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CHAMPLAIN'S VOYAGES.

VOYAGES
OF
SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN.

TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH
BY CHARLES POMEROY OTIS, PH.D.

WITH HISTORICAL ILLUSTRATIONS,
AND A
MEMOIR
By THE REV. EDMUND F. SLAFTER, A.M.

VOL. III.

1611-1618

HELIOTYPE COPIES OF TEN MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.

Editor:

THE REV. EDMUND F. SLAFTER, A.M.




PREFACE

The present volume completes the work proposed by the Prince Society of a
translation into English of the VOYAGES OF CHAMPLAIN. It includes the
journals issued in 1604, 1613, and 1619, and covers fifteen years of his
residence and explorations in New France.

At a later period, in 1632, Champlain published, in a single volume, an
abridgment of the issues above mentioned, containing likewise a
continuation of his journal down to 1631. This continuation covers thirteen
additional years. But it is to be observed that the events recorded in the
journal of these later years are immediately connected with the progress
and local interests of the French colony at Quebec. This last work of the
great explorer is of primary importance and value as constituting original
material for the early history of Canada, and a translation of it into
English would doubtless be highly appreciated by the local historian. A
complete narrative of these events, however, together with a large amount
amount of interesting matter relating to the career of Champlain derived
from other sources, is given in the Memoir contained in the first volume of
this work.

This English translation contains not only the complete narratives of all
the personal explorations made by Champlain into the then unbroken forests
of America, but the whole of his minute, ample, and invaluable descriptions
of the character and habits, mental, moral, and physical of the various
savage tribes with which he came in contact. It will furnish, therefore, to
the student of history and the student of ethnology most valuable
information, unsurpassed in richness and extent, and which cannot be
obtained from any other source. To aid one or both of these two classes in
their investigations, the work was undertaken and has now been completed.

E. F. S.

BOSTON, 91 BOYLSTON STREET,
April 5, 1882.




TABLE OF CONTENTS.

PREFACE
VOYAGE OF CHAMPLAIN IN 1611
DEDICATION TO HENRI DE BOURBON, PRINCE DE CONDE
VOYAGE MADE IN 1613
DEDICATION TO THE KING
CHAMPLAIN'S PREFACE
EXTRACT FROM THE LICENSE OF THE KING
VOYAGE MADE IN 1615
VOYAGE MADE IN 1618
EXPLANATION OF TWO GEOGRAPHICAL MAPS OF NEW FRANCE

ILLUSTRATIONS.

LE GRAND SAULT ST. LOUIS
DRESS OF THE SAVAGES
FORT OF THE IROQUOIS
DEER TRAP
DRESS OF THE SAVAGES
CHAMPLAIN'S LARGE MAP OF NEW FRANCE, 1612
CHAMPLAIN'S SMALL MAP OF NEW FRANCE, 1613

INDEX




THE VOYAGES

OF SIEUR DE CHAMPLAIN,

Of Saintonge, Captain in ordinary to the
King in the Marine;

OR,

_A MOST FAITHFUL JOURNAL OF OBSERVATIONS made in the exploration of New
France, describing not only the countries, coasts, rivers, ports, and
harbors, with their latitudes, and the various deflections of the Magnetic
Needle, but likewise the religious belief of the inhabitants, their
superstitions, mode of life and warfare; furnished with numerous
illustrations_.

Together with two geographical maps: the first for the purposes of
navigation, adapted to the compass as used by mariners, which, deflects to
the north-east; the other in its true meridian, with longitudes and
latitudes, to which is added the Voyage to the Strait north of Labrador,
from the 53d to the 63d degree of latitude, discovered in 1612 by the
English when they were searching for a northerly course to China.

PARIS.

JEAN BERJON, Rue St Jean de Beauvais, at the Flying Horse, and at his store
in the Palace, at the gallery of the Prisoners.

M. DC. XIII.

_WITH AUTHORITY OF THE KING_.




CHAPTER I.

DEPARTURE FROM FRANCE TO RETURN TO NEW FRANCE.--THE DANGERS AND OTHER
EVENTS WHICH OCCURRED UP TO THE TIME OF ARRIVAL AT THE SETTLEMENT.

We set out from Honfleur on the first day of March. The wind was favorable
until the eighth, when we were opposed by a wind south-southwest and
west-northwest, driving us as far as latitude 42 deg., without our being able
to make a southing, so as to sail straight forward on our course.
Accordingly after encountering several heavy winds, and being kept back by
bad weather, we nevertheless, through great difficulty and hardship, and by
sailing on different tacks, succeeded in arriving within eighty leagues of
the Grand Bank, where the fresh fishery is carried on. Here we encountered
ice thirty or forty fathoms high, or more, which led us to consider what
course we ought to take, fearing that we might fall in with more during the
night, or that the wind changing would drive us on to it. We also concluded
that this would not be the last, since we had set out from France too early
in the season. We sailed accordingly during that day with short sail, as
near the wind as we could. When night came, the fog arose so thick and
obscure that we could scarcely see the ship's length. About eleven o'clock
at night, more ice was seen, which alarmed us. But through the energy of
the sailors we avoided it. Supposing that we had passed all danger, we met
with still more ice, which the sailors saw ahead of our vessel, but not
until we were almost upon it. When all had committed themselves to God,
having given up all hope of avoiding collision with this ice, which was
already under our bowsprit, they cried to the helmsman to bear off; and
this ice which was very extensive drove in such a manner that it passed by
without striking our vessel, which stopped short, and remained as still as
if it had never moved, to let it pass. Although the danger was over, our
blood was not so quickly cooled, so great had been our fear, and we praised
God for delivering us from so imminent a peril. This experience being over,
we passed the same night two or three other masses of ice, not less
dangerous than the former ones. There was at the same time a dripping fog,
and it was so cold that we could scarcely get warm. The next day we met
several other large and very high masses of ice, which, in the distance,
looked like islands. We, however, avoided them all, and reached the Grand
Bank, where we were detained by bad weather for the space of six days. The
wind growing a little milder, and very favorable, we left the banks in
latitude 44 deg. 30', which was the farthest south we could go. After sailing
some sixty leagues west-northwest, we saw a vessel coming down to make us
out, but which afterwards wore off to the east-northeast, to avoid a large
bank of ice, which covered the entire extent of our line of vision.
Concluding that there was a passage through the middle of this great floe,
which was divided into two parts, we entered, in pursuance of our course,
between the two, and sailed some ten leagues without seeing anything,
contrary to our conjecture of a fine passage through, until evening, when
we found the floe closed up. This gave us much anxiety as to what was to be
done, the night being at hand and there being no moon, which deprived us of
all means of returning to the point whence we had come. Yet, after due
deliberation, it was resolved to try to find again the entrance by which we
had come, which we set about accomplishing. But the night coming on with
fog, rain, snow, and a wind so violent that we could scarcely carry our
mainsail, every trace of our way was lost. For, as we were expecting to
avoid the ice so as to pass out, the wind had already closed up the
passage, so that we were obliged to return to the other tack. We were
unable to remain longer than a quarter of an hour on one tack before taking
another, in order to avoid the numerous masses of ice drifting about on all
sides. We thought more than twenty times that we should never escape with
our lives. The entire night was spent amid difficulties and hardships.
Never was the watch better kept, for nobody wished to rest, but to strive
to escape from the ice and danger. The cold was so great, that all the
ropes of the vessel were so frozen and covered with large icicles that the
men could not work her nor stick to the deck. Thus we ran, on this tack and
that, awaiting with hope the daylight. But when it came, attended by a fog,
and we saw that our labor and hardship could not avail us anything, we
determined to go to a mass of ice, where we should be sheltered from the
violent wind which was blowing; to haul everything down, and allow
ourselves to be driven along with the ice, so that when at some distance
from the rest of the ice we could make sail again, and go back to the
above-mentioned bank and manage as before, until the fog should pass away,
when we might go out as quickly as possible. Thus we continued the entire
day until the morning of the next day, when we set sail, now on this tack
now on that, finding ourselves everywhere enclosed amid large floes of ice,
as if in lakes on the mainland. At evening we sighted a vessel on the other
side of one of these banks of ice, which, I am sure, was in no less anxiety
than ourselves. Thus we remained four or five days, exposed to these risks
and extreme hardships, until one morning on looking out in all directions,
although we could see no opening, yet in one place it seemed as if the ice
was not thick, and that we could easily pass through. We got under weigh,
and passed by a large number of _bourguignons_; that is, pieces of ice
separated from the large banks by the violence of the winds. Having reached
this bank of ice, the sailors proceeded to provide themselves with large
oars and pieces of wood, in order to keep off the blocks of ice we met. In
this way we passed this bank, but not without touching some pieces of ice,
which did no good to our vessel, although they inflicted no essential
damage. Being outside, we praised God for our deliverance. Continuing our
course on the next day, we encountered other pieces, in which we became so
involved that we found ourselves surrounded on all sides, except where we
had entered. It was accordingly necessary to turn back, and endeavor to
double the southern point. This we did not succeed in doing until the
second day, passing by several small pieces of ice, which had been
separated from the main bank. This latter was in latitude 44 deg. 30'. We
sailed until the morning of the next day, towards the northwest,
north-northwest, when we met another large ice bank, extending as far as we could
see east and west. This, in the distance, seemed like land; for it was so
level that it might properly be said to have been made so on purpose. It
was more than eighteen feet high, extending twice as far under water. We
calculated that we were only some fifteen leagues from Cape Breton, it
being the 26th day of the month. These numerous encounters with ice
troubled us greatly. We were also fearful that the passage between Capes
Breton and Raye would be closed, and that we should be obliged to keep out
to sea a long time before being able to enter. Unable to do anything else,
we were obliged to run out to sea again some four or five leagues, in order
to double another point of the above-mentioned grand ice bank, which
continued on our west-southwest. After turning on the other tack to the
northwest, in order to double this point, we sailed some seven leagues, and
then steered to the north-northwest some three leagues, when we observed
another ice bank. The night approached, and the fog came on so that we put
to sea to pass the remainder of the night, purposing at daybreak to return
and reconnoitre the last mentioned ice. On the twenty-seventh day of the
month, we sighted land west-northwest of us, seeing no ice on the
north-northeast. We approached nearer for the sake of a better observation, and
found that it was Canseau. This led us to bear off to the north for Cape
Breton Island; but we had scarcely sailed two leagues when we encountered
an ice bank on the northeast. Night coming on, we were obliged to put out
to sea until the next day, when we sailed northeast, and encountered more
ice, bearing east, east-southeast from us, along which we coasted heading
northeast and north for more than fifteen leagues. At last we were obliged
to sail towards the west, greatly to our regret, inasmuch as we could find
no passage, and should be obliged to withdraw and sail back on our track.
Unfortunately for us we were overtaken by a calm, so that it seemed as if
the swell of the sea would throw us upon the ice bank just mentioned, and
we got ready to launch our little boat, to use in case of necessity. If we
had taken refuge on the above-mentioned ice it would only have been to
languish and die in misery. While we were deliberating whether to launch
our boat, a fresh breeze arose to our great delight, and thus we escaped
from the ice. After we had sailed two leagues, night came on, with a very
thick fog, causing us to haul down our sail, as we could not see, and as
there were several large pieces of ice in our way, which we were afraid of
striking. Thus we remained the entire night until the next day, which was
the twenty-ninth, when the fog increased to such an extent that we could
scarcely see the length of the vessel. There was also very little wind. Yet
we did not fail to set sail, in order to avoid the ice. But, although
expecting to extricate ourselves, we found ourselves so involved in it that
we could not tell on which side to tack. We were accordingly again
compelled to lower sail, and drift until the ice should allow us to make
sail. We made a hundred tacks on one side and the other, several times
fearing that we were lost. The most self-possessed would have lost all
judgment in such a juncture; even the greatest navigator in the world. What
alarmed us still more was the short distance we could see, and the fact
that the night was coming on, and that we could not make a shift of a
quarter of a league without finding a bank or some ice, and a great deal of
floating ice, the smallest piece of which would have been sufficient to
cause the loss of any vessel whatever. Now, while we were still sailing
along amid the ice, there arose so strong a wind that in a short time the
fog broke away, affording us a view, and suddenly giving us a clear air and
fair sun. Looking around about us, we found that we were shut up in a
little lake, not so much as a league and a half in circuit. On the north we
perceived the island of Cape Breton, nearly four leagues distant, and it
seemed to us that the passage-way to Cape Breton was still closed. We also
saw a small ice bank astern of our vessel, and the ocean beyond that, which
led us to resolve to go beyond the bank, which was divided. This we
succeeded in accomplishing without striking our vessel, putting out to sea
for the night, and passing to the southeast of the ice. Thinking now that
we could double this ice bank, we sailed east-northeast some fifteen
leagues, perceiving only a little piece of ice. At night we hauled down the
sail until the next day, when we perceived another ice bank to the north of
us, extending as far as we could see. We had drifted to within nearly half
a league of it, when we hoisted sail, continuing to coast along this ice in
order to find the end of it. While sailing along, we sighted on the first
day of May a vessel amid the ice, which, as well as ourselves, had found it
difficult to escape from it. We backed our sails in order to await the
former, which came full upon us, since we were desirous of ascertaining
whether it had seen other ice. On its approach we saw that it was the son
[1] of Sieur de Poutrincourt, on his way to visit his father at the
settlement of Port Royal. He had left France three months before, not
without much reluctance, I think, and still they were nearly a hundred and
forty leagues from Port Royal, and well out of their true course. We told
them we had sighted the islands of Canseau, much to their satisfaction, I
think, as they had not as yet sighted any land, and were steering straight
between Cape St. Lawrence and Cape Raye, in which direction they would not
have found Port Royal, except by going overland. After a brief conference
with each other we separated, each following his own course. The next day
we sighted the islands of St. Pierre, finding no ice. Continuing our course
we sighted on the following day, the third of the month, Cape Raye, also
without finding ice. On the fourth we sighted the island of St. Paul, and
Cape St. Lawrence, being some eight leagues north of the latter. The next
day we sighted Gaspe. On the seventh we were opposed by a northwest wind,
which drove us out of our course nearly thirty-five leagues, when the wind
lulled, and was in our favor as far as Tadoussac, which we reached on the
13th day of May.[2] Here we discharged a cannon to notify the savages, in
order to obtain news from our settlement at Quebec. The country was still
almost entirely covered with snow. There came out to us some canoes,
informing us that one of our pataches had been in the harbor for a month,
and that three vessels had arrived eight days before. We lowered our boat
and visited these savages, who were in a very miserable condition, having
only a few articles to barter to satisfy their immediate wants. Besides
they desired to wait until several vessels should meet, so that there might
be a better market for their merchandise. Therefore they are mistaken who
expect to gain an advantage by coming first, for these people are very
sagacious and cunning.

On the 17th of the month I set out from Tadoussac for the great fall,[3]
to meet the Algonquin savages and other tribes, who had promised the year
before to go there with my man, whom I had sent to them, that I might learn
from him what he might see during the winter. Those at this harbor who
suspected where I was going, in accordance with the promises which I had
made to the savages, as stated above, began to build several small barques,
that they might follow me as soon as possible. And several, as I learned
before setting out from France, had some ships and pataches fitted out in
view of our voyage, hoping to return rich, as from a voyage to the Indies.

Pont Grave remained at Tadoussac expecting, if he did nothing there, to
take a patache and meet me at the fall. Between Tadoussac and Quebec our
barque made much water, which obliged me to stop at Quebec and repair the
leak. This was on the 21st day of May.

ENDNOTES:

1. This was Charles de Biencourt, Sieur de Saint Just. He was closely
   associated with his father, Sieur de Poutrincourt, in his colony at Port
   Royal. _Vide_ Vol. I. p. 122, note 77.

2. They left Honfleur on the first day of March, and were thus seventy-four
   days in reaching Tadoussac. The voyage was usually made in favorable
   weather in thirty days.

3. The Falls of St. Louis, near Montreal, now more commonly known as the La
   Chine Rapids.




CHAPTER II.

LANDING AT QUEBEC TO REPAIR THE BARQUE.--DEPARTURE FROM QUEBEC FOR THE
FALL, TO MEET THE SAVAGES, AND SEARCH OUT A PLACE APPROPRIATE FOR A
SETTLEMENT.


On going ashore I found Sieur du Parc, who had spent the winter at the
settlement. He and all his companions were very well, and had not suffered
any sickness. Game, both large and small, had been abundant during the
entire winter, as they told me. I found there the Indian captain, named
_Batiscan_, and some Algonquins, who said they were waiting for me, being
unwilling to return to Tadoussac without seeing me. I proposed to them to
take one of our company to the _Trois Rivieres_ to explore the place, but
being unable to obtain anything from them this year I put it off until the
next. Still I did not fail to inform myself particularly regarding the
origin of the people living there, of which they told me with exactness. I
asked them for one of their canoes, which they were unwilling to part with
on any terms, because of their own need of it. For I had planned to send
two or three men to explore the neighborhood of the Trois Rivieres, and
ascertain what there was there. This, to my great regret, I was unable to
accomplish, and postponed the project to the first opportunity that might
present itself.

Meanwhile I urged on the repairs to our barque. When it was ready, a young
man from La Rochelle, named Tresart, asked me to permit him to accompany me
to the above-mentioned fall. This I refused, replying that I had special
plans of my own, and that I did not wish to conduct any one to my
prejudice, adding that there were other companies than mine there, and that
I did not care to open up a way and serve as guide, and that he could make
the voyage well enough alone and without my help.

The same day I set out from Quebec, and arrived at the great fall on the
twenty-eighth of May. But I found none of the savages who had promised me
to be there on this day. I entered at once a poor canoe, together with the
savage I had taken to France and one of my own men. After examining the two
shores, both in the woods and on the river bank, in order to find a spot
favorable for the location of a settlement, and to get a place ready for
building, I went some eight leagues by land along the great fall and
through the woods, which are very open, as far as a lake, [4] whither our
savage conducted me. Here I observed the country very carefully. But in all
that I saw, I found no place more favorable than a little spot to which
barques and shallops can easily ascend, with the help of a strong wind or
by taking a winding course, in consequence of the strong current. But above
this place, which we named _La Place Royale_, at the distance of a league
from Mont Royal, there are a great many little rocks and shoals, which are
very dangerous. Near Place Royale there is a little river, extending some
distance into the interior, along the entire length of which there are more
than sixty acres of land cleared up and like meadows, where grain can be
sown and gardens made. Formerly savages tilled these lands, [5] but they
abandoned them on account of their wars, in which they were constantly
engaged. There is also a large number of other fine pastures, where any
number of cattle can graze. There are also the various kinds of trees found
in France, together with many vines, nut and plum trees, cherries,
strawberries, and other kinds of good fruit. Among the rest there is a very
excellent one, with a sweet taste like that of plantains, a fruit of the
Indies, as white as snow, with a leaf resembling that of nettles, and which
creeps up the trees and along the ground like ivy. [6] Fish are very
abundant, including all the varieties we have in France, and many very good
ones which we do not have. Game is also plenty, the birds being of various
kinds. There are stags, hinds, does, caribous, [7] rabbits, lynxes, [8]
bears, beavers, also other small animals, and all in such large numbers,
that while we were at the fall we were abundantly supplied with them.

After a careful examination, we found this place one of the finest on this
river. I accordingly forthwith gave orders to cut down and clear up the
woods in the Place Royale, [9] so as to level it and prepare it for
building. The water can easily be made to flow around it, making of it a
little island, so that a habitation can be formed as one may wish.

There is a little island some twenty fathoms from Place Royale, about a
hundred paces long, where a good and strong settlement might be made. There
are also many meadows, containing very good and rich potter's clay, as well
adapted for brick as for building purposes, and consequently a very useful
article. I had a portion of it worked up, from which I made a wall four
feet thick, three or four high, and ten fathoms long, to see how it would
stand during the winter, when the freshets came down, although I thought
the water would not reach up to it, the ground there being twelve feet
above the river, which was very high. In the middle of the river there was
an island about three-quarters of a league around, where a good and strong
town could be built. This we named _Isle de Sainte Helene_. [10] This river
at the fall is like a lake, containing two or three islands, and bordered
by fine meadows.

On the first day of June, Pont Grave arrived at the fall, having been
unable to accomplish anything at Tadoussac. A numerous company attended and
followed after him to share in the booty, without the hope of which they
would have been far in the rear.

Now, while awaiting the savages, I had two gardens made, one in the
meadows, the other in the woods, which I had cleared up. On the 2d of June
I sowed some seeds, all of which came up finely, and in a short time,
attesting the good quality of the soil.

We resolved to send Savignon, our savage, together with another, to meet
his countrymen, so as to hasten their arrival. They hesitated about going
in our canoe, of which they were distrustful, it being a very poor one.
They set out on the 5th. The next day four or five barques arrived as an
escort for us, since they could do nothing at Tadoussac.

On the 7th I went to explore a little river, along which the savages
sometimes go to war, and which flows into the fall of the river of the
Iroquois. [11] It is very pleasant, with meadow land more than three
leagues in circuit, and much arable land. It is distant a league from the
great fall, and a league and a half from Place Royale.

On the 9th our savage arrived. He had gone somewhat beyond the lake, which
is ten leagues long, and which I had seen before. [12] But he met no one,
and they were unable to go any farther, as their canoe gave out, which
obliged them to return. They reported that after passing the fall they saw
an island, where there was such a quantity of herons that the air was
completely filled with them. There was a young man belonging to Sieur de
Monts named Louis, who was very fond of the chase. Hearing this, he wished
to go and satisfy his curiosity, earnestly entreating our savage to take
him to the place. To this the savage consented, taking also a captain of
the Montagnais, a very respectable person, whose name was _Outetoucos_. On
the following morning Louis caused the two savages to be called, and went
with them in a canoe to the island of the herons. This island is in the
middle of the fall. [13] Here they captured as many herons and other birds
as they wanted, and embarked again in their canoe.  Outetoucos, contrary to
the wish of the other savage, and against his remonstrances, desired to
pass through a very dangerous place, where the water fell more than three
feet, saying that he had formerly gone this way, which, however, was
false. He had a long discussion in opposition to our savage, who wished to
take him on the south side, along the mainland, [14] where they usually go.
This, however, Outetoucos did not wish, saying that there was no danger.
Our savage finding him obstinate yielded to his desire. But he insisted
that at least a part of the birds in the canoe should be taken out, as it
was overloaded, otherwise he said it would inevitably fill and be lost. But
to this he would not consent, saying that it would be time enough when they
found themselves in the presence of danger. They accordingly permitted
themselves to be carried along by the current. But when they reached the
precipice, they wanted to throw overboard their load in order to escape. It
was now, however, too late, for they were completely in the power of the
rapid water, and were straightway swallowed up in the whirlpools of the
fall, which turned them round a thousand times. For a long time they clung
to the boat. Finally the swiftness of the water wearied them so that this
poor Louis, who could not swim at all, entirely lost his presence of mind,
and, the canoe going down, he was obliged to abandon it. As it returned to
the surface, the two others who kept holding on to it, saw Louis no more,
and thus he died a sad death. [15] The two others continued to hold on to
the canoe. When, however, they were out of danger, this Outetoucos, being
naked and having confidence in his swimming powers, abandoned it in the
expectation of reaching the shore, although the water still ran there with
great rapidity.  But he was drowned, for he had been so weakened and
overcome by his efforts that it was impossible for him to save himself
after abandoning the canoe. Our savage Savignon, understanding himself
better, held firmly to the canoe until it reached an eddy, whither the
current had carried it. Here he managed so well that, notwithstanding his
suffering and weariness, he approached the shore gradually, when, after
throwing the water out of the canoe, he returned in great fear that they
would take vengeance upon him, as the savages do among themselves, and
related to us this sad story, which caused us great sorrow.

On the next day I went in another canoe to the fall, together with the
savage and another member of our company, to see the place where they had
met with their accident, and find, if possible, the remains. But when he
showed me the spot, I was horrified at beholding such a terrible place, and
astonished that the deceased should have been so lacking in judgment as to
pass through such a fearful place, when they could have gone another way.
For it is impossible to go along there, as there are seven or eight
descents of water one after the other, the lowest three feet high, the
seething and boiling of the water being fearful. A part of the fall was all
white with foam, indicating the worst spot, the noise of which was like
thunder, the air resounding with the echo of the cataracts. After viewing
and carefully examining this place, and searching along the river bank for
the dead bodies, another very light shallop having proceeded meanwhile on
the other bank also, we returned without finding anything.

       *       *       *       *       *

CHAMPLAIN'S EXPLANATION OF THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.

LE GRAND SAULT ST. LOUIS.

A. Small place that I had cleared up.
B. Small pond.
C. Small islet, where I had a stone wall made.
D. Small brook, where the barques are kept.
E. Meadows where the savages stay when they come to this region.
F. Mountains seen in the interior.
G. Small pond.
H. Mont Royal.
I. Small brook.
L. The fall.
M. Place on the north side, where the savages transfer their canoes by
   land.
N. Spot where one of our men and a savage were drowned.
O. Small rocky islet.
P. Another islet where birds make their nests.
Q. Heron island.
R. Another island in the fall.
S. Small islet
T. Small round islet.
V. Another islet half covered with water.
X. Another islet, where there are many river birds.
Y. Meadows.
Z. Small river.
2. Very large and fine islands.
3. Places which are bare when the water is low, where there are great
   eddies, as at the main fall.
4. Meadows covered with water
5. Very shallow places.
6. Another little islet.
7. Small rocks.
8. Island St. Helene.
9. Small island without trees.
00. Marshes connecting with the great fall.

ENDNOTES:

4. This journey of eight leagues would take them as far as the Lake of Two
   Mountains.

5. This little river is mentioned by Champlain in his Voyage of 1603,
   Vol. I. p. 268. It is represented on early maps as formed by two small
   streams, flowing, one from the north or northeastern, and the other from
   the southern side of the mountain, in the rear of the city of Montreal,
   which unite some distance before they reach the St. Lawrence, flowing
   into that river at Point Callieres. These little brooks are laid down on
   Champlain's local map, _Le Grand Sault St. Louis_, on Charlevoix's
   _Carte de l'Isle de Montreal_, 1744, and on Bellin's _L'Isle de
   Montreal_, 1764; but they have disappeared on modern maps, and probably
   are either extinct or are lost in the sewerage of the city, of which
   they have become a part. We have called the stream formed by these two
   brooks, note 190, Vol. I., _Riviere St. Pierre_. On Potherie's map, the
   only stream coming from the interior is so named. _Vide Histoire de
   L'Amerique_ par M. de Bacqueville de la Potherie, 1722, p. 311. On a map
   in Greig's _Hochelaga Depicta_, 1839, it is called St. Peter's River.
   The same stream on Bouchette's map, 1830, is denominated Little River.
   It seems not unlikely that a part of it was called, at one time, Riviere
   St. Pierre, and another part Petite Riviere.

   It is plain that on this stream was situated the sixty acres of cleared
   land alluded to in the text as formerly occupied by the savages.

   It will be remembered that seventy-six years anterior to this, in 1535,
   Jacques Cartier discovered this place, which was then the seat of a
   large and flourishing Indian town. It is to be regretted that Champlain
   did not inform us more definitely as to the history of the former
   occupants of the soil. Some important, and we think conclusive, reasons
   have been assigned for supposing that they were a tribe of the Iroquois.
   Among others may be mentioned the similarity in the construction of
   their towns and houses or cabins, the identity of their language as
   determined by a collation of the words found in Cartier's journal with
   the language of the Iroquois; and to these may be added the traditions
   obtained by missionaries and others, as cited by Laverdiere, to which we
   must not, however, attach too much value. _Vide Laverdiere in loco_.
   While it seems probable that the former occupants were of the Iroquois
   family, it is impossible to determine whether on retiring they joined
   the Five Nations in the State of New York, or merged themselves with the
   Hurons, who were likewise of Iroquois origin.

6. I am unable to identify this plant. Its climbing propensity and the
   color of its fruit suggest _Rhus radicans_, but in other respects the
   similarity fails.

7. _Cerfs, Daims, Cheureuls, Caribous_. Champlain employs the names of the
   different species of the Cerf family as used in Europe; but as our
   species are different, this use of names creates some confusion. There
   were in Canada, the moose, the caribou, the wapiti, and the common red
   deer. Any enumeration by the early writers must include these, under
   whatever names they may be described. One will be found applying a name
   to a given species, while another will apply the same name to quite a
   different species. Charlevoix mentions the orignal (moose) caribou, the
   hart, and the roebuck. Under the name _hart_, he probably refers to the
   wapiti, _elaphus Canadensis_, and _roe-buck_, to the common red deer,
   _Cervus Virginianus_. _Vide Charlevoix's Letters to the Dutchess of
   Lesdiguieres_, 1763, pp. 64-69, also Vol. I. of this work, p. 265.

8. Lynxes, _Loups-serviers_. The compound word _loup-cervier_ was
   significant, and was applied originally to the animal of which the stag
   was its natural prey, _qui attaque les cerfs_. In Europe it described
   the lynx, a large powerful animal of the feline race, that might well
   venture to attack the stag. But in Canada this species is not found.
   What is known as the Canadian lynx, _Felis Canadensis_, is only a large
   species of cat, which preys upon birds and the smaller quadrupeds.
   Champlain probably gives it the name _loup-servier_ for the want of one
   more appropriate. It is a little remarkable that he does not in this
   list mention the American wolf, _Lupus occidentalis_, so common in every
   part of Canada, and which he subsequently refers to as the animal
   especially dreaded by the deer. _Vide postea_, pp. 139, 157.

9. The site of Place Royale was on Point Callieres, so named in honor of
   Chevalier Louis Hector de Callieres Bonnevue, governor of Montreal in
   1684.

10. It seems most likely that the name of this island was suggested by the
    marriage which Champlain had contracted with Helene Boulle, the year
    before. This name had been given to several other places. _Vide_ Vol.
    I. pp. 104, 105.

11. _Vide_ Vol. I. p. 268, note 191. _Walker and Miles's Atlas_, map 186.

12. The Lake of the Two Mountains. _Vide antea_, note 4.

13. On Champlain's local map of the Falls of St. Louis, the letter Q is
    wanting; but the expression, _ceste isle est au milieu du faut_, in the
    middle of the fall, as suggested by Laverdiere, indicates that the
    island designated by the letter R is Heron Island. _Vide postea_, R on
    map at p. 18.

14. _Grand Tibie_, so in the original. This is a typographical error for
    _grand terre_. _Vide_ Champlain, 1632, Quebec ed., p. 842.

15. The death of this young man may have suggested the name which was
    afterward given to the fall. He was, however, it is reasonable to
    suppose, hardly equal in sanctity of character to the Saint Louis of
    the French. Hitherto it had been called _Le Grand Saut_. But soon after
    this it began to be called _Grand Saut S. Louys_. _Vide postea_,
    pp. 38, 51, 59.




CHAPTER III.

TWO HUNDRED SAVAGES RETURN THE FRENCHMAN WHO HAD BEEN ENTRUSTED TO THEM,
AND RECEIVE THE SAVAGE WHO HAD COME BACK FROM FRANCE.--VARIOUS INTERVIEWS
ON BOTH SIDES.


On the thirteenth day of the month [16] two hundred Charioquois [17]
savages, together with the captains Ochateguin, Iroquet, and Tregouaroti,
brother of our savage, brought back my servant. [18] We were greatly
pleased to see them. I went to meet them in a canoe with our savage. As
they were approaching slowly and in order, our men prepared to salute them
with a discharge of arquebuses, muskets, and small pieces. When they were
near at hand, they all set to shouting together, and one of the chiefs gave
orders that they should make their harangue, in which they greatly praised
us, commending us as truthful, inasmuch as I had kept the promise to meet
them at this fall. After they had made three more shouts, there was a
discharge of musketry twice from thirteen barques or pataches that were
there. This alarmed them so, that they begged me to assure them that there
should be no more firing, saying that the greater part of them had never
seen Christians, nor heard thunderings of that sort, and that they were
afraid of its harming them, but that they were greatly pleased to see our
savage in health, whom they supposed was dead, as had been reported by some
Algonquins, who had heard so from the Montagnais. The savage commended the
treatment I had shown him in France, and the remarkable objects he had
seen, at which all wondered, and went away quietly to their cabins,
expecting that on the next day I would show them the place where I wished
to have them dwell. I saw also my servant, who was dressed in the costume
of the savages, who commended the treatment he had received from them. He
informed me of all he had seen and learned during the winter, from the
savages.

The next day I showed them a spot for their cabins, in regard to which the
elders and principal ones consulted very privately. After their long
consultation they sent for me alone and my servant, who had learned their
language very well. They told him they desired a close alliance with me,
and were sorry to see here all these shallops, and that our savage had told
them he did not know them at all nor their intentions, and that it was
clear that they were attracted only by their desire of gain and their
avarice, and that when their assistance was needed they would refuse it,
and would not act as I did in offering to go with my companions to their
country and assist them, of all of which I had given them proofs in the
past. They praised me for the treatment I had shown our savage, which was
that of a brother, and had put them under such obligations of good will to
me, that they said they would endeavor to comply with anything I might
desire from them, but that they feared that the other boats would do them
some harm. I assured them that they would not, and that we were all under
one king, whom our savage had seen, and belonged to the same nation, though
matters of business were confined to individuals, and that they had no
occasion to fear, but might feel as much security as if they were in their
own country. After considerable conversation, they made me a present of a
hundred castors. I gave them in exchange other kinds of merchandise. They
told me there were more than four hundred savages of their country who had
purposed to come, but had been prevented by the following representations
of an Iroquois prisoner, who had belonged to me, but had escaped to his own
country. He had reported, they said, that I had given him his liberty and
some merchandise, and that I purposed to go to the fall with six hundred
Iroquois to meet the Algonquins and kill them all, adding that the fear
aroused by this intelligence had alone prevented them from coming. I
replied that the prisoner in question had escaped without my leave, that
our savage knew very well how he went away, and that there was no thought
of abandoning their alliance, as they had heard, since I had engaged in war
with them, and sent my servant to their country to foster their friendship,
which was still farther confirmed by my keeping my promise to them in so
faithful a manner.

They replied that, so far as they were concerned, they had never thought of
this; that they were well aware that all this talk was far from the truth,
and that if they had believed the contrary they would not have come, but
that the others were afraid, never having seen a Frenchman except my
servant. They told me also that three hundred Algonquins would come in five
or six days, if we would wait for them, to unite with themselves in war
against the Iroquois; that, however, they would return without doing so
unless I went. I talked a great deal with them about the source of the
great river and their country, and they gave me detailed information about
their rivers, falls, lakes and lands, as also about the tribes living
there, and what is to be found in the region. Four of them assured me that
they had seen a sea at a great distance from their country, but that it was
difficult to go there, not only on account of the wars, but of the
intervening wilderness. They told me also that the winter before some
savages had come from the direction of Florida, beyond the country of the
Iroquois, who lived near our ocean, and were in alliance with these
savages. In a word, they made me a very exact statement, indicating by
drawings all the places where they had been, and taking pleasure in talking
to me about them; and for my part I did not tire of listening to them, as
they confirmed points in regard to which I had been before in doubt. After
all this conversation was concluded, I told them that we would trade for
the few articles they had, which was done the next day. Each one of the
barques carried away its portion; we on our side had all the hardship and
venture; the others, who had not troubled themselves about any
explorations, had the booty, the only thing that urges them to activity, in
which they employ no capital and venture nothing.

The next day, after bartering what little they had, they made a barricade
about their dwelling, partly in the direction of the wood, and partly in
that of our pataches; and this they said they did for their security, in
order to avoid the surprises of their enemies, which we took for the
truth. On the coming night, they called our savage, who was sleeping on my
patache, and my servant, who went to them. After a great deal of
conversation, about midnight they had me called also. Entering their
cabins, I found them all seated in council. They had me sit down near them,
saying that when they met for the purpose of considering a matter, it was
their custom to do so at night, that they might not be diverted by anything
from attention to the subject in hand; that at night one thought only of
listening, while during the day the thoughts were distracted by other
objects.

But in my opinion, confiding in me, they desired to tell me privately their
purpose. Besides, they were afraid of the other pataches, as they
subsequently gave me to understand. For they told me that they were uneasy
at seeing so many Frenchmen, who were not especially united to one another,
and that they had desired to see me alone; that some of them had been
beaten; that they were as kindly disposed towards me as towards their own
children, confiding so much in me that they would do whatever I told them
to do, but that they greatly mistrusted the others; that if I returned I
might take as many of their people as I wished, if it were under the
guidance of a chief; and that they sent for me to assure me anew of their
friendship, which would never be broken, and to express the hope that I
might never be ill disposed towards them; and being aware that I had
determined to visit their country, they said they would show it to me at
the risk of their lives, giving me the assistance of a large number of men,
who could go everywhere; and that in future we should expect such treatment
from them as they had received from us.

Straightway they brought fifty castors and four strings of beads, which
they value as we do gold chains, saying that I should share these with my
brother, referring to Pont Grave, we being present together; that these
presents were sent by other captains, who had never seen me; that they
desired to continue friends to me; that if any of the French wished to go
with them, they should be greatly pleased to have them do so; and that they
desired more than ever to establish a firm friendship. After much
conversation with them, I proposed that inasmuch as they were desirous to
have me visit their country, I would petition His Majesty to assist us to
the extent of forty or fifty men, equipped with what was necessary for the
journey, and that I would embark with them on condition that they would
furnish us the necessary provisions for the journey, and that I would take
presents for the chiefs of the country through which we should pass, when
we would return to our settlement to spend the winter; that moreover, if I
found their country favorable and fertile, we would make many settlements
there, by which means we should have frequent intercourse with each other,
living happily in the future in the fear of God, whom we would make known
to them. They were well pleased with this proposition, and begged me to
shake hands upon it, saying that they on their part would do all that was
possible for its fulfilment; that, in regard to provisions, we should be as
well supplied as they themselves, assuring me again that they would show me
what I desired to see. Thereupon, I took leave of them at daybreak,
thanking them for their willingness to carry out my wishes, and entreating
them to continue to entertain the same feelings.

On the next day, the 17th, they said that they were going castor-hunting,
and that they would all return. On the following morning they finished
bartering what little they had, when they embarked in their canoes, asking
us not to take any steps towards taking down their dwellings, which we
promised them. Then they separated from each other, pretending to go a
hunting in different directions. They left our savage with me that we might
have less distrust in them. But they had appointed themselves a rendezvous
above the fall, where they knew well enough that we could not go with our
barques. Meanwhile, we awaited them in accordance with what they had told
us.

The next day there came two savages, one Iroquet, the other the brother of
our Savignon. They came to get the latter, and ask me in behalf of all
their companions to go alone with my servant to where they were encamped,
as they had something of importance to tell me, which they were unwilling
to communicate to any Frenchmen. I promised them that I would go.

The following day I gave some trifles to Savignon, who set out much
pleased, giving me to understand that he was about to live a very irksome
life in comparison with that which he had led in France. He expressed much
regret at separation, but I was very glad to be relieved of the care of
him. The two captains told me that on the morning of the next day they
would send for me, which they did. I embarked, accompanied by my servant,
with those who came. Having arrived at the fall, we went some eight leagues
into the woods, where they were encamped on the shore of a lake, where I
had been before.[19] They were much pleased at seeing me, and began to
shout after their custom. Our Indian came out to meet me, and ask me to go
to the cabin of his brother, where he at once had some meat and fish put on
the fire for my entertainment. While I was there, a banquet was held, to
which all the leading Indians were invited. I was not forgotten, although I
had already eaten sufficiently; but, in order not to violate the custom of
the country, I attended. After banqueting, they went into the woods to hold
their council, and meanwhile I amused myself in looking at the country
round about, which is very pleasant.

Some time after they called me, in order to communicate to me what they had
resolved upon. I proceeded to them accordingly with my servant. After I had
seated myself by their side, they said they were very glad to see me, and
to find that I had not failed to keep my word in what I had promised them;
saying that they felt it an additional proof of my affection that I
continued the alliance with them, and that before setting out they desired
to take leave of me, as it would have been a very great disappointment to
them to go away without seeing me, thinking that I would in that case have
been ill disposed towards them. They said also that what had led them to
say they were going a hunting, and build the barricade, was not the fear of
their enemies nor the desire of hunting, but their fear of all the other
pataches accompanying me, inasmuch as they had heard it said that on the
night they sent for me they were all to be killed, and that I should not be
able to protect them from the others who were much more numerous; so that
in order to get away they made use of this ruse. But they said if there had
been only our two pataches they would have stayed some days longer, and
they begged that, when I returned with my companions, I would not bring any
others. To this I replied that I did not bring these, but that they
followed without my invitation; that in the future, however, I would come
in another manner; at which explanation they were much pleased.

And now they began again to repeat what they had promised me in regard to
the exploration of the country, while I promised, with the help of God, to
fulfil what I had told them. They besought me again to give them a man, and
I replied that if there was any one among us who was willing to go, I
should be well pleased.

They told me there was a merchant, named Bouyer, commander of a patache,
who had asked them to take a young man, which request, however, they had
been unwilling to grant before ascertaining whether this was agreeable to
me, as they did not know whether we were friends, since he had come in my
company to trade with them; also that they were in no wise under any
obligations to him, but that he had offered to make them large presents.

I replied that we were in no wise enemies, and that they had often seen us
conversing with each other; but that in regard to traffic each did what he
could, and that the above-named Bouyer was perhaps desirous of sending this
young man as I had sent mine, hoping for some return in the future, which I
could also lay claim to from them; that, however, they must judge towards
whom they had the greatest obligations, and from whom they were to expect
the most.

They said there was no comparison between the obligations in the two cases,
not only in view of the help I had rendered them in their wars against
their enemies, but also of the offer of my personal assistance in the
future, in all of which they had found me faithful to the truth, adding
that all depended on my pleasure. They said moreover that what made them
speak of the matter was the presents he had offered them, and that, if this
young man should go with them, it would not put them under such obligations
to this Bouyer as they were under to me, and that it would have no
influence upon the future, since they only took him on account of the
presents from Bouyer.

I replied that it was indifferent to me whether they took him or not, and
in fact that if they took him for a small consideration I should be
displeased at it, but if in return for valuable presents, I should be
satisfied, provided he stayed with Iroquet; which they promised me. Then
there was made on both sides a final statement of our agreements. They had
with them one who had three times been made prisoner by the Iroquois, but
had been successful in escaping. This one resolved to go, with nine others,
to war, for the sake of revenge for the cruelties his enemies had caused
him to suffer. All the captains begged me to dissuade him if possible,
since he was very valiant, and they were afraid that, advancing boldly
towards the enemy, and supported by a small force only, he would never
return. To satisfy them I endeavored to do so, and urged all the reasons I
could, which, however, availed little; for he, showing me a portion of his
fingers cut off, also great cuts and burns on his body, as evidences of the
manner they had tortured him, said that it was impossible for him to live
without killing some of his enemies and having vengeance, and that his
heart told him he must set out as soon as possible, as he did, firmly
resolved to behave well.

After concluding with them, I asked them to take me back in our patache. To
accomplish this, they got ready eight canoes in order to pass the fall,
stripping themselves naked, and directing me to go only in my shirt. For it
often happens that some are lost in passing the fall. Consequently, they
keep close to each other, so as to render assistance at once, if any canoe
should happen to turn over. They said to me, if yours should unfortunately
overturn, not knowing how to swim, you must not think of abandoning it, and
must cling to the little pieces in the middle of it, for we can easily
rescue you. I am sure that even the most self-possessed persons in the
world, who have not seen this place nor passed it in little boats such as
they have, could not do so without the greatest apprehension. But these
people are so skilful in passing falls, that it is an easy matter for
them. I passed with them, which I had never before done, nor any other
Christian, except my above-mentioned servant. Then we reached our barques,
where I lodged a large number of them, and had some conversation with the
before-mentioned Bouyer in view of the fear he entertained that I should
prevent his servant from going with the savages. They returned the next day
with the young man, who proved expensive to his master who had expected, in
my opinion, to recover the losses of his voyage, which were very
considerable, like those of many others.

One of our young men also determined to go with these savages, who are
Charioquois, living at a distance of some one hundred and fifty leagues
from the fall. He went with the brother of Savignon, one of the captains,
who promised me to show him all that could be seen. Bouyer's man went with
the above-mentioned Iroquet, an Algonquin, who lives some eighty leagues
from the fall. Both went off well pleased and contented.

After the departure of the savages, we awaited the three hundred others
who, as had been told us, were to come, in accordance with the promise I
had made them. Finding that they did not come, all the pataches determined
to induce some Algonquin savages, who had come from Tadoussac, to go to
meet them, in view of a reward that would be given them on their return,
which was to be at the latest not over nine days from the time of their
departure, so that we might know whether to expect them or not, and be able
to return to Tadoussac. This they agreed to, and a canoe left with this
purpose.

On the fifth of July a canoe arrived from the Algonquins, who were to come
to the number of three hundred. From it we learned that the canoe which had
set out from us had arrived in their country, and that their companions,
wearied by their journey, were resting, and that they would soon arrive, in
fulfilment of the promise they had made; that at most they would not be
more than eight days behindhand, but that there would be only twenty-four
canoes, as one of their captains and many of their comrades had died of a
fever that had broken out among them. They also said that they had sent
many to the war, which had hindered their progress. We determined to wait
for them.

But finding that this period had elapsed without their arrival, Pont Grave
set out from the fall on the eleventh of the month, to arrange some matters
at Tadoussac, while I stayed to await the savages.

The same day a patache arrived, bringing provisions for the numerous
barques of which our party consisted. For our bread, wine, meat, and cider
had given out some days before, obliging us to have recourse to fishing,
the fine river water, and some radishes which grow in great abundance in
the country; otherwise we should have been obliged to return. The same day
an Algonquin canoe arrived, assuring us that on the next day the
twenty-four canoes were to come, twelve of them prepared for war.

On the twelfth the Algonquins arrived with some little merchandise. Before
trafficking they made a present to a Montagnais Indian, the son of
Anadabijou, [20] who had lately died, in order to mitigate his grief at the
death of his father. Shortly after they resolved to make some presents to
all the captains of the pataches. They gave to each of them ten castors,
saying they were very sorry they had no more, but that the war, to which
most of them were going, was the reason; they begged, however, that what
they offered might be accepted in good part, saying that they were all
friends to us, and to me, who was seated near them, more than to all the
others, who were well disposed towards them only on account of their
castors, and had not always assisted them like myself, whom they had never
found double-tongued like the rest.

I replied that all those whom they saw gathered together were their
friends; that, in case an opportunity should present itself, they would not
fail to do their duty; that we were all friends; that they should continue
to be well disposed towards us; that we would make them presents in return
for those they gave us; and that they should trade in peace. This they did,
and carried away what they could.

The next day they brought me privately forty castors, assuring me of their
friendship, and that they were very glad of the conclusion which I had
reached with the savages who had gone away, and that we should make a
settlement at the fall, which I assured them we would do, making them a
present in return.

After everything had been arranged, they determined to go and obtain the
body of Outetoucos, who was drowned at the fall, as we have before
mentioned. They went to the spot where he had been buried, disinterred him
and carried him to the island of St Helene, where they performed their
usual ceremony, which is to sing and dance over the grave with festivities
and banquets following. I asked them why they disinterred the body. They
replied that if their enemies should find the grave they would do so, and
divide the body into several pieces, which they would then hang to trees in
order to offend them. For this reason they said that they transferred it to
a place off from the road, and in the most secret manner possible.

On the 15th there arrived fourteen canoes, the chief over which was named
_Tecouehata_. Upon their arrival all the other savages took up arms and
performed some circular evolutions. After going around and dancing to their
satisfaction, the others who were in their canoes also began to dance,
making various movements of the body. After finishing their singing, they
went on shore with a small quantity of furs, and made presents similar to
those of the others. These were reciprocated by some of equal value. The
next day they trafficked in what little they had, and presented me
personally with thirty castors, for which I made them an acknowledgment.
They begged me to continue my good will to them, which I promised to do.
They spoke with me very especially respecting certain explorations towards
the north, which might prove advantageous; and said, in reference to them,
that if any one of my company would like to go with them, they would show
him what would please me, and would treat him as one of their own children.
I promised to give them a young man, at which they were much pleased. When
he took leave of me to go with them, I gave him a detailed memorandum of
what he was to observe while with them. After they had bartered what little
they had, they separated into three parties; one for the war, another for
the great fall, another for a little river which flows into that of the
great fall. Thus they set out on the 18th day of the month, on which day we
also departed.

The same day we made the thirty leagues from this fall to the Trois
Rivieres. On the 19th we arrived at Quebec, which is also thirty leagues
from the Trois Rivieres. I induced the most of those in each boat to stay
at the settlement, when I had some repairs made and some rose-bushes set
out. I had also some oak wood put on board to make trial of in France, not
only for marine wainscoting, but also for windows. The next day, the 20th
of July, I set out. On the 23d I arrived at Tadoussac, whence I resolved to
return to France, in accordance with the advice of Pont Grave. After
arranging matters relating to our settlement, according to the directions
which Sieur de Monts had given me, I embarked in the vessel of Captain
Tibaut, of La Rochelle, on the 11th of August. During our passage we had an
abundance of fish, such as _orades_, mackerel, and _pilotes_, the latter
similar to herrings, and found about certain planks covered with
_pousle-pieds_, a kind of shell-fish attaching itself thereto, and growing
there gradually. Sometimes the number of these little fish is so great that
it is surprising to behold. We caught also some porpoises and other species
of fish. The weather was favorable as far as Belle Isle, [21] where we were
overtaken by fogs, which continued three or four days. The weather then
becoming fair, we sighted Alvert, [22] and arrived at La Rochelle on the
16th of September, 1611.

ENDNOTES:

16. June 13th.

17. _Charioquois_. In the issue of 1632, p. 397, Champlain has _Sauuages
    Hurons_. It is probable that Charioquois was only a chief of the
    Hurons.

18. This was the young man that had been sent to pass the winter with the
    Indians, in exchange for the savage which had accompanied Champlain to
    France. _Vide antea_, Vol. II. p. 246.

19. This was doubtless on the Lake of Two Mountains.

20. Champlain's orthography is here _Aronadabigeau. Vide_ Vol. I pp. 236,
    291.

21. Belle Ile. An island on the coast of Brittany in France.

22. Alvert, a village near Marennes, which they sighted as they approached
    La Rochelle.




CHAPTER IV.

ARRIVAL AT LA ROCHELLE.--DISSOLUTION OF THE PARTNERSHIP BETWEEN SIEUR DE
MONTS AND HIS ASSOCIATES, THE SIEURS COLIER AND LE GENDRE OF ROUEN.--
JEALOUSY OF THE FRENCH IN REGARD TO THE NEW DISCOVERIES IN NEW FRANCE.


Upon my arrival at La Rochelle I proceeded to visit Sieur de Monts, at Pons
[23] in Saintonge, to inform him of all that had occurred during the
expedition, and of the promise which the Ochateguins[24] and Algonquins had
made me, on condition that we would assist them in their wars, as I had
agreed. Sieur de Monts, after listening to it all, determined to go to the
Court to arrange the matter. I started before him to go there also. But on
the way I was unfortunately detained by the falling of a horse upon me,
which came near killing me. This fall detained me some time; but as soon as
I had sufficiently recovered from its effects I set out again to complete
my journey and meet Sieur de Monts at Fontainebleau, who, upon his return
to Paris, had a conference with his associates. The latter were unwilling
to continue in the association, as there was no commission forbidding any
others from going to the new discoveries and trading with the inhabitants
of the country. Sieur de Monts, seeing this, bargained with them for what
remained at the settlement at Quebec, in consideration of a sum of money
which he gave them for their share. He sent also some men to take care of
the settlement, in the expectation of obtaining a commission from His
Majesty. But while he was engaged in the pursuit of this object some
important matters demanded his attention, so that he was obliged to abandon
it, and he left me the duty of taking the necessary steps for it. As I was
about arranging the matter, the vessels arrived from New France with men
from our settlement, those whom I had sent into the interior with the
savages. They brought me very important information, saying that more than
two hundred savages had come, expecting to find me at the great fall of
St. Louis, where I had appointed a rendezvous, with the intention of
assisting them according to their request. But, finding that I had not kept
my promise, they were greatly displeased. Our men, however, made some
apologies, which were accepted, and assured them that they would not fail
to come the following year or never. The savages agreed to this on their
part. But several others left the old trading-station of Tadoussac, and
came to the fall with many small barques to see if they could engage in
traffic with these people, whom they assured that I was dead, although our
men stoutly declared the contrary. This shows how jealousy against
meritorious objects gets possession of bad natures; and all they want is
that men should expose themselves to a thousand dangers, to discover
peoples and territories, that they themselves may have the profit and
others the hardship. It is not reasonable that one should capture the lamb
and another go off with the fleece. If they had been willing to participate
in our discoveries, use their means, and risk their persons, they would
have given evidence of their honor and nobleness, but on the contrary they
show clearly that they are impelled by pure malice that they may enjoy the
fruit of our labors equally with ourselves.

On this subject, and to show how many persons strive to pervert
praiseworthy enterprises, I will instance again the people of St. Malo and
others, who say that the profit of these discoveries belongs to them, since
Jacques Cartier, who first visited Canada and the islands of New Foundland,
was from their city, as if that city had contributed to the expenses of
these discoveries of Jacques Cartier, who went there by the order and at
the expense of King Francis I, in the years 1534 and 1535 to discover these
territories now called New France. If then Cartier made any discovery at
the expense of His Majesty, all his subjects have the same rights and
liberties in them as the people of St. Malo, who cannot prevent others who
make farther discoveries at their own expense, as is shown in the case of
the discoveries above described, from profiting by them in peace. Hence
they ought not to claim any rights if they themselves make no
contributions, and their reasons for doing so are weak and foolish.

To prove more conclusively that they who maintain this position do so
without any foundation, let us suppose that a Spaniard or other foreigner
had discovered lands and wealth at the expense of the King of France. Could
the Spaniards or other foreigners claim these discoveries and this wealth
on the ground that the discoverer was a Spaniard or foreigner? No! There
would be no sense in doing so, and they would always belong to France.
Hence the people of St. Malo cannot make these claims for the reason which
they give, that Cartier was a citizen of their city; and they can only take
cognizance of the fact that he was a citizen of theirs, and render him
accordingly the praise which is his due.

Besides, Cartier in the voyage which he made never passed the great fall of
St. Louis, and made no discoveries north or south of the river
St. Lawrence. His narratives give no evidence of it, in which he speaks
only of the river Saguenay, the Trois Rivieres and St. Croix, where he
spent the winter in a fort near our settlement. Had he done so, he would
not have failed to mention it, any more than what he has mentioned, which
shows that he left all the upper part of the St. Lawrence, from Tadoussac
to the great fall, being a territory difficult to explore, and that he was
unwilling to expose himself or let his barques engage in the venture. So
that what he did has borne no fruit until four years ago, when we made our
settlement at Quebec, after which I ventured to pass the fall to help the
savages in their wars, and fend among them men to make the acquaintance of
the people, to learn their mode of living, and the character and extent of
their territory. After devoting ourselves to labors which have been so
successful, is it not just that we should enjoy their fruits, His Majesty
not having contributed anything to aid those who have assumed the
responsibilities of these undertakings up to the present time. I hope that
God will at some time incline him to do so much for His service, his own
glory and the welfare of his subjects, as to bring many new peoples to the
knowledge of our faith, that they may at last enjoy the heavenly kingdom.


NOTE.

Champlain here introduces an explanation of his two geographical maps of
New France, and likewise his method of determining a meridian line. For
convenience of use the maps are placed at the end of this work, and for the
same reason these explanations are carried forward to p. 219, in immediate
proximity to the maps which they explain.--EDITOR.

ENDNOTES:

23. De Monts was governor of Pons, a town situated about ten miles south of
    Saintes, in the present department of Lower Charente.

24. _Ochateguins. Vide_ Vol III. Quebec ed. p 169. They were Hurons, and
    Ochateguin is supposed to have been one of their chiefs. _Vide_ Vol
    II. note 321.




FOURTH VOYAGE
OF
SIEUR DE CHAMPLAIN,

CAPTAIN IN ORDINARY TO THE KING IN THE MARINE, AND
LIEUTENANT OF MONSEIGNEUR LE PRINCE DE
CONDE IN NEW FRANCE,

MADE IN THE YEAR 1613.


To the very high, powerful, and excellent Henri de Bourbon, Prince de
Conde, First Prince of the Blood, First Peer of France, Governor and
Lieutenant of His Majesty in Guienne.

_Monseigneur,

The Honor that I have received from your Highness in being intrusted with
the discovery of New France has inspired in me the desire to pursue with
still greater pains and zeal than ever the search for the North Sea. With
this object in view I have made a voyage during the past year, 1613,
relying on a man whom I had sent there and who assured me he had seen it,
as you will perceive in this brief narrative, which I venture to present to
your Excellence, and in which are particularly described all the toils and
sufferings I have had in the undertaking. But although I regret having lost
this year so far as the main object is concerned, yet my expectation, as in
the first voyage, of obtaining more definite information respecting the
subject from the savages, has been fulfilled. They have told me about
various lakes and rivers in the north, in view of which, aside from their
assurance that they know of this sea, it seems to me easy to conclude from
the maps that it cannot be far from the farthest discoveries I have
hitherto made. Awaiting a favorable time and opportunity to prosecute my
plans, and praying God to preserve you, most happy Prince, in all
prosperity, wherein consists my highest wish for your greatness, I remain
in the quality of

  Your most humble and devoted servant,

    SAMUEL DE CHAMPLAIN_.




FOURTH VOYAGE
OF
SIEUR DE CHAMPLAIN,

CAPTAIN IN ORDINARY TO THE KING IN THE MARINE, AND
LIEUTENANT OF MONSEIGNEUR LE PRINCE DE
CONDE IN NEW FRANCE,

MADE IN THE YEAR 1613.




CHAPTER I.

WHAT LED ME TO SEEK FOR TERMS OF REGULATION.--A COMMISSION OBTAINED--
OPPOSITIONS TO THE SAME.--PUBLICATION AT LAST IN ALL THE PORTS OF FRANCE.

The desire which I have always had of making new discoveries in New France,
for the good, profit, and glory of the French name, and at the same time to
lead the poor natives to the knowledge of God, has led me to seek more and
more for the greater facility of this undertaking, which can only be
secured by means of good regulations. For, since individuals desire to
gather the fruits of my labor without contributing to the expenses and
great outlays requisite for the support of the settlements necessary to a
successful result, this branch of trade is ruined by the greediness of
gain, which is so great that it causes merchants to set out prematurely in
order to arrive first in this country. By this means they not only become
involved in the ice, but also in their own ruin, for, from trading with the
savages in a secret manner and offering through rivalry with each other
more merchandise than is necessary, they get the worst of the bargain.
Thus, while purposing to deceive their associates, they generally deceive
themselves.

For this reason, when I returned to France on the 10th of September, 1611,
I spoke to Sieur de Monts about the matter, who approved of my suggestions;
but his engagements not allowing him to prosecute the matter at court, he
left to me its whole management.

I then drew up a statement, which I presented to President Jeannin, who,
being a man desirous of seeing good undertakings prosper, commended my
project, and encouraged me in its prosecution.

But feeling assured that those who love to fish in troubled waters would be
vexed at such regulations and seek means to thwart them, it seemed
advisable to throw myself into the hands of some power whose authority
would prevail over their jealousy.

Now, knowing Monseigneur le Comte de Soissons[25] to be a prince devout and
well disposed to all holy undertakings, I addressed myself to him through
Sieur de Beaulieu, councillor, and almoner in ordinary to the King, and
urged upon him the importance of the matter, setting forth the means of
regulating it, the harm which disorder had heretofore produced, and the
total ruin with which it was threatened, to the great dishonor of the
French name, unless God should raise up some one who would reanimate it and
give promise of securing for it some day the success which had hitherto
been little anticipated. After he had been informed in regard to all the
details of the scheme and seen the map of the country which I had made, he
promised me, under the sanction of the King, to undertake the protectorate
of the enterprise.

I immediately after presented to His Majesty, and to the gentlemen of his
Council, a petition accompanied by articles, to the end that it might
please him to issue regulations for the undertaking, without which, as I
have said, it would fail. Accordingly his Majesty gave the direction and
control to the before-mentioned Count, who then honored me with the
lieutenancy.

Now as I was preparing to publish the commission [26] of the King in all
the ports and harbors of France, there occurred the sickness and greatly
lamented death of the Count, which postponed somewhat the undertaking. But
his Majesty at once committed the direction to Monseigneur le Prince,[27]
who proceeded in the execution of its duties, and, having in like manner
honored me with the lieutenancy, [28] directed me to go on with the
publication of the commission. But as soon as this was done, some marplots,
who had no interest in the matter, importuned him to annul it, representing
to him as they claimed the interests of all the merchants of France, who
had no cause for complaint, since all were received into the association
and could not therefore justly be aggrieved. Accordingly, their evil
intention being recognized, they were dismissed, with permission only to
enter into the association.

During these altercations, it was impossible for me, as the time of my
departure was very near at hand, to do anything for the habitation at
Quebec, for repairing and enlarging which I desired to take out some
workmen. It was accordingly necessary to go out this year without any
farther organization. The passports of Monseigneur le Prince were made out
for four vessels, which were already in readiness for the voyage, viz.
three from Rouen and one from La Rochelle, on condition that each should
furnish four men for my assistance, not only in my discoveries but in war,
as I desired to keep the promise which I had made to the Ochataiguins [29]
in the year 1611, to assist them in their wars at the time of my next
voyage.

As I was preparing to set out, I was informed that the Parliamentary Court
of Rouen would not permit the publication of the commission of the King,
because his Majesty had reserved to himself and his Council the sole
cognizance of the differences which might arise in this matter; added to
which was the fact that the merchants of St. Malo were also opposed to it.
This greatly embarrassed me, and obliged me to make three journeys to
Rouen, with orders of his Majesty, in consideration of which the Court
desisted from their inhibition, and the assumptions of the opponents were
overruled. The commission was then published in all the ports of Normandy.

ENDNOTES:

25. For a brief notice of the Count de Soissons, _vide_ Vol. I. note 74;
    also note by Laverdiere, Quebec ed., p. 433.

26. This Commission, dated October 15, 1612, will be found in Champlain's
    issue of 1632. _Vide_ Quebec ed., p 887.

27. Henry de Bourbon. _Vide_ Vol. I. p 113, note 75.

28. Champlain was appointed lieutenant of the Prince de Conde on the 22d
    day of November, 1612. _Vide_ issue of 1632, Quebec ed., p. 1072.

29. Ochateguins, or Hurons.




CHAPTER II.

DEPARTURE FROM FRANCE.--WHAT TOOK PLACE UP TO OUR ARRIVAL AT THE FALLS.


I set out from Rouen on the 5th of March for Honfleur, accompanied by Sieur
L'Ange, to assist me in my explorations, and in war if occasion should
require.

On the next day, the 6th of the month, we embarked in the vessel of Sieur
de Pont Grave, immediately setting sail, with a favorable wind.

On the 10th of April we sighted the Grand Bank, where we several times
tried for fish, but without success.

On the 15th we had a violent gale, accompanied by rain and hail, which was
followed by another, lasting forty-eight hours, and so violent as to cause
the loss of several vessels on the island of Cape Breton.

On the 21st we sighted the island and Cap de Raye. [30] On the 29th the
Montagnais savages, perceiving us from All Devils' Point, [31] threw
themselves into their canoes and came to meet us, being so thin and
hideous-looking that I did not recognize them. At once they began crying
for bread, saying that they were dying of hunger. This led us to conclude
that the winter had not been severe, and consequently the hunting poor,
which matter we have alluded to in previous voyages.

Having arrived on board of our vessel they examined the faces of all, and
as I was not to be seen anywhere they asked where Monsieur de Champlain
was, and were answered that I had remained in France. But this they would
not think of believing, and an old man among them came to me in a corner
where I was walking, not desiring to be recognized as yet, and taking me by
the ear, for he suspected who it was, saw the scar of the arrow wound,
which I received at the defeat of the Iroquois. At this he cried out, and
all the others after him, with great demonstrations of joy, saying, Your
people are awaiting you at the harbor of Tadoussac.

The same day we arrived at Tadoussac, and although we had set out last,
nevertheless arrived first, Sieur Boyer of Rouen arriving with the same
tide. From this it is evident that to set out before the season is simply
rushing into the ice. When we had anchored, our friends came out to us,
and, after informing us how everything was at the habitation, began to
dress three _outardes_ [32] and two hares, which they had brought, throwing
the entrails overboard, after which the poor savages rushed, and, like
famished beasts, devoured them without drawing. They also scraped off with
their nails the fat with which our vessel had been coated, eating it
gluttonously as if they had found some great delicacy.

The next day two vessels arrived from St. Malo, which had set out before
the oppositions had been settled and the commission been published in
Normandy. I proceeded on board, accompanied by L'Ange. The Sieurs de la
Moinerie and la Tremblaye were in command, to whom I read the commission of
the King, and the prohibition against violating it on penalties attached to
the same. They replied that they were subjects and faithful servants of His
Majesty, and that they would obey his commands; and I then had attached to
a post in the port the arms and commission of His Majesty, that no ground
for ignorance might be claimed.

On the 2d of May, seeing two shallops equipped to go to the Falls, I
embarked with the before-mentioned L'Ange in one of them. We had very bad
weather, so that the masts of our shallop were broken, and had it not been
for the preserving hand of God we should have been lost, as was before our
eyes a shallop from St Malo, which was going to the Isle d'Orleans, those
on board of which however being saved.

On the 7th we arrived at Quebec, where we found in good condition those who
had wintered there, they not having been sick; they told us that the winter
had not been severe, and that the river had not frozen. The trees also were
beginning to put forth leaves and the fields to be decked with flowers.

On the 13th we set out from Quebec for the Falls of St. Louis, where we
arrived on the 21st, finding there one of, our barques which had set out
after us from Tadoussac, and which had traded some with a small troop of
Algonquins, who came from the war with the Iroquois, and had with them two
prisoners. Those in the barque gave them to understand that I had come with
a number of men to assist them in their wars, according to the promise I
had made them in previous years; also that I desired to go to their country
and enter into an alliance with all their friends, at which they were
greatly pleased. And, inasmuch as they were desirous of returning to their
country to assure their friends of their victory, see their wives, and put
to death their prisoners in a festive _tabagie_, they left us pledges of
their return, which they promised should be before the middle of the first
moon, according to their reckoning, their shields made of wood and elk
leather, and a part of their bows and arrows. I regretted very much that I
was not prepared to go with them to their country.

Three days after, three canoes arrived with Algonquins, who had come from
the interior, with some articles of merchandise which they bartered. They
told me that the bad treatment which the savages had received the year
before had discouraged them from coming any more, and that they did not
believe that I would ever return to their country on account of the wrong
impressions which those jealous of me had given them respecting me;
wherefore twelve hundred men had gone to the war, having no more hope from
the French, who, they did not believe, would return again to their country.

This intelligence greatly disheartened the merchants, as they had made a
great purchase of merchandise, with the expectation that the savages would
come, as they had been accustomed to. This led me to resolve, as I engaged
in my explorations, to pass through their country, in order to encourage
those who had stayed back, with an assurance of the good treatment they
would receive, and of the large amount of good merchandise at the Fall, and
also of the desire I had to assist them in their war. For carrying out this
purpose I requested three canoes and three savages to guide us, but after
much difficulty obtained only two and one savage, and this by means of some
presents made them.

ENDNOTES:

30. The _island_ refers to New Foundland. Cap de Raye, still known as Cape
    Ray, was on the southwestern angle of New Foundland.

31. Now called Point aux Vaches. It was sometimes called All-Devils'
    Point. _Vide_ note 136, Vol. I. p. 235.

32. _Outardes_. Sometimes written _houtardes_, and _Oltardes_. The name
    outarde or bustard, the _otis_ of ornithologists, a land bird of
    Europe, was applied to a species of goose in Canada at a very early
    period.

    The outarde is mentioned by Cartier in 1535, and the name may have been
    originally applied by the fishermen and fur-traders at a much earlier
    period, doubtless on account of some fancied resemblance which they saw
    to the lesser bustard or outarde, which was about the size of the
    English pheasant. _Vide Pennant's British Zoology_, Vol. I. p. 379.
    Cartier, Champlain, Lescarbot, Baron La Hontan, Potherie, and Charlvoix
    mention the outarde in catalogues of water-fowl in which _oye_, the
    goose, is likewise mentioned. They very clearly distinguish it from the
    class which they commonly considered _oyes_, or geese.  Cartier, for
    instance, says, Il y a aussi grand nombre d'oyseaulx, scauoir grues,
    signes, _oltardes, oyes sauuages, blanches, & grises_. Others speak of
    _outardes et oyes_. They do not generally describe it with
    particularity. Champlain, however, in describing the turkey, _cocq
    d'Inde_, on the coast of New England, says, _aussi gros qu'vne outarde,
    qui est une espece d'oye_.  Father Pierre Biard writes, _et au mesme
    temps les outardes arriuent du midy, qui sont grosses cannes au double
    des nostres_. From these statements it is obvious that the outarde was
    a species of goose, but was so small that it could well be described as
    a large duck. In New France there were at least four species of the
    goose, which might have come under the observation of the early
    navigators and explorers. We give them in the order of their size, as
    described in Coues' Key to North American Birds.

      1. Canada Goose, _Branta Canadensis_, SCOPOLI, 36 inches.
      2. Snow Goose, _Anser hyperboreus_, LINNAEUS, 30 inches.
      3. Am. White-fronted Goose, _Anser albifrons_, LINNAEUS, 27 inches.
      4. Brant Goose, _Branta bernicla_, SCOPOLI, 24 inches.

    Recurring to the statement of Cartier above cited, it will be observed
    that he mentions, besides the outarde, wild geese white and gray. The
    first and largest of the four species above mentioned, the Canada
    goose, _Branta Canadensis_, is gray, and the two next, the Snow goose
    and White-fronted, would be classified as white. This disposes of three
    of the four mentioned. The outarde of Cartier would therefore be the
    fourth species in the list, viz. the Brant goose. _Branta bernicla_.
    This is the smallest species found on our northern coast, and might
    naturally be described, as stated by Father Biard, as a large duck. It
    is obvious that the good Father could not have described the Canada
    goose, the largest of the four species, as a large duck, and the white
    geese have never been supposed to be referred to under the name of
    outarde. The Brant goose, to which all the evidence which we have been
    able to find in the Canadian authorities seems to point as the outarde
    of early times, is common in our markets in its season, but our
    market-men, unaccustomed to make scientific distinctions, are puzzled
    to decide whether it should be classed as a goose or a duck. It is not
    improbable that the early voyagers to our northern latitudes, unable to
    decide to which of these classes this water-fowl properly belonged, and
    seeing in it a fancied resemblance to the lesser outarde, with which
    they were familiar, gave it for sake of the distinction, but
    nevertheless inappropriately, the name of outarde. The reader is
    referred to the following authorities.

    _Vide Brief Recit_ par Jacques Cartier, 1545. D'Avezac ed., p. 33;
    _Champlain_, Quebec ed., p. 220; _Jesuite Relations_, 1616, p. 10; _Le
    Grand Voyage du Pays des Hurons_, par Sagard, Paris, 1632, p. 301;
    _Dictionaire de la Langue Hurone_, par Sagard, Paris, 1632, _oyseaux;
    Letters to the Dutchess of Lesdiguieres_, By Fr. Xa. de Charlevoix,
    London. 1763, p. 88; _Le Jeune, Relations des Jesuites_, 1633, P. 4,
    1636, p. 47; _Histoire de l'Amerique Septentrionale_, par de la
    Potherie, Paris, 1722, Vol. I. pp. 20, 172, 212, 308; _Lescarbot,
    Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, pp. 369, 582, 611.



CHAPTER III.

DEPARTURE TO DISCOVER THE NORTH SEA, ON THE GROUND OF THE REPORT MADE ME IN
REGARD TO IT. DESCRIPTION OF SEVERAL RIVERS, LAKES AND ISLANDS, THE FALLS
OF THE CHAUDIERE AND OTHER FALLS.


Now, as I had only two canoes, I could take with me but four men, among
whom was one named Nicholas de Vignau, the most impudent liar that has been
seen for a long time, as the sequel of this narrative will show. He had
formerly spent the winter with the savages, and I had sent him on
explorations the preceding years. He reported to me, on his return to Paris
in 1612, that he had seen the North Sea; that the river of the Algonquins
came from a lake which emptied into it; and that in seventeen days one
could go from the Falls of St. Louis to this sea and back again; that he
had seen the wreck and _debris_ of an English ship that had been wrecked,
on board of which were eighty men, who had escaped to the shore, and whom
the savages killed because the English endeavored to take from them by
force their Indian corn and other necessaries of life; and that he had seen
the scalps which these savages had flayed off, according to their custom,
which they would show me, and that they would likewise give me a young
English boy whom they had kept for me. This intelligence had greatly
pleased me, for I thought that I had almost found that for which I had for
a long time been searching. Accordingly I enjoined upon him to tell me the
truth, in order that I might inform the King, and warned him that if he
gave utterance to a lie he was putting the rope about his neck, assuring
him on the other hand that, if his narrative were true, he could be certain
of being well rewarded. He again assured me, with stronger oaths than ever;
and in order to play his _role_ better he gave me a description of the
country, which he said he had made as well as he was able. Accordingly the
confidence which I saw in him, his entire frankness as it seemed, the
description which he had prepared, the wreck and _debris_ of the ship, and
the things above mentioned, had an appearance of probability, in connection
with the voyage of the English to Labrador in 1612, where they found a
strait, in which they sailed as far as the 63d degree of latitude and the
290th of longitude, wintering at the 53d degree and losing some vessels, as
their report proves.[33] These circumstances inducing me to believe that
what he said was true, I made a report of the same to the Chancellor, [34]
which I showed to Marshal de Brissac,[35] President Jeannin, [36] and other
Seigneurs of the Court, who told me that I ought to visit the place in
person. For this reason I requested Sieur Georges, a merchant of La
Rochelle, to give him a passage in his ship, which he willingly did, and
during the voyage he questioned him as to his object in making it; and,
since it was not of any profit to him, he asked if he expected any pay, to
which the young man answered that he did not, that he did not expect
anything, from any one but the King, and that he undertook the voyage only
to show me the North Sea, which he had seen. He made an affidavit of this
at La Rochelle before two notaries.

Now as I took leave on Whitsuntide, [37] of all the principal men to whose
prayers I commended myself, and also to those of all others, I said to him
in their presence that if what he had previously said was not true he must
not give me the trouble to undertake the journey, which involved many
dangers. Again he affirmed all that he had said, on peril of his life.

Accordingly, our canoes being laden with some provisions, our arms, and a
few articles of merchandise for making presents to the savages, I set out
on Monday the 27th of May from Isle St. Helene with four Frenchmen and one
savage, a parting salute being given me with some rounds from small
pieces. This day we went only to the Falls of St. Louis, a league up the
river, the bad weather not allowing us to go any farther.

On the 29th we passed the Falls, [38] partly by land, partly by water, it
being necessary for us to carry our canoes, clothes, victuals, and arms on
our shoulders, no small matter for persons not accustomed to it. After
going two leagues beyond the Falls, we entered a lake, [39] about twelve
leagues in circuit, into which three rivers empty; one coming from the
west, from the direction of the Ochateguins, distant from one hundred and
fifty to two hundred leagues from the great Falls; [40] another from the
south and the country of the Iroquois, a like distance off; [41] and the
other from the north and the country of the Algonquins and Nebicerini, also
about the same distance. [42] This river on the north, according to the
report of the savages, comes from a source more remote, and passes by
tribes unknown to them and about three hundred leagues distant.

This lake is filled with fine large islands, containing only pasturage
land, where there is fine hunting, deer and fowl being plenty. Fish are
abundant. The country bordering the lake is covered with extensive
forests. We proceeded to pass the night at the entrance to this lake,
making barricades against the Iroquois, who roam in these regions in order
to surprise their enemies; and I am sure that if they were to find us they
would give us as good a welcome as them, for which reason we kept a good
watch all night. On the next day I took the altitude of the place, and
found it in latitude 45 deg. 18'. About three o'clock in the afternoon we
entered the river which comes from the north, and, passing a small fall
[43] by land so as to favor our canoes, we proceeded to a little island,
where we spent the remainder of the night.

On the last day of May we passed another lake, [44] seven or eight leagues
long and three broad, containing several islands. The neighboring country
is very level, except in some places, where there are pine-covered hills.
We passed a fall called by the inhabitants of the country Quenechouan,[45]
which is filled with stones and rocks, and where the water runs with great
velocity. We had to get into the water and drag our canoes along the shore
with a rope. Half a league from there we passed another little fall by
rowing, which makes one sweat. Great skill is required in passing these
falls, in order to avoid the eddies and surf, in which they abound; but the
savages do this with the greatest possible dexterity, winding about and
going by the easiest places, which they recognize at a glance.

On Saturday, the 1st of June, we passed two other falls; the first half a
league long, the second a league, in which we had much difficulty; for the
rapidity of the current is so great that it makes a frightful noise, and
produces, as it descends from stage to stage, so white a foam everywhere
that the water cannot be seen at all. This fall is strewn with rocks, and
contains some islands here and there covered with pines and white cedars.
This was the place where we had a hard time; for, not being able to carry
our canoes by land on account of the density of the wood, we had to drag
them in the water with ropes, and in drawing mine I came near losing my
life, as it crossed into one of the eddies, and if I had not had the good
fortune to fall between two rocks the canoe would have dragged me in,
inasmuch as I was unable to undo quickly enough the rope which was wound
around my hand, and which hurt me severely and came near cutting it off. In
this danger I cried to God and began to pull my canoe, which was returned
to me by the refluent water, such as occurs in these falls. Having thus
escaped I thanked God, begging Him to preserve us. Later our savage came to
help me, but I was out of danger. It is not strange that I was desirous of
preserving my canoe, for if it had been lost it would have been necessary
to remain, or wait until some savages came that way, a poor hope for those
who have nothing to dine on, and who are not accustomed to such
hardship. As for our Frenchmen, they did not have any better luck, and
several times came near losing their lives; but the Divine Goodness
preserved us all. During the remainder of the day we rested, having done
enough.

The next day we fell in with fifteen canoes of savages called
_Quenongebin_, [46] in a river, after we had passed a small lake, four
leagues long and two broad. They had been informed of my coming by those
who had passed the Falls of St. Louis, on their way from the war with the
Iroquois. I was very glad to meet them, as were they also to meet me, but
they were astonished to see me in this country with so few companions, and
with only one savage. Accordingly, after saluting each other after the
manner of the country, I desired them not to go any farther until I had
informed them of my plan. To this they assented, and we encamped on an
island.

The next day I explained to them that I was on my way to their country to
visit them, and fulfil the promise I had previously made them, and that if
they had determined to go to the war it would be very agreeable to me,
inasmuch as I had brought some companions with this view, at which they
were greatly pleased; and having told them that I wished to go farther in
order to notify the other tribes, they wanted to deter me, saying that the
way was bad, and that we had seen nothing up to this point. Wherefore I
asked them to give me one of their number to take charge of our second
canoe, and also to serve us as guide, since our conductors were not
acquainted any farther. This they did willingly, and in return I made them
a present and gave them one of our Frenchmen, the least indispensable, whom
I sent back to the Falls with a leaf of my note-book, on which for want of
paper I made a report of myself.

Thus we parted, and continuing our course up the river we found another
one, very fair and broad, which comes from a nation called _Ouescharini_,
[47] who live north of it, a distance of four days' journey from the
mouth. This river is very pleasant in consequence of the fine islands it
contains, and the fair and open woods with which its shores are
bordered. The land is very good for tillage.

On the fourth day we passed near another river coming from the north, where
tribes called _Algonquins_ live. This river falls into the great river
St. Lawrence, three leagues below the Falls of St. Louis, forming a large
island of nearly forty leagues. [48] This river is not broad, but filled
with a countless number of falls, very hard to pass. Sometimes these tribes
go by way of this river in order to avoid encounters with their enemies,
knowing that they will not try to find them in places so difficult of
access.

Where this river has its debouchure is another coming from the south, [49]
at the mouth of which is a marvellous fall. For it descends a height of
twenty or twenty-five fathoms [50] with such impetuosity that it makes an
arch nearly four hundred paces broad. The savages take pleasure in passing
under it, not wetting themselves, except from the spray that is thrown off.
There is an island in the middle of the river which, like all the country
round about, is covered with pines and white cedars. When the savages
desire to enter the river they ascend the mountain, carrying their canoes,
and go half a league by land. The neighboring country is filled with all
sorts of game, so that the savages often make a stop here. The Iroquois
also go there sometimes and surprise them while making the passage.

We passed a fall [51] a league from there, which is half a league broad,
and has a descent of six or seven fathoms. There are many little islands,
which are, however, nothing more than rough and dangerous rocks covered
with a poor sort of brushwood. The water falls in one place with such force
upon a rock that it has hollowed out in course of time a large and deep
basin, in which the water has a circular motion and forms large eddies in
the middle, so that the savages call it _Asticou_, which signifies boiler.
This cataract produces such a noise in this basin that it is heard for more
than two leagues. The savages when passing here observe a ceremony which we
shall speak of in its place. We had much trouble in ascending by rowing
against a strong current, in order to reach the foot of the fall.  Here the
savages took their canoes, my Frenchmen and myself, our arms, provisions,
and other necessaries, and we passed over the rough rocks for the distance
of about a quarter of a league, the extent of the fall. Then we embarked,
being obliged afterwards to land a second time and go about three hundred
paces through copse-wood, after which we got into the water in order to get
our canoes over the sharp rocks, the trouble attending which may be
imagined. I took the altitude of this place, which I found to be in
latitude 45 deg. 38'. [52]

In the afternoon we entered a lake, [53] five leagues long and two wide, in
which there are very fine islands covered with vines, nut-trees, and other
excellent kinds of trees. Ten or twelve leagues above we passed some
islands covered with pines. The land is sandy, and there is found here a
root which dyes a crimson color, with which the savages paint their faces,
as also little gewgaws after their manner. There is also a mountain range
along this river, and the surrounding country seems to be very
unpromising. The rest of the day we passed on a very pleasant island.

The next day we proceeded on our course to a great fall, nearly three
leagues broad, in which the water falls a height of ten or twelve fathoms
in a <DW72>, making a marvellous noise. [54] It is filled with a vast number
of islands, covered with pines and cedars. In order to pass it we were
obliged to give up our maize or Indian corn, and some few other provisions
we had, together with our least necessary clothes, retaining only our arms
and lines, to afford us means of support from hunting and fishing as place
and luck might permit. Thus lightened we passed, sometimes rowing,
sometimes carrying our canoes and arms by land, the fall, which is a league
and a half long, [55] and in which our savages, who are indefatigable in
this work and accustomed to endure such hardships, aided us greatly.

Continuing our course, we passed two other falls, one by land, the other
with oar and poles standing up. Then we entered a lake, [56] six or seven
leagues long, into which flows a river coming from the south, [57] on which
at a distance of five days' journey from the other river [58] live a people
called _Matou-oueescarini_ [59] The lands about the before-mentioned lake
are sandy and covered with pines, which have been almost entirely burned
down by the savages. There are some islands, in one of which we rested
ourselves. Here we saw a number of fine red cypresses,[60] the first I had
seen in this country, out of which I made a cross, which I planted at one
end of the island, on an elevated and conspicuous spot, with the arms of
France, as I had done in other places where we had stopped. I called this
island _Sainte Croix_.

On the 6th we set out from this island of St. Croix, where the river is a
league and a half broad, and having made eight or ten leagues we passed a
small fall by oar, and a number of islands of various sizes. Here our
savages left the sacks containing their provisions and their less necessary
articles, in order to be lighter for going overland and avoiding several
falls which it was necessary to pass. There was a great dispute between our
savages and our impostor, who affirmed that there was no danger by way of
the falls, and that we ought to go that way. Our savages said to him, You
are tired of living, and to me, that I ought not to believe him, and that
he did not tell the truth. Accordingly, having several times observed that
he had no knowledge of the places, I followed the advice of the savages,
which was fortunate for me, for he fought for dangers in order to ruin me
or to disgust me with the undertaking, as he has since confessed, a
statement of which will be given hereafter. We crossed accordingly towards
the west the river, which extended northward. I took the altitude of this
place and found it in latitude 46 deg. 40'.[61] We had much difficulty in going
this distance overland. I, for my part, was loaded only with three
arquebuses, as many oars, my cloak, and some small articles. I cheered on
our men, who were somewhat more heavily loaded, but more troubled by the
mosquitoes than by their loads. Thus after passing four small ponds and
having gone a distance of two and a half leagues, we were so wearied that
it was impossible to go farther, not having eaten for twenty-four hours
anything but a little broiled fish without seasoning, for we had left our
provisions behind, as I mentioned before. Accordingly we rested on the
border of a pond, which was very pleasant, and made a fire to drive away
the mosquitoes, which annoyed us greatly, whose persistency is so
marvellous that one cannot describe it. Here we cast our lines to catch
some fish.

The next day we passed this pond, which was perhaps a league long. Then we
went by land three leagues through a country worse than we had yet seen,
since the winds had blown down the pines on top of each other. This was no
slight inconvenience, as it was necessary to go now over, now under, these
trees. In this way we reached a lake, six leagues long and two wide, [62]
very abundant in fish, the neighboring people doing their fishing there.
Near this lake is a settlement of savages, who till the soil and gather
harvests of maize. Their chief is named _Nibachis_, who came to visit us
with his followers, astonished that we could have passed the falls and bad
roads in order to reach them. After offering us tobacco, according to their
custom, he began to address his companions, saying, that we must have
fallen from the clouds, for he knew not how we could have made the journey,
and that they who lived in the country had much trouble in traversing these
bad ways: and he gave them to understand that I accomplished all that I set
my mind upon; in short, that he believed respecting me all that the other
savages had told him. Aware that we were hungry, he gave us some fish,
which we ate, and after our meal I explained to him, through Thomas, our
interpreter, the pleasure I had in meeting them, that I had come to this
country to assist them in their wars, and that I desired to go still
farther to see some other chiefs for the same object, at which they were
glad and promised me assistance. They showed me their gardens and the
fields, where they had maize. Their soil is sandy, for which reason they
devote themselves more to hunting than to tillage, unlike the Ochateguins.
[63] When they wish to make a piece of land arable, they burn down the
trees, which is very easily done, as they are all pines, and filled with
rosin. The trees having been burned, they dig up the ground a little, and
plant their maize kernel by kernel, [64] like those in Florida. At the time
I was there it was only four fingers high.

ENDNOTES:

33. _Vide_ Vol. II. p. 171, note 297, for an account of Henry Hudson, to
    whom this statement refers. De Vignau had undoubtedly heard rumors
    concerning Hudson's expedition to the bay that bears his name in the
    years 1610-11, out of which he fabricated the fine story of his
    pretended discovery. Longitude at that time was reckoned from the
    island of Ferro, one of the Canaries. Proceeding from west to east, the
    290 deg. would pass through Hudson's Bay, as may be seen by consulting any
    early French map. _Vide_ Bellin's _Carte du Globe Terrestre_, 1764.

34. Nicholas Brulart de Sillery, who was born at Sillery, in France, in
    1544, and died in the same place in 1624. He rendered signal service to
    Henry IV. Among other public acts he negotiated the peace of Vervins
    between France and Spain in 1598. He was appointed grand chancellor of
    France in 1607. Henry IV. said of him, Avec mon chanclier qui ne fait
    pas le latin et mon connetable (Henri de Montmorency), qui ne fait ni
    lire ni ecrire, je puis venir a bout des affairs les plus difficiles.

35. For some account of Marshal de Brissac, _vide_ Vol. I. p. 17, note 16.

36. _Vide_ Vol. I. p. 112, note 73. President Jeannin was a most suitable
    person to consult on this subject, as he was deeply interested in the
    discovery of a northwest passage to India. When minister at the Hague
    he addressed a letter bearing date January 21st, 1609, to Henry IV. of
    France, containing an account of his indirect negotiations with Henry
    Hudson, for a voyage to discover a shorter passage to India. A copy of
    this interesting letter, both in French and English, may be found in
    _Henry Hudson the Navigator_, by G. M. Asher, LL.D., Hakluyt Society,
    London, 1860, p. 244.

37. The festival of Whitsunday occurred on the 26th May. _Laverdiere in
    loco_.

38. The Falls of St Louis.

39. Lake St. Louis.

40. Champlain is here speaking of the river St. Lawrence, which flows into
    Lake St. Louis slightly south of west.

41. Riviere de Loup, now known as the Chateauguay.

42. The River Ottawa or a branch of it flows into Lake St. Louis from the
    north, although its course is rather from the west. It was often called
    the River of the Algonquins. It approaches comparatively near to Lake
    Nipissing, the home of the Nipissirini. The sources of the Ottawa are
    northeast of Lake Nipissing, a distance of from one to three hundred
    miles. The distances here given by Champlain are only general estimates
    gathered from the Indians, and are necessarily inaccurate.

43. Rapide de Brussi, by which the river flows from the Lake of
    Two Mountains into Lake St Louis.

44. _Lac de Soissons_, now called Lake of Two Mountains _Vide_ Vol. I.
    p. 294.

45. This is the first of a series of falls now known as the Long Fall.

46. _Quenongebin_. Laverdiere makes, this the same as the Kinounchepirini
    of Vimont. It was an Algonquin nation situated south of Allumette
    Island. _Vide Jesuite Relations_, Quebec ed, 1640, p. 34.

47. _Ouescharini_. These people, called Ouaouechkairini by Vimont, appear
    to have dwelt on the stream now known as the _Riviere de Petite
    Nation_, rising in a system of lakes, among which are Lake Simon,
    Whitefish Lake, Long Lake, and Lake Des Isles. _Vide Jesuite
    Relations_, 1640, p. 34. The tribe here mentioned was subsequently
    called the Little Nation of the Algonquins hence the name of the
    river. _Laverdiere_.

48. This passage is exceedingly obscure. Laverdiere supposes that part of a
    sentence was left out by the printer. If so it is remarkable that
    Champlain did not correct it in his edition of 1632. Laverdiere thinks
    the river here spoken of is the Gatineau, and that the savages
    following up this stream went by a portage to the St. Maurice, and
    passing down reached the St. Lawrence _thirty_ leagues, and not
    _three_, below the Falls of Saint Louis. The three rivers thus named
    inclose or form an island of about the extent described in the
    text. This explanation is plausible. The passage amended would read,
    "This river _extends near another which_ falls into the great river
    St. Lawrence thirty leagues below the falls of St. Louis." We know of
    no other way in which the passage can be rationally explained.

49. Rideau, at the mouth of which is Green Island, referred to in the text
    below.

50. The fall in the Rideau is thirty-four feet, according to the Edinburgh
    Gazetteer of the World. The estimate of Champlain is so far out of the
    way that it seems not unlikely that feet were intended instead of
    fathoms. _Vide_ Vol. I. pp. 301, 302.

51. The Chaudiere Falls, just above the present city of Ottawa, the
    greatest height of which is about forty feet "Arrayed in every
    imaginable variety of form, in vast dark masses, in graceful cascades,
    or in tumbling spray, they have been well described as a hundred rivers
    struggling for a passage. Not the least interesting feature they
    present is the Lost Chaudiere, where a large body of water is quietly
    sucked down, and disappears underground" _Vide Canada_ by W. H Smith.
    Vol. I. p. 120. Also Vol I. p, 120 of this work.

52. The latitude of the Chaudiere Falls is about 45 deg. 27'.

53. Chaudiere Lake, which was only an expansion of the River Ottawa.

54. Rapide des Chats.

55. This probably refers to that part of the fall which was more difficult
    to pass.

56. Lake des Chats. The name _des chats_ appears to have been given to this
    Lake, the Rapids, and the _Nation des chats_, on account of the great
    number of the _loup cervier_, or wild cats, _chats sauvages_, found in
    this region. Cf. _Le Grande Voyage du Pays des Hurons_, par Sagard,
    Paris, 1632, p. 307.

57. Madawaskca River, an affluent of the Ottawa, uniting with it at Fitz
    Roy.

58. Probably an allusion to the River St. Lawrence.

59. This is the same tribe alluded to by Vimont under the name
    _Mataouchkarmi_, as dwelling south of Allumette Island. _Vide Relations
    des Jesuites_, 1640, Quebec ed., p. 34.

60. Cypres, Red Cedar or Savin, _Juniperus Virginiana_. _Vide_ Vol. II.
    note 168.

61. They were now, perhaps, two miles below Portage du Fort, at the point
    on the Ottawa nearest to the system of lakes through which they were to
    pass, and where, as stated in the text, the Ottawa, making an angle,
    begins to flow directly from the north. The latitude, as here given, is
    even more than usually incorrect, being too high by more than a degree.
    The true latitude is about 43 deg. 37'. _Vide Walker_ and _Miles's Atlas of
    Dominion of Canada_. Note 62 will explain the cause of this
    inexactness.

62. Muskrat Lake. On Champlain's map of 1632 will be seen laid down a
    succession of lakes or ponds, together with the larger one, now known
    as Muskrat Lake, on the borders of which are figured the dwellings of
    the savages referred to in the text. The pond which they passed is the
    last in the series before reaching Muskrat Lake. On the direct route
    between this pond and the lake, known as the Muskrat Portage road, the
    course undoubtedly traversed by Champlain, there was found in 1867, in
    the township of Ross, an astrolabe, an instrument used in taking
    latitudes, on which is the date, 1603. It is supposed to have been lost
    by Champlain on his present expedition. The reasons for this
    supposition have been stated in several brochures recently issued, one
    by Mr. O. H. Marshall of Buffalo, entitled _Discovery of an Astrolabe
    supposed to have been left by Champlain in 1613_, New York, 1879;
    reprinted from the _Magazine of American History_ for March of that
    year. Another, _Champlain's Astrolabe lost on the 7th of June, 1613,
    and found in August, 1867_, by A. J Russell of Ottawa, Montreal,
    1879. And a third entitled _The Astrolabe of Samuel Champlain and
    Geoffrey Chaucer_, by Henry Scadding, D.D., of Toronto, 1880. All of
    these writers agree in the opinion that the instrument was probably
    lost by Champlain on his expedition up the Ottawa in 1613. For the
    argument _in extenso_ the reader is referred to the brochures above
    cited.

    [Illustration of an astrolabe.]

    Mr. Russell, who examined the astrolabe thus found with great care and
    had it photographed, describes it as a circular plate having a diameter
    of five inches and five eighths. "It is of place brass, very dark with
    age, one eighth of an inch thick above, increasing to six sixteenths of
    an inch below, to give it steadiness when suspended, which apparently
    was intended to be increased by hanging a weight on the little
    projecting ring at the bottom of it, in using it on ship-board. Its
    suspending ring is attached by a double hinge of the nature of a
    universal joint. Its circle is divided into single degrees, graduated
    from its perpendicular of suspension. The double-bladed index, the
    pivot of which passes through the centre of the astrolabe, has slits
    and eyelets in the projecting fights that are on it."

    We give on the preceding page an engraving of this astrolabe from a
    photograph, which presents a sufficiently accurate outline of the
    instrument. The plate was originally made to illustrate Mr. Marshall's
    article in the Magazine of American History, and we are indebted to the
    courtesy of the proprietors of the Magazine, Messrs. A. S. Barnes and
    Company of New York, for its use for our present purpose.

    The astrolabe, as an instrument for taking the altitude of the stars or
    the sun, had long been in use. Thomas Blundevile, who wrote in 1622,
    says he had seen three kinds, and that the astrolabe of Stofflerus had
    then been in use a hundred years. It had been improved by Gemma
    Frisius. Mr. Blagrave had likewise improved upon the last-mentioned,
    and his instrument was at that time in general use in England. The
    astrolabe continued to be employed in Great Britain in taking altitudes
    for more than a century subsequent to this, certainly till Hadley's
    Quadrant was invented, which was first announced in 1731.

    The astrolabes which had the broadest disks were more exact, as they
    were projected on a larger scale, but as they were easily jostled by
    the wind or the movement of the ship at sea, they could with difficulty
    be employed. But Mr. Blundevile informs us that "the Spaniards doe
    commonly make their astrolabes narrow and weighty, which for the most
    part are not much above five inches broad, and yet doe weigh at the
    least foure pound, & to that end the lower part is made a great deale
    thicker than the upper part towards the ring or handle." _Vide
    M. Blendeale his Exercises_, London, 1622, pp. 595, 597. This Spanish
    instrument, it will be observed, is very similar to that found on the
    Old Portage road, and the latter may have been of Spanish make.

    In order to take the latitude in Champlain's day, at least three
    distinct steps or processes were necessary, and the following
    directions might have been given.

    I. Let the astrolabe be suspended so that it shall hang plumb. Direct
    the index or diopter to the sun at noon, so that the same ray of light
    may shine through both holes in the two tablets or pinules on the
    diopter, and the diopter will point to the degree of the sun's meridian
    altitude indicated on the outer rim of the astrolabe.

    II. Ascertain the exact degree of the sun's declination for that day,
    by a table calculated for that purpose, which accompanies the
    astrolabe.

    III. Subtract the declination, so found, if it be northerly, from the
    meridian altitude; or if the declination be southerly, add the
    declination to the meridian altitude, and the result, subtracted from
    90 deg., will give the latitude.

    In these several processes of taking the latitude there are numerous
    possibilities of inexactness. It does not appear that any correction
    was made for refraction of light, or the precession of the equinoxes.
    But the most important source of inaccuracy was in the use of the
    astrolabe whose disk was so small that its divisions could not be
    carried beyond degrees, and consequently minutes were arrived at by
    sheer estimation, and usually when the work was completed, the error
    was not less than one fourth or one half of a degree, and it was often
    much more.

    This accounts fully for the inaccuracies of Champlain's latitudes from
    first to last throughout his entire explorations, as tested by the very
    exact instruments and tables now in use. No better method of
    determining the latitude existed at that day, and consequently the
    historian is warned not to rely upon the latitude alone as given by the
    early navigators and explorers in identifying the exact localities
    which they visited.

63. Subsequently called Hurons.

64. _Vide_ Vol. I. p. 49; Vol. II. note 219.



CHAPTER IV.

CONTINUATION.--ARRIVAL AT THE ABODE OF TESSOUAT, AND HIS FAVORABLE
RECEPTION OF ME.--CHARACTER OF THEIR CEMETERIES--THE SAVAGES PROMISE ME
FOUR CANOES FOR CONTINUING MY JOURNEY, WHICH THEY HOWEVER SHORTLY AFTER
REFUSE.--ADDRESS OF THE SAVAGES TO DISSUADE ME FROM MY UNDERTAKING, IN
WHICH THEY REPRESENT ITS DIFFICULTIES--MY REPLY TO THESE OBJECTIONS.--
TESSOUAT ACCUSES MY GUIDE OF LYING, AND OF NOT HAVING BEEN WHERE HE SAID HE
HAD.--THE LATTER MAINTAINS HIS VERACITY--I URGE THEM TO GIVE ME CANOES.--
SEVERAL REFUSALS.--MY GUIDE CONVICTED OF FALSEHOOD, AND HIS CONFESSION.


Nibachis had two canoes fitted out, to conduct me to another chief, named
Tessoueat, [65] who lived eight leagues from him, on the border of a great
lake, through which flows the river which we had left, and which extends
northward. Accordingly we crossed the lake in a west-northwesterly
direction, a distance of nearly seven leagues. Landing there, we went a
league towards the northeast through a very fine country, where are small
beaten paths, along which one can go easily. Thus we arrived on the shore
of the lake, [66] where the dwelling of Tessoueat was. He was accompanied by
a neighboring chieftain, and was greatly amazed to see me, saying that he
thought I was a dream, and that he did not believe his eyes. Thence we
crossed on to an island, [67] where their cabins are, which are poorly
constructed out of the bark of trees. The island is covered with oaks,
pines, and elms, and is not subject to inundations, like the other islands
in the lake.

This island is strongly situated; for at its two ends, and where the river
enters the lake, there are troublesome falls, the roughness of which makes
the island difficult of access. They have accordingly taken up their abode
here in order to avoid the pursuit of their enemies. It is in latitude 47 deg.,
[68] as also the lake, which is twenty leagues long, [69] and three or four
wide. It abounds in fish; the hunting, however, is not especially good.

On visiting the island, I observed their cemeteries, and was struck with
wonder as I saw sepulchres of a shape like shrines, made of pieces of wood
fixed in the ground at a distance of about three feet from each other, and
intersecting at the upper end. On the intersections above they place a
large piece of wood, and in front another upright piece, on which is carved
roughly, as would be expected, the figure of the male or female interred.
If it is a man, they add a shield, a sword attached to a handle after their
manner, a mace, and bow and arrows. If it is a chief, there is a plume on
his head, and some other _matachia_ or embellishment. If it is a child,
they give it a bow and arrow; if a woman or girl, a boiler, an earthen
vessel, a wooden spoon, and an oar. The entire sepulchre is six or seven
feet long at most, and four wide; others are smaller. They are painted
yellow and red, with various ornaments as neatly done as the carving. The
deceased is buried with his dress of beaver or other skins which he wore
when living, and they lay by his side all his possessions, as hatchets,
knives, boilers, and awls, so that these things may serve him in the land
whither he goes; for they believe in the immortality of the soul, as I have
elsewhere observed. These carved sepulchres are only made for the warriors;
for in respect to others they add no more than in the case of women, who
are considered a useless class, accordingly but little is added in their
case.

Observing the poor quality of the soil, I asked them what pleasure they
took in cultivating land so unpromising, since there was some much better,
which they left barren and waste, as at the Falls of St. Louis. They
answered that they were forced to do so in order to dwell in security, and
that the roughness of the locality served them as a defence against their
enemies. But they said that if I would make a settlement of French at the
Falls of St. Louis, as I had promised, they would leave their abode and go
and live near us, confident that their enemies would do them no harm while
we were with them. I told them that we would this year collect wood and
stone in order the coming year to build a fort and cultivate the land; upon
hearing which they raised a great cry of applause. This conference having
been finished, I asked all the chiefs and prominent men among them to
assemble the next day on the main land, at the cabin of Tessoueat, who
purposed to celebrate a _tabagie_ in my honor, adding that I would there
tell them my plans. This they promised, and sent word to their neighbors to
convene at the appointed place.

The next day all the guests came, each with his porringer and wooden
spoon. They seated themselves without order or ceremony on the ground in
the cabin of Tessoueat, who distributed to them a kind of broth made of
maize crushed between two stones, together with meat and fish which was cut
into little pieces, the whole being boiled together without salt. They also
had meat roasted on coals, and fish boiled apart, which he also
distributed. In respect to myself, as I did not wish any of their chowder,
which they prepare in a very dirty manner, I asked them for some fish and
meat, that I might prepare it in my own way, which they gave me. For drink,
we had fine clear water. Tessoueat, who gave the _tabagie_, entertained us
without eating himself, according to their custom.

The _tabagie_ being over, the young men, who are not present at the
harangues and councils, and who during the _tabagies_ remain at the door of
the cabins, withdrew, when all who remained began to fill their pipes, one
and another offering me one. We then spent a full half-hour in this
occupation, not a word being spoken, as is their custom.

After smoking amply during so long a period of silence, I explained to
them, through my interpreter, that the object of my journey was none other
than to assure them of my friendship, and of the desire I had to assist
them in their wars, as I had before done; that I had been prevented from
coming the preceding year, as I had promised them, because the king had
employed me in other wars, but that now he had ordered me to visit them and
to fulfil my promises, and that for this purpose I had a number of men at
the Falls of St. Louis. I told them that I was making an excursion in their
territory to observe the fertility of their soil, their lakes and rivers,
and the sea which they had told me was in their country; and that I desired
to see a tribe distant six days' journey from them, called the
_Nebicerini_, in order to invite them also to the war, and accordingly I
asked them to give me four canoes with eight savages to guide me to these
lands. And since the Algonquins are not great friends of the _Nebicerini_,
[70] they seemed to listen to me with greater attention.

After I had finished my discourse, they began again to smoke, and to confer
among themselves in a very low voice respecting my propositions. Then
Tessoueat in behalf of all the rest began and said, that they had always
regarded me more friendly towards them than any Frenchman they had seen;
that the proofs they had of this in the past made their confidence easier
for the future: moreover, that I had shown myself in reality their friend,
by encountering so many risks in coming to see them and invite them to the
war, and that all these considerations obliged them to feel as kindly
disposed towards me as towards their own children. But they said that I had
the preceding year broken my promise, that two thousand savages had gone to
the Falls with the expectation of finding me ready to go to the war, and
making me presents, but that they had not found me and were greatly
saddened, supposing that I was dead, as some persons had told them. He said
also, that the French who were at the Falls did not want to help them in
their wars, that they had been badly treated by certain ones, so that they
had resolved among themselves not to go to the Falls again, and that this
had caused them, as they did not expect to see me again, to go alone to the
war, and that in fact twelve hundred of them had already gone. And since
the greater part of their warriors were absent, they begged me to postpone
the expedition to the following year, saying that they would communicate
the matter to all the people of their country. In regard to the four
canoes, which I asked for, they granted them to me, but with great
reluctance, telling me that they were greatly displeased at the idea of
such an undertaking, in view of the hardships which I would endure; that
the people there were sorcerers, that they had caused the death of many of
their own tribe by charms and poisoning, on which account they were not
their friends: moreover they said that, as it regards war, I was not to
think of them, as they were little-hearted. With these and many other
considerations they endeavored to deter me from my purpose.

But my sole desire on the other hand was to see this people, and enter into
friendship with them, so that I might visit the North Sea. Accordingly,
with a view to lessening the force of their objections, I said to them,
that it was not far to the country in question; that the bad roads could
not be worse than those I had already passed; that their witchcraft would
have no power to harm me, as my God would preserve me from them; that I was
also acquainted with their herbs, and would therefore beware of eating
them; that I desired to make the two tribes mutual friends, and that I
would to this end make presents to the other tribe, being assured that they
would do something for me. In view of these reasons they granted me, as I
have said, four canoes, at which I was very happy, forgetting all past
hardships in the hope of seeing this sea, as I so much desired.

For the remainder of the day, I went out walking in their gardens, which
were filled with squashes, beans, and our peas, which they were beginning
to cultivate, when Thomas, my interpreter, who understands the language
very well, came to inform me that the savages, after I had left them, had
come to the conclusion, that if I were to undertake this journey I should
die and they also, and that they could not furnish the promised canoes, as
there was no one of them who would guide me, but that they wished me to
postpone the journey until the next year, when they would conduct me with a
good train to protect me from that people, in case they should attempt to
harm me, as they are evil-disposed.

This intelligence greatly disturbed me, and I at once went to them and told
them, that up to this day I had regarded them as men and truthful persons,
but that now they had shown themselves children and liars, and that if they
would not fulfil their promises, they would fail to show me their
friendship; that, however, if they felt it an inconvenience to give me four
canoes they should only furnish two and four savages.

They represented to me anew the difficulties attending the journey, the
number of the falls, the bad character of the people, and that their reason
for refusing my request was their fear of losing me.

I replied that I was sorry to have them show themselves to so slight an
extent my friends, and that I should never have believed it; that I had a
young man, showing them my impostor, who had been in their country, and had
not found all these difficulties which they represented, nor the people in
question so bad as they asserted. Then they began to look at him, in
particular Tessoueat the old captain, with whom he had passed the winter,
and calling him by name he said to him in his language: Nicholas, is it
true that you said you were among the Nebicerini? It was long before he
spoke, when he said to them in their language, which he spoke to a certain
extent: Yes, I was there. They immediately looked at him awry, and throwing
themselves upon him, as if they would eat him up or tear him in pieces,
raised loud cries, when Tessoueat said to him: You are a downright liar, you
know well that you slept at my side every night with my children, where you
arose every morning; if you were among the people mentioned, it was while
sleeping. How could you have been so bold as to lead your chief to believe
lies, and so wicked as to be willing to expose his life to so many dangers?
You are a worthless fellow, and he ought to put you to death more cruelly
than we do our enemies. I am not astonished that he should so importune us
on the assurance of your words.

I at once told him that he must reply to these people; and since he had
been in the regions indicated, that he must give me proofs of it, and free
me from the suspense in which he had placed me. But he remained silent and
greatly terrified.

I immediately withdrew him from the savages, and conjured him to declare
the truth of the matter, telling him that, if he had seen the sea in
question, I would give him the reward which I had promised him, and that,
if he had not seen it, he must tell me so without causing me farther
trouble. Again he affirmed with oaths all he had before said, and that he
would demonstrate to me the truth of it, if the savages would give us
canoes.

Upon this, Thomas came and informed me, that the savages of the island had
secretly sent a canoe to the Nebicerini, to notify them of my arrival.
Thereupon, in order to profit by the opportunity, I went to the savages to
tell them, that I had dreamed the past night that they purposed to send a
canoe to the Nebicerini without notifying me of it, at which I was greatly
surprised, since they knew that I was desirous of going there. Upon which
they replied that I did them a great wrong in trusting a liar, who wanted
to cause my death, more than so many brave chiefs, who were my friends and
who held my life dear. I replied that my man, meaning our impostor, had
been in the aforesaid country with one of the relatives of Tessoueat and had
seen the sea, the wreck and ruins of an English vessel, together with
eighty scalps which the savages had in their possession, and a young
English boy whom they held as prisoner, and whom they wished to give me as
a present.

When they heard me speak of the sea, vessels, scalps of the English, and
the young prisoner, they cried out more than before that he was a liar, and
thus they afterwards called him, as if it were the greatest insult they
could have done him, and they all united in saying that he ought to be put
to death, or else that he should tell with whom he had gone to the place
indicated, and state the lakes, rivers, and roads, by which he had gone. To
this he replied with assurance, that he had forgotten the name of the
savage, although he had stated to me his name more than twenty times, and
even on the previous day. In respect to the peculiarities of the country,
he had described them in a paper which he had handed me. Then I brought
forward the map and had it explained to the savages, who questioned him in
regard to it. To this he made no reply, but rather manifested by his sullen
silence his perverse nature.

As my mind was wavering in uncertainty, I withdrew by myself, and reflected
upon the above-mentioned particulars of the voyage of the English, and how
the reports of our liar were quite in conformity with it, also that there
was little probability of this young man's having invented all that, in
which case he would not have been willing to undertake the journey, but
that it was more probable that he had seen these things, and that his
ignorance did not permit him to reply to the questions of the savages. To
the above is to be added the fact that, if the report of the English be
true, the North Sea cannot be farther distant from this region than a
hundred leagues in latitude, for I was in latitude 47 deg. and in longitude
296 deg.[71] But it may be that the difficulties attending the passage of the
falls, the roughness of the mountains covered with shows, is the reason why
this people have no knowledge of the sea in question; indeed they have
always said that from the country of the Ochateguins it is a journey of
thirty-five or forty days to the sea, which they see in three places, a
thing which they have again assured me of this year. But no one has spoken
to me of this sea on the north, except this liar, who had given me thereby
great pleasure in view of the shortness of the journey.

Now, when this canoe was ready, I had him summoned into the presence of his
companions; and after laying before him all that had transpired, I told him
that any further dissimulation was out of the question, and that he must
say whether he had seen these things or not; that I was desirous of
improving the opportunity that presented itself; that I had forgotten the
past; but that, if I went farther, I would have him hung and strangled,
which should be his sole reward. After meditating by himself, he fell on
his knees and asked my pardon, declaring that all he had said, both in
France and this country, in respect to the sea in question was false; that
he had never seen it, and that he had never gone farther than the village
of Tessoueat; that he had said these things in order to return to Canada.
Overcome with wrath at this, I had him removed, being unable to endure him
any longer in my presence, and giving orders to Thomas to inquire into the
whole matter in detail; to whom he stated, that he did not believe that I
would undertake the journey on account of the dangers, thinking that some
difficulty would present itself to prevent me from going on, as in the case
of these savages, who were not disposed to lend me canoes; and accordingly
that the journey would be put off until another year, when he being in
France would be rewarded for his discovery; but that, if I would leave him
in this country, he would go until he found the sea in question, even if he
should die in the attempt. These were his words as reported to me by
Thomas, but they did not give me much satisfaction, astounded as I was at
the effrontery and maliciousness of this liar: and I cannot imagine how he
could have devised this imposition, unless that he had heard of the
above-mentioned voyage of the English, and in the hope of some reward, as
he said, had the temerity to venture on it.

Shortly after I proceeded to notify the savages, to my great regret, of the
malignity of this liar, stating that he had confessed the truth; at which
they were delighted, reproaching me with the little confidence I put in
them, who were chiefs and my friends, and who always spoke the truth; and
who said that this liar ought to be put to death, being extremely
malicious; and they added, Do you not see that he meant to cause your
death. Give him to us, and we promise you that he shall not lie any more.
And as they all went after him shouting, their children also shouting still
more, I forbade them to do him any harm, directing them to keep their
children also from doing so, inasmuch as I wished to take him to the Falls
to show him to the gentlemen there, to whom he was to bring some salt
water; and I said that, when I arrived there, I would consult as to what
should be done with him.

My journey having been in this manner terminated, and without any hope of
seeing the sea in this direction, except in imagination, I felt a regret
that I should not have employed my time better, and that I should have had
to endure the difficulties and hardships, which however I was obliged
patiently to submit to. If I had gone in another direction, according to
the report of the savages, I should have made a beginning in a thing which
must be postponed to another time. At present my only wish being to return,
I desired the savages to go to the Falls of St. Louis, where there were
four vessels loaded with all kinds of merchandise, and where they would be
well treated. This they communicated to all their neighbors. Before setting
out, I made a cross of white cedar, which I planted in a prominent place on
the border of the lake, with the arms of France, and I begged the savages
to have the kindness to preserve it, as also those which they would find
along the ways we had passed; telling them that, if they broke them,
misfortune would befall them, but that, if they preserved them, they would
not be assaulted by their enemies. They promised to do so, and said that I
should find them when I came to visit them again.

ENDNOTES:

65. It seems not improbable, as suggested by Laverdiere, that this was the
    same chief that Champlain met at Tadoussac in 1603, then called
    _Besouat. Vide_ Vol. I. p. 242.

66. They crossed Muskrat Lake, and after a portage of a league, by general
    estimation, they reached Lake Allumette. This lake is only the expanded
    current of the river Ottawa on the southern side of Allumette Island;
    which is formed by the bifurcation of the Ottawa.

67. Allumette Island, often called, in the _Relations des Jesuites_, simply
    the Island. The savages in occupation were in the habit of exacting
    tribute from the Hurons and others, who passed along on their war
    excursions or their journeys for trade with the French at Montreal.
    They bartered their maize with other tribes for skins with which they
    clothed themselves.

68. The true latitude here is about 45 deg. 47'. On the map of 1632 the
    latitude corresponds with the statement in the text.

69. In his issue of 1632 Champlain corrects his statement as to the length
    of Allumette Island, and says it is ten leagues long, which is nearly
    correct. _Vide_ Quebec ed. p 868. Of this island Bouchette says that in
    length it is about fifteen miles, and on an average four miles wide.
    _British Dominions in North America_, London, 1831, Vol I. p. 187.

70. This tribe was subsequently known as the Nipissings, who dwelt on the
    borders of Lake Nipissing. They were distinguished for their sorceries,
    under the cover of which they appear to have practised impositions
    which naturally enough rendered other neighboring Algonquin tribes
    hostile to them.

71. The true latitude, as we have stated, _antea_, note 61, is about 45 deg.
    37'; but on Champlain's map it corresponds with the statement in the
    text, and a hundred leagues north of where they then were, as his map
    is constructed, would carry them to the place in the bay where Hudson
    wintered, as stated by Champlain, and as laid down on his small map
    included in this volume; but the longitude is incorrect, Allumette
    Island being two or three degrees east of longitude 296 deg., as laid down
    on Champlain's map of 1632.




CHAPTER V.

OUR RETURN TO THE FALLS.--FALSE ALARM.--CEREMONY AT THE CHAUDIERE FALLS.--
CONFESSION OF OUR LIAR BEFORE ALL THE CHIEF MEN.--OUR RETURN TO FRANCE.

On the 10th of June I took leave of Tessoueat, a good old captain, making
him presents, and promising him, if God preserved me in health, to come the
next year, prepared to go to war. He in turn promised to assemble a large
number by that time, declaring that I should see nothing but savages and
arms which would please me; he also directed his son to go with me for the
sake of company. Thus we set out with forty canoes, and passed by way [72]
of the river we had left, which extends northward, and where we went on
shore in order to cross the lakes. On the way we met nine large canoes of
the Ouescharini, with forty strong and powerful men, who had come upon the
news they had received; we also met others, making all together sixty
canoes; and we overtook twenty others, who had set out before us, each
heavily laden with merchandise.

We passed six or seven falls between the island of the Algonquins [73] and
the little fall; [74] where the country was very unpleasant I readily
realized that, if we had gone in that direction, we should have had much
more trouble, and would with difficulty have succeeded in getting through:
and it was not without reason that the savages opposed our liar, as his
only object was to cause my ruin.

Continuing our course ten or twelve leagues below the island of the
Algonquins, we rested on a very pleasant island, which was covered with
vines and nut-trees, and where we caught some fine fish. About midnight,
there arrived two canoes, which had been fishing farther off, and which
reported that they had seen four canoes of their enemies. At once three
canoes were despatched to reconnoitre, but they returned without having
seen anything. With this assurance all gave themselves up to sleep,
excepting the women, who resolved to spend the night in their canoes, not
feeling at ease on land. An hour before daylight a savage, having dreamed
that the enemy were attacking them, jumped up and started on a run towards
the water, in order to escape, shouting, They are killing me. Those
belonging to his band all awoke dumfounded and, supposing that they were
being pursued by their enemies, threw themselves into the water, as did
also one of our Frenchmen, who supposed that they were being overpowered.
At this great noise, the rest of us, who were at a distance, were at once
awakened, and without making farther investigation ran towards them: but as
we saw them here and there in the water, we were greatly surprised, not
seeing them pursued by their enemies, nor in a state of defence, in case of
necessity, but only ready to sacrifice themselves. After I had inquired of
our Frenchman about the cause of this excitement, he told me that a savage
had had a dream, and that he with the rest had thrown themselves into the
water in order to escape, supposing that they were being attacked.
Accordingly, the state of the case being ascertained, it all passed off in
a laugh.

Continuing our way, we came to the Chaudiere Falls, where the savages went
through with the customary ceremony; which is as follows. After carrying
their canoes to the foot of the Fall, they assemble in one spot, where one
of them takes up a collection with a wooden plate, into which each one puts
a bit of tobacco. The collection having been made, the plate is placed in
the midst of the troupe, and all dance about it, singing after their style.
Then one of the captains makes an harangue, setting forth that for a long
time they have been accustomed to make this offering, by which means they
are insured protection against their enemies, that otherwise misfortune
would befall them, as they are convinced by the evil spirit; and they live
on in this superstition, as in many others, as we have said in other
places. This done, the maker of the harangue takes the plate, and throws
the tobacco into the midst of the caldron, whereupon they all together
raise a loud cry. These poor people are so superstitious, that they would
not believe it possible for them to make a prosperous journey without
observing this ceremony at this place, since their enemies await them at
this portage, not venturing to go any farther on account of the difficulty
of the journey, whence they say they surprise them there, as they have
sometimes done.

The next day we arrived at an island at the entrance to a lake, and seven
or eight leagues distant from the great Falls of St. Louis. Here while
reposing at night we had another alarm, the savages supposing that they had
seen the canoes of their enemies. This led them to make several large
fires, which I had them put out, representing to them the harm which might
result, namely, that instead of concealing they would disclose themselves.

On the 17th of June, we arrived at the Falls of St. Louis, where I found
L'Ange, who had come to meet me in a canoe to inform me, that Sieur de
Maisonneuve of St. Malo had brought a passport from the Prince for three
vessels. In order to arrange matters until I should see him, I assembled
all the savages and informed them that I did not wish them to traffic in
any merchandise until I had given them permission, and that I would furnish
them provisions as soon as we should arrive; which they promised, saying
that they were my friends. Thus, continuing our course, we arrived at the
barques, where we were saluted by some discharges of cannon, at which some
of our savages were delighted, and others greatly astonished, never having
heard such music. After I had landed, Maisonneuve came to me with the
passport of the Prince. As soon as I had seen it, I allowed him and his men
to enjoy the benefits of it like the rest of us; and I sent word to the
savages that they might trade on the next day.

After seeing all the chief men and relating the particulars of my journey
and the malice of my liar, at which they were greatly amazed, I begged them
to assemble, in order that in their presence, and that of the savages and
his companions, he might make declaration of his maliciousness; which they
gladly did. Being thus assembled, they summoned him, and asked him, why he
had not shown me the sea in the north, as he had promised me at his
departure. He replied that he had promised something impossible for him,
since he had never seen this sea, and that the desire of making the journey
had led him to say what he did, also that he did not suppose that I would
undertake it; and he begged them to be pleased to pardon him, as he also
did me again, confessing that he had greatly offended, and if I would leave
him in the country, he would by his efforts repair the offence, and see
this sea, and bring back trustworthy intelligence concerning it the
following year; and in view of certain considerations I pardoned him on
this condition.

After relating to them in detail the good treatment I had received at the
abodes of the savages, and how I had been occupied each day, I inquired
what they had done during my absence, and what had been the result of their
hunting excursions, and they said they had had such success that they
generally brought home six stags. Once on St. Barnabas's day, Sieur du
Parc, having gone hunting with two others, killed nine. These stags are not
at all like ours, and there are different kinds of them, some larger,
others smaller, which resemble closely our deer.[75] They had also a very
large number of pigeons, [76] and also fish, such as pike, carp, sturgeon,
shad, barbel, turtles, bass, and other kinds unknown to us, on which they
dined and supped every day. They were also all in better condition than
myself, who was reduced from work and the anxiety which I had experienced,
not having eaten more than once a day, and that of fish badly cooked and
half broiled.

On the 22d of June, about 8 o'clock in the evening, the savages sounded an
alarm because one of them had dreamed he had seen the Iroquois. In order to
content them, all the men took their arms, and some were sent to their
cabins to reassure them, and into the approaches to reconnoitre, so that,
finding it was a false alarm, they were satisfied with the firing of some
two hundred musket and arquebus shots, after which arms were laid down, the
ordinary guard only being left. This reassured them greatly, and they were
very glad to see the French ready to help them.

After the savages had bartered their articles of merchandise and had
resolved to return, I asked them to take with them two young men, to treat
them in a friendly manner, show them the country, and bind themselves to
bring them back. But they strongly objected to this, representing to me the
trouble our liar had given me, and fearing that they would bring me false
reports, as he had done. I replied that they were men of probity and truth,
and that if they would not take them they were not my friends, whereupon
they resolved to do so. As for out liar, none of the savages wanted him,
notwithstanding my request to them to take him, and we left him to the
mercy of God.

Finding that I had no further business in this country, I resolved to
cross in the first vessel that should return to France. Sieur de
Maisonneuve, having his ready, offered me a passage, which I accepted; and
on the 27th of June I set out with Sieur L'Ange from the Falls, where we
left the other vessels, which were awaiting the return of the savages who
had gone to the war, and we arrived at Tadoussac on the 6th of July.

On the 8th of August [77] we were enabled by favorable weather to set
sail. On the 18th we left Gaspe and Isle Percee. On the 28th we were on the
Grand Bank, where the green fishery is carried on, and where we took as
many fish as we wanted.

On the 26th of August we arrived at St Malo, where I saw the merchants, to
whom I represented the ease of forming a good association in the future,
which they resolved to do, as those of Rouen and La Rochelle had done,
after recognizing the necessity of the regulations, without which it is
impossible to hope for any profit from these lands. May God by His grace
cause this undertaking to prosper to His honor and glory, the conversion of
these poor benighted ones, and to the welfare and honor of France.

ENDNOTES:

72. By the Ottawa, which they had left a little below Portage du Fort, and
    not by the same way they had come, through the system of small lakes,
    of which Muskrat lake is one. _Vide Carte de la Nouvelle France_, 1632,
    Vol. I. p. 304.

73. Allumette Island.

74. Near Gould's Landing, below or south of Portage da Fort.--_Vide
    Champlain's Astrolabe_, by A. J. Russell, Montreal, 1879, p. 6.

75. At that time there were to be found in Canada at least four species of
    the Cervus Family.

    1. The Moose, _Cervus alces_, or _alces Americanus_, usually called by
    the earliest writers _orignal_ or _orignac_.  _Vide_ Vol. I. pp. 264,
    265. This is the largest of all the deer family in this or in any other
    part of the world The average weight has been placed at seven hundred
    pounds, while extraordinary specimens probably attain twice that
    weight.

    2. The Wapiti, or American Elk, _Cervus elaphus_, or _Canadensis_. This
    is the largest of the known deer except the preceding. The average
    weight is probably less than six hundred pounds.

    3. The Woodland Caribou, _Cervus tarandus_. It is smaller than the
    Wapiti. Its range is now mostly in the northern regions of the
    continent but specimens are still found in Nova Scotia and New
    Brunswick. The female is armed with antlers as well as the male, though
    they are smaller.

    4. The Common Deer, _Cervus Virginianus_. It has the widest range of
    any of the deer family. It is still found in every degree of latitude
    from Mexico to British Columbia. _Vide Antelope and Deer of America_ by
    John Dean Caton, LL.D., Boston, 1877.

76. _Palombes_. The passenger, or wild pigeon, _Ectopistes migratorius_.

77. _Le_ 8 _Aoust_. Laverdiere suggests with much plausibility that this
    should read "The 8th of July." Champlain could hardly have found it
    necessary to remain at Tadoussac from the 6th of July to the 8th of
    August for favorable weather to sail. If he had been detained by any
    other cause, it would probably have been deemed of sufficient gravity
    to be specially mentioned.



VOYAGES
AND
DISCOVERIES IN NEW FRANCE,
From the year 1615 to the end of the year 1618.

BY
SIEUR DE CHAMPLAIN,
Captain in ordinary to the King in the Western Sea.

WHERE ARE DESCRIBED

_The manners, customs, dress, mode of warfare, hunting, dances, festivals,
and method of burial of various savage peoples, with many remarkable
experiences of the author in this country, and an account of the beauty,
fertility, and temperature of the same_.

PARIS.

CLAUDE COLLET, in the Palace, at the gallery of the Prisoners.

M. DC. XIX.

_WITH AUTHORITY OF THE KING_.


TO THE KING.

_Sire, This is a third volume containing a narrative of what has transpired
most worthy of note during the voyages I have made to New France, and its
perusal will, I think, afford your Majesty greater pleasure than that of
those preceding, which only designate the ports, harbors, situations,
declinations, and other particulars, having more interest for navigators
and sailors than for other persons. In this narrative you will be able to
observe more especially the manners and mode of life of these peoples both
in particular and in general, their wars, ammunition, method of attack and
of defence, their expeditions and retreats in various circumstances,
matters about which those interested desire information. You will perceive
also that they are not savage to such an extent that they could not in
course of time and through association with others become civilised and
cultivated. You will likewise perceive how great hopes we cherish from the
long and arduous labors we have for the past fifteen years sustained, in
order to plant in this country the standard of the cross, and to teach the
people the knowledge of God and the glory of His holy name, it being our
desire to cultivate a feeling of charity towards His unfortunate creatures,
which it is our duty to practise more patiently than any other thing,
especially as there are many who have not entertained such purposes, but
have been influenced only by the desire of gain. Nevertheless we may, I
suppose, believe that these are the means which God makes use of for the
greater promotion of the holy desire of others. As the fruits which the
trees bear are from God, the Lord of the soil, who has planted, watered,
and nourished them with an especial care, so your Majesty can be called the
legitimate lord of our labors, and the good resulting from them, not only
because the land belongs to you, but also because you have protected us
against so many persons, whose only object has been by troubling us to
prevent the success of so holy a determination, taking from us the power to
trade freely in a part of your country, and striving to bring everything
into confusion, which would be, in a word, preparing the way for the ruin
of everything to the injury of your state. To this end your subjects have
employed every conceivable artifice and all possible means which they
thought could injure us. But all these efforts have been thwarted by your
Majesty, assisted by your prudent council, who have given us the authority
of your name, and supported us by your decrees rendered in our favor. This
is an occasion for increasing in us our long-cherished desire to send
communities and colonies there, to teach the people the knowledge of God,
and inform them of the glory and triumphs of your Majesty, so that together
with the French language they may also acquire a French heart and spirit,
which, next to the fear of God, will be inspired with nothing so ardently
as the desire to serve you. Should our design succeed, the glory of it will
be due, after God, to your Majesty, who will receive a thousand
benedictions from Heaven for so many souls saved by your instrumentality,
and your name will be immortalized for carrying the glory and sceptre of
the French as far to the Occident as your precursors have extended it to
the Orient, and over the entire habitable earth. This will augment the
quality of_ MOST CHRISTIAN _belonging to you above all the kings of the
earth, and show that it is as much your due by merit as it is your own of
right, it having been transmitted to you by your predecessors, who acquired
it by their virtues; for you have been pleased, in addition to so many
other important affairs, to give your attention to this one, so seriously
neglected hitherto, God's special grace reserving to your reign the
publication of His gospel, and the knowledge of His holy name to so many
tribes who had never heard of it. And some day may God's grace lead them,
as it does us, to pray to Him without ceasing to extend your empire, and to
vouchsafe a thousand blessings to your Majesty_.

_SIRE_,

_Your most humble, most faithful_,

_and most obedient servant and subject_,

_CHAMPLAIN_.




PREFACE.


As in the various affairs of the world each thing strives for its
perfection and the preservation of its being, so on the other hand does man
interest himself in the different concerns of others on some account,
either for the public good, or to acquire, apart from the common interest,
praise and reputation with some profit. Wherefore many have pursued this
course, but as for myself I have made choice of the most unpleasant and
difficult one of the perilous navigation of the seas; with the purpose,
however, not so much of gaining wealth, as the honor and glory of God in
behalf of my King and country, and contributing by my labors something
useful to the public good. And I make declaration that I have not been
tempted by any other ambition, as can be clearly perceived, not only by my
conduct in the past, but also by the narratives of my voyages, made by the
command of His Majesty, in New France, contained in my first and second
books, as may be seen in the same.

Should God bless our purpose, which aims only for His glory, and should any
fruit result from our discoveries and arduous labors, I will return thanks
to Him, and for Your Majesty's protection and assistance will continue my
prayers for the aggrandizement and prolongation of your reign.




EXTRACT FROM THE LICENSE OF THE KING.

By favor and license of the KING, permission is given to CLAUDE COLLET,
merchant bookseller in our city of Paris, to print, or have printed by such
printer as shall seem good to him, a book entitled, _Voyages and
Discoveries in New France, from the Year_ 1615 _to the End of the Year
1618. By Sieur de Champlain, Captain in Ordinary to the King in the Western
Sea_. All booksellers and printers of our kingdom are forbidden to print or
have printed, to sell wholesale or retail, said book, except with the
consent of said Collet, for the time and term of six years, beginning with
the day when said book is printed, on penalty of confiscation of the
copies, and a fine of four hundred _livres_, a half to go to us and a half
to said petitioner. It is our will, moreover, that this License should be
placed at the commencement or end of said book. This is our pleasure.

Given at Paris, the 18th day of May, 1619, and of our reign the tenth.

By the Council,

DE CESCAUD




VOYAGE
OF
SIEUR DE CHAMPLAIN TO NEW FRANCE,
MADE IN THE YEAR 1615.


The strong love, which I have always cherished for the exploration of New
France, has made me desirous of extending more and more my travels over the
country, in order, by means of its numerous rivers, lakes, and streams, to
obtain at last a complete knowledge of it, and also to become acquainted
with the inhabitants, with the view of bringing them to the knowledge of
God. To this end I have toiled constantly for the past fourteen or fifteen
years, [78] yet have been able to advance my designs but little, because I
have not received the assistance which was necessary for the success of
such an undertaking. Nevertheless, without losing courage, I have not
ceased to push on, and visit various nations of the savages; and, by
associating familiarly with them, I have concluded, as well from their
conversation as from the knowledge already attained, that there is no
better way than, disregarding all storms and difficulties, to have patience
until His Majesty shall give the requisite attention to the matter, and
meanwhile, not only to continue the exploration of the country, but also to
learn the language, and form relations and friendships with the leading men
of the villages and tribes, in order to lay the foundations of a permanent
edifice, as well for the glory of God as for the renown of the French.

And His Majesty having transferred and intrusted the superintendence of
this work to Monseigneur the Prince de Conde, the latter has, by his
management, under the authority of His Majesty, sustained us against all
forts of jealousies and obstacles concerted by evil wishers. This has, as
it were, animated me and redoubled my courage for the continuation of my
labors in the exploration of New France, and with increased effort I have
pushed forward in my undertaking into the mainland, and farther on than I
had previously been, as will be hereafter indicated in the course of this
narrative.

But it is appropriate to state first that, as I had observed in my previous
journeys, there were in some places people permanently settled, who were
fond of the cultivation of the soil, but who had neither faith nor law, and
lived without God and religion, like brute beasts. In view of this, I felt
convinced that I should be committing a grave offence if I did not take it
upon myself to devise some means of bringing them to the knowledge of
God. To this end I exerted myself to find some good friars, with zeal and
affection for the glory of God, that I might persuade them to send some
one, or go themselves, with me to these countries, and try to plant there
the faith, or at least do what was possible according to their calling, and
thus to observe and ascertain whether any good fruit could be gathered
there. But since to attain this object an expenditure would be required
exceeding my means, and for other reasons, I deferred the matter for a
while, in view of the difficulties there would be in obtaining what was
necessary and requisite in such an enterprise; and since, furthermore, no
persons offered to contribute to it. Nevertheless, while continuing my
search, and communicating my plan to various persons, a man of distinction
chanced to present himself, whose intimate acquaintance I enjoyed. This was
Sieur Houeel, Secretary of the King and Controller-general of the salt works
at Brouage, a man of devoted piety, and of great zeal and love for the
honor of God and the extension of His religion. [79] He gave me the
following information, which afforded me great pleasure. He said that he
was acquainted with some good religious Fathers, of the order of the
Recollects, in whom he had confidence; and that he enjoyed such intimacy
and confidence with them that he could easily induce them to consent to
undertake the voyage; and that, as to the necessary means for sending out
three or four friars, there would be no lack of people of property who
would give them what they needed, offering for his part to assist them to
the extent of his ability; and, in fact, he wrote in relation to the
subject to Father du Verger, [80] who welcomed with joy the undertaking,
and, in accordance with the recommendation of Sieur Houeel, communicated it
to some of his brethren, who, burning with charity, offered themselves
freely for this holy undertaking.

Now he was at that time in Saintonge, whence he sent two men to Paris with
a commission, though not with absolute power, reserving the rest to the
Nuncio of our Holy Father the Pope, who was at that time, in 1614, in
France. [81] He called upon these friars at their house in Paris, and was
greatly pleased with their resolution. We then went all together to see the
Sieur Nuncio, in order to communicate to him the commission, and entreat
him to interpose his authority in the matter. But he, on the contrary, told
us that he had no power whatever in such matters, and that it was to their
General that they were to address themselves. Notwithstanding this reply,
the Recollects, in consideration of the difficulty of the mission, were
unwilling to undertake the journey on the authority of Father du Verger,
fearing that it might not be sufficient, and that the commission might not
be valid, on which account the matter was postponed to the following
year. Meanwhile they took counsel, and came to a determination, according
to which all arrangements were made for the undertaking, which was to be
carried out in the following spring; awaiting which the two friars returned
to their convent at Brouage.

I for my part improved the time in arranging my affairs in preparation for
the voyage.

Some months after the departure of the two friars, the Reverend Father
Chapouein, Provincial of the Recollect Fathers, a man of great piety,
returned to Paris. Sieur Houel called on him, and narrated what had taken
place respecting the authority of Father du Verger, and the mission he had
given to the Recollect Fathers. After which narrative the Provincial Father
proceeded to extol the plan, and to interest himself with zeal in it,
promising to promote it with all his power, and adding that, he had not
before well comprehended the subject of this mission; and it is to be
believed that God inspired him more and more to prosecute the matter.
Subsequently he spoke of it to Monseigneur the Prince de Conde, and to all
the cardinals and bishops who were then assembled at Paris for the Session
of the Estates. All of them approved and commended the plan; and to show
that they were favorably disposed towards it, they assured the Sieur
Provincial that they would devise among themselves and the members of the
Court means for raising a small fund, and that they would collect some
money for assisting four friars to be chosen, and who were then chosen for
the execution of so holy a work. And in order to facilitate the
undertaking, I visited at the Estates the cardinals and bishops, and
urgently represented to them the advantage, and usefulness which might one
day result, in order by my entreaties to move them to give, and cause
others who might be stimulated by their example to give, contributions and
presents, leaving all to their good will and judgment.

The contributions which were made for the expenses of this expedition
amounted to nearly fifteen hundred _livres_, which were put into my hands,
and then employed, according to the advice and in the presence of the
Fathers, for the purchase of what was necessary, not only for the
maintenance of the Fathers who should undertake the journey into New
France, but also for their clothing, and the attire and ornaments necessary
for performing divine service. The friars were sent on in advance to
Honfleur, where their embarkation was to take place.

Now the Fathers who were appointed for this holy enterprise were Father
Denis [82] as commissary, Jean d'Olbeau, [83] Joseph le Caron, and
Pacifique du Plessis, [84] each of whom was moved by a holy zeal and ardor
to make the journey, through God's grace, in order to see if they might
produce some good fruit, and plant in these regions the standard of Jesus
Christ, determined to live and to die for His holy name, should it be
necessary to do so and the occasion require it. Everything having been
prepared, they provided themselves with church ornaments, and we with what
was necessary for our voyage.

I left Paris the last day of February to meet at Rouen our associates, and
represent to them the will of Monseigneur the Prince, and also his desire
that these good Fathers should make the journey, since he recognized the
fact that the affairs of the country could hardly reach any perfection or
advancement, if God should not first of all be served; with which our
associates were highly pleased, promising to assist the Fathers to the
extent of their ability, and provide them with the support they might need.

The Fathers arrived at Rouen the twentieth of March following, where we
stayed some time. Thence we went to Honfleur to embark, where we also
stayed some days, waiting for our vessel to be got ready, and loaded with
the necessaries for so long a voyage. Meanwhile preparations were made in
matters of conscience, so that each one of us might examine himself, and
cleanse himself from his sins by penitence and confession, in order to
celebrate the sacrament and attain a state of grace, so that, being thereby
freer in conscience, we might under the guidance of God, expose ourselves
to the mercy of the waves of the great and perilous sea.

This done, we embarked on the vessel of the association, which was of three
hundred and fifty tons burden, and was called the Saint Etienne, commanded
by Sieur de Pont Grave. We departed from Honfleur on the twenty-fourth day
of August, [85] in the above-mentioned year, and set sail with a very
favorable wind. We continued on our voyage without encountering ice or
other dangers, through the mercy of God, and in a short time arrived off
the place called _Tadoussac_, on the twenty-fifth day of May, when we
rendered thanks to God for having conducted us so favorably to the harbor
of our destination.

Then we began to set men at work to fit up our barques in order to go to
Quebec, the place of our abode, and to the great Falls of Saint Louis, the
rendezvous of the savages, who come there to traffic.

The barques having been fitted up, we went on board with the Fathers, one
of whom, named Father Joseph, [86] desired, without stopping or making any
stay at Quebec, to go directly to the great Falls, where he saw all the
savages and their mode of life. This induced him to go and spend the winter
in their country and that of other tribes who have a fixed abode, not only
in order to learn their language, but also to see what the prospect was of
their conversion to Christianity. This resolution having been formed, he
returned to Quebec the twentieth day of June [87] for some church ornaments
and other necessaries. Meanwhile I had stayed at Quebec in order to arrange
matters relating to our habitation, as the lodgings of the Fathers, church
ornaments, the construction of a chapel for the celebration of the mass, as
also the employment of persons for clearing up lands. I embarked for the
Falls together with Father Denis, [88] who had arrived the same day from
Tadoussac with Sieur de Pont Grave.

As to the other friars, viz., Fathers Jean and Pacifique, [89] they stayed
at Quebec in order to fit up their chapel and arrange their lodgings. They
were greatly pleased at seeing the place so different from what they had
imagined, which increased their zeal.

We arrived at the Riviere des Prairies, five leagues below the Falls of
Saint Louis, whither the savages had come down. I will not attempt to speak
of the pleasure which our Fathers experienced at seeing, not only so long
and large a river, filled with many fine islands and bordered by a region
apparently so fertile, but also a great number of strong and robust men,
with natures not so savage as their manners, nor as they acknowledged they
had conceived them to be, and very different from what they had been given
to understand, owing to their lack of cultivation. I will not enter into a
description of them, but refer the reader to what I have said about them in
my preceding books, printed in the year 1614. [90]

To continue my narrative: We met Father Joseph, who was returning to Quebec
in order to make preparations, and take what he needed for wintering in
their country. This I did not think advisable at this season, but
counselled him rather to spend the winter at our settlement as being more
for his comfort, and undertake the journey when spring came or at least in
summer, offering to accompany him, and adding that by doing so he would not
fail to see what he might have seen by going, and that by returning and
spending the winter at Quebec he would have the society of his brothers and
others who remained at the settlement, by which he would be more profited
than by staying alone among these people, with whom he could not, in my
opinion, have much satisfaction. Nevertheless, in spite of all that could
be said to him and all representations, he would not change his purpose,
being urged by a godly zeal and love for this people, and hoping to make
known to them their salvation.

His motive in undertaking this enterprise, as he stated to us, was that he
thought it was necessary for him to go there not only in order to become
better acquainted with the characteristics of the people, but also to learn
more easily their language. In regard to the difficulties which it was
represented to him that he would have to encounter in his intercourse with
them, he felt assured that he could bear and overcome them, and that he
could adapt himself very well and cheerfully to the manner of living and
the inconveniences he would find, through the grace of God, of whose
goodness and help he felt clearly assured, being convinced that, since he
went on His service, and since it was for the glory of His name and the
preaching of His holy gospel that he undertook freely this journey, He
would never abandon him in his undertaking. And in regard to temporal
provisions very little was needed to satisfy a man who demands nothing but
perpetual poverty, and who seeks for nothing but heaven, not only for
himself but also for his brethren, it not being consistent with his rule of
life to have any other ambition than the glory of God, and it being his
purpose to endure to this end all the hardships, sufferings, and labors
which might offer.

Seeing him impelled by so holy a zeal and so ardent a charity, I was
unwilling to try any more to restrain him. Thus he set out with the purpose
of being the first to announce through His holy favor to this people the
name of God, having the great satisfaction that an opportunity presented
itself for suffering something for the name and glory of our Saviour Jesus
Christ.

As soon as I had arrived at the Falls, I visited the people, who were very
desirous of seeing us and delighted at our return. They hoped that we would
furnish them some of our number to assist them in their wars against our
enemies, representing to us that they could with difficulty come to us if
we should not assist them; for the Iroquois, they said, their old enemies,
were always on the road obstructing their passage. Moreover I had
constantly promised to assist them in their wars, as they gave us to
understand by their interpreter. Whereupon Sieur Pont Grave and myself
concluded that it was very necessary to assist them, not only in order to
put them the more under obligations to love us, but also to facilitate my
undertakings and explorations which, as it seemed, could only be
accomplished by their help, and also as this would be a preparatory step to
their conversion to Christianity. [91] Therefore I resolved to, go and
explore their country and assist them in their wars, in order to oblige
them to show me what they had so many times promised to do.

We accordingly caused them all to assemble together, that we might
communicate to them our intention. When they had heard it, they promised to
furnish us two thousand five hundred and fifty men of war, who would do
wonders, with the understanding that I with the same end in view should
very glad to see them decide so well. Then I proceeded to make known to
them the methods to be adopted for fighting, in which they took especial
pleasure, manifesting a strong hope of victory. Everything having been
decided upon, we separated with the intention of returning for the
execution of our undertaking. But before entering upon this journey, which
would require not less than three or four months, it seemed desirable that
I should go to our settlement to make the necessary arrangements there for
my absence.

On the ---- day of ---- following I set out on my return to the Riviere des
Prairies. [92] While there with two canoes of savages I met Father Joseph,
who was returning from our settlement with some church ornaments for
celebrating the holy sacrifice of the mass, which was chanted on the border
of the river with all devotion by the Reverend Fathers Denis and Joseph, in
presence of all the people, who were amazed at seeing the ceremonies
observed and the ornaments which seemed to them so handsome. It was
something which they had never before seen, for these Fathers were the
first who celebrated here the holy mass.

To return and continue the narrative of my journey: I arrived at Quebec on
the 26th, where I found the Fathers Jean and Pacifique in good health. They
on their part did their duty at that place in getting all things ready.
They celebrated the holy mass, which had never been said there before, nor
had there ever been any priest in this region.

Having arranged all matters at Quebec, I took with me two men and returned
to the Riviere des Prairies, in order to go with the savages. I left Quebec
on the fourth day of July, and on the eighth of the month while _en route_
I met Sieur du Pont Grave and Father Denis, who were returning to Quebec,
and who told me that the savages had departed greatly disappointed at my
not going with them; and that many of them declared that we were dead or
had been taken by the Iroquois, since I was to be gone only four or five
days, but had been gone ten. This made them and even our own Frenchmen give
up hope, so much did they long to see us again. They told me that Father
Joseph had departed with twelve Frenchmen, who had been furnished to assist
the savages. This intelligence troubled me somewhat; since, if I had been
there, I should have arranged many things for the journey, which I could
not now do. I was troubled not only on account of the small number of men,
but also because there were only four or five who were acquainted with the
handling of arms, while in such an expedition the best are not too good in
this particular. All this however did not cause me to lose courage at all
for going on with the expedition, on account of the desire I had of
continuing my explorations. I separated accordingly from Sieurs du Pont
Grave and Father Denis, determined to go on in the two canoes which I had,
and follow after the savages, having provided myself with what I needed.

On the 9th of the month I embarked with two others, namely, one of our
interpreters [93] and my man, accompanied by ten savages in the two canoes,
these being all they could carry, as they were heavily loaded and
encumbered with clothes, which prevented me from taking more men.

We continued our voyage up the River St. Lawrence some six leagues, and
then went by the Riviere des Prairies, which discharges into that river.
Leaving on the left the Falls of St. Louis, which are five or six leagues
higher up, and passing several small falls on this river, we entered a
lake, [94] after passing which we entered the river where I had been
before, which leads to the Algonquins, [95] a distance of eighty-nine
leagues [96] from the Falls of St. Louis. Of this river I have made an
ample description, with an account of my explorations, in my preceding
book, printed in 1614.[97] For this reason I shall not speak of it in this
narrative, but pass on directly to the Lake of the Algonquins.[98] Here we
entered a river [99] which flows into this lake, up which we went some
thirty-five leagues, passing a large number of falls both by land and
water, the country being far from attractive, and covered with pines,
birches, and some oaks, being also very rocky, and in many places somewhat
hilly. Moreover it was very barren and sterile, being but thinly inhabited
by certain Algonquin savages, called _Otaguottouemin_, [100] who dwell in
the country, and live by hunting and the fish they catch in the rivers,
ponds, and lakes, with which the region is well provided. It seems indeed
that God has been pleased to give to these forbidding and desert lands some
things in their season for the refreshment of man and the inhabitants of
these places. For I assure you that there are along the rivers many
strawberries, also a marvellous quantity of blueberries, [101] a little
fruit very good to eat, and other small fruits. The people here dry these
fruits for the winter, as we do plums in France for Lent. We left this
river, which comes from the north, [102] and by which the savages go to the
Saguenay to barter their furs for tobacco. This place is situated in
latitude 46 deg., and is very pleasant, but otherwise of little account. [103]

Continuing our journey by land, after leaving the river of the Algonquins,
we passed several lakes [104] where the savages carry their canoes, and
entered the lake of the Nipissings,[105] in latitude 46 deg. 15', on the
twenty-sixth day of the month, having gone by land and the lakes twenty-
five leagues, or thereabouts.[106] We then arrived at the cabins of the
savages, with whom we stayed two days. There was a large number of them,
who gave us a very welcome reception. They are a people who cultivate the
land but little. A shows the dress of these people as they go to war; B
that of the women, which differs in no wise from that of the Montagnais and
the great people of the Algonquins, extending far into the interior.[107]

During the time that I was with them the chief of this tribe and their most
prominent men entertained us with many banquets according to their custom,
and took the trouble to go fishing and hunting with me, in order to treat
me with the greatest courtesy possible. These people are very numerous,
there being from seven to eight hundred souls, who live in general near the
lake. This contains a large number of very pleasant islands, among others
one more than six leagues long, with three or four fine ponds and a number
of fine meadows; it is bordered by very fine woods, that contain an
abundance of game, which frequent the little ponds, where the savages also
catch fish. The northern side of the lake is very pleasant, with fine
meadows for the grazing of cattle, and many little streams, discharging
into the lake.

They were fishing at that time in a lake very abundant in various kinds of
fish, among others one a foot long that was very good. There are also other
kinds which the savages catch for the purpose of drying and storing away.
The lake is some eight leagues broad and twenty-five long,[108] into which
a river [109] flows from the northwest, along which they go to barter the
merchandise, which we give them in exchange for their peltry, with those
who live on it, and who support themselves by hunting and fishing, their
country containing great quantities of animals, birds, and fish.[110]

After resting two days with the chief of the Nipissings we re-embarked in
our canoes, and entered a river, by which this lake discharges itself.[111]
We proceeded down it some thirty-five leagues, and descended several little
falls by land and by water, until we reached Lake Attigouautan. All this
region is still more unattractive than the preceding, for I saw along this
river only ten acres of arable land, the rest being rocky and very hilly.
It is true that near Lake Attigouautan we found some Indian corn, but only
in small quantity. Here our savages proceeded to gather some squashes,
which were acceptable to us, for our provisions began to give out in
consequence of the bad management of the savages, who ate so heartily at
the beginning that towards the end very little was left, although we had
only one meal a day. But, as I have mentioned before, we did not lack for
blueberries [112] and strawberries; otherwise we should have been in danger
of being reduced to straits.

We met three hundred men of a tribe we named _Cheveux Releves_, [113] since
their hair is very high and carefully arranged, and better dressed beyond
all comparison than that of our courtiers, in spite of their irons and
refinements. This gives them a handsome appearance. They have no breeches,
and their bodies are very much pinked in divisions of various shapes. They
paint their faces in various colors, have their nostrils pierced, and their
ears adorned with beads. When they go out of their houses they carry a
club. I visited them, became somewhat acquainted, and formed a friendship
with them. I gave a hatchet to their chief, who was as much pleased and
delighted with it as if I had given him some rich present.  Entering into
conversation with him, I inquired in regard to the extent of his country,
which he pictured to me with coal on the bark of a tree. He gave me to
understand that he had come into this place for drying the fruit called
_blues_ [114] to serve for manna in winter, and when they can find nothing
else. A and C show the manner in which they arm themselves when they go to
war. They have as arms only the bow and arrow, made in the manner you see
depicted, and which they regularly carry; also a round shield of dressed
leather [115] made from an animal like the buffalo. [116]

The next day we separated, and continued our course, along the shore of the
lake of the Attigouautan, [117] which contains a large number of
islands. We went some forty-five leagues, all the time along the shore of
the lake. It is very large, nearly four hundred leagues long from east to
west, and fifty leagues broad, and in view of its great extent I have named
it the _Mer Douce_. [118] It is very abundant in various sorts of very good
fish, both those which we have and those we do not, but especially in
trout, which are enormously large, some of which I saw as long as four feet
and a half, the least being two feet and a half. There are also pike of
like size, and a certain kind of sturgeon, a very large fish and of
remarkable excellence. The country bordering this lake is partly hilly, as
on the north side, and partly flat, inhabited by savages, and thinly
covered with wood, including oaks. After crossing a bay, which forms one of
the extremities of the lake, [119] we went some seven leagues until we
arrived in the country of the Attigouautan at a village called _Otoueacha_,
on the first day of August. Here we found a great change in the country. It
was here very fine, the largest part being cleared up, and many hills and
several rivers rendering the region agreeable. I went to see their Indian
corn, which was at that time far advanced for the season.

These localities seemed to me very pleasant, in comparison with so
disagreeable a region as that from which we had come. The next day I went
to another village, called _Carmaron_, a league distant from this, where
they received us in a very friendly manner, making for us a banquet with
their bread, squashes, and fish. As to meat, that is very scarce there. The
chief of this village earnestly begged me to stay, to which I could not
consent, but returned to our village, where on the next night but one, as I
went out of the cabin to escape the fleas, of which there were large
numbers and by which we were tormented, a girl of little modesty came
boldly to me and offered to keep me company, for which I thanked her,
sending her away with gentle remonstrances, and spent the night with some
savages.

The next day I departed from this village to go to another, called
_Touaguainchain_, and to another, called _Tequenonquiaye_, in which we were
received in a very friendly manner by the inhabitants, who showed us the
best cheer they could with their Indian corn served in various styles. This
country is very fine and fertile, and travelling through it is very
pleasant.

Thence I had them guide me to Carhagouha, which was fortified by a triple
palisade of wood thirty-five feet high for its defence and protection. In
this village Father Joseph was staying, whom we saw and were very glad to
find well. He on his part was no less glad, and was expecting nothing so
little as to see me in this country. On the twelfth day of August the
Recollect Father celebrated the holy mass, and a cross was planted near a
small house apart from the village, which the savages built while I was
staying there, awaiting the arrival of our men and their preparation to go
to the war, in which they had been for a long time engaged.

Finding that they were so slow in assembling their army, and that I should
have time to visit their country, I resolved to go by short days' journeys
from village to village as far as Cahiague, where the rendezvous of the
entire army was to be, and which was fourteen leagues distant from
Carhagouha, from which village I set out on the fourteenth of August with
ten of my companions. I visited five of the more important villages, which
were enclosed with palisades of wood, and reached Cahiague, the principal
village of the country, where there were two hundred large cabins and where
all the men of war were to assemble. Now in all these villages they
received us very courteously with their simple welcome. All the country
where I went contains some twenty to thirty leagues, is very fine, and
situated in latitude 44 deg. 30'. It is very extensively cleared up. They plant
in it a great quantity of Indian corn, which grows there finely. They plant
likewise squashes,[120] and sun-flowers,[121] from the seed of which they
make oil, with which they anoint the head. The region is extensively
traversed with brooks, discharging into the lake. There are many very good
vines [122] and plums, which are excellent,[123] raspberries,[124]
strawberries,[125] little wild apples,[126] nuts,[127] and a kind of fruit
of the form and color of small lemons, with a similar taste, but having an
interior which is very good and almost like that of figs. The plant which
bears this fruit is two and a half feet high, with but three or four leaves
at most, which are of the shape of those of the fig-tree, and each plant
bears but two pieces of fruit. There are many of these plants in various
places, the fruit being very good and savory.[128] Oaks, elms, and beeches
[129] are numerous here, as also forests of fir, the regular retreat of
partridges [130] and hares.[131] There are also quantities of small
cherries [132] and black cherries,[133] and the same varieties of wood that
we have in our forests in France. The soil seems to me indeed a little
sandy, yet it is for all that good for their kind of cereal. The small
tract of country which I visited is thickly settled with a countless number
of human beings, not to speak of the other districts where I did not go,
and which, according to general report, are as thickly settled or more so
than those mentioned above. I reflected what a great misfortune it is that
so many poor creatures live and die without the knowledge of God, and even
without any religion or law established among them, whether divine,
political, or civil; for they neither worship, nor pray to any object, at
least so far as I could perceive from their conversation. But they have,
however, some sort of ceremony, which I shall describe in its proper place,
in regard to the sick, or in order to ascertain what is to happen to them,
and even in regard to the dead. These, however, are the works of certain
persons among them, who want to be confidentially consulted in such
matters, as was the case among the ancient pagans, who allowed themselves
to be carried away by the persuasions of magicians and diviners. Yet the
greater part of the people do not believe at all in what these charlatans
do and say. They are very generous to one another in regard to provisions,
but otherwise very avaricious. They do not give in return. They are clothed
with deer and beaver skins, which they obtain from the Algonquins and
Nipissings in exchange for Indian corn and meal.

On the 17th of August I arrived at Cahiague, where I was received with
great joy and gladness by all the savages of the country, who had abandoned
their undertaking, in the belief that they would see me no more, and that
the Iroquois had captured me, as I have before stated. This was the cause
of the great delay experienced in this expedition, they even having
postponed it to the following year. Meanwhile they received intelligence
that a certain nation of their allies, [134] dwelling three good days'
journeys beyond the Entouhonorons, [135] on whom the Iroquois also make
war, desired to assist them in this expedition with five hundred good men;
also to form an alliance and establish a friendship with us, that we might
all engage in the war together; moreover that they greatly desired to see
us and give expression to the pleasure they would have in making our
acquaintance.

I was glad to find this opportunity for gratifying my desire of obtaining a
knowledge of their country. It is situated only seven days from where the
Dutch [136] go to traffic on the fortieth degree. The savages there,
assisted by the Dutch, make war upon them, take them prisoners, and cruelly
put them to death; and indeed they told us that the preceding year, while
making war, they captured three of the Dutch, who were assisting their
enemies, [137] as we do the Attigouautans, and while in action one of their
own men was killed. Nevertheless they did not fail to send back the three
Dutch prisoners, without doing them any harm, supposing that they belonged
to our party, since they had no knowledge of us except by hearsay, never
having seen a Christian; otherwise, they said, these three prisoners would
not have got off so easily, and would not escape again should they surprise
and take them. This nation is very warlike, as those of the nation of the
Attigouautans maintain. They have only three villages, which are in the
midst of more than twenty others, on which they make war without assistance
from their friends; for they are obliged to pass through the thickly
settled country of the Chouontouaroueon,[138] or else they would have to
make a very long circuit.

After arriving at the village, it was necessary for me to remain until the
men of war should come from the surrounding villages, so that we might be
off as soon as possible. During this time there was a constant succession
of banquets and dances on account of the joy they experienced at seeing me
so determined to assist them in their war, just as if they were already
assured of victory.

The greater portion of our men having assembled, we set out from the
village on the first day of September, and passed along the shore of a
small lake, [139] distant three leagues from the village, where they catch
large quantities of fish, which they preserve for the winter. There is
another lake, [140] closely adjoining, which is twenty-five leagues in
circuit, and slows into the small one by a strait, where the above
mentioned extensive fishing is carried on. This is done by means of a large
number of stakes which almost close the strait, only some little openings
being left where they place their nets, in which the fish are caught. These
two lakes discharge into the _Mer Douce_. We remained some time in this
place to await the rest of our savages. When they were all assembled, with
their arms, meal, and necessaries, it was decided to choose some of the
most resolute men to compose a party to go and give notice of our departure
to those who were to assist us with five hundred men, that they might join
us, and that we might appear together before the fort of the enemy. This
decision having been made, they dispatched two canoes, with twelve of the
most stalwart savages, and also with one of our interpreters, [141] who
asked me to permit him to make the journey, which I readily accorded,
inasmuch as he was led to do so of his own will, and as he might in this
way see their country and get a knowledge of the people living there. The
danger, however, was not small, since it was necessary to pass through the
midst of enemies. They set out on the 8th of the month, and on the 10th
following there was a heavy white frost.

We continued our journey towards the enemy, and went some five or six
leagues through these lakes, [142] when the savages carried their canoes
about ten leagues by land. We then came to another lake, [143] six to seven
leagues in length and three broad. From this flows a river which discharges
into the great lake of the Entouhonorons. After traversing this lake we
passed a fall, and continuing our course down this river for about
sixty-four leagues [144] entered the lake of the Entouhonorons, having
passed, on our way by land, five falls, some being from four to five
leagues long. We also passed several lakes of considerable size, through
which the river passes. The latter is large and very abundant in good fish.

It is certain that all this region is very fine and pleasant. Along the
banks it seems as if the trees had been set out for ornament in most
places, and that all these tracts were in former times inhabited by
savages, who were subsequently compelled to abandon them from fear of their
enemies. Vines and nut-trees are here very numerous. Grapes mature, yet
there is always a very pungent tartness which is felt remaining in the
throat when one eats them in large quantities, arising from defect of
cultivation. These localities are very pleasant when cleared up.

Stags and bears are here very abundant. We tried the hunt and captured a
large number as we journeyed down. It was done in this way. They place four
or five hundred savages in line in the woods, so that they extend to
certain points on the river; then marching in order with bow and arrow in
hand, shouting and making a great noise in order to frighten the beasts,
they continue to advance until they come to the end of the point. Then all
the animals between the point and the hunters are forced to throw
themselves into the water, as many at least as do not fall by the arrows
shot at them by the hunters. Meanwhile the savages, who are expressly
arranged and posted in their canoes along the shore, easily approach the
stags and other animals, tired out and greatly frightened in the chase,
when they readily kill them with the spear heads attached to the extremity
of a piece of wood of the shape of a half pike. This is the way they engage
in the chase; and they do likewise on the islands where there are large
quantities of game. I took especial pleasure in seeing them hunt thus and
in observing their dexterity. Many animals were killed by the shot of the
arquebus, at which the savages were greatly surprised. But it unfortunately
happened that, while a stag was being killed, a savage, who chanced to come
in range, was wounded by a shot of an arquebus. Thence a great commotion
arose among them, which however subsided when some presents were given to
the wounded. This is the usual manner of allaying and settling quarrels,
and, in case of the death of the wounded, presents are given to the
relatives of the one killed.

As to smaller game there is a large quantity of it in its season. There are
also many cranes,[145] white as swans, and other varieties of birds like
those in France.

We proceeded by short days' journeys as far as the shore of the lake of the
Entouhonorons, constantly hunting as before mentioned. Here at its eastern
extremity, which is the entrance to the great River St. Lawrence, we made
the traverse, in latitude 43 deg., [146] where in the passage there are very
large beautiful islands. We went about fourteen leagues in passing to the
southern side of the lake towards the territory of the enemy. [147] The
savages concealed all their canoes in the woods near the shore. We went
some four leagues over a sandy strand, where I observed a very pleasant and
beautiful country, intersected by many little streams and two small rivers,
which discharge into the before-mentioned lake, also many ponds and
meadows, where there was an endless amount of game, many vines, fine woods,
and a large number of chestnut trees, whose fruit was still in the burr.
The chestnuts are small, but of a good flavor. The country is covered with
forests, which over its greater portion have not been cleared up. All the
canoes being thus hidden, we left the border of the lake, [148] which is
some eighty leagues long and twenty-five wide. [149] The greater portion of
its shores is inhabited by savages. We continued our course by land for
about twenty-five or thirty leagues. In the space of four days we crossed
many brooks, and a river which proceeds from a lake that discharges into
that of the Entouhonorons. [150] This lake is twenty-five or thirty leagues
in circuit, contains some fine islands, and is the place where our enemies,
the Iroquois, catch their fish, in which it abounds.

On the 9th of the month of October our savages going out to reconnoitre met
eleven savages, whom they took prisoners. They consisted of four women,
three boys, one girl, and three men, who were going fishing and were
distant some four leagues from the fort of the enemy. Now it is to be noted
that one of the chiefs, on seeing the prisoners, cut off the finger of one
of these poor women as a beginning of their usual punishment; upon which I
interposed and reprimanded the chief, Iroquet, representing to him that it
was not the act of a warrior, as he declared himself to be, to conduct
himself with cruelty towards women, who have no defence but their tears and
that one should treat them with humanity on account of their helplessness
and weakness; and I told him that on the contrary this act would be deemed
to proceed from a base and brutal courage, and that if he committed any
more of these cruelties he would not give me heart to assist them or favor
them in the war. To which the only answer he gave me was that their enemies
treated them in the same manner, but that, since this was displeasing to
me, he would not do anything more to the women, although he would to the
men.

The next day, at three o'clock in the afternoon, we arrived before the fort
[151] of their enemies, where the savages made some skirmishes with each
other, although our design was not to disclose ourselves until the next
day, which however the impatience of our savages would not permit, both on
account of their desire to see fire opened upon their enemies, and also
that they might rescue some of their own men who had become too closely
engaged, and were hotly pressed. Then I approached the enemy, and although
I had only a few men, yet we showed them what they had never seen nor heard
before; for, as soon as they saw us and heard the arquebus shots and the
balls whizzing in their ears, they withdrew speedily to their fort,
carrying the dead and wounded in this charge. We also withdrew to our main
body, with five or six wounded, one of whom died.

This done, we withdrew to the distance of cannon range, out of sight of the
enemy, but contrary to my advice and to what they had promised me. This
moved me to address them very rough and angry words in order to incite them
to do their duty, foreseeing that if everything should go according to
their whim and the guidance of their council, their utter ruin would be the
result. Nevertheless I did not fail to send to them and propose means which
they should use in order to get possession of their enemies.

These were, to make with certain kinds of wood a _cavalier_, which should
be higher than the palisades. Upon this were to be placed four or five of
our arquebusiers, who should keep up a constant fire over their palisades
and galleries, which were well provided with stones, and by this means
dislodge the enemy who might attack us from their galleries.  Meanwhile
orders were to be given to procure boards for making a sort of mantelet to
protect our men from the arrows and stones of which the savages generally
make use. These instruments, namely the cavalier and mantelets, were
capable of being carried by a large number of men. One mantelet was so
constructed that the water could not extinguish the fire, which might be
set to the fort, under cover of the arquebusiers who were doing their duty
on the cavalier. In this manner, I told them, we might be able to defend
ourselves so that the enemy could not approach to extinguish the fire which
we should set to their ramparts.

This proposition they thought good and very seasonable, and immediately
proceeded to carry it out as I directed. In fact the next day they set to
work, some to cut wood, others to gather it, for building and equipping the
cavalier and mantelets. The work was promptly executed and in less than
four hours, although the amount of wood they had collected for burning
against the ramparts, in order to set fire to them, was very small. Their
expectation was that the five hundred men who had promised to come would do
so on this day, but doubt was felt about them, since they had not appeared
at the rendezvous, as they had been charged to do, and as they had
promised. This greatly troubled our savages; but seeing that they were
sufficiently numerous to take the fort without other assistance, and
thinking for my part that delay, if not in all things at least in many, is
prejudicial, I urged them to attack it, representing to them that the
enemy, having become aware of their force and our arms, which pierced
whatever was proof against arrows, had begun to barricade themselves and
cover themselves with strong pieces of wood, with which they were well
provided and their village filled. I told them that the least delay was the
best, since the enemy had already strengthened themselves very much; for
their village was enclosed by four good palisades, which were made of great
pieces of wood, interlaced with each other, with an opening of not more
than half a foot between two, and which were thirty feet high, with
galleries after the manner of a parapet, which they had furnished with
double pieces of wood that were proof against our arquebus shots. Moreover
it was near a pond where the water was abundant, and was well supplied with
gutters, placed between each pair of palisades, to throw out water, which
they had also under cover inside, in order to extinguish fire. Now this is
the character of their fortifications and defences, which are much stronger
than the villages of the Attigouautan and others.

We approached to attack the village, our cavalier being carried by two
hundred of the strongest men, who put it down before the village at a
pike's length off. I ordered three arquebusiers to mount upon it, who were
well protected from the arrows and stones that could be shot or hurled at
them. Meanwhile the enemy did not fail to send a large number of arrows
which did not miss, and a great many stones, which they hurled from their
palisades. Nevertheless a hot fire of arquebuses forced them to dislodge
and abandon their galleries, in consequence of the cavalier which uncovered
them, they not venturing to show themselves, but fighting under shelter.
Now when the cavalier was carried forward, instead of bringing up the
mantelets according to order, including that one under cover of which we
were to set the fire, they abandoned them and began to scream at their
enemies, shooting arrows into the fort, which in my opinion did little harm
to the enemy.

But we must excuse them, for they are not warriors, and besides will have
no discipline nor correction, and will do only what they please.
Accordingly one of them set fire inconsiderately to the wood placed against
the fort of the enemy, quite the wrong way and in the face of the wind, so
that it produced no effect.

This fire being out, the greater part of the savages began to carry wood
against the palisades, but in so small quantity that the fire could have no
great effect. There also arose such disorder among them that one could not
understand another, which greatly troubled me. In vain did I shout in their
ears and remonstrate to my utmost with them as to the danger to which they
exposed themselves by their bad behavior, but on account of the great noise
they made they heard nothing. Seeing that shouting would only burst my
head, and that my remonstrances were useless for putting a stop to the
disorder, I did nothing more, but determined together with my men to do
what we could, and fire upon such as we could see.

Meanwhile the enemy profited by our disorder to get water and pour it so
abundantly that you would have said brooks were flowing through their
spouts, the result of which was that the fire was instantly extinguished,
while they did not cease shooting their arrows, which fell upon us like
hail. But the men on the cavalier killed and maimed many. We were engaged
in this combat about three hours, in which two of our chiefs and leading
warriors were wounded, namely, one called _Ochateguain_ and another
_Orani_, together with some fifteen common warriors. The others, seeing
their men and some of the chiefs wounded, now began to talk of a retreat
without farther fighting, in expectation of the five hundred men, [152]
whose arrival could not be much delayed. Thus they retreated, a disorderly
rabble.

Moreover the chiefs have in fact no absolute control over their men, who
are governed by their own will and follow their own fancy, which is the
cause of their disorder and the ruin of all their undertakings; for, having
determined upon anything with their leaders, it needs only the whim of a
villain, or nothing at all, to lead them to break it off and form a new
plan. Thus there is no concert of action among them, as can be seen by this
expedition.

Now we withdrew into our fort, I having received two arrow wounds, one in
the leg, the other in the knee, which caused me great inconvenience, aside
from the severe pain. When they were all assembled, I addressed them some
words of remonstrance on the disorder that had occurred. But all I said
availed nothing, and had no effect upon them. They replied that many of
their men had been wounded like myself, so that it would cause the others
much trouble and inconvenience to carry them as they retreated, and that it
was not possible to return again against their enemies, as I told them it
was their duty to do. They agreed, however, to wait four days longer for
the five hundred men who were to come; and, if they came, to make a second
effort against their enemies, and execute better what I might tell them
than they had done in the past. With this I had to content myself, to my
great regret.

Herewith is indicated the manner in which they fortify their towns, from
which representation it may be inferred that those of their friends and
enemies are fortified in like manner.

The next day there was a violent wind, which lasted two days, and was very
favorable for setting fire anew to the fort of the enemy which, although I
urged them strongly, they were unwilling to do, as if they were afraid of
getting the worst of it, and besides they pleaded their wounded as an
excuse.

We remained in camp until the 16th of the month, [153] during which time
there were some skirmishes between the enemy and our men, who were very
often surrounded by the former, rather through their imprudence than from
lack of courage; for I assure you that every time we went to the charge it
was necessary for us to go and disengage them from the crowd, since they
could only retreat under cover of our arquebusiers, whom the enemy greatly
dreaded and feared; for as soon as they perceived any one of the
arquebusiers they withdrew speedily, saying in a persuasive manner that we
should not interfere in their combats, and that their enemies had very
little courage to require us to assist them, with many other words of like
tenor, in order to prevail upon us.

I have represented by figure E the manner in which they arm themselves in
going to war.

After some days, seeing that the five hundred men did not come, they
determined to depart, and enter upon their retreat as soon as possible.
They proceeded to make a kind of basket for carrying the wounded, who are
put into it crowded up in a heap, being bound and pinioned in such a manner
that it is as impossible for them to move as for an infant in its swaddling
clothes; but this is, not without causing the wounded much extreme
pain. This I can say with truth from my own experience, having been carried
some days, since I could not stand up, particularly on account of an
arrow-wound which I had received in the knee. I never found myself in such
a _gehenna_ as during this time, for the pain which I suffered in
consequence of the wound in my knee was nothing in comparison with that
which I endured while I was carried bound and pinioned on the back of one
of our savages; so that I lost my patience, and as soon as I could sustain
myself, got out of this prison, or rather _gehenna_.

The enemy followed us about half a league, though at a distance, with the
view of trying to take some of those composing the rear guard; but their
efforts were vain, and they retired.

Now the only good point that I have seen in their mode of warfare is that
they make their retreat very securely, placing all the wounded and aged in
their centre, being well armed on the wings and in the rear, and continuing
this order without interruption until they reach a place of security.

Their retreat was very long, being from twenty-five to thirty leagues,
which caused the wounded much fatigue, as also those who carried them,
although the latter relieved each other from time to time.

On the 18th day of the month there fell much snow and hail, accompanied by
a strong wind, which greatly incommoded us. Nevertheless we succeeded in
arriving at the shore of the lake of the Entouhonorons, at the place where
our canoes were concealed, which we found all intact, for we had been
afraid lest the enemy might have broken them up.

When they were all assembled, and I saw that they were ready to depart to
their village, I begged them to take me to our settlement, which, though
unwilling at first, they finally concluded to do, and sought four men to
conduct me. Four men were found, who offered themselves of their own
accord; for, as I have before said, the chiefs have no control over their
men, in consequence of which they are often unable to do as they would
like. Now the men having been found, it was necessary also to find a canoe,
which was not to be had, each one needing his own, and there being no more
than they required. This was far from being pleasant to me, but, on the
contrary greatly annoyed me, since it led me to suspect some evil purpose,
inasmuch as they had promised to conduct me to our settlement after their
war. Moreover I was poorly prepared for spending the winter with them, or
else should not have been concerned about the matter. But not being able to
do anything, I was obliged to resign myself in patience. Now after some
days I perceived that their plan was to keep me and my companions, not only
as a security for themselves, for they feared their enemies, but also that
I might listen to what took place in their councils and assemblies, and
determine what they should do in the future against their enemies for their
security and preservation.

The next day, the 28th of the month, they began to make preparations; some
to go deer-hunting, others to hunt bears and beavers, others to go fishing,
others to return to their villages. An abode and lodging were furnished me
by one of the principal chiefs, called _D'Arontal_, with whom I already had
some acquaintance. Having offered me his cabin, provisions, and
accommodations, he set out also for the deer-hunt, which is esteemed by
them the greatest and most noble one. After crossing, from the island,
[154] the end of the lake, we entered a river [155] some twelve leagues in
extent. They then carried their canoes by land some half a league, when we
entered a lake [156] which was some ten or twelve leagues in circuit, where
there was a large amount of game, as swans, [157] white cranes, [158]
outardes, [159] ducks, teal, song-thrush, [160] larks, [161] snipe, [162]
geese, [163] and several other kinds of fowl too numerous to mention. Of
these I killed a great number, which stood us in good stead while waiting
for the capture of a deer. From there we proceeded to a certain place some
ten leagues distant, where our savages thought there were deer in
abundance. Assembled there were some twenty-five savages, who set to
building two or three cabins out of pieces of wood fitted to each other,
the chinks of which they stopped up by means of moss to prevent the
entrance of the air, covering them with the bark of trees.

When they had done this they went into the woods to a small forest of firs,
where they made an enclosure in the form of a triangle, closed up on two
sides and open on one. This enclosure was made of great stakes of wood
closely pressed together, from eight to nine feet high, each of the sides
being fifteen hundred paces long. At the extremity of this triangle there
was a little enclosure, constantly diminishing in size, covered in part
with boughs and with only an opening of five feet, about the width of a
medium-sized door, into which the deer were to enter. They were so
expeditious in their work, that in less than ten days they had their
enclosure in readiness. Meanwhile other savages had gone fishing, catching
trout and pike of prodigious size, and enough to meet all our wants.

All preparations being made, they set out half an hour before day to go
into the wood, some half a league from the before-mentioned enclosure,
separated from each other some eighty paces. Each had two sticks, which
they struck together, and they marched in this order at a slow pace until
they arrived at their enclosure. The deer hearing this noise flee before
them until they reach the enclosure, into which the savages force them to
go. Then they gradually unite on approaching the bay and opening of their
triangle, the deer skirting the sides until they reach the end, to which
the savages hotly pursue them, with bow and arrow in hand ready to let fly.
On reaching the end of the triangle they begin to shout and imitate wolves,
[164] which are numerous, and which devour the deer. The deer, hearing this
frightful noise, are constrained to enter the retreat by the little
opening, whither they are very hotly pursued by arrow shots. Having entered
this retreat, which is so well closed and fastened that they can by no
possibility get out, they are easily captured. I assure you that there is a
singular pleasure in this chase, which took place every two days, and was
so successful that, in the thirty-eight days [165] during which we were
there, they captured one hundred and twenty deer, which they make good use
of, reserving the fat for winter, which they use as we do butter, and
taking away to their homes some of the flesh for their festivities.

They have other contrivances for capturing the deer; as snares, with which
they kill many. You see depicted opposite the manner of their chase,
enclosure, and snare. Out of the skins they make garments. Thus you see how
we spent the time while waiting for the frost, that we might return the
more easily, since the country is very marshy.

When they first went out hunting, I lost my way in the woods, having
followed a certain bird that seemed to me peculiar. It had a beak like that
of a parrot, and was of the size of a hen. It was entirely yellow, except
the head which was red, and the wings which were blue, and it flew by
intervals like a partridge. The desire to kill it led me to pursue it from
tree to tree for a very long time, until it flew away in good earnest. Thus
losing all hope, I desired to retrace my steps, but found none of our
hunters, who had been constantly getting ahead, and had reached the
enclosure. While trying to overtake them, and going, as it seemed to me,
straight to where the enclosure was, I found myself lost in the woods,
going now on this side now on that, without being able to recognize my
position. The night coming on, I was obliged to spend it at the foot of a
great tree, and in the morning set out and walked until three o'clock in
the afternoon, when I came to a little pond of still water. Here I noticed
some game, which I pursued, killing three or four birds, which were very
acceptable, since I had had nothing to eat. Unfortunately for me there had
been no sunshine for three days, nothing but rain and cloudy weather, which
increased my trouble. Tired and exhausted I prepared to rest myself and
cook the birds in order to alleviate the hunger which I began painfully to
feel, and which by God's favor was appeased.

When I had made my repast I began to consider what I should do, and to pray
God to give me the will and courage to sustain patiently my misfortune if I
should be obliged to remain abandoned in this forest without counsel or
consolation except the Divine goodness and mercy, and at the same time to
exert myself to return to our hunters. Thus committing all to His mercy I
gathered up renewed courage going here and there all day, without
perceiving any foot-print or path, except those of wild beasts, of which I
generally saw a good number. I was obliged to pass here this night
also. Unfortunately I had forgotten to bring with me a small compass which
would have put me on the right road, or nearly so. At the dawn of day,
after a brief repast, I set out in order to find, if possible, some brook
and follow it, thinking that it must of necessity flow into the river on
the border of which our hunters were encamped. Having resolved upon this
plan, I carried it out so well that at noon I found myself on the border of
a little lake, about a league and a half in extent, where I killed some
game, which was very timely for my wants; I had likewise remaining some
eight or ten charges of powder, which was a great satisfaction.

I proceeded along the border of this lake to see where it discharged, and
found a large brook, which I followed until five o'clock in the evening,
when I heard a great noise, but on carefully listening failed to perceive
clearly what it was. On hearing the noise, however, more distinctly, I
concluded that it was a fall of water in the river which I was searching
for. I proceeded nearer, and saw an opening, approaching which I found
myself in a great and far-reaching meadow, where there was a large number
of wild beasts, and looking to my right I perceived the river, broad and
long. I looked to see if I could not recognize the place, and walking along
on the meadow I noticed a little path where the savages carried their
canoes. Finally, after careful observation, I recognized it as the same
river, and that I had gone that way before.

I passed the night in better spirits than the previous ones, supping on the
little I had. In the morning I re-examined the place where I was, and
concluded from certain mountains on the border of the river that I had not
been deceived, and that our hunters must be lower down by four or five good
leagues. This distance I walked at my leisure along the border of the
river, until I perceived the smoke of our hunters, where I arrived to the
great pleasure not only of myself but of them, who were still searching for
me, but had about given up all hopes of seeing me again. They begged me not
to stray off from them any more, or never to forget to carry with me my
compass, and they added: If you had not come, and we had not succeeded in
finding you, we should never have gone again to the French, for fear of
their accusing us of having killed you. After this he [166] was very
careful of me when I went hunting, always giving me a savage as companion,
who knew how to find again the place from which he started so well that it
was something very remarkable.

To return to my subject: they have a kind of superstition in regard to this
hunt; namely, they believe that if they should roast any of the meat taken
in this way, or if any of the fat should fall into the fire, or if any of
the bones should be thrown into it, they would not be able to capture any
more deer. Accordingly they begged me to roast none of this meat, but I
laughed at this and their way of doing. Yet, in order not to offend them,
I cheerfully desisted, at least in their presence; though when they were
out of sight I took some of the best and roasted it, attaching no credit to
their superstitions. When I afterwards told them what I had done, they
would not believe me, saying that they could not have taken any deer after
the doing of such a thing.

On the fourth day of December we set out from this place, walking on the
river, lakes, and ponds, which were frozen, and sometimes through the
woods. Thus we went for nineteen days, undergoing much hardship and toil,
both the savages, who were loaded with a hundred pounds, and myself, who
carried a burden of twenty pounds, which in the long journey tired me very
much. It is true that I was sometimes relieved by our savages, but
nevertheless I suffered great discomfort. The savages, in order to go over
the ice more easily, are accustomed to make a kind of wooden sledge, [167]
on which they put their loads, which they easily and swiftly drag along.
Some days after there was a thaw, which caused us much trouble and
annoyance; for we had to go through pine forests full of brooks, ponds,
marshes, and swamps, where many trees had been blown down upon each
other. This caused us a thousand troubles and embarrassments, and great
discomfort, as we were all the time wet to above our knees. We were four
days in this plight, since in most places the ice would not bear. At last,
on the 20th of the month, we succeeded in arriving at our village. [168]
Here the Captain Yroquet had come to winter with his companions, who are
Algonquins, also his son, whom he brought for the sake of treatment, since
while hunting he had been seriously injured by a bear which he was trying
to kill.

After resting some days I determined to go and visit Father Joseph, and to
see in winter the people where he was, whom the war had not permitted me to
see in the summer. I set out from this village on the 14th [169] of January
following, thanking my host for the kindness he had shown me, and, taking
formal leave of him, as I did not expect to see him again for three months.

The next day I saw Father Joseph, [170] in his small house where he had
taken up his abode, as I have before stated. I stayed with him some days,
finding him deliberating about making a journey to the Petun people, as I
had also thought of doing, although it was very disagreeable travelling in
winter. We set out together on the fifteenth of February to go to that
nation, where we arrived on the seventeenth of the month. [171] These Petun
people plant the maize, called by us _ble de Turquie_, and have fixed
abodes like the rest. We went to seven other villages of their neighbors
and allies, with whom we contracted friendship, and who promised to come in
good numbers to our settlement. They welcomed us with good cheer, making a
banquet with meat and fish, as is their custom. To this the people from all
quarters flocked in order to see us, showing many manifestations of
friendship, and accompanying us on the greater part of our way back. The
country is diversified with pleasant <DW72>s and plains. They were beginning
to build two villages, through which we passed, and which were situated in
the midst of the woods, because of the convenience [172] of building and
fortifying their towns there. These people live like the Attignouaatitans,
[173] and have the same customs. They are situated near the Nation Neutre,
[174] which are powerful and occupy a great extent of country. After
visiting these people, we set out from that place, and went to a nation of
savages, whom we named _Cheveux Releves_. [175] They were very happy to see
us again, and we entered into friendship with them, while they in return
promised to come and see us, namely at the habitation in this place.

It has seemed to me desirable to describe them and their country, their
customs and mode of life. In the first place they are at war with another
nation of savages, called Asistagueroueon, [176] which means _Gens de Feu_,
who are distant from them ten days' journey. I informed myself accordingly
very particularly in regard to their country and the tribes living there,
as also to their character and numbers. The people of this nation are very
numerous, and are for the most part great warriors, hunters, and
fishermen. They have several chiefs, each ruling in his own district. In
general they plant Indian corn, and other cereals. They are hunters who go
in troops to various regions and countries, where they traffic with other
nations, distant four or five hundred leagues. They are the cleanest
savages in their household affairs that I have ever seen, and are very
industrious in making a kind of mat, which constitutes their Turkish
carpets. The women have the body covered, but the men go uncovered, with
the exception of a fur robe in the form of a cloak, which they usually
leave off in summer. The women and girls are not more moved at seeing them
thus, than if they saw nothing unusual. The women live very happily with
their husbands. They have the following custom when they have their
catamenia: the wives withdraw from their husbands, or the daughter from her
father and mother and other relatives, and go to certain small houses.
There they remain in retirement, awaiting their time, without any company
of men, who bring them food and necessaries until their return. Thus it is
known who have their catamenia and who have not. This tribe is accustomed
more than others to celebrate great banquets. They gave us good cheer and
welcomed us very cordially, earnestly begging me to assist them against
their enemies, who dwell on the banks of the _Mer Douce_, two hundred
leagues distant; to which I replied that they must wait until another time,
as I was not provided with the necessary means. They were at a loss how to
welcome us. I have represented them in figure C as they go to war.

There is, also, at a distance of a two days' journey from them, in a
southerly direction, another savage nation, that produces a large amount of
tobacco. This is called _Nation Neutre_. They number four thousand
warriors, and dwell westward of the lake of the Entouhonorons, which is
from eighty to a hundred leagues in extent. They, however, assist the
_Cheveux Releves_ against the _Gens de Feu_. But with the Iroquois and our
allies they are at peace, and preserve a neutrality.  There is a cordial
understanding towards both of these nations, and they do not venture to
engage in any dispute or quarrel, but on the contrary often eat and drink
with them like good friends. I was very desirous of visiting this nation,
but the people where we were dissuaded me from it, saying that the year
before one of our men had killed one of them, when we were at war with the
Entouhonorons, which offended them; and they informed us that they are much
inclined to revenge, not concerning themselves as to who struck the blow,
but inflicting the penalty upon the first one they meet of the nation, even
though one of their friends, when they succeed in catching him, unless
harmony has been previously restored between them, and gifts and presents
bestowed upon the relatives of the deceased. Thus I was prevented for the
time being from going, although some of this nation assured us that they
would do us no harm for the reason assigned above.

Thus we were led to return the same way we had come, and continuing my
journey, I reached the nation of the _Pisierinii_, [177] who had promised
to conduct me farther on in the prosecution of my plans and explorations.
But I was prevented by the intelligence which came from our great village
and the Algonquins, where Captain Yroquet was, namely, that the people of
the nation of the Atignouaatitans [178] had placed in his hands a prisoner
of a hostile nation, in the expectation that this Captain Yroquet would
exercise on the prisoner the revenge usual among them. But they said that,
instead of doing so, he had not only set him at liberty, but, having found
him apt, and an excellent hunter, had treated him as his son, on account of
which the Atignouaatitans had become jealous and resolved upon vengeance,
and had in fact appointed a man to go and kill this prisoner, allied as he
was. As he was put to death in the presence of the chiefs of the Algonquin
nation, they, indignant at such an act and moved to anger, killed on the
spot this rash murderer; whereupon the Atignouaatitans feeling themselves
insulted, seeing one of their comrades dead, seized their arms and went to
the tents of the Algonquins, who were passing the winter near the above
mentioned village, and belabored them severely, Captain Yroquet receiving
two arrow wounds. At another time they pillaged some of the cabins of the
Algonquins before the latter could place themselves in a state of defence,
so that they had not an equal chance.  Notwithstanding this they were not
reconciled to the Algonquins, who for securing peace had given the
Atignouaatitans fifty necklaces of porcelain and a hundred branches of the
same [179] which they value highly, and likewise a number of kettles and
axes, together with two female prisoners in place of the dead man. They
were, in a word, still in a state of violent animosity. The Algonquins were
obliged to suffer patiently this great rage, and feared that they might all
be killed, not feeling any security, notwithstanding their gifts, until
they should be differently situated.  This intelligence greatly disturbed
me, when I considered the harm that might arise not only to them, but to us
as well, who were in their country.

I then met two or three savages of our large village, who earnestly
entreated me to go to them in order to effect a reconciliation, declaring
that if I did not go none of them would come to us any more, since they
were at war with the Algonquins and regarded us as their friends. In view
of this I set out as soon as possible, and visited on my way the Nipissings
to ascertain when they would be ready for the journey to the north, which I
found broken off on account of these quarrels and hostilities, as my
interpreter gave me to understand, who said that Captain Yroquet had come
among all these tribes to find and await me. He had requested them to be at
the habitation of the French at the same time with himself to see what
agreement could be made between them and the Atignouaatitans, and to
postpone the journey to the north to another time. Moreover, Yroquet had
given porcelain to break off this journey. They promised us to be at our
habitation at the same time as the others.

If ever there was one greatly disheartened it was myself, since I had been
waiting to see this year what during many preceding ones I had been seeking
for with great toil and effort, through so many fatigues and risks of my
life. But realizing that I could not help the matter, and that everything
depended on the will of God, I comforted myself, resolving to see it in a
short time. I had such sure information that I could not doubt the report
of these people, who go to traffic with others dwelling in those northern
regions, a great part of whom live in a place very abundant in the chase,
and where there are great numbers of large animals, the skins of several of
which I saw, and which I concluded were buffaloes [180] from their
representation of their form. Fishing is also very abundant there. This
journey requires forty days, as well in returning as in going.

I set out towards our above-mentioned village on the 15th of February,
taking with me six of our men. Having arrived at that place the inhabitants
were greatly pleased, as also the Algonquins, whom I sent our interpreter
to visit in order to ascertain how everything had taken place on both
sides, for I did not wish to go myself that I might give no ground for
suspicion to either party.

Two days were spent in hearing from both sides how everything had taken
place. After this the principal men and seniors of the place came away with
us, and we all together went to the Algonquins. Here in one of their
cabins, where several of the leading men were assembled, they all, after
some talk, agreed to come and accept all that might be said by me as
arbiter in the matter, and to carry out what I might propose.

Then I gathered the views of each one, obtaining and investigating the
wishes and inclinations of both parties, and ascertained that all they
wanted was peace.

I set forth to them that the best course was to become reconciled and
remain friends, since being united and bound together they could the more
easily withstand their enemies; and as I went away I begged them not to ask
me to effect their reconciliation if they did not intend to follow in all
respects the advice I should give them in regard to this dispute, since
they had done me the honor to request my opinion. Whereupon they told me
anew that they had not desired my return for any other reason. I for my
part thought that if I should not reconcile and pacify them they would
separate ill disposed towards each other, each party thinking itself in the
right. I reflected, also, that they would not have gone to their cabins if
I had not been with them, nor to the French if I had not interested myself
and taken, so to speak, the charge and conduct of their affairs. Upon this
I said to them that as for myself I proposed to go with my host, who had
always treated me well, and that I could with difficulty find one so good;
for it was on him that the Algonquins laid the blame, saying that he was
the only captain who had caused the taking up of arms. Much was said by
both sides, and finally it was concluded that I should tell them what
seemed to me best, and give them my advice.

Since I saw now from what was said that they referred the whole matter to
my own decision as to that of a father, and promised that in the future I
might dispose of them as I thought best, referring the whole matter to my
judgment for settlement, I replied that I was very glad to see them so
inclined to follow my advice, and assured them that it should be only for
the best interests of the tribes.

Moreover I told them, I had been greatly disturbed at hearing the further
sad intelligence, namely the death of one of their relatives and friends,
whom we regarded as one of our own, which might have caused a great
calamity resulting in nothing but perpetual wars between both parties, with
various and serious disasters and a rupture of their friendship, in
consequence of which the French would be deprived of seeing them and of
intercourse with them, and be obliged to enter into alliance with other
nations; since we loved each other as brothers, leaving to God the
punishment of those meriting it.

I proceeded to say to them, that this mode of action between two nations,
who were, as they acknowledged, friendly to each other, was unworthy of
reasoning men, but rather characteristic of brute beasts. I represented to
them, moreover, that they were enough occupied in repelling their enemies
who pursued them, in routing them as often as possible, in pursuing them to
their villages and taking them prisoners; and that these enemies, seeing
divisions and wars among them, would be delighted and derive great
advantage therefrom; and be led to lay new and pernicious plans, in the
hope of soon being able to see their ruin, or at least their enfeebling
through one another, which would be the truest and easiest way for them to
conquer and become masters of their territories, since they did not assist
each other.

I told them likewise that they did not realize the harm that might befall
them from thus acting; that on account of the death of one man they
hazarded the lives of ten thousand, and ran the risk of being reduced to
perpetual slavery; that, although in fact one man was of great value, yet
they ought to consider how he had been killed, and that it was not with
deliberate purpose, nor for the sake of inciting a civil war, it being only
too evident that the dead man had first offended, since with deliberate
purpose he had killed the prisoner in their cabins, a most audacious thing,
even if the latter were an enemy. This aroused the Algonquins, who, seeing
a man that had been so bold as to kill in their own cabins another to whom
they had given liberty and treated as one of themselves, were carried away
with passion; and some, more excited than the rest, advanced, and, unable
to restrain or control their wrath, killed the man in question.
Nevertheless they had no ill feeling at all towards the nation as a whole,
and did not extend their purposes beyond the audacious one, who, they
thought, fully deserved what he had wantonly earned.

And besides I told them they must consider that the Entouhonoron, finding
himself wounded by two blows in the stomach, tore from his wound the knife
which his enemy had left there and gave the latter two blows, as I had been
informed; so that in fact one could not tell whether it was really the
Algonquins who had committed the murder. And in order to show to the
Attigouantans that the Algonquins did not love the prisoner, and that
Yroquet did not bear towards him the affection which they were disposed to
think, I reminded them that they had eaten him, as he had inflicted blows
with a knife upon his enemy; a thing, however, unworthy of a human being,
but rather characteristic of brute beasts.

I told them also that the Algonquins very much regretted all that had taken
place, and that, if they had supposed such a thing would have happened,
they would have sacrificed this Iroquois for their satisfaction. I reminded
them likewise that they had made recompense for this death and offence, if
so it should be called, by large presents and two prisoners, on which
account they had no reason at present to complain, and ought to restrain
themselves and act more mildly towards the Algonquins, their friends. I
told them that, since they had promised to submit every thing to
arbitration, I entreated them to forget all that had passed between them
and never to think of it again, nor bear any hatred or ill will on account
of it to each other, but to live good friends as before, by doing which
they would constrain us to love them and assist them as I had done in the
past. But in case they should not be pleased with my advice, I requested
them to come, in as large numbers as possible, to our settlement, so that
there, in the presence of all the captains of vessels, our friendship might
be ratified anew, and measures taken to secure them from their enemies, a
thing which they ought to consider.

Then they began to say that I had spoken well, and that they would adhere
to what I had said, and all went away to their cabins, apparently
satisfied, excepting the Algonquins, who broke up and proceeded to their
village, but who, as it seemed to me, appeared to be not entirely
satisfied, since they said among themselves that they would not come to
winter again in these places, the death of these two men having cost them
too dearly. As for myself, I returned to my host, in whom I endeavored to
inspire all the courage I could, in order to induce him to come to our
settlement, and bring with him all those of his country.

During the winter, which lasted four months, I had sufficient leisure to
observe their country, customs, dress, manner of living, the character of
their assemblies, and other things which I should like to describe. But it
is necessary first to speak of the situation of the country in general and
its divisions, also of the location of the tribes and the distances between
them.

The country extends in length, in the direction from east to west, nearly
four hundred and fifty leagues, and some eighty or a hundred leagues in
breadth from north to south, from latitude 41 deg. to 48 deg. or 49 deg. [181] This
region is almost an island, surrounded by the great river Saint Lawrence,
which passes through several lakes of great extent, on the shores of which
dwell various tribes speaking different languages, having fixed abodes, and
all fond of the cultivation of the soil, but with various modes of life,
and customs, some better than others. On the shore north of this great
river, extending westerly some hundred leagues towards the Attigouantans,
[182] there are very high mountains, and the air is more temperate than in
any other part of these regions, the latitude being 41 deg. All these places
abound in game, such as stags, caribous, elks, does, [183] buffaloes,
bears, wolves, beavers, foxes, minxes, [184] weasels, [185] and many other
kinds of animals which we do not have in France. Fishing is abundant, there
being many varieties, both those which we have in France, as also others
which we have not. There are likewise many birds in their time and season.
The country is traversed by numerous rivers, brooks, and ponds, connecting
with each other and finally emptying into the river St. Lawrence and the
lakes through which it passes. The country is very pleasant in spring, is
covered with extensive and lofty forests, and filled with wood similar to
that which we have in France, although in many places there is much cleared
land, where they plant Indian corn. This region also abounds in meadows,
lowlands, and marshes, which furnish food for the animals before mentioned.

The country north of the great river is very rough and mountainous, and
extends in latitude from 47 deg. to 49 deg., and in places abounds in rocks. [186]
So far as I could make out, these regions are inhabited by savages, who
wander through the country, not engaging in the cultivation of the soil,
nor doing anything, or at least as good as nothing. But they are hunters,
now in one place, now in another, the region being very cold and
disagreeable. This land on the north is in latitude 49 deg. and extends over
six hundred leagues in breadth from east to west, of parts of which we have
full knowledge. There are also many fine large rivers rising in this region
and discharging into the before-mentioned river, together with an infinite
number of fine meadows, lakes, and ponds, through which they pass, where
there is an abundance of fish. There are likewise numerous islands which
are for the most part cleared up and very pleasant, the most of them
containing great quantities of vines and wild fruits.

With regard to the regions further west, we cannot well determine their
extent, since the people here have no knowledge of them except for two or
three hundred leagues or more westerly, from whence comes the great river,
which passes, among other places, through a lake having an extent of nearly
thirty days' journey by canoe, namely that which we have called the _Mer
Douce_. This is of great extent, being nearly four hundred leagues long.
Inasmuch as the savages, with whom we are on friendly terms, are at war
with other nations on the west of this great lake, we cannot obtain a more
complete knowledge of them, except as they have told us several times that
some prisoners from the distance of a hundred leagues had reported that
there were tribes there like ourselves in color and in other respects.
Through them they have seen the hair of these people which is very light,
and which they esteem highly, saying that it is like our own. I can only
conjecture in regard to this, that the people they say resemble us were
those more civilized than themselves. It would require actual presence to
ascertain the truth in regard to this matter. But assistance is needed, and
it is only men of means, leisure, and energy, who could or would undertake
to promote this enterprise so that a full exploration of these places might
be made, affording us a complete knowledge of them.

In regard to the region south of the great river it is very thickly
settled, much more so than that on the north, and by tribes who are at war
with each other. The country is very pleasant, much more so than that on
the northern border, and the air is more temperate. There are many kinds of
trees and fruits not found north of the river, while there are many things
on the north side, in compensation, not found on the south. The regions
towards the east are sufficiently well known, inasmuch as the ocean borders
these places. These are the coasts of Labrador, Newfoundland, Cape Breton,
La Cadie, and the Almouchiquois, [187] places well known, as I have treated
of them sufficiently in the narrative of my previous Voyages, as likewise
of the people living there, on which account I shall not speak of them in
this treatise, my object being only to make a succinct and true report of
what I have seen in addition.

The country of the nation of the Attigouantans is in latitude 44 deg. 30', and
extends two hundred and thirty leagues [188] in length westerly, and ten in
breadth. It contains eighteen villages, six of which are enclosed and
fortified by palisades of wood in triple rows, bound together, on the top
of which are galleries, which they provide with stones and water; the
former to hurl upon their enemies and the latter to extinguish the fire
which their enemies may set to the palisades. The country is pleasant, most
of it cleared up. It has the shape of Brittany, and is similarly situated,
being almost surrounded by the _Mer Douce_ [189] They assume that these
eighteen villages are inhabited by two thousand warriors, not including the
common mass which amounts to perhaps thirty thousand souls.

Their cabins are in the shape of tunnels or arbors, and are covered with
the bark of trees. They are from twenty-five to thirty fathoms long, more
or less, and six wide, having a passage-way through the middle from ten to
twelve feet wide, which extends from one end to the other. On the two sides
there is a kind of bench, four feet high, where they sleep in summer, in
order to avoid the annoyance of the fleas, of which there are great
numbers. In winter they sleep on the ground on mats near the fire, so as to
be warmer than they would be on the platform. They lay up a stock of dry
wood, with which they fill their cabins, to burn in winter. At the
extremity of the cabins there is a space, where they preserve their Indian
corn, which they put into great casks made of the bark of trees and placed
in the middle of their encampment. They have pieces of wood suspended, on
which they put their clothes, provisions, and other things, for fear of the
mice, of which there are great numbers. In one of these cabins there may be
twelve fires, and twenty-four families. It smokes excessively, from which
it follows that many receive serious injury to the eyes, so that they lose
their sight towards the close of life. There is no window nor any opening,
except that in the upper part of their cabins for the smoke to escape.

This is all that I have been able to learn about their mode of life; and I
have described to you fully the kind of dwelling of these people, as far as
I have been able to learn it, which is the same as that of all the tribes
living in these regions. They sometimes change their villages at intervals
of ten, twenty, or thirty years, and transfer them to a distance of one,
two, or three leagues from the preceding situation, [190] except when
compelled by their enemies to dislodge, in which case they retire to a
greater distance, as the Antouhonorons, who went some forty to fifty
leagues. This is the form of their dwellings, which are separated from each
other some three or four paces, for fear of fire, of which they are in
great dread.

Their life is a miserable one in comparison with our own; but they are
happy among themselves, not having experienced anything better, and not
imagining that anything more excellent is to be found. Their principal
articles of food are Indian corn and Brazilian beans, [191] which they
prepare in various ways. By braying in a wooden mortar they reduce the corn
to meal. They remove the bran by means of fans made of the bark of trees.
From this meal they make bread, using also beans which they first boil, as
they do the Indian corn for soup, so that they may be more easily crushed.
Then they mix all together, sometimes adding blueberries [192] or dry
raspberries, and sometimes pieces of deer's fat, though not often, as this
is scarce with them. After steeping the whole in lukewarm water, they make
bread in the form of bannocks or pies, which they bake in the ashes. After
they are baked they wash them, and from these they often make others by
wrapping them in corn leaves, which they fasten to them, and then putting
them in boiling water.

But this is not their most common kind. They make another, which they call
_migan_, which is as follows: They take the pounded Indian corn, without
removing the bran, and put two or three handfuls of it in an earthen pot
full of water. This they boil, stirring it from time to time, that it may
not burn nor adhere to the pot. Then they put into the pot a small quantity
of fish, fresh or dry, according to the season, to give a flavor to the
_migan_, as they call it. They make it very often, although it smells
badly, especially in winter, either because they do not know how to prepare
it rightly, or do not wish to take the trouble to do so. They make two
kinds of it, and prepare it very well when they choose.  When they use fish
the _migan_ does not smell badly, but only when it is made with
venison. After it is all cooked, they take out the fish, pound it very
fine, and then put it all together into the pot, not taking the trouble to
remove the appendages, scales, or inwards, as we do, which generally causes
a bad taste. It being thus prepared, they deal out to each one his
portion. This _migan_ is very thin, and without much substance, as may be
well supposed. As for drink, there is no need of it, the _migan_ being
sufficiently thin of itself.

They have another kind of _migan_, namely, they roast new corn before it is
ripe, which they preserve and cook whole with fish, or flesh when they have
it. Another way is this: they take Indian corn, which is very dry, roast it
in the ashes, then bray it and reduce it to meal as in the former case.
This they lay up for the journeys which they undertake here and there. The
_migan_ made in the latter manner is the best according to my taste. Figure
H shows the women braying their Indian corn. In preparing it, they cook a
large quantity of fish and meat, which they cut into pieces and put into
great kettles, which they fill with water and let it all boil well. When
this is done, they gather with a spoon from the surface the fat which comes
from the meat and fish. Then they put in the meal of the roasted corn,
constantly stirring it until the _migan_ is cooked and thick as soup. They
give to each one a portion, together with a spoonful of the fat. This dish
they are accustomed to prepare for banquets, but they do not generally make
it.

Now the corn freshly roasted, as above described, is highly esteemed among
them. They eat also beans, which they boil with the mass of the roasted
flour, mixing in a little fat and fish. Dogs are in request at their
banquets, which they often celebrate among themselves, especially in
winter, when they are at leisure. In case they go hunting for deer or go
fishing, they lay aside what they get for celebrating these banquets,
nothing remaining in their cabins but the usual thin _migan_, resembling
bran and water, such as is given to hogs to eat.

They have another way of eating the Indian corn. In preparing it, they take
it in the ear and put it in water under the mud, leaving it two or three
months in this state until they think it is putrefied. Then they remove it,
and eat it boiled with meat or fish. They also roast it, and it is better
so than boiled. But I assure you that there is nothing that smells so badly
as this corn as it comes from the water all muddy. Yet the women and
children take it and suck it like sugar-cane, nothing seeming to them to
taste better, as they show by their manner. In general they have two meals
a day. As for ourselves, we fasted all of Lent and longer, in order to
influence them by our example. But it was time lost.

They also fatten bears, which they keep two or three years, for the purpose
of their banquets. I observed that if this people had domestic animals they
would be interested in them and care for them very well, and I showed them
the way to keep them, which would be an easy thing for them, since they
have good grazing grounds in their country, and in large quantities, for
all kinds of animals, horses, oxen, cows, sheep, swine, and other kinds,
for lack of which one would consider them badly off, as they seem to be.
Yet with all their drawbacks, they seem to me to live happily among
themselves, since their only ambition is to live and support themselves,
and they lead a more settled life than those who wander through the forests
like brute beasts. They eat many squashes, [193] which they boil, and roast
in the ashes.

In regard to their dress, they have various kinds and styles made of the
skins of wild beasts, both those which they capture themselves, and others
which they get in exchange for their Indian corn, meal, porcelain, and
fishing-nets from the Algonquins, Nipissings, and other tribes, which are
hunters having no fixed abodes. All their clothes are of one uniform shape,
not varied by any new styles. They prepare and fit very well the skins,
making their breeches of deer-skin rather large, and their stockings of
another piece, which extend up to the middle and have many folds. Their
shoes are made of the skins of deer, bears, and beaver, of which they use
great numbers. Besides, they have a robe of the same fur, in the form of a
cloak, which they wear in the Irish or Egyptian style, with sleeves which
are attached with a string behind. This is the way they are dressed in
winter, as is seen in figure D. When they go into the fields, they gird up
their robe about the body; but when in the village, they leave off their
sleeves and do not gird themselves. The Milan trimmings for decorating
their garments are made of glue and the scrapings of the before-mentioned
skins, of which they make bands in various styles according to their fancy,
putting in places bands of red and brown color amid those of the glue,
which always keep a whitish appearance, not losing at all their shape,
however dirty they may get. There are those among these nations who are
much more skilful than others in fitting the skins, and ingenious in
inventing ornaments to put on their garments. It is our Montagnais and
Algonquins, above all others, who take more pains in this matter. They put
on their robes bands of porcupine quills, which they dye a very fine
scarlet color. [194] They value these bands very highly, and detach them so
that they may serve for other robes when they wish to make a change. They
also make use of them to adorn the face, in order to give it a more
graceful appearance whenever they wish particularly to decorate themselves.

Most of them paint the face black and red. These colors they mix with oil
made from the seed of the sun-flower, or with bear's fat or that of other
animals. They also dye their hair, which some wear long, others short,
others on one side only. The women and girls always wear their hair in one
uniform style. They are dressed like men, except that they always have
their robes girt about them, which extend down to the knee. They are not at
all ashamed to expose the body from the middle up and from the knees down,
unlike the men, the rest being always covered. They are loaded with
quantities of porcelain, in the shape of necklaces and chains, which they
arrange in the front of their robes and attach to their waists. They also
wear bracelets and ear-rings. They have their hair carefully combed, dyed,
and oiled. Thus they go to the dance, with a knot of their hair behind
bound up with eel-skin, which they use as a cord. Sometimes they put on
plates a foot square, covered with porcelain, which hang on the back. Thus
gaily dressed and habited, they delight to appear in the dance, to which
their fathers and mothers send them, forgetting nothing that they can
devise to embellish and set off their daughters. I can testify that I have
seen at dances a girl who had more than twelve pounds of porcelain on her
person, not including the other bagatelles with which they are loaded and
bedecked. In the illustration already cited, F shows the dress of the
women, G that of the girls attired for the dance.

All these people have a very jovial disposition, although there are many of
them who have a sad and gloomy look. Their bodies are well proportioned.
Some of the men and women are well formed, strong, and robust. There is a
moderate number of pleasing and pretty girls, in respect to figure, color,
and expression, all being in harmony. Their blood is but little
deteriorated, except when they are old. There are among these tribes
powerful women of extraordinary height. These have almost the entire care of
the house and work; namely, they till the land, plant the Indian corn, lay
up a store of wood for the winter, beat the hemp and spin it, making from
the thread fishing-nets and other useful things. The women harvest the
corn, house it, prepare it for eating, and attend to household matters.
Moreover they are expected to attend their husbands from place to place in
the fields, filling the office of pack-mule in carrying the baggage, and to
do a thousand other things. All the men do is to hunt for deer and other
animals, fish, make their cabins, and go to war. Having done these things,
they then go to other tribes with which they are acquainted to traffic and
make exchanges. On their return, they give themselves up to festivities and
dances, which they give to each other, and when these are over they go to
sleep, which they like to do best of all things.

They have some sort of marriage, which is as follows: when a girl has
reached the age of eleven, twelve, thirteen, fourteen, or fifteen years she
has suitors, more or less according to her attractions, who woo her for
some time. After this, the consent of their fathers and mothers is asked,
to whose will the girls often do not submit, although the most discreet and
considerate do so. The lover or suitor presents to the girl some necklaces,
chains, and bracelets of porcelain. If the girl finds the suitor agreeable,
she receives the present. Then the lover comes and remains with her three
or four nights, without saying anything to her during the time. They
receive thus the fruit of their affections. Whence it happens very often
that, after from eight to fifteen days, if they cannot agree, she quits her
suitor, who forfeits his necklaces and other presents that he has made,
having received in return only a meagre satisfaction. Being thus
disappointed in his hopes, the man seeks another woman, and the girl
another suitor, if it seems to them desirable. Thus they continue to do
until a favorable union is formed. It sometimes happens that a girl thus
passes her entire youth, having more than twenty mates, which twenty are
not alone in the enjoyment of the creature, mated though they are; for when
night comes the young women run from one cabin to another, as do also the
young men on their part, going where it seems good to them, but always
without any violence, referring the whole matter to the pleasure of the
woman. Their mates will do likewise to their women-neighbors, no jealousy
arising among them on that account, nor do they incur any reproach or
insult, such being the custom of the country.

Now the time when they do not leave their mates is when they have
children. The preceding mate returns to her, renews the affection and
friendship which he had borne her in the past, asserting that it is greater
than that of any other one, and that the child she has is his and of his
begetting. The next says the same to her. In time, the victory is with the
stronger, who takes the woman for his wife. Thus it depends upon the
choice of the woman to take and accept him who shall please her best,
having meantime in her searching and loves gained much porcelain and,
besides, the choice of a husband. The woman remains with him without
leaving him; or if she do leave him, for he is on trial, it must be for
some good reason other than impotence. But while with this husband, she
does not cease to give herself free rein, yet remains always at home,
keeping up a good appearance. Thus the children which they have together,
born from such a woman, cannot be sure of their legitimacy. Accordingly, in
view of this uncertainty, it is their custom that the children never
succeed to the property and honors of their fathers, there being doubt, as
above indicated, as to their paternity. They make, however, the children of
their sisters, from whom they are known to have issued, their successors
and heirs.

The following is the way they nourish and bring up their children: they
place them during the day on a little wooden board, wrapping them up in
furs or skins. To this board they bind them, placing them in an erect
position, and leaving a little opening for the child to do its necessities.
If it is a girl, they put a leaf of Indian corn between the thighs, which
presses against its privates. The extremity of the leaf is carried outside
in a turned position, so that the water of the child runs off on it without
inconvenience. They put also under the children the down of certain reeds
that we call hare's-foot, on which they rest very softly. They also clean
them with the same down. As an ornament for the child, they adorn the board
with beads, which they also put on its neck, however small it may be. At
night they put it to bed, entirely naked, between the father and mother. It
may be regarded as a great miracle that God should thus preserve it so that
no harm befalls it, as might be expected, from suffocation, while the
father and mother are in deep sleep, but that rarely happens. The children
have great freedom among these tribes. The fathers and mothers indulge them
too much, and never punish them. Accordingly they are so bad and of so
vicious a nature, that they often strike their mothers and others. The most
vicious, when they have acquired the strength and power, strike their
fathers. They do this whenever the father or mother does anything that
does not please them. This is a sort of curse that God inflicts upon them.

In respect to laws, I have not been able to find out that they have any, or
anything that approaches them, inasmuch as there is not among them any
correction, punishment, or censure of evil-doers except in the way of
vengeance, when they return evil for evil, not by rule but by passion,
which produces among them conflicts and differences, which occur very
frequently.

Moreover, they do not recognize any divinity, or worship any God and
believe in anything whatever, but live like brute beasts. They have,
however, some respect for the devil, or something so called, which is a
matter of uncertainty, since the word which they use thus has various
significations and comprises in itself various things. It is accordingly
difficult to determine whether they mean the devil or something else, but
what especially leads to the belief that what they mean is the devil is
this: whenever they see a man doing something extraordinary, or who is more
capable than usual, or is a valiant warrior, or furthermore who is in a
rage as if out of his reason and senses, they call him _oqui_, or, as we
should say, a great knowing spirit, or a great devil. However this may be,
they have certain persons, who are the _oqui_, or, as the Algonquins and
Montagnais call them, _manitous_; and persons of this kind are the
medicine-men, who heal the sick, bind up the wounded, and predict future
events, who in fine practise all abuses and illusions of the devil to
deceive and delude them. These _oquis_ or conjurers persuade their patients
and the sick to make, or have made banquets and ceremonies that they may be
the sooner healed, their object being to participate in them finally
themselves and get the principal benefit therefrom. Under the pretence of a
more speedy cure, they likewise cause them to observe various other
ceremonies, which I shall hereafter speak of in the proper place.  These
are the people in whom they put especial confidence, but it is rare that
they are possessed of the devil and tormented like other savages living
more remote than themselves.

This gives additional reason and ground to believe that their conversion to
the knowledge of God would be more easy, if their country were inhabited by
persons who would take the trouble and pains to instruct them. But it is
not enough to send to them friars, unless there are those to support and
assist them. For although these people have the desire to-day to know what
God is, to-morrow this disposition will change when they are obliged to lay
aside and bring under their foul ways, their dissolute manners, and their
savage indulgences. So that there is need of people and families to keep
them in the way of duty, to constrain them through mildness to do better,
and to move them by good example to mend their lives. Father Joseph [195]
and myself have many times conferred with them in regard to our belief,
laws, and customs. They listened attentively in their assemblies, sometimes
saying to us: You say things that pass our knowledge, and which we cannot
understand by words, being beyond our comprehension; but if you would do us
a service come and dwell in this country, bringing your wives and children,
and when they are here we shall see how you serve the God you worship, and
how you live with your wives and children, how you cultivate and plant the
soil, how you obey your laws, how you take care of animals, and how you
manufacture all that we see proceeding from your inventive skill. When we
see all this, we shall learn more in a year than in twenty by simply
hearing you discourse and if we cannot then understand, you shall take our
children, who shall be as your own. And thus being convinced that our life
is a miserable one in comparison with yours, it is easy to believe that we
shall adopt yours, abandoning our own.

Their words seemed to me good common sense, showing the desire they have to
get a knowledge of God. It is a great wrong to let so many men be lost, and
see them perish at our door, without rendering them the succor which can
only be given through the help of kings, princes, and ecclesiastics, who
alone have the power to do this. For to them alone belongs the honor of so
great a work; namely, planting the Christian faith in an unknown region and
among savage nations, since we are well informed about these people, that
they long for and desire nothing so much as to be clearly instructed as to
what they should do and avoid. It is accordingly the duty of those who have
the power, to labor there and contribute of their abundance, for one day
they must answer before God for the loss of the souls which they allowed to
perish through their negligence and avarice; and these are not few but very
numerous. Now this will be done when it shall please God to give them grace
to this end. As for myself, I desire this result rather to-day than
to-morrow, from the zeal which I have for the advancement of God's glory,
for the honor of my King, and for the welfare and renown of my country.

When they are sick, the man or woman who is attacked with any disease sends
for the _oqui_, who visits the patient and informs himself about the malady
and the suffering. After this, the _oqui_ sends for a large number of men,
women, and girls, including three or four old women. These enter the cabin
of the sick, dancing, each one having on his head the skin of a bear or
some other wild beast, that of the bear being the most common as it is the
most frightful. There are three or four other old women about the sick or
suffering, who for the most part feign sickness, or are sick merely in
imagination. But they are soon cured of this sickness, and generally make
banquets at the expense of their friends or relatives, who give them
something to put into their kettle, in addition to the presents which they
receive from the dancers, such as porcelain and other bagatelles, so that
they are soon cured; for when they find that they have nothing more to look
for, they get up with what they have secured. But those who are really sick
are not readily cured by plays, dances, and such proceedings.

To return to my narrative: the old women near the sick person receive the
presents, each singing and pausing in turn. When all the presents have been
made, they proceed to lift up their voices with one accord, all singing
together and keeping time with sticks on pieces of dry bark. Then all the
women and girls proceed to the end of the cabin, as if they were about to
begin a ballet or masquerade. The old women walk in front with their
bearskins on their heads, all the others following them, one after the
other. They have only two kinds of dances with regular time, one of four
steps and the other of twelve, as in the _trioli_ de Bretagne.  They
exhibit much grace in dancing. Young men often take part with them. After
dancing an hour or two, the old women lead out the sick person to dance,
who gets up dolefully and prepares to dance, and after a short time she
dances and enjoys as much as the others. I leave it to you to consider how
sick she was. Below is represented the mode of their dances.

The medicine-man thus gains honor and credit, his patient being so soon
healed and on her feet. This treatment, however, does nothing for those who
are dangerously ill and reduced by weakness, but causes their death rather
than their cure; for I can testify that they sometimes make such a noise
and hubbub from morning until two o'clock at night that it is impossible
for the patient to endure it without great pain. Sometimes the patient is
seized with the desire to have the women and girls dance all together,
which is done in accordance with the direction of the _oqui_. But this is
not all, for he and the _manitou_, accompanied by some others, make
grimaces, perform magic arts, and twist themselves about so that they
generally end in being out of their senses, seemingly crazy, throwing the
fire from one side of the cabin to the other, eating burning coals, holding
them in their hands for a while, and throwing red-hot ashes into the eyes
of the spectators. Seeing them in this condition, one would say that the
devil, the _oqui_, or _manitou_, if he is thus to be called, possesses and
torments them. This noise and hubbub being over, they retire each to his
own cabin.

But those who suffer especially during this time are the wives of those
possessed, and all the inmates of their cabins, from the fear they have
lest the raging ones burn up all that is in their houses. This leads them
to remove everything that is in sight; for as soon as he arrives he is all
in a fury, his eyes flashing and frightful, sometimes standing up,
sometimes seated, as his fancy takes him. Suddenly a fit seizes him, and
laying hold of everything he finds in his way he throws them to one side
and the other. Then he lies down and sleeps for some time. Waking up with a
jump, he seizes fire and stones which he throws about recklessly on all
sides. This rage passes off with the sleep which seizes him again. Then he
rages and calls several of his friends to sweat with him. The latter is the
best means they have for preserving themselves in health. While they are
sweating, the kettle boils to prepare them something to eat. They remain,
two or three hours or so, covered up with great pieces of bark and wrapped
in their robes, with a great many stones about them which have been heated
red hot in the fire. They sing all the time while they are in the rage,
occasionally stopping to take breath. Then they give them many draughts of
water to drink, since they are very thirsty, when the demoniac, who was
crazy or possessed of an evil spirit, becomes sober.

Thus it happens that three or four of these sick persons get well, rather
by a happy coincidence and chance than in consequence of any intelligent
treatment, and this confirms their false belief that they are healed by
means of these ceremonies, not considering that, for two who are thus
cured, ten others die on account of the noise, great hubbub and hissing,
which are rather calculated to kill than cure a sick person. But that they
expect to recover their health by this noise, and we on the contrary by
silence and rest, shows how the devil does everything in hostility to the
good.

There are also women who go into these rages, but they do not do so much
harm. They walk on all fours like beasts. Seeing this, the magician, called
_oqui_, begins to sing; then, with some contortions of the face, he blows
upon her, directing her to drink certain waters, and make at once a banquet
of fish or flesh, which must be procured although very scarce at the
time. When the shouting is over and the banquet ended, they return each to
her own cabin. At another time he comes back and visits her, blowing upon
her and singing in company with several others, who have been summoned for
this purpose, and who hold in the hand a dry tortoise-shell filled with
little pebbles, which they cause to resound in the ears of the sick woman.
They direct her to make at once three or four banquets with singing and
dancing, when all the girls appear adorned and painted as I have
represented in figure G. The _oqui_ orders masquerades, and directs them to
disguise themselves, as those do who run along the streets in France on
_Mardi-gras_. [196] Thus they go and sing near the bed of the sick woman
and promenade through the village while the banquet is preparing to receive
the maskers, who return very tired, having taken exercise enough to be able
to empty the kettle of its _migan_.

According to their custom each household lives on what it gets by fishing
and planting, improving as much land as it needs. They clear it up with
great difficulty, since they do not have the implements adapted to this
purpose. A party strip the trees of all their branches, which they burn at
their base in order to kill them. They clear carefully the land between the
trees, and then plant their corn at distances of a pace, putting in each
place some ten kernels, and so on until they have made provision for three
or four years, fearing that a bad year may befall them. The women attend to
the planting and harvesting, as I have said before, and to procuring a
supply of wood for winter. All the women aid each other in procuring this
provision of wood, which they do in the month of March or April, in the
order of two days for each. Every household is provided with as much as it
needs; and if a girl marries, each woman and girl is expected to carry to
the newly married one a parcel of wood for her provision, since she could
not procure it alone, and at a season when she has to give her attention to
other things.

The following is their mode of government: the older and leading men
assemble in a council, in which they settle upon and propose all that is
necessary for the affairs of the village. This is done by a plurality of
voices, or in accordance with the advice of some one among them whose
judgment they consider superior: such a one is requested by the company to
give his opinion on the propositions that have been made, and this opinion
is minutely obeyed. They have no particular chiefs with absolute command,
but they show honor to the older and more courageous men, whom they name
captains, as mark of honor and respect, of which there are several in a
village. But, although they confer more honor upon one than upon others,
yet he is not on that account to bear sway, nor esteem himself higher than
his companions, unless he does so from vanity. They make no use of
punishments nor arbitrary command, but accomplish everything by the
entreaties of the seniors, and by means of addresses and remonstrances.
Thus and not otherwise do they bring everything to pass.

They all deliberate in common, and whenever any member of the assembly
offers to do anything for the welfare of the village, or to go anywhere for
the service of the community, he is requested to present himself, and if he
is judged capable of carrying out what he proposes, they exhort him, by
fair and favorable words, to do his duty. They declare him to be an
energetic man, fit for undertakings, and assure him that he will win honor
in accomplishing them. In a word, they encourage him by flatteries, in
order that this favorable disposition of his for the welfare of his fellow-
citizens may continue and increase. Then, according to his pleasure, he
refuses the responsibility, which few do, or accepts, since thereby he is
held in high esteem.

When they engage in wars or go to the country of their enemies, two or
three of the older or valiant captains make a beginning in the matter, and
proceed to the adjoining villages to communicate their purpose, and make
presents to the people of these villages, in order to induce them to
accompany them to the wars in question. In so far they act as generals of
armies. They designate the place where they desire to go, dispose of the
prisoners who are captured, and have the direction of other matters of
especial importance, of which they get the honor, if they are successful;
but, if not, the disgrace of failure in the war falls upon them. These
captains alone are looked upon and considered as chiefs of the tribes.

They have, moreover, general assemblies, with representatives from remote
regions. These representatives come every year, one from each province, and
meet in a town designated as the rendezvous of the assembly. Here are
celebrated great banquets and dances, for three weeks or a month, according
as they may determine. Here they renew their friendship, resolve upon and
decree what they think best for the preservation of their country against
their enemies, and make each other handsome presents, after which they
retire each to his own district.

In burying the dead, they take the body of the deceased, wrap it in furs,
and cover it very carefully with the bark of trees. Then they place it in a
cabin, of the length of the body, made of bark and erected upon four posts.
Others they place in the ground, propping up the earth on all sides, that
it may not fall on the body, which they cover with the bark of trees,
putting earth on top. Over this trench they also make a little cabin. Now
it is to be understood that the bodies remain in these places, thus
inhumed, but for a period of eight or ten years, when the men of the
village recommend the place where their ceremonies are to take place; or,
to speak more precisely, they hold a general council, in which all the
people of the country are present, for the purpose of designating the place
where a festival is to be held. After this they return each to his own
village, where they take all the bones of the deceased, strip them and make
them quite clean. These they keep very carefully, although they smell like
bodies recently interred. Then all the relatives and friends of the
deceased take these bones, together with their necklaces, furs, axes,
kettles, and other things highly valued, and carry them, with a quantity of
edibles, to the place assigned. Here, when all have assembled, they put the
edibles in a place designated by the men of the village, and engage in
banquets and continual dancing. The festival continues for the space of ten
days, during which time other tribes, from all quarters, come to witness it
and the ceremonies. The latter are attended with great outlays.

Now, by means of these ceremonies, including dances, banquets, and
assemblies, as above stated, they renew their friendship to one another,
saying that the bones of their relatives and friends are to be all put
together, thus indicating by a figure that, as their bones are gathered
together and united in one and the same place, so ought they also, during
their life, to be united in one friendship and harmony, like relatives and
friends, without separation. Having thus mingled together the bones of
their mutual relatives and friends, they pronounce many discourses on the
occasion. Then, after various grimaces or exhibitions, they make a great
trench, ten fathoms square, in which they put the bones, together with the
necklaces, chains of porcelain, axes, kettles, sword-blades, knives, and
various other trifles, which, however, are of no slight account in their
estimation. They cover the whole with earth, putting on top several great
pieces of wood, and placing around many posts, on which they put a
covering. This is their manner of proceeding with regard to the dead, and
it is the most prominent ceremony they have. Some of them believe in the
immortality of the soul, while others have only a presentiment of it,
which, however, is not so very different; for they say that after their
decease they will go to a place where they will sing, like crows, a song,
it must be confessed, quite different from that of angels. On the following
page are represented their sepulchres and manner of interment.

It remains to describe how they spend their time in winter; namely, from
the month of December to the end of March, or the beginning of our spring,
when the snow melts. All that they might do during autumn, as I have before
stated, they postpone to be done during winter; namely, their banquetings,
and usual dances for the sake of the sick, which I have already described,
and the assemblages of the inhabitants of various villages, where there are
banquetings, singing, and dances, which they call _tabagies_ [197] and
where sometimes five hundred persons are collected, both men, women, and
girls. The latter are finely decked and adorned with the best and most
costly things they have.

On certain days they make masquerades, and visit each other's cabins,
asking for the things they like, and if they meet those who have what they
want, these give it to them freely. Thus they go on asking for many things
without end; so that a single one of those soliciting will have robes of
beaver, bear, deer, lynxes, and other furs, also fish, Indian corn,
tobacco, or boilers, kettles, pots, axes, pruning-knives, knives, and other
like things. They go to the houses and cabins of the village, singing these
words, That one gave me this, another gave that, or like words, by way of
commendation. But if one gives them nothing they get angry, and show such
spite towards him that when they leave they take a stone and put it near
this man or that woman who has not given them anything. Then, without
saying a word, they return singing, which is a mark of insult, censure, and
ill-will. The women do so as well as the men, and this mode of proceeding
takes place at night, and the masquerade continues seven or eight days.
There are some of their villages which have maskers or merry-makers, as we
do on the evening of _Mardi-gras_, and they invite the other villages to
come and see them and win their utensils, if they can. Meanwhile banquets
are not wanting. This is the way they spend their time in winter.

Moreover the women spin, and pound meal for the journeys of their husbands
in summer, who go to other tribes to trade, as they decide to do at the
above-mentioned councils, in which it is determined what number of men may
go from each village, that it may not be deprived of men of war for its
protection; and nobody goes from the country without the general consent of
the chiefs, or if they should go they would be regarded as behaving
improperly. The men make nets for fishing, which they carry on in summer,
but generally in winter, when they capture the fish under the ice with the
line or with the seine.

The following is their manner of fishing. They make several holes in a
circular form in the ice, the one where they are to draw the seine being
some five feet long and three wide. Then they proceed to place their net at
this opening, attaching it to a rod of wood from six to seven feet long,
which they put under the ice. This rod they cause to pass from hole to
hole, when one or more men, putting their hands in the holes, take hold of
the rod to which is attached an end of the net, until they unite at the
opening of five to six feet. Then they let the net drop to the bottom of
the water, it being sunk by little stones attached to the end. After it is
down they draw it up again with their arms at its two ends, thus capturing
the fish that are in it. This is, in brief, their manner of fishing in
winter.

The winter begins in the month of November and continues until the month of
April, when the trees begin to send forth the sap and show their buds.

On the 22d of the month of April we received news from our interpreter, who
had gone to Carantouean, through those who had come from there. They told us
that they had left him on the road, he having returned to the village for
certain reasons.

Now, resuming the thread of my narrative, our savages assembled to come
with us, and conduct us back to our habitation, and for this purpose we set
out from their country on the 20th of the month, [198] and were forty days
on the way. We caught a large number of fish and animals of various kinds,
together with small game, which afforded us especial pleasure, in addition
to the provisions thus furnished us for our journey. Upon our arrival among
the French, towards the end of the month of June, I found Sieur du Pont
Grave, who had come from France with two vessels, and who had almost
despaired of seeing me again, having heard from the savages the bad news,
that I was dead.

We also saw all the holy fathers who had remained at our settlement. They
too were very happy to see us again, and we none the less so to see them.
Welcomes, and felicitations on all sides being over, I made arrangements to
set out from the Falls of St. Louis for our settlement, taking with me my
host D'Arontal. I took leave also of all the other savages, assuring them
of my affection, and that, if I could, I would see them in the future, to
assist them as I had already done in the past, bringing them valuable
presents to secure their friendship with one another, and begging them to
forget all the disputes which they had had when I reconciled them, which
they promised to do.

Then we set out, on the 8th of July, and arrived at our settlement on the
11th of that month. Here I found everybody in good health, and we all, in
company with our holy fathers, who chanted the Divine service, returned
thanks to God for His care in preserving us, and protecting us amid the
many perils and dangers to which we had been exposed.

After this, and when everything had become settled, I proceeded to show
hospitalities to my host, D'Arontal, who admired our building, our conduct,
and mode of living. After carefully observing us, he said to me, in
private, that he should never die contented until he had seen all of his
friends, or at least a good part of them, come and take up their abode with
us, in order to learn how to serve God, and our way of living, which he
esteemed supremely happy in comparison with their own. Moreover he said
that, if he could not learn it by word of mouth, he would do so much better
and more easily by sight and by frequent intercourse, and that, if their
minds could not comprehend our arts, sciences, and trades, their children
who were young could do so, as they had often represented to us in their
country in conversation with Father Joseph. He urged us, for the promotion
of this object, to make another settlement at the Falls of St. Louis, so as
to secure them the passage of the river against their enemies, assuring us
that, as soon as we should build a house, they would come in numbers to
live as brothers with us. Accordingly I promised to make a settlement for
them as soon as possible.

After we had remained four or five days together, I gave him some valuable
presents, with which he was greatly pleased, and I begged him to continue
his affection for us, and come again to see our settlement with his
friends. Then he returned happy to the Falls of St Louis, where his
companions awaited him.

When this Captain D'Arontal had departed, we enlarged our habitation by a
third at least in buildings and fortifications, since it was not
sufficiently spacious, nor convenient for receiving the members of our own
company and likewise the strangers that might come to see us. We used, in
building, lime and sand entirely, which we found very good there in a spot
near the habitation. This is a very useful material for building for those
disposed to adapt and accustom themselves to it.

The Fathers Denis and Joseph determined to return to France, in order to
testify there to all they had seen, and to the hope they could promise
themselves of the conversion of these people, who awaited only the
assistance of the holy fathers in order to be converted and brought to our
faith and the Catholic religion.

During my stay at the settlement I had some common grain cut; namely,
French grain, which had been planted there and which had come up very
finely, that I might take it to France, as evidence that the land is good
and fertile. In another part, moreover, there was some fine Indian corn,
also scions and trees which had been given us by Sieur du Monts in
Normandy. In a word all the gardens of the place were in an admirably fine
condition, being planted with peas, beans, and other vegetables, also
squashes, and very superior radishes of various sorts, cabbages, beets, and
other kitchen vegetables. When on the point of departure, we left two of
our fathers at the settlement; namely, Fathers Jean d'Olbeau and Pacifique,
[199] who were greatly pleased with all the time spent at that place, and
resolved to await there the return of Father Joseph, [200] who was expected
to come back in the following year, which he did.

We sailed in our barques the 20th day of July, and arrived at Tadoussac the
23d day of the month, where Sieur du Pont Grave awaited us with his vessel
ready and equipped. In this we embarked and set out the 3d day of the month
of August. The wind was so favorable that we arrived in health by the grace
of God, at Honfleur, on the 10th day of September, one thousand six hundred
and sixteen, and upon our arrival rendered praise and thanks to God for his
great care in preserving our lives, and delivering and even snatching us,
as it were, from the many dangers to which we had been exposed, and for
bringing and conducting us in health to our country; we besought Him also
to move the heart of our King, and the gentlemen of his council, to
contribute their assistance so far as necessary to bring these poor savages
to the knowledge of God, whence honor will redound to his Majesty, grandeur
and growth to his realm, profit to his subjects, and the glory of all these
undertakings and toils to God, the sole author of all excellence, to whom
be honor and glory. Amen.


ENDNOTES:

78. Champlain's first voyage was made in 1603, and this journal was
    published in 1619. It was therefore fully fifteen years since his
    explorations began.

79. _Vide Histoire du Canada_, par Sagard, Trois ed., pp 27, 28. The reader
    is likewise referred to the Memoir of Champlain, Vol. I. pp 122-124.

80. Bernard du Verger, a man of exalted virtue--_Laverdiere_.

81. Robert Ubaldim was nuncio at this time. _Vide Laverdiere in loco_.

82. Denis Jamay. Sagard writes this name _Jamet_.

83. Jean d'Olbeau. _Vide Histoire du Canada_, par Gabriel Sagard, Paris,
    1636, Tross ed., Vol. I. p. 28.

84. Pacifique du Plessis was a lay-brother, although the title of Father is
    given to him by several early writers. _Vide citations by Laverdiere in
    loco_, Quebec ed., Vol. IV. p. 7.

85. Read April 24. It is obvious from the context that it could not be
    August. Sagard says _le_ 24 _d'Auril_. _Vide Histoire du Canada_, Trois
    ed., Vol. I. p 36.

86. The Recollect Father Joseph le Caron.

87. _Vide Laverdiere in loco_.

88. Father Denis Jamay.

89. Jean d'Olbeau and Pacifique du Plessis.

90. This refers to the volume bearing date 1613, but which may not have
    been actually issued from the press till 1614.

91. Our views of the war policy of Champlain are stated at some length in
    Vol I. pp 189-193.

92. Laverdiere thinks it probable that Champlain left the Falls of St Louis
    on the 23d of June, and that the Holy Mass was celebrated on the
    Riviere des Prairies on the 24th, the festival of St John the Baptist.

93. This interpreter was undoubtedly Etienne Brule. It was a clearly
    defined policy of Champlain to send suitable young men among the
    savages, particularly to learn their language, and subsequently to act
    as interpreters. Brule is supposed to have been of this class.

94. The Lake of Two Mountains.

95. The River Ottawa, which Champlain had explored in 1613, as far as
    Allumet Island, where a tribe of the Algonquins resided, called later
    _Kichesipinni_. _Vide Relation des Jesuites_, 1640, p 34.

96. This is an over-estimate.

97. Champlain here again, _Vide_ note 90, refers to the issue bearing date
    1613. It is not unlikely that while it bears the imprint of 1613, it
    did not actually issue from the press till 1614.

98. The lake or expansion of the Ottawa on the southern side of Allumet
    Island was called the Lake of the Algonquins, as Allumet Island was
    oftentimes called the Island of the Algonquins.

99. The River Ottawa.

100. Pere Vimont calls this tribe _Kotakoutouemi_. _Relation des Jesuites_,
     1640, p. 34. Pere Rogueneau gives _Outaoukotouemiouek_, and remarks
     that their language is a mixture of Algonquin and Montagnais. _Vide
     Relation des Jesuites_, 1650. p. 34; also _Laverdiere in loco_.

101. _Blues_, blueberries. The Canada blueberry. _Vaccinium Canadense_.
     Under the term _blues_ several varieties may have been included.
     Charlevoix describes and figures this fruit under the name _Bluet du
     Canada_. _Vide Description des Plantes Principales de l'Amerique
     Septentrionale_, in _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, Paris. 1744,
     Tom. IV. pp. 371, 372; also Vol. I: p 303, note 75, of this work.

102. At its junction with the Mattawan, the Ottawa's course is from the
     north. What is known as its east branch rises 150 miles north of the
     city of Ottawa. Extending towards the west in a winding course for the
     distance of about 300 miles, it turns towards the southeast, and a few
     miles before it joins the Mattawan its course is directly south. From
     its northeastern source by a short portage is reached the river
     Chomouchouan, an affluent of Lake St. John and the Saguenay.

103. Mattawa is 197 miles from Ottawa. We have no means of giving the
     latitude with entire accuracy, but it is about 46 deg. 20'.

104. Lac du Talon and Lac la Tortue.

105. Nipissings, or Nipissirini. Champlain writes _Nipisierinii_.

106. On the 26th of July, The distance from the junction of the Ottawa and
     the Mattawan to Lake Nipissing is about thirty-two miles. If _lieues_
     were translated miles, it would be a not very incorrect estimate.

107. _Vide_ the representations here referred to.

108. Lake Nipissing, whose dimensions are over-stated.

109. Sturgeon River.

110. Pere Vimont gives the names of these tribes as follows,--_Timiscimi,
     Outimagami, Ouachegami, Mitchitamou, Outurbi, Kiristinon_. _Vide
     Relation des Jesuites_. 1640. p. 34.

111. French River.

112. _Blues_. _Vide antea_, note 101.

113. This significant name is given with reference to their mode of
     dressing their hair.

114. Blueberries, _Vaccinium Canadense_.

115. _De cuir beullu_, for _cuir bouilli_, literally "boiled leather."

116. The shields of the savages of this region may have been made of the
     hide of the buffalo, although the range of this animal was far to the
     northwest of them. Champlain saw undoubtedly among the Hurons skins of
     the buffalo. _Vide postea_, note 180.

117. Lake Huron is here referred to.

118. The greatest length of Lake Huron on a curvilinear line, between the
     discharge of St Mary's Strait and the outlet, is about 240 miles; its
     length due north and south is 186 miles, and its extreme breadth about
     220 miles. _Bouchette_.

119. Coasting along the eastern shore of the Georgian Bay, when they
     arrived at Matchedash Bay they crossed it in a southwesterly course
     and entered the country of the Attigouautans, or, as they are
     sometimes called, the Attignaouentans. _Relation des Jesuites,_ 1640,
     p. 78. They were a principal tribe of the Hurons, living within the
     limits of the present county of Simcoe. It is to be regretted that the
     Jesuit Fathers did not accompany their relations with local maps by
     which we could fix, at least approximately, the Indian towns which
     they visited, and with which they were so familiar. For a description
     of the Hurons and of their country, the origin of the name and other
     interesting particulars, _vide Pere Hierosine Lalemant, Relation des
     Jesuites_, 1639, Quebec ed. p. 50.

120. _Sitrouilles_ for _citrouilles_. _Vide_ Vol II. p. 64, note 128.

121. _Herbe au soleil_. The sunflower of Northeast America, _Helianthus
     multiflorus_. This species is found from Quebec to the Saskatchewan, a
     tributary of Lake Winnipeg. _Vide Chronological History of Plants_, by
     Charles Pickering, M.D., Boston, 1879.  p. 914. Charlevoix, in the
     description of his journey through Canada in 1720, says: "The Soleil
     is a plant very common in the fields of the savages, and which grows
     seven or eight feet high. Its flower, which is very large, is in the
     shape of the marigold, and the seed grows in the same manner. The
     savages, by boiling it, draw out an oil, with which they grease their
     hair." _Letters to the Dutchess of Lesdiguieres_, London, 1763, p. 95.

122. _Vignes_ Probably the frost grape, _Vitis cordifolia_.

123. _Prunes_. The Canada plum, _Prunus Americana_.

124. _Framboises_. The wild red raspberry, _Rubus strigosus_.

125. _Fraises_. The wild strawberry, _Fragaria Virginiana_.  _Vide
     Pickering Chro. Hist. Plants_, p. 771.

126. _Petites pommes sauuages_. Probably the American crab-apple, _Pyrus
     coronaria_.

127. _Noix_ This may include the butternut and some varieties of the
     walnut. _Vide_ Vol. I. p. 264.

128. Doubtless the May-apple, _Podophyllum peltatum_. In the wilds of
     Simcoe this fruit may have seemed tolerable from the absence of others
     more desirable. Gray says, "It is slightly acid, mawkish, eaten by
     pigs and boys." _Cf. Florula Bostioniensis_, by Jacob Bigelow,
     M.D. Boston, 1824, pp. 215, 216.

129. _Les Chesnes, ormeaux, & heslres_. For oaks see Vol I. p. 264.  Elms,
     plainly the white elm, _Ulmus Americana_, so called in
     contradistinction to the red or slippery elm, _Ulmus fulva_. The
     savages sometimes used the bark of the slippery elm in the
     construction of their canoes when the white birch could not be
     obtained. _Vide Charlevoix's Letters_, 1763, p. 94. For the beech, see
     Vol. I. p. 264.

130. _Perdrix_. Canada Grouse, _Tetrao Canadensis_, sometimes called the
     Spruce Partridge, differing from the partridge of New England, which
     is the Ruffed Grouse, _Bonasa umbellus_. This latter species is,
     however, found likewise in Canada.

131. _Lapins_. The American hare, _Lepus Americanus_.

132. _Cerises petites_. Reference is evidently here made to the wild red
     cherry, _Prunus Pennsylvanica_, which is the smallest of all the
     native species. _Cf_. Vol. I. p. 264.

133. _Merises_. The wild black cherry, _Prunus serotina_.

134. The Carantouanais. _Vide Carte de la Nouvelle France_, 1632, _also_
     Vol. I. p. 304. This tribe was probably situated on the upper waters
     of the Susquehanna, and consequently south of the Five Nations,
     although we said inadvertently in Vol. I. p. 128 that they were on the
     west of them. General John S. Clark thinks their village was at
     Waverly, near the border of Pennsylvania In Vol. I. p. 143. in the
     13th line from the top, we should have said the Carantouanais instead
     of _Entouhonorons_.

135. The Entouhonorons were a part, it appears, of the Five Nations.
     Champlain says they unite with the Iroquois in making war against all
     the other tribes except the Neutral Nation. Lake Ontario is called
     _Lac des Entouhonorons_, and Champlain adds that their country is near
     the River St. Lawrence, the passage of which they forbid to all other
     tribes. _Vide_ Vol. I. pp. 303, 304. He thus appears to apply the name
     _Iroquois_ to the eastern portion of the Five Nations, particularly
     those whom he had attacked on Lake Champlain; and the Huron name,
     _Entouhonorons_, to the western portion. The subdivisions, by which
     they were distinguished at a later period, were probably not then
     known, at least not to Champlain.

136. _Flamens_. The Dutch were at this time on the Hudson, qengaged in the
     fur trade with the savages. _Vide History of the State of New York_ by
     John Romeyn Brodhead, New York, 1853. pp. 38-65.  _History of New
     Netherland_ or _New York under the Dutch_, by E. B. O'Callaghan, New
     York, 1846, pp. 67-77.

137. Their enemies were the Iroquois.

138. _Chouontouaroueon_, another name for _Entouhoronon_.

139. Lake Couchiching, a small sheet of water into which pass by a small
     outlet the waters of Lake Simcoe.

140. Lake Simcoe. Laverdiere says the Indian name of this lake was
     _Ouentaronk_, and that it was likewise called _Lac aux Claies_.

141. Etienne Brule. _Vide postea_, p. 208.

142. _Dans ces lacs_. From Lake Chouchiching, coasting along the
     northeastern shore of Lake Simcoe, they would make five or six leagues
     in reaching a point nearest to Sturgeon Lake.

143. Undoubtedly Sturgeon Lake.

144. From their entrance of Sturgeon Lake to the point where they reached
     Lake Ontario, at the eastern limit of Amherst Island, the distance is,
     in its winding and circuitous course, not far from Champlain's
     estimate, viz. sixty-four leagues. That part of the river above Rice
     Lake is the Otonabee; that below is known as the Trent.

145. _Grues_ The white crane, _Grus Americanus_ Adult plumage pure white
     _Coues's Key to North American Birds_, Boston, 1872, p 271 Charlevoix
     says, "We have cranes of two colors, some white and others _gris de
     lin_," that is a purple or lilac color. This latter species is the
     brown crane, _Grus Canadensis_. "Plumage plumbeous gray."  _Coues_.
     _Vide Charlevoix's Letters_, London. 1763, p 83.

146. The latitude of the eastern end of Amherst Island is about 44 deg. 11'.

147. This traverse, it may be presumed, was made by coasting along the
     shore, as was the custom of the savages with their light canoes.

148. It appears that, after making by estimate about fourteen leagues in
     their bark canoes, and four by land along the shore, they struck
     inland. Guided merely by the distances given in the text, it is not
     possible to determine with exactness at what point they left the
     lake. This arises from the fact that we are not sure at what point the
     measurement began, and the estimated distances are given, moreover,
     with very liberal margins. But the eighteen leagues in all would take
     them not very far from Little Salmon River, whether the estimate were
     made from the eastern end of Amherst Island or Simcoe Island, or any
     place in that immediate neighborhood. The natural features of the
     country, for four leagues along the coast north of Little Salmon
     River, answer well to the description given in the text. The chestnut
     and wild grape are still found there. _Vide MS. Letters of the
     Rev. James Cross, D.D., LL.D., and of S.Z. Smith, Esq._, of Mexico,
     New York.

149. Lake Ontario, or Lake of the Entouhonorons, is about a hundred and
     eighty miles long, and about fifty-five miles in its extreme width.

150. The river here crossed was plainly Oneida River, flowing from Oneida
     Lake into Lake Ontario. The lake is identified by the islands in it.
     Oneida Lake is the only one in this region which contains any islands
     whatever, and consequently the river flowing from it must be that now
     known as Oneida River.

151. For the probable site of this fort, see Vol. I. p. 130, note 83.

152. They were of the tribe called Carantouanais. _Vide antea_, note 134.

153. This was in the month of October.

154. _Et apres auoir trauerse le bout du lac de laditte isle_. From this
     form of expression this island would seem to have been visited before.
     But no particular island is mentioned on their former traverse of the
     lake. It is impossible to fix with certainty upon the island referred
     to. It may have been Simcoe or Wolf Island, or some other.

155. Probably Cataraqui Creek. _Vide_ Vol. I. p. 136.

156. Perhaps Loughborough Lake, or the system of lakes of which this is a
     part.

157. _Cygnes_, swans. Probably the Trumpeter Swan, _Cygnus buccinator_.
     They were especially found in Sagard's time about Lake Nipissing.
     "Mais pour des Cignes, qu'ils appellent _Horhev_, il y en a
     principalement vers les Epicerinys." _Vide Le Grand Voyage av Pays des
     Hurons_ par Fr. Gabriel Sagard, Paris, 1632, p. 303.

158. _Grues blanches_. _Vide antea_, n. 145.

159. _Houstardes_. _Vide antea_, note 32.

160. _Mauuis_, Song-Thrush. Doubtless the Robin, _Turdus migratorius_.

161. _Allouettes_, larks. Probably the Brown Lark, _Anthus ludovicianus_.
     Found everywhere in North America.

162. _Beccassines_. Probably the American Snipe, _Gallinago Wilsonii_.

163. _Oyes_, geese. The common Wild Goose, _Branta Canadensis_, or it may
     include all the species taken collectively. For the several species
     found in Canada, _vide antea_, note 32.

164. _Les loups_. The American Wolf, _Lupus occidentalis_.

165. The thirty-eight days during which they were there would include the
     whole period from the time they began to make their preparations on
     the 28th of October on the shores of Lake Ontario till they began
     their homeward journey on the 4th of December. _Vide antea_, p. 137;
     _postea_, p. 143.

166. The author here refers to the chief D'Arontal, whose guest he
     was. _Vide antea_, 137. Cf. also Quebec ed. 1632, p. 928.

167. _Trainees de bois_, a kind of sledge. The Indian's sledge was made of
     two pieces of board, which, with his stone axe and perhaps with the
     aid of fire, he patiently manufactured from the trunks of trees. The
     boards were each about six inches wide and six or seven feet long,
     curved upward at the forward end and bound together by cross pieces.
     The sides were bordered with strips of wood, which served as brackets,
     to which was fastened the strap that bound the baggage upon the
     sledge. The load was dragged by a rope or strap of leather passing
     round the breast of the savage and attached to the end of the sledge.
     The sledge was so narrow that it could be drawn easily and without
     impediment wherever the savage could thread his way through the
     pathless forests.

     The journey from their encampment northeast of Kingston on Lake
     Ontario to the capital of the Hurons was not less in a straight line
     than a hundred and sixty miles. Without a pathway, in the heart of
     winter, through water and melting snow, with their heavy burdens, the
     hardship and exhaustion can hardly be exaggerated.

168. Namely at Cahiague. In the issue of 1632, Champlain says they arrived
     on the 23d day of the month. _Vide_ Quebec ed, p. 929. Leaving on the
     4th and travelling nineteen days, as stated above, they would arrive
     on the 23d December.

169. Probably the 4th of January.

170. Father Joseph Le Caron had remained at Carhagouha, during the absence
     of the war party in their attack upon the Iroquois, where Champlain
     probably arrived on the 5th of January.

171. In the issue of 1632, the arrival of Champlain and Le Caron is stated
     to have occurred on the 17th of January. This harmonizes with the
     correction of dates in notes 169, 170.

     The Huron name of the Petuns was _Tionnontateronons_, or
     _Khionontateronons_, or _Quieunontateronons_. Of them Vimont says,
     "Les Khionontateronons, qu'on appelle la nation du Petun, pour
     l'abondance qu'il y a de cette herbe, sont eloignez du pays des
     Hurons, dont ils parlent la langue, enuiron douze ou quinze lieues
     tirant a l'Occident." _Vide Relation des Jesuites_, 1640, p. 95;
     _His. Du Canada_, Vol. I. p. 209. Sagard.

     For some account of the subsequent history of the Nation de Petun,
     _vide Indian Migration in Ohio_, by C. C. Baldwin, 1879, p. 2.

172. It was of great importance to the Indians to select a site for their
     villages where suitable wood was accessible, both for fortifying them
     with palisades and for fuel in the winter. It could not be brought a
     great distance for either of these purposes. Hence when the wood in
     the vicinity became exhausted they were compelled to remove and build
     anew.

173. That is to say like the Hurons.

174. The Nation Neutre was called by the Hurons _Attisandaronk_ or
     _Attihouandaron_. _Vide Relation des Jesuites_, 1641, p. 72;
     _Dictonaire de la Langue Huronne_, par Sagard, a Paris, 1632.
     Champlain places them, on his map of 1632, south of Lake Erie. His
     knowledge of that lake, obtained from the savages, was very meagre as
     the map itself shows. The Neutres are placed by early writers on the
     west of Lake Ontario and north of Lake Erie _Vide Laverdiere in loco_,
     Quebec ed., p. 546; also, _Indian Migration in Ohio_, by C. C.
     Baldwin, p. 4. They are placed far to the south of Lake Erie by
     Nicholas Sanson. _Vide Cartes de l'Amerique_, 1657.

175. The Cheveux Releves are represented by Champlain as dwelling west of
     the Petuns, and were probably not far from the most southern limit of
     the Georgian Bay. Strangely enough Nicholas Sanson places them on a
     large island that separates the Georgian Bay from Lake Huron. _Vide
     Cartes de l'Amerique_ par N. Sanson, 1657.

176. _Atsistaehronons, ou Nation du Feu_. Their Algonquin name was
     Mascoutins or Maskoutens, with several other orthographies. The
     significance of their name is given by Sagard as follows: Ils sont
     errans, sinon que quelques villages d'entr'eux fement des bleds
     d'Inde, et font la guerre a vne autre Nation, nommee _Assitagueronon_,
     qui veut dire gens de feu: car en langue Huronne _Assista_ signifie du
     feu, et _Eronon_, signifie Nation. _Le Grand Voyage du Pays des
     Hurons_, par Gabriel Sagard, a Paris, 1632, p. 78. _Vide Relation des
     Jesuites_, 1641, p 72; _Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi
     Valley_, by John Gilmary Shea, p. 13; _Indian Migration in Ohio_, by
     C. C. Baldwin, pp 9, 10; Discovery of the _Northwest by John Nicolet_,
     by C. W. Butterfield, p. 63; _L'Amerique en Plusieurs Cartes_, par
     N. Sanson, 1657.

177. _Pisierinii_, the Nipissings. This relates to those Nipissings who had
     accompanied Champlain on the expedition against the Iroquois, and who
     were passing the winter among the Hurons. He had expected that they
     would accompany him on explorations on the north of them. But arriving
     at their encampment, on his return from the Petuns and Cheveux
     Releves, he learned from them of the quarrel that had arisen between
     the Algonquins and the Hurons.

178. Attigouantans, the principal tribe of the Hurons.

179. _Colliers de pourceline_. These necklaces were composed of shells,
     pierced and strung like beads. They were of a violet color, and were
     esteemed of great value. The _branches_ were strings of white shells,
     and were more common and less valuable. An engraved representation may
     be seen in _Histoire de L'Amerique Septentrionale_, par De la
     Potherie, Paris, 1722, Tom. I. p. 334.  For a full description of
     these necklaces and their significance and use in their councils,
     _vide Charlevoix's Letters_, London, 1763, p 132.

180. _Buffles_, buffaloes. The American Bison, _Bos Americanus_.  The skins
     seen by Champlain in the possession of the savages seem to indicate
     that the range of the buffalo was probably further east at that period
     than at the present time, its eastern limit being now about the Red
     River, which flows into Lake Winnipeg. The limit of its northern range
     is generally stated to be at latitude 60 degrees, but it is sometimes
     found as far north as 63 degrees or 64 degrees. _Vide_ Dr. Shea's
     interesting account of the buffalo in _Discovery and Exploration of
     Mississippi Valley_, p. 18. The range of the Musk Ox is still farther
     north, rarely south of latitude 67 degrees. His home is in the Barren
     Grounds, west of Hudson Bay, and on the islands on the north of the
     American Continent, where he subsists largely on lichens and the
     meagre herbage of that frosty region.

181. Champlain is here speaking of the whole country of New France.

182. This sentence in the original is unfinished and defective. _Au coste
     vers le Nort, icelle grande riuiere terant a l'Occident, etc_. In the
     ed. 1632, the reading is _Au coste vers le nort d'icelle grande
     riuiere tirant au suroust, etc_. The tranlation is according to the
     ed. of 1632. _Vide_ Quebec ed., p. 941.

183. Champlain here gives the four species of the _cervus_ family under
     names then known to him, viz, the moose, wapiti or elk, caribou, and
     the common deer.

184. _Fouines_, a quadruped known as the minx or mink, _Mustela vison_.

185. _Martes_, weasels, _Mustela vulgaris_.

186. _The country on the north_, &c. Having described the country along the
     coast of the St Lawrence and the lakes he now refers to the country
     still further north even to the southern borders of Hudson's Bay.
     _Vide_ small map.

187. _Almouchiquois_, so in the French for Almouchiquois. All the tribes at
     and south of _Chouacoet_, or the mouth of the Saco River, were
     denominated Almouchiquois by the French. _Vide_ Vol II p 63, _et
     passim_.

188. The country of the Attigouantans, sometimes written Attigouautans, the
     principal tribe of the Hurons, used by Champlain as including the
     whole, with whom the French were in close alliance, was from east to
     west not more than about twelve leagues. There must have been some
     error by which the author is made to say that it was _two hundred and
     thirty leagues_. Laverdiere suggests that in the manuscript it might
     have been 23, or 20 to 30, and that the printer made it 230.

189. The author plainly means that the country of the Hurons was nearly
     surrounded by the Mer Douce; that is to say, by Lake Huron and the
     waters connected with it, viz., the River Severn, Lake Couchiching,
     and Lake Simcoe. As to the population, compare _The Jesuits in North
     America_, by Francis Parkman, LL.D., note p. xxv.

190. _Vide antea_, note 172, for the reason of these removals.

191. _Febues du Bresil_. This was undoubtedly the common trailing bean,
     _Pliaseolus vulgaris_, probably called the Brazilian bean, because it
     resembled a bean known under that name. It was found in cultivation in
     New England as mentioned by Champlain and the early English settlers.
     Bradford discoursing of the Indians, _His.  Plymouth Plantation_,
     p. 83, speaks of "their beans of various collours." It is possible
     that the name, _febues du Bresil_, was given to it on account of its
     red color, as was that of the Brazil-wood, from the Portuguese word
     _braza_, a burning coal.

192. _Vide antea_, note 101.

193. _Sitrouelles_, or _citrouilles_, the common summer squash, _Cucurbita
     polymorpha. Vide_ Vol. II. note 128. For figure D, _vide_ p. 116.

194. The coloring matter appears to have been derived from the root of the
     bedstraw, _Galium tinctorum_. Peter Kalm, a pupil of Linnaeus, who
     travelled in Canada in 1749, says, "The roots of this plant are
     employed by the Indians in dyeing the quills of the American
     porcupines red, which they put into several pieces of their work, and
     air, sun, or water seldom change this color." _Travels into North
     America_, London, 1771, Vol. III. pp. 14-15.

195. Pere Joseph Le Caron, who had passed the winter among the Hurons.

196. _Mardi-gras_, Shrove-Tuesday, or _flesh Tuesday_, the last day of the
     Carnival, the day before Ash Wednesday, the first day in Lent.

197. _Vide_ Vol. I. pp. 236-238.

198. This must have been on the 20th of May.

199. Jean d'Olbeau and the lay brother Pacifique du Plessis.

200. Joseph le Caron, who accompanied Champlain to France.




CONTINUATION OF THE VOYAGES
AND DISCOVERIES MADE IN NEW FRANCE,
BY
SIEUR DE CHAMPLAIN,
CAPTAIN FOR THE KING IN THE WESTERN MARINE,
IN THE YEAR 1618.


At the beginning of the year one thousand six hundred and eighteen, on the
twenty-second of March, I set out from Paris, [201] together with my
brother-in-law, [202] for Honfleur, our usual port of embarkation. There we
were obliged to make a long stay on account of contrary winds. But when
they had become favorable, we embarked on the large vessel of the
association, which Sieur du Pont Grave commanded. There was also on board a
nobleman, named De la Mothe, [203] who had previously made a voyage with
the Jesuits to the regions of La Cadie, where he was taken prisoner by the
English, and by them carried to the Virginias, the place of their
settlement. Some time after they transferred him to England and from there
to France, where there arose in him an increased desire to make another
voyage to New France, which led him to seek the opportunity presented by
me. I had assured him, accordingly, that I would use my influence and
assistance with our associates, as it seemed to me that they would find
such a person desirable, since he would be very useful in those regions.

Our embarkation being made, we took our departure from Honfleur on the 24th
day of May following, in the year 1618. The wind was favorable for our
voyage, but continued so only a very few days, when it suddenly changed,
and we had all the time head winds up to our arrival, on the 3d day of June
following, on the Grand Bank, where the fresh fishery is carried on. Here
we perceived to the windward of us some banks of ice, which came down from
the north. While waiting for a favorable wind we engaged in fishing, which
afforded us great pleasure, not only on account of the fish but also of a
kind of bird called _fauquets_, [204] and other kinds that are caught on
the line like fish. For, on throwing the line, with its hook baited with
cod liver, these birds made for it with a rush, and in such numbers that
you could not draw it out in order to throw it again, without capturing
them by the beak, feet, and wings as they slew and fell upon the bait, so
great were the eagerness and voracity of these birds. This fishing afforded
us great pleasure, not only on account of the sport, but on account of the
infinite number of birds and fish that we captured, which were very good
eating, and made a very desirable change on shipboard.

Continuing on our route, we arrived on the 15th of the month off Isle
Percee, and on St. John's day [205] following entered the harbor of
Tadoussac, where we found our small vessel, which had arrived three weeks
before us. The men on her told us that Sieur des Chesnes, the commander,
had gone to our settlement at Quebec. Thence he was to go to the Trois
Rivieres to meet the savages, who were to come there from various regions
for the purpose of trade, and likewise to determine what was to be done on
account of the death of two of our men, who had been treacherously and
perfidiously killed by two vicious young men of the Montagnais. These two
unfortunate victims, as the men on the vessel informed us, had been killed
while out hunting nearly two years [206] before. Those in the settlement
had always supposed that they had been drowned from the upsetting of their
canoe, until a short time before, one of the men, conceiving an animosity
against the murderers, made a disclosure and communicated the fact and
cause of the murder to the men of our settlement. For certain reasons it
has seemed to me well to give an account of the matter and of what was done
in regard to it. But it is almost impossible to obtain the exact truth in
the case, on account, not only of the small amount of testimony at hand,
but of the diversity of the statements made, the most of which were
presumptive. I will, however, give an account of the matter here, following
the statement of the greater number as being nearer the truth, and relating
what I have found to be the most probable.

The following is the occasion of the murder of the two unfortunate
deceased. One of the two murderers paid frequent visits to our settlement,
receiving there a thousand kindnesses and favors, among other persons from
Sieur du Parc, a nobleman from Normandy, in command at the time at Quebec,
in the service of the King and in behalf of the merchants of the
Association in the year 1616. This savage, while on one of his customary
visits, received one day, on account of some jealousy, ill treatment from
one of the two murdered men, who was by profession a locksmith, and who
after some words beat the savage so soundly as to impress it well upon his
memory. And not satisfied with beating and misusing the savage he incited
his companions to do the same, which aroused still more the hatred and
animosity of the savage towards this locksmith and his companions, and led
him to seek an opportunity to revenge himself. He accordingly watched for a
time and opportunity for doing so, acting however cautiously and appearing
as usual, without showing any sign of resentment.

Some time after, the locksmith and a sailor named Charles Pillet, from the
island of Re, arranged to go hunting and stay away three or four nights.
For this purpose they got ready a canoe, and embarking departed from Quebec
for Cape Tourmente. Here there were some little islands where a great
quantity of game and birds resorted, near Isle d'Orleans, and distant seven
leagues from Quebec. The departure of our men became at once known to the
two savages, who were not slow in starting to pursue them and carry out
their evil design. They sought for the place where the locksmith and his
companion went to sleep, in order to surprise them. Having ascertained it
at evening, at break of day on the following morning, the two savages
slipped quietly along certain very pleasant meadows. Arriving at a point
near the place in question, they moored their canoe, landed and went
straight to the cabin, where our men had slept. But they found only the
locksmith, who was preparing to go hunting with his companion, and who
thought of nothing less than of what was to befall him. One of these
savages approached him, and with some pleasant words removed from him all
suspicion of anything wrong in order that he might the better deceive
him. But as he saw him stoop to adjust his arquebus, he quickly drew a club
that he had concealed on his person, and gave the locksmith so heavy a blow
on his head, that it sent him staggering and completely stunned. The
savage, seeing that the locksmith was preparing to defend himself, repeated
his blow, struck him to the ground, threw himself upon him, and with a
knife gave him three or four cuts in the stomach, killing him in this
horrible manner.

In order that they might also get possession of the sailor, the companion
of the locksmith who had started early in the morning to go hunting, not
because they bore any special hatred towards him, but that they might not
be discovered nor accused by him, they went in all directions searching for
him. At last, from the report of an arquebus which they heard, they
discovered where he was, in which direction they rapidly hastened, so as to
give no time to the sailor to reload his arquebus and put himself in a
state of defence. Approaching, they fired their arrows at him, by which
having prostrated him, they ran upon him and finished him with the knife.

Then the assassins carried off the body, together with the other, and,
binding them so firmly together that they would not come apart, attached to
them a quantity of stones and pebbles, together with their weapons and
clothes, so as not to be discovered by any sign, after which they carried
them to the middle of the river, threw them in, and they sank to the
bottom. Here they remained a long time until, through the will of God, the
cords broke, and the bodies were washed ashore and thrown far up on the
bank, to serve as accusers and incontestable witnesses of the attack of
these two cruel and treacherous assassins. For the two bodies were found at
a distance of more than twenty feet from the water in the woods, but had
not become separated in so long a time, being still firmly bound, the
bones, stripped of the flesh like a skeleton, alone remaining. For the two
victims, contrary to the expectation of the two murderers, who thought they
had done their work so secretly that it would never be known, were found a
long time after their disappearance by the men of our settlement, who,
pained at their absence, searched for them along the banks of the river.
But God in his justice would not permit so enormous a crime, and had caused
it to be exposed by another savage, their companion, in retaliation for an
injury he had received from them. Thus their wicked acts were disclosed.

The holy Fathers and the men of the settlement were greatly surprised at
seeing the bodies of these two unfortunates, with their bones all bare, and
their skulls broken by the blows received from the club of the savages. The
Fathers and others at the settlement advised to preserve them in some
portion of the settlement until the return of our vessels, in order to
consult with all the French as to the best course to pursue in the matter.
Meanwhile our people at the settlement resolved to be on their guard, and
no longer allow so much freedom to these savages as they had been
accustomed to, but on the contrary require reparation for so cruel a murder
by a process of justice, or some other way, or let things in the mean time
remain as they were, in order the better to await our vessels and our
return, that we might all together consult what was to be done in the
matter.

But the savages seeing that this iniquity was discovered, and that they and
the murderer were obnoxious to the French, were seized with despair, and,
fearing that our men would exercise vengeance upon them for this murder,
withdrew for a while from our settlement.[207] Not only those guilty of the
act but the others also being seized with fear came no longer to the
settlement, as they had been accustomed to do, but waited for greater
security for themselves.

Finding themselves deprived of intercourse with us, and of their usual
welcome, the savages sent one of their companions named by the French, _La
Ferriere_, to make their excuses for this murder; namely, they asserted
they had never been accomplices in it, and had never consented to it, and
that, if it was desired to have the two murderers for the sake of
inflicting justice, the other savages would willingly consent to it, unless
the French should be pleased to take as reparation and restitution for the
dead some valuable presents of skins, as they are accustomed to do in
return for a thing that cannot be restored. They earnestly entreated the
French to accept this rather than require the death of the accused which
they anticipated would be hard for them to execute, and so doing to forget
everything as if it had not occurred.

To this, in accordance with the advice of the holy Fathers, it was decided
to reply that the savages should bring and deliver up the two malefactors,
in order to ascertain from them their accomplices, and who had incited them
to do the deed. This they communicated to La Ferriere for him to report to
his companions.

This decision having been made, La Ferriere withdrew to his companions, who
upon hearing the decision of the French found this procedure and mode of
justice very strange and difficult; since they have no established law
among themselves, but only vengeance and restitution by presents. After
considering the whole matter and deliberating with one another upon it,
they summoned the two murderers and set forth to them the unhappy position
into which they had been thrown by the event of this murder, which might
cause a perpetual war with the French, from which their women and children
would suffer. However much trouble they might give us, and although they
might keep us shut up in our settlement and prevent us from hunting,
cultivating and tilling the soil, and although we were in too small numbers
to keep the river blockaded, as they persuaded themselves to believe in
their consultations; still, after all their deliberations, they concluded
that it was better to live in peace with the French than in war and
perpetual distrust.

Accordingly the savages thus assembled, after finishing their consultation
and representing the situation to the accused, asked them if they would not
have the courage to go with them to the settlement of the French and appear
before them; promising them that they should receive no harm, and assuring
them that the French were lenient and disposed to pardon, and would in
short go so far in dealing with them as to overlook their offence on
condition of their not returning to such evil ways.

The two criminals, finding themselves convicted in conscience, yielded to
this proposition and agreed to follow this advice. Accordingly one of them
made preparations, arraying himself in such garments and decorations as he
could procure, as if he had been invited to go to a marriage or some great
festivity. Thus attired, he went to the settlement, accompanied by his
father, some of the principal chiefs, and the captain of their company. As
to the other murderer, he excused himself from this journey, [208]
realizing his guilt of the heinous act and fearing punishment.

When now they had entered the habitation, which was forthwith surrounded by
a multitude of the savages of their company, the bridge [209] was drawn up,
and all of the French put themselves on guard, arms in hand. They kept a
strict watch, sentinels being posted at the necessary points, for fear of
what the savages outside might do, since they suspected that it was
intended actually to inflict punishment upon the guilty one, who had so
freely offered himself to our mercy, and not upon him alone, but upon those
also who had accompanied him inside, who likewise were not too sure of
their persons, and who, seeing matters in this state, did not expect to get
out with their lives. The whole matter was very well managed and carried
out, so as to make them realize the magnitude of the crime and have fear
for the future. Otherwise there would have been no security with them, and
we should have been obliged to live with arms in hand and in perpetual
distrust.

After this, the savages suspecting lest something might happen contrary to
what they hoped from us, the holy Fathers proceeded to make them an address
on the subject of this crime. They set forth to them the friendship which
the French had shown them for ten or twelve years back, when we began to
know them, during which time we had continually lived in peace and intimacy
with them, nay even with such freedom as could hardly be expressed. They
added moreover that I had in person assisted them several times in war
against their enemies, thereby exposing my life for their welfare; while we
were not under any obligations to do so, being impelled only by friendship
and good will towards them, and feeling pity at the miseries and
persecutions which their enemies caused them to endure and suffer. This is
why we were unable to believe, they said, that this murder had been
committed without their consent, and especially since they had taken it
upon themselves to favor those who committed it.

Speaking to the father of the criminal, they represented to him the
enormity of the deed committed by his son, saying that as reparation for it
he deserved death, since by our law so wicked a deed did not go unpunished,
and that whoever was found guilty and convicted of it deserved to be
condemned to death as reparation for so heinous an act; but, as to the
other inhabitants of the country, who were not guilty of the crime, they
said no one wished them any harm or desired to visit upon them the
consequences of it.

All the savages, having clearly heard this, said, as their only excuse, but
with all respect, that they had not consented to this act; that they knew
very well that these two criminals ought to be put to death, unless we
should be disposed to pardon them; that they were well aware of their
wickedness, not before but after the commission of the deed; that they had
been informed of the death of the two ill-fated men too late to prevent it.
Moreover, they said that they had kept it secret, in order to preserve
constantly an intimate relationship and confidence with us, and declared
that they had administered to the evil-doers severe reprimands, and set
forth the calamity which they had not only brought upon themselves, but
upon all their tribe, relatives and friends; and they promised that such a
calamity should never occur again and begged us to forget this offence, and
not visit it with the consequences it deserved, but rather go back to the
primary motive which induced the two savages to go there, and have regard
for that. Furthermore they said that the culprit had come freely and
delivered himself into our hands, not to be punished but to receive mercy
from the French.

But the father, turning to the friar, [210] said with tears, there is my
son, who committed the supposed crime; he is worthless, but consider that
he is a young, foolish, and inconsiderate person, who has committed this
act through passion, impelled by vengeance rather than by premeditation: it
is in your power to give him life or death; you can do with him what you
please, since we are both in your hands.

After this address, the culprit son, presenting himself with assurance,
spoke these words. "Fear has not so seized my heart as to prevent my coming
to receive death according to my desserts and your law, of which I
acknowledge myself guilty." Then he stated to the company the cause of the
murder, and the planning and execution of it, just as I have related and
here set forth.

After his recital he addressed himself to one of the agents and clerks of
the merchants of our Association, named _Beauchaine_, begging him to put
him to death without further formality.

Then the holy Fathers spoke, and said to them, that the French were not
accustomed to put their fellow-men to death so suddenly, and that it was
necessary to have a consultation with all the men of the settlement, and
bring forward this affair as the subject of consideration. This being a
matter of great consequence, it was decided that it should be carefully
conducted and that it was best to postpone it to a more favorable occasion,
which would be better adapted to obtain the truth, the present time not
being favorable for many reasons.

In the first place, we were weak in numbers in comparison with the savages
without and within our settlement, who, resentful and full of vengeance as
they are, would have been capable of setting fire on all sides and creating
disorder among us. In the second place, there would have been perpetual
distrust and no security in our intercourse with them. In the third place,
trade would have been injured, and the service of the King impeded.

In view of these and other urgent considerations, it was decided that we
ought to be contented with their putting themselves in our power and their
willingness to give satisfaction submissively, the father of the criminal
on the one hand presenting and offering him to the company, and he, for his
part, offering to give up his own life as restitution for his offence, just
as his father offered to produce him whenever he might be required.

This it was thought necessary to regard as a sort of honorable amend, and a
satisfaction to justice. And it was considered that if we thus pardoned the
offence, not only would the criminal receive his life from us, but, also,
his father and companions would feel under great obligations. It was
thought proper, however, to say to them as an explanation of our action,
that, in view of the fact of the criminal's public assurance that all the
other savages were in no respect accomplices, or to blame for the act, and
had had no knowledge of it before its accomplishment, and in view of the
fact that he had freely offered himself to death, it had been decided to
restore him to his father, who should remain under obligations to produce
him at any time. On these terms and on condition that he should in future
render service to the French, his life was spared, that he and all the
savages might continue friends and helpers of the French.

Thus it was decided to arrange the matter until the vessels should return
from France, when, in accordance with the opinion of the captains and
others, a definite and more authoritative settlement was to be concluded.
In the mean time we promised them every favor and the preservation of their
lives, saying to them, however, for our security, that they should leave
some of their children as a kind of hostage, to which they very willingly
acceded, and left at the settlement two in the hands of the holy Fathers,
who proceeded to teach their letters, and in less than three months taught
them the alphabet and how to make the letters.

From this it may be seen that they are capable of instruction and are
easily taught, as Father Joseph [211] can testify.

The vessels having safely arrived, Sieur du Pont Grave, some others, and
myself were informed how the affair had taken place, as has been narrated
above, when we all decided that it was desirable to make the savages feel
the enormity of this murder, but not to execute punishment upon them, for
various good reasons hereafter to be mentioned.

As soon as our vessels had entered the harbor of Tadoussac, even on the
morning of the next day, [212] Sieur du Pont Grave and myself set sail
again, on a small barque of ten or twelve tons' burden. So also Sieur de la
Mothe, together with Father Jean d'Albeau, [213] a friar, and one of the
clerks and agent of the merchants, named _Loquin_, embarked on a little
shallop, and we set out together from Tadoussac. There remained on the
vessel another friar, called Father _Modeste_ [214] together with the pilot
and master, to take care of her. We arrived at Quebec, the place of our
settlement, on the 27th of June following. Here we found Fathers Joseph,
Paul, and Pacifique, the friars, [215] and Sieur Hebert [216] with his
family, together with the other members of the settlement. They were all
well, and delighted at our return in good health like themselves, through
the mercy of God.

The same day Sieur du Pont Grave determined to go to Trois Rivieres, where
the merchants carried on their trading, and to take with him some
merchandise, with the purpose of meeting Sieur des Chesnes, who was already
there. He also took with him Loquin, as before mentioned. I stayed at our
settlement some days, occupying myself with business relating to it; among
other things in building a furnace for making an experiment with certain
ashes, directions for which had been given me, and which are in truth of
great value; but it requires labor, diligence, watchfulness and skill; and
for the working of these ashes a sufficient number of men are needed who
are acquainted with this art. This first experiment did not prove
successful, and we postponed further trial to a more favorable opportunity.

I visited the cultivated lands, [217] which I found planted with fine
grain. The gardens contained all kinds of plants, cabbages, radishes,
lettuce, purslain, sorrel, parsley, and other plants, squashes, cucumbers,
melons, peas, beans and other vegetables, which were as fine and forward as
in France. There were also the vines, which had been transplanted, already
well advanced. In a word, you could see everything growing and flourishing.
Aside from God, we are not to give the praise for this to the laborers or
their skill, for it is probable that not much is due to them, but to the
richness and excellence of the soil, which is naturally good and adapted
for everything, as experience shows, and might be turned to good account,
not only for purposes of tillage and the cultivation of fruit-trees and
vines, but also for the nourishment and rearing of cattle and fowl, such as
are common in France. But the thing lacking is zeal and affection for the
welfare and service of the King.

I tarried some time at Quebec, in expectation of further intelligence, when
there arrived a barque from Tadoussac, which had been sent by Sieur du
Pont Grave to get the men and merchandise remaining at that place on the
before-mentioned large vessel. Leaving Quebec, I embarked with them for
Trois Rivieres, where the trading was going on, in order to see the savages
and communicate with them, and ascertain what was taking place respecting
the assassination above set forth, and what could be done to settle and
smooth over the whole matter.

On the 5th of July following I set out from Quebec, together with Sieur de
la Mothe, for Trois Rivieres, both for engaging in traffic and to see the
savages. We arrived at evening off Sainte Croix, [218] a place on the way
so called. Here we saw a shallop coming straight to us, in which were some
men from Sieurs du Pont Grave and des Chesnes, and also some clerks and
agents of the merchants. They asked me to despatch at once this shallop to
Quebec for some merchandise remaining there, saying that a large number of
savages had come for the purpose of making war.

This intelligence was very agreeable to us, and in order to satisfy them,
on the morning of the next day I left my barque and went on board a shallop
in order to go more speedily to the savages, while the other, which had
come from Trois Rivieres, continued its course to Quebec. We made such
progress by rowing that we arrived at the before-mentioned place on the 7th
of July at 3 o'clock in the afternoon. Upon landing, all the savages with
whom I had been intimate in their country recognized me. They were awaiting
me with impatience, and came up to me very happy and delighted to see me
again, one after the other embracing me with demonstrations of great joy, I
also receiving them in the same manner. In this agreeable way was spent the
evening and remainder of this day, and on the next day the savages held a
council among themselves, to ascertain from me whether I would again assist
them, as I had done in the past and as I had promised them, in their wars
against their enemies, by whom they are cruelly harassed and tortured.

Meanwhile on our part we took counsel together to determine what we should
do in the matter of the murder of the two deceased, in order that justice
might be done, and that they might be restrained from committing such an
offence in future.

In regard to the assistance urgently requested by the savages for making
war against their enemies, I replied that my disposition had not changed
nor my courage abated, but that what prevented me from assisting them was
that on the previous year, when the occasion and opportunity presented,
they failed me when the time came; because when they had promised to return
with a good number of warriors they did not do so, which caused me to
withdraw without accomplishing much. Yet I told them the matter should be
taken into consideration, but that for the present it was proper to
determine what should be done in regard to the assassination of the two
unfortunate men, and that satisfaction must be had. Upon this they left
their council in seeming anger and vexation about the matter, offering to
kill the criminals, and proceed at once to their execution, if assent were
given, and acknowledging freely among themselves the enormity of the
affair.

But we would not consent to this, postponing our assistance to another
time, requiring them to return to us the next year with a good number of
men. I assured them, moreover, that I would entreat the King to favor us
with men, means, and supplies to assist them and enable them to enjoy the
rest they longed for, and victory over their enemies. At this they were
greatly pleased, and thus we separated, after they had held two or three
meetings on the subject, costing us several hours of time. Two or three
days after my arrival at this place they proceeded to make merry, dance,
and celebrate many great banquets in view of the future war in which I was
to assist them.

Then I stated to Sieur du Pont Grave what I thought about this murder; that
it was desirable to make a greater demand upon them; that at present the
savages would dare not only to do the same thing again but what would be
more injurious to us; that I considered them people who were governed by
example; that they might accuse the French of being wanting in courage;
that if we said no more about the matter they would infer that we were
afraid of them: and that if we should let them go so easily they would grow
more insolent, bold, and intolerable, and we should even thereby tempt them
to undertake greater and more pernicious designs. Moreover I said that the
other tribes of savages, who had or should get knowledge of this act, and
that it had been unrevenged, or compromised by gifts and presents, as is
their custom, would boast that killing a man is no great matter; since the
French make so little account of seeing their companions killed by their
neighbors, who drink, eat, and associate intimately with them, as may be
seen.

But, on the other hand, in consideration of the various circumstances;
namely, that the savages do not exercise reason, that they are hard to
approach, are easily estranged, and are very ready to take vengeance, that,
if we should force them to inflict punishment, there would be no security
for those desirous of making explorations among them, we determined to
settle this affair in a friendly manner, and pass over quietly what had
occurred, leaving them to engage peaceably in their traffic with the clerks
and agents of the merchants and others in charge.

Now there was with them a man named _Estienne Brule_, one of our
interpreters, who had been living with them for eight years, as well to
pass his time as to see the country and learn their language and mode of
life. He is the one whom I had despatched with orders to go in the
direction of the Entouhonorons, [219] to Carantouean, in order to bring with
him five hundred warriors they had promised to send to assist us in the war
in which we were engaged against their enemies, a reference to which is
made in the narrative of my previous book. [220] I called this man, namely
Estienne Brule, and asked him why he had not brought the assistance of the
five hundred men, and what was the cause of the delay, and why he had not
rendered me a report. Thereupon he gave me an account of the matter, a
narrative of which it will not be out of place to give, as he is more to be
pitied than blamed on account of the misfortunes which he experienced on
this commission.

He proceeded to say that, after taking leave of me to go on his journey and
execute his commission, he set out with the twelve savages whom I had given
him for the purpose of showing the way, and to serve as an escort on
account of the dangers which he might have to encounter. They were
successful in reaching the place, Carantouean, but not without exposing
themselves to risk, since they had to pass through the territories of their
enemies, and, in order to avoid any evil design, pursued a more secure
route through thick and impenetrable forests, wood and brush, marshy bogs,
frightful and unfrequented places and wastes, all to avoid danger and a
meeting with their enemies.

But, in spite of this great care, Brule and his savage companions, while
crossing a plain, encountered some hostile savages, who were returning to
their village and who were surprised and worsted by our savages, four of
the enemy being killed on the spot and two taken prisoners, whom Brule and
his companions took to Carantouean, by the inhabitants of which place they
were received with great affection, a cordial welcome, and good cheer, with
the dances and banquets with which they are accustomed to entertain and
honor strangers.

Some days were spent in this friendly reception; and, after Brule had told
them his mission and explained to them the occasion of his journey, the
savages of the place assembled in council to deliberate and resolve in
regard to sending the five hundred warriors asked for by Brule.

When the council was ended and it was decided to send the men, orders were
given to collect, prepare, and arm them, so as to go and join us where we
were encamped before the fort and village of our enemies. This was only
three short days' journey from Carantouean, which was provided with more
than eight hundred warriors, and strongly fortified, after the manner of
those before described, which have high and strong palisades well bound and
joined together, the quarters being constructed in a similar fashion.

After it had been resolved by the inhabitants of Carantouean to send the
five hundred men, these were very long in getting ready, although urged by
Brule, to make haste, who explained to them that if they delayed any longer
they would not find us there. And in fact they did not succeed in arriving
until two days after our departure from that place, which we were forced to
abandon, since we were too weak and worn by the inclemency of the weather.
This caused Brule, and the five hundred men whom he brought, to withdraw
and return to their village of Carantouean. After their return Brule was
obliged to stay, and spend the rest of the autumn and all the winter, for
lack of company and escort home. While awaiting, he busied himself in
exploring the country and visiting the tribes and territories adjacent to
that place, and in making a tour along a river [221] that debouches in the
direction of Florida, where are many powerful and warlike nations, carrying
on wars against each other. The climate there is very temperate, and there
are great numbers of animals and abundance of small game. But to traverse
and reach these regions requires patience, on account of the difficulties
involved in passing the extensive wastes.

He continued his course along the river as far as the sea, [222] and to
islands and lands near them, which are inhabited by various tribes and
large numbers of savages, who are well disposed and love the French above
all other nations. But those who know the Dutch [223] complain severely of
them, since they treat them very roughly. Among other things he observed
that the winter was very temperate, that it snowed very rarely, and that
when it did the snow was not a foot deep and melted immediately.

After traversing the country and observing what was noteworthy, he returned
to the village of Carantouean, in order to find an escort for returning to
our settlement. After some stay at Carantouean, five or six of the savages
decided to make the journey with Brule. On the way they encountered a large
number of their enemies, who charged upon Brule and his companions so
violently that they caused them to break up and separate from each other,
so that they were unable to rally: and Brule, who had kept apart in the
hope of escaping, became so detached from the others that he could not
return, nor find a road or sign in order to effect his retreat in any
direction whatever. Thus he continued to wander through forest and wood for
several days without eating, and almost despairing of his life from the
pressure of hunger. At last he came upon a little footpath, which he
determined to follow wherever it might lead, whether toward the enemy or
not, preferring to expose himself to their hands trusting in God rather
than to die alone and in this wretched manner. Besides he knew how to speak
their language, which he thought might afford him some assistance.

But he had not gone a long distance when he discovered three savages loaded
with fish repairing to their village. He ran after them, and, as he
approached, shouted at them, as is their custom. At this they turned about,
and filled with fear were about to leave their burden and flee. But Brule
speaking to them reassured them, when they laid down their bows and arrows
in sign of peace, Brule on his part laying down his arms. Moreover he was
weak and feeble, not having eaten for three or four days. On coming up to
them, after he had told them of his misfortune and the miserable condition
to which he had been reduced, they smoked together, as they are accustomed
to do with one another and their acquaintances when they visit each
other. They had pity and compassion for him, offering him every assistance,
and conducting him to their village, where they entertained him and gave
him something to eat.

But as soon as the people of the place were informed that an _Adoresetouey_
had arrived, for thus they call the French, the name signifying _men of
iron_, they came in a rush and in great numbers to see Brule. They took him
to the cabin of one of the principal chiefs, where he was interrogated, and
asked who he was, whence he came, what circumstance had driven and led him
to this place, how he had lost his way, and whether he did not belong to
the French nation that made war upon them. To this he replied that he
belonged to a better nation, that was desirous solely of their acquaintance
and friendship. Yet they would not believe this, but threw themselves upon
him, tore out his nails with their teeth, burnt him with glowing
firebrands, and tore out his beard, hair by hair, though contrary to the
will of the chief.

During this fit of passion one of the savages observed an _Agnus Dei_,
which he had attached to his neck, and asked what it was that he had thus
attached to his neck, and was on the point of seizing it and pulling it
off. But Brule said to him, with resolute words, If you take it and put me
to death, you will find that immediately after you will suddenly die, and
all those of your house. He paid no attention however to this, but
continuing in his malicious purpose tried to seize the _Agnus Dei_ and tear
it from him, all of them together being desirous of putting him to death,
but previously of making him suffer great pain and torture, such as they
generally practise upon their enemies.

But God, showing him mercy, was pleased not to allow it, but in his
providence caused the heavens to change suddenly from the serene and fair
state they were in to darkness, and to become filled with great and thick
clouds, upon which followed thunders and lightnings so violent and long
continued that it was something strange and awful. This storm caused the
savages such terror, it being not only unusual but unlike anything they had
ever heard, that their attention was diverted and they forgot the evil
purpose they had towards Brule, their prisoner. They accordingly left him
without even unbinding him, as they did not dare to approach him. This gave
the sufferer an opportunity to use gentle words, and he appealed to them
and remonstrated with them on the harm they were doing him without cause,
and set forth to them how our God was enraged at them for having so abused
him.

The captain then approached Brule, unbound him, and took him to his house,
where he took care of him and treated his wounds. After this there were no
dances, banquets, or merry-makings to which Brule was not invited.

So after remaining some time with these savages, he determined to proceed
towards our settlement.

Taking leave of them, he promised to restore them to harmony with the
French and their enemies, and cause them to swear friendship with each
other, to which end he said he would return to them as soon as he
could. Thence he went to the country and village of the Atinouaentans,
[224] where I had already been; the savages at his departure having
conducted him for a distance of four days' journey from their village. Here
Brule remained some time, when, resuming his journey towards us he came by
way of the _Mer Douce_, [225] boating along its northern shores for some
ten days, where I had also gone when on my way to the war.

And if Brule had gone further on to explore these regions, as I had
directed him to do, it would not have been a mere rumor that they were
preparing war with one another. But this undertaking was reserved to
another time, which he promised me to continue and accomplish in a short
period with God's grace, and to conduct me there that I might obtain fuller
and more particular knowledge.

After he had made this recital, I gave him assurance that his services
would be recognized, and encouraged him to continue his good purpose until
our return, when we should have more abundant means to do that with which
he would be satisfied. This is now the entire narrative and recital of his
journey from the time he left me [226] to engage in the above-mentioned
explorations; and it afforded me pleasure in the prospect thereby presented
me of being better able to continue and promote them.

With this purpose he took leave of me to return to the savages, an intimate
acquaintance with whom had been acquired by him in his journeys and
explorations. I begged him to continue with them until the next year, when
I would return with a good number of men, both to reward him for his
labors, and to assist as in the past the savages, his friends, in their
wars.

Resuming the thread of my former discourse, I must note that in my last and
preceding voyages and explorations I had passed through numerous and
diverse tribes of savages not known to the French nor to those of our
settlement, with whom I had made alliances and sworn friendship, on
condition that they should come and trade with us, and that I should assist
them in their wars; for it must be understood that there is not a single
tribe living in peace, excepting the Nation Neutre. According to their
promise, there came from the various tribes of savages recently discovered
some trade in peltry, others to see the French and ascertain what kind of
treatment and welcome would be shown them. This encouraged everybody, the
French on the one hand to show them cordiality and welcome, for they
honored them with some attentions and presents, which the agents of the
merchants gave to gratify them; on the other hand, it encouraged the
savages, who promised all the French to come and live in future in
friendship with them, all of them declaring that they would deport
themselves with such affection towards us that we should have occasion to
commend them, while we in like manner were to assist them to the extent of
our power in their wars.

The trading having been concluded, and the savages having taken their leave
and departed, we left Trois Rivieres on the 14th of July of this year. The
next day we arrived at our quarters at Quebec, where the barques were
unloaded of the merchandise which had remained over from the traffic and
which was put in the warehouse of the merchants at that place.

Now Sieur de Pont Grave went to Tadoussac with the barques in order to load
them and carry to the habitation the provisions necessary to support those
who were to remain and winter there, and I determined while the barques
were thus engaged to continue there for some days in order to have the
necessary fortifications and repairs made.

At my departure from the settlement I took leave of the holy Fathers, Sieur
de la Mothe, and all the others who were to stay there, giving them to
expect that I would return, God assisting, with a good number of families
to people the country. I embarked on the 26th of July, together with the
Fathers Paul and Pacifique, [227] the latter having wintered here once and
the other having been here a year and a half, who were to make a report of
what they had seen in the country and of what could be done there. We set
out on the day above mentioned from the settlement for Tadoussac, where we
were to embark for France. We arrived the next day and found our vessels
ready to set sail. We embarked, and left Tadoussac for France on the 13th
of the month of July, 1618, and arrived at Honfleur on the 28th day of
August, the wind having been favorable, and all being in good spirits.

ENDNOTES:

201. Champlain made a voyage to New France in 1617, but appears to have
     kept no journal of its events. He simply observes that nothing
     occurred worthy of remark. _Vide_ issue of 1632, Quebec ed., p. 969.
     Sagard gives a brief narrative of the events that occurred that
     year. Vol. I. pp. 34-44.

202. Eustache Boulle. His father was Nicolas Boulle, Secretary of the
     King's Chamber, and his mother was Marguerite Alix. _Vide_ Vol. I.
     p. 205 _et passim_.

203. Nicolas de La Mothe, or de la Motte le Vilin. He had been Lieutenant
     of Saussaye in 1613, when Capt. Argall captured the French colony at
     Mount Desert. _Vide Les Voyages de Champlain_, 1632, Quebec ed.,
     p. 773; _Relation de la Nouvelle France_, Pere Biard, p. 64.

204. _Fauquets_. Probably the common Tern, or Sea Swallow. _Sterna
     hirundo_. Peter Kalm, on his voyage in 1749, says "Terns, _sterna
     hirundo, Linn_, though of a somewhat darker colour than the common
     ones, we found after the forty-first degree of north latitude and
     forty-seventh degree of west longitude from _London_, very
     plentifully, and sometimes in flocks of some hundreds; sometimes they
     settled, as if tired, on our ship." _Kalm's Travels_, 1770,
     Vol. I. p. 23.

205. St. John's day was June 24th.

206. According to Sagard they were assassinated about the middle of April,
     1617. _Hist. Canada_, Vol. I. p. 42.

207. Sagard says the French, on account of this affair, were menaced by
     eight hundred savages of different nations who were assembled at Trois
     Rivieres. _Vide Histoire du Canada_, 1636, Vol. I. p.42. The
     statement, "on estoit menace de huict cens Sauvages de diuerse
     nations, qui festoient assemblez es Trois Rivieres a dessein de venir
     surprendre les Francois & leur coupper a tous la gorge, pour preuenir
     la vengeance qu'ils eussent pu prendre de deux de leurs hommes tuez
     par les Montagnais environ la my Auril de l'an 1617," is, we think,
     too strong. The savages were excited and frightened by the demands of
     the French, who desired to produce upon their minds a strong moral
     impression, in order to prevent a recurrence of the murder, which was
     a private thing, in which the great body of the savages had no part.
     They could not be said to be hostile, though they prudently put
     themselves in a state of defence, as, under the circumstances, it was
     very natural they should do.

208. They were then at Trois Rivieres.

209. The moat around the habitation at Quebec was fifteen feet wide and six
     feet deep, constructed with a drawbridge to be taken up in case of
     need. _Vide_ Vol II p. 182.

210. Probably Pere le Caron, who was in charge of the mission at Quebec at
     that time.

211. _Vide Histoire du Canada_, par Sagard, 1636, Vol. I. p 45.

212. They arrived on St. John's day, _antea, note 205_, and consequently
     this was the 25th of June, 1618.

213. Jean d'Olbeau.

214. Frere Modeste Guines. _Vide Histoire du Canada_, par Sagard, a Paris,
     1636, Vol. I.p. 40.

215. Joseph le Caron, Paul Huet, and Pacifique du Plessis.

216. Louis Hebert, an apothecary, settled at Port Royal in La Cadie or Nova
     Scotia, under Poutrincourt, was there when, in 1613, possession was
     taken in the name of Madame de Guercheville. He afterward took up his
     abode at Quebec with his family, probably in the year 1617. His eldest
     daughter Anne was married at Quebec to Estienne Jonquest, a Norman,
     which was the first marriage that took place with the ceremonies of
     the Church in Canada. His daughter Guillemette married William
     Couillard, and to her Champlain committed the two Indian girls, whom
     he was not permitted by Kirke to take with him to France, when Quebec
     was captured by the English in 1629. Louis Hebert died at Quebec on
     the 25th of January, 1627. _Histoire du Canada_, Vol. I. pp. 41, 591.

217. These fields were doubtless those of Louis Hebert, who was the first
     that came into the country with his family to live by the cultivation
     of the soil.

218. Platon. _Vide_ Vol. 1., note 155.

219. Champlain says, _donne charge d'aller vers les Entouhonorons a
     Carantouan_. By reference to the map of 1632. it will be seen that the
     Entouhonorons were situated on the southern borders of Lake Ontario.
     They are understood by Champlain to be a part at least of the
     Iroquois; but the Carantouanais, allies of the Hurons, were south of
     them, occupying apparently the upper waters of the Susquehanna. A
     dotted line will be seen on the same map, evidently intended to mark
     the course of Brule's journey. From the meagre knowledge which
     Champlain possessed of the region, the line can hardly be supposed to
     be very accurate, which may account for Champlain's indefinite
     expression as cited at the beginning of this note.

     The Entouhonorons, Quentouoronons, Tsonnontouans, or Senecas
     constituted the most western and most numerous canton of the Five
     Nations. _Vide Continuation of the New Discovery_, by Louis Hennepin,
     1699, p. 95; also Origin of the name Seneca in Mr. O. H.  Marshall's
     brochure on _De la Salle among the Senecas_, pp. 43-45.

220. _Vide antea_, p. 124.

221. The River Susquehanna.

222. He appears to have gone as far south at least as the upper waters of
     Chesapeake Bay.

223. The Dutch fur-traders. _Vide History of the State of New York_ by John
     Romeyn Brodhead, Vol. I. p. 44 _et passim_.

224. Attigonantans or Attignaouantans the principal tribe of the Hurons,
     sometimes called _Les bons Iroquis_, as they and the Iroquois were of
     the same original stock. _Vide_ Vol. I. p. 276, note 212.

225. Lake Huron. For the different names which have been attached to this
     lake, _vide Local Names of Niagara Frontier_, by Orsamus H. Marshall,
     1881, P. 37.

226. Brule was despatched on his mission Sept 8, 1615. _Vide antea_,
     p. 124.

     As we have already stated in a previous note, it was the policy of
     Champlain to place competent young men with the different tribes of
     savages to obtain that kind of information which could only come from
     an actual and prolonged residence with them. This enabled him to
     secure not only the most accurate knowledge of their domestic habits
     and customs, the character and spirit of their life, but these young
     men by their long residence with the savages acquired a good knowledge
     of their language, and were able to act as interpreters. This was a
     matter of very great importance, as it was often necessary for
     Champlain to communicate with the different tribes in making treaties
     of friendship, in discussing questions of war with their enemies, in
     settling disagreements among themselves, and in making arrangements
     with them for the yearly purchase of their peltry. It was not easy to
     obtain suitable persons for this important office. Those who had the
     intellectual qualifications, and who had any high aspirations, would
     not naturally incline to pass years in the stupid and degrading
     associations, to say nothing of the hardships and deprivations, of
     savage life. They were generally therefore adventurers, whose honesty
     and fidelity had no better foundation than their selfish interests. Of
     this sort was this Etienne Brule, as well as Nicholas Marsolet and
     Pierre Raye, all of whom turned traitors, selling themselves to the
     English when Quebec was taken in 1629. Of Brule, Champlain uses the
     following emphatic language: "Le truchement Brusle a qui l'on donnoit
     cent pistolles par an, pour inciter les sauuages a venir a la traitte,
     ce qui estoit de tres-mauuais exemple, d'enuoyer ainsi des personnes
     si maluiuans, que l'on eust deub chastier seuerement, car l'on
     recognoissoit cet homme pour estre fort vicieux, & adonne aux femmes;
     mais que ne fait faire l'esperance du gain, qui passe par dessus
     toutes considerations." _Vide issue of_ 1632, Quebec ed., pp. 1065,
     1229.

     But among Champlain's interpreters there were doubtless some who bore
     a very different character. Jean Nicolet was certainly a marked
     exception. Although Champlain does not mention him by name, he appears
     to have been in New France as early as 1618, where he spent many years
     among the Algonquins, and was the first Frenchman who penetrated the
     distant Northwest. He married into one of the most respectable
     families of Quebec, and is often mentioned in the Relations des
     Jesuites. _Vide_ a brief notice of him in _Discovery and Exploration
     of the Mississippi Valley_, by John Gilmary Shea, 1852, p. xx. A full
     account of his career has recently been published, entitled _History
     of the Discovery of the Northwest by John Nicolet in_ 1634, _with a
     Sketch of his Life_. By C. W. Butterfield.  Cincinnati, 1881. _Vide_
     also _Details fur la Vie de Jean Nicollet_, an extract from _Relation
     des Jesuites_, 1643, in _Decouveries_, etc, par Pierre Margry, p. 49.

227. Paul Huet and Pacifique du Plessis. The latter had been in New France
     more than a year and a half, having arrived in 1615. _Vide antea_,
     pp. 104-5.




EXPLANATION
OF
TWO GEOGRAPHICAL MAPS OF NEW FRANCE.


It has seemed to me well to make some statements in explanation of the two
geographical maps. Although one corresponds to the other so far as the
harbors, bays, capes, promontories, and rivers extending into the interior
are concerned, nevertheless they are different in respect to the bearings.

The smallest is in its true meridian, in accordance with the directions of
Sieur de Castelfranc in his book on the mecometry of the magnetic needle
[228] where I have noted, as will be seen on the map, several declinations,
which have been of much service to me, so also all the altitudes,
latitudes, and longitudes, from the forty-first degree of latitude to the
fifty-first, in the direction of the North Pole, which are the confines of
Canada, or the Great Bay, where more especially the Basques and Spaniards
engage in the whale fishery. In certain places in the great river
St. Lawrence, in latitude 45 deg., I have observed the declination of the
magnetic needle, and found it as high as twenty-one degrees, which is the
greatest I have seen.

The small map will serve very well for purposes of navigation, provided the
needle be applied properly to the rose [229] indicating the points of the
compass. For instance, in using it, when one is on the Grand Bank where
fresh fishing is carried on, it is necessary, for the sake of greater
convenience, to take a rose where the thirty-two points are marked equally,
and put the point of the magnetic needle 12, 15, or 16 degrees from the
_fleur de lis_ on the northwest side, which is nearly a point and a half,
that is north a point northwest or a little more, from the _fleur de lis_ of
said rose, and then adjust the rose to the compass. By this means the
latitudes of all the capes, harbors, and rivers can be accurately
ascertained.

I am aware that there are many who will not make use of it, but will prefer
to run according to the large one, since it is made according to the
compass of France, where the magnetic needle varies to the northeast, for
the reason that they are so accustomed to this method that it is difficult
for them to change. For this reason I have prepared the large map in this
manner, for the assistance of the majority of the pilots and mariners in
the waters of New France, fearing that if I had not done so, they would
have ascribed to me a mistake, not knowing whence it proceeded. For the
small plans or charts of Newfoundland are, for the most part, different in
all their statements with respect to the positions of the lands and their
latitudes. And those who may have some small copies, reasonably good,
esteem them so valuable that they do not communicate a knowledge of them to
their country, which might derive profit therefrom.

Now the construction of these maps is such that they have their meridian in
a direction north-northeast, making west west-northwest, which is contrary
to the true meridian of this place, namely, to call north-northeast north,
for the needle instead of varying to the northwest, as it should, varies to
the northeast as if it were in France. The consequence of this is that
error has resulted, and will continue to do so, since this antiquated
custom is practised, which they still retain, although they fall into grave
mistakes.

They also make use of a compass marked north and south; that is, so that
the point of the magnetic needle is directly on the _fleur de lis_. In
accordance with such a compass many construct their small maps, which seems
to me the better way, and so approach nearer to the true meridian of New
France, than the compasses of France proper, which point to the
northeast. It has come about, consequently, in this way that the first
navigators who sailed to New France thought there was no greater deviation
in going to these parts than to the Azores, or other places near France,
where the deviation is almost imperceptible in navigation, the navigators
having the compasses of France, which point northeast and represent the
true meridian. In sailing constantly westward with the purpose of reaching
a certain latitude, they laid their course directly west by their compass,
supposing that they were sailing on the one parallel where they wished to
go. By thus going constantly in a straight line and not in a circle, as all
the parallels on the surface of the globe run, they found after having
traversed a long distance, and as they were approaching the land, that they
were some three, four, or five degrees farther south than they ought to be,
thus being deceived in their true latitude and reckoning.

It is true, indeed, that, when the weather was fair and the sun clearly
visible, they corrected their latitude, but not without wondering how it
happened that their course was wrong, which arose in consequence of their
sailing in a straight instead of a circular line according to the parallel,
so that in changing their meridian they changed with regard to the points
of the compass, and consequently their course. It is, therefore, very
necessary to know the meridian, and the declination of the magnetic needle,
for this knowledge can serve all navigators. This is especially so in the
north and south, where there are greater variations in the magnetic needle,
and where the meridians of longitude are smaller, so that the error, if the
declination were not known, would be greater. This above-mentioned error
has accordingly arisen, because navigators have either not cared to correct
it, or did not know how to do so, and have left it in the state in which it
now is. It is consequently difficult to abandon this manner of sailing in
the regions of New France.

This has led me to make this large map, not only that it might be more
minute than the small one, but also in order to satisfy navigators, who
will thus be able to sail as they do according to their small maps; and
they will excuse me for not making it better and more in detail, for the
life of a man is not long enough to observe things so exactly that at least
something would not be found to have been omitted. Hence inquiring and
pains-taking persons will, in sailing, observe things not to be found on
this map, but which they add to it, so that in the course of time there
will be no doubt as to any of the localities indicated. At least it seems
to me that I have done my duty, so far as I could, not having sailed to put
on my map anything that I have seen, and thus giving to the public special
knowledge of what had never been described, nor so carefully explored as I
have done it. Although in the past others have written of these things,
yet very little in comparison with what we have explored within the past
ten years.


MODE OF DETERMINING A MERIDIAN LINE.

Take a small piece of board, perfectly level, and place in the middle a
needle C, three inches high, so that it shall be exactly perpendicular.
Expose it to the sun before noon, at 8 or 9 o'clock, and mark the point B
at the end of the shadow cast by the needle. Then opening the compasses,
with one point on C and the other on the shadow B, describe an arc AB.
Leave the whole in this position until afternoon when you see the shadow
just reaching the arc at A. Then divide equally the arc AB, and taking a
rule, and placing it on the points C and D, draw a line running the whole
length of the board, which is not to be moved until the observation is
completed. This line will be the meridian of the place you are in.

And in order to ascertain the declination of the place where you are with
reference to the meridian, place a compass, which must be rectangular,
along the meridian line, as shown in the figure above, there being upon the
card a circle divided into 360 degrees. Divide the circle by two
diametrical lines; one representing the north and south, as indicated by
EF, the other the east and west, as indicated by GH. Then observe the
magnetic needle turning on its pivot upon the card, and you will see how
much it deviates from the fixed meridian line upon the card, and how many
degrees it varies to the northeast of northwest.




CHAMPLAIN'S LARGE MAP.

GEOGRAPHICAL CHART OF NEW FRANCE, MADE BY SIEUR DE CHAMPLAIN OF SAINTONGE,
CAPTAIN IN ORDINARY FOR THE KING IN THE MARINE. MADE IN THE YEAR 1612.

I have made this map for the greater convenience of the majority of those
who navigate on these coasts, since they sail to that country according to
compasses arranged for the hemisphere of Asia. And if I had made it like
the small one, the majority would not have been able to use it, owing to
their not knowing the declinations of the needle. [230]

Observe that on the present map north-northeast stands for north, and
west-northwest for west; according to which one is to be guided in
ascertaining the elevation of the degrees of latitude, as if these points
were actually east and west, north and south, since the map is constructed
according to the compasses of France, which vary to the northeast. [231]


SOME DECLINATIONS OF THE MAGNETIC NEEDLE,
WHICH I HAVE CAREFULLY OBSERVED.

Cap Breton . . . . . . 14 deg. 50'
Cap de la Have . . . . 16 deg. 15'
Baye Ste Mane  . . . . 17 deg. 16'
Port Royal . . . . . . 17 deg. 8'
En la grande R. St Laurent 21 deg.

St Croix . . . . . . . 17 deg. 32'
Riviere de Norumbegue. 18 deg. 40'
Quinibequi . . . . . . 19 deg. 12'
Mallebarre . . . . . . 18 deg. 40'

All observed by Sieur de Champlain, 1612.

REFERENCES ON CHAMPLAIN'S LARGE MAP.

  A. Port Fortune.
  B. Baye Blanche.
  C. Baye aux Isles.
  D. Cap des Isles.
  E. Port aux Isles.
  F. Isle Haute.
  G. Isle des Monts Deserts.
  H. Cap Corneille.
  I. Isles aux Oiseaux.
  K. Cap des Deux Bayes.
  L. Port aux Mines
  M. Cap Fourchu.
  N. Cap Negre.
  O. Port du Rossignol.
  P. St. Laurent.
  Q. Riviere de l'Isle Verte.
  R. Baye Saine.
  S. Riviere Sainte Marguerite
  T. Port Sainte Helene.
  V. Isle des Martires.
  X. Isles Rangees.
  Y. Port de Savalette.
  Z. Passage du Glas.

  1. Port aux Anglois.
  2. Baye Courante.
  3. Cap de Poutrincourt.
  4. Isle Gravee.
  5. Passage Courant.
  6. Baye de Gennes.
  7. Isle Perdue.
  8. Cap des Mines.
  9. Port aux Coquilles.
  10. Isles Jumelles.
  11. Cap Saint Jean.
  12. Isle la Nef.
  13. La Heronniere Isle.
  14. Isles Rangees.
  15. Baye Saint Luc.
  16. Passage du Gas.
  17. Cote de Montmorency.
  18. Riviere de Champlain.
  19. Riviere Sainte Marie.
  20. Isle d'Orleans.
  21. Isle de Bacchus.

NOTE--The reader will observe that in a few instances the references are
wanting on the map.

CHAMPLAIN'S NOTE TO THE SMALL MAP.

On the small map [232] is added the strait above Labrador between the
fifty-third and sixty-third degrees of latitude, which the English have
discovered during the present year 1612, in their voyage to find, if
possible, a passage to China by way of the north. [233] They wintered at a
place indicated by this mark, 6. But it was not without enduring severe
cold, and they were obliged to return to England, leaving their leader in
the northern regions. Within six months three other vessels have set out,
to penetrate, if possible, still farther, and, at the same time, to search
for the men who were left in that region.


GEOGRAPHICAL MAP OF NEW FRANCE, IN ITS TRUE
MERIDIAN.

_Made by Sieur Champlain, Captain for the King in the Marine. 1613_.

  +o Matou-ouescariny. [Note: This figure is inverted on the map. _Vide
     antea_, note 59, p. 62.]
  o+ Gaspay.
  oo Ouescariny. [Note: _Vide antea_, note 47, pp. 59, 81. The figure oo is
     misplaced and should be where o-o is on the map, on the extreme
     western border near the forty-seventh degree of north latitude.]
 o-o Quenongebin. [Note: This figure o-o on the map occupies the place
     which should be occupied by oo. _Vide antea_, p. 58, note 46.]
  A. Tadoussac.
  B. Lesquemain.
  C. Isle Percee.
  D. Baye de Chaleur.
  E. Isles aux Gros Yeux. [Note: A cluster of islands of which the Island
     of Birds is one.]
  H. Baye Francoise.
  I. Isles aux Oyseaux.
  L. Riviere des Etechemins. [Note: This letter, placed between the River
     St. John and the St. Croix, refers to the latter.]
  M. Menane.
  N. Port Royal.
  P. Isle Longue.
  Q. Cap Fourchu.
  R. Port au Mouton.
  S. Port du Rossignol. [Note: The letter S appears twice on the coast of
     La Cadie. The one here referred to is the more westerly.]
 SS. Lac de Medicis. [Note: This reference is probably to the Lake of Two
     Mountains, which will be seen on the map west of Montreal.]
  T. Sesambre.
  V. Cap des Deux Bayes.
  3. L'Isle aux Coudres.
  4. Saincte Croix. [Note: St. Croix on the map is where a cross surmounted
     by the figure 4 may be seen.]
  4. Riviere des Etechemins. [Note: This appears to refer to the
     Chaudiere. _Vide_ vol. I. p. 296.]
  5. Sault. [Note: This refers to the Falls of Montmorency.]
  6. Lac Sainct Pierre.
  7. Riviere des Yroquois.
  9. Isle aux Lieures.
 10. Riviere Platte. [Note: A small river flowing into Mal Bay. _Vide_
     Vol. I. p. 295; also _Les Voyages de Champlain_, Quebec ed., p. 1099.]
 11. Mantane. [Note: _Vide_ Vol. I. p 234.]
 40. Cap Saincte Marie. [Note: The figures are wanting. Cape St. Mary is on
     the southern coast of Newfoundland. _Vide_ Vol I. p. 232.]


ENDNOTES:

228. The determination of longitudes has from the beginning been environed
     with almost insuperable difficulties. At one period the declination of
     the magnetic needle was supposed to furnish the means of a practical
     solution. Sebastian Cabot devoted considerable attention to the
     subject, as did likewise Peter Plancius at a later date. Champlain
     appears to have fixed the longitudes on his smaller map by
     calculations based on the variation of the needle, guided by the
     principles laid down by Guillaume de Nautonier, Sieur de Castelfranc,
     to whose work he refers in the text. It was entitled, _Mecometrie de
     l'eymant c'est a dire la maniere de mesurer les longitudes par le
     moyen de l'eymant_. This rare volume is not to be found as far as my
     inquiries extend, in any of the incorporated libraries on this
     continent. There is however a copy in the Bodleian Library at Oxford,
     to which in the catalogue is given the bibliographical note: _Six
     livres. Folio. Tolose, 1603_.

     It is hardly necessary to add that the forces governing the variation
     of the needle, both local and general, are so inconstant that the hope
     of fixing longitudes by it was long since abandoned.

     The reason for the introduction of the explanation of the maps at this
     place will be seen _antea_, p. 39.

229. The rose is the face or card of the mariner's compass. It was
     anciently called the fly. Card may perhaps be derived from the Italian
     cardo, a thistle, which the face of the compass may be supposed to
     resemble. On the complete circle of the compass there are thirty-two
     lines drawn from the centre to the circumference to indicate the
     direction of the wind. Each quarter of the circle, or 90 deg., contains
     eight lines representing the points of the compass in that quarter.
     They are named with reference to the cardinal points from which they
     begin, as: 1, north, 2, north by east, 3, north-northeast; 4,
     northeast by north; 5, northeast; 6, northeast by east; 7, east-
     northeast; 8, east by north. The points in each quarter are named in a
     similar manner.

230. The above title is on the large map of 1612. This note is on the upper
     left-hand corner of the same map.

231. For this note see the upper right-hand corner of the map.

232. In Champlain's issue in 1613, the note here given was placed in the
     preliminary matter to that volume. It was placed there probably after
     the rest of the work had gone to press. We have placed it here in
     connection with other matter relating to the maps, where it seems more
     properly to belong.

233. This refers to the fourth voyage of Henry Hudson, made in 1610, for
     the purpose here indicated. He penetrated Lomley's Inlet, hoping to
     find a passage through to the Pacific Ocean, or, as it was then
     called, the South Sea, and thus find a direct and shorter course to
     China. He passed the winter at about 52 deg. north latitude, in that
     expanse of water which has ever since been appropriately known as
     Hudson's Bay. A mutiny having broken out among his crew, he and eight
     others having been forced into a small boat, on the 21st of June,
     1611, were set adrift on the sea, and were never heard of afterward.

     A part of the mutinous crew arrived with the ship in England, and were
     immediately thrown into prison. The following year, 1612, an
     expedition under Sir Thomas Button was sent out to seek for Hudson,
     and to prosecute the search still further for a northwest passage. It
     is needless to add that the search was unsuccessful.

     A chart by Hudson fortunately escaped destruction by the mutineers.
     Singularly enough, an engraving of it, entitled, TABVLA NAVTICA, was
     published by Heffel Gerritz at Amsterdam the same year. Champlain
     incorporated the part of it illustrating Hudson's discovery in his
     smaller map, which is dated the same year, 1612. He does not introduce
     it into his large map, although that is dated likewise 1612. A
     facsimile of the Tabula Nautica is given in Henry Hudson the
     Navigator, by G. M. Asher, LL.D. published by the Hakluyt Society in
     1860.









End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Voyages of Samuel de Champlain, Vol. 3, by
Samuel de Champlain

*** 