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[Illustration: ROBERT O'HARA BURKE.

_From Photo_--HILL, Melbourne.]




    AUSTRALIAN HEROES

    AND

    ADVENTURERS.


    LONDON:
    WALTER SCOTT, 24 WARWICK LANE,
    AND MELBOURNE.
    1889.




PREFACE.


This book is the first of a series which the Publisher intends to issue,
illustrative of life and adventure in the Australian Colonies and the
Islands of the Pacific. It has been carefully compiled from reliable
sources of information--viz., _Wills's Diary_, _King's Narrative_,
_Howitt's Diary_, Wood's _Explorations in Australia_, Withers's _History
of Ballarat_, Sutherland's _Tales of the Gold-fields_, Raffello's
_Account of the Ballarat Riots_, McCombie's _History of Victoria_, etc.,
etc. Most of these books are very expensive or out of print, and
therefore not easily procurable at the booksellers.

In the succeeding volumes of the series it is proposed to
give--"Buckley, the Runaway Convict, and his Black Friends," "John
Batman, the Founder of Melbourne," "Fawkner, the Pioneer," "Early Days
of Tasmania," "Botany Bay Tales," "Remarkable Convicts," "Notorious
Bushrangers," "Brave Deeds," "Squatting Tales," "Remarkable Personal
Adventures," "Curious Anecdotes," etc., etc.

    MELBOURNE, 1889.




CONTENTS.


Burke and Wills--Two Heroes of Exploration.

  CHAPTER I.                                   PAGE
    ACROSS AUSTRALIA                              7

  CHAPTER II.
    THE RETURN JOURNEY                           21

  CHAPTER III.
    SUFFERINGS AND DEATHS OF THE TWO LEADERS     34

  CHAPTER IV.
    SEARCH PARTIES, AND CONCLUSION               48


Old Times on the Gold-Fields.

  CHAPTER I.
    THE CONVICT'S STRATAGEM                      63
    EARLY DISCOVERIES IN NEW SOUTH WALES         66
    HARGRAVES, THE PIONEER MINER                 69
    AN ABORIGINAL DISCOVERER                     77

  CHAPTER II.
    GOLD IN VICTORIA                             80
    JAMES ESMOND, THE VICTORIAN PIONEER          81
    OTHER PIONEERS                               85

  CHAPTER III.
    EFFECT OF DISCOVERIES                        89
    CANVAS TOWN                                  94
    RAG FAIR                                     95
    NEW CHUMS AND OLD CHUMS                      96

  CHAPTER IV.
    SLY GROG SHANTIES                           100

  CHAPTER V.
    THE DIGGER'S LICENSE                        105
    DIGGER-HUNTING ANECDOTES                    109

  CHAPTER VI.
    BEGINNINGS OF REVOLT                        116
    AN IRISH GALLANT                            117
    REFORM LEAGUES                              120

  CHAPTER VII.
    THE EUREKA HOTEL MURDER                     125
    A LOYAL TOAST                               130
    BURNING THE LICENSES                        131
    THE LAST DIGGER-HUNT                        134

  CHAPTER VIII.
    THE EUREKA STOCKADE                         136
    STORMING OF THE STOCKADE                    141
    EXCITEMENT IN MELBOURNE                     145
    WRONGS RIGHTED                              149


[ILLUSTRATION: MAP ROUTE.]




Australian Heroes and Adventurers.




BURKE AND WILLS.

TWO HEROES OF EXPLORATION.




CHAPTER I.

_ACROSS AUSTRALIA._


There stood for twenty years, at the intersection of Collins and Russell
Streets, the only monument which the city of Melbourne can boast of.
Increasing traffic has recently necessitated its removal to a small
reserve opposite our Parliament Houses, where it occupies a most
commanding position at one of the chief entrances of the city. It is the
lasting memorial of two men and the expedition they led across the
continent of Australia. It stands in silent and solemn grandeur amidst
the noisy turmoil of a busy thoroughfare--two massive figures gazing
earnestly and longingly, seemingly in a solitude as complete as the
deepest seclusion of the lonely plains of the interior, where the
heroes whose memory they perpetuate met their fate. No inscription tells
the curious visitor or wayfarer who they are, or records the deeds that
have gained them such a high place in the estimation of the citizens of
Victoria. The story is an old one in these days of rapidly passing
events, but we think it will bear repetition, and, therefore, in the
following pages we will do our best to relate the events that led to the
erection of so magnificent a memorial.

From the days of the first settlement of New South Wales at Port Jackson
in 1788, down to the present time, the laudable desire of bettering
their condition, enhanced by the adventurous spirit moving in their
breasts, has prompted the colonists of Australia to organise parties for
the exploration of the unknown interior of their vast continent. In not
a few instances the explorer has been the precursor of the squatter and
the selecter of settlements and civilisation. The journey of Oxley, in
1818, led to the discovery that the Macquarie and other rivers ended in
large reedy marshes. This discovery gave rise to the belief in an
immense inland sea, into which all the rivers of the interior emptied
themselves. But subsequent travellers in search of this supposed inland
sea dissipated the belief in its existence. In 1828 Sturt reached the
"great salt river," called the Darling, which has since filled such an
important part in facilitating the carriage of our staple product to
the ocean. In his next journey Sturt went down the Murrumbidgee and the
Murray as far as Lake Alexandrina. His description of the country
surrounding the lake--plenty of green pastures and abundance of
agricultural land of the most fertile kind--induced the squatters to
send down their emaciated flocks from the parched plains of Riverina,
and also led to the emigration of numbers of farmers and vine-growers
from overcrowded Europe, who founded the Colony of South Australia.
Mitchell, in 1836, descended the Darling, crossed over the Murray, and
entered into what is now the Colony of Victoria. He named it "Australia
Felix," because the country which met his view delighted him with its
beautiful scenery, and its congenial climate presented such a pleasant
contrast to that of the land he had just travelled over. Pioneers from
Port Jackson and Van Diemen's Land migrated to this newly-revealed
district. The productiveness of its soil, and the subsequent discovery
of gold, soon attracted a great number of adventurers and immigrants to
the happy clime. In an incredibly short period the district grew into a
rich and prosperous colony, and Melbourne, its mighty capital, took rank
amongst the chief cities of the world.

The success attending the early exploring expeditions equipped by the
mother colony seems to have incited the colonists of Victoria to emulate
the doings of their neighbours. In 1859 a patriotic offer was made by
an enterprising citizen of Melbourne--Mr. Ambrose Kyte--to contribute
L1000 towards defraying the cost of fitting out an expedition to explore
the vast interior of Australia. This generous offer was accepted. The
project was taken up by the Royal Society of Victoria, and the sum of
L3400 was raised by public subscription. The Government voted L6000, and
granted an additional L3000 for the purchase of camels in India. Thus
originated, under the most favourable auspices, the Victorian Exploring
Expedition, which is now more commonly known, owing, no doubt, to its
calamitous termination, as the "Burke and Wills' Expedition."

The Exploration Committee had some trouble in obtaining a suitable
leader. Several well-known explorers were written to, but each of them
declined. At last the appointment was given to Mr. Robert O'Hara Burke,
a man of approved ability, and in himself actuated by an enthusiastic
desire to perform the hitherto unaccomplished feat of crossing our vast
continent from sea to sea.

Mr. Burke was an Irishman, born in 1821, and was, therefore, only forty
years old at the time of his melancholy end. He had served in the
Austrian Cavalry, and also in the Irish Mounted Constabulary, previous
to his arrival in Van Diemen's Land, in 1853. After performing services
as Acting Inspector at Hobart Town and as Police Magistrate at
Beechworth (Victoria), he was granted leave of absence in order to go
to England, where he hoped to obtain a commission in one of the
regiments embarking for the seat of the war then waging between England
and Russia. Being unsuccessful, owing to the termination of the war, he
returned to Victoria, and shortly received an appointment as one of the
superintendents of the Victorian Police Force, which position he held
until the setting out of the exploring expedition. Mr. Burke diligently
prepared himself for the journey across the continent. He examined the
records of previous expeditions for the personal experiences of former
explorers, as well as for knowledge of the interior already at hand. He
also made severe walking tours, in order to qualify himself physically
for the unusual hardships accompanying such a journey. The following
characteristic letter, written whilst _en route_, will show his
determination to succeed in his undertaking:--

                              "ON THE DARLING, _4th October 1860_.

        "MY DEAR S----,

     "I received your letter, and was glad to hear of the safe
     arrival of your friend B----. We have been resting here a few
     days, awaiting the arrival of the baggage, which has just come
     up. To-morrow we proceed on, and I shall not delay anywhere
     until I reach Cooper's Creek--being an Irishman I must add,
     unless I can't help it.

     "I leave the hired waggons and my own behind. The accursed
     impediments, the ruin of so many expeditions, I am determined
     shall not ruin me.

     "We all march on foot three or four hundred miles at all
     events, and the camels and horses will have to carry our weight
     in provisions.

     "We have already done so for the last forty miles. You should
     have seen old B----'s face, upon my announcing that all the
     officers would have to act as working men, and that we should
     only carry 30 lbs. weight of baggage for each man.

     "Loading camels and then marching twenty miles is no joke. The
     first two days of it nearly choked poor B----, and I think he
     will not be able to stand it much longer.

     "I am still confident of success, and willing to accept the
     alternative of success or disgrace, although failure is
     possible. This self-imposed task (as you justly call it) is no
     sinecure, and I think will take the sting out of me if I see it
     out. Good-bye, my dear S----.

                    "From yours, ever sincerely,

                                                "R. O'HARA BURKE."

In William John Wills we see the real hero of the expedition. He was an
Englishman, born in Devonshire, and at his untimely end was but
twenty-seven years of age. He was endowed with an unquenchable thirst
for knowledge. It manifested itself on the voyage out, where, in
addition to his other studies, he acquired a knowledge of the science of
navigation. After his arrival in Victoria, in 1853, his taste for
science, which was also accompanied by a naturally courageous and
enterprising spirit, displayed itself. At first he obtained an
appointment in the Survey Department. He gained a knowledge of
astronomical and other sciences to which the Observatory is
dedicated, and was then admitted, through the influence of the
Surveyor-General, into that establishment as an assistant. As early as
1855 the friends of young Wills had frequently heard him speak of his
intention to explore the unknown interior of Australia, and to be one of
the first to reach the shores of the Gulf of Carpentaria. In 1856 a
proposal was mooted to send out an expedition, and, on hearing of this,
Mr. Wills walked from the river Wannon to Ballarat, a distance of ninety
miles, to offer his services; but the project was abandoned. His
scientific attainments had qualified him for an important post in the
expedition of 1860, and he joined it in the capacity of astronomical and
meteorological observer. Of his fitness for exploring, the Rev. Julian
Woods writes--"Having studied every journal connected with Australian
exploration, and become, as it were personally acquainted with all our
discoverers, I conscientiously say I have not met with so courageous, so
noble, so fine an explorer as William John Wills."

[Illustration: WILLIAM JOHN WILLS.

_From Photo_--HILL, Melbourne.]

The other officers of the expedition were:--Mr. Landells, who had
brought the camels to the colony, and was appointed second in command;
Dr. Herman Beckler, botanist and medical adviser of the expedition; and
Dr. Ludwig Becker, artist, naturalist, and geological surveyor. There
were eleven subordinates, including three Hindoo camel-drivers.

On the 20th August 1860 the expedition left Melbourne. During the
morning of its departure crowds of holiday folks were to be seen
wending their various ways to the Royal Park, on the northern outskirts
of the city. It was late in the afternoon before the picturesque groups
of camels and horses, with their keepers and the baggage, were arranged
in marching order. Then Mr. Burke, on a little grey horse, took up his
position at the head of the procession. When it was about to start, the
Mayor of Melbourne mounted one of the drays and delivered a short
speech, wishing them God-speed. Mr. Burke uncovered, and replied, in a
clear voice that was heard all over the crowd:--"Mr. Mayor, on behalf of
myself and the expedition, I beg to return you my most sincere thanks.
No expedition has ever started under such favourable circumstances as
this. The people, the Government, the Committee--all have done heartily
what they could do. It is now our turn! and we shall never do well till
we justify what you have done in showing you what we can do." Then,
amidst the loud cheering and acclamations of the spectators, who
numbered fully ten thousand, the brilliant cavalcade was put in motion.
It was truly a fine, imposing spectacle, and the applauding cheers of
the enthusiastic citizens were prolonged till the procession had faded
away in the dim distance.

The progress of the explorers through the settled districts to the river
Darling was very slow, and even before they reached Menindie serious
dissensions had broken out in their camp. On arriving at that
township Burke dismissed the foreman, and Mr. Landells resigned his
position and left the party. Mr. Wills was then appointed second in
command, and instead of Mr. Landells, Burke placed in charge of the
camels a man named Wright, whom he had picked up at a sheep station.

[Illustration: COOPER'S CREEK.]

The Exploration Committee had instructed Burke to establish a depot on
Cooper's Creek, and make a line of communication between it and the
Darling. When the explorers reached that river the spring season was far
advanced, and soon the fervid rays of the sun would wither the green
grass and dry up the water-courses; therefore Burke decided to push
forward to the creek without delay. But some of the camels were unfit to
proceed immediately, so Burke divided his party, and with seven of his
companions and Wright, who offered to show him a direct and well-watered
track, set out from Menindie on the 19th of October.

They accomplished more than half of the journey, and having been
fortunate in finding good feed and water on the way, Burke sent Wright
back to the encampment on the Darling with instructions to bring the
rear party with the heavy supplies on by easy stages to Cooper's Creek.
On the 11th of November, thirteen days after despatching Wright, Burke
and his party arrived safely at the creek. They then travelled slowly
along the banks of the stream, recruiting the animals and looking around
for a camping-ground. On the twenty-first they pitched on a suitable
locality, and there established the main depot.

Whilst awaiting the arrival of Wright with the remainder of the company,
frequent excursions were made in order to find a route to the north. On
one of these excursions, Mr. Wills travelled ninety miles without
finding water; their camels escaped from them, and he and his companions
were forced to return on foot. Fortunately for them they found a pool on
their way back to the depot, but the camels were never recovered. On
another occasion Wills and King got into a stony desert. The knowledge
obtained by means of these and other short excursions was not of an
encouraging nature to the explorers.

After waiting at Cooper's Creek for more than a month, the advance party
grew tired of their life of inaction, and made preparations for the
journey to the Gulf of Carpentaria. As Wright did not come forward as
expected, Burke got impatient, and decided to subdivide the few men he
had with him as follows:--Four men were to remain at the depot, one of
them named William Brahe in command; and were to construct a stockade
while waiting for Wright, and when he had arrived they were to seek a
more available and direct route to the Darling. The rest of the little
party--Burke, Wills, King, and Gray--were to push forward to the Gulf,
and were to take with them six of the camels, one horse, and three
months' provisions.

On 16th December the little band of explorers bade their companions
good-bye, and started northwards. As they proceeded, Burke and Wills
walked ahead, while Gray and King followed behind, leading the horse and
the six camels. Burke himself seldom wrote, but Wills, every evening
after taking astronomical observations, wrote his diary, and then read
it to Burke, who made such alterations in it as he thought necessary.
Their allowance of provisions were a pound of flour and a pound of meat
daily, with a little rice occasionally, and the party camped out every
evening without tents. In his admirable history of the _Exploration of
Australia_, a work published in 1865, and containing, in addition to the
adventures of the explorers, a very lucid description of the physical
features of the continent, so far as they had been made known by the
journeys and discoveries previous to the year 1863, the Rev. Mr. Woods
writes in reference to this journey:--"No doubt this self-denying mode
of proceeding was very heroic and courageous, but was it necessary? It
certainly does seem a pity that after the great care taken to equip the
party adequately, that its main work should have been done by a feeble
party, badly provisioned, and subject to the disadvantage of crossing
the country on foot. The work was done, it is true, but done in an
imperfect way. No one could expect four poorly-fed men to manage six
camels, to force their way through untrodden scrubs, and yet keep a
journal and make observations. No one could expect it, and it was not
done. The journal left is most incomplete, and to this day several
portions of the route are still matters of dispute."

For some distance the exploring quartette travelled over well-watered
country. Numerous parties of natives were met with, but they were
friendly to the whites. Mr. Wills writes of a tribe of these:--"They
pestered us to go to their camp and have a dance, which we declined.
They were very troublesome, and nothing but a threat to shoot them will
keep them away. They are, however, easily frightened; and although
fine-looking men, decidedly not of a warlike disposition. They show the
greatest inclination to take whatever they can, but will run no
unnecessary risk in so doing. They seldom carry any weapon except a
shield and a large kind of boomerang, which I believe they use for
killing rats, etc. Sometimes, but very seldom, they have a large spear;
reed spears seem to be quite unknown to them. They are undoubtedly a
finer-looking race of men than the blacks on the Murray and Darling, and
more peaceful; but in other respects I believe they will not compare
favourably with them. They appear to be mean-spirited and contemptible
in every respect." After the explorers had passed through this fertile
country, they had to cross about twenty miles of stony desert. On the
other side of it they came upon an earthy plain of about nine miles.
Then another nine miles of travelling through swampy plains brought them
to the banks of a magnificent stream. The four men followed up this
creek from point to point of the bends, and on the 7th of January camped
well within the tropics. Afterwards they entered upon immense fertile
plains, with innumerable creeks coursing through them, on the banks of
which gum and box-trees and splendid grass grew luxuriantly. Pigeons and
wild ducks were also found in abundance. For five days the travellers
marched over these flourishing plains. Then they crossed over a series
of low sandstone hills, and after passing over a stony plain came upon a
range of mountains, which they called the Standish Ranges. On 27th of
January the explorers reached Cloncurry Creek, one of the derivative
streams of the river Flinders. They had afterwards to travel over swampy
ground; the camels could not be got along, so all of them were
abandoned. On the 9th of February, King and Gray were left behind with
the bulk of the provisions, while Burke and Wills, taking the horse with
them to carry supplies sufficient for three days, pushed forward towards
the sea. They had to cross over patches of swampy ground; a great deal
of it was so soft and rotten that the horse got bogged, and it was only
by digging him out that he could be extricated. After great difficulty
and delay they managed to do this. Then they came across some
tableland, and beyond that a plain covered with water, which in some
places reached up to their knees. After wading through several miles of
this swamp, they came again to dry land. Further on they met a few
natives, who, on seeing the explorers, decamped immediately, leaving
behind in their hurried departure some yams, which were at once
appropriated to appease the sharp hunger of Burke and Wills. A small
distance beyond they reached a narrow inlet on the shore of the Gulf of
Carpentaria. A forest of Mangroves intercepted their view of the open
sea beyond, so the two heroic men attempted to advance through it. The
horse had by this time become too weak to advance further, therefore
they hobbled him, and hastened forward without him. But the two gallant
fellows were soon obliged to relinquish their attempt to pierce the
thick undergrowth. They could not obtain a view of the open ocean,
although they made every effort to do so. 'Tis true their mission was
accomplished; they had crossed the continent to within a mile or two of
its northern shore--the victory was gained! But now the necessities of
the case compelled the triumphant explorers to immediately hurry back to
Cooper's Creek.

[Illustration: J. A. KING.]




CHAPTER II.

_THE RETURN JOURNEY._


The two leaders returned to King and Gray on the 12th February 1861. The
explorers soon afterwards recaptured all the camels, which had been
greatly improved in condition by their rest. The remainder of the return
journey was singularly disastrous. At first the progress was very much
retarded by the incessant rain that deluged the whole country. Sickness
commenced with Gray, and then Burke suffered a severe attack of
dysentry, owing to his having eaten of the flesh of a large snake that
he had killed. Their provisions became sadly reduced, and one camel,
then another, had to be killed, in order to eke out their scanty
supplies. On 6th of March one of the camels became bogged, and they were
compelled to leave it. On the 20th, 60 lbs. of baggage were abandoned.
They killed another camel on the 30th, and on the 6th of April they
killed the horse, which had by this time become so weak that it could
scarcely stand upright. By the 13th of April they had got back again to
the Stony Desert. All were now nearly exhausted by their continued
privations, but they slowly marched on in the hope of meeting
assistance before they reached the depot. On the 16th they, with poor
Gray strapped to the back of a camel almost as emaciated as himself,
managed to travel seven miles; but during the night the unfortunate
fellow succumbed under his extreme sufferings. His surviving companions,
too, were all so weak in body that they could scarcely scratch a grave
in the desert deep enough to cover his body. These three gaunt,
emaciated, and sorrow-stricken beings rested but for a day, and then
started afresh on their lonesome and weary journey, abandoning
everything except the two camels, the fire-arms, and a little meat. On
the 20th they made a tremendous effort by travelling all night, Burke
riding one camel, and Wills and King the other. All next day they
struggled manfully on, expecting soon to rest their aching limbs and
worn-out bodies in the camp at Cooper's Creek. But on reaching the place
where they had left the depot party, instead of seeing the white tents
of the camp gleaming in the rays of the declining sun, they saw nothing
but the stockade now deserted by its former occupants. _There was no one
there!_ On looking eagerly around their eyes fell on the word DIG, cut
in the bark of a tree. They anxiously turned up the soil, and unearthed
a small parcel of provisions and a bottle containing a letter from
Brahe, in which the disappointed men read with sinking hearts that he
and his party had left the depot _only that very morning_. The document
ran thus:--

                      "Depot, Cooper's Creek, _April 21st, 1861_.

     "The depot party of the V.E.E. leaves this camp to-day to
     return to the Darling. I intend to go S.E. from camp 60 deg.,
     to get into our old track near Bulloo. Two of my companions and
     myself are quite well; the third, Patten, has been unable to
     walk for the last eighteen days, as his leg has been severely
     hurt when thrown by one of the horses. No one has been up here
     from the Darling. We have six camels and twelve horses in good
     working condition.

                                                  "WILLIAM BRAHE."

This was appalling news to the brave explorers, who, with their more
than four months' severe travelling and unparalleled privations, were
almost paralysed, and so exhausted that the slightest exertion produced
in their pain-racked bodies such sensations of torture and utter
helplessness as to render them more fit for a hospital than any further
efforts on their part whatever. We will now leave the three abandoned
men to recover from the first shock of their bitter disappointment,
while we relate the circumstances that prevented the depot party
remaining at their post.

Previous to departing from Cooper's Creek, Burke sent a despatch to the
Exploration Committee. In it he writes:--"I have every confidence in
Brahe. The feed is good. There is no danger to be apprehended from the
natives. There is nothing, therefore, to prevent the party remaining
here until our return, or until their provisions run short." Burke's
verbal instructions to Brahe were very indefinite. He led him to
understand that the depot party should remain at Cooper's Creek for
three months, and that if the advance party did not return within that
time the camp could be broken up, and Brahe and his party would be at
liberty to quit the creek.

Brahe waited for four months and five days. The natives were troublesome
for the most of the time, and confined the party to the camp. The men
began to sicken and complain of scurvy, and as Wright with the rest of
the company and provisions did not make an appearance, Brahe deemed it
prudent to retrace the route from the Darling. His party went very
slowly the first day, and camped a few miles down the creek. Had the
ill-fated explorers of Burke's party known this and followed on their
track, in all probability the fatal consequences of this desertion would
have been avoided. It is deplorable to think that the three haggard men
did not know that the other party were so near, and that after partaking
of a hearty supper they slept all that night within a few miles of their
returning companions.

Burke, Wills, and King rested for a couple of days at the abandoned
depot. The change of diet worked wonders in improving their strength and
cheering their depressed spirits, and on the 23rd of April they felt
equal to the task of resuming their journey. Burke's plan was that they
should make for Adelaide, by way of Mount Hopeless (an ill-omened name),
where there was a large sheep station, and which he thought could not be
further than one hundred and fifty miles off. Wills urged that they
should return the way they came; the distance to the Darling certainly
was greater, being three hundred and fifty miles, but they were sure of
feed and water all the way. Unfortunately for them all, as events
afterwards proved, Wills yielded to Burke's decision, and the little
party started for the mount. As they were about to leave the depot,
Burke deposited in the cache a letter from which we extract the
following:--"We have discovered a practical route to Carpentaria, the
chief portion of which lies on the 140th meridian of east longitude.
There is some good country between this and Stony Desert. From there to
the tropics the country is dry and stony. Between the tropics and the
gulf a considerable portion is rangey, but is well watered and richly
grassed. We reached the shores of the Gulf of Carpentaria on the 11th of
February." Their starting day was fine, and the agreeable warmth of the
weather lent fresh hopes to the three men as they marched slowly along
the green banks of the creek. They were still further elated by meeting
with a few well-behaved blacks, who gave them good supplies of fish in
exchange for some straps and matches. On the sixth day they had a
mishap--one of the camels became bogged beside a water-hole. They
attempted to place boughs and timber beneath him, but he sank too
rapidly; and being of a sluggish, stupid nature, could not make
sufficiently strenuous efforts towards extricating himself. They then
let in water from the creek so as to buoy him up and soften the mud
around his legs, but it was of no avail; the brute lay there as if
enjoying himself. The next day they shot the beast dead, cut off as much
of his flesh as they could, and then dried it in the sun. The following
day the natives very liberally presented them with a quantity of fish
and cake; the explorers returned the compliment by giving them
fish-hooks and some sugar. After leaving the blacks, the three men
struck a southerly branch of Cooper's Creek, which they traced down till
its channel broke up into small water-courses, and was at last lost in
the sand. Then for two days they travelled, looking around for some
other stream, but finding none, Burke and Wills left King with the
camel, and pushing ahead, found that the soil became loose and cracked
up; and as it appeared to be more parched further south, they returned
to King.

The prospects of the little party now looked gloomy. Their provisions
were rapidly diminishing; their clothing, and especially their boots,
all going to pieces; and their only remaining camel, which had been
ailing for some time, now showed signs of being done up. But the two
leaders determined to examine the creek more closely, and after a
short rest they set out again.

[Illustration: ON THE MARCH.]

They came across some natives who were fishing. The blacks, probably
moved by the forlorn appearance of Burke and Wills, gave them half of
the fish just caught, and promised further supplies if they would come
with them to their camp. On reaching it the almost destitute explorers
were treated most generously--lumps of nardoo cake and handfuls of fish
were forced on them till they could positively eat no more. The
hospitable blacks also offered them some stuff composed of dried stems
and leaves of shrubs, which, when chewed even in small quantities, was
highly intoxicating. The poor travellers could only show their gratitude
to the benevolent blacks by tearing off and giving them two pieces of
cloth from their tattered macintoshes. Burke now returned to King, while
Wills continued for seven miles along the creek until it tended
northwards; then he returned, passing through the blacks' camp on his
way to rejoin his companions. The natives invited him to stay, and he
was again hospitably entertained. After supplying him with fish and
nardoo cake, they brought him a couple of rats baked in their skins.
Poor Wills must have been hungry, for he says "the rats looked nice and
were most delicious." Supper over, one of the natives offered to share
his gunyah with the weary traveller, and all of them were very attentive
in bringing wood and keeping up the fire during the night. Early next
morning Wills parted from his black friends.

When he rejoined Burke and King he found them jerking the flesh of the
camel, for the poor beast had become so weak and helpless that they had
been obliged to shoot it. The three men now despaired of reaching the
settled districts. The only prospect before them was to wander about the
creek, living like the blacks until the arrival of a relief party. So
Burke and King went in search of the natives' camp for the purpose of
ascertaining where the seed grew from which the natives made their
bread, and also to find their mode of preparing it. Wills remained
behind jerking the camel's flesh. In his diary he cheerfully writes that
he must devise some means of trapping the birds and rats, but expresses
deep regret at being obliged to hang about the creek after having made
such a dashing trip to the Gulf of Carpentaria.

On reaching the spot where the blacks had camped, Burke and King found
the place deserted, so they came back to Wills. The three dejected men
moved irresolutely in the direction of where the blacks had been. Then
Burke thought it better for one of them to go back and stop with the
things for a few days, so that he might get the benefit of the remains
of the camel's flesh, whilst the other two should go forward in search
of the blacks and the nardoo. Accordingly, Burke and King took four
days' provisions and left Wills at the junction, preparing for a final
effort on their return. The two unfortunate men could not find the
blacks, so it was settled that the party should abandon their cumbrous
baggage and make another effort to reach Mount Hopeless.

The next day, 17th of May, King found the nardoo plant. This discovery
revolutionised the feelings of the weary explorers. Poor Wills, cheerful
even in this extremity, records the fact with the observation that they
were now in a position to support themselves without the aid of the
blacks. Collecting the seeds was a slow and troublesome work, and the
three men were fully occupied in it for seven days.

This plant, the seeds of which answer the purposes of flour among the
natives, grows in little tufts close to the ground. It resembles clover,
but is quadrifoliate instead of trifoliate, and its leaves are covered
with a silver down, which is also found on the seeds when fresh. These
grow upon separate short stalks springing from the roots, and are flat
and oval. The gathering of them is generally done by the native women,
who, after cleaning the sand from them and pounding them between two
stones, bake the flour into cakes.

The little party travelled for three days, tracing a water-course until
it lost itself in the flat country. Travelling then became very
fatiguing; over dreary plains they struggled along almost exhausted. At
last, from sheer exhaustion, they were obliged to relinquish the attempt
to reach the mountain. They took an hour's rest, and then wearily
retraced their steps.

In two days they reached the nearest water of the creek, and lay down
their worn-out bodies under the cool shade of the box-trees growing on
its fertile banks. For a meal, they boiled some of the nardoo seeds, and
then made for the main creek. They came across some native huts, in one
of which they found a pounding-stone left by the blacks. The poor
explorers found the work of pounding the seeds so very slow and
troublesome that they were compelled to mix half flour with the
badly-ground seeds. The three men afterwards went back to their last
camp and brought up all the dried meat they had planted there, and then
remained at the deserted gunyahs, gathering and pounding nardoo seeds,
and living as best they could. Whilst the poor fellows are thus living
on the lower part of Cooper's Creek we will leave them, and turn back in
order to find out the causes of Wright's delays.

When Wright returned to Menindie he heard that McDonall Stuart, the
South Australian explorer, had almost crossed the continent. Wright
thought his leader ought to know of this, so that if his own route
should fail he could turn westward, strike Stuart's track, and continue
the exploration northward. Two of the men and a native were sent out in
the vain hope of overtaking Burke and informing him of this new
discovery, but they lost their way, and sent the native back to
Menindie with a slip of paper imploring assistance. A relief party was
sent out by Wright. The two men were found living with the blacks about
one hundred and ninety miles away, and were brought back to Menindie on
19th of December. Wright now proved his utter unfitness for his
responsible position by remaining on the Darling for more than a month
after the return of this party. On 26th of January he set out for
Cooper's Creek, but proceeded so leisurely that it was the 12th of
February before he reached Torowotto, the place where Burke and he had
separated three and a half months before. It was now the hottest time of
the year, and the summer sun had dried up all the surrounding country
excepting the permanent creeks. Dr. Beckler and three of the men became
seriously ill with the scurvy, and Wright erected a tent for them at
Koorliatto Creek, about twenty miles from Bulloo. He then made for
Bulloo, and from thence attempted to reach Cooper's Creek, a distance of
between seventy and eighty miles; but in consequence of the hostility of
the natives he was unable to finish his journey, and was forced to
return. Dr. Beckler and the three men were removed to Bulloo, and
reached it on the 21st of April, the day on which Burke and his two
companions arrived at the deserted depot. A few days afterwards two of
the sick men died. The natives had by this time become very troublesome,
and the party were compelled to build a stockade. At last they had to
open fire upon them in order to disperse them. Rats also abounded at the
place, and did considerable damage, even attacking the men.

On the 29th of April Wright was astonished to see Brahe and the
returning depot party, and to hear from them that they had neither seen
nor heard anything of the advance party for more than four months. On
the evening of the same day Dr. Beckler died, and next day was buried.
Wright was undecided how to act--first he thought of returning to
Menindie, and turned back to Koorliatto Creek; but when there he thought
it possible that the advance party might have returned to the depot, so
he and Brahe left his party in the encampment and made for Cooper's
Creek.

On the 8th of May, while Burke and his two companions were down at the
lower part of the creek making for Mount Hopeless, Wright and Brahe
arrived at the depot, and seeing the place undisturbed they concluded
that the advance party had perished in the journey northwards. Wright
and Brahe made a terrible blunder in not digging to see if the
provisions deposited by Brahe had been removed. After a careless look
around they returned to the encampment at Koorliatto, and then the whole
party set out for the River Darling. Their progress was slow, and
another fatality occurred near Torowotto. On the 6th of January, Patten,
who had been gradually sinking since he left the depot with Brahe,
succumbed under his privations. Wright's party reached the Darling on
the 18th of June, and immediately sent despatches to the Exploration
Committee, begging that search might be made for the advance party.

[Illustration]




CHAPTER III.

_SUFFERINGS AND DEATHS OF THE TWO LEADERS._


We will now take up the thread of the narrative from where we left the
enfeebled explorers (Burke, Wills, and King) at the deserted gunyahs.
They adopted the life of the blacks, and managed to subsist on the
nardoo, although it was very innutritious. More than a month had elapsed
since they had left the depot, and Burke thought that a relief party
might have reached that place in the interval. Wills now volunteered to
return and deposit, in place of Burke's former note, a letter stating
that the party were living on the lower part of the creek, and also to
bury there the field-books of the journey to the Gulf. He expected to be
away for eight days, and took with him three pounds of flour, four
pounds of pounded nardoo, and one pound of dried meat.

During his absence Burke and King had the following adventure with the
blacks (we have copied the account of it from King's narrative):--"A few
days after Mr. Wills left, some natives came down the creek to fish at
some water-holes near our camp. They were very civil to us at first,
and offered us some fish; the second day they came again to fish, and
Mr. Burke took down two bags, which they filled for him; the third day
they gave us one bag of fish, and afterwards all came to our camp. We
used to keep our ammunition and other articles in one hut, and all three
of us lived together in another. One of the natives took an oil-cloth
out of this hut, and Mr. Burke seeing him run away with it, followed him
with his revolver and fired over his head, and upon this the native
dropped the oil-cloth. While he was away, the other blacks invited me
away to the water-hole to eat fish; but I declined to do so, as Mr.
Burke was away, and a number of natives were about who would have taken
all our things. When I refused, one took his boomerang and laid it over
my shoulder, and then told me, by signs, that if I called out for Mr.
Burke as I was doing he would strike me. Upon this I got them all in
front of the hut and fired a revolver over their heads, but they did not
seem at all afraid until I got out the gun, when they all ran away. Mr.
Burke, hearing the report, came back, and we saw no more of them until
late that night, when they came with some cooked fish and called out,
'White fellow!' Mr. Burke then went out with his revolver, and found a
whole tribe coming down, all painted, and with fish in small nets
carried by two men. Mr. Burke went to meet them, and they wished to
surround him, but he knocked as many of the nets of fish out of their
hands as he could, and shouted out to me to fire. I did so, and they ran
off. We collected five small nets of cooked fish. The reason he would
not accept the fish from them was that he was afraid of being too
friendly, lest they should be always at our camp." While Burke was
cooking some of the fish during a strong wind, the flames caught the
gunyah, and spread so rapidly that the two men were unable either to
extinguish them or to save any of their things, except one revolver and
a gun.

How the heroic Wills fared on his lonely journey is described in the
following extracts taken from his diary:--

On the 27th of May he came upon three black gins and some children
collecting nardoo, which was so abundant in some places that the ground
was quite covered with it. The native women directed him to their camp,
and he was soon afterwards overtaken by about twenty blacks, who were
bent upon taking him to it, promising him nardoo and fish. One carried
his shovel, another insisted in such a friendly manner on taking his
swag that Wills could not refuse. They were greatly amused with various
little things he had. In the evening he partook of a supper of fish and
nardoo, and one of the old men shared his gunyah with poor Wills. The
night was very cold. Next morning he left the friendly blacks. During
the day he felt very unwell. On the 29th the tottering man saw some
crows quarrelling about something near the water. He found it to be a
large fish. The crows had eaten a large portion of it, but he, finding
it fresh and good, decided the quarrel by eating the remainder of it.
The fish proved a valuable addition to his otherwise scanty meal of
nardoo porridge. That night he slept in a very comfortable mia-mia,
about eleven miles from the depot. On the 30th of May he reached his
destination, but found no trace of anybody except the blacks having been
there, although Wright and Brahe had visited the place only twenty-two
days before, at the time when Burke and himself were being treated so
generously by the blacks on the lower part of the creek. He deposited
the journals and a notice stating the wretched condition of himself and
companions. Next day he started on his return journey, although his
exertions had made him very tired and weak. In the evening he camped
under some bushes in a sheltered gully, thinking he would reach the
blacks' camp next day. But next day he felt altogether too weak and
exhausted, and had extreme difficulty in getting across numerous small
gullies, and soon was obliged to stop and rest himself. The following
morning at 6.30 he again started, thinking to breakfast with the blacks,
but found himself so very much fatigued that he did not arrive at their
camp till ten o'clock; but his expectations of receiving a good
breakfast were disappointed, for the camp was by this time deserted. He
rested here awhile, and breakfasted off a few fish-bones which the
blacks had left. The disappointed man then started down the creek,
hoping by a late march to reach his companions, but soon found this was
out of the question. By good luck he came across a large fish, about a
pound and a half in weight, being choked by another which it had tried
to swallow, but which had stuck in its throat. The hungry man soon made
a fire, and had both fish cooked and eaten. He was awakened next morning
by the encouraging sounds of cooeys, then fancied he saw smoke in the
distance; and was afterwards set at ease by hearing a cooey from one of
his former black friends, who also continually repeated assurances of
bread and fish. With some difficulty the weary man managed to ascend a
sandy path leading to the natives' camp. He was conducted by the chief
to the fire, where there was a large pile of fish cooked in the most
approved style. He imagined it was for general consumption by the
half-dozen natives who had gathered round; but it turned out they had
all eaten, and expected Wills to dispose of it all. He set to work at
the task, and to his own astonishment accomplished it by keeping two or
three blacks steadily at work extricating the bones for him. Fish
finished, then came a supply of nardoo cake and water, till he was so
full that he was unable to eat any more. The native who called Wills to
the camp allowed him a short time to recover himself, and then filled a
large bowl with raw nardoo flour, and mixed it into a thin paste. This
mixture is a most insinuating article to the blacks, and esteemed by
them as a great delicacy. They then invited Wills to stop, but he
declined; although, he says, he would have liked to have stopped and
lived with them in order to learn something of their ways and manners.
He continued his return journey, and on the 6th of June reached Burke
and King.

The three men had been so well treated by the blacks that they now
decided on shifting their camp nearer to them, and set out with such
things as they could carry, but found themselves very weak, in spite of
the abundant supplies of food they had lately had. Poor Wills could
scarcely get along, although carrying the lightest swag (about 30 lbs.).
They found that the blacks had decamped from the place where Wills had
last seen them, so they moved on to the camp near the nardoo field. The
almost exhausted men managed to reach the nardoo field, but, greatly to
their disappointment, no blacks were there. The explorers took
possession of the best mia-mia and rested.

Until the 24th of June these unfortunate men lived on the field, going
out daily to gather the nardoo, and then returning to the hut in order
to clean and pound the seeds. After eating the last piece of dried
camel's flesh, they found that although the nardoo was in abundance, it
was so innutritive that by itself it could not support them. Wills it
would not sustain at all, and the poor young man wrote in his diary: "I
am determined to chew tobacco and eat less of the nardoo." Burke, after
a few days, showed signs of caving in. King managed to live on the
nardoo; it seemed to agree with him better than with his companions.
However, Wills became so weak as to be unable even to crawl about, and
on the 24th wrote: "Little chance of anything but starvation unless we
get hold of some blacks."

The little clothing they had could not keep out the cold, and during the
nights they suffered terribly from it. Wills' wardrobe consisted of a
wide-awake hat, merino shirt, regatta shirt without sleeves, remains of
a pair of flannel trousers, and a waistcoat, of which he had managed to
keep the pockets together. His companions were better off. The three men
had with them for bedding--two small camel pads, some horsehair, two or
three little bits of rag, and pieces of oil-cloth saved from the fire.

It is impossible to imagine the state of mind these three unfortunate
men were then in. The expedition that ended so disastrously for them had
started ten months before with the most brilliant prospects, and now
three of its members were on the point of starvation and dying of
fatigue. Unless they received assistance very soon, the three men must
undoubtedly perish. After consulting together it was agreed that Wills
should be left alone in the gunyah, while his two companions went in
search of the blacks. With great reluctance the two men packed up food
enough to last them a couple of days, but hesitated at leaving their
dying companion. They repeatedly desired his candid opinion, and he
again and again urged them to go, saying, "It is our only chance." After
placing the nardoo and firewood near his bed, Burke and King sorrowfully
took leave of him; and then, tottering along like two worn-out
beggar-men, they set out in search of succour.

Wills maintained the uniformity of his cheerful disposition, and the
last entry in his diary, written without a complaint a few days before
he expired, moves us to admiration of his fine, manly qualities. Here it
is:--"I am weaker than ever, although I have a good appetite and relish
the nardoo much, but it seems to give us no nutriment, and the birds
here are so sly as not to be got at. Even if we could get fish, I doubt
whether we could do much on that and nardoo alone. Nothing now but the
greatest good luck can save any of us. As for me, I may live four or
five days if the weather continues warm. My pulse is at forty-eight and
very weak, and my legs and arms are nearly skin and bone. I can only
look out, like Mr. Micawber, for something to turn up. Starvation on
nardoo is by no means unpleasant, but for the weakness one feels and the
utter inability to move one's self. As for my appetite, it gives me the
greatest satisfaction. Certainly, fat and sugar would be more to one's
taste; in fact, these seem to be the great stand-by in this
extraordinary continent. Not that I mean to deprecate farinaceous food,
but the want of sugar and fat in all substances obtained here makes them
become almost useless to us as articles of food without the addition of
something else." Soon after (perhaps a few hours) the departure of his
companions, the hand of death put an end to the sufferings of poor
Wills. It was a terribly hard fate for one so young and full of promise
to meet there in the lonely wilderness, without the sympathetic and
encouraging presence of a friendly voice to break the mournful silence,
with no gentle hand to administer the last kind soothing offices of
humanity.

Let us now follow the two remaining sufferers. In travelling the first
day Burke seemed very weak, and complained of great pain in his back and
legs. Next day he seemed better, and said he thought he was getting
stronger; but on starting did not get more than two miles, when he found
he could go no further. King persisted in his trying to go on, and
managed to get him along several times, until Burke was almost knocked
up. He said he could not carry his swag, and threw all he had away. King
did likewise, and took nothing but a gun, some powder and shot, a small
pouch, and some matches. They did not go far before Burke said they
should halt for the night. King prevailed on him to go a little further
on to a less exposed spot, where they camped. King searched about and
found a few small patches of nardoo. He collected and pounded some of
the seeds, and with a crow which he had shot, the two worn-out men made
a good evening's meal. From the time they halted Burke grew worse, and,
although he ate his supper, said he felt convinced he could not last
many hours. He gave King his watch and pocket-book, and also wrote some
notes. He then said, "I hope you will remain with me here till I am
quite dead. It is a comfort to know that some one is by; but when I am
dying it is my wish that you should leave my pistol in my right hand,
and that you leave me unburied as I lie." That night he spoke very
little. On the following morning he was speechless, or nearly so, and
about eight o'clock he expired. Thus the gallant Burke ended his brave
and noble career. King saw there was no use remaining there any longer,
and wandered about in the most forlorn condition. "I felt very lonely,"
he says. We can well imagine that, and everything around must have sadly
reminded him of his late companions in misfortune. He wandered up the
creek in search of the natives, and at night usually slept in deserted
wurleys belonging to them. Two days after leaving the spot where Burke
died he came across some gunyahs, in one of which the natives had left a
bag of nardoo sufficient to last the hungry man a fortnight. After
remaining there two days he returned to Wills, taking back with him two
crows which he had shot.

On his arrival King found that his fellow-sufferer, whom he had grown to
love so dearly, was lying dead in the hut, and that the natives had been
there and taken away some of the clothes. He buried the corpse, and
remained a few days. Then, as his stock of nardoo was getting low, and
he was unable to gather any more, he tracked the natives that had been
in the camp by their footprints in the sand some distance down the
creek, shooting crows and hawks on the road. Soon he came up to the
blacks, and afterwards kept with them until rescued by the relief-party.
How he lived we learn from his own narrative:--

"The natives, hearing the report of the gun, came to meet me, and took
me with them to their camp, giving me nardoo and fish. They took the
birds I had shot, and cooked them for me, and afterwards showed me a
gunyah, where I was to sleep with three of the single men. The following
morning they commenced talking to me, and putting one finger on the
ground and covering it with sand, at the same time pointing up the
creek, saying, 'White fellow,' which I understood to mean that one white
man was dead. From this, I knew that they were the tribe who had taken
Mr. Wills's clothes. They then asked me where the third white man was,
and I also made the sign of putting the fingers on the ground, and
covering them with sand, at the same time pointing up the creek. They
appeared to feel great compassion for me when they understood that I was
alone on the creek, and gave me plenty to eat. After being four days
with them, I saw that they were becoming tired of me, and they made
signs that they were going up the creek, and that I had better go
downwards; but I pretended not to understand them. The same day they
shifted camp, and I followed them; and on reaching their camp, I shot
some crows, which pleased them so much that they made me a shelter in
the centre of their camp, and came and sat round until such time as the
crows were cooked, when they assisted me to eat them. The same day one
of the women, to whom I had given part of a crow, came and gave me a
ball of nardoo, saying that she would give me more, only she had such a
sore arm that she was unable to pound. She showed me a sore on her arm,
and the thought struck me that I would boil some water in the billy, and
wash her arm with a sponge. During the operation the whole tribe sat
around, and were muttering one to another. The husband sat down by her
side, and she was crying all the time. After I had washed it, I touched
it with some caustic, when she began to yell and ran off, crying,
'Mokow! mokow!' (Fire! fire!). From this time she and her husband used
to give me a small quantity of nardoo both night and morning, and
whenever the tribe were about going on a fishing excursion, he used to
give me notice to go with them. They also used to assist me in making a
shelter whenever they shifted camp. I generally shot a crow, or a hawk,
and gave it to them in return for these little services. Every four or
five days the tribe would surround me, and ask whether I intended going
up or down the creek. At last I made them understand that if they went
up I should go up the creek, and if they went down, I should also go
down; and from this time they seemed to look upon me as one of
themselves, and supplied me with fish and nardoo regularly. They were
very anxious, however, to know where Burke lay, and one day when we were
fishing in the water-holes close by, I took them to the spot. On seeing
the remains, the whole party wept bitterly, and covered them with
bushes. After this they were much kinder to me than before, and I always
told them that the white men would be here before two moons; and in the
evening, when they came with nardoo and fish, they used to talk about
the 'white fellows' coming, at the same time pointing to the moon. I
also told them they would receive many presents, and they constantly
asked me for tomahawks, called by them 'bomay ho.' From this time to
when the relief-party arrived, a period of about a month, they treated
me with uniform kindness, and looked upon me as one of themselves. The
day on which I was released, one of the tribe who had been fishing came
and told me that the 'white fellows' were coming, and the whole of the
tribe who were then in camp sallied out in every direction to meet the
party, while the man who brought the news took me over the creek, where
I shortly saw the party coming down."

[Illustration: AUSTRALIAN ABORIGINES.]

[Illustration: NARDOO PLANT.]




CHAPTER IV.

_SEARCH PARTIES AND CONCLUSION._


We must now turn back to the time when Wright reached the Darling. As
soon as it was known that Burke and the advance party had not been heard
of for five months after leaving Cooper's Creek, great consternation was
felt throughout all the colonies, and relief parties were organised and
equipped with praiseworthy alacrity. A small contingent, under Mr. A. W.
Howitt, was furnished by the Royal Society of Victoria, and started from
Melbourne early in July to examine the banks of Cooper's Creek. On the
14th of August, McKinlay was sent out by the South Australian
Government, with instructions to reach Cooper's Creek by way of Lake
Torrens. Before the end of the same month, two other expeditions--one
under Landsborough, and another under Walker--had set out to explore the
region round about the Gulf of Carpentaria. These expeditions all
prosecuted their search with eagerness, and through their
instrumentality our geographical knowledge of the interior was
greatly extended; but Mr. Howitt's party was the only one that
succeeded in getting facts about the fate of the explorers.

[Illustration: BURYING THE BODY OF POOR WILLS]

From his diary we learn that, with the assistance of Brahe, the depot
was reached on the 13th of September, and although this ill-fated place
appeared to them to be still undisturbed, they succeeded in finding King
on the fifteenth. He had been living with the blacks for more than two
months, and now presented a melancholy appearance--wasted to a shadow,
and hardly to be distinguished as a civilised being but by the remnants
of clothes upon him. The poor fellow was sitting in a hut, while the
natives were all gathered round, sitting on the ground and looking on
with a most gratified and delighted expression.

After remaining two days to recruit King, Howitt and four of the men set
off with the intention of burying the body of poor Wills. They found the
corpse covered with sand and rushes just as King had left it, and when
they had carefully collected the remains they interred them where they
lay. Mr. Howitt showed their respect by conducting over the grave a
short funeral ceremony. Afterwards the party heaped sand over the grave
and laid bushes upon it, that the natives might know by their own tokens
not to disturb the last repose of a fellow-being. To mark the spot the
following inscription was cut on a tree close by:--

    +--------------+
    | W. J. WILLS. |
    |  XLV. YDS.   |
    |    W.N.W.    |
    |  --A. H.--   |
    +--------------+

Mr. Howitt deferred his visit to Burke's remains, hoping that King would
be able to accompany him thither; but finding it would not be prudent to
remove King for two or three days, he unwillingly took such directions
as King could give, and started up the creek in search of the spot where
Burke had died. After travelling eight miles they found his remains
lying among tall plants under a clump of box-trees. The bones were
entire, with the exception of the hands and feet, and the body had been
removed from the spot where it first lay, and where the natives had
placed branches over it, to about five paces distant. The revolver,
loaded and capped, was lying close by, partly covered with leaves and
earth, and corroded with rust. A grave was dug, and the remains of the
brave explorer, wrapped in the Union-jack, were gently placed therein.
On a box-tree at the head of the grave Mr. Howitt cut the following
inscription:--

    +------------+
    | R. O'H. B. |
    |  21/9/61.  |
    |   A. H.    |
    +------------+

The relief-party now went in search of the natives who had been so
hospitable to the unfortunate explorers. On coming up to the blacks, Mr.
Howitt displayed to their astonished gaze some of the things he intended
to give them as a reward for their kindness. They examined the knife and
tomahawk with great interest, but the looking-glass surprised them most.
On seeing their faces reflected in it some seemed dazzled; others opened
their eyes like saucers and made a rattling noise with their tongues,
expressive of surprise. After a friendly palaver, Mr. Howitt gave them
some sugar to taste. They made some absurd sleights-of-hand, as if in
dread of being poisoned, and only pretended to eat it. They were then
made to understand that the whole tribe were to come up to the camp next
morning to receive the presents. On the following day, at ten o'clock,
the friendly blacks appeared in a long procession, and at about a mile
off commenced bawling at the top of their voices. When collected
together, just below the camp, they numbered between thirty and forty,
and the uproar they made was deafening. With the aid of King Mr. Howitt
got them all seated round him, and then distributed the
presents--tomahawks, knives, necklaces, looking-glasses, combs, etc. The
blacks behaved as if they had never before experienced such happiness.
The piccanninies were brought forward by their parents to have red
ribbons tied round their dirty little heads. One old woman, who had been
particularly kind to King, was loaded with presents. Fifty pounds of
sugar was divided amongst them, and soon found its way to their mouths.
Every one had a share in a Union-jack pocket-handkerchief, which they
were very proud of. On fifty pounds of flour being given to them, they
at once called it "white fellow nardoo." The blacks were made to
understand that these things had been given to them for having fed King.
Mr. Howitt then took leave of the delighted fellows, and as he had now
accomplished the object of his journey, he bent his course homewards.

[Illustration: "THEY FOUND THE REMAINS UNDER A CLUMP OF BOX-TREES."]

On his arrival at Melbourne the sad story which he had to tell moved the
minds and hearts of all, and deep grief prevailed throughout Australia.
In Victoria the sorrow was intense, and it was agreed that the bodies of
the two gallant explorers who had forfeited their lives in the nation's
service should be brought to Melbourne and accorded a public funeral.
Mr. Howitt was sent on the painful mission of bringing down their
remains, and returned with them at the close of the year 1862. On the
21st of January 1863 the mournful ceremony took place. By common consent
the greater part of the shops in the city were closed, although no
official announcement had been made intimating that the day should be
held sacred to the memory of Burke and Wills. The remains of the
explorers had been lying in state at the Royal Society's Hall for a
fortnight, and were now placed in handsome coffins and conveyed to the
grave, which is near Sir Charles Hotham's monument. They were
accompanied to their last resting-place by the leading gentlemen of the
colony, and a procession which extended a distance of more than
half-a-mile; while the street pavements were densely thronged with
spectators. The Very Rev. the Dean of Melbourne conducted the funeral
service, after which three volleys were fired. The melancholy honours
awarded to the brave explorers having been paid amid general mourning,
the crowd dispersed and left the heroes in their quiet graves.

Honours of a more substantial kind were not forgotten. To the nearest
relatives of Burke and Wills a large sum of money was voted by the
Government, and King received a grant that enabled him to live
comfortably for the rest of his life.

After the rewards had been given there was a less pleasing duty to be
done. It was generally agreed that, with proper precautions, the
disastrous termination of the expedition could have been avoided. The
Government appointed a committee for the purpose of sifting out the
truth, and its members examined every person in any way connected with
the expedition. The following is a summary of their report:--That in
dividing his party at Menindie, Mr. Burke acted most injudiciously. He
made an error of judgment in engaging Mr. Wright, though a pressing
emergency had arisen for the appointment of someone. Mr. Burke evinced
more zeal than prudence in finally departing from Cooper's Creek
without having secured communication with the settled districts, and
also in undertaking so extended a journey with an insufficient supply of
food. The conduct of Mr. Wright appears to be reprehensible in the
highest degree. The exploration committee committed errors of a serious
nature in not urging Mr. Wright's departure from the Darling. The
conduct of Mr. Brahe in abandoning the depot may be deserving of
considerable censure; but a responsibility far beyond his expectations
devolved upon him, and his powers of endurance gave way when pressed by
the appeals of a sick comrade, who died shortly afterwards. Many of the
calamities might have been averted, and none of his subordinates could
have pleaded contradictory orders, had Mr. Burke kept a regular journal
and given written instructions to his officers. The report ends
thus:--"We cannot too deeply deplore the lamentable result of an
expedition undertaken at so great a cost to the country; but while we
regret the absence of any systematic plan of operation on the part of
the leader, we desire to express our admiration of his gallantry and
daring, as well as the fidelity of his brave coadjutor, Mr. Wills, and
their more fortunate and enduring associate, Mr. King; and we would
record our deep sympathy with the deplorable sufferings and untimely
death of Mr. Burke and his fellow-comrades."

Two years later a monument was erected in honour of the memory of Burke
and Wills. It is a beautiful statue in bronze, based on granite. The
sculptor was Mr. Charles Summers, an eminent Australian artist. The
materials are also Australian--the bronze is composed of copper from
Adelaide and tin from Beechworth, and the granite was taken from the
Harcourt quarries. The bronze figures of Burke and Wills stand about 12
feet high, and are mounted on a granite pedestal, which is 15 feet high
and 11 feet by 7 feet square at base. The attitude of the explorers is a
very suitable and effective one. Wills is in an easy sitting posture,
and Burke is standing erect with his right arm resting on his comrade's
left shoulder. He is viewing the country towards the left, and is
apparently drawing the attention of his companion to some of its
particular features. Wills, with book on his knee and pencil in hand, is
just about to make a note of them. The sides of the pedestals are
adorned with bronze bas-reliefs, which represent:--(1) The starting of
the expedition from the Royal Park, Melbourne; (2) the return of Burke,
Wills, and King to Cooper's Creek from Carpentaria; (3) the blacks
weeping over the dead body of Burke; and (4) the finding of King by
Howitt's search party.

On the 21st of April 1865 this stately monument was unveiled in the
presence of vast numbers of people by Sir Charles Darling, Governor of
Victoria. After the uncovering ceremony was performed, Sir Charles
Darling delivered the following address, which is condensed from the
_Argus_ of the 22nd of April:--

"At the conclusion of the cheering His Excellency said, 'Ladies and
Gentlemen, Inhabitants of Victoria, I need not tell you that the sounds
which are still reverberating are the echoes of what may be well termed
a national honour to the illustrious dead. To make that honour as
complete and perfect as we can, you have assembled in the vast numbers
which meet the eye in every direction, and I accepted the position which
I now occupy in the appointed ceremonial. On the 20th of August 1860 a
gallant company, now known to all posterity as the "Burke and Wills
Exploring Expedition," set forth, amidst the enthusiastic cheers of
assembled thousands of their fellow-colonists, to win their way from the
southern to the northern shore of the Australian continent. (Cheers.) A
year had nearly passed away when the fact was entertained beyond a doubt
that the victory had been nobly won, but that the leaders, in the
exhausting struggle, had fallen almost in the hour of triumph. In the
manner of their deaths, it seems to me that the distinguishing
characteristics of each were strikingly illustrated. The calm and
philosophic Wills begins his last letter to his father in these
words--"These are probably the last lines you will ever get from me; we
are on the point of starvation, not so much from the absolute want of
food, but from the want of nutriment in what we get;" and he concludes
it with the tranquilly-expressed opinion and assurance, "I think to live
about four or five days; my spirits are excellent." Two days later,
probably but a few hours before his death, the last words recorded in
his journal are literally a scientific dissertation upon the nutritious
nature of the food--the nardoo plant--by means of which they had for
some time protracted their existence. "Place," said the expiring Burke,
instinctively recurring to his early military days, and, as I doubt not,
with the picture of a fallen warrior upon the battle-field vivid in his
imagination, "place my weapon in my hand, and leave me unburied as I
lie." Such was the fate of the men whom this day we mourn and honour.
Then came the universal sorrow, the public funeral, the national
provision for the living, and, lastly, this monument in memory of the
dead. It cannot be said with truth that the people of Victoria have
raised this monument in any boasting or vain-glorious spirit. It had its
origin in a far more noble source. It is designed as the imperishable
record of a deed which, not only on account of its intrinsic importance,
but also of the high qualities which it developed in those who have
achieved it, is justly believed to be worthy of high honour in the
present generation and of future generations. (Cheers.) When, hereafter,
shall be narrated the history of the sorrowful, yet successful
adventure which this statue is intended to commemorate, it will be
forgotten, or remembered only with regret, that there was once cavil and
contention whether a sounder judgment, or--as men who have learned to
believe that the issue of great events are little under the control of
human wisdom may prefer to call it--a more fortunate judgment might not
have been exercised, and a broader beam from the light of experience
brought to bear both upon the inception and the execution of the
exploring enterprise. Nor should we, assembled as we are, not to discuss
the merits of the project, but to pay honour to the memory of those who
conquered the difficulties which beset it, forget that, if it be true
that amongst those difficulties were the want of previous training for,
and special adaption to, the perilous task, so much more were the glory
and credit of the victory enhanced. Nor will the sad tale of the fate of
these men be without its beneficial influence upon the intellectual
training and moral elevation of our people. For, oft as it shall be
told, and ofttimes it will be told upon this very spot, Australian
parents, pointing to that commanding figure, shall bid their young and
aspiring sons to hold in admiration the ardent and energetic spirit, the
bold self-reliance, and the many chivalrous qualities which combined to
constitute the manly nature of O'Hara Burke. (Cheers.) While gazing on
that more lowly and retiring form, they may teach them to emulate the
thirst for science, the deep love of the Almighty's works in nature,
the warm and filial family affections, the devotion to duty,
self-control and submission of his own judgment to authority which he
regarded as rightly conferred and exercised, and which, if I read the
history of his brief career aright, pre-eminently marked the character
and conduct of William Wills. (Cheers.) Better for themselves, and might
haply have averted their melancholy end, if in Burke there had been more
of that practical wisdom which we call prudence, and a larger measure of
self-assertion and desire to sustain his own opinion, in the character
of his unfortunate companion. Better, I have said, for themselves, but
not for the cause of discovery and civilisation, for which they laid
down their lives; for who can doubt that the knowledge of the country
eastward of the line of the successful exploration, which has been
acquired by the expeditions sent forth under the auspices of this and
the sister colonies, to endeavour to solve the mystery of their fate, is
immeasurably greater than could have been reasonably expected to follow
for many years to come, had Burke and Wills returned to enjoy the
peaceful laurels they had won? United in undying fame, all that was
mortal of them now rests in the same hallowed grave. Well we know that
"neither storied urn or animated bust" can "back to its mansion call the
fleeting breath." "Honour's voice" cannot, indeed, "provoke the silent
dust;" if it could, well might their dust breathe again, and be eloquent
to-day. But what man can do has now been done. There in the quiet
cemetery will be placed the "storied urn." Here in the thronged city we
have raised the "animated bust." It shall serve to unite also in
honoured memory the names and effigies--the very form and semblance of
these now celebrated men, whose great exploit has shed such lustre upon
the records of exploration and discovery in this our age, and engrafted
so large a share of interest and glory upon the earlier annals of
Victoria.'"

[Illustration]




    OLD TIMES ON THE

    GOLD-FIELDS,

    INCLUDING AN ACCOUNT OF

    THE BALLARAT REBELLION.




Old Times on the Gold-Fields.

    "Gold, Gold, Gold, Gold--
     Bright and yellow, hard and cold."

                                 --TOM HOOD.




CHAPTER I.

_THE CONVICT'S STRATAGEM._


The earliest discoverer of gold in Australia is unknown to fame.
Probably he was one of that class of colonists whom Barrington, the
pickpocket, poet, and historian, describes in the oft-quoted couplet:--

    "True patriots we, for be it understood,
     We left our Country for our Country's good;"

and who were employed on the roads of the colony and on the selections
of its settlers in doing the rough work incidental to the opening of a
new country. For the first report of the existence of the precious metal
we are indebted to the cunning of a convict, who attempted to regain
his liberty by the following stratagem. It is related by Governor Hunter
in his journal of Transactions in the Colonies. In August 1788, a report
was current in the settlement which for some time appeared credible. It
ran thus:--A convict named Dailey had discovered a piece of ground on
which was a considerable quantity of yellow ore. Specimens of the stuff
were examined by the Lieutenant-governor (in the temporary absence of
the Governor), and found to contain several particles of gold. The
convict was interrogated, and so plausible was his tale that the
officials fully believed it, and doubted not that the man had discovered
a valuable field. He was disinclined to make known its whereabouts until
the Governor's return, when he promised to give full particulars of the
discovery, provided he and a certain female prisoner should be liberated
and given berths in one of the ships then on the point of sailing for
England. But the Lieutenant-governor, impatient at the reservation of
the convict, told him that unless the alleged discovery was
substantiated the reward should be of rather a disappointing and
irritating nature. Fearing punishment, the convict relaxed a little, and
said that the mine was on the lower part of the harbour near the
seashore, and offered to lead the officer to the place. Accordingly an
officer and three or four soldiers embarked with the discoverer. He took
them down the harbour and landed them near a wood which he said was
only a short distance from the mine. He led the party into some dense
scrub, and when in the thick of it, managed to give them the slip. The
cheat then made for the camp as quickly as his legs would take him round
the bay, and got back early in the afternoon. He at once informed the
camp officials that the officer was now in possession of the gold-mine.
Shortly afterwards he sneaked away from the camp to a place of
concealment. Meanwhile the party in the scrub waited some time for their
guide, and then spent hours in holloing and in beating the bush for him.
At length the officer decided to return, and as the wily convict had
persuaded him to send back the boat, the party were obliged to march on
foot round to the camp, where they arrived at dusk, and learned with
chagrin of the trick played upon them. In a few days starvation brought
the convict from his lair. He was promptly punished for his deceit,
although he still asserted the truth of his story. An officer was again
sent with him to find the mine, and this time the convict was so
frightened at the officer's threat to shoot him if he attempted to
practice another dodge, that he acknowledged he knew of no mine at all.
On being questioned about the ore produced, the convict confessed he had
filed down part of a yellow metal buckle, mixed with it some gold filed
off a guinea, blended both with some earth, and made the conglomeration
hard as rock.

Colonel Munday relates that in 1823 a convict (one of an ironed gang
working on the roads near Bathurst) was flogged for having in his
possession a lump of rough gold, which the officer in charge imagined
must have been the product of watches or trinkets stolen and melted
down. Indeed, the toiling prisoners of the early days often picked up
bits of gold, but as they could never find any other than the first
small specimens, their claims for reward were disregarded and their
alleged discoveries disbelieved. Long before the actual working of the
gold-fields scientific adventurers had predicted the existence of gold
formations in the mountain ranges explored by them, and geologists who
had never visited Australia had expressed their conviction that the
Australian Cordillera must be auriferous because of the remarkable
similarity of their characteristics and those of other well-known
gold-bearing regions.


EARLY DISCOVERIES IN NEW SOUTH WALES.

The honour of making the first report that was published lies with Count
Strzelecki, for in 1839 he mentioned in the report of his exploration of
New South Wales, under the heading "Gold," of "an auriferous sulphuret
of iron, partly decomposed, yielding a very small quantity or proportion
of gold, sufficient to attest its presence, insufficient to repay its
extraction." At the request of the Governor, who was afraid of the
consequences of awakening the attention of the colonists and the
thousands of convicts to the presence of the alluring metal, the Count
did not at the time make public his discovery and belief.

Two years later the Rev. W. B. Clarke, an enthusiastic geologist, who
for a long time had been engaged in the laborious work of studying the
structure of Australia, found gold in the basin of the Macquarie. He
exhibited his specimens to his friends, to the Government, and also
communicated the facts of his discovery to scientific friends in
England. Subsequent years of exploration increased his conviction as to
the auriferous nature of the mountain ranges, and at various times from
1842 to 1847 he published declarations of the existence of gold-fields.
But no one attempted to profit by his disclosures, for the authorities
still considered it unsafe to disturb the easily excited feelings of the
dwellers in the penal settlement. When Count Strzelecki returned to
England he took with him specimens of the rocks which he had examined.
His theories, together with those of the Rev. W. B. Clarke, respecting
the gold-bearing nature of the Australian ranges, excited the attention
of Sir Roderick Murchison, and in 1844 this eminent scientist described
to the Royal Geographical Society the comparison between the formation
of the Australian Cordillera and that of the Ural Mountains, which he
himself had explored between the years 1841 and 1843. He stated that
although no gold had been detected in the mountains of Australia, yet
they possessed all the auriferous indications of the well-known
gold-fields of Russia. In 1846 he again strongly expressed his belief in
the richness of the Australian ranges, and recommended the tin miners of
Cornwall who wanted employment to emigrate to New South Wales, and there
to search for gold instead of tin.

In addition to the above-named discoveries others were reported to the
Colonial Government; but as it offered no inducement to a continuance of
investigation, and as the discoverers either deemed it of little
practical importance or lacked the public spirit necessary for a
sustained effort to arouse the colonists, the "lucky finds" benefited no
one but the finders themselves. A known instance of the latter is that
of an old shepherd named McGregor. He excited a little temporary
curiosity when, laden with "treasure trove," he travelled by the
mail-coach to the metropolis. After this event subsided the gold-finder
was unheard of for a long time, excepting for the rumour of his refusing
a tempting offer of an enterprising jeweller as an inducement to
disclose the locality of the treasure ground. But as McGregor "made
money" without any other ostensible means than that of shepherding and
gold-finding, his rise to wealth may be taken as an evidence of his
success in the latter occupation.

Several stories can be told of these solitary seekers of the precious
metal; but the pursuit was usually deprecated by men of good standing,
for they believed that on the presence of gold becoming widely known
their own little world would be turned upside down. Some persons who
successfully prosecuted further researches were pronounced as enemies to
the colony when they dared to disclose the facts publicly.

But although the clamours of science and enterprise were silenced for
the time, and gold, sent as specimens of the richness of the country,
sceptically received and even said to be jewels and watches hidden by
thieves and melted by bush fires, yet the fact of the existence of
auriferous ground became at length so evident that the New South Wales
Executive requested the English Government to send out an efficient
geologist to examine the country. For this purpose Mr. Sutchbury, an
eminent scientist, left England in September 1850.


HARGRAVES, THE PIONEER MINER.

While these discoveries were agitating the minds of a section of the
agricultural and pastoral community, the one person who by his
perseverance and intelligence initiated the practical working of the
gold-fields of Australia was, like the father of Norval, tending his
flocks and herds, and living quietly as a squatter near the town of
Bathurst. The alternative droughts and floods occurring between the
years 1844 and 1848 ruined many Australian settlers, and forced others
to change their mode of life. Edward Hammond Hargraves was one of these
latter unfortunates. He had been remarkably prosperous before this
disastrous period, and even after it had sufficient to clear himself
from debt. The discovery of rich mines in California about this time
induced him to endeavour to regain his former fortune by searching for
gold in the valley of the Sacramento. There he spent nearly two toilsome
years seeking the precious metal. His industry was poorly rewarded.
During summer the life at the diggings was tolerable, but in the winter
the cold was very severe, and Hargraves' party suffered intensely. Even
with every particle of clothing they possessed heaped upon them they had
extreme difficulty in keeping the warmth in their bodies whilst
sleeping, and in addition to this there was the danger of the tent being
borne down by the weight of snow upon it, and the risk of being rudely
aroused by the rough paw of any grisly bear that might take it into his
ursine head to leave the surrounding forest in search of food. The
rigours of the climate, added to their bad luck, so dispirited the party
that at the close of the cold season they separated. Hargraves, with a
heavy heart and a light pocket, made for San Francisco. All the hopeful
imaginings which had warmed his blood when he embarked for the
gold-country had now been entirely dissipated by the grim realities of
mining life.

As he journeyed downwards towards the seaport, probably whilst
reflecting on the vicissitudes of life in general and of his own in
particular, he was struck with the appearance of a deep gulch in the
Sierras, which awakened old memories, and it dawned upon him that the
features of the surrounding country were remarkably similar to those of
the valleys near his old home in New South Wales. His two years' toiling
had not weakened his energy nor dulled his observation, but it had made
him more practical. He examined closely the formation of the surrounding
gold-bearing districts, and found that the rocks and even the soil
corresponded in many respects to the Blue Mountains of Australia. The
many resemblances between the two places impressed him firmly with the
belief in the existence of a gold-bearing region in New South Wales.

But his belief did not dissuade him from making another trial at the
Californian diggings. In company with a friend he made several trips up
the Sacramento, and succeeded in finding some payable ground; but
visions of the secluded valleys near his old home constantly haunted his
mind, while the rumours he had heard of the finding of treasures in the
recesses of the Blue Mountains vivified his imaginings and renewed his
old desire of retrieving his fallen fortunes. He disclosed his thoughts
to his mate, and attempted to convince him of the gold-bearing nature
of the hills near Bathurst. But all the dilations of Hargraves were
wasted on his companion, who expatiated upon the foolishness of
forsaking substantial profits for the sake of shadowy prospects, and
pointed out to the enthusiast that the geologists of Australia had
already searched the mountains thoroughly, and that if fortunes could
there be made by opening up a gold-field they would have done so long
before. Hargraves argued that the object of the geologists in examining
the ranges was merely to verify scientific principles, and to further
scientific knowledge; but that to open up a payable gold-field men of a
very different stamp were needed--namely, prospectors with a practical
knowledge of the modes of extracting the gold, and with will and
capability to delve with the pick and to wash the gold-sprinkled earth.
Arguments, however, proved unavailing; therefore Hargraves left his
mate, and all alone shaped his course for New South Wales.

Hargraves reached Sydney in January 1851. He called on his former
friends, and finding himself unable to keep silent on the subject that
was ever in his thoughts, he related his experiences in California and
made his propositions; but they were looked upon as visionary, and when
he wished to borrow a little money in order to carry them out, his
request was coldly received. Of all Hargraves' acquaintances only one
sympathised in any manner with his enthusiasm, and not one of them would
lend any help towards working out his schemes. Determined that his
purpose should not be frustrated, Hargraves resolved, with manly
self-reliance, on going alone to the district that scientists had
pronounced to be auriferous. The few pounds required to buy a horse and
for the expenses on the way he obtained by promising cent. per cent.
interest on the loan, and repayment of the whole within a few months.

Early in February he set out upon his lonely journey. Every hour brought
before him the old familiar scenes which reminded him of his former
squatting life. Every step onward quickened his feelings and increased
his hopes of regaining fortune by bringing him nearer to the Eldorado
that was so rich and bountiful in his imagination.

On the eleventh of the month the solitary horseman arrived at a small
inn on the <DW72> of the Blue Mountains. He hinted to the lady the object
of his journey. She became interested in the handsome and travel-stained
enthusiast, and at his request allowed her son to guide him to various
creeks in the vicinity.

Early the next morning Hargraves, accompanied by the boy, left the inn.
After a long journey through the bush they came to Summerhill Creek.
This was the destination of our gold-fields' pioneer. A good look around
confirmed his anticipations, and with glowing feelings he gazed at the
realities of what had haunted him in his visions. Then, in order to
relieve the intense strain which his mind had continuously endured for
the past few months, he lay quietly down on the banks of the quiet
creek. After a short rest, he took pick and trowel in hand, and
prospected along the water-course. Five panfuls of earth and gravel were
in a short time collected, and in four of them he found gold. Much
elated at this result, and as the day was now drawing to a close, he
decided to return to the inn and renew his searches on the morrow.

When he reached the inn he very carefully wrote an account of his doings
and discoveries during the day, for well he knew that besides being a
fortunate one for himself, the 12th of February 1851 would be a
memorable day in the annals of Australia.

The next day he further examined the creek, and for the two following
months he continued his prospecting with unflagging industry. His
researches were crowned with indubitable success. He saw enough of the
precious metal to convince him of the richness of the gold-field, and
also discovered indications of its presence in many surrounding places.
Then, feeling satisfied that the object of his expedition was
accomplished, even beyond his expectations, he returned to Sydney for
the purpose of obtaining a reward for his discoveries, and making them
known to the public.

The Government of New South Wales received with suspicion the
discoverer's statement that he could point out a rich gold-field within
the boundaries of the colony. The many pretended gold discoveries had
made them chary of belief in such reports, besides which the convict
element was still a cause of fear; while, above all, it was thought that
the existence of genuine gold-fields in the Blue Mountains would long
since have been discovered and made known by the many geologists and
other scientists who had explored the ranges.

But Hargraves was too sensible a man to be discouraged by the rebuffs of
a Conservative Government. He saw the importance of his discovery, and
by dint of personally interviewing the Colonial Secretary, he drew from
that gentleman a recognition of it; and with characteristic caution and
shrewdness obtained a guarantee of the Government reward in the event of
its proving valuable. Then he undertook to disclose the secret to the
Government geologist, and also persuaded persons to accompany him to the
scene of his discoveries. The latter he accomplished by delivering a
lecture at the town of Bathurst, and by forming companies of miners, to
whom he took upon himself to give a Government authority to dig for the
precious metal. The excitement raised in the town spread through the
surrounding districts, and very soon numbers of shepherds were allured
from the green pastures unto the "yellow sands." This rushing away from
the ordinary employments was expected to entail great losses to the
stockholders, while it was feared by the more timid that the scenes once
enacted at the Californian diggings would soon be acted over again on
these fields.

The Government geologist was in due time despatched to test the value
and importance of the alleged discoveries. He fully confirmed the truth
of the statements made by Hargraves, and advised the Government to
engage the pioneer to carry out their measures, because the experience
and knowledge in mining matters which he had acquired in California
would make him specially valuable at the time of the opening up of fresh
diggings.

Before the end of May, one thousand men were on the spot selected by
Hargraves, and the extent and rich productiveness of the gold-fields had
become so widely known that hundreds flocked daily out of Sydney. The
Government, after some vain efforts to check this rush, wisely desisted
from the attempt, and proceeded to establish regulations to preserve
good order at the diggings. They issued licenses, without which it was
illegal to dig or search for gold, and also enforced, with the aid of a
body of foot and mounted police, obedience to the laws.

Hargraves was appointed a Commissioner of Crown Lands for the purpose of
searching, on behalf of the Government, for further fields of employment
for gold-diggers. In addition to his salary as Commissioner, he was
at once rewarded L500 for his valuable discoveries; and subsequently,
when the magnitude of their importance had become more generally
realised, this amount was increased by grants from the New South Wales
and Victorian Governments, and by testimonials from the citizens of
Sydney and Melbourne, to the handsome extent of L15,000.

[Illustration: A BUSH FIRE.]

Edward Hammond Hargraves was presented to the Queen in 1853 as the
Australian gold discoverer. The liberal rewards and honours bestowed
upon him are but an infinitesimal portion of the wealth and fame which
have accrued to the colonists through his discovery. And it is mainly
owing to the thoughtfulness, cleverness, and enterprising perseverance
of Hargraves, that in an extremely short period Australia has taken an
advanced position among the nations of the world.


THE ABORIGINAL DISCOVERER.

The excitement which Hargraves' revelations had raised abated a little
early in June, for the weather was cold, wet, and inclement, and the
digger's life was thus rendered miserable. The rains flooded the creeks
and drenched the diggers, the floods effectively preventing all from
gold-hunting. Many on the gold-fields became disheartened, and returned
to Sydney with such gloomy reports that for a time the rush from town
was wholly checked. Towards the close of June, however, a shepherd
picked up gold in the neighbourhood of Turon river. News of this rapidly
spread round the district, and in a few days hundreds were on the spot
hunting greedily for further treasures.

The next "lucky find" was a magnificent one. Near the scene of this new
rush an aboriginal, obtaining a brief respite from minding his master's
sheep, took a tomahawk in hand and amused himself by playing the
geologist. He wandered about chipping the rocks and examining the
country adjacent to the sheep run. A glittering, yellow substance
sticking out of a rock attracted his attention. Applying his tomahawk,
he struck off a portion, when a lump of the metal so coveted by the
white fellow was revealed to his delighted gaze. The intelligent black
darted away to bring his master to behold the golden prize. Shortly
afterwards he and his master (Dr. Kerr) arrived at the spot. By working
laboriously with a sledge-hammer, and breaking the gigantic mass into
three pieces, they managed to disembowel quartz and gold weighing over
two hundredweight. Out of these lumps the mammoth treasure-trove of one
hundred and sixty pounds of pure gold was obtained, which on being sold
realised the magnificent sum of L4160.

This "Kerr Hundredweight" eclipsed anything ever previously seen in the
shape of nuggets. The rumour of its dazzling proportions attracted the
notice of adventurers, and increased tenfold the stream of
fortune-hunters that flowed towards the Turon mines. The district soon
became so prosperous, and the price of land in the vicinity so high,
that land-holders in other districts, fearing a depreciation in the
value of their property, were induced to offer rewards for discoveries
in their own neighbourhood.

But the fame of the New South Wales gold-fields was short-lived, for
greater treasures were a few months afterwards discovered in Victoria;
and the continued steady yield there put all other discoveries
completely in the shade. The shifting population of the original
diggings at once withdrew from the tributaries of the Macquarie, and
numbers on their way thither deflected their course on hearing of the
richer auriferous creeks in the neighbouring colony.




CHAPTER II.

_GOLD IN VICTORIA._

    "Gold, precious yellow, glittering gold!
     What can it not do and undo?"


The exodus of gold-seekers from the Port Philip district to the Sydney
side alarmed its leading men, for they were aware of the necessity of an
increasing population in a rising pastoral community such as theirs. The
agricultural and pastoral interests were likely to be seriously affected
if the bone and sinew of the labourers sought employment in the rich
mines on the banks of the Turon instead of on the corn-fields and
pasture lands of the Port Philip district. Besides, the Port Philippians
had for some time been endeavouring to procure separation from New South
Wales; in fact, the act of separation was just about to take place, and
this stroke of luck in favour of the older colony by heightening its
prospects correspondingly humbled those of the new colony, and tended to
sink it into insignificance. The Mayor of Melbourne, therefore, convened
a public meeting, at which several energetic and influential men were
formed into a Gold Discovery Committee. This committee, in order to
avert the threatened crisis, offered a reward of two hundred guineas to
the person who should discover a payable gold-field within the district.


JAMES ESMOND, THE VICTORIAN PIONEER DIGGER.

About a month after this meeting in Melbourne the Geelong newspapers
announced the discovery of gold at Clunes, on the 1st of July, by James
Esmond, a pioneer who does not appear to have heard of the promised
reward.

The adventures of this first of Victorian diggers were in many respects
similar to those of Hargraves. In 1848 James Esmond was driver of the
mail-coach between Buninyong and Horsham. For several years he had
filled the box-seat, in which position he received commendation for his
careful handling of the horses, and his courteous behaviour to his
passengers. But at length the dreary monotony of his long and lonely
route through the bush and over the rocky ranges of the Pyrenees proved
too wearisome for the roving disposition of the young driver. He
therefore threw down the reins and abandoned his mail contract. Glowing
reports of the golden treasures of California were being circulated
throughout the district, and were listened to with eager ears by young
Esmond. He would gratify an intense love of adventure that prompted him
to go to the diggings, and at the same time woo Dame Fortune and win her
golden smiles. Thus he determined, and in due course arrived in
California. He soon experienced the discomforts of a digger's life, but
found very little gold. Ill-luck attended all his toiling, and made him
so thoroughly disgusted with digging life that he resolved to return to
his old occupation, which, although lacking the excitement of
gold-hunting, was also without its bitter discouragement and
uncertainty. Esmond returned to Sydney on the ship that brought
Hargraves back to New South Wales. This was purely by chance, and
probably the two men scarcely ever spoke to each other during the
voyage. After two months spent idly in Sydney he came on to Melbourne in
a very slow sailing vessel, which took three weeks to make the short
voyage between the two capitals. Esmond journeyed to Buninyong, and as
his old position was occupied by another man, he was obliged to take to
another calling. Nothing better than bushman's work could be had, so he
undertook to cut down timber and build log-huts on a station in the
Pyrenees. This arduous work was shared by one companion. In its
loneliness and want of variety it was so directly opposite to the
eventfulness of Esmond's last occupation that the two men might work for
weeks without seeing another human being. But the dull uniformity of
the lives of the two men was suddenly changed by the arrival on the
scene of a German geologist named Dr. Bruhn, who showed to Esmond and
his mate rich specimens of gold found in the neighbourhood, and told the
wondering pair that a practical miner might easily discover a payable
gold-field in the district. This unexpected announcement immediately
filled Esmond with the desire to once again tempt Dame Fortune. He
easily persuaded his mate to join him in the adventure, and the pair
discontinued tree-felling and hut-building, and with pick and tin-dish
set forth in search of fortune's golden gifts. As an early poetical
chronicler thus puts it:--

    "Behold him, along with his partner, set out
     To prospect the unexplor'd ranges about;
     They pass the poor natives, crouch'd round their rude fire,
     Nor linger the beautiful birds to admire.
     The kangaroo furtively peeps from its lair,
     The cunning opossum bestows a wild stare;
     But till they find gold little rest will they draw."

Esmond and his companion began their prospecting tour on the 1st of July
1851 (separation day). They soon attained the object of their
expedition, and with very little effort. On reaching the banks of Deep
Creek, a tributary of the Loddon, they were gladdened by the sight of
glistening quartz. A little diligent fossicking there was rewarded by
the unearthing of a few rich specimens of grain gold, or what appeared
to be such. In order to make sure of the richness of the metal, Esmond
determined to have the specimen tested by an assayer at Geelong. On
arriving at that town the pureness of the gold was vouched for, and
eager inquiries were made for the locality where the precious treasure
could be found.

Esmond declined to divulge his secret, and hastened to obtain the
necessary implements and utensils for working the coveted field. It was
the 6th of July before his digging expedition (the first in Victoria),
which consisted of three men besides himself, was fully equipped. Before
leaving Geelong, Esmond disclosed his destination to the assayer, who
advised other parties fitting out for the Turon diggings to remain in
the district, because of the probability of richer gold-fields being
shortly found close at hand.

In the meantime another discovery was announced. A party of six men
found sprinklings of gold in the bed of Anderson's Creek, a tributary of
the Yarra, and only a few miles from Melbourne. These discoveries were
effective in stemming the tide of emigration to New South Wales.
Esmond's field attracted about thirty men, and produced satisfactory
results until the end of August. It then became evident that the
precious yellow grains were no longer to be found in the alluvial
deposits. The men at Clunes were getting into severe straits because of
the poorness of the shallow diggings, when a visitor to the place
brought the welcome news of fresh discoveries and encouraging prospects
for diggers in the neighbourhood of Buninyong.

Amongst the first to leave the Clunes diggings was Esmond, its original
prospector. He joined a party of nine, who marched over the hills to the
newly-discovered fields. With this party we will leave the pioneer, for
he afterwards worked in company with others, and met with no
extraordinary adventures. Though remarkably successful as a digger, he
was singularly unfortunate in his speculations. Subsequently L1000 was
voted to him in reward for his discoveries. He also received a grant of
a piece of land on the site of the first gold-field.


OTHER PIONEERS.

The rich discoveries at Clunes excited the cupidity, or perhaps we
should say the spirit of adventure, of many of the colonists, and
tempted them to leave their ordinary occupations to join in the search
for gold. A resident of Buninyong, named Thomas Hiscock, was induced to
examine the surrounding hills. A brief search was rewarded by the
discovery, in one of the many gullies that wind among the hills, of some
bright yellow grains, which, from their weight and lustre, he thought
must be the precious metal he was in quest of. These specimens he took
to Geelong for the purpose of having them tested by a competent assayer.
He arrived at Geelong on the 10th of August, and had some difficulty in
finding a reliable gold expert; but a gentleman who had seen Esmond's
specimens a few weeks before pronounced Hiscock's "find" to be true
gold, and much finer and more glistening than that found at Clunes. When
Hiscock's discovery was made public a number of workmen and idlers left
Geelong and set out for the gully. But the weather was cold, and the
continual pouring of rain damped the ardour of most of the adventurers
ere they began to seek for the precious metal. Many remained in the
township of Buninyong, not venturing to camp on the hills, because the
ground there was so muddy and the gully so slushy as to render living
under canvas extremely miserable, and fossicking for gold almost
impossible. Despite these drawbacks there were within a fortnight of the
arrival of its discoverer in Geelong over forty diggers at work in
Hiscock's gully. But ill-luck attended the efforts of most of these
pioneers, and continual disappointments forced many of them to try the
diggings at Clunes.

With this object in view, a digger named Dunlop packed up his tent and
baggage, and would have taken himself to Clunes; but when he learned
that four pounds was the price of carriage in the waggon about to start
for that place, he resolved to give Buninyong another trial. Early next
morning he disappeared from the township. In the evening he returned to
his wondering mate and showed him a match-box containing half an ounce
of gold, which he said was the result of that day's seeking amongst the
hills five or six miles away. His mate would not believe his tale, but
at break of day Dunlop again disappeared--this time in company with a
friend named Regan. A few days elapsed, and the two men being still
away, his mate went out in search of them. Then the absence of the three
men was remarked at the hotel where they had been lodging. Four other
men, suspecting the cause of the sudden disappearance, and hoping to
share in any fresh discoveries, went stealthily out of the township and
endeavoured to track the supposed lucky prospectors. But the latter did
not wish to be discovered, and attempted to elude their pursuers.
However, all their efforts to escape observation were in vain, for in a
very short time the place that Dunlop had discovered attracted almost
all the diggers from Buninyong, who soon displaced the few miserable
native wanderers who had roamed over Poverty Flat--as it was gruesomely
named--"monarchs of all they surveyed, and lords of the fowl and the
brute."

Shortly afterwards the treasures of Golden Point were revealed. A family
named Cavanagh had secured a half-worked claim, and having carried it
below a layer of pipe-clay into the midst of some decayed slate, they
struck the first of those rich pockets which were afterwards found in
such abundance throughout the Golden Point Field.

Before the end of August the mineral richness of the neighbouring creeks
became evident, and numbers of nimble fossickers gathered the first
crops of the Ballarat gold-fields. In September rich diggings were
opened at Mount Alexander, and two or three weeks later the yield of
those at Bendigo eclipsed for a time the glories of all other fields.




CHAPTER III.

_Effect Of Discoveries._

    "Like stragglers from an army, orderless,
     The adventurers toward their haven press;
     Their ardent minds, ignoring present care,
     Imagine future "lobs" of which they share.
     Through their hot brains what splendid visions speed
     Of golden _claims_ directly on the _lead_,
     Enabling them thro' hoary Age to sail
     With hawsers moored to Competence's tail!

           *       *       *       *       *

     How chang'd the landscape since the paleface came,
     How hard to recognise it as the same!
     The earth no longer wears her garb of green,
     But grave-like holes may everywhere be seen;
     The forest fell'd to cook the miners' food,
     The sadden'd Natives scatter'd and subdu'd."

                          _The New Rush._--J. RODGERS.


The wonderful effect of the valuable discoveries made during the first
few months of gold-seeking soon became apparent in Melbourne and
Geelong, owing to the rapid departure for the diggings of great numbers
of the townsfolks, who abandoned their ordinary vocations in order to
get a share of the profuse rewards there meted out by Mother Earth to
the industrious or the lucky.

The Victorian population at this time was only 77,000, of which 30,000
were concentrated in the two principal towns. Nearly all these people
became mad for gold. The whole of the colony was stirred to its inmost
depths, and underwent a total revolution in all its social relations.

Almost the first manifestation of the change was shown in the sudden
appearance of an immense motley throng upon the roads that converged to
the gold-fields. Thousands of men of every walk in life--rich and poor,
old and young, sturdy and weak--were enticed from the comforts and
delights of the domestic hearth, and from the conveniences and
amusements of town life, by the allurements of the glittering prizes
which Dame Fortune was lavishly dealing out to the pioneer prospectors,
and which seemed to dangle before the expectant eyes of everyone. What a
strange and entertaining sight the thickly-thronged roads must have
presented to the observant student of human nature! Many a tramp
hopefully toiling along with swag on back; bands of mechanics with
lumbering drays and bony nags to assist in transporting the heavy
necessaries; parties with light hand-carts and wheel-barrows
energetically pushing and pulling their primitive vehicles; shopmen in
spring carts; doctors and lawyers in first-class gigs and buggies.
The whole of these, from beggar to barrister, from pickpocket to parson,
were to be seen hieing along dusty roads and journeying through hitherto
untrodden forest, all impelled by the one covetous desire to the one
end--the gold-fields, where, perchance, they might reap a golden harvest
without the laborious years of working and the wearisomeness of waiting,
which are the usual checks to success in other pursuits.

[Illustration: THE RUSH TO THE DIGGINGS.]

Ere these fortune-hunters reached the Eldorado of their wishes, many
obstacles had to be overcome. The roughness of the road, the yielding
nature of the bush tracks, and general unevenness of the ground,
occasioned many a poor horse to knock under and leave his master or
masters in a sorry plight. Their fellow-wayfarers seeing such a
predicament would sometimes lend a helping hand; and it was not uncommon
to see thirty or forty men dragging a dray up some of the steep hills by
means of ropes, or carrying on their backs portions of a heavy load.

A number of the travellers were free and independent. These, carrying
all their property with them, usually made a day's journey of about
twenty miles; then, after an _al-fresco_ meal, they lay down in the
open-air, with their blankets wrapped like martial cloaks around them,
and were lulled to sleep by the breezy murmurs of the wild bush. Others,
ignorant of the obstacles they had to encounter, rushed away from town
insufficiently supplied with provisions, and the few public-houses on
the way became quickly packed to confusion by these half-famished
wanderers, demanding food and drink.

Many of the first arrivals on the fields soon found out that the life of
a digger was not all honey, and, after a few bitter experiences, either
went back to their old employments in the town, or adapted themselves to
the requirements of the new order of things by supplying the diggers'
camp with provisions--an occupation which was generally quite as
lucrative as that of the average digger. Meanwhile, the fame of the
Victorian gold-fields had circulated throughout the adjacent colonies.
Very soon the tide of emigration was turned from the Turon mines, and
flowed in the direction of Ballarat and its vicinity. It poured into the
auriferous creeks in the shape of an immense living mass, every unit big
with expectation, and bent on ferreting out and appropriating some
fragment of the golden lodestone.

The bush surrounding the diggings was quickly thinned of its timber--its
red gum, stringy bark, and box trees serving as good fuel for the
culinary fire of the digger. Even the tallest and most massive giants of
the forest were not spared, and soon the scene was completely shorn of
its pristine sylvan beauty. Verdant hillocks and grassy mounds, which in
primeval days had been the peaceful browsing and grazing grounds of the
kangaroo and its species, and the happy hunting grounds of their
scarcely human enemy, the aboriginal black, were speedily changed into
yellow- upheavals, which from a distance presented to the
interested spectator the lively appearance of great ant-hills warming
with busy workers, who now dropped into pits cut in the <DW72>s, and anon
reappeared bearing heavy loads, with which they impetuously rushed to
the turbid waters of the nearest gully.

On the diggings everyone was subjected to the sway of the golden metal,
and the effect of the spell on the different temperaments was as
interesting as they were varied. In some of the diggers the sympathetic
springs of life's action seemed to be completely clogged; the demon of
avarice held complete dominion, and rendered these men forgetful of the
commonest offices of humanity. But over others the spell was not so
potent, or its sordid effect so marked--an occasional pausing or ceasing
from work in order to exchange civilities, or to do a friendly action,
betokening that a desire for the amenities of life was not entirely
obliterated even among the rough hairy diggers in their most
cupiditative pursuit.

A year later the fame of the enormous yield of the Victorian gold-fields
had astonished the whole world, and quickly attracted numerous
ship-loads of emigrants from every centre of civilisation. This great
influx set in about September 1852, and doubled the population before
the end of the year. During 1852 and 1853 Victoria became the most
populous of the colonies by the arrival of nearly 200,000 persons, the
arrivals in Hobson's Bay averaging about 1800 weekly.

Many of the more sober-minded of the colonists were greatly concerned in
mind by this tremendous inundation; but the go-ahead or
hopefully-inclined trusted that the great successive waves of fresh
inhabitants from the thickly-populated portions of the old world would
be the making of the colony. The influx was certainly an immediate boon
to the sheep-farmers of the period. The state of the colony in the early
days was well described by London _Punch_ in the lines--

    "The land of the South that lies under our feet,
     Deficient in mouths, over-burdened with meat."

But now the order of things was reversed, and, owing to the
ever-increasing number of mouths to be fed, the prices of all articles
of consumption went up enormously.


CANVAS TOWN.

House accommodation became wholly inadequate to meet the requirements of
the great multitude, and holders of tenements made enormous profits by
letting portions of their mean dwellings at extraordinary high rents.
Many respectable and even monied persons were obliged to live in tents,
while large numbers passed both day and night with no other roof than
the blue sky overhead.

A unique suburb sprang into existence on the south side of the Yarra. It
was improvised by the surplus population who could not obtain shelter in
over-crowded Melbourne. Its name--Canvas Town--describes its
construction. It was pleasantly situated, commencing on a grassy <DW72>,
and was laid out in streets and lanes; the principal thoroughfares being
crowded with boarding-houses and shops, all of canvas. The Government
charged the occupant of each impromptu dwelling five shillings per week
for the right to camp on the site. All sorts of people mingled together
in this primitive township, and many new chums here took their first
lessons in roughing it.


RAG FAIR.

Another novel and interesting scene was the market which sprang into
existence on the wharf where most of the arrivals landed. The exorbitant
rates charged for cart-hire and store-rent precluded many from removing
their heavy luggage, which remained day after day piled up in huge heaps
by the water-side. At length some of the emigrants devised a plan for
its sale. An impromptu bazaar was opened; the sea-chests were placed
back to back, and arrayed in lines with the up-turned lids strewed with
the contents, so that the merchandise was fully exposed for inspection.
A brisk trade soon sprang up, in which abundance of wearing apparel and
household furniture was sold at "alarming sacrifices," as the exigencies
of the times demanded the immediate disposal of all cumbrous articles.
The low prices increased the popularity of this "Rag Fair," as it was
called, and the business became at last so considerable that, in
response to the complaints of shopkeepers, the City Council issued an
order for its stoppage.

In striking contrast to the efforts made by these new chums in getting
rid of their superfluities in order to buy a suitable outfit for the
diggings, were the dissipations and freaks of many returned diggers,
who, having been lucky on the gold-fields, were now recklessly
squandering their quickly-acquired wealth. These extravagant displays
tended to quicken the movements of new arrivals in their preparations,
and to keep up a constant flowing of the population between the rich
diggings and the town.


NEW CHUMS AND OLD CHUMS.

The picturesqueness of life on the gold-fields was heightened by the
appearance on the scene of the immigrants, who brought with them the
many peculiarities of their national traits. The bluff Englishman and
the mirthful Irishman, the cautious Scotchman and the volatile
Frenchman, the industrious German and the 'cute Yankee--all could be
seen working in close proximity; while the indefatigable Chinaman
toiling close at hand, generally in claims abandoned by his more robust
European neighbours, added not a little to the varied attraction of the
scene.

These representatives of different nationalities brought with them their
own distinctive notions of rights and freedom; but their common
occupation and necessary intercourse modified many objectionable
peculiarities. Differences of class, too, were laid aside; the
illiterate labourer ranked on the same footing as the scholarly
adventurer, provided they both possessed a strong arm and a stout heart.
In short, the motley throng on the gold-field formed a vast republic of
labour.

The general greeting to men of aristocratic birth or manners was
superciliously conveyed by the title of "swell," "genteel cove," or the
slang term "Joe." These gentlemen-diggers being mostly unfit for
roughing it, were sometimes engaged by the lords of labour to light the
fires and wash tin-plates and pannikins. Of course this reversion of the
usual order of things had an inflatory effect on the common labourers,
whose superior bone and sinew made them for the time the better men. As
an instance of it, we quote from McCombie:--

"A squatter had come to the diggings to hire shearers, and seeing a
party of men who seemed to be idle, he asked if they would engage for
the sheep-shearing. After a little hesitation one of the party replied
that they would if they had their own terms. On being asked to state
them, he replied, in a bantering tone, _the wool upon their backs_. The
squatter turned away, but was soon recalled. He quickly obeyed the
summons, supposing the men had thought better of his offer. The
spokesman of the party now told, with a knowing leer, that his mates and
himself were in want of a _cook_, and they had come to the resolution to
offer him a pound a day if he would condescend to accept the office."

Again, the appearance of anything like fine manners or "swell" clothes
was instantly reprobated. Innocent offenders in these respects were
quickly reminded of the incongruity between Continental and Victorian
ceremonies and fashions. New chums frequently presented themselves on
the diggings clothed in London or Paris costumes, and thus advertised,
they were welcomed with noisy merriment, and at once named "Joeys"
amidst ironical cheers. An anecdote of this nature follows; it is
extracted from _Glimpses of Life in Victoria_:--

"A very pleasant, gentlemanly young fellow, lately arrived, and
inexperienced in the customs of the colony, ventured one day among the
diggings wearing the conspicuous tall hat which he had always been used
to wear at home. He was instantly assailed by cries of 'Joe! Joe!' which
were re-echoed on every side and reiterated by hundreds of voices, as
one man after another popped up his head from the hole in which he was
working and joined in the mocking chorus. Quite unconscious that he was
the observed of all eyes, he walked unsuspectingly on, but the clamour
still increased, and many a finger pointed at him at length caused him
to guess pretty correctly the cause of the commotion. He had much ready
wit and self-possession, and did not deliberate long on the course to
pursue, but taking off his hat he turned from side to side and made a
series of profound bows to the noisy community. The effect was all that
he could have desired, for the piercing shouts were presently exchanged
for a hearty cheer, and he was suffered to continue his way unmolested."

From what has been said it may be gathered that in the early muscular
days of the colony work made the man, and want of it the fellow. The
feeble-bodied digger was nowhere in the race for wealth, and many a
solitary sickly one dropped out of existence unknown to any of his
friends, and not even missed in the ever-varying excitements of the
times.




CHAPTER IV.

_SLY GROG SHANTIES._

    "The diggings hoh! the diggings hah!
     Shout for the diggings, shout hurrah!"

                                   --_Diggers' Chorus._


During the hours of relaxation the proceedings on the diggings
contrasted vividly with the day's employment. The end of the day's
labours was in the early days announced by the firing of a gun from the
tent of the Commissioner. Then followed a general abandonment of the
chip, chip of the pick against the rock, the delving in the mud, the
barrow-wheeling, the cradle-rocking, and the puddling in clayey
water-holes. With mud-bespattered shirt, clay-soiled pants, and heavy
yellow-stained boots, each digging-party sought its tent. Then the
ringing sound of axes wielded by brawny arms told of preparations for
the evening meal. Hundreds of thin lines of blue smoke ascending from as
many fires joined to make the large volume that wafted overhead. Soon
the singing of the kettles on the blazing logs cheered the weary
digger with the prospect of a fragrant pannikin of tea to moisten his
damper--a somewhat heavy staff of life, but one admirably adapted to
support the toiling gold-seeker.

[Illustration: ON THE GOLD FIELDS.]

Refreshed and stimulated by the evening meal, the diggers would then
light their pipes, and soon the curling wreaths of smoke circling round
betokened the complacency of the different companies. Then yarns were
spun, arguments held, and songs sung, until the loquacious and musical
ones became exhausted or the listeners had fallen asleep.


SLY GROG SHANTIES.

But the harmony of such scenes was but too often disturbed by the noise
of drunken revelry--

    "Sottish sets more opulent than wise,
     The sly grog shanties and hotel comprise;
     Wasting the profits of their jewell'd claims,
     In hurtful stimulants and risky games."

Although selling intoxicating liquors was an illegal offence on the
first gold-fields, yet, despite the vigilance of the Commissioners, the
votaries of Bacchus were supplied with their spirituous comforts by
certain storekeepers, who cunningly contrived to conceal the illicit
decoctions and carry on a brisk trade on the sly.

The ingenuity of these sly grog-sellers in baffling the police evoked a
corresponding sharpness on the part of the Commissioners in detecting
illegal practices. When a plant was discovered its contents were either
confiscated or wasted, and its owner, if found, was visited with the
full wrath of the authorities, and afterwards punished according to the
law.

An instance of the summary manner in which some cases were dealt with is
here inserted from _Glimpses of Life in Victoria_:--

"We stopped next before an empty tent of ample dimensions, which
appeared to court the light of day, for it was half-open, and its
interior was unusually neat and clean. A heap of digging implements lay
in front, and a pair of moleskin trousers were hung artlessly over the
top of the tent (Mr. ----'s informant had bidden him to take notice of a
tent so decorated). Inside, at the furthest end, stood a large-sized
bedstead, white and clean to outward appearance, with a deep valance
running round the foot. Nothing in the least suspicious was visible in
this neat open dwelling; nevertheless, it was to the pure white couch
that Mr. -----, having dismounted, marched straight up through the
opening of the tent, with the order that it should be searched
forthwith. The valance was lifted and disclosed a large quarter cask and
several kegs full of rum, which were taken up and deposited outside.
'Who is the owner of this tent?' demanded Mr. ---- again of the crowd
which had gathered around him. The question was repeated, but it fell,
as before, on a silent assembly.

"'Since this property has no owner,' said he, 'I will quickly show you
what I will do with it.'

"Catching hold of a pick that was lying at hand, he set to work himself
to remove the top of the cask, then dipping a bucket into the liquor, he
soused the tent inside and out; the kegs were emptied out in like
manner, till the whole of the hoarded store was spilt, and the air was
reeking with the smell of rum. Then striking a match, he applied it to
the ground, and the spirit igniting set fire to the tent, which flared
and blazed up in a moment, throwing a ruddy glow over the throng of
angry faces that looked on in gloomy silence, broken only by a
half-smothered imprecation from some of the most daring of the crowd.
The flames arose higher and higher, when suddenly a gun went off,
producing for the moment an effect which might truly be called
sensational. No one knew whence the discharge had come, whether some
hand in the angry crowd had fired it, and whether others might follow;
presently, however, it was ascertained that the gun had been in the
tent, and that the fire had caused it to explode. 'We had better move
off,' said a voice; 'there might be more guns yet in that tent.'

"As might be expected, such proceedings were viewed by a certain class
of diggers with anything but satisfaction. Cries of 'It's a ----
shame,' and 'Don't waste the ---- grog,' evinced the boiling feelings of
the rougher element. Even the lovers of order were generally mortified
by the restrictions of the liquor laws."

[Illustration]




CHAPTER V.

_THE DIGGER'S LICENSE._

    "Let active laws apply the needful curb,
     To guard the peace that riot would disturb;
     And Liberty, preserved from wild excess,
     Shall raise no feuds for armies to suppress."

                                           --COWPER.


Another and greater grievance which daily stirred up strife between the
diggers and the Commissioners was the gold-digger's license. The
collecting of the license fee was from the first an invidious duty,
which demanded a vast deal of tact on the part of the Commissioners and
staff, for the diggers were always opposed to the tax, and many were the
ruses they adopted to escape its payment.

The first skirmish in connection with this impost took place at the
Golden Point, Ballarat. The diggers at the Point understood that no tax
would be charged for the month of September 1852, as the Government
wished to encourage prospecting on new gold-fields. But the
Commissioners, on arriving at Golden Point, perceived by the general
appearance of cheerfulness that the field was yielding good returns.
Yet the diggers gave most evasive answers to their inquiries as to the
result of the prospecting, and reminded them that the Government would
forego the September tax. These artifices led the Commissioners to
suspect that the men on the Point were more than ordinarily successful,
and were planting their gains out of the range of the official eye. But
an old pioneer named Connor failed to hide a pannikin full of gold dust,
and its discovery confirming the suspicions of the Commissioners, they
concluded that the community was prosperous enough to pay the tax, and
thereupon announced that a license fee of fifteen shillings must be paid
for the latter half of the month.

This proclamation aroused the indignation of the diggers. They held a
meeting, at which a man named Swindells mounted the "stump," and
denounced the sharp conduct of the officials. A deputation of two (the
orator and a Mr. Oddie) were appointed to interview the Commissioners,
in order to get them to revoke their decision. This the Commissioners
bluntly refused to do, and the two representatives, after a wordy war,
were compelled to retreat. The diggers now became exasperated, and when
they further heard that Connor, the man whose carelessness was the
immediate cause of the levying of the tax, had actually paid it, their
wrath knew no bounds. They bonnetted him, pelted him with mud till he
was almost covered, and would have proceeded to greater indignities had
not Oddie and a few others curbed their unbridled feelings by referring
to the grey hairs of the delinquent.

Notwithstanding this heated manifestation of ill-temper, the
Commissioners enforced the license fee, and it was noticed, as is very
often the case in popular demonstrations, that many of the most violent
of the diggers succumbed the readiest under official pressure. But the
last to give in was Swindells, so that when he did apply for a license
his consistent obnoxiousness was remembered by the Commissioners to his
disadvantage, and they refused to grant him one.

To recompense him the diggers, therefore, subscribed and presented him
with 12 ounces of gold for his efforts on their behalf. Swindells
afterwards went to Forest Creek diggings, and as a report came to the
Point that a license was again denied him, the diggers asserted that the
Government had determined to put a stop to his mining in Victoria
because he had championed their cause at Ballarat.

On first hearing of the gold discoveries the Executive of Victoria had
exercised their prerogative, as representatives of the Crown, to claim
all precious metals found within the colony. A notice was issued
forbidding anyone to dig for gold unless under certain rules, one of
which was that the gold-seeker should pay a license fee of 30s. per
month before commencing his search.

The colony, which was then in its infancy, was governed according to the
Crown Colony system; but by the incessant arrivals its population so
increased in numerical strength as to be almost beyond the control of
the ruling powers. The Government appear to have been particularly
puzzled as to their duties towards the vast irregular society upon the
gold-fields. That it should be regarded as merely a migratory flight of
population from the old centres of civilisation, which having swooped
down upon the gold sown broadcast in the land, would presently return
whither it came, carrying away the best of the gold harvest, was the
idea which must have occupied the minds of the authorities, for they
never attempted to make the gold-fields' population a part of the colony
until the clamouring of the insurrectionists at Ballarat dispelled the
illusion, and apprised them of the impolicy of delay in according a
social status to the gold-digger.

The Executive of the day sought to solve the difficulty by the
appointment of Police Magistrates or Commissioners, whose chief duty
seems to have been the enforcement of the gold-tax act.

Now in the digging community were many factious adventurers, whose
peculiar ideas of rights and liberties would have clashed with any form
of government. These malcontents exasperated the Commissioners, and
caused the power lodged in them to be used in its fullest extent. The
police force were directed to keep continual watch on the fields, and
compel the production of licenses as often as they pleased to ask for
them. Even the prudent exercise of this authority would no doubt have
been galling to law-abiding miners, for tax-paying, without the
surveillance, is not as a rule congenial to the feelings of members of
settled communities.

But the majority of the police officers were generally overbearing and
insolent, and their want of tact when dealing with the rough natures on
the diggings greatly increased the embarrassment of affairs. A
license-hunt was the name among the diggers for the collecting of the
tax--the police being the hounds, while many a digger in his wily
attempt to escape payment proved himself a veritable fox in cunning.


DIGGER-HUNTING ANECDOTES.

The following vigorous descriptions of this tax-collecting graphically
portray the feelings of both diggers and officials. The first is
extracted from Kelly's entertaining _Life in Victoria_:--

"W----n shouted down, 'Come up, boys--come along, quick; the game is
started!' and as I was being hoisted up I heard the swelling uproar and
the loud chorus of 'Joes' from every side. As I gained the surface
everybody was in commotion--diggers with their licenses lowering down
their mates without them; others, with folded arms, cursing the system
and damning the Government; some stealing away like hares when hounds
are in the neighbourhood; and several 'tally-ho'd,' bursting from points
where they could escape arrest, while 'Joe! Joe! Joe! Joe! Joe! Joe!'
resounded on all sides; the half-clad Amazons running up the hill-sides,
like so many bearers of the 'fiery cross,' to spread to the neighbouring
gullies the commencement of the police foray. The police, acting on a
preconcerted plan of attack, kept closing in upon their prey; the
mounted portion, under the commander-in-chief, occupying commanding
positions on the elevated ranges to intercept escape or retreat. A
strong body of the foot force, fully armed, swept down the gully in
extended line, attended by a corps of light infantry traps in loose
attire, like greyhounds in the slip, ready to rush from the leash as the
quarry started. But the orders of the officers could not be heard from
the loud and continuous roars of 'Joe! Joe! Joe!'--'Curse the
Government!--the beaks, the traps, commissioners, and all'--'the
robbers,'--'the bushrangers,' and every other vile epithet that could be
remembered, almost into their ears. At length the excitement got
perfectly wild as a smart fellow, closely pursued by the men-hounds,
took a line of the gulley cut up with yawning holes, from which the
cross planks had been purposely removed; every extraordinary spring
just carrying him beyond the grasp of capture, his tracks being
filled the instant he left them, and the outstretched arm of the
trap within an inch of seizure in the following leap. I myself was
strangely inoculated with the nervous quiver of excitement, and
I think I gave an involuntary cheer as the game and mettle of the digger
began to tell. But there arose a terrific menacing outcry of 'Shame!
shame!--treachery!--meanness!' which a glance in the direction of the
general gaze showed me was caused by a charge of the mounted men on the
high ground to head back the poor fugitive. I really thought a conflict
would have ensued, for there was a mad rush to the point where the
collision was likely to take place, and fierce vows of vengeance
registered by many a stalwart fellow who bounded past me to join in the
fray. A moment after the mounted men wheeled at a sharp angle, and a
fresh shout arose as another smart young fellow flew before them with
almost supernatural fleetness, like a fresh hare started as the hunted
one was on the point of being run down. I marvelled to see him keep the
unbroken ground with the gulley at his side impracticable for cavalry;
but no, he made straight on for a bunch of tents with a speed I never
saw equalled by a pedestrian. It was even betting, too, that he would
have reached the screen first, when lo! he stopped short so suddenly as
only just to escape being ridden down by the Commissioner--the Cardigan
of the charge--who seized him by the shirt collar in passing. The rush
of diggers now became diverted to the scene of caption. I hurried
forward there too, although fearing I should witness the shedding of
blood and the sacrifice of human life; but as I approached I was
agreeably disappointed at hearing loud roars of laughter, and jeering
outbursts of 'Joe! Joe!' amidst which the crowd opened out a passage for
the crest-fallen heroes, who rode away under such a salute of
opprobrious epithets as I never heard before, for the young fellow who
led them off the idle chase stopped short the moment he saw the real
fugitive was safe, coolly inquiring of his captor 'what crime he was
guilty of to be hunted like a felon.' 'Your license, you scoundrel!' was
the curt reply. Upon which he put his hand in his pocket and pulled out
the document, to the ineffable disgust of their high mightinesses, who
in grasping at the shadow had lost the substance.

"It was a capital ruse, adopted in an emergency, and played with greater
skill than if there had been a regular rehearsal. I flatter myself that
I am a loyal man on the average, and a respectable upholder of law and
order; but I was unable to repress an emotion of gratification at the
result of the chase, or an impulse of hero worship, as I sought the sole
actor in the successful diversion to offer my congratulations. The
myrmidons of the law now moved up the middle of the gully in close
order, attended by anything but an admiring cortege, who made it a
point never to let the cry of 'Joe! Joe!' subside for a moment.
Occasionally a license was demanded, and its production was the signal
for fresh outbursts of the tumult; but the 'license meet' was brought to
a close by two other successful feints that were played off by a pair of
diggers, who simulated a guilty timidity and dropped themselves in a
slide down their ropes into the bottoms of their wet holes, followed by
a brace of traps with dashing gallantry, who chased them into the muddy
drives, where the lurkers purposely crawled to lead their pursuers into
the muck. Of course they were hauled up in triumph, but the hallelujahs
were quickly superseded by choking screams of 'Joe! Joe!' when the
prisoners produced their digging warrants. The Commissioner did not
venture on another 'throw off,' but moved away sullenly with his forces
to the tune of 'Joe! Joe! Joe!' and expressions of regret 'that he would
have to drink the Royal Family's health after dinner at his own
expense,' and such-like observations."

Another aspect of the digger-hunting process is given by Mr. R. M.
Sergeant, correspondent of the _Geelong Advertiser_:--

"'Traps! traps! Joe! Joe!' were the well-known signals which announced
that the police were out on a license raid. The hasty abandonment of
tubs and cradles by fossickers and outsiders, and the great rush of
shepherds to the deep holes on the flat as the police hove in view,
readily told that there were not a few among them who believed in the
doctrine that 'base is the slave who pays.' Hunting the digger was
evidently regarded by Commissioner Sleuth and his hounds as a source of
delightful recreation, and one of such paramount importance to the State
that the sport was reduced to an exact science. Thus, giving a couple of
dirty constables in diggers' disguise jumping a claim, the gentle
shepherd approaches, with dilapidated shovel on shoulder, and proceeds
to dispossess intruders in a summary manner. A great barney ensues. The
constable and his mate talk big, a crowd gathers round, and 'A ring! a
ring!' is the cry. The combatants have just commenced to shape when the
signal referred to at the head of this paragraph rings through the flat.
On come the traps in skirmishing order, driving in the stragglers as
they advance, and supported by mounted troopers in the rear, who occupy
commanding positions in the ranges. A great haul is made, and some sixty
prisoners are marched off in triumph to the camp, handcuffed together
like a lot of felons, there to be dealt with according to the caprice or
cupidity of their pursuers."

Raffello, in his history of the Ballarat riot, says:--"At the shouting
of 'Joe! Joe!' the diggers without licenses make for the deep shaft, and
leave a licensed mate or two at the windlass. The diggers were besieged
by a regiment of troopers, and traps under their protection would
venture into the holes. The sight of the rich-looking washing stuff in
possession of some lucky diggers aroused the cupidity of the police, and
often made them blind to the condition of the unfortunate ones. Some of
the traps were civil enough, and felt the shame of the duty, but others
enjoyed the fun. The authorities generally treated the diggers very
harshly. Troopers would scour the neighbouring bush, and all the
unfortunate diggers they captured were tied to the stumps of trees, and
left there until the hunt was over, when the captives were collected and
taken to the depot which the traps established in order to bring
together the whole of their victims. From there the batch of prisoners
were marched off to the camp, and fined L5, or imprisoned. So much for
the unlicensed digger. The digger who wished to obtain a license was
obliged to travel a few miles, and then was often kept waiting at the
Commissioner's tent for two or three hours."




CHAPTER VI.

_BEGINNINGS OF REVOLT._


The arbitrary conduct on the part of the officials became at length
intolerable. A change in the social organisation on the gold-fields,
which was visible in 1853, enabled the diggers to agitate systematically
for the repeal of the license fee. During the first two years of
gold-seeking in Victoria the fields were thronged with diggers, who,
like adventurous birds of passage, came expecting to pick up treasures
in rich lumps, and return at once with a fortune. Many realised their
hopes, and others, meeting with discouragements, abandoned the pursuit,
so that gold-mining became an occupation followed by men as a settled
means of earning a livelihood. Then the bitter feelings against the
"exorbitant" license fee were shown in grim earnest.

An outbreak occurred on the Ovens in January 1853, in which an Assistant
Commissioner was roughly handled by the diggers. In May, at Forest
Creek, a disturbance arose, owing to the unjust action (so the diggers
said) of a trooper, and it was not quelled until the military and
police were called out to restore order. Great indignation meetings were
held at Bendigo, a few months later, to call attention to the continued
mismanagement of the gold-fields, and almost simultaneously the Ballarat
miners commenced their demonstrations of war against the license fee.

Dissatisfaction and discontent prevailed nearly everywhere; still the
Commissioners did not relax their obnoxious compulsory means of
collecting the tax. The persistency of the officials' harshness, and the
conduct of the Government in upholding it, were taken by many diggers as
indications of their being regarded as a despicable portion of the
population. But this idea was dispelled for a time, when it became known
that the Governor of the colony intended to visit the gold-fields.

Sir Charles Hotham made the promised tour about the middle of 1854, and
in spite of existing grievances he was most cordially received
everywhere. An amusing episode of his visit is described by Mr. W. Kelly
as follows:--


AN IRISH GALLANT.

"As soon as the modest cortege of the vice-regal party was discerned by
the expectant diggers, there arose a loud shout of welcome, which was
echoed and re-echoed from hill and glen, from flat and gully, until all
Ballarat was one wild hurrah of rejoicing. The first impulse of the
people was to detach the horses from the carriage and draw it
themselves, but against this proceeding Sir Charles protested with
complimentary tact, to the effect that he wished to see people more
suitably employed than as beasts of burden. The sentiment was duly
appreciated and responded to by a genuine cheer, a Milesian giant--the
leader of the multitude--at the same time thrusting his arm into the
carriage and shaking his Excellency lustily by the hand. Sir Charles
then requested his Irish friend to direct the carriage towards some of
the best of the adjacent gullies, and when it had proceeded as far as
the horses could find firm footing, both he and Lady Hotham descended,
while every hat, cap, and caubeen in the crowd ascended on the wings of
a roar of ecstasy. Sir Charles took his lady on his arm, having a large
crook-headed stick in the opposite hand, but of this his Milesian friend
very quickly and unceremoniously deprived him to keep a lane open for
their advance, addressing humorous apostrophes to the people and their
distinguished visitors, which relieved the procession of all dullness
and formality; and on coming to a muddy space where the path was too
miry to walk over, having no cloak or coat to throw under her footsteps,
like a courtly knight of yore, he caught up Lady Hotham bodily, with
true impulsive gallantry, and seating her on his shoulder, carried her
across amidst a tumult of admiration quite impossible to describe.

"Come to Canadian Gully, buckets of rich washing-stuff were hoisted up
from the claim, and examined by Sir Charles, who was astonished at
seeing numerous golden particles in the dirt. One fine nugget challenged
particular observation, and this Pat picked out with his fingers, and
presented in a most gracious manner to Lady Hotham, although he had no
interest whatever in the claim. The operation of puddling and cradling
was gone through, to the great satisfaction of the vice-regal pair, who
expressed their warm thanks, Sir Charles emphatically asking, 'What can
I do for you, my friends, in return for your kindness?' whereupon the
ready-witted Celt, bowing respectfully, impressively replied, 'Abolish
the license tax.' This was the signal for renewed cheering; and as there
was an expressed anxiety to have a reply, Sir Charles informed the
multitude that if they would accompany him to the camp, where he
intended to address them, they would learn his sentiments on the matter.

"Well, they did accompany him, and listened with evident satisfaction to
the deliberate expressions of their Governor on that occasion. After
making a tour of the gold-fields, the Governor parted with the diggers
on the best possible terms."


REFORM LEAGUES.

Meanwhile the Government maintained the licensing in its fullest extent.
In October 1854 the police received orders to go out twice a-week in
search of unlicensed diggers. There were then four Commissioners at
Ballarat, between whom the superintendence of the surrounding
gold-fields was divided, but so ill-defined were the boundaries of each
district that the police in their raids went over the same ground more
than once, and thus unnecessarily roused the anger of the diggers by
repeatedly bailing up a "mate," or by compelling the production of a
license over and over again on the same day.

These stringent measures of the authorities served to bring the diggers
into closer union with one another. By the organising of reform leagues
and committees the whole population became educated to a certain degree
in the discussion of their grievances, and several men then came to the
front who in subsequent years became popular political and social
leaders. Among the changes contemplated by the reform league at Ballarat
may be mentioned:--(1) Fair representation; (2) manhood suffrage; (3) no
property qualification for Members of Legislative Council; (4) payment
of Members, and short duration of Parliaments. But its immediate object
was to obtain a change in the management of the gold-fields--the
disbanding of Commissioners, and the abolition of diggers' and
storekeepers' license taxes.

The motives that prompted the diggers to oppose the impost were never so
unreservedly displayed as at their public meetings; the telling speeches
of those "gifted with the gab" often heated the swelling emotions of the
listening multitude to almost a bursting point. A lively view of a
diggers' meeting is thus depicted by Mr. W. Kelly:--"At length a bell
commenced ringing in front of a large tenement, and all the different
groups commingled in one advancing crowd towards the entrance. I found
inside an extemporised platform at the end, on to which I was ushered to
a prominent place. The proposers occupied a front row, striving to look
as if they were not aware of their being about to be asked to take part
in the proceedings, while I could clearly see they were in communion
with their memories, calling to mind the concluding words in pages
so-and-so, and the starting word in the sentences on the other leaves.
The seconders were in their proper position, got up without starch for
the occasion, all of the 'unaccustomed as I am' class. The chairman, Mr.
H--ff--y, was voted to his post by acclamation, and Dr. C----r 'broke
open the ball.' He had evidently read up for the occasion, but studied
harangues. Abstruse political theories and polemical refinements are not
the fitting elements for popular oratory; his loftiest flights and his
most studied cadences (none of them approaching mediocrity, by the way)
scarcely produced a fitful 'hear.' It was evident that the audience paid
no attention to the contrasting illustrations between direct or indirect
taxation, or the grand theory of 'basing representation on population
instead of property;' even the reference to 'unlocking the lands'
elicited only a languid meed of approbation. But when a digger from the
crowd asked aloud, 'What about the b--y license tax?' there arose a
simultaneous shout as if from a roaring giant, which broke the doctor's
thread. He tried to stagger on, but after a few stumbles he 'declined
occupying any more of their valuable time,' and sat down, to the
apparent delight of the whole crowd. The next speaker, and the next, and
the next, and the next still, were all of a piece, and the cry of 'Shut
up!' became impartially applicable to all, until a rough, determined,
yet good-countenanced man, was lifted up in front. He evidently did not
court the prominence, but there was no mistaking it; he was perfectly
self-possessed, his mind was full, and his undisciplined tongue 'was all
there.' He looked steadily around with his great hand thrust into the
breast of his open shirt, where the mud-spattered hair was evident as
his whiskers. I felt sure I knew what was coming, and his first
clearly-pronounced words, 'Brother Diggers!' made the assurance doubly
sure. He bade them be of a good heart, but to be _united_--emphasising
the word. He advised them to obey the Law, but denied the legality of
the license tax, which bore down upon the industry that made the country
great, and went on pampering their persecutors. He drew a most graphic
picture of the tyranny of officials' enormities of digger-hunting, and
wound up by swearing 'while he would die for his Queen, he would shed
the last drop of his blood before he would pay another license.' The
burst of enthusiasm that followed this declaration is altogether
indescribable. It seemed to lift the great tent into mid-air; and,
inoculated with the glow of feeling around me, I could almost imagine
that I had a cloud for a footstool. The speaker was seized, _nolo
episcopari_ notwithstanding, and carried out in triumph to the open air,
leaving the chairman to dissolve the meeting, vote himself thanks, and
all the rest of it. It was then, in truth, the _bona-fide_ meeting
commenced, and many a spirit-stirring speech bearing close upon the one
text was delivered extemporaneously from the head of a barrel or the end
of a waggon."

The ill-will manifested at these gatherings was kept fervid by the
official tyranny which yet accompanied the collecting of the tax, and
its virulence was much increased when the diggers learned that the
authorities employed informers whose histories precluded the possibility
of their acting truthfully, and stamped them as men of straw, ready to
swear to anything at the official's bidding. Such a state of affairs so
irritated the men as to cause the more excitable to collect arms. Men of
different nationalities formed separate leagues; while throughout the
whole digging community the probability of open insurrection was
commonly discussed.




CHAPTER VII.

_THE EUREKA HOTEL MURDER._


At last an incident caused the long-smouldering elements of disaffection
to burst out suddenly in a blaze of infuriated indignation.

A digger named Scobie met an old chum of his, and being overjoyed at the
unexpected re-union, hastened to show his good-fellowship by "shouting."
In the course of the day the two became drunk, and attempted to enter
Bentley's Eureka Hotel. Being refused admittance, Scobie got
troublesome. An altercation ensued with the people of the hotel, during
which his head was split open with a spade. The blow killed him.
Bentley's Hotel was held in disrepute by respectable miners, and its
proprietor was considered a bad character. An inquest was held on the
body of the murdered man. It was not conducted with the care and
discrimination which should attend such an inquiry. The coroner's
verdict, "that the deceased died from the effects of a wound inflicted
by a person unknown," was so at variance with public opinion, that
another official investigation was held, which indicted Bentley for the
killing of Scobie. At the police court the landlord was acquitted, but
the manner in which the case was conducted made it patent to all that
justice had been trifled with. The Police Magistrate was known to be
intimate with the prisoner, and was believed to be a sharer in his
illicit gains. The trial was so injudicially carried out, that the
Junior Commissioner, Mr. Johnston, took copies of the evidence and
forwarded them to the Attorney-General.

The diggers became furious upon hearing of this acquittal, and on the
17th October 1854 assembled in great numbers around Bentley's Hotel.
They expressed dissatisfaction at the result of the trial, and
subscribed money for the purposes of bringing the case before more
competent authorities, and of offering a reward for the capture of the
dastardly murderers of Scobie. Soldiers were told off to the gathering
to nip in the bud any rebellious exhibitions of wrath. While the diggers
moved round the spot, listening to indignant invectives of their
spokesmen, a lad in the crowd threw a stone which narrowly missed a
trooper, and smashed into pieces a pane of the lamp in front of the
hotel. The police immediately tried to arrest the offender, and then the
surging crowd gave free vent to its feelings. Stones and missiles of all
kinds were thrown until every window in the hotel was broken into atoms.
Madly infuriated, they rushed against the front door, almost battering
it to pieces; and whilst the tumultuous crowd were attacking the front
of the building, a man with a bundle of paper and other inflammable
materials got into the bowling-alley at the rear and set the place on
fire. The soldiers made strenuous efforts to disperse the people and
save the hotel; but all in vain. Bentley succeeded in escaping during
the melee, and on a swift horse rode to the Commissioners' camp for
additional assistance. Presently more soldiers arrived on the scene, but
it was too late to stop the flames, which had by this time taken a firm
hold of the building. The immense blaze drew from the gravel pits all
the diggers, excepting those who happened to be below and were unable to
come up to the surface without the help of their mates at the windlass,
who had impetuously left their posts in order to take part in the
demonstration against officialism and injustice. The enveloping flames
continued the work of destruction by greedily licking up the wooden
beams and heavy columns, and finished by reducing the whole building to
a spread of ashes.

For setting fire to the hotel three men well known on the diggings were
arrested. This so incensed the diggers that they meditated an attack on
the Commissioners' camp and a forcible release of the prisoners.
However, after a time milder propositions prevailed, and it was agreed
that nine of the diggers should offer bail. Accordingly, a deputation
from the diggers went to the Commissioners, and succeeded in bringing
away the three men, although at first the turbulence of the crowd led
the officials to think that the offer of bail was merely a _ruse_ to
rescue the prisoners by force while the bail-bonds were being prepared.
When the deputation came out of the camp with the three released
captives, the crowd of diggers greeted them with such an impetuous rush
that it required the prompt efforts of both the deputation and its
charge to prevent a collision with the soldiers. A monster indignation
meeting followed, at which the diggers collected L200 to be paid to the
discoverer of the murderer of Scobie. They would have collected more had
not the Government also offered a reward and as well rearrested Bentley,
who this time was tried, convicted, and sentenced to three years' hard
labour. The corrupt Police Magistrate shortly afterwards departed for
more congenial scenes.

The trial of the three men for the burning of the hotel was held in
Melbourne, and a number of the diggers attended. The prisoners were
convicted, but with a strong recommendation to mercy, the jury adding
that they would not have had their painful duty to perform if those
entrusted with the government at Ballarat had done their duty properly.
This rider to the verdict was received with loud and prolonged cheering
by the crowded court. The three men were severally sentenced to three,
four, and six months' imprisonment. This sentence was considered so
unjust by the diggers that they promptly sent delegates to Melbourne to
demand the release of the prisoners.

On the 27th of November the deputation (Messrs. Humffray, Kennedy, and
Black) waited upon His Excellency the Governor. He listened to their
remonstrances, but was so displeased with the haughty tone assumed by
them that he said, as representative of Her Majesty, he could not allow
their peremptory demand. However, it was intimated that if a proper
memorial was sent to the Government the prisoners might be released from
custody. But the delegates were forbidden by the indignant diggers to
plead with the authorities, and therefore returned, leaving the object
of their mission unattained. The people on the diggings were further
incensed at this failure, and many now busied themselves in preparing
arms and ammunition, while committees and leagues sat night and day.

The Government expected a violent outbreak of passion, and made
preparations for eventualities by concentrating all available troops at
Ballarat. The ill-feeling of the gold-fields' population soon manifested
itself, several detachments of troops being pelted with mud and other
missiles while marching along the diggings' thoroughfares. On the 28th
of November, as a party of soldiers from Melbourne were approaching the
camp at Ballarat, some diggers in ambush suddenly made a raid on the
military waggons, in the hope of obtaining arms. They wounded a few
soldiers, and managed to overturn several waggons and rifle their
contents. But when in the vicinity of their camp the soldiers rallied,
and, with the assistance of the mounted police, put the marauders to
flight, wounding some of them. A crowd of men from the surrounding
gullies left their tents and came up to see the conflict, but were soon
driven away panic-stricken. It was eleven o'clock before the troops
quartered, but the noise made by the diggers in keeping up huge fires,
and continually discharging fire-arms, prevented them from obtaining any
rest that night.


A LOYAL TOAST.

An episode which occurred on that turbulent evening shows the general
feeling of dissatisfaction at the conduct of the officials. It is
related by Mr. Samuel Irwin, a correspondent of the _Geelong
Advertiser_:--

"A dinner was given by the American residents of Ballarat to the
American Consul, and most of the leading residents of all nationalities
were there. Just as the toasts were about to be proposed, a message was
received by Mr. Commissioner Rede, stating that an attack had been made
on some troops coming from Melbourne when they reached the workings on
the Eureka lead. The Commissioner and other officials withdrew at once,
as the report was that several lives had been lost. When the toast of
the Queen was proposed, a significant fact was disclosed--for several
minutes no one would respond to it. The duty of responding had
originally been allotted to the resident Commissioner, who had left for
the scene of the outrage. Many British subjects (business men and
miners) were present, yet they sat without the slightest attempt to show
their loyalty until the chairman said if no British subject would
volunteer for the duty, he must do so himself. At length a gentleman
undertook to respond. He very pithily said, 'While I and my
fellow-colonists claim to be and are thoroughly loyal to our Sovereign
Lady the Queen, we do not and will not respect her man-servants, her
maid-servants, her oxen, or her _asses_.' The last word was delivered
with an emphasis, and received with tumultuous applause."


BURNING THE LICENSES.

We learn from Withers' _History of Ballarat_ that a monstre meeting was
called by the reform league for the 29th of November, on Bakery Hill, at
which some thousands were expected from Creswick, besides delegates
from all the other gold-fields; for the movement had now become general,
and emissaries had been sent all over the colony to enlist sympathy,
procure help, and, in fact, make the rising national, if not
revolutionary. At the meeting on the 29th, Humffray and the other
delegates (Black and Kennedy) gave in their report of the conference
with the Governor.

Some 12,000 men, it is said, were present at the meeting. A platform was
erected, and on a flagstaff was hung the insurgent flag--the Southern
Cross. The flag had a blue ground, on which, in silver, the four
principal stars of the constellation of the Southern Cross were shown.
Mr. Hayes was the chairman, and the site of the meeting was on the
adjoining area, now occupied by Victoria Street, between East and
Humffray Streets. Besides the committee of the league and the delegates,
there were reporters on the platform, and two Roman Catholic
priests--the Rev. Fathers Downing and Smyth. The Catholic Bishop had
also come to help to maintain peace.

Resolutions condemnatory of the action of the authorities were adopted
unanimously. It was proposed:--"That this meeting, being convinced that
the obnoxious license fee is an imposition, and an unjustifiable tax on
free labour, pledges itself to take immediate steps to abolish the same
by at once burning all their licenses. That, in the event of any party
being arrested for having no licenses, the united people will, under all
circumstances, defend and protect them."

And again:--"That as the diggers have to pay no licenses, it is
necessary for them to be prepared for the contingency, as it would be
utterly inconsistent, after refusing to pay a license, to call in a
Commissioner for the adjustment of such disputes; and this meeting
resolves, whenever any party or parties have a dispute, the parties so
disputing shall each appoint one man, the two men thus appointed to call
in a third, and these three to decide the case finally."

Mr. Humffray proposed, and Mr. Kennedy seconded:--"That this meeting
protests against the common practice of bodies of military marching into
a peaceable district with fixed bayonets, and also any force, police or
otherwise, firing on the people, under any circumstances, without the
previous reading of the Riot Act; and that if Government officials
continue to act thus unconstitutionally, we cannot be responsible for
similar or worse deeds from the people."

The proposals were received with acclamation, and carried vociferously;
and had it not been for the chairman and his supporters' interference,
the men that ventured to hint of milder and more constitutional measures
would have been torn limb from limb by the infuriated diggers.

Bonfires were made of licenses; guns and revolvers were discharged; and
league tickets of membership were issued to the crowd. Troops were under
arms in the gully beneath the camp all the time, waiting in readiness
for an outbreak.


THE LAST DIGGER-HUNT.

"With incredible want of prudence, the authorities chose the juncture
marked by the meeting of the 29th of November for a more irritating
display than usual of the so long condemned practice of digger-hunting.
On the 30th of November the last raid of this kind in Victoria occurred,
under the direction of Commissioners Rede and Johnston, and the
authorities by that act destroyed the remaining influence of the friends
of moral force among the diggers. The police, supported by the whole
military force available, with skirmishers in advance and cavalry on the
flanks, formed on the flat south of the camp, and advanced upon the
Gravel Pits, as the Bakery Hill diggings were called. This cleared the
swarming crowd of diggers collected there, the diggers retiring as the
troops advanced. At certain parts of the main road, however, the diggers
made a stand, and received the troops with a running fire of stones and
occasional gun-shots. The troops took some prisoners, and returned to
the camp. Soon after that the Southern Cross was again hoisted on
Bakery Hill; the diggers knelt round the flag, swore mutual defence, and
implored the help of God. New leaders came to the front, as the
advocates of moral force were discomfited by the authorities and the
more turbulent insurgents." Peter Lalor, a native of the Queen's County,
Ireland, who has since become one of our most prominent and respected
legislators, assumed a foremost position at this dangerous turn of
affairs. A fiery-spirited Italian, named Carboni Raffello, was another
who then placed himself in the front rank of the diggers' movement.




CHAPTER VIII.

_THE EUREKA STOCKADE._


The insurgents had pitched upon the junction of the Eureka lead with the
Melbourne road as a place suitable for meeting _en masse_. About an acre
of the ground was roughly enclosed with slabs, and within this area the
diggers commenced their drilling. The slabs were put up as a screen
merely, so that the preparations for revolt might not be too closely
watched. This frail enclosure received the name of the Eureka Stockade.

Lalor delivered a speech within this stockade. It was couched
thus:--"Gentlemen, I find myself in this responsible position for the
following reasons. Outraged at the unaccountable conduct of the camp
officials in the wicked license-hunt at the point of the bayonet, the
diggers took it as an insult to their manhood, and a challenge to the
determination expressed at their monstre meeting. They ran to arms, and
crowded on Bakery Hill. They wanted a leader, but no one came forward,
and confusion was the consequence. I mounted the stump, and called on
the people to fall in into divisions according to the arms they had
got, and to choose their captains out of the best men among themselves.
My call was answered with unanimous acclamation, and complied to with
willing obedience. The result is, I have been able to bring about that
order without which it would be folly to face the impending struggle
like men. I make no pretentions to military knowledge. I have not the
presumption to assume the chief command no more than any other man who
means well in the cause of the diggers. I shall be glad to see the best
man take the lead. In fact, gentlemen, I expected someone who is really
well known to you to come forward and direct our movement! However, if
you appoint me your commander-in-chief, I shall not shrink; I mean to do
my duty as a man. I tell you that if once I pledge my hand to the
diggers, I will neither defile it by treachery nor render it
contemptible by cowardice."

Raffello, who had a great admiration for Lalor's straightforwardness and
many other manly qualities, comments thus:--"Bravo, Peter, you gave us
your hand on the Eureka, and left there your arm," an incontestible
proof of the sincerity of Lalor's pledge.

Lalor was appointed commander-in-chief. In thanking the council for the
confidence placed in him, he told them he was determined to prepare the
diggers to resist force by force; but at the same time it was perfectly
understood by everyone present that the organisation was solely for
defence.

In the stockade a straight pole, eighty feet long, was erected to serve
as a flag-staff. At the head of this the diggers hoisted their
standard--the Southern Cross. Then Lalor, gun in hand, mounted a stump.
Resting the stock of the gun on his foot, and grasping its barrel firmly
in his left hand, he slowly raised his right arm towards the standard,
and proceeded solemnly to swear in the diggers. He said, "It is my duty
to take from you the oath to be faithful to the standard. The man who,
after this solemn oath, does not stand by our standard is a coward at
heart." All those who did not intend to take part in the insurrection
were ordered to leave the meeting. Then the armed diggers, numbering
about five hundred, gathered around the flag-staff. They were
formed into divisions, and the captains of each saluted their
commander-in-chief. He now knelt down, and solemnly pointing to the
standard streaming in the breeze, said, in firm, serious, and glowing
tones, "We swear by the standard to stand truly by each other and fight
to defend our rights and liberties;" to which the diggers responded
decisively by a universal "Amen," and by simultaneously stretching five
hundred hands towards the flag.

Immediately after the swearing-in ceremony the names were taken down and
the men formed into squads for drill. Drilling was kept up with but
little intermission till a late hour, and was now and then renewed up to
the capture of the stockade. Side by side with these warlike
preparations several claims were being worked; indeed, some of the
working miners gave up their tents as quarters for insurgent officers.

Orders of war were sent round the diggings to obtain arms, ammunition,
etc. Lalor was obliged to keep piquets to enforce these orders, and also
to prevent their being made a cover for robbery, because some
unscrupulous diggers had, in the name of the insurgents, pillaged the
storekeepers. The levying officers issued receipts on behalf of the
Reform League. Some of these are rather entertaining documents. Here is
one: "Received from the Ballarat store, 1 Pistol for the Comtee x. Hugh
McCarty--Hurrah for the people!" Another: "The Reform Lege Comete, 4
drenks, fower chillings, 4 Pies, for fower of thee neight watch troops
xP." The four night watch troops were some of those insurgents told off
to patrol the diggings. The foragers, as things came to a crisis, became
more peremptory in their demands, one party even threatening to shoot a
storekeeper if he did not hand over quickly. But, notwithstanding the
levying, the insurgents failed to obtain sufficient war material.
Several of their fire-arms were afterwards found loaded with pebbles and
such missiles.

Lalor's men kept together within the stockade, some cooking the meat
which friendly butchers had brought in; others mending muskets or making
pikes or similar rude weapons for use by the several companies of
pikemen. Friends and enemies also dropped into the stockade at all hours
until the day before the tragic event.

Humffray, ever foremost in advocating peaceful reform, heard, when in
the stockade, of a project to attack the soldiers' camp. It was thought
that 2000 diggers could be got for that purpose. Humffray, with other
mild spirits, vainly endeavoured to persuade them from attempting it,
and then left the stockade.

Vinegar Hill was the pass-word on the night of the 2nd of December, and
its ominous associations led several to abandon what they saw was a
badly-organised and hopeless movement.

Meanwhile the soldiers had not been idle. After securing a commanding
position on the rising ground afterwards known as "Soldiers' Hill," they
vigilantly watched the movements of the insurgents. The police were also
on the alert, so that little was said or done among the insurgents that
was not soon afterwards reported to the authorities.

A Government officer, then in the camp, writes:--

"On the 1st of December the Government took final measures to meet the
assault. Every Government employee was armed and told off to his post,
and sentinels and videttes were placed at every point. The principal
buildings of the camp were fortified with breastworks of firewood,
trusses of hay, and bags of corn from the Commissariat Stores, and the
women and children were sent for security into the store, which was
walled with thick slabs and accounted bullet-proof. A violent storm of
rain, with thunder, commenced as these arrangements were completed, and
the mounted police, soaked through with rain, spent the night standing
or lying by their horses, armed, and horses saddled ready for instant
action. At four A.M. on the 2nd of December the whole garrison was under
arms, and soon after daylight a demonstration in force was made towards
Bakery Hill without opposition, although bodies of men were seen
drilling near the Red Hill. A mounted trooper coming from Melbourne with
despatches was fired at near the Eureka lead. No work was carried on
through the entire diggings, and every place of business was closed.
Notices were issued stating that if any lights were seen in the
neighbourhood after eight o'clock at night, or if any fire-arms were
discharged, the offenders would be fired at by the military." The same
Government officer writes about the


STORMING OF THE STOCKADE.

"Before daylight on the morning of the 3rd of December a mixed force of
two hundred and seventy-six men, including a strong body of cavalry,
quietly left the camp for the purpose of taking the stockade. At early
dawn they reached the neighbourhood of the position sought, and the
advance files were fired at by a sentinel within the stockade. The order
to attack was given, and the 40th regiment, led by Captain Thomas, the
chief officer in command, made a quick advance upon the double
breastwork which formed the stronghold of the insurgents. After several
volleys had been fired on both sides, a barrier of ropes, slabs, and
overturned carts was crossed, and the defenders driven out or into the
shallow pits with which the place was spotted, and in which many were
put to death in the first heat of the conflict either by bullets or by
bayonet thrusts."

Raffello says--"I awoke on Sunday morning. A discharge of musketry--then
a round from a bugle--the command 'Forward'--and another discharge of
musketry was sharply kept up by the red-coats for a couple of minutes.
The shots whizzed by my tent. I jumped out of my stretcher and rushed to
my chimney facing the stockade. The force within could not muster then
above one hundred and fifty diggers. The shepherds' holes inside the
lower part of the stockade were turned into rifle pits.... The dragoons
from the south and troopers from the north were trotting at full speed
towards the stockade. Peter Lalor was on top of the first logged-up hole
within the stockade, and by his decided gestures pointed to the men to
retire among the holes. He was shot down in his shoulder at this
identical moment. It was a chance shot. I recollect it well, for the
discharge of musketry from the military now mowed down all who had heads
above the barricades.... Those who suffered most were the pikemen, who
stood their ground from the time the whole division had been posted on
top, facing the Melbourne road from Ballarat, in double file under the
slabs to stick the cavalry with their pikes. The old command 'Charge'
was distinctly heard, and the red-coats ran with fixed bayonets to storm
the stockade. A few cuts and kicks, a little pulling down, and the job
was done; too quickly for their wonted ardour, for they actually thrust
their bayonets through the bodies of the dead and wounded strewed about
the ground. A wild hurrah burst out, and the 'Southern Cross' was torn
down. Of the armed diggers, some made off the best way they could,
others surrendered themselves as prisoners, and were collected in groups
and marched down the gully.... The red-coats were now ordered to 'fall
in,' their bloody work being over, and were marched off, dragging with
them the 'Southern Cross.'"

In less than twenty-five minutes the engagement was over, and the
soldiers had possession of the stockade and one hundred and twenty-five
prisoners. During the same day the soldiers who were killed in the
inglorious conflict were buried in the cemetery; and no opposition was
offered to the dead bodies of the insurgents being placed in rough
coffins and taken away by their sorrowing friends.

After the fray notices were posted up at various places ordering all
well-disposed persons to return to their ordinary occupations, and to
abstain from assembling in large groups. The soldiers then returned to
their camp, but remained under arms all night, rumours of an intended
attack keeping them on the alert, although it was tiring work; and most
of them, having had no repose for four nights, were almost exhausted.

On the next evening a number of insurgents, favoured by a clouded moon,
crept up under the cover of the nearest tent beyond the palisade and
fired from several points upon the sentinels. This caused a sudden alarm
in the camp; everyone ran to his post, and a general firing followed,
resulting in the wounding of a woman and child in one of the tents and
of three men on the road close by, who unfortunately happened to be
passing.

On the 5th of December Major-General Sir Robert Nickle arrived with a
relief contingent from Melbourne, and later in the day a force of eight
hundred soldiers and a large party of seamen from the men-of-war then in
the bay still further strengthened the hands of the Government. The
presence of these additional troops had immediate effect throughout the
digging community in sinking below zero the spirit of insurrection,
which was already depressed by the loss of the Eureka stockade. Sir
Robert was a veteran well skilled in quelling disturbances. The district
was now under martial law, but his good sense made it more acceptable to
the diggers than the previous administration of the Commissioners.

The soldiers were kept at Ballarat until affairs on the gold-fields
resumed a more peaceful course; then, as no further tumults were
apprehended, Sir Robert Nickle and his forces returned to Melbourne,
leaving a small garrison to await the turn of events.


EXCITEMENT IN MELBOURNE.

Meanwhile, the Government were making other strenuous efforts to restore
order, and favouring the report that the leaders of the revolutionary
movement were foreigners, issued notices, calling upon British subjects
not only to abstain from identifying themselves with persons who were
endeavouring to excite the mining population to riotous courses, but to
render support and assistance to the authorities, civil and military,
then stationed at Ballarat. At the same time L500 was offered for the
arrest of a German named Vern, whom the Government believed to be the
chief instigator of the outbreak. Civilians in Melbourne, Geelong, and
various towns in the colony were requested to come forward and be sworn
in as special constables.

From McCombie's _History of Victoria_ we learn:--"That the Legislative
Council presented to the Governor an address expressing their sympathy
for him and pledging their support to him while affairs were so
embarrassing." Sir Charles Hotham replied, "That the firm resolve to
suppress the incipient revolution was softened by the readiness with
which he offered to redress the grievances complained of. It would be
his constant endeavour to conduct the Government with the utmost
possible temper. The time for military rule had passed, but when there
was an outbreak, and that caused by foreigners--men who had not been
suffered to remain in their own country in consequence of the violence
of their character--then Englishmen must sink all minor differences and
unite to support the authorities."

The Government, however, fared differently when a direct appeal was made
to the people. At Melbourne a public meeting had been called by
requisition to consider the best means for protecting the city during
the crisis at the diggings. The principal agitators in this matter
seemed to be the members of the Legislature, who took a large share in
the proceedings of this public meeting. The resolutions proposed were
received with such ill-concealed dissatisfaction that, after the Mayor
had declared two of them to be carried, the opponents of the Government
interfered, and such confusion prevailed that the gentleman who presided
vacated the chair; and a series of resolutions, diametrically opposed
to the proceedings of the Executive, and demanding an immediate
settlement of the differences between the Government and the diggers,
were carried with the utmost enthusiasm. One speaker told the people
they must go forth with their brother-diggers to conquer or die.

"The Government demonstration having terminated in so unsatisfactory a
manner, another meeting was convened on the following day, 'for the
assertion of order and the protection of constitutional liberty.' It
took place on a large open space of ground near St. Paul's Church, at
the corner of Flinder's Lane. From four to seven thousand people were
present, the chair being filled by Henry Langlands, one of the largest
employers of labour in Melbourne. The resolutions condemned the whole
policy of the Government, and declared that, while disapproving of the
physical resistance offered by the diggers, the meeting could not,
without betraying the interests of liberty, lend its aid to the
Executive until the coercive measures they were attempting to introduce
should be abandoned. The result of this meeting had very considerable
weight with the Executive, and the same afternoon a _Government Gazette_
extraordinary appeared, in which was a proclamation revoking martial law
at Ballarat."

A few days before the outbreak a Commission had been appointed to
inquire into the state of the mining districts, and now, in deference
to the feelings shown at the public meetings, several gentlemen were
added to it, in order to find out the grounds of the diggers'
complaints. The Commissioner urged the Government to grant a general
amnesty as to the past; but the Government considered that some of the
prisoners taken in the stockade should be tried for high treason.

A monstre meeting was therefore held in Melbourne, at which it was
resolved, "That the unhappy outbreak at Ballarat was induced by no
traitorous designs against the institution of monarchy, but purely by a
sense of political wrong and irritation, engendered by the injudicious
and offensive enforcement of an obnoxious and invidious tax, which, if
legal, has since been condemned by the Commission." Thousands in
Ballarat subscribed a similar petition.

But the Executive remained obdurate, and on the 18th of January issued a
public notice offering L400, L200 each, for the arrest of Lalor and
Black, because of their treasonable and seditious language in inciting
men to take up arms against the Queen.

The insurgent chief, Lalor, was severely wounded whilst defending the
stockade. He fell to the ground. Some of his pikemen seeing his body,
covered it with slabs. When the soldiers retired with their prisoners,
he managed to extricate himself from the _debris_ and make his way to
his friends. On the following day his left arm had to be amputated. He
secreted himself in various friendly huts at different places, and after
several narrow escapes, succeeded in eluding the police in their search
for fugitives. His friends proving true to him, notwithstanding the
reward of L200, he ultimately reached Geelong, where he remained until
the storm of general disapproval had extinguished the desire of the
authorities for his capture.

In the opinion of many, the agitation at Ballarat was constitutional at
first, and had assumed its unconstitutional form in consequence of the
coercion of the Commissioners, who precipitated measures by their
imprudent digger-hunting during the period of excitement.

However, the Government continued the prosecution of the rioters,
despite their being the objects of public sympathy. The trial was ended
on the 1st of April by the jury acquitting the prisoners, a result which
had been generally anticipated.


WRONGS RIGHTED.

The insurrectionists were afterwards conciliated by the efforts of the
Commission of Inquiry, and consequent redress of grievances. The revolt,
in addition to the valuable lives lost, cost the colony L20,000 for
military expenses, extra police charges, and compensation to sufferers.

From Westgarth's _Colony of Victoria_ we extract:--"The Commission
produced a lengthened report, in which the whole system of gold-fields'
management was proposed to be reconstituted. The miners' earnings were
found to be, on an average, rather smaller than those of other branches
of colonial labour--a circumstance not favourable to the persistent
maintenance of a heavy license fee of practically very unequal
incidence. The report recommended the abolition of this fee, and in its
place the imposition of a moderate export duty on gold. The issue of a
'Miner's Right' was suggested, at a cost to each miner of one pound
a-year, and conferring upon him both the mining privileges and the
franchise. The title of 'Commissioner' to the head of each gold-field, a
name now associated with the wranglings of the past, was proposed to be
changed to the old English mining title, 'Warden.' The Commissioners
recommended local elective mining courts, and benches of local unpaid
justices of the peace, who should sit with the regular paid magistrate.
The more intelligent of the miners were constituted local justices of
the peace, and arrangements were made by which the mining districts
elected their own representatives to the 'Colonial Legislature.'"

Mr. Peter Lalor[A] was one of the first of these representatives, and
has since been in several ministries, and twice Speaker of the Assembly.

 [A] Recently the sum of L4000 has been voted to Mr. Lalor, on
  his retiring to a well-earned rest from the arduous duties attending the
  Speakership of a House where so many members require a strong hand and
  determined will to teach them the responsibilities of their position.

Thus ended one of the few unfortunate incidents of Australian history.
The miners have since been as loyal as any other section of the
population, and, by their industrious delving in the seemingly
inexhaustible gold mines of Victoria, they have contributed a full share
towards the prosperity of the colony.


_Printed by_ WALTER SCOTT, _Felling, Newcastle-on-Tyne_.


       *       *       *       *       *


Transcribers Notes:

    Some minor obvious typographical errors have been corrected
    silently.

    The footnote and illustrations have been moved to underneath
    the paragraphs they refer to so as to not disrupt the flow of
    the text.


Multiple versions of words not changed:

    monstre, monster
    flag-staff, flagstaff
    over-crowded, overcrowded






End of Project Gutenberg's Australian Heroes and Adventurers, by William Pyke

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