Victor in Epitom.]

As soon as Hadrian's passion was either gratified or disappointed, he
resolved to deserve the thanks of posterity, by placing the most exalted
merit on the Roman throne. His discerning eye easily discovered a
senator about fifty years of age, blameless in all the offices of life;
and a youth of about seventeen, whose riper years opened a fair prospect
of every virtue: the elder of these was declared the son and successor
of Hadrian, on condition, however, that he himself should immediately
adopt the younger. The two Antonines (for it is of them that we are now
speaking,) governed the Roman world forty-two years, with the same
invariable spirit of wisdom and virtue. Although Pius had two sons, [42]
he preferred the welfare of Rome to the interest of his family, gave his
daughter Faustina, in marriage to young Marcus, obtained from the senate
the tribunitian and proconsular powers, and, with a noble disdain, or
rather ignorance of jealousy, associated him to all the labors of
government. Marcus, on the other hand, revered the character of his
benefactor, loved him as a parent, obeyed him as his sovereign, [43]
and, after he was no more, regulated his own administration by the
example and maxims of his predecessor. Their united reigns are possibly
the only period of history in which the happiness of a great people was
the sole object of government.

[Footnote 42: Without the help of medals and inscriptions, we should be
ignorant of this fact, so honorable to the memory of Pius. Note: Gibbon
attributes to Antoninus Pius a merit which he either did not possess, or
was not in a situation to display.

1. He was adopted only on the condition that he would adopt, in his
turn, Marcus Aurelius and L. Verus.

2. His two sons died children, and one of them, M. Galerius, alone,
appears to have survived, for a few years, his father's coronation.
Gibbon is also mistaken when he says (note 42) that "without the help
of medals and inscriptions, we should be ignorant that Antoninus had
two sons." Capitolinus says expressly, (c. 1,) Filii mares duo,
duae-foeminae; we only owe their names to the medals. Pagi. Cont. Baron,
i. 33, edit Paris.--W.]

[Footnote 43: During the twenty-three years of Pius's reign, Marcus was
only two nights absent from the palace, and even those were at different
times. Hist. August. p. 25.]

Titus Antoninus Pius has been justly denominated a second Numa. The
same love of religion, justice, and peace, was the distinguishing
characteristic of both princes. But the situation of the latter opened
a much larger field for the exercise of those virtues. Numa could
only prevent a few neighboring villages from plundering each other's
harvests. Antoninus diffused order and tranquillity over the greatest
part of the earth. His reign is marked by the rare advantage of
furnishing very few materials for history; which is, indeed, little more
than the register of the crimes, follies, and misfortunes of mankind.
In private life, he was an amiable, as well as a good man. The native
simplicity of his virtue was a stranger to vanity or affectation.
He enjoyed with moderation the conveniences of his fortune, and the
innocent pleasures of society; [44] and the benevolence of his soul
displayed itself in a cheerful serenity of temper.

[Footnote 44: He was fond of the theatre, and not insensible to the
charms of the fair sex. Marcus Antoninus, i. 16. Hist. August. p. 20,
21. Julian in Caesar.]

The virtue of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus was of severer and more
laborious kind. [45] It was the well-earned harvest of many a learned
conference, of many a patient lecture, and many a midnight lucubration.
At the age of twelve years he embraced the rigid system of the Stoics,
which taught him to submit his body to his mind, his passions to his
reason; to consider virtue as the only good, vice as the only evil, all
things external as things indifferent. [46] His meditations, composed in
the tumult of the camp, are still extant; and he even condescended to
give lessons of philosophy, in a more public manner than was perhaps
consistent with the modesty of sage, or the dignity of an emperor. [47]
But his life was the noblest commentary on the precepts of Zeno. He was
severe to himself, indulgent to the imperfections of others, just
and beneficent to all mankind. He regretted that Avidius Cassius, who
excited a rebellion in Syria, had disappointed him, by a voluntary
death, [471] of the pleasure of converting an enemy into a friend;; and he
justified the sincerity of that sentiment, by moderating the zeal of the
senate against the adherents of the traitor. [48] War he detested, as the
disgrace and calamity of human nature; [481] but when the necessity of
a just defence called upon him to take up arms, he readily exposed his
person to eight winter campaigns, on the frozen banks of the Danube, the
severity of which was at last fatal to the weakness of his constitution.
His memory was revered by a grateful posterity, and above a century
after his death, many persons preserved the image of Marcus Antoninus
among those of their household gods. [49]

[Footnote 45: The enemies of Marcus charged him with hypocrisy, and
with a want of that simplicity which distinguished Pius and even Verus.
(Hist. August. 6, 34.) This suspicions, unjust as it was, may serve to
account for the superior applause bestowed upon personal qualifications,
in preference to the social virtues. Even Marcus Antoninus has been
called a hypocrite; but the wildest scepticism never insinuated that
Caesar might probably be a coward, or Tully a fool. Wit and valor are
qualifications more easily ascertained than humanity or the love of
justice.]

[Footnote 46: Tacitus has characterized, in a few words, the principles
of the portico: Doctores sapientiae secutus est, qui sola bona quae
honesta, main tantum quae turpia; potentiam, nobilitatem, aeteraque
extra... bonis neque malis adnumerant. Tacit. Hist. iv. 5.]

[Footnote 47: Before he went on the second expedition against the
Germans, he read lectures of philosophy to the Roman people, during
three days. He had already done the same in the cities of Greece and
Asia. Hist. August. in Cassio, c. 3.]

[Footnote 471: Cassius was murdered by his own partisans. Vulcat. Gallic.
in Cassio, c. 7. Dion, lxxi. c. 27.--W.]

[Footnote 48: Dion, l. lxxi. p. 1190. Hist. August. in Avid. Cassio.
Note: See one of the newly discovered passages of Dion Cassius. Marcus
wrote to the senate, who urged the execution of the partisans of
Cassius, in these words: "I entreat and beseech you to preserve my reign
unstained by senatorial blood. None of your order must perish either by
your desire or mine." Mai. Fragm. Vatican. ii. p. 224.--M.]

[Footnote 481: Marcus would not accept the services of any of the
barbarian allies who crowded to his standard in the war against Avidius
Cassius. "Barbarians," he said, with wise but vain sagacity, "must not
become acquainted with the dissensions of the Roman people." Mai. Fragm
Vatican l. 224.--M.]

[Footnote 49: Hist. August. in Marc. Antonin. c. 18.]

If a man were called to fix the period in the history of the world,
during which the condition of the human race was most happy and
prosperous, he would, without hesitation, name that which elapsed from
the death of Domitian to the accession of Commodus. The vast extent of
the Roman empire was governed by absolute power, under the guidance of
virtue and wisdom. The armies were restrained by the firm but gentle
hand of four successive emperors, whose characters and authority
commanded involuntary respect. The forms of the civil administration
were carefully preserved by Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, and the Antonines,
who delighted in the image of liberty, and were pleased with considering
themselves as the accountable ministers of the laws. Such princes
deserved the honor of restoring the republic, had the Romans of their
days been capable of enjoying a rational freedom.

The labors of these monarchs were overpaid by the immense reward that
inseparably waited on their success; by the honest pride of virtue, and
by the exquisite delight of beholding the general happiness of which
they were the authors. A just but melancholy reflection imbittered,
however, the noblest of human enjoyments. They must often have
recollected the instability of a happiness which depended on the
character of single man. The fatal moment was perhaps approaching,
when some licentious youth, or some jealous tyrant, would abuse, to the
destruction, that absolute power, which they had exerted for the benefit
of their people. The ideal restraints of the senate and the laws might
serve to display the virtues, but could never correct the vices, of the
emperor. The military force was a blind and irresistible instrument
of oppression; and the corruption of Roman manners would always supply
flatterers eager to applaud, and ministers prepared to serve, the fear
or the avarice, the lust or the cruelty, of their master. These gloomy
apprehensions had been already justified by the experience of the
Romans. The annals of the emperors exhibit a strong and various picture
of human nature, which we should vainly seek among the mixed and
doubtful characters of modern history. In the conduct of those monarchs
we may trace the utmost lines of vice and virtue; the most exalted
perfection, and the meanest degeneracy of our own species. The golden
age of Trajan and the Antonines had been preceded by an age of iron. It
is almost superfluous to enumerate the unworthy successors of Augustus.
Their unparalleled vices, and the splendid theatre on which they were
acted, have saved them from oblivion. The dark, unrelenting Tiberius,
the furious Caligula, the feeble Claudius, the profligate and cruel
Nero, the beastly Vitellius, [50] and the timid, inhuman Domitian, are
condemned to everlasting infamy. During fourscore years (excepting only
the short and doubtful respite of Vespasian's reign) [51] Rome groaned
beneath an unremitting tyranny, which exterminated the ancient families
of the republic, and was fatal to almost every virtue and every talent
that arose in that unhappy period.

[Footnote 50: Vitellius consumed in mere eating at least six millions
of our money in about seven months. It is not easy to express his vices
with dignity, or even decency. Tacitus fairly calls him a hog, but it
is by substituting for a coarse word a very fine image. "At Vitellius,
umbraculis hortorum abditus, ut ignava animalia, quibus si cibum
suggeras, jacent torpentque, praeterita, instantia, futura, pari
oblivione dimiserat. Atque illum nemore Aricino desidem et marcentum,"
&c. Tacit. Hist. iii. 36, ii. 95. Sueton. in Vitell. c. 13. Dion.
Cassius, l xv. p. 1062.]

[Footnote 51: The execution of Helvidius Priscus, and of the virtuous
Eponina, disgraced the reign of Vespasian.]

Under the reign of these monsters, the slavery of the Romans was
accompanied with two peculiar circumstances, the one occasioned by their
former liberty, the other by their extensive conquests, which rendered
their condition more completely wretched than that of the victims of
tyranny in any other age or country. From these causes were derived, 1.
The exquisite sensibility of the sufferers; and, 2. The impossibility of
escaping from the hand of the oppressor.


I. When Persia was governed by the descendants of Sefi, a race of
princes whose wanton cruelty often stained their divan, their table, and
their bed, with the blood of their favorites, there is a saying recorded
of a young nobleman, that he never departed from the sultan's presence,
without satisfying himself whether his head was still on his shoulders.
The experience of every day might almost justify the scepticism of
Rustan. [52] Yet the fatal sword, suspended above him by a single
thread, seems not to have disturbed the slumbers, or interrupted the
tranquillity, of the Persian. The monarch's frown, he well knew, could
level him with the dust; but the stroke of lightning or apoplexy might
be equally fatal; and it was the part of a wise man to forget the
inevitable calamities of human life in the enjoyment of the fleeting
hour. He was dignified with the appellation of the king's slave; had,
perhaps, been purchased from obscure parents, in a country which he
had never known; and was trained up from his infancy in the severe
discipline of the seraglio. [53] His name, his wealth, his honors, were
the gift of a master, who might, without injustice, resume what he had
bestowed. Rustan's knowledge, if he possessed any, could only serve to
confirm his habits by prejudices. His language afforded not words for
any form of government, except absolute monarchy. The history of the
East informed him, that such had ever been the condition of mankind.
[54] The Koran, and the interpreters of that divine book, inculcated to
him, that the sultan was the descendant of the prophet, and the
vicegerent of heaven; that patience was the first virtue of a Mussulman,
and unlimited obedience the great duty of a subject.

[Footnote 52: Voyage de Chardin en Perse, vol. iii. p. 293.]

[Footnote 53: The practice of raising slaves to the great offices of
state is still more common among the Turks than among the Persians. The
miserable countries of Georgia and Circassia supply rulers to the
greatest part of the East.]

[Footnote 54: Chardin says, that European travellers have diffused among
the Persians some ideas of the freedom and mildness of our governments.
They have done them a very ill office.]

The minds of the Romans were very differently prepared for slavery.
Oppressed beneath the weight of their own corruption and of military
violence, they for a long while preserved the sentiments, or at least
the ideas, of their free-born ancestors. The education of Helvidius and
Thrasea, of Tacitus and Pliny, was the same as that of Cato and Cicero.
From Grecian philosophy, they had imbibed the justest and most liberal
notions of the dignity of human nature, and the origin of civil society.
The history of their own country had taught them to revere a free, a
virtuous, and a victorious commonwealth; to abhor the successful crimes
of Caesar and Augustus; and inwardly to despise those tyrants whom they
adored with the most abject flattery. As magistrates and senators they
were admitted into the great council, which had once dictated laws
to the earth, whose authority was so often prostituted to the vilest
purposes of tyranny. Tiberius, and those emperors who adopted his
maxims, attempted to disguise their murders by the formalities of
justice, and perhaps enjoyed a secret pleasure in rendering the senate
their accomplice as well as their victim. By this assembly, the last of
the Romans were condemned for imaginary crimes and real virtues. Their
infamous accusers assumed the language of independent patriots, who
arraigned a dangerous citizen before the tribunal of his country; and
the public service was rewarded by riches and honors. [55] The servile
judges professed to assert the majesty of the commonwealth, violated
in the person of its first magistrate, [56] whose clemency they most
applauded when they trembled the most at his inexorable and impending
cruelty. [57] The tyrant beheld their baseness with just contempt, and
encountered their secret sentiments of detestation with sincere and
avowed hatred for the whole body of the senate.

[Footnote 55: They alleged the example of Scipio and Cato, (Tacit.
Annal. iii. 66.) Marcellus Epirus and Crispus Vibius had acquired two
millions and a half under Nero. Their wealth, which aggravated their
crimes, protected them under Vespasian. See Tacit. Hist. iv. 43. Dialog.
de Orator. c. 8. For one accusation, Regulus, the just object of Pliny's
satire, received from the senate the consular ornaments, and a present
of sixty thousand pounds.]

[Footnote 56: The crime of majesty was formerly a treasonable offence
against the Roman people. As tribunes of the people, Augustus and
Tiberius applied tit to their own persons, and extended it to an
infinite latitude. Note: It was Tiberius, not Augustus, who first took
in this sense the words crimen laesae majestatis. Bachii Trajanus, 27.
--W.]

[Footnote 57: After the virtuous and unfortunate widow of Germanicus had
been put to death, Tiberius received the thanks of the senate for his
clemency. she had not been publicly strangled; nor was the body drawn
with a hook to the Gemoniae, where those of common male factors were
exposed. See Tacit. Annal. vi. 25. Sueton. in Tiberio c. 53.]


II. The division of Europe into a number of independent states,
connected, however, with each other by the general resemblance of
religion, language, and manners, is productive of the most beneficial
consequences to the liberty of mankind. A modern tyrant, who should find
no resistance either in his own breast, or in his people, would soon
experience a gentle restraint from the example of his equals, the dread
of present censure, the advice of his allies, and the apprehension of
his enemies. The object of his displeasure, escaping from the narrow
limits of his dominions, would easily obtain, in a happier climate,
a secure refuge, a new fortune adequate to his merit, the freedom of
complaint, and perhaps the means of revenge. But the empire of the
Romans filled the world, and when the empire fell into the hands of a
single person, the world became a safe and dreary prison for his enemies.
The slave of Imperial despotism, whether he was condemned to drag his
gilded chain in rome and the senate, or to were out a life of exile on
the barren rock of Seriphus, or the frozen bank of the Danube, expected
his fate in silent despair. [58] To resist was fatal, and it was
impossible to fly. On every side he was encompassed with a vast extent
of sea and land, which he could never hope to traverse without being
discovered, seized, and restored to his irritated master. Beyond the
frontiers, his anxious view could discover nothing, except the ocean,
inhospitable deserts, hostile tribes of barbarians, of fierce manners
and unknown language, or dependent kings, who would gladly purchase
the emperor's protection by the sacrifice of an obnoxious fugitive. [59]
"Wherever you are," said Cicero to the exiled Marcellus, "remember that
you are equally within the power of the conqueror." [60]

[Footnote 58: Seriphus was a small rocky island in the Aegean Sea, the
inhabitants of which were despised for their ignorance and obscurity.
The place of Ovid's exile is well known, by his just, but unmanly
lamentations. It should seem, that he only received an order to leave
rome in so many days, and to transport himself to Tomi. Guards and
jailers were unnecessary.]

[Footnote 59: Under Tiberius, a Roman knight attempted to fly to the
Parthians. He was stopped in the straits of Sicily; but so little danger
did there appear in the example, that the most jealous of tyrants
disdained to punish it. Tacit. Annal. vi. 14.]

[Footnote 60: Cicero ad Familiares, iv. 7.]




Chapter IV: The Cruelty, Follies And Murder Of Commodus.--Part I.

     The Cruelty, Follies, And Murder Of Commodus--Election Of
     Pertinax--His Attempts To Reform The State--His
     Assassination By The Praetorian Guards.

The mildness of Marcus, which the rigid discipline of the Stoics was
unable to eradicate, formed, at the same time, the most amiable, and the
only defective part of his character. His excellent understanding was
often deceived by the unsuspecting goodness of his heart. Artful men,
who study the passions of princes, and conceal their own, approached his
person in the disguise of philosophic sanctity, and acquired riches and
honors by affecting to despise them. [1] His excessive indulgence to
his brother, [105] his wife, and his son, exceeded the bounds of private
virtue, and became a public injury, by the example and consequences of
their vices.

[Footnote 1: See the complaints of Avidius Cassius, Hist. August. p.
45. These are, it is true, the complaints of faction; but even faction
exaggerates, rather than invents.]

[Footnote 105: His brother by adoption, and his colleague, L. Verus.
Marcus Aurelius had no other brother.--W.]

Faustina, the daughter of Pius and the wife of Marcus, has been as much
celebrated for her gallantries as for her beauty. The grave simplicity
of the philosopher was ill calculated to engage her wanton levity, or to
fix that unbounded passion for variety, which often discovered personal
merit in the meanest of mankind. [2] The Cupid of the ancients was, in
general, a very sensual deity; and the amours of an empress, as they
exact on her side the plainest advances, are seldom susceptible of much
sentimental delicacy. Marcus was the only man in the empire who seemed
ignorant or insensible of the irregularities of Faustina; which,
according to the prejudices of every age, reflected some disgrace on the
injured husband. He promoted several of her lovers to posts of honor and
profit, [3] and during a connection of thirty years, invariably gave her
proofs of the most tender confidence, and of a respect which ended not
with her life. In his Meditations, he thanks the gods, who had bestowed
on him a wife so faithful, so gentle, and of such a wonderful simplicity
of manners. [4] The obsequious senate, at his earnest request, declared
her a goddess. She was represented in her temples, with the attributes
of Juno, Venus, and Ceres; and it was decreed, that, on the day of their
nuptials, the youth of either sex should pay their vows before the altar
of their chaste patroness. [5]

[Footnote 2: Faustinam satis constat apud Cajetam conditiones sibi et
nauticas et gladiatorias, elegisse. Hist. August. p. 30. Lampridius
explains the sort of merit which Faustina chose, and the conditions
which she exacted. Hist. August. p. 102.]

[Footnote 3: Hist. August. p. 34.]

[Footnote 4: Meditat. l. i. The world has laughed at the credulity of
Marcus but Madam Dacier assures us, (and we may credit a lady,) that the
husband will always be deceived, if the wife condescends to dissemble.]
[Footnote 5: Dion Cassius, l. lxxi. [c. 31,] p. 1195. Hist. August.
p. 33. Commentaire de Spanheim sur les Caesars de Julien, p. 289. The
deification of Faustina is the only defect which Julian's criticism is
able to discover in the all-accomplished character of Marcus.]

The monstrous vices of the son have cast a shade on the purity of the
father's virtues. It has been objected to Marcus, that he sacrificed the
happiness of millions to a fond partiality for a worthless boy; and that
he chose a successor in his own family, rather than in the republic.
Nothing however, was neglected by the anxious father, and by the men of
virtue and learning whom he summoned to his assistance, to expand the
narrow mind of young Commodus, to correct his growing vices, and to
render him worthy of the throne for which he was designed. But the
power of instruction is seldom of much efficacy, except in those happy
dispositions where it is almost superfluous. The distasteful lesson of
a grave philosopher was, in a moment, obliterated by the whisper of
a profligate favorite; and Marcus himself blasted the fruits of this
labored education, by admitting his son, at the age of fourteen or
fifteen, to a full participation of the Imperial power. He lived
but four years afterwards: but he lived long enough to repent a rash
measure, which raised the impetuous youth above the restraint of reason
and authority.

Most of the crimes which disturb the internal peace of society, are
produced by the restraints which the necessary but unequal laws of
property have imposed on the appetites of mankind, by confining to a
few the possession of those objects that are coveted by many. Of all our
passions and appetites, the love of power is of the most imperious and
unsociable nature, since the pride of one man requires the submission of
the multitude. In the tumult of civil discord, the laws of society lose
their force, and their place is seldom supplied by those of humanity.
The ardor of contention, the pride of victory, the despair of success,
the memory of past injuries, and the fear of future dangers, all
contribute to inflame the mind, and to silence the voice of pity. From
such motives almost every page of history has been stained with civil
blood; but these motives will not account for the unprovoked cruelties
of Commodus, who had nothing to wish and every thing to enjoy. The
beloved son of Marcus succeeded to his father, amidst the acclamations
of the senate and armies; [6] and when he ascended the throne, the happy
youth saw round him neither competitor to remove, nor enemies to punish.
In this calm, elevated station, it was surely natural that he should
prefer the love of mankind to their detestation, the mild glories of his
five predecessors to the ignominious fate of Nero and Domitian.

[Footnote 6: Commodus was the first Porphyrogenitus, (born since his
father's accession to the throne.) By a new strain of flattery,
the Egyptian medals date by the years of his life; as if they were
synonymous to those of his reign. Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom.
ii. p. 752.]

Yet Commodus was not, as he has been represented, a tiger born with an
insatiate thirst of human blood, and capable, from his infancy, of the
most inhuman actions. [7] Nature had formed him of a weak rather than a
wicked disposition. His simplicity and timidity rendered him the slave
of his attendants, who gradually corrupted his mind. His cruelty, which
at first obeyed the dictates of others, degenerated into habit, and at
length became the ruling passion of his soul. [8]

[Footnote 7: Hist. August. p. 46.]

[Footnote 8: Dion Cassius, l. lxxii. p. 1203.]

Upon the death of his father, Commodus found himself embarrassed with
the command of a great army, and the conduct of a difficult war against
the Quadi and Marcomanni. [9] The servile and profligate youths whom
Marcus had banished, soon regained their station and influence about the
new emperor. They exaggerated the hardships and dangers of a campaign
in the wild countries beyond the Danube; and they assured the indolent
prince that the terror of his name, and the arms of his lieutenants,
would be sufficient to complete the conquest of the dismayed barbarians,
or to impose such conditions as were more advantageous than any
conquest. By a dexterous application to his sensual appetites, they
compared the tranquillity, the splendor, the refined pleasures of Rome,
with the tumult of a Pannonian camp, which afforded neither leisure nor
materials for luxury. [10] Commodus listened to the pleasing advice; but
whilst he hesitated between his own inclination and the awe which he
still retained for his father's counsellors, the summer insensibly
elapsed, and his triumphal entry into the capital was deferred till the
autumn. His graceful person, [11] popular address, and imagined virtues,
attracted the public favor; the honorable peace which he had recently
granted to the barbarians, diffused a universal joy; [12] his impatience
to revisit Rome was fondly ascribed to the love of his country; and
his dissolute course of amusements was faintly condemned in a prince of
nineteen years of age.

[Footnote 9: According to Tertullian, (Apolog. c. 25,) he died at
Sirmium. But the situation of Vindobona, or Vienna, where both the
Victors place his death, is better adapted to the operations of the war
against the Marcomanni and Quadi.]

[Footnote 10: Herodian, l. i. p. 12.]

[Footnote 11: Herodian, l. i. p. 16.]

[Footnote 12: This universal joy is well described (from the medals as
well as historians) by Mr. Wotton, Hist. of Rome, p. 192, 193.] During
the three first years of his reign, the forms, and even the spirit, of
the old administration, were maintained by those faithful counsellors,
to whom Marcus had recommended his son, and for whose wisdom and
integrity Commodus still entertained a reluctant esteem. The young
prince and his profligate favorites revelled in all the license of
sovereign power; but his hands were yet unstained with blood; and he
had even displayed a generosity of sentiment, which might perhaps have
ripened into solid virtue. [13] A fatal incident decided his fluctuating
character.

[Footnote 13: Manilius, the confidential secretary of Avidius Cassius,
was discovered after he had lain concealed several years. The emperor
nobly relieved the public anxiety by refusing to see him, and burning
his papers without opening them. Dion Cassius, l. lxxii. p. 1209.]

One evening, as the emperor was returning to the palace, through a dark
and narrow portico in the amphitheatre, [14] an assassin, who waited his
passage, rushed upon him with a drawn sword, loudly exclaiming, "The
senate sends you this." The menace prevented the deed; the assassin
was seized by the guards, and immediately revealed the authors of the
conspiracy. It had been formed, not in the state, but within the walls
of the palace. Lucilla, the emperor's sister, and widow of Lucius Verus,
impatient of the second rank, and jealous of the reigning empress, had
armed the murderer against her brother's life. She had not ventured to
communicate the black design to her second husband, Claudius Pompeiarus,
a senator of distinguished merit and unshaken loyalty; but among the
crowd of her lovers (for she imitated the manners of Faustina) she found
men of desperate fortunes and wild ambition, who were prepared to serve
her more violent, as well as her tender passions. The conspirators
experienced the rigor of justice, and the abandoned princess was
punished, first with exile, and afterwards with death. [15]

[Footnote 14: See Maffei degli Amphitheatri, p. 126.]

[Footnote 15: Dion, l. lxxi. p. 1205 Herodian, l. i. p. 16 Hist. August
p. 46.]

But the words of the assassin sunk deep into the mind of Commodus, and
left an indelible impression of fear and hatred against the whole body
of the senate. [151] Those whom he had dreaded as importunate ministers,
he now suspected as secret enemies. The Delators, a race of men
discouraged, and almost extinguished, under the former reigns, again
became formidable, as soon as they discovered that the emperor was
desirous of finding disaffection and treason in the senate. That
assembly, whom Marcus had ever considered as the great council of
the nation, was composed of the most distinguished of the Romans; and
distinction of every kind soon became criminal. The possession of wealth
stimulated the diligence of the informers; rigid virtue implied a tacit
censure of the irregularities of Commodus; important services implied a
dangerous superiority of merit; and the friendship of the father always
insured the aversion of the son. Suspicion was equivalent to proof;
trial to condemnation. The execution of a considerable senator was
attended with the death of all who might lament or revenge his fate; and
when Commodus had once tasted human blood, he became incapable of
pity or remorse.

[Footnote 151: The conspirators were senators, even the assassin
himself. Herod. 81.--G.]

Of these innocent victims of tyranny, none died more lamented than the
two brothers of the Quintilian family, Maximus and Condianus; whose
fraternal love has saved their names from oblivion, and endeared their
memory to posterity. Their studies and their occupations, their pursuits
and their pleasures, were still the same. In the enjoyment of a great
estate, they never admitted the idea of a separate interest: some
fragments are now extant of a treatise which they composed in common;
[152] and in every action of life it was observed that their two bodies
were animated by one soul. The Antonines, who valued their virtues, and
delighted in their union, raised them, in the same year, to the
consulship; and Marcus afterwards intrusted to their joint care the
civil administration of Greece, and a great military command, in which
they obtained a signal victory over the Germans. The kind cruelty of
Commodus united them in death. [16]

[Footnote 152: This work was on agriculture, and is often quoted by later
writers. See P. Needham, Proleg. ad Geoponic. Camb. 1704.--W.]

[Footnote 16: In a note upon the Augustan History, Casaubon has
collected a number of particulars concerning these celebrated brothers.
See p. 96 of his learned commentary.]

The tyrant's rage, after having shed the noblest blood of the senate,
at length recoiled on the principal instrument of his cruelty. Whilst
Commodus was immersed in blood and luxury, he devolved the detail of the
public business on Perennis, a servile and ambitious minister, who had
obtained his post by the murder of his predecessor, but who possessed a
considerable share of vigor and ability. By acts of extortion, and
the forfeited estates of the nobles sacrificed to his avarice, he had
accumulated an immense treasure. The Praetorian guards were under
his immediate command; and his son, who already discovered a military
genius, was at the head of the Illyrian legions. Perennis aspired to the
empire; or what, in the eyes of Commodus, amounted to the same crime, he
was capable of aspiring to it, had he not been prevented, surprised, and
put to death. The fall of a minister is a very trifling incident in the
general history of the empire; but it was hastened by an extraordinary
circumstance, which proved how much the nerves of discipline were
already relaxed. The legions of Britain, discontented with the
administration of Perennis, formed a deputation of fifteen hundred
select men, with instructions to march to Rome, and lay their complaints
before the emperor. These military petitioners, by their own determined
behaviour, by inflaming the divisions of the guards, by exaggerating
the strength of the British army, and by alarming the fears of Commodus,
exacted and obtained the minister's death, as the only redress of their
grievances. [17] This presumption of a distant army, and their discovery
of the weakness of government, was a sure presage of the most dreadful
convulsions.

[Footnote 17: Dion, l. lxxii. p. 1210. Herodian, l. i. p. 22. Hist.
August. p. 48. Dion gives a much less odious character of Perennis, than
the other historians. His moderation is almost a pledge of his veracity.
Note: Gibbon praises Dion for the moderation with which he speaks of
Perennis: he follows, nevertheless, in his own narrative, Herodian and
Lampridius. Dion speaks of Perennis not only with moderation, but with
admiration; he represents him as a great man, virtuous in his life, and
blameless in his death: perhaps he may be suspected of partiality; but
it is singular that Gibbon, having adopted, from Herodian and
Lampridius, their judgment on this minister, follows Dion's improbable
account of his death. What likelihood, in fact, that fifteen hundred men
should have traversed Gaul and Italy, and have arrived at Rome without
any understanding with the Praetorians, or without detection or
opposition from Perennis, the Praetorian praefect? Gibbon, foreseeing,
perhaps, this difficulty, has added, that the military deputation
inflamed the divisions of the guards; but Dion says expressly that they
did not reach Rome, but that the emperor went out to meet them: he even
reproaches him for not having opposed them with the guards, who were
superior in number. Herodian relates that Commodus, having learned, from
a soldier, the ambitious designs of Perennis and his son, caused them to
be attacked and massacred by night.--G. from W. Dion's narrative is
remarkably circumstantial, and his authority higher than either of the
other writers. He hints that Cleander, a new favorite, had already
undermined the influence of Perennis.--M.]

The negligence of the public administration was betrayed, soon
afterwards, by a new disorder, which arose from the smallest beginnings.
A spirit of desertion began to prevail among the troops: and the
deserters, instead of seeking their safety in flight or concealment,
infested the highways. Maternus, a private soldier, of a daring boldness
above his station, collected these bands of robbers into a little army,
set open the prisons, invited the slaves to assert their freedom, and
plundered with impunity the rich and defenceless cities of Gaul and
Spain. The governors of the provinces, who had long been the spectators,
and perhaps the partners, of his depredations, were, at length, roused
from their supine indolence by the threatening commands of the emperor.
Maternus found that he was encompassed, and foresaw that he must be
overpowered. A great effort of despair was his last resource. He ordered
his followers to disperse, to pass the Alps in small parties and various
disguises, and to assemble at Rome, during the licentious tumult of the
festival of Cybele. [18] To murder Commodus, and to ascend the vacant
throne, was the ambition of no vulgar robber. His measures were so ably
concerted that his concealed troops already filled the streets of
Rome. The envy of an accomplice discovered and ruined this singular
enterprise, in a moment when it was ripe for execution. [19]

[Footnote 18: During the second Punic war, the Romans imported from Asia
the worship of the mother of the gods. Her festival, the Megalesia,
began on the fourth of April, and lasted six days. The streets were
crowded with mad processions, the theatres with spectators, and the
public tables with unbidden guests. Order and police were suspended, and
pleasure was the only serious business of the city. See Ovid. de Fastis,
l. iv. 189, &c.]

[Footnote 19: Herodian, l. i. p. 23, 23.]

Suspicious princes often promote the last of mankind, from a vain
persuasion, that those who have no dependence, except on their favor,
will have no attachment, except to the person of their benefactor.
Cleander, the successor of Perennis, was a Phrygian by birth; of
a nation over whose stubborn, but servile temper, blows only could
prevail. [20] He had been sent from his native country to Rome, in the
capacity of a slave. As a slave he entered the Imperial palace, rendered
himself useful to his master's passions, and rapidly ascended to the
most exalted station which a subject could enjoy. His influence over
the mind of Commodus was much greater than that of his predecessor; for
Cleander was devoid of any ability or virtue which could inspire the
emperor with envy or distrust. Avarice was the reigning passion of his
soul, and the great principle of his administration. The rank of Consul,
of Patrician, of Senator, was exposed to public sale; and it would have
been considered as disaffection, if any one had refused to purchase
these empty and disgraceful honors with the greatest part of his
fortune. [21] In the lucrative provincial employments, the minister
shared with the governor the spoils of the people. The execution of the
laws was penal and arbitrary. A wealthy criminal might obtain, not only
the reversal of the sentence by which he was justly condemned, but might
likewise inflict whatever punishment he pleased on the accuser, the
witnesses, and the judge.

[Footnote 20: Cicero pro Flacco, c. 27.]

[Footnote 21: One of these dear-bought promotions occasioned a
current... that Julius Solon was banished into the senate.]

By these means, Cleander, in the space of three years, had accumulated
more wealth than had ever yet been possessed by any freedman. [22]
Commodus was perfectly satisfied with the magnificent presents which
the artful courtier laid at his feet in the most seasonable moments.
To divert the public envy, Cleander, under the emperor's name, erected
baths, porticos, and places of exercise, for the use of the people.
[23] He flattered himself that the Romans, dazzled and amused by this
apparent liberality, would be less affected by the bloody scenes which
were daily exhibited; that they would forget the death of Byrrhus, a
senator to whose superior merit the late emperor had granted one of
his daughters; and that they would forgive the execution of Arrius
Antoninus, the last representative of the name and virtues of the
Antonines. The former, with more integrity than prudence, had attempted
to disclose, to his brother-in-law, the true character of Cleander. An
equitable sentence pronounced by the latter, when proconsul of Asia,
against a worthless creature of the favorite, proved fatal to him. [24]
After the fall of Perennis, the terrors of Commodus had, for a short
time, assumed the appearance of a return to virtue. He repealed the most
odious of his acts; loaded his memory with the public execration, and
ascribed to the pernicious counsels of that wicked minister all the
errors of his inexperienced youth. But his repentance lasted only thirty
days; and, under Cleander's tyranny, the administration of Perennis was
often regretted.

[Footnote 22: Dion (l. lxxii. p. 12, 13) observes, that no freedman had
possessed riches equal to those of Cleander. The fortune of Pallas
amounted, however, to upwards of five and twenty hundred thousand
pounds; Ter millies.]

[Footnote 23: Dion, l. lxxii. p. 12, 13. Herodian, l. i. p. 29. Hist.
August. p. 52. These baths were situated near the Porta Capena. See
Nardini Roma Antica, p. 79.]

[Footnote 24: Hist. August. p. 79.]




Chapter IV: The Cruelty, Follies And Murder Of Commodus.--Part II.

Pestilence and famine contributed to fill up the measure of the
calamities of Rome. [25] The first could be only imputed to the just
indignation of the gods; but a monopoly of corn, supported by the riches
and power of the minister, was considered as the immediate cause of
the second. The popular discontent, after it had long circulated in
whispers, broke out in the assembled circus. The people quitted their
favorite amusements for the more delicious pleasure of revenge,
rushed in crowds towards a palace in the suburbs, one of the emperor's
retirements, and demanded, with angry clamors, the head of the public
enemy. Cleander, who commanded the Praetorian guards, [26] ordered a body
of cavalry to sally forth, and disperse the seditious multitude. The
multitude fled with precipitation towards the city; several were slain,
and many more were trampled to death; but when the cavalry entered the
streets, their pursuit was checked by a shower of stones and darts from
the roofs and windows of the houses. The foot guards, [27] who had
been long jealous of the prerogatives and insolence of the Praetorian
cavalry, embraced the party of the people. The tumult became a regular
engagement, and threatened a general massacre. The Praetorians, at
length, gave way, oppressed with numbers; and the tide of popular fury
returned with redoubled violence against the gates of the palace, where
Commodus lay, dissolved in luxury, and alone unconscious of the civil
war. It was death to approach his person with the unwelcome news. He
would have perished in this supine security, had not two women, his
eldest sister Fadilla, and Marcia, the most favored of his concubines,
ventured to break into his presence. Bathed in tears, and with
dishevelled hair, they threw themselves at his feet; and with all the
pressing eloquence of fear, discovered to the affrighted emperor the
crimes of the minister, the rage of the people, and the impending
ruin, which, in a few minutes, would burst over his palace and person.
Commodus started from his dream of pleasure, and commanded that the head
of Cleander should be thrown out to the people. The desired spectacle
instantly appeased the tumult; and the son of Marcus might even yet have
regained the affection and confidence of his subjects. [28]

[Footnote 25: Herodian, l. i. p. 28. Dion, l. lxxii. p. 1215. The
latter says that two thousand persons died every day at Rome, during a
considerable length of time.]

[Footnote 26: Tuneque primum tres praefecti praetorio fuere: inter quos
libertinus. From some remains of modesty, Cleander declined the title,
whilst he assumed the powers, of Praetorian praefect. As the other
freedmen were styled, from their several departments, a rationibus,
ab epistolis, Cleander called himself a pugione, as intrusted with the
defence of his master's person. Salmasius and Casaubon seem to have
talked very idly upon this passage. * Note: M. Guizot denies that
Lampridius means Cleander as praefect a pugione. The Libertinus seems to
me to mean him.--M.]

[Footnote 27: Herodian, l. i. p. 31. It is doubtful whether he means
the Praetorian infantry, or the cohortes urbanae, a body of six thousand
men, but whose rank and discipline were not equal to their numbers.
Neither Tillemont nor Wotton choose to decide this question.]

[Footnote 28: Dion Cassius, l. lxxii. p. 1215. Herodian, l. i. p. 32.
Hist. August. p. 48.]

But every sentiment of virtue and humanity was extinct in the mind of
Commodus. Whilst he thus abandoned the reins of empire to these unworthy
favorites, he valued nothing in sovereign power, except the unbounded
license of indulging his sensual appetites. His hours were spent in a
seraglio of three hundred beautiful women, and as many boys, of every
rank, and of every province; and, wherever the arts of seduction proved
ineffectual, the brutal lover had recourse to violence. The
ancient historians [29] have expatiated on these abandoned scenes of
prostitution, which scorned every restraint of nature or modesty; but it
would not be easy to translate their too faithful descriptions into the
decency of modern language. The intervals of lust were filled up with
the basest amusements. The influence of a polite age, and the labor of
an attentive education, had never been able to infuse into his rude and
brutish mind the least tincture of learning; and he was the first of
the Roman emperors totally devoid of taste for the pleasures of the
understanding. Nero himself excelled, or affected to excel, in the
elegant arts of music and poetry: nor should we despise his pursuits,
had he not converted the pleasing relaxation of a leisure hour into
the serious business and ambition of his life. But Commodus, from his
earliest infancy, discovered an aversion to whatever was rational or
liberal, and a fond attachment to the amusements of the populace; the
sports of the circus and amphitheatre, the combats of gladiators, and
the hunting of wild beasts. The masters in every branch of learning,
whom Marcus provided for his son, were heard with inattention and
disgust; whilst the Moors and Parthians, who taught him to dart the
javelin and to shoot with the bow, found a disciple who delighted in his
application, and soon equalled the most skilful of his instructors in
the steadiness of the eye and the dexterity of the hand.

[Footnote 29: Sororibus suis constupratis. Ipsas concubinas suas sub
oculis...stuprari jubebat. Nec irruentium in se juvenum carebat infamia,
omni parte corporis atque ore in sexum utrumque pollutus. Hist. Aug. p.
47.]

The servile crowd, whose fortune depended on their master's vices,
applauded these ignoble pursuits. The perfidious voice of flattery
reminded him, that by exploits of the same nature, by the defeat of the
Nemaean lion, and the slaughter of the wild boar of Erymanthus, the
Grecian Hercules had acquired a place among the gods, and an immortal
memory among men. They only forgot to observe, that, in the first ages
of society, when the fiercer animals often dispute with man the
possession of an unsettled country, a successful war against those
savages is one of the most innocent and beneficial labors of heroism. In
the civilized state of the Roman empire, the wild beasts had long since
retired from the face of man, and the neighborhood of populous cities.
To surprise them in their solitary haunts, and to transport them to
Rome, that they might be slain in pomp by the hand of an emperor, was an
enterprise equally ridiculous for the prince and oppressive for the
people. [30] Ignorant of these distinctions, Commodus eagerly embraced
the glorious resemblance, and styled himself (as we still read on his
medals [31] the Roman Hercules. [311] The club and the lion's hide were
placed by the side of the throne, amongst the ensigns of sovereignty;
and statues were erected, in which Commodus was represented in the
character, and with the attributes, of the god, whose valor and
dexterity he endeavored to emulate in the daily course of his ferocious
amusements. [32]

[Footnote 30: The African lions, when pressed by hunger, infested the open
villages and cultivated country; and they infested them with impunity.
The royal beast was reserved for the pleasures of the emperor and the
capital; and the unfortunate peasant who killed one of them though
in his own defence, incurred a very heavy penalty. This extraordinary
game-law was mitigated by Honorius, and finally repealed by Justinian.
Codex Theodos. tom. v. p. 92, et Comment Gothofred.]

[Footnote 31: Spanheim de Numismat. Dissertat. xii. tom. ii. p. 493.]

[Footnote 311: Commodus placed his own head on the colossal statue of
Hercules with the inscription, Lucius Commodus Hercules. The wits of
Rome, according to a new fragment of Dion, published an epigram, of
which, like many other ancient jests, the point is not very clear.
It seems to be a protest of the god against being confounded with the
emperor. Mai Fragm. Vatican. ii. 225.--M.]

[Footnote 32: Dion, l. lxxii. p. 1216. Hist. August. p. 49.]

Elated with these praises, which gradually extinguished the innate sense
of shame, Commodus resolved to exhibit before the eyes of the Roman
people those exercises, which till then he had decently confined within
the walls of his palace, and to the presence of a few favorites. On the
appointed day, the various motives of flattery, fear, and curiosity,
attracted to the amphitheatre an innumerable multitude of spectators;
and some degree of applause was deservedly bestowed on the uncommon
skill of the Imperial performer. Whether he aimed at the head or heart
of the animal, the wound was alike certain and mortal. With arrows whose
point was shaped into the form of crescent, Commodus often intercepted
the rapid career, and cut asunder the long, bony neck of the ostrich.
[33] A panther was let loose; and the archer waited till he had leaped
upon a trembling malefactor. In the same instant the shaft flew, the
beast dropped dead, and the man remained unhurt. The dens of the
amphitheatre disgorged at once a hundred lions: a hundred darts from the
unerring hand of Commodus laid them dead as they run raging round the
Arena. Neither the huge bulk of the elephant, nor the scaly hide of the
rhinoceros, could defend them from his stroke. Aethiopia and India
yielded their most extraordinary productions; and several animals were
slain in the amphitheatre, which had been seen only in the
representations of art, or perhaps of fancy. [34] In all these
exhibitions, the securest precautions were used to protect the person of
the Roman Hercules from the desperate spring of any savage, who might
possibly disregard the dignity of the emperor and the sanctity of the
god. [35]

[Footnote 33: The ostrich's neck is three feet long, and composed of
seventeen vertebrae. See Buffon, Hist. Naturelle.]

[Footnote 34: Commodus killed a camelopardalis or Giraffe, (Dion, l.
lxxii. p. 1211,) the tallest, the most gentle, and the most useless
of the large quadrupeds. This singular animal, a native only of the
interior parts of Africa, has not been seen in Europe since the revival
of letters; and though M. de Buffon (Hist. Naturelle, tom. xiii.) has
endeavored to describe, he has not ventured to delineate, the Giraffe. *
Note: The naturalists of our days have been more fortunate. London
probably now contains more specimens of this animal than have been seen
in Europe since the fall of the Roman empire, unless in the pleasure
gardens of the emperor Frederic II., in Sicily, which possessed several.
Frederic's collections of wild beasts were exhibited, for the popular
amusement, in many parts of Italy. Raumer, Geschichte der Hohenstaufen,
v. iii. p. 571. Gibbon, moreover, is mistaken; as a giraffe was
presented to Lorenzo de Medici, either by the sultan of Egypt or the
king of Tunis. Contemporary authorities are quoted in the old work,
Gesner de Quadrupedibum p. 162.--M.]

[Footnote 35: Herodian, l. i. p. 37. Hist. August. p. 50.]

But the meanest of the populace were affected with shame and indignation
when they beheld their sovereign enter the lists as a gladiator, and
glory in a profession which the laws and manners of the Romans had
branded with the justest note of infamy. [36] He chose the habit and
arms of the Secutor, whose combat with the Retiarius formed one of the
most lively scenes in the bloody sports of the amphitheatre. The Secutor
was armed with a helmet, sword, and buckler; his naked antagonist had
only a large net and a trident; with the one he endeavored to entangle,
with the other to despatch his enemy. If he missed the first throw, he
was obliged to fly from the pursuit of the Secutor, till he had prepared
his net for a second cast. [37] The emperor fought in this character
seven hundred and thirty-five several times. These glorious achievements
were carefully recorded in the public acts of the empire; and that he
might omit no circumstance of infamy, he received from the common fund
of gladiators a stipend so exorbitant that it became a new and most
ignominious tax upon the Roman people. [38] It may be easily supposed,
that in these engagements the master of the world was always successful;
in the amphitheatre, his victories were not often sanguinary; but when
he exercised his skill in the school of gladiators, or his own palace,
his wretched antagonists were frequently honored with a mortal wound
from the hand of Commodus, and obliged to seal their flattery with their
blood. [39] He now disdained the appellation of Hercules. The name of
Paulus, a celebrated Secutor, was the only one which delighted his ear.
It was inscribed on his colossal statues, and repeated in the redoubled
acclamations [40] of the mournful and applauding senate. [41] Claudius
Pompeianus, the virtuous husband of Lucilla, was the only senator who
asserted the honor of his rank. As a father, he permitted his sons to
consult their safety by attending the amphitheatre. As a Roman, he
declared, that his own life was in the emperor's hands, but that he
would never behold the son of Marcus prostituting his person and
dignity. Notwithstanding his manly resolution Pompeianus escaped the
resentment of the tyrant, and, with his honor, had the good fortune to
preserve his life. [42]

[Footnote 36: The virtuous and even the wise princes forbade the
senators and knights to embrace this scandalous profession, under pain
of infamy, or, what was more dreaded by those profligate wretches, of
exile. The tyrants allured them to dishonor by threats and rewards.
Nero once produced in the arena forty senators and sixty knights. See
Lipsius, Saturnalia, l. ii. c. 2. He has happily corrected a passage
of Suetonius in Nerone, c. 12.]

[Footnote 37: Lipsius, l. ii. c. 7, 8. Juvenal, in the eighth satire,
gives a picturesque description of this combat.]

[Footnote 38: Hist. August. p. 50. Dion, l. lxxii. p. 1220. He received,
for each time, decies, about 8000l. sterling.]

[Footnote 39: Victor tells us, that Commodus only allowed his
antagonists a...weapon, dreading most probably the consequences of their
despair.]

[Footnote 40: They were obliged to repeat, six hundred and twenty-six
times, Paolus first of the Secutors, &c.]

[Footnote 41: Dion, l. lxxii. p. 1221. He speaks of his own baseness and
danger.]

[Footnote 42: He mixed, however, some prudence with his courage, and
passed the greatest part of his time in a country retirement; alleging
his advanced age, and the weakness of his eyes. "I never saw him in the
senate," says Dion, "except during the short reign of Pertinax." All his
infirmities had suddenly left him, and they returned as suddenly upon
the murder of that excellent prince. Dion, l. lxxiii. p. 1227.]

Commodus had now attained the summit of vice and infamy. Amidst the
acclamations of a flattering court, he was unable to disguise from
himself, that he had deserved the contempt and hatred of every man of
sense and virtue in his empire. His ferocious spirit was irritated by
the consciousness of that hatred, by the envy of every kind of merit, by
the just apprehension of danger, and by the habit of slaughter, which he
contracted in his daily amusements. History has preserved a long list of
consular senators sacrificed to his wanton suspicion, which sought out,
with peculiar anxiety, those unfortunate persons connected, however
remotely, with the family of the Antonines, without sparing even the
ministers of his crimes or pleasures. [43] His cruelty proved at last
fatal to himself. He had shed with impunity the noblest blood of Rome:
he perished as soon as he was dreaded by his own domestics. Marcia,
his favorite concubine, Eclectus, his chamberlain, and Laetus, his
Praetorian praefect, alarmed by the fate of their companions and
predecessors, resolved to prevent the destruction which every hour hung
over their heads, either from the mad caprice of the tyrant, [431] or
the sudden indignation of the people. Marcia seized the occasion of
presenting a draught of wine to her lover, after he had fatigued himself
with hunting some wild beasts. Commodus retired to sleep; but whilst he
was laboring with the effects of poison and drunkenness, a robust youth,
by profession a wrestler, entered his chamber, and strangled him without
resistance. The body was secretly conveyed out of the palace, before the
least suspicion was entertained in the city, or even in the court, of
the emperor's death. Such was the fate of the son of Marcus, and so
easy was it to destroy a hated tyrant, who, by the artificial powers of
government, had oppressed, during thirteen years, so many millions of
subjects, each of whom was equal to their master in personal strength
and personal abilities. [44]

[Footnote 43: The prefects were changed almost hourly or daily; and the
caprice of Commodus was often fatal to his most favored chamberlains.
Hist. August. p. 46, 51.]

[Footnote 431: Commodus had already resolved to massacre them the
following night they determined o anticipate his design. Herod. i.
17.--W.]

[Footnote 44: Dion, l. lxxii. p. 1222. Herodian, l. i. p. 43. Hist.
August. p. 52.]

The measures of the conspirators were conducted with the deliberate
coolness and celerity which the greatness of the occasion required.
They resolved instantly to fill the vacant throne with an emperor whose
character would justify and maintain the action that had been committed.
They fixed on Pertinax, praefect of the city, an ancient senator of
consular rank, whose conspicuous merit had broke through the obscurity
of his birth, and raised him to the first honors of the state. He had
successively governed most of the provinces of the empire; and in all
his great employments, military as well as civil, he had uniformly
distinguished himself by the firmness, the prudence, and the integrity
of his conduct. [45] He now remained almost alone of the friends and
ministers of Marcus; and when, at a late hour of the night, he was
awakened with the news, that the chamberlain and the praefect were at
his door, he received them with intrepid resignation, and desired they
would execute their master's orders. Instead of death, they offered him
the throne of the Roman world. During some moments he distrusted their
intentions and assurances. Convinced at length of the death of Commodus,
he accepted the purple with a sincere reluctance, the natural effect of
his knowledge both of the duties and of the dangers of the supreme rank.
[46]

[Footnote 45: Pertinax was a native of Alba Pompeia, in Piedmont,
and son of a timber merchant. The order of his employments (it is marked
by Capitolinus) well deserves to be set down, as expressive of the form
of government and manners of the age. 1. He was a centurion. 2. Praefect
of a cohort in Syria, in the Parthian war, and in Britain. 3. He
obtained an Ala, or squadron of horse, in Maesia. 4. He was commissary
of provisions on the Aemilian way. 5. He commanded the fleet upon the
Rhine. 6. He was procurator of Dacia, with a salary of about 1600l. a
year. 7. He commanded the veterans of a legion. 8. He obtained the rank
of senator. 9. Of praetor. 10. With the command of the first legion
in Rhaetia and Noricum. 11. He was consul about the year 175. 12. He
attended Marcus into the East. 13. He commanded an army on the Danube.
14. He was consular legate of Maesia. 15. Of Dacia. 16. Of Syria. 17.
Of Britain. 18. He had the care of the public provisions at Rome. 19.
He was proconsul of Africa. 20. Praefect of the city. Herodian (l. i.
p. 48) does justice to his disinterested spirit; but Capitolinus, who
collected every popular rumor, charges him with a great fortune acquired
by bribery and corruption.]

[Footnote 46: Julian, in the Caesars, taxes him with being accessory to
the death of Commodus.]

Laetus conducted without delay his new emperor to the camp of the
Praetorians, diffusing at the same time through the city a seasonable
report that Commodus died suddenly of an apoplexy; and that the virtuous
Pertinax had already succeeded to the throne. The guards were rather
surprised than pleased with the suspicious death of a prince, whose
indulgence and liberality they alone had experienced; but the emergency
of the occasion, the authority of their praefect, the reputation of
Pertinax, and the clamors of the people, obliged them to stifle their
secret discontents, to accept the donative promised by the new emperor,
to swear allegiance to him, and with joyful acclamations and laurels
in their hands to conduct him to the senate house, that the military
consent might be ratified by the civil authority. This important night
was now far spent; with the dawn of day, and the commencement of the new
year, the senators expected a summons to attend an ignominious ceremony.
[461] In spite of all remonstrances, even of those of his creatures who
yet preserved any regard for prudence or decency, Commodus had resolved
to pass the night in the gladiators' school, and from thence to take
possession of the consulship, in the habit and with the attendance of
that infamous crew. On a sudden, before the break of day, the senate was
called together in the temple of Concord, to meet the guards, and to
ratify the election of a new emperor. For a few minutes they sat in
silent suspense, doubtful of their unexpected deliverance, and
suspicious of the cruel artifices of Commodus: but when at length they
were assured that the tyrant was no more, they resigned themselves to
all the transports of joy and indignation. Pertinax, who modestly
represented the meanness of his extraction, and pointed out several
noble senators more deserving than himself of the empire, was
constrained by their dutiful violence to ascend the throne, and received
all the titles of Imperial power, confirmed by the most sincere vows of
fidelity. The memory of Commodus was branded with eternal infamy. The
names of tyrant, of gladiator, of public enemy resounded in every corner
of the house. They decreed in tumultuous votes, [462] that his honors
should be reversed, his titles erased from the public monuments, his
statues thrown down, his body dragged with a hook into the stripping
room of the gladiators, to satiate the public fury; and they expressed
some indignation against those officious servants who had already
presumed to screen his remains from the justice of the senate. But
Pertinax could not refuse those last rites to the memory of Marcus, and
the tears of his first protector Claudius Pompeianus, who lamented the
cruel fate of his brother-in-law, and lamented still more that he had
deserved it. [47]

[Footnote 461: The senate always assembled at the beginning of the year,
on the night of the 1st January, (see Savaron on Sid. Apoll. viii. 6,)
and this happened the present year, as usual, without any particular
order.--G from W.]

[Footnote 462: What Gibbon improperly calls, both here and in the note,
tumultuous decrees, were no more than the applauses and acclamations
which recur so often in the history of the emperors. The custom passed
from the theatre to the forum, from the forum to the senate. Applauses
on the adoption of the Imperial decrees were first introduced under
Trajan. (Plin. jun. Panegyr. 75.) One senator read the form of the
decree, and all the rest answered by acclamations, accompanied with a
kind of chant or rhythm. These were some of the acclamations addressed
to Pertinax, and against the memory of Commodus. Hosti patriae honores
detrahantur. Parricidae honores detrahantur. Ut salvi simus, Jupiter,
optime, maxime, serva nobis Pertinacem. This custom prevailed not only
in the councils of state, but in all the meetings of the senate. However
inconsistent it may appear with the solemnity of a religious assembly,
the early Christians adopted and introduced it into their synods,
notwithstanding the opposition of some of the Fathers, particularly of
St. Chrysostom. See the Coll. of Franc. Bern. Ferrarius de veterum
acclamatione in Graevii Thesaur. Antiq. Rom. i. 6.--W. This note is
rather hypercritical, as regards Gibbon, but appears to be worthy of
preservation.--M.]

[Footnote 47: Capitolinus gives us the particulars of these tumultuary
votes, which were moved by one senator, and repeated, or rather chanted
by the whole body. Hist. August. p. 52.]

These effusions of impotent rage against a dead emperor, whom the senate
had flattered when alive with the most abject servility, betrayed a just
but ungenerous spirit of revenge.

The legality of these decrees was, however, supported by the principles
of the Imperial constitution. To censure, to depose, or to punish
with death, the first magistrate of the republic, who had abused his
delegated trust, was the ancient and undoubted prerogative of the Roman
senate; [48] but the feeble assembly was obliged to content itself with
inflicting on a fallen tyrant that public justice, from which, during
his life and reign, he had been shielded by the strong arm of military
despotism. [481]

[Footnote 48: The senate condemned Nero to be put to death more majorum.
Sueton. c. 49.]

[Footnote 481: No particular law assigned this right to the senate: it was
deduced from the ancient principles of the republic. Gibbon appears to
infer, from the passage of Suetonius, that the senate, according to its
ancient right, punished Nero with death. The words, however, more
majerum refer not to the decree of the senate, but to the kind of death,
which was taken from an old law of Romulus. (See Victor. Epit. Ed.
Artzen p. 484, n. 7.)--W.]

Pertinax found a nobler way of condemning his predecessor's memory; by
the contrast of his own virtues with the vices of Commodus. On the day
of his accession, he resigned over to his wife and son his whole private
fortune; that they might have no pretence to solicit favors at the
expense of the state. He refused to flatter the vanity of the former
with the title of Augusta; or to corrupt the inexperienced youth of
the latter by the rank of Caesar. Accurately distinguishing between the
duties of a parent and those of a sovereign, he educated his son with a
severe simplicity, which, while it gave him no assured prospect of the
throne, might in time have rendered him worthy of it. In public, the
behavior of Pertinax was grave and affable. He lived with the virtuous
part of the senate, (and, in a private station, he had been acquainted
with the true character of each individual,) without either pride or
jealousy; considered them as friends and companions, with whom he had
shared the danger of the tyranny, and with whom he wished to enjoy
the security of the present time. He very frequently invited them to
familiar entertainments, the frugality of which was ridiculed by those
who remembered and regretted the luxurious prodigality of Commodus. [49]

[Footnote 49: Dion (l. lxxiii. p. 1223) speaks of these entertainments,
as a senator who had supped with the emperor; Capitolinus, (Hist.
August. p. 58,) like a slave, who had received his intelligence from one
the scullions.]

To heal, as far as it was possible, the wounds inflicted
by the hand of tyranny, was the pleasing, but melancholy, task of
Pertinax. The innocent victims, who yet survived, were recalled from
exile, released from prison, and restored to the full possession of
their honors and fortunes. The unburied bodies of murdered senators (for
the cruelty of Commodus endeavored to extend itself beyond death)
were deposited in the sepulchres of their ancestors; their memory
was justified and every consolation was bestowed on their ruined and
afflicted families. Among these consolations, one of the most grateful
was the punishment of the Delators; the common enemies of their master,
of virtue, and of their country. Yet even in the inquisition of these
legal assassins, Pertinax proceeded with a steady temper, which gave
every thing to justice, and nothing to popular prejudice and resentment.
The finances of the state demanded the most vigilant care of the
emperor. Though every measure of injustice and extortion had been
adopted, which could collect the property of the subject into the
coffers of the prince, the rapaciousness of Commodus had been so very
inadequate to his extravagance, that, upon his death, no more than eight
thousand pounds were found in the exhausted treasury, [50] to defray the
current expenses of government, and to discharge the pressing demand of
a liberal donative, which the new emperor had been obliged to promise
to the Praetorian guards. Yet under these distressed circumstances,
Pertinax had the generous firmness to remit all the oppressive taxes
invented by Commodus, and to cancel all the unjust claims of the
treasury; declaring, in a decree of the senate, "that he was better
satisfied to administer a poor republic with innocence, than to acquire
riches by the ways of tyranny and dishonor. Economy and industry he
considered as the pure and genuine sources of wealth; and from them he
soon derived a copious supply for the public necessities. The expense of
the household was immediately reduced to one half. All the instruments
of luxury Pertinax exposed to public auction, [51] gold and silver plate,
chariots of a singular construction, a superfluous wardrobe of silk
and embroidery, and a great number of beautiful slaves of both sexes;
excepting only, with attentive humanity, those who were born in a
state of freedom, and had been ravished from the arms of their weeping
parents. At the same time that he obliged the worthless favorites of
the tyrant to resign a part of their ill-gotten wealth, he satisfied
the just creditors of the state, and unexpectedly discharged the long
arrears of honest services. He removed the oppressive restrictions which
had been laid upon commerce, and granted all the uncultivated lands
in Italy and the provinces to those who would improve them; with an
exemption from tribute during the term of ten years. [52]

[Footnote 50: Decies. The blameless economy of Pius left his successors
a treasure of vicies septies millies, above two and twenty millions
sterling. Dion, l. lxxiii. p. 1231.]

[Footnote 51: Besides the design of converting these useless ornaments
into money, Dion (l. lxxiii. p. 1229) assigns two secret motives of
Pertinax. He wished to expose the vices of Commodus, and to discover by
the purchasers those who most resembled him.]

[Footnote 52: Though Capitolinus has picked up many idle tales of the
private life of Pertinax, he joins with Dion and Herodian in admiring
his public conduct.]

Such a uniform conduct had already secured to Pertinax the noblest
reward of a sovereign, the love and esteem of his people.

Those who remembered the virtues of Marcus were happy to contemplate in
their new emperor the features of that bright original; and flattered
themselves, that they should long enjoy the benign influence of his
administration. A hasty zeal to reform the corrupted state, accompanied
with less prudence than might have been expected from the years and
experience of Pertinax, proved fatal to himself and to his country.
His honest indiscretion united against him the servile crowd, who found
their private benefit in the public disorders, and who preferred the
favor of a tyrant to the inexorable equality of the laws. [53]

[Footnote 53: Leges, rem surdam, inexorabilem esse. T. Liv. ii. 3.]

Amidst the general joy, the sullen and angry countenance of the
Praetorian guards betrayed their inward dissatisfaction. They had
reluctantly submitted to Pertinax; they dreaded the strictness of
the ancient discipline, which he was preparing to restore; and they
regretted the license of the former reign. Their discontents were
secretly fomented by Laetus, their praefect, who found, when it was
too late, that his new emperor would reward a servant, but would not be
ruled by a favorite. On the third day of his reign, the soldiers seized
on a noble senator, with a design to carry him to the camp, and to
invest him with the Imperial purple. Instead of being dazzled by the
dangerous honor, the affrighted victim escaped from their violence, and
took refuge at the feet of Pertinax. A short time afterwards, Sosius
Falco, one of the consuls of the year, a rash youth, [54] but of an
ancient and opulent family, listened to the voice of ambition; and a
conspiracy was formed during a short absence of Pertinax, which was
crushed by his sudden return to Rome, and his resolute behavior. Falco
was on the point of being justly condemned to death as a public enemy
had he not been saved by the earnest and sincere entreaties of the
injured emperor, who conjured the senate, that the purity of his reign
might not be stained by the blood even of a guilty senator.

[Footnote 54: If we credit Capitolinus, (which is rather difficult,)
Falco behaved with the most petulant indecency to Pertinax, on the day
of his accession. The wise emperor only admonished him of his youth and
in experience. Hist. August. p. 55.]

These disappointments served only to irritate the rage of the Praetorian
guards. On the twenty-eighth of March, eighty-six days only after the
death of Commodus, a general sedition broke out in the camp, which the
officers wanted either power or inclination to suppress. Two or three
hundred of the most desperate soldiers marched at noonday, with arms in
their hands and fury in their looks, towards the Imperial palace.
The gates were thrown open by their companions upon guard, and by the
domestics of the old court, who had already formed a secret conspiracy
against the life of the too virtuous emperor. On the news of their
approach, Pertinax, disdaining either flight or concealment, advanced to
meet his assassins; and recalled to their minds his own innocence,
and the sanctity of their recent oath. For a few moments they stood
in silent suspense, ashamed of their atrocious design, and awed by
the venerable aspect and majestic firmness of their sovereign, till at
length, the despair of pardon reviving their fury, a barbarian of the
country of Tongress [55] levelled the first blow against Pertinax, who
was instantly despatched with a multitude of wounds. His head, separated
from his body, and placed on a lance, was carried in triumph to the
Praetorian camp, in the sight of a mournful and indignant people, who
lamented the unworthy fate of that excellent prince, and the transient
blessings of a reign, the memory of which could serve only to aggravate
their approaching misfortunes. [56]

[Footnote 55: The modern bishopric of Liege. This soldier probably
belonged to the Batavian horse-guards, who were mostly raised in the
duchy of Gueldres and the neighborhood, and were distinguished by their
valor, and by the boldness with which they swam their horses across the
broadest and most rapid rivers. Tacit. Hist. iv. 12 Dion, l. lv p. 797
Lipsius de magnitudine Romana, l. i. c. 4.]

[Footnote 56: Dion, l. lxxiii. p. 1232. Herodian, l. ii. p. 60. Hist.
August. p. 58. Victor in Epitom. et in Caesarib. Eutropius, viii. 16.]




Chapter V: Sale Of The Empire To Didius Julianus.--Part I.

     Public Sale Of The Empire To Didius Julianus By The
     Praetorian Guards--Clodius Albinus In Britain, Pescennius
     Niger In Syria, And Septimius Severus In Pannonia, Declare
     Against The Murderers Of Pertinax--Civil Wars And Victory Of
     Severus Over His Three Rivals--Relaxation Of Discipline--New
     Maxims Of Government.

The power of the sword is more sensibly felt in an extensive monarchy,
than in a small community. It has been calculated by the ablest
politicians, that no state, without being soon exhausted, can maintain
above the hundredth part of its members in arms and idleness. But
although this relative proportion may be uniform, the influence of the
army over the rest of the society will vary according to the degree of
its positive strength. The advantages of military science and discipline
cannot be exerted, unless a proper number of soldiers are united into
one body, and actuated by one soul. With a handful of men, such a union
would be ineffectual; with an unwieldy host, it would be impracticable;
and the powers of the machine would be alike destroyed by the extreme
minuteness or the excessive weight of its springs. To illustrate this
observation, we need only reflect, that there is no superiority of
natural strength, artificial weapons, or acquired skill, which could
enable one man to keep in constant subjection one hundred of his
fellow-creatures: the tyrant of a single town, or a small district,
would soon discover that a hundred armed followers were a weak defence
against ten thousand peasants or citizens; but a hundred thousand
well-disciplined soldiers will command, with despotic sway, ten millions
of subjects; and a body of ten or fifteen thousand guards will strike
terror into the most numerous populace that ever crowded the streets of
an immense capital. The Praetorian bands, whose licentious fury was the
first symptom and cause of the decline of the Roman empire, scarcely
amounted to the last-mentioned number [1] They derived their institution
from Augustus. That crafty tyrant, sensible that laws might color, but
that arms alone could maintain, his usurped dominion, had gradually
formed this powerful body of guards, in constant readiness to protect
his person, to awe the senate, and either to prevent or to crush the
first motions of rebellion. He distinguished these favored troops by
a double pay and superior privileges; but, as their formidable aspect
would at once have alarmed and irritated the Roman people, three cohorts
only were stationed in the capital, whilst the remainder was dispersed
in the adjacent towns of Italy. [2] But after fifty years of peace
and servitude, Tiberius ventured on a decisive measure, which forever
rivetted the fetters of his country. Under the fair pretences of
relieving Italy from the heavy burden of military quarters, and of
introducing a stricter discipline among the guards, he assembled them at
Rome, in a permanent camp, [3] which was fortified with skilful care, [4]
and placed on a commanding situation. [5]

[Footnote 1: They were originally nine or ten thousand men, (for Tacitus
and son are not agreed upon the subject,) divided into as many cohorts.
Vitellius increased them to sixteen thousand, and as far as we can learn
from inscriptions, they never afterwards sunk much below that number.
See Lipsius de magnitudine Romana, i. 4.]

[Footnote 2: Sueton. in August. c. 49.]

[Footnote 3: Tacit. Annal. iv. 2. Sueton. in Tiber. c. 37. Dion Cassius,
l. lvii. p. 867.]

[Footnote 4: In the civil war between Vitellius and Vespasian, the
Praetorian camp was attacked and defended with all the machines used in
the siege of the best fortified cities. Tacit. Hist. iii. 84.]

[Footnote 5: Close to the walls of the city, on the broad summit of the
Quirinal and Viminal hills. See Nardini Roma Antica, p. 174. Donatus de
Roma Antiqua, p. 46. * Note: Not on both these hills: neither Donatus
nor Nardini justify this position. (Whitaker's Review. p. 13.) At the
northern extremity of this hill (the Viminal) are some considerable
remains of a walled enclosure which bears all the appearance of a Roman
camp, and therefore is generally thought to correspond with the Castra
Praetoria. Cramer's Italy 390.--M.]

Such formidable servants are always necessary, but often
fatal to the throne of despotism. By thus introducing the Praetorian
guards as it were into the palace and the senate, the emperors taught
them to perceive their own strength, and the weakness of the civil
government; to view the vices of their masters with familiar contempt,
and to lay aside that reverential awe, which distance only, and mystery,
can preserve towards an imaginary power. In the luxurious idleness of
an opulent city, their pride was nourished by the sense of their
irresistible weight; nor was it possible to conceal from them, that
the person of the sovereign, the authority of the senate, the public
treasure, and the seat of empire, were all in their hands. To divert the
Praetorian bands from these dangerous reflections, the firmest and best
established princes were obliged to mix blandishments with commands,
rewards with punishments, to flatter their pride, indulge their
pleasures, connive at their irregularities, and to purchase their
precarious faith by a liberal donative; which, since the elevation of
Claudius, was enacted as a legal claim, on the accession of every new
emperor. [6]

[Footnote 6: Claudius, raised by the soldiers to the empire, was the
first who gave a donative. He gave quina dena, 120l. (Sueton. in Claud.
c. 10: ) when Marcus, with his colleague Lucius Versus, took quiet
possession of the throne, he gave vicena, 160l. to each of the guards.
Hist. August. p. 25, (Dion, l. lxxiii. p. 1231.) We may form some idea
of the amount of these sums, by Hadrian's complaint that the promotion
of a Caesar had cost him ter millies, two millions and a half sterling.]

The advocate of the guards endeavored to justify by arguments the power
which they asserted by arms; and to maintain that, according to the
purest principles of the constitution, their consent was essentially
necessary in the appointment of an emperor. The election of consuls, of
generals, and of magistrates, however it had been recently usurped by
the senate, was the ancient and undoubted right of the Roman people. [7]
But where was the Roman people to be found? Not surely amongst the mixed
multitude of slaves and strangers that filled the streets of Rome; a
servile populace, as devoid of spirit as destitute of property. The
defenders of the state, selected from the flower of the Italian youth,
[8] and trained in the exercise of arms and virtue, were the genuine
representatives of the people, and the best entitled to elect the
military chief of the republic. These assertions, however defective in
reason, became unanswerable when the fierce Praetorians increased their
weight, by throwing, like the barbarian conqueror of Rome, their swords
into the scale. [9]

[Footnote 7: Cicero de Legibus, iii. 3. The first book of Livy, and the
second of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, show the authority of the people,
even in the election of the kings.]

[Footnote 8: They were originally recruited in Latium, Etruria, and the
old colonies, (Tacit. Annal. iv. 5.) The emperor Otho compliments
their vanity with the flattering titles of Italiae, Alumni, Romana were
juventus. Tacit. Hist. i. 84.]

[Footnote 9: In the siege of Rome by the Gauls. See Livy, v. 48.
Plutarch. in Camill. p. 143.]

The Praetorians had violated the sanctity of the throne by the atrocious
murder of Pertinax; they dishonored the majesty of it by their
subsequent conduct. The camp was without a leader, for even the praefect
Laetus, who had excited the tempest, prudently declined the public
indignation. Amidst the wild disorder, Sulpicianus, the emperor's
father-in-law, and governor of the city, who had been sent to the camp
on the first alarm of mutiny, was endeavoring to calm the fury of the
multitude, when he was silenced by the clamorous return of the
murderers, bearing on a lance the head of Pertinax. Though history has
accustomed us to observe every principle and every passion yielding to
the imperious dictates of ambition, it is scarcely credible that, in
these moments of horror, Sulpicianus should have aspired to ascend a
throne polluted with the recent blood of so near a relation and so
excellent a prince. He had already begun to use the only effectual
argument, and to treat for the Imperial dignity; but the more prudent of
the Praetorians, apprehensive that, in this private contract, they
should not obtain a just price for so valuable a commodity, ran out upon
the ramparts; and, with a loud voice, proclaimed that the Roman world
was to be disposed of to the best bidder by public auction. [10]

[Footnote 10: Dion, L. lxxiii. p. 1234. Herodian, l. ii. p. 63. Hist.
August p. 60. Though the three historians agree that it was in fact an
auction, Herodian alone affirms that it was proclaimed as such by the
soldiers.]

This infamous offer, the most insolent excess of military license,
diffused a universal grief, shame, and indignation throughout the city.
It reached at length the ears of Didius Julianus, a wealthy senator,
who, regardless of the public calamities, was indulging himself in the
luxury of the table. [11] His wife and his daughter, his freedmen and
his parasites, easily convinced him that he deserved the throne, and
earnestly conjured him to embrace so fortunate an opportunity. The vain
old man hastened to the Praetorian camp, where Sulpicianus was still in
treaty with the guards, and began to bid against him from the foot
of the rampart. The unworthy negotiation was transacted by faithful
emissaries, who passed alternately from one candidate to the other, and
acquainted each of them with the offers of his rival. Sulpicianus had
already promised a donative of five thousand drachms (above one hundred
and sixty pounds) to each soldier; when Julian, eager for the prize,
rose at once to the sum of six thousand two hundred and fifty drachms,
or upwards of two hundred pounds sterling. The gates of the camp were
instantly thrown open to the purchaser; he was declared emperor, and
received an oath of allegiance from the soldiers, who retained humanity
enough to stipulate that he should pardon and forget the competition of
Sulpicianus. [111]

[Footnote 11: Spartianus softens the most odious parts of the character
and elevation of Julian.]

[Footnote 111: One of the principal causes of the preference of Julianus
by the soldiers, was the dexterty dexterity with which he reminded them
that Sulpicianus would not fail to revenge on them the death of his
son-in-law. (See Dion, p. 1234, 1234. c. 11. Herod. ii. 6.)--W.]

It was now incumbent on the Praetorians to fulfil the conditions of the
sale. They placed their new sovereign, whom they served and despised,
in the centre of their ranks, surrounded him on every side with their
shields, and conducted him in close order of battle through the deserted
streets of the city. The senate was commanded to assemble; and those who
had been the distinguished friends of Pertinax, or the personal enemies
of Julian, found it necessary to affect a more than common share of
satisfaction at this happy revolution. [12] After Julian had filled the
senate house with armed soldiers, he expatiated on the freedom of
his election, his own eminent virtues, and his full assurance of the
affections of the senate. The obsequious assembly congratulated their
own and the public felicity; engaged their allegiance, and conferred on
him all the several branches of the Imperial power. [13] From the
senate Julian was conducted, by the same military procession, to take
possession of the palace. The first objects that struck his eyes, were
the abandoned trunk of Pertinax, and the frugal entertainment prepared
for his supper. The one he viewed with indifference, the other with
contempt. A magnificent feast was prepared by his order, and he amused
himself, till a very late hour, with dice, and the performances of
Pylades, a celebrated dancer. Yet it was observed, that after the
crowd of flatterers dispersed, and left him to darkness, solitude,
and terrible reflection, he passed a sleepless night; revolving most
probably in his mind his own rash folly, the fate of his virtuous
predecessor, and the doubtful and dangerous tenure of an empire which
had not been acquired by merit, but purchased by money. [14]

[Footnote 12: Dion Cassius, at that time praetor, had been a personal
enemy to Julian, i. lxxiii. p. 1235.]

[Footnote 13: Hist. August. p. 61. We learn from thence one curious
circumstance, that the new emperor, whatever had been his birth, was
immediately aggregated to the number of patrician families. Note: A new
fragment of Dion shows some shrewdness in the character of Julian. When
the senate voted him a golden statue, he preferred one of brass, as more
lasting. He "had always observed," he said, "that the statues of former
emperors were soon destroyed. Those of brass alone remained." The
indignant historian adds that he was wrong. The virtue of sovereigns
alone preserves their images: the brazen statue of Julian was broken to
pieces at his death. Mai. Fragm. Vatican. p. 226.--M.]

[Footnote 14: Dion, l. lxxiii. p. 1235. Hist. August. p. 61. I have
endeavored to blend into one consistent story the seeming contradictions
of the two writers. * Note: The contradiction as M. Guizot observed, is
irreconcilable. He quotes both passages: in one Julianus is represented
as a miser, in the other as a voluptuary. In the one he refuses to eat
till the body of Pertinax has been buried; in the other he gluts himself
with every luxury almost in the sight of his headless remains.--M.]

He had reason to tremble. On the throne of the world he found himself
without a friend, and even without an adherent. The guards themselves
were ashamed of the prince whom their avarice had persuaded them to
accept; nor was there a citizen who did not consider his elevation
with horror, as the last insult on the Roman name. The nobility, whose
conspicuous station, and ample possessions, exacted the strictest
caution, dissembled their sentiments, and met the affected civility of
the emperor with smiles of complacency and professions of duty. But the
people, secure in their numbers and obscurity, gave a free vent to their
passions. The streets and public places of Rome resounded with clamors
and imprecations. The enraged multitude affronted the person of Julian,
rejected his liberality, and, conscious of the impotence of their own
resentment, they called aloud on the legions of the frontiers to assert
the violated majesty of the Roman empire. The public discontent was soon
diffused from the centre to the frontiers of the empire. The armies of
Britain, of Syria, and of Illyricum, lamented the death of Pertinax,
in whose company, or under whose command, they had so often fought and
conquered. They received with surprise, with indignation, and perhaps
with envy, the extraordinary intelligence, that the Praetorians had
disposed of the empire by public auction; and they sternly refused to
ratify the ignominious bargain. Their immediate and unanimous revolt was
fatal to Julian, but it was fatal at the same time to the public peace,
as the generals of the respective armies, Clodius Albinus, Pescennius
Niger, and Septimius Severus, were still more anxious to succeed than to
revenge the murdered Pertinax. Their forces were exactly balanced. Each
of them was at the head of three legions, [15] with a numerous train of
auxiliaries; and however different in their characters, they were all
soldiers of experience and capacity.

[Footnote 15: Dion, l. lxxiii. p. 1235.]

Clodius Albinus, governor of Britain, surpassed both his competitors in
the nobility of his extraction, which he derived from some of the most
illustrious names of the old republic. [16] But the branch from which he
claimed his descent was sunk into mean circumstances, and transplanted
into a remote province. It is difficult to form a just idea of his true
character. Under the philosophic cloak of austerity, he stands accused
of concealing most of the vices which degrade human nature. [17] But his
accusers are those venal writers who adored the fortune of Severus,
and trampled on the ashes of an unsuccessful rival. Virtue, or the
appearances of virtue, recommended Albinus to the confidence and good
opinion of Marcus; and his preserving with the son the same interest
which he had acquired with the father, is a proof at least that he was
possessed of a very flexible disposition. The favor of a tyrant does
not always suppose a want of merit in the object of it; he may, without
intending it, reward a man of worth and ability, or he may find such a
man useful to his own service. It does not appear that Albinus served
the son of Marcus, either as the minister of his cruelties, or even as
the associate of his pleasures. He was employed in a distant honorable
command, when he received a confidential letter from the emperor,
acquainting him of the treasonable designs of some discontented
generals, and authorizing him to declare himself the guardian and
successor of the throne, by assuming the title and ensigns of Caesar.
[18] The governor of Britain wisely declined the dangerous honor,
which would have marked him for the jealousy, or involved him in the
approaching ruin, of Commodus. He courted power by nobler, or, at
least, by more specious arts. On a premature report of the death of
the emperor, he assembled his troops; and, in an eloquent discourse,
deplored the inevitable mischiefs of despotism, described the happiness
and glory which their ancestors had enjoyed under the consular
government, and declared his firm resolution to reinstate the senate and
people in their legal authority. This popular harangue was answered by
the loud acclamations of the British legions, and received at Rome with
a secret murmur of applause. Safe in the possession of his little world,
and in the command of an army less distinguished indeed for discipline
than for numbers and valor, [19] Albinus braved the menaces of Commodus,
maintained towards Pertinax a stately ambiguous reserve, and instantly
declared against the usurpation of Julian. The convulsions of the
capital added new weight to his sentiments, or rather to his professions
of patriotism. A regard to decency induced him to decline the lofty
titles of Augustus and Emperor; and he imitated perhaps the example of
Galba, who, on a similar occasion, had styled himself the Lieutenant of
the senate and people. [20]

[Footnote 16: The Posthumian and the Ce'onian; the former of whom was
raised to the consulship in the fifth year after its institution.]

[Footnote 17: Spartianus, in his undigested collections, mixes up all
the virtues and all the vices that enter into the human composition, and
bestows them on the same object. Such, indeed are many of the characters
in the Augustan History.]

[Footnote 18: Hist. August. p. 80, 84.]

[Footnote 19: Pertinax, who governed Britain a few years before, had
been left for dead, in a mutiny of the soldiers. Hist. August. p 54.
Yet they loved and regretted him; admirantibus eam virtutem cui
irascebantur.]

[Footnote 20: Sueton. in Galb. c. 10.]

Personal merit alone had raised Pescennius Niger, from an obscure birth
and station, to the government of Syria; a lucrative and important
command, which in times of civil confusion gave him a near prospect of
the throne. Yet his parts seem to have been better suited to the second
than to the first rank; he was an unequal rival, though he might have
approved himself an excellent lieutenant, to Severus, who afterwards
displayed the greatness of his mind by adopting several useful
institutions from a vanquished enemy. [21] In his government Niger
acquired the esteem of the soldiers and the love of the provincials. His
rigid discipline fortified the valor and confirmed the obedience of the
former, whilst the voluptuous Syrians were less delighted with the mild
firmness of his administration, than with the affability of his manners,
and the apparent pleasure with which he attended their frequent and
pompous festivals. [22] As soon as the intelligence of the atrocious
murder of Pertinax had reached Antioch, the wishes of Asia invited Niger
to assume the Imperial purple and revenge his death. The legions of the
eastern frontier embraced his cause; the opulent but unarmed provinces,
from the frontiers of Aethiopia [23] to the Hadriatic, cheerfully
submitted to his power; and the kings beyond the Tigris and the
Euphrates congratulated his election, and offered him their homage and
services. The mind of Niger was not capable of receiving this sudden
tide of fortune: he flattered himself that his accession would be
undisturbed by competition and unstained by civil blood; and whilst he
enjoyed the vain pomp of triumph, he neglected to secure the means of
victory. Instead of entering into an effectual negotiation with the
powerful armies of the West, whose resolution might decide, or at least
must balance, the mighty contest; instead of advancing without delay
towards Rome and Italy, where his presence was impatiently expected, [24]
Niger trifled away in the luxury of Antioch those irretrievable moments
which were diligently improved by the decisive activity of Severus. [25]
[Footnote 21: Hist. August. p. 76.]

[Footnote 22: Herod. l. ii. p. 68. The Chronicle of John Malala, of
Antioch, shows the zealous attachment of his countrymen to these
festivals, which at once gratified their superstition, and their love of
pleasure.]

[Footnote 23: A king of Thebes, in Egypt, is mentioned, in the Augustan
History, as an ally, and, indeed, as a personal friend of Niger. If
Spartianus is not, as I strongly suspect, mistaken, he has brought to
light a dynasty of tributary princes totally unknown to history.]

[Footnote 24: Dion, l. lxxiii. p. 1238. Herod. l. ii. p. 67. A verse in
every one's mouth at that time, seems to express the general opinion of
the three rivals; Optimus est Niger, [Fuscus, which preserves the
quantity.--M.] bonus After, pessimus Albus. Hist. August. p. 75.]

[Footnote 25: Herodian, l. ii. p. 71.]

The country of Pannonia and Dalmatia, which occupied the space between
the Danube and the Hadriatic, was one of the last and most difficult
conquests of the Romans. In the defence of national freedom, two hundred
thousand of these barbarians had once appeared in the field, alarmed
the declining age of Augustus, and exercised the vigilant prudence
of Tiberius at the head of the collected force of the empire. [26] The
Pannonians yielded at length to the arms and institutions of Rome. Their
recent subjection, however, the neighborhood, and even the mixture, of
the unconquered tribes, and perhaps the climate, adapted, as it has
been observed, to the production of great bodies and slow minds, [27]
all contributed to preserve some remains of their original ferocity, and
under the tame and uniform countenance of Roman provincials, the hardy
features of the natives were still to be discerned. Their warlike youth
afforded an inexhaustible supply of recruits to the legions stationed on
the banks of the Danube, and which, from a perpetual warfare against the
Germans and Sarmazans, were deservedly esteemed the best troops in the
service.

[Footnote 26: See an account of that memorable war in Velleius
Paterculus, is 110, &c., who served in the army of Tiberius.]

[Footnote 27: Such is the reflection of Herodian, l. ii. p. 74. Will the
modern Austrians allow the influence?]

The Pannonian army was at this time commanded by Septimius Severus,
a native of Africa, who, in the gradual ascent of private honors, had
concealed his daring ambition, which was never diverted from its steady
course by the allurements of pleasure, the apprehension of danger,
or the feelings of humanity. [28] On the first news of the murder of
Pertinax, he assembled his troops, painted in the most lively colors
the crime, the insolence, and the weakness of the Praetorian guards,
and animated the legions to arms and to revenge. He concluded (and the
peroration was thought extremely eloquent) with promising every soldier
about four hundred pounds; an honorable donative, double in value to
the infamous bribe with which Julian had purchased the empire. [29] The
acclamations of the army immediately saluted Severus with the names of
Augustus, Pertinax, and Emperor; and he thus attained the lofty station
to which he was invited, by conscious merit and a long train of dreams
and omens, the fruitful offsprings either of his superstition or policy.
[30]

[Footnote 28: In the letter to Albinus, already mentioned, Commodus
accuses Severus, as one of the ambitious generals who censured his
conduct, and wished to occupy his place. Hist. August. p. 80.]

[Footnote 29: Pannonia was too poor to supply such a sum. It was
probably promised in the camp, and paid at Rome, after the victory. In
fixing the sum, I have adopted the conjecture of Casaubon. See Hist.
August. p. 66. Comment. p. 115.]

[Footnote 30: Herodian, l. ii. p. 78. Severus was declared emperor on
the banks of the Danube, either at Carnuntum, according to Spartianus,
(Hist. August. p. 65,) or else at Sabaria, according to Victor. Mr.
Hume, in supposing that the birth and dignity of Severus were too
much inferior to the Imperial crown, and that he marched into Italy
as general only, has not considered this transaction with his usual
accuracy, (Essay on the original contract.) * Note: Carnuntum, opposite
to the mouth of the Morava: its position is doubtful, either Petronel or
Haimburg. A little intermediate village seems to indicate by its name
(Altenburg) the site of an old town. D'Anville Geogr. Anc. Sabaria, now
Sarvar.--G. Compare note 37.--M.]

The new candidate for empire saw and improved the peculiar advantage of
his situation. His province extended to the Julian Alps, which gave an
easy access into Italy; and he remembered the saying of Augustus, That
a Pannonian army might in ten days appear in sight of Rome. [31] By
a celerity proportioned to the greatness of the occasion, he might
reasonably hope to revenge Pertinax, punish Julian, and receive the
homage of the senate and people, as their lawful emperor, before his
competitors, separated from Italy by an immense tract of sea and land,
were apprised of his success, or even of his election. During the whole
expedition, he scarcely allowed himself any moments for sleep or food;
marching on foot, and in complete armor, at the head of his columns,
he insinuated himself into the confidence and affection of his troops,
pressed their diligence, revived their spirits, animated their hopes,
and was well satisfied to share the hardships of the meanest soldier,
whilst he kept in view the infinite superiority of his reward.

[Footnote 31: Velleius Paterculus, l. ii. c. 3. We must reckon the march
from the nearest verge of Pannonia, and extend the sight of the city as
far as two hundred miles.]

The wretched Julian had expected, and thought himself prepared, to
dispute the empire with the governor of Syria; but in the invincible and
rapid approach of the Pannonian legions, he saw his inevitable ruin. The
hasty arrival of every messenger increased his just apprehensions. He
was successively informed, that Severus had passed the Alps; that the
Italian cities, unwilling or unable to oppose his progress, had received
him with the warmest professions of joy and duty; that the important
place of Ravenna had surrendered without resistance, and that the
Hadriatic fleet was in the hands of the conqueror. The enemy was now
within two hundred and fifty miles of Rome; and every moment diminished
the narrow span of life and empire allotted to Julian.

He attempted, however, to prevent, or at least to protract, his ruin.
He implored the venal faith of the Praetorians, filled the city with
unavailing preparations for war, drew lines round the suburbs, and
even strengthened the fortifications of the palace; as if those last
intrenchments could be defended, without hope of relief, against a
victorious invader. Fear and shame prevented the guards from deserting
his standard; but they trembled at the name of the Pannonian legions,
commanded by an experienced general, and accustomed to vanquish the
barbarians on the frozen Danube. [32] They quitted, with a sigh, the
pleasures of the baths and theatres, to put on arms, whose use they had
almost forgotten, and beneath the weight of which they were oppressed.
The unpractised elephants, whose uncouth appearance, it was hoped, would
strike terror into the army of the north, threw their unskilful riders;
and the awkward evolutions of the marines, drawn from the fleet of
Misenum, were an object of ridicule to the populace; whilst the senate
enjoyed, with secret pleasure, the distress and weakness of the usurper.
[33]

[Footnote 32: This is not a puerile figure of rhetoric, but an allusion
to a real fact recorded by Dion, l. lxxi. p. 1181. It probably happened
more than once.]

[Footnote 33: Dion, l. lxxiii. p. 1233. Herodian, l. ii. p. 81. There
is no surer proof of the military skill of the Romans, than their first
surmounting the idle terror, and afterwards disdaining the dangerous
use, of elephants in war. Note: These elephants were kept for
processions, perhaps for the games. Se Herod. in loc.--M.]

Every motion of Julian betrayed his trembling perplexity. He insisted
that Severus should be declared a public enemy by the senate. He
entreated that the Pannonian general might be associated to the empire.
He sent public ambassadors of consular rank to negotiate with his rival;
he despatched private assassins to take away his life. He designed that
the Vestal virgins, and all the colleges of priests, in their sacerdotal
habits, and bearing before them the sacred pledges of the Roman
religion, should advance in solemn procession to meet the Pannonian
legions; and, at the same time, he vainly tried to interrogate, or to
appease, the fates, by magic ceremonies and unlawful sacrifices. [34]

[Footnote 34: Hist. August. p. 62, 63. * Note: Quae ad speculum dicunt
fieri in quo pueri praeligatis oculis, incantate..., respicere dicuntur.
* * * Tuncque puer vidisse dicitur et adventun Severi et Juliani
decessionem. This seems to have been a practice somewhat similar to that
of which our recent Egyptian travellers relate such extraordinary
circumstances. See also Apulius, Orat. de Magia.--M.]




Chapter V: Sale Of The Empire To Didius Julianus.--Part II.

Severus, who dreaded neither his arms nor his enchantments, guarded
himself from the only danger of secret conspiracy, by the faithful
attendance of six hundred chosen men, who never quitted his person or
their cuirasses, either by night or by day, during the whole march.
Advancing with a steady and rapid course, he passed, without difficulty,
the defiles of the Apennine, received into his party the troops and
ambassadors sent to <DW44> his progress, and made a short halt at
Interamnia, about seventy miles from Rome. His victory was already
secure, but the despair of the Praetorians might have rendered it
bloody; and Severus had the laudable ambition of ascending the throne
without drawing the sword. [35] His emissaries, dispersed in the capital,
assured the guards, that provided they would abandon their worthless
prince, and the perpetrators of the murder of Pertinax, to the justice
of the conqueror, he would no longer consider that melancholy event as
the act of the whole body. The faithless Praetorians, whose resistance
was supported only by sullen obstinacy, gladly complied with the easy
conditions, seized the greatest part of the assassins, and signified
to the senate, that they no longer defended the cause of Julian. That
assembly, convoked by the consul, unanimously acknowledged Severus as
lawful emperor, decreed divine honors to Pertinax, and pronounced a
sentence of deposition and death against his unfortunate successor.
Julian was conducted into a private apartment of the baths of the
palace, and beheaded as a common criminal, after having purchased, with
an immense treasure, an anxious and precarious reign of only sixty-six
days. [36] The almost incredible expedition of Severus, who, in so short
a space of time, conducted a numerous army from the banks of the Danube
to those of the Tyber, proves at once the plenty of provisions produced
by agriculture and commerce, the goodness of the roads, the discipline
of the legions, and the indolent, subdued temper of the provinces. [37]


[Footnote 35: Victor and Eutropius, viii. 17, mention a combat near the
Milvian bridge, the Ponte Molle, unknown to the better and more ancient
writers.]

[Footnote 36: Dion, l. lxxiii. p. 1240. Herodian, l. ii. p. 83. Hist.
August. p. 63.]

[Footnote 37: From these sixty-six days, we must first deduct sixteen,
as Pertinax was murdered on the 28th of March, and Severus most probably
elected on the 13th of April, (see Hist. August. p. 65, and Tillemont,
Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iii. p. 393, note 7.) We cannot allow less
than ten days after his election, to put a numerous army in motion.
Forty days remain for this rapid march; and as we may compute about
eight hundred miles from Rome to the neighborhood of Vienna, the army of
Severus marched twenty miles every day, without halt or intermission.]

The first cares of Severus were bestowed on two measures the one
dictated by policy, the other by decency; the revenge, and the honors,
due to the memory of Pertinax. Before the new emperor entered Rome, he
issued his commands to the Praetorian guards, directing them to wait his
arrival on a large plain near the city, without arms, but in the habits
of ceremony, in which they were accustomed to attend their sovereign. He
was obeyed by those haughty troops, whose contrition was the effect of
their just terrors. A chosen part of the Illyrian army encompassed them
with levelled spears. Incapable of flight or resistance, they expected
their fate in silent consternation. Severus mounted the tribunal,
sternly reproached them with perfidy and cowardice, dismissed them with
ignominy from the trust which they had betrayed, despoiled them of their
splendid ornaments, and banished them, on pain of death, to the distance
of a hundred miles from the capital. During the transaction, another
detachment had been sent to seize their arms, occupy their camp, and
prevent the hasty consequences of their despair. [38]

[Footnote 38: Dion, l. lxxiv. p. 1241. Herodian, l. ii. p. 84.] The
funeral and consecration of Pertinax was next solemnized with every
circumstance of sad magnificence. [39] The senate, with a melancholy
pleasure, performed the last rites to that excellent prince, whom they
had loved, and still regretted. The concern of his successor was
probably less sincere; he esteemed the virtues of Pertinax, but those
virtues would forever have confined his ambition to a private station.
Severus pronounced his funeral oration with studied eloquence, inward
satisfaction, and well-acted sorrow; and by this pious regard to his
memory, convinced the credulous multitude, that he alone was worthy to
supply his place. Sensible, however, that arms, not ceremonies, must
assert his claim to the empire, he left Rome at the end of thirty days,
and without suffering himself to be elated by this easy victory,
prepared to encounter his more formidable rivals.

[Footnote 39: Dion, (l. lxxiv. p. 1244,) who assisted at the ceremony as
a senator, gives a most pompous description of it.]

The uncommon abilities and fortune of Severus have induced an elegant
historian to compare him with the first and greatest of the Caesars.
[40] The parallel is, at least, imperfect. Where shall we find, in the
character of Severus, the commanding superiority of soul, the generous
clemency, and the various genius, which could reconcile and unite the
love of pleasure, the thirst of knowledge, and the fire of ambition?
[41] In one instance only, they may be compared, with some degree of
propriety, in the celerity of their motions, and their civil victories.
In less than four years, [42] Severus subdued the riches of the East, and
the valor of the West. He vanquished two competitors of reputation
and ability, and defeated numerous armies, provided with weapons and
discipline equal to his own. In that age, the art of fortification,
and the principles of tactics, were well understood by all the Roman
generals; and the constant superiority of Severus was that of an artist,
who uses the same instruments with more skill and industry than his
rivals. I shall not, however, enter into a minute narrative of these
military operations; but as the two civil wars against Niger and against
Albinus were almost the same in their conduct, event, and consequences,
I shall collect into one point of view the most striking circumstances,
tending to develop the character of the conqueror and the state of the
empire.

[Footnote 40: Herodian, l. iii. p. 112]

[Footnote 41: Though it is not, most assuredly, the intention of Lucan
to exalt the character of Caesar, yet the idea he gives of that hero,
in the tenth book of the Pharsalia, where he describes him, at the same
time, making love to Cleopatra, sustaining a siege against the power of
Egypt, and conversing with the sages of the country, is, in reality, the
noblest panegyric. * Note: Lord Byron wrote, no doubt, from a
reminiscence of that passage--"It is possible to be a very great man,
and to be still very inferior to Julius Caesar, the most complete
character, so Lord Bacon thought, of all antiquity. Nature seems
incapable of such extraordinary combinations as composed his versatile
capacity, which was the wonder even of the Romans themselves. The first
general; the only triumphant politician; inferior to none in point of
eloquence; comparable to any in the attainments of wisdom, in an age
made up of the greatest commanders, statesmen, orators, and
philosophers, that ever appeared in the world; an author who composed a
perfect specimen of military annals in his travelling carriage; at one
time in a controversy with Cato, at another writing a treatise on
punuing, and collecting a set of good sayings; fighting and making love
at the same moment, and willing to abandon both his empire and his
mistress for a sight of the fountains of the Nile. Such did Julius
Caesar appear to his contemporaries, and to those of the subsequent ages
who were the most inclined to deplore and execrate his fatal genius."
Note 47 to Canto iv. of Childe Harold.--M.]

[Footnote 42: Reckoning from his election, April 13, 193, to the death
of Albinus, February 19, 197. See Tillemont's Chronology.]

Falsehood and insincerity, unsuitable as they seem to the dignity of
public transactions, offend us with a less degrading idea of meanness,
than when they are found in the intercourse of private life. In the
latter, they discover a want of courage; in the other, only a defect of
power: and, as it is impossible for the most able statesmen to subdue
millions of followers and enemies by their own personal strength, the
world, under the name of policy, seems to have granted them a very
liberal indulgence of craft and dissimulation. Yet the arts of Severus
cannot be justified by the most ample privileges of state reason. He
promised only to betray, he flattered only to ruin; and however he
might occasionally bind himself by oaths and treaties, his conscience,
obsequious to his interest, always released him from the inconvenient
obligation. [43]

[Footnote 43: Herodian, l. ii. p. 85.]

If his two competitors, reconciled by their common danger, had advanced
upon him without delay, perhaps Severus would have sunk under their
united effort. Had they even attacked him, at the same time, with
separate views and separate armies, the contest might have been long and
doubtful. But they fell, singly and successively, an easy prey to the
arts as well as arms of their subtle enemy, lulled into security by the
moderation of his professions, and overwhelmed by the rapidity of his
action. He first marched against Niger, whose reputation and power he
the most dreaded: but he declined any hostile declarations, suppressed
the name of his antagonist, and only signified to the senate and people
his intention of regulating the eastern provinces. In private, he spoke
of Niger, his old friend and intended successor, [44] with the most
affectionate regard, and highly applauded his generous design of
revenging the murder of Pertinax. To punish the vile usurper of the
throne, was the duty of every Roman general. To persevere in arms, and
to resist a lawful emperor, acknowledged by the senate, would alone
render him criminal. [45] The sons of Niger had fallen into his hands
among the children of the provincial governors, detained at Rome as
pledges for the loyalty of their parents. [46] As long as the power of
Niger inspired terror, or even respect, they were educated with the most
tender care, with the children of Severus himself; but they were
soon involved in their father's ruin, and removed first by exile, and
afterwards by death, from the eye of public compassion. [47]

[Footnote 44: Whilst Severus was very dangerously ill, it was
industriously given out, that he intended to appoint Niger and Albinus
his successors. As he could not be sincere with respect to both, he
might not be so with regard to either. Yet Severus carried his hypocrisy
so far, as to profess that intention in the memoirs of his own life.]

[Footnote 45: Hist. August. p. 65.]

[Footnote 46: This practice, invented by Commodus, proved very useful
to Severus. He found at Rome the children of many of the principal
adherents of his rivals; and he employed them more than once to
intimidate, or seduce, the parents.]

[Footnote 47: Herodian, l. iii. p. 95. Hist. August. p. 67, 68.]

Whilst Severus was engaged in his eastern war, he had reason to
apprehend that the governor of Britain might pass the sea and the
Alps, occupy the vacant seat of empire, and oppose his return with
the authority of the senate and the forces of the West. The ambiguous
conduct of Albinus, in not assuming the Imperial title, left room for
negotiation. Forgetting, at once, his professions of patriotism, and the
jealousy of sovereign power, he accepted the precarious rank of Caesar,
as a reward for his fatal neutrality. Till the first contest was
decided, Severus treated the man, whom he had doomed to destruction,
with every mark of esteem and regard. Even in the letter, in which he
announced his victory over Niger, he styles Albinus the brother of his
soul and empire, sends him the affectionate salutations of his wife
Julia, and his young family, and entreats him to preserve the armies and
the republic faithful to their common interest. The messengers charged
with this letter were instructed to accost the Caesar with respect, to
desire a private audience, and to plunge their daggers into his heart.
[48] The conspiracy was discovered, and the too credulous Albinus,
at length, passed over to the continent, and prepared for an unequal
contest with his rival, who rushed upon him at the head of a veteran and
victorious army.

[Footnote 48: Hist. August. p. 84. Spartianus has inserted this curious
letter at full length.]

The military labors of Severus seem inadequate to the importance of his
conquests. Two engagements, [481] the one near the Hellespont, the other
in the narrow defiles of Cilicia, decided the fate of his Syrian
competitor; and the troops of Europe asserted their usual ascendant
over the effeminate natives of Asia. [49] The battle of Lyons, where one
hundred and fifty thousand Romans [50] were engaged, was equally fatal to
Albinus. The valor of the British army maintained, indeed, a sharp and
doubtful contest, with the hardy discipline of the Illyrian legions. The
fame and person of Severus appeared, during a few moments, irrecoverably
lost, till that warlike prince rallied his fainting troops, and led them
on to a decisive victory. [51] The war was finished by that memorable
day. [511]

[Footnote 481: There were three actions; one near Cyzicus, on the
Hellespont, one near Nice, in Bithynia, the third near the Issus, in
Cilicia, where Alexander conquered Darius. (Dion, lxiv. c. 6.
Herodian, iii. 2, 4.)--W Herodian represents the second battle as of
less importance than Dion--M.]

[Footnote 49: Consult the third book of Herodian, and the seventy-fourth
book of Dion Cassius.]

[Footnote 50: Dion, l. lxxv. p. 1260.]

[Footnote 51: Dion, l. lxxv. p. 1261. Herodian, l. iii. p. 110. Hist.
August. p. 68. The battle was fought in the plain of Trevoux, three
or four leagues from Lyons. See Tillemont, tom. iii. p. 406, note 18.]

[Footnote 511: According to Herodian, it was his lieutenant Laetus who
led back the troops to the battle, and gained the day, which Severus
had almost lost. Dion also attributes to Laetus a great share in the
victory. Severus afterwards put him to death, either from fear or
jealousy.--W. and G. Wenck and M. Guizot have not given the real
statement of Herodian or of Dion. According to the former, Laetus
appeared with his own army entire, which he was suspected of having
designedly kept disengaged when the battle was still doudtful, or rather
after the rout of severus. Dion says that he did not move till Severus
had won the victory.--M.]

The civil wars of modern Europe have been distinguished, not only by
the fierce animosity, but likewise by the obstinate perseverance, of
the contending factions. They have generally been justified by some
principle, or, at least,  by some pretext, of religion, freedom,
or loyalty. The leaders were nobles of independent property and
hereditary influence. The troops fought like men interested in the
decision of the quarrel; and as military spirit and party zeal were
strongly diffused throughout the whole community, a vanquished chief was
immediately supplied with new adherents, eager to shed their blood in
the same cause. But the Romans, after the fall of the republic,
combated only for the choice of masters. Under the standard of a popular
candidate for empire, a few enlisted from affection, some from fear,
many from interest, none from principle. The legions, uninflamed by
party zeal, were allured into civil war by liberal donatives, and
still more liberal promises. A defeat, by disabling the chief from the
performance of his engagements, dissolved the mercenary allegiance of
his followers, and left them to consult their own safety by a timely
desertion of an unsuccessful cause. It was of little moment to the
provinces, under whose name they were oppressed or governed; they were
driven by the impulsion of the present power, and as soon as that power
yielded to a superior force, they hastened to implore the clemency of
the conqueror, who, as he had an immense debt to discharge, was obliged
to sacrifice the most guilty countries to the avarice of his soldiers.
In the vast extent of the Roman empire, there were few fortified cities
capable of protecting a routed army; nor was there any person, or
family, or order of men, whose natural interest, unsupported by the
powers of government, was capable of restoring the cause of a sinking
party. [52]

[Footnote 52: Montesquieu, Considerations sur la Grandeur et la
Decadence des Romains, c. xiii.]

Yet, in the contest between Niger and Severus, a single city deserves an
honorable exception. As Byzantium was one of the greatest passages from
Europe into Asia, it had been provided with a strong garrison, and
a fleet of five hundred vessels was anchored in the harbor. [53] The
impetuosity of Severus disappointed this prudent scheme of defence; he
left to his generals the siege of Byzantium, forced the less guarded
passage of the Hellespont, and, impatient of a meaner enemy, pressed
forward to encounter his rival. Byzantium, attacked by a numerous and
increasing army, and afterwards by the whole naval power of the empire,
sustained a siege of three years, and remained faithful to the name and
memory of Niger. The citizens and soldiers (we know not from what cause)
were animated with equal fury; several of the principal officers
of Niger, who despaired of, or who disdained, a pardon, had thrown
themselves into this last refuge: the fortifications were esteemed
impregnable, and, in the defence of the place, a celebrated engineer
displayed all the mechanic powers known to the ancients. [54] Byzantium,
at length, surrendered to famine. The magistrates and soldiers were put
to the sword, the walls demolished, the privileges suppressed, and the
destined capital of the East subsisted only as an open village, subject
to the insulting jurisdiction of Perinthus. The historian Dion, who had
admired the flourishing, and lamented the desolate, state of Byzantium,
accused the revenge of Severus, for depriving the Roman people of the
strongest bulwark against the barbarians of Pontus and Asia [55] The
truth of this observation was but too well justified in the succeeding
age, when the Gothic fleets covered the Euxine, and passed through the
undefined Bosphorus into the centre of the Mediterranean.

[Footnote 53: Most of these, as may be supposed, were small open
vessels; some, however, were galleys of two, and a few of three ranks
of oars.]

[Footnote 54: The engineer's name was Priscus. His skill saved
his life, and he was taken into the service of the conqueror. For the
particular facts of the siege, consult Dion Cassius (l. lxxv. p. 1251)
and Herodian, (l. iii. p. 95;) for the theory of it, the fanciful
chevalier de Folard may be looked into. See Polybe, tom. i. p. 76.]

[Footnote 55: Notwithstanding the authority of Spartianus, and
some modern Greeks, we may be assured, from Dion and Herodian, that
Byzantium, many years after the death of Severus, lay in ruins. There is
no contradiction between the relation of Dion and that of Spartianus and
the modern Greeks. Dion does not say that Severus destroyed Byzantium,
but that he deprived it of its franchises and privileges, stripped the
inhabitants of their property, razed the fortifications, and subjected
the city to the jurisdiction of Perinthus. Therefore, when Spartian,
Suidas, Cedrenus, say that Severus and his son Antoninus restored to
Byzantium its rights and franchises, ordered temples to be built, &c.,
this is easily reconciled with the relation of Dion. Perhaps the latter
mentioned it in some of the fragments of his history which have been
lost. As to Herodian, his expressions are evidently exaggerated, and he
has been guilty of so many inaccuracies in the history of Severus, that
we have a right to suppose one in this passage.--G. from W Wenck and M.
Guizot have omitted to cite Zosimus, who mentions a particular portico
built by Severus, and called, apparently, by his name. Zosim. Hist. ii.
c. xxx. p. 151, 153, edit Heyne.--M.]

Both Niger and Albinus were discovered and put to death
in their flight from the field of battle. Their fate excited neither
surprise nor compassion. They had staked their lives against the chance
of empire, and suffered what they would have inflicted; nor did Severus
claim the arrogant superiority of suffering his rivals to live in a
private station. But his unforgiving temper, stimulated by avarice,
indulged a spirit of revenge, where there was no room for apprehension.
The most considerable of the provincials, who, without any dislike to
the fortunate candidate, had obeyed the governor under whose authority
they were accidentally placed, were punished by death, exile, and
especially by the confiscation of their estates. Many cities of the
East were stripped of their ancient honors, and obliged to pay, into the
treasury of Severus, four times the amount of the sums contributed by
them for the service of Niger. [56]

[Footnote 56: Dion, l. lxxiv. p. 1250.]

Till the final decision of the war, the cruelty of Severus was, in some
measure, restrained by the uncertainty of the event, and his pretended
reverence for the senate. The head of Albinus, accompanied with a
menacing letter, announced to the Romans that he was resolved to spare
none of the adherents of his unfortunate competitors. He was irritated
by the just auspicion that he had never possessed the affections of the
senate, and he concealed his old malevolence under the recent discovery
of some treasonable correspondences. Thirty-five senators, however,
accused of having favored the party of Albinus, he freely pardoned, and,
by his subsequent behavior, endeavored to convince them, that he had
forgotten, as well as forgiven, their supposed offences. But, at the
same time, he condemned forty-one [57] other senators, whose names
history has recorded; their wives, children, and clients attended them
in death, [571] and the noblest provincials of Spain and Gaul were involved
in the same ruin. [572] Such rigid justice--for so he termed it--was, in
the opinion of Severus, the only conduct capable of insuring peace to
the people or stability to the prince; and he condescended slightly to
lament, that to be mild, it was necessary that he should first be cruel.
[58]

[Footnote 57: Dion, (l. lxxv. p. 1264;) only twenty-nine senators
are mentioned by him, but forty-one are named in the Augustan History,
p. 69, among whom were six of the name of Pescennius. Herodian (l. iii.
p. 115) speaks in general of the cruelties of Severus.]

[Footnote 571: Wenck denies that there is any authority for this massacre
of the wives of the senators. He adds, that only the children and
relatives of Niger and Albinus were put to death. This is true of the
family of Albinus, whose bodies were thrown into the Rhone; those of
Niger, according to Lampridius, were sent into exile, but afterwards put
to death. Among the partisans of Albinus who were put to death were many
women of rank, multae foeminae illustres. Lamprid. in Sever.--M.]

[Footnote 572: A new fragment of Dion describes the state of Rome during
this contest. All pretended to be on the side of Severus; but their
secret sentiments were often betrayed by a change of countenance on the
arrival of some sudden report. Some were detected by overacting their
loyalty, Mai. Fragm. Vatican. p. 227 Severus told the senate he would
rather have their hearts than their votes.--Ibid.--M.]

[Footnote 58: Aurelius Victor.]

The true interest of an absolute monarch generally coincides with that
of his people. Their numbers, their wealth, their order, and their
security, are the best and only foundations of his real greatness; and
were he totally devoid of virtue, prudence might supply its place, and
would dictate the same rule of conduct. Severus considered the Roman
empire as his property, and had no sooner secured the possession, than
he bestowed his care on the cultivation and improvement of so valuable
an acquisition. Salutary laws, executed with inflexible firmness, soon
corrected most of the abuses with which, since the death of Marcus,
every part of the government had been infected. In the administration of
justice, the judgments of the emperor were characterized by attention,
discernment, and impartiality; and whenever he deviated from the strict
line of equity, it was generally in favor of the poor and oppressed;
not so much indeed from any sense of humanity, as from the natural
propensity of a despot to humble the pride of greatness, and to sink
all his subjects to the same common level of absolute dependence.
His expensive taste for building, magnificent shows, and above all
a constant and liberal distribution of corn and provisions, were the
surest means of captivating the affection of the Roman people. [59] The
misfortunes of civil discord were obliterated. The calm of peace and
prosperity was once more experienced in the provinces; and many cities,
restored by the munificence of Severus, assumed the title of his
colonies, and attested by public monuments their gratitude and
felicity. [60] The fame of the Roman arms was revived by that warlike and
successful emperor, [61] and he boasted, with a just pride, that, having
received the empire oppressed with foreign and domestic wars, he left it
established in profound, universal, and honorable peace. [62]

[Footnote 59: Dion, l. lxxvi. p. 1272. Hist. August. p. 67. Severus
celebrated the secular games with extraordinary magnificence, and he
left in the public granaries a provision of corn for seven years, at the
rate of 75,000 modii, or about 2500 quarters per day. I am persuaded
that the granaries of Severus were supplied for a long term, but I am
not less persuaded, that policy on one hand, and admiration on the
other, magnified the hoard far beyond its true contents.]

[Footnote 60: See Spanheim's treatise of ancient medals, the
inscriptions, and our learned travellers Spon and Wheeler, Shaw, Pocock,
&c, who, in Africa, Greece, and Asia, have found more monuments of
Severus than of any other Roman emperor whatsoever.]

[Footnote 61: He carried his victorious arms to Seleucia and Ctesiphon,
the capitals of the Parthian monarchy. I shall have occasion to mention
this war in its proper place.]

[Footnote 62: Etiam in Britannis, was his own just and emphatic
expression Hist. August. 73.]

Although the wounds of civil war appeared completely healed, its mortal
poison still lurked in the vitals of the constitution.

Severus possessed a considerable share of vigor and ability; but the
daring soul of the first Caesar, or the deep policy of Augustus, were
scarcely equal to the task of curbing the insolence of the victorious
legions. By gratitude, by misguided policy, by seeming necessity,
Severus was reduced to relax the nerves of discipline. [63] The vanity
of his soldiers was flattered with the honor of wearing gold rings their
ease was indulged in the permission of living with their wives in the
idleness of quarters. He increased their pay beyond the example
of former times, and taught them to expect, and soon to claim,
extraordinary donatives on every public occasion of danger or festivity.
Elated by success, enervated by luxury, and raised above the level of
subjects by their dangerous privileges, [64] they soon became incapable
of military fatigue, oppressive to the country, and impatient of a just
subordination. Their officers asserted the superiority of rank by a more
profuse and elegant luxury. There is still extant a letter of Severus,
lamenting the licentious stage of the army, [641] and exhorting one of
his generals to begin the necessary reformation from the tribunes
themselves; since, as he justly observes, the officer who has forfeited
the esteem, will never command the obedience, of his soldiers. [65] Had
the emperor pursued the train of reflection, he would have discovered,
that the primary cause of this general corruption might be ascribed, not
indeed to the example, but to the pernicious indulgence, however, of
the commander-in-chief.

[Footnote 63: Herodian, l. iii. p. 115. Hist. August. p. 68.]

[Footnote 64: Upon the insolence and privileges of the soldier, the 16th
satire, falsely ascribed to Juvenal, may be consulted; the style and
circumstances of it would induce me to believe, that it was composed
under the reign of Severus, or that of his son.]

[Footnote 641: Not of the army, but of the troops in Gaul. The contents
of this letter seem to prove that Severus was really anxious to restore
discipline Herodian is the only historian who accuses him of being the
first cause of its relaxation.--G. from W Spartian mentions his increase
of the pays.--M.]

[Footnote 65: Hist. August. p. 73.]

The Praetorians, who murdered their emperor and sold the empire, had
received the just punishment of their treason; but the necessary, though
dangerous, institution of guards was soon restored on a new model by
Severus, and increased to four times the ancient number. [66] Formerly
these troops had been recruited in Italy; and as the adjacent provinces
gradually imbibed the softer manners of Rome, the levies were extended
to Macedonia, Noricum, and Spain. In the room of these elegant troops,
better adapted to the pomp of courts than to the uses of war, it was
established by Severus, that from all the legions of the frontiers, the
soldiers most distinguished for strength, valor, and fidelity, should be
occasionally draughted; and promoted, as an honor and reward, into the
more eligible service of the guards. [67] By this new institution, the
Italian youth were diverted from the exercise of arms, and the capital
was terrified by the strange aspect and manners of a multitude of
barbarians. But Severus flattered himself, that the legions would
consider these chosen Praetorians as the representatives of the whole
military order; and that the present aid of fifty thousand men, superior
in arms and appointments to any force that could be brought into the
field against them, would forever crush the hopes of rebellion, and
secure the empire to himself and his posterity.

[Footnote 66: Herodian, l. iii. p. 131.]

[Footnote 67: Dion, l. lxxiv. p. 1243.]

The command of these favored and formidable troops soon became the
first office of the empire. As the government degenerated into military
despotism, the Praetorian Praefect, who in his origin had been a simple
captain of the guards, [671] was placed not only at the head of the
army, but of the finances, and even of the law. In every department of
administration, he represented the person, and exercised the authority,
of the emperor. The first praefect who enjoyed and abused this immense
power was Plautianus, the favorite minister of Severus. His reign lasted
above ten years, till the marriage of his daughter with the eldest son
of the emperor, which seemed to assure his fortune, proved the occasion
of his ruin. [68] The animosities of the palace, by irritating the
ambition and alarming the fears of Plautianus, [681] threatened to produce
a revolution, and obliged the emperor, who still loved him, to consent
with reluctance to his death. [69] After the fall of Plautianus, an
eminent lawyer, the celebrated Papinian, was appointed to execute the
motley office of Praetorian Praefect.

[Footnote 671: The Praetorian Praefect had never been a simple captain of
the guards; from the first creation of this office, under Augustus,
it possessed great power. That emperor, therefore, decreed that there
should be always two Praetorian Praefects, who could only be taken from
the equestrian order Tiberius first departed from the former clause of
this edict; Alexander Severus violated the second by naming senators
praefects. It appears that it was under Commodus that the Praetorian
Praefects obtained the province of civil jurisdiction. It extended only
to Italy, with the exception of Rome and its district, which was
governed by the Praefectus urbi. As to the control of the finances, and
the levying of taxes, it was not intrusted to them till after the great
change that Constantine I. made in the organization of the empire at
least, I know no passage which assigns it to them before that time; and
Drakenborch, who has treated this question in his Dissertation de
official praefectorum praetorio, vi., does not quote one.--W.]

[Footnote 68: One of his most daring and wanton acts of power, was the
castration of a hundred free Romans, some of them married men, and even
fathers of families; merely that his daughter, on her marriage with the
young emperor, might be attended by a train of eunuchs worthy of an
eastern queen. Dion, l. lxxvi. p. 1271.]

[Footnote 681: Plautianus was compatriot, relative, and the old friend,
of Severus; he had so completely shut up all access to the emperor, that
the latter was ignorant how far he abused his powers: at length,
being informed of it, he began to limit his authority. The marriage of
Plautilla with Caracalla was unfortunate; and the prince who had been
forced to consent to it, menaced the father and the daughter with death
when he should come to the throne. It was feared, after that, that
Plautianus would avail himself of the power which he still possessed,
against the Imperial family; and Severus caused him to be assassinated
in his presence, upon the pretext of a conspiracy, which Dion considers
fictitious.--W. This note is not, perhaps, very necessary and does not
contain the whole facts. Dion considers the conspiracy the invention of
Caracalla, by whose command, almost by whose hand, Plautianus was slain
in the presence of Severus.--M.]

[Footnote 69: Dion, l. lxxvi. p. 1274.
Herodian, l. iii. p. 122, 129. The grammarian of Alexander seems, as is
not unusual, much better acquainted with this mysterious transaction,
and more assured of the guilt of Plautianus than the Roman senator
ventures to be.]

Till the reign of Severus, the virtue and even the good sense of the
emperors had been distinguished by their zeal or affected reverence for
the senate, and by a tender regard to the nice frame of civil policy
instituted by Augustus. But the youth of Severus had been trained in the
implicit obedience of camps, and his riper years spent in the despotism
of military command. His haughty and inflexible spirit could not
discover, or would not acknowledge, the advantage of preserving an
intermediate power, however imaginary, between the emperor and the army.
He disdained to profess himself the servant of an assembly that detested
his person and trembled at his frown; he issued his commands, where his
requests would have proved as effectual; assumed the conduct and style
of a sovereign and a conqueror, and exercised, without disguise, the
whole legislative, as well as the executive power.

The victory over the senate was easy and inglorious. Every eye and every
passion were directed to the supreme magistrate, who possessed the arms
and treasure of the state; whilst the senate, neither elected by the
people, nor guarded by military force, nor animated by public spirit,
rested its declining authority on the frail and crumbling basis of
ancient opinion. The fine theory of a republic insensibly vanished, and
made way for the more natural and substantial feelings of monarchy. As
the freedom and honors of Rome were successively communicated to the
provinces, in which the old government had been either unknown, or
was remembered with abhorrence, the tradition of republican maxims was
gradually obliterated. The Greek historians of the age of the Antonines
[70] observe, with a malicious pleasure, that although the sovereign of
Rome, in compliance with an obsolete prejudice, abstained from the name
of king, he possessed the full measure of regal power. In the reign of
Severus, the senate was filled with polished and eloquent slaves from
the eastern provinces, who justified personal flattery by speculative
principles of servitude. These new advocates of prerogative were heard
with pleasure by the court, and with patience by the people, when
they inculcated the duty of passive obedience, and descanted on the
inevitable mischiefs of freedom. The lawyers and historians concurred
in teaching, that the Imperial authority was held, not by the delegated
commission, but by the irrevocable resignation of the senate; that the
emperor was freed from the restraint of civil laws, could command by his
arbitrary will the lives and fortunes of his subjects, and might dispose
of the empire as of his private patrimony. [71] The most eminent of the
civil lawyers, and particularly Papinian, Paulus, and Ulpian, flourished
under the house of Severus; and the Roman jurisprudence, having closely
united itself with the system of monarchy, was supposed to have attained
its full majority and perfection.

[Footnote 70: Appian in Prooem.]

[Footnote 71: Dion Cassius seems to have written with no other view than
to form these opinions into an historical system. The Pandea's will
how how assiduously the lawyers, on their side, laboree in the cause of
prerogative.]

The contemporaries of Severus in the enjoyment of the peace and glory
of his reign, forgave the cruelties by which it had been introduced.
Posterity, who experienced the fatal effects of his maxims and example,
justly considered him as the principal author of the decline of the
Roman empire.




Chapter VI: Death Of Severus, Tyranny Of Caracalla, Usurpation Of Marcinus.--Part I.

     The Death Of Severus.--Tyranny Of Caracalla.--Usurpation
     Of Macrinus.--Follies Of Elagabalus.--Virtues Of Alexander
     Severus.--Licentiousness Of The Army.--General State Of
     The Roman Finances.

The ascent to greatness, however steep and dangerous, may entertain an
active spirit with the consciousness and exercise of its own powers: but
the possession of a throne could never yet afford a lasting satisfaction
to an ambitious mind. This melancholy truth was felt and acknowledged by
Severus. Fortune and merit had, from an humble station, elevated him
to the first place among mankind. "He had been all things," as he said
himself, "and all was of little value." [1] Distracted with the care,
not of acquiring, but of preserving an empire, oppressed with age and
infirmities, careless of fame, [2] and satiated with power, all his
prospects of life were closed. The desire of perpetuating the greatness
of his family was the only remaining wish of his ambition and paternal
tenderness.

[Footnote 1: Hist. August. p. 71. "Omnia fui, et nihil expedit."]

[Footnote 2: Dion Cassius, l. lxxvi. p. 1284.]

Like most of the Africans, Severus was passionately addicted to the vain
studies of magic and divination, deeply versed in the interpretation of
dreams and omens, and perfectly acquainted with the science of judicial
astrology; which, in almost every age except the present, has maintained
its dominion over the mind of man. He had lost his first wife, while
he was governor of the Lionnese Gaul. [3] In the choice of a second, he
sought only to connect himself with some favorite of fortune; and as
soon as he had discovered that the young lady of Emesa in Syria had a
royal nativity, he solicited and obtained her hand. [4] Julia Domna (for
that was her name) deserved all that the stars could promise her.

She possessed, even in advanced age, the attractions of beauty, [5]
and united to a lively imagination a firmness of mind, and strength of
judgment, seldom bestowed on her sex. Her amiable qualities never made
any deep impression on the dark and jealous temper of her husband;
but in her son's reign, she administered the principal affairs of
the empire, with a prudence that supported his authority, and with a
moderation that sometimes corrected his wild extravagancies. [6] Julia
applied herself to letters and philosophy, with some success, and with
the most splendid reputation. She was the patroness of every art, and
the friend of every man of genius. [7] The grateful flattery of the
learned has celebrated her virtues; but, if we may credit the scandal of
ancient history, chastity was very far from being the most conspicuous
virtue of the empress Julia. [8]

[Footnote 3: About the year 186. M. de Tillemont is miserably
embarrassed with a passage of Dion, in which the empress Faustina,
who died in the year 175, is introduced as having contributed to the
marriage of Severus and Julia, (l. lxxiv. p. 1243.) The learned compiler
forgot that Dion is relating not a real fact, but a dream of Severus;
and dreams are circumscribed to no limits of time or space. Did M. de
Tillemont imagine that marriages were consummated in the temple of Venus
at Rome? Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iii. p. 389. Note 6.]

[Footnote 4: Hist. August. p. 65.]

[Footnote 5: Hist. August. p. 5.]

[Footnote 6: Dion Cassius, l. lxxvii. p. 1304, 1314.]

[Footnote 7: See a dissertation of Menage, at the end of his edition of
Diogenes Laertius, de Foeminis Philosophis.]

[Footnote 8: Dion, l. lxxvi. p. 1285. Aurelius Victor.]

Two sons, Caracalla [9] and Geta, were the fruit of this marriage, and
the destined heirs of the empire. The fond hopes of the father, and
of the Roman world, were soon disappointed by these vain youths, who
displayed the indolent security of hereditary princes; and a presumption
that fortune would supply the place of merit and application. Without
any emulation of virtue or talents, they discovered, almost from their
infancy, a fixed and implacable antipathy for each other.

[Footnote 9: Bassianus was his first name, as it had been that of his
maternal grandfather. During his reign, he assumed the appellation of
Antoninus, which is employed by lawyers and ancient historians. After
his death, the public indignation loaded him with the nicknames of
Tarantus and Caracalla. The first was borrowed from a celebrated
Gladiator, the second from a long Gallic gown which he distributed to
the people of Rome.]

Their aversion, confirmed by years, and fomented by the arts of their
interested favorites, broke out in childish, and gradually in more
serious competitions; and, at length, divided the theatre, the circus,
and the court, into two factions, actuated by the hopes and fears of
their respective leaders. The prudent emperor endeavored, by every
expedient of advice and authority, to allay this growing animosity. The
unhappy discord of his sons clouded all his prospects, and threatened to
overturn a throne raised with so much labor, cemented with so much
blood, and guarded with every defence of arms and treasure. With an
impartial hand he maintained between them an exact balance of favor,
conferred on both the rank of Augustus, with the revered name of
Antoninus; and for the first time the Roman world beheld three emperors.
[10] Yet even this equal conduct served only to inflame the contest,
whilst the fierce Caracalla asserted the right of primogeniture, and the
milder Geta courted the affections of the people and the soldiers. In
the anguish of a disappointed father, Severus foretold that the weaker
of his sons would fall a sacrifice to the stronger; who, in his turn,
would be ruined by his own vices. [11]

[Footnote 10: The elevation of Caracalla is fixed by the accurate M.
de Tillemont to the year 198; the association of Geta to the year 208.]

[Footnote 11: Herodian, l. iii. p. 130. The lives of Caracalla and Geta,
in the Augustan History.]

In these circumstances the intelligence of a war in Britain, and of an
invasion of the province by the barbarians of the North, was received
with pleasure by Severus. Though the vigilance of his lieutenants might
have been sufficient to repel the distant enemy, he resolved to embrace
the honorable pretext of withdrawing his sons from the luxury of Rome,
which enervated their minds and irritated their passions; and of inuring
their youth to the toils of war and government. Notwithstanding his
advanced age, (for he was above threescore,) and his gout, which obliged
him to be carried in a litter, he transported himself in person into
that remote island, attended by his two sons, his whole court, and
a formidable army. He immediately passed the walls of Hadrian and
Antoninus, and entered the enemy's country, with a design of completing
the long attempted conquest of Britain. He penetrated to the northern
extremity of the island, without meeting an enemy. But the concealed
ambuscades of the Caledonians, who hung unseen on the rear and flanks of
his army, the coldness of the climate and the severity of a winter march
across the hills and morasses of Scotland, are reported to have cost the
Romans above fifty thousand men. The Caledonians at length yielded to
the powerful and obstinate attack, sued for peace, and surrendered a
part of their arms, and a large tract of territory. But their apparent
submission lasted no longer than the present terror. As soon as the
Roman legions had retired, they resumed their hostile independence.
Their restless spirit provoked Severus to send a new army into
Caledonia, with the most bloody orders, not to subdue, but to extirpate
the natives. They were saved by the death of their haughty enemy. [12]

[Footnote 12: Dion, l. lxxvi. p. 1280, &c. Herodian, l. iii. p. 132,
&c.]

This Caledonian war, neither marked by decisive events, nor attended
with any important consequences, would ill deserve our attention; but it
is supposed, not without a considerable degree of probability, that the
invasion of Severus is connected with the most shining period of the
British history or fable. Fingal, whose fame, with that of his heroes
and bards, has been revived in our language by a recent publication, is
said to have commanded the Caledonians in that memorable juncture, to
have eluded the power of Severus, and to have obtained a signal victory
on the banks of the Carun, in which the son of the King of the World,
Caracul, fled from his arms along the fields of his pride. [13]
Something of a doubtful mist still hangs over these Highland traditions;
nor can it be entirely dispelled by the most ingenious researches of
modern criticism; [14] but if we could, with safety, indulge the
pleasing supposition, that Fingal lived, and that Ossian sung, the
striking contrast of the situation and manners of the contending nations
might amuse a philosophic mind.

The parallel would be little to the advantage of the more civilized
people, if we compared the unrelenting revenge of Severus with the
generous clemency of Fingal; the timid and brutal cruelty of Caracalla
with the bravery, the tenderness, the elegant genius of Ossian; the
mercenary chiefs, who, from motives of fear or interest, served under
the imperial standard, with the free-born warriors who started to arms
at the voice of the king of Morven; if, in a word, we contemplated the
untutored Caledonians, glowing with the warm virtues of nature, and the
degenerate Romans, polluted with the mean vices of wealth and slavery.

[Footnote 13: Ossian's Poems, vol. i. p. 175.]

[Footnote 14: That the Caracul of Ossian is the Caracalla of the Roman
History, is, perhaps, the only point of British antiquity in which Mr.
Macpherson and Mr. Whitaker are of the same opinion; and yet the opinion
is not without difficulty. In the Caledonian war, the son of Severus was
known only by the appellation of Antoninus, and it may seem strange that
the Highland bard should describe him by a nickname, invented four years
afterwards, scarcely used by the Romans till after the death of that
emperor, and seldom employed by the most ancient historians. See Dion,
l. lxxvii. p. 1317. Hist. August. p. 89 Aurel. Victor. Euseb. in Chron.
ad ann. 214. Note: The historical authority of Macpherson's Ossian has
not increased since Gibbon wrote. We may, indeed, consider it exploded.
Mr. Whitaker, in a letter to Gibbon (Misc. Works, vol. ii. p. 100,)
attempts, not very successfully, to weaken this objection of the
historian.--M.]

The declining health and last illness of Severus inflamed the wild
ambition and black passions of Caracalla's soul. Impatient of any delay
or division of empire, he attempted, more than once, to shorten the
small remainder of his father's days, and endeavored, but without
success, to excite a mutiny among the troops. [15] The old emperor had
often censured the misguided lenity of Marcus, who, by a single act of
justice, might have saved the Romans from the tyranny of his worthless
son. Placed in the same situation, he experienced how easily the rigor
of a judge dissolves away in the tenderness of a parent. He deliberated,
he threatened, but he could not punish; and this last and only instance
of mercy was more fatal to the empire than a long series of cruelty.
[16] The disorder of his mind irritated the pains of his body; he wished
impatiently for death, and hastened the instant of it by his impatience.
He expired at York in the sixty-fifth year of his life, and in the
eighteenth of a glorious and successful reign. In his last moments he
recommended concord to his sons, and his sons to the army. The salutary
advice never reached the heart, or even the understanding, of the
impetuous youths; but the more obedient troops, mindful of their oath of
allegiance, and of the authority of their deceased master, resisted the
solicitations of Caracalla, and proclaimed both brothers emperors of
Rome. The new princes soon left the Caledonians in peace, returned to
the capital, celebrated their father's funeral with divine honors, and
were cheerfully acknowledged as lawful sovereigns, by the senate, the
people, and the provinces. Some preeminence of rank seems to have been
allowed to the elder brother; but they both administered the empire with
equal and independent power. [17]

[Footnote 15: Dion, l. lxxvi. p. 1282. Hist. August. p. 71. Aurel.
Victor.]

[Footnote 16: Dion, l. lxxvi. p. 1283. Hist. August. p. 89]

[Footnote 17: Dion, l. lxxvi. p. 1284. Herodian, l. iii. p. 135.]

Such a divided form of government would have proved a source of discord
between the most affectionate brothers. It was impossible that it could
long subsist between two implacable enemies, who neither desired nor
could trust a reconciliation. It was visible that one only could reign,
and that the other must fall; and each of them, judging of his rival's
designs by his own, guarded his life with the most jealous vigilance
from the repeated attacks of poison or the sword. Their rapid journey
through Gaul and Italy, during which they never ate at the same table,
or slept in the same house, displayed to the provinces the odious
spectacle of fraternal discord. On their arrival at Rome, they
immediately divided the vast extent of the imperial palace. [18] No
communication was allowed between their apartments; the doors and
passages were diligently fortified, and guards posted and relieved with
the same strictness as in a besieged place. The emperors met only in
public, in the presence of their afflicted mother; and each surrounded
by a numerous train of armed followers. Even on these occasions of
ceremony, the dissimulation of courts could ill disguise the rancor of
their hearts. [19]

[Footnote 18: Mr. Hume is justly surprised at a passage of Herodian, (l.
iv. p. 139,) who, on this occasion, represents the Imperial palace as
equal in extent to the rest of Rome. The whole region of the Palatine
Mount, on which it was built, occupied, at most, a circumference of
eleven or twelve thousand feet, (see the Notitia and Victor, in
Nardini's Roma Antica.) But we should recollect that the opulent
senators had almost surrounded the city with their extensive gardens and
suburb palaces, the greatest part of which had been gradually
confiscated by the emperors. If Geta resided in the gardens that bore
his name on the Janiculum, and if Caracalla inhabited the gardens of
Maecenas on the Esquiline, the rival brothers were separated from each
other by the distance of several miles; and yet the intermediate space
was filled by the Imperial gardens of Sallust, of Lucullus, of Agrippa,
of Domitian, of Caius, &c., all skirting round the city, and all
connected with each other, and with the palace, by bridges thrown over
the Tiber and the streets. But this explanation of Herodian would
require, though it ill deserves, a particular dissertation, illustrated
by a map of ancient Rome. (Hume, Essay on Populousness of Ancient
Nations.--M.)]

[Footnote 19: Herodian, l. iv. p. 139]

This latent civil war already distracted the whole government, when
a scheme was suggested that seemed of mutual benefit to the hostile
brothers. It was proposed, that since it was impossible to reconcile
their minds, they should separate their interest, and divide the empire
between them. The conditions of the treaty were already drawn with some
accuracy. It was agreed that Caracalla, as the elder brother should
remain in possession of Europe and the western Africa; and that he
should relinquish the sovereignty of Asia and Egypt to Geta, who might
fix his residence at Alexandria or Antioch, cities little inferior to
Rome itself in wealth and greatness; that numerous armies should be
constantly encamped on either side of the Thracian Bosphorus, to guard
the frontiers of the rival monarchies; and that the senators of European
extraction should acknowledge the sovereign of Rome, whilst the natives
of Asia followed the emperor of the East. The tears of the empress Julia
interrupted the negotiation, the first idea of which had filled every
Roman breast with surprise and indignation. The mighty mass of conquest
was so intimately united by the hand of time and policy, that it
required the most forcible violence to rend it asunder. The Romans had
reason to dread, that the disjointed members would soon be reduced by
a civil war under the dominion of one master; but if the separation
was permanent, the division of the provinces must terminate in the
dissolution of an empire whose unity had hitherto remained inviolate.
[20]

[Footnote 20: Herodian, l. iv. p. 144.]

Had the treaty been carried into execution, the sovereign of Europe
might soon have been the conqueror of Asia; but Caracalla obtained
an easier, though a more guilty, victory. He artfully listened to his
mother's entreaties, and consented to meet his brother in her
apartment, on terms of peace and reconciliation. In the midst of their
conversation, some centurions, who had contrived to conceal themselves,
rushed with drawn swords upon the unfortunate Geta. His distracted
mother strove to protect him in her arms; but, in the unavailing
struggle, she was wounded in the hand, and covered with the blood of
her younger son, while she saw the elder animating and assisting [21] the
fury of the assassins. As soon as the deed was perpetrated, Caracalla,
with hasty steps, and horror in his countenance, ran towards the
Praetorian camp, as his only refuge, and threw himself on the ground
before the statues of the tutelar deities. [22] The soldiers attempted to
raise and comfort him. In broken and disordered words he informed them
of his imminent danger, and fortunate escape; insinuating that he had
prevented the designs of his enemy, and declared his resolution to live
and die with his faithful troops. Geta had been the favorite of the
soldiers; but complaint was useless, revenge was dangerous, and they
still reverenced the son of Severus. Their discontent died away in idle
murmurs, and Caracalla soon convinced them of the justice of his cause,
by distributing in one lavish donative the accumulated treasures of his
father's reign. [23] The real sentiments of the soldiers alone were
of importance to his power or safety. Their declaration in his favor
commanded the dutiful professions of the senate. The obsequious assembly
was always prepared to ratify the decision of fortune; [231] but as
Caracalla wished to assuage the first emotions of public indignation,
the name of Geta was mentioned with decency, and he received the funeral
honors of a Roman emperor. [24] Posterity, in pity to his misfortune,
has cast a veil over his vices. We consider that young prince as the
innocent victim of his brother's ambition, without recollecting that he
himself wanted power, rather than inclination, to consummate the same
attempts of revenge and murder. [241]

[Footnote 21: Caracalla consecrated, in the temple of Serapis, the
sword with which, as he boasted, he had slain his brother Geta. Dion, l.
lxxvii p. 1307.]

[Footnote 22: Herodian, l. iv. p. 147. In every Roman camp there was a
small chapel near the head-quarters, in which the statues of the tutelar
deities were preserved and adored; and we may remark that the eagles,
and other military ensigns, were in the first rank of these deities;
an excellent institution, which confirmed discipline by the sanction of
religion. See Lipsius de Militia Romana, iv. 5, v. 2.]

[Footnote 23: Herodian, l. iv. p. 148. Dion, l. lxxvii. p. 1289.]

[Footnote 231: The account of this transaction, in a new passage of
Dion, varies in some degree from this statement. It adds that the
next morning, in the senate, Antoninus requested their indulgence, not
because he had killed his brother, but because he was hoarse, and could
not address them. Mai. Fragm. p. 228.--M.]

[Footnote 24: Geta was placed among the gods. Sit divus, dum non sit
vivus said his brother. Hist. August. p. 91. Some marks of Geta's
consecration are still found upon medals.]

[Footnote 241: The favorable judgment which history has given of Geta
is not founded solely on a feeling of pity; it is supported by the
testimony of contemporary historians: he was too fond of the pleasures
of the table, and showed great mistrust of his brother; but he was
humane, well instructed; he often endeavored to mitigate the rigorous
decrees of Severus and Caracalla. Herod iv. 3. Spartian in Geta.--W.]

The crime went not unpunished. Neither business, nor pleasure, nor
flattery, could defend Caracalla from the stings of a guilty conscience;
and he confessed, in the anguish of a tortured mind, that his disordered
fancy often beheld the angry forms of his father and his brother rising
into life, to threaten and upbraid him. [25] The consciousness of his
crime should have induced him to convince mankind, by the virtues of
his reign, that the bloody deed had been the involuntary effect of fatal
necessity. But the repentance of Caracalla only prompted him to remove
from the world whatever could remind him of his guilt, or recall the
memory of his murdered brother. On his return from the senate to the
palace, he found his mother in the company of several noble matrons,
weeping over the untimely fate of her younger son. The jealous emperor
threatened them with instant death; the sentence was executed against
Fadilla, the last remaining daughter of the emperor Marcus; [251] and even
the afflicted Julia was obliged to silence her lamentations, to
suppress her sighs, and to receive the assassin with smiles of joy and
approbation. It was computed that, under the vague appellation of the
friends of Geta, above twenty thousand persons of both sexes suffered
death. His guards and freedmen, the ministers of his serious business,
and the companions of his looser hours, those who by his interest had
been promoted to any commands in the army or provinces, with the long
connected chain of their dependants, were included in the proscription;
which endeavored to reach every one who had maintained the smallest
correspondence with Geta, who lamented his death, or who even mentioned
his name. [26] Helvius Pertinax, son to the prince of that name, lost
his life by an unseasonable witticism. [27] It was a sufficient crime
of Thrasea Priscus to be descended from a family in which the love
of liberty seemed an hereditary quality. [28] The particular causes of
calumny and suspicion were at length exhausted; and when a senator
was accused of being a secret enemy to the government, the emperor
was satisfied with the general proof that he was a man of property and
virtue. From this well-grounded principle he frequently drew the most
bloody inferences. [281]

[Footnote 25: Dion, l. lxxvii. p. 1307]

[Footnote 251: The most valuable paragraph of dion, which the industry
of M. Manas recovered, relates to this daughter of Marcus, executed by
Caracalla. Her name, as appears from Fronto, as well as from Dion,
was Cornificia. When commanded to choose the kind of death she was
to suffer, she burst into womanish tears; but remembering her father
Marcus, she thus spoke:--"O my hapless soul, (... animula,) now
imprisoned in the body, burst forth! be free! show them, however
reluctant to believe it, that thou art the daughter of Marcus." She then
laid aside all her ornaments, and preparing herself for death, ordered
her veins to be opened. Mai. Fragm. Vatican ii p. 220.--M.]

[Footnote 26: Dion, l. lxxvii. p. 1290. Herodian, l. iv. p. 150. Dion
(p. 2298) says, that the comic poets no longer durst employ the name of
Geta in their plays, and that the estates of those who mentioned it in
their testaments were confiscated.]

[Footnote 27: Caracalla had assumed the names of several conquered
nations; Pertinax observed, that the name of Geticus (he had obtained
some advantage over the Goths, or Getae) would be a proper addition to
Parthieus, Alemannicus, &c. Hist. August. p. 89.]

[Footnote 28: Dion, l. lxxvii. p. 1291. He was probably descended from
Helvidius Priscus, and Thrasea Paetus, those patriots, whose firm, but
useless and unseasonable, virtue has been immortalized by Tacitus. Note:
M. Guizot is indignant at this "cold" observation of Gibbon on the noble
character of Thrasea; but he admits that his virtue was useless to the
public, and unseasonable amidst the vices of his age.--M.]

[Footnote 281: Caracalla reproached all those who demanded no favors of
him. "It is clear that if you make me no requests, you do not trust me;
if you do not trust me, you suspect me; if you suspect me, you fear me;
if you fear me, you hate me." And forthwith he condemned them as
conspirators, a good specimen of the sorites in a tyrant's logic. See
Fragm. Vatican p.--M.]




Chapter VI: Death Of Severus, Tyranny Of Caracalla, Usurpation Of Marcinus.--Part II.

The execution of so many innocent citizens was bewailed by the secret
tears of their friends and families. The death of Papinian, the
Praetorian Praefect, was lamented as a public calamity. [282] During the
last seven years of Severus, he had exercised the most important offices
of the state, and, by his salutary influence, guided the emperor's steps
in the paths of justice and moderation. In full assurance of his virtue
and abilities, Severus, on his death-bed, had conjured him to watch over
the prosperity and union of the Imperial family. [29] The honest labors
of Papinian served only to inflame the hatred which Caracalla had
already conceived against his father's minister. After the murder of
Geta, the Praefect was commanded to exert the powers of his skill and
eloquence in a studied apology for that atrocious deed. The philosophic
Seneca had condescended to compose a similar epistle to the senate, in
the name of the son and assassin of Agrippina. [30] "That it was easier
to commit than to justify a parricide," was the glorious reply of
Papinian; [31] who did not hesitate between the loss of life and that of
honor. Such intrepid virtue, which had escaped pure and unsullied
from the intrigues courts, the habits of business, and the arts of his
profession, reflects more lustre on the memory of Papinian, than all his
great employments, his numerous writings, and the superior reputation
as a lawyer, which he has preserved through every age of the Roman
jurisprudence. [32]

[Footnote 281: Papinian was no longer Praetorian Praefect. Caracalla had
deprived him of that office immediately after the death of Severus.
Such is the statement of Dion; and the testimony of Spartian, who gives
Papinian the Praetorian praefecture till his death, is of little weight
opposed to that of a senator then living at Rome.--W.]

[Footnote 29: It is said that Papinian was himself a relation of the
empress Julia.]

[Footnote 30: Tacit. Annal. xiv. 2.]

[Footnote 31: Hist. August. p. 88.]

[Footnote 32: With regard to Papinian, see Heineccius's Historia Juris
Roma ni, l. 330, &c.]

It had hitherto been the peculiar felicity of the Romans, and in the
worst of times the consolation, that the virtue of the emperors was
active, and their vice indolent. Augustus, Trajan, Hadrian, and Marcus
visited their extensive dominions in person, and their progress was
marked by acts of wisdom and beneficence. The tyranny of Tiberius, Nero,
and Domitian, who resided almost constantly at Rome, or in the adjacent
was confined to the senatorial and equestrian orders. [33] But Caracalla
was the common enemy of mankind. He left the capital (and he never returned
to it) about a year after the murder of Geta.murder of Geta. The rest of his reign was
spent in the several provinces of the empire, particularly those of the
East, and every province was by turns the scene of his rapine and cruelty.
The senators, compelled by fear to attend his capricious motions, were
obliged to provide daily entertainments at an immense expense, which
he abandoned with contempt to his guards; and to erect, in every city,
magnificent palaces and theatres, which he either disdained to visit,
or ordered immediately thrown down. The most wealthy families were ruined
by partial fines and confiscations, and the great body of his subjects
oppressed by ingenious and aggravated taxes. [34] In the midst of
peace, and upon the slightest provocation, he issued his commands, at
Alexandria, in Egypt for a general massacre. From a secure post in the
temple of Serapis, he viewed and directed the slaughter of many thousand
citizens, as well as strangers, without distinguishing the number or the
crime of the sufferers; since as he coolly informed the senate, all the
Alexandrians, those who perished, and those who had escaped, were alike
guilty. [35]

[Footnote 33: Tiberius and Domitian never moved from the neighborhood
of Rome. Nero made a short journey into Greece. "Et laudatorum Principum
usus ex aequo, quamvis procul agentibus. Saevi proximis ingruunt."
Tacit. Hist. iv. 74.]

[Footnote 34: Dion, l. lxxvii. p. 1294.]

[Footnote 35: Dion, l. lxxvii. p. 1307. Herodian, l. iv. p. 158.
The former represents it as a cruel massacre, the latter as a perfidious
one too. It seems probable that the Alexandrians has irritated the
tyrant by their railleries, and perhaps by their tumults. * Note: After
these massacres, Caracalla also deprived the Alexandrians of their
spectacles and public feasts; he divided the city into two parts by a
wall with towers at intervals, to prevent the peaceful communications of
the citizens. Thus was treated the unhappy Alexandria, says Dion, by the
savage beast of Ausonia. This, in fact, was the epithet which the oracle
had applied to him; it is said, indeed, that he was much pleased with
the name and often boasted of it. Dion, lxxvii. p. 1307.--G.]

The wise instructions of Severus never made any lasting impression on
the mind of his son, who, although not destitute of imagination
and eloquence, was equally devoid of judgment and humanity. [36] One
dangerous maxim, worthy of a tyrant, was remembered and abused by
Caracalla. "To secure the affections of the army, and to esteem the
rest of his subjects as of little moment." [37] But the liberality of the
father had been restrained by prudence, and his indulgence to the troops
was tempered by firmness and authority. The careless profusion of the
son was the policy of one reign, and the inevitable ruin both of the
army and of the empire. The vigor of the soldiers, instead of being
confirmed by the severe discipline of camps, melted away in the luxury
of cities. The excessive increase of their pay and donatives [38]
exhausted the state to enrich the military order, whose modesty in
peace, and service in war, is best secured by an honorable poverty. The
demeanor of Caracalla was haughty and full of pride; but with the troops
he forgot even the proper dignity of his rank, encouraged their insolent
familiarity, and, neglecting the essential duties of a general, affected
to imitate the dress and manners of a common soldier.

[Footnote 36: Dion, l. lxxvii. p. 1296.]

[Footnote 37: Dion, l. lxxvi. p. 1284. Mr. Wotton (Hist. of Rome, p.
330) suspects that this maxim was invented by Caracalla himself, and
attributed to his father.]

[Footnote 38: Dion (l. lxxviii. p. 1343) informs us that the
extraordinary gifts of Caracalla to the army amounted annually to
seventy millions of drachmae (about two millions three hundred and
fifty thousand pounds.) There is another passage in Dion, concerning the
military pay, infinitely curious, were it not obscure, imperfect, and
probably corrupt. The best sense seems to be, that the Praetorian guards
received twelve hundred and fifty drachmae, (forty pounds a year,)
(Dion, l. lxxvii. p. 1307.) Under the reign of Augustus, they were paid
at the rate of two drachmae, or denarii, per day, 720 a year, (Tacit.
Annal. i. 17.) Domitian, who increased the soldiers' pay one fourth,
must have raised the Praetorians to 960 drachmae, (Gronoviue de Pecunia
Veteri, l. iii. c. 2.) These successive augmentations ruined the empire;
for, with the soldiers' pay, their numbers too were increased. We have
seen the Praetorians alone increased from 10,000 to 50,000 men. Note:
Valois and Reimar have explained in a very simple and probable manner
this passage of Dion, which Gibbon seems to me not to have understood.
He ordered that the soldiers should receive, as the reward of their
services the Praetorians 1250 drachms, the other 5000 drachms. Valois
thinks that the numbers have been transposed, and that Caracalla added
5000 drachms to the donations made to the Praetorians, 1250 to those of
the legionaries. The Praetorians, in fact, always received more than
the others. The error of Gibbon arose from his considering that this
referred to the annual pay of the soldiers, while it relates to the
sum they received as a reward for their services on their discharge:
donatives means recompense for service. Augustus had settled that the
Praetorians, after sixteen campaigns, should receive 5000 drachms: the
legionaries received only 3000 after twenty years. Caracalla added
5000 drachms to the donative of the Praetorians, 1250 to that of the
legionaries. Gibbon appears to have been mistaken both in confounding
this donative on discharge with the annual pay, and in not paying
attention to the remark of Valois on the transposition of the numbers in
the text.--G]

It was impossible that such a character, and such conduct
as that of Caracalla, could inspire either love or esteem; but as long
as his vices were beneficial to the armies, he was secure from the
danger of rebellion. A secret conspiracy, provoked by his own jealousy,
was fatal to the tyrant. The Praetorian praefecture was divided between
two ministers. The military department was intrusted to Adventus,
an experienced rather than able soldier; and the civil affairs were
transacted by Opilius Macrinus, who, by his dexterity in business, had
raised himself, with a fair character, to that high office. But his
favor varied with the caprice of the emperor, and his life might depend
on the slightest suspicion, or the most casual circumstance. Malice or
fanaticism had suggested to an African, deeply skilled in the knowledge
of futurity, a very dangerous prediction, that Macrinus and his son were
destined to reign over the empire. The report was soon diffused through
the province; and when the man was sent in chains to Rome, he still
asserted, in the presence of the praefect of the city, the faith of
his prophecy. That magistrate, who had received the most pressing
instructions to inform himself of the successors of Caracalla,
immediately communicated the examination of the African to the Imperial
court, which at that time resided in Syria. But, notwithstanding the
diligence of the public messengers, a friend of Macrinus found means to
apprise him of the approaching danger. The emperor received the letters
from Rome; and as he was then engaged in the conduct of a chariot race,
he delivered them unopened to the Praetorian Praefect, directing him to
despatch the ordinary affairs, and to report the more important business
that might be contained in them. Macrinus read his fate, and resolved to
prevent it. He inflamed the discontents of some inferior officers,
and employed the hand of Martialis, a desperate soldier, who had been
refused the rank of centurion. The devotion of Caracalla prompted him
to make a pilgrimage from Edessa to the celebrated temple of the Moon at
Carrhae. [381] He was attended by a body of cavalry: but having stopped on
the road for some necessary occasion, his guards preserved a respectful
distance, and Martialis, approaching his person under a presence of
duty, stabbed him with a dagger. The bold assassin was instantly killed
by a Scythian archer of the Imperial guard. Such was the end of a
monster whose life disgraced human nature, and whose reign accused the
patience of the Romans. [39] The grateful soldiers forgot his vices,
remembered only his partial liberality, and obliged the senate to
prostitute their own dignity and that of religion, by granting him a
place among the gods. Whilst he was upon earth, Alexander the Great was
the only hero whom this god deemed worthy his admiration. He assumed the
name and ensigns of Alexander, formed a Macedonian phalanx of guards,
persecuted the disciples of Aristotle, and displayed, with a puerile
enthusiasm, the only sentiment by which he discovered any regard for
virtue or glory. We can easily conceive, that after the battle of Narva,
and the conquest of Poland, Charles XII. (though he still wanted the
more elegant accomplishments of the son of Philip) might boast of having
rivalled his valor and magnanimity; but in no one action of his life
did Caracalla express the faintest resemblance of the Macedonian hero,
except in the murder of a great number of his own and of his father's
friends. [40]

[Footnote 381: Carrhae, now Harran, between Edessan and Nisibis, famous
for the defeat of Crassus--the Haran from whence Abraham set out for the
land of Canaan. This city has always been remarkable for its attachment
to Sabaism--G]

[Footnote 39: Dion, l. lxxviii. p. 1312. Herodian, l. iv. p. 168.]

[Footnote 40: The fondness of Caracalla for the name and ensigns
of Alexander is still preserved on the medals of that emperor. See
Spanheim, de Usu Numismatum, Dissertat. xii. Herodian (l. iv. p. 154)
had seen very ridiculous pictures, in which a figure was drawn with one
side of the face like Alexander, and the other like Caracalla.]

After the extinction of the house of Severus, the Roman world remained
three days without a master. The choice of the army (for the authority
of a distant and feeble senate was little regarded) hung in anxious
suspense, as no candidate presented himself whose distinguished birth
and merit could engage their attachment and unite their suffrages. The
decisive weight of the Praetorian guards elevated the hopes of their
praefects, and these powerful ministers began to assert their legal
claim to fill the vacancy of the Imperial throne. Adventus, however,
the senior praefect, conscious of his age and infirmities, of his small
reputation, and his smaller abilities, resigned the dangerous honor to
the crafty ambition of his colleague Macrinus, whose well-dissembled
grief removed all suspicion of his being accessary to his master's
death. [41] The troops neither loved nor esteemed his character. They
cast their eyes around in search of a competitor, and at last yielded
with reluctance to his promises of unbounded liberality and indulgence.
A short time after his accession, he conferred on his son Diadumenianus,
at the age of only ten years, the Imperial title, and the popular
name of Antoninus. The beautiful figure of the youth, assisted by an
additional donative, for which the ceremony furnished a pretext, might
attract, it was hoped, the favor of the army, and secure the doubtful
throne of Macrinus.

[Footnote 41: Herodian, l. iv. p. 169. Hist. August. p. 94.]

The authority of the new sovereign had been ratified by the cheerful
submission of the senate and provinces. They exulted in their unexpected
deliverance from a hated tyrant, and it seemed of little consequence to
examine into the virtues of the successor of Caracalla. But as soon as
the first transports of joy and surprise had subsided, they began to
scrutinize the merits of Macrinus with a critical severity, and to
arraign the nasty choice of the army. It had hitherto been considered as
a fundamental maxim of the constitution, that the emperor must be always
chosen in the senate, and the sovereign power, no longer exercised by
the whole body, was always delegated to one of its members. But Macrinus
was not a senator. [42] The sudden elevation of the Praetorian praefects
betrayed the meanness of their origin; and the equestrian order was
still in possession of that great office, which commanded with arbitrary
sway the lives and fortunes of the senate. A murmur of indignation
was heard, that a man, whose obscure [43] extraction had never been
illustrated by any signal service, should dare to invest himself with
the purple, instead of bestowing it on some distinguished senator, equal
in birth and dignity to the splendor of the Imperial station. As soon as
the character of Macrinus was surveyed by the sharp eye of discontent,
some vices, and many defects, were easily discovered. The choice of his
ministers was in many instances justly censured, and the
dissatisfied people, with their usual candor, accused at once his
indolent tameness and his excessive severity. [44]

[Footnote 42: Dion, l. lxxxviii. p. 1350. Elagabalus reproached his
predecessor with daring to seat himself on the throne; though, as
Praetorian praefect, he could not have been admitted into the senate
after the voice of the crier had cleared the house. The personal favor
of Plautianus and Sejanus had broke through the established rule.
They rose, indeed, from the equestrian order; but they preserved the
praefecture, with the rank of senator and even with the annulship.]

[Footnote 43: He was a native of Caesarea, in Numidia, and began his
fortune by serving in the household of Plautian, from whose ruin he
narrowly escaped. His enemies asserted that he was born a slave, and
had exercised, among other infamous professions, that of Gladiator. The
fashion of aspersing the birth and condition of an adversary seems
to have lasted from the time of the Greek orators to the learned
grammarians of the last age.]

[Footnote 44: Both Dion and Herodian speak of the virtues and vices of
Macrinus with candor and impartiality; but the author of his life, in
the Augustan History, seems to have implicitly copied some of the
venal writers, employed by Elagabalus, to blacken the memory of his
predecessor.]

His rash ambition had climbed a height where it was difficult to stand
with firmness, and impossible to fall without instant destruction.
Trained in the arts of courts and the forms of civil business, he
trembled in the presence of the fierce and undisciplined multitude, over
whom he had assumed the command; his military talents were despised, and
his personal courage suspected; a whisper that circulated in the camp,
disclosed the fatal secret of the conspiracy against the late emperor,
aggravated the guilt of murder by the baseness of hypocrisy, and
heightened contempt by detestation. To alienate the soldiers, and to
provoke inevitable ruin, the character of a reformer was only wanting;
and such was the peculiar hardship of his fate, that Macrinus was
compelled to exercise that invidious office. The prodigality of
Caracalla had left behind it a long train of ruin and disorder; and if
that worthless tyrant had been capable of reflecting on the sure
consequences of his own conduct, he would perhaps have enjoyed the dark
prospect of the distress and calamities which he bequeathed to his
successors.

In the management of this necessary reformation, Macrinus proceeded with
a cautious prudence, which would have restored health and vigor to the
Roman army in an easy and almost imperceptible manner. To the soldiers
already engaged in the service, he was constrained to leave the
dangerous privileges and extravagant pay given by Caracalla; but the new
recruits were received on the more moderate though liberal establishment
of Severus, and gradually formed to modesty and obedience. [45] One
fatal error destroyed the salutary effects of this judicious plan. The
numerous army, assembled in the East by the late emperor, instead of
being immediately dispersed by Macrinus through the several provinces,
was suffered to remain united in Syria, during the winter that followed
his elevation. In the luxurious idleness of their quarters, the troops
viewed their strength and numbers, communicated their complaints,
and revolved in their minds the advantages of another revolution. The
veterans, instead of being flattered by the advantageous distinction,
were alarmed by the first steps of the emperor, which they considered
as the presage of his future intentions. The recruits, with sullen
reluctance, entered on a service, whose labors were increased while
its rewards were diminished by a covetous and unwarlike sovereign. The
murmurs of the army swelled with impunity into seditious clamors; and
the partial mutinies betrayed a spirit of discontent and disaffection
that waited only for the slightest occasion to break out on every side
into a general rebellion. To minds thus disposed, the occasion soon
presented itself.

[Footnote 45: Dion, l. lxxxiii. p. 1336. The sense of the author is
as the intention of the emperor; but Mr. Wotton has mistaken both, by
understanding the distinction, not of veterans and recruits, but of old
and new legions. History of Rome, p. 347.]

The empress Julia had experienced all the vicissitudes of fortune. From
an humble station she had been raised to greatness, only to taste the
superior bitterness of an exalted rank. She was doomed to weep over the
death of one of her sons, and over the life of the other. The cruel fate
of Caracalla, though her good sense must have long taught her to expect
it, awakened the feelings of a mother and of an empress. Notwithstanding
the respectful civility expressed by the usurper towards the widow of
Severus, she descended with a painful struggle into the condition of
a subject, and soon withdrew herself, by a voluntary death, from the
anxious and humiliating dependence. [46] [461] Julia Maesa, her sister, was
ordered to leave the court and Antioch. She retired to Emesa with an
immense fortune, the fruit of twenty years' favor accompanied by her two
daughters, Soaemias and Mamae, each of whom was a widow, and each had
an only son. Bassianus, [462] for that was the name of the son of Soaemias,
was consecrated to the honorable ministry of high priest of the Sun;
and this holy vocation, embraced either from prudence or superstition,
contributed to raise the Syrian youth to the empire of Rome. A numerous
body of troops was stationed at Emesa; and as the severe discipline of
Macrinus had constrained them to pass the winter encamped, they were
eager to revenge the cruelty of such unaccustomed hardships. The
soldiers, who resorted in crowds to the temple of the Sun, beheld
with veneration and delight the elegant dress and figure of the young
pontiff; they recognized, or they thought that they recognized, the
features of Caracalla, whose memory they now adored. The artful Maesa
saw and cherished their rising partiality, and readily sacrificing her
daughter's reputation to the fortune of her grandson, she insinuated
that Bassianus was the natural son of their murdered sovereign. The
sums distributed by her emissaries with a lavish hand silenced every
objection, and the profusion sufficiently proved the affinity, or at
least the resemblance, of Bassianus with the great original. The young
Antoninus (for he had assumed and polluted that respectable name) was
declared emperor by the troops of Emesa, asserted his hereditary right,
and called aloud on the armies to follow the standard of a young and
liberal prince, who had taken up arms to revenge his father's death
and the oppression of the military order. [47]

[Footnote 46: Dion, l. lxxviii. p. 1330. The abridgment of Xiphilin,
though less particular, is in this place clearer than the original.]

[Footnote 461: As soon as this princess heard of the death of Caracalla,
she wished to starve herself to death: the respect shown to her by
Macrinus, in making no change in her attendants or her court, induced
her to prolong her life. But it appears, as far as the mutilated text of
Dion and the imperfect epitome of Xiphilin permit us to judge, that she
conceived projects of ambition, and endeavored to raise herself to the
empire. She wished to tread in the steps of Semiramis and Nitocris,
whose country bordered on her own. Macrinus sent her an order
immediately to leave Antioch, and to retire wherever she chose. She
returned to her former purpose, and starved herself to death.--G.]

[Footnote 462: He inherited this name from his great-grandfather of the
mother's side, Bassianus, father of Julia Maesa, his grandmother, and
of Julia Domna, wife of Severus. Victor (in his epitome) is perhaps the
only historian who has given the key to this genealogy, when speaking
of Caracalla. His Bassianus ex avi materni nomine dictus. Caracalla,
Elagabalus, and Alexander Seyerus, bore successively this name.--G.]

[Footnote 47: According to Lampridius, (Hist. August. p. 135,) Alexander
Severus lived twenty-nine years three months and seven days. As he was
killed March 19, 235, he was born December 12, 205 and was consequently
about this time thirteen years old, as his elder cousin might be about
seventeen. This computation suits much better the history of the young
princes than that of Herodian, (l. v. p. 181,) who represents them as
three years younger; whilst, by an opposite error of chronology, he
lengthens the reign of Elagabalus two years beyond its real duration.
For the particulars of the conspiracy, see Dion, l. lxxviii. p. 1339.
Herodian, l. v. p. 184.]

Whilst a conspiracy of women and eunuchs was concerted with prudence,
and conducted with rapid vigor, Macrinus, who, by a decisive motion,
might have crushed his infant enemy, floated between the opposite
extremes of terror and security, which alike fixed him inactive at
Antioch. A spirit of rebellion diffused itself through all the camps and
garrisons of Syria, successive detachments murdered their officers, [48]
and joined the party of the rebels; and the tardy restitution of
military pay and privileges was imputed to the acknowledged weakness of
Macrinus. At length he marched out of Antioch, to meet the increasing
and zealous army of the young pretender. His own troops seemed to take
the field with faintness and reluctance; but, in the heat of the battle,
[49] the Praetorian guards, almost by an involuntary impulse, asserted
the superiority of their valor and discipline. The rebel ranks were
broken; when the mother and grandmother of the Syrian prince, who,
according to their eastern custom, had attended the army, threw
themselves from their covered chariots, and, by exciting the compassion
of the soldiers, endeavored to animate their drooping courage. Antoninus
himself, who, in the rest of his life, never acted like a man, in this
important crisis of his fate, approved himself a hero, mounted his
horse, and, at the head of his rallied troops, charged sword in hand
among the thickest of the enemy; whilst the eunuch Gannys, [491] whose
occupations had been confined to female cares and the soft luxury of
Asia, displayed the talents of an able and experienced general. The
battle still raged with doubtful violence, and Macrinus might have
obtained the victory, had he not betrayed his own cause by a shameful
and precipitate flight. His cowardice served only to protract his life a
few days, and to stamp deserved ignominy on his misfortunes. It is
scarcely necessary to add, that his son Diadumenianus was involved in
the same fate.

As soon as the stubborn Praetorians could be convinced that they fought
for a prince who had basely deserted them, they surrendered to the
conqueror: the contending parties of the Roman army, mingling tears
of joy and tenderness, united under the banners of the imagined son of
Caracalla, and the East acknowledged with pleasure the first emperor of
Asiatic extraction.

[Footnote 48: By a most dangerous proclamation of the pretended
Antoninus, every soldier who brought in his officer's head became
entitled to his private estate, as well as to his military commission.]

[Footnote 49: Dion, l. lxxviii. p. 1345. Herodian, l. v. p. 186.
The battle was fought near the village of Immae, about two-and-twenty
miles from Antioch.]

[Footnote 491: Gannys was not a eunuch. Dion, p. 1355.--W]

The letters of Macrinus had condescended to inform the senate of the
slight disturbance occasioned by an impostor in Syria, and a decree
immediately passed, declaring the rebel and his family public enemies;
with a promise of pardon, however, to such of his deluded adherents as
should merit it by an immediate return to their duty. During the twenty
days that elapsed from the declaration of the victory of Antoninus, (for
in so short an interval was the fate of the Roman world decided,) the
capital and the provinces, more especially those of the East, were
distracted with hopes and fears, agitated with tumult, and stained with
a useless effusion of civil blood, since whosoever of the rivals
prevailed in Syria must reign over the empire. The specious letters in
which the young conqueror announced his victory to the obedient senate
were filled with professions of virtue and moderation; the shining
examples of Marcus and Augustus, he should ever consider as the great
rule of his administration; and he affected to dwell with pride on the
striking resemblance of his own age and fortunes with those of Augustus,
who in the earliest youth had revenged, by a successful war, the murder
of his father. By adopting the style of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, son
of Antoninus and grandson of Severus, he tacitly asserted his hereditary
claim to the empire; but, by assuming the tribunitian and proconsular
powers before they had been conferred on him by a decree of the senate,
he offended the delicacy of Roman prejudice. This new and injudicious
violation of the constitution was probably dictated either by the
ignorance of his Syrian courtiers, or the fierce disdain of his military
followers. [50]

[Footnote 50: Dion, l. lxxix. p. 1353.]

As the attention of the new emperor was diverted by the most trifling
amusements, he wasted many months in his luxurious progress from Syria
to Italy, passed at Nicomedia his first winter after his victory, and
deferred till the ensuing summer his triumphal entry into the capital.
A faithful picture, however, which preceded his arrival, and was placed
by his immediate order over the altar of Victory in the senate house,
conveyed to the Romans the just but unworthy resemblance of his person
and manners. He was drawn in his sacerdotal robes of silk and gold,
after the loose flowing fashion of the Medes and Phoenicians; his head
was covered with a lofty tiara, his numerous collars and bracelets were
adorned with gems of an inestimable value. His eyebrows were tinged with
black, and his cheeks painted with an artificial red and white. [51]
The grave senators confessed with a sigh, that, after having long
experienced the stern tyranny of their own countrymen, Rome was at
length humbled beneath the effeminate luxury of Oriental despotism.

[Footnote 51: Dion, l. lxxix. p. 1363. Herodian, l. v. p. 189.]

The Sun was worshipped at Emesa, under the name of Elagabalus, [52] and
under the form of a black conical stone, which, as it was universally
believed, had fallen from heaven on that sacred place. To this
protecting deity, Antoninus, not without some reason, ascribed his
elevation to the throne. The display of superstitious gratitude was the
only serious business of his reign. The triumph of the god of Emesa over
all the religions of the earth, was the great object of his zeal and
vanity; and the appellation of Elagabalus (for he presumed as pontiff
and favorite to adopt that sacred name) was dearer to him than all the
titles of Imperial greatness. In a solemn procession through the streets
of Rome, the way was strewed with gold dust; the black stone, set in
precious gems, was placed on a chariot drawn by six milk-white horses
richly caparisoned. The pious emperor held the reins, and, supported by
his ministers, moved slowly backwards, that he might perpetually enjoy
the felicity of the divine presence. In a magnificent temple raised on
the Palatine Mount, the sacrifices of the god Elagabalus were celebrated
with every circumstance of cost and solemnity. The richest wines, the
most extraordinary victims, and the rarest aromatics, were profusely
consumed on his altar. Around the altar, a chorus of Syrian damsels
performed their lascivious dances to the sound of barbarian music,
whilst the gravest personages of the state and army, clothed in long
Phoenician tunics, officiated in the meanest functions, with affected
zeal and secret indignation. [53]

[Footnote 52: This name is derived by the learned from two Syrian words,
Ela a God, and Gabal, to form, the forming or plastic god, a proper, and
even happy epithet for the sun. Wotton's History of Rome, p. 378 Note:
The name of Elagabalus has been disfigured in various ways. Herodian
calls him; Lampridius, and the more modern writers, make him
Heliogabalus. Dion calls him Elegabalus; but Elegabalus was the true
name, as it appears on the medals. (Eckhel. de Doct. num. vet. t. vii.
p. 250.) As to its etymology, that which Gibbon adduces is given
by Bochart, Chan. ii. 5; but Salmasius, on better grounds. (not. in
Lamprid. in Elagab.,) derives the name of Elagabalus from the idol
of that god, represented by Herodian and the medals in the form of a
mountain, (gibel in Hebrew,) or great stone cut to a point, with marks
which represent the sun. As it was not permitted, at Hierapolis, in
Syria, to make statues of the sun and moon, because, it was said, they
are themselves sufficiently visible, the sun was represented at Emesa
in the form of a great stone, which, as it appeared, had fallen from
heaven. Spanheim, Caesar. notes, p. 46.--G. The name of Elagabalus, in
"nummis rarius legetur." Rasche, Lex. Univ. Ref. Numm. Rasche quotes
two.--M]

[Footnote 53: Herodian, l. v. p. 190.]




Chapter VI: Death Of Severus, Tyranny Of Caracalla, Usurpation Of Marcinus.--Part III.

To this temple, as to the common centre of religious worship, the
Imperial fanatic attempted to remove the Ancilia, the Palladium, [54] and
all the sacred pledges of the faith of Numa. A crowd of inferior deities
attended in various stations the majesty of the god of Emesa; but his
court was still imperfect, till a female of distinguished rank was
admitted to his bed. Pallas had been first chosen for his consort;
but as it was dreaded lest her warlike terrors might affright the soft
delicacy of a Syrian deity, the Moon, adorned by the Africans under the
name of Astarte, was deemed a more suitable companion for the Sun. Her
image, with the rich offerings of her temple as a marriage portion, was
transported with solemn pomp from Carthage to Rome, and the day of these
mystic nuptials was a general festival in the capital and throughout the
empire. [55]

[Footnote 54: He broke into the sanctuary of Vesta, and carried away a
statue, which he supposed to be the palladium; but the vestals boasted
that, by a pious fraud, they had imposed a counterfeit image on the
profane intruder. Hist. August., p. 103.]

[Footnote 55: Dion, l. lxxix. p. 1360. Herodian, l. v. p. 193. The
subjects of the empire were obliged to make liberal presents to the
new married couple; and whatever they had promised during the life of
Elagabalus was carefully exacted under the administration of Mamaea.]

A rational voluptuary adheres with invariable respect to the temperate
dictates of nature, and improves the gratifications of sense by social
intercourse, endearing connections, and the soft coloring of taste and
the imagination. But Elagabalus, (I speak of the emperor of that name,)
corrupted by his youth, his country, and his fortune, abandoned himself
to the grossest pleasures with ungoverned fury, and soon found disgust
and satiety in the midst of his enjoyments. The inflammatory powers of
art were summoned to his aid: the confused multitude of women, of wines,
and of dishes, and the studied variety of attitude and sauces, served
to revive his languid appetites. New terms and new inventions in these
sciences, the only ones cultivated and patronized by the monarch, [56]
signalized his reign, and transmitted his infamy to succeeding times.
A capricious prodigality supplied the want of taste and elegance; and
whilst Elagabalus lavished away the treasures of his people in the
wildest extravagance, his own voice and that of his flatterers applauded
a spirit of magnificence unknown to the tameness of his predecessors.
To confound the order of seasons and climates, [57] to sport with the
passions and prejudices of his subjects, and to subvert every law of
nature and decency, were in the number of his most delicious amusements.
A long train of concubines, and a rapid succession of wives, among whom
was a vestal virgin, ravished by force from her sacred asylum, [58] were
insufficient to satisfy the impotence of his passions. The master of the
Roman world affected to copy the dress and manners of the female sex,
preferred the distaff to the sceptre, and dishonored the principal
dignities of the empire by distributing them among his numerous lovers;
one of whom was publicly invested with the title and authority of the
emperor's, or, as he more properly styled himself, of the empress's
husband. [59]

[Footnote 56: The invention of a new sauce was liberally rewarded; but
if it was not relished, the inventor was confined to eat of nothing else
till he had discovered another more agreeable to the Imperial palate
Hist. August. p. 111.]

[Footnote 57: He never would eat sea-fish except at a great distance
from the sea; he then would distribute vast quantities of the rarest
sorts, brought at an immense expense, to the peasants of the inland
country. Hist. August. p. 109.]

[Footnote 58: Dion, l. lxxix. p. 1358. Herodian, l. v. p. 192.]

[Footnote 59: Hierocles enjoyed that honor; but he would have been
supplanted by one Zoticus, had he not contrived, by a potion, to
enervate the powers of his rival, who, being found on trial unequal
to his reputation, was driven with ignominy from the palace. Dion,
l. lxxix. p. 1363, 1364. A dancer was made praefect of the city, a
charioteer praefect of the watch, a barber praefect of the provisions.
These three ministers, with many inferior officers, were all recommended
enormitate membrorum. Hist. August. p. 105.]

It may seem probable, the vices and follies of Elagabalus have been
adorned by fancy, and blackened by prejudice. [60] Yet, confining
ourselves to the public scenes displayed before the Roman people, and
attested by grave and contemporary historians, their inexpressible
infamy surpasses that of any other age or country. The license of an
eastern monarch is secluded from the eye of curiosity by the
inaccessible walls of his seraglio. The sentiments of honor and
gallantry have introduced a refinement of pleasure, a regard for
decency, and a respect for the public opinion, into the modern courts of
Europe; [601] but the corrupt and opulent nobles of Rome gratified every
vice that could be collected from the mighty conflux of nations and
manners. Secure of impunity, careless of censure, they lived without
restraint in the patient and humble society of their slaves and
parasites. The emperor, in his turn, viewing every rank of his subjects
with the same contemptuous indifference, asserted without control his
sovereign privilege of lust and luxury.

[Footnote 60: Even the credulous compiler of his life, in the Augustan
History (p. 111) is inclined to suspect that his vices may have been
exaggerated.]

[Footnote 601: Wenck has justly observed that Gibbon should have
reckoned the influence of Christianity in this great change. In the most
savage times, and the most corrupt courts, since the introduction of
Christianity there have been no Neros or Domitians, no Commodus or
Elagabalus.--M.]

The most worthless of mankind are not afraid to condemn
in others the same disorders which they allow in themselves; and can
readily discover some nice difference of age, character, or station, to
justify the partial distinction. The licentious soldiers, who had
raised to the throne the dissolute son of Caracalla, blushed at their
ignominious choice, and turned with disgust from that monster, to
contemplate with pleasure the opening virtues of his cousin Alexander,
the son of Mamaea. The crafty Maesa, sensible that her grandson
Elagabalus must inevitably destroy himself by his own vices, had
provided another and surer support of her family. Embracing a favorable
moment of fondness and devotion, she had persuaded the young emperor to
adopt Alexander, and to invest him with the title of Caesar, that his
own divine occupations might be no longer interrupted by the care of
the earth. In the second rank that amiable prince soon acquired the
affections of the public, and excited the tyrant's jealousy, who
resolved to terminate the dangerous competition, either by corrupting
the manners, or by taking away the life, of his rival. His arts proved
unsuccessful; his vain designs were constantly discovered by his own
loquacious folly, and disappointed by those virtuous and faithful
servants whom the prudence of Mamaea had placed about the person of
her son. In a hasty sally of passion, Elagabalus resolved to execute
by force what he had been unable to compass by fraud, and by a despotic
sentence degraded his cousin from the rank and honors of Caesar. The
message was received in the senate with silence, and in the camp with
fury. The Praetorian guards swore to protect Alexander, and to revenge
the dishonored majesty of the throne. The tears and promises of the
trembling Elagabalus, who only begged them to spare his life, and to
leave him in the possession of his beloved Hierocles, diverted their
just indignation; and they contented themselves with empowering their
praefects to watch over the safety of Alexander, and the conduct of the
emperor. [61]

[Footnote 61: Dion, l. lxxix. p. 1365. Herodian, l. v. p. 195--201.
Hist. August. p. 105. The last of the three historians seems to have
followed the best authors in his account of the revolution.]

It was impossible that such a reconciliation should last, or that even
the mean soul of Elagabalus could hold an empire on such humiliating
terms of dependence. He soon attempted, by a dangerous experiment, to
try the temper of the soldiers. The report of the death of Alexander,
and the natural suspicion that he had been murdered, inflamed their
passions into fury, and the tempest of the camp could only be appeased
by the presence and authority of the popular youth. Provoked at this new
instance of their affection for his cousin, and their contempt for
his person, the emperor ventured to punish some of the leaders of the
mutiny. His unseasonable severity proved instantly fatal to his minions,
his mother, and himself. Elagabalus was massacred by the indignant
Praetorians, his mutilated corpse dragged through the streets of the
city, and thrown into the Tiber. His memory was branded with eternal
infamy by the senate; the justice of whose decree has been ratified by
posterity. [62]

[See Island In The Tiber: Elagabalus was thrown into the Tiber]

[Footnote 62: The aera of the death of Elagabalus, and of the accession
of Alexander, has employed the learning and ingenuity of Pagi,
Tillemont, Valsecchi, Vignoli, and Torre, bishop of Adria. The question
is most assuredly intricate; but I still adhere to the authority of
Dion, the truth of whose calculations is undeniable, and the purity of
whose text is justified by the agreement of Xiphilin, Zonaras, and
Cedrenus. Elagabalus reigned three years nine months and four days, from
his victory over Macrinus, and was killed March 10, 222. But what shall
we reply to the medals, undoubtedly genuine, which reckon the fifth year
of his tribunitian power? We shall reply, with the learned Valsecchi,
that the usurpation of Macrinus was annihilated, and that the son of
Caracalla dated his reign from his father's death? After resolving this
great difficulty, the smaller knots of this question may be easily
untied, or cut asunder. Note: This opinion of Valsecchi has been
triumphantly contested by Eckhel, who has shown the impossibility of
reconciling it with the medals of Elagabalus, and has given the most
satisfactory explanation of the five tribunates of that emperor. He
ascended the throne and received the tribunitian power the 16th of May,
in the year of Rome 971; and on the 1st January of the next year, 972,
he began a new tribunate, according to the custom established by
preceding emperors. During the years 972, 973, 974, he enjoyed the
tribunate, and commenced his fifth in the year 975, during which he was
killed on the 10th March. Eckhel de Doct. Num. viii. 430 &c.--G.]


In the room of Elagabalus, his cousin Alexander was raised to the throne by the
Praetorian guards. His relation to the family of Severus, whose name
he assumed, was the same as that of his predecessor; his virtue and his
danger had already endeared him to the Romans, and the eager liberality
of the senate conferred upon him, in one day, the various titles and
powers of the Imperial dignity. [63] But as Alexander was a modest and
dutiful youth, of only seventeen years of age, the reins of government
were in the hands of two women, of his mother, Mamaea, and of Maesa,
his grandmother. After the death of the latter, who survived but a short
time the elevation of Alexander, Mamaea remained the sole regent of
her son and of the empire.

[Footnote 63: Hist. August. p. 114. By this unusual precipitation, the
senate meant to confound the hopes of pretenders, and prevent the
factions of the armies.]

In every age and country, the wiser, or at least the stronger, of the
two sexes, has usurped the powers of the state, and confined the other
to the cares and pleasures of domestic life. In hereditary monarchies,
however, and especially in those of modern Europe, the gallant spirit of
chivalry, and the law of succession, have accustomed us to allow a
singular exception; and a woman is often acknowledged the absolute
sovereign of a great kingdom, in which she would be deemed incapable of
exercising the smallest employment, civil or military. But as the Roman
emperors were still considered as the generals and magistrates of the
republic, their wives and mothers, although distinguished by the name of
Augusta were never associated to their personal honors; and a female
reign would have appeared an inexpiable prodigy in the eyes of those
primitive Romans, who married without love, or loved without delicacy
and respect. [64] The haughty Agripina aspired, indeed, to share the
honors of the empire which she had conferred on her son; but her mad
ambition, detested by every citizen who felt for the dignity of Rome,
was disappointed by the artful firmness of Seneca and Burrhus. [65] The
good sense, or the indifference, of succeeding princes, restrained them
from offending the prejudices of their subjects; and it was reserved for
the profligate Elagabalus to discharge the acts of the senate with the
name of his mother Soaemias, who was placed by the side of the consuls,
and subscribed, as a regular member, the decrees of the legislative
assembly. Her more prudent sister, Mamaea, declined the useless and
odious prerogative, and a solemn law was enacted, excluding women
forever from the senate, and devoting to the infernal gods the head of
the wretch by whom this sanction should be violated. [66] The substance,
not the pageantry, of power was the object of Mamaea's manly ambition.
She maintained an absolute and lasting empire over the mind of her son,
and in his affection the mother could not brook a rival. Alexander, with
her consent, married the daughter of a patrician; but his respect for
his father-in-law, and love for the empress, were inconsistent with the
tenderness of interest of Mamaea. The patrician was executed on the
ready accusation of treason, and the wife of Alexander driven with
ignominy from the palace, and banished into Africa. [67]

[Footnote 64: Metellus Numidicus, the censor, acknowledged to the Roman
people, in a public oration, that had kind nature allowed us to exist
without the help of women, we should be delivered from a very
troublesome companion; and he could recommend matrimony only as the
sacrifice of private pleasure to public duty. Aulus Gellius, i. 6.]

[Footnote 65: Tacit. Annal. xiii. 5.]

[Footnote 66: Hist. August. p. 102, 107.]

[Footnote 67: Dion, l. lxxx. p. 1369. Herodian, l. vi. p. 206. Hist.
August. p. 131. Herodian represents the patrician as innocent. The
Augustian History, on the authority of Dexippus, condemns him, as guilty
of a conspiracy against the life of Alexander. It is impossible to
pronounce between them; but Dion is an irreproachable witness of the
jealousy and cruelty of Mamaea towards the young empress, whose hard
fate Alexander lamented, but durst not oppose.]

Notwithstanding this act of jealous cruelty, as well as some instances
of avarice, with which Mamaea is charged, the general tenor of her
administration was equally for the benefit of her son and of the empire.
With the approbation of the senate, she chose sixteen of the wisest and
most virtuous senators as a perpetual council of state, before whom
every public business of moment was debated and determined. The
celebrated Ulpian, equally distinguished by his knowledge of, and his
respect for, the laws of Rome, was at their head; and the prudent
firmness of this aristocracy restored order and authority to the
government. As soon as they had purged the city from foreign
superstition and luxury, the remains of the capricious tyranny of
Elagabalus, they applied themselves to remove his worthless creatures
from every department of the public administration, and to supply their
places with men of virtue and ability. Learning, and the love of
justice, became the only recommendations for civil offices; valor, and
the love of discipline, the only qualifications for military
employments. [68]

[Footnote 68: Herodian, l. vi. p. 203. Hist. August. p. 119. The latter
insinuates, that when any law was to be passed, the council was assisted
by a number of able lawyers and experienced senators, whose opinions
were separately given, and taken down in writing.]

But the most
important care of Mamaea and her wise counsellors, was to form the
character of the young emperor, on whose personal qualities the
happiness or misery of the Roman world must ultimately depend. The
fortunate soil assisted, and even prevented, the hand of cultivation.
An excellent understanding soon convinced Alexander of the advantages of
virtue, the pleasure of knowledge, and the necessity of labor. A natural
mildness and moderation of temper preserved him from the assaults of
passion, and the allurements of vice. His unalterable regard for his
mother, and his esteem for the wise Ulpian, guarded his unexperienced
youth from the poison of flattery. [581]

[Footnote 681: Alexander received into his chapel all the religions
which prevailed in the empire; he admitted Jesus Christ, Abraham,
Orpheus, Apollonius of Tyana, &c. It was almost certain that his mother
Mamaea had instructed him in the morality of Christianity. Historians in
general agree in calling her a Christian; there is reason to believe
that she had begun to have a taste for the principles of Christianity.
(See Tillemont, Alexander Severus) Gibbon has not noticed this
circumstance; he appears to have wished to lower the character of this
empress; he has throughout followed the narrative of Herodian, who, by
the acknowledgment of Capitolinus himself, detested Alexander. Without
believing the exaggerated praises of Lampridius, he ought not to have
followed the unjust severity of Herodian, and, above all, not to have
forgotten to say that the virtuous Alexander Severus had insured to the
Jews the preservation of their privileges, and permitted the exercise of
Christianity. Hist. Aug. p. 121. The Christians had established their
worship in a public place, of which the victuallers (cauponarii)
claimed, not the property, but possession by custom. Alexander answered,
that it was better that the place should be used for the service of God,
in any form, than for victuallers.--G. I have scrupled to omit this
note, as it contains some points worthy of notice; but it is very unjust
to Gibbon, who mentions almost all the circumstances, which he is
accused of omitting, in another, and, according to his plan, a better
place, and, perhaps, in stronger terms than M. Guizot. See Chap. xvi.--
M.]

The simple journal of his ordinary occupations exhibits a pleasing
picture of an accomplished emperor, [69] and, with some allowance for
the difference of manners, might well deserve the imitation of modern
princes. Alexander rose early: the first moments of the day were
consecrated to private devotion, and his domestic chapel was filled with
the images of those heroes, who, by improving or reforming human life,
had deserved the grateful reverence of posterity. But as he deemed the
service of mankind the most acceptable worship of the gods, the greatest
part of his morning hours was employed in his council, where he
discussed public affairs, and determined private causes, with a patience
and discretion above his years. The dryness of business was relieved by
the charms of literature; and a portion of time was always set apart for
his favorite studies of poetry, history, and philosophy. The works of
Virgil and Horace, the republics of Plato and Cicero, formed his taste,
enlarged his understanding, and gave him the noblest ideas of man and
government. The exercises of the body succeeded to those of the mind;
and Alexander, who was tall, active, and robust, surpassed most of his
equals in the gymnastic arts. Refreshed by the use of the bath and a
slight dinner, he resumed, with new vigor, the business of the day; and,
till the hour of supper, the principal meal of the Romans, he was
attended by his secretaries, with whom he read and answered the
multitude of letters, memorials, and petitions, that must have been
addressed to the master of the greatest part of the world. His table was
served with the most frugal simplicity, and whenever he was at liberty
to consult his own inclination, the company consisted of a few select
friends, men of learning and virtue, amongst whom Ulpian was constantly
invited. Their conversation was familiar and instructive; and the pauses
were occasionally enlivened by the recital of some pleasing composition,
which supplied the place of the dancers, comedians, and even gladiators,
so frequently summoned to the tables of the rich and luxurious Romans.
[70] The dress of Alexander was plain and modest, his demeanor courteous
and affable: at the proper hours his palace was open to all his
subjects, but the voice of a crier was heard, as in the Eleusinian
mysteries, pronouncing the same salutary admonition: "Let none enter
these holy walls, unless he is conscious of a pure and innocent mind."
[71]

[Footnote 69: See his life in the Augustan History. The undistinguishing
compiler has buried these interesting anecdotes under a load of trivial
unmeaning circumstances.]

[Footnote 70: See the 13th Satire of Juvenal.]

[Footnote 71: Hist. August. p. 119.]

Such a uniform
tenor of life, which left not a moment for vice or folly, is a better
proof of the wisdom and justice of Alexander's government, than all the
trifling details preserved in the compilation of Lampridius. Since the
accession of Commodus, the Roman world had experienced, during the term
of forty years, the successive and various vices of four tyrants. From
the death of Elagabalus, it enjoyed an auspicious calm of thirteen
years. [711] The provinces, relieved from the oppressive taxes invented by
Caracalla and his pretended son, flourished in peace and prosperity,
under the administration of magistrates, who were convinced by
experience that to deserve the love of the subjects, was their best and
only method of obtaining the favor of their sovereign. While some gentle
restraints were imposed on the innocent luxury of the Roman people, the
price of provisions and the interest of money, were reduced by the
paternal care of Alexander, whose prudent liberality, without
distressing the industrious, supplied the wants and amusements of the
populace. The dignity, the freedom, the authority of the senate was
restored; and every virtuous senator might approach the person of the
emperor without a fear and without a blush.

[Footnote 711: Wenck observes that Gibbon, enchanted with the virtue of
Alexander has heightened, particularly in this sentence, its effect on
the state of the world. His own account, which follows, of the
insurrections and foreign wars, is not in harmony with this beautiful
picture.--M.]

The name of Antoninus,
ennobled by the virtues of Pius and Marcus, had been communicated by
adoption to the dissolute Verus, and by descent to the cruel Commodus.
It became the honorable appellation of the sons of Severus, was bestowed
on young Diadumenianus, and at length prostituted to the infamy of the
high priest of Emesa. Alexander, though pressed by the studied, and,
perhaps, sincere importunity of the senate, nobly refused the borrowed
lustre of a name; whilst in his whole conduct he labored to restore the
glories and felicity of the age of the genuine Antonines. [72]

[Footnote 72: See, in the Hist. August. p. 116, 117, the whole contest
between Alexander and the senate, extracted from the journals of that
assembly. It happened on the sixth of March, probably of the year 223,
when the Romans had enjoyed, almost a twelvemonth, the blessings of his
reign. Before the appellation of Antoninus was offered him as a title of
honor, the senate waited to see whether Alexander would not assume it as
a family name.]

In the civil administration of Alexander, wisdom was
enforced by power, and the people, sensible of the public felicity,
repaid their benefactor with their love and gratitude. There still
remained a greater, a more necessary, but a more difficult enterprise;
the reformation of the military order, whose interest and temper,
confirmed by long impunity, rendered them impatient of the restraints of
discipline, and careless of the blessings of public tranquillity. In the
execution of his design, the emperor affected to display his love, and
to conceal his fear of the army. The most rigid economy in every other
branch of the administration supplied a fund of gold and silver for the
ordinary pay and the extraordinary rewards of the troops. In their
marches he relaxed the severe obligation of carrying seventeen days'
provision on their shoulders. Ample magazines were formed along the
public roads, and as soon as they entered the enemy's country, a
numerous train of mules and camels waited on their haughty laziness. As
Alexander despaired of correcting the luxury of his soldiers, he
attempted, at least, to direct it to objects of martial pomp and
ornament, fine horses, splendid armor, and shields enriched with silver
and gold. He shared whatever fatigues he was obliged to impose, visited,
in person, the sick and wounded, preserved an exact register of their
services and his own gratitude, and expressed on every occasion, the
warmest regard for a body of men, whose welfare, as he affected to
declare, was so closely connected with that of the state. [73] By the
most gentle arts he labored to inspire the fierce multitude with a sense
of duty, and to restore at least a faint image of that discipline to
which the Romans owed their empire over so many other nations, as
warlike and more powerful than themselves. But his prudence was vain,
his courage fatal, and the attempt towards a reformation served only to
inflame the ills it was meant to cure.

[Footnote 73: It was a favorite saying of the emperor's Se milites magis
servare, quam seipsum, quod salus publica in his esset. Hist. Aug. p.
130.]

The Praetorian guards
were attached to the youth of Alexander. They loved him as a tender
pupil, whom they had saved from a tyrant's fury, and placed on the
Imperial throne. That amiable prince was sensible of the obligation; but
as his gratitude was restrained within the limits of reason and justice,
they soon were more dissatisfied with the virtues of Alexander, than
they had ever been with the vices of Elagabalus. Their praefect, the
wise Ulpian, was the friend of the laws and of the people; he was
considered as the enemy of the soldiers, and to his pernicious counsels
every scheme of reformation was imputed. Some trifling accident blew up
their discontent into a furious mutiny; and the civil war raged, during
three days, in Rome, whilst the life of that excellent minister was
defended by the grateful people. Terrified, at length, by the sight of
some houses in flames, and by the threats of a general conflagration,
the people yielded with a sigh, and left the virtuous but unfortunate
Ulpian to his fate. He was pursued into the Imperial palace, and
massacred at the feet of his master, who vainly strove to cover him with
the purple, and to obtain his pardon from the inexorable soldiers. [731]
Such was the deplorable weakness of government, that the emperor was
unable to revenge his murdered friend and his insulted dignity, without
stooping to the arts of patience and dissimulation. Epagathus, the
principal leader of the mutiny, was removed from Rome, by the honorable
employment of praefect of Egypt: from that high rank he was gently
degraded to the government of Crete; and when at length, his popularity
among the guards was effaced by time and absence, Alexander ventured to
inflict the tardy but deserved punishment of his crimes. [74] Under the
reign of a just and virtuous prince, the tyranny of the army threatened
with instant death his most faithful ministers, who were suspected of an
intention to correct their intolerable disorders. The historian Dion
Cassius had commanded the Pannonian legions with the spirit of ancient
discipline. Their brethren of Rome, embracing the common cause of
military license, demanded the head of the reformer. Alexander, however,
instead of yielding to their seditious clamors, showed a just sense of
his merit and services, by appointing him his colleague in the
consulship, and defraying from his own treasury the expense of that vain
dignity: but as was justly apprehended, that if the soldiers beheld him
with the ensigns of his office, they would revenge the insult in his
blood, the nominal first magistrate of the state retired, by the
emperor's advice, from the city, and spent the greatest part of his
consulship at his villas in Campania. [75] [751]

[Footnote 731: Gibbon has confounded two events altogether different--
the quarrel of the people with the Praetorians, which lasted three days,
and the assassination of Ulpian by the latter. Dion relates first the
death of Ulpian, afterwards, reverting back according to a manner which
is usual with him, he says that during the life of Ulpian, there had
been a war of three days between the Praetorians and the people. But
Ulpian was not the cause. Dion says, on the contrary, that it was
occasioned by some unimportant circumstance; whilst he assigns a weighty
reason for the murder of Ulpian, the judgment by which that Praetorian
praefect had condemned his predecessors, Chrestus and Flavian, to death,
whom the soldiers wished to revenge. Zosimus (l. 1, c. xi.) attributes
this sentence to Mamaera; but, even then, the troops might have imputed
it to Ulpian, who had reaped all the advantage and was otherwise odious
to them.--W.]

[Footnote 74: Though the author of the life of Alexander (Hist. August.
p. 182) mentions the sedition raised against Ulpian by the soldiers, he
conceals the catastrophe, as it might discover a weakness in the
administration of his hero. From this designed omission, we may judge of
the weight and candor of that author.]

[Footnote 75: For an account of Ulpian's fate and his own danger, see
the mutilated conclusion of Dion's History, l. lxxx. p. 1371.]

[Footnote 751: Dion possessed no estates in Campania, and was not rich.
He only says that the emperor advised him to reside, during his
consulate, in some place out of Rome; that he returned to Rome after the
end of his consulate, and had an interview with the emperor in Campania.
He asked and obtained leave to pass the rest of his life in his native
city, (Nice, in Bithynia: ) it was there that he finished his history,
which closes with his second consulship.--W.]




Chapter VI: Death Of Severus, Tyranny Of Caracalla, Usurpation Of Marcinus.--Part IV.

The lenity of the emperor confirmed the insolence of the troops;
the legions imitated the example of the guards, and defended their
prerogative of licentiousness with the same furious obstinacy. The
administration of Alexander was an unavailing struggle against the
corruption of his age. In llyricum, in Mauritania, in Armenia, in
Mesopotamia, in Germany, fresh mutinies perpetually broke out; his
officers were murdered, his authority was insulted, and his life at last
sacrificed to the fierce discontents of the army. [76] One particular
fact well deserves to be recorded, as it illustrates the manners of the
troops, and exhibits a singular instance of their return to a sense of
duty and obedience. Whilst the emperor lay at Antioch, in his Persian
expedition, the particulars of which we shall hereafter relate, the
punishment of some soldiers, who had been discovered in the baths
of women, excited a sedition in the legion to which they belonged.
Alexander ascended his tribunal, and with a modest firmness represented
to the armed multitude the absolute necessity, as well as his
inflexible resolution, of correcting the vices introduced by his impure
predecessor, and of maintaining the discipline, which could not be
relaxed without the ruin of the Roman name and empire. Their clamors
interrupted his mild expostulation. "Reserve your shout," said the
undaunted emperor, "till you take the field against the Persians, the
Germans, and the Sarmatians. Be silent in the presence of your sovereign
and benefactor, who bestows upon you the corn, the clothing, and the
money of the provinces. Be silent, or I shall no longer style you
solders, but citizens, [77] if those indeed who disclaim the laws of
Rome deserve to be ranked among the meanest of the people." His menaces
inflamed the fury of the legion, and their brandished arms already
threatened his person. "Your courage," resumed the intrepid Alexander,
"would be more nobly displayed in the field of battle; me you may
destroy, you cannot intimidate; and the severe justice of the republic
would punish your crime and revenge my death." The legion still
persisted in clamorous sedition, when the emperor pronounced, with a loud
voice, the decisive sentence, "Citizens! lay down your arms, and depart
in peace to your respective habitations." The tempest was instantly
appeased: the soldiers, filled with grief and shame, silently confessed
the justice of their punishment, and the power of discipline, yielded up
their arms and military ensigns, and retired in confusion, not to their
camp, but to the several inns of the city. Alexander enjoyed, during
thirty days, the edifying spectacle of their repentance; nor did he
restore them to their former rank in the army, till he had punished with
death those tribunes whose connivance had occasioned the mutiny. The
grateful legion served the emperor whilst living, and revenged him when
dead. [78]

[Footnote 76: Annot. Reimar. ad Dion Cassius, l. lxxx. p. 1369.]

[Footnote 77: Julius Caesar had appeased a sedition with the same word,
Quirites; which, thus opposed to soldiers, was used in a sense of
contempt, and reduced the offenders to the less honorable condition of
mere citizens. Tacit. Annal. i. 43.]

[Footnote 78: Hist. August. p. 132.]

The resolutions of the multitude generally depend on a moment; and the
caprice of passion might equally determine the seditious legion to
lay down their arms at the emperor's feet, or to plunge them into his
breast. Perhaps, if this singular transaction had been investigated by
the penetration of a philosopher, we should discover the secret causes
which on that occasion authorized the boldness of the prince, and
commanded the obedience of the troops; and perhaps, if it had been
related by a judicious historian, we should find this action, worthy
of Caesar himself, reduced nearer to the level of probability and the
common standard of the character of Alexander Severus. The abilities of
that amiable prince seem to have been inadequate to the difficulties of
his situation, the firmness of his conduct inferior to the purity of his
intentions. His virtues, as well as the vices of Elagabalus, contracted
a tincture of weakness and effeminacy from the soft climate of Syria,
of which he was a native; though he blushed at his foreign origin, and
listened with a vain complacency to the flattering genealogists, who
derived his race from the ancient stock of Roman nobility. [79] The pride
and avarice of his mother cast a shade on the glories of his reign; an
by exacting from his riper years the same dutiful obedience which she
had justly claimed from his unexperienced youth, Mamaea exposed to
public ridicule both her son's character and her own. [80] The fatigues
of the Persian war irritated the military discontent; the unsuccessful
event [801] degraded the reputation of the emperor as a general, and even
as a soldier. Every cause prepared, and every circumstance hastened,
a revolution, which distracted the Roman empire with a long series of
intestine calamities.

[Footnote 79: From the Metelli. Hist. August. p. 119. The choice was
judicious. In one short period of twelve years, the Metelli could reckon
seven consulships and five triumphs. See Velleius Paterculus, ii. 11,
and the Fasti.]

[Footnote 80: The life of Alexander, in the Augustan History, is the
mere idea of a perfect prince, an awkward imitation of the Cyropaedia.
The account of his reign, as given by Herodian, is rational and
moderate, consistent with the general history of the age; and, in some
of the most invidious particulars, confirmed by the decisive fragments
of Dion. Yet from a very paltry prejudice, the greater number of our
modern writers abuse Herodian, and copy the Augustan History. See Mess
de Tillemont and Wotton. From the opposite prejudice, the emperor
Julian (in Caesarib. p. 315) dwells with a visible satisfaction on the
effeminate weakness of the Syrian, and the ridiculous avarice of his
mother.]

[Footnote 801: Historians are divided as to the success of the campaign
against the Persians; Herodian alone speaks of defeat. Lampridius,
Eutropius, Victor, and others, say that it was very glorious to
Alexander; that he beat Artaxerxes in a great battle, and repelled him
from the frontiers of the empire. This much is certain, that Alexander,
on his return to Rome, (Lamp. Hist. Aug. c. 56, 133, 134,) received the
honors of a triumph, and that he said, in his oration to the people.
Quirites, vicimus Persas, milites divites reduximus, vobis congiarium
pollicemur, cras ludos circenses Persicos donabimus. Alexander, says
Eckhel, had too much modesty and wisdom to permit himself to receive
honors which ought only to be the reward of victory, if he had not
deserved them; he would have contented himself with dissembling his
losses. Eckhel, Doct. Num. vet. vii. 276. The medals represent him as in
triumph; one, among others, displays him crowned by Victory between two
rivers, the Euphrates and the Tigris. P. M. TR. P. xii. Cos. iii. PP.
Imperator paludatus D. hastam. S. parazonium, stat inter duos fluvios
humi jacentes, et ab accedente retro Victoria coronatur. Ae. max. mod.
(Mus. Reg. Gall.) Although Gibbon treats this question more in detail
when he speaks of the Persian monarchy, I have thought fit to place here
what contradicts his opinion.--G]

The dissolute tyranny of Commodus, the civil wars occasioned by his
death, and the new maxims of policy introduced by the house of Severus,
had all contributed to increase the dangerous power of the army, and to
obliterate the faint image of laws and liberty that was still impressed
on the minds of the Romans. The internal change, which undermined the
foundations of the empire, we have endeavored to explain with some
degree of order and perspicuity. The personal characters of the
emperors, their victories, laws, follies, and fortunes, can interest us
no farther than as they are connected with the general history of the
Decline and Fall of the monarchy. Our constant attention to that
great object will not suffer us to overlook a most important edict of
Antoninus Caracalla, which communicated to all the free inhabitants
of the empire the name and privileges of Roman citizens. His unbounded
liberality flowed not, however, from the sentiments of a generous mind;
it was the sordid result of avarice, and will naturally be illustrated
by some observations on the finances of that state, from the victorious
ages of the commonwealth to the reign of Alexander Severus. The siege
of Veii in Tuscany, the first considerable enterprise of the Romans,
was protracted to the tenth year, much less by the strength of the place
than by the unskillfulness of the besiegers. The unaccustomed hardships
of so many winter campaigns, at the distance of near twenty miles from
home, [81] required more than common encouragements; and the senate
wisely prevented the clamors of the people, by the institution of a
regular pay for the soldiers, which was levied by a general tribute,
assessed according to an equitable proportion on the property of the
citizens. [82] During more than two hundred years after the conquest of
Veii, the victories of the republic added less to the wealth than to
the power of Rome. The states of Italy paid their tribute in military
service only, and the vast force, both by sea and land, which was
exerted in the Punic wars, was maintained at the expense of the Romans
themselves. That high-spirited people (such is often the generous
enthusiasm of freedom) cheerfully submitted to the most excessive but
voluntary burdens, in the just confidence that they should speedily
enjoy the rich harvest of their labors. Their expectations were not
disappointed. In the course of a few years, the riches of Syracuse, of
Carthage, of Macedonia, and of Asia, were brought in triumph to Rome.
The treasures of Perseus alone amounted to near two millions sterling,
and the Roman people, the sovereign of so many nations, was forever
delivered from the weight of taxes. [83] The increasing revenue of the
provinces was found sufficient to defray the ordinary establishment
of war and government, and the superfluous mass of gold and silver
was deposited in the temple of Saturn, and reserved for any unforeseen
emergency of the state. [84]

[Footnote 81: According to the more accurate Dionysius, the city itself
was only a hundred stadia, or twelve miles and a half, from Rome,
though some out-posts might be advanced farther on the side of Etruria.
Nardini, in a professed treatise, has combated the popular opinion and
the authority of two popes, and has removed Veii from Civita Castellana,
to a little spot called Isola, in the midway between Rome and the Lake
Bracianno. * Note: See the interesting account of the site and ruins of
Veii in Sir W Gell's topography of Rome and its Vicinity. v. ii. p.
303.--M.]

[Footnote 82: See the 4th and 5th books of Livy. In the Roman census,
property, power, and taxation were commensurate with each other.]

[Footnote 83: Plin. Hist. Natur. l. xxxiii. c. 3. Cicero de Offic. ii.
22. Plutarch, P. Aemil. p. 275.]

[Footnote 84: See a fine description of this accumulated wealth of ages
in Phars. l. iii. v. 155, &c.]

History has never, perhaps, suffered a greater or more irreparable
injury than in the loss of the curious register [841] bequeathed by
Augustus to the senate, in which that experienced prince so accurately
balanced the revenues and expenses of the Roman empire. [85] Deprived of
this clear and comprehensive estimate, we are reduced to collect a few
imperfect hints from such of the ancients as have accidentally turned
aside from the splendid to the more useful parts of history. We are
informed that, by the conquests of Pompey, the tributes of Asia were
raised from fifty to one hundred and thirty-five millions of drachms; or
about four millions and a half sterling. [86] [861] Under the last and most
indolent of the Ptolemies, the revenue of Egypt is said to have amounted
to twelve thousand five hundred talents; a sum equivalent to more
than two millions and a half of our money, but which was afterwards
considerably improved by the more exact economy of the Romans, and the
increase of the trade of Aethiopia and India. [87] Gaul was enriched by
rapine, as Egypt was by commerce, and the tributes of those two great
provinces have been compared as nearly equal to each other in value.
[88] The ten thousand Euboic or Phoenician talents, about four millions
sterling, [89] which vanquished Carthage was condemned to pay within the
term of fifty years, were a slight acknowledgment of the superiority of
Rome, [90] and cannot bear the least proportion with the taxes afterwards
raised both on the lands and on the persons of the inhabitants, when the
fertile coast of Africa was reduced into a province. [91]

[Footnote 841: See Rationarium imperii. Compare besides Tacitus, Suet.
Aug. c. ult. Dion, p. 832. Other emperors kept and published similar
registers. See a dissertation of Dr. Wolle, de Rationario imperii Rom.
Leipsig, 1773. The last book of Appian also contained the statistics of
the Roman empire, but it is lost.--W.]

[Footnote 85: Tacit. in Annal. i. ll. It seems to have existed in the
time of Appian.]

[Footnote 86: Plutarch, in Pompeio, p. 642.]

[Footnote 861: Wenck contests the accuracy of Gibbon's version of Plutarch,
and supposes that Pompey only raised the revenue from 50,000,000 to
85,000,000 of drachms; but the text of Plutarch seems clearly to mean
that his conquests added 85,000,000 to the ordinary revenue. Wenck adds,
"Plutarch says in another part, that Antony made Asia pay, at one time,
200,000 talents, that is to say, 38,875,000 L. sterling." But Appian
explains this by saying that it was the revenue of ten years, which
brings the annual revenue, at the time of Antony, to 3,875,000 L.
sterling.--M.]

[Footnote 87: Strabo, l. xvii. p. 798.]

[Footnote 88: Velleius Paterculus, l. ii. c. 39. He seems to give the
preference to the revenue of Gaul.]

[Footnote 89: The Euboic, the Phoenician, and the Alexandrian talents
were double in weight to the Attic. See Hooper on ancient weights and
measures, p. iv. c. 5. It is very probable that the same talent was
carried from Tyre to Carthage.]

[Footnote 90: Polyb. l. xv. c. 2.]

[Footnote 91: Appian in Punicis, p. 84.]

Spain, by a very singular fatality, was the Peru and Mexico of the old
world. The discovery of the rich western continent by the Phoenicians,
and the oppression of the simple natives, who were compelled to labor in
their own mines for the benefit of strangers, form an exact type of
the more recent history of Spanish America. [92] The Phoenicians were
acquainted only with the sea-coast of Spain; avarice, as well as
ambition, carried the arms of Rome and Carthage into the heart of the
country, and almost every part of the soil was found pregnant with
copper, silver, and gold. [921] Mention is made of a mine near Carthagena
which yielded every day twenty-five thousand drachmns of silver, or
about three hundred thousand pounds a year. [93] Twenty thousand pound
weight of gold was annually received from the provinces of Asturia,
Gallicia, and Lusitania. [94]

[Footnote 92: Diodorus Siculus, l. 5. Oadiz was built by the Phoenicians
a little more than a thousand years before Christ. See Vell. Pa ter.
i.2.]

[Footnote 921: Compare Heeren's Researches vol. i. part ii. p.]

[Footnote 93: Strabo, l. iii. p. 148.]

[Footnote 94: Plin. Hist. Natur. l. xxxiii. c. 3. He mentions likewise
a silver mine in Dalmatia, that yielded every day fifty pounds to
the state.] We want both leisure and materials to pursue this curious
inquiry through the many potent states that were annihilated in the
Roman empire. Some notion, however, may be formed of the revenue of the
provinces where considerable wealth had been deposited by nature, or
collected by man, if we observe the severe attention that was directed
to the abodes of solitude and sterility. Augustus once received a
petition from the inhabitants of Gyarus, humbly praying that they might
be relieved from one third of their excessive impositions. Their whole
tax amounted indeed to no more than one hundred and fifty drachms, or
about five pounds: but Gyarus was a little island, or rather a rock, of
the Aegean Sea, destitute of fresh water and every necessary of life,
and inhabited only by a few wretched fishermen. [95]

[Footnote 95: Strabo, l. x. p. 485. Tacit. Annal. iu. 69, and iv. 30.
See Tournefort (Voyages au Levant, Lettre viii.) a very lively picture
of the actual misery of Gyarus.]

From the faint glimmerings of such doubtful and scattered lights, we
should be inclined to believe, 1st, That (with every fair allowance for
the differences of times and circumstances) the general income of the
Roman provinces could seldom amount to less than fifteen or twenty
millions of our money; [96] and, 2dly, That so ample a revenue must
have been fully adequate to all the expenses of the moderate government
instituted by Augustus, whose court was the modest family of a private
senator, and whose military establishment was calculated for the defence
of the frontiers, without any aspiring views of conquest, or any serious
apprehension of a foreign invasion.

[Footnote 96: Lipsius de magnitudine Romana (l. ii. c. 3) computes the
revenue at one hundred and fifty millions of gold crowns; but his whole
book, though learned and ingenious, betrays a very heated imagination.
Note: If Justus Lipsius has exaggerated the revenue of the Roman empire
Gibbon, on the other hand, has underrated it. He fixes it at fifteen
or twenty millions of our money. But if we take only, on a moderate
calculation, the taxes in the provinces which he has already cited, they
will amount, considering the augmentations made by Augustus, to nearly
that sum. There remain also the provinces of Italy, of Rhaetia, of
Noricum, Pannonia, and Greece, &c., &c. Let us pay attention, besides,
to the prodigious expenditure of some emperors, (Suet. Vesp. 16;) we
shall see that such a revenue could not be sufficient. The authors of
the Universal History, part xii., assign forty millions sterling as the
sum to about which the public revenue might amount.--G. from W.]

Notwithstanding the seeming probability of both these conclusions,
the latter of them at least is positively disowned by the language
and conduct of Augustus. It is not easy to determine whether, on this
occasion, he acted as the common father of the Roman world, or as the
oppressor of liberty; whether he wished to relieve the provinces, or
to impoverish the senate and the equestrian order. But no sooner had
he assumed the reins of government, than he frequently intimated the
insufficiency of the tributes, and the necessity of throwing an
equitable proportion of the public burden upon Rome and Italy. [961] In
the prosecution of this unpopular design, he advanced, however, by
cautious and well-weighed steps. The introduction of customs was
followed by the establishment of an excise, and the scheme of taxation
was completed by an artful assessment on the real and personal property
of the Roman citizens, who had been exempted from any kind of
contribution above a century and a half.

[Footnote 961: It is not astonishing that Augustus held
this language. The senate declared also under Nero, that the state could
not exist without the imposts as well augmented as founded by Augustus.
Tac. Ann. xiii. 50. After the abolition of the different tributes paid
by Italy, an abolition which took place A. U. 646, 694, and 695, the
state derived no revenues from that great country, but the twentieth
part of the manumissions, (vicesima manumissionum,) and Ciero laments
this in many places, particularly in his epistles to ii. 15.--G. from
W.]

I. In a great empire like that of Rome, a natural balance of money must
have gradually established itself. It has been already observed, that as
the wealth of the provinces was attracted to the capital by the strong
hand of conquest and power, so a considerable part of it was restored to
the industrious provinces by the gentle influence of commerce and arts.
In the reign of Augustus and his successors, duties were imposed on
every kind of merchandise, which through a thousand channels flowed to
the great centre of opulence and luxury; and in whatsoever manner the
law was expressed, it was the Roman purchaser, and not the provincial
merchant, who paid the tax. [97] The rate of the customs varied from the
eighth to the fortieth part of the value of the commodity; and we have
a right to suppose that the variation was directed by the unalterable
maxims of policy; that a higher duty was fixed on the articles of
luxury than on those of necessity, and that the productions raised or
manufactured by the labor of the subjects of the empire were treated
with more indulgence than was shown to the pernicious, or at least the
unpopular commerce of Arabia and India. [98] There is still extant a long
but imperfect catalogue of eastern commodities, which about the time
of Alexander Severus were subject to the payment of duties; cinnamon,
myrrh, pepper, ginger, and the whole tribe of aromatics a great variety
of precious stones, among which the diamond was the most remarkable for
its price, and the emerald for its beauty; [99] Parthian and Babylonian
leather, cottons, silks, both raw and manufactured, ebony ivory, and
eunuchs. [100] We may observe that the use and value of those effeminate
slaves gradually rose with the decline of the empire.

[Footnote 97: Tacit. Annal. xiii. 31. * Note: The customs (portoria)
existed in the times of the ancient kings of Rome. They were suppressed
in Italy, A. U. 694, by the Praetor, Cecilius Matellus Nepos. Augustus
only reestablished them. See note above.--W.]

[Footnote 98: See Pliny, (Hist. Natur. l. vi. c. 23, lxii. c. 18.) His
observation that the Indian commodities were sold at Rome at a hundred
times their original price, may give us some notion of the produce of
the customs, since that original price amounted to more than eight
hundred thousand pounds.]

[Footnote 99: The ancients were unacquainted with the art of cutting
diamonds.]

[Footnote 100: M. Bouchaud, in his treatise de l'Impot chez les
Romains, has transcribed this catalogue from the Digest, and attempts to
illustrate it by a very prolix commentary. * Note: In the Pandects, l.
39, t. 14, de Publican. Compare Cicero in Verrem. c. 72--74.--W.]


II. The excise, introduced by Augustus after the civil wars, was
extremely moderate, but it was general. It seldom exceeded one per
cent.; but it comprehended whatever was sold in the markets or by public
auction, from the most considerable purchases of lands and houses, to
those minute objects which can only derive a value from their infinite
multitude and daily consumption. Such a tax, as it affects the body
of the people, has ever been the occasion of clamor and discontent. An
emperor well acquainted with the wants and resources of the state was
obliged to declare, by a public edict, that the support of the army
depended in a great measure on the produce of the excise. [101]

[Footnote 101: Tacit. Annal. i. 78. Two years afterwards, the reduction
of the poor kingdom of Cappadocia gave Tiberius a pretence for
diminishing the excise of one half, but the relief was of very short
duration.]

III. When Augustus resolved to establish a permanent military
force for the defence of his government against foreign and domestic
enemies, he instituted a peculiar treasury for the pay of the soldiers,
the rewards of the veterans, and the extra-ordinary expenses of war.
The ample revenue of the excise, though peculiarly appropriated to
those uses, was found inadequate. To supply the deficiency, the emperor
suggested a new tax of five per cent. on all legacies and inheritances.
But the nobles of Rome were more tenacious of property than of freedom.
Their indignant murmurs were received by Augustus with his usual temper.
He candidly referred the whole business to the senate, and exhorted
them to provide for the public service by some other expedient of a less
odious nature. They were divided and perplexed. He insinuated to them,
that their obstinacy would oblige him to propose a general land tax
and capitation. They acquiesced in silence. [102]. The new imposition on
legacies and inheritances was, however, mitigated by some restrictions.
It did not take place unless the object was of a certain value, most
probably of fifty or a hundred pieces of gold; [103] nor could it be
exacted from the nearest of kin on the father's side. [104] When the
rights of nature and poverty were thus secured, it seemed reasonable,
that a stranger, or a distant relation, who acquired an unexpected
accession of fortune, should cheerfully resign a twentieth part of it,
for the benefit of the state. [105]

[Footnote 102: Dion Cassius, l. lv. p. 794, l. lvi. p. 825. Note: Dion
neither mentions this proposition nor the capitation. He only says that
the emperor imposed a tax upon landed property, and sent every where
men employed to make a survey, without fixing how much, and for how much
each was to pay. The senators then preferred giving the tax on legacies
and inheritances.--W.]

[Footnote 103: The sum is only fixed by conjecture.]

[Footnote 104: As the Roman law subsisted for many ages, the Cognati, or
relations on the mother's side, were not called to the succession. This
harsh institution was gradually undermined by humanity, and finally
abolished by Justinian.]

[Footnote 105: Plin. Panegyric. c. 37.]

Such a tax, plentiful as it must prove in every wealthy community, was
most happily suited to the situation of the Romans, who could frame
their arbitrary wills, according to the dictates of reason or
caprice, without any restraint from the modern fetters of entails and
settlements. From various causes, the partiality of paternal affection
often lost its influence over the stern patriots of the commonwealth,
and the dissolute nobles of the empire; and if the father bequeathed to
his son the fourth part of his estate, he removed all ground of legal
complaint. [106] But a rich childish old man was a domestic tyrant, and
his power increased with his years and infirmities. A servile crowd, in
which he frequently reckoned praetors and consuls, courted his smiles,
pampered his avarice, applauded his follies, served his passions,
and waited with impatience for his death. The arts of attendance and
flattery were formed into a most lucrative science; those who professed
it acquired a peculiar appellation; and the whole city, according to
the lively descriptions of satire, was divided between two parties, the
hunters and their game. [107] Yet, while so many unjust and extravagant
wills were every day dictated by cunning and subscribed by folly, a few
were the result of rational esteem and virtuous gratitude. Cicero, who
had so often defended the lives and fortunes of his fellow-citizens, was
rewarded with legacies to the amount of a hundred and seventy thousand
pounds; [108] nor do the friends of the younger Pliny seem to have been
less generous to that amiable orator. [109] Whatever was the motive of
the testator, the treasury claimed, without distinction, the twentieth
part of his estate: and in the course of two or three generations, the
whole property of the subject must have gradually passed through the
coffers of the state.

[Footnote 106: See Heineccius in the Antiquit. Juris Romani, l. ii.]

[Footnote 107: Horat. l. ii. Sat. v. Potron. c. 116, &c. Plin. l. ii.
Epist. 20.]

[Footnote 108: Cicero in Philip. ii. c. 16.]

[Footnote 109: See his epistles. Every such will gave him an occasion of
displaying his reverence to the dead, and his justice to the living. He
reconciled both in his behavior to a son who had been disinherited by
his mother, (v.l.)]

In the first and golden years of the reign of Nero, that prince, from a
desire of popularity, and perhaps from a blind impulse of benevolence,
conceived a wish of abolishing the oppression of the customs and excise.
The wisest senators applauded his magnanimity: but they diverted him
from the execution of a design which would have dissolved the strength
and resources of the republic. [110] Had it indeed been possible to
realize this dream of fancy, such princes as Trajan and the Antonines
would surely have embraced with ardor the glorious opportunity of
conferring so signal an obligation on mankind. Satisfied, however, with
alleviating the public burden, they attempted not to remove it. The
mildness and precision of their laws ascertained the rule and measure
of taxation, and protected the subject of every rank against arbitrary
interpretations, antiquated claims, and the insolent vexation of the
farmers of the revenue. [111] For it is somewhat singular, that, in
every age, the best and wisest of the Roman governors persevered in this
pernicious method of collecting the principal branches at least of the
excise and customs. [112]

[Footnote 110: Tacit. Annal. xiii. 50. Esprit des Loix, l. xii. c. 19.]

[Footnote 111: See Pliny's Panegyric, the Augustan History, and Burman
de Vectigal. passim.]

[Footnote 112: The tributes (properly so called) were not farmed; since
the good princes often remitted many millions of arrears.]

The sentiments, and, indeed, the situation, of Caracalla were very
different from those of the Antonines. Inattentive, or rather averse,
to the welfare of his people, he found himself under the necessity of
gratifying the insatiate avarice which he had excited in the army.
Of the several impositions introduced by Augustus, the twentieth on
inheritances and legacies was the most fruitful, as well as the most
comprehensive. As its influence was not confined to Rome or Italy, the
produce continually increased with the gradual extension of the Roman
City. The new citizens, though charged, on equal terms, [113] with the
payment of new taxes, which had not affected them as subjects, derived
an ample compensation from the rank they obtained, the privileges they
acquired, and the fair prospect of honors and fortune that was thrown
open to their ambition. But the favor which implied a distinction was
lost in the prodigality of Caracalla, and the reluctant provincials were
compelled to assume the vain title, and the real obligations, of Roman
citizens. [1131] Nor was the rapacious son of Severus contented with such
a measure of taxation as had appeared sufficient to his moderate
predecessors. Instead of a twentieth, he exacted a tenth of all legacies
and inheritances; and during his reign (for the ancient proportion was
restored after his death) he crushed alike every part of the empire
under the weight of his iron sceptre. [114]

[Footnote 113: The situation of the new citizens is minutely described
by Pliny, (Panegyric, c. 37, 38, 39). Trajan published a law very much
in their favor.]

[Footnote 1131: Gibbon has adopted the opinion of Spanheim and of Burman,
which attributes to Caracalla this edict, which gave the right of
the city to all the inhabitants of the provinces. This opinion may be
disputed. Several passages of Spartianus, of Aurelius Victor, and of
Aristides, attribute this edict to Marc. Aurelius. See a learned essay,
entitled Joh. P. Mahneri Comm. de Marc. Aur. Antonino Constitutionis de
Civitate Universo Orbi Romano data auctore. Halae, 1772, 8vo. It
appears that Marc. Aurelius made some modifications of this edict, which
released the provincials from some of the charges imposed by the right
of the city, and deprived them of some of the advantages which it
conferred. Caracalla annulled these modifications.--W.]

[Footnote 114: Dion, l. lxxvii. p. 1295.]

When all the provincials became liable to the peculiar impositions
of Roman citizens, they seemed to acquire a legal exemption from the
tributes which they had paid in their former condition of subjects. Such
were not the maxims of government adopted by Caracalla and his pretended
son. The old as well as the new taxes were, at the same time, levied in
the provinces. It was reserved for the virtue of Alexander to relieve
them in a great measure from this intolerable grievance, by reducing
the tributes to a thirteenth part of the sum exacted at the time of his
accession. [115] It is impossible to conjecture the motive that engaged
him to spare so trifling a remnant of the public evil; but the noxious
weed, which had not been totally eradicated, again sprang up with the
most luxuriant growth, and in the succeeding age darkened the Roman
world with its deadly shade. In the course of this history, we shall
be too often summoned to explain the land tax, the capitation, and the
heavy contributions of corn, wine, oil, and meat, which were exacted
from the provinces for the use of the court, the army, and the capital.

[Footnote 115: He who paid ten aurei, the usual tribute, was charged
with no more than the third part of an aureus, and proportional pieces
of gold were coined by Alexander's order. Hist. August. p. 127, with the
commentary of Salmasius.]

As long as Rome and Italy were respected as the centre of government, a
national spirit was preserved by the ancient, and insensibly imbibed by
the adopted, citizens. The principal commands of the army were filled
by men who had received a liberal education, were well instructed in
the advantages of laws and letters, and who had risen, by equal steps,
through the regular succession of civil and military honors. [116] To
their influence and example we may partly ascribe the modest obedience
of the legions during the two first centuries of the Imperial history.

[Footnote 116: See the lives of Agricola, Vespasian, Trajan, Severus,
and his three competitors; and indeed of all the eminent men of those
times. But when the last enclosure of the Roman constitution was
trampled down by Caracalla, the separation of professions gradually
succeeded to the distinction of ranks. The more polished citizens of
the internal provinces were alone qualified to act as lawyers and
magistrates. The rougher trade of arms was abandoned to the peasants
and barbarians of the frontiers, who knew no country but their camp, no
science but that of war no civil laws, and scarcely those of
military discipline. With bloody hands, savage manners, and desperate
resolutions, they sometimes guarded, but much oftener subverted, the
throne of the emperors.]




Chapter VII: Tyranny Of Maximin, Rebellion, Civil Wars, Death Of Maximin.--Part I.

     The Elevation And Tyranny Of Maximin.--Rebellion In Africa
     And Italy, Under The Authority Of The Senate.--Civil Wars
     And Seditions.--Violent Deaths Of Maximin And His Son, Of
     Maximus And Balbinus, And Of The Three Gordians.--
     Usurpation And Secular Games Of Philip.

Of the various forms of government which have prevailed in the world, an
hereditary monarchy seems to present the fairest scope for ridicule. Is
it possible to relate without an indignant smile, that, on the father's
decease, the property of a nation, like that of a drove of oxen,
descends to his infant son, as yet unknown to mankind and to himself;
and that the bravest warriors and the wisest statesmen, relinquishing
their natural right to empire, approach the royal cradle with bended
knees and protestations of inviolable fidelity? Satire and declamation
may paint these obvious topics in the most dazzling colors, but our more
serious thoughts will respect a useful prejudice, that establishes a
rule of succession, independent of the passions of mankind; and we shall
cheerfully acquiesce in any expedient which deprives the multitude
of the dangerous, and indeed the ideal, power of giving themselves a
master.

In the cool shade of retirement, we may easily devise imaginary forms
of government, in which the sceptre shall be constantly bestowed on the
most worthy, by the free and incorrupt suffrage of the whole community.
Experience overturns these airy fabrics, and teaches us, that in a large
society, the election of a monarch can never devolve to the wisest, or
to the most numerous part of the people. The army is the only order of
men sufficiently united to concur in the same sentiments, and powerful
enough to impose them on the rest of their fellow-citizens; but the
temper of soldiers, habituated at once to violence and to slavery,
renders them very unfit guardians of a legal, or even a civil
constitution. Justice, humanity, or political wisdom, are qualities
they are too little acquainted with in themselves, to appreciate them
in others. Valor will acquire their esteem, and liberality will purchase
their suffrage; but the first of these merits is often lodged in the
most savage breasts; the latter can only exert itself at the expense of
the public; and both may be turned against the possessor of the throne,
by the ambition of a daring rival.

The superior prerogative of birth, when it has obtained the sanction
of time and popular opinion, is the plainest and least invidious of
all distinctions among mankind. The acknowledged right extinguishes the
hopes of faction, and the conscious security disarms the cruelty of
the monarch. To the firm establishment of this idea we owe the peaceful
succession and mild administration of European monarchies. To the
defect of it we must attribute the frequent civil wars, through which an
Asiatic despot is obliged to cut his way to the throne of his fathers.
Yet, even in the East, the sphere of contention is usually limited to
the princes of the reigning house, and as soon as the more fortunate
competitor has removed his brethren by the sword and the bowstring, he
no longer entertains any jealousy of his meaner subjects. But the Roman
empire, after the authority of the senate had sunk into contempt, was
a vast scene of confusion. The royal, and even noble, families of the
provinces had long since been led in triumph before the car of the
haughty republicans. The ancient families of Rome had successively
fallen beneath the tyranny of the Caesars; and whilst those princes
were shackled by the forms of a commonwealth, and disappointed by the
repeated failure of their posterity, [1] it was impossible that any idea
of hereditary succession should have taken root in the minds of their
subjects. The right to the throne, which none could claim from birth,
every one assumed from merit. The daring hopes of ambition were set
loose from the salutary restraints of law and prejudice; and the meanest
of mankind might, without folly, entertain a hope of being raised by
valor and fortune to a rank in the army, in which a single crime
would enable him to wrest the sceptre of the world from his feeble
and unpopular master. After the murder of Alexander Severus, and the
elevation of Maximin, no emperor could think himself safe upon the
throne, and every barbarian peasant of the frontier might aspire to that
august, but dangerous station.

[Footnote 1: There had been no example of three successive generations
on the throne; only three instances of sons who succeeded their fathers.
The marriages of the Caesars (notwithstanding the permission, and the
frequent practice of divorces) were generally unfruitful.]

About thirty-two years before that event, the emperor Severus, returning
from an eastern expedition, halted in Thrace, to celebrate, with
military games, the birthday of his younger son, Geta. The country
flocked in crowds to behold their sovereign, and a young barbarian of
gigantic stature earnestly solicited, in his rude dialect, that he
might be allowed to contend for the prize of wrestling. As the pride of
discipline would have been disgraced in the overthrow of a Roman soldier
by a Thracian peasant, he was matched with the stoutest followers of the
camp, sixteen of whom he successively laid on the ground. His victory
was rewarded by some trifling gifts, and a permission to enlist in the
troops. The next day, the happy barbarian was distinguished above
a crowd of recruits, dancing and exulting after the fashion of his
country. As soon as he perceived that he had attracted the emperor's
notice, he instantly ran up to his horse, and followed him on foot,
without the least appearance of fatigue, in a long and rapid career.
"Thracian," said Severus with astonishment, "art thou disposed to
wrestle after thy race?" "Most willingly, sir," replied the unwearied
youth; and, almost in a breath, overthrew seven of the strongest
soldiers in the army. A gold collar was the prize of his matchless
vigor and activity, and he was immediately appointed to serve in the
horseguards who always attended on the person of the sovereign. [2]

[Footnote 2: Hist. August p. 138.]

Maximin, for that was his name, though born on the territories of the
empire, descended from a mixed race of barbarians. His father was a
Goth, and his mother of the nation of the Alani. He displayed on every
occasion a valor equal to his strength; and his native fierceness was
soon tempered or disguised by the knowledge of the world. Under the
reign of Severus and his son, he obtained the rank of centurion, with
the favor and esteem of both those princes, the former of whom was an
excellent judge of merit. Gratitude forbade Maximin to serve under
the assassin of Caracalla. Honor taught him to decline the effeminate
insults of Elagabalus. On the accession of Alexander he returned to
court, and was placed by that prince in a station useful to the service,
and honorable to himself. The fourth legion, to which he was appointed
tribune, soon became, under his care, the best disciplined of the whole
army. With the general applause of the soldiers, who bestowed on their
favorite hero the names of Ajax and Hercules, he was successively
promoted to the first military command; [3] and had not he still retained
too much of his savage origin, the emperor might perhaps have given his
own sister in marriage to the son of Maximin. [4]

[Footnote 3: Hist. August. p. 140. Herodian, l. vi. p. 223. Aurelius
Victor. By comparing these authors, it should seem that Maximin had the
particular command of the Tribellian horse, with the general commission
of disciplining the recruits of the whole army. His biographer ought to
have marked, with more care, his exploits, and the successive steps of
his military promotions.]

[Footnote 4: See the original letter of Alexander Severus, Hist. August.
p. 149.]

Instead of securing his fidelity, these favors served only to inflame
the ambition of the Thracian peasant, who deemed his fortune inadequate
to his merit, as long as he was constrained to acknowledge a superior.
Though a stranger to real wisdom, he was not devoid of a selfish cunning,
which showed him that the emperor had lost the affection of the army,
and taught him to improve their discontent to his own advantage. It is
easy for faction and calumny to shed their poison on the administration
of the best of princes, and to accuse even their virtues by artfully
confounding them with those vices to which they bear the nearest
affinity. The troops listened with pleasure to the emissaries of
Maximin. They blushed at their own ignominious patience, which, during
thirteen years, had supported the vexatious discipline imposed by an
effeminate Syrian, the timid slave of his mother and of the senate. It
was time, they cried, to cast away that useless phantom of the civil
power, and to elect for their prince and general a real soldier,
educated in camps, exercised in war, who would assert the glory, and
distribute among his companions the treasures, of the empire. A great
army was at that time assembled on the banks of the Rhine, under the
command of the emperor himself, who, almost immediately after his return
from the Persian war, had been obliged to march against the barbarians
of Germany. The important care of training and reviewing the new levies
was intrusted to Maximin. One day, as he entered the field of exercise,
the troops either from a sudden impulse, or a formed conspiracy, saluted
him emperor, silenced by their loud acclamations his obstinate refusal,
and hastened to consummate their rebellion by the murder of Alexander
Severus.

The circumstances of his death are variously related. The writers, who
suppose that he died in ignorance of the ingratitude and ambition of
Maximin, affirm, that, after taking a frugal repast in the sight of the
army, he retired to sleep, and that, about the seventh hour of the day,
a part of his own guards broke into the imperial tent, and, with many
wounds, assassinated their virtuous and unsuspecting prince. [5] If we
credit another, and indeed a more probable account, Maximin was invested
with the purple by a numerous detachment, at the distance of several
miles from the head-quarters; and he trusted for success rather to
the secret wishes than to the public declarations of the great army.
Alexander had sufficient time to awaken a faint sense of loyalty among
the troops; but their reluctant professions of fidelity quickly vanished
on the appearance of Maximin, who declared himself the friend and
advocate of the military order, and was unanimously acknowledged emperor
of the Romans by the applauding legions. The son of Mamaea, betrayed
and deserted, withdrew into his tent, desirous at least to conceal his
approaching fate from the insults of the multitude. He was soon followed
by a tribune and some centurions, the ministers of death; but instead
of receiving with manly resolution the inevitable stroke, his unavailing
cries and entreaties disgraced the last moments of his life, and
converted into contempt some portion of the just pity which his
innocence and misfortunes must inspire. His mother, Mamaea, whose pride
and avarice he loudly accused as the cause of his ruin, perished with
her son. The most faithful of his friends were sacrificed to the first
fury of the soldiers. Others were reserved for the more deliberate
cruelty of the usurper; and those who experienced the mildest treatment,
were stripped of their employments, and ignominiously driven from the
court and army. [6]

[Footnote 5: Hist. August. p. 135. I have softened some of the most
improbable circumstances of this wretched biographer. From his
ill-worded narration, it should seem that the prince's buffoon having
accidentally entered the tent, and awakened the slumbering monarch, the
fear of punishment urged him to persuade the disaffected soldiers to
commit the murder.]

[Footnote 6: Herodian, l. vi. 223-227.]

The former tyrants, Caligula and Nero, Commodus, and Caracalla, were
all dissolute and unexperienced youths, [7] educated in the purple, and
corrupted by the pride of empire, the luxury of Rome, and the perfidious
voice of flattery. The cruelty of Maximin was derived from a different
source, the fear of contempt. Though he depended on the attachment of
the soldiers, who loved him for virtues like their own, he was conscious
that his mean and barbarian origin, his savage appearance, and his total
ignorance of the arts and institutions of civil life, [8] formed a very
unfavorable contrast with the amiable manners of the unhappy Alexander.
He remembered, that, in his humbler fortune, he had often waited before
the door of the haughty nobles of Rome, and had been denied admittance
by the insolence of their slaves. He recollected too the friendship of
a few who had relieved his poverty, and assisted his rising hopes. But
those who had spurned, and those who had protected, the Thracian, were
guilty of the same crime, the knowledge of his original obscurity. For
this crime many were put to death; and by the execution of several
of his benefactors, Maximin published, in characters of blood, the
indelible history of his baseness and ingratitude. [9]

[Footnote 7: Caligula, the eldest of the four, was only twenty-five
years of age when he ascended the throne; Caracalla was twenty-three,
Commodus nineteen, and Nero no more than seventeen.]

[Footnote 8: It appears that he was totally ignorant of the Greek
language; which, from its universal use in conversation and letters, was
an essential part of every liberal education.]

[Footnote 9: Hist. August. p. 141. Herodian, l. vii. p. 237. The latter
of these historians has been most unjustly censured for sparing the
vices of Maximin.]

The dark and sanguinary soul of the tyrant was open to every suspicion
against those among his subjects who were the most distinguished by
their birth or merit. Whenever he was alarmed with the sound of treason,
his cruelty was unbounded and unrelenting. A conspiracy against his life
was either discovered or imagined, and Magnus, a consular senator, was
named as the principal author of it. Without a witness, without a trial,
and without an opportunity of defence, Magnus, with four thousand of his
supposed accomplices, was put to death. Italy and the whole empire
were infested with innumerable spies and informers. On the slightest
accusation, the first of the Roman nobles, who had governed provinces,
commanded armies, and been adorned with the consular and triumphal
ornaments, were chained on the public carriages, and hurried away to the
emperor's presence. Confiscation, exile, or simple death, were esteemed
uncommon instances of his lenity. Some of the unfortunate sufferers he
ordered to be sewed up in the hides of slaughtered animals, others to be
exposed to wild beasts, others again to be beaten to death with clubs.
During the three years of his reign, he disdained to visit either Rome
or Italy. His camp, occasionally removed from the banks of the Rhine to
those of the Danube, was the seat of his stern despotism, which trampled
on every principle of law and justice, and was supported by the avowed
power of the sword. [10] No man of noble birth, elegant accomplishments,
or knowledge of civil business, was suffered near his person; and the
court of a Roman emperor revived the idea of those ancient chiefs of
slaves and gladiators, whose savage power had left a deep impression of
terror and detestation. [11]

[Footnote 10: The wife of Maximin, by insinuating wise counsels with
female gentleness, sometimes brought back the tyrant to the way of truth
and humanity. See Ammianus Marcellinus, l. xiv. c. l, where he alludes
to the fact which he had more fully related under the reign of the
Gordians. We may collect from the medals, that Paullina was the name
of this benevolent empress; and from the title of Diva, that she died
before Maximin. (Valesius ad loc. cit. Ammian.) Spanheim de U. et P. N.
tom. ii. p. 300. Note: If we may believe Syrcellus and Zonaras, in was
Maximin himself who ordered her death--G]

[Footnote 11: He was compared to Spartacus and Athenio. Hist. August p.
141.]

As long as the cruelty of Maximin was confined to the illustrious
senators, or even to the bold adventurers, who in the court or army
expose themselves to the caprice of fortune, the body of the people
viewed their sufferings with indifference, or perhaps with pleasure.
But the tyrant's avarice, stimulated by the insatiate desires of the
soldiers, at length attacked the public property. Every city of the
empire was possessed of an independent revenue, destined to purchase
corn for the multitude, and to supply the expenses of the games and
entertainments. By a single act of authority, the whole mass of wealth
was at once confiscated for the use of the Imperial treasury. The
temples were stripped of their most valuable offerings of gold and
silver, and the statues of gods, heroes, and emperors, were melted
down and coined into money. These impious orders could not be executed
without tumults and massacres, as in many places the people chose rather
to die in the defence of their altars, than to behold in the midst
of peace their cities exposed to the rapine and cruelty of war.
The soldiers themselves, among whom this sacrilegious plunder was
distributed, received it with a blush; and hardened as they were in
acts of violence, they dreaded the just reproaches of their friends and
relations. Throughout the Roman world a general cry of indignation was
heard, imploring vengeance on the common enemy of human kind; and at
length, by an act of private oppression, a peaceful and unarmed province
was driven into rebellion against him. [12]

[Footnote 12: Herodian, l. vii. p. 238. Zosim. l. i. p. 15.]

The procurator of Africa was a servant worthy of such a master, who
considered the fines and confiscations of the rich as one of the most
fruitful branches of the Imperial revenue. An iniquitous sentence had
been pronounced against some opulent youths of that country, the
execution of which would have stripped them of far the greater part of
their patrimony. In this extremity, a resolution that must either
complete or prevent their ruin, was dictated by despair. A respite of
three days, obtained with difficulty from the rapacious treasurer, was
employed in collecting from their estates a great number of slaves and
peasants blindly devoted to the commands of their lords, and armed with
the rustic weapons of clubs and axes. The leaders of the conspiracy, as
they were admitted to the audience of the procurator, stabbed him with
the daggers concealed under their garments, and, by the assistance of
their tumultuary train, seized on the little town of Thysdrus, [13] and
erected the standard of rebellion against the sovereign of the Roman
empire. They rested their hopes on the hatred of mankind against
Maximin, and they judiciously resolved to oppose to that detested tyrant
an emperor whose mild virtues had already acquired the love and esteem
of the Romans, and whose authority over the province would give weight
and stability to the enterprise. Gordianus, their proconsul, and the
object of their choice, refused, with unfeigned reluctance, the
dangerous honor, and begged with tears, that they would suffer him to
terminate in peace a long and innocent life, without staining his feeble
age with civil blood. Their menaces compelled him to accept the Imperial
purple, his only refuge, indeed, against the jealous cruelty of Maximin;
since, according to the reasoning of tyrants, those who have been
esteemed worthy of the throne deserve death, and those who deliberate
have already rebelled. [14]

[Footnote 13: In the fertile territory of Byzacium, one hundred and
fifty miles to the south of Carthage. This city was decorated, probably
by the Gordians, with the title of colony, and with a fine amphitheatre,
which is still in a very perfect state. See Intinerar. Wesseling, p. 59;
and Shaw's Travels, p. 117.]

[Footnote 14: Herodian, l. vii. p. 239. Hist. August. p. 153.]

The family of Gordianus was one of the most illustrious of the Roman
senate. On the father's side he was descended from the Gracchi; on his
mother's, from the emperor Trajan. A great estate enabled him to support
the dignity of his birth, and in the enjoyment of it, he displayed an
elegant taste and beneficent disposition. The palace in Rome, formerly
inhabited by the great Pompey, had been, during several generations, in
the possession of Gordian's family. [15] It was distinguished by ancient
trophies of naval victories, and decorated with the works of modern
painting. His villa on the road to Praeneste was celebrated for baths of
singular beauty and extent, for three stately rooms of a hundred feet in
length, and for a magnificent portico, supported by two hundred columns
of the four most curious and costly sorts of marble. [16] The public
shows exhibited at his expense, and in which the people were entertained
with many hundreds of wild beasts and gladiators, [17] seem to surpass
the fortune of a subject; and whilst the liberality of other magistrates
was confined to a few solemn festivals at Rome, the magnificence of
Gordian was repeated, when he was aedile, every month in the year, and
extended, during his consulship, to the principal cities of Italy. He
was twice elevated to the last-mentioned dignity, by Caracalla and by
Alexander; for he possessed the uncommon talent of acquiring the esteem
of virtuous princes, without alarming the jealousy of tyrants. His long
life was innocently spent in the study of letters and the peaceful
honors of Rome; and, till he was named proconsul of Africa by the voice
of the senate and the approbation of Alexander, [18] he appears
prudently to have declined the command of armies and the government of
provinces. [181] As long as that emperor lived, Africa was happy under
the administration of his worthy representative: after the barbarous
Maximin had usurped the throne, Gordianus alleviated the miseries which
he was unable to prevent. When he reluctantly accepted the purple, he
was above fourscore years old; a last and valuable remains of the happy
age of the Antonines, whose virtues he revived in his own conduct, and
celebrated in an elegant poem of thirty books. With the venerable
proconsul, his son, who had accompanied him into Africa as his
lieutenant, was likewise declared emperor. His manners were less pure,
but his character was equally amiable with that of his father.
Twenty-two acknowledged concubines, and a library of sixty-two thousand
volumes, attested the variety of his inclinations; and from the
productions which he left behind him, it appears that the former as well
as the latter were designed for use rather than for ostentation. [19]
The Roman people acknowledged in the features of the younger Gordian the
resemblance of Scipio Africanus, [191] recollected with pleasure that
his mother was the granddaughter of Antoninus Pius, and rested the
public hope on those latent virtues which had hitherto, as they fondly
imagined, lain concealed in the luxurious indolence of private life.

[Footnote 15: Hist. Aug. p. 152. The celebrated house of Pompey in
carinis was usurped by Marc Antony, and consequently became, after the
Triumvir's death, a part of the Imperial domain. The emperor Trajan
allowed, and even encouraged, the rich senators to purchase those
magnificent and useless places, (Plin. Panegyric. c. 50;) and it may
seem probable, that, on this occasion, Pompey's house came into the
possession of Gordian's great-grandfather.]

[Footnote 16: The Claudian, the Numidian, the Carystian, and the
Synnadian. The colors of Roman marbles have been faintly described and
imperfectly distinguished. It appears, however, that the Carystian was
a sea-green, and that the marble of Synnada was white mixed with oval
spots of purple. See Salmasius ad Hist. August. p. 164.]

[Footnote 17: Hist. August. p. 151, 152. He sometimes gave five hundred
pair of gladiators, never less than one hundred and fifty. He once gave
for the use of the circus one hundred Sicilian, and as many Cappaecian
Cappadecian horses. The animals designed for hunting were chiefly bears,
boars, bulls, stags, elks, wild asses, &c. Elephants and lions seem to
have been appropriated to Imperial magnificence.]

[Footnote 18: See the original letter, in the Augustan History, p. 152,
which at once shows Alexander's respect for the authority of the senate,
and his esteem for the proconsul appointed by that assembly.]

[Footnote 181: Herodian expressly says that he had administered many
provinces, lib. vii. 10.--W.]

[Footnote 19: By each of his concubines, the younger Gordian left three
or four children. His literary productions, though less numerous, were
by no means contemptible.]

[Footnote 191: Not the personal likeness, but the family descent from the
Scipiod.--W.]

As soon as the Gordians had appeased the first tumult of a popular
election, they removed their court to Carthage. They were received with
the acclamations of the Africans, who honored their virtues, and who,
since the visit of Hadrian, had never beheld the majesty of a Roman
emperor. But these vain acclamations neither strengthened nor confirmed
the title of the Gordians. They were induced by principle, as well as
interest, to solicit the approbation of the senate; and a deputation of
the noblest provincials was sent, without delay, to Rome, to relate and
justify the conduct of their countrymen, who, having long suffered with
patience, were at length resolved to act with vigor. The letters of the
new princes were modest and respectful, excusing the necessity which had
obliged them to accept the Imperial title; but submitting their election
and their fate to the supreme judgment of the senate. [20]

[Footnote 20: Herodian, l. vii. p. 243. Hist. August. p. 144.]

The inclinations of the senate were neither doubtful nor divided. The
birth and noble alliances of the Gordians had intimately connected them
with the most illustrious houses of Rome. Their fortune had created many
dependants in that assembly, their merit had acquired many friends.
Their mild administration opened the flattering prospect of the
restoration, not only of the civil but even of the republican
government. The terror of military violence, which had first obliged the
senate to forget the murder of Alexander, and to ratify the election of
a barbarian peasant, [21] now produced a contrary effect, and provoked
them to assert the injured rights of freedom and humanity. The hatred of
Maximin towards the senate was declared and implacable; the tamest
submission had not appeased his fury, the most cautious innocence would
not remove his suspicions; and even the care of their own safety urged
them to share the fortune of an enterprise, of which (if unsuccessful)
they were sure to be the first victims. These considerations, and
perhaps others of a more private nature, were debated in a previous
conference of the consuls and the magistrates. As soon as their
resolution was decided, they convoked in the temple of Castor the whole
body of the senate, according to an ancient form of secrecy, [22]
calculated to awaken their attention, and to conceal their decrees.
"Conscript fathers," said the consul Syllanus, "the two Gordians, both
of consular dignity, the one your proconsul, the other your lieutenant,
have been declared emperors by the general consent of Africa. Let us
return thanks," he boldly continued, "to the youth of Thysdrus; let us
return thanks to the faithful people of Carthage, our generous
deliverers from a horrid monster--Why do you hear me thus coolly, thus
timidly? Why do you cast those anxious looks on each other? Why
hesitate? Maximin is a public enemy! may his enmity soon expire with
him, and may we long enjoy the prudence and felicity of Gordian the
father, the valor and constancy of Gordian the son!" [23] The noble
ardor of the consul revived the languid spirit of the senate. By a
unanimous decree, the election of the Gordians was ratified, Maximin,
his son, and his adherents, were pronounced enemies of their country,
and liberal rewards were offered to whomsoever had the courage and good
fortune to destroy them. [See Temple Of Castor and Pollux]

[Footnote 21: Quod. tamen patres dum periculosum existimant; inermes
armato esistere approbaverunt.--Aurelius Victor.]

[Footnote 22: Even the servants of the house, the scribes, &c., were
excluded, and their office was filled by the senators themselves. We
are obliged to the Augustan History. p. 159, for preserving this curious
example of the old discipline of the commonwealth.]

[Footnote 23: This spirited speech, translated from the Augustan
historian, p. 156, seems transcribed by him from the origina registers
of the senate]

During the emperor's absence, a detachment of the
Praetorian guards remained at Rome, to protect, or rather to command,
the capital. The praefect Vitalianus had signalized his fidelity to
Maximin, by the alacrity with which he had obeyed, and even prevented
the cruel mandates of the tyrant. His death alone could rescue the
authority of the senate, and the lives of the senators from a state of
danger and suspense. Before their resolves had transpired, a quaestor
and some tribunes were commissioned to take his devoted life. They
executed the order with equal boldness and success; and, with their
bloody daggers in their hands, ran through the streets, proclaiming
to the people and the soldiers the news of the happy revolution. The
enthusiasm of liberty was seconded by the promise of a large donative,
in lands and money; the statues of Maximin were thrown down; the capital
of the empire acknowledged, with transport, the authority of the two
Gordians and the senate; [24] and the example of Rome was followed by the
rest of Italy.

[Footnote 24: Herodian, l. vii. p. 244]

A new spirit had arisen in that assembly, whose long patience had been
insulted by wanton despotism and military license. The senate assumed
the reins of government, and, with a calm intrepidity, prepared to
vindicate by arms the cause of freedom. Among the consular senators
recommended by their merit and services to the favor of the emperor
Alexander, it was easy to select twenty, not unequal to the command of
an army, and the conduct of a war. To these was the defence of Italy
intrusted. Each was appointed to act in his respective department,
authorized to enroll and discipline the Italian youth; and instructed
to fortify the ports and highways, against the impending invasion of
Maximin. A number of deputies, chosen from the most illustrious of the
senatorian and equestrian orders, were despatched at the same time to
the governors of the several provinces, earnestly conjuring them to fly
to the assistance of their country, and to remind the nations of their
ancient ties of friendship with the Roman senate and people. The general
respect with which these deputies were received, and the zeal of Italy
and the provinces in favor of the senate, sufficiently prove that the
subjects of Maximin were reduced to that uncommon distress, in which
the body of the people has more to fear from oppression than from
resistance. The consciousness of that melancholy truth, inspires a
degree of persevering fury, seldom to be found in those civil wars
which are artificially supported for the benefit of a few factious and
designing leaders. [25]

[Footnote 25: Herodian, l. vii. p. 247, l. viii. p. 277. Hist. August. p
156-158.]

For while the cause of the Gordians was embraced with such diffusive
ardor, the Gordians themselves were no more. The feeble court of
Carthage was alarmed by the rapid approach of Capelianus, governor of
Mauritania, who, with a small band of veterans, and a fierce host of
barbarians, attacked a faithful, but unwarlike province. The younger
Gordian sallied out to meet the enemy at the head of a few guards, and
a numerous undisciplined multitude, educated in the peaceful luxury
of Carthage. His useless valor served only to procure him an honorable
death on the field of battle. His aged father, whose reign had not
exceeded thirty-six days, put an end to his life on the first news of
the defeat. Carthage, destitute of defence, opened her gates to the
conqueror, and Africa was exposed to the rapacious cruelty of a slave,
obliged to satisfy his unrelenting master with a large account of blood
and treasure. [26]

[Footnote 26: Herodian, l. vii. p. 254. Hist. August. p. 150-160. We
may observe, that one month and six days, for the reign of Gordian, is a
just correction of Casaubon and Panvinius, instead of the absurd reading
of one year and six months. See Commentar. p. 193. Zosimus relates, l.
i. p. 17, that the two Gordians perished by a tempest in the midst of
their navigation. A strange ignorance of history, or a strange abuse of
metaphors!]

The fate of the Gordians filled Rome with just but unexpected terror.
The senate, convoked in the temple of Concord, affected to transact
the common business of the day; and seemed to decline, with trembling
anxiety, the consideration of their own and the public danger. A silent
consternation prevailed in the assembly, till a senator, of the name and
family of Trajan, awakened his brethren from their fatal lethargy. He
represented to them that the choice of cautious, dilatory measures had
been long since out of their power; that Maximin, implacable by nature,
and exasperated by injuries, was advancing towards Italy, at the head
of the military force of the empire; and that their only remaining
alternative was either to meet him bravely in the field, or tamely to
expect the tortures and ignominious death reserved for unsuccessful
rebellion. "We have lost," continued he, "two excellent princes; but
unless we desert ourselves, the hopes of the republic have not perished
with the Gordians. Many are the senators whose virtues have deserved,
and whose abilities would sustain, the Imperial dignity. Let us elect
two emperors, one of whom may conduct the war against the public enemy,
whilst his colleague remains at Rome to direct the civil administration.
I cheerfully expose myself to the danger and envy of the nomination,
and give my vote in favor of Maximus and Balbinus. Ratify my choice,
conscript fathers, or appoint in their place, others more worthy of the
empire." The general apprehension silenced the whispers of jealousy;
the merit of the candidates was universally acknowledged; and the house
resounded with the sincere acclamations of "Long life and victory to
the emperors Maximus and Balbinus. You are happy in the judgment of the
senate; may the republic be happy under your administration!" [27]

[Footnote 27: See the Augustan History, p. 166, from the registers of
the senate; the date is confessedly faulty but the coincidence of the
Apollinatian games enables us to correct it.]




Chapter VII: Tyranny Of Maximin, Rebellion, Civil Wars, Death Of Maximin.--Part II.

The virtues and the reputation of the new emperors justified the most
sanguine hopes of the Romans. The various nature of their talents seemed
to appropriate to each his peculiar department of peace and war, without
leaving room for jealous emulation. Balbinus was an admired orator, a
poet of distinguished fame, and a wise magistrate, who had exercised
with innocence and applause the civil jurisdiction in almost all the
interior provinces of the empire. His birth was noble, [28] his fortune
affluent, his manners liberal and affable. In him the love of pleasure
was corrected by a sense of dignity, nor had the habits of ease deprived
him of a capacity for business. The mind of Maximus was formed in a
rougher mould. By his valor and abilities he had raised himself from
the meanest origin to the first employments of the state and army. His
victories over the Sarmatians and the Germans, the austerity of his
life, and the rigid impartiality of his justice, while he was a Praefect
of the city, commanded the esteem of a people whose affections were
engaged in favor of the more amiable Balbinus. The two colleagues had
both been consuls, (Balbinus had twice enjoyed that honorable office,)
both had been named among the twenty lieutenants of the senate; and
since the one was sixty and the other seventy-four years old, [29] they
had both attained the full maturity of age and experience.

[Footnote 28: He was descended from Cornelius Balbus, a noble Spaniard,
and the adopted son of Theophanes, the Greek historian. Balbus obtained
the freedom of Rome by the favor of Pompey, and preserved it by the
eloquence of Cicero. (See Orat. pro Cornel. Balbo.) The friendship of
Caesar, (to whom he rendered the most important secret services in the
civil war) raised him to the consulship and the pontificate, honors
never yet possessed by a stranger. The nephew of this Balbus triumphed
over the Garamantes. See Dictionnaire de Bayle, au mot Balbus, where he
distinguishes the several persons of that name, and rectifies, with his
usual accuracy, the mistakes of former writers concerning them.]

[Footnote 29: Zonaras, l. xii. p. 622. But little dependence is to
be had on the authority of a modern Greek, so grossly ignorant of
the history of the third century, that he creates several imaginary
emperors, and confounds those who really existed.]

After the senate had conferred on Maximus and Balbinus an equal portion
of the consular and tribunitian powers, the title of Fathers of their
country, and the joint office of Supreme Pontiff, they ascended to the
Capitol to return thanks to the gods, protectors of Rome. [30] The solemn
rites of sacrifice were disturbed by a sedition of the people. The
licentious multitude neither loved the rigid Maximus, nor did they
sufficiently fear the mild and humane Balbinus. Their increasing numbers
surrounded the temple of Jupiter; with obstinate clamors they asserted
their inherent right of consenting to the election of their sovereign;
and demanded, with an apparent moderation, that, besides the two
emperors, chosen by the senate, a third should be added of the family
of the Gordians, as a just return of gratitude to those princes who had
sacrificed their lives for the republic. At the head of the city-guards,
and the youth of the equestrian order, Maximus and Balbinus attempted to
cut their way through the seditious multitude. The multitude, armed with
sticks and stones, drove them back into the Capitol. It is prudent to
yield when the contest, whatever may be the issue of it, must be fatal
to both parties. A boy, only thirteen years of age, the grandson of the
elder, and nephew [301] of the younger Gordian, was produced to the people,
invested with the ornaments and title of Caesar. The tumult was appeased
by this easy condescension; and the two emperors, as soon as they had
been peaceably acknowledged in Rome, prepared to defend Italy against
the common enemy.

[Footnote 30: Herodian, l. vii. p. 256, supposes that the senate was at
first convoked in the Capitol, and is very eloquent on the occasion. The
Augustar History p. 116, seems much more authentic.]

[Footnote 301: According to some, the son.--G.]

Whilst in Rome and Africa, revolutions succeeded each other with such
amazing rapidity, that the mind of Maximin was agitated by the most
furious passions. He is said to have received the news of the rebellion
of the Gordians, and of the decree of the senate against him, not with
the temper of a man, but the rage of a wild beast; which, as it could
not discharge itself on the distant senate, threatened the life of his
son, of his friends, and of all who ventured to approach his person. The
grateful intelligence of the death of the Gordians was quickly followed
by the assurance that the senate, laying aside all hopes of pardon or
accommodation, had substituted in their room two emperors, with whose
merit he could not be unacquainted. Revenge was the only consolation
left to Maximin, and revenge could only be obtained by arms. The
strength of the legions had been assembled by Alexander from all parts
of the empire. Three successful campaigns against the Germans and the
Sarmatians, had raised their fame, confirmed their discipline, and even
increased their numbers, by filling the ranks with the flower of the
barbarian youth. The life of Maximin had been spent in war, and the
candid severity of history cannot refuse him the valor of a soldier, or
even the abilities of an experienced general. [31] It might naturally be
expected, that a prince of such a character, instead of suffering the
rebellion to gain stability by delay, should immediately have marched
from the banks of the Danube to those of the Tyber, and that his
victorious army, instigated by contempt for the senate, and eager to
gather the spoils of Italy, should have burned with impatience to finish
the easy and lucrative conquest. Yet as far as we can trust to the
obscure chronology of that period, [32] it appears that the operations
of some foreign war deferred the Italian expedition till the ensuing
spring. From the prudent conduct of Maximin, we may learn that the
savage features of his character have been exaggerated by the pencil of
party, that his passions, however impetuous, submitted to the force
of reason, and that the barbarian possessed something of the generous
spirit of Sylla, who subdued the enemies of Rome before he suffered
himself to revenge his private injuries. [33]

[Footnote 31: In Herodian, l. vii. p. 249, and in the Augustan History,
we have three several orations of Maximin to his army, on the rebellion
of Africa and Rome: M. de Tillemont has very justly observed that they
neither agree with each other nor with truth. Histoire des Empereurs,
tom. iii. p. 799.]

[Footnote 32: The carelessness of the writers of that age, leaves us in
a singular perplexity. 1. We know that Maximus and Balbinus were killed
during the Capitoline games. Herodian, l. viii. p. 285. The authority
of Censorinus (de Die Natali, c. 18) enables us to fix those games with
certainty to the year 238, but leaves us in ignorance of the month
or day. 2. The election of Gordian by the senate is fixed with equal
certainty to the 27th of May; but we are at a loss to discover whether
it was in the same or the preceding year. Tillemont and Muratori, who
maintain the two opposite opinions, bring into the field a desultory
troop of authorities, conjectures and probabilities. The one seems
to draw out, the other to contract the series of events between those
periods, more than can be well reconciled to reason and history. Yet
it is necessary to choose between them. Note: Eckhel has more recently
treated these chronological questions with a perspicuity which gives
great probability to his conclusions. Setting aside all the historians,
whose contradictions are irreconcilable, he has only consulted the
medals, and has arranged the events before us in the following order:--
Maximin, A. U. 990, after having conquered the Germans, reenters
Pannonia, establishes his winter quarters at Sirmium, and prepares
himself to make war against the people of the North.
In the year 991, in the cal ends of January, commences his fourth
tribunate. The Gordians are chosen emperors in Africa, probably at the
beginning of the month of March. The senate confirms this election with
joy, and declares Maximin the enemy of Rome. Five days after he had
heard of this revolt, Maximin sets out from Sirmium on his march to
Italy. These events took place about the beginning of April; a little
after, the Gordians are slain in Africa by Capellianus, procurator
of Mauritania. The senate, in its alarm, names as emperors Balbus and
Maximus Pupianus, and intrusts the latter with the war against Maximin.
Maximin is stopped on his road near Aquileia, by the want of provisions,
and by the melting of the snows: he begins the siege of Aquileia at the
end of April. Pupianus assembles his army at Ravenna. Maximin and
his son are assassinated by the soldiers enraged at the resistance of
Aquileia: and this was probably in the middle of May. Pupianus returns
to Rome, and assumes the government with Balbinus; they are assassinated
towards the end of July Gordian the younger ascends the throne. Eckhel
de Doct. Vol vii 295.--G.]

[Footnote 33: Velleius Paterculus, l. ii. c. 24. The president de
Montesquieu (in his dialogue between Sylla and Eucrates) expresses the
sentiments of the dictator in a spirited, and even a sublime manner.]

When the troops of Maximin, advancing in excellent order, arrived at
the foot of the Julian Alps, they were terrified by the silence and
desolation that reigned on the frontiers of Italy. The villages and
open towns had been abandoned on their approach by the inhabitants, the
cattle was driven away, the provisions removed or destroyed, the bridges
broken down, nor was any thing left which could afford either shelter or
subsistence to an invader. Such had been the wise orders of the generals
of the senate: whose design was to protract the war, to ruin the army of
Maximin by the slow operation of famine, and to consume his strength in
the sieges of the principal cities of Italy, which they had plentifully
stored with men and provisions from the deserted country. Aquileia
received and withstood the first shock of the invasion. The streams that
issue from the head of the Hadriatic Gulf, swelled by the melting of the
winter snows, [34] opposed an unexpected obstacle to the arms of Maximin.
At length, on a singular bridge, constructed with art and difficulty, of
large hogsheads, he transported his army to the opposite bank, rooted up
the beautiful vineyards in the neighborhood of Aquileia, demolished the
suburbs, and employed the timber of the buildings in the engines and
towers, with which on every side he attacked the city. The walls, fallen
to decay during the security of a long peace, had been hastily repaired
on this sudden emergency: but the firmest defence of Aquileia consisted
in the constancy of the citizens; all ranks of whom, instead of being
dismayed, were animated by the extreme danger, and their knowledge
of the tyrant's unrelenting temper. Their courage was supported and
directed by Crispinus and Menophilus, two of the twenty lieutenants
of the senate, who, with a small body of regular troops, had thrown
themselves into the besieged place. The army of Maximin was repulsed in
repeated attacks, his machines destroyed by showers of artificial
fire; and the generous enthusiasm of the Aquileians was exalted into a
confidence of success, by the opinion that Belenus, their tutelar deity,
combated in person in the defence of his distressed worshippers. [35]

[Footnote 34: Muratori (Annali d' Italia, tom. ii. p. 294) thinks the
melting of the snows suits better with the months of June or July, than
with those of February. The opinion of a man who passed his life between
the Alps and the Apennines, is undoubtedly of great weight; yet I
observe, 1. That the long winter, of which Muratori takes advantage,
is to be found only in the Latin version, and not in the Greek text
of Herodian. 2. That the vicissitudes of suns and rains, to which the
soldiers of Maximin were exposed, (Herodian, l. viii. p. 277,) denote
the spring rather than the summer. We may observe, likewise, that these
several streams, as they melted into one, composed the Timavus, so
poetically (in every sense of the word) described by Virgil. They are
about twelve miles to the east of Aquileia. See Cluver. Italia Antiqua,
tom. i. p. 189, &c.]

[Footnote 35: Herodian, l. viii. p. 272. The Celtic deity was supposed
to be Apollo, and received under that name the thanks of the senate. A
temple was likewise built to Venus the Bald, in honor of the women of
Aquileia, who had given up their hair to make ropes for the military
engines.]

The emperor Maximus, who had advanced as far as Ravenna, to secure that
important place, and to hasten the military preparations, beheld the
event of the war in the more faithful mirror of reason and policy. He
was too sensible, that a single town could not resist the persevering
efforts of a great army; and he dreaded, lest the enemy, tired with the
obstinate resistance of Aquileia, should on a sudden relinquish the
fruitless siege, and march directly towards Rome. The fate of the empire
and the cause of freedom must then be committed to the chance of a
battle; and what arms could he oppose to the veteran legions of the
Rhine and Danube? Some troops newly levied among the generous but
enervated youth of Italy; and a body of German auxiliaries, on whose
firmness, in the hour of trial, it was dangerous to depend. In the midst
of these just alarms, the stroke of domestic conspiracy punished the
crimes of Maximin, and delivered Rome and the senate from the calamities
that would surely have attended the victory of an enraged barbarian.

The people of Aquileia had scarcely experienced any of the common
miseries of a siege; their magazines were plentifully supplied, and
several fountains within the walls assured them of an inexhaustible
resource of fresh water. The soldiers of Maximin were, on the contrary,
exposed to the inclemency of the season, the contagion of disease, and
the horrors of famine. The open country was ruined, the rivers filled
with the slain, and polluted with blood. A spirit of despair and
disaffection began to diffuse itself among the troops; and as they
were cut off from all intelligence, they easily believed that the whole
empire had embraced the cause of the senate, and that they were left as
devoted victims to perish under the impregnable walls of Aquileia. The
fierce temper of the tyrant was exasperated by disappointments, which
he imputed to the cowardice of his army; and his wanton and ill-timed
cruelty, instead of striking terror, inspired hatred, and a just desire
of revenge. A party of Praetorian guards, who trembled for their wives
and children in the camp of Alba, near Rome, executed the sentence of
the senate.

Maximin, abandoned by his guards, was slain in his tent, with his son,
(whom he had associated to the honors of the purple,) Anulinus the
praefect, and the principal ministers of his tyranny. [36] The sight of
their heads, borne on the point of spears, convinced the citizens of
Aquileia that the siege was at an end; the gates of the city were thrown
open, a liberal market was provided for the hungry troops of Maximin,
and the whole army joined in solemn protestations of fidelity to the
senate and the people of Rome, and to their lawful emperors Maximus and
Balbinus. Such was the deserved fate of a brutal savage, destitute, as
he has generally been represented, of every sentiment that distinguishes
a civilized, or even a human being. The body was suited to the soul. The
stature of Maximin exceeded the measure of eight feet, and circumstances
almost incredible are related of his matchless strength and appetite.
[37] Had he lived in a less enlightened age, tradition and poetry
might well have described him as one of those monstrous giants, whose
supernatural power was constantly exerted for the destruction of
mankind.

[Footnote 36: Herodian, l. viii. p. 279. Hist. August. p. 146. The
duration of Maximin's reign has not been defined with much accuracy,
except by Eutropius, who allows him three years and a few days, (l. ix.
1;) we may depend on the integrity of the text, as the Latin original is
checked by the Greek version of Paeanius.]

[Footnote 37: Eight Roman feet and one third, which are equal to
above eight English feet, as the two measures are to each other in the
proportion of 967 to 1000. See Graves's discourse on the Roman foot. We
are told that Maximin could drink in a day an amphora (or about seven
gallons) of wine, and eat thirty or forty pounds of meat. He could move
a loaded wagon, break a horse's leg with his fist, crumble stones in his
hand, and tear up small trees by the roots. See his life in the Augustan
History.]

It is easier to conceive than to describe the universal joy of the Roman
world on the fall of the tyrant, the news of which is said to have been
carried in four days from Aquileia to Rome. The return of Maximus was a
triumphal procession; his colleague and young Gordian went out to meet
him, and the three princes made their entry into the capital, attended
by the ambassadors of almost all the cities of Italy, saluted with the
splendid offerings of gratitude and superstition, and received with the
unfeigned acclamations of the senate and people, who persuaded
themselves that a golden age would succeed to an age of iron. [38] The
conduct of the two emperors corresponded with these expectations. They
administered justice in person; and the rigor of the one was tempered by
the other's clemency. The oppressive taxes with which Maximin had loaded
the rights of inheritance and succession, were repealed, or at least
moderated. Discipline was revived, and with the advice of the senate
many wise laws were enacted by their imperial ministers, who endeavored
to restore a civil constitution on the ruins of military tyranny. "What
reward may we expect for delivering Rome from a monster?" was the
question asked by Maximus, in a moment of freedom and confidence.

Balbinus answered it without hesitation--"The love of the senate, of
the people, and of all mankind." "Alas!" replied his more penetrating
colleague--"alas! I dread the hatred of the soldiers, and the fatal
effects of their resentment." [39] His apprehensions were but too well
justified by the event.

[Footnote 38: See the congratulatory letter of Claudius Julianus, the
consul to the two emperors, in the Augustan History.]

[Footnote 39: Hist. August. p. 171.]

Whilst Maximus was preparing to defend Italy against the common foe,
Balbinus, who remained at Rome, had been engaged in scenes of blood and
intestine discord. Distrust and jealousy reigned in the senate; and even
in the temples where they assembled, every senator carried either open
or concealed arms. In the midst of their deliberations, two veterans
of the guards, actuated either by curiosity or a sinister motive,
audaciously thrust themselves into the house, and advanced by degrees
beyond the altar of Victory. Gallicanus, a consular, and Maecenas, a
Praetorian senator, viewed with indignation their insolent intrusion:
drawing their daggers, they laid the spies (for such they deemed them)
dead at the foot of the altar, and then, advancing to the door of the
senate, imprudently exhorted the multitude to massacre the Praetorians,
as the secret adherents of the tyrant. Those who escaped the first fury
of the tumult took refuge in the camp, which they defended with superior
advantage against the reiterated attacks of the people, assisted by the
numerous bands of gladiators, the property of opulent nobles. The civil
war lasted many days, with infinite loss and confusion on both sides.
When the pipes were broken that supplied the camp with water, the
Praetorians were reduced to intolerable distress; but in their turn
they made desperate sallies into the city, set fire to a great number
of houses, and filled the streets with the blood of the inhabitants. The
emperor Balbinus attempted, by ineffectual edicts and precarious truces,
to reconcile the factions at Rome. But their animosity, though smothered
for a while, burnt with redoubled violence. The soldiers, detesting the
senate and the people, despised the weakness of a prince, who wanted
either the spirit or the power to command the obedience of his subjects.
[40]

[Footnote 40: Herodian, l. viii. p. 258.]

After the tyrant's death, his formidable army had acknowledged, from
necessity rather than from choice, the authority of Maximus, who
transported himself without delay to the camp before Aquileia. As soon
as he had received their oath of fidelity, he addressed them in terms
full of mildness and moderation; lamented, rather than arraigned the
wild disorders of the times, and assured the soldiers, that of all their
past conduct the senate would remember only their generous desertion of
the tyrant, and their voluntary return to their duty. Maximus enforced
his exhortations by a liberal donative, purified the camp by a solemn
sacrifice of expiation, and then dismissed the legions to their several
provinces, impressed, as he hoped, with a lively sense of gratitude and
obedience. [41] But nothing could reconcile the haughty spirit of the
Praetorians. They attended the emperors on the memorable day of their
public entry into Rome; but amidst the general acclamations, the sullen,
dejected countenance of the guards sufficiently declared that they
considered themselves as the object, rather than the partners, of the
triumph. When the whole body was united in their camp, those who had
served under Maximin, and those who had remained at Rome, insensibly
communicated to each other their complaints and apprehensions. The
emperors chosen by the army had perished with ignominy; those elected by
the senate were seated on the throne. [42] The long discord between the
civil and military powers was decided by a war, in which the former had
obtained a complete victory. The soldiers must now learn a new doctrine
of submission to the senate; and whatever clemency was affected by that
politic assembly, they dreaded a slow revenge,  by the name of
discipline, and justified by fair pretences of the public good. But
their fate was still in their own hands; and if they had courage
to despise the vain terrors of an impotent republic, it was easy to
convince the world, that those who were masters of the arms, were
masters of the authority, of the state.

[Footnote 41: Herodian, l. viii. p. 213.]

[Footnote 42: The observation had been made imprudently enough in the
acclamations of the senate, and with regard to the soldiers it carried
the appearance of a wanton insult. Hist. August. p. 170.]

When the senate elected two princes, it is probable that, besides the
declared reason of providing for the various emergencies of peace and
war, they were actuated by the secret desire of weakening by division
the despotism of the supreme magistrate. Their policy was effectual, but
it proved fatal both to their emperors and to themselves. The jealousy
of power was soon exasperated by the difference of character. Maximus
despised Balbinus as a luxurious noble, and was in his turn disdained by
his colleague as an obscure soldier. Their silent discord was understood
rather than seen; [43] but the mutual consciousness prevented them from
uniting in any vigorous measures of defence against their common enemies
of the Praetorian camp. The whole city was employed in the Capitoline
games, and the emperors were left almost alone in the palace. On a
sudden, they were alarmed by the approach of a troop of desperate
assassins. Ignorant of each other's situation or designs, (for they
already occupied very distant apartments,) afraid to give or to receive
assistance, they wasted the important moments in idle debates and
fruitless recriminations. The arrival of the guards put an end to the
vain strife. They seized on these emperors of the senate, for such they
called them with malicious contempt, stripped them of their garments,
and dragged them in insolent triumph through the streets of Rome, with
the design of inflicting a slow and cruel death on these unfortunate
princes. The fear of a rescue from the faithful Germans of the Imperial
guards, shortened their tortures; and their bodies, mangled with a
thousand wounds, were left exposed to the insults or to the pity of the
populace. [44]

[Footnote 43: Discordiae tacitae, et quae intelligerentur potius
quam viderentur. Hist. August. p. 170. This well-chosen expression is
probably stolen from some better writer.]

[Footnote 44: Herodian, l. viii. p. 287, 288.]

In the space of a few months, six princes had been cut off by the sword.
Gordian, who had already received the title of Caesar, was the only
person that occurred to the soldiers as proper to fill the vacant
throne. [45] They carried him to the camp, and unanimously saluted him
Augustus and Emperor. His name was dear to the senate and people;
his tender age promised a long impunity of military license; and the
submission of Rome and the provinces to the choice of the Praetorian
guards, saved the republic, at the expense indeed of its freedom
and dignity, from the horrors of a new civil war in the heart of the
capital. [46]

[Footnote 45: Quia non alius erat in praesenti, is the expression of the
Augustan History.]

[Footnote 46: Quintus Curtius (l. x. c. 9,) pays an elegant compliment
to the emperor of the day, for having, by his happy accession,
extinguished so many firebrands, sheathed so many swords, and put an end
to the evils of a divided government. After weighing with attention
every word of the passage, I am of opinion, that it suits better with
the elevation of Gordian, than with any other period of the Roman
history. In that case, it may serve to decide the age of Quintus
Curtius. Those who place him under the first Caesars, argue from the
purity of his style but are embarrassed by the silence of Quintilian, in
his accurate list of Roman historians. * Note: This conjecture of Gibbon
is without foundation. Many passages in the work of Quintus Curtius
clearly place him at an earlier period. Thus, in speaking of the
Parthians, he says, Hinc in Parthicum perventum est, tunc ignobilem
gentem: nunc caput omnium qui post Euphratem et Tigrim amnes siti Rubro
mari terminantur. The Parthian empire had this extent only in the first
age of the vulgar aera: to that age, therefore, must be assigned the
date of Quintus Curtius. Although the critics (says M. de Sainte Croix)
have multiplied conjectures on this subject, most of them have ended by
adopting the opinion which places Quintus Curtius under the reign of
Claudius. See Just. Lips. ad Ann. Tac. ii. 20. Michel le Tellier Praef.
in Curt. Tillemont Hist. des Emp. i. p. 251. Du Bos Reflections sur la
Poesie, 2d Partie. Tiraboschi Storia della, Lett. Ital. ii. 149. Examen.
crit. des Historiens d'Alexandre, 2d ed. p. 104, 849, 850.--G.
----This interminable question seems as much perplexed as ever. The first
argument of M. Guizot is a strong one, except that Parthian is often
used by later writers for Persian. Cunzius, in his preface to an edition
published at Helmstadt, (1802,) maintains the opinion of Bagnolo, which
assigns Q. Curtius to the time of Constantine the Great. Schmieder,
in his edit. Gotting. 1803, sums up in this sentence, aetatem Curtii
ignorari pala mest.--M.]

As the third Gordian was only nineteen years of age at the time of his
death, the history of his life, were it known to us with greater
accuracy than it really is, would contain little more than the account
of his education, and the conduct of the ministers, who by turns abused
or guided the simplicity of his unexperienced youth. Immediately after
his accession, he fell into the hands of his mother's eunuchs, that
pernicious vermin of the East, who, since the days of Elagabalus, had
infested the Roman palace. By the artful conspiracy of these wretches,
an impenetrable veil was drawn between an innocent prince and his
oppressed subjects, the virtuous disposition of Gordian was deceived,
and the honors of the empire sold without his knowledge, though in a
very public manner, to the most worthless of mankind. We are ignorant by
what fortunate accident the emperor escaped from this ignominious
slavery, and devolved his confidence on a minister, whose wise counsels
had no object except the glory of his sovereign and the happiness of the
people. It should seem that love and learning introduced Misitheus to
the favor of Gordian. The young prince married the daughter of his
master of rhetoric, and promoted his father-in-law to the first offices
of the empire. Two admirable letters that passed between them are still
extant. The minister, with the conscious dignity of virtue,
congratulates Gordian that he is delivered from the tyranny of the
eunuchs, [47] and still more that he is sensible of his deliverance. The
emperor acknowledges, with an amiable confusion, the errors of his past
conduct; and laments, with singular propriety, the misfortune of a
monarch, from whom a venal tribe of courtiers perpetually labor to
conceal the truth. [48]

[Footnote 47: Hist. August. p. 161. From some hints in the two letters,
I should expect that the eunuchs were not expelled the palace without
some degree of gentle violence, and that the young Gordian rather
approved of, than consented to, their disgrace.]

[Footnote 48: Duxit uxorem filiam Misithei, quem causa eloquentiae
dignum parentela sua putavit; et praefectum statim fecit; post quod, non
puerile jam et contemptibile videbatur imperium.]

The life of Misitheus had been spent in the profession of letters, not
of arms; yet such was the versatile genius of that great man, that, when
he was appointed Praetorian Praefect, he discharged the military
duties of his place with vigor and ability. The Persians had invaded
Mesopotamia, and threatened Antioch. By the persuasion of his
father-in-law, the young emperor quitted the luxury of Rome, opened, for
the last time recorded in history, the temple of Janus, and marched in
person into the East. On his approach, with a great army, the Persians
withdrew their garrisons from the cities which they had already taken,
and retired from the Euphrates to the Tigris. Gordian enjoyed the
pleasure of announcing to the senate the first success of his arms,
which he ascribed, with a becoming modesty and gratitude, to the wisdom
of his father and Praefect. During the whole expedition, Misitheus
watched over the safety and discipline of the army; whilst he prevented
their dangerous murmurs by maintaining a regular plenty in the camp, and
by establishing ample magazines of vinegar, bacon, straw, barley, and
wheat in all the cities of the frontier. [49] But the prosperity of
Gordian expired with Misitheus, who died of a flux, not without very
strong suspicions of poison. Philip, his successor in the praefecture,
was an Arab by birth, and consequently, in the earlier part of his life,
a robber by profession. His rise from so obscure a station to the first
dignities of the empire, seems to prove that he was a bold and able
leader. But his boldness prompted him to aspire to the throne, and his
abilities were employed to supplant, not to serve, his indulgent master.
The minds of the soldiers were irritated by an artificial scarcity,
created by his contrivance in the camp; and the distress of the army was
attributed to the youth and incapacity of the prince. It is not in our
power to trace the successive steps of the secret conspiracy and open
sedition, which were at length fatal to Gordian. A sepulchral monument
was erected to his memory on the spot [50] where he was killed, near the
conflux of the Euphrates with the little river Aboras. [51] The fortunate
Philip, raised to the empire by the votes of the soldiers, found a ready
obedience from the senate and the provinces. [52]

[Footnote 49: Hist. August. p. 162. Aurelius Victor. Porphyrius in Vit
Plotin. ap. Fabricium, Biblioth. Graec. l. iv. c. 36. The philosopher
Plotinus accompanied the army, prompted by the love of knowledge, and by
the hope of penetrating as far as India.]

[Footnote 50: About twenty miles from the little town of Circesium, on
the frontier of the two empires. * Note: Now Kerkesia; placed in the
angle formed by the juncture of the Chaboras, or al Khabour, with the
Euphrates. This situation appeared advantageous to Diocletian, that he
raised fortifications to make it the but wark of the empire on the side
of Mesopotamia. D'Anville. Geog. Anc. ii. 196.--G. It is the Carchemish
of the Old Testament, 2 Chron. xxxv. 20. ler. xlvi. 2.--M.]

[Footnote 51: The inscription (which contained a very singular pun) was
erased by the order of Licinius, who claimed some degree of relationship
to Philip, (Hist. August. p. 166;) but the tumulus, or mound of earth
which formed the sepulchre, still subsisted in the time of Julian. See
Ammian Marcellin. xxiii. 5.]

[Footnote 52: Aurelius Victor. Eutrop. ix. 2. Orosius, vii. 20. Ammianus
Marcellinus, xxiii. 5. Zosimus, l. i. p. 19. Philip, who was a native of
Bostra, was about forty years of age. * Note: Now Bosra. It was once the
metropolis of a province named Arabia, and the chief city of Auranitis,
of which the name is preserved in Beled Hauran, the limits of which meet
the desert. D'Anville. Geog. Anc. ii. 188. According to Victor, (in
Caesar.,) Philip was a native of Tracbonitis another province of
Arabia.--G.]

We cannot forbear transcribing the ingenious, though somewhat fanciful
description, which a celebrated writer of our own times has traced
of the military government of the Roman empire. What in that age was
called the Roman empire, was only an irregular republic, not unlike
the aristocracy [53] of Algiers, [54] where the militia, possessed of
the sovereignty, creates and deposes a magistrate, who is styled a Dey.
Perhaps, indeed, it may be laid down as a general rule, that a military
government is, in some respects, more republican than monarchical. Nor
can it be said that the soldiers only partook of the government by their
disobedience and rebellions. The speeches made to them by the emperors,
were they not at length of the same nature as those formerly pronounced
to the people by the consuls and the tribunes? And although the armies
had no regular place or forms of assembly; though their debates were
short, their action sudden, and their resolves seldom the result of
cool reflection, did they not dispose, with absolute sway, of the
public fortune? What was the emperor, except the minister of a violent
government, elected for the private benefit of the soldiers?

[Footnote 53: Can the epithet of Aristocracy be applied, with any
propriety, to the government of Algiers? Every military government
floats between two extremes of absolute monarchy and wild democracy.]

[Footnote 54: The military republic of the Mamelukes in Egypt would have
afforded M. de Montesquieu (see Considerations sur la Grandeur et la
Decadence des Romains, c. 16) a juster and more noble parallel.]

"When the army had elected Philip, who was Praetorian praefect to the
third Gordian, the latter demanded that he might remain sole emperor; he
was unable to obtain it. He requested that the power might be equally
divided between them; the army would not listen to his speech. He
consented to be degraded to the rank of Caesar; the favor was refused
him. He desired, at least, he might be appointed Praetorian praefect;
his prayer was rejected. Finally, he pleaded for his life. The army, in
these several judgments, exercised the supreme magistracy." According to
the historian, whose doubtful narrative the President De Montesquieu has
adopted, Philip, who, during the whole transaction, had preserved a
sullen silence, was inclined to spare the innocent life of his
benefactor; till, recollecting that his innocence might excite a
dangerous compassion in the Roman world, he commanded, without regard to
his suppliant cries, that he should be seized, stripped, and led away to
instant death. After a moment's pause, the inhuman sentence was
executed. [55]

[Footnote 55: The Augustan History (p. 163, 164) cannot, in this
instance, be reconciled with itself or with probability. How could
Philip condemn his predecessor, and yet consecrate his memory? How could
he order his public execution, and yet, in his letters to the senate,
exculpate himself from the guilt of his death? Philip, though an
ambitious usurper, was by no means a mad tyrant. Some chronological
difficulties have likewise been discovered by the nice eyes of Tillemont
and Muratori, in this supposed association of Philip to the empire. *
Note: Wenck endeavors to reconcile these discrepancies. He supposes
that Gordian was led away, and died a natural death in prison. This is
directly contrary to the statement of Capitolinus and of Zosimus,
whom he adduces in support of his theory. He is more successful in
his precedents of usurpers deifying the victims of their ambition. Sit
divus, dummodo non sit vivus.--M.]




Chapter VII: Tyranny Of Maximin, Rebellion, Civil Wars, Death Of Maximin.--Part III.

On his return from the East to Rome, Philip, desirous of obliterating
the memory of his crimes, and of captivating the affections of
the people, solemnized the secular games with infinite pomp and
magnificence. Since their institution or revival by Augustus, [56] they
had been celebrated by Claudius, by Domitian, and by Severus, and were
now renewed the fifth time, on the accomplishment of the full period of
a thousand years from the foundation of Rome. Every circumstance of the
secular games was skillfully adapted to inspire the superstitious mind
with deep and solemn reverence. The long interval between them [57]
exceeded the term of human life; and as none of the spectators had
already seen them, none could flatter themselves with the expectation
of beholding them a second time. The mystic sacrifices were performed,
during three nights, on the banks of the Tyber; and the Campus Martius
resounded with music and dances, and was illuminated with innumerable
lamps and torches. Slaves and strangers were excluded from any
participation in these national ceremonies. A chorus of twenty-seven
youths, and as many virgins, of noble families, and whose parents were
both alive, implored the propitious gods in favor of the present, and
for the hope of the rising generation; requesting, in religious hymns,
that according to the faith of their ancient oracles, they would still
maintain the virtue, the felicity, and the empire of the Roman people.
[58] The magnificence of Philip's shows and entertainments dazzled
the eyes of the multitude. The devout were employed in the rites of
superstition, whilst the reflecting few revolved in their anxious minds
the past history and the future fate of the empire.[58]

[Footnote 56: The account of the last supposed celebration, though in
an enlightened period of history, was so very doubtful and obscure, that
the alternative seems not doubtful. When the popish jubilees, the copy
of the secular games, were invented by Boniface VII., the crafty pope
pretended that he only revived an ancient institution. See M. le Chais,
Lettres sur les Jubiles.]

[Footnote 57: Either of a hundred or a hundred and ten years. Varro and
Livy adopted the former opinion, but the infallible authority of the
Sybil consecrated the latter, (Censorinus de Die Natal. c. 17.) The
emperors Claudius and Philip, however, did not treat the oracle with
implicit respect.]

[Footnote 58: The idea of the secular games is best understood from the
poem of Horace, and the description of Zosimus, 1. l. ii. p. 167, &c.]
Since Romulus, with a small band of shepherds and outlaws, fortified
himself on the hills near the Tyber, ten centuries had already elapsed.
[59] During the four first ages, the Romans, in the laborious school of
poverty, had acquired the virtues of war and government: by the vigorous
exertion of those virtues, and by the assistance of fortune, they had
obtained, in the course of the three succeeding centuries, an absolute
empire over many countries of Europe, Asia, and Africa. The last three
hundred years had been consumed in apparent prosperity and internal
decline. The nation of soldiers, magistrates, and legislators, who
composed the thirty-five tribes of the Roman people, were dissolved into
the common mass of mankind, and confounded with the millions of servile
provincials, who had received the name, without adopting the spirit, of
Romans. A mercenary army, levied among the subjects and barbarians of
the frontier, was the only order of men who preserved and abused their
independence. By their tumultuary election, a Syrian, a Goth, or an
Arab, was exalted to the throne of Rome, and invested with despotic
power over the conquests and over the country of the Scipios.

[Footnote 59: The received calculation of Varro assigns to the
foundation of Rome an aera that corresponds with the 754th year before
Christ. But so little is the chronology of Rome to be depended on, in
the more early ages, that Sir Isaac Newton has brought the same event as
low as the year 627 (Compare Niebuhr vol. i. p. 271.--M.)]

The limits of the Roman empire still extended from the Western Ocean
to the Tigris, and from Mount Atlas to the Rhine and the Danube. To
the undiscerning eye of the vulgar, Philip appeared a monarch no less
powerful than Hadrian or Augustus had formerly been. The form was still
the same, but the animating health and vigor were fled. The industry of
the people was discouraged and exhausted by a long series of oppression.
The discipline of the legions, which alone, after the extinction
of every other virtue, had propped the greatness of the state, was
corrupted by the ambition, or relaxed by the weakness, of the emperors.
The strength of the frontiers, which had always consisted in arms rather
than in fortifications, was insensibly undermined; and the fairest
provinces were left exposed to the rapaciousness or ambition of the
barbarians, who soon discovered the decline of the Roman empire.




Chapter VIII: State Of Persia And Restoration Of The Monarchy.--Part I.

     Of The State Of Persia After The Restoration Of The Monarchy
     By Artaxerxes.

Whenever Tacitus indulges himself in those beautiful episodes, in which
he relates some domestic transaction of the Germans or of the Parthians,
his principal object is to relieve the attention of the reader from a
uniform scene of vice and misery. From the reign of Augustus to the time
of Alexander Severus, the enemies of Rome were in her bosom--the tyrants
and the soldiers; and her prosperity had a very distant and feeble
interest in the revolutions that might happen beyond the Rhine and the
Euphrates. But when the military order had levelled, in wild anarchy,
the power of the prince, the laws of the senate, and even the discipline
of the camp, the barbarians of the North and of the East, who had long
hovered on the frontier, boldly attacked the provinces of a declining
monarchy. Their vexatious inroads were changed into formidable
irruptions, and, after a long vicissitude of mutual calamities,
many tribes of the victorious invaders established themselves in the
provinces of the Roman Empire. To obtain a clearer knowledge of
these great events, we shall endeavor to form a previous idea of the
character, forces, and designs of those nations who avenged the cause of
Hannibal and Mithridates.

In the more early ages of the world, whilst the forest that covered
Europe afforded a retreat to a few wandering savages, the inhabitants
of Asia were already collected into populous cities, and reduced under
extensive empires, the seat of the arts, of luxury, and of despotism.
The Assyrians reigned over the East, [1] till the sceptre of Ninus and
Semiramis dropped from the hands of their enervated successors. The
Medes and the Babylonians divided their power, and were themselves
swallowed up in the monarchy of the Persians, whose arms could not be
confined within the narrow limits of Asia. Followed, as it is said, by
two millions of men, Xerxes, the descendant of Cyrus, invaded Greece.

Thirty thousand soldiers, under the command of Alexander, the son of
Philip, who was intrusted by the Greeks with their glory and revenge,
were sufficient to subdue Persia. The princes of the house of Seleucus
usurped and lost the Macedonian command over the East. About the same
time, that, by an ignominious treaty, they resigned to the Romans the
country on this side Mount Tarus, they were driven by the Parthians,
[1001] an obscure horde of Scythian origin, from all the provinces of Upper
Asia. The formidable power of the Parthians, which spread from India
to the frontiers of Syria, was in its turn subverted by Ardshir, or
Artaxerxes; the founder of a new dynasty, which, under the name of
Sassanides, governed Persia till the invasion of the Arabs. This great
revolution, whose fatal influence was soon experienced by the Romans,
happened in the fourth year of Alexander Severus, two hundred and
twenty-six years after the Christian era. [2] [201]

[Footnote 1: An ancient chronologist, quoted by Valleius Paterculus, (l.
i. c. 6,) observes, that the Assyrians, the Medes, the Persians, and the
Macedonians, reigned over Asia one thousand nine hundred and ninety-five
years, from the accession of Ninus to the defeat of Antiochus by the
Romans. As the latter of these great events happened 289 years before
Christ, the former may be placed 2184 years before the same aera. The
Astronomical Observations, found at Babylon, by Alexander, went fifty
years higher.]

[Footnote 1001: The Parthians were a tribe of the Indo-Germanic branch
which dwelt on the south-east of the Caspian, and belonged to the same
race as the Getae, the Massagetae, and other nations, confounded by the
ancients under the vague denomination of Scythians. Klaproth, Tableaux
Hist. d l'Asie, p. 40. Strabo (p. 747) calls the Parthians Carduchi,
i.e., the inhabitants of Curdistan.--M.]

[Footnote 2: In the five hundred and thirty-eighth year of the aera
of Seleucus. See Agathias, l. ii. p. 63. This great event (such is the
carelessness of the Orientals) is placed by Eutychius as high as the
tenth year of Commodus, and by Moses of Chorene as low as the reign
of Philip. Ammianus Marcellinus has so servilely copied (xxiii. 6) his
ancient materials, which are indeed very good, that he describes the
family of the Arsacides as still seated on the Persian throne in the
middle of the fourth century.]

[Footnote 201: The Persian History, if the poetry of the Shah Nameh, the
Book of Kings, may deserve that name mentions four dynasties from the
earliest ages to the invasion of the Saracens. The Shah Nameh was
composed with the view of perpetuating the remains of the original
Persian records or traditions which had survived the Saracenic invasion.
The task was undertaken by the poet Dukiki, and afterwards, under the
patronage of Mahmood of Ghazni, completed by Ferdusi. The first of these
dynasties is that of Kaiomors, as Sir W. Jones observes, the dark and
fabulous period; the second, that of the Kaianian, the heroic and
poetical, in which the earned have discovered some curious, and imagined
some fanciful, analogies with the Jewish, the Greek, and the Roman
accounts of the eastern world. See, on the Shah Nameh, Translation by
Goerres, with Von Hammer's Review, Vienna Jahrbuch von Lit. 17, 75, 77.
Malcolm's Persia, 8vo. ed. i. 503. Macan's Preface to his Critical
Edition of the Shah Nameh. On the early Persian History, a very sensible
abstract of various opinions in Malcolm's Hist. of Persian.--M.]

Artaxerxes had served with great reputation in the armies of Artaban,
the last king of the Parthians, and it appears that he was driven into
exile and rebellion by royal ingratitude, the customary reward for
superior merit. His birth was obscure, and the obscurity equally
gave room to the aspersions of his enemies, and the flattery of his
adherents. If we credit the scandal of the former, Artaxerxes sprang
from the illegitimate commerce of a tanner's wife with a common soldier.
[3] The latter represent him as descended from a branch of the ancient
kings of Persian, though time and misfortune had gradually reduced his
ancestors to the humble station of private citizens. [4] As the
lineal heir of the monarchy, he asserted his right to the throne, and
challenged the noble task of delivering the Persians from the oppression
under which they groaned above five centuries since the death of Darius.
The Parthians were defeated in three great battles. [401] In the last of
these their king Artaban was slain, and the spirit of the nation was
forever broken. [5] The authority of Artaxerxes was solemnly acknowledged
in a great assembly held at Balch in Khorasan. [501] Two younger branches
of the royal house of Arsaces were confounded among the prostrate
satraps. A third, more mindful of ancient grandeur than of present
necessity, attempted to retire, with a numerous train of vessels,
towards their kinsman, the king of Armenia; but this little army
of deserters was intercepted, and cut off, by the vigilance of the
conqueror, [6] who boldly assumed the double diadem, and the title of
King of Kings, which had been enjoyed by his predecessor. But these
pompous titles, instead of gratifying the vanity of the Persian, served
only to admonish him of his duty, and to inflame in his soul and should
the ambition of restoring in their full splendor, the religion and
empire of Cyrus.

[Footnote 3: The tanner's name was Babec; the soldier's, Sassan: from
the former Artaxerxes obtained the surname of Babegan, from the latter
all his descendants have been styled Sassanides.]

[Footnote 4: D'Herbelot, Bibliotheque Orientale, Ardshir.]

[Footnote 401: In the plain of Hoormuz, the son of Babek was hailed in
the field with the proud title of Shahan Shah, king of kings--a name
ever since assumed by the sovereigns of Persia. Malcolm, i. 71.--M.]

[Footnote 5: Dion Cassius, l. lxxx. Herodian, l. vi. p. 207.
Abulpharagins Dynast. p. 80.]

[Footnote 501: See the Persian account of the rise of Ardeschir Babegan
in Malcolm l 69.--M.]

[Footnote 6: See Moses Chorenensis, l. ii. c. 65--71.]


I. During the long servitude of Persia under the Macedonian and the
Parthian yoke, the nations of Europe and Asia had mutually adopted and
corrupted each other's superstitions. The Arsacides, indeed, practised
the worship of the Magi; but they disgraced and polluted it with a
various mixture of foreign idolatry. [601] The memory of Zoroaster, the
ancient prophet and philosopher of the Persians, [7] was still revered
in the East; but the obsolete and mysterious language, in which the
Zendavesta was composed, [8] opened a field of dispute to seventy sects,
who variously explained the fundamental doctrines of their religion, and
were all indifferently devided by a crowd of infidels, who rejected the
divine mission and miracles of the prophet. To suppress the idolaters,
reunite the schismatics, and confute the unbelievers, by the infallible
decision of a general council, the pious Artaxerxes summoned the Magi
from all parts of his dominions. These priests, who had so long sighed
in contempt and obscurity obeyed the welcome summons; and, on the
appointed day, appeared, to the number of about eighty thousand. But as
the debates of so tumultuous an assembly could not have been directed by
the authority of reason, or influenced by the art of policy, the Persian
synod was reduced, by successive operations, to forty thousand, to four
thousand, to four hundred, to forty, and at last to seven Magi, the
most respected for their learning and piety. One of these, Erdaviraph,
a young but holy prelate, received from the hands of his brethren three
cups of soporiferous wine. He drank them off, and instantly fell into a
long and profound sleep. As soon as he waked, he related to the king
and to the believing multitude, his journey to heaven, and his
intimate conferences with the Deity. Every doubt was silenced by this
supernatural evidence; and the articles of the faith of Zoroaster were
fixed with equal authority and precision. [9] A short delineation of
that celebrated system will be found useful, not only to display the
character of the Persian nation, but to illustrate many of their most
important transactions, both in peace and war, with the Roman empire.
[10]

[Footnote 601: Silvestre de Sacy (Antiquites de la Perse) had proved
the neglect of the Zoroastrian religion under the Parthian kings.--M.]

[Footnote 7: Hyde and Prideaux, working up the Persian legends and their
own conjectures into a very agreeable story, represent Zoroaster as a
contemporary of Darius Hystaspes. But it is sufficient to observe, that
the Greek writers, who lived almost in the age of Darius, agree in
placing the aera of Zoroaster many hundred, or even thousand, years
before their own time. The judicious criticisms of Mr. Moyle perceived,
and maintained against his uncle, Dr. Prideaux, the antiquity of the
Persian prophet. See his work, vol. ii. * Note: There are three leading
theories concerning the age of Zoroaster: 1. That which assigns him to
an age of great and almost indefinite antiquity--it is that of Moyle,
adopted by Gibbon, Volney, Recherches sur l'Histoire, ii. 2. Rhode,
also, (die Heilige Sage, &c.,) in a very ingenious and ably-developed
theory, throws the Bactrian prophet far back into antiquity 2. Foucher,
(Mem. de l'Acad. xxvii. 253,) Tychsen, (in Com. Soc. Gott. ii. 112),
Heeren, (ldeen. i. 459,) and recently Holty, identify the Gushtasp of
the Persian mythological history with Cyaxares the First, the king of
the Medes, and consider the religion to be Median in its origin. M.
Guizot considers this opinion most probable, note in loc. 3. Hyde,
Prideaux, Anquetil du Perron, Kleuker, Herder, Goerres,
(Mythen-Geschichte,) Von Hammer. (Wien. Jahrbuch, vol. ix.,) Malcolm,
(i. 528,) De Guigniaut, (Relig. de l'Antiq. 2d part, vol. iii.,)
Klaproth, (Tableaux de l'Asie, p. 21,) make Gushtasp Darius Hystaspes,
and Zoroaster his contemporary. The silence of Herodotus appears the
great objection to this theory. Some writers, as M. Foucher (resting, as
M. Guizot observes, on the doubtful authority of Pliny,) make more than
one Zoroaster, and so attempt to reconcile the conflicting theories.--
M.]

[Footnote 8: That ancient idiom was called the Zend. The language of the
commentary, the Pehlvi, though much more modern, has ceased many ages
ago to be a living tongue. This fact alone (if it is allowed as
authentic) sufficiently warrants the antiquity of those writings which M
d'Anquetil has brought into Europe, and translated into French. * Note:
Zend signifies life, living. The word means, either the collection of
the canonical books of the followers of Zoroaster, or the language
itself in which they are written. They are the books that contain the
word of life whether the language was originally called Zend, or whether
it was so called from the contents of the books. Avesta means word,
oracle, revelation: this term is not the title of a particular work, but
of the collection of the books of Zoroaster, as the revelation of
Ormuzd. This collection is sometimes called Zendavesta, sometimes
briefly Zend. The Zend was the ancient language of Media, as is proved
by its affinity with the dialects of Armenia and Georgia; it was already
a dead language under the Arsacides in the country which was the scene
of the events recorded in the Zendavesta. Some critics, among others
Richardson and Sir W. Jones, have called in question the antiquity of
these books. The former pretended that Zend had never been a written or
spoken language, but had been invented in the later times by the Magi,
for the purposes of their art; but Kleuker, in the dissertations which
he added to those of Anquetil and the Abbe Foucher, has proved that the
Zend was a living and spoken language.--G. Sir W. Jones appears to have
abandoned his doubts, on discovering the affinity between the Zend and
the Sanskrit. Since the time of Kleuker, this question has been
investigated by many learned scholars. Sir W. Jones, Leyden, (Asiat.
Research. x. 283,) and Mr. Erskine, (Bombay Trans. ii. 299,) consider it
a derivative from the Sanskrit. The antiquity of the Zendavesta has
likewise been asserted by Rask, the great Danish linguist, who,
according to Malcolm, brought back from the East fresh transcripts and
additions to those published by Anquetil. According to Rask, the Zend
and Sanskrit are sister dialects; the one the parent of the Persian, the
other of the Indian family of languages.--G. and M.----But the subject
is more satisfactorily illustrated in Bopp's comparative Grammar of the
Sanscrit, Zend, Greek, Latin, Lithuanian, Gothic, and German languages.
Berlin. 1833-5. According to Bopp, the Zend is, in some respects, of a
more remarkable structure than the Sanskrit. Parts of the Zendavesta
have been published in the original, by M. Bournouf, at Paris, and M.
Ol. shausen, in Hamburg.--M.----The Pehlvi was the language of the
countries bordering on Assyria, and probably of Assyria itself. Pehlvi
signifies valor, heroism; the Pehlvi, therefore, was the language of the
ancient heroes and kings of Persia, the valiant. (Mr. Erskine prefers
the derivation from Pehla, a border.--M.) It contains a number of
Aramaic roots. Anquetil considered it formed from the Zend. Kleuker does
not adopt this opinion. The Pehlvi, he says, is much more flowing, and
less overcharged with vowels, than the Zend. The books of Zoroaster,
first written in Zend, were afterwards translated into Pehlvi and Parsi.
The Pehlvi had fallen into disuse under the dynasty of the Sassanides,
but the learned still wrote it. The Parsi, the dialect of Pars or
Farristan, was then prevailing dialect. Kleuker, Anhang zum Zend Avesta,
2, ii. part i. p. 158, part ii. 31.--G.----Mr. Erskine (Bombay
Transactions) considers the existing Zendavesta to have been compiled in
the time of Ardeschir Babegan.--M.]

[Footnote 9: Hyde de Religione veterum Pers. c. 21.]

[Footnote 10: I have principally drawn this account from the Zendavesta
of M. d'Anquetil, and the Sadder, subjoined to Dr. Hyde's treatise. It
must, however, be confessed, that the studied obscurity of a prophet,
the figurative style of the East, and the deceitful medium of a French
or Latin version may have betrayed us into error and heresy, in this
abridgment of Persian theology. * Note: It is to be regretted that
Gibbon followed the post-Mahometan Sadder of Hyde.--M.]

The great and fundamental article of the system, was the celebrated
doctrine of the two principles; a bold and injudicious attempt of
Eastern philosophy to reconcile the existence of moral and physical evil
with the attributes of a beneficent Creator and Governor of the world.
The first and original Being, in whom, or by whom, the universe exists,
is denominated in the writings of Zoroaster, Time without bounds; [1001]
but it must be confessed, that this infinite substance seems rather a
metaphysical, abstraction of the mind, than a real object endowed with
self-consciousness, or possessed of moral perfections. From either the
blind or the intelligent operation of this infinite Time, which bears
but too near an affinity with the chaos of the Greeks, the two secondary
but active principles of the universe, were from all eternity produced,
Ormusd and Ahriman, each of them possessed of the powers of creation,
but each disposed, by his invariable nature, to exercise them with
different designs. [1002] The principle of good is eternally aborbed in
light; the principle of evil eternally buried in darkness. The wise
benevolence of Ormusd formed man capable of virtue, and abundantly
provided his fair habitation with the materials of happiness. By
his vigilant providence, the motion of the planets, the order of the
seasons, and the temperate mixture of the elements, are preserved. But
the malice of Ahriman has long since pierced Ormusd's egg; or, in other
words, has violated the harmony of his works. Since that fatal eruption,
the most minute articles of good and evil are intimately intermingled
and agitated together; the rankest poisons spring up amidst the most
salutary plants; deluges, earthquakes, and conflagrations attest the
conflict of Nature, and the little world of man is perpetually shaken by
vice and misfortune. Whilst the rest of human kind are led away captives
in the chains of their infernal enemy, the faithful Persian alone
reserves his religious adoration for his friend and protector Ormusd,
and fights under his banner of light, in the full confidence that he
shall, in the last day, share the glory of his triumph. At that decisive
period, the enlightened wisdom of goodness will render the power of
Ormusd superior to the furious malice of his rival. Ahriman and his
followers, disarmed and subdued, will sink into their native darkness;
and virtue will maintain the eternal peace and harmony of the universe.
[11] [1101]

[Footnote 1001: Zeruane Akerene, so translated by Anquetil and Kleuker.
There is a dissertation of Foucher on this subject, Mem. de l'Acad. des
Inscr. t. xxix. According to Bohlen (das alte Indien) it is the Sanskrit
Sarvan Akaranam, the Uncreated Whole; or, according to Fred. Schlegel,
Sarvan Akharyam the Uncreate Indivisible.--M.]

[Footnote 1002: This is an error. Ahriman was not forced by his invariable
nature to do evil; the Zendavesta expressly recognizes (see the
Izeschne) that he was born good, that in his origin he was light; envy
rendered him evil; he became jealous of the power and attributes
of Ormuzd; then light was changed into darkness, and Ahriman was
precipitated into the abyss. See the Abridgment of the Doctrine of the
Ancient Persians, by Anquetil, c. ii Section 2.--G.]

[Footnote 11: The modern Parsees (and in some degree the Sadder) exalt
Ormusd into the first and omnipotent cause, whilst they degrade Ahriman
into an inferior but rebellious spirit. Their desire of pleasing the
Mahometans may have contributed to refine their theological systems.]

[Footnote 1101: According to the Zendavesta, Ahriman will not be
annihilated or precipitated forever into darkness: at the resurrection
of the dead he will be entirely defeated by Ormuzd, his power will be
destroyed, his kingdom overthrown to its foundations, he will himself be
purified in torrents of melting metal; he will change his heart and his
will, become holy, heavenly establish in his dominions the law and word
of Ormuzd, unite himself with him in everlasting friendship, and
both will sing hymns in honor of the Great Eternal. See Anquetil's
Abridgment. Kleuker, Anhang part iii. p 85, 36; and the Izeschne, one of
the books of the Zendavesta. According to the Sadder Bun-Dehesch, a more
modern work, Ahriman is to be annihilated: but this is contrary to the
text itself of the Zendavesta, and to the idea its author gives of the
kingdom of Eternity, after the twelve thousand years assigned to the
contest between Good and Evil.--G.]




Chapter VIII: State Of Persia And Restoration Of The Monarchy.--Part II.

The theology of Zoroaster was darkly comprehended by foreigners, and
even by the far greater number of his disciples; but the most careless
observers were struck with the philosophic simplicity of the Persian
worship. "That people," said Herodotus, [12] "rejects the use of temples,
of altars, and of statues, and smiles at the folly of those nations who
imagine that the gods are sprung from, or bear any affinity with, the
human nature. The tops of the highest mountains are the places chosen
for sacrifices. Hymns and prayers are the principal worship; the Supreme
God, who fills the wide circle of heaven, is the object to whom they are
addressed." Yet, at the same time, in the true spirit of a polytheist,
he accuseth them of adoring Earth, Water, Fire, the Winds, and the Sun
and Moon. But the Persians of every age have denied the charge, and
explained the equivocal conduct, which might appear to give a color to
it. The elements, and more particularly Fire, Light, and the Sun, whom
they called Mithra, [1201] were the objects of their religious reverence,
because they considered them as the purest symbols, the noblest
productions, and the most powerful agents of the Divine Power and
Nature. [13]

[Footnote 12: Herodotus, l. i. c. 131. But Dr. Prideaux
thinks, with reason, that the use of temples was afterwards permitted
in the Magian religion. Note: The Pyraea, or fire temples of the
Zoroastrians, (observes Kleuker, Persica, p. 16,) were only to be
found in Media or Aderbidjan, provinces into which Herodotus did not
penetrate.--M.]

[Footnote 1201: Among the Persians Mithra is not the Sun: Anquetil has
contested and triumphantly refuted the opinion of those who confound
them, and it is evidently contrary to the text of the Zendavesta. Mithra
is the first of the genii, or jzeds, created by Ormuzd; it is he who
watches over all nature. Hence arose the misapprehension of some of the
Greeks, who have said that Mithra was the summus deus of the Persians:
he has a thousand ears and ten thousand eyes. The Chaldeans appear to
have assigned him a higher rank than the Persians. It is he who bestows
upon the earth the light of the sun. The sun. named Khor, (brightness,)
is thus an inferior genius, who, with many other genii, bears a part
in the functions of Mithra. These assistant genii to another genius are
called his kamkars; but in the Zendavesta they are never confounded. On
the days sacred to a particular genius, the Persian ought to recite, not
only the prayers addressed to him, but those also which are addressed to
his kamkars; thus the hymn or iescht of Mithra is recited on the day of
the sun, (Khor,) and vice versa. It is probably this which has sometimes
caused them to be confounded; but Anquetil had himself exposed this
error, which Kleuker, and all who have studied the Zendavesta, have
noticed. See viii. Diss. of Anquetil. Kleuker's Anhang, part iii. p.
132.--G. M. Guizot is unquestionably right, according to the pure
and original doctrine of the Zend. The Mithriac worship, which was so
extensively propagated in the West, and in which Mithra and the sun
were perpetually confounded, seems to have been formed from a fusion
of Zoroastrianism and Chaldaism, or the Syrian worship of the sun. An
excellent abstract of the question, with references to the works of
the chief modern writers on his curious subject, De Sacy, Kleuker, Von
Hammer, &c., may be found in De Guigniaut's translation of Kreuzer.
Relig. d'Antiquite, notes viii. ix. to book ii. vol. i. 2d part, page
728.--M.]

[Footnote 13: Hyde de Relig. Pers. c. 8. Notwithstanding all their
distinctions and protestations, which seem sincere enough, their
tyrants, the Mahometans, have constantly stigmatized them as idolatrous
worshippers of the fire.]

Every mode of religion, to make a deep and lasting impression on the
human mind, must exercise our obedience, by enjoining practices of
devotion, for which we can assign no reason; and must acquire our
esteem, by inculcating moral duties analogous to the dictates of our
own hearts. The religion of Zoroaster was abundantly provided with the
former and possessed a sufficient portion of the latter. At the age of
puberty, the faithful Persian was invested with a mysterious girdle, the
badge of the divine protection; and from that moment all the actions
of his life, even the most indifferent, or the most necessary, were
sanctified by their peculiar prayers, ejaculations, or genuflections;
the omission of which, under any circumstances, was a grievous sin,
not inferior in guilt to the violation of the moral duties. The moral
duties, however, of justice, mercy, liberality, &c., were in their
turn required of the disciple of Zoroaster, who wished to escape the
persecution of Ahriman, and to live with Ormusd in a blissful eternity,
where the degree of felicity will be exactly proportioned to the degree
of virtue and piety. [14]

[Footnote 14: See the Sadder, the smallest part of which consists of
moral precepts. The ceremonies enjoined are infinite and trifling.
Fifteen genuflections, prayers, &c., were required whenever the devout
Persian cut his nails or made water; or as often as he put on the sacred
girdle Sadder, Art. 14, 50, 60. * Note: Zoroaster exacted much less
ceremonial observance, than at a later period, the priests of his
doctrines. This is the progress of all religions the worship, simple in
its origin, is gradually overloaded with minute superstitions. The maxim
of the Zendavesta, on the relative merit of sowing the earth and of
prayers, quoted below by Gibbon, proves that Zoroaster did not attach
too much importance to these observances. Thus it is not from the
Zendavesta that Gibbon derives the proof of his allegation, but from the
Sadder, a much later work.--G]

But there are some remarkable instances in which Zoroaster lays aside
the prophet, assumes the legislator, and discovers a liberal concern for
private and public happiness, seldom to be found among the grovelling
or visionary schemes of superstition. Fasting and celibacy, the common
means of purchasing the divine favor, he condemns with abhorrence, as
a criminal rejection of the best gifts of Providence. The saint, in the
Magian religion, is obliged to beget children, to plant useful trees, to
destroy noxious animals, to convey water to the dry lands of Persia, and
to work out his salvation by pursuing all the labors of agriculture.
[1401] We may quote from the Zendavesta a wise and benevolent maxim, which
compensates for many an absurdity. "He who sows the ground with care and
diligence acquires a greater stock of religious merit than he could gain
by the repetition of ten thousand prayers." [15] In the spring of every
year a festival was celebrated, destined to represent the primitive
equality, and the present connection, of mankind. The stately kings of
Persia, exchanging their vain pomp for more genuine greatness, freely
mingled with the humblest but most useful of their subjects. On that day
the husbandmen were admitted, without distinction, to the table of the
king and his satraps. The monarch accepted their petitions, inquired
into their grievances, and conversed with them on the most equal terms.
"From your labors," was he accustomed to say, (and to say with truth, if
not with sincerity,) "from your labors we receive our subsistence; you
derive your tranquillity from our vigilance: since, therefore, we are
mutually necessary to each other, let us live together like brothers in
concord and love." [16] Such a festival must indeed have degenerated, in
a wealthy and despotic empire, into a theatrical representation; but it
was at least a comedy well worthy of a royal audience, and which might
sometimes imprint a salutary lesson on the mind of a young prince.

[Footnote 1401: See, on Zoroaster's encouragement of agriculture, the
ingenious remarks of Heeren, Ideen, vol. i. p. 449, &c., and Rhode,
Heilige Sage, p. 517--M.]

[Footnote 15: Zendavesta, tom. i. p. 224, and Precis du Systeme de
Zoroastre, tom. iii.]

[Footnote 16: Hyde de Religione Persarum, c. 19.]

Had Zoroaster, in all his institutions, invariably supported this
exalted character, his name would deserve a place with those of Numa and
Confucius, and his system would be justly entitled to all the applause,
which it has pleased some of our divines, and even some of our
philosophers, to bestow on it. But in that motley composition, dictated
by reason and passion, by enthusiasm and by selfish motives, some useful
and sublime truths were disgraced by a mixture of the most abject and
dangerous superstition. The Magi, or sacerdotal order, were extremely
numerous, since, as we have already seen, fourscore thousand of them
were convened in a general council. Their forces were multiplied by
discipline. A regular hierarchy was diffused through all the provinces
of Persia; and the Archimagus, who resided at Balch, was respected as
the visible head of the church, and the lawful successor of Zoroaster.
[17] The property of the Magi was very considerable. Besides the less
invidious possession of a large tract of the most fertile lands of
Media, [18] they levied a general tax on the fortunes and the industry of
the Persians. [19] "Though your good works," says the interested prophet,
"exceed in number the leaves of the trees, the drops of rain, the
stars in the heaven, or the sands on the sea-shore, they will all be
unprofitable to you, unless they are accepted by the destour, or
priest. To obtain the acceptation of this guide to salvation, you must
faithfully pay him tithes of all you possess, of your goods, of your
lands, and of your money. If the destour be satisfied, your soul will
escape hell tortures; you will secure praise in this world and happiness
in the next. For the destours are the teachers of religion; they know
all things, and they deliver all men." [20] [201]

[Footnote 17: Hyde de Religione Persarum, c. 28. Both Hyde and Prideaux
affect to apply to the Magian the terms consecrated to the Christian
hierarchy.]

[Footnote 18: Ammian. Marcellin. xxiii. 6. He informs us (as far as we
may credit him) of two curious particulars: 1. That the Magi derived
some of their most secret doctrines from the Indian Brachmans; and 2.
That they were a tribe, or family, as well as order.]

[Footnote 19: The divine institution of tithes exhibits a singular
instance of conformity between the law of Zoroaster and that of Moses.
Those who cannot otherwise account for it, may suppose, if they please
that the Magi of the latter times inserted so useful an interpolation
into the writings of their prophet.]

[Footnote 20: Sadder, Art. viii.]

[Footnote 201: The passage quoted by Gibbon is not taken from the writings
of Zoroaster, but from the Sadder, a work, as has been before said, much
later than the books which form the Zendavesta. and written by a Magus
for popular use; what it contains, therefore, cannot be attributed to
Zoroaster. It is remarkable that Gibbon should fall into this error, for
Hyde himself does not ascribe the Sadder to Zoroaster; he remarks that
it is written inverse, while Zoroaster always wrote in prose. Hyde, i.
p. 27. Whatever may be the case as to the latter assertion, for which
there appears little foundation, it is unquestionable that the Sadder is
of much later date. The Abbe Foucher does not even believe it to be an
extract from the works of Zoroaster. See his Diss. before quoted. Mem.
de l'Acad. des Ins. t. xxvii.--G. Perhaps it is rash to speak of any
part of the Zendavesta as the writing of Zoroaster, though it may be
a genuine representation of his. As to the Sadder, Hyde (in Praef.)
considered it not above 200 years old. It is manifestly post-Mahometan.
See Art. xxv. on fasting.--M.]

These convenient maxims of reverence and implicit were doubtless
imprinted with care on the tender minds of youth; since the Magi were
the masters of education in Persia, and to their hands the children even
of the royal family were intrusted. [21] The Persian priests, who were of
a speculative genius, preserved and investigated the secrets of Oriental
philosophy; and acquired, either by superior knowledge, or superior art,
the reputation of being well versed in some occult sciences, which
have derived their appellation from the Magi. [22] Those of more active
dispositions mixed with the world in courts and cities; and it is
observed, that the administration of Artaxerxes was in a great measure
directed by the counsels of the sacerdotal order, whose dignity, either
from policy or devotion, that prince restored to its ancient splendor.
[23]

[Footnote 21: Plato in Alcibiad.]

[Footnote 22: Pliny (Hist. Natur. l. xxx. c. 1) observes, that magic
held mankind by the triple chain of religion, of physic, and of
astronomy.]

[Footnote 23: Agathias, l. iv. p. 134.]

The first counsel of the Magi was agreeable to the unsociable genius of
their faith, [24] to the practice of ancient kings, [25] and even to
the example of their legislator, who had a victim to a religious war,
excited by his own intolerant zeal. [26] By an edict of Artaxerxes,
the exercise of every worship, except that of Zoroaster, was severely
prohibited. The temples of the Parthians, and the statues of their
deified monarchs, were thrown down with ignominy. [27] The sword of
Aristotle (such was the name given by the Orientals to the polytheism
and philosophy of the Greeks) was easily broken; [28] the flames of
persecution soon reached the more stubborn Jews and Christians; [29]
nor did they spare the heretics of their own nation and religion. The
majesty of Ormusd, who was jealous of a rival, was seconded by
the despotism of Artaxerxes, who could not suffer a rebel; and
the schismatics within his vast empire were soon reduced to the
inconsiderable number of eighty thousand. [30] [301] This spirit of
persecution reflects dishonor on the religion of Zoroaster; but as it
was not productive of any civil commotion, it served to strengthen the
new monarchy, by uniting all the various inhabitants of Persia in the
bands of religious zeal. [302]

[Footnote 24: Mr. Hume, in the Natural History of Religion, sagaciously
remarks, that the most refined and philosophic sects are constantly the
most intolerant. * Note: Hume's comparison is rather between theism and polytheism. In
India, in Greece, and in modern Europe, philosophic religion has
looked down with contemptuous toleration on the superstitions of the
vulgar.--M.]

[Footnote 25: Cicero de Legibus, ii. 10. Xerxes, by the advice of the
Magi, destroyed the temples of Greece.]

[Footnote 26: Hyde de Relig. Persar. c. 23, 24. D'Herbelot, Bibliotheque
Orientale, Zurdusht. Life of Zoroaster in tom. ii. of the Zendavesta.]

[Footnote 27: Compare Moses of Chorene, l. ii. c. 74, with Ammian.
Marcel lin. xxiii. 6. Hereafter I shall make use of these passages.]

[Footnote 28: Rabbi Abraham, in the Tarikh Schickard, p. 108, 109.]

[Footnote 29: Basnage, Histoire des Juifs, l. viii. c. 3. Sozomen, l.
ii. c. 1 Manes, who suffered an ignominious death, may be deemed a
Magian as well as a Christian heretic.]

[Footnote 30: Hyde de Religione Persar. c. 21.]

[Footnote 301: It is incorrect to attribute these persecutions to
Artaxerxes. The Jews were held in honor by him, and their schools
flourished during his reign. Compare Jost, Geschichte der Israeliter, b.
xv. 5, with Basnage. Sapor was forced by the people to temporary
severities; but their real persecution did not begin till the reigns of
Yezdigerd and Kobad. Hist. of Jews, iii. 236. According to Sozomen, i.
viii., Sapor first persecuted the Christians. Manes was put to death by
Varanes the First, A. D. 277. Beausobre, Hist. de Man. i. 209.--M.]

[Footnote 302: In the testament of Ardischer in Ferdusi, the poet assigns
these sentiments to the dying king, as he addresses his son: Never
forget that as a king, you are at once the protector of religion and
of your country. Consider the altar and the throne as inseparable; they
must always sustain each other. Malcolm's Persia. i. 74--M]


II. Artaxerxes, by his valor and conduct, had wrested the sceptre of the
East from the ancient royal family of Parthia. There still remained
the more difficult task of establishing, throughout the vast extent of
Persia, a uniform and vigorous administration. The weak indulgence of
the Arsacides had resigned to their sons and brothers the principal
provinces, and the greatest offices of the kingdom in the nature of
hereditary possessions. The vitaxoe, or eighteen most powerful satraps,
were permitted to assume the regal title; and the vain pride of the
monarch was delighted with a nominal dominion over so many vassal kings.
Even tribes of barbarians in their mountains, and the Greek cities of
Upper Asia, [31] within their walls, scarcely acknowledged, or seldom
obeyed. any superior; and the Parthian empire exhibited, under other
names, a lively image of the feudal system [32] which has since prevailed
in Europe. But the active victor, at the head of a numerous and
disciplined army, visited in person every province of Persia. The
defeat of the boldest rebels, and the reduction of the strongest
fortifications, [33] diffused the terror of his arms, and prepared the
way for the peaceful reception of his authority. An obstinate resistance
was fatal to the chiefs; but their followers were treated with lenity.
[34] A cheerful submission was rewarded with honors and riches, but the
prudent Artaxerxes suffering no person except himself to assume the
title of king, abolished every intermediate power between the throne and
the people. His kingdom, nearly equal in extent to modern Persia, was,
on every side, bounded by the sea, or by great rivers; by the Euphrates,
the Tigris, the Araxes, the Oxus, and the Indus, by the Caspian Sea,
and the Gulf of Persia. [35] That country was computed to contain, in
the last century, five hundred and fifty-four cities, sixty thousand
villages, and about forty millions of souls. [36] If we compare the
administration of the house of Sassan with that of the house of Sefi,
the political influence of the Magian with that of the Mahometan
religion, we shall probably infer, that the kingdom of Artaxerxes
contained at least as great a number of cities, villages, and
inhabitants. But it must likewise be confessed, that in every age the
want of harbors on the sea-coast, and the scarcity of fresh water in
the inland provinces, have been very unfavorable to the commerce and
agriculture of the Persians; who, in the calculation of their numbers,
seem to have indulged one of the nearest, though most common, artifices
of national vanity.

[Footnote 31: These colonies were extremely numerous. Seleucus Nicator
founded thirty-nine cities, all named from himself, or some of his
relations, (see Appian in Syriac. p. 124.) The aera of Seleucus (still
in use among the eastern Christians) appears as late as the year 508,
of Christ 196, on the medals of the Greek cities within the Parthian
empire. See Moyle's works, vol. i. p. 273, &c., and M. Freret, Mem. de
l'Academie, tom. xix.]

[Footnote 32: The modern Persians distinguish that period as the dynasty
of the kings of the nations. See Plin. Hist. Nat. vi. 25.]

[Footnote 33: Eutychius (tom. i. p. 367, 371, 375) relates the siege of
the island of Mesene in the Tigris, with some circumstances not unlike
the story of Nysus and Scylla.]

[Footnote 34: Agathias, ii. 64, [and iv. p. 260.] The princes of
Segestan de fended their independence during many years. As romances
generally transport to an ancient period the events of their own time,
it is not impossible that the fabulous exploits of Rustan, Prince of
Segestan, many have been grafted on this real history.]

[Footnote 35: We can scarcely attribute to the Persian monarchy the
sea-coast of Gedrosia or Macran, which extends along the Indian Ocean
from Cape Jask (the promontory Capella) to Cape Goadel. In the time of
Alexander, and probably many ages afterwards, it was thinly inhabited
by a savage people of Icthyophagi, or Fishermen, who knew no arts, who
acknowledged no master, and who were divided by in-hospitable deserts
from the rest of the world. (See Arrian de Reb. Indicis.) In the twelfth
century, the little town of Taiz (supposed by M. d'Anville to be the
Teza of Ptolemy) was peopled and enriched by the resort of the Arabian
merchants. (See Geographia Nubiens, p. 58, and d'Anville, Geographie
Ancienne, tom. ii. p. 283.) In the last age, the whole country was
divided between three princes, one Mahometan and two Idolaters, who
maintained their independence against the successors of Shah Abbas.
(Voyages de Tavernier, part i. l. v. p. 635.)]

[Footnote 36: Chardin, tom. iii c 1 2, 3.]

As soon as the ambitious mind of Artaxerxes had triumphed ever the
resistance of his vassals, he began to threaten the neighboring states,
who, during the long slumber of his predecessors, had insulted Persia
with impunity. He obtained some easy victories over the wild Scythians
and the effeminate Indians; but the Romans were an enemy, who, by their
past injuries and present power, deserved the utmost efforts of his
arms. A forty years' tranquillity, the fruit of valor and moderation,
had succeeded the victories of Trajan. During the period that elapsed
from the accession of Marcus to the reign of Alexander, the Roman and
the Parthian empires were twice engaged in war; and although the whole
strength of the Arsacides contended with a part only of the forces of
Rome, the event was most commonly in favor of the latter. Macrinus,
indeed, prompted by his precarious situation and pusillanimous temper,
purchased a peace at the expense of near two millions of our money; [37]
but the generals of Marcus, the emperor Severus, and his son, erected
many trophies in Armenia, Mesopotamia, and Assyria. Among their
exploits, the imperfect relation of which would have unseasonably
interrupted the more important series of domestic revolutions, we shall
only mention the repeated calamities of the two great cities of Seleucia
and Ctesiphon.

[Footnote 37: Dion, l. xxviii. p. 1335.]

Seleucia, on the western bank of the Tigris, about forty-five miles
to the north of ancient Babylon, was the capital of the Macedonian
conquests in Upper Asia. [38] Many ages after the fall of their empire,
Seleucia retained the genuine characters of a Grecian colony, arts,
military virtue, and the love of freedom. The independent republic was
governed by a senate of three hundred nobles; the people consisted of
six hundred thousand citizens; the walls were strong, and as long as
concord prevailed among the several orders of the state, they viewed
with contempt the power of the Parthian: but the madness of faction was
sometimes provoked to implore the dangerous aid of the common enemy, who
was posted almost at the gates of the colony. [39] The Parthian monarchs,
like the Mogul sovereigns of Hindostan, delighted in the pastoral
life of their Scythian ancestors; and the Imperial camp was frequently
pitched in the plain of Ctesiphon, on the eastern bank of the Tigris,
at the distance of only three miles from Seleucia. [40] The innumerable
attendants on luxury and despotism resorted to the court, and the little
village of Ctesiphon insensibly swelled into a great city. [41] Under the
reign of Marcus, the Roman generals penetrated as far as Ctesiphon
and Seleucia. They were received as friends by the Greek colony; they
attacked as enemies the seat of the Parthian kings; yet both cities
experienced the same treatment. The sack and conflagration of Seleucia,
with the massacre of three hundred thousand of the inhabitants,
tarnished the glory of the Roman triumph. [42] Seleucia, already
exhausted by the neighborhood of a too powerful rival, sunk under the
fatal blow; but Ctesiphon, in about thirty-three years, had sufficiently
recovered its strength to maintain an obstinate siege against the
emperor Severus. The city was, however, taken by assault; the king, who
defended it in person, escaped with precipitation; a hundred thousand
captives, and a rich booty, rewarded the fatigues of the Roman soldiers.
[43] Notwithstanding these misfortunes, Ctesiphon succeeded to Babylon
and to Seleucia, as one of the great capitals of the East. In summer,
the monarch of Persia enjoyed at Ecbatana the cool breezes of the
mountains of Media; but the mildness of the climate engaged him to
prefer Ctesiphon for his winter residence.

[Footnote 38: For the precise situation of Babylon, Seleucia, Ctesiphon,
Moiain, and Bagdad, cities often confounded with each other, see an
excellent Geographical Tract of M. d'Anville, in Mem. de l'Academie,
tom. xxx.]

[Footnote 39: Tacit. Annal. xi. 42. Plin. Hist. Nat. vi.
26.]

[Footnote 40: This may be inferred from Strabo, l. xvi. p. 743.]

[Footnote 41: That most curious traveller, Bernier, who followed the
camp of Aurengzebe from Delhi to Cashmir, describes with great accuracy
the immense moving city. The guard of cavalry consisted of 35,000 men,
that of infantry of 10,000. It was computed that the camp contained
150,000 horses, mules, and elephants; 50,000 camels, 50,000 oxen, and
between 300,000 and 400,000 persons. Almost all Delhi followed the
court, whose magnificence supported its industry.]

[Footnote 42: Dion, l. lxxi. p. 1178. Hist. August. p. 38. Eutrop.
viii. 10 Euseb. in Chronic. Quadratus (quoted in the Augustan History)
attempted to vindicate the Romans by alleging that the citizens of
Seleucia had first violated their faith.]

[Footnote 43: Dion, l. lxxv. p. 1263. Herodian, l. iii. p. 120. Hist.
August. p. 70.]

From these successful inroads the Romans derived no real or lasting
benefit; nor did they attempt to preserve such distant conquests,
separated from the provinces of the empire by a large tract of
intermediate desert. The reduction of the kingdom of Osrhoene was an
acquisition of less splendor indeed, but of a far more solid advantage.
That little state occupied the northern and most fertile part of
Mesopotamia, between the Euphrates and the Tigris. Edessa, its capital,
was situated about twenty miles beyond the former of those rivers;
and the inhabitants, since the time of Alexander, were a mixed race
of Greeks, Arabs, Syrians, and Armenians. [44] The feeble sovereigns of
Osrhoene, placed on the dangerous verge of two contending empires, were
attached from inclination to the Parthian cause; but the superior power
of Rome exacted from them a reluctant homage, which is still attested by
their medals. After the conclusion of the Parthian war under Marcus, it
was judged prudent to secure some substantia, pledges of their doubtful
fidelity. Forts were constructed in several parts of the country, and
a Roman garrison was fixed in the strong town of Nisibis. During the
troubles that followed the death of Commodus, the princes of Osrhoene
attempted to shake off the yoke; but the stern policy of Severus
confirmed their dependence, [45] and the perfidy of Caracalla completed
the easy conquest. Abgarus, the last king of Edessa, was sent in
chains to Rome, his dominions reduced into a province, and his capital
dignified with the rank of colony; and thus the Romans, about ten years
before the fall of the Parthian monarchy, obtained a firm and permanent
establishment beyond the Euphrates. [46]

[Footnote 44: The polished citizens of Antioch called those of Edessa
mixed barbarians. It was, however, some praise, that of the three
dialects of the Syriac, the purest and most elegant (the Aramaean) was
spoken at Edessa. This remark M. Bayer (Hist. Edess. p 5) has borrowed
from George of Malatia, a Syrian writer.]

[Footnote 45: Dion, l. lxxv. p. 1248, 1249, 1250. M. Bayer has neglected
to use this most important passage.]

[Footnote 46: This kingdom, from Osrhoes, who gave a new name to the
country, to the last Abgarus, had lasted 353 years. See the learned work
of M. Bayer, Historia Osrhoena et Edessena.]

Prudence as well as glory might have justified a war on the side of
Artaxerxes, had his views been confined to the defence or acquisition
of a useful frontier. but the ambitious Persian openly avowed a far more
extensive design of conquest; and he thought himself able to support his
lofty pretensions by the arms of reason as well as by those of power.
Cyrus, he alleged, had first subdued, and his successors had for a long
time possessed, the whole extent of Asia, as far as the Propontis and
the Aegean Sea; the provinces of Caria and Ionia, under their empire,
had been governed by Persian satraps, and all Egypt, to the confines of
Aethiopia, had acknowledged their sovereignty. [47] Their rights had been
suspended, but not destroyed, by a long usurpation; and as soon as he
received the Persian diadem, which birth and successful valor had placed
upon his head, the first great duty of his station called upon him to
restore the ancient limits and splendor of the monarchy. The Great King,
therefore, (such was the haughty style of his embassies to the emperor
Alexander,) commanded the Romans instantly to depart from all the
provinces of his ancestors, and, yielding to the Persians the empire of
Asia, to content themselves with the undisturbed possession of Europe.
This haughty mandate was delivered by four hundred of the tallest and
most beautiful of the Persians; who, by their fine horses, splendid
arms, and rich apparel, displayed the pride and greatness of their
master. [48] Such an embassy was much less an offer of negotiation than
a declaration of war. Both Alexander Severus and Artaxerxes, collecting
the military force of the Roman and Persian monarchies, resolved in this
important contest to lead their armies in person.

[Footnote 47: Xenophon, in the preface to the Cyropaedia, gives a clear
and magnificent idea of the extent of the empire of Cyrus. Herodotus (l.
iii. c. 79, &c.) enters into a curious and particular description of
the twenty great Satrapies into which the Persian empire was divided by
Darius Hystaspes.]

[Footnote 48: Herodian, vi. 209, 212.]

If we credit what should seem the most authentic of all records, an
oration, still extant, and delivered by the emperor himself to the
senate, we must allow that the victory of Alexander Severus was not
inferior to any of those formerly obtained over the Persians by the
son of Philip. The army of the Great King consisted of one hundred and
twenty thousand horse, clothed in complete armor of steel; of seven
hundred elephants, with towers filled with archers on their backs, and
of eighteen hundred chariots armed with scythes. This formidable
host, the like of which is not to be found in eastern history, and has
scarcely been imagined in eastern romance, [49] was discomfited in a
great battle, in which the Roman Alexander proved himself an intrepid
soldier and a skilful general. The Great King fled before his valor;
an immense booty, and the conquest of Mesopotamia, were the immediate
fruits of this signal victory. Such are the circumstances of this
ostentatious and improbable relation, dictated, as it too plainly
appears, by the vanity of the monarch, adorned by the unblushing
servility of his flatterers, and received without contradiction by a
distant and obsequious senate. [50] Far from being inclined to believe
that the arms of Alexander obtained any memorable advantage over the
Persians, we are induced to suspect that all this blaze of imaginary
glory was designed to conceal some real disgrace.

[Footnote 49: There were two hundred scythed chariots at the battle of
Arbela, in the host of Darius. In the vast army of Tigranes, which was
vanquished by Lucullus, seventeen thousand horse only were completely
armed. Antiochus brought fifty-four elephants into the field against the
Romans: by his frequent wars and negotiations with the princes of India,
he had once collected a hundred and fifty of those great animals; but
it may be questioned whether the most powerful monarch of Hindostan evci
formed a line of battle of seven hundred elephants. Instead of three or
four thousand elephants, which the Great Mogul was supposed to possess,
Tavernier (Voyages, part ii. l. i. p. 198) discovered, by a more
accurate inquiry, that he had only five hundred for his baggage, and
eighty or ninety for the service of war. The Greeks have varied with
regard to the number which Porus brought into the field; but Quintus
Curtius, (viii. 13,) in this instance judicious and moderate, is
contented with eighty-five elephants, distinguished by their size and
strength. In Siam, where these animals are the most numerous and the
most esteemed, eighteen elephants are allowed as a sufficient proportion
for each of the nine brigades into which a just army is divided. The
whole number, of one hundred and sixty-two elephants of war, may
sometimes be doubled. Hist. des Voyages, tom. ix. p. 260. * Note:
Compare Gibbon's note 10 to ch. lvii--M.]

[Footnote 50: Hist. August. p. 133. * Note: See M. Guizot's note, p.
267. According to the Persian authorities Ardeschir extended his
conquests to the Euphrates. Malcolm i. 71.--M.]

Our suspicious are confirmed by the authority of a contemporary
historian, who mentions the virtues of Alexander with respect, and
his faults with candor. He describes the judicious plan which had been
formed for the conduct of the war. Three Roman armies were destined
to invade Persia at the same time, and by different roads. But the
operations of the campaign, though wisely concerted, were not executed
either with ability or success. The first of these armies, as soon as it
had entered the marshy plains of Babylon, towards the artificial conflux
of the Euphrates and the Tigris, [51] was encompassed by the superior
numbers, and destroyed by the arrows of the enemy. The alliance of
Chosroes, king of Armenia, [52] and the long tract of mountainous
country, in which the Persian cavalry was of little service, opened
a secure entrance into the heart of Media, to the second of the Roman
armies. These brave troops laid waste the adjacent provinces, and by
several successful actions against Artaxerxes, gave a faint color to the
emperor's vanity. But the retreat of this victorious army was imprudent,
or at least unfortunate. In repassing the mountains, great numbers of
soldiers perished by the badness of the roads, and the severity of
the winter season. It had been resolved, that whilst these two great
detachments penetrated into the opposite extremes of the Persian
dominions, the main body, under the command of Alexander himself, should
support their attack, by invading the centre of the kingdom. But the
unexperienced youth, influenced by his mother's counsels, and perhaps by
his own fears, deserted the bravest troops, and the fairest prospect of
victory; and after consuming in Mesopotamia an inactive and inglorious
summer, he led back to Antioch an army diminished by sickness, and
provoked by disappointment. The behavior of Artaxerxes had been very
different. Flying with rapidity from the hills of Media to the marshes
of the Euphrates, he had everywhere opposed the invaders in person; and
in either fortune had united with the ablest conduct the most undaunted
resolution. But in several obstinate engagements against the veteran
legions of Rome, the Persian monarch had lost the flower of his troops.
Even his victories had weakened his power. The favorable opportunities
of the absence of Alexander, and of the confusions that followed that
emperor's death, presented themselves in vain to his ambition. Instead
of expelling the Romans, as he pretended, from the continent of Asia,
he found himself unable to wrest from their hands the little province
of Mesopotamia. [53]

[Footnote 51: M. de Tillemont has already observed, that Herodian's
geography is somewhat confused.]

[Footnote 52: Moses of Chorene (Hist. Armen. l. ii. c. 71) illustrates
this invasion of Media, by asserting that Chosroes, king of Armenia,
defeated Artaxerxes, and pursued him to the confines of India. The
exploits of Chosroes have been magnified; and he acted as a dependent
ally to the Romans.]

[Footnote 53: For the account of this war, see Herodian, l. vi. p. 209,
212. The old abbreviators and modern compilers have blindly followed the
Augustan History.]

The reign of Artaxerxes, which, from the last defeat of the Parthians,
lasted only fourteen years, forms a memorable aera in the history of the
East, and even in that of Rome. His character seems to have been marked
by those bold and commanding features, that generally distinguish the
princes who conquer, from those who inherit an empire. Till the last
period of the Persian monarchy, his code of laws was respected as the
groundwork of their civil and religious policy. [54] Several of his
sayings are preserved. One of them in particular discovers a deep
insight into the constitution of government. "The authority of the
prince," said Artaxerxes, "must be defended by a military force; that
force can only be maintained by taxes; all taxes must, at last, fall
upon agriculture; and agriculture can never flourish except under the
protection of justice and moderation." [55] Artaxerxes bequeathed his new
empire, and his ambitious designs against the Romans, to Sapor, a son
not unworthy of his great father; but those designs were too extensive
for the power of Persia, and served only to involve both nations in a
long series of destructive wars and reciprocal calamities.

[Footnote 54: Eutychius, tom. ii. p. 180, vers. Pocock. The great
Chosroes Noushirwan sent the code of Artaxerxes to all his satraps, as
the invariable rule of their conduct.]

[Footnote 55: D'Herbelot, Bibliotheque Orientale, au mot Ardshir.
We may observe, that after an ancient period of fables, and a long
interval of darkness, the modern histories of Persia begin to assume
an air of truth with the dynasty of Sassanides. Compare Malcolm, i.
79.--M.]

The Persians, long since civilized and corrupted, were very far
from possessing the martial independence, and the intrepid hardiness,
both of mind and body, which have rendered the northern barbarians
masters of the world. The science of war, that constituted the more
rational force of Greece and Rome, as it now does of Europe, never made
any considerable progress in the East. Those disciplined evolutions
which harmonize and animate a confused multitude, were unknown to the
Persians. They were equally unskilled in the arts of constructing,
besieging, or defending regular fortifications. They trusted more to
their numbers than to their courage; more to their courage than to their
discipline. The infantry was a half-armed, spiritless crowd of peasants,
levied in haste by the allurements of plunder, and as easily dispersed
by a victory as by a defeat. The monarch and his nobles transported into
the camp the pride and luxury of the seraglio. Their military operations
were impeded by a useless train of women, eunuchs, horses, and camels;
and in the midst of a successful campaign, the Persian host was often
separated or destroyed by an unexpected famine. [56]

[Footnote 56: Herodian, l. vi. p. 214. Ammianus Marcellinus, l. xxiii.
c. 6. Some differences may be observed between the two historians, the
natural effects of the changes produced by a century and a half.]

But the nobles of Persia, in the bosom of luxury and despotism,
preserved a strong sense of personal gallantry and national honor. From
the age of seven years they were taught to speak truth, to shoot with
the bow, and to ride; and it was universally confessed, that in the two
last of these arts, they had made a more than common proficiency. [57]
The most distinguished youth were educated under the monarch's eye,
practised their exercises in the gate of his palace, and were severely
trained up to the habits of temperance and obedience, in their long and
laborious parties of hunting. In every province, the satrap maintained
a like school of military virtue. The Persian nobles (so natural is
the idea of feudal tenures) received from the king's bounty lands and
houses, on the condition of their service in war. They were ready on the
first summons to mount on horseback, with a martial and splendid train
of followers, and to join the numerous bodies of guards, who were
carefully selected from among the most robust slaves, and the bravest
adventures of Asia. These armies, both of light and of heavy cavalry,
equally formidable by the impetuosity of their charge and the rapidity
of their motions, threatened, as an impending cloud, the eastern
provinces of the declining empire of Rome. [58]

[Footnote 57: The Persians are still the most skilful horsemen, and
their horses the finest in the East.]

[Footnote 58: From Herodotus, Xenophon, Herodian, Ammianus, Chardin,
&c., I have extracted such probable accounts of the Persian nobility,
as seem either common to every age, or particular to that of the
Sassanides.]





Chapter IX: State Of Germany Until The Barbarians.--Part I.

     The State Of Germany Till The Invasion Of The Barbarians In
     The Time Of The Emperor Decius.

The government and religion of Persia have deserved some notice, from
their connection with the decline and fall of the Roman empire. We shall
occasionally mention the Scythian or Sarmatian tribes, [1001] which, with
their arms and horses, their flocks and herds, their wives and families,
wandered over the immense plains which spread themselves from the
Caspian Sea to the Vistula, from the confines of Persia to those of
Germany. But the warlike Germans, who first resisted, then invaded, and
at length overturned the Western monarchy of Rome, will occupy a much
more important place in this history, and possess a stronger, and, if
we may use the expression, a more domestic, claim to our attention and
regard. The most civilized nations of modern Europe issued from the
woods of Germany; and in the rude institutions of those barbarians we
may still distinguish the original principles of our present laws and
manners. In their primitive state of simplicity and independence, the
Germans were surveyed by the discerning eye, and delineated by the
masterly pencil, of Tacitus, [1002] the first of historians who applied the
science of philosophy to the study of facts. The expressive conciseness
of his descriptions has served to exercise the diligence of innumerable
antiquarians, and to excite the genius and penetration of the
philosophic historians of our own times. The subject, however various
and important, has already been so frequently, so ably, and so
successfully discussed, that it is now grown familiar to the reader,
and difficult to the writer. We shall therefore content ourselves
with observing, and indeed with repeating, some of the most important
circumstances of climate, of manners, and of institutions, which
rendered the wild barbarians of Germany such formidable enemies to the
Roman power.

[Footnote 1001: The Scythians, even according to the ancients, are not
Sarmatians. It may be doubted whether Gibbon intended to confound
them.--M. ----The Greeks, after having divided the world into Greeks and
barbarians. divided the barbarians into four great classes, the Celts,
the Scythians, the Indians, and the Ethiopians. They called Celts all
the inhabitants of Gaul. Scythia extended from the Baltic Sea to the
Lake Aral: the people enclosed in the angle to the north-east, between
Celtica and Scythia, were called Celto-Scythians, and the Sarmatians
were placed in the southern part of that angle. But these names of
Celts, of Scythians, of Celto-Scythians, and Sarmatians, were invented,
says Schlozer, by the profound cosmographical ignorance of the Greeks,
and have no real ground; they are purely geographical divisions, without
any relation to the true affiliation of the different races. Thus all
the inhabitants of Gaul are called Celts by most of the ancient writers;
yet Gaul contained three totally distinct nations, the Belgae, the
Aquitani, and the Gauls, properly so called. Hi omnes lingua institutis,
legibusque inter se differunt. Caesar. Com. c. i. It is thus the Turks
call all Europeans Franks. Schlozer, Allgemeine Nordische Geschichte, p.
289. 1771. Bayer (de Origine et priscis Sedibus Scytharum, in Opusc.
p. 64) says, Primus eorum, de quibus constat, Ephorus, in quarto
historiarum libro, orbem terrarum inter Scythas, Indos, Aethiopas et
Celtas divisit. Fragmentum ejus loci Cosmas Indicopleustes in
topographia Christiana, f. 148, conservavit. Video igitur Ephorum, cum
locorum positus per certa capita distribuere et explicare constitueret,
insigniorum nomina gentium vastioribus spatiis adhibuisse, nulla mala
fraude et successu infelici. Nam Ephoro quoquomodo dicta pro exploratis
habebant Graeci plerique et Romani: ita gliscebat error posteritate.
Igitur tot tamque diversae stirpis gentes non modo intra communem
quandam regionem definitae, unum omnes Scytharum nomen his auctoribus
subierunt, sed etiam ab illa regionis adpellatione in eandem nationem
sunt conflatae. Sic Cimmeriorum res cum Scythicis, Scytharum cum
Sarmaticis, Russicis, Hunnicis, Tataricis commiscentur.--G.]

[Footnote 1002: The Germania of Tacitus has been a fruitful source of
hypothesis to the ingenuity of modern writers, who have endeavored to
account for the form of the work and the views of the author. According
to Luden, (Geschichte des T. V. i. 432, and note,) it contains the
unfinished and disarranged for a larger work. An anonymous writer,
supposed by Luden to be M. Becker, conceives that it was intended as an
episode in his larger history. According to M. Guizot, "Tacite a peint
les Germains comme Montaigne et Rousseau les sauvages, dans un acces
d'humeur contre sa patrie: son livre est une satire des moeurs Romaines,
l'eloquente boutade d'un patriote philosophe qui veut voir la vertu la,
ou il ne rencontre pas la mollesse honteuse et la depravation savante
d'une vielle societe." Hist. de la Civilisation Moderne, i. 258.--M.]

Ancient Germany, excluding from its independent limits the province
westward of the Rhine, which had submitted to the Roman yoke, extended
itself over a third part of Europe. [1] Almost the whole of modern
Germany, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Finland, Livonia, Prussia, and the
greater part of Poland, were peopled by the various tribes of one great
nation, whose complexion, manners, and language denoted a common origin,
and preserved a striking resemblance. On the west, ancient Germany was
divided by the Rhine from the Gallic, and on the south, by the Danube,
from the Illyrian, provinces of the empire. A ridge of hills, rising
from the Danube, and called the Carpathian Mountains, covered Germany on
the side of Dacia or Hungary. The eastern frontier was faintly marked
by the mutual fears of the Germans and the Sarmatians, and was often
confounded by the mixture of warring and confederating tribes of the two
nations. In the remote darkness of the north, the ancients imperfectly
descried a frozen ocean that lay beyond the Baltic Sea, and beyond the
Peninsula, or islands [1001] of Scandinavia.

[Footnote 1: Germany was not of such vast extent. It is from Caesar, and
more particularly from Ptolemy, (says Gatterer,) that we can know what
was the state of ancient Germany before the wars with the Romans had
changed the positions of the tribes. Germany, as changed by these wars,
has been described by Strabo, Pliny, and Tacitus. Germany, properly so
called, was bounded on the west by the Rhine, on the east by the
Vistula, on the north by the southern point of Norway, by Sweden, and
Esthonia. On the south, the Maine and the mountains to the north of
Bohemia formed the limits. Before the time of Caesar, the country
between the Maine and the Danube was partly occupied by the Helvetians
and other Gauls, partly by the Hercynian forest but, from the time of
Caesar to the great migration, these boundaries were advanced as far as
the Danube, or, what is the same thing, to the Suabian Alps, although
the Hercynian forest still occupied, from north to south, a space of
nine days' journey on both banks of the Danube. "Gatterer, Versuch einer
all-gemeinen Welt-Geschichte," p. 424, edit. de 1792. This vast country
was far from being inhabited by a single nation divided into different
tribes of the same origin. We may reckon three principal races, very
distinct in their language, their origin, and their customs. 1. To the
east, the Slaves or Vandals. 2. To the west, the Cimmerians or Cimbri.
3. Between the Slaves and Cimbrians, the Germans, properly so called,
the Suevi of Tacitus. The South was inhabited, before Julius Caesar, by
nations of Gaulish origin, afterwards by the Suevi.--G. On the position
of these nations, the German antiquaries differ. I. The Slaves, or
Sclavonians, or Wendish tribes, according to Schlozer, were originally
settled in parts of Germany unknown to the Romans, Mecklenburgh,
Pomerania, Brandenburgh, Upper Saxony; and Lusatia. According to
Gatterer, they remained to the east of the Theiss, the Niemen, and the
Vistula, till the third century. The Slaves, according to Procopius and
Jornandes, formed three great divisions. 1. The Venedi or Vandals, who
took the latter name, (the Wenden,) having expelled the Vandals,
properly so called, (a Suevian race, the conquerors of Africa,) from the
country between the Memel and the Vistula. 2. The Antes, who inhabited
between the Dneister and the Dnieper. 3. The Sclavonians, properly so
called, in the north of Dacia. During the great migration, these races
advanced into Germany as far as the Saal and the Elbe. The Sclavonian
language is the stem from which have issued the Russian, the Polish, the
Bohemian, and the dialects of Lusatia, of some parts of the duchy of
Luneburgh, of Carniola, Carinthia, and Styria, &c.; those of Croatia,
Bosnia, and Bulgaria. Schlozer, Nordische Geschichte, p. 323, 335. II.
The Cimbric race. Adelung calls by this name all who were not Suevi.
This race had passed the Rhine, before the time of Caesar, occupied
Belgium, and are the Belgae of Caesar and Pliny. The Cimbrians also
occupied the Isle of Jutland. The Cymri of Wales and of Britain are of
this race. Many tribes on the right bank of the Rhine, the Guthini in
Jutland, the Usipeti in Westphalia, the Sigambri in the duchy of Berg,
were German Cimbrians. III. The Suevi, known in very early times by the
Romans, for they are mentioned by L. Corn. Sisenna, who lived 123 years
before Christ, (Nonius v. Lancea.) This race, the real Germans, extended
to the Vistula, and from the Baltic to the Hercynian forest. The name of
Suevi was sometimes confined to a single tribe, as by Caesar to the
Catti. The name of the Suevi has been preserved in Suabia. These three
were the principal races which inhabited Germany; they moved from east
to west, and are the parent stem of the modern natives. But northern
Europe, according to Schlozer, was not peopled by them alone; other
races, of different origin, and speaking different languages, have
inhabited and left descendants in these countries. The German tribes
called themselves, from very remote times, by the generic name of
Teutons, (Teuten, Deutschen,) which Tacitus derives from that of one of
their gods, Tuisco. It appears more probable that it means merely men,
people. Many savage nations have given themselves no other name. Thus
the Laplanders call themselves Almag, people; the Samoiedes Nilletz,
Nissetsch, men, &c. As to the name of Germans, (Germani,) Caesar found
it in use in Gaul, and adopted it as a word already known to the Romans.
Many of the learned (from a passage of Tacitus, de Mor Germ. c. 2) have
supposed that it was only applied to the Teutons after Caesar's time;
but Adelung has triumphantly refuted this opinion. The name of Germans
is found in the Fasti Capitolini. See Gruter, Iscrip. 2899, in which the
consul Marcellus, in the year of Rome 531, is said to have defeated the
Gauls, the Insubrians, and the Germans, commanded by Virdomar. See
Adelung, Aelt. Geschichte der Deutsch, p. 102.--Compressed from G.]

[Footnote 1001: The modern philosophers of Sweden seem agreed that the
waters of the Baltic gradually sink in a regular proportion, which they
have ventured to estimate at half an inch every year. Twenty centuries
ago the flat country of Scandinavia must have been covered by the
sea; while the high lands rose above the waters, as so many islands of
various forms and dimensions. Such, indeed, is the notion given us by
Mela, Pliny, and Tacitus, of the vast countries round the Baltic. See
in the Bibliotheque Raisonnee, tom. xl. and xlv. a large abstract of
Dalin's History of Sweden, composed in the Swedish language. * Note:
Modern geologists have rejected this theory of the depression of the
Baltic, as inconsistent with recent observation. The considerable
changes which have taken place on its shores, Mr. Lyell, from actual
observation now decidedly attributes to the regular and uniform
elevation of the land.--Lyell's Geology, b. ii. c. 17--M.]

Some ingenious writers [2] have suspected that Europe was much colder
formerly than it is at present; and the most ancient descriptions of the
climate of Germany tend exceedingly to confirm their theory. The general
complaints of intense frost and eternal winter, are perhaps little to be
regarded, since we have no method of reducing to the accurate standard
of the thermometer, the feelings, or the expressions, of an orator
born in the happier regions of Greece or Asia. But I shall select two
remarkable circumstances of a less equivocal nature. 1. The great
rivers which covered the Roman provinces, the Rhine and the Danube,
were frequently frozen over, and capable of supporting the most enormous
weights. The barbarians, who often chose that severe season for their
inroads, transported, without apprehension or danger, their numerous
armies, their cavalry, and their heavy wagons, over a vast and solid
bridge of ice. [3] Modern ages have not presented an instance of a like
phenomenon. 2. The reindeer, that useful animal, from whom the savage
of the North derives the best comforts of his dreary life, is of a
constitution that supports, and even requires, the most intense cold.
He is found on the rock of Spitzberg, within ten degrees of the Pole; he
seems to delight in the snows of Lapland and Siberia: but at present he
cannot subsist, much less multiply, in any country to the south of the
Baltic. [4] In the time of Caesar the reindeer, as well as the elk
and the wild bull, was a native of the Hercynian forest, which
then overshadowed a great part of Germany and Poland. [5] The modern
improvements sufficiently explain the causes of the diminution of the
cold. These immense woods have been gradually cleared, which intercepted
from the earth the rays of the sun. [6] The morasses have been drained,
and, in proportion as the soil has been cultivated, the air has become
more temperate. Canada, at this day, is an exact picture of ancient
Germany. Although situated in the same parallel with the finest
provinces of France and England, that country experiences the most
rigorous cold. The reindeer are very numerous, the ground is covered
with deep and lasting snow, and the great river of St. Lawrence is
regularly frozen, in a season when the waters of the Seine and the
Thames are usually free from ice. [7]

[Footnote 2: In particular, Mr. Hume, the Abbe du Bos, and M.
Pelloutier. Hist. des Celtes, tom. i.]

[Footnote 3: Diodorus Siculus, l. v. p. 340, edit. Wessel. Herodian, l.
vi. p. 221. Jornandes, c. 55. On the banks of the Danube, the wine, when
brought to table, was frequently frozen into great lumps, frusta vini.
Ovid. Epist. ex Ponto, l. iv. 7, 9, 10. Virgil. Georgic. l. iii.
355. The fact is confirmed by a soldier and a philosopher, who had
experienced the intense cold of Thrace. See Xenophon, Anabasis, l. vii.
p. 560, edit. Hutchinson. Note: The Danube is constantly frozen over. At
Pesth the bridge is usually taken up, and the traffic and communication
between the two banks carried on over the ice. The Rhine is likewise in
many parts passable at least two years out of five. Winter campaigns are
so unusual, in modern warfare, that I recollect but one instance of an
army crossing either river on the ice. In the thirty years' war,
(1635,) Jan van Werth, an Imperialist partisan, crossed the Rhine from
Heidelberg on the ice with 5000 men, and surprised Spiers. Pichegru's
memorable campaign, (1794-5,) when the freezing of the Meuse and Waal
opened Holland to his conquests, and his cavalry and artillery attacked
the ships frozen in, on the Zuyder Zee, was in a winter of unprecedented
severity.--M. 1845.]

[Footnote 4: Buffon, Histoire Naturelle, tom. xii. p. 79, 116.]

[Footnote 5: Caesar de Bell. Gallic. vi. 23, &c. The most inquisitive of
the Germans were ignorant of its utmost limits, although some of them
had travelled in it more than sixty days' journey. * Note: The passage
of Caesar, "parvis renonum tegumentis utuntur," is obscure, observes
Luden, (Geschichte des Teutschen Volkes,) and insufficient to prove the
reindeer to have existed in Germany. It is supported however, by a
fragment of Sallust. Germani intectum rhenonibus corpus tegunt.--M. It
has been suggested to me that Caesar (as old Gesner supposed) meant the
reindeer in the following description. Est bos cervi figura cujus a
media fronte inter aures unum cornu existit, excelsius magisque directum
(divaricatum, qu?) his quae nobis nota sunt cornibus. At ejus summo,
sicut palmae, rami quam late diffunduntur. Bell. vi.--M. 1845.]

[Footnote 6: Cluverius (Germania Antiqua, l. iii. c. 47) investigates
the small and scattered remains of the Hercynian wood.]

[Footnote 7: Charlevoix, Histoire du Canada.]

It is difficult to ascertain, and easy to exaggerate, the influence of
the climate of ancient Germany over the minds and bodies of the natives.
Many writers have supposed, and most have allowed, though, as it should
seem, without any adequate proof, that the rigorous cold of the North
was favorable to long life and generative vigor, that the women were
more fruitful, and the human species more prolific, than in warmer or
more temperate climates. [8] We may assert, with greater confidence,
that the keen air of Germany formed the large and masculine limbs of the
natives, who were, in general, of a more lofty stature than the people
of the South, [9] gave them a kind of strength better adapted to violent
exertions than to patient labor, and inspired them with constitutional
bravery, which is the result of nerves and spirits. The severity of
a winter campaign, that chilled the courage of the Roman troops, was
scarcely felt by these hardy children of the North, [10] who, in their
turn, were unable to resist the summer heats, and dissolved away in
languor and sickness under the beams of an Italian sun. [11]

[Footnote 8: Olaus Rudbeck asserts that the Swedish women often bear
ten or twelve children, and not uncommonly twenty or thirty; but the
authority of Rudbeck is much to be suspected.]

[Footnote 9: In hos artus, in haec corpora, quae miramur, excrescunt.
Taeit Germania, 3, 20. Cluver. l. i. c. 14.]

[Footnote 10: Plutarch. in Mario. The Cimbri, by way of amusement, often
did down mountains of snow on their broad shields.]

[Footnote 11: The Romans made war in all climates, and by their
excellent discipline were in a great measure preserved in health and
vigor. It may be remarked, that man is the only animal which can live
and multiply in every country from the equator to the poles. The hog
seems to approach the nearest to our species in that privilege.]




Chapter IX: State Of Germany Until The Barbarians.--Part II.

There is not any where upon the globe a large tract of country, which we
have discovered destitute of inhabitants, or whose first population can
be fixed with any degree of historical certainty. And yet, as the most
philosophic minds can seldom refrain from investigating the infancy
of great nations, our curiosity consumes itself in toilsome and
disappointed efforts. When Tacitus considered the purity of the German
blood, and the forbidding aspect of the country, he was disposed to
pronounce those barbarians Indigenae, or natives of the soil. We may
allow with safety, and perhaps with truth, that ancient Germany was
not originally peopled by any foreign colonies already formed into
a political society; [12] but that the name and nation received their
existence from the gradual union of some wandering savages of the
Hercynian woods. To assert those savages to have been the spontaneous
production of the earth which they inhabited would be a rash inference,
condemned by religion, and unwarranted by reason.

[Footnote 12: Facit. Germ. c. 3. The emigration of the Gauls followed
the course of the Danube, and discharged itself on Greece and Asia.
Tacitus could discover only one inconsiderable tribe that retained any
traces of a Gallic origin. * Note: The Gothini, who must not be
confounded with the Gothi, a Suevian tribe. In the time of Caesar many
other tribes of Gaulish origin dwelt along the course of the Danube, who
could not long resist the attacks of the Suevi. The Helvetians, who
dwelt on the borders of the Black Forest, between the Maine and the
Danube, had been expelled long before the time of Caesar. He mentions
also the Volci Tectosagi, who came from Languedoc and settled round the
Black Forest. The Boii, who had penetrated into that forest, and also
have left traces of their name in Bohemia, were subdued in the first
century by the Marcomanni. The Boii settled in Noricum, were mingled
afterwards with the Lombards, and received the name of Boio Arii
(Bavaria) or Boiovarii: var, in some German dialects, appearing to mean
remains, descendants. Compare Malte B-m, Geography, vol. i. p. 410, edit
1832--M.]

Such rational doubt is but ill suited with the genius of popular vanity.
Among the nations who have adopted the Mosaic history of the world, the
ark of Noah has been of the same use, as was formerly to the Greeks and
Romans the siege of Troy. On a narrow basis of acknowledged truth, an
immense but rude superstructure of fable has been erected; and the
wild Irishman, [13] as well as the wild Tartar, [14] could point out the
individual son of Japhet, from whose loins his ancestors were lineally
descended. The last century abounded with antiquarians of profound
learning and easy faith, who, by the dim light of legends and
traditions, of conjectures and etymologies, conducted the great
grandchildren of Noah from the Tower of Babel to the extremities of the
globe. Of these judicious critics, one of the most entertaining was
Oaus Rudbeck, professor in the university of Upsal. [15] Whatever is
celebrated either in history or fable, this zealous patriot ascribes to
his country. From Sweden (which formed so considerable a part of ancient
Germany) the Greeks themselves derived their alphabetical characters,
their astronomy, and their religion. Of that delightful region (for such
it appeared to the eyes of a native) the Atlantis of Plato, the country
of the Hyperboreans, the gardens of the Hesperides, the Fortunate
Islands, and even the Elysian Fields, were all but faint and imperfect
transcripts. A clime so profusely favored by Nature could not long
remain desert after the flood. The learned Rudbeck allows the family
of Noah a few years to multiply from eight to about twenty thousand
persons. He then disperses them into small colonies to replenish
the earth, and to propagate the human species. The German or Swedish
detachment (which marched, if I am not mistaken, under the command of
Askenaz, the son of Gomer, the son of Japhet) distinguished itself by
a more than common diligence in the prosecution of this great work. The
northern hive cast its swarms over the greatest part of Europe, Africa,
and Asia; and (to use the author's metaphor) the blood circulated from
the extremities to the heart.

[Footnote 13: According to Dr. Keating, (History of Ireland, p. 13, 14,)
the giant Portholanus, who was the son of Seara, the son of Esra, the
son of Sru, the son of Framant, the son of Fathaclan, the son of Magog,
the son of Japhet, the son of Noah, landed on the coast of Munster the
14th day of May, in the year of the world one thousand nine hundred and
seventy-eight. Though he succeeded in his great enterprise, the loose
behavior of his wife rendered his domestic life very unhappy, and
provoked him to such a degree, that he killed--her favorite greyhound.
This, as the learned historian very properly observes, was the first
instance of female falsehood and infidelity ever known in Ireland.]

[Footnote 14: Genealogical History of the Tartars, by Abulghazi Bahadur
Khan.]

[Footnote 15: His work, entitled Atlantica, is uncommonly scarce.
Bayle has given two most curious extracts from it. Republique des
Lettres Janvier et Fevrier, 1685.]

But all this well-labored system of German antiquities is annihilated
by a single fact, too well attested to admit of any doubt, and of too
decisive a nature to leave room for any reply. The Germans, in the age
of Tacitus, were unacquainted with the use of letters; [16] and the use
of letters is the principal circumstance that distinguishes a civilized
people from a herd of savages incapable of knowledge or reflection.
Without that artificial help, the human memory soon dissipates or
corrupts the ideas intrusted to her charge; and the nobler faculties of
the mind, no longer supplied with models or with materials, gradually
forget their powers; the judgment becomes feeble and lethargic, the
imagination languid or irregular. Fully to apprehend this important
truth, let us attempt, in an improved society, to calculate the immense
distance between the man of learning and the illiterate peasant. The
former, by reading and reflection, multiplies his own experience, and
lives in distant ages and remote countries; whilst the latter, rooted to
a single spot, and confined to a few years of existence, surpasses but
very little his fellow-laborer, the ox, in the exercise of his mental
faculties. The same, and even a greater, difference will be found
between nations than between individuals; and we may safely pronounce,
that without some species of writing, no people has ever preserved the
faithful annals of their history, ever made any considerable progress
in the abstract sciences, or ever possessed, in any tolerable degree of
perfection, the useful and agreeable arts of life.

[Footnote 16: Tacit. Germ. ii. 19. Literarum secreta viri pariter ac
foeminae ignorant. We may rest contented with this decisive authority,
without entering into the obscure disputes concerning the antiquity of
the Runic characters. The learned Celsius, a Swede, a scholar, and a
philosopher, was of opinion, that they were nothing more than the Roman
letters, with the curves changed into straight lines for the ease of
engraving. See Pelloutier, Histoire des Celtes, l. ii. c. 11.
Dictionnaire Diplomatique, tom. i. p. 223. We may add, that the oldest
Runic inscriptions are supposed to be of the third century, and the most
ancient writer who mentions the Runic characters is Venan tius
Frotunatus, (Carm. vii. 18,) who lived towards the end of the sixth
century. Barbara fraxineis pingatur Runa tabellis. * Note: The obscure
subject of the Runic characters has exercised the industry and ingenuity
of the modern scholars of the north. There are three distinct theories;
one, maintained by Schlozer, (Nordische Geschichte, p. 481, &c.,) who
considers their sixteen letters to be a corruption of the Roman
alphabet, post-Christian in their date, and Schlozer would attribute
their introduction into the north to the Alemanni. The second, that of
Frederick Schlegel, (Vorlesungen uber alte und neue Literatur,) supposes
that these characters were left on the coasts of the Mediterranean and
Northern Seas by the Phoenicians, preserved by the priestly castes, and
employed for purposes of magic. Their common origin from the Phoenician
would account for heir similarity to the Roman letters. The last, to
which we incline, claims much higher and more venerable antiquity for
the Runic, and supposes them to have been the original characters of the
Indo-Teutonic tribes, brought from the East, and preserved among the
different races of that stock. See Ueber Deutsche Runen von W. C. Grimm,
1821. A Memoir by Dr. Legis. Fundgruben des alten Nordens. Foreign
Quarterly Review vol. ix. p. 438.--M.]

Of these arts, the ancient Germans were wretchedly destitute. [1601] They
passed their lives in a state of ignorance and poverty, which it has
pleased some declaimers to dignify with the appellation of virtuous
simplicity. Modern Germany is said to contain about two thousand three
hundred walled towns. [17] In a much wider extent of country, the
geographer Ptolemy could discover no more than ninety places which he
decorates with the name of cities; [18] though, according to our ideas,
they would but ill deserve that splendid title. We can only suppose them
to have been rude fortifications, constructed in the centre of the
woods, and designed to secure the women, children, and cattle, whilst
the warriors of the tribe marched out to repel a sudden invasion. [19]
But Tacitus asserts, as a well-known fact, that the Germans, in his
time, had no cities; [20] and that they affected to despise the works of
Roman industry, as places of confinement rather than of security. [21]
Their edifices were not even contiguous, or formed into regular villas;
[22] each barbarian fixed his independent dwelling on the spot to which
a plain, a wood, or a stream of fresh water, had induced him to give the
preference. Neither stone, nor brick, nor tiles, were employed in these
slight habitations. [23] They were indeed no more than low huts, of a
circular figure, built of rough timber, thatched with straw, and pierced
at the top to leave a free passage for the smoke. In the most inclement
winter, the hardy German was satisfied with a scanty garment made of the
skin of some animal. The nations who dwelt towards the North clothed
themselves in furs; and the women manufactured for their own use a
coarse kind of linen. [24] The game of various sorts, with which the
forests of Germany were plentifully stocked, supplied its inhabitants
with food and exercise. [25] Their monstrous herds of cattle, less
remarkable indeed for their beauty than for their utility, [26] formed
the principal object of their wealth. A small quantity of corn was the
only produce exacted from the earth; the use of orchards or artificial
meadows was unknown to the Germans; nor can we expect any improvements
in agriculture from a people, whose prosperity every year experienced a
general change by a new division of the arable lands, and who, in that
strange operation, avoided disputes, by suffering a great part of their
territory to lie waste and without tillage. [27]

[Footnote 1601: Luden (the author of the Geschichte des Teutschen Volkes)
has surpassed most writers in his patriotic enthusiasm for the virtues
and noble manners of his ancestors. Even the cold of the climate, and
the want of vines and fruit trees, as well as the barbarism of the
inhabitants, are calumnies of the luxurious Italians. M. Guizot, on the
other side, (in his Histoire de la Civilisation, vol. i. p. 272, &c.,)
has drawn a curious parallel between the Germans of Tacitus and the
North American Indians.--M.]

[Footnote 17: Recherches Philosophiques sur
les Americains, tom. iii. p. 228. The author of that very curious work
is, if I am not misinformed, a German by birth. (De Pauw.)]

[Footnote 18: The Alexandrian Geographer is often criticized by the
accurate Cluverius.]

[Footnote 19: See Caesar, and the learned Mr. Whitaker in his History of
Manchester, vol. i.]

[Footnote 20: Tacit. Germ. 15.]

[Footnote 21: When the Germans commanded the Ubii of Cologne to cast
off the Roman yoke, and with their new freedom to resume their ancient
manners, they insisted on the immediate demolition of the walls of
the colony. "Postulamus a vobis, muros coloniae, munimenta servitii,
detrahatis; etiam fera animalia, si clausa teneas, virtutis
obliviscuntur." Tacit. Hist. iv. 64.]

[Footnote 22: The straggling villages of Silesia are several miles in
length. See Cluver. l. i. c. 13.]

[Footnote 23: One hundred and forty years after Tacitus, a few more
regular structures were erected near the Rhine and Danube. Herodian, l.
vii. p. 234.]

[Footnote 24: Tacit. Germ. 17.]

[Footnote 25: Tacit. Germ. 5.]

[Footnote 26: Caesar de Bell. Gall. vi. 21.]

[Footnote 27: Tacit. Germ. 26. Caesar, vi. 22.]

Gold, silver, and iron, were extremely scarce in Germany. Its barbarous
inhabitants wanted both skill and patience to investigate those rich
veins of silver, which have so liberally rewarded the attention of the
princes of Brunswick and Saxony. Sweden, which now supplies Europe with
iron, was equally ignorant of its own riches; and the appearance of the
arms of the Germans furnished a sufficient proof how little iron they
were able to bestow on what they must have deemed the noblest use of
that metal. The various transactions of peace and war had introduced
some Roman coins (chiefly silver) among the borderers of the Rhine and
Danube; but the more distant tribes were absolutely unacquainted with
the use of money, carried on their confined traffic by the exchange of
commodities, and prized their rude earthen vessels as of equal value
with the silver vases, the presents of Rome to their princes and
ambassadors. [28] To a mind capable of reflection, such leading
facts convey more instruction, than a tedious detail of subordinate
circumstances. The value of money has been settled by general consent to
express our wants and our property, as letters were invented to express
our ideas; and both these institutions, by giving a more active energy
to the powers and passions of human nature, have contributed to multiply
the objects they were designed to represent. The use of gold and
silver is in a great measure factitious; but it would be impossible to
enumerate the important and various services which agriculture, and all
the arts, have received from iron, when tempered and fashioned by the
operation of fire, and the dexterous hand of man. Money, in a word, is
the most universal incitement, iron the most powerful instrument, of
human industry; and it is very difficult to conceive by what means a
people, neither actuated by the one, nor seconded by the other, could
emerge from the grossest barbarism. [29]

[Footnote 28: Tacit. Germ. 6.]

[Footnote 29: It is said that the Mexicans and Peruvians, without the
use of either money or iron, had made a very great progress in the
arts. Those arts, and the monuments they produced, have been strangely
magnified. See Recherches sur les Americains, tom. ii. p. 153, &c]

If we contemplate a savage nation in any part of the globe, a supine
indolence and a carelessness of futurity will be found to constitute
their general character. In a civilized state, every faculty of man
is expanded and exercised; and the great chain of mutual dependence
connects and embraces the several members of society. The most numerous
portion of it is employed in constant and useful labor. The select few,
placed by fortune above that necessity, can, however, fill up their time
by the pursuits of interest or glory, by the improvement of their estate
or of their understanding, by the duties, the pleasures, and even the
follies of social life. The Germans were not possessed of these varied
resources. The care of the house and family, the management of the
land and cattle, were delegated to the old and the infirm, to women and
slaves. The lazy warrior, destitute of every art that might employ his
leisure hours, consumed his days and nights in the animal gratifications
of sleep and food. And yet, by a wonderful diversity of nature,
(according to the remark of a writer who had pierced into its darkest
recesses,) the same barbarians are by turns the most indolent and
the most restless of mankind. They delight in sloth, they detest
tranquility. [30] The languid soul, oppressed with its own weight,
anxiously required some new and powerful sensation; and war and danger
were the only amusements adequate to its fierce temper. The sound that
summoned the German to arms was grateful to his ear. It roused him from
his uncomfortable lethargy, gave him an active pursuit, and, by strong
exercise of the body, and violent emotions of the mind, restored him to
a more lively sense of his existence. In the dull intervals of peace,
these barbarians were immoderately addicted to deep gaming and excessive
drinking; both of which, by different means, the one by inflaming their
passions, the other by extinguishing their reason, alike relieved them
from the pain of thinking. They gloried in passing whole days and nights
at table; and the blood of friends and relations often stained their
numerous and drunken assemblies. [31] Their debts of honor (for in that
light they have transmitted to us those of play) they discharged with
the most romantic fidelity. The desperate gamester, who had staked his
person and liberty on a last throw of the dice, patiently submitted to
the decision of fortune, and suffered himself to be bound, chastised,
and sold into remote slavery, by his weaker but more lucky antagonist.
[32]

[Footnote 30: Tacit. Germ. 15.]

[Footnote 31: Tacit. Germ. 22, 23.]

[Footnote 32: Id. 24. The Germans might borrow the arts of play from the
Romans, but the passion is wonderfully inherent in the human species.]

Strong beer, a liquor extracted with very little art from wheat or
barley, and corrupted (as it is strongly expressed by Tacitus) into
a certain semblance of wine, was sufficient for the gross purposes of
German debauchery. But those who had tasted the rich wines of Italy,
and afterwards of Gaul, sighed for that more delicious species of
intoxication. They attempted not, however, (as has since been executed
with so much success,) to naturalize the vine on the banks of the Rhine
and Danube; nor did they endeavor to procure by industry the materials
of an advantageous commerce. To solicit by labor what might be ravished
by arms, was esteemed unworthy of the German spirit. [33] The intemperate
thirst of strong liquors often urged the barbarians to invade the
provinces on which art or nature had bestowed those much envied
presents. The Tuscan who betrayed his country to the Celtic nations,
attracted them into Italy by the prospect of the rich fruits and
delicious wines, the productions of a happier climate. [34] And in the
same manner the German auxiliaries, invited into France during the civil
wars of the sixteenth century, were allured by the promise of plenteous
quarters in the provinces of Champaigne and Burgundy. [35] Drunkenness,
the most illiberal, but not the most dangerous of our vices, was
sometimes capable, in a less civilized state of mankind, of occasioning
a battle, a war, or a revolution.

[Footnote 33: Tacit. Germ. 14.]

[Footnote 34: Plutarch. in Camillo. T. Liv. v. 33.]

[Footnote 35: Dubos. Hist. de la Monarchie Francoise, tom. i. p.
193.]

The climate of ancient Germany has been modified, and the soil
fertilized, by the labor of ten centuries from the time of Charlemagne.
The same extent of ground which at present maintains, in ease and
plenty, a million of husbandmen and artificers, was unable to supply a
hundred thousand lazy warriors with the simple necessaries of life. [36]
The Germans abandoned their immense forests to the exercise of hunting,
employed in pasturage the most considerable part of their lands,
bestowed on the small remainder a rude and careless cultivation, and
then accused the scantiness and sterility of a country that refused to
maintain the multitude of its inhabitants. When the return of famine
severely admonished them of the importance of the arts, the national
distress was sometimes alleviated by the emigration of a third, perhaps,
or a fourth part of their youth. [37] The possession and the enjoyment
of property are the pledges which bind a civilized people to an improved
country. But the Germans, who carried with them what they most valued,
their arms, their cattle, and their women, cheerfully abandoned the vast
silence of their woods for the unbounded hopes of plunder and conquest.
The innumerable swarms that issued, or seemed to issue, from the great
storehouse of nations, were multiplied by the fears of the vanquished,
and by the credulity of succeeding ages. And from facts thus
exaggerated, an opinion was gradually established, and has been
supported by writers of distinguished reputation, that, in the age of
Caesar and Tacitus, the inhabitants of the North were far more numerous
than they are in our days. [38] A more serious inquiry into the causes of
population seems to have convinced modern philosophers of the falsehood,
and indeed the impossibility, of the supposition. To the names of
Mariana and of Machiavel, [39] we can oppose the equal names of Robertson
and Hume. [40]

[Footnote 36: The Helvetian nation, which issued from a country called
Switzerland, contained, of every age and sex, 368,000 persons, (Caesar
de Bell. Gal. i. 29.) At present, the number of people in the Pays
de Vaud (a small district on the banks of the Leman Lake, much more
distinguished for politeness than for industry) amounts to 112,591. See
an excellent tract of M. Muret, in the Memoires de la Societe de Born.]

[Footnote 37: Paul Diaconus, c. 1, 2, 3. Machiavel, Davila, and the rest
of Paul's followers, represent these emigrations too much as regular and
concerted measures.]

[Footnote 38: Sir William Temple and Montesquieu have indulged, on this
subject, the usual liveliness of their fancy.]

[Footnote 39: Machiavel, Hist. di Firenze, l. i. Mariana, Hist. Hispan.
l. v. c. 1]

[Footnote 40: Robertson's Charles V. Hume's Political Essays. Note: It
is a wise observation of Malthus, that these nations "were not populous
in proportion to the land they occupied, but to the food they produced."
They were prolific from their pure morals and constitutions, but their
institutions were not calculated to produce food for those whom they
brought into being.--M--1845.]

A warlike nation like the Germans, without either cities, letters, arts,
or money, found some compensation for this savage state in the enjoyment
of liberty. Their poverty secured their freedom, since our desires
and our possessions are the strongest fetters of despotism. "Among the
Suiones (says Tacitus) riches are held in honor. They are therefore
subject to an absolute monarch, who, instead of intrusting his people
with the free use of arms, as is practised in the rest of Germany,
commits them to the safe custody, not of a citizen, or even of a
freedman, but of a slave. The neighbors of the Suiones, the Sitones,
are sunk even below servitude; they obey a woman." [41] In the mention
of these exceptions, the great historian sufficiently acknowledges the
general theory of government. We are only at a loss to conceive by what
means riches and despotism could penetrate into a remote corner of
the North, and extinguish the generous flame that blazed with such
fierceness on the frontier of the Roman provinces, or how the ancestors
of those Danes and Norwegians, so distinguished in latter ages by their
unconquered spirit, could thus tamely resign the great character of
German liberty. [42] Some tribes, however, on the coast of the Baltic,
acknowledged the authority of kings, though without relinquishing the
rights of men, [43] but in the far greater part of Germany, the form of
government was a democracy, tempered, indeed, and controlled, not so
much by general and positive laws, as by the occasional ascendant of
birth or valor, of eloquence or superstition. [44]

[Footnote 41: Tacit. German. 44, 45. Freinshemius (who dedicated his
supplement to Livy to Christina of Sweden) thinks proper to be very
angry with the Roman who expressed so very little reverence for Northern
queens. Note: The Suiones and the Sitones are the ancient inhabitants
of Scandinavia, their name may be traced in that of Sweden; they did not
belong to the race of the Suevi, but that of the non-Suevi or Cimbri,
whom the Suevi, in very remote times, drove back part to the west, part
to the north; they were afterwards mingled with Suevian tribes, among
others the Goths, who have traces of their name and power in the isle of
Gothland.--G]

[Footnote 42: May we not suspect that superstition was the parent of
despotism? The descendants of Odin, (whose race was not extinct till the
year 1060) are said to have reigned in Sweden above a thousand years.
The temple of Upsal was the ancient seat of religion and empire. In the
year 1153 I find a singular law, prohibiting the use and profession of
arms to any except the king's guards. Is it not probable that it was
 by the pretence of reviving an old institution? See Dalin's
History of Sweden in the Bibliotheque Raisonneo tom. xl. and xlv.]

[Footnote 43: Tacit. Germ. c. 43.]

[Footnote 44: Id. c. 11, 12, 13, & c.]

Civil governments, in their first institution, are voluntary
associations for mutual defence. To obtain the desired end, it is
absolutely necessary that each individual should conceive himself
obliged to submit his private opinions and actions to the judgment of
the greater number of his associates. The German tribes were contented
with this rude but liberal outline of political society. As soon as a
youth, born of free parents, had attained the age of manhood, he was
introduced into the general council of his countrymen, solemnly invested
with a shield and spear, and adopted as an equal and worthy member of
the military commonwealth. The assembly of the warriors of the tribe
was convened at stated seasons, or on sudden emergencies. The trial of
public offences, the election of magistrates, and the great business
of peace and war, were determined by its independent voice. Sometimes
indeed, these important questions were previously considered and
prepared in a more select council of the principal chieftains. [45] The
magistrates might deliberate and persuade, the people only could resolve
and execute; and the resolutions of the Germans were for the most part
hasty and violent. Barbarians accustomed to place their freedom in
gratifying the present passion, and their courage in overlooking all
future consequences, turned away with indignant contempt from the
remonstrances of justice and policy, and it was the practice to signify
by a hollow murmur their dislike of such timid counsels. But whenever
a more popular orator proposed to vindicate the meanest citizen
from either foreign or domestic injury, whenever he called upon his
fellow-countrymen to assert the national honor, or to pursue some
enterprise full of danger and glory, a loud clashing of shields and
spears expressed the eager applause of the assembly. For the Germans
always met in arms, and it was constantly to be dreaded, lest an
irregular multitude, inflamed with faction and strong liquors, should
use those arms to enforce, as well as to declare, their furious
resolves. We may recollect how often the diets of Poland have been
polluted with blood, and the more numerous party has been compelled to
yield to the more violent and seditious. [46]

[Footnote 45: Grotius changes an expression of Tacitus, pertractantur
into Proetractantur. The correction is equally just and ingenious.]

[Footnote 46: Even in our ancient parliament, the barons often carried a
question, not so much by the number of votes, as by that of their armed
followers.]

A general of the tribe was elected on occasions of danger; and, if
the danger was pressing and extensive, several tribes concurred in the
choice of the same general. The bravest warrior was named to lead his
countrymen into the field, by his example rather than by his commands.
But this power, however limited, was still invidious. It expired with
the war, and in time of peace the German tribes acknowledged not any
supreme chief. [47] Princes were, however, appointed, in the general
assembly, to administer justice, or rather to compose differences, [48]
in their respective districts. In the choice of these magistrates, as
much regard was shown to birth as to merit. [49] To each was assigned, by
the public, a guard, and a council of a hundred persons, and the first
of the princes appears to have enjoyed a preeminence of rank and honor
which sometimes tempted the Romans to compliment him with the regal
title. [50]

[Footnote 47: Caesar de Bell. Gal. vi. 23.]

[Footnote 48: Minuunt controversias, is a very happy expression of
Caesar's.]

[Footnote 49: Reges ex nobilitate, duces ex virtute sumunt.
Tacit Germ. 7]

[Footnote 50: Cluver. Germ. Ant. l. i. c. 38.]

The comparative view of the powers of the magistrates, in two remarkable
instances, is alone sufficient to represent the whole system of German
manners. The disposal of the landed property within their district was
absolutely vested in their hands, and they distributed it every
year according to a new division. [51] At the same time they were not
authorized to punish with death, to imprison, or even to strike a
private citizen. [52] A people thus jealous of their persons, and
careless of their possessions, must have been totally destitute of
industry and the arts, but animated with a high sense of honor and
independence.

[Footnote 51: Caesar, vi. 22. Tacit Germ. 26.]

[Footnote 52: Tacit. Germ. 7.]




Chapter IX: State Of Germany Until The Barbarians.--Part III.

The Germans respected only those duties which they imposed on
themselves. The most obscure soldier resisted with disdain the authority
of the magistrates. The noblest youths blushed not to be numbered among
the faithful companions of some renowned chief, to whom they devoted
their arms and service. A noble emulation prevailed among the
companions, to obtain the first place in the esteem of their chief;
amongst the chiefs, to acquire the greatest number of valiant
companions. To be ever surrounded by a band of select youths was the
pride and strength of the chiefs, their ornament in peace, their defence
in war. The glory of such distinguished heroes diffused itself beyond
the narrow limits of their own tribe. Presents and embassies solicited
their friendship, and the fame of their arms often insured victory to
the party which they espoused. In the hour of danger it was shameful for
the chief to be surpassed in valor by his companions; shameful for the
companions not to equal the valor of their chief. To survive his fall
in battle, was indelible infamy. To protect his person, and to adorn his
glory with the trophies of their own exploits, were the most sacred of
their duties. The chiefs combated for victory, the companions for the
chief. The noblest warriors, whenever their native country was sunk into
the laziness of peace, maintained their numerous bands in some distant
scene of action, to exercise their restless spirit, and to acquire
renown by voluntary dangers. Gifts worthy of soldiers--the warlike
steed, the bloody and even victorious lance--were the rewards which the
companions claimed from the liberality of their chief. The rude plenty
of his hospitable board was the only pay that he could bestow, or they
would accept. War, rapine, and the free-will offerings of his friends,
supplied the materials of this munificence. [53] This institution,
however it might accidentally weaken the several republics, invigorated
the general character of the Germans, and even ripened amongst them all
the virtues of which barbarians are susceptible; the faith and valor,
the hospitality and the courtesy, so conspicuous long afterwards in the
ages of chivalry.

The honorable gifts, bestowed by the chief on his brave companions, have
been supposed, by an ingenious writer, to contain the first rudiments of
the fiefs, distributed after the conquest of the Roman provinces, by the
barbarian lords among their vassals, with a similar duty of homage and
military service. [54] These conditions are, however, very repugnant to
the maxims of the ancient Germans, who delighted in mutual presents; but
without either imposing, or accepting, the weight of obligations. [55]

[Footnote 53: Tacit. Germ. 13, 14.]

[Footnote 54: Esprit des Loix, l. xxx. c. 3. The brilliant imagination
of Montesquieu is corrected, however, by the dry, cold reason of the
Abbe de Mably. Observations sur l'Histoire de France, tom. i. p. 356.]

[Footnote 55: Gaudent muneribus, sed nec data imputant, nec acceptis
obligautur. Tacit. Germ. c. 21.]

"In the days of chivalry, or more properly of romance, all the men were
brave, and all the women were chaste;" and notwithstanding the latter of
these virtues is acquired and preserved with much more difficulty than
the former, it is ascribed, almost without exception, to the wives of
the ancient Germans. Polygamy was not in use, except among the princes,
and among them only for the sake of multiplying their alliances.
Divorces were prohibited by manners rather than by laws. Adulteries were
punished as rare and inexpiable crimes; nor was seduction justified by
example and fashion. [56] We may easily discover that Tacitus indulges an
honest pleasure in the contrast of barbarian virtue with the dissolute
conduct of the Roman ladies; yet there are some striking circumstances
that give an air of truth, or at least probability, to the conjugal
faith and chastity of the Germans.

[Footnote 56: The adulteress was whipped through the village. Neither
wealth nor beauty could inspire compassion, or procure her a second
husband. 18, 19.]

Although the progress of civilization has undoubtedly contributed to
assuage the fiercer passions of human nature, it seems to have been less
favorable to the virtue of chastity, whose most dangerous enemy is the
softness of the mind. The refinements of life corrupt while they polish
the intercourse of the sexes. The gross appetite of love becomes
most dangerous when it is elevated, or rather, indeed, disguised by
sentimental passion. The elegance of dress, of motion, and of
manners, gives a lustre to beauty, and inflames the senses through the
imagination. Luxurious entertainments, midnight dances, and licentious
spectacles, present at once temptation and opportunity to female
frailty. [57] From such dangers the unpolished wives of the barbarians
were secured by poverty, solitude, and the painful cares of a domestic
life. The German huts, open, on every side, to the eye of indiscretion
or jealousy, were a better safeguard of conjugal fidelity, than the
walls, the bolts, and the eunuchs of a Persian haram. To this reason
another may be added, of a more honorable nature. The Germans treated
their women with esteem and confidence, consulted them on every occasion
of importance, and fondly believed, that in their breasts resided a
sanctity and wisdom more than human. Some of the interpreters of fate,
such as Velleda, in the Batavian war, governed, in the name of the
deity, the fiercest nations of Germany. [58] The rest of the sex,
without being adored as goddesses, were respected as the free and equal
companions of soldiers; associated even by the marriage ceremony to a
life of toil, of danger, and of glory. [59] In their great invasions,
the camps of the barbarians were filled with a multitude of women, who
remained firm and undaunted amidst the sound of arms, the various forms
of destruction, and the honorable wounds of their sons and husbands. [60]
Fainting armies of Germans have, more than once, been driven back upon
the enemy, by the generous despair of the women, who dreaded death much
less than servitude. If the day was irrecoverably lost, they well knew
how to deliver themselves and their children, with their own hands,
from an insulting victor. [61] Heroines of such a cast may claim our
admiration; but they were most assuredly neither lovely, nor very
susceptible of love. Whilst they affected to emulate the stern virtues
of man, they must have resigned that attractive softness, in which
principally consist the charm and weakness of woman. Conscious pride
taught the German females to suppress every tender emotion that stood
in competition with honor, and the first honor of the sex has ever been
that of chastity. The sentiments and conduct of these high-spirited
matrons may, at once, be considered as a cause, as an effect, and as a
proof of the general character of the nation. Female courage, however it
may be raised by fanaticism, or confirmed by habit, can be only a faint
and imperfect imitation of the manly valor that distinguishes the age or
country in which it may be found.

[Footnote 57: Ovid employs two hundred lines in the research of places
the most favorable to love. Above all, he considers the theatre as the
best adapted to collect the beauties of Rome, and to melt them into
tenderness and sensuality,]

[Footnote 58: Tacit. Germ. iv. 61, 65.]

[Footnote 59: The marriage present was a yoke of oxen, horses, and
arms. See Germ. c. 18. Tacitus is somewhat too florid on the subject.]

[Footnote 60: The change of exigere into exugere is a most excellent
correction.]

[Footnote 61: Tacit. Germ. c. 7. Plutarch in Mario. Before the wives of
the Teutones destroyed themselves and their children, they had offered
to surrender, on condition that they should be received as the slaves
of the vestal virgins.]

The religious system of the Germans (if the wild opinions of savages can
deserve that name) was dictated by their wants, their fears, and their
ignorance. [62] They adored the great visible objects and agents of
nature, the Sun and the Moon, the Fire and the Earth; together with
those imaginary deities, who were supposed to preside over the most
important occupations of human life. They were persuaded, that, by some
ridiculous arts of divination, they could discover the will of the
superior beings, and that human sacrifices were the most precious and
acceptable offering to their altars. Some applause has been hastily
bestowed on the sublime notion, entertained by that people, of the
Deity, whom they neither confined within the walls of the temple, nor
represented by any human figure; but when we recollect, that the Germans
were unskilled in architecture, and totally unacquainted with the art of
sculpture, we shall readily assign the true reason of a scruple, which
arose not so much from a superiority of reason, as from a want of
ingenuity. The only temples in Germany were dark and ancient groves,
consecrated by the reverence of succeeding generations. Their secret
gloom, the imagined residence of an invisible power, by presenting no
distinct object of fear or worship, impressed the mind with a still
deeper sense of religious horror; [63] and the priests, rude and
illiterate as they were, had been taught by experience the use of every
artifice that could preserve and fortify impressions so well suited to
their own interest.

[Footnote 62: Tacitus has employed a few lines, and Cluverius one
hundred and twenty-four pages, on this obscure subject. The former
discovers in Germany the gods of Greece and Rome. The latter is
positive, that, under the emblems of the sun, the moon, and the fire,
his pious ancestors worshipped the Trinity in unity]

[Footnote 63: The sacred wood, described with such sublime horror by
Lucan, was in the neighborhood of Marseilles; but there were many of the
same kind in Germany. * Note: The ancient Germans had shapeless idols,
and, when they began to build more settled habitations, they raised also
temples, such as that to the goddess Teufana, who presided over
divination. See Adelung, Hist. of Ane Germans, p 296--G]

The same ignorance, which renders barbarians incapable of conceiving or
embracing the useful restraints of laws, exposes them naked and unarmed
to the blind terrors of superstition. The German priests, improving this
favorable temper of their countrymen, had assumed a jurisdiction even in
temporal concerns, which the magistrate could not venture to exercise;
and the haughty warrior patiently submitted to the lash of correction,
when it was inflicted, not by any human power, but by the immediate
order of the god of war. [64] The defects of civil policy were sometimes
supplied by the interposition of ecclesiastical authority. The latter
was constantly exerted to maintain silence and decency in the popular
assemblies; and was sometimes extended to a more enlarged concern for
the national welfare. A solemn procession was occasionally celebrated in
the present countries of Mecklenburgh and Pomerania. The unknown symbol
of the Earth, covered with a thick veil, was placed on a carriage drawn
by cows; and in this manner the goddess, whose common residence was in
the Isles of Rugen, visited several adjacent tribes of her worshippers.
During her progress the sound of war was hushed, quarrels were
suspended, arms laid aside, and the restless Germans had an opportunity
of tasting the blessings of peace and harmony. [65] The truce of God,
so often and so ineffectually proclaimed by the clergy of the eleventh
century, was an obvious imitation of this ancient custom. [66]

[Footnote 64: Tacit. Germania, c. 7.]

[Footnote 65: Tacit. Germania, c. 40.]

[Footnote 66: See Dr. Robertson's History of Charles V. vol. i. note
10.]

But the influence of religion was far more powerful to inflame,
than to moderate, the fierce passions of the Germans. Interest and
fanaticism often prompted its ministers to sanctify the most daring
and the most unjust enterprises, by the approbation of Heaven, and full
assurances of success. The consecrated standards, long revered in the
groves of superstition, were placed in the front of the battle; [67] and
the hostile army was devoted with dire execrations to the gods of war
and of thunder. [68] In the faith of soldiers (and such were the Germans)
cowardice is the most unpardonable of sins. A brave man was the worthy
favorite of their martial deities; the wretch who had lost his shield
was alike banished from the religious and civil assemblies of his
countrymen. Some tribes of the north seem to have embraced the doctrine
of transmigration, [69] others imagined a gross paradise of immortal
drunkenness. [70] All agreed, that a life spent in arms, and a glorious
death in battle, were the best preparations for a happy futurity, either
in this or in another world.

[Footnote 67: Tacit. Germania, c. 7. These standards were only the heads
of wild beasts.]

[Footnote 68: See an instance of this custom, Tacit. Annal. xiii. 57.]

[Footnote 69: Caesar Diodorus, and Lucan, seem to ascribe this doctrine
to the Gauls, but M. Pelloutier (Histoire des Celtes, l. iii. c. 18)
labors to reduce their expressions to a more orthodox sense.]

[Footnote 70: Concerning this gross but alluring doctrine of the Edda,
see Fable xx. in the curious version of that book, published by M.
Mallet, in his Introduction to the History of Denmark.]

The immortality so vainly promised by the priests, was, in some degree,
conferred by the bards. That singular order of men has most deservedly
attracted the notice of all who have attempted to investigate the
antiquities of the Celts, the Scandinavians, and the Germans. Their
genius and character, as well as the reverence paid to that important
office, have been sufficiently illustrated. But we cannot so easily
express, or even conceive, the enthusiasm of arms and glory which they
kindled in the breast of their audience. Among a polished people, a
taste for poetry is rather an amusement of the fancy, than a passion
of the soul. And yet, when in calm retirement we peruse the combats
described by Homer or Tasso, we are insensibly seduced by the fiction,
and feel a momentary glow of martial ardor. But how faint, how cold is
the sensation which a peaceful mind can receive from solitary study! It
was in the hour of battle, or in the feast of victory, that the bards
celebrated the glory of the heroes of ancient days, the ancestors of
those warlike chieftains, who listened with transport to their artless
but animated strains. The view of arms and of danger heightened the
effect of the military song; and the passions which it tended to
excite, the desire of fame, and the contempt of death, were the habitual
sentiments of a German mind. [71] [711]

[Footnote 71: See Tacit. Germ. c. 3. Diod. Sicul. l. v. Strabo, l. iv.
p. 197. The classical reader may remember the rank of Demodocus in the
Phaeacian court, and the ardor infused by Tyrtaeus into the fainting
Spartans. Yet there is little probability that the Greeks and the
Germans were the same people. Much learned trifling might be spared, if
our antiquarians would condescend to reflect, that similar manners will
naturally be produced by similar situations.]

[Footnote 711: Besides these battle songs, the Germans sang at their
festival banquets, (Tac. Ann. i. 65,) and around the bodies of their
slain heroes. King Theodoric, of the tribe of the Goths, killed in a
battle against Attila, was honored by songs while he was borne from
the field of battle. Jornandes, c. 41. The same honor was paid to
the remains of Attila. Ibid. c. 49. According to some historians,
the Germans had songs also at their weddings; but this appears to me
inconsistent with their customs, in which marriage was no more than the
purchase of a wife. Besides, there is but one instance of this, that
of the Gothic king, Ataulph, who sang himself the nuptial hymn when
he espoused Placidia, sister of the emperors Arcadius and Honorius,
(Olympiodor. p. 8.) But this marriage was celebrated according to the
Roman rites, of which the nuptial songs formed a part. Adelung, p.
382.--G. Charlemagne is said to have collected the national songs of the
ancient Germans. Eginhard, Vit. Car. Mag.--M.]

Such was the situation, and such were the manners of the ancient
Germans. Their climate, their want of learning, of arts, and of laws,
their notions of honor, of gallantry, and of religion, their sense of
freedom, impatience of peace, and thirst of enterprise, all contributed
to form a people of military heroes. And yet we find, that during more
than two hundred and fifty years that elapsed from the defeat of
Varus to the reign of Decius, these formidable barbarians made few
considerable attempts, and not any material impression on the luxurious
and enslaved provinces of the empire. Their progress was checked by
their want of arms and discipline, and their fury was diverted by the
intestine divisions of ancient Germany. I. It has been observed, with
ingenuity, and not without truth, that the command of iron soon gives
a nation the command of gold. But the rude tribes of Germany, alike
destitute of both those valuable metals, were reduced slowly to acquire,
by their unassisted strength, the possession of the one as well as
the other. The face of a German army displayed their poverty of iron.
Swords, and the longer kind of lances, they could seldom use. Their
frameae (as they called them in their own language) were long spears
headed with a sharp but narrow iron point, and which, as occasion
required, they either darted from a distance, or pushed in close onset.
With this spear, and with a shield, their cavalry was contented.
A multitude of darts, scattered [72] with incredible force, were an
additional resource of the infantry. Their military dress, when they
wore any, was nothing more than a loose mantle. A variety of colors was
the only ornament of their wooden or osier shields. Few of the chiefs
were distinguished by cuirasses, scarcely any by helmets. Though the
horses of Germany were neither beautiful, swift, nor practised in the
skilful evolutions of the Roman manege, several of the nations obtained
renown by their cavalry; but, in general, the principal strength of the
Germans consisted in their infantry, [73] which was drawn up in several
deep columns, according to the distinction of tribes and families.
Impatient of fatigue and delay, these half-armed warriors rushed to
battle with dissonant shouts and disordered ranks; and sometimes, by
the effort of native valor, prevailed over the constrained and more
artificial bravery of the Roman mercenaries. But as the barbarians
poured forth their whole souls on the first onset, they knew not how to
rally or to retire. A repulse was a sure defeat; and a defeat was most
commonly total destruction. When we recollect the complete armor of
the Roman soldiers, their discipline, exercises, evolutions, fortified
camps, and military engines, it appears a just matter of surprise,
how the naked and unassisted valor of the barbarians could dare to
encounter, in the field, the strength of the legions, and the various
troops of the auxiliaries, which seconded their operations. The contest
was too unequal, till the introduction of luxury had enervated the
vigor, and a spirit of disobedience and sedition had relaxed the
discipline, of the Roman armies. The introduction of barbarian
auxiliaries into those armies, was a measure attended with very obvious
dangers, as it might gradually instruct the Germans in the arts of war
and of policy. Although they were admitted in small numbers and with the
strictest precaution, the example of Civilis was proper to convince the
Romans, that the danger was not imaginary, and that their precautions
were not always sufficient. [74] During the civil wars that followed
the death of Nero, that artful and intrepid Batavian, whom his enemies
condescended to compare with Hannibal and Sertorius, [75] formed a great
design of freedom and ambition. Eight Batavian cohorts renowned in the
wars of Britain and Italy, repaired to his standard. He introduced an
army of Germans into Gaul, prevailed on the powerful cities of Treves
and Langres to embrace his cause, defeated the legions, destroyed their
fortified camps, and employed against the Romans the military knowledge
which he had acquired in their service. When at length, after an
obstinate struggle, he yielded to the power of the empire, Civilis
secured himself and his country by an honorable treaty. The Batavians
still continued to occupy the islands of the Rhine, [76] the allies, not
the servants, of the Roman monarchy.

[Footnote 72: Missilia spargunt,
Tacit. Germ. c. 6. Either that historian used a vague expression, or
he meant that they were thrown at random.]

[Footnote 73: It was their
principal distinction from the Sarmatians, who generally fought on
horseback.]

[Footnote 74: The relation of this enterprise occupies a great part
of the fourth and fifth books of the History of Tacitus, and is more
remarkable for its eloquence than perspicuity. Sir Henry Saville has
observed several inaccuracies.]

[Footnote 75: Tacit. Hist. iv. 13. Like them he had lost an eye.]

[Footnote 76: It was contained between the two branches of the old
Rhine, as they subsisted before the face of the country was changed by
art and nature. See Cluver German. Antiq. l. iii. c. 30, 37.]


II. The strength of ancient Germany appears formidable, when we consider
the effects that might have been produced by its united effort. The wide
extent of country might very possibly contain a million of warriors, as
all who were of age to bear arms were of a temper to use them. But
this fierce multitude, incapable of concerting or executing any plan
of national greatness, was agitated by various and often hostile
intentions. Germany was divided into more than forty independent states;
and, even in each state, the union of the several tribes was extremely
loose and precarious. The barbarians were easily provoked; they knew not
how to forgive an injury, much less an insult; their resentments were
bloody and implacable. The casual disputes that so frequently happened
in their tumultuous parties of hunting or drinking, were sufficient
to inflame the minds of whole nations; the private feuds of any
considerable chieftains diffused itself among their followers and
allies. To chastise the insolent, or to plunder the defenceless, were
alike causes of war. The most formidable states of Germany affected
to encompass their territories with a wide frontier of solitude and
devastation. The awful distance preserved by their neighbors attested
the terror of their arms, and in some measure defended them from the
danger of unexpected incursions. [77]

[Footnote 77: Caesar de Bell. Gal. l. vi. 23.]

"The Bructeri [771] (it is Tacitus who now speaks) were totally
exterminated by the neighboring tribes, [78] provoked by their insolence,
allured by the hopes of spoil, and perhaps inspired by the tutelar
deities of the empire. Above sixty thousand barbarians were destroyed;
not by the Roman arms, but in our sight, and for our entertainment. May
the nations, enemies of Rome, ever preserve this enmity to each other!
We have now attained the utmost verge of prosperity, [79] and
have nothing left to demand of fortune, except the discord of the
barbarians." [80]--These sentiments, less worthy of the humanity than of
the patriotism of Tacitus, express the invariable maxims of the policy
of his countrymen. They deemed it a much safer expedient to divide than
to combat the barbarians, from whose defeat they could derive neither
honor nor advantage. The money and negotiations of Rome insinuated
themselves into the heart of Germany; and every art of seduction was
used with dignity, to conciliate those nations whom their proximity to
the Rhine or Danube might render the most useful friends as well as the
most troublesome enemies. Chiefs of renown and power were flattered
by the most trifling presents, which they received either as marks of
distinction, or as the instruments of luxury. In civil dissensions the
weaker faction endeavored to strengthen its interest by entering into
secret connections with the governors of the frontier provinces. Every
quarrel among the Germans was fomented by the intrigues of Rome; and
every plan of union and public good was defeated by the stronger bias of
private jealousy and interest. [81]

[Footnote 771: The Bructeri were a non-Suevian tribe, who dwelt below the
duchies of Oldenburgh, and Lauenburgh, on the borders of the Lippe, and
in the Hartz Mountains. It was among them that the priestess Velleda
obtained her renown.--G.]

[Footnote 78: They are mentioned, however, in the ivth and vth centuries
by Nazarius, Ammianus, Claudian, &c., as a tribe of Franks. See Cluver.
Germ. Antiq. l. iii. c. 13.]

[Footnote 79: Urgentibus is the common reading; but good sense, Lipsius,
and some Mss. declare for Vergentibus.]

[Footnote 80: Tacit Germania, c. 33. The pious Abbe de la Bleterie is
very angry with Tacitus, talks of the devil, who was a murderer from the
beginning, &c., &c.]

[Footnote 81: Many traces of this policy may be discovered in Tacitus
and Dion: and many more may be inferred from the principles of human
nature.]

The general conspiracy which terrified the Romans under the reign of
Marcus Antoninus, comprehended almost all the nations of Germany, and
even Sarmatia, from the mouth of the Rhine to that of the Danube. [82]
It is impossible for us to determine whether this hasty confederation
was formed by necessity, by reason, or by passion; but we may rest
assured, that the barbarians were neither allured by the indolence, nor
provoked by the ambition, of the Roman monarch. This dangerous invasion
required all the firmness and vigilance of Marcus. He fixed generals of
ability in the several stations of attack, and assumed in person the
conduct of the most important province on the Upper Danube. After a long
and doubtful conflict, the spirit of the barbarians was subdued. The
Quadi and the Marcomanni, [83] who had taken the lead in the war, were
the most severely punished in its catastrophe. They were commanded to
retire five miles [84] from their own banks of the Danube, and to
deliver up the flower of the youth, who were immediately sent into
Britain, a remote island, where they might be secure as hostages, and
useful as soldiers. [85] On the frequent rebellions of the Quadi and
Marcomanni, the irritated emperor resolved to reduce their country into
the form of a province. His designs were disappointed by death. This
formidable league, however, the only one that appears in the two first
centuries of the Imperial history, was entirely dissipated, without
leaving any traces behind in Germany.

[Footnote 82: Hist. Aug. p. 31. Ammian. Marcellin. l. xxxi. c. 5. Aurel.
Victor. The emperor Marcus was reduced to sell the rich furniture of the
palace, and to enlist slaves and robbers.]

[Footnote 83: The Marcomanni, a colony, who, from the banks of the Rhine
occupied Bohemia and Moravia, had once erected a great and formidable
monarchy under their king Maroboduus. See Strabo, l. vii. [p. 290.]
Vell. Pat. ii. 108. Tacit. Annal. ii. 63. * Note: The Mark-manaen, the
March-men or borderers. There seems little doubt that this was an
appellation, rather than a proper name of a part of the great Suevian or
Teutonic race.--M.]

[Footnote 84: Mr. Wotton (History of Rome, p. 166) increases the
prohibition to ten times the distance. His reasoning is specious, but
not conclusive. Five miles were sufficient for a fortified barrier.]

[Footnote 85: Dion, l. lxxi. and lxxii.]

In the course of this introductory chapter, we have confined ourselves
to the general outlines of the manners of Germany, without attempting
to describe or to distinguish the various tribes which filled that
great country in the time of Caesar, of Tacitus, or of Ptolemy. As the
ancient, or as new tribes successively present themselves in the
series of this history, we shall concisely mention their origin, their
situation, and their particular character. Modern nations are fixed and
permanent societies, connected among themselves by laws and government,
bound to their native soil by arts and agriculture. The German tribes
were voluntary and fluctuating associations of soldiers, almost of
savages. The same territory often changed its inhabitants in the tide
of conquest and emigration. The same communities, uniting in a plan of
defence or invasion, bestowed a new title on their new confederacy. The
dissolution of an ancient confederacy restored to the independent tribes
their peculiar but long-forgotten appellation. A victorious state often
communicated its own name to a vanquished people. Sometimes crowds of
volunteers flocked from all parts to the standard of a favorite leader;
his camp became their country, and some circumstance of the enterprise
soon gave a common denomination to the mixed multitude. The distinctions
of the ferocious invaders were perpetually varied by themselves, and
confounded by the astonished subjects of the Roman empire. [86]

[Footnote 86: See an excellent dissertation on the origin and migrations
of nations, in the Memoires de l'Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xviii.
p. 48--71. It is seldom that the antiquarian and the philosopher are so
happily blended.]

Wars, and the administration of public affairs, are the principal
subjects of history; but the number of persons interested in these
busy scenes is very different, according to the different condition of
mankind. In great monarchies, millions of obedient subjects pursue their
useful occupations in peace and obscurity. The attention of the writer,
as well as of the reader, is solely confined to a court, a capital, a
regular army, and the districts which happen to be the occasional scene
of military operations. But a state of freedom and barbarism, the season
of civil commotions, or the situation of petty republics, [87] raises
almost every member of the community into action, and consequently into
notice. The irregular divisions, and the restless motions, of the people
of Germany, dazzle our imagination, and seem to multiply their numbers.
The profuse enumeration of kings, of warriors, of armies and nations,
inclines us to forget that the same objects are continually repeated
under a variety of appellations, and that the most splendid appellations
have been frequently lavished on the most inconsiderable objects.

[Footnote 87: Should we suspect that Athens contained only 21,000
citizens, and Sparta no more than 39,000? See Hume and Wallace on the
number of mankind in ancient and modern times. * Note: This number,
though too positively stated, is probably not far wrong, as an average
estimate. On the subject of Athenian population, see St. Croix, Acad.
des Inscrip. xlviii. Boeckh, Public Economy of Athens, i. 47. Eng Trans,
Fynes Clinton, Fasti Hellenici, vol. i. p. 381. The latter author
estimates the citizens of Sparta at 33,000--M.]




Chapter X: Emperors Decius, Gallus, Aemilianus, Valerian And Gallienus--Part I.

     The Emperors Decius, Gallus, Aemilianus, Valerian, And
     Gallienus.--The General Irruption Of The Barbari Ans.--The
     Thirty Tyrants.

From the great secular games celebrated by Philip, to the death of the
emperor Gallienus, there elapsed twenty years of shame and misfortune.
During that calamitous period, every instant of time was marked, every
province of the Roman world was afflicted, by barbarous invaders, and
military tyrants, and the ruined empire seemed to approach the last and
fatal moment of its dissolution. The confusion of the times, and the
scarcity of authentic memorials, oppose equal difficulties to the
historian, who attempts to preserve a clear and unbroken thread of
narration. Surrounded with imperfect fragments, always concise, often
obscure, and sometimes contradictory, he is reduced to collect, to
compare, and to conjecture: and though he ought never to place his
conjectures in the rank of facts, yet the knowledge of human nature, and
of the sure operation of its fierce and unrestrained passions, might, on
some occasions, supply the want of historical materials.

There is not, for instance, any difficulty in conceiving, that the
successive murders of so many emperors had loosened all the ties of
allegiance between the prince and people; that all the generals of
Philip were disposed to imitate the example of their master; and that
the caprice of armies, long since habituated to frequent and violent
revolutions, might every day raise to the throne the most obscure of
their fellow-soldiers. History can only add, that the rebellion against
the emperor Philip broke out in the summer of the year two hundred and
forty-nine, among the legions of Maesia; and that a subaltern officer,
[1] named Marinus, was the object of their seditious choice. Philip was
alarmed. He dreaded lest the treason of the Maesian army should
prove the first spark of a general conflagration. Distracted with
the consciousness of his guilt and of his danger, he communicated the
intelligence to the senate. A gloomy silence prevailed, the effect of
fear, and perhaps of disaffection; till at length Decius, one of the
assembly, assuming a spirit worthy of his noble extraction, ventured to
discover more intrepidity than the emperor seemed to possess. He treated
the whole business with contempt, as a hasty and inconsiderate tumult,
and Philip's rival as a phantom of royalty, who in a very few days would
be destroyed by the same inconstancy that had created him. The speedy
completion of the prophecy inspired Philip with a just esteem for so
able a counsellor; and Decius appeared to him the only person capable
of restoring peace and discipline to an army whose tumultuous spirit did
not immediately subside after the murder of Marinus. Decius, [2] who
long resisted his own nomination, seems to have insinuated the danger of
presenting a leader of merit to the angry and apprehensive minds of
the soldiers; and his prediction was again confirmed by the event. The
legions of Maesia forced their judge to become their accomplice. They
left him only the alternative of death or the purple. His subsequent
conduct, after that decisive measure, was unavoidable. He conducted, or
followed, his army to the confines of Italy, whither Philip, collecting
all his force to repel the formidable competitor whom he had raised up,
advanced to meet him. The Imperial troops were superior in number;
but the rebels formed an army of veterans, commanded by an able and
experienced leader. Philip was either killed in the battle, or put to
death a few days afterwards at Verona. His son and associate in
the empire was massacred at Rome by the Praetorian guards; and the
victorious Decius, with more favorable circumstances than the ambition
of that age can usually plead, was universally acknowledged by the
senate and provinces. It is reported, that, immediately after his
reluctant acceptance of the title of Augustus, he had assured Philip,
by a private message, of his innocence and loyalty, solemnly protesting,
that, on his arrival on Italy, he would resign the Imperial ornaments,
and return to the condition of an obedient subject. His professions
might be sincere; but in the situation where fortune had placed him, it
was scarcely possible that he could either forgive or be forgiven. [3]

[Footnote 1: The expression used by Zosimus and Zonaras may signify that
Marinus commanded a century, a cohort, or a legion.]

[Footnote 2: His birth at Bubalia, a little village in Pannonia,
(Eutrop. ix. Victor. in Caesarib. et Epitom.,) seems to contradict,
unless it was merely accidental, his supposed descent from the Decii.
Six hundred years had bestowed nobility on the Decii: but at the
commencement of that period, they were only plebeians of merit, and
among the first who shared the consulship with the haughty patricians.
Plebeine Deciorum animae, &c. Juvenal, Sat. viii. 254. See the spirited
speech of Decius, in Livy. x. 9, 10.]

[Footnote 3: Zosimus, l. i. p. 20, c. 22. Zonaras, l. xii. p. 624, edit.
Louvre.]

The emperor Decius had employed a few months in the works of peace and
the administration of justice, when he was summoned to the banks of
the Danube by the invasion of the Goths. This is the first considerable
occasion in which history mentions that great people, who afterwards
broke the Roman power, sacked the Capitol, and reigned in Gaul, Spain,
and Italy. So memorable was the part which they acted in the subversion
of the Western empire, that the name of Goths is frequently but
improperly used as a general appellation of rude and warlike barbarism.

In the beginning of the sixth century, and after the conquest of Italy,
the Goths, in possession of present greatness, very naturally indulged
themselves in the prospect of past and of future glory. They wished to
preserve the memory of their ancestors, and to transmit to posterity
their own achievements. The principal minister of the court of Ravenna,
the learned Cassiodorus, gratified the inclination of the conquerors in
a Gothic history, which consisted of twelve books, now reduced to the
imperfect abridgment of Jornandes. [4] These writers passed with the most
artful conciseness over the misfortunes of the nation, celebrated its
successful valor, and adorned the triumph with many Asiatic trophies,
that more properly belonged to the people of Scythia. On the faith of
ancient songs, the uncertain, but the only memorials of barbarians,
they deduced the first origin of the Goths from the vast island, or
peninsula, of Scandinavia. [5] [501] That extreme country of the North
was not unknown to the conquerors of Italy: the ties of ancient
consanguinity had been strengthened by recent offices of friendship; and
a Scandinavian king had cheerfully abdicated his savage greatness, that
he might pass the remainder of his days in the peaceful and polished
court of Ravenna. [6] Many vestiges, which cannot be ascribed to the
arts of popular vanity, attest the ancient residence of the Goths in the
countries beyond the Rhine. From the time of the geographer Ptolemy, the
southern part of Sweden seems to have continued in the possession of the
less enterprising remnant of the nation, and a large territory is even
at present divided into east and west Gothland. During the middle
ages, (from the ninth to the twelfth century,) whilst Christianity was
advancing with a slow progress into the North, the Goths and the
Swedes composed two distinct and sometimes hostile members of the
same monarchy. [7] The latter of these two names has prevailed without
extinguishing the former. The Swedes, who might well be satisfied with
their own fame in arms, have, in every age, claimed the kindred glory of
the Goths. In a moment of discontent against the court of Rome, Charles
the Twelfth insinuated, that his victorious troops were not degenerated
from their brave ancestors, who had already subdued the mistress of the
world. [8]

[Footnote 4: See the prefaces of Cassiodorus and Jornandes; it is
surprising that the latter should be omitted in the excellent edition,
published by Grotius, of the Gothic writers.]

[Footnote 5: On the authority of Ablavius, Jornandes quotes some old
Gothic chronicles in verse. De Reb. Geticis, c. 4.]

[Footnote 501: The Goths have inhabited Scandinavia, but it was not
their original habitation. This great nation was anciently of the
Suevian race; it occupied, in the time of Tacitus, and long before,
Mecklenburgh, Pomerania Southern Prussia and the north-west of Poland. A
little before the birth of J. C., and in the first years of that
century, they belonged to the kingdom of Marbod, king of the Marcomanni:
but Cotwalda, a young Gothic prince, delivered them from that tyranny,
and established his own power over the kingdom of the Marcomanni,
already much weakened by the victories of Tiberius. The power of the
Goths at that time must have been great: it was probably from them that
the Sinus Codanus (the Baltic) took this name, as it was afterwards
called Mare Suevicum, and Mare Venedicum, during the superiority of the
proper Suevi and the Venedi. The epoch in which the Goths passed into
Scandinavia is unknown. See Adelung, Hist. of Anc. Germany, p. 200.
Gatterer, Hist. Univ. 458.--G. ----M. St. Martin observes, that the
Scandinavian descent of the Goths rests on the authority of Jornandes,
who professed to derive it from the traditions of the Goths. He is
supported by Procopius and Paulus Diaconus. Yet the Goths are
unquestionably the same with the Getae of the earlier historians. St.
Martin, note on Le Beau, Hist. du bas Empire, iii. 324. The identity of
the Getae and Goths is by no means generally admitted. On the whole,
they seem to be one vast branch of the Indo-Teutonic race, who spread
irregularly towards the north of Europe, and at different periods, and
in different regions, came in contact with the more civilized nations of
the south. At this period, there seems to have been a reflux of these
Gothic tribes from the North. Malte Brun considers that there are strong
grounds for receiving the Islandic traditions commented by the Danish
Varro, M. Suhm. From these, and the voyage of Pytheas, which Malte Brun
considers genuine, the Goths were in possession of Scandinavia,
Ey-Gothland, 250 years before J. C., and of a tract on the continent
(Reid-Gothland) between the mouths of the Vistula and the Oder. In their
southern migration, they followed the course of the Vistula; afterwards,
of the Dnieper. Malte Brun, Geogr. i. p. 387, edit. 1832. Geijer, the
historian of Sweden, ably maintains the Scandinavian origin of the
Goths. The Gothic language, according to Bopp, is the link between the
Sanscrit and the modern Teutonic dialects: "I think that I am reading
Sanscrit when I am reading Olphilas." Bopp, Conjugations System der
Sanscrit Sprache, preface, p. x--M.]

[Footnote 6: Jornandes, c. 3.]

[Footnote 7: See in the Prolegomena of Grotius some large extracts from
Adam of Bremen, and Saxo-Grammaticus. The former wrote in the year 1077,
the latter flourished about the year 1200.]

[Footnote 8: Voltaire, Histoire de Charles XII. l. iii. When the
Austrians desired the aid of the court of Rome against Gustavus
Adolphus, they always represented that conqueror as the lineal successor
of Alaric. Harte's History of Gustavus, vol. ii. p. 123.]

Till the end of the eleventh century, a celebrated temple subsisted
at Upsal, the most considerable town of the Swedes and Goths. It was
enriched with the gold which the Scandinavians had acquired in their
piratical adventures, and sanctified by the uncouth representations of
the three principal deities, the god of war, the goddess of generation,
and the god of thunder. In the general festival, that was solemnized
every ninth year, nine animals of every species (without excepting
the human) were sacrificed, and their bleeding bodies suspended in the
sacred grove adjacent to the temple. [9] The only traces that now
subsist of this barbaric superstition are contained in the Edda, [901] a
system of mythology, compiled in Iceland about the thirteenth century,
and studied by the learned of Denmark and Sweden, as the most valuable
remains of their ancient traditions.

[Footnote 9: See Adam of Bremen in Grotii Prolegomenis, p. 105. The
temple of Upsal was destroyed by Ingo, king of Sweden, who began
his reign in the year 1075, and about fourscore years afterwards, a
Christian cathedral was erected on its ruins. See Dalin's History of
Sweden, in the Bibliotheque Raisonee.]

[Footnote 901: The Eddas have at length been made accessible to European
scholars by the completion of the publication of the Saemundine Edda by
the Arna Magnaean Commission, in 3 vols. 4to., with a copious lexicon of
northern mythology.--M.]

Notwithstanding the mysterious obscurity of the Edda, we can easily
distinguish two persons confounded under the name of Odin; the god of
war, and the great legislator of Scandinavia. The latter, the Mahomet
of the North, instituted a religion adapted to the climate and to the
people. Numerous tribes on either side of the Baltic were subdued by the
invincible valor of Odin, by his persuasive eloquence, and by the fame
which he acquired of a most skilful magician. The faith that he had
propagated, during a long and prosperous life, he confirmed by a
voluntary death. Apprehensive of the ignominious approach of disease
and infirmity, he resolved to expire as became a warrior. In a solemn
assembly of the Swedes and Goths, he wounded himself in nine mortal
places, hastening away (as he asserted with his dying voice) to prepare
the feast of heroes in the palace of the God of war. [10]

[Footnote 10: Mallet, Introduction a l'Histoire du Dannemarc.]

The native and proper habitation of Odin is distinguished by the
appellation of As-gard. The happy resemblance of that name with As-burg,
or As-of, [11] words of a similar signification, has given rise to an
historical system of so pleasing a contexture, that we could almost wish
to persuade ourselves of its truth. It is supposed that Odin was the
chief of a tribe of barbarians which dwelt on the banks of the Lake
Maeotis, till the fall of Mithridates and the arms of Pompey menaced the
North with servitude. That Odin, yielding with indignant fury to a power
which he was unable to resist, conducted his tribe from the frontiers of
the Asiatic Sarmatia into Sweden, with the great design of forming, in
that inaccessible retreat of freedom, a religion and a people, which, in
some remote age, might be subservient to his immortal revenge; when his
invincible Goths, armed with martial fanaticism, should issue in
numerous swarms from the neighborhood of the Polar circle, to chastise
the oppressors of mankind. [12]

[Footnote 11: Mallet, c. iv. p. 55, has collected from Strabo, Pliny,
Ptolemy, and Stephanus Byzantinus, the vestiges of such a city and
people.]

[Footnote 12: This wonderful expedition of Odin, which, by deducting the
enmity of the Goths and Romans from so memorable a cause, might supply
the noble groundwork of an epic poem, cannot safely be received as
authentic history. According to the obvious sense of the Edda, and the
interpretation of the most skilful critics, As-gard, instead of denoting
a real city of the Asiatic Sarmatia, is the fictitious appellation of
the mystic abode of the gods, the Olympus of Scandinavia; from whence
the prophet was supposed to descend, when he announced his new religion
to the Gothic nations, who were already seated in the southern parts of
Sweden. * Note: A curious letter may be consulted on this subject from
the Swede, Ihre counsellor in the Chancery of Upsal, printed at Upsal by
Edman, in 1772 and translated into German by M. Schlozer. Gottingen,
printed for Dietericht, 1779.--G. ----Gibbon, at a later period of his
work, recanted his opinion of the truth of this expedition of Odin. The
Asiatic origin of the Goths is almost certain from the affinity of their
language to the Sanscrit and Persian; but their northern writers, when
all mythology was reduced to hero worship.--M.]

If so many successive generations of Goths were capable of preserving a
faint tradition of their Scandinavian origin, we must not expect, from
such unlettered barbarians, any distinct account of the time and
circumstances of their emigration. To cross the Baltic was an easy and
natural attempt. The inhabitants of Sweden were masters of a sufficient
number of large vessels, with oars, [13] and the distance is little more
than one hundred miles from Carlscroon to the nearest ports of Pomerania
and Prussia. Here, at length, we land on firm and historic ground. At
least as early as the Christian aera, [14] and as late as the age of the
Antonines, [15] the Goths were established towards the mouth of the
Vistula, and in that fertile province where the commercial cities of
Thorn, Elbing, Koningsberg, and Dantzick, were long afterwards founded.
[16] Westward of the Goths, the numerous tribes of the Vandals were
spread along the banks of the Oder, and the sea-coast of Pomerania and
Mecklenburgh. A striking resemblance of manners, complexion, religion,
and language, seemed to indicate that the Vandals and the Goths were
originally one great people. [17] The latter appear to have been
subdivided into Ostrogoths, Visigoths, and Gepidae. [18] The distinction
among the Vandals was more strongly marked by the independent names of
Heruli, Burgundians, Lombards, and a variety of other petty states, many
of which, in a future age, expanded themselves into powerful monarchies.
[181]

[Footnote 13: Tacit. Germania, c. 44.]

[Footnote 14: Tacit. Annal. ii. 62. If we could yield a firm assent to
the navigations of Pytheas of Marseilles, we must allow that the Goths
had passed the Baltic at least three hundred years before Christ.]

[Footnote 15: Ptolemy, l. ii.]

[Footnote 16: By the German colonies who followed the arms of the
Teutonic knights. The conquest and conversion of Prussia were completed
by those adventurers in the thirteenth century.]

[Footnote 17: Pliny (Hist. Natur. iv. 14) and Procopius (in Bell.
Vandal. l. i. c. l) agree in this opinion. They lived in distant ages,
and possessed different means of investigating the truth.]

[Footnote 18: The Ostro and Visi, the eastern and western Goths,
obtained those denominations from their original seats in Scandinavia.
In all their future marches and settlements they preserved, with their
names, the same relative situation. When they first departed from
Sweden, the infant colony was contained in three vessels. The third,
being a heavy sailer, lagged behind, and the crew, which afterwards
swelled into a nation, received from that circumstance the appellation
of Gepidae or Loiterers. Jornandes, c. 17. * Note: It was not in
Scandinavia that the Goths were divided into Ostrogoths and Visigoths;
that division took place after their irruption into Dacia in the third
century: those who came from Mecklenburgh and Pomerania were called
Visigoths; those who came from the south of Prussia, and the northwest
of Poland, called themselves Ostrogoths. Adelung, Hist. All. p. 202
Gatterer, Hist. Univ. 431.--G.]

[Footnote 181: This opinion is by no means probable. The Vandals and the
Goths equally belonged to the great division of the Suevi, but the
two tribes were very different. Those who have treated on this part
of history, appear to me to have neglected to remark that the ancients
almost always gave the name of the dominant and conquering people to all
the weaker and conquered races. So Pliny calls Vindeli, Vandals, all the
people of the north-east of Europe, because at that epoch the Vandals
were doubtless the conquering tribe. Caesar, on the contrary, ranges
under the name of Suevi, many of the tribes whom Pliny reckons as
Vandals, because the Suevi, properly so called, were then the most
powerful tribe in Germany. When the Goths, become in their turn
conquerors, had subjugated the nations whom they encountered on their
way, these nations lost their name with their liberty, and became of
Gothic origin. The Vandals themselves were then considered as Goths; the
Heruli, the Gepidae, &c., suffered the same fate. A common origin was
thus attributed to tribes who had only been united by the conquests of
some dominant nation, and this confusion has given rise to a number of
historical errors.--G. ----M. St. Martin has a learned note (to Le Beau,
v. 261) on the origin of the Vandals. The difficulty appears to be in
rejecting the close analogy of the name with the Vend or Wendish race,
who were of Sclavonian, not of Suevian or German, origin. M. St. Martin
supposes that the different races spread from the head of the Adriatic
to the Baltic, and even the Veneti, on the shores of the Adriatic, the
Vindelici, the tribes which gave their name to Vindobena, Vindoduna,
Vindonissa, were branches of the same stock with the Sclavonian Venedi,
who at one time gave their name to the Baltic; that they all spoke
dialects of the Wendish language, which still prevails in Carinthia,
Carniola, part of Bohemia, and Lusatia, and is hardly extinct in
Mecklenburgh and Pomerania. The Vandal race, once so fearfully
celebrated in the annals of mankind, has so utterly perished from the
face of the earth, that we are not aware that any vestiges of their
language can be traced, so as to throw light on the disputed question of
their German, their Sclavonian, or independent origin. The weight of
ancient authority seems against M. St. Martin's opinion. Compare, on the
Vandals, Malte Brun. 394. Also Gibbon's note, c. xli. n. 38.--M.]

In the age of the Antonines, the Goths were still seated in Prussia.
About the reign of Alexander Severus, the Roman province of Dacia had
already experienced their proximity by frequent and destructive inroads.
[19] In this interval, therefore, of about seventy years, we must place
the second migration of the Goths from the Baltic to the Euxine; but the
cause that produced it lies concealed among the various motives which
actuate the conduct of unsettled barbarians. Either a pestilence or a
famine, a victory or a defeat, an oracle of the gods or the eloquence of
a daring leader, were sufficient to impel the Gothic arms on the milder
climates of the south. Besides the influence of a martial religion, the
numbers and spirit of the Goths were equal to the most dangerous
adventures. The use of round bucklers and short swords rendered them
formidable in a close engagement; the manly obedience which they yielded
to hereditary kings, gave uncommon union and stability to their
councils; [20] and the renowned Amala, the hero of that age, and the
tenth ancestor of Theodoric, king of Italy, enforced, by the ascendant
of personal merit, the prerogative of his birth, which he derived from
the Anses, or demi gods of the Gothic nation. [21]

[Footnote 19: See a fragment of Peter Patricius in the Excerpta
Legationum and with regard to its probable date, see Tillemont, Hist,
des Empereurs, tom. iii. p. 346.]

[Footnote 20: Omnium harum gentium insigne, rotunda scuta, breves
gladii, et erga rages obsequium. Tacit. Germania, c. 43. The Goths
probably acquired their iron by the commerce of amber.]

[Footnote 21: Jornandes, c. 13, 14.]

The fame of a great enterprise excited the bravest warriors from all the
Vandalic states of Germany, many of whom are seen a few years afterwards
combating under the common standard of the Goths. [22] The first motions
of the emigrants carried them to the banks of the Prypec, a river
universally conceived by the ancients to be the southern branch of the
Borysthenes. [23] The windings of that great stream through the plains
of Poland and Russia gave a direction to their line of march, and a
constant supply of fresh water and pasturage to their numerous herds
of cattle. They followed the unknown course of the river, confident in
their valor, and careless of whatever power might oppose their progress.
The Bastarnae and the Venedi were the first who presented themselves;
and the flower of their youth, either from choice or compulsion,
increased the Gothic army. The Bastarnae dwelt on the northern side of
the Carpathian Mountains: the immense tract of land that separated the
Bastarnae from the savages of Finland was possessed, or rather wasted,
by the Venedi; [24] we have some reason to believe that the first of
these nations, which distinguished itself in the Macedonian war, [25] and
was afterwards divided into the formidable tribes of the Peucini, the
Borani, the Carpi, &c., derived its origin from the Germans. [251] With
better authority, a Sarmatian extraction may be assigned to the Venedi,
who rendered themselves so famous in the middle ages. [26] But the
confusion of blood and manners on that doubtful frontier often perplexed
the most accurate observers. [27] As the Goths advanced near the Euxine
Sea, they encountered a purer race of Sarmatians, the Jazyges, the
Alani, [271] and the Roxolani; and they were probably the first Germans
who saw the mouths of the Borysthenes, and of the Tanais. If we inquire
into the characteristic marks of the people of Germany and of Sarmatia,
we shall discover that those two great portions of human kind were
principally distinguished by fixed huts or movable tents, by a close
dress or flowing garments, by the marriage of one or of several wives,
by a military force, consisting, for the most part, either of infantry
or cavalry; and above all, by the use of the Teutonic, or of the
Sclavonian language; the last of which has been diffused by conquest,
from the confines of Italy to the neighborhood of Japan.

[Footnote 22: The Heruli, and the Uregundi or Burgundi, are particularly
mentioned. See Mascou's History of the Germans, l. v. A passage in the
Augustan History, p. 28, seems to allude to this great emigration.
The Marcomannic war was partly occasioned by the pressure of barbarous
tribes, who fled before the arms of more northern barbarians.]

[Footnote 23: D'Anville, Geographie Ancienne, and the third part of his
incomparable map of Europe.]

[Footnote 24: Tacit. Germania, c. 46.]

[Footnote 25: Cluver. Germ. Antiqua, l. iii. c. 43.]

[Footnote 251: The Bastarnae cannot be considered original inhabitants of
Germany Strabo and Tacitus appear to doubt it; Pliny alone calls them
Germans: Ptolemy and Dion treat them as Scythians, a vague appellation
at this period of history; Livy, Plutarch, and Diodorus Siculus, call
them Gauls, and this is the most probable opinion. They descended from
the Gauls who entered Germany under Signoesus. They are always found
associated with other Gaulish tribes, such as the Boll, the Taurisci,
&c., and not to the German tribes. The names of their chiefs or princes,
Chlonix, Chlondicus. Deldon, are not German names. Those who were
settled in the island of Peuce in the Danube, took the name of Peucini.
The Carpi appear in 237 as a Suevian tribe who had made an irruption
into Maesia. Afterwards they reappear under the Ostrogoths, with whom
they were probably blended. Adelung, p. 236, 278.--G.]

[Footnote 26: The Venedi, the Slavi, and the Antes, were the three great
tribes of the same people. Jornandes, 24. * Note Dagger: They formed the
great Sclavonian nation.--G.]

[Footnote 27: Tacitus most assuredly deserves that title, and even his
cautious suspense is a proof of his diligent inquiries.]

[Footnote 271: Jac. Reineggs supposed that he had found, in the mountains
of Caucasus, some descendants of the Alani. The Tartars call them
Edeki-Alan: they speak a peculiar dialect of the ancient language of the
Tartars of Caucasus. See J. Reineggs' Descr. of Caucasus, p. 11, 13.--G.
According to Klaproth, they are the Ossetes of the present day in Mount
Caucasus and were the same with the Albanians of antiquity. Klaproth,
Hist. de l'Asie, p. 180.--M.]




Chapter X: Emperors Decius, Gallus, Aemilianus, Valerian And Gallienus.--Part II.

The Goths were now in possession of the Ukraine, a country of
considerable extent and uncommon fertility, intersected with navigable
rivers, which, from either side, discharge themselves into the
Borysthenes; and interspersed with large and leafy forests of oaks.
The plenty of game and fish, the innumerable bee-hives deposited in the
hollow of old trees, and in the cavities of rocks, and forming, even in
that rude age, a valuable branch of commerce, the size of the cattle,
the temperature of the air, the aptness of the soil for every species of
grain, and the luxuriancy of the vegetation, all displayed the liberality
of Nature, and tempted the industry of man. [28] But the Goths withstood
all these temptations, and still adhered to a life of idleness, of
poverty, and of rapine.

[Footnote 28: Genealogical History of the Tartars, p. 593. Mr. Bell
(vol. ii. p 379) traversed the Ukraine, in his journey from
Petersburgh to Constantinople. The modern face of the country is a just
representation of the ancient, since, in the hands of the Cossacks, it
still remains in a state of nature.]

The Scythian hordes, which, towards the east, bordered on the new
settlements of the Goths, presented nothing to their arms, except the
doubtful chance of an unprofitable victory. But the prospect of the
Roman territories was far more alluring; and the fields of Dacia were
covered with rich harvests, sown by the hands of an industrious, and
exposed to be gathered by those of a warlike, people. It is probable
that the conquests of Trajan, maintained by his successors, less for
any real advantage than for ideal dignity, had contributed to weaken the
empire on that side. The new and unsettled province of Dacia was neither
strong enough to resist, nor rich enough to satiate, the rapaciousness
of the barbarians. As long as the remote banks of the Niester were
considered as the boundary of the Roman power, the fortifications of the
Lower Danube were more carelessly guarded, and the inhabitants of
Maesia lived in supine security, fondly conceiving themselves at an
inaccessible distance from any barbarian invaders. The irruptions of
the Goths, under the reign of Philip, fatally convinced them of their
mistake. The king, or leader, of that fierce nation, traversed with
contempt the province of Dacia, and passed both the Niester and the
Danube without encountering any opposition capable of retarding his
progress. The relaxed discipline of the Roman troops betrayed the most
important posts, where they were stationed, and the fear of deserved
punishment induced great numbers of them to enlist under the Gothic
standard. The various multitude of barbarians appeared, at length,
under the walls of Marcianopolis, a city built by Trajan in honor of
his sister, and at that time the capital of the second Maesia. [29] The
inhabitants consented to ransom their lives and property by the payment
of a large sum of money, and the invaders retreated back into their
deserts, animated, rather than satisfied, with the first success of
their arms against an opulent but feeble country. Intelligence was soon
transmitted to the emperor Decius, that Cniva, king of the Goths, had
passed the Danube a second time, with more considerable forces; that his
numerous detachments scattered devastation over the province of Maesia,
whilst the main body of the army, consisting of seventy thousand Germans
and Sarmatians, a force equal to the most daring achievements, required
the presence of the Roman monarch, and the exertion of his military
power.

[Footnote 29: In the sixteenth chapter of Jornandes, instead
of secundo Maesiam we may venture to substitute secundam, the second
Maesia, of which Marcianopolis was certainly the capital. (See Hierocles
de Provinciis, and Wesseling ad locum, p. 636. Itinerar.) It is
surprising how this palpable error of the scribe should escape the
judicious correction of Grotius. Note: Luden has observed that Jornandes
mentions two passages over the Danube; this relates to the second
irruption into Maesia. Geschichte des T V. ii. p. 448.--M.]

Decius found the Goths engaged before Nicopolis, one of the many
monuments of Trajan's victories. [30] On his approach they raised the
siege, but with a design only of marching away to a conquest of greater
importance, the siege of Philippopolis, a city of Thrace, founded by the
father of Alexander, near the foot of Mount Haemus. [31] Decius followed
them through a difficult country, and by forced marches; but when he
imagined himself at a considerable distance from the rear of the Goths,
Cniva turned with rapid fury on his pursuers. The camp of the Romans was
surprised and pillaged, and, for the first time, their emperor fled
in disorder before a troop of half-armed barbarians. After a long
resistance, Philoppopolis, destitute of succor, was taken by storm. A
hundred thousand persons are reported to have been massacred in the sack
of that great city. [32] Many prisoners of consequence became a valuable
accession to the spoil; and Priscus, a brother of the late emperor
Philip, blushed not to assume the purple, under the protection of the
barbarous enemies of Rome. [33] The time, however, consumed in that
tedious siege, enabled Decius to revive the courage, restore the
discipline, and recruit the numbers of his troops. He intercepted
several parties of Carpi, and other Germans, who were hastening to
share the victory of their countrymen, [34] intrusted the passes of the
mountains to officers of approved valor and fidelity, [35] repaired and
strengthened the fortifications of the Danube, and exerted his utmost
vigilance to oppose either the progress or the retreat of the Goths.
Encouraged by the return of fortune, he anxiously waited for an
opportunity to retrieve, by a great and decisive blow, his own glory,
and that of the Roman arms. [36]

[Footnote 30: The place is still called Nicop. D'Anville, Geographie
Ancienne, tom. i. p. 307. The little stream, on whose banks it stood,
falls into the Danube.]

[Footnote 31: Stephan. Byzant. de Urbibus, p. 740. Wesseling, Itinerar.
p. 136. Zonaras, by an odd mistake, ascribes the foundation of
Philippopolis to the immediate predecessor of Decius. * Note: Now
Philippopolis or Philiba; its situation among the hills caused it to be
also called Trimontium. D'Anville, Geog. Anc. i. 295.--G.]

[Footnote 32: Ammian. xxxi. 5.]

[Footnote 33: Aurel. Victor. c. 29.]

[Footnote 34: Victorioe Carpicoe, on some medals of Decius, insinuate
these advantages.]

[Footnote 35: Claudius (who afterwards reigned with so much glory) was
posted in the pass of Thermopylae with 200 Dardanians, 100 heavy and
160 light horse, 60 Cretan archers, and 1000 well-armed recruits. See
an original letter from the emperor to his officer, in the Augustan
History, p. 200.]

[Footnote 36: Jornandes, c. 16--18. Zosimus, l. i. p. 22. In the general
account of this war, it is easy to discover the opposite prejudices of
the Gothic and the Grecian writer. In carelessness alone they are
alike.]

At the same time when Decius was struggling with the violence of the
tempest, his mind, calm and deliberate amidst the tumult of war,
investigated the more general causes, that, since the age of the
Antonines, had so impetuously urged the decline of the Roman greatness.
He soon discovered that it was impossible to replace that greatness on a
permanent basis, without restoring public virtue, ancient principles and
manners, and the oppressed majesty of the laws. To execute this noble
but arduous design, he first resolved to revive the obsolete office of
censor; an office which, as long as it had subsisted in its pristine
integrity, had so much contributed to the perpetuity of the state, [37]
till it was usurped and gradually neglected by the Caesars. [38]
Conscious that the favor of the sovereign may confer power, but that the
esteem of the people can alone bestow authority, he submitted the choice
of the censor to the unbiased voice of the senate. By their unanimous
votes, or rather acclamations, Valerian, who was afterwards emperor, and
who then served with distinction in the army of Decius, was declared the
most worthy of that exalted honor. As soon as the decree of the senate
was transmitted to the emperor, he assembled a great council in his
camp, and before the investiture of the censor elect, he apprised him of
the difficulty and importance of his great office. "Happy Valerian,"
said the prince to his distinguished subject, "happy in the general
approbation of the senate and of the Roman republic! Accept the
censorship of mankind; and judge of our manners. You will select those
who deserve to continue members of the senate; you will restore the
equestrian order to its ancient splendor; you will improve the revenue,
yet moderate the public burdens. You will distinguish into regular
classes the various and infinite multitude of citizens, and accurately
view the military strength, the wealth, the virtue, and the resources of
Rome. Your decisions shall obtain the force of laws. The army, the
palace, the ministers of justice, and the great officers of the empire,
are all subject to your tribunal. None are exempted, excepting only the
ordinary consuls, [39] the praefect of the city, the king of the
sacrifices, and (as long as she preserves her chastity inviolate) the
eldest of the vestal virgins. Even these few, who may not dread the
severity, will anxiously solicit the esteem, of the Roman censor." [40]

[Footnote 37: Montesquieu, Grandeur et Decadence des Romains, c. viii.
He illustrates the nature and use of the censorship with his usual
ingenuity, and with uncommon precision.]

[Footnote 38: Vespasian and Titus were the last censors, (Pliny, Hist.
Natur vii. 49. Censorinus de Die Natali.) The modesty of Trajan
refused an honor which he deserved, and his example became a law to the
Antonines. See Pliny's Panegyric, c. 45 and 60.]

[Footnote 39: Yet in spite of his exemption, Pompey appeared before
that tribunal during his consulship. The occasion, indeed, was equally
singular and honorable. Plutarch in Pomp. p. 630.]

[Footnote 40: See the original speech in the Augustan Hist. p. 173-174.]

A magistrate, invested with such extensive powers, would have appeared
not so much the minister, as the colleague of his sovereign. [41]
Valerian justly dreaded an elevation so full of envy and of suspicion.
He modestly argued the alarming greatness of the trust, his own
insufficiency, and the incurable corruption of the times. He artfully
insinuated, that the office of censor was inseparable from the Imperial
dignity, and that the feeble hands of a subject were unequal to the
support of such an immense weight of cares and of power. [42] The
approaching event of war soon put an end to the prosecution of a project
so specious, but so impracticable; and whilst it preserved Valerian
from the danger, saved the emperor Decius from the disappointment, which
would most probably have attended it. A censor may maintain, he can
never restore, the morals of a state. It is impossible for such a
magistrate to exert his authority with benefit, or even with effect,
unless he is supported by a quick sense of honor and virtue in the minds
of the people, by a decent reverence for the public opinion, and by a
train of useful prejudices combating on the side of national manners.
In a period when these principles are annihilated, the censorial
jurisdiction must either sink into empty pageantry, or be converted
into a partial instrument of vexatious oppression. [43] It was easier to
vanquish the Goths than to eradicate the public vices; yet even in the
first of these enterprises, Decius lost his army and his life.

[Footnote 41: This transaction might deceive Zonaras, who supposes that
Valerian was actually declared the colleague of Decius, l. xii. p. 625.]

[Footnote 42: Hist. August. p. 174. The emperor's reply is omitted.]

[Footnote 43: Such as the attempts of Augustus towards a reformation of
manness. Tacit. Annal. iii. 24.]

The Goths were now, on every side, surrounded and pursued by the Roman
arms. The flower of their troops had perished in the long siege
of Philippopolis, and the exhausted country could no longer afford
subsistence for the remaining multitude of licentious barbarians.
Reduced to this extremity, the Goths would gladly have purchased, by
the surrender of all their booty and prisoners, the permission of
an undisturbed retreat. But the emperor, confident of victory, and
resolving, by the chastisement of these invaders, to strike a salutary
terror into the nations of the North, refused to listen to any terms of
accommodation. The high-spirited barbarians preferred death to slavery.
An obscure town of Maesia, called Forum Terebronii, [44] was the scene of
the battle. The Gothic army was drawn up in three lines, and either from
choice or accident, the front of the third line was covered by a morass.
In the beginning of the action, the son of Decius, a youth of the
fairest hopes, and already associated to the honors of the purple, was
slain by an arrow, in the sight of his afflicted father; who, summoning
all his fortitude, admonished the dismayed troops, that the loss of
a single soldier was of little importance to the republic. [45] The
conflict was terrible; it was the combat of despair against grief and
rage. The first line of the Goths at length gave way in disorder; the
second, advancing to sustain it, shared its fate; and the third only
remained entire, prepared to dispute the passage of the morass, which
was imprudently attempted by the presumption of the enemy. "Here the
fortune of the day turned, and all things became adverse to the Romans;
the place deep with ooze, sinking under those who stood, slippery to
such as advanced; their armor heavy, the waters deep; nor could they
wield, in that uneasy situation, their weighty javelins. The barbarians,
on the contrary, were inured to encounter in the bogs, their persons
tall, their spears long, such as could wound at a distance." [46] In this
morass the Roman army, after an ineffectual struggle, was irrecoverably
lost; nor could the body of the emperor ever be found. [47] Such was the
fate of Decius, in the fiftieth year of his age; an accomplished prince,
active in war and affable in peace; [48] who, together with his son,
has deserved to be compared, both in life and death, with the brightest
examples of ancient virtue. [49]

[Footnote 44: Tillemont, Histoire des Empereurs, tom. iii. p. 598. As
Zosimus and some of his followers mistake the Danube for the Tanais,
they place the field of battle in the plains of Scythia.]

[Footnote 45: Aurelius Victor allows two distinct actions for the
deaths of the two Decii; but I have preferred the account of Jornandes.]

[Footnote 46: I have ventured to copy from Tacitus (Annal. i. 64)
the picture of a similar engagement between a Roman army and a German
tribe.]

[Footnote 47: Jornandes, c. 18. Zosimus, l. i. p. 22, [c. 23.]
Zonaras, l. xii. p. 627. Aurelius Victor.]

[Footnote 48: The Decii were killed before the end of the year two
hundred and fifty-one, since the new princes took possession of the
consulship on the ensuing calends of January.]

[Footnote 49: Hist. August. p. 223, gives them a very honorable place
among the small number of good emperors who reigned between Augustus and
Diocletian.]

This fatal blow humbled, for a very little time, the insolence of the
legions. They appeared to have patiently expected, and submissively
obeyed, the decree of the senate which regulated the succession to the
throne. From a just regard for the memory of Decius, the Imperial title
was conferred on Hostilianus, his only surviving son; but an equal rank,
with more effectual power, was granted to Gallus, whose experience and
ability seemed equal to the great trust of guardian to the young prince
and the distressed empire. [50] The first care of the new emperor was
to deliver the Illyrian provinces from the intolerable weight of the
victorious Goths. He consented to leave in their hands the rich
fruits of their invasion, an immense booty, and what was still more
disgraceful, a great number of prisoners of the highest merit and
quality. He plentifully supplied their camp with every conveniency that
could assuage their angry spirits or facilitate their so much wished-for
departure; and he even promised to pay them annually a large sum
of gold, on condition they should never afterwards infest the Roman
territories by their incursions. [51]

[Footnote 50: Haec ubi Patres comperere.. .. decernunt. Victor in
Caesaribus.]

[Footnote 51: Zonaras, l. xii. p. 628.]

In the age of the Scipios, the most opulent kings of the earth, who
courted the protection of the victorious commonwealth, were gratified
with such trifling presents as could only derive a value from the hand
that bestowed them; an ivory chair, a coarse garment of purple, an
inconsiderable piece of plate, or a quantity of copper coin. [52] After
the wealth of nations had centred in Rome, the emperors displayed their
greatness, and even their policy, by the regular exercise of a steady
and moderate liberality towards the allies of the state. They relieved
the poverty of the barbarians, honored their merit, and recompensed
their fidelity. These voluntary marks of bounty were understood to flow,
not from the fears, but merely from the generosity or the gratitude of
the Romans; and whilst presents and subsidies were liberally distributed
among friends and suppliants, they were sternly refused to such as
claimed them as a debt. [53] But this stipulation, of an annual payment
to a victorious enemy, appeared without disguise in the light of an
ignominious tribute; the minds of the Romans were not yet accustomed to
accept such unequal laws from a tribe of barbarians; and the prince,
who by a necessary concession had probably saved his country, became the
object of the general contempt and aversion. The death of Hostiliamus,
though it happened in the midst of a raging pestilence, was interpreted
as the personal crime of Gallus; [54] and even the defeat of the later
emperor was ascribed by the voice of suspicion to the perfidious
counsels of his hated successor. [55] The tranquillity which the empire
enjoyed during the first year of his administration, [56] served rather
to inflame than to appease the public discontent; and as soon as the
apprehensions of war were removed, the infamy of the peace was more
deeply and more sensibly felt.

[Footnote 52: A Sella, a Toga, and a golden Patera of five pounds
weight, were accepted with joy and gratitude by the wealthy king of
Egypt. (Livy, xxvii. 4.) Quina millia Aeris, a weight of copper, in
value about eighteen pounds sterling, was the usual present made to
foreign are ambassadors. (Livy, xxxi. 9.)]

[Footnote 53: See the firmness of a Roman general so late as the time
of Alexander Severus, in the Excerpta Legationum, p. 25, edit. Louvre.]

[Footnote 54: For the plague, see Jornandes, c. 19, and Victor in
Caesaribus.]

[Footnote 55: These improbable accusations are alleged by Zosimus, l. i.
p. 28, 24.]

[Footnote 56: Jornandes, c. 19. The Gothic writer at least observed
the peace which his victorious countrymen had sworn to Gallus.]

But the Romans were irritated to a still higher degree, when they
discovered that they had not even secured their repose, though at the
expense of their honor. The dangerous secret of the wealth and weakness
of the empire had been revealed to the world. New swarms of barbarians,
encouraged by the success, and not conceiving themselves bound by the
obligation of their brethren, spread devastation though the Illyrian
provinces, and terror as far as the gates of Rome. The defence of the
monarchy, which seemed abandoned by the pusillanimous emperor, was
assumed by Aemilianus, governor of Pannonia and Maesia; who rallied the
scattered forces, and revived the fainting spirits of the troops. The
barbarians were unexpectedly attacked, routed, chased, and pursued
beyond the Danube. The victorious leader distributed as a donative the
money collected for the tribute, and the acclamations of the soldiers
proclaimed him emperor on the field of battle. [57] Gallus, who,
careless of the general welfare, indulged himself in the pleasures of
Italy, was almost in the same instant informed of the success, of the
revolt, and of the rapid approach of his aspiring lieutenant. He
advanced to meet him as far as the plains of Spoleto. When the armies
came in sight of each other, the soldiers of Gallus compared the
ignominious conduct of their sovereign with the glory of his rival. They
admired the valor of Aemilianus; they were attracted by his liberality,
for he offered a considerable increase of pay to all deserters. [58] The
murder of Gallus, and of his son Volusianus, put an end to the civil
war; and the senate gave a legal sanction to the rights of conquest. The
letters of Aemilianus to that assembly displayed a mixture of moderation
and vanity. He assured them, that he should resign to their wisdom the
civil administration; and, contenting himself with the quality of their
general, would in a short time assert the glory of Rome, and deliver the
empire from all the barbarians both of the North and of the East. [59]
His pride was flattered by the applause of the senate; and medals are
still extant, representing him with the name and attributes of Hercules
the Victor, and Mars the Avenger. [60]

[Footnote 57: Zosimus, l. i. p. 25, 26.]

[Footnote 58: Victor in Caesaribus.]

[Footnote 59: Zonaras, l. xii. p. 628.]

[Footnote 60: Banduri Numismata, p. 94.]

If the new monarch possessed the abilities, he wanted the time,
necessary to fulfil these splendid promises. Less than four months
intervened between his victory and his fall. [61] He had vanquished
Gallus: he sunk under the weight of a competitor more formidable than
Gallus. That unfortunate prince had sent Valerian, already distinguished
by the honorable title of censor, to bring the legions of Gaul and
Germany [62] to his aid. Valerian executed that commission with zeal and
fidelity; and as he arrived too late to save his sovereign, he resolved
to revenge him. The troops of Aemilianus, who still lay encamped in the
plains of Spoleto, were awed by the sanctity of his character, but much
more by the superior strength of his army; and as they were now
become as incapable of personal attachment as they had always been of
constitutional principle, they readily imbrued their hands in the blood
of a prince who so lately had been the object of their partial choice.
The guilt was theirs, [621] but the advantage of it was Valerian's; who
obtained the possession of the throne by the means indeed of a civil
war, but with a degree of innocence singular in that age of revolutions;
since he owed neither gratitude nor allegiance to his predecessor, whom
he dethroned.

[Footnote 61: Eutropius, l. ix. c. 6, says tertio mense.
Eusebio this emperor.]

[Footnote 62: Zosimus, l. i. p. 28. Eutropius and Victor station
Valerian's army in Rhaetia.]

[Footnote 621: Aurelius Victor says that Aemilianus died of a natural
disorder. Tropius, in speaking of his death, does not say that he was
assassinated--G.]

Valerian was about sixty years of age [63] when he was invested with the
purple, not by the caprice of the populace, or the clamors of the army,
but by the unanimous voice of the Roman world. In his gradual ascent
through the honors of the state, he had deserved the favor of virtuous
princes, and had declared himself the enemy of tyrants. [64] His noble
birth, his mild but unblemished manners, his learning, prudence, and
experience, were revered by the senate and people; and if mankind
(according to the observation of an ancient writer) had been left at
liberty to choose a master, their choice would most assuredly have
fallen on Valerian. [65] Perhaps the merit of this emperor was
inadequate to his reputation; perhaps his abilities, or at least his
spirit, were affected by the languor and coldness of old age. The
consciousness of his decline engaged him to share the throne with a
younger and more active associate; [66] the emergency of the times
demanded a general no less than a prince; and the experience of the
Roman censor might have directed him where to bestow the Imperial
purple, as the reward of military merit. But instead of making a
judicious choice, which would have confirmed his reign and endeared his
memory, Valerian, consulting only the dictates of affection or vanity,
immediately invested with the supreme honors his son Gallienus, a youth
whose effeminate vices had been hitherto concealed by the obscurity of a
private station. The joint government of the father and the son
subsisted about seven, and the sole administration of Gallien continued
about eight, years. But the whole period was one uninterrupted series of
confusion and calamity. As the Roman empire was at the same time, and on
every side, attacked by the blind fury of foreign invaders, and the wild
ambition of domestic usurpers, we shall consult order and perspicuity,
by pursuing, not so much the doubtful arrangement of dates, as the more
natural distribution of subjects. The most dangerous enemies of Rome,
during the reigns of Valerian and Gallienus, were, 1. The Franks; 2. The
Alemanni; 3. The Goths; and, 4. The Persians. Under these general
appellations, we may comprehend the adventures of less considerable
tribes, whose obscure and uncouth names would only serve to oppress the
memory and perplex the attention of the reader.

[Footnote 63: He was about seventy at the time of his accession, or, as
it is more probable, of his death. Hist. August. p. 173. Tillemont,
Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iii. p. 893, note 1.]

[Footnote 64: Inimicus tyrannorum. Hist. August. p. 173. In the glorious
struggle of the senate against Maximin, Valerian acted a very spirited
part. Hist. August. p. 156.]

[Footnote 65: According to the distinction of Victor, he seems to have
received the title of Imperator from the army, and that of Augustus from
the senate.]

[Footnote 66: From Victor and from the medals, Tillemont (tom. iii. p.
710) very justly infers, that Gallienus was associated to the empire
about the month of August of the year 253.]

I. As the posterity of the Franks compose one of the greatest and most
enlightened nations of Europe, the powers of learning and ingenuity have
been exhausted in the discovery of their unlettered ancestors. To the
tales of credulity have succeeded the systems of fancy. Every passage
has been sifted, every spot has been surveyed, that might possibly
reveal some faint traces of their origin. It has been supposed that
Pannonia, [67] that Gaul, that the northern parts of Germany, [68] gave
birth to that celebrated colony of warriors. At length the most rational
critics, rejecting the fictitious emigrations of ideal conquerors, have
acquiesced in a sentiment whose simplicity persuades us of its truth.
[69] They suppose, that about the year two hundred and forty, [70] a new
confederacy was formed under the name of Franks, by the old inhabitants
of the Lower Rhine and the Weser. [701] The present circle of Westphalia,
the Landgraviate of Hesse, and the duchies of Brunswick and Luneburg,
were the ancient seat of the Chauci who, in their inaccessible morasses,
defied the Roman arms; [71] of the Cherusci, proud of the fame of
Arminius; of the Catti, formidable by their firm and intrepid infantry;
and of several other tribes of inferior power and renown. [72] The love
of liberty was the ruling passion of these Germans; the enjoyment of it
their best treasure; the word that expressed that enjoyment, the most
pleasing to their ear. They deserved, they assumed, they maintained the
honorable appellation of Franks, or Freemen; which concealed, though
it did not extinguish, the peculiar names of the several states of the
confederacy. [73] Tacit consent, and mutual advantage, dictated the first
laws of the union; it was gradually cemented by habit and experience.
The league of the Franks may admit of some comparison with the Helvetic
body; in which every canton, retaining its independent sovereignty,
consults with its brethren in the common cause, without acknowledging
the authority of any supreme head, or representative assembly. [74] But
the principle of the two confederacies was extremely different. A peace
of two hundred years has rewarded the wise and honest policy of the
Swiss. An inconstant spirit, the thirst of rapine, and a disregard
to the most solemn treaties, disgraced the character of the Franks.
[Footnote 67: Various systems have been formed to explain a difficult
passage in Gregory of Tours, l. ii. c. 9.]

[Footnote 68: The Geographer of Ravenna, i. 11, by mentioning
Mauringania, on the confines of Denmark, as the ancient seat of the
Franks, gave birth to an ingenious system of Leibritz.]

[Footnote 69: See Cluver. Germania Antiqua, l. iii. c. 20. M. Freret, in
the Memoires de l'Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xviii.]

[Footnote 70: Most probably under the reign of Gordian, from an
accidental circumstance fully canvassed by Tillemont, tom. iii. p. 710,
1181.]

[Footnote 701: The confederation of the Franks appears to have been
formed, 1. Of the Chauci. 2. Of the Sicambri, the inhabitants of the
duchy of Berg. 3. Of the Attuarii, to the north of the Sicambri, in
the principality of Waldeck, between the Dimel and the Eder. 4. Of
the Bructeri, on the banks of the Lippe, and in the Hartz. 5. Of the
Chamavii, the Gambrivii of Tacitua, who were established, at the time
of the Frankish confederation, in the country of the Bructeri. 6. Of
the Catti, in Hessia.--G. The Salii and Cherasci are added. Greenwood's
Hist. of Germans, i 193.--M.]

[Footnote 71: Plin. Hist. Natur. xvi. l. The Panegyrists frequently
allude to the morasses of the Franks.]

[Footnote 72: Tacit. Germania, c. 30, 37.]

[Footnote 73: In a subsequent period, most of those old names are
occasionally mentioned. See some vestiges of them in Cluver. Germ.
Antiq. l. iii.]

[Footnote 74: Simler de Republica Helvet. cum notis Fuselin.]




Chapter X: Emperors Decius, Gallus, Aemilianus, Valerian And Gallienus.--Part III.

The Romans had long experienced the daring valor of the people of
Lower Germany. The union of their strength threatened Gaul with a more
formidable invasion, and required the presence of Gallienus, the heir
and colleague of Imperial power. [75] Whilst that prince, and his infant
son Salonius, displayed, in the court of Treves, the majesty of the
empire its armies were ably conducted by their general, Posthumus, who,
though he afterwards betrayed the family of Valerian, was ever faithful
to the great interests of the monarchy. The treacherous language of
panegyrics and medals darkly announces a long series of victories.
Trophies and titles attest (if such evidence can attest) the fame of
Posthumus, who is repeatedly styled the Conqueror of the Germans, and
the Savior of Gaul. [76]

[Footnote 75: Zosimus, l. i. p. 27.]

[Footnote 76: M. de Brequigny (in the Memoires de l'Academie, tom. xxx.)
has given us a very curious life of Posthumus. A series of the Augustan
History from Medals and Inscriptions has been more than once planned,
and is still much wanted. * Note: M. Eckhel, Keeper of the Cabinet of
Medals, and Professor of Antiquities at Vienna, lately deceased, has
supplied this want by his excellent work, Doctrina veterum Nummorum,
conscripta a Jos. Eckhel, 8 vol. in 4to Vindobona, 1797.--G. Captain
Smyth has likewise printed (privately) a valuable Descriptive Catologue
of a series of Large Brass Medals of this period Bedford, 1834.--M.
1845.]

But a single fact, the only one indeed of which we have any distinct
knowledge, erases, in a great measure, these monuments of vanity and
adulation. The Rhine, though dignified with the title of Safeguard of
the provinces, was an imperfect barrier against the daring spirit of
enterprise with which the Franks were actuated. Their rapid devastations
stretched from the river to the foot of the Pyrenees; nor were they
stopped by those mountains. Spain, which had never dreaded, was unable
to resist, the inroads of the Germans. During twelve years, the greatest
part of the reign of Gallienus, that opulent country was the theatre of
unequal and destructive hostilities. Tarragona, the flourishing capital
of a peaceful province, was sacked and almost destroyed; [77] and so
late as the days of Orosius, who wrote in the fifth century, wretched
cottages, scattered amidst the ruins of magnificent cities, still
recorded the rage of the barbarians. [78] When the exhausted country no
longer supplied a variety of plunder, the Franks seized on some vessels
in the ports of Spain, [79] and transported themselves into Mauritania.
The distant province was astonished with the fury of these barbarians,
who seemed to fall from a new world, as their name, manners, and
complexion, were equally unknown on the coast of Africa. [80]

[Footnote 77: Aurel. Victor, c. 33. Instead of Poene direpto, both the
sense and the expression require deleto; though indeed, for different
reasons, it is alike difficult to correct the text of the best, and of
the worst, writers.]

[Footnote 78: In the time of Ausonius (the end of the fourth century)
Ilerda or Lerida was in a very ruinous state, (Auson. Epist. xxv. 58,)
which probably was the consequence of this invasion.]

[Footnote 79: Valesius is therefore mistaken in supposing that the
Franks had invaded Spain by sea.]

[Footnote 80: Aurel. Victor. Eutrop. ix. 6.]


II. In that part of Upper Saxony, beyond the Elbe, which is at present
called the Marquisate of Lusace, there existed, in ancient times, a
sacred wood, the awful seat of the superstition of the Suevi. None were
permitted to enter the holy precincts, without confessing, by their
servile bonds and suppliant posture, the immediate presence of the
sovereign Deity. [81] Patriotism contributed, as well as devotion,
to consecrate the Sonnenwald, or wood of the Semnones. [82] It was
universally believed, that the nation had received its first existence
on that sacred spot. At stated periods, the numerous tribes who gloried
in the Suevic blood, resorted thither by their ambassadors; and the
memory of their common extraction was perpetrated by barbaric rites and
human sacrifices. The wide-extended name of Suevi filled the interior
countries of Germany, from the banks of the Oder to those of the Danube.
They were distinguished from the other Germans by their peculiar mode
of dressing their long hair, which they gathered into a rude knot on the
crown of the head; and they delighted in an ornament that showed their
ranks more lofty and terrible in the eyes of the enemy. [83] Jealous as
the Germans were of military renown, they all confessed the superior
valor of the Suevi; and the tribes of the Usipetes and Tencteri, who,
with a vast army, encountered the dictator Caesar, declared that they
esteemed it not a disgrace to have fled before a people to whose arms
the immortal gods themselves were unequal. [84]

[Footnote 81: Tacit.Germania, 38.]

[Footnote 82: Cluver. Germ. Antiq. iii. 25.]

[Footnote 83: Sic Suevi a ceteris Germanis, sic Suerorum ingenui a
servis separantur. A proud separation!]

[Footnote 84: Caesar in Bello Gallico, iv. 7.]

In the reign of the emperor Caracalla, an innumerable swarm of Suevi
appeared on the banks of the Mein, and in the neighborhood of the Roman
provinces, in quest either of food, of plunder, or of glory. [85] The
hasty army of volunteers gradually coalesced into a great and permanent
nation, and as it was composed from so many different tribes, assumed
the name of Alemanni, [851] or Allmen; to denote at once their various
lineage and their common bravery. [86] The latter was soon felt by
the Romans in many a hostile inroad. The Alemanni fought chiefly on
horseback; but their cavalry was rendered still more formidable by a
mixture of light infantry, selected from the bravest and most active of
the youth, whom frequent exercise had inured to accompany the horsemen
in the longest march, the most rapid charge, or the most precipitate
retreat. [87]

[Footnote 85: Victor in Caracal. Dion Cassius, lxvii. p. 1350.]

[Footnote 851: The nation of the Alemanni was not originally formed by the
Suavi properly so called; these have always preserved their own name.
Shortly afterwards they made (A. D. 357) an irruption into Rhaetia, and
it was not long after that they were reunited with the Alemanni. Still
they have always been a distinct people; at the present day, the people
who inhabit the north-west of the Black Forest call themselves Schwaben,
Suabians, Sueves, while those who inhabit near the Rhine, in Ortenau,
the Brisgaw, the Margraviate of Baden, do not consider themselves
Suabians, and are by origin Alemanni. The Teucteri and the Usipetae,
inhabitants of the interior and of the north of Westphalia, formed, says
Gatterer, the nucleus of the Alemannic nation; they occupied the country
where the name of the Alemanni first appears, as conquered in 213, by
Caracalla. They were well trained to fight on horseback, (according to
Tacitus, Germ. c. 32;) and Aurelius Victor gives the same praise to the
Alemanni: finally, they never made part of the Frankish league. The
Alemanni became subsequently a centre round which gathered a multitude
of German tribes, See Eumen. Panegyr. c. 2. Amm. Marc. xviii. 2, xxix.
4.--G. ----The question whether the Suevi was a generic name
comprehending the clans which peopled central Germany, is rather hastily
decided by M. Guizot Mr. Greenwood, who has studied the modern German
writers on their own origin, supposes the Suevi, Alemanni, and
Marcomanni, one people, under different appellations. History of
Germany, vol i.--M.]

[Footnote 86: This etymology (far different from those which amuse the
fancy of the learned) is preserved by Asinius Quadratus, an original
historian, quoted by Agathias, i. c. 5.]

[Footnote 87: The Suevi engaged Caesar in this manner, and the manoeuvre
deserved the approbation of the conqueror, (in Bello Gallico, i. 48.)]

This warlike people of Germans had been astonished by the immense
preparations of Alexander Severus; they were dismayed by the arms of his
successor, a barbarian equal in valor and fierceness to themselves.
But still hovering on the frontiers of the empire, they increased the
general disorder that ensued after the death of Decius. They inflicted
severe wounds on the rich provinces of Gaul; they were the first who
removed the veil that covered the feeble majesty of Italy. A numerous
body of the Alemanni penetrated across the Danube and through the
Rhaetian Alps into the plains of Lombardy, advanced as far as Ravenna,
and displayed the victorious banners of barbarians almost in sight of
Rome. [88]

[Footnote 88: Hist. August. p. 215, 216. Dexippus in the Excerpts.
Legationam, p. 8. Hieronym. Chron. Orosius, vii. 22.]

The insult and the danger rekindled in the senate some sparks of their
ancient virtue. Both the emperors were engaged in far distant wars,
Valerian in the East, and Gallienus on the Rhine. All the hopes and
resources of the Romans were in themselves. In this emergency, the
senators resumed the defence of the republic, drew out the Praetorian
guards, who had been left to garrison the capital, and filled up their
numbers, by enlisting into the public service the stoutest and most
willing of the Plebeians. The Alemanni, astonished with the sudden
appearance of an army more numerous than their own, retired into
Germany, laden with spoil; and their retreat was esteemed as a victory
by the unwarlike Romans. [89]

[Footnote 89: Zosimus, l. i. p. 34.]

When Gallienus received the intelligence that his capital was delivered
from the barbarians, he was much less delighted than alarmed with the
courage of the senate, since it might one day prompt them to rescue the
public from domestic tyranny as well as from foreign invasion. His timid
ingratitude was published to his subjects, in an edict which prohibited
the senators from exercising any military employment, and even from
approaching the camps of the legions. But his fears were groundless.
The rich and luxurious nobles, sinking into their natural character,
accepted, as a favor, this disgraceful exemption from military service;
and as long as they were indulged in the enjoyment of their baths, their
theatres, and their villas, they cheerfully resigned the more dangerous
cares of empire to the rough hands of peasants and soldiers. [90]

[Footnote 90: Aurel. Victor, in Gallieno et Probo. His complaints
breathe as uncommon spirit of freedom.]

Another invasion of the Alemanni, of a more formidable aspect, but more
glorious event, is mentioned by a writer of the lower empire. Three
hundred thousand are said to have been vanquished, in a battle near
Milan, by Gallienus in person, at the head of only ten thousand Romans.
[91] We may, however, with great probability, ascribe this incredible
victory either to the credulity of the historian, or to some exaggerated
exploits of one of the emperor's lieutenants. It was by arms of a very
different nature, that Gallienus endeavored to protect Italy from the
fury of the Germans. He espoused Pipa, the daughter of a king of the
Marcomanni, a Suevic tribe, which was often confounded with the Alemanni
in their wars and conquests. [92] To the father, as the price of his
alliance, he granted an ample settlement in Pannonia. The native charms
of unpolished beauty seem to have fixed the daughter in the affections
of the inconstant emperor, and the bands of policy were more firmly
connected by those of love. But the haughty prejudice of Rome still
refused the name of marriage to the profane mixture of a citizen and a
barbarian; and has stigmatized the German princess with the opprobrious
title of concubine of Gallienus. [93]

[Footnote 91: Zonaras, l. xii. p. 631.]

[Footnote 92: One of the Victors calls him king of the Marcomanni; the
other of the Germans.]

[Footnote 93: See Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iii. p. 398,
&c.]

III. We have already traced the emigration of the Goths from
Scandinavia, or at least from Prussia, to the mouth of the Borysthenes,
and have followed their victorious arms from the Borysthenes to the
Danube. Under the reigns of Valerian and Gallienus, the frontier of the
last-mentioned river was perpetually infested by the inroads of Germans
and Sarmatians; but it was defended by the Romans with more than usual
firmness and success. The provinces that were the seat of war, recruited
the armies of Rome with an inexhaustible supply of hardy soldiers;
and more than one of these Illyrian peasants attained the station, and
displayed the abilities, of a general. Though flying parties of
the barbarians, who incessantly hovered on the banks of the Danube,
penetrated sometimes to the confines of Italy and Macedonia, their
progress was commonly checked, or their return intercepted, by the
Imperial lieutenants. [94] But the great stream of the Gothic hostilities
was diverted into a very different channel. The Goths, in their new
settlement of the Ukraine, soon became masters of the northern coast of
the Euxine: to the south of that inland sea were situated the soft and
wealthy provinces of Asia Minor, which possessed all that could attract,
and nothing that could resist, a barbarian conqueror.

[Footnote 94: See the lives of Claudius, Aurelian, and Probus, in the
Augustan History.]

The banks of the Borysthenes are only sixty miles distant from the
narrow entrance [95] of the peninsula of Crim Tartary, known to the
ancients under the name of Chersonesus Taurica. [96] On that inhospitable
shore, Euripides, embellishing with exquisite art the tales of
antiquity, has placed the scene of one of his most affecting tragedies.
[97] The bloody sacrifices of Diana, the arrival of Orestes and Pylades,
and the triumph of virtue and religion over savage fierceness, serve to
represent an historical truth, that the Tauri, the original inhabitants
of the peninsula, were, in some degree, reclaimed from their brutal
manners by a gradual intercourse with the Grecian colonies, which
settled along the maritime coast. The little kingdom of Bosphorus,
whose capital was situated on the Straits, through which the Maeotis
communicates itself to the Euxine, was composed of degenerate Greeks and
half-civilized barbarians. It subsisted, as an independent state, from
the time of the Peloponnesian war, [98] was at last swallowed up by the
ambition of Mithridates, [99] and, with the rest of his dominions, sunk
under the weight of the Roman arms. From the reign of Augustus, [100]
the kings of Bosphorus were the humble, but not useless, allies of the
empire. By presents, by arms, and by a slight fortification drawn across
the Isthmus, they effectually guarded against the roving plunderers of
Sarmatia, the access of a country, which, from its peculiar situation
and convenient harbors, commanded the Euxine Sea and Asia Minor. [101] As
long as the sceptre was possessed by a lineal succession of kings,
they acquitted themselves of their important charge with vigilance
and success. Domestic factions, and the fears, or private interest, of
obscure usurpers, who seized on the vacant throne, admitted the Goths
into the heart of Bosphorus. With the acquisition of a superfluous waste
of fertile soil, the conquerors obtained the command of a naval force,
sufficient to transport their armies to the coast of Asia. [102] These
ships used in the navigation of the Euxine were of a very singular
construction. They were slight flat-bottomed barks framed of timber
only, without the least mixture of iron, and occasionally covered with
a shelving roof, on the appearance of a tempest. [103] In these floating
houses, the Goths carelessly trusted themselves to the mercy of an
unknown sea, under the conduct of sailors pressed into the service,
and whose skill and fidelity were equally suspicious. But the hopes of
plunder had banished every idea of danger, and a natural fearlessness
of temper supplied in their minds the more rational confidence, which is
the just result of knowledge and experience. Warriors of such a daring
spirit must have often murmured against the cowardice of their guides,
who required the strongest assurances of a settled calm before they
would venture to embark; and would scarcely ever be tempted to lose
sight of the land. Such, at least, is the practice of the modern Turks;
[104] and they are probably not inferior, in the art of navigation, to
the ancient inhabitants of Bosphorus.

[Footnote 95: It is about half a league in breadth. Genealogical History
of the Tartars, p 598.]

[Footnote 96: M. de Peyssonel, who had been French Consul at Caffa, in
his Observations sur les Peuples Barbares, que ont habite les bords du
Danube]

[Footnote 97: Eeripides in Iphigenia in Taurid.]

[Footnote 98: Strabo, l. vii. p. 309. The first kings of Bosphorus were
the allies of Athens.]

[Footnote 99: Appian in Mithridat.]

[Footnote 100: It was reduced by the arms of Agrippa. Orosius, vi. 21.
Eu tropius, vii. 9. The Romans once advanced within three days' march of
the Tanais. Tacit. Annal. xii. 17.]

[Footnote 101: See the Toxaris of Lucian, if we credit the sincerity
and the virtues of the Scythian, who relates a great war of his nation
against the kings of Bosphorus.]

[Footnote 102: Zosimus, l. i. p. 28.]

[Footnote 103: Strabo, l. xi. Tacit. Hist. iii. 47. They were called
Camaroe.]

[Footnote 104: See a very natural picture of the Euxine navigation, in
the xvith letter of Tournefort.]

The fleet of the Goths, leaving the coast of Circassia on the left
hand, first appeared before Pityus, [105] the utmost limits of the Roman
provinces; a city provided with a convenient port, and fortified with
a strong wall. Here they met with a resistance more obstinate than they
had reason to expect from the feeble garrison of a distant fortress.
They were repulsed; and their disappointment seemed to diminish the
terror of the Gothic name. As long as Successianus, an officer of
superior rank and merit, defended that frontier, all their efforts
were ineffectual; but as soon as he was removed by Valerian to a more
honorable but less important station, they resumed the attack of Pityus;
and by the destruction of that city, obliterated the memory of their
former disgrace. [106]

[Footnote 105: Arrian places the frontier garrison at Dioscurias, or
Sebastopolis, forty-four miles to the east of Pityus. The garrison of
Phasis consisted in his time of only four hundred foot. See the Periplus
of the Euxine. * Note: Pityus is Pitchinda, according to D'Anville, ii.
115.--G. Rather Boukoun.--M. Dioscurias is Iskuriah.--G.]

[Footnote 106: Zosimus, l. i. p. 30.]

Circling round the eastern extremity of the Euxine Sea, the navigation
from Pityus to Trebizond is about three hundred miles. [107] The course
of the Goths carried them in sight of the country of Colchis, so famous
by the expedition of the Argonauts; and they even attempted, though
without success, to pillage a rich temple at the mouth of the River
Phasis. Trebizond, celebrated in the retreat of the ten thousand as an
ancient colony of Greeks, [108] derived its wealth and splendor from the
magnificence of the emperor Hadrian, who had constructed an artificial
port on a coast left destitute by nature of secure harbors. [109] The
city was large and populous; a double enclosure of walls seemed to defy
the fury of the Goths, and the usual garrison had been strengthened by
a reenforcement of ten thousand men. But there are not any advantages
capable of supplying the absence of discipline and vigilance. The
numerous garrison of Trebizond, dissolved in riot and luxury, disdained
to guard their impregnable fortifications. The Goths soon discovered
the supine negligence of the besieged, erected a lofty pile of fascines,
ascended the walls in the silence of the night, and entered the
defenceless city sword in hand. A general massacre of the people ensued,
whilst the affrighted soldiers escaped through the opposite gates of
the town. The most holy temples, and the most splendid edifices, were
involved in a common destruction. The booty that fell into the hands
of the Goths was immense: the wealth of the adjacent countries had been
deposited in Trebizond, as in a secure place of refuge. The number of
captives was incredible, as the victorious barbarians ranged without
opposition through the extensive province of Pontus. [110] The rich
spoils of Trebizond filled a great fleet of ships that had been found in
the port. The robust youth of the sea-coast were chained to the oar; and
the Goths, satisfied with the success of their first naval expedition,
returned in triumph to their new establishment in the kingdom of
Bosphorus. [111]

[Footnote 107: Arrian (in Periplo Maris Euxine, p. 130) calls the
distance 2610 stadia.]

[Footnote 108: Xenophon, Anabasis, l. iv. p. 348, edit. Hutchinson.
Note: Fallmerayer (Geschichte des Kaiserthums von Trapezunt, p. 6,
&c) assigns a very ancient date to the first (Pelasgic) foundation of
Trapezun (Trebizond)--M.]

[Footnote 109: Arrian, p. 129. The general observation is Tournefort's.]

[Footnote 110: See an epistle of Gregory Thaumaturgus, bishop of
Neo-Caeoarea, quoted by Mascou, v. 37.]

[Footnote 111: Zosimus, l. i. p. 32, 33.]

The second expedition of the Goths was undertaken with greater powers of
men and ships; but they steered a different course, and, disdaining the
exhausted provinces of Pontus, followed the western coast of the Euxine,
passed before the wide mouths of the Borysthenes, the Niester, and the
Danube, and increasing their fleet by the capture of a great number
of fishing barks, they approached the narrow outlet through which the
Euxine Sea pours its waters into the Mediterranean, and divides the
continents of Europe and Asia. The garrison of Chalcedon was encamped
near the temple of Jupiter Urius, on a promontory that commanded the
entrance of the Strait; and so inconsiderable were the dreaded invasions
of the barbarians that this body of troops surpassed in number the
Gothic army. But it was in numbers alone that they surpassed it. They
deserted with precipitation their advantageous post, and abandoned the
town of Chalcedon, most plentifully stored with arms and money, to the
discretion of the conquerors. Whilst they hesitated whether they
should prefer the sea or land, Europe or Asia, for the scene of their
hostilities, a perfidious fugitive pointed out Nicomedia, [1111] once the
capital of the kings of Bithynia, as a rich and easy conquest. He guided
the march, which was only sixty miles from the camp of Chalcedon, [112]
directed the resistless attack, and partook of the booty; for the Goths
had learned sufficient policy to reward the traitor whom they detested.
Nice, Prusa, Apamaea, Cius, [1121] cities that had sometimes rivalled, or
imitated, the splendor of Nicomedia, were involved in the same calamity,
which, in a few weeks, raged without control through the whole
province of Bithynia. Three hundred years of peace, enjoyed by the soft
inhabitants of Asia, had abolished the exercise of arms, and removed the
apprehension of danger. The ancient walls were suffered to moulder away,
and all the revenue of the most opulent cities was reserved for the
construction of baths, temples, and theatres. [113]

[Footnote 1111: It has preserved its name, joined to the preposition of place in that of
Nikmid. D'Anv. Geog. Anc. ii. 28.--G.]

[Footnote 112: Itiner. Hierosolym. p. 572. Wesseling.]

[Footnote 1121: Now Isnik, Bursa, Mondania Ghio or Kemlik D'Anv. ii.
23.--G.]

[Footnote 113: Zosimus, l.. p. 32, 33.]

When the city of Cyzicus withstood the utmost effort of Mithridates,
[114] it was distinguished by wise laws, a naval power of two hundred
galleys, and three arsenals, of arms, of military engines, and of corn.
[115] It was still the seat of wealth and luxury; but of its ancient
strength, nothing remained except the situation, in a little island of
the Propontis, connected with the continent of Asia only by two bridges.
From the recent sack of Prusa, the Goths advanced within eighteen miles.
[116] of the city, which they had devoted to destruction; but the ruin of
Cyzicus was delayed by a fortunate accident. The season was rainy,
and the Lake Apolloniates, the reservoir of all the springs of Mount
Olympus, rose to an uncommon height. The little river of Rhyndacus,
which issues from the lake, swelled into a broad and rapid stream, and
stopped the progress of the Goths. Their retreat to the maritime city of
Heraclea, where the fleet had probably been stationed, was attended by a
long train of wagons, laden with the spoils of Bithynia, and was marked
by the flames of Nico and Nicomedia, which they wantonly burnt. [117]
Some obscure hints are mentioned of a doubtful combat that secured their
retreat. [118] But even a complete victory would have been of little
moment, as the approach of the autumnal equinox summoned them to hasten
their return. To navigate the Euxine before the month of May, or
after that of September, is esteemed by the modern Turks the most
unquestionable instance of rashness and folly. [119]

[Footnote 114: He besieged the place with 400 galleys, 150,000 foot, and
a numerous cavalry. See Plutarch in Lucul. Appian in Mithridat Cicero
pro Lege Manilia, c. 8.]

[Footnote 115: Strabo, l. xii. p. 573.]

[Footnote 116: Pocock's Description of the East, l. ii. c. 23, 24.]

[Footnote 117: Zosimus, l. i. p. 33.]

[Footnote 118: Syncellus tells an unintelligible story of Prince
Odenathus, who defeated the Goths, and who was killed by Prince
Odenathus.]

[Footnote 119: Voyages de Chardin, tom. i. p. 45. He sailed with the
Turks from Constantinople to Caffa.]

When we are informed that the third fleet, equipped by the Goths in the
ports of Bosphorus, consisted of five hundred sails of ships, [120]
our ready imagination instantly computes and multiplies the formidable
armament; but, as we are assured by the judicious Strabo, [121] that
the piratical vessels used by the barbarians of Pontus and the Lesser
Scythia, were not capable of containing more than twenty-five or thirty
men we may safely affirm, that fifteen thousand warriors, at the most,
embarked in this great expedition. Impatient of the limits of the
Euxine, they steered their destructive course from the Cimmerian to
the Thracian Bosphorus. When they had almost gained the middle of the
Straits, they were suddenly driven back to the entrance of them; till a
favorable wind, springing up the next day, carried them in a few hours
into the placid sea, or rather lake, of the Propontis. Their landing on
the little island of Cyzicus was attended with the ruin of that ancient
and noble city. From thence issuing again through the narrow passage
of the Hellespont, they pursued their winding navigation amidst the
numerous islands scattered over the Archipelago, or the Aegean Sea. The
assistance of captives and deserters must have been very necessary to
pilot their vessels, and to direct their various incursions, as well
on the coast of Greece as on that of Asia. At length the Gothic fleet
anchored in the port of Piraeus, five miles distant from Athens, [122]
which had attempted to make some preparations for a vigorous defence.
Cleodamus, one of the engineers employed by the emperor's orders to
fortify the maritime cities against the Goths, had already begun to
repair the ancient walls, fallen to decay since the time of Scylla. The
efforts of his skill were ineffectual, and the barbarians became masters
of the native seat of the muses and the arts. But while the conquerors
abandoned themselves to the license of plunder and intemperance, their
fleet, that lay with a slender guard in the harbor of Piraeus, was
unexpectedly attacked by the brave Dexippus, who, flying with the
engineer Cleodamus from the sack of Athens, collected a hasty band of
volunteers, peasants as well as soldiers, and in some measure avenged
the calamities of his country. [123]

[Footnote 120: Syncellus (p. 382) speaks of this expedition, as
undertaken by the Heruli.]

[Footnote 121: Strabo, l. xi. p. 495.]

[Footnote 122: Plin. Hist. Natur. iii. 7.]

[Footnote 123: Hist. August. p. 181. Victor, c. 33. Orosius, vii. 42.
Zosimus, l. i. p. 35. Zonaras, l. xii. 635. Syncellus, p. 382. It is
not without some attention, that we can explain and conciliate their
imperfect hints. We can still discover some traces of the partiality of
Dexippus, in the relation of his own and his countrymen's exploits. *
Note: According to a new fragment of Dexippus, published by Mai, the 2000
men took up a strong position in a mountainous and woods district,
and kept up a harassing warfare. He expresses a hope of being speedily
joined by the Imperial fleet. Dexippus in rov. Byzantinorum Collect a
Niebuhr, p. 26, 8--M.]

But this exploit, whatever lustre it might shed on the declining age of
Athens, served rather to irritate than to subdue the undaunted spirit
of the northern invaders. A general conflagration blazed out at the same
time in every district of Greece. Thebes and Argos, Corinth and Sparta,
which had formerly waged such memorable wars against each other, were
now unable to bring an army into the field, or even to defend their
ruined fortifications. The rage of war, both by land and by sea, spread
from the eastern point of Sunium to the western coast of Epirus. The
Goths had already advanced within sight of Italy, when the approach of
such imminent danger awakened the indolent Gallienus from his dream of
pleasure. The emperor appeared in arms; and his presence seems to have
checked the ardor, and to have divided the strength, of the enemy.
Naulobatus, a chief of the Heruli, accepted an honorable capitulation,
entered with a large body of his countrymen into the service of Rome,
and was invested with the ornaments of the consular dignity, which
had never before been profaned by the hands of a barbarian. [124] Great
numbers of the Goths, disgusted with the perils and hardships of a
tedious voyage, broke into Maesia, with a design of forcing their way
over the Danube to their settlements in the Ukraine. The wild attempt
would have proved inevitable destruction, if the discord of the Roman
generals had not opened to the barbarians the means of an escape. [125]
The small remainder of this destroying host returned on board their
vessels; and measuring back their way through the Hellespont and the
Bosphorus, ravaged in their passage the shores of Troy, whose fame,
immortalized by Homer, will probably survive the memory of the Gothic
conquests. As soon as they found themselves in safety within the basin
of the Euxine, they landed at Anchialus in Thrace, near the foot of
Mount Haemus; and, after all their toils, indulged themselves in the use
of those pleasant and salutary hot baths. What remained of the voyage
was a short and easy navigation. [126] Such was the various fate of this
third and greatest of their naval enterprises. It may seem difficult
to conceive how the original body of fifteen thousand warriors could
sustain the losses and divisions of so bold an adventure. But as their
numbers were gradually wasted by the sword, by shipwrecks, and by the
influence of a warm climate, they were perpetually renewed by troops of
banditti and deserters, who flocked to the standard of plunder, and by
a crowd of fugitive slaves, often of German or Sarmatian extraction, who
eagerly seized the glorious opportunity of freedom and revenge. In these
expeditions, the Gothic nation claimed a superior share of honor
and danger; but the tribes that fought under the Gothic banners are
sometimes distinguished and sometimes confounded in the imperfect
histories of that age; and as the barbarian fleets seemed to issue from
the mouth of the Tanais, the vague but familiar appellation of Scythians
was frequently bestowed on the mixed multitude. [127]

[Footnote 124: Syncellus, p. 382. This body of Heruli was for a long
time faithful and famous.]

[Footnote 125: Claudius, who commanded on the Danube, thought with
propriety and acted with spirit. His colleague was jealous of his fame
Hist. August. p. 181.]

[Footnote 126: Jornandes, c. 20.]

[Footnote 127: Zosimus and the Greeks (as the author of the Philopatris)
give the name of Scythians to those whom Jornandes, and the Latin
writers, constantly represent as Goths.]




Chapter X: Emperors Decius, Gallus, Aemilianus, Valerian And Gallienus.--Part IV.

In the general calamities of mankind, the death of an individual,
however exalted, the ruin of an edifice, however famous, are passed over
with careless inattention. Yet we cannot forget that the temple of
Diana at Ephesus, after having risen with increasing splendor from seven
repeated misfortunes, [128] was finally burnt by the Goths in their
third naval invasion. The arts of Greece, and the wealth of Asia,
had conspired to erect that sacred and magnificent structure. It was
supported by a hundred and twenty-seven marble columns of the Ionic
order. They were the gifts of devout monarchs, and each was sixty feet
high. The altar was adorned with the masterly sculptures of Praxiteles,
who had, perhaps, selected from the favorite legends of the place the
birth of the divine children of Latona, the concealment of Apollo
after the slaughter of the Cyclops, and the clemency of Bacchus to the
vanquished Amazons. [129] Yet the length of the temple of Ephesus was
only four hundred and twenty-five feet, about two thirds of the measure
of the church of St. Peter's at Rome. [130] In the other dimensions,
it was still more inferior to that sublime production of modern
architecture. The spreading arms of a Christian cross require a much
greater breadth than the oblong temples of the Pagans; and the boldest
artists of antiquity would have been startled at the proposal of raising
in the air a dome of the size and proportions of the Pantheon. The
temple of Diana was, however, admired as one of the wonders of the
world. Successive empires, the Persian, the Macedonian, and the Roman,
had revered its sanctity and enriched its splendor. [131] But the rude
savages of the Baltic were destitute of a taste for the elegant arts,
and they despised the ideal terrors of a foreign superstition. [132]

[Footnote 128: Hist. Aug. p. 178. Jornandes, c. 20.]

[Footnote 129: Strabo, l. xiv. p. 640. Vitruvius, l. i. c. i. praefat l
vii. Tacit Annal. iii. 61. Plin. Hist. Nat. xxxvi. 14.]

[Footnote 130: The length of St. Peter's is 840 Roman palms; each palm
is very little short of nine English inches. See Greaves's Miscellanies
vol. i. p. 233; on the Roman Foot. * Note: St. Paul's Cathedral is 500
feet. Dallaway on Architecture--M.]

[Footnote 131: The policy, however, of the Romans induced them to
abridge the extent of the sanctuary or asylum, which by successive
privileges had spread itself two stadia round the temple. Strabo, l.
xiv. p. 641. Tacit. Annal. iii. 60, &c.]

[Footnote 132: They offered no sacrifices to the Grecian gods. See
Epistol Gregor. Thaumat.]

Another circumstance is related of these invasions, which might deserve
our notice, were it not justly to be suspected as the fanciful conceit
of a recent sophist. We are told, that in the sack of Athens the Goths
had collected all the libraries, and were on the point of setting fire
to this funeral pile of Grecian learning, had not one of their chiefs,
of more refined policy than his brethren, dissuaded them from the
design; by the profound observation, that as long as the Greeks were
addicted to the study of books, they would never apply themselves to the
exercise of arms. [133] The sagacious counsellor (should the truth of
the fact be admitted) reasoned like an ignorant barbarian. In the most
polite and powerful nations, genius of every kind has displayed itself
about the same period; and the age of science has generally been the age
of military virtue and success.

[Footnote 133: Zonaras, l. xii. p. 635. Such an anecdote was perfectly
suited to the taste of Montaigne. He makes use of it in his agreeable
Essay on Pedantry, l. i. c. 24.]


IV. The new sovereign of Persia, Artaxerxes and his son Sapor, had
triumphed (as we have already seen) over the house of Arsaces. Of the
many princes of that ancient race. Chosroes, king of Armenia, had alone
preserved both his life and his independence. He defended himself by the
natural strength of his country; by the perpetual resort of fugitives
and malecontents; by the alliance of the Romans, and above all, by his
own courage.

Invincible in arms, during a thirty years' war, he was at length
assassinated by the emissaries of Sapor, king of Persia. The patriotic
satraps of Armenia, who asserted the freedom and dignity of the crown,
implored the protection of Rome in favor of Tiridates, the lawful heir.
But the son of Chosroes was an infant, the allies were at a distance,
and the Persian monarch advanced towards the frontier at the head of an
irresistible force. Young Tiridates, the future hope of his country,
was saved by the fidelity of a servant, and Armenia continued above
twenty-seven years a reluctant province of the great monarchy of Persia.
[134] Elated with this easy conquest, and presuming on the distresses or
the degeneracy of the Romans, Sapor obliged the strong garrisons of
Carrhae and Nisibis [1341] to surrender, and spread devastation and
terror on either side of the Euphrates.

[Footnote 134: Moses Chorenensis, l. ii. c. 71, 73, 74. Zonaras, l. xii.
p. 628. The anthentic relation of the Armenian historian serves to
rectify the confused account of the Greek. The latter talks of the
children of Tiridates, who at that time was himself an infant. (Compare
St Martin Memoires sur l'Armenie, i. p. 301.--M.)]

[Footnote 1341: Nisibis, according to Persian authors, was taken by a
miracle, the wall fell, in compliance with the prayers of the army.
Malcolm's Persia, l. 76.--M]

The loss of an important frontier, the ruin of a faithful and natural
ally, and the rapid success of Sapor's ambition, affected Rome with a
deep sense of the insult as well as of the danger. Valerian flattered
himself, that the vigilance of his lieutenants would sufficiently
provide for the safety of the Rhine and of the Danube; but he resolved,
notwithstanding his advanced age, to march in person to the defence of
the Euphrates.

During his progress through Asia Minor, the naval enterprises of the
Goths were suspended, and the afflicted province enjoyed a transient
and fallacious calm. He passed the Euphrates, encountered the Persian
monarch near the walls of Edessa, was vanquished, and taken prisoner by
Sapor. The particulars of this great event are darkly and imperfectly
represented; yet, by the glimmering light which is afforded us, we
may discover a long series of imprudence, of error, and of deserved
misfortunes on the side of the Roman emperor. He reposed an implicit
confidence in Macrianus, his Praetorian praefect. [135] That worthless
minister rendered his master formidable only to the oppressed subjects,
and contemptible to the enemies of Rome. [136] By his weak or wicked
counsels, the Imperial army was betrayed into a situation where valor
and military skill were equally unavailing. [137] The vigorous attempt of
the Romans to cut their way through the Persian host was repulsed with
great slaughter; [138] and Sapor, who encompassed the camp with superior
numbers, patiently waited till the increasing rage of famine and
pestilence had insured his victory. The licentious murmurs of the
legions soon accused Valerian as the cause of their calamities; their
seditious clamors demanded an instant capitulation. An immense sum of
gold was offered to purchase the permission of a disgraceful retreat.
But the Persian, conscious of his superiority, refused the money with
disdain; and detaining the deputies, advanced in order of battle to the
foot of the Roman rampart, and insisted on a personal conference with
the emperor. Valerian was reduced to the necessity of intrusting his
life and dignity to the faith of an enemy. The interview ended as it was
natural to expect. The emperor was made a prisoner, and his astonished
troops laid down their arms. [139] In such a moment of triumph, the
pride and policy of Sapor prompted him to fill the vacant throne with
a successor entirely dependent on his pleasure. Cyriades, an obscure
fugitive of Antioch, stained with every vice, was chosen to dishonor the
Roman purple; and the will of the Persian victor could not fail of being
ratified by the acclamations, however reluctant, of the captive army.
[140]

[Footnote 135: Hist. Aug. p. 191. As Macrianus was an enemy to the
Christians, they charged him with being a magician.]

[Footnote 136: Zosimus, l. i. p. 33.]

[Footnote 137: Hist. Aug. p. 174.]

[Footnote 138: Victor in Caesar. Eutropius, ix. 7.]

[Footnote 139: Zosimus, l. i. p. 33. Zonaras, l. xii. p. 630. Peter
Patricius, in the Excerpta Legat. p. 29.]

[Footnote 140: Hist. August. p. 185. The reign of Cyriades appears in
that collection prior to the death of Valerian; but I have preferred
a probable series of events to the doubtful chronology of a most
inaccurate writer]

The Imperial slave was eager to secure the favor of his master by an act
of treason to his native country. He conducted Sapor over the Euphrates,
and, by the way of Chalcis, to the metropolis of the East. So rapid were
the motions of the Persian cavalry, that, if we may credit a very
judicious historian, [141] the city of Antioch was surprised when the
idle multitude was fondly gazing on the amusements of the theatre. The
splendid buildings of Antioch, private as well as public, were either
pillaged or destroyed; and the numerous inhabitants were put to the
sword, or led away into captivity. [142] The tide of devastation was
stopped for a moment by the resolution of the high priest of Emesa.
Arrayed in his sacerdotal robes, he appeared at the head of a great body
of fanatic peasants, armed only with slings, and defended his god and
his property from the sacrilegious hands of the followers of Zoroaster.
[143] But the ruin of Tarsus, and of many other cities, furnishes a
melancholy proof that, except in this singular instance, the conquest of
Syria and Cilicia scarcely interrupted the progress of the Persian arms.
The advantages of the narrow passes of Mount Taurus were abandoned, in
which an invader, whose principal force consisted in his cavalry, would
have been engaged in a very unequal combat: and Sapor was permitted to
form the siege of Caesarea, the capital of Cappadocia; a city, though of
the second rank, which was supposed to contain four hundred thousand
inhabitants. Demosthenes commanded in the place, not so much by the
commission of the emperor, as in the voluntary defence of his country.
For a long time he deferred its fate; and when at last Caesarea was
betrayed by the perfidy of a physician, he cut his way through the
Persians, who had been ordered to exert their utmost diligence to take
him alive. This heroic chief escaped the power of a foe who might either
have honored or punished his obstinate valor; but many thousands of his
fellow-citizens were involved in a general massacre, and Sapor is
accused of treating his prisoners with wanton and unrelenting cruelty.
[144] Much should undoubtedly be allowed for national animosity, much
for humbled pride and impotent revenge; yet, upon the whole, it is
certain, that the same prince, who, in Armenia, had displayed the mild
aspect of a legislator, showed himself to the Romans under the stern
features of a conqueror. He despaired of making any permanent
establishment in the empire, and sought only to leave behind him a
wasted desert, whilst he transported into Persia the people and the
treasures of the provinces. [145]

[Footnote 141: The sack of Antioch, anticipated by some historians,
is assigned, by the decisive testimony of Ammianus Marcellinus, to the
reign of Gallienus, xxiii. 5. * Note: Heyne, in his note on Zosimus,
contests this opinion of Gibbon and observes, that the testimony of
Ammianus is in fact by no means clear, decisive. Gallienus and Valerian
reigned together. Zosimus, in a passage, l. iiii. 32, 8, distinctly
places this event before the capture of Valerian.--M.]

[Footnote 142: Zosimus, l. i. p. 35.]

[Footnote 143: John Malala, tom. i. p. 391. He corrupts this probable
event by some fabulous circumstances.]

[Footnote 144: Zonaras, l. xii. p. 630. Deep valleys were filled up with
the slain. Crowds of prisoners were driven to water like beasts, and
many perished for want of food.]

[Footnote 145: Zosimus, l. i. p. 25 asserts, that Sapor, had he not
preferred spoil to conquest, might have remained master of Asia.]

At the time when the East trembled at the name of Sapor, he received
a present not unworthy of the greatest kings; a long train of camels,
laden with the most rare and valuable merchandises. The rich offering
was accompanied with an epistle, respectful, but not servile, from
Odenathus, one of the noblest and most opulent senators of Palmyra. "Who
is this Odenathus," (said the haughty victor, and he commanded that the
present should be cast into the Euphrates,) "that he thus insolently
presumes to write to his lord? If he entertains a hope of mitigating his
punishment, let him fall prostrate before the foot of our throne, with
his hands bound behind his back. Should he hesitate, swift destruction
shall be poured on his head, on his whole race, and on his country."
[146] The desperate extremity to which the Palmyrenian was reduced,
called into action all the latent powers of his soul. He met Sapor; but
he met him in arms.

Infusing his own spirit into a little army collected from the villages
of Syria [147] and the tents of the desert, [148] he hovered round the
Persian host, harassed their retreat, carried off part of the treasure,
and, what was dearer than any treasure, several of the women of the
great king; who was at last obliged to repass the Euphrates with some
marks of haste and confusion. [149] By this exploit, Odenathus laid
the foundations of his future fame and fortunes. The majesty of Rome,
oppressed by a Persian, was protected by a Syrian or Arab of Palmyra.

[Footnote 146: Peter Patricius in Excerpt. Leg. p. 29.]

[Footnote 147: Syrorum agrestium manu. Sextus Rufus, c. 23. Rufus Victor
the Augustan History, (p. 192,) and several inscriptions, agree in
making Odenathus a citizen of Palmyra.]

[Footnote 148: He possessed so powerful an interest among the wandering
tribes, that Procopius (Bell. Persic. l. ii. c. 5) and John Malala,
(tom. i. p. 391) style him Prince of the Saracens.]

[Footnote 149: Peter Patricius, p. 25.]

The voice of history, which is often little more than the organ of
hatred or flattery, reproaches Sapor with a proud abuse of the rights
of conquest. We are told that Valerian, in chains, but invested with the
Imperial purple, was exposed to the multitude, a constant spectacle
of fallen greatness; and that whenever the Persian monarch mounted
on horseback, he placed his foot on the neck of a Roman emperor.
Notwithstanding all the remonstrances of his allies, who repeatedly
advised him to remember the vicissitudes of fortune, to dread the
returning power of Rome, and to make his illustrious captive the pledge
of peace, not the object of insult, Sapor still remained inflexible.
When Valerian sunk under the weight of shame and grief, his skin,
stuffed with straw, and formed into the likeness of a human figure, was
preserved for ages in the most celebrated temple of Persia; a more real
monument of triumph, than the fancied trophies of brass and marble so
often erected by Roman vanity. [150] The tale is moral and pathetic, but
the truth [1501] of it may very fairly be called in question. The letters
still extant from the princes of the East to Sapor are manifest
forgeries; [151] nor is it natural to suppose that a jealous monarch
should, even in the person of a rival, thus publicly degrade the majesty
of kings. Whatever treatment the unfortunate Valerian might experience
in Persia, it is at least certain that the only emperor of Rome who had
ever fallen into the hands of the enemy, languished away his life in
hopeless captivity.

[Footnote 150: The Pagan writers lament, the Christian insult, the
misfortunes of Valerian. Their various testimonies are accurately
collected by Tillemont, tom. iii. p. 739, &c. So little has been
preserved of eastern history before Mahomet, that the modern Persians
are totally ignorant of the victory Sapor, an event so glorious to their
nation. See Bibliotheque Orientale. * Note: Malcolm appears to write
from Persian authorities, i. 76.--M.]

[Footnote 1501: Yet Gibbon himself records a speech of the emperor Galerius,
which alludes to the cruelties exercised against the living, and the
indignities to which they exposed the dead Valerian, vol. ii. ch. 13.
Respect for the kingly character would by no means prevent an eastern
monarch from ratifying his pride and his vengeance on a fallen foe.--M.]

[Footnote 151: One of these epistles is from Artavasdes, king of
Armenia; since Armenia was then a province of Persia, the king, the
kingdom, and the epistle must be fictitious.]

The emperor Gallienus, who had long supported with impatience
the censorial severity of his father and colleague, received the
intelligence of his misfortunes with secret pleasure and avowed
indifference. "I knew that my father was a mortal," said he; "and since
he has acted as it becomes a brave man, I am satisfied." Whilst Rome
lamented the fate of her sovereign, the savage coldness of his son was
extolled by the servile courtiers as the perfect firmness of a hero
and a stoic. [152] It is difficult to paint the light, the various,
the inconstant character of Gallienus, which he displayed without
constraint, as soon as he became sole possessor of the empire. In every
art that he attempted, his lively genius enabled him to succeed; and as
his genius was destitute of judgment, he attempted every art, except
the important ones of war and government. He was a master of several
curious, but useless sciences, a ready orator, an elegant poet, [153] a
skilful gardener, an excellent cook, and most contemptible prince. When
the great emergencies of the state required his presence and attention,
he was engaged in conversation with the philosopher Plotinus, [154]
wasting his time in trifling or licentious pleasures, preparing his
initiation to the Grecian mysteries, or soliciting a place in the
Arcopagus of Athens. His profuse magnificence insulted the general
poverty; the solemn ridicule of his triumphs impressed a deeper sense
of the public disgrace. [155] The repeated intelligence of invasions,
defeats, and rebellions, he received with a careless smile; and singling
out, with affected contempt, some particular production of the lost
province, he carelessly asked, whether Rome must be ruined, unless it
was supplied with linen from Egypt, and arras cloth from Gaul. There
were, however, a few short moments in the life of Gallienus, when,
exasperated by some recent injury, he suddenly appeared the intrepid
soldier and the cruel tyrant; till, satiated with blood, or fatigued by
resistance, he insensibly sunk into the natural mildness and indolence
of his character. [156]

[Footnote 152: See his life in the Augustan History.]

[Footnote 153: There is still extant a very pretty Epithalamium,
composed by Gallienus for the nuptials of his nephews:--"Ite ait, O
juvenes, pariter sudate medullis Omnibus, inter vos: non murmura vestra
columbae, Brachia non hederae, non vincant oscula conchae."]

[Footnote 154: He was on the point of giving Plotinus a ruined city of
Campania to try the experiment of realizing Plato's Republic. See the
Life of Plotinus, by Porphyry, in Fabricius's Biblioth. Graec. l. iv.]
[Footnote 155: A medal which bears the head of Gallienus has perplexed
the antiquarians by its legend and reverse; the former Gallienoe
Augustoe, the latter Ubique Pax. M. Spanheim supposes that the coin was
struck by some of the enemies of Gallienus, and was designed as a severe
satire on that effeminate prince. But as the use of irony may seem
unworthy of the gravity of the Roman mint, M. de Vallemont has deduced
from a passage of Trebellius Pollio (Hist. Aug. p. 198) an ingenious
and natural solution. Galliena was first cousin to the emperor. By
delivering Africa from the usurper Celsus, she deserved the title of
Augusta. On a medal in the French king's collection, we read a similar
inscription of Faustina Augusta round the head of Marcus Aurelius.
With regard to the Ubique Pax, it is easily explained by the vanity of
Gallienus, who seized, perhaps, the occasion of some momentary calm. See
Nouvelles de la Republique des Lettres, Janvier, 1700, p. 21--34.]

[Footnote 156: This singular character has, I believe, been fairly
transmitted to us. The reign of his immediate successor was short and
busy; and the historians who wrote before the elevation of the family of
Constantine could not have the most remote interest to misrepresent the
character of Gallienus.]

At the time when the reins of government were held with so loose a hand,
it is not surprising, that a crowd of usurpers should start up in every
province of the empire against the son of Valerian. It was probably some
ingenious fancy, of comparing the thirty tyrants of Rome with the thirty
tyrants of Athens, that induced the writers of the Augustan History to
select that celebrated number, which has been gradually received into
a popular appellation. [157] But in every light the parallel is idle and
defective. What resemblance can we discover between a council of thirty
persons, the united oppressors of a single city, and an uncertain list
of independent rivals, who rose and fell in irregular succession through
the extent of a vast empire? Nor can the number of thirty be completed,
unless we include in the account the women and children who were honored
with the Imperial title. The reign of Gallienus, distracted as it was,
produced only nineteen pretenders to the throne: Cyriades, Macrianus,
Balista, Odenathus, and Zenobia, in the East; in Gaul, and the western
provinces, Posthumus, Lollianus, Victorinus, and his mother Victoria,
Marius, and Tetricus; in Illyricum and the confines of the Danube,
Ingenuus, Regillianus, and Aureolus; in Pontus, [158] Saturninus; in
Isauria, Trebellianus; Piso in Thessaly; Valens in Achaia; Aemilianus in
Egypt; and Celsus in Africa. [1581] To illustrate the obscure monuments of
the life and death of each individual, would prove a laborious task,
alike barren of instruction and of amusement. We may content ourselves
with investigating some general characters, that most strongly mark the
condition of the times, and the manners of the men, their pretensions,
their motives, their fate, and their destructive consequences of their
usurpation. [159]

[Footnote 157: Pollio expresses the most minute anxiety to complete the
number. * Note: Compare a dissertation of Manso on the thirty tyrants at
the end of his Leben Constantius des Grossen. Breslau, 1817.--M.]

[Footnote 158: The place of his reign is somewhat doubtful; but there
was a tyrant in Pontus, and we are acquainted with the seat of all the
others.]

[Footnote 1581: Captain Smyth, in his "Catalogue of Medals," p.
307, substitutes two new names to make up the number of nineteen, for
those of Odenathus and Zenobia. He subjoins this list:--1. 2. 3. Of
those whose coins Those whose coins Those of whom no are undoubtedly
true. are suspected. coins are known. Posthumus. Cyriades. Valens.
Laelianus, (Lollianus, G.) Ingenuus. Balista Victorinus Celsus.
Saturninus. Marius. Piso Frugi. Trebellianus. Tetricus.
--M. 1815 Macrianus. Quietus. Regalianus (Regillianus, G.) Alex.
Aemilianus. Aureolus. Sulpicius Antoninus]

[Footnote 159: Tillemont, tom. iii. p. 1163, reckons them somewhat
differently.]

It is sufficiently known, that the odious appellation of Tyrant was
often employed by the ancients to express the illegal seizure of
supreme power, without any reference to the abuse of it. Several of the
pretenders, who raised the standard of rebellion against the emperor
Gallienus, were shining models of virtue, and almost all possessed a
considerable share of vigor and ability. Their merit had recommended
them to the favor of Valerian, and gradually promoted them to the most
important commands of the empire. The generals, who assumed the title of
Augustus, were either respected by their troops for their able conduct
and severe discipline, or admired for valor and success in war, or
beloved for frankness and generosity. The field of victory was often
the scene of their election; and even the armorer Marius, the most
contemptible of all the candidates for the purple, was distinguished,
however by intrepid courage, matchless strength, and blunt honesty.
[160] His mean and recent trade cast, indeed, an air of ridicule on his
elevation; [1601] but his birth could not be more obscure than was that of
the greater part of his rivals, who were born of peasants, and enlisted
in the army as private soldiers. In times of confusion, every active
genius finds the place assigned him by nature: in a general state
of war, military merit is the road to glory and to greatness. Of the
nineteen tyrants Tetricus only was a senator; Piso alone was a noble.
The blood of Numa, through twenty-eight successive generations, ran in
the veins of Calphurnius Piso, [161] who, by female alliances, claimed
a right of exhibiting, in his house, the images of Crassus and of the
great Pompey. [162] His ancestors had been repeatedly dignified with all
the honors which the commonwealth could bestow; and of all the ancient
families of Rome, the Calphurnian alone had survived the tyranny of the
Caesars. The personal qualities of Piso added new lustre to his race.
The usurper Valens, by whose order he was killed, confessed, with deep
remorse, that even an enemy ought to have respected the sanctity of
Piso; and although he died in arms against Gallienus, the senate, with
the emperor's generous permission, decreed the triumphal ornaments
to the memory of so virtuous a rebel. [163] [See Roman Coins: From The
British Museum. Number four depicts Crassus.]

[Footnote 160: See the speech of Marius in the Augustan History, p. 197.
The accidental identity of names was the only circumstance that could
tempt Pollio to imitate Sallust.]

[Footnote 1601: Marius was killed by a soldier, who had formerly served
as a workman in his shop, and who exclaimed, as he struck, "Behold the
sword which thyself hast forged." Trob vita.--G.]

[Footnote 161: "Vos, O Pompilius sanguis!" is Horace's address to
the Pisos See Art. Poet. v. 292, with Dacier's and Sanadon's notes.]

[Footnote 162: Tacit. Annal. xv. 48. Hist. i. 15. In the former of
these passages we may venture to change paterna into materna. In every
generation from Augustus to Alexander Severus, one or more Pisos appear
as consuls. A Piso was deemed worthy of the throne by Augustus, (Tacit.
Annal. i. 13;) a second headed a formidable conspiracy against Nero; and
a third was adopted, and declared Caesar, by Galba.]

[Footnote 163: Hist. August. p. 195. The senate, in a moment of
enthusiasm, seems to have presumed on the approbation of Gallienus.]

The lieutenants of Valerian were grateful to the father, whom they
esteemed. They disdained to serve the luxurious indolence of his
unworthy son. The throne of the Roman world was unsupported by any
principle of loyalty; and treason against such a prince might easily be
considered as patriotism to the state. Yet if we examine with candor the
conduct of these usurpers, it will appear, that they were much oftener
driven into rebellion by their fears, than urged to it by their
ambition. They dreaded the cruel suspicions of Gallienus; they equally
dreaded the capricious violence of their troops. If the dangerous favor
of the army had imprudently declared them deserving of the purple, they
were marked for sure destruction; and even prudence would counsel them
to secure a short enjoyment of empire, and rather to try the fortune of
war than to expect the hand of an executioner.

When the clamor of the soldiers invested the reluctant victims with the
ensigns of sovereign authority, they sometimes mourned in secret their
approaching fate. "You have lost," said Saturninus, on the day of his
elevation, "you have lost a useful commander, and you have made a very
wretched emperor." [164]

[Footnote 164: Hist. August p. 196.]

The apprehensions of Saturninus were justified by the repeated
experience of revolutions. Of the nineteen tyrants who started up under
the reign of Gallienus, there was not one who enjoyed a life of peace,
or a natural death. As soon as they were invested with the bloody
purple, they inspired their adherents with the same fears and ambition
which had occasioned their own revolt. Encompassed with domestic
conspiracy, military sedition, and civil war, they trembled on the edge
of precipices, in which, after a longer or shorter term of anxiety, they
were inevitably lost. These precarious monarchs received, however, such
honors as the flattery of their respective armies and provinces could
bestow; but their claim, founded on rebellion, could never obtain the
sanction of law or history. Italy, Rome, and the senate, constantly
adhered to the cause of Gallienus, and he alone was considered as
the sovereign of the empire. That prince condescended, indeed, to
acknowledge the victorious arms of Odenathus, who deserved the honorable
distinction, by the respectful conduct which he always maintained
towards the son of Valerian. With the general applause of the Romans,
and the consent of Gallienus, the senate conferred the title of Augustus
on the brave Palmyrenian; and seemed to intrust him with the government
of the East, which he already possessed, in so independent a manner,
that, like a private succession, he bequeathed it to his illustrious
widow, Zenobia. [165]

[Footnote 165: The association of the brave Palmyrenian was the most
popular act of the whole reign of Gallienus. Hist. August. p. 180.]

The rapid and perpetual transitions from the cottage to the throne, and
from the throne to the grave, might have amused an indifferent
philosopher; were it possible for a philosopher to remain indifferent
amidst the general calamities of human kind. The election of these
precarious emperors, their power and their death, were equally
destructive to their subjects and adherents. The price of their fatal
elevation was instantly discharged to the troops by an immense donative,
drawn from the bowels of the exhausted people. However virtuous was
their character, however pure their intentions, they found themselves
reduced to the hard necessity of supporting their usurpation by frequent
acts of rapine and cruelty. When they fell, they involved armies and
provinces in their fall. There is still extant a most savage mandate
from Gallienus to one of his ministers, after the suppression of
Ingenuus, who had assumed the purple in Illyricum.

"It is not enough," says that soft but inhuman prince, "that you
exterminate such as have appeared in arms; the chance of battle might
have served me as effectually. The male sex of every age must be
extirpated; provided that, in the execution of the children and old men,
you can contrive means to save our reputation. Let every one die who has
dropped an expression, who has entertained a thought against me, against
me, the son of Valerian, the father and brother of so many princes. [166]
Remember that Ingenuus was made emperor: tear, kill, hew in pieces.
I write to you with my own hand, and would inspire you with my own
feelings." [167] Whilst the public forces of the state were dissipated
in private quarrels, the defenceless provinces lay exposed to every
invader. The bravest usurpers were compelled, by the perplexity of their
situation, to conclude ignominious treaties with the common enemy, to
purchase with oppressive tributes the neutrality or services of the
Barbarians, and to introduce hostile and independent nations into the
heart of the Roman monarchy. [168]

[Footnote 166: Gallienus had given the titles of Caesar and Augustus to
his son Saloninus, slain at Cologne by the usurper Posthumus. A second
son of Gallienus succeeded to the name and rank of his elder brother
Valerian, the brother of Gallienus, was also associated to the empire:
several other brothers, sisters, nephews, and nieces of the emperor
formed a very numerous royal family. See Tillemont, tom iii, and M. de
Brequigny in the Memoires de l'Academie, tom xxxii p. 262.]

[Footnote 167: Hist. August. p. 188.]

[Footnote 168: Regillianus had some bands of Roxolani in his service;
Posthumus a body of Franks. It was, perhaps, in the character of
auxiliaries that the latter introduced themselves into Spain.]

Such were the barbarians, and such the tyrants, who, under the reigns
of Valerian and Gallienus, dismembered the provinces, and reduced the
empire to the lowest pitch of disgrace and ruin, from whence it seemed
impossible that it should ever emerge. As far as the barrenness of
materials would permit, we have attempted to trace, with order and
perspicuity, the general events of that calamitous period. There still
remain some particular facts; I. The disorders of Sicily; II. The
tumults of Alexandria; and, III. The rebellion of the Isaurians, which
may serve to reflect a strong light on the horrid picture.


I. Whenever numerous troops of banditti, multiplied by success and
impunity, publicly defy, instead of eluding the justice of their
country, we may safely infer, that the excessive weakness of the
government is felt and abused by the lowest ranks of the community.
The situation of Sicily preserved it from the Barbarians; nor could the
disarmed province have supported a usurper. The sufferings of that once
flourishing and still fertile island were inflicted by baser hands. A
licentious crowd of slaves and peasants reigned for a while over the
plundered country, and renewed the memory of the servile wars of more
ancient times. [169] Devastations, of which the husbandman was either the
victim or the accomplice, must have ruined the agriculture of Sicily;
and as the principal estates were the property of the opulent senators
of Rome, who often enclosed within a farm the territory of an old
republic, it is not improbable, that this private injury might affect
the capital more deeply, than all the conquests of the Goths or the
Persians.

[Footnote 169: The Augustan History, p. 177. See Diodor. Sicul. l.
xxxiv.]


II. The foundation of Alexandria was a noble design, at once
conceived and executed by the son of Philip. The beautiful and regular
form of that great city, second only to Rome itself, comprehended a
circumference of fifteen miles; [170] it was peopled by three hundred
thousand free inhabitants, besides at least an equal number of slaves.
[171] The lucrative trade of Arabia and India flowed through the port of
Alexandria, to the capital and provinces of the empire. [1711] Idleness was
unknown. Some were employed in blowing of glass, others in weaving of
linen, others again manufacturing the papyrus. Either sex, and every
age, was engaged in the pursuits of industry, nor did even the blind or
the lame want occupations suited to their condition. [172] But the people
of Alexandria, a various mixture of nations, united the vanity and
inconstancy of the Greeks with the superstition and obstinacy of the
Egyptians. The most trifling occasion, a transient scarcity of flesh
or lentils, the neglect of an accustomed salutation, a mistake of
precedency in the public baths, or even a religious dispute, [173] were
at any time sufficient to kindle a sedition among that vast multitude,
whose resentments were furious and implacable. [174] After the captivity
of Valerian and the insolence of his son had relaxed the authority of
the laws, the Alexandrians abandoned themselves to the ungoverned rage
of their passions, and their unhappy country was the theatre of a civil
war, which continued (with a few short and suspicious truces) above
twelve years. [175] All intercourse was cut off between the several
quarters of the afflicted city, every street was polluted with blood,
every building of strength converted into a citadel; nor did the tumults
subside till a considerable part of Alexandria was irretrievably ruined.
The spacious and magnificent district of Bruchion, [1751] with its palaces
and musaeum, the residence of the kings and philosophers of Egypt, is
described above a century afterwards, as already reduced to its present
state of dreary solitude. [176]

[Footnote 170: Plin. Hist. Natur. v. 10.]

[Footnote 171: Diodor. Sicul. l. xvii. p. 590, edit. Wesseling.]

[Footnote 1711: Berenice, or Myos-Hormos, on the Red Sea, received the
eastern commodities. From thence they were transported to the Nile, and
down the Nile to Alexandria.--M.]

[Footnote 172: See a very curious letter of Hadrian, in the Augustan
History, p. 245.]

[Footnote 173: Such as the sacrilegious murder of a divine cat. See
Diodor. Sicul. l. i. * Note: The hostility between the Jewish and
Grecian part of the population afterwards between the two former and the
Christian, were unfailing causes of tumult, sedition, and massacre. In
no place were the religious disputes, after the establishment of
Christianity, more frequent or more sanguinary. See Philo. de Legat.
Hist. of Jews, ii. 171, iii. 111, 198. Gibbon, iii c. xxi. viii. c.
xlvii.--M.]

[Footnote 174: Hist. August. p. 195. This long and terrible sedition was
first occasioned by a dispute between a soldier and a townsman about a
pair of shoes.]

[Footnote 175: Dionysius apud. Euses. Hist. Eccles. vii. p. 21. Ammian
xxii. 16.]

[Footnote 1751: The Bruchion was a quarter of Alexandria which extended
along the largest of the two ports, and contained many palaces,
inhabited by the Ptolemies. D'Anv. Geogr. Anc. iii. 10.--G.]

[Footnote 176: Scaliger. Animadver. ad Euseb. Chron. p. 258. Three
dissertations of M. Bonamy, in the Mem. de l'Academie, tom. ix.]


III. The obscure rebellion of Trebellianus, who assumed the purple in
Isauria, a petty province of Asia Minor, was attended with strange and
memorable consequences. The pageant of royalty was soon destroyed by an
officer of Gallienus; but his followers, despairing of mercy, resolved
to shake off their allegiance, not only to the emperor, but to the
empire, and suddenly returned to the savage manners from which they
had never perfectly been reclaimed. Their craggy rocks, a branch of the
wide-extended Taurus, protected their inaccessible retreat. The tillage
of some fertile valleys [177] supplied them with necessaries, and a habit
of rapine with the luxuries of life. In the heart of the Roman monarchy,
the Isaurians long continued a nation of wild barbarians. Succeeding
princes, unable to reduce them to obedience, either by arms or policy,
were compelled to acknowledge their weakness, by surrounding the hostile
and independent spot with a strong chain of fortifications, [178] which
often proved insufficient to restrain the incursions of these domestic
foes. The Isaurians, gradually extending their territory to the
sea-coast, subdued the western and mountainous part of Cilicia, formerly
the nest of those daring pirates, against whom the republic had once
been obliged to exert its utmost force, under the conduct of the great
Pompey. [179]

[Footnote 177: Strabo, l. xiii. p. 569.]

[Footnote 178: Hist. August. p. 197.]

[Footnote 179: See Cellarius, Geogr Antiq. tom. ii. p. 137, upon the
limits of Isauria.]

Our habits of thinking so fondly connect the order of the universe with
the fate of man, that this gloomy period of history has been decorated
with inundations, earthquakes, uncommon meteors, preternatural darkness,
and a crowd of prodigies fictitious or exaggerated. [180] But a long
and general famine was a calamity of a more serious kind. It was the
inevitable consequence of rapine and oppression, which extirpated the
produce of the present, and the hope of future harvests. Famine is
almost always followed by epidemical diseases, the effect of scanty and
unwholesome food. Other causes must, however, have contributed to the
furious plague, which, from the year two hundred and fifty to the
year two hundred and sixty-five, raged without interruption in every
province, every city, and almost every family, of the Roman empire.
During some time five thousand persons died daily in Rome; and many
towns, that had escaped the hands of the Barbarians, were entirely
depopulated. [181]

[Footnote 180: Hist August p 177.]

[Footnote 181: Hist. August. p. 177. Zosimus, l. i. p. 24. Zonaras,
l. xii. p. 623. Euseb. Chronicon. Victor in Epitom. Victor in Caesar.
Eutropius, ix. 5. Orosius, vii. 21.]

We have the knowledge of a very curious circumstance, of some use
perhaps in the melancholy calculation of human calamities. An exact
register was kept at Alexandria of all the citizens entitled to receive
the distribution of corn. It was found, that the ancient number of those
comprised between the ages of forty and seventy, had been equal to the
whole sum of claimants, from fourteen to fourscore years of age,
who remained alive after the reign of Gallienus. [182] Applying this
authentic fact to the most correct tables of mortality, it evidently
proves, that above half the people of Alexandria had perished; and
could we venture to extend the analogy to the other provinces, we might
suspect, that war, pestilence, and famine, had consumed, in a few
years, the moiety of the human species. [183]

[Footnote 182: Euseb. Hist. Eccles. vii. 21. The fact is taken from the
Letters of Dionysius, who, in the time of those troubles, was bishop of
Alexandria.]

[Footnote 183: In a great number of parishes, 11,000 persons were found
between fourteen and eighty; 5365 between forty and seventy. See Buffon,
Histoire Naturelle, tom. ii. p. 590.]




Chapter XI: Reign Of Claudius, Defeat Of The Goths.--Part I.

     Reign Of Claudius.--Defeat Of The Goths.--Victories,
     Triumph, And Death Of Aurelian.

Under the deplorable reigns of Valerian and Gallienus, the empire was
oppressed and almost destroyed by the soldiers, the tyrants, and the
barbarians. It was saved by a series of great princes, who derived their
obscure origin from the martial provinces of Illyricum. Within a period
of about thirty years, Claudius, Aurelian, Probus, Diocletian and his
colleagues, triumphed over the foreign and domestic enemies of the
state, reestablished, with the military discipline, the strength of the
frontiers, and deserved the glorious title of Restorers of the Roman
world.

The removal of an effeminate tyrant made way for a succession of heroes.
The indignation of the people imputed all their calamities to Gallienus,
and the far greater part were indeed, the consequence of his dissolute
manners and careless administration. He was even destitute of a sense of
honor, which so frequently supplies the absence of public virtue; and as
long as he was permitted to enjoy the possession of Italy, a victory of
the barbarians, the loss of a province, or the rebellion of a general,
seldom disturbed the tranquil course of his pleasures. At length, a
considerable army, stationed on the Upper Danube, invested with the
Imperial purple their leader Aureolus; who, disdaining a confined and
barren reign over the mountains of Rhaetia, passed the Alps, occupied
Milan, threatened Rome, and challenged Gallienus to dispute in the
field the sovereignty of Italy. The emperor, provoked by the insult, and
alarmed by the instant danger, suddenly exerted that latent vigor which
sometimes broke through the indolence of his temper. Forcing himself
from the luxury of the palace, he appeared in arms at the head of his
legions, and advanced beyond the Po to encounter his competitor. The
corrupted name of Pontirolo [1] still preserves the memory of a bridge
over the Adda, which, during the action, must have proved an object
of the utmost importance to both armies. The Rhaetian usurper, after
receiving a total defeat and a dangerous wound, retired into Milan. The
siege of that great city was immediately formed; the walls were battered
with every engine in use among the ancients; and Aureolus, doubtful
of his internal strength, and hopeless of foreign succors already
anticipated the fatal consequences of unsuccessful rebellion.

[Footnote 1: Pons Aureoli, thirteen miles from Bergamo, and thirty-two
from Milan. See Cluver. Italia, Antiq. tom. i. p. 245. Near this place,
in the year 1703, the obstinate battle of Cassano was fought between the
French and Austrians. The excellent relation of the Chevalier de Folard,
who was present, gives a very distinct idea of the ground. See Polybe de
Folard, tom. iii. p. 233-248.]

His last resource was an attempt to seduce the loyalty of the besiegers.
He scattered libels through the camp, inviting the troops to desert an
unworthy master, who sacrificed the public happiness to his luxury, and
the lives of his most valuable subjects to the slightest suspicions.
The arts of Aureolus diffused fears and discontent among the principal
officers of his rival. A conspiracy was formed by Heraclianus the
Praetorian praefect, by Marcian, a general of rank and reputation, and
by Cecrops, who commanded a numerous body of Dalmatian guards. The death
of Gallienus was resolved; and notwithstanding their desire of first
terminating the siege of Milan, the extreme danger which accompanied
every moment's delay obliged them to hasten the execution of their
daring purpose. At a late hour of the night, but while the emperor still
protracted the pleasures of the table, an alarm was suddenly given, that
Aureolus, at the head of all his forces, had made a desperate sally
from the town; Gallienus, who was never deficient in personal bravery,
started from his silken couch, and without allowing himself time either
to put on his armor, or to assemble his guards, he mounted on
horseback, and rode full speed towards the supposed place of the attack.
Encompassed by his declared or concealed enemies, he soon, amidst the
nocturnal tumult, received a mortal dart from an uncertain hand. Before
he expired, a patriotic sentiment rising in the mind of Gallienus,
induced him to name a deserving successor; and it was his last request,
that the Imperial ornaments should be delivered to Claudius, who then
commanded a detached army in the neighborhood of Pavia. The report at
least was diligently propagated, and the order cheerfully obeyed by the
conspirators, who had already agreed to place Claudius on the throne.
On the first news of the emperor's death, the troops expressed some
suspicion and resentment, till the one was removed, and the other
assuaged, by a donative of twenty pieces of gold to each soldier. They
then ratified the election, and acknowledged the merit of their new
sovereign. [2]

[Footnote 2: On the death of Gallienus, see Trebellius Pollio in Hist.
August. p. 181. Zosimus, l. i. p. 37. Zonaras, l. xii. p. 634. Eutrop.
ix. ll. Aurelius Victor in Epitom. Victor in Caesar. I have compared and
blended them all, but have chiefly followed Aurelius Victor, who seems
to have had the best memoirs.]

The obscurity which covered the origin of Claudius, though it was
afterwards embellished by some flattering fictions, [3] sufficiently
betrays the meanness of his birth. We can only discover that he was a
native of one of the provinces bordering on the Danube; that his youth
was spent in arms, and that his modest valor attracted the favor and
confidence of Decius. The senate and people already considered him as an
excellent officer, equal to the most important trusts; and censured the
inattention of Valerian, who suffered him to remain in the subordinate
station of a tribune. But it was not long before that emperor
distinguished the merit of Claudius, by declaring him general and chief
of the Illyrian frontier, with the command of all the troops in Thrace,
Maesia, Dacia, Pannonia, and Dalmatia, the appointments of the praefect
of Egypt, the establishment of the proconsul of Africa, and the sure
prospect of the consulship. By his victories over the Goths, he
deserved from the senate the honor of a statue, and excited the jealous
apprehensions of Gallienus. It was impossible that a soldier could
esteem so dissolute a sovereign, nor is it easy to conceal a just
contempt. Some unguarded expressions which dropped from Claudius were
officiously transmitted to the royal ear. The emperor's answer to an
officer of confidence describes in very lively colors his own character,
and that of the times. "There is not any thing capable of giving me more
serious concern, than the intelligence contained in your last despatch;
[4] that some malicious suggestions have indisposed towards us the mind
of our friend and parent Claudius. As you regard your allegiance, use
every means to appease his resentment, but conduct your negotiation with
secrecy; let it not reach the knowledge of the Dacian troops; they are
already provoked, and it might inflame their fury. I myself have sent
him some presents: be it your care that he accept them with pleasure.
Above all, let him not suspect that I am made acquainted with his
imprudence. The fear of my anger might urge him to desperate counsels."
[5] The presents which accompanied this humble epistle, in which the
monarch solicited a reconciliation with his discontented subject,
consisted of a considerable sum of money, a splendid wardrobe, and
a valuable service of silver and gold plate. By such arts Gallienus
softened the indignation and dispelled the fears of his Illyrian
general; and during the remainder of that reign, the formidable sword of
Claudius was always drawn in the cause of a master whom he despised.
At last, indeed, he received from the conspirators the bloody purple
of Gallienus: but he had been absent from their camp and counsels; and
however he might applaud the deed, we may candidly presume that he was
innocent of the knowledge of it. [6] When Claudius ascended the throne,
he was about fifty-four years of age.

[Footnote 3: Some supposed him, oddly enough, to be a bastard of the
younger Gordian. Others took advantage of the province of Dardania, to
deduce his origin from Dardanus, and the ancient kings of Troy.]

[Footnote 4: Notoria, a periodical and official despatch which the
emperor received from the frumentarii, or agents dispersed through the
provinces. Of these we may speak hereafter.]

[Footnote 5: Hist. August. p. 208. Gallienus describes the plate,
vestments, etc., like a man who loved and understood those splendid
trifles.]

[Footnote 6: Julian (Orat. i. p. 6) affirms that Claudius acquired the
empire in a just and even holy manner. But we may distrust the
partiality of a kinsman.]

The siege of Milan was still continued, and Aureolus soon discovered
that the success of his artifices had only raised up a more determined
adversary. He attempted to negotiate with Claudius a treaty of alliance
and partition. "Tell him," replied the intrepid emperor, "that such
proposals should have been made to Gallienus; he, perhaps, might have
listened to them with patience, and accepted a colleague as despicable
as himself." [7] This stern refusal, and a last unsuccessful effort,
obliged Aureolus to yield the city and himself to the discretion of the
conqueror. The judgment of the army pronounced him worthy of death; and
Claudius, after a feeble resistance, consented to the execution of the
sentence. Nor was the zeal of the senate less ardent in the cause of
their new sovereign. They ratified, perhaps with a sincere transport
of zeal, the election of Claudius; and, as his predecessor had shown
himself the personal enemy of their order, they exercised, under the
name of justice, a severe revenge against his friends and family. The
senate was permitted to discharge the ungrateful office of punishment,
and the emperor reserved for himself the pleasure and merit of obtaining
by his intercession a general act of indemnity. [8]

[Footnote 7: Hist. August. p. 203. There are some trifling differences
concerning the circumstances of the last defeat and death of Aureolus]

[Footnote 8: Aurelius Victor in Gallien. The people loudly prayed for
the damnation of Gallienus. The senate decreed that his relations and
servants should be thrown down headlong from the Gemonian stairs. An
obnoxious officer of the revenue had his eyes torn out whilst under
examination. Note: The expression is curious, "terram matrem deosque
inferos impias uti Gallieno darent."--M.]

Such ostentatious clemency discovers less of the real character of
Claudius, than a trifling circumstance in which he seems to have
consulted only the dictates of his heart. The frequent rebellions of
the provinces had involved almost every person in the guilt of treason,
almost every estate in the case of confiscation; and Gallienus often
displayed his liberality by distributing among his officers the property
of his subjects. On the accession of Claudius, an old woman threw
herself at his feet, and complained that a general of the late emperor
had obtained an arbitrary grant of her patrimony. This general was
Claudius himself, who had not entirely escaped the contagion of the
times. The emperor blushed at the reproach, but deserved the confidence
which she had reposed in his equity. The confession of his fault was
accompanied with immediate and ample restitution. [9]

[Footnote 9: Zonaras, l. xii. p. 137.]

In the arduous task which Claudius had undertaken, of restoring the
empire to its ancient splendor, it was first necessary to revive among
his troops a sense of order and obedience. With the authority of
a veteran commander, he represented to them that the relaxation of
discipline had introduced a long train of disorders, the effects of
which were at length experienced by the soldiers themselves; that a
people ruined by oppression, and indolent from despair, could no longer
supply a numerous army with the means of luxury, or even of subsistence;
that the danger of each individual had increased with the despotism of
the military order, since princes who tremble on the throne will guard
their safety by the instant sacrifice of every obnoxious subject.
The emperor expiated on the mischiefs of a lawless caprice, which the
soldiers could only gratify at the expense of their own blood; as their
seditious elections had so frequently been followed by civil wars, which
consumed the flower of the legions either in the field of battle, or
in the cruel abuse of victory. He painted in the most lively colors the
exhausted state of the treasury, the desolation of the provinces,
the disgrace of the Roman name, and the insolent triumph of rapacious
barbarians. It was against those barbarians, he declared, that he
intended to point the first effort of their arms. Tetricus might reign
for a while over the West, and even Zenobia might preserve the dominion
of the East. [10] These usurpers were his personal adversaries; nor
could he think of indulging any private resentment till he had saved
an empire, whose impending ruin would, unless it was timely prevented,
crush both the army and the people.

[Footnote 10: Zonaras on this occasion mentions Posthumus but the
registers of the senate (Hist. August. p. 203) prove that Tetricus was
already emperor of the western provinces.]

The various nations of Germany and Sarmatia, who fought under the Gothic
standard, had already collected an armament more formidable than any
which had yet issued from the Euxine. On the banks of the Niester,
one of the great rivers that discharge themselves into that sea, they
constructed a fleet of two thousand, or even of six thousand vessels;
[11] numbers which, however incredible they may seem, would have been
insufficient to transport their pretended army of three hundred and
twenty thousand barbarians. Whatever might be the real strength of the
Goths, the vigor and success of the expedition were not adequate to the
greatness of the preparations. In their passage through the Bosphorus,
the unskilful pilots were overpowered by the violence of the current;
and while the multitude of their ships were crowded in a narrow
channel, many were dashed against each other, or against the shore. The
barbarians made several descents on the coasts both of Europe and Asia;
but the open country was already plundered, and they were repulsed with
shame and loss from the fortified cities which they assaulted. A spirit
of discouragement and division arose in the fleet, and some of their
chiefs sailed away towards the islands of Crete and Cyprus; but the main
body, pursuing a more steady course, anchored at length near the foot of
Mount Athos, and assaulted the city of Thessalonica, the wealthy capital
of all the Macedonian provinces. Their attacks, in which they displayed
a fierce but artless bravery, were soon interrupted by the rapid
approach of Claudius, hastening to a scene of action that deserved the
presence of a warlike prince at the head of the remaining powers of the
empire. Impatient for battle, the Goths immediately broke up their camp,
relinquished the siege of Thessalonica, left their navy at the foot of
Mount Athos, traversed the hills of Macedonia, and pressed forwards to
engage the last defence of Italy.

[Footnote 11: The Augustan History mentions the smaller, Zonaras the
larger number; the lively fancy of Montesquieu induced him to prefer the
latter.]

We still posses an original letter addressed by Claudius to the senate
and people on this memorable occasion. "Conscript fathers," says the
emperor, "know that three hundred and twenty thousand Goths have invaded
the Roman territory. If I vanquish them, your gratitude will reward my
services. Should I fall, remember that I am the successor of Gallienus.
The whole republic is fatigued and exhausted. We shall fight after
Valerian, after Ingenuus, Regillianus, Lollianus, Posthumus, Celsus, and
a thousand others, whom a just contempt for Gallienus provoked into
rebellion. We are in want of darts, of spears, and of shields. The
strength of the empire, Gaul, and Spain, are usurped by Tetricus, and we
blush to acknowledge that the archers of the East serve under the
banners of Zenobia. Whatever we shall perform will be sufficiently
great." [12] The melancholy firmness of this epistle announces a hero
careless of his fate, conscious of his danger, but still deriving a
well-grounded hope from the resources of his own mind.

[Footnote 12: Trebell. Pollio in Hist. August. p. 204.]

The event surpassed his own expectations and those of the world. By
the most signal victories he delivered the empire from this host of
barbarians, and was distinguished by posterity under the glorious
appellation of the Gothic Claudius. The imperfect historians of
an irregular war [13] do not enable as to describe the order and
circumstances of his exploits; but, if we could be indulged in the
allusion, we might distribute into three acts this memorable tragedy.
I. The decisive battle was fought near Naissus, a city of Dardania.
The legions at first gave way, oppressed by numbers, and dismayed by
misfortunes. Their ruin was inevitable, had not the abilities of their
emperor prepared a seasonable relief. A large detachment, rising out of
the secret and difficult passes of the mountains, which, by his order,
they had occupied, suddenly assailed the rear of the victorious Goths.

The favorable instant was improved by the activity of Claudius. He
revived the courage of his troops, restored their ranks, and pressed the
barbarians on every side. Fifty thousand men are reported to have been
slain in the battle of Naissus. Several large bodies of barbarians,
covering their retreat with a movable fortification of wagons, retired,
or rather escaped, from the field of slaughter.

II. We may presume that some insurmountable difficulty, the fatigue,
perhaps, or the disobedience, of the conquerors, prevented Claudius from
completing in one day the destruction of the Goths. The war was diffused
over the province of Maesia, Thrace, and Macedonia, and its operations
drawn out into a variety of marches, surprises, and tumultuary
engagements, as well by sea as by land. When the Romans suffered any
loss, it was commonly occasioned by their own cowardice or rashness; but
the superior talents of the emperor, his perfect knowledge of the
country, and his judicious choice of measures as well as officers,
assured on most occasions the success of his arms. The immense booty,
the fruit of so many victories, consisted for the greater part of cattle
and slaves. A select body of the Gothic youth was received among the
Imperial troops; the remainder was sold into servitude; and so
considerable was the number of female captives, that every soldier
obtained to his share two or three women. A circumstance from which we
may conclude, that the invaders entertained some designs of settlement
as well as of plunder; since even in a naval expedition, they were
accompanied by their families.

III. The loss of their fleet, which was either taken or sunk, had
intercepted the retreat of the Goths. A vast circle of Roman posts,
distributed with skill, supported with firmness, and gradually closing
towards a common centre, forced the barbarians into the most
inaccessible parts of Mount Haemus, where they found a safe refuge, but
a very scanty subsistence. During the course of a rigorous winter in
which they were besieged by the emperor's troops, famine and pestilence,
desertion and the sword, continually diminished the imprisoned
multitude. On the return of spring, nothing appeared in arms except a
hardy and desperate band, the remnant of that mighty host which had
embarked at the mouth of the Niester.

[Footnote 13: Hist. August. in Claud. Aurelian. et Prob. Zosimus, l.
i. p. 38-42. Zonaras, l. xii. p. 638. Aurel. Victor in Epitom. Victor
Junior in Caesar. Eutrop. ix ll. Euseb. in Chron.]

The pestilence which swept away such numbers of the barbarians, at
length proved fatal to their conqueror. After a short but glorious
reign of two years, Claudius expired at Sirmium, amidst the tears and
acclamations of his subjects. In his last illness, he convened the
principal officers of the state and army, and in their presence
recommended Aurelian, [14] one of his generals, as the most deserving of
the throne, and the best qualified to execute the great design which he
himself had been permitted only to undertake. The virtues of Claudius,
his valor, affability, justice, and temperance, his love of fame and of
his country, place him in that short list of emperors who added lustre
to the Roman purple. Those virtues, however, were celebrated with
peculiar zeal and complacency by the courtly writers of the age of
Constantine, who was the great grandson of Crispus, the elder brother
of Claudius. The voice of flattery was soon taught to repeat, that gods,
who so hastily had snatched Claudius from the earth, rewarded his merit
and piety by the perpetual establishment of the empire in his family.
[15]

[Footnote 14: According to Zonaras, (l. xii. p. 638,) Claudius,
before his death, invested him with the purple; but this singular fact
is rather contradicted than confirmed by other writers.]

[Footnote 15: See the Life of Claudius by Pollio, and the Orations of
Mamertinus, Eumenius, and Julian. See likewise the Caesars of Julian
p. 318. In Julian it was not adulation, but superstition and vanity.]

Notwithstanding these oracles, the greatness of the Flavian family (a
name which it had pleased them to assume) was deferred above twenty
years, and the elevation of Claudius occasioned the immediate ruin
of his brother Quintilius, who possessed not sufficient moderation or
courage to descend into the private station to which the patriotism
of the late emperor had condemned him. Without delay or reflection, he
assumed the purple at Aquileia, where he commanded a considerable force;
and though his reign lasted only seventeen days, [151] he had time to
obtain the sanction of the senate, and to experience a mutiny of the
troops.

As soon as he was informed that the great army of the Danube had
invested the well-known valor of Aurelian with Imperial power, he sunk
under the fame and merit of his rival; and ordering his veins to be
opened, prudently withdrew himself from the unequal contest. [16]

[Footnote 151: Such is the narrative of the greater part of the older
historians; but the number and the variety of his medals seem to require
more time, and give probability to the report of Zosimus, who makes him
reign some months.--G.]

[Footnote 16: Zosimus, l. i. p. 42. Pollio (Hist. August. p. 107)
allows him virtues, and says, that, like Pertinax, he was killed by the
licentious soldiers. According to Dexippus, he died of a disease.]

The general design of this work will not permit us minutely to relate
the actions of every emperor after he ascended the throne, much less to
deduce the various fortunes of his private life. We shall only observe,
that the father of Aurelian was a peasant of the territory of Sirmium,
who occupied a small farm, the property of Aurelius, a rich senator.
His warlike son enlisted in the troops as a common soldier, successively
rose to the rank of a centurion, a tribune, the praefect of a legion,
the inspector of the camp, the general, or, as it was then called, the
duke, of a frontier; and at length, during the Gothic war, exercised the
important office of commander-in-chief of the cavalry. In every station
he distinguished himself by matchless valor, [17] rigid discipline, and
successful conduct. He was invested with the consulship by the emperor
Valerian, who styles him, in the pompous language of that age, the
deliverer of Illyricum, the restorer of Gaul, and the rival of the
Scipios. At the recommendation of Valerian, a senator of the highest
rank and merit, Ulpius Crinitus, whose blood was derived from the same
source as that of Trajan, adopted the Pannonian peasant, gave him his
daughter in marriage, and relieved with his ample fortune the honorable
poverty which Aurelian had preserved inviolate. [18]

[Footnote 17: Theoclius (as quoted in the Augustan History, p. 211)
affirms that in one day he killed with his own hand forty-eight
Sarmatians, and in several subsequent engagements nine hundred and
fifty. This heroic valor was admired by the soldiers, and celebrated in
their rude songs, the burden of which was, mille, mile, mille, occidit.]

[Footnote 18: Acholius (ap. Hist. August. p. 213) describes the ceremony
of the adoption, as it was performed at Byzantium, in the presence of
the emperor and his great officers.]

The reign of Aurelian lasted only four years and about nine months;
but every instant of that short period was filled by some memorable
achievement. He put an end to the Gothic war, chastised the Germans who
invaded Italy, recovered Gaul, Spain, and Britain out of the hands of
Tetricus, and destroyed the proud monarchy which Zenobia had erected in
the East on the ruins of the afflicted empire.

It was the rigid attention of Aurelian, even to the minutest articles of
discipline, which bestowed such uninterrupted success on his arms. His
military regulations are contained in a very concise epistle to one of
his inferior officers, who is commanded to enforce them, as he wishes
to become a tribune, or as he is desirous to live. Gaming, drinking, and
the arts of divination, were severely prohibited. Aurelian expected that
his soldiers should be modest, frugal, and laborous; that their armor
should be constantly kept bright, their weapons sharp, their clothing
and horses ready for immediate service; that they should live in their
quarters with chastity and sobriety, without damaging the cornfields,
without stealing even a sheep, a fowl, or a bunch of grapes, without
exacting from their landlords, either salt, or oil, or wood. "The public
allowance," continues the emperor, "is sufficient for their support;
their wealth should be collected from the spoils of the enemy, not
from the tears of the provincials." [19] A single instance will serve to
display the rigor, and even cruelty, of Aurelian. One of the soldiers
had seduced the wife of his host. The guilty wretch was fastened to two
trees forcibly drawn towards each other, and his limbs were torn asunder
by their sudden separation. A few such examples impressed a salutary
consternation. The punishments of Aurelian were terrible; but he had
seldom occasion to punish more than once the same offence. His own
conduct gave a sanction to his laws, and the seditious legions dreaded a
chief who had learned to obey, and who was worthy to command.

[Footnote 19: Hist. August, p. 211 This laconic epistle is truly the
work of a soldier; it abounds with military phrases and words, some of
which cannot be understood without difficulty. Ferramenta samiata is
well explained by Salmasius. The former of the words means all weapons
of offence, and is contrasted with Arma, defensive armor The latter
signifies keen and well sharpened.]




Chapter XI: Reign Of Claudius, Defeat Of The Goths.--Part II.

The death of Claudius had revived the fainting spirit of the Goths. The
troops which guarded the passes of Mount Haemus, and the banks of the
Danube, had been drawn away by the apprehension of a civil war; and it
seems probable that the remaining body of the Gothic and Vandalic tribes
embraced the favorable opportunity, abandoned their settlements of
the Ukraine, traversed the rivers, and swelled with new multitudes the
destroying host of their countrymen. Their united numbers were at length
encountered by Aurelian, and the bloody and doubtful conflict ended only
with the approach of night. [20] Exhausted by so many calamities, which
they had mutually endured and inflicted during a twenty years' war, the
Goths and the Romans consented to a lasting and beneficial treaty. It
was earnestly solicited by the barbarians, and cheerfully ratified by
the legions, to whose suffrage the prudence of Aurelian referred the
decision of that important question. The Gothic nation engaged to supply
the armies of Rome with a body of two thousand auxiliaries, consisting
entirely of cavalry, and stipulated in return an undisturbed retreat,
with a regular market as far as the Danube, provided by the emperor's
care, but at their own expense. The treaty was observed with such
religious fidelity, that when a party of five hundred men straggled
from the camp in quest of plunder, the king or general of the barbarians
commanded that the guilty leader should be apprehended and shot to death
with darts, as a victim devoted to the sanctity of their engagements.
[201] It is, however, not unlikely, that the precaution of Aurelian, who
had exacted as hostages the sons and daughters of the Gothic chiefs,
contributed something to this pacific temper. The youths he trained in
the exercise of arms, and near his own person: to the damsels he gave a
liberal and Roman education, and by bestowing them in marriage on some
of his principal officers, gradually introduced between the two nations
the closest and most endearing connections. [21]

[Footnote 20: Zosimus, l. i. p. 45.]

[Footnote 201: The five hundred stragglers were all slain.--M.]

[Footnote 21: Dexipphus (ap. Excerpta Legat. p. 12) relates the whole
transaction under the name of Vandals. Aurelian married one of the
Gothic ladies to his general Bonosus, who was able to drink with the
Goths and discover their secrets. Hist. August. p. 247.]

But the most important condition of peace was understood rather than
expressed in the treaty. Aurelian withdrew the Roman forces from Dacia,
and tacitly relinquished that great province to the Goths and Vandals.
[22] His manly judgment convinced him of the solid advantages, and taught
him to despise the seeming disgrace, of thus contracting the frontiers
of the monarchy. The Dacian subjects, removed from those distant
possessions which they were unable to cultivate or defend, added
strength and populousness to the southern side of the Danube. A fertile
territory, which the repetition of barbarous inroads had changed into a
desert, was yielded to their industry, and a new province of Dacia still
preserved the memory of Trajan's conquests. The old country of that name
detained, however, a considerable number of its inhabitants, who dreaded
exile more than a Gothic master. [23] These degenerate Romans continued
to serve the empire, whose allegiance they had renounced, by introducing
among their conquerors the first notions of agriculture, the useful
arts, and the conveniences of civilized life. An intercourse of commerce
and language was gradually established between the opposite banks of the
Danube; and after Dacia became an independent state, it often proved the
firmest barrier of the empire against the invasions of the savages of
the North. A sense of interest attached these more settled barbarians
to the alliance of Rome, and a permanent interest very frequently ripens
into sincere and useful friendship. This various colony, which filled
the ancient province, and was insensibly blended into one great people,
still acknowledged the superior renown and authority of the Gothic
tribe, and claimed the fancied honor of a Scandinavian origin. At the
same time, the lucky though accidental resemblance of the name of Getae,
[231] infused among the credulous Goths a vain persuasion, that in a
remote age, their own ancestors, already seated in the Dacian provinces,
had received the instructions of Zamolxis, and checked the victorious
arms of Sesostris and Darius. [24]

[Footnote 22: Hist. August. p. 222. Eutrop. ix. 15. Sextus Rufus, c. 9.
de Mortibus Persecutorum, c. 9.]

[Footnote 23: The Walachians still preserve many traces of the Latin
language and have boasted, in every age, of their Roman descent. They
are surrounded by, but not mixed with, the barbarians. See a Memoir
of M. d'Anville on ancient Dacia, in the Academy of Inscriptions, tom.
xxx.]

[Footnote 231: The connection between the Getae and the Goths is still in
my opinion incorrectly maintained by some learned writers--M.]

[Footnote 24: See the first chapter of Jornandes. The Vandals, however,
(c. 22,) maintained a short independence between the Rivers Marisia and
Crissia, (Maros and Keres,) which fell into the Teiss.]

While the vigorous and moderate conduct of Aurelian restored the
Illyrian frontier, the nation of the Alemanni [25] violated the
conditions of peace, which either Gallienus had purchased, or Claudius
had imposed, and, inflamed by their impatient youth, suddenly flew to
arms. Forty thousand horse appeared in the field, [26] and the numbers
of the infantry doubled those of the cavalry. [27] The first objects
of their avarice were a few cities of the Rhaetian frontier; but their
hopes soon rising with success, the rapid march of the Alemanni traced a
line of devastation from the Danube to the Po. [28]

[Footnote 25: Dexippus, p. 7--12. Zosimus, l. i. p. 43. Vopiscus in
Aurelian in Hist. August. However these historians differ in names,
(Alemanni Juthungi, and Marcomanni,) it is evident that they mean the
same people, and the same war; but it requires some care to conciliate
and explain them.]

[Footnote 26: Cantoclarus, with his usual accuracy, chooses to translate
three hundred thousand: his version is equally repugnant to sense and to
grammar.]

[Footnote 27: We may remark, as an instance of bad taste, that Dexippus
applies to the light infantry of the Alemanni the technical terms proper
only to the Grecian phalanx.]

[Footnote 28: In Dexippus, we at present read Rhodanus: M. de Valois
very judiciously alters the word to Eridanus.]

The emperor was almost at the same time informed of the irruption, and
of the retreat, of the barbarians. Collecting an active body of troops,
he marched with silence and celerity along the skirts of the Hercynian
forest; and the Alemanni, laden with the spoils of Italy, arrived at
the Danube, without suspecting, that on the opposite bank, and in an
advantageous post, a Roman army lay concealed and prepared to intercept
their return. Aurelian indulged the fatal security of the barbarians,
and permitted about half their forces to pass the river without
disturbance and without precaution. Their situation and astonishment
gave him an easy victory; his skilful conduct improved the advantage.
Disposing the legions in a semicircular form, he advanced the two horns
of the crescent across the Danube, and wheeling them on a sudden
towards the centre, enclosed the rear of the German host. The dismayed
barbarians, on whatsoever side they cast their eyes, beheld, with
despair, a wasted country, a deep and rapid stream, a victorious and
implacable enemy.

Reduced to this distressed condition, the Alemanni no longer disdained
to sue for peace. Aurelian received their ambassadors at the head of his
camp, and with every circumstance of martial pomp that could display
the greatness and discipline of Rome. The legions stood to their arms
in well-ordered ranks and awful silence. The principal commanders,
distinguished by the ensigns of their rank, appeared on horseback on
either side of the Imperial throne. Behind the throne the consecrated
images of the emperor, and his predecessors, [29] the golden eagles, and
the various titles of the legions, engraved in letters of gold, were
exalted in the air on lofty pikes covered with silver. When Aurelian
assumed his seat, his manly grace and majestic figure [30] taught
the barbarians to revere the person as well as the purple of their
conqueror. The ambassadors fell prostrate on the ground in silence. They
were commanded to rise, and permitted to speak. By the assistance of
interpreters they extenuated their perfidy, magnified their exploits,
expatiated on the vicissitudes of fortune and the advantages of peace,
and, with an ill-timed confidence, demanded a large subsidy, as the
price of the alliance which they offered to the Romans. The answer
of the emperor was stern and imperious. He treated their offer with
contempt, and their demand with indignation, reproached the barbarians,
that they were as ignorant of the arts of war as of the laws of peace,
and finally dismissed them with the choice only of submitting to this
unconditional mercy, or awaiting the utmost severity of his resentment.
[31] Aurelian had resigned a distant province to the Goths; but it was
dangerous to trust or to pardon these perfidious barbarians, whose
formidable power kept Italy itself in perpetual alarms.

[Footnote 29: The emperor Claudius was certainly of the number; but we
are ignorant how far this mark of respect was extended; if to Caesar and
Augustus, it must have produced a very awful spectacle; a long line of
the masters of the world.]

[Footnote 30: Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 210.]

[Footnote 31: Dexippus gives them a subtle and prolix oration, worthy of
a Grecian sophist.]

Immediately after this conference, it should seem that some unexpected
emergency required the emperor's presence in Pannonia.

He devolved on his lieutenants the care of finishing the destruction of
the Alemanni, either by the sword, or by the surer operation of famine.
But an active despair has often triumphed over the indolent assurance
of success. The barbarians, finding it impossible to traverse the Danube
and the Roman camp, broke through the posts in their rear, which were
more feebly or less carefully guarded; and with incredible diligence,
but by a different road, returned towards the mountains of Italy. [32]
Aurelian, who considered the war as totally extinguished, received the
mortifying intelligence of the escape of the Alemanni, and of the ravage
which they already committed in the territory of Milan. The legions were
commanded to follow, with as much expedition as those heavy bodies were
capable of exerting, the rapid flight of an enemy whose infantry and
cavalry moved with almost equal swiftness. A few days afterwards, the
emperor himself marched to the relief of Italy, at the head of a chosen
body of auxiliaries, (among whom were the hostages and cavalry of the
Vandals,) and of all the Praetorian guards who had served in the wars on
the Danube. [33]

[Footnote 32: Hist. August. p. 215.]

[Footnote 33: Dexippus, p. 12.]

As the light troops of the Alemanni had spread themselves from the Alps
to the Apennine, the incessant vigilance of Aurelian and his officers
was exercised in the discovery, the attack, and the pursuit of the
numerous detachments. Notwithstanding this desultory war, three
considerable battles are mentioned, in which the principal force of
both armies was obstinately engaged. [34] The success was various. In
the first, fought near Placentia, the Romans received so severe a blow,
that, according to the expression of a writer extremely partial to
Aurelian, the immediate dissolution of the empire was apprehended. [35]
The crafty barbarians, who had lined the woods, suddenly attacked the
legions in the dusk of the evening, and, it is most probable, after the
fatigue and disorder of a long march.

The fury of their charge was irresistible; but, at length, after a
dreadful slaughter, the patient firmness of the emperor rallied his
troops, and restored, in some degree, the honor of his arms. The second
battle was fought near Fano in Umbria; on the spot which, five hundred
years before, had been fatal to the brother of Hannibal. [36] Thus far
the successful Germans had advanced along the Aemilian and Flaminian
way, with a design of sacking the defenceless mistress of the world.
But Aurelian, who, watchful for the safety of Rome, still hung on their
rear, found in this place the decisive moment of giving them a total
and irretrievable defeat. [37] The flying remnant of their host was
exterminated in a third and last battle near Pavia; and Italy was
delivered from the inroads of the Alemanni.

[Footnote 34: Victor Junior in Aurelian.]

[Footnote 35: Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 216.]

[Footnote 36: The little river, or rather torrent, of, Metaurus, near
Fano, has been immortalized, by finding such an historian as Livy, and
such a poet as Horace.]

[Footnote 37: It is recorded by an inscription found at Pesaro. See
Gruter cclxxvi. 3.]

Fear has been the original parent of superstition, and every new
calamity urges trembling mortals to deprecate the wrath of their
invisible enemies. Though the best hope of the republic was in the valor
and conduct of Aurelian, yet such was the public consternation, when the
barbarians were hourly expected at the gates of Rome, that, by a decree
of the senate the Sibylline books were consulted. Even the emperor
himself from a motive either of religion or of policy, recommended this
salutary measure, chided the tardiness of the senate, [38] and offered
to supply whatever expense, whatever animals, whatever captives of any
nation, the gods should require. Notwithstanding this liberal offer, it
does not appear, that any human victims expiated with their blood the
sins of the Roman people. The Sibylline books enjoined ceremonies of a
more harmless nature, processions of priests in white robes, attended
by a chorus of youths and virgins; lustrations of the city and
adjacent country; and sacrifices, whose powerful influence disabled
the barbarians from passing the mystic ground on which they had been
celebrated. However puerile in themselves, these superstitious arts were
subservient to the success of the war; and if, in the decisive battle of
Fano, the Alemanni fancied they saw an army of spectres combating on
the side of Aurelian, he received a real and effectual aid from this
imaginary reenforcement. [39]

[Footnote 38: One should imagine, he said, that you were assembled in a
Christian church, not in the temple of all the gods.]

[Footnote 39: Vopiscus, in Hist. August. p. 215, 216, gives a long
account of these ceremonies from the Registers of the senate.]

But whatever confidence might be placed in ideal ramparts, the
experience of the past, and the dread of the future, induced the Romans
to construct fortifications of a grosser and more substantial kind. The
seven hills of Rome had been surrounded, by the successors of Romulus,
with an ancient wall of more than thirteen miles. [40] The vast enclosure
may seem disproportioned to the strength and numbers of the infant
state. But it was necessary to secure an ample extent of pasture and
arable land, against the frequent and sudden incursions of the tribes
of Latium, the perpetual enemies of the republic. With the progress
of Roman greatness, the city and its inhabitants gradually increased,
filled up the vacant space, pierced through the useless walls, covered
the field of Mars, and, on every side, followed the public highways in
long and beautiful suburbs. [41] The extent of the new walls, erected by
Aurelian, and finished in the reign of Probus, was magnified by popular
estimation to near fifty, [42] but is reduced by accurate measurement to
about twenty-one miles. [43] It was a great but a melancholy labor, since
the defence of the capital betrayed the decline of the monarchy. The
Romans of a more prosperous age, who trusted to the arms of the legions
the safety of the frontier camps, [44] were very far from entertaining
a suspicion, that it would ever become necessary to fortify the seat of
empire against the inroads of the barbarians. [45]

[Footnote 40: Plin. Hist. Natur. iii. 5. To confirm our idea, we may
observe, that for a long time Mount Caelius was a grove of oaks, and
Mount Viminal was overrun with osiers; that, in the fourth century, the
Aventine was a vacant and solitary retirement; that, till the time of
Augustus, the Esquiline was an unwholesome burying-ground; and that
the numerous inequalities, remarked by the ancients in the Quirinal,
sufficiently prove that it was not covered with buildings. Of the seven
hills, the Capitoline and Palatine only, with the adjacent valleys, were
the primitive habitations of the Roman people. But this subject would
require a dissertation.]

[Footnote 41: Exspatiantia tecta multas addidere urbes, is the
expression of Pliny.]

[Footnote 42: Hist. August. p. 222. Both Lipsius and Isaac Vossius have
eagerly embraced this measure.]

[Footnote 43: See Nardini, Roman Antica, l. i. c. 8. * Note: But compare
Gibbon, ch. xli. note 77.--M.]

[Footnote 44: Tacit. Hist. iv. 23.]

[Footnote 45: For Aurelian's walls, see Vopiscus in Hist. August. p.
216, 222. Zosimus, l. i. p. 43. Eutropius, ix. 15. Aurel. Victor in
Aurelian Victor Junior in Aurelian. Euseb. Hieronym. et Idatius in
Chronic]

The victory of Claudius over the Goths, and the success of Aurelian
against the Alemanni, had already restored to the arms of Rome their
ancient superiority over the barbarous nations of the North. To chastise
domestic tyrants, and to reunite the dismembered parts of the empire,
was a task reserved for the second of those warlike emperors. Though he
was acknowledged by the senate and people, the frontiers of Italy,
Africa, Illyricum, and Thrace, confined the limits of his reign. Gaul,
Spain, and Britain, Egypt, Syria, and Asia Minor, were still possessed
by two rebels, who alone, out of so numerous a list, had hitherto
escaped the dangers of their situation; and to complete the ignominy of
Rome, these rival thrones had been usurped by women.

A rapid succession of monarchs had arisen and fallen in the provinces
of Gaul. The rigid virtues of Posthumus served only to hasten his
destruction. After suppressing a competitor, who had assumed the purple
at Mentz, he refused to gratify his troops with the plunder of the
rebellious city; and in the seventh year of his reign, became the victim
of their disappointed avarice. [46] The death of Victorinus, his friend
and associate, was occasioned by a less worthy cause. The shining
accomplishments [47] of that prince were stained by a licentious passion,
which he indulged in acts of violence, with too little regard to the
laws of society, or even to those of love. [48] He was slain at Cologne,
by a conspiracy of jealous husbands, whose revenge would have appeared
more justifiable, had they spared the innocence of his son. After the
murder of so many valiant princes, it is somewhat remarkable, that a
female for a long time controlled the fierce legions of Gaul, and still
more singular, that she was the mother of the unfortunate Victorinus.
The arts and treasures of Victoria enabled her successively to place
Marius and Tetricus on the throne, and to reign with a manly vigor under
the name of those dependent emperors. Money of copper, of silver, and
of gold, was coined in her name; she assumed the titles of Augusta and
Mother of the Camps: her power ended only with her life; but her life
was perhaps shortened by the ingratitude of Tetricus. [49]

[Footnote 46: His competitor was Lollianus, or Aelianus, if, indeed,
these names mean the same person. See Tillemont, tom. iii. p. 1177.
Note: The medals which bear the name of Lollianus are considered
forgeries except one in the museum of the Prince of Waldeck there are
many extent bearing the name of Laelianus, which appears to have been
that of the competitor of Posthumus. Eckhel. Doct. Num. t. vi. 149--G.]

[Footnote 47: The character of this prince by Julius Aterianus (ap.
Hist. August. p. 187) is worth transcribing, as it seems fair and
impartial Victorino qui Post Junium Posthumium Gallias rexit neminem
existemo praeferendum; non in virtute Trajanum; non Antoninum
in clementia; non in gravitate Nervam; non in gubernando aerario
Vespasianum; non in Censura totius vitae ac severitate militari
Pertinacem vel Severum. Sed omnia haec libido et cupiditas voluptatis
mulierriae sic perdidit, ut nemo audeat virtutes ejus in literas mittere
quem constat omnium judicio meruisse puniri.]

[Footnote 48: He ravished the wife of Attitianus, an actuary, or army
agent, Hist. August. p. 186. Aurel. Victor in Aurelian.]

[Footnote 49: Pollio assigns her an article among the thirty tyrants.
Hist. August. p. 200.]

When, at the instigation of his ambitious patroness, Tetricus assumed
the ensigns of royalty, he was governor of the peaceful province of
Aquitaine, an employment suited to his character and education. He
reigned four or five years over Gaul, Spain, and Britain, the slave
and sovereign of a licentious army, whom he dreaded, and by whom he
was despised. The valor and fortune of Aurelian at length opened the
prospect of a deliverance. He ventured to disclose his melancholy
situation, and conjured the emperor to hasten to the relief of his
unhappy rival. Had this secret correspondence reached the ears of the
soldiers, it would most probably have cost Tetricus his life; nor could
he resign the sceptre of the West without committing an act of treason
against himself. He affected the appearances of a civil war, led
his forces into the field, against Aurelian, posted them in the most
disadvantageous manner, betrayed his own counsels to his enemy, and with
a few chosen friends deserted in the beginning of the action. The rebel
legions, though disordered and dismayed by the unexpected treachery of
their chief, defended themselves with desperate valor, till they were
cut in pieces almost to a man, in this bloody and memorable battle,
which was fought near Chalons in Champagne. [50] The retreat of the
irregular auxiliaries, Franks and Batavians, [51] whom the conqueror
soon compelled or persuaded to repass the Rhine, restored the general
tranquillity, and the power of Aurelian was acknowledged from the wall
of Antoninus to the columns of Hercules.

[Footnote 50: Pollio in Hist. August. p. 196. Vopiscus in Hist. August.
p. 220. The two Victors, in the lives of Gallienus and Aurelian. Eutrop.
ix. 13. Euseb. in Chron. Of all these writers, only the two last (but
with strong probability) place the fall of Tetricus before that of
Zenobia. M. de Boze (in the Academy of Inscriptions, tom. xxx.) does not
wish, and Tillemont (tom. iii. p. 1189) does not dare to follow them. I
have been fairer than the one, and bolder than the other.]

[Footnote 51: Victor Junior in Aurelian. Eumenius mentions Batavicoe;
some critics, without any reason, would fain alter the word to
Bagandicoe.] As early as the reign of Claudius, the city of Autun, alone
and unassisted, had ventured to declare against the legions of
Gaul. After a siege of seven months, they stormed and plundered that
unfortunate city, already wasted by famine. [52] Lyons, on the contrary,
had resisted with obstinate disaffection the arms of Aurelian. We read
of the punishment of Lyons, [53] but there is not any mention of the
rewards of Autun. Such, indeed, is the policy of civil war; severely to
remember injuries, and to forget the most important services. Revenge is
profitable, gratitude is expensive.

[Footnote 52: Eumen. in Vet. Panegyr. iv. 8.]

[Footnote 53: Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 246. Autun was not restored
till the reign of Diocletian. See Eumenius de restaurandis scholis.]

Aurelian had no sooner secured the person and provinces of Tetricus,
than he turned his arms against Zenobia, the celebrated queen of Palmyra
and the East. Modern Europe has produced several illustrious women
who have sustained with glory the weight of empire; nor is our own
age destitute of such distinguished characters. But if we except the
doubtful achievements of Semiramis, Zenobia is perhaps the only female
whose superior genius broke through the servile indolence imposed on her
sex by the climate and manners of Asia. [54] She claimed her descent
from the Macedonian kings of Egypt, [541] equalled in beauty her ancestor
Cleopatra, and far surpassed that princess in chastity [55] and valor.
Zenobia was esteemed the most lovely as well as the most heroic of her
sex. She was of a dark complexion, (for in speaking of a lady these
trifles become important.) Her teeth were of a pearly whiteness, and
her large black eyes sparkled with uncommon fire, tempered by the most
attractive sweetness. Her voice was strong and harmonious. Her manly
understanding was strengthened and adorned by study. She was not
ignorant of the Latin tongue, but possessed in equal perfection the
Greek, the Syriac, and the Egyptian languages. She had drawn up for
her own use an epitome of oriental history, and familiarly compared the
beauties of Homer and Plato under the tuition of the sublime Longinus.

[Footnote 54: Almost everything that is said of the manners of Odenathus
and Zenobia is taken from their lives in the Augustan History, by
Trebeljus Pollio; see p. 192, 198.]

[Footnote 541: According to some Christian writers, Zenobia was a Jewess.
(Jost Geschichte der Israel. iv. 16. Hist. of Jews, iii. 175.)--M.]

[Footnote 55: She never admitted her husband's embraces but for the
sake of posterity. If her hopes were baffled, in the ensuing month she
reiterated the experiment.]

This accomplished woman gave her hand to Odenathus, [551] who, from a
private station, raised himself to the dominion of the East. She soon
became the friend and companion of a hero. In the intervals of war,
Odenathus passionately delighted in the exercise of hunting; he pursued
with ardor the wild beasts of the desert, lions, panthers, and bears;
and the ardor of Zenobia in that dangerous amusement was not inferior to
his own. She had inured her constitution to fatigue, disdained the use
of a covered carriage, generally appeared on horseback in a military
habit, and sometimes marched several miles on foot at the head of the
troops. The success of Odenathus was in a great measure ascribed to her
incomparable prudence and fortitude. Their splendid victories over the
Great King, whom they twice pursued as far as the gates of Ctesiphon,
laid the foundations of their united fame and power. The armies which
they commanded, and the provinces which they had saved, acknowledged not
any other sovereigns than their invincible chiefs. The senate and people
of Rome revered a stranger who had avenged their captive emperor,
and even the insensible son of Valerian accepted Odenathus for his
legitimate colleague.

[Footnote 551: According to Zosimus, Odenathus was of a noble family in
Palmyra and according to Procopius, he was prince of the Saracens, who
inhabit the ranks of the Euphrates. Echhel. Doct. Num. vii. 489.--G.]




Chapter XI: Reign Of Claudius, Defeat Of The Goths.--Part III.

After a successful expedition against the Gothic plunderers of Asia, the
Palmyrenian prince returned to the city of Emesa in Syria. Invincible
in war, he was there cut off by domestic treason, and his favorite
amusement of hunting was the cause, or at least the occasion, of his
death. [56] His nephew Maeonius presumed to dart his javelin before that
of his uncle; and though admonished of his error, repeated the same
insolence. As a monarch, and as a sportsman, Odenathus was provoked,
took away his horse, a mark of ignominy among the barbarians, and
chastised the rash youth by a short confinement. The offence was soon
forgot, but the punishment was remembered; and Maeonius, with a few
daring associates, assassinated his uncle in the midst of a great
entertainment. Herod, the son of Odenathus, though not of Zenobia,
a young man of a soft and effeminate temper, [57] was killed with his
father. But Maeonius obtained only the pleasure of revenge by this
bloody deed. He had scarcely time to assume the title of Augustus,
before he was sacrificed by Zenobia to the memory of her husband. [58]

[Footnote 56: Hist. August. p. 192, 193. Zosimus, l. i. p. 36. Zonaras,
l. xii p. 633. The last is clear and probable, the others confused
and inconsistent. The text of Syncellus, if not corrupt, is absolute
nonsense.]

[Footnote 57: Odenathus and Zenobia often sent him, from the
spoils of the enemy, presents of gems and toys, which he received with
infinite delight.]

[Footnote 58: Some very unjust suspicions have been cast on Zenobia, as
if she was accessory to her husband's death.]

With the assistance of his most faithful friends, she immediately filled
the vacant throne, and governed with manly counsels Palmyra, Syria, and
the East, above five years. By the death of Odenathus, that authority
was at an end which the senate had granted him only as a personal
distinction; but his martial widow, disdaining both the senate and
Gallienus, obliged one of the Roman generals, who was sent against her,
to retreat into Europe, with the loss of his army and his reputation.
[59] Instead of the little passions which so frequently perplex a female
reign, the steady administration of Zenobia was guided by the most
judicious maxims of policy. If it was expedient to pardon, she could
calm her resentment; if it was necessary to punish, she could impose
silence on the voice of pity. Her strict economy was accused of avarice;
yet on every proper occasion she appeared magnificent and liberal. The
neighboring states of Arabia, Armenia, and Persia, dreaded her enmity,
and solicited her alliance. To the dominions of Odenathus, which
extended from the Euphrates to the frontiers of Bithynia, his widow
added the inheritance of her ancestors, the populous and fertile kingdom
of Egypt. [60] [601] The emperor Claudius acknowledged her merit, and was
content, that, while he pursued the Gothic war, she should assert the
dignity of the empire in the East. [61] The conduct, however, of Zenobia,
was attended with some ambiguity; not is it unlikely that she had
conceived the design of erecting an independent and hostile monarchy.
She blended with the popular manners of Roman princes the stately pomp
of the courts of Asia, and exacted from her subjects the same adoration
that was paid to the successor of Cyrus. She bestowed on her three sons
[61] a Latin education, and often showed them to the troops adorned
with the Imperial purple. For herself she reserved the diadem, with the
splendid but doubtful title of Queen of the East.

[Footnote 59: Hist. August. p. 180, 181.]

[Footnote 60: See, in Hist. August. p. 198, Aurelian's testimony to
her merit; and for the conquest of Egypt, Zosimus, l. i. p. 39, 40.]

[Footnote 601: This seems very doubtful. Claudius, during all his reign,
is represented as emperor on the medals of Alexandria, which are very
numerous. If Zenobia possessed any power in Egypt, it could only have
been at the beginning of the reign of Aurelian. The same circumstance
throws great improbability on her conquests in Galatia. Perhaps Zenobia
administered Egypt in the name of Claudius, and emboldened by the death
of that prince, subjected it to her own power.--G.]

[Footnote 61: Timolaus, Herennianus, and Vaballathus. It is supposed
that the two former were already dead before the war. On the last,
Aurelian bestowed a small province of Armenia, with the title of King;
several of his medals are still extant. See Tillemont, tom. 3, p. 1190.]

When Aurelian passed over into Asia, against an adversary whose sex
alone could render her an object of contempt, his presence restored
obedience to the province of Bithynia, already shaken by the arms and
intrigues of Zenobia. [62] Advancing at the head of his legions, he
accepted the submission of Ancyra, and was admitted into Tyana, after
an obstinate siege, by the help of a perfidious citizen. The generous
though fierce temper of Aurelian abandoned the traitor to the rage of
the soldiers; a superstitious reverence induced him to treat with lenity
the countrymen of Apollonius the philosopher. [63] Antioch was deserted
on his approach, till the emperor, by his salutary edicts, recalled
the fugitives, and granted a general pardon to all, who, from necessity
rather than choice, had been engaged in the service of the Palmyrenian
Queen. The unexpected mildness of such a conduct reconciled the minds of
the Syrians, and as far as the gates of Emesa, the wishes of the people
seconded the terror of his arms. [64]

[Footnote 62: Zosimus, l. i. p. 44.]

[Footnote 63: Vopiscus (in Hist. August. p. 217) gives us an authentic
letter and a doubtful vision, of Aurelian. Apollonius of Tyana was born
about the same time as Jesus Christ. His life (that of the former) is
related in so fabulous a manner by his disciples, that we are at a loss
to discover whether he was a sage, an impostor, or a fanatic.]

[Footnote 64: Zosimus, l. i. p. 46.]

Zenobia would have ill deserved her reputation, had she indolently
permitted the emperor of the West to approach within a hundred miles of
her capital. The fate of the East was decided in two great battles; so
similar in almost every circumstance, that we can scarcely distinguish
them from each other, except by observing that the first was fought near
Antioch, [65] and the second near Emesa. [66] In both the queen of Palmyra
animated the armies by her presence, and devolved the execution of her
orders on Zabdas, who had already signalized his military talents by the
conquest of Egypt. The numerous forces of Zenobia consisted for the most
part of light archers, and of heavy cavalry clothed in complete steel.
The Moorish and Illyrian horse of Aurelian were unable to sustain the
ponderous charge of their antagonists. They fled in real or affected
disorder, engaged the Palmyrenians in a laborious pursuit, harassed them
by a desultory combat, and at length discomfited this impenetrable but
unwieldy body of cavalry. The light infantry, in the mean time, when
they had exhausted their quivers, remaining without protection against
a closer onset, exposed their naked sides to the swords of the legions.
Aurelian had chosen these veteran troops, who were usually stationed
on the Upper Danube, and whose valor had been severely tried in
the Alemannic war. [67] After the defeat of Emesa, Zenobia found it
impossible to collect a third army. As far as the frontier of Egypt, the
nations subject to her empire had joined the standard of the conqueror,
who detached Probus, the bravest of his generals, to possess himself of
the Egyptian provinces. Palmyra was the last resource of the widow
of Odenathus. She retired within the walls of her capital, made
every preparation for a vigorous resistance, and declared, with the
intrepidity of a heroine, that the last moment of her reign and of
her life should be the same.

[Footnote 65: At a place called Immae. Eutropius, Sextus Rufus, and
Jerome, mention only this first battle.]

[Footnote 66: Vopiscus (in Hist. August. p. 217) mentions only the
second.]

[Footnote 67: Zosimus, l. i. p. 44--48. His account of the two
battles is clear and circumstantial.]

Amid the barren deserts of Arabia, a few cultivated spots rise like
islands out of the sandy ocean. Even the name of Tadmor, or Palmyra,
by its signification in the Syriac as well as in the Latin language,
denoted the multitude of palm-trees which afforded shade and verdure to
that temperate region. The air was pure, and the soil, watered by some
invaluable springs, was capable of producing fruits as well as corn.
A place possessed of such singular advantages, and situated at
a convenient distance [68] between the Gulf of Persia and the
Mediterranean, was soon frequented by the caravans which conveyed to the
nations of Europe a considerable part of the rich commodities of India.
Palmyra insensibly increased into an opulent and independent city, and
connecting the Roman and the Parthian monarchies by the mutual benefits
of commerce, was suffered to observe an humble neutrality, till at
length, after the victories of Trajan, the little republic sunk into the
bosom of Rome, and flourished more than one hundred and fifty years in
the subordinate though honorable rank of a colony. It was during that
peaceful period, if we may judge from a few remaining inscriptions,
that the wealthy Palmyrenians constructed those temples, palaces, and
porticos of Grecian architecture, whose ruins, scattered over an extent
of several miles, have deserved the curiosity of our travellers. The
elevation of Odenathus and Zenobia appeared to reflect new splendor on
their country, and Palmyra, for a while, stood forth the rival of Rome:
but the competition was fatal, and ages of prosperity were sacrificed
to a moment of glory. [69]

[Footnote 68: It was five hundred and thirty-seven miles from Seleucia,
and two hundred and three from the nearest coast of Syria, according to
the reckoning of Pliny, who, in a few words, (Hist. Natur. v. 21,) gives
an excellent description of Palmyra. * Note: Talmor, or Palmyra, was
probably at a very early period the connecting link between the commerce
of Tyre and Babylon. Heeren, Ideen, v. i. p. ii. p. 125. Tadmor was
probably built by Solomon as a commercial station. Hist. of Jews, v. p.
271--M.]

[Footnote 69: Some English travellers from Aleppo discovered the ruins
of Palmyra about the end of the last century. Our curiosity has since
been gratified in a more splendid manner by Messieurs Wood and Dawkins.
For the history of Palmyra, we may consult the masterly dissertation
of Dr. Halley in the Philosophical Transactions: Lowthorp's Abridgment,
vol. iii. p. 518.]

In his march over the sandy desert between Emesa and Palmyra, the
emperor Aurelian was perpetually harassed by the Arabs; nor could he
always defend his army, and especially his baggage, from those flying
troops of active and daring robbers, who watched the moment of surprise,
and eluded the slow pursuit of the legions. The siege of Palmyra was an
object far more difficult and important, and the emperor, who, with
incessant vigor, pressed the attacks in person, was himself wounded with
a dart. "The Roman people," says Aurelian, in an original letter, "speak
with contempt of the war which I am waging against a woman. They are
ignorant both of the character and of the power of Zenobia. It is
impossible to enumerate her warlike preparations, of stones, of arrows,
and of every species of missile weapons. Every part of the walls is
provided with two or three balistae and artificial fires are thrown from
her military engines. The fear of punishment has armed her with a
desperate courage. Yet still I trust in the protecting deities of Rome,
who have hitherto been favorable to all my undertakings." [70] Doubtful,
however, of the protection of the gods, and of the event of the siege,
Aurelian judged it more prudent to offer terms of an advantageous
capitulation; to the queen, a splendid retreat; to the citizens, their
ancient privileges. His proposals were obstinately rejected, and the
refusal was accompanied with insult.

[Footnote 70: Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 218.]

The firmness of Zenobia was supported by the hope, that in a very short
time famine would compel the Roman army to repass the desert; and by the
reasonable expectation that the kings of the East, and particularly the
Persian monarch, would arm in the defence of their most natural ally.
But fortune, and the perseverance of Aurelian, overcame every obstacle.
The death of Sapor, which happened about this time, [71] distracted the
councils of Persia, and the inconsiderable succors that attempted to
relieve Palmyra, were easily intercepted either by the arms or
the liberality of the emperor. From every part of Syria, a regular
succession of convoys safely arrived in the camp, which was increased
by the return of Probus with his victorious troops from the conquest
of Egypt. It was then that Zenobia resolved to fly. She mounted the
fleetest of her dromedaries, [72] and had already reached the banks of
the Euphrates, about sixty miles from Palmyra, when she was overtaken
by the pursuit of Aurelian's light horse, seized, and brought back
a captive to the feet of the emperor. Her capital soon afterwards
surrendered, and was treated with unexpected lenity. The arms, horses,
and camels, with an immense treasure of gold, silver, silk, and precious
stones, were all delivered to the conqueror, who, leaving only a
garrison of six hundred archers, returned to Emesa, and employed some
time in the distribution of rewards and punishments at the end of so
memorable a war, which restored to the obedience of Rome those provinces
that had renounced their allegiance since the captivity of Valerian.

[Footnote 71: From a very doubtful chronology I have endeavored to
extract the most probable date.]

[Footnote 72: Hist. August. p. 218. Zosimus, l. i. p. 50. Though the
camel is a heavy beast of burden, the dromedary, which is either of the
same or of a kindred species, is used by the natives of Asia and Africa
on all occasions which require celerity. The Arabs affirm, that he will
run over as much ground in one day as their fleetest horses can perform
in eight or ten. See Buffon, Hist. Naturelle, tom. xi. p. 222, and
Shaw's Travels p. 167]

When the Syrian queen was brought into the presence of Aurelian, he
sternly asked her, How she had presumed to rise in arms against the
emperors of Rome! The answer of Zenobia was a prudent mixture of respect
and firmness. "Because I disdained to consider as Roman emperors an
Aureolus or a Gallienus. You alone I acknowledge as my conqueror and my
sovereign." [73] But as female fortitude is commonly artificial, so it
is seldom steady or consistent. The courage of Zenobia deserted her in
the hour of trial; she trembled at the angry clamors of the soldiers,
who called aloud for her immediate execution, forgot the generous
despair of Cleopatra, which she had proposed as her model, and
ignominiously purchased life by the sacrifice of her fame and her
friends. It was to their counsels, which governed the weakness of her
sex, that she imputed the guilt of her obstinate resistance; it was on
their heads that she directed the vengeance of the cruel Aurelian. The
fame of Longinus, who was included among the numerous and perhaps
innocent victims of her fear, will survive that of the queen who
betrayed, or the tyrant who condemned him. Genius and learning were
incapable of moving a fierce unlettered soldier, but they had served to
elevate and harmonize the soul of Longinus. Without uttering a
complaint, he calmly followed the executioner, pitying his unhappy
mistress, and bestowing comfort on his afflicted friends. [74]

[Footnote 73: Pollio in Hist. August. p. 199.]

[Footnote 74: Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 219. Zosimus, l. i. p. 51.]

Returning from the conquest of the East, Aurelian had already crossed
the Straits which divided Europe from Asia, when he was provoked by
the intelligence that the Palmyrenians had massacred the governor and
garrison which he had left among them, and again erected the standard
of revolt. Without a moment's deliberation, he once more turned his
face towards Syria. Antioch was alarmed by his rapid approach, and the
helpless city of Palmyra felt the irresistible weight of his resentment.
We have a letter of Aurelian himself, in which he acknowledges, [75]
that old men, women, children, and peasants, had been involved in that
dreadful execution, which should have been confined to armed rebellion;
and although his principal concern seems directed to the reestablishment
of a temple of the Sun, he discovers some pity for the remnant of
the Palmyrenians, to whom he grants the permission of rebuilding and
inhabiting their city. But it is easier to destroy than to restore.
The seat of commerce, of arts, and of Zenobia, gradually sunk into an
obscure town, a trifling fortress, and at length a miserable village.
The present citizens of Palmyra, consisting of thirty or forty
families, have erected their mud cottages within the spacious court of a
magnificent temple.

[Footnote 75: Hist. August. p. 219.]

Another and a last labor still awaited the indefatigable Aurelian; to
suppress a dangerous though obscure rebel, who, during the revolt of
Palmyra, had arisen on the banks of the Nile. Firmus, the friend and
ally, as he proudly styled himself, of Odenathus and Zenobia, was no
more than a wealthy merchant of Egypt. In the course of his trade to
India, he had formed very intimate connections with the Saracens and the
Blemmyes, whose situation on either coast of the Red Sea gave them an
easy introduction into the Upper Egypt. The Egyptians he inflamed with
the hope of freedom, and, at the head of their furious multitude, broke
into the city of Alexandria, where he assumed the Imperial purple,
coined money, published edicts, and raised an army, which, as he vainly
boasted, he was capable of maintaining from the sole profits of his
paper trade. Such troops were a feeble defence against the approach of
Aurelian; and it seems almost unnecessary to relate, that Firmus was
routed, taken, tortured, and put to death. [76] Aurelian might now
congratulate the senate, the people, and himself, that in little more
than three years, he had restored universal peace and order to the Roman
world.

[Footnote 76: See Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 220, 242. As an
instance of luxury, it is observed, that he had glass windows. He was
remarkable for his strength and appetite, his courage and dexterity.
From the letter of Aurelian, we may justly infer, that Firmus was
the last of the rebels, and consequently that Tetricus was already
suppressed.]

Since the foundation of Rome, no general had more nobly deserved a
triumph than Aurelian; nor was a triumph ever celebrated with superior
pride and magnificence. [77] The pomp was opened by twenty elephants,
four royal tigers, and above two hundred of the most curious animals
from every climate of the North, the East, and the South. They were
followed by sixteen hundred gladiators, devoted to the cruel amusement
of the amphitheatre. The wealth of Asia, the arms and ensigns of so many
conquered nations, and the magnificent plate and wardrobe of the
Syrian queen, were disposed in exact symmetry or artful disorder. The
ambassadors of the most remote parts of the earth, of Aethiopia, Arabia,
Persia, Bactriana, India, and China, all remarkable by their rich or
singular dresses, displayed the fame and power of the Roman emperor, who
exposed likewise to the public view the presents that he had received,
and particularly a great number of crowns of gold, the offerings of
grateful cities.

The victories of Aurelian were attested by the long train of captives
who reluctantly attended his triumph, Goths, Vandals, Sarmatians,
Alemanni, Franks, Gauls, Syrians, and Egyptians. Each people was
distinguished by its peculiar inscription, and the title of Amazons was
bestowed on ten martial heroines of the Gothic nation who had been taken
in arms. [78] But every eye, disregarding the crowd of captives, was
fixed on the emperor Tetricus and the queen of the East. The former,
as well as his son, whom he had created Augustus, was dressed in Gallic
trousers, [79] a saffron tunic, and a robe of purple. The beauteous
figure of Zenobia was confined by fetters of gold; a slave supported the
gold chain which encircled her neck, and she almost fainted under the
intolerable weight of jewels. She preceded on foot the magnificent
chariot, in which she once hoped to enter the gates of Rome. It was
followed by two other chariots, still more sumptuous, of Odenathus and
of the Persian monarch. The triumphal car of Aurelian (it had formerly
been used by a Gothic king) was drawn, on this memorable occasion,
either by four stags or by four elephants. [80] The most illustrious
of the senate, the people, and the army closed the solemn procession.
Unfeigned joy, wonder, and gratitude, swelled the acclamations of
the multitude; but the satisfaction of the senate was clouded by the
appearance of Tetricus; nor could they suppress a rising murmur, that
the haughty emperor should thus expose to public ignominy the person of
a Roman and a magistrate. [81]

[Footnote 77: See the triumph of Aurelian, described by Vopiscus.
He relates the particulars with his usual minuteness; and, on this
occasion, they happen to be interesting. Hist. August. p. 220.]

[Footnote 78: Among barbarous nations, women have often combated by the
side of their husbands. But it is almost impossible that a society of
Amazons should ever have existed either in the old or new world. *
Note: Klaproth's theory on the origin of such traditions is at least
recommended by its ingenuity. The males of a tribe having gone out on a
marauding expedition, and having been cut off to a man, the females may
have endeavored, for a time, to maintain their independence in their
camp village, till their children grew up. Travels, ch. xxx. Eng.
Trans--M.]

[Footnote 79: The use of braccoe, breeches, or trousers, was
still considered in Italy as a Gallic and barbarian fashion. The Romans,
however, had made great advances towards it. To encircle the legs and
thighs with fascioe, or bands, was understood, in the time of Pompey and
Horace, to be a proof of ill health or effeminacy. In the age of Trajan,
the custom was confined to the rich and luxurious. It gradually was
adopted by the meanest of the people. See a very curious note of
Casaubon, ad Sueton. in August. c. 82.]

[Footnote 80: Most probably the former; the latter seen on the medals of
Aurelian, only denote (according to the learned Cardinal Norris) an
oriental victory.]

[Footnote 81: The expression of Calphurnius, (Eclog. i. 50) Nullos decet
captiva triumphos, as applied to Rome, contains a very manifest allusion
and censure.]

But however, in the treatment of his unfortunate rivals, Aurelian might
indulge his pride, he behaved towards them with a generous clemency,
which was seldom exercised by the ancient conquerors. Princes who,
without success, had defended their throne or freedom, were frequently
strangled in prison, as soon as the triumphal pomp ascended the Capitol.
These usurpers, whom their defeat had convicted of the crime of treason,
were permitted to spend their lives in affluence and honorable repose.

The emperor presented Zenobia with an elegant villa at Tibur, or Tivoli,
about twenty miles from the capital; the Syrian queen insensibly sunk
into a Roman matron, her daughters married into noble families, and her
race was not yet extinct in the fifth century. [82] Tetricus and his son
were reinstated in their rank and fortunes. They erected on the Caelian
hill a magnificent palace, and as soon as it was finished, invited
Aurelian to supper. On his entrance, he was agreeably surprised with a
picture which represented their singular history. They were delineated
offering to the emperor a civic crown and the sceptre of Gaul, and again
receiving at his hands the ornaments of the senatorial dignity. The
father was afterwards invested with the government of Lucania, [83] and
Aurelian, who soon admitted the abdicated monarch to his friendship and
conversation, familiarly asked him, Whether it were not more desirable
to administer a province of Italy, than to reign beyond the Alps. The
son long continued a respectable member of the senate; nor was there any
one of the Roman nobility more esteemed by Aurelian, as well as by
his successors. [84]

[Footnote 82: Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 199. Hieronym. in Chron.
Prosper in Chron. Baronius supposes that Zenobius, bishop of Florence in
the time of St. Ambrose, was of her family.]

[Footnote 83: Vopisc. in Hist. August. p. 222. Eutropius, ix. 13. Victor
Junior. But Pollio, in Hist. August. p. 196, says, that Tetricus was
made corrector of all Italy.]

[Footnote 84: Hist. August. p. 197.]

So long and so various was the pomp of Aurelian's triumph, that although
it opened with the dawn of day, the slow majesty of the procession
ascended not the Capitol before the ninth hour; and it was already dark
when the emperor returned to the palace. The festival was protracted by
theatrical representations, the games of the circus, the hunting of wild
beasts, combats of gladiators, and naval engagements. Liberal donatives
were distributed to the army and people, and several institutions,
agreeable or beneficial to the city, contributed to perpetuate the
glory of Aurelian. A considerable portion of his oriental spoils was
consecrated to the gods of Rome; the Capitol, and every other temple,
glittered with the offerings of his ostentatious piety; and the temple
of the Sun alone received above fifteen thousand pounds of gold. [85]
This last was a magnificent structure, erected by the emperor on the
side of the Quirinal hill, and dedicated, soon after the triumph, to
that deity whom Aurelian adored as the parent of his life and fortunes.
His mother had been an inferior priestess in a chapel of the Sun;
a peculiar devotion to the god of Light was a sentiment which the
fortunate peasant imbibed in his infancy; and every step of his
elevation, every victory of his reign, fortified superstition by
gratitude. [86]

[Footnote 85: Vopiscus in Hist. August. 222. Zosimus, l. i. p. 56. He
placed in it the images of Belus and of the Sun, which he had brought
from Palmyra. It was dedicated in the fourth year of his reign, (Euseb
in Chron.,) but was most assuredly begun immediately on his accession.]

[Footnote 86: See, in the Augustan History, p. 210, the omens of his
fortune. His devotion to the Sun appears in his letters, on his medals,
and is mentioned in the Caesars of Julian. Commentaire de Spanheim, p.
109.]

The arms of Aurelian had vanquished the foreign and domestic foes of the
republic. We are assured, that, by his salutary rigor, crimes and
factions, mischievous arts and pernicious connivance, the luxurious
growth of a feeble and oppressive government, were eradicated throughout
the Roman world. [87] But if we attentively reflect how much swifter is
the progress of corruption than its cure, and if we remember that the
years abandoned to public disorders exceeded the months allotted to the
martial reign of Aurelian, we must confess that a few short intervals of
peace were insufficient for the arduous work of reformation. Even his
attempt to restore the integrity of the coin was opposed by a formidable
insurrection. The emperor's vexation breaks out in one of his private
letters. "Surely," says he, "the gods have decreed that my life should
be a perpetual warfare. A sedition within the walls has just now given
birth to a very serious civil war. The workmen of the mint, at the
instigation of Felicissimus, a slave to whom I had intrusted an
employment in the finances, have risen in rebellion. They are at length
suppressed; but seven thousand of my soldiers have been slain in the
contest, of those troops whose ordinary station is in Dacia, and the
camps along the Danube." [88] Other writers, who confirm the same fact,
add likewise, that it happened soon after Aurelian's triumph; that the
decisive engagement was fought on the Caelian hill; that the workmen of
the mint had adulterated the coin; and that the emperor restored the
public credit, by delivering out good money in exchange for the bad,
which the people was commanded to bring into the treasury. [89]

[Footnote 87: Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 221.]

[Footnote 88: Hist. August. p. 222. Aurelian calls these soldiers Hiberi
Riporiences Castriani, and Dacisci.]

[Footnote 89: Zosimus, l. i. p. 56. Eutropius, ix. 14. Aurel Victor.]

We might content ourselves with relating this extraordinary transaction,
but we cannot dissemble how much in its present form it appears to us
inconsistent and incredible. The debasement of the coin is indeed well
suited to the administration of Gallienus; nor is it unlikely that the
instruments of the corruption might dread the inflexible justice of
Aurelian. But the guilt, as well as the profit, must have been confined
to a very few; nor is it easy to conceive by what arts they could arm a
people whom they had injured, against a monarch whom they had betrayed.
We might naturally expect that such miscreants should have shared
the public detestation with the informers and the other ministers of
oppression; and that the reformation of the coin should have been an
action equally popular with the destruction of those obsolete accounts,
which by the emperor's order were burnt in the forum of Trajan. [90] In
an age when the principles of commerce were so imperfectly understood,
the most desirable end might perhaps be effected by harsh and
injudicious means; but a temporary grievance of such a nature can
scarcely excite and support a serious civil war. The repetition of
intolerable taxes, imposed either on the land or on the necessaries of
life, may at last provoke those who will not, or who cannot, relinquish
their country. But the case is far otherwise in every operation
which, by whatsoever expedients, restores the just value of money. The
transient evil is soon obliterated by the permanent benefit, the loss is
divided among multitudes; and if a few wealthy individuals experience
a sensible diminution of treasure, with their riches, they at the same
time lose the degree of weight and importance which they derived from
the possession of them. However Aurelian might choose to disguise
the real cause of the insurrection, his reformation of the coin
could furnish only a faint pretence to a party already powerful and
discontented. Rome, though deprived of freedom, was distracted by
faction. The people, towards whom the emperor, himself a plebeian,
always expressed a peculiar fondness, lived in perpetual dissension with
the senate, the equestrian order, and the Praetorian guards. [91] Nothing
less than the firm though secret conspiracy of those orders, of the
authority of the first, the wealth of the second, and the arms of the
third, could have displayed a strength capable of contending in battle
with the veteran legions of the Danube, which, under the conduct of
a martial sovereign, had achieved the conquest of the West and of the
East.

[Footnote 90: Hist. August. p. 222. Aurel Victor.]

[Footnote 91: It already raged before Aurelian's return from Egypt. See
Vipiscus, who quotes an original letter. Hist. August. p. 244.]

Whatever was the cause or the object of this rebellion, imputed with so
little probability to the workmen of the mint, Aurelian used his victory
with unrelenting rigor. [92] He was naturally of a severe disposition. A
peasant and a soldier, his nerves yielded not easily to the impressions
of sympathy, and he could sustain without emotion the sight of tortures
and death. Trained from his earliest youth in the exercise of arms, he
set too small a value on the life of a citizen, chastised by military
execution the slightest offences, and transferred the stern discipline
of the camp into the civil administration of the laws. His love of
justice often became a blind and furious passion and whenever he deemed
his own or the public safety endangered, he disregarded the rules of
evidence, and the proportion of punishments. The unprovoked rebellion
with which the Romans rewarded his services, exasperated his haughty
spirit. The noblest families of the capital were involved in the guilt
or suspicion of this dark conspiracy. A nasty spirit of revenge urged
the bloody prosecution, and it proved fatal to one of the nephews of the
emperor. The executioners (if we may use the expression of a
contemporary poet) were fatigued, the prisons were crowded, and the
unhappy senate lamented the death or absence of its most illustrious
members. [93] Nor was the pride of Aurelian less offensive to that
assembly than his cruelty. Ignorant or impatient of the restraints of
civil institutions, he disdained to hold his power by any other title
than that of the sword, and governed by right of conquest an empire
which he had saved and subdued. [94]

[Footnote 92: Vopiscus in Hist. August p. 222. The two Victors.
Eutropius ix. 14. Zosimus (l. i. p. 43) mentions only three senators,
and placed their death before the eastern war.]

[Footnote 93: Nulla catenati feralis pompa senatus Carnificum lassabit
opus; nec carcere pleno Infelix raros numerabit curia Patres.
Calphurn. Eclog. i. 60.]

[Footnote 94: According to the younger Victor, he sometimes wore the
diadem, Deus and Dominus appear on his medals.]

It was observed by one of the most sagacious of the Roman princes,
that the talents of his predecessor Aurelian were better suited to the
command of an army, than to the government of an empire. [95] Conscious
of the character in which nature and experience had enabled him to
excel, he again took the field a few months after his triumph. It was
expedient to exercise the restless temper of the legions in some foreign
war, and the Persian monarch, exulting in the shame of Valerian, still
braved with impunity the offended majesty of Rome. At the head of an
army, less formidable by its numbers than by its discipline and valor,
the emperor advanced as far as the Straits which divide Europe from
Asia. He there experienced that the most absolute power is a weak
defence against the effects of despair. He had threatened one of his
secretaries who was accused of extortion; and it was known that
he seldom threatened in vain. The last hope which remained for the
criminal, was to involve some of the principal officers of the army
in his danger, or at least in his fears. Artfully counterfeiting his
master's hand, he showed them, in a long and bloody list, their own
names devoted to death. Without suspecting or examining the fraud, they
resolved to secure their lives by the murder of the emperor. On his
march, between Byzanthium and Heraclea, Aurelian was suddenly attacked
by the conspirators, whose stations gave them a right to surround his
person, and after a short resistance, fell by the hand of Mucapor, a
general whom he had always loved and trusted. He died regretted by the
army, detested by the senate, but universally acknowledged as a warlike
and fortunate prince, the useful, though severe reformer of a degenerate
state. [96]

[Footnote 95: It was the observation of Dioclatian. See Vopiscus in
Hist. August. p. 224.]

[Footnote 96: Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 221. Zosimus, l. i. p. 57.
Eutrop ix. 15. The two Victors.]




Chapter XII: Reigns Of Tacitus, Probus, Carus And His Sons.--Part I.

     Conduct Of The Army And Senate After The Death Of Aurelian.
     --Reigns Of Tacitus, Probus, Carus, And His Sons.

Such was the unhappy condition of the Roman emperors, that, whatever
might be their conduct, their fate was commonly the same. A life of
pleasure or virtue, of severity or mildness, of indolence or glory,
alike led to an untimely grave; and almost every reign is closed by the
same disgusting repetition of treason and murder. The death of Aurelian,
however, is remarkable by its extraordinary consequences. The legions
admired, lamented, and revenged their victorious chief. The artifice of
his perfidious secretary was discovered and punished.

The deluded conspirators attended the funeral of their injured
sovereign, with sincere or well-feigned contrition, and submitted to the
unanimous resolution of the military order, which was signified by the
following epistle: "The brave and fortunate armies to the senate and
people of Rome.--The crime of one man, and the error of many, have
deprived us of the late emperor Aurelian. May it please you, venerable
lords and fathers! to place him in the number of the gods, and to
appoint a successor whom your judgment shall declare worthy of
the Imperial purple! None of those whose guilt or misfortune have
contributed to our loss, shall ever reign over us." [1] The Roman
senators heard, without surprise, that another emperor had been
assassinated in his camp; they secretly rejoiced in the fall of
Aurelian; but the
modest and dutiful address of the legions, when it was communicated in
full assembly by the consul, diffused the most pleasing astonishment.
Such honors as fear and perhaps esteem could extort, they liberally
poured forth on the memory of their deceased sovereign. Such
acknowledgments as gratitude could inspire, they returned to the
faithful armies of the republic, who entertained so just a sense of
the legal authority of the senate in the choice of an emperor. Yet,
notwithstanding this flattering appeal, the most prudent of the assembly
declined exposing their safety and dignity to the caprice of an armed
multitude. The strength of the legions was, indeed, a pledge of their
sincerity, since those who may command are seldom reduced to the
necessity of dissembling; but could it naturally be expected, that a
hasty repentance would correct the inveterate habits of fourscore years?
Should the soldiers relapse into their accustomed seditions, their
insolence might disgrace the majesty of the senate, and prove fatal to
the object of its choice. Motives like these dictated a decree, by
which the election of a new emperor was referred to the suffrage of the
military order.

[Footnote 1: Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 222. Aurelius Victor mentions
a formal deputation from the troops to the senate.]

The contention that ensued is one of the best attested, but most
improbable events in the history of mankind. [2] The troops, as if
satiated with the exercise of power, again conjured the senate to invest
one of its own body with the Imperial purple. The senate still persisted
in its refusal; the army in its request. The reciprocal offer was
pressed and rejected at least three times, and, whilst the obstinate
modesty of either party was resolved to receive a master from the hands
of the other, eight months insensibly elapsed; an amazing period of
tranquil anarchy, during which the Roman world remained without a
sovereign, without a usurper, and without a sedition. [201] The generals
and magistrates appointed by Aurelian continued to execute their
ordinary functions; and it is observed, that a proconsul of Asia was the
only considerable person removed from his office in the whole course of
the interregnum.

[Footnote 2: Vopiscus, our principal authority, wrote at Rome, sixteen
years only after the death of Aurelian; and, besides the recent
notoriety of the facts, constantly draws his materials from the Journals
of the Senate, and the original papers of the Ulpian library. Zosimus
and Zonaras appear as ignorant of this transaction as they were in
general of the Roman constitution.]

[Footnote 201: The interregnum could not be more than seven months;
Aurelian was assassinated in the middle of March, the year of Rome 1028.
Tacitus was elected the 25th September in the same year.--G.]

An event somewhat similar, but much less authentic, is supposed to have
happened after the death of Romulus, who, in his life and character,
bore some affinity with Aurelian. The throne was vacant during twelve
months, till the election of a Sabine philosopher, and the public peace
was guarded in the same manner, by the union of the several orders of
the state. But, in the time of Numa and Romulus, the arms of the people
were controlled by the authority of the Patricians; and the balance of
freedom was easily preserved in a small and virtuous community. [3] The
decline of the Roman state, far different from its infancy, was attended
with every circumstance that could banish from an interregnum the
prospect of obedience and harmony: an immense and tumultuous capital,
a wide extent of empire, the servile equality of despotism, an army
of four hundred thousand mercenaries, and the experience of frequent
revolutions. Yet, notwithstanding all these temptations, the discipline
and memory of Aurelian still restrained the seditious temper of the
troops, as well as the fatal ambition of their leaders. The flower of
the legions maintained their stations on the banks of the Bosphorus, and
the Imperial standard awed the less powerful camps of Rome and of the
provinces. A generous though transient enthusiasm seemed to animate the
military order; and we may hope that a few real patriots cultivated the
returning friendship of the army and the senate, as the only expedient
capable of restoring the republic to its ancient beauty and vigor.

[Footnote 3: Liv. i. 17 Dionys. Halicarn. l. ii. p. 115. Plutarch
in Numa, p. 60. The first of these writers relates the story like an
orator, the second like a lawyer, and the third like a moralist, and
none of them probably without some intermixture of fable.]

On the twenty-fifth of September, near eight months after the murder of
Aurelian, the consul convoked an assembly of the senate, and reported
the doubtful and dangerous situation of the empire. He slightly
insinuated, that the precarious loyalty of the soldiers depended on the
chance of every hour, and of every accident; but he represented, with
the most convincing eloquence, the various dangers that might attend any
further delay in the choice of an emperor. Intelligence, he said, was
already received, that the Germans had passed the Rhine, and occupied
some of the strongest and most opulent cities of Gaul. The ambition of
the Persian king kept the East in perpetual alarms; Egypt, Africa, and
Illyricum, were exposed to foreign and domestic arms, and the levity of
Syria would prefer even a female sceptre to the sanctity of the Roman
laws. The consul, then addressing himself to Tacitus, the first of the
senators, [4] required his opinion on the important subject of a proper
candidate for the vacant throne.

[Footnote 4: Vopiscus (in Hist. August p. 227) calls him "primae
sententia consularis;" and soon afterwards Princeps senatus. It is
natural to suppose, that the monarchs of Rome, disdaining that humble
title, resigned it to the most ancient of the senators.]

If we can prefer personal merit to accidental greatness, we shall esteem
the birth of Tacitus more truly noble than that of kings. He claimed his
descent from the philosophic historian, whose writings will instruct
the last generations of mankind. [5] The senator Tacitus was then
seventy-five years of age. [6] The long period of his innocent life was
adorned with wealth and honors. He had twice been invested with the
consular dignity, [7] and enjoyed with elegance and sobriety his ample
patrimony of between two and three millions sterling. [8] The experience
of so many princes, whom he had esteemed or endured, from the vain
follies of Elagabalus to the useful rigor of Aurelian, taught him to
form a just estimate of the duties, the dangers, and the temptations
of their sublime station. From the assiduous study of his immortal
ancestor, he derived the knowledge of the Roman constitution, and of
human nature. [9] The voice of the people had already named Tacitus as
the citizen the most worthy of empire. The ungrateful rumor reached his
ears, and induced him to seek the retirement of one of his villas in
Campania. He had passed two months in the delightful privacy of Baiae,
when he reluctantly obeyed the summons of the consul to resume his
honorable place in the senate, and to assist the republic with his
counsels on this important occasion.

[Footnote 5: The only objection to this genealogy is, that the historian
was named Cornelius, the emperor, Claudius. But under the lower empire,
surnames were extremely various and uncertain.]

[Footnote 6: Zonaras, l. xii. p. 637. The Alexandrian Chronicle, by an
obvious mistake, transfers that age to Aurelian.]

[Footnote 7: In the year 273, he was ordinary consul. But he must have
been Suffectus many years before, and most probably under Valerian.]

[Footnote 8: Bis millies octingenties. Vopiscus in Hist. August p. 229.
This sum, according to the old standard, was equivalent to eight hundred
and forty thousand Roman pounds of silver, each of the value of three
pounds sterling. But in the age of Tacitus, the coin had lost much of
its weight and purity.]

[Footnote 9: After his accession, he gave orders that ten copies of
the historian should be annually transcribed and placed in the public
libraries. The Roman libraries have long since perished, and the most
valuable part of Tacitus was preserved in a single Ms., and discovered
in a monastery of Westphalia. See Bayle, Dictionnaire, Art. Tacite, and
Lipsius ad Annal. ii. 9.]

He arose to speak, when from every quarter of the house, he was saluted
with the names of Augustus and emperor. "Tacitus Augustus, the gods
preserve thee! we choose thee for our sovereign; to thy care we intrust
the republic and the world. Accept the empire from the authority of the
senate. It is due to thy rank, to thy conduct, to thy manners." As soon
as the tumult of acclamations subsided, Tacitus attempted to decline the
dangerous honor, and to express his wonder, that they should elect his
age and infirmities to succeed the martial vigor of Aurelian. "Are these
limbs, conscript fathers! fitted to sustain the weight of armor, or to
practise the exercises of the camp? The variety of climates, and the
hardships of a military life, would soon oppress a feeble constitution,
which subsists only by the most tender management. My exhausted strength
scarcely enables me to discharge the duty of a senator; how insufficient
would it prove to the arduous labors of war and government! Can you
hope, that the legions will respect a weak old man, whose days have been
spent in the shade of peace and retirement? Can you desire that I should
ever find reason to regret the favorable opinion of the senate?" [10]

[Footnote 10: Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 227.]

The reluctance of Tacitus (and it might possibly be sincere) was
encountered by the affectionate obstinacy of the senate. Five hundred
voices repeated at once, in eloquent confusion, that the greatest of the
Roman princes, Numa, Trajan, Hadrian, and the Antonines, had ascended
the throne in a very advanced season of life; that the mind, not the
body, a sovereign, not a soldier, was the object of their choice; and
that they expected from him no more than to guide by his wisdom the
valor of the legions. These pressing though tumultuary instances were
seconded by a more regular oration of Metius Falconius, the next on the
consular bench to Tacitus himself. He reminded the assembly of the
evils which Rome had endured from the vices of headstrong and capricious
youths, congratulated them on the election of a virtuous and experienced
senator, and, with a manly, though perhaps a selfish, freedom, exhorted
Tacitus to remember the reasons of his elevation, and to seek a
successor, not in his own family, but in the republic. The speech of
Falconius was enforced by a general acclamation. The emperor elect
submitted to the authority of his country, and received the voluntary
homage of his equals. The judgment of the senate was confirmed by the
consent of the Roman people, and of the Praetorian guards. [11]

[Footnote 11: Hist. August. p. 228. Tacitus addressed the Praetorians
by the appellation of sanctissimi milites, and the people by that of
sacratissim. Quirites.]

The administration of Tacitus was not unworthy of his life and
principles. A grateful servant of the senate, he considered that
national council as the author, and himself as the subject, of the laws.
[12] He studied to heal the wounds which Imperial pride, civil discord,
and military violence, had inflicted on the constitution, and to
restore, at least, the image of the ancient republic, as it had been
preserved by the policy of Augustus, and the virtues of Trajan and
the Antonines. It may not be useless to recapitulate some of the most
important prerogatives which the senate appeared to have regained by the
election of Tacitus. [13] 1. To invest one of their body, under the title
of emperor, with the general command of the armies, and the government
of the frontier provinces. 2. To determine the list, or, as it was then
styled, the College of Consuls. They were twelve in number, who, in
successive pairs, each, during the space of two months, filled the year,
and represented the dignity of that ancient office. The authority of
the senate, in the nomination of the consuls, was exercised with such
independent freedom, that no regard was paid to an irregular request of
the emperor in favor of his brother Florianus. "The senate," exclaimed
Tacitus, with the honest transport of a patriot, "understand the
character of a prince whom they have chosen." 3. To appoint the
proconsuls and presidents of the provinces, and to confer on all the
magistrates their civil jurisdiction. 4. To receive appeals through the
intermediate office of the praefect of the city from all the tribunals
of the empire. 5. To give force and validity, by their decrees, to such
as they should approve of the emperor's edicts. 6. To these several
branches of authority we may add some inspection over the finances,
since, even in the stern reign of Aurelian, it was in their power to
divert a part of the revenue from the public service. [14]

[Footnote 12: In his manumissions he never exceeded the number of
a hundred, as limited by the Caninian law, which was enacted under
Augustus, and at length repealed by Justinian. See Casaubon ad locum
Vopisci.]

[Footnote 13: See the lives of Tacitus, Florianus, and Probus,
in the Augustan History; we may be well assured, that whatever the
soldier gave the senator had already given.]

[Footnote 14: Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 216. The passage is perfectly
clear, both Casaubon and Salmasius wish to correct it.]

Circular epistles were sent, without delay, to all the principal cities
of the empire, Treves, Milan, Aquileia, Thessalonica, Corinth, Athens,
Antioch, Alexandria, and Carthage, to claim their obedience, and to
inform them of the happy revolution, which had restored the Roman senate
to its ancient dignity. Two of these epistles are still extant.
We likewise possess two very singular fragments of the private
correspondence of the senators on this occasion. They discover the most
excessive joy, and the most unbounded hopes. "Cast away your indolence,"
it is thus that one of the senators addresses his friend, "emerge from
your retirements of Baiae and Puteoli. Give yourself to the city, to the
senate. Rome flourishes, the whole republic flourishes. Thanks to the
Roman army, to an army truly Roman; at length we have recovered our
just authority, the end of all our desires. We hear appeals, we appoint
proconsuls, we create emperors; perhaps too we may restrain them--to the
wise a word is sufficient." [15] These lofty expectations were, however,
soon disappointed; nor, indeed, was it possible that the armies and the
provinces should long obey the luxurious and unwarlike nobles of Rome.
On the slightest touch, the unsupported fabric of their pride and power
fell to the ground. The expiring senate displayed a sudden lustre,
blazed for a moment and was extinguished forever.

[Footnote 15: Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 230, 232, 233. The senators
celebrated the happy restoration with hecatombs and public rejoicings.]

All that had yet passed at Rome was no more than a theatrical
representation, unless it was ratified by the more substantial power of
the legions. Leaving the senators to enjoy their dream of freedom and
ambition, Tacitus proceeded to the Thracian camp, and was there, by the
Praetorian praefect, presented to the assembled troops, as the prince
whom they themselves had demanded, and whom the senate had bestowed. As
soon as the praefect was silent, the emperor addressed himself to the
soldiers with eloquence and propriety. He gratified their avarice by a
liberal distribution of treasure, under the names of pay and donative.
He engaged their esteem by a spirited declaration, that although his age
might disable him from the performance of military exploits, his
counsels should never be unworthy of a Roman general, the successor of
the brave Aurelian. [16]

[Footnote 16: Hist. August. p. 228.]

Whilst the deceased emperor was making preparations for a second
expedition into the East, he had negotiated with the Alani, [161] a
Scythian people, who pitched their tents in the neighborhood of the
Lake Moeotis. Those barbarians, allured by presents and subsidies, had
promised to invade Persia with a numerous body of light cavalry. They
were faithful to their engagements; but when they arrived on the Roman
frontier, Aurelian was already dead, the design of the Persian war
was at least suspended, and the generals, who, during the interregnum,
exercised a doubtful authority, were unprepared either to receive or
to oppose them. Provoked by such treatment, which they considered as
trifling and perfidious, the Alani had recourse to their own valor for
their payment and revenge; and as they moved with the usual swiftness of
Tartars, they had soon spread themselves over the provinces of Pontus,
Cappadocia, Cilicia, and Galatia. The legions, who from the opposite
shores of the Bosphorus could almost distinguish the flames of the
cities and villages, impatiently urged their general to lead them
against the invaders. The conduct of Tacitus was suitable to his age and
station. He convinced the barbarians of the faith, as well as the power,
of the empire. Great numbers of the Alani, appeased by the punctual
discharge of the engagements which Aurelian had contracted with them,
relinquished their booty and captives, and quietly retreated to their
own deserts, beyond the Phasis. Against the remainder, who refused
peace, the Roman emperor waged, in person, a successful war. Seconded by
an army of brave and experienced veterans, in a few weeks he delivered
the provinces of Asia from the terror of the Scythian invasion. [17]

[Footnote 161: On the Alani, see ch. xxvi. note 55.--M.]

[Footnote 17: Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 230. Zosimus, l. i. p. 57.
Zonaras, l. xii. p. 637. Two passages in the life of Probus (p. 236,
238) convince me, that these Scythian invaders of Pontus were Alani. If
we may believe Zosimus, (l. i. p. 58,) Florianus pursued them as far
as the Cimmerian Bosphorus. But he had scarcely time for so long and
difficult an expedition.]

But the glory and life of Tacitus were of short duration. Transported,
in the depth of winter, from the soft retirement of Campania to the
foot of Mount Caucasus, he sunk under the unaccustomed hardships of a
military life. The fatigues of the body were aggravated by the cares of
the mind. For a while, the angry and selfish passions of the soldiers
had been suspended by the enthusiasm of public virtue. They soon broke
out with redoubled violence, and raged in the camp, and even in the
tent of the aged emperor. His mild and amiable character served only to
inspire contempt, and he was incessantly tormented with factions which
he could not assuage, and by demands which it was impossible to satisfy.
Whatever flattering expectations he had conceived of reconciling the
public disorders, Tacitus soon was convinced that the licentiousness of
the army disdained the feeble restraint of laws, and his last hour was
hastened by anguish and disappointment. It may be doubtful whether the
soldiers imbrued their hands in the blood of this innocent prince.
[18] It is certain that their insolences was the cause of his death. He
expired at Tyana in Cappadocia, after a reign of only six months and
about twenty days. [19]

[Footnote 18: Eutropius and Aurelius Victor only say that he died;
Victor Junior adds, that it was of a fever. Zosimus and Zonaras affirm,
that he was killed by the soldiers. Vopiscus mentions both accounts,
and seems to hesitate. Yet surely these jarring opinions are easily
reconciled.]

[Footnote 19: According to the two Victors, he reigned exactly two
hundred days.]

The eyes of Tacitus were scarcely closed, before his brother Florianus
showed himself unworthy to reign, by the hasty usurpation of the purple,
without expecting the approbation of the senate. The reverence for the
Roman constitution, which yet influenced the camp and the provinces, was
sufficiently strong to dispose them to censure, but not to provoke them
to oppose, the precipitate ambition of Florianus. The discontent would
have evaporated in idle murmurs, had not the general of the East, the
heroic Probus, boldly declared himself the avenger of the senate.

The contest, however, was still unequal; nor could the most able leader,
at the head of the effeminate troops of Egypt and Syria, encounter, with
any hopes of victory, the legions of Europe, whose irresistible strength
appeared to support the brother of Tacitus. But the fortune and activity
of Probus triumphed over every obstacle. The hardy veterans of his
rival, accustomed to cold climates, sickened and consumed away in the
sultry heats of Cilicia, where the summer proved remarkably unwholesome.
Their numbers were diminished by frequent desertion; the passes of
the mountains were feebly defended; Tarsus opened its gates; and the
soldiers of Florianus, when they had permitted him to enjoy the Imperial
title about three months, delivered the empire from civil war by the
easy sacrifice of a prince whom they despised. [20]

[Footnote 20: Hist. August, p. 231. Zosimus, l. i. p. 58, 59. Zonaras,
l. xii. p. 637. Aurelius Victor says, that Probus assumed the empire in
Illyricum; an opinion which (though adopted by a very learned man) would
throw that period of history into inextricable confusion.]

The perpetual revolutions of the throne had so perfectly erased every
notion of hereditary title, that the family of an unfortunate emperor
was incapable of exciting the jealousy of his successors. The children
of Tacitus and Florianus were permitted to descend into a private
station, and to mingle with the general mass of the people. Their
poverty indeed became an additional safeguard to their innocence. When
Tacitus was elected by the senate, he resigned his ample patrimony to
the public service; [21] an act of generosity specious in appearance,
but which evidently disclosed his intention of transmitting the empire
to his descendants. The only consolation of their fallen state was the
remembrance of transient greatness, and a distant hope, the child of a
flattering prophecy, that at the end of a thousand years, a monarch of
the race of Tacitus should arise, the protector of the senate, the
restorer of Rome, and the conqueror of the whole earth. [22]

[Footnote 21: Hist. August. p. 229]

[Footnote 22: He was to send judges to the Parthians, Persians, and
Sarmatians, a president to Taprobani, and a proconsul to the Roman
island, (supposed by Casaubon and Salmasius to mean Britain.) Such a
history as mine (says Vopiscus with proper modesty) will not subsist a
thousand years, to expose or justify the prediction.]

The peasants of Illyricum, who had already given Claudius and Aurelian
to the sinking empire, had an equal right to glory in the elevation of
Probus. [23] Above twenty years before, the emperor Valerian, with his
usual penetration, had discovered the rising merit of the young soldier,
on whom he conferred the rank of tribune, long before the age prescribed
by the military regulations. The tribune soon justified his choice, by a
victory over a great body of Sarmatians, in which he saved the life of
a near relation of Valerian; and deserved to receive from the emperor's
hand the collars, bracelets, spears, and banners, the mural and the
civic crown, and all the honorable rewards reserved by ancient Rome
for successful valor. The third, and afterwards the tenth, legion were
intrusted to the command of Probus, who, in every step of his promotion,
showed himself superior to the station which he filled. Africa and
Pontus, the Rhine, the Danube, the Euphrates, and the Nile, by turns
afforded him the most splendid occasions of displaying his personal
prowess and his conduct in war. Aurelian was indebted for the honest
courage with which he often checked the cruelty of his master.
Tacitus, who desired by the abilities of his generals to supply his own
deficiency of military talents, named him commander-in-chief of all the
eastern provinces, with five times the usual salary, the promise of the
consulship, and the hope of a triumph. When Probus ascended the Imperial
throne, he was about forty-four years of age; [24] in the full possession
of his fame, of the love of the army, and of a mature vigor of mind
and body.

[Footnote 23: For the private life of Probus, see Vopiscus in Hist.
August p. 234--237]

[Footnote 24: According to the Alexandrian chronicle, he was fifty at
the time of his death.]

His acknowledge merit, and the success of his arms against Florianus,
left him without an enemy or a competitor. Yet, if we may credit his own
professions, very far from being desirous of the empire, he had accepted
it with the most sincere reluctance. "But it is no longer in my power,"
says Probus, in a private letter, "to lay down a title so full of envy
and of danger. I must continue to personate the character which the
soldiers have imposed upon me." [25] His dutiful address to the senate
displayed the sentiments, or at least the language, of a Roman patriot:
"When you elected one of your order, conscript fathers! to succeed the
emperor Aurelian, you acted in a manner suitable to your justice and
wisdom. For you are the legal sovereigns of the world, and the power
which you derive from your ancestors will descend to your posterity.
Happy would it have been, if Florianus, instead of usurping the purple
of his brother, like a private inheritance, had expected what your
majesty might determine, either in his favor, or in that of other
person. The prudent soldiers have punished his rashness. To me they
have offered the title of Augustus. But I submit to your clemency my
pretensions and my merits." [26] When this respectful epistle was read
by the consul, the senators were unable to disguise their satisfaction,
that Probus should condescend thus numbly to solicit a sceptre which
he already possessed. They celebrated with the warmest gratitude
his virtues, his exploits, and above all his moderation. A decree
immediately passed, without a dissenting voice, to ratify the election
of the eastern armies, and to confer on their chief all the several
branches of the Imperial dignity: the names of Caesar and Augustus,
the title of Father of his country, the right of making in the same day
three motions in the senate, [27] the office of Pontifex, Maximus, the
tribunitian power, and the proconsular command; a mode of investiture,
which, though it seemed to multiply the authority of the emperor,
expressed the constitution of the ancient republic. The reign of Probus
corresponded with this fair beginning. The senate was permitted to
direct the civil administration of the empire. Their faithful general
asserted the honor of the Roman arms, and often laid at their feet
crowns of gold and barbaric trophies, the fruits of his numerous
victories. [28] Yet, whilst he gratified their vanity, he must secretly
have despised their indolence and weakness. Though it was every moment
in their power to repeal the disgraceful edict of Gallienus, the proud
successors of the Scipios patiently acquiesced in their exclusion from
all military employments. They soon experienced, that those who refuse
the sword must renounce the sceptre.

[Footnote 25: This letter was addressed to the Praetorian praefect, whom
(on condition of his good behavior) he promised to continue in his great
office. See Hist. August. p. 237.]

[Footnote 26: Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 237. The date of the letter
is assuredly faulty. Instead of Nen. Februar. we may read Non August.]

[Footnote 27: Hist. August. p. 238. It is odd that the senate should
treat Probus less favorably than Marcus Antoninus. That prince had
received, even before the death of Pius, Jus quintoe relationis. See
Capitolin. in Hist. August. p. 24.]

[Footnote 28: See the dutiful letter of Probus to the senate, after his
German victories. Hist. August. p. 239.]




Chapter XII: Reigns Of Tacitus, Probus, Carus And His Sons.--Part II.

The strength of Aurelian had crushed on every side the enemies of Rome.
After his death they seemed to revive with an increase of fury and of
numbers. They were again vanquished by the active vigor of Probus, who,
in a short reign of about six years, [29] equalled the fame of ancient
heroes, and restored peace and order to every province of the Roman
world. The dangerous frontier of Rhaetia he so firmly secured, that he
left it without the suspicion of an enemy. He broke the wandering power
of the Sarmatian tribes, and by the terror of his arms compelled those
barbarians to relinquish their spoil. The Gothic nation courted the
alliance of so warlike an emperor. [30] He attacked the Isaurians in
their mountains, besieged and took several of their strongest castles,
[31] and flattered himself that he had forever suppressed a domestic
foe, whose independence so deeply wounded the majesty of the empire. The
troubles excited by the usurper Firmus in the Upper Egypt had never been
perfectly appeased, and the cities of Ptolemais and Coptos, fortified by
the alliance of the Blemmyes, still maintained an obscure rebellion. The
chastisement of those cities, and of their auxiliaries the savages of
the South, is said to have alarmed the court of Persia, [32] and the
Great King sued in vain for the friendship of Probus. Most of the
exploits which distinguished his reign were achieved by the personal
valor and conduct of the emperor, insomuch that the writer of his life
expresses some amazement how, in so short a time, a single man could be
present in so many distant wars. The remaining actions he intrusted
to the care of his lieutenants, the judicious choice of whom forms
no inconsiderable part of his glory. Carus, Diocletian, Maximian,
Constantius, Galerius, Asclepiodatus, Annibalianus, and a crowd of other
chiefs, who afterwards ascended or supported the throne, were trained to
arms in the severe school of Aurelian and Probus. [33]

[Footnote 29: The date and duration of the reign of Probus are very
correctly ascertained by Cardinal Noris in his learned work, De Epochis
Syro-Macedonum, p. 96--105. A passage of Eusebius connects the second
year of Probus with the aeras of several of the Syrian cities.]

[Footnote 30: Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 239.]

[Footnote 31: Zosimus (l. i. p. 62--65) tells us a very long and
trifling story of Lycius, the Isaurian robber.]

[Footnote 32: Zosim. l. i. p. 65. Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 239,
240. But it seems incredible that the defeat of the savages of Aethiopia
could affect the Persian monarch.]

[Footnote 33: Besides these well-known chiefs, several others are named
by Vopiscus, (Hist. August. p. 241,) whose actions have not reached
knowledge.]

But the most important service which Probus rendered to the republic was
the deliverance of Gaul, and the recovery of seventy flourishing cities
oppressed by the barbarians of Germany, who, since the death of
Aurelian, had ravaged that great province with impunity. [34] Among the
various multitude of those fierce invaders we may distinguish, with some
degree of clearness, three great armies, or rather nations, successively
vanquished by the valor of Probus. He drove back the Franks into their
morasses; a descriptive circumstance from whence we may infer, that the
confederacy known by the manly appellation of Free, already occupied the
flat maritime country, intersected and almost overflown by the
stagnating waters of the Rhine, and that several tribes of the Frisians
and Batavians had acceded to their alliance. He vanquished the
Burgundians, a considerable people of the Vandalic race. [341] They had
wandered in quest of booty from the banks of the Oder to those of the
Seine. They esteemed themselves sufficiently fortunate to purchase, by
the restitution of all their booty, the permission of an undisturbed
retreat. They attempted to elude that article of the treaty. Their
punishment was immediate and terrible. [35] But of all the invaders of
Gaul, the most formidable were the Lygians, a distant people, who
reigned over a wide domain on the frontiers of Poland and Silesia. [36]
In the Lygian nation, the Arii held the first rank by their numbers and
fierceness. "The Arii" (it is thus that they are described by the energy
of Tacitus) "study to improve by art and circumstances the innate
terrors of their barbarism. Their shields are black, their bodies are
painted black. They choose for the combat the darkest hour of the night.
Their host advances, covered as it were with a funeral shade; [37] nor do
they often find an enemy capable of sustaining so strange and infernal
an aspect. Of all our senses, the eyes are the first vanquished
in battle." [38] Yet the arms and discipline of the Romans easily
discomfited these horrid phantoms. The Lygii were defeated in a general
engagement, and Semno, the most renowned of their chiefs, fell alive
into the hands of Probus. That prudent emperor, unwilling to reduce a
brave people to despair, granted them an honorable capitulation, and
permitted them to return in safety to their native country. But the
losses which they suffered in the march, the battle, and the retreat,
broke the power of the nation: nor is the Lygian name ever repeated in
the history either of Germany or of the empire. The deliverance of
Gaul is reported to have cost the lives of four hundred thousand of the
invaders; a work of labor to the Romans, and of expense to the emperor,
who gave a piece of gold for the head of every barbarian. [39] But as
the fame of warriors is built on the destruction of human kind, we may
naturally suspect, that the sanguinary account was multiplied by
the avarice of the soldiers, and accepted without any very severe
examination by the liberal vanity of Probus.

[Footnote 34: See the Caesars of Julian, and Hist. August. p. 238, 240,
241.]

[Footnote 341: It was only under the emperors Diocletian and Maximian,
that the Burgundians, in concert with the Alemanni, invaded the interior
of Gaul; under the reign of Probus, they did no more than pass the river
which separated them from the Roman Empire: they were repelled. Gatterer
presumes that this river was the Danube; a passage in Zosimus appears to
me rather to indicate the Rhine. Zos. l. i. p. 37, edit H. Etienne,
1581.--G. On the origin of the Burgundians may be consulted Malte Brun,
Geogr vi. p. 396, (edit. 1831,) who observes that all the remains of the
Burgundian language indicate that they spoke a Gothic dialect.--M.]

[Footnote 35: Zosimus, l. i. p. 62. Hist. August. p. 240. But the latter
supposes the punishment inflicted with the consent of their kings: if
so, it was partial, like the offence.]

[Footnote 36: See Cluver. Germania Antiqua, l. iii. Ptolemy places in
their country the city of Calisia, probably Calish in Silesia. *
Note: Luden (vol ii. 501) supposes that these have been erroneously
identified with the Lygii of Tacitus. Perhaps one fertile source
of mistakes has been, that the Romans have turned appellations into
national names. Malte Brun observes of the Lygii, "that their name
appears Sclavonian, and signifies 'inhabitants of plains;' they are
probably the Lieches of the middle ages, and the ancestors of the Poles.
We find among the Arii the worship of the two twin gods known in the
Sclavian mythology." Malte Brun, vol. i. p. 278, (edit. 1831.)--M.
But compare Schafarik, Slawische Alterthumer, 1, p. 406. They were of
German or Keltish descent, occupying the Wendish (or Slavian) district,
Luhy.--M. 1845.]

[Footnote 37: Feralis umbra, is the expression of Tacitus: it is surely
a very bold one.]

[Footnote 38: Tacit. Germania, (c. 43.)]

[Footnote 39: Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 238]

Since the expedition of Maximin, the Roman generals had confined
their ambition to a defensive war against the nations of Germany, who
perpetually pressed on the frontiers of the empire. The more daring
Probus pursued his Gallic victories, passed the Rhine, and displayed his
invincible eagles on the banks of the Elbe and the Necker. He was fully
convinced that nothing could reconcile the minds of the barbarians to
peace, unless they experienced, in their own country, the calamities of
war. Germany, exhausted by the ill success of the last emigration,
was astonished by his presence. Nine of the most considerable princes
repaired to his camp, and fell prostrate at his feet. Such a treaty was
humbly received by the Germans, as it pleased the conqueror to dictate.
He exacted a strict restitution of the effects and captives which they
had carried away from the provinces; and obliged their own magistrates
to punish the more obstinate robbers who presumed to detain any part of
the spoil. A considerable tribute of corn, cattle, and horses, the only
wealth of barbarians, was reserved for the use of the garrisons which
Probus established on the limits of their territory. He even entertained
some thoughts of compelling the Germans to relinquish the exercise of
arms, and to trust their differences to the justice, their safety to
the power, of Rome. To accomplish these salutary ends, the constant
residence of an Imperial governor, supported by a numerous army, was
indispensably requisite. Probus therefore judged it more expedient to
defer the execution of so great a design; which was indeed rather of
specious than solid utility. [40] Had Germany been reduced into the state
of a province, the Romans, with immense labor and expense, would have
acquired only a more extensive boundary to defend against the fiercer
and more active barbarians of Scythia.

[Footnote 40: Hist. August. 238, 239. Vopiscus quotes a letter from
the emperor to the senate, in which he mentions his design of reducing
Germany into a province.]

Instead of reducing the warlike natives of Germany to the condition of
subjects, Probus contented himself with the humble expedient of raising
a bulwark against their inroads. The country which now forms the circle
of Swabia had been left desert in the age of Augustus by the emigration
of its ancient inhabitants. [41] The fertility of the soil soon attracted
a new colony from the adjacent provinces of Gaul. Crowds of adventurers,
of a roving temper and of desperate fortunes, occupied the doubtful
possession, and acknowledged, by the payment of tithes the majesty
of the empire. [42] To protect these new subjects, a line of frontier
garrisons was gradually extended from the Rhine to the Danube. About the
reign of Hadrian, when that mode of defence began to be practised, these
garrisons were connected and covered by a strong intrenchment of trees
and palisades. In the place of so rude a bulwark, the emperor Probus
constructed a stone wall of a considerable height, and strengthened it
by towers at convenient distances. From the neighborhood of Newstadt and
Ratisbon on the Danube, it stretched across hills, valleys, rivers, and
morasses, as far as Wimpfen on the Necker, and at length terminated
on the banks of the Rhine, after a winding course of near two hundred
miles. [43] This important barrier, uniting the two mighty streams that
protected the provinces of Europe, seemed to fill up the vacant space
through which the barbarians, and particularly the Alemanni, could
penetrate with the greatest facility into the heart of the empire. But
the experience of the world, from China to Britain, has exposed the
vain attempt of fortifying any extensive tract of country. [44] An active
enemy, who can select and vary his points of attack, must, in the end,
discover some feeble spot, on some unguarded moment. The strength, as
well as the attention, of the defenders is divided; and such are the
blind effects of terror on the firmest troops, that a line broken in a
single place is almost instantly deserted. The fate of the wall which
Probus erected may confirm the general observation. Within a few years
after his death, it was overthrown by the Alemanni. Its scattered ruins,
universally ascribed to the power of the Daemon, now serve only to
excite the wonder of the Swabian peasant.

[Footnote 41: Strabo, l. vii. According to Valleius Paterculus, (ii.
108,) Maroboduus led his Marcomanni into Bohemia; Cluverius (German.
Antiq. iii. 8) proves that it was from Swabia.]

[Footnote 42: These settlers, from the payment of tithes, were
denominated Decunates. Tacit. Germania, c. 29]

[Footnote 43: See notes de l'Abbe de la Bleterie a la Germanie de
Tacite, p. 183. His account of the wall is chiefly borrowed (as he says
himself) from the Alsatia Illustrata of Schoepflin.]

[Footnote 44: See Recherches sur les Chinois et les Egyptiens, tom. ii.
p. 81--102. The anonymous author is well acquainted with the globe in
general, and with Germany in particular: with regard to the latter,
he quotes a work of M. Hanselman; but he seems to confound the wall of
Probus, designed against the Alemanni, with the fortification of the
Mattiaci, constructed in the neighborhood of Frankfort against the
Catti. * Note: De Pauw is well known to have been the author of this
work, as of the Recherches sur les Americains before quoted. The
judgment of M. Remusat on this writer is in a very different, I fear a
juster tone. Quand au lieu de rechercher, d'examiner, d'etudier, on se
borne, comme cet ecrivain, a juger a prononcer, a decider, sans
connoitre ni l'histoire. ni les langues, sans recourir aux sources, sans
meme se douter de leur existence, on peut en imposer pendant quelque
temps a des lecteurs prevenus ou peu instruits; mais le mepris qui ne
manque guere de succeder a cet engouement fait bientot justice de ces
assertions hazardees, et elles retombent dans l'oubli d'autant plus
promptement, qu'elles ont ete posees avec plus de confiance. Sur les l
angues Tartares, p. 231.--M.]

Among the useful conditions of peace imposed by Probus on the vanquished
nations of Germany, was the obligation of supplying the Roman army with
sixteen thousand recruits, the bravest and most robust of their youth.
The emperor dispersed them through all the provinces, and distributed
this dangerous reenforcement, in small bands of fifty or sixty each,
among the national troops; judiciously observing, that the aid which the
republic derived from the barbarians should be felt but not seen. [45]
Their aid was now become necessary. The feeble elegance of Italy and the
internal provinces could no longer support the weight of arms. The hardy
frontiers of the Rhine and Danube still produced minds and bodies equal
to the labors of the camp; but a perpetual series of wars had gradually
diminished their numbers. The infrequency of marriage, and the ruin
of agriculture, affected the principles of population, and not only
destroyed the strength of the present, but intercepted the hope
of future, generations. The wisdom of Probus embraced a great and
beneficial plan of replenishing the exhausted frontiers, by new colonies
of captive or fugitive barbarians, on whom he bestowed lands, cattle,
instruments of husbandry, and every encouragement that might engage
them to educate a race of soldiers for the service of the republic. Into
Britain, and most probably into Cambridgeshire, [46] he transported a
considerable body of Vandals. The impossibility of an escape reconciled
them to their situation, and in the subsequent troubles of that island,
they approved themselves the most faithful servants of the state. [47]
Great numbers of Franks and Gepidae were settled on the banks of the
Danube and the Rhine. A hundred thousand Bastarnae, expelled from their
own country, cheerfully accepted an establishment in Thrace, and soon
imbibed the manners and sentiments of Roman subjects. [48] But the
expectations of Probus were too often disappointed. The impatience
and idleness of the barbarians could ill brook the slow labors of
agriculture. Their unconquerable love of freedom, rising against
despotism, provoked them into hasty rebellions, alike fatal to
themselves and to the provinces; [49] nor could these artificial
supplies, however repeated by succeeding emperors, restore the important
limit of Gaul and Illyricum to its ancient and native vigor.

[Footnote 45: He distributed about fifty or sixty barbarians to a
Numerus, as it was then called, a corps with whose established number we
are not exactly acquainted.]

[Footnote 46: Camden's Britannia, Introduction, p. 136; but he speaks
from a very doubtful conjecture.]

[Footnote 47: Zosimus, l. i. p. 62. According to Vopiscus, another body
of Vandals was less faithful.]

[Footnote 48: Hist. August. p. 240. They were probably expelled by the
Goths. Zosim. l. i. p. 66.]

[Footnote 49: Hist. August. p. 240.]

Of all the barbarians who abandoned their new settlements, and disturbed
the public tranquillity, a very small number returned to their own
country. For a short season they might wander in arms through the
empire; but in the end they were surely destroyed by the power of
a warlike emperor. The successful rashness of a party of Franks was
attended, however, with such memorable consequences, that it ought not
to be passed unnoticed. They had been established by Probus, on the
sea-coast of Pontus, with a view of strengthening the frontier against
the inroads of the Alani. A fleet stationed in one of the harbors of
the Euxine fell into the hands of the Franks; and they resolved, through
unknown seas, to explore their way from the mouth of the Phasis to
that of the Rhine. They easily escaped through the Bosphorus and
the Hellespont, and cruising along the Mediterranean, indulged
their appetite for revenge and plunder by frequent descents on the
unsuspecting shores of Asia, Greece, and Africa. The opulent city of
Syracuse, in whose port the navies of Athens and Carthage had formerly
been sunk, was sacked by a handful of barbarians, who massacred the
greatest part of the trembling inhabitants. From the Island of Sicily,
the Franks proceeded to the columns of Hercules, trusted themselves to
the ocean, coasted round Spain and Gaul, and steering their triumphant
course through the British Channel, at length finished their surprising
voyage, by landing in safety on the Batavian or Frisian shores. [50] The
example of their success, instructing their countrymen to conceive the
advantages and to despise the dangers of the sea, pointed out to their
enterprising spirit a new road to wealth and glory.

[Footnote 50: Panegyr. Vet. v. 18. Zosimus, l. i. p. 66.]

Notwithstanding the vigilance and activity of Probus, it was almost
impossible that he could at once contain in obedience every part of his
wide-extended dominions. The barbarians, who broke their chains, had
seized the favorable opportunity of a domestic war. When the emperor
marched to the relief of Gaul, he devolved the command of the East on
Saturninus. That general, a man of merit and experience, was driven into
rebellion by the absence of his sovereign, the levity of the Alexandrian
people, the pressing instances of his friends, and his own fears; but
from the moment of his elevation, he never entertained a hope of empire,
or even of life. "Alas!" he said, "the republic has lost a useful
servant, and the rashness of an hour has destroyed the services of many
years. You know not," continued he, "the misery of sovereign power; a
sword is perpetually suspended over our head. We dread our very guards,
we distrust our companions. The choice of action or of repose is no
longer in our disposition, nor is there any age, or character, or
conduct, that can protect us from the censure of envy. In thus exalting
me to the throne, you have doomed me to a life of cares, and to an
untimely fate. The only consolation which remains is, the assurance that
I shall not fall alone." [51] But as the former part of his prediction
was verified by the victory, so the latter was disappointed by the
clemency of Probus. That amiable prince attempted even to save the
unhappy Saturninus from the fury of the soldiers. He had more than once
solicited the usurper himself to place some confidence in the mercy of a
sovereign who so highly esteemed his character, that he had punished, as
a malicious informer, the first who related the improbable news of his
disaffection. [52] Saturninus might, perhaps, have embraced the generous
offer, had he not been restrained by the obstinate distrust of his
adherents. Their guilt was deeper, and their hopes more sanguine, than
those of their experienced leader.

[Footnote 51: Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 245, 246. The unfortunate
orator had studied rhetoric at Carthage; and was therefore more probably
a Moor (Zosim. l. i. p. 60) than a Gaul, as Vopiscus calls him.]

[Footnote 52: Zonaras, l. xii. p. 638.]

The revolt of Saturninus was scarcely extinguished in the East, before
new troubles were excited in the West, by the rebellion of Bonosus and
Proculus, in Gaul. The most distinguished merit of those two officers
was their respective prowess, of the one in the combats of Bacchus, of
the other in those of Venus, [53] yet neither of them was destitute
of courage and capacity, and both sustained, with honor, the august
character which the fear of punishment had engaged them to assume, till
they sunk at length beneath the superior genius of Probus. He used the
victory with his accustomed moderation, and spared the fortune, as well
as the lives of their innocent families. [54]

[Footnote 53: A very surprising instance is recorded of the prowess of
Proculus. He had taken one hundred Sarmatian virgins. The rest of the
story he must relate in his own language: "Ex his una necte decem inivi;
omnes tamen, quod in me erat, mulieres intra dies quindecim reddidi."
Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 246.]

[Footnote 54: Proculus, who was a native of Albengue, on the Genoese
coast armed two thousand of his own slaves. His riches were great, but
they were acquired by robbery. It was afterwards a saying of his family,
sibi non placere esse vel principes vel latrones. Vopiscus in Hist.
August. p. 247.]

The arms of Probus had now suppressed all the foreign and domestic
enemies of the state. His mild but steady administration confirmed the
reestablishment of the public tranquillity; nor was there left in the
provinces a hostile barbarian, a tyrant, or even a robber, to revive the
memory of past disorders. It was time that the emperor should revisit
Rome, and celebrate his own glory and the general happiness. The triumph
due to the valor of Probus was conducted with a magnificence suitable to
his fortune, and the people who had so lately admired the trophies of
Aurelian, gazed with equal pleasure on those of his heroic successor.
[55] We cannot, on this occasion, forget the desperate courage of about
fourscore gladiators, reserved, with near six hundred others, for the
inhuman sports of the amphitheatre. Disdaining to shed their blood for
the amusement of the populace, they killed their keepers, broke from the
place of their confinement, and filled the streets of Rome with blood
and confusion. After an obstinate resistance, they were overpowered and
cut in pieces by the regular forces; but they obtained at least an
honorable death, and the satisfaction of a just revenge. [56]

[Footnote 55: Hist. August. p. 240.]

[Footnote 56: Zosim. l. i. p. 66.]

The military discipline which reigned in the camps of Probus was less
cruel than that of Aurelian, but it was equally rigid and exact. The
latter had punished the irregularities of the soldiers with unrelenting
severity, the former prevented them by employing the legions in constant
and useful labors. When Probus commanded in Egypt, he executed many
considerable works for the splendor and benefit of that rich country.
The navigation of the Nile, so important to Rome itself, was improved;
and temples, buildings, porticos, and palaces were constructed by the
hands of the soldiers, who acted by turns as architects, as engineers,
and as husbandmen. [57] It was reported of Hannibal, that in order to
preserve his troops from the dangerous temptations of idleness, he had
obliged them to form large plantations of olive-trees along the coast
of Africa. [58] From a similar principle, Probus exercised his legions
in covering with rich vineyards the hills of Gaul and Pannonia, and two
considerable spots are described, which were entirely dug and planted
by military labor. [59] One of these, known under the name of Mount Almo,
was situated near Sirmium, the country where Probus was born, for which
he ever retained a partial affection, and whose gratitude he endeavored
to secure, by converting into tillage a large and unhealthy tract
of marshy ground. An army thus employed constituted perhaps the most
useful, as well as the bravest, portion of Roman subjects.

[Footnote 57: Hist. August. p. 236.]

[Footnote 58: Aurel. Victor. in Prob. But the policy of Hannibal,
unnoticed by any more ancient writer, is irreconcilable with the history
of his life. He left Africa when he was nine years old, returned to it
when he was forty-five, and immediately lost his army in the decisive
battle of Zama. Livilus, xxx. 37.]

[Footnote 59: Hist. August. p. 240. Eutrop. ix. 17. Aurel. Victor. in
Prob. Victor Junior. He revoked the prohibition of Domitian, and granted
a general permission of planting vines to the Gauls, the Britons, and
the Pannonians.]

But in the prosecution of a favorite scheme, the best of men, satisfied
with the rectitude of their intentions, are subject to forget the bounds
of moderation; nor did Probus himself sufficiently consult the patience
and disposition of his fierce legionaries. [60] The dangers of the
military profession seem only to be compensated by a life of pleasure
and idleness; but if the duties of the soldier are incessantly
aggravated by the labors of the peasant, he will at last sink under the
intolerable burden, or shake it off with indignation. The imprudence of
Probus is said to have inflamed the discontent of his troops. More
attentive to the interests of mankind than to those of the army, he
expressed the vain hope, that, by the establishment of universal peace,
he should soon abolish the necessity of a standing and mercenary force.
[61] The unguarded expression proved fatal to him. In one of the hottest
days of summer, as he severely urged the unwholesome labor of draining
the marshes of Sirmium, the soldiers, impatient of fatigue, on a sudden
threw down their tools, grasped their arms, and broke out into a furious
mutiny. The emperor, conscious of his danger, took refuge in a lofty
tower, constructed for the purpose of surveying the progress of the
work. [62] The tower was instantly forced, and a thousand swords were
plunged at once into the bosom of the unfortunate Probus. The rage of
the troops subsided as soon as it had been gratified. They then lamented
their fatal rashness, forgot the severity of the emperor, whom they had
massacred, and hastened to perpetuate, by an honorable monument, the
memory of his virtues and victories. [63]

[Footnote 60: Julian bestows a severe, and indeed excessive, censure
on the rigor of Probus, who, as he thinks, almost deserved his fate.]

[Footnote 61: Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 241. He lavishes on this idle
hope a large stock of very foolish eloquence.]

[Footnote 62: Turris ferrata. It seems to have been a movable tower, and
cased with iron.]

[Footnote 63: Probus, et vere probus situs est; Victor omnium gentium
Barbararum; victor etiam tyrannorum.]

When the legions had indulged their grief and repentance for the death
of Probus, their unanimous consent declared Carus, his Praetorian
praefect, the most deserving of the Imperial throne. Every circumstance
that relates to this prince appears of a mixed and doubtful nature.
He gloried in the title of Roman Citizen; and affected to compare the
purity of his blood with the foreign and even barbarous origin of the
preceding emperors; yet the most inquisitive of his contemporaries, very
far from admitting his claim, have variously deduced his own birth,
or that of his parents, from Illyricum, from Gaul, or from Africa. [64]
Though a soldier, he had received a learned education; though a senator,
he was invested with the first dignity of the army; and in an age when
the civil and military professions began to be irrecoverably
separated from each other, they were united in the person of Carus.
Notwithstanding the severe justice which he exercised against the
assassins of Probus, to whose favor and esteem he was highly indebted,
he could not escape the suspicion of being accessory to a deed from
whence he derived the principal advantage. He enjoyed, at least, before
his elevation, an acknowledged character of virtue and abilities;
[65] but his austere temper insensibly degenerated into moroseness and
cruelty; and the imperfect writers of his life almost hesitate whether
they shall not rank him in the number of Roman tyrants. [66] When Carus
assumed the purple, he was about sixty years of age, and his two sons,
Carinus and Numerian had already attained the season of manhood. [67]

[Footnote 64: Yet all this may be conciliated. He was born at Narbonne
in Illyricum, confounded by Eutropius with the more famous city of that
name in Gaul. His father might be an African, and his mother a
noble Roman. Carus himself was educated in the capital. See Scaliger
Animadversion. ad Euseb. Chron. p. 241.]

[Footnote 65: Probus had requested of the senate an equestrian statue
and a marble palace, at the public expense, as a just recompense of the
singular merit of Carus. Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 249.]

[Footnote 66: Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 242, 249. Julian excludes
the emperor Carus and both his sons from the banquet of the Caesars.]

[Footnote 67: John Malala, tom. i. p. 401. But the authority of that
ignorant Greek is very slight. He ridiculously derives from Carus the
city of Carrhae, and the province of Caria, the latter of which is
mentioned by Homer.]

The authority of the senate expired with Probus; nor was the repentance
of the soldiers displayed by the same dutiful regard for the civil
power, which they had testified after the unfortunate death of Aurelian.
The election of Carus was decided without expecting the approbation of
the senate, and the new emperor contented himself with announcing, in a
cold and stately epistle, that he had ascended the vacant throne. [68] A
behavior so very opposite to that of his amiable predecessor afforded
no favorable presage of the new reign: and the Romans, deprived of power
and freedom, asserted their privilege of licentious murmurs. [69] The
voice of congratulation and flattery was not, however, silent; and we
may still peruse, with pleasure and contempt, an eclogue, which was
composed on the accession of the emperor Carus. Two shepherds, avoiding
the noontide heat, retire into the cave of Faunus. On a spreading beech
they discover some recent characters. The rural deity had described, in
prophetic verses, the felicity promised to the empire under the reign
of so great a prince. Faunus hails the approach of that hero, who,
receiving on his shoulders the sinking weight of the Roman world, shall
extinguish war and faction, and once again restore the innocence and
security of the golden age. [70]

[Footnote 68: Hist. August. p. 249. Carus congratulated the senate, that
one of their own order was made emperor.]

[Footnote 69: Hist. August. p. 242.]

[Footnote 70: See the first eclogue of Calphurnius. The design of it
is preferes by Fontenelle to that of Virgil's Pollio. See tom. iii. p.
148.]

It is more than probable, that these elegant trifles never reached
the ears of a veteran general, who, with the consent of the legions,
was preparing to execute the long-suspended design of the Persian war.
Before his departure for this distant expedition, Carus conferred on his
two sons, Carinus and Numerian, the title of Caesar, and investing the
former with almost an equal share of the Imperial power, directed the
young prince, first to suppress some troubles which had arisen in Gaul,
and afterwards to fix the seat of his residence at Rome, and to assume
the government of the Western provinces. [71] The safety of Illyricum was
confirmed by a memorable defeat of the Sarmatians; sixteen thousand
of those barbarians remained on the field of battle, and the number of
captives amounted to twenty thousand. The old emperor, animated with the
fame and prospect of victory, pursued his march, in the midst of winter,
through the countries of Thrace and Asia Minor, and at length, with his
younger son, Numerian, arrived on the confines of the Persian monarchy.
There, encamping on the summit of a lofty mountain, he pointed out to
his troops the opulence and luxury of the enemy whom they were about to
invade.

[Footnote 71: Hist. August. p. 353. Eutropius, ix. 18. Pagi. Annal.]

The successor of Artaxerxes, [711] Varanes, or Bahram, though he had subdued
the Segestans, one of the most warlike nations of Upper Asia, [72] was
alarmed at the approach of the Romans, and endeavored to <DW44> their
progress by a negotiation of peace. [721]

His ambassadors entered the camp about sunset, at the time when the
troops were satisfying their hunger with a frugal repast. The Persians
expressed their desire of being introduced to the presence of the Roman
emperor. They were at length conducted to a soldier, who was seated
on the grass. A piece of stale bacon and a few hard peas composed his
supper. A coarse woollen garment of purple was the only circumstance
that announced his dignity. The conference was conducted with the same
disregard of courtly elegance. Carus, taking off a cap which he wore to
conceal his baldness, assured the ambassadors, that, unless their master
acknowledged the superiority of Rome, he would speedily render Persia
as naked of trees as his own head was destitute of hair. [73]
Notwithstanding some traces of art and preparation, we may discover in
this scene the manners of Carus, and the severe simplicity which the
martial princes, who succeeded Gallienus, had already restored in the
Roman camps. The ministers of the Great King trembled and retired.

[Footnote 711: Three monarchs had intervened, Sapor, (Shahpour,)
Hormisdas, (Hormooz,) Varanes; Baharam the First.--M.]

[Footnote 72: Agathias, l. iv. p. 135. We find one of his sayings in
the Bibliotheque Orientale of M. d'Herbelot. "The definition of humanity
includes all other virtues."]

[Footnote 721: The manner in which his life was saved by the Chief Pontiff
from a conspiracy of his nobles, is as remarkable as his saying. "By the
advice (of the Pontiff) all the nobles absented themselves from court.
The king wandered through his palace alone. He saw no one; all was
silence around. He became alarmed and distressed. At last the Chief
Pontiff appeared, and bowed his head in apparent misery, but spoke not a
word. The king entreated him to declare what had happened. The virtuous
man boldly related all that had passed, and conjured Bahram, in the name
of his glorious ancestors, to change his conduct and save himself from
destruction. The king was much moved, professed himself most penitent,
and said he was resolved his future life should prove his sincerity.
The overjoyed High Priest, delighted at this success, made a signal, at
which all the nobles and attendants were in an instant, as if by magic,
in their usual places. The monarch now perceived that only one opinion
prevailed on his past conduct. He repeated therefore to his nobles all
he had said to the Chief Pontiff, and his future reign was unstained by
cruelty or oppression." Malcolm's Persia,--M.]

[Footnote 73: Synesius tells this story of Carinus; and it is much more
natural to understand it of Carus, than (as Petavius and Tillemont
choose to do) of Probus.]

The threats of Carus were not without effect. He ravaged Mesopotamia,
cut in pieces whatever opposed his passage, made himself master of
the great cities of Seleucia and Ctesiphon, (which seemed to have
surrendered without resistance,) and carried his victorious arms beyond
the Tigris. [74] He had seized the favorable moment for an invasion. The
Persian councils were distracted by domestic factions, and the greater
part of their forces were detained on the frontiers of India. Rome and
the East received with transports the news of such important advantages.
Flattery and hope painted, in the most lively colors, the fall of
Persia, the conquest of Arabia, the submission of Egypt, and a lasting
deliverance from the inroads of the Scythian nations. [75] But the reign
of Carus was destined to expose the vanity of predictions. They were
scarcely uttered before they were contradicted by his death; an event
attended with such ambiguous circumstances, that it may be related in a
letter from his own secretary to the praefect of the city. "Carus," says
he, "our dearest emperor, was confined by sickness to his bed, when a
furious tempest arose in the camp. The darkness which overspread the sky
was so thick, that we could no longer distinguish each other; and the
incessant flashes of lightning took from us the knowledge of all that
passed in the general confusion. Immediately after the most violent clap
of thunder, we heard a sudden cry that the emperor was dead; and it soon
appeared, that his chamberlains, in a rage of grief, had set fire to the
royal pavilion; a circumstance which gave rise to the report that Carus
was killed by lightning. But, as far as we have been able to investigate
the truth, his death was the natural effect of his disorder." [76]

[Footnote 74: Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 250. Eutropius, ix. 18. The
two Victors.]

[Footnote 75: To the Persian victory of Carus I refer the dialogue of
the Philopatris, which has so long been an object of dispute among
the learned. But to explain and justify my opinion, would require a
dissertation. Note: Niebuhr, in the new edition of the Byzantine
Historians, (vol. x.) has boldly assigned the Philopatris to the tenth
century, and to the reign of Nicephorus Phocas. An opinion so decisively
pronounced by Niebuhr and favorably received by Hase, the learned editor
of Leo Diaconus, commands respectful consideration. But the whole tone
of the work appears to me altogether inconsistent with any period in
which philosophy did not stand, as it were, on some ground of equality
with Christianity. The doctrine of the Trinity is sarcastically
introduced rather as the strange doctrine of a new religion, than
the established tenet of a faith universally prevalent. The argument,
adopted from Solanus, concerning the formula of the procession of the
Holy Ghost, is utterly worthless, as it is a mere quotation in the words
of the Gospel of St. John, xv. 26. The only argument of any value is the
historic one, from the allusion to the recent violation of many virgins
in the Island of Crete. But neither is the language of Niebuhr quite
accurate, nor his reference to the Acroases of Theodosius satisfactory.
When, then, could this occurrence take place? Why not in the devastation
of the island by the Gothic pirates, during the reign of Claudius. Hist.
Aug. in Claud. p. 814. edit. Var. Lugd. Bat 1661.--M.]

[Footnote 76: Hist. August. p. 250. Yet Eutropius, Festus, Rufus, the
two Victors, Jerome, Sidonius Apollinaris, Syncellus, and Zonaras, all
ascribe the death of Carus to lightning.]




Chapter XII: Reigns Of Tacitus, Probus, Carus And His Sons.--Part III.

The vacancy of the throne was not productive of any disturbance. The
ambition of the aspiring generals was checked by their natural fears,
and young Numerian, with his absent brother Carinus, were unanimously
acknowledged as Roman emperors.

The public expected that the successor of Carus would pursue his
father's footsteps, and, without allowing the Persians to recover from
their consternation, would advance sword in hand to the palaces of
Susa and Ecbatana. [77] But the legions, however strong in numbers
and discipline, were dismayed by the most abject superstition.
Notwithstanding all the arts that were practised to disguise the manner
of the late emperor's death, it was found impossible to remove the
opinion of the multitude, and the power of opinion is irresistible.
Places or persons struck with lightning were considered by the ancients
with pious horror, as singularly devoted to the wrath of Heaven. [78]
An oracle was remembered, which marked the River Tigris as the fatal
boundary of the Roman arms. The troops, terrified with the fate of Carus
and with their own danger, called aloud on young Numerian to obey the
will of the gods, and to lead them away from this inauspicious scene of
war. The feeble emperor was unable to subdue their obstinate prejudice,
and the Persians wondered at the unexpected retreat of a victorious
enemy. [79]

[Footnote 77: See Nemesian. Cynegeticon, v. 71, &c.]

[Footnote 78: See Festus and his commentators on the word Scribonianum.
Places struck by lightning were surrounded with a wall; things were
buried with mysterious ceremony.]

[Footnote 79: Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 250. Aurelius Victor seems to
believe the prediction, and to approve the retreat.]

The intelligence of the mysterious fate of the late emperor was soon
carried from the frontiers of Persia to Rome; and the senate, as well as
the provinces, congratulated the accession of the sons of Carus. These
fortunate youths were strangers, however, to that conscious superiority,
either of birth or of merit, which can alone render the possession of
a throne easy, and as it were natural. Born and educated in a private
station, the election of their father raised them at once to the rank of
princes; and his death, which happened about sixteen months afterwards,
left them the unexpected legacy of a vast empire. To sustain with temper
this rapid elevation, an uncommon share of virtue and prudence was
requisite; and Carinus, the elder of the brothers, was more than
commonly deficient in those qualities. In the Gallic war he discovered
some degree of personal courage; [80] but from the moment of his arrival
at Rome, he abandoned himself to the luxury of the capital, and to the
abuse of his fortune. He was soft, yet cruel; devoted to pleasure,
but destitute of taste; and though exquisitely susceptible of vanity,
indifferent to the public esteem. In the course of a few months, he
successively married and divorced nine wives, most of whom he left
pregnant; and notwithstanding this legal inconstancy, found time to
indulge such a variety of irregular appetites, as brought dishonor on
himself and on the noblest houses of Rome. He beheld with inveterate
hatred all those who might remember his former obscurity, or censure
his present conduct. He banished, or put to death, the friends
and counsellors whom his father had placed about him, to guide his
inexperienced youth; and he persecuted with the meanest revenge his
school-fellows and companions who had not sufficiently respected the
latent majesty of the emperor.

With the senators, Carinus affected a lofty and regal demeanor,
frequently declaring, that he designed to distribute their estates among
the populace of Rome. From the dregs of that populace he selected his
favorites, and even his ministers. The palace, and even the Imperial
table, were filled with singers, dancers, prostitutes, and all the
various retinue of vice and folly. One of his doorkeepers [81] he
intrusted with the government of the city. In the room of the Praetorian
praefect, whom he put to death, Carinus substituted one of the ministers
of his looser pleasures. Another, who possessed the same, or even a
more infamous, title to favor, was invested with the consulship. A
confidential secretary, who had acquired uncommon skill in the art of
forgery, delivered the indolent emperor, with his own consent from the
irksome duty of signing his name.

[Footnote 80: Nemesian. Cynegeticon, v 69. He was a contemporary, but a
poet.]

[Footnote 81: Cancellarius. This word, so humble in its origin, has, by
a singular fortune, risen into the title of the first great office of
state in the monarchies of Europe. See Casaubon and Salmasius, ad Hist.
August, p. 253.]

When the emperor Carus undertook the Persian war, he was induced, by
motives of affection as well as policy, to secure the fortunes of
his family, by leaving in the hands of his eldest son the armies and
provinces of the West. The intelligence which he soon received of
the conduct of Carinus filled him with shame and regret; nor had he
concealed his resolution of satisfying the republic by a severe act of
justice, and of adopting, in the place of an unworthy son, the brave and
virtuous Constantius, who at that time was governor of Dalmatia. But the
elevation of Constantius was for a while deferred; and as soon as the
father's death had released Carinus from the control of fear or decency,
he displayed to the Romans the extravagancies of Elagabalus, aggravated
by the cruelty of Domitian. [82]

[Footnote 82: Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 253, 254. Eutropius, x.
19. Vic to Junior. The reign of Diocletian indeed was so long and
prosperous, that it must have been very unfavorable to the reputation of
Carinus.]

The only merit of the administration of Carinus that history could
record, or poetry celebrate, was the uncommon splendor with which, in
his own and his brother's name, he exhibited the Roman games of the
theatre, the circus, and the amphitheatre. More than twenty years
afterwards, when the courtiers of Diocletian represented to their frugal
sovereign the fame and popularity of his munificent predecessor, he
acknowledged that the reign of Carinus had indeed been a reign of
pleasure. [83] But this vain prodigality, which the prudence of
Diocletian might justly despise, was enjoyed with surprise and transport
by the Roman people. The oldest of the citizens, recollecting the
spectacles of former days, the triumphal pomp of Probus or Aurelian, and
the secular games of the emperor Philip, acknowledged that they were all
surpassed by the superior magnificence of Carinus. [84]

[Footnote 83: Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 254. He calls him Carus, but
the sense is sufficiently obvious, and the words were often confounded.]


[Footnote 84: See Calphurnius, Eclog. vii. 43. We may observe, that the
spectacles of Probus were still recent, and that the poet is seconded by
the historian.]

The spectacles of Carinus may therefore be best illustrated by the
observation of some particulars, which history has condescended to
relate concerning those of his predecessors. If we confine ourselves
solely to the hunting of wild beasts, however we may censure the vanity
of the design or the cruelty of the execution, we are obliged to confess
that neither before nor since the time of the Romans so much art and
expense have ever been lavished for the amusement of the people. [85]
By the order of Probus, a great quantity of large trees, torn up by the
roots, were transplanted into the midst of the circus. The spacious
and shady forest was immediately filled with a thousand ostriches, a
thousand stags, a thousand fallow deer, and a thousand wild boars; and
all this variety of game was abandoned to the riotous impetuosity of the
multitude. The tragedy of the succeeding day consisted in the massacre
of a hundred lions, an equal number of lionesses, two hundred leopards,
and three hundred bears. [86] The collection prepared by the younger
Gordian for his triumph, and which his successor exhibited in the
secular games, was less remarkable by the number than by the singularity
of the animals. Twenty zebras displayed their elegant forms and
variegated beauty to the eyes of the Roman people. [87] Ten elks, and as
many camelopards, the loftiest and most harmless creatures that wander
over the plains of Sarmatia and Aethiopia, were contrasted with thirty
African hyaenas and ten Indian tigers, the most implacable savages of
the torrid zone. The unoffending strength with which Nature has endowed
the greater quadrupeds was admired in the rhinoceros, the hippopotamus
of the Nile, [88] and a majestic troop of thirty-two elephants. [89]
While the populace gazed with stupid wonder on the splendid show, the
naturalist might indeed observe the figure and properties of so many
different species, transported from every part of the ancient world into
the amphitheatre of Rome. But this accidental benefit, which science
might derive from folly, is surely insufficient to justify such a wanton
abuse of the public riches. There occurs, however, a single instance in
the first Punic war, in which the senate wisely connected this amusement
of the multitude with the interest of the state. A considerable number
of elephants, taken in the defeat of the Carthaginian army, were driven
through the circus by a few slaves, armed only with blunt javelins. [90]
The useful spectacle served to impress the Roman soldier with a just
contempt for those unwieldy animals; and he no longer dreaded to
encounter them in the ranks of war.

[Footnote 85: The philosopher Montaigne (Essais, l. iii. 6) gives a
very just and lively view of Roman magnificence in these spectacles.]

[Footnote 86: Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 240.]

[Footnote 87: They are called Onagri; but the number is too
inconsiderable for mere wild asses. Cuper (de Elephantis Exercitat. ii.
7) has proved from Oppian, Dion, and an anonymous Greek, that zebras
had been seen at Rome. They were brought from some island of the ocean,
perhaps Madagascar.]

[Footnote 88: Carinus gave a hippopotamus, (see Calphurn. Eclog. vi.
66.) In the latter spectacles, I do not recollect any crocodiles, of
which Augustus once exhibited thirty-six. Dion Cassius, l. lv. p. 781.]

[Footnote 89: Capitolin. in Hist. August. p. 164, 165. We are not
acquainted with the animals which he calls archeleontes; some read
argoleontes others agrioleontes: both corrections are very nugatory]

[Footnote 90: Plin. Hist. Natur. viii. 6, from the annals of Piso.]

The hunting or exhibition of wild beasts was conducted with a
magnificence suitable to a people who styled themselves the masters of
the world; nor was the edifice appropriated to that entertainment less
expressive of Roman greatness. Posterity admires, and will long admire,
the awful remains of the amphitheatre of Titus, which so well deserved
the epithet of Colossal. [91] It was a building of an elliptic figure,
five hundred and sixty-four feet in length, and four hundred and
sixty-seven in breadth, founded on fourscore arches, and rising, with four
successive orders of architecture, to the height of one hundred and
forty feet. [92] The outside of the edifice was encrusted with marble,
and decorated with statues. The <DW72>s of the vast concave, which formed
the inside, were filled and surrounded with sixty or eighty rows of
seats of marble likewise, covered with cushions, and capable of
receiving with ease about fourscore thousand spectators. [93] Sixty-four
vomitories (for by that name the doors were very aptly distinguished)
poured forth the immense multitude; and the entrances, passages, and
staircases were contrived with such exquisite skill, that each person,
whether of the senatorial, the equestrian, or the plebeian order,
arrived at his destined place without trouble or confusion. [94] Nothing
was omitted, which, in any respect, could be subservient to the
convenience and pleasure of the spectators.

They were protected from the sun and rain by an ample canopy,
occasionally drawn over their heads. The air was continally refreshed
by the playing of fountains, and profusely impregnated by the grateful
scent of aromatics. In the centre of the edifice, the arena, or stage,
was strewed with the finest sand, and successively assumed the most
different forms. At one moment it seemed to rise out of the earth, like
the garden of the Hesperides, and was afterwards broken into the rocks
and caverns of Thrace. The subterraneous pipes conveyed an inexhaustible
supply of water; and what had just before appeared a level plain, might
be suddenly converted into a wide lake, covered with armed vessels,
and replenished with the monsters of the deep. [95] In the decoration of
these scenes, the Roman emperors displayed their wealth and liberality;
and we read on various occasions that the whole furniture of the
amphitheatre consisted either of silver, or of gold, or of amber. [96]
The poet who describes the games of Carinus, in the character of a
shepherd, attracted to the capital by the fame of their magnificence,
affirms that the nets designed as a defence against the wild beasts,
were of gold wire; that the porticos were gilded; and that the belt or
circle which divided the several ranks of spectators from each other was
studded with a precious mosaic of beautiful stones. [97]

[Footnote 91:
See Maffei, Verona Illustrata, p. iv. l. i. c. 2.]

[Footnote 92: Maffei,
l. ii. c. 2. The height was very much exaggerated by the ancients. It
reached almost to the heavens, according to Calphurnius, (Eclog.
vii. 23,) and surpassed the ken of human sight, according to Ammianus
Marcellinus (xvi. 10.) Yet how trifling to the great pyramid of Egypt,
which rises 500 feet perpendicular]

[Footnote 93: According to different copies of Victor, we read 77,000,
or 87,000 spectators; but Maffei (l. ii. c. 12) finds room on the open
seats for no more than 34,000. The remainder were contained in the upper
covered galleries.]

[Footnote 94: See Maffei, l. ii. c. 5--12. He treats the very difficult
subject with all possible clearness, and like an architect, as well as
an antiquarian.]

[Footnote 95: Calphurn. Eclog vii. 64, 73. These lines are curious, and
the whole eclogue has been of infinite use to Maffei. Calphurnius,
as well as Martial, (see his first book,) was a poet; but when they
described the amphitheatre, they both wrote from their own senses, and
to those of the Romans.]

[Footnote 96: Consult Plin. Hist. Natur. xxxiii. 16, xxxvii. 11.]

[Footnote 97: Balteus en gemmis, en inlita porticus auro Certatim
radiant, &c. Calphurn. vii.]

In the midst of this glittering pageantry, the emperor Carinus, secure
of his fortune, enjoyed the acclamations of the people, the flattery
of his courtiers, and the songs of the poets, who, for want of a more
essential merit, were reduced to celebrate the divine graces of his
person. [98] In the same hour, but at the distance of nine hundred miles
from Rome, his brother expired; and a sudden revolution transferred into
the hands of a stranger the sceptre of the house of Carus. [99]

[Footnote 98: Et Martis vultus et Apollinis esse putavi, says
Calphurnius; but John Malala, who had perhaps seen pictures of Carinus,
describes him as thick, short, and white, tom. i. p. 403.]

[Footnote 99: With regard to the time when these Roman games were
celebrated, Scaliger, Salmasius, and Cuper have given themselves a great
deal of trouble to perplex a very clear subject.]

The sons of Carus never saw each other after their father's death. The
arrangements which their new situation required were probably deferred
till the return of the younger brother to Rome, where a triumph was
decreed to the young emperors for the glorious success of the Persian
war. [100] It is uncertain whether they intended to divide between them
the administration, or the provinces, of the empire; but it is very
unlikely that their union would have proved of any long duration.
The jealousy of power must have been inflamed by the opposition of
characters. In the most corrupt of times, Carinus was unworthy to live:
Numerian deserved to reign in a happier period. His affable manners and
gentle virtues secured him, as soon as they became known, the regard and
affections of the public. He possessed the elegant accomplishments of
a poet and orator, which dignify as well as adorn the humblest and the
most exalted station. His eloquence, however it was applauded by the
senate, was formed not so much on the model of Cicero, as on that of
the modern declaimers; but in an age very far from being destitute of
poetical merit, he contended for the prize with the most celebrated
of his contemporaries, and still remained the friend of his rivals;
a circumstance which evinces either the goodness of his heart, or the
superiority of his genius. [101] But the talents of Numerian were
rather of the contemplative than of the active kind. When his father's
elevation reluctantly forced him from the shade of retirement, neither
his temper nor his pursuits had qualified him for the command of armies.
His constitution was destroyed by the hardships of the Persian war; and
he had contracted, from the heat of the climate, [102] such a weakness
in his eyes, as obliged him, in the course of a long retreat, to confine
himself to the solitude and darkness of a tent or litter.

The administration of all affairs, civil as well as military, was
devolved on Arrius Aper, the Praetorian praefect, who to the power of
his important office added the honor of being father-in-law to Numerian.
The Imperial pavilion was strictly guarded by his most trusty adherents;
and during many days, Aper delivered to the army the supposed mandates
of their invisible sovereign. [103]

[Footnote 100: Nemesianus (in the Cynegeticon) seems to anticipate in
his fancy that auspicious day.]

[Footnote 101: He won all the crowns from Nemesianus, with whom he vied
in didactic poetry. The senate erected a statue to the son of Carus,
with a very ambiguous inscription, "To the most powerful of orators."
See Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 251.]

[Footnote 102: A more natural cause, at least, than that assigned by
Vopiscus, (Hist. August. p. 251,) incessantly weeping for his father's
death.]

[Footnote 103: In the Persian war, Aper was suspected of a design to
betray Carus. Hist. August. p. 250.]

It was not till eight months after the death of Carus, that the Roman
army, returning by slow marches from the banks of the Tigris, arrived
on those of the Thracian Bosphorus. The legions halted at Chalcedon in
Asia, while the court passed over to Heraclea, on the European side of
the Propontis. [104] But a report soon circulated through the camp,
at first in secret whispers, and at length in loud clamors, of the
emperor's death, and of the presumption of his ambitious minister, who
still exercised the sovereign power in the name of a prince who was no
more. The impatience of the soldiers could not long support a state of
suspense. With rude curiosity they broke into the Imperial tent, and
discovered only the corpse of Numerian. [105] The gradual decline of his
health might have induced them to believe that his death was natural;
but the concealment was interpreted as an evidence of guilt, and
the measures which Aper had taken to secure his election became the
immediate occasion of his ruin Yet, even in the transport of their rage
and grief, the troops observed a regular proceeding, which proves how
firmly discipline had been reestablished by the martial successors of
Gallienus. A general assembly of the army was appointed to be held at
Chalcedon, whither Aper was transported in chains, as a prisoner and a
criminal. A vacant tribunal was erected in the midst of the camp, and
the generals and tribunes formed a great military council. They soon
announced to the multitude that their choice had fallen on Diocletian,
commander of the domestics or body-guards, as the person the most
capable of revenging and succeeding their beloved emperor. The future
fortunes of the candidate depended on the chance or conduct of the
present hour. Conscious that the station which he had filled exposed him
to some suspicions, Diocletian ascended the tribunal, and raising his
eyes towards the Sun, made a solemn profession of his own innocence, in
the presence of that all-seeing Deity. [106] Then, assuming the tone of
a sovereign and a judge, he commanded that Aper should be brought
in chains to the foot of the tribunal. "This man," said he, "is the
murderer of Numerian;" and without giving him time to enter on a
dangerous justification, drew his sword, and buried it in the breast of
the unfortunate praefect. A charge supported by such decisive proof
was admitted without contradiction, and the legions, with repeated
acclamations, acknowledged the justice and authority of the emperor
Diocletian. [107]

[Footnote 104: We are obliged to the Alexandrian Chronicle, p. 274, for
the knowledge of the time and place where Diocletian was elected
emperor.]

[Footnote 105: Hist. August. p. 251. Eutrop. ix. 88. Hieronym. in Chron.
According to these judicious writers, the death of Numerian was
discovered by the stench of his dead body. Could no aromatics be found
in the Imperial household?]

[Footnote 106: Aurel. Victor. Eutropius, ix. 20. Hieronym. in Chron.]

[Footnote 107: Vopiscus in Hist. August. p. 252. The reason why
Diocletian killed Aper, (a wild boar,) was founded on a prophecy and a
pun, as foolish as they are well known.]

Before we enter upon the memorable reign of that prince, it will be
proper to punish and dismiss the unworthy brother of Numerian. Carinus
possessed arms and treasures sufficient to support his legal title to
the empire. But his personal vices overbalanced every advantage of birth
and situation. The most faithful servants of the father despised the
incapacity, and dreaded the cruel arrogance, of the son. The hearts of
the people were engaged in favor of his rival, and even the senate
was inclined to prefer a usurper to a tyrant. The arts of Diocletian
inflamed the general discontent; and the winter was employed in secret
intrigues, and open preparations for a civil war. In the spring, the
forces of the East and of the West encountered each other in the plains
of Margus, a small city of Maesia, in the neighborhood of the Danube.
[108] The troops, so lately returned from the Persian war, had acquired
their glory at the expense of health and numbers; nor were they in a
condition to contend with the unexhausted strength of the legions of
Europe. Their ranks were broken, and, for a moment, Diocletian despaired
of the purple and of life. But the advantage which Carinus had obtained
by the valor of his soldiers, he quickly lost by the infidelity of his
officers. A tribune, whose wife he had seduced, seized the opportunity
of revenge, and, by a single blow, extinguished civil discord in the
blood of the adulterer. [109]

[Footnote 108: Eutropius marks its situation very accurately; it
was between the Mons Aureus and Viminiacum. M. d'Anville (Geographic
Ancienne, tom. i. p. 304) places Margus at Kastolatz in Servia, a little
below Belgrade and Semendria. * Note: Kullieza--Eton Atlas--M.]

[Footnote 109: Hist. August. p. 254. Eutropius, ix. 20. Aurelius Victor
et Epitome]




Chapter XIII: Reign Of Diocletian And His Three Associates.--Part I.

     The Reign Of Diocletian And His Three Associates, Maximian,
     Galerius, And Constantius.--General Reestablishment Of
     Order And Tranquillity.--The Persian War, Victory, And
     Triumph.--The New Form Of Administration.--Abdication And
     Retirement Of Diocletian And Maximian.

As the reign of Diocletian was more illustrious than that of any of
his predecessors, so was his birth more abject and obscure. The strong
claims of merit and of violence had frequently superseded the ideal
prerogatives of nobility; but a distinct line of separation was hitherto
preserved between the free and the servile part of mankind. The parents
of Diocletian had been slaves in the house of Anulinus, a Roman senator;
nor was he himself distinguished by any other name than that which he
derived from a small town in Dalmatia, from whence his mother deduced
her origin. [1] It is, however, probable that his father obtained the
freedom of the family, and that he soon acquired an office of scribe,
which was commonly exercised by persons of his condition. [2] Favorable
oracles, or rather the consciousness of superior merit, prompted his
aspiring son to pursue the profession of arms and the hopes of fortune;
and it would be extremely curious to observe the gradation of arts and
accidents which enabled him in the end to fulfil those oracles, and to
display that merit to the world. Diocletian was successively promoted
to the government of Maesia, the honors of the consulship, and the
important command of the guards of the palace. He distinguished his
abilities in the Persian war; and after the death of Numerian, the
slave, by the confession and judgment of his rivals, was declared the
most worthy of the Imperial throne. The malice of religious zeal,
whilst it arraigns the savage fierceness of his colleague Maximian,
has affected to cast suspicions on the personal courage of the emperor
Diocletian. [3] It would not be easy to persuade us of the cowardice of a
soldier of fortune, who acquired and preserved the esteem of the legions
as well as the favor of so many warlike princes. Yet even calumny is
sagacious enough to discover and to attack the most vulnerable part. The
valor of Diocletian was never found inadequate to his duty, or to the
occasion; but he appears not to have possessed the daring and generous
spirit of a hero, who courts danger and fame, disdains artifice, and
boldly challenges the allegiance of his equals. His abilities were
useful rather than splendid; a vigorous mind, improved by the experience
and study of mankind; dexterity and application in business; a judicious
mixture of liberality and economy, of mildness and rigor; profound
dissimulation, under the disguise of military frankness; steadiness
to pursue his ends; flexibility to vary his means; and, above all, the
great art of submitting his own passions, as well as those of others, to
the interest of his ambition, and of coloring his ambition with the
most specious pretences of justice and public utility. Like Augustus,
Diocletian may be considered as the founder of a new empire. Like the
adopted son of Caesar, he was distinguished as a statesman rather than
as a warrior; nor did either of those princes employ force, whenever
their purpose could be effected by policy.

[Footnote 1: Eutrop. ix. 19. Victor in Epitome. The town seems to have
been properly called Doclia, from a small tribe of Illyrians, (see
Cellarius, Geograph. Antiqua, tom. i. p. 393;) and the original name of
the fortunate slave was probably Docles; he first lengthened it to
the Grecian harmony of Diocles, and at length to the Roman majesty of
Diocletianus. He likewise assumed the Patrician name of Valerius and it
is usually given him by Aurelius Victor.]

[Footnote 2: See Dacier on the sixth satire of the second book of Horace
Cornel. Nepos, 'n Vit. Eumen. c. l.]

[Footnote 3: Lactantius (or whoever was the author of the little
treatise De Mortibus Persecutorum) accuses Diocletian of timidity in
two places, c. 7. 8. In chap. 9 he says of him, "erat in omni tumultu
meticulosu et animi disjectus."]

The victory of Diocletian was remarkable for its singular mildness. A
people accustomed to applaud the clemency of the conqueror, if the usual
punishments of death, exile, and confiscation, were inflicted with
any degree of temper and equity, beheld, with the most pleasing
astonishment, a civil war, the flames of which were extinguished in the
field of battle. Diocletian received into his confidence Aristobulus,
the principal minister of the house of Carus, respected the lives, the
fortunes, and the dignity, of his adversaries, and even continued in
their respective stations the greater number of the servants of Carinus.
[4] It is not improbable that motives of prudence might assist the
humanity of the artful Dalmatian; of these servants, many had purchased
his favor by secret treachery; in others, he esteemed their grateful
fidelity to an unfortunate master. The discerning judgment of Aurelian,
of Probus, and of Carus, had filled the several departments of the
state and army with officers of approved merit, whose removal would
have injured the public service, without promoting the interest of his
successor. Such a conduct, however, displayed to the Roman world the
fairest prospect of the new reign, and the emperor affected to confirm
this favorable prepossession, by declaring, that, among all the virtues
of his predecessors, he was the most ambitious of imitating the humane
philosophy of Marcus Antoninus. [5]

[Footnote 4: In this encomium, Aurelius Victor seems to convey a just,
though indirect, censure of the cruelty of Constantius. It appears from
the Fasti, that Aristobulus remained praefect of the city, and that
he ended with Diocletian the consulship which he had commenced with
Carinus.]

[Footnote 5: Aurelius Victor styles Diocletian, "Parentum potius quam
Dominum." See Hist. August. p. 30.]

The first considerable action of his reign seemed to evince his
sincerity as well as his moderation. After the example of Marcus, he
gave himself a colleague in the person of Maximian, on whom he bestowed
at first the title of Caesar, and afterwards that of Augustus. [6] But
the motives of his conduct, as well as the object of his choice, were
of a very different nature from those of his admired predecessor. By
investing a luxurious youth with the honors of the purple, Marcus had
discharged a debt of private gratitude, at the expense, indeed, of the
happiness of the state. By associating a friend and a fellow-soldier
to the labors of government, Diocletian, in a time of public danger,
provided for the defence both of the East and of the West. Maximian
was born a peasant, and, like Aurelian, in the territory of Sirmium.
Ignorant of letters, [7] careless of laws, the rusticity of his
appearance and manners still betrayed in the most elevated fortune the
meanness of his extraction. War was the only art which he professed. In
a long course of service, he had distinguished himself on every frontier
of the empire; and though his military talents were formed to obey
rather than to command, though, perhaps, he never attained the skill
of a consummate general, he was capable, by his valor, constancy, and
experience, of executing the most arduous undertakings. Nor were the
vices of Maximian less useful to his benefactor. Insensible to pity, and
fearless of consequences, he was the ready instrument of every act of
cruelty which the policy of that artful prince might at once suggest and
disclaim. As soon as a bloody sacrifice had been offered to prudence
or to revenge, Diocletian, by his seasonable intercession, saved the
remaining few whom he had never designed to punish, gently censured the
severity of his stern colleague, and enjoyed the comparison of a golden
and an iron age, which was universally applied to their opposite maxims
of government. Notwithstanding the difference of their characters, the
two emperors maintained, on the throne, that friendship which they
had contracted in a private station. The haughty, turbulent spirit of
Maximian, so fatal, afterwards, to himself and to the public peace,
was accustomed to respect the genius of Diocletian, and confessed the
ascendant of reason over brutal violence. [8] From a motive either of
pride or superstition, the two emperors assumed the titles, the one of
Jovius, the other of Herculius. Whilst the motion of the world (such was
the language of their venal orators) was maintained by the all-seeing
wisdom of Jupiter, the invincible arm of Hercules purged the earth from
monsters and tyrants. [9]

[Footnote 6: The question of the time when Maximian received the honors
of Caesar and Augustus has divided modern critics, and given occasion
to a great deal of learned wrangling. I have followed M. de Tillemont,
(Histoire des Empereurs, tom. iv. p. 500-505,) who has weighed the
several reasons and difficulties with his scrupulous accuracy.  *
Note: Eckbel concurs in this view, viii p. 15.--M.]

[Footnote 7: In an oration delivered before him, (Panegyr. Vet. ii. 8,)
Mamertinus expresses a doubt, whether his hero, in imitating the conduct
of Hannibal and Scipio, had ever heard of their names. From thence we
may fairly infer, that Maximian was more desirous of being considered as
a soldier than as a man of letters; and it is in this manner that we can
often translate the language of flattery into that of truth.]

[Footnote 8: Lactantius de M. P. c. 8. Aurelius Victor. As among the
Panegyrics, we find orations pronounced in praise of Maximian, and
others which flatter his adversaries at his expense, we derive some
knowledge from the contrast.]

[Footnote 9: See the second and third Panegyrics, particularly iii.
3, 10, 14 but it would be tedious to copy the diffuse and affected
expressions of their false eloquence. With regard to the titles, consult
Aurel. Victor Lactantius de M. P. c. 52. Spanheim de Usu Numismatum, &c.
xii 8.]

But even the omnipotence of Jovius and Herculius was insufficient
to sustain the weight of the public administration. The prudence of
Diocletian discovered that the empire, assailed on every side by the
barbarians, required on every side the presence of a great army, and of
an emperor. With this view, he resolved once more to divide his unwieldy
power, and with the inferior title of Caesars, [901] to confer on two
generals of approved merit an unequal share of the sovereign authority.
[10] Galerius, surnamed Armentarius, from his original profession of a
herdsman, and Constantius, who from his pale complexion had acquired
the denomination of Chlorus, [11] were the two persons invested with
the second honors of the Imperial purple. In describing the country,
extraction, and manners of Herculius, we have already delineated those
of Galerius, who was often, and not improperly, styled the younger
Maximian, though, in many instances both of virtue and ability, he
appears to have possessed a manifest superiority over the elder. The
birth of Constantius was less obscure than that of his colleagues.
Eutropius, his father, was one of the most considerable nobles of
Dardania, and his mother was the niece of the emperor Claudius. [12]
Although the youth of Constantius had been spent in arms, he was endowed
with a mild and amiable disposition, and the popular voice had long
since acknowledged him worthy of the rank which he at last attained. To
strengthen the bonds of political, by those of domestic, union, each of
the emperors assumed the character of a father to one of the Caesars,
Diocletian to Galerius, and Maximian to Constantius; and each, obliging
them to repudiate their former wives, bestowed his daughter in marriage
or his adopted son. [13] These four princes distributed among themselves
the wide extent of the Roman empire. The defence of Gaul, Spain, [14]
and Britain, was intrusted to Constantius: Galerius was stationed on the
banks of the Danube, as the safeguard of the Illyrian provinces. Italy
and Africa were considered as the department of Maximian; and for
his peculiar portion, Diocletian reserved Thrace, Egypt, and the rich
countries of Asia. Every one was sovereign with his own jurisdiction;
but their united authority extended over the whole monarchy, and each
of them was prepared to assist his colleagues with his counsels or
presence. The Caesars, in their exalted rank, revered the majesty of
the emperors, and the three younger princes invariably acknowledged, by
their gratitude and obedience, the common parent of their fortunes. The
suspicious jealousy of power found not any place among them; and the
singular happiness of their union has been compared to a chorus of
music, whose harmony was regulated and maintained by the skilful hand of
the first artist. [15]

[Footnote 901: On the relative power of the Augusti and the Caesars,
consult a dissertation at the end of Manso's Leben Constantius des
Grossen--M.]

[Footnote 10: Aurelius Victor. Victor in Epitome. Eutrop. ix. 22.
Lactant de M. P. c. 8. Hieronym. in Chron.]

[Footnote 11: It is only among the modern Greeks that Tillemont can
discover his appellation of Chlorus. Any remarkable degree of paleness
seems inconsistent with the rubor mentioned in Panegyric, v. 19.]

[Footnote 12: Julian, the grandson of Constantius, boasts that his
family was derived from the warlike Maesians. Misopogon, p. 348. The
Dardanians dwelt on the edge of Maesia.]

[Footnote 13: Galerius married Valeria, the daughter of Diocletian;
if we speak with strictness, Theodora, the wife of Constantius, was
daughter only to the wife of Maximian. Spanheim, Dissertat, xi. 2.]

[Footnote 14: This division agrees with that of the four praefectures;
yet there is some reason to doubt whether Spain was not a province of
Maximian. See Tillemont, tom. iv. p. 517. * Note: According to Aurelius
Victor and other authorities, Thrace belonged to the division of
Galerius. See Tillemont, iv. 36. But the laws of Diocletian are in
general dated in Illyria or Thrace.--M.]

[Footnote 15: Julian in Caesarib. p. 315. Spanheim's notes to the French
translation, p. 122.]

This important measure was not carried into execution till about six
years after the association of Maximian, and that interval of time had
not been destitute of memorable incidents. But we have preferred, for
the sake of perspicuity, first to describe the more perfect form of
Diocletian's government, and afterwards to relate the actions of his
reign, following rather the natural order of the events, than the dates
of a very doubtful chronology.

The first exploit of Maximian, though it is mentioned in a few words by
our imperfect writers, deserves, from its singularity, to be recorded
in a history of human manners. He suppressed the peasants of Gaul,
who, under the appellation of Bagaudae, [16] had risen in a general
insurrection; very similar to those which in the fourteenth century
successively afflicted both France and England. [17] It should seem that
very many of those institutions, referred by an easy solution to the
feudal system, are derived from the Celtic barbarians. When Caesar
subdued the Gauls, that great nation was already divided into three
orders of men; the clergy, the nobility, and the common people. The
first governed by superstition, the second by arms, but the third and
last was not of any weight or account in their public councils. It was
very natural for the plebeians, oppressed by debt, or apprehensive of
injuries, to implore the protection of some powerful chief, who acquired
over their persons and property the same absolute right as, among the
Greeks and Romans, a master exercised over his slaves. [18] The greatest
part of the nation was gradually reduced into a state of servitude;
compelled to perpetual labor on the estates of the Gallic nobles, and
confined to the soil, either by the real weight of fetters, or by the no
less cruel and forcible restraints of the laws. During the long series
of troubles which agitated Gaul, from the reign of Gallienus to that
of Diocletian, the condition of these servile peasants was peculiarly
miserable; and they experienced at once the complicated tyranny of their
masters, of the barbarians, of the soldiers, and of the officers of
the revenue. [19]

[Footnote 16: The general name of Bagaudae (in the signification of
rebels) continued till the fifth century in Gaul. Some critics derive it
from a Celtic word Bagad, a tumultuous assembly. Scaliger ad Euseb. Du
Cange Glossar. (Compare S. Turner, Anglo-Sax. History, i. 214.--M.)]

[Footnote 17: Chronique de Froissart, vol. i. c. 182, ii. 73, 79. The
naivete of his story is lost in our best modern writers.]

[Footnote 18: Caesar de Bell. Gallic. vi. 13. Orgetorix, the Helvetian,
could arm for his defence a body of ten thousand slaves.]

[Footnote 19: Their oppression and misery are acknowledged by Eumenius
(Panegyr. vi. 8,) Gallias efferatas injuriis.]

Their patience was at last provoked into despair. On every side they
rose in multitudes, armed with rustic weapons, and with irresistible
fury. The ploughman became a foot soldier, the shepherd mounted on
horseback, the deserted villages and open towns were abandoned to the
flames, and the ravages of the peasants equalled those of the fiercest
barbarians. [20] They asserted the natural rights of men, but they
asserted those rights with the most savage cruelty. The Gallic nobles,
justly dreading their revenge, either took refuge in the fortified
cities, or fled from the wild scene of anarchy. The peasants reigned
without control; and two of their most daring leaders had the folly and
rashness to assume the Imperial ornaments. [21] Their power soon expired
at the approach of the legions. The strength of union and discipline
obtained an easy victory over a licentious and divided multitude. [22] A
severe retaliation was inflicted on the peasants who were found in arms;
the affrighted remnant returned to their respective habitations, and
their unsuccessful effort for freedom served only to confirm their
slavery. So strong and uniform is the current of popular passions,
that we might almost venture, from very scanty materials, to relate the
particulars of this war; but we are not disposed to believe that the
principal leaders, Aelianus and Amandus, were Christians, [23] or to
insinuate, that the rebellion, as it happened in the time of Luther, was
occasioned by the abuse of those benevolent principles of Christianity,
which inculcate the natural freedom of mankind.

[Footnote 20: Panegyr. Vet. ii. 4. Aurelius Victor.]

[Footnote 21: Aelianus and Amandus. We have medals coined by them
Goltzius in Thes. R. A. p. 117, 121.]

[Footnote 22: Levibus proeliis domuit. Eutrop. ix. 20.]

[Footnote 23: The fact rests indeed on very slight authority, a life of
St. Babolinus, which is probably of the seventh century. See Duchesne
Scriptores Rer. Francicar. tom. i. p. 662.]

Maximian had no sooner recovered Gaul from the hands of the peasants,
than he lost Britain by the usurpation of Carausius. Ever since the rash
but successful enterprise of the Franks under the reign of Probus, their
daring countrymen had constructed squadrons of light brigantines, in
which they incessantly ravaged the provinces adjacent to the ocean. [24]
To repel their desultory incursions, it was found necessary to create a
naval power; and the judicious measure was prosecuted with prudence and
vigor. Gessoriacum, or Boulogne, in the straits of the British Channel,
was chosen by the emperor for the station of the Roman fleet; and the
command of it was intrusted to Carausius, a Menapian of the meanest
origin, [25] but who had long signalized his skill as a pilot, and his
valor as a soldier. The integrity of the new admiral corresponded
not with his abilities. When the German pirates sailed from their own
harbors, he connived at their passage, but he diligently intercepted
their return, and appropriated to his own use an ample share of the
spoil which they had acquired. The wealth of Carausius was, on this
occasion, very justly considered as an evidence of his guilt; and
Maximian had already given orders for his death. But the crafty Menapian
foresaw and prevented the severity of the emperor. By his liberality he
had attached to his fortunes the fleet which he commanded, and secured
the barbarians in his interest. From the port of Boulogne he sailed over
to Britain, persuaded the legion, and the auxiliaries which guarded that
island, to embrace his party, and boldly assuming, with the Imperial
purple, the title of Augustus defied the justice and the arms of his
injured sovereign. [26]

[Footnote 24: Aurelius Victor calls them Germans. Eutropius (ix. 21)
gives them the name of Saxons. But Eutropius lived in the ensuing
century, and seems to use the language of his own times.]

[Footnote 25: The three expressions of Eutropius, Aurelius Victor, and
Eumenius, "vilissime natus," "Bataviae alumnus," and "Menapiae civis,"
give us a very doubtful account of the birth of Carausius. Dr. Stukely,
however, (Hist. of Carausius, p. 62,) chooses to make him a native of
St. David's and a prince of the blood royal of Britain. The former idea
he had found in Richard of Cirencester, p. 44. * Note: The Menapians
were settled between the Scheldt and the Meuse, is the northern part of
Brabant. D'Anville, Geogr. Anc. i. 93.--G.]

[Footnote 26: Panegyr. v. 12. Britain at this time was secure, and
slightly guarded.]

When Britain was thus dismembered from the empire, its importance was
sensibly felt, and its loss sincerely lamented. The Romans celebrated,
and perhaps magnified, the extent of that noble island, provided on
every side with convenient harbors; the temperature of the climate, and
the fertility of the soil, alike adapted for the production of corn
or of vines; the valuable minerals with which it abounded; its rich
pastures covered with innumerable flocks, and its woods free from wild
beasts or venomous serpents. Above all, they regretted the large amount
of the revenue of Britain, whilst they confessed, that such a province
well deserved to become the seat of an independent monarchy. [27] During
the space of seven years it was possessed by Carausius; and fortune
continued propitious to a rebellion supported with courage and ability.
The British emperor defended the frontiers of his dominions against the
Caledonians of the North, invited, from the continent, a great number
of skilful artists, and displayed, on a variety of coins that are still
extant, his taste and opulence. Born on the confines of the Franks,
he courted the friendship of that formidable people, by the flattering
imitation of their dress and manners. The bravest of their youth he
enlisted among his land or sea forces; and, in return for their useful
alliance, he communicated to the barbarians the dangerous knowledge of
military and naval arts. Carausius still preserved the possession of
Boulogne and the adjacent country. His fleets rode triumphant in the
channel, commanded the mouths of the Seine and of the Rhine, ravaged
the coasts of the ocean, and diffused beyond the columns of Hercules the
terror of his name. Under his command, Britain, destined in a future
age to obtain the empire of the sea, already assumed its natural and
respectable station of a maritime power. [28]

[Footnote 27: Panegyr. Vet v 11, vii. 9. The orator Eumenius wished to
exalt the glory of the hero (Constantius) with the importance of
the conquest. Notwithstanding our laudable partiality for our native
country, it is difficult to conceive, that, in the beginning of the
fourth century England deserved all these commendations. A century and a
half before, it hardly paid its own establishment.]

[Footnote 28: As a great number of medals of Carausius are still
preserved, he is become a very favorite object of antiquarian curiosity,
and every circumstance of his life and actions has been investigated
with sagacious accuracy. Dr. Stukely, in particular, has devoted a large
volume to the British emperor. I have used his materials, and rejected
most of his fanciful conjectures.]

By seizing the fleet of Boulogne, Carausius had deprived his master of
the means of pursuit and revenge. And when, after a vast expense of time
and labor, a new armament was launched into the water, [29] the Imperial
troops, unaccustomed to that element, were easily baffled and defeated
by the veteran sailors of the usurper. This disappointed effort was
soon productive of a treaty of peace. Diocletian and his colleague, who
justly dreaded the enterprising spirit of Carausius, resigned to him
the sovereignty of Britain, and reluctantly admitted their perfidious
servant to a participation of the Imperial honors. [30] But the adoption
of the two Caesars restored new vigor to the Romans arms; and while
the Rhine was guarded by the presence of Maximian, his brave associate
Constantius assumed the conduct of the British war. His first enterprise
was against the important place of Boulogne. A stupendous mole, raised
across the entrance of the harbor, intercepted all hopes of relief. The
town surrendered after an obstinate defence; and a considerable part of
the naval strength of Carausius fell into the hands of the besiegers.
During the three years which Constantius employed in preparing a fleet
adequate to the conquest of Britain, he secured the coast of Gaul,
invaded the country of the Franks, and deprived the usurper of the
assistance of those powerful allies.

[Footnote 29: When Mamertinus pronounced his first panegyric, the naval
preparations of Maximian were completed; and the orator presaged an
assured victory. His silence in the second panegyric might alone inform
us that the expedition had not succeeded.]

[Footnote 30: Aurelius Victor, Eutropius, and the medals, (Pax Augg.)
inform us of this temporary reconciliation; though I will not presume
(as Dr. Stukely has done, Medallic History of Carausius, p. 86, &c) to
insert the identical articles of the treaty.]

Before the preparations were finished, Constantius received the
intelligence of the tyrant's death, and it was considered as a sure
presage of the approaching victory. The servants of Carausius imitated
the example of treason which he had given. He was murdered by his first
minister, Allectus, and the assassin succeeded to his power and to his
danger. But he possessed not equal abilities either to exercise the one
or to repel the other.

He beheld, with anxious terror, the opposite shores of the continent
already filled with arms, with troops, and with vessels; for Constantius
had very prudently divided his forces, that he might likewise divide the
attention and resistance of the enemy. The attack was at length made
by the principal squadron, which, under the command of the praefect
Asclepiodatus, an officer of distinguished merit, had been assembled
in the north of the Seine. So imperfect in those times was the art
of navigation, that orators have celebrated the daring courage of the
Romans, who ventured to set sail with a side-wind, and on a stormy day.
The weather proved favorable to their enterprise. Under the cover of a
thick fog, they escaped the fleet of Allectus, which had been stationed
off the Isle of Wight to receive them, landed in safety on some part
of the western coast, and convinced the Britons, that a superiority
of naval strength will not always protect their country from a foreign
invasion. Asclepiodatus had no sooner disembarked the imperial troops,
then he set fire to his ships; and, as the expedition proved fortunate,
his heroic conduct was universally admired. The usurper had posted
himself near London, to expect the formidable attack of Constantius,
who commanded in person the fleet of Boulogne; but the descent of a new
enemy required his immediate presence in the West. He performed this
long march in so precipitate a manner, that he encountered the whole
force of the praefect with a small body of harassed and disheartened
troops. The engagement was soon terminated by the total defeat and death
of Allectus; a single battle, as it has often happened, decided the fate
of this great island; and when Constantius landed on the shores of Kent,
he found them covered with obedient subjects. Their acclamations were
loud and unanimous; and the virtues of the conqueror may induce us to
believe, that they sincerely rejoiced in a revolution, which, after
a separation of ten years, restored Britain to the body of the Roman
empire. [31]

[Footnote 31: With regard to the recovery of Britain, we obtain a few
hints from Aurelius Victor and Eutropius.]




Chapter XIII: Reign Of Diocletian And His Three Associates.--Part II.

Britain had none but domestic enemies to dread; and as long as the
governors preserved their fidelity, and the troops their discipline,
the incursions of the naked savages of Scotland or Ireland could never
materially affect the safety of the province.

The peace of the continent, and the defence of the principal rivers
which bounded the empire, were objects of far greater difficulty and
importance. The policy of Diocletian, which inspired the councils of his
associates, provided for the public tranquility, by encouraging a
spirit of dissension among the barbarians, and by strengthening the
fortifications of the Roman limit. In the East he fixed a line of camps
from Egypt to the Persian dominions, and for every camp, he instituted
an adequate number of stationary troops, commanded by their respective
officers, and supplied with every kind of arms, from the new arsenals
which he had formed at Antioch, Emesa, and Damascus. [32] Nor was the
precaution of the emperor less watchful against the well-known valor
of the barbarians of Europe. From the mouth of the Rhine to that of
the Danube, the ancient camps, towns, and citidels, were diligently
reestablished, and, in the most exposed places, new ones were skilfully
constructed: the strictest vigilance was introduced among the garrisons
of the frontier, and every expedient was practised that could render
the long chain of fortifications firm and impenetrable. [33] A barrier so
respectable was seldom violated, and the barbarians often turned against
each other their disappointed rage. The Goths, the Vandals, the
Gepidae, the Burgundians, the Alemanni, wasted each other's strength by
destructive hostilities: and whosoever vanquished, they vanquished
the enemies of Rome. The subjects of Diocletian enjoyed the bloody
spectacle, and congratulated each other, that the mischiefs of civil war
were now experienced only by the barbarians. [34]

[Footnote 32: John Malala, in Chron, Antiochen. tom. i. p. 408, 409.]

[Footnote 33: Zosim. l. i. p. 3. That partial historian seems to
celebrate the vigilance of Diocletian with a design of exposing the
negligence of Constantine; we may, however, listen to an orator: "Nam
quid ego alarum et cohortium castra percenseam, toto Rheni et Istri et
Euphraus limite restituta." Panegyr. Vet. iv. 18.]

[Footnote 34: Ruunt omnes in sanguinem suum populi, quibus ron
contigilesse Romanis, obstinataeque feritatis poenas nunc sponte
persolvunt. Panegyr. Vet. iii. 16. Mamertinus illustrates the fact by
the example of almost all the nations in the world.]

Notwithstanding the policy of Diocletian, it was impossible to maintain
an equal and undisturbed tranquillity during a reign of twenty years,
and along a frontier of many hundred miles. Sometimes the barbarians
suspended their domestic animosities, and the relaxed vigilance of
the garrisons sometimes gave a passage to their strength or dexterity.
Whenever the provinces were invaded, Diocletian conducted himself with
that calm dignity which he always affected or possessed; reserved his
presence for such occasions as were worthy of his interposition, never
exposed his person or reputation to any unnecessary danger, insured his
success by every means that prudence could suggest, and displayed,
with ostentation, the consequences of his victory. In wars of a more
difficult nature, and more doubtful event, he employed the rough valor
of Maximian; and that faithful soldier was content to ascribe his
own victories to the wise counsels and auspicious influence of his
benefactor. But after the adoption of the two Caesars, the emperors
themselves, retiring to a less laborious scene of action, devolved
on their adopted sons the defence of the Danube and of the Rhine. The
vigilant Galerius was never reduced to the necessity of vanquishing
an army of barbarians on the Roman territory. [35] The brave and active
Constantius delivered Gaul from a very furious inroad of the Alemanni;
and his victories of Langres and Vindonissa appear to have been actions
of considerable danger and merit. As he traversed the open country with
a feeble guard, he was encompassed on a sudden by the superior multitude
of the enemy. He retreated with difficulty towards Langres; but, in the
general consternation, the citizens refused to open their gates, and the
wounded prince was drawn up the wall by the means of a rope. But, on the
news of his distress, the Roman troops hastened from all sides to his
relief, and before the evening he had satisfied his honor and revenge by
the slaughter of six thousand Alemanni. [36] From the monuments of those
times, the obscure traces of several other victories over the barbarians
of Sarmatia and Germany might possibly be collected; but the tedious
search would not be rewarded either with amusement or with instruction.

[Footnote 35: He complained, though not with the strictest truth,
"Jam fluxisse annos quindecim in quibus, in Illyrico, ad ripam Danubii
relegatus cum gentibus barbaris luctaret." Lactant. de M. P. c. 18.]

[Footnote 36: In the Greek text of Eusebius, we read six thousand, a
number which I have preferred to the sixty thousand of Jerome, Orosius
Eutropius, and his Greek translator Paeanius.]

The conduct which the emperor Probus had adopted in the disposal of the
vanquished, was imitated by Diocletian and his associates. The captive
barbarians, exchanging death for slavery, were distributed among the
provincials, and assigned to those districts (in Gaul, the territories
of Amiens, Beauvais, Cambray, Treves, Langres, and Troyes, are
particularly specified) [37] which had been depopulated by the calamities
of war. They were usefully employed as shepherds and husbandmen, but
were denied the exercise of arms, except when it was found expedient
to enroll them in the military service. Nor did the emperors refuse the
property of lands, with a less servile tenure, to such of the barbarians
as solicited the protection of Rome. They granted a settlement to
several colonies of the Carpi, the Bastarnae, and the Sarmatians; and,
by a dangerous indulgence, permitted them in some measure to retain
their national manners and independence. [38] Among the provincials, it
was a subject of flattering exultation, that the barbarian, so lately an
object of terror, now cultivated their lands, drove their cattle to the
neighboring fair, and contributed by his labor to the public plenty.
They congratulated their masters on the powerful accession of subjects
and soldiers; but they forgot to observe, that multitudes of secret
enemies, insolent from favor, or desperate from oppression, were
introduced into the heart of the empire. [39]

[Footnote 37: Panegyr. Vet. vii. 21.]

[Footnote 38: There was a settlement of the Sarmatians in the
neighborhood of Treves, which seems to have been deserted by those lazy
barbarians. Ausonius speaks of them in his Mosella:---- "Unde iter
ingrediens nemorosa per avia solum, Et nulla humani spectans vestigia
cultus; ........ Arvaque Sauromatum nuper metata colonis."]

[Footnote 39: There was a town of the Carpi in the Lower Maesia. See the
rhetorical exultation of Eumenius.]

While the Caesars exercised their valor on the banks of the Rhine
and Danube, the presence of the emperors was required on the southern
confines of the Roman world. From the Nile to Mount Atlas Africa was in
arms. A confederacy of five Moorish nations issued from their deserts
to invade the peaceful provinces. [40] Julian had assumed the purple at
Carthage. [41] Achilleus at Alexandria, and even the Blemmyes, renewed,
or rather continued, their incursions into the Upper Egypt. Scarcely
any circumstances have been preserved of the exploits of Maximian in the
western parts of Africa; but it appears, by the event, that the progress
of his arms was rapid and decisive, that he vanquished the fiercest
barbarians of Mauritania, and that he removed them from the mountains,
whose inaccessible strength had inspired their inhabitants with
a lawless confidence, and habituated them to a life of rapine and
violence. [42] Diocletian, on his side, opened the campaign in Egypt by
the siege of Alexandria, cut off the aqueducts which conveyed the waters
of the Nile into every quarter of that immense city, [43] and rendering
his camp impregnable to the sallies of the besieged multitude, he pushed
his reiterated attacks with caution and vigor. After a siege of eight
months, Alexandria, wasted by the sword and by fire, implored the
clemency of the conqueror, but it experienced the full extent of his
severity. Many thousands of the citizens perished in a promiscuous
slaughter, and there were few obnoxious persons in Egypt who escaped a
sentence either of death or at least of exile. [44] The fate of Busiris
and of Coptos was still more melancholy than that of Alexandria: those
proud cities, the former distinguished by its antiquity, the latter
enriched by the passage of the Indian trade, were utterly destroyed by
the arms and by the severe order of Diocletian. [45] The character of the
Egyptian nation, insensible to kindness, but extremely susceptible
of fear, could alone justify this excessive rigor. The seditions of
Alexandria had often affected the tranquillity and subsistence of Rome
itself. Since the usurpation of Firmus, the province of Upper Egypt,
incessantly relapsing into rebellion, had embraced the alliance of the
savages of Aethiopia. The number of the Blemmyes, scattered between
the Island of Meroe and the Red Sea, was very inconsiderable, their
disposition was unwarlike, their weapons rude and inoffensive. [46] Yet
in the public disorders, these barbarians, whom antiquity, shocked
with the deformity of their figure, had almost excluded from the human
species, presumed to rank themselves among the enemies of Rome. [47] Such
had been the unworthy allies of the Egyptians; and while the attention
of the state was engaged in more serious wars, their vexations inroads
might again harass the repose of the province. With a view of opposing
to the Blemmyes a suitable adversary, Diocletian persuaded the Nobatae,
or people of Nubia, to remove from their ancient habitations in the
deserts of Libya, and resigned to them an extensive but unprofitable
territory above Syene and the cataracts of the Nile, with the
stipulation, that they should ever respect and guard the frontier of
the empire. The treaty long subsisted; and till the establishment of
Christianity introduced stricter notions of religious worship, it was
annually ratified by a solemn sacrifice in the Isle of Elephantine, in
which the Romans, as well as the barbarians, adored the same visible or
invisible powers of the universe. [48]

[Footnote 40: Scaliger (Animadvers. ad Euseb. p. 243) decides, in his
usual manner, that the Quinque gentiani, or five African nations, were
the five great cities, the Pentapolis of the inoffensive province of
Cyrene.]

[Footnote 41: After his defeat, Julian stabbed himself with a
dagger, and immediately leaped into the flames. Victor in Epitome.]

[Footnote 42: Tu ferocissimos Mauritaniae populos inaccessis
montium jugis et naturali munitione fidentes, expugnasti, recepisti,
transtulisti. Panegyr Vet. vi. 8.]

[Footnote 43: See the description of Alexandria, in Hirtius de Bel.
Alexandrin c. 5.]

[Footnote 44: Eutrop. ix. 24. Orosius, vii. 25. John Malala in Chron.
Antioch. p. 409, 410. Yet Eumenius assures us, that Egypt was pacified
by the clemency of Diocletian.]

[Footnote 45: Eusebius (in Chron.) places their destruction several
years sooner and at a time when Egypt itself was in a state of rebellion
against the Romans.]

[Footnote 46: Strabo, l. xvii. p. 172. Pomponius Mela, l. i. c. 4.
His words are curious: "Intra, si credere libet vix, homines magisque
semiferi Aegipanes, et Blemmyes, et Satyri."]

[Footnote 47: Ausus sese inserere fortunae et provocare arma Romana.]

[Footnote 48: See Procopius de Bell. Persic. l. i. c. 19. Note: Compare,
on the epoch of the final extirpation of the rites of Paganism from
the Isle of Philae, (Elephantine,) which subsisted till the edict of
Theodosius, in the sixth century, a dissertation of M. Letronne,
on certain Greek inscriptions. The dissertation contains some very
interesting observations on the conduct and policy of Diocletian
in Egypt. Mater pour l'Hist. du Christianisme en Egypte, Nubie et
Abyssinie, Paris 1817--M.]

At the same time that Diocletian chastised the past crimes of the
Egyptians, he provided for their future safety and happiness by many
wise regulations, which were confirmed and enforced under the succeeding
reigns. [49] One very remarkable edict which he published, instead of
being condemned as the effect of jealous tyranny, deserves to be
applauded as an act of prudence and humanity. He caused a diligent
inquiry to be made "for all the ancient books which treated of the
admirable art of making gold and silver, and without pity, committed
them to the flames; apprehensive, as we are assumed, lest the opulence
of the Egyptians should inspire them with confidence to rebel against
the empire." [50] But if Diocletian had been convinced of the reality of
that valuable art, far from extinguishing the memory, he would have
converted the operation of it to the benefit of the public revenue. It
is much more likely, that his good sense discovered to him the folly of
such magnificent pretensions, and that he was desirous of preserving the
reason and fortunes of his subjects from the mischievous pursuit. It may
be remarked, that these ancient books, so liberally ascribed to
Pythagoras, to Solomon, or to Hermes, were the pious frauds of more
recent adepts. The Greeks were inattentive either to the use or to the
abuse of chemistry. In that immense register, where Pliny has deposited
the discoveries, the arts, and the errors of mankind, there is not the
least mention of the transmutation of metals; and the persecution of
Diocletian is the first authentic event in the history of alchemy. The
conquest of Egypt by the Arabs diffused that vain science over the
globe. Congenial to the avarice of the human heart, it was studied in
China as in Europe, with equal eagerness, and with equal success. The
darkness of the middle ages insured a favorable reception to every tale
of wonder, and the revival of learning gave new vigor to hope, and
suggested more specious arts of deception. Philosophy, with the aid of
experience, has at length banished the study of alchemy; and the present
age, however desirous of riches, is content to seek them by the humbler
means of commerce and industry. [51]

[Footnote 49: He fixed the public allowance of corn, for the people
of Alexandria, at two millions of medimni; about four hundred thousand
quarters. Chron. Paschal. p. 276 Procop. Hist. Arcan. c. 26.]

[Footnote 50: John Antioch, in Excerp. Valesian. p. 834. Suidas in
Diocletian.]

[Footnote 51: See a short history and confutation of Alchemy, in the
works of that philosophical compiler, La Mothe le Vayer, tom. i. p. 32--353.]

The reduction of Egypt was immediately followed by the Persian war. It
was reserved for the reign of Diocletian to vanquish that powerful
nation, and to extort a confession from the successors of Artaxerxes, of
the superior majesty of the Roman empire.

We have observed, under the reign of Valerian, that Armenia was subdued
by the perfidy and the arms of the Persians, and that, after the
assassination of Chosroes, his son Tiridates, the infant heir of the
monarchy, was saved by the fidelity of his friends, and educated under
the protection of the emperors. Tiridates derived from his exile such
advantages as he could never have obtained on the throne of Armenia; the
early knowledge of adversity, of mankind, and of the Roman discipline.
He signalized his youth by deeds of valor, and displayed a matchless
dexterity, as well as strength, in every martial exercise, and even in
the less honorable contests of the Olympian games. [52] Those qualities
were more nobly exerted in the defence of his benefactor Licinius. [53]
That officer, in the sedition which occasioned the death of Probus,
was exposed to the most imminent danger, and the enraged soldiers were
forcing their way into his tent, when they were checked by the single
arm of the Armenian prince. The gratitude of Tiridates contributed soon
afterwards to his restoration. Licinius was in every station the friend
and companion of Galerius, and the merit of Galerius, long before he
was raised to the dignity of Caesar, had been known and esteemed by
Diocletian. In the third year of that emperor's reign Tiridates was
invested with the kingdom of Armenia. The justice of the measure was
not less evident than its expediency. It was time to rescue from the
usurpation of the Persian monarch an important territory, which, since
the reign of Nero, had been always granted under the protection of the
empire to a younger branch of the house of Arsaces. [54]

[Footnote 52: See the education and strength of Tiridates in the
Armenian history of Moses of Chorene, l. ii. c. 76. He could seize two
wild bulls by the horns, and break them off with his hands.]

[Footnote 53: If we give credit to the younger Victor, who supposes that
in the year 323 Licinius was only sixty years of age, he could scarcely
be the same person as the patron of Tiridates; but we know from much
better authority, (Euseb. Hist. Ecclesiast. l. x. c. 8,) that Licinius
was at that time in the last period of old age: sixteen years before, he
is represented with gray hairs, and as the contemporary of Galerius. See
Lactant. c. 32. Licinius was probably born about the year 250.]

[Footnote 54: See the sixty-second and sixty-third books of Dion
Cassius.]

When Tiridates appeared on the frontiers of Armenia, he was received
with an unfeigned transport of joy and loyalty. During twenty-six years,
the country had experienced the real and imaginary hardships of a
foreign yoke. The Persian monarchs adorned their new conquest with
magnificent buildings; but those monuments had been erected at the
expense of the people, and were abhorred as badges of slavery. The
apprehension of a revolt had inspired the most rigorous precautions:
oppression had been aggravated by insult, and the consciousness of the
public hatred had been productive of every measure that could render it
still more implacable. We have already remarked the intolerant spirit of
the Magian religion. The statues of the deified kings of Armenia, and
the sacred images of the sun and moon, were broke in pieces by the zeal
of the conqueror; and the perpetual fire of Ormuzd was kindled and
preserved upon an altar erected on the summit of Mount Bagavan. [55] It
was natural, that a people exasperated by so many injuries, should arm
with zeal in the cause of their independence, their religion, and their
hereditary sovereign. The torrent bore down every obstacle, and the
Persian garrisons retreated before its fury. The nobles of Armenia flew
to the standard of Tiridates, all alleging their past merit, offering
their future service, and soliciting from the new king those honors and
rewards from which they had been excluded with disdain under the foreign
government. [56] The command of the army was bestowed on Artavasdes,
whose father had saved the infancy of Tiridates, and whose family had
been massacred for that generous action. The brother of Artavasdes
obtained the government of a province. One of the first military
dignities was conferred on the satrap Otas, a man of singular temperance
and fortitude, who presented to the king his sister [57] and a
considerable treasure, both of which, in a sequestered fortress, Otas
had preserved from violation. Among the Armenian nobles appeared an
ally, whose fortunes are too remarkable to pass unnoticed. His name was
Mamgo, [571] his origin was Scythian, and the horde which acknowledge his
authority had encamped a very few years before on the skirts of the
Chinese empire, [58] which at that time extended as far as the
neighborhood of Sogdiana. [59] Having incurred the displeasure of his
master, Mamgo, with his followers, retired to the banks of the Oxus, and
implored the protection of Sapor. The emperor of China claimed the
fugitive, and alleged the rights of sovereignty. The Persian monarch
pleaded the laws of hospitality, and with some difficulty avoided a war,
by the promise that he would banish Mamgo to the uttermost parts of the
West, a punishment, as he described it, not less dreadful than death
itself. Armenia was chosen for the place of exile, and a large district
was assigned to the Scythian horde, on which they might feed their
flocks and herds, and remove their encampment from one place to another,
according to the different seasons of the year.

They were employed to repel the invasion of Tiridates; but their leader,
after weighing the obligations and injuries which he had received from
the Persian monarch, resolved to abandon his party.

The Armenian prince, who was well acquainted with this merit as well
as power of Mamgo, treated him with distinguished respect; and, by
admitting him into his confidence, acquired a brave and faithful
servant, who contributed very effectually to his restoration. [60]

[Footnote 55: Moses of Chorene. Hist. Armen. l. ii. c. 74. The statues
had been erected by Valarsaces, who reigned in Armenia about 130 years
before Christ, and was the first king of the family of Arsaces, (see
Moses, Hist. Armen. l. ii. 2, 3.) The deification of the Arsacides is
mentioned by Justin, (xli. 5,) and by Ammianus Marcellinus, (xxiii. 6.)]

[Footnote 56: The Armenian nobility was numerous and powerful. Moses
mentions many families which were distinguished under the reign of
Valarsaces, (l. ii. 7,) and which still subsisted in his own time,
about the middle of the fifth century. See the preface of his Editors.]

[Footnote 57: She was named Chosroiduchta, and had not the os patulum
like other women. (Hist. Armen. l. ii. c. 79.) I do not understand the
expression. * Note: Os patulum signifies merely a large and widely
opening mouth. Ovid (Metam. xv. 513) says, speaking of the monster who
attacked Hippolytus, patulo partem maris evomit ore. Probably a wide
mouth was a common defect among the Armenian women.--G.]

[Footnote 571: Mamgo (according to M. St. Martin, note to Le Beau. ii.
213) belonged to the imperial race of Hon, who had filled the throne of
China for four hundred years. Dethroned by the usurping race of Wei,
Mamgo found a hospitable reception in Persia in the reign of Ardeschir.
The emperor of china having demanded the surrender of the fugitive and
his partisans, Sapor, then king, threatened with war both by Rome and
China, counselled Mamgo to retire into Armenia. "I have expelled him
from my dominions, (he answered the Chinese ambassador;) I have banished
him to the extremity of the earth, where the sun sets; I have dismissed
him to certain death." Compare Mem. sur l'Armenie, ii. 25.--M.]

[Footnote 58: In the Armenian history, (l. ii. 78,) as well as in
the Geography, (p. 367,) China is called Zenia, or Zenastan. It is
characterized by the production of silk, by the opulence of the natives,
and by their love of peace, above all the other nations of the earth. *
Note: See St. Martin, Mem. sur l'Armenie, i. 304.]

[Footnote 59: Vou-ti, the first emperor of the seventh dynasty, who then
reigned in China, had political transactions with Fergana, a province
of Sogdiana, and is said to have received a Roman embassy, (Histoire
des Huns, tom. i. p. 38.) In those ages the Chinese kept a garrison at
Kashgar, and one of their generals, about the time of Trajan, marched as
far as the Caspian Sea. With regard to the intercourse between China and
the Western countries, a curious memoir of M. de Guignes may be
consulted, in the Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xxii. p. 355. * Note:
The Chinese Annals mention, under the ninth year of Yan-hi, which
corresponds with the year 166 J. C., an embassy which arrived from
Tathsin, and was sent by a prince called An-thun, who can be no other
than Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, who then ruled over the Romans. St.
Martin, Mem. sur l'Armaenic. ii. 30. See also Klaproth, Tableaux
Historiques de l'Asie, p. 69. The embassy came by Jy-nan, Tonquin.--M.]

[Footnote 60: See Hist. Armen. l. ii. c. 81.]

For a while, fortune appeared to favor the enterprising valor of
Tiridates. He not only expelled the enemies of his family and country
from the whole extent of Armenia, but in the prosecution of his revenge
he carried his arms, or at least his incursions, into the heart of
Assyria. The historian, who has preserved the name of Tiridates from
oblivion, celebrates, with a degree of national enthusiasm, his personal
prowess: and, in the true spirit of eastern romance, describes the
giants and the elephants that fell beneath his invincible arm. It is
from other information that we discover the distracted state of the
Persian monarchy, to which the king of Armenia was indebted for some
part of his advantages. The throne was disputed by the ambition of
contending brothers; and Hormuz, after exerting without success the
strength of his own party, had recourse to the dangerous assistance of
the barbarians who inhabited the banks of the Caspian Sea. [61] The
civil war was, however, soon terminated, either by a victor or by a
reconciliation; and Narses, who was universally acknowledged as king of
Persia, directed his whole force against the foreign enemy. The contest
then became too unequal; nor was the valor of the hero able to withstand
the power of the monarch, Tiridates, a second time expelled from the
throne of Armenia, once more took refuge in the court of the emperors.
[611] Narses soon reestablished his authority over the revolted province;
and loudly complaining of the protection afforded by the Romans to
rebels and fugitives, aspired to the conquest of the East. [62]

[Footnote 61: Ipsos Persas ipsumque Regem ascitis Saccis, et Russis, et
Gellis, petit frater Ormies. Panegyric. Vet. iii. 1. The Saccae were a
nation of wandering Scythians, who encamped towards the sources of the
Oxus and the Jaxartes. The Gelli where the inhabitants of Ghilan, along
the Caspian Sea, and who so long, under the name of Dilemines, infested
the Persian monarchy. See d'Herbelot, Bibliotheque]

[Footnote 611: M St. Martin represents this differently. Le roi de Perse
* * * profits d'un voyage que Tiridate avoit fait a Rome pour attaquer
ce royaume. This reads like the evasion of the national historians to
disguise the fact discreditable to their hero. See Mem. sur l'Armenie,
i. 304.--M.]

[Footnote 62: Moses of Chorene takes no notice of this second
revolution, which I have been obliged to collect from a passage of
Ammianus Marcellinus, (l. xxiii. c. 5.) Lactantius speaks of the
ambition of Narses: "Concitatus domesticis exemplis avi sui Saporis ad
occupandum orientem magnis copiis inhiabat." De Mort. Persecut. c. 9.]

Neither prudence nor honor could permit the emperors to forsake the
cause of the Armenian king, and it was resolved to exert the force of
the empire in the Persian war. Diocletian, with the calm dignity which
he constantly assumed, fixed his own station in the city of Antioch,
from whence he prepared and directed the military operations. [63] The
conduct of the legions was intrusted to the intrepid valor of Galerius,
who, for that important purpose, was removed from the banks of the
Danube to those of the Euphrates. The armies soon encountered each other
in the plains of Mesopotamia, and two battles were fought with various
and doubtful success; but the third engagement was of a more decisive
nature; and the Roman army received a total overthrow, which is
attributed to the rashness of Galerius, who, with an inconsiderable body
of troops, attacked the innumerable host of the Persians. [64] But the
consideration of the country that was the scene of action, may suggest
another reason for his defeat. The same ground on which Galerius was
vanquished, had been rendered memorable by the death of Crassus, and the
slaughter of ten legions. It was a plain of more than sixty miles, which
extended from the hills of Carrhae to the Euphrates; a smooth and barren
surface of sandy desert, without a hillock, without a tree, and without
a spring of fresh water. [65] The steady infantry of the Romans, fainting
with heat and thirst, could neither hope for victory if they preserved
their ranks, nor break their ranks without exposing themselves to the
most imminent danger. In this situation they were gradually encompassed
by the superior numbers, harassed by the rapid evolutions, and destroyed
by the arrows of the barbarian cavalry.

The king of Armenia had signalized his valor in the battle, and acquired
personal glory by the public misfortune. He was pursued as far as the
Euphrates; his horse was wounded, and it appeared impossible for him to
escape the victorious enemy. In this extremity Tiridates embraced the
only refuge which appeared before him: he dismounted and plunged into
the stream. His armor was heavy, the river very deep, and at those
parts at least half a mile in breadth; [66] yet such was his strength and
dexterity, that he reached in safety the opposite bank. [67] With regard
to the Roman general, we are ignorant of the circumstances of his
escape; but when he returned to Antioch, Diocletian received him, not
with the tenderness of a friend and colleague, but with the indignation
of an offended sovereign. The haughtiest of men, clothed in his purple,
but humbled by the sense of his fault and misfortune, was obliged to
follow the emperor's chariot above a mile on foot, and to exhibit,
before the whole court, the spectacle of his disgrace. [68]

[Footnote 63: We may readily believe, that Lactantius ascribes to
cowardice the conduct of Diocletian. Julian, in his oration, says,
that he remained with all the forces of the empire; a very hyperbolical
expression.]

[Footnote 64: Our five abbreviators, Eutropius, Festus, the two Victors,
and Orosius, all relate the last and great battle; but Orosius is the
only one who speaks of the two former.]

[Footnote 65: The nature of the country is finely described by Plutarch,
in the life of Crassus; and by Xenophon, in the first book of the
Anabasis]

[Footnote 66: See Foster's Dissertation in the second volume of the
translation of the Anabasis by Spelman; which I will venture to
recommend as one of the best versions extant.]

[Footnote 67: Hist. Armen. l. ii. c. 76. I have transferred this exploit
of Tiridates from an imaginary defeat to the real one of Galerius.]

[Footnote 68: Ammian. Marcellin. l. xiv. The mile, in the hands of
Eutropoius, (ix. 24,) of Festus (c. 25,) and of Orosius, (vii 25),
easily increased to several miles]

As soon as Diocletian had indulged his private resentment, and asserted
the majesty of supreme power, he yielded to the submissive entreaties of
the Caesar, and permitted him to retrieve his own honor, as well as that
of the Roman arms. In the room of the unwarlike troops of Asia, which
had most probably served in the first expedition, a second army was
drawn from the veterans and new levies of the Illyrian frontier, and
a considerable body of Gothic auxiliaries were taken into the Imperial
pay. [69] At the head of a chosen army of twenty-five thousand men,
Galerius again passed the Euphrates; but, instead of exposing his
legions in the open plains of Mesopotamia he advanced through the
mountains of Armenia, where he found the inhabitants devoted to his
cause, and the country as favorable to the operations of infantry as it
was inconvenient for the motions of cavalry. [70] Adversity had confirmed
the Roman discipline, while the barbarians, elated by success, were
become so negligent and remiss, that in the moment when they least
expected it, they were surprised by the active conduct of Galerius, who,
attended only by two horsemen, had with his own eyes secretly examined
the state and position of their camp. A surprise, especially in the
night time, was for the most part fatal to a Persian army. "Their horses
were tied, and generally shackled, to prevent their running away; and
if an alarm happened, a Persian had his housing to fix, his horse to
bridle, and his corselet to put on, before he could mount." [71] On this
occasion, the impetuous attack of Galerius spread disorder and dismay
over the camp of the barbarians. A slight resistance was followed by
a dreadful carnage, and, in the general confusion, the wounded monarch
(for Narses commanded his armies in person) fled towards the deserts
of Media. His sumptuous tents, and those of his satraps, afforded an
immense booty to the conqueror; and an incident is mentioned, which
proves the rustic but martial ignorance of the legions in the elegant
superfluities of life. A bag of shining leather, filled with pearls,
fell into the hands of a private soldier; he carefully preserved the
bag, but he threw away its contents, judging that whatever was of no use
could not possibly be of any value. [72] The principal loss of Narses was
of a much more affecting nature. Several of his wives, his sisters, and
children, who had attended the army, were made captives in the defeat.
But though the character of Galerius had in general very little affinity
with that of Alexander, he imitated, after his victory, the amiable
behavior of the Macedonian towards the family of Darius. The wives and
children of Narses were protected from violence and rapine, conveyed
to a place of safety, and treated with every mark of respect and
tenderness, that was due from a generous enemy to their age, their sex,
and their royal dignity. [73]

[Footnote 69: Aurelius Victor. Jornandes de Rebus Geticis, c. 21.]

[Footnote 70: Aurelius Victor says, "Per Armeniam in hostes contendit,
quae fermo sola, seu facilior vincendi via est." He followed the conduct
of Trajan, and the idea of Julius Caesar.]

[Footnote 71: Xenophon's Anabasis, l. iii. For that reason the Persian
cavalry encamped sixty stadia from the enemy.]

[Footnote 72: The story is told by Ammianus, l. xxii. Instead of saccum,
some read scutum.]

[Footnote 73: The Persians confessed the Roman superiority in morals
as well as in arms. Eutrop. ix. 24. But this respect and gratitude of
enemies is very seldom to be found in their own accounts.]




Chapter XIII: Reign Of Diocletian And His Three Associates.--Part III.

While the East anxiously expected the decision of this great contest,
the emperor Diocletian, having assembled in Syria a strong army of
observation, displayed from a distance the resources of the Roman
power, and reserved himself for any future emergency of the war. On
the intelligence of the victory he condescended to advance towards the
frontier, with a view of moderating, by his presence and counsels, the
pride of Galerius. The interview of the Roman princes at Nisibis was
accompanied with every expression of respect on one side, and of
esteem on the other. It was in that city that they soon afterwards gave
audience to the ambassador of the Great King. [74] The power, or at
least the spirit, of Narses, had been broken by his last defeat; and
he considered an immediate peace as the only means that could stop
the progress of the Roman arms. He despatched Apharban, a servant who
possessed his favor and confidence, with a commission to negotiate a
treaty, or rather to receive whatever conditions the conqueror should
impose. Apharban opened the conference by expressing his master's
gratitude for the generous treatment of his family, and by soliciting
the liberty of those illustrious captives. He celebrated the valor of
Galerius, without degrading the reputation of Narses, and thought it
no dishonor to confess the superiority of the victorious Caesar, over
a monarch who had surpassed in glory all the princes of his race.
Notwithstanding the justice of the Persian cause, he was empowered
to submit the present differences to the decision of the emperors
themselves; convinced as he was, that, in the midst of prosperity,
they would not be unmindful of the vicissitudes of fortune. Apharban
concluded his discourse in the style of eastern allegory, by observing
that the Roman and Persian monarchies were the two eyes of the world,
which would remain imperfect and mutilated if either of them should be
put out.

[Footnote 74: The account of the negotiation is taken from the fragments
of Peter the Patrician, in the Excerpta Legationum, published in the
Byzantine Collection. Peter lived under Justinian; but it is very
evident, by the nature of his materials, that they are drawn from the
most authentic and respectable writers.]

"It well becomes the Persians," replied Galerius, with a transport of
fury, which seemed to convulse his whole frame, "it well becomes the
Persians to expatiate on the vicissitudes of fortune, and calmly to read
us lectures on the virtues of moderation. Let them remember their own
moderation, towards the unhappy Valerian. They vanquished him by fraud,
they treated him with indignity. They detained him till the last moment
of his life in shameful captivity, and after his death they exposed
his body to perpetual ignominy." Softening, however, his tone, Galerius
insinuated to the ambassador, that it had never been the practice of the
Romans to trample on a prostrate enemy; and that, on this occasion,
they should consult their own dignity rather than the Persian merit.
He dismissed Apharban with a hope that Narses would soon be informed on
what conditions he might obtain, from the clemency of the emperors, a
lasting peace, and the restoration of his wives and children. In this
conference we may discover the fierce passions of Galerius, as well as
his deference to the superior wisdom and authority of Diocletian. The
ambition of the former grasped at the conquest of the East, and had
proposed to reduce Persia into the state of a province. The prudence
of the latter, who adhered to the moderate policy of Augustus and
the Antonines, embraced the favorable opportunity of terminating a
successful war by an honorable and advantageous peace. [75]

[Footnote 75: Adeo victor (says Aurelius) ut ni Valerius, cujus nutu
omnis gerebantur, abnuisset, Romani fasces in provinciam novam ferrentur
Verum pars terrarum tamen nobis utilior quaesita.]

In pursuance of their promise, the emperors soon afterwards appointed
Sicorius Probus, one of their secretaries, to acquaint the Persian court
with their final resolution. As the minister of peace, he was received
with every mark of politeness and friendship; but, under the pretence of
allowing him the necessary repose after so long a journey, the audience
of Probus was deferred from day to day; and he attended the slow motions
of the king, till at length he was admitted to his presence, near the
River Asprudus in Media. The secret motive of Narses, in this delay,
had been to collect such a military force as might enable him, though
sincerely desirous of peace, to negotiate with the greater weight and
dignity. Three persons only assisted at this important conference, the
minister Apharban, the praefect of the guards, and an officer who had
commanded on the Armenian frontier. [76] The first condition proposed by
the ambassador is not at present of a very intelligible nature; that the
city of Nisibis might be established for the place of mutual exchange,
or, as we should formerly have termed it, for the staple of trade,
between the two empires. There is no difficulty in conceiving the
intention of the Roman princes to improve their revenue by some
restraints upon commerce; but as Nisibis was situated within their own
dominions, and as they were masters both of the imports and exports, it
should seem that such restraints were the objects of an internal law,
rather than of a foreign treaty. To render them more effectual, some
stipulations were probably required on the side of the king of Persia,
which appeared so very repugnant either to his interest or to his
dignity, that Narses could not be persuaded to subscribe them. As this
was the only article to which he refused his consent, it was no longer
insisted on; and the emperors either suffered the trade to flow in its
natural channels, or contented themselves with such restrictions, as it
depended on their own authority to establish.

[Footnote 76: He had been governor of Sumium, (Pot. Patricius in
Excerpt. Legat. p. 30.) This province seems to be mentioned by Moses of
Chorene, (Geograph. p. 360,) and lay to the east of Mount Ararat. *
Note: The Siounikh of the Armenian writers St. Martin i. 142.--M.]

As soon as this difficulty was removed, a solemn peace was concluded and
ratified between the two nations. The conditions of a treaty so glorious
to the empire, and so necessary to Persia, may deserve a
more peculiar attention, as the history of Rome presents very few
transactions of a similar nature; most of her wars having either been
terminated by absolute conquest, or waged against barbarians ignorant of
the use of letters. I. The Aboras, or, as it is called by Xenophon, the
Araxes, was fixed as the boundary between the two monarchies. [77] That
river, which rose near the Tigris, was increased, a few miles below
Nisibis, by the little stream of the Mygdonius, passed under the walls
of Singara, and fell into the Euphrates at Circesium, a frontier town,
which, by the care of Diocletian, was very strongly fortified. [78]
Mesopotomia, the object of so many wars, was ceded to the empire; and
the Persians, by this treaty, renounced all pretensions to that great
province. II. They relinquished to the Romans five provinces beyond
the Tigris. [79] Their situation formed a very useful barrier, and their
natural strength was soon improved by art and military skill. Four of
these, to the north of the river, were districts of obscure fame and
inconsiderable extent; Intiline, Zabdicene, Arzanene, and Moxoene;
[791] but on the east of the Tigris, the empire acquired the large and
mountainous territory of Carduene, the ancient seat of the Carduchians,
who preserved for many ages their manly freedom in the heart of the
despotic monarchies of Asia. The ten thousand Greeks traversed their
country, after a painful march, or rather engagement, of seven days;
and it is confessed by their leader, in his incomparable relation of
the retreat, that they suffered more from the arrows of the Carduchians,
than from the power of the Great King. [80] Their posterity, the Curds,
with very little alteration either of name or manners, [801] acknowledged
the nominal sovereignty of the Turkish sultan. III. It is almost
needless to observe, that Tiridates, the faithful ally of Rome, was
restored to the throne of his fathers, and that the rights of the
Imperial supremacy were fully asserted and secured. The limits of
Armenia were extended as far as the fortress of Sintha in Media, and
this increase of dominion was not so much an act of liberality as of
justice. Of the provinces already mentioned beyond the Tigris, the four
first had been dismembered by the Parthians from the crown of
Armenia; [81] and when the Romans acquired the possession of them, they
stipulated, at the expense of the usurpers, an ample compensation,
which invested their ally with the extensive and fertile country of
Atropatene. Its principal city, in the same situation perhaps as the
modern Tauris, was frequently honored by the residence of Tiridates; and
as it sometimes bore the name of Ecbatana, he imitated, in the buildings
and fortifications, the splendid capital of the Medes. [82] IV. The
country of Iberia was barren, its inhabitants rude and savage. But they
were accustomed to the use of arms, and they separated from the empire
barbarians much fiercer and more formidable than themselves. The narrow
defiles of Mount Caucasus were in their hands, and it was in their
choice, either to admit or to exclude the wandering tribes of Sarmatia,
whenever a rapacious spirit urged them to penetrate into the richer
climes of the South. [83] The nomination of the kings of Iberia, which
was resigned by the Persian monarch to the emperors, contributed to the
strength and security of the Roman power in Asia. [84] The East enjoyed
a profound tranquillity during forty years; and the treaty between the
rival monarchies was strictly observed till the death of Tiridates; when
a new generation, animated with different views and different passions,
succeeded to the government of the world; and the grandson of Narses
undertook a long and memorable war against the princes of the house of
Constantine.

[Footnote 77: By an error of the geographer Ptolemy, the position of
Singara is removed from the Aboras to the Tigris, which may have
produced the mistake of Peter, in assigning the latter river for the
boundary, instead of the former. The line of the Roman frontier
traversed, but never followed, the course of the Tigris. * Note: There
are here several errors. Gibbon has confounded the streams, and the
towns which they pass. The Aboras, or rather the Chaboras, the Araxes of
Xenophon, has its source above Ras-Ain or Re-Saina, (Theodosiopolis,)
about twenty-seven leagues from the Tigris; it receives the waters of
the Mygdonius, or Saocoras, about thirty-three leagues below Nisibis. at
a town now called Al Nahraim; it does not pass under the walls of
Singara; it is the Saocoras that washes the walls of that town: the
latter river has its source near Nisibis. at five leagues from the
Tigris. See D'Anv. l'Euphrate et le Tigre, 46, 49, 50, and the map.----
To the east of the Tigris is another less considerable river, named also
the Chaboras, which D'Anville calls the Centrites, Khabour, Nicephorius,
without quoting the authorities on which he gives those names. Gibbon
did not mean to speak of this river, which does not pass by Singara, and
does not fall into the Euphrates. See Michaelis, Supp. ad Lex. Hebraica.
3d part, p. 664, 665.--G.]

[Footnote 78: Procopius de Edificiis, l. ii. c. 6.]

[Footnote 79: Three of the provinces, Zabdicene, Arzanene, and Carduene,
are allowed on all sides. But instead of the other two, Peter (in
Excerpt. Leg. p. 30) inserts Rehimene and Sophene. I have preferred
Ammianus, (l. xxv. 7,) because it might be proved that Sophene was never
in the hands of the Persians, either before the reign of Diocletian, or
after that of Jovian. For want of correct maps, like those of M.
d'Anville, almost all the moderns, with Tillemont and Valesius at their
head, have imagined, that it was in respect to Persia, and not to Rome,
that the five provinces were situate beyond the Tigris.]

[Footnote 791: See St. Martin, note on Le Beau, i. 380. He would read, for
Intiline, Ingeleme, the name of a small province of Armenia, near the
sources of the Tigris, mentioned by St. Epiphanius, (Haeres, 60;) for
the unknown name Arzacene, with Gibbon, Arzanene. These provinces do
not appear to have made an integral part of the Roman empire; Roman
garrisons replaced those of Persia, but the sovereignty remained in the
hands of the feudatory princes of Armenia. A prince of Carduene, ally or
dependent on the empire, with the Roman name of Jovianus, occurs in the
reign of Julian.--M.]

[Footnote 80: Xenophon's Anabasis, l. iv. Their bows were three cubits
in length, their arrows two; they rolled down stones that were each a
wagon load. The Greeks found a great many villages in that rude
country.]

[Footnote 801: I travelled through this country in 1810, and should
judge, from what I have read and seen of its inhabitants, that they have
remained unchanged in their appearance and character for more than
twenty centuries Malcolm, note to Hist. of Persia, vol. i. p. 82.--M.]

[Footnote 81: According to Eutropius, (vi. 9, as the text is represented
by the best Mss.,) the city of Tigranocerta was in Arzanene. The names
and situation of the other three may be faintly traced.]

[Footnote 82: Compare Herodotus, l. i. c. 97, with Moses Choronens.
Hist Armen. l. ii. c. 84, and the map of Armenia given by his editors.]

[Footnote 83: Hiberi, locorum potentes, Caspia via Sarmatam in Armenios
raptim effundunt. Tacit. Annal. vi. 34. See Strabon. Geograph. l. xi. p.
764, edit. Casaub.]

[Footnote 84: Peter Patricius (in Excerpt. Leg. p. 30) is the only
writer who mentions the Iberian article of the treaty.]

The arduous work of rescuing the distressed empire from tyrants and
barbarians had now been completely achieved by a succession of Illyrian
peasants. As soon as Diocletian entered into the twentieth year of his
reign, he celebrated that memorable aera, as well as the success of his
arms, by the pomp of a Roman triumph. [85] Maximian, the equal partner
of his power, was his only companion in the glory of that day. The two
Caesars had fought and conquered, but the merit of their exploits was
ascribed, according to the rigor of ancient maxims, to the auspicious
influence of their fathers and emperors. [86] The triumph of Diocletian
and Maximian was less magnificent, perhaps, than those of Aurelian and
Probus, but it was dignified by several circumstances of superior fame
and good fortune. Africa and Britain, the Rhine, the Danube, and the
Nile, furnished their respective trophies; but the most distinguished
ornament was of a more singular nature, a Persian victory followed by
an important conquest. The representations of rivers, mountains, and
provinces, were carried before the Imperial car. The images of the
captive wives, the sisters, and the children of the Great King, afforded
a new and grateful spectacle to the vanity of the people. [87] In the
eyes of posterity, this triumph is remarkable, by a distinction of a
less honorable kind. It was the last that Rome ever beheld. Soon after
this period, the emperors ceased to vanquish, and Rome ceased to be the
capital of the empire.

[Footnote 85: Euseb. in Chron. Pagi ad annum. Till the discovery of the
treatise De Mortibus Persecutorum, it was not certain that the triumph
and the Vicennalia was celebrated at the same time.]

[Footnote 86: At the time of the Vicennalia, Galerius seems to have kept
station on the Danube. See Lactant. de M. P. c. 38.]

[Footnote 87: Eutropius (ix. 27) mentions them as a part of the triumph.
As the persons had been restored to Narses, nothing more than their
images could be exhibited.]

The spot on which Rome was founded had been consecrated by ancient
ceremonies and imaginary miracles. The presence of some god, or the
memory of some hero, seemed to animate every part of the city, and the
empire of the world had been promised to the Capitol. [88] The native
Romans felt and confessed the power of this agreeable illusion. It was
derived from their ancestors, had grown up with their earliest habits
of life, and was protected, in some measure, by the opinion of political
utility. The form and the seat of government were intimately blended
together, nor was it esteemed possible to transport the one without
destroying the other. [89] But the sovereignty of the capital was
gradually annihilated in the extent of conquest; the provinces rose
to the same level, and the vanquished nations acquired the name and
privileges, without imbibing the partial affections, of Romans. During
a long period, however, the remains of the ancient constitution, and the
influence of custom, preserved the dignity of Rome. The emperors, though
perhaps of African or Illyrian extraction, respected their adopted
country, as the seat of their power, and the centre of their extensive
dominions. The emergencies of war very frequently required their
presence on the frontiers; but Diocletian and Maximian were the first
Roman princes who fixed, in time of peace, their ordinary residence
in the provinces; and their conduct, however it might be suggested
by private motives, was justified by very specious considerations of
policy. The court of the emperor of the West was, for the most part,
established at Milan, whose situation, at the foot of the Alps, appeared
far more convenient than that of Rome, for the important purpose of
watching the motions of the barbarians of Germany. Milan soon assumed
the splendor of an Imperial city. The houses are described as numerous
and well built; the manners of the people as polished and liberal. A
circus, a theatre, a mint, a palace, baths, which bore the name of
their founder Maximian; porticos adorned with statues, and a double
circumference of walls, contributed to the beauty of the new capital;
nor did it seem oppressed even by the proximity of Rome. [90] To rival
the majesty of Rome was the ambition likewise of Diocletian, who
employed his leisure, and the wealth of the East, in the embellishment
of Nicomedia, a city placed on the verge of Europe and Asia, almost at
an equal distance between the Danube and the Euphrates. By the taste of
the monarch, and at the expense of the people, Nicomedia acquired, in
the space of a few years, a degree of magnificence which might appear
to have required the labor of ages, and became inferior only to Rome,
Alexandria, and Antioch, in extent of populousness. [91] The life of
Diocletian and Maximian was a life of action, and a considerable portion
of it was spent in camps, or in the long and frequent marches; but
whenever the public business allowed them any relaxation, they seemed to
have retired with pleasure to their favorite residences of Nicomedia and
Milan. Till Diocletian, in the twentieth year of his reign, celebrated
his Roman triumph, it is extremely doubtful whether he ever visited the
ancient capital of the empire. Even on that memorable occasion his stay
did not exceed two months. Disgusted with the licentious familiarity of
the people, he quitted Rome with precipitation thirteen days before it
was expected that he should have appeared in the senate, invested with
the ensigns of the consular dignity. [92]

[Footnote 88: Livy gives us a speech of Camillus on that subject, (v.
51--55,) full of eloquence and sensibility, in opposition to a design
of removing the seat of government from Rome to the neighboring city of
Veii.]

[Footnote 89: Julius Caesar was reproached with the intention of
removing the empire to Ilium or Alexandria. See Sueton. in Caesar. c.
79. According to the ingenious conjecture of Le Fevre and Dacier,
the ode of the third book of Horace was intended to divert from the
execution of a similar design.]

[Footnote 90: See Aurelius Victor, who likewise mentions the buildings
erected by Maximian at Carthage, probably during the Moorish war. We
shall insert some verses of Ausonius de Clar. Urb. v.---- Et Mediolani
miraeomnia: copia rerum; Innumerae cultaeque domus; facunda virorum
Ingenia, et mores laeti: tum duplice muro Amplificata loci species;
populique voluptas Circus; et inclusi moles cuneata Theatri; Templa,
Palatinaeque arces, opulensque Moneta, Et regio Herculei celebris sub
honore lavacri. Cunctaque marmoreis ornata Peristyla signis; Moeniaque
in valli formam circumdata labro, Omnia quae magnis operum velut aemula
formis Excellunt: nec juncta premit vicinia Romae.]

[Footnote 91: Lactant. de M. P. c. 17. Libanius, Orat. viii. p. 203.]

[Footnote 92: Lactant. de M. P. c. 17. On a similar occasion, Ammianus
mentions the dicacitas plebis, as not very agreeable to an Imperial ear.
(See l. xvi. c. 10.)]

The dislike expressed by Diocletian towards Rome and Roman freedom, was
not the effect of momentary caprice, but the result of the most
artful policy. That crafty prince had framed a new system of Imperial
government, which was afterwards completed by the family of Constantine;
and as the image of the old constitution was religiously preserved in
the senate, he resolved to deprive that order of its small remains of
power and consideration. We may recollect, about eight years before
the elevation, of Diocletian the transient greatness, and the ambitious
hopes, of the Roman senate. As long as that enthusiasm prevailed, many
of the nobles imprudently displayed their zeal in the cause of freedom;
and after the successes of Probus had withdrawn their countenance
from the republican party, the senators were unable to disguise their
impotent resentment. As the sovereign of Italy, Maximian was intrusted
with the care of extinguishing this troublesome, rather than dangerous
spirit, and the task was perfectly suited to his cruel temper. The most
illustrious members of the senate, whom Diocletian always affected to
esteem, were involved, by his colleague, in the accusation of imaginary
plots; and the possession of an elegant villa, or a well-cultivated
estate, was interpreted as a convincing evidence of guilt. [93] The camp
of the Praetorians, which had so long oppressed, began to protect,
the majesty of Rome; and as those haughty troops were conscious of the
decline of their power, they were naturally disposed to unite their
strength with the authority of the senate. By the prudent measures of
Diocletian, the numbers of the Praetorians were insensibly reduced,
their privileges abolished, [94] and their place supplied by two
faithful legions of Illyricum, who, under the new titles of Jovians
and Herculians, were appointed to perform the service of the Imperial
guards. [95] But the most fatal though secret wound, which the senate
received from the hands of Diocletian and Maximian, was inflicted by the
inevitable operation of their absence. As long as the emperors resided
at Rome, that assembly might be oppressed, but it could scarcely be
neglected. The successors of Augustus exercised the power of dictating
whatever laws their wisdom or caprice might suggest; but those laws were
ratified by the sanction of the senate. The model of ancient freedom
was preserved in its deliberations and decrees; and wise princes, who
respected the prejudices of the Roman people, were in some measure
obliged to assume the language and behavior suitable to the general and
first magistrate of the republic. In the armies and in the provinces,
they displayed the dignity of monarchs; and when they fixed their
residence at a distance from the capital, they forever laid aside the
dissimulation which Augustus had recommended to his successors. In
the exercise of the legislative as well as the executive power, the
sovereign advised with his ministers, instead of consulting the great
council of the nation. The name of the senate was mentioned with honor
till the last period of the empire; the vanity of its members was still
flattered with honorary distinctions; [96] but the assembly which had
so long been the source, and so long the instrument of power, was
respectfully suffered to sink into oblivion. The senate of Rome, losing
all connection with the Imperial court and the actual constitution, was
left a venerable but useless monument of antiquity on the Capitoline
hill.

[Footnote 93: Lactantius accuses Maximian of destroying fictis
criminationibus lumina senatus, (De M. P. c. 8.) Aurelius Victor
speaks very doubtfully of the faith of Diocletian towards his friends.]

[Footnote 94: Truncatae vires urbis, imminuto praetoriarum cohortium
atque in armis vulgi numero. Aurelius Victor. Lactantius attributes to
Galerius the prosecution of the same plan, (c. 26.)]

[Footnote 95: They were old corps stationed in Illyricum; and according
to the ancient establishment, they each consisted of six thousand men.
They had acquired much reputation by the use of the plumbatae, or darts
loaded with lead. Each soldier carried five of these, which he darted
from a considerable distance, with great strength and dexterity. See
Vegetius, i. 17.]

[Footnote 96: See the Theodosian Code, l. vi. tit. ii. with Godefroy's
commentary.]




Chapter XIII: Reign Of Diocletian And His Three Associates.--Part IV.

When the Roman princes had lost sight of the senate and of their ancient
capital, they easily forgot the origin and nature of their legal power.
The civil offices of consul, of proconsul, of censor, and of tribune,
by the union of which it had been formed, betrayed to the people its
republican extraction. Those modest titles were laid aside; [97] and
if they still distinguished their high station by the appellation
of Emperor, or Imperator, that word was understood in a new and more
dignified sense, and no longer denoted the general of the Roman armies,
but the sovereign of the Roman world. The name of Emperor, which was
at first of a military nature, was associated with another of a
more servile kind. The epithet of Dominus, or Lord, in its primitive
signification, was expressive, not of the authority of a prince over his
subjects, or of a commander over his soldiers, but of the despotic power
of a master over his domestic slaves. [98] Viewing it in that odious
light, it had been rejected with abhorrence by the first Caesars. Their
resistance insensibly became more feeble, and the name less odious; till
at length the style of our Lord and Emperor was not only bestowed by
flattery, but was regularly admitted into the laws and public monuments.
Such lofty epithets were sufficient to elate and satisfy the most
excessive vanity; and if the successors of Diocletian still declined
the title of King, it seems to have been the effect not so much of their
moderation as of their delicacy. Wherever the Latin tongue was in use,
(and it was the language of government throughout the empire,) the
Imperial title, as it was peculiar to themselves, conveyed a more
respectable idea than the name of king, which they must have shared with
a hundred barbarian chieftains; or which, at the best, they could derive
only from Romulus, or from Tarquin. But the sentiments of the East
were very different from those of the West. From the earliest period
of history, the sovereigns of Asia had been celebrated in the Greek
language by the title of Basileus, or King; and since it was considered
as the first distinction among men, it was soon employed by the servile
provincials of the East, in their humble addresses to the Roman throne.
[99] Even the attributes, or at least the titles, of the Divinity, were
usurped by Diocletian and Maximian, who transmitted them to a succession
of Christian emperors. [100] Such extravagant compliments, however, soon
lose their impiety by losing their meaning; and when the ear is once
accustomed to the sound, they are heard with indifference, as vague
though excessive professions of respect.

[Footnote 97: See the 12th dissertation in Spanheim's excellent work de
Usu Numismatum. From medals, inscriptions, and historians, he examines
every title separately, and traces it from Augustus to the moment of its
disappearing.]

[Footnote 98: Pliny (in Panegyr. c. 3, 55, &c.) speaks of Dominus with
execration, as synonymous to Tyrant, and opposite to Prince. And the
same Pliny regularly gives that title (in the tenth book of the
epistles) to his friend rather than master, the virtuous Trajan. This
strange contradiction puzzles the commentators, who think, and the
translators, who can write.]

[Footnote 99: Synesius de Regno, edit. Petav. p. 15. I am indebted for
this quotation to the Abbe de la Bleterie.]

[Footnote 100: Soe Vandale de Consecratione, p. 354, &c. It was
customary for the emperors to mention (in the preamble of laws) their
numen, sacreo majesty, divine oracles, &c. According to Tillemont,
Gregory Nazianzen complains most bitterly of the profanation, especially
when it was practised by an Arian emperor. * Note: In the time of the
republic, says Hegewisch, when the consuls, the praetors, and the other
magistrates appeared in public, to perform the functions of their
office, their dignity was announced both by the symbols which use had
consecrated, and the brilliant cortege by which they were accompanied.
But this dignity belonged to the office, not to the individual; this
pomp belonged to the magistrate, not to the man. * * The consul,
followed, in the comitia, by all the senate, the praetors, the
quaestors, the aediles, the lictors, the apparitors, and the heralds, on
reentering his house, was served only by freedmen and by his slaves. The
first emperors went no further. Tiberius had, for his personal
attendance, only a moderate number of slaves, and a few freedmen.
(Tacit. Ann. iv. 7.) But in proportion as the republican forms
disappeared, one after another, the inclination of the emperors to
environ themselves with personal pomp, displayed itself more and more.
** The magnificence and the ceremonial of the East were entirely
introduced by Diocletian, and were consecrated by Constantine to the
Imperial use. Thenceforth the palace, the court, the table, all the
personal attendance, distinguished the emperor from his subjects, still
more than his superior dignity. The organization which Diocletian gave
to his new court, attached less honor and distinction to rank than to
services performed towards the members of the Imperial family.
Hegewisch, Essai, Hist. sur les Finances Romains. Few historians have
characterized, in a more philosophic manner, the influence of a new
institution.--G.----It is singular that the son of a slave reduced the
haughty aristocracy of Home to the offices of servitude.--M.]

From the time of Augustus to that of Diocletian, the Roman princes,
conversing in a familiar manner among their fellow-citizens, were
saluted only with the same respect that was usually paid to senators and
magistrates. Their principal distinction was the Imperial or military
robe of purple; whilst the senatorial garment was marked by a broad, and
the equestrian by a narrow, band or stripe of the same honorable color.
The pride, or rather the policy, of Diocletian, engaged that artful
prince to introduce the stately magnificence of the court of Persia.
[101] He ventured to assume the diadem, an ornament detested by the
Romans as the odious ensign of royalty, and the use of which had been
considered as the most desperate act of the madness of Caligula. It was
no more than a broad white fillet set with pearls, which encircled the
emperor's head. The sumptuous robes of Diocletian and his successors
were of silk and gold; and it is remarked with indignation, that even
their shoes were studded with the most precious gems. The access
to their sacred person was every day rendered more difficult by the
institution of new forms and ceremonies. The avenues of the palace were
strictly guarded by the various schools, as they began to be called, of
domestic officers. The interior apartments were intrusted to the jealous
vigilance of the eunuchs, the increase of whose numbers and influence
was the most infallible symptom of the progress of despotism. When a
subject was at length admitted to the Imperial presence, he was obliged,
whatever might be his rank, to fall prostrate on the ground, and to
adore, according to the eastern fashion, the divinity of his lord
and master. [102] Diocletian was a man of sense, who, in the course
of private as well as public life, had formed a just estimate both of
himself and of mankind: nor is it easy to conceive, that in substituting
the manners of Persia to those of Rome, he was seriously actuated by
so mean a principle as that of vanity. He flattered himself, that an
ostentation of splendor and luxury would subdue the imagination of the
multitude; that the monarch would be less exposed to the rude license of
the people and the soldiers, as his person was secluded from the public
view; and that habits of submission would insensibly be productive of
sentiments of veneration. Like the modesty affected by Augustus, the
state maintained by Diocletian was a theatrical representation; but it
must be confessed, that of the two comedies, the former was of a much
more liberal and manly character than the latter. It was the aim of the
one to disguise, and the object of the other to display, the unbounded
power which the emperors possessed over the Roman world.

[Footnote 101: See Spanheim de Usu Numismat. Dissert. xii.]

[Footnote 102: Aurelius Victor. Eutropius, ix. 26. It appears by the
Panegyrists, that the Romans were soon reconciled to the name and
ceremony of adoration.]

Ostentation was the first principle of the new system instituted
by Diocletian. The second was division. He divided the empire,
the provinces, and every branch of the civil as well as military
administration. He multiplied the wheels of the machine of government,
and rendered its operations less rapid, but more secure. Whatever
advantages and whatever defects might attend these innovations, they
must be ascribed in a very great degree to the first inventor; but
as the new frame of policy was gradually improved and completed
by succeeding princes, it will be more satisfactory to delay the
consideration of it till the season of its full maturity and perfection.
[103] Reserving, therefore, for the reign of Constantine a more exact
picture of the new empire, we shall content ourselves with describing
the principal and decisive outline, as it was traced by the hand of
Diocletian. He had associated three colleagues in the exercise of the
supreme power; and as he was convinced that the abilities of a single
man were inadequate to the public defence, he considered the joint
administration of four princes not as a temporary expedient, but as a
fundamental law of the constitution. It was his intention, that the two
elder princes should be distinguished by the use of the diadem, and
the title of Augusti; that, as affection or esteem might direct their
choice, they should regularly call to their assistance two subordinate
colleagues; and that the Caesars, rising in their turn to the first
rank, should supply an uninterrupted succession of emperors. The empire
was divided into four parts. The East and Italy were the most honorable,
the Danube and the Rhine the most laborious stations. The former
claimed the presence of the Augusti, the latter were intrusted to the
administration of the Caesars. The strength of the legions was in
the hands of the four partners of sovereignty, and the despair of
successively vanquishing four formidable rivals might intimidate the
ambition of an aspiring general. In their civil government, the emperors
were supposed to exercise the undivided power of the monarch, and their
edicts, inscribed with their joint names, were received in all the
provinces, as promulgated by their mutual councils and authority.
Notwithstanding these precautions, the political union of the Roman
world was gradually dissolved, and a principle of division was
introduced, which, in the course of a few years, occasioned the
perpetual separation of the Eastern and Western Empires.

[Footnote 103: The innovations introduced by Diocletian are chiefly
deduced, 1st, from some very strong passages in Lactantius; and, 2dly,
from the new and various offices which, in the Theodosian code, appear
already established in the beginning of the reign of Constantine.]

The system of Diocletian was accompanied with another very material
disadvantage, which cannot even at present be totally overlooked; a more
expensive establishment, and consequently an increase of taxes, and
the oppression of the people. Instead of a modest family of slaves and
freedmen, such as had contented the simple greatness of Augustus and
Trajan, three or four magnificent courts were established in the various
parts of the empire, and as many Roman kings contended with each other
and with the Persian monarch for the vain superiority of pomp and
luxury. The number of ministers, of magistrates, of officers, and
of servants, who filled the different departments of the state, was
multiplied beyond the example of former times; and (if we may borrow
the warm expression of a contemporary) "when the proportion of those
who received, exceeded the proportion of those who contributed, the
provinces were oppressed by the weight of tributes." [104] From this
period to the extinction of the empire, it would be easy to deduce
an uninterrupted series of clamors and complaints. According to his
religion and situation, each writer chooses either Diocletian, or
Constantine, or Valens, or Theodosius, for the object of his invectives;
but they unanimously agree in representing the burden of the public
impositions, and particularly the land tax and capitation, as the
intolerable and increasing grievance of their own times. From such a
concurrence, an impartial historian, who is obliged to extract truth
from satire, as well as from panegyric, will be inclined to divide the
blame among the princes whom they accuse, and to ascribe their exactions
much less to their personal vices, than to the uniform system of their
administration. [1041] The emperor Diocletian was indeed the author of that
system; but during his reign, the growing evil was confined within
the bounds of modesty and discretion, and he deserves the reproach of
establishing pernicious precedents, rather than of exercising actual
oppression. [105] It may be added, that his revenues were managed
with prudent economy; and that after all the current expenses were
discharged, there still remained in the Imperial treasury an ample
provision either for judicious liberality or for any emergency of the
state.

[Footnote 104: Lactant. de M. P. c. 7.]

[Footnote 1041: The most curious document which has come to light since
the publication of Gibbon's History, is the edict of Diocletian,
published from an inscription found at Eskihissar, (Stratoniccia,) by
Col. Leake. This inscription was first copied by Sherard, afterwards
much more completely by Mr. Bankes. It is confirmed and illustrated by a
more imperfect copy of the same edict, found in the Levant by a
gentleman of Aix, and brought to this country by M. Vescovali. This
edict was issued in the name of the four Caesars, Diocletian, Maximian,
Constantius, and Galerius. It fixed a maximum of prices throughout the
empire, for all the necessaries and commodities of life. The preamble
insists, with great vehemence on the extortion and inhumanity of the
venders and merchants. Quis enim adeo obtunisi (obtusi) pectores (is) et
a sensu inhumanitatis extorris est qui ignorare potest immo non senserit
in venalibus rebus quaevel in mercimoniis aguntur vel diurna urbium
conversatione tractantur, in tantum se licen liam defusisse, ut
effraenata libido rapien--rum copia nec annorum ubertatibus mitigaretur.
The edict, as Col. Leake clearly shows, was issued A. C. 303. Among the
articles of which the maximum value is assessed, are oil, salt, honey,
butchers' meat, poultry, game, fish, vegetables, fruit the wages of
laborers and artisans, schoolmasters and skins, boots and shoes,
harness, timber, corn, wine, and beer, (zythus.) The depreciation in the
value of money, or the rise in the price of commodities, had been so
great during the past century, that butchers' meat, which, in the second
century of the empire, was in Rome about two denaril the pound, was now
fixed at a maximum of eight. Col. Leake supposes the average price could
not be less than four: at the same time the maximum of the wages of the
agricultural laborers was twenty-five. The whole edict is, perhaps, the
most gigantic effort of a blind though well-intentioned despotism, to
control that which is, and ought to be, beyond the regulation of the
government. See an Edict of Diocletian, by Col. Leake, London, 1826.
Col. Leake has not observed that this Edict is expressly named in the
treatise de Mort. Persecut. ch. vii. Idem cum variis iniquitatibus
immensam faceret caritatem, legem pretiis rerum venalium statuere
conatus.--M]

[Footnote 105: Indicta lex nova quae sane illorum temporum modestia
tolerabilis, in perniciem processit. Aurel. Victor., who has treated the
character of Diocletian with good sense, though in bad Latin.]

It was in the twenty first year of his reign that Diocletian
executed his memorable resolution of abdicating the empire; an action
more naturally to have been expected from the elder or the younger
Antoninus, than from a prince who had never practised the lessons of
philosophy either in the attainment or in the use of supreme power.
Diocletian acquired the glory of giving to the world the first example
of a resignation, [106] which has not been very frequently imitated by
succeeding monarchs. The parallel of Charles the Fifth, however, will
naturally offer itself to our mind, not only since the eloquence of
a modern historian has rendered that name so familiar to an English
reader, but from the very striking resemblance between the characters
of the two emperors, whose political abilities were superior to their
military genius, and whose specious virtues were much less the effect
of nature than of art. The abdication of Charles appears to have been
hastened by the vicissitude of fortune; and the disappointment of
his favorite schemes urged him to relinquish a power which he found
inadequate to his ambition. But the reign of Diocletian had flowed with
a tide of uninterrupted success; nor was it till after he had vanquished
all his enemies, and accomplished all his designs, that he seems to
have entertained any serious thoughts of resigning the empire. Neither
Charles nor Diocletian were arrived at a very advanced period of life;
since the one was only fifty-five, and the other was no more than
fifty-nine years of age; but the active life of those princes, their
wars and journeys, the cares of royalty, and their application to
business, had already impaired their constitution, and brought on the
infirmities of a premature old age. [107]

[Footnote 106: Solus omnium post conditum Romanum Imperium, qui extanto
fastigio sponte ad privatae vitae statum civilitatemque remearet,
Eutrop. ix. 28.]

[Footnote 107: The particulars of the journey and illness are taken
from Laclantius, c. 17, who may sometimes be admitted as an evidence of
public facts, though very seldom of private anecdotes.]

Notwithstanding the severity of a very cold and rainy winter, Diocletian
left Italy soon after the ceremony of his triumph, and began his
progress towards the East round the circuit of the Illyrian provinces.
From the inclemency of the weather, and the fatigue of the journey, he
soon contracted a slow illness; and though he made easy marches, and was
generally carried in a close litter, his disorder, before he arrived
at Nicomedia, about the end of the summer, was become very serious and
alarming. During the whole winter he was confined to his palace: his
danger inspired a general and unaffected concern; but the people could
only judge of the various alterations of his health, from the joy or
consternation which they discovered in the countenances and behavior
of his attendants. The rumor of his death was for some time universally
believed, and it was supposed to be concealed with a view to prevent
the troubles that might have happened during the absence of the Caesar
Galerius. At length, however, on the first of March, Diocletian once
more appeared in public, but so pale and emaciated, that he could
scarcely have been recognized by those to whom his person was the most
familiar. It was time to put an end to the painful struggle, which he
had sustained during more than a year, between the care of his health
and that of his dignity. The former required indulgence and relaxation,
the latter compelled him to direct, from the bed of sickness, the
administration of a great empire. He resolved to pass the remainder of
his days in honorable repose, to place his glory beyond the reach of
fortune, and to relinquish the theatre of the world to his younger and
more active associates. [108]

[Footnote 108: Aurelius Victor ascribes the abdication, which had been
so variously accounted for, to two causes: 1st, Diocletian's contempt of
ambition; and 2dly, His apprehension of impending troubles. One of the
panegyrists (vi. 9) mentions the age and infirmities of Diocletian as a
very natural reason for his retirement. * Note: Constantine (Orat. ad
Sanct. c. 401) more than insinuated that derangement of mind, connected
with the conflagration of the palace at Nicomedia by lightning, was the
cause of his abdication. But Heinichen. in a very sensible note on this
passage in Eusebius, while he admits that his long illness might produce
a temporary depression of spirits, triumphantly appeals to the
philosophical conduct of Diocletian in his retreat, and the influence
which he still retained on public affairs.--M.]

The ceremony of his abdication was performed in a spacious plain, about
three miles from Nicomedia. The emperor ascended a lofty throne, and in
a speech, full of reason and dignity, declared his intention, both to
the people and to the soldiers who were assembled on this extraordinary
occasion. As soon as he had divested himself of his purple, he withdrew
from the gazing multitude; and traversing the city in a covered chariot,
proceeded, without delay, to the favorite retirement which he had chosen
in his native country of Dalmatia. On the same day, which was the first
of May, [109] Maximian, as it had been previously concerted, made his
resignation of the Imperial dignity at Milan.

Even in the splendor of the Roman triumph, Diocletian had meditated
his design of abdicating the government. As he wished to secure the
obedience of Maximian, he exacted from him either a general assurance
that he would submit his actions to the authority of his benefactor, or
a particular promise that he would descend from the throne, whenever he
should receive the advice and the example. This engagement, though
it was confirmed by the solemnity of an oath before the altar of the
Capitoline Jupiter, [110] would have proved a feeble restraint on the
fierce temper of Maximian, whose passion was the love of power, and
who neither desired present tranquility nor future reputation. But he
yielded, however reluctantly, to the ascendant which his wiser colleague
had acquired over him, and retired, immediately after his abdication,
to a villa in Lucania, where it was almost impossible that such an
impatient spirit could find any lasting tranquility.

[Footnote 109: The difficulties as well as mistakes attending the dates
both of the year and of the day of Diocletian's abdication are perfectly
cleared up by Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. p 525, note 19,
and by Pagi ad annum.]

[Footnote 110: See Panegyr. Veter. vi. 9. The oration was pronounced
after Maximian had resumed the purple.]

Diocletian, who, from a servile origin, had raised himself to the
throne, passed the nine last years of his life in a private condition.
Reason had dictated, and content seems to have accompanied, his retreat,
in which he enjoyed, for a long time, the respect of those princes to
whom he had resigned the possession of the world. [111] It is seldom that
minds long exercised in business have formed the habits of conversing
with themselves, and in the loss of power they principally regret the
want of occupation. The amusements of letters and of devotion, which
afford so many resources in solitude, were incapable of fixing the
attention of Diocletian; but he had preserved, or at least he soon
recovered, a taste for the most innocent as well as natural pleasures,
and his leisure hours were sufficiently employed in building, planting,
and gardening. His answer to Maximian is deservedly celebrated. He was
solicited by that restless old man to reassume the reins of government,
and the Imperial purple. He rejected the temptation with a smile of
pity, calmly observing, that if he could show Maximian the cabbages
which he had planted with his own hands at Salona, he should no longer
be urged to relinquish the enjoyment of happiness for the pursuit
of power. [112] In his conversations with his friends, he frequently
acknowledged, that of all arts, the most difficult was the art of
reigning; and he expressed himself on that favorite topic with a degree
of warmth which could be the result only of experience. "How often," was
he accustomed to say, "is it the interest of four or five ministers to
combine together to deceive their sovereign! Secluded from mankind by
his exalted dignity, the truth is concealed from his knowledge; he can
see only with their eyes, he hears nothing but their misrepresentations.
He confers the most important offices upon vice and weakness, and
disgraces the most virtuous and deserving among his subjects. By such
infamous arts," added Diocletian, "the best and wisest princes are sold
to the venal corruption of their courtiers." [113] A just estimate of
greatness, and the assurance of immortal fame, improve our relish
for the pleasures of retirement; but the Roman emperor had filled too
important a character in the world, to enjoy without alloy the comforts
and security of a private condition. It was impossible that he could
remain ignorant of the troubles which afflicted the empire after his
abdication. It was impossible that he could be indifferent to their
consequences. Fear, sorrow, and discontent, sometimes pursued him into
the solitude of Salona. His tenderness, or at least his pride, was
deeply wounded by the misfortunes of his wife and daughter; and the last
moments of Diocletian were imbittered by some affronts, which Licinius
and Constantine might have spared the father of so many emperors,
and the first author of their own fortune. A report, though of a very
doubtful nature, has reached our times, that he prudently withdrew
himself from their power by a voluntary death. [114]

[Footnote 111: Eumenius pays him a very fine compliment: "At enim
divinum illum virum, qui primus imperium et participavit et posuit,
consilii et fact isui non poenitet; nec amisisse se putat quod sponte
transcripsit. Felix beatusque vere quem vestra, tantorum principum,
colunt privatum." Panegyr. Vet. vii. 15.]

[Footnote 112: We are obliged to the younger Victor for this celebrated
item. Eutropius mentions the thing in a more general manner.]

[Footnote 113: Hist. August. p. 223, 224. Vopiscus had learned this
conversation from his father.]

[Footnote 114: The younger Victor slightly mentions the report. But as
Diocletian had disobliged a powerful and successful party, his memory
has been loaded with every crime and misfortune. It has been affirmed
that he died raving mad, that he was condemned as a criminal by the
Roman senate, &c.]

Before we dismiss the consideration of the life and character of
Diocletian, we may, for a moment, direct our view to the place of his
retirement. Salona, a principal city of his native province of Dalmatia,
was near two hundred Roman miles (according to the measurement of the
public highways) from Aquileia and the confines of Italy, and about two
hundred and seventy from Sirmium, the usual residence of the emperors
whenever they visited the Illyrian frontier. [115] A miserable village
still preserves the name of Salona; but so late as the sixteenth
century, the remains of a theatre, and a confused prospect of broken
arches and marble columns, continued to attest its ancient splendor.
[116] About six or seven miles from the city, Diocletian constructed a
magnificent palace, and we may infer, from the greatness of the work,
how long he had meditated his design of abdicating the empire. The
choice of a spot which united all that could contribute either to health
or to luxury, did not require the partiality of a native. "The soil was
dry and fertile, the air is pure and wholesome, and though extremely
hot during the summer months, this country seldom feels those sultry and
noxious winds, to which the coasts of Istria and some parts of Italy are
exposed. The views from the palace are no less beautiful than the soil
and climate were inviting. Towards the west lies the fertile shore that
stretches along the Adriatic, in which a number of small islands
are scattered in such a manner, as to give this part of the sea the
appearance of a great lake. On the north side lies the bay, which led
to the ancient city of Salona; and the country beyond it, appearing in
sight, forms a proper contrast to that more extensive prospect of water,
which the Adriatic presents both to the south and to the east. Towards
the north, the view is terminated by high and irregular mountains,
situated at a proper distance, and in many places covered with villages,
woods, and vineyards." [117]

[Footnote 115: See the Itiner. p. 269, 272, edit. Wessel.]

[Footnote 116: The Abate Fortis, in his Viaggio in Dalmazia, p. 43,
(printed at Venice in the year 1774, in two small volumes in quarto,)
quotes a Ms account of the antiquities of Salona, composed by
Giambattista Giustiniani about the middle of the xvith century.]

[Footnote 117: Adam's Antiquities of Diocletian's Palace at Spalatro,
p. 6. We may add a circumstance or two from the Abate Fortis: the little
stream of the Hyader, mentioned by Lucan, produces most exquisite trout,
which a sagacious writer, perhaps a monk, supposes to have been one of
the principal reasons that determined Diocletian in the choice of his
retirement. Fortis, p. 45. The same author (p. 38) observes, that a
taste for agriculture is reviving at Spalatro; and that an experimental
farm has lately been established near the city, by a society of
gentlemen.]

Though Constantine, from a very obvious prejudice, affects to
mention the palace of Diocletian with contempt, [118] yet one of their
successors, who could only see it in a neglected and mutilated state,
celebrates its magnificence in terms of the highest admiration. [119] It
covered an extent of ground consisting of between nine and ten English
acres. The form was quadrangular, flanked with sixteen towers. Two of
the sides were near six hundred, and the other two near seven hundred
feet in length. The whole was constructed of a beautiful freestone,
extracted from the neighboring quarries of Trau, or Tragutium, and very
little inferior to marble itself. Four streets, intersecting each other
at right angles, divided the several parts of this great edifice,
and the approach to the principal apartment was from a very stately
entrance, which is still denominated the Golden Gate. The approach was
terminated by a peristylium of granite columns, on one side of which
we discover the square temple of Aesculapius, on the other the octagon
temple of Jupiter. The latter of those deities Diocletian revered as the
patron of his fortunes, the former as the protector of his health.
By comparing the present remains with the precepts of Vitruvius, the
several parts of the building, the baths, bed-chamber, the atrium, the
basilica, and the Cyzicene, Corinthian, and Egyptian halls have been
described with some degree of precision, or at least of probability.
Their forms were various, their proportions just; but they all were
attended with two imperfections, very repugnant to our modern notions
of taste and conveniency. These stately rooms had neither windows nor
chimneys. They were lighted from the top, (for the building seems to
have consisted of no more than one story,) and they received their heat
by the help of pipes that were conveyed along the walls. The range of
principal apartments was protected towards the south-west by a portico
five hundred and seventeen feet long, which must have formed a very
noble and delightful walk, when the beauties of painting and sculpture
were added to those of the prospect.

[Footnote 118: Constantin. Orat. ad Coetum Sanct. c. 25. In this sermon,
the emperor, or the bishop who composed it for him, affects to relate
the miserable end of all the persecutors of the church.]

[Footnote 119: Constantin. Porphyr. de Statu Imper. p. 86.]

Had this magnificent edifice remained in a solitary country, it would
have been exposed to the ravages of time; but it might, perhaps, have
escaped the rapacious industry of man. The village of Aspalathus, [120]
and, long afterwards, the provincial town of Spalatro, have grown out of
its ruins. The Golden Gate now opens into the market-place. St. John the
Baptist has usurped the honors of Aesculapius; and the temple of
Jupiter, under the protection of the Virgin, is converted into the
cathedral church.

For this account of Diocletian's palace we are principally indebted to
an ingenious artist of our own time and country, whom a very liberal
curiosity carried into the heart of Dalmatia. [121] But there is room
to suspect that the elegance of his designs and engraving has somewhat
flattered the objects which it was their purpose to represent. We are
informed by a more recent and very judicious traveller, that the awful
ruins of Spalatro are not less expressive of the decline of the art than
of the greatness of the Roman empire in the time of Diocletian. [122]
If such was indeed the state of architecture, we must naturally believe
that painting and sculpture had experienced a still more sensible decay.
The practice of architecture is directed by a few general and even
mechanical rules. But sculpture, and above all, painting, propose to
themselves the imitation not only of the forms of nature, but of the
characters and passions of the human soul. In those sublime arts, the
dexterity of the hand is of little avail, unless it is animated by
fancy, and guided by the most correct taste and observation.

[Footnote 120: D'Anville, Geographie Ancienne, tom. i. p. 162.]

[Footnote 121: Messieurs Adam and Clerisseau, attended by two
draughtsmen visited Spalatro in the month of July, 1757. The magnificent
work which their journey produced was published in London seven years
afterwards.]

[Footnote 122: I shall quote the words of the Abate Fortis.
"E'bastevolmente agli amatori dell' Architettura, e dell' Antichita,
l'opera del Signor Adams, che a donato molto a que' superbi vestigi
coll'abituale eleganza del suo toccalapis e del bulino. In generale la
rozzezza del scalpello, e'l cattivo gusto del secolo vi gareggiano colla
magnificenz del fabricato." See Viaggio in Dalmazia, p. 40.]

It is almost unnecessary to remark, that the civil distractions of the
empire, the license of the soldiers, the inroads of the barbarians, and
the progress of despotism, had proved very unfavorable to genius, and
even to learning. The succession of Illyrian princes restored the
empire without restoring the sciences. Their military education was not
calculated to inspire them with the love of letters; and even the mind
of Diocletian, however active and capacious in business, was totally
uninformed by study or speculation. The professions of law and physic
are of such common use and certain profit, that they will always secure
a sufficient number of practitioners, endowed with a reasonable degree
of abilities and knowledge; but it does not appear that the students in
those two faculties appeal to any celebrated masters who have flourished
within that period. The voice of poetry was silent. History was reduced
to dry and confused abridgments, alike destitute of amusement and
instruction. A languid and affected eloquence was still retained in
the pay and service of the emperors, who encouraged not any arts except
those which contributed to the gratification of their pride, or the
defence of their power. [123]

[Footnote 123: The orator Eumenius was secretary to the emperors
Maximian and Constantius, and Professor of Rhetoric in the college of
Autun. His salary was six hundred thousand sesterces, which, according
to the lowest computation of that age, must have exceeded three thousand
pounds a year. He generously requested the permission of employing it in
rebuilding the college. See his Oration De Restaurandis Scholis; which,
though not exempt from vanity, may atone for his panegyrics.]

The declining age of learning and of mankind is marked, however, by the
rise and rapid progress of the new Platonists. The school of Alexandria
silenced those of Athens; and the ancient sects enrolled themselves
under the banners of the more fashionable teachers, who recommended
their system by the novelty of their method, and the austerity of their
manners. Several of these masters, Ammonius, Plotinus, Amelius, and
Porphyry, [124] were men of profound thought and intense application;
but by mistaking the true object of philosophy, their labors contributed
much less to improve than to corrupt the human understanding. The
knowledge that is suited to our situation and powers, the whole compass
of moral, natural, and mathematical science, was neglected by the new
Platonists; whilst they exhausted their strength in the verbal disputes
of metaphysics, attempted to explore the secrets of the invisible world,
and studied to reconcile Aristotle with Plato, on subjects of which both
these philosophers were as ignorant as the rest of mankind. Consuming
their reason in these deep but unsubstantial meditations, their minds
were exposed to illusions of fancy. They flattered themselves that they
possessed the secret of disengaging the soul from its corporal prison;
claimed a familiar intercourse with demons and spirits; and, by a very
singular revolution, converted the study of philosophy into that of
magic. The ancient sages had derided the popular superstition; after
disguising its extravagance by the thin pretence of allegory, the
disciples of Plotinus and Porphyry became its most zealous defenders.
As they agreed with the Christians in a few mysterious points of faith,
they attacked the remainder of their theological system with all the
fury of civil war. The new Platonists would scarcely deserve a place in
the history of science, but in that of the church the mention of them
will very frequently occur.

[Footnote 124: Porphyry died about the time of Diocletian's abdication.
The life of his master Plotinus, which he composed, will give us the
most complete idea of the genius of the sect, and the manners of its
professors. This very curious piece is inserted in Fabricius Bibliotheca
Graeca tom. iv. p. 88--148.]




Chapter XIV: Six Emperors At The Same Time, Reunion Of The Empire.--Part I.

     Troubles After The Abdication Of Diocletian.--Death Of
     Constantius.--Elevation Of Constantine And Maxen Tius.--
     Six Emperors At The Same Time.--Death Of Maximian And
     Galerius.--Victories Of Constantine Over Maxentius And
     Licinus.--Reunion Of The Empire Under The Authority Of
     Constantine.

The balance of power established by Diocletian subsisted no longer than
while it was sustained by the firm and dexterous hand of the founder. It
required such a fortunate mixture of different tempers and abilities,
as could scarcely be found or even expected a second time; two emperors
without jealousy, two Caesars without ambition, and the same general
interest invariably pursued by four independent princes. The abdication
of Diocletian and Maximian was succeeded by eighteen years of discord
and confusion. The empire was afflicted by five civil wars; and the
remainder of the time was not so much a state of tranquillity as a
suspension of arms between several hostile monarchs, who, viewing
each other with an eye of fear and hatred, strove to increase their
respective forces at the expense of their subjects.

As soon as Diocletian and Maximian had resigned the purple, their
station, according to the rules of the new constitution, was filled by
the two Caesars, Constantius and Galerius, who immediately assumed the
title of Augustus. [1]

[Footnote 1: M. de Montesquieu (Considerations sur la Grandeur et La
Decadence des Romains, c. 17) supposes, on the authority of Orosius and
Eusebius, that, on this occasion, the empire, for the first time, was
really divided into two parts. It is difficult, however, to discover in
what respect the plan of Galerius differed from that of Diocletian.]

The honors of seniority and precedence were allowed to the former of
those princes, and he continued under a new appellation to administer
his ancient department of Gaul, Spain, and Britain.

The government of those ample provinces was sufficient to exercise
his talents and to satisfy his ambition. Clemency, temperance, and
moderation, distinguished the amiable character of Constantius, and his
fortunate subjects had frequently occasion to compare the virtues of
their sovereign with the passions of Maximian, and even with the arts
of Diocletian. [2] Instead of imitating their eastern pride and
magnificence, Constantius preserved the modesty of a Roman prince. He
declared, with unaffected sincerity, that his most valued treasure
was in the hearts of his people, and that, whenever the dignity of the
throne, or the danger of the state, required any extraordinary supply,
he could depend with confidence on their gratitude and liberality. [3]
The provincials of Gaul, Spain, and Britain, sensible of his worth, and
of their own happiness, reflected with anxiety on the declining health
of the emperor Constantius, and the tender age of his numerous family,
the issue of his second marriage with the daughter of Maximian.

[Footnote 2: Hic non modo amabilis, sed etiam venerabilis Gallis
fuit; praecipuc quod Diocletiani suspectam prudentiam, et Maximiani
sanguinariam violentiam imperio ejus evaserant. Eutrop. Breviar. x. i.]

[Footnote 3: Divitiis Provincialium (mel. provinciarum) ac privatorum
studens, fisci commoda non admodum affectans; ducensque melius publicas
opes a privatis haberi, quam intra unum claustrum reservari. Id. ibid.
He carried this maxim so far, that whenever he gave an entertainment, he
was obliged to borrow a service of plate.]

The stern temper of Galerius was cast in a very different mould; and
while he commanded the esteem of his subjects, he seldom condescended to
solicit their affections. His fame in arms, and, above all, the success
of the Persian war, had elated his haughty mind, which was naturally
impatient of a superior, or even of an equal. If it were possible to
rely on the partial testimony of an injudicious writer, we might ascribe
the abdication of Diocletian to the menaces of Galerius, and relate the
particulars of a private conversation between the two princes, in which
the former discovered as much pusillanimity as the latter displayed
ingratitude and arrogance. [4] But these obscure anecdotes are
sufficiently refuted by an impartial view of the character and conduct of
Diocletian. Whatever might otherwise have been his intentions, if he
had apprehended any danger from the violence of Galerius, his good sense
would have instructed him to prevent the ignominious contest; and as
he had held the sceptre with glory, he would have resigned it without
disgrace.

[Footnote 4: Lactantius de Mort. Persecutor. c. 18. Were the particulars
of this conference more consistent with truth and decency, we might
still ask how they came to the knowledge of an obscure rhetorician. But
there are many historians who put us in mind of the admirable saying of
the great Conde to Cardinal de Retz: "Ces coquins nous font parlor et
agir, comme ils auroient fait eux-memes a notre place." * Note: This
attack upon Lactantius is unfounded. Lactantius was so far from having
been an obscure rhetorician, that he had taught rhetoric publicly, and
with the greatest success, first in Africa, and afterwards in Nicomedia.
His reputation obtained him the esteem of Constantine, who invited him
to his court, and intrusted to him the education of his son Crispus. The
facts which he relates took place during his own time; he cannot be
accused of dishonesty or imposture. Satis me vixisse arbitrabor et
officium hominis implesse si labor meus aliquos homines, ab erroribus
iberatos, ad iter coeleste direxerit. De Opif. Dei, cap. 20. The
eloquence of Lactantius has caused him to be called the Christian
Cicero. Annon Gent.--G. ----Yet no unprejudiced person can read this
coarse and particular private conversation of the two emperors, without
assenting to the justice of Gibbon's severe sentence. But the authorship
of the treatise is by no means certain. The fame of Lactantius for
eloquence as well as for truth, would suffer no loss if it should be
adjudged to some more "obscure rhetorician." Manso, in his Leben
Constantins des Grossen, concurs on this point with Gibbon Beylage, iv.
--M.]

After the elevation of Constantius and Galerius to the rank of Augusti,
two new Caesars were required to supply their place, and to complete the
system of the Imperial government. Diocletian, was sincerely desirous
of withdrawing himself from the world; he considered Galerius, who had
married his daughter, as the firmest support of his family and of the
empire; and he consented, without reluctance, that his successor should
assume the merit as well as the envy of the important nomination. It was
fixed without consulting the interest or inclination of the princes of
the West. Each of them had a son who was arrived at the age of manhood,
and who might have been deemed the most natural candidates for the
vacant honor. But the impotent resentment of Maximian was no longer to
be dreaded; and the moderate Constantius, though he might despise the
dangers, was humanely apprehensive of the calamities, of civil war.
The two persons whom Galerius promoted to the rank of Caesar, were much
better suited to serve the views of his ambition; and their principal
recommendation seems to have consisted in the want of merit or personal
consequence. The first of these was Daza, or, as he was afterwards
called, Maximin, whose mother was the sister of Galerius. The
unexperienced youth still betrayed, by his manners and language, his
rustic education, when, to his own astonishment, as well as that of the
world, he was invested by Diocletian with the purple, exalted to the
dignity of Caesar, and intrusted with the sovereign command of Egypt
and Syria. [5] At the same time, Severus, a faithful servant, addicted to
pleasure, but not incapable of business, was sent to Milan, to receive,
from the reluctant hands of Maximian, the Caesarian ornaments, and
the possession of Italy and Africa. According to the forms of the
constitution, Severus acknowledged the supremacy of the western
emperor; but he was absolutely devoted to the commands of his benefactor
Galerius, who, reserving to himself the intermediate countries from the
confines of Italy to those of Syria, firmly established his power
over three fourths of the monarchy. In the full confidence that the
approaching death of Constantius would leave him sole master of the
Roman world, we are assured that he had arranged in his mind a long
succession of future princes, and that he meditated his own retreat from
public life, after he should have accomplished a glorious reign of about
twenty years. [7]

[Footnote 5: Sublatus nuper a pecoribus et silvis (says Lactantius de M.
P. c. 19) statim Scutarius, continuo Protector, mox Tribunus, postridie
Caesar, accepit Orientem. Aurelius Victor is too liberal in giving
him the whole portion of Diocletian.]

[Footnote 6: His diligence and fidelity are acknowledged even by
Lactantius, de M. P. c. 18.]

[Footnote 7: These schemes, however, rest only on the very doubtful
authority of Lactantius de M. P. c. 20.]

But within less than eighteen months, two unexpected revolutions
overturned the ambitious schemes of Galerius. The hopes of uniting the
western provinces to his empire were disappointed by the elevation of
Constantine, whilst Italy and Africa were lost by the successful revolt
of Maxentius.


I. The fame of Constantine has rendered posterity attentive to the most
minute circumstances of his life and actions. The place of his birth, as
well as the condition of his mother Helena, have been the subject, not
only of literary, but of national disputes. Notwithstanding the recent
tradition, which assigns for her father a British king, [8] we are
obliged to confess, that Helena was the daughter of an innkeeper; but at
the same time, we may defend the legality of her marriage, against those
who have represented her as the concubine of Constantius. [9] The great
Constantine was most probably born at Naissus, in Dacia; [10] and it is
not surprising that, in a family and province distinguished only by the
profession of arms, the youth should discover very little inclination
to improve his mind by the acquisition of knowledge. [11] He was about
eighteen years of age when his father was promoted to the rank of
Caesar; but that fortunate event was attended with his mother's divorce;
and the splendor of an Imperial alliance reduced the son of Helena to a
state of disgrace and humiliation. Instead of following Constantius in
the West, he remained in the service of Diocletian, signalized his valor
in the wars of Egypt and Persia, and gradually rose to the honorable
station of a tribune of the first order. The figure of Constantine was
tall and majestic; he was dexterous in all his exercises, intrepid in
war, affable in peace; in his whole conduct, the active spirit of youth
was tempered by habitual prudence; and while his mind was engrossed
by ambition, he appeared cold and insensible to the allurements of
pleasure. The favor of the people and soldiers, who had named him as a
worthy candidate for the rank of Caesar, served only to exasperate
the jealousy of Galerius; and though prudence might restrain him from
exercising any open violence, an absolute monarch is seldom at a loss
how to execute a sure and secret revenge. [12] Every hour increased the
danger of Constantine, and the anxiety of his father, who, by repeated
letters, expressed the warmest desire of embracing his son. For some
time the policy of Galerius supplied him with delays and excuses; but
it was impossible long to refuse so natural a request of his associate,
without maintaining his refusal by arms. The permission of the journey
was reluctantly granted, and whatever precautions the emperor might have
taken to intercept a return, the consequences of which he, with so
much reason, apprehended, they were effectually disappointed by the
incredible diligence of Constantine. [13] Leaving the palace of Nicomedia
in the night, he travelled post through Bithynia, Thrace, Dacia,
Pannonia, Italy, and Gaul, and, amidst the joyful acclamations of the
people, reached the port of Boulogne in the very moment when his father
was preparing to embark for Britain. [14]

[Footnote 8: This tradition, unknown to the contemporaries of
Constantine was invented in the darkness of monestaries, was embellished
by Jeffrey of Monmouth, and the writers of the xiith century, has been
defended by our antiquarians of the last age, and is seriously related
in the ponderous History of England, compiled by Mr. Carte, (vol. i. p.
147.) He transports, however, the kingdom of Coil, the imaginary father
of Helena, from Essex to the wall of Antoninus.]

[Footnote 9: Eutropius (x. 2) expresses, in a few words, the real truth,
and the occasion of the error "ex obscuriori matrimonio ejus filius."
Zosimus (l. ii. p. 78) eagerly seized the most unfavorable report,
and is followed by Orosius, (vii. 25,) whose authority is oddly enough
overlooked by the indefatigable, but partial Tillemont. By insisting on
the divorce of Helena, Diocletian acknowledged her marriage.]

[Footnote 10: There are three opinions with regard to the place of
Constantine's birth. 1. Our English antiquarians were used to dwell
with rapture on the words of his panegyrist, "Britannias illic oriendo
nobiles fecisti." But this celebrated passage may be referred with as
much propriety to the accession, as to the nativity of Constantine.
2. Some of the modern Greeks have ascribed the honor of his birth to
Drepanum, a town on the Gulf of Nicomedia, (Cellarius, tom. ii. p. 174,)
which Constantine dignified with the name of Helenopolis, and Justinian
adorned with many splendid buildings, (Procop. de Edificiis, v. 2.) It
is indeed probable enough, that Helena's father kept an inn at Drepanum,
and that Constantius might lodge there when he returned from a Persian
embassy, in the reign of Aurelian. But in the wandering life of a
soldier, the place of his marriage, and the places where his children
are born, have very little connection with each other. 3. The claim of
Naissus is supported by the anonymous writer, published at the end of
Ammianus, p. 710, and who in general copied very good materials; and
it is confirmed by Julius Firmicus, (de Astrologia, l. i. c. 4,) who
flourished under the reign of Constantine himself. Some objections have
been raised against the integrity of the text, and the application of
the passage of Firmicus but the former is established by the best Mss.,
and the latter is very ably defended by Lipsius de Magnitudine Romana,
l. iv. c. 11, et Supplement.]

[Footnote 11: Literis minus instructus. Anonym. ad Ammian. p. 710.]

[Footnote 12: Galerius, or perhaps his own courage, exposed him to
single combat with a Sarmatian, (Anonym. p. 710,) and with a monstrous
lion. See Praxagoras apud Photium, p. 63. Praxagoras, an Athenian
philosopher, had written a life of Constantine in two books, which are
now lost. He was a contemporary.]

[Footnote 13: Zosimus, l. ii. p. 78, 79. Lactantius de M. P. c. 24. The
former tells a very foolish story, that Constantine caused all the
post-horses which he had used to be hamstrung. Such a bloody execution,
without preventing a pursuit, would have scattered suspicions, and might
have stopped his journey. * Note: Zosimus is not the only writer who
tells this story. The younger Victor confirms it. Ad frustrandos
insequentes, publica jumenta, quaqua iter ageret, interficiens. Aurelius
Victor de Caesar says the same thing, G. as also the Anonymus Valesii.--
M. ----Manso, (Leben Constantins,) p. 18, observes that the story has
been exaggerated; he took this precaution during the first stage of his
journey.--M.]

[Footnote 14: Anonym. p. 710. Panegyr. Veter. vii. 4. But Zosimus, l.
ii. p. 79, Eusebius de Vit. Constant. l. i. c. 21, and Lactantius de M.
P. c. 24. suppose, with less accuracy, that he found his father on
his death-bed.]

The British expedition, and an easy victory over the barbarians of
Caledonia, were the last exploits of the reign of Constantius. He ended
his life in the Imperial palace of York, fifteen months after he had
received the title of Augustus, and almost fourteen years and a half
after he had been promoted to the rank of Caesar. His death was
immediately succeeded by the elevation of Constantine. The ideas of
inheritance and succession are so very familiar, that the generality of
mankind consider them as founded, not only in reason, but in nature
itself. Our imagination readily transfers the same principles from
private property to public dominion: and whenever a virtuous father
leaves behind him a son whose merit seems to justify the esteem, or even
the hopes, of the people, the joint influence of prejudice and of
affection operates with irresistible weight. The flower of the western
armies had followed Constantius into Britain, and the national troops
were reenforced by a numerous body of Alemanni, who obeyed the orders of
Crocus, one of their hereditary chieftains. [15] The opinion of their
own importance, and the assurance that Britain, Gaul, and Spain would
acquiesce in their nomination, were diligently inculcated to the legions
by the adherents of Constantine. The soldiers were asked, whether they
could hesitate a moment between the honor of placing at their head the
worthy son of their beloved emperor, and the ignominy of tamely
expecting the arrival of some obscure stranger, on whom it might please
the sovereign of Asia to bestow the armies and provinces of the West. It
was insinuated to them, that gratitude and liberality held a
distinguished place among the virtues of Constantine; nor did that
artful prince show himself to the troops, till they were prepared to
salute him with the names of Augustus and Emperor. The throne was the
object of his desires; and had he been less actuated by ambition, it was
his only means of safety. He was well acquainted with the character and
sentiments of Galerius, and sufficiently apprised, that if he wished to
live he must determine to reign. The decent and even obstinate
resistance which he chose to affect, [16] was contrived to justify his
usurpation; nor did he yield to the acclamations of the army, till he
had provided the proper materials for a letter, which he immediately
despatched to the emperor of the East. Constantine informed him of the
melancholy event of his father's death, modestly asserted his natural
claim to the succession, and respectfully lamented, that the
affectionate violence of his troops had not permitted him to solicit the
Imperial purple in the regular and constitutional manner. The first
emotions of Galerius were those of surprise, disappointment, and rage;
and as he could seldom restrain his passions, he loudly threatened, that
he would commit to the flames both the letter and the messenger. But his
resentment insensibly subsided; and when he recollected the doubtful
chance of war, when he had weighed the character and strength of his
adversary, he consented to embrace the honorable accommodation which the
prudence of Constantine had left open to him. Without either condemning
or ratifying the choice of the British army, Galerius accepted the son
of his deceased colleague as the sovereign of the provinces beyond the
Alps; but he gave him only the title of Caesar, and the fourth rank
among the Roman princes, whilst he conferred the vacant place of
Augustus on his favorite Severus. The apparent harmony of the empire was
still preserved, and Constantine, who already possessed the substance,
expected, without impatience, an opportunity of obtaining the honors, of
supreme power. [17]

[Footnote 15: Cunctis qui aderant, annitentibus, sed praecipue Croco
(alii Eroco) [Erich?] Alamannorum Rege, auxilii gratia Constantium
comitato, imperium capit. Victor Junior, c. 41. This is perhaps the
first instance of a barbarian king, who assisted the Roman arms with an
independent body of his own subjects. The practice grew familiar and
at last became fatal.]

[Footnote 16: His panegyrist Eumenius (vii. 8) ventures to affirm in the
presence of Constantine, that he put spurs to his horse, and tried, but
in vain, to escape from the hands of his soldiers.]

[Footnote 17: Lactantius de M. P. c. 25. Eumenius (vii. 8.) gives a
rhetorical turn to the whole transaction.]

The children of Constantius by his second marriage were six in number,
three of either sex, and whose Imperial descent might have solicited
a preference over the meaner extraction of the son of Helena. But
Constantine was in the thirty-second year of his age, in the full vigor
both of mind and body, at the time when the eldest of his brothers could
not possibly be more than thirteen years old. His claim of superior
merit had been allowed and ratified by the dying emperor. [18] In his
last moments Constantius bequeathed to his eldest son the care of the
safety as well as greatness of the family; conjuring him to assume both
the authority and the sentiments of a father with regard to the children
of Theodora. Their liberal education, advantageous marriages, the secure
dignity of their lives, and the first honors of the state with which
they were invested, attest the fraternal affection of Constantine;
and as those princes possessed a mild and grateful disposition, they
submitted without reluctance to the superiority of his genius and
fortune. [19]

[Footnote 18: The choice of Constantine, by his dying father, which is
warranted by reason, and insinuated by Eumenius, seems to be confirmed
by the most unexceptionable authority, the concurring evidence of
Lactantius (de M. P. c. 24) and of Libanius, (Oratio i.,) of Eusebius
(in Vit. Constantin. l. i. c. 18, 21) and of Julian, (Oratio i)]

[Footnote 19: Of the three sisters of Constantine, Constantia married
the emperor Licinius, Anastasia the Caesar Bassianus, and Eutropia
the consul Nepotianus. The three brothers were, Dalmatius, Julius
Constantius, and Annibalianus, of whom we shall have occasion to speak
hereafter.]


II. The ambitious spirit of Galerius was scarcely reconciled
to the disappointment of his views upon the Gallic provinces, before the
unexpected loss of Italy wounded his pride as well as power in a still
more sensible part. The long absence of the emperors had filled Rome
with discontent and indignation; and the people gradually discovered,
that the preference given to Nicomedia and Milan was not to be ascribed
to the particular inclination of Diocletian, but to the permanent form
of government which he had instituted. It was in vain that, a few months
after his abdication, his successors dedicated, under his name, those
magnificent baths, whose ruins still supply the ground as well as the
materials for so many churches and convents. [20] The tranquility of
those elegant recesses of ease and luxury was disturbed by the impatient
murmurs of the Romans, and a report was insensibly circulated, that
the sums expended in erecting those buildings would soon be required
at their hands. About that time the avarice of Galerius, or perhaps
the exigencies of the state, had induced him to make a very strict and
rigorous inquisition into the property of his subjects, for the purpose
of a general taxation, both on their lands and on their persons. A very
minute survey appears to have been taken of their real estates; and
wherever there was the slightest suspicion of concealment, torture was
very freely employed to obtain a sincere declaration of their personal
wealth. [21] The privileges which had exalted Italy above the rank of the
provinces were no longer regarded: [211] and the officers of the revenue
already began to number the Roman people, and to settle the proportion
of the new taxes. Even when the spirit of freedom had been utterly
extinguished, the tamest subjects have sometimes ventured to resist
an unprecedented invasion of their property; but on this occasion the
injury was aggravated by the insult, and the sense of private interest
was quickened by that of national honor. The conquest of Macedonia, as
we have already observed, had delivered the Roman people from the weight
of personal taxes.

Though they had experienced every form of despotism, they had now
enjoyed that exemption near five hundred years; nor could they patiently
brook the insolence of an Illyrian peasant, who, from his distant
residence in Asia, presumed to number Rome among the tributary cities
of his empire. The rising fury of the people was encouraged by the
authority, or at least the connivance, of the senate; and the feeble
remains of the Praetorian guards, who had reason to apprehend their
own dissolution, embraced so honorable a pretence, and declared their
readiness to draw their swords in the service of their oppressed
country. It was the wish, and it soon became the hope, of every citizen,
that after expelling from Italy their foreign tyrants, they should
elect a prince who, by the place of his residence, and by his maxims
of government, might once more deserve the title of Roman emperor. The
name, as well as the situation, of Maxentius determined in his favor the
popular enthusiasm.

[Footnote 20: See Gruter. Inscrip. p. 178. The six princes are all
mentioned, Diocletian and Maximian as the senior Augusti, and fathers
of the emperors. They jointly dedicate, for the use of their own Romans,
this magnificent edifice. The architects have delineated the ruins of
these Thermoe, and the antiquarians, particularly Donatus and Nardini,
have ascertained the ground which they covered. One of the great rooms
is now the Carthusian church; and even one of the porter's lodges is
sufficient to form another church, which belongs to the Feuillans.]

[Footnote 21: See Lactantius de M. P. c. 26, 31. ]

[Footnote 211: Saviguy, in his memoir on Roman taxation, (Mem. Berl.
Academ. 1822, 1823, p. 5,) dates from this period the abolition of the
Jus Italicum. He quotes a remarkable passage of Aurelius Victor. Hinc
denique parti Italiae invec tum tributorum ingens malum. Aur. Vict. c.
39. It was a necessary consequence of the division of the empire: it
became impossible to maintain a second court and executive, and leave
so large and fruitful a part of the territory exempt from
contribution.--M.]

Maxentius was the son of the emperor Maximian, and he had married the
daughter of Galerius. His birth and alliance seemed to offer him
the fairest promise of succeeding to the empire; but his vices and
incapacity procured him the same exclusion from the dignity of Caesar,
which Constantine had deserved by a dangerous superiority of merit. The
policy of Galerius preferred such associates as would never disgrace
the choice, nor dispute the commands, of their benefactor. An obscure
stranger was therefore raised to the throne of Italy, and the son of
the late emperor of the West was left to enjoy the luxury of a private
fortune in a villa a few miles distant from the capital. The gloomy
passions of his soul, shame, vexation, and rage, were inflamed by envy
on the news of Constantine's success; but the hopes of Maxentius revived
with the public discontent, and he was easily persuaded to unite his
personal injury and pretensions with the cause of the Roman people.
Two Praetorian tribunes and a commissary of provisions undertook the
management of the conspiracy; and as every order of men was actuated by
the same spirit, the immediate event was neither doubtful nor difficult.
The praefect of the city, and a few magistrates, who maintained their
fidelity to Severus, were massacred by the guards; and Maxentius,
invested with the Imperial ornaments, was acknowledged by the applauding
senate and people as the protector of the Roman freedom and dignity.
It is uncertain whether Maximian was previously acquainted with the
conspiracy; but as soon as the standard of rebellion was erected at
Rome, the old emperor broke from the retirement where the authority of
Diocletian had condemned him to pass a life of melancholy and solitude,
and concealed his returning ambition under the disguise of paternal
tenderness. At the request of his son and of the senate, he condescended
to reassume the purple. His ancient dignity, his experience, and his
fame in arms, added strength as well as reputation to the party of
Maxentius. [22]

[Footnote 22: The sixth Panegyric represents the conduct of Maximian
in the most favorable light, and the ambiguous expression of Aurelius
Victor, "retractante diu," may signify either that he contrived, or that
he opposed, the conspiracy. See Zosimus, l. ii. p. 79, and Lactantius
de M. P. c. 26.]

According to the advice, or rather the orders, of his colleague, the
emperor Severus immediately hastened to Rome, in the full confidence,
that, by his unexpected celerity, he should easily suppress the tumult
of an unwarlike populace, commanded by a licentious youth. But he found
on his arrival the gates of the city shut against him, the walls filled
with men and arms, an experienced general at the head of the rebels, and
his own troops without spirit or affection. A large body of Moors
deserted to the enemy, allured by the promise of a large donative; and,
if it be true that they had been levied by Maximian in his African war,
preferring the natural feelings of gratitude to the artificial ties of
allegiance. Anulinus, the Praetorian praefect, declared himself in favor
of Maxentius, and drew after him the most considerable part of the
troops, accustomed to obey his commands.

Rome, according to the expression of an orator, recalled her armies; and
the unfortunate Severus, destitute of force and of counsel, retired, or
rather fled, with precipitation, to Ravenna.

Here he might for some time have been safe. The fortifications of
Ravenna were able to resist the attempts, and the morasses that
surrounded the town, were sufficient to prevent the approach, of the
Italian army. The sea, which Severus commanded with a powerful fleet,
secured him an inexhaustible supply of provisions, and gave a free
entrance to the legions, which, on the return of spring, would advance
to his assistance from Illyricum and the East. Maximian, who conducted
the siege in person, was soon convinced that he might waste his time and
his army in the fruitless enterprise, and that he had nothing to hope
either from force or famine. With an art more suitable to the character
of Diocletian than to his own, he directed his attack, not so much
against the walls of Ravenna, as against the mind of Severus. The
treachery which he had experienced disposed that unhappy prince to
distrust the most sincere of his friends and adherents. The emissaries
of Maximian easily persuaded his credulity, that a conspiracy was formed
to betray the town, and prevailed upon his fears not to expose himself
to the discretion of an irritated conqueror, but to accept the faith of
an honorable capitulation. He was at first received with humanity and
treated with respect. Maximian conducted the captive emperor to Rome,
and gave him the most solemn assurances that he had secured his life by
the resignation of the purple. But Severus, could obtain only an easy
death and an Imperial funeral. When the sentence was signified to him,
the manner of executing it was left to his own choice; he preferred the
favorite mode of the ancients, that of opening his veins; and as soon
as he expired, his body was carried to the sepulchre which had been
constructed for the family of Gallienus. [23]

[Footnote 23: The circumstances of this war, and the death of Severus,
are very doubtfully and variously told in our ancient fragments,
(see Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. part i. p. 555.) I have
endeavored to extract from them a consistent and probable narration.
* Note: Manso justly observes that two totally different narratives might
be formed, almost upon equal authority. Beylage, iv.--M.]




Chapter XIV: Six Emperors At The Same Time, Reunion Of The Empire.--Part II.

Though the characters of Constantine and Maxentius had very little
affinity with each other, their situation and interest were the same;
and prudence seemed to require that they should unite their forces
against the common enemy. Notwithstanding the superiority of his age
and dignity, the indefatigable Maximian passed the Alps, and, courting
a personal interview with the sovereign of Gaul, carried with him his
daughter Fausta as the pledge of the new alliance. The marriage was
celebrated at Arles with every circumstance of magnificence; and the
ancient colleague of Diocletian, who again asserted his claim to the
Western empire, conferred on his son-in-law and ally the title of
Augustus. By consenting to receive that honor from Maximian, Constantine
seemed to embrace the cause of Rome and of the senate; but his
professions were ambiguous, and his assistance slow and ineffectual. He
considered with attention the approaching contest between the masters of
Italy and the emperor of the East, and was prepared to consult his own
safety or ambition in the event of the war. [24]

[Footnote 24: The sixth Panegyric was pronounced to celebrate the
elevation of Constantine; but the prudent orator avoids the mention
either of Galerius or of Maxentius. He introduces only one slight
allusion to the actual troubles, and to the majesty of Rome. *
Note: Compare Manso, Beylage, iv. p. 302. Gibbon's account is at least
as probable as that of his critic.--M.]

The importance of the occasion called for the presence and abilities of
Galerius. At the head of a powerful army, collected from Illyricum and
the East, he entered Italy, resolved to revenge the death of Severus,
and to chastise the rebellions Romans; or, as he expressed his
intentions, in the furious language of a barbarian, to extirpate
the senate, and to destroy the people by the sword. But the skill of
Maximian had concerted a prudent system of defence. The invader found
every place hostile, fortified, and inaccessible; and though he forced
his way as far as Narni, within sixty miles of Rome, his dominion in
Italy was confined to the narrow limits of his camp. Sensible of the
increasing difficulties of his enterprise, the haughty Galerius made the
first advances towards a reconciliation, and despatched two of his
most considerable officers to tempt the Roman princes by the offer of
a conference, and the declaration of his paternal regard for Maxentius,
who might obtain much more from his liberality than he could hope from
the doubtful chance of war. [25] The offers of Galerius were rejected
with firmness, his perfidious friendship refused with contempt, and
it was not long before he discovered, that, unless he provided for his
safety by a timely retreat, he had some reason to apprehend the fate
of Severus. The wealth which the Romans defended against his rapacious
tyranny, they freely contributed for his destruction. The name of
Maximian, the popular arts of his son, the secret distribution of large
sums, and the promise of still more liberal rewards, checked the ardor
and corrupted the fidelity of the Illyrian legions; and when Galerius at
length gave the signal of the retreat, it was with some difficulty that
he could prevail on his veterans not to desert a banner which had so
often conducted them to victory and honor. A contemporary writer assigns
two other causes for the failure of the expedition; but they are both of
such a nature, that a cautious historian will scarcely venture to adopt
them. We are told that Galerius, who had formed a very imperfect notion
of the greatness of Rome by the cities of the East with which he was
acquainted, found his forces inadequate to the siege of that immense
capital.

But the extent of a city serves only to render it more accessible to the
enemy: Rome had long since been accustomed to submit on the approach of
a conqueror; nor could the temporary enthusiasm of the people have
long contended against the discipline and valor of the legions. We are
likewise informed that the legions themselves were struck with horror
and remorse, and that those pious sons of the republic refused to
violate the sanctity of their venerable parent. [26] But when we
recollect with how much ease, in the more ancient civil wars, the zeal
of party and the habits of military obedience had converted the native
citizens of Rome into her most implacable enemies, we shall be inclined
to distrust this extreme delicacy of strangers and barbarians, who had
never beheld Italy till they entered it in a hostile manner. Had they
not been restrained by motives of a more interested nature, they would
probably have answered Galerius in the words of Caesar's veterans: "If
our general wishes to lead us to the banks of the Tyber, we are prepared
to trace out his camp. Whatsoever walls he has determined to level
with the ground, our hands are ready to work the engines: nor shall we
hesitate, should the name of the devoted city be Rome itself." These
are indeed the expressions of a poet; but of a poet who has been
distinguished, and even censured, for his strict adherence to the truth
of history. [27]

[Footnote 25: With regard to this negotiation, see the fragments of an
anonymous historian, published by Valesius at the end of his edition
of Ammianus Marcellinus, p. 711. These fragments have furnished with
several curious, and, as it should seem, authentic anecdotes.]

[Footnote 26: Lactantius de M. P. c. 28. The former of these reasons
is probably taken from Virgil's Shepherd: "Illam * * * ego huic notra
similem, Meliboee, putavi," &c. Lactantius delights in these poetical
illusions.]

[Footnote 27: Castra super Tusci si ponere Tybridis undas; (jubeus)
Hesperios audax veniam metator in agros. Tu quoscunque voles in planum
effundere muros, His aries actus disperget saxa lacertis; Illa licet
penitus tolli quam jusseris urbem Roma sit. Lucan. Pharsal. i. 381.]

The legions of Galerius exhibited a very melancholy proof of their
disposition, by the ravages which they committed in their retreat. They
murdered, they ravished, they plundered, they drove away the flocks
and herds of the Italians; they burnt the villages through which they
passed, and they endeavored to destroy the country which it had not
been in their power to subdue. During the whole march, Maxentius hung
on their rear, but he very prudently declined a general engagement with
those brave and desperate veterans. His father had undertaken a second
journey into Gaul, with the hope of persuading Constantine, who had
assembled an army on the frontier, to join in the pursuit, and to
complete the victory. But the actions of Constantine were guided by
reason, and not by resentment. He persisted in the wise resolution of
maintaining a balance of power in the divided empire, and he no longer
hated Galerius, when that aspiring prince had ceased to be an object of
terror. [28]

[Footnote 28: Lactantius de M. P. c. 27. Zosim. l. ii. p. 82. The
latter, that Constantine, in his interview with Maximian, had promised
to declare war against Galerius.]

The mind of Galerius was the most susceptible of the sterner passions,
but it was not, however, incapable of a sincere and lasting friendship.
Licinius, whose manners as well as character, were not unlike his own,
seems to have engaged both his affection and esteem. Their intimacy had
commenced in the happier period perhaps of their youth and obscurity.
It had been cemented by the freedom and dangers of a military life; they
had advanced almost by equal steps through the successive honors of the
service; and as soon as Galerius was invested with the Imperial dignity,
he seems to have conceived the design of raising his companion to the
same rank with himself. During the short period of his prosperity,
he considered the rank of Caesar as unworthy of the age and merit of
Licinius, and rather chose to reserve for him the place of Constantius,
and the empire of the West. While the emperor was employed in the
Italian war, he intrusted his friend with the defence of the Danube;
and immediately after his return from that unfortunate expedition, he
invested Licinius with the vacant purple of Severus, resigning to
his immediate command the provinces of Illyricum. [29] The news of
his promotion was no sooner carried into the East, than Maximin,
who governed, or rather oppressed, the countries of Egypt and Syria,
betrayed his envy and discontent, disdained the inferior name of Caesar,
and, notwithstanding the prayers as well as arguments of Galerius,
exacted, almost by violence, the equal title of Augustus. [30] For the
first, and indeed for the last time, the Roman world was administered
by six emperors. In the West, Constantine and Maxentius affected to
reverence their father Maximian. In the East, Licinius and Maximin
honored with more real consideration their benefactor Galerius. The
opposition of interest, and the memory of a recent war, divided the
empire into two great hostile powers; but their mutual fears produced an
apparent tranquillity, and even a feigned reconciliation, till the death
of the elder princes, of Maximian, and more particularly of Galerius,
gave a new direction to the views and passions of their surviving
associates.

[Footnote 29: M. de Tillemont (Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv.
part i. p. 559) has proved that Licinius, without passing through
the intermediate rank of Caesar, was declared Augustus, the 11th of
November, A. D. 307, after the return of Galerius from Italy.]

[Footnote 30: Lactantius de M. P. c. 32. When Galerius declared Licinius
Augustus with himself, he tried to satisfy his younger associates, by
inventing for Constantine and Maximin (not Maxentius; see Baluze, p. 81)
the new title of sons of the Augusti. But when Maximin acquainted him
that he had been saluted Augustus by the army, Galerius was obliged
to acknowledge him as well as Constantine, as equal associates in the
Imperial dignity.]

When Maximian had reluctantly abdicated the empire, the venal orators of
the times applauded his philosophic moderation. When his ambition
excited, or at least encouraged, a civil war, they returned thanks to
his generous patriotism, and gently censured that love of ease and
retirement which had withdrawn him from the public service. [31] But it
was impossible that minds like those of Maximian and his son could long
possess in harmony an undivided power. Maxentius considered himself as
the legal sovereign of Italy, elected by the Roman senate and people;
nor would he endure the control of his father, who arrogantly declared
that by his name and abilities the rash youth had been established on
the throne. The cause was solemnly pleaded before the Praetorian guards;
and those troops, who dreaded the severity of the old emperor, espoused
the party of Maxentius. [32] The life and freedom of Maximian were,
however, respected, and he retired from Italy into Illyricum, affecting
to lament his past conduct, and secretly contriving new mischiefs. But
Galerius, who was well acquainted with his character, soon obliged him
to leave his dominions, and the last refuge of the disappointed Maximian
was the court of his son-in-law Constantine. [33] He was received with
respect by that artful prince, and with the appearance of filial
tenderness by the empress Fausta. That he might remove every suspicion,
he resigned the Imperial purple a second time, [34] professing himself
at length convinced of the vanity of greatness and ambition. Had he
persevered in this resolution, he might have ended his life with less
dignity, indeed, than in his first retirement, yet, however, with
comfort and reputation. But the near prospect of a throne brought back
to his remembrance the state from whence he was fallen, and he resolved,
by a desperate effort either to reign or to perish. An incursion of the
Franks had summoned Constantine, with a part of his army, to the banks
of the Rhine; the remainder of the troops were stationed in the southern
provinces of Gaul, which lay exposed to the enterprises of the Italian
emperor, and a considerable treasure was deposited in the city of Arles.
Maximian either craftily invented, or easily credited, a vain report of
the death of Constantine. Without hesitation he ascended the throne,
seized the treasure, and scattering it with his accustomed profusion
among the soldiers, endeavored to awake in their minds the memory of his
ancient dignity and exploits. Before he could establish his authority,
or finish the negotiation which he appears to have entered into with his
son Maxentius, the celerity of Constantine defeated all his hopes. On
the first news of his perfidy and ingratitude, that prince returned by
rapid marches from the Rhine to the Saone, embarked on the last
mentioned river at Chalons, and at Lyons trusting himself to the
rapidity of the Rhone, arrived at the gates of Arles, with a military
force which it was impossible for Maximian to resist, and which scarcely
permitted him to take refuge in the neighboring city of Marseilles. The
narrow neck of land which joined that place to the continent was
fortified against the besiegers, whilst the sea was open, either for the
escape of Maximian, or for the succor of Maxentius, if the latter should
choose to disguise his invasion of Gaul under the honorable pretence of
defending a distressed, or, as he might allege, an injured father.
Apprehensive of the fatal consequences of delay, Constantine gave orders
for an immediate assault; but the scaling-ladders were found too short
for the height of the walls, and Marseilles might have sustained as long
a siege as it formerly did against the arms of Caesar, if the garrison,
conscious either of their fault or of their danger, had not purchased
their pardon by delivering up the city and the person of Maximian. A
secret but irrevocable sentence of death was pronounced against the
usurper; he obtained only the same favor which he had indulged to
Severus, and it was published to the world, that, oppressed by the
remorse of his repeated crimes, he strangled himself with his own hands.
After he had lost the assistance, and disdained the moderate counsels of
Diocletian, the second period of his active life was a series of public
calamities and personal mortifications, which were terminated, in about
three years, by an ignominious death. He deserved his fate; but we
should find more reason to applaud the humanity of Constantine, if he
had spared an old man, the benefactor of his father, and the father of
his wife. During the whole of this melancholy transaction, it appears
that Fausta sacrificed the sentiments of nature to her conjugal duties.
[35]

[Footnote 31: See Panegyr. Vet. vi. 9. Audi doloris nostri liberam
vocem, &c. The whole passage is imagined with artful flattery, and
expressed with an easy flow of eloquence.]

[Footnote 32: Lactantius de M. P. c. 28. Zosim. l. ii. p. 82. A report
was spread, that Maxentius was the son of some obscure Syrian, and had
been substituted by the wife of Maximian as her own child. See Aurelius
Victor, Anonym. Valesian, and Panegyr. Vet. ix. 3, 4.]

[Footnote 33: Ab urbe pulsum, ab Italia fugatum, ab Illyrico repudiatum,
provinciis, tuis copiis, tuo palatio recepisti. Eumen. in Panegyr Vet.
vii. 14.]

[Footnote 34: Lactantius de M. P. c. 29. Yet, after the resignation of
the purple, Constantine still continued to Maximian the pomp and honors
of the Imperial dignity; and on all public occasions gave the right hand
place to his father-in-law. Panegyr. Vet. viii. 15.]

[Footnote 35: Zosim. l. ii. p. 82. Eumenius in Panegyr. Vet. vii.
16--21. The latter of these has undoubtedly represented the whole
affair in the most favorable light for his sovereign. Yet even from
this partial narrative we may conclude, that the repeated clemency
of Constantine, and the reiterated treasons of Maximian, as they
are described by Lactantius, (de M. P. c. 29, 30,) and copied by the
moderns, are destitute of any historical foundation. Note: Yet some
pagan authors relate and confirm them. Aurelius Victor speaking of
Maximin, says, cumque specie officii, dolis compositis, Constantinum
generum tentaret acerbe, jure tamen interierat. Aur. Vict. de Caesar l.
p. 623. Eutropius also says, inde ad Gallias profectus est (Maximianus)
composito tamquam a filio esset expulsus, ut Constantino genero jun
geretur: moliens tamen Constantinum, reperta occasione, interficere,
dedit justissimo exitu. Eutrop. x. p. 661. (Anon. Gent.)--G. ----
These writers hardly confirm more than Gibbon admits; he denies the
repeated clemency of Constantine, and the reiterated treasons of
Maximian Compare Manso, p. 302.--M.]

The last years of Galerius were less shameful and unfortunate; and
though he had filled with more glory the subordinate station of Caesar
than the superior rank of Augustus, he preserved, till the moment of his
death, the first place among the princes of the Roman world. He survived
his retreat from Italy about four years; and wisely relinquishing his
views of universal empire, he devoted the remainder of his life to the
enjoyment of pleasure, and to the execution of some works of public
utility, among which we may distinguish the discharging into the Danube
the superfluous waters of the Lake Pelso, and the cutting down the
immense forests that encompassed it; an operation worthy of a monarch,
since it gave an extensive country to the agriculture of his Pannonian
subjects. [36] His death was occasioned by a very painful and lingering
disorder. His body, swelled by an intemperate course of life to
an unwieldy corpulence, was covered with ulcers, and devoured by
innumerable swarms of those insects which have given their name to a
most loathsome disease; [37] but as Galerius had offended a very zealous
and powerful party among his subjects, his sufferings, instead of
exciting their compassion, have been celebrated as the visible effects
of divine justice. [38] He had no sooner expired in his palace of
Nicomedia, than the two emperors who were indebted for their purple to
his favors, began to collect their forces, with the intention either
of disputing, or of dividing, the dominions which he had left without a
master. They were persuaded, however, to desist from the former design,
and to agree in the latter. The provinces of Asia fell to the share
of Maximin, and those of Europe augmented the portion of Licinius. The
Hellespont and the Thracian Bosphorus formed their mutual boundary, and
the banks of those narrow seas, which flowed in the midst of the Roman
world, were covered with soldiers, with arms, and with fortifications.
The deaths of Maximian and of Galerius reduced the number of emperors
to four. The sense of their true interest soon connected Licinius
and Constantine; a secret alliance was concluded between Maximin and
Maxentius, and their unhappy subjects expected with terror the bloody
consequences of their inevitable dissensions, which were no longer
restrained by the fear or the respect which they had entertained for
Galerius. [39]

[Footnote 36: Aurelius Victor, c. 40. But that lake was situated on the
upper Pannonia, near the borders of Noricum; and the province of Valeria
(a name which the wife of Galerius gave to the drained country)
undoubtedly lay between the Drave and the Danube, (Sextus Rufus, c. 9.)
I should therefore suspect that Victor has confounded the Lake Pelso
with the Volocean marshes, or, as they are now called, the Lake Sabaton.
It is placed in the heart of Valeria, and its present extent is not less
than twelve Hungarian miles (about seventy English) in length, and two
in breadth. See Severini Pannonia, l. i. c.
9.]

[Footnote 37: Lactantius (de M. P. c. 33) and Eusebius (l. viii. c.
16) describe the symptoms and progress of his disorder with singular
accuracy and apparent pleasure.]

[Footnote 38: If any (like the late Dr. Jortin, Remarks on
Ecclesiastical History, vol. ii. p. 307--356) still delight in recording
the wonderful deaths of the persecutors, I would recommend to their
perusal an admirable passage of Grotius (Hist. l. vii. p. 332)
concerning the last illness of Philip II. of Spain.]

[Footnote 39: See Eusebius, l. ix. 6, 10. Lactantius de M. P. c. 36.
Zosimus is less exact, and evidently confounds Maximian with Maximin.]

Among so many crimes and misfortunes, occasioned by the passions of the
Roman princes, there is some pleasure in discovering a single action
which may be ascribed to their virtue. In the sixth year of his reign,
Constantine visited the city of Autun, and generously remitted the
arrears of tribute, reducing at the same time the proportion of their
assessment from twenty-five to eighteen thousand heads, subject to the
real and personal capitation. [40] Yet even this indulgence affords
the most unquestionable proof of the public misery. This tax was so
extremely oppressive, either in itself or in the mode of collecting it,
that whilst the revenue was increased by extortion, it was diminished
by despair: a considerable part of the territory of Autun was left
uncultivated; and great numbers of the provincials rather chose to live
as exiles and outlaws, than to support the weight of civil society. It
is but too probable, that the bountiful emperor relieved, by a partial
act of liberality, one among the many evils which he had caused by his
general maxims of administration. But even those maxims were less
the effect of choice than of necessity. And if we except the death of
Maximian, the reign of Constantine in Gaul seems to have been the most
innocent and even virtuous period of his life.

The provinces were protected by his presence from the inroads of the
barbarians, who either dreaded or experienced his active valor. After
a signal victory over the Franks and Alemanni, several of their princes
were exposed by his order to the wild beasts in the amphitheatre of
Treves, and the people seem to have enjoyed the spectacle, without
discovering, in such a treatment of royal captives, any thing that was
repugnant to the laws of nations or of humanity. [41]

[Footnote 40: See the viiith Panegyr., in which Eumenius displays, in
the presence of Constantine, the misery and the gratitude of the city of
Autun.]

[Footnote 41: Eutropius, x. 3. Panegyr. Veter. vii. 10, 11, 12.
A great number of the French youth were likewise exposed to the same
cruel and ignominious death.]

[Footnote 41: Yet the panegyric assumes something of an apologetic tone.
Te vero Constantine, quantumlibet oderint hoses, dum perhorrescant. Haec
est enim vera virtus, ut non ament et quiescant. The orator appeals to
the ancient ideal of the republic.--M.]

The virtues of Constantine were rendered more illustrious by the vices
of Maxentius. Whilst the Gallic provinces enjoyed as much happiness as
the condition of the times was capable of receiving, Italy and Africa
groaned under the dominion of a tyrant, as contemptible as he was
odious. The zeal of flattery and faction has indeed too frequently
sacrificed the reputation of the vanquished to the glory of their
successful rivals; but even those writers who have revealed, with
the most freedom and pleasure, the faults of Constantine, unanimously
confess that Maxentius was cruel, rapacious, and profligate. [42] He had
the good fortune to suppress a slight rebellion in Africa. The governor
and a few adherents had been guilty; the province suffered for their
crime. The flourishing cities of Cirtha and Carthage, and the whole
extent of that fertile country, were wasted by fire and sword. The abuse
of victory was followed by the abuse of law and justice. A formidable
army of sycophants and delators invaded Africa; the rich and the noble
were easily convicted of a connection with the rebels; and those among
them who experienced the emperor's clemency, were only punished by the
confiscation of their estates. [43] So signal a victory was celebrated by
a magnificent triumph, and Maxentius exposed to the eyes of the people
the spoils and captives of a Roman province. The state of the capital
was no less deserving of compassion than that of Africa. The wealth of
Rome supplied an inexhaustible fund for his vain and prodigal expenses,
and the ministers of his revenue were skilled in the arts of rapine.
It was under his reign that the method of exacting a free gift from the
senators was first invented; and as the sum was insensibly increased,
the pretences of levying it, a victory, a birth, a marriage, or an
imperial consulship, were proportionably multiplied. [44] Maxentius
had imbibed the same implacable aversion to the senate, which had
characterized most of the former tyrants of Rome; nor was it possible
for his ungrateful temper to forgive the generous fidelity which had
raised him to the throne, and supported him against all his enemies.
The lives of the senators were exposed to his jealous suspicions, the
dishonor of their wives and daughters heightened the gratification of
his sensual passions. [45] It may be presumed, that an Imperial lover
was seldom reduced to sigh in vain; but whenever persuasion proved
ineffectual, he had recourse to violence; and there remains one
memorable example of a noble matron, who preserved her chastity by
a voluntary death. The soldiers were the only order of men whom he
appeared to respect, or studied to please. He filled Rome and Italy with
armed troops, connived at their tumults, suffered them with impunity to
plunder, and even to massacre, the defenceless people; [46] and indulging
them in the same licentiousness which their emperor enjoyed, Maxentius
often bestowed on his military favorites the splendid villa, or the
beautiful wife, of a senator. A prince of such a character, alike
incapable of governing, either in peace or in war, might purchase the
support, but he could never obtain the esteem, of the army. Yet his
pride was equal to his other vices. Whilst he passed his indolent life
either within the walls of his palace, or in the neighboring gardens of
Sallust, he was repeatedly heard to declare, that he alone was emperor,
and that the other princes were no more than his lieutenants, on whom he
had devolved the defence of the frontier provinces, that he might enjoy
without interruption the elegant luxury of the capital. Rome, which had
so long regretted the absence, lamented, during the six years of his
reign, the presence of her sovereign. [47]

[Footnote 42: Julian excludes Maxentius from the banquet of the Caesars
with abhorrence and contempt; and Zosimus (l. ii. p. 85) accuses him of
every kind of cruelty and profligacy.]

[Footnote 43: Zosimus, l. ii. p. 83--85. Aurelius Victor.]

[Footnote 44: The passage of Aurelius Victor should be read in the
following manner: Primus instituto pessimo, munerum specie, Patres
Oratores que pecuniam conferre prodigenti sibi cogeret.]

[Footnote 45: Panegyr. Vet. ix. 3. Euseb. Hist Eccles. viii. 14, et in
Vit. Constant i. 33, 34. Rufinus, c. 17. The virtuous matron who stabbed
herself to escape the violence of Maxentius, was a Christian, wife to
the praefect of the city, and her name was Sophronia. It still remains
a question among the casuists, whether, on such occasions, suicide is
justifiable.]

[Footnote 46: Praetorianis caedem vulgi quondam annueret, is the vague
expression of Aurelius Victor. See more particular, though somewhat
different, accounts of a tumult and massacre which happened at Rome, in
Eusebius, (l. viii. c. 14,) and in Zosimus, (l. ii. p. 84.)]

[Footnote 47: See, in the Panegyrics, (ix. 14,) a lively description of
the indolence and vain pride of Maxentius. In another place the orator
observes that the riches which Rome had accumulated in a period of 1060
years, were lavished by the tyrant on his mercenary bands; redemptis ad
civile latrocinium manibus in gesserat.]

Though Constantine might view the conduct of Maxentius with abhorrence,
and the situation of the Romans with compassion, we have no reason to
presume that he would have taken up arms to punish the one or to
relieve the other. But the tyrant of Italy rashly ventured to provoke
a formidable enemy, whose ambition had been hitherto restrained by
considerations of prudence, rather than by principles of justice. [48]
After the death of Maximian, his titles, according to the established
custom, had been erased, and his statues thrown down with ignominy. His
son, who had persecuted and deserted him when alive, effected to display
the most pious regard for his memory, and gave orders that a similar
treatment should be immediately inflicted on all the statues that had
been erected in Italy and Africa to the honor of Constantine.

That wise prince, who sincerely wished to decline a war, with the
difficulty and importance of which he was sufficiently acquainted,
at first dissembled the insult, and sought for redress by the milder
expedient of negotiation, till he was convinced that the hostile and
ambitious designs of the Italian emperor made it necessary for him to
arm in his own defence. Maxentius, who openly avowed his pretensions to
the whole monarchy of the West, had already prepared a very considerable
force to invade the Gallic provinces on the side of Rhaetia; and though
he could not expect any assistance from Licinius, he was flattered with
the hope that the legions of Illyricum, allured by his presents and
promises, would desert the standard of that prince, and unanimously
declare themselves his soldiers and subjects. [49] Constantine no longer
hesitated. He had deliberated with caution, he acted with vigor. He gave
a private audience to the ambassadors, who, in the name of the senate
and people, conjured him to deliver Rome from a detested tyrant; and
without regarding the timid remonstrances of his council, he resolved to
prevent the enemy, and to carry the war into the heart of Italy. [50]

[Footnote 48: After the victory of Constantine, it was universally
allowed, that the motive of delivering the republic from a detested
tyrant, would, at any time, have justified his expedition into Italy.
Euseb in Vi'. Constantin. l. i. c. 26. Panegyr. Vet. ix. 2.]

[Footnote 49: Zosimus, l. ii. p. 84, 85. Nazarius in Panegyr. x. 7--13.]

[Footnote 50: See Panegyr. Vet. ix. 2. Omnibus fere tuis Comitibus
et Ducibus non solum tacite mussantibus, sed etiam aperte timentibus;
contra consilia hominum, contra Haruspicum monita, ipse per temet
liberandae arbis tempus venisse sentires. The embassy of the Romans is
mentioned only by Zonaras, (l. xiii.,) and by Cedrenus, (in Compend.
Hist. p. 370;) but those modern Greeks had the opportunity of consulting
many writers which have since been lost, among which we may reckon the
life of Constantine by Praxagoras. Photius (p. 63) has made a short
extract from that historical work.]

The enterprise was as full of danger as of glory; and the unsuccessful
event of two former invasions was sufficient to inspire the most serious
apprehensions. The veteran troops, who revered the name of Maximian, had
embraced in both those wars the party of his son, and were now
restrained by a sense of honor, as well as of interest, from
entertaining an idea of a second desertion. Maxentius, who considered
the Praetorian guards as the firmest defence of his throne, had
increased them to their ancient establishment; and they composed,
including the rest of the Italians who were enlisted into his service, a
formidable body of fourscore thousand men. Forty thousand Moors and
Carthaginians had been raised since the reduction of Africa. Even Sicily
furnished its proportion of troops; and the armies of Maxentius amounted
to one hundred and seventy thousand foot and eighteen thousand horse.
The wealth of Italy supplied the expenses of the war; and the adjacent
provinces were exhausted, to form immense magazines of corn and every
other kind of provisions.

The whole force of Constantine consisted of ninety thousand foot and
eight thousand horse; [51] and as the defence of the Rhine required an
extraordinary attention during the absence of the emperor, it was not
in his power to employ above half his troops in the Italian expedition,
unless he sacrificed the public safety to his private quarrel. [52] At
the head of about forty thousand soldiers he marched to encounter an
enemy whose numbers were at least four times superior to his own.
But the armies of Rome, placed at a secure distance from danger, were
enervated by indulgence and luxury. Habituated to the baths and theatres
of Rome, they took the field with reluctance, and were chiefly composed
of veterans who had almost forgotten, or of new levies who had never
acquired, the use of arms and the practice of war. The hardy legions
of Gaul had long defended the frontiers of the empire against the
barbarians of the North; and in the performance of that laborious
service, their valor was exercised and their discipline confirmed. There
appeared the same difference between the leaders as between the armies.
Caprice or flattery had tempted Maxentius with the hopes of conquest;
but these aspiring hopes soon gave way to the habits of pleasure and the
consciousness of his inexperience. The intrepid mind of Constantine had
been trained from his earliest youth to war, to action, and to military
command.

[Footnote 51: Zosimus (l. ii. p. 86) has given us this curious account
of the forces on both sides. He makes no mention of any naval armaments,
though we are assured (Panegyr. Vet. ix. 25) that the war was carried on
by sea as well as by land; and that the fleet of Constantine took
possession of Sardinia, Corsica, and the ports of Italy.]

[Footnote 52: Panegyr. Vet. ix. 3. It is not surprising that the orator
should diminish the numbers with which his sovereign achieved the
conquest of Italy; but it appears somewhat singular that he should
esteem the tyrant's army at no more than 100,000 men.]




Chapter XIV: Six Emperors At The Same Time, Reunion Of The Empire.--Part III.

When Hannibal marched from Gaul into Italy, he was obliged, first to
discover, and then to open, a way over mountains, and through savage
nations, that had never yielded a passage to a regular army. [53]
The Alps were then guarded by nature, they are now fortified by art.
Citadels, constructed with no less skill than labor and expense, command
every avenue into the plain, and on that side render Italy almost
inaccessible to the enemies of the king of Sardinia. [54] But in the
course of the intermediate period, the generals, who have attempted the
passage, have seldom experienced any difficulty or resistance. In the
age of Constantine, the peasants of the mountains were civilized and
obedient subjects; the country was plentifully stocked with provisions,
and the stupendous highways, which the Romans had carried over the Alps,
opened several communications between Gaul and Italy. [55] Constantine
preferred the road of the Cottian Alps, or, as it is now called, of
Mount Cenis, and led his troops with such active diligence, that he
descended into the plain of Piedmont before the court of Maxentius had
received any certain intelligence of his departure from the banks of the
Rhine. The city of Susa, however, which is situated at the foot of
Mount Cenis, was surrounded with walls, and provided with a garrison
sufficiently numerous to check the progress of an invader; but the
impatience of Constantine's troops disdained the tedious forms of a
siege. The same day that they appeared before Susa, they applied fire to
the gates, and ladders to the walls; and mounting to the assault amidst
a shower of stones and arrows, they entered the place sword in hand,
and cut in pieces the greatest part of the garrison. The flames were
extinguished by the care of Constantine, and the remains of Susa
preserved from total destruction. About forty miles from thence, a more
severe contest awaited him. A numerous army of Italians was assembled
under the lieutenants of Maxentius, in the plains of Turin. Its
principal strength consisted in a species of heavy cavalry, which the
Romans, since the decline of their discipline, had borrowed from the
nations of the East. The horses, as well as the men, were clothed in
complete armor, the joints of which were artfully adapted to the motions
of their bodies. The aspect of this cavalry was formidable, their weight
almost irresistible; and as, on this occasion, their generals had drawn
them up in a compact column or wedge, with a sharp point, and with
spreading flanks, they flattered themselves that they could easily break
and trample down the army of Constantine. They might, perhaps, have
succeeded in their design, had not their experienced adversary embraced
the same method of defence, which in similar circumstances had been
practised by Aurelian. The skilful evolutions of Constantine divided and
baffled this massy column of cavalry. The troops of Maxentius fled in
confusion towards Turin; and as the gates of the city were shut against
them, very few escaped the sword of the victorious pursuers. By this
important service, Turin deserved to experience the clemency and even
favor of the conqueror. He made his entry into the Imperial palace of
Milan, and almost all the cities of Italy between the Alps and the Po
not only acknowledged the power, but embraced with zeal the party, of
Constantine. [56]

[Footnote 53: The three principal passages of the Alps between Gaul and
Italy, are those of Mount St. Bernard, Mount Cenis, and Mount Genevre.
Tradition, and a resemblance of names, (Alpes Penninoe,) had assigned
the first of these for the march of Hannibal, (see Simler de Alpibus.)
The Chevalier de Folard (Polyp. tom. iv.) and M. d'Anville have led him
over Mount Genevre. But notwithstanding the authority of an experienced
officer and a learned geographer, the pretensions of Mount Cenis are
supported in a specious, not to say a convincing, manner, by M. Grosley.
Observations sur l'Italie, tom. i. p. 40, &c.  ----The dissertation of
Messrs. Cramer and Wickham has clearly shown that the Little St. Bernard
must claim the honor of Hannibal's passage. Mr. Long (London, 1831) has
added some sensible corrections re Hannibal's march to the Alps.--M]

[Footnote 54: La Brunette near Suse, Demont, Exiles, Fenestrelles, Coni,
&c.]

[Footnote 55: See Ammian. Marcellin. xv. 10. His description of the
roads over the Alps is clear, lively, and accurate.]

[Footnote 56: Zosimus as well as Eusebius hasten from the passage of
the Alps to the decisive action near Rome. We must apply to the two
Panegyrics for the intermediate actions of Constantine.]

From Milan to Rome, the Aemilian and Flaminian highways offered an easy
march of about four hundred miles; but though Constantine was impatient
to encounter the tyrant, he prudently directed his operations against
another army of Italians, who, by their strength and position, might
either oppose his progress, or, in case of a misfortune, might intercept
his retreat. Ruricius Pompeianus, a general distinguished by his valor
and ability, had under his command the city of Verona, and all the
troops that were stationed in the province of Venetia. As soon as he was
informed that Constantine was advancing towards him, he detached a large
body of cavalry which was defeated in an engagement near Brescia,
and pursued by the Gallic legions as far as the gates of Verona. The
necessity, the importance, and the difficulties of the siege of Verona,
immediately presented themselves to the sagacious mind of Constantine.
[57] The city was accessible only by a narrow peninsula towards the west,
as the other three sides were surrounded by the Adige, a rapid river,
which covered the province of Venetia, from whence the besieged derived
an inexhaustible supply of men and provisions. It was not without great
difficulty, and after several fruitless attempts, that Constantine found
means to pass the river at some distance above the city, and in a place
where the torrent was less violent. He then encompassed Verona with
strong lines, pushed his attacks with prudent vigor, and repelled a
desperate sally of Pompeianus. That intrepid general, when he had used
every means of defence that the strength of the place or that of the
garrison could afford, secretly escaped from Verona, anxious not for
his own, but for the public safety. With indefatigable diligence he soon
collected an army sufficient either to meet Constantine in the field, or
to attack him if he obstinately remained within his lines. The emperor,
attentive to the motions, and informed of the approach of so formidable
an enemy, left a part of his legions to continue the operations of the
siege, whilst, at the head of those troops on whose valor and fidelity
he more particularly depended, he advanced in person to engage the
general of Maxentius. The army of Gaul was drawn up in two lines,
according to the usual practice of war; but their experienced leader,
perceiving that the numbers of the Italians far exceeded his own,
suddenly changed his disposition, and, reducing the second, extended
the front of his first line to a just proportion with that of the enemy.
Such evolutions, which only veteran troops can execute without confusion
in a moment of danger, commonly prove decisive; but as this engagement
began towards the close of the day, and was contested with great
obstinacy during the whole night, there was less room for the conduct of
the generals than for the courage of the soldiers. The return of light
displayed the victory of Constantine, and a field of carnage covered
with many thousands of the vanquished Italians. Their general,
Pompeianus, was found among the slain; Verona immediately surrendered
at discretion, and the garrison was made prisoners of war. [58] When
the officers of the victorious army congratulated their master on this
important success, they ventured to add some respectful complaints,
of such a nature, however, as the most jealous monarchs will listen
to without displeasure. They represented to Constantine, that, not
contented with all the duties of a commander, he had exposed his own
person with an excess of valor which almost degenerated into rashness;
and they conjured him for the future to pay more regard to the
preservation of a life in which the safety of Rome and of the empire was
involved. [59]

[Footnote 57: The Marquis Maffei has examined the siege and battle of
Verona with that degree of attention and accuracy which was due to a
memorable action that happened in his native country. The fortifications
of that city, constructed by Gallienus, were less extensive than the
modern walls, and the amphitheatre was not included within their
circumference. See Verona Illustrata, part i. p. 142 150.]

[Footnote 58: They wanted chains for so great a multitude of captives;
and the whole council was at a loss; but the sagacious conqueror
imagined the happy expedient of converting into fetters the swords of
the vanquished. Panegyr. Vet. ix. 11.]

[Footnote 59: Panegyr. Vet. ix. 11.]

While Constantine signalized his conduct and valor in the field, the
sovereign of Italy appeared insensible of the calamities and danger of
a civil war which reigned in the heart of his dominions. Pleasure was
still the only business of Maxentius. Concealing, or at least attempting
to conceal, from the public knowledge the misfortunes of his arms, [60]
he indulged himself in a vain confidence which deferred the remedies of
the approaching evil, without deferring the evil itself. [61] The rapid
progress of Constantine [62] was scarcely sufficient to awaken him
from his fatal security; he flattered himself, that his well-known
liberality, and the majesty of the Roman name, which had already
delivered him from two invasions, would dissipate with the same facility
the rebellious army of Gaul. The officers of experience and ability, who
had served under the banners of Maximian, were at length compelled
to inform his effeminate son of the imminent danger to which he was
reduced; and, with a freedom that at once surprised and convinced him,
to urge the necessity of preventing his ruin, by a vigorous exertion of
his remaining power. The resources of Maxentius, both of men and money,
were still considerable. The Praetorian guards felt how strongly their
own interest and safety were connected with his cause; and a third army
was soon collected, more numerous than those which had been lost in
the battles of Turin and Verona. It was far from the intention of the
emperor to lead his troops in person. A stranger to the exercises of
war, he trembled at the apprehension of so dangerous a contest; and as
fear is commonly superstitious, he listened with melancholy attention
to the rumors of omens and presages which seemed to menace his life and
empire. Shame at length supplied the place of courage, and forced him
to take the field. He was unable to sustain the contempt of the Roman
people. The circus resounded with their indignant clamors, and
they tumultuously besieged the gates of the palace, reproaching the
pusillanimity of their indolent sovereign, and celebrating the heroic
spirit of Constantine. [63] Before Maxentius left Rome, he consulted the
Sibylline books. The guardians of these ancient oracles were as well
versed in the arts of this world as they were ignorant of the secrets
of fate; and they returned him a very prudent answer, which might adapt
itself to the event, and secure their reputation, whatever should be the
chance of arms. [64]

[Footnote 60: Literas calamitatum suarum indices supprimebat. Panegyr
Vet. ix. 15.]

[Footnote 61: Remedia malorum potius quam mala differebat, is the fine
censure which Tacitus passes on the supine indolence of Vitellius.]

[Footnote 62: The Marquis Maffei has made it extremely probable that
Constantine was still at Verona, the 1st of September, A.D. 312, and
that the memorable aera of the indications was dated from his conquest
of the Cisalpine Gaul.]

[Footnote 63: See Panegyr. Vet. xi. 16. Lactantius de M. P. c. 44.]

[Footnote 64: Illo die hostem Romanorum esse periturum. The vanquished
became of course the enemy of Rome.]

The celerity of Constantine's march has been compared to the rapid
conquest of Italy by the first of the Caesars; nor is the flattering
parallel repugnant to the truth of history, since no more than
fifty-eight days elapsed between the surrender of Verona and the final
decision of the war. Constantine had always apprehended that the tyrant
would consult the dictates of fear, and perhaps of prudence; and that,
instead of risking his last hopes in a general engagement, he would shut
himself up within the walls of Rome. His ample magazines secured him
against the danger of famine; and as the situation of Constantine
admitted not of delay, he might have been reduced to the sad necessity
of destroying with fire and sword the Imperial city, the noblest reward
of his victory, and the deliverance of which had been the motive, or
rather indeed the pretence, of the civil war. [65] It was with equal
surprise and pleasure, that on his arrival at a place called Saxa Rubra,
about nine miles from Rome, [66] he discovered the army of Maxentius
prepared to give him battle. [67] Their long front filled a very spacious
plain, and their deep array reached to the banks of the Tyber, which
covered their rear, and forbade their retreat. We are informed, and we
may believe, that Constantine disposed his troops with consummate
skill, and that he chose for himself the post of honor and danger.
Distinguished by the splendor of his arms, he charged in person the
cavalry of his rival; and his irresistible attack determined the fortune
of the day. The cavalry of Maxentius was principally composed either of
unwieldy cuirassiers, or of light Moors and Numidians. They yielded to
the vigor of the Gallic horse, which possessed more activity than the
one, more firmness than the other. The defeat of the two wings left the
infantry without any protection on its flanks, and the undisciplined
Italians fled without reluctance from the standard of a tyrant whom
they had always hated, and whom they no longer feared. The Praetorians,
conscious that their offences were beyond the reach of mercy, were
animated by revenge and despair. Notwithstanding their repeated efforts,
those brave veterans were unable to recover the victory: they obtained,
however, an honorable death; and it was observed that their bodies
covered the same ground which had been occupied by their ranks. [68] The
confusion then became general, and the dismayed troops of Maxentius,
pursued by an implacable enemy, rushed by thousands into the deep and
rapid stream of the Tyber. The emperor himself attempted to escape back
into the city over the Milvian bridge; but the crowds which pressed
together through that narrow passage forced him into the river, where he
was immediately drowned by the weight of his armor. [69] His body, which
had sunk very deep into the mud, was found with some difficulty the
next day. The sight of his head, when it was exposed to the eyes of
the people, convinced them of their deliverance, and admonished them
to receive with acclamations of loyalty and gratitude the fortunate
Constantine, who thus achieved by his valor and ability the most
splendid enterprise of his life. [70]

[Footnote 65: See Panegyr. Vet. ix. 16, x. 27. The former of these
orators magnifies the hoards of corn, which Maxentius had collected from
Africa and the Islands. And yet, if there is any truth in the scarcity
mentioned by Eusebius, (in Vit. Constantin. l. i. c. 36,) the Imperial
granaries must have been open only to the soldiers.]

[Footnote 66: Maxentius... tandem urbe in Saxa Rubra, millia ferme novem
aegerrime progressus. Aurelius Victor. See Cellarius Geograph. Antiq.
tom. i. p. 463. Saxa Rubra was in the neighborhood of the Cremera, a
trifling rivulet, illustrated by the valor and glorious death of the
three hundred Fabii.]

[Footnote 67: The post which Maxentius had taken, with the Tyber in his
rear is very clearly described by the two Panegyrists, ix. 16, x.
28.]

[Footnote 68: Exceptis latrocinii illius primis auctoribus, qui
desperata venia ocum quem pugnae sumpserant texere corporibus. Panegyr.
Vet 17.]

[Footnote 69: A very idle rumor soon prevailed, that Maxentius,
who had not taken any precaution for his own retreat, had contrived
a very artful snare to destroy the army of the pursuers; but that
the wooden bridge, which was to have been loosened on the approach
of Constantine, unluckily broke down under the weight of the flying
Italians. M. de Tillemont (Hist. des Empereurs, tom. iv. part i. p. 576)
very seriously examines whether, in contradiction to common sense, the
testimony of Eusebius and Zosimus ought to prevail over the silence of
Lactantius, Nazarius, and the anonymous, but contemporary orator, who
composed the ninth Panegyric. * Note: Manso (Beylage, vi.) examines the
question, and adduces two manifest allusions to the bridge, from the
Life of Constantine by Praxagoras, and from Libanius. Is it not very
probable that such a bridge was thrown over the river to facilitate the
advance, and to secure the retreat, of the army of Maxentius? In case of
defeat, orders were given for destroying it, in order to check the
pursuit: it broke down accidentally, or in the confusion was destroyed,
as has not unfrequently been the case, before the proper time.--M.]

[Footnote 70: Zosimus, l. ii. p. 86-88, and the two Panegyrics, the
former of which was pronounced a few months afterwards, afford the
clearest notion of this great battle. Lactantius, Eusebius, and even the
Epitomes, supply several useful hints.]

In the use of victory, Constantine neither deserved the praise of
clemency, nor incurred the censure of immoderate rigor. [71] He inflicted
the same treatment to which a defeat would have exposed his own person
and family, put to death the two sons of the tyrant, and carefully
extirpated his whole race. The most distinguished adherents of Maxentius
must have expected to share his fate, as they had shared his prosperity
and his crimes; but when the Roman people loudly demanded a greater
number of victims, the conqueror resisted with firmness and humanity,
those servile clamors, which were dictated by flattery as well as by
resentment. Informers were punished and discouraged; the innocent,
who had suffered under the late tyranny, were recalled from exile, and
restored to their estates. A general act of oblivion quieted the minds
and settled the property of the people, both in Italy and in Africa. [72]
The first time that Constantine honored the senate with his presence, he
recapitulated his own services and exploits in a modest oration,
assured that illustrious order of his sincere regard, and promised to
reestablish its ancient dignity and privileges. The grateful senate
repaid these unmeaning professions by the empty titles of honor, which
it was yet in their power to bestow; and without presuming to ratify the
authority of Constantine, they passed a decree to assign him the first
rank among the three Augusti who governed the Roman world. [73] Games
and festivals were instituted to preserve the fame of his victory, and
several edifices, raised at the expense of Maxentius, were dedicated
to the honor of his successful rival. The triumphal arch of Constantine
still remains a melancholy proof of the decline of the arts, and a
singular testimony of the meanest vanity. As it was not possible to find
in the capital of the empire a sculptor who was capable of adorning that
public monument, the arch of Trajan, without any respect either for his
memory or for the rules of propriety, was stripped of its most elegant
figures. The difference of times and persons, of actions and characters,
was totally disregarded. The Parthian captives appear prostrate at the
feet of a prince who never carried his arms beyond the Euphrates;
and curious antiquarians can still discover the head of Trajan on the
trophies of Constantine. The new ornaments which it was necessary to
introduce between the vacancies of ancient sculpture are executed in the
rudest and most unskillful manner. [74]

[Footnote 71: Zosimus, the enemy of Constantine, allows (l. ii. p. 88)
that only a few of the friends of Maxentius were put to death; but we
may remark the expressive passage of Nazarius, (Panegyr. Vet. x. 6.)
Omnibus qui labefactari statum ejus poterant cum stirpe deletis. The
other orator (Panegyr. Vet. ix. 20, 21) contents himself with observing,
that Constantine, when he entered Rome, did not imitate the cruel
massacres of Cinna, of Marius, or of Sylla. * Note: This may refer to
the son or sons of Maxentius.--M.]

[Footnote 72: See the two Panegyrics, and the laws of this and the
ensuing year, in the Theodosian Code.]

[Footnote 73: Panegyr. Vet. ix. 20. Lactantius de M. P. c. 44. Maximin,
who was confessedly the eldest Caesar, claimed, with some show of
reason, the first rank among the Augusti.]

[Footnote 74: Adhuc cuncta opera quae magnifice construxerat, urbis
fanum atque basilicam, Flavii meritis patres sacravere. Aurelius Victor.
With regard to the theft of Trajan's trophies, consult Flaminius Vacca,
apud Montfaucon, Diarium Italicum, p. 250, and l'Antiquite Expliquee of
the latter, tom. iv. p. 171.]

The final abolition of the Praetorian guards was a measure of prudence
as well as of revenge. Those haughty troops, whose numbers and
privileges had been restored, and even augmented, by Maxentius, were
forever suppressed by Constantine. Their fortified camp was destroyed,
and the few Praetorians who had escaped the fury of the sword were
dispersed among the legions, and banished to the frontiers of the
empire, where they might be serviceable without again becoming
dangerous. [75] By suppressing the troops which were usually stationed in
Rome, Constantine gave the fatal blow to the dignity of the senate and
people, and the disarmed capital was exposed without protection to the
insults or neglect of its distant master. We may observe, that in this
last effort to preserve their expiring freedom, the Romans, from the
apprehension of a tribute, had raised Maxentius to the throne. He
exacted that tribute from the senate under the name of a free gift. They
implored the assistance of Constantine. He vanquished the tyrant, and
converted the free gift into a perpetual tax. The senators, according to
the declaration which was required of their property, were divided into
several classes. The most opulent paid annually eight pounds of gold,
the next class paid four, the last two, and those whose poverty might
have claimed an exemption, were assessed, however, at seven pieces
of gold. Besides the regular members of the senate, their sons, their
descendants, and even their relations, enjoyed the vain privileges, and
supported the heavy burdens, of the senatorial order; nor will it any
longer excite our surprise, that Constantine should be attentive to
increase the number of persons who were included under so useful a
description. [76] After the defeat of Maxentius, the victorious emperor
passed no more than two or three months in Rome, which he visited twice
during the remainder of his life, to celebrate the solemn festivals
of the tenth and of the twentieth years of his reign. Constantine was
almost perpetually in motion, to exercise the legions, or to inspect the
state of the provinces. Treves, Milan, Aquileia, Sirmium, Naissus,
and Thessalonica, were the occasional places of his residence, till he
founded a new Rome on the confines of Europe and Asia. [77]

[Footnote 75: Praetoriae legiones ac subsidia factionibus aptiora quam
urbi Romae, sublata penitus; simul arma atque usus indumenti militaris
Aurelius Victor. Zosimus (l. ii. p. 89) mentions this fact as an
historian, and it is very pompously celebrated in the ninth Panegyric.]

[Footnote 76: Ex omnibus provinciis optimates viros Curiae tuae
pigneraveris ut Senatus dignitas.... ex totius Orbis flore consisteret.
Nazarius in Panegyr. Vet x. 35. The word pigneraveris might almost seem
maliciously chosen. Concerning the senatorial tax, see Zosimus, l. ii.
p. 115, the second title of the sixth book of the Theodosian Code, with
Godefroy's Commentary, and Memoires de l'Academic des Inscriptions, tom.
xxviii. p. 726.]

[Footnote 77: From the Theodosian Code, we may now begin to trace the
motions of the emperors; but the dates both of time and place have
frequently been altered by the carelessness of transcribers.]

Before Constantine marched into Italy, he had secured the friendship,
or at least the neutrality, of Licinius, the Illyrian emperor. He had
promised his sister Constantia in marriage to that prince; but the
celebration of the nuptials was deferred till after the conclusion
of the war, and the interview of the two emperors at Milan, which
was appointed for that purpose, appeared to cement the union of their
families and interests. [78] In the midst of the public festivity they
were suddenly obliged to take leave of each other. An inroad of the
Franks summoned Constantine to the Rhine, and the hostile approach
of the sovereign of Asia demanded the immediate presence of Licinius.
Maximin had been the secret ally of Maxentius, and without being
discouraged by his fate, he resolved to try the fortune of a civil war.
He moved out of Syria, towards the frontiers of Bithynia, in the depth
of winter. The season was severe and tempestuous; great numbers of men
as well as horses perished in the snow; and as the roads were broken up
by incessant rains, he was obliged to leave behind him a considerable
part of the heavy baggage, which was unable to follow the rapidity
of his forced marches. By this extraordinary effort of diligence,
he arrived with a harassed but formidable army, on the banks of the
Thracian Bosphorus before the lieutenants of Licinius were apprised of
his hostile intentions. Byzantium surrendered to the power of Maximin,
after a siege of eleven days. He was detained some days under the walls
of Heraclea; and he had no sooner taken possession of that city, than he
was alarmed by the intelligence, that Licinius had pitched his camp at
the distance of only eighteen miles. After a fruitless negotiation, in
which the two princes attempted to seduce the fidelity of each other's
adherents, they had recourse to arms. The emperor of the East commanded
a disciplined and veteran army of above seventy thousand men; and
Licinius, who had collected about thirty thousand Illyrians, was at
first oppressed by the superiority of numbers. His military skill, and
the firmness of his troops, restored the day, and obtained a decisive
victory. The incredible speed which Maximin exerted in his flight is
much more celebrated than his prowess in the battle. Twenty-four hours
afterwards he was seen, pale, trembling, and without his Imperial
ornaments, at Nicomedia, one hundred and sixty miles from the place
of his defeat. The wealth of Asia was yet unexhausted; and though the
flower of his veterans had fallen in the late action, he had still
power, if he could obtain time, to draw very numerous levies from Syria
and Egypt. But he survived his misfortune only three or four months. His
death, which happened at Tarsus, was variously ascribed to despair, to
poison, and to the divine justice. As Maximin was alike destitute of
abilities and of virtue, he was lamented neither by the people nor by
the soldiers. The provinces of the East, delivered from the terrors of
civil war, cheerfully acknowledged the authority of Licinius. [79]

[Footnote 78: Zosimus (l. ii. p. 89) observes, that before the war the
sister of Constantine had been betrothed to Licinius. According to
the younger Victor, Diocletian was invited to the nuptials; but having
ventured to plead his age and infirmities, he received a second letter,
filled with reproaches for his supposed partiality to the cause of
Maxentius and Maximin.]

[Footnote 79: Zosimus mentions the defeat and death of Maximin as
ordinary events; but Lactantius expatiates on them, (de M. P. c. 45-50,)
ascribing them to the miraculous interposition of Heaven. Licinius at
that time was one of the protectors of the church.]

The vanquished emperor left behind him two children, a boy of about
eight, and a girl of about seven, years old. Their inoffensive age
might have excited compassion; but the compassion of Licinius was a very
feeble resource, nor did it restrain him from extinguishing the name
and memory of his adversary. The death of Severianus will admit of
less excuse, as it was dictated neither by revenge nor by policy. The
conqueror had never received any injury from the father of that unhappy
youth, and the short and obscure reign of Severus, in a distant part of
the empire, was already forgotten. But the execution of Candidianus was
an act of the blackest cruelty and ingratitude. He was the natural son
of Galerius, the friend and benefactor of Licinius. The prudent father
had judged him too young to sustain the weight of a diadem; but he hoped
that, under the protection of princes who were indebted to his favor for
the Imperial purple, Candidianus might pass a secure and honorable life.
He was now advancing towards the twentieth year of his age, and the
royalty of his birth, though unsupported either by merit or ambition,
was sufficient to exasperate the jealous mind of Licinius. [80] To these
innocent and illustrious victims of his tyranny, we must add the wife
and daughter of the emperor Diocletian. When that prince conferred on
Galerius the title of Caesar, he had given him in marriage his daughter
Valeria, whose melancholy adventures might furnish a very singular
subject for tragedy. She had fulfilled and even surpassed the duties of
a wife. As she had not any children herself, she condescended to adopt
the illegitimate son of her husband, and invariably displayed towards
the unhappy Candidianus the tenderness and anxiety of a real mother.
After the death of Galerius, her ample possessions provoked the avarice,
and her personal attractions excited the desires, of his successor,
Maximin. [81] He had a wife still alive; but divorce was permitted by the
Roman law, and the fierce passions of the tyrant demanded an immediate
gratification. The answer of Valeria was such as became the daughter
and widow of emperors; but it was tempered by the prudence which her
defenceless condition compelled her to observe. She represented to the
persons whom Maximin had employed on this occasion, "that even if honor
could permit a woman of her character and dignity to entertain a thought
of second nuptials, decency at least must forbid her to listen to his
addresses at a time when the ashes of her husband, and his benefactor
were still warm, and while the sorrows of her mind were still expressed
by her mourning garments. She ventured to declare, that she could
place very little confidence in the professions of a man whose cruel
inconstancy was capable of repudiating a faithful and affectionate
wife." [82] On this repulse, the love of Maximin was converted into fury;
and as witnesses and judges were always at his disposal, it was easy for
him to cover his fury with an appearance of legal proceedings, and to
assault the reputation as well as the happiness of Valeria. Her estates
were confiscated, her eunuchs and domestics devoted to the most inhuman
tortures; and several innocent and respectable matrons, who were honored
with her friendship, suffered death, on a false accusation of adultery.
The empress herself, together with her mother Prisca, was condemned to
exile; and as they were ignominiously hurried from place to place before
they were confined to a sequestered village in the deserts of Syria,
they exposed their shame and distress to the provinces of the East,
which, during thirty years, had respected their august dignity.
Diocletian made several ineffectual efforts to alleviate the misfortunes
of his daughter; and, as the last return that he expected for the
Imperial purple, which he had conferred upon Maximin, he entreated that
Valeria might be permitted to share his retirement of Salona, and to
close the eyes of her afflicted father. [83] He entreated; but as he
could no longer threaten, his prayers were received with coldness and
disdain; and the pride of Maximin was gratified, in treating Diocletian
as a suppliant, and his daughter as a criminal. The death of Maximin
seemed to assure the empresses of a favorable alteration in their
fortune. The public disorders relaxed the vigilance of their guard, and
they easily found means to escape from the place of their exile, and to
repair, though with some precaution, and in disguise, to the court
of Licinius. His behavior, in the first days of his reign, and the
honorable reception which he gave to young Candidianus, inspired Valeria
with a secret satisfaction, both on her own account and on that of her
adopted son. But these grateful prospects were soon succeeded by horror
and astonishment; and the bloody executions which stained the palace
of Nicomedia sufficiently convinced her that the throne of Maximin was
filled by a tyrant more inhuman than himself. Valeria consulted her
safety by a hasty flight, and, still accompanied by her mother Prisca,
they wandered above fifteen months [84] through the provinces, concealed
in the disguise of plebeian habits. They were at length discovered at
Thessalonica; and as the sentence of their death was already pronounced,
they were immediately beheaded, and their bodies thrown into the sea.
The people gazed on the melancholy spectacle; but their grief and
indignation were suppressed by the terrors of a military guard. Such
was the unworthy fate of the wife and daughter of Diocletian. We lament
their misfortunes, we cannot discover their crimes; and whatever idea we
may justly entertain of the cruelty of Licinius, it remains a matter
of surprise that he was not contented with some more secret and decent
method of revenge. [85]

[Footnote 80: Lactantius de M. P. c. 50. Aurelius Victor touches on
the different conduct of Licinius, and of Constantine, in the use of
victory.]

[Footnote 81: The sensual appetites of Maximin were gratified at the
expense of his subjects. His eunuchs, who forced away wives and virgins,
examined their naked charms with anxious curiosity, lest any part of
their body should be found unworthy of the royal embraces. Coyness and
disdain were considered as treason, and the obstinate fair one was
condemned to be drowned. A custom was gradually introduced, that no
person should marry a wife without the permission of the emperor, "ut
ipse in omnibus nuptiis praegustator esset." Lactantius de M. P. c. 38.]

[Footnote 82: Lactantius de M. P. c. 39.]

[Footnote 83: Diocletian at last sent cognatum suum, quendam militarem
ae potentem virum, to intercede in favor of his daughter, (Lactantius
de M. P. c. 41.) We are not sufficiently acquainted with the history of
these times to point out the person who was employed.]

[Footnote 84: Valeria quoque per varias provincias quindecim mensibus
plebeio cultu pervagata. Lactantius de M. P. c. 51. There is some doubt
whether we should compute the fifteen months from the moment of her
exile, or from that of her escape. The expression of parvagata seems to
denote the latter; but in that case we must suppose that the treatise
of Lactantius was written after the first civil war between Licinius and
Constantine. See Cuper, p. 254.]

[Footnote 85: Ita illis pudicitia et conditio exitio fuit. Lactantius
de M. P. c. 51. He relates the misfortunes of the innocent wife
and daughter of Discletian with a very natural mixture of pity and
exultation.]

The Roman world was now divided between Constantine and Licinius, the
former of whom was master of the West, and the latter of the East. It
might perhaps have been expected that the conquerors, fatigued with
civil war, and connected by a private as well as public alliance, would
have renounced, or at least would have suspended, any further designs of
ambition. And yet a year had scarcely elapsed after the death of
Maximin, before the victorious emperors turned their arms against each
other. The genius, the success, and the aspiring temper of Constantine,
may seem to mark him out as the aggressor; but the perfidious character
of Licinius justifies the most unfavorable suspicions, and by the faint
light which history reflects on this transaction, [86] we may discover a
conspiracy fomented by his arts against the authority of his colleague.
Constantine had lately given his sister Anastasia in marriage to
Bassianus, a man of a considerable family and fortune, and had elevated
his new kinsman to the rank of Caesar. According to the system of
government instituted by Diocletian, Italy, and perhaps Africa, were
designed for his department in the empire. But the performance of the
promised favor was either attended with so much delay, or accompanied
with so many unequal conditions, that the fidelity of Bassianus was
alienated rather than secured by the honorable distinction which he had
obtained. His nomination had been ratified by the consent of Licinius;
and that artful prince, by the means of his emissaries, soon contrived
to enter into a secret and dangerous correspondence with the new Caesar,
to irritate his discontents, and to urge him to the rash enterprise of
extorting by violence what he might in vain solicit from the justice of
Constantine. But the vigilant emperor discovered the conspiracy before
it was ripe for execution; and after solemnly renouncing the alliance of
Bassianus, despoiled him of the purple, and inflicted the deserved
punishment on his treason and ingratitude. The haughty refusal of
Licinius, when he was required to deliver up the criminals who had taken
refuge in his dominions, confirmed the suspicions already entertained of
his perfidy; and the indignities offered at Aemona, on the frontiers of
Italy, to the statues of Constantine, became the signal of discord
between the two princes. [87]

[Footnote 86: The curious reader, who consults the Valesian fragment, p.
713, will probably accuse me of giving a bold and licentious paraphrase;
but if he considers it with attention, he will acknowledge that my
interpretation is probable and consistent.]

[Footnote 87: The situation of Aemona, or, as it is now called, Laybach,
in Carniola, (D'Anville, Geographie Ancienne, tom. i. p. 187,) may
suggest a conjecture. As it lay to the north-east of the Julian Alps,
that important territory became a natural object of dispute between the
sovereigns of Italy and of Illyricum.]

The first battle was fought near Cibalis, a city of Pannonia, situated
on the River Save, about fifty miles above Sirmium. [88] From the
inconsiderable forces which in this important contest two such powerful
monarchs brought into the field, it may be inferred that the one was
suddenly provoked, and that the other was unexpectedly surprised. The
emperor of the West had only twenty thousand, and the sovereign of the
East no more than five and thirty thousand, men. The inferiority
of number was, however, compensated by the advantage of the ground.
Constantine had taken post in a defile about half a mile in breadth,
between a steep hill and a deep morass, and in that situation he
steadily expected and repulsed the first attack of the enemy. He pursued
his success, and advanced into the plain. But the veteran legions of
Illyricum rallied under the standard of a leader who had been trained to
arms in the school of Probus and Diocletian. The missile weapons on both
sides were soon exhausted; the two armies, with equal valor, rushed to
a closer engagement of swords and spears, and the doubtful contest had
already lasted from the dawn of the day to a late hour of the evening,
when the right wing, which Constantine led in person, made a vigorous
and decisive charge. The judicious retreat of Licinius saved the
remainder of his troops from a total defeat; but when he computed his
loss, which amounted to more than twenty thousand men, he thought it
unsafe to pass the night in the presence of an active and victorious
enemy. Abandoning his camp and magazines, he marched away with secrecy
and diligence at the head of the greatest part of his cavalry, and was
soon removed beyond the danger of a pursuit. His diligence preserved
his wife, his son, and his treasures, which he had deposited at Sirmium.
Licinius passed through that city, and breaking down the bridge on the
Save, hastened to collect a new army in Dacia and Thrace. In his flight
he bestowed the precarious title of Caesar on Valens, his general of the
Illyrian frontier. [89]

[Footnote 88: Cibalis or Cibalae (whose name is still preserved in the
obscure ruins of Swilei) was situated about fifty miles from Sirmium,
the capital of Illyricum, and about one hundred from Taurunum, or
Belgrade, and the conflux of the Danube and the Save. The Roman
garrisons and cities on those rivers are finely illustrated by M.
d'Anville in a memoir inserted in l'Academie des Inscriptions, tom.
xxviii.]

[Footnote 89: Zosimus (l. ii. p. 90, 91) gives a very particular account
of this battle; but the descriptions of Zosimus are rhetorical rather
than military]




Chapter XIV: Six Emperors At The Same Time, Reunion Of The Empire.--Part IV.

The plain of Mardia in Thrace was the theatre of a second battle no less
obstinate and bloody than the former. The troops on both sides displayed
the same valor and discipline; and the victory was once more decided
by the superior abilities of Constantine, who directed a body of five
thousand men to gain an advantageous height, from whence, during the
heat of the action, they attacked the rear of the enemy, and made a very
considerable slaughter. The troops of Licinius, however, presenting a
double front, still maintained their ground, till the approach of
night put an end to the combat, and secured their retreat towards the
mountains of Macedonia. [90] The loss of two battles, and of his bravest
veterans, reduced the fierce spirit of Licinius to sue for peace. His
ambassador Mistrianus was admitted to the audience of Constantine: he
expatiated on the common topics of moderation and humanity, which are
so familiar to the eloquence of the vanquished; represented in the most
insinuating language, that the event of the war was still doubtful,
whilst its inevitable calamities were alike pernicious to both the
contending parties; and declared that he was authorized to propose a
lasting and honorable peace in the name of the two emperors his
masters. Constantine received the mention of Valens with indignation and
contempt. "It was not for such a purpose," he sternly replied, "that we
have advanced from the shores of the western ocean in an uninterrupted
course of combats and victories, that, after rejecting an ungrateful
kinsman, we should accept for our colleague a contemptible slave. The
abdication of Valens is the first article of the treaty." [91] It was
necessary to accept this humiliating condition; and the unhappy Valens,
after a reign of a few days, was deprived of the purple and of his life.
As soon as this obstacle was removed, the tranquillity of the Roman
world was easily restored. The successive defeats of Licinius had
ruined his forces, but they had displayed his courage and abilities. His
situation was almost desperate, but the efforts of despair are sometimes
formidable, and the good sense of Constantine preferred a great and
certain advantage to a third trial of the chance of arms. He consented
to leave his rival, or, as he again styled Licinius, his friend and
brother, in the possession of Thrace, Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt; but
the provinces of Pannonia, Dalmatia, Dacia, Macedonia, and Greece, were
yielded to the Western empire, and the dominions of Constantine
now extended from the confines of Caledonia to the extremity of
Peloponnesus. It was stipulated by the same treaty, that three royal
youths, the sons of emperors, should be called to the hopes of the
succession. Crispus and the young Constantine were soon afterwards
declared Caesars in the West, while the younger Licinius was invested
with the same dignity in the East. In this double proportion of honors,
the conqueror asserted the superiority of his arms and power. [92]

[Footnote 90: Zosimus, l. ii. p. 92, 93. Anonym. Valesian. p. 713. The
Epitomes furnish some circumstances; but they frequently confound the
two wars between Licinius and Constantine.]

[Footnote 91: Petrus Patricius in Excerpt. Legat. p. 27. If it should be
thought that signifies more properly a son-in-law, we might conjecture
that Constantine, assuming the name as well as the duties of a father,
had adopted his younger brothers and sisters, the children of Theodora.
But in the best authors sometimes signifies a husband, sometimes
a father-in-law, and sometimes a kinsman in general. See Spanheim,
Observat. ad Julian. Orat. i. p. 72.]

[Footnote 92: Zosimus, l. ii. p. 93. Anonym. Valesian. p. 713.
Eutropius, x. v. Aurelius Victor, Euseb. in Chron. Sozomen, l. i. c. 2.
Four of these writers affirm that the promotion of the Caesars was
an article of the treaty. It is, however, certain, that the younger
Constantine and Licinius were not yet born; and it is highly probable
that the promotion was made the 1st of March, A. D. 317. The treaty
had probably stipulated that the two Caesars might be created by the
western, and one only by the eastern emperor; but each of them reserved
to himself the choice of the persons.]

The reconciliation of Constantine and Licinius, though it was imbittered
by resentment and jealousy, by the remembrance of recent injuries, and
by the apprehension of future dangers, maintained, however, above eight
years, the tranquility of the Roman world. As a very regular series of
the Imperial laws commences about this period, it would not be difficult
to transcribe the civil regulations which employed the leisure of
Constantine. But the most important of his institutions are intimately
connected with the new system of policy and religion, which was not
perfectly established till the last and peaceful years of his reign.
There are many of his laws, which, as far as they concern the rights and
property of individuals, and the practice of the bar, are more properly
referred to the private than to the public jurisprudence of the empire;
and he published many edicts of so local and temporary a nature, that
they would ill deserve the notice of a general history. Two laws,
however, may be selected from the crowd; the one for its importance, the
other for its singularity; the former for its remarkable benevolence,
the latter for its excessive severity. 1. The horrid practice, so
familiar to the ancients, of exposing or murdering their new-born
infants, was become every day more frequent in the provinces, and
especially in Italy. It was the effect of distress; and the distress was
principally occasioned by the intolerant burden of taxes, and by the
vexatious as well as cruel prosecutions of the officers of the revenue
against their insolvent debtors. The less opulent or less industrious
part of mankind, instead of rejoicing in an increase of family, deemed
it an act of paternal tenderness to release their children from the
impending miseries of a life which they themselves were unable to
support. The humanity of Constantine; moved, perhaps, by some recent and
extraordinary instances of despair,  engaged him to address an edict
to all the cities of Italy, and afterwards of Africa, directing
immediate and sufficient relief to be given to those parents who should
produce before the magistrates the children whom their own poverty would
not allow them to educate. But the promise was too liberal, and the
provision too vague, to effect any general or permanent benefit. [93]
The law, though it may merit some praise, served rather to display than
to alleviate the public distress. It still remains an authentic monument
to contradict and confound those venal orators, who were too well
satisfied with their own situation to discover either vice or misery
under the government of a generous sovereign. [94] 2. The laws of
Constantine against rapes were dictated with very little indulgence for
the most amiable weaknesses of human nature; since the description of
that crime was applied not only to the brutal violence which compelled,
but even to the gentle seduction which might persuade, an unmarried
woman, under the age of twenty-five, to leave the house of her parents.
"The successful ravisher was punished with death;" and as if simple death
was inadequate to the enormity of his guilt, he was either burnt alive,
or torn in pieces by wild beasts in the amphitheatre. The virgin's
declaration, that she had been carried away with her own consent,
instead of saving her lover, exposed her to share his fate. The duty of
a public prosecution was intrusted to the parents of the guilty or
unfortunate maid; and if the sentiments of nature prevailed on them to
dissemble the injury, and to repair by a subsequent marriage the honor
of their family, they were themselves punished by exile and
confiscation. The slaves, whether male or female, who were convicted of
having been accessory to rape or seduction, were burnt alive, or put to
death by the ingenious torture of pouring down their throats a quantity
of melted lead. As the crime was of a public kind, the accusation was
permitted even to strangers.[9401]

[Footnote 9401: This explanation appears to me little probable. Godefroy
has made a much more happy conjecture, supported by all the historical
circumstances which relate to this edict. It was published the 12th of
May, A. D. 315. at Naissus in Pannonia, the birthplace of Constantine.
The 8th of October, in that year, Constantine gained the victory of
Cibalis over Licinius. He was yet uncertain as to the fate of the war:
the Christians, no doubt, whom he favored, had prophesied his victory.
Lactantius, then preceptor of Crispus, had just written his work upon
Christianity, (his Divine Institutes;) he had dedicated it to
Constantine. In this book he had inveighed with great force against
infanticide, and the exposure of infants, (l. vi. c. 20.) Is it not
probable that Constantine had read this work, that he had conversed on
the subject with Lactantius, that he was moved, among other things, by
the passage to which I have referred, and in the first transport of his
enthusiasm, he published the edict in question? The whole of the edict
bears the character of precipitation, of excitement, (entrainement,)
rather than of deliberate reflection--the extent of the promises, the
indefiniteness of the means, of the conditions, and of the time during
which the parents might have a right to the succor of the state. Is
there not reason to believe that the humanity of Constantine was excited
by the influence of Lactantius, by that of the principles of
Christianity, and of the Christians themselves, already in high esteem
with the emperor, rather than by some "extraordinary instances of
despair"? * * * See Hegewisch, Essai Hist. sur les Finances Romaines.
The edict for Africa was not published till 322: of that we may say in
truth that its origin was in the misery of the times. Africa had
suffered much from the cruelty of Maxentius. Constantine says expressly,
that he had learned that parents, under the pressure of distress, were
there selling their children. This decree is more distinct, more
maturely deliberated than the former; the succor which was to be given
to the parents, and the source from which it was to be derived, are
determined. (Code Theod. l. xi. tit. 27, c 2.) If the direct utility of
these laws may not have been very extensive, they had at least the great
and happy effect of establishing a decisive opposition between the
principles of the government and those which, at this time, had
prevailed among the subjects of the empire.--G.]

The commencement of the action was not limited to any term of years, and
the consequences of the sentence were extended to the innocent offspring
of such an irregular union. [95] But whenever the offence inspires less
horror than the punishment, the rigor of penal law is obliged to give
way to the common feelings of mankind. The most odious parts of this
edict were softened or repealed in the subsequent reigns; [96] and even
Constantine himself very frequently alleviated, by partial acts of
mercy, the stern temper of his general institutions. Such, indeed, was
the singular humor of that emperor, who showed himself as indulgent, and
even remiss, in the execution of his laws, as he was severe, and even
cruel, in the enacting of them. It is scarcely possible to observe
a more decisive symptom of weakness, either in the character of the
prince, or in the constitution of the government. [97]

[Footnote 93: Codex Theodosian. l. xi. tit. 27, tom. iv. p. 188, with
Godefroy's observations. See likewise l. v. tit. 7, 8.]

[Footnote 94: Omnia foris placita, domi prospera, annonae ubertate,
fructuum copia, &c. Panegyr. Vet. x. 38. This oration of Nazarius was
pronounced on the day of the Quinquennalia of the Caesars, the 1st of
March, A. D. 321.]

[Footnote 95: See the edict of Constantine, addressed
to the Roman people, in the Theodosian Code, l. ix. tit. 24, tom. iii.
p. 189.]

[Footnote 96: His son very fairly assigns the true reason of the repeal:
"Na sub specie atrocioris judicii aliqua in ulciscendo crimine dilatio
nae ceretur." Cod. Theod. tom. iii. p. 193]

[Footnote 97: Eusebius (in Vita Constant. l. iii. c. 1) chooses to
affirm, that in the reign of this hero, the sword of justice hung idle
in the hands of the magistrates. Eusebius himself, (l. iv. c. 29, 54,)
and the Theodosian Code, will inform us that this excessive lenity was
not owing to the want either of atrocious criminals or of penal laws.]

The civil administration was sometimes interrupted by the military
defence of the empire. Crispus, a youth of the most amiable character,
who had received with the title of Caesar the command of the Rhine,
distinguished his conduct, as well as valor, in several victories over
the Franks and Alemanni, and taught the barbarians of that frontier to
dread the eldest son of Constantine, and the grandson of Constantius.
[98] The emperor himself had assumed the more difficult and important
province of the Danube. The Goths, who in the time of Claudius and
Aurelian had felt the weight of the Roman arms, respected the power
of the empire, even in the midst of its intestine divisions. But the
strength of that warlike nation was now restored by a peace of near
fifty years; a new generation had arisen, who no longer remembered the
misfortunes of ancient days; the Sarmatians of the Lake Maeotis followed
the Gothic standard either as subjects or as allies, and their united
force was poured upon the countries of Illyricum. Campona, Margus, and
Benonia, [981] appear to have been the scenes of several memorable sieges
and battles; [99] and though Constantine encountered a very obstinate
resistance, he prevailed at length in the contest, and the Goths were
compelled to purchased an ignominious retreat, by restoring the booty
and prisoners which they had taken. Nor was this advantage sufficient to
satisfy the indignation of the emperor. He resolved to chastise as
well as to repulse the insolent barbarians who had dared to invade the
territories of Rome. At the head of his legions he passed the Danube
after repairing the bridge which had been constructed by Trajan,
penetrated into the strongest recesses of Dacia, [100] and when he had
inflicted a severe revenge, condescended to give peace to the suppliant
Goths, on condition that, as often as they were required, they should
supply his armies with a body of forty thousand soldiers. [101] Exploits
like these were no doubt honorable to Constantine, and beneficial to
the state; but it may surely be questioned, whether they can justify
the exaggerated assertion of Eusebius, that All Scythia, as far as the
extremity of the North, divided as it was into so many names and nations
of the most various and savage manners, had been added by his victorious
arms to the Roman empire. [102]

[Footnote 98: Nazarius in Panegyr. Vet. x. The victory of Crispus over
the Alemanni is expressed on some medals. * Note: Other medals are
extant, the legends of which commemorate the success of Constantine over
the Sarmatians and other barbarous nations, Sarmatia Devicta. Victoria
Gothica. Debellatori Gentium Barbarorum. Exuperator Omnium Gentium. St.
Martin, note on Le Beau, i. 148.--M.]

[Footnote 981]: Campona, Old Buda in Hungary; Margus, Benonia, Widdin, in
Maesia--G and M.]

[Footnote 99: See Zosimus, l. ii. p. 93, 94; though the narrative
of that historian is neither clear nor consistent. The Panegyric of
Optatianus (c. 23) mentions the alliance of the Sarmatians with the
Carpi and Getae, and points out the several fields of battle. It is
supposed that the Sarmatian games, celebrated in the month of November,
derived their origin from the success of this war.]

[Footnote 100: In the Caesars of Julian, (p. 329. Commentaire de
Spanheim, p. 252.) Constantine boasts, that he had recovered the
province (Dacia) which Trajan had subdued. But it is insinuated by
Silenus, that the conquests of Constantine were like the gardens of
Adonis, which fade and wither almost the moment they appear.]

[Footnote 101: Jornandes de Rebus Geticis, c. 21. I know not whether we
may entirely depend on his authority. Such an alliance has a very recent
air, and scarcely is suited to the maxims of the beginning of the fourth
century.]

[Footnote 102: Eusebius in Vit. Constantin. l. i. c. 8. This
passage, however, is taken from a general declamation on the greatness
of Constantine, and not from any particular account of the Gothic war.]

In this exalted state of glory, it was impossible that Constantine
should any longer endure a partner in the empire. Confiding in the
superiority of his genius and military power, he determined, without any
previous injury, to exert them for the destruction of Licinius, whose
advanced age and unpopular vices seemed to offer a very easy conquest.
[103] But the old emperor, awakened by the approaching danger, deceived
the expectations of his friends, as well as of his enemies. Calling
forth that spirit and those abilities by which he had deserved the
friendship of Galerius and the Imperial purple, he prepared himself
for the contest, collected the forces of the East, and soon filled the
plains of Hadrianople with his troops, and the Straits of the Hellespont
with his fleet. The army consisted of one hundred and fifty thousand
foot, and fifteen thousand horse; and as the cavalry was drawn, for the
most part, from Phrygia and Cappadocia, we may conceive a more favorable
opinion of the beauty of the horses, than of the courage and dexterity
of their riders. The fleet was composed of three hundred and fifty
galleys of three ranks of oars. A hundred and thirty of these were
furnished by Egypt and the adjacent coast of Africa. A hundred and
ten sailed from the ports of Phoenicia and the Isle of Cyprus; and the
maritime countries of Bithynia, Ionia, and Caria, were likewise obliged
to provide a hundred and ten galleys. The troops of Constantine were
ordered to a rendezvous at Thessalonica; they amounted to above a
hundred and twenty thousand horse and foot. [104] Their emperor was
satisfied with their martial appearance, and his army contained more
soldiers, though fewer men, than that of his eastern competitor. The
legions of Constantine were levied in the warlike provinces of Europe;
action had confirmed their discipline, victory had elevated their
hopes, and there were among them a great number of veterans, who, after
seventeen glorious campaigns under the same leader, prepared themselves
to deserve an honorable dismission by a last effort of their valor. [105]
But the naval preparations of Constantine were in every respect much
inferior to those of Licinius. The maritime cities of Greece sent their
respective quotas of men and ships to the celebrated harbor of Piraeus,
and their united forces consisted of no more than two hundred small
vessels--a very feeble armament, if it is compared with those formidable
fleets which were equipped and maintained by the republic of Athens
during the Peloponnesian war. [106] Since Italy was no longer the seat
of government, the naval establishments of Misenum and Ravenna had been
gradually neglected; and as the shipping and mariners of the empire
were supported by commerce rather than by war, it was natural that they
should the most abound in the industrious provinces of Egypt and Asia.
It is only surprising that the eastern emperor, who possessed so great a
superiority at sea, should have neglected the opportunity of carrying an
offensive war into the centre of his rival's dominions.

[Footnote 103: Constantinus tamen, vir ingens, et omnia efficere nitens
quae animo praeparasset, simul principatum totius urbis affectans,
Licinio bellum intulit. Eutropius, x. 5. Zosimus, l. ii. p 89. The
reasons which they have assigned for the first civil war, may, with more
propriety, be applied to the second.]

[Footnote 104: Zosimus, l. ii. p. 94, 95.]

[Footnote 105: Constantine was very attentive to the privileges and
comforts of his fellow-veterans, (Conveterani,) as he now began to style
them. See the Theodosian Code, l. vii. tit. 10, tom. ii. p. 419, 429.]

[Footnote 106: Whilst the Athenians maintained the empire of the sea,
their fleet consisted of three, and afterwards of four, hundred galleys
of three ranks of oars, all completely equipped and ready for immediate
service. The arsenal in the port of Piraeus had cost the republic a
thousand talents, about two hundred and sixteen thousand pounds. See
Thucydides de Bel. Pelopon. l. ii. c. 13, and Meursius de Fortuna
Attica, c. 19.]

Instead of embracing such an active resolution, which might have changed
the whole face of the war, the prudent Licinius expected the approach of
his rival in a camp near Hadrianople, which he had fortified with an
anxious care, that betrayed his apprehension of the event. Constantine
directed his march from Thessalonica towards that part of Thrace, till
he found himself stopped by the broad and rapid stream of the Hebrus,
and discovered the numerous army of Licinius, which filled the steep
ascent of the hill, from the river to the city of Hadrianople. Many days
were spent in doubtful and distant skirmishes; but at length the
obstacles of the passage and of the attack were removed by the intrepid
conduct of Constantine. In this place we might relate a wonderful
exploit of Constantine, which, though it can scarcely be paralleled
either in poetry or romance, is celebrated, not by a venal orator
devoted to his fortune, but by an historian, the partial enemy of his
fame. We are assured that the valiant emperor threw himself into the
River Hebrus, accompanied only by twelve horsemen, and that by the
effort or terror of his invincible arm, he broke, slaughtered, and put
to flight a host of a hundred and fifty thousand men. The credulity of
Zosimus prevailed so strongly over his passion, that among the events of
the memorable battle of Hadrianople, he seems to have selected and
embellished, not the most important, but the most marvellous. The valor
and danger of Constantine are attested by a slight wound which he
received in the thigh; but it may be discovered even from an imperfect
narration, and perhaps a corrupted text, that the victory was obtained
no less by the conduct of the general than by the courage of the hero;
that a body of five thousand archers marched round to occupy a thick
wood in the rear of the enemy, whose attention was diverted by the
construction of a bridge, and that Licinius, perplexed by so many artful
evolutions, was reluctantly drawn from his advantageous post to combat
on equal ground on the plain. The contest was no longer equal. His
confused multitude of new levies was easily vanquished by the
experienced veterans of the West. Thirty-four thousand men are reported
to have been slain. The fortified camp of Licinius was taken by assault
the evening of the battle; the greater part of the fugitives, who had
retired to the mountains, surrendered themselves the next day to the
discretion of the conqueror; and his rival, who could no longer keep the
field, confined himself within the walls of Byzantium. [107]

[Footnote 107: Zosimus, l. ii. p. 95, 96. This great battle is described
in the Valesian fragment, (p. 714,) in a clear though concise manner.
"Licinius vero circum Hadrianopolin maximo exercitu latera ardui montis
impleverat; illuc toto agmine Constantinus inflexit. Cum bellum
terra marique traheretur, quamvis per arduum suis nitentibus, attamen
disciplina militari et felicitate, Constantinus Licinu confusum et sine
ordine agentem vicit exercitum; leviter femore sau ciatus."]

The siege of Byzantium, which was immediately undertaken by Constantine,
was attended with great labor and uncertainty. In the late civil wars,
the fortifications of that place, so justly considered as the key of
Europe and Asia, had been repaired and strengthened; and as long as
Licinius remained master of the sea, the garrison was much less exposed
to the danger of famine than the army of the besiegers. The naval
commanders of Constantine were summoned to his camp, and received his
positive orders to force the passage of the Hellespont, as the fleet
of Licinius, instead of seeking and destroying their feeble enemy,
continued inactive in those narrow straits, where its superiority of
numbers was of little use or advantage. Crispus, the emperor's eldest
son, was intrusted with the execution of this daring enterprise, which
he performed with so much courage and success, that he deserved the
esteem, and most probably excited the jealousy, of his father. The
engagement lasted two days; and in the evening of the first, the
contending fleets, after a considerable and mutual loss, retired into
their respective harbors of Europe and Asia. The second day, about noon,
a strong south wind [108] sprang up, which carried the vessels of Crispus
against the enemy; and as the casual advantage was improved by his
skilful intrepidity, he soon obtained a complete victory. A hundred
and thirty vessels were destroyed, five thousand men were slain, and
Amandus, the admiral of the Asiatic fleet, escaped with the utmost
difficulty to the shores of Chalcedon. As soon as the Hellespont
was open, a plentiful convoy of provisions flowed into the camp of
Constantine, who had already advanced the operations of the siege.
He constructed artificial mounds of earth of an equal height with the
ramparts of Byzantium. The lofty towers which were erected on that
foundation galled the besieged with large stones and darts from the
military engines, and the battering rams had shaken the walls in several
places. If Licinius persisted much longer in the defence, he exposed
himself to be involved in the ruin of the place. Before he was
surrounded, he prudently removed his person and treasures to Chalcedon
in Asia; and as he was always desirous of associating companions to the
hopes and dangers of his fortune, he now bestowed the title of Caesar
on Martinianus, who exercised one of the most important offices of the
empire. [109]

[Footnote 108: Zosimus, l. ii. p. 97, 98. The current always sets out
of the Hellespont; and when it is assisted by a north wind, no vessel
can attempt the passage. A south wind renders the force of the current
almost imperceptible. See Tournefort's Voyage au Levant, Let. xi.]

[Footnote 109: Aurelius Victor. Zosimus, l. ii. p. 93. According to the
latter, Martinianus was Magister Officiorum, (he uses the Latin
appellation in Greek.) Some medals seem to intimate, that during his
short reign he received the title of Augustus.]

Such were still the resources, and such the abilities, of Licinius,
that, after so many successive defeats, he collected in Bithynia a new
army of fifty or sixty thousand men, while the activity of Constantine
was employed in the siege of Byzantium. The vigilant emperor did not,
however, neglect the last struggles of his antagonist. A considerable
part of his victorious army was transported over the Bosphorus in small
vessels, and the decisive engagement was fought soon after their landing
on the heights of Chrysopolis, or, as it is now called, of Scutari. The
troops of Licinius, though they were lately raised, ill armed, and
worse disciplined, made head against their conquerors with fruitless but
desperate valor, till a total defeat, and a slaughter of five and twenty
thousand men, irretrievably determined the fate of their leader. [110]
He retired to Nicomedia, rather with the view of gaining some time for
negotiation, than with the hope of any effectual defence. Constantia,
his wife, and the sister of Constantine, interceded with her brother in
favor of her husband, and obtained from his policy, rather than from
his compassion, a solemn promise, confirmed by an oath, that after the
sacrifice of Martinianus, and the resignation of the purple, Licinius
himself should be permitted to pass the remainder of this life in peace
and affluence. The behavior of Constantia, and her relation to the
contending parties, naturally recalls the remembrance of that virtuous
matron who was the sister of Augustus, and the wife of Antony. But the
temper of mankind was altered, and it was no longer esteemed infamous
for a Roman to survive his honor and independence. Licinius solicited
and accepted the pardon of his offences, laid himself and his purple
at the feet of his lord and master, was raised from the ground with
insulting pity, was admitted the same day to the Imperial banquet, and
soon afterwards was sent away to Thessalonica, which had been chosen for
the place of his confinement. [111] His confinement was soon terminated
by death, and it is doubtful whether a tumult of the soldiers, or a
decree of the senate, was suggested as the motive for his execution.
According to the rules of tyranny, he was accused of forming a
conspiracy, and of holding a treasonable correspondence with the
barbarians; but as he was never convicted, either by his own conduct or
by any legal evidence, we may perhaps be allowed, from his weakness,
to presume his innocence. [112] The memory of Licinius was branded with
infamy, his statues were thrown down, and by a hasty edict, of such
mischievous tendency that it was almost immediately corrected, all
his laws, and all the judicial proceedings of his reign, were at once
abolished. [113] By this victory of Constantine, the Roman world was
again united under the authority of one emperor, thirty-seven years
after Diocletian had divided his power and provinces with his associate
Maximian.

[Footnote 110: Eusebius (in Vita Constantin. I. ii. c. 16, 17) ascribes
this decisive victory to the pious prayers of the emperor. The Valesian
fragment (p. 714) mentions a body of Gothic auxiliaries, under their
chief Aliquaca, who adhered to the party of Licinius.]

[Footnote 111: Zosimus, l. ii. p. 102. Victor Junior in Epitome.
Anonym. Valesian. p. 714.]

[Footnote 112: Contra religionem sacramenti Thessalonicae privatus
occisus est. Eutropius, x. 6; and his evidence is confirmed by Jerome
(in Chronic.) as well as by Zosimus, l. ii. p. 102. The Valesian writer
is the only one who mentions the soldiers, and it is Zonaras alone who
calls in the assistance of the senate. Eusebius prudently slides over
this delicate transaction. But Sozomen, a century afterwards, ventures
to assert the treasonable practices of Licinius.]

[Footnote 113: See the Theodosian Code, l. xv. tit. 15, tom. v. p
404, 405. These edicts of Constantine betray a degree of passion and
precipitation very unbecoming the character of a lawgiver.]

The successive steps of the elevation of Constantine, from his first
assuming the purple at York, to the resignation of Licinius, at
Nicomedia, have been related with some minuteness and precision, not
only as the events are in themselves both interesting and important,
but still more, as they contributed to the decline of the empire by the
expense of blood and treasure, and by the perpetual increase, as well
of the taxes, as of the military establishment. The foundation of
Constantinople, and the establishment of the Christian religion, were
the immediate and memorable consequences of this revolution.




Chapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.--Part I.

     The Progress Of The Christian Religion, And The Sentiments,
     Manners, Numbers, And Condition Of The Primitive Christians.
     [101]

[Footnote 101: In spite of my resolution, Lardner led me to look through
the famous fifteenth and sixteenth chapters of Gibbon. I could not lay
them down without finishing them. The causes assigned, in the fifteenth
chapter, for the diffusion of Christianity, must, no doubt, have
contributed to it materially; but I doubt whether he saw them all.
Perhaps those which he enumerates are among the most obvious. They might
all be safely adopted by a Christian writer, with some change in the
language and manner. Mackintosh see Life, i. p. 244.--M.]

A candid but rational inquiry into the progress and establishment of
Christianity may be considered as a very essential part of the history
of the Roman empire. While that great body was invaded by open
violence, or undermined by slow decay, a pure and humble religion
gently insinuated itself into the minds of men, grew up in silence and
obscurity, derived new vigor from opposition, and finally erected the
triumphant banner of the Cross on the ruins of the Capitol. Nor was the
influence of Christianity confined to the period or to the limits of the
Roman empire. After a revolution of thirteen or fourteen centuries,
that religion is still professed by the nations of Europe, the most
distinguished portion of human kind in arts and learning as well as
in arms. By the industry and zeal of the Europeans, it has been widely
diffused to the most distant shores of Asia and Africa; and by the means
of their colonies has been firmly established from Canada to Chili, in a
world unknown to the ancients.

But this inquiry, however useful or entertaining, is attended with
two peculiar difficulties. The scanty and suspicious materials of
ecclesiastical history seldom enable us to dispel the dark cloud that
hangs over the first age of the church. The great law of impartiality
too often obliges us to reveal the imperfections of the uninspired
teachers and believers of the gospel; and, to a careless observer, their
faults may seem to cast a shade on the faith which they professed. But
the scandal of the pious Christian, and the fallacious triumph of the
Infidel, should cease as soon as they recollect not only by whom, but
likewise to whom, the Divine Revelation was given. The theologian may
indulge the pleasing task of describing Religion as she descended from
Heaven, arrayed in her native purity. A more melancholy duty is imposed
on the historian. He must discover the inevitable mixture of error and
corruption, which she contracted in a long residence upon earth, among a
weak and degenerate race of beings. [102]

[Footnote 102: The art of Gibbon, or at least the unfair impression
produced by these two memorable chapters, consists in confounding
together, in one undistinguishable mass, the origin and apostolic
propagation of the Christian religion with its later progress. The main
question, the divine origin of the religion, is dexterously eluded or
speciously conceded; his plan enables him to commence his account, in
most parts, below the apostolic times; and it is only by the strength
of the dark coloring with which he has brought out the failings and
the follies of succeeding ages, that a shadow of doubt and suspicion is
thrown back on the primitive period of Christianity. Divest this whole
passage of the latent sarcasm betrayed by the subsequent one of the
whole disquisition, and it might commence a Christian history, written
in the most Christian spirit of candor.--M.]

Our curiosity is naturally prompted to inquire by what means the
Christian faith obtained so remarkable a victory over the established
religions of the earth. To this inquiry, an obvious but satisfactory
answer may be returned; that it was owing to the convincing evidence of
the doctrine itself, and to the ruling providence of its great Author.
But as truth and reason seldom find so favorable a reception in the
world, and as the wisdom of Providence frequently condescends to use the
passions of the human heart, and the general circumstances of mankind,
as instruments to execute its purpose, we may still be permitted, though
with becoming submission, to ask, not indeed what were the first, but
what were the secondary causes of the rapid growth of the Christian
church. It will, perhaps, appear, that it was most effectually favored
and assisted by the five following causes: I. The inflexible, and if we
may use the expression, the intolerant zeal of the Christians, derived,
it is true, from the Jewish religion, but purified from the narrow and
unsocial spirit, which, instead of inviting, had deterred the Gentiles
from embracing the law of Moses.

II. The doctrine of a future life, improved by every additional
circumstance which could give weight and efficacy to that important
truth. III. The miraculous powers ascribed to the primitive church. IV.
The pure and austere morals of the Christians.

V. The union and discipline of the Christian republic, which gradually
formed an independent and increasing state in the heart of the Roman
empire.

[Footnote!: Though we are thus far agreed with respect to the
inflexibility and intolerance of Christian zeal, yet as to the principle
from which it was derived, we are, toto coelo, divided in opinion. You
deduce it from the Jewish religion; I would refer it to a more adequate
and a more obvious source, a full persuasion of the truth of
Christianity. Watson. Letters Gibbon, i. 9.--M.]

I. We have already described the religious harmony of the ancient world,
and the facility [102] with which the most different and even hostile
nations embraced, or at least respected, each other's superstitions. A
single people refused to join in the common intercourse of mankind. The
Jews, who, under the Assyrian and Persian monarchies, had languished
for many ages the most despised portion of their slaves, [1] emerged from
obscurity under the successors of Alexander; and as they multiplied to
a surprising degree in the East, and afterwards in the West, they
soon excited the curiosity and wonder of other nations. [2] The sullen
obstinacy with which they maintained their peculiar rites and unsocial
manners, seemed to mark them out as a distinct species of men, who
boldly professed, or who faintly disguised, their implacable habits to
the rest of human kind. [3] Neither the violence of Antiochus, nor the
arts of Herod, nor the example of the circumjacent nations, could
ever persuade the Jews to associate with the institutions of Moses the
elegant mythology of the Greeks. [4] According to the maxims of universal
toleration, the Romans protected a superstition which they despised. [5]
The polite Augustus condescended to give orders, that sacrifices should
be offered for his prosperity in the temple of Jerusalem; [6] whilst
the meanest of the posterity of Abraham, who should have paid the same
homage to the Jupiter of the Capitol, would have been an object of
abhorrence to himself and to his brethren.

But the moderation of the conquerors was insufficient to appease the
jealous prejudices of their subjects, who were alarmed and scandalized
at the ensigns of paganism, which necessarily introduced themselves into
a Roman province. [7] The mad attempt of Caligula to place his own statue
in the temple of Jerusalem was defeated by the unanimous resolution of a
people who dreaded death much less than such an idolatrous profanation.
[8] Their attachment to the law of Moses was equal to their detestation
of foreign religions. The current of zeal and devotion, as it was
contracted into a narrow channel, ran with the strength, and sometimes
with the fury, of a torrent.

[Footnote 102: This facility has not always prevented intolerance, which
seems inherent in the religious spirit, when armed with authority. The
separation of the ecclesiastical and civil power, appears to be the only
means of at once maintaining religion and tolerance: but this is a very
modern notion. The passions, which mingle themselves with opinions, made
the Pagans very often intolerant and persecutors; witness the Persians,
the Egyptians even the Greeks and Romans.

1st. The Persians.--Cambyses, conqueror of the Egyptians, condemned to
death the magistrates of Memphis, because they had offered divine honors
to their god. Apis: he caused the god to be brought before him, struck
him with his dagger, commanded the priests to be scourged, and ordered
a general massacre of all the Egyptians who should be found celebrating
the festival of the statues of the gods to be burnt. Not content with
this intolerance, he sent an army to reduce the Ammonians to slavery,
and to set on fire the temple in which Jupiter delivered his oracles.
See Herod. iii. 25--29, 37. Xerxes, during his invasion of Greece, acted
on the same principles: l c destroyed all the temples of Greece and
Ionia, except that of Ephesus. See Paus. l. vii. p. 533, and x. p. 887.

Strabo, l. xiv. b. 941. 2d. The Egyptians.--They thought themselves
defiled when they had drunk from the same cup or eaten at the same table
with a man of a different belief from their own. "He who has voluntarily
killed any sacred animal is punished with death; but if any one, even
involuntarily, has killed a cat or an ibis, he cannot escape the extreme
penalty: the people drag him away, treat him in the most cruel manner,
sometimes without waiting for a judicial sentence. * * * Even at the
time when King Ptolemy was not yet the acknowledged friend of the
Roman people, while the multitude were paying court with all possible
attention to the strangers who came from Italy * * a Roman having killed
a cat, the people rushed to his house, and neither the entreaties of the
nobles, whom the king sent to them, nor the terror of the Roman name,
were sufficiently powerful to rescue the man from punishment, though he
had committed the crime involuntarily." Diod. Sic. i 83. Juvenal, in his
13th Satire, describes the sanguinary conflict between the inhabitants
of Ombos and of Tentyra, from religious animosity. The fury was carried
so far, that the conquerors tore and devoured the quivering limbs of the
conquered.

Ardet adhuc Ombos et Tentyra, summus utrinque Inde furor vulgo, quod
numina vicinorum Odit uterque locus; quum solos credat habendos Esse
Deos quos ipse colit. Sat. xv. v. 85.

3d. The Greeks.--"Let us not here," says the Abbe Guenee, "refer to the
cities of Peloponnesus and their severity against atheism; the Ephesians
prosecuting Heraclitus for impiety; the Greeks armed one against the
other by religious zeal, in the Amphictyonic war. Let us say nothing
either of the frightful cruelties inflicted by three successors of
Alexander upon the Jews, to force them to abandon their religion, nor
of Antiochus expelling the philosophers from his states. Let us not seek
our proofs of intolerance so far off. Athens, the polite and learned
Athens, will supply us with sufficient examples. Every citizen made
a public and solemn vow to conform to the religion of his country, to
defend it, and to cause it to be respected. An express law severely
punished all discourses against the gods, and a rigid decree ordered the
denunciation of all who should deny their existence. * * * The practice
was in unison with the severity of the law. The proceedings commenced
against Protagoras; a price set upon the head of Diagoras; the danger of
Alcibiades; Aristotle obliged to fly; Stilpo banished; Anaxagoras hardly
escaping death; Pericles himself, after all his services to his country,
and all the glory he had acquired, compelled to appear before the
tribunals and make his defence; * * a priestess executed for having
introduced strange gods; Socrates condemned and drinking the hemlock,
because he was accused of not recognizing those of his country, &c.;
these facts attest too loudly, to be called in question, the religious
intolerance of the most humane and enlightened people in Greece."
Lettres de quelques Juifs a Mons. Voltaire, i. p. 221. (Compare Bentley
on Freethinking, from which much of this is derived.)--M.

4th. The Romans.--The laws of Rome were not less express and severe. The
intolerance of foreign religions reaches, with the Romans, as high as
the laws of the twelve tables; the prohibitions were afterwards renewed
at different times. Intolerance did not discontinue under the emperors;
witness the counsel of Maecenas to Augustus. This counsel is so
remarkable, that I think it right to insert it entire. "Honor the gods
yourself," says Maecenas to Augustus, "in every way according to the
usage of your ancestors, and compel others to worship them. Hate and
punish those who introduce strange gods, not only for the sake of the
gods, (he who despises them will respect no one,) but because those who
introduce new gods engage a multitude of persons in foreign laws and
customs. From hence arise unions bound by oaths and confederacies, and
associations, things dangerous to a monarchy." Dion Cass. l. ii. c. 36.
(But, though some may differ from it, see Gibbon's just observation on
this passage in Dion Cassius, ch. xvi. note 117; impugned, indeed, by M.
Guizot, note in loc.)--M.

Even the laws which the philosophers of Athens and of Rome wrote for
their imaginary republics are intolerant. Plato does not leave to his
citizens freedom of religious worship; and Cicero expressly prohibits
them from having other gods than those of the state. Lettres de quelques
Juifs a Mons. Voltaire, i. p. 226.--G.

According to M. Guizot's just remarks, religious intolerance will always
ally itself with the passions of man, however different those passions
may be. In the instances quoted above, with the Persians it was the
pride of despotism; to conquer the gods of a country was the last mark
of subjugation. With the Egyptians, it was the gross Fetichism of the
superstitious populace, and the local jealousy of neighboring towns. In
Greece, persecution was in general connected with political party;
in Rome, with the stern supremacy of the law and the interests of the
state. Gibbon has been mistaken in attributing to the tolerant spirit
of Paganism that which arose out of the peculiar circumstances of the
times. 1st. The decay of the old Polytheism, through the progress of
reason and intelligence, and the prevalence of philosophical opinions
among the higher orders.

2d. The Roman character, in which the political always predominated over
the religious party. The Romans were contented with having bowed the
world to a uniformity of subjection to their power, and cared not for
establishing the (to them) less important uniformity of religion.--M.

[Footnote 1: Dum Assyrios penes, Medosque, et Persas Oriens fuit,
despectissima pars servientium. Tacit. Hist. v. 8. Herodotus, who
visited Asia whilst it obeyed the last of those empires, slightly
mentions the Syrians of Palestine, who, according to their own
confession, had received from Egypt the rite of circumcision. See l. ii.
c. 104.]

[Footnote 2: Diodorus Siculus, l. xl. Dion Cassius, l. xxxvii. p. 121.
Tacit Hist. v. 1--9. Justin xxxvi. 2, 3.]

[Footnote 3: Tradidit arcano quaecunque volumine Moses, Non monstrare
vias cadem nisi sacra colenti, Quaesitum ad fontem solos deducere
verpas. The letter of this law is not to be found in the present volume
of Moses. But the wise, the humane Maimonides openly teaches that if an
idolater fall into the water, a Jew ought not to save him from instant
death. See Basnage, Histoire des Juifs, l. vi. c. 28. * Note: It is
diametrically opposed to its spirit and to its letter, see, among other
passages, Deut. v. 18. 19, (God) "loveth the stranger in giving him food
and raiment. Love ye, therefore, the stranger: for ye were strangers in
the land of Egypt." Comp. Lev. xxiii. 25. Juvenal is a satirist, whose
strong expressions can hardly be received as historic evidence; and he
wrote after the horrible cruelties of the Romans, which, during and
after the war, might give some cause for the complete isolation of the
Jew from the rest of the world. The Jew was a bigot, but his religion
was not the only source of his bigotry. After how many centuries of
mutual wrong and hatred, which had still further estranged the Jew from
mankind, did Maimonides write?--M.]

[Footnote 4: A Jewish sect, which indulged themselves in a sort
of occasional conformity, derived from Herod, by whose example and
authority they had been seduced, the name of Herodians. But their
numbers were so inconsiderable, and their duration so short, that
Josephus has not thought them worthy of his notice. See Prideaux's
Connection, vol. ii. p. 285. * Note: The Herodians were probably more of
a political party than a religious sect, though Gibbon is most likely
right as to their occasional conformity. See Hist. of the Jews, ii.
108.--M.]

[Footnote 5: Cicero pro Flacco, c. 28. * Note: The edicts of Julius
Caesar, and of some of the cities in Asia Minor (Krebs. Decret. pro
Judaeis,) in favor of the nation in general, or of the Asiatic Jews,
speak a different language.--M.]

[Footnote 6: Philo de Legatione. Augustus left a foundation for a
perpetual sacrifice. Yet he approved of the neglect which his grandson
Caius expressed towards the temple of Jerusalem. See Sueton. in August.
c. 93, and Casaubon's notes on that passage.]

[Footnote 7: See, in particular, Joseph. Antiquitat. xvii. 6, xviii. 3;
and de Bell. Judiac. i. 33, and ii. 9, edit. Havercamp. * Note: This was
during the government of Pontius Pilate. (Hist. of Jews, ii. 156.)
Probably in part to avoid this collision, the Roman governor, in
general, resided at Caesarea.--M.]

[Footnote 8: Jussi a Caio Caesare, effigiem ejus in templo locare,
arma potius sumpsere. Tacit. Hist. v. 9. Philo and Josephus gave a very
circumstantial, but a very rhetorical, account of this transaction,
which exceedingly perplexed the governor of Syria. At the first mention
of this idolatrous proposal, King Agrippa fainted away; and did not
recover his senses until the third day. (Hist. of Jews, ii. 181, &c.)]


This inflexible perseverance, which appeared so odious or so ridiculous
to the ancient world, assumes a more awful character, since Providence
has deigned to reveal to us the mysterious history of the chosen people.
But the devout and even scrupulous attachment to the Mosaic religion,
so conspicuous among the Jews who lived under the second temple, becomes
still more surprising, if it is compared with the stubborn incredulity
of their forefathers. When the law was given in thunder from Mount
Sinai, when the tides of the ocean and the course of the planets were
suspended for the convenience of the Israelites, and when temporal
rewards and punishments were the immediate consequences of their piety
or disobedience, they perpetually relapsed into rebellion against the
visible majesty of their Divine King, placed the idols of the nations in
the sanctuary of Jehovah, and imitated every fantastic ceremony that was
practised in the tents of the Arabs, or in the cities of Phoenicia. [9]
As the protection of Heaven was deservedly withdrawn from the ungrateful
race, their faith acquired a proportionable degree of vigor and purity.

The contemporaries of Moses and Joshua had beheld with careless
indifference the most amazing miracles. Under the pressure of every
calamity, the belief of those miracles has preserved the Jews of a later
period from the universal contagion of idolatry; and in contradiction to
every known principle of the human mind, that singular people seems to
have yielded a stronger and more ready assent to the traditions of their
remote ancestors, than to the evidence of their own senses. [10]

[Footnote 9: For the enumeration of the Syrian and Arabian deities, it
may be observed, that Milton has comprised in one hundred and thirty
very beautiful lines the two large and learned syntagmas which Selden
had composed on that abstruse subject.]

[Footnote 10: "How long will this people provoke me? and how long will
it be ere they believe me, for all the signs which I have shown among
them?" (Numbers xiv. 11.) It would be easy, but it would be unbecoming,
to justify the complaint of the Deity from the whole tenor of the Mosaic
history. Note: Among a rude and barbarous people, religious impressions
are easily made, and are as soon effaced. The ignorance which multiplies
imaginary wonders, would weaken and destroy the effect of real miracle.
At the period of the Jewish history, referred to in the passage from
Numbers, their fears predominated over their faith,--the fears of an
unwarlike people, just rescued from debasing slavery, and commanded to
attack a fierce, a well-armed, a gigantic, and a far more numerous race,
the inhabitants of Canaan. As to the frequent apostasy of the Jews,
their religion was beyond their state of civilization. Nor is it
uncommon for a people to cling with passionate attachment to that of
which, at first, they could not appreciate the value. Patriotism and
national pride will contend, even to death, for political rights which
have been forced upon a reluctant people. The Christian may at
least retort, with justice, that the great sign of his religion, the
resurrection of Jesus, was most ardently believed, and most resolutely
asserted, by the eye witnesses of the fact.--M.]

The Jewish religion was admirably fitted for defence, but it was
never designed for conquest; and it seems probable that the number of
proselytes was never much superior to that of apostates. The divine
promises were originally made, and the distinguishing rite of
circumcision was enjoined, to a single family. When the posterity of
Abraham had multiplied like the sands of the sea, the Deity, from whose
mouth they received a system of laws and ceremonies, declared himself
the proper and as it were the national God of Israel and with the most
jealous care separated his favorite people from the rest of mankind. The
conquest of the land of Canaan was accompanied with so many wonderful
and with so many bloody circumstances, that the victorious Jews were
left in a state of irreconcilable hostility with all their neighbors.
They had been commanded to extirpate some of the most idolatrous tribes,
and the execution of the divine will had seldom been retarded by the
weakness of humanity.

With the other nations they were forbidden to contract any marriages or
alliances; and the prohibition of receiving them into the congregation,
which in some cases was perpetual, almost always extended to the third,
to the seventh, or even to the tenth generation. The obligation of
preaching to the Gentiles the faith of Moses had never been inculcated
as a precept of the law, nor were the Jews inclined to impose it on
themselves as a voluntary duty.

In the admission of new citizens, that unsocial people was actuated by
the selfish vanity of the Greeks, rather than by the generous policy of
Rome. The descendants of Abraham were flattered by the opinion that
they alone were the heirs of the covenant, and they were apprehensive of
diminishing the value of their inheritance by sharing it too easily with
the strangers of the earth. A larger acquaintance with mankind extended
their knowledge without correcting their prejudices; and whenever the
God of Israel acquired any new votaries, he was much more indebted to
the inconstant humor of polytheism than to the active zeal of his own
missionaries. [11] The religion of Moses seems to be instituted for
a particular country as well as for a single nation; and if a strict
obedience had been paid to the order, that every male, three times in
the year, should present himself before the Lord Jehovah, it would have
been impossible that the Jews could ever have spread themselves beyond
the narrow limits of the promised land. [12] That obstacle was indeed
removed by the destruction of the temple of Jerusalem; but the
most considerable part of the Jewish religion was involved in its
destruction; and the Pagans, who had long wondered at the strange report
of an empty sanctuary, [13] were at a loss to discover what could be
the object, or what could be the instruments, of a worship which was
destitute of temples and of altars, of priests and of sacrifices.

Yet even in their fallen state, the Jews, still asserting their lofty
and exclusive privileges, shunned, instead of courting, the society of
strangers. They still insisted with inflexible rigor on those parts
of the law which it was in their power to practise. Their peculiar
distinctions of days, of meats, and a variety of trivial though
burdensome observances, were so many objects of disgust and aversion
for the other nations, to whose habits and prejudices they were
diametrically opposite. The painful and even dangerous rite of
circumcision was alone capable of repelling a willing proselyte from the
door of the synagogue. [14]

[Footnote 11: All that relates to the Jewish proselytes has been very
ably by Basnage, Hist. des Juifs, l. vi. c. 6, 7.]

[Footnote 12: See Exod. xxiv. 23, Deut. xvi. 16, the commentators, and a
very sensible note in the Universal History, vol. i. p. 603, edit.
fol.]

[Footnote 13: When Pompey, using or abusing the right of conquest,
entered into the Holy of Holies, it was observed with amazement, "Nulli
intus Deum effigie, vacuam sedem et inania arcana." Tacit. Hist. v. 9.
It was a popular saying, with regard to the Jews, "Nil praeter nubes et
coeli numen adorant."]

[Footnote 14: A second kind of circumcision was inflicted on a Samaritan
or Egyptian proselyte. The sullen indifference of the Talmudists, with
respect to the conversion of strangers, may be seen in Basnage Histoire
des Juifs, l. xi. c. 6.]

Under these circumstances, Christianity offered itself to the world,
armed with the strength of the Mosaic law, and delivered from the weight
of its fetters. An exclusive zeal for the truth of religion, and the
unity of God, was as carefully inculcated in the new as in the ancient
system: and whatever was now revealed to mankind concerning the nature
and designs of the Supreme Being, was fitted to increase their reverence
for that mysterious doctrine. The divine authority of Moses and the
prophets was admitted, and even established, as the firmest basis of
Christianity. From the beginning of the world, an uninterrupted series
of predictions had announced and prepared the long-expected coming of
the Messiah, who, in compliance with the gross apprehensions of the
Jews, had been more frequently represented under the character of a King
and Conqueror, than under that of a Prophet, a Martyr, and the Son of
God. By his expiatory sacrifice, the imperfect sacrifices of the temple
were at once consummated and abolished. The ceremonial law, which
consisted only of types and figures, was succeeded by a pure and
spiritual worship, equally adapted to all climates, as well as to every
condition of mankind; and to the initiation of blood was substituted a
more harmless initiation of water. The promise of divine favor, instead
of being partially confined to the posterity of Abraham, was universally
proposed to the freeman and the slave, to the Greek and to the
barbarian, to the Jew and to the Gentile. Every privilege that could
raise the proselyte from earth to heaven, that could exalt his devotion,
secure his happiness, or even gratify that secret pride which, under the
semblance of devotion, insinuates itself into the human heart, was still
reserved for the members of the Christian church; but at the same time
all mankind was permitted, and even solicited, to accept the glorious
distinction, which was not only proffered as a favor, but imposed as an
obligation. It became the most sacred duty of a new convert to diffuse
among his friends and relations the inestimable blessing which he had
received, and to warn them against a refusal that would be severely
punished as a criminal disobedience to the will of a benevolent but
all-powerful Deity.




Chapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.--Part II.

The enfranchisement of the church from the bonds of the synagogue was a
work, however, of some time and of some difficulty. The Jewish converts,
who acknowledged Jesus in the character of the Messiah foretold by their
ancient oracles, respected him as a prophetic teacher of virtue and
religion; but they obstinately adhered to the ceremonies of their
ancestors, and were desirous of imposing them on the Gentiles,
who continually augmented the number of believers. These Judaizing
Christians seem to have argued with some degree of plausibility from the
divine origin of the Mosaic law, and from the immutable perfections
of its great Author. They affirmed, that if the Being, who is the same
through all eternity, had designed to abolish those sacred rites which
had served to distinguish his chosen people, the repeal of them would
have been no less clear and solemn than their first promulgation: that,
instead of those frequent declarations, which either suppose or assert
the perpetuity of the Mosaic religion, it would have been represented
as a provisionary scheme intended to last only to the coming of the
Messiah, who should instruct mankind in a more perfect mode of faith
and of worship: [15] that the Messiah himself, and his disciples who
conversed with him on earth, instead of authorizing by their example the
most minute observances of the Mosaic law, [16] would have published
to the world the abolition of those useless and obsolete ceremonies,
without suffering Christianity to remain during so many years obscurely
confounded among the sects of the Jewish church. Arguments like these
appear to have been used in the defence of the expiring cause of the
Mosaic law; but the industry of our learned divines has abundantly
explained the ambiguous language of the Old Testament, and the ambiguous
conduct of the apostolic teachers. It was proper gradually to unfold
the system of the gospel, and to pronounce, with the utmost caution and
tenderness, a sentence of condemnation so repugnant to the inclination
and prejudices of the believing Jews.

[Footnote 15: These arguments were urged with great ingenuity by the
Jew Orobio, and refuted with equal ingenuity and candor by the Christian
Limborch. See the Amica Collatio, (it well deserves that name,) or
account of the dispute between them.]

[Footnote 16: Jesus... circumcisus erat; cibis utebatur Judaicis;
vestitu simili; purgatos scabie mittebat ad sacerdotes; Paschata et
alios dies festos religiose observabat: Si quos sanavit sabbatho,
ostendit non tantum ex lege, sed et exceptis sententiis, talia opera
sabbatho non interdicta. Grotius de Veritate Religionis Christianae,
l. v. c. 7. A little afterwards, (c. 12,) he expatiates on the
condescension of the apostles.]

The history of the church of Jerusalem affords a lively proof of the
necessity of those precautions, and of the deep impression which the
Jewish religion had made on the minds of its sectaries. The first
fifteen bishops of Jerusalem were all circumcised Jews; and the
congregation over which they presided united the law of Moses with the
doctrine of Christ. [17] It was natural that the primitive tradition of a
church which was founded only forty days after the death of Christ, and
was governed almost as many years under the immediate inspection of
his apostle, should be received as the standard of orthodoxy. [18] The
distant churches very frequently appealed to the authority of their
venerable Parent, and relieved her distresses by a liberal contribution
of alms. But when numerous and opulent societies were established in the
great cities of the empire, in Antioch, Alexandria, Ephesus, Corinth,
and Rome, the reverence which Jerusalem had inspired to all the
Christian colonies insensibly diminished. The Jewish converts, or, as
they were afterwards called, the Nazarenes, who had laid the foundations
of the church, soon found themselves overwhelmed by the increasing
multitudes, that from all the various religions of polytheism enlisted
under the banner of Christ: and the Gentiles, who, with the approbation
of their peculiar apostle, had rejected the intolerable weight of the
Mosaic ceremonies, at length refused to their more scrupulous brethren
the same toleration which at first they had humbly solicited for their
own practice. The ruin of the temple of the city, and of the public
religion of the Jews, was severely felt by the Nazarenes; as in their
manners, though not in their faith, they maintained so intimate a
connection with their impious countrymen, whose misfortunes were
attributed by the Pagans to the contempt, and more justly ascribed by
the Christians to the wrath, of the Supreme Deity. The Nazarenes retired
from the ruins of Jerusalem [18] to the little town of Pella beyond
the Jordan, where that ancient church languished above sixty years in
solitude and obscurity. [19] They still enjoyed the comfort of making
frequent and devout visits to the Holy City, and the hope of being one
day restored to those seats which both nature and religion taught them
to love as well as to revere. But at length, under the reign of Hadrian,
the desperate fanaticism of the Jews filled up the measure of their
calamities; and the Romans, exasperated by their repeated rebellions,
exercised the rights of victory with unusual rigor. The emperor founded,
under the name of Aelia Capitolina, a new city on Mount Sion, [20] to
which he gave the privileges of a colony; and denouncing the severest
penalties against any of the Jewish people who should dare to approach
its precincts, he fixed a vigilant garrison of a Roman cohort to enforce
the execution of his orders. The Nazarenes had only one way left to
escape the common proscription, and the force of truth was on this
occasion assisted by the influence of temporal advantages. They elected
Marcus for their bishop, a prelate of the race of the Gentiles, and most
probably a native either of Italy or of some of the Latin provinces. At
his persuasion, the most considerable part of the congregation renounced
the Mosaic law, in the practice of which they had persevered above
a century. By this sacrifice of their habits and prejudices, they
purchased a free admission into the colony of Hadrian, and more firmly
cemented their union with the Catholic church. [21]

[Footnote 17: Paene omnes Christum Deum sub legis observatione credebant
Sulpicius Severus, ii. 31. See Eusebius, Hist. Ecclesiast. l. iv. c.
5.]

[Footnote 18: Mosheim de Rebus Christianis ante Constantinum
Magnum, page 153. In this masterly performance, which I shall often
have occasion to quote he enters much more fully into the state of the
primitive church than he has an opportunity of doing in his General
History.]

[Footnote 18: This is incorrect: all the traditions concur in placing
the abandonment of the city by the Christians, not only before it was
in ruins, but before the seige had commenced. Euseb. loc. cit., and
Le Clerc.--M.]

[Footnote 19: Eusebius, l. iii. c. 5. Le Clerc, Hist.
Ecclesiast. p. 605. During this occasional absence, the bishop and
church of Pella still retained the title of Jerusalem. In the same
manner, the Roman pontiffs resided seventy years at Avignon; and the
patriarchs of Alexandria have long since transferred their episcopal
seat to Cairo.]

[Footnote 20: Dion Cassius, l. lxix. The exile of the Jewish nation from
Jerusalem is attested by Aristo of Pella, (apud Euseb. l. iv. c. 6,) and
is mentioned by several ecclesiastical writers; though some of them too
hastily extend this interdiction to the whole country of Palestine.]

[Footnote 21: Eusebius, l. iv. c. 6. Sulpicius Severus, ii. 31. By
comparing their unsatisfactory accounts, Mosheim (p. 327, &c.) has drawn
out a very distinct representation of the circumstances and motives of
this revolution.]

When the name and honors of the church of Jerusalem had been restored to
Mount Sion, the crimes of heresy and schism were imputed to the obscure
remnant of the Nazarenes, which refused to accompany their Latin bishop.
They still preserved their former habitation of Pella, spread themselves
into the villages adjacent to Damascus, and formed an inconsiderable
church in the city of Beroea, or, as it is now called, of Aleppo, in
Syria. [22] The name of Nazarenes was deemed too honorable for those
Christian Jews, and they soon received, from the supposed poverty of
their understanding, as well as of their condition, the contemptuous
epithet of Ebionites. [23] In a few years after the return of the church
of Jerusalem, it became a matter of doubt and controversy, whether a man
who sincerely acknowledged Jesus as the Messiah, but who still continued
to observe the law of Moses, could possibly hope for salvation. The
humane temper of Justin Martyr inclined him to answer this question in
the affirmative; and though he expressed himself with the most guarded
diffidence, he ventured to determine in favor of such an imperfect
Christian, if he were content to practise the Mosaic ceremonies, without
pretending to assert their general use or necessity. But when Justin was
pressed to declare the sentiment of the church, he confessed that there
were very many among the orthodox Christians, who not only excluded
their Judaizing brethren from the hope of salvation, but who declined
any intercourse with them in the common offices of friendship,
hospitality, and social life. [24] The more rigorous opinion prevailed,
as it was natural to expect, over the milder; and an eternal bar of
separation was fixed between the disciples of Moses and those of Christ.
The unfortunate Ebionites, rejected from one religion as apostates, and
from the other as heretics, found themselves compelled to assume a more
decided character; and although some traces of that obsolete sect may be
discovered as late as the fourth century, they insensibly melted away,
either into the church or the synagogue. [25]

[Footnote 22: Le Clerc (Hist. Ecclesiast. p. 477, 535) seems to have
collected from Eusebius, Jerome, Epiphanius, and other writers, all the
principal circumstances that relate to the Nazarenes or Ebionites. The
nature of their opinions soon divided them into a stricter and a milder
sect; and there is some reason to conjecture, that the family of Jesus
Christ remained members, at least, of the latter and more moderate
party.]

[Footnote 23: Some writers have been pleased to create an Ebion,
the imaginary author of their sect and name. But we can more safely
rely on the learned Eusebius than on the vehement Tertullian, or the
credulous Epiphanius. According to Le Clerc, the Hebrew word Ebjonim may
be translated into Latin by that of Pauperes. See Hist. Ecclesiast. p.
477. * Note: The opinion of Le Clerc is generally admitted; but Neander has
suggested some good reasons for supposing that this term only applied to
poverty of condition. The obscure history of their tenets and divisions,
is clearly and rationally traced in his History of the Church, vol. i.
part ii. p. 612, &c., Germ. edit.--M.]

[Footnote 24: See the very curious Dialogue of Justin Martyr with the
Jew Tryphon. The conference between them was held at Ephesus, in the
reign of Antoninus Pius, and about twenty years after the return of the
church of Pella to Jerusalem. For this date consult the accurate note of
Tillemont, Memoires Ecclesiastiques, tom. ii. p. 511. * Note: Justin
Martyr makes an important distinction, which Gibbon has neglected to
notice. * * * There were some who were not content with observing the
Mosaic law themselves, but enforced the same observance, as necessary to
salvation, upon the heathen converts, and refused all social intercourse
with them if they did not conform to the law. Justin Martyr himself
freely admits those who kept the law themselves to Christian communion,
though he acknowledges that some, not the Church, thought otherwise; of
the other party, he himself thought less favorably. The former by some
are considered the Nazarenes the atter the Ebionites--G and M.]

[Footnote 25: Of all the systems of Christianity, that of Abyssinia is
the only one which still adheres to the Mosaic rites. (Geddes's Church
History of Aethiopia, and Dissertations de La Grand sur la Relation du
P. Lobo.) The eunuch of the queen Candace might suggest some suspicious;
but as we are assured (Socrates, i. 19. Sozomen, ii. 24. Ludolphus, p.
281) that the Aethiopians were not converted till the fourth century, it
is more reasonable to believe that they respected the sabbath, and
distinguished the forbidden meats, in imitation of the Jews, who, in a
very early period, were seated on both sides of the Red Sea.
Circumcision had been practised by the most ancient Aethiopians, from
motives of health and cleanliness, which seem to be explained in the
Recherches Philosophiques sur les Americains, tom. ii. p. 117.]

While the orthodox church preserved a just medium between excessive
veneration and improper contempt for the law of Moses, the various
heretics deviated into equal but opposite extremes of error and
extravagance. From the acknowledged truth of the Jewish religion, the
Ebionites had concluded that it could never be abolished. From its
supposed imperfections, the Gnostics as hastily inferred that it never
was instituted by the wisdom of the Deity. There are some objections
against the authority of Moses and the prophets, which too readily
present themselves to the sceptical mind; though they can only be
derived from our ignorance of remote antiquity, and from our incapacity
to form an adequate judgment of the divine economy. These objections
were eagerly embraced and as petulantly urged by the vain science of the
Gnostics. [26] As those heretics were, for the most part, averse to
the pleasures of sense, they morosely arraigned the polygamy of the
patriarchs, the gallantries of David, and the seraglio of Solomon. The
conquest of the land of Canaan, and the extirpation of the unsuspecting
natives, they were at a loss how to reconcile with the common notions of
humanity and justice. [261] But when they recollected the sanguinary list
of murders, of executions, and of massacres, which stain almost every
page of the Jewish annals, they acknowledged that the barbarians of
Palestine had exercised as much compassion towards their idolatrous
enemies, as they had ever shown to their friends or countrymen. [27]
Passing from the sectaries of the law to the law itself, they asserted
that it was impossible that a religion which consisted only of bloody
sacrifices and trifling ceremonies, and whose rewards as well as
punishments were all of a carnal and temporal nature, could inspire
the love of virtue, or restrain the impetuosity of passion. The Mosaic
account of the creation and fall of man was treated with profane
derision by the Gnostics, who would not listen with patience to the
repose of the Deity after six days' labor, to the rib of Adam, the
garden of Eden, the trees of life and of knowledge, the speaking
serpent, the forbidden fruit, and the condemnation pronounced against
human kind for the venial offence of their first progenitors. [28] The
God of Israel was impiously represented by the Gnostics as a being
liable to passion and to error, capricious in his favor, implacable
in his resentment, meanly jealous of his superstitious worship, and
confining his partial providence to a single people, and to this
transitory life. In such a character they could discover none of the
features of the wise and omnipotent Father of the universe. [29] They
allowed that the religion of the Jews was somewhat less criminal than
the idolatry of the Gentiles; but it was their fundamental doctrine,
that the Christ whom they adored as the first and brightest emanation
of the Deity appeared upon earth to rescue mankind from their various
errors, and to reveal a new system of truth and perfection. The
most learned of the fathers, by a very singular condescension, have
imprudently admitted the sophistry of the Gnostics. [291] Acknowledging
that the literal sense is repugnant to every principle of faith as well
as reason, they deem themselves secure and invulnerable behind the ample
veil of allegory, which they carefully spread over every tender part of
the Mosaic dispensation. [30]

[Footnote 26: Beausobre, Histoire du Manicheisme, l. i. c. 3, has
stated their objections, particularly those of Faustus, the adversary of
Augustin, with the most learned impartiality.]

[Footnote 261: On the "war law" of the Jews, see Hist. of Jews, i.
137.--M.]

[Footnote 27: Apud ipsos fides obstinata, misericordia in promptu:
adversus amnes alios hostile odium. Tacit. Hist. v. 4. Surely Tacitus
had seen the Jews with too favorable an eye. The perusal of Josephus
must have destroyed the antithesis. * Note: Few writers have suspected
Tacitus of partiality towards the Jews. The whole later history of the
Jews illustrates as well their strong feelings of humanity to their
brethren, as their hostility to the rest of mankind. The character and
the position of Josephus with the Roman authorities, must be kept in
mind during the perusal of his History. Perhaps he has not exaggerated
the ferocity and fanaticism of the Jews at that time; but
insurrectionary warfare is not the best school for the humaner virtues,
and much must be allowed for the grinding tyranny of the later Roman
governors. See Hist. of Jews, ii. 254.--M.]

[Footnote 28: Dr. Burnet (Archaeologia, l. ii. c. 7) has discussed the
first chapters of Genesis with too much wit and freedom. * Note: Dr.
Burnet apologized for the levity with which he had conducted some of his
arguments, by the excuse that he wrote in a learned language for
scholars alone, not for the vulgar. Whatever may be thought of his
success in tracing an Eastern allegory in the first chapters of Genesis,
his other works prove him to have been a man of great genius, and of
sincere piety.--M]

[Footnote 29: The milder Gnostics considered Jehovah, the Creator, as a
Being of a mixed nature between God and the Daemon. Others confounded
him with an evil principle. Consult the second century of the general
history of Mosheim, which gives a very distinct, though concise, account
of their strange opinions on this subject.]

[Footnote 291: The Gnostics, and the historian who has stated these
plausible objections with so much force as almost to make them his own,
would have shown a more considerate and not less reasonable philosophy,
if they had considered the religion of Moses with reference to the age
in which it was promulgated; if they had done justice to its sublime as
well as its more imperfect views of the divine nature; the humane and
civilizing provisions of the Hebrew law, as well as those adapted for an
infant and barbarous people. See Hist of Jews, i. 36, 37, &c.--M.]

[Footnote 30: See Beausobre, Hist. du Manicheisme, l. i. c. 4. Origen
and St. Augustin were among the allegorists.]

It has been remarked with more ingenuity than truth, that the virgin
purity of the church was never violated by schism or heresy before the
reign of Trajan or Hadrian, about one hundred years after the death of
Christ. [31] We may observe with much more propriety, that, during that
period, the disciples of the Messiah were indulged in a freer latitude,
both of faith and practice, than has ever been allowed in succeeding
ages. As the terms of communion were insensibly narrowed, and the
spiritual authority of the prevailing party was exercised with
increasing severity, many of its most respectable adherents, who were
called upon to renounce, were provoked to assert their private opinions,
to pursue the consequences of their mistaken principles, and openly to
erect the standard of rebellion against the unity of the church. The
Gnostics were distinguished as the most polite, the most learned, and
the most wealthy of the Christian name; and that general appellation,
which expressed a superiority of knowledge, was either assumed by their
own pride, or ironically bestowed by the envy of their adversaries. They
were almost without exception of the race of the Gentiles, and their
principal founders seem to have been natives of Syria or Egypt, where
the warmth of the climate disposes both the mind and the body to
indolent and contemplative devotion. The Gnostics blended with the
faith of Christ many sublime but obscure tenets, which they derived from
oriental philosophy, and even from the religion of Zoroaster, concerning
the eternity of matter, the existence of two principles, and the
mysterious hierarchy of the invisible world. [32] As soon as they
launched out into that vast abyss, they delivered themselves to the
guidance of a disordered imagination; and as the paths of error are
various and infinite, the Gnostics were imperceptibly divided into more
than fifty particular sects, [33] of whom the most celebrated appear to
have been the Basilidians, the Valentinians, the Marcionites, and, in a
still later period, the Manichaeans. Each of these sects could boast
of its bishops and congregations, of its doctors and martyrs; [34] and,
instead of the Four Gospels adopted by the church, [341] the heretics
produced a multitude of histories, in which the actions and discourses
of Christ and of his apostles were adapted to their respective tenets.
[35] The success of the Gnostics was rapid and extensive. [36] They
covered Asia and Egypt, established themselves in Rome, and sometimes
penetrated into the provinces of the West. For the most part they arose
in the second century, flourished during the third, and were suppressed
in the fourth or fifth, by the prevalence of more fashionable
controversies, and by the superior ascendant of the reigning power.
Though they constantly disturbed the peace, and frequently disgraced the
name, of religion, they contributed to assist rather than to <DW44>
the progress of Christianity. The Gentile converts, whose strongest
objections and prejudices were directed against the law of Moses, could
find admission into many Christian societies, which required not from
their untutored mind any belief of an antecedent revelation. Their faith
was insensibly fortified and enlarged, and the church was ultimately
benefited by the conquests of its most inveterate enemies. [37]

[Footnote 31: Hegesippus, ap. Euseb. l. iii. 32, iv. 22. Clemens
Alexandrin Stromat. vii. 17. * Note: The assertion of Hegesippus is not
so positive: it is sufficient to read the whole passage in Eusebius, to
see that the former part is modified by the matter. Hegesippus adds,
that up to this period the church had remained pure and immaculate as a
virgin. Those who labored to corrupt the doctrines of the gospel worked
as yet in obscurity--G]

[Footnote 32: In the account of the Gnostics of the second and third
centuries, Mosheim is ingenious and candid; Le Clerc dull, but exact;
Beausobre almost always an apologist; and it is much to be feared that
the primitive fathers are very frequently calumniators. * Note The
Histoire du Gnosticisme of M. Matter is at once the fairest and most
complete account of these sects.--M.]

[Footnote 33: See the catalogues of Irenaeus and Epiphanius. It must
indeed be allowed, that those writers were inclined to multiply the
number of sects which opposed the unity of the church.]

[Footnote 34: Eusebius, l. iv. c. 15. Sozomen, l. ii. c. 32. See in
Bayle, in the article of Marcion, a curious detail of a dispute on that
subject. It should seem that some of the Gnostics (the Basilidians)
declined, and even refused the honor of Martyrdom. Their reasons were
singular and abstruse. See Mosheim, p. 539.]

[Footnote 341: M. Hahn has restored the Marcionite Gospel with great
ingenuity. His work is reprinted in Thilo. Codex. Apoc. Nov. Test. vol.
i.--M.]

[Footnote 35: See a very remarkable passage of Origen, (Proem.
ad Lucam.) That indefatigable writer, who had consumed his life in the
study of the Scriptures, relies for their authenticity on the inspired
authority of the church. It was impossible that the Gnostics could
receive our present Gospels, many parts of which (particularly in the
resurrection of Christ) are directly, and as it might seem designedly,
pointed against their favorite tenets. It is therefore somewhat singular
that Ignatius (Epist. ad Smyrn. Patr. Apostol. tom. ii. p. 34) should
choose to employ a vague and doubtful tradition, instead of quoting the
certain testimony of the evangelists. Note: Bishop Pearson has attempted
very happily to explain this singularity.' The first Christians were
acquainted with a number of sayings of Jesus Christ, which are not
related in our Gospels, and indeed have never been written. Why might
not St. Ignatius, who had lived with the apostles or their disciples,
repeat in other words that which St. Luke has related, particularly at a
time when, being in prison, he could have the Gospels at hand? Pearson,
Vind Ign. pp. 2, 9 p. 396 in tom. ii. Patres Apost. ed. Coteler--G.]

[Footnote 36: Faciunt favos et vespae; faciunt ecclesias et Marcionitae,
is the strong expression of Tertullian, which I am obliged to quote
from memory. In the time of Epiphanius (advers. Haereses, p. 302) the
Marcionites were very numerous in Italy, Syria, Egypt, Arabia, and
Persia.]

[Footnote 37: Augustin is a memorable instance of this gradual progress
from reason to faith. He was, during several years, engaged in the
Manichaear sect.]

But whatever difference of opinion might subsist between the Orthodox,
the Ebionites, and the Gnostics, concerning the divinity or the
obligation of the Mosaic law, they were all equally animated by the
same exclusive zeal; and by the same abhorrence for idolatry, which had
distinguished the Jews from the other nations of the ancient world. The
philosopher, who considered the system of polytheism as a composition of
human fraud and error, could disguise a smile of contempt under the
mask of devotion, without apprehending that either the mockery, or the
compliance, would expose him to the resentment of any invisible, or, as
he conceived them, imaginary powers. But the established religions of
Paganism were seen by the primitive Christians in a much more odious and
formidable light. It was the universal sentiment both of the church and
of heretics, that the daemons were the authors, the patrons, and the
objects of idolatry. [38] Those rebellious spirits who had been degraded
from the rank of angels, and cast down into the infernal pit, were still
permitted to roam upon earth, to torment the bodies, and to seduce the
minds, of sinful men. The daemons soon discovered and abused the natural
propensity of the human heart towards devotion, and artfully withdrawing
the adoration of mankind from their Creator, they usurped the place
and honors of the Supreme Deity. By the success of their malicious
contrivances, they at once gratified their own vanity and revenge, and
obtained the only comfort of which they were yet susceptible, the hope
of involving the human species in the participation of their guilt and
misery. It was confessed, or at least it was imagined, that they
had distributed among themselves the most important characters of
polytheism, one daemon assuming the name and attributes of Jupiter,
another of Aesculapius, a third of Venus, and a fourth perhaps of
Apollo; [39] and that, by the advantage of their long experience and
aerial nature, they were enabled to execute, with sufficient skill
and dignity, the parts which they had undertaken. They lurked in
the temples, instituted festivals and sacrifices, invented fables,
pronounced oracles, and were frequently allowed to perform miracles. The
Christians, who, by the interposition of evil spirits, could so readily
explain every preternatural appearance, were disposed and even desirous
to admit the most extravagant fictions of the Pagan mythology. But the
belief of the Christian was accompanied with horror. The most trifling
mark of respect to the national worship he considered as a direct homage
yielded to the daemon, and as an act of rebellion against the majesty of
God.

[Footnote 38: The unanimous sentiment of the primitive church is very
clearly explained by Justin Martyr, Apolog. Major, by Athenagoras,
Legat. c. 22. &c., and by Lactantius, Institut. Divin. ii. 14--19.]

[Footnote 39: Tertullian (Apolog. c. 23) alleges the confession of the
daemons themselves as often as they were tormented by the Christian
exorcists]




Chapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.--Part III.

In consequence of this opinion, it was the first but arduous duty of
a Christian to preserve himself pure and undefiled by the practice
of idolatry. The religion of the nations was not merely a speculative
doctrine professed in the schools or preached in the temples. The
innumerable deities and rites of polytheism were closely interwoven
with every circumstance of business or pleasure, of public or of
private life; and it seemed impossible to escape the observance of them,
without, at the same time, renouncing the commerce of mankind, and all
the offices and amusements of society. [40] The important transactions of
peace and war were prepared or concluded by solemn sacrifices, in which
the magistrate, the senator, and the soldier, were obliged to preside or
to participate. [41] The public spectacles were an essential part of the
cheerful devotion of the Pagans, and the gods were supposed to accept,
as the most grateful offering, the games that the prince and people
celebrated in honor of their peculiar festivals. [42] The Christians, who
with pious horror avoided the abomination of the circus or the theatre,
found himself encompassed with infernal snares in every convivial
entertainment, as often as his friends, invoking the hospitable deities,
poured out libations to each other's happiness. [43] When the bride,
struggling with well-affected reluctance, was forced into hymenaeal pomp
over the threshold of her new habitation, [44] or when the sad procession
of the dead slowly moved towards the funeral pile; [45] the Christian,
on these interesting occasions, was compelled to desert the persons
who were the dearest to him, rather than contract the guilt inherent
to those impious ceremonies. Every art and every trade that was in the
least concerned in the framing or adorning of idols was polluted by the
stain of idolatry; [46] a severe sentence, since it devoted to eternal
misery the far greater part of the community, which is employed in the
exercise of liberal or mechanic professions. If we cast our eyes over
the numerous remains of antiquity, we shall perceive, that besides the
immediate representations of the gods, and the holy instruments of their
worship, the elegant forms and agreeable fictions consecrated by the
imagination of the Greeks, were introduced as the richest ornaments of
the houses, the dress, and the furniture of the Pagan. [47] Even the arts
of music and painting, of eloquence and poetry, flowed from the same
impure origin. In the style of the fathers, Apollo and the Muses were
the organs of the infernal spirit; Homer and Virgil were the most
eminent of his servants; and the beautiful mythology which pervades and
animates the compositions of their genius, is destined to celebrate
the glory of the daemons. Even the common language of Greece and Rome
abounded with familiar but impious expressions, which the imprudent
Christian might too carelessly utter, or too patiently hear. [48]

[Footnote 40: Tertullian has written a most severe treatise against
idolatry, to caution his brethren against the hourly danger of incurring
that guilt. Recogita sylvam, et quantae latitant spinae. De Corona
Militis, c. 10.]

[Footnote 41: The Roman senate was always held in a temple or
consecrated place. (Aulus Gellius, xiv. 7.) Before they entered on
business, every senator dropped some wine and frankincense on the altar.
Sueton. in August. c. 35.]

[Footnote 42: See Tertullian, De Spectaculis. This severe reformer
shows no more indulgence to a tragedy of Euripides, than to a combat of
gladiators. The dress of the actors particularly offends him. By the
use of the lofty buskin, they impiously strive to add a cubit to their
stature. c. 23.]

[Footnote 43: The ancient practice of concluding the entertainment with
libations, may be found in every classic. Socrates and Seneca, in their
last moments, made a noble application of this custom. Postquam stagnum,
calidae aquae introiit, respergens proximos servorum, addita voce,
libare se liquorem illum Jovi Liberatori. Tacit. Annal. xv. 64.]

[Footnote 44: See the elegant but idolatrous hymn of Catullus, on the
nuptials of Manlius and Julia. O Hymen, Hymenaee Io! Quis huic Deo
compararier ausit?]

[Footnote 45: The ancient funerals (in those of Misenus and Pallas) are
no less accurately described by Virgil, than they are illustrated by his
commentator Servius. The pile itself was an altar, the flames were fed
with the blood of victims, and all the assistants were sprinkled with
lustral water.]

[Footnote 46: Tertullian de Idololatria, c. 11. * Note: The exaggerated
and declamatory opinions of Tertullian ought not to be taken as the
general sentiment of the early Christians. Gibbon has too often allowed
himself to consider the peculiar notions of certain Fathers of the
Church as inherent in Christianity. This is not accurate.--G.]

[Footnote 47: See every part of Montfaucon's Antiquities. Even the
reverses of the Greek and Roman coins were frequently of an idolatrous
nature. Here indeed the scruples of the Christian were suspended by a
stronger passion. Note: All this scrupulous nicety is at variance with
the decision of St. Paul about meat offered to idols, 1, Cor. x. 21--
32.--M.]

[Footnote 48: Tertullian de Idololatria, c. 20, 21, 22. If a Pagan
friend (on the occasion perhaps of sneezing) used the familiar
expression of "Jupiter bless you," the Christian was obliged to protest
against the divinity of Jupiter.]

The dangerous temptations which on every side lurked in ambush to
surprise the unguarded believer, assailed him with redoubled violence on
the days of solemn festivals. So artfully were they framed and disposed
throughout the year, that superstition always wore the appearance of
pleasure, and often of virtue. Some of the most sacred festivals in the
Roman ritual were destined to salute the new calends of January with
vows of public and private felicity; to indulge the pious remembrance of
the dead and living; to ascertain the inviolable bounds of property;
to hail, on the return of spring, the genial powers of fecundity; to
perpetuate the two memorable aeras of Rome, the foundation of the city
and that of the republic, and to restore, during the humane license
of the Saturnalia, the primitive equality of mankind. Some idea may
be conceived of the abhorrence of the Christians for such impious
ceremonies, by the scrupulous delicacy which they displayed on a much
less alarming occasion. On days of general festivity, it was the custom
of the ancients to adorn their doors with lamps and with branches
of laurel, and to crown their heads with a garland of flowers. This
innocent and elegant practice might perhaps have been tolerated as a
mere civil institution. But it most unluckily happened that the doors
were under the protection of the household gods, that the laurel was
sacred to the lover of Daphne, and that garlands of flowers, though
frequently worn as a symbol of joy or mourning, had been dedicated
in their first origin to the service of superstition. The trembling
Christians, who were persuaded in this instance to comply with the
fashion of their country, and the commands of the magistrate, labored
under the most gloomy apprehensions, from the reproaches of his own
conscience, the censures of the church, and the denunciations of divine
vengeance. [50]

[Footnote 49: Consult the most labored work of Ovid, his imperfect
Fasti. He finished no more than the first six months of the year. The
compilation of Macrobius is called the Saturnalia, but it is only a
small part of the first book that bears any relation to the title.]

[Footnote 50: Tertullian has composed a defence, or rather panegyric, of
the rash action of a Christian soldier, who, by throwing away his crown
of laurel, had exposed himself and his brethren to the most imminent
danger. By the mention of the emperors, (Severus and Caracalla,) it is
evident, notwithstanding the wishes of M. de Tillemont, that Tertullian
composed his treatise De Corona long before he was engaged in the errors
of the Montanists. See Memoires Ecclesiastiques, tom. iii. p. 384. Note:
The soldier did not tear off his crown to throw it down with contempt;
he did not even throw it away; he held it in his hand, while others were
it on their heads. Solus libero capite, ornamento in manu otioso.--G
Note: Tertullian does not expressly name the two emperors, Severus and
Caracalla: he speaks only of two emperors, and of a long peace which
the church had enjoyed. It is generally agreed that Tertullian became
a Montanist about the year 200: his work, de Corona Militis, appears
to have been written, at the earliest about the year 202 before
the persecution of Severus: it may be maintained, then, that it is
subsequent to the Montanism of the author. See Mosheim, Diss. de Apol.
Tertull. p. 53. Biblioth. Amsterd. tom. x. part ii. p. 292. Cave's Hist.
Lit. p. 92, 93.--G. ----The state of Tertullian's opinions at the
particular period is almost an idle question. "The fiery African" is not
at any time to be considered a fair representative of Christianity.--M.]

Such was the anxious diligence which was required to guard the chastity
of the gospel from the infectious breath of idolatry. The superstitious
observances of public or private rites were carelessly practised, from
education and habit, by the followers of the established religion. But
as often as they occurred, they afforded the Christians an opportunity
of declaring and confirming their zealous opposition. By these frequent
protestations their attachment to the faith was continually fortified;
and in proportion to the increase of zeal, they combated with the more
ardor and success in the holy war, which they had undertaken against the
empire of the demons.

II. The writings of Cicero [51] represent in the most lively colors the
ignorance, the errors, and the uncertainty of the ancient philosophers
with regard to the immortality of the soul. When they are desirous of
arming their disciples against the fear of death, they inculcate, as
an obvious, though melancholy position, that the fatal stroke of our
dissolution releases us from the calamities of life; and that those can
no longer suffer, who no longer exist. Yet there were a few sages of
Greece and Rome who had conceived a more exalted, and, in some respects,
a juster idea of human nature, though it must be confessed, that in
the sublime inquiry, their reason had been often guided by their
imagination, and that their imagination had been prompted by their
vanity. When they viewed with complacency the extent of their own mental
powers, when they exercised the various faculties of memory, of
fancy, and of judgment, in the most profound speculations, or the most
important labors, and when they reflected on the desire of fame, which
transported them into future ages, far beyond the bounds of death and of
the grave, they were unwilling to confound themselves with the beasts
of the field, or to suppose that a being, for whose dignity they
entertained the most sincere admiration, could be limited to a spot of
earth, and to a few years of duration. With this favorable prepossession
they summoned to their aid the science, or rather the language, of
Metaphysics. They soon discovered, that as none of the properties of
matter will apply to the operations of the mind, the human soul must
consequently be a substance distinct from the body, pure, simple, and
spiritual, incapable of dissolution, and susceptible of a much higher
degree of virtue and happiness after the release from its corporeal
prison. From these specious and noble principles, the philosophers who
trod in the footsteps of Plato deduced a very unjustifiable conclusion,
since they asserted, not only the future immortality, but the past
eternity, of the human soul, which they were too apt to consider as a
portion of the infinite and self-existing spirit, which pervades and
sustains the universe. [52] A doctrine thus removed beyond the senses
and the experience of mankind, might serve to amuse the leisure of a
philosophic mind; or, in the silence of solitude, it might sometimes
impart a ray of comfort to desponding virtue; but the faint impression
which had been received in the schools, was soon obliterated by the
commerce and business of active life. We are sufficiently acquainted
with the eminent persons who flourished in the age of Cicero, and of the
first Caesars, with their actions, their characters, and their motives,
to be assured that their conduct in this life was never regulated by any
serious conviction of the rewards or punishments of a future state.
At the bar and in the senate of Rome the ablest orators were not
apprehensive of giving offence to their hearers, by exposing that
doctrine as an idle and extravagant opinion, which was rejected with
contempt by every man of a liberal education and understanding. [53]

[Footnote 51: In particular, the first book of the Tusculan Questions,
and the treatise De Senectute, and the Somnium Scipionis, contain, in
the most beautiful language, every thing that Grecian philosophy, on
Roman good sense, could possibly suggest on this dark but important
object.]

[Footnote 52: The preexistence of human souls, so far at least
as that doctrine is compatible with religion, was adopted by many of the
Greek and Latin fathers. See Beausobre, Hist. du Manicheisme, l. vi. c.
4.]

[Footnote 53: See Cicero pro Cluent. c. 61. Caesar ap. Sallust. de
Bell. Catilis n 50. Juvenal. Satir. ii. 149. ----Esse aliquid manes, et
subterranea regna, ----------Nec pueri credunt, nisi qui nondum aeree
lavantae.]

Since therefore the most sublime efforts of philosophy can extend no
further than feebly to point out the desire, the hope, or, at most,
the probability, of a future state, there is nothing, except a
divine revelation, that can ascertain the existence, and describe the
condition, of the invisible country which is destined to receive the
souls of men after their separation from the body. But we may perceive
several defects inherent to the popular religions of Greece and Rome,
which rendered them very unequal to so arduous a task. 1. The general
system of their mythology was unsupported by any solid proofs; and the
wisest among the Pagans had already disclaimed its usurped authority. 2.
The description of the infernal regions had been abandoned to the fancy
of painters and of poets, who peopled them with so many phantoms and
monsters, who dispensed their rewards and punishments with so little
equity, that a solemn truth, the most congenial to the human heart, was
opposed and disgraced by the absurd mixture of the wildest fictions.
[54] 3. The doctrine of a future state was scarcely considered among the
devout polytheists of Greece and Rome as a fundamental article of faith.
The providence of the gods, as it related to public communities rather
than to private individuals, was principally displayed on the visible
theatre of the present world. The petitions which were offered on the
altars of Jupiter or Apollo, expressed the anxiety of their worshippers
for temporal happiness, and their ignorance or indifference concerning
a future life. [55] The important truth of the of the immortality of the
soul was inculcated with more diligence, as well as success, in India,
in Assyria, in Egypt, and in Gaul; and since we cannot attribute such
a difference to the superior knowledge of the barbarians, we must
ascribe it to the influence of an established priesthood, which employed
the motives of virtue as the instrument of ambition. [56]

[Footnote 54: The xith book of the Odyssey gives a very dreary and
incoherent account of the infernal shades. Pindar and Virgil have
embellished the picture; but even those poets, though more correct
than their great model, are guilty of very strange inconsistencies. See
Bayle, Responses aux Questions d'un Provincial, part iii. c. 22.]

[Footnote 55: See xvith epistle of the first book of Horace, the
xiiith Satire of Juvenal, and the iid Satire of Persius: these popular
discourses express the sentiment and language of the multitude.]

[Footnote 56: If we confine ourselves to the Gauls, we may observe,
that they intrusted, not only their lives, but even their money, to
the security of another world. Vetus ille mos Gallorum occurrit (says
Valerius Maximus, l. ii. c. 6, p. 10) quos, memoria proditum est
pecunias montuas, quae his apud inferos redderentur, dare solitos.
The same custom is more darkly insinuated by Mela, l. iii. c. 2. It is
almost needless to add, that the profits of trade hold a just proportion
to the credit of the merchant, and that the Druids derived from their
holy profession a character of responsibility, which could scarcely be
claimed by any other order of men.]

We might naturally expect that a principle so essential to religion,
would have been revealed in the clearest terms to the chosen people of
Palestine, and that it might safely have been intrusted to the
hereditary priesthood of Aaron. It is incumbent on us to adore the
mysterious dispensations of Providence, [57] when we discover that the
doctrine of the immortality of the soul is omitted in the law of Moses
it is darkly insinuated by the prophets; and during the long period
which clasped between the Egyptian and the Babylonian servitudes, the
hopes as well as fears of the Jews appear to have been confined within
the narrow compass of the present life. [58] After Cyrus had permitted
the exiled nation to return into the promised land, and after Ezra had
restored the ancient records of their religion, two celebrated sects,
the Sadducees and the Pharisees, insensibly arose at Jerusalem. [59] The
former, selected from the more opulent and distinguished ranks of
society, were strictly attached to the literal sense of the Mosaic law,
and they piously rejected the immortality of the soul, as an opinion
that received no countenance from the divine book, which they revered as
the only rule of their faith. To the authority of Scripture the
Pharisees added that of tradition, and they accepted, under the name of
traditions, several speculative tenets from the philosophy or religion
of the eastern nations. The doctrines of fate or predestination, of
angels and spirits, and of a future state of rewards and punishments,
were in the number of these new articles of belief; and as the
Pharisees, by the austerity of their manners, had drawn into their party
the body of the Jewish people, the immortality of the soul became the
prevailing sentiment of the synagogue, under the reign of the Asmonaean
princes and pontiffs. The temper of the Jews was incapable of contenting
itself with such a cold and languid assent as might satisfy the mind of
a Polytheist; and as soon as they admitted the idea of a future state,
they embraced it with the zeal which has always formed the
characteristic of the nation. Their zeal, however, added nothing to its
evidence, or even probability: and it was still necessary that the
doctrine of life and immortality, which had been dictated by nature,
approved by reason, and received by superstition, should obtain the
sanction of divine truth from the authority and example of Christ.

[Footnote 57: The right reverend author of the Divine Legation of Moses
as signs a very curious reason for the omission, and most ingeniously
retorts it on the unbelievers. * Note: The hypothesis of Warburton
concerning this remarkable fact, which, as far as the Law of Moses, is
unquestionable, made few disciples; and it is difficult to suppose that
it could be intended by the author himself for more than a display of
intellectual strength. Modern writers have accounted in various ways for
the silence of the Hebrew legislator on the immortality of the soul.
According to Michaelis, "Moses wrote as an historian and as a lawgiver;
he regulated the ecclesiastical discipline, rather than the religious
belief of his people; and the sanctions of the law being temporal, he
had no occasion, and as a civil legislator could not with propriety,
threaten punishments in another world." See Michaelis, Laws of Moses,
art. 272, vol. iv. p. 209, Eng. Trans.; and Syntagma Commentationum, p.
80, quoted by Guizot. M. Guizot adds, the "ingenious conjecture of a
philosophic theologian," which approximates to an opinion long
entertained by the Editor. That writer believes, that in the state of
civilization at the time of the legislator, this doctrine, become
popular among the Jews, would necessarily have given birth to a
multitude of idolatrous superstitions which he wished to prevent. His
primary object was to establish a firm theocracy, to make his people the
conservators of the doctrine of the Divine Unity, the basis upon which
Christianity was hereafter to rest. He carefully excluded everything
which could obscure or weaken that doctrine. Other nations had strangely
abused their notions on the immortality of the soul; Moses wished to
prevent this abuse: hence he forbade the Jews from consulting
necromancers, (those who evoke the spirits of the dead.) Deut. xviii.
11. Those who reflect on the state of the Pagans and the Jews, and on
the facility with which idolatry crept in on every side, will not be
astonished that Moses has not developed a doctrine of which the
influence might be more pernicious than useful to his people. Orat.
Fest. de Vitae Immort. Spe., &c., auct. Ph. Alb. Stapfer, p. 12 13, 20.
Berne, 1787. ----Moses, as well from the intimations scattered in his
writings, the passage relating to the translation of Enoch, (Gen. v.
24,) the prohibition of necromancy, (Michaelis believes him to be the
author of the Book of Job though this opinion is in general rejected;
other learned writers consider this Book to be coeval with and known to
Moses,) as from his long residence in Egypt, and his acquaintance with
Egyptian wisdom, could not be ignorant of the doctrine of the
immortality of the soul. But this doctrine if popularly known among the
Jews, must have been purely Egyptian, and as so, intimately connected
with the whole religious system of that country. It was no doubt moulded
up with the tenet of the transmigration of the soul, perhaps with
notions analogous to the emanation system of India in which the human
soul was an efflux from or indeed a part of, the Deity. The Mosaic
religion drew a wide and impassable interval between the Creator and
created human beings: in this it differed from the Egyptian and all the
Eastern religions. As then the immortality of the soul was thus
inseparably blended with those foreign religions which were altogether
to be effaced from the minds of the people, and by no means necessary
for the establishment of the theocracy, Moses maintained silence on this
point and a purer notion of it was left to be developed at a more
favorable period in the history of man.--M.]

[Footnote 58: See Le Clerc (Prolegomena ad Hist. Ecclesiast. sect. 1, c.
8) His authority seems to carry the greater weight, as he has written a
learned and judicious commentary on the books of the Old Testament.]

[Footnote 59: Joseph. Antiquitat. l. xiii. c. 10. De Bell. Jud. ii. 8.
According to the most natural interpretation of his words, the Sadducees
admitted only the Pentateuch; but it has pleased some modern critics
to add the Prophets to their creed, and to suppose that they contented
themselves with rejecting the traditions of the Pharisees. Dr. Jortin
has argued that point in his Remarks on Ecclesiastical History, vol. ii.
p. 103.]

When the promise of eternal happiness was proposed to mankind
on condition of adopting the faith, and of observing the precepts, of
the gospel, it is no wonder that so advantageous an offer should have
been accepted by great numbers of every religion, of every rank, and of
every province in the Roman empire. The ancient Christians were animated
by a contempt for their present existence, and by a just confidence of
immortality, of which the doubtful and imperfect faith of modern
ages cannot give us any adequate notion. In the primitive church, the
influence of truth was very powerfully strengthened by an opinion,
which, however it may deserve respect for its usefulness and antiquity,
has not been found agreeable to experience. It was universally believed,
that the end of the world, and the kingdom of heaven, were at hand.
[591] The near approach of this wonderful event had been predicted by the
apostles; the tradition of it was preserved by their earliest disciples,
and those who understood in their literal senses the discourse of Christ
himself, were obliged to expect the second and glorious coming of
the Son of Man in the clouds, before that generation was totally
extinguished, which had beheld his humble condition upon earth, and
which might still be witness of the calamities of the Jews under
Vespasian or Hadrian. The revolution of seventeen centuries has
instructed us not to press too closely the mysterious language of
prophecy and revelation; but as long as, for wise purposes, this error
was permitted to subsist in the church, it was productive of the most
salutary effects on the faith and practice of Christians, who lived in
the awful expectation of that moment, when the globe itself, and all
the various race of mankind, should tremble at the appearance of their
divine Judge. [60]

[Footnote 591: This was, in fact, an integral part of the Jewish notion
of the Messiah, from which the minds of the apostles themselves were but
gradually detached. See Bertholdt, Christologia Judaeorum, concluding
chapters--M.]

[Footnote 60: This expectation was countenanced by the twenty-fourth
chapter of St. Matthew, and by the first epistle of St. Paul to the
Thessalonians. Erasmus removes the difficulty by the help of allegory
and metaphor; and the learned Grotius ventures to insinuate, that, for
wise purposes, the pious deception was permitted to take place. * Note:
Some modern theologians explain it without discovering either allegory
or deception. They say, that Jesus Christ, after having proclaimed the
ruin of Jerusalem and of the Temple, speaks of his second coming and the
sings which were to precede it; but those who believed that the moment
was near deceived themselves as to the sense of two words, an error
which still subsists in our versions of the Gospel according to St.
Matthew, xxiv. 29, 34. In verse 29, we read, "Immediately after the
tribulation of those days shall the sun be darkened," &c. The Greek word
signifies all at once, suddenly, not immediately; so that it signifies
only the sudden appearance of the signs which Jesus Christ announces not
the shortness of the interval which was to separate them from the "days
of tribulation," of which he was speaking. The verse 34 is this "Verily
I say unto you, This generation shall not pass till all these things
shall be fulfilled." Jesus, speaking to his disciples, uses these words,
which the translators have rendered by this generation, but which means
the race, the filiation of my disciples; that is, he speaks of a class
of men, not of a generation. The true sense then, according to these
learned men, is, In truth I tell you that this race of men, of which you
are the commencement, shall not pass away till this shall take place;
that is to say, the succession of Christians shall not cease till his
coming. See Commentary of M. Paulus on the New Test., edit. 1802, tom.
iii. p. 445,--446.--G. ----Others, as Rosenmuller and Kuinoel, in loc.,
confine this passage to a highly figurative description of the ruins of
the Jewish city and polity.--M.]




Chapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.--Part IV.

The ancient and popular doctrine of the Millennium was intimately
connected with the second coming of Christ. As the works of the creation
had been finished in six days, their duration in their present state,
according to a tradition which was attributed to the prophet Elijah, was
fixed to six thousand years. [61] By the same analogy it was inferred,
that this long period of labor and contention, which was now almost
elapsed, [62] would be succeeded by a joyful Sabbath of a thousand years;
and that Christ, with the triumphant band of the saints and the elect
who had escaped death, or who had been miraculously revived, would
reign upon earth till the time appointed for the last and general
resurrection. So pleasing was this hope to the mind of believers,
that the New Jerusalem, the seat of this blissful kingdom, was quickly
adorned with all the gayest colors of the imagination. A felicity
consisting only of pure and spiritual pleasure would have appeared too
refined for its inhabitants, who were still supposed to possess their
human nature and senses. A garden of Eden, with the amusements of the
pastoral life, was no longer suited to the advanced state of society
which prevailed under the Roman empire. A city was therefore erected of
gold and precious stones, and a supernatural plenty of corn and wine
was bestowed on the adjacent territory; in the free enjoyment of whose
spontaneous productions, the happy and benevolent people was never to be
restrained by any jealous laws of exclusive property. [63] The assurance
of such a Millennium was carefully inculcated by a succession of fathers
from Justin Martyr, [64] and Irenaeus, who conversed with the immediate
disciples of the apostles, down to Lactantius, who was preceptor to the
son of Constantine. [65] Though it might not be universally received, it
appears to have been the reigning sentiment of the orthodox believers;
and it seems so well adapted to the desires and apprehensions of
mankind, that it must have contributed in a very considerable degree to
the progress of the Christian faith. But when the edifice of the church
was almost completed, the temporary support was laid aside. The
doctrine of Christ's reign upon earth was at first treated as a profound
allegory, was considered by degrees as a doubtful and useless opinion,
and was at length rejected as the absurd invention of heresy and
fanaticism. [66] A mysterious prophecy, which still forms a part of the
sacred canon, but which was thought to favor the exploded sentiment, has
very narrowly escaped the proscription of the church. [67]

[Footnote 61: See Burnet's Sacred Theory, part iii. c. 5. This tradition
may be traced as high as the the author of Epistle of Barnabas, who
wrote in the first century, and who seems to have been half a Jew. *
Note: In fact it is purely Jewish. See Mosheim, De Reb. Christ. ii. 8.
Lightfoot's Works, 8vo. edit. vol. iii. p. 37. Bertholdt, Christologia
Judaeorum ch. 38.--M.]

[Footnote 62: The primitive church of Antioch computed almost 6000 years
from the creation of the world to the birth of Christ. Africanus,
Lactantius, and the Greek church, have reduced that number to 5500, and
Eusebius has contented himself with 5200 years. These calculations were
formed on the Septuagint, which was universally received during the six
first centuries. The authority of the vulgate and of the Hebrew text has
determined the moderns, Protestants as well as Catholics, to prefer a
period of about 4000 years; though, in the study of profane antiquity,
they often find themselves straitened by those narrow limits. * Note:
Most of the more learned modern English Protestants, Dr. Hales, Mr.
Faber, Dr. Russel, as well as the Continental writers, adopt the larger
chronology. There is little doubt that the narrower system was framed by
the Jews of Tiberias; it was clearly neither that of St. Paul, nor of
Josephus, nor of the Samaritan Text. It is greatly to be regretted that
the chronology of the earlier Scriptures should ever have been made a
religious question--M.]

[Footnote 63: Most of these pictures were borrowed from a
misrepresentation of Isaiah, Daniel, and the Apocalypse. One of the
grossest images may be found in Irenaeus, (l. v. p. 455,) the disciple
of Papias, who had seen the apostle St. John.]

[Footnote 64: See the second dialogue of Justin with Triphon, and
the seventh book of Lactantius. It is unnecessary to allege all the
intermediate fathers, as the fact is not disputed. Yet the curious
reader may consult Daille de Uus Patrum, l. ii. c. 4.]

[Footnote 65: The testimony of Justin of his own faith and that of his
orthodox brethren, in the doctrine of a Millennium, is delivered in the
clearest and most solemn manner, (Dialog. cum Tryphonte Jud. p. 177,
178, edit. Benedictin.) If in the beginning of this important passage
there is any thing like an inconsistency, we may impute it, as we think
proper, either to the author or to his transcribers. * Note: The
Millenium is described in what once stood as the XLIst Article of the
English Church (see Collier, Eccles. Hist., for Articles of Edw. VI.) as
"a fable of Jewish dotage." The whole of these gross and earthly images
may be traced in the works which treat on the Jewish traditions, in
Lightfoot, Schoetgen, and Eisenmenger; "Das enthdeckte Judenthum" t. ii
809; and briefly in Bertholdt, i. c. 38, 39.--M.]

[Footnote 66: Dupin, Bibliotheque Ecclesiastique, tom. i. p. 223, tom.
ii. p. 366, and Mosheim, p. 720; though the latter of these learned
divines is not altogether candid on this occasion.]

[Footnote 67: In the council of Laodicea, (about the year 360,) the
Apocalypse was tacitly excluded from the sacred canon, by the same
churches of Asia to which it is addressed; and we may learn from the
complaint of Sulpicius Severus, that their sentence had been ratified by
the greater number of Christians of his time. From what causes then is
the Apocalypse at present so generally received by the Greek, the Roman,
and the Protestant churches? The following ones may be assigned. 1. The
Greeks were subdued by the authority of an impostor, who, in the sixth
century, assumed the character of Dionysius the Areopagite. 2. A just
apprehension that the grammarians might become more important than
the theologians, engaged the council of Trent to fix the seal of their
infallibility on all the books of Scripture contained in the Latin
Vulgate, in the number of which the Apocalypse was fortunately included.
(Fr. Paolo, Istoria del Concilio Tridentino, l. ii.) 3. The advantage
of turning those mysterious prophecies against the See of Rome, inspired
the Protestants with uncommon veneration for so useful an ally. See the
ingenious and elegant discourses of the present bishop of Litchfield on
that unpromising subject. * Note: The exclusion of the Apocalypse is
not improbably assigned to its obvious unfitness to be read in
churches. It is to be feared that a history of the interpretation of the
Apocalypse would not give a very favorable view either of the wisdom
or the charity of the successive ages of Christianity. Wetstein's
interpretation, differently modified, is adopted by most Continental
scholars.--M.]

Whilst the happiness and glory of a temporal reign were promised to the
disciples of Christ, the most dreadful calamities were denounced against
an unbelieving world. The edification of a new Jerusalem was to advance
by equal steps with the destruction of the mystic Babylon; and as
long as the emperors who reigned before Constantine persisted in the
profession of idolatry, the epithet of Babylon was applied to the city
and to the empire of Rome. A regular series was prepared of all the
moral and physical evils which can afflict a flourishing nation;
intestine discord, and the invasion of the fiercest barbarians from
the unknown regions of the North; pestilence and famine, comets and
eclipses, earthquakes and inundations. [68] All these were only so many
preparatory and alarming signs of the great catastrophe of Rome, when
the country of the Scipios and Caesars should be consumed by a flame
from Heaven, and the city of the seven hills, with her palaces, her
temples, and her triumphal arches, should be buried in a vast lake of
fire and brimstone. It might, however, afford some consolation to Roman
vanity, that the period of their empire would be that of the world
itself; which, as it had once perished by the element of water, was
destined to experience a second and a speedy destruction from the
element of fire. In the opinion of a general conflagration, the faith of
the Christian very happily coincided with the tradition of the East,
the philosophy of the Stoics, and the analogy of Nature; and even the
country, which, from religious motives, had been chosen for the origin
and principal scene of the conflagration, was the best adapted for that
purpose by natural and physical causes; by its deep caverns, beds of
sulphur, and numerous volcanoes, of which those of Aetna, of Vesuvius,
and of Lipari, exhibit a very imperfect representation. The calmest
and most intrepid sceptic could not refuse to acknowledge that the
destruction of the present system of the world by fire, was in itself
extremely probable. The Christian, who founded his belief much less on
the fallacious arguments of reason than on the authority of tradition
and the interpretation of Scripture, expected it with terror and
confidence as a certain and approaching event; and as his mind was
perpetually filled with the solemn idea, he considered every disaster
that happened to the empire as an infallible symptom of an expiring
world. [69]

[Footnote 68: Lactantius (Institut. Divin. vii. 15, &c.) relates the
dismal talk of futurity with great spirit and eloquence. * Note:
Lactantius had a notion of a great Asiatic empire, which was previously
to rise on the ruins of the Roman: quod Romanum nomen animus dicere, sed
dicam. quia futurum est tolletur de terra, et impere. Asiam
revertetur.--M.]

[Footnote 69: On this subject every reader of taste will be entertained
with the third part of Burnet's Sacred Theory. He blends philosophy,
Scripture, and tradition, into one magnificent system; in the
description of which he displays a strength of fancy not inferior
to that of Milton himself.]

The condemnation of the wisest and most
virtuous of the Pagans, on account of their ignorance or disbelief of
the divine truth, seems to offend the reason and the humanity of the
present age. [70] But the primitive church, whose faith was of a much
firmer consistence, delivered over, without hesitation, to eternal
torture, the far greater part of the human species. A charitable hope
might perhaps be indulged in favor of Socrates, or some other sages
of antiquity, who had consulted the light of reason before that of the
gospel had arisen. [71] But it was unanimously affirmed, that those who,
since the birth or the death of Christ, had obstinately persisted in the
worship of the daemons, neither deserved nor could expect a pardon from
the irritated justice of the Deity. These rigid sentiments, which had
been unknown to the ancient world, appear to have infused a spirit of
bitterness into a system of love and harmony. The ties of blood and
friendship were frequently torn asunder by the difference of religious
faith; and the Christians, who, in this world, found themselves
oppressed by the power of the Pagans, were sometimes seduced by
resentment and spiritual pride to delight in the prospect of their
future triumph. "You are fond of spectacles," exclaims the stern
Tertullian; "expect the greatest of all spectacles, the last and eternal
judgment of the universe. How shall I admire, how laugh, how rejoice,
how exult, when I behold so many proud monarchs, so many fancied gods,
groaning in the lowest abyss of darkness; so many magistrates, who
persecuted the name of the Lord, liquefying in fiercer fires than they
ever kindled against the Christians; so many sage philosophers blushing
in red-hot flames with their deluded scholars; so many celebrated poets
trembling before the tribunal, not of Minos, but of Christ; so many
tragedians, more tuneful in the expression of their own sufferings; so
many dancers."

[711] But the humanity of the reader will permit me to draw a veil over the
rest of this infernal description, which the zealous African pursues in
a long variety of affected and unfeeling witticisms. [72]

[Footnote 70: And yet whatever may be the language of
individuals, it is still the public doctrine of all the Christian
churches; nor can even our own refuse to admit the conclusions which
must be drawn from the viiith and the xviiith of her Articles. The
Jansenists, who have so diligently studied the works of the fathers,
maintain this sentiment with distinguished zeal; and the learned M. de
Tillemont never dismisses a virtuous emperor without pronouncing his
damnation. Zuinglius is perhaps the only leader of a party who has
ever adopted the milder sentiment, and he gave no less offence to the
Lutherans than to the Catholics. See Bossuet, Histoire des Variations
des Eglises Protestantes, l. ii. c. 19--22.]

[Footnote 71: Justin and Clemens of Alexandria allow that some of
the philosophers were instructed by the Logos; confounding its double
signification of the human reason, and of the Divine Word.]

[Footnote 711: This translation is not exact: the first sentence is imperfect.
Tertullian says, Ille dies nationibus insperatus, ille derisus, cum
tanta sacculi vetustas et tot ejus nativitates uno igne haurientur.
The text does not authorize the exaggerated expressions, so many
magistrates, so many sago philosophers, so many poets, &c.; but simply
magistrates, philosophers, poets.--G. --It is not clear that Gibbon's
version or paraphrase is incorrect: Tertullian writes, tot tantosque
reges item praesides, &c.--M.]

[Footnote 72: Tertullian, de Spectaculis, c. 30. In order to ascertain
the degree of authority which the zealous African had acquired it may be
sufficient to allege the testimony of Cyprian, the doctor and guide of
all the western churches. (See Prudent. Hym. xiii. 100.) As often as he
applied himself to his daily study of the writings of Tertullian, he was
accustomed to say, "Da mihi magistrum, Give me my master." (Hieronym. de
Viris Illustribus, tom. i. p. 284.)]

[Footnote 72: The object of Tertullian's vehemence in his Treatise, was
to keep the Christians away from the secular games celebrated by the
Emperor Severus: It has not prevented him from showing himself in other
places full of benevolence and charity towards unbelievers: the spirit
of the gospel has sometimes prevailed over the violence of human
passions: Qui ergo putaveris nihil nos de salute Caesaris curare (he
says in his Apology) inspice Dei voces, literas nostras. Scitote ex
illis praeceptum esse nobis ad redudantionem, benignitates etiam pro
inimicis Deum orare, et pro persecutoribus cona precari. Sed etiam
nominatim atque manifeste orate inquit (Christus) pro regibus et pro
principibus et potestatibus ut omnia sint tranquilla vobis Tert. Apol.
c. 31.--G. ----It would be wiser for Christianity, retreating upon its
genuine records in the New Testament, to disclaim this fierce African,
than to identify itself with his furious invectives by unsatisfactory
apologies for their unchristian fanaticism.--M.]

Doubtless there were many among the primitive Christians of a temper
more suitable to the meekness and charity of their profession. There
were many who felt a sincere compassion for the danger of their friends
and countrymen, and who exerted the most benevolent zeal to save them
from the impending destruction.

The careless Polytheist, assailed by new and unexpected terrors, against
which neither his priests nor his philosophers could afford him any
certain protection, was very frequently terrified and subdued by the
menace of eternal tortures. His fears might assist the progress of his
faith and reason; and if he could once persuade himself to suspect that
the Christian religion might possibly be true, it became an easy task to
convince him that it was the safest and most prudent party that he could
possibly embrace.

III. The supernatural gifts, which even in this life were ascribed to
the Christians above the rest of mankind, must have conduced to their
own comfort, and very frequently to the conviction of infidels. Besides
the occasional prodigies, which might sometimes be effected by the
immediate interposition of the Deity when he suspended the laws of
Nature for the service of religion, the Christian church, from the
time of the apostles and their first disciples, [73] has claimed an
uninterrupted succession of miraculous powers, the gift of tongues, of
vision, and of prophecy, the power of expelling daemons, of healing the
sick, and of raising the dead. The knowledge of foreign languages
was frequently communicated to the contemporaries of Irenaeus, though
Irenaeus himself was left to struggle with the difficulties of a
barbarous dialect, whilst he preached the gospel to the natives of Gaul.
[74] The divine inspiration, whether it was conveyed in the form of a
waking or of a sleeping vision, is described as a favor very liberally
bestowed on all ranks of the faithful, on women as on elders, on boys as
well as upon bishops. When their devout minds were sufficiently prepared
by a course of prayer, of fasting, and of vigils, to receive the
extraordinary impulse, they were transported out of their senses, and
delivered in ecstasy what was inspired, being mere organs of the Holy
Spirit, just as a pipe or flute is of him who blows into it. [75] We may
add, that the design of these visions was, for the most part, either to
disclose the future history, or to guide the present administration,
of the church. The expulsion of the daemons from the bodies of those
unhappy persons whom they had been permitted to torment, was considered
as a signal though ordinary triumph of religion, and is repeatedly
alleged by the ancient apoligists, as the most convincing evidence of
the truth of Christianity. The awful ceremony was usually performed in a
public manner, and in the presence of a great number of spectators;
the patient was relieved by the power or skill of the exorcist, and the
vanquished daemon was heard to confess that he was one of the fabled
gods of antiquity, who had impiously usurped the adoration of mankind.
[76] But the miraculous cure of diseases of the most inveterate or
even preternatural kind, can no longer occasion any surprise, when we
recollect, that in the days of Iranaeus, about the end of the second
century, the resurrection of the dead was very far from being esteemed
an uncommon event; that the miracle was frequently performed on
necessary occasions, by great fasting and the joint supplication of the
church of the place, and that the persons thus restored to their prayers
had lived afterwards among them many years. [77] At such a period, when
faith could boast of so many wonderful victories over death, it seems
difficult to account for the scepticism of those philosophers, who still
rejected and derided the doctrine of the resurrection. A noble Grecian
had rested on this important ground the whole controversy, and promised
Theophilus, Bishop of Antioch, that if he could be gratified with the
sight of a single person who had been actually raised from the dead,
he would immediately embrace the Christian religion. It is somewhat
remarkable, that the prelate of the first eastern church, however
anxious for the conversion of his friend, thought proper to decline this
fair and reasonable challenge. [78]

[Footnote 73: Notwithstanding the evasions of Dr. Middleton, it is
impossible to overlook the clear traces of visions and inspiration,
which may be found in the apostolic fathers. * Note: Gibbon should have
noticed the distinct and remarkable passage from Chrysostom, quoted by
Middleton, (Works, vol. i. p. 105,) in which he affirms the long
discontinuance of miracles as a notorious fact.--M.]

[Footnote 74: Irenaeus adv. Haeres. Proem. p.3 Dr. Middleton (Free
Inquiry, p. 96, &c.) observes, that as this pretension of all others was
the most difficult to support by art, it was the soonest given up. The
observation suits his hypothesis. * Note: This passage of Irenaeus
contains no allusion to the gift of tongues; it is merely an apology for
a rude and unpolished Greek style, which could not be expected from one
who passed his life in a remote and barbarous province, and was
continually obliged to speak the Celtic language.--M. Note: Except in
the life of Pachomius, an Egyptian monk of the fourth century. (see
Jortin, Ecc. Hist. i. p. 368, edit. 1805,) and the latter (not earlier)
lives of Xavier, there is no claim laid to the gift of tongues since the
time of Irenaeus; and of this claim, Xavier's own letters are profoundly
silent. See Douglas's Criterion, p. 76 edit. 1807.--M.]

[Footnote 75: Athenagoras in Legatione. Justin Martyr, Cohort. ad Gentes
Tertullian advers. Marcionit. l. iv. These descriptions are not
very unlike the prophetic fury, for which Cicero (de Divinat.ii. 54)
expresses so little reverence.]

[Footnote 76: Tertullian (Apolog. c. 23) throws out a bold defiance
to the Pagan magistrates. Of the primitive miracles, the power of
exorcising is the only one which has been assumed by Protestants. *
Note: But by Protestants neither of the most enlightened ages nor most
reasoning minds.--M.]

[Footnote 77: Irenaeus adv. Haereses, l. ii. 56, 57, l. v. c. 6. Mr.
Dodwell (Dissertat. ad Irenaeum, ii. 42) concludes, that the second
century was still more fertile in miracles than the first. * Note: It is
difficult to answer Middleton's objection to this statement of Irenae
us: "It is very strange, that from the time of the apostles there is not
a single instance of this miracle to be found in the three first
centuries; except a single case, slightly intimated in Eusebius, from
the Works of Papias; which he seems to rank among the other fabulous
stories delivered by that weak man." Middleton, Works, vol. i. p. 59.
Bp. Douglas (Criterion, p 389) would consider Irenaeus to speak of what
had "been performed formerly." not in his own time.--M.]

[Footnote 78: Theophilus ad Autolycum, l. i. p. 345. Edit. Benedictin.
Paris, 1742. * Note: A candid sceptic might discern some impropriety in
the Bishop being called upon to perform a miracle on demand.--M.]

The miracles of the primitive church, after obtaining the sanction of
ages, have been lately attacked in a very free and ingenious inquiry,
[79] which, though it has met with the most favorable reception from the
public, appears to have excited a general scandal among the divines of
our own as well as of the other Protestant churches of Europe. [80] Our
different sentiments on this subject will be much less influenced by any
particular arguments, than by our habits of study and reflection; and,
above all, by the degree of evidence which we have accustomed ourselves
to require for the proof of a miraculous event. The duty of an historian
does not call upon him to interpose his private judgment in this nice
and important controversy; but he ought not to dissemble the difficulty
of adopting such a theory as may reconcile the interest of religion with
that of reason, of making a proper application of that theory, and of
defining with precision the limits of that happy period, exempt from
error and from deceit, to which we might be disposed to extend the gift
of supernatural powers. From the first of the fathers to the last of the
popes, a succession of bishops, of saints, of martyrs, and of miracles,
is continued without interruption; and the progress of superstition
was so gradual, and almost imperceptible, that we know not in what
particular link we should break the chain of tradition. Every age bears
testimony to the wonderful events by which it was distinguished, and
its testimony appears no less weighty and respectable than that of the
preceding generation, till we are insensibly led on to accuse our own
inconsistency, if in the eighth or in the twelfth century we deny to the
venerable Bede, or to the holy Bernard, the same degree of confidence
which, in the second century, we had so liberally granted to Justin or
to Irenaeus. [81] If the truth of any of those miracles is appreciated by
their apparent use and propriety, every age had unbelievers to convince,
heretics to confute, and idolatrous nations to convert; and sufficient
motives might always be produced to justify the interposition of Heaven.
And yet, since every friend to revelation is persuaded of the reality,
and every reasonable man is convinced of the cessation, of miraculous
powers, it is evident that there must have been some period in which
they were either suddenly or gradually withdrawn from the Christian
church. Whatever aera is chosen for that purpose, the death of the
apostles, the conversion of the Roman empire, or the extinction of the
Arian heresy, [82] the insensibility of the Christians who lived at that
time will equally afford a just matter of surprise. They still supported
their pretensions after they had lost their power. Credulity performed
the office of faith; fanaticism was permitted to assume the language of
inspiration, and the effects of accident or contrivance were ascribed
to supernatural causes. The recent experience of genuine miracles should
have instructed the Christian world in the ways of Providence, and
habituated their eye (if we may use a very inadequate expression) to the
style of the divine artist. Should the most skilful painter of modern
Italy presume to decorate his feeble imitations with the name of Raphael
or of Correggio, the insolent fraud would be soon discovered, and
indignantly rejected.

[Footnote 79: Dr. Middleton sent out his Introduction in the year 1747,
published his Free Inquiry in 1749, and before his death, which happened
in 1750, he had prepared a vindication of it against his numerous
adversaries.]

[Footnote 80: The university of Oxford conferred degrees
on his opponents. From the indignation of Mosheim, (p. 221,) we may
discover the sentiments of the Lutheran divines. * Note: Yet many
Protestant divines will now without reluctance confine miracles to the
time of the apostles, or at least to the first century.--M]

[Footnote 81: It may seem somewhat remarkable, that Bernard of
Clairvaux, who records so many miracles of his friend St. Malachi, never
takes any notice of his own, which, in their turn, however, are
carefully related by his companions and disciples. In the long series of
ecclesiastical history, does there exist a single instance of a saint
asserting that he himself possessed the gift of miracles?]

[Footnote 82: The conversion of Constantine is the aera which is most
usually fixed by Protestants. The more rational divines are unwilling to
admit the miracles of the ivth, whilst the more credulous are unwilling
to reject those of the vth century. * Note: All this appears to proceed
on the principle that any distinct line can be drawn in an unphilosophic
age between wonders and miracles, or between what piety, from their
unexpected and extraordinary nature, the marvellous concurrence of
secondary causes to some remarkable end, may consider providential
interpositions, and miracles strictly so called, in which the laws of
nature are suspended or violated. It is impossible to assign, on one
side, limits to human credulity, on the other, to the influence of the
imagination on the bodily frame; but some of the miracles recorded in
the Gospels are such palpable impossibilities, according to the known
laws and operations of nature, that if recorded on sufficient evidence,
and the evidence we believe to be that of eye-witnesses, we cannot
reject them, without either asserting, with Hume, that no evidence can
prove a miracle, or that the Author of Nature has no power of suspending
its ordinary laws. But which of the post-apostolic miracles will bear
this test?--M.]

Whatever opinion may be entertained of the miracles of the primitive
church since the time of the apostles, this unresisting softness of
temper, so conspicuous among the believers of the second and third
centuries, proved of some accidental benefit to the cause of truth and
religion. In modern times, a latent and even involuntary scepticism
adheres to the most pious dispositions. Their admission of supernatural
truths is much less an active consent than a cold and passive
acquiescence. Accustomed long since to observe and to respect the
variable order of Nature, our reason, or at least our imagination, is
not sufficiently prepared to sustain the visible action of the Deity.

But, in the first ages of Christianity, the situation of mankind was
extremely different. The most curious, or the most credulous, among the
Pagans, were often persuaded to enter into a society which asserted an
actual claim of miraculous powers. The primitive Christians perpetually
trod on mystic ground, and their minds were exercised by the habits of
believing the most extraordinary events. They felt, or they fancied,
that on every side they were incessantly assaulted by daemons, comforted
by visions, instructed by prophecy, and surprisingly delivered from
danger, sickness, and from death itself, by the supplications of the
church. The real or imaginary prodigies, of which they so frequently
conceived themselves to be the objects, the instruments, or the
spectators, very happily disposed them to adopt with the same ease,
but with far greater justice, the authentic wonders of the evangelic
history; and thus miracles that exceeded not the measure of their own
experience, inspired them with the most lively assurance of mysteries
which were acknowledged to surpass the limits of their understanding. It
is this deep impression of supernatural truths, which has been so much
celebrated under the name of faith; a state of mind described as
the surest pledge of the divine favor and of future felicity, and
recommended as the first, or perhaps the only merit of a Christian.
According to the more rigid doctors, the moral virtues, which may be
equally practised by infidels, are destitute of any value or efficacy in
the work of our justification.




Chapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.--Part V.

IV. But the primitive Christian demonstrated his faith by his virtues;
and it was very justly supposed that the divine persuasion, which
enlightened or subdued the understanding, must, at the same time, purify
the heart, and direct the actions, of the believer. The first apologists
of Christianity who justify the innocence of their brethren, and the
writers of a later period who celebrate the sanctity of their ancestors,
display, in the most lively colors, the reformation of manners which was
introduced into the world by the preaching of the gospel. As it is my
intention to remark only such human causes as were permitted to second
the influence of revelation, I shall slightly mention two motives which
might naturally render the lives of the primitive Christians much purer
and more austere than those of their Pagan contemporaries, or their
degenerate successors; repentance for their past sins, and the laudable
desire of supporting the reputation of the society in which they were
engaged. [83]

[Footnote 83: These, in the opinion of the editor, are the most uncandid
paragraphs in Gibbon's History. He ought either, with manly courage, to
have denied the moral reformation introduced by Christianity, or fairly
to have investigated all its motives; not to have confined himself to
an insidious and sarcastic description of the less pure and generous
elements of the Christian character as it appeared even at that early
time.--M.]

It is a very ancient reproach, suggested by the ignorance or the malice
of infidelity, that the Christians allured into their party the most
atrocious criminals, who, as soon as they were touched by a sense of
remorse, were easily persuaded to wash away, in the water of baptism,
the guilt of their past conduct, for which the temples of the gods
refused to grant them any expiation. But this reproach, when it is
cleared from misrepresentation, contributes as much to the honor as it
did to the increase of the church. [83] The friends of Christianity may
acknowledge without a blush, that many of the most eminent saints had
been before their baptism the most abandoned sinners. Those persons, who
in the world had followed, though in an imperfect manner, the dictates
of benevolence and propriety, derived such a calm satisfaction from the
opinion of their own rectitude, as rendered them much less susceptible
of the sudden emotions of shame, of grief, and of terror, which have
given birth to so many wonderful conversions. After the example of their
divine Master, the missionaries of the gospel disdained not the society
of men, and especially of women, oppressed by the consciousness, and
very often by the effects, of their vices. As they emerged from sin
and superstition to the glorious hope of immortality, they resolved to
devote themselves to a life, not only of virtue, but of penitence. The
desire of perfection became the ruling passion of their soul; and it is
well known, that while reason embraces a cold mediocrity, our passions
hurry us, with rapid violence, over the space which lies between the
most opposite extremes.

[Footnote 83: The imputations of Celsus and Julian, with the defence of
the fathers, are very fairly stated by Spanheim, Commentaire sur les
Cesars de Julian, p. 468.]

When the new converts had been enrolled in the number of the faithful,
and were admitted to the sacraments of the church, they found themselves
restrained from relapsing into their past disorders by another
consideration of a less spiritual, but of a very innocent and
respectable nature. Any particular society that has departed from
the great body of the nation, or the religion to which it belonged,
immediately becomes the object of universal as well as invidious
observation. In proportion to the smallness of its numbers, the
character of the society may be affected by the virtues and vices of the
persons who compose it; and every member is engaged to watch with the
most vigilant attention over his own behavior, and over that of his
brethren, since, as he must expect to incur a part of the common
disgrace, he may hope to enjoy a share of the common reputation. When
the Christians of Bithynia were brought before the tribunal of the
younger Pliny, they assured the proconsul, that, far from being engaged
in any unlawful conspiracy, they were bound by a solemn obligation to
abstain from the commission of those crimes which disturb the private
or public peace of society, from theft, robbery, adultery, perjury,
and fraud. [84] [841] Near a century afterwards, Tertullian with an honest
pride, could boast, that very few Christians had suffered by the hand of
the executioner, except on account of their religion. [85] Their serious
and sequestered life, averse to the gay luxury of the age, inured
them to chastity, temperance, economy, and all the sober and domestic
virtues. As the greater number were of some trade or profession, it was
incumbent on them, by the strictest integrity and the fairest dealing,
to remove the suspicions which the profane are too apt to conceive
against the appearances of sanctity. The contempt of the world exercised
them in the habits of humility, meekness, and patience. The more they
were persecuted, the more closely they adhered to each other. Their
mutual charity and unsuspecting confidence has been remarked by
infidels, and was too often abused by perfidious friends. [86]

[Footnote 84: Plin. Epist. x. 97. * Note: Is not the sense of Tertullian
rather, if guilty of any other offence, he had thereby ceased to be a
Christian?--M.]

[Footnote 841: And this blamelessness was fully admitted by the candid and
enlightened Roman.--M.]

[Footnote 85: Tertullian, Apolog. c. 44. He adds, however, with some
degree of hesitation, "Aut si aliud, jam non Christianus." * Note:
Tertullian says positively no Christian, nemo illic Christianus; for the
rest, the limitation which he himself subjoins, and which Gibbon quotes
in the foregoing note, diminishes the force of this assertion, and
appears to prove that at least he knew none such.--G.]

[Footnote 86: The philosopher Peregrinus (of whose life and death Lucian
has left us so entertaining an account) imposed, for a long time, on the
credulous simplicity of the Christians of Asia.]

It is a very honorable circumstance for the morals of the primitive
Christians, that even their faults, or rather errors, were derived
from an excess of virtue. The bishops and doctors of the church, whose
evidence attests, and whose authority might influence, the professions,
the principles, and even the practice of their contemporaries, had
studied the Scriptures with less skill than devotion; and they often
received, in the most literal sense, those rigid precepts of Christ
and the apostles, to which the prudence of succeeding commentators has
applied a looser and more figurative mode of interpretation. Ambitious
to exalt the perfection of the gospel above the wisdom of philosophy,
the zealous fathers have carried the duties of self-mortification, of
purity, and of patience, to a height which it is scarcely possible to
attain, and much less to preserve, in our present state of weakness and
corruption. A doctrine so extraordinary and so sublime must inevitably
command the veneration of the people; but it was ill calculated to
obtain the suffrage of those worldly philosophers, who, in the conduct
of this transitory life, consult only the feelings of nature and the
interest of society. [87]

[Footnote 87: See a very judicious treatise of Barbeyrac sur la Morale
des Peres.]

There are two very natural propensities which we may distinguish in the
most virtuous and liberal dispositions, the love of pleasure and the
love of action. If the former is refined by art and learning, improved
by the charms of social intercourse, and corrected by a just regard to
economy, to health, and to reputation, it is productive of the greatest
part of the happiness of private life. The love of action is a principle
of a much stronger and more doubtful nature. It often leads to anger,
to ambition, and to revenge; but when it is guided by the sense of
propriety and benevolence, it becomes the parent of every virtue, and if
those virtues are accompanied with equal abilities, a family, a state,
or an empire, may be indebted for their safety and prosperity to the
undaunted courage of a single man. To the love of pleasure we may
therefore ascribe most of the agreeable, to the love of action we
may attribute most of the useful and respectable, qualifications. The
character in which both the one and the other should be united and
harmonized, would seem to constitute the most perfect idea of human
nature. The insensible and inactive disposition, which should be
supposed alike destitute of both, would be rejected, by the common
consent of mankind, as utterly incapable of procuring any happiness to
the individual, or any public benefit to the world. But it was not
in this world, that the primitive Christians were desirous of making
themselves either agreeable or useful. [*871]

[Footnote 871: El que me fait cette homelie semi-stoicienne,
semi-epicurienne? t'on jamais regarde l'amour du plaisir comme l'un des
principes de la perfection morale? Et de quel droit faites vous de
l'amour de l'action, et de l'amour du plaisir, les seuls elemens de
l'etre humain? Est ce que vous faites abstraction de la verite en
elle-meme, de la conscience et du sentiment du devoir? Est ce que vous ne
sentez point, par exemple, que le sacrifice du moi a la justice et a la
verite, est aussi dans le coeur de l'homme: que tout n'est pas pour lui
action ou plaisir, et que dans le bien ce n'est pas le mouvement, mais
la verite, qu'il cherche? Et puis * * Thucy dide et Tacite. ces maitres
de l'histoire, ont ils jamais introduits dans leur recits un fragment de
dissertation sur le plaisir et sur l'action. Villemain Cours de Lit.
Franc part ii. Lecon v.--M.]

The acquisition of knowledge, the exercise of our reason or fancy, and
the cheerful flow of unguarded conversation, may employ the leisure of
a liberal mind. Such amusements, however, were rejected with abhorrence,
or admitted with the utmost caution, by the severity of the fathers,
who despised all knowledge that was not useful to salvation, and who
considered all levity of discourse as a criminal abuse of the gift of
speech. In our present state of existence the body is so inseparably
connected with the soul, that it seems to be our interest to taste,
with innocence and moderation, the enjoyments of which that faithful
companion is susceptible. Very different was the reasoning of our devout
predecessors; vainly aspiring to imitate the perfection of angels, they
disdained, or they affected to disdain, every earthly and corporeal
delight. [88] Some of our senses indeed are necessary for our
preservation, others for our subsistence, and others again for our
information; and thus far it was impossible to reject the use of them.
The first sensation of pleasure was marked as the first moment of their
abuse. The unfeeling candidate for heaven was instructed, not only to
resist the grosser allurements of the taste or smell, but even to
shut his ears against the profane harmony of sounds, and to view with
indifference the most finished productions of human art. Gay apparel,
magnificent houses, and elegant furniture, were supposed to unite
the double guilt of pride and of sensuality; a simple and mortified
appearance was more suitable to the Christian who was certain of his
sins and doubtful of his salvation. In their censures of luxury, the
fathers are extremely minute and circumstantial; [89] and among the
various articles which excite their pious indignation, we may enumerate
false hair, garments of any color except white, instruments of music,
vases of gold or silver, downy pillows, (as Jacob reposed his head on a
stone,) white bread, foreign wines, public salutations, the use of warm
baths, and the practice of shaving the beard, which, according to the
expression of Tertullian, is a lie against our own faces, and an impious
attempt to improve the works of the Creator. [90] When Christianity
was introduced among the rich and the polite, the observation of these
singular laws was left, as it would be at present, to the few who
were ambitious of superior sanctity. But it is always easy, as well as
agreeable, for the inferior ranks of mankind to claim a merit from the
contempt of that pomp and pleasure which fortune has placed beyond their
reach. The virtue of the primitive Christians, like that of the first
Romans, was very frequently guarded by poverty and ignorance.

[Footnote 88: Lactant. Institut. Divin. l. vi. c. 20, 21, 22.]

[Footnote 89: Consult a work of Clemens of Alexandria, entitled The
Paedagogue, which contains the rudiments of ethics, as they were taught
in the most celebrated of the Christian schools.]

[Footnote 90: Tertullian, de Spectaculis, c. 23. Clemens Alexandrin.
Paedagog. l. iii. c. 8.]

The chaste severity of the fathers, in whatever related to the commerce
of the two sexes, flowed from the same principle; their abhorrence
of every enjoyment which might gratify the sensual, and degrade the
spiritual, nature of man. It was their favorite opinion, that if Adam
had preserved his obedience to the Creator, he would have lived forever
in a state of virgin purity, and that some harmless mode of vegetation
might have peopled paradise with a race of innocent and immortal beings.
[91] The use of marriage was permitted only to his fallen posterity, as
a necessary expedient to continue the human species, and as a restraint,
however imperfect, on the natural licentiousness of desire. The
hesitation of the orthodox casuists on this interesting subject, betrays
the perplexity of men, unwilling to approve an institution which they
were compelled to tolerate. [92] The enumeration of the very whimsical
laws, which they most circumstantially imposed on the marriage-bed,
would force a smile from the young and a blush from the fair. It was
their unanimous sentiment, that a first marriage was adequate to all the
purposes of nature and of society. The sensual connection was refined
into a resemblance of the mystic union of Christ with his church, and
was pronounced to be indissoluble either by divorce or by death.
The practice of second nuptials was branded with the name of a legal
adultery; and the persons who were guilty of so scandalous an offence
against Christian purity, were soon excluded from the honors, and even
from the alms, of the church. [93] Since desire was imputed as a crime,
and marriage was tolerated as a defect, it was consistent with the same
principles to consider a state of celibacy as the nearest approach to
the divine perfection. It was with the utmost difficulty that ancient
Rome could support the institution of six vestals; [94] but the primitive
church was filled with a great number of persons of either sex, who had
devoted themselves to the profession of perpetual chastity. [95] A few of
these, among whom we may reckon the learned Origen, judged it the most
prudent to disarm the tempter. [96] Some were insensible and some were
invincible against the assaults of the flesh. Disdaining an ignominious
flight, the virgins of the warm climate of Africa encountered the enemy
in the closest engagement; they permitted priests and deacons to share
their bed, and gloried amidst the flames in their unsullied purity. But
insulted Nature sometimes vindicated her rights, and this new species
of martyrdom served only to introduce a new scandal into the church. [97]
Among the Christian ascetics, however, (a name which they soon acquired
from their painful exercise,) many, as they were less presumptuous, were
probably more successful. The loss of sensual pleasure was supplied
and compensated by spiritual pride. Even the multitude of Pagans
were inclined to estimate the merit of the sacrifice by its apparent
difficulty; and it was in the praise of these chaste spouses of
Christ that the fathers have poured forth the troubled stream of their
eloquence. [98] Such are the early traces of monastic principles and
institutions, which, in a subsequent age, have counterbalanced all the
temporal advantages of Christianity. [99]

[Footnote 91: Beausobro, Hist. Critique du Manicheisme, l. vii. c.
3. Justin, Gregory of Nyssa, Augustin, &c., strongly incline to this
opinion. Note: But these were Gnostic or Manichean opinions. Beausobre
distinctly describes Autustine's bias to his recent escape from
Manicheism; and adds that he afterwards changed his views.--M.]

[Footnote 92: Some of the Gnostic heretics were more consistent; they
rejected the use of marriage.]

[Footnote 93: See a chain of tradition, from Justin Martyr to Jerome, in
the Morale des Peres, c. iv. 6--26.]

[Footnote 94: See a very curious Dissertation on the Vestals, in
the Memoires de l'Academie des Inscriptions, tom. iv. p. 161--227.
Notwithstanding the honors and rewards which were bestowed on those
virgins, it was difficult to procure a sufficient number; nor could the
dread of the most horrible death always restrain their incontinence.]

[Footnote 95: Cupiditatem procreandi aut unam scimus aut nullam.
Minutius Faelix, c. 31. Justin. Apolog. Major. Athenagoras in Legat. c
28. Tertullian de Cultu Foemin. l. ii.]

[Footnote 96: Eusebius, l. vi. 8. Before the fame of Origen had excited
envy and persecution, this extraordinary action was rather admired than
censured. As it was his general practice to allegorize Scripture, it
seems unfortunate that in this instance only, he should have adopted the
literal sense.]

[Footnote 97: Cyprian. Epist. 4, and Dodwell, Dissertat. Cyprianic. iii.
Something like this rash attempt was long afterwards imputed to the
founder of the order of Fontevrault. Bayle has amused himself and his
readers on that very delicate subject.]

[Footnote 98: Dupin (Bibliotheque Ecclesiastique, tom. i. p. 195) gives
a particular account of the dialogue of the ten virgins, as it was
composed by Methodius, Bishop of Tyre. The praises of virginity are
excessive.]

[Footnote 99: The Ascetics (as early as the second century) made a
public profession of mortifying their bodies, and of abstaining from the
use of flesh and wine. Mosheim, p. 310.]

The Christians were not less averse to the business than to the
pleasures of this world. The defence of our persons and property they
knew not how to reconcile with the patient doctrine which enjoined an
unlimited forgiveness of past injuries, and commanded them to invite the
repetition of fresh insults. Their simplicity was offended by the use of
oaths, by the pomp of magistracy, and by the active contention of public
life; nor could their humane ignorance be convinced that it was lawful
on any occasion to shed the blood of our fellow-creatures, either by
the sword of justice, or by that of war; even though their criminal
or hostile attempts should threaten the peace and safety of the whole
community. [100] It was acknowledged, that, under a less perfect law,
the powers of the Jewish constitution had been exercised, with the
approbation of Heaven, by inspired prophets and by anointed kings. The
Christians felt and confessed that such institutions might be necessary
for the present system of the world, and they cheerfully submitted to
the authority of their Pagan governors. But while they inculcated the
maxims of passive obedience, they refused to take any active part in
the civil administration or the military defence of the empire. Some
indulgence might, perhaps, be allowed to those persons who, before
their conversion, were already engaged in such violent and sanguinary
occupations; [101] but it was impossible that the Christians, without
renouncing a more sacred duty, could assume the character of soldiers,
of magistrates, or of princes. [102] This indolent, or even criminal
disregard to the public welfare, exposed them to the contempt and
reproaches of the Pagans who very frequently asked, what must be the
fate of the empire, attacked on every side by the barbarians, if all
mankind should adopt the pusillanimous sentiments of the new sect. [103]
To this insulting question the Christian apologists returned obscure and
ambiguous answers, as they were unwilling to reveal the secret cause of
their security; the expectation that, before the conversion of mankind
was accomplished, war, government, the Roman empire, and the world
itself, would be no more. It may be observed, that, in this instance
likewise, the situation of the first Christians coincided very happily
with their religious scruples, and that their aversion to an active life
contributed rather to excuse them from the service, than to exclude them
from the honors, of the state and army.

[Footnote 100: See the Morale des Peres. The same patient principles
have been revived since the Reformation by the Socinians, the modern
Anabaptists, and the Quakers. Barclay, the Apologist of the Quakers, has
protected his brethren by the authority of the primitive Christian; p.
542-549]

[Footnote 101: Tertullian, Apolog. c. 21. De Idololatria, c. 17, 18.
Origen contra Celsum, l. v. p. 253, l. vii. p. 348, l. viii.
p. 423-428.]

[Footnote 102: Tertullian (de Corona Militis, c. 11) suggested to
them the expedient of deserting; a counsel which, if it had been
generally known, was not very proper to conciliate the favor of the
emperors towards the Christian sect. * Note: There is nothing which
ought to astonish us in the refusal of the primitive Christians to take
part in public affairs; it was the natural consequence of the
contrariety of their principles to the customs, laws, and active life of
the Pagan world. As Christians, they could not enter into the senate,
which, according to Gibbon himself, always assembled in a temple or
consecrated place, and where each senator, before he took his seat, made
a libation of a few drops of wine, and burnt incense on the altar; as
Christians, they could not assist at festivals and banquets, which
always terminated with libations, &c.; finally, as "the innumerable
deities and rites of polytheism were closely interwoven with every
circumstance of public and private life," the Christians could not
participate in them without incurring, according to their principles,
the guilt of impiety. It was then much less by an effect of their
doctrine, than by the consequence of their situation, that they stood
aloof from public business. Whenever this situation offered no
impediment, they showed as much activity as the Pagans. Proinde, says
Justin Martyr, (Apol. c. 17,) nos solum Deum adoramus, et vobis in rebus
aliis laeti inservimus.--G. -----This latter passage, M. Guizot quotes
in Latin; if he had consulted the original, he would have found it to be
altogether irrelevant: it merely relates to the payment of taxes.--M. --
--Tertullian does not suggest to the soldiers the expedient of
deserting; he says that they ought to be constantly on their guard to do
nothing during their service contrary to the law of God, and to resolve
to suffer martyrdom rather than submit to a base compliance, or openly
to renounce the service. (De Cor. Mil. ii. p. 127.) He does not
positively decide that the military service is not permitted to
Christians; he ends, indeed, by saying, Puta denique licere militiam
usque ad causam coronae.--G. ----M. Guizot is. I think, again
unfortunate in his defence of Tertullian. That father says, that many
Christian soldiers had deserted, aut deserendum statim sit, ut a multis
actum. The latter sentence, Puta, &c, &c., is a concession for the sake
of argument: wha follows is more to the purpose.--M. Many other passages
of Tertullian prove that the army was full of Christians, Hesterni sumus
et vestra omnia implevimus, urbes, insulas, castella, municipia,
conciliabula, castra ipsa. (Apol. c. 37.) Navigamus et not vobiscum et
militamus. (c. 42.) Origen, in truth, appears to have maintained a more
rigid opinion, (Cont. Cels. l. viii.;) but he has often renounced this
exaggerated severity, perhaps necessary to produce great results, and he
speaks of the profession of arms as an honorable one. (l. iv. c. 218.)--
G. ----On these points Christian opinion, it should seem, was much
divided Tertullian, when he wrote the De Cor. Mil., was evidently
inclining to more ascetic opinions, and Origen was of the same class.
See Neander, vol. l part ii. p. 305, edit. 1828.--M.]

[Footnote 103: As well as we can judge from the mutilated representation
of Origen, (1. viii. p. 423,) his adversary, Celsus, had urged his
objection with great force and candor.]




Chapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.--Part VI.

V. But the human character, however it may be exalted or depressed by a
temporary enthusiasm, will return by degrees to its proper and natural
level, and will resume those passions that seem the most adapted to its
present condition. The primitive Christians were dead to the business
and pleasures of the world; but their love of action, which could never
be entirely extinguished, soon revived, and found a new occupation in
the government of the church. A separate society, which attacked the
established religion of the empire, was obliged to adopt some form
of internal policy, and to appoint a sufficient number of ministers,
intrusted not only with the spiritual functions, but even with the
temporal direction of the Christian commonwealth. The safety of that
society, its honor, its aggrandizement, were productive, even in the
most pious minds, of a spirit of patriotism, such as the first of
the Romans had felt for the republic, and sometimes of a similar
indifference, in the use of whatever means might probably conduce to so
desirable an end. The ambition of raising themselves or their friends
to the honors and offices of the church, was disguised by the laudable
intention of devoting to the public benefit the power and consideration,
which, for that purpose only, it became their duty to solicit. In the
exercise of their functions, they were frequently called upon to detect
the errors of heresy or the arts of faction, to oppose the designs
of perfidious brethren, to stigmatize their characters with deserved
infamy, and to expel them from the bosom of a society whose peace and
happiness they had attempted to disturb. The ecclesiastical governors of
the Christians were taught to unite the wisdom of the serpent with the
innocence of the dove; but as the former was refined, so the latter was
insensibly corrupted, by the habits of government. If the church as
well as in the world, the persons who were placed in any public station
rendered themselves considerable by their eloquence and firmness, by
their knowledge of mankind, and by their dexterity in business; and
while they concealed from others, and perhaps from themselves, the
secret motives of their conduct, they too frequently relapsed into all
the turbulent passions of active life, which were tinctured with an
additional degree of bitterness and obstinacy from the infusion of
spiritual zeal.

The government of the church has often been the subject, as well as
the prize, of religious contention. The hostile disputants of Rome,
of Paris, of Oxford, and of Geneva, have alike struggled to reduce the
primitive and apostolic model [104] to the respective standards of their
own policy. The few who have pursued this inquiry with more candor and
impartiality, are of opinion, [105] that the apostles declined the office
of legislation, and rather chose to endure some partial scandals and
divisions, than to exclude the Christians of a future age from the
liberty of varying their forms of ecclesiastical government according
to the changes of times and circumstances. The scheme of policy, which,
under their approbation, was adopted for the use of the first century,
may be discovered from the practice of Jerusalem, of Ephesus, or of
Corinth. The societies which were instituted in the cities of the Roman
empire, were united only by the ties of faith and charity. Independence
and equality formed the basis of their internal constitution. The
want of discipline and human learning was supplied by the occasional
assistance of the prophets, [106] who were called to that function
without distinction of age, of sex, [1061] or of natural abilities, and who,
as often as they felt the divine impulse, poured forth the effusions
of the Spirit in the assembly of the faithful. But these extraordinary
gifts were frequently abused or misapplied by the prophetic teachers.
They displayed them at an improper season, presumptuously disturbed
the service of the assembly, and, by their pride or mistaken zeal, they
introduced, particularly into the apostolic church of Corinth, a long
and melancholy train of disorders. [107] As the institution of prophets
became useless, and even pernicious, their powers were withdrawn, and
their office abolished. The public functions of religion were solely
intrusted to the established ministers of the church, the bishops and
the presbyters; two appellations which, in their first origin, appear
to have distinguished the same office and the same order of persons.
The name of Presbyter was expressive of their age, or rather of their
gravity and wisdom. The title of Bishop denoted their inspection over
the faith and manners of the Christians who were committed to their
pastoral care. In proportion to the respective numbers of the faithful,
a larger or smaller number of these episcopal presbyters guided each
infant congregation with equal authority and with united counsels.
[108]

[Footnote 104: The aristocratical party in France, as well as in
England, has strenuously maintained the divine origin of bishops.
But the Calvinistical presbyters were impatient of a superior; and the
Roman Pontiff refused to acknowledge an equal. See Fra Paolo.]

[Footnote 105: In the history of the Christian hierarchy, I have, for
the most part, followed the learned and candid Mosheim.]

[Footnote 106: For the prophets of the primitive church, see Mosheim,
Dissertationes ad Hist. Eccles. pertinentes, tom. ii. p. 132--208.]

[Footnote 1061: St. Paul distinctly reproves the intrusion of females into
the prophets office. 1 Cor. xiv. 34, 35. 1 Tim. ii. 11.--M.]

[Footnote 107: See the epistles of St. Paul, and of Clemens, to the
Corinthians. * Note: The first ministers established in the church were
the deacons, appointed at Jerusalem, seven in number; they were charged
with the distribution of the alms; even females had a share in this
employment. After the deacons came the elders or priests, charged with
the maintenance of order and decorum in the community, and to act every
where in its name. The bishops were afterwards charged to watch over the
faith and the instruction of the disciples: the apostles themselves
appointed several bishops. Tertullian, (adv. Marium, c. v.,) Clement of
Alexandria, and many fathers of the second and third century, do not
permit us to doubt this fact. The equality of rank between these
different functionaries did not prevent their functions being, even in
their origin, distinct; they became subsequently still more so. See
Plank, Geschichte der Christ. Kirch. Verfassung., vol. i. p. 24.--G. On
this extremely obscure subject, which has been so much perplexed by
passion and interest, it is impossible to justify any opinion without
entering into long and controversial details.----It must be admitted, in
opposition to Plank, that in the New Testament, several words are
sometimes indiscriminately used. (Acts xx. v. 17, comp. with 28 Tit. i.
5 and 7. Philip. i. 1.) But it is as clear, that as soon as we can
discern the form of church government, at a period closely bordering
upon, if not within, the apostolic age, it appears with a bishop at the
head of each community, holding some superiority over the presbyters.
Whether he was, as Gibbon from Mosheim supposes, merely an elective head
of the College of Presbyters, (for this we have, in fact, no valid
authority,) or whether his distinct functions were established on
apostolic authority, is still contested. The universal submission to
this episcopacy, in every part of the Christian world appears to me
strongly to favor the latter view.--M.]

[Footnote 108: Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity, l. vii.]

But the most perfect equality of freedom requires the directing hand
of a superior magistrate: and the order of public deliberations soon
introduces the office of a president, invested at least with
the authority of collecting the sentiments, and of executing the
resolutions, of the assembly. A regard for the public tranquillity,
which would so frequently have been interrupted by annual or by
occasional elections, induced the primitive Christians to constitute an
honorable and perpetual magistracy, and to choose one of the wisest and
most holy among their presbyterians to execute, during his life,
the duties of their ecclesiastical governor. It was under these
circumstances that the lofty title of Bishop began to raise itself above
the humble appellation of Presbyter; and while the latter remained the
most natural distinction for the members of every Christian senate, the
former was appropriated to the dignity of its new president. [109] The
advantages of this episcopal form of government, which appears to
have been introduced before the end of the first century, [110] were
so obvious, and so important for the future greatness, as well as the
present peace, of Christianity, that it was adopted without delay by all
the societies which were already scattered over the empire, had acquired
in a very early period the sanction of antiquity, [111] and is still
revered by the most powerful churches, both of the East and of the West,
as a primitive and even as a divine establishment. [112] It is needless
to observe, that the pious and humble presbyters, who were first
dignified with the episcopal title, could not possess, and would
probably have rejected, the power and pomp which now encircles the
tiara of the Roman pontiff, or the mitre of a German prelate. But we
may define, in a few words, the narrow limits of their original
jurisdiction, which was chiefly of a spiritual, though in some instances
of a temporal nature. [113] It consisted in the administration of
the sacraments and discipline of the church, the superintendency of
religious ceremonies, which imperceptibly increased in number and
variety, the consecration of ecclesiastical ministers, to whom the
bishop assigned their respective functions, the management of the public
fund, and the determination of all such differences as the faithful were
unwilling to expose before the tribunal of an idolatrous judge. These
powers, during a short period, were exercised according to the advice
of the presbyteral college, and with the consent and approbation of the
assembly of Christians. The primitive bishops were considered only as
the first of their equals, and the honorable servants of a free people.
Whenever the episcopal chair became vacant by death, a new president was
chosen among the presbyters by the suffrages of the whole congregation,
every member of which supposed himself invested with a sacred and
sacerdotal character. [114]

[Footnote 109: See Jerome and Titum, c. i. and Epistol. 85, (in the
Benedictine edition, 101,) and the elaborate apology of Blondel, pro
sententia Hieronymi. The ancient state, as it is described by Jerome, of
the bishop and presbyters of Alexandria, receives a remarkable
confirmation from the patriarch Eutychius, (Annal. tom. i. p. 330, Vers
Pocock;) whose testimony I know not how to reject, in spite of all the
objections of the learned Pearson in his Vindiciae Ignatianae, part i.
c. 11.]

[Footnote 110: See the introduction to the Apocalypse. Bishops, under
the name of angels, were already instituted in the seven cities of Asia.
And yet the epistle of Clemens (which is probably of as ancient a date)
does not lead us to discover any traces of episcopacy either at Corinth
or Rome.]

[Footnote 111: Nulla Ecclesia sine Episcopo, has been a fact as well as
a maxim since the time of Tertullian and Irenaeus.]

[Footnote 112: After we have passed the difficulties of the first
century, we find the episcopal government universally established, till
it was interrupted by the republican genius of the Swiss and German
reformers.]

[Footnote 113: See Mosheim in the first and second centuries. Ignatius
(ad Smyrnaeos, c. 3, &c.) is fond of exalting the episcopal dignity. Le
Clerc (Hist. Eccles. p. 569) very bluntly censures his conduct, Mosheim,
with a more critical judgment, (p. 161,) suspects the purity even of the
smaller epistles.]

[Footnote 114: Nonne et Laici sacerdotes sumus? Tertullian, Exhort. ad
Castitat. c. 7. As the human heart is still the same, several of the
observations which Mr. Hume has made on Enthusiasm, (Essays, vol. i. p.
76, quarto edit.) may be applied even to real inspiration. * Note: This
expression was employed by the earlier Christian writers in the sense
used by St. Peter, 1 Ep ii. 9. It was the sanctity and virtue not the
power of priesthood, in which all Christians were to be equally
distinguished.--M.]

Such was the mild and equal constitution by which the Christians were
governed more than a hundred years after the death of the apostles.
Every society formed within itself a separate and independent republic;
and although the most distant of these little states maintained a
mutual as well as friendly intercourse of letters and deputations,
the Christian world was not yet connected by any supreme authority or
legislative assembly. As the numbers of the faithful were gradually
multiplied, they discovered the advantages that might result from a
closer union of their interest and designs. Towards the end of the
second century, the churches of Greece and Asia adopted the useful
institutions of provincial synods, [1141] and they may justly be supposed to
have borrowed the model of a representative council from the celebrated
examples of their own country, the Amphictyons, the Achaean league, or
the assemblies of the Ionian cities. It was soon established as a custom
and as a law, that the bishops of the independent churches should meet
in the capital of the province at the stated periods of spring and
autumn. Their deliberations were assisted by the advice of a few
distinguished presbyters, and moderated by the presence of a listening
multitude. [115] Their decrees, which were styled Canons, regulated every
important controversy of faith and discipline; and it was natural to
believe that a liberal effusion of the Holy Spirit would be poured
on the united assembly of the delegates of the Christian people. The
institution of synods was so well suited to private ambition, and
to public interest, that in the space of a few years it was received
throughout the whole empire. A regular correspondence was established
between the provincial councils, which mutually communicated and
approved their respective proceedings; and the catholic church soon
assumed the form, and acquired the strength, of a great foederative
republic. [116]

[Footnote 1141: The synods were not the first means taken by the insulated
churches to enter into communion and to assume a corporate character.
The dioceses were first formed by the union of several country churches
with a church in a city: many churches in one city uniting among
themselves, or joining a more considerable church, became metropolitan.
The dioceses were not formed before the beginning of the second century:
before that time the Christians had not established sufficient churches
in the country to stand in need of that union. It is towards the
middle of the same century that we discover the first traces of the
metropolitan constitution. (Probably the country churches were founded
in general by missionaries from those in the city, and would preserve a
natural connection with the parent church.)--M. ----The provincial
synods did not commence till towards the middle of the third century,
and were not the first synods. History gives us distinct notions of the
synods, held towards the end of the second century, at Ephesus at
Jerusalem, at Pontus, and at Rome, to put an end to the disputes which
had arisen between the Latin and Asiatic churches about the celebration
of Easter. But these synods were not subject to any regular form or
periodical return; this regularity was first established with the
provincial synods, which were formed by a union of the bishops of a
district, subject to a metropolitan. Plank, p. 90. Geschichte der
Christ. Kirch. Verfassung--G]

[Footnote 115: Acta Concil. Carthag. apud Cyprian. edit. Fell, p. 158.
This council was composed of eighty-seven bishops from the provinces of
Mauritania, Numidia, and Africa; some presbyters and deacons assisted at
the assembly; praesente plebis maxima parte.]

[Footnote 116: Aguntur praeterea per Graecias illas, certis in locis
concilia, &c Tertullian de Jejuniis, c. 13. The African mentions it as a
recent and foreign institution. The coalition of the Christian churches
is very ably explained by Mosheim, p. 164 170.]

As the legislative authority of the particular churches was insensibly
superseded by the use of councils, the bishops obtained by their
alliance a much larger share of executive and arbitrary power; and as
soon as they were connected by a sense of their common interest, they
were enabled to attack with united vigor, the original rights of their
clergy and people. The prelates of the third century imperceptibly
changed the language of exhortation into that of command, scattered the
seeds of future usurpations, and supplied, by scripture allegories and
declamatory rhetoric, their deficiency of force and of reason. They
exalted the unity and power of the church, as it was represented in the
Episcopal Office, of which every bishop enjoyed an equal and undivided
portion. [117] Princes and magistrates, it was often repeated, might
boast an earthly claim to a transitory dominion; it was the episcopal
authority alone which was derived from the Deity, and extended itself
over this and over another world. The bishops were the vicegerents of
Christ, the successors of the apostles, and the mystic substitutes
of the high priest of the Mosaic law. Their exclusive privilege of
conferring the sacerdotal character, invaded the freedom both of
clerical and of popular elections; and if, in the administration of
the church, they still consulted the judgment of the presbyters, or the
inclination of the people, they most carefully inculcated the merit of
such a voluntary condescension. The bishops acknowledged the supreme
authority which resided in the assembly of their brethren; but in the
government of his peculiar diocese, each of them exacted from his
flock the same implicit obedience as if that favorite metaphor had been
literally just, and as if the shepherd had been of a more exalted nature
than that of his sheep. [118] This obedience, however, was not imposed
without some efforts on one side, and some resistance on the other. The
democratical part of the constitution was, in many places, very warmly
supported by the zealous or interested opposition of the inferior
clergy. But their patriotism received the ignominious epithets of
faction and schism; and the episcopal cause was indebted for its rapid
progress to the labors of many active prelates, who, like Cyprian of
Carthage, could reconcile the arts of the most ambitious statesman with
the Christian virtues which seem adapted to the character of a saint and
martyr. [119]

[Footnote 117: Cyprian, in his admired treatise De Unitate Ecclesiae. p.
75--86]

[Footnote 118: We may appeal to the whole tenor of Cyprian's conduct, of
his doctrine, and of his epistles. Le Clerc, in a short life of Cyprian,
(Bibliotheque Universelle, tom. xii. p. 207--378,) has laid him open
with great freedom and accuracy.]

[Footnote 119: If Novatus, Felicissimus, &c., whom the Bishop of
Carthage expelled from his church, and from Africa, were not the most
detestable monsters of wickedness, the zeal of Cyprian must occasionally
have prevailed over his veracity. For a very just account of these
obscure quarrels, see Mosheim, p. 497--512.]

The same causes which at first had destroyed the equality of the
presbyters introduced among the bishops a preeminence of rank, and from
thence a superiority of jurisdiction. As often as in the spring and
autumn they met in provincial synod, the difference of personal merit
and reputation was very sensibly felt among the members of the assembly,
and the multitude was governed by the wisdom and eloquence of the few.
But the order of public proceedings required a more regular and less
invidious distinction; the office of perpetual presidents in the
councils of each province was conferred on the bishops of the principal
city; and these aspiring prelates, who soon acquired the lofty titles of
Metropolitans and Primates, secretly prepared themselves to usurp over
their episcopal brethren the same authority which the bishops had so
lately assumed above the college of presbyters. [120] Nor was it long
before an emulation of preeminence and power prevailed among the
Metropolitans themselves, each of them affecting to display, in the most
pompous terms, the temporal honors and advantages of the city over which
he presided; the numbers and opulence of the Christians who were subject
to their pastoral care; the saints and martyrs who had arisen among
them; and the purity with which they preserved the tradition of the
faith, as it had been transmitted through a series of orthodox bishops
from the apostle or the apostolic disciple, to whom the foundation of
their church was ascribed. [121] From every cause, either of a civil or
of an ecclesiastical nature, it was easy to foresee that Rome must enjoy
the respect, and would soon claim the obedience of the provinces. The
society of the faithful bore a just proportion to the capital of the
empire; and the Roman church was the greatest, the most numerous,
and, in regard to the West, the most ancient of all the Christian
establishments, many of which had received their religion from the pious
labors of her missionaries. Instead of one apostolic founder, the utmost
boast of Antioch, of Ephesus, or of Corinth, the banks of the Tyber were
supposed to have been honored with the preaching and martyrdom of the
two most eminent among the apostles; [122] and the bishops of Rome
very prudently claimed the inheritance of whatsoever prerogatives were
attributed either to the person or to the office of St. Peter. [123]
The bishops of Italy and of the provinces were disposed to allow them
a primacy of order and association (such was their very accurate
expression) in the Christian aristocracy. [124] But the power of a
monarch was rejected with abhorrence, and the aspiring genius of
Rome experienced from the nations of Asia and Africa a more vigorous
resistance to her spiritual, than she had formerly done to her temporal,
dominion. The patriotic Cyprian, who ruled with the most absolute
sway the church of Carthage and the provincial synods, opposed with
resolution and success the ambition of the Roman pontiff, artfully
connected his own cause with that of the eastern bishops, and, like
Hannibal, sought out new allies in the heart of Asia. [125] If this Punic
war was carried on without any effusion of blood, it was owing much
less to the moderation than to the weakness of the contending prelates.
Invectives and excommunications were their only weapons; and these,
during the progress of the whole controversy, they hurled against each
other with equal fury and devotion. The hard necessity of censuring
either a pope, or a saint and martyr, distresses the modern Catholics
whenever they are obliged to relate the particulars of a dispute in
which the champions of religion indulged such passions as seem much more
adapted to the senate or to the camp. [126]

[Footnote 120: Mosheim, p. 269, 574. Dupin, Antiquae Eccles. Disciplin.
p. 19, 20.]

[Footnote 121: Tertullian, in a distinct treatise, has pleaded against
the heretics the right of prescription, as it was held by the apostolic
churches.]

[Footnote 122: The journey of St. Peter to Rome is mentioned by most of
the ancients, (see Eusebius, ii. 25,) maintained by all the Catholics,
allowed by some Protestants, (see Pearson and Dodwell de Success.
Episcop. Roman,) but has been vigorously attacked by Spanheim,
(Miscellanes Sacra, iii. 3.) According to Father Hardouin, the monks of
the thirteenth century, who composed the Aeneid, represented St. Peter
under the allegorical character of the Trojan hero. * Note: It is quite
clear that, strictly speaking, the church of Rome was not founded by
either of these apostles. St. Paul's Epistle to the Romans proves
undeniably the flourishing state of the church before his visit to the
city; and many Roman Catholic writers have given up the impracticable
task of reconciling with chronology any visit of St. Peter to Rome
before the end of the reign of Claudius, or the beginning of that of
Nero.--M.]

[Footnote 123: It is in French only that the famous
allusion to St. Peter's name is exact. Tu es Pierre, et sur cette
pierre.--The same is imperfect in Greek, Latin, Italian, &c., and
totally unintelligible in our Tentonic languages. * Note: It is exact in
Syro-Chaldaic, the language in which it was spoken by Jesus Christ. (St.
Matt. xvi. 17.) Peter was called Cephas; and cepha signifies base,
foundation, rock--G.]

[Footnote 124: Irenaeus adv. Haereses, iii. 3. Tertullian de
Praescription. c. 36, and Cyprian, Epistol. 27, 55, 71, 75. Le
Clere (Hist. Eccles. p. 764) and Mosheim (p. 258, 578) labor in the
interpretation of these passages. But the loose and rhetorical style of
the fathers often appears favorable to the pretensions of Rome.]

[Footnote 125: See the sharp epistle from Firmilianus, bishop of
Caesarea, to Stephen, bishop of Rome, ap. Cyprian, Epistol. 75.]

[Footnote 126: Concerning this dispute of the rebaptism of heretics, see
the epistles of Cyprian, and the seventh book of Eusebius.]

The progress of the ecclesiastical authority gave birth to the memorable
distinction of the laity and of the clergy, which had been unknown
to the Greeks and Romans. [127] The former of these appellations
comprehended the body of the Christian people; the latter, according to
the signification of the word, was appropriated to the chosen portion
that had been set apart for the service of religion; a celebrated order
of men, which has furnished the most important, though not always the
most edifying, subjects for modern history. Their mutual hostilities
sometimes disturbed the peace of the infant church, but their zeal and
activity were united in the common cause, and the love of power, which
(under the most artful disguises) could insinuate itself into the
breasts of bishops and martyrs, animated them to increase the number of
their subjects, and to enlarge the limits of the Christian empire. They
were destitute of any temporal force, and they were for a long
time discouraged and oppressed, rather than assisted, by the civil
magistrate; but they had acquired, and they employed within their own
society, the two most efficacious instruments of government, rewards and
punishments; the former derived from the pious liberality, the latter
from the devout apprehensions, of the faithful.

[Footnote 127: For the origin of these words, see Mosheim, p. 141.
Spanheim, Hist. Ecclesiast. p. 633. The distinction of Clerus and Iaicus
was established before the time of Tertullian.]




Chapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.--Part VII

I. The community of goods, which had so agreeably amused the imagination
of Plato, [128] and which subsisted in some degree among the austere sect
of the Essenians, [129] was adopted for a short time in the primitive
church. The fervor of the first proselytes prompted them to sell those
worldly possessions, which they despised, to lay the price of them at
the feet of the apostles, and to content themselves with receiving an
equal share out of the general distribution. [130] The progress of the
Christian religion relaxed, and gradually abolished, this generous
institution, which, in hands less pure than those of the apostles, would
too soon have been corrupted and abused by the returning selfishness
of human nature; and the converts who embraced the new religion were
permitted to retain the possession of their patrimony, to receive
legacies and inheritances, and to increase their separate property
by all the lawful means of trade and industry. Instead of an absolute
sacrifice, a moderate proportion was accepted by the ministers of the
gospel; and in their weekly or monthly assemblies, every believer,
according to the exigency of the occasion, and the measure of his wealth
and piety, presented his voluntary offering for the use of the common
fund. [131] Nothing, however inconsiderable, was refused; but it was
diligently inculcated; that, in the article of Tithes, the Mosaic law
was still of divine obligation; and that since the Jews, under a less
perfect discipline, had been commanded to pay a tenth part of all that
they possessed, it would become the disciples of Christ to distinguish
themselves by a superior degree of liberality, [132] and to acquire
some merit by resigning a superfluous treasure, which must so soon be
annihilated with the world itself. [133] It is almost unnecessary to
observe, that the revenue of each particular church, which was of so
uncertain and fluctuating a nature, must have varied with the poverty
or the opulence of the faithful, as they were dispersed in obscure
villages, or collected in the great cities of the empire. In the time
of the emperor Decius, it was the opinion of the magistrates, that the
Christians of Rome were possessed of very considerable wealth; that
vessels of gold and silver were used in their religious worship, and
that many among their proselytes had sold their lands and houses to
increase the public riches of the sect, at the expense, indeed, of
their unfortunate children, who found themselves beggars, because their
parents had been saints. [134] We should listen with distrust to the
suspicions of strangers and enemies: on this occasion, however, they
receive a very specious and probable color from the two following
circumstances, the only ones that have reached our knowledge, which
define any precise sums, or convey any distinct idea. Almost at the same
period, the bishop of Carthage, from a society less opulent than that of
Rome, collected a hundred thousand sesterces, (above eight hundred
and fifty pounds sterling,) on a sudden call of charity to redeem
the brethren of Numidia, who had been carried away captives by the
barbarians of the desert. [135] About a hundred years before the reign of
Decius, the Roman church had received, in a single donation, the sum of
two hundred thousand sesterces from a stranger of Pontus, who proposed
to fix his residence in the capital. [136] These oblations, for the
most part, were made in money; nor was the society of Christians either
desirous or capable of acquiring, to any considerable degree, the
encumbrance of landed property. It had been provided by several laws,
which were enacted with the same design as our statutes of mortmain,
that no real estates should be given or bequeathed to any corporate
body, without either a special privilege or a particular dispensation
from the emperor or from the senate; [137] who were seldom disposed to
grant them in favor of a sect, at first the object of their contempt,
and at last of their fears and jealousy. A transaction, however, is
related under the reign of Alexander Severus, which discovers that the
restraint was sometimes eluded or suspended, and that the Christians
were permitted to claim and to possess lands within the limits of Rome
itself. [138] The progress of Christianity, and the civil confusion of
the empire, contributed to relax the severity of the laws; and before
the close of the third century many considerable estates were bestowed
on the opulent churches of Rome, Milan, Carthage, Antioch, Alexandria,
and the other great cities of Italy and the provinces.

[Footnote 128: The community instituted by Plato is more perfect than
that which Sir Thomas More had imagined for his Utopia. The community
of women, and that of temporal goods, may be considered as inseparable
parts of the same system.]

[Footnote 129: Joseph. Antiquitat. xviii. 2. Philo, de Vit.
Contemplativ.]

[Footnote 130: See the Acts of the Apostles, c. 2, 4, 5, with Grotius's
Commentary. Mosheim, in a particular dissertation, attacks the common
opinion with very inconclusive arguments. * Note: This is not the
general judgment on Mosheim's learned dissertation. There is no trace in
the latter part of the New Testament of this community of goods, and
many distinct proofs of the contrary. All exhortations to almsgiving
would have been unmeaning if property had been in common--M.]

[Footnote 131: Justin Martyr, Apolog. Major, c. 89. Tertullian, Apolog.
c. 39.]

[Footnote 132: Irenaeus ad Haeres. l. iv. c. 27, 34. Origen in Num. Hom.
ii Cyprian de Unitat. Eccles. Constitut. Apostol. l. ii. c. 34, 35,
with the notes of Cotelerius. The Constitutions introduce this divine
precept, by declaring that priests are as much above kings as the soul
is above the body. Among the tithable articles, they enumerate corn,
wine, oil, and wool. On this interesting subject, consult Prideaux's
History of Tithes, and Fra Paolo delle Materie Beneficiarie; two writers
of a very different character.]

[Footnote 133: The same opinion which prevailed about the year one
thousand, was productive of the same effects. Most of the Donations
express their motive, "appropinquante mundi fine." See Mosheim's General
History of the Church, vol. i. p. 457.]

[Footnote 134: Tum summa cura est fratribus (Ut sermo testatur loquax.)
Offerre, fundis venditis Sestertiorum millia. Addicta avorum praedia
Foedis sub auctionibus, Successor exheres gemit Sanctis egens
Parentibus. Haec occuluntur abditis Ecclesiarum in angulis. Et summa
pietas creditur Nudare dulces liberos.----Prudent. Hymn 2.
The subsequent conduct of the deacon Laurence only proves how proper a
use was made of the wealth of the Roman church; it was undoubtedly
very considerable; but Fra Paolo (c. 3) appears to exaggerate, when he
supposes that the successors of Commodus were urged to persecute the
Christians by their own avarice, or that of their Praetorian praefects.]

[Footnote 135: Cyprian, Epistol. 62.]

[Footnote 136: Tertullian de Praescriptione, c. 30.]

[Footnote 137: Diocletian gave a rescript, which is only a declaration
of the old law; "Collegium, si nullo speciali privilegio subnixum sit,
haereditatem capere non posse, dubium non est." Fra Paolo (c. 4) thinks
that these regulations had been much neglected since the reign of
Valerian.]

[Footnote 138: Hist. August. p. 131. The ground had been public; and was
row disputed between the society of Christians and that of butchers.
Note *: Carponarii, rather victuallers.--M.]

The bishop was the natural steward of the church; the public stock was
intrusted to his care without account or control; the presbyters were
confined to their spiritual functions, and the more dependent order of
the deacons was solely employed in the management and distribution of
the ecclesiastical revenue. [139] If we may give credit to the vehement
declamations of Cyprian, there were too many among his African brethren,
who, in the execution of their charge, violated every precept, not only
of evangelical perfection, but even of moral virtue. By some of these
unfaithful stewards the riches of the church were lavished in sensual
pleasures; by others they were perverted to the purposes of private
gain, of fraudulent purchases, and of rapacious usury. [140] But as
long as the contributions of the Christian people were free and
unconstrained, the abuse of their confidence could not be very frequent,
and the general uses to which their liberality was applied reflected
honor on the religious society. A decent portion was reserved for the
maintenance of the bishop and his clergy; a sufficient sum was allotted
for the expenses of the public worship, of which the feasts of love, the
agapae, as they were called, constituted a very pleasing part. The
whole remainder was the sacred patrimony of the poor. According to
the discretion of the bishop, it was distributed to support widows and
orphans, the lame, the sick, and the aged of the community; to comfort
strangers and pilgrims, and to alleviate the misfortunes of prisoners
and captives, more especially when their sufferings had been occasioned
by their firm attachment to the cause of religion. [141] A generous
intercourse of charity united the most distant provinces, and the
smaller congregations were cheerfully assisted by the alms of their more
opulent brethren. [142] Such an institution, which paid less regard to
the merit than to the distress of the object, very materially conduced
to the progress of Christianity. The Pagans, who were actuated by a
sense of humanity, while they derided the doctrines, acknowledged the
benevolence, of the new sect. [143] The prospect of immediate relief and
of future protection allured into its hospitable bosom many of those
unhappy persons whom the neglect of the world would have abandoned to
the miseries of want, of sickness, and of old age. There is some reason
likewise to believe that great numbers of infants, who, according to the
inhuman practice of the times, had been exposed by their parents, were
frequently rescued from death, baptized, educated, and maintained by the
piety of the Christians, and at the expense of the public treasure. [144]

[Footnote 139: Constitut. Apostol. ii. 35.]

[Footnote 140: Cyprian de Lapsis, p. 89. Epistol. 65. The charge is
confirmed by the 19th and 20th canon of the council of Illiberis.]

[Footnote 141: See the apologies of Justin, Tertullian, &c.]

[Footnote 142: The wealth and liberality of the Romans to their most distant
brethren is gratefully celebrated by Dionysius of Corinth, ap. Euseb. l.
iv. c. 23.]

[Footnote 143: See Lucian iu Peregrin. Julian (Epist. 49) seems
mortified that the Christian charity maintains not only their own, but
likewise the heathen poor.]

[Footnote 144: Such, at least, has been the laudable conduct of more
modern missionaries, under the same circumstances. Above three thousand
new-born infants are annually exposed in the streets of Pekin. See Le
Comte, Memoires sur la Chine, and the Recherches sur les Chinois et
les Egyptians, tom. i. p. 61.]


II. It is the undoubted right of every society to exclude from its
communion and benefits such among its members as reject or violate those
regulations which have been established by general consent. In the
exercise of this power, the censures of the Christian church were
chiefly directed against scandalous sinners, and particularly those who
were guilty of murder, of fraud, or of incontinence; against the authors
or the followers of any heretical opinions which had been condemned by
the judgment of the episcopal order; and against those unhappy persons,
who, whether from choice or compulsion, had polluted themselves after
their baptism by any act of idolatrous worship. The consequences of
excommunication were of a temporal as well as a spiritual nature. The
Christian against whom it was pronounced, was deprived of any part in
the oblations of the faithful. The ties both of religious and of private
friendship were dissolved: he found himself a profane object of
abhorrence to the persons whom he the most esteemed, or by whom he had
been the most tenderly beloved; and as far as an expulsion from a
respectable society could imprint on his character a mark of disgrace,
he was shunned or suspected by the generality of mankind. The situation
of these unfortunate exiles was in itself very painful and melancholy;
but, as it usually happens, their apprehensions far exceeded their
sufferings. The benefits of the Christian communion were those of
eternal life; nor could they erase from their minds the awful opinion,
that to those ecclesiastical governors by whom they were condemned, the
Deity had committed the keys of Hell and of Paradise. The heretics,
indeed, who might be supported by the consciousness of their intentions,
and by the flattering hope that they alone had discovered the true path
of salvation, endeavored to regain, in their separate assemblies, those
comforts, temporal as well as spiritual, which they no longer derived
from the great society of Christians. But almost all those who had
reluctantly yielded to the power of vice or idolatry were sensible of
their fallen condition, and anxiously desirous of being restored to the
benefits of the Christian communion.

With regard to the treatment of these penitents, two opposite opinions,
the one of justice, the other of mercy, divided the primitive church.
The more rigid and inflexible casuists refused them forever, and without
exception, the meanest place in the holy community, which they had
disgraced or deserted; and leaving them to the remorse of a guilty
conscience, indulged them only with a faint ray of hope that the
contrition of their life and death might possibly be accepted by the
Supreme Being. [145] A milder sentiment was embraced in practice as
well as in theory, by the purest and most respectable of the Christian
churches. [146] The gates of reconciliation and of heaven were seldom
shut against the returning penitent; but a severe and solemn form of
discipline was instituted, which, while it served to expiate his crime,
might powerfully deter the spectators from the imitation of his example.
Humbled by a public confession, emaciated by fasting and clothed in
sackcloth, the penitent lay prostrate at the door of the assembly,
imploring with tears the pardon of his offences, and soliciting the
prayers of the faithful. [147] If the fault was of a very heinous nature,
whole years of penance were esteemed an inadequate satisfaction to the
divine justice; and it was always by slow and painful gradations that
the sinner, the heretic, or the apostate, was readmitted into the bosom
of the church. A sentence of perpetual excommunication was, however,
reserved for some crimes of an extraordinary magnitude, and particularly
for the inexcusable relapses of those penitents who had already
experienced and abused the clemency of their ecclesiastical superiors.
According to the circumstances or the number of the guilty, the exercise
of the Christian discipline was varied by the discretion of the bishops.
The councils of Ancyra and Illiberis were held about the same time, the
one in Galatia, the other in Spain; but their respective canons, which
are still extant, seem to breathe a very different spirit. The Galatian,
who after his baptism had repeatedly sacrificed to idols, might obtain
his pardon by a penance of seven years; and if he had seduced others to
imitate his example, only three years more were added to the term of his
exile. But the unhappy Spaniard, who had committed the same offence, was
deprived of the hope of reconciliation, even in the article of death;
and his idolatry was placed at the head of a list of seventeen other
crimes, against which a sentence no less terrible was pronounced. Among
these we may distinguish the inexpiable guilt of calumniating a bishop,
a presbyter, or even a deacon. [148]

[Footnote 145: The Montanists and the Novatians, who adhered to this
opinion with the greatest rigor and obstinacy, found themselves at last
in the number of excommunicated heretics. See the learned and copious
Mosheim, Secul. ii. and iii.]

[Footnote 146: Dionysius ap. Euseb. iv. 23. Cyprian, de Lapsis.]

[Footnote 147: Cave's Primitive Christianity, part iii. c. 5. The
admirers of antiquity regret the loss of this public penance.]

[Footnote 148: See in Dupin, Bibliotheque Ecclesiastique, tom. ii.
p. 304--313, a short but rational exposition of the canons of those
councils, which were assembled in the first moments of tranquillity,
after the persecution of Diocletian. This persecution had been much less
severely felt in Spain than in Galatia; a difference which may, in some
measure account for the contrast of their regulations.]

The well-tempered mixture of liberality and rigor, the judicious
dispensation of rewards and punishments, according to the maxims of
policy as well as justice, constituted the human strength of the church.
The Bishops, whose paternal care extended itself to the government of
both worlds, were sensible of the importance of these prerogatives; and
covering their ambition with the fair pretence of the love of order,
they were jealous of any rival in the exercise of a discipline so
necessary to prevent the desertion of those troops which had enlisted
themselves under the banner of the cross, and whose numbers every day
became more considerable. From the imperious declamations of Cyprian,
we should naturally conclude that the doctrines of excommunication and
penance formed the most essential part of religion; and that it was much
less dangerous for the disciples of Christ to neglect the observance of
the moral duties, than to despise the censures and authority of their
bishops. Sometimes we might imagine that we were listening to the voice
of Moses, when he commanded the earth to open, and to swallow up, in
consuming flames, the rebellious race which refused obedience to the
priesthood of Aaron; and we should sometimes suppose that we hear a
Roman consul asserting the majesty of the republic, and declaring his
inflexible resolution to enforce the rigor of the laws. "If such
irregularities are suffered with impunity," (it is thus that the bishop
of Carthage chides the lenity of his colleague,) "if such irregularities
are suffered, there is an end of Episcopal Vigor; [149] an end of the
sublime and divine power of governing the Church, an end of Christianity
itself." Cyprian had renounced those temporal honors, which it is
probable he would never have obtained; but the acquisition of
such absolute command over the consciences and understanding of a
congregation, however obscure or despised by the world, is more truly
grateful to the pride of the human heart, than the possession of the
most despotic power, imposed by arms and conquest on a reluctant people.
[Footnote 1491]: Gibbon has been accused of injustice to the character of
Cyprian, as exalting the "censures and authority of the church above the
observance of the moral duties." Felicissimus had been condemned by a
synod of bishops, (non tantum mea, sed plurimorum coepiscorum, sententia
condemnatum,) on the charge not only of schism, but of embezzlement of
public money, the debauching of virgins, and frequent acts of adultery.
His violent menaces had extorted his readmission into the church,
against which Cyprian protests with much vehemence: ne pecuniae
commissae sibi fraudator, ne stuprator virginum, ne matrimoniorum
multorum depopulator et corruptor, ultra adhuc sponsam Christi
incorruptam praesentiae suae dedecore, et impudica atque incesta
contagione, violaret. See Chelsum's Remarks, p. 134. If these
charges against Felicissimus were true, they were something more than
"irregularities," A Roman censor would have been a fairer subject of
comparison than a consul. On the other hand, it must be admitted that
the charge of adultery deepens very rapidly as the controversy becomes
more violent. It is first represented as a single act, recently
detected, and which men of character were prepared to substantiate:
adulterii etiam crimen accedit. quod patres nostri graves viri
deprehendisse se nuntiaverunt, et probaturos se asseverarunt. Epist.
xxxviii. The heretic has now darkened into a man of notorious and
general profligacy. Nor can it be denied that of the whole long epistle,
very far the larger and the more passionate part dwells on the breach
of ecclesiastical unity rather than on the violation of Christian
holiness.--M.]

[Footnote 149: Cyprian Epist. 69.]

[Footnote 1491: This supposition appears unfounded: the birth and the
talents of Cyprian might make us presume the contrary. Thascius
Caecilius Cyprianus, Carthaginensis, artis oratoriae professione clarus,
magnam sibi gloriam, opes, honores acquisivit, epularibus caenis et
largis dapibus assuetus, pretiosa veste conspicuus, auro atque purpura
fulgens, fascibus oblectatus et honoribus, stipatus clientium cuneis,
frequentiore comitatu officii agminis honestatus, ut ipse de se loquitur
in Epistola ad Donatum. See De Cave, Hist. Liter. b. i. p. 87.--G.
Cave has rather embellished Cyprian's language.--M.]

In the course of this important, though perhaps tedious inquiry, I have
attempted to display the secondary causes which so efficaciously
assisted the truth of the Christian religion. If among these causes we
have discovered any artificial ornaments, any accidental circumstances,
or any mixture of error and passion, it cannot appear surprising that
mankind should be the most sensibly affected by such motives as were
suited to their imperfect nature. It was by the aid of these causes,
exclusive zeal, the immediate expectation of another world, the claim of
miracles, the practice of rigid virtue, and the constitution of the
primitive church, that Christianity spread itself with so much success
in the Roman empire. To the first of these the Christians were indebted
for their invincible valor, which disdained to capitulate with the enemy
whom they were resolved to vanquish. The three succeeding causes
supplied their valor with the most formidable arms. The last of these
causes united their courage, directed their arms, and gave their efforts
that irresistible weight, which even a small band of well-trained and
intrepid volunteers has so often possessed over an undisciplined
multitude, ignorant of the subject, and careless of the event of the
war. In the various religions of Polytheism, some wandering fanatics of
Egypt and Syria, who addressed themselves to the credulous superstition
of the populace, were perhaps the only order of priests [150] that
derived their whole support and credit from their sacerdotal profession,
and were very deeply affected by a personal concern for the safety or
prosperity of their tutelar deities. The ministers of Polytheism, both
in Rome and in the provinces, were, for the most part, men of a noble
birth, and of an affluent fortune, who received, as an honorable
distinction, the care of a celebrated temple, or of a public sacrifice,
exhibited, very frequently at their own expense, the sacred games, [151]
and with cold indifference performed the ancient rites, according to the
laws and fashion of their country. As they were engaged in the ordinary
occupations of life, their zeal and devotion were seldom animated by a
sense of interest, or by the habits of an ecclesiastical character.
Confined to their respective temples and cities, they remained without
any connection of discipline or government; and whilst they acknowledged
the supreme jurisdiction of the senate, of the college of pontiffs, and
of the emperor, those civil magistrates contented themselves with the
easy task of maintaining in peace and dignity the general worship of
mankind. We have already seen how various, how loose, and how uncertain
were the religious sentiments of Polytheists. They were abandoned,
almost without control, to the natural workings of a superstitious
fancy. The accidental circumstances of their life and situation
determined the object as well as the degree of their devotion; and as
long as their adoration was successively prostituted to a thousand
deities, it was scarcely possible that their hearts could be susceptible
of a very sincere or lively passion for any of them.

[Footnote 150: The arts, the manners, and the vices of the priests of
the Syrian goddess are very humorously described by Apuleius, in the
eighth book of his Metamorphosis.]

[Footnote 151: The office of Asiarch was of this nature, and it is
frequently mentioned in Aristides, the Inscriptions, &c. It was annual
and elective. None but the vainest citizens could desire the honor;
none but the most wealthy could support the expense. See, in the Patres
Apostol. tom. ii. p. 200, with how much indifference Philip the Asiarch
conducted himself in the martyrdom of Polycarp. There were likewise
Bithyniarchs, Lyciarchs, &c.]

When Christianity appeared in the world, even these faint and imperfect
impressions had lost much of their original power. Human reason, which
by its unassisted strength is incapable of perceiving the mysteries of
faith, had already obtained an easy triumph over the folly of Paganism;
and when Tertullian or Lactantius employ their labors in exposing its
falsehood and extravagance, they are obliged to transcribe the eloquence
of Cicero or the wit of Lucian. The contagion of these sceptical
writings had been diffused far beyond the number of their readers. The
fashion of incredulity was communicated from the philosopher to the man
of pleasure or business, from the noble to the plebeian, and from the
master to the menial slave who waited at his table, and who eagerly
listened to the freedom of his conversation. On public occasions the
philosophic part of mankind affected to treat with respect and decency
the religious institutions of their country; but their secret contempt
penetrated through the thin and awkward disguise; and even the people,
when they discovered that their deities were rejected and derided by
those whose rank or understanding they were accustomed to reverence,
were filled with doubts and apprehensions concerning the truth of those
doctrines, to which they had yielded the most implicit belief. The
decline of ancient prejudice exposed a very numerous portion of human
kind to the danger of a painful and comfortless situation. A state of
scepticism and suspense may amuse a few inquisitive minds. But the
practice of superstition is so congenial to the multitude, that if they
are forcibly awakened, they still regret the loss of their pleasing
vision. Their love of the marvellous and supernatural, their curiosity
with regard to future events, and their strong propensity to extend
their hopes and fears beyond the limits of the visible world, were the
principal causes which favored the establishment of Polytheism. So
urgent on the vulgar is the necessity of believing, that the fall of any
system of mythology will most probably be succeeded by the introduction
of some other mode of superstition. Some deities of a more recent and
fashionable cast might soon have occupied the deserted temples of
Jupiter and Apollo, if, in the decisive moment, the wisdom of Providence
had not interposed a genuine revelation, fitted to inspire the most
rational esteem and conviction, whilst, at the same time, it was adorned
with all that could attract the curiosity, the wonder, and the
veneration of the people. In their actual disposition, as many were
almost disengaged from their artificial prejudices, but equally
susceptible and desirous of a devout attachment; an object much less
deserving would have been sufficient to fill the vacant place in their
hearts, and to gratify the uncertain eagerness of their passions. Those
who are inclined to pursue this reflection, instead of viewing with
astonishment the rapid progress of Christianity, will perhaps be
surprised that its success was not still more rapid and still more
universal. It has been observed, with truth as well as propriety, that
the conquests of Rome prepared and facilitated those of Christianity. In
the second chapter of this work we have attempted to explain in what
manner the most civilized provinces of Europe, Asia, and Africa were
united under the dominion of one sovereign, and gradually connected by
the most intimate ties of laws, of manners, and of language. The Jews of
Palestine, who had fondly expected a temporal deliverer, gave so cold a
reception to the miracles of the divine prophet, that it was found
unnecessary to publish, or at least to preserve, any Hebrew gospel.
[152] The authentic histories of the actions of Christ were composed in
the Greek language, at a considerable distance from Jerusalem, and after
the Gentile converts were grown extremely numerous. [153] As soon as
those histories were translated into the Latin tongue, they were
perfectly intelligible to all the subjects of Rome, excepting only to
the peasants of Syria and Egypt, for whose benefit particular versions
were afterwards made. The public highways, which had been constructed
for the use of the legions, opened an easy passage for the Christian
missionaries from Damascus to Corinth, and from Italy to the extremity
of Spain or Britain; nor did those spiritual conquerors encounter any of
the obstacles which usually <DW44> or prevent the introduction of a
foreign religion into a distant country. There is the strongest reason
to believe, that before the reigns of Diocletian and Constantine, the
faith of Christ had been preached in every province, and in all the
great cities of the empire; but the foundation of the several
congregations, the numbers of the faithful who composed them, and their
proportion to the unbelieving multitude, are now buried in obscurity, or
disguised by fiction and declamation. Such imperfect circumstances,
however, as have reached our knowledge concerning the increase of the
Christian name in Asia and Greece, in Egypt, in Italy, and in the West,
we shall now proceed to relate, without neglecting the real or imaginary
acquisitions which lay beyond the frontiers of the Roman empire.

[Footnote 152: The modern critics are not disposed to believe what the
fathers almost unanimously assert, that St. Matthew composed a Hebrew
gospel, of which only the Greek translation is extant. It seems,
however, dangerous to reject their testimony. * Note: Strong reasons
appear to confirm this testimony. Papias, contemporary of the Apostle
St. John, says positively that Matthew had written the discourses of
Jesus Christ in Hebrew, and that each interpreted them as he could. This
Hebrew was the Syro-Chaldaic dialect, then in use at Jerusalem: Origen,
Irenaeus, Eusebius, Jerome, Epiphanius, confirm this statement. Jesus
Christ preached himself in Syro-Chaldaic, as is proved by many words
which he used, and which the Evangelists have taken the pains to
translate. St. Paul, addressing the Jews, used the same language: Acts
xxi. 40, xxii. 2, xxvi. 14. The opinions of some critics prove nothing
against such undeniable testimonies. Moreover, their principal objection
is, that St. Matthew quotes the Old Testament according to the Greek
version of the LXX., which is inaccurate; for of ten quotations, found
in his Gospel, seven are evidently taken from the Hebrew text; the threo
others offer little that differ: moreover, the latter are not literal
quotations. St. Jerome says positively, that, according to a copy which
he had seen in the library of Caesarea, the quotations were made in
Hebrew (in Catal.) More modern critics, among others Michaelis, do not
entertain a doubt on the subject. The Greek version appears to have been
made in the time of the apostles, as St. Jerome and St. Augustus affirm,
perhaps by one of them.--G. ----Among modern critics, Dr. Hug has
asserted the Greek original of St. Matthew, but the general opinion of
the most learned biblical writer, supports the view of M. Guizot.--M.]

[Footnote 153: Under the reigns of Nero and Domitian, and in the cities
of Alexandria, Antioch, Rome, and Ephesus. See Mill. Prolegomena ad Nov.
Testament, and Dr. Lardner's fair and extensive collection, vol.
xv. Note: This question has, it is well known, been most elaborately
discussed since the time of Gibbon. The Preface to the Translation of
Schleier Macher's Version of St. Luke contains a very able summary of
the various theories.--M.]




Chapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.--Part VIII.

The rich provinces that extend from the Euphrates to the Ionian
Sea, were the principal theatre on which the apostle of the Gentiles
displayed his zeal and piety. The seeds of the gospel, which he
had scattered in a fertile soil, were diligently cultivated by his
disciples; and it should seem that, during the two first centuries, the
most considerable body of Christians was contained within those limits.
Among the societies which were instituted in Syria, none were more
ancient or more illustrious than those of Damascus, of Berea or Aleppo,
and of Antioch. The prophetic introduction of the Apocalypse has
described and immortalized the seven churches of Asia; Ephesus, Smyrna,
Pergamus, Thyatira, [154] Sardes, Laodicea and Philadelphia; and their
colonies were soon diffused over that populous country. In a very early
period, the islands of Cyprus and Crete, the provinces of Thrace and
Macedonia, gave a favorable reception to the new religion; and Christian
republics were soon founded in the cities of Corinth, of Sparta, and of
Athens. [155] The antiquity of the Greek and Asiatic churches allowed a
sufficient space of time for their increase and multiplication; and
even the swarms of Gnostics and other heretics serve to display the
flourishing condition of the orthodox church, since the appellation of
heretics has always been applied to the less numerous party. To these
domestic testimonies we may add the confession, the complaints, and the
apprehensions of the Gentiles themselves. From the writings of Lucian, a
philosopher who had studied mankind, and who describes their manners in
the most lively colors, we may learn that, under the reign of Commodus,
his native country of Pontus was filled with Epicureans and Christians.
[156] Within fourscore years after the death of Christ, [157] the humane
Pliny laments the magnitude of the evil which he vainly attempted
to eradicate. In his very curious epistle to the emperor Trajan, he
affirms, that the temples were almost deserted, that the sacred victims
scarcely found any purchasers, and that the superstition had not only
infected the cities, but had even spread itself into the villages
and the open country of Pontus and Bithynia. [158]

[Footnote 154: The Alogians (Epiphanius de Haeres. 51) disputed the
genuineness of the Apocalypse, because the church of Thyatira was not
yet founded. Epiphanius, who allows the fact, extricates himself from
the difficulty by ingeniously supposing that St. John wrote in the
spirit of prophecy. See Abauzit, Discours sur l'Apocalypse.]

[Footnote 155: The epistles of Ignatius and Dionysius (ap. Euseb. iv.
23) point out many churches in Asia and Greece. That of Athens seems to
have been one of the least flourishing.]

[Footnote 156: Lucian in Alexandro, c. 25. Christianity however, must
have been very unequally diffused over Pontus; since, in the middle of
the third century, there was no more than seventeen believers in
the extensive diocese of Neo-Caesarea. See M. de Tillemont, Memoires
Ecclesiast. tom. iv. p. 675, from Basil and Gregory of Nyssa, who were
themselves natives of Cappadocia. Note: Gibbon forgot the conclusion of
this story, that Gregory left only seventeen heathens in his diocese.
The antithesis is suspicious, and both numbers may have been chosen to
magnify the spiritual fame of the wonder-worker.--M.]

[Footnote 157: According to the ancients, Jesus Christ suffered under
the consulship of the two Gemini, in the year 29 of our present aera.
Pliny was sent into Bithynia (according to Pagi) in the year 110.]

[Footnote 158: Plin. Epist. x. 97.]

Without descending into a minute scrutiny of the expressions or of the
motives of those writers who either celebrate or lament the progress of
Christianity in the East, it may in general be observed, that none
of them have left us any grounds from whence a just estimate might
be formed of the real numbers of the faithful in those provinces. One
circumstance, however, has been fortunately preserved, which seems to
cast a more distinct light on this obscure but interesting subject.
Under the reign of Theodosius, after Christianity had enjoyed, during
more than sixty years, the sunshine of Imperial favor, the ancient and
illustrious church of Antioch consisted of one hundred thousand persons,
three thousand of whom were supported out of the public oblations. [159]
The splendor and dignity of the queen of the East, the acknowledged
populousness of Caesarea, Seleucia, and Alexandria, and the destruction
of two hundred and fifty thousand souls in the earthquake which
afflicted Antioch under the elder Justin, [160] are so many convincing
proofs that the whole number of its inhabitants was not less than half a
million, and that the Christians, however multiplied by zeal and
power, did not exceed a fifth part of that great city. How different
a proportion must we adopt when we compare the persecuted with the
triumphant church, the West with the East, remote villages with populous
towns, and countries recently converted to the faith with the place
where the believers first received the appellation of Christians! It
must not, however, be dissembled, that, in another passage, Chrysostom,
to whom we are indebted for this useful information, computes the
multitude of the faithful as even superior to that of the Jews and
Pagans. [161] But the solution of this apparent difficulty is easy and
obvious. The eloquent preacher draws a parallel between the civil
and the ecclesiastical constitution of Antioch; between the list of
Christians who had acquired heaven by baptism, and the list of citizens
who had a right to share the public liberality. Slaves, strangers,
and infants were comprised in the former; they were excluded from the
latter.

[Footnote 159: Chrysostom. Opera, tom. vii. p. 658, 810, (edit.
Savil. ii. 422, 329.)]

[Footnote 160: John Malala, tom. ii. p. 144. He draws the same
conclusion with regard to the populousness of antioch.]

[Footnote 161: Chrysostom. tom. i. p. 592. I am indebted for these
passages, though not for my inference, to the learned Dr. Lardner.
Credibility of the Gospel of History, vol. xii. p. 370. * Note: The
statements of Chrysostom with regard to the population of Antioch,
whatever may be their accuracy, are perfectly consistent. In one passage
he reckons the population at 200,000. In a second the Christians at
100,000. In a third he states that the Christians formed more than half
the population. Gibbon has neglected to notice the first passage, and
has drawn by estimate of the population of Antioch from other sources.
The 8000 maintained by alms were widows and virgins alone--M.]

The extensive commerce of Alexandria, and its proximity to Palestine,
gave an easy entrance to the new religion. It was at first embraced by
great numbers of the Theraputae, or Essenians, of the Lake Mareotis,
a Jewish sect which had abated much of its reverence for the Mosaic
ceremonies. The austere life of the Essenians, their fasts and
excommunications, the community of goods, the love of celibacy, their
zeal for martyrdom, and the warmth though not the purity of their faith,
already offered a very lively image of the primitive discipline. [162] It
was in the school of Alexandria that the Christian theology appears to
have assumed a regular and scientific form; and when Hadrian visited
Egypt, he found a church composed of Jews and of Greeks, sufficiently
important to attract the notice of that inquisitive prince. [163] But the
progress of Christianity was for a long time confined within the limits
of a single city, which was itself a foreign colony, and till the
close of the second century the predecessors of Demetrius were the only
prelates of the Egyptian church. Three bishops were consecrated by
the hands of Demetrius, and the number was increased to twenty by his
successor Heraclas. [164] The body of the natives, a people distinguished
by a sullen inflexibility of temper, [165] entertained the new doctrine
with coldness and reluctance; and even in the time of Origen, it was
rare to meet with an Egyptian who had surmounted his early prejudices
in favor of the sacred animals of his country. [166] As soon, indeed, as
Christianity ascended the throne, the zeal of those barbarians obeyed
the prevailing impulsion; the cities of Egypt were filled with bishops,
and the deserts of Thebais swarmed with hermits.

[Footnote 162: Basnage, Histoire des Juifs, l. 2, c. 20, 21, 22, 23, has
examined with the most critical accuracy the curious treatise of Philo,
which describes the Therapeutae. By proving that it was composed as
early as the time of Augustus, Basnage has demonstrated, in spite
of Eusebius (l. ii. c. 17) and a crowd of modern Catholics, that the
Therapeutae were neither Christians nor monks. It still remains probable
that they changed their name, preserved their manners, adopted some
new articles of faith, and gradually became the fathers of the Egyptian
Ascetics.]

[Footnote 163: See a letter of Hadrian in the Augustan History, p.
245.]

[Footnote 164: For the succession of Alexandrian bishops, consult
Renaudot's History, p. 24, &c. This curious fact is preserved by the
patriarch Eutychius, (Annal. tom. i. p. 334, Vers. Pocock,) and its
internal evidence would alone be a sufficient answer to all the
objections which Bishop Pearson has urged in the Vindiciae Ignatianae.]

[Footnote 165: Ammian. Marcellin. xxii. 16.]

[Footnote 166: Origen contra Celsum, l. i. p. 40.]

A perpetual stream of strangers and provincials flowed into the
capacious bosom of Rome. Whatever was strange or odious, whoever was
guilty or suspected, might hope, in the obscurity of that immense
capital, to elude the vigilance of the law. In such a various conflux
of nations, every teacher, either of truth or falsehood, every founder,
whether of a virtuous or a criminal association, might easily multiply
his disciples or accomplices. The Christians of Rome, at the time of the
accidental persecution of Nero, are represented by Tacitus as already
amounting to a very great multitude, [167] and the language of that
great historian is almost similar to the style employed by Livy, when
he relates the introduction and the suppression of the rites of Bacchus.
After the Bacchanals had awakened the severity of the senate, it was
likewise apprehended that a very great multitude, as it were another
people, had been initiated into those abhorred mysteries. A more careful
inquiry soon demonstrated, that the offenders did not exceed seven
thousand; a number indeed sufficiently alarming, when considered as the
object of public justice. [168] It is with the same candid allowance that
we should interpret the vague expressions of Tacitus, and in a former
instance of Pliny, when they exaggerate the crowds of deluded fanatics
who had forsaken the established worship of the gods. The church of Rome
was undoubtedly the first and most populous of the empire; and we are
possessed of an authentic record which attests the state of religion in
that city about the middle of the third century, and after a peace of
thirty-eight years. The clergy, at that time, consisted of a bishop,
forty-six presbyters, seven deacons, as many sub-deacons, forty-two
acolytes, and fifty readers, exorcists, and porters. The number of
widows, of the infirm, and of the poor, who were maintained by the
oblations of the faithful, amounted to fifteen hundred. [169] From
reason, as well as from the analogy of Antioch, we may venture
to estimate the Christians of Rome at about fifty thousand. The
populousness of that great capital cannot perhaps be exactly
ascertained; but the most modest calculation will not surely reduce
it lower than a million of inhabitants, of whom the Christians might
constitute at the most a twentieth part. [170]

[Footnote 167: Ingens multitudo is the expression of Tacitus, xv. 44.]

[Footnote 168: T. Liv. xxxix. 13, 15, 16, 17. Nothing could exceed
the horror and consternation of the senate on the discovery of the
Bacchanalians, whose depravity is described, and perhaps exaggerated, by
Livy.]

[Footnote 169: Eusebius, l. vi. c. 43. The Latin translator (M.
de Valois) has thought proper to reduce the number of presbyters to
forty-four.]

[Footnote 170: This proportion of the presbyters and of
the poor, to the rest of the people, was originally fixed by Burnet,
(Travels into Italy, p. 168,) and is approved by Moyle, (vol. ii. p.
151.) They were both unacquainted with the passage of Chrysostom, which
converts their conjecture almost into a fact.]

The western provincials appeared to have derived the knowledge of
Christianity from the same source which had diffused among them the
language, the sentiments, and the manners of Rome.

In this more important circumstance, Africa, as well as Gaul, was
gradually fashioned to the imitation of the capital. Yet notwithstanding
the many favorable occasions which might invite the Roman missionaries
to visit their Latin provinces, it was late before they passed either
the sea or the Alps; [171] nor can we discover in those great countries
any assured traces either of faith or of persecution that ascend higher
than the reign of the Antonines. [172] The slow progress of the gospel
in the cold climate of Gaul, was extremely different from the eagerness
with which it seems to have been received on the burning sands of
Africa. The African Christians soon formed one of the principal members
of the primitive church. The practice introduced into that province of
appointing bishops to the most inconsiderable towns, and very frequently
to the most obscure villages, contributed to multiply the splendor and
importance of their religious societies, which during the course of the
third century were animated by the zeal of Tertullian, directed by the
abilities of Cyprian, and adorned by the eloquence of Lactantius.

But if, on the contrary, we turn our eyes towards Gaul, we must content
ourselves with discovering, in the time of Marcus Antoninus, the feeble
and united congregations of Lyons and Vienna; and even as late as the
reign of Decius, we are assured, that in a few cities only, Arles,
Narbonne, Thoulouse, Limoges, Clermont, Tours, and Paris, some scattered
churches were supported by the devotion of a small number of Christians.
[173] Silence is indeed very consistent with devotion; but as it is
seldom compatible with zeal, we may perceive and lament the languid
state of Christianity in those provinces which had exchanged the
Celtic for the Latin tongue, since they did not, during the three first
centuries, give birth to a single ecclesiastical writer. From Gaul,
which claimed a just preeminence of learning and authority over all the
countries on this side of the Alps, the light of the gospel was more
faintly reflected on the remote provinces of Spain and Britain; and if
we may credit the vehement assertions of Tertullian, they had already
received the first rays of the faith, when he addressed his apology
to the magistrates of the emperor Severus. [174] But the obscure
and imperfect origin of the western churches of Europe has been so
negligently recorded, that if we would relate the time and manner of
their foundation, we must supply the silence of antiquity by those
legends which avarice or superstition long afterwards dictated to the
monks in the lazy gloom of their convents. [175] Of these holy romances,
that of the apostle St. James can alone, by its singular extravagance,
deserve to be mentioned. From a peaceful fisherman of the Lake of
Gennesareth, he was transformed into a valorous knight, who charged at
the head of the Spanish chivalry in their battles against the Moors. The
gravest historians have celebrated his exploits; the miraculous shrine
of Compostella displayed his power; and the sword of a military order,
assisted by the terrors of the Inquisition, was sufficient to remove
every objection of profane criticism. [176]

[Footnote 171: Serius trans Alpes, religione Dei suscepta. Sulpicius
Severus, l. ii. With regard to Africa, see Tertullian ad Scapulam, c. 3.
It is imagined that the Scyllitan martyrs were the first, (Acta Sincera
Rumart. p. 34.) One of the adversaries of Apuleius seems to have been a
Christian. Apolog. p. 496, 497, edit. Delphin.]

[Footnote 172: Tum primum intra Gallias martyria visa. Sulp. Severus,
l. ii. These were the celebrated martyrs of Lyons. See Eusebius, v. i.
Tillemont, Mem. Ecclesiast. tom. ii. p. 316. According to the Donatists,
whose assertion is confirmed by the tacit acknowledgment of Augustin,
Africa was the last of the provinces which received the gospel.
Tillemont, Mem. Ecclesiast. tom. i. p. 754.]

[Footnote 173: Rarae in aliquibus civitatibus ecclesiae, paucorum
Christianorum devotione, resurgerent. Acta Sincera, p. 130. Gregory of
Tours, l i. c. 28. Mosheim, p. 207, 449. There is some reason to believe
that in the beginning of the fourth century, the extensive dioceses of
Liege, of Treves, and of Cologne, composed a single bishopric, which had
been very recently founded. See Memoires de Tillemont, tom vi. part i.
p. 43, 411.]

[Footnote 174: The date of Tertullian's Apology is fixed, in a
dissertation of Mosheim, to the year 198.]

[Footnote 175: In the fifteenth century, there were few who had either
inclination or courage to question, whether Joseph of Arimathea founded
the monastery of Glastonbury, and whether Dionysius the Areopagite
preferred the residence of Paris to that of Athens.]

[Footnote 176: The stupendous metamorphosis was performed in the ninth
century. See Mariana, (Hist. Hispan. l. vii. c. 13, tom. i. p. 285,
edit. Hag. Com. 1733,) who, in every sense, imitates Livy, and the
honest detection of the legend of St. James by Dr. Geddes, Miscellanies,
vol. ii. p. 221.]

The progress of Christianity was not confined to the Roman empire; and
according to the primitive fathers, who interpret facts by prophecy, the
new religion, within a century after the death of its divine Author, had
already visited every part of the globe. "There exists not," says Justin
Martyr, "a people, whether Greek or Barbarian, or any other race of men,
by whatsoever appellation or manners they may be distinguished, however
ignorant of arts or agriculture, whether they dwell under tents, or
wander about in covered wagons, among whom prayers are not offered up in
the name of a crucified Jesus to the Father and Creator of all things."
[177] But this splendid exaggeration, which even at present it would be
extremely difficult to reconcile with the real state of mankind, can be
considered only as the rash sally of a devout but careless writer, the
measure of whose belief was regulated by that of his wishes. But neither
the belief nor the wishes of the fathers can alter the truth of history.
It will still remain an undoubted fact, that the barbarians of Scythia
and Germany, who afterwards subverted the Roman monarchy, were involved
in the darkness of paganism; and that even the conversion of Iberia, of
Armenia, or of Aethiopia, was not attempted with any degree of success
till the sceptre was in the hands of an orthodox emperor. [178] Before
that time, the various accidents of war and commerce might indeed
diffuse an imperfect knowledge of the gospel among the tribes of
Caledonia, [179] and among the borderers of the Rhine, the Danube, and
the Euphrates. [180] Beyond the last-mentioned river, Edessa was
distinguished by a firm and early adherence to the faith. [181] From
Edessa the principles of Christianity were easily introduced into the
Greek and Syrian cities which obeyed the successors of Artaxerxes; but
they do not appear to have made any deep impression on the minds of the
Persians, whose religious system, by the labors of a well disciplined
order of priests, had been constructed with much more art and solidity
than the uncertain mythology of Greece and Rome. [182]

[Footnote 177: Justin Martyr, Dialog. cum Tryphon. p. 341. Irenaeus adv.
Haeres. l. i. c. 10. Tertullian adv. Jud. c. 7. See Mosheim, p. 203.]

[Footnote 178: See the fourth century of Mosheim's History of the
Church. Many, though very confused circumstances, that relate to the
conversion of Iberia and Armenia, may be found in Moses of Chorene, l.
ii. c. 78--89. Note: Mons. St. Martin has shown that Armenia was the
first nation that embraced Christianity. Memoires sur l'Armenie, vol. i.
p. 306, and notes to Le Beae. Gibbon, indeed had expressed his intention
of withdrawing the words "of Armenia" from the text of future editions.
(Vindication, Works, iv. 577.) He was bitterly taunted by Person for
neglecting or declining to fulfil his promise. Preface to Letters to
Travis.--M.]

[Footnote 179: According to Tertullian, the Christian faith had
penetrated into parts of Britain inaccessible to the Roman arms. About a
century afterwards, Ossian, the son of Fingal, is said to have disputed,
in his extreme old age, with one of the foreign missionaries, and the
dispute is still extant, in verse, and in the Erse language. See Mr.
Macpher son's Dissertation on the Antiquity of Ossian's Poems, p. 10.]

[Footnote 180: The Goths, who ravaged Asia in the reign of Gallienus,
carried away great numbers of captives; some of whom were Christians,
and became missionaries. See Tillemont, Memoires Ecclesiast. tom. iv. p.
44.]

[Footnote 181: The legends of Abgarus, fabulous as it is, affords
a decisive proof, that many years before Eusebius wrote his history, the
greatest part of the inhabitants of Edessa had embraced Christianity.
Their rivals, the citizens of Carrhae, adhered, on the contrary, to the
cause of Paganism, as late as the sixth century.]

[Footnote 182: According to Bardesanes (ap. Euseb. Praepar. Evangel.)
there were some Christians in Persia before the end of the second
century. In the time of Constantine (see his epistle to Sapor, Vit. l.
iv. c. 13) they composed a flourishing church. Consult Beausobre, Hist.
Cristique du Manicheisme, tom. i. p. 180, and the Bibliotheca Orietalis
of Assemani.]




Chapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.--Part IX.

From this impartial though imperfect survey of the progress of
Christianity, it may perhaps seem probable, that the number of its
proselytes has been excessively magnified by fear on the one side, and
by devotion on the other. According to the irreproachable testimony of
Origen, [183] the proportion of the faithful was very inconsiderable,
when compared with the multitude of an unbelieving world; but, as we are
left without any distinct information, it is impossible to determine,
and it is difficult even to conjecture, the real numbers of the
primitive Christians. The most favorable calculation, however, that can
be deduced from the examples of Antioch and of Rome, will not permit
us to imagine that more than a twentieth part of the subjects of the empire had enlisted themselves under the banner of the cross
before the important conversion of Constantine. But their habits of
faith, of zeal, and of union, seemed to multiply their numbers; and the
same causes which contributed to their future increase, served to render
their actual strength more apparent and more formidable.

[Footnote 183: Origen contra Celsum, l. viii. p. 424.]

Such is the constitution of civil society, that whilst a few persons are
distinguished by riches, by honors, and by knowledge, the body of the
people is condemned to obscurity, ignorance and poverty. The Christian
religion, which addressed itself to the whole human race, must
consequently collect a far greater number of proselytes from the
lower than from the superior ranks of life. This innocent and natural
circumstance has been improved into a very odious imputation, which
seems to be less strenuously denied by the apologists, than it is urged
by the adversaries, of the faith; that the new sect of Christians was
almost entirely composed of the dregs of the populace, of peasants and
mechanics, of boys and women, of beggars and slaves, the last of whom
might sometimes introduce the missionaries into the rich and noble
families to which they belonged. These obscure teachers (such was the
charge of malice and infidelity) are as mute in public as they are
loquacious and dogmatical in private. Whilst they cautiously avoid
the dangerous encounter of philosophers, they mingle with the rude and
illiterate crowd, and insinuate themselves into those minds, whom their
age, their sex, or their education, has the best disposed to receive the
impression of superstitious terrors. [184]

[Footnote 184: Minucius Felix, c. 8, with Wowerus's notes. Celsus ap.
Origen, l. iii. p. 138, 142. Julian ap. Cyril. l. vi. p. 206, edit.
Spanheim.]

This unfavorable picture, though not devoid of a faint resemblance,
betrays, by its dark coloring and distorted features, the pencil of an
enemy. As the humble faith of Christ diffused itself through the world,
it was embraced by several persons who derived some consequence from the
advantages of nature or fortune. Aristides, who presented an eloquent
apology to the emperor Hadrian, was an Athenian philosopher. [185] Justin
Martyr had sought divine knowledge in the schools of Zeno, of Aristotle,
of Pythagoras, and of Plato, before he fortunately was accosted by the
old man, or rather the angel, who turned his attention to the study
of the Jewish prophets. [186] Clemens of Alexandria had acquired much
various reading in the Greek, and Tertullian in the Latin, language.
Julius Africanus and Origen possessed a very considerable share of
the learning of their times; and although the style of Cyprian is very
different from that of Lactantius, we might almost discover that both
those writers had been public teachers of rhetoric. Even the study of
philosophy was at length introduced among the Christians, but it was not
always productive of the most salutary effects; knowledge was as often
the parent of heresy as of devotion, and the description which was
designed for the followers of Artemon, may, with equal propriety,
be applied to the various sects that resisted the successors of the
apostles. "They presume to alter the Holy Scriptures, to abandon the
ancient rule of faith, and to form their opinions according to the
subtile precepts of logic. The science of the church is neglected for
the study of geometry, and they lose sight of heaven while they are
employed in measuring the earth. Euclid is perpetually in their hands.
Aristotle and Theophrastus are the objects of their admiration; and they
express an uncommon reverence for the works of Galen. Their errors are
derived from the abuse of the arts and sciences of the infidels, and
they corrupt the simplicity of the gospel by the refinements of human
reason." [187]

[Footnote 185: Euseb. Hist. Eccles. iv. 3. Hieronym. Epist. 83.]

[Footnote 186: The story is prettily told in Justin's Dialogues.
Tillemont, (Mem Ecclesiast. tom. ii. p. 384,) who relates it after him
is sure that the old man was a disguised angel.]

[Footnote 187: Eusebius, v. 28. It may be hoped, that none, except the
heretics, gave occasion to the complaint of Celsus, (ap. Origen, l. ii.
p. 77,) that the Christians were perpetually correcting and altering
their Gospels. * Note: Origen states in reply, that he knows of none who
had altered the Gospels except the Marcionites, the Valentinians, and
perhaps some followers of Lucanus.--M.]

Nor can it be affirmed with truth, that the advantages of birth and
fortune were always separated from the profession of Christianity.
Several Roman citizens were brought before the tribunal of Pliny, and he
soon discovered, that a great number of persons of every order of men
in Bithynia had deserted the religion of their ancestors. [188] His
unsuspected testimony may, in this instance, obtain more credit than the
bold challenge of Tertullian, when he addresses himself to the fears as
well as the humanity of the proconsul of Africa, by assuring him, that
if he persists in his cruel intentions, he must decimate Carthage,
and that he will find among the guilty many persons of his own rank,
senators and matrons of nobles' extraction, and the friends or relations
of his most intimate friends. [189] It appears, however, that about forty
years afterwards the emperor Valerian was persuaded of the truth of this
assertion, since in one of his rescripts he evidently supposes, that
senators, Roman knights, and ladies of quality, were engaged in the
Christian sect. [190] The church still continued to increase its
outward splendor as it lost its internal purity; and, in the reign
of Diocletian, the palace, the courts of justice, and even the army,
concealed a multitude of Christians, who endeavored to reconcile the
interests of the present with those of a future life.

[Footnote 188: Plin. Epist. x. 97. Fuerunt alii similis amentiae, cives
Romani---Multi enim omnis aetatis, omnis ordinis, utriusque sexus, etiam
vocuntur in periculum et vocabuntur.]

[Footnote 189: Tertullian ad Scapulum. Yet even his rhetoric rises no
higher than to claim a tenth part of Carthage.]

[Footnote 190: Cyprian. Epist. 70.]

And yet these exceptions are either too few in number, or too recent in
time, entirely to remove the imputation of ignorance and obscurity which
has been so arrogantly cast on the first proselytes of Christianity. [1901]
Instead of employing in our defence the fictions of later ages, it will
be more prudent to convert the occasion of scandal into a subject of
edification. Our serious thoughts will suggest to us, that the apostles
themselves were chosen by Providence among the fishermen of Galilee,
and that the lower we depress the temporal condition of the first
Christians, the more reason we shall find to admire their merit and
success. It is incumbent on us diligently to remember, that the kingdom
of heaven was promised to the poor in spirit, and that minds afflicted
by calamity and the contempt of mankind, cheerfully listen to the divine
promise of future happiness; while, on the contrary, the fortunate are
satisfied with the possession of this world; and the wise abuse in doubt
and dispute their vain superiority of reason and knowledge.

[Footnote 1901: This incomplete enumeration ought to be increased by the
names of several Pagans converted at the dawn of Christianity, and whose
conversion weakens the reproach which the historian appears to support.
Such are, the Proconsul Sergius Paulus, converted at Paphos, (Acts
xiii. 7--12.) Dionysius, member of the Areopagus, converted with several
others, al Athens, (Acts xvii. 34;) several persons at the court of
Nero, (Philip. iv 22;) Erastus, receiver at Corinth, (Rom. xvi.23;)
some Asiarchs, (Acts xix. 31) As to the philosophers, we may add Tatian,
Athenagoras, Theophilus of Antioch, Hegesippus, Melito, Miltiades,
Pantaenus, Ammenius, all distinguished for their genius and
learning.--G.]

We stand in need of such reflections to comfort us for the loss of some
illustrious characters, which in our eyes might have seemed the most
worthy of the heavenly present. The names of Seneca, of the elder and
the younger Pliny, of Tacitus, of Plutarch, of Galen, of the slave
Epictetus, and of the emperor Marcus Antoninus, adorn the age in which
they flourished, and exalt the dignity of human nature. They filled with
glory their respective stations, either in active or contemplative life;
their excellent understandings were improved by study; Philosophy had
purified their minds from the prejudices of the popular superstition;
and their days were spent in the pursuit of truth and the practice of
virtue. Yet all these sages (it is no less an object of surprise than of
concern) overlooked or rejected the perfection of the Christian system.
Their language or their silence equally discover their contempt for the
growing sect, which in their time had diffused itself over the Roman
empire. Those among them who condescended to mention the Christians,
consider them only as obstinate and perverse enthusiasts, who exacted an
implicit submission to their mysterious doctrines, without being able
to produce a single argument that could engage the attention of men of
sense and learning. [191]

[Footnote 191: Dr. Lardner, in his first and second volumes of Jewish
and Christian testimonies, collects and illustrates those of Pliny
the younger, of Tacitus, of Galen, of Marcus Antoninus, and perhaps of
Epictetus, (for it is doubtful whether that philosopher means to speak
of the Christians.) The new sect is totally unnoticed by Seneca, the
elder Pliny, and Plutarch.]

It is at least doubtful whether any of these
philosophers perused the apologies [1911] which the primitive Christians
repeatedly published in behalf of themselves and of their religion; but
it is much to be lamented that such a cause was not defended by
abler advocates. They expose with superfluous with and eloquence the
extravagance of Polytheism. They interest our compassion by displaying
the innocence and sufferings of their injured brethren. But when they
would demonstrate the divine origin of Christianity, they insist much
more strongly on the predictions which announced, than on the miracles
which accompanied, the appearance of the Messiah. Their favorite
argument might serve to edify a Christian or to convert a Jew,
since both the one and the other acknowledge the authority of those
prophecies, and both are obliged, with devout reverence, to search for
their sense and their accomplishment. But this mode of persuasion loses
much of its weight and influence, when it is addressed to those who
neither understand nor respect the Mosaic dispensation and the prophetic
style. [192] In the unskilful hands of Justin and of the succeeding
apologists, the sublime meaning of the Hebrew oracles evaporates in
distant types, affected conceits, and cold allegories; and even their
authenticity was rendered suspicious to an unenlightened Gentile, by the
mixture of pious forgeries, which, under the names of Orpheus, Hermes,
and the Sibyls, [193] were obtruded on him as of equal value with the
genuine inspirations of Heaven. The adoption of fraud and sophistry
in the defence of revelation too often reminds us of the injudicious
conduct of those poets who load their invulnerable heroes with a useless
weight of cumbersome and brittle armor.

[Footnote 1911: The emperors Hadrian, Antoninus &c., read with astonishment
the apologies of Justin Martyr, of Aristides, of Melito, &c. (See St.
Hieron. ad mag. orat. Orosius, lviii. c. 13.) Eusebius says expressly,
that the cause of Christianity was defended before the senate, in a very
elegant discourse, by Apollonius the Martyr.--G. ----Gibbon, in his
severer spirit of criticism, may have questioned the authority of Jerome
and Eusebius. There are some difficulties about Apollonius, which
Heinichen (note in loc. Eusebii) would solve, by suppose lag him to have
been, as Jerome states, a senator.--M.]

[Footnote 192: If the famous prophecy of the Seventy Weeks had been
alleged to a Roman philosopher, would he not have replied in the words
of Cicero, "Quae tandem ista auguratio est, annorum potius quam aut
raensium aut dierum?" De Divinatione, ii. 30. Observe with what
irreverence Lucian, (in Alexandro, c. 13.) and his friend Celsus ap.
Origen, (l. vii. p. 327,) express themselves concerning the Hebrew
prophets.]

[Footnote 193: The philosophers who derided the more ancient predictions
of the Sibyls, would easily have detected the Jewish and Christian
forgeries, which have been so triumphantly quoted by the fathers, from
Justin Martyr to Lactantius. When the Sibylline verses had performed
their appointed task, they, like the system of the millennium, were
quietly laid aside. The Christian Sybil had unluckily fixed the ruin of
Rome for the year 195, A. U. C. 948.]

But how shall we excuse the supine inattention of the Pagan and
philosophic world, to those evidences which were represented by the hand
of Omnipotence, not to their reason, but to their senses? During the age
of Christ, of his apostles, and of their first disciples, the doctrine
which they preached was confirmed by innumerable prodigies. The lame
walked, the blind saw, the sick were healed, the dead were raised,
daemons were expelled, and the laws of Nature were frequently suspended
for the benefit of the church. But the sages of Greece and Rome turned
aside from the awful spectacle, and, pursuing the ordinary occupations
of life and study, appeared unconscious of any alterations in the moral
or physical government of the world. Under the reign of Tiberius, the
whole earth, [194] or at least a celebrated province of the Roman empire,
[195] was involved in a preternatural darkness of three hours. Even this
miraculous event, which ought to have excited the wonder, the curiosity,
and the devotion of mankind, passed without notice in an age of science
and history. [196] It happened during the lifetime of Seneca and the
elder Pliny, who must have experienced the immediate effects, or
received the earliest intelligence, of the prodigy. Each of these
philosophers, in a laborious work, has recorded all the great phenomena
of Nature, earthquakes, meteors comets, and eclipses, which his
indefatigable curiosity could collect. [197] Both the one and the other
have omitted to mention the greatest phenomenon to which the mortal eye
has been witness since the creation of the globe. A distinct chapter
of Pliny [198] is designed for eclipses of an extraordinary nature and
unusual duration; but he contents himself with describing the singular
defect of light which followed the murder of Caesar, when, during the
greatest part of a year, the orb of the sun appeared pale and without
splendor. The season of obscurity, which cannot surely be compared with
the preternatural darkness of the Passion, had been already celebrated
by most of the poets [199] and historians of that memorable age. [200]

[Footnote 194: The fathers, as they are drawn out in battle array by
Dom Calmet, (Dissertations sur la Bible, tom. iii. p. 295--308,) seem to
cover the whole earth with darkness, in which they are followed by most
of the moderns.]

[Footnote 195: Origen ad Matth. c. 27, and a few modern critics, Beza,
Le Clerc, Lardner, &c., are desirous of confining it to the land of
Judea.]

[Footnote 196: The celebrated passage of Phlegon is now wisely
abandoned. When Tertullian assures the Pagans that the mention of the
prodigy is found in Arcanis (not Archivis) vestris, (see his Apology, c.
21,) he probably appeals to the Sibylline verses, which relate it
exactly in the words of the Gospel. * Note: According to some learned
theologians a misunderstanding of the text in the Gospel has given rise
to this mistake, which has employed and wearied so many laborious
commentators, though Origen had already taken the pains to preinform
them. The expression does not mean, they assert, an eclipse, but any
kind of obscurity occasioned in the atmosphere, whether by clouds or any
other cause. As this obscuration of the sun rarely took place in
Palestine, where in the middle of April the sky was usually clear, it
assumed, in the eyes of the Jews and Christians, an importance
conformable to the received notion, that the sun concealed at midday was
a sinister presage. See Amos viii. 9, 10. The word is often taken in
this sense by contemporary writers; the Apocalypse says the sun was
concealed, when speaking of an obscuration caused by smoke and dust.
(Revel. ix. 2.) Moreover, the Hebrew word ophal, which in the LXX.
answers to the Greek, signifies any darkness; and the Evangelists, who
have modelled the sense of their expressions by those of the LXX., must
have taken it in the same latitude. This darkening of the sky usually
precedes earthquakes. (Matt. xxvii. 51.) The Heathen authors furnish us
a number of examples, of which a miraculous explanation was given at the
time. See Ovid. ii. v. 33, l. xv. v. 785. Pliny, Hist. Nat. l. ii. c 30.
Wetstein has collected all these examples in his edition of the New
Testament. We need not, then, be astonished at the silence of the Pagan
authors concerning a phenomenon which did not extend beyond Jerusalem,
and which might have nothing contrary to the laws of nature; although
the Christians and the Jews may have regarded it as a sinister presage.
See Michaelia Notes on New Testament, v. i. p. 290. Paulus, Commentary
on New Testament, iii. p. 760.--G.]

[Footnote 197: Seneca, Quaest. Natur. l. i. 15, vi. l. vii. 17. Plin.
Hist. Natur. l. ii.]

[Footnote 198: Plin. Hist. Natur. ii. 30.]

[Footnote 199: Virgil. Georgic. i. 466. Tibullus, l. i. Eleg. v. ver.
75. Ovid Metamorph. xv. 782. Lucan. Pharsal. i. 540. The last of these
poets places this prodigy before the civil war.]

[Footnote 200: See a public epistle of M. Antony in Joseph. Antiquit.
xiv. 12. Plutarch in Caesar. p. 471. Appian. Bell. Civil. l. iv. Dion
Cassius, l. xlv. p. 431. Julius Obsequens, c. 128. His little treatise
is an abstract of Livy's prodigies.]





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